Full text of "The Philippic orations. With English notes by John Richard King"

See other formats

iililiilfi

iiilililii

wffilfK&tfifyjff&'tefr

teuton |)rtss Swes

CICERO

. J?. AVATG

Hontron

HENRY FIIOWDE

OXFORD UNIVEBSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER

(Clamitrmi $r

THE

PHILIPPIC ORATIONS

M. TULLIUS CICERO <

ENGLISH NOTES

BY THE

REV. JOHN RICHARD KING, M.A.

FELLOW AND TUTOR OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD
FORMERLY FELLOW AND TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE

SECOND EDITION, REVISED

Oxforfc

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

M DCCC LXXVIII

(\\

PREFACE.

HAVING been asked by the Delegates of the Clarendon Press to
undertake the editing of a portion of Cicero's orations, I was induced
to choose the series delivered against Antony, partly from finding that
as a matter of fact they had come to be more read by Students in
this University than any other portion of his works; but even more
because I was convinced of their especial value, both as bringing out
most strongly Cicero's power as an orator, and his importance in the
State at what was perhaps really the most honourable portion of his
life, and also as illustrating a period of history concerning which we
have so little contemporary information. From these considerations
I had for some years past selected them as a subject for lectures with
my own pupils ; my experience in which both laid the foundation of the
present work and convinced me that some new commentary was required.
Indeed the Philippic orations of Cicero appeared of late years to have
sunk into an obscurity which contrasts strongly with the high esteem in
which they were held by ancient writers, and the attention which was
paid to them by early commentators. For more than forty years no
separate edition of them, with explanatory notes, had been published
either in England or on the continent ; and the only English commentary
on the whole series which had appeared was that of Mr. Long, which
embraces all the orations of Cicero. The first and second orations have
been carefully edited, with short German notes, by Karl Halm, the
colleague of J. G. Baiter in completing the second edition of Orelli's
text of the whole works of Cicero ; and Halm's notes on the second
oration have been translated and expanded, with his usual exhaustive
carefulness, by Mr. J. E. B. Mayor. From the notes in Halm's edition
I have derived much assistance, and to Mr. Mayor's additional notes
I have been occasionally indebted for useful information.

The only other edition which has helped me much in the explanation
of the orations is that of Wernsdorf, which, though ill-arranged and
deficient in accuracy, is yet valuable as containing the notes of many
of the earlier commentators ; the most important being those of Abrami

PREFACE.

on the first two orations, of Manutius, and of Garatonius. The last
of these do not appear to be preserved in any other form.

I must gratefully acknowledge the assistance which I received from the
late Professor Conington, who looked over the sheets of my first edition
as they passed through the press, and improved it by many valuable
suggestions; and also from the Rev. A. Watson, of Brasenose College,
who most kindly placed at my disposal his own notes on the orations.
These have been especially useful in illustrating the historical allusions.

In preparing the present edition Mr. Watson's notes on the Letters of
Cicero have also been of great assistance to me. I have further to
acknowledge kind help from the Rev. G. G. Bradley, Master of Univer
sity College, and the Rev. W. Lock, Fellow of Magdalen College.

The text is mainly taken from that of Halm, in the second edition
of Orelli's text. The deviations from it are mostly in the direction
of av return to the authority of the Vatican MS., and are noted where
they occur; with the exception of a few variations from his ortho
graphy, either for the sake of uniformity, or in deference to the wishes
of the Delegates of the Press, that unusual modes of spelling should, so
far as possible, be avoided.

Besides the more usual historical and critical authorities, I have
gained considerable assistance from Mr. Forsyth's Life of Cicero ; from
the recent excellent edition of the text of Cicero's works, by Baiter
and Kayser ; and from various articles by Madvig, both as collected
in his Opuscula, and as scattered through the various German classical
periodicals. From these I have also gained some useful hints by other
scholars. The Chronological Table of Cicero's life is founded on that
of Schiitz and Uster in Orelli's Onomasticon Tullianum. The grammars
of Madvig, Zumpt, and Donaldson I have quoted simply by their authors'
names.

Great pains have been taken to secure accuracy of reference. Every
quotation has been verified, and the passages for the most part quoted
at length, so far as they bear upon the point at issue. The references
to Cicero have been given both to the chapters and the smaller sections,
but it should be noted that the smaller sections, except in the letters,
are a collateral, not a subordinate division, to the larger chapters.

A list of the chief MSS. of these orations, and of the editions and
commentaries to which I have referred, is appended.

MSS.

Of these the Vatican (commonly quoted as V) is the most important.
It is preserved in the archives of the Basilica of St. Peter at Rome,

PREFACE. vii

and is commonly referred to the eighth or ninth century. It was first
collated by Gabriel Faerni in 1561, subsequently by Muretus and
Garatonius, and more recently a special collation was made for Halm's
large edition.

Four MSS., commonly quoted collectively as D, individually as a b g t,
hold the next place. They are of different dates, a and b belonging to
the thirteenth, t to the eleventh century; but they are all manifestly
derived from the same older MS., while their discrepancies show them
to be independent copies : b and t are the most carefully written of the
four. They are preserved at Bamberg, Berne, Wolfenbiittel, and
Tegernsee respectively.

An Italian MS. of the fifteenth century, now in a private library
in Ireland, has been used by Halm in parts where either the Vatican
or the other MSS. have failed. It is quoted by him as i.

For the fourteenth oration he also consulted an old Italian MS.,
quoted as v in the Vatican library ; but it is apparently of very
inferior authority.

EDITIONS QUOTED.

(The editions and commentaries marked * are quoted from Werns-
dorf's edition of the Philippic orations.)
* M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia, ex recensione lo. Aug. Ernesti.

Halis Saxonum. 1774-1777.

M. Tullii Ciceronis opera quae supersunt omnia, edidit lo. Casp.
Orellius. Turici. 1831-1838.

* M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia, editio auctior et emendatior. Opus

morte Orellii interruptum continuaverunt J. G. Baiterus et Car.
Halmius. Turici. 1845-1862. This may be said to be as
great an improvement on the former edition as that was on all
which had preceded it.

M. Tullii Ciceronis opera supersunt omnia, ediderunt J. G. Baiter>
C. L. Kayser. Lipsiae. 1860-1869. A very convenient, accu
rate, and at the same time cheap edition of Cicero's complete
works, issued from the press of Bernhard Tauchnitz.

* Ciceronis Orationes. Venetiis. 1519. This was the work of Andr.

Naugerius: and is stated by Orelli to be the foundation of all
subsequent editions.

* M. Tullii Ciceronis Orationes, ed. Graevii. Amst. 1699.
Ciceros sammtliche Reden. Klotz. Leipzig. 1839.

M. Tullii Ciceronis Orationes, with a commentary by George Long.
London, 1851-1858.

viii PREFACE.

* Ciceronis Philippicae Orationes, a Gaelic Secundo Curione emendatae

et illustratae. Basiliae. 1551.

* Ciceronis Philippicae Orationes, a M. Antonio Mureto emendatae et

illustratae. Parisiis. 1562.

* Ciceronis Orationes Philippicae, etc., ex antiquissimo libro a Gabriele

Faerno illustratae. Romae. 1563.

M. T. Ciceronis Orationes Philippicae, notis variorum instruxit G. G.
Wernsdorf. Lipsiae. 1821-1822.

Ciceros erste und zweite Philippische Rede, von Karl Halm. Zweite
Auflage. Berlin. 1858.

M. T. Ciceronis Oratio Philippica II., emendata et in usum scholarum
edita ab Carolo Henr. Frotschero. Lipsiae. 1833.

Cicero's Second Philippic, with an introduction and notes, translated
from the German of Karl Halm. Edited, with corrections and ad
ditions, by John E.B. Mayor, M. A. Cambridge and London. 1861.

Cicero. Select Letters, with English introduction, notes, and appendices,
by Albert Watson, M.A. Oxford. 1870, and (2nd edition) 1874.

COMMENTARIES QUOTED.

* Abrami, Nicol., commentarius in tertium volumen orationum Ciceronis.

Lutet. Paris. 1631.

* Ferrarii, Hieron., ad Paulum Manutium emendationes in Philippicas

Ciceronis. Venetiis. 1542.

* Caspar Garatonius, a native of Ravenna, began to publish a complete

edition of Cicero's works at Naples in 1777, but being prevented
from completing it, he sent his notes on the Philippic orations to
Wernsdorf, who incorporated them in his edition.

* Heumann, Chrp. Aug., emendatio locorum singularium Ciceronis; in

Misc. Lips. 8. 82 foil. Early in the i8th century.
Heusinger, lo. Mich. Notae in Philippicam secundam. About the

middle of the i8th century.

Jentzen, F. G. liber des Cicero vierte Philipp. Rede. Liibek. 1820.
Krause, Aug. iiber Ciceros vierte Philippische Rede. Neu Stettin. 1847.
Madvig, lo. Nicol. See above, p. vi.
Manutii, Pauli, in Ciceronis orationes commentarius. Venetiis. 1578-

1579-
Rau, S. I. variarum lectionum liber ad Ciceronis orationes pertinens.

Lugd. Bat. 1834.
Ursini, Fulvii, in omnia opera Ciceronis notae. Antverpiae. 1581.

OXFORD, April, 1878.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

OF THE

LIFE OF CICERO.

Life of
Cicero.

106

105
104

103

102

IOI

IOO

Coss. C. ATILIUS SERRANUS, Q. SERVILIUS CAEPIO.
M. Tullius Cicero, son of M. Tullius Cicero by Helvia, was
born at Arpinum, on the 3rd of January, in the last year
of the war with Jugurtha; which was also marked by the
birth of Cn. Pompeius Magnus.

Coss. P. RUTILIUS RUFUS, CN. MALLIUS MAXIMUS.

Coss. C. MARIUS II. , C. FLAVIUS FIMBRIA. Marius
celebrated his triumph over Jugurtha on the ist of January;
and shortly afterwards war was declared against the Cimbri
and Teutones. The 'Lex Domitia de sacerdotiis' was
passed, transferring the election of priests from their re
spective colleges to the people.

Coss. C. MARIUS III., L. AURELIUS ORESTES. Q. Cicero,
the brother of the orator, was probably born in this
year.

Coss. C. MARIUS IV., Q. LUTATIUS CATULUS. Marius
utterly defeated the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae. M. An-
tonius the orator gained a triumph over the Cilician pirates.
Archias, the instructor of Cicero, came to Rome.

Coss. C. MARIUS V., M'. AQUILIUS. Marius and Catulus
defeated the Cimbri on the Athesis near Verona.

Coss. C. MARIUS VI. , L. VALERIUS FLACCUS. L. Apuleius
Saturninus and C. Servilius Glaucia, tribunes of the com
mons, were put to death in a seditious riot which they had
excited against the aristocracy.

Coss. M. ANTONIUS (the orator), A. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS.
The Servile war in Sicily was brought to an end by M'.
Aquilius.

Coss. Q. CAECILIUS METELLUS NEPOS, T. DIDIUS. The
' Lex Caecilia et Didia' was passed, requiring the promulga
tion of all laws for three 'nundinae' before they could be

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE

97
96

93
92

passed (Phil. 5. 3, 8), and forbidding laws on different
subjects to be tacked together.

Coss. CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS, P. LICIMUS CRASSUS.

Coss. CN. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS, C. CASSIUS LONGINUS.

Coss. L. LICINIUS CRASSUS, Q. Mucius SCAEVOLA. The
' Lex Licinia Mucia,' attaching severe penalties to the un
authorized assumption of citizenship, proved one of the
chief exciting causes of the Social war.

Birth of Lucretius.

Coss. C. COELIUS CALDUS, L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS.

Coss. C. VALERIUS FLACCUS, M. HERENNIUS.

Coss. C. CLAUDIUS PULCHER, M. PERPERNA.

Coss. L. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS, SEX. IULIUS CAESAR.
Cicero assumed the ' toga virilis/ and Schiitz refers to this
year his boyish poems of Pontius Glaucus, and Marius.

M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the commons, having brought
forward laws for the transference of the ' iudicium' to the
senate, and for the assignment of the public land, was
murdered by the equestrian party.

Coss. L. IULIUS CAESAR, P. RUTILIUS LUPUS. About
this time Cicero translated the Phaenomena and Prognostica
of Aratus.

The Marsic or Social war broke out in consequence of
the civic disabilities and wrongs of the allies. A ' Lex lulia'
conferred the franchise on all the Italians who did not join
in the outbreak.

Coss. CN. POMPEIUS STRABO, L. PORCIUS CATO. Cicero
served his first and only campaign under Pompey (Phil.
12. n, 27).

The Marsic war was prosecuted with success by Pompey
and Sulla, and the outbreak virtually quelled.

Coss. L. CORNELIUS SULLA, Q. POMPEIUS RUFUS. Cicero
began the study of philosophy under Phaedrus the Epi
curean, and afterwards under Philo the Academic. Having
been a pupil of Q. Mucius Scaevola the augur, in the study
of civil law, on his death, probably in this year, he trans
ferred himself to his cousin, Q. Mucius Scaevola the pontifex
maximus.

The Marsic war was brought to an end by Pompey.
War was declared against Mithridates, and disputes about

LIFE OF CICERO.

Life of
Cicero.

22
23

85
84

the command in it gave rise to the civil war between Marius
and Sulla. Marius was driven from Rome.

P. Sulpicius Rufus passed a law for equalizing the old
and new citizens, which Sulla declared null, as being passed
by violence (Phil. 8. 2, 7). Sulla himself passed laws con
firming the legislative powers of the senate, and placing the
elections more exclusively in the hands of the wealthier
citizens.

Coss. CN. OCTAVIUS, L. CORNELIUS CINNA, subsequently
L. CORNELIUS MERULA. Sulla having gone to Asia to conduct
the war against Mithridates, Cinna and Marius excited a
counter-revolution, and, taking forcible possession of the
city, massacred great numbers of their political opponents.

Birth of Catullus.

Coss. L. CORNELIUS CINNA II., C. MARIUS VII. Cicero
wrote his books de Rhetor ica, of which the two i* Znven-
tione are extant, about this time.

Marius died on the i3th of January, and was succeeded
in the consulship by L. VALERIUS FLACCUS. Cinna was left
in undisputed supremacy at Rome.

Birth of Sallust.

Coss. L. CORNELIUS CINNA III., CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO.

Coss. CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO II., L. CORNELIUS CINNA IV.
Cicero, now a pupil of Diodotus the Stoic, began the practice
of public declamations, and translated various dialogues of
Plato and the Oeconomicus of Xenophon.

Peace was concluded with Mithridates: and Cinna was
slain in a mutiny of his soldiers at Ancona.

Coss. L. CORNELIUS SCIPIO ASIATICUS, C. NORBANUS.
Sulla returned to Italy, and having defeated Norbanus, who
fell in the battle, made terms with Scipio (Phil. 12, n, 27).

Coss. C. MARIUS, CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO III. Sulla finally
defeated the Marian party in Italy, both Consuls were killed,
and Sulla was appointed perpetual dictator.

Birth of Terence.

Coss. M. TULLIUS DECULA, CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA.
Cicero delivered his first oratio,. pri P. Quint ,\ Sulla
reorganized the constitution.

Coss. L. CORNELIUS SULLA II., Q. CAECILIUS METELLUS
Pius. Cicero spoke pro Sex. Posdn Am^rino.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE

Life of
Cicero

34
35

B.C.

Coss. P. SERVILIUS VATIA, APP. CLAUDIUS PULCHER.
Cicero spoke * pro muliere Arretmd1, and shortly afterwards
went to Athens, where lie studied under Antiochus of
Ascalon, the Academic, and Phaedrus and Zeno the Stoics.

Sulla resigned the dictatorship.

Coss. M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS, Q. LUTATIUS CATULUS.
Cicero took lessons in rhetoric at Athens from Demetrius
the Syrian. Later in the year he travelled in Asia Minor,
gaining instruction from all the leading professors of
rhetoric.

Sulla died, and Lepidus tried to overthrow his constitu
tion, but was successfully opposed by Catulus, and died
an exile in Sardinia.

Coss. D. IUNIUS BRUTUS, MAM. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS
LIVIANUS. Cicero returned to Rome and married Terentia.

Cn. Pompeius was sent to take the command in Spain
against Q. Sertorius.

Coss. CN. OCTAVIUS, C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO. Cicero,
among other causes, pleaded pro Q. Roscio Comoedo. He
was elected quaestor.

Coss. L. OCTAVIUS, C. AURELIUS COTTA. Cicero was
quaestor in Sicily under the pro-praetor Sex. Peducaeus, and
delivered a speech * pro Siculis adolescentibus . P. Servilius
Vatia gained the agnomen of Isauricus for his victories over
the pirates.

Coss. L. LICINIUS LUCULLUS, M. AURELIUS COTTA.
Cicero returned to Rome and >vpoke * pro ^i'Wiandro.

War was renewed with Mithridates under L. Lucullus.

Coss. M. TERENTIUS VARRO LUCULLUS, C. CASSIUS VARUS.
The war with the gladiators under Spartacus broke out.

Coss. L. GELLIUS POPLICOLA, CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS
CLODIANUS. Sertorius was murdered, and the war in Spain
concluded.

Coss. CN. AUFIDIUS ORESTES, P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS
SURA. Cicero spoke prj M. Tallio, and probably * pro
L. Vfreno and * 1>ru C. Mustio.

Spartacus was defeated and slain by M. Licinius Crassus,
and Cn. Pompeius celebrated a triumph for his victories
in Spain.

1 Of Orations marked thus * little or nothing remains.

LIFE OF CICERO.

Xlll

Life of
Cicero.

B.C.
70

Coss. CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS, M. LICINIUS CRASSUS.
The Sicilians having indicted C. Verres for extortion and
malversation in his province, Cicero on their behalf de
livered the Divinatio in Q. Caecilium, and the Actin Pn'ma
in C. Verrem. The A ctio Secunda was never delivered. He
was elected curule aedile.

L. Aurelius Cotta passed a law, giving the ' iudicium ' to
the senate, equites, and tribuni aerarii, in equal portions.
Cn. Pompeius restored the power of the tribunes of the
commons.

Birth of Virgil.

Coss. Q. HORTENSIUS, Q. CAECILIUS METELLUS CRETICUS.
As aedile Cicero exhibited three sets of games. He de
livered the speeches pro M. Fonteio., and pro A. Caecina.

Coss. L. CAECILIUS METELLUS, Q. MARCIUS REX. In
this year begin Cicero's letters to Atticus. His cousin and
constant travelling companion, L. Cicero, died.

Coss. C. CALPURNIUS Piso, M'. ACILIUS GLABRIO. Cicero
spoke * pro P. Oppio. He betrothed his daughter to
C. Piso Frugi. He was elected praetor at the head of the poll.

The ' Lex Gabinia ' gave the command in the war against
the pirates to Cn. Pompeius. A law of L. Roscius Otho
assigned the seats in the theatre immediately behind the
senators to the equites.

The ' Lex Acilia Calpurnia' was passed against bribery and
treating at elections.

Coss. M'. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS, L. VOLCATIUS TULLUS.
Cicero, as praetor urbanus, preside'd with marked integrity
in the criminal courts. He delivered his speech de imperio
Cn. Pompeii, in behalf of the law of C. Manilius for giving
the command of the Mithridatic war to Cn. Pompeius :
and spoke -pro A. Cluentio and *pro C. Fvndanio.

Cn. Pompeius assumed the command" against Mithridates,
and made a treaty with Tigranes.

Coss. L. AURELIUS COTTA, L. MANLIUS TORQUATUS.
Cicero spoke * pro C, Manityo and * pro L. Cornell" G v"°
and began his canvass for the consulship.

L. Catiline formed his first conspiracy to murder the
Consuls.

Birth of Horace.

XIV

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE

Life of
Cicero.

Coss. L. IULIUS CAESAR, C. MARCIUS FIGULUS. Cicero
delivered his speech, * in t^ga Candida, against the coalition
of Catiline and C. Amoiiiuo. His son Marcus was born,
and his daughter married to C. Piso. He was elected
Consul by all the centuries.

Coss. M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. ANTONIUS. Cicero
delivered his orations de lege agraria contra, P. Servilium
/?///•'/*,'/, o^.e i;i ihe senate; and tv.ro bafo;:^ the people , * pro
L. Roscio Othone ; pro C. Rabirio Posin-mo ; * a'e proscrip-
tcnim ji/ii's, maintaining the Uv.v of Sulk, whereby the sons
of those who fell in his proscription were excluded from
public offices; pro C. Pisone ; * cum provinciam deponeret ;
in Catilinam ; and pro Murena. The great event of his
consulship was crushing the second conspiracy of Catiline.

Mithridates died, and the war in the East was brought to
a close.

Birth of Augustus.

Coss. D. IUNIUS SILANUS, L. LICINIUS MURENA. Cicero,
having refused a province, remained at Rome, and delivered
the speeches, * contra contionem Q. Metelli, and pro P. Cor
nelia Sulla.

Catiline was defeated and slain: Cn. Pompeius returned
to Italy.

P. Clodius violated the mysteries of the Bona Dea.

Coss. M. PUPIUS Piso CALPURNIANUS, M. VALERIA
MESS ALA NIGER. Cicero r,rv~»ke * in Clodium et Curiomtn
ar 1 /;- <f. 7 icimo A'chia.

Coss. L. AFRANIUS, Q. CAECILIUS METELLUS CELEI-
Cicero wrote a commentary in Greek, * ircpl TTJS uTrare/asr
and the poem dc rebus in consul ai a g^n's, of xv'iiich about
j eighty lines remain. He spoke * pro P. Scipione Na&ica.

Caesar, Fompey, and Crassus formed the coalition com
monly called the first triumvirate.

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR, M. CALPURNIUS BIBULUS.
Cicero spoke * pro C. Antonio ; * pro A. Itfinucio Thermo
(twice); ami pro L. Valeria f'iauo. Ke refused the over
tures of Caesar, who offered him lirst a place at the board of
twenty for dividing lands in Campania, and then an embassy
to Egypt. He began his letters to his brother Qubtus, with
an excellent esbo.y on ave duties of a provincial governor,

LIFE OF CICERO.

Life of
Cicero

B.C.

Caesar received the command in both Gauls for five
years ; and P. Clodius was elected tribune of the commons,
having been adopted into a plebeian family through the
influence of Caesar.

Birth of Livy.

Coss. L. CALPURNTUS Piso CAESONINUS, A. GABINIUS.
Cicero was exiled in consequence of a law of P. Clodius,
imposing exile on any person who had killed a Roman
citizen uncondemned. His house and villas at Tusculum
and Formiae were destroyed ; and he himself went abroad
to Thessalonica, but returned in November as far as Dyr-
rhachium.

Coss. P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER, Q. CAECILIUS
METELLUS NEPOS. Cicero was recalled from exile in August,
and in September delivered the speeches Post Reditum in
Senatu and ad Qui rites, and pro domo sua.

Coss. CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS, L. MAR-
cius PHILIPPUS. Cicero delivered the speeches * pro L. Cal-
purnio Pisone Bestia> pro P. Sestio, in P. Vatinium inter-
rogatio ; de haruspicum responsis : pro L. Cornelio Balbo ;
de provinciis consularibus ; . pro M. Caelio. He married his
daughter Tullia for the second lime, to Furius Crassipes.

Coss. CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS II., M. LICINIUS CRASSUS II.
Cicero spoke in Pisonem; * in A. Cabmium; pro Cn. Planco;
* pro Caninio Gallo ; and wrote his ireatise de Oratore.

Caesar's command in Gaul was extended for a second
period of five years; Pompey received the provinces of
Spain ; and Crassus that of Syria.

Coss. L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS, APP. CLAUDIUS

PULCHER. Cicero spoke pro C. Rabirio Poslumo ; * pro P.

Vatinio; pro M. Aemilio Scaurz ; * pro M. Cras?<.., in senatv.;

pro C. Messio ; * pro bruso ; and * de Reatinorum causa.

He was also engaged in writing his treatise de Repullica.

Coss. CN. DoaiiTius CALVINUS, M. VALERIUS MESSALA.
Cicero was elected augur, on the death of Crassus in a
battle against the Parthians.

Coss. CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS III., Q. CAECILIUS METELLUS
Pius SCIPIO, from the ist of August. Cicero defended Milo
on the charge of killing P. Clodius, and afterwards wrote
the rxtant ,ipeoch/>r0 Milone. He also spoke *pro M, Saufeit

XVI

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE

56
57

(twice); and * in T. Munatium Plancum. He probably
wrote his work de Legibus*

Great, uots took place at Rome between the factions of
Milo and P. Clodius.

Coss. SER. SULPICIUS RUFUS, M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS.
Cicero was appointed proconsul in Cilicia.

Coss. L. AEMILIUS PAULUS, C. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS.
A supplication was decreed in honour of Cicero, for his
conduct in his province. He came as far as Brundisium
on his return to Rome. Tullia married her third husband,
P. Cornelius Dolabeila.

Coss. C. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS, L, CORNELIUS LENTULUS
CRUS. Cicero returned to Rome, where he found civil
war on the point of breaking out between Caesar and
Pompey. When Caesar crossed the Rubicon, Cicero,
despairing of peace, retired first into Campania, and about
the beginning of June to Greece. Caesar was made
dictator,

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR II. , P. SERVILIUS VATIA ISAU-
RICUS. Caesar crossed into Greece, and defeated Pompey
at the battle of Pharsalus, Aug. 9. Cicero returned to Italy
after the battle.

Pompey was murdered before Alexandria. Caesar went
to Egypt, and commenced the Alexandrine war.

Coss. Q. FUFIUS CALENUS, P. VATINIUS. They only
entered on office in October. Cicero remained at Brundisium
till September, when he was reconciled to Caesar, and came
to Tusculum, and ultimately to Rome.

Caesar, as dictator, finished the Alexandrine war; and
having returned to Italy in September, crossed again to
Africa at the end of the year, to carry on the war against
the Pompeian party.

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR III., M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS.
Cicero wrote the Partition?? Oraioriae^ * Lans Cat^nis, and
Orator ; and at the close of the year delivered the speeches
pro M, Mar cello and pro Q. Ligario. About the same time
lie divorced his wile Terentia.

Caesar finally defeated the Pompeian army in Africa
at Thapsus. M. Cato killed himself at Utica. Returning
to Rome Caesar occupied himself in correcting abuses in

LIFE OF CICERO.

xvn

Life of
Cicero.

the state, and in reforming the calendar. At the end of
the year he went to Spain.

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR IV., without a colleague till
October, then Q. FABIUS MAXIMUS, C. TREBONIUS. Cicero
married Publilia, whom he divorced the same year. Tullia
died, after giving birth to a son. Cicero wrote his treatises
de Consolatione, de Finibus, Acadernicae quaestiones, and de
livered the speech pro rege Deiotaro.

Caesar defeated the sons of Pompey at Munda. He was
made Consul for ten years, dictator and censor for life.

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR V., M. ANTONIUS. On Caesar's
death, P. CORN. DOLABELLA.

Cicero finished the Tusculan Disputations. On the i5th
of March Caesar was assassinated, and two days afterwards
Cicero delivered a speech in the senate, recommending
peace. Antony getting the upper hand, Cicero retired into
the country, where he wrote his. treatises de Natura Deorum,
Je Divinatione, de Fato, Laelius, CatO Maior, * de Gloria,
Topica. On the 3ist of August he return <*A to Rome, and
on the 2nd of September delivered the first Philippic oration.
Shortly afterwards he wrote the second Philippic, and also
the treatise de Officiis. On the 2oth of December, Antony
having abandoned the city in consequence of the defection
of the Fourth and Martian legions, Cicero delivered the
third and fourth Philippic orations.

Coss. C. VIEIUS PANSA, A. HIRTIUS. Cicero delivered
the remaining Philippic orations. (See the several Intro
ductions.) After the battles before Mutina, Antony com
bined with M. Lepidus, and subsequently they were both
invited to Rome by Octavianus, who had been elected Consul
with Q. PEDIUS. The second triumvirate was formed, a
general proscription followed, and Cicero was murdered
by order of Antony, on the yth of December, in the grounds
of his Formian villa.

THE PHILIPPIC ORATIONS.

THE

PHILIPPIC ORATIONS

M. TULLIUS CICERO.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE FIRST ORATION.

To understand the bearing of the Philippic orations of Cicero, it is
necessary shortly to review the course of events at Rome, consequent
on the assassination of Julius Caesar, March i5th, 44 B.C. On the
evening of the same day, finding it impossible to gain the confidence or
the sympathy of the mass of the citizens, the conspirators, at the insti
gation of Decimus Brutus, repaired to the Capitol, where they were
joined by Cicero and other nobles ; while Lepidus, the Master of the
Horse, occupied the Forum with an armed force, and sent an assurance
of support to Antony. In the meantime the body of Caesar was
carried home, and something like quiet was restored. During the
ensuing night Antony opened negotiations with Lepidus, securing
his support by the promise of the vacant office of pontifex maximus :
while his own position was strengthened by his receiving from Cal-
purnia, Caesar's widow, all the dictator's private papers, and treasure
to the amount of 4000 talents.

The next day the liberators, encouraged by the avowed support of
Dolabella, who claimed the consulship which Caesar's death left vacant,
and to which he had been already nominated as his successor, re
solved again to appeal to the people, and made M. Brutus their

\ B

2 INTRODUCTION

spokesman. He was coldly received, and they were obliged to return
to the Capitol, while Antony took the opportunity of seizing the
public treasure in the temple of Ops, amounting to seven hundred
millions of sesterces (somewhat more than 6,ooo,ooo/.). The next day
(March 17), on the invitation of the conspirators, he summoned the
senate to meet in the temple of Tellus, near his own house in the
Carinae. To add to his security he filled the Forum with troops, an
excuse for the precaution being afforded by the violence which the
mob had offered to the praetor, Cornelius Cinna, when he appeared
among them in his official robes. The result of a very stormy debate
was a resolution that no investigation should be mack into Caesar's
murder; but that all the ordinances and arrangements which he had
made, ' acta Caesaris,' should be ratified. This policy was supported
by Cicero, as a necessary compromise, and was acquiesced in by
the liberators, though it was manifest that it left the whole power in
the hands of Antony. A public funeral was further decreed to Caesar,
on the motion of his father-in-law, L. Calpurnius Piso. These measures
were confirmed by the people, assembled in the Forum ; and the
conspirators were invited to come down from the Capitol, Antony
sending his own son as a hostage for their security. On the following
day another meeting of the senate was held, and the distribution of
the provinces, as arranged by Caesar, was again confirmed. By this
assignment M. Brutus received Macedonia, and C. Cassius Syria,
though they could not properly enter into possession of them till
the expiration of their office of praetor. Decimus Brutus succeeded to
Cisalpine Gaul, Cimber to Bithynia, and Trebonius to Asia.

The next event was the funeral of Caesar, which Antony artfully
employed as a means of stirring up the fury of the people against his
murderers. Entitled by his position as Consul to pronounce the
funeral oration over his colleague, as the body lay in the Forum, pre
viously to its being carried to the pyre prepared for it in the Campus
Martius, he roused their feelings by recounting the honours of the
dictator, which were reflected on the whole Roman people, and the
violated oath whereby his murderers had sworn to defend him. Ex
cited to frenzy by his speech, and yet more by hearing the tenour of
Caesar's will, and his munificent bequests to the Roman people, the
crowd refused to allow the body to be removed without the city walls,
and burned it on a hastily raised pyre in the midst of the Forum
itself. The excitement rapidly spread. The houses of the liberators
were attacked ; Helvius Cinna, an adherent of Caesar, was torn in
pieces in mistake for the praetor L. Cornelius Cinna, and the tumult

TO THE FIRST OR A TION. 3

did not cease till the people were convinced that the principal con
spirators had fled, and were for the present beyond their reach.

The advantage which Antony had gained by the course of events
at Caesar's funeral he further secured by the moderation of his sub
sequent conduct. He did not attempt to extend the amnesty to any
of the political exiles, with the single exception of Sextus Clodius, a
client and chief agent of the notorious Publius Clodius, whose widow
Fulvia Antony had married as his third wife. He declared that no
exemptions from tribute had been granted to any cities. He con
sented to the proposal of Sulpicius that no further < acts' of Caesar
should be ratified. His popularity culminated when he proposed that
the office of dictator should be abolished for ever. In the beginning
of April he did good service to the state by crushing a disturbance
raised by one Herophilus, who pretended to be a grandson of Marius,
and whom he put to death without a trial (i. 2, 5). Emboldened by
his success, he began to make unscrupulous use of Caesar's papers,
urging the pleasure of the dictator for every measure or appointment
which might suit his purpose, and not hesitating to forge suppositi
tious memoranda, when no convenient documents could be found
among the genuine ' acta Caesaris.' In addition to the favour which
he thus acquired, both among citizens and provinces on whom he
conferred benefits, he presently added to his personal security by the
usual tyrant's resource of a body-guard of 6000 soldiers, which the
senate were persuaded to allow him, and he sought for popularity
among the veterans by a new assignment of lands to them in Campania,
whither he himself proceeded to superintend in person the execution of
his measure.

Dolabella took this opportunity of thwarting the policy of Antony
in the city ; overthrowing all the memorials of Caesar which existed
within its walls, even the altar raised in his honour in 'the Forum, and
the marble pillar which marked the place of his tumultuous funeral.
He repressed every popular demonstration of the Caesarian party, and
aided the cause of the patriots in a manner that called forth the warmest
eulogies from Cicero himself (Att. 14. 15, 2).

At this crisis Octavius appeared upon the scene. He had received
the news of his great-uncle's murder in Epirus, where he was completing
his military education in the camp at Apollonia. Urged by his mother
Atia to return to Rome at once, he crossed the sea without delay, and land
ing near Lupiae in Calabria, he remained there till the receipt of a copy
of Caesar's will emboldened him to advance to Brundisium, and present
himself to the garrison in that place as C. lulius Caesar Octavianus,

B 2,

4 INTRODUCTION

the dictator's adopted son. He was warmly received by the veterans,
and encouraged to send a formal notification of his claims to the senate
and the leaders of the two parties. Following this up by a cautious
advance towards Rome, at Naples he met Cicero, who gladly welcomed
a new rival to Antony. About the beginning of May he entered Rome,
where he had already made a favourable impression by undertaking the
expense of certain shows exhibited in honour of Caesar at the festival
of the Parilia, on the 2ist of April. This impression he confirmed by
paying assiduous court to the individual senators, and by undertaking
to pay the bequests of Caesar to the people. Antony was absent from
Rome, but hearing of Octavius' growing popularity, he hastened back
to the city, and about the middle of the month he had an interview with
Octavius, in which the latter claimed the money of the dictator which
Antony had appropriated. Antony refused to refund it, on the
ground that it was public treasure, when Octavius took upon himself
the payment of the legacies, as well as the exhibition of shows at the
dedication of the temple which Caesar had built in honour of Venus
Genitrix.

Meanwhile M. Brutus and Cassius had retired from the city to Lanu-
vium, probably at the time of the disturbances caused by the Pseudo-
Marius. Decimus Brutus, in defiance of the Consul, assumed the
government of Cisalpine Gaul, and Trebonius and Cimber took posses
sion of their respective provinces of Asia and Bithynia. In the absence
of the liberator, Antony persuaded the senate to alter the distribution
of the provinces, so far as to transfer Syria and Macedonia from Cassius
and Brutus to Dolabella and himself. In compensation they were offered
the privilege of supplying the city with corn from Sicily and Asia. This
they were unwilling to accept, and made the necessity of preparing for it
an excuse for lingering in Italy, till they had made one more unsuccessful
attc mpt to conciliate popular favour by the magnificence of the * Ludi
Apollinares,' exhibited at the expense of Brutus as city praetor. The
failure of this effort induced them at length to abandon hopes of remain
ing longer in Italy, and Cicero, feeling that the prospects of the republican
party were for the present crushed, and that he himself was not wholly
free from danger, determined to avail himself of a ' legatio ' which
Doiabella had given him, and to go to Greece till the beginning of the
next year, when he hoped for more success under the administration
of the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa. He spent a single day among
his friends in Sicily, and thence set sail for Greece on the 2nd of August,
but was driven back to Leucopetra, whither tidings were brought him
that a change had come over the face of affairs; that the senate had

TO THE FIRST OR A T10N. 5

been summoned for the ist of August ; and that rumours were rife
that Brutus and Cassius were likely to come to an understanding with
Antony. This news changed his plans once more ; he resolved to go
at once to Rome, and was not even deterred by an interview with
Brutus at Velia, in which he learned the defeat of the republican party
in the meeting of the ist of August from which they had hoped
so much. He entered Rome on the 3 ist of August, and found that
Antony had summoned the senate for the following day. Cicero, after
some hesitation, resolved not to attend, pleading fatigue and sickness
to the Consuls, while to his friends he urged the impossibility of his
appearing as a witness of the honours which were to be proposed to
Caesar. His real reason appears to have been an unwillingness to take
the initiative in the contest between himself and Antony which was now
inevitable. In his absence the Consul uttered the most violent invective
against him, upbraiding him with cowardice in staying away, and even
threatening the demolition of his house. He then retired to his villa
at Tibur ; but Dolabella summoned the senate to meet on the following
day in the temple of Concord, when Cicero delivered his first Philippic
oration against Antony. The tone of it is moderate, compared with
that of those which follow. He seems unwilling to close every door
of peace between himself and his antagonist ; and though he attacks his
public policy unsparingly, he abstains as yet from any personal abuse,
such as is conspicuous in all the rest of these orations.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

M. ANTONIUM

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM LIBRI XIV.

LIBER PRIMUS.

1 ANTE quam de re publica, patres conscript!, dicam ea, quae

i dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter consilium

et profectionis et reversionis meae. Ego cum sperarem ali-

quando ad vestrum consilium auctoritatemque rem publicam esse

revocatam, manendum mihi statuebam quasi in vigilia quadam 5

cc. I, 2. Before entering on the main topic
of his speech, Cicero thinks it right to explain
why he left the city, and why he returned
without accomplishing his contemplated jour
ney to Greece. He had derived great hopes
from the amnesty which followed the dic
tator's death; from the moderation and
constitutional policy of Antony; and, above
all, from the abolition of the dictatorship.
These hopes were confirmed by the strong
and orderly administration, both of Antony
and Dolabella : but they were rudely dashed
to the ground by the events of the 1st of
June. Then the senate was terrified into
inaction ; the populace was excited into revo
lutionary acts; the veterans were urged to
look for booty; and Cicero, despairing of
any present sphere of usefulness, left the city
till the new year should open a prospect of
better things.

I. Patres Conscript!. Livy 2. I tells
us that on the expulsion of the kings, in order
to fill up the number of the senate, diminish
ed by the massacres of Tarquinius, Brutus
admitted the principal knights to the rank
of senators, under the title of ' Conscript! : '
and that this was the origin of the double
title of the senate, 'ut in senatum vocarentur,
qui Patres, quique conscripti essent. Con-

scriptos videlicet, in novum senatum ad-
pellabant lectos.' The term ' Patres Con-
scripti ' therefore is condensed for ' Patres
et Conscripti/ like ' Populus Romanus
Quirites,' ' lis vindiciae,' &c. It had
however so completely come to be used
as a single expression for ' Senators,' that
Cicero even uses the singular 'Pater Con-
scriptus,' of an individual senator, Phil. 13.
13, 28.

3. Reversionis. Manutius gives as the
distinction between 'reversio' and 'reditus,'
that the latter is used of a man who has
attained the object of his journey, and so
returns in accordance with his original plan :
the former of a man who turns back before
reaching his proposed destination. He sup
ports this by the expression of Cicero about
this very expedition, Att. 16. 7, 5 ' Quam
valde ille reditu, vel potius reversione mea
laetatus!' but as he also uses the term
'reditus' in reference to it, without cor
rection, in the same Epistle, and in Phil.
2. 30, 76 ' Exposui nuper, patres con-
scripti, causam reditus mei,' it seems pro
bable that ' reditus ' is the word of general
application, ' reversio ' the word more pecu
liarly appropriate to turning back pre
maturely.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 1—2.

consular! ac senatoria. Nee vero usquam discedebam nee a re
publica deiiciebam oculos ex eo die, quo in aedem Telluris con-
vocati sumus. In quo templo, quantum in me fuit, ieci fundamenta
pacis Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum ; Graecum etiam
.s verbum usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas
ilia, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna
delendam censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. Antonii, egregia etiam 2
voluntas ; pax denique per eum et per liberos eius cum praestan-
tissimis civibus confirmata est. Atque his principiis reliqua con-

10 sentiebant. Ad deliberationes eas,quashabebat domi de re publica,
principes civitatis adhibebat ; ad hunc ordinem res optimas defere-
bat ; nihil turn, nisi quod erat notum omnibus, in C. Caesaris
commentariis reperiebatur, summa constantia ad ea quae quaesita
erant, respondebat. Num qui exsules restituti ? Unum aiebat, 3

15 praeterea neminem. Num immunitates datae? Nullae, respon-

2. Ex eo die : the i/th of March, two
days alter Caesar's murder. The temple
of Tellus was in the Carinae, on the site of
the house of Sp. Cassius, which was pulled
down and confiscated on his condemnation
in 485 B. C. The exact situation of it is
very uncertain, but it probably lay in the
valley at the foot of the western slopes of
the Esquiline, and so conveniently near the
house of Pompey in the Carinae, which
Antony himself occupied.

4. Atheniensium. On the restoration
of the exiles under Thrasybulus, in 403 B.C.,
when a general amnesty was proclaimed,
and the people swore \JLT\ [AvrjaiKaKeiv.
The term d^i/r/oTf'a, which Cicero is said
to have used on this occasion, is not found
in any Greek author before the time of
Plutarch ; the classical word being a5aa.
Dion Cassius, 44. 23-33, professes to give
the speech of Cicero in favour of the am
nesty, together with that which Antony
delivered over the body of Caesar.

8. Per liberos. The conspirators, even
after the amnesty had been proclaimed, did
not venture to come down from the Capitol
till Antony and Lepidus each sent a son to
them, to be kept as hostages for their
safety. That ' liberos' is a mere rhetorical
inaccuracy for ' filium ' is clear from c. 13,
31, and 2. 36, 90, from the latter of which
passages we learn that Antony's hostage
was one of his sons by Fulvia, the daughter
of M. Fulvius, nicknamed Bambalio. On
receiving the hostages, Brutus and Cassius
descended from their stronghold, and supped

the same evening, Brutus with Lepidus,
Cassius with Antony. Plut. Brut. 19.

II. Deferebat. ' Deferre res ad se-
natum ' is to make an announcement to the
senate on a matter over which they have
no control ; whence it is used of the augurs
reporting the auspices, and here of Antony
reporting to the senate the purport of docu
ments which they had already ratified :
' referre ad senatum' is the term used of the
Consuls, bringing a question formally before
the senate for their decision.

T2. In C. Caesaris commentariis,
' in Caesar's papers,' ' commentarii ' being
notes for future expansion and use ; as
Cicero, Brut. 75, 262, tells us that Caesar
called his histories ' Commentaries,' be
cause they were ' nudi, recti et venusti, omni
ornatu orationis tamquam veste detracta,'
written from the wish ' alios habere paiata,
unde sumerent, qui vellent scribere historiam.'

14. Unum. This was Sex. Clodius, a
client of P. Clodius, and the chief agent of
his lawlessness, who had been condemned
and sent into exile in 52 B.C., after Mile's
trial, on the accusation of Caesennius Philo
and M. Aufidius. Cicero, Att. 14. 13, 6,
says he consented to his recall by Antony,
though convinced that Caesar had never
expressed any wish for it : ' quae enim Cae
sar numquam neque fecisset neque passus
esset, ea mine ex falsis eius commentariis
proferuntur.'

15. Immunitates, dreAfmt, exemptions
from taxation, which we find frequently
granted, especially by the emperors, both

§§ 1-5.

0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A I.

debat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio, clarissimo viro, voluit,
ne qua tabula post Idus Martias ullius decreti Caesaris aut bene-
ficii figeretur. Multa praetereo eaque praeclara ; ad singulare
enim M. Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, quae iam
vim regiae potestatis obsederat, funditus ex re publica sustulit, 5
de qua ne sententias quidem diximus ; scriptum senatus consul-
turn, quod fieri vellet, attulit, quo recitato auctoritatem eius
summo studio secuti sumus eique amplissimis verbis per senatus
2 consultum gratias egimus. Lux quaedam videbatur oblata, non

4 modo regno, quod pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore sub- 10
lato ; magnumque pignus ab eo rei publicae datum, se liberarn
civitatem esse velle, cum dictatoris nomen, quod saepe iustum
fuisset, propter perpetuae dictaturae recentem memoriam fun-

5 ditus ex re publica sustulisset. Liberatus periculo caedis paucis
post diebus senatus ; uncus impactus est fugitive illi, qui in 15
Marii nomen invaserat. Atque haec omnia communiter cum
collega : alia porro propria Dolabellae, quae, nisi collega afuisset,

to individuals and states. It appears from
a letter of Cicero, Fam. 12. I, i, written
about the end of the previous May, that
such grants of exemption were among the
evils immediately consequent on the death
of Caesar : and in the second Philippic we
find that Antony soon proceeded to make
them by wholesale : ' neque solum singulis
venibant immunitates sed etiam populis
universis,' 2. 36, 92; cp. 38, 97.

1. Servius Sulpicius, the famous
lawyer, in favour of erecting a statue to
whom Cicero delivered the ninth Philippic
oration. See Introd. to Phil. 9.

2. Ne qua tabula figeretur, 'that
no law should be published/ the custom being
that any new law was engraved on a brazen
tablet, and hung up for seventeen days in
public, before being finally deposited in the
' aerarium.'

6. Ne sententias quidem diximus,
'we passed a silent vote,' without debate, and
therefore without a division. See on 3. 9, 24.

Scriptum senatus consultum. It
appears to have been unusual for senators
to write out beforehand the proposals which
they intended to make in the senate. Cp.
however 3. 8, 20: 10. 2, 5: Fam. 10.
13. I-

12. Iustum: so long as the dictatorship
was held only for a definite time, ' ad tempus
sumebatur,' Tac. Ann. I. I, and to meet a
special emergency. Sulla was the first to
make himself perpetual dictator, in 82 B.C.,

reviving the office after a lapse of 120
years, when its old spirit, as well as the
necessity for it, had completely died away.
At the time therefore when Antony abolished
the dictatorship, there were no feelings of old
association attached to it which could coun
terbalance the dislike which the despotism
of Sulla and of Caesar had inspired.

15. Uncus. The hook by which the bodies
of criminals were dragged, after execution,
to the ' scalae Gemoniae,' on the brink of
the Aventine, and thence thrown into the
Tiber. Cp. Juv. 10. 66 ' Seianus ducitur
unco,' Suet. Vit. 17 'Apud Gemonias minu-
tissimis ictibus excarnificatus atque confec-
tus est, et inde unco tractus in Tiberim.'

Fugitive. This was Herophilus, a
horse-doctor or oculist, ' equarius ' or ' ocu-
larius,' who, according to Val. Max. 9. 15, 2,
exchanged his Greek name for the Roman
one of Amatius. He assumed to be the
grandson of Marius, and having attempted
to raise a disturbance after the death of
Caesar, was put to death without a trial by
Antony ; an illegal act, for which the senate
granted him indemnity.

16. Cum collega: P. Cornelius Dola-
bella, who had been nominated by Caesar to
succeed him in the consulship for the latter
part of the year 44 B. C., after he himself
should have started on his Parthian expedi
tion. Cp. 2. 32, So and 81.

17. Afuisset: on that progress through
Campania, in the latter half of April and

M. TULLI1 CICERON1S

cc. 2—3.

credo iis futura fuisse communia. Nam cum serpcret in urbem
infinitum malum iclque manaret in dies latius, idemque bustum
in foro facerent, qui illam insepultam sepulturam effecerant, et
quotidie magis magisque perditi homines cum sui similibus
5 servis tectis ac templis urbis minitarentur, talis animadversio
fuit Dolabellae cum in audaces sceleratosque servos, turn in
impuros et nefarios liberos, talisque eversio illius exsecratae
columnae, ut mini minim videatur tarn valde reliquum tempus
ab illo uno die disscnsisse. Ecce enim Kalendis luniis, quibus 6

10 ut adessemus cdixcrant, mutata omnia : nihil per senatum, multa
et magna per populum, et absente populo et invito. Consules
designati negabant se audere in senatum venire ; patriae libe-
ratores urbe carebant ea, cuius a cervicibus iugum servile deiece-
rant, quos tarnen ipsi consules in contionibus et in omni sermone

15 laudabant ; veterani qui appellabantur, quibus hie ordo dili-

the beginning of May, in order to super
intend the distribution of lands to the
veterans, with which Cicero taunts him in
the second Philippic, §§ 100 foil.

2. Infinitum malum, 'an evil of
which no one could foresee the end.'

Bustum : alluding to a column which
the lower orders of the people raised in Cae
sar's honour on the site of his funeral p\re,
with the inscription. 'PARENTI PATRIAE.' This
column Dolabel'a threw down during the
absence of Antony, finding that the honours
paid to it were made a pretext for tumult
and sedition. He also put the ringleaders
in the disturbances to death, crucifying the
slaves, and throwing the freemen from the
Tarpeian rock.

3. Insepultam sepulturam, 'that
burial so little worthy of the name;' proba
bly with reference to the tumultuous and
irregular nature of the proceedings. The
body, contrary to the general custom at
Rome, was burnt in the very heart of the
city, in the Forum. See Legg. 2. 23, 58
'Hominem mortuum, inquit lex in xii tabulis,
in uibe ne sepelito neve urito.' The oxy
moron appears to be an imitation of such
Greek expressions as vv^^v avvfupov, nap-
Ofvov r dnapeevov Eur. Hec. 612. Fer-
rarius compares a line quoted by Cicero de
Oral. 3. 5X, 219

' Qua tempestate Paris Helenam innuptis
iunxit nuptiis.'

9. Kalendis luniis. Cicero tells us in
the second Philippic, 42, 108, that the senate
was too much alarmed to obey the summons

convening it for the 1st of June; and gives
a detailed account of the unconstitutional
proceedings of Antony on that day : pro
ceedings nominally sanctioned by the people,
though in reality they were wholly devoid
of such a sanction, as the assembly consisted
only of an excited, tumultuous rabble, none
of the respectable citizens being present.
He draws the same distinction in the speech
De Domo sua, 33, 89 'An tu populum Ro-
manum esse putas ilium, qui con^tat ex iis,
qui mercede conducuntur? qui impelluntur
ut vim afferant magistratibus ? ut obsideant
senatum? optent quotidie caedem, incendia,
rapinas?'

II. Consules designati, C. Vibius
Pansa, and Aul. Hirtius, who had been
nominated by Caesar as Consuls for the
year 43 B. C.

14. Quos tamen &c. 'and that though
the Consuls themselves were always speaking
of them in the highest terms/ Cp. 2. 3, 5
' Quos tu ciarissimos viros soles appellare,'
and 12, 30 ' Urutus, quern ego honoris causa
nomirio.'

15. Veterani qui appellabantur:
Graevius takes this to mean 'the veterans to
whom Antony appealed ;' but it seems more
probable that it signifies 'those who claimed
the name of veterans:' the imperfect being
used rather than the present, because it is
not Cicero's object to define the term ' ve
terani.' but he is wishing to intimate either
that he thought those who had aided Caesar
against the state to be unworthy of the
name, or that many of them had not yet

§§ 5-7.

O RATIO PHILIP PIC A I.

gentissime caverat, non ad conservationem earum rerum, quas
habebant, sed ad spem novarum praedarum incitabantur. Quae
cum audire mallem quam videre, haberemque ius legationis
liberum, ea mente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis lanuariis, quod
initium senatus cogendi fore videbatur. 5

3 Exposui, patres conscript!, profectionis consilium : nunc re-
7 versionis, quae plus admirationis habet, breviter exponam. Cum
Brundisium iterque illud, quod tritum in Graeciam est, non
sine causa, vitavissem, Kalendis Sextilibus veni Syracusas, quod
ab ea urbe transmissio in Graeciam laudabatur : quae tamen 10
urbs mihi coniunctissima plus una me nocte cupiens retinere

served the number of campaigns which en
titled them to it. Hence the reading ' ap-
pellabantur,' which is found in two MSS.,
would destroy the meaning of the passage,
which would then merely be ' the veterans,
as they are called.'

I. Caverat : by assigning lands to them
after the expiration of their term of military
service.

3. Ius legationis liberum. Cicero gives
an account of this 'legatio' in one of his letters
to Atticus, 15. n, saying that Dolabella had
appointed him his ' legatus,' with the special
privilege, usually confined to ' liberae lega-
tiones,' of being allowed to enter and leave
Rome at his will ; and had extended the
time within which he might avail himself
of it to five years. He says that with these
additions to the usual rights of a ' legatus,'
this commission suits him better than a
' libera legatio,' since the time of the latter
could not be extended. These 'liberae lega-
tiones ' were a species of honorary commis
sions, granted to senators who wished to
travel in the provinces, and investing them
with all the privileges of ' legati.' Seeing
the abuses to which they led, Cicero en
deavoured, in his consulship, to abolish them,
but only succeeded in limiting their duration
to one year, Legg. 3. 8, 18. Further re
gulations, the exact nature of which is
unknown, were made about them by a
' Lex lulia.'

cc. 3, 4. Cicero had scarcely left Italy,
when the fortunate accident of a storm drove
him back in time to hear of the speech of
Antony, and the farewell edict of Brutus
and Cassius ; together with the news that the
senate was to meet on the ist of August, and
that Antony once more promi&ed to obey the
constitution. And although at Velia he heard
from Brutus that these promises had not been
fulfilled, and that L. Piso alone had dared to

raise his voice in support of the authority of
the senate, yet he determined still to return,
and to make a solemn protest against the
encroachments of Antony.

7« Plus admirationis habet, ' has
more in it to excite astonishment.' Cp. Off.
2- 5> !7 ' Cum hie locus nihil habeat dubita-
tionis.' Halm attributes this sense of ' ad-
mirationem habet' to a kind of passive
meaning of the substantive, as though it
signified ' the capacity for being admired,' as
well as 'the act of admiring:' but it seems
rather to arise from a vague use of the verb
' habeo,' like the Greek e'x<w, in the sense of
' carries with it,' ' admits of,' ' necessarily
associates with itself:' cp. Aristot. Eth. I. 3, 2
rd Siitaia . . . roaavrrjv ex€l Sia<f>opav /eat
TrXavrfv &are Soteeiv VO^QJ fj.6vov flvai, Thuc.
2. 61, 2 TO p.lv \VITOVV lx€t ^S»y rr)V ai-

8. Non sine causa. In a letter to Atti
cus, 1 6. 4, 4, he explains this cause to be the
expected arrival of certain legions, probably
those from Macedonia, at Brundisium ; and
says that he entertains the idea of waiting
to sail with Brutus. In the next letter he
tells Atticus that this scheme fell through,
owing to Brutus' anxiety to see how things
turned out in Italy.

10. Tamen refers, not to what pre
cedes, but to the desire of the Syracusans ex
pressed in the same clause by the participle
' cupiens :' — 'which city, in spite of its eager
ness to do so, yet could not detain me more
than a single night.' Halm compares Pro
Sestio, 67, 140 ' Hunc tamen flagrantem in-
vidia . . . ipse populus Romanus periculo
liberavit.' It is somewhat like the use of
O//CDS in such passages as Soph. O. C. 957
xe, /m 5f«cu'

ii. Coniunctissima: owing to the in
tegrity of his conduct as quaestor in the

M. TULLII CICERONIS

GO. 3 — 4.

non potuit. Veritus sum ne meus repentinus ad meos neces
saries adventus suspicionis aliquid afferret, si essem commoratus.
Cum autem me ex Sicilia ad Leucopetram, quod est promon-
torium agri Regini venti detulissent, ab eo loco conscendi ut
5 transmitterem ; nee ita multum provectus reiectus austro sum
in eum ipsum locum, unde conscenderam. Cumque intempesta 3
nox esset mansissemque in villa P. Valerii, comitis et familiaris
mei, postridieque apud eundem ventum exspectans manerem,
municipes Regini complures ad me venerunt, ex iis quidam

10 Roma reccntes : a quibus primum accipio M. Antonii contionem,
quae mihi ita placuit, ut ea lecta de reversione primum coepe-
rim cogitare. Nee ita multo post edictum Bruti affertur et
Cassii, quod quidem mihi, fortasse quod eos plus etiam rei pub-
licae quam familiaritatis gratia diligo, plenum aequitatis vide-

15 batur. Addebant praeterea — fit enim plerumque ut ii, qui boni
quid volunt afferre, amngant aliquid, quo faciant id quod nun-
tiant laetius — rem conventuram ; Kalendis senatum frequentem
fore ; Antonium, repudiatis malis suasoribus, remissis provinciis

island, and his zeal in their behalf in the
prosecution of Verres.

4. Conscendi. This verb appears in
Cicero to have everywhere the meaning of
'embarking,' whether it is used absolutely, as
here, or with the addition of ' navem,' as in
Fam. 3. 10, 3 ' Conscendens iam navem,
Epheso Laodiceam revertit.' Another simi
lar account of these circumstances is given
Att. 1 6. 7.

6. Intempesta nox, ' the dead of
night,' ' quae non habet idoneum tempus
rebus gerendis ' Macrob. Sat. i. 3, sub fin.
Cp. Varr. L. L. 7. 72 ' Nox intempesta dicta
ab tempestate ; tempestas ab tempore ; nox
intempesta quo tempore nihil agitur.' We
may compare with it the Greek expression
VVKTOS dojpi, Theocr. n. 40. The same
indefiniteness pervades both expressions,
Macrobius I.e. making 'nox intempesta'
succeed 'concubia:' while Varro 6. 7
identifies it with 'concubium,' and also with
' silentium noctis.' Cp. Virg. G. i. 247
' Intempesta silet nox.'

10. Contionem. Of the purport or occa
sion of this speech we know nothing, except
that we may gather from this passage that it
feferred to the restoration of tranquillity in
the state. It was a common practice to
have such speeches taken down by short
hand writers, ' notarii,' and copies distributed
among those interested in the proceedings.

n. Coeperim, the perfect subjunctive,
instead of the pluperfect, to bring the picture
more vividly before the minds of the hearers,
on the same principle as the use of the pre
sent indicative in historic narration.

12. Edictum Bruti et Cassii. This
was probably the farewell edict which they
published when on the point of leaving Italy;
in which they declared themselves willing, if
it were necessary for the peace of the state,
to live in perpetual exile. It is mentioned
by Velleius, 2. 62, 3; and is alluded to in
the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony,
Cic. Fam. II. 3, but is not itself extant.

17- Rem conventuram, 'that an ar
rangement would be made ;' cp. Att. 9. 6, 2
' Rem conventuram putamus.' Lit. ' that the
matter would result in unanimity.'

Kalendis. In the MSS. we find 'Ka
lendis Sextilibus,' an obvious mistake, since
Cicero came to Syracuse on the ist of August.
Halm thinks there is a confusion between
' Sext.' and ' Sept. :' but it seems more pro
bable that the month was not named by
Cicero, and that some copyist has repeated
the word ' Sextilibus ' from the previous sec
tion. See Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 163.

18. Provinciis Galliis. By the disposi
tion of Caesar, Transalpine Gaul had been as
signed to L. Munatius Plancus, and Cisalpine
Gaul to Decimus Brutus. Antony prevailed
on the people, notwithstanding this arrange-

§§7-io. 0 RATIO PHILIP PIC A I. 13

4 Galliis, ad auctoritatem senatus esse rediturum. Turn vero
9 tanta sum cupiditate incensus ad reditum, ut mihi nulli neque
remi neque venti satis facerent, non quo me ad tempus occur-
surum non putarem, sed ne tardius quam cuperem rei publicae
gratularer. Atque ego celeriter Veliam devectus Brutum vidi : 5
quanto meo dolore, non dico. Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur in earn
urbem me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet, et ibi velle
tuto esse, ubi ille non posset. Neque vero ilium similiter atque
ipse eram commotum esse vidi : erectus enim maximi ac pul-
cherrimi facti sui conscientia nihil de suo casu, multa de vestro 10
10 querebatur. Exque eo primum cognovi quae Kalendis Sexti-
libus in senatu fuisset L. Pisonis oratio : qui quamquam parum
erat — id enim ipsum a Bruto audieram — a quibus debuerat
adiutus, tamen et Bruti testimonio — quo quid potest esse
gravius? — et omnium praedicatione, quos postea vidi, magnam T5
mihi videbatur gloriam consecutus.. Hunc igitur ut sequerer
properavi, quern praesentes non sunt secuti, non ut profkerem
aliquid — nee enim sperabam id nee praestare poteram, — sed
ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset— multa autem impendere

ment, to grant him the latter province; but 8. Tuto esse. A similar use of 'esse' with

on proceeding in November to take posses- 'tuto' instead of a predicative noun is found,

sion of it, he was resisted by Brutus, who Fam. 14. 3, 3 ' Ut tuto sim;' Att 8. I, I

threw himself into Mutina, and there main- 'Nusquam eris tutius ;' ib. "2 'Non quaerere,

tained himself till the siege was raised by ubi tutissimo essem.' See also with other

the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, both adverbs; Att. 14. 16, 4 'De Attica pergratum

of whom fell in the struggle. Antony mihi fecisti, quod curasti ut ante scirem recte

was driven across the Alps, and Brutus esse quam non belle fuisse.'

remained in undisputed command of the 10. De vestro, i.e. their loss of real

province. power, owing to Antony assuming to take

3. Non quo ... non putarem, ' not everything into his own hands,

that I had any fears of being too late.' - The 12. L. Pi so, Caesar's father-in-law, was

subjunctive with such expressions appears to formerly the bitter personal and political

be used when the proposition they introduce enemy of Cicero, and was attacked by him

is in itself a mere hypothesis of the writer with the greatest virulence in his speeches

or speaker, which is not only declared not De Provinces Consularibus, and In Pisonem,

to be the reason of the phenomenon under 55 B. C. In these Cicero accuses him, with

investigation, but is also asserted to be in apparent justice, of every kind of mal-

itself untrue. Accordingly, when the sup- administration in his province of Macedonia

posed cause is in itself a real fact, and it is during the two preceding years. Piso's

merely denied that it is the cause of the opposition to Antony was only short-lived,

phenomenon, the indicative is used with as when the latter went to Mutina to attack

'quia' or ' quoniam,' as in Tac. Hist. 3. 4 D. Brutus, Piso remained as the prin-

' Non quia industria Flaviani egebat,' ' not cipal supporter of his views in Rome. He

influenced by the desire, which he yet felt, was one of the envoys to Antony in the

to avail himself of the zeal of Flavianus,' beginning of the following year. At pre-

'sed ut consulare nomen surgentibus...prae- sent Cicero was ready to follow him as the

tenderetur:' and Livy 33. 27 'Non quia sa- most appropriate leader of the constitutional

tis dignos eos esse credebat,' ' not from the party.

conviction which he yet entertained of their 19. Si quid mihi humanitus, &c.

worthiness.' ' if any of the accidents to which man is liable

M. 'TULLII CICERONIS

ce. 4—6.

videntur praeter naturam etiam praeterque fatum, — huius tamen
diei vocem testem rei publicae relinquerem meae perpetuae erga

r,se voluntatis.

Quoniam utriusque consilii causam, patres conscript!, pro-i'

5 batam vobis esse confido, prius quam de re publica dicere
incipio, pauca querar de hesterna M. Antonii iniuria : cui sum
amicus, idque me non nullo eius officio debere esse prae me

should have befallen me — and many do
appear to be hanging over me contrary at
once to the course of nature and to my
destined lot;' — 'fatum' being apparently the
natural tenour of the life which destiny had
marked out for him, liable however to be
overthrown by rash interference on the part
of himself or others. It seems to be rightly
explained by Abrami : ' Ilia praeter naturam
praeterque fatum, quae nee a principiis
naturae intrinsecis, nee a caussis externis
agendi necessitate constrictis, sed ab ho-
minis libertate dependet, ut cum quis sibi
vel mortem' consciscit, vel alterius scelere
occiditur.' He compares Virg. Ae. 4. 696
foil.
' Nam quia nee fato, merita nee morte

peribat,
Sed misera ante diem, subitoque accensa

furore,
Nondum illi fiavum Proserpina vertice

crinem
Abstulerat, Stygioque caput damnaverat

Oreo,'

and Demosth. de Cor. p. 296, 19 TOV TTJS
duapnevrjs KOI TOV avroftarov OdvaTOV :
from which latter passage Gellius, 13. I,
tells us that Cicero probably derived the
expression. The same idea occurs frequently
in Homer; cp. Od. i. 33 [/fyorot] afyytnv
aTaffdaXirjcriv viTfp/j.opov d'A/ye' ZXOVCTIV,
II. 2. 155 tvOa Kfv 'A.pyeioLO'ii' vTrep/j.opa
vuffTos fTvxOr] : though the supremacy of
fate was generally vindicated, even by super
natural interference, if necessary, when
external causes were on the point of breaking
through it. Cp. II. 17. 321 ; 20. 30 and 336.
See also Professor Conington's note on
Virgil, 1. c.

I. Tamen is omitted in some MSS.,
but it is commonly found in the apodosis after
a protasis introduced by a concessive 'si:'
' I might at any rate leave my voice in
testimony,' &c. Cp. 2. 32, 78 'Si minus
fortem, at tamen strenuum.'

i. Erga se rather than ' erga earn,'
because ' respublica ' is virtually the subject
of the sentence ; ' that the state might still

have my voice this day as a witness to my
loyalty.'

6. Hesterna M. Antonii iniuria, the
threats which Antony had used, when
Cicero, on the plea of illness, absented him
self from the senate on the 1st of September.
Nominally, every senator was bound to be
present at all meetings of the senate ; cp.
Legg. 3. 4. II 'Senator!, qui nee aderit, aut
causa aut culpa esto;' and absence was liable
to be punished by a fine, which might be
enforced by a ' pignoris capio.' This was
the technical term for the process whereby
the praetor allowed the goods of a person,
who was in contempt of court, to be taken,
and so!d, unless the contempt was purged
within a given time. Cp. Livy 3. 38
' Postquam citati non convenibant, dimissi
circa domos adparitores simul ad pignora
capienda, sciscitandumque, num consulto
detrectarent.' On such an occasion however
as the proposal of a ' supplicatio,' or so
lemn holiday in honour of a general who
had gained an important victory, it was
supposed that the friends of the person thus
honoured would be certain to attend in suf
ficient numbers to ensure a full house, and
therefore it was generally left open to the
senators to be present or not as they pleased.
The irregularity of the present ' supplicatio '
is pointed out by Cicero in this speech,
c. 6, 13.

7. Non nullo eius officio: in sparing
him at Brundisium, when on his return
from Pharsalus, Antony was instructed
by Caesar to prevent any of Pompey's
party from landing in Italy. For Cicero's
later estimate of this service, see 2.3, 5 ;

H> 59-

cc. 5, 6. Cicero complains of the personal
animosity displayed toiuards him by Antony,
in endeavouring to force him to attend the
meeting of the senate on the previous day,
when he was weary with his journey, and
in threatening violent measures towards him
in consequence of his non-appearance. He
declares the impossibility of his taking part
in any such unconstitutional proceedings as

§§10-13. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I. 15

5 semper tuli. Quid tandem erat causae cur in senatum hesterno
die tarn acerbe eogerer? Solusne aberam? an non saepe minus
frequentes fuistis? an ea res agebatur, ut etiam aegrotos deferri
oporteret? Hannibal, credo, erat ad portas, aut de Pyrrhi pace
agebatur, ad quam causam etiam Appium ilium, et caecum et 5

12 senem, delatum esse memoriae proditum est. De supplicationi-
bus referebatur, quo in genere senatores deesse non solent.
Coguntur enim non pignoribus, sed eorum, de quorum honore
agitur, gratia ; quod idem fit,' cum de triumpho refertur. Ita
sine cura consules sunt, ut paene liberum sit senator! non adesse. 10
Qui cum mini mos notus esset cumque e via languerem et mihi-
met displicerem, misi pro amicitia qui hoc ei diceret. At ille
vobis audientibus cum fabris se domum meam venturum esse
dixit. Nimis iracunde hoc quidem et valde intemperanter.
Cuius enim maleficii tanta ista poena est, ut dicere in hoc ordine 15
auderet se publicis operis disturbaturum publice ex senatus
sententia aedificatam domum ? Quis autem umquam tanto
damno senatorem coegit ? aut quid est ultra pignus aut multam ?
Quod si scisset quam sententiam dicturus essem, remisisset

6 aliquid profecto de severitate cogendi. An me censetis, patres 20

13 conscripti, quod vos inviti secuti estis, decreturum fuisse, ut
parentalia cum supplicationibus miscerentur ? ut inexpiabiles

the ordinance of a ' supplicatio ' in honour following the Vatican MS., here retain 'e

of a dead man; and regrets that absence had via.'

prevented him from supporting L.Piso in his Mihimet displicerem, 'was indis-

patriotic opposition to Antony on the 1st of posed.' So of mental trouble, ' Displiceo

August. mihi nee sine multo scribo dolore,' Cic. Att.

4. De Pyrrhi pace agebatur. The 2. 18, 3.

allusion is to the mission of Cineas, after the 13. Cum fabris. Cp. 5. 7, 19 'Hue
battle of Heraclea, 280 B.C., when the etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. etiam fabros se
terms of peace that Pyrrhus offered were missurum et domum meam disturbaturum
on the point of being accepted, till Appius esse dixit.' Cicero's house had been pulled
Claudius Caecus persuaded the senate to down during his exile in 58 B. C., and re-
reject them. The speech which he delivered built on his return in the following year,
on the occasion was still extant in Cicero's out of funds granted him by the state, in
time. Cic. Brut. 16, 62. spite of the violent opposition of P. Clodius.

II. E via languerem. Ferrarius, on 16. Publicis operis. This use of

the authority of t'hree MSS., urges the reading ' operae,' for the concrete ' operarii,' is not

' de via,' comparing Acad. Post. I. I, I infrequent in Cicero; cp. c. 9, 22 'Ut ipse ad

'Nisi de via fessus esset;' Somn. Scip. I, 2 operas mercenarias statim protrahatur ;' Att.

(Rep. 6. 10, 10) 'Me, et de via, et qui ad 4. 3, 3 'Facile operas aditu prohibuerunt.'

multam noctem vigilassem, artior quam So Hor. S. 2. 7, 118 'Accedes opera agro

solebat somnus complexus est ; ' and Plaut. nona Sabino.'

Pseud. 2. 2, 66 'Ut lassus veni de via, me 22. Parentalia. In the end of February,

volo curare.' The actual expression ' de Cic. Legg. 2. 21, 54, the Romans celebrated

via languere,' however, does not seem to a festival in honour of the dead, 'Feralia,' at

occur elsewhere, and the majority of editors, which offerings were brought to their tombs,

M. TULLII CICERONIS

co. 6—7

religiones in rem publicam inducerentur ? ut decernerentur sup-
plicationes mortuo ? Nihil dico cui. Fuerit ille Brutus, qui
et ipse dominatu regio rem publicam liberavit et ad similem
virtutem et simile factum stirpem iam prope in quingentesimum
5 annum propagavit : adduci tamen non possem, ut quemquam
mortuum coniungerem cum immortalium religione, ut, cuius
sepulchrum usquam exstet ubi parentetur, ei publice supplicetur.
Ego vero earn sententiam dixissem, ut me adversus populum
Romanum, si qui accidisset gravior rei publicae casus, si bellum,

10 si morbus, si fames, facile possem defendere : quae partim iam
sunt, partim timeo ne impendeant. Sed hoc ignoscant di im-
mortales velim et populo Romano, qui id non probat, et huic
ordini, qui decrevit invitus. Quid ? de reliquis rei publicae
malis licetne dicere ? Mini vero licet et semper licebit digni-

15 tatem tueri, mortem contemnere. Potestas modo veniendi in
hunc locum sit : dicendi periculum non recuso. Atque utinam,
patres conscripti, Kalendis Sextilibus adesse potuissem ! non

and panegyrics pronounced in their praise.
Cp. Varro, L. L. 6. 13' Feralia ab inferis et
ferendo, quod ferunt turn epulas ad sepulcrum,
quibus ius ibi parentare.' Cicero's argument
here is, that Antony is mixing up two in
consistent kinds of religious ceremony ; the
'Parentalia,' addressed directly to the dead;
and the ' Supplicatio,' a solemn service in
honour indeed of some general, but addressed
to the gods, and therefore incapable of being
celebrated after the death of the general
without the risk of confusing thanksgiving
for his success with worship to himseff, and
so incurring the guilt of impiety.

2. Fuerit ille, 'suppose that he was,'
&c. Cp. § 15 'Fuerit quaedam necessaria.'

4. Stirpem propagavit. The identity
of the families of L. lunius Brutus, the first
consul, and M. Brutus, the tyrannicide, is
upheld also by Plutarch Brut, i , who says,
on the authority of Posidonius, that L.
Brutus had a third son, who was only a child
when his father put his elder brothers to
death. The connection is, however, impro
bable in itself; and the story of Posidonius
would naturally be invented to reconcile its
difficulties. The objection that the later
Bruti were plebeians, while L. Brutus was
a patrician, even if we admit the latter fact
as certain, would not be fatal, as there are
many instances of families passing from the
one order to the other.

7- Usquam. The reading of the Vatican
and some other MSS. is ' nusquam,' which
is supported on the ground that as the column
which marked the place where Caesar's body
was burned had been overthrown by Dola-
bella, it could not be said that any tomb of
his did now exist. This interpretation, how
ever, is contrary to the general argument of
the passage, in which Cicero is maintaining
that as Caesar was dead, and buried, like
any other man, he could not be made an
exception to the general rule of never per
forming a ' supplicatio ' in honour of the
dead. See Madvig. Opusc. I. p. 202.

Supplicetur. The tense is to be ex
plained by reference to the idea in Cicero's
mind (' numquam adducar ut coniungam'),
the change from the imperfect being aided
by the tenses in the intervening relative
clause.

9. Si qui gravior casus, 'if any more
serious kind of disaster.' The reading of
the old editions, supported by two MSS.,
is 'si quis:' but the usual distinction seems
to apply here, that 'si qui casus' means 'if
any kind of disaster ; ' si quis casus, ' if any
individual disaster.' Cicero is giving the
reason why he was so urgent in expressing
his opinion on the subject, in order that,
whatever might be the result, he at least
should be free from blame.

§§ 13—15.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I.

quo profici potuerit aliquid, sed ne unus modo consularis, quod
turn accidit, dignus illo honore, dignus re publica inveniretur.
Qua quidem ex re magnum accipio dolorem, homines amplis-
simis populi Romani beneficiis USQS L. Pisonem ducem optimae
sententiae non secutos. Idcircone nos populus Romanus con- 5
sules fecit, ut in altissimo gradu dignitatis locati rem publicam
pro nihilo haberemus? Non modo voce nemo L. Pisoni con-

15 sularis, sed ne vultu quidem assensus est. Quae, malum ! est
ista voluntaria servitus ? Fuerit quaedam necessaria : neque
ego hoc ab omnibus iis desidero, qui sententiam consulari loco I0
dicunt. Alia causa est eorum, quorum silentio ignosco, alia
eorum, quorum vocem requiro. Quos quidem doleo in suspi-
cionem populo Romano venire non modo metus, quod ipsum

7 esset turpe, sed alium alia de causa deesse digmtati suae. Quare
primum maximas gratias et ago et habeo Pisoni, qui non quid 15
efficere posset in re publica cogitavit, sed quid facere ipse debe-
ret : deinde a vobis, patres conscripti, peto ut, etiam si sequi
minus audebitis orationem atque auctoritatem meam, benigne
me tamen, ut adhuc fecistis, audiatis.

i. Unus modo consularis, L. Piso.
See on § 10.

3. Amplissimis beneficiis us.os :
in being made Consuls and praetors. Among
those of consular rank, the most con
spicuous were L. Piso, Servius Sulpicius,
C. Marcellus, Q^ Fufius Calenus, P. Ser-
vilius Isauricus, P. Vatinius, and L. Caesar,
the uncle of Antony, to whom Cicero is
probably especially referring in saying that
he can pardon the silence of some of them.
— Abrami.

8. Quae, malum, 'what, the plague?'
Cp. 10. 9, 1 8 'Quae, malum! est ista ratio?'
and Verr. Act. 2. I. 20, 54 ' Quae, malum!
est ista tanta audacia ? ' This interjectional
use of ' malum ' is most common in the
comedians.

10. Hoc, i.e. the assertion of freedom
under all circumstances. The obscurity in
the connection of ideas has led some recent
editors to suppose that some such words as
' repellenda est voluntaria ' have been lost :
but this seems hardly necessary; and there
is no trace of such omission in any of the
MSS. The train of thought appears to be,
'Grant that all could not avoid such slavery;
this is a degree of patriotism whose absence
I must needs forgive in some who speak as
consulars ; but yet we must distinguish be

tween those whose silence is pardonable, and
those who are absolutely bound to speak.'
Cp. 10. 9, 19.

Sententiam consulari loco dicunt.
The privilege of speaking ' consulari ' or
'praetorio loco' was often granted as a
special honour to persons who had not
filled the office of Consul or praetor. Thus
we find a decree in favour of Octavius,
Phil. 5. 17, 46 'Senatui placere, C. Caesarem,

C. f., pontificem, pro praetore, senatorem
esse, sententiamque loco praetorio dicere.'

12. Suspicionem .. alium .. deesse.
'Suspicio ' is occasionally found with the accu
sative and the infinitive; as in Cic. Att. 8. 1 1

D, I 'Suspicionem nullam habebam, te rei-
publicae causa mare transiturum ;' Brut, n,
43 ' Fuisse Suspicionem veneno sibi consci-
visse mortem :' but here there is the especial
awkwardness of the clause depending on
another infinitive of which the persons sus
pected are themselves the subject.

cc. 7, 8. Turning to the main subject of
his speech, as containing the reasons for his
vote, Cicero declares his opinion that the ' acts'
of Caesar ought to be ratified: meaning
thereby, not all the memoranda and notes,
genuine or forged, which Antony quoted from
the dictator's private papers ; but his formal
and completed acts, as embodied in his laws,

M. TULLII CICERO N1S

cc. 7—8.

Primum igitur acta Caesaris servanda censeo, non quo pro- 16
bem— quis enim id quidem potest? — sed quia rationem haben-
dam maxime arbitror pads atque otii. Vellem "adesset M.
Antonius, modo sine advocatis — sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus
5 valere, quod mihi heri per ilium non licuit : — doceret me vel po-
tius vos, patres conscripti, quern ad modum ipse Caesaris acta
defenderet. An in commentariolis et chirographis et libellis se
uno auctore prolatis, ne prolatis quidem, sed tantum modo dictis,
acta Caesaris firma erunt : quae ille in aes incidit, in quo populi

10 iussa perpetuasque leges esse voluit, pro nihilo habebuntur ?
Equidem existimo nihil tarn esse in actis Caesaris quam leges 17
Caesaris. An, si cui quid ille promisit, id erit fixum, quod idem •
non facere potuit ? ut multis multa promissa non fecit ; quae
tamen multo plura illo mortuo reperta sunt, quam a vivo bene-

15 ficia per omnes annos tributa et data. Sed ea non muto, non
moveo : summo studio illius praeclara acta defendo. Pecunia
utinam ad Opis maneret ! cruenta ilia quidem, sed his tempo-
ribus, quoniam iis, quorum est, non redditur, necessaria. Quam-

such as that limiting the tenure of provinces;
or that abolishing the third decuria of
' indices' which Antony proposed to nullify
by establishing a new third decuria, com
posed of centurions and of privates of the
legion Alauda.

I. Primum igitur. ..censeo. With
this begins the formal declaration of Cicero's
resolution and vote, to which all that went
before was prefatory. See on 3. 9, 24.
Subsequently in writing to C. Cassius, Cicero
says that the senate made these concessions
to Antony merely ' temporibus cedentes.'
Fam. 12. i, 2.

4. Sine advocatis. 'Advocatus' was
the name commonly applied to any one who
by his presence gave aid or countenance
to a person pleading his cause in the senate
or law-courts ; and especially to the ' iuris-
consultus* who supplied him with advice on
points of law. Antony's ' advocati,' whose
presence Cicero deprecates, were the armed
soldiers with whom he had beset the en
trances of the ' Cella Concordiae' on the
previous day. Cp. Liv. 3. 47 ' Virginius
sordidatus filiam suam cum ingenti advoca-
tione in forum deducit.'

7. Se uno auctore. This use of the
reflexive pronoun is justified by the fact that
Antony's ^ views are the prominent thought
in Cicero's mind, so that he is the logical
subject of the sentence : ' Does he think

to secure the ratification of those acts of
Caesar, of whose existence we have no evi
dence except in the various note-books of
the dictator, which he, and he alone, pro
duces, or rather simply quotes : and that
meanwhile all that Caesar caused to be
engraved on brass, signifying thereby that
they should be permanent laws, should go
for nothing ? '

9. In aes incidit : see on c. I, 3.

12. An si cui, &c. Cicero goes on to
prove the absurdity of ratiiying all these
supposed ' acta,' by showing that it would
pledge the people to a much more rigid ful
filment of the promises, and even the un
expressed intentions of the dictator, than
he either could or would have carried out
himself. Cp. Att. 14. 10, I 'Ut omnia facta,
scripta, dicta, promissa, cogitata Caesaris
plus valerent, quam si ipse viveret.'

16. Pecunia utinam ad Opis ma
neret. Sc. the seven hundred million ses
terces which Antony had seized on the
evening of the dictator's murder. See Introd.,
and 2. 37, 93. The remains of the temple of
Ops are still visible in the Forum, adjoining
the temple of Saturn. Cicero calls the money
'cruenta,' and 'funesta,' 2. I.e., as being the
result of the tyranny and bloodshed of the
dictator, especially in the confiscation of
the property belonging to the party of
Pompey.

§§ ie-19. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I. 19

is quam ea quoque sit effu-sa, si ita in actis fuit. Ecquid est quod
tarn proprie dici possit actum eius, qui togatus in re publica
cum potestate imperioque versatus sit, quam lex ? Quaere acta
Gracchi ; leges Semproniae proferentur : quaere Sullae ; Cor-
neliae. Quid ? Pompei tertius consulatus in quibus actis con- 5
stitit ? nempe in legibus. De Caesare ipso si quaereres, quidnam
egisset in urbe et in toga, leges multas responderet se et prae-
claras tulisse, chirographa vero aut mutaret aut non daret, aut,
si dedisset, non istas res in actis suis duceret. Sed haec ipsa
concede, quibusdam etiam in rebus conniveo ; in maximis vero 10
rebus, id est legibus, acta Caesaris dissolvi ferendum non puto.
8 Quae lex melior, utilior, optima etiam re publica saepius flagi-
19 tata, quam ne praetoriae provinciae plus quam annum neve plus
quam biennium consulares obtinerentur r Hac lege sublata
videnturne vobis posse Caesaris acta servari? Quid? lege, quae 15
promulgata est de tertia decuria nonne omnes iudiciariae leges
Caesaris dissolvuntur ? Et vos acta Caesaris defenditis, qui
leges eius evertitis? nisi forte, si quid memoriae causa rettulit
in libellum, id numerabitur in actis et, quamvis iniquum et inu
tile sit, defendetur : quod ad populum centuriatis comitiis tulit, 20

1. Effusa sit, 'let us acquiesce in its 13. Ne praetoriae provinciae, &c.
having been expended.' Cp. 5. 3, 7 ; 8. 9, 28 ' Ipse autem ut quin-

§ 1 8 introduces, somewhat irregularly, the quennium, inquit Antonius, obtineam pro-
opposition to what precedes. The natural vinciam. At istud vetat lex Caesaris, et tu
antithesis to 'id erit fixum' would have been acta Caesaris defendis.' Before the passing
' leges eius fixae non erunt,' instead of which of this ' Lex lulia,' the tenure of a province
Cicero proceeds to prove that Caesar's laws was not limited in time ; and Dion Cassius,
were especially 'acta Caesaris,' and leaves 43. 35, says that Caesar was led to propose
his hearers to draw the inference. it by feeling how much both his desire for

2. Qui togatus, &c., 'who as a empire, and his power of acquiring it, were
civilian has been invested with supreme civil increased by his own long government in the
and military authority in the state.' Cp. province of Gaul.

Sull. 30, 85 ' Cui uni togato supplicationem 16. De tertia decuria. The addition

decreverit.' 'Imperium' is defined by Cicero, of the word ' iudicum,' which is wanting in

Phil. 5. 16,45, as the power 'sine quo res the Vatican MS., bears evident traces of being

militaris administrari, teneri exercitus, bellum a gloss. The third decuria of the ' trib .mi

geri non potest.' As it was an established aerarii,' to whom a share in the iudicium

principle that a Consul could not exercise had been given by the 'Lex Aurelia' in 70

the authority of a general within the city B. C., was abolished by a ' Lex ludiciaria' of

walls, this 'imperium togati' was the especial Julius Caesar passed in 46 B.C. Cp. Suet,

characteristic of a dictator. lul. 41 ' Indicia ad duo genera iudicum

5. Tertius consulatus. In 52 B.C., redegit, equestris ordinis ac senatorii : tri-

when Pompey, being elected sole Consul, bunos aerarios, quod erat tertium, sustulit.'

passed the laws ' de Vi,' ' de Ambitu,' and Antony proposed to add another third de-

'de Sodalitiis,' which proved the means of curia, consisting of centurions 'qui ordines

delivering the city from the disturbances of duxerunt,' and of private soldiers of the

Milo and his party. legion Alauda. Cp. 5. 5, 12.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 8—9.

id in actis Cacsaris non habebitur. At quae ista tertia decu- 20
ria ? — Centurionum inquit. — Quid ? isti ordini iudicatus lege
lulia, etiam ante Pompeia, Aurelia non patebat?— Census prae-
fmiebatur, inquit. — Non centurioni quidem solum, sed equiti
5 etiam Romano : itaque viri fortissimi atque honestissimi, qui
ordines duxcrunt, res et iudicant et iudicaverunt. — Non quaero,
inquit, istos : quicumque ordinem, duxit iudicet.' — At si ferretis,
quicumque equo meruisset, quod est lautius, nemini probaretis ;
in iudice enim spectari et fortuna debet et dignitas. — Non

10 quaero, inquit, ista : addo etiam iudices manipulares ex legione
Alaudarum ; aliter enim nostri negant posse se salvos esse. —
O contumeliosum honorem iis, quos ad iudicandum nee opinantes
vocatis ! hie enim est legis index, ut ii res in tertia decuria iudi-
cent, qui libere iudicare non audeant. In quo quantus error est,

15 di immortales ! eorum, qui istam legem excogitaverunt ! Ut
enim quisque sordidissimus videbitur, ita libentissime severitate
iudicandi sordes suas eluet laborabitque ut honestis decuriis

i. Quae ista tertia decuria? So
the Vatican MS., as in 2. 19, 48 'quae autem
domus?' Some MSS. insert 'est,' which is
retained as a doubtful reading by Halm.

3. Pompeia; passed 55 B.C., confirm
ing the provisions of the ' Lex Aurelia,' with
regard to the three decuriae, but imposing
a property qualification. Cicero therefore
shows that the bill of Antony did more to
lower the dignity of the judicial bench than
any of those which had preceded it.

8. Quicumque equo meruisset, i. e.
'equo publico,' with a horse furnished by the
state (cp. 6. 5, 13 'Ab equitibus Romanis,
equo publico'), since there was another class
of equites at Rome, who served with their
own horses, and were not reckoned among
the eighteen centuries. See Livy 5. 7. An
eques received half as much pay again as a
centurion, and ranked proportionately higher,
so that if position alone, ' dignitas,' were
taken into consideration, without a property
qualification, ' fortuna,' the knight would
have a claim to be admitted more freely to
the ' iudicatus ' than the centurion.

Quod est lautius, ' a more
honourable service.' Some MSS. read ' lau-
datius.'

ii. Alaudarum, 'the legion Alauda,' (so
called, apparently, from a plume on their
helmets like a lark's crest, Pliny H. N. ii.
37' 44>) nad been raised by Caesar among
the natives of Transalpine Gaul, about 55
B.C., so that the admission of its soldiers to

the 'iudicatus' was the first opening of the
judicial bench to barbarians. On this point
Cicero expresses himself strongly in a later
oration, 5. 5. According to him, the avowed
motive of Antony in giving them this pri
vilege was to have some devoted partisans
among the ' iudices.' They had already been
invested with the franchise by Caesar.
Suet. lul. 24.

Aliter, 'without this admixture of ob
sequious adherents.'

13. Legis index, ' the whole gist of the
law,' 'index' being used not merely for 'the
title' of a book, but also for a summary of
its contents ; and being hence applied to an
abstract of any work, or the subject-matter
of any science; cp. Varr. R. R. i. i, 4
'Scribam tibi tres libros indices, ad quos
revertare, si qua in re quaeres, quemadmodum
quidque te in colendo oporteat facere.'

14. In quo quantus, &c. Cicero argues
that Antony's scheme will defeat its own ob
ject ; for these legionary ' iudices,' from the
very fact of their being admitted on such
insulting terms to the judicial bench, to act
as his tools, will be led to discharge their
duty with greater sternness, if not even to
show bias against his followers, in order to
exhibit their independence and impartiality,
and to prove that they were worthy of
receiving admission in more creditable
fashion ; and of being enrolled in honour
able 'decuriae,' instead of being hustled into
one which was nothing but a disgrace.

20—21.

ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A /.

9 potius dignus videatur quam in turpem iure coniectus. Altera
21 promulgata lex est, ut et de vi et maiestatis, damnati ad popu-
lum provocent, si velint. Haec utrum tandem lex est an
legum omnium dissolutio? Quis est enim hodie, cuius intersit
istam legem f manere ? Nemo reus est legibus illis, nemo, 5
quern futurum putemus ; armis enim gesta numquam profecto in

cc. 9, 10. As for the proposed law allow
ing those who were found guilty of rioting
or treason to appeal to the people, it was
a simple abolition of all laws whatsoever;
reducing any trials for such crimes to mere
questions of violence and corruption, while
there was not even any one whose favour
Antony might thus conciliate. He was using
Caesar's name to nullify the very laws to
which Caesar, when alive, attached the most
importance ; the power of the dead dictator
was ruining the commonwealth; and though,
in virtue of its constitution, the state had
means of guarding against evil consequences
even from the worst of laws, the present
reign of terrorism turned the ancient forms
of law into a farce, and neutralised all such
salutary checks.

2. Maiestatis. This is the amendment
of Orelli for the unintelligible reading of
the Vatican MS. ' maiestates,' here and in
§ 23. Other MSS., and the majority of
editors before Orelli, read ' de maiestate.'
Cp. however pro Cluent. 35, 97 ' Bulbus
est condenmatus ; adde maiestatis :' where
the testimony of MSS. is unanimous. The
crime of ' maiestas ' is defined by Cicero,
de Invent. 2. 17, 53, as ' De dignitate aut
amplitudine aut potestate populi, aut eorum,
quibus populus potestatem dedit, aliquid de-
rogare.' The right of appeal to the people
from the decision of any magistrate, to which
we find so much value attached in early
Roman historv, apparently did not exist in
the case of 'quaestionesperpetuae,' permanent
judicial commissions, which were first intro
duced by L. Calpurnius Piso, 149 B.C., to
try cases of extortion in the provinces. After
wards they were extended, probably by C.
Gracchus, to the investigation of those
public crimes which most frequently gave
occasion to capital sentences, such as poison
ing and assassination; .and by Sulla to 'all
criminal causes. The practical effect of
this was the abolition of capital punish
ment, as the power of life and death rested
with the people only. See Mommsen, Hist,
of Rome, vol. 3. pp. 112, 372, 373, Eng.
Trans. The appeal of C. Rabirius, sup
ported by an extant speech of Cicero, was

from the ' Duumviri perduellionis,' excep
tionally appointed for that occasion, and not
from the regular criminal tribunal, pro C.
Rab. 4. 1 2. It is obvious that as the working
of the law courts became more settled, and
more deserving of the confidence of the
people, and more especially as the jealousies
between patricians and plebeians died away,
the 'Provocatio ad Populum/ which was
rendered so necessary by the tyranny of
kings and decemvirs, and the oppression of
a dominant class, would tend to become
both unnecessary and pernicious.

5. Manere can only mean 'should stand,'
an unusual sense of the word. Cp. however
Tac. Agric. c. 46 ' Quidquid mirati sumus
manet mansurumque est in animis homi-
num.' Garatonius argues that a law may as
well be said ' manere/ after promulgation, by
being passed, as by being left unchallenged
when it has come into force. He compares
the use of 'maneat' as parallel to 'fixum sit'
in the speech pro Rab. Post. 9, 25 ' Illud
maneat et fixum sit, quod neque moveri
neque mutari potest.' Madvig, Opusc. I. p.
203, denies the possibility of this meaning for
' manere,' and considers the passage to be
corrupt. If it is genuine, it would seem as
though Cicero were looking forward beyond
the actual passing of the law : ' Suppose you
pass the law, who will be interested in its
remaining in operation?' F.Urlichs, in 'Eos'
for 1865, p. 203, suggests ' avere,' the ' m '
of 'manere' having been introduced from
the end of the preceding ' legem.' Another
reading is ' venire,' which gives no sense.

Legibus illis. Under the existing laws
there were no prisoners for trial, so where
was the need of a change by which none
would benefit ? It was a law for which no
one would thank him, 'quae gratiam nullam
habeat.' The common reading ' istis legi
bus' loses all the distinction between the
present state of things, in which as a matter
of fact no offenders existed, and the result
of Antony 's, proposal, whereby any future
criminals would secure indemnity: 'idfertur,
ne quis omnino umquam istis legibus reus
fiat.'

22 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc 9-10.

iudicium vocabuntur. At res popularis. Utinam quidem aliquid
velletis esse populare ! omnes enim iam cives de rei publicae
salute una et mente et voce consentiunt. Quae est igitur ista
cupiditas legis eius ferendae, quae turpitudinem summam habeat,
; gratiam nullam ? Quid enim turpius quam qui maiestatem
populi Romani minuerit per vim, eum damnatum iudicio ad
earn ipsam vim reverti, propter quam sit iure damnatus ? Sed 22
quid plura de lege dispute? quasi vero id agatur ut quisquam
provocet : id agitur, id fertur, ne quis omnino umquam istis legi-

10 bus reus fiat. Quis enim aut accusator tarn amens reperietur,
qui reo condemnato obiicere se multitudini conductae velit, aut
iudex, qui reum damnare audeat, ut ipse ad operas mercenarias
statim protrahatur? Non igitur provocatio ista lege datur, sed
duae maxime salutares leges quaestionesque tolluntur. Quid

i- est aliud hortari adolescentes, ut turbulenti, ut seditiosi, ut per-
niciosi cives velint esse ? Quam autem ad pestem furor tribu-
nicius impelli non poterit his duabus quaestionibus de vi et
maiestatis sublatis ? Quid, quod obrogatur legibus Caesaris, 23
quae iubent ei, qui de vi, itemque ei, qui maiestatis damnatus

20 sit, aqua et igni interdici ? quibus cum provocatio datur, nonne
acta Caesaris rescinduntur ? Quae quidem ego, patres con-
scripti, qui ilia numquam probavi, tamen ita conservanda con-
cordiae causa arbitratus sum, ut non modo, quas vivus leges

i. At res popularis, 'but, you will 12. Operas. See on c. 5, 12.

say, it is a matter which public opinion has 14. Quid est aliud. ' what else were it

already settled.' to exhort the youths,' &c. Some MSS. in-

6. Ad earn ipsam vim. Because it sert 'quam' or 'nisi,' as in 5. 8, 21 'Quid

reduces the matter to a contest between the erat aliud nisi denuntiare servitutem ? ' but

loyal and the partakers of his treason. cp. 2. 4, 7 ' Quid est aliud tollere ex vita

8. Quasi vero, &c., 'just as though vitae societatem ?' So also 5. 2, 5 ; 10. 2, 5.

the object were that any single person should We may compare the two Greek expres-

appeal." 'Quisquam' is here used on account sions d'AAo TI ij and ct'AAo n.

of the negative notion really inherent in 18. Obrogatur : 'obrogare legi est legis

the clause : ' the object being that no one prioris infirmandae causa legem aliam ferre :

should appeal.' Cp. in Vat, 3, 7 ' Quasi vero abrogare legem, penitus tollere,' Ferrar. e

quisquam vir excellent! animo optabilius Festo. Cp. Cic. Rep. 3. 22, 33 • Huic legi

quicquam arbitretur quam se a suis civibus neque obrogari fas est, neque derogari ex hac

rei publicae causa diligi.' aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest.'

10. Quis enim, &c.,' for where will you Legibus Caesaris. Passed in 46 B. C.

find either a prosecutor so mad as willingly 22. Ilia numquam probavi, 'never

expose himself to the mercy of a hired approved of their being carried ; ' not so

I by convicting his opponent ; or a much because of any fault he had to find

juryman so rash as to condemn a prisoner with the measures themselves, as on account

knowing that he himself will thereupon of the unconstitutional manner in which they

be dragged before a mob of mercenary were passed
labourers ?'

§§22-25. O RATIO PHILIP PIC A I. 23

Caesar tulisset, infirmandas hoc tempore non putarem, sed ne

illas quidem, quas post mortem Caesaris prolatas esse et fixas

10 videtis. De exsilio reducti a mortuo, civitas data non solum

24 singulis, sed nationibus et provinciis imiversis a mortuo, immu-
nitatibus infmitis sublata vectigalia a mortuo. Ergo haec uno, 5
verum optimo auctore domo prolata defendimus : eas leges,
quas ipse nobis inspectantibus recitavit, pronuntiavit, tulit,
quibus latis gloriabatur, eisque legibus rem publicam contineri
pufabat, de provinciis, de iudiciis, eas, inquam, Caesaris- leges

25 nos, qui defendimus acta Caesaris, evertendas putamus ? Ac to
de his tamen legibus, quae promulgatae sunt, saltern queri pos-
sumus : de iis, quae iam latae dicuntur, ne illud quidem licuit ;
illae enim sine ulla promulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae.
Quaero autem, quid sit cur aut ego aut quisquam vestrum,
patres conscripti, bonis tribunis plebi leges malas metuat. 15
Paratos habemus qui intercedant, paratos qui rem publicam
religione defendant ; vacui metu esse debemus. — Quas tu mihi,
inquit, intercessiones ? quas religiones ? — Eas scilicet, quibus rei
publicae salus continetur. — Negligimus ista et nimis antiqua ac

3. De exsilio . . . immunitatibus. t 5?) Stdwet irdtra tfivxr) teal TOVTOV tve/ta
See on § 3. ir&vTa Trpdrret.

4. Nationibus, to the Sicilians, among n. De his tamen legibus, 'And yet
others. Cp. Att. 14. 12, 1 ' Antonius accepta these laws, which come under our cognisance
grandi pecunia fixit legem a dictatore co- by having been promulgated, are not the
mitiis latam, qua Siculi cives Romani : cuius worst ; of these we may at any rate com-
rei vivo illo mentio nulla.' plain.' So far Antony had only used Caesar's

5. Uno verum optimo auctore, authority in support of laws which he brought
* on the unsupported testimony of a single forward and passed in regular course, so that
man, however excellent he may be.' Vulg. men might canvass, though they dared not
'UHO viro optimo,' a reading which loses reject them : but besides this, he introduced
the irony expressed by the prominence given certain suppositious laws, which he declared
to 'optimo' in the reading of the text. to have been actually passed by Caesar, so

6. Domo prolata appears to be opposed that men were forced to accept them, with-
to the publicity and regularity of the proceed- out even the opportunity of discussing them.
ings in the other case. And though constitutionally the tribunes of

7. Recitavit, pronuntiavit seem the commons, by interposing their veto, or
both of them to express the public reading by ' obnuntiatio ' (see on 2. 32, 81), ought
of the laws by the crier, before they were to have been able to overcome all fear of
proposed; tulit the formal proposal of them bad laws being passed or acted on to the
before the people. injury of the state, yet Antony got over

8. Eisque legibus, &c., 'thinking that this difficulty by the simple process of pre-
the safety of the state depended on them.' venting them by force.

Cp. § 25 'Quibus reipublicae salus continetur.' 19. Antiqua ac stulta, 'follies of a

The change from the relative to the demon- bygone age.' Cp. pro Rose. Amer. 9, 26

strative, for the sake of simplicity, is common ' Homines antiqui, qui ex sua natura ceteros

both in Greek and Latin. Cp. Fin. 2. 2, 5 fingerent.' So apxa^os> Aesch. Prom. 317

' Finem definiebas id esse, quo omnia, quae a/>Xa'' '0"<*>s aoi (f>aivofiai \eyetv rd8c. Cp.

recta fierent, referrentur, neque id ipsum Soph. O. T. 290 Kotya Kal ira\ai' ZITT}.
usquam referretur.' Plat. Rep. p. 505 E

M. TULLII CICERO NTS

cc. 10—12.

stulta ducimus : forum saepietur, omnes claudentur aditus, armati
in praesidiis multis locis collocabuntur. — Quid turn? Quod ita 26
erit gestum, id lex erit? et in aes incidi iubebitis, credo, ilia
legitima: 'consules populum iure rogaverunt' — hocine a

5 maioribus accepimus ius rogandi ? — 'popul usque iure scivit.'
Oui populus? isne, qui exclusus est? Quo iure? an eo, quod
vi et armis omne sublatum est ? Atque haec dico de futuris ;
quod est amicorum ante dicere ea, quae vitari possint : quae
si facta non erunt, refelletur, oratio mea. Loquor de legibus

10 promulgates, de quibus est integrum vobis : demonstro vitia ;
tollite ! denuntio vim, arma ; removete !

Irasci quidem vos mini, Dolabella, pro re publica dicenti non H
oportebit. Quamquam te quidem id facturum non arbitror — 27
novi facilitatem tuam — : collegam tuum aiunt in hac sua fortuna,

15 quae bona ipsi videtur — mihi, ne gravius quippiam dicam, avorum
et avunculi sui consulatum si imitaretur, fortunatior videretur — :

3. Credo. Muretus reads ' cedo ilia
legitima,' but besides its MS. authority,
' credo ' seems also to have more force in
keeping up the irony of the clause. ' What
is thus carried must needs be law : and the
provisions so made law, I presume, you will
order to be inscribed on brass.' Cicero then
changes from irony into direct invective,
while he shows the hollowness of meaning
in the ancient formula of laws, when used
to introduce measures passed under absolute
compulsion.

7. De futuris. He passes over all that
is irrevocable, and speaks only of the laws
which had been promulgated, and were in
due course awaiting the vote of the people,
who could yet decide upon them as they
would ('de quibus est integrum vobis'); and
herein, he says, he is acting the part of a
friend even towards Antony and Dolabella ;
for he is warning them of the neglect of
religion and order which he foresees will
render their acts really invalid, and they
need only give heed to his warnings, and
abandon their unconstitutional proceedings,
if they wish to prove his forebodings false.
If he were blaming them for what is past,
he argues, they might reasonably be angry
with him, but with his friendly advice they
have no ground of quarrel.

cc. ii, 12. Turning directly to address
the Consuls, Cicero deprecates the notion that
he is actuated by hostility towards them ; he
even courts their opposition, so long as they
confine themselves within the bounds of fair

antagonism; and while lamenting that a
false conception of glory had lately misled
them, he compliments Dolabella on the vigour
which he displayed in putting down the riots
occasioned by the erection of a monument to
Caesar.

§ 27. With this section begins the se
cond division of Cicero's speech, in which
he points out the dangers and the evils of
the course which the Consuls were pursuing.
See on § 16.

14. Facilitatem, 'how placable your
temper is : ' ' facilitas ' being distinguished
from ' dementia,' with which it is often
joined, as 'readiness to admit an explanation,
and so to forgive,' from ' calmness of tem
per, which does not readily take offence.'
See on 9. 5, ii.

15. Avorum. These were M. Antonius
the orator, Consul in 99 B. C., a strenuous
opponent of the democratic party, and L.
Julius Caesar, Consul in 90 B.C., and author
of the ' Lex lulia de civitate sociis danda.'
They both were put to death by Marius
and China when they obtained possession
of the city in 87 B.C. Cp. de Orat. 3. 3, 10
' lam M. Antonii in iis ipsis Rostris, in quibus
ille rempublicam constantissime consul de-
fenderat, quaeque censor imperatoriis manu-
biis ornarat, positum caput illud fuit, a quo
erant multorum civium capita servata; neque
vero longe ab eo C. lulii caput hospitis
Etrusci scelere proditum cum L. lulii patris
capite iacuit'

1 6. The uncle referred to was L. Julius

§§ 26—28.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A I.

sed eum iracundum audio esse factum, Video autem quam sit
odiosum habere eundem iratum et armatum, cum tanta prae-
sertim gladiorum sit impunitas : sed proponam ius, ut opinor,
aequum, quod M. Antonium non arbitror repudiaturum. Ego,
si quid in vitam eius aut in mores cum contumelia dixero, quo 5
minus mihi inimicissimus sit, non recusabo : sin consuetudinem
meam tenuero, id est, si libere quae sentiam de re publica dixero,
primum deprecor ne irascatur, deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto
ut sic irascatur ut civi. Armis utatur, si ita necesse est, ut dicit,
sui defendendi causa : iis, qui pro re publica quae ipsis visa 10
erunt dixerint, ista arma ne noceant. Quid hac postulatione

28 dici potest aequius ? Quod si, ut mihi a quibusdam eius fami-
liaribus dictum est, omnis eum quae habetur contra voluntatem
eius oratio graviter ofifendit, etiam si null a inest contumelia,
feremus amici naturam. Sed idem illi ita mecum locuntur: ' non 15
idem tibi, adversario Caesaris, licebit, quod Pisoni socero,' et
simul admonent quiddam, quod cavebimus : nee erit iustior in

12 senatum non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis. Sed per deos

Caesar, Consul in 64 B. C., the year before
Cicero himself, and his firm supporter in sup
pressing the conspiracy of Catiline.

i. Sed eum. After the long paren
thesis, the thread of the sentence is resumed
with ' sed,' in a manner not unfrequent in
Cicero. Cp. 2. 2, 5 'Sed quo*beneficio ? '
ib. 4, 8 ; 32, 80.

3. Ius . . aequum, 'I will make a pro
position which seems to me so fair, that I
think Antony will not refuse to entertain it.'
The manifest equity of the proposal entitles
Cicero afterwards to term it ' postulatio.'
See on 2. 29, 72.

9. Ut civi, ' without violent and illegal
use of arms.'

10. Sui defendendi causa. The usual
pretext of all tyrants for obtaining a
body-guard. So Peisistratus, rpoifj-ariffas
((tivrbv eSeero rov 8-fjfj.ov <}>v\a,K7Js TIV&S
irpbs avrov Kvpfjcrai Hdt. i. 59, 5. Cp.
Phil. 2. 8, 19 ' Quid est dementius, quam,
cum rei publicae perniciosa arma ipse ce-
peris, obiicere alteri salutaria ? '

15. Feremus amici naturam, 'we will
not quarrel with the humour of a friend,'
rather than (with Mr. Long) 'we will bear
with his humour like friends,' which does
not harmonise with the resumption of ' fa-
miliares ' in ' idem illi.'

Locuntur. So the Vatican MS.

Halm reads ' loquuntur,' but the Romans
appear to have avoided with especial care
the concurrence of ' uu.' See Mr. Munro's
Lucretius, vol. 2. p. 27.

17. Nee erit iustior, &c. In his large
edition Halm places these words within
inverted commas, as though they were part
of the warning given by Antony's associates,
' nor will you find death a less valid excuse
than sickness for not coming into the senate,'
To this it is objected by Prof. Rauchenstein
(Jahn's Jahrbiicher for 1857, p. 382) that
Cicero had not pleaded illness, but weariness
(' cum e via languerem et mihimet displice-
rem,' c. 5,12), and that the warning of his foes
ends with the words 'admonent quiddam;'
the clause ' nee erit iustior,' &c., containing
the exposition of Cicero's intended caution,
and meaning, ' if sickness is, as all allow, a va
lid excuse for absence from the senate, surely
the danger of death is at least as valid, and
I shall be fully justified, if these threats con
tinue, in refusing to expose myself to ob
vious peril of my life.' In his second school
edition (1858), Halm adopts this explanation.

18. Sed per deos immortales! The
sentence, interrupted after this exclamation,
is virtually though not formally resumed in
§ 30, with the words ' recordare, quaeso,
Dolabella,' &c. Cicero, being as yet un
willing to make the rupture with Antony

26 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 12-13.

immortales ! — te enim intuens, Dolabella, [qui es mill! carissi- 29
mus,] non possum utriusque vestrum errorem reticere — : credo
enim vos, nobiles homines, magna quaedam spectantes, non
pecuniam, ut quidam nimis creduli suspicantur, quae semper ab
5 amplissimo quoque clarissimoque contempta est, non opes vio-
lentas et populo Romano minime ferendam potentiam, sed
caritatem civium et gloriam concupivisse. Est autem gloria
laus recte factorum magnorumque in rem publicam meritorum,
quae cum optimi cuiusque, turn etiam multitudinis testimonio

10 comprobatur. Dicerem, Dolabella, qui recte factorum fructus 30
esset, nisi te praeter ceteros paulisper esse expertum viderem.
Quern potes recordari in vita illuxisse tibi diem laetiorem quam
cum expiato foro, dissipato concursu impiorum, principibus
sceleris poena affectis, te domum recepisti ? Cuius ordinis, cuius

15 generis, cuius denique fortunae studia turn laudi et gratulationi
tuae se non obtulerunt? Quin mihi etiam, quo auctore te in
his rebus uti arbitrabantur, et gratias boni viri agebant et tuo
nomine gratulabantur. Recordare, quaeso, Dolabella, consen-
sum ilium theatri, cum omnes earum rerum obliti, propter quas

final, here attributes the unpatriotic conduct viris repudianda.'

of the Consuls to an error of judgment. 13. Expiato foro, &c. See on § 5.

I. Qui es mihi carissimus. These After 'affectis,' one MS. adds the words

words rest solely on the authority of the ' urbe incendio et caedis metu liberata.'
second writer in the Vatican MS. 14. Cuius ordinis, &c., ' what rank, or

3. Nobiles homines. The word family, or fortune, then could hinder men
' nobiles ' is here used in its strictly technical from pressing forward to congratulate and
sense, 'belonging to families ennobled by praise you?'

the tenure of curule offices.' 16. Quin mihi etiam, &c. Cp. Cicero's

4. Nimis creduli. Yet at the end letter to Dolabella, Att. 14. 17 A, I 'Nemi-
of November in this same year, Cicero, in nem conveni . . . quin omnes, cum te sum-
a letter to Atticus, Att. 16. 15, I, speaks of mis laudibus ad caelum extulerunt, mihi
Dolabella as having betrayed a client's cause, continue gratias maximas agant. Negant
' emptus pecunia.' enim se dubitare, quin tu, meis praeceptis et

Ab amplissimo quoque, ' by each in consiliis obtemperans, praestantissimum te

proportion to his dignity and honour ; ' the civem et singularem consulem praebeas.'
usual force of the superlative with ' quisque.' 19. Earum rerum obliti. Dolabella,

S.^Opes violentas, 'resources founded being greatly in debt, and finding that Caesar

on violence.' Cicero frequently draws a would do nothing for him, caused himself

similar distinction between ' money ' and the to be adopted into the plebeian family of

wider expression 'opes:' cp. Lael. 6, 22 Cn. Lentulus, and thus became eligible for

'Ceterae res, quae expetuntur, opportunae the tribuneship, which he obtained in 48 B.C.

sunt singulae rebus fere singulis, divitiae ut He then proposed a general abolition of

utare, opes ut colare, honores ut laudere.' debts, which gave rise to great tumults, the

7. Est autem gloria. Cp. c. 14, 33; opposition being headed by his colleague

and Tusc. 3. 2, 3 ' Ea (gloria) est consen- L. Trebellius : and these tumults being re-

tieris laus bonorum, incorrupta vox bene peated on the day of voting, Dolabella's

iudicantium de excellent! virtute, ea virtuti party was defeated, and the motion lost,

resonat tamquam imago : quae quia recte mainly through the influence of Antony.

factorum plerumque comes est, non est bonis then Caesar's Master of the Horse.

§§29-32. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A I. 27

fuerant tibi offensi, significarent se beneficio novo memoriam

31 veteris doloris abiecisse. Hanc tu, P. Dolabella, — magno loquor
cum dolore, — hanc tu, inquam, potuisti aequo animo tantarn

13 dignitatem deponere ? Tu autem, M. Antoni, — absentem enim
appello, — unum ilium diem, quo in aede Telluris senatus fuit, 5
non omnibus his mensibus, quibus te quidam multum a me
dissentientes beatum putant, anteponis? Quae fuit oratio de
concordia ! quanto metu veterani quanta sollicitudine civitas turn
a te liberata est, cum collegam tuum depositis inimic^tiis, oblitus
auspiciorum a te ipso augure populi Romani nuntiatorum, illo 10
primum die collegam tibi esse voluisti, tuus parvus films in

32 Capitolium a te missus pacis obses fuit. Quo senatus die
laetior? quo populus Romanus? qui quidem nulla in contione
umquam frequentior fuit. Turn denique liberati per viros for-
tissimos videbamur, quia, ut illi voluerant, libertatem pax conse- 15
quebatur. Proximo, altero, tertio, denique reliquis consecutis
diebus non intermittebas quasi donum aliquod quotidie afferre rei
publicae, maximum autem illud, quod dictaturae nomen sustulisti.
Haec inusta est a te, a te, inquam, mortuo Caesari nota ad igno-
miniam sempiternam. Ut enim propter unius M. Manlii scelus 20
decreto gentis Manliae neminem patricium Manlium Marcum

00.13-15. Apostrophizing Antony in his Graevius, that 'veteran!' is the genitive

absence, he reminds him of his magnanimous (' from what fear of the veteran soldiery '),

and patriotic conduct during the few days 'veteranus' being used like 'eques' or 'pedes,'

immediately following the death of Caesar. is improbable, and unsupported by any simi-

E specially he thanks him for abolishing the lar use of the word. Halm conjectures

dictatorship; and pointing out the infamy ' veterum malorum,'but the antithesis of the

with which he thereby branded the last holder sentence seems to require some word in the

of the office, he laments that instead of nominative case. Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 203,

following the example of M. Antonius, his thinks the reading corrupt, but does not

grandfather, he should seek to imitate Caesar, suggest any emendation.
by striving after supreme power and desiring 10. Auspiciorum; by which he had

to be feared. At the same time he warns declared the election of Dolabella to be

both Antony and Dolabella that the public invalid. See 2. 33, 82 and 83.
voice was everywhere against the memory n. Tuus parvus filius. See on § a.

of Caesar, and in favour of constitutional 20. M. Manlii, the preserver of Rome

authority, and that any one who sought to from the night attack of the Gauls, 390 B.C.;

rival the dictator's power must be prepared in consequence of whose subsequent attempt,

to meet with the dictator's fate. 384 B.C., to raise himself to despotic power,

He ends his oration by declaring his un- the Manlia gens passed a resolution that

dying zeal for the good of the state, and none of them should thenceforth bear the

thanking the senate for the kindness with praenomen of Marcus, Livy 6. 20 Accord-

which they had listened to him. ing to Dion Cassius, 51. 19, a similar decree

5. Unum ilium diem. See on § i. was passed in the family of the Antonii, after

8. Veterani. Their fear would pro- the battle of Actium, to mark their repudia-

bably be lest the grants of land made by tion of M. Antonius.

Caesar should be revoked; for otherwise 21. Patricium; there being also pie-

the interests of the soldiery would lie on the beian families of Manlii,
side of war and tumult. The suggestion of

28 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 13-15.

vocari licet, sic tu propter unius dictatoris odium nomen dictatoris
fimditus sustulisti. Num te, cum haec pro salute rei publicae 33
tanta gessisses, fortunae tuae, num amplitudinis, num claritatis,
num gloriae, poenitebat? Unde igitur subito tanta ista muta-
5 tio ? Non possum adduci ut suspicer te pecunia captum : licet
quod cuique libet loquatur, credere non est necesse ; nihil enim
umquam in te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi. Quamquam
solent domestic! depravare non numquam, sed novi firmitatem
tuam. Atque utinam ut culpam, sic etiam suspicionem vitare

10 potuisses ! Illud magis vereor, ne ignorans verum iter gloriae 14
gloriosum putes plus te unum posse quam omnes et metui a
civibus tuis. Quod si ita putas, totam ignoras viam gloriae.
Carum esse civem, bene de re publica mereri, laudari, coli,
diligi gloriosum est : metui vero et in odio esse invidiosum,

15 detestabile, imbecillum, caducum. Quod videmus etiam in 34
fabula illi ipsi, qui 'oderint, dum metuant' dixerit, pernici-
osum fuisse. Utinam, M. Antoni, avum tuum meminisses ! de
quo tamen audisti multa ex me eaque saepissime. Putasne
ilium immortalitatem mereri voluisse, ut propter armorum

20 habendorum licentiam metueretur ? Ilia erat vita, ilia secunda

6. Nihil in te sordidum. Yet in 15. Imbecillum, caducum, ' a sign of

the next oration, c. 14, 35, he does not hesi- weakness and impending ruin.'
tate to attribute the conduct of Antony to 16. Oderint, dum metuant. These

the basest greed for money, and in the same words, probably from Attius, are quoted with

oration, c. 16, 40 and 41, he points out his abhorrence by Seneca, de Ira, i. 20, 4 ' qualis

discreditable avarice in securing, by any ilia dira et abominanda, Oderint dum me-

means, the succession to the property even tuant :' and again by Cicero, Off. I. 28, 97,

of utter strangers. It is probable, however, as a wicked sentiment, but yet appropriately

that Cicero here refers to his liberality in put into the mouth of some characters,

spending money, which Plutarch (vit. Anton. ' Atreo dicente plausus excitantur. Est enim

4) shows to have been remarkable. digna persona oratio.'

8. Domestici; referring especially to 17. De quo tamen, &c. 'Tamen'

his wife Fulvia, whose avarice was noto- rather apologizes for the utterance of the

rious. Cp. 5. 4, ii 'Calebant in interiore wish, than qualifies its meaning. 'And yet

aedium parte totius reipublicae nundinae : there ought to be no doubt of your doing

mulier, sibi felicior quam viris, auctionem so, considering how often you have heard

provinciarum regnorumque faciebat.' so much from me concerning him.'

ii. Metui a civibus tuis. Some MSS. 19. Ut . . . . metueretur, 'at the price

add 'quam diligi malis,' but these words of being feared.' Cp. Nat. Deor. I. 24, 67

seem to have been inserted (perhaps from 'Quid enim niereas, ut Epicurus esse desinas,'

'Off. 2. 8, 29 'Dum metui, quam cari esse, 'what would you take to give up Epicu-

et diligi maluimus') by some copyist, who did reanism ? ' Verr. Act. 2. 4. 60, 1 34 ' Quid

not see that ' metui' depends on 'gloriosum,' arbitramini Reginos merere velle, ut ab iis

and is parallel to 'plus te unum posse.' marmorea ilia Venus auferatur.' The ex-

' You think that glory consists in being more pression is said by Ferrarius to be confined

powerful than ail your fellow-citizens to- to Cicero and Plautus. Cp. Plaut. Menaechm.

gether, and in being the object of their i. 3, 35 ' Neque hodie ut te perdam, meream

dread.' Deum divitias mihi.'

§§ 33—36.

0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A I.

fortuna, libertate esse parem ceteris, principem dignitate. Itaque,
ut omittam res avi tui prosperas, acerbissimum eius supremum
diem malim quam L. Cinnae dominatum, a quo ille crudelissime
est interfectus.

35 Sed quid oratione te flectam ? Si enim exitus C. Caesaris 5
efficere non potest ut malis carus esse quam metui, nihil cuius-
quam proficiet nee valebit oratio. Quern qui beatum fuisse
putant, miseri ipsi sunt. Beatus est nemo, qui ea lege vivit, ut
non modo impune, sed etiam cum summa interfectoris gloria
internci possit. Quare flecte te, quaeso, et maiores tuos respice I0
atque ita guberna rem publicam ut natum esse te cives tui
gaudeant ; sine quo nee beatus nee clarus nee unctus quis-

15 quam esse omnino potest. Populi quidem Romani iudicia multa

36 ambo habetis, quibus vos non satis moveri permoleste fero.
Quid enim gladiatoribus clamores innumerabilium civium ? quid J5
populi versus ? quid Pompei statuae plausus infmiti ? quid duobus

1. Parem ceteris. So the Vatican
MS. Vulg. 'parem cum ceteris,' which though
an unusual construction is not unparalleled.
Cp. Brut. 59. 215 'Paria cum Crasso :' and
see Kritz on Sail. lug. 14, 9.

2. Supremum diem. See on § 27.

3. Dominatum. His four successive con
sulships, 87-84 B.C., called also by Tacitus,
Ann. I.I,' dominatio.' Among the leading
men in Rome, besides M. Antonius and L.
Caesar, L. Merula, Q.. Catulus, Cn. Octa-
vius and others fell victims to his tyranny.

6. Carus esse quam metui. Cp. 2.
44, 112 ' Caritate te et benevolentia civium
saeptum oportet esse, non armis.'

12. Nee unctus. So the Vatican MS.
only, all the rest omitting it. Halm adopts
the . conjecture of Muretus ' nee tutus,'
others read ' nee sanctus,' or ' nee diuturnus.'
If the reading be genuine, ' unctus' probably
means ' distinguished,' like ' lautus,' for
which sense however there is apparently no
authority elsewhere, the nearest approach
to it being a metaphorical use of the word
as applied to language, Brut. 20, 78 ' lam
enim erat unctior quaedam splendidiorque
consuetudo loquendi.'

13. Iudicia multa. Showing, that is, the
rigour with which they exact true patriotism
as a necessary condition of popularity.

15. Gladiatoribus, 'at the time of the
gladiators' shows.' Cp. Att. 2. 1,5' Quaerit
ex me, num consuessem Siculis locum gladi
atoribus dare;' ib. 19, 3 'Gladiatoribus qua
dominus qua advocati sibilis conscissi : ludis

Apollinaribus, Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum
Pompeium petulanter invectus est/ So in
Greek, rpayooSois KO.IVOIS, ' when the new
tragedies were acted:' ap. Dem. Cor. p.
243, 16.

Populi versus. Extempore effusions,
by which the people on any public oc
casion expressed their views on the events
and characters of the day ; in the present
instance probably either praising Caesar's
murderers, or reviling those who sought to
emulate him in crushing the liberty of the
state. Cicero expresses his opinion about
the general value of such demonstrations,
pro Sest. 54, 115 ' Comitiorum et contionum
significationes sunt non numquam vitiatae
atque corruptae : theatrales gladiatoriique
consessus dicuntur omnino solere levitate
nonnullorum emptos plausus exiles et raros
excitare.' 'Significo' appears to be the
technical word for such expression of opinion :
cp. also pro Sest. 50, 106 ' Tribus locis sig-
nificari maxime populi Romani iudicium ac
voluntas potest, contione, comitiis, ludorum
gladiatorumque consessu.'

16. Pompei statuae, the statue of Pom-
pey in the Curia Pompei, at the foot of
which Caesar was assassinated, and which is
therefore represented as looking with a
favourable eye upon his death. A statue,
believed to be the one in question,

'yet existent in

The austerest form of naked majesty,'
is preserved in the Palazzo Spada at Rome.

Duobus tribunis plebis, 'the ap-

M. TULLII CICERON1S

c. 15.

tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversantur? parumne haec significant
incredibiliter consentientem populi Roman! universi voluntatem ?
Quid? Apollinarium ludorum plausus vel testimonia potius et
iudicia populi Romani parum magna vobis videbantur ? O beatos
5 illos, qui, cum adesse ipsis propter vim armorum non licebat,
aderant tamen et in medullis populi Romani ac visceribus haere-
bant ! nisi forte Attio turn plaudi et sexagesimo post anno
palmam dari, non Bruto putabatis, qui ludis suis ita caruit, ut in
illo apparatissimo spectaculo studium populus Romanus tribuerit

10 absenti, desiderium liberatoris sui perpetuo plausu et clamore
leniret.

Equidem is sum qui istos plausus, cum popularibus civibus 37
tribuerentur, semper contempserim ; idemque cum a summis,
mediis, infimis, cum denique ab universis hoc idem fit cumque

T5 ii, qui ante sequi populi consensum solebant, fugiunt, non plau-
sum ilium, sed indicium puto. Sin haec leviora vobis videntur,

plause bestowed on the two tribunes of the
commons,' ' tribunis,' like ' statuae,' being
the dative. The reading of the Vatican MS. is
'uT. R. P., 'where the 'u' (II) might equally
stand for 'ii,' whence Ferrarius conjectured
'iis.' Cicero, Phil. 3. 9, 23, enumerates three
tribunes of the commons among the enemies
of Antony, L. Cassias, D. Carfulenus, and
Ti. Canutius, the last-named being also
mentioned by Velleius, 2. 64, 2, as a bitter
antagonist who ' continua rabie lacerabat
Antonium.' The other one referred to here
is probably L. Cassius, the brother of C.
Cassius : cp. Att. 14. 2, I ' Plausus L. Cassio
datus etiam facetus mihi quidem visus est.'

3- Apollinarium ludorum plausus,
' applause,' not merely as at the gladiators'
shows, at the time of the games, but ' be
stowed upon the games themselves,' and
so by implication on Brutus, who as ' praetor
urbanus ' had defrayed their expense, though
he did not dare to trust himself in Rome.
The presidency of the games, in his absence,
was entrusted to C. Antonius. The games
took place every year on the 6th of July.

4. O beatos illos. Brutus, Cassius,
and their adherents, who, though banished
from the city, yet remained rooted in the
hearts and breasts of the people.

7- Attio. The play acted at these
games was the Tereus of Attius. Cp. Cic.
Att. 16. 2, 3 'Delectari mihi Tereo vide-
batur, et habere maiorem Attio quam An
tonio gratiam.' Cicero argues that this
unwonted demonstration in favour of so old

a play could only be due to the circumstances
under which it was acted.

'9. Tribuerit, 'have shown their zeal,
which still remains, while at the time they
soothed their regret.' Each tense has thus
its proper and distinct meaning, and the
various emendations, ' tribueret,' found as
a correction in the Vatican MS., and adopted
by Halm, or ' lenierit,' are quite unnecessary.
Cp, Veil. I. 9, I 'Nam biennio adeo varia
fortuna cum consulibus conflixerat, ut ple-
rumque superior fuerit, (has continued to
show his superiority,) magnamque partem
Graeciae in societatem suam perduceret
(brought, once for all, into alliance with
himself).'

12. Cum popularibus tribuerentur,
' as a mere tribute of praise to citizens who
court popular favour.' One MS. and many
editors read ' a popularibus,' apparently from
a wish to make it harmonize with ' a sum-
mis,' &c., interpreting 'populares' and 'qui
sequi populi consensum solebant3 to mean
' citizens who follow in the wake of public
opinion, and always shout with the ma
jority :' but besides the strangeness of mean
ing thus given to ' populares,' the difference
of mood and tense in the two clauses shows
that they were in no way intended to be
parallel.

15. Qui .... solebant, 'who used to fol
low public opinion,' but see that the present
is no time to show themselves, since now it
is not demagogues, but honest men, who are
being cheered.

§§36-38. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A /. 31

quae sunt gravissima, num etiam hoc contemnitis, quod sensistis,
tarn caram populo Romano vitam A. Hirtii fuisse ? Satis erat
enim probatum ilium esse populo Romano, ut est, iucundum
amicis, in quo vincit omnes, carum suis, quibus est ipse carissi-
mus : tantam tamen sollicitudinem bonorum, tantum timorem in 5
quo meminimus ? certe in nullo.

38 Quid igitur ? hoc vos, per deos immortales ! quale sit non
interpretamini ? Quid ? eos de vestra vita cogitare non censetis,
quibus eorum, quos sperant rei publicae consulturos, vita tarn
cara sit ? Cepi fructum, patres conscripti, reversionis meae, quo- 10
niam et ea dixi, ut quicumque casus consecutus esset, exstaret
constantiae meae testimonium, et sum a vobis benigne ac dili-
genter auditus. Quae potfestas si mihi saepius sine meo vestro-
que periculo fiet, utar : si minus, quantum potero, non tarn mihi
me quam rei publicae reservabo. Mihi fere satis est quod vixi 15
vel ad aetatem vel ad gloriam : hue si quid accesserit, non tarn
mihi quam vobis reique publicae accesserit.

5. Tantam tamen, &c., 'yet whom you trying to reimpose on them the yoke

can we remember whose health excited such of slavery ? Vulg. ' Quid eos .... cogitare

anxiety, such fear in all good men ?' Fear, censetis ?'

that is, of the consequences should the state 10. Fructum. In clearing his own con-
be left unprotected by the death of the science, and in experiencing the kindness
Consul elect. Most MSS. read 'timorem om- and attention of the senate,
nium,' omitted in the Vatican, which may II. Q_uicumque casus. Cp. c. 4, 10.
be justified on the ground that even the 14. Utar, without 'ea/ Cp. pro Sulla
inferior citizens, though they might not 33, 92 ' Quae prima innocentis mihi de-
care for the death of the man, would yet fensio est oblata suscepi.'
dread the loss of the Consul. As late as the 15. Mihi fere satis est, &c., ' I have
last week in December Cicero writes to a lived long enough to satisfy my desire of life,
friend that ' Hirtius noster tardius con- and to fill up the measure of my fame.'
valescit,' Fam. 12. 22, I. Cp. Phil. 7. Cp. Fam. 10. I, I ' Mihi maximae curae est,
4, 12; 8. 2, 5. non de mea quidem vita, cui satisfeci, vel

8. Quid? eos, &c. 'If the Romans aetate, vel factis, vel (si quid etiam hoc ad

care, so much for the life of those whom rem pertinet) gloria : sed me patria solli-

they hope to find serving the interests of the citat,' and Att. 14. 21, 3 'Mihi quidem
state, think ye they will pass over your
proceedings without notice/ when they see

INTRODUCTION
TO THE SECOND ORATION.

AFTER the delivery of the first Philippic oration, Antony remained for
some days in his villa at Tibur, employed, according to Cicero, in
arranging and rehearsing his reply, Phil. 2. 17, 42; 5. 7, 19; Fam.
12. 2, i. On his return to Rome he summoned the senate to meet
on the ipth of September, and then delivered a speech in Cicero's
absence, the nature of which we can gather from the answer it pro
voked. He accused Cicero of personal baseness and ingratitude; of
cruelty and oppression in his consulship; of having caused the death
of P. Clodius ; of having brought about the civil war, by sowing variance
between Caesar and Pompey; and lastly of having been the prime
mover in the murder of Caesar himself. It was an open declaration
of war, formed with the object of concentrating on Cicero the enmity
of all parties in the state. Regarding it in this light, Cicero did not
venture on an immediate reply, and though he remained in Rome till
the end of the month, he did not appear in the senate.

Early in October he retired to Puteoli, where he occupied himself
in composing the second Philippic oration, in reply to Antony. It
was submitted to the criticism of Atticus, and some alterations mads
in it at his suggestion, Att. 16. n; but though he was in Rome for
a part of the autumn, he still abstained from coming into open collision
with Antony, and the oration did not pass beyond the circle of his con
fidential friends till the end of November, when Antony left Rome to
quell the mutiny of his troops at Alba. Then, with the approbation
of Atticus, Cicero published his manifesto, and the success with which
it met showed the soundness of the judgment which had kept it back
so long. The defection of the legions weakened the prestige of Antony,
and people were prepared to join in any clamour raised against him.
The crisis only called for some one with authority to lead the cry, and
Cicero's oration gave the impulse which was requisite. Accepting the
challenge which Antony had given some ten weeks before, he openly

34 INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND ORATION.

declared himself his enemy, and laid bare his character in one of the
bitterest invectives which has ever been composed. He begins by
answering in detail the charges which Antony had brought against him,
and then reviews the public and the private life of Antony throughout
its course, showing him to be, if the account be true, the greatest
monster of corruption, meanness, and profligacy ever seen upon the
earth. Even allowing for exaggeration, there was enough of truth in
the attack to make it tell with fatal force against the cause of Antony.
The people were shaken by it in their natural allegiance to the Consul ;
the veterans were reminded that the man who claimed to be the heir
of Caesar's power had slighted and insulted Caesar's adopted son ; and
the senate were roused to energetic measures against Antony which
contrasted strongly with their previous apathy. Above all, Cicero was
placed in a position of influence which made him virtually the leader
of the senate, and gave additional weight to his continued exertions
in the cause of freedom.

The speech professes to be spoken on the ipth of September, in
immediate reply to Antony ; but even from internal evidence, from the
elaboration of its arguments, and the very perfectness of its detail, we
might gather that it could not have been an extempore address ; and
it is at least noticeable that in no speech which he actually delivered
does he lavish such unqualified abuse upon the tyranny of Caesar.

Though it is characterized in many parts by a coarseness which we feel
to be intolerable to modern ears, yet the verdict of all ages pronounces
this oration to be Cicero's masterpiece. It is probably to this, the
longest of the political orations, that the younger Pliny is referring,
Ep. i. 20, 4, when he tells of ' M. Tullium, cuius oratio optima fertur,
quae maxima;' and the lines of Juvenal, 10. 124, are famous

' Ridenda poemata malo,

Quam te conspicuae, divina Philippica, famae,
Volveris a prima quae proxima.'

It was undoubtedly to this oration that the title of Philippic was
especially applied, though when it was first given is not easily ascertained.
Plutarch, Cic. 24, says that Cicero himself entitled the orations his
Philippics, but he is perhaps referring to passages in the spurious letters
to Brutus, 2. 4, 2; 5, 4; so that the lines of Juvenal contain the first
certain trace of the name.

The oration has great historical, as well as literary, value, from the
continual allusions to the events of a period of which we have no
satisfactory continuous history.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER SECUNDUS.

1 QUONAM meo fato, patres conscript!, fieri dicam, ut nemo
i his annis viginti rei publicae fuerit hostis, qui non bellum eodem
tempore mihi quoque indixerit ? Nee vero necesse est quemquam
a me nominari : vobiscum ipsi recordamini. Mihi poenarum illi
plus quam optarem dederunt : te miror, Antoni, quorum facta 5
imitere, eorum exitus non perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis
minus mirabar. Nemo enim illorum inimicus mihi fuit volun-
tarius : omnes a me rei publicae causa lacessiti. Tu ne verbo
quidem violatus, ut audacior quam Catilina, furiosior quam
Clodius viderere, ultro me maledictis lacessisti tuamque a me 10

c. I. Cicero opens his speech by remarking
on his peculiar destiny, that he was always
personally involved in conflict with, every
citizen who had proved himself a traitor
to the state. Generally he was the ag
gressor, but Antony had taken the initiative
in a speech of more than ordinary virulence.
After reviewing all the motives which sug
gested themselves for such a course, he con
cludes that Antony must have wished to
make his treason unmistakeable, by attacking
so notorious a patriot.

1. Nemo. He mentions by name Catiline
and Clodius, but the point of his sarcasm
is not a little blunted by the omission of
Caesar, from whom he had received too
many favours to enumerate him among his
personal enemies.

2. His annis viginti, 'within these
twenty years :' a less exact description of
time than ' ante hos viginti annos,' or
' abhinc viginti annos,' though according

to the inclusive mode of reckoning in vogue
at Rome it was just twenty years since the
conspiracy of Catiline, 63 B. C.

Bellum indixerit: cp. pro Sulla,
9, 28 ' Cum mihi uni cum omnibus irn-
probis aeternum videam esse bellum sus-
ceptum.'

5. Optarem, 'than I should wish them
to have paid, did it still depend on me.'
Heumann's conjecture 'optaram* is needless,
and would rather express that Cicero had
determined in his own mind some less pen
alty which he had wished that they should
pay.

7. Voluntarius, 'of his own accord,
without having been first attacked by
me.'

9. Ut . . . viderere. These words go
better with 'lacessisti' than with ' violatus ;'
'you attacked me, to prove yourself more
daring than Catiline, more insane than
Clodius.'

D 2,

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 1—2.

alienationem commendationem tibi ad impios cives fore puta-
visti. Quid putem ? contemptumne me ? Non video nee in vita 2
nee in gratia nee in rebus gestis nee in hac mea mediocritate
ingenii, quid despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu facillime
5 de me detrahi posse credidit ? qui ordo clarissimis civibus bene
gestae rei publicae testimonium multis, mihi uni conservatae
dedit. An dcccrtare mecum voluit contentione dicendi? Hoc
quidem est beneficium. Quid enim plenius, quid uberius quam
mihi et pro me et contra Antonium dicere? Illucf profecto :

10 non existimavit sui similibus probarl posse, se esse hostem
patriae, nisi mihi esset inimicus, Cui prius quam de ceteris 3
rebus respondeo, de amicitia, quam a me violatam esse crimina-
tus est, quod ego gravissimum crimen iudico, pauca dicam.

Contra rem suam me nescio quando venisse questus est. An 2

T5 ego non venirem contra alienum pro familiari et necessario ? non
veairem contra gratiam non virtutis spe, sed aetatis flore collec-
tiun ? non venirem contra iniuriam, quam iste intercessoris ini-

1. Ad irnpios cives: cp. 5. I, 3 ' Ne-
minem aequiorem reperiet quam me, cui,
dum se civibus impiis commendat, inimicus
quam amicus esse maluit.'

2. Q_uid putem? Of the four conceiv
able reasons for Antony's conduct, viz. I.
contempt of Cicero, 2. a mistaken estimate
of their respective positions with the senate,
3. a desire to rival him in oratory, 4. a wish
to prove his own disloyalty, by attacking
the noblest of patriots, Cicero rejects the first
three as untenable, and adopts the fourth.

In vita, 'in my private life,' as op
posed to ' in rebus gestis,' ' in the actions of
official life.'

6. Uni conservatae : so Cat. 4. 10,
20 'Ceteris semper bene gesta, mihi uni con-
servata republica gratulationem decrevistis.'
Cp. also Cat. 3. 6, 15, Phil. 14. 8, 24.

7. Hoc quidem, 'this is indeed the
greatest kindness he could show me.'

9. Illud profecto. So the Vatican MS.
The others add ' est :' but ' illud' depends on
some such word as 'putavit,' to be supplied
from 'non existimavit.'

cc. 2, 3. He began by charging Cicero
with being false to ties of friendship, by
opposing him in a lawsuit. Cicero replies,
first generally, that he was pleading against
Antony, with whom he was wholly uncon
nected, for a friend, and in the cause of
justice : then in detail he denies that Antony
was an intimate of his house, or that he

oivedhis augur ship to the courtesy of Antony,
who could not possibly have stood against
him ; or that Antony had any claim upon
his gratitude, unless it constituted a claim
that he had once abstained from murdering
him. Even if the most were made of this,
it could not outweigh, Cicero's plain duty
in denouncing Antony when he violated every
duty of a citizen, a magistrate, and a man.

14. Contra rem suam. In some trial,
of the particulars of which we know nothing,
but in which, from Cicero's expression,
Antony was rather indirectly than directly
interested. So far as we can gather, it
would seem probable that the suit in ques
tion was brought by Sicca, Cicero's Sicilian
friend, against some associate of Antony's,
and that the latter, finding the suit going
against his friend, prevailed on a certain
tribune of the commons, whose favour he
had gained by companionship in profligacy,
to stop the proceedings by his veto. We
may infer, from a letter of Cicero to Atticus,
Att. 1 6. n, I, that Cicero suppressed the
details at the instigation of Atticus, out
of regard for the honour of Sicca. The
defendant has been thought, with some
probability, to be Quintus Fadius himself;
this passage evidently implying that it was
some one who belonged to the order of
freedmen.

17- Non venirem contra iniuriam,
&c., ' was I not to oppose a wrong which

§1 1-

ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A //.

quissimi beneficio obtinuit, non iure praetorio ? Sed hoc idcirco '
commemoratum' a te puto, uti te infimo ordini commendares.
cum omnes te recordarentur libertini generum et liberos tuos
nepotes Q. Fadii, libertini hominis, fuisse. At e,nim te in
disciplinam meam tradideras — nam ita dixisti — ; domum 5
meam ventitaras. Ne tu, si id fecisses, melius famae, melius
pudicitiae tuae consuluisses. Sed neque fecisti nee, si cuperes,
4 tibi id per C. Curionem facere licuisset. Auguratus petiti-
onem mihi te concessisse dixisti. O incredibilem audaciam !
O impudentiam praedicandam ! Quo enim tempore me augu- 10
rem a toto collegio expetitum Cn. Pompeius et Q. Horten-
sius nominaverunt — nee enim licebat a pluribus nominari — , tu
nee solvendo eras nee te ullo modo nisi eversa re publica

Antony carried through, not by due course
of law in the praetor's court, but by favour
of a veto from the most unscrupulous of
tribunes?' It appears from the speech
against Vatinius, 14, 33, that such exercise
of the veto was at least an unusual, if not
an absolutely illegal practice : ' Fecerisne,
quod in hac republica non modo factum
antea nunquam est, sed in omni memoria
est omnino inauditum ? appellarisne tribunes
plebis, ne causam diceres?'

3. Te is inserted by Halm, following
Orelli, as necessary for the construction.

Libertini generum. Fadia was his
first wife. Cp. 13. 10, 23 'Is humili-
tatem despicere audet cuiusquam, qui ex
Fadia susceperit libefos.' According to Sue
tonius, Claud. 24, the original meaning of
this word 'libertinus' was a freedman's son,
as opposed to ' libertus,' a freedman : ' Ig-
narus temporibus Appii et deinceps aliquam-
diu libertinos dictos non ipsos, qui manu-
mitterentur, sed ingenuos ex his procreates :'
but in all extant authors in whom we find
the words, from Plautus onwards, they both
denote the actual freedman, 'libertinus' ab
solutely, in respect of his condition in the
state, 'libertus' in his relation to his former
master.

4. Fuisse. Fadius being apparently al
ready dead, so that the tie between him and
Antony was no longer in existence.

At enim. Here Cicero introduces, and
refutes, the several arguments whereby
Antony had sought to prove ' that he was
not ' alienus,' but bound to Cicero by the
closest ties.

In disciplinam. 'You had placed
yourself under my instruction.' Cp. de.Div.
I. 41, 92 'Senatus decrevit ut de principum

filiis decem singulis Etruriae populis in dis
ciplinam traderentur.'

6. Ne tu. All the MSS. concur in the
orthography ' ne,' rather than ' nae,' which
appears to be a later device for the sake
of distinction from the conjunction. Cp.
Kritz on Sail. Cat. 52, 27. In Cicero this
adverb is never found except in combination
with a pronoun. Cp. c. 30, %6.

8. C. Curionem. See c. 1 8, 44-46. It
was to Curio's influence that Antony owed
his election to the augurship, 53 B.C., three
years after Cicero's admission to the college.
Cp. Plut. Ant. 5 Srjfjiapxoi' dWSet£e rbv
'Avrujviov, flra TUV kir' ol&vois ifpeow ovs
Avyovpas KaXovffiv.

g. Mihi te concessisse, 'you re
tired in my favour from the contest for the
augurship.'

II. A toto collegio. The number of
the augurs was increased by Sulla to fifteen,
by Caesar to sixteen. The nomination by
two augurs perhaps was a relic of the time
when their whole number was only three,
and any vacancy was filled by the ' co-
optatio' of the two survivors. By the ' Lex
Domitia de Sacerdotiis,' passed 103 B. C.,
and re-enacted 63 B.C., the election to the
college of augurs was vested in seventeen
out of the thirty-five tribes chosen by lot.

13. Nee solvendo eras, 'were insol
vent ;' lit. ' not in a condition to pay your
debts.' Cp. Livy 2. 9 ' Tributo plebes li-
berata, ut divites conferrent, qui oneri fe-
rendo essent.' This use of the dative is
closely -allied to its employment as marking
the destination in official, titles : cp. Livy
lo. 8 'Decemviri sacris faciundis;' Id. 2. 8
' Comitia collegae subrogando habuit :' and
see Madv. § 415, Obs. I.

^8 M. TULLII CICERONIS ce. 2-4.

fore incolumem putabas. Poteras autem eo tempore auguratum
petere, cum in Italia C. Curio non esset? aut turn, cum es factus:
imam tribum sine Curione ferre potuisses ? cuius etiam familiares
de vi condemnati sunt, quod tui nimis studiosi fuissent. At 3
5 beneficio sum tuo usus. Quo ? quamquam illud ipsum, quod 5
commemoras, semper prae me tuli. Malui me tibi debere con-
fiteri quam cuiquam minus prudenti non satis gratus videri. Sed
quo beneficio? quod me Brundisii non occideris? Quern ipse
victor, qui tibi, ut tute gloriari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus

10 suis principatum, salvum esse voluisset, in Italiam ire iussisset,
eum tu occideres ? Fac potuisse. Quod est aliud, patres con-
scripti, beneficium latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint iis se
dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint? Quod 'si esset bene
ficium, numquam qui ilium interfecerunt, a quo erant conservati,

15 quos tu clarissimos viros soles appellare, tantam essent gloriam
consecuti. Quale autem beneficium est, quod te abstinueris
nefario scelere? Qua in re non tarn iucundum mihi videri
debuit non interfectum me a te, quam miserum te id impune
facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quando quidem maius accipi 6

20 a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes me dicere ingratum ? an
de interitu rei publicae queri non , debui, ne in te ingratus
viderer? At in ilia querella, misera quidem et luctuosa, sed
mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me senatus populusque Romanus
collocavit, necessaria, quid est dictum a me cum contumelia ?

25 quid non moderate ? quid non amice ? Quod quidem cuius

I. Fore incolumem, 'could escape jecture of Madvig's, being absent from the

bankruptcy.' MSS. He urges that its insertion is abso-

6. Semper prae me tuli: see on lutely necessary, since ' nudum participium
I-4> JI' pro tota sententia infinita nullo exemplo

7. Minus prudenti, 'who does not nulla ratione ponitur ' Opusc. I. p. 207.
look at the matter in its right light.' 22. In ilia querella, sc. the first

Sed quo: see on i'. u, 27. Philippic, in which, as we have seen, his

13-^Quod si ^ esset beneficium. tone towards Antony was comparatively

Cicero's argument is, that the general voice moderate.

of the Roman people, in holding the as- Misera quidem. With this conces-

sassnis of Caesar, who had owed their lives sive use of 'quidem', it is usual to insert

to him, to be yet worthy of the highest the pronoun, 'misera ilia quidem,' but its

praise, declared that no gratitude was due absence here is due to its occurrence imme-

to any one who merely abstained from diately before. •

exercising illegal power over the lives of 23.' Pro hoc gradu, ' in consideration of

his fellow-citizens. Cp. c. 24, 59, and Sen. my consular rank.' For the view which

de Benef. 2. 20,3 'Non enim servavit is, Cicero entertained of the responsibilities

qui non interfecit, nee beneficium dedit, sed involved by this position, see I. 6, 14 and

missionem.' I5; 5. ^ l8>
18. Interfectum me. 'Me' is a con-

§§ 4—7.

OR ATI 0 PHILIPPICA II,

temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio querentem abstinere male-|
dictis, praesertim cum tu reliquias rei publicae dissipavisses,
cum domi tuae turpissimo mercatu omnia essent venalia, cum
leges eas, quae numquam promulgatae essent, et de te et a te
latas confiterere, cum auspicia augur, intercessionem consul 5
sustulisses, cum esses foedissime stipatus armatis, cum omnes
impuritates impudica in domo quotidie susciperes vino lustrisque

7 confectus. At ego, tamquam mihi cum M. Crasso contentio esset,
quocum multae et tarn magnae fuerunt, non cum imp gladiatore
nequissimo, de re publica graviter querens de homine nihil dixi. 10
Itaque hodie perficiam ut intelligat, quantum a me beneficium

4 turn acceperit. ~At etiam litteras, quas me sibi misisse diceret,

2. Reliquias, 'the remaining treasures
of the state.' Cp. I. 7, 17.

3. Domi tuae: Cp. cc. 14, 35; 36,

92; 37.955 45. If5-

4. De te, 'to benefit yourself.' This
was forbidden by a 'Lex Licinia' and a 'Lex
Aebutia,' both of uncertain date. Cp. de
Leg. Agrar. 2. 8, 21 'Licinia est lex et
altera Aebutia, quae non modo eum, qui
tulerit de aliqua curatione ac poteslate, sed
etiam collegas eius, cognatos, affines excipit,
ne iis ea potestas curatiove mandetur.' We
learn from II. 6, 13 that he had placed
himself on a commission for dividing public
lands ; ' Duos collegas Antoniorum et Dola-
bellae, Nuculam et Lentonem, Italiae di-
visores lege ea, quam senatus per vim latam
iudicavit.'

A te, and therefore not among the ' acta
Caesaris.'

5. Auspicia augur, intercessionem
consul. The first in passing his Agra
rian law, which was in double defiance
of the omens, both because they were at
the time adverse, and because he proposed*,
it in conjunction with Dolabella, whose
election he had himself pronounced void,
in consequence of unfavourable omens, see
c. 32, 81 ; Phil. 5. 3, 7: the second, by filling
the forum with armed men, and so forcibly
overbearing any opposition, Ib. 4, 9.

7. Impudica: so the Vat. MS.; Vulg.
' pudica,' which probably is derived from
c. 28, 69 ' Quid enim umquam domus ilia
viderat nisi pudicum, quid nisi ex optimo
more et sanctissima disciplina?' Here how
ever it is more appropriate to find an epithet
descriptive of the present condition of the
house, than a reference to its former purity
when in the possession of Pompey.

8. M. Crasso, the colleague of Caesar
and Pompey, who fell in battle against the

Parthians, 55 B.C. Cicero always professed
the greatest admiration for him in public ;
cp. pro Sest. 17, 39 ' M. Crassus, quccum
mihi omnes erant amicitiae necessitudines,
vir fortissimus ;' and a letter to him is ex
tant, full of the warmest protestations of
friendship, Fam. 5. 8 ; but in speaking of
him to his intimate friends, he always ex
presses distrust of him ; see Att. I. 14, 3 and
4; Fam. 14. 2, 2. Many of the repartees
that passed between them are preserved by
Plutarch, Cic. cc. 25, 26.

9. Uno. Halm takes this with ' ne-
quissimo,' ' most especially wicked ;' but it
is rather equivalent to ' aliquo,' with a shade
of contempt" conveyed in it, ' with a certain
most abandoned gladiator.' Cp. Att. 9.
10, 2 ' Me una haec res torquet, quod non . .
Pompeinm, tamquam unus manipularis, se-
cutus sim:' and Plaut. True. 2. I, 39 'Sed
est huic unus servos violentissumus.'

c. 4. As regards the letters which Antony
had read, while wondering at his want of
manners in publishing private correspond
ence, and at his folly in producing docu
ments whose authenticity he could not prove,
Cicero urges that the only charge against
him which they could support was that he
used too much courtesy in addressing An
tony. He would not produce in return the
letters which would show Antony in the light
of a suppliant to himself.

12. Litteras. A copy of this letter,
sent to Atticus for inspection, is preserved, Att.
14. 133. It is couched in terms of warm
friendship, but in the accompanying letter
to Atticus he explains that his complaisance
is only feigned, for the sake of temporizing
where resistance was useless. For the sub
stance of the letter see on I. I, 3.

Diceret. This use of the sibjunc-
tive, of words introducing a sentence in

40 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-5.

recitavlt homo et humanitatis expers et vitae communis ignarus.
Quis enim umquam, qui paulum modo bonorum consuetudinem
nosset, litteras ad se ab amico mlssas offensione aliqua inter-
posita in medium protulit palamque recitavit? Quid est aliud

5 tollere ex vita vitae societatem, tollere amicorum colloquia absen-
tium? Guam multa ioca solent esse in epistolis, quae prolata
si sint, inepta videantur ! quam multa seria^ neque tamen ullo
modo divulganda ! Sit hoc inhumanitatis : stultitiam incredi- 8
bilem videte. Quid habes quod mihi opponas, homo diserte,

!°ut Tironi et Mustelae iam esse videris? qui cum hoc ipso
tempore stent cum gladiis in conspectu senatus, ego quoque te
disertum putabo, si ostenderis, quo modo sis eos inter sicarios
defensurus : — sed quid opponas tandem, si negem me umquam
ad te istas litteras misisse ? Quo me teste convincas ? an chiro-

Jrgrapho? in quo habes scientiam quaestuosam. Qui possis ?
sunt enim librarii manu. Iam invideo niagistro tuo, qui te tanta
mercede, quantam iam proferam, nihil sapere doceat. Quid o
enim est minus non dico oratoris, sed hominis, quam id ob-
iicere adversario, quod ille si verbo negarit, longius progredi non

20 possit qui obiecerit ? At ego non nego, teque in isto ipso con
vince non inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam amentiae. Quod
enim verbum in istis litteris est non plenum humanitatis, officii,
benevolentiae ? Omne autem crimen tuum est, quod dc te in
his litteris non male existimem, quod scribebam tamquam ad

the oratio obliqua, though irregular in itself, sassins for trial.' Cp. pro Rose. Amer. 32,

is not uncommon in Cicero. Cp. c. 24, 60 90 ' Sexcenti sunt, qui inter sicarios et de

'Quod earn a me servatam esse meminis- beneficiis accusabant ; ' Fin. 2. 16, 54 'Cum

sent:' and see Madv. § 357, Obs. 2. praetor quaestionem inter sicarios exer-

3. Noss-et, the subjunctive, because the cnisset.'

clause describes a particular class of men, 15. Scientiam quaestuosam: see c.

not an individual. 28, 97.

4. Quid est aliud : see on i. 9, 22. 17. Nihil sapere, ' to be a fool.' Cp.
8. Inhumanitatis. Halm adds 'tuae,' c. 17, 43, whence we learn that his teacher

but it is not found in the Vatican MS., and was Sex. Clodius, a Sicilian rhetorician, whom

seems unnecessary. « So much for his ill he rewarded with 2000 ' iugera ' of Leontine

breeding: now see the inconceivable folly land,

of the man.' jg. Id obiicere, &c., 'to bring an ob-

10. Tironi et Mustelae. These men jection a-gainst an opponent, which requires

are often mentioned among the satellites of only his bare denial to stop your further

Antony: cp. 8. 9, 26; 12. 6, 14; 13. ?, 3. progress in the attack.'

The latter was a native of Anagnia, and is 23. Omne autem tuum crimen,

styled by Cicero ' gladiorum princeps,' c. &c., 'the sole point of your accusation is

41, 1 06 ; but nothing more is known of that in the said letter I express no bad

opinion of you.' Cp. below ' existimatio,'

12. Inter sicarios, 'when tried for ' the expressed opinion.'

murder,' lit. 'when numbered among as- 24. Scribebam: so the Vatican MS.

§§7-ii. QRATI® PHILIPPIC A II. 41

civem, tamquam ad bonum virum, non tamquam ad sceleratum
et latronem. At ego tuas litteras, etsi iure poteram a te laces-
situs, tarn en non proferam : quibus petis ut tibi per me liceat
quendam de exsilio reotucere, adiurasque id te invito me non . .

esse facturum, idque a me impetras. Quid enim me interpo- 5

. . . pA^cfcirKfeevr
nerem audaciae tuae, quam neque auctontas huius ordmis neque

existimatio populi Romani neque leges ullae possent coercere?

10 Verum tamen quid erat quod me rogares, si erat is, de quo
rogabas, Caesaris lege reductus? .Sed videlicet meam gratiam
voluit esse, in quo ne ipsius quidem ulla esse poterat lege 10
lata.

5 Sed cum mihi, patres conscripti, et pro me aliquid et in
M. Antonium multa dicenda sinj^ajterum ' peto/ a voJaurjjiKme
pro me dicentem bemgne, ^terurn ipser emciam/ut^^rffra ilium
cum dicam, attente £udiatis.) Simul illud oro : si meam cum in 15
omni vita, turn in • dicendo moderationem modestiamque cog-
nostis, ne me hodie, cum isti, ut provocavit, respondero, oblitum
esse putetis mei. Non tractabo ut consulem : ne ille quidem
me ut consularem. Etsi ille nullo modo consul, vel quod ita
vivit vel quod ita rerri publicam gerit vel quod ita factus est : 20

11 ego sine ulla eontroversia consularis. Ut igitur intelligeretis,

of con^wcJ' ft*

Halm follows the ordinary reading 'scribam,' 13. Alterum peto, &c. The reason

but there seems to be a special reason for for the different tone he takes with regard

the difference of mood, in that ' male existi- to the two divisions of his speech may be

mem' only expresses the charge which An- found in the beginning of Demosthenes'

tony might have expected Cicero to make speech de Corona, p. 226. 20 fyvffei ndaiv

against him ; whereas ' scribebam ' intro- avOpwirois v-rra.px.ti, raiv ptv \oidopiwv KOI

duces the actual substance of the letter. -r&v KaTrjyopiuiv OLKOVZIV jySews, rots Irrcu-

4. Quendam. Sextus Clodius, the tool vovat 5' avrovs ax#€a#ai. Accordingly,

of P. Clodius, not the rhetorician mentioned while judiciously apologising for the part

, above. concerning himself, he gains greater atten-

9. Meam gratiam, 'he wished me to tion even for this portion of his speech, by
I have the credit of it.' the promise of the more exciting invective

10. Lege lata: see I. I, 3, where An- which is to follow. His appeal, too, to his
^ tony is represented as expressly declaring usual moderation is not without its object,

that Sextus Clodius was the one exile whom as serving to show that nothing but the

the act that Caesar had passed restored to atrocity of the case could have led him to

his country. break forth at such length on the present

cc. 5—7* Apologizing1 for his unwonted occasion.

egotism in speaking of his own merits, Cicero 20. Quod ita factus est. Since he

answers the attack which Antony had made had been nominated by Caesar, not elected

upon his consulship, by appealing to the by the free vote of the people. Cp. c. 32,

approbation of his conduct expressed by all 79 ' lussus es renuntiari consul, et quidem

the leading men of his time : contrasting in cum ipso.' See on c. 30, 76. For the use

this respect the consulship of Antony, which of 'ita' as a predicate, see Madv. § 209 b.

was only marked by deeds of unconstitutional Obs. 2.

violence, calculated to win applause from 21. Ut igitur intelligeretis, &c.

the base companions of his revels. He uses a similar argument in the speech

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS

cc 5 — 6.

qualem ipse sc consulem profiteretur, obiecit mihi consulatum
meum. Qui consulatus verbo meus, patres conscripti, re vester
fuit. Quid enim ego constitui, quid gessi, quid egi nisi ex huius
ordinis consilio, auctoritate, scntentia ? Haec tu homo sapiens,

5 non sol um eloquens, apud eos, quorum consilio sapientiaque
gesta sunt, ausus es vituperare? Quis autem meum consulatum
praeter te Publiumque Clodium, qui vituperaret, inventus est ?
Cuius quidem tibi fatum, sicut C. Curioni, manet, quoniam id
domus tuae est, quod fuit illorum utrique fatale. Non placet 12

10 M. Antonio consulatus meus. At placuit P. Scrvilio, ut eum
primum nominem ex illius temporis consularibus, qui proxime
est mortuus ; placuit Q. Catulo, cuius semper in hac re publica
vivet auctoritas ; placuit duobus Lucullis, M. Crasso, Q. Hor-
tensio, C. Curioni, C. Pisoni, M'. Glabrioni, M'. Lepido, L. Vol-

15 catio, C. Figulo, [D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui turn erant consules
designati ; placuit idem quod consularibus M. Catoni, qui cum
multa vita excedens providit, turn quod te consulem non vidit.

against Piso, 7- 14 ' Relatio ilia salutaris et
diligens fuit consulis, animadversio quidem
et indicium senatus : qu;ie cum reprehendis,
ostemlis qtialis tu, si ita forte accidisset,
fueris illo tempore consul futurus.'

8. Tibi. One MS. has 'te,. manet,'
which would simply mean ' awaits you,'
whereas ' tibi ' is a pure dativus commodi,
' is reserved in all its force for your benefit.'
So Virg. Aen. 9. 301

' Quae tibi polliceor reduci, rebusque se-

cundis,
Haec eadem matrique tuae generique

manebunt,'

' shall be confirmed without diminution to
your mother and your family.'

Id domus tuae est. Fulvia, who
before she married Antony, had been the
wife of P. Clodius and C. Scribonius Curio,
who fell in the war with Juba, before
Utica, 49 B. C. Halm retains the ordinary
meaning ' domi tuae,' 'in your house;' but
'domus,' the reading of the Vatican MS.,
is more appropriate, signifying 'there exists
as part of your household that which proved
the death of both of them/ For the am
bitious, restless character of Fulvia, cp.
Pint. Ant. c. 10 &ov\@iav ayayunwos TTJV
KXoiSttv TO) ^rjfj.ayojya> avvoiK^aaoav, ov
raXaaiav ouSe oiKovptav <fpovovv yvvatov
ovSe dvSpos IStujrov icparew d£iovv, dX\'
apxovros apxtiv real ffrparrjyowros a

10. P. Servilio, &c. The ' consulates '
whose names he here enumerates all held the
consulship in the course of the seventeen years
immediately preceding the conspiracy of
Catiline, with the exception of D. Junius
Silanus, and L. Licinius Murena, who were
then Consuls elect. The most eminent among
them were P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, the
represser of the Ciiician and Isaurian pirates,
79 B. C. ; L. Lucullus, the conqueror of
Mithridates ; M. Licinius Crassus, the col
league of Caesar and Pompey in the so-called
first triumvirate, 6 1 B.C.; and L. Hortensius
the orator. Cicero mentions nearly the same
list of his supporters, Att. 12. 21.

IT. Proxime. He had died in the
early part of this same year, at the advanced
age of 80.

16. M. Catoni. Caio's speech on the
5th of December turned the scale against the
conspirators, in whose behalf the speech of
Caesar had produced a great effect.

Cum multa . . . providit, &c., 'by
hastening his death he avoided many evils,
and chief of them the sight of you as Consul.'
Cp. the comment of Tacitus on the death
of Agricola, Agric. 44 ' Festinatae mortis
grande solatium evasisse postremum illud
tempus, quo Domitianus non iam per inter-
valla ac spiramenta temrorum, sed continuo
ac velut uno ictu rem publicam exhausit.'
Cato killed himself at Utica, 46 B.C., to
avoid falling into Caesar's hands.

§§11-15. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 43

Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius probavit, qui,
]j^/m^\^im^n. decedens ex Syria vidit, complexus et gratulans
meo beneficio patriam se visurum esse dixit. Sed quid singulos
commemoro ? Frequentissimo senatui sic placuit, ut esset nemo,
qui mihi non ut parenti gratias ageret, qui mihi non vitarri suam, 5
6 fortunas, liberos, rem publicam referret acceptam. Sed quoniam
is illis, quos nominavi, tot et talibus viris res publica orbata est,
veniamus ad vivos, qui duo de consularium numero reliqui sunt.
L. Cotta, vir summo ingenio summaque prudentia, rebus iis
gestis, quas tu reprehendis, supplicationem decrevit verbis am- 10
plissimis, eique illi ipsi, quos modo nominavi, consulares sena-
tusque cunctus assensus est, qui honos post conditam hanc
14 urbem habitus est togato ante me nemini. L. Caesar, avun-
culus tuus, qua oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate senten-
tiam dixit in sororis suae virum, vitricum tuum ! Hunc tu cum 15
auctorem et praeceptorem omnium consiliorum totiusque vitae
debuisses habere, vitrici te similem quam avunculi maluisti.
Huius ego alienus consiliis consul turn usus sum : tu, sororis
filius, ecquid ad eum umquam de re, publica rettulisti ? At ad
quos refert ? di immortales ! Ad eos scilicet, quorum nobis 2 <

il etiam dies natales audiendi sunt. Hodie non descendit Anto-
X -j comt TO

TH.«.

I. Cn. Pompeius had been absent from his friendship for Cicero, not only by pro-
Rome at the time of Cicero's consulship, and posing the ' supplicatio ' (see on I. 6, 13) in
on first hearing of its events had been want- his honour, but later, by proposing his recall
ing in his congratulations, of which Cicero from exile.

complains to him in an extant letter, Fam. 15. Vitricum tuum. After the death

5. 8. Cp. Off. i. 22, 78 'Cn. Pompeius, vir of M. Antonius the elder, Julia married P.

abundans bellicis laudibus, multis audien- Lentulus Sura, the man of most note among

tibus Ciceroni hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra the associates of Catiline, who was put to

se triumphtim tertium deportaturum fuisse, death in prison on the special motion of his

nisi Ciceronis in rempublicam beneficio, ubi brother-in-law L. Julius Caesar. Cp. Cat.

triumpharet, esset habiturus.' 4. 6, 13.

6. Referret acceptam, ' gave me ere- 18. Alienus . . . consul, ' a stranger in

dit for the boon of life.' The metaphor is blood, and in the highest position in the

taken from keeping accounts, in which state, I thought no scorn to seek his

'referre acceptam' is 'to enter in the column counsels.'

of money received,' 'referre expensam' 'to 20. Quorum nobisr^cc., 'whose birth-
enter in that of money paid.' Cp. c. 22, 55 days must needs be dinned into even our
' Omnia denique, quae postca vidimus . . . uni ears.' Such is the shamelessness of the
accepta referemus Antonio.' man, that he not only celebrates the birth-

8. Qui duo, 'of whom two.' The days of his minions, but he cannot be content
Latin idiom, more logical than the English, without letting the very senate know of it.
never uses the genitive with numerals, unless 21. Non descendit, 'comes not down
some real partition is expressed. See Madv. to the senate ;' not necessarily implying literal
284. Obs. 7- descent, since Antony's house was in the

9. L. Cotta, Consul 65 B.C., the year low ground of the Carinae, but as most peo-
of the first conspiracy of Catiline, showed pie in Rome lived on the hills, it was usual

44 M. TULLI1 C1CERONIS cc. 6-8.

nius. Cur? dat nataliciam in hortis. Cui? neminem nomi-
nabo : putate turn Phormioni alicui, turn Gnathoni, turn etiam
Ballioni. O foeditatem hominis flagitiosam ! o impudentiam,
nequitiam, libidinem non ferendam ! Tu cum principem sena-
5 torem, civem singularem, tarn propinquum habeas, ad eum de
re publica nihil referas, referas ad eos, qui suam rem nullam
habent, tuam exhauriunt ? Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, 7
perniciosus meus. Adeone pudorem cum pudicitia perdidisti,
ut hoc in eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quo ego senatum ilium,

*° qui quondam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, consulebam, tu
homines perditissimos cum gladiis collocavisti ? At etiam ausus ie
est — quid autem est quod tu non audeas — ? clivum Capito-
linum dicere me consule plenum servorum armatorum fuisse.
Ut ilia, credo, nefaria senatus consulta fiercnt, vim afferebam

15 senatui. O miser, sive ilia tibi nota non sunt — nihil enim boni
nosti — sive sunt, qui apud tales viros tarn impudenter loquare !
Quis enim eques Romanus, quis praeter te adolescens nobilis,
quis ullius ordinis, qui se civem esse meminisset, cum senatus
in hoc templo csset, in clivo Capitolino non fuit? quis nomen

20 non dedit ? quamquam nee scribae sufficere nee tabulae nomina

to talk of their ' coming down ' to the Forum, portion of the Via Sacra which wound up the

or the Campus, or any place of public slope of the Capitoline hill, passed just to the

resort. south of the Aedes Concordiae, only separated

1. Nataliciam, sc. ' cenam.' So Halm from it by the Senaculum.

from the Vatican MS. Vulg. < natalicia,' 10. Quondam. Before the ruin brought

sc. ' munera,' like ' sponsalia.' Cp. ad Q.. upon the state by the civil war, and more

Fratr. 2. 6, I ' A. D. viii. Id. Apr. sponsalia recently by the oppressive measures of

Crassipedi praebui.' Antony. In his speech pro Mil. 33, 90,

2. Phormioni, &c., characters from Cicero calls the senate house which Clodius
well-known comedies, the former two being burnt ' templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis,
parasites in the Phormio and Eunuchus mentis, consilii publici, caput urbis, portum
respectively of Terence, Ballio a pander in omnium gentium.'

the Pseudolus of Plautus. 13. Servorum armatorum. So Antony

7. Tuus videlicet, &c. Cicero here styled the knights, as being wholly subser-
begins another point in his answer, by taking vient to Cicero. To arm slaves was in itself
up again ^the summary of Antony's charge contrary to law.

against him, from the beginning of § 12 14. Afferebam, 'I was proposing to

' non placet M. Antonio consulatus meus.' employ.'

8. Pudorem cum pudicitia, ' all sense 15. O miser, &c. Cp. c. 22, 54 'O mi-
of shame, as well as purity:' 'pudor* being serum te, si haec intelligis, miseriorem si non
purity of mind, 'pudicitia ' purity of body. intelligis.' Some MSS. have 'miserum' here,
Thus they are contrasted with 'petulantia' but cp. 13. 17, 34 'O miser, cum re, turn
and « stuprum' respectively, Cat. 2. n, 35. hoc ipso, quod non sentis quam miser sis.'

9- In eo templo. In the shrine of Con- 17. Nobilis. See on i. 12, 29.

3rd, see c. 8, 19. This was at the N.E. 19. Nomen non dedit, 'did not en-

f the Forum, close under the Capitol. rol his name for service.' Cicero says that

The raised floor of it, paved with marble, the very slaves hastened to volunteer for the

The Clivus Capjtolinus, that preservation of the state, Cat. 4. 8, 16 ' Ser-

§§ 15—18.

0 RATIO PHILIPPICA II.

17 illorum capere potuerunt. Etenim cum homines nefarii de
patriae parricidio confiterentur, consciorum indiciis, sua manu,
voce paene litterarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, cives truci-
dare, vastare Italiam, delere rem publicam consensisse, quis
esset qui ad salutem communem defendendam non excitaretur ? 5
praesertim cum senatus populusque Romanus haberet ducem,
qualis si qui nunc esset, tibi idem quod illis accidit contigisset.
Ad sepulturam corpus vitrici sui negat a me datum. Hoc vero
ne Publius quidem Clodius dixit umquam : quern, quia iure ei
inimicus fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis [eum] esse superatum. 10

is Qui autem tibi venit in mentem redigere in memoriam nostram,
te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum ? An verebare ne non puta-
remus natura te potuisse tarn improbum evadere, nisi accessisset

8 etiam disciplina ? Tarn autem eras excors, ut tota in oratione
tua tecum ipse pugnares, non modo non cohaerentia inter se 15
diceres, sed maxime disiuncta atque contraria, ut non tanta
mecum, quanta tibi tecum esset contentio. Vitricum tuum
fuisse in tanto scelere fatebare, poena affectum querebare. Ita

vus est nemo qui modo tolerabili conditione
sit servitutis . . qui non quantum audet et
quantum potest conferat ad salutem volun-
tatis.'

I. De patriae parricidio. The words
' parricidium,' ' parricida,' as applied to trea
son against the state, seem always to have a
conscious reference to the metaphor of the
state being the parent of her citizens, as in
Val. Max. 6. 4, 5 ' M. Brutus suarum prius
virtutum quam patriae parentis parricida.'
Cp. Sail. Cat. 51, 25 'Quis reprehendet,
quod in parricidas reipublicae decretum
erit?'

3. Se .. . cotnsensisse. The infinitive is
explanatory of ' de patriae parricidio con
fiterentur.' ' Consentio ' is more usually
found in a good sense, 'to agree together;'
but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 8, 18 'belli faciendi
causa consensisse.'

cc. 7, 8. In particular Antony had
charged Cicero with refusing burial to his
step-father. Denying the fact, Cicero rebukes
his folly in reminding the senate that Len-
tulus ^uas his step-father ; in laying on him
the blame of a punishment for which the
senate was itself responsible; and in bring
ing forward any charge of violence, while
guilty at the moment of the grosser violence
of blocking up the senate with barbarian
mercenaries. He takes occa&ion by the way

to vindicate his own poetry from the impo
tent assault of Antony's wit.

8. Ad sepulturam, &c. Cicero here
passes to a fresh charge of Antony against
him ; rather abruptly, but the ' ad ' with
which the clause begins may account for the
absence of the usual 'at.' The charge itself
is declared to be false by Plutarch, who
asserts, Ant. c. 2, that not only P. Lentulus,
but all the conspirators who were killed
were given up for burial.

10. Eum, which is found in the Vatican
MS., appears to be here superfluous, unless
indeed the true reading be ' cui quia iure
inimicus fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis eum
esse superatum;' as has been conjectured by
Sttirenburg, on pro Arch. p. 185.

12. P. Lentulus Sura was Consul in
71 B.C. His dissolute life led to his expul
sion from the senate in the following year,
but he was again made praetor in 63 B. C.,
and held that office at the time of the con
spiracy. See on c. 6, 13.

16. Disiuncta. So the Vatican MS.
spells the word, in this place only. It means
' contradictory to each other,' in the logical
sense of the word. Cp. c. 13, 32 ' Quae
diiunctius dicuntur,' 'what is put in the form
of a dilemma ;' and Top. 14, 56 ' In diiunc-
tione plus uno verum esse non potest.'

46 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-9.

quod proprie meum est, laudasti, quod totum est senatus, repre-
hendisti : nam comprehensio sontium mea, animadversio senatus
fuit. Homo disertus non intelligit eum, quern contra dicit,
laudari a se, eos, apud quos dicit, vituperari. lam illud cuius 19
5 est, non dico audaciae — cupit enim se audacem — , sed, quod
minime vult, stultitiae, qua vincit omnes, clivi Capitolini menti-
onem facere, cum inter subsellia nostra versentur armati ? cum
in hac cella Concordiae, di immortales ! in qua me consule
salutares sententiae dictae sunt, quibus ad hanc diem viximus,

io cum gladiis homines collocati stent? Accusa senatum, accusa
equestrem ordinem, qui turn cum senatu copulatus fuit, accusa
omnes ordines, omnes cives, dum confiteare hunc ordinem hoc
ipso tempore ab Ityraeis circumsederi. Haec tu non propter
audaciam dicis tarn impudenter, sed, quia tantam rerum repug-

i; nantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. Quid est enim de-
mentius quam, cum rei publicae perniciosa arma ipse ceperis,
obiicere alteri salutaria? At etiam quodam loco facetus esse 20
voluisti. Quam id te, di boni, non decebat ! In quo est tua
culpa non nulla ; aliquid enim salis a mima uxore trahere potu-

20 isti. Cedant arma togae. Quid? turn nonne cesserunt ?

3. Quern contra dicit. So Cicero al- difficulty to most editors. Orelli reads, with

ways, the first use of the compound word the later MSS., 'sed, qui tantam rerum re-

'contradico ' being apparently in Livy 8. 2 pugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis.'

' nee contradici, quin . . . amicitia de integro Halm combines the readings, ' sed quia,

reconcilietur ;' while its usage with a dative qui non videas, nihil profecto sapis.' In

is wholly post- Augustan. his school edition of 1858 he substitutes

7. Inter subsellia nostra. In the ' cum ' for ' qui.' Baiter and Kayser adopt

very senate house itself (see on c. 7, 15), Ernesti's reading, ' vides,' which is simply

where, if anywhere, freedom from violence cutting the knot. Perhaps the simplest

might have been confidently expected. emendation is that of Frotscher, 'sed quia . . .

II. Qui copulatus fuit. See Cat. 4. 7, non videns, nihil profecto sapis.' I have

15, where Cicero tells us that the knights, thought it best to retain the reading of the

after many years of struggling with the Vatican MS., though the subjunctive after

senate, — the most prominent subject of dis- ' quia ' seems to be an anomaly. In other

pute being the exclusive right to the ' iudi- passages where ' quia ' is joined with a sub-

cium,' — had shown the greatest cordiality in junctive (as Lael. 4, 15 ' ut beate vixisse vi-

combining with them to repress the sedition. dear, quia cum Scipione vixerim') the reason

13. Ityraeis. These men, whom he again which it introduces is obviously quoted as
alludes to as 'barbari sagittarii' in 5. 6, 1 8, existing in the mind of some one else.
were first introduced into the Roman army 18. In quo, &c., 'and yet you deserve
as archers by Caesar in his African c im- some blame for failing.' The ' mima uxor '
paign, 47 B. C. (Bell. Afric. c. 20) ; their who should have suppl'ed Antony with wit
country, which lies on the east bank of the was Cytheris, formerly the mistress of Vo-
Jordan, to the north-east of the sea of lumnius Eutrapelus, Fam. 9. 26, 2 ; whence
Galilee, having been subdued by Pompey in Cicero tells us that certain ' municipales '
^S B C. saluted her, when travelling with Antony,

14. Sed quia ... videas, ' because you as Volumnia, c. 24, 58 ; cp.^ 28, 69.

do not sze how great an inconsistency is in- 20. Cedant arma togae. Cp. Off.

volved.' The subjunctive here has proved a I. 22, 77; where he deprecates hostile

§§18-22 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 47

At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Quaeramus igitur, utrum
melius fuerit, libertati populi Romani sceleratorum arma an
libertatem nostram armis tuis cedere. Nee vero tibi de versibus
plura respondebo : tantum dicam breviter, te neque illos neque
ullas omnino litteras nosse, me nee rei publicae nee amicis um- 5
quam defuisse, et tamen omni genere monimentorum meorum
perfecisse ut meae vigiliae meaeque litterae et iuventuti utili-
tatis et nomini Romano laudis aliquid afferrent. Sed haec non
huius temporis : majpra videamus.
9 P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. Quidnam I0

21 homines putarent, si turn occisus esset, cum tu ilium in foro
spectante populo Romano gladio insecutus es negotiumque
transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas tabernae librariae coniecisset
iisque oppilatis impetum tuum compressisset ? Quod quidem
ego favisse me tibi feteor, suasisse ne tu quidem dicis. At r5
Miloni ne favere quidem potui ; prius enim rern transegit quam
quisquam eum facturum id suspicaretur. At ego suasi. Scilicet

is animus erat Milonis, ut prodesse rei publicae sine suasore non
posset! At laetatus sum. Quid ergo? in tanta laetitia cunctae

22 civitatis me unum tristem esse oportebat? Quamquam de morte 20

criticism of the line ' Cedant arma togae, n. Tu ilium . . . insecutus es. This

concedat laurea liudi.' It is one of four, as we learn from c. 20, 49, was when An-

which are all that remain to us of his epic tony was a candidate for the quaestorship,

poem in three books, de Meis Temporibus. in 53 B.C., the year before Clodius was

7. Perfecisse ut. Between these killed by Milo.

words some MSS. introduce ' operis subse- 13. In scalas. This would be the stair-

civis,' which are wanting in the Vatican case leading from the shop on the ground

MS. The expression would mean ' bits of floor to the upper room, inhabited by the

work, done at odd times,' and it is so used shopman. Cp. pro Mil. 15, 40 ' Cum se ille

by Cicero, de Or. 2. 89, 364, but with an (Clodius) fugieHS in scalarum tenebris ab-

apologetic ' ut aiunt,' as though the meta- didisset.' So the runaway slave in Horace,

phor were then a new one ; and this is ' In scalis latuit metuens pendentis habenae,'

borne out by a more elaborate explanation Epp. 2. 2, 15.

of it in the treatise de Legg. I. 3, 9. 14. Quod . . . favisse . . fateor, 'herein

cc. 9, 10. Antony had laid at Cicero's door I confess I gave you the sanction of my ap-

the death of Clodius. Cicero replies that Milo proval.' 'Faveo ' seems to be here used in

needed and allowed no aid or countenance ; its technical sense of applauding (whence

and that he only shared the feelings of every 'favitores,' 'claqueurs,' Plaut. Amph. prol. 78

patriot in rejoicing at a deed which Antony &c.) : cp. Hor. Od. 3. 24, 46 ' Quo clamor

himself had once before attempted. As re- vocat et turba faventium.' Cicero says that

garded the charge of causing the quarrel in Milo's case he could only rejoice after the

between Caesar and Pompey, Cicero had event, as he should not have presumed to

indeed endeavoured to prevent their friend- -give him advice on the matter, and the

ship ; and failing in this, had tried to keep affray was over too quickly to admit of any

Pompey from violating the laws; but when one cheering him on. For the use of' quod *N

their alliance had been once completed, he limiting the extent of the action of an in- '<

used his utmost efforts to maintain harmony transitive verb, see Madv. § 229.

between them. 20. Q_uamquam . . . fuit quaestio.

48 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. o-u.

Clodii fuit quaestio — non satis prudenter ilia quidem constituta ;
quid enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui hominem occi-
disset, cum esset legibus quaestio constituta? quaesitum est
tamen — : quod igitur, cum res agebatur, nemo in me dixit, id
5 tot annis post tu es inventus qui diceres ?

Quod vero dicere ausus es idque multis verbis, opera inea 23
Pompeium a Caesaris amicitia esse diiunctum ob eamque
causam culpa mea bellum civile esse natum, in eo non tu
quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus errasti.

EO Ego M. Bibulo, praestantissimo cive, consule nihil praetermisi, 10
quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium a Caesaris con-
iunctione avocarem. In quo Caesar felicior fuit ; ipse enim
Pompeium a mea familiaritate diiunxit. Postea vero quam se
totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit, quid ego ilium ab eo distra-

15 here conarer? Stulti erat sperare, suadere impudentis. Duo 24
tamen tempora inciderunt, quibus aliquid contra Caesarem
Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim reprehendas, si potes : unum, ne
quinquennii imperium Caesari prorpgaret, alterum, ne pateretur
ferri ut absentis ems ratio haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis per-

And therefore, Cicero implies, had I taken a advantage of two opportunities to advise

prominent part in the general rejoicing, — had Pompey not to strain tke laws in Caesar's

it been supposed that I was accessory to the favour.

deed, — then was the time when such sus- 12. Ipse . . . diiunxit. In his speeches
picions would have found vent, but then no pro Sestio, 64, 133, and in Pisonem, 31, 76,
one asserted that I was in any way impli- Cicero attributes this estrangement to the
cated. He entirely ignores what he himself intrigues and calumnies of Vatinius, Ga-
had written in his speech for the occasion, binius, and Piso. As these were all the de-
pro Mil. 1 8, 47 ' Scitis, indices, fuisse qui in voted adherents of Caesar, Piso being his
hac rogatione suadenda dicerent Milonis father-in-law, they were probably merely
manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero acting as his agents in the matter,
maioris alicuius : me videlicet latronem ac 18. Quinquennii imperium. The
sicarium abiecti homines et perditi describe- provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum
bant.' had been conferred on Caesar for five years,

2. Nova lege. This was the 'Lex by the ' Lex Vatinia,' in 59 B.C. To these

Pompeia de Vi,' a privilegium passed specially the senate added Gallia Transalpina, and his

to meet the case of Milo. See on i. 7, 18. command in all three was extended, 'proro-

9. Temporibus. Cicero's argument is gabatur imperium,' for a further space of

that until Caesar's power had reached such five years, in 55 B.C., by the ' Lex Trebonia,'

a height as to be dangerous to the state, he which received the support of the Consuls,

did endeavour to check its growth by warn- Cn. Pompeius and M. Crassus.

ing Pompey against him. When however 19. Ratio haberetur. This was in

the alliance between them was cemented 53 B.C., when the senate had passed a decree

by the marriage of Pompey with Julia, that Pompey should be sole Consul. Though

Caesar's daughter, which took place in the Cicero here' claims credit for opposing the

consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, 59 B. C., proposal that votes should be received for

he felt that further remonstrance would be Caesar in his absence, we learn from a letter

both dangerous and useless ; though he still to Atticus, 7. i, 4, that he promised

kept a watchful eye upon them, and took Caesar to exert himself in his behalf: ' Ut

§§23-25. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 49

suasissem, in has miserias numquam incidissemus. V\ Atque idem
ego, cum iam opes omnes et suas et populi Romani Pompeius
ad Caesarem detulisset seroque ea sentire coepisset, quae ego
multo ante provideram, inferrique patriae bellum viderem nefa-
rium, pacis, concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non destiti, 5
meaque ilia vox est nota multis : ' Utinam, Pompei, cum Caesare
societatem aut numquam coisses aut numquam diremisses ! fuit
alterum gravitatis, alterum prudentiae tuae.' Haec mea, M.
Antoni, semper et de Pompeio et de re publica consilia fuerunt :
quae si valuissent, res publica staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, 10
infamia concidisses.

11 Sed haec vetera, illud vero recens, Caesarem meo consilio
25 interfectum. Iam vereor, patres conscripti, ne, quod turpissi-
mum est, praevaricatorem mihi apposuisse videar, qui me non
solum meis laudibus ornaret, sed etiam alienis. Quis enim 15
meum in ista societate gloriosissimi facti nomen audivit? cuius
autem, qui in eo numero fuisset, nomen est occultatum ? occul-
tatum dico ? cuius non statim divulgatum ? Citius dixerim

illi hoc liceret (sc. ut absentis ratio haberetur,
ne exercitum dimitteret), adiuvi, rogatus ab
ipso Ravennae.' In a letter however to A.
Caecina, vFam. 6. 6, 5, he says that his ad
vocacy extended, not to urging that the leave
should be given, but only to supporting the
decision of the people on the matter : ' Ut,
quoniam ipso consule repugnante populus
iusserat, haberetur.'

6. Utinam, &c. Cp. the same letter
§ 4 ' Plurimi sunt testes me et initio, ne con-
iungeret se cum Caesare, monuisse Pompeium,
et postea, ne seiungeret : coniunctione frangi
senatus opes, diiunctione civile bellum ex-
citari videbam.'

8. Gravitatis, if the genuine reading,
probably means ' consistency,' or ' stead
fastness of character ; ' an absence of which
was shown by Pompey in allying himself
with Caesar, and dissolving his connection
with the aristocracy. The reading is how
ever doubtful, being added by a later hand
to supply a blank in the Vatican MS. Halm
suggests ' pietatis.'

cc. i i-i 3. The last charge was that Cicero
was the contriver of Caesar's death. This was
something altogether new, and resting on no
evidence. Nor were the liberators men to
need his sanction or advice. In rejoicing at
the tyrant's death, he agreed with every other
loyal citizen. The actual assassins even

Antony mentioned with respect, and this, with
the special honours which their country granted
them, proved them to be, not, as otherwise
they must have been, the worst of murderers,
but saviours of their country. To be of their
number, could he but claim the honour, would
be indeed a ground of pride. Though, had
the plot been his, he would not have failed to
carry it through, by rooting out the kingly
power with the king.

12. Meo consilio interfectum. Cp.
Fam. 12. 2, I 'Homo amens et perditus
. . . nullam aliam ob causam me auctorem
fuisse Caesaris interficiendi criminatur, nisi
ut in me veterani excitentur.'

14. Praevaricatorem, 'a collusive ac
cuser,' in league with the accused, to secure
his acquittal : — such as Verres sought to gain
for himself in Q^Caecilius. The charges, he
says, which Antony brings against him,"
although false, are such as would be most
honourable, if true.

15. Alienis. Some MSS. insert before
this ' oneraret,' introducing a play on the
words like ' ex oratore arator,' in 3. 9, 22. It
is however not found in the Vatican MS., and
the spelling varies in the others. For the
expression ' laudibus onerare,' we may com
pare Livy 4. 14 'Laudibus haud immeritis
onerarent.'

. 18. Citius, here and Brut. 67, 238, 'Earn

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 11—12.

iactasse se aliquos, ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, cum conscii
non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet qui fuisset. Quam 26
veri simile porro est in tot hominibus partim obscuris, partim
adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, meum nomen latere
spotuisse? Etenim si auctores ad liberandam patriam deside-
rarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego impellerem, quorum uterque
L. Bruti imaginem quotidie videret, alter etiam Ahalae? Hi
igitur his maioribus ab alienis potius consilium peterent quam
a suis? et foris potius quam domo? Quid? C. Cassius, in ea
10 familia natus. quae non modo dominatum, sed ne potentiam
quidem cuiusquam ferre potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit : ,
qui etiam sine his clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium0
fluminis Cydni confecisset, si jjle,ad earn ripam, quam constiU
erat, non ad contrariam naves appulisset. Cn. Domitium non 27

ut citius veteratoriam quam oratoriam
diceres,' does not seem to be quite equivalent
to ' potius/ but rather signifies ' it would re
quire less time and argument to induce one
to say,' &c.

1. Iactasse se aliquos, &c. Cp.
Plut. Caes. 67 fvtoi 8e KOI ffvvavf@awov
avro7s not KaTf/jii'yi'vffav favrovs us fterf-
(?Xr)K<->Tes T°v epyov ftal TrpoatTroiovvro TTJV
86/-av, wv rjv KCLL Fcuos 'Oieraoijios KO.I Aei/-
rAos ^-nivO-ffp. OVTOL ptv ovv rfjS dKa^o-
veias Si.Kr]v edwKav, vartpov viro 'A.VTOJVIOV
KO.I TOV veov Kaicrapos dvaipfOfVTfs, Kal
IJLrjdf rrjs So^s, St' rjv airtOvriaKOV, diro\av-
cavrts dm (ma TWV d\\ojv.

2. Ut quisquam vellet. The ano
malous construction of these words, which
really depend on ' dixerim,' is probably due
to the confusion introduced by the inter
vening clause, 'ut . . .viderentur/ into the
construction of which they are attracted.
Otherwise a verb of contrary meaning,
' were so timid,' must be supplied from
' iactasse ' after ' qua'n.'

4. Adolescentibus neminem occul
tantibus, 'young men without discretion
to suppress the name of any one.' So Att.
14. 22, 5, he speaks of the conspirators as
' illi iuvenes.'

6. Illis auctoribus. Madvig, Opusc. I.
p. 164, objects that they actually perpetrated,
and not merely advised the deed. He sug
gests ' actoribus.' Ernesti thinks the words
to be a gloss.

7. L. Bruti. See on i. 6, 13.
Ahalae, of C. Servilius Ahala, who

killed Sp. Maelius in 439 B.C. From him
Servilia, the mother of M. Brutus, traced her

descent. The allusion is to the waxen
images or masks of those members of the
family who had held curule offices, which
were placed in the atrium in the houses
of all ' nobiles.' See Pliny N. H. 35. 2, 2.

9. Foris, ' from external sources/ as in
de Orat. 2.40, 173 'Foris assumuntur ea,
quae non sua vi sed extranea sublevantur.1
Hence ' domo,' ' from their home resources,'
not ' domi/ ' at home.'

In ea familia. The allusion is to
the fate of Sp. Cassius Viscellinus, the pro
poser of the first Agrarian law, who accord
ing to one story was put to death by his
own father in 485 B.C., for aiming at ty
ranny. See Liv. ii. 41.

10. Dominatus is the regular word for
absolute power: cp. Off. 2. i, 2 'Cum
dominatu unius omnia tenerentur neque esset
usquam consilio aut auctoritati locus ; ' and
see on Phil. I. 14, 34.

13. Ad earn ripam, &c. This perhaps
refers to the marshy lake formed at the
mouth of the Cydnus, just below Tarsus (see
Strabo 14. 5, n) ; otherwise it is not easy
to see how Caesar's landing on the wrong
bank of a small river like the Cydnus should
have overthrown Cassius' plans. Of the
proposed attempt on Caesar's life we know
nothing from other sources.

Quam constituerat. For the omis
sion of the preposition see Madv., § 323 b.
Obs. i.

14. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus was
son of L. Domitius, who was killed after
the battle of Pharsalus by the cavalry of
Caesar (Caes. Bell. Civ. 3.99; see c. 29,
71), by Porcia, the sister of M. Cato Uti-

26-29. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 51

patris interitus, clarissimi viri, non avunculi mors, non spoliatio
dignitatis ad recuperandam libertatem, sed mea auctoritas exci-
tavit - An C. Trebonio ego persuasi ? cui ne suadere quidem
ausus essem : quo etiam maiorem ei res publica gratiam debet,
qui libertatem populi Romani unius amicitiae praeposuit depul- 5
sorque dominatus quam particeps esse maluit. An L. Tillius
Cimber me est auctorem secutus ? quern ego magis fecisse illam
rein sum admiratus, quam facturum putavi, admiratus autem ob
earn causam, quod immem.pr beneficiorum, memor patriae fuis-
set. Quid'? duos Servilios — Cascas dicam an Ahalas ? — et hos 10
auctoritate mea censes excitatos potius quam caritate rei pub-
licae? Longum est persequi ceteros, idque rei publicae prae-
clarum, fuisse tarn multos, ipsis gloriosum^-^
12 At quern ad modum me coargucrlt homo acutus recordamini.

28 Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim cruentum alte extollens Brutus *s
pugionem Ciceronem nominating exclamavit atque ei recupe-
ratam libertatem est gratulatus. Cur mini potissimum? quia
sciebam ? Vide ^ne ilia causa fuerit appellandi mei, quod, cum
rem gessisset consimilem rebus iis, quas ipse gesseram, me potis
simum testatus est se aemulum mearum laudium exstitisse. 20

29 Tu autem, omnium stultissime, non intelligis, si, id quod me
arguis, voluisse interfici Caesarem crimen sit, etiam laetatum
esse morte Caesaris crimen esse ? Quid enim interest inter
suasorem facti et probatorem? aut quid refert, utrum voluerim
fieri an gaudeam factum ? | Ecquis est igitur exceptis iis, qui 25
ilium regnare gaudebant, qui illud aut fieri noluerit aut factum

censis. He was himself at the battle of See Madv., § 348 e. Obs. i.

Pharsalus, and remained an exile till 46 B.C., Idque rei publicae, &c., 'that there

when he received the pardon of the con- were so many, does honour to the state, and

queror, but remained in the retirement of a has conferred glory on themselves.'

private citizen. 16. Ciceronem exclamavit, 'shouted

5. Unius, of Caesar, whose friendship out the name of Cicero;' perhaps for the

and confidence Trebonius enjoyed up to the reason Cicero alleges, perhaps because Cicero

time of the assassination. The same may was now left the most powerful man in the

be said of Cimber. cp. Fam. 6. 12, 2. state. It might also be to make the people

7- Quern ego magis, &c., 'whose believe that Cicero was an accomplice in the

antecedents gave me far less reason to sup- plot, without his really being so.

pose that he would do the deed, than to 17. Quia. So Halm, from a conjecture

wonder at his having done it.' of Graevius. The MSS. have ' qui.'

10. An Ahalas, ' or are they not rather 20. Laudium. So the Vatican MS.

worthy to be called Ahala ? ' See on § 26. Cp. ' fraudium,' Off. 3. 18, 75 ; and in Pis. 19,

P. Servilius Casca, who aimed the first blow 44. The other MSS. have the more usual

at the dictator, and his brother Gaius, had form ' laudum.'

both been among Caesar's adherents. 26. Regnare. He purposely uses the

12. Longum est, ' it would be tedious.' obnoxious word, 'to rule with kingly sway.'

E 2

52 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 12-13.

improbarit? Omnes ergo in culpa : etenim omnes boni, quan
tum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, aliis
animus, aliis occasio defuit : voluntas nemini. Sed stuporem 30
hominis vel dicam pecudis attendite ; sic enim dixit : ' Brutus?
5 quern ego honoris causa nomino, cruentum pugionem tenens
Ciceronem exclamavit : ex quo intelligi debet eum conscium
fuisse.' Ergo ego sceleratus appellor a te, quern tu F ispicatum
aliquid suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem prae se pugionem tulit, is
a te honoris causa nominatur? Esto : sit in verbis tuis hie

TO stupor : quanto in rebus sententiisque maior ? Constitue hoc,
consul, aliquando, Brutorum, C. Cassii, Cn. Domitii, C. Tre-
bonii, reliquorum quam velis esse causam ; edormi crapulam,
inquam, et exala. An faces admovendae sunt, quae excitent
tantae causae indormientem ? Numquamne intelliges statuen-,

J5 dum tibi esse, utrum illi, qui istam rem gesserunt, homicidae
sint an vindices libertatis ? Attende enim paulfsper cogitatio- 13
nemque sobrii hominis punctum temporis suscipe. Ego, qui 31
sum illorum, ut ipse fateor, familiaris, ut a te arguor, socius,
nego quidquam esse medium : connteor, eos, nisi liberatores

20 populi Romani conservatoresque rei publicae sint, plus quam
sicarios, plus quam homicidas, plus etiam quam parricidas esse,
si quidem est atrocius patriae parentem quam suum occidere.
Tu homo sapiens et considerate, quid dicis ? Si parricidas, cur

4. Pecudis, 'of the ass,' as we should tur, id in sapientibus est solis.'

say : the use of 'pecus' (properly 'a sheep') 12. Quam velis causam. Explanatory

referring to his intellectual rather than his of ' hoc,' ' what complexion you would wish

moral baseness. Cp. 8. 3, 9 ' Homines to be given to the case of the conspirators.'
agrestes, si homines illi ac non pecudes po- 13, Inquam, '•in other words, I bid you

tius ; ' and in Pis. 9, 19 'Ego istius pecudis rouse yourself from sleep.'
. . . praesidio volebam uti.' An faces admovendae sunt, 'must

5. Quern ego honoris causa no- we apply a lighted torch to stir up a man
mino, 'whom I name with all respect,' who can sleep over a question such as this.'
the usual formula when living persons were The same expression is used metaphorically
spoken of by name, so that no special com- de Orat. 3.1,4' Verborum faces admovere.'
pliment is thereby intended. Cp. c. 44, Cp. Lu.cr. 3. 304 ' Nee nimisirai fax umquam
113 ' Tua minime avara coniux, quam ego subdita percit,' and Quint. I. 2, 25 'Id
sine contumelia describe ;' and see on i. 2, 6. nobis acriores ad studia dicendi faces subdi-
Conventional, however, as the expression disse contenderim.' Before ' excitent ' Halm
was, it gave Cicero some ground for urging inserts [te] from a later copyist in the
the argument that to speak of the assassin Vatican MS. It seems to be unnecessary,
with respect was inconsistent with looking its omission leaving the clause in the form
on the accessory as accursed. of a general sentiment, as rendered above.

_ 8. Is. For this redundant use of 'is,' espe- 21. Plus quam. ' more than can be ex-

cially after an intervening relative clause, see pressed by the term cut-throats.' See Madv.,

Madv. § 489 a ; and cp. de Off. 3. 3, 13 'Illud § 305. Obs. 2.
quidem honestum, quod proprie vereque dici- 23*. Parricidas. See on c. 7, 17.

§§ 30—32.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II.

honoris causa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et apud populum Roma-
num semper appellati? cur M. Brutus referente te legibus est
solutus, si ab urbe plus quam decem dies afuisset ? cur ludi
Apollinares incredibili M. Bruti honore celebrati ? cur provinciae
Bruto et Cassio datae ? cur quaestores additi ? cur legatorum 5
numerus auctus ? Atqui haec acta per te ; non igitur homicidas.
Sequitur ut liberatores tuo iudicio, quando quidem tertium nihil
32 potest esse. Quid est? num conturbo te? non enim fortasse
satis quae diiunctius dicuntur intelligis. Sed tamen haec summa
est conclusionis meae : quoniam scelere a te liberati sunt, ab T
eodem amplissimis praemiis dignissimos iudicatos. Itaque iam
retexo orationem meam. Scribam ad illos ut, si qui forte quod
a te mihi obiectum est quaerent sitne verum, ne cui negent.
Etenrm vereor (ne aut celatum me illis ipsis non honestum,
aut invitatum refugisse mihi sit turpissimum. \ Quae enim res J
umquam, pro sancte luppiter! non modo in hac urbe, sed
in omnibus terris est gesta maior? quae gloriosior? quae

2. Legibus solutus, from the special
law, that is, which forbade Brutus, as prae
tor urbanus, from being absent from the
city more than ten nights. Such exemption
from the obligation of a particular law could
originally only be granted by the people :
and so we are told by Asconius, in his
preface to Cicero's lost oration pro C. Cor-
nelio, that when the senate first began to
grant such immunities, the condition was
inserted ' ut de ea re ad populum ferretur,'
though by degrees first the actual reference
to the people, and eventually even the form
of inserting the clause, were discontinued.

3. Ludi Apollinares. See on i. 15,
36.

4. Provinciae datae. According to
the disposition of Caesar, Brutus was to have •
had the province of Macedonia, Cassius
Syria, on the expiration of their praetorship
in the city : but one of the first measures of
Antony, on the 1 8th of March, had been
to prevail on the senate to alter this arrange
ment, giving Brutus Crete, and Cassius
Africa. (Plut. Brut. 19; cp. Phil. n. 12,

37-

5. Quaestores additi. The meaning of
this appears from what follows to be that
an extraordinary number of qua'estors and
legates were voted to Brutus and Cassius, as
part of the compensation for the loss of the
more important provinces.

9. Diiunctius. So Halm .from the

Vatican MS. Other MSS. have ' distinctius,'
which is less appropriate than the technical
word, meaning ' in the form of a dilemma.'
See on c. 8, 18.

10. Ab eodem. Some MSS. insert ' te,'
which is quite in accordance with Cicero's
manner: cp. pro Sest. 50, 107 ' Habuit de
eodem me P. Lentulus consul contionem ; '
ib. 51, 109 ' De me eodem comitiis cen-
turiatis ferebatur.' Halm omits it on the
authority of the Vatican MS.

12. Retexo, 'I remodel rffy speech on
the hypothesis that I was cognizant of the
matter.' So Matius, ap. Cic. Fam. n. 28,
5 ' Me ipse retexam.' Cicero has shown,
cc. II, 12, that Antony's arguments were
insufficient to prove his complicity ; he now
declares that the charge, if proved against
him, is but further testimony to his pa
triotism.

Ut . . . ne. Cp. Fam. 4. I, 2 ' Tre-
batio mandavi, ut, si quid tu eum velles ad
me mittere, ne recusaret ; ' ' ut ' in each case
expressing the general final nature of the
clause, ' ne ' resuming it with the negative,
after a parenthesis. See Madv., § 456.

14. Celatum me, 'my being kept in
ignorance.' Cp. de Leg. Agr. 2. 5, 1 1 ' Cum
me in eorum sermonem insinuarem, cela-
bar, excludebar.' Plutarch, Brut. 12, says
that Cicero was not informed of the con
spiracy from fear of his natural timidity,
exaggerated by the cautiousness of age.

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS

5. 13—14.

commendatior hominum memoriae sempiternae ? In huius me
tu consilii societatem tamquam in equum Troianum cum princi-
pibus includis ? Non recuso ; ago etiam gratias, quoquo animo 33
facis. Tanta enim res est, ut invidiam istam, quam tu in me
vjs^concitarej cum laude non comparem. Quid enim beatius
iilis, quos tu expulsos a te praedicas et relegates? qui locus
est aut tarn desertus aut tarn inhumanus, qui illos, cum acces-
serint, non affari atque appetere videatur ? qui homines tarn
agrestes, qui se, cum eos adspexerint, non maximum cepisse

10 vitae fructum putent ? quae vero tarn immemor posteritas, quae
tarn ingratae litterae reperientur, quae eorum gloriam non im-
mortalitatis memoria prosequantur ? Tu vero adscribe me talem
in numerum. Sed unam reni vereor ne non probes. Si enim 14
fuissem, non solum regem, sed etiam regnum de re publica 34

15 sustulissem ; et, si meus stilus ille fuisset, ut dicitur, mihi crede,
non solum unum actum, sed totam fabulam confecissem. Quam-
quam si interfici Caesarem voluisse crimen est, vide, quaeso,
Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quern et Narbone hoc consilium

1. Commendatior, 'commends itself
more to the recollection of mankind for all
ages.' Cp. Fam. 12. 26 ' Ceteris rebus
habeas eos a me commendatissimos.' 'Com-
mendabilis,' besides slightly differing in mean
ing ('capable of commending itself rather
than actually doing so), is not found earlier
than Livy.

2. In equum Troianum. Cp. de
Orat. 2. 22, 94 ' Isocrates, cuius e ludo
tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes
exierunt.'

4. Invidianv istam, 'I consider the
risk of the odium which you wish to excite
against me, as nothing in comparison with
the chance of the praise which may await
me.' Cp. Fam. 12. 2, I ' Nullam aliam ob
causam me auctorem fuisse Caesaris inter-
ficiendi criminatur, nisi ut in me veteran!
incitentur.'

6. Expulsos et relegates. The
former is the general word expressing 'driven
into exile,' the latter the technical term for
exclusion from Ro.ne, without loss of civic
rights. Cp. Ov. Trist. 2. 135

' Adde quod edictum quamvis immane

minaxque,

Attamen in poenae nomine leve fuit.
Quippe relegatus, non exsul dicor in illo.'

c. 14. If however killing Caesar jyg$"
a crime, let Antony beware lest he himself

be found to be. a sharer in it. He was
well known to have wished it once, and now
he was the person who had reaped the greatest
benefit from it, so that the only thing which
saved him from suspicion was the feeling that
he could have had no part in so meritorious
a deed.

14. Fuissem, sc. ' in eo numero.'
Non solum regem, sed regnum.

Abraini compares Fam. 12. I, I (a letter
to Cassius) ' Ut adhuc quidem actum est,
non regno sed rege liberati videmur ; ' Att.
14. 14, 2 ' Sublato tyranno tyrannida manere
video.'

15. Si meus stilus, &c. ' Had I been
the author of that tragedy, I should not have
stopped at the completion of the first act.'
The play on the word ' stilus/ intimated in
the words ' ut dicitur,' is untranslateable.
Halm compares Hor. S. 2. I, 39

' Sed hie stilus haud petet ultro
Quemquam animantem et me veluti

custodiet ensis
Vagina tectus.'

For the sentiment cp. Fam. 12.4, I ' Vellem
Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses :
reliquiarum nihil fuisset.'

18. Hoc consilium. Cp. Plut. Ant. 13
Ton/ tyiXwv rovs iriaroiis Kara\6yovTcs
irfpl 'AvTcwiov. TcDf 5e aXKuv
TOV dvSpa Tpefiwvios dvreintv

§§ 33—36.

0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II.

cum Trebonio cepisse notissimum est, et ob eius consilii socie-
tatem, cum interficeretur Caesar, turn te a Trebonio vidimus
sevocari. Ego autem — vide quam tecum agam non inimice —
quod bene cogitasti aliquando, laudo ; quod non indicasti, gratias

35 ago ; quod non fecisti, ignosco ; virum res ilia quaerebat. Quod ,
si te in iudicium quis adducat usurpetque illud Cassianum, cui
bono fu(erit, vide, quaeso, ne haereas. Quamquam illud fuk,
ut dicebas quidem, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant, tibi
tamen praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas,
qui maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis ' liberavisti, qui per 10
easdem tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti, ad quern

e domo Caesaris tarn multa delata sunt, cuius domi quaestuo-
sissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirographorum offi-
cina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatium, vectigalium flagitro-

36 sissimae nundinae. Etenim quae res egestati et aeri alieno tuo 15
praeter mortem Caesaris subvenire potuisset? Nescio quid

f(j)ri yap v(p' bv \povov dirrjvTOJV l£ 'Ifiypias
eiraviovTi Kaiaapi rov 'Avrojviov avatcrjv-
OVVTOS avTw KOI avvofievovTos aif/aa9ai TTJS
yvcj^s drpf/j-a TTOJS KOI p,tr' euAa/3ei'as, TUV
8e vorjaai in.lv, ov O(£aff0ai Se rty irftpav,
ov fA.i)v ovoe irpos Kaiaapa /carfiirew, d\\a
TucrTcDs KaTaaicuTTTJaai TOV \6yov. The
occasion was on his return from Spain,
after the defeat of Cn. and Sext. Pompeius,
45 B. C.

2. Turn . . . sevocari. Cp. Plut. Brut.
17 TpcjSuwos irepi rds Ovpas 'Avrwviov
eiriaTTa.aaiJ.ej/os Kal irpoaofJLi\wv e£ca Kareaxe '•
and Phil. 13. 10, 23.

4. Non indicasti. 'Non' is wanting
in the Vatican MS., but seems necessary to
the sense ; though Faerni would explain it,
' I thank you for having at length shown
your patriotism by wishing to kill the tyrant.'
In this sense 'indicasti' would be most
unusual.

6. Cui bono fuerit? 'who has pro
fited by the deed ?' This saying of L. Cassius,
the proposer of the second ' Lex Tabellaria '
in 137 B.C., is quoted also pro Mil. 12, 32 ;
cp. pro Rose. Amer. 30, 84 ' L. Cassius
ille, quern populus Romanus verissimum et
sapientissimum iudicem putabat, identidem
in causis quaerere solebat, cui bono fuisset.'
Cicero argues that Antony had derived more
advantage than any one else from Caesar's
death, since it removed the sole barrier
between himself and absolute power. The
following words, ' omnibus bono, tibi tamen
praecipue,' are conclusive against the old

mistranslation of the phrase, 'what was the
good of it,' as though ' cui ' ' bono ' agreed
with one another.

7. Ne haereas, 'I fear lest you may find
it embarrassing.'

Illud fuit, ut dicebas quidem.
So Halm, from the reading of the Vatican
MS. ' illud fuit, tu ut dicebas quidem.' The
common reading is ' illud quidem fuit, ut tu
dicebas;' from which Madvig, Opusc. I.
p. 207, conjectures ' ut turn dicebas,5 on the
ground that while no antithesis is meant
between the words of Antony and those of
others, there is a contrast between his present
and his former policy. The occasion referred
to is probably the 1 7th of March, when
Antony made his conciliatory speech in the
temple' of Tellus.

10. Ad aedem Opis. See on I. 7, 17 ;
andcp. c. 37, 93; 5. 4, u.

11. Ad quern, &c. See Introduction to
the first oration.

13. Commentariorum. See on 1.1,2.

15. Nundinae. From meaning the day
on which markets were held, 'nundinae'
came to mean the place of meeting for
traffic; cp. de Leg. Agr. 2. 33, 89 ' Illi
Capuam receptaculum aratorum, nundinas
rusticorum . . esse voluerunt;' and hence the
traffic itself, as here, and 5. 4, II ' Calebant
in interiore aedium parte totius reipublicae
nundinae.' So ' nundinabantur,' 3.4, 10.

16. Nescio quid. For the accusative
see on c. 9, 21.

56 M. TULLI1 CICERO NIS cc. 14-ie.

conturbatus esse videris : num quid subtimes ne ad te hoc
crimen pertinere videatur? Libero te metu : nemo credet um-
quam ; non est tuum de re publica bene merer! ;. habet istius
pulcherrimi facti clarissimos viros res publica auctores : ego te
5 tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. Respond! maximis
criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis respondendum est.

Castra mihi Pompei atque illud omne tempus obiecisti. Quo 15
quidem tempore si, ut dixi, meum consilium auctoritasque 37
valuisset, tu hodie egeres, nos liberi essemus, res publica non

10 tot duces et exercitus amisisset. Fateor enim me, cum ea quae
acciderunt providerem futura, tanta in maestitia fuisse, quanta
ceteri optimi cives, si idem providissent, fuissent. Dolebam,
dolebam, patres conscript!, rem publicam vestris quondam me-
isque consiliis conservatam brevi tempore esse perituram. Nee

1 5 vero eram tarn indoctus ignarusque rerum, ut frangerer arjimo
propter vitae cupiditatem, quae me manens conficeret angoribus,
dimissa molestiis omnibus liberaret. Illos ego praestaatissimos
viros, lumina rei publicae, vivere volebam, tot consulares, tot
praetorios, tot honestissimos senatores, omnem praeterea florem

20 nobilitatis ac iuventutis, turn optimorum civium exercitus ; qui
si viverent, quamvis iniqua conditione pacis — mihi enim omnis
pax cum civibus bello civili utilior videbatur — rem publicam
hodie teneremus. Quae sententia si valuisset, ac non ei maxime 38
mihi, quorum ego vitae consulebam, spe victoriae elati obstitis-

25 sent, ut alia omittam, tu certe numquam in hoc ordine, vel potius

c. 15. To pass to lighter accusations. — self, his father-in-law Q.. Metellus Scipio,

And first, his conduct in the last campaign who fell in Africa shortly after the battle of

with Pompey. 'He was too sad,' says Thapsus, in 46 B.C., and his son Cn.

Antony. Not too sad, surely, considering Pompeius, slain in Spain in 45 B.C. The

the perils of the state, and the critical posi- armies referred to are probably those de-

tion of so many noble men. 'He alienated feated under their respective commands at

Pompey by his levity.' Experience did not Pharsalus, Thapsus, and Munda.
bear this out, nor his unbroken friendship 21. Mihi enim omnis pax. Cp. 7. 3, 7

with Pompey, nor the testimony borne by ' Ego ilie, qui semper pacis auctor fui,

Pompey to his merits during his final flight. cuique pax praesertim civilis. quamquam orn-

This was the stronger proof of friendship, nibus bonis, tamen in primis fuit optabilis.'
since Cicero had been throughout opposed to 23. Quae sententia si valuisset, i.e.

Pompey' s policy, having always advocated if Caesar's terms had been accepted. These

peace as the object to be first sought after, were that Pompey, dismissing his army and

even at some sacrifice of dignity. his garrisons, should go to Spain, whilst

7. Castra mihi Pompei. This was Caesar himself should resign the two pro-

Pompey's last campaign in Epirus, where vinces of Gaul to their respective praetors,

Cicero joined him in the summer of 49 L. Domitius and Considius Nonianus, and

come to Rome to stand in person for the

10. Tot duces. Notably Pompey him- consulship. See Fam. 16. 12, 3.

§§ 37—39.

ORATIO PHILIP PIC A II.

numquam in hac urbe mansisses. At vero Cn. Pompei volun-
tatem a me alienabat oratio mea. An ille quemquam plus
dilexit? cum ullo aut sermones aut consilia contulit saepius?
quod quidem erat magnum, de summa re publica dissentientes
in eadem consuetudine amicitiae permanere. Ego, quid ille, et 5
contra ille, quid ego sentirem et spectarem, videbat. Ego inco-
lumitati civium primum, ut postea dignitati possemus, ille prae-
senti dignitati potius consulebat. Quod autem habebat uterque

39 quid sequeretur, idcirco tolerabilior erat nostra dissensio. Quid
vero ille singularis vir ac paene divinus de me senserit, sciunt 10
qui eum de Pharsalia fuga Paphum persecuti sunt. Numquam
ab eo mentio de me nisi honorifica, nisi plena amicissimi desi-
derii, cum me vidisse plus fateretur, se speravisse meliora. Et
eius viri nomine me insectari audes, cuius me amicum, te sec-

16 torem esse fateare?\Sed omittatur bellum illud, in quo tu 15
nimium felix fuisti. Ne de iocis quidem respondebo, quibus
me in castris usum esse dixisti. Erant quidem ilia castra plena

i. At vero, &c. This charge of Antony
is confirmed by Macrobius (Sat. 2. 3, 8),
who tells us that Cicero was so free in the
indulgence of his sarcastic humour, as to
irritate Pompey, so that at last he exclaimed
' Cupio ad hostes Cicero transeat, ut nos
timeat.'

4. Q_uod qujdem erat magnum,
'and this, it must be confessed, was no
slight proof of mutual goodwill.' Cicero
wished to secure peace by accepting Caesar's
conditions, Pompey to hold out for more
honourable terms.

9. Qjuid sequeretur, 'as each had a-
definite object in view.'

II. Paphum. Valerius Maximus, I. 5,
6, tells us that Pompey, on his way to
Egypt, ' appellens ad oppidum Paphum, con-
spexit in littore speciosum aedificium: guber-
natoremque interrogavit, quod ei nomen
esset : qui respond it, KaKo(3acn\fa vocari :
quae vox spem eius, quantulacumque restabat,
comminuit.' His companions in flight were
M. Favonius, the two Lentuli, and the king
Deiotarus (Plut. Pomp. 77: Cic. de Div. 2.

37, 79)-

13. Me vidisse plus, 'that I had had
the keener foresight.'

14. Sector is the term applied to one who
bought the goods of a proscribed person
when they were put up to auction. Partly
from the forced nature of the sale, partly
because the property was taken with all its

liabilities, known and unknown, and partly
too from the odium attaching to the pur
chase, such property seldom realised its full
value. In the present case Cicero tells us,
c. 26, 44, that Antony was the only bidder.
The word is probably derived from 'seco,'
the property being bought in bulk, and
afterwards 'cut up' into lots for purposes of
resale. Cp. pro S. Rose. Amer. 29, 80
' Nescimus per ista tempora eosdem fere
sectores fuisse collorum et bonorum ;' and a
similar play upon the word, ib. 36, 102
'Cum de bonis et de caede agatur, testi-
monium dicturus est is, qui et sector est et sica-
rius, hoc est, qui et illorum ipsorum bonorum,
de quibus agitur, emptor atque possessor est,
et eum hominem occidendum curavit, de
cuius morte quaeritur.' Others, with less
likelihood, derive the word from ' sequor.'

17. Erant quidem. The unusual posi
tion of ' quidem/ attached to the verb
instead of the pronoun, is owing to the fact
that the opposition lies, not between two
attributes of the camp, but between the
expected and actual consequences of its
anxiety. 'It is true the camp was full of
care (and might therefore have been expected
to be gloomy), but men, so long as they
are men, relax at times even amid the
greatest perplexities.'

Plena curae. Very different is the
account given of that camp by Caesar, B.C.
3. 91, I 'In castris Pompeii videre licuit

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 16—17.

curae ; verum tamen homines quamvis in turbidis rebus sint,
tamen, si modo homines sunt, interdum animis relaxantur. Quod 40
autem idem maestitiam meam reprehendit, idem iocum, magno
argumento est me in utroque fuisse moderatum.

Hereditatem mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum verun*
crimen esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent. Sed qu:
istuc tibi venit in mentem? ego enim amplius sestertium ducen-
tiens acceptum hereditatibus rettuli. Quamquam in hoc genere
fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo nisi amicus fecit heredem,
ut cum illo commodo, si quod erat, animi quidam dolor iunge-
retur : te is, quern tu vidisti numquam, L. Rubrius Casinas fecit
heredem. Et quidem vide, quam te amarit is, qui albus aterne 4i
fuerit ignoras. Fratris filium praeteriit, Q. Fufii, honestissimi
equitis Romani suique amicissimi, quem palam heredem semper

trichilas structas, magnum argenti pondus
expositum, multa praeterea quae nimiam
luxuriam et victoriae fiduciam designarent,
ut facile aestimari posset, nihil eos de eventu
eius diei timuisse, qui non necessarias con-
quirerent voluptatcs.'

4. In utroque. Plutarch, Cic. 38,
talks of him as dye\aaros del irepiiuv \v
TO> ffTparoTTeSy KOLI atcvOpoJirbs, erepois 5^

c. 1 6. The last named accusations contra
dicted one another. The mxt was simply
false, that no one ever had left legacies
to Cicero. It was true indeed that of the
twenty million sesterces he had so received,
none had ever come to him except from
men he knew, whereas Antony was fortunate
enough to find him<elf /he heir of perfect
strangers.

5. Negasti : as a proof of his un
popularity. It was a mark of disrespect if
a man was passed over in a friend's will.
Abrami compares Plut. Pomp. 15 iSTyAcucre
5e /iaAicrra SuAAas, on Trpos TLofAirfjiov ovtt

erepois yap (pikois Scapeas diroXnTWV Kal TOV
TTUidus dirob(i£as (Trnpunovs TOV Uoftirrjiov

O\QJS Traprj\0fv ; and the will of Julia, Tac.
Ann. 3. 76 'Testamentum multo apud vul-
gum honore fuit, quia in magnis opibus,
cum ferme cunc^os proceres cum h'onore
nominavisset, Caesarem omisit, quod civiliter
acceptum.' Among the legacies which Cicero
had received, we hear of one from Cyrus
the architect, pro Mil. 18, 48, and one of
ten million sesterces from Diodotus the Stoic,
Att. 2. 20, 6.

7. Ducentiens, &c., 'centena millia/

twenty million sesterces, nearly i8o,ooo/. of
our money.

8. Acceptum rettuli, 'I entered to
the credit of inheritances;' see on c. 6, 12.

11. L. Rubrius of Casinum is not known
from any other source.

Fecit heredem. Madvig, Opusc. I.
p. 165, thinks that these words should be
expunged, as being redundant, and weaken
ing the sentence by transferring its emphasis
from the antithetical words ' te is' to the
end. He is followed by Baiter and Kayser,
but Halm maintains the words on the
authority of all the MSS.

12. Albus aterne fuerit, 'the very
colour of whose complexion you do not
know.' Cp. Catull. 93

'Nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi velle

placere,

Nee scire utrum sis ater an albus homo.'
The MSS. vary between 'fuerit' and 'fueris,'
'ignoras' and 'ignoran?,' whence Orelli
reads 'fueris ignorans, fratris filium prae
teriit,' 'when, without even knowing the
colour of your hair, he passed over his
nephew in your favour.'

13. Q^ Fufii, sc. 'filium.\ So Halm,
following the Vatican MS. He says, 'no-
minat Cicero duos filio?, alterum fratris
L. Rubrii, alterum amicissimi eius Q._ Fufii,
quos ambos ab eo, ut Antonio gratificaretur,
praeteritos esse conqueritur.' Another read
ing is 'ne nomen quidem perscripsit,' making
Fufius himself the disappointed heir. Faerni,
with the same object, suggested, ' meminit.'
Heusinger. wished to expunge the doubtful
words, making Q^ Fufius to be the brother
of L. Rubrius.

§§ 40—42.

0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II.

factitarat, ne nominat quidem : te, quem numquam viderat aut
certe numquam salutaverat, fecit heredem. Velim mihi dicas,
nisi molestum est, L. Turselius qua facie fuerit, qua statura, quo
municipio, qua tribu. ' Nihil scio ' inquies ' nisi quae praedia
habuerit.' Igitur fratrem exheredans te faciebat heredem. In 5
multas praeterea pecunias alienissimorum hominum vi eiectis

42 veris heredibus, tamquam heres esset, invasit. Quamquam
hoc maxime admiratus sum, mentionem te hereditatum ausum
esse facere, cum ipse hereditatem patris non adisses.^

17 Haec ut colligeres, homo amentissime, tot dies in aliena villa ic
declamasti? quamquam tu quidem, ut tui familiarissimi dicti-
tant, vini exalandi, non ingenii acuendi causa declamas. At
vero adhibes ioci causa magistrum, suffragio tuo et compotorum
tuorum rhetorem, cui concessisti ut in te quae vellet diceret, sal-
sum omnino hominem, sed materia facilis est in te et in tuos 15
dicta dicere. Vide autem quid intersit inter te et avum tuum.

2. Salutaverat, 'had never visited.'
Cp. Att. 13. 9, i 'Venit paullo post Curtius,
salutandi causa, sed mansit invitatus.'

5. Igitur, 'this then was the reason,
merely because you knew about his pro
perty.'

Faciebat, 'he was willing, as you say,
to leave his property to you.'

In multas pecunias invasit ' cp.
pro Rose. Amer. 2, 6 ' Quoniam in alienam
pecuniam tarn plenam atque praeclaram
nullo iure invaserit.' ' Multae pecuniae'
are ' many sums of money :' cp. Verr. Act.
2- 3- 73» I7I 'Ut praetor pecunias (the
several sums of money) quas civitatibus
distribuere debeat, eas omnes avertat atque
auferat.'

9. Non adisses, 'had not entered on
the estate of your father.' ' Hereditatem
adire' or 'cernere' was the technical term
for taking possession of a property be
queathed to one. ' Heredes necessarii' (slaves
and children ' in manu testatoris'), were
bound to accept a bequest, unless the praetor
exempted them on the ground of its being
encumbered. Hence it is doubtful whether
Cicero means here that Antony was dis
inherited, or that he found the estate so
burdened with debt, that he was allowed
to relinquish it, and give it up for sale to
pay the debts. The latter is rendered more
probable by c. 1 8, 44; and Sallust, Fragm.
3. 65, says that M. Antonius, the father,
was 'perdundae pecuniae genitus.'

c. 1 7. In concluding the refutation of the
charges brought against him, Cicero takes
occasion to point out the failure of Antony's
attempts at learning rhetoric ; and rebukes
his criminal folly in giving his unsuccessful
tutor such extravagant remuneration from
the public lands.

10. In aliena villa. In Scipio's villa
at Tibur: cp. 5. 7, 19.

14. Rhetorem. Sex. Clodius, of Sicily
(not to be confounded with Sex. Clodius, the
tool of P. Clodius, see on I. I, 3), was noted
for his wit, which is acknowledged by
Cicero himself, Att. 4. 15, 2 ' Vereor ne
lepore te suo detineat diutius rhetor Clo
dius.' He mentions him again in con
temptuous terms, 3. 9, 22.

Quae vellet. Plutarch says of Antony,
c. 24 dvTiffKwipai f£rjv real di>0v&piaai KCLI
•ye\wfj.€vos oi>x TJTTOV fj ye\wv e'xatpe.

15. Omnino, ' certainly,' ' it must be
granted.'

16. Dicta, 'sharp sayings,' ' dicteria, '
like the French 'mots' Cp. de Orat. 2. 54
222 'Haec scilicet bona dicta, quae salsa
sint ; nam ea dicta appellantur proprio iam
nornine.' Hence the use of the cognate accu
sative, usually only found with the addition
of an adjective or pronoun, 'dicta' contain
ing in itself the requisite additional idea.
See Madv., § 224. Obs. 4.

Avum, the famous orator, M. An
tonius. For his cautious, deliberate style of
speaking, ' sensirn,' cp. de Orat. 3. 9, 32

M. TULLII CICERO NIS

§§ 17—18.

Ille sensim dicebat, quod causae prodesset : tu cursim dicis
aliena. At quanta merces rhetori data est ! Audite, audite, 43
patres conscript!, et cognoscite rei publicae vulnera. Duo milia
iugerum campi Leontini Sex. Clodio rhetori assignasti et qui-
5 dem immunia, ut populi Romani tanta mercede nihil sapere
disceres. Num etiam hoc, homo audacissime, ex Caesaris com-
mentariis ? Sed dicam alio loco et de Leontino agro et de
Campano, quos iste agros ereptos rei publicae turpissimis pos-
sessoribus inquinavit. lam enim, quoniam criminibus eius satis

J° respondi, de ipso emendatore et correctore nostro quaedam di-
cenda sunt. Nee enim omnia effundam, ut, si saepius decer-
tandum sit, ut erit, semper novus veniam : quam facultatem
mini multitude istius vitiorum peccatorumque largitur.

Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero ? Sic, opinor ; a principio 18

15 ordiamur. Tenesne memoria praetextatum te decoxisse? Patris, 44
inquies, ista culpa est. Concede ; etenim est pietatis plena
defensio. Illud tamen audaciae tuae, quod sedisti in quattu-

'Videtisne, genus hoc quod sit Antonii?
forte, vehemens, commotum in agendo, prae-
munitum et ex omni parte causae saeptum,
acre, acutum, enucleatum, in una quaque
re commorans? &c. ; ib. 2. 73, 296 'Ego
mehercule, inquit (Caesar), Antoni, semper
is fui, qui de te oratore sic praedicarem,
unum te in dicendo mihi videri tectissimum,
propriumque hoc esse laudis tuae nihil a
te umquam esse dictum, quod obesset ei,
pro quo diceres.'

2. Aliena, ' all that can do it injury.'

4. Iugerum, as 'nummum/ ' ampho-
rum,' ' medimnum,' and other genitives in
common use as measures. See on 5. 3, 8.

Campi Leontini : cp. c. 39, 101. The
state domains of Leontini were almost en
tirely in the hands of foreign possessors,
either Roman citizens, or natives of other
states in Sicily: see Verr. Act. 2. 2. 46, 109
' In agro Leontino praeter unam Mnasistrati
familiam glebam Leontinorum possidet
nemo.'

5. Immunia. Under ordinary circum
stances land thus held would have paid one
tenth of the produce, ' decumae,' to the state.
Clodius held his rent free, so that the Roman
people was doubly defrauded, first, in not
being able to assign its land to a more
worthy occupant, and secondly, in losing its
rent. Hence Pop. Rom. tanta mercede.

Nihil sapere. See on c. 3, 8.

7. Alio loco. See c. 39, 101.

10. De ipso emendatore et cor
rectore, 'our would-be schoolmaster and
reformer/ So Pliny Pan. 6 'Corrector
emendatorque disciplinae castrorum.' Fur-
naletti refers to Bentley on Hor. Epp, i. 15,
37 ' eipcaviKws et invidiose corrector dicitur,
qui alios castigat ipse eiusdem culpae reus.'

c. 18. Turning to review the life of Antony,
Cicero exposes the extravagance, impudence,
and profligacy of his boyhood, whereby he
brought disgrace, not only on himself, but on
C. Curio, his nobler though misguided part
ner in debauchery.

15. Praetextatum, 'while still a boy,'
' before changing the dress of boyhood for
that of manhood.' Cp. Livy 22. 57 ' De-
lectu edicto, iuniores ab annis septemdecim,
et quosdam praetextatos scribunt.'

Decoxisse, ' were a bankrupt,' a
meaning gained from the sense of ' boiling
down to nothing.' Cp. Pliny N. H. 33. 10,
47 ' Q]?i primus acceperit cognomen divitis,
decoxisse creditoribus suis.' Antony's apo
logy renders it probable that this bankruptcy
consisted in the renunciation of his father's
estate, see on c. 16, 41.

16. Concede. Your very dutiful apo
logy is valid, as excusing your poverty, but
it does not justify your breaking the law,
which takes cognizance only of a man's
position, not of the causes of it.

§§43-46. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A II. 61

ordecim ordinibus, cum esset lege Roscia decoctoribus certus
locus, quamvis quis fortunae vitio, non suo decoxisset Sump-
sisti virilem, quam statim muliebrem togam reddidisti. Primo
vulgare scortum ; certa flagitii merces nee ea parva ; sed cito
Curio intervenit, qui te a meretricio quaestu abduxit et, tarn- 5
quam stolam dedisset, in matrimonio stabili et certo collocavit.

45 Nemo umquam puer emptus libidinis causa tarn fuit in domini
potestate quam tu in Curionis. Quotiens te pater eius domu sua
eiecit? quotiens custodes posuit, ne limen intrares? cum tu
tamen nocte socia, hortante libidine, cogente mercede per tegu- 10
las demitterere. Quae flagitia domus ilia diutius ferre non
potuit. Scisne me de rebus mihi notissimis dicere ? Recordare
tempus illud, cum pater Curio maerens iacebat in lecto ; films
se ad pedes meos prosternens lacrimans te mihi commendabat ;
orabat ut se contra suum patrem, si sestertium sexagiens pete- 15
ret, defenderem : tantum enim se pro te intercessisse dicebat.
Ipse autem amore ardens confirmavit, quod desiderium tui dis-

46 cidii ferre non posset, se in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego
quanta mala florentissimae familiae sedavi vel potius sustuli !

I. Lege Roscia, the law of L. Ros- the climax, ' nox socia est, hortatur libido,

cius Otho, 67 B.C., assigning the fourteen merces cogit.'

rows of seats immediately behind the or- Per tegulas. Cp. Ter. Eun. 3. 5, 40

chestra to the equites. Cp. Hor. Epod. 4, 15 ' Deum sese in pretium convertisse, atque

'LSedilibusque magnus in primis eques in alienas tegulas

Othone contempto sedet.' Venisse clanculum per impluvium, fucum

3. Togam. Some MSS. 'stolam,' but factum mulieri ;'

this loses the whole point of Cicero's sar- where ' impluvium ' is used for the aperture

casm, the 'stola' being the dress of Roman in the roof, usually ' compluvium.'

matrons, to which he says that Antony had n. Demitterere. So Halm, following

no right until his marriage with Curio. Cp. Ferrarius, for the MS. reading ' dimitterere.'

c. 20, 50 ' Ut viri tui similis esses.' The 15. Orabat, &c. The younger Curio had

'toga' was worn by courtezans and freed- become security for Antony to the amount

women. Cp. Hor. S. I. 2, 62 ' Quid interest of six millions of sesterces (53,1257.) which

in matrona, ancilla peccesve togata ;' and he was called upon to pay, and thus obliged

Ovid Ep. de Pont. 3, 3 to ask his father for them, and so he begs

' Scripsimus haec illis, quarum nee vitta Cicero to stand between him and his father's

pudicas anger. If we follow the reading, ' te contra,'

Attingit crines, nee stola longa pedes." found in some MSS., the subject of 'peteret'

8. Domu. Some MSS. have 'domo,' but will be 'pater,' the father demanding repay-

' domu' is the reading of the Vatican MS., ment from Antony of the sum which his son

and also of the best MS. of Verr. Act. 2. 5. had lost on his account.

49, 128 'Domu sua tota expilata.' The 16. Intercedere, ' to become security.'

form is also found in the Praenestine Kal- Cp. Att. 6. I, 5 'Quasi calcar adrnovet, in-

endar (Orelli, Inscript. Lat. 2. p. 388), ' IN tercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam.'

DOMV IMP. CAESARIS,' and it is quoted Cicero's friendship for the elder Curio

by Garatonius as a reading in Pliny Ep. 10. showed itself by continued interest in

76. the son, in spite of his profligacy and

IO. Cogente mercede. Abrami notices extravagance, as we find in the letters

62 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 19— 20.

Patri persuasi ut aes alienum filii dissolveret, redimeret adole-
scentem, summa spe et animi et ingenii praeditum, rei familiaris
facultatibus, eumque non modo tua familiaritate, sed etiam con-
gressione patrio iure et potestate prohiberet. Haec tu cum
5 per me acta meminisses, nisi illis, quos videmus, gladiis confi-
deres, maledictis me provocare ausus esses ? Sed iam stupra 19
et flagitia omittamus : sunt quaedam, quae honeste non possum 47
dicere, tu autem eo liberior, quod ea in te admisisti, quae a
verecundo inimico audire non posses. Sed reliquum vitae cursum

Jo videte, quern quidem celeriter perstringam. Ad haec enim, quae
in civili bello, in maximis rei publicae miseriis fecit, et ad ea,
quae quotidie facit, festinat animus. Quae peto ut, quamquam
multo notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, tamen, ut facitis, attente
audiatis : debet enim talibus in rebus excitare animos non cog-

15 nitio solum rerum, sed etiam recordatio : etsi incidamus, opinor,
media, ne nimis sero ad extrema'v-eniamus.

Intimus erat in tribunatu Clodio, qui sua erga me beneficia 48
commemorat ; eius omnium incendiorum fax, cuius etiam domi
iam turn quiddam molitus est. Quid dicam ipse optime intel-

20 ligit. Inde iter Alexandream contra senatus auctoritatem, contra
rem publicam et religiones : sed habebat ducem Gabinium,
quicum quidvis rectissime facere posset. Qui turn inde reditus

to him. Fam. 2. 1-7. He may also have 18. Incendiorum fax, perhaps meta-

hoped to turn to use his great powers of phorically ' the firebrand that set alight the

oratory, which, however, Caesar attached to fire of all his treason,' cp. de Dom. 5, 13

his side by paying all his debts, 50 B.C. ' Ne in hanc tantam materiem seditionis ista

I. Redimeret, &c., 'employ his for- funesta fax adhaeresceret :' though Cicero

tune to ransom so promising a youth from often charges P. Clodius and his satellites

slavery to Antony.' with actual incendiarism, cp. ib. 24, 62 ;

5. Quos videmus; as though he were pro Gael. 32, 78. Clodius was tribune in 58

delivering the speech in the presence of B.C.

Antony's body-guard of mercenaries. See 19. Quiddam. What this was we have

on c. 8, 19. no means of knowing, but from his after-

c. 19. His entry into public life was as the wards marrying Fulvia, the wife of Clodius,

friend and tool of Clodius. Next he was Manutius supposes that a reference is made

found, under the respectable patronage of to an intrigue with her.
Gabinius, travelling to all corners of the 2O. Iter Alexandream. See on c. 30,

world, to find himself on his return to Italy 76. The journey was made in 56 B.C., when

the only citizen without a home. Antony combined with A. Gabinius to rein-

8. P^o liberior, 'you allow yourself state Ptolemy Auletes on his throne, in oppo-

more licence of speech, because you know sition to a decree of the senate, and an oracle

how my tongue is tied in answering you.' of the Sibyl, which forbade that he should be

15. Incidamus, 'let us cut short the restored 'cum multitudine' (ad Q.. Frat. 2.

middle of the story.' Cp. Livy 32. 37 ' Lon- 2,3).

giorem exorsis orationem, brevis interrogatio 22. Quicum, See Madv., § 86. Obs. 2.

sermonem incidit.' For ' opinor' some MSS. Cicero was especially bitter against Gabinius,

have ' oportet.' as being the author of his exile.

§§ 47—49.

ORATIO PHILIP PIC A //.

aut qualis? prius in ultimam Galliam ex Aegypto quam domum.
Quae autem domus ? suam enim quisque domum turn obtinebat,
nee erat usquam tua. Domum dico ? quid erat in terris, ubi
in tuo pedem poneres praeter unum Misenum, quod cum sociis
20 tamquam Sisaponem tenebas ? Venis e Gallia ad quaesturam 5
49 petendam. Aude dicere te prius ad parentem tuum venisse
quam ad me. Acceperam iam ante Caesaris litteras, ut mihi
satis fieri paterer a te : itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus
de gratia. Postea sum cultus a te, tu a me observatus in peti-
tione quaesturae. / Quo quidem tempore P. Clodium approbante 10

\ • .

•

1. In ultimam Galliam, to join Caesar,
who had then just returned from Britain.

2. Quae autem domus? The later
copyist in the Vatican MS. and some other
MSS. insert 'erat,' but the omission of the
verb is common in short exclamatory ques
tions. Cp. c. 17, 43 'Num etiam hoc ex
Caesaris commentariis ?' c. 29, 74 ' Tarn
bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito?'

3. Nee erat usquam tua. The time
had not come for Antony to acquire a house,
since that was only to be done through the
aid of confiscations.

5. Sisaponem. Probably the true ex
planation of this comparison is that given
by Turnebus, quoted by Abrami. He refers
it 'ad miniaria metalla Sisaponensium, quae
societates publicanorum exercebant : dicit
enim, Antonium non unum possessorem
Miseni fuisse, sed possessionis socios habere
multos* Turn. Adv. 10. 12. He only
held it ' in partnership with his creditors.'
Cp. c. 29, 73. That a company of 'publi-
cani' worked the cinnabar mines at Sisapo, in
Hispania Baetica, is told us by Pliny N. H.
33. 7, 40. Abrami himself thinks that as
the fumes of cinnabar were unwholesome,
so the villa of Antony was exposed 'ad
ventum horribilem et pestilentem,' viz. the
exactions of his creditors. He compares
Catullus 26

' Furi, villula nosrta non ad Austri
Flatus opposita est, nee ad Favoni,
Nee saevi Boreae, aut Apeliotae,
Verum ad milia quindecim ac ducentos.
O ventum horribilem atque pestilentem.'
5. Venis. So Halm, from the Vatican
reading ' venisse Gallia.' Other MSS. have
' venisti Galliam,' whence the common read
ing ' venisti e Gallia.' Antony was elected
quaestor for the year 52 B.C.

c. 20. As candidate for the qnaestorship,
Antony sought, and readily obtained, the

countenance and aid of Cicero ; in gratitude
for which, as he alleged, he tried to take the
life of Clodius. So soon as he obtained the
quaestor ship, he "hurried to the camp of Caesar,
as the best resort for ruined profligates.

6. Ad parentem tuum. So the
Vatican and other MSS., but as his father
and his stepfather, P. Lentulus, both were
dead, his only parent was Julia. Charisius,
indeed (i. 76), quotes instances of 'parens'
in the masculine being used for ' mother,' but
in the only one which we can verify (Virg.
Ae. 3. 341) against the authority of all
existing MSS. The others are a fragment of
Pacuvius, ' Te, sol, invoco, ut mihi potesta-
tem duis Inquirendi mei parentis :' and of an
epistle of Gracchus, ' tuus parens sum,' h. e.
' mater.' Still as ' ad parentem' here is
merely equivalent to ' to your home,' as we
might say ' to your father's house,' the mas
culine gender is perhaps defensible. An
obvious emendation is ' tuam,' suggested by
Buchanan. Halm reads 'turn,' from a conjec
ture of Frotscher. The remaining MSS. have
' patrem tuum,' whence we have conjectures
' patruum tuum' (though his uncle C. Antonius
was then in exile), 'matrem tuam,' and 'ama-
torem tuum,' with reference to C. Curio.

7. Ut mihi satis fieri, &c., 'that I
would accept your overtures of reconcilia
tion;' the main ground of offence being
probably the friendship of Antony with
P. Clodius.

9. Observatus, ' countenanced.' Cp.
pro Mur. 34, 70 ' A quibus (senatoribus et
equitibus) si domus nostra celebratur, si in-
terdum ad forum deducimur, si uno basilicae
spatio honestamur, diligenter observari vide-
mur et coli.' The Vatican reading 'ovatus'
is manifestly corrupt, and has given rise to
the conjectures ' ornatus,' ' adiutus,' ' comi-
tatus,' ' sublevatus,' but ' observatus ' is the
reading of all the other MSS.

M. TULLII C1CERONIS

cc. 20—22.

populo Romano in foro es conatus occidere, cumque earn rem
tua sponte conarere, non impulsu meo, tamen ita praedicabas,
te non existimare, nisi ilium interfecisses, umquam mihi pro
tuis in me iniuriis satis esse facturum. In quo demiror, cur
5 Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, cum te ultro mihi
idem illud deferentem numquam sim adhortatus. Quamquam, si

- in eo perseverares, ad tuam gloriami [rem 'illam referri malebam
quam ad meam gratiam. Quaestor es factus : deinde continue 50
sine senatus consulto, sine sorte, sine lege ad Caesarem cucur-

10 risti ; id enim unum in terris egestatis, aeris alieni, nequitiae
perditis vitae rationibus perfugium esse ducebas. Ibi te cum
et illius largitionibus et tuis rapinis explevisses, si hoc est
explere quod statim effundas, advolasti egens ad tribunatum,
ut in eo magistratu, si posses, viri tui similis esses.

15 Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae ipse in se atque in domes- 21
ticum decus impure et intemperanter, sed quae in nos fortu-
nasque nostras, id est in universam rem publicam, impie ac

i. Conatus es. See on c. 9, 21.

6. Quamquam, &c. The train of
thought seems to be ' I did not encourage you,
because I saw your want of perseverance.
And yet, under any circumstances, even if you
were to persevere, I thought it better that
you should have the whole credit of the
matter.' Hence the conjecture of Manutius,
'quoniam' for ' quamquam,' is unnecessary.

9. Sine sorte. Cp. Att. 6. 6, 4'Pom-
peius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q._ Cas-
sium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium.'
The regular mode of apportioning the
several quaestorships was by lot, though
sometimes the senate gave a general some
particular quaestor by decree, as C. Laelius
to P. Scipio, 202 B.C. (Livy 30. 33) ; and
sometimes, as this passage seems to show,
the people passed a special law for the purpose;
similar to those by which they assigned ex
traordinary provinces to proconsuls.

II. Perfugium. See below, c. 32, 78;
Gael. ap. Cic. Fam. 8. 14, 3 'Video ad
Caesarem omnes, qui cum timore aut mala
spe vivant, accessuros.'

13. Explere. Halm marks here a la
cuna, which is variously supplied, ' haurire,'
' devorare,' ' ingerere,' ' corripere.' The
sense may be, however, ' if we may apply
the word "explere" to that which you
immediately intend disgorging.' Garatonius
compares pro Rab. Post. 16, 44 ' Ex qua
(diguitate) illi nihil detrahi potest quod non

aut fortiter ferat aut facile restituat.'

14. Viri tui, Curio. See on c. 18, 44.

cc. 21, 22. In his tribuneship, he persisted
in thwarting by his veto the counsels of the
senate for the common weal, till they were
obliged, in self-defence, to stop his inter
ference by declaring him a public enemy.
Again he fled to C. Caesar, and gave him
the excuse he sought for the invasion of his
country, on the ground that the tribunes^
privileges had been violated. Thus Antony
was the immediate cause of all the evils of the
civil war, and of the loss, by death or banish
ment, of so many noble citizens; the final
issue being loss of liberty to the senate and
the state.

16. Decus. This reading is due to Mad-
vig, who shows (Opusc. i. p. 166; 2. p.
322) not only that ' in' must have the same
meaning with both accusatives, so that
here 'in dedecus' could only mean 'to the
detriment of his dishonour,' which is absurd,
but also that such an expression as ' in
dedecus/ ' to his dishonour,' ' so as to bring
dishonour on himself,' is never used by any
prose writer till after the Augustan period,
though it occurs in poetry, as Hor. Epod.
J7. 63

' Ingrata misero vita ducenda est, in hoc,

Novis ut usque suppetas doloribus:'
and in later prose, especially in the time of
Seneca. The mistake would easily arise
from doubling the syllable.

§§50-52. OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A II. 65

nefarie fecerit : ab huius enim scelere omnium malorum prin-

51 cipium natum reperietis. Nam cum L. Lentulo C. Marcello

consulibus Kalendis lanuariis labentem et prope cadentem rem
... V4*f»A^ ,. . . ~> ~ . .

publicam Tulcire cuperetis, ipsique C. Caesan, si sana mente

esset, consulere velletis : turn iste venditum atque emancipatum 5
tribunatum consiliis vestris opposuit cervicesque suas ei subiecit
securi, qua multi minoribus in peccatis occiderunt. In te, M.
Antoni, id decrevit senatus et quidem incolumis, nondum tot
luminibus exstinctis, quod in hostem togatum decerni est soli-
turn more maiorum. Et tu apud patres conscriptos contra me 10
dicere ausus es, cum ab hoc ordine ego conservator essem, tu
hostis rei publicae iudicatus ? Commemoratio illius tui sceleris
intermissa est, non memoria deleta. Dum genus hominum, dum
populi Romani nomen exstabit — quod quidem erit, si per te
licebit, sempiternum, — tua ilia pestifera intercessio nominabi- 15

52 tur. Quid cupide a senatu, quid temere fiebat, cum tu unus
adolescens universum ordinem decernere de salute rei publicae
promouisti, neque semel, sed saepius ? neque tu tecum de sena
tus auctoritate agi passus es ? Quid autem agebatur, nisi ne
deleri et everti rem publicam funditus_ velles, cum te neque 20

2. L. Lentulo, C. Marcello, in 49 6. Cervices. It is noticeable that

B.C.. the year of Antony's tribuneship, and Cicero nowhere uses the word ' cervix ' in

of the commencement of the civil war the singular.
between Caesar and Pompey. 9. In hostem togatum, so as to give

4. Si sana mente esset, 'had he the ConsuiS power of life and death within
been willing,' that is, ' to show himself a the city walls.

loyal citizen/ See c. 35, 88 note. The n. Conservator. See on c. I, 2.

senate passed a decree on the 1st of 15. Sempiternum. See Virg. Ae. I ft

January, that Caesar should disband his 278

army, or be held a public enemy. Antony ' Hie ego nee metas rerum nee tempora

and his colleague, Q. Cassius Longinus, pono ;

interposed their vetos, which the senate Imperium sine fine dedi.'

disregarded, declaring that in doing so the Hence Tibullus, ' Aeternae urbis moenia,' 2.

tribunes violated the interests of the state. 5, 23.

Finding themselves expelled from the senate 16. Unus adolescens. Cicero conve-

on the 6th of January, and feeling that the niently ignores the co-operation of Q. Cas-

absolute power given to the Consuls was sius, and exaggerates the youth of Antony,

aimed especially against them, they fled who, being now 34, could no longer be

from Rome and joined Caesar at Ravenna. reckoned among ' adolescentes.' See on c.

(Caes. B. C. I. 5, 4: Liv. Epit. lib. 109.) 44, 113.

5. Emancipatum, 'transferred from 18. Neque tu tecum, &c., ' nor would
his own authority to that of Caesar,' his you allow the opening of any negotiations
own loss of power being the idea more pro- with yourself abont upholding the authority
minently brought forward. So de Fin. I. 7, of the senate, though all that was sought
24 ' Filium in adoptionem D. Silano emanci- was that you should consent not utterly
paverat;' but Cat. Mai. 1 1, 38 ' Senectus ho- to destroy the state :' ne velles, ' that you
nesta est, . . si nemini mancipata est,' stress would not exert your sovereign will and
being laid on the slavery which is the result. pleasure.'

66 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 21-23.

principes civitatis rogando neque maiores natu monendo neque r3
frequens senatus agendo de vendita atque addicta senteritia
movere potuit? Turn illud multis rebus ante tentatis necessario
tibi vulnus inflictum est, quod paucis ante te, quorum incolumis
5 fuit nemo : turn contra te dedit arma hie ordo consulibus reli-
quisque imperils et potestatibus : quae non effugisses, nisi te ad
arma Caesaris contulisses. Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps 22
C. Caesari omnia perturbare cupienti causam belli contra patriam 53
inferendi dedisti. Quid enim aliud ille dicebat? quam causam

10 sui dementissimi consilii et facti afferebat, nisi quod intercessio
neglecta, ius tribunicium sublatum, circumscriptus a senatu csset
Antonius? Omitto quam haec falsa, quam levia, praesertim
cum omnino nulla causa iusta cuiquam esse possit contra patriam
arma capiendi. Sed nihil de Caesare : tibi certe confitendum

15 est causam perniciosissimi belli persona tua constitisse. O mise- 54
rum te, si haec intelligis, miseriorem, si non intelligis, hoc litteris
mandari, hoc memoriae prodi, huius rei ne posteritatem quidem
omnium saeculorum umquam immemorem fore, consulcs ex
Italia expulsos cumque iis Cn. Pompeium, quod imperil populi

.20 Romani decus ac lumen fuit, omnes consulares, qui per valetu-

2. Agendo, 'by its attempted nego- evrrpfTifj rov Tro\f/j.ov

tiations,' rather than 'by the severity of its u. Ius tribunicium sublatum, not

measures.' only by ignoring their veto, but by threat-

Addicta, 'given over to the highest cning the sanctity of their persons. Cp.

bidder:' cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 63, 148 'Si Livy 2. 33; Dionys. 7. 17.

doceo al:quanto pluris potuisse vendere neque Circumscriptus, 'hampered in the

iis voluisse te addicere, qui contra Apronium exercise of his power.' Cp. 13. 9, 19 ' Pa-

Hcerentnr.' rata de circumscribendo adolescente sententia

4. Vulnus, viz. the decree, 'dent consularis;' and pro Mil. 33, 88 'Senatus,

operam consules, praetores, tribuni plebis, credo, praetorem eum circumscripsisset,'

quique consulares sunt ad urbem (these ' would have fenced in Clodius, so that he

being " reliqua imperia"), ne quid res should not exceed his powers.'

publica detriment! capiat ' Caes. B. C. I. 15. Persona tua. So the Vatican MS.

5' 3; CP- Fam. 16. II, 3. This power, Cp. 3. 8, 19 'cum eo (sc. interitu tuo)

Cicero says, had never before been given to salus. . . consisteret.' Vuig. 'in persona.'

the Consuls without proving fatal to those O miserum te. See c. 7, 16.

against whom it was directed. 19. Pompeium, quod lumen fuit.

9. Causam. Caesar himself alleges this This attraction of the relative into the

object amongst others that induced him to gender of the predicate is found when, the

take up arms against the state (' ut tribunos antecedent being already sufficiently defined,

plebii, ea re ex civhate expulsos, in suam stress is to be laid on the attribute contained

dignitatem restitueret ' B. C. I. 32, 5), and in the relative clause. Cp. 5. 14, 38 'Pom-

it was no doubt useful to him as a popular peio patre, quod imperio populi Romani

cry, especially as the senate seem to have lumen fuit, exstincto.' When the relative

been technically in the wrong : but his clause contains the only data for identifying

counsels were based on deeper views than the antecedent, the relative pronoun must

this, and as Plutarch says, Ant. 6 ravra follow the ordinary rules. See Madv. § 316.

TrdAcu deopevy irpotydatojs axn^a. KO! \6jov 20. Omnes consulares. As it was

§§ 52—56.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA II.

dinem exsequi cladem illam fugamque potuissent, praetores,
praetorios, tribunes pl.} magnam partem senatus, omnem sub-
olem iuventutis, unoque verbo rem publicam expulsam atque
55 exterminatam suis sedibus ! . Ut igitur in seminibus est causa
arborum et stirpium, sic huius luctuosissimi belli semen tu 5
fuisti. Doletis tres exercitus populi Romani interfectos : inter-
fecit Antonius. Desideratis clarissimos cives : eos quoque nobis
eripuit Antonius. Auctoritas huius ordinis afflicta est : afflixit
Antonius. Omnia denique, quae postea vidimus — quid autem
mali non vidimus ? — si recte ratiocinabimur, uni accepta refe- 10
remus Antonio. Ut Helena Troianis, sic iste huic rei publicae
belli causa, causa pestis atque exitii fuit. Reliquae partes tribu-
natus principii similes. Omnia perfecit, quae senatus salva re
publica ne fieri possent perfecerat. Cuius tamen scelus in scelere
23 cognoscite. Restituebat multos calamitosos : in iis patrui nulla 15
56 mentio. Si severus, cur non in omnes ? si misericors, cur non
in suos ? Sed omitto ceteros : Licinium Denticulam de alea

notorious that several men of consular rank
(among whom were P. Servilius Isauricus,
L. Volcatius, and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus, the
last-named actively espousing Caesar's side),
remained in Rome, Cicero invents for all of
them the plea of ill health.

I. Exsequi, &c., 'to accomplish that
disastrous flight.' The leaders of Pompey's
party retired with him in the first instance
to Capua, whence he fled to Brundisium at
the end of February, in preparation for
leaving Italy for his last campaign.

5. Semen. Abrami compares Dem. Cor.
p. 280, 28 6 yap TO OTTfpua irapanx^t
OVTOS TUIV (pvvrcav KO.KWV a'lTios ; and in
Tim. p. 748, 13 ovof a-rrepfj-a Stt KO.TO.-
&dX\(tv tv rfi TTO\€I TOIOVTCW Trpayfj-arajv,
ov8' fl prjircas av \Ktyboi.

6. Tres exercitus. See c. 6, iz
note.

10. Accepta referemus. See c. 16,
40.

13. Principii. So Halm, following Ga-
ratonius, from the Vatican reading 'princi-
piis,' where the ' s ' is probably due to the
initial of the following ' similis.' Vulg.
'principio.'

Quae senatus, &c., 'which the senate
had rendered impossible without the ruin of
the constitution/

14. Scelus in scelere. It was an of
fence against the state to annul its sentences;

but if he were doing that, natural affection
demanded the recall from exile of his uncle,
C. Antonius.

cc. 23-25. His power he abused in every
way. First, by restoring to tlieir civil rights
convicted persons, in behalf of whom no
single plea could decently be urged. Se
condly, in not extending this clemency to his
wide. Thirdly, by his progress through the
borough towns in the company of an actress,
and attended by a troop of profligates, amid
luxury most unsuited to a tribune. Fourthly,
by his cruelty and avarice in war, in which
the only merit he could urge was his single
act of moderation in not killing Cicero; and
this was only out of deference to the unan
imous opinion of his soldiers, who were
scandalized by the open profligacy of his
conduct.

His next appointment, to be Caesar's
master of the horse, was gained by jobbery,
and led to further jobbery, combined with
rapine and excess of every kind.

15. Restituebat in this chapter seems
to mean generally 'he restored to their
former privileges,' (cp. below, 'restituit in
integrum'), since Denticula was evidently not
in exile. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 2. 26, 63 'Alia
iudicia restituta sunt.'

17. De alea condemnatum. Cp. Hor.
Od. 3. 24, 58 'Seu malis vetita legibus
aka.'

68 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 23-24.

condemnatum, collusorem suum, restituit, quasi vero ludere cum
condemnato non liceret : sed ut, quod in alea perdiderat, bene-
ficio legis dissolveret. Ouam attulisti rationem populo Romano
cur eum restitui oporteret ? Absentem credo in reos relatum ;
5 rem indicia causa iudicatam ; nullurn fuisse de alea lege iudi-
cium ; vi oppressum et armis ; postremo, quod de patruo tuo
dicebatur, pecunia indicium esse corruptum. Nihil horum. At
vir bonus et re publica dignus. Nihil id quidem ad rem, ego
tamen, quoniam condemnatum esse pro nihilo est, ita ignosce-

10 rem. Hominem omnium nequissimum, qui non dubitaret vel
in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de alea, condemnatum qui in
integrum restituit, is non apertissime studium suum ipse profi-
tetur? In eodem vero tribunatu, cum Caesar in Hispaniam 57
proficiscens huic conculcandam Italian! tradidisset, quae fuit

15 eius peragratio itinerum ! lustratio municipiorum ! Scio me in
rebus celebratissimis omnium sermone versari eaque, quae dico
dicturusque sum, notiora esse omnibus, qui in Italia turn fuerunt,
quam mihi, qui non fui : notabo tamen singulas res, etsi nullo
modo potent oratio mea satis facere vestrae scientiae. Etenim

20 quod umquam in terris tantum flagitium exstitisse auditum est? 24
tantam turpitudinem? tantum dedecus? Vehebatur in essedo 58

1. Quasi vero, &c., ' as though to 93, where Cicero propounds the case of a
keep up some show of respectability in his man who had accepted an inheritance under
company, though really to escape the pay- promise of dancing in the forum, and de
ment of his gambling debts;' 'sed' marking cides that he ought to violate his promise
the transition from the false plea to the real rather than do so, unless the money gained
object which Antony had in view. were to be applied to some great necessity

2. Beneficio legis, by the gratitude of the state.

he earned from Denticula, by carrying 12. Studium suum, 'his own predi-

through the law which restored him to lection for play.'

his civic rights. 14. I tali am. Caesar left Lepidus in charge

4. Absentem credo. Here follow of Rome, and Antony of Italy. Plut. Ant. 6.

the usual pleas on which reversal of a sen- 18. Q_ui non fui. See on c. 15, 37.

tence might be urged, or even (as in the last 21. Vehebatur in essedo. Abrami

case) the compassion of the senate excited. calls attention to the force of every single

One of these, he says, Antony might have word in this charge. He, a tribune of the

pressed in favour of his uncle; Denticula commons, bound to avoid aristocratic pomp,

could claim the benefit of none Additional and to make himself accessible to all, drove,

point is given to the comparison by the fact like a woman, in a barbarian carriage, pre-

that Cicero himself defended C. Antonius. ceded by lictors, to which a tribune had no

9. Condemnatum esse. In such a right, and these adorned luith laurel wreaths,

general confusion of the constitution, respect in token of victory over Pompev and the

for the mere decision of a court of law Consuls. Among these was carried Cytheris,

would naturally go for nothing. a mimic actress, a courtezan among the

10 Qui non dubitaret, &c., 'who insignia of magistracy, without even the
would not hesitate to play dice in the very decency of a curtained litter,
forum itself;' this being the height of pro- Essedo. This was a Celtic two-
fan! ty in a Roman's eyes ; cp. Off. 3. 24, wheeled chariot, found apparently both in

§§ 56—59.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II.

tribunus pi. ; lictores laureati antecedebant, inter quos aperta
lectica mima portabatur, quam ex oppidis municipales homines
honesti, obviam necessario prodeuntes, non noto illo et mimico
nomine, sed Volumniam consalutabant. Sequebatur reda cum
lenonibus, comites nequissimi : reiecta mater amicam impuri 5
filii tamquam nurum sequebatur. O miserae mulieris fecun-
ditatem calamitosam ! Horum flagitiorum iste vestigiis omnia
municipia, praefecturas, colonias, totam denique Italiam im-
pressit.

59 Reliquorum factorum eius, patres conscripti, difficilis est sane 10
reprehensio et lubrica. Versatus in bello est ; saturavit se san
guine dissimillimorum sui civium : felix fuit, si potest ulla in
scelere esse felicitas. Sed quoniam veteranis cautum esse volu-
mus, quamquam dissimilis est militum causa et tua— illi secuti
sunt, tu quaesisti ducem, — tamen, ne apud illos me in invidiam 15
voces, nihil de genere belli dicam. Victor e Thessalia Brundi-
sium cum legionibus revertisti. Ibi me non occidisti. Magnum,.

Britain and in Gaul. Cp. Fam. 7. 6, 2 'Tu,
qui ceteris cavere didicisti, in Britannia ab
essedariis decipiaris caveto ;' and Virg. G 3.
204 ' Bel^ica vel molli melius feret esseda
collo.' Caesar describes them as used in
war, B. C. 4. 33. It seems to have become
a fashionable carriage in Rome ; see Professor
Conington on Virg. 1. c.

i. Tribunus plebi. Cp. Plut. Quaest.
Rom. 8 1 TTJS orjfjLapx'ias TJ)V ytvfaiv l/f
TOV 8rj/j.ov Xa.fj.&avovffrjs, TO drjfMOTiKov iff-
Xvpuv eo~Tt, KOI j-fa TO

Kal o~TO\f) Kal StatTT? TO?S

TWV TToXlTOJV.

2. Mima. Cp. Juv. 8. 198
' Res haud mira tamen, citharoedo principe,
mimus

Nobilis.'

Cicero complained at the time of the dis
graceful nature of the proceeding, Att. 7. 10,
5 ' Hie tamen Cytherida secum lectica aperta
portat, alteram uxorem:' cp. ib. 16, 5.

4. Volumniam. See on c. 8, 20.
Reda. This was also a Gaulish chariot,

but on four wheels; see Quint, i. 5, 57
' Plurima Gallic* (verba) valuerunt, ut reda
ac petorritum.'

5. Comites is in apposition to the
general idea of ' reda cum lenonibus,' ' the
coach-load of panders.' Another reading,
supported however only by one late MS.,
is ' leonibus,' in defence of which Pliny's

story (N. H. 8. 16, 21; cp. Att. 10. 13,
i) of Antony driving a yoke of lions in a
chariot is urged. But besides that this event
was after Pharsalus, and that the lions were
yoked to his own chariot, not to that of his
attendants, the anomaly of the expression
' reda cum leonibus ' for ' reda leonibus
iuncta ' would be sufficient to decide the
question in favour of the reading of the MSS.

Mater. Julia, daughter of L. lulius Caesar,
who was Consul in the social war, 90 B.C.

8. Municipia, &c. See on 3. 5, 13
and 4. 3, 7.

II. Lubrica, 'hazardous,' on account of
the offence which would be given to the
veterans.

13. Quoniam veteranis, &c. Two
reasons are assigned by Cicero for his silence,
of which the latter, though in strictness of
grammar it should merely re-assert the
former, is really quite distinct from it :
' Since we wish to maintain the interests of
the veterans,' ' that you may not bring me
into disfavour with them.'

14. Dissimilis. Besides the superior and
more responsible position of Antony, the
soldiers were in the first instance bound to
Caesar by their military oath.

16. E' Thessalia. After the battle of
Pharsalus, August, 48 B. C., Cicero came to
Brundisium in November, and remained
there till September in the following year.

17. Non occidisti. See on c. 3, 5 and 6.

»0 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 24—25.

beneficium ! potuisse enim fateor : quamquam nemo erat eorum,
qui turn tecum fuerunt, qui mihi non censeret parci oportere.
Tanta est enim caritas patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus eo
essem, quod earn a me servatam esse meminissent. Sed fac id
5 te dedisse mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam,
quia non a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias hoc
tuum beneficium sic tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim cum te haec
auditurum videres ? Venisti Brundisium, in sinum quidem et 25
in complexum tuae mimulae. Quid est? num mentior ? Quam 61
miserum est id negare non posse, quod sit turpissimum confiteri !
Si te municipiorum non pudebat, ne veterani quidem exercitus ?
quis enim miles fuit qui Brundisii illam non viderit? quis qui
nescient venisse earn tibi tot dierum via gratulatum ? quis qui
non indoluerit tarn sero se quam nequam hominem secutus esset
cognoscere? Italiae rursus percursatio eadem comite mima, in 62
oppida militum crudelis et misera deductio, in urbe auri, argenti
maximeque vini foeda direptio. Accessit ut Caesare ignaro,
cum esset ille Alexandreae, beneficio amicorum eius magister
equitum constitueretur. Turn existimavit se suo iure cum
Hippia vivere et equos vectigales Sergio mimo tradere. Turn

4. Meminissent. See on c. 4, 7. 16. Deductio, •' quartering the soldiers

6. Licuitne, &c., 'did not your abuse on the towns for the winter :' 'deduco' being

prevent me from continuing to show that commouly employed for bringing soldiers

1 recognised your kindness, especially as, all into winter quarters: cp. Caes. B. G. 5. 27,

the time that you were abusing me, you 9 ' Legionibus in hiberna deductis;' and Livy

saw that such would be my answer?' 26.20; 43.9. Abrami takes it of the allot-

Praesertim cum gives an additional ment of lands to the soldiers, which would

reason for what is really, though not gram- drive the citizens from their homes ; but it

matically, the leading notion in this sen- is not likely that any measures of this sort

tcnce, viz. the effect of Antony's wanton would be taken till Caesar had returned to

abuse of him. Cp. 8. 2, 5 ' C. quidem Rome,

Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, prae- 1 7. Caesare ignaro. Yet Plutarch,

seriim cum illud aetatis erat:' where the Ant. 8, says that Caesar himself appointed

train of thought is, ' Octavius might have him master of the horse, and sent him in

been expected to wait for your decrees, that capacity to Rome.

especially considering his age, but he acted 19. Cum Hippia, that as master of the

on his own responsibility.' horse (itnrapx05} ne was entitled to live with

II. Municipiorum, 'if you felt no Hippias, the mimic actor.

shame in the presence of the borough towns,' 20. Vectigales, according to Manutius

i. e. at bringing on them such a disgrace. (whom Forctllini follows), means simply

Lindemann (on Plaut. Trin. 4. 2, 67) says, 'earning profit for their master.' Hence he

' Omnia quae pudore afficiunt, sive ilia in re- thinks the reference is to the horses that

bus turpibus censentur, sive personae stint contended in the games, and that Antony

reverentia dignae, ad verbum piidere genitivo allowed Sergius, the mimic actor, to contract

struuntur.' Cp. 12. 3, 8 'Pudet huius legi- for the supply of these, a privilege hitherto

onis, pudet quartae;' Ter. Hec. 5. 2, 27 monopolized by senators, and in their case

'Pudet Philumenae,'' I am ashamed of seeing exercised with a view to popularity rather

Phi'umena;' and Sail. Frag. i. 51, 15 « Te than to profit. Abrami thinks that ' equi

neque homin-um neque deorum pudet.' vectigales' (like 'pecunia vectigalis' in Verr.

§§59-63. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 71

sibi non hanc, quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Pisonis domum
ubi habitaret legerat. Quid ego istius decreta, quid rapinas,
quid hereditatum possessiones datas, quid ereptas proferam ?
Cogebat egestas ; quo se verteret, non habebat : nondum ei
tanta a L. Rubric, non a L. Turselio hereditas venerat ; non- 5
dum in Pompei locum mu-ltorumque aliorum, qui aberant, re-
pentinus heres successerat. Erat ei vivendum latronum ritu, ut
tantum haberet, quantum rapere potuisset.

es Sed haec, quae robustioris improbitatis sunt, omittamus : lo-
quamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. Tu istis fau- 10
cibus, istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis firmitate
tantum vini in Hippiae nuptiis exhauseras, ut tibi necesse esset
in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. O rem non
modo visu foedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter cenam in ipsis
tuis immanibus illis poculis hoc tibi accidisset, quis non turpe 15
duceret? in coetu vero populi Romani, negotium publicum
gerens, magister equitum, cui ructare turpe esset, is vomens frustis
esculentis vinum redolentibus gremium suum et totum tribunal
implevit. Sed haec ipse fatetur esse in suis sordibus : veniamus
ad splendidiora. 20

Act. 2. i. 35, 89) means horses supplied as 11. In Hippiae nuptiis, &c. Cp.

tribute by conquered nations. He quotes Plut. Ant. 9 lv 'Iniriov TTOTC rov (*ifj.cv

Hdt. 3. 90 to show that the Cicilians paid yapois tariaOels Kal TTIWV Sia VVKTOS, eira

a tribute of horses to Darius, and thinks that irpwi rov Srjfj,ov rcaXovvros (Is dyopav irpo-

the Romans probably continued to receive e\0ajv en Tpotyfjs fj.faros Ifie'trac, T&V

their tribute in the ancient fashion. In that (pi\cov TWOS viroffX''vros TO ipaTiov.

case the passage would mean that Antony 14. In coetu, &c. Garatonius quotes

gave Sergius the horses which belonged to Quint. 8. 4, 8, commenting on this passage:

the state. ' Singula incrementum habent. Per se de-

I. Male tuetur, 'has difficulty in re- forme, vel non "in coetu," vomere; "in

taining for his own.' It was Pompey's house coetu" vd non "populi;" "populi" etiam

(see on I. I, i), and was now claimed by non "Romani;" vel, si uullum "negotium"

Sextus Pompeius, who had agreed to lay ageret ; vel si non " publicum ;" vel si non

aside hostilities in Spain, on condition of " magister equitum."' Mr. Mayor remarks

receiving the property of his father. See sn that this chapter is more often cited by

13. 8, 10. Quintilian than any other in the speech.

M. Pupius Piso distinguished himself in cc. 26-28. Caesar's ill-omened re'urn to

the first civil war, on the side of Sulla, and Rome led to the sale of his proscribed oppo-

was afterwards Consul, through the interest nents' property. Antony alone had the heart

of Pompey, 61 B. C. and shamelesmess to bid for that of Pompey;

3. Datas . . ereptas, 'which he gave to and entering on it with indecent haste, in a
his adherents, or seized from their lawful few days, with 'the aid of his abandoned fol-
owners.' lowers, he had squandered all the treasures

4. A. L. Rubric, &c. See on c. 16, 40. of that house, which no one else could look on
9. Istis faucibus, &c., all showing without tears. He alone was utterly devoid

Antony's great powers of drinking, and of feeling, never disturbed by the contrast

therefore the enormity of his excess, when between the former pure and noble owner of

it produced such results. See Quint. 8. 4, the house, and its present tenant, whose most

1 6 ; 9. 4, 23. virtuous act was to divorce his mistress. And

72 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 26-27.

Caesar Alexandrea se recepit, felix, ut sibi quidem vide- 26
batur, mea autem sententia, qui rei publicae sit hostis, felix 64
esse nemo potest. Hasta posita pro aede lovis Statoris bona
subiecta Cn. Pompei — miserum me! consumptis enim lacrimis

5 tarn en infixus haeret animo dolor, — bona, inquam, Cn. Pompei
magni voci acerbissimae subiecta praeconis. Una in ilia re
servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit servientibusque animis, cum
omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi Romani liber
fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus quisnam esset tarn impius, tarn

10 demens, tarn dis hominibusque hostis, qui ad illud scelus sec-
tionis auderet accedere, inventus est nemo praeter Antonium,
praesertim cum tot essent circum hastam illam, qui alia omnia
auderent : unus inventus est qui id auderet, quod omnium fugis-
set et reformidasset audacia. Tantus igitur te stupor oppressit 65

15 vel, ut verius dicam, tantus furor, ut primum, cum sector sis isto
loco natus. deinde cum Pompei sector, non te exsecratum populo
Romano, non detestabilem, non omnes tibi deos, non omnes
homines esse inimicos et futuros scias? At quam insolenter
statim helluo invasit in eius viri fortunas, cuius virtute terribilior

20 erat populus Romanus exteris gentibus, iustitia carior ! In eius 27
igitur viri copias cum se subito ingurgitasset, exsultabat gaudio

withal he was so proud of his notoriety, that sarius sub praeconem cum dedecore subiectus

even now he tpoke of himself as being ' both est, is non modo ex numero vivorum extur-

Consul and Antonius,' lest men in respect batur, sed, si fieri potest, infra etiam mortuos

for the Consul should forget the contempt amandatur.'

appropriate to the debauchee. 10. Sectionis. See on c. 15, 39.

1. Alexandrea. Caesar left Alexandrea n. Accedere is the special word for bid-
in the latter end of March, and arrived in ding at an auction. Cp. Livy 43. 16 'Edixe-
Rome in September, 47 B.C. runt, ne quis eorum . . ad hastam suam

2. Hostis, So the Vatican MS. Some accederent.'

others have ' infelix.' 12. Praesertim cum, though formally

3. Hasta posita. The origin of set- dependent on ' inventus est nemo,' really
ting up a spear as the sign ot a public auc- refers to the leading idea in Cicero's mind ;
tion is probably to be found in the fact to the strangeness of the want of bidders,
that the earliest auctions would be sales rather than to the actual fact of that want.
of spoil taken in war, and sold on the See on c. 24, 60. It may be translated
spot. ' which was ail the more remarkable as,' or

Pro aede lovis Statoris. At the top 'even though,' or 'and that at a time

of the Via Sacra, near the place where the when.'

arch of Titus now stands. 15. Isto loco, sc. as being ' nobilis.'

5. Haeret animo. Madvig, Opusc. I. 16. Exsecratum, so Halm from the

p. 145, would alter the order of the words, Vatican MS. Vulg. ' execrandum ;" but see

reading 'animo haeret,' to mark more clearly on c. 13, 32.

the dependence of 'animo' on 'haeret.' 21. Se subito ingurgitasset, ' had all

For the disgrace involved in the proceeding at once begun to wallow in;' cp. in Pis. 1 8,

see pro^Quiuct. 15,49 'Cuius bona venie- 42 ' Numquam te in tot flagitia ingurgi-

runt, cuius . . etiam victus vestitusque ncces- tasses.'

§§64-67. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 73

persona de mimo, modo egens, repente dives. Sed, ut est apud

66 poe'tam nescio quern, male parta male dilabuntur. Incre-
dibile ac simile pprtenti est, quonam modo ilia tarn multa quam
paucis non dico mensibus, sed diebus effuderit. Maximus vini
numerus fuit, permagnum optimi pondus argenti, pretiosa vestis, 5
multa et lauta supellex et magnifica multis locis, non ilia qui-
dem luxuriosi hominis, sed tamen abundantis : horum paucis

67 diebus nihil erat. Quae Charybdis tarn vorax ? Charybdim
dico ? quae si fuit, animal unum fuit : Oceanus, me dius fidius,
vix videtur tot res, tarn dissipatas, tarn distantibus in locis 10
positas tarn cito absorbere potuisse. fchil erat clausum, nihil
obsignatum, nihil scriptunaJ Apothecae totae nequissimis homi-
nibus condonabantur. Alia mimi rapiebant, alia mimae : domus
erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebriorum : totos dies potabatur
atque id locis pluribus : suggerebantur etiam saepe — non enim 15
semper iste felix — damna aleatoria. Conchyliatis Cn. Pompei
peristromatis servorum in cellis lectos stratos videres. Quam
ob rem desinite mirari haec tarn celeriter esse consumpta : non
modo unius patrimonium quamvis amplum, ut illud fuit, sed
urbes et regna celeriter tanta nequitia devorare potuisset. At 20

1. Persona de mimo, 'like the man ' me ' is merely a demonstrative inseparable
in the farce.' particle, like ' e ' in ' ecastor.'

2. Male, &c., 'ill-gotten gain never II. Nihil erat clausum, &c., ' so care-
thrives.' The quotation is from Naevius. less was he, that he neither locked, nor

5. Numerus, 'a vast stock of wine,' so sealed, nor put his name on anything;' or
'frumenti ' Verr. Act. 2. 2. 72, 176. ' scriptum ' may be (as Halm takes it) ' he

Optimi argenti, 'of beautifully- made no list of anything.'

wrought plate.' Madvig (§ 466 b) says 12. Apothecae, ' whole stores of wine.'

that the words are placed in such unusual ' Apothecae ' differ from ' cellae vinariae,'

order ' to give a prominence to both adjec- being the magazine where the main stock of

tives, and at the same time to bring "ar- wine was stowed away, as opposed to the

genti," which forms an antithesis with other place where the supply for daily use was

words, to the last place.' kept. The latter was in the inmost part

6. Non ilia quidem, &c., ' not enough of the house, for coolness (not necessarily
to stamp the man as luxurious, but suffi- underground, see Pliny, N. H. 14. 21, 27),
ciently betokening affluence.' See on 13. -whereas the ' apotheca ' was in the upper
5, 10. part, where it could be mellowed by the

9. Animal unum fuit, 'was but a single smoke. See Colum. I. 6, 20; and cp. Hor.

creature.' So Virgil personifies Charybdis, Od. 3. 21, 7

Ae. 3. 420 ' Laevum implacata Charybdis ' Descende, Corvino iubente

Obsidet.' Promere languicliora vina; '

Me dius fidius is taken by some to * of a jar of special wine that was to be pro
be the same oath as ' Mehercle,' being equiva- duced in honour of his guest,
lent to ' Me Dius (lovis) films,' d and 1 being 17. Servorum in cellis, 'in the garrets
interchanged asin'lingua/'dingua/'lacrima,' of the slaves.' Cato, R. R. 14. 2, calls
Saxpv, and many other words. The more them ' familiae cellas,' whence Vitruvius'
probable derivation is from 'fides,' 'Dius term, 6. 10, ' cellae familiaricae.'
Fidius ' corresponding to Zevt irlarios. The 20. Devorare potuisset, 'could have

74 M. TULLII C1CERONIS cc. 27-29.

idem aedes etiam et hortos. O audaciam immanem ! tu etiam 68
ingrccli iliam do mum ausus es ? tu illud sanctissimum limen
intrare ? tu illarum aedium dis penatibus os impurissimum osten-
dere? Quam domum aliquamdiu nemo adspicere poterat, nemo
5 sine lacrimis praeterire, hac te in domo tarn diu deversari non
pudet ? in qua, quamvis nihil sapias, tamen nihil tibi potest esse
iucundum. An tu, ilia in vestibule rostra [spolia] cum adspex- 28
isti, domum tuam te introire putas? fieri non potest. Quamvis
enim sine mente, sine sensu sis, ut es, tamen et te et tua et

1.0 tuos nosti. Nee vero te umquam neque vigilantem neque in
somnis credo posse mente consistere. Necesse est, quamvis sis,
ut es, violentus et furens, cum tibi obiecta sit species singularis
viri, perterritum te de somno excitari, furere etiam saepe vigi
lantem. Me quidem miseret parietum ipsorum atque tectorum. 69

IT Quid enim umquam domus ilia viderat nisi pudicum, quid nisi
ex optimo more et sanctissima disciplina? Fuit enim ille vir,
patres conscripti, sicuti scitis, cum foris clarus turn domi admi-
ranclus, neque rebus externis magis laudandus quam institutis
domesticis. Huius in sedibus pro cubiculis stabula, pro con-

20 clavibus popinae sunt. Etsi iam negat : nolite quaerere ; frugi

devoured, supposing it had had them; the liceret : triumphabantque etiam dominis

further condition causing the use of the mutatis ipsae domus, et erat haec stimulatio

subjunctive, instead of the more usual indi- ingens, exprobrantibus tectis quotidie, im-

cative. See Madv. § 348, Obs. I. bellem dominum intrare in alienum triuin-

i. Aedes et hortos, sc. ' devoravit.' phum : ' and Virg. Ae. 7.183

' Horti,' in the plural, means 'pleasure- ' Multaquepraeterea sacris in postibus arma,

grounds ; esp. ' a villa with its grounds.' Captivi pendent currus, curvaeque secures,

Cp. c. 6, 15, and Off. 3. 14, 58 'Ad cenam Et cristae capitum, et portarum ingentia

hominem in hortos iimtavit.' claustra,

6. Quamvis nihil sapias, 'however Spiculaque, clipeique, ercptaque rostra
void of sense you are,' cp. c. 1 7, 43 ; carinis.'

c. 4, 8. ii. Mente consistere, ' to beat ease

7. In vestibule, 'in the courtyard,' an in your mind.'

empty space before the door, not a part of 12. Violentus; so Halm, from the Vati-

the building, as appears from pro Caec. 12, 35 can and two other MSS. Al. ' vinolentus,'

' Si te . . armati non modo limine tectoque which has plausibility, both from the cha-

aedium tuarum, sed primo aditu vestibuloque racter of Antony, and the combinations

prohibuerint. ' Cp. Plant. Most. 3. 2, 133 ' vinolentum furorem,' Fam. 12. 25, 4; and

' Viden' vestibulum ante aedes hoc, et am- ' furiosam vinolentiam,' c. 39, 101.
bulacrum cuius modi ?' Species, 'the phantom:' cp. Ov. M.

Rostra, probably trophies of Pompey's II. 677 ' Voce sua, specieque viri turbata

victories over the pirates, 66 B.C. Spolia soporem Excutit.'

is probably a gloss. The reading of the 1 6. Fuit ille vir, &c. Cp. Plut. Ant.

Vatican MS. is ' rostran spolia.' For the 21 IIof-iTrrjtov TOV Me-yaAou yevofAfvrjv,

custom of decorating the entrance with such dvSpbs ovx fJTrov em aw^poavvri KOI TO>

trophies, Abrami compares Pliny, N. H. TerayfAevcas KOL S^yuorj/cws diaiTaoOai Oav-

35. 2, 2 ' Aliae foris et circurn limina ani- p.aaQtvros ^ 8td TOVS rp(ts Opidftfiovs.
niorum iugentium imagines erant, affixis 19. Pro conclavibus. Some MSS. have

hostium spoliis, quae nee emtori refringere ' pro tricliniis,' but the Vatican reading, ' pro

§§ 68-71.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A II.

factus est : illam tsuam suas res sibi habere iussit, ex duodecim
tabulis claves ademit, exegit. Guam porro spectatus civis, quam
probatus ! cuius ex omni vita nihil est honestius quam quod cum

70 mima fecit divortium. At quam crebro usurpat 'et consul et
Antonius': hoc est dicere : et consul et impudicissimus, et 5
consul et homo nequissimus. Quid est enim aliud Antonius?
Nam si dignitas significaretur in nomine, dixisset, credo, ali-
quando avus tuus se et consulem et Antonium — numquam dixit :
— dixisset etiam collega meus, patruus tuus, nisi si tu es solus
Antonius. Sed omitto ea peccata, quae non sunt earum par- 10
tium propria, quibus tu rem publicam vexavisti : ad ipsas tuas
partes redeo, id est ad civile bellum^mod natum, conflatum,

29 susceptum opera tua est. Cui bello^^m propter timiditatem

71 tuam, turn propter libidines defuisti. Gustaras civilem sangui-
nem vel potius exsorbueras : fueras in acie Pharsalica antesig- 15

conclavibus popinae triclinis,' seems to show
that the latter word is a gloss. ' Conclave '
is any chamber 'quod clave claudi potest,'
here ' a dining room.'

I. Illam suam. Halm thinks that
' suam,' which is the reading of the Vatican
MS., but supplied by a later hand, may be a
corrupt substitution for ' mimatn.' ' He has
formally divorced his actress-wife,' ' alteram
uxorem ' as he calls Cytheris, Att. 7- !O> 5-
Restoration of the dowry (Plaut. Stich. 2.1,
50 ' Uxorin' sit reddenda dos divortio ; ' cp.
Trinum. 2. I, 43

' Tuas res tibi habe,
Amor ! mihi amicus
Ne fuas umquam ; '
and Mart. 10. 41, I

' Mense novo lani veterem, Proculeia, ma-
ritum

Deseris.atque iubes rem sibi habere suas'),
and. expulsion from the house (Plaut. Mil. Gl.
4. 6, 62 ' Quin tua causa exegit virum a se,')
seem to have been regular parts of a divorce
from a marriage by ' coemtio.' With respect
to reclaiming the household keys, the symbol
of domestic government, the only other evi
dence we have is a passage from the Epistles
of S. Ambrose (6, 3), quoted by Abrami :
' Mulier offensa claveis remisit, domum re-
vertit.' Cicero's application of theSe terms
to Cvtheris is of course mere sarcasm.

5. Hoc est dicere, the only attributes
connoted by the word « Antonius ' being
those of shamelessness and depravity.

8. Avus. M. Antonius, the orator,
whose younger son C. Antonius Hybrida
was Consul with Cicero, 63 B.C.

9. Nisi si, 'unless it be the case that;'
the excepted case being the hypothesis put
forward in the whole clause. ' Nisi si ' is
most commonly thus used with indefinite
pronouns and adverbs : cp. Livy 6. 26
' Hie plebis nostrae habitus fuit, eritque
semper, nisi si quando a vobis, proque vobis,
arma acceperimus.'

10. Earum partium propria, ' passing
over all that does not bear upon the policy
whereby you harassed the state, I return to
your own special work.'

€.29. After his cruelty in the civil war,
he might have been expected to folloiu Caesar
into Spain : but they had lately quarrelled,
when Caesar, somewhat unreasonably, made
his adherent pay for the property ne had
bought. This brought him into difficulties ;
he had little left to sell, and even what he had
was claimed by those on zvhose inheritances
he had seized. On this he tried to murder
Caesar, just before his setting out for Spain.

14. Defuisti. The real reason why
Antony did not join Caesar in the African
campaign probably was the coolness which
arose between them in consequence of
Caesar requiring him lo pay the money
which he bid for Pompey's house: though
below Cicero represents this as the result
(' Itaque . . appellatus es '). For the charge
of cowardice there is no foundation, and
Cicero himself refutes it by recording that
he fought in the post of honour in the front
ranks (' antesignanus ') at Pharsalus. Plu
tarch tells us that Caesar gave him the
command of the left wing, ws iro\€jj.iKQJTa,T(a
TWV v<})' avrov, Ant. 8.

76 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 29-30.

nanus ; L. Domitium, clarissimum et nobilissimum virum, occi-
deras multosque praeterea qui e proelio effugerant, quos Caesar,
ut non nullos, fortasse servasset, crudelissime persecutus truci-
daras. Quibus rebus tantis talibus gestis, quid fuit causae cur
5 in Africam Caesarem non sequerere, cum praesertim belli pars
tanta restaret? Itaque quem locum apud ipsum Caesarem post
eius ex Africa reditum obtinuisti? quo numero fuisti ? Cuius
tu imperatoris quaestor fueras, dictatoris magister equitum, belli
princeps, crudelitatis auctor, praedae socius, testamento, ut dice-

10 bas ipse, filius, appellatus es de pecunia, quam pro domo, pro
hortis, pro sectione debebas. Primo respondisti plane ferociter, 72
et, ne omnia videar conh^te, prope modum aequa et iusta dice-
bas. A me C. Caesar ^pFuniam ? cur potius quam ego ab illo ?
an sine me ille vicit? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad ilium

15 belli civilis causam attuli ; ego leges perniciosas rogavi ; ego
arma contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, contra
senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios arasque
et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vicit? Quorum
facinus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda communis ? lus

20 postulabas, sed quid ad rem ? plus ille poterat. Itaque excussis 73
tuis vocibus et ad te et ad praedes tuos milites misit, cum re-

I. L. Domitium. See on c. II, 27. with the exception of that for the re-

7. Quo numero fuisti? ' of what ac- versa! of certain judicial sentences (see c.
count were you?' So 3. 6, 16 ' Bambalio, 23, 56). It shows Cicero's power of sar-
homo nullo numero.' casm that he makes Antony urge as services

8. Quaestor, see on c. 20,50; Mag is- to Caesar exclusively the wrongs he did the
ter equitum, on c. 25,62; belli prin- state.

ceps, on c. 22, 55. 19. lus postulabas, 'your demands were

10. Filius. We learn from Dion Cassius on'y fair,' ' postulo,1 according to Donatus,

(44. 35) that Antony was placed among the being strictly ' to demand what is one's

heirs in remainder (• secundi heredes !), by right.' He says, on Ter. Andr. 2. 5, 1 1

the will of Caesar, but nowhere of anything ' Petimus precario ; poscimus imperiose ;

like his adoption by the dictator. postulamus iure.' See on I. II, 27. The

Appellatus es, 'you were summoned fairness of any claims, Cicero declares, is the

for the money :' cp. de Leg. Agr. i. 36, 100 last thing to be taken into consideration;

' Nulli populo Romano pro me maiores Caesar was the more powerful, and that

mei spoponderunt, mihi creditum est : a decided the matter.

me pctere quod debeo, me ipsum appellare 20. Excussis. So the Vatican, and most

debetis.' other MSS. Two have ' exclusis.' which

15. Causam; see on c. 22, 53. Madvig adopts (Opusc. i. p. 207). The use,

Ego leges perniciosas rogavi. however, of ' excussis ' ('having shaken him-

These words are wanting in the Vatican self free from your words ') probably has re-

MS., but are found in the others, and are ference to 'respondisti plane ferociter' above ;

quoted by the grammariaa Nonius (about and it is borne out by Tibullus, 2. 6, 12

A.D. 200). Their reference is very doubt- ' Magna loquor, sed magnifice mihi verba

ful, as among Antony's actions we hear locuto

of no laws which he passed at this period, Excutiunt clausae fortia verba fores.'

§§71-75. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 77

pente a te praeclara ilia tabula prolata est Qui risus hominum !
tantam esse tabulam, tarn varias, tarn multas possessiones, ex
quibus praeter partem Miseni nihil erat, quod is qui auctionare-
tur posset suum dicere. Auctionis vero miserabilis adspectus :
vestis Pompei non multa eaque maculosa, eiusdem quaedam 5
argentea vasa collisa, sordidata mancipia, ut doleremus quid-

74 quam esse ex illis reliquiis, quod videre possemus. Hanc tamen
auctionem heredes L. Rubrii decreto Caesaris prohibuerunt.
Haerebat nebulo : quo se verteret non habebat. Quin his ipsis
temporibus domi Caesaris percussor ab isto missus deprehensus 10
dicebatur esse cum sica : de quo Caesar in senatu aperte in te
invehens questus est. Proficiscitur in Hispaniam Caesar, paucis
tibi ad solvendum propter inopiam tuam prorogatis diebus. Ne
turn quidem sequeris. Tarn bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito ?
Hunc igitur quisquam, qui in suis partibus, id est in suis fortunis 15
tarn timidus fuerit, pertimescat ?

30 Profectus est aliquando tandem in Hispaniam, sed tuto, ut ait,

75 pervenire non potuit. Quonam modo igitur Dolabella pervenit ?
Aut non suscipienda fuit ista causa, Antoni, aut, cum susce-

i. Tabula, 'catalogue of the sale;' pert)7, we may suppose, was added by Antony

'tabulae auctionariae,' Cat. i. 8, 18 ; cp. to the sale.

pro Caec. 6, 16 ' Adest ad tabulam, licetur 12. Proficiscitur in Hispaniam.

Aebutius.' About the end of 46 B. C., to crush the

Prolata est. This is Madvig's in- resistance of Cn. and Sext. Pompeius.

terpretation (Opusc. 1. c.) of the Vatican 14. Rudem. The wand with which

reading ' prolatas.' He urges the necessity gladiators who had served their time were

of the verb being expressed in such a sen- presented by the praetor, in token that they

tence, and is followed by Halm. had earned their pension. Cp. Hor. Epp. I.

3. Partem Miseni. See on c. 19, 48. I, 2 ' Spectatum satis, et donatum iam rude

4. Adspectus, though more commonly quaeris ;' Juv. 7. 171 'Ergo sibi dabit ipse
subjective, is elsewhere used objectively, of rudem ;' and Mart. 3. 36, 10 ' Ut noncium
the appearance of the object gazed upon. credas me meruisse rudem.' Some MSS.
Cp. Cat. 4. 6, II ' Veisatur mihi ante oculos have 'rudem accepisti,' but the verb is
adspectus Ctthegi ;' and de Nat. Deor. 2. 63, wanting in the Vatican MS. See on c. 19,
158 'Pomorum iucundus adspectus.' ' Ccn- 48; and for the term gladiator as applied
spectus,'on the other hand, seems always to to Antony, cp. 7. 6, 17.

be subjective, of the act of looking. See 15. In suis partibus, ' in following out

Madvig on Cic. Fin. 5. 18, 48. his own policy; that is, in looking after his

6. Sordidata mancipia, 'a few slaves own interests.'

in mean apparel;' ' mancipia ' being 'chat- cc. 30, 31. Thither Antony, after much

tels,' ' quae iure mancipi possidentur,' and delay, proposed to follow him, but only got

especially living chattels, or slaves. Cp. as far as Narbo, leaving Dolabella to fight

Parad. 5. i, 35 'Non enim ita dicunt eos his battles for him, even against the sons of

esse servos, ut mancipia, quae sr.nt domino- Pompey, who were seeking to regain from

lum facta nexo aut aliqr.o iure civili.' him their lost inheritance. From Narbo he

8. Heredes L. Rubrii. See c. 16, returned, by night, in most unworthy guise,

40. The injured heirs probably took the alarming all the city, that he might surprise

opportunity of Antony's disgrace to beg for his wife, and save his sureties from an exe-

Caesar's interference. Some of their pro- cution on their property.

M. TULLII CICEROXIS

co. 30—31.

pisses, defendenda usque ad-extremum. Ter depugnavit Caesar
cum civibus, in Thessalia, Africa, Hispania. Omnibus adfuit
his pugnis Dolabella : in Hispaniensi etiam vulnus accepit. Si
de meo iudicio quaeris, nollem ; sed tamen consilium a primo
5 reprchendendum, laudanda constantia : tu vero quid es ? Cn.
Pompei liberi turn primum patriam repetebant — esto ; fuerit
haec partium causa communis : — repetebant praeterea deos
patrios, aras, focos, larem suum familiarem, in quae tu .invaseras.
Haec cum peterent armis ii, quorum erant legibus — etsi in rebus

10 iniquissimis quid potest esse aequi ? — tamen quern erat aequissi-
mum contra Cn. Pompei liberos pugnare? quem ? te, sectoj^Ti.
An cum tu Narbone mensas hospitum convomeres, DolaiBBa
pro te in Hispania dimicaret ?

Qui vero Narbone reditus ? Etiam quaerebat, cur ego ex ipso 76

15 cursu tarn subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, patres conscripti,
causam reditus mei : volui, si possem, etiam ante Kalendas
lanuarias prodesse rei publicae. Nam quod quaerebas, quo
modo redissem : primum luce, non tenebris ; deinde cum calceis
et toga, nullis nee Gallicis nee lacerna. At etiam adspicis me

I. Ter depugnavit Caesar. See on
c. 15, 37.

4. Nollem, 'I would he had been
absent.'

A primo, 'from the outset:' cp. Att. 9.
6, 5 ' Tuas mine cpistolas a primo lego.'

5. Quid es ? As \ve say, ' you are
neither one thing nor the other:' neither
loyal nor consistent. Cp. de Har. Resp. 2O,
42 'Hie vero quid est ? quid valet ?'

6. Turn is only found in the Vatican
MS., but may have been omitted in the rest
to bring out more clearly the meaning of
' primum,' which does not belong to it, but
is ' in the first place,' as opposed to ' prae
terea.'

Fuerit, &c., 'grant that in this you
were but abandoning your party's cause, the
further object of their resistance touched
yourself more nearly.'

8. In quae. referring to masculine and
feminine antecedents. Cp. Livy 44. 24
' Natura inirnica sunt libera civitas et rex.'

10. Tamen is resumptive, after the paren
thesis introducing an apologv for the word
' aequissimum.'

12. Narbone. Narbo, the capital of
Gallia Narbonensis, now Narbonne, at the
mouth of the Aude, in the department of

that name (in the province of Languedoc),
was the furthest point that Antony reached
in his journey to join Caesar.

Convomeres. Cp. c. 41. io.| ' Ab hora
tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, vomebatur;' and
above c. 25, 63.

14. Narbone reditus, 'return from Nar
bo.' In a letter to Atticus (9. 5, i) we find a
series of combinations of verbal nouns with
the several cases denoting different relations
of place : ' Sunt ista quidem difficillima, iter
ad superum, navig.itio infero, discessus Ar-
pinum, mansio Formiis.' Cp. above c. 19,
48 ' Iter Aiexandream.'

Cur revertissem. See on i. 3, 7. foil.

18. Calceis, 'with my boots on,' i.e.
fully dressed. Cp. pro Gael. 26, 62 ' Calceati
et vestiti.'

19. Toga. Juvenal mentions the relief
from the necessity of wearing the toga as
one of the pleasures of a country life : u.
203

' Nostra bibat vernnm contracta cuticula

solem

Effugiatque togam.'
Cp. id. 3. 171

4 Pars magna Italiae est, si verum admit-

timus, in qua
Nemo togam sumit, nisi mortuus ;'

75—77.

OR ATI O PHI LIP PIC A II.

et quidem, ut videris, iratus. Ne tu iam mecum in gratiam
redeas, si scias quam me pudeat nequitiae tuae, cuius te ipsum
non pudet. Ex omnium omnibus flagitiis nullum,turpius vidi,
nullum audivi. Qui magister equitum fuisse tibi viderere, in
proximurn annum consulatum peteres vel potius rogares, per 5
municipia coloniasque Galliae, a qua nos turn,, cum consulatus
petebatur, non rogabatur, petere consulatum solebamus, cum
Gallicis et lacerna cucurristi. At videte levitatem hominis.
31 Cum hora diei decima fere ad Saxa rubra venisset, delituit in
77 quadam cauponula atque ibi se occultans perpotavit ad ves- 10
peram ; inde cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus domum venit
capite obvoluto. lanitor : ' Quis tu?' CA Marco tabellarius.'

and Martial (10. 47, 5) enumerates among
the things that make life happy, ' Lis num-
quam, toga rara, mens quieta.'

Gallicis. From Geilius (13. 21) we
learn that ' gallicae ' were a kind of sandals,
like the Roman ' soleae,' and the Greek Kpr\-
iriSfs, covering only the sole of the feet.
There was an ancient law at Rome, ' Neive
quis in poplico luci praetextam, neive soleas
habeto' (Marini, Atti degli Arvali, p. 569);
and Cicero brings a reproach against Piso
(c. 6. 1 3) ' Nescio quo e gnrgustio te pro-
dire, capite involute, soleatum.' Cp. Verr.
Act. 2. 5. 33, 86.

Lacerna (cp. Hor. S. 2. 7, 55 'Odo-
ratum caput obscurante lacerna), was a large
riding cloak, fastened by a brooch, and used
in Cicero's time (apparently not before) for
travelling. Suetonius (Aug. 40) confirms
the inference from this passage, that it was
considered a mark of effeminate luxury to
wear it in the city : ' Negotium aedilibus
dedit (Augustus) ne quern posthac paterentur
in foro Circove, nibi positis lacernis, togatum
consistere.'

I. Ne tu. See on c. 2, 3.

5. Rogares. Abrami takes this change
of words as though Cicero referred to
Antony's obtaining the consulship as a gift
from Caesar, not by a legitimate elec
tion. As, however, ' rogatio ' is a regular
word for a constitutional canvass, the ex
planation of Graevius seems better, that
Antony, according to Cicero, begged the
consulship as a favour from the people, in
stead of claiming it as the reward of his
services. He compares pro Plane. 10, 25
' Neque enim sic rogabam. ut petere vi-
derer, quia familiaris esset meus.' Cp. Fam.
2. 6, I ' Grave est enim homini pudenti
petere aliquid magnum ab eo, de quo se
bene meritum putet, ne id, quod petal,

exigere magis quam rogare et in mercedis
potius quam beneficii loco numerare vi-
deatur.'

6. A qua. In the Vatican MS. the pre
position is wanting, but it is found in the
others. Halm substitutes ' e qua,' without
authority, comparing the expression 'e pro-
vincia triumphare,' 'to gain in some province
the victory that earned a triumph,' (in Pis.
23' 55 'Ex Macedonia non triumphares '),
so that this passage would mean ' where we
used to serve our apprenticeship for the
consulship.' The reading of the MSS.,
however, gives the better sense, ' whose
votes we used to ask, while votes were
freely given.' Cp. Att. I. I, 2 ' Fortasse,
quoniam videtur in suffragiis inultum posse
Gallia, . . excurremus mense Septembri (in
the law vacation) legati ad Pisonem.'

8. Levitatem, not, as in later writers,
' inconstancy,' but ' trifling,' as it is ex
plained by Geilius 7. II ' Veterum homi-
num qui proprie atque integre locuti sunt,
leves dixerunt, quos vulgo nunc viles et
nullo honore digrios dicimus, et livitatem
appellaverunt proinde quasi viliiatem*

9. Ad Saxa rubra, on the Cremera, be
tween Rome and Veii.

10. Vesper am. So Halm from the
Vatican MS. Other MSS. and Gellius (who
quotes this passage, 7- JI) ' vesperum,' a
form which occurs de Fin. 3. 2, 8.

11. Cisio, ' in a gig.' ' Cisia ' were two-
wheeled vehicles, especially used for rtpid
travelling: cp. pro Rose. Amer. 7, iQ'Decem
horis nocturnis sex et quinquaginta milia
passuum cisiis pervolavit.'

Capite obvoluto. Cp. in Pis. 6, 13,
quoted above on § 76.

12. A Marco, the praenomen only being
given in his own house, among his own
servants.

M. TULLII CICERO NIS

cc. 31—32.

Confestim ad earn, cuius causa venerat, eique epistolam tradidit.
Quam cum ilia legeret flens — erat enim scripta amatorie ; caput
autem litterarum, sibi cum ilia mima posthac nihil futurum ;
omnem se amorem abiecisse illim atque in hanc transfudisse — :
5 cum mulier fleret uberius, homo misericors ferre non potuit :
caput aperuit, in collum invasit. O hominem nequam ! quid
enim aliud dicam? magis proprie nihil possum dicere. Ergo ut
te catamitum, nee opinato cum te ostendisses, praeter spem
mulier adspiceret, idcirco urbem terrore nocturno, Italiam mul-

jo torum dierum metu perturbasti ? Et domi quidem causam 73
amoris habuisti, foris etiam turpiorem, ne L. Plancus praedes
tuos vcnderet. Productus autem in contionem a tribuno plebis
cum respondisses te rei tuae causa venisse, populum etiam dica-
cem in te reddidisti. Sed nimis multa de nugis : ad maiora

is; veniamus.

C. Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam longissime proces- 32
sisti. Celeriter isti, redisti, ut cognosceret te, si minus fprtem, at
tamen strenuum. Factus es ei rursus nescio quo modo famili-

I. Ad earn. Some MSS. add 'deducitur,'
but the omission of the verb suits better
the dramatic character of the scene.

4. Illim, 'from that quarter.' Halm
maintains this form also in pro Rab. Post.
12, 35 ; de Har. Resp. 20, 42 ; instead of
' illinc,' which is formed from it by the
addition of the demonstrative particle ' ce.'

8. Catamitum. The inappropriateness
of this reproach here led Heusinger to con
jecture that this word is a corruption for
the name of a well-known character in some
play, who reappeared when he was supposed
to be dead.

10. Causam amoris, ' the plea of love
to urge.'

n. Praedes tuos. Caesar having ap
parently given orders to the praefecti urbis,
of whom L. Plancus was one, that, if An
tony did not pay the price of Pompey's
house within the time appointed, a distress
should be levied, and that, as was usual, not
on the goods of Antony himself, but on
those of his sureti. s. 'Praedes,' properly
the sureties themselves, is here used for
tl eir goods, Cp. Verr. Act. 2. I. 54, 142
' Praedibus praediisque vendendis.'

12. Tuos. So Halm from the Vatican
reading ' tus,' and from other MSS. Al.
' suos,' which agrees better with the MS.
reading ' habuit,' for ' habuisti.9

Productus in contionem, in order
that the news which occasioned the mission
of a special messenger might be made pub
licly known. When Antony declared that
he had merely returned ' on urgent private
affairs,' (' res tua ' having moreover a spe
cial reference to ' love affairs,') the very
people made jokes at his expense.

c. 32. When Caesar was returning home,
Antony went some way to meet him, and
not only regained his favour, — to that his
villainy was sufficient passport, — but obtained
from him the consulship. In this Dola-
bdla was cheated, first by Caesar grasping
for himself what he had promised Dolabella,
and secondly, by the conduct of Antony.
Abject enough in all his demeanour towards
his master, he had the face to declare
beforehand that he, as Consul, would usurp
the augur's duty, and pronounce the auspices
faulty, whatever their real character might
be.

17. Isti, redisti. So c. 35, 89: the
omission of the copula marking more
strongly the restlessness of the proceeding.

18. Strenuum, 'active/ especially in
travelling. Cp. Att. 15. 6, 2 'Noli me tarn
strenuum putare. ut ad nonas recurram.' An
tony's reputation for bravery, Cicero says,
was lost when he stopped short at Narbo ;
he sought to regain favour by his energy.

§§ 77—80.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II.

aris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar : quern plane perditum acre
alieno egentemque, si eundem nequam hominem audacemque

79 cognorat, hunc in familiaritatem libentissime recipiebat. His
igitur rebus praeclare commendatus iussus es renuntiari consul
et quidem cum ipso. Nihil queror de Dolabella, qui turn est 5
impulsus, inductus, elusus. yQua in re quanta fuerit uterque
vestrum perfidia in Dolabellam, quis ignorat? Ille induxit ut
peteret, promissum et receptum intervertit ad seque transtulit :
tu eius perfidiae voluntatem tuam adscripsisti. Veniunt Kalen-
dae lanuariae : cogimur in senatum ;• invectus est copiosius 10

so multo in istum et paratius Dolabella quam nunc ego. Hie
autem iratus quae dixit, di boni ! Primum cum Caesar osten-
disset se, prius quam proficisceretur, Dolabellam consulem esse
iussurum — quern negant regem, qui et faceret semper eius modi
aliquid et diceret : — sed cum Caesar ita dixisset, turn hie bonus \ -
augur eo se sacerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis
vel impedire vel vitiare posset, idque se facturum esse asseve-

i. Habebat, &c., 'this was exactly
Caesar's way.' Cp. Pliny Ep. I. 12, 7
' Habebat enim hoc moris ;' and Hor. S.

I- 3» 3

' Sardus habebat
Ille Tigellius hoc.'

6. Impulsus, inductus, elusus. The
two latter words are explained by what fol
lows ; 'impulsus' probably means, excited
with the hope of being Consul ; cp. ad
Brut. I. 10, 3 'Caesarem impulerunt in
spem certissimam consulatus ; ' Suet. Ner.
35 ' In spem imperii impellere.'

8. Receptum adds to ' promissum ' the
further idea of ' guaranteeing : ' cp. Att.
13. i, 2 ' De aestate polliceris vel potius
recipis.'

9. Kalendae lanuariae, when the
Consuls entered on their office, 44 B.C.

II. In istum. Against Antony, as the
instrument of Caesar, whom he dared not
attack directly for his treachery.

13. Proficisceretur. On the expedi
tion which, beginning with the subjugation
of the Parthiuns, was intended to extend
over Hyrcania, and the parts about the
Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and passing
through Scythia, to work its way back
to Italy through Germany, completing
thus the circle of his conquest. Plut.
Caes. 58.

14. Iussurum. Cp. § 79 'iussus es,' the
word being intentionally chosen to mark the

despotic nature of the act, as Cicero himself
points out in the words that follow.

15. Sed. See on I. 11, 27.

17- Impedire, vel vitiare, 'could
prevent their being held, or, if they were,
could make them null and void,' neither of
which he had any right to do as augur. The
several steps in the ceremony of taking the
auspices were as follows : — First the Consul
or other presiding magistrate ordered the
inspection to be made. This order the
augurs carried out, and made their report
(' nuntiatio '), which the Consul then con
sidered ; and if he thought the omens un
favourable, he declared the business to be
postponed (' obnuntiatio '). Hence the augurs'
office was purely ministerial, as they could
neither initiate the proceedings, nor decide
on the result ; though doubtless there were
many cases in which the 'obnuntiatio' ne
cessarily followed on their report. It is not
clear to which part of the proceedings the
term ' spectio ' applies, though probably to
the estimation of the auspices by the Consul,
previous to his ' obnuntiatio.' Festus says it
applies also to the actual inspection; but
this is not borne out by Cicero's argument.
Cp. Varr. L. L. 5. 8 ' Et quod in auspiciis
distributum est, qui habeant spectionem,
qui non habeant.' A wholly different rite is
referred to in the words ' de caelo servare,'
the process there consisting in looking for
omens in the heavens. This was only in

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 32—33.

ravit. In quo primum incredibilem stupiditatem hominis cog-
noscite. Quid enim ? istud, quod te sacerdotii iure facere posse 81
dixisti, si augur non esses et consul esses, minus facere potuisses ?
Vide ne etiam facilius. Nos enim nuntiationem solum habemus,
5 consules et reliqui magistrates etiam spectionem. Esto : hoc
imperite ; nee enim est ab homine numquam sobrio postulanda
prudentia : sed videte impudentiam. Multis ante mensibus in
senatu dixit se Dolabellae comitia aut prohibiturum auspiciis
aut id facturum esse, quod fecit. Quisquamne divinare potest,

10 quid vitii in auspiciis futurum sit, nisi qui de caelo servare con-
stituit ? quod neque licet comitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit,
non comitiis habitis, sed prius quam habeantur debet nuntiare.
Verum implicata inscientia impudentia est ; nee scit" quod au-
gurem, nee facit quod pudentem decet. Itaque ex illo die recor- 82

15 damini eius usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Quis umquam
apparitor tarn humilis, tarn abiectus ? Nihil ipse poterat ; omnia
rogabat ; caput in aversam lecticam inserens beneficia, quae ven-

the power of the presiding magistrate, and
as the mere determination on his part ' to
observe the sky ' sufficed, whether omens
were observed or not, it was possible to
know beforehand that the business would be
thus postponed. Probably it was the im
mense power thus conveyed to one man in
determining elections that led to the pro
hibition of this means of stopping them.
Cp. de Dom. 15, 39 ' Negant (augures) fas
esse agi cuai pcpulo, cum de caelo servatum
sit.'

4. Nos enim, 'we augurs,' see on c.

2, 3-

9. Aut id, &c., or make them void,
by breaking them off in the middle. See
c. 32, 82.

10. Nisi qui, &c. It is true that, as
Abrami urges, the man who had determined
' de caelo servare' could not tell what bad
omen he would see, and so Cicero's argu
ment is informally expressed ; but his mean
ing is clear, that by that determination
alone could a man resolve beforehand that
he would bring augury to bear in stopping
the proceedings, since it was the only kind
of divination in which, as we have seen
above, it made no practical difference what
was the result of his observations.

11. Per leges. He apparently refers to
a ' Lex Clodia,' passed by P. Clodius in his
tribuneship, 58 B.C., and repealing the ' Lex

Aelia et Fufia.' This latter law (or laws,
for it is doubtful whether there was one or
two, see Orelli, Onomast. 3. p. 130,) secured
to the magistrates the right of stopping the
'comitia' if the omens were unfavourable,
and also reserved to the tribunes their pri
vilege of ' intercessio.' Cicero elsewhere
denounces its repeal as the removal of one
of the main bulwarks of the constitution.
(In Vatin. 9, 23; pro Sest. 15, 33.)

16. Apparitor, a public servant of one
of the minor magistrates, standing in the
same relation to them as the lictors to the
Consuls.

17. In aversam lecticam, 'into the
back of the litter.' He would respectfully
follow his colleague's litter, and from time to
time reach forward his head to the back of
the litter as it was carried from him. The
reading ' adversam,' which is found in
several MSS., would represent him as bold
enough to stop the litter when he met it in
the street.

c. 33. This monstrous role he carried out.
After the election was concluded, lie declared
that it should not fake place ; and then again,
when it so suited him, he acted as though it
had been regular. On the consequences of his
conduct Cicero would not titter an opinion,
lest he should anticipate the formal judgment
of the augurs, but at least it served to shoiv
the fellow's impudence.

§§80-82. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 83

33 deret, a collega petebat. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies ;

I. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum
dies, &c. The key to this much disputed
passage appears to be found in the descrip
tion of the ' Comitia Centuriata ' given by
Cicero in his treatise de Republica (3. 22,
39). That passage is itself corrupt, but
it seems agreed that in the main the Vatican
MS., as corrected by the second copyist,
fairly represents its meaning. (See Halm
on the passage, and Orelli, Onomast. 3.
p. 374-) It is as follows: 'Nunc rationem
videtis esse talem, ut equitum centuriae cum
sex suffragiis et prima classis, addila centuria
quae ad summum usum urbis fabris tignariis
est data, LXXXVIHI centurias habeat : qui-
bus ex cent, quattor (sic) centuriis, tot enim
reliquae sunt, octo solae si accesserunt, con-
fecta est vis populi universa : reliquaque
multo maior multitudo sex et nonaginta
centuriarum neque excluderetur suffragiis,
ne superbum esset, nee valeret nimis, ne
esset periculosum.' From this account we
gain the following facts, bearing on the pas
sage before us. I. That the first class con
tained 70 centuries, probably one of seniors
and one of juniors in each tribe. 2. That
the whole number of centuries was 193, of
which only 104 belonged to the lower
classes. 3. That the votes of the knights,
the first class, and a very small portion (8
centuries) of the second class, constituted
an absolute majority, and if they agreed,
rendered further voting unnecessary. 4.
That the knights appear to have been asso
ciated in voting with the first class, but
that the ' sex suffragia,' probably the repre
sentatives of the old patrician centuries,
which Livy tells us (l. 43) were retained by
Servius Tullius, still were kept distinct.
It must also be observed that in the original
rendering of the Vatican MS. the number
'sex' is not expressed, so that we may
readily suppose either that Cicero omitted
it in both passages as superfluous, or that in
both cases it has dropped out by the care
lessness of the copyist. Any explanation of
its absence in the Republic would apply,
though with less apparent plausibility, to the
less corrupt passage before us.

Applying these remarks to our text, and
observing that the knights appear to have
lost their right of voting first, in order to
gratify the superstition involved in giving
the first vote to a century chosen by lot
('praerogativa'), we get the following inter
pretation of the passage : ' Now we come |
to the day of Dolabella's election ; the lot
is cast which century shall vote first. He j
remains quiet. Its vote is declared. He •

holds his tongue. Then the first class (in
cluding the 12 centuries of knights, and the
odd century of smiths, &c.) is called within
the barriers. Then, as usual, come the " sexj
suffragia." Then the second class is called :;
all this taking less time than I have spent in;
telling it. When all is over (the votes of a(
few centuries in the second class- finishing the'*
business), our excellent augur, a second i
Laelius, adjourns the election to another
day.' The only difficulty in this interpre
tation lies in the necessity of introducing or
understanding ' sex,' and it is possible that
the true reading may be ' suffragia equitum,'
the word 'equitum' having dropped out
from the influence of the following ' turn.'

The explanation here given differs from
the ordinary views in supposing that the
only change introduced into the ' Comitia
centuriata' by the admixture of the forms
of the ' Comitia tributa/ consisted in an
alteration of the number of centuries, adapt
ing them to the number of tribes. This
adaption is confirmed by the expressions
in Livy that the right of voting first fell
on different occasions to the ' Aniensis iuni-
orum' (24. 7), the 'Veturia iuniorum ' (26.
22), and the 'Galeria iuniorum' (27. 6).
Many commentators have even supposed
(following the conjecture of Pantagathus)
that the same arrangement prevailed in all
the classes, and that there were two centuries
of each class in every tribe, or 350 centuries
in all, excluding the knights ; but besides the
adverse testimony of the passage in the
Republic, Niebuhr brings an objection (Hist.
Rome 3. p. 334, Eng. Trans.) against this
theory, that in an ordinary day there would
not be time for 350 centuries to vote.
How the 104 centuries were divided among
the lower classes we cannot tell. Orelli
(Onomast. 1. c.) conjectures that the fourth
and fifth classes, which originally had fewer
votes in proportion to their numbers than
the others, were actually disfranchised by
the change, and points out that this was
the more feasible when the citizens no
longer paid any taxes to the treasury.
Madv. (Opusc. i. p. 169) thinks that the
whole account refers to the voting of the
' centuria praerogativa,' the several classes
voting separately in each century, but he
gives no authority to support his. view, which
is at least opposed by the words ' confecto
negotio.' His theory also makes it neces
sary to expunge the second ' renuntiatur.'
Another reading is ' suffragatum secunda
classis vocatur,' with which the words ' ut
assolet' are hopelessly otiose, nor is the

G 2

M. TULLII CICERO N1S

cc. 33—34.

sortitio praerogatlvae ; quiescit. Remmtiatur ; tacet. Prima
classis vocatur, renuntiatur ; deinde, ita ut assolet, suffragia ; turn
secunda classis vocatur : quae omnia sunt citius facta quam dixi.
Confecto negotio bonus augur — C. Laelium diceres — alio die 33
5 inquit. O impudentiam singularem ! Quid videras ? quid sen-
seras? quid audieras? neque enim te de caelo servasse dixisti,
nee hodie dicis. Id igitur obvenit vitium, quod tu iam Kalendis
lanuariis futurum esse provideras et tanto ante praedixeras.
Ergo hercule magna, ut spero, tua potius quam rei publicae cala-

10 mi tat e ementitus es auspicia, obstrinxisti religione populum
Romanum, augur auguri, consul consuli obnuntiasti. Nolo
plura, ne acta Dolabellae videar convellere, quae necesse est
aliquando ad nostrum collegium deferantur. Sed arrogantiam 84
hominis insolentiamque cognoscite. Quam diu tu voles, viti-

15 osus consul Dolabella : rursus, cum voles, salvis auspiciis creatus.
Si nihil est, cum augur iis verbis nuntiat, quibus tu nuntiasti,
confitere te, cum alio die dixeris, sobrium non fuisse : sin est
.aliqua vis in istis verbis, ea quae sit augur a collega require.

matter much amended by the conjecture of
L. Urlichs (Rhein. Mus. for 1847, p. 153),
that the second 'vocatur' is an interpolation,
arising from the conscious want of a verb,
which he supposes is to be sought in the
last letters of 'assolet,' so that the reading
would be ' deinde ut assolet it suffragatum
secuada classis,' 'then the second class
comes forth in order as usual to stand by
the first,'

I. Praerogativae, sc. ' centuriae,' the
election to the consulship always being made
at the ' Comitia centuriata,' though the can
didates naturally arranged their canvassing
according to tribes : Cp. Q.. Cic. de Pet.
Cons. 8, 32 ' Qui apud tribules suos gratia
plurimum possunt, tui studiosos in centuriis
habebis.' It has been urged from Livy 5.
18 ' Haud invitis patribus P. Licinium
Calvum praerogativa tribunum militum
(consulari potestate) creant, . . . omnesque
deinceps ex collegio eiusdem anni refici ap-
parebat ; . . . qui priusquam renuntiarentur,
iure vocatis tribubus permissu interregis P.
Licinius Calvus ita verba fecit,' that the
election also took place according to tribes,
but Niebuhr has shown (Hist. Rome 3. p. 339)
that the election to the military tribuneship,
unlike that to the consulship, took place at
the ' Comitia tributa.'

4. C. Laelium: cp. Nat. Deor. 3. 2, 5
'Habeo C. Laelium augurem eundemque

sapientem, quern potius audiam de religione
in ilia oratione nobili quam quemquam
principem Stoicorum.'

Alio die. This was the regular for
mula for declaring the 'Comitia' to be ad
journed; cp. de Legg. 2. 12. 31 'Quid gra-
vius quam rem susceptam dirimi, si nnus
augur "alio die" dixerit.'

6. De caelo servasse. See on § 81.

11. Obnuntiasti. See on § 80.

12. Convellere, 'to nullify;' cp. pro
Caec. 1 8, 51 ' Ojjae iudicia aut stipulationes
aut pacti et conventi formula non infirmari
ac convelli potest, si ad verba rem deflectere
velimus.'

13. Deferantur, 'the validity of which
must at some future time be referred to the
college of augurs for their decision.'

18. Ea quae sit, 'show us what mean
ing they can possibly bear that shall be con
sistent with your present recognition of
Dolabella as consul.'

c. 34. The worst was at the Lupercalia,
when Antony not only so far forgot the
dignity of the consulship as to run about the
streets half naked, but tried to make himself
and the Roman people openly the slaves of
Caesar, by offering him a crown : and when
Caesar had the grace to reject it, instead of
letting the matter drop, he openly proclaimed,
and caused it to be recorded in the public
annals, that he had tried to establish at Rome

§§ 82—86.

ORAT10 PHI LIP PIC A II.

34 Sed ne forte ex multis rebus gestis Antonii rem imam pul-
cherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veniamus. Non dis-
simulat, patres conscript! : apparet esse commotum ; sudat,
pallet. Quldlibet, modo ne nauseet, faciat, quod in porticu
Minucia fecit. Quae potest esse turpitudinis tantae defensio ? 5
Cupio audire, ut videam, ubi rhetoris sit tanta merces, id est

85 ubi campus Leontinus appareat. 'Sedebat in rostris collega
tuus, amictus toga purpurea,TrTsella aurea, coronatus. Escendis,
accedis ad sellam— ita eras Lupercus, ut te consulem esse memi-
nisse deberes — , diadema ostendis. Gemitus toto foro. Unde 10
diadema ? non enim abiectum sustuleras, sed attuleras domo
meditatum et cogitatum scelus. Tu diadema imponebas cum
plangore populi : ille cum plausu reiiciebat. Tu ergo unus,
scelerate, inventus es qui, cum auctor regni esses, eum, quern
collegam habebas, dominum habere velles ; idem tentares, quid 15

86 populus Romanus ferre et pati posset/ At etiam misericordiam
captabas : supplex te ad pedes abiiciebas. Quid petens ? ut
servires? Tibi uni peteres, qui ita a puero vixeras, ut omnia

such a tyranny as in olden times had caused
the death or exile of all who aimed at it.

1. Unam pulcherrimam, 'the very
fairest action:' cp. Lael. I, I ' Scaevolam
contuli, quem unum nostrae civitatis et
ingenio et iustitia praestantissimum audes
dicere;' and Virg. Ae. 2. 426 ' Cadit et
Rhipeus, iustissirnus unus Qui fuit.'

2. Ad Lupercalia. On the 15th of
February. Plutarch (Caes. 61) describes the
licence that prevailed during this festival,
TWV fvyfvcav veaviatccuv KOI dpxovrojv iroX\ol
SiaOfovffiv ava TT)V itoXiv yvftvol GKVTCGI
\affiois TOVS t fJLiroSwv Im iratSiq Kal y€\can
waiovTfs. In his life of Antony, c. 12, he
tells us that Antony took part in this ; and
in both places he gives a full account of his
offering the crown to Caesar. Cp. 13.

I5» 31-

4. In porticu Minucia, in the re
gion of the Circus Flaminius, a little south?
west of the circus itself, and adjoining trie
theatre of Balbus, close to the modern
Ghetto. It was built by L. Minucius Rufus,
in commemoration of his victories in Thrace
in no B.C. As assemblies of the people
were often held there, the misconduct of
Antony here alluded to is probably the same
that is described in c. 25, 63.

7. Ubi campus Leontinus appa
reat, 'what we have to show for the land
at Leontini.' See c. 17, 43 note.

8. Amictus toga purpurea, &c. Ifft
8i<ppov xpvaov Opiapptfcai Koafiw Kffcoa-
//7//i€i/os, Plut. Caes. 61. Suetonius tells us
that the Senate decreed to Caesar the right
of wearing a crown of laurel, a privilege
which he especially valued, as a means of
concealing his incipient baldness. Suet.
Caes. 45 ; cp. ib. 76.

9. Ita ... ut, 'your being Lupercus
was subject to the condition of your remem
bering that you were Consul ;' ' you were
bound, Lupercus as you were, to remember
the obligations of your consulship.' Cp.
Off. i. 25, 88 ' Ita probanda est mansuetudo
atque dementia, ut adhibeatur reipublicae
causa severitas.1

12. Diadema. 8id5jjfJ.a ffTtfpavu SaQvqs
TTfpnreir\(yfjLevov, Plut. Caes. 61 . The crime
was intensified by the fact that it sprung from
no momentary impulse, but had been care
fully planned and rehearsed ('meditatum')
at home, as was proved by his bringing the
crown with him.

Imponebas, &c., 'again and again you
tried to place it on his brow, amid the
hooting of the people, and so often he re
fused it amid their applause.' Plutarch tells
us (1. c.) that Caesar ordered the crown to
be deposited in the Capitol. Cp. 3. 5, \2.

14. Auctor regni. See c. 22, 53 note.

1 8. Peteres. Abrarni takes this as
equivalent to ' petere debebas ;' but grant-

M. TULL1I C1CERONIS

cc. 34—35.

paterere, ut facile servires : a nobis populoque Romano man-
datum id certe non habebas. O praeclaram illam eloquentiam
tuam, cum es nudus contionatus ! Quid hoc turpius? quid
foedius? quid suppliers omnibus dignius? Num exspectas, dum
te stimulis fodiamus? haec te, si ullam partem habes sensus,
lacerat, haec cruentat oratio. Vereor ne imminuam summorum
virorum gloriam ; dicam tamen dolore commotus. Quid indig-
nius quam vi\*tre eum qui imposuerit diadema, cum omnes
fateantur iure interfectum esse qui abiecerit ? At etiam adscribi 87
iussit in fastis ad Lupercalia : C. Caesari, dictator! perpetuo,
M. Antonium consulem populi iussu regnum detulisse,
Caesarem uti noluisse. lam iarn minime miror te otium
perturbare ; non modo urbem odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum
perditissimis latronibus non solum de die, sed etiam in diem
vivere. Ubi enim tu in pace consistes? qui locus tibi in legibus
et in iudiciis esse potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu
regio sustulisti ? Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Sp. Cassius,

ing that the imperfect and pluperfect sub
junctive may sometimes express what ought
to have been done (see Madv. § 351 b.
Obs. 4), it seems better here to take it,
with Halm, 'you might ask, if you would,
for yourself.' Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 66, 168
' Etiamne id magnrm fuit, Panormum lit-
teras mittere? Adservasses hominem, . . .
aliquid de summo supplicio remitteres.'

3. Nudus, cp. 3. 5, 12. The customary
dress of theLuperci at their festival being only
an apron of goatskin, (cp. Ov. Fast. 5. 101
'Semicaper coleris cinctutis, Faune, Lupercis,'
ib. 2. 283 foil.) the reproach to Antony
consists not in his being thus half naked,
but in his coming forward in such a guise to
harangue the people as Consul.

5. Stimulis fodiamus. An ox goad
was commonly used to punish offending
slaves: cp. Plaut. Cure. I. 2, 43 'Etiam
mihi quoque stimulo fodere lubet te.'

6. Haec oratio, 'this speech of mine.'
7- Quid indignius quam. Cicero

himself says, Att. 16. II, 2, that he thinks
this would be better changed : ' Illud etiam
malo, " indignissimum est hunc vivere,"
quam, "quid indignius."' The original
reading is however found in the Vatican MS.
10. In fastis. In the 'fasti annales,'
the public records of the chief events in the
year. Cp. Hor. Od. 4. 13, 14.

' Nee clari lapides (referunt) tempora,
quae semel

Notis condita fastis
Inclusit volucris dies.'

Ad Lupercalia, 'under the heading
of the Lupercalia,' ' at its date.'

14. De die evidently means 'extrava
gantly,' and perhaps is to be explained -by
Hor. Od. i. I, 20 'Nee partem solido de-
mere de die Spernit :' the extravagance con
sisting in abstracting from business hours
some extra time for feasting. Cp. Id. Epp.

I. 14, 34 'Media de luce;' Livy 23. 8 'Coe-
perunt epulari de die, et convivium non
ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse,
sed ut in civitate atque etiam domo diti ac
luxuriosa omnibus vt.ltiptatis illecebris in-
structum.' So Catull. 47, 5

' Vos convivia Jauta sumtuose

De die facitis.'

Halm takes it of living on what the day
brings forth.

In diem, 'only for the day,' without
thought for the morrow: cp. 5. 9, 25
' Qui in horam viverent ;' de Orat. 2. 40, 169
' Si barbarorum est in diem vivere.'

17. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See c.

II, 26 notes. From the omission of the second
' Spurius' in the Vatican MS., some editors
have written here ' Spurii Cassius, Maelius,'
as if the 'praenomen' could be used once
for the two names. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 70)
points out the barbarism of this, and suggests
the reading in the text, from a comparison
of c. 44, 114.

§§ 86-89. ORA T10 PHILIPPIC A II. 87

Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius necati, ut multis post saeculis a M.
Antonio, quod fas non est, rex Romae constitueretur?
35 Sed ad auspicia redeamus, de quibus Idibus Martiis fuit in

88 senatu Caesar acturus. Quaero : turn tu quid egisses ? Audie-
bam equidem te paratum venisse, quod me de ementitis auspi- 5
ciis, quibus tamen parere necesse erat, putares esse dicturum.
Sustulit ilium diem Fortuna rei publicae. Num etiam tuum
de auspiciis iudicium interitus Caesaris sustulit ? Sed incidi in
id tempus, quod iis rebus, in quas ingressa erat oratio, praever-
tendum est. Quae tua fuga ! quae formido praeclaro illo die/H0
quae propter conscientiam scelerum desperado vitae ! cum ex
ilia fuga beneficio eorum, qui te, si^sanus esses, salvum esse

89 voluerunt, clam te domum recepisti.1 O mea frustra semper
verissima auguria rerum futurarum ! Dicebam illis in Capitolio
liberatoribus nostris, cum me ad te ire vellent, ut ad defenden- 15
dam rem publicam te adhortarer : quoad metueres, omnia te
promissurum ; simul ac timere desisses, similem te futurum tui.
Itaque cum ceteri consulares irent redirent, in sententia mansi :
neque te illo die neque postero vidi, neque ullam societatem

00.35,36. The death of Caesar had pre- 6. Putares. For this use of the sub-
vented Antony from giving an explanation junctive see c. 4, 7 note.
about the auspices. It also caused him, under J. Sustulit, 'rendered unavailable for
the influence of terror, to make more show public business.' Cp.de ,Dom. 17. 45 'Si
of patriotic feeling than Cicero could possibly qua res ilium diem aut auspiciis aut excu-
believe would last. It was true that he stirred satione sustulit, tota causa iudiciumque sub-
np the riot which took place at Caesar's latum sit.'

funeral; but then he passed those excellent Tuum de auspiciis iudicium. Since

decrees, forbidding the recall of exiles, or the nothing more was heard of any objections

granting of immunities, and abolishing for to the validity of Dolabella's election.

ever the office of dictator. Yet, even at the 9. Quod . . . praevertendum est,

time, he was violating these decrees; and not ' which claims precedence of the other

content with squandering the public funds, he matters.' ' Praevertor' (rarely ' praeverto,'

ivas selling pardons and immunities by whole- as in Tac. Ann. 4. 32) is commonly used

sale at his home. in the sense of 'turning first to,' though

3. Fuit acturus. As Caesar was in- seldom, as here, with an accusative case
tending to start on his Parthian expedition after it. Cp., however, Livy 8. 13 'Co
on the 1 9th of March, it was necessary that acti novi consules omnibus earn rem prae-
the validity of Dolabella's election, as Consul verti.'

in his place, should be determined before 10. Q_uae tua fuga. We learn from

his departure ; and it seems that on the very Plutarch (Ant. 14) that Antony, on hearing

day of his death he was going to bring the of Caesar's assassination, hid himself in the

matter before the senate. disguise of a slave.

5. Ementitis auspiciis. Cp. c. 33, 12. Si sanus esses, 'if you would but

83; 3. 4, 9. Fictitious however though entertain sound views about the state:' cp.

they were, yet being formally declared, these c. 21, 51 ' Ipsi C. Caesari, si sana mente

auspices could not be ignored till they had esset, consulere velletis.'

been as formally annulled; hence 'parere 18. Irent redirent. See c. 31, 78

necesse erat.' note.

88 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 35-37.

optimis civibus cum Importunissimo hoste foedere ullo confir-
mari posse credidi. Post diem tertium veni in aedem Telluris,
et quidem invitus, cum omnes aditus armati obsiderent. Qui
tibi dies ille, Antoni, fuit ! Quamquam mihi inimicus subito 90
5 exstitisti, tamen me tui miseret, quod tibi invideris. Qui tu vir, 36
di immortales, et quantus fuisses, si illius diei mentem servare
potuisses ! Pacem haberemus, quae erat facta per obsidem
puerum nobilem, M. Bambalionis nepotem. Quamquam bonum
te timor faciebat, non diuturnus magister officii, improbum fecit
ea, quae, dum timor abest, a te non discedit, audacia. Etsi turn,
cum optimum te putabant me quidem dissentiente, funeri tyranni,
si illud funus fuit, sceleratissime praefuisti. Tua ilia pulchra 91
laudatio, tua miseratio, tua cohortatio ; tu, tu, inquam, illas faces
incendisti et eas, quibus semustilatus ille est, et eas, quibus

15 incensa L. Bellieni domus deflagravit. Tu illos impetus perdi-
torum hominum et ex maxima parte servorum, quos nos vi
manuque reppulimus, in nostras domos immisisti. Idem tamen
quasi fuligine abstersa reliquis diebus in Capitolio praeclara
senatus consulta fecisti, ne qua post Idus Martias immunitatis

20 tabula neve cuius beneficii figeretur. Meministi ipse de exsu-
libus, scis de immunitate quid dixeris. Optimum vero, quod

2. Post diem tertium, 'two days 9. Diuturnus. Cp. C)ff. 2. 7, 23 'Malus
after,' on the 1 7th of March, according to est custos diuturnitatis metus.' His meaning
the Roman inclusive mode of reckoning : is, that where fear is the only monitor to
cp. de Div. I. 25, 52 'Est apud Platonem duty, the removal of the fear will cause the
Socrates . . . dicens Cr'soni sibi post tertium immediate neglect of the duty.

diem esse moriendum : ' and Tac. Ann. I. 62 12. Si illud funus fuit. Cp. I. 2, 5

'Post sextum cladis annum.' 'Illam insepultam sepulturam ;' and note.

Veni in aedem Telluris. See I. I, I 14. Semustilatus, ' scorched.' The

note. taunt is not only unworthy of Cicero, but

3. Qui tibi dies ille! 'what a day of also untrue, as Caesar's body was consumed
glory was that for you !' as being marked by to ashes: cp. Att. 14.' 10, i 'Ille etiam
his zeal for the real interests of the state. in foro combustus.' Fcrrarius compares
See I. I, 2. For the expression cp. ' Qui tu pro Mil. 13, 33 ' Tu P. Clodii cruentum
vir !' just below. cadaver . . . infelicissirnis lignis- semustu-

5. Invideris, 'you have grudged your- latum, nocturnis canibus dilaniandum reli-

self the fame you had achieved,' 'have in- quisti.'

terfered with your own interests.' 15. L. Bellieni. Perhaps the same man

7. Per puerum. See I. i, 2 note. whom Caelius mentions (Cic. Fam. 8. 15, 2)

8. M. Bambalionis, That Bambalio as ' verna Demetrii,' Demetrius being a fa-
was the nickname of M. Fulvius, the father vourite freedman of Antony's. The burning
of Fulvia, not of the father of Fadia, of his house, and the murder, by mistake, of
Antony's first wife, as some have thought, Helvius China, appear to have been the only
is proved both by the praenomen, Fadius' serious deeds of mischief done by the mob
name being Quintus, c. 2, 3 ; and by 3. after Caesar's funeral.

6, 1 6, where he explains the meaning of 17. Idem tamen, &c. For the fol-

the name. lowing acts of Antony, see I. I, .3 notes.

89—93.

O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II.

dictaturae nomen in perpetuum de re publica sustulisti : quo
quidem facto tantum te cepisse odium regni videbatur, ut eius

92 omne nomen propter proximi dictatoris metum tolleres. Consti-
tuta res publica videbatur aliis, mihi vero nullo modo, qui omnia
te gubernante naufragia metuebam. Num igitur me fefellit ? aut 5
num diutius sui potuit dissimilis esse. Inspectantibus vobis
toto Capitolio tabulae figebantur, neque solum singulis venibant
immunitates, sed etiam populis universis : civitas non iam sin-
gillatim, sed provinciis totis dabatur. Itaque si haec manent,
quae stante re publica manere non possunt, provincias universas, 10
patres conscripti, perdidistis, neque vectigalia solum, sed etiam
imperium populi Romani huius domesticis nundinis deminutum

37 est. Ubi est septiens miliens, quod est in tabulis, quae sunt

93 ad Opis ? funestae illius quidem pecuniae, sed tamen, quae nos,

si iis, quorum erat, non redderetur, a tributis posset vindicare. J5
Tu autem quadringentiens sestertium, quod Idibus Martiis debu-
isti, quonam modo ante Kalendas Apriles debere desisti ? Sunt
ea quidem innumerabilia, quae a tuis emebantur non insciente te,

3. Omne nomen. So Halm, .with
Muretus, from the Vatican reading * omen
nomen.' The common reading is ' omneni
propter proximum dictatorem tolleres me
tum.' It seems probable that in the Vatican
reading 'omen' is superfluous, brought in
from 'nomen' following, as in the next line
in the same MS. 'res' is written twice.
Madvig points out that ' omne nomen tol-
lere' would not be good Latin for 'funditus
nomen tollere.'

8. Populis universis. In c. 38, 97
he specifies Crete. Cp. also 3. 12, 30 ' Ven-
diderit immunitates? civitates liberaverit?
provincias totas ex imperii populi Romani
iure sustulerit?' and I. 10, 24 note.

12. Domesticis nundinis. See on c.

M. 35-

c. 37. The most absurd thing was a de
cree in favour of Deiotarus, professedly pro
ceeding from Caesar, who was to the last his
bitterest enemy ; really a piece of jobbery on
the part of Antony, who hoped to get ten
million sesterces for granting to Deiotarus
the territory of which he had already taken
possession, without waiting for his aid.

13. Septiens mil 1 iens, sc. ' sestertium.'
See introduction to the first oration ;
c. 14, 35 note; and i. 7, 17 note. Two
MSS. supply ' sestertium.' As in such ex
pressions ' sestertium' is always treated as

a singular noun (whence the singular rela
tive 'quod'), so that here it would be the
nominative, case, 'funestae pecuniae' is not
in apposition with it, but rather depends on
'tabulis:' cp. 5. 6, 15 ' Direptio eius pecu
niae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est.'
See also on § 95.

15. A tributis. The 'tributum,' or war
tax, levied on all real property, had been
discontinued since the time of the Mace
donian war, in 147 B.C., in consequence of
the influx of revenue from the provinces.
It became necessary to reimpose it in the
year following this speech. Cp. Fam. 12.
30, 4 ' Incredibiles angustiae pecuniae pub-
licae, quae conquiritur undique, ut optime
meritis militibus promissa solvantur; quod
quidem fieri sine tribute posse non arbitror.'

16. Q_uadringentiens sestertium.
Forty millions of sesterces, or nearly 360,000^.
The enormous scale of the incomes and
debts of the leading Romans of this period
is well illustrated by M. Boissier, in his
pamphlet Stir la Vie privee des Romains.

Idibus . . . Kalendas. The usual
times for settling accounts between debtor
and creditor. Cp. Hor. S. I. 3, 87 ' Tristes
Kalendae;' ib. 6, 75 ' Octonis referentes
Idibus aera ;' id. Epod. 2, 69

' Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam,
Quaerit Kalendis ponere.'

M. TULLII C1CERONIS

cc. 37—38.

sed unum egregium de rege Deiotaro, populi Roman! amicissimo,
decretum in Capitolio fixum : quo proposito nemo erat, qui in
ipso dolore risum posset continere. Quis enim cuiquam inimicior 94
quam Deiotaro Caesar? aeque atque huic ordini, ut equestri, ut
Massiliensibus, ut omnibus, quibus rem publicam populi Romani
caram esse sentiebat. Igitur a quo vivo nee praesens nee absens
rex Deiotarus quidquam aequi boni impetravit, apud mortuum
factus est gratiosus. Compellarat hospitem praesens, compu-
tarat, pecuniam impetrarat, in eius tetrarchia unum ex Graecis
comitibus suis collocarat, Armenian! abstulerat a senatu datam.
Haec vivus eripuit : reddit mortuus. At quibus verbis ? modo 95
aequum sibi videri, modo non iniquum. Mira verborum com-
plexio ! At ille numquam — semper enim absenti adfui Deio
taro — quidquam sibi, quod nos pro illo postularemus, aequum

I. Deiotaro. Deiotarus, tetrarch of
Galatia, was invested by the Romans with
the title of king in gratitude for his services
in the war with Mithridates. Having aided
Pompey in the civil war, he was deprived of
his dominions by Caesar, but resumed them on
hearing of the dictator's death, and induced
Antony to confirm his title by a bribe of ten
millions of sesterce?, or nearly 90,000^.

5. Massiliensibus. Cp. pro Font. I,
3 ' Urbs Massilia fortissimorum fidelissi-
morumque sociorum, qui Gallicorum bel-
lorum pericula a populo Romano copiis
armisque propulsarunt ;' ib. 16, 35 'Ea
conditione atque eo fato se in his terris
collocatam esse arbitratur, ne quid nostris
hominibus illae gentes nocere possint.'
Hence when Caesar reduced it, in 48 B.C.,
in consequence of its adherence to Pompey,
Cicero tells us that the Roman citizens
mourned over its humiliation as their own.
See 8. 6, 17.

6. Igitur. In consequence of the rare
use by Cicero of igitur' at the beginning of
a clause, various emendations, such as ' is
igitur,' ' sed igitur,' ' figitur,' &c., have been
suggested. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 206)
defends the simple ' igitur/ comparing c. 1 6,
41, and urging that Cicero's meaning is
obvious enough, that having shown that
Caesar was Deiotarus' bitterest foe, he con
cludes ironically, from Antony's decree, that
they must have been reconciled after Caesar's
death. See also Zumpt, § 3^7.

7- Aequi boni. See on i. I, r.
8. Compellarat hospitem praesens,
' Caesar had sent for him when staying in

his house;' cp. in Senatu 13, 32 ' Nomina-
tim alii compellabantur, alii citabantur, alii
relegabantur.' Caesar passed through Galatia
in 47 B.C., returning from his campaign in
Pontus against Pharnaces.

9. Impetrarat. So Halm, from the
Vatican MS. ; Orelli, from another MS.,
' imperarat.'

Unum .. collocarat. Mithridates of
Pergamus, a natural son of Mithridates the
Great, on whom at the same time Caesar
conferred the title of king of the Bos
porus.

10. Armenian!. The little Armenia,
which Caesar probably gave to Ariobarzanes
III, king of Cappadocia : cp. de Div. 2. 37,
79 ' Is cum ei Trogmorum tetrarchian eri-
puisset et adseculae suo Pergameno nescio
cui dedisset eidemque detraxisset Armenian!
a senatu datam, cumque ab eo magnificen-
tissumo hospitio acceptus esset, spoliatum
reliquit et hospitem et regem.'

12. Mira verborum complexio, 'a
strange combination of words ; ' viz. the
indiscriminate use of ' aequum ' and ' non
iniquum ' in the same decree. Cicero again
finds fault with Antony's Latinity, 3. 9, 22 ;
and 1 3. 19, 43.

13. Adfui. The last cause that Cicero
pleaded was that of Deiotarus, when he was
accused by his grandson Castor of designs
on Caesar's life. The case was heard before
Caesar, 45 B.C., on which occasion Cicero
delivered his extant speech, pro Rege Deio
taro, but the dictator postponed the decision
of the case till he should have made personal
inquiries on the spot.

§§ 93—97.

ORAT10 PHI LIP PIC A II.

dixit videri. Syngrapha sestertii centiens per legates, viros
bonos, sed timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, sine reliquorum
hospitum regis sententia facta in gynaecio est, quo in loco plu-
rimae res venierunt et veneunt. Qua ex syngrapha quid sis
acturus meditere censeo : rex enim ipse sua sponte, nullis com- 5
mentariis Caesaris, simul atque audivit eius interitum, suo Marte

96 res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo sapiens ius semper hoc
fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, ea tyrannis interfectis ii,
quibus erepta essent, recuperarent. Nemo igitur juie_consultus,
ne iste quidem, qui tibi uni est jure consultus, per quem haec 10
agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi dicit pro iis rebus, quae erant
ante syngrapham recuperatae : non enim a te emit, sed prius,
quam tu suum sibi venderes, ipse possedit. Ille vir fuit, nos
quidem contemnendi, qui auctorem odimus, acta defendimus^"

38 Quid ego de commentariis infinitis, quid de innumerabilibus 15

I. Syngrapha was the special term for
a contract which did not necessarily involve
the receipt of a valuable consideration by
the person who paid the money. Hence it
would be appropriate to the present case,
when the benefit which Antony proposed
to confer on Deiotarus was at once illegal
and beyond his power. See Asconius on
Verr. Act. 2. i. 36, 91. For the story cp.
Att. 14. 12, i 'Quid? Deiotari nostri causa
non similis ? Dignus ille quidem omni
regno, sed non per Fulviam;' and see c. 44,
113; 36, 92 notes.

Sestertii centiens. In such expres
sions it would seem that the contracted
genitive plural of ' sestertius ' is treated as a
singular neuter noun = 1000 sesterces (see on
5. 3, 8), and that its case is determined by
the construction required for the expression
of the whole sum. Hence in § 93 'quadrin-
gentiens sestertium' is 'a sestertium reckoned
400 times,' or, as this mode of reckoning
• always implied an addition of a hundred
fold, 40,000,000 sesterces. So here ' ses
tertii ' depends, not on 'centiens,' but on
'syngrapha,' a 'contract for 10,000,000
sesterces.' So in the ablative, pro Font.
3, 4 ' Testis non invenitur in ducenties et
triciens sestertio ; ' Pliny N. H. 8. 48, 74
' Quae Neroni principi quadragies sestertio
nuper stetere.'

5. Meditere censeo, 'I recommend
you to consider very carefully : ' cp. Verr.
Act. i. 5. 68, 174 'Magno opere censeo
desistas.'

Sua sponte. So that Antony's con

tract, even if otherwise not fraudulent, fell
to the ground, as being based upon a pro
mise to give Deiotarus what was already in
his actual possession.

9. lure consultus. So Halm, from the
Vatican reading ' iureis,' which he conceives
to be a confusion of the right and wrong
readings. In 9. 5, 10 Cicero uses the form
' iuris consultus,' but there, as in pro Mur.
13, 28, and de Orat. I. 55, 235 the parti
cipial force of the word, ' experienced in
jurisprudence,' is strongly dwelt on; and
where the term is simply used for ' a lawyer,'
' iure consultus ' seems to be the ordinary
form. Yet Horace, A. P. 369, has 'consultus
iuris/ evidently meaning no more than ' a
lawyer.'

10. Iste. Supposed by Manutius to be
Sext. Clodius, the tool of P. Clodius, whose
recall from exile Antony procured. See I.
i, 3 note.

13. Suum sibi venderes. The sub
junctive mood and the reflexive pronoun
are used for the same reason, because the
clause expresses the state of Deiotarus' mind.
' He entered on possession of his rights,
without waiting to know that you had sold
him what was his already.'

14. Auctorem odimus. Halm com
pares 13. I, 2 'Quid ego de proximo (sc.
Caesare) dicam, cuius acta defendimus,
auctorem JDSUITI iure caesum fatemur ? '

c|. 38, p. To tell of all the forgeries of
Antony would take too long. Decrees .were
issued under Caesar's name without waiting
for the meeting of the committee which the

M. TULL1I CICERONI S

cc. 38 — 39.

chirographis loquar? quorum etiam institores sunt, qui ea tam-
quam gladiatorum libellos palam venditent. Itaque tanti acervi
nummorum apud istum construuntur, ut iam expendantur, non
numerentur pecuniae. At quam caeca avaritia est ! Nuper

5 fixa tabula est, qua civitates locupletissimae Cretensium vecti-
galibus liberantur, statuiturque ne post M. Brutum pro consule
sit Creta provincia. Tu mentis es compos? tu non constrin-
gendus ? In Caesaris decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum
potuit liberari, cum Creta nihil ad Brutum Caesare vivo perti-

ioneret? At huius venditione decreti, ne nihil actum putetis,
provinciam Cretam perdidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rei fuit
emptor, cui defuerit hie venditor. Et de exsulibus legem, quam 98
fixisti, Caesar tulit ? Nullius insector calamitatem : tantum
queror, primum eorum reditus inquinatos, quorum causam Caesar

15 dissimilem iudicarit ; deinde nescio cur non reliquis idem tri-
buas : neque enim plus quam tres aut quattuor reliqui sunt.
Qui simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua misericordia non simili
fruuntur ? cur eos habes in loco patrui ? de quo ferre, cum de
reliquis ferres, noluisti : quern etiam ad censuram petendam

senate had appointed to examine the dictator's
papers ; Caesar was represented as foreseeing
all the changes which his death should cause
in his arrangements for the provinces ; Crete
was henceforth to be lost to Rome ; enough
exiles were restored to render it injustice not
to bring back all; his uncle, L. Antonius,
was neglected, insulted, and betray e^ and to
crown all, he brought a false and cowardly
charge of faithlesstiess against his wife, that
uncle's daughter, that he might make room
for her successor.

I. Institores. So Halm, from Pant-
agathus, and Madvig from his own inde
pendent conjecture. He urges (Opusc. I.
p. 173) that the MS. reading ' imitatores ' is
obviously false, not only because no one
would have dared to forge the documents
except Antony, but even if they had, and
further had found purchasers for their
forgeries, that would have brought no gain
to Antony, whereas Cicero directly states
that the circumstance which he relates was
the source of enormous profit to him. ' In
stitores ' are ' hawkers,' as in Ov. A. Am.
I. 421

4 Institor ad dominam veniet distinctus

emacem,
Expediet merces teque sedente suas.'

2. Libellos, 'programmes:' cp. Tac.
Dial, de Or. 9 ' Subsellia conducit et libellos
disper«it.'

3. Expendantur, 'are weighed,' as is
customary with large sums of money, which
would take too long a time to count.

6. Post M. Brutum pro consule,
' after the proconsulship of M. Brutus.'
Cicero argues that Antony here betrays the
falseness of the decrees attributed to Caesar,
by making one of them refer to Brutus'
proconsulship in Crete, though his only
connexion with that province arose out of
Antony's alteration of Caesar's arrange
ments, after Caesar's death.

7. Constringendus, 'put in confine-'
ment : ' cp. in Pis. 20, 48 ' Si farniliam
tuam dimisisses, amici te constringendum
putarent.'

II. Nemo ullius, &c., there has been
nothing which Antony would not sell, if
he could only find a purchaser.

13. Fixisti, as being one of Caesar's
laws.

14. Eorum reditus inquinatos, the
slur thrown upon the more respectable
exiles, by being coupled in their restoration
with such reprobates.

18. Patrui. See c. 23, 56 note.

§§ 97—100.

OR ATI 0 PHILIP PIC A II.

impulisti, eamque petitionem comparasti, quae et risus hominum
99 et querellas moveret. Cur autem ea comitia non habuisti ? an
quia tribunus pi. sinistrum fulmen nuntiabat? Cum tua quid
interest, nulla auspicia sunt, cum tuorum, turn fis religiosus.
,Quid ?- eundem in septemviratu nonne destituisti ? intervenit 5
enim, cui metuisti, credo, ne salvo capite negare non posses.
Omnibus eum contumeliis onerasti, quern patris loco, si ulla
in te pietas esset, colere debebas. Filiam eius, sororem tuam,
eiecisti, alia conditione quaesita et ante perspecta. Non est
satis : probri insimulasti pudicissimam feminam. Quid est quod 10
addi possit ? contentus eo non fuisti. Frequentissimo senatu
Kalendis lanuariis sedente patruo hanc tibi esse cum Dolabella
causam odii dicere ausus es, quod ab eo sorori et uxori tuae
stuprum esse oblatum comperisses. Quis interpretari potest,
impudentiorne, qui in senatu, an improbior, qui in Dolabellam, 15
an impurior, qui patruo audiente, an crudelior, qui in illam
39 miseram tarn spurce, tarn impie dixeris ?/ Sed ad chirographa
100 redeamus. Quae tua fuit cognitio ? Acta enim Caesaris pads
causa confirmata sunt a senatu, quae quidem Caesar egisset, non

I. Risus et querellas. Men laughed
at the idea of a man who had been exiled
for extortion in his province being a can
didate for such a magistracy as the censor
ship : they grieved at The unnatural conduct
of Antony, in exposing his uncle to such
contempt. That C. Antonius had been re
called from exile is clear from § 99. The
real reason for not carrying through the
election of censors probably was the people's
obvious disapproval of the candidate whom
Antony proposed.

3. Sinistrum fulmen. It was at the
Comitia only that this was an unfavourable
sign: see de Div. 2. 18, 43 ' Comitiorum
solum vitium est fulmen, quod idem omnibus
rebus optumum auspicium habemus, si sinis
trum fuit.'

Tua . . . tuorum. Cp. Fam. 2. 4, I 'Si
quid esset, quod eos scire aut nostra aut
ipsorum interesset ; ' and for different views
as to the case of ' tua,' see Zumpt, § 449
note, Madvig § 295, Donaldson § 152 c.

5. In septemviratu. The .commis
sion for dividing lands in Campania and the
Leontine territory (see 8. 8, 26) among the
veterans. The acts of this commission were
afterwards annulled on the ground that its
appointment had been procured by intimida

tion. See 1 1. 6, '13.

6. Cui metuisti. So Madvig (Opusc.
I, p. 171) from the Vatican reading ' cu.'
The other MSS. read ' quern,' but the object
of Antony's fear was not Nucula or Lento,
but the danger of disobliging whichever of
these worthies Cicero here refers to^il

8. Debebas. S<$e Madv. § 348 e.

Sof%rem. His first cousin, Antonia,
whom he divorced on the pretext of an
intrigue with Dolabella, in order to marry
Fulvia, the other ' match ' (' conditio ') re
ferred to here.

15. In Dolabellam. This, at least, is
a mere rhetorical licence. Dolabella was
notoriously one of the most profligate men
of his time.

17. Tarn spurce, tarn impie, 'with
such want of decency and good feeling.'

18. Quae . . . cognitio ? ' what was the
nature of your investigation ? ' The senate
had appointed a committee (' consilium ') to
investigate Caesar's papers with the two
Consuls on the 1st of June; but Antony
submitted the papers to the cognizance of
no one but himself; and when the appointed
day arrived, he had surrounded himself with
such a force as to bear down all cavil or
opposition.

94 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS cc. 39-40.

ea, quae egisse Caesarem dixisset Antonius. Unde ista erum-
punt ? quo auctore proferuntur ? si sunt falsa, cur probantur ? si
vera, cur veneunt ? At sic placuerat, ut Kalendis luniis de
Caesaris actis cum consilio cognosceretis. Quod fuit consilium ?
5 quern umquam convocasti ? quas Kalendas lunias exspectasti ?
an eas; ad quas te peragratis veteranorum coloniis stipatum
armis rettulisti ?

O praeclaram illam percursationem tuam mense Aprili atque
Maio, turn cum etiam Capuam coloniam deducere conatus es !

jo Quern ad modum illinc abieris vel potius paene non abieris,
scimus. Cui tu urbi minitaris. Utinam conere, ut aliquando 101
illud paene tollatur ! At quam nobilis est tua ilia peregrinatio !
Quid prandiorum apparatus, quid furiosam vinolentiam tuam
proferam ? Tua ista detrimenta sunt, ilia nostra. Agrum Cam-

15 panum, qui cum de vcctigalibus eximebatur ut militibus daretur,
tamen infligi magnum rei publicae vulnus putabamus, hunc tu
compransoribus tuis et collusoribus dividebas. Mimos dico et
mimas, patres conscript!, in agro Campano collocatos. Quid
iam querar de agro Leontino? quoniam quidem hae quondam

20 arationes Campana et Leontina in populi Romani patrimonio

5. Quas Kalendas, 'what was the 10. Paene non abieris. See on 12.

aspect of the Kalends you awaited?' 3, 7.

cc. 39, 40. In the spring he made a pro- n. Utinam conere, 'I wish you

gress through Campania, which he tried to would try to carry out your threats.'

divide among a party of actors and actresses: 14. Ilia nostra, 'ours are yet to be

just as he had given Leotitini to his doctor and told.'

his tutor, who alike had failed in doing any 15. De vectigalibus eximebatur,

good with him : he founded a new colony at ' was struck out of the list of " agri vecti-

Casilinum, in spite of Cicero's remojfstrances, gales." ' This was the natural result of the

on the site of one ivhich then existed; and land being taken out of the hands of the

then, to crown his sacrilege with robbery, he subject population, who paid ' decumae ' to

seized on M. Varro's villa at Casinum, under the Roman treasury, and divided among

the pretence that he had purchased it from colonists, who held it in absolute ownership,

Caesar, who had really even ordered him to subject to no payment of any sort.

give it up. 1 6. Tamen, ' notwithstanding the good-

9. Etiam Capuam. Capua had been ness of the object.'

made a Roman colony by Caesar, who in Hunc. For this redundant use of the

59 B.C. settled 20,000 Roman citizens in demonstrative pronoun, after a long relative

the ' ager Campanus.' It was therefore clause, see Madv. § 489 a.

illegal (see c. 40, 102) to found a new colony 19. Quoniam introduces the reason why

there, and Antony's proceedings would no- he introduces the subject of Leontini in this

minally be limited to the reassignment of connection. ' And yet the association is

lots which had reverted to the state by the natural, since, &c.'

death or relinquishment of their original 20. Arationes. This word is especially

holders. He would doubtless in some cases applied to the Roman state lands, farmed on

oust existing occupiers, so as to give some the principle of paying tithes to the treasury :

ground for the sweeping charge which cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 50, 119 'Arationes et

Cicero brings against him. (See Merivale, agros vectigales vastasse atque exinanisse.'

3- p. 61.) Among them the lands of Campania and

§§100-103. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 95

grandiferae et fructuosae ferebantur. [Medico tria milia iugerum :

quid, si te sanasset ? rhetori duo : quid, si te disertum facere

40 potuissetPj Sed ad iter Italiamque redeamus. Deduxisti colo-

102 niam Casilinum, quo Caesar ante deduxerat. Consuluisti me
per litteras de Capua tu quidem, sed idem de Casilino respon- 5
dissem : possesne, ubi colonia esset, eo coloniam novam iure
deducere. Negavi in earn coloniam, quae esset auspicate de-
ducta, dum esset incolumis, coloniam novam iure deduci : colonos
novos adscribi posse rescripsi. Tu autem insolentia etatus omni
auspiciorum iure turbato Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, quo I0
erat paucis annis ante deducta, ut vexillum tolleres, ut aratrum
circumduceres : cuius quidem vomere portam Capuae paene

103 perstrinxisti, ut florentis coloniae territorium minueretur. Ab
hac perturbatione religionum advolas in M. Varronis, sanctissimi
atque integerrimi viri, fundum Casinatem. Quo iure? quo ore? J5
Eodem, inquies, quo in heredum L. Rubrii, quo in heredum
L. Turselii praedia, quo in reliquas innumerabiles possessiones.
Et si ab hasta, valeat hasta, valeant tabulae, modo Caesaris, non
tuae ; quibus debuisti, non quibus tu te liberavisti. Varronis
quidem Casinatem fundum quis venisse dicit ? quis hastam istius 20
venditionis vidit ? quis vocem praeconis audivit ? Misisse te

Leontini were pre-eminent in fertility: cp. IT. Ut vexillum tolleres, 'going so

8. 8, 26 ' Campanus ager et Leontinus, far as to display your standard,' using all

quae duo maiores nostri annonae perfugia the formalities customary in taking posses-

ducebant ; ' and Verr. Act. 2. 3. 46, 109 sion of a military colony.
' Leontinos, qui principes rei frumentariae 14. M. Varronis. This was M. Teren-

fuerint.' tius Varro, ' vir Romanorum eruditissimus,'

1. Grandiferae. Orelli, following one as QuiiTtilian (10. I, 95) terms him. He
M >. reads ' grandi fenore,' to avoid a word himself describes the aviary in this villa at
which seems not to occur again in classical Casinum, de Re Rust. 3. 5, 9. He belonged
Latin ; but ' grandiferae ' is not only the to the Pompeian party.

reading of the Vatican and other MSS., but 16. L. Rubrii . . . L. Turselii. See

is stated by the satirist Marcianus Capella c. 1 6, 40 and 41. Cicero appears originally

(5. § 511) to have been used by Cicero, to have written here, 'Eodem iure quo

while it certainly suits better in combination Scipionis praedia,' and to have altered it on

with ' fructuosae.' the suggestion of Atticus, perhaps on the

2. Quid, si. So the Vatican MS. ground that Antony had not acquired Scipio's
The others read 'quasi,' but there is more villa in this way. See Att. 16. II, 2 and
force in the reading of the text, ' He got Mr. Watson's note.

3,000 iugera for failing; what would have 19. Quibus debuisti, sc. for the pro-
been his fee, had he succeeded ?' perty of Pompey, which he had bought

4. Casilinum, where Caesar had planted when they were sold by auction. See c.
another colony of veterans, was on the 26, 64.

Volturnus, only three miles west of Capua, Quibus tu te liberavisti. This, by

and on the site of the modern town of that a play on the word ' tabulae,' refers to

name. the forged 'acta Caesaris,' through which

5. Tu quidem, 'your question, it is Antony had replenished his ruined for-
true, referred to Capua.' tunes.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 40—42.

dicis Alexandream, qui emeret a Caesare. Ipsum enim ex-
spectare magnum fuit ! Quis vero audivit umquam — nullius 104
autem salus curae pluribus fuit — de fortunis Varronis rem ullam
esse detractam? Quid? si etiam scripsit ad te Caesar ut red-
5 deres, quid satis potest dici de tanta impudentia ? Remove
gladios parumper illos, quos videmus : iam intelliges aliam
causam esse hastae Caesaris, aliam confidentiae et temeritatis
tuae ; non enim te dominus modo illis sedibus, sed quivis ami-
cus, vicinus, hospes, procurator arcebit. At quam multos dies 41

10 in ea villa turpissime es perbacchatus ! Ab hora tertia bibe-
batur, ludebatur, vomebatur. O tecta ipsa misera quam dis-
pari domino ! Quamquam quo modo iste dominus? sed tamen
quam ab dispari tenebantur ! studiorum enim suorum M. Varro
voluit illud, non libidinum deversorium. Quae in ilia villa 105

J5 antea dicebantur! quae cogitabantur ! quae litteris mandabantur !
lura populi Romani, monimenta maiorum, omnis sapientiae ratio
omnisque doctrinae. At vero te inquilino — non enim domino —

1. Ipsum enim exspectare. Caesar
did not return to Rome till September, and
then unexpectedly, in consequence of the
disturbances resulting from the quarrels of
the tribunes, P. Dolabella and L. Trebellius,
so that Cicero's accusation of unnecessary
haste is hardly fair. It is however only a
rhetorical introduction to the real burden of
the charge, consisting in the fact that, so far
from sanctioning the sale of Varro's property,
Caesar had actually commanded restitution
to be made.

2. Nullius autem salus, &c. And
therefore the negative evidence, that no one
had heard of it, went far to prove that no
such spoliation had taken place.

5. Remove gladios. See on c. 18,
46.

6. Aliam causam esse, &c., i.e.
in consenting to ratify the acts of Caesar,
we do not sanction every act of your rapa
city.

9. Procurator, an agent, with full
powers to act for his absent employer : cp.
pro Caec. 20, 31 ' Is qui legitime procurator
dicitur, omnium rerum eius, qui in Italia non
sit absitve rei publicae causa, quasi quidam
paene dominus, hoc est, alien! iuris vicarius.'

c. 41. In that villa, formerly the seat of
learned study, he indulged his usual profli
gacy, neglecting all the ordinary courtesies
expected from a Roman Consul towards his
neighbours in the country; and on his journey

back to Rome he treated those ivho came to
greet him with the same disdain. Some,
who had adopted Cassius and the Bruti as
their patrons, he took upon himself to chide
in the most abusive language.

10. Ab hora tertia. From about 8.30
a.m. ; the usual time for feasts to begin
being the ninth hour (cp. Fam. 9. 26, I
' Accubueram hora nona ;' and Mart. 4. 8, 6
' Irnperat exstructos frangere nona toros'),
or in winter the tenth, to balance the varia
tion of the time. (See Becker's Gallus,
p. 456, Eng. Trans.)

11. Quam dispari domino. A quo
tation from some tragedy, given more fully
in Off. I. 139 ' O donius antiqua, heu qnam
dispari dominare domino.' The ablative here
is probably merely retained from the familiar
quotation, without any consideration of its
possible dependence on ' misera.'

15. lura populi Romani, &c. Dis
tinct reference is here made, as Halm points
out, to the treatises of Varro de lure Civili,
in fifteen books ; de Vita Pop. Rom. in
four books ; Annales, in three books ;
Antiquitates, in forty-one books ; de Forma
Philosophiae ; and his nine books Disci-
plinarum.

1 6. Ratio, &c., 'the theory or method
of all philosophy and learning.'

17. Inquilino, 'tenant.' So Catiline
says, ' sibi patricio homini perdita republica
opus esse, cum earn servaret M. Tullius

§§ 103-107. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II. 97

personabant omnia vocibus ebriorum, natabant pavimenta vino,
madebant parietes, ingenui pueri cum meritoriis, scorta inter
matres familias versabantur. Casino salutatum veniebant,
Aquino, Interamna. Admissus est nemo. lure id quidem ; in

106 homine enim turpissimo obsolefiebant dignitatis insignia. Cum 5
inde Romam proficiscens ad Aquinum accederet, obviam ei
processit, ut est frequens municipium, magna sane multitudo.
At iste operta lectica latus per oppidum est ut mortuus. Stulte
Aquinates : sed tamen in via habitabant. Quid, Anagnini ?
Qui cum essent devii, descenderunt, ut istum, tamquam si esset, 10
consulem salutarent. Incredibile dictu, t sed turn nimis inter
omnes constabat neminem esse resalutatum, praesertim cum
duos secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laconem, quorum

107 alter gladiorum est princeps, alter poculorum. Quid ego illas
istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, quibus invectus est 15
in Sidicinos, vexavit Puteolanos, quod C. Cassium et Brutos
patronos adoptassent? Magno quidem studio, iudicio, benevo-
lentia, caritate, non, ut te et Basilum, vi et armis, et alios vestri
similes, quos clientes nemo habere velit, non modo illorum

42 cliens esse. Interea dum tu abes, qui dies ille collegae tui 20
fuit, cum illud, quod venerari solebas, bustum in foro evertit !

inquilinus civis urbis Romae ' (Sail. Cat. 31, 12. Praesertim cum, 'even though.'

7), with reference to Cicero being a native See on c. 24, 60.

of Arpinum. 13. Duos Anagninos. Cp. Att. 16. II,

4. lure id quidem, 'so far you did 3. 'Anagnini sunt Mustela ra£iapxr)s et

well, not to let provincials see the tarnished Laco, qui plurimum bibit.' It would seem

glory of the Roman magistracy.' that Cicero had originally omitted the names

9. Sed tamen, 'yet they had the of these two men, and inserted them in con-
excuse of living on his road.' The Via sequence of a criticism from Atticus.
Latina passed through Aquinum, seven 17. Patronos adoptassent. This was
miles from Casinum, whereas it left Anagnia not an uncommon compliment for the pro-
on an eminence slightly to the right. vincial towns to pay to their benefactors

10. Tamquam si esset, 'as though among the Roman citizens. Cp. in Pis.
he had not forfeited the dignity.' n, 25 'Me inaurata statua donarant ; me

11. Sed turn nimis, 'all testimony at patronum unum adsciverant.'

the time was too unanimous to be discre- 19. Non modo, 'to say nothing of being
dited.' So Halm in his large edition, fol- their client.' See Madv. § 461 b, Obs. 3.
lowing two MSS., for the unintelligible c. 42. Once more in Rome, he made his
reading of the Vatican MS. ' sed cum uinus.' colleague lay aside his patriotic zeal. And
In his edition of 1858 he has a conjectural for himself, he outdid all the tyranny of
leading 'verum vicinos.' Madvig (Opusc. 2. former tyrants ; he took possession of the city
p. 330) suggests ' sed sum vicinus,' Cicero's by force ; he prevented the senate from as-
personal knowledge from having a villa near sembling by his violence; and treated laws
being brought forward to counterbalance and wills alike with contempt, destroying the
antecedent improbability. Nipperdey (Philo- safeguards of the constitution, and robbing
logus 3. p. 144) conjectures 'uisu,' intro- the people of the legacies which Caesar had
ducing a somewhat weak antithesis to 'dictu,' bequeathed to them.
'from the evidence of eye witnesses.' 21. Bustum. See I. 2, 5 note.

98 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS ec. 42-43.

qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos, qui una fuerunt,
concidisti. Quid evenerit postea nescio — metum credo valu-
isse et arma — ; collegam quidem de caelo detraxisti effecis-
tique, non tu quidem etiam nunc ut similis tui, sed certe ut
5 dissimilis esset sui.

Qui vero inde reditus Romam ! quae perturbatio totius urbis ! 108
Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem, Sullam postea domi-
nantem, modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. Erant fortasse
gladii, sed absconditi nee ita multi. Ista vero quae et quanta

10 barbaria est ! Agmine quadrate cum gladiis secuntur : scutorum
lecticas portari videmus. Atque his quidem iam inveteratis,
patres conscript!, consuetudine obduruimus. Kalendis luniis
cum in senatum, ut erat constitutum, venire vellemus, metu
perterriti repente diffugimus. At iste, qui senatu non egeret, 109

15 neque desideravit quemquam, et potius discessu nostro laetatus
est, statimque ilia mirabilia facinora effecit. Qui chirographa
Caesaris defendisset lucri sui causa, is leges Caesaris easque
praeclaras, ut rem publicam concutere posset, evertit. Numerum
annorum provinces prorogavit, idemque, cum actorum Caesaris

20 defensor esse deberet, et in publicis et in privatis rebus acta
Caesaris rescidit. In publicis nihil est lege gravius, in privatis
firmissimum est testamentum. Leges alias sine promulgatione

2. Concidisti, ' you collapsed :' cp. 5. collocabantur, non quo ilia scuta occulta esse
9> 23 ' Quo ille nuntio audito, . . repente vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent,
concidit.' laborarent.'

Metum. Fo in i. 12, 29 he repu- 14. At iste, &c. The connection of the

diates the notion of Dolabelia being actuated clauses is not very clear ; ' qui . . . egeret ' is

by corrupt motives. See note. explanatory; 'statimque . . . effecit ' answers

3. De caelo detraxisti. Cp. Att. to ' neque desideravit quemquam :' cp. Cat.
14. 18, I ' Saepius me iam agitas, quod rem 2. 13, 28 ' Perficiam . . . ut neque bonus
gestam Dolabellae nimis in caelum videar quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos
efferre ;' ib. 6. 2, 9 ' Salaminii nos in caelum ornnes salvi esse possitis;' and 'et . . laetatus
decretis suis sustulerunt.' est ' is parenthetical. ' Yet Antony, stand-

7. Memineramus . . . videramus. ing in no need of a senate, showed no dismay

Cicero was about 20 years old when China at anybody's absence, being indeed rather

was in power (87-84 B.C.), but it was rejoiced at our departure, and immediately

during the dictatorship of Sulla (82-79 B.C.) carried out his marvellous atrocities.' Halm

that he first came forward into public life : reads ' sed . . . laetatus est,' but on no

cp. 5.6, 17 'Cinnam memini, vidi Sullam, authority, and the intervening ' et ' per-

modo Caesarem.' haps accounts for the unusual combina-

9. Nee ita multi, 'and not so very tion of 'neque . . que.' See Madv.
many:' not by way of direct comparison § 458 c.

with those of Antony, but absolutely, to 18. Numerum annorum. See I. 8, 19

show that Caesar had a certain moderation note, and 5. 3, 7.

in his lawlessness. 22. Sine promulgatione sustulit,

10. Barbaria,'Asiatic despotism' (Halm). 'he abolished without ever publishing the

11. Lecticas, Cp. 5. 6, 18 ' Lecticae " abrogatio." ' Cicero complains of the

§§ 107—110.

O RATIO PHILIP PIC A II.

sustulit, alias ut tolleret, promulgavit. Testamentum irritum
fecit, quod etiam infimis civibus semper obtentum est. Signa,
tabulas, quas populo Caesar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie
partim in hortos Pompei deportavit, partim in villam Scipi-
onis. 5

43 Et tu in Caesaris memoria diligens ? tu ilium amas mortuum ?

110 Quern is honorem maiorem consecutus erat, quam ut haberet
pulvinar, simulacrum, fastigium, flaminem ? Est ergo flamen,
ut lovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, sic divo lulio M. Antonius. Quid
igitur cessas ? cur non inauguraris ? Sume diem, vide qui te 10
inauguret : collegae sumus ; nemo negabit. O detestabilem
hominem, sive quod Caesaris sacerdos es, sive quod mortui!
Quaero deinceps, num hodiernus dies qui sit ignores. Nescis heri
quartum in Circo diem ludorum Romanorum fuisse? te autem
ipsum ad populum tulisse ut quintus praeterea dies Caesari 15
tribueretur ? Cur non sumus praetextati ? cur honorem Caesaris
tua lege datum deseri patimur ? an supplicationes addendo

same irregularity in the opposite direction,
I. 10, 25 ' illae enim (leges) sine ulla pro-
mulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae.'

1. Alias . . . promulgavit, 'to abolish
other laws, he published bills to a contrary
effect ;' as in the case of the ' iudicium,'
when Caesar had reduced the ' decuriae ' to
two, and Antony proposed a law reconsti
tuting a third.

2. Obtentum est, 'has ever been
maintained, even in the interests of the
lowest citizens.' Cp. Tusc. 5. 41, 118 ' lex,
quae in Graecorum conviviis obtinetur.'
' Civibus is a ' dativus commodi.'

3. Cum hortis. These were on the
Etruscan side of the Tiber (cp. Hor. S. I.
9, 18 'Trans Tiberim longe cubat is, prope
Caesaris hortos '), below the city, about a
mile distant from the Porta Portuensis.

c. 43. And even in his love for Caesar he
was not consistent. He was Caesar' s flamen,
the minister of the divine honours lately voted
to him. Now was the time for the celebration
of his festival, yet Antony was not preparing
for the task. To account for this neglect far
clearer eloquence was needed than his grand
father's, who however never clothed his
thoughts in so thin a disguise as Antony
had worn at the Lupercalia.

8. Pulvinar, &c., 'a couch to support
his image at the " lectisternium," an image
to adorn his temple, a temple with a pedi
ment, a special priest to do him service.'

Cp. Flor. 4. 2 ' Non ingratis civibus, omnes
unum in principem congesti honores : circa
templa imagines ; in theatre distincta radiis
corona ; suggestus in curia ; fastigium in
domo ; mensis in caelo.'

Simulacrum is generally, like ' sig-
num,' the statue of a god, but not univer
sally: seeVerr. Act. 2. 2.65, 159 ' Forsitan
vix convenire videretur, quern ipsum homi
nem cuperent (Rhodii) evertere, eius (sc.
Mithridatis) effigiem simulacrumque ser-
vare.'

9. Ut lovi, &c. The Flamines of
these three gods were always patricians, and
were called ' flamines maiores.' Henca the
bathos of the descent, from Jupiter to Caesar,
from the flamen Dialis to Antony. Antony
had sought and obtained this office of flamen
during Caesar's life, but had not been con
secrated, and after Caesar's death had shrunk
from it.

12. Mortui. See on I. 6, 13.

14. InCirco. The ' Ludi Romani in Circo'
appear to have been a continuation, after
two days' interval, of the 'Ludi Magni:' these
latter lasting from the 4th to the 1 2th of
September, the former generally from the
1 5th to the 1 8th. but this year, in honour
of Caesar, was added the 1 9th, on which day
Cicero represents himself as speaking.

17. Supplicationes, &c., 'were you so
inconsistent, that, while permitting the pro
fanation of the supplications, by allowing one

H 2

ioo M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 43-44.

diem contaminari passus es, pulvinaria contaminari noluisti ? Aut
undique religionem tolle aut usque quaque conserva. Quaeris
placeatne mihi pulvinar esse, fastigium, flaminem. Mihi vero in
nihil istorum placet : sed tu, qui acta Caesaris defendis, quid
5 potes dicere cur alia defendas, alia non cures ? nisi forte vis
fateri te omnia quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri. Quid
ad haec tandem ? — exspecto enim eloquentiam tuam : disertis-
simum cognovi avum tuum, at te etiam apertiorem in dicendo ;
ille numquam nudus est contionatus, tuum hominis simplicis

10 pectus vidimus — : respondebisne ad haec aut omnino hiscere
audebis ? ecquid reperies ex tarn longa oratione mea, cui te
respondere posse confidas ?

Sed praeterita omittamus : hunc unum diem, unum, inquam, 44
hodiernum diem, hoc punctum temporis, quo loquor, defende, 112

15 si potes. Cur armatorum corona senatus saeptus est ? cur me
tui satellites cum gladiis audiunt? cur valvae Concordiae non
patent? cur homines omnium gentium maxime barbaros, Ity-
raeos, cum sagittis deducis in forum ? Praesidii sui causa se
facere dicit. Non igitur miliens perire est melius quam in sua

20 civitate sine armatorum praesidio non posse vivere ? Sed nullum
est istud, mihi crede, praesidium : caritate te et benevolentia
civium saeptum oportet esse, non armis. Eripiet et extorquebit us
tibi ista populus Romanus, utinam salvis nobis ! sed quoquo

in honour of a dead man, you respected the toriam vim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs

" lectisternium " too much to allow a mortal adtollere oculos aut hiscere audebant.'

to encroach upon it ?' The clause ' suppli- c. 44. Even while Cicero was speaking,

cationes . . . passus es,' though grammatically Antony was acting unconstitutionally in

parallel to ' pulvinaria . . . noluisti,' is really blockading the senate with a mercenary

subordinate. This arrangement, called by force. At the best, it was mistaken policy,

the grammarians ' parataxis,' is common in since love, not terror, was the best protection

Greek. See Dissen on Dem. Cor. p. 281, 7 for a Roman magistrate ; and if he used a

alffxpov fffTtv, cD avSpts 'AOrjvaioi, el €ja> tyrant's arms, Romans would never forget,

filv rd tpya i/Tre/xeji/a, u^efs Se /irjSe rovs and never shrink from following the glorious

\6yovs avfgtffde ; andcp. Cic.Tusc. 5. 32, 90 examples of those who, in the spirit of their

' An Scythes Anacharsis potuit pro nihilo ancestors, asserted with the sword the sacred

pecuniam ducere, nostrates philosophi facere cause of liberty.

non potuerunt ? ' 15. Cur armatorum, &c. See on c.

8. Apertiorem in dicendo, 'you 18,46.

showed Jess reserve.' Cicero plays on the 17. Ityraeos. See on c. 8, 19.

double meaning of 'apertus,' referring to 20. Sed nullum, &c. Cp. I. 14, 33;

Antony's naked harangue at the Lupercalia and Off. 2. 7, 25 'Nee vero ulla vis imperii

(see c. 34, 86), and to his openness of speech. tanta est, quae premente metu possit esse

Cp. pro Mur. 25, 51 'Ille, ut semper fuit, diuturna ; ' Pliny Pan. 49, 3 ' Frustra se ter-

apertissimus, non se purgavit, sed indicavit rore succinxerit, qui septus caritate non

atque induit.' fuerit : armis enim arma irritantur.'

10. Hiscere, 'to open your mouth at 23. Salvis nobis, 'before we are utterly

all.' Cp. Liv. 6. 16 'Nee adversus dicta- destroyed.'

§§iio-H4. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A II. 101

modo nobiscum egeris, dum istis consiliis uteris, non potes, mihi
crede, esse diuturnus. Etenim ista tua minime avara coniunx,
quam ego sine contumelia describe, nimium diu debet populo
Romano tertiam pensionem. Habet populus Romanus ad quos
gubernacula rei publicae deferat : qui ubicumque terrarum sunt, 5
ibi omne est rei publicae praesidium vel potius ipsa res publica,
quae se adhuc tantum modo ulta est, nondum recuperavit.
Habet quidem certe res publica adolescentes nobilissimos, para-
tos defensores : quam volent illi cedant otio consulentes, tamen
a re publica revocabuntun ,.-- Et nomen pacis dulce est et ipsa 10
res salutaris ; sed inter pacem et servitutem plurimum interest.
Pax est tranquilla libertas, servitus postremum malorum om-
114 nium, non modo bello, sed morte etiam repellendum. Quod si
se ipsos illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, at
exemplum facti reliquerunt. Illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt. 15
Tarquinium Brutus bello est persecutus, qui turn rex fuit, cum
esse Romae licebat ; Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius
propter suspicionem regni appetendi sunt necati : hi primum
cum gladiis non in regnum appetentem, sed in regnantem

2. Minime avara coniunx, 'most them retire as far as they will,' 'however far
liberal of wives.' She had sacrificed two they shall retire.' Cp. de Div. I. 26, 56
husbands to the Roman people already — ' Quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodeni
P. Clodius and C. Curio; — the third and last sibi leto, quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum.'
instalment of her debt was overdue. 'Pensio' This transitional usage, in which the verb,
is the technical word for instalments to be though still conjugated, has yet nearly the
paid at regular intervals, and is especially same force as the conjunction ' quamvis,'
applied to the restitution of the dowry of a illustrates both the original meaning of that
divorced wife by her husband, which he was conjunction, ' in whatever degree,' ' how-
required to make in three annual pay- ever much,' and also the reason of its
merits. ordinary construction with the subjunctive.

3. Sine contumelia. See on c. 12, Similarly we find 'licebit' with nearly the
30. force of 'licet' in its conjunctional use, in

4. Ad quos, sc. Brutus and Cassius, Hor. Epod. 15, 19 'Sis pecore et multo
and the other conspirators. dives tellure licebit,' ' you may be rich, for

6. Ipsa respublica. Cp. Thuc. 7. 77, aught I care;' and Ov. Trist. 5. 14, 3
7 avfycs yap TTO\IS Kai ov ret'x7? ou5e vrjcs ' Detrahat auctori multum fortuna licebit.'
dvdpiat' Ktvai. 1 1. Inter pacem, &c. Cp. Livy 10. 17

7. Nondum recuperavit, having 'Petisse pacem (Samnites) a populo Romano,
merely exchanged the yoke of Caesar for cum bellum tolerare non possent: rebellasse,
that of Antony. Cp. Fam. 12. I, 2 ' Ulta quod pax servientibus gravior, quam liberis
suas iniurias est per vos interitu tyranni ; bellum, esset.'

nihil amplius : ornamenta vero sua quae 17. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See on

reciperavit?' c. 11, 26.

8. Adolescentes. Brutus and Cassius M. Manlius. See on I. 13, 32.

were both upwards of 40 years old, Brutus 1 8. Primum. So Halm, following the

having been born in 85 B.C., and Cassius Vatican MS., for 'primi.' He compares 9.

having been quaestor, and therefore at least 6, 13 ' Statua . . . qualis L. Sullae primum

32, in 53 B.C. See on c. 21, 52. statuta est;' and Cat. 3. 6, 15 'Quod mihi

9. Quam volent illi cedant, 'let primum ... togato contigit.'

102 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 44-46.

impetum fecenmt. Quod cum ipsum factum per se praeclarum
est atque divinum, turn expositum ad imitandum est, praesertim
cum illi earn gloriam consecuti sint, quae vix caelo capi posse
videatur. Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti

5 fructus erat, tamen mortali immortalitatem non arbitror esse
contemnendam.

Recordare igitur ilium, M. Antoni, diem, quo dictaturam sus- 45
tulisti ; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus populique Romani, 115
confer cum hac immani nundinatione tua tuorumque : turn in-

10 telliges quantum inter lucrum et laudem intersit. Sed nimirum,
ut quidam morbo aliquo et sensus stupore suavitatem cibi non
sentiunt, sic libidinosi, avari, facinerosi verae laudis gustatum
non habent. Sed si te laus allicere ad recte faciendum non
potest, ne metus quidem a foedissimis factis potest avocare ?

15 ludicia non metuis. Si propter innocentiam, laudo : sin propter
vim, non intelligis, qui isto modo iudicia non timeat, ei quid
timendum sit. Quod si non metuis viros fortes egregiosque 116
cives, quod a corpora tuo prohibentur armis, tui te, mihi crede,
diutius non ferent. Quae est autem vita dies et noctes timere

20 a suis ? nisi vero aut maioribus habes beneficiis obligates, quam
ille quosdarn habuit ex iis, a quibus est interfectus, aut tu es
ulla re cum eo comparandus. Fuit in illo ingenium, ratio,
memoria, litterae, cura, cogitatio, diligentia ; res bello gesserat

4. Etsi enim satis, &c. Cp. pro Dictaturam sustulisti. See I. 2, 4

Mil. 35, 97 ' Addit haec . . . fortes et sapi- note.

entes viros non tarn praemia sequi solere 9. Cum hac immani nundina-

recte factorum, quam ipsa recte facta ... tione. So Halm from the unintelligible

sed tamen ex omnibus praemiis virtutis, si reading of the Vatican MS., 'cum hac im-

esset habenda ratio praemiorum, amplissi- manum latione.' Cp. c. 14, 35. Kayser

mum esse praemium gloriam.' adopts a conjecture of Jeep's : ' Cum hac

cc. 45, 46. Finally, Cicero adjures him immani mutatione.' The other MSS. have

to return to better counsels, as the safest ' Cum numatione.'

policy. Caesar was in every way a nobler 21. Quosdam. Notably C. Trebonius

man than Antony, his friends were person- and L. Tillius Cimber ; see c. II, 27. M.

ally devoted to him; yet he fell by the hands Brutus and C. Cassius were bound to Caesar

of those very friends, because he placed him- by the same obligation as Cicero to Antony,

self before the laws. Antony should take that he had spared their lives.

warning by his fate ; his armed adherents 22. Ingenium, ratio, ' genius and me-

would not long be faithful- to him ; the ex- thod.'

ample of tyrannicide was fresh among the 23. Memoria. Abrami compares pro

citizens; and Cicero himself would rather Deiot. 15, 42 ' Memoriam tuam implorat,

die to free the state from slavery than live qua vales plurirnum.'

when life had lost the sweetness which is only Litterae. Besides his histories, Caesar

found in liberty. was famous as an orator. See Cic. Brut.

7. Igitur, as with your present counsels 72, 252; Quint. 10. I, 114 'C. Caesar

you cannot long be safe. si foro tantum vacasset, non alius ex nostris

§§114-118. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A II. 103

quamvis rei publicae calamitosas, at tamen magnas ; multos
annos regnare meditatus magno labore, multis periculis quod
cogitarat effecerat ; muneribus, monumentis, congiariis, epulis
multitudinem imperitam delenierat ; suos praemiis, adversaries
clementiae specie devinxerat ; quid multa ? attulerat iam liberae 5
civitati partim metu, partim patientia consuetudinem serviendi.
46 Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre possum, ceteris

117 vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. Sed ex plurimis malis,
quae ab illo rei publicae sunt inusta, hoc tamen boni est, quod
didicit iam populus Romanus, quantum cuique crederet, quibus 10
se committeret, a quibifs caveret. Haec non cogitas ? neque
intelligis satis esse viris fortibus didicisse, quam sit re pulchrum,
beneficio gratum, fama gloriosum tyrannum occidere ? An,

118 cum ilium homines non tulerint, te ferent ? Certatim posthac,
mini crede, ad hoc opus curretur neque occasionis tarditas 15
exspectabitur.

Respice, quaeso, aliquando [rem publicam, M. Antoni] ;
quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas considera ; mecum, uti
voles : redi cum re publica in gratiam. Sed de te tu videris,

contra Ciceronem nominaretur ;' Tac. Ann. plies it to a largess offered by Antony to the

13. 3 'Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus ;' legions from Macedonia (Att. 1 6. 8, 2

and he also wrote works on the Latin Ian- ' Congiarium ab Antonio accipere nolue-

guage (de Analogia), on the movements of runt ')•
the stars, and on the auspices. g. Inusta, 'whose brand he has inde-

3. Muneribus, sc. gladiatoriis. Espe- libly impressed upon the state.' The term

cially a very splendid show on the occasion appears to combine the two notions of com-

of his daughter's death ; Suet. Jul. 26 ; cp. pulsory infliction, and indelible impression.

ib. 39. Cp. Livy 9. 3 ' Vivet semper in pectoribus

Monumentis. The chief public build- illorum, quidquid istuc praesens necessitas

ings of Caesar were the Forum lulium, inusserit.' So Cic. Cat. I. 6, 13 ' Quae nota

to the north of the Forum Romanum, en- domesticae turpitudinis non inusta vitae tuae

closing a temple of Venus Genitrix (Pliny est?'

N. H. 35. 12, 45); the Basilica lulia (com- II. A quibus caveret, 'against whom

pleted by Augustus), whose area, paved with it should be on its guard.'
precious marbles, has of late years been im- 17. Respice, &c. The Vatican reading

covered, on the south side of the Forum is ' Respice quaeso ali quibus,' &c., with

Romanum; and the Circus Maximus, which he a small lacuna after ' ali,' too small, appa-

extended to the dimensions of three stadia in rently, to leave room for the words in

length, and one in breadth, and completed brackets, which are found in the other MSS.

with great magnificence (ib. 36. 15, 102). Halm, in his school edition of 1858, omits

Congiariis. The 'congius' being a them. Kayser, following Jeep, reads 'Re-
liquid measure (holding about three quarts), sipisce.'

' congiaria' were strictly largesses of wine or 18. Mecum, uti voles, sc. 'be reeon-

oil, but the word was afterwards applied to ciled to me ('in gratiam redibis') or not

presents of money: cp. Suet. Tib. 20 ' Po- as you will.' Abrami compares Livy 8.

pulo congiarium trecenos nummos viritim 35 ' Mecum, ut voles, reverteris in gratiam.'

dedit.' Though generally used of presents to The use of the future, where we less accu-

the people (id. Ner. 7 'Populo congiarium, rately use the present, is to be noticed, cp.

militi donativum proposuit'), yet Cicero ap- c. 44, 113 'quam volent illi cedant.'

104

T. CICERONIS OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A II. c. 46.

ego de me ipse profitebor. Defend! rem publicam adolescens,
non deseram senex : contempsi Catilinae gladios, non perti-
mescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtulerim, si reprae-
sentari morte mea libertas civitatis potest, ut aliquando dolor
5 populi Romani pariat, quod iam diu parturit. Etenim si abhinc H9
annos prope viginti hoc ipso in templo negavi posse mortem
immaturam esse consulari, quanto verius nunc negabo seni !
Mihi vero, patres conscripti, iam etiam optanda mors est, per-
fimcto rebus iis, quas adeptus sum qnasque gessi. Duo modo
10 hacc opto, iimnn, nt moriens populum Romanum liberum relin-
quam — hoc mihi maius ab dis immortalibus dari nihil potest — ;
alterum, ut ita ciiique eveniat, ut de re publica quisque mere-
atur.

3. Repraesentari, 'be presently se
cured.' Cp. Fam. 5. 1 6, 6 ' Neque expec-
tare temporis medicinam, quam reprae&entare
ratione possimus.'

5. Abhinc annos viginti. 'Abhinc'
is used both with the accusative and abla
tive, according to Hand (Tursdl. I. 64),
with no difference of meaning ; but the
double use in Cic. pro Rose. Com. 13, 37
• abhinc annis xv.,' in the oratio obliqua,
and in the next line ' repromittis abhinc tri-
ennium Roscio,' in the oratio recta, seems to
favour the distinction drawn by Mr. Mayor,
that with the accusative it means 'before
this time,' with the ablative 'before that
time.' Cp, Vcrr. Act. 2. i. 57, 130 'Hero

dotus . . . offendit eum mensem qui conse-
quitur mensem comitialem, comitiis iam
abhinc diebus triginta factis.'

9. Quas adeptus sum, &c., 'after the
honours which I have attained, and the
exploits which I have achieved.' The
words in italics Halm thinks of very doubt
ful genuineness, both from their being added
in the Vatican MS. by a later hand, and
from the internal evidence of the singular
expression ' res adeptus sum,' and the un-
classical ring of ' duo modo haec opto.'

12. Cuique ... quisque. Cp., for the
double ' quisque,' 3. to, 24 ' Ut, quae cuique
apta esset, ea cuique obveniret.'

INTRODUCTION
TO THE THIRD ORATION.

THE third oration brings before us a new scene in the struggle
between the different parties in the state, and is directed against an
attempt on the part of Antony which gave occasion, more or less
directly, to all the remaining orations except the eleventh. We have
seen that one of the first measures which Antony proposed, after the
death of Caesar, was a change in the disposition of the provinces,
whereby he was to obtain Macedonia, and Dolabella Syria. Not content
with this, he shortly afterwards, probably in July (see Merivale 3. 98),
proposed that Macedonia should be transferred to his brother Gaius, and
that he himself should supplant Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul,
apparently in order that he might possess a powerful force within easy
reach of the city. The senate refused to listen to the proposal, but
Antony brought it before the people in the ' comitia,' and gained their
assent by persuading them that Decimus was preparing to attack the
party of Caesar, and uphold by force the cause of his assassins. He
also obtained leave to recall four legions from Macedonia, and on the
9th of October proceeded to Brundisium to place himself at their head.
On his way he put some soldiers to death at Suessa Auruncorum, and
finding at Brundisium that two of the legions, the Martia and Quarta,
despised the largess which he offered them, he treacherously mas
sacred their centurions in the presence of his wife. Finding that the
troops were not to be depended on, probably owing to the temptations
offered by agents of Octavianus, he sent the second and thirty-fifth
legions, which still in the main adhered to him, (see 5. 19, 53 ; Fam. 10.
30, i), in detachments towards Cisalpine Gaul, appointing a rendezvous
at Ariminum ; and returned himself to Rome, at the head of the Gaulish
legion Alauda, which he had probably brought with him from Rome;
as we know that it was there in the earlier part of the summer (Att. 16.
8, 2).

Octavianus had meanwhile been levying troops, and winning over the
veterans in Campania, by a largess of 500 denarii apiece. By Cicero's
advice he returned to Rome, shortly before the arrival of Antony, but
finding that the veterans were not yet prepared for open conflict with
the Consul, he thought it prudent to retire to Arretium.

Antony left the bulk of his troops at Tibur, but entered the city,

106 INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD ORATION.

contrary to the laws, at the head of an armed force, to whom, as he
marched through the streets, he promised the houses and property of
his enemies for plunder. He convened the senate for the 24th of
November, denouncing any senator who should absent himself as an
enemy to him and to his country. On the appointed day he was
himself absent, being, according to Cicero (Phil. 3. 8, 20), too drunk to
make his appearance. He summoned another meeting in the Capitol
for the 28th, at which he forbade three tribunes, whom he knew to be
hostile to him, to be present.

The object of the meeting was to denounce the conduct of Octavi-
anus, but when the day arrived his resolution failed him, and the only
proposal laid before the senate was for a ' supplicatio ' in honour of
M. Lepidus. In the midst of the debate on this, a message reached
him that the fourth legion had openly declared in favour of Octavianus
and joined the Martia, which had already taken up a position at Alba.
Feeling that to stay in Rome was dangerous, he took a hurried division
on the question before the senate, and hastened to Alba, in hopes of yet
recovering the allegiance of his troops. Finding the gates shut against
him, he proceeded to Tibur, and confirming the fidelity of the forces
there by a present of 2000 sesterces to every soldier, he set forth at
their head towards Cisalpine Gaul, with a view of dispossessing Decimus
Brutus of his province.

At this juncture Cicero published his second oration, and used the
influence which it gave him in strengthening the cause of Octavianus,
and inflaming all parties against Antony. On the 2oth of December
the tribunes, in the absence of both the Consuls, convened the senate
for the transaction of some formal business, and to arrange for its safe
meeting on the ist of January; and Cicero availed himself of the
occasion to deliver the third Philippic oration.

In it he denounces Antony as a public enemy, declaring that his
conduct was worse than that of Tarquin; and having reviewed the
lawlessness and cowardice of his proceedings, by which he had forfeited
all claim to be regarded as Consul, he exposes the absurdity of his
attempt to insult Octavianus by reproaching him with the position of his
mother; and ridicules the bad Latin of his proclamations. On the other
hand he highly extols the conduct of Octavianus, of Decimus Brutus,
and the fourth and Martian legions ; and he ends his speech by formally
proposing that the thanks of the senate should be given them for what
they had done, and that the recent changes in the disposition of the
provinces should be annulled. His proposals were accepted by the
senate, and A. Hirtius and C. Pansa, the Consuls elect, were instructed
to take the earliest possible opportunity for carrying them into effect.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER TERTIUS.

1 SERIUS omnino, patres conscripti, quam tempus rei publicae

1 postulabat, aliquando tamen convocati sumus : quod flagitabam
equidem quotidie, quippe cum bellum nefarium contra aras et
focos, contra vitam fortunasque nostras ab homine profligato ac
perdito non comparari, sed geri iam viderem. Exspectantur 5
Kalendae lanuariae, quas non exspectat Antonius, qui in provin-
ciam D. Bruti, summi et singularis viri, cum exercitu impetum
facere conatur ; ex qua se instructum et paratum ad urbem ven-

2 turum esse minitatur. Quae est igitur exspectatio aut quae vel
minimi dilatio temporis ? quamquam enim adsunt Kalendae 10
lanuariae, tamen breve tempus longum est imparatis. Dies
enim affert vel hora potius, si nihil provisum est, magnas saepe
clades. Certus autem dies non ut sacrifkiis, sic consiliis exspec-
tari solet.

c. I. Cicero urges on the senate that they the loth, for the 2Oth of the same month,

should take instant action, instead of need- on which day Cicero delivered this oration.
lessly waiting for the 1st of January; a 6. In provinciam D. Bruti, sc. Cis-

dangerous delay, when so unscrupulous an alpine Gaul. See Introduction.
enemy was already actively engaged against 12. Si nihil. So Halm, from the Vatican

the state. reading, ' nihil.' Vulg. * nisi.' The senti-

I. Serius omnino, &c. In 5. u, 30 ment seems to be borrowed from Dem. Phil.

Cicero says that he began topress for the meet- I. p. 50, 24 rov yap rov irparrtaQai xpovov

ing of the senate ' ut primum post discessum els TO TrapaatcevafcaOai dvaXiaKopev, ol 5£

latronts vel potius desperatam fugam libere ruv irpayfjiarcav ov pevovai naipol rr)r

haberi potuit.' Antony, however, had left the fjfj.er(pav PpaSvrrjra KOI dpooveiav.
city on the 28th of November, and Cicero 13. Sacrifices is Halm's emendation

did not return to it till the Qth of December. for the Vatican reading, ' sacrificii sic con-

The senate was summoned by the tribunes siliis.' The other MSS. have ' sacrificii sic

of the commons, who entered on office on consilii.'

io8 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 1-3.

Quo si aut Kalendae lanuariae fulssent eo die, quo primum
ex urbe fugit Antonius, aut eae non essent exspectatae, bellum
iam nullum haberemus. Auctoritate enim senatus consensuque
populi Romani facile hominis amentis fregissemus audaciam.
5 Quod confido equidem consules designates, simul ut magistra-
tum inierint, esse facturos ; sunt enim optimo animo, summo
consilio, singular! concordia : mea autem festinatio non victoriae
solum avida est, sed etiam celeritatis.

Quo enim usque tantum bellum, tarn crudele, tarn nefarium 3

Jo privatis consiliis propulsabitur? cur non quam primum publica
accedit auctoritas ? C. Caesar adolescens, paene potius puer, 2
incredibili ac divina quadam mente atque virtute, cum maxime
furor arderet Antonii cumque eius a Brundisio crudelis et pestifer
reditus timeretur, nee postulantibus nee cogitantibus, ne optan-

*5 tibus quidem nobis quia non posse fieri videbatur, firmissimum 4
exercitum ex invicto genere veteranorum militum comparavit
patrimoniumque suum effudit : quamquam non sum usus eo
verbo quo debui ; non enim effudit : in rei publicae salute coilo-
cavit. Cui quamquam gratia referri tanta non potest quanta

0 debetur, habenda tamen est tanta, quantam maximam animi
nostri capere possunt. Quis enim est tarn ignarus rerum, tarn

•2. Fugit. Cp. 5. II, 30, quoted above n. Adolescens. Octavianus was at

on § I. this time eighteen years of age.

5. Consules designates. Aulus 14. Ne optantibus quidem. The

Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, who were to Vatican MS. reads 'nee optantibus quidem;'

enter office on the 1st of January 43 B.C. but Madvig (on Cic. Fin. Excursus 3. p. 822

cc. 2, 3. C. Caesar, on his own respond- foil.) shows that the expression ' ne . . .

bility, and at his oivn expense, had saved the quidem,' never in writers of this age absorbs

state, by gaining over the legions at Brundi- into itself the copulative conjunction. The

shim, which Antony had hoped to have as only other passages in Cicero where ' nee . . .

instruments of his cruelty, that he might over- quidem' rests on any good authority are

whelm the citizens of Rome, as he had mur- Cat. Ma. 9, 27 ' nee nunc quidem,' where

dered the centurions at Brundisium. To ' nee . . . quidem ' is a condensation of ' ac

C. Caesar therefore, and the soldiers who non . . . quidem,' ' nor do I now indeed :'

had shown their patriotism by deserting and Nat. Deor. 3. 9, 23 ' nee cur animantem

Antony, thanks, honours, and the confirma- quidem esse,' where the 'c' seems due to

tion of their deeds were due from the the initial of the following word. Here he

senate. thinks 'nee' has crept in from the double

9- Quo enim usque. For the division ' nee' preceding. Halm admits his reasoning,

of the adverb, cp. Mart. 2. 64, 9 'Eia age, and reads ' ne . . . quidem.' See also Hand's

rumpe moras, quo te sperabimus usque?' Tursellinus, 4. 162 foil.)

10. Privatis consiliis, by the irre- 17. Patrimonium ... effudit. Octa-

gular proceedings of Octavianus, which he vianus expended, or rather invested, ' collo-

goes on to describe, and the unauthorised cavit,' his private means in giving the vete-

resistance of Dec. Brutus (see c. 4, 8); for rans 500 denarii apiece. Cp. Att. 1 6. 8, I

both of which thanks are proposed by ' Veteranos, quique Casilini et Calatinae

Cicero in the forma], vote which closes this sunt, perduxit ad suam sententiam. Nee

oration. mirum : quingenos denarios dat.'

§§2-6. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III. 109

nihil de re publica cogitans, qui hoc non intelligat, si M. Antonius
a Brundisio cum iis copiis, quas se habiturum putabat, Romam,
ut minabatur, venire potuisset, nullum genus eum crudelitatis
praeteriturum fuisse ? quippe qui in hospitis tectis Brundisii for-
tissimos viros optimosque cives iugulari iusserit ; quorum ante 5
pedes eius morientium sanguine os uxoris respersum esse con-
stabat. Hac ille crudelitate imbutus, cum multo bonis omnibus
veniret iratior, quam illis fuerat, quos trucidarat, cui tandem

5 nostrum aut cui omnino bono pepercisset? Qua peste privato
consilio rem publicam — neque enim fieri potuit aliter — Caesar 10
liberavit. Qui nisi in hac re publica natus esset, rem publicam
scelere Antonii nullam haberemus. Sic enim perspicio, sic iu-
dico, nisi unus adolescens illius furentes impetus crudelissimosque
conatus cohibuisset, rem publicam funditus interituram fuisse.
Cui quidem hodierno die, patres conscripti, — nunc enim primum 15
ita convenimus, ut illius beneficio possemus ea, quae sentiremus,
libere dicere — tribuenda est auctoritas, ut rem publicam non
modo a se susceptam, sed etiam a nobis commendatam possit
defendere.

3 Nee vero de legione Martia, quoniam longo intervallo loqui 2o

6 nobis de re publica licet, sileri potest. Quis enim unus fortior,
quis amicior umquam rei publicae fuit quam legio Martia uni-
versa? quae cum hostem populi Romani Antonium iudicasset,
comes esse eius amentiae noluit : reliquit consulem, quod pro-
fecto non fecisset, si eum consulem iudicasset, quern nihil 25
aliud agere, nihil moliri nisi caedem civium atque interitum
civitatis videret. Atque ea legio consedit Albae. Quam

I. Si M. Antonius, &c. Cp. Fam. 10. context. The other MSS. have 'bonis

28, 3 'Certum habeto, nisi ille' (sc. puer hominibus.'

Caesar) 'veteranos celeriter conscripsisset 9. Privato consilio, 'on his own

legionesque duae de exercitu Antonii ad eius responsibility.

se auctoritatem contulissent, atque is opposi- 10. Caesar. So henceforward Cicero

tus esset terror Antonio, nihil Antonium see- designates Octavianus.

leris nihil crudelitatis praeteriturum fuisse.' 17. Ut rempublicam, &c., 'that he

4. Fortissimos viros. ' Martiae le- may assume the defence of the state, not

gionis centuriones' 13. 8, 18. Themassacre merely as an office voluntarily taken on

however was not confined to the centurions, himself, but as a charge entrusted to him

unless Cicero in c. 4, 10 of this oration by the senate.'

exaggerates the number ('Brundisii ad tre- 27. Consedit Albae, at Alba Longa,

centos fortissimos viros civesque optimos on the east shore of the Alban Lake, and

trucidavit'), as there were only 60 centu- only fourteen miles from Rome. It was the

rions to a legion. Cp. also 5. 8, 22. news of this occupation of Alba that had

7. Bonis omnibus. So the Vatican induced Antony hurriedly to leave the

MS. Halm, following an early conjecture, city (see on c. I, i). When he found that

reads 'nobis/ as agreeing better with the he could not shake the resolution of the

no M, TV L LI I CICERO NTS oc. 3-4.

potuit urbem eligere aut opportuniorem ad res gerundas aut
fideliorem aut fortium virorum aut amicorum rei publicae
civium ? Huius legionis virtutem imitata quarta legio duce 7
L. Egnatuleio quaestore, civi optimo et fortissimo, C. Caesaris
5 auctoritatem atque exercitum persecuta est. Faciundum est
igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut ea, quae sua sponte darissimus
adolescens atque omnium praestantissimus gessit et gerit, haec
auctoritate nostra comprobentur, veteranorumque, fortissimorum
virorum, turn legionis Martiae quartaeque mirabilis consensus

10 ad rem publicam recuperandam laude et testimonio nostro con-
firmetur, eorumque commoda, honores, praemia, cum consules
designati magistratum inierint, curae nobis fore hodicrno die
spondeamus.

Atque ea quidem, quae dixi de Caesare deque eius exercitu, 4

15 iam diu nota sunt nobis. Virtute enim admirabili Caesaris s
constantiaque militum veteranorum legionumque earum, quae
optimo iudicio auctoritatem vestram, libertatem populi Romani,
virtutem Caesaris secutae sunt, a cervicibus nostris est depulsus
Antonius. Sed haec, ut dixi, superiora : hoc vero recens edic-

20 turn D. Bruti, quod paulo ante propositum est, certe silentio

Martian legion, he retired to Tibur, and use of ' haec,' to recall emphatically to mind

thence proceeded towards Cisalpine Gaul. the subject which had been separated from

2. Fortium . . . amicorum. This is its verb by an intervening relative clause,

the reading of the Vatican MS., defended cp. 7. 5, 15 ' cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam

(though not adopted) by Wernsdorf, who shows coloniam populi Romani firmissimam, op-

that Cicero's meaning probably is ' what city pugnarit . . . hunc in eum ordinem recipi ;'

that contains either brave men or friendly and contrariwise de Orat. 2. 28, 125 'haec

citizens could have been found either more ipsa, quae mine ad me delegare vis, ea sem-

convenient or more to be depended on?' per in te eximia fuerunt.' See Madv. 9 a.

Bravery and good feeling towards Rome were c. 4. More recently Decimus Brutus, fol-

necessary conditions in the citizens of the lowing the example of his ancestor, who

place which they should occupy ; — of the drove out a king for merely being proud, had

cities which exhibited these the veterans published an edict, maintaining the liberty

might choose the most convenient. Halm and authority of the state, menaced now by

adopts the reading of the Junta edition Antony, who in wickedness, arbitrary self-

(1515), which is slightly altered from the assumption, and contempt of all religion, in

other MSS., 'aut fortiorum virorum aut meanness, cruelty, and disloyalty, went beyond

amiciorum.' This however has evidently the worst that any man had ventured to

arisen from not distinguishing the independ- assert of Tarquin.

ence of the two pairs of 'aut ... aut.' 19. Edictum D. Bruti. Cicero tells

4. Civi. So the Vatican MS. here, and Decimus Brutus himself (Fam. II. 6, 2) that
5. 19, 52, and the other MSS. in c. 15, 39. the sight of this edict was what induced
Priscian, 7- 13? 68, brings several passages him to come into the senate on the day
(e.g. pro Sest. 12, 12 'quod ausus esset pro when this oration was deliverd : ' Nefas
civi, pro bene merito civi ') to prove that esse duxi aut ita haberi senatum, ut de tuis
this form of the ablative is used by Cicero. divinis in rempublicam meritis sileretur —

5. Persecuta est, 'attached itself to quod'factum esset, nisi ego venissem — aut,
the army under C. Caesar's command.' etiam si quid de te honorifice diceretur, me

6. Ea . . . haec. For this redundant non adesse.'

§§6-io. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A III. in

non potest praeteriri. Pollicetur enim se provinciam Galliam
retenturum in senatus populique Romani potestate. O civem
natum rei publicae, memorem sui nominis imitatoremque ma-
iorum ! Neque enim Tarquinio expulso maioribus nostris tarn
fuit optata libertas, quam est depulso iam Antonio retinenda 5
9 nobis. Illi regibus parere iam a condita urbe didicerant : nos
post reges exactos servitutis oblivio ceperat. Atque ille Tar
quinius, quern maiores nostri non tulerunt, non crudelis, non
impius, sed superbus est habitus et dictus : quod nos vitium in
privatis saepe tulimus, id maiores nostri ne in rege quidem ferre 10
potuerunt. L. Brutus regem superbum non tulit : D. Brutus
sceleratum atque impium regnare patietur Antonium? Quid
Tarquinius tale, qualia innumerabilia et facit et fecit Antonius ?
Senatum etiam reges habebant : nee tamen, ut Antonio senatum
habente, in consilio regis versabantur barbari armati. Servabant !5
auspicia reges ; quae hie consul augurque neglexit, neque solum
legibus contra auspicia ferendis, sed etiam collega una ferente
10 eo, quern ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fecerat. Quis autem
rex umquam fuit tarn insignite impudens, ut haberet omnia com-
moda, beneficia, iura regni venalia ? Quam hie immunitatem, 20
quam civitatem, quod praemium non vel singulis hominibus vel
civitatibus vel universis provinciis vendidit? Nihil humile de
Tarquinio, nihil sordidum accepimus : at vero huius domi inter
quasilla pendebatur aurum, numerabatur pecunia ; una in domo

2. In potestate. So Halm, following . . . occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis multare
the Vatican MS. Orelli, from the other poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos, sed
MSS., reads ' in potestatem,' a construction unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare
which is found after ' esse' and 'habere' in posset.'

a few legal and political expressions: cp. 12. Sceleratum atque impium reg-

Div. in Q. Caec. 20, 66 'quae in amicitiam nare, 'to play the part of a king both

populi Romani dicionemque essent.' See impious and wicked.'
Madv., § 230, Obs. 2. 15. Barbariarmati. See 2.8, iQnote.

3. Imitatorem maiorum. See I. 6, 17. Collega una ferente, 'proposing
13 note. them in conjunction with Dolabella, whose

4. Neque enim Tarquinio, &c., 'nor election he had nullified.' See on 2. 33, 82.
indeed was the desire of our ancestors to 19. Tam insignite impudens, 'so
gain liberty on the expulsion of Tarquinius egregiously devoid of shame.'

so great as should be our desire to retain it 20. Immunitatem. See on I. I, 3.

by throwing off the yoke of Antony.' 22. Nihil humile, &c. Of the value

8. Non crudelis. Yet cp. Flor. I. 7 of such commendation from the mouth of

' Ipse in senatum caedibus, in omnes super- Cicero we may judge from a comparison of

bia, quae crurlelitate gravior est bonis, gras- I. 13, 33, where he uses exactly the same

satus, cum saevitiam domi fatigasset, tandem expressions of Antony : ' nihil umquam in

in hostes conversus est. . . . Turn quoque te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi.'

cruentus in suos;' Livy 1.49 ' Metu regnum 23. Inter quasilla. ' Domesticis

tutandum esset : quern ut pluribus incuteret nundinis,' 2. 36, 92 ; 'in gynaecio,' ib. 37,

112 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-6.

omnes, quorum intererat, totum imperium populi Roman! nundi-
nabantur. Supplicia vero in cives Romanos nulla Tarquinii
accepimus : at hie et Suessae iugulavit eos, quos in custodiam
declerat, et Brundisii ad trecentos fortissimos viros civesque op-
5 timos trucidavit. Postremo Tarquinius pro populo Romano 11
bellum gerebat turn, cum est expulsus : Antonius contra popu-
lum Romanum exercitum adducebat turn, cum a legionibus
relictus nomen Caesaris exercitumque pertimuit neglectisque
sacrinciis sollemnibus ante lucem vota ea, quae numquam sol-

10 veret, nuncupavit, et hoc tempore in provinciam populi Romani
conatur invadere. Maius igitur a D. Bruto beneficium populus
Romanus et habet et exspectat, quam maiores nostri acceperunt
a L. Bruto, principe huius maxime conservandi generis et nomi-
nis. Cum autem omnis servitus est misera, turn vero intolera- 5

15 bilis est servire impuro, impudico, effeminato, numquam ne in 12
metu quidem sobrio. Hunc igitur qui Gallia prohibet, private
praesertim consilio, iudicat verissimcque iudicat non esse consu-
lem. Faciendum est igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut D. Bruti
privatum consilium auctoritate publica comprobemus. Nee vero

20 M. Antonium consulem post Lupercalia debuistis putare. Quo

95. 'Quasillum' (whence the contracted usurp by force.' Cp. II. 2,4 ' In Galliam

form ' qualum') is especially used of women's invasit Antonius, in Asiam Dolabella, in

spinning baskets; cp. Prop. 5. 7» 41 ' Et alienam uterque provinciam.'

graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis.' c. 5. It was true that he was nominally

3. Suessae. Cp. 4. 2, 4; 13. 8, 18. Consul, but on this score he had forfeited all
This massacre seems to have taken place right, by offering to become the slave of
when Antony was on his way to Brundi- Caesar, in the hope that he might one day
sium. emulate his despotism. Therefore the senate

4. Ad trecentos. See on c. 2, 4. ought to honour Brutus for resisting him,

5. Pro populo Romano. Against and with Brutus all Cisalpine Gaul, which had
the Rutulians of Ardea. Livy I. 57. come forward with the utmost unanimity to

9. Vota nuncupavit, 'uttered so- defend the authority of that senate, which had
lemn vows.' 'Vota nuncupata' were those now met to take measures for its own pro-
which Consuls and praetors made in solemn tection.

form, on their departure for their provinces ; 14. Intolerabilis. So Halm, from
and they were generally registered in the almost all the MSS. ' Servitus' is easily sup-
presence of many witnesses. Cp. Livy 41. plied from the preceding clause. Vulg.
IO ' Cum consul more maiorum, secundum 'intolerable.'

vota in Capitolio nuncupata, paludatus pro- 15. Ne in metu quidem sobrio.

fectus ab Urbe esset.' Plutarch records his wonderful power of

Quae numquam solveret, 'which he abstinence under pressure, Ant. 17 'O

was never doomed to pay;' i.e. Cicero ex- 6' ovv 'At/radios Tore Oavpaarov r\v irapa-

presses his belief that Antony's prayers Sff-y/ia rofs arpaTKJjrais euro rpvipfjs roff-

would not be granted, and that so he avrrjs nal TToXvre^fias vocap re mvcav

would not be obliged to pay his vows ; as SiftyOapfjitvov (VKU\OJS Kal Kapnovs dypiovs

in the case of Pallas, ' nil iam caelestibus ttal pifas irpoff(f>ep6/j.fvos.

ullis debentem' Virg. Ae. n. 51. 16. Private consilio. Cp. c. I, 3 note.

10. In provinciam . . . invadere, 'to 20. Lupercalia. See 2. 34, 84 note.

§§io-i4. OR ATI 0 PHILIP PICA III. 113

enim ille die populo Romano inspectante nudus, unctus, ebrius
. est contionatus et id egit ut collegae diadema imponeret, eo die
se non modo consulatu, sed etiam libertate abdicavit. Esset
enim ipsi certe statim serviendum, si Caesar ab eo regni insignia
accipere voluisset. Hunc igitur ego consulem, hunc civem Ro- 5
manum, hunc liberum, hunc denique hominem putem, qui foedo
illo et flagitioso die et quid pati C. Caesare vivo posset et quid
13 eo mortuo consequi ipse cuperet ostendit ? Nee vero de virtute,
constantia, gravitate provinciae Galliae taceri potest. Est enirn
ille flos Italiae, illud firmamentum imperii populi Romani, illud 10
ornamentum dignitatis. Tantus autem est consensus munici-
piorum coloniarumque provinciae Galliae, ut omnes ad auctori-
tatem huius ordinis maiestatemque populi Romani defendendam
conspirasse videantur. Quam ob rem, tribuni pi., quamquam vos
nihil aliud nisi de praesidio, ut senatum tuto consules Kalendis 15
lanuariis habere possent, rettulistis, tamen mini videmini magno
consilio atque optima mente potestatem nobis de tota re publica
fecisse dicendi. Cum enim tuto haberi senatum sine praesidio
non posse iudicavistis, turn statuistis etiam intra muros Antonii
scelus audaciamque versari. 20

6 Quam ob rem omnia mea sententia complectar, vobis, ut

2. Id egit ut imponeret, 'used of local self-government than the older

every effort to crown his colleague.' So 2. 'municipia' possessed, as in the oration pro

34, 85 'imponebas,' 'again and again you Sest. 14, 32, he preserves the old distinc-

tried to crown him.' lions : ' nullum erat Italiae municipii m,

10. Ille flos Italiae. For this attrac- nulla colonia, nulla praefectura, . . . c uod
tion of the demonstrative out of the gender non turn honorificentissime de mea salute
of the noun which it represents into that of decrevisset.' Cp. Phil. 4. 3, 7 'municipia,
the predicate cp. Virg. Ae. 7, 4 'si qua colonias, praefecturas,' and 2 24,58. So a
est ea gloria;' ib. 10. 828 'si qua est ea 'Lex Municipals' found near Heraclea, pro-
fama.' A similar usage is also found in bably of the year 45 B.C., contains provi-
Greek, as Aesch. Prom. 754 avrij -ya/> (sc. sions for the constitutions of the various
TO 0ai/etV) ^v av -n-q^arcav a-rraXXa-yrj. ' municipia, coloniae, praefectvrae, fora, con-
See Madv. § 313 ; and Riddell on Plat. Apol. ciliabula civium Romanorum.' In Phil 13.
P- 195- 8, 1 8 he clearly makes the change which

11. Municipiorum coloniarumque. the Lex lulia had made in the status of
By the ' Lex lulia,' passed in the consulship 'coloniae.' For the whole subject see
of L. lulius Caesar, 90 B.C., all the allied Mr. Watson's 'letters of Cicero,' Append, xii.
towns in Italy and Gallia Cispadana re- 16. Rettulistis, 'brought forward a
ceived the Roman ' civitas,' and became motion.' See on I. I, 2.

'municipia.' In 49 B.C. the dictator Caesar cc. 6, 7. The honours paid to Brutns and

extended this privih ge to the ' transpadani,' to Gaul would render it imperative to treat

so that it is not easy to see what distinction Antony as a public enemy, since otherwise

is here implied between 'municipia' and they must be rebels against the highest law-

'coloniae.' Most probably by 'coloniae' he fully constituted authority. But he had

means to distinguish tho?e cities which were further shown himself unworthy of his office,

'coloniae' before they became 'municipia,' by the. insulting language of his edicts, in

and which perhaps retained a larger share which he found fault with C. Caesar for pro-

T 14 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-7.

intelligo, non invitis, ut et praestantissimis ducibus a nobis detur
auctoritas, et fortissimis militibus spes ostendatur praemiorum,
et iudicetur non verbo, sed re non modo non consul, sed etiam
hostis Antonius. Nam si ille consul, fustuariurn meruerunt le-
5 giones, quae consulem reliquerunt ; sceleratus Caesar, Brutus
nefarius, qui contra consulem private consilio exercitus compara-
verunt : si autem militibus exquirendi sunt honores novi propter
eorum divinum atque immortale meritum, ducibus autem ne
referri quidem potest gratia, quis est qui eum hostem non existi-

10 met, quern qui armis pcrsequantur, conservatores rei publicae
iudicantur? At quam contumeliosus in edictis ! qua.m barbarus !
quam rudis ! Primum in Caesarem maledicta congessit de-
prompta ex recordatione impudicitiae et stuprorum suorum.
Quis enim hoc adolescente castior? quis modestior? quod in

15 iuventute habemus illustrius exemplum veteris sanctitatis ? quis
autem illo, qui male dicit, impurior ? Ignobilitatem obiicit C.
Caesaris filio, cuius etiam natura pater, si vita suppeditasset,
consul factus esset. — Aricina mater.— Trallianam aut Ephesiam
putes dicere. Videte quam despiciamur omnes, qui sumus e

fligacy peculiar to himself; and reproached if any men pursue him under arms, they

him with an origin which many noble senators are thought to be the saviours of their

were proud to claim, and which at least was country.'

not inferior to his own. He had even gone 1 6. Qui male dicit. So Halm, from

out of his way to accuse Cicero's nephew of the original reading of the Vatican MS., 'qui

having meditated parricide, not seeing that maledict.' A corrected reading, followed by

his abuse is really praise, just as in his the other MS., is ' maledico.'

attacks on Cicero himself he never knew 17. Natura pater. Cp. Verr. Act. 2.

whether he was eulogising or injuring 3. 69, 162 'Si est tuus natura films.' C.

him. Octavius, the father of Octavianus. died

4. Fustuarium, 'cudgelling to death,' when he was only ...four years old, 58 B.C.

a military punishment described by Polybius, He was praetor 61 B.C., which itself secured

6. 35 TO 8e TJJS £v\OKorrias IOTI TOIOVTOV. Octavianus from the reproach of 'ignobilitas,'

\aftwv £v\ov 6 x^iaPXos T°v KaraKpiOivros even if he could not claim to inherit the

oTov jjif/dTO IJLOVOV. ov ycvo/Aevov, -rrdvTes honours of his adoptive father, all being

ol TOV ffTpaTOireS w TVTTTOVT€S rofs £{;A.ois ' nobiles,' by any of whose ancestors any

teal rofs \idois, rovs p.ev ir\fiffTovs kv curule magistracy had been held. Octavius

avrrj rfj GTpaTowfSeia KarafiaXXovai. It had just returned to Rome before his death,

was the punishment for deserters, cp. Livy to be a candidate for the consulship.
5. 6 'Fustuarium meretur, qui signa relin- 18. Aricina mater, of Aricia, a Latin

quit, aut praesidio recedit.' It must be dis- town, only 16 miles from Rome (cp. Hor.

tinguished both from the ' flagellatio servo- S. I. 5, I ; Juv. 4. 117), which had gained

rum,' and the lighter ' fustium animadversio' the full Roman franchise so early as 340

to which free civilians were liable. See also B.C., at the close of the great Latin war;

Kritz on Sail, fragm 4. 27. and was therefore not deserving of such con-

10. Persequantur. So Halm, from the temptuous mention, as though it had been

Vatican MS. for the ordinary reading 'per- a barbarous Asiatic town, like Ephesus or

seqnuntur.' The subjunctive seems to be Tralles.

required, as conveying the description of the 19. Omnes qui sumus: Cicero hini-

men who were considered patriots. 'When, self being but a ' municipalis' of Arpinum.

14—17.

ORAT10 PHI LIP PIC A III.

municipiis, id est omnes plane : quotus enim quisque nostrum non
est ? Quod autem municipium non contemnit is, qui Aricinum
tanto opere despicit, vetustate antiquissimum, iure foederatum,
propinquitate paene fmitimum, splendore municipum honestis-

16 simum ? Hinc Voconiae, hinc Atiniae leges ; hinc multae sellae 5
curules et patrum memoria et nostra ; hinc equites Romani
lautissimi et plurimi. Sed si Aricinam uxorem non probas, cur
probas Tusculanam? Quamquam hums sanctissimae feminae
atque optimae pater, M. Atius Balbus, in primis honestus, prae-
torius fuit : tuae coniugis, bonae feminae, locupletis quidem 10
certe, Bambalio quidam pater, homo nullo numero. Nihil illo
contemptius, qui propter haesitantiam linguae stuporemque cordis
cognomen ex contumelia traxerat. — At avus nobilis. — Tuditanus
nempe ille, qui cum palla et cothurnis nummos populo de rostris
spargere solebat. Vellem hanc contemptionem pecuniae suis 15

17 reliquisset ! Habetis nobilitatem generis gloriosam. Qui au
tem evenit ut tibi flulia natus ignobilis videatur, cum tu eodem
materno genere soleas gloriari? Quae porro amentia est eum
dicere aliquid de uxorum ignobilitate, cuius pater Numitoriam
Fregellanam, proditoris filiam, habuerit uxorem, ipse ex libertini 20

I. Quotus quisque, 'one in every
how many?' and so 'how few among the
whole of us can boast a different origin?'

3. lure foederatum, 'whose privi
leges are secured by treaty, not merely
granted as favours.'

5. Hinc Voconiae hinc Atiniae
leges. These laws are mentioned together
also in Verr. Act. I. 42, 109. The 'Lex
Voconia de Hereditatibus' was proposed by
Q^ Voconius Saxa, 169 B.C. Its principal
provision was ' ne quis heredem mulierem
institueret :' Livy Epit. 41. There were
two ' Leges Atiniae/ one ' de rebus furtivis,'
passed in 197 B.C., the other probably
about 130 B.C., giving senatorial rank to
the tribunes of the commons. It is only
from this passage that we know that the
proposers of any of these laws were natives
of Aricia.

8. Tusculanam. M. Fulvius Bambalio
(see on 2. 36, 90) being apparently a
Tusculan.

9. Praetorius. He was praetor in 62
B.C., and obtained the province of Sardinia.

II. Homo nullo numero. See on 2.
29, 7*-

13. Traxerat. So Halm, from the

Vatican reading 'tarxerat.' Vulg. 'traxerit;'
but the reference being only to the facts of
an individual case, the subjunctive is un
necessary.

Tuditanus. Of Tuditanus we know
only what is mentioned in the text. He is
quoted by Val. Max. (7. 8, i) as a notorious
madman, but he grounds the fact of his
madness on the same story.

14. Cum palla et cothurnis, 'in full
tragic costume.'

17. lulia natus. So the Vatican MS.,
though 'natus' nowhere else seems to be
used in the sense of ' prognatus.' Hence we
have various conjectures: 'luliaefilia natus,'
'luliae nepos,' 'luliae nata,' &c. The
other MSS. have 'Aricina,' which is inap
propriate, as the point of Cicero's argu
ment is that Octavianus only shared with
Antony the honour of being sprung from a
Julia.

19. Numitoria was the first wife of
M. Antonius Creticus. Her father, Q^
Numitorius Pullus, betrayed his native town
to the Romans under L. Opimius, 125
B.C.

20. Ex libertini filia, Fadia. See
2. 2, 3 note.

n6 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 7-8.

filia susceperit liberos? Sed hoc clarissimi viri viderint, L. Phi-
lippus, qui habet Aricinam uxorem, C. Marcellus, qui Aricinae
filiam : quos certo scio dignitatis optimarum feminarum non
paenitere. Idem etiam Q. Ciceronem, fratris mei filium, com- 7
5 pellat edicto, nee sentit amens commendationem esse compella-
tionem suam. Quid enim accidere huic adolescent! potuit opta-
tius quam cognosci ab omnibus Caesaris consiliorum esse socium,
Antonii furoris inimicum ? At etiam gladiator ausus est scribere is
hunc de patris et patrui parricidio cogitasse: "O admirabilem

10 impudentiam, audaciam, temeritatem ! in eum adolescentem hoc
scribere audere, quern ego et frater meus propter eius suavissimos
atque optimos mores praestantissimumque ingenium certatim
amamus omnibusque horis oculis, auribus, complexu tenemus !
Nam me isdem cdictis nescit laedat an laudet. Cum idem

IP supplicium minatur optimis civibus, quod ego de sceleratissimis
ac pessimis sumpserim, laudare videtur, quasi imitari velit : cum
autem illam pulcherrimi facti memoriam refricat, turn a sui simi-
libus invidiam aliquam in me commoveri putat.

Sed quid fecit ipse ? Cum tot edicta posuisset, edixit ut ad- 8

1. L. Philippu s married Atia herself, vestri cives atqne socii.'

after the death of C. Octavius. 17. Refricat, 'excites afresh;' the me-

2. C. Marcellus married her daughter taphor being taken from chafing an old
Octavia, afterwards the wife of Antony wound; cp. de Leg. Agr. 3. 2, 4 ' Refricare
himself. obductam reipublicae cicatricem ;' in Pis. 33,

4. Compellat, 'abuses ;' cp. Att. 2. 2, 82 ' Reipublicae praeterita fata refricabis.'

3 ( Nigidium minari in contione se iudicem The allusion is 10 the suppression of Catiline's

compellaturum esse.' conspiracy.

9. Hunc de patris, &c. By betraying c. 8. With similar inconsistency he issued

to Caesar their intention of leaving Italy, 49 a proclamation, aimed especially at Cicero,

B.C. Cicero himself laments over the same requiring all senators, wider pain of being

story of his nephew in a letter to Atticus held guilty of treason, to attend a meeting

(10. 4, 6), and though he afterwards had on the 2^th of November, and when the day

reason to btlieve the story false (ib. 7, 4), yet came, he was himself absent at a disorderly

even then he charges his nephew with exces- feast. And on the 2Sth, when he once more

sive avarice, and a little later with arrogance convened the senate, expressly to impeach

and insolence ; while two years afterwards C. Caesar, he dared not carry out his

(47 B.C.) he tells Atticus that he has heard shameful project, even though by dropping it

that the young man had been expressing he convicted himself.

himself in madly hostile terms against him 19. Posuisset. I have restored the

(Att. li. 10, i). reading of all the MSS. here, and of the

14. Laedat an laudet, 'whether he Vatican MS. in 4.4,9, because although

is tending to my hurt or to my praise.' 'proponere' would be more in accordance

The antithesis, as explained in the con- with usage in both cases, yet there is suffi-

cluding sentence of the chapter, is less cient authority for this use of 'ponere' in

direct than the similarity of sound would such expressions as ' tabulas in publico po-

lead one to expect, especially as 'laedo' is nere' (pro Place. 9, 21) ; while the usage in

sometimes used as the contrary of ' laudo,' in 4. 4, 9 finds a parallel in Fam. 9. 15,4

the sense of ' to upbraid;' cp. pro Font. 15, 'cum in memem venit, ponor ad scriben-

35 'cum laedat nemo bonus, laudent omnes dum.'

§§17-21. O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A III. 117

esset senatus frequens a. d. VIII Kalendas Decembres : eo die
ipse non adfuit. At quo modo edixit ? Haec sunt, ut opinor,
verba in extreme: Si quis non adfuerit, hunc existimare
omnes poterunt et interitus mei et perditissimorum
consiliorum auctorem fuisse. Quae sunt perdita consilia ? 5
an ea, quae pertineant ad libertatem populi Romani recuperan-
dam ? quorum consiliorum Caesari me auctorem et hortatorem
et esse et fuisse fateor. Quamquam ille non eguit consilio cuius-
quam, sed tamen currentem, ut dicitur, incitavi. Nam interitus
quidem tui quis bonus non esset auctor, cum eo salus et vita 10
optimi cuiusque, libertas populi Romani dignitasque consisteret ?

20 Sed cum tarn atroci edicto nos concitavisset, cur ipse non ad
fuit ? Num putatis aliqua re tristi ac severa ? vino atque epulis
retentus, si illae epulae potius quam popinae nominandae sunt.
Diem edicti obire neglexit : in ante diem quartum Kalendas 15
Decembres distulit. Adesse in Capitolio iussit : quod in tem-
plum ipse nescio qua per Gallorum cuniculum adscendit. Con-
venerunt corrogati, et quidem ampli quidam homines, sed im-
memores dignitatis suae. Is enim erat dies, ea fama, is qui
senatum vocarat, ut turpe senator! esset nihil timere. Ad eos 20
tamen ipsos, qui convenerant, ne verbum quidem ausus est facere
de Caesare, cum de eo constituisset ad senatum referre : scrip-

21 tarn attulerat consularis quidam sententiam. Quid est aliud de

6. Quae pertineant,' ' such as relate 17, I 'Nee varii (nuntii) venerant ex ante

to the recovery of our liberty.' So Halm, diem Non. lun. usque ad prid. Kal. Sext. ;'

from the corrupt Vatican reading 'pertitne- Livy 43. 16 ' In ante dies octavum et septi-

nat.' Vulg. 'pertinent;' but it is not indi- mum Kal. Oct.' The expression can even

vidual counsels, but the kind of counsel, be used as the predicate of a sentence, Cic.

that Cicero is specifying. Cat. i. 3, 7 ' Qui dies futurus esset ante

9. Currentem incitavi, ' I spurred the diem sextum Kal. Nov.' See Hand's Tur-
willing horse.' In Fam. 12. 23, 2 Cicero sellinus, i. 378 foil.

speaks of the alleged attempt on Antony's 17. Gallorum cuniculum. Cp. pro

life as one which ' prudentes viri et credunt Caec. 30, 88 ' Ncn eos in cuniculum, qua

factum et probant.' aggress i erant, sed in Capitolium restitui

10. Eo. See on 2. 22, 53. oporteret.' The account given by Livy of

11. Optimi cuiusque. See on I. 12, the attempt upon the Capitol by the Gauls
29. not only makes no mention of any mine,

14. Retentus. Sc. 'non adfuit.' Some but is incompatible with the idea of one.
MSS. unnecessarily add 'est.1 See Livy 5. 47.

15. Diem obire. As we say, ' to meet 22. Scriptam. See on I. I, 3.

his engagement.' Cp. Att. 13. 14, i ' Obire 23, Quid est aliud ... iudicare. In

auctionis diem facile potuerunt.' most MSS. the words ' nisi se ipsum hostem

In ante diem. The expression 'ante iudicare' immediately follow ' quid est aliud,'

diem quartum Kalendas' (itself attracted but the order in the text is not only -that

from the proper construction ' die quarto of the Vatican MS., but also that most in

ante Kalendas ') came to be looked on so accordance with Cicero's usage. Cp. Cat.

completely as a single term, as to be com- Ma. 2, 5 ' Quid est enim aliud Gigantum

bined with other prepositions. Cp. Att. 3. modo bellare cum dis nisi naturae repugnare?'

M. TULLII CICERONI 8

cc. 8—10.

eo referre non auderc, qui contra se consulem exercitum duceret,
nisi se ipsum hostem iudicare ? Necesse erat enim alterutrum
esse hostem ; nee poterat aliter de adversariis iudicari ducibus.
Si igitur Caesar hostis, cur consul nihil referat ad senatum ? sin
5 ille a senatu notandus non fuit, quid potest dicere, quin, cum
de illo tacuerit, se hostem confessus sit ? Quern in edictis Spar-
tacum appellat, hunc in senatu ne improbum quidem dicere
audet. At in rebus tristissimis quantos excitat risus ! Senten- 9
tiolas edicti cuiusdam memoriae mandavi, quas videtur ille pera-

10 cutas putare : ego autem qui intelligent, quid dicere vellet,
adhuc neminem inveni. Nulla contumelia est, quam facit
dignus. Primum quid est dignus? nam etiam malo multi 22
digni, sicut ipse. An quam facit is, qui cum dignitate est? quae
autem potest esse maior ? Quid est porro facere contume-

ipliam? quis sic loquitur? Deinde : nee timor, quern denun-
tiat inimicus. Quid ergo? ab amico timor denuntiari solet?
Horum similia deinceps. Nonnc satius est mutum esse quam
quod nemo intelligat dicere? En, cur magister eius ex oratore

4. Referat, 'why was he to make no
proposal?' So the Vatican MS. Halm
'referebat;' vulg. ' refert.' For the use of
the subjunctive, see Madv. § 353.

6. Spartacum. Spartacus, by birth a
Thracian, was leader of the gladiators in the
Servile war, 73-71 B.C. In 4. 6, 14 Cicero
calls Antony himself a ' Spartacus,' as the
climax of all that was atrocious.

c. 9, His very language was barbarous
and unintelligible, though this was a trifle
compared withhis outrageous conduct towards
most virtuous and loyal citizens. His ulti
mate departure was marked by a combination
of panic and disorder, equally unworthy of
a Consul ; when on hearing of the defection
of his soldiers he took a hurried division
on the popular question of a ' supplicatio '
for Lepidus, and fled in panic from the
city.

12. Quid est dignus? Cicero's argu
ment is that ' dignus ' used absolutely is not
Latin, and if it meant anything, would pro
bably nu-an ' a man of worth.' Conse
quently insult proceeding from 'dignus'
would be the worst of all, as being probably
well-deserved. Antony probably meant
' contumelia dignus,' a man himself deserving
to be insulted; so that his fault in Latinity
consists only in a rather obscure ellipsis.

15. Quis sic loquitur? The expres

sion, if not classical in Cicero's time, was
used before him by Plautus, Asin. 2. 4, 82
' Tu contumeliam alteri facias, tibi non
dicatur?' and Terence, Eun. 5. 2, 26 'Nam
etsi ego digna hac contumelia sum maxime,
at tu indignus qui faceres tamen;' and in later
times by Seneca. It is curious that Quin-
tilian, remarking on the change of usage,
whereby ' facere contumeliam' had become
classical in his day, seems to understand it as
meaning 'to suffer insult,' like ' iacturam
facere;' Inst. 9. 3, 13 ' Ut nunc evaluit . . .
contumeliam fecit, quod a Cicerone repre-
hendi nolum est : (tffici enim contumelia
dicebant ;' so that some commentators have
thought that Cicero is objecting to Antony
using the expression in so unusual a sense.
See Gronov. Observ. 3. 8. Gronovius him
self thinks that Cicero's criticism is really
directed against the extreme compression
of the whole clause, rather than against the
barbarism of any special phrase.

Quern denuntiat inimicus, 'which
arises from the threatening of an enemy ;'
cp. Att. 2. 23, 3 'Non mediocres terrores
iaccre atque denuntiare.'

18. Magister. Sext. Clodius of Leon-
tini. See 2. 17, 42 and 43; ib. 39, 1OI
notes.

Ex oratore arator, 'has left the
platform for the plough.'

§§ 21—24.

OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A III.

119

arator factus sit, possideat in agro publico campi Leontini duo
milia iugerum immtmia, ut hominem stupidum magis etiam

23 infatuet mercede publica. Sed haec leviora fortasse : illud
quaero, cur tarn mansuetus in senatu fuerit, cum in edictis tarn
ferus fuisset. Quid enim attinuerat L. Cassio, tribune pl.3 for- 5
tissimo et constantissimo civi, mortem denuntiare, si in senatum
venisset, D. Carfulenum, bene de re publica sentientem, senatu
vi et minis mortis expellere, Ti. Canutium, a quo erat honestis-
simis contentionibus et saepe et iure vexatus, non templo solum,
verum etiam aditu prohibere Capitolii ? Cui senatus consulto ne 10
intercederent verebatur? De .supplicatione, credo, M. Lepidi,
clarissimi viri. Atque id erat periculum, de cuius honore extra-
ordinario quotidie aliquid cogitabamus, ne eius usitatus honos

24 impediretur. Ac ne sine causa videretur edixisse ut senatus
adesset, cum de re publica relaturus fuisset, allato nuntio de 15
legione quarta mente concidit, et fugere festinans senatus con-
sultum de supplicatione per discessionem fecit, cum id factum
esset antea numquam.

10 Quae vero profectio postea ! quod iter paludati ! quae vitatio

5. L. Cassio . . . D. Carfulenum
. . . Ti. Canutium. See on I. 15, 36.
L. Cassius was reconciled to Antony after
the battle of Philippi, but Carfulenus fell in
the battle before Mutina, in which Antony
was defeated, April 15,43 B.C., and Canutius
was killed by Octavianus, after the capture
of Perusia, 40 B.C.

II. Intercederent, 'oppose their tri
bunicial veto.'

M. Lepidi, afterwards the triumvir.
Antony had sent him to Spain to effect a
reconciliation with Sex. Pompeius, and for
his success in this mission the senate gi anted
him a ' supplicatio.' See on I. 6, 13. The
terms of the reconciliation were that Pom-
pey should be allowed to return to Rome,
and be indemnified for the loss of his father's
property.

17. Per discessionem. The usual
mode of taking the votes in the Roman
senate consisted in the Consuls asking each
man severally how he wished to vote. On
being asked his vote he had the right to
speak, and so we find most of Cicero's
speeches in the senate ending with a formal
declaration of his vote. Where the opinion
of the house, however, was very decided, so
that there was nothing to be gained by

listening to the speeches of all the senators,
it was not unusual for the majority, with the
permission of the Consuls, to group them
selves round one of the speakers on their side
during his speech, and so to show in favour
of which side the decision was. This was
called ' discessio,' and the senators were said
'discedere,' or ' pedibus ire in sententiam
illorum quorum sententiae assentirentur.'
Cp. 6. I, 3; 14. 7. 21 ; Livy 3. 41 'In
hanc sententiam ut discederetur, iuniores
Patrum evincebant.' In the case of the
decree for a ' supplicatio,' the strangeness of
a 'discessio' is obvious, since it took away
all opportunity of panegyric.

cc. 10, II. From that day forth all had
gone well in Rome. The magistrates were
showing energy befitting the occasion ; even
Antony's friends had given up the provinces
which fortune had assigned them so mar
vellously in accordance with their wishes ; by
the loyalty and judgment of C. Caesar the
wolf had been driven from the gate of the
fold, and the Roman people, well rid of so
profligate a tyrant, could once more take
measures to secure the freedom which Cicero
had ever laboured to maintain.

19. Palndati, 'wearing the general's
cloak," the symbol of military command,

120 M. TULLII CICERONIS ec. 10-11.

oculorum, lucis, urbis, fori ! quam misera fuga ! quam foeda !
quam turpis ! Praeclara tamen senatus consulta illo ipso die
vespertina, provinciarum religiosa sortitio, divina vero op-
portunitas, ut, quae cuique apta esset, ea cuique obveniret.
5 Praeclare igitur facitis, tribuni pi., qui de praesidio consulum 25
senatusque referatis, meritoque vestro maximas vobis gratias
omnes et agere et habere debemus. Qui enim periculo carere
possumus in tanta hominum cupiditate et audacia? ille autem
homo afflictus et perditus quae de se exspectat iudicia graviora

10 quam amicorum suorum? Familiarissimus eius, mihi homo
coniunctus, L. Lentulus et P. Naso, omni carens cupiditate, nul-
lam se habere provinciam, nullam Antonii sortitionem fuisse iudi-
caverunt. Quod idem fecit L. Philippus, vir patre, avo, maior-
ibus suts dignissimus. In eadem sententia fuit homo summa

i? integritate atque innocentia, C. Turranius. Idem fecit Sp.
Oppius ; ipsi etiam, qui amicitiam M. Antonii veriti plus ei tri-
buerunt, quam fortasse vellent, M. Piso, necessarius meus, et
vir et civis egregius, parique innocentia M. Vehilius senatus
auctoritati se obtemperaturos esse dixerunt. Quid ego de L. 26

20 Cinna loquar? cuius spectata multis magnisque rebus singularis
integritas minus admirabilem facit huius honestissimi facti glo-

formally assumed by the Consul on setting edncss.' This use of the word is seemingly

out for a campaign, and as formally laid without a parallel, though in almost every

aside before he could re-enter the city. other sense of ' perditus ' it is common

2. Praeclara senatus consulta, &c. to find 'afflictus' combined with it by

The irony is to be noticed throughout. The Cicero.

decrees were not only not admirable, but n. L. Lentulus had been the accuser

actually illegal, being passed after sunset of A. Gabinius, on the charge of ' maiestns,'

(see Sen. Dial. 9. 17, 7 ' Maiores nostri in 54 B.C., when he was suspected of prae-

novam relationem post horam decimam in varicatio.' See on 2. n, 25. Of Naso

senatu fieri vetabant'); the allotment of the nothing further is known,
provinces was managed in defiance of all 13. L. Philippus, probably the son of

the sanctions of religion; and the inter- Octavianus' stepfather, who was Consul in

ference of heaven had never before shown 56 B.C., and grandson of the famous orator,

so happy a disposition of the lots as that distinguished by Horace, Epp. i. 7, 46, as

each person should gain exactly what he 'Strenuus et fortis causisque Philippus

wished. agendis Clarus.'

4. Cuique . . . cuique. See 2. 46, 15. C. Turranius. Of Turranius and

119 note. the following three nothing else is known.

7. Et agere et habere, 'both to ex- 19. L. Cinna was praetor at the time

press and feel gratitude.' of Caesar's death, and so far identified him-

Periculo carere. So the Vatican self with the conspirators, as to incur the

MS. ^ The rest have ' carere metu et peri- enmity of the mob exasperated by Antony,

culo,' perhaps borrowed from 7. 9, 27. Cp. so that they murdered Helvius Cinna in

c. 8, 20 ' ut tuipe senator! esset nihil mistake for him.
timere/ 21. Minus admirabilem, &c.. 'makes

9. Afllictus, 'overwhelmed with wick- us wonder less at it.'

§§ 24—27.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A III.

riam : qui omnino provinciam neglexit, quam item magno animo
et constant! C. Cestius repudiavit. Qui sunt igitur reliqui, quos
sors divina delectet? f L. Annius, M. Antonius. O felicem
utrumque! nihil enim maluerunt. C. Antonius Macedoniam.
Hunc quoque felicem ! hanc enim habebat semper in ore pro- 5
vinciam. C. Calvisius Africam. Nihil felicius ! modo enim ex
Africa decesserat et quasi divinans se rediturum duos legates
Uticae reliquerat. Deinde M. t Cusini Sicilia, Q. Cassii His-
pania. Non habeo quid suspicer : duarum credo provinciarum
11 sortes minus divinas fuisse. O C. Caesar— adolescentem ap- 10
27 pello — , quam tu salutem rei publicae attulisti ! quam impro-
visam! quam repentinam I qui enim haec fugiens fecit, quid
faceret insequens ? Etenim in contione dixerat se custodem
fore urbis seque usque ad Kalendas Maias ad urbem exercitum
habiturum. O praeclarum custodem ovium, ut aiunt, lupumPS
custosne urbis an direptor et vexator esset Antonius ? Et

2. Qui sunt igitur reliqui, &c.,
' whom have we then remaining, to testify
by their delight the interference of heaven
in the lots.'

3. L. Annius. Perhaps L. Annius
Bellienus, who<e house was burnt after
Caesar's death. The name however is
doubtful. Some MSS. have T. Antonius,
which Orelli thinks is a mistake for
L. Antonius, but he was tribune of the
commons at the time.

M. Antonius. It seems strange that
his name should occur in the allotment,
as Gaul had been assigned to him by
a law, passed indeed with violence, (Livy
Epit. H7») and therefore ignored by Cicero,
(see on c. 4. n,) but still superseding the
necessity of any share in the ' sortitio.'
Some commentators have supposed that
there is an error in his name also.

4. C. Antonius, the second of the
three brothers, fell into the hands of M.
Brutus, in trying to maintain his pro
vince, and by him was put to death in 42
B.C.

5. Hunc quoque felicem". For the
accusative in an exclamation, without an
interjection, cp. pro Gael. 26, 63 'In balneis
delituerunt : testes egregios.'

6. Africam. This was at present
held by Q.. Cornificius, a friend of Cicero,
who was commissioned, with the other
governors of provinces, by the decree passed
in the senate on the day of this speech, to
hold his province against Calvisius Sabinus,

or any successor not sanctioned by the
senate, ' quoad ex senatus consulto cuique
eorum successum sit,' c. 15, 38; cp. Fani.
12. 22, and 23; Att. 12. 14.

8. M. Cusini Sicilia. So the Vati
can MS. Orelli reads ' M. Iccius Sicilian!,
Qi Cassius Hispaniam,' from very confused
readings of the inferior MSS. Some error
probably underlies the name of 'Cusinus,'
as we nowhere hear of such a man. Cicero's
argument is that here the hand of heaven
is less visible, since two of Antony's oppo
nents had obtained these provinces. Q^
Cassius was probably son of the Q^ Cassius
whom Cicero, Att. 5. 21, 2, calls 'frater'
(probably cousin) of C. Cassius the ty
rannicide.

11. Quam tu salutem. Thetoneofall
this passage is much more confident than
that which Cicero adopted in a letter of this
date to Q._ Cornificius. See Fam. 12, 22;
and Mr. Watson's note.

12. Fecit. So the Vatican MS. The
others have ' fecerit,' expressing not only
the fact, but the character of the man who
could have taken such measures in the midst
of flight. The subjunctive, however, though
expressive, is not necessary.

15. Custodem ovium. The proverb
is as old as Herodotus, 4. 149 %<prj avrov
KaraXftytiv oiv \vtcoiai. Cp. Piaut. Pseud.

I. 2, 8

' Hoc eorum opust : ut lupos mavelis
Apud oves linquere, quam hos ci,stodes
domi.'

122 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 11-12.

quidem se introiturum in urbem dixit exiturumque, cum vellet.
Quid illud ? nonne audiente populo sedens pro aede Castoris
dixit, nisi qui vicisset, victurum neminem ?

Hodierno die primum longo intervallo in possessionem liber- 28
5 tatis pedem ponimus : cuius quidem ego, quoad potui, non modo
defensor, sed etiam conservator fui. Cum autem id facere non
posscm, quievi, nee abiecte nee sine aliqua dignitate casum ilium
tcmporum et dolorem tuli. Hanc vero tacterrimam beluam quis
ferrc potest aut quo modo ? Quid est in Antonio praetcr libi-

10 dincm, crudelitatem, petulantiam, audaciam? Ex his totus con-
glutinatus est. Nihil apparet in eo ingenuum, nihil moderatum,
nihil pudcns, nihil pudicum. Ouapropter, quoniam res in id dis- 29
crimcn adducta est, utrum ille poenas rei publicae luat an nos
serviamus, aliquando, per dcos immortales ! patres conscripti,

15 patrium animum virtutemque capiamus, ut aut libertatem pro-
priam Romani et generis et nominis recuperemus aut mortem
scrvituti anteponamus. Multa, quae in libera civitate ferenda
non essent, tulimus et perpessi sumus : alii spe forsitan recu-
perandae libertatis, alii vivendi nimia cupiditate : sed, si ilia

20 tulimus, quae nos necessitas ferre coegit, quae vis quaedam
pacne fatalis, quae tamen ipsa non tulimus : ctiamne huius im-
puri latronis feremus taeterrimum crudelissimumque dominatum ?
Quid hie faciet, si potent, iratus, qui cum suscensere nemini 12

I. Introiturum exiturumque. When 6. Conservator fui. Up to the time

a general had once left the city, he could of Caesar's usurpation.

not re-enter it without laying down his Cum non possem, 'on ceasing to

' impcriiim.' It was one of the charges be able,' the subjunctive marking that his

against Verres, ' quod, cum paludatus ex- rest was both subsequent to, and consequent

isset, votaque . . . nuncupasset, noctu lectica on, his loss of power.

in urbem introferri solitus est' Verr. Act. 8. Beluam. Cp. 8. 4, 13 'Quid te

2. 5. 13, 34. See on i. 2, 6. facturum de belua putas.'

3. Victurum. Cp. 4. 5, 12 'Agitur 12. Pudens, pudicum. For the dis-
enim non qua conditione victuri, sed vie- tinction, see 2. 7, 15 note.

turine simus an cum supplicio ignominiaque 15. Propriam. Cp. 6. 7, 19 ' Aliae na-

perituri.' The epigrammatic turning of the tiones servitutem patipossunt,populi Romani

sentence, arising from the identity in form est propria libertas.'

of the participles of 'vivo' and ' vinco,' is 21. Q_uae tamen ipsa, &c., 'though

untranslateable. even these we found at length too much to

4. In possessionem. The ablative bear.' Even Caesar's power fell at last before
would have been more in accordance with the Roman passion for liberty.

Cicero's usage, cp. pro Caec. II, 31 'Si in cc. 12-14. Recapitulating the crimes

fundo pedem posuisses ; ' pro Lig. 8, 24 ' In which Antony had committed since the death

provincia pedem ponere.' Ferrarius quotes of Caesar, and showing how, with ]iis brother

two passages in which the accusative is used Lucius, he was carrying on the same mad

after 'vestigium ponere, facere' (de Fin. 5. career of wanton cruelty in Gaul, Cicero

2, 5 ; pro Caec. 14, 39), but in both of these calls upon the senate not to lose the oppor-

the best MSS. have the ablative. (unity, but with the Roman people eager to

§§27-31. 0 RATIO PHIL IP PIC A III. 123

posset, omnibus bonis fuerit inimicus ? quid hie victor non aude-
bit, qui nullam adeptus victoriam tanta scelera post Caesaris
interitum fecerit ? refertam eius domum exhauserit ? hortos com-
pilaverit ? ad se ex iis omnia ornamenta transtulerit ? caedis et
incendiorum causam quaesierit ex funere ? duobus aut tribus 5
senatus consultis bene et e re publica factis reliquas res ad
lucrum praedamque revocaverit? vendiderit immunitates? civi-
tates liberaverit? provincias universas ex imperii populi Romani
iure sustulerit? exsules reduxerit? falsas leges C. Caesaris no
mine et falsa decreta in aes incidenda et in Capitolio figenda 10
curaverit earumque rerum omnium domesticum mercatum insti-
tuerit? populo Romano leges imposuerit? armis et praesidiis
populum et magistratus foro excluserit, senatum stiparit [arma-
tis] ? armatos in cella Concordiae, cum senatum haberet, inclu-
serit? ad legiones Brundisium cucurrerit ? ex iis optime senti- 15
entes centuriones iugulaverit ? cum exercitu Romam sit ad
interitum nostrum et ad dispersionem urbis venire conatus ?
31 Atque is ab hoc impetu abstractus consilio et copiis Caesaris,
consensu veteranorum, virtute legionum, ne fortuna quidem
fractus minuit audaciam, nee ruere demens nee furere desinit. 20
In Galliam mutilatum ducit exercitum, cum una legione et ea
vaccillante L. fratrem exspectat, quo neminem reperire potest

support them, himself ever ready with his Halm) says that he thinks this reading has

counsels, and C. Caesar and Brutus in the crept in from its not being observed that

field, to choose the wise and energetic course of ' armis et praesidiis' belongs to ' stiparit,' as

crushing Antony while he was entangled on well as to 'excluserit.' The word suggests

every side in Gaul. They should be prepared a false antithesis between 'armis et prae-

for death rather than slavery, though with sidiis,' and ' armatis,' and might easily have

such new Consuls as Hirtius and Pansa, there been borrowed from the following 'armatos.'

could be but little doubt of soon securing the I have therefore followed Halm in placing it

freedom which was a Roman's birthright. between brackets.

3. Compilaverit, 'has stripped whole 14, Haberet, incluserit, 'has been in
villas of their decorations?' cp. Verr. Act. the habit of placing armed men on the several
2- 4- 24» 53 'Qui uno imperio ostiatim occasions when he convened the senate.'
totum oppidum compilaverit.' 17. Dispersionem, 'the breaking up

4. Caedis, &c., 'has sought to find in of our city.' So the Vatican MS. If this
the celebration of a funeral a pretext for word is right, (other readings being ' disper-
murder and incendiarism?' See on i. 2, 5. ditionem' and dispertitionem,') it may be

6. Senatus consultis. See 1. 1, 3 notes. compared with the Greek dvaaraais, the

8. Liberaverit, 'has freed from paying dispersion and removal of the citizens in
tribute.' See 2. 36, 92 note; and for the either case implying the ruin of the city.
use of the word cp. de Prov. Cons. 5, 10 19. Ne fortuna quidem, &c., 'showed
'Vectignles mult-os ac stipendiaries liberavit.' no diminution of his rashness even under

9. Exsules. See 2. 23, 56. fortune's frown.'

ii. Domesticum mercatum. See on 21. Cum una legione. Yet see on

2- H' 35- c. 2, 4.

13. Armatis. Madvig. (in a letter to 22. Vaccillante. I have restored this

124 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS 00.12-14.

sui similiorem. Ille autem ex myrmillone dux, ex gladiatore
imperator, quas effecit st rages, ubicumque posuit vestigium !
Fundit apothecas, caedit greges armentorum reliquique pecoris,
quodcumque nactus est ; epulantur milites ; ipse autem se, ut
5 fratrem imitetur, obruit vino ; vastantur agri, diripiuntur villae,
matres familiae, virgines, pueri ingenui abripiuntur, militibus
traduntur. Haec eadem, quacumque exercitum duxit, fecit M.
Antonius. His vos taeterrimis fratribus portas aperietis? hos 13
umquam in urbem recipietis ? non tempore oblato, ducibus 32

10 paratis, animis militum incitatis, populo Romano conspirante,
Italia tota ad libertatem recuperandam excitata, deorum immor-
talium beneficio utemini ? Nullum erit tempus hoc amisso. A
tergo, fronte, lateribus tenebitur, si in Galliam venerit. Nee illc
armis solum, sed etiam decretis nostris urguendus est. Magna

15 vis est, magnum numen unum et idem sentientis senatus. Vide-
tisne refertum forum populumque Romanum ad spem recuper-
andae libertatis erectum? qui longo intervallo cum frequentes
hie videt nos, turn sperat etiam liberos convenisse. Hunc ego 33
diem exspectans M. Antonii scelerata arm a vitavi turn, cum ille

20 in me absentem invehens non intelligebat, ad quod tempus me
et meas vires reservarem. Si enim turn illi caedis a me initium
quaerenti respondere voluissem, mine rei publicae consulere non
possem. Hanc vero nactus facultatem, nullum tempus, patres

reading from the Vatican MS., on the au- any smaller beasts that he could lay his

thority of Nonius, p. 34. Cp. Munro on hands upon.'

Lucr. 3. 504, apparently the only passage in 10. Conspirante, 'joining together heart

poetry where the first syllable is long. He and soul.'

says that this spelling would confirm its de- 15. Numen, 'the prestige.' Cp. Post

rivation from the waddling gait of the Red. ad Quir. IO, 25 'Cum vobis, qui apud

' vacca.1 Halm reads ' vacillante.' me deorum immortalium vim et numen

1. Myrmillone. Cp. 5. 7, 20; 7. 6, tenetis ; ' pro Mil. 30, 83 'Qui nullam vim
17. The ' myrmillo' fought in Gallic arms, esse ducit numenve divinum.'

with a fish ('mormyr') tor his crest. He 20. Invehens. In the speech, delivered

usually was the antagonist of a ' Thrax,' or on the iQth of September, which provoked

of a ' retiarius.' the second Philippic.

2. Effecit. The Vatican MS. has 'ef- 21. Caedis, &c. Cp. 5. 7, 20.
fecerit,' whence Halm thinks it probable -23. Hanc vero, &c., ' now that this op-
that after 'vestigium' some such clause as portunity is given me, be assured, senators,
1 quis vestrum ignorat ' has fallen out. This that I will not let a moment pass, by day
is the more likely from the fact that the or by night, without making the liberty of
words ' fundit apothecas ' are also not to be the Roman people and your honour the sub-
found in any of the MSS., being restored ject of my thoughts where thought is re-
frorn a quotation by Servius, on Virg. E. quired ; while, where deed and action are
6. 55. needed, so far from shrinking, I will strive,

3. Apothecas. See on 2. 27, 67, even with importunity, to make that deed

4. Armentorum, &c., 'of cattle, and and action mine.'

§§31-36. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III. 125

conscript!, dimittam neque diurnum neque nocturnum, quin de
libertate populi Romani et dignitate vestra quod cogitandum
sit cogitem, quod agendum atque faciendum^ id non modo noil
recusem, sed etiam appetam atque deposcam. Hoc feci, dum
licuit : intermisi, quoad non licuit. lam non solum licet, sed 5
etiam necesse est, nisi servire malumus quam, ne serviamus,

34 armis animisque decernere. Di immortales nobis haec praesidia
dederunt : urbi Caesarem, Brutum Galliae. Si enim ille oppri-
mere urbem potuisset, statim, si Galliam tenere, paulo post

14 Optimo cuique pereundum erat, reliquis serviendum. | Hanc igi- 10
tur occasionem oblatam tenete, per deos immortales ! patres
conscripti, et amplissimi orbis terrae consilii principes vos esse
aliquando recordamini. Signum date populo Romano consilium
vestrum non deesse rei publicae, quoniam ille virtutem suam non
defuturam esse profitetur. Nihil est quod moneam vos. Nemo 15
est tarn stultus qui non intelligat, si indormierimus huic tempori,
non modo crudelem superbamque dominationem nobis, sed igno-

35 miniosam etiam et flagitiosam ferendam esse. Nostis insolen-
tiam Antonii, nostis amicos, nostis totam domum. Libidinosis,
petulantibus, impuris, impudicis, aleatoribus, ebriis servire, ea 20
summa miseria est summo dedecore coniuncta. Quod si iam —
quod di omen avertant ! — fatum extremum rei publicae venit,
quod gladiatores nobiles faciunt ut honeste decumbant, faciamus
nos, principes orbis terrarum gentiumque omnium, ut cum dig-

36 nitate potius cadamus quam cum ignominia serviamus. Nihil 25
est detestabilius dedecore, nihil foedius servitute. Ad decus et
ad libertatem nati sumus : aut haec teneamus aut cum dignitate
moriamur. Nimium diu teximus quid sentiremus : mine iam

4. Dum licuit, 'as long as ever I 23. Ut honeste decumbant. Cp.

could.' See Madv. § 336. Obs. 2. Tusc. 2. 17, 41 ' Quis mediocris gladiator

10. Erat. So Halm from bis own con- ingemuit ? quis non modo stetit, verum

jecture. Most MSS. omit the verb. Orelli, etiam decubuit turpiter?'
following two MSS., reads ' esset.' Faciamus ut, &c., Met us take care

16. Si indormierimus, 'if we let this to fall with dignity rather than submit to the

time pass by in sleep.' disgrace of slavery.' For this periphrastic

IJ- Crudelem superbamque, 'marked use of ' facere ut,' to add length and weight

with cruelty and pride,' the latter epithet to an apodosis, see Zumpt, §§ 619, 816.

probably referring to the reign of Tarquin, It seems to be especially used with an epex-

(see above, c. 4, 9,) the former to the tyran- egetic clause, explaining more particularly

nies of Oinna, Sulla, and Caesar, cp. 2. 42, what has been generally expressed before as

108. To submit to such rule as this was a the direct object of the verb. Cp. 6. 3, 5,

sign of weakness, but it did not involve dis- and 4. 5, n.
grace and infamy.

12,6 M. TULLII CICERONIS oo. 14-15.

apertum est ; omnes patefaciunt, in utramque partem quid sentiat,
quid velit. Sunt impii cives, sed pro caritate rei publicae nimium
multi, contra multitudinem bene sentientium admodum pauci :
quorum opprimendorum di immortales incredibilem rei publicae
5 potestatem et fortunam dederunt. Ad ea enim praesidia, quae
habemus, iam accedent consules summa prudentia, virtute, con-
cordia, multos menses de rei publicae libertate commentati
atque meditati. His auctoribus et ducibus, dis iuvantibus, nobis
vigilantibus et multum in posterum providentibus, populo Ro-

10 mano consentiente, erimus profecto liberi brevi tempore. lucun-
diorcm autem faciet libertatem servitutis recordatio.

Ouas ob res, quod tribuni pi. verba feccrunt, uti senatus Ka- 15
lendis lanuariis tuto haberi sententiaeque de summa re publica 37
libere dici possint, de ea re ita censeo^uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius,

1 5 consules designati, dent operam uti senatus Kalcndis lanuariis
tuto haberi possit : quodque edictum D. Bruti, impcratoris, con-
sulis designati, propositum sit, senatum existimare D. Brutum,
imperatorem, consulem designation, optime de re publica mereri,
cum senatus auctoritatem populique Romani libertatem imperi-

20 umque defendat : qfe'odque provinciam Galliam citeriorcm, opti- 38
morum et fortissimorum amicissimorumque rei publicae civium,
exercitumque in senatus potestate retineat, id eum exercitumque

1. Quid sentiat, quid velit. So the 1st of January; that thanks should be
the Vatican MS., ' quisque ' being apparently given to Decimus Brutus, C. Caesar, and the
understood from the collective 'omnes.' forces under their command; and that the
Halm follows the ordinary reading ' sentiant,' existing provincial governors should hold
' velint.' their appointments till successors were duly

2. Sed really opposes admodum pauci chosen by the senate.

to sunt impii cives; pro caritate reipub- 12. Verba fecerunt, &c., ' have opened

licae nimium multi being parenthetical. this debate in order to enable the senate to

'Disloyal citizens exist, it is true, but, though meet in safety.' The difference of mood

more than in one's love for the state one between quod verba fecerunt, and quod

would desire, yet they are but few against edictum . . . propositum sit is to be

the multitude of well-affected.' Halm com- noticed. The former states the reason of

pares pro Sest. 49, 105 'Graves et magni Cicero giving his vote at all, without any

homines habebantur; sed valebant in senatu regard to the substance of it, while the

multum, apud bonos viros plurimum, multi- latter is one of the arguments influencing his

tudini iucundi non erant;' 'yet, despite their decision. Hence the latter forms an integral

influence in the senate, and with all good part of his vote, the former is merely an

men, they were unpopular with the crowd.' external circumstance leading to it.
Orelli, following the later MSS., omits 'sed.' 14. Ita censeo. With these words begin

IO. Iucundi or em, &c. Muretus com- his formal vote; see on c. 9, 24; and cp. I.

pares Eur. fragm. Andr. 144 rj8v TOI aca- f, 16 note.
BevTa /j.e/j.vr)aOai iruvuv. iS. Consulem designatum. D.

c. 15. Cicero concludes the oration with Brutus and L. Plancus were nominated by

his formal vote, that the new Consuls should Caesar to the consulship for 42 B.C., in

provide for the safe meeting of the senate on succession to C. Pansa and Aul. Hirtius.

§§ 36—39.

OR ATI O PHILIP PIC A III.

127

eius, municipia, colonias provinciae Galliae recte atque ordine
exque re publica fecisse et facere : senatum ad summam rem
publicam pertinere arbitrari ab D. Bruto et L. Planco, impera-
toribus, consulibus designates, itemque a ceteris, qui provincias
obtinent, obtineri ex lege lulia, quoad ex senatus consulto cuique 5
eorum successum sit ;«-eosque dare operam ut eae provinciae
atque exercitus in senati populique potestate praesidioque rei
publicae sintri cumque opera, virtute, consilio C. Caesaris sum-
moque consensu militum veteranorum, qui eius auctoritatem
secuti rei publicae praesidio sunt et fuerunt, a gravissimis peri- 10
culis populus Romanus defensus sit et hoc tempore defendatur ;
39 cumque legio Martia Albae constiterit, in municipio fidelissimo
et fortissimo, seseque ad senatus auctoritatem populique Ro-
mani libertatem contulerit ; et quod pari consilio eademque
virtute legio quarta usa L. Egnatuleio duce, civi egregio, senatus 15
auctoritatem populique Romani libertatem defendat ac defen-
derit : senatui magnae curae esse ac fore, ut pro tantis eorum in
rem publicam mentis honores eis habeantur gratiaeque referan-
tur :4senatui placere uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius, consules designati,
cum magistratum inissent, si eis videretur, primo quoque tern- 20
pore de his rebus ad hunc ordinem referrent, ita uti e re publica
fideque sua videretur.

I. Municipia, colonias. See on c.

5. I3-

4. Qui provincias obtinent. See
c. 10, 26 note.

7. Senati. So the Vatican MS. F.
Ritschl (Rhein. Mus.for 1853. p. 495) quotes
in favour of this form Divin. in Caec. 5, 19
'Beneficio senati populique Romani;' where
it rests on the authority of Charisius; Fam.
2. 7, 4 'Ut et senati consulturn et leges
defendas;' ib. 8. 8, 6 ' Quominus de
R.P. P. R.Q^ referri senatique consulturn
fieri possit.' This last passage is from a
complete decree of the senate, quoted in its

integrity by M. Caelius, in a letter to
Cicero.

15. Duce, civi egregio. So Halm,
following some of the MSS. The reading of
the Vatican MS. is 'L. egnatuleio que opti
egregio mo;' in which F. Biicheler (Rhein.
Mus. for 1857, p. 467) contends that ' egre
gio' is a mere gloss, and that the right
reading is 'L. Egnatuleio, quaestore optimo.'
He inserts ['duce'] conjecturally before
'L. Egnatuleio.' His view is supported by
J. Frey (ib. p. 631), except that the latter
thinks that 'cive' (more probably 'civi') is
the word represented by 'que.'

INTRODUCTION
TO THE FOURTH ORATION.

THE senate having passed a decree in accordance with the terms of
the resolution proposed by Cicero, he proceeded immediately to the
Forum, and announced to the people, at the suggestion of M. Servilius,
and the other tribunes of the commons, the determination to which the
senate had come ; showing that though Antony was not yet declared an
enemy to the state, yet that the senate, by the measures which they had
taken, were practically acting on the supposition of his treason. The
speech, delivered in the excitement of the moment, is naturally less finished
than those which he had carefully prepared, and in many parts contains
a repetition, less happily expressed, of ideas on which he had enlarged
before the senate.

The genuineness of the oration has been often questioned, especially
by F. G. Jentzen, in a pamphlet published at Lubeck in 1820, and by
A. Krause, in an address delivered at Neu Stettin in 1847. The argu
ments of the former call for the less consideration, because they are
based on the theory that Cicero only published any of his orations for
one of two reasons ; either to gratify some client whose cause he had
pleaded, or because he thought them likely to prove useful to the youth
of Rome, as models of oratory. He entirely ignores the historical
interest which by itself would justify the publication of a speech like
this, and is naturally led by his hypothesis to criticise details in the
oration with a severity that makes no allowance for the circumstances
under which it was delivered.

Krause attacks it on grounds both of external and internal evidence.
The former he acknowledges to be partly on the other side, since the
end of the third chapter is quoted both by Quintilian (9. 3, 86) and by
the Spanish grammarian Isidorus (Orig. 2. 21, n); while the words
' Incumbite in causam' (c. 5, 12) are quoted by Arusianus Messius.

INTRODUCTION TO THE FOURTH ORATION. 129

Against this testimony he brings the fact that Nonius (p. 373) quotes, as
from the fourth Philippic, the words ' si cum fascibus clam te ex urbe
proieceris/ which do not occur in the oration as we have it, and which he
says are specially appropriate, as supplying a natural allusion to Antony's
flight. He also thinks that the words ' Laudat an compellat edicto/
quoted by Acron (on Hor. S. 2. 3, 297) as from the Philippics,
probably belonged to the genuine fourth Philippic. Now, even granting
the accuracy of Nonius, it is a less violent supposition to allow that the
words which he quotes may have dropped out from the oration, than to
condemn it altogether; and the supposition that Acron, if quoting
correctly, is quoting from the fourth oration, is entirely gratuitous,
especially as we know that at least one of this series of orations is
lost.

His internal evidence is of two kinds, from the subject-matter, and
from details in the language of the speech. The first is mainly negative,
from the absence of certain topics which he thinks that Cicero must
have introduced. He observes that he does not mention in detail the
several points of the senate's decree ; that there is no mention of the
flight of Antony from the city ; that there is no defence of Octavianus,
whose conduct was technically illegal ; and that there is no abuse of the
brothers of Antony. Now, in the first place, the whole of this argument
rests on the assumption that because Cicero might naturally have intro
duced these topics in his speech, therefore he must necessarily have
done so, which is at once illogical and arbitrary ; and even in detail,
most of the positions fail. In the senate, Cicero was giving his formal
vote on the matters before the house, and therefore necessarily men
tioned every separate clause in the resolutions he supported ; but some
of them were comparatively unimportant, as the decree that the provinces
should remain in the power of the existing magistrates ; and to one
at any rate, that the tribunes should provide for the safe meeting of
the senate on the ist of January, Cicero was in his heart opposed,
because it interfered with his wish for immediate action. (See Phil.
3. i, i; and cp. Drumann, Geschicht. Rom. i. 224 notes 95 and 96.)
The second point, the flight of Antony, we have already seen, was
possibly mentioned, if we believe the fragment quoted by Nonius
to have belonged to this oration. The second chapter of the speech,
with its panegyric on Octavianus, would surely be sufficient apology
for his conduct before an audience whose passions Cicero was striving
to excite, rather than to convince their minds. As for the omission
of any invective against the other brothers, the want of it seems
rather to arise from an overstrained interpretation of the word ' semper '

130 INTRODUCTION TO THE FOURTH ORATION.

in 12. 7, 17 ('in totam denique M. Antonii domum sum semper
invectus ') which is surely sufficiently justified by the abuse lavished on
them in the third, sixth, seventh, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth orations.

The only positive argument that Erause brings against the speech
from the subject-matter is that it so often coincides with that of the third
oration ; to which he adds (and in this he follows in the steps of
Jentzen), that in many cases the very expressions are borrowed, but
spoiled by being differently turned, from passages in the former speech.
These characteristics, however, are just what might be looked for in a
case where a man had delivered a carefully prepared speech in a body
like the senate, and then proceeded to address a popular assembly on
the same subject. The same ideas would occur to his mind, and the
old phrases would adapt themselves to those ideas, while want of full
preparation, with perhaps less carefulness in addressing a less educated
audience, would tend to divest those phrases of their exact propriety of
expression. If we may draw any inference from the facts alleged, it
should rather be that we have here the speech as Cicero actually
delivered it, not retouched and polished at his leisure.

The individual passages which Jentzen and Krause severally select, as
evidence of spuriousness, will be more conveniently considered in the
notes as they occur.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER QUARTUS.

1 FREQUENTIA vestrum incredibilis, Quirites, contioque
i tanta, quantam meminisse non videor, et alacritatem mihi
summam defendendae rei publicae affert et spem recuperandae.
Quamquam animus mihi quidem numquam defuit, tempora
defuerunt : quae simulac primum aliquid lucis ostendere visa 5
sunt, princeps vestrae libertatis defendendae fui. Quod si id
ante facere conatus essem, nunc facere non possem. Hodierno
enim die, Quirites, ne mediocrem rem actam arbitremini, funda-

c. I. The eagerness with which the people
crowded to hear him led Cicero to hope
that they would second the measures which
the senate had adopted against Antony.
They had passed a decree of thanks to
C. Caesar for levying an army against him,
and thereby declared most plainly thai they
looked ni>on him as no longer Consul, but
a public enemy. Otherwise Caesar's con
duct would be treason : as it was, it showed a
readiness and energy in the state's behalf, which
was without a parallel, and well deserved the
enthusiastic gratitude of the people.

I. Vestrum. Ernesti, following one
MS., reads ' vestra,' on the ground that
'vestrum' is not thus used without any
partitive meaning. Compare however de
Leg. Agr. 2. 21, 55 ' Hac vestrum fre-
quentia;' and pro Plane. 6, 16 'Noli me ad
vestrum contentionem vocare.' The dif
ference between the two forms of the geni
tive is brought before us by a comparison
of this passage with c. 2, 4 ' odio vestri,'
'with hatred felt towards you.'

Incredibilis, 'such as I can hardly
credit.' Jentzen attacks this word as in
appropriate, since what is before the eyes
is no longer matter for belief or disbelief.
It is at worst a pardonable exaggeration;

meaning that no one who had not seen it
would believe in the greatness of the crowd.

Gontio exactly answers to our 'public
meeting,' not invested with any legal
power, but generally summoned by some
duly constituted authority, as in the present
case by M. Servilius, and the other tribunes
of the commons, and carrying with it the
moral weight of public opinion, constitu
tionally expressed.

3. Recuperandae. Some MSS. add
'libertatis;' but cp. 3. 2, 5 'Nisi (Caesar)
in hac re publica natus esset, rem publicam
scelere Antonii nullam haberemus.'

6. Princeps, &c., 'I took the lead in
defending your liberty.' Cp. 7. 8, 23 'Prin-
cipes pecuniae pollicendae fuerunt;' IO. II,
24 ' Eum principem fuisse ad conatum
exercitus comparand!'.'

7- Hodierno enim .die. Emphasis
must be laid on ' hodierno,' to make this
clause agree with what precedes; 'for it is
only to-day,' &c. This fault in the con
nection is remarked upon both by Jentzen
and Krause, but with Cicero it is no un
common thing to find conjunctions carrying
on the train of thought suggested to the
orator's mind, rather than that which is
expressed by his words. See on 2. 24, 60.

M. TULLII CICERON1S

cc. 1—2.

menta iacta sunt reliquarum actionum. Nam est hostis a
senatu nondum verbo appellatus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius.
Nunc vero multo sum erectior, quod vos quoque ilium hostem 2
esse tanto consensu tantoque clamore approbavistis. Neque
5 enim, Quirites, fieri potest, ut non aut ii sint impii, qui contra
consulem exercitus comparaverunt, aut ille hostis, contra quern
iure arma sumpta sunt. Hanc igitur dubitationem, quamquam
nulla erat, tamen ne qua posset esse, senatus hodierno die sus-
tulit. C. Caesar, qui rem publicam libertatemque vestram suo

10 studio, consilio, patrimonio denique tutatus est et tutatur, max-
imis senatus laudibus ornatus est. Laudo, laudo vos, Quirites, 3
quod gratissimis animis prosequimini nomen clarissimi adoles-
centis vel pueri potius ; sunt enim facta eius immortalitatis,
nomcn aetatis. Multa memini, multa audivi, multa legi, Qui-

15 rites ; nihil ex omnium saeculorum memoria tale cognovi : qui,
cum servitute premeremur, in dies malum cresceret, praesidii
nihil haberemus, capitalem et pestiferum a Brundisio turn M.
Antonii reditum timeremus, hoc insperatum omnibus consilium,
incognitum certe ceperit, ut exercitum invictum ex paternis

I. Reliquarum actionum, 'of all
that remains to be done.' For this rare
use of ' actio,' objected to by Jentzen as
unparalleled, cp. Off. 2. I, 3 ' Stante re-
publica, . . . scriptis non ea, quae nunc,
sed actiones nostras ( = res gestas) mandare-
nms.'

4. Clamore. This speech is especially
full of reference to the demeanour of the
audience. Cp. below § 3 ' Laudo, laudo
VOS/&C.; c. 2, 5 'Fraeclare et loco,' &c. ;
3, 7 'Ut ostenditis;' 'Recte et vere negatis,
Quirites,' &c.

7- Hanc igitur, &c., 'this doubt
therefore, though doubt indeed there was
none, the possibility however of such a
doubt, the senate has this day removed.'

13. Sunt enim, &c., 'his deeds indeed
betoken something more than mortal, yet
the name of boy befits his age.' Cp. 13.
II, 24 'Est istuc nomen aetatis.' In this
passage the order is somewhat inverted,
in order to lay more stress on the glory
of the deeds. Another reading, found in
some inferior MSS., is ' non aetatis.'

15. Chii. The antecedent to 'qui' is of
course Octavianus, and is to be sought
grammatically in some ellipse after 'tale,'
such as 'quale est eius.'

17. Capitalem et pestiferum. Jent
zen objects to this combination as an anti
climax, adapted in bad taste from 3. 2, 3
' Crudelis et pestifer reditus.' In reality
however the words stand to each other in
no relation of degree, 'capitalem' marking
the guilt of Antony, 'pestiferum' the ground
the Romans had for being terrified.

19. Ceperit . . . conficeret, 'he has
adopted counsels (resulting in a lasting
resolve), . . . that so he might (once for all)
collect an army.'

Invictum, &c. Jentzen objects to
this clause, as being a copy of 3. 2, 3, faulty
in two respects. First, that though the
veterans might be styled ' invictum genus
militum,' yet an untried army could not
as a whole be called ' invictum ;' and se
condly, that the allusions to the dictator in
' paterni ' . . . ' patris siti milites,' would go far
to alienate the people by reminding them of
his tyranny. To the latter objection it
may be answered that Cicero's chief point
at present is to urge the prowess of the
soldiers, which would be assured by their
having served under Caesar; and it never
could be strange or unacceptable in Roman
ears to hear an army of their veterans styled
' invincible.'

§§ 1-6. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A IV. 133

militibus conficeret Antoniique furorem crudelissimis consiliis
2 incitatum a pernicie rei publicae averteret. Quis est enim qui

4 hoc non intelligat, nisi Caesar exercitum paravisset, non sine
exitio nostro futurum Antonii reditum fuisse? Ita enim se
recipiebat ardens odio vestri, cruentus sanguine civium Roman- 5
orum, quos Suessae, quos Brundisii occiderat, ut nihil nisi de
pernicie populi Romani cogitaret. Quod autem praesidium
erat salutis libertatisque vestrae, si C. Caesaris fortissimorum
sui patris militum exercitus non fuisset ? cuius de laudibus et
honoribus, qui ei pro divinis et immortalibus mentis divini im- 10
mortalesque debentur, mihi senatus assensus paulo ante decrevit

5 ut primo quoque tempore referretur. Quo decreto quis non
perspicit hostem esse Antonium iudicatum ? quern enim pos-
sumus appellare eum, contra quern qui exercitus ducunt, iis
senatus arbitratur singulares exquirendos honores ? Quid ? 15
legio Martia, quae mihi videtur divinitus ab eo deo traxisse
nomen, a quo populum Romanum generatum accepimus} non
ipsa suis decretis prius quam senatus hostem iudicavit Anto
nium ? Nam si ille non hostis, hos, qui consulem reliquerunt,
hostes necesse est iudicemus. Praeclare et loco, Quirites, re- 20
clamatione vestra factum pulcherrimum Martialium comproba-
vistis |> qui se ad senatus auctoritatem, ad libertatem vestram,
ad universam rem publicam contulerunt, hostem ilium et latro-

6 nem et parricidam patriae reliquerunt. Nee solum id animose

c. 2. Had it not been for C. Caesar, For a similar combination of genitives of

Antony would have proceeded from the different significations we may compare

murder of the centurions at Brundisium to Off. i. 14, 43 ' L. Sullae C. Caesaris pe-

the destruction of the state; and therefore cuniarum translatio a iustis dominis ad

the honours were but justly due which the alienos non debet liberalis videri.'

senate had decreed to him, and to the 14. Contra quern, &c., 'whose open

Martian and fourth legions, which, in the enemies in the field are deemed by the

same spirit, had abandoned Antony, without senate worthy of extraordinary honours.'

waiting for the senate's orders. Krause objects that 'qui ducunt' really

6. Quos Suessae, &c. See on 3. 4, 10. refers to Octavianus only, but D. Brutus

7. Cogitaret. Cicero here argues, shared in the special honours granted by
not quite accurately, from Antony's outward the decree.

conduct to his inward thoughts. 'Cogitare 20. Loco, 'opportunely;' cp. Fam. 9.

videretur' would, as Jentzen remarks, have 16,4 ' Oenomao tuo nihil utor; etsi po-

expressed the formal consequence of ' ita suisti loco versus Accianos.'
se recipiebat,' and would have given more ac- Reclamatione, 'by your shouts of

curately the grounds of the citizens' alarm. disapproval;' see on c. I, 2. The sub-

The meaning, however, is unmistakeable. stantive is not found again before the time

8. C. Caesaris, &c., 'Caesar's army, of Apuleius, but Cicero uses the verb in
composed of the bravest of his father's 5. 8, 22; and 6. 5, 12.

veterans.' The accumulation of genitives 24. Parricidam patriae. See on 2.

has given offence to many commentators. 7, 17.

134 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 2-4,

et fortiter, sed considerate etiam sapienterque fecerunt. Albae
constiterunt, in urbe opportuna, munita, propinqua, fortissimo-
rum virorum, fidelissimorum civium atque optimorum. Huius
Martiae legionis legio quarta imitata virtutem duce L. Egnatu-
5 leio, quern senatus merito paulo ante laudavit, C. Caesaris exer-
citum persecuta est.

Quae exspectas, M. Antoni, iudicia graviora? Caesar fertur
in caelum, qui contra te exercitum comparavit. Laudantur
exquisitissimis verbis legiones, quae te reliquerunt, quae a te
10 arcessitae sunt, quae essent, si te consulem quam hostem malu-
isses, tuae. Quarum legionum fortissimum verissimumque iudi-
cium confirmat senatus, comprobat universus populus Romanus,
nisi forte vos, Quirites, consulem, non hostem iudicatis Anto-
nium. Sic arbitrabar, Quirites, vos iudicare, ut ostenditis. Quid ? 7
15 municipia, colonias, praefecturas num aliter iudicare censetis?
Omnes mortales una mente consentiunt : omnia arma eorum,
qui haec salva velint, contra illam pestem esse capienda. Quid ?
D. Bruti indicium, Quirites, quod ex hodierno eius edicto per-
spicere potuistis, num cui tandem contemnendum videtur ?
20 Recte et vere negatis, Quirites. Est enim quasi d eorum im-
mortalium beneficio et munere datum rei publicae Brutorum
genus et nomen ad libertatem populi Romani vel constituendam
vel recipiendam. Quid igitur D. Brutus de M. Antonio iudi- s

3. Fidelissimorum is only added in 10. Arcessitae sunt, 'which you had

the margin of the Vatican MS., by the summoned from Macedonia.' Krause ob-

second writer, perhaps to make the passage jects that this is a very unimportant point

more like 3. 3, 6. Halm thinks that the to urge, and that, if mentioned at all, it

true reading (if the whole clause be not should have preceded 'quae te reliquerunt.'

an interpolation) is probably ' fortissimorum But in reality it adds very much to the

virorum civiumque optimorum.' Against significance of the conduct of these legions,

its genuineness has been urged its intrinsic that had not Antony, somewhat irregularly,

weakness, and the rare apposition of ' in summoned them from Macedonia, thty

urbe,' subjoined to ' Albae,' though this would never have been in Italy at all, and

occurs previously in the parallel passage in the force it gives to their desertion accounts

3. 15, 39. (See Madv., § 296 a. Obs. 2.) both for the insertion of the words, and

Jentzen considers that the whole of the for their position.

chapter, from 'Quid? legio Martia,' is a 15. Municipia, colonias, praefectu-

mere ill-digested cento from other orations. ras. See on 3. 5, 13. It is to be observed

c. 3. This decision of the legions was that ' praefecturae ' were not a separate

approved of not only by (he seriate and by division from ' coloniae ' and ' municipia,'

the people at Rome, but by the borough but that praefects were sent from Rome to

towns; and also by D. Brutus, who had administer justice in most of the older

recently issued an edict, excluding Antony 'municipia,' and at least in many of the

from his province, and declaring war ' coloniae civium Romanorum.'

against him. 22. Constituendam vel recipien-

8. In caelum. See on 2. 42, 107. dam. Respectively by the expulsion of

§§6-9. ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A IV. 135

cavit ? Excludit provincia, exercitu obsistit, Galliam totam
hortatur ad bellum, ipsam sua sponte suoque iudicio excitatam.
Si consul Antonius, Brutus hostis : si conservator rei publicae
Brutus, hostis Antonius. Num igitur, utrum horum sit, dubitare

4 possumus ? Atque ut vos una mente unaque voce dubitare vos 5
negatis, sic modo decrevit senatus, D. Brutum optirrie de re
publica mereri, cum senatus auctoritatem populique Roman!
libertatem imperiumque defenderet. A quo defenderet ? nempe

9 ab hoste : quae est enim alia laudanda defensio ? Deinceps
laudatur provincia Gallia meritoque ornatur verbis amplissimis 10
ab senatu, quod resistat Antonio. Quern si consulem ilia pro
vincia putaret neque eum reciperet, magno scelere se adstrin-
geret : omnes enim in consulis iure et imperio debent esse
provinciae. Negat hoc D. Brutus imperator, consul designatus,
natus rei publicae civis ; negat Gallia, negat cuncta Italia, negat 15
senatus, negatis vos. Quis ilium igitur consulem nisi latrones
putant ? Quamquam ne ii quidem ipsi, quod locuntur, id sentiunt,
nee ab iudicio omnium mortalium, quamvis impii nefariique sint,
sicut sunt, dissentire possunt. Sed spes rapiendi atque prae-
dandi obcaecat animos eorum, quos non bonorum donatio, non 20

the kings, and the overthrow of usurpers, appear to be ever used as exactly equiva-

such as Caesar had been, and Antony was lent to ' deinde,' of mere accidental se-

now. quence.

3. Si consul Antonius. This clause 13. Omnes enim, &c., 'for all pro-
is quoted by Quintilian (9. 3, 86) as an vinces ought to submit to the jurisdiction
instance of avTi^era^oXr). See the intro- and authority of the Consul.' This seems
duction to this oration. hardly in accordance with the existing state

c. 4. This conduct on the part of Brutus of things at Rome since the time of Sulla,

was commended by the senate and the people, who limited the authority of the Consul to

and the Gauls were also praised, who would the home districts, confining the command

not allow Antony to come into their country: of the provinces to proconsuls and pro-

none, in fact, still looked on him as Consul praetors. (See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome,

save some few abandoned men, amongst 3. 367 Eng. Trans.) It was still however

whom he had promised that he would nppor- competent for the senate to give the Consul

tion Italy ; a promise which gods and men extraordinary powers in the provinces ; and

seemed equally resolved that he should not under any circumstances violent opposition

perform. to the first magistrate in the state could only

9. Deinceps. &c., 'next in order we have be justified by flagrant misconduct on his

the praises of the province of Gaul.' 'Dein- part.

ceps' here approximates in meaning to 14. Consul designatus. See on 3.

'deinde,' but still retains the idea of a series, 15, 37.

of which the members come in regular sue- 17. Putant. For the attraction into the

cession. Cp. Livy 31. 16 ' Aenum hide cepit; number of 'latrones' see Madv. § 217.

deinceps alia castella, Cypsela, et Doriscon, Obs. 2.

et Serrheum occupat,' ' then he successively 19. Sicut sunt. Cp. de Orat. I. S3,

gets possession of the other forts.' See 236 'Quamvis sceleratissimi illi fuissent)

Hand's Tursellinus, 3, 235. It does not sicut fuerunt.'

136 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-6.

agrorum assignatio, non ilia infinita hasta satiavit ; qui sibi
urbem, qui bona et fortunas civium ad praedam posuerunt ; qui,
dum hie sit quod rapiant, quod auferant, nihil sibi defuturum
arbitrantur ; quibus M. Antonius — o di immortales, avertite et
5 detestamini, quaeso, hoc omen ! — urbem se divisurum esse pro-
misit Ita vero, Quirites, ut precamini, eveniat, atque huius 10
amentiae poena in ipsum familiamque eius recidat ! quod ita
futurum esse confido. lam enim non solum homines, sed etiam
deos immortales ad rem publicam conservandam arbitror con-

losensisse. Si enim prodigiis atque portentis di immortales nobis
futura praedicunt, ita sunt aperte pronuntiata, ut et illi poena
et nobis libertas appropinquet : sive tantus consensus omnium
sine impulsu deorum esse non potuit, quid est quod de voluntate
caelestium dubitare possimus ?

15 Reliquum est, Quirites, ut vos in ista sententia, quam prae 5
vobis fertis, perseveretis. Faciam igitur, ut imperatores instructa 11
acie solent, quamquam paratissimos milites ad proeliandum
videant, ut eos tamen adhortentur, sic ego vos ardentes et erec-
tos ad libertatem recuperandam cohortabor. Non est vobis,

20 Quirites, cum eo hoste certamen, cum quo aliqua pads conditio
esse possit. Neque enim ille servitutem vestram, ut antea, sed

1. Hasta. The sale of the goods of his energy, and like Catiline he must be
the Pompeian party, by the command of crushed; and Cicero was once more ready
Caesar. to contribute all his powers (awards accom-

2. Posuerunt. Halm reads ' proposu- plishing this end.

erunt.' See on 3. 8, 19. I ;. Quamquam .. videant, ' although

5. Detestamini, 'turn aside at my they may see;' the subjunctive being due

prayer.' ' Detestor ' elsewhere means ' I to the purely hypothetical character of the

pray for the removal of;' but this usage, to clause.

signify the action of the gods in granting 18. Ut . . . adhortentur depends on

5uch a prayer, seems to be unparalleled. ' facere,' to be supplied from 'faciani' with

7. Familiam, 'his household;' including 'solent.' For this use of ' facio ut' cp. Cat.

probably Fulvia, but not his two brothers. Ma. 12, 42 ' Invitus feci ut L. Flamininum

See the introduction to this oration. e senatu eicerem;' and see 3. 14, 35 note.

10. Prodigiis, &c. Of these we have For the use of 'sic' cp. Fam. I. 9, 19

no further record. ' Dixi me facere quiddam, quod in Eu-

cc. 5, 6. It ivas no use parleying with nucho parasitus suaderet militi : ... sic petivi

Antony; he was thirsting for blood, and a iudicibus.'

nothing else ivould satisfy his rage; they 21. Neque enim. Krause objects to

must destroy him, now that they had the this clause that it is unworthy of a Roman,

opportunity, or they would perish, and that and inconsistent with the beginning and end

amid disgrace most alien to the nature of the of this speech, to represent the fear of death

Roman people. He was not a Hannibal, as a more powerful motion for action than

the general of a civilized and responsible the fear of slavery. But Cicero's argument

country ; he had nothing to lose, and there- rather is that when death is imminent there

fore nothing to form a material guarantee is no chance of escaping it, as slavery may

for the performance of his promises ; he was be avoided, or even remedied, by diplomacy.

a mere robber, as wicked as Catiline, without It is the immediate urgency of the danger,

§§9-14. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A IV. 137

iam iratus sanguinem concupivit. Nullus ei Indus videtur esse
iucundior quam cruor, quam caedes, quam ante oculos truci-

12 datio civium. Non est vobis res, Quirites, cum scelerato homine
ac nefario, sed cum immani taetraque belua, quae quoniam in
foveam incidit, obruatur. Si enim illim emerserit, nullius sup- 5
plicii crudelitas erit recusanda. Sed tenetur, premitur, urguetur
nunc iis copiis, quas habemus, mox iis, quas paucis diebus novi
consules comparabunt. Incumbite in causam, Quirites, ut facitis.
Numquam maior consensus vester in ulla causa fuit, numquam
tarn vehementer cum senatu consociati fuistis. Nee mirum. I0
Agitur enim non qua conditione victuri, sed victurine simus an

13 cum supplicio ignominiaque perituri. Quamquam mortem qui-
dem natura omnibus proposuit, crudelitatem mortis et dedecus
virtus propulsare solet, quae propria est Romani generis et
seminis. Hanc retinete, quaeso, quam vobis tamquam heredi- 15
tatem maiores vestri reliquerunt. Nam cum alia omnia falsa
incerta sint, caduca mobilia, virtus est una altissimis defixa
radicibus, quae numquam vi ulla labefactari potest, numquam
demoveri loco. Hac virtute maiores vestri primum universam
Italiam devicerunt, deinde Karthaginem exciderunt, Numantiam 20
everterunt, potentissimos reges, bellicosissimas gentes in dici-

Q onem huius imperii redegerunt. Ac maioribus quidem vestris,

14 Quirites, cum eo hoste res erat, qui haberet rem publicam,
curiam, aerarium, consensum et concordiam civium, rationem
aliquam, si ita res tulisset, pads et foederis : hie vester hostis 25

not the greatness of the evil threatened, passage is too philosophical for the occa-

which.he is impressing on his audience. sion.

4. In foveam. This appears to have 19. Universam Italiam. The con-
passed into a proverb. Cp. Plant. Pers. 4. 4, quest of Italy was completed by the reduc-
45 ' Pene in foveam decidi.' tion of Volsinii, 265 B.C., unless the Cisal-

5. Illim. See on 2. 31, 77. pine Gauls and Ligurians be included, the
Nullius . . . recusanda, 'we shall have latter of whom were not finally subdued till

no power to repudiate any punishment, 1586. C.

however cruel.' This use of the gerundive, 20. Karthaginem . . . Numantiam.

to denote capacity, is confined in the best Cp. Off. I. II, 35 ' Maiores nostri . . .

prose writers to negative sentences. See Karthaginem et Numantiam funditus sustu-

Madv. § 420 Obs. ; and cp. 5. 4, II ' Fe- lerunt.' The memorable resistance of the

renda nullo modo est.' latter city to Scipio Africanus, 134 B.C.,

14. Propria, &c. See 3. II, 29 note. rather than the importance of its capture,

16. Nam cum . . . sint. So Halm, for causes it to be placed in the same category

' quamquam . . . sint,' from a suggestion of as Carthage.

P. R. Miiller, in Philologus, 9. 186, the 21. Potentissimos reges, such as

alteration being suggested by the anomaly of Perseus, Antiochus, and Mithridates.

'quamquam' with the subjunctive. Krause 24. Rationem, &c., 'something whereon

objects, without much force, that the whole to found peace and treaties.'

138 M. TULLII CICERONIS c. 6.

vestram rem publicam oppugnat, ipse habet nullam : senatum,
id est orbis terrae consilium, delere gestit, ipse consilium pub-
licum nullum habet : aerarium vestrum exhausit, suum non
habet. Nam concordiam civium qui habere potest, nullam
5 cum habet civitatem ? pads vero quae potest esse cum eo
ratio, in quo est incredibilis crudelitas, fides nulla ? Est 15
igitur, Quirites, populo Romano, victori omnium gentium,
omne ccrtamen cum percussore, cum latrone, cum Spar-
taco. Nam quod se similem esse Catilinae gloriari solet,

10 scelere par est illi, industria inferior. Ille cum exercitum nul
lum habuisset, repente conflavit : hie eum exercitum, quern
accepit, amisit. Ut igitur Catilinam diligentia mea, senatus
auctoritate, vestro studio et virtute fregistis, sic Antonii nefa-
rium latrocinium vestra cum senatu concordia tanta, quanta

15 numquam fuit, felicitate et virtute exercituum ducumque vestro-
rum brevi tempore oppressum audietis. Equidem, quantum 16
cura, labore, vigiliis, auctoritate, consilio, niti atque efficere
potero, nihil praetermittam, quod ad libertatem vestram perti-
nere arbitrabor : neque enim id pro vestris amplissimis in me

20 beneficiis sine scelere facere possum. Hodierno autem die
primum referente viro fortissimo vobisque amicissimo, hoc
M. Servilio, collegisque eius, ornatissimis viris, optimis civibus,
longo intervallo me auctore et principe ad spem libertatis
exarsimus.

5. Cum habet, 'at a time when he no completion of the effort coming last in each

longer has.' This is the Vatican reading, case.

and seems to point more strongly to Antony's 20. Sine scelere, &c. Cp. 6. 6, 17

outlawry th.m the common reading 'cum ' Quid enim non debeo vobis, Quirites, quern

habeat,' 'seeing that he has none of his own.' vos a se ortum hominibus nobihssimis omni-

8. Cum Spartaco. See on 3. 8, 21. bus honoribus praetulistis ?'

9. Gloriari solet. Of this we have 22. M. Servilio. See the introduction
no record elsewhere. Manutius thinks that to this oration. He was similarly introduced
it is a pure invention on the part of Cicero, to the meeting before which he delivered
probably to pave the way for his praises of the sixth oration by P. Apuleius, tribune of
himself. the commons. See 6, I, I.

17. Niti atque efficere. In 2. 10, 23. Ad spem exarsimus. Jentzen

23, he reverses this order of the words, complains of this as being too bold a meta-

' quantum facere enitique potui.' If however phor. It is not however easy to see why

'eniti' means to 'struggle to the end,' and he should not use the expression 'ad spem

so ' to achieve,' the reason for the difference exardere ' as well as ' exarsistis ad libertatis

of order is apparent, the word marking the recuperandae cupiditatem' II. 2, 3.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE FIFTH ORATION.

No immediate action could be taken in consequence of the success of
Cicero's third oration, as it was necessary to wait till the new Consuls,
A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, entered on office on the ist of
January, 43 B. C. Meanwhile Antony had marched upon Cisalpine
Gaul, whereupon D. Brutus threw himself into Mutina, the modern
Modena, resolved to stand a siege rather than surrender his province;
and Octavianus, at the head of a considerable force, including Antony's
two revolted legions, was marching to attack him in the rear. If the new
Consuls proved vigorous in attacking Antony, his cause was hope
less, and Cicero was using all his influence to induce them to adopt an
energetic policy. On the other hand, they were both staunch adherents
of Caesar, who had given them all the position which they held in the
state, and therefore they were not likely to be very warm in supporting
the cause of one of his assassins, against the man who professed to be
upholding all his measures. Hence, though Cicero speaks in public as
though they could be thoroughly depended on, yet we learn from his
letters that he did not wholly trust them. (Att. 15. 6 and 22.) And
this distrust was justified by the proceedings in the senate on the ist of
January. The Consuls themselves indeed adopted a firm and manly
tone, which excited Cicero's hopes, but then they called on Q. Fufius
Calenus to deliver his opinion first among the consulars. It has been
commonly thought that giving him this precedence was a matter of
private arrangement; but be this as it may (see on c. i, i), at any rate he
was Pansa's father-in-law, and might be reasonably supposed to represent
the real feelings of the Consul, which his official position forced him in
some degree to suppress in his own speech. He was not only a firm
partisan of the dictator, but a personal enemy of Cicero (Att. n. 8, 2),
and so closely allied to the cause of Antony, that he was acting as his

140 INTRODUCTION TO THE FIFTH ORATION.

representative in Rome, and Fulvia and her children were actually staying
at his house. He proposed that Antony should not yet be treated as a
public enemy, but that ambassadors should be sent to him, to bring him
back, if possible, to his allegiance to the senate. This motion was
supported by L. Piso and some other consulars, and it was against it
that Cicero delivered his fifth oration.

In this he urges that it would be in the highest degree inconsistent, and
unworthy of the dignity of the senate to enter into negotiations with a
man whom, a few days before, they had virtually declared to be a public
enemy, by voting their thanks to the legions who had deserted him, and
to the generals who had taken on themselves to act against him. He
passes in review once more the conduct of Antony since the dictator's
death ; his wanton forgeries ; his various pernicious measures, especially
condemning his degradation of the judicial bench ; and his uncon
stitutional conduct in maintaining an armed force within the city walls.
He maintains that not merely war, but civil war (tnnmltus) should be
proclaimed, that the military dress should be assumed, the courts of
justice closed, and a general levy made throughout the whole of Italy.
He concludes by renewing his proposal of thanks and honours to
D. Brutus and Octavianus, and the soldiers under their command.

The debate was continued for the unusual period of four days, and it
appears that Cicero would have had a large majority, had not Salvius, a
tribune of the commons, interposed his veto, and prevented the motion
for declaring Antony a public enemy from being voted on. The
proposal of Calenus was then adopted; Servius Sulpicius L. Piso
and L. Philippus were appointed ambassadors to treat with Antony; and
Cicero so far prevailed that he was entrusted with the drawing out of
their commission. They were instructed to call on Antony to raise the
siege of Mutina, to cease from further hostilities against D. Brutus,
and from all attempts upon the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and to
submit himself in all respects to the authority of the senate and the
Roman people. If he refused submission on any single point, he was
to be treated as a public enemy.

The rest of the proposals in Cicero's motion, with reference to the
honours to be bestowed on Brutus and Octavianus and their armies,
were carried without opposition,

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM
LIBER QUINTUS.

1 NIHIL umquam longius his Kalendis lanuariis mihi visum
i est, patres conscript! : quod idem intelligebam per hos dies uni
cuique vestrum videri. Qui enim bellum cum re publica gerunt,
hunc diem non exspectabant. Nos autem turn, cum maxime
consilio nostro subvenire communi saluti oporteret, in senatum 5
non vocabamur. Sed querellam praeteritorum dierum sustulit
oratio consulum ; qui ita locuti sunt, ut magis exoptatae Kalendae
quam serae esse videantur. Atque ut oratio consulum animum
meum erexit spemque attulit non modo salutis conservandae,
verum etiam dignitatis pristinae recuperandae, sic me pertur- 10
basset eius sententia, qui primus rogatus est, nisi vestrae virtuti

cc. I, 2. The speeches of the Consuls on II. 27, I ; Verr. Act. 2.4. 18,39; pro Rab.

assuming office had done much to lessen the Post. 12, 35 'Nee mihi longius quidquam

anxiety with which all loyal citizens were est, iudices, quam videre hominum vultus.'
longing for the meeting of the senate. But 4. Cum . . . oporteret. The subjunc-

this anxiety was renewed by the proposal tive is used, because it is not so much the

of Q. Fufius Calenus, which contrasted exact moment, as the character of the crisis

strongly with the general firmness shown that is signified ; ' at a time when,' rather

against Antony, thirteen days before. To than ' at the moment when our counsel was

send ambassadors to treat with him would required.'

be absurdly inconsistent with the recent vote 7. Ut magis, &c., 'that it is rather the

of thanks and honours to those in arms impatience of our anxiety than the real

against him : it was what none but Cotyla urgency of the case that has made them

would have ventured to suggest ten days seem so late in coming.'
ago : and it almost made one credit the II. Qui primus rogatus est. This

rumour that it would be proposed to give is shown by 10. I, 3 to have been Q^ Fufius

him the government of Transalpine Gaul; Calenus, since it was the custom to give the

in other words, to furnish him with all the precedence of voting to the same man

means of waging civil war against the state. throughout the year. (Suet. Caes. 21.)

And yet this would be madness which no From the same passage we learn that this

plea of friendship or kindred, to say nothing precedence was given at the discretion of the

of corruption, could for a moment justify. Consul, and that Caesar, after the marriage

I. Nihil umquam longius, 'nothing of his daughter, gave it to his son-in-law

ever was more impatiently longed for,' Pompey. Hence Manutius thinks it probable

4 seemed longer in coming." This is a fa- that Calenus was called upon to vote first

vourite expression with Cicero, cp. Fam. as being the father-in-law of Pansa. (See

1 42 M. JULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-2.

constantiaeque confiderem. Hie enim dies vobis. patres con- 2
scripti, illuxit, haec potestas data est, ut quantum virtutis, quan
tum constantiae, quantum gravitatis in huius ordinis consilio
esset, populo Romano declarare possetis. Recordamini qui dies
5 nudius tertius decimus fuerit, quantus consensus vestrum, quanta
virtus, quanta constantia ; quantam sitis a populo Romano
laudem, quantam gloriam, quantam gratiam consecuti. Atque
illo die, patres conscripti, ea constituistis, ut vobis iam nihil sit
integrum nisi aut honesta pax aut bellum necessarium. Pacem 3

Jo vult M. Antonius ? Arma deponat, roget, deprecetur. Nemi-
nem aequiorem reperiet quam me, cui, dum se civibus impiis
commendat, inimicus quam amicus esse maluit. Nihil est pro-
fecto, quod possit dari bellum gerenti : erit fortasse aliquid,
quod concedi possit roganti : legatos vero ad cum mittere, de

15 quo gravissimum et severissimum iudicium nudius tertius deci
mus feceritis, non iam levitatis est, sed, ut quod sentio dicam,
dementiae. Primum duces eos laudavistis, qui contra ilium 2
bellum privato consilio suscepissent ; deinde milites veteranos,
qui cum ab Antonio in colonias essent deducti, illius beneficio

20 libertatem populi Romani anteposuerunt. Quid ? legio Martia, 4
quid? quarta, cur laudantur? Si enim consulem suum relique-
nmt, vituperandae sunt : si inimicum rei publicae, iure laudantur.
Atqui cum consules nondum haberetis, decrevistis ut de praemiis
militum et de honoribus imperatorum primo quoque tempore

8.6,19.) It might also have been because 18. Suscepissent. It is not easy to

he was the junior ' consular^' present, hav- see the reason for the difference of mood of

ing been Consul in 47 B.C., and his col- ' suscepissent' and ' anteposuerunt,' unless it

league and successors being at this time all be changed to vary the sound of the termi-

either absent from Rome or dead. The nation of the two clauses. In both certain

usual practice was to begin with the definite individuals are referred to, so that the

'consules designati' (see c. 13, 35, and 6. 3, indicat;ve might have been employed; and

8), but D, Brutus and L. Plancus were also in both the subjunctive would appropriately

absent. have been used as introducing the reason of

4. Q_ui dies nudius tertius deci- the special praise. Perhaps the use of the

mus, 'what was the character of this day subjunctive is referable to the presence of

twelve days;' literally 'the day that now is eos, in the sense of ' such generals as.'
the I3th day since,' a.d. xiii Kal. Ian., 19. In colonias. See 2. 39, IOO foil.

the 20th of December, on which the third notes.

and fourth orations were delivered. This 21. Si enim consulem, &c. Compare

chapter seems to be the only place where the dilemma used in canvassing the conduct

' nudius ' ( = 'nunc dies ') is used in speaking of D. Brutus, 4. 3, 8 ; and 3. 8, 21.
of a day so distant. 23. Nondum haberetis. The city

8. Nihil sit integrum nisi, &c., 'the was deserted bv both the Consuls of the pre-

only alternatives now open to you are ceding year, Dolabella having, before the

honourable peace or war from which you flight of Antony, gone to Asia Minor on his

cannot shrink.' way to Syria.

§§1-6. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 143

referretur. Placet eodem tempore praemia constituere eis, qui
contra Antonium arma ceperint, et legates ad Antonium mit-
tere? ut Jam pudendum sit honestiora decreta esse legionum
quam senatus : si quidem legiones decreverunt senatum defen-
dere contra Antonium, senatus decernit legatos ad Antonium. 5
Utrum hoc est confirmare militum animos an debilitare virtutem ?

5 Hoc dies duodecim profecerunt, ut, quern nemo praeter Cotylam
inventus sit qui defenderet, is habeat iam patronos etiam con-
sulares. Qui utinam omnes ante me sententiam rogarentur! —
quamquam suspicor, quid dicturi sint quidam eorum, qui post 10
me rogabuntur — : facilius contra dicerem, si quid videretur.
Est enim opinio decreturum aliquem Antonio illam ultirnam
Galliam, quam Plancus obtinet. Quid est aliud omnia ad bel-
lum civile hosti arma largiri ? primum nervos belli, pecuniam
infinitam, qua nunc eget, deinde equitatum, quantum velit. Equi- 15
tatum dico ? dubitabit, credo, gentes barbaras secum adducere.
Hoc qui non videt, excors, qui cum videt decernit, impius est.

6 Tu civem sceleratum et perditum Gallorum et Germanorum
pecunia, peditatu, equitatu, copiis instrues? Nullae istae excu-
sationes sunt : * meus amicus est \ sit patriae prius. ' Meus 20
cognatus.' An potest cognatio propior ulla esse quam patriae,

I. Placet eodem tempore, &c. If 16. Gentes barbaras. The Romans

ambassadors were sent to Antony, he was had often had foreign cavalry in their pay,

not con idered as an outlaw, and it was especially in the campaigns of Caesar in

only if he were an outlaw that Octavianus, Gaul; and the ' velites' had given place to

D. Brutus, and the veterans, could be justified a ' levis armatura ' of barbarian skirmishers ;

in opposing him. but ' gentes barbarae ' would include foreign

7. Cotylam. L. Varius Cotyla was a legionaries, the 'nationes' of the empire,
most intimate friend of Antony, chosen by who had not yet been admitted into a
him to convey his demands to the senate Roman army.

(8. 8, 24). He had probably been aedile 20. Meus amicus. The prominent

in the preceding year, as Cicero calls him position of the pronoun in each case seems

' aedilicius,' 13. 12, 26. to point to these pleas being such as would

8. Inventus sit, 'has been found up to be urged by different senators. It seems
the present time.' probable that no one ventured to make the

12. Est enim opinio, &c., 'there is an proposal which Cicero thus condemns,
impression that some one will propose,' &c. 21. Cognatus. A blood relation by

Ultimam Galliam. Gallia Comata, descent from a common ancestor. Cicero

consisting of all Transalpine Gaul, with argues that the 'cognatio patriae' must

the exception of Narbonensis and Belgica, come before any ordinary ' cognatio,' since

had been divide i by Caesar in 44 B.C., the ground of relationship is to be traced to

between L. Munatius Plancus and A. Hirtius. the founder of the race, and so a man would

The latter having come to Rome, the be proved 'cognatus' to the very persons

entire command of the province devolved from whom he would in general trace his

on Plancus. relationship to his kindred. In other ' cog-

13. Quid est aliud. See I. 9, 22; 2.4, nationes' we trace up to 'parentes;' when
7 n°tes. we take into consideration the ' cognatio

144

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 2—3.

in qua parentes etiam continentur ? ' Mihi pecuniam tribuit.'
Cupio videre qui id audeat dicere. Quid autem agatur cum
aperuero, facile erit statuere quam sententiam dicatis aut quam
sequamini.

5 Agitur, utrum M. Antonio facultas detur opprimendae rei 3
publicae, caedis faciendae bonorum, urbis dividundae, agrorum
suis latronibus condonandi, populum Romanum servitute oppri-
mendt, an horum ei facere nihil liceat. Dubitate quid agatis.
At non cadunt haec in Antonium. Hoc ne Cotyla quidem dicere 7
10 auderet. Quid enim in eum non cadit ? qui, cuius acta se defen-
dere dicit, eius eas leges pervertit, quas maxime laudare potera-
mus. Hie paludes siccare voluit : hie omnem Italian! moderate

patriae,' ' parentes' and descendants are alike
' cognati' in relation to the supposed founder
of the nation.

1. Tribuit, 'he has given me money.'
So Halm from the Vatican MS. The
ordinary reading is ' attribuit,' which would
mean ' he has entrusted me with public
money on account' (cp. 9. 7, 16 ' Uti con-
sules . . . pecuniam redemptori attribuendam
solvendamque curent ;' 14. 14, 38 ' Qiiaes-
tores urbanos ad earn rem pecuniam dare,
attribuere, solvere iubeant'), so that plea and
retort would be alike pointless.

2. Quid autem agatur, &c. For the
order of the clauses, see Madv. § 476 c.

cc. 3, 4. If any one doubted the use which
Antony would make of such an opportunity,
he need only look at his previous conduct,
when professing to follow in the path of
Caesar. Caesar had wished to improve the
state domains, Antony, in contempt for all
forms, and in despite of the most unmistake-
able auspices, proposed to carry a law giving
the whole of Italy to L. Antonius for dis
tribution. And to prevent any possible re
monstrance, on the day when the law was to
be voted on, he occupied the forum with an
overwhelming force of armed men. Cicero
therefore proposes that all his laws should
be formally annulled : that those which were
beneficial should be re-enacted : but that all
his embezzlement of public money, all his
forgeries, all his fraudulent dealings in
pardons, immunities, treaties and grants
must be condemned, and reversed, so far
as possible, by a solemn decree of the
senate.

6. Urbis dividundae. This is the
emendation of Halm, in his ' corrigenda,'
derived from a comparison of § 7 ; 8. 3, 9 ;
13. 9, 19; ib. 19, 42 and 20, 47; in all of

which passages a division of the city is
spoken of as forming part of Antony's plans.
The reading of the Vatican MS. is 'urbis
eruendorum,' crowded in by a later hand
over an erasure too small for it; that of the
other MSS. ' bonorum eripiendorum, urbis,
agrorum suis condonandi.' The combina
tion of gerundive constructions is remarkable.
We have first the simple construction with
the gerund, ' populum . . . opprimendi ;'
secondly, the ordinary attracted construction
with the gerundive, ' opprimendae rei pub-
licae ;' and thirdly, the intermediate con
struction, ' agrorum condonandi,' where the
object is attracted into the case of the
gerund, but the gerund itself remains un
altered. (See Madv. § 413. Obs. 2.)
Kritz (on Sallust, Cat. 31, 5) explains this
last construction by supposing that the lead
ing substantive and the gerund combine so
as to form one notion, on which the second
genitive depends. This, however, seems too
artificial. Cp. de Invent. 2. 2, 5 ' Exem-
plorum eligendi potestas."

8. Dubitate, £c., 'hesitate, if ye can,
what course to take.' Some editors, with
out authority, read ' dubitatis.'

9. At non. The inferior MSS. have
' an non ;' but the clause comes in much
better as an objection from some friend of
Antony, ' yet all this does not apply to
Antony,' than as a question from Cicero.

10. Q_ui, cuius acta. &c., 'who while
professing to maintain the acts of Caesar,
selects those laws of his for travesty which
we might best have praised.'

12. Paludes. The drainage of the
Pomptine marshes was commenced by
Caesar, and some progress seems to have
been made before his death, as Dion Cassius
tells us (49. 5) that Antony proposed to

§§ 6—8.

OR ATI 0 PHILIP PIC A V.

145

homini, L. Antonio, dividundam dedit. Quid ? hanc legem
populus Romanus accepit ? quid ? per auspicia ferri potuit ?
Sed augur verecundus sine collegis de auspiciis : quamquam ilia
auspicia non egent interpretatione ; love enim tonante cum
populo agi non esse fas quis ignorat ? Tribuni plebi tulerunt 5
de provinciis contra acta C. Caesaris : ille biennium, iste sex-
ennium. Etiam hanc legem populus Romanus accepit? quid?
promulgata fuit ? quid ? non ante lata quam scripta est ? quid ?
non ante factum vidimus quam futurum quisquam est suspi-
scatus? Ubi lex Caecilia et Didia? ubi promulgatio trinum 10
nundinum ? ubi poena recenti lege lunia et Licinia ? Possuntne
hae leges esse ratae sine interitu legum reliquarum? Eccui
potestas in forum insinuandi fuit ? Quae porro ilia tonitrua !

divide the land reclaimed among the poorer
Roman citizens ; \wpav d\Xr]v re vro\\i)v
«at TT)V tv TOIS (\€<n rots Hovrivois as
Ke\uaiJi.tvois 77877 Kal ycupyetcrOai 8vvafj.(-
vois KXypovxyOrivai 8ta Aovtciov 'Avrojviov
dStA^ou SinjLapxovfTos eaijyrjaaTO. For
this commission to divide the lands, which
Cicero here magnifies into a division of all
Italy, cp. IT. 6, 13; 2. 3, 6 note. The law
appointing the commissioners was annulled as
being carried illegally. See also 6. 5, 14.

3. Augur verecundus, &c., 'but our
augur is bashful about interpreting the au
spices without his colleagues.' Cp. 10. 6,
13 ' Homo verecundus in Macedonian! non
accedit.' De introduces the subject-matter
of his bashfulness, in a manner more common
with verbs; but cp. pro Sest. 33, 72 'Quae
etiam collegae eius moderatio de me.'

4 love tonante. Cp. de Div. 2. 18,
42 'In nostris commentariis scriptum ha-
bemus, love tonante, fulgurante, comitia po-
puli haberi nefas;' and see 2. 38, 99 note.

5. Plebi. So the Vatican MS. here and
in c. 4, 9. The form is defended and illus
trated by Drakenborch on Livy 2. 43.

6. Ille biennium, &c. It is doubt
ful who are meant by 'ille' and ' iste.' The
latter would seem to refer to Antony, work
ing through his tools, the tribunes of the
commons. 'Ille' then must be Caesar, and
the meaning is, ' Caesar limited the tenure
even of a consular province to two years,
Antony has extended it to six.' In 8. 9,
28 Antony is represented as demanding that
he should hold his province for jive years,
perhaps by way of moderation. Otherwise
' ille' and ' iste' might refer to the two pro
posers of the change, the one advocating
the tenure of praetorian provinces for two

years, the other that of consular pro
vinces for six. This seems less likely, partly
because there would be no object in thus
dividing the measure, partly because it loses
the contemptuous force of ' iste,' so appro
priately used of Antony. Halm reads ' hie,'
apparently adopting the latter interpretation ;
Kayser ' hi,' from A. W. Zumpt. For the
'Lex lulia de provinciis' cp. i. 8, 19; 2.
42, 109.

10. Lex Caecilia et Didia, passed
by the Consuls Q. Caecilius Mctellus Nepos,
and T. Didius, 98 B.C., and requiring that
every law should be published on three suc
cessive 'nundinae' before it was proposed.
This law and the ' Lex lunia et Licinia' were
considered by Cicero two of the 'remcdia
rei publicae,' Att. 2. 9, I.

Trinum nundinum. This passage,
with de Dom. 1 6, 41 'Quod in ceteris legi-
bus trinum nundinum esse oportet, id in
adoptione satis est trium esse hor.uum,' seems
to show that 'trinum nundinum' was ori
ginally a syncopated genitive plural (see on
2. 17, 43\ though afterwards, like ' sester-
tium ' (see on 2. 37, 95) it came to be treated
as a neuter singular, as in Livy 3. 35 ' Post-
quam comitia decemviris creandis in trinum
nundinum indicta sunt;' Quint. 2. 4, 35
4 Rogatio sive non trino forte nundino pro
mulgata. sive non idoneo die.'

11. Lege lunia et Licinia, passed by
the Consuls D. lunius Silanus and L. Licinius
Murena, 62 B.C., against introducing laws
without due notice, ' ne clam aerario legun
ferri liceret.'

13. Insinuandi, 'of making their way
into the forum.' 'Insinuo' is more generally
used with the reflective pronoun, but cp.
Fam. 4. 13, 6 'In ipsius consuetudinem

I46 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 3-4.

quae tempestas! ut, si auspicia M. Antonium non moverent,
sustinere tamen eum ac ferre posse tantam vim tempestatis,
imbris ac turbinum, mirum videretur. Quam legem igitur se
augur dicit tulisse non modo tonante love, sed prope caelesti

5 clamore prohibente, hanc dubitabit contra auspicia latam con-
fiteri ? Quid ? quod cum eo collega tulit, quern ipse fecit sua 9
nuntiatione vitiosum, nihilne ad auspicia bonus augur pertinere
arbitratus est ? Sed auspiciorum nos fortasse erimus interpretes, 4
qui sumus eius collegae. Num ergo etiam armorum interpretes

10 quaerimus ? Primum omnes fori aditus ita saepti, ut, etiam si
nemo obstaret armatus, tarnen nisi saeptis revulsis introiri in
forum nullo modo posset : sic vero Grant disposita praesidia,
ut, quo modo hostium aditus urbe prohibentur, ita castellis et
operibus ab ingressione fori populum tribunosque plebi propul-

15 sari videres. Ouibus de causis eas leges, quas M. Antonius 10
tulisse dicitur, omnes censeo per vim et contra auspicia latas
iisque legibus populum non teneri. Si quam legem de actis
Caesaris confirmandis deve dictatura in perpetuum tollenda deve
colonis in agros deducendis tulisse M. Antonius dicitur, easdem

20 leges de integro, ut populum teneant, salvis auspiciis ferri placet.
Quamvis enim res bonas vitiose per vimque tulerit, tamen eae
leges non sunt habendae, omnisque audacia gladiatoris amentis
auctoritate nostra repudianda est. Ilia vero dissipatio pecuniae n
publicae ferenda nullo modo est, per quam sestertium sepliens

insinunbo.' The later MSS. have ' introeundi,' I, 2 'Ergo ille (L. Caesar) avunculus ; num

a manifest gloss for the less usual but more etiam vos avunculi, qui illi estis assensi?'
expressive word. Antony had so blocked 16. Censeo, 'I give my formal vote.'

the entrance, that no management could See 3. 15, 37 note.

procure a passage. See below, c. 4, 9. 17. Si quam legem, &c. The meining

I. Si auspicia, &c., 'if his religious feel- of this seems to be that Antony, by illegally

ingcouldnotbe aroused, the storm was enough passing measures to suit his own purposes,

to break down any ordinary physical powers.' had thrown such suspicion over all his

5. Clamore depends on prohibente; acts, that even his beneficial measures, for
' when Jupiter was not only thundering, but the more security, had better be formally
absolutely stopping all action by his uproar re-enacted. The dictatorship had been
in the sky.' abolished, and Caesar's acts confirmed, by

6. Cum eo collega. Dolabella. See a decree of the senate, not by a Liw, but
on 2. 33, 82 foil. the argument would equally apply to both.

8. Nos fortasse erimus interpretes. 21. Quamvis here qualifies bonas,
He no longer expresses himself with the and leges is the predicate of the apodo>is.
same confidence as in 2. 33. 83 ' Acta Do- ' However good the measures may have been
labellae necesse est aliquando ad nostrum which he passed irregularly and by force,
collegium deferantur.' yet they must not be considered laws.'

9. Num ergo, &c. The meaning of the 24. Sestertium septiens miliens.
arms at any rate was plain enough. Garato- Somewhat over 6,ooo,ooo/. of our money,
nius compares, for the rhetorical figure, 8. Cp. 2. 14, 35; 37, 93.

§§8-12. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 147

miliens falsis perscriptionibus donationibusque avertit, ut por-
tenti simile videatur tantam pecuniam populi Romani tarn brevi
tempore perire potuisse. Quid? illi immanes quaestus feren-
dine, quos M. Antonii tota exhausit domus? Decreta falsa
vendebat, regna, civitates, immunitates in aes accepta pecunia 5
iubebat incidi. Haec se ex commentariis C. Caesaris, quorum
ipse auctor erat, agere dicebat. Calebant in interiore aedium
parte totius rei publicae nundinae ; mulier, sibi felicior quam
viris, auctionem provinciarum regnorumque faciebat ; restitue-
bantur exsules quasi lege sine lege : quae nisi auctoritate senatus 10
rescinduntur, quoniam ingress! in spem rei publicae recuperandae
12 sumus, imago nulla liberae civitatis relinquetur. Neque solum
commentariis commenticiis chirographisque venalibus innumera-
bilis pecunia congesta in illam domum est, cum, quae vendebat
Antonius, ea se ex actis Caesaris agere diceret, sed senatus etiam 15
consulta pecunia accepta falsa referebat ; syngraphae obsigna-
bantur ; senatus consulta numquam facta ad aerarium defere-
bantur. Huius turpitudinis testes erant etiam exterae nationes.
Foedera interea facta, regna data, populi provinciaeque liberatae,
ipsarumque rerum falsae tabulae geniente populo Romano toto 20
Capitolio figebantur. Quibus rebus tanta pecunia una in domo

I. Falsis perscriptionibus, 'by Syngraphae, 'contracts were signed

forged entries.' ' Perscriptio ' is a memo- and sealed.' Notably that with Deiotarus ;

randum of money spent, not yet formally see 2. 37, 95 note.

entered in the account book. Cp pro Rose. 17. Ad aerarium. Laws and decrees

Com. 2, 5 'Siuim codicem (ledger) testis loco of the senate, after being exposed to public

recitare arrogantiae est ; snarum perscrip- view for a sufficient time, were finally depo-

tionum et litterarnm adversaria proferre non sited, for safe custody, with the 'quaestores

amentia est?' The entries referred to were aerarii' in the treasury. Cp. Tac. Ann. 3.

forged in the papers which Antony produced 51 ' Factum senatus consultum ne decreta

as Caesar's. patrum ante diem decimum ad aerarium

Avertit, 'he has embezzled,' 'turned deferrentnr; ' Livy 39. 4 ' Qui per infrequen-

to his own use;' cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 19,49 tl'am furtim factum senatus consultum ad

'^Si doceo te non minus domum tuam aver- aerarium detulerit.' Originally, from the

tisse quam Romam misisse.' time of the abolition of the decemvirate,

5. Immunitates, &c. See 2. 36, 92 decrees of the senate had been placed in
notes. the temple of Ceres, under the care of

6. Commentariis. See I. r, 2 note. the aediles. See Livy 3. 55. In 12. 5,

7. Ipse auctor. Cp. 2. 14. 35 note. 12 and 13. 9, 19 Cicero uses the ex-

8. Quam viris. Two of whom, P. pression ' delata,' without specifying the
Clodius and C. Curio, she had outlived. place.

See 2. 44, 113 note. 19. Liberatae, sc. ' vectigalibus.' Cp.

10. Exsules. Cp. 2. 23, 56. 2. 38, 97.

1 6. Referebat. Sc. 'in tabulas ;' cp. 20. Toto Capitolio figebantur. So

Verr. Act. 2. 4 65, 146 'Cum iam non elsewhere of Caesar's decrees, genuine or

solum discessio facta est, sed etiam perscrip- forged, 2. 36, 91 ; 37, 93; 38, 97; 12. 5,

turn atque in tabulas relatum.' 12.

L 2,

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 4—8.

coacervata est, ut, si hoc t genus pene in unum redigatur, non
sit pecunia rei publicae defutura.

Legem etiam iudiciariam tulit, homo castus atque integer, 5
iudiciorum et iuris auctor. In quo nos fefellit. Antesignanos et
5 manipulares et Alaudas iudices se constituisse dicebat. At ille
legit aleatores, legit exsules, legit Graecos. O consessum iudi-
cum praeclarum ! o dignitatem consilii admirandam ! Avet 13
animus apud consilium illud pro reo dicere. Cydam Cretensem,
portentum insulae, hominem audacissimum et perditissimum.

10 Sed fac non esse : num Latine scit? num est ex iudicum genere
et forma ? num, quod maximum est, leges nostras moresve
novit? num denique homines? est enim Creta vobis notior quam
Roma Cydae ; dilectus autem et notatio iudicum etiam in nostris
civibus haberi solet. Cortynium vero iudicem quis novit aut

*5 quis nosse potuit? Nam Lysiaden Atheniensem plerique novi-
mus ; est enim Phaedri, philosophi nobilis, films, homo praeterea

I. Hoc genus pene. &c. This is the
reading of the Vatican MS , and no satisfac
tory emendation has been proposed. The
other MSS. omit ' pene,' for which ' pecu-
niae' and 'penu' (itself a form only quoted
by grammarians from Afranius) have been
suggested. The meaning is clear, 'could all
this treasure be realised ;' but the reading
seems hopeless. P R. Mtiller suggests ' si
hoc genus populi in usum redigatur,' but
even with this violent alteration he leaves
'genus' unexplained. Halm proposes 'si
hoc ingens fenus.' The right reading may
perhaps be, as has been suggested by Pro
fessor Conington, ' si hoc genus omne in
unum redigatur/ ' if all these various kinds
of treasure could be reduced to one, viz.
money.'

cr. 5, 6. Especially his laiu with respect
to the ' indicium* must be repealed. It was
bad enough at first sight that centurions and
even private soldiers of a foreign legion
shonld be indiscriminately admitted to the
judicial bench. But the reality was even
worse: among the best of the new ' indices'
were aliens and gamblers, men either un
known in Rome, or better known than liked,
men over whom the praetor could have no
control, some of them even ignorant of the
Latin language. And after these came all
the dregs of Antonys revellers; the sole
object of the law being to secure impunity for
crimes which could not possibly escape before
a decently re>p°c'able tribunal. Such a law
was a deep disgrace to the whole country,

and even had it been legally passed, must
needs have been annulled.

3. Legem iudiciariam. See on I. 8,
19 foil.

5. At ille legit, &c. What he ac
knowledged was bad enough, that he ap
pointed men who had no position to
guarantee their integrity, private soldiers, of
foreign extraction. Yet these at least were
Roman citizens, and had not forfeited their
reputation. 'Those whom he really chose
were even worse, gamesters, exiles, even
Greeks. A noble bench of jurymen, a court
of truly wondrous dignity!' Cp. Att. I. 16,
3 'Non enim umquam turpior in ludo
talario consessus fuit.'

8. Cydam. Sc. 'legit.' ' Cydas ' was
a common name in Cortyna, but this man
is otherwise unknown.

10. Ex iudicum genere et forma, 'of
the breed and stamp of men of whom we
make our jurymen.'

13. Dilectus, &c., ' even among our own
citizens we exercise some choice and discrimi
nation.' Cp. I. 8, 20 ' Census praefiniebatur.'

15. Nam Lysiaden, &c. 'Nam' carries
on the connection rather of Cicero's thoughts
than of his words. 'Who could be ex
pected to know a juryman from Cortyna;
this is worse than all, for men like Lysiades
at least we know.'

16. Phaedrus was the president of the
Epicurean school when Cicero was at Athens,
80 B.C. Cp. de Nat. Deor. I. 33, 93; de
Fin. I. 5, 16.

§§12-15. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 149

festivus, ut ei cum Curio, consessore eodemque collusore, facil-

14 lime possit convenire. Quaero igitur, si Lysiades citatus iudex
non respondent excuseturque Areopagites esse nee debere eodem
tempore Romae et Athenis res iudicare : accipietne excusatio-
nem is, qui quaestioni praeerit, Graeculi iudicis, modo palliati, 5
modo togati? an Atheniensium antiquissimas leges negliget?
Qui porro ille consessus, di boni ! Cretensis iudex, isque nequis-
simus. Quern ad modum ad hunc reus alleget ? quo modo
accedat ? dura natio est. At Athenienses misericordes. Puto ne
Curium quidem esse crudelem, qui periculum fortunae quotidie ID
facit. Sunt item lecti iudices, qui fortasse excusabuntur ; habent
enim legitimam excusationem, exsilii causa solum vertisse nee

15 esse postea restitutes. Hos ille demens iudices legisset, horum
nomina ad aerarium detulisset, his magnam partem rei publicae

6 credidisset, si ullam speciem rei publicae cogitavisset ? Atque 15
ego de notis iudicibus dixi : quos minus nostis, nolui nominare :
saltatores, citharistas, totum denique comissationis Antonianae
chorum in tertiam decuriam iudicum scitote esse coniectum.
En causam cur lex tarn egregia tamque praeclara maximo
imbri, tempestate, ventis, procellis, turbinibus, inter fulmina et 20
tonitrua ferretur, ut eos iudices haberemus, quos hospites habere

I. Ut ei cum Curio, &c., 'so that he the testimony of ancient authors, of cunning,

would have no difficulty in agreeing with avarice, treachery, disloyalty, and piracy ;

Curius, his partner on the bench and at the but their cruelty, except so far as it might

gaming table.' be involved in the other faults, does not

3. Areopagites esse. A Greek con- seem to be elsewhere recorded,

struption, perhaps introduced to suit the At Athenienses. This at least cannot

nationality of Lysiades. Cp. Catull. 4. I. be said against them all. Lysiades is of a

' Phaselus ille quern videtis hospites nation noted for its clemency.

Ait fuisse navium celerrimus.' n. Lecti, ' chosen by Antony.'

5. Is qui quaestioni praeerit, &c., 12. Legitimam excusationem. Ab-

* will the presiding praetor admit the excuse scnce from Rome on the service of the state

of the Greekling juryman, clad now in was a valid plea for escaping the burden of the

Greek, and now in Roman garb?' ' iudicium,' and these men had been required

8. Quern ad modum. So the Vatican by the state to go abroad. Cp. pro Quiuct. 28,
MS. ' How shall a prisoner get an advocate 86 ' Exsilii causa solum vertisse ;' Juv. II. 49
to plead before this man?' 'Allegare' is ' Qui vertere solum Baias et ad Ostia current.'
used in private matters as 'legare' in public, 15. Si ullam speciem, &c., 'had any
' to employ a representative.' Cp. Fam. 15. form of commonwealth been in his thoughts.'
4, 16 'Extremum illud est, ut philosophiam 18. In tertiam decuriam. See i. 8,
ad te allegem.' In post-Augustan Latin it 19 and 20 notes.

obtains the meaning ' to allege.' The other 19. Maximo imbri, &c. See above,

MSS. have ' quern ad hunc,' 'what advocate c. 3, 8.

shall he employ?' 21. Quos hospites. So the Vatican MS.

9. Dura natio est. J. Meursius, in his The others have ' quos socios ad epulas hos-
account of Crete, gives a long list of the pites,' the additional words bearing evident
vices of the Cretans, convicting them, on signs of being a gloss to interpret ' hospitc

tes.

150 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 6-7.

nemo velit. Scelerum magnitude, conscientia maleficiorum,
direptio eius pecuniae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est, hanc
tertiam decuriam excogitavit : nee ante turpes iudices quaesiti
quam honestis iudicibus nocentium salus desperata est. Sed 16
5 illud os, illam impuritatem caeni fuisse, ut hos indices legere
auderet ! quorum lectione duplex imprimeretur rei publicae
dedecus : unum, quod tarn turpes iudices essent ; alterum, quod
patefactum cognitumque esset, quam multos in civitate turpes
haberemus. Hanc ergo et reliquas eius modi leges, etiam si sine

to vi salvis auspiciis essent rogatae, censerem tamen abrogandas :
mine vero cur abrogandas censeam, quas iudico non rogatas ?

An ilia non gravissimis ignominiis monumentisque huius 17
ordinis ad posteritatis memoriarn sunt notanda, quod unus M.
Antonius in hac urbe post conditam urbem palam secum ha-

15 buerit armatos ? quod neque reges nostri fecerunt ncque ii, qui
regibus exactis regnum occupare voluerunt. Cinnam memini,
vidi Sullam, modo Caesarem : hi enim tres post civitatem a L.
Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa res publica. Non
possum affirmare nullis telis eos stipatos fuisse : hoc dico nee

20 multis et occultis. At hanc pestem agmen armatorum seque- is

2. Ratio confecta est, 'the tale of would be an acknowledgment that they had

which was duly stored.' There appears been constitutionally passed,
here to be a confusion of ideas between cc. 6, 7. Urging the enormity of Antony* s

1 rationem conficere,' ' to make up one's offence in bringing armed men into the

accounts,' (cp. Fam. 5. 20, 2 ' Rationes con- senate-house, Cicero strengthens his proposal

fectas collatas,') and ' pecuniam conficere,' to annul the laws of Antony, by passing in

'to gather money together,' cp. pro Flacc. review his conduct towards the senate. On

9, 20 ' Duae rationes conficiendae pecuniae.' the 1st of September he threatened to pull

5. Fuisse. The later MSS. have ' fecis- down Cicero s house for being absent, though
sent,' but the exclamation of indignant sur- there was no pressing business to discuss ;
prise suits better here. It was bad enough and having been absent himself when Cicero
to work out the idea of the third decuria ; delivered his first Philippic oration, he spent
but to think of the shamelessness, the foul seventeen days in drinking and declaiming
iniquity that dared to choose such jurymen in Scipio's villa, by way of preparing a
as these to sit in it! Cp. Fam. 14. I, I reply. On the occasion of its delivery,
* Me miserum ! te, ista virtute, fide, probi nothing but absence could have saved Cicero
tate, humanitate in tantas aerumnas propter from the violence of Antony and his brother
me incidisse.' Lucius; and all Antony's policy since that

6. Imprimeretur. The subjunctive is time had consisted in plundering and dis
used, because the proposition sets forth, not tributing to his ruffians the property of
the identity, but the character of the jury- honest men.

men, who were such that by choosing them 12. Gravissimis ignominiis, &c.,

a double disgrace was inflicted on the state ; 'is not this to be handed down to posterity

first, the corruption of the judicial bench; with the record of the deepest ignominy

and secondly, the revelation that such repro- which this senate can inflict ?'
bates were so numerous in Rome. 15. Armatos. The tyrant's bodyguard.

ii. Nunc vero, &c. His only reason See i. n, 27 note,
for not proposing their repeal was that this 16. Cinnam, &c. Cp. 2. 42, 108.

§§15-20. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 151

batur : Cassius, Mustela, Tiro, gladios ostentantes, sui similes
greges ducebant per forum ; certum agminis locum tenebant bar-
bari sagittarii. Cum autem erat ventum ad aedem Concordiae,
gradus complebantur, lecticae collocabantur, non quo ille scuta
occulta esse vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, labo- 5
7 rarent. Illud vero taeterrimum non modo adspectu, sed etiam
auditu, in cella Concordiae collocari armatos, latrones, sicarios ;
de templo carcerem fieri ; opertis valvis Concordiae, cum inter
subsellia senatus versarentur latrones, patres conscriptos senten-

19 tias dicere. Hue nisi venirem Kalendis Septembribus, etiam 10
fabros se missurum et domum meam clisturbaturum esse dixit.
Magna res, credo, agebatur : de supplicatione referebat. Veni
postridie : ipse non venit. Locutus sum de re publica, minus
equidem libere quam mea consuetudo, liberius tamen quam peri-
culi minae postulabant. At ille homo vehemens et violentus, qui 15
hanc consuetudinem libere dicendi excluderet — fecerat enim hoc
idem maxima cum laude L. Piso triginta diebus ante — , inimici-
tias mihi denuntiavit ; adesse in senatum iussit a. d. XIII Kalendas
Octobres. Ipse interea septemdecim dies de me in Tiburtino
Scipionis declamitavit, sitim quaerens : haec enim ei causa esse 20

20 declamandi solet Cum is dies, quo me adesse iusserat, venisset,
turn vero agmine quadrato in aedem Concordiae venit atque in
me absentem orationem ex ore impurissimo evomuit. Quo die,

1. Cassius. Perhaps Barba Cassius, who leave a door of reconciliation open. See
is mentioned in connection with Mustela introd. to the first oration.

and Tiro 13. 2, 3. For these latter see on 15. Qui . . . excluderet, 'violent to the

2. 4, 8. Two MSS. have Classicius. extent of barring this habit of free speech.'

2. Certum agminis locum, 'marched 16. Fecerat enim, &c. The parenthetic
in regular column.' clause is apparently introduced to explain

Barbari. The Ituraeans. 866002.8,19. and justify the word 'consuetudinem.' The

4. Non quo . . . vellet. See on I. 4, 9. speech of L. Piso was on the 1st of August.

6. Non modo adspectu, sed etiam Cp. I. 4, 10.

auditu. This is Halm's reading, from a 18. A. d. xni Kal. Oct. On the igth

conjecture of P. R. Miiller, based on a com- of September Antony delivered the speech

parison of the Vatican reading ' non modo to which the second Philippic is supposed

auditus sed etiam aspectu' (which involves to be an answer. See introd. to the second

an anticlimax, unless it might be, ' a dis- oration.

grace which is not merely a matter of 19. In Tiburtino Scipionis. Cp. 2.

report, but of ocular witness,') with 2. 25, 17, 42.

63 'O rem non modo visu foedam, sed 20. Sitim quaerens, 'to stimulate his

etiam auditu.' The other MSS. have 'auditu, thirst.' Hence his use of the exaggeration

non modo aspectu.' ' declamitavit,' rather than ' commentatus

8. Opertis valvis. Cp. 2. 44, 112 est,' which he employs in his account of

' Cur valvae Concordiae non patent ?' the same matter to Q.. Cassius, Fam. 12.

10. Kal. Sept., the day before the first 2, I. Some MSS. insert the words ' ut

Philippic was delivered. Cp. I. 5, 12. digestio potius quam declamatio videreiiur,'

13. Minus libere. As he still wished to which seem to be a gloss.

152 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 7-9.

si per amicos mihi cupienti in senatum venire licuisset, caedis
initium fecisset a me ; sic enim statuerat. Cum autem semel
gladium scelere imbuisset nulla res ei finem caedendi nisi defati-
gatio et satietas attulisset. Etenim aderat Lucius frater, gladiator
5 Asiaticus, qui myrmillo Mylasis depugnarat ; sanguinem nostrum
sitiebat, suum in ilia gladiatoria pugna multum profuderat. Hie
pecunias vestras aestimabat ; possessiones notabat et urbanas
et rusticas ; huius mendicitas aviditate coniuncta in fortunas
nostras imminebat ; dividebat agros quibus et quos volebat ;

10 nullus aditus erat private, nulla aequitatis deprecatio : tantum
quisque habebat possessor, quantum reliquerat divisor Antonius.
Quae quamquam, si leges irritas fcceritis, rata esse non possunt, 21
tamen separatim suo nomine notanda censeo, iudicandumque
nullos septemviros fuisse, nihil placere ratum esse, quod ab iis

15 actum diceretur.

M. vero Antonium quis est qui civem possit iudicare potius 8
quam taeterrimum et crudelissimum hostem, qui pro aede Cas-
toris seclens audiente populo Romano dixerit, nisi victorem
victurum neminem ? Num putatis, patres conscripti, dixisse eum

20 minacius quam facturum fuisse? Quid vero, quod in contione
diccre ausus est, se, cum magistratu abisset, ad urbem futurum

5. Myrmillo. See on 3. 12, 31. Of 00.8,9. Antony had persistently endea-
the circumstance to which Cicero alludes voured to bring about a reign of terror,
we have no record except his own repeated He had threatened his opponents with death,
taunts. Cp. c. II, 30; 6. 4, 10; 7. 6, 17. and all the people with slavery; he had
Mylasa was the principal city of Caria. gone to Bnmdisium to get forces adequate

6. Multum profuderat, 'he had for his purpose, and finding that the troops
poured forth unsparingly.' refused to be his tools, he took a murderous

8. Aviditate coniuncta. For the revenge on their centurions. C. Caesar of-

use of the ablative cp. 3. 14, 35 ' Ea sum- fered to oppose him, and Antony was pre-

ma mistria est summo dedecore coniuncta ;' pared to move that he should be declared

and see Madv. § 268 a. Obs. 2. a public enemy, had not the defection of his

10. Nullus aditus privato, &c., 'no legions caused him to flee in panic from

one who had been deprived of his lands the city. Even then he persevered in his evil

could obtain an audience, no arguments of designs, marching on Cisalpine Gaul, and

equity could prevail on him to spare.' Cp. besieging D. Brutus in Mutina. He, a

c. 19, 53; and 7. 6, 1 8 ' Queretur expulsos/ Roman citizen, Tvas waging against Rome

where ' expulsi ' seems to be the same as a war more savage and destructive than any

' privati.' foreign foe had ever done: and yet men

12. Si leges irritas feceritis, &c. hesitated to declare him an enemy, and were

Cicero might have been content to let the for sending envoys to him, thus loivering the

commission of the 'septemviri' and their acts dignity of the senate, cooling the general

fall through in the general annulling of ardour for war, and losing precious time,

Antony's laws, but the special iniquity of without a chance of doing good.

them seemed to call for individual notice, 18. Nisi victorem, &c. Cp. 3. II, 27.

and to require every care that they should 20. Quam facturum fuisse. For this

not be allowed to stand for want of atten- attraction from the finite verb after 'quam'

tion being drawn to them. see Madv. § 402 c.

§§20-23. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 153

cum exercitu, introiturum quotienscumque vellet, quid erat aliud

22 nisi denuntiare populo Romano servitutem ? Quod autem eius
iter Brundisium ! quae festinatio ! quae spes, nisi ad urbem vel
in urbem potius exercitum maximum adduceret? Qui autem
dilectus centurionum ! quae effrenatio impotentis animi ! Cum 5
eius promissis legiones fortissimae reclamassent, domum ad se ve
nire iussit centuriones, quos bene sentire de re publica cognoverat,
eosque ante pedes suos uxorisque suae, quam secum gravis im-
perator ad exercitum duxerat, iugulari coe'git. Quo animo hunc
futurum fuisse censetis in nos, quos oderat, cum in eos, quos 10
numquam viderat, tarn crudelis fuisset? et quam avidum in pecu-
niis locupletium, qui pauperurn sanguinem concupisset ? quorum
ipsorum bona, quantacumque erant, statim suis comitibus com-

23 potoribusque descripsit. Atque ille furens infesta iam patriae
signa a Brundisio inferebat, cum C. Caesar deorum immortalium 15
beneficio, divina animi, ingenii, consilii magnitudine, quamquam
sua sponte eximiaque virtute, tamen approbatione auctoritatis
meae colonias patrias adiit, veteranos milites convocavit, paucis
diebus exercitum fecit, incitatos latronum impetus retardavit.
Postea vero quam legio Martia ducem praestantissimum vidit, 20
nihil egit aliud nisi ut aliquando liberi essemus : quam est imi-

9 tata quarta legio. Quo ille nuntio audito cum senatum vocasset
adhibuissetque consularem, qui sua sententia C. Caesarem hostem

I. Quotienscumque vellet. Consti- 6. Reclamassent, 'had shouted dis-

tutionally a military commander lost his approval.' Cp. Fam. I. 2, 2 ' Orationi

'imperium' by entering the city. See on reclamare,' and see on 4. -2, 5.

I. 2, 6; and on c. 16, 45. 14. Descripsit, 'he portioned off.' Cp.

3. Iter Brundisium. See 2. 30, 76 pro Place. 14, 32 'Descripsit pecuniam ad

note. Pompeii rationem.'

Nisi ad urbem. So the Vatican MS. 16. Divina. So Halm, for ' divini,'

Some MSS. have 'nisi ut ad urbem,' but not from a conjecture of Madvig's, supported

only would the construction 'spes ut' be by one MS.

a very unusual one, (cp. Lael. 19, 68 Quamquam sua sponte, &c., ' un-
' Spem adferunt ut fructus appareat'), but prompted, it is true, save by his own
the clause introduced by ' nisi ' is evidently unrivalled virtue, yet with the full sanction
meant to give the grounds, not the sub- of my authority.' Cp. Att. 16. 8, 2 'Con
stance of his hope. sultabat, utrum Romam cum tribus milibus

5. Dilectus centurionum, 'assembling veteranorum proficisceretur,anCapuam tene-

of the centurions.' See 3. 2, 4 note. Some ret ... an iret ad tres legiones Macedonicas.'

MSS. have ' delectus,' but though the verb 18. Patrias, 'which his father had

'diligo' is never used of levying or assem- founded.'

bling soldiers, the form 'dilectus' is often 20. Ducem praestantissimum. Of

found in the best MSS. both as substantive this he had at least hitherto given no proof,

and as past participle. having held no military command.

Effrenatio. dna£ ciprjufvov,' what unbri- 21. Nihil egit aliud, &c., ' it strove for

died fury of an ill-regulated temper.' Cp. Hor. nothing else except our freedom.'

Od. i. 37, 10 'Quidlibet impotens sperare.' 23. Consularem, &c. We know from

154 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 9-10.

iudicaret, repente concidit. Post autem, neque sacrifices sollem- 24
nibus factis neque votis nuncupatis, non profectus est, sed pro-
fugit paludatus. At quo ? In provinciam firmissimorum civium,
qui ilium, ne si ita quidem venisset, ut nullum bellum inferret,
5 ferre potuissent, impotentem, iracundum, contumeliosum, super-
bum, semper poscentem, semper rapientem, semper ebrium. At
ille, cuius ne pacatam quidem nequitiam quisquam ferre posset,
bellum intulit provinciae Galliae ; circumsedet Mutinam, firmis-
simam et splendidissimam populi Romani coloniam ; oppugnat

10 D. Brutum imperatorem, consulem designatum, civem non sibi, sed
nobis et rei publicae natum. Ergo Hannibal hostis, civis Anto- 25
nius? Quid ille fecit hostiliter, quod hie non aut fecerit aut
faciat aut moliatur et cogitet? Totum iter Antoniorum quid
habuit nisi depopulationes, vastationes, caedes, rapinas ? quas

15 non faciebat Hannibal, quia multa ad usum suum reservabat : at
hi, qui in horam viverent, non modo de fortunis et de bonis
civium, sed ne de utilitate quidem sua cogitaverunt.

Ad hunc, di boni ! legates mitti placet ? Norunt isti homines
formam rei publicae, iura belli, exempla maiorum ? cogitant quid

3. 8, 20 that the consular in question hnd does not find a parallel in what Antony

come into the senate with his vote ready either has done, or is doing, or is at least

written down. 'Though he had procured a contriving and planning.'
consular to pronounce Octavianus an enemy 14. Quas. Some MSS. have ' quae,' as

by formal vote.' in de Nat. Deor. 3. 24, 6 1 ' Nemo fortunam

1. Concidit, 'he collapsed:' cp. 2.42, ab inconstantia et temeritate seiuuget, quae
107 ' concidisti.' digna certe non sum deo:' see Madv.

2. Votis nuncupatis. See 3. 4, II § 3153.

note. He there represents Antony as At hi is adopted by Halm and most

having pronounced the vows, but left the editors from the conjecture of Naugerius,

sacrifices unperformed. (1519,) in the place of the ungrammatical

Non profectus est, sed profugit. reading of the Vatican MS. ' haec.' The

Cp. c. 11,30 'Post discessum latronis vel other "MSS. have ' haec hi,' or ' haec ii,'

potius desperatam fr.gam;' and 13. 9, 19 except one which has ' et hii.' The 'at*

4 Egressus est non viis, sed tramitibus pain- might easily have dropped out after ' re-

datus, ... ex eo non iter, sed cursus et fuga servabat.'
in Gailiam.' 16. Q_ui in horam viverent, 'who

3. Firmissimorum. Most editions lived but for the passing hour.' Cp. 'In
add 'et fortissimorum,' which is added by diem vivere,' 2. 34, 87. The subjunctive
a later hand in the Vatican MS., but seems is due to the causal force of the relative.

to be a gloss, perhaps derived from 3. 15, Non modo is used thus for 'non

38. Kayser inserts the words in brackets. modo non,' only when the predicate is

8. Mutinam, now Modena. A colony, common to both clauses, so that the

with the full rights of Roman citizens, was negation which lies in ' ne quidem ' may

planted here in 183 B.C., to strengthen the be referred to the whole. See Madv.,

Roman frontier on the subjection of the § 461 b.
Boii. 1 8. Isti homines, 'the men you fa-

12. Hostiliter, 'so as to prove himself vour.' He is addressing Calenus, cp. c. 1, I

an enemy.' ' Tu, qui primus royatus es ;' and the

Quod hie non fecerit, &c,, 'which note.

§§23-27. O RATIO PHILIP PIC A V. 155

populi Romani maiestas, quid senatus severitas postulet? Le-
gatos decernis ? Si, ut deprecere, contemnet : si, ut imperes,
non audiet : denique quamvis severa legatis mandata dederimus,
nomen ipsum legatorum hunc, quern videmus, populi Romani
restinguet ardorem, municipiorum atque Italiae franget animos. 5
Ut omittam haec, quae magna sunt, certe ista legatio moram

26 et tarditatem afferet bello. Quamvis dicant, quod quosdam
audio dicturos : ' legati proficiscantur : bellum nihilo minus
paretur,' tamen legatorum nomen ipsum et animos hominum et

10 belli celeritatem morabitur. Minimis momentis, patres con- 10
scripti^ maximae inclinationes temporum nunt, cum in 'omni
casu rei publicae, turn in bello et maxime civili, quod opinione
plerumque et fama gubernatur. Nemo quaeret, quibus cum
mandatis legatos miserimus : nomen ipsum legationis ultro mis-
sae timoris esse signum videbitur. Recedat a Mutina, desinat 15
oppugnare Brutum, decedat ex Gallia : non est verbis rogandus,

27 cogendus est armis. Non enim ad Hannibalem mittimus ut
a Sagunto recedat, ad quern miserat olim senatus P. Valerium
Flaccum et Q. Baebium Tampilum, qui, si Hannibal non pareret,
Karthaginem ire iussi erant : — nostros quo iubemus ire, si non 20
paruerit Antonius ? — ad nostrum civem mittimus, ne impera-
torern, ne coloniam populi Romani oppugnet. Itane vero ? hoc
per legatos rogandum est? Quid interest, per deos immortales !
utrum hanc urbem oppugnet an huius urbis propugnaculum,
coloniam populi Romani praesidii causa collocatam ? Belli 25

4. Hunc, &c., 'will quench the ardour non absisteretur bello, ad ducem ipsum in

now apparent in the Roman people, and poenam foederis rupti deposcendum.' The

crush the spirits of the burghers throughout name of the latter envoy is recovered from

Italy.' the passage in Livy, the MSS. of Cicero

c. 10. An embassy would be interpreted having ' vebium pamphilum.' When Han-

as indicating fear; and it was not like nibal would not listen to terms, remon-

opening negotiations with a foreign general, strances could be made to his government,

because there was no further authority to to which he could not refuse obedience ;

which they could appeal, if Antony refused if Antony proved obstinate, there was no

compliance. In dealing with a rebellious ulterior court of appeal.
citizen, the dignified course was to compel 22. Itane vero? 'is it then come to

him to submit, instead of begging him to this ?'
have compassion on his country. 24. Propugnaculum, 'an outpost.' Cp.

10. Minimis momentis, &c., 'the de Leg. Agrar. 2. 27, 74 'Est operae pre-

smallest impulses bring about the greatest tium diligentiam maiorum recordari, qui

changes in events.' colonias sic idoneis in locis contia snspicio-

18. Miserat olim, &c., in 218 B.C. nem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non oppida

Cp. Livy 21. 6 'Legati missi, P. Valerius Italiae, sed propugnacula imperil videreutur.'

Flaccus et CL Baebius Tampilus, Saguntum See above on c. 9, 24.
ad Hannibalem, atque inde Karthaginem, si

156 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 10-12.

Punici secundi, quod contra maiores nostros Hannibal gessit,
causa fuit Sagunti oppugnatio. Recte ad eum legati missi :
mittebantur ad Poenum, mittebantur pro Hannibalis hostibus,
nostris sociis. Quid simile tandem? nos ad civem mittimus, ne
5 imperatorem populi Romani, ne exercitum, ne coloniam circum-
sedeat, ne oppugnet, ne agros depopuletur, ne sit hostis.

Age, si paruerit, hoc cive uti aut volumus aut possumus ? Ante 11
diem xill Kalendas lanuarias decretis vestris eum concidistis : 28
constituistis ut haec ad vos Kalendis lanuariis referrentur, quae

10 rcferri videtis, de honoribus et praemiis bene de re publica meri-
torum et merentium : quorum principem iudicastis eum, qui
fuit, C. Caesarem, qui M. Antonii impetus nefarios ab urbe in
Galliam avertit : turn milites veteranos, qui primi Caesarem
secuti sunt, atque illas caelestes divinasque legiones Martiam et

15 quartam comprobastis, quibus, cum consulem suum non modo
reliquissent, sed bello etiam persequerentur, honores et praemia
spospondistis : eodemque die D. Bruti, praestantissimi civis,
edicto allato atque proposito, factum eius collaudastis, quodque
ille bellum private consilio susceperat, id vos auctoritate publica

20 comprobastis. Quid igitur illo die aliud egistis nisi ut hostem 29
iudicaretis Antonium? His vestris decretis aut ille vos aequo
animo adspicere poterit aut vos ilium sine dolore sum mo vide-

2. Sagunti oppugnatio. The siege question, when all parties in the state were

of Saguntum, memorable for the obstinate bent on crushing him. He had even gone

resistance of the inhabitants, was in viola- so far as to promise unlimited plunder to Ids

tion of the treaty between Rome and followers, and therefore it was surely time

Carthage, the Saguntines being in alliance to place the matter in the hands of the

with Rome. It was taken by Hannibal in Consuls, only offering an amnesty to those

218 B.C. who should at once return to their alle-

4. Quid simile tandem? 'Where is giance.

the analogy with the present case?' 7. Age, si paruerit. Even if he now

cc. n, 12. After the decrees passed on obeys, the time is past. Punishment, not

the 2Oth of December, Antony could only be negotiation, is what is now required. If we

dealt with as a public enemy. His presence would we could not, and if we could we

in Rome would be intolerable to honest men, would not treat him as a citizen.

and a mere nucleus of treason, even if he 8. Decretis vestris. See 3. 15.

should submit; but neither his oivn dis- Concidistis, ' you gave the death blow

loyally, nor the passions of his followers, to his hopes:' cp. ad Q^ Fr. 2. 4, I ' Vati-

would ever suffer him to yield, and the only nium arbitratu nostro concidimus.' So the

result of the embassy ivould be a further neuter ' concidit," above c. 9. 23. cp. 2. 42,

waste of precious time. Instant action was 107.

what was requisite; a tumult should be II. Qui fuit, 'of whom you rightly

declared, a universal levy held, all civil judged that C. Caesar was the chief.'

business should be suspended, and the military 17. D. Bruti edicto. See 3. 4, 8.

garb be generally assumed. Such prompti- 20. Quid aliud . . . nisi ut, &c.,

tude might overwhelm him, for it would 'what other object had you in view except

shou> that it was no longer a mere party to declare Antony a public enemy ?'

§§27-31. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A V. 157

bitis? Exclusit ilium a re publica, distraxit, segregavit non
solum scelus ipsius, sed etiam, ut mihi videtur, fortuna quaedam
rei publicae. Qui si legatis paruerit Romamque redierit, num
umquam perditis civibus vexillum quo concurrant defuturum
putatis ? Sed hoc minus vereor : sunt alia, quae magis timeam 5
et cogitem. Numquam parebit ille legatis : novi hominis in-
saniam, arrogantiam ; novi perdita consilia amicorum, quibus

so ille est deditus. Lucius quidem frater eius, utpote qui peregre
depugnarit, familiam ducit. Sit per se ipse sanus, quod num-
quam erit : per hos esse ei tamen non licebit. Teretur interea 10
tempus, belli apparatus refrigescent. Unde est adhuc bellum
tractum nisi ex retardatione et mora ? Ut primum post disces-
sum latronis vel potius desperatam fugam libere senatus haberi
potuit, semper flagitavi ut convocaremur. Quo die primum
convocati sumus, cum designati consules non adessent, ieci sen- 15
tentia mea maximo vestro consensu fundamenta rei publicae,
serius omnino quam decuit — nee enim ante potui — , sed tamen
si ex eo tempore dies nullus intermissus esset, bellum profecto

31 nullum haberemus. Omne malum nascens facile opprimitur :

inveteratum fit plerumque robustius. Sed turn exspectabantur 20
12 Kalendae lanuariae, fortasse non recte. Verum praeterita omit-
tamus. Etiamne hanc moram, dum proficiscantur legati ? dum
revertantur ? quorum exspectatio dubitationem belli affert : bello
autem dubio quod potest studium esse dilectus?

3. Num umquam. So Halm, follow- in the forefront of your philosophy.') Cp.

kig P. R. Miiller, from the Vatican reading Fam. 7. 5, 3.

' numquam.' The other MSS. have 'num 12. Tractum, 'prolonged,' equivalent to

quando.' • protractum ;' cp. Att. 10.8,2 ' Id quod

5. Minus vereor. Because the contin- maxime velim, pelli istum ab Hispania, aut

gency will never arise ; he will never obey. trahi id bellum.'

8. Peregre depugnarit. As a Myr- Ut primum, &c. See 3. i, I note,
millo at Mylasa. See on c. 7, 20. 17. Serius omnino, &c. Cp. the be-

9. Familiam ducit, ' heads the band,' ginning of the third oration.

not as captain or officer, but set in front as 21. Kalendae lanuariae. When the

the prime specimen of the lot. The ex- new Consuls entered on their office,

pression is taken from the practice of putting 22. Hanc moram. After these words

the finest man in the front of a gang of there is in the margin of the Vatican MS.,

slaves exposed for sale, to recommend the by a later hand, the word ' afferemus,' which

lot. So Qmntilian has 'classem ducere,' Kayser inserts, but Halm thinks it an un-

of a schoolboy, 'to be the show-boy of the necessary interpolation, the verb being

class,' i. 2. 2-4. Here the expression has frequently omitted, even in these orations,

peculiar point from the application of in similar rhetorical exclamations. Cp. 2.

' familia' to a school of gladiators. Cicero 29, 74 ' Tam bonus gladiator rudem tarn

elsewhere uses the expression metaphorically: cito?' and the note.

Fin. 4. 16, 45 'Gravissimam illam vestram 23. Quorum exspectatio, 'waiting

sententiam, quae familiam ducit,' (' stands for whom throws a doubt over the certainty

i58

M. TULLII CICERO NIS

cc. 12—13,

Guam ob rem, patres conscript!, legatorum mentionem nullam
censeo faciendam ; rem administrandam arbitror sine ulla mora
et confestim gerendam censeo ; tumultum decerni, iustitium
edici, saga sumi dico oportere, dilectum haberi sublatis vacati-
5 onibus in urbe et in Italia praeter Galliam tota. Quae si erunt 32
facta, opinio ipsa et fama nostrae severitatis obruet scelerati
gladiatoris amentiam. Sentiet sibi bellum cum re publica esse
susceptum, experietur consentientis senatus nervos atque vires :
nam mine quidem partium contentionem esse dictitat. Ouarum

10 partium ? Alteri victi sunt, alteri sunt e mediis C. Caesaris
partibus : nisi forte Caesaris partes a Pansa et Hirtio consulibus
et a nlio C. Caesaris oppugnari putamus. Hoc vero bellum non
est ex dissensione partium, sed ex nefaria spe perditissimorum
civium excitatum : quibus bona fortunaeque nostrae notatae

15 sunt et iam ad cuiusque opinionem distributae. Legi episto- 33
lam Antonii, quam ad quendam septemvirum, capitalem homi-
nem, collegam suum, miserat. ' Quid concupiscas tu videris :
quod concupiveris certe habebis.' En ad quern legates mitta-

of war, which stops all zeal in the levying
of troops.'

2. Censeo. See on 3. 9, 24.

Rem ad ministrandam,&c.,' we should
without delay determine on our line of
policy, and proceed at once to carry it into
effect.'

3. Tumultum. See on 8. I, 3, and
cp. 6, i, 2.

4. Sublatis vacationibus, 'with no
allowance of exemptions.' So in 326 B.C.,
on an alarm of an invasion of the Gauls,
L. Aemilitis was ordered ' Exercitum scribere
sine ulla vacalionisvenia' Livy 8. 20. 'Vaca-
tio,' ' exemption from further service,' on ac
count of illness, civil employment, completion
of the term of service, or the like, is to be
carefully distinguished from 'commeatus,'
' furlough,' or leave of absence for a time.

5. Praeter Galliam. In 8. 2, 6 and
Fam. II. 8, 2 he speaks of this levy as
being ' tota Italia,' without excepting Gaul;
but here, in his formal vote, he is naturally
more precise in his language. From 7. 8,
21 we learn that Antony was raising levies
in Gaul, which sufficiently accounts for its
exception. Cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2.

10. Alteri. &c., ' those favouring Antony
are conquered ; those opposing him are
found in the very heart of C. Caesar's
party.' Cicero's argument is that the

vote of Dec. 20 showed that Antony had
no party of his own in the senate, and
that the very people whom he might have
expected to enlist upon his side, the par
tisans of the dictator, were actively arrayed
against him. Manutius and other commen
tators take the former ' aHeri' to mean the
Pompeian party, but then the second 'alteri'
could only be ' the adherents of the dic
tator,' and it would be wholly without
point, and mere tautology, to say that they
were to be found in Caesar's party.

II. A Pansa et Hirtio. They were
both bound by ties of gratitude and friend
ship to the dictator, and now held the
consulship on his nomination.

14. Quibus, 'for whose benefit,' unless
the dative may be looked on as 5mmed:ately
depending on 'distributae,' 'among whom/
' notatae sunt et' being, as regards the
grammar, parenthetical.

15- Ad cuiusque opinionem ' to suit
the views of each :' cp. Verr. Act. 2. i. 51,
135 ' Iste, qui iam spe atque opinione
praedam illam devorasset.'

16. Septemvirum. See on 2. 38, 99.

Capitalem hominem, ' a gallows-
bird.' The word in this sense is generally
used of crimes rather than of their per
petrators, but cp. Cat. 2. 2, 3 'Tarn capi
talem hostem.'

§§31-35. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 159

mus, cui bellum moremur inferre : qui ne sort! quidem fortunas
nostras destinavit, sed libidini cuiusque nos ita addixit, ut ne
sibi quidem quidquam integrum, quod non alicui promissum
iam sit, reliquerit. Cum hoc, patres conscripti, bello, bello,
inquam, decertandum est, idque confestim : legatorum tarditas 5

34 repudianda est. Quapropter ne multa nobis quotidie decer-
nenda sint, consulibus totam rem publicam commendandum
censeo iisque permittendum, ut rem publicam defendant provi-
deantque ne quid res publica detrimenti accipiat, censeoque ut
iis, qui in exercitu M. Antonii sunt, ne sit ea res fraudi, si ante 10
Kalendas Februarias ab eo discesserint. Haec si censueritis,
patres conscripti, brevi tempore libertatem populi Romani auc-
toritatemque vestram recuperabitis : si autem lenius agetis,
tamen eadem, sed fortasse serius decernetis. De re publica,
quoad rettulistis, satis decrevisse videor. 15

13 Altera res est de honoribus : de quibus deinceps intelligo

35 esse dicendum. Sed qui ordo in sententiis rogandis servari
solet, eundem tenebo in viris fortibus honorandis. A Bruto
igitur, consule designate, more maiorum capiamus exordium :
cuius ut superiora omittam, quae sunt maxima ilia quidem, sed 20
adhuc hominum magis iudiciis quam publice laudata, quibus-
nam verbis eius laudes huius ipsius temporis consequi possu-

3. Integrum reliquerit, 'he has left thanks should be given to D. Brutus, who

nothing in his own power.' had saved his country by preserving Cis-

9. Ne quid detrimenti, &c. This alpine Gaul from the hands of Antony : and
was the formula by which martial law was that a gilt equestrian statue should be erected
proclaimed, and irresponsible power given to in honour of M, L?pidns, who had always
the Consuls. Cp. pro Mil. 26, 70 ' Pompeio shown himself to be a true lover of liberty,
senatus commisit ut videret, ne quid res and who had lately quenched the embers of
publica detrimenti caperet ; quo uno versi- a dangerous civil war, and done good
culo satis armati semper consules fuerunt, service in restoring Sext. Pompeius to his
etiam nullis armis datis.' country.

Ut ne. See Madv. §. 456. 16. Deinceps, 'next in their due order.'

10. Fraudi. So in the laws of the xn See on 4. 4, 9.

Tables: ' Se fraude esto,' ' let him be blame- 17. In sententiis rogandis. See on

less.' c. I, I.

15. Quoad rettulistis, ' so far as your 20. Superiora: his share in the assas-

motion related to the state.' Some editors sination of Caesar, which all men were not

read 'quod,' but -quoad' is the reading of as yet prepared to praise,

the Vatican MS., and 'quod' would rather 22. Huius ipsius temporis, &c., 'the

mean ' as to the point of your having made praise which he has won for his conduct at

a motion about the state,' (see Madv. this time :' the praise being considered from

308 b. Obs. 2,) which would be less appro- different points of view as bestowed on

priate here. Brutus and on the time. A somewhat similar

cc. 13-15. Turning to the question of combination of two different genitives is

rewarding those who had done loyal service found in Caes. B. G. 3. 18 ' Superiorum

to the state, Cicero proposes that a vote of dierum Sabini cunctatio.'

160 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 13-14.

mus? Neque enim ullam mercedem tanta virtus praeter hanc
laudis gloriaeque desiderat : qua etiam si careat, tamen sit se
ipsa contenta : quamquam in memoria gratorum civium tam-
quam in luce posita laetetur. Laus igitur iudicii testimoniique

5 nostri tribuenda Bruto est. Quam ob rem his verbis, patres 36
conscripti, senatus consultum faciendum censeo : Cum D. Brutus
imperator, consul designatus, provinciam Galliam in senatus
populique Romani potestate teneat, cumque exercitum tantum
tarn brevi tempore summo studio municipiorum coloniarumque

10 provinciae Galliae, optime de re publica meritae merentisque,
conscripserit compararit, id eum recte et ordine exque re publica
fecisse, idque D. Bruti praestantissimum meritum in rem pub-
licam senatui populoque Romano gratum esse et fore : itaque
senatum populumque Romanum existimare, D. Bruti impera-

15 toris, consulis designati, opera, consilio, virtute incredibilique
studio et consensu provinciae Gallia£_j£tJ3ublicae difficillimo
tempore esse subventuni— — Htric~Tanto merito Bruti, patres con- 37
scripti, tantoque in rem publicam benencio quis est tantus
honos qui non debeatur? Nam si M. Antonio patuisset Gallia,

20 si oppressis municipiis et coloniis imparatis in illam ultimam
Galliam penetrare potuisset, quantus rei publicae terror impen-
deret ? Dubitaret, credo, homo amentissimus atque in omnibus
consiliis praeceps et devius non solum cum exercitu suo, sed
etiam cum omni immanitate barbariae bellum inferre nobis, ut

25 eius furorem ne Alpium quidem muro cohibere possemus. Haec
igitur habenda gratia est D. Bruto, qui ilium, nondum inter-
posita auctoritate vestra, suo consilio atque iudicio non ut
consulem recepit, sed ut hostem arcuit Gallia seque obsideri

2. Desiderat, 'feels to be needful for 23. Devius, 'never constant in his

the perfection of its happiness;' careat, course.' Cp. Lael. 25, 93 'Quid enim

' though it be deprived of this.' potest esse tam flexibile, tarn devium quam

4. Laetetur. The subjunctive is not animus eius, qui ad alterius vultum atque

dependent on ' quamquam,' which here sig- nutum convertitur?' and Lucr. 2. 82 ' Avius

nifies 'and yet;' but is due (like 'sit') to the a vera longe ratione vagaris.'
conditional nature of the clause, (fiaiSpvvoir' 25. Muro. The force and propriety of

dv ; ' if permitted, it would rejoice at finding this expression is only to be appreciated

a record in the hearts of its grateful fellow- when the Alps are seen from the Italian

citizens, as being thus brought forth to view.' side, descending, as it seems from a little

14. Existimare, ' express their opinion.1 distance, precipitously into the plain of

Cp. 2. 4, 9. Lombardy. The northern side is, generally

20. Ultimam, Gallia Comata, at present speaking, much less steep, and there is no
held by L. Munatius Plancus, the other extensive plain to give the force of con-
Consul elect. See on c. 2, 5. trast.

§§35-39. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V. 161

quam hanc urbem maluit. Habeat ergo huius tanti fact! tam-
que praeclari decreto nostro testimonium sempiternum : Gallia-
que, quae semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio
libertatique communi, merito vereque laudetur, quod se suas-
que vires non tradidit, sed opposuit Antonio. 5

L4 Atque etiam M. Lepido pro eius egregiis in rem publicam

38 mentis decernendos honores quam amplissimos censeo. Sem
per ille populum Romanum liberum voluit maximumque sig-
num illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cum Antonio diadema
Caesari imponente se avertit gemituque et maestitia declaravit, 10
quantum haberet odium servitutis, quam populum Romanum
liberum cuperet, quam ilia, quae tulerat, temporum magis neces
sitate quam iudicio tulisset. Quanta vero is moderatione usus
sit in illo tempore civitatis, quod post mortem Caesaris conse-
cutum est, quis nostrum oblivisci potest? Magna haec, sed ad 15

39 maiora properat oratio. Quid enim, o di immortales ! admira-
bilius omnibus gentibus, quid optatius populo Romano accidere
potuit quam, cum bellum civile maximum esset, cuius belli
exitum omnes timeremus, sapientia f etiam id potius exstingui
quam armis et ferro rem in discrimen adducere? Quod si eadem 20
ratio Caesaris fuisset in illo taetro miseroque bello, ut omittam
patrem, duos Cn. Pompei, summi et singularis viri, filios inco-
lumes haberemus : quibus certe pietas fraudi esse non debuit.
Utinam omnes M. Lepidus servare potuisset ! Facturum fuisse
declaravit in eo, quod potuit, cum Sex. Po.mpeiujn restituit 25

3. Praesidet atque praesedit, 'is 18. Bellum civile, the war with

now, and always has .been, the bulwark of Sext. Pompeius, as continued after Caesar's

our empire,' lying as an obstacle to the death.

inroads of the outer barbarians beyond the 19. Sapi.entia. Same second virtue

Alps. seems to be required here, to balance ' ar-

6. M. Lepido. Lepidus had been mis et ferro.' The want ;has been variously

appointed by Caesar to the government of supplied by ' et dementia,' ' et mansuetn-

Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, dine,' or ' et humanitate,' from the follovr-

and repaired thither shortly after Caesar's ing section. The missing word would seem

death, at Antony's instigation, to try and to be represented by 'etiam/ which is

reconcile the younger Pompey to the senate, otiose.!]

with the ulterior object of weakening the 20. Adducere. We should rather have

power of the opposition, should the civil expected 'rem adduci,' maintaining the

war again break out. form of the previous clause, but the civil

9. Diadema. See 2. 34, 85 notes. war is represented as using its instruments

13. Quanta moderatione. He had of harness and sword to bring the matler

followed the lead of Antony throughout, to a crisis.

but had withdrawn from Rome before the 23. Pietas, 'sympathy with, and duty

latter began to abandon the moderation towards their father.'
which at first he showed, 35. Restituit. See on 3. 9, 23.

1 62 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 14-16.

civitati, maximum ornamentum rei publicae, clarissimum monu-
mentum clementiae suae. Gravis ilia fortuna populi Romani,
grave fatum. Pompeio enim patre, quod imperio populi Ro
mani lumen fuit, exstincto interfectus est patris simillimus fili-us.
5 Sed omnia mihi videntur deorum immortalium iudicio expiata, 40
Sex. Pompeio rei publicae conservato. Quam ob causam iustam 15
atque magnam et quod periculosissimum civile bellum maxi-
mumque humanitate et sapientia sua M. Lepidus ad pacem
concordiamque convertit, senatus consultum his verbis censeo

10 perscribendum : Cum a M. Lepido imperatore, pontifice max-
imo, saepe numero res publica et bene et feliciter gesta sit,
populusque Romanus intellexerit ei dominatum regium maxime
displicere, cumque eius opera, virtute, consilio singularique cle-
mentia et mansuetudine bellum acerbissimum civile sit restinc-

15 turn, Sextusque Pompeius, Gnaei films, Magnus, huius ordinis 41
auctoritate ab armis discesserit et a M. Lepido imperatore, pon
tifice maximo, summa senatus populique Romani voluntate
civitati restitutus sit : senatum populumque Romanum pro max-
imis plurimisque in rem publicam M. Lepidi mentis magnam

20 spem in eius virtute, auctoritate, felicitate reponere otii, pacis,
concordiae, libertatis, eiusque in rem publicam meritorum sena
tum populumque Romanum memorem fore, eique statuam
equestrem inauratam in rostris aut quo alio loco in foro vellet
ex huius ordinis sententia statui placere. Qui honos, patres

25 conscripti, mihi maximus videtur primum, quia Justus est : non
enim solum datur propter spem temporum reliquorum, sed pro
ampKssimis mentis redditur ; nee vero cuiquam possumus com-

3. Quod . . . lumen fuit. Cp. 2. 22, primum si stare non possunt corruant ;' and
54 note. then being led away to give the reason for

4. Filius. Cn. Pompeius, the elder this wish, he never proceeds to the second
brother of Sextus, was wounded in the consideration.

battle of Munda (March 17, 6.0.45), and 27. Redditur, 'it is awarded him in

shortly afterwar Js captured and slain. payment for his services.'

10. Pontifice maximo. He owed this Nee cuiquam, &c. Manutius quotes

dignity to Antony, who caused him to be a passage from Velleius, (2. 10.) who

elected to the vacancy made by Caesar's says that similar statues were erected to

death, in return for the support that Lepidus L. Sulla, Cn. Pompeius, and C. Caesar,

had given him. That in honour of Pompey would be

25. Primum, &c. The natural sequence awarded 'iudicio senatus libero et soluto,'

to this would ruve been ' deinde quia novus and Cicero is careless enough of facts

est,' but Cicero, having interrupted his sen- when they interfere with rhetorical point

tence to give the reasons why his vote was to make his statement of little force as

just, resumes it in another form. Similarly invalidating that of Velleius. See on a.

in Cat. 2. 10, 21 he begins, 'Qui homines I, I.

§§ 39—43.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V.

163

memorare hunc honorem a senatu tributum iudicio senatus
soluto et libero.
16 Venio ad C. Caesarem, patres conscript! : qui nisi fuisset, quis

42 nostrum esse potuisset ? Advolabat ad urbem a Brundisio
homo impotentissimus, ardens odio, animo hostili in omnes 5
bonos, cum exercitu Antonius. Quid hums audaciae et sceleri
poterat opponi ? Nondum ullos duces habebamus, non copias ;
nullum erat consilium publicum, nulla libertas ; dandae cervices
erant crudelitati nefariae ; fugam quaerebamus omnes, quae ipsa

43 exitum non habebat. Quis turn nobis, quis populo Romano 10
obtulit hunc divinum adolescentem deus, qui, cum omnia ad
perniciem nostram pestifero illi civi paterent, subito praeter
spem omnium exortus prius confecit exercitum, quern furori
M. Antonii opponeret, quam quisquam hoc eum cogitare sus-
picaretur. Magni honores habiti Cn. Pompeio, cum esset ado- 15
lescens, et quidem iure : subvenit enim rei publicae, sed aetate
multo robustior et militum ducem quaerentium studio paratior

cc. 1 6, 17. C. Caesar had proved himself
the almost superhuman saviour of his country.
In the midst of a general panic, though a
mere boy, with no experience, no prestige
to commend him to the soldiery, he had
gathered for himself an army capable of
resisting Antony. It was but fair to legalise
such energetic patriotism, and therefore
Cicero proposes to give him a regular mili
tary command, with the title of propraetor ;
and at the same time to admit him to the
senate, with extraordinary privileges, both in
his position there, and his capacity for seek
ing offices of state. In other cases it was
well to wait for the maturity of age, but
C. Caesar had shown powers far beyond
his years, and challenged comparison with
Africanus, Alexander, and other youthful
heroes, whose early powers claimed for them
exemption from the ordinary rules whereby
mankind is judged.

4. A Brundisio. Cp. 3. 2, 4.

5. Impotentissimus, &c. The order
of the words in this clause is noticeable, the
description of Antony beginning with his
private intemperance, and proceeding through
his malignity, and disloyal temper, to his
overt act of treason, his name coming at the
end as at once the climax and the explanation
of his faults. ' A man of most unbridled
passions, burning with malignant feeling, a
foe in temper to all honest men, in arms
against his country, in a word, Antonius.'

8. Nullum consilium publicum, 'no
council representing the republic ;' the
senate being still unable to deliberate freely.

10. Exitum non habebat, 'presented
no outlet ;' no safe place for flight being
to be found. Cp. de Or. 2. 77, 312 'Causae
quae plurimos exitus dant.'

11. Deus is thrown to the end of the
clause apparently to give point to ' divinus.'
So godlike a young man could only have
received his inspiration from a god.

15. Cum esset adolescens, 'young
man as he was.' Pompey was not quite
23 when he raised an army in Picenum,
defeated M. Brutus, and joined Sulla, 83 B.C.
Octavianus was little more than three years
younger at the time of Antony's advance
on Rome.

17. Paratior. Halm reads 'paratiore,'
a conjecture of his own, in order that the
clauses may more exactly balance the ex
pressions in the account of Caesar. The
final ' e' might easily have dropped out
before ' et,' but ' stiidio paratiore' could only
depend upon ' robustior,' which would thus
be strangely used with one ablative of phy
sical quality, existing in Pompey, and
another of the mental affections of his
soldiers. ' He was of a much more vigorous
age, and had much more to support him, in
the zeal of the soldiers who were seeking for
a general,' and so far his difficulties were
less ; and further, his services were of more

M 2,

164 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. ie-17.

et in alio genere belli ; non enim omnibus Sullae causa grata :
declarat multitude proscriptorum, tot municipiorum maximae
calamitates. Caesar autem annis multis minor veteranos cupi- 44
entes iam requiescere armavit ; earn complexus est causam,
5 quae esset senatui, quae populo, quae cunctae Italiae, quae dis
hominibusque gratissima. Et Pompeius ad L. Sullae maxi
mum imperium victoremque exercitum accessit : Caesar se ad
neminem adiunxit ; ipse princeps exercitus faciendi et praesidii
comparandi fuit. Ille adversariorum partibus agrum Picenum

10 habuit inimicum : hie ex Antonii amicis, sed amicioribus liber-
tatis contra Antonium confecit exercitum. Illius opibus Sulla
regnavit : huius praesidio Antonii dominatus oppressus est.
Demus igitur imperium Caesari, sine quo res militaris adminis- 45
trari, teneri exercitus, bellum geri non potest : sit pro praetore

*5 eo iure quo qui optimo. Qui honos quamquam est magnus
ilia aetate, tamen ad necessitatem rerum gerendarum, non solum
ad dignitatem valet. Itaque ilia quaeramus, quae vix hodierno
die consequemur. Sed saepe spero fore huius adolescentis 17
honorandi et nobis et populo Romano potestatem : hoc autem

20 tempore ita censeo decernundum : (Quod C. .Caesar, Gai filius, 46
pontifex, pro praetore, summo rei publicae tempore milites vete-

doubiful merit, for ' the war in which he what he thought he could obtain, though

engaged was different, the cause of Sulla even here he foresaw difficulty : ' Let us

being k-ss universally popular.' therefore seek for this, which to-day we

2. Municipiorum. Notably Praeneste, shall have sufficient difficulty in gaining.'

Norba, Nola, and Volaterrae. So in the spurious Epistles to Brutus we find

12. Regnavit, 'made himself despot.' (2. 15, 7) : 'Cum omne praesidium esset in
See on 2. 12, 2Q. puero, quis honos ei non fuit decernendus ?

Dominatus. 8660111.14,34. Quamquam ego illi turn verborum laudem

13. Imperium. This is a 'locus tribui, eamque modicam. Decrevi etiam
classicus' for the meaning of 'imperium.' imperium, quod quamquam videbatur illi
See on I. 7, 18. The same honour was given aetati honorificum, tamen erat exercitum
to Pompey by Sulla, who addressed him habenti necessarium. Quid enim est sine
when their forces joined as ' Imperator,' imperio exercitus?'

though he had held no regular commission 19. Honorandi. So Halm, for theVati-

from the state. can reading ' hortandi honorandi,' the two

14. :Sit pro praetore, ' let him have the words there probably arising from confusion,
rank of pro-praetor, as fully as though such as is common in that MS. Many
regularly appointed ;' ' eo iure quo pro prae- editors, following Ferrarius, read ' ornandi
tore est qui optimo iure est,' that is, with honorandi,' referring the former to the
as full privileges as if he had been legally panegyrics of the senate, the latter to the
appointed in the ordinary way. offices of distinction conferred by the

16. Ad necessitatem. If Octavius was people.

to hold the command of an army, he must 20. Gai. ' Gaius,' 'Gnaeus' appear to

have the ' imperium ;' and Cicero implies be properly spelt with a ' G,' the ' C' which

that he would ask for further honours, were usually stands for their initial being perhaps

it not that he anticipated opposition ; on retained from the time when that letter

which account he limited his demands to had the force of ' G.'

43—48.

ORATIO PHILIP PICA V.

165

ratios ad libertatem populi Romani cohortatus sit eosque con-
scripserit, quodque legio Martia atque quarta summo studio
optimoque in rem publicam consensu C. Caesare duce et auctore
rem publicam, libertatem populi Romani defendant defenderint,
et quod C. Caesar pro praetore Galliae provinciae cum exercitu 5
subsidio profectus sit, equites, sagittarios, elephantos in suam
populique Romani potestatem redegerit difficillimoque rei pub-
licae tempore saluti dignitatique populi Romani subveneritA) ob
eas causas senatui placere, C. Caesarem, Gai filium, pontincem,
pro praetore, senatorem esse sententiamque loco praetorio dicere, 10
eiusque rationem, quemcumque magistratum petet, ita haberi,
ut haberi per leges liceret, si anno superiore quaestor fuisset.

47 Quid est enim, patres conscripti, cur eum non quam primum
amplissimos honores capere cupiamus? Legibus enim anna-
libus cum grandiorem aetatem ad consulatum constituebant, 15
adolescentiae temeritatem verebantur : C. Caesar ineunte aetate
docuit ab excellent! eximiaque virtute progressum aetatis ex-
spectari non oportere. Itaque maiores nostri, veteres illi ad-
modum antiqui, leges annales non habebant : quas multis post
annis attulit ambitio,, ut gradus essent petitionis inter aequales. 20
Ita saepe magna indoles virtutis, prius quam rei publicae pro-

48 desse potuisset, exstincta est. . At vero apud antiques Rulli,

6. Equites, sagittarios, elephantos.
These are joined together as forming the
foreign portion of his forces. At this period
the cavalry of the Roman army generally,
and the light-armed universally, were com
posed of mercenaries. See on c. 2, 5. The
elephants were probably some that had been
taken by Caesar from the Moors in the
African campaign, and had been attached to
the legions of Antony; though elephants
had been occasionally used in the Roman
army since the close of the second Punic
war. (Livy3i. 36.) The last occasion on
which they took part in any important
engagement was at the battle of Thapsus,
where they proved fatal to their own side.

10. Loco praetorio. See on I. 6, 15.

11. Rationem haberi, 'votes should be
received for him :' he should be taken into
account in the election, should be eligible.
Cp. 2. 10, 24 note.

14. Legibus, by the 'Leges annales,' fix
ing the age at which a citizen might become
a candidate for the various offices of state.
That for quaestor was 31, for Consul 43.

The first and principal ' Lex annalis' was
the ' Lex Villia,' passed in 1 80 B.C.

18. Admodum antiqui, ' of primitive
simplicity,' not yet hampered by the com
plexity of more modern regulations : as in
I. 10, 25 he uses ' antiqua' for old-fashioned
customs, falling short of the requirements
of more advanced civilization. Cp. pro
Quinct. 22, 72 ' Hominem antiqui officii.'

19. Non habebant. Cp. Tac. Ann. li.
22 'Apud maiores virtutis id praemium
fuerat, cunctisque civium, si bonis artibus
fiderent, licitum petere magistratus ; ac ne
aetas quidem distinguebatur, quin prima
iuventa consulatum et dictaturas inirent.'

20. Ambitio, 'rivalry for office;' not the
'struggle for popularity,' which is a later
meaning of the word, illustrative of the
change in Roman public life under the em
perors, when the avenues of laudable ambi
tion were gradually closed. ' Which rivalry
for office introduced long after, that the
struggles for the several steps might take
place among men of the same age.'

22. Rulli. Q^ Fabius Maximus Rullus

1 66

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS

cc. 17—18.

Decii, Corvini multique alii, recentiore autem memoria superior
Africanus, T. Flamininus admodum adolesceutes consules facti
tantas res gesserunt, ut populi Romani imperium auxerint,
nomen ornarint. Quid? Macedo Alexander, cum ab ineunte

5 aetate res maximas gerere coepisset, nonne tertio et tricesimo
anno mortem obiit? quae est aetas nostris legibus decem annis
minor quam consularis. Ex quo iudicari potest virtutis esse
quam aetatis cursum celeriorem. Nam quod ii, qui Caesari
invident, simulant se timere, ne verendum quidem est, ut tenere

o se possit, ut moderari, ne honoribus nostris elatus intemperan-
tius suis opibus utatur. Ea natura rerum est, patres conscripti, 49
ut, qui sensum verae gloriae ceperit quique se ab senatu, ab
equitibus Romanis populoque Romano universe senserit civem

was Consul 322 B.C., having already dis
tinguished himself when ' magister equitum'
in 325 B.C., by a victory over the Samnites,
gained in a battle which he fought against
the orders of his dictator, L. Papirius Cursor.
(Livy 8. 29 sqq.) He is the only Rullus of
that period known to history.

1. Decii. Probably the youthful Consul
of the name was the second P. Decius Mus,
who was Consul first in 312 B.C. He was
afterwards thrice Consul with Fabius Maxi-
mus Rullus, and on the last occasion, in
295 B.C., he is described by Livy as being
' ferocior et aetate et vigore animi' Livy
10. 28.

Corvini. M. Valerius Corvus, whose
son took the name of Corvinus, here loosely
given to the father, was elected Consul in
348 B.C., as a mark of gratitude for his
victory over the gigantic Gaul in the previous
year. He was at the time only 23 years
old. (Livy 7. 26.)

2. Africanus. The elder Africanus was
29 when he was made Consul in 205 B.C. ;
and he had then already achieved the con
quest of Spain, where he was appointed to
the command of the army as proconsul in
210 B.C.

T. Flamininus was elected Consul in
198 B.C., at the age of 31, having previously
only held the office of quaestor. See Livy
32. 7 ; from which passage we learn that at
that time not only was there no ' Lex annalis,'
but the practice of requiring men to pass
through the several minor grades of office
to qualify for the consulship rested only
upon custom, not on law. Plutarch says
(Flam. c. 2) that he was not yet 30, but
Livy, two years later, makes him 33 (Livy
33- 33)-

3. Auxerint, ornarint. Perfects, in
stead of imperfects, because the results of
their exploits continued to the time when
Cicero is speaking.

4. Ab ineunte aetate. Alexander's
first military distinction was gained in the
battle of Chaeroneia. 338 B.C., before he
was 1 8. (Plut. Alex. c. 9.)

8. Quam aetatis. The insertion of the
second member of the comparison before
the comparative, to increase the force of
contrast, is noticeable; cp. Tusc. 3. 22, 52
' Maris subita tempestas quam ante provisa
terret navigantes vehementius ; ' and see
Madv. § 303 a. Obs. 2.

c. 1 8. There was no fear of C. Caesar
forgetting what was due to moderation, no
fear of his following in his father's foot
steps, through elation at his early honours.
He had learned to prize true glory, the
glory which consists in the love and respect
of all his fellow-citizens ; he had even sacri
ficed his private enmities to the welfare of
the state; and in going to the aid of D.
Brutus he had given a pledge which Cicero
undertakes he should redeem, that he would
always unswervingly maintain his present
loyalty.

Quod ii, &c., 'what those who envy
Caesar feign to dread is no subject even for
our apprehension.' For this distinctive
meaning of 'vereor' cp. 12. 12, 29 ' Quid?
veteranos non veremur, nam timed se ne
ipsi quidem volunt, quonam modo accipiant
severitatem ?' Cat. Ma. ii. 37 ' Metuebant
servi, verebantur liberi.'

12. Quique se, &c. Cicero means this
clause to be explanatory of the former :
'the love of one's fellow-citizens is the
truest glory.'

§§48-51. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A V. 167

carum haberi salutaremque rei publicae, nihil cum hac gloria
comparandum putet. Utinam C. Caesari, patri dico, contigisset
adolescenti, ut esset senatui atque Optimo cuique carissimus !
quod cum consequi neglexisset, omnem vim ingenii, quae summa
fuit in illo, in populari levitate consumpsit. Itaque cum respec; 5
turn ad senatum et ad bonos non haberet, earn sibi viam ipse
patefecit ad opes suas amplificandas, quam virtus liberi populi
ferre non posset. Eius autem filii longissime diversa ratio est :
qui cum omnibus est, turn Optimo cuique carissimus. In hoc
spes libertatis posita est ; ab hoc accepta iam salus ; huic summi 10

50 honores et exquiruntur et parati sunt. Cuius igitur singularem
prudentiam admiramur, eius stultitiam timemus ? Quid enim
stultius quam inutilem potentiam, invidiosas opes, cupiditatem
dominandi praecipitem et lubricam anteferre verae, gravi, solidae
gloriae? An hoc vidit puer : si aetate processerit, non videbit? 15
At est quibusdam inimicus clarissimis atque optimis civibus.
Nullus iste timor esse debet. Omnes Caesar inimicitias rei
publicae condonavit : hanc sibi iudicem constituit, hanc mode-
ratricem omnium consiliorum atque factorum. Ita enim ad rem
publicam accessit, ut earn confirmaret, non ut everteret. / Omnes 20
habeo cognitos sensus adolescentis. Nihil est illi re publica
carius, nihil vestra auctoritate gravius, nihil bonorum virorum

51 iudicio optatius, nihil vera gloria dulcius. Quam ob rem ab eo
non modo nihil timere, sed maiora et meliora exspectare debetis,
neque in eo, qui ad D. Brutum obsidione liberandum profectus 25
sit, timere, ne memoria maneat domestici doloris, quae plus

I. Carum is a conjecture of Ferrarius, and in the speech de Prov. Cons. 9, 20.
adopted by most editors, for the MSS. read- Ita ad rem publicam accessit. 'His en-
ing 'clarum.' Cp. I. 14, 33 'Carum esse trance on public life is a guarantee that he will
civem, bene de re publica mereri, laudari , establish, not destroy, the commonwealth.'
coli, diligi gloriosum est.' 21. Habeo cognitos. This periphrasis

3. Optimo cuique, 'best beloved by for the perfect active, like the Greek con-

those who are most virtuous themselves.' struction with the active aorist participle,

See on I. 12, 29. (jbv fj,ev irporiffas, rov 5" aTt/zcuras e'x€'»

14. Verae, gravi, solidae, 'genuine, Soph. Ant. 22,) is a step towards the modern

influential, substantial,' opposed severally to usage of auxiliary verbs. It always marks

inutilis, invidiosa, lubrica, 'profitless, the fullest force of the definite perfect, that

obnoxious, precarious.' the action of the verb continues, in itself or

18. Condonavit, 'has sacrificed all his in its consequences, to the present time. Cp.
private enmities.' Fam. 13. 17, 2 'Si eum nondum satis habes

19. Consiliorum is a conjecture of cognitum, tibi eum commendo;' and see
Faernus to supply an obvious want, the Madv. § 427.

reading of the Vatican MS. being 'omnium 26. Domestici doloris : the assassiua-

atque factorum.' ' Consilia atque facta' tion of Caesar.

are similarly joined in 10. lo, 20; II, 23; Quae plus possit, 'so as to weigh more.'

168 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. is-io.

apud eum possit quam salus civitatis. Audebo ctlam obligare
fidem meam, patres conscripti, vobis populoque Romano reique
publicae : quod profecto, cum me nulla vis cogeret, facere non
auderem, pertimesceremque in maxima re periculosam opinio-
5 nem temeritatis : promitto, recipio, spondee, patres conscripti,
C. Caesarem talem semper fore civem, qualis hodie sit qua-
lemque eum maxime velle esse et optare debemus.

Quae cum ita sint, de Caesare satis hoc tempore dictum 19
habebo. Nee vero de L. Egnatuleio, fortissimo et constantis- 52

10 simo civi amicissimoque rei publicae, silendum arbitror, seel
tribuendum testimonium virtutis egregiae, quod is legionem
quartam ad Caesarem adduxerit, quae praesidio consulibus, sena-
tui populoque Romano reique publicae esset : ob earn causam
placere, uti L. Egnatuleio triennium ante legitimum tempus

15 magistratus petere, capere, gerere liceat. In quo, patres con
scripti, non tantum commodum tribuitur L. Egnatuleio, quantus
honos : in tali enim re satis est nominari.

De exercitu autem C. Caesaris ita censeo decernundum : 53
senatui placere, militibus veteranis, qui Caesaris pontificis anc-

20 toritatcm secuti libcrtatem popnli Romani auctoritatemque huius

ordinis defenderint atque defendant, iis liberisque eorum militiae

..vacationem esse, utique C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter

3. Quod . . . temeritatis, 'which other- 8. Dictum habebo, 'I shall be acknow-

•wise I should not dare to do,' &c. Ernesti ledged to have said enough.' See above on

supposes an alternative clause to have dropped § 50.

out after 'temeritatis,' such as 'nisi eum plane 10. Civi. See on 3. 3, 7.

perspectum haberem,' but this may easily be 15. Magistratus. Halm reads ' magis-

supplied from the context. tratum,' on his own authority, but as Egna-

5. Promitto, recipio, spondeo, 'I tuleius was at present only quaestor, there

promise, undertake, pledge myself,' the three seems no reason why we should not accept

words forming a climax, from a mere promise the reading of the Italian MS. (the Vatican

to a solemn bond. 'Recipio,' in the sense has ' magna,' which is obviously wrong, and

of taking a risk upon oneself, is distinguished the others are deficient in this portion of the

from 'polliceor,' Att. 13. i, i ' De aestate oration), supposing that he was allowed to

polliceris, vel potius recipis;' and joined with anticipate each of the higher magistracies

'spondeo,' Fam. 13. 17, 3 'Spondeo in by three years. This privilege, Cicero says,

meque recipio.' was insignificant in itself, but it was a high

c. 19. Having moved a vote of thanks honour to have gained in it the public

and special privileges to L. Egnatuleius, the thanks of the senate.

quaestor of the fourth legion ; and proposed 19. Auctoritatem secuti, &c. The

that rewards in lands, money, and exemp- words in italics are added by Halm, after a

tions from service should be given to the suggestion of Garatonius, to supply an obvious

soldiers ivho had left or shoidd leave the omission, probably arising from the repeti-

standard of Antony, Cicero concludes by tion of the word 'auctoritatem.' The words

once more deprecating delay, and urging supplied are modelled on the decree in 3. 15,

the tiecessity for immediate and energetic 37. Cp. 3. 4, 8 ; 10. 10, 21 ; n. 8, 20.
action. 22. Vacationem. See on c. 12, 31,

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V.

169

§§ 51—53.

ambove, si eis videretur, cognoscerent, qui ager iis coloniis esset,
quo milites veteran! deduct! essent, qui contra legem luliam
possideretur, ut is militibus veteranis divideretur : de agro Cam-
pano separatim cognoscerent inirentque rationem de commodis
militum veteranorum augendis ; legionique Martiae et legioni 5
quartae et iis militibus, qui de legione secunda, tricesima quinta
ad C. Pansam A. Hirtium consules venissent suaque nomina
edidissent, quod iis auctoritas senatus populique Romani liber-
tas carissima sit et fuerit, vacationem militiae ipsis liberisque
eorum esse placere extra tumultpm Gallicum Italicumque, 10
easque legiones bello confecto missasfjieri placere ; quantamque
pecuniam militibus earum legionum in singulos C. Caesar, pon-
tifex, pro praetore pollicitus sit, tantam dari placere : utique
C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si eis videretur,
rationem agri haberent, qui sine iniuria privatorum dividi posset, 15
iisque militibus, legioni Martiae et legioni quartae ita darent
adsignarent, ut quibus militibus amplissime dati adsignati essent.
Dixi ad ea omnia, consules, de quibus rettulistis : quae si
erunt sine mora matureque decreta, facilius apparabitis ea,
quae tempus et necessitas flagitat. Celeritate autem opus 20
est : qua si essemus usi, bellum, ut saepe dixi, nullum
haberemus.

Probably the exemption proposed would be
with the same limitation as below, 'extra
tumultum Gallicum Italicumque.'

2. Contra legem luliam. The main
provisions of the agraiian law, carried by
Caesar in his consulship in 59 B.C., for the
division of state lands in Campania, were
that existing rights of property should be
observed, that individual allotments should
be small, and incapable of alienation till they
had been held for twenty years, and that
the receivers of land were to be poor citizens,
fathers of at least three children. See
Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, 4. pp. 200, 528
(Eng. Trans.). Antony had divided this

territory ' compransoribus suis et collusori-
bus' 2. 39, 101.

5. Legioni Martiae, &c. See on 3.
2,4.

8. Edidissent. So the Vatican MS.
Cp. Livy 2. 24 ' Nominis edendi apud con
sules potestas.'

10. Tumultum. See 8. I, 3 note.

11. Missas fieri, 'should be at once
discharged from further service.'

15. Privatorum. See on c. 7> 2°«
17. Ut quibus militibus. Sc. ' ut iis
militibus dati essent quibus amplissime dati
essent.' Cp. ' Eo iure, quo qui optimo ' c.
16,45.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE SIXTH ORATION.

AT the close of the debate in the senate which gave rise to the fifth
Philippic oration, Cicero came out into the Forum, on the 4th of January,
and being introduced to the multitude by P. Apuleius, a tribune of the
commons, he told them in the sixth oration what had happened.

In it he shows again the absurdity and danger of sending ambassadors
to Antony, and so delaying the declaration of war ; which he declares to
be inevitable, from considerations of the character both of Antony him
self, and of his chief companions, especially his brother Lucius ; and he
concludes by urging them to await patiently the return of the ambas
sadors, and to let nothing induce them to waver in the firm assertion of
their liberty, which he had ever laboured to support.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM
LIBER SEXTUS.

1 AUDITA vobis esse arbitror, Quirites, quae sint acta in

1 senatu, quae fuerit cuiusque sententia. Res enim ex Kalendis
lanuariis agitata paulo ante confecta est, minus quidem ilia
severe quam decuit, non tamen omnino dissolute. Mora est
allata bello, non causa sublata. Quam ob rem, quod quaesivit 5
ex me P. Apuleius, homo et multis officiis mihi et summa fami-
liaritate coniunctus et vobis amicissimus, ita respondebo, ut ea,
quibus non interfuistis, nosse possitis. Causa fortissimis optimis-
que consulibus Kalendis lanuariis de re publica primum refe-
rendi fuit ex eo, quod XIII Kalendas Ian. senatus me auctore 10

2 decrevit. Eo die primum, Quirites, fundamenta sunt iacta rei

c. T. Following out the motion of the 2Oth
of December, which was the first day after a
long interval on which the senate had met
in liberty, the Consuls had proposed stringent
measures against Antony. This proposal
Cicero had strenuously supported, moving
that all the steps should be taken which were
usual when an enemy was threatening the
city. During three days' debate his policy
was looked upon with favour ; but on the
fourth day milder counsels prevailed, and it
was agreed to send an embassy to Antony,
whereby the progress of the war was need
lessly delayed.

I. Audita vobis, 'has been rumoured
among you,' rather than ' has been heard by
you.' The dative is seldom, if ever, used in
prose as the exact equivalent of the ablative
of the agent ; see Madv. 250 a. Here the
literal meaning would be, ' our proceedings
are to you as what you have heard.' For the
sense cp. 10. 3, 6 'An vero hoc pro nihilo

putas, efferri haec foras, et ad populi Roman!
aures pervenire.' The opinion of Manutius,
that from the doors of the temple of Concord
being open, some, but not all, of the people
could hear the deliberations of the senate,
and that this oration was meant to gratify
the curiosity of the rest, scarcely needs refu
tation. Cicero's object is obviously to
explain more fully what was generally but
imperfectly known.

4. Dissolute, ' without strength.'
6. P. Apuleius. Cp. 14. 6, 16 'P.
Apuleius, tribunus plebis, rneorum omnium
consiliorum periculorumque iam hide a con-
sulatu meo testis, conscius, adiutor.' On the
present occasion he brought forward Cicero
to speak, as M. Servilius had done fifteen
days before. See 4. 6, 16.

10. xm Kalendas Ian., the 2Oth of
December, when he delivered the third and
fourth orations.

11. Eo die primum, &c. Cp. 4. I, I.

372 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-3.

publicae : fuit enim longo intervallo ita liber senatus, ut vos ali-
quando liberi essetis. Quo quidem tempore, etiam si ille dies
vitae finem mihi allaturus esset, satis magnum ceperam fructum,
cum vos universi una mente atque voce iterum a me conserva-
5 tarn esse rem publicam conclamastis. Hoc vestro iudicio tanto
tamquc praeclaro excitatus ita Kalendis lanuariis veni in sena-
tum, ut meminissem quam personam impositam a vobis susti-
nerem. Itaque bellum nefarium illatum rei publicae cum viderem,
nullam mo ram interponendam insequendi M. Antonium putavi,

10 hominemque audacissimum, qui multis nefariis rebus ante corn-
missis hoc tempore imperatorem populi Roman! oppugnaret,
coloniam vestram fidissimam fortissimamque obsideret, bello
censui persequendum : tumultum esse decrevi, iustitium edici,
saga sum! dixi placere, quo omnes acrius graviusque incumbe-

15 rent ad ulciscendas rei publicae iniurias, si omnia gravissimi
belli insignia suscepta a senatu viderent. Itaque hacc sententia, 3
Quiritcs, sic per triduum valuit, ut, quamquam discessio facta
non esset, tamen praeter paucos omnes mihi assensuri viderentur.
Hodierno autem diet nescio qua eis obiecta re remissior senatus

20 fuit. Nam plures earn sententiam secuti sunt, ut, quantum
senatus auctoritas vesterque consensus apud Antonium valiturus
esset, per legates experiremur.

Intelligo, Quirites, a vobis hanc sententiam repudiari, neque 2

3. Ceperam. The indicative is here which is given by F. Biicheler (Rhein. Mus.
used because, independently of the condition, for 1857, p. 466). Rejecting 'non est,' as
he had already reaped an adequate reward. probably brought in from ' non esset' above,

4. Iterum: the first deliverance being and 'rem' as merely the repetition of the
from the conspiracy of Catiline. beginning of ' remissior,' he considers that

7. Q_uam personam, &c.. 'what cha- 'qua pads' underlies 'qua eis,' so that the

racter you had given me to sustain.' Cp. whole would be, 'Hodierno autem die, spe

de Orat. 2. 24, 102 ' Tres personas unus nescio qua pacis obiecta, remissior senatus

sustineo, meam, adversarii, iudicis ;' Off. I. fuit.'

28, 97 'Nobis personam imposuit ipsa Remissior, 'less severe.'

natura.' cc. 2, 3. The people would learn with

11. Oppugnaret, the subjunctive, as dismay that the ambassadors had merely
showing wherein his audacity consisted. been charged to enjoin on Antony that he

12. Coloniam : Mutina. should demist from his attempts on Gaul, and

18. Esset. The subjunctive here is merely once more place himself under the autho-
due to the influence of ' videretur,' the rity of the senate. When they considered his
dependtmt verb being attracted into the con- profligate and treasonable course of conduct,
struction of the one on which it depends. and the evil influences which prevailed with
For discessio see on 3. 9, 24. him, they would agree with Cicero that

19. Nescio qua, &c. So Halm. The Antony was most unlikely to obey. His
reading of the Vatican MS. here is 'dies, non violence and insolence were much more likely
est, pe nescio quaeis obiectarem remissior sen- to make him treat the envoys and their em-
atus fuit,' the most probable interpretation of bassy with contempt; and the only result of

§§2-5. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VI. 173

iniuria. Ad quern enim legates ? ad eumne, qui pecunia publica
dissipata atque effusa, per vim et contra auspicia impositis rei
publicae legibus, fugata contione, obsesso senatu ad opprimen-
dam rem publicam Brundisio legiones arcessierit, ab iis relictus
cum latronum manu in Galliam irruperit, Brutum oppugnet, 5
Mutinam circumsedeat? Quae vobis potest cum hoc gladiatore

4 conditionis, aequitatis, legationis esse communitas ? Quamquam,
Quirites, non est ilia legatio, sed denuntiatio belli, nisi paruerit :
ita enim est decretum, ut si legati ad Hannibalem mitterentur.
Mittuntur enim qui nuntient, ne oppugnet consulem designatum, 10
ne Mutinam obsideat, ne provinciam depopuletur, ne dilectus
habeat, sit in senatus populique Romani potestate. Facile vero
huic denuntiationi parebit, ut in patrum conscriptorum atque in
vestra potestate sit qui in sua numquam fuerit ! Quid enim ille
umquam arbitrio suo fecit ? Semper eo tractus est, quo libido 15
rapuit, quo levitas, quo furor, quo vinolentia : semper eum duo
dissimilia genera tenuerunt, lenonum et latronum ; ita domesticis
stupris, forensibus parricidiis delectatur, ut mulieri citius avaris-

3 simae paruerit quam senatui populoque Romano. Itaque quod

5 paulo ante feci in senatu faciam apud vos. Testificor, denuntio, 20
ante praedico nihil M. Antonium eorum, quae sunt legatis man-
data, facturum : vastaturum agros, Mutinam obsessurum, dilectus
qua possit habiturum. Is est enim ille, qui semper senatus iudi-
cium et auctoritatem, semper voluntatem vestram potestatemque
contempserit. An ille id faciat, quod paulo ante decretum est, 25

it would be the serious delay which it would 24, 2 'Nondum legati redierant, quos senatus

cause. In the end they would be obliged to non ad pacem deprecandam sed ad denun-

follow the example of D. Bruttts, who had tiandum bellum miserat, nisi legatorum

shown by his opposition to Antony that he nuntio paruisset.'

looked on him as no longer a Consul, but the 9. Ad Hannibalem. Cp. 5. 10, 27

enemy of the state. note.

1. Legates: sc. ' mittimus.' The omis- 17. Genera, lenonum et latronum.
sion of the verb is remarkable here, as the For a similar use of the genitive, where we
substantive is repeated from a clause in should rather have expected nouns in appo-
which it stood in a different construction. sition, see Cat. 2. 8, 18 ' Unum genus est
See however on 2. 19, 48. eorum, qui magno in acre alieno maiores

Pecunia publica: that which Caesar etiam possessiones habent ;' and see Madv.

had stored in the temple of Ops, cp. I. 7, § 286. Obs. 2.

17. 18. Mulieri, Fulvia. See on i. 13, 33 ;

2. Contra auspicia. Cp. 3. 4, 9 1. 44, 113.

' Neque solum legibus contra auspicia feren- 23. Q_ua possit, 'in whatever way he

dis, sed etiam collega una ferente eo quern can,' 'quaratione;' rather than 'wherever he

ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fecerat.' can,' which would be a rare, though not un-

4. Arcessierit. Cp. 4. 3, 6. exampled use of the word in Cicero.

8. Denuntiatio belli. Cp. Fam. 12. 25. Faciat . . . ut. See on 3. 14, 35.

174 M- TULLII CICERONIS cc. 3-4.

ut exercitum citra flumen Rubiconem, qui finis est Galliae, edu-
ceret, dum ne propius urbem Romam CC milia admoveret ?
Huic denuntiationi ille pareat? ille se fluvio Rubicone et CC
milibus circumscriptum esse patiatur? Non is est Antonius.
5 Nam si esset, non commisisset ut ei senatus, tamquam Hannibali 6
initio belli Punici, denuntiaret ne oppugnaret Saguntum. Quod
vero ita avocatur a Mutina, ut ab urbe tamquam pestifera flamma
arceatur, quam habet ignominiam ! quod iudicium senatus ! Quid ?
quod a senatu dantur mandata legatis, ut D. Brutum militesque

10 eius adeant iisque demonstrent summa in rem publicam merita
beneficiaque eorum grata esse senatui populoque Romano iisque
earn rem magnae laudi magnoque honori fore, passurumne cen-
setis Antonium introire Mutinam legates, exire inde tuto? Num-
quam patietur, mihi credite : novi violentiam, novi impudentiam,

15 novi audaciam. Nee vero de illo sicut de homine aliquo debe- 7
mus, sed ut de importunissima belua cogitare. Quae cum ita
sint, non omnino dissolutum est quod decrevit senatus. Habet
atrocitatis aliquid legatio : utinam nihil haberet morae ! Nam
cum plerisque in rebus gerendis tarditas et procrastinatio odiosa

20 est, turn hoc bellum indiget celeritatis. Succurrendum est D.
Bruto, omnes undique copiae colligendae ; fhoram exhibere nul-

2. Ne propius cc milia. This would 21. Horam exhibere nullam, &c.

confine Antony within limits of about twenty This is the reading of the MSS. The

miles, the Rubicon being nine miles north general meaning is plain, ' we are bound to

of Ariminum, which is about 210 Roman do our best without delay for the liberation

miles from Rome. The omission of 'quam' of a citizen like this,' but the interpretation

is not usual in comparisons of quantity, of the words is almost hopeless. As they

cp. Livy 24. 40 ' Multo minus tria milia stand they can only signify, 'to spend no

militum ;' and see Prof. Conington on Virg. time in freeing such a citizen cannot but be

G. 4. 207. wrong,' which is very weak. In the more

4. Circumscriptum. See on 2. 22,53. generally proposed alterations, 'horam exi-

5. Non commisisset, 'never would mere' (' to withdraw an hour from the time
have gone so far.' that might be spent,' and so ' to waste an

7. Ita ... ut, &c., 'what disgrace, what hour'), and ' moram exhibere,' 'to make a

censure from the senate is involved in this, show of delay,' the repetition of the negative

that while withdrawn from Mutina, he yet forms a further difficulty, whence Wesenberg

is ordered to remain away from Rome.' See (ad or. pro Sest. p. 30, quoted by Halm)

on 2. 34, 85. declares the removal of one of the negatives

16. Importunissima, ' of the most in- to be necessary. A less violent alteration
discriminate rapacity;' raging without any would be to read ' curam exhibeie,' which
regard to fitness of time or circumstance. would give good sense. Lambinus pro-

17. Dissolutum. See on c. I, i. Atro- poses ' excubare,' 'to give up none of our
citas seems to be a stronger expression than time to watchfulness,' comparing c. 7, 18
'severe' in that place, perhaps 'rigour.' Cp. ' Quantum potero excubabo vigilaboque
Quint. I. 7, 37 'Quod in foro atrocitate pro vobis.' Halm reads ' horam eximere
formularum diiudicatur/ by the unbending [nullam].' Even with this reading there
strictness of the laws. Hor. Od. 2. I, 24 is a dispute about the meaning ; but ' ex-
' Praeter atrocem animum Catonis.' imere tempus' in Cicero appears to be

§§5-io. OR ATI 0 PHI LIP PIC A VI. 175

8 lam in tali cive liberando sine scelere non possumus. An ille
non potuit, si Antonium consulem, si Galliam Antonii provin-
ciam iudicasset, legiones Antonio et provinciam tradere, domum
redire, triumphare, primus in hoc ordine, quoad magistratum

9 iniret, sententiam dicere ? quid negotii fuit ? Sed cum se Brutum 5
esse meminisset vestraeque libertati natum, non otio suo, quid
egit aliud nisi ut paene corpore suo Gallia prohiberet Antonium ?
Ad hunc utrum legates an legiones ire oportebat? Sed prae-
terita omittamus : properent legati, quod video esse facturos :
vos saga parate. Est enim ita decretum, ut, si ille auctoritati 10
senatus non paruisset, ad saga iretur. Ibitur ; non parebit : nos
amissos tot dies rei gerendae queremur.

4 Non metuo, Quirites, ne, cum audierit Antonius, me hoc et
in senatu et in contione confirmasse, numquam ilium futurum
in senatus potestate, refellendi mei causa, ut ego nihil vidisse 15
videar, vertat se et senatui pareat. Numquam faciet ; non in-
videbit huic meae gloriae : malet me sapientem a vobis quam se

10 modestum existimari. Quid ? ipse si velit, num etiam Lucium
fratrem passurum arbitramur? Nuper quidem dicitur ad Tibur,
ut opinor, cum ei labare M. Antonius videretur, mortem fratri 20
esse minitatus. Etiamne ab hoc myrmillone Asiatico senatus
mandata, legatorum verba audientur ? Nee enim secerni a fratre
poterit, tanta praesertim auctoritate. Nam hie inter illos
Africanus est ; pluris habetur, quam L. Trebellius, pluris, quam
T. Plancus, * * * adolescens nobilis. Plancum, qui omnibus 25

'to deprive one of time which one might of the crew: who had the impudence to claim

claim,' (like dv(\(iv TOVS XP°VOVS m Dem. amongst his clients the thirty-five tribes of

F. L. p. 399, 30, cp. ad Q^Fratr. 2. i, 3 Rome, the Roman knights, the most distin-

' Clodius rogatus diem dicendo eximere guished military tribunes of Caesar's army,

coepit,') rather than, as some maintain, 'to and, most marvellous of all, the Roman

consume time.' 'Change. These claims were all attested by

4. Primus sententiam dicere: as statues in his honour, with inscriptions bearing

* Consul designatus ' for the following year. lasting witness to his arrogance.
Cp. 5- 13- 355 ?nd see on 5. I, i. 19. Ad Tibur, whither Antony had

Quoad, 'until;' cp. 3. 15, 38. gone when he fled precipitately from' Rome

II. Iretur. Cp. 14. i, i ' Propter cuius on the news of the defection of the fourth

periculum ad saga issemus, propter eiusdem legion. See 3. 9, 24.

salutem redeundum ad pristinum vestitum 21. Myrmillone. Cp. 3. 12,31; e 7

censerem.' 20 and n, 30.

cc. 4, 5. // Antony himself were willing 23. Tanta auctoritate, 'when his in
fo submit, he would be prevented by his fluence is so great among the soldiery '
traitorous associates, such as T. Plancus and 25. Adolescens nobilis. This appel-
L. Trebellius, the champion of commercial lation could hardly apply to T. Plancus who
probity, and above all by his brother L. had been tribune of the commons nine
Antonius, the leader and the greatest ruffian years before ; and in the Vatican MS we

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS

co. 4 — 5.

sententiis maximo vestro plausu condemnatus nescio quo modo
se coniecit in turbam atque ita maestus rcdiit, ut retractus, noh
reversus videretur, sic contemnit, tamquam si illi aqua et igni
interdictum sit ; aliquando negat ei locum esse oportere in curia,
5 qui incenderit curiam. Nam Trebellium valdc iam diligit : 11
oderat turn, cum ille tabulis novis adversabatur : iam fert in
oculis, postea quam ipsum Trebellium vidit sine tabulis novis
salvum esse non posse. Audisse enim vos arbitror, Quirites,
quod etiam videre potuistis, quotidie sponsores et creditores

jo L. Trebellii convenire. O fides! — hoc enim opinor Trebellium
sumpsisse cognomen — : quae potest esse maior fides quam frau-
dare creditores ? domo profugere ? propter aes alienum ire ad
arma ? Ubi plausus ille in triumpho est, saepe ludis ? ubi aedili-
tas delata summo studio bonorum ? quis est, qui hunc non casu

15 existimet recte fecisse, nequitia sceleste? Sed redeo ad amores 5
deliciasque vestras, L. Antonium, qui vos omnes in fidem suam 12

find after his name the wildest confusion of
erasures and repetitions, so that the genuine
reading is hopelessly lost. This confusion
is followed by the words 'cum exiluerit,'
from which some editors, comparing 13. 13,
28, extract ' quam Exitius,' a name which
even there is of doubtful authority. It is
more probable that the words have some
reference to the banishment of Plancus, in
5 i B.C., for the share which he had taken
in the tumultuous funeral of P. Clodius. Any
conjecture, however, is too uncertain to be
of much value. Plancus was restored by
Caesar, and on his death espoused the cause
of Antony. See 10. 10, 22.

2. Coniecit in turbam, 'mixed him
self up with the crowd of returning exiles.'

3. Aqua et igni interdictum. The
' aquae et ignis interdictio ' was the severest
form of exile, whereby the culprit lost his
' civitas.'

5. Qui incenderit curiam. In the riot
which accompanied the funeral of Clodius
the Curia Hostilia was burnt to the ground.

Trebellium. In 47 B.C. L. Tre-
bellius, then tribune of the commons, took
a prominent part in the rejection of his col
league P. Dolabella's motion for a general
abolition of debts ; ' tabulae novae.' As he
afterwards endeavoured, with the aid of
Antony, to carry a precisely similar measure,
Cicero is always twitting him with his incon
sistency ; cp. 10. 10, 22; n. 6, 14; 13.

12, 26.

9. Sponsores et creditores, 'his

sureties and his creditors,' to make arrange
ment for the satisfaction of the claims upon
him.

io. O fides !&c. Cp. 13. 12, 26, where
he is styled ' fidei patronus, fraudator credi-
torum.'

13. In triumpho, 'on the occasion of
the triumph;' i.e., not one of his own, but
on some occasion, when some other man
was triumphing, Trebellius had come in for
a share of the popular favour, as patron of
the public credit. A similar demonstration
in his favour seems to have been made at
some time at the games.

15. Nequitia sceleste, 'he acted well
by chance, but ill by the inborn corruption
of his nature.' The Vatican MS. has 'ne
quitia est scelere,' which has led to the
various conjectures, ' nequitia est scelere
coniuncta,' 'nequitia excellere,' 'qui ne
quitia et scelere ita excellat,' &c. The
best emendations seem to be that of Klotz,
' nequitia scelerate,' and the similar one
in the text, which is adopted by Halm
from Nipperdey, who says (Philol. 3. 144)
that the ' est ' is a mere futile attempt to
emend the corrupt reading ' scelere.'

Amores deliciasque, 'your love and
sweetheart.' Cp. de Div. I. 36, 79 'Quid?
amores ac deliciae tuae, Roscius.'

16. In fidem recepit, 'has taken you
all under his protection.' Cp. Off. I. II,
35 ' Ut ii, qui nationes devictas bello in
fidem recepissent, earum patroni essent more
rnaiorum.'

§§ 10-14.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A VI.

177

recepit. Negatis? num quisnam est vestrum, qui tribum non
habeat ? Certe nemo : atqui ilium quinque et triginta tribus
patronum adoptarunt. Rursus reclamatis? Adspicite illam a
sinistra equestrem statuam inauratam, in qua quid inscriptum
est? Quinque et triginta tribus patrono. Populi Ro- 5
mani igitur est patronus L. Antonius. Malam quidem illi
pestem ! clamori enim vestro assentior. Non modo hie latro,
quern clientem habere nemo velit, sed quis umquam tantis opi-
bus, tantis rebus gestis fuit, qui se populi Romani, victoris domi-
13 nique omnium gentium, patronum dicere auderet ? In foro L. 10
Antonii statuam videmus, sicut illam Q. Tremuli, qui Hernicos
devicit, ante Castoris. O impudentiam incredibilem ! tantumne
sibi sumpsit, quia Mylasis myrmillo Thraecem iugulavit, famili-
arem suum? Quonam modo istum ferre possemus, si in hoc
foro spectantibus vobis depugnasset ? Sed haec una statua. 15
Altera ab equitibus Romanis equo publico, qui item adscribunt
patrono. Quern umquam iste ordo patronum adoptavit? Si
quemquam, debuit me. Sed me omitto. Quern censorem ?
quern imperatorem? Agrum iis divisit. O sordidos, qui acce-
i 14 perint, improbum, qui dederit ! Statuerunt etiam tribuni mili- 20
tares, qui in exercitu Caesaris bis fuerunt. Quis est iste ordo?

1. Num quisnam. Some editors have
written ' quispiarn,' apparently without au
thority, and needlessly, as the use of ' quis
nam ' as an indefinite pronoun is quite
Ciceronian, cp.de Orat. 2.3, 13 'Crassus, num
quidnam,inquit,novi?' pro Rose. Am. 37, 107
' Duo Roscii. Num quisnam praeterea ?'

2. Quinque et triginta, 'the whole
thirty-five tribes,' the number having re
mained the same since the addition of the
Quirina and Velina, 241 B.C.

3. Reclamatis ? See on 4. 2, 5.

7. Non modo . . . sed quis umquam,
' putting this ruffian out of the question, was
there ever any man ?' The interrogative
following 'non modo' is perhaps unparalleled,
but similar cases of its usage for a negative,
to which by its exhaustive force it is equi
valent, are not uncommon. A somewhat
similar instance is found in Div. in Caec. 1 8,
59 'Quid habes quod possis dicere, quam-
obrem non modo mihi, sed cuiquam ante-
ponare?'

ii. Tremuli. Q. Marcius Tremulus
triumphed over the Hernici and Anagnini
in 306 B.C. The temple of Castor stands

nearly opposite the Rostra, on the south
side of the Forum, so that the statue was
probably full in Cicero's view as he ad
dressed the people.

13. Familiarem suum, 'one of his
own company;' see on 5. n, 30.

16. Equo publico. See on I. 8, 20.

18. Debuit me, as having raised the
equestrian order by his consulship. Cp.
de Leg. Ag. i. 9, 27 ' Habeat me ipsum
sibi documento, quern equestri ortum loco
consulem videt, quae vitae via facillime
viros bonos ad honorem dignitatemque per-
ducat.'

20. Statuerunt : sc. 'statuam,' as in 5.
15. 4U 9- 7. '6-

21. Bis. The MSS. have ' duobus,' ap
parently a misinterpretation of the symbol
II, as they have the singular ' exercitu.'
Cp. the inscription on the monument of Cn.
Scipio :

CN. CORNELIUS CN. F. SCIPIO

HISPANUS
PR. AID. CUR. Q. TR. MIL. II.

XVIR SL. IUDIK.
Moreover the following question put by

i78

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 5—6.

multi fuerunt multis in legionibus per tot annos. Us quoque
divisit Semurium. Campus Martius restabat, nisi prius cum
fratre fugisset. Sed haec agrorum assignatio paulo ante, Oui-
rites, L. Caesaris, clarissimi viri et praestantissimi senatoris,

5 sententia dissoluta est : huic enim assensi septemvirum acta
sustulimus. lacent benencia Nuculae, friget patronus Antonius.
Nam possessores animo aequiore discedent : nullam impensam
fecerant, nondum instruxerant. partim quia non conndebant,
partim quia non habebant. Sed ilia statua palmaris, de qua, si 15

° meliora tempera essent, non possem sine risu dicere : L. An
tonio a lano medio patrono. Itane? lanus medius in L.

Cicero points to the erectors of this statue
being a more arbitrary and ill-defined body
than would be formed of all the military
tribunes in the two armies of Caesar, under
standing by this expression the army of Gaul,
and the army of the civil war. To have
merely held the office of military tribune
twice was in itself no great bond of union
between the sharers of this honour, while so
manv would come under the designation
that it was at least unlikely that they would
all have other sympathies in common.
Nor indeed could the army of the civil war
be said to be so different from the army of
Gaul that they could be talked of with any
propriety as ' the two armies of Caesar.'
A. W. Zumpt (Commentationes Epigra-
phicae, I. 3?i) proposes the somewhat
violent alteration ' decem annis fuissent ;'
objecting to the reading in the text on the
ground that to have been tribune twice
formed no basis of classification, either in
respect of character or length of service.
He admits however that there are undoubted
instances where a second tribune-ship is
reckoned to a man's credit, and points out
that if it were true that military tribunes
were appointed to serve under a general for
the whole term of his command, then those
who had served twice under Caesar, who
had received the command in Gaul for two
definite periods of five years, would have
held their office for ten years. This length
of service points to a reason why such men
should associate together in erecting a
statue, but on the other hand ' per tot
annos ' seems to imply reference to a tenure
of office admitting of more frequent changes
than would thus have taken place.

2. Semurium. We only know of this
that it formed part of a bequest left to the
Roman people by Acca Larentia, a mythical

courtezan of the early ages of the kingdom,
identified by some with the wife of Faus-
tulus, the nurse of Romulus and Remus.
(M.icrob. Saturn. I. 10.) From being
named as next in sanctity to the Campus
Martius, it evidently was in or close to
Rome. Some editors have wished to read
' Remurium,' this being the spot on the
Aventine where, according to the legend,
Remus wished to build the city (Pint. Rom.
c. 9) ; but the authority of the MSS. is
supported by the passage in Macrobius.

4. L. Caesaris. The uncle of Antony.
Cicero had himself advocated this measure,

5- 7, 21.

6. lacent beneficia, 8tc.} 'the favours
of Nucula are lost, the patronage of Antony
is at zero.' Cp. ad Q^ Fratr. 3. 2, 3
' Memmius minim in niodum iacet ; Scaurus
refrixerat.' Nucula is mentioned again as
one of the ' septemviri,' 8. 9, 26; II. 6, 13.

7. Possessores, 'the allottees of the
public land.' They had not yet ' stocked '
it, partly from want of means, being chosen
from the dregs of the people, partly, where
they were better off, from want of confidence
in the permanence of their title.

g. Palmaris, &c., 'but that statue carries
off the palm,' &c. That 'palmaris' is the
predicate, and not, as Manutius seems to hold,
an epithet of ' statua,' seems clear from the
only other passage, also ironical, in which the
word is used by Cicero ; de Nat. Deor. 1.8, 20
'Sed ilia palmaris, quod, qui non modo natum
mundum introduxerit, sed etiam manu paene
factum, is eum dixerit fore se:i>piternum.'

II. A lano medio. Mr. Dyer (Diet,
of Geography, vol. 2, p. 774 b) thinks that
lanus was the name of a street, perhaps
that which passed along the south side of
the Forum, the Via Sacra, according to him,
passing to the north. He supports his view

§§ 14-16.

ORATIO PHILIP PIC A VI.

179

Antonii clientela est? Quis umquam in illo lano inventus est,
qui L. Antonio mille nummum ferret expensum ?

6 Sed nimis multa de nugis : ad causam bellumque redeamus ;
quamquam non alienum fuit personas quasdam a vobis recog-
nosci, ut quibuscum bellum gereretur possetis taciti cogitare. 5
Ego autem vos hortor, Quirites, ut etiam si melius aliud fuit,
tamen legatorum reditum exspectetis animo aequo. Celeritas
detracta de causa est : boni tamen aliquid accessit ad causam.

16 Cum enim legati renuntiarint, quod certe renuntiabunt, non in
vestra potestate, non in senatus esse Antonium, quis erit tarn 10
improbus civis qui ilium civem habendum putet? Nunc enim
sunt pauci illi quidem, sed tamen plures, quam re publica dig-
num est, qui ita loquantur : ne legatos quidem exspectabimus ?
Istam certe vocem simulationemque clementiae extorquebit istis

by the Scholium on Hor. Epp. I. I, 54 'lanus
autem hie platea dicitur, ubi mercatores et
foeneratores sortis causa convenire solebant.'
That ' medius lanus ' is equivalent to our
''Change,' and that it was in the immediate
neighbourhood of the Tabernae Novae, is
clear ; but it seems probable that it signifies
not 'the middle of the street lanus,' but the
middle lanus, the centre one, that is, of three
archways in the Forum, round which bankers
used to congregate. One such archway, the
lanus Quadrifrons, dating probably from the
time of Constantine, still exists in the Vela-
brum. This explanation suits better with
the personification of the several lani, here
and in Horace, 1. c. 'Haec lanus summus
ab imo Perdocet ;' and also with the expres
sion fad medium lanum/ rather than "in
medio lano,' in Hor. S. 2. 3, 18

' Postquam omnis res mea lanum
Ad medium fracta est, aliena negotia

euro ;'

and Cic. Off. 2. 24, 87 (25, 90 of many
editions) 'Sed toto hoc de genere commodius
a quibusdam optumis viris ad lanum medium
sedentibus disputatur.' Cicero tells us (de
Nat. Deor. 2. 27, 67) that ' transitiones
perviae lani nominantur.' We hear that
CL Fulvius Flaccus, in 174 B.C., built three
lani, which may have been those in question.
Orelli indeed (on Hor. S. 1. c.) quotes a
passage from P. Victor de Reg. Urb. 8 'lani
duo Celebris mercatorum locus . . . lani duo
praecipui ad arcum Fabianum, superior et
inferior,' as supporting a view that 'summus'
and 'imus lanus' were distinct arches, and
'medius lanus' the space between; but the

authority of the writings which go undei
the name of Victor is generally now con
sidered worthless.

2. Qui . . . ferret expensum, 'to lend
IO/. to L. Antonius.' In strict accuracy
1,000 sestertii at this time were worth a
little under 9/. For ' ferre expensum ' see
on 2. 6, 12.

cc. 6, 7- Though the embassy was useless,
yet now it would be best to wait for the
return of the ambassadors. The failure of
their mission would prove that Cicero was
not only unceasingly energetic in maintaining
the freedom of his country, but also gifted
with the foresight which should make his
counsels worth attending to. Meanwhile he
would content himself with being among the
foremost in making those preparations for
immediate action, which the innate love of
liberty was stimulating all to make, who,
whether in the city or the country, were
eager to crush the frenzy and audacity of
Antony.

4. Personas quasdam, &c., 'the cha
racters of certain men should be reviewed by
you.'

5- Taciti cogitare, 'consider in your
minds.'

6. Etiam si ... fuit, 'granting that a
different course was preferable ;' viz. that
recommended by Cicero in the fifth oration,
to treat Antony as an enemy without more
ado.

14. Istam vocem, 'that watchword;'
cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 65, 168 'Constitue nihil
esse opis in hac voce, civis Romanus
sum.'

N 2

i8o M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 6-7.

res ipsa [publica]. Quo etiam, ut confitear vobis, Ouirites, minus
hodierno die contendi, minus laboravi, ut mihi senatus assentiens
tumultum decerneret, saga sumi iuberet. Malui viginti diebus
post sententiam meam laudari ab omnibus quam a paucis hodie
5 vituperari. Quapropter, Quirites. exspectate legatorum reditum 17
et paucorum dierum molestiam devorate. Oui cum redierint,
si pacem afferent, cupidum me, si bellum, prpvidum iudicatote,
An ego non provideam meis civibus? non dies noctesque de
vestra libertate, de rei publicae salute cogitem ? Quid enim non

10 debeo vobis, Ouirites, quern vos a se ortum hominibus nobilis-
simis omnibus honoribus praetulistis ? An ingratus sum ? quis
minus ? qui partis honoribus eosdem in foro gessi labores, quos
petendis. Rudis in re publica ? quis exercitatior, qui viginti
iam annos bellum geram cum impiis civibus ? Quam ob rem, 7

*5 Quirites, consilio quantum potero, labore plus paene quam potero is
excubabo vigilaboque pro vobis. Etenim quis est civis, prae-
sertim hoc gradu, quo me vos esse voluistis, tain oblitus beneficii
vestri, tarn immemor patriae, tarn inimicus dignitatis suae, quern
non excitet, non inflammet tantus vester iste consensus ? Multas

20 magnasque habui consul contiones, multis interfui : nullam um-
quam vidi tantam, quanta nunc vestrum est. Unum sentitis

I. Res ipsa (publica). The last word, 'eager to welcome it;' that it would come

whose initial only is found in the MSS., unexpectedly, but none the less welcome on

seems to have been rightly condemned by that account. This however loses the anti-

Muretus and Garatonius. thesis to 'providum.' There is no variation

Quo etiam, &c. This declaration is at in the MSS., but conjectural emendations are

variance with the earnestness with which ' stupidum' and 'timidum.'

Cicero urged his point in the fifth oration, 10. A se ortum, 'with no parentage to

and is an apology for his defeat with which boast of.'

he could scarcely have hoped to impose upon n. Praetulistis. Cicero was returned

his audience. at the head of the poll both for the praetor-

6. Devorate, ' swallow down the annoy- ship in 66 B.C., and for the consulship in
ance." Cp. Brut. 67, 236 ' Hominum in- 63 B.C. For the latter he had among his
eptias ac stultitias, quae devorandae nobis antagonists two patricians, L. Catilina and
sunt.' P. Galba, and two plebeians of noble family,

7. Cupidum. Graevius interprets this C. Antonius Hybrida (his colleague) and L.
'nimis partium studiosum,' 'led astray by Cassius Longinus.

party feeling;' comparing pro Font. IO, 21 Ingratus. Cp. pro Mur. 4, 8 (a

' Testibus . . . cupidis et iratis et coniuratis corrupt passage, whose general meaning is,

et ab reiigione remotis ;' and pro Caec. 3. 8 however, clear enough) ' Cum praemia mihi

' Cupidior quam sapientem iudicem esse tanta pro hac industria sint data, quanta

aequum est.' Cp. also Fam. 16. 1 1, 3 ' Nos antea nemini : sic et si ceperis eos, cum

agimus nihil cupide : ' though in all these adcptus sis, deponere, esset hominis et astuti

passages 'cupidus' rather means 'blinded by et ingrati.'

the passion of the moment,' in the present 13. Viginti iam annos. Since his

case by obstinate antipathy to Antony. consulship. See 2. i, I note.

Another interpretation of 'cupidum' here is 17. Gradu. Sc. ' consulari.'

§§16-19. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VI. 181

omnes, unum studetis, M. Antonii conatus avertere a re publica,
furorem exstinguere, opprimere audaciam. Idem volunt omnes
ordines, eodem incumbunt municipia, coloniae, cuncta Italia.
Itaque senatum bene sua sponte firmum firmiorem vestra aucto-
19 ritate fecistis. Venit ternpus, Quirites, serius omnino, quam dig- 5
num populo Romano fuit, sed tamen ita maturum, ut difFerri iam
hora non possit. Fuit aliquis fatalis casus, ut ita dicam, quern
tulimus, quoquo modo ferendus fuit : nunc si quis erit, erit volun-
tarius. Populum Romanum servire fas non est : quern di immor-
tales omnibus gentibus imperare voluerunt. Res in extremum 10
est adducta discrimen : de libertate decernitur. Aut vincatis
oportet, Quirites, quod profecto et pietate vestra et tanta con-
cordia consequemini, aut quidvis potius quam serviatis. Aliae
nationes servitutem pati possunt, populi Romani est propria
libertas. 15

7. Fatalis casus, 'a misfortune brought 14. Populi Romani, &c. Cp. 3. II,

on us by destiny:' viz., the tyranny of 29; 4.5, 13. After 'Romani' some MSS.

Caesar. insert ' res,' perhaps from a mistake in the

12. Pietate, 'your loyalty to your Vatican MS., where the first two letters of

fatherland.' 'est' are written twice over.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE SEVENTH ORATION.

DURING the absence of the ambassadors the Consuls summoned a
meeting of the senate, for the purpose of settling some comparatively
unimportant business connected with the Appian road, the Mint, and
the festival of the Lupercalia. The day of the meeting is not exactly
known, but it was before the i5th of February, that being the day on
which the Lupercalia was held. Cicero was present, and on being asked
for his vote upon the first two questions, he took the opportunity of
delivering the seventh Philippic oration, in which the first three lines and
the last seven words refer to the matter under discussion, and the rest is
occupied with an urgent appeal to the senate not to listen to the friends
of Antony, whose anxiety for a peace, which was incompatible with
freedom, safety, or honour, showed more zeal for the cause of their
friend than loyalty to their country. He therefore pressed upon them
the necessity of continuing their efforts for the protection of the state,
since no sincere proposals could be hoped for on the side of Antony.
The speech is one of his most eloquent : but it does not appear that any
immediate action was taken in consequence of it.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIP PIC ARUM

LIBER SEPTIMUS.

1 PARVIS de rebus, sed fortasse necessariis consulimur, patres

1 conscript!. De Appia via et de Moneta consul, de Lupercis
tribunus pi. refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio vide-
tur, tamen animus aberrat a sententia suspensus curis maioribus.
Adducta est enim, patres conscripti, res in maximum periculum 5
et in extremum paene discrimen. Non sine causa legatorum
missionem semper timui, numquam probavi, quorum reditus quid
sit allaturus ignore : exspectatio quidem quantum afferat lan-
guoris animis quis non videt ? Non enim se tenent ii, qui
senatum dolent ad auctoritatis pristinae spem revirescere, con- 10
iunctum huic ordini populum Romanum, conspirantem Italiam,

2 paratos exercitus, expedites duces. lam nunc fmgunt responsa
Antonii eaque defendunt. Alii postulare ilium, ut omnes exer
citus dimittantur. Scilicet legatos ad eum misimus, non ut
pareret et dicto audiens esset huic ordini, sed ut conditiones 15

cc. I, 2. The topics for discussion were Moneta, afterwards the Roman Mint, occu-

unimportant, compared with the consideration pied the S.W. summit of the Capitoline

of the danger overhanging the state. It was Hill. It was built by L. Camillus, on the

asserted that Antony was willing to make site of the house of Cn. Manlius Capitolinus,

what he called moderate terms with the in pursuance of a vow made in a battle with

people, giving up at least Cisalpine, if not the Aurunci. (Livy 7. 28; 6. 20.)

both the Gauls, as though it were his part to Lupercis. See on 2. 34 84.

dictate terms, instead of submitting uncon- 4. Suspensus curis maioribus, 'amid

ditionally to the senate. Such language the suspense which greater cares inflict on us.'

proved those who employed it to be no good 6. Legatorum missionem. See in-

citizens, much less worthy of the name of troduction to the fifth oration.

consular; contrasting as it did with the con- 10. Revirescere, 'regaining strength

duct of C. Pansa, who had availed himself enough to hope for the renewal of its ancient

of the opportunity which the crisis gave him, power.' Some MSS. have ' reviviscere,' a

to show himself the noblest Consul that had more favourite word with Cicero. For the

been known within the memory of man. construction, cp. de Prov. Cons. 14, 34 'Ad

2. De Moneta. The temple of Juno renovandum belluin revirescent.'

i84

TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 1—2.

ferret, leges imponeret, reserare nos exteris gentibus Italiam
iuberet, se praesertim incolumi, a quo mains pcriculum quam
ab ullis nationibus extimescendum est. Alii remittere eum 3
nobis Galliam citeriorem, illam ultimam postulare : praeclare !

? ex qua non legiones solum, sed etiam nationes ad urbem cone-
tur adducere. Alii nihil eum iam nisi modeste postulare.
Macedonian! suam vocat omnino, quoniam Gaius frater est inde
revocatus. Sed quae provincia est, ex qua ilia fax excitare non
possit incendium ? Itaque idem, quasi providi cives et senatores

10 diligentes, bellicum me cecinisse dicunt, suscipiunt pacis patro-
cinium. Nonne sic disputant? Irritatum Antonium non opor-
tuit ; nequam est homo ille atque confidens ; multi praeterea
improbi — quos quidem a se primum numerare possunt, qui haec
locuntur — : eos cavendos esse denuntiant. Utrum igitur in

15 ncfariis civibus ulciscendi, cum possis, an pertimescendi diligen-
tior cautio est ? Atque haec ii locuntur, qui quondam propter 2
levitatem populares habebantur. Ex quo intelligi potest animo 4
illos abhorniisse semper ab Optimo civitatis statu, non voluntate
fuisse populares. Qui enim evenit ut, qui in rebus improbis

1. Reserare, &c., remove the forces
which bar Italy against her foreign foes.

2. Se praesertim incolumi, 'and
that though he is safe.' See on 2. 24,
60.

4. Illam ultimam, 'quam Plancus
obtinet' 5. 2, 5 : see note.

7. Suam vocat. On the ground that
the decree of the senate which recalled his
brother left matters as they were before the
provinces had been allotted; and that though
the province originally belonged to M.
Brutus, he had been superseded in favour
of Antony by a previous decree of the
senate, passed on the 1st of June.

Gaius frater. He was praetor in 44
B.C., and obtained the province of Mace
donia. (Cp. 3. 10, 26.) On his recall, in
consequence of the decree passed on the
occasion of that oration, he did not return to
Rome, but maintained himself in arms
against M. Brutus till the autumn of this
year. (See IO. 4, 9 ; 11.11,26.) He was
eventually put to death by Brutus, probably
in retaliation for the murder of Cicero.

8. Fax. Cp. 2. 19, 43 ' Omnium incen-
diorum fax ;' and de Harusp. Resp. 2, 4
' Cum his iuriis et facibus bellum mihi dico
esse susceptum.'

10. Pacis. This is the conjecture of
Ursinus, for the readings of the MSS. ' patris,'
or 'partis;' cp. 12. 2, 6 'Ex pacis patrocinio,
quod subito su.scepit.'

11. Irritatum. So Halm, from a cor
rection in the Vatican MS., the word
having been omitted by the original writer.
The other MSS. have 'irritari,' which is
simpler.

15. Ulciscendi. The later MSS. have
' ulciscendis' . . . 'pertimescendis,' apparently
to avoid the peculiar construction ' ulcis
cendi cautio.' Cp. however pro Flacc. 13,
31 ' Defendendi facilis est cautio.' 'In
dealing with traitors, should we take more
care to show our fears of them, or to punish
them, when there is a chance?'

16. Propter levitatem, &c., 'whose
frivolity made them seem, in former days, to
be hunting after popularity.' See on 2. 31,
77 ; and for ' populares' on 1.15, 37.

18. Non voluntate, &c., 'that their
seeking for popularity arose from no love
for the people, but from disloyalty to the
state.' They were on the democratic side,
only when the democratic side was wrong.

19. In rebus improbis, sc. when the
popular desire was set on what was wrong,
they were all for furthering what the people

§§ 2-7. OR ATI 0 PHILIP PIC A VII. 185

populares fuerint, idem in re una maxime populari, quod eadem
salutaris rei publicae sit, improbos se quam populares esse
malint ? Me quidem semper, uti scitis, adversarium multitu-

5 dinis temeritati haec fecit praeclarissima causa popularem. Et
quidem dicuntur, vel potius se ipsi dicunt consulares : quo 5
nomine dignus est nemo, -nisi qui tanti honoris nomen potest
sustinere. Faveas tu hosti? ille litteras ad te mittat de sua
spe rerum secundarum ? eas tu laetus proferas, recites, descri-
bendas etiam des improbis civibus ? eorum augeas animos ?
bonorum spem virtutemque debilites ? et te consularem aut 10
senatorem, denique civem putes? Accipiet in optimam partem
C. Pansa, fortissimus consul atque optimus. Etenim dicam
animo amicissimo : hunc ipsum, mihi hominem familiarissimum,
nisi talis consul esset, ut omnes vigilias, curas, cogitationes in

e rei publicae salute defigeret, consulem non putarem. Quam- 15
quam nos ab ineunte illius aetate usus, consuetudo, studiorum
etiam honestissimorum societas similitudoque devinxit, eius-
demque cura incredibilis in asperrimis belli civilis periculis
perspecta docuit non modo salutis, sed etiam dignitatis meae
fuisse fautorem : tamen eundem, ut dixi, nisi talis consul esset, 20
negare esse consulem auderem. Idem non modo consulem
esse dico, sed etiam memoria mea praestantissimum atque opti
mum consulem, non quin pari virtute et voluntate alii fuerint,
sed tantam causam non habuerunt, in qua et voluntatem suam

7 et virtutem declararent. Huius magnitudini animi, gravitati, ^5
sapientiae tempestas est oblata formidolosissimi temporis. Turn
autem illustratur consulatus, cum gubernat rem publicam, si
non optabili, at necessario tempore. Magis autem necessarium,
patres conscripti, nullum tempus umquam fuit.

wished ; but when the people's wishes offended at my using his name in order to il-

happened to be right, they sacrificed their lustrate my argument from an extreme case,
popularity to their love of wickedness. 22. Praestantissimum, &c., 'stands

3. Adversarium. The later MSS. have forth most prominently as the most patriotic

'adversatum;' but cp. pro Cluent. 34, 94 Consul that I can remember.'
'seditiosis adversarius.' 23. Non quin. Equivalent to 'non

7. Faveas tu hosti. This may be quianon;' cp. de Orat. 2. 72, 295 'Non quin
addressed to Qi Fufius Calenus (see on 5. enitendum sit in utroque.'

I, i), but more probably generally to any 26. Tempestas, &c., 'an opening has

senator to whom the charges would apply. been given to Pansa's high-mindedness,

8. Describendas, 'to copy;' cp. Fam. solidity of character, and wisdom, in a
12. 17, 2 'Dicam tuis, ut librum, si velint, moment of extraordinary danger.' ' Tem-
describant ad teque mittant.' pestas temporis,' ' the opportunity which is

II. Accipiet, &c., C. Pansa will not be presented by the time.'

i86

M. TULLI1 CICERONIS

cc 3—4.

Itaque ego ille, qui semper pacis auctor fui, cuique pax 3
praesertim civilis, quamquam omnibus bonis, tamen in primis
fuit optabilis — omne enim curriculum industriae nostrae in foro,
in curia, in amicorum periculis propulsandis elaboratum est ;
5 hinc honores amplissimos, hinc mediocres opes, hinc dignita
tem, si quam habemus, consecuti sumus — : ego igitur pacis, ut 8
ita dicam, alumnus, qui, quantuscumque sum — nihil enim mihi
arrogo — sine pace civili certe non fuissem — periculose dico ;
quern ad modum accepturi, patres conscripti, sitis horreo, sed

10 pro mea perpetua cupiditate vestrae dignitatis retinendae et
augendae quaeso oroque vos, patres conscripti, ut prime, etsi
erit vel acerbum auditu vel incredibile a M. Cicerone esse dic
tum, accipiatis sine offensione quod dixero, neve id prius, quam
quale sit explicaro, repudietis — : ego ille, dicam saepius, pacis

15 semper laudator, semper auctor, pacem cum M. Antonio esse
nolo. Magna spe ingredior in reliquam orationem, patres con
scripti, quoniam periculosissimum locum silentio sum praeter-
vectus. Cur igitur pacem nolo ? quia turpis est, quia periculosa, 9

cc. 3-5. Cicero therefore, the persistent
eager advocate of peace, to far deviated from
his pr:nciples as to shrink from peace with
Antony; but only because it ivas shameful,
dangerous, and fallacious. It was shameful,
because incontinent with the decree which
they had passed so recently. By voting
honours to C. Caesar, Decimus Brutus, and
the soldiers under their command, — by deter
mining to send both Consuls, one at the risk
of Jiis life, to the seat of ivar, — and by order
ing a general levy, they had practically de
clared that Antony was a public enemy : and
this view was confirmed by the eager attention
paid to warlike preparations by all classes in
the city. Nor did the message to Antony,
impolitic, even disgraceful as it was, bind
them to treat upon his terms, since it was not
so much an embassy, as a notice to yield,
under penalty of destruction if he disobeyed.
The Roman senators should die rather than
submit to one who outdid kings and tyrants
alike, both in extortion and wickedness at
home, and in actual deeds of treasonable
warfare in the provinces.

i. Pacis auctor. Cp. 2. 15, 37. The
elaboration of this sentence and the frequent
dependent clauses and parentheses make the
thread of it difficult to follow, even with the
aid of the thrice repeated subject, ' Ego ille,
. . . ego igitur pacis . . . alumnus, . . . ego

ille pacis . . . laudator, . . . pacem esse nolo.'
2. In primis, 'above all other men.'
All good men desired peace, but none so
much as Cicero.

4, In periculis propulsandis. Cicero
only twice in his life undertook a prosecution,
and" in both cases he might be said to be
pleading the cause of his friends against
their oppressors. The first was that of
Verres, 70 B.C., in behalf of the Sicilians;
the second that of T. Munatius Plancus
Bnrsa, who as tribune of the commons had
taken a leading part in bringing Milo to
trial, 52 B.C.

7. Quantuscumque sum, 'whatever
small position may be mine ;' ' quantus
cumque' being used, by a neioiffis common
with Cicero, for ' quamuluscumque ;' cp. 5.
8, 22 ' Bona, quantacumque erant ;' and de
Orat. 2. 28, 123 'Quantuscumque sum ad
iudicandum.'

8. Periculose dico, 'I speak at the
peril of my reputation for consistency.'
Muretus notices this as a remarkable in
stance of TrpodiupOcccris, answerng an objec
tion before the cause of it has arisen.

I?. Incredibile, &c., 'however difficult
to believe that it has come from Cicero's
mouth/

17. Silentio, 'without your interrupting
me.'

§§7-12. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII. 187

quia esse non potest. Quae tria dum explico, peto a vobis,
patres conscripti, ut eadem benignitate qua soletis mea verba
audiatis.

Quid est inconstantia, levitate, mobilitate cum singulis homi-
nibus, turn vero universe senatui turpius ? quid porro incon- 5
stantius quam, quern modo hostem non verbo, sed re multis

10 decretis iudicaritis, cum hoc subito pacem velle coniungi ? Nisi
vero, cum C. Caesari meritos illi quidem honores et debitos,
sed tamen singulares et immortales decrevistis, unam ob causam,
quod contra M. Antonium exercitum comparavisset, non hostem 10
turn Antonium iudicavistis ; nee turn hostis est a vobis iudicatus
Antonius, cum laudati auctoritate vestra veterani milites, qui
C. Caesarem secuti essent ; nee turn hostem Antonium iudi-
castis, cum fortissimis legionibus, quod ilium, qui consul appel-
labatur, cum esset hostis, reliquissent, vacationes, pecunias, agros 15

4 spopondistis. Quid .V'cum Brutum, omine quodam illius generis

11 et nominis natum ad rem publicam liberandam, exercitumque
eius, pro libertate populi Romani bellum gerentem cum An
tonio, provinciamque fidelissimam atque optimam, Galliam,
laudibus amplissimis affecistis, turn non hostem iudicastis An- 20
tonium ? Quid ? cum decrevistis ut consules, alter ambove, ad
bellum proficiscerentur, quod erat bellum, si hostis Antonius

12 non erat ? Quid igitur profectus est vir fortissimus, meus col-
lega et familiaris, A. Hirtius consul ? at qua imbecillitate ! qua
macie ! sed animi vires corporis infirmitas non retardavit. 25
Aequum, credo, putavit vitam, quam populi Romani votis reti-
nuisset, pro libertate populi Romani in discrimen adducere.

4. Levitate, 'caprice.' See on 2. 31, turn fato quodam paterni maternique ge-

77- neris et nominis.' The other MbS. have

6. Non verbo, sed re. Cp. 4. I, I 'homine.' For the omen see 2. II, 26

' Est hostis a senatu nondum verbo appel- note,
latus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius.' 23. Meus collega : in the augurship.

8. Meritos. So most editors for the At the end of the first oration Cicero

Vatican reading ' merito.' The passive mentions the general anxiety for the safety

meaning of ' meritus,' common in poetry, is of Hirtius, who was then in bad health. To

found again in connection with 'debitam,' in this he apparently refers in saying that the

de Orat. 2. 50, 203 ' Iracundiam neque earn people's prayers had saved his life. The

iniustam sed meritam ac debitam ;' ib. 3. 4, date of his departure from Rome is uncer-

14 'Meritam gratiam debitamque.' 'Illi' tain, but it was probably soon after the

depends on 'decrevistis,' not on ' meritos.' despatch of the envoys (Merivale 3. 128).

16. Omine. So Halm, from one MS., From this speech (c. 2, 5 ; 9, 27) we learn

following the conjecture of Ferrarius, who that Pansa still remained in Rome. Hirtius

compares 10. 6, 14 « Brutus . . . cum sua was not only the friend, but the pupil of

excellentissima virtute rei publicae natus, Cicero (Fam. 7. 33, i).

1 88 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 4-6.

Quid ? cum dilectus haberi tota Italia iussistis, cum vacationes 13
omnes sustulistis, turn ille hostis non est iudicatus ? Armorum
officinas in urbe videtis ; milites cum gladiis secuntur consulem ;
pracsidio sunt specie consuli, re et veritate nobis ; omnes sine

5 ulla recusatione, summo etiam cum studio nomina dant, parent
auctoritati vestrae : non est iudicatus hostis Antonius ? At
legates misimus. Heu me miserum ! cur senatum cogor, quern 14
laudavi semper, reprehenderc ? Quid? vos censetis, patres con-
scripti, legatorum missionem populo Romano vos probavisse?

10 non intelligitis, non auclitis, meam sententiam flagitari ? cui cum
pridie frequentes essetis assensi, postridie ad spem estis inanem
pacis devoluti. Ouam turpe porro legiones ad senatum legates
mittcre, senatum ad Antonium ! quamquam ilia legatio non est :
denuntiatio est paratum illi exitium, nisi paruerit huic ordini.

I5 Quid refert? tamen opinio est gravior. Missos enim legatos
omnes vident, decreti nostri non omnes verba noverunt. Retin- 5
enda est igitur nobis constantia, gravitas, perseverantia, repetenda
vetus ilia severitas : si quidcm auctoritas senatus decus, honest-
atem, laudem, dignitatemque desiderat, quibus rebus hie ordo

20 caruit nimium diu. Sed erat tune excusatio oppressis, misera ilia
quidem, sed tamen iusta : nunc nulla est. Liberati regio
dominatu videbamur : multo postea gravius urguebamur armis
domesticis. Ea ipsa depulimus nos quidem : extorquenda sunt.
Quod si non possumus facere — dicam quod dignum est sena-

10. Meam sententiam flagitari, ' do placing the note of interrogation after
you not hear them calling loudly for the ' tamen,' according to the suggestion of
measures I proposed?' viz. that Antony Faernus. 'In spite of this distinction, the
should at once be formally declared an really important point is what people gene-
enemy, rally think of the measure ; and they at

n. Pridie . . . postridie are here cor- least look on it as an embassy.'

relative, ' on one day,' ' on the next.' Till 17. Constantia, gravitas, perseve-

the 3rd of January the feeling of the senate rantia, as opposed to the ' inconstantia,

had been on Cicero's side, but on the morn- levitas, mobilitas* of Antony, c. 3, 9.

ing of the 4th the tide turned, and the 19. Desiderat, 'regrets;' caruit, 'has

meeting acquiesced in the veto which Salvius been without,' under the tyranny of Caesar,

placed upon his motion. See introd. to the 23. Depulimus, &c., 'we drove them

sixth oration. indeed from our walls, but that is not

12. Devoluti, 'ye sank down/ with the enough, we must wrench them from the

implied notion of deterioration. Cp. Livy hands of him who has usurped them.' The

5. II ' Eo devolvi rern (matters had come words 'extorquenda sunt' stand baldly, so

to such a pass), ut aut patricii aut patriciorum that some editors have inserted 'sed,' but

asseclae babendi tribuni plebis sint.' without authority. The reading of the

Legiones, those of Antony. Of these later MSS. is 'nunc quidem extorquenda

ambassadors we know nothing. sunt,' but 'quidem' is wanted in the former

15. Quid refert? &c. So Halm, re- clause, and weak in the latter,

storing the common punctuation, instead of 24. Quod si, &c. Mr. Forsyth says of

§§13-16. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A VII. 189

15 tore et Romano homine — , moriamur. Quanta enim ilia erit
rei publicae turpitude, quantum dedecus, quanta labes, dicere
in hoc ordine sententiam M. Antonium consulari loco ! cuius
ut omittam innumerabilia scelera urbani consulatus, in quo
pecuniam publicam maximam dissipavit, exsules sine lege resti- 5
tuit, vectigalia divendidit, provincias de populi Romani imperio
sustulit, regna jiddixit pecunia, leges civitati per vim imposuit,
armis aut obsedit aut exclusit senatum : ut haec, inquam, omit
tam, ne hoc quidem cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam, coloniam
populi Romani firmissimam, oppugnarit, imperatorem populi 10
Romani, consulem designatum, obsederit, depopulatus agros sit,
hunc in eum ordinem recipi, a quo totiens ob has ipsas causas
hostis iudicatus sit, quam foedum flagitiosumque sit ?

16 Satis multa de turpitudine : dicam deinceps, ut proposui, de
periculo, quod etsi minus est fugiendum quam turpitudo, tamen 15

6 offendit animos maioris partis hominum magis. Poteritis igitur
exploratam habere pacem, cum in civitate M. Antonium vide-
bitis vel potius Antonios ? Nisi forte contemnitis Lucium : ego
ne Gaium quidem. Sed, ut video, dominabitur Lucius ; est
enim patronus quinque et triginta tribuum, quarum sua lege, 20
qua cum C. Caesare magistratum partitus est, suffragium sus-

this sentence that it 'is as fine as anything against his falling into his ancient evil prac-

in Demosthenes — perhaps finer — if we ex- tices. And if danger should arise, the senate

cept the adjuration in the speech on the must accept the blame of it, since they had

Crown' (Life of Cicero, 2. 221, edit. l). Cicero to warn them, and all orders of the

4. Urbani consulatus. His campaigns people were eager to assist them in avert-

were carried on at home, against the liberty, ing it.

the laws, the property of the state and 19. Dominabitur, ' will play the part of

people. The charges here brought against tyrant ;' so pro Rab. Post. 14, 39 ' Domi-

Antony have all been discussed already, in natus est enim, inquit, Alexandriae.'

the notes to the second oration. 20. Patronus. See 6. 5.

6. Divendidit, 'has sold piecemeal;' Sua lege, the law passed by L. An-
cp. de Leg. Agr. I. 3, 7 'Bona populi Romani tonius, as tribune of the commons, in the
divendere.' preceding year, giving to Caesar the right

7. Addixit, 'has given over to the of nominating the Consuls for the next
highest bidder;' see 2. 21, 52 note. two years, together with half the other

11. Consulem designatum : see on 3. magistrates who were usually elected by the
15,37. people. (Suet. Caes. 41.)

12. Hunc. For this redundant use of 21. Magistratum. This is the reading
'hie,' after a long relative clause, see 2. 39, of the Vatican MS., which Halm supposes
IOI note. to be a corruption for ' magistratuum corni
ce. 6, 7- Secondly, with Antony (or rather tia' or ' nominationem.' 'By virtue of

with the Antonii, for Lucius, the patron of which law he divided the election of the

the people, the knights, and the bankers, the magistrates between Caesar and the people.'

doughty gladiator, was no less formidable The use of ' magistratus ' in the singular

than his brother), any peace must needs be full for the whole bodv of magistrates is hardly

of danger, for there could be no security defensible. The other MSS. and most

190 . M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-8.

tulit ; patronus centuriarum equitum Romanorum, quas item
sine suffragio esse voluit ; patronus eorum, qui tribuni militares
fuerunt ; patronus lani medii. Quis huius potentiam poterit 17
sustinere ? praesertim cum eosdem in agros etiam deduxerit.
5 Quis umquam omnes trihus ? quis equites Romanos ? quis tri
bunes militares ? Gracchorum potentiam maiorem fuisse arbi-
tramini, quam huius gladiatoris futura sit ? quern gladiatorem
non ita appellavi, ut interdum etiam M. Antonius gladiator
appellari solet, sed ut appellant ii, qui plane et Latine locuntur.

10 Myrmillo in Asia depugnavit. Cum ornasset thraecidicis comi-
tem et familiarem suum, ilium miserum fugientem iugulavit ;
luculentam tamen ipse plagam accepit, ut declarat cicatrix.
Qui familiarem iugularit, quid is occasione data faciet inimico ? 18
et qui illud animi causa fecerit, hunc praedae causa quid factu-

15 rum putatis? Non rursus improbos decuriabit? non sollicitabit
rursus agrarios? non queretur expulsos? M. vero Antonius
non is erit, ad quern omni motu concursus fiat civium perdito-
rum ? Ut nemo sit alius nisi ii, qui una sunt, et ii, qui hie ei
nunc aperte favent, parumne erunt multi ? praesertim cum

20 bonorum praesidia discesserint, illi parati sint ad nutum futuri^
Ego vero metuo, si hoc tempore consilio lapsi erimus, ne illi
brevi tempore nimis multi nobis esse videantur. Nee ego 19

editors have ' magistratus.' Nipperdey of the arena : cp. ad Q_Fr. 3. 2, I 'Gabiniurn

(Philologus 3. 144) thinks that ' rnagistra- luculente calefecerat Memmius.'

turn partitus est ' may mean, 'shared the 13. Familiarem, 'his comrade ;' cp.6. I.e.

nomination of magistrates,' as in Tac. Ann. 14. Animi causa, 'to amuse himself;'

1.44 ' Centurionatum egit' means 'he pro- cp. Fam. 7. 2, 3 'Hie simiolus animi causa

ceeded to the appointment of centurions.' me, in quern inveheretur, delegerat.'

For the general sense he compares Suet. 15. Decuriabit, 'place on the judicial

Caes. 41 'Comitia cum populo partitus bench.' See I. 8, 19 note.

est.' Sollicitabit agrarios, 'try to rouse

4. Praesertim cum, &c., 'especially those who are desirous of land ,' cp. Cat. 4.
when he shall have given these same clients 2, 4 ' C. Gracchus, quod agrarios concitare
allotments of the public lands.' conatus est.'

5. Tribunes militares. One of the 16. Queretur expulsos, 'bemoan the
later MSS. reads ' habuit,' but it is easily lot of those who lose their lands,' to make
supplied from the earlier part of the argu- way for the new settlers ; so as to gain over
merit. desperadoes of all classes. Muretns suggests

9. Plane et Latine, 'plain Latin;' cp. ' quaeret urbe expulsos' as the explanation
Verr. Act. 2.4. I, 2 ' Latine me scitote, non of the Vatican reading ' quae retur,' but the
accusatorie loqui.' ' expulsi ' are obviously those who are de-

10. Myrmillo. See 3. 12, 31 note. prived of their property. See on 5. 7, 20.
Thraecidicis, 'with the arms of a The new settlers we, uld be those introduced

Thrax,' the usual antagonist of the myrmillo. by the decree passed in consequence of the

See 6. 5, 13. fifth oration.

12. Luculentam, 'a serious blow.' The 20. Ad nutum, 'to obey Antony with-

expression is probably taken from the slang out demur.'

§§16-21. ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A VII. 191

pacem nolo, sed pacis nomine bellum involutum reformido.
Quare si pace frui volumus, bellum gerendum est : si bellum

7 omittimus, pace numquam fruemur. Est autem vestri consilii,
patres conscripti, in posterum quam longissime providere. Id-
circo in hac custodia et tamquam specula collocati sumus, uti 5
vacuum metu populum Romanum nostra vigilia et prospicientia
redderemus. Turpe est summo consilio orbis terrae, praesertim

20 in re tarn perspicua, consilium intelligi defuisse. Eos consules
habemus, earn populi Romani alacritatem, eum consensum Ita-
Hae, eos duces, eos exercitus, ut nullam calamitatem res publica lo
accipere possit sine culpa senatus. Equidem non deero : mo-
nebo, praedicam, denuntiabo, testabor semper deos hominesque
quid sentiam, nee solum ndem meam, quod fortasse videatur
satis esse, sed in principe civi non est satis : curam, consilium
vigilantiamque praestabo. 15

8 Dixi de periculo : docebo ne coagmentari quidem posse

21 pacem ; de tribus enim, quae proposui, hoc extremum est.
•" Quae potest pax esse M. Antonio primum cum senatu ? quo

ore vos ille poterit, quibus vicissim vos ilium oculis intueri ?
quis vestrum ilium, quern ille vestrum non oderit? Age, vos 20
ille solum, et vos ilium ? Quid ? ii, qui Mutinam circumsedent,
qui in Gallia dilectus habent, qui in vestras fortunas imminent,
amici umquam vobis erunt aut vos illis ? An equites Romanos

I. Involutum. So Halm from the later flrience of C. Caesar and D. Brutus, all

MSS., and a comparison with a fragment of made peace impossible.

a letter ito Octavian, ad Caes. lun. Epist. i. 16. Coagmentari. The Vatican MS.

fr. 9 ' Sed quod videret nomine pacis bellum has ' coamentari,' a reading which Muretus

invohitum fore.' The Vatican MS. has 'nouo- defends, deriving the word from 'amenta,

lutum ' whence Muretus suggested the com- ea quibus ad ligandum utimur.' This mean-

mon reading 'obvolutum,' as in 2. 31. 77- 'I!g °f 'amentum' however does not occur

3. Est vestri consilii, 'your character before the writings of the elder Pliny, and if

for prudence calls upon you.' « coamentari ' be the right reading, it seems

5. In hac custodia, &c., 'in this post more likely that it is taken from a form

of guardianship, this watch-tower, as it ' coamentum,' derived directly from ' cogo,'

were.' To 'custodia' answers 'vigilia;' to as 'amentum' (the impelling thong) is from

'specula' 'prospicientia.' ' ago.' Though several times used by Cicero

7. Summo consilio. Cp. 4. 6, 14 (apologetically, with 'quasi' or ' quodain-

' Senatum, id est orbis terrae consilium.' modo') of the combination of words, in his

14. In principe civi, 'in one who rhetorical treatises, the word ' coagmentari'
claims to be the leader of his party.' For . appears to be nowhere else employed in so

the form 'civi' see 3. 3, 7 note. distinctly metaphorical a sense as here. ' I

c. 8. And lastly, peace with Antony could will show that peace cannot even be patched

not be. Mutual hatred, the people's eager- up with Antony.'

ness for liberty, the sies^e of Mutina, and the 20. Age, vos, &c., 'is this mutual hatred

loyalty and readiness for service which had confined to you and him ?'

thereby been excited, together with the in- 22. In Gallia. See 5. 12, 31 note.

192 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-9.

amplectetur? occulta enim fuit eorum voluntas iudiciumque de
Antonio. Qui frequentissimi in gradibus Concordiae steterunt,
qui nos ad libertatem recuperandam excitaverunt, arma, saga,
bellum flagitaverunt, me una cum populo Romano in contionem
5 vocaverunt : hi Antonium diligent et cum his pacem servabit
Antonius ? Nam quid ego de universe populo Romano dicam ? 22
qui pleno ac referto foro bis me una mente atque voce in con
tionem vocavit declaravitque maximam libertatis recuperandae
cupiditatem. Ita quod erat optabile antea, ut populum Roma-

10 num comitem haberemus, nunc habemus ducem. Quae est
igitur spes, qui Mutinam circumsedent, imperatorem populi
Romani exercitumque oppugnant, iis pacem cum populo Ro
mano esse posse ? An cum municipiis pax erit, quorum tanta 23
studia cognoscuntur in decretis faciendis, militibus dandts, pecu-

15 niis pollicendis, ut in singulis oppidis curiam populi Romani
non desideretis ? Laudandi sunt ex huius ordinis sententia
Firmani, qui principes pecuniae pollicendae fuerunt : respon-
dendum honorifice est Marrucinis, qui ignominia notandos cen-
suerunt eos, si qui militiam subterfugissent. Haec iam tota

20 Italia fient. Magna pax Antonio cum iis, his item cum illo.
Ouae potest esse maior discordia ? in discordia autem pax
civilis esse nullo pacto potest. Ut omittam multitudinem, 24
L. Visidio, equiti Romano, homini in primis ornato atque
honesto civique semper egregio, cuius ego excubias et custo-

I. Occulta, &c. Ironical. ' They made Marrucini, from their admission to the
no display, of course, of their feelings and Roman alliance, in 304 B C., were also con-
opinions about Antony.' spicuous for their general fidelity to Rome,

7. Bis. On the occasions of the fourth but they joined the Marsi and Peligni in the

and sixth orations. Social War, at the close of which, with the

9. Quod here is nearly equivalent to Picenians, they were admitted to the Roman

' whereas,' the principal clause not containing franchise.

a direct antecedent to it, but only an obser- 19. Subterfugissent, 'evaded military

vation referring to the antecedent. See service.' Cp. Off. 3. 26, 97 ' Ulixen in-

Madv. § 398 b. Obs. 2. simulant tragoediae simulatione insaniae

15. Ut in singulis, &c., 'that in re- militiam subterfugisse.'

viewing the conduct of the several towns 23. L. Visidio. Orelli and other editors,

you nowhere feel the absence of the Roman apparently without MS. authority, have

senate :' they are all as zealous as if they ' Nasidio,' identifying this otherwise un-

were acting under the immediate influence known knight with L. Nasidius. who coin-

of the senate. manded a fleet under Pompey in 49 B.C.

17. Firmani. From the time of the To this it is objected that Nasidius would

Roman conquest of Picenum, 268 B.C., not have been appointed to such an office

Firmum (now Fermo) always proved a unless he had held some magistracy, and it

staunch ally of Rome, remaining faithful is unusual to apply the term ' eques' to any

even during the Social War, when it was the one who had even been quaestor,
headquarters of Cn. Pompeius Strabo. The

§§22-27. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII. 193

dias mei capitis cognovi in consulatu meo ; qui vicinos suos
non cohortatus est solum ut milites fierent, sed etiam faculta-
tibus suis sublevavit : huic, inquam, tali viro, quern nos senatus
consulto collaudare debemus, poteritne esse pacatus Antonius?
Quid? C.Caesari? qui ilium urbe, quid? D. Bruto, qui Gallia 5

25 prohibuit ? lam vero ipse se placabit et leniet provinciae Gal-
liae, a qua expulsus et repudiatus est ? Omnia videbitis, patres
conscripti, nisi prospicitis, plena odiorum, plena discordiarum,
ex quibus oriuntur bella civilia. Nolite igitur id velle, quod
fieri non potest, et cavete, per deos immortales ! patres con- ro
scripti, ne spe praesentis pacis perpetuam pacem amittatis.

9 Quorsum haec omnis spectat oratio? quid enim legati ege-

26 rint, nondum scimus. At vero excitati, erecti, parati, armati
animis iam esse debemus, ne blanda aut supplici oratione aut
aequitatis simulatione fallamur. Omnia fecerit oportet, quae 15
interdicta et denuntiata sunt, prius quam aliquid postulet ; Bru-
tum exercitumque eius oppugnare, urbes et agros provinciae
Galliae populari destiterit ; ad Brutum adeundi legatis potes-
tatem fecerit, exercitum citra flu men. Rubiconem eduxerit, nee
propius urbem milia passuum ducenta admoverit ; fuerit et in 20
senatus et in populi Romani potestate. Haec si fecerit, erit
Integra potestas nobis deliberandi : si senatui non paruerit, non

27 illi senatus, sed ille populo Romano bellum indixerit. Sed vos
moneo, patres conscripti : libertas agitur populi Romani, quae
est commendata vobis, vita et fortunae optimi cuiusque, quo 25
cupiditatem infinitam cum immani crudelitate iam pridem in-
tendit Antonius; auctoritas vestra, quam nullam habebitis, nisi
nunc tenueritis : taetram et pestiferam beluam ne inclusam et
constrictam dimittatis cavete. Te ipsum, Pansa, moneo — quam-
quam non eges consilio, quo vales plurimum3 tamen etiam summi 30

6. Leniet, sc. ' se provinciae leniet, any one particular, the only course in that

an apparently unparalleled construction of case was to crush him, and thus free the

' lenio,' due to the influence of its combi- Roman people from all danger and all fear

nation with ' placo,' which, with so closely for ever.

cognate a meaning, is not unusual with this 15. Omnia fecerit, &c., 'he must have

construction; cp. Fam. 13. i, 3 « Uti te sibi submitted to us in all that we have forbidden

placarem.' ' Will he now bring himself to or commanded him to do, before he can

look with kindly and gentle feelings on the claim a hearing for his requests.'

province of Gaul T 19. Exercitum, &c. See on 6. 3, 5.

c. 9. What remained was therefore to be 21. Erit integra, 'the question will

firm and ready. If Antony gave way to all be open for deliberation.'

the orders of the senate, then deliberation 24. Agitur, 'is at stake.'

might be possible and tafe, but if he failed in 30. Non eges, &c., although, that is,

194 M. TULLII CICERONIS c. 9.

gubernatores in magnis tempestatibus a vectoribus admoneri
solent — , hunc tantum tuum apparatum tamque praeclarum ne
ad nihilum recidere patiare. Tempus habes tale, quale nemo
habuit umquam. Hac gravitate senatus, hoc studio equestris
5 ordinis, hoc ardore populi Romani potes in perpetuum rem
publicam metu et periculo liberare. Quibus de rebus refers,
P. Servilio assentior.

you are rather fitted for administering than way, and the Mint, the subjects of the

receiving such advice. Consul's motion; see c. I, i.

2. Apparatum, not merely the forces 7. P. Servilio : probably P. Servilius

which he had collected from the levy, as Vatia Isauricus the younger, who was one of

Manutius thinks, but all his other resources, the chief supporters of the aristocratical

in the firmness of the senate, the zeal of the party, and afterwards chosen as one of the

knights, and the eagerness of the people. envoys for the proposed second embassy to

6. Quibus de rebus: the Appian Antony. See 12. I, I note.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE EIGHTH ORATION.

THE' exact date of this oration cannot be determined, but it is clear
from the last section that it was delivered some little time before the Ides
of March. The occasion of it was the return of two of the ambassadors
who had been sent to Antony. Servius Sulpicius, the third ambassador,
had been in bad health before he started, and died before he reached the
camp of Antony. The other two, L. Piso and L. Philippus, laid before
Antony the demands of the senate ; to which he replied, as Cicero had
foretold, not by simple submission, but by a series of counter proposi
tions. He offered indeed to give up his designs upon Cisalpine Gaul,
but only on condition of his being invested with the command of the
Transalpine province, to be held, against the law of Caesar, for a period
of five years. He further demanded that six legions should be given
him from the army of D. Brutus ; that his troops should receive
rewards in lands and money ; that his previous grants in Campania and
Leontini should be confirmed; that all the decrees which he had
published as the acts of Caesar should continue valid ; that no account
should be demanded of the public money which he had embezzled ; that
the 'septemviri' for the division of lands should be maintained in their
office ; and that his own law concerning the 'iudicia' should be ratified.
In making these proposals he did not suspend his operations against
Mutina, even during the time of his interview with the ambassadors ; and
he refused to allow them to communicate with D. Brutus.

When the commissioners returned home with their report of these
proceedings, public indignation was generally aroused. All thoughts of
peace with Antony were laid aside; and the only question was what
steps should be adopted against him. Hirtius had already gone to join
the army under Mutina, but Pansa immediately summoned the senate,
and proposed that war should be proclaimed. L. Caesar proposed the
substitution of the milder term ' tumultus/ but with an apology on the

O 2,

196 INTRODUCTION TO THE EIGHTH ORATION.

ground that Antony was his nephew. However he was supported by
Q. Fufius Calenus, and some others, and eventually by the Consul
himself. It is not easy to understand why Cicero took no prominent
part in the debate (see however on c. i, i), but allowed the proposal of
L. Caesar to be carried, though it was strongly in opposition to his own
desires. On the following day, the senate having met again to consider
further measures, he delivered the eighth oration, in which he criticizes
severely both the proceedings of the senate on the previous day, and the
pusillanimous conduct of the ambassadors in allowing such contemptuous
insolence on the part of Antony. He protests against any half measures,
urging that Antony could only be treated as an enemy to whom no
terms could be granted ; and that to send a second embassy to him was
only to incur a second time the degradation which the first had brought
upon them ; and he concludes by proposing that Cotyla, the envoy sent
by Antony, should at once be ordered to return to him, and that an
amnesty should be granted to all of Antony's soldiers who should leave
his standard before the Ides of March.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM
LIBER OCTAVUS.

1 CONFUSIUS hesterno die est acta res, C. Pansa, quam

1 postulabat institutum consulatus tui. Pa rum mihi visus es eos,
quibus cedere non soles, sustinere. Nam cum senatus ea virtus
fuisset, quae solet, et cum re viderent omnes esse bellum, qui-
damque id verbum removendum arbitrarentur, tua voluntas in 5
discessione fuit ad lenitatem propensior. Victa est igitur propter
verbi asperitatem te auctore nostra sententia. Vicit L. Caesaris,
amplissimi viri, qui verbi atrocitate dempta oratione fuit quam
sententia lenior. Quamquam is quidem, antequam sententiam
diceret, propinquitatem excusavit. Idem fecerat me consule in 10
sororis viro, quod hoc tempore in sororis filio fecit, ut et luctu

2 sororis moveretur et saluti populi Romani provideret. Atque
ipse tamen Caesar praecepit vobis quodam modo, patres con-
scripti, ne sibi assentiremini, cum ita dixit, aliam sententiam se
dicturum fuisse eamque se ac re publica dignam, nisi propinqui- 15

c. I. Cicero begins by lamenting the le- he moved, did not deliver an important

niency of the previous day's decision, though speech.

he maintains that L. Caesar, in proposing, 10. Propinquitatem. Hewasthebrother

out of feeling for his nephew, to style the of Julia, Antony's mother. Cp. Fam. 10.

crisis of affairs ' tumultus ' rather than ' bel- 28, 3 'L.Caesar optime sentit, sed, quod

lum,' was introducing an imaginary distinc- avunculus est, non acerrimas dicit sententias.'

tion, since in fact ' tumultus' was more serious After the death of the elder Antonius, Julia

a thing than ordinary war. married P. Lentulus Sura, one of Catiline's

I. Hesterno die: the day on which accomplices, to whom allusion is made be-

the decree was passed, which declared the low. At the trial of the conspirators, L.

' tumultus.' See introduction. Caesar declared himself in favour of any

3. Sustinere, 'to withstand their attack.' punishment short of death.

5. In discessione. 8660113.9,24. Idem fecerat, &c., 'in my consul-

7. Nostra sententia. From this it ship he had behaved in the same way with
appears that Cicero had taken part in the regard to his brother-in-law as now in re-
debate of the preceding day, but probably spect of Antony ; in both cases combiniu j;
he expressed his views before L. Caesar, care for the public interest with sympathy
and not anticipating the amendment which for his sister's grief.'

198 M. TULLII CICERON1S ec. 1-2.

tate impediretur. Ergo ille avunculus : num etiam vos avunculi,
qui illi estis assensi ?

At in quo fuit controversia ? Belli nornen ponendum quidam
in sententia non putabant : tumultum appellare malebant, ignari
5 non modo rerum, sed etiam verborum ; potest enim esse bellum,
ut tumultus non sit, tumultus esse sine bello non potest. Quid 3
est enim aliud tumultus nisi perturbatio tanta, ut maior timor
oriatur ? unde etiam nomen ductum est tumultus. Itaque
maiores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus, tumul-

10 turn Gallicum, quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum
nominabant. Gravius autem tumultum esse quam bellum hinc
intelligi potest, quod bello vacationes valent, tumultu non valent.
Ita fit, quern ad modum dixi, ut bellum sine tumultu possit,
tumultus sine bello esse non possit. Etenim cum inter bellum 4

15 et pacem medium nihil sit, necesse est tumultum, si belli non
sit, pacis esse : quo quid absurdius dici aut existimari potest ?
Sed nimis multa de verbo : rem potius videamus, patres con-
scripti, quam quidem intelligo verbo fieri interdum deteriorem
solere. Nolumus hoc bellum videri. Quam igitur municipiis et 2

6. Ut tumultus, &c. The words that though looked on as more conducive to
' tumultus non sit' are wanting in the panic for the moment, it was never con-
Vatican MS., apparently owing to the recur- sidered so serious a matter as ' bellum.'
rence of the word 'tumultus.' They have Rem, &c,, 'let us rather look at the
been recovered by Halm from a quotation reality, which, as I understand, is often
in Isidorus, Orig. 18. i, 7. The other MSS. made worse than it need be by the language
have ' esse bellum sine tumultus : tumultus which we employ ;' i.e. for want of pre-
esse,' &c., taken, with great improbability, cision in our language we fail to form a
from Cicero's repetition of the sentiment right estimate of, and so take right mea-
just below. sures in, any crisis.

Quid est enim,&c. This is adduced by cc. 2, 3. That there ivas really war was

Quintilian, 7- 3> 25, as an instance of defi- shown by the zeal of the municipal towns;

nition by etymology, which he says is rarely by the conduct of Antony himself; by the

found. It is hardly necessary to observe energetic measures of Octavianus ; by the

that in this case the etymology is wrong. mission of Hirtins, and his victory over

8. Itaque maiores nostri, &c. This Antony; by the general levies, and the war-
is the 'locus classicus' for the meaning of like attitude of the citizens. This all be-
' tumultus,' properly a revolt of the Italian tokened civil ivar, and that of an enormity
nations, and extended only to an inroad hitherto unparalleled. Unlike all others, it
of the Gauls, which was looked upon with was entered on solely for private aggrandize-
equal apprehension. Cp. Servius on Virg. menf, in the midst of profound peace, when
Ae. 8. i ' Tumultus, id est, bellum Italicum, all classes were unanimously bent on defend'
vel Gallicum, in quibus ex periculi vicinitate ing the institutions of their country, and pre-
erat timor multus.' serving their property and their homes. These

12. Vacationes. See on 5. 12, 31. Antony was promising as spoil to his aban-

17. De verbo. The special pleading of doned crew of profligates and ruffians, after

Cicero is sufficiently shown by the fact of a fashion which contrasted strangely in its

the senate looking on the amendment of lawlessness and cruelty with the glorious

L. Caesar as a milder measure ; and the rewards held out by the commonwealth to its

general use of the word ' tumultus ' proves patriotic soldiers,

§§2-7. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A VIII. 199

coloniis ad excludendum Antonium auctoritatem damus ? quam,
ut milites fiant sine vi, sine multa, studio, voluntate ? quam, ut
pecunias in rem publicam polliceantur ? Si enim belli nomen
tolletur, municipiorum studia tollentur : consensus populi Ro-
mani, qui iam descendit in causam, si nos languescimus, debili- 5

5 tetur necesse est. Sed quid plura? D. Brutus oppugnatur :
non est bellum ? Mutina obsidetur : ne hoc quidem bellum est ?
Gallia vastatur : quae pax potest esse certior ? Illud vero quis
potest bellum esse dicere ? Consulem, fortissimum virum, cum
exercitu misimus : qui cum esset infirmus ex gravi diuturnoque 10
morbo, nullam sibi putavit excusationem esse oportere, cum
ad rei publicae praesidium vocaretur. C. quidem Caesar non
exspectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud esset aetatis :
bellum contra Antonium sua sponte suscepit ; decernendi enim
tempus nondum erat : bellum autem gerendi tempus si praeter- 15

6 misisset, videbat re publica oppressa nihil posse decerni. Ergo
illi nunc et eorum exercitus in pace versantur. Non est hostis
is, cuius praesidium Claterna deiecit Hirtius ; non est hostis, qui
consuli armatus obsistit, designatum consulem oppugnat ; nee
ilia hostilia verba nee bellica, quae paulo ante ex collegae litteris 20
Pansa recitavit : Deieci praesidium; Claterna potitus
sum; fugati equites; proelium commissum; occisi ali
quot. Quae pax potest esse maior? Dilectus tota Italia de-
creti sublatis vacationibus ; saga eras sumentur ; consul se cum
praesidio descensurum esse dixit. 25

7 Utrum hoc bellum non est ? Etiam tantum bellum, quantum
numquam fuit. Ceteris enim bellis, maximeque civilibus, con-

i. Ut milites fiant, 'that they should have done at his age.' Cp. 2. 24, 60

enrol themselves, as they are doing.' note.

Sine multa. The later MSS. have 14. Decernendi enim tempus, &c.,

'tumultu,' but Cicero is obviously enumera- 'for the time for passing a decree was not

ting the various motives, of terror or patriot- yet come :' the senate not being free till

ism, whereby men are commonly induced to Antony had quitted Rome,

enlist. 18. Claterna was about ten miles south-

5. Descendit in causam, 'is taking east of Bononia (Bologna}, which was still

up the matter.' Cp. Livy 36. 7 ' Cui, si in Antony's possession. Cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2.

semel in causam descenderit, nihil integri There are now no remains of the city, but

futurum sit.' The expression seems to be its site is perhaps marked by the name of a

taken from coming down into the forum small stream which crosses the ancient Via

(see below, § 6), to support a friend's cause Aemilia, called Quaderna.

in the law courts. 23. Tota Italia. See on 5. 12, 31.

lo. Infirmus. See 7. 4, 12 note. 25. Descensurum esse, sc. 'in forum.'

13. Praesertim cum, ' as he might well Cp. 2. 6, 15 ' Hodie non descendit Antoiiius.'

2OO

M. TULLII CICERO NTS

co. 2—3.

tentionem rei publicae causa faciebat. Sulla cum Sulpicio de
iure legum, quas per vim consul Sulla latas esse dicebat ; China
cum Octavio de novorum civium suffragiis ; rursus cum Mario
et Carbone Sulla, ne dominarentur indigni et ut clarissimorum
5 hominum crudelissimam poeniretur necem. Horum omnium
bellorum causae ex rei publicae contentione natae sunt. De
proximo bello civili non libet dicere : ignoro causam, detestor
exitum. Hoc bellum quintum civile geritur — atque omnia in 3
nostram aetatem inciderunt — primum non modo non in dissen- 8

10 sione et discordia civium, sed in maxima consensione incredibi-
lique concordia. Omnes idem volunt, idem defendant, idem
sentiunt. Cum omnes dico, eos excipio, quos nemo civitate
dignos putat. Ouae est igitur in medio belli causa posita ?
Nos deorum immortalium templa, nos muros, nos domicilia

15 sedesque populi Romani, aras, focos, sepulchra maiorum ; nos
leges, indicia, libertatem, coniuges, liberos, patriam defendimus :

l. Rei publicae causa, 'a question
affecting the state.'

Cum Sulpicio. P. Sulpicius Rufus,
characterised by Cicero (Brut. 55, 203) as
the grandest orator he had ever heard, joined
Marius in 88 B.C., when tribune of the
commons, and in his favour got a law passed
by violence, which distributed the Italians
who had just received the franchise, among
the thirty-five old tribes, thus placing t;.e
whole political power in their hands. The
Consuls attempted to prevent the passing of
this law by declaring a ' iustitium,' but
Sulpicius cume into the forum with a force
sufficient to overbear all opposition, over
came the Consuls, and drove Sulla from the
city. Sulla shortly afterwards returned at
the head of his army, and having made
himself master of the city, killed Sulpicius,
and obliged Marius to flee from Rome.
The next year Cinna was Consul, and tried
again to pass the obnoxious law, but was for
a time successfully resisted by his colleague,
Cn. Octavius, who was slain in the tumults
that ensued.

De iure legum, 'how far the laws
were constitutional:' ' ius' being the prin
ciple of right which underlies all written
law.

3. Cum Mario. This was the adopted
son of the great Marius, who succeeded his
father as the leader of his party, but in
his consulship, 82 B.C., was utterly defeated
by Sulla, and put an end to his own life.
His colleague Cn. Papirius Carbo was de

feated shortly after, but made his escape to
Africa.

4. Indigni, the democratic party.
Clarissimorum hominurn, e.g. Q.

Catulus, the former colleague of Marius,
M. Antonius the orator, L. Caesar, the
victor of Acerrae, 90 B.C., P. Crassus, who
had gained distinction in the Spanish and
Social Wars, and L. Merula, who had un
willingly superseded Cinna in his consulship.

5. Poeniretur. For the deponent form
cp. Tusc, I. 44, 107 ' Multi inimicos etiam
mortuos poeniuntur.'

7. Proximo, that between Caesar and
Pompey.

8. Quintum. Cicero omits all mention
of the war with Sertorius, perhaps because
from the time of his quitting Rome in 82
B.C., till his death in 72 B.C., the scene of
the struggle was in Spain.

In nostram aetatem. Cicero was
19 years old at the time of the contest
between Sulpicius and Sulla, forty-five years
before the time of this oration.

9. Primum, &c., ' and yet it is the first
that has arisen when our citizens were not
only free from variance and disunion, but
even joined together by unusual and scarcely
credible harmony of feeling.' Perhaps the
same might be said of almost any civil war,
by thus conveniently ignoring that those
who differ from the speaker have any right
to be considered.

13. Quae est igitur, &c., ' what is then
the avowed cause of the war ? '

§§7-10. O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A VIII. 2,01

contra M. Antonius id molitur, id pugnat, ut haec omnia per-
turbet, evertat, praedam rei publicae causam belli putet, fortunas
nostras partim dissipet, partim dispertiat parricidis.
9 In hac tarn dispari ratione belli miserrimum illud est, quod
ille latronibus suis pollicetur primum domos ; urbem enim divi- 5
surum se confirmat : deinde omnibus portis quo velint deduc-
turum. Omnes Cafones, omnes Saxae ceteraeque pestes, quae
secuntur Antonium, aedes sibi optimas, hortos, Tusculana,
Albana definiunt. Atque etiam homines agrestes, si homines
illi ac non pecudes potius, inani spe ad aquas usque et Puteolos 10
provehuntur. Ergo habet Antonius quod suis polliceatur : quid
nos? num quid tale habemus? Di meliora ! id enim ipsum
agimus, ne quis posthac quidquam eius modi possit polliceri.
Invitus dico, sed dicendum est. Hasta Caesaris, patres con-
scripti, multis improbis et spem aflfert et audaciam. Viderunt 15
enim ex mendicis fieri repente divites : itaque semper hastam
videre cupiunt ii, qui nostris bonis imminent, quibus omnia polli-
10 cetur Antonius. Quid nos? nostris exercitibus quid pollicemur?
Multo meliora atque maiora. Scelerum enim promissio et iis,
qui exspectant, perniciosa est et iis, qui promittunt. Nos liber- 20
tatem nostris militibus, leges, iura, indicia, imperium orbis terrae,
dignitatem, pacem, otium pollicemur. Antonii igitur promissa
cruenta, taetra, scelerata, dis hominibusque invisa, nee diuturna

3. Parricidis. See on 2. 7, 17. Ad aquas: to Baiae. Cp. pro

4. In hac tarn dispari ratione, 'in Plane. 27, 65 'Me unum ex iis feci, qui ad
the midst of a war that contradicts all aquas venissent.' From Att. i. 16, 10
precedents.' 'Quid, inquit, homini Arpinati cum aquis

6. Deducturum, &c., 'will lead them calidis,' we may gather that it was considered

forth to seize upon what lands they will.' presumption for any one not in good society

7- Cafones. Cafo was one of Caesar's at Rome to go to so fashionable a watering-
veterans (n. 5, 12), and is frequently de- place as Baiae.

nounced by Cicero as one of Antony's tools. 12. Di meliora. Cp. Cat. Ma. 14, 47

Cp. also 10. 10, 22. 'Di meliora, inquit;' and Virg. G. 3. 513

Saxae. Decidius Saxa was a Spaniard, 'Di meliora piis, erroremque hostibus ilium!'

whom Caesar made tribute of the commons 14. Hasta Caesaris, the auctions of

in 44 B.C., though not even a Roman confiscated property, sold by Caesar's orders,

citizen. (Cp. n. 5, 12; 13. 13, 27.) He as in the case of the estate of Pompey,

subsequently held commands under Antony bought by Antony himself. See 2. 26,

and Octavianus in the East, but was defeated 64 note,

and killed by Q._ Labienus, 40 B.C. 16. Semper hastam . . . cupiunt, &c.

8. Tusculana, sc. • praedia ;' cp. Att. Manutius compares Off. 2. 8, 29 ' Nee vero

7- 5> 3 ' Ego in Tusculanum nihil sane hoc umquam bellorum civilium semen et causa

tempore ... Sed de Formiano Tarracinam deerit, dum homines perditi hastam illam

pnd. Kal. Ian. Inde Pomptinam summam ; cruentam et meminerint et sperabunt.'

inde Albanum Pompeii.' ,9. Scelerum promissio, • to promise

10. Pecudes. See on 2. 12, 30. what is wicked.'

203 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 3-4.

nee salutaria : nostra contra honesta, Integra, gloriosa, plena
laetitiae, plena pietatis.

Hie mihi etiam O. Fufius, vir fortis ac strenuus, amicus meus, 4
pacis commoda commemorat. Quasi vero, si laudanda pax n
5 esset, ego id aeque commode facere non possem. Semel enim
pacem defendi ? non semper otio studui ? quod cum omnibus
bonis utile esset, turn praecipue mihi. Quern enim cursum in-
dustria mea ten-ere potuisset sine forensibus causis, sine legibus,
sine iudiciis? quae esse non possunt civili pace sublata. Sed !2

10 quaeso, Calene, quid tu ? servitutem pacem vocas ? Maiores
quidem nostri non modo, ut liberi essent, sed etiam, ut impera-
rent, arma capiebant : tu arma abiicienda censes, ut serviamus ?
Quae causa iustior est belli gerendi quam servitutis depulsio ? in
qua etiam si non sit molestus dominus, tamen est miserrimum

15 posse, si velit. Immo aliae causae iustae, haec necessaria est.
Nisi forte ad te hoc non putas pertinere, quod te socium fore
speras dominationis Antonii. In quo bis laberis : primum, quod
tuas rationes communibus interponis, deindc, quod quidquam
stabile aut iucundum in regno putas. Non, si tibi antea profuit,

20 semper proderit. Quin etiam de illo homine queri solebas : 13
quid te facturum de belua putas ? Atque ais eum te esse, qui
semper pacem optaris, semper omhes cives volueris salvos.
Honesta oratio, sed ita, si bonos et utiles et e re publica cives:

I. Integra, opposed to ' taetra,' 'with- audits colonies. Calenus, on the contrary,

out taint or crime.' showed himself to be unpatriotic, first, by

cc. 4-6. To advocate war at the present defending Antony in spite of his open warfare

time was quite consistent with. an undirninished and insulting conduct towards the state ; and

love of peace, and care for the safety of the secondly, by his persistent attacks upon a city

citizens, for war meant now deliverance from so loyal as Massilia, ivhose sufferings excited

tyranny and permanent safety for all honest the compassion even of her oppressor, Caesar,

men, and these were blessings well worth 3. Q. Fufius : Calenus ; see on 5. I,

winning by a temporary sacrifice of peace. I. For Cicero's real feelings towards

In like manner Scipio Nasica and L. Opimius Calenus, see Att. 9. 8, 2 'Fufius est illic

ivere rightly praised for choosing present (with Caesar), mihi inimicissimus ;' ib. 15.

bloodshed rather than a lasting slavery, when 2, 4 ' Sane insulse (scribit), ut solet.'

the Gracchi tried successively to overthrow 4. Si laudanda pax esset. See *J. 3,

the constitution. So the treason of Satur- 7 foil.

ninus and of Catiline could only be subdued 15. Necessaria, 'admits of no alter-

by force of arms ; the guilty always must be native.'

rooted out to save the innocent, and though 19. Antea, during the time of Caesar's

in the single case of P. Clodius popular rule.

opinion of course ivas wrong, and Calenus 20. De illo homine. The last word is

showed himself more keen of sight than emphatic, ' of him, who was a man.'

Cicero, yet none could now dispute the fact 23. Ita, si, &c., ' only with the proviso

that in upholding D. Brutus Cicero was that all these citizens should be loyal.' Cp.

asserting the freedom of the Roman people 2. 34, 85 note,

§§ 10—14.

OR ATI 0 PHI LIP PIC A VIII.

203

sin eos, qui natura cives sunt, voluntate hostes, salvos veils, quid
tandem intersit inter te et illos ? Pater tuus quidem, quo utebar
sene auctore adolescens, homo severus et prudens, primas om
nium civium P. Nasicae, qui Ti. Gracchum interfecit, dare
solebat ; eius virtute, consilio, magnitudine animi liberatam rem 5
14 publicam arbitrabatur. Quid? nos a patribus num aliter acce-
pimus ? Ergo is tibi civis, si temporibus illis fuisses, non pro-
baretur, quia non omnes salvos esse voluisset. Quod L. Opi-
mius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita cen-
suerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defen- 10
deret. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Num igitur eum,
si turn esses, temerarium civem aut crudelem putares ? aut Q.
Metellum, cuius quattuor filii consulares ? P. Lentulum, prin-
cipem senatus, complures alios summos viros, qui cum Opimio
consule armati Gracchum in Aventinum persecuti sunt ? quo in 15
proelio Lentulus grave vulnus accepit, interfectus est Gracchus
et M. Fulvius consularis eiusque duo adolescentuli filii. Illi

2. Pater. The father is mentioned only
here. From his estimate of Scipio Nasica
Dr. Schmitz (Smith's Diet, of Biogr.) argues
that he was a considerable holder of public
land.

3. Primas. Sc. 'partes;' cp. Att. I.
I7> 5 ' Amoris erga me tibi primas defero.'

4. P. Nasicae. Cicero is fond of eulo
gising this man as a patriot, though he
seems to have been a hotheaded, unscrupu
lous partizan of the aristocratic faction. Cp.
Brut. 58, 212 'Ex dominatu Ti. Gracchi
privatus in libertatem rem publicam vindi-
cavit;' Off. i. 22, 76 'Nee plus Africanus
in exscindenda Numantiarei publicaeprofuit,
quam P. Nasica privatus, cum Ti. Gracchum
interemit.' The part he took in the murder
of Gracchus made Nasica so unpopular in
Rome, that the senate made an excuse for
sending him to Asia, whence he never re
turned.

8. Voluisset. The subjunctive is used,
because containing the reason which Calenus
would have given : ' because, you would
have said, he had not wished for the safe
preservation of all the citizens.'

L. Opimius was Consul in 121 B.C.,
and introduced the law against the restora
tion of Carthage, which led to the disturb
ances in which C. Gracchus perished. He
acted at the instigation of the senate (see
Cat. i, 2, 4), and was looked on by their
party as a hero, ' servator ipse rei publicae,'

pro Plane. 28, 69 ; cp. ib. 29, 70 ' Praetor
finitimo, Consul domestico bello rem publi
cam liberavit.'

12. Esses. See Madv. § 347 b. Obs. 2.
Q. Metellus Macedonicus was a steady

opponent of the Gracchi, and is praised
by Cicero (Brut. 21, 81) for the eloquence
of his speech against the elder brother.
His fourth son was praetor, and can
didate for the consulship at the time of
his father's death, in 115 B.C. ; cp. Fin. 5. 27,
82 ' Tris fiiios consules vidit, e quibus unum
etiam et censorem et triumphantem, quartum
autem praetorem, eosque salvos reliquit et
tris filias nuptas.'

13. P. Lentulus was Consul 162 B.C.,
and must therefore have been far advanced
in years at the time of Gracchus' death.
Cp. Cat. 4. 6, 13 ' Huius avus Lentuli, vir
clarissimus, armatus Gracchum est perse-
cutus ; ille etiam grave turn vulnus accepit,
ne quid de summa re publica deminueretur.'

I5j In Aventinum. Gracchus himself
escaped across the Tiber, through the self-
devotion of two of his attendants, but having
sprained his ancle in descending the Aven-
tine, he fell, probably by his own hand, in
the Lucus Furinae, at the foot of the Jani-
culum.

17. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Consul 125
B.C., was one of the supporters of the
Gracchi, and the chief advocate for resisting
the senate by force of arms. His elder sou

204 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 4-6.

igitur viri vituperandi ; non enim omnes cives salvos esse volu-
erunt. Ad propiora veniamus. C. Mario L. Valerio consulibus 5
senatus rem publicam defendendam dedit : L. Saturninus tri- 15
bunus pi., C. Glaucia praetor est interfectus. Omnes illo die

5 Scauri, Metelli, Claudii, Catuli, Scaevolae, Crassi arma sump-
serunt. Num aut consules illos aut clarissimos viros vituper-
andos putas ? Ego Catilinam perire volui. Num tu, qui omnes
salvos vis, Catilinam salvum esse voluisti ? Hoc interest, Calene,
inter meam sententiam et tuam : ego nolo quemquam civem

10 committere ut morte multandus sit : tu, etiam si commiserit,
conservandum putas. In corpore si quid eius modi est, quod
reliquo corpori noceat, id uri secarique patimur, ut membrum
aliquod potius quam totum corpus intereat : sic in rei publicae
corpore. ut totum salvum sit, quidquid est pestiferum, ampu-

15 tetur. Dura vox ! multo ilia durior : Salvi sint improbi, scelerati. le
impii ; deleantur innocentes, honesti, boni, tota res publica. Uno
in homine, Q. Fufi, fateor te vidisse plus quam me. Ego P.
Clodium arbitrabar perniciosum civem, sccleratum, libidinosum,
impium, audacem, facinerosum, tu contra sanctum, temperantem,

20 innocentem, modestum, retinendum civem et optandum : in hoc
uno te plurimum vidisse, me multum errasse concedo. Nam
quod me tecum iracunde agere dixisti solere, non est ita. Vehc-
menter me agere fateor, iracunde nego. Omnino irasci amicis
non temere soleo, ne si merentur quidem. Itaque sine verborum 17

25 contumelia a te dissentire possum, sine animi summo dolore non
possum. Parva est enim mihi tecum aut parva de re dissensio ?

was seized and put to death with him, the 10. Committere ut, &c.. 'should act

younger son was detained when sent by his so as to deserve the punishment of death,'

father to arrange a compromise with the a favourite construction with Cicero ; cp.

senate, and was afterwards put to death in Off. 2. 14, 50 'Committere ut accusator

prison. See Cat. I. 2, 4; and 12, 29; nominere.'

ib. 4. 6, 13. 17. Te vidisse plus. When P. Clodius

2. C. Mario, &c. 100 B.C. Cicero was accused of violating the mysteries of

says (Brut. 62, 224) that Saturninus was the Bona Dea, Calenus, then tribune of the

' seditiosorum omnium post Gracchos elo- commons, proposed a law that he should

quentissimus, Glaucia longe post homines be tried by the ordinary tribunal, instead

natos improbissimus.' The lawless conduct of by a special court, and thus made pos-

of Saturninus in his tribuneship reached a sible the corruption which procured his

climax in the murder of C. Memmius, on acquittal. The irony of the passage is ob-

which he and Glaucia were declared public vious.

enemies, and after an ineffectual struggle to 19. Facinerosum. So Halm, follow-

dcfend themselves in the Capitol, they sur- ing the Vatican MS. and the general custom

rendered to Marius, but were pelted to of the most ancient MSS. Al. facinoro-

dcath by the mob. sum.

§§14-19. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A VIII. 205

Ego huic faveo, tu illi? immo vero ego D. Bruto faveo, tu M.
Antonio : ego conservari coloniam populi Roman! cupio, tu

6 expugnari studes. An hoc negare potes, qui omnes moras in-
terponas, quibus infirmetur Biutus, melior fiat Antonius ? Quo-
usque enim dices pacem velle te ? Res geritur, t conductae 5
lineae sunt, pugnatur acerrime. Qui intercurrerent, misimus tres
principes civitatis. Hos contempsit, reiecit, repudiavit Antonius :

is tu tamen permanes constantissimus defensor Antonii. Et qui
dem, quo melior senator videatur, negat se illi amicum esse
debere : cum suo magno esset beneficio, venisse eum contra se. 10
Vide quanta caritas sit patriae : cum homini sit iratus, tamen rei
publicae causa defendit Antonium.

Ego te, cum in Massilienses tarn es acerbus, Q. Fufi, non
animo aequo audio. Ouousque enim Massiliam oppugnabis?
ne triumphus quidem finem facit belli? per quern lata est urbs 15
ea, sine qua numquam ex transalpinis gentibus maiores nostri
triumphaverunt. Quo quidem tempore populus Romanus inge-
muit. Quamquam proprios dolores suarum rerum omnes habe-
bant. tamen huius civitatis fidelissimae miserias nemo erat civis

19 qui a se alienas arbitraretur. Caesar ipse, qui illis fuerat iratis- 20
simus, tamen propter singularem eius civitatis gravitatem et
fidem quotidie aliquid iracundiae remittebat : te nulla sua

I. Ego huic, &c., Ms it a mere question est.' The construction seems akin to that

of political partizanship, one supporting A, of the descriptive ablative,
the other B?' 13. Massilienses. The friendship be-

6. Lineae. This is the reading in all tween Massilia and Rome dated from the
the MSS., though its meaning is uncertain, second Punic war, and the Massiliots had
the word not being elsewhere found in con- always aided Rome in all her contests with
nection with military operations. It may the Transalpine Gauls. Cp. pro Font. 5,
perhaps be, like our 'lines,' the entrenched 13 'Urbs Massilia, fortissimorum fidelissimo-
position of the army, ' the opposing forces rumque sociorurn, qui Gallicorum bellorum
are already in close contact.' All editors pericula populo Romano copiis remisque
before Halm have ' vineae,' a reading compensarunt.' In 49 B.C. Massilia de-
which still leaves a difficulty about ' con- clared for Pompey, and being reduced by
ductae,' though it may be 'the system or' Caesar after a determined resis'ance, was de-
mantelets is brought against the city ;' cp. prived of part of its territory and privileges.
Veget. de Re Mil. 4. 15 'Cum plures Cp. Off. 2. 2, 28 'Portari in triumpho Mas-
(vineae) factae fuerint, iunguntur in ordi- siliam vidimus et ex ea urbe triumphari, sine
nem, sub quibus subsidentes tuti ad subru- qua numquam imperatores nostri ex transal-
enda murorum penetrant fundamenta.' . pinis bellis triumpharunt.' It appears from

Qui intercurrerent, 'to throw them- Alt. 14. 14, 6, and Phil. 13. 15, 32 that

selves between the contending parties.' after Caesar's death the Massiliots applied

10. Cum suo, &c., ' Antony had taken for restitution of their lands and rights.
part against him, though under great obli- 15. Lata est, 'was borne in effigy;' cp.

gations to him.' Manutius compares Fam. Quint. 6. 3, 61 ' Cum in triumpho Caesaris

7- 30, 3 ' Acilius, qui in Graeciam cum eborea oppida essent translata.'
legionibus missus est, maximo meo beneficio 22. Aliquid remittebat, sc. grew less

M. TULLII CICERONIS

co. 6—8.

calamitate civitas satiare tarn fidelis potest ? Rursus iam me irasci
fortasse dices. Ego autem sine iracundia dico omnia, nee tamen
sine dolore animi : neminem illi civitati inimicum esse arbitror
qui amicus huic sit civitati. Excogitare quae tua ratio sit,
5 Calene, non possum. Antea deterrere te ne popularis esses
non poteramus : exorare nunc ut sis popularis non possumus.
Satis multa cum Fufio ac sine odio omnia, nihil sine dolore.
Credo autem, qui generi querellam moderate ferat, aequo animo
laturum amici.

10 Venio ad reliquos consulares, quorum nemo est — lure hoc meo 7
dico — quin mecum habeat aliquam coniunctionem gratiae ; alii 20
maximam, alii mediocrem, nemo nullam. Guam hesternus dies
nobis, consularibus dico, turpis illuxit ! iterum legates ? quid ? si
ille faceret inducias? Ante os oculosque legatorum tormentis

15 Mutinam verberavit ; opus ostendebat munitionemque legatis;
ne punctum quidem temporis, cum legati adessent, oppugnatio
respiravit. Ad hunc legatos ? cur? an ut eorum reditu vehe-
mentius pertimescatis ? Equidem cum ante legatos decerni non 21
censuissem, hoc me tamen consolabar, quod, cum illi ab Antonio

20 contempt! et reiecti revertissent renuntiavissentque senatui non

and less displeased with it every day. ' It
retained its freedom and its nationality, and
continued, though with diminished propor
tions in a material point of view, to be intel
lectually the centre of Hellenic culture in that
distant Celtic country which at this very time
was attaining a new historical significance.'
(Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, Eng. Tr. 4.

39°-)

2. Dico omnia. So the Vatican MS.
The later MSS. insert 'ut' before ' omnia,'
but the asyndeton is less abrupt if we have
expressed a direct object of ' dico.'

5. Popularis is here used with a play on
the word. In the first place it means ' one
of the democratic party,' in the second, ' on
the side of the mass of Roman citizens.'
' Formerly we could not make you by our
threats give up the party of the people, now
we cannot bring you by our prayers to join
the people's cause.'

8. Generi, the Consul, C. Vibius Pansa.
See on 5. i, T.

cc. 7~9- It u>as ivith pain that Cicero
turned to comment on the conduct of the other
consular^. They were willing to despatch a
second embassy, when the first had even now
come back insulted and unable to accomplish

anything. He was left alone, in circum
stances which might well have caused alarm,
to maintain single-handed the honour of the
senate. Things were sadly changed since the
time when Antiochus was brought to submit
upon the spot, by the mere threat of breaking
off negotiations, now that Antony replied to
the demands of the senate by maki?ig counter-
propositions ; and these too involving no less
than the reivard of men who really merited
execution, indemnity for all illegal actions
done by himself and his adherents, and a
province wherein he might carry on his
treasonable practices without interference for
a period far exceeding all the limits which
the law allowed.

10. lure hoc meo dico, 'as I may
fairly say.'

13. Quid? si, &c., 'what is left for you,
if he should consent to a truce?' Success in
the negotiations would really cause the
greatest embarrassment, and only waste time.
A common reading, though apparently with
out MS. authority, is ' ut ille faceret indu
cias ?' ' not surely with any idea of his
consenting to a truce,' like Cat. I. 9, 22
' Quamquam quid loquor ? te ut ulla res
frangat.'

§§ 19—23.

ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A VIII .

207

modo ilium de Gallia non discessisse, ut censuissemus, sed ne a
Mutina quidem recessisse, potestatem sibi D. Bruti conveniendi
non fuisse, foret ut omnes inflammati odio, excitati dolore armis,
equis, viris D. Bruto subveniremus. Nos etiam languidiores
postea facti sumus, quam M. Antonii non solum audaciam et 5

22 scelus, sed etiam insolentiam superbiamque perspeximus. Uti-
nam L, Caesar valeret, Servius Sulpicius viveret ! multo melius
haec causa ageretur a tribus, quam nunc agitur ab uno. Dolenter
hoc dicam potius quam contumeliose : deserti, deserti, inquam,
sumus, patres conscripti, a principibus. Sed — saepe iam dixi — 10
omnes in tanto periculo, qui recte et fortiter sentient, erunt con-
sulares. Animum nobis afferre legati debuerunt : timorem attu-
lerunt, quamquam mihi quidem nullum, quamvis de illo, ad
quem missi sunt, bene existiment : a quo etiam mandata acce-

8 perunt. Pro di immortales ! ubi est ille mos virtusque maiorum? 15

23 C. Popilius apud maiores nostros cum ad Antiochum regem

I. Ut censuissemus, 'according to the
terms of our decree.'

3. Foret ut. So Halm, from the
Vatican reading ' fore tu,' the subjunctive
being conditional, without any inherent idea
of futurity. The other MSS. have ' fore
ut,' as though Cicero had forgotten the
preceding ' quod,' after the long intervening
clause.

Armis, equis, viris, 'with all the
forces at our command ;' so metaphorically
Fam. 9. 7, I ' Quoniam confecta sunt omnia,
non est dubitandum, qnin equis viris.' Cp.
Livy 35. 44 ' Omnem se Graeciam armis,
viris, equis, omnem oram maritimam clas-
sibus completurum.' The later MSS. have
' viribns.'

4. Nos etiam, &c , ' as a matter of fact
we became even more devoid of energy, so
soon as we found in M. Antonius not only
boldness and wickedness, but insolence and
arrogance as well.'

7. L. Caesar. Cp. Fam. 12. 2, 3 'L.
Caesar, optimus et fortissimus civis, valetu-
dine impeditur.'

8. Ab uno, i.e. by Cicero himself, who
was now bereft of his two main supporters,
and left to fight the battle of his cause alone.
From c. I, I we learn that L. Caesar was
virtually on Cicero's side, though differing
from him on the choice of words to be em
ployed.

Dolenter, &c., ' I speak in sorrow more
than in reproach.' For the complaint, cp.
Fam. 12. 22, 2 ' Oppressa omnia sunt, nee

habent ducem boni.'

10. A principibus, 'by the consulars,'
as is explained by the following clause. Cp.
Cat. 3. 6, 13 ' Dictae sunt a principibus
acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae, quas
senatus sine ulla varietate est secutus.'

14. Bene existiment, 'they express a
favourable opinion;' an infatuation on the
part of public officers which Cicero main
tains might well strike panic into the
boldest.

1 6. Ad Antiochum. The occasion of
this embassy was the war between Syria and
Egypt, 171 B.C., caused primarily by a
dispute about the cities of Coele-Syria, which
had been granted to Egypt as the dowry of
Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus the
Great, and not restored upon her death.
Antiochus Epiphanes thought this a favour
able opportunity of advancing the traditional
policy of the Seleucidae, and seizing upon
Egypt. In 168 B.C. he had advanced,
after considerable successes, as far as Alex
andria, when he was induced by the menace
of C. Popilius Laenas to obey the injunc
tions of the Roman senate, and give up the
enterprise. For the incident cp. Livy 45. 12
' Popilius, pro cetera asperitate animi, virga,
quam in manu gerebat, circumscripsit regem :
ac, "Priusquam hoc circulo excedas," inquit,
"redde responsum, senatui quod referam."
Obstupefactus tarn violento imperio parumper
cum haesitasset, " Faciam," inquit, " quod
censet senatus.'" Pliny (N. H. 34. 6, 24)
erroneously attributes this action to Cn.

208 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 8-9.

legatus missus esset et verbis senatus nuntiasset ut ab Alexan-
drea discederet, quam obsidebat, cum tempus iJle differret, vir-
gula stantem circumscripsit dixitque se renuntiaturum senatui,
nisi prius sibi respondisset quid facturus esset, quam ex ilia cir-
5 cumscriptione exisset. Praeclare : senatus enim faciem secum
attulerat auctoritatemque populi Romani : cui qui non paret,
non ab eo mandata accipienda sunt, sed ipse est potius repudi-
andus. An ego ab eo mandata acciperem, qui senatus mandata 24
contemneret ? aut ei cum senatu quidquam commune iudicarem,

10 qui impcratorem populi Romani senatu prohibente obsideret ?
At quae mandata! qua arrogantia! quo stupore ! quo spiritu !
Cur autem ea legatis nostris dabat, cum ad nos Cotylam mit-
teret, ornamentum atque arcem amicorum suorum, hominem
aedilicium ? si vcro turn fuit aedilis, cum cum iussu Antonii in

15 convivio servi publici loris ceciderunt. At quam modesta man- 25
data ! Ferrei sumus, patres conscripti, qui quidquam huic nege-
mus. Utramque provinciam, inquit, remitto; exercitum
depono; privatus esse non recuso: haec sunt enim verba.
Redire ad se videtur. Omnia obliviscor, in gratiam re-

20 deo. Sed quid adiungit? Si legionibus meis sex, si equi-
tibus, si cohort! praetoriae praedam agrumque dede-

Octavius, ambassador to Antiochus V, the causa' 13. 12, 26.

son of Epiphanes. See 9. 2, 4 note. 17. Utramque provinciam. Not the

3. Se renuntiaturum, 'that he would two provinces of Gaul, for Plancus still held

report progress,' and so stop the negotiations. Gallia Transalpina (5. 2,5), but Cisalpine

Halm thinks that in 're' there lies the Gaul and Macedonia (see 7. I, 3). Hence

notion of negation, and that the word in there is no discrepancy between this demand

itself implies the refusal of Antiochus to of Antony and that in the next chapter:

comply with the demands of the senate : but ' Galliam togatam remitto, Comatam pos-

though this is easily gathered from the con- tulo.'

text, it is not contained in the word, which 20. Legionibus meis sex. These
has its customary meaning of reporting the would be the 5th or Alauda legion, the 2nd
result of a commission-. The later MSS. and 35th from Macedonia, of which the
have ' se non ante renuntiaturum,' which greater part had followed Antony, and pro-
vitiates the meaning. bably three of ' tirones.' Cp. Fam. 10. 34, I :

7. Potius. The later MSS. have ' totus,' and Mr. Watson's notes. In Append, xi. 1 1,

as in Att. 9. 2, I ' Repudiari se totum.' Mr. Watson expresses his opinion that one

11. Quo stupore. The unsuitableness of these three latter legions consisted of
of this word between two of such cognate 'evocati.'

meaning as ' arrogantia' and ' spiritus' has 21. Cohorti praetoriae, the body-
led to the conjecture ' quo tumore.' If the guard, attached to the person of every
reading be genuine, it may perhaps qualify Roman general. Cp. Caes. B. G. I. 40 ' Si
' qua arrogantia,' ' with what infatuated praeterea nemo sequatur, tamen se cum sola
arrogance,' as ff^irXrjKTos, tufipovTr/Tos are decima legione iturum, de qua non dubitaret,
used in Greek. sibique earn praetoriam cohortem futuram.'

12. Cotylam. See on 5. 2, 5. Praedam. The audacity of this pro-
15. Loris ceciderunt, ' deliciarum posal, ar.d the absence of any spoils

§§23-27. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A VIII. 209

ritis. lis etiam praemia postulat, quibus ut ignoscatur si
postulet, impudentissimus iudicetur. Addit praeterea, ut quos
ipse cum Dolabella dederit agros, teneant ii, quibus dati

26 sint. Hie est Campanus ager et Leontinus, quae duo maiores
9 nostri annonae perfugia ducebant. Cavet mimis, aleatoribus, 5

lenonibus : Cafoni etiam et Saxae cavet, quos centuriones pug-
naces et lacertosos inter mimorum et mimarum greges collo-
cavit. Postulat praeterea, ut [chirographorum] sua et com-
mentariorum collegaeque sui decreta maneant. Quid
laborat, ut habeat quod quisque mercatus est, si quod acce- 10
pit habet qui vendidit ? Et ne tangantur rationes ad
Opis: id est, ne septiens miliens reciperetur. Ne fraudi sit
septemviris quod egissent. Nucula hoc, credo, admonuit ;
verebatur fortasse ne amitteret tantas clientelas. Caveri etiam
vult iis, qui secum sint, quidquid contra leges commi- 15

27 serint. Mustelae et Tironi prospicit : de se nihil laborat. Quid
enim commisit umquam ? num aut pecuniam publicam attigit
aut hominem occidit aut secum habuit armatos ? Sed quid est
quod de iis laboret? postulat enim ne sua iudiciaria lex ab-
rogetur. Quo impetrato quid est quod metuat? an ne suorum 20
aliquis a Cyda, Lysiade, Curio condemnetur? Neque tamen
nos urget mandatis pluribus ; remittit aliquantum et relaxat.
Galliam, inquit, togatam remitto, comatam postulo.

which could be so distributed, have led to he, the seller, is in safe possession of the

the probable conjecture of 'praemia' for purchase-money?' Antony had got all that

'praedam,' which is however found in all the he could make by his wholesale forgery of

MSS. The conjecture is borne out by the decrees, and Cicero thinks that it is not like

repetition of ' praemia' in the following him to be so careful of the interests of his

clause. customers.

4. Campanus ager et Leontinus. n. Ad Opis. See I. 7, 18 note.

See on 2. 39, 101. 13. Septemviris. See 2. 38, 99 note.

5. Annonae perfugia, « our reserve of 14. Clientelas: of the partizans to
corn.' whom he had assigned land.

6. Cafoni et Saxae. See above, c. 3, 16. Mustelae et Tironi. See 2. 4, 8
9 note. note.

8. Chirographorum. If this word, Quid commisit? Cicero recurs ironi-
which is found in all the MSS., be genuine, cally to the three main charges against
it must be applicable to all the three classes Antony ; the appropriation of the public
of decrees which are afterwards specified. treasure, the murder of the centurions, and
' The decrees, existing under the hand of his being in arms against the state,
himself and Caesar (as found in his note- 19. Iudiciaria lex, de tertia decuria
books) and Dolabella.' It is more probably iudicum. See I. 8, 19 ; 5. 5, 12 foil., with
an interpolation, arising from the recollection the notes upon both passages.

of such passages as I. 7, 16; 2. 14, 35 'Com- 23. Togatam. Cisalpine Gaul, which

mentariorum et chirographorum officina.' was so far civilized as to have adopted the

9. Quid laborat, &c., 'why so anxious Roman dress; Comatam, Transalpine Gaul,
to secure the title of the buyers, so long as so called from the fashion of the people to

210

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 9—10.

Otiosus videlicet esse mavult. Cum sex legionibus, inquit,
iisque suppletis ex D. Bruti exercitu3 non modo ex dilectu
suo, tamdiuque ut obtineat, dum M. Brutus C. Cassius
consules prove consulibus provincias obtinebunt. Huius
5 comitiis C. frater — eius est enim annus — iam repulsam tulit.
Ipse autem ut quinquennium, inquit, obtineam. At istud 28
vetat lex Caesaris, et tu acta Caesaris defendis.

Haec tu mandata, L. Piso, et tu, L. Philippe, principes civi- 10
tatis, non dico animo ferre, verum auribus accipere potuistis ?

10 Sed, ut suspicor, terror erat quidam : nee vos ut legati apud
ilium fuistis nee ut consulares, nee vos vestram nee rei publicae
dignitatem tenere potuistis. Et tamen nescio quo pacto sapi-
entia quadam, credo, quod ego non possem, non nimis irati re-
vertistis. Vobis M. Antonius nihil tribuit, clarissimis viris, legatis

J5 populi Roman! : nos quid non legato M. Antonii Cotylae con-

let their hair grow long. In 7. I, 3 Cicero
shows that Antony's real object in demanding
an unsettled province like Transalpine Gaul
was not that he might be ' otiosus,' but that
he might be able to raise forces in it for the
overthrow of the commonwealth.

3. Tamdiu, &c. Antony apparently
fore-aw that if the senatorial party continued
in the ascendant, M. Brutus and C. Cassius
would certainly be elected Consuls on the
first possible occasion. This would be for
the year 41 B C., on the expiration of two
years from their praetorship, and as they
would subsequently have been able to hold
the command of provinces as proconsuls for
two years (l. 8, 19), compliance with
Antony's demand would give him Gallia
Transalpina for five years (43-39 B.C.), in
direct violation of the very law by which
he assumed that the command of Brutus
and Cassius would be limited. His pretext
for this proposal would doubtless be that he
anticipated danger to himself from the pos
session of power by his enemies.

4. Huius comitiis, 'by his mode of
determining the election, he accepts as a
foregone conclusion the defeat of his bro
ther.' C. Antonius had been a colleague of
Brutus and Cassius in the praetorship, and
would therefore naturally be a candidate for
the consulship in the same year, and hence
his brother, by assuming that Brutus and
Cassius would be Consuls, admits the pro
bability of his defeat.

6. Ipse autem, &c. This last demand is
probably Cicero's interpretation of the pre

vious one, and this would account for the
change of person. Otherwise, as a quota
tion from Antony's letter, it would be worse
than tautology, as it would put in plain
language what he had previously taken care
to express obscurely.

c. 10. He mar veiled how Piso and Philip-
pus could so tamely suffer such affronts. The
sacred character of ambassadors had been
insulted in a manner which the senate would
not condescend to imitate even toivards a man
like Cotyla. He was admitted to the senate ;
certain consular s even treated him with
friendly hospitality, letting their fears master
both their love of liberty and their duty
towards the state, and failing to profit by the
example of such men as Q. Scaevola, who
thought no pains or assiduity too great in
labouring for the common good.

8. Haec tu mandata, &c. Manutius
compares Fam. 12. 4, I 'Nihil autem foe-
dius Philippo et Pisone, legatis, nihil flagitio-
sius ; qui cum essent missi, ut Antonio ex
senatus sententia certas res denuntiarent,
cum ille earum rerum nulli paruisset, ultro
ab illo ad nos intolerabilia postulata rettu-
lerunt.'

13. Non nimis irati. The Vatican MS.
omits the negative, but it seems essential to
the sense. The envoys had the command
over their tempers which was called for
by a wise discretion.

Revertistis. One MS. has ' reversi
estis,' but the active form of the perfect
is usual in authors of the ante-Augustan
period.

§§27-31. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VIII. 211

cessimus ? Cui portas huius urbis patere ius non erat, huic hoc
templum patuit, huic aditus in senatum fuit, hie hesterno die
sententias vestras in codicillos et omnia verba referebat, huic
se etiam summis honoribus usi contra suam dignitatem vendi-
tabant. O di immortales ! quam magnum est personam in re 5
publica tueri principis ! quae non animis solum debet, sed etiam
oculis servire civium. Domum recipere legatum hostium, in
cubiculum adrrrittere, etiam seducere hominis est nihil de digni-
tate, nimium de periculo cogitantis. Quod autem est periculum ?
nam si maximum in discrimen venitur, aut libertas parata victori I0
est aut mors proposita victo : quorum alterum optabile est,
alterum effugere nemo potest. Turpis autem fuga mortis omni

30 est morte peior. Nam illud quidem non adducor ut credam,
esse quosdam, qui invideant alicuius constantiae, qui labori, qui
eius perpetuam in re publica adiuvanda voluntatem et senatui J5
et populo Romano probari moleste ferant. Omnes id quidem
facere debebamus, eaque erat non modo apud maiores nostros,
sed etiam nuper summa laus consularium, vigilare, adesse animo,
semper aliquid pro re publica aut cogitare aut facere aut dicere.

si Ego, patres conscripti, Q. Scaevolam augurem memoria teneo 20
bello Marsico, cum esset summa senectute et perdita valetudine,
quotidie, simul atque luceret, facere omnibus conveniendi potes-
tatem sui : nee eum quisquam illo bello vidit in lecto, senexque
debilis primus veniebat in curiam. Huius industriam maxime

I. Ius non erat: he being on a trea- 20. Q^. Scaevolam. Cp. Lael. 1, I

sonable errand, as a traitor's messenger. 'Ego a patre ita cram deductusad Scaevolam

4. Venditabant se, ' tried to recom- sumpta virili toga, ut, quoad possem et
mend themselves,' as a salesman showing liceret, a senis latere numquam discederem.'
off his goods; cp. pro Sull. 10, 31 'Ita Scaevola was Consul 117 B.C., and lived to
illos aiidituros quibus se venditabat.' the end of the Marsic war, 88 B.C., but how

5. Personam tueri principis, ' to much longer he survived does not appear,
sustain the character of a leading citizen.' He is commonly called the Augur in dis-
See on 6. I, 2. tinction to his son Q^ Mucius Scaevola

8. Seducere, 'to take aside for private Pontifex.

conversation.' Cp. Att. 5. 21, 12 'Cum 22. Simul atque luceret. That early

haec disseruissem, seducit me Scaptius ; ait rising was common among the Romans is

se nihil contra dicere.' shown, among other passages, by the well-

14. Qui labori. Halm reads ' qui labori known epigram of Martial, 4. 8, which gives

eius,' from two of the later MSS., but the the first and second hours, which in summer

insertion of the pronoun would lead us to would be from about 4.30 to 7 a.m., to the

look forward for the construction of ' labori,' reception of clients and friends : ' Prima

instead of referring it to 'invideant.' One salutantes atque altera continet hora.'
MS. has 'laboribus,' but this is unlikely with 24. Debilis. The later MSS. have « et

1 labori' at the end of § 31. debilis,' which is adopted by Orelli, on the

16. Id facere, sc. perpetuam voluntatem ground that so 'melius distinguuntur duo

praestare. mala, senectus et debilitas.'

P 2

212 M. TULLI1 CICERO NIS cc. 10-11.

quidem vellem ut imitarentur ii, quos oportebat : secundo autem
loco, ne alterius labori invlderent. Etenim, patres conscript!, ]j
cum in spem libertatis sexennio post simus ingressi diutiusque 33
servitutem perpessi, quam captivi servi frugi et diligentes solent,
5 quas vigilias, quas sollicitudines, quos labores liberandi populi
Romani causa recusare debemus? Equidem, patres conscripti,
quamquam hoc honore usi togati solent esse, cum est in sagis
civitas, statui tamen a vobis ceterisque civibus in tanta atroci-
tate temporis tantaque perturbatione rei publicae non differre

10 vestitu. Non enim ita gerimus nos hoc bello consulares, ut
aequo animo populus Romanus visurus sit nostri honoris in
signia, cum partim e nobis ita timidi sint, ut omnem populi
Romani benenciorum memoriam abiecerint, partim ita a re
publica aversi, ut se hosti favere prae se ferant, legates nostros

*5 ab Antonio despectos et irrisos facile patiantur, legatum Antonii
sublevatum velint. Hunc enim reditu ad Antonium prohiberi
negabant oportere et in eodem excipiendo sententiarn meam
corrigebant : quibus geram morem. Redeat ad imperatorem
suum Varius, sed ea lege, ne umquam Romam revertatur.

20 Ceteris autem, si errorem suum deposuerint et cum re publica
in gratiam redierint, veniam et impunitatem dandam puto.

Quas ob res ita censeo : Eorum, qui cum M. Antonio sunt, 33
qui ab armis discesserint et aut ad C. Pansam aut ad A. Hirtium
consules aut ad Decimum Brutum imperatorem, consulem de-

25 signatum, aut ad C. Caesarem pro praetore ante Idus Martias

c. ir. When zeal for the public service to imply a distinction between slaves taken

was so much needed, and so little shown, it in war, and persons born in slavery. The

was no time for the leaders of the people to former would be more likely, if honest and

insist on special privileges. He had thought industrious, to win the compassion of their

it right that all should alike wear the milt- masters, and gain an early manumission.
tary garb, lest the people should be reminded 7. Hoc honore usi, 'those who have

that the consulars were also specially dis- been Consuls,' cp. c. 10, 28 'summis hono-

tinguished for cowardice and disloyalty. ribus usi.'

For himself, he could offer no terms to the 16. Sublevatum velint, ' are anxious

insurgents except upon immediate submis- that all difficulties should be removed from

sion ; and therefore he proposed that Cotyla, his path.'

and no one else, should now return to An- 17. In eodem excipiendo, &c., 'in

tony, and that those of his adherents should the matter of his reception my views were

be pardoned who returned to their allegiance overruled ;' Cicero having been of opinion

by the 1st of March. that he should never have been received

3. Sexennio : the slavery beginning into the city; see above, c. 10, 28.
with the outbreak of the civil war between 19. Varius, Cotyla. See on 5. 2, 5.
Caesar and Pompey, 49 B.C. 25. Ante Idus Martias prirnas,

4. Captivi servi. The latter word is ' before the Ides of March next.' Cp. Cato
omitted in the later MSS., but Cicero seems R. R. 147 ' Locus vinis ad Kal. Octob.

§§ 31—33.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VIII.

213

primas adierint, iis fraudi ne sit, quod cum M. Antonio fuerint.
Si quis eorum, qui cum M. Antonio sunt, fecerit quod honore
praemiove dignum esse videatur, uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius con-
sules, alter ambove, si iis videbitur, de eius honore praemiove
primo quoque die ad senatum referant. Si quis post hoc senatus 5
consultum ad Antonium profectus esset praeter L. Varium, sena
tum existimaturum eum contra rem publicam fecisse.

primas dabitur;' and Livy 23. 32 'Q. Fabius
edixit, ut frumenta omnes ex agris, ante Kal.
lun. primas, in urbes munitas conveherent.'
The exact precision of expression is due to
the formal character of the vote or procla
mation. Cp. also Livy 42. 21.

2. Si quis eorum, &c. This seems

to point to the contemplation of some act of
treachery, or even open violence, among the
soldiery of Antony.

3. Consules, &c. This appears in the
Vatican MS. in the contracted form ' cosaa
sis.' See on 5. 19, 53.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE NINTH ORATION.

SHORTLY after the delivery of the eighth oration, another meeting of
the senate was held, to consider what honours should be paid to the
memory of Servius Sulpicius, who had died on the embassy to Antony.
He had been chosen as ambassador on account of his eminence as a
jurist, and his high reputation for uprightness of character ; and Cicero
is probably guilty of no exaggeration in pronouncing him the mainstay
of the expedition. He had been in very bad health before he started,
and was anxious to decline the commission, but yielded to the pressure
put on him by the senate, so that Cicero had some foundation for saying
that the senate was responsible for his death. The Consul, Pansa,
proposed that he should be honoured with a public funeral, and a gilt
pedestrian statue placed in the Rostra ; and it was in support of this
motion that Cicero delivered his ninth Philippic oration. He says that
he need have spoken a very few words, had not P. Servilius opposed the
latter part of the decree, on the ground that a statue had never before
been voted to any ambassador, unless he had been slain by violence
on his embassy. Cicero urges that Sulpicius even more truly gave his
life for his country than any who had been so put to death, since he
knew before he started that he had small chance of returning. He
points out how fully worthy Sulpicius had proved himself of such
honours, and how the form of them was most appropriate to the
man. The motion of the Consul was carried in its integrity, and
a statue was erected before the Rostra, which was still standing in
the time of Aurelian, as a testimony to the fame of Sulpicius and the
eloquence of Cicero.

The speech is one of the most genial and pleasing which we have of
Cicero's : it displays genuine feeling for the loss of a friend, and in the

INTRODUCTION TO THE NINTH ORATION.

warm panegyric which he utters over the illustrious jurist, he forgets for
a time the bitterness of his animosity towards Antony. There is but
little difficulty in the language of the speech, which is probably owing
partly to the fact that Cicero could on this occasion speak exactly as he
felt, and had no occasion for the complications caused by veiled sarcasm
and artificial innuendo.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER NONUS.

1 VELLEM di immortales fecissent, patres conscript!, ut vivo

1 potius Ser. Sulpicio gratias ageremus quam honores mortuo
quaereremus. Nee vero dubito quin, si ille vir legationem
renuntiare potuisset, reditus eius et vobis gratus fuerit et rei
publicae salutaris futurus, non quo L. Philippo et L. Pisoni aut 5
studium aut cura defuerit in tanto officio tantoque munere, sed
cum Ser. Sulpicius aetate illos anteiret, sapientia omnes, subito
ereptus e causa totam legationem orbam et debilitatam reliquit.

2 Quod si cuiquam iustus honos habitus est in morte legato, in
nullo iustior quam in Ser. Sulpicio reperietur. Ceteri, qui in 10
legatione mortem obierunt, ad incertum vitae periculum sine
ullo mortis metu profecti sunt : Ser. Sulpicius cum aliqua per-

c. I. In proposing that a statue should be
erected in memory of Ser. Sulpicius, who had
died on a mission to A ntony, Cicero expresses
his deep sense of the loss which the embassy
had sustained in the death of the oldest and
•wisest of its members. He points out that
Sulpicius had started with the full conviction
that it would cause his death, and had there
fore more truly sacrificed his life for his
country than those who had on former occa
sions received the same honour of a statue.

3. Legationem renuntiare, * to report
the issue of his embassy:' cp. 6. 6, 16
' Cum enim legati renuntiarint, quod certe
renuntiabunt ; ' and 8. 8, 23 note.

5. Non quo ... defuerit. See on 1.4,9.

6. In tanto officio tantoque mu
nere, 'in performing duties so arduous and
services so important.' The original differ
ence between these two words, so constantly
combined by Cicero, seems to be that
' officium ' represents an aet as binding on
the doer, ' munus' as beneficial to some other

person or persons.

7. Illos . . . omnes. The readings vary
between the accusative and dative, but the
former has the sanction of the Vatican MS.,
and is more in accordance with Cicero's
usage, though he has the dative in Fin. 5.
31* 93 ' Quamvis minimam animi praestan-
tiam omnibus bonis corporis anteire dicamus;'
and Off. 2. 10, 37 ' Qui anteire ceteris vir-
tute putantur.'

8. Ereptus e causa, ' the sudden loss of
his services in the commission.' ' Causa,'
though more generally used of pleading in a
court of law, is sometimes extended to any
more general commission : cp. Verr. Act. 2.
3' 73> J7° 'Aeneas, cui senatus dederat
publicam causam, ut mihi gratias ageret.'

9. Cuiquam. For the use of ' quis-
quam* in affirmative sentences see on i. 9,
22 ; and Madv. § 494 b.

II. Ad incertum, &c., 'to meet the
various ordinary risks of life, with no especial
ground for apprehending death.'

2 1 8 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS cc. 1-3.

veniendi ad M. Antonium spe profectus est, nulla revertendi.
Qui cum ita affectus esset, ut, si ad gravem valetudinem labor
accessisset, sibi ipse diffideret, non recusavit quo minus vel ex-
tremo spiritu, si quam opem rei publicae ferre posset, experi-
5 retur. Itaque non ilium vis hiemis, non nives, non longitudo
itineris, non asperitas viarum, non morbus ingravescens retarda-
vit, cumque iam ad congressum colloquiumque eius pervenisset,
ad quern erat missus, in ipsa cura ac meditatione obeundi sui
muneris excessit e vita.

10 Ut igitur alia, sic hoc, C. Pansa, praeclare, quod et nos ad 3
honorandum Ser. Sulpicium cohortatus es, et ipse multa copiose
de ipsius laude dixisti. Quibus a te dictis nihil praeter senten-
tiam dicerem, nisi P. Servilio, clarissimo viro, respondendum
putarem, qui hunc honorem statuae nemini tribuendum censuit

15 nisi ei, qui ferro esset in legatione interfectus. Ego autem,
patres conscripti, sic interpreter sensisse maiores nostros, ut cau-
sam mortis censuerint, non genus esse quaerendum. Etenim
cui legatio ipsa morti fuisset, eius monimentum exstare volue-
runt, ut in bellis periculosis obirent homines legationis munus

20 audacius. Non igitur exempla maiorum quaerenda, sed consi-
lium est eorum, a quo ipsa exempla nata sunt, explicandum.
Lars Tolumnius, rex Veientium, quattuor legates populi Romani 2
Fidenis interemit, quorum statuae steterunt usque ad meam 4
memoriam in rostris. Justus honos ; iis enim maiores nostri,

25 qui ob rem publicam mortem obierant, pro brevi vita diuturnam
memoriam reddiderunt. Cn. Octavii, clari viri et magni, qui

2. Cum ita affectus esset, &c., the service of their country, but Sulpicius had

' though in such a state of health, as to feel gone to face an almost certain death, allow-

his danger imminent.' Cp. Att. 14. 17, 2 ing no precautions for his health even to

' L. Caesari, quern pridie Neapoli affectum delay his exertions in performing what he

graviter videram.' felt to be his duty.

4. Si ... posset. For the use of ' si ' 22. Legates interemit. See Livy 4.

in dependent questions, after words which 17. Livy and Pliny (N. H. 34. 6, 23) both

signify an attempt, see Madv. § 451 d. call the envoy Cloelius Tullus instead of

12. Nihil praeter sententiam, 'I Cluvius, and Pliny has the name 'Nautius'
should give my vote without adding any instead of ' Antius.'

further words.' See on 3. 9, 24. 26. Cn. Octavii. Octavius was killed

13. Clarissimo viro. These words when on an embassy to Antiochus V, the
were added by Th. Mommsen, as the ex- son of Epiphanes (see on 8. 8, 23), in 162
planation of the previously undeciphered B.C., to enjoin obedience to the terms of
Vatican reading ' cui.' the treaty made with his grandfather, Anti-

cc. 2, 3. The envoys slain by Lars Tolum- ochus the Great. He was Consul in 165

nius, and Cn. Octavius, who was assassinated B.C. Four of his descendants also gained

on an embassy to Antiochus, had fallen in the consulship.

§§2-6. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A IX. 219

primus in earn familiam, quae postea viris fortissimis floruit,
attulit consulatum, statuam videmus in rostris. Nemo turn novi-
tati invidebat ; nemo virtutem non honorabat. At ea fuit legatio
Octavii, in qua periculi suspicio non subesset. Nam cum esset
missus a senatu ad animos regum perspiciendos liberorumque 5
populorum, maximeque ut nepotem regis Antiochi, eius qui cum
maioribus nostris bellum gesserat, classes habere, elephantos
alere prohiberet, Laudiceae in gymnasio a quodam Leptine est

5 interfectus. Reddita est ei turn a maioribus statua pro vita,
quae multos per annos progeniem eius honestaret, nunc ad tan- 10
tae familiae memoriam sola restat. Atqui et huic et Tullo
Cluvio et L. Roscio et Sp. Antio et C. Fulcinio, qui a Veientium
rege caesi sunt, non sanguis, qui est profusus in morte, sed ipsa

3 mors ob rem publicam obita honori fuit. Itaque, patres con-
scripti, si Ser. Sulpicio rasus mortem attulisset, dolerem equidem 15
tanto rei publicae vulnere, mortem vero eius non monimento,
sed luctu publico esse ornandam putarem. Nunc autem quis
dubitat quin ei vitam abstulerit ipsa legatio ? Secum enim ille
mortem extulit : quam, si nobiscum remansisset, sua cura, optimi

6 filii fidelissimaeque coniugis diligentia vitare potuisset. At ille 20
cum videret, si vestrae auctoritati non paruisset, dissimilem se

2. Novitati, 'his want of noble birth.' portion of Antony's fleet at Actium, but this

Cp. Fam. I. 7» 8 'Video non, ut antehac might well have been another of the name,

putabam, novitati esse invisum meae. Augustus was descended from the uncle of

II. Restat. So Ernesti, followed by Halm the murdered relative.

and Kayser, for the MS. reading ' restaret.' 14. Obita. So Halm, following one MS.,

The correction seems almost necessary, and the conjecture of Ferrarius, who com-

since the extinction of the race could not pares pro Sest. 38, 83 ' Quos a maioribus

enter into the calculations of those who nostris morte obita positos in illo loco atque

granted the statue, and is merely introduced in rostris collocates videtis.' The other

by Cicero as a historical fact, adding addi- MSS. have ' habita ; ' which S. C. Schirlitz

tional interest to it. The mistake might (de Philippica Nona Dissertatio, p. n)

easily slip into the MSS., from the influence defends, as going closely with ' honori ; '

of the preceding 'honestaret.' If 'restaret' 'what was deemed an honour to Octavius,

is right, the subjunctive must in both cases and the envoys slain by Lars Tolumnius,

mark the ordinance of fate, not the inten- was not the blood which was shed in their

tions of the senate ; ' which was destined to death, but the very fact of dying for the

confer honour' — ' to remain now,' &c. ; but state.' For 'honori habere' he compares

even so the presence of 'nunc' occasions Sail. Jug. 31, 10 ' Perinde quasi ea honori

greater awkwardness than the occurrence of non praedae habeant;' and for the expres-

a subjunctive and an indicative belonging sion ' mors ob rempublicam,' such phrases as

to the same relative. The last descendant ' pietas advorsum decs' Fin. 3. 22, 73.
of On. Octavius of whom we hear is M. 16. Non monimento, &c. 'should be

Octavius, aedile in 50 B.C., and one of marked, not by a monument, but by public

Pompey's generals at the battle of Thap- demonstrations' of mourning.' Cp. pro Sest.

sus, 46 B.C. He is said by Dr. Smith 1. c. : ' cuius mortem ornandam monimento

(Diet. Biogr. s.v.) to have commanded a sempiterno putaretis.'

M. TULLII CICERONI S cc. 3-5.

futurum sui, sin paruisset, munus sibi illud pro re publica sus-
cepturn vitae finem fore, maluit in maximo rei publicae discri-
mine emori quam minus quam potuisset videri rei publicae pro-
fuisse. Multis illi in urbibus, iter qua faciebat, reficiendi se et
5 curandi potestas fuit. Aderat hospitum invitatio liberalis pro
dignitate summi viri et eorum hortatio, qui una erant missi, ad
requiescendum et vitae suae consulendum. At ille properans,
festinans, mandata vestra conficere cupiens, in hac constantia
morbo adversante perseveravit. Cuius cum adventu maxime 7

10 perturbatus esset Antonius, quod ea, quae sibi iussu vestro de-
nuntiarentur, auctoritate erant et sententia Ser. Sulpicii consti-
tuta, declaravit quam odisset senatum, cum auctorem senatus
exstinctum laete atque insolenter tulit. Non igitur magis Lep-
tines Octavium nee Veientium rex eos, quos modo nominavi,

15 quam Ser. Sulpicium occidit Antonius. Is enim profecto mor
tem attulit, qui causa mortis fuit. Quocirca etiam ad posteri-
tatis memoriam pertinere arbitror exstare, quod fuerit de hoc
bello iudicium senatus. Erit enim statua ipsa testis bellum tam
grave fuisse, ut legati interitus honoris memoriam consecutus

20 sit. Quod si excusationem Ser. Sulpicii, patres conscripti, lega- 4
tionis obeundae recordari volueritis, nulla dubitatio relinquetur 8
quin honore mortui, quam vivo iniuriam fecimus, sarciamus. Vos
enim, patres conscripti, — grave dictu est, sed dicendum tamen —
vos, inquam, Ser. Sulpicium vita privastis : quern cum videretis

25 re magis morbum quam oratione excusantem, non vos quidem
crudeles fuistis — quid enim minus in hunc ordinem convenit ? —

12. Auctorem senatus, ' the senate's only be a monument of his death, and of the

representative;' cp. pro Flacc. 15, 36 senate's gratitude.
4 Praeclarus iste suae civitatis auctor.' 20. Excusationem legationis obe-

19. Honoris memoriam, 'the record undae, 'his plea for declining the com-

of a public honour.' mission of ambassador.' This is a rare

cc. 4, 5. The senate itself could not escape construction with ' excusatio,' the genitive

the charge of having caused his death, by being more generally used with it to signify

setting aside the excuses which he urged for the substance of the excuse. We find, how-

exemption from this service. It had made ever, 'excusatio peccati,' Lael. II, 37;

the interests of the state a higher consideration ' excusationes iniuriae,' pro Sull. 16, 47.
than his life, and was thus peculiarly bound 25. Re magis, &c., 'enforcing the plea

to pay him honour in his death. This was of illness by his looks more than by his

due to his friends, and especially to the exem- words.' The later MSS. have ' se,' a mis-

plary filial piety of his son, who was himself take which has given rise to the further false

the best memorial of his father's virtues. reading ' morbo ;' but the antithesis evidently

The memory of his life was mfficiently secured is intended to be between the proof of ill-

by his excellence, and his unequalled legal ness given by his words, and that visible in

skill and judgment, so that this statue would his worn-out and feeble looks.

§§ e-io. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A IX.

sed cum speraretis nihil esse, quod non illius auctoritate et
sapientia effici posset, vehementius excusationi obstitistis atque
eum, qui semper vestrum consensum gravissimum iudicavisset,

9 de sententia deiecistis. Ut vero Pansae consulis accessit cohor-
tatio gravior quam aures Ser. Sulpicii ferre didicissent, turn vero 5
denique filium meque seduxit atque ita locutus est, ut auctori-
tatem vestram vitae suae se diceret anteferre. Cuius nos virtu-
tern admirati non ausi sumus adversari voluntati. Movebatur
singular! pietate filius ; non multum eius perturbation! meus
dolor concedebat : sed uterque nostrum cedere cogebatur mag- 10
nitudini animi orationisque gravitati, cum quidem ille maxima
laude et gratulatione omnium vestrum pollicitus est se quod
velletis esse facturum, neque eius sententiae periculum vitatu-
rum, cuius ipse auctor fuisset : quern exsequi mandata vestra
properantem mane postridie prosecuti sumus. Qui quidem 15
discedens mecum ita locutus est, ut eius oratio omen fati vide-
retur.

5 Reddite igitur, patres conscripti, ei vitam, cui ademistis : vita
10 enim mortuorum in memoria est posita vivorum. Perficite, ut
is, quern vos inscii ad mortem misistis, immortalitatem habeat 20
a vobis. Cui si statuam in rostris decreto vestro statueritis,
nulla eius legationem posteritatis obscurabit oblivio. Nam
reliqua Ser. Sulpicii vita multis erit praeclarisque monimentis
ad omnem memoriam commendata. Semper illius gravitatem
constantiam, fidem, praestantem in re publica tuenda curam 25
atque prudentiam omnium mortalium fama celebrabit. Nee
vero silebitur admirabilis quaedam et incredibilis ac paene divina

6. Seduxit. See 8. 10, 29 note. tive existence after death, that in the passage

9. Singulari pietate, the descriptive quoted he is arguing from the instinctive

ablative, not dependent on ' movebatur.' desire felt by men to live ' in the remem-

' His son, a man of singular affection for his brance of posterity,' to the conclusion that

father, was deeply moved.' after death we shall necessarily be conscious

13. Eius sententiae, the proposal that of the opinion which men hold of us.
ambassadors should be sent to Antony. 26. Nee vero silebitur. For the

15. Prosecuti sumus, 'we set him on transitive use of 'sileo' cp. Att. 2. 18, 3'Tu

his way,' irpo€Trefj-ipafj.fv ; cp. Att. 6. 3, 6 hocsilebis;' and Ov. M. 12. 575.
' Is me nee proficiscentem Apameam prose- ' Nee tamen ulterius, quam fortia facta

cutus est.' silendo,

18. Vita enim mortuorum, &c. Cp. Ulciscar fratres.'

Cat. Mo. 13, 82 'Nescio quo modo animus And for the estimate of the legal eminence

erigens se posteritatem ita semper prospi- of Sulpicius cp. de Legg. I. 5, 17 'Sit ista res

ciebat, quasi, cum excessisset e vita, turn (iuris disciplina) magna, sicut est, quae

denique victurus esset.' So far however was quondam a multis claris viris, nunc ab uno

Cicero from holding that men had no objec- summa auctoritate ac scientia sustinetur.'

M. TULLI1 CICERO N IS cc. 5-6.

eius in legibus interpretandis, aequitate explicanda scientia.
Omnes ex omni aetate, qui in hac civitate intelligentiam iuris
habuerunt, si unum in locum conferantur, cum Ser. Sulpicio non
sint comparandi. Nee enim ille magis iuris consultus quam

5 iustitiae fuit. Ita ea quae proficiscebantur a legibus et ab iure n
civili semper ad facilitatem aequitatemque referebat, neque insti-
tuere litium actiones malebat quam controversias tollere. Ergo
hoc statuae monimento non eget : habet alia maiora. Haec
enim statua mortis honestae testis erit, ilia memoria vitae glori-

10 osae, ut hoc magis monimentum grati senatus quam clari viri
futurum sit. Multum etiam valuisse ad patris honorem pietas 12
filii videbitur : qui quamquam afflictus luctu non adest, tamen
sic animati esse debetis, ut si ille adesset. Est autem ita af-
fectus, ut nemo umquam unici filii mortem magis doluerit quam

15 ille maeret patris. Et quidem etiam ad famam Ser. Sulpicii filii
arbitror pertinere, ut videatur honorem debitum patri praestitisse.
Quamquam nullum monimentum clarius Ser. Sulpicius relin-
quere potuit quam effigiem morum suorum, virtutis, constantiae,
pietatis, ingenii filium, cuius luctus aut hoc honore vestro aut

20 nullo solacio levari potest.

Mihi autem recordanti Ser. Sulpicii multos in nostra famili- 6

I. Aequitate, the application to indi- estimation of them. Cp. pro Mur. 12, 27
vidual cases of the principle rather than the ' Cum permulta praeclare legibus essent con-
letter of the law : 6Trav6pOa>fj.a v6fj.ov, rj stituta, ea iureconsultorum ingeniis pleraque
€\\f'nrei 8ia TO KaOoXov, Arist. Eth. N. 5. corrupta ac depravata sunt.'
IO, 6. 9. Ilia, ' those other greater monuments

4. Iuris consultus, &c., 'more skilled of his worth will form a record of his nobler

in the letter than in the spirit of the law.' life.'
For the case see on 2. 37, 96. 10. Hoc magis, &c., 'this will bear

6. Facilitatem, properly 'readiness to witness rather to the gratitude of the senate

listen,' seems here, from its conjunction with than the greatness of the man.'
'aequitas,' to mean 'willingness to admit 14. Doluerit ... maeret, 'that no one

arguments from special circumstances/ such has ever felt more grief for the loss of an

as might prevent the rigorous application of only son than he shows for the death of his

the letter of the law. 'Arguments which father.' For this distinction between 'doleo'

started from the letter of our statutes and and 'maereo' cp. Att. 12. 28, 2 ' Maerorem

the common law were invariably referred by minui, dolorem non potui, nee si possem,

him to the standard of tolerance and equity.' vellern.'

So ' facilitas ' is joined with ' humanitas,' c. 6. The form of monument, a pedestrian

Fam. 13. 24, 2 'Pro tua facilitate et hu- statue of brass, was just what Sulpicius him-

manitate purgatum se tibi scribit esse.' A self, with his characteristic moderation, would

conjectural emendation, 'utilitatem,' quoted have wished. Nor could he fear opposition

by Lambinus, would place the reputation of on the part of those who had proposed the

Servilius on much lower grounds, in substi- greater and more permanent memorial of a

tuting expediency for equity. public funeral ; while he rejoiced that by the

Neque . . . malebat. He thus same vote a well-earned honour would be

showed himself in contrast to the general paid to Sulpicius, and another brand of

class of ' iureconsulti,' according to Cicero's infamy impressed on Antony.

§§10-15. O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A IX. 22,3

13 aritate sermones gratior illi videtur, si qui est sensus in morte,
aenea statua futura et ea pedestris quam inaurata equestris,
qualis L. Sullae primum statuta est. Mirifice enim Servius
maiorum continentiam diligebat, huius saeculi insolentiam vitu-
perabat. Ut igitur si ipsum consulam quid velit, sic pedestrem 5
ex acre statuam tamquam ex eius auctoritate et voluntate de-
cerno : quae quidem magnum civium dolorem et desiderium

14 honore monimenti minuet et leniet. Atque hanc meam senten-
tiam, patres conscripti, P. Servilii sententia comprobari necesse
est : qui sepulchrum publice decernendum Ser. Sulpicio censuit, 10
statuam non censuit. Nam si mors legati sine caede atque ferro
nullum honorem desiderat, cur decernit honorem sepulturae, qui
maximus haberi potest mortuo? Sin id tribuit Ser. Sulpicio,
quod non est datum Cn. Octavio, cur, quod illi datum est, huic
dandum esse non censet? Maiores quidem nostri statuas 15
multis decreverunt, sepulchra paucis. Sed statuae intereunt
tempestate, vi, vetustate : sepulchrorum autem sanctitas in
ipso solo est, quod nulla vi moveri neque deleri potest ;
atque, ut cetera exstinguntur, sic sepulchra sanctiora fiunt

15 vetustate. Augeatur igitur isto honore etiam is vir, cui nullus 20
honos tribui non debitus potest ; grati simus in eius morte
decoranda, cui nullam iam aliam gratiam referre possumus.
Notetur etiam M. Antonii, nefarium bellum gerentis, scelerata
audacia. His enim honoribus habitis Ser. Sulpicio repu-
diatae reiectaeque legationis ab Antonio manebit testificatio 25
sempiterna.

I Si qui est sensus, &c. In Lael. 8. Minuet. Cp. Pliny Ep. 2. 7, 7 ' Si

4, 13 he expresses less doubtfully his views defunctorum imagines domi positae dolorem

of the consciousness of the soul after death : nostrum levant, quanto magis eae, quibus

'Neque enim adsentior iis, qui neper haec in celeberrimo loco non modo species et

disserere coeperunt, cum corporibus simul vultus illorum, sed honor etiam et gloria

animos interire atque omnia morte deleri.' refertur.'

3. Primum. See on 2.44,114. The 17. Sepulchrorum, &c. The ground
gilding must have been the innovation, since being consecrated by the usual rites and
Livy (2. 13) records an equestrian statue of sacrifices. See de Legg. 2. 22, 55 foil.
Cloelia, placed on the Via Sacra, as early Till this was done, Cicero tells iis that
as 506 B.C. the resting-place of the corpse was only

4. Insolentiam, 'extravagance,' which 'situs,' not 'sepulchrum.' Cp. also Tusc.
passes all the bounds of precedent and au- I. 12, 27.

thority; cp. Or. 52, 176 ' Gorgias festi- 19. Exstinguntur. All the MSS. spell

vitatibus insolentius abutitur, quas Isocrates this word with one ' u.' Halm has exstingu-

moderatius etiam temperavit.' untur, but see on I. n, 28.

5. Ut . . . si. Cp. Fam. 2. 14 'Eius 20. Isto honore, 'with the honour
negotium sic velim suscipias, ut si esset already proposed to you;' sc. of a public
mea.' funeral.

224 M. TULLII CICERONIS o. 7.

Quas ob res ita censeo : Cum Ser. Sulpicius Q. F. Lemonia 7
Rufus difficillimo rei publicae tempore, gravi periculosoque
morbo affectus, auctoritatem senatus, salutem rei publicae vitae
suae praeposuerit contraque vim gravitatemque morbi conten-
5 derit, ut in castra M. Antonii, quo senatus eum miserat, perve-
niret, isque, cum iam prope castra venisset, vi morbi oppressus
vitam amiserit maximo rei publicae tempore, eiusque mors con-
sentanea vitae fuerit sanctissime honestissimeque actae, in qua
saepe magno usui rei publicae Ser. Sulpicius et privatus et in

10 magistratibus fuerit : cum talis vir ob rem publicam in legatione 16
mortem obierit, senatui placere Ser. Sulpicio statuam pedestrem
aeneam in rostris ex huius ordinis sententia statui circumque
earn statuam locum ludis gladiatoribusque liberos posterosque
eius quoquo versus pedes quinque habere, quod is ob rem pub-

15 licam mortem obierit, eamque causam in basi inscribi : utique
C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si iis videatur, quae-
storibus urbis imperent, ut earn basim statuamque faciendam et
in rostris statuendam locent, quantique locaverint, tantam pe-
cuniam redemptori attribuendam solvendamque curent : cumque

20 antea senatus auctoritatem suam in virorum fortium funeribus
ornamentisque ostenderit, placere eum quam amplissime supremo
suo die efferri. Et cum Ser. Sulpicius Q. F. Lemonia Rufus 17

c. 7. He concludes with a formal motion, 14. Quoquo versus, ' in every direction

that Ser. Sulpicius should be buried at the from the statue ; ' and thus expressive of a

public expense on the Esquiline, and that a slightly different mode of measurement from

brazen statue should be erected on the Rostra ' pedes xxx. quoquo versus ' in § 17; which

in his honour, with a space of Jive feet on means ' thirty feet square,' 'in each direction

each side reserved for his posterity for in which ground is usually measured;' that is,

ever. « in fronte ' and ' in agrum.' Cp. Hor. S. i.

I. Lemonia, 'of the tribe Lemonia,' 8, 1 2 ' Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus

which was one of the original sixteen country in agrum Hie dabat.'

tribes, cp. Verr. i. 8, 23 ' Q. Verrem Ro- 16. Quaestoribus urbis, elsewhere

milia ;' ib. Act. 2. 2. 43, 107 ' C. Claudius ' quaestores urbani ;' but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3.

C. F. Palatina.' 53, 123 'Quas ad quaestores urbis misit ;'

7. Maximo rei publicae tempore. and Livy 25.1 ' M. Atilio praetori urbis.'

So Halm from the Vatican MS. The other This duty would fall on them, as keepers of

MSS. have ' munere,' but in such formal the public treasury.

votes repetition of the same idea in nearly 19. Attribuendam. See on 5. 2, 6.

the same words is very common. For the 21. Supremo suo die, 'on the day of

expression ' maximo tempore' cp. de Legg. 3. his funeral ;' an expression which is perhaps

19, 43 'Est boni auguris meminisse se without an exact parallel, though ' supre-

maximis rei publicae temporibus praesto esse mus' is commonly used in reference to the

debere.' various portions of the funeral rites. Cp.

13- Ludis gladiatoribusque : perhaps ' Supremi tori' Ov. Fast. 6. 668 ; ' Supremus
a hendiadys for ' ludis gladiatoriis,' since ignis' id. Am. I. 15, 41.
these were the only exhibitions held in the 22. Efferri, !/c<£e'/>e<r0cu, ' should be car-
forum, ried out to burial.'

§§ 15-17.

ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A

325

ita de re publica meritus sit, ut iis ornamentis decorari debeat,
senatum censere atque e re publica aestimare aediles curules
edictum, quod de funeribus habeant, Ser. Sulpicii Q. F. Lemonia
Rufi funeri remittere ; utique locum sepulchro in campo Esqui-
lino C. Pansa consul, seu quo in loco videbitur, pedes XXX. 5
quoquo versus adsignet, quo Ser. Sulpicius inferatur : quod
sepulchrum ipsius, liberorum posterorumque eius esset, uti quod
optimo iure publice sepulchrum datum esset.

3. Edictum, 'the bye-law,' ('edictum
perpetuum,') promulgated by the aediles on
entering office, to regulate the expenses per
missible at funerals. Though these ' edicta '
were only technically in force for the year
of the magistrate's tenure of office, it was
the custom for those which were found to
work weil to be re-enacted from year to
year.

4. Remittere, 'to relax in favour of
the funeral of Sulpicius.'

In campo Esquilino. On that part
of the Esquiline which was outside of the
Agger of Servius Tullius. See on I. 2, 5.
The more usual place for public funerals was

in the Campus Martius, the Campus Esqui-
linus being also used as a burial-ground for
the lowest class of citizens (Hor. S. 1.8, 10);
but from the ' magna sepulchra ' which he
mentions (ib. 35) it would seem that some
at least of the higher classes were buried
there. The site of the burial-ground was
turned into a kind of public park by Maece-
na (ib. 14).

7. Uti, &c., 'with the firmest title that
is ever given by authority of the state for
a place of burial.' A somewhat fuller for
mula would be ' eodem iure quo quod optimo
iure . . . datum esset.' Cp. 12. 12, 30.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE TENTH ORATION.

ABOUT the same time that M. Antonius left Rome, his brother
C. Antonius started for Macedonia, to take possession of that province.
The government of it for the year 43 B. C. had been originally assigned
by Caesar to M. Brutus ; it had been transferred by a decree of the
senate on the 5th of June to M. Antonius ; when he obtained from the
people, probably in July, the province of Cisalpine Gaul, it had been
transferred, in the general allotment of the provinces, to his brother Gaius,
and lastly, on the 2oth of December, this allotment had been annulled
on the motion of Cicero, and a decree passed that the provinces should
remain in the hands of their present governors till successors should be
appointed by the senate. With this complication it was no wonder that
the possession of the province should be disputed. The best title was
perhaps that of M. Antonius, and Cicero himself acknowledges that it
was valid (see on n. 12, 27); but he had abandoned his claim in his
attempts upon Cisalpine Gaul ; and the contest remained between the
two other claimants. M. Brutus, who had gone to Athens in September,
and had there received a large supply of money from the quaestor
M. Apuleius, and been joined by the remnants of the forces of Pompey,
was the first in the field, and was acknowledged by Q. Hortensius, the
son of the orator, whom he found in command of the province, as his
legitimate successor. Being thus placed at the head of the regular forces
in the province, he was enabled to set C. Antonius at defiance, and force
him to take refuge in Apollonia, where he kept him closely shut up. He
was also warmly supported by the troops of P. Vatinius, who was pro
consul in Illyricum, though it is doubtful how far this was by the will of
Vatinius himself. (Compare 10. 6, 13 with Livy Epit. 118 and Veil. Pat.
2. 69, 3.)

When the news of these proceedings reached Rome, the Consul Pansa
called a meeting of the senate, and speaking of M. Brutus in the highest

228 INTRODUCTION TO THE TENTH ORATION.

terms, laid before them the question whether he should be confirmed in
the government which he had assumed. Q. Fufius Calenus, who opened
the debate, proposed that he should be removed from his command ; and
it was in answer to h'm that Cicero delivered his tenth oration. It is
mainly a warm panegyric on the conduct of M. Brutus. The two main
objections to be urged against him were that he had no more right in
Macedonia than Antonius, and that if one of Caesar's murderers were
supported the veterans would take offence. The first point Cicero passes
over as lightly as possible, maintaining that even if he were not borne
out by the letter of the law, yet in all that he had done he had anticipated
the wishes of the senate, and been actuated by a spirit of the purest
patriotism : so that no loyal citizen could hesitate to prefer him to
Antonius. With regard to the second point he declares that the veterans
had shown themselves superior to such prejudices, when they interfered
with the welfare of the state ; and indignantly protests against the idea
of submitting the highest interests of the commonwealth to the will and
pleasure of the soldiery.

He concludes by formally proposing that M. Brutus should be con
firmed in the government of the province, and that he should be supplied
with all the requisites for carrying on the campaign. His motion was
agreed to by the senate. The exact date of the speech cannot be ascer
tained, but it was probably delivered about the beginning of March,
43 B. C.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER DECIMUS.

1 MAXIMAS tibi, Pansa, gratias, omnes et habere et agere

1 debemus : qui cum hodierno die senatum te habiturum non
arbitraremur, ut M. Bruti, praestantissimi civis, litteras acce-
pisti, ne minimam quidem moram interposuisti quin quam
primum maximo gaudio et gratulatione frueremur. Cum fac- 5
turn tuum gratum omnibus debet esse, turn vero oratio, qua
recitatis litteris usus es. Declarasti enim verum esse id, quod
ego semper sensi, neminem alterius, qui suae confideret, virtuti

2 invidere. Itaque mihi, qui plurimis officiis sum cum Bruto et
maxima familiaritate coniunctus, minus multa de illo dicenda 10
sunt. Quas enim ipse mihi partes sumpseram, eas praecepit
oratio tua. Sed mihi, patres conscripti, necessitatem attulit
paulo plura dicendi sententia eius, qui rogatus est ante me :

cc. I, 2. Congratulating Pansa on his I. Gratias et habere et agere,

promptitude in convening the senate, and on ' both to feel and to express our grati-

the generosity of his speech in praise of M. tude.'

Brutus, Cicero laments that once again his 2. Qui cum, &c., * seeing that though

lead had not been followed by Calenus, who we did not expect that you would convene

appeared at present to be doomed to find the senate to-day, yet on receiving the

himself on all occasions in a minority of despatch of M. Brutus, you allowed no time

one. He seemed to have some special quarrel to be lost before putting us in the receipt of

with the Bruti, though Cicero could hardly the greatest pleasure and the most accep-

believe it possible that he should not prefer table congratulations.' Manutius takes ' gra-

tkem to any one of the Antonii, the last men tulatione' of the congratulations which the

whom he should wish a son of his to imitate. senate would send to M. Brutus, in which

And in modifying the vote proposed in honour case ' frueremur' would be applied to it by a

ofM. Brutus, Calenus made the strange pro- kind of zeugma ; but it refers rather to

posal, which had not even the excuse of being the mutual congratulations of the senators,

unpremeditated, that the composition of his when the Consuls reported his success.

letter should be praised, and nothing said II. Praecepit, ' has anticipated.'

about its substance. 13. Eius: of Calenus. See on 5. I, I.

330 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-3.

a quo ita saepe dissentio, ut iam verear ne, id quod fieri
minime debet, minuere amicitiam nostram videatur perpetua
dissensio.

Quae est enim ista tua ratio, Calene, quae mens, ut numquam 3
5 post Kalendas lanuarias idem senseris, quod is, qui te senten-
tiam primum rogat ? numquam tarn frequens senatus fuerit, cum
unus aliquis sententiam tuam secutus sit ? Cur semper tui dis-
similes defendis ? cur, cum te et vita et fortuna tua ad otium,
ad dignitatem invitet, ea probas, ea decernis, ea sentis, quae

10 sint inimica et otio communi et dignitati tuae? Nam ut supe- 2
riora omittam, hoc certe, quod mihi maximam admirationem
movet, non tacebo. Quod est tibi cum Brutis bellum ? cur eos, 4
quos omnes paene venerari debemus, solus oppugnas? alterum
circumsederi non moleste fers, alterum tua sententia spolias iis

15 copiis, quas ipse suo labore et periculo ad rei publicae, non ad
suum praesidium per se nullo adiuvante perfecit? Qui est iste
tuus sensus, quae cogitatio, Brutos ut non probes, Antonios
probes? quos omnes carissimos habent, tu oderis? quos acer-
bissirne ceteri oderunt, tu constantissime diligas? Amplissimae

20 tibi fortunae sunt, summus honoris gradus, filius, ut et audio et
spero, natus ad laudem, cui cum rei publicae causa faveo, turn
etiam tua. Quaero igitur, eumne Bruti similem malis an An- 5
tonii ? ac permitto ut de tribus Antoniis eligas quern velis. Di
meliora ! inquies. Cur igitur non iis faves, eos laudas, quorum

25 similem tuum filium esse vis ? Simul enim et rei publicae con-
sules et propones illi exempla ad imitandum. Hoc vero, Q.
Fufi, cupio sine offensione nostrae amicitiae sic tecum ut a te

7. Sententiam tuam secutus sit. Yet 28 'Si mihi stomachum moveritis ;' Att. 2.

a portion of the motion of Calenus on the 14, i ' Quatitam tu rnihi moves expecta-

ist of January was carried, even in oppo- tionem.'

sition to Cicero. See introduction to the 13. Alterum circumsederi: viz. D.

fifth oration. Brutus, blockaded by Antony in Mutina.

9. Ad dignitatem. The later MSS. 16. Perfecit, 'has organized.' The

have ' et ad dignitatem,' but the asyn- later MSS. have the more ordinary expres-

deton is preferable, marking that Cicero sion ' confecit,' ' has got together.'

substitutes the appeal to his dignity as a 20. Summus honoris gradus. He

correction for the lower motive of personal was Consul in 47 B.C.

leisure. So in the next clause he brings in Filius. Of this son we only know

public tranquillity in the place of individual that on his father's death in 41 B.C. he

ease. surrendered to Octavianus the army which

II. Mihi . . . admirationem movet. his father was commanding in Cisalpine

The later MSS. have ' me maxima admi- Gaul as the legate of Antony,

ratione,' but the construction in the text is 23. Di meliora. See 8. 3, 9 note,
more common in Cicero; cp. pro Mur. 13,

§§ 2—6.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A X.

231

dissentiens senator queri : ita enim dixisti et quidem de
scripto— nam te inopia verbi lapsum putarem— litteras Bruti
recte et ordine scriptas videri. Quid est aliud librarium Bruti

6 laudare, non Brutum ? Usum in re publica, Calene, magnum
iam habere et debes et potes. Quando ita decerni vidisti ? aut 5
quo senatus consulto huius generis— sunt enim innumerabilia —
bene scriptas litteras decretum a senatu ? Quod verbum tibi
non excidit, ut saepe fit, fortuito : scriptum, meditatum, cogi-

o tatum attulisti, Hanc tibi consuetudinem plerisque in rebus
bonis obtrectandi si qui detraxerit, quid tibi quod sibi quisque Ic
velit non relinquetur? Quam ob rem collige te placaque ani-
mum istum aliquando et mitiga ; audi viros bonos, quibus
multis uteris ; loquere cum sapientissimo homine, genero tuo,
saepius quam ipse tecum : turn denique amplissimi honoris
nomen obtinebis. An vero hoc pro nihilo putas, in quo qui
dem pro amicitia tuam vicem dolere soleo, efferri hoc foras
et ad populi Romani aures pervenire, ei, qui primus senten-
tiam dixerit, neminem assensum ? quod etiam hodie futurum
arbitror.

1. De scripto. See on i. i, 3.

2. Nam . . putarem, ' for otherwise I
should suppose.' Some MSS. insert ' nisi
tuam in dicendo facultatem nossem,' to the
detriment of the sense, the protasis evidently
being, ' had you not been reading from a
written copy of your speech.' This seems
to have been a most unusual practice in the
Roman senate.

3. Recte et ordine. Calenus probably
meant ' with propriety and deference to the
authority of the senate.' Cicero puts on
the words the puerile interpretation ' in good
writing and decent style.'

Q_uid est aliud. See on i. 9, 22.

8. Meditatum, &c. Cp. 2. 34, 85
' Attuleras domo meditatum et cogitatum
scelus.'

c. 3. Calenus did injustice to himself, by
ahvays seeking to disparage men of worth.
For now, in seeking to take away from M.
Brutus the legions which he had won over
to the salvation of the state, he was striving
to dishonour a man who had not only dared
the noblest of deeds in order to secure freedom
for his country, but had also shown himself
capable of the more difficult virtues of patience
and self-abnegation, in resigning the chief
honours of his praetorship.

9. Hanc tibi consuetudinem, &c.,

' could some one but cure you of this
habit of disparaging the good on every
occasion, all your remaining qualities will
be such as any one would gladly welcome
in himself.' Some MSS. have ' bonos,'
but 'obtrectare' does not seem to be used
with the accusative till the time of Ta
citus, and then mainly with inanimate
objects.

11. Collige te, 'recover yourself.' Cp.
Tusc. 4. 36, 78 ' Quid est se ipsum colli-
gere nisi dissupatas animi partis rursum in
suum locum cogere ? '

12. Quibus multis uteris, 'with many
of whom you are intimate.' This is better
than the reading of the later MSS., 'qui
bus uteris multum,' ' whose society you
much frequent," with which ' audi bonos
viros' would be little more than mere tau
tology.

13. Genero tuo. The Consul, C. Vibius
Pansa.

14. Amplissimi honoris, &c., 'you
will make good your claim to a title of such
high rank ;' i. e. you will show yourself to
be indeed a consular.

16. Tuam vicem, 'on your account;'
aty X°P">. Cp. Fam. 12. 23, 3 'Tuam
vicem saepe doleo;' and see Madv. § 237 c
Obs. 3.

233 M. TULLII C1CERONIS cc. 3-4.

Legiones abducis a Bruto. Quas ? nempe eas, quas ille a
C. Antonii scelere avertit et ad rem publicam sua auctoritate
traduxit. Rursus igitur vis nudatum ilium atque solum a re
publica relegatum videri. Vos autem, patres conscripti, si 7

5 M. Brutum deserueritis et prodideritis, quern tandem civem
umquam ornabitis ? nisi forte eos, qui diadema imposuerint,
conservandos, eos, qui regni nomen sustulerint, deserendos pu-
tatis. Ac de hac quidem divina atque immortali laude Bruti
silebo, quae gratissima memoria omnium civium inclusa non-

10 dum publica auctoritate testata est. Tantamne patientiam, di
boni ! tantam moderationem, tantam in iniuria tranquillitatem
et modestiam ! qui cum praetor urbis esset, urbe caruit, ius non
dixit, cum omne ius rei publicae recuperavisset, cumque concursu
quotidiano bonorum omnium, qui admirabilis ad eum fieri sole-

15 bat, praesidioque Italiae cunctae saeptus posset esse, absens
iudicio bonorum defensus esse maluit quam praesens manu :
qui ne Apollinares quidem ludos pro sua populique Romani
dignitate apparatos praesens fecit, ne quam viam patefaceret
sceleratissimorum hominum audaciae. Quamquam qui umquam 4

20 aut ludi aut dies laetiores fuerunt, quam cum in singulis versibus 8

I. A C. Antonii scelere. In spite of to ' urbanus,' on account of the play on the

the decree of the 2Oth of December, annul- word in the following ' urbe caruit.'
ling the apportionment of the provinces Ius non dixit. He had restored to

made by Antony (see 3. 15, 38 and 10, 26), the state the privilege of being governed

his brother had gone to take the command according to the laws, and yet was not him-

in Macedonia, when he was opposed and self allowed his rightful part in the adminis-

eventually taken prisoner by M. Brutus, tration of those laws. See introduction to

after being deserted by several of his the first oration,
legions. 14. Admirabilis, ' to a marvellous ex-

5. Deserueritis et prodideritis, 'ye tent.'

desert and betray,' the climax expressed in 17. Apollinares ludos. The presi-

the words being more clearly shown in dency of these belonged to him as city

Epist. ad Q^ Fr. I. 3, 5 'Cum amici praetor. See I. 15, 36 note ; and 2. 13, 31.
partim deseruerint me, partim etiam pro- 18. Apparatos, 'which he had got up

diderint.' with magnificence proportionate to the

6. Qui diadema imposuerint. See honour of the Roman people and himself.'
2. 34, 85 note. c. 4. Even while all the world ivas lament-

10. Testata est: so rarely in a passive ing his absence from the games, so grandly

sense, and only in the tenses compounded celebrated at his expense, he was passing his

with the perfect participle. time contentedly in retirement, planning

Tantamne patientiam. For the measures for his country's good. Presently

simple accusative, without an infinitive, in Tie quitted Italy, followed in a few days

interrogative exclamations, cp. Verr. Act. by C. Cassins, only to find a new sphere for

2. 5. 25, 62 ' Huncine hominem ! hancine his patriotism, in rescuing Macedonia, Illy-

impudentiam, indices ! hanc audaciam !' and ricum. and Greece from the grasp of C.

see Zumpt, § 402. Antonius.

12. Praetor urbis. See 9. 7, 1 6 note. 20. In singulis versibus, 'echoing

The reading 'urbis,' which is found in the the sentiments of casual verses in the play.'

Vatican MS., seems here preferable in itself See I. 15, 36 notes.

§§6-9. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A X. 233

populus Romanus maximo clamore et plausu Bruti memoriam
prosequebatur ? Corpus aberat liberatoris, libertatis memoria
aderat : in qua Bruti imago cerni videbatur. At hunc iis ipsis
ludorum diebus videbam in insula clarissimi adolescentis, Lu-
culli, propinqui sui, nihil nisi de pace et concordia civium cogi- 5
tantem. Eundem vidi postea Veliae cedentem Italia, ne qua
oreretur belli civilis causa propter se. O spectaculum illud non
modo hominibus, sed undis ipsis et litoribus luctuosum ! cedere
e patria servatorem eius, manere in patria perditores ! Cassii
classis paucis post diebus consequebatur, ut me puderet, patres ic
o conscripti, in earn urbem redire, ex qua illi abirent. Sed quo
consilio redierim, initio audistis, post estis experti : exspectatum
igitur tempus a Bruto est. Nam quoad vos omnia pati vidit,
usus est ipse incredibili patientia : postea quam vos ad liber-
tatem sensit erectos, praesidia vestrae libertati paravit. 15

At cui pesti quantaeque restitit ! Si enim C. Antonius quod
animo intenderat perficere potuisset, aut potius nisi eius sceleri
.virtus M. Bruti obstitisset, Macedonian!, Illyricum, Graeciam
perdidissemus : esset vel receptaculum pulso Antonio vel agger
oppugnandae Italiae Graecia : quae quidem nunc M. Bruti im- 20
perio, auctoritate, copiis non instructa solum, sed etiam ornata
tendit dexteram Italiae suumque ei praesidium pollicetur. Quod

4. In insula. Probably the small island 10. Ut me puderet. Cp. I. 4, 9
of Nesis, at the extremity of the head- ' Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur in earn urbem
land between Puteoli and Naples. It was me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet,
in the immediate neighbourhood of the cele- et ibi velle tuto esse, ubi ille non posset.'
brated Neapolitan villa of Lucullus, and we 12. Initio, at the beginning of these
know from Att. 1 6. 1-4, that Brutus was orations. See I. 3 and 4.

residing there while making preparations for 19. Receptaculum . . . agger oppug-

his games. nandae Italiae. Ferrarius compares the

5. Propinqui. Brutus and Lucullus were two Greek words irp60o\os and (TriT€ixifff*(i,
cousins : their mothers being daughters as in Xen. Cyr. 5. 3, 23 eftovXevaai/TO
of Q^Servilius Caepio, and half-sisters of M. Koivrj fyvXarreiv (TO typovpiov}, oirais avrois
Cato Uticensis. p\v ttpopoXos fir] iro\ffj.ov, rots 5' 'Avavpiois

Nihil nisi de pace. Cp. a letter of tmrtTei\iaiJ.tvov.

Brutus and Cassius to Antony, Cic. Fam. 21. Instructa . . orn-ata. These two

li. 2, 2 ' Nos ab initio spectasse otium nee words are so frequently used indifferently, as

quidquam aliud libertate communi quaesisse almost synonyms, that it is difficult to see in

declarat exitus.' v what the antithesis consists. Probably ' in-

6. Veliae. Cp. I. 4, 9. structa' marks that existing resources were
9. Perditores. Probably the three made the most of, ' ornata' that all that was

Antonii. One MS. gives the more usual necessary was provided. * Not only prepared

word ' proditores,' but 'perditores' is more to fight, but thoroughly equipped for war.'

immediately opposed to 'servatorem,' and Cp. 1 1. 10, 23 ' Instructam ornatamque

is quite classical. Cp. pro Plane. 36, 89 provinciam.'

' ut idem perditor rei publicae nominarem, 22. Quod qui, &c.. 'wherefore if any

qui servator fuissem.' one deprives Brutus of his army, he thereby

234

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 4—6.

qui ab illo abducit exercitum, et respectum pulcherrimum et
praesidium firmissimum adimit rei publicae. Equidem cupio 10
haec quam primum Antonium audire, ut intelligat non D.
Brutum, quern vallo circumsedeat, sed se ipsum obsideri. Tria 5
5 tenet oppida toto in orbe terrarum ; habet inimicissimam Gal-
Ham ; eos etiam, quibus confidebat, alienissimos, Transpadanos ;
Italia omnis infesta est ; exterae nationes a prima ora Graeciae
usque ad Aegyptum optimorum et fortissimorum civium impe-
riis et praesidiis tenentur. Erat ei spes una in C. Antonio, qui

10 duorum fratrum aetatibus medius interiectus vitiis cum utroque
certabat. Is tamquam extruderetur a senatu in Macedonian!,
et non contra prohiberetur proficisci, ita cucurrit. Quae tern- n
pestas, di immortales ! quae flamma, quae vastitas, quae pestis
Graeciae, nisi incredibilis ac divina virtus furentis hominis co-

15 natum atque audaciam compressisset ! Quae celeritas ilia Bruti !
quae cura ! quae virtus ! Etsi ne C. quidem Antonii celeritas
contemnenda est : quam nisi in via caducae hereditates retar-

deprives the state of a most excellent asylum
and the strongest of its fortresses.' ' Quod'
is here used as a sort of adverbial or cog
nate accusative, similar to its use in adjura
tions. See Prof. Conington on Virg. Aen. 2.
141. For this use of ' respectus,' see on 1 1.
II, 26.

c. 5. This would be most fatal tidings to
the other Antony, who was in (he midst of
enemies in Gaul, and placed his sole depen
dence on his brother. Yet that brother, in
spile both of his indecent haste in starting
for his province, and of his unauthorised
intrusion in lllyricum, was utterly thwarted
by the energy of Brutus, who, without
waiting for the orders of the senate, had
carried out completely all the senate could
have wished.

4. Tria. Manutius compares Fam. 12.
5, 2 ' Praeter Bononiam, Regium Lepidi,
(Reggio), Parmarn, totam Galliam tene-
bamus studiosissimam rei publicae. Tuos
etiam clientes Transpadanos mirifice con-
iunctos cum causa habebamus.'

7. A prima ora. Halm quotes Fam.
ib. § I ' a prima enim ora Graeciae usque ad
Aegyptum optimorum civium imperiis mu-
niti erimus et copiis/ as his reason for de
parting from the Vatican reading ' a primo
ore.' Garatonius shows that though ' Os
Graeciae' might possibly have been used for
' the entrance of Greece/ in consideration of
its being approached from Italy by sea, yet

' primum os' could add nothing to this
meaning.

10. Vitiis cum utroque certabat,
' was a match for each of them in his own
special vices.'

11. Tamquam extruderetur, &c., 'as
though he had been driven into Macedonia,
instead of having been expressly forbidden to
go.' For the use of ' ac non' see Madv.
§ 458 a. Obs. i.

14. Graeciae. The later MSS. add
' fuisset/ but see 2. 29, 74 note.

16. Virtus. The Vatican MS. adds
' Caes.,' evidently in mistake, perhaps from
recollection of the beginning of 13, 9, 19;
but some genitive seems required in oppo
sition to ' furentis hominis.' Some editors
have suggested ' Caepionis,' but that name
alone does not appear to have been applied
to M. Brutus.

17. Quam. So Halm from the Vatican
MS. The others have ' quern.'

Caducae hereditates. ' Caduca bona'
were legacies of which the person to
whom they were left failed to take posses
sion. ' Quod quis sibi testamento relicturn
aliqua ex causa non ceperit, caducum appel-
latur, quia quasi cecidit ab eo.' Ulp. lib.
regular, tit. 17. They would probably
become the property of the next heir-at-law.
Cp. Juv. 9. 88 ' Legatum omne capis, nee
non et dulce caducum,' and Cic. de Or. 3.
31, 122 ' Nostra est omnis ista prudentiae

§§ 9-12.

ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A X.

335

dassent, volasse eum, non iter fecisse diceres. Alios ad nego-
tium publicum ire cum cupimus, vix solemus extrudere : hunc
retinentes extrusimus. At quid ei cum Apollonia ? quid cum
Dyrrachio ? quid cum Illyrico ? quid cum P. Vatinii imperatoris
exercitu ? Succedebat, ut ipse dicebat, Hortensio. Certi fines 5
Macedoniae, certa conditio, certus, si modo erat ullus, exercitus :
cum Illyrico vero et cum Vatinii legionibus quid erat Antonio ?

12 At ne Bruto quidem : id enim fortasse quispiam improbus dixerit
Omnes legiones, omnes copiae, quae ubique sunt, rei publicae sunt :
nee enim eae legiones, quae M. Antonium reliquerunt, Antonii po- 10
tius quam rei publicae fuisse dicentur. Omne enim et exercitus
et imperil ius arnittit is, qui eo imperio et exercitu rem publicam

6 oppugnat. Quod si ipsa res publica iudicaret, aut si omne ius
decretis eius statueretur, Antonione an Bruto legiones populi
Romani adiudicaret ? Alter advolarat subito ad direptionem 15

doctrinaeque possessio, in quam homines
quasi caducam atque vacuam abundantes
otio, nobis occupatis, involaverunt.' C.
Antonius is represented as thrusting himself
into the position of the reversionary heirs,
and seizing on these properties in default of
the persons to whom in the first instance
they were left. Manutius says that, in
default of the heir, they fell ' ad fiscum,' but
the very use of this word shows that he is
anticipating the regulations of a later time,
when the disposal of these ' caduca bona '
was elaborately settled by the ' Lex lulia et
Papia Poppaea,' A.D. 9.

3. Cum Apollonia? cum Dyrra
chio? That these towns were at this time
in the province of Illyricum might be inferred
from this passage, and seems clear from c.
6, 13, and Plut. Brut. 25 dyyf\\frai
Fat'os, 6 'AvTOWiOV dSeX^os, 4£ 'IraAtas
8iaf3(/3r)K<jbs @a.8i£ttv tvOvs em rds ovvd/j.cis,
as kv 'EmSd/jLVQ} /cat 'ArroAAawa BartVtos
ffvvtfye. P. Vatinius had been proconsul in
Illyricum since 46 B.C., and Cicero's argu
ment is that whatever claim C. Antonius
might urge on Macedonia, he must be act
ing illegally in meddling with Illyricum.
From the fact that L. Piso, when pro
consul in Macedonia, extended his extortion
to Apollonia and Dyrrachium (in Pis.
40, 96), it would seem that the country
known by the name of Illyris Graeca, ex
tending from the river Drilo southwards
to the Acroceraunian mountains, formed a
kind of debateable land between the pro
vinces of Illyricum and Macedonia, being

attached to one or the other at the will of
the senate.

5. Hortensio. Q^ Hortensius, the son
of the orator, received the province of
Macedonia from Caesar in 44 B.C.

6. Certa conditio, definite terms on
which it was held.

8. At ne Bruto quidem. Cicero
supposes an objection, that M. Brutus had
no more right to appropriate the legions of
Vatinius than C. Antonius. Technically such
an objection would be valid, and Cicero can
only urge that Brutus was acting in accord
ance with the policy of the senate, and for
the good of his country, while Antony was
striving for the ruin of his country, in direct
opposition to what he knew to be the
senate's will. Even so his argument begs
the question in dispute, that Brutus was
acting for, Antonius against the state.

9. Omnes legiones. For the introduc
tion of the answer to a supposed objection,
without any adversative particle, cp. Att.
1 6. 7, 3 'At hoc ipsum non constanter.
Nemo doctus unquam . . mutationem con-
silii inconstantiam dixit esse.'

c. 6. The conduct of Brutus was best
justified by comparing his loyalty of purpose
with the treason of C. Antonius, who through
out sought nothing but the ruin of the state.
Brutus had blockaded him in Apollonia ;
and was well seconded by Q Hortensius, the
younger M. Cicero, Cti. Domitius, and P.
Vatinius, by whose united energies the Gre
cian provinces were saved, and all the forces
there kept loyal to their country's cause.

136 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-7.

pestemque sociorum, ut, quocumque iret, omnia vastaret, diri-
peret, auferret, exercitu populi Romani contra ipsum populum
Romanum uteretur. Alter earn legem sibi statuerat, ut, quo
cumque venisset, lux venisse quaedam et spes salutis videretur.

5 Denique alter ad evertendam rem publicam praesidia quaerebat,
alter ad conservandam. Nee vero nos hoc magis videbamus
quam ipsi milites, a quibus tanta in iudicando prudentia non
erat postulanda. . Cum VII cohortibus esse Apolloniae scribit 13
Antonium, qui iam aut captus est — quod di dent! — aut certe

10 homo verecundus in Macedonian! non accedit, ne contra senatus
consultum fecisse videatur. Dilectus habitus in Macedonia est
summo Q. Hortensii studio et industria : cuius animum egre-
gium dignumque ipso et maioribus eius ex Bruti litteris perspi-
cere potuistis. Legio, quam L. Piso ducebat, legatus Antonii,

15 Ciceroni se filio meo tradidit. Equitatus, qui in Syriam duce-
batur bipertito, alter eum quaestorem, a quo ducebatur, reliquit
in Thessalia seseque ad Brutum contulit ; alterum in Macedonia
Cn. Domitius adolescens summa virtute, gravitate, constantia
a legato Syriaco abduxit. P. autem Vatinius, qui et antea iure

20 laudatus a vobis et hoc tempore merito laudandus est, aperuit
Dyrrachii portas Bruto et exercitum tradidit. Tenet igitur res 14
publica Macedonian!, tenet Illyricum, tuetur Graeciam : nostrae
sunt legiones, nostra levis armatura, noster equitatus, maxi-

10. Homo verecundus, &c., ' or at Syria as Dolabella's share of the army

any rate the man has the modesty not in Macedonia, Antony having summoned

to enter Macedonia.' Cp. 5. 3, 7 the four legions of infantry to join him

'Augur verecundus sine coilegis de aus- in Italy (see 3. 3). In Fam. 12. 14, 6, P.

piciis.' Lentulus speaks of a third body of cavalry

15. Filio meo. In 45 B.C. M. Cicero which he had gained over to the service

the younger went to Athens, for the pur- of the state : ' Primus equitatum Dola-

poses of study. On Caesar's death he bellae ad rem publicam traduxi Cassioque

attached himself to M. Brutus, who made tradidi.'

him military tribune, in which capacity he 18. Cn. Domitius. See 2. II, 27

distinguished himself in the Macedonian note.

campaign, not only gaining over the legion 19. A legato Syriaco, ' from the

of L. Piso, but taking C. Antonius pri- officer commanding the detachment on its

soner. way to Syria.' From Plutarch (Brut. 25)

Equitatus . . . alter . . . alter. we learn that this was Cinna, probably a

This use of 'alter' . . . 'alter/ dividing a son of the popular leader; though he reters

singular nominative with which they stand the exploit to Antistius.
in apposition, seems to be without a parallel. 20. A vobis. Some MSS.have 'nobis,

It is like the Greek 77 fj.lv ... 77 6e in but this would have been too much even

Plato Phaedr. p. 255 C. 77 TOV pevfj-ctTos for Cicero, after the abuse lavished on

(Ktivov 7777717, ... 77 fjitv ets avrov e'Sv, him in the speeches pro Sestio and in

77 8' aTTOfj.faTovfj.ti/ov e£o> airoppet'. The Vatinium.
cavalry appears to have been going into 21. Dyrrachii. See on c. 5, 1 1.

§§12-15. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A X.

meque noster est Brutus semperque noster, cum sua excellen-
tissima virtute rei publicae natus, turn fato quodam paterni

7 maternique generis et nominis. Ab hoc igitur viro quisquam
bellum timet, qui ante quam nos id coacti suscepimus, in pace
iacere quam in bello vigere maluit ? quamquam ille quidem 5

1 nurnquam iacuit, neque hoc cadere verbum in tantam virtutis
praestantiam potest. Erat enim in desiderio civitatis, in ore,
in sermone omnium. Tantum autem aberat a bello, ut, cum
cupiditate libertatis Italia arderet, defuerit civium studiis potius
quam eos in armorum discrimen adduceret. Itaque illi ipsi, si 10
qui sunt, qui tarditatem Bruti reprehendant, tamen idem mode-
rationem patientiamque mirantur.

15 Sed iam video, quae loquantur ; neque enim id occulte faci-
unt. Tirnere se dicunt, quo modo ferant veterani exercitum
Brutum habere. Quasi vero quidquam intersit inter A. Hirtii, 15
C. Pansae, D. Bruti, C. Caesaris et hunc exercitum M. Bruti.
Nam si quattuor exercitus ii, de quibus dixi, propterea laudan-
tur, quod pro populi Romani libertate arma ceperunt, quid est
cur hie M. Bruti exercitus non in eadem causa ponatur? At
enim veteranis suspectum nomen est M. Bruti. Magisne quam 20
Decimi ? Equidem non arbitror : etsi est enim Brutorum com
mune factum et laudis societas aequa, Decimo tamen iratiores
erant ii, qui id factum dolebant, quo minus ab eo rem illam

2. Paterni maternique generis, Antony) ' Nos in hac sententia sumus, ut te

viz. the Bruti and Servilii. See on 2. u, cupiamus in libera re publica magnum atque

26. honestum esse ; vocemus te ad nullas inimi-

c. 7. Nor was Brutus influenced by thirst citias, sed tamen pluris nostram libertatem

for military renown. He was always willing quam tuam amicitiam aestimemus.'
to sacrifice himself for the sake of peace, 9. Defuerit, &c., 'he has preferred

and his moderation and patience formed a disappointing the ardour of the citizens

theme for praise with every one. Nor to involving them in the risks of war,'

•was there much more force in the sug- For the construction potius quam . . .

gested jealousy of the veterans. M. Brutus, adduceret see Madv. § 360. Obs. 4.
like Decimus and the Consuls and Octavianus, 14. Veterani, ' the veterans of Caesar's

was fighting for the liberty of Rome ; and army,' who might well dislike to serve under

if either of the Bruti could be thought to be his assassin.

obnoxious to Caesar's soldiery, surely it was 22. Decimo tamen, &c., 'yet those

Decimus, for whose safety they were yet con- who were sorry for what was done were

tent to fight. more enraged with Decimus, in proportion

4. In pace iacere, 'the inactivity of as they urged that he had stronger reasons

peace,' as shown during the time that Brutus for abstaining from the plot.' Decimus had

remained in Italy after Caesar's death. all along been a favourite with Caesar ;

6. Neque cadere potest. ' It cannot he obtained from him the government

apply to Brutus.' of Cisalpine Gaul, and in his will was

8. Aberat a bello. Cp. Fam. II. 3, found to be named among the 'heredes

4 (a letter from Brutus and Cassius to secundi,'

238 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 7-9.

dicebant fieri debuisse. Quid ergo agunt nunc tot exercitus
nisi ut obsidione Brutus liberetur ? Qui autem hos exercitus
ducunt? li, credo, qui C. Caesaris res actas everti, qui causam
veteranorum prodi volunt. Si ipse viveret C. Caesar, acrius, 8
5 credo, acta sua defenderet, quam vir fortissimus defendit Hir- 16
tius : aut amicior causae quisquam inveniri potest quam films ? *
At horum alter, nondum ex longinquitate gravissimi morbi re-
creatus, quidquid habuit virium, id in eorum libertatem defen-
dendam contulit, quorum votis iudicavit se a morte revocatum :

10 alter, virtutis robore firmior quam aetatis, cum istis ipsis vete-
ranis ad D. Brutum liberandum est profectus. Ergo illi certis-
simi idemque acerrimi Caesaris actorum patroni pro D. Bruti
salute bellum gerunt, quos veterani secuntur ; de libertate enim
populi Romani, non de suis commodis armis decernendum

15 vident. Quid est igitur cur ijs, qui D. Brutum omnibus opibus 17
conservatum velint, M. Bruti sit suspectus exercitus? An vero,
si quid esset quod a M. Bruto timendum videretur, Pansa id
non videret ? aut, si videret, non laboraret ? Quis aut sapientior
ad coniecturam rerum futurarum aut ad propulsandum metum

20 diligentior? Atquin huius animum erga M. Brutum studiumque
vidistis. Praecepit oratione sua, quid decernere nos de M. Bruto,
quid sentire oporteret, tantumque afuit ut periculosum rei pub-
licae Bruti putaret exercitum, ut in eo firmissimum rei publicae

3. Ii, credo: their readiness, at any enim facta eius immortalitatis, nomen

rate, to confirm the measures of Caesar, and aetatis.'

his grants to the veterans, is quite beyond 18. Laboraret, 'would he not feel

suspicion • therefore why should the veterans anxiety ?'

object to M. Brutus, who was aiding them 20. Atquin. So the Vatican MS.

with all his might ? The rule, however, quoted by Wernsdorf

c. 8. Caesar himself could not have been from Muretus, that ' alioqui ' and ' atqui '

more eager for the maintenance of his mea- were written with a final ' n' when a vowel

sures than A. Hirtius and Octavianus. Yet followed is not to be depended on. The

both of these were using all their energies in form 'atqui' is frequently used by Cicero

the cause of D, Brutus, and thereby vir- before a vowel, and those authors who em-

tually declared their trust in him and in ploy 'alioqui' (which is not found till after

Marcus. The latter too was deemed by C. the Augustan period, see Halm on Cic. de

Pansa — the eager supporter of the acts of Legg. 2. 25, 62; Munro on Lucr. 3. 415), as

Caesar, whose keen foresight would at once frequently insert the 'n' before a consonant.

detect the slightest danger — to be the most It was probably purely euphonic, and arbi-

important bulwark of the state. trarily inserted according to the writer's

6. Filius: his adopted son, Octavianus. taste, though Hand (Tursell. I. 235) thinks

7- Morbi. Cp. I. 15, 37; 7. 4, 12. that it is akin to the final 'n' of ' sin,' and

8. Quidquid virium. Cp. Livy 23. 9 intensifies the idea of opposition. That

' lurantes per quidquid Deorum est;' and 'atqui' is the original form seems to be

Hor. Epod. 5, i 'At O Deorum quidquid in proved by the fact that ' atquin ' does not

caelo regit.' appear in the writings of Phiutus or Terence.

IO. Quam aetatis. Cp. 4. I, 3 ' Sunt (Hand, I. 523.)

§§15-19. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A X. 239

praesidium et gravissimum poneret. Scilicet hoc Pansa aut non
videt — hebeti enim ingenio est — aut negligit : quae enim Caesar
egit, ea rata esse non curat ; de quibus confirmandis et sancien-
dis legem comitiis centuriatis ex auctoritate nostra laturus est.

9 Desinant igitur aut ii, qui non timent, simulare se timere et 5
prospicere rei publicae, aut ii, qui omnia verentur, nimium esse

is timidi, ne illorum simulatio, horum obsit ignavia. Quae, malum !
est ista ratio semper optimis causis veteranorum nomen oppo-
nere ? quorum etiam si amplecterer virtutem, ut facio, tamen, si
essent arrogantes, non possem ferre fastidium. At nos conantes 10
servitutis vincula rumpere impediet, si quis veteranos nolle dix-
erit? Non sunt enim, credo, innumerabiles, qui pro communi
libertate arma capiant ; nemo est praeter veteranos milites vir,
qui ad servitutem propulsandam ingenuo dolore excitetur. Potest
igitur stare res publica freta veteranis sine magno subsidio iu- 15
ventutis ? quos quidem vos libertatis adiutores complecti debetis,

19 servitutis auctores sequi non debetis. Postremo — erumpat enim
aliquando vera et me digna vox ! — si veteranorum nutu mentes
huius ordinis gubernantur omniaque ad eorum voluntatem nostra
dicta facta referuntur, optanda mors est, quae civibus Romanis 20
semper fuit servitute potior. Omnis est misera servitus ; sed
fuerit quaedam necessaria : ecquodnam principium putatis liber
tatis capessendae? An, cum ilium necessarium et fatalem
paene casum non tulerimus, hunc feremus voluntarium? Tota

I. Scilicet, &c. : an ironical argu- tutis, 'without considerable reinforcements

ment from a manifest absurdity, that from the younger men ?'
Pansa could be neglecting the measures of 20. Quae civibus, &c. Cp. 3. II, 2.9

Caesar, when he was actually preparing a ' Ut aut libertatem propriam Romani et

bill, in obedience to the senate, for confirm- generis et nominis recuperemus aut mortem

ing them. servituti anteponamus;' and Dem. Cor. p.

c. 9. Urging his hearers to lay aside un- 296, 14 ovol £rjv a£iov, ei p,r) p.tr lAev-

founded fears, Cicero indignantly protests 8fpias egfcrrai TOVTO iroKiv.
against subservience to the veterans. They 22. Fuerit quaedam necessaria,

were not the only people willing to fight for when Caesar was supreme. Cp. I. 6, 15

the cause of freedom ; and it were better for note.

the people all to die than to change that Ecquodnam, &c., 'do ye entertain

freedom for a slavery which they might the idea of ever beginning to assert your

avoid. liberty ? '

7. Quae, malum! &c. Cp. 1.6, 15 23. Fatalem paene casum, 'that

'Qnae, malum! est ista voluntaria servitus?' disaster which one might almost say was

On the sentiment of the passage Mr. Forsyth brought on us by fate.' Cp. 3. IT, 29 'Si

(Life of Cicero, 2. 231) remarks that ilia tulimus, quae nos necessitas ferre coegit,

' Cicero little foresaw that the time would quae vis quaedam paene fatalis, quae tamen

come when the Praetorian guards would put ipsa non tulimus : etiamne huius impuri

up to auction the Imperial throne.' latronis feremus taeterrimum crudelissi-

15. Sine magno subsidio iuven- mumque dominatum?'

240 M. TULLII CICERO NIS eo. 9-11,

Italia desiderio libertatis exarsit : servire diutius non potest
civitas ; serius populo Romano hunc vestitum atque arma dedi-
mus, quam ab eo flagitati sumus.

Magna quidem nos spe et prope explorata libertatis causatn 10
5 suscepimus : sed ut concedam incertos exitus esse belli Mar- 20
temque communem, tamen pro libertate vitae periculo decer-
tandum est ; non enim in spiritu vita est, sed ea nulla est omnino
servienti. Omnes nationes servitutem ferre possunt : nostra
civitas non potest, nee ullam aliam ob causam, nisi quod illae

10 laborem doloremque fugiunt, quibus ut careant, omnia perpeti
possunt, nos ita a maioribus instituti atque imbuti sumus, ut
omnia consilia atque facta ad dignitatem et ad virtutem refer-
remus. Ita praeclara est recuperatio libertatis, ut ne mors qui
dem sit in repetenda libertate fugienda. Quod si immortalitas

15 consequeretur praesentis periculi fugam, tamen eo magis ea
fugienda videretur, quo diuturnior servitus esset. Cum vero
dies et noctes omnia nos undique fata circumstent, non est viri
minimeque Romani dubitare eum spiritum, quern naturae
debeat, patriae reddere. Concurritur undique ad commune 21

20 incendium restinguendum. Veteran!, qui primi Caesaris auc-

2. Hunc vestitum: the military garb. cure ttk <re ar^XXoifJ-i ^axrjv *s

Cp. 8. II, 32. veipav

c. 10. The struggle certainly was not vvv 8', e^7"?8 yap Krjpes t(p€ffTafftv

without its risk, but no risk would be too Oavaroio

great to run for such a prize, especially when fjivpiai, as OVK ecrrt (pvyeiv fiporov, ov8'

Roman citizens were concerned: and on viraXv£ai,

their side were all the men and all the forces 'loufv, rjf ra> euxos opt£o/j.(v, rjf TIS fj/j.iv.

worth considering, while Antony had luith followed by Demosth. Cor. p. 258, 15

him only his abandoned brother and a creiv Tlepas uev yap airaatv dvOpwirois earl TOV

of men like him, who merely wished to re- fiiov davaros, KO.V tv olKidnca TIS avrov

instate their ruined fortunes by seizing on the KaQftp£as Trjpri' 5u o% TOVS dyadovs avSpas

public lands. tyxeiptiv fj.lv anacriv ad rots ttaXois, TTJV

5. Mart em communem, 'that Mars dyaGrjv -rrpo^a\\ofj.€vovs eX-rriSa, (pfptiv 5'

is fickle.' Cp. Fam. 6. 4, I ' Omnis belli o n av o 0e<3s 5i8a> yevvaias ; and by Virg.

Mars communis;' and Livy 5. 12 'Sergio Ae. 10. 467

Martem communem belli fortunamque accu- ' Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparabile

sante;' with the Homeric expression £vvbs tempus

'Evvd\tos, 'Ares deals his favours forth im- Omnibus est vitae: sed famam extendere

partially.' factis

8. Nationes, ' all foreign nations;' like Hoc virtutis opus ;'

the Jewish use of the word eOvr). though Cicero goes beyond the rest in

15. Eo magis, &c. Cp. Horn. II. 12. deeming even immortality wretched if at-

322 tended with dishonour; reminding us of

a) TTfTTOV, 6t nlv ydp iroXcfJiOV Tifpl Toi/Se the envy felt by Tennyson's Tithonus to-

(pvyovTf wards ' happy men that have the power to

met ST) /j,f\\oifji€v dyrjpca T' ddavarca re die.'

ovre KCV avrvs tvl irp&TOiffi 17- Dies et noctes, 'whole days and

nights ;' not merely ' by day and night.'

§§19-23. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A X. 241

toritatem secuti stint, conatum Antonii reppulerimt : post eius-
dem furorem Martia legio fregit, quarta afflixit. Sic a suis
legionibus condemnatus irrupit in Galliam, quam sibi armis
animisque infestam inimicamque cognovit. Hunc A. Hirtii,
C. Caesaris exercitus insecuti sunt : post Pansae dilectus urbem 5
totamque Italiam erexit. Unus omnium est hostis : quamquam
habet secum Lucium fratrem, carissimum populo Romano civem,

22 cuius desiderium ferre diutius civitas non potest. Quid ilia
taetrius belua ? quid immanius ? qui ob earn causam natus
videtur, ne omnium mortalium turpissimus esset M. Antonius. 10
Est una Trebellius, qui iam cum tabulis novis redit in gratiam,
Plancus et ceteri pares : qui id pugnant, id agunt, ut contra
rem publicam restituti esse videantur. Sollicitant homines
imperitos Saxa et Cafo, ipsi rustici atque agrestes, qui hanc rem
publicam nee viderunt umquam nee videre constitutam volunt, 15
qui non Caesaris, sed Antonii acta defendunt, quos avertit agri
Campani infinita possessio : cuius eos non pudere demiror, cum

11 videant se mimos et mimas habere vicinos. Ad has pestes oppri-

23 mendas cur moleste feramus quod M. Bruti accessit exercitus ?
immoderati, credo, hominis et turbulenti : videte ne nimium 20
patientis : etsi in illius viri consiliis atque factis nihil nee nimium

1. Sunt is omitted in the MSS., the etiam et Saxae cavet, quos centuriones pug-
later ones correcting the deficiency by the naces et lacertosos inter mimorum et mima-
improbable reading ' veteranique,' for ' ve- rum greges collocavit.'

terani, qui.' Halm restores it in italics, c. n. There was no fear of M. Brutus

being uncertain in what position it should being too impetuous. His moderation was

stand, more to be feared, but all his wishes were

2. Martia .... quarta. See 3. 3 subordinate to the authority of the senate.
"ores. He deserved the same honours as Decimus

10. Ne omnium, &c. Cp. de Prov. and Octavianus, while some acknowledgment
Cons. 5, 12 'Piso gloriatur se brevi tempore was due to M. Apuleius and Q Hortensiu* ;
perfecisse, ne Gabinius unus omnium nequis- and therefore Cicero concludes by a formal
simus existimaretur.' motion, approving of the conduct of Brutus

11. Qui iam, &c., 'who is now be- and Hortensius, confirming them in their
coming reconciled to the general abolition comm nds, and giving to Brutus authority
of debts,' which, before he himself became to levy money and supplies in the name of
insolvent, Trebellius had strenuously re- the republic.

sisted. See 6. 4, ii note. 20. Ne nimium patientis. The

12. Plancus. See on 6. 4, 10. reading of the Vatican MS. is ' paeneti-

15. Nee viderunt umquam: their entes ;' whence most of the later MSS.,
introduction to Rome dates back only to the followed by Halm, give ' paene patientis.'
time when it was crushed beneath the tyranny One MS. alone has the reading in the text,
of Caesar. which is maintained by J. Frey (Rhein.

16. Avertit, 'perverts from loyally main- Mus. for 1857, P- 631) to be the true one,
taining Caesar's acts.' the letters « ene' in the Vatican reading being

17. Cuius eos, &c. Cafo and Saxo them- interpolated from 'videte ne' above. The
selves were creditable persons beside their sense is much improved by the omission of
fellow colonists. Cp. 8. 9, 26 ' Cafoni the 'paene.'

242 M. TULLII CICERONIS c. 11.

nee parurn umquam fuit. Omnis voluntas M. Bruti, patres
conscript!, omnis cogitatio, tota mens auctoritatem senatus, li-
bertatem populi Roman! intuetur : haec habet proposita, haec
tueri vult. Tentavit quid patientia perficere posset : nihil cum

5 proficeret, vi contra vim experiundum putavit. Cui quidem,
patres conscripti, vos idem hoc tempore tribuere debetis, quod
a. d. XIII. Kal. Ian. D. Bruto C. Caesari me auctore tribuistis ;
quorum privatum de re publica consilium et factum auctoritate
vestra est comprobatum atque laudatum. Quod idem in 24

10 M. Bruto facere debetis, a quo insperatum et repentinum rei
publicae praesidium legionum, equitatus, auxiliorum magnae et
firmae copiae comparatae sunt : adiungendus est Q. Hortensius,
qui cum Macedonian! obtineret, adiutorem se Bruto ad com-
parandum exercitum fidissimum et constantissimum praebuit..

15 Nam de M. Apuleio separatim censeo referendum : cui testis
est per litteras M. Brutus, eum principem fuisse ad conatum
exercitus comparandi. Quae cum ita sint, quod C. Pansa consul 25
verba fecit de litteris, quae a Q. Caepione Bruto pro consule
allatae et in hoc ordine recitatae sunt, de ea re ita censeo :

20 Cum Q. Caepionis Bruti pro consule opera, consilio, industria,
virtute difficillimo rei publicae tempore provincia Macedonia et
Illyricum et cuncta Graecia et legiones, exercitus, equitatus in
consulum, senatus populique Romani potestate sint, id Q. Cae-
pionem pro consule bene et e re publica pro sua maiorumque

25 suorum dignitate consuetudineque rei publicae bene gerendae
fecisse, earn rem senatui populoque Romano gratam esse et
fore : utique Q. Caepio Brutus pro consule provinciam Mace- 26

3. .Haec habet proposita, 'these name in his formal vote as being his strictly

he has always set before him.' Cp. Att. 8. legal appellation. Hence it also appears on

2, 3 ' Positas omnes nostras spes habemus ;' his coins, of which one is engraved in Dr.

and see on 5. 1 8, 50. Smith's Diet, of Biography, with the head

7. D. Bruto C. Caesari. See 3. 15, of Brutus and ' LEIBERTAS ' on the ob-

37 and 38. verse, and a lyre and the inscription

15. M. Apuleio. From Appian, Bell. 'CAEPIO BRUTUS PROCOS' on the

Civ. 4. 75, we learn that on the arrival of reverse.

Brutus in Macedonia M. Apuleius handed 25. Consuetudineque. 'Que'isvery

over to him all the money which he held seldom found in Cicero appended to a word

as quaestor, and all the troops under his ending in ' e,' except in a passage like the

command. Cp. the complaint of Antony, present, where legal phraseology is of more

13. 16, 32 ' Apuleiana pecunia Brutum sub- importance than euphonic rules. See how-

ornastis.' ever 13. 20, 46 ' Maioreque deorum im-

18. Caepione. M. Brutus was so mortalium beneficio;' and Fam. I. 9, 20

called in consequence of his adoption by his ' Illi quos saepe nutu significationeque ap-

uncle, Q^ Servilius Caepio. Cicero uses the pello.'

23—26.

0 RATIO PHILIP PIC A X.

143

doniam, Illyricum cunctamque Graeclam tueatur, defendat,
custodiat incolumemque conservet, eique exercitui, quern ipse
constituit comparavit, praesit, pecuniamque ad rem militarem,
si qua opus sit, quae publica sit et exigi possit, utatur exigat,
pecuniasque a quibus videatur ad rem militarem mutuas. sumat 5
frumentumque imperet operamque det ut cum suis copiis quam
proxime Italiam sit : cumque ex litteris Q. Caepionis Bruti
pro consule intellectum sit, Q. Hortensii pro consule opera
et virtute vehementer rem publicam adiutam omniaque eius
consilia cum consiliis Q. Caepionis Brutr pro consule coniuncta 10
fuisse, eamque rem magno usui rei publicae fuisse : Q. Horten-
sium pro consule recte et ordine exque re publica fecisse, sena-
tuique placere Q. Hortensium pro consule cum quaestore
prove quaestore et legatis suis provinciam Macedonian! ob-
tinere, quoad ei ex senatus consulto successum sit. 15

5. Mutuas sumat. Cicero more gene
rally uses ' mutuari' for ' to borrow,' though
' mutuum dare' is with him the customary
expression for ' to lend.' Cp. Plaut. Asin. I.
3, 95 'Nam si mutuas non potero, certum
est, sumam fenore.'

6. Quam proxime Italiam. Cp.
Att. 6. 5, 3 ' Exercitum habere quam prox
ime hostem."

14. Prove quaestore. The title of
' proquaestor' was sometimes given to a

man who had been quaestor at Rome, and
in the following year accompanied a pro
consul to his province in the same capacity:
but it more generally signified one who was
appointed to the quaestor's office by the
governor in his province, either as an extra
honorary officer, or to supply a deficiency in
the number.

15. Quoad ei, &c., 'till some one be
appointed by the senate to succeed him.'

CP. 3. 15, 38.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE ELEVENTH ORATION.

TOWARDS the end of the year 44 B.C., Dolabella left Rome, in order
to anticipate C. Cassius in occupying the province of Syria, in which he
had supplanted him by the decree of June 5th. Being in great need
of money, he endeavoured to supply his wants by levying contribu
tions on his road, in Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor. At
Smyrna, about the end of February, he was excluded from the city by
the proconsul, C. Trebonius, one of Caesar's murderers ; but received a
supply of provisions, and an escort to Ephesus, for which place he started
after an apparent reconciliation with Trebonius. He returned, however,
with the escort, and entering the city by night, he treacherously murdered
the proconsul. If we may believe the account of Cicero, he previously
tortured him for two days, and then treated his dead body with the
utmost ignominy; but the former part at least of this statement is
improbable. (See on c. 3, 17.)

When the news of this outrage was received at Rome, about the
middle of March, a meeting of the senate was immediately held,
and Dolabella was proclaimed a public enemy. Whether Cicero
took any part in the debate we have no means of knowing; but
on the following day, when a second meeting was held to consider
what provision should be made for the government of Syria, left
vacant by the deposition of Dolabella, he delivered his eleventh
Philippic oration. Two proposals had been made, one that P. Servilius
should be sent out as proconsul, the other that the Consuls of the
current year should themselves be appointed to the governments of Asia
and Syria. To the latter proposal Cicero objected that they had already
work enough on hand, in crushing the designs of Antony ; to the former
he opposed the technical objection that, as Servilius held no public
office, it was not competent to the senate to appoint him to the com
mand of a province.

He proposed to bestow the province on C. Cassius, to whom it had
originally been assigned, and who was already there, in arms against

246 INTRODUCTION TO THE ELEVENTH ORATION.

Dolabella. He acknowledges that Cassius was acting against the orders
of the senate, but urges that he was really furthering the true interests of
the state with energy and judgment ; and that in a crisis like the present
such patriotism should be encouraged without pressing too closely the
letter of the law. The speech, which opens with a violent tirade against
Dolabella, was unsuccessful, mainly through the influence of Pansa ; and
it was agreed, on the motion of Q. Fufius Calenus, to commit the charge
of the two provinces to the Consuls, so soon as they should have ended
the campaign against Antony. (Fam. 12. 7, i.) Cassius however, as
Cicero had predicted, took the law into his own hands, and assuming
the government of Syria, shortly afterwards reduced Laodicea, into
which Dolabella had thrown himself; and Dolabella, to escape falling
into his hands, committed suicide. The text of this speech is in a less
satisfactory state than that of the preceding ones, the Vatican MS. failing
in the middle of the ninth chapter, and thenceforth only supplying us with
fragments of the twelfth and thirteenth orations, containing 12. 5, 12;-
12. 9, 23; and 13. i, i;-i3- 5, i°.

ifl

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER UNDECIMUS.

1 MAGNO in dolore, patres conscripti, vel maerore potius,
i quern ex crudeli et miserabili morte C. Trebonii, optimi civis
moderatissimique hominis, accepimus, inest tamen aliquid, quod
rei publicae profuturum putem. Perspeximus enim quanta in
iis, qui contra patriam scelerata arma ceperunt, inesset im- 5
manitas. Nam duo haec capita nata sunt post homines natos
taeterrima et spurcissima, Dolabella et Antonius : quorum alter
effecit quod optarat, de altero patefactum est quid cogitaret.
L. China crudelis, C. Marius in iracundia perseverans, L. Sulla
vehemens ; neque ullius horum in ulciscendo acerbitas progressa 10
ultra mortem est : quae tamen poerta in cives nimis crudelis

cc. 1-3. The death of Trebonius, grievous throughout Asia. It were good for the

calamity as it was, might furnish a useful senators to observe this well in all its horrors,

lesson to the state. Antony and Dolabella for it was but typical of what Antony would

were twins in wickedness, and now that Dola- do if he shordd be allowed to have his way.
bella had shown how far he could go beyond i. Magno in dolore, &c., 'in the

all previous precedents in cruelty, and had midst of great grief, grief which I cannot

thereby given warning what they both were control.' See on 9. 5, 12.
capable of doing, the sternest measures must 2. C. Trebonii. See the introduction

be adopted in dealing with either of them. to this oration. Trebonius was Consul in

Each was an intruder in a province not his 45 B.C., and soon after Caesar's death, in

own. Antony indeed was checked in Gaul which he took a prominent part, he went as

by D. Brutus, but in Ada Dolabella had proconsul to the province of Asia.
made good his ground, having sent a ruf- 9. L. Cinna, &c. The introduction of

fianly subordinate to prepare the way for Cinna and Sulla as examples of tyranny had

him. He had followed up a treacherous now become a commonplace with Cicero ;

show of friendship for Trebonius, by sur- cp. 2. 42, 108 ; 5. 6, 17. For the sake of

prising his city and murdering himself, with a rhetorical point he here ignores the indig-

all the aggravation of torture before and nity which Sulla practised on the remains of

insult after death, and had then proceeded Marius, on which he elsewhere enlarges, de

to play the tyrant in a triumphal progress Legg. 2. 22, 56. Cp, Val. Max. 9. 2, I.

248 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-2.

putabatur. Ecce tibi geminum in scelere par, invisitatum, in- 2
auditum, ferum, barbarum. Itaque quorum sum mum quondam
inter ipsos odium bellumque meministis, eosdem postea singular!
inter se consensu et amore devinxit improbissimae naturae et
5 turpissimae vitae similitude. Ergo id, quod fecit Dolabella in
quo potuit, multis idem minatur Antonius. Sed ille cum procul
esset a consulibus exercitibusque nostris neque dum senatum
cum populo Romano conspirasse sensisset, fretus Antonii copiis
ea scelera suscepit, quae Romae iam suscepta arbitrabatur a

10 socio furoris sui. Quid ergo hunc aliud moliri, quid optare 3
censetis aut quam omnino causam esse belli ? Omnes, qui libere
de re publica sensimus, qui dignas nobis sententias diximus, qui
populum Romanum liberum esse voluimus, statuit ille quidem
non inimicos, sed hostes : maiora tamen in nos quam in hostem

15 supplicia meditatur : mortem naturae poenam putat esse, iracun-
diae tormenta atque cruciatum. Oualis igitur hostis habendus
est is, a quo victore si cruciatus absit, mors in beneficii parte nu-
meretur? Quam ob rem, patres conscripti, quamquam hortatore 2
non egetis — ipsi enim vestra sponte exarsistis ad libertatis recu-

20 perandae cupiditatem — , tamen eo maiore animo studioque liber-
tatem defendite, quo maiora proposita victis supplicia servitutis

I. Invisitatum, though only found in must be crushed.

one of the later MSS. for ' inusitatum,' is 15. Poenam, which is found in all the

upheld by Halm, as being the less likely MSS., is placed by Halm in brackets, as

word of the two to have been substituted by though he thought, with Ferrarius, that

mistake, and as being more suited to the death could scarcely be called ' poena natu-

context. He compares Livy 4. 33 ' Acies, rae.' Cp. pro Mil. 37, 101 ' Milo exsilium

inaudita ante id tempus invisitataque ;' id. ibi esse putat, ubi virtuti non sit locus;

5. 37 ' Invisitato atque inaudito hoste.' In mortem naturae finem esse, non poenam.'

these passages, as in almost every passage But Dolabe'.la is represented as considering

where the word is used, the same confusion what kind of punishment will suit his pur-

with 'inusitatus' has arisen. Cp. de Div. 2. pose best, and rejecting the punishment of

67, 138; Off. 3. 9, 38; Livy ;;. 7 and 35 ; death, as coming naturally at some time on

35. 42. man. Since therefore it is as a punishment

3. Odium bellumque, as in the con- that it comes before his thoughts, it is only

duct of Antony when Dolabella was standing consistent to look on nature, who inflicts it,

for the consulship (see 2. 32 foil.); and the as a punisher. In the first clause 'poenam'

proceedings of Dolabella after Caesar's death. is appropriate, as carrying on the notion of

See on i. 2, 5. 'supplicia,' while without it in the second

10. Quid hunc, &c., ' wherein conceive the opposition of ' iracundiae ' to ' naturae '

you that Antony's plans are different ? or would be forced and artificial,
if his plans and wishes are not of such a 17. A quo victore, &c., 'who thinks

nature, what do you suppose is the reason that we should look on death as a boon,

why we are at war ?' if when victorious he abstains from tor-

14. Non inimicos, sed hostes, 'not ture.'

merely unfriendly, but deadly enemies.' 19. Exarsistis, &c. Cp. 4. 6, 16 ' Ad

• Inimicos ' it might suffice to shun, ' hostes ' spem libertatis exarsimus.'

§§ 2—5.

OR ATI 0 PHI LIP PIC A XI.

249

4 videtis. In Galliam invasit Antonius, in Asiam Dolabella, in
alienam uterque provinciam : alteri se Brutus obiecit impetum-
que furentis atque omnia divexare ac diripere cupientis vitae
suae periculo colligavit, progressu arcuit, a reditu refrenavit :
obsideri se passus ex utraque parte constrinxit Antonium. Alter 5
in Asiam irrupit. Cur? si, ut in Syriam, patebat via et certa
neque longa : sin ut ad Trebonium, quid opus fuit cum legione?
Praemisso Marso nescio quo Octavio, scelerato latrone atque
egenti, qui popularetur agros, vexaret urbes, non ad spem con-
stituendae rei familiaris, quam tenere eum posse negant qui 10
norunt — mini enim hie senator ignotus est — , sed ad praesentem

5 pastum mendicitatis suae, consecutus est Dolabella. Nulla
suspicione belli — quis enim id putaret? — secutae collocutiones
familiarissimae cum Trebonio complexusque : summae benevo-
lentiae indices falsi exstiterunt in amore simulato ; dexterae, 15

1. In alienam uterque provin
ciam. Cp. c. 12, 27 'In Macedonian!
alienam advolavit.' These provinces had
been assigned by Caesar to D. Brutus
and C. Trebonius respectively, and though
the people had apparently consented that
Antony should have Cisalpine Gaul, this
arrangement had not been sanctioned by the
senate. See on 2. 13, 31, and introduction
to the tenth oration.

2. Brutus, sc. Decimus.

4. Colligavit, 'has hampered his onset :'
cp. Fam. 9.17,2 ' Quid faciat tarnen non
habet, ita se cum multis impedivit;' and
below, c. n, 26 note.

6. Cur? si, &c. I have followed the
reading of Halm, who adopts the conjecture
of Lambinus, inserting the words ' sin ut ad
Trebonium,' as though Cicero were discussing
the only two possible reasons for Dolabella
entering Asia Minor. He might be merely
taking that road into his own province of
Syria, which the senate had taken from C.
Cassius and given to Dolabella after Caesar's
death. To this suggestion Cicero answers
that the way to Syria, which was generally
reached by sea, was well enough known, and
too short to admit of such a deviation. Or
he might be going to join Trebonius, the
legal governor of Asia, but in that case he
would hardly have entered another man's
province at the head of an army. Hence
Cicero infers that there is no explanation of
his conduct consistent with innocence of
treasonable designs. And this inference was
confirmed by his sending in advance an un

scrupulous plunderer like Octavius. Orelli,
rejecting the words inserted by Lambinus,
stops the passage thus: 'Quid opus fuit cum
legione praemisso Marso . . . egenti? qui
popularetur agros, . . . mendicitatis suae.
Consecutus est Dolabella nulla suspicione
belli,' &c.

II. Hie senator, 'this upstart senator;'
sc. Octavius.

14. Complexusque. According to the
common reading these words belonged to
the following clause, 'complexusque summae
benevolentiae falsi indices exs'iterunt in
amore simulato ; ' which must either mean
' and embraces stood forth as false witnesses
of the highest goodwill, whose love was
wholly feigned,' or ' and embraces, false
witnesses of the highest goodwill, were con
spicuous amid the pretence of love.' Nip-
perdey (Philol. 3. 146), whom Halm follows,
first proposed to transpose ' indices falsi,' and
place the stop after 'complexusque,' so that
the sense is, 'then followed the most inti
mate conversations with Trebonius, accom
panied by embraces : the symbols of the
highest goodwill proved false where love
was only feigned.' S. Rau, by a some
what more violent change, suggests 'Com-
plexus, qui sunt mutuae benevolentiae in
dices, falsi exstiterunt,' &c., which agrees
very well with the following clause.
Professor Conington suggested removing
the colon after ' complexusque,' so that
' secutae ' should be a participle, and
' falsi indices ' the predicate of the sen
tence.

250 M. TULLII C1CERON1S cc. 2-4.

quae fidei testes esse solebant, sunt perfidia et scelere violatae :
nocturnus introitus Zmyrnam quasi in hostium urbem, quae est
fidissimorum antiquissimorumque sociorum: oppressus Trebonius,
si ut ab eo, qui aperte hostis essct, incautus, si ut ab eo, qui
5 civis etiam turn speciem haberet, miser. Ex quo nimirum do-
cumcntum nos capere fortuna voluit, quid esset victis extime-
scendum. Consularem hominem, consular! imperio provinciam
Asiam obtinentem, Samiario exsuli tradidit : interficere captum
statim noluit, ne nimis, credo, in victoria liberalis videretur. Cum

10 verborum contumeliis optimum virum incesto ore laccrasset,
turn verberibus ac tormentis quaestionem habuit pecuniae pub-
licae idque per biduum : post cervicibus fractis caput abscidit
idque adfixum gestari iussit in pilo : reliquum corpus tractum
[atque laniatum] abiecit in mare. Cum hoc hoste bellandum e

15 est, cuius taeterrima crudelitate omnis barbaria superata est.
Quid loquar de caede civium Romanorum? de direptione fano-
rum ? quis est qui pro rerum atrocitatc deplorare tantas calami-
tates queat ? Et nunc tota Asia vagatur, volitat ut rex, nos
alio bcllo distineri putat : quasi vero non idem unumque

20 bellum sit contra hoc iugum impiorum nefarium. Imaginem 3
M. Antonii crudelitatis in Dolabella cernitis : ex hoc ilia efficta
est, ab hoc Dolabellae scclerum praecepta sunt tradita. Num
leniorem, quam in Asia Dolabella fuit, in Italia, si liceat, fore

2. Zmyrnam. So Halm, on MS. au- Appian attributes the insulting treatment of

thority, here and pro Balb. II, 28. Smyrna the body to the hatred felt by the soldiers

especially distinguished itself, in the war with towards one of Caesar's murderers.

Mithridates, for fidelity to Rome. Exsuli. A play on the words, which is

4. Si ut ab eo, &c., 'if by one who untranslateable, is perhaps intended here

was in the position of an open enemy, he between 'consul' and ' exsul.'

merits blame for want of caution, but if by 11. Quaestionem, &c., 'tortured him to

one who even then maintained the semblance make him say where he had hidden the

of a citizen, his fate deserves our unmixed public money.'

pity.' 14. [Atque laniatum]. These words

8. Samiario. Orelli (Onomast. lull. are added in the Vatican MS. by a later

s. v.) thinks that this word refers to the hand.

man's trade, 'a vendor of Samian pottery,' 17. Deplorare, 'sufficiently lament.'

whence the late Latin word 'samio,' 'to 19. D istineri, ' are kept away from him

polish with Samian stone;' but Garatonius, bv pressure in another place :' so better than

who first suggested this idea, doubts the ' detineri,' the reading of some MSS., which

existence of such a term in Cicero's time, as would merely be ' are kept employed.'

well as the propriety of mentioning the trade 20. Hoc iugum. Cp. c. I, 2 ' Eccs tibi

of the murderer in this passage. More pro- geminum in scelere par.'

bably it is the man's name. Appian (B.C. 21. Ex hoc ilia efficta est, 'the model

3. 26) says that Trebonius was slain by a (imago) was copied from Antony.' The

centurion directly he was taken ; and neither existing MSS. have 'effecta,' which is

he nor Strabo (14. p. 646) makes any men- meaningless, but Ursini gives MS. authority

tion of the cruelty or treachery of Dolabella. for the reading in the text.

§§5-8. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XI. 251

putatis Antonium? Mihi quidem et ille pervenisse videtur,
quoad progredi potuerit feri hominis amentia, neque Antonius
ullius supplicii adhibendi, si potestatem habeat, ullam esse

7 partem relicturus. , Ponite igitur ante oculos, patres conscripti,
miseram illam quidem et flebilem speciem, sed ad incitandos 5
nostros animos necessarian! : nocturnum impetum in urbem
Asiae clarissimam, irruptionem armatorum in Trebonii domum,
cum miser ille prius latronum gladios videret, quam quae res
esset audisset : furentis introitum Dolabellae, vocem impuram
atque os illud infame, vincla, verbera, eculeum, tortorem carni- 10
ficemque Samiarium : quae tulisse ilium fortiter et patienter
ferunt. Magna laus meoque iudicio omnium maxima ; est
enim sapientis, quidquid homini accidere possit, id praemeditari
ferundum modice esse, si evenerit. Maioris omnino est consilii
providere ne quid tale accidat, animi non minoris fortiter ferre, 15

8 si evenerit. Ac Dolabella quidem tarn fuit immemor humani-
tatis — quamquam eius numquam particeps fuit — , ut suam in-
satiabilem crudelitatem exercuerit non solum in vivo, sed etiam
in mortuo, atque in eius corpore lacerando atque vexando, cum
animum satiare non posset, oculos paverit suos. 20

4 O multo miserior Dolabella quam ille, quern tu miserrimum

I. Et ille . . . neque Antonius. So Oavarovs T' dcupovs, ual KO.KWV a\\as

c. 2, 4 ' Patebat via et certa neque longa.' odovs,

4. Ponite ante oculos, &c. Mtiretus w', et' n TrdffxoifJ-', wv t$6£a£ov (ppevl,

thinks that Cicero is here imitating Aeschin. (JLTJ p.oi vtupls irpoffrrfffov /j,a\\ov da/cot.

iu Ctes. p. 76, i 67rei577 rofs cru/jiaaiv ov 17. Fuit. So Halm, following one MS.,

irapeyeveaOe, d\\a rats 76 diavoiais diro- the others having ' fuerit.' The correction

PXtyar' avT&v ets rds av^opas, KCU seems to be so plainly stated as a fact that

vofj.iaaO' opai> aXiaKop-iv-qv TTJV iro\iv K.T.\. the indicative is absolutely necessary.

IO. Eculeum. Of this instrument of 20. Paverit. All the MSS. have ' pavit,'

torture, so often mentioned in the persecu- but the connection of ideas, as well as the

tions of the early Christians, we have no rhythm of the sentence, seems to require

account in any writer of authority. that this clause, as well as the preceding

12. Est enim sapientis, &c. Lam- one, should be dependent on 'fuit im-

binus compares a saying of Pittacus, awe- memor.'

ruv dvbpwv earl, irplv ^eviaOai ra SvffxfPV c. 4. Even in his hour of triumph Dola-

•npovoriaai ^77 7eVr/Tar dvSpficw fie yevopfva bella failed, for he inflicted on himself the

fv OtaOai. Compare also Tusc. 3. 14, lasting agonies of remorse, a thousand times

30 ' Quoniam multum potest provisio animi more hard to bear than the two days' torture

et praeparatio ad minuendum dolorem, sint which Trebonius underwent. He was more-

sempcr ornnia homini humana meditata j ' over judged to be an enemy of the state, a

and Eur.^Fr. Thes. 384 far worse fate than death; and so, even in

€yoj 8e TOVTO irapa <ro<pov nvbs ftaOwv, respect of their present condition, Trebonius

fls (ppovriSas vovv avp.<popds T' i/3a\- might be deemed the happier man ; without

\ufj.r)v, ^ setting his noble nature against the vicious-

(pvjas T enavTa irpoamQds Trdrpas ness of Dolabella s character, which an un-

^^s» suspecting trustfulness had hitherto prevented

253 M. TULLII CICERONIS Co. 4-5.

esse voluisti ! Dolores Trebonius pertulit magnos ; multi ex
morbi gravitate maiores, quos tamen non miseros, sed laboriosos
solemus dicere. Longus fuit dolor bidui, at compluribus anno-
rum saepe multorum : nee vero graviora sunt carnificum crucia-

5 menta quam interdum tormenta morborum. Alia sunt, alia, 9
inquam, o perditissimi homines et amentissimi, multo miseriora.
Nam quo maior vis est animi quam corporis, hoc sunt graviora
ea, quae concipiuntur animo, quam ilia, quae corpore. Miserior
igitur qui suscipit in se scelus quam si qui alterius facinus

10 subire cogitur. Cruciatus est a Dolabella Trebonius : et quidem
a Karthaginiensibus Regulus. Qua re cum crudelissimi Poeni
iudicati sint in hoste, quid in cive de Dolabella iudicandum est ?
An vero hoc conferendum est aut dubitandum, uter miserior sit,
isne, cuius mortem senatus populusque Romanus ulcisci cupit,

15 an is, qui cunctis senatus sententiis hostis est iudicatus? Nam
ceteris quidem vitae partibus quis est qui possit sine Trebonii
maxima contumelia conferre vitam Trebonii cum Dolabellae ?
Alterius consilium, ingenium, humanitatem, innocentiam, magni-
tudinem animi in patria liberanda quis ignorat? alteri a puero

20 pro deliciis crudelitas fuit, deinde ea libidinum turpitudo, ut in
hoc sit semper ipse laetatus, quod ea faceret, quae sibi obiici ne
ab inimico quidem possent verecundo. Et hie, di immortales ! 10
aliquando fuit meus : occulta enim erant vitia non inquirenti.

Cicero from discovering in a near connection ginians, is looked upon by many modern

of his own. writers, and amongst others by Mommsen

3. Longus fuit dolor bidui at, &c. (Hist, of Rome, 2.46), as an invention of

So Halm. Madvig (Jahn's Jahrbuch for the later Romans.

1856, p. 124) would stop the clause ' Longus 12. la hoste, 'in dealing with an

fuit dolor. Bidui; at,' &c. He says that enemy;' cp. Virg. Ae. 2. 541

the mention of the definite and cpmpara- ' At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles

tively short period of two days is inappro- Talis in hoste fuit Priamo:'

priate in an objection urging the length and see Kritz on Sail. Cat. 9, 2.
of the sufferings of Trebonius ; and that it 18. Magnitudinem animi, in sacri-

comes in much more fitly in Cicero's answer : ficing all feelings of gratitude and private

' two days, I grant, he suffered, yet how friendship, by sharing in Caesar's murder,
many have been sufferers for many years ;' 23. Meus, 'a member of my family.'

but two days of incessant torture would He styles him ' meus' even after his divorce

generally be considered long enough. from Tullin, Att. 14. 15, 2 'O mirificum Dola-

8. Miserior igitur, &c. Cp. Plat. bellam meum, iam enim dicam meum; antea,

Gorg. p. 469 c: ricwA. av dpa jSouAoto av crede mihi, subdubitabam.' That Cicero's

odiKflaQai fj.d\\ov fj db'iKfiv ; 2owp. fiov- blindness to the notorious profligacy of Dola-

XoiurjV /j,( v av eyasyt ovSirepa' el 8' dva.y- bella was wilful seems clear from the language

Kaiov fl'r/ adiKfiv rj dfitKfTffOai, k\oip.rjv av used by M. Caelius, in his letter congratu-

uaXXov d8iKticr6ai fj dSiitfiv. lating Cicero on his daughter's engagement

n. Regulus. The story of the mission (Fam. 8. 13, i) ; in which he extenuates the

of Regulus to Rome in 250 B.C., and his vices which he cannot deny to have existed

subsequent cruel treatment by the Cartha- in the man. While Caesar lived, Cicero

§§ 8-11.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XI.

253

Neque nunc fortasse alienus ab eo essem, nisi ille nobis, nisi
moenibus patriae, nisi huic urbi, nisi dis penatibus, nisi aris et
focis omnium nostrum, nisi denique naturae et humanitati inven-
tus esset inimicus. A quo admoniti diligentius et vigilantius
caveamus Antonium. 5

5 Etenim Dolabella non ita multos secum habuit notos atque
insignes latrones : at videtis quos et quam multos habeat An-
tonius. Primum Lucium fratrem : quam facem, di immortales !
quod facinus ! quod scelus ! quern gurgitem ! quam voraginem !
Quid eum non sorbere animo, quid non haurire cogitatione, cuius 10
sanguinem non bibere censetis? in cuius possessiones atque for-

11 tunas non impudentissimos oculos spe et mente defigere ? Quid
Censorinum? qui se verbo praetorem esse urbanum cupere
dicebat, re certe noluit. Quid Bestiam ? qui consulatum in Bruti
locum se petere profitetur : atque hoc quidem detestabile omen i5
avertat luppiter ! Quam absurdum autem, qui praetor fieri non
potuerit, petere eum consulatum ! nisi forte damnationem pro
praetura putat. Alter Caesar Vopiscus ille summo ingenio,

appears to have thought it useful to have a
friend at court in the person of his son-in-law;
and on his death there was a hope at first
that Dolabella would be serviceable as a
check to Antony. Hence, even after his
ill-treatment of Tullia, Cicero maintained a
constant show of friendship towards him.

I. Nobis. So Halm for the Vatican
reading ' bonis,' the two words being often
confused in MSS. Cp. 3. 2, 4 note. The
other MSS. have ' vobis.'

5. Antonium: because, as he said
above, cc. I, 2 and 3, 6, Dolabella had only
proved more cruel than Antony from having
had a better opportunity.

cc. 5, 6. The guilt of Dolabella might
serve as a warning against Antony, who
was the more dangerous because of the despe
rate character of his followers. His brother
Lucius was indeed the worst, but he had
besides in his army men notorious in every
way, who had violated every precept of political
or moral probity. Outlaws, foreign upstarts,
bankrupts, murderers formed the flower of his
army, and they would eagerly have followed
the example set by Dolabella, had not the
senate wisely adopted the proposal of Calenus,
and denounced him as a public enemy.

9. Quern gurgitem! So he speaks
of M. Antonius as worse than any Charybdis,
2. 27, 67.

10. Cuius ... censetis? in are omitted

in the Vatican MS., but the omission of the
last word makes it appear as though a com
plete line had escaped the copyist, 'in'
being indispensable for the construction.

12. Quid Censorinum? The accu
sative may depend on ' habet,' to be supplied
from ' habeat ; ' but it is more probably
' what say you of Censorinus ? who was
always saying that he wished to be praetor
of the city, but has shown himself in fact
unwilling so to be;' i.e. he had practically
abdicated the office, by going to the camp of
Antony, whereas it was illegal for the city
praetor to be away from Rome. L. Marcius
Censorinus was one of Antony's staunchest
supporters, and through his interest gained
the consulship in 39 B.C.

14. Bestiam. L. Calpurnius Bestia was
one of Catiline's adherents. In 57 B.C. he
was an unsuccessful candidate for the prae-
torship, and in the following year was prose
cuted for bribery, and convicted, though
Cicero defended him. Having thus failed
in gaining the praetorship. he was ineligible
for the consulship, in which he was hoping
to supplant M. Brutus.

In Bruti locum, 'to fill the place which
naturally would fall to Brutus.' The con
struction ' in locum' depends upon the idea
of being elected, which is involved in ' con
sulatum petere.'

18. Alter Caesar Vopiscus, 'like a

254

M. TULLII CICERON1S

cc. 5—6.

summa potentia, qui ex aedilitate consulatum petit, solvatur
legibus : quamquam leges eum non tenent propter eximiam,
credo, dignitatem. At hie me defendente quinquies absolutus
est : sexta palma urbana etiam in gladiatore difficilis. Sed haec
5 iudicum culpa, non mea est. Ego defendi fide optima : illi
debuerunt clarissimum et praestantissimum senatorem in civitate
retinere. Qui tamen nunc nihil aliud agere videtur, nisi ut
intelligamus illos, quorum res iudicatas irritas fecimus, bene et
e re publica iudicavisse. Neque hoc in hoc uno est : sunt alii 12

10 in isdem castris honeste condemnati, turpiter restituti. Quod
horum consilium, qui omnibus bonis hostes sunt, nisi crudelis-
simum putatis fore ? Accedit Saxa nescio quis, quern nobis
Caesar ex ultima Celtiberia tribunum pi. dedit, castrorum antea
metator, nunc, ut sperat, urbis : a qua cum sit alienus, suo

15 capiti salvis nobis ominetur. Cum hoc veteranus Cafo, quo
neminem veterani peius oderunt. His quasi praeter dotem,
quam in civilibus malis acceperant, agrum Campanum est

second Caesar Vopiscus.' C. lulius Caesar
Strabo Vopiscus, having been curule aedile
in 90 B.C., was brought forward by the
aristocratic party as a candidate for the
consulship, in violation of the ' Lex Villia
Annalis.' as he had never held the praetorship.
His election was prevented by the forcible
intervention of the tribunes, and Cicero thus
implies that Bestia could only bring forward
one precedent for his illegal conduct, and
that a precedent of failure.

1. Solvatur legibus. See on 2. 13,

31-

2. Quamquam leges, 'and yet,' Cicero
would say, ' a decree to this effect is hardly
necessary, since the laws already prove too
narrow to confine such singular merit.'

4. Sexta palma urbana. Cicero had
gained his cause five times for Bestia; defeat
in the sixth, in his trial for bribery, was
hardly to be avoided. Such unqualified
success would scarcely find a parallel even in
the arena. That the defeat in question was
already sustained is clear from the following
words, 'illi debuerunt . . . retinere.'

7 Qjii tamen, &c. In 49 B.C. Caesar
procured the recall from banishment of most
of the exiles, especially those convicted of
bribery under the ' Lex Pompeia de Vi.' It
is probable that Bestia, though convicted
under an earlier statute, would take advan
tage of the grace thus offered to return to

Rome ; and Cicero, to whom this act of
Caesar's had been most distasteful at the
time, urges that Bestia at least was doing all
he could to justify the severity of those who
tried him, and to show how utterly mis«
placed was Caesar's clemency. It is pro
bable that the recall was accomplished at
the time by a decree of the senate, acting
under Caesar's orders ; but at any rate by
ratifying all his measures after his death
they had accepted the responsibility of what
he did. Hence ' fecimus.'

13. Castrorum antea metator. In
14. 4, 10 he is called ' peritus metator et
callidus.' He was probably at first one of
the workmen employed to trace out the
camp under the direction of the centurions,
on whom that duty devolved. See also on

8- 3, 9-

14. A qua, &c. Saxa had been hoping
for a confiscation of the state lands, but as
he, a foreigner, knew but little of Rome and
its affairs, Cicero expresses a hope that his
wish may prove ominous to himself, — that
there may be a confiscation indeed, but of
the lands so wrongfully bestowed on him.
' Yet since he is a stranger there, may the
omen recoil on his own head without in
flicting injury on us.' Some of the later
MSS. have ' dominetur,' which is meaning
less.

15. Cafo. See on 8. 3, 9.

0 RATIO PHILIPPIC A XL

255

§§ 11—14.

largitus Antonius, ut haberent reliquorum nutriculas praediorum.
Quibus utinam contend essent ! ferremus, etsi tolerabile non
erat, sed quidvis patiendum fuit, ut hoc taeterrimum bellum
non haberemus.

Quid ? ilia castrorum M. Antonii lumina, nonne ante oculos 5
proponitis? Primum duos collegas Antoniorum et Dolabellae,
Nuculam et Lentonem, Italiae divisores lege ea, quam senatus
per vim latam iudicavit : quorum alter comrnentatus est mimos,
alter egit tragoediam. Quid dicam de Apulo Domitio? cuius
modo bona proscripta vidi : tanta procuratorum est negligentia. 10
At hie nuper sororis filio infudit venenum, non dedit. Sed non
possunt non prodige vivere, qui nostra bona sperant, cum ef-
fundant sua. Vidi etiam P. Decii auctionem, clari viri, qui
maiorum exempla persequens pro alieno se aere devovit.
Emptor tamen in ea auctione inventus est nemo. Hominem 15
ridiculum, qui se exserere aere alieno putet posse, cum vendat
aliena. Nam quid ego de Trebellio dicam ? quern ultae videntur
Furiae debitorum ; vindicem enim novarum tabularum novam

I. Nutriculas, 'to nurse their other
farms;' the certain profits from the rich
lands of Capua covering all the risk and
possible loss of their other estates ; as he
says of them de Leg. Agrar. 2. 28, 78
' neque istorum pecuniis quidquam aliud
deesse video nisi eius modi fundos, quorum
subsidio familiavum magnitudines et Cuma-
uorum ac Puteolanorurn praediorum sumptus
sustentare possint.'

6. Collegas, as ' septemviri agris divi-
dundis.' See 2. 38, 99 note.

7. Nuculam. See on 6. 5, 14.
Lentonem. Cp. 12. 9, 23. The

other two 'divisores' were Tiro and Mus-
tela. See 8. 9, 26.

8. Comrnentatus est, 'composed
mimes ;' the word expressing rather the
inventive than the mechanical part of com
position.

9. Cuius modo, &c., 'whose goods I
saw but yesterday exposed for sale, so great
has been the carelessness of the assignees.'
The emphasis is on ' modo,' the affairs of
Domitius the Apulian (of whom nothing is
known from other sources) having long been
desperate, though steps were only just now
taken to realize his property.

II. Infudit venenum, non dedit.
Some have taken this to mean, ' he drenched,
rather than dosed with poison,' as though

'infudit' expressed excessive quantity. It
is rather ' he mixed the poison for his
nephew, but did not administer it ;' meaning
either that his resolution failed hirn, or that
he employed another's hand to carry out his
wickedness. Cp. Hor. Epod. 5, 7,7
' Maius parabo, maius infundam tibi

Fastidienti poculum.'

14. Pro alieno se aere devovit,
'sacrificed himself as a martyr to his — debts.'

16. Qui se exserere, 'to think he
could escape the debts he owed to others,
by selling what was not his own.' ' Exse
rere' is Halm's emendation for the Vatican
reading 'exercere,' for which the other MSS.
have ' exire.'

17. De Trebellio. See on 10. 10, 22.
Trebellius had made himself obnoxious
to the general body of insolvent debtors,
when he opposed the general abolition of
debts, ' novae tabulae.' Hence now that
his affairs have been reduced to such a state,
that his property appears scheduled in an
auction list, 'tabula auctionaria,' Cicero says
that 'the furies of the debtors now have
wreaked their vengeance on Trebellius ; for
here a clearance catalogue asserts the right
of clearance from our debts.' He has a
similar play on the words Cat. 2. 8, 18
' Meo beneficio tabulae novae proferentur,
verum auctionariae.'

M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-7.

tabulam videmus. Quid de T. Planco? quern praestantissimus
civis, Aquila, Pollentia expulit, et quidem crure fracto : quod
utinam ill! ante accidisset, ne hue redire potuisset ! Lumen et
decus illius exercitus paene praeterii, T. Annium Cimbrum,
5 Lysidici filium Lysidicum ipsum [Graeco verbo], quoniam omnia
iura dissolvit, nisi forte iure Germanum Cimber occidit. Cum
hanc et huius generis copiam tantam habeat Antonius, quod
scelus omittet, cum Dolabella tantis se obstrinxerit parricidiis
nequaquam pari latronum manu et copia ? Quapropter, ut 15

10 invitus saepe dissensi a Q. Fufio, ita sum eius sententiae libenter
assensus. Ex quo iudicare debetis me non cum homine solere,
sed cum causa dissidere. Itaque non assentior solum, sed etiam
gratias ago Fufio : dixit enim severam, gravem, re publica dig-
nam sententiam, iudicavit hostem Dolabellam, bona censuit

15 publice possidenda. Quo cum addi nihil potuisset — quid enim
atrocius potuit, quid severius decernere? — dixit tamen, si quis
eorum, qui post se rogati essent, graviorem sententiam dixisset,
in earn se iturum. Quam severitatem quis potest non laudare?
Nunc, quoniam hostis est iudicatus Dolabella, bello est per- 7

20 sequendus. Neque enim quiescit : habet legionem, habet fugi- 16

1. T. Planco. See on 6.4, 10. pares Quint. 8. 3, 29 'Cimber hie fuit, a

2. Aquila. L.Pontius Aquila. one of quo fratrem necatum hoc Ciceronis dicto
Caesar's assassin?, was ' legatus' of D. Brutus notatum est: Germanum Cimber occidit.'
in this campaign, and perished before IO. Saepe dissensi. See 5, I, I ; 10. 1,3.
Mutina in the battle in which the Consul 15. Publice possidenda, 'should be
Hirtius was killed. confiscated to the state.' The expression

Pollentia. A city of Liguria, (now would properly apply to any portion of the
Polenza, a place of no importance,) a few state lands, which was either retained as a
miles south of Turin, at the junction of the ' possessio populi Romani,' or reclaimed from
Stura and Tanaro. After his defeat at the occupant to whom it had been assigned.
Mutina, Antony attempted to secure Pol- Here its application is more general, to all

lentia, but found himself forestalled by D. the goods of Dolabella.
Brutus. See Fam. II. 13. 18. In earn se iturum, 'he would

Quod utinam, &c. Had he suffered support the measure.' See on 3. 9, 24.
crurifragium, Cicero argues, i.e. had he been cc. 7, 8. War with Dolabella was inevitable,

crucified, and his legs broken on the cross, find the only question (hat remained was who

there would have been an end of him. should be the general. It was proposed to

4. T. Annium Cimbrum. Cp. 13. give the post to P. Servilius, but tlie people
12, 26 'Philadelphia Annius.' had alwnys looked with the utmost jealousy

5. Graeco verbo. These words are on entrusting private individuals with such
probably a gloss, as the play upon the name commands, and thus virtually transferring
Lysidicu?, 'a breaker of the peace,' would the ' comilia' to the senate-house. The excep-
be obvious enough to such an audience as tions which might be quoted only proved the
the Roman senate. rule. The senate entrusted to Pompey the

6. Nisi forte iure, &c., 'unless a u<ar agabist Sertorius only because tlie Con-
Cimber had a right to kill one germanely siils both declined it, and the extraordinary
related to him.' Cimber being the name of commission lately given to Octavianus did
a German people, Cicero plays upon the but legalise a military command which cir-
double meaning of 'germanus.' Halm com- cumstances had already thrust upon him.

§§ 14-17.

OR ATI 0 PHI LIP PIC A XI.

257

tivos, habet sceleratam impiorum manum ; et ipse confidens,
impotens, gladiatorio generi mortis addictus. Quam ob rem,
quoniam Dolabella hesterno die hoste decreto bellum gerundum
est, imperator est diligendus. Duae dictae sunt sententiae,
quarum neutram probo : alteram, quia semper, nisi cum est 5
necesse, periculosam arbitror : alteram, quia alienam his tem-
17 poribus existimo. Nam extraordinarium imperium populare
atque ventosum est, minime nostrae gravitatis, minime huius
ordinis. Bello Antiochino magno et gravi, cum L. Scipioni
provincia Asia obvenisset, parumque in eo putaretur esse animi, 10
parum roboris, senatusque ad collegam eius, C. Laelium, huius
Sapientis patrem, negotium deferret, surrexit P. Africanus, frater
maior L. Scipionis, et illam ignominiam a familia deprecatus
est, dixitque et in fratre suo summam virtutem esse summumque
consilium, neque se ei legatum, id aetatis iisque rebus gestis, 15
defuturum. Quod cum ab eo esset dictum, nihil est de Scipionis
provincia commutatum ; nee plus extraordinarium imperium ad
id bellum quaesitum, quam duobus antea maximis Punicis bellis,
quae a consulibus aut a dictatoribus gesta et confecta sunt,

2. Impotens, 'unable to control his
passions.' Cp. Hor. Od. i. 37, 10

' Quidlibet impotens
Sperare.'

Gladiatorio generi, &c., 'bent upon
dying by a violent death.'

3. Hesterno die. Hence it is clear
that this oration was not spoken, as is often
stated, (see Merivale, 3. 136: Forsyth, Life
of Cicero 2. 233,) in support of the motion
of Calenus, that Dolabella should be de
clared a public enemy ; but it was delivered
on the following day, when the senate
met to consider what action should be taken
in the matter, and especially who should be
appointed to succeed Dolabella in the govern
ment of his province. Cp. c. 13, 29.

5. Cum est. The indicative marks
the concc ssion, that occasions not only may,
but do occasionally arise, when such a step
is necessary. Cicero had himself taken a
leading part in such a measure when advo
cating the 'Lex Manilla,' giving Pempey
the special command of the war against
Mithridates ; and more recently, when de
fending the measures of Octavianus.

7. Extraordinarium, 'out of due
course.'

8. Ventosum, ' unsubstantial ;' cp. Livy
42. 30 'Quosdam (ad novanda omnia agebat)

ventosum ingenium, quia Perseus magis
aurae popularis erat.'

9. Bello Antiochino, the war with
Antiochus the Great, in 190 B.C.

II. Huius Sapientis, 'of Laelius the
wise, so well known, so constantly spoken
of, among ourselves.' From the peculiarity
of this use of ' huius,' some editors would
read ' illius,' and some even substitute
' Laelii Sapientis patrem.' Kayser places
'huius' within brackets.

13. A familia, 'prayed that such dis
grace might not befall his family;' cp. Verr.
Act. 2.1. 60, 157 'Is ul!am ab sese calami-
tatem poterit deprecari?' Most of the later
MSS. unnecessarily read 'familiae.' Livy
(37. l) represents the story somewhat differ
ently, saying that the command in Asia was
given to L. Scipio by a special decree of the
senate, and so was ' extraordinarium,' in
order that Africanus might once more be
opposed to Hannibal, who was fighting in
the army of Antiochus.

15- Id aetatis, 'though of such an
age; 'id aetatis,' 'id temporis' being some
times used for the simple genitive or ablative,
to signify the point of time; cp. Cat. i. 4,
10 ' Quos ad me id temporis ventures esse
praedixeram,' and Madv. § 238.

19. A dictatoribus. The very office

M. TULLII CICERO N IS

cc. 7—8.

quam Pyrrhi, quam Philippi, quam post Achaico bello, quam
Punico tertio : ad quod populus Romanus ita sibi ipse dilegit
idoneum ducem, P. Scipionem, ut eum tamen bellum gerere
consulem vellct. Cum Aristonico bellum gerundum fuit P. 8
5 Licinio L. Valerio consulibus. Rogatus est populus, quern id is
bellum gerere placeret : Crassus consul, pontifex maximus,
Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali, multam dixit, si a sacris dis-
cessisset : quam multam populus Romanus remisit, pontifici
tamen flaminem parere iussit. Sed ne turn quidem populus

10 Romanus ad privatum detulit bellum : quamquam erat Afri-
canus, qui anno ante de Numantinis triumpharat : qui cum
longe omnes belli gloria et virtute superaret, duas tamen tribus
solas tulit. Ita populus Romanus consul! potius Crasso quam
privato Africano bellum gerundum dedit. De Cn. Pompei

15 imperils, summi viri atque omnium principis, tribuni pi. turbu-
lenti tulerunt. Nam Sertorianum bellum a senatu privato

of dictator supplied a constitutional means
of appointing a man to such a command
as Cicero is now attempting to prevent ; so
that the mention of dictators virtually con
cedes the point at issue.

1. Philippi, Philip V of Macedonia,
finally defeated by T. Qninctius Flaminimis
in 197 B.C., after seventeen years of inter
mittent war.

Achaico bello. in 147 and 146 B.C.,
terminating with the capture of Corinth
by L. Mummius.

2. Ita ... ut, 'though it selected for
itself a suitable general, yet chose that he
should cany on the war as Consul.' See on

2- 34, 85.

4. Aristonicus was a natural son of
Eumenes II, who claimed the kingdom of
Pergamus on the death of Attains III. As
Attains had made the Romans his Iv.iirs,
Aristonicus was thus brought into conflict
with Rome. He defeated the Consul P.
Licinius Crassus in 131 B.C., but was taken
prisoner bv M. Perperna in the following
year.

8. Remisit. As the fine was only
threatened, it is hardiy clear how it could
have been remitted ; but probably the ex
planation of Garatonius is correct, that L.
Valerius appealed against his colleague's
decision, which was only possible under the
supposition that the fine had been inflicted,
and that therefore the people, in confirming
the claim of Crassus, necessarily confirmed
the fine, and made it requisite to remit it.

in order to exempt Valerius from payment.
He compares the parallel case of an older
P. Licinius Crassus, who similarly prevented
the Consul Q^Fabius Pictor, as being Fiamen
Quirinalis, from taking the command in
Sicily, in 189 B.C. In that case also the
fine was threatened, an appeal was made,
and the result, as given by Livy (37. 51),
was ' religio ad postremum vicit, ut d'icto
audiens esset flamen pontifici ; et multae ex
iussn populi remissae.' What made the
conduct of the younger Crassus more op
pressive was that he 'himself, as Pontifex
Maximus, was no less bound to stay in
Rome. See Livy, Epit. 59.

II. Anno ante. Numantia was taken
133 B.C., but the triumph of Africanus did
not take pi ice till the following year.

13. Tulit, 'only gained the votes of two
tribes.'

15. Tribuni . . . tulerunt. Bit Cicero
himself supported the proposal, in his speech
de Cn. Pompeii imperio.

16. Nam Sertorianum bellum. And
this, Cic.:ro would imply, concludes the list
of precedents, ' for the Sertorian war, which
some might urge against me, was only given
to a private citizen, because the Consuls
would not undertake its conduct.' The
private citizen was Pompey, then (in 77
B.C.) only an ' cques ;' cp. de Imp. Cn.
Pomp. 21 'Cum esset nonnemo in senatu qui
diceret, " non oportere mitti hominem pri
vatum pro consule :" L. Piiilippus dixisse
fertur, " non se ilium sua sententia pro con-

§§17-20. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XI. 259

datum est, quia consules recusabant, cum L. Philippus pro

19 consulibus eum se mittere dixit, non pro consule. Quae igitur
haec comitia? aut quam ambitionem constantissimus et gra-
vissimus civis, L. Caesar, in senatum introduxit? Clarissimo
viro atque innocentissimo decrevit imperium, private tamen : 5
in quo maximum nobis onus imposuit. Assensus ero, ambi
tionem induxero in curiam : negaro, videbor sufiragio meo
tamquam comitiis honorem homini amicissimo denegavisse.
Quod si comitia placet in senatu haberi, petamus, arnbiamus :
tabella modo detur nobis, sicut populo data est. Cur committis, 10
Caesar, ut aut praestantissimus vir, si tibi non sit assensum,
repulsam tulisse videatur, aut unus quisque nostrum praeteritus,
si, cum pari dignitate simus, eodem honore digni non putemur?

20 At enim — nam id exaudio — C. Caesari adolescentulo imperium
extraordinarium mea sententia dedi. Ille enim mihi praesidium 15
extraordinarium dederat : cum dico mihi, senatui dico populo-
que Romano. A quo praesidium res publica, ne cogitatum
quidem, tantum haberet, ut sine eo salva esse non posset, huic
extraordinarium imperium non darem? Aut exercitus adi-
mendus aut imperium dandum fuit. Quae est enim ratio aut 20
qui potest fieri ut sine imperio teneatur exercitus? Non

sule sed pro consulibus mittere.'" The 10. Tabella, ' the voting tablet ;' so that

Consuls thus contemptuously set aside were all the forms of a popular election might be

M. lunius Brutus and Mam. Aemilius Le- duly observed,
pidus Livianus 13. Pari dignitate, 'of equal rank as

2. Quae igitur, &c., 'what then is consulars.'

this election? or what this candidature for 14. Exaudio, 'I hear it whispered.'

office which L.Caesar has introduced into 'Exaudire' is 'to hear in spite of some

the senate T The ' comitia,' Cicero would obstacle,' and especially to hear what is not

say, not the senate, was the place for the directly meant to be heard. Cp. Cat. 4. 7,

election of officers of the state, and the only 14 'Sed ea quae exaudio dissimulare non

constitutional function of the senate in the possum.' Here the implication is that the

matter was to apportion among existing objection made is one which the objectors

officers their several spheres of duty. L. would hardly have ventured to utter in

Caesar had proposed that P. Servilius Vatia Cicero's own hearing, so as to allow him to

Isauricus, a man of consular rank, but at expose its full absurdity,
present holding no office, should be appointed 18. Haberet. The subjunctive puts the

proconsul, with the command of the war case generally, so as to show that the case

against Dolabdla. Cicero himself was of Octavianus was one which fell under an

anxious to commit the conduct of the war acknowledged law. Cicero's first argument

to C. Cassius, who was already propraetor is that the merits of Octavianus were extra-

in Syria. ordinary. ; and besides, he urges that in his

6. Assensus ero. For the omission case the senate were not conferring, but

of ' si,' in the hypothetical statement of continuing a command, so that the case

alternatives, see Madv. § 442 a. Obs. was not parallel to that of Servilius, to whom

2; and cp. 13. II, 25 'Recesseris, undi- no slight would be offered by letting him

que omnes insequentur : manseris, haere- remain at home in the position which he at

bis.' present held.

S 3

260 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-10.

igitur, quod ereptum non est, id existimandum est datum. Eri-
puissetis C. Caesari, patres conscript!, imperium, nisi dedissetis.
Milites veterani, qui illius auctoritatem, imperium, nomen secuti
pro re publica arma ceperant, volebant sibi ab illo imperari :

5 legio Martia et legio quarta ita se contulerant ad auctoritatem
senatus et rei publicae dignitatem, ut deposcerent imperatorem
et ducem C. Caesarem. Imperium C. Caesari belli necessitas,
fasces senatus dedit. Otioso vero et nihil agenti privato, ob-
secro te, L. Caesar, — cum peritissrmo homine mihi res est —

[o quando imperium senatus dedit?

Sed de hoc quidem hactenus, ne refragari homini amicissimo 9
ac de me optime merito videar : etsi quis potest refragari non
modo non petenti, verum etiam recusanti ? Ilia vero, patres 21
conscripti, aliena consulum dignitate, aliena temporum gravitate

fr sententia est, ut consules Dolabellae persequendi causa Asiam
et Syriam sortiantur. Dicam, cur inutile rei publicae, sed
prius, quam turpe consulibus sit, videte. Cum consul designatus
obsideatur, cum in eo liberando salus sit posita rei publicae,
cum a populo Romano pestiferi cives parricidaeque desciverint,

20 cumque id bellum geramus, quo bello de dignitate, de libertate,
de vita decernamus, si in potestatem quis Antonii venerit, pro-
posita sint tormenta atque cruciatus, cumque harum rerum
omnium decertatio consulibus optimis et fortissimis commissa
et commendata sit : Asiae et Syriae mentio fiet, ut aut sus-

'•? picioni crimen aut invidiac matcriam dedisse videamur? At 22

5. Ita . . ut, 'only on condition that.' 18. Sit posita, 'has been allowed to rest.'

See 2. 34. 85 note. 21. Si in potestatem. One MS. has

9. Peritissimo, 'well-versed in law,' 'etsi,' but the asyndeton may very well be

and therefore knowing all the precedents carried on throughout the clause,

which possibly could bear upon the point. 24. Suspicion! crimen, &c., ' that we

cc. 9, IO. To appoint the Consuls to the may seem to have provided suspicion with

vacant provinces was inexpedient both for a ground for accusation, or to have laid a

them and for the state. It would make the foundation for unpopularity.' His meaning

people imagine that they were looking after is more fully explained in the following

their own interests rather than the safe/y of chapter, that if the notion were entertained

D. Brutus, while it could hardly fail to divert that Pansa was cognizant of the proposal,

some portion of their care from the measures suspicion would immediately conclude that

to be taken for his deliverance. The state he wished to have the conduct of the war

would suffer, because proceedings against in Asia, in order to avoid the difficult and

Dolabella must necessarily be delayed ; unless dangerous task of contending with Antony.

indeed they appointed a deputy, thus taking It is true that the liberation of D. Brutus

on themselves a responsibility which Cicero was still the first task assigned to the Con-

had shown to be too heavy even for the suls, bi.t the fact that they had further duties

senate. laid upon them was likely to make them

13. Ilia vero, 'the other of the two negligent in performing the first, and anxious

proposals mentioned above.' See § 16. to find excuses for abandoning it.

§§ 20-24. OR ATI 0 PHI LIP PIC A XI. 261

vero ita decernunt, ut liberate Bruto: id enim restabat, ut
relicto, deserto, prodito. Ego vero mentionem omnino pro-
vinciarum factam dico alienissimo tempore. Quamvis enim
intentus animus tuus sit, C. Pansa, sicut est, ad virum fortissi-
mum et omnium clarissimum liberandum, tamen rerum natura 5
coget te necessario referre animum aliquando ad Dolabellam
persequendum et partem aliquam in Asiam et Syriam derivare
ctirae et cogitationis tuae. Si autem fieri posset, vel plures
te animos habere vellem, quos omnes ad Mutinam intenderes.
Quod quoniam fieri non potest, isto te animo, quem habes 10
praestantissimum atque optimum, nihil volumus nisi de Bruto

23 cogitare. Facis tu id quidem et eo maxime incumbis, ut
intelligo : duas tamen res, magnas praesertim, non modo agere
uno tempore, sed ne cogitando quidem explicare quisquam
potest. Incitare et inflammare tuum istuc praestantissimum 15
studium, non ad aliam ulla ex parte curam transferre debemus.

10 Adde istuc sermones hominum, adde suspiciones, adde invidiam.
Imitare me, quem tu semper laudasti : qui instructam orna-
tamque a senatu provinciam deposui, ut incendium patriae
omissa omni cogitatione restinguerem. Nemo erit praeter 20
unum me, quicum profecto, si quid interesse tua putasses, pro
summa familiaritate nostra communicasses, qui credat te invito
provinciam tibi esse decretairu Hanc, quaeso, pro tua singular!
sapientia reprime famam atque efnce, ne id, quod non curas,

24 cupere videare. Quod quidem eo vehementius tibi laborandum 25

I. Id enim restabat, &c. Cicero dis- lently ordered and equipped.' See on 10.

poses of the apology made for the authors 4, 9.

of this proposal, that they would only, send 19 Deposui. On the expiration of his

Hirtius and Pansa to Asia ' after Brutus was consulship, Cicero first gave his colleague

released,' by showing that the only alter- C. Antonius his province of Macedonia in

native to his release was his desertion, aban- exchange for that of Gallia Cisalpina, and

donment, betrayal. If they had not used then resigned this latter in favour of Q^

the word ' liberate,' one of the other three Metellus Celer. See Fam. 5. 2, 3 ; and cp.

must necessarily have been appropriate. in Pis. 2, 5 ' Ego provinciam*Galliam senatus

7. Derivare, 'to divert into another auctoritate exercitu et pecunia instructam et

channel,' ' to turn some portion of your ornatam, quam cum Antonio commutavi,

thoughts and care on Asia and Syria.' quod ita existimabam tempora rei publicae

.12. Ut intelligo. So Halm, from the ferre, in contione deposui reclamante populo

reading of two MSS., ' intellego.' The Romano.'

others omit it. It must be borne in mind 21. Q_uicum profecto, &c. This

that in this portion of the orations the legi- clause contains the proof, to Cicero's mind,

timate sphere of conjecture is somewhat en- that Pansa was innocent of all complicity in

larged, from the failure of the Vatican MS. the proposal ; for in any matter concerning

See introduction to this oration. his interests he would have been sure to

18. Instructam ornatamque, 'excel- consult so dear a friend as Cicero.

262 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 10-11.

est, quia in eandem cadcre suspicionem collega, vir clarissimus,
non potcst. Nihil horum scit, nihil suspicatur ; bellum gerit,
in acie stat, de sanguine et de spiritu decertat : ante provin-
ciam sibi decretam audiet quam potuerit tempus ei rei datum
5 suspicari. Vereor ne exercitus quoque nostri, qui non dilectus
necessitate, sed voluntariis studiis se ad rem publicam contu-
lerunt, tardentur animis, si quidquam aliud a nobis nisi de
instanti bello cogitatum putabunt. Quod si provinciae consu-
libus expetendae videntur, sicut saepe multis clarissimis viris

10 expetitae sunt, reddite prius nobis Brutum, lumen et decus
civitatis : qui ita conservandus est, ut illud signum, quod de
caelo delapsum Vestae custodiis continetur : quo salvo salvi
sumus futuri. Tune vel in caelum vos, si fieri potuerit, umeris
nostris tollemus, provincias certe dignissimas vobis deligemus :

15 nunc quod agitur agamus. Agitur autem, liberine vivamus an
mortem obeamus : quae certe servituti anteponenda est. Quid ? 25
si etiam tarditatem affert ista sententia ad Dolabellam per-
sequendum ? quando enim veniet consul ? an id exspectamus,
quoad ne vestigium quidem Asiae civitatum atque urbium

20 relinquatur ? At mittent aliquem de suo numero. Valde mihi
probari potest, qui paulo ante clarissimo viro private imperium
extra ordinem non dedi. At hominem dignum mittent. Num
P. Servilio digniorem? at eum quidem civitas non habet. Quod
ergo ipse nemini putavi dandum, ne a senatu quidem, id ego

4. Tempus, &c., ' that time could have implied in 'quando veniet,' or the circum-

been spared for the consideration of such stances defined in the following clause, the

a matter.' utter destruction of the cities of Asia. In

9. Multis . . . expetitae sunt, 'have either case 'quoad ' would give a satisfactory

been objects of ambition to many men of construction, while ' quo ' would be unintelli-

the highest renown/ Halm reads 'a multis,' gible. The conjecture of Lambinus gives the

but ' multis' is the dative ; see on 6. I, I. simplest sentence, but is a more violent inter-

II. Illud signum. So Halm, following ference with the MSS. In any case the sense

Ernesti, and the parallel of the similar pas- is clear: 'is it that we are waiting till no

sage pro Scaur, fr. 48 ' Palladium illud, quod vestige of the states and cities of Asia be left?'

quasi pignus nostrae salutis atque imperii 20. De suo numero, 'of their own

custodiis Vestae continetur.' The MSS. rank/ 'some consular/ But Cicero points

have ' id signum/ For an account of the out that this is more objectionable than the

Palladium see Ov. Fast. 6. 419 foil. former proposal ; if it was undesirable that

18. An id exspectamus quoad ne, the senate should appoint a priva'e citizen

&c. Of the confused readings of the MSS., to such a post, how much worse was it that

' quo ante, quo, quo nee, quo ne,' the best he should be appointed by the sole authority

two emendations seem to be that in the of the Consuls. The worthiness of the man

text, adopted by Halm, from W. Christ ; appointed was beside the question,

and that of Lambinus, 'an id tempus expec- 23. Eum, sc., one more worthy than

tamus quo ne,' &c. Without ' tempus,' ' id' Servilius.

must either mean the coming of the Consul, 24. Putavi is the conjecture of Madvig,

24—26.

ORATIO PHILIP PIC A XI.

263

26 unius iudicio delatum comprobem ? Expedite nobis homine
et parato, patres conscripti, opus est et eo, qui imperium legi-
timum habeat, qui praeterea auctoritatem, nomen, exercitum,
perspectum animum in re publica liberanda.

11 Quis igitur is est ? Aut M. Brutus aut C. Cassius aut uter- 5
que. Decernerem plane, sicut multa in consulibus, alterum
ambosve, ni Brutum colligassemus in Graecia et eius auxilium
ad Italian! vergere quam ad Asiam maluissemus : non ut ex t
ea acie respectum haberemus, sed ut ipsa acies subsidium ha-
beret etiam transmarinum. Praeterea, patres conscripti, M. Bru- 10
turn retinet etiam nunc C. Antonius, qui tenet Apolloniam,

adopted by Halm, for the MS. reading
'putat.' With the common reading, 'ipse' is
generally understood of Servilius, who, Cicero
says (c. 9, 20), was unwilling to accept the
office. The opposition however of Strvilius
and Cicero would be unmeaning, whereas the
full force of each pronoun, as referring to
Cicero, is clearly seen by placing the clauses
in their natural order ; ' am I a man to ap
prove of a command being given by the de
cision of an individual, which I have myself
held should not be given even by the senate ?'

3. Qui praeterea, &c. Cicero ac
knowledges the importance of the crisis, that
it requires a man of weight, reputation, and
approved loyalty, with an army at his back;
and therefore virtually admits that an extra
ordinary appointment might conceivably
have been necessary; but he would maintain
that such a man would commonly be found
among the Roman officers, and asserts that
as a matter of fact there were at present two,
most fully qualified, to choose between.

cc. li, 12. There were only two men really
eligible for the post, both already holding
office, and possessed of adequate abilities.
These were M. Brutus and C. Cassius. And
as Brutus had already work enough on
hand in defending Macedonia against C.
Antonius, a task which he had taken on
himself, in his zeal for the welfare of the
state, it remained to give authority to Casmis
to act against Dolabella. For this authority
indeed he had not waited, having gone to
Syria in obedience to that insight into his
country's true interests which justified a man
in disregarding written laws. Cicero ac
cordingly proposes that Cassius should have
the government of Syria, with full authority
to levy all the troops and money needed for
the war with Dolabella.

6. Sicut multa in consulibus, sc.
'decernuntur,' 'after the fashion of many

decrees in the case of the Comuls, my pro
posal would be that Brutus and Cassius
should take the command, one or both of
them, as might be most convenient.' This
is Halm's conjecture, from the reading of
one MS., ' multa consulib.' To the same
effect is the conjecture of Klotz, 'sicut
multi consules,' 'as many do of the Consuls.'
The common reading, ' sicut multa, consules
alterum ambosve,' ' I should propose, follow
ing many previous decrees, that the Consuls,
separately or together, take the command,'
exactly contradicts his previous argument.

7. Ni . . . colligassemus, &c., 'had
we not bound Brutus to remain in Greece ;'
the word being apparently chosen for its
opposition to ' expedito homine.'

8. Non ut ex ea acie, &c., 'not that
we might have a place to fly to from that
scene of action, but that the army there
might itself have something to -support it
from beyond the sea.' The meaning seems
to be that Cicero does not wish the forces
under Hirtius to entertain the idea of flight
to Greece in case of failure, but only to feel
that there were forces there which might
support them if they were hard beset.
Madvig (Jahn's Jahrbiicher for 1856^.124),
to bring this out more clearly, would adopt
the conjecture of Ferrarius, 'non ut eo ex
acie,' &c., ' Ex acie, quae in Italia contra
Antonium instruatur et pugnet, ad M.
Biutum et in Graeciam resj ici non vult, ne
in eo respectu fugae cogitatio lateat, sed
ipsam illam Italicam aciem subsidio Bruti et
Graeciae firmari.' For the use of 'respectus'
cp. 10. 4, 9 ' Respectum pulcherrimum
et praesidium firmissimum ;' and Liv. 42. 46
'Quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus
alio sit quam ad Romanes respectus.' Halm
would strike out 'acie' and 'acies,' so that
' ea ' and ' ipsa ' should both refer to Italy.

II. Apolloniam, £c. Apollonia, Byllis,

264

M. TULLII CICERON1S

cc. 11—12.

magnam urbem et gravem, tenet, opinor, Byllidem, tenet Aman-
tiam, instat Epiro, urget Oricum, habet aliquot cohortes, habet
equitatum. Hinc si Brutus erit traductus ad aliud bellum,
Graeciam certe amiserimus. Est autem etiam de Brundisio
5 atque ilia ora Italiae providendum. Quamquam miror tarn diu
morari Antonium ; solet enim ipse accipere manicas nee diutius
obsidionis mctum sustinere. Quod si confecerit Brutus et in-
tellexerit plus se rei publicae profuturum, si Dolabellam perse-
quatur, quam si in Graccia maneat, aget ipse per sese, ut adhuc

10 quoque fecit, neque in tot incendiis, quibus confestim succur-
rendum est, exspectabit senatum. Nam et Brutus et Cassius 27
multis iam in rebus ipse sibi senatus fuit. Necesse est enim
in tanta convcrsionc et pcrturbatione omnium rerum tcmporibus
potius parere quam moribus. Nee enim nunc primum aut

15 Brutus aut Cassius salutem libertatemque patriae legem sanc-
tissimam et morem optimum iudicavit. Itaque si ad nos nihil
referretur de Dolabella persequendo, tarn en ego pro decreto
putarem, cum essent talcs virtute, auctoritate, nobilitate f summi

and Amantia were all in Illyris Graeca (see
10. 5- ii note), and apparently, as well as
Epirus and its port of Oricuni, out of the
jurisdiction of C. Antonius, even granting his
right to the province of Macedonia. Fer-
rarius reads 'Illyricum' instead of ' Oricum/
urging, in addition to some MS. authority,
that Cicero would not have so mixed up
the names of towns and countries as
to mention Epirus between Amantia and
Oricum, But it seems more natural to
introduce a chief town in Epirus after men
tioning the province, than to return to Illy
ricum after passing to Epirus ; while it is
hardly consistent to say, ' he is pressing on
Illyricum,' after stating that three of its cities
were actually in his hands. Halm quotes
the extant MSS. as unanimous in favour of
' Oricum.'

2. Aliquot cohortes. Seven, accord
ing to 10. 6, 13; but Cicero here sup
presses the number, probably to make his
forces seem of more importance.

6. Accipere manicas, 'to put on his
gloves,' and start on such journeys of his
own accord, without waiting to be driven
out by stress of war. These gloves are pro
bably mentioned with contempt, to show
the effeminacy of the man ; cp. Pliny
Ep. 3. 5, 15 'Ad latus notarius, cuius manus
hienie manicis muniebantur, ut ne caeli qui-
deni asperitas ullum studiis tempus eriperet.'

7. Quod si confecerit. Halm sug
gests ' quern si confecerit ;' but the word may
well be used without an expressed object,
' if he gets his work finished,' as it is em
ployed with reference to bargains ; cp. Att.
12. 19, I 'Confice de columnis.'

9. Adhuc quoque : in assuming the
command of the legions of Vatinius. See on
10. 5, 12.

14. Quam moribus, 'than to the cus
tomary rules of conduct.' Cp. Off. i. 10,
31 ' Incidunt saepe tempora, cum ea, quae
maxime videntur digna esse iusto homine
eoque quern virum bonum dicimus commu-
tantur fiuntque contraria.'

Nee nunc primum, &c. An allu
sion probably to their share in Caesar's
death.

18. Tales virtute, &c. 'Aut summi
abundat, quod non credo, aut legendum
summa ; aut pro tales, tali, aut aliud men-
dum subest' (Faernus). That the passage
is corrupt to some extent is admitted by all
commentators, but it seems as though the
fault lay deeper than in any single word,
since the clause ' cum essent,' &c. hardly
gives a grammatical explanation of ' pro
decreto putarem.' ' Yet 1 should consider
that we had as good as a decree, when there
were found men of such surpassing merit in
respect of birth, and influence, and valour, of
whose armies one is already close at hand,

§§28-29. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XI. 2,65

viri, quorum alterius iam nobis notus esset exercitus, alterius
12 auditus. Num igitur Brutus exspectavit decreta nostra, cum
studia nosset? Neque enim est in provinciam suam Cretam
profectus : in Macedonian! alienam advolavit ; omnia sua pu-
tavit, quae vos vestra esse velitis ; legiones conscripsit novas, 5
excepit veteres ; equitatum ad se abduxit Dolabellae atque
eum nondum tanto parricidio oblitum hostem sua sententia
iudicavit : nam ni ita esset, quo iure equitatum a consule ab-

28 duceret ? Quid ? C. Cassius, pari magnitudine animi et consilii
praeditus, nonne eo ex Italia consilio profectus est, ut prohi- 10
beret Syria Dolabellam ? Qua lege? quo iure? Eo, quod
luppiter ipse sanxit, ut omnia, quae rei publicae salutaria essent,
legitima et iusta haberentur. Est enim lex nihit aliud nisi recta
et a numine deorum tracta ratio, imperans honesta, prohibens
contraria. Huic igitur legi paruit Cassius, cum est in Syriam 15
profectus, alienam provinciam, si homines legibus scriptis ute-

20 rentur, iis vero oppressis, suam lege naturae. Sed ut ea vestra
quoque auctoritate firmetur, censeo : Cum P. Dolabella quique
eius crudelissimi et taeterrimi facinoris ministri, socii, adiutores
fuerunt, hostes populi Romani a senatu iudicati sint, cumque 20

within our cognizance, and the other is and see Madv. §. 374-
known to us by fame.' 13. Est enim lex. Cp. de Legg. I. 6, 18
4. Alienam. The province of Mace- 'Lex est ratio summa, insita natura, quae
donia hid originally been given to Brutus, iubet ea quae facienda sunt prohibetque con-
but was transferred by the senate to M. traria.' In both definitions Cicero is rather
Antonius after Caesar's death. This arrange- setting forth the principle on which law
nient Cicero apparently acknowledges as ought to be grounded, than the nature of
valid, since it also constituted the title of law itself; and he was too good a lawyer
Brutus to Crete. The subsequent transfer- and too practical, a man not to know the
ence of Macedonia to C. Antonius we have utter confusion which would ensue, if every
seen him repudiate (10. 5, 10 foil.). If by one were allowed to regulate his conduct by
the term ' alienam ' Cicero meant to signify his own interpretation of the principles of
the province of Hortensius, as Manutius the law of nature, instead of obeying his
supposes, he could not have talked of Crete country's laws. The real justification for
as belonging to Brutus.. the conduct of Cassius is not to be found

6. Equitatum . . . abduxit. Cp. 10. in special pleading such as Cicero's, but
6, 13. in the generally admitted truth that in a.

7. Tanto parricidio oblitum, stained great crisis the executive authority must
with the murder of Trebonius. set itself above the laws, and leave it to

12. Ut ... haberentur, 'on the principle its fellow-citizens to judge whether the
that everything beneficial to the state should emergency required such unlawful con-
be considered lawful and just.' The depen- duct.

dent clause expresses that in which the 17. Ea ... firmetur, 'that this law

justice of the matter shows itself; cp. Pers. may be confirmed.' Halm, following Bake,

5- 98 reads ' firmentur,' as though ' ea ' were ' the

' Publica lex hominum naturaque continet whole conduct of Cassius.'

hoc fas, 20. Iudicati sint. ' Hesterno die,' c.

Ut teneat vetitos inscitia debilis actus;' 7, 16.

266 M. TULLII C1CERONIS 00.12-13.

senatus P. Dolabellam bello persequendum censuerit, ut is, qui
omnia deorum hominumque iura novo, inaudito, inexpiabili
scelere polluerit nefarioque se patriae parricidio obstrinxerit,
poenas dis hominibusque meritas debitasque persolvat : senatui 30
5 placere C. Cassium pro consule provinciam Syriam obtinere, ut
qui optimo iure earn provinciam obtinuerit ; eum a Q. Marcio
Crispo pro consule, L. Statio Murco pro consule, A. Allieno
legato exercitum accipere eosque ei tradere, cumque iis copiis
et si quas praeterea paraverit bello P. Dolabellam terra mari-

10 que persequi ; eius belli gerendi causa, quibus ei videatur, naves,
nautas, pecuniam ceteraque, quae ad id bellum gerendum per-
tineant, ut imperandi in Syria, Asia, Bithynia, Ponto ius potes-
tatemque habeat, utique, quamcumque in provinciam eius belli
gerendi causa advenerit, ibi maius imperium C. Cassii pro con-

15 sule sit, quam eius erit, qui earn provinciam turn obtinebit, cum
C. Cassius pro consule in earn provinciam vencrit : regem Deio- 31
tarum patrem et regem Deiotarum filium, si, ut multis bellis
saepe numero imperium populi Romani iuverint, item C. Cas
sium pro consule copiis suis opibusque iuvissent, senatui popu-

20 loque Romano gratum esse facturos : itemque si ceteri reges,
tetrarchae dynastaeque fecissent, senatum populumque Roma-
num eorum officii non immemorem futurum : utique C. Pansa
A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si eis vidcretur, re publica
recuperata de provinciis consularibus, praetoriis, ad hunc ordinem

25 primo quoque tempore referant : interea provinciae ab iis, a qui-

3. Patriae parricidio. See on 2. 7, 10 Eius belli gerendi, &c. In this

1 7- clause Cicero passes from the construction

7. Crispo. Crispus was properly procon- of the accusative with the infinitive to that

sul in Bithynia, but had come to Syria to assist of ' ut ' with the subjunctive; cp. 3. 15, 37.

L. Murcus against Caecilius Bassus. They The general construction of the clause is,

had both been adherents of Caesar, and had ' and I move that for the purpose of carrying

been sent out to the East asproconsuls without on this war he should have the right and

having previously held the consulate. Cassius power of demanding in Syria, Asia, &c., the

gratefully acknowledges their support in a ships, sailors, and so forth, with which it

letter to Cicero, Fam. 12. II, i, written on may seem good to him to carry on the

the 7th of March, and therefore not received war.'

when this oration was delivered. In the 16. Deiotarum patrem. See on 2.

same letter he says that the legions which 37, 93 foil. Deiotarus was a very old man

Allienus brought from Egypt, at the request in 54 B.C., but lived to join the side of

of Dolabella, had been given over to him, Brutus and Cassius in 42 B.C. Both father

but we learn from Appian (4. 59) that this and son received the title of king from

was not without resistance, so that Cicero's Caesar. Cp. pro Deiot. 13, 36.
conviction that Allienus was anxious to 23. Re publica recuperata, ' when

abandon Dolabella (c. 13, 32) proved to be the state is re-established,1 by the overthrow

ill grounded. of Antony.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XL

267

§§ 29—33.

bus obtinentur, obtineantur, quoad cuique ex senatus consulto
successum sit.
13 Hoc senatus consulto ardentem inflammabitis et armatum

32 armabitis Cassium : nee enim animum eius potestis ignorare
nee copias. Animus is est, quern videtis : copiae, quas audistis, 5
fortes et constantes viri, qui ne vivo quidem Trebonio Dolabellae
latrocinium in Syriam penetrare sivissent. Allienus, familiaris
et necessarius meus, post interitum Trebonii profecto ne dici
quidem se legatum Dolabellae volet. Est Q. Caecilii Bassi,
privati illius quidem, sed fortis et praeclari viri, robustus et 10

33 victor exercitus. Deiotari regis, et patris et filii, et magnus
et nostro more institutus exercitus : summa in filio spes, summa
ingenii indoles summaque virtus. Quid de patre dicam ? cuius
benevolentia in populum Romanum est ipsius aequalis aetati :

I. Quoad cuique, &c. Cp. 3. 15, 38.

c. 13. Such a decree would encourage C.
Cassius and his troops, which even now were
numerous. Besides the Roman forces at
his disposal, he could command the assistance
of the two Deiotari, those constant allies of
the Roman people; and of the Phoenician
fleet, which would willingly aid him in con
sequence of his exploits against the Parthians.

5. Videtis. Ferrarius suggested ' vi-
distis,' with reference to Caesar's murder ; a
reading supported by Ernesti, from its agree
ment with 'audistis.' But the difference of
tense naturally follows from hearing being a
momentary, seeing a continuous operation of
the senses ; and they may fairly be said to
' see' the state of Cassius' mind, which
Cicero had so clearly laid before them.

6. Fortes et constantes viri . . .
sivissent. This is the reading of the ex
isting MSS., except that one at Oxford has
' passi fuissent.' Madvig (Jahn's Jahrbiicher
for 1856, p. 124) thinks that something
has fallen out, since even if we adopt with
Halm the common emendation, ' fortis et
constantis . . . sivisset/ there is a double awk
wardness ; first in recurring to the virtues of
Cassius, instead of proceeding to enumerate
his forces, and secondly in the omission of
the names of Q^ Marcius Crispus and L.
Statius Murcus. His most plausible conjec
ture is, 'copiae quas audistis [primum eae
legiones, quas Q. Marcius, L. Statius habent],
fortes,' &c.

7. Familiaris, &c. It seems very
doubtful whether this is the same man that
was legatus of Q. Cicero in Asia 60 B.C.;
and Cicero is so fond of claiming every man

of any note as his very good friend that not
much weight can be attached to such ex
pressions of intimacy.

8. Profecto. So Halm, following the
suggestion of W. Christ. The common
reading is 'profectus,' but Trebonius was
only killed in February, and Allienus, before
the 7th of March (Fam. 12. 1 1, l), had
joined Cassius, while returning from a mis
sion which Dolabella had given him to
Egypt.

9. Q.. Caecilii Bassi. Bassus was at
this time entrenched in Apameia, having as
sumed the title of praetor in 46 B.C., and
successfully resisted hitherto all the forces
sent against him. On the arrival of Cassius
in Syria, the troops of Bassus joined him, but
Bassus himself was allowed to leave the
country.

12. Nostro more institutus, ' organ
ised according to our principles.' Cp. Att.
6. 1, 14 'Deiotarushabet cohortes quadringe-
narias, nostra armatura, XXX.' Orelli,
following one early edition, reads ' instruc-
tus,' but all the MSS. have ' institutus,' and
this is more appropriate, being the word
that would signify the furnishing with prin
ciples, while ' instruere' would rather express
the application of those principles to par
ticular cases. ' Instituere est ad recte agen
dum dirigere, et quasi in honesta re monstrata
statuere et collocare : instruere est ornare, et
quasi apparare.' (Forcell. s.v.) Hence
' instituere exercitum' is 'to organise the con
stitution of an army ;' ' instruere'1 to prepare
it for a' particular campaign or battle.'

14. Ipsius aequalis aetati. Dtiotarus
had been the firm ally of Rome during all

268 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 13-14.

qui non solum socius imperatorum nostrorum fuit in bcllis,
verum etiam dux copiarum suarum. Quae dc illo viro Sulla,
quac Murena, quae Servilius, quae Lucullus, quam ornate, quam
honorifice, quam graviter saepe in senatu praedicavcrunt ! Quid 34
5 de Cn. Pompeio loquar ? qui unum Deiotarum in toto orbe
terrarum ex animo amicum vereque benevolum, unum fidelem
populo Romano iudicavit. Fuimus imperatores ego et M. Bi-
bulus in propinquis finitimisque provinciis : ab eodem rege
adiuti sumus et equitatu et pedestribus copiis. Secutum est

10 hoc acerbissimum et calamitosissimum civile bellum : in quo
quid faciendum Deiotaro, quid omnino rectius fuerit, dicere non
est necesse, praesertim cum contra ac Deiotarus sensit victoria
belli diiudicarit. Quo in bello si fuit error, communis ei fuit
cum senatu : sin recta sententia, ne victa quidem causa vitupe-

15 randa est. Ad has copias acccdent alii reges, etiam dilectus
accedent. Neque vero classes deerunt : tanti Tyrii Cassium 35
faciunt, tantum eius in Syria nomen atque Phoenice est. Pa- ]_4
ratum habet imperatorem C. Cassium, patres conscripti, res
publica contra Dolabellam, nee paratum solum, sed peritum

20 atque fortem. Magnas ille res gessit ante Bibuli, summi viri,
adventum, cum Pacori nobilissimi ducis maximas copias fudit
Syriamque immani Parthorum impetu liberavit. Maximam eius

the wars with Mithridates, who first came to his prowess in the Parthian war, as quaes-

in conflict with the Romans in 89 B.C. tor to M. Crassus.

2. Sulla, Murena, Lucullus, the cc. 14, 15. To the charge of overpraising

conquerors of Mithridates in the three wars Cassius, Cicero answers that nothing would

with him respectively. P. Servilius Vat: a induce him to praise any who were traitors

also found in Deiotarus a useful ally against to the state; and he ends by a protest against

the Cilician and Isaurian pirates, 7^-75 a slavish subservience to the veterans, as if

B.C. they were the only powerful body in the state,

8. Finitimis provinciis. Cicero in ivhile he shows that even of the veterans it was

Cilicia, M. Bibulus in Syria, 51 B;C. In only those that had espoused the cause of

both provinces operations were carried on Antony whom the honours given to C. Cassius

with success against the Parthians, in Cilicia could possibly offend.

mainly by Cicero's brother Quintus, in Syria 21. Pacorus was the son of Orodes I,

by C. Cassius as pro-quaestor; cp. c. 14, king of Parthia, and entrusted by him with

35- the command of the campaign against

12. Contra ac Deiotarus sensit: Cassius, after the death of Crassus. The

Deiotarus having throughout taken the part reading of all the extant MSS. is ' Parthorum

of Pompey, nobilissimos duces,' the reading in the text

16. Classes. Cassius himself, in a letter being from a MS. quoted by Ursinus. It

to Cicero (Fam. 12. 13, 3% says he obtained is adopted by Halm in consequence of

what ships he could from the coasts of the ' Parthorum ' occurring again so soon,

province of Asia and the islands ; and he though he thinks that perhaps the right

speaks of the fleet of a namesake of his, pro- reading is ' Pacori, Parthorum nobilissimi

bably his nephew L. Cassius, as being ducis.'

'classis bene magna:' ib. § 4. The prestige 22. Maximam laudem : his share in

of Cassius among the Phoenicians was due Caesar's death.

§§ 33—37.

ORATIO PHILIP PIC A XL

269

et singularem laudem praetermitto ; cuius enim praedicatio
nondum omnibus grata est, hanc memoriae potius quam vocis

36 testimonio conservemus. Animadvert!, patres conscripti, ex-
audivi etiam nimium a me Brutum nimium Cassium ornari :
Cassio vero sententia mea dominatum et principatum dari. Quos 5
ego orno? nempe eos, qui ipsi sunt ornamenta rei publicae.
Quid ? D. Brutum nonne omnibus sententiis semper ornavi ?
num igitur reprehenditis ? An Antonios potius ornarem, non
modo suarum familiarum, sed Romani nominis probra atque
dedecora ? an Censorinum ornem, in bello hostem, in pace 10
sectorem ? an cetera ex eodem latrocinio naufragia colligam ?
Ego vero istos otii, concordiae, legum, iudiciorum, libertatis
inimicos tantum abest ut ornem, ut effici non possit quin eos

37 tarn oderim, quam rem publicam diligo. Vide, inquit, ne vete-
ranos ofifendas : hoc enim vel maxime exaudio. Ego autem 15
veteranos tueri debeo, sed eos, quibus sanitas est : certe timere
non debeo. Eos vero veteranos, qui pro re publica arma cepe-
runt secutique sunt C. Caesar'em, auctorem beneficiorum patef-

3. Exaudivi. Halm reads ' exaudiri,'
from a MS. reading ' exaudirui,' but with
what sense it is not easy to see. The com
mon reading is 'dici iam a quibusdam exor-
nari,' the last word being found in three
MSS., the remainder supplied by Naugerius.
I have preferred, following Kayser, to
strike out the 'r' in ' exaudirui,' believing
that thus good sense is obtained with little
recourse to conjecture, and that the words
' nimium Cassium,' which are found in all
the MSS., though suspected by Garatonius
and Halm (who places them in brackets),
are justified. In c. 8, 20 he says he hears
whispers ('exaudio') that he is guilty ot in
consistency in having voted for conferring
an extraordinary command upon Octavianus.
So now, referring back to that, he says : ' I
have even heard it whispered, senators, that
Brutus and Cassius are too much praised by
me, nay that to Cassius my proposal gives
absolute and irresponsible authority.' And
the words in § 37, 'hoc enim vel maxime
exaudio,' seem to refer to some more recent
whispers than those abcut Octavianus. The
suggestion of Naugerius seems to be confuted
by the singular verb ' inquit,' in § 37, the
subject of which must be the whisperer of
this passage.

10. Censorinum. See on c. 5, n.

11. Sectorem, 'a broker,' 'a pur

chaser of confiscated property.' See on

2. 15. 39-

Naufragia, 'the other wrecks,' cp. 13.
2, 3 ' Addite ilia naufragia Caesaris ami-
corum.'

15. Ego autem, &c., ' now I grant that
I am bound to respect the interests of the
veterans, that is, the loyal ones; to fear
them I am assuredly in nowise bound.' Halm
places only a comma after ' sanitas est,' as
though ' eos' depended on ' timere,' but
Cicero would not acknowledge any obliga
tion to fear any of the veterans, while his
following argument is all intended to show
that even in the duty of respecting their
interests there was a limit, since those inte
rests might be forfeited by treason. Of the
two adversative particles, ' autem ' is opposed
to the view of Cicero's conduct suggested
by his opponent, ' sed ' to the universal im
plied in ' veteranos.' 'He warns me not to
give the veterans offence, but I am only
anxious for their interests, yet not the inte
rests of all, for it is only for the loyal that I
need to care.'

18. Auctorem, 'who guaranteed the
benefactions of his father ; ' undertaking out
of his own resources to pay the legacies of
Caesar, which Antony, though in possession of
his money, had repudiated. Some MSS. have
' auctoritate,' which, if it mean anything,

270 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. u-is.

norum, hodieque rem publicam defendunt cum magno periculo,
non tueri solum, sed etiam augere commodis debeo. Qui autem
quiescunt, ut septima, ut octava legio, in magna gloria et laude
ponendos puto. Comites vero Antonii, qui postquam beneficia

5 Caesaris comederunt, consulem designatum obsident, huic urbi
ferro ignique minitantur, Saxae se et Cafoni tradiderunt, ad
facinus praedamque natis, num quis est qui tuendos putet ?
Ergo aut boni sunt, quos etiam ornare, aut quieti, quos con-
servare debemus, aut impii, quorum contra furorem bellum et

jo iusta arma cepimus. Quorum igitur veteranorum animos ne 15
offendamus veremur ? Eorumne, qui D. Brutum obsidione cu- 38
piunt liberare ? quibus cum Bruti salus cara sit, qui possunt
Cassii nomen odisse ? An eorum. qui utrisque armis vacant?
non vereor ne acerbus civis quisquam istorum sit, qui otio de-

islectantur. Tertio vero generi non militum veteranorum, sed
importunissimorum hostium, cupio quam acerbissimum dolorem
inurere. Quamquam, patres conscripti, quousque sententias di-
cemus veteranorum arbitratu ? quod eorum tantum fastidium
est, quae tanta arrogantia, ut ad arbitrium illorum imperatores

20 etiam diligamus ? Ego autem — dicendum est cnim, patres con- 39

would mean 'encouraged by remembering In the passage against Catiline some MSS.,
his father's benefactions.' This however not and in both those from the Philippics some
only requires a very forced interpretation editions have the accusative, but the ablative
of the ablative, but requires an awkward seems more natural of the instrument with
reference in ' paternorum,' which in that which the threatened evil is to be inflicted.
case would more grammatically refer to the When the evil itself is expressed, it is put in
fathers of the veterans than to Caesar. the accusative, as in 6. 4. 10 ' Dicitur mortem
i. Cum magno periculo. So most patri esse minitatus.' We find the two
of the MSS., though some omit 'cum.' combined in Ov. M. 2. 199 ' Volnera cur-
Halm reads ' vitae suae periculo,' from the vata minitantem cuspide vidit.'
reading of one MS., ' video epericulo.' 13. Qui utrisque armis vacant,

3. Septima. So the extant MSS. ' who assume the arms of neither side.'
Orelli, following MS. authority quoted by 14. Civis quisquam. Madvig (Jahn's
Ferrarius, reads ' sexta,' on the ground that Jahrb. for 1856, p. 124) thinks there is an
the seventh legion as a matter of fact was in error here, as Cicero is not speaking of the
the army of Hirtius. See 14. 10, 27. The veterans being 'acerbi,' but of Cassius offend-
discrepancy may however be owing to the ing them, for which purpose he divides them
difference of date, the fourteenth oration into three classes. He would substitute
being delivered more than a month later. ' quoiquam' or 'cuiquam' for ' quisquam,'

4. Postquam .... comederunt, &c. and some such word as ' nuntius' for ' civis,'
Cp. 13. 2, 3 ' Alaudae ceterique veterani, and these alterations are adopted by
semiuarium iudicum decuriae tertiae, qui Kayser. But in fact no alteration is needed,
suis rebus exhaustis. beneficiis Caesaris de- unless it be Halm's suggestion ' civibus,' for
voratis, fortunas nostras concupiverunt.' in saying that there is no fear of any one of

6. Ferro ignique. So all the MSS. these veterans being virulent, he is merely

here, and in 13. 21, 47. So too Halm, expressing in other words that there was no

Cat, 2 I, I 'Huic urbi ferro flammaque fear that they should take offence.
minitantem.' Cp. Sail. Cat. 49, 4 ' Egredi- 17. Quousque sententias dicemus,

enti ex senalu Caesari gladio minitarentur.' &c. Cp. 10. 9, 18 and 19 and the note.

§§37-40. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A XI. 271

script!, quod sentio — non tarn veteranos intuendos nobis arbitror,
quam quid tirones milites, flos Italiae, quid novae legiones ad
liberandam patriam paratissimae, quid cuncta Italia de vestra
gravitate sentiat. Nihil enim semper floret ; aetas succedit
aetati. Diu legiones Caesaris viguerunt : nunc vigent Pansae, 5
vigent Hirtii, vigent Caesaris filii, vigent Planci ; vincunt nu-
mero, vincunt aetatibus : nimirum etiam auctoritate vincunt ;
id enim bellum gerunt, quod ab omnibus gentibus comprobatur.
Itaque his praemia promissa sunt, illis persoluta. Fruantur
illi suis, persolvantur his quae spopondimus : id enim deos 10
40 immortales spero aequissimum iudicare. Quae cum ita sint,
earn quam dixi sententiam vobis, patres conscripti, censeo com-
probandam.

9. 'Fruantur illi suis, 'let us leave ' illisues.' The common reading is ' fruantur
the veterans in possession of what they have his illi,' which is improbable, in consequence
already.' So Halm from a MS. reading of the following ' his.'

INTRODUCTION
TO THE TWELFTH ORATION.

AFTER the debate in the senate which gave occasion to the eleventh
Philippic oration, Cicero proceeded to the forum, and being introduced
to the people there assembled by M. Servilius, a tribune of the commons,
he told them what had taken place. According to his own account his
eulogies on C. Cassius were received with immense enthusiasm, ' tanto
clamore consensuque populi, ut nihil umquam simile viderim' (Fam. 12.
7, i), but the speech is unfortunately lost; so that the twelfth in our
series of Philippic orations is really the thirteenth which he delivered.

The partisans of Antony were unceasing in their endeavours to
remove the sentence of outlawry which had been decreed against him,
and their efforts at this time were aided by the fears entertained by
many of the friends of D. Brutus, that if he should fall into Antony's
hands he would be treated like Trebonius. Accordingly the Consul,
C. Pansa, was prevailed upon to propose that another embassy should
be sent to Antony, including amongst its members P. Servilius and
Cicero himself. The proposal was agreed to by the senate, apparently
without much opposition, but on the following day a second meeting
was held to consider some of the details, and then Cicero urged the
senate to reconsider its decision, and give up all idea of such an
embassy. He shows that a renewal of negotiations could not possibly
do any good ; that the ardour of generals, soldiers, and citizens alike
would be discouraged by such vacillation; that Antony's treatment of
the former embassy showed the hopelessness of endeavouring to make
terms with him ; and that if he were restored, his presence in Rome
would make the place too hot for any honest citizens.

As regarded himself, he urges that he was the last man who should
have been selected for the purpose, as the enmity between himself and
Antony had gone too far to allow of any peaceful intercourse between

274 INTRODUCTION TO THE TWELFTH ORATION.

them. His presence would not only destroy the little chance that there
was of the embassy proving successful, but would be attended with the
greatest danger to himself, and he could much better serve his country
by watching over its interests at home, than by throwing away his life
in fruitless attempts at negotiation with his enemy.

The senate were prevailed upon by Cicero's arguments to abandon
the project of an embassy, and Pansa shortly afterwards, about the end^
of March, left Rome with his army to join his colleague and Octavianus
before Mutina.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM

LIBER DUODECIMUS.

1 ETSI minime decere videtur, patres conscript!, falli, decipi,

1 errare eum, cui vos maximis saepe de rebus assentiebamini,
consoler me tamen, quoniam vobiscum pariter et una cum
sapientissimo consule erravi. Nam cum duo consulares spem
honestae pacis nobis attulissent, quod erant familiares M. Antonii, 5
quod domestic!, nosse aliquod eius vulnus, quod nobis ignotum
esset, videbantur. Apud alterum uxor, liberi : alter quotidie

2 litteras mittere, accipere, aperte favere Antonio. Hi subito
hortari ad pacem, quod iam diu non fecissent, non sine causa
videbantur. Accessit consul hortator. At qui consul ! Si pru- 10
dentiam quaerimus, qui minime falli posset : si virtutem, qui

cc. i, 2. Cicero "had consented to the pro
posal of sending a second embassy to Antony,
partly in deference to the opinion of Pansa,
and of the two men who were most likely to
know how Antony would receive it; partly
from seeing that Antony's family and friends
showed less confidence than usual. Reflec
tion had proved to him that he was wrong.
They had been deceived by ambiguous ex
pressions, and there was really no reason to
suppose that Antony was inclined to yield.
P. Servilius had also acknowledged that he
was wrong in consenting to go upon the
embassy, and was even afraid that his consent
should be interpreted as treason ; and there
fore Cicero urges the senate to reconsider
their decree.

I. Falli, decipi. From this beginning,
as well as from the fact of his having been
proposed as one of the envoys, we may
gather that Cicero had been at first favour
able to the idea of sending this second em
bassy to Antony. The general question had
probably been already voted on, and he took

the opportunity of the names of the envoys
being submitted to the senate to express his
change of views. From cc. 2, 6 ; 7, 18
we learn that the other envoys proposed
were L. Piso, Q. Fufius Calenus, L. Caesar,
P. Servilius, and the Consul, C. Pansa.

2. Assentiebamini. So Halm from one
MS. for the common reading ' assentiamini,'
the mood being more suitable to the definite
reference to Cicero himself, and the tense to
' saepe.'

4. Consule, C. Pansa. The two con-
sulars are L. Piso and Q. Fufius Calenus.

6. Aliquod eius vulnus, &c., 'some
thing which had befallen him, without our
knowing it.'

8. Litteras mittere, &c. So in 7. 2,
5 Calenus is represented as Antony's active
agent in Rome, receiving and circulating his
despatches.

10. Qui consul! 'what a Consul!'
So better than ' Quis consul?' 'who was
the Consul in question?' See on I. 6,
I3-

T 2,

276 M. TULLII CICERONIS GO. 1-3.

nullam pacem probaret nisi concedente atque victo : si magni-
tudinem animi, qui praeferret mortem servituti. Vos autem,
patres conscripti, non tarn immemores vestrorum gravissimorum
decretorum videbamini, quam spe allata deditionis, quam amici

5 pacem appellare mallent, de imponendis, non accipiendis legibus
cogitare. Auxerat autem meam quidem spem, credo item
vestram, quod domum Antonii afflictam maestitia audiebam,
lamentari uxorem * *. Hie etiam fautores Antonii, quorum in
vultu habitant oculi mei, tristiores videbam. Quod si non 3

10 ita est, cur a Pisone et Caleno potissimum, cur hoc tempore,
cur tam improvise, cur tarn repente pacis est facta mentio ?
Negat Piso scire se, negat audisse quidquam, negat Calenus
rem ullam novam allatam esse. Atque id nunc negant, postea
quam nos pacificatoria legatione implicatos putant. Quid ergo

15 opus est novo consilio, si in re nihil omnino novi est? Decepti, 2
decepti, inquam, sumus, patres conscripti : Antonii est acta causa
ab amicis eius, non publica. Quod videbam equidem, sed quasi
per caliginem : praestrinxerat aciem animi D. Bruti salus. Quod
si in bello dari vicarii solerent, libenter me, ut D. Brutus

20 emitteretur, pro illo includi paterer. Atque hac voce O. Fufii 4
capti sumus : ' ne si a Mutina quidem recesserit, audiemus
Antonium ? ne si in senatus quidem potestate futurum se
dixcrit?' Durum videbatur : itaque fracti sumus, cessimus.
Recedit igitur a Mutina? ' Ncscio.' Paret senatui ? 'Credo,'

25 inquit Calenus, ' sed ita, ut teneat dignitatem.' Valde hercules

I, Concedente atque victo. Other In vultu habitant, &c., ' on

readings are ' concedenti,' the dative ; and whose countenance my eyes continually

'Antonio concedente;' but that in the text dwell.' Cp. Or. 15, 49 ' Quonam modo ille

has most authority, and is quite intelligible in bonis haerebit et habitabit suis.'

as an ; blative absolute, without the subject 14. Pacificatoria, &c., 'committed

being expressed. to an embassy for making peace.' The

5. Appellare mallent. So Halm, word does not appear elsewhere,

from an old conjecture formed out of the 18. Praestrinxerat, &c., ' had destroyed

reading ' appellarern alieni.' Other MSS. the keenness of my insight.' Cp. Div. in

have ' appellarent alieni,' which, if genuine, Caec. 14, 46 ' Periculum fore ne . . . prae-

would imply that some word, opposed to stringat aciem ingenii tui.'

'pacem,' had dropped out before ' appella- 19. Vicarii, 'substitutes.' The word is

rent.' This seems not improbable, though more generally used of those who succeed to

the obnoxious word 'deditio' sufficiently privileges, than of those \vho undertake

accounts for the introduction of the paren- burdens for others ; but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 4.

thetic clause. 37, 81 ' Succedam ego vicarius tuo muneri;'

8. Uxorem * * . ' Suspicor hie aliquid and Livy 29. I ' Se quisque excusare, et vi-

excidicse; quod sit ex eodem genere. Nimis carium accipere.'

abruptumesthoc: infra quidem (c. 2, e^liberi 22. In potestate. So Halm from one

commemorantur.' ERNESTI. Halm agrees MS. The others have 'in potestatem,' which

with this view, and Kayser marks the lacuna. he believes to be impossible. See 3 4, 8 note.

§§2-7. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XII. 277

vobis laborandum est, patres conscripti, ut vestram dignitatem
amittatis, quae maxima est, Antonii, quae neque est ulla neque
esse potest, retineatis, ut earn per vos reciperet, quam per se
perdidit. Si iacens vobiscum aliquid ageret, audirem fortasse :
quamquam — sed hoc malo dicere : audirem. Stanti resistendum 5

5 est, aut concedenda una cum dignitate libertas. At non est
integrum : constituta legatio est. Quid autem non integrum
est sapienti, quod restitui potest? Cuiusvis hominis est errare,
nullius nisi insipientis in errore perseverare : posteriores enim
cogitationes, ut aiunt, sapientiores solent esse. Discussa est TO
ilia caligo, quam paulo ante dixi : diluxit, patet, videmus omnia,
neque per nos solum, sed admonemur a nostris. Attendistis
paulo ante praestantissimi viri quae esset oratio. Maestam,
inquit, domum offendi, coniugem, libercs. Admirabantur boni
viri, accusabant amici, quod spe pacis legationem suscepissem. 15
Nee mirum, P. Servili. Tuis enim severissimis gravissimisque
sententiis omni est non dico dignitate, sed etiam spe salutis

e spoliatus Antonius. Ad eum ire te legatum, quis non mira-
retur ? De me experior : cuius idem consilium, quod tuum,
sentio quam reprehendatur. Nos reprehendimur soli ? Quid ? 20
vir fortissimus Pansa sine causa paulo ante tarn accurate lo-
cutus est tarn diu ? Quid egit nisi uti falsam proditionis a se
suspicionem depelleret ? Unde autem ista suspicio est ? Ex
pacis patrocinio repentino, quod subito suscepit, eodem captus
errore quo nos. 25

3 Quod si est erratum, patres conscripti, spe falsa atque fallaci,

2. Amittatis . . . perdidit, 'that you, 10. Ut aiunt. The proverb is found in

by a mistaken policy, may lose your honour, Eur. Hipp. 436, and Cress, fr. 410

while you maintain his, which he has wil- at ocvrepai TTOJS tppovrfoet aotydarfpai.

fully cast away.' 13. Maestam . . . suscepissem. A

5. Quamquam — . Cicero seems to quotation from the speech of P. Servilius,
imply that even if Antony were prostrate at which seems to be referred to above, c. I, 2.
their feet, it might be safer not to listen too 1 6. P. Servili. See on 7. 9, 27.
eagerly to him, but he prefers to advocate Severissimis. So Halm, from an
the more generous policy in so improbable a older conjecture, confirmed by 5. I, 3; n.
contingency. 6, 15 ; for the MS. reading ' verissimis.'

6. At non est integrum, 'but, I 19. Cuius idem, &c., 'knowing how
shall be told, the question is no longer open.' much I am blamed for a course of conduct
Cp. 7. 9, 26. like your own.'

8. Cuiusvis hominis, &c. Cp.de In- cc. 3, 4. A second embassy could not pos-

vent. 2. 3, 9 ' Non parum cognosse, sed in sibly do good, and might do endless harm :

parum cognito stulte et diu perseverasse offending and discouraging all the loyal

turpe est ; propterea quod alterum communi citizens, both of Rome and of the borough

hominum infirmitati, alterum singulari unius towns, and especially the legions now engaged

cuiusque vitio est attributum.' against Antony, and the inhabitants of Capua,

278 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 3-4.

redeamus in viam. Optimus est portus paenitenti mutatio
consilii. Quid enim potest, per decs immortales ! rei publicae
prodesse nostra legatio ? prodesse dico ? quid, si etiam obfutura
est ? obfutura ? quid, si iam nocuit atque obfuit ? An vos acer-
5 rimam illam et fortissimam populi Romani libertatis recupe-
randae cupiditatem non imminutam ac debilitatam putatis le-
gatione pacis audita ? Quid municipia censetis ? quid colonias ?
quid cunctam Italiam ? futuram eodem studio, quo contra com
mune incendium exarserat ? An non putamus fore ut eos

10 paeniteat professos esse et prae se tulisse odium in Antonium,
qui pecunias polliciti sunt, qui arma, qui se totos et animis
et corporibus in salutem rei publicae contulerunt ? Quem ad
modum nostrum hoc consilium Capua probabit, quae temporibus
his Roma altera est? Ilia impios cives iudicavit, eiecit, exclusit.

15 Illi, illi, inquam, urbi fortissime conanti e manibus est ereptus
Antonius. Quid ? legionum nostrarum nervos nonne his con- 8
siliis incidimus ? quis est enim qui ad bellum inflammato animo
futurus sit spe pacis oblata ? Ipsa ilia Martia caelestis et divina
legio hoc nuntio languescet et mollietur atque illud pulcher-

20 rimum Martium nomen amittet : excident gladii, fluent arma de
manibus. Senatum enim secuta non arbitrabitur se graviore
odio debere esse in Antonium quam senatum. Pudet huius
legionis, pudet quartae, quae pari virtute nostram auctoritatem
probans non ut consulem et imperatorem suum, sed ut hostem

25 et oppugnatorem patriae reliquit Antonium : pudet optimi ex-
ercitus, qui coniunctus est ex duobus ; qui iam lustratus, qui
profectus ad Mutinam est : qui si pacis, id est timoris nostri,

who had forcibly excluded him as a rebel force of law, and, apparently, by force of

from their city. It was moreover most un- arms. Cp. 2. 39, 100 foil.
fair to open a negotiation for peace without 15. Illi, ilii, &c., ' from the strenuous

the concurrence of the generals who were efforts of that city, aye, of Capua, it required

carrying on the ivar, and of their allies in force to rescue Antony ;' cp. 2.1. c. : 'Qnem-

Gaul, who were joining in it heart and admodum illinc abicris, vel potius paene

soul. non abieris, scimus.'

3. Obfutura? 'do I speak of the fu- 18. Martia. Cp. 3. 3, 6.

ture?' As in the former clause he re- 22. Huius legionis, &c., ' we feel shame

jected the idea of the embassy doing in the presence of this legion, and the fourth.'

good, so here he corrects himself for telling See on 2. 25, 61.

of its evil consequences in the future 26. Ex duobus : the army of Hirtius,

tense. who had been joined bv the forces under

14. Impios cives, &c. These were Octavianus.

the new colonists whom Antony tried to Lustratus, 'has been solemnly puri-

settle in the territory of Capua, and whom fled,' as was always done before an army

the Capuans succeeded in rejecting both by took the field.

§§7-10. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XII. 279

nomen audierit, lit non referat pedem, insistet certe. Quid enim
4 revocante et receptui canente senatu properet dimicare ? Quid
9 autem hoc iniustius, quam nos inscientibus iis, qui bellum ge-
runt, de pace decernere ?' nee solum inscientibus, sed etiam
invitis ? An vos A. Hirtium, praeclarissimum consulem, C. 5
Caesarem, deorum benefkio natum ad haec tempora, quorum
epistolas spem victoriae declarantes in manu teneo, pacem velle
censetis ? Vincere illi expetunt pacisque dulcissimum et pul-
cherrimum nomen non pactione, sed victoria concupiverunt.
Quid? Galliam quo tandem animo hanc rem audituram pu- 10
tatis? ilia enim huius belli propulsandi, administrandi, susti-
nendi principatum tenet. Gallia D. Bruti nutum ipsum, ne
dicam imperium, secuta armis, viris, pecunia belli principia
firmavit : eadem crudelitati M. Antonii suum totum corpus
obiecit : exhauritur, vastatur, uritur : omnes aequo animo belli 15
10 patitur iniurias, dum modo repellat periculum servitutis. Et ut
omittam reliquas partes Galliae — nam sunt omnes pares — ,
Patavini alios excluserunt, alios eiecerunt missos ab Antonio :
pecunia, militibus et, quod maxime deerat, armis nostros duces
adiuverunt. Fecerunt idem reliqui, qui quondam in eadem causa 20
erant et propter multorum annorum iniurias alienati a senatu
putabantur : quos minirne mirum est, communicata cum iis re
publica, fideles esse, qui etiam expertes eius fidem suam semper
praestiterunt. His igitur omnibus victoriam sperantibus pacis
nomen afferemus, id est desperationem victoriae ? 15

I. Ut non referat pedem, 'even the 'civitas' to the Cispadani at the same

supposing it does not retreat.' See Madv. time ; as afterwards we hear of their playing

§ 440 a. Obs. 4. an important part in Roman elections (see

Quid enim, &c., ' why should it be in a Att. I. i, 2, B.C. 65, ' Videtur in suffrages

hurry to engage?' This, which is the multum posse Gallia') ; and we know of no

reading of the four older MSS., seems pre- occasion between these dates for giving them

ferable to ' Quis,' which Orelli reads from new privileges.

'i,' as it preserves the notion of the arn.y 22. Communicata cum iis repub-

feeling as one man. lica, 'when they received a share in the

13. Principia firmavit, 'placed the franchise.'
war at its outset on a firm basis.' cc. 5,6. Antony had treated with contempt

20. Qui quondam, &c., 'who in former all overtures of peace even while it still was

days were in the same position as Padua.' possible ; before he had passed beyond all

From the time of the first subjugation of the bounds in his demands, and before the senate

Boii in 191 B.C., the district of Gaul had had branded him as a forger and a thief.

been oppressed by the cruelty of one Roman His laws indeed had been annulled, but the

governor after another, till the time of the remembrance of them and of his violence

Social War. As a reward for their fidelity remained ; and so far from giving him the

in this war the ' ius Latii' was given to the province of Further Gaul, the senate, if they

Transpadani in 89 B.C., and most probably consulted the welfare and the dignity of the

M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 5-7.

Quid ? si ne potest quidem ulla esse pax ? Quae enim est 5
conditio pads, in qua ei, cum quo pacem facias, nihil concedi 11
potest ? Multis rebus a nobis est invitatus ad pacem Anto-
nius : bellum tamen maluit. Missi legati repugnante me, sed
5 tamen missi ; delata mandata : non paruit. Denuntiatum est
ne Brutum obsideret, a Mutina discederet : oppugnavit etiam
vehementius. Et ad eum legates de pace mittemus, qui pacis
nuntios repudiavit ? Verecundioremne coram putamus in pos-
tulando fore, quam fuerit turn, cum misit mandata ad senatum ?

10 Atqui turn ea petebat, quae videbantur improba omnino, sed
tamen aliquo modo posse concedi ; nondum erat vestris tarn
gravibus tamque multis iudiciis ignominiisque concisus : nunc ea
petit, quae dare nullo modo possumus, nisi prius volumus bello
nos victos confiteri. Senatus consulta falsa delata ab eo iudi- 12

15 cavimus : num ea vera possumus iudicare ? Leges statuimus
per vim et contra auspicia latas iisque nee populum nee plebem
teneri : num eas restitui posse censetis? Sestertium septiens
miliens avertisse Antonium pecuniae publicae iudicavistis : num
fraude poterit carere peculatus ? Immunitates ab eo civitatibus,

20 sacerdotia, regna venierunt : num figentur rursus eae tabulae,
quas vos decretis vestris refixistis ? Quod si ea, quae decre- 6
vimus, obruere, num etiam memoriam rerum delere possumus?

people, would not let either him or his sup- tarn intima Tiberio causa,' ' intima ' is vir-

porters even enter the city ivith any semblance tually equivalent to a positive.

of a triumph. If they returned, the only 12. Concisus, 'he had not yet received

choice for honest men would lie between his death blow.' Cp. 5. 11,28.

slavery and death ; and it was most inconsis- 14. Senatus consulta falsa, &c. See

tent and undignified in them to place, them- 5. 4, 10-12 notes.

selves in such a strait. 19. Peculatus, 'embezzlement of public

7. Pacis nuntios. He uses the term money.'

'nuntios,' as though in correction of his Ab eo venierunt. For the abla-

former expression, ' missi legati,' to carry out tive of the agent after ' veneo,' cp. Quint,

consistently the view he had before main- 12. I, 43 'Respondit, a cive se spoliari malle,

tained, (see 7. 9, 26,) that the previous com- quam ab hoste venire.'

missioners were not sent to treat with 20. Figentur rursus. Cp. 5. 4, 12

Antony, but merely to convey to him the 'Earum rerum falsae tabulae gemente populo

ultimatum of the senate, and if he rejected Romano toto Capitolio figebantur.' These

that, to declare him a public enemy. measures were all cancelled by the senate on

8. Coram, ' in a personal interview.' the 1st of January, ib. 6, 16.

10. Improba omnino, 'quite uncon- 22. Obruere. Some MSS. have ' obruere
scionable.' volumus,' but this gives a false antithesis,

11. Tarn gravibus. So Halm, from laying the emphasis on the contrast between
one MS., for ' tarn gravissimis.' on the the wish and the power of the senate, instead
ground that ' tarn' is not so used wi.h super- of on the difference between stultifying their
latives. In two passages quoted by Graevius, former measures, and making the world
Lael. 23, 86, and Fin. 2. 28, 93, there forget what had taken place. The one was
appears to be no MS. authority for the possible, though inexpedient, the other quite
reading; and in Tac. Ann. i. 53 ' Nee alia beyond their power.

§§11-15. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XII. 281

quando enim obliviscetur ulla posteritas, cuius scelere in hac
vestitus foeditate fuerimus? Ut centurionum legionis Martiae
Brundisii profusus sanguis eluatur, num elui praedicatio crude-
litatis potest ? Ut media praeteream, quae vetustas toilet operum
circum Mutinam taetra monimenta, sceleris indicia latrociniique 5

13 vestigia ? j Huic igitur importune atque impure parricidae quid
habemus" per deos immortales ! quod remittamus ? An Galliam
ultimam et exercitum ? quid est aliud non pacem facere, sed
differre bellum? nee solum propagare bellum, sed concedere
etiam victoriam ? An ille non vicerit, si quacumque conditione 10
in hanc urbem cum suis venerit ? Armis nunc omnia tenemus ;
auctoritate valemus plurimum ; absunt tot perditi cives, nefa-
rium secuti ducem : tamen eorum ora sermonesque, qui in urbe
ex eo numero relicti sunt, ferre non possumus. Quid censetis ?
cum tot uno tempore irruperint, nos arma posuerimus, illi non 15
deposuerint, nonne nos nostris consiliis victos in perpetuum

14 fore ? Ponite ante oculos M. Antonium consularem ; sperantem
consulatum Lucium adiungite ; supplete ceteros, neque nostri
ordinis solum, honores et imperia meditantes ; nolite ne Tirones
quidem, Numisios, Mustelas, Seios contemnere. Cum iis facta 20
pax non erit pax, sed pactio servitutis. L. Pisonis, amplissimi
viri, praeclara vox a te non solum in hoc ordine, Pansa, sed
etiam in contione iure laudata est. Excessurum se ex Italia
dixit, deos penates et sedes patrias relicturum, si — quod di

7 omen averterint ! — rem publicam oppressisset Antonius. Quaero 25

2. Vestitus foeditate. They were 18. Supplete ceteros, &c. Those al-
still wearing the ' sagum,' the melancholy ready named had some pretensions to dis-
witness of a civil war. Cp. 8. 11,32. tinction, being senators, though unworthy

3. Profusus sanguis. See 3. 2, 4 note. ones; but there were many others aiming
5. Taetra monimenta, 'the foul records at high civil and military offices, who had

of his works about Mutina;' to be found not even reached the senate.

in the remains of his siege operations. 20. Numisios. The name of Numisius

7. Galliam ultimam. See 5. 2, 5 note. does not occur elsewhere ; nor does that of

8. Q_uid est aliud. See on 1.9, 22. Seius, though Halm thinks he is probably the

9. Propagare bellum, 'to prolong same man whose name occurs with many
the war.' Cp. Fam. 5. 15, 3 ' Propagatio varieties of reading in 13. 12, 26, and whom
miserrimi temporis.' he there calls Insteius. For Tiro and Mus-

10. Si quacumque. The later MSS. tela cp. 2. 4, 8.

omit 'si,' and Madvig (§ 87. Obs. i) limits 21. Non pax, sed pactio servitutis,

this use of ' quicumque,' as practically equi- ' a compact, not of peace, but of slavery.'

valent to ' quivis,' from the suppression of Cp. Flor. 4. 12 ' Totius generis humani aut

the verb of possibility, to the expression pax fuit aut pactio.'

4 quacumque ratione.' Cp. however Att. 3. 25. Averterint, ' may the gods already

21 ' Te oro ut quamcumque in partem quam have diverted from us.' Some of the later

planissime ad me scribas.' MSS. have ' averterent,' as though the words

M. TULLI1 CICERONIS Cc. 7-8.

igitur a te, L. Piso, nonne oppressam rem publicam putes, si
tot tarn impii, tarn audaces, tarn facinerosi recepti sint ? Quos
nondum tantis parricidiis contaminates vix ferebamus, hos nunc
omni scelere coopertos tolerabiles censes civitati fore ? Aut
5 isto tuo, mihi crede, consilio erit utendum,, ut cedamus, abeamus,
vitam inopem et vagam persequamur, aut cervices latronibus
dandae atque in patria cadendum est. Ubi sunt, C. Pansa,
illae cohortationes pulcherrimae tuae, quibus a te excitatus
senatus, inflammatus populus Romanus non solum audivit, sed

i° etiam didicit nihil esse homini Romano foedius servitute ? Id- 10
circone saga sumpsimus, arma cepimus, iuventutem omnem ex
tota Italia excussimus, ut exercitu florentissimo et maximo
legati ad pacem mitterentur ? si accipiendam, cur non rogamur ?
si postulandam, quid timemus ? In hac ego legatione sim aut

15 ad id consilium admiscear, in quo ne si dissensero quidem a
ceteris sciturus populus Romanus sit ? Ita fiet ut, si quid
remissum aut concessum sit, meo semper periculo peccet An-
tonius, cum ei peccandi potestas a me concessa videatur.

Quod si habenda cum M. Antonii latrocinio pacis ratio fuit, 17

20 mea tamen persona ad istam pacem conciliandarn minime fuit
deligenda. Ego numquam legates mittendos censui ; ego ante
reditum legatorum ausus sum dicere, Pacem ipsam si afferrent,
quoniam sub nomine pacis bellum lateret, repudiandam ; ego
princeps sagorum ; ego semper ilium appellavi hostem3 cum alii

were part of the quotation from Piso's the finest of our youth from the whole of

speech; but the fact that the words of ill Italy.' Cp. pro Mur. 12, 26 ' In manibus

omen were merely quoted by Cicero, ac- iactata et excussa.' The later MSS. have

counts for his throwing back his wish to the ' excivimus,' but 'excussimus' is quoted and

time when they were originally uttered. explained by Nonius (p. 299) as being equi-

cc. 7, 8. Even if the embassy were sent, valent to ' elegimus.'

Cicero was the last person who should have 13. Si accipiendam, &c., 'if the object

been appointed to negotiate for peace. He of the embassy is to sue for peace on An-

had shown himself the bitter and unsparing tony's terms, why does not that appear on

enemy of Antony, and was therefore most the face of the motion? and if it is to dictate

unlikely to prevail with him, while the expe- terms, what have we to fear?'
dition could not but involve the greatest 15. Ad id consilium, 'shall I mix

danger and annoyance to himself. His myself up in such a policy ?'
loyally made him shrink from intercourse 22. Pacem ipsam, 'the goddess Peace

with men *o stained with every kind of guilt; herself.'

and even if he had little regard for his own 24. Princeps sagorum. Cicero had

life, still it was of too great importance to the urged that the military dress should be

state to be endangered needlessly. assumed as early as the 1st of January, (see

9. Non solum audivit, &c., 'not 5. 12, 32,) though it was not tiil the return

only heard, but learned by heart the lesson.' of the ambassadors that his advice was

J2. Excussimus, 'we have sifted out followed (8. 1 1, 32).

§§15-19. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A XII. 283

adversarium, semper hoc bellum, cum alii tumultum. Nee haec
in senatu solum ; eadem ad populum semper egi : neque solum
in ipsum, sed in eius socios facinorum et ministros, et praesentes
et eos qui una sunt, in totam denique M. Antonii domum sum

18 semper invectus. Itaque ut alacres et laeti spe pads oblata 5
inter se impii cives, quasi vicissent, gratulabantur, sic me ini-
quum eierabant, de me querebantur : diffidebant etiam Servilio ;
meminerant eius sententiis confixum Antonium : L. Caesarem,
fortem quidem ilium et constantem senatorem, avunculum tamen,
Calenum procuratorem, Pisonem familiarem : te ipsum, Pansa, ic
vehementissimum et fortissimum consulem, factum iam putant
leniorem : non quo ita sit aut esse possit, sed mentio a te facta
pacis suspicionem multis attulit immutatae voluntatis. Inter
has personas me interiectum amici Antonii moleste ferunt :
quibus gerendus mos est, quoniam semel liberates esse coepimus. 15

8 Proficiscantur legati optimis ominibus, sed ii proficiscantur, in

19 quibus non offendatur Antonius. Quod si de Antonio non
laboratis, mihi certe, patres conscripti, consulere debetis. Par-
cite oculis saltern meis et aliquam veniam iusto dolori date.
Quo enim adspectu videre potero— omitto hostem patriae, ex 20
cjiip mihi odium in ilium commune vobiscum est — : sed quo
modo adspiciam mihi uni crudelissimum hostem, ut declarant
eius de me acerbissimae contiones? Adeone me ferreum pu-
tatis, ut cum eo congredi aut ilium adspicere possim ? qui nuper,

I. Adversarium, ' a political opponent.' pronouns. See Madv. § 489 b., and excep-

Tumultum. Cp..8. i, 2 foil. tions in 2. 3, 6 and 15, 39. He admits

4. Qui una sunt, ' who are away with however that 6. I, i ' Minus quidem ilia

him.' severe quam decuit, non tamen omnino dis-

7- Eierabant, ' they solemnly chal- solute,' is an exact parallel to the ordinary

lenged my appointment as being prejudiced.' reading here.

Cp. de Orat. 2. 70, 285 'Cum Scipioni M. 15. Quibus gerendus mos est, &c.,

Flaccus multis probris obiectis P. Mucium ' whom we must humour, since complaisance

iudicem tulisset, " Eiero," inquit : " iniquus is the order of the day.' His meaning is that

est." Cum esset admurmuratum, " Ah," since the senate were bent on complying

inquit, " P.C., non ego mihi ilium iniquum with the wishes of the friends of Antony, by

eiero, verum omnibus."' sending envoys to him, it was a pity not to

Servilio, &c. He here enumerates carry out this policy to its full extent, by

the other commissioners, giving the reasons letting them also choose their own ambas-

why they should severally be favourable to sadors.
Antony, or the reverse. 22. Mihi uni, 'to me especially,' in a

9. Fortem quidem ilium. Halm degree in which he is cruel to no one else.
here approves of the suggestion of Muretus, 24. Cum eo ... ilium. The change

' fortem ilium quidem,' as there is nothing in of pronoun is noticeable, but is probably

this clause to justify an exception to the merely from euphonic reasons, as there seems

general rule that in such concessive sentences to be no variation of meaning to account

' quidem' should only be attached to personal for it.

284

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 8—9.

cum in contione donaret eos, qui ei de parricidis audacissimi
videbantur, mea bona donare se dixit Petissio Urbinati, qui ex
naufragio luculenti patrimonii ad haec Antoniana saxa proiectus
est. An L. Antonium adspicere potero ? cuius ego crudelitatem 20
5 effugere non potuissem, nisi me moenibus et portis et studio
municipii mei defendissem. Atque idem hie myrmillo Asiati-
cus, latro Italiae, collega Lentonis et Nuculae, cum Aquilae
primi pili nummos aureos daret, de meis bonis se dare dixit :
si enim de suis dixisset, ne Aquilam quidcm ipsum crediturum

10 putavit. Non ferent, inquam, oculi Saxam, Cafonem, non duo
praetores, non tribunum pi., non duo designates tribunes, non
Bestiam, non Trebellium, non T. Plancum. Non possum animo
aequo videre tot tarn importunes, tarn sceleratos hostes ; nee id
fit fastidio meo, sed caritate rei publicae. Sed vincam animum 21

15 mihique impcrabo : dolorem iustissimum, si non potuero fran-
gere, occultabo. Quid ? vitae censetisne, patres conscript!, ha-
bendam mihi aliquam esse rationem ? quae mihi quidem minime
cara est, praesertim cum Dolabella fecerit ut optanda mors

I. Donaret eos . . . bona donare.
The close conjunction of these two construc
tions with 'dono' shows the difference between
them ; the accusative in each case being
used of the object whose interests are most
prominent in the writer's mind. Antony
was considering how he should reward his
band of murderers, — so far the recipients of
his bounty were uppermost in his thoughts,
— and then in considering ways and means,
the property of Cicero occurred to him, and
for the moment its destination was the chief
point to be considered. The first question
was whence to find rewards for his followers,
the second in what direction to bestow the
goods of Cicero. Petissius of Urbinum is
mentioned again among the crew of Antony,
13- 2,3-

6. Municipii mei, Arpinum. Of this
attack of L. Antonius we do not elsewhere
hear ; but we know that Cicero was at
Arpinum in the interval between the first
and second Philippic orations. Att. 16.

13 C, 2.

Myrmillo Asiaticus. See 5. 7, 20 note.

7- Collega Lentonis, in the septem-
virate for dividing the public lands.

Aquilae primi pili. As ' primi
pili ' is nowhere else found without ' cen-
turio,' expressed or easily understood, it is
probable either that ' centurioni' has dropped
out, (cp. pro Balb. 15, 34,) or that Cicero

wrote 'primipilo,' as Garatonius and Halm
suppose. In Livy 7- 41 ' Primus centurio
erat, quern nunc primi pili vocant,' ' centurio'
may be so readily supplied from the pre
ceding words, that it furnishes no authority
for the use of the expression in a passage
like the present. Some have thought that
Aquila is not a proper name, but expresses
the soldiers of the first maniple gathered
under their standard. Putting aside, how
ever, the un-Ciceronian nature of such an
expression, 'aquila' is only used of the
standard of the whole legion, as opposed to
the ' signa' of the several cohorts, and could
therefore never be applied in reference to the
soldiers of a single maniple. This view
seems to have been held by the writers of
some of the MSS., which have below ' ne
Aquilam quidem ipsam credituram.'

10. Duo praetores : probably Censo-
rinus, cp. II. 5, II, and P. Ventidius Bassus,
who was also praetor for this year, and
whom we know from the next chapter and
from 13. 2, 2 to have been with Antony.

11. Non tribunum plebis. Garato
nius thought that this should be struck out,
because in 13. 12, when Antony's senate is
being described, there are enumerated in it
both future and past tribunes, but none for
the current year.

Duo designates tribunes, Tullus
Hostilius and one Insteius. See 13. 12, 26.

§§19-23. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A XII. 285

esset, modo sine cruciatu atque tormentis : vobis tamen et
populo Romano vilis meus spiritus esse non debet. Is enim
sum, nisi me forte fallo, qui vigiliis, curis, sententiis, periculis
etiam, quae plurima adii propter acerbissimum omnium in me

22 odium impiorum, perfecerim ut non obstarem rei publicae, ne 5
9 quid arrogantius videar dicere. Quod cum ita sit, nihilne mihi

de periculo meo cogitandum putatis ? Hie cum essem in urbe
ac domi, tamen multa saepe tentata sunt, ubi me non solum
amicorum fidelitas, sed etiam universae civitatis oculi custo-
diunt : quid censetis, cum iter ingressus ero, longum praesertim, 10
nullasne insidias extimescendas ? Tres viae sunt ad Mutinam,
quo festinat animus, ut quam primum illud pignus libertatis
populi Romani, D. Brutum, adspicere possim : cuius in com-
plexu libenter extremum vitae spiritum ediderim, cum omnes
actiones horum mensum, omnes sententiae meae pervenerint 15
ad eum, qui mihi fuit propositus, exitum. Tres ergo, ut dixi,
viae : a supero mari Flaminia, ab infero Aurelia, media Cassia.;

23 Nunc, quaeso, attendite, num aberret a coniectura suspicio
periculi mei. Etruriam discriminat Cassia. Scimusne igitur,
Pansa, quibus in locis nunc sit Lentonis Caesennii septemviralis 20

4. Omnium impiorum. Cp. 2. I, I. which alone the word occurs. This form is

5. Ut non obstarem, &c., 'that I common in poetry, cp. Ov. M. 8. 500;
should not hurt the interests of the state, Fast. 5. 187 and 424; and Halm quotes it
since modesty prevents my telling all that I as the probable reading in Fam. 3 6, 5 ;
have done for it.' though Orelli and Baiter there read ' men-

cc. 9, 10. On each of the three roads that sium.'

led to Mutina Cicero would find a deadly 1 6. Exitum: the release of D. Bru-

enemy ; and therefore, though the city itself tus.

was not without its dangers to him, he would 17. Flaminia. The most direct road to

stay at home, on the scene of his continued Mutina was the Via Cassia, which ' passes

struggles in his country's cause. Men of his through the middle of Etruria' ('discriminat

position were bound .to use all due precau- Etruriam'} passing near Veii, and through

tions, and not to risk their lives without Volsinii, Clusium, Florence, and Pistoria.

security. The Via Flaminia, however, leading from

6. Nihilne de periculo meo, &c. Rome in a nearly direct line to Arirninum,
Mr. Forsyth (2. 235) comments on the and thence bending westward through Bo-
difference between ancient and modern man- nonia, Mutina, and Placentia, to Medio-
ners shown in this part of the speech. ' With lanum, was the most frequented north road,
us a man who should be selected for a public The Via Aurelia followed the coast of the
service of danger would hardly like to con- Mediterranean, which it struck at Alsium,
fess that the danger alarmed him, or to urge to Pisae, where travellers to Mutina would
that his life was of too much value to the probably leave it, and pass through Luca to
state to be sacrificed. Yet Cicero did this join the Via Cassia at Pistoria.

without scruple.' 20. Lentonis, &c., 'Lento Caesennius
II. Ad Mutinam, 'to the army btf ore with his authority as septemvir?' See on
Mutina.' See Madv. § 232. II. 7, 13. 'Caesennii auctoritas' may be
15. Mensum. So Halm, for ' mensunu- compared with the common Greek peri-
sum,' the reading of the Vatican MS., in phrasis fiii] 'H/jawA^efy, &c.

286 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc/O-n.

auctoritas ? Nobiscum nee animo certe est nee corpore. Si
autem aut domi est aut non longe a domo, certe in Etruria
est, id est in via. Quis igitur mihi praestat Lentonem uno
capite esse contentum ? Die mihi praeterea, Pansa, Ventidius
5 ubi sit, cui fui semper amicus, ante quam ille rei publicae
bonisque omnibus tarn aperte est factus inimicus. Possum Cas-
siam vitare, tencre Flaminiam. Quid ? si Anconam, ut dicitur,
Ventidius venerit ? poterone Ariminum tuto accedere ? Restat
Aurelia : hie quidem etiam praesidia habeo ; possessiones enim

jo sunt P. Clodii. Tota familia occurret, hospitio invitabit propter
familiaritatem notissimam. Hisce ego me viis committam, qui 10
Terminalibus nuper in suburbium, ut eodem die reverterer, ire 24
non sum ausus? Domesticis me parietibus vix tueor sine ami-
corum custodiis. Itaque in urbe [maneo], si licebit, manebo.

15 Haec mea sedes est, haec vigilia, haec custodia, hoc praesidium
stativum. Teneant alii castra, gerant res bellicas, oderint hostem
— nam hoc caput est — : nos, ut dicimus semperque fecimus,
urbem et res urbanas vobiscum pariter tuebimur. Neque vero
recuso munus hoc : quamquam populum Romanum video pro

20 me recusare. Nemo me minus timidus, nemo tarnen cautior.
Res declarat. Vicesimus annus est, cum omnes scelerati me
unum petunt. Itaque ipsi, ne dicam mihi, rei publicae poenas

I. Nee animo, &c., 'he is opposed to 14. Maneo, which is enclosed by Halm

us in feeling, as he is personally absent.' in brackets, is omitted by Kavser. It seems

3- Quis igitur, &c., 'who then guaran- to be superfluous, and probably is a copyist's

tees to me that Lento will be satisfied with error, as it is only found in the four cognate

his one murder?' Lento Caesennius was the MSS.

murderer of Cn. Pompeius the younger. See 15. Praesidium stativum, 'my per-

Flor. 4. 2, 86. manent station.'

7. Tenere, though only found in one 16. Gerant res bellicas. 'Gerant'

MS., seems requisite for the sense, as he is Halm's emendation for ' regna,' which

goes on to state what would be the probable seems unmeaning, as no command given to

consequence of taking the Flaminian road. a Roman officer would be called by that

Anconam. The form of this word obnoxious name.

varies even in the best writers. Cicero else- Oderint hostem. Orelli explains

where has 'Anconam' Fam. 16. 12, 2; but this, 'let them really hate Antony as a

' Anconem' Att. 7. II, I. public enemy, not feign hatred towards him,

Ut dicitur, ' as he is said to have while secretly favouring his cause.' Cp. 13.

done,' not 'as it is said.' We must supply 7, 15 ' Odimus, irati pugnamus.' The pecu-

' venisse.' Harity of the expression has led to various

9. Habeo. Two MSS. have ' habebo,' conjectures, such as ' adennt,' ' custodiant,'

but the present tense suits the irony better: ' fuderint,' but the words 'nam hoc caput

' Here indeed I actually have a guard await- est,' omitted in some MSS., seem to refer

ing me.' the audience to something preceding any

12. Terminalibus, on the 23rd of overt act.

February, the last day of the old Roman 21. Vicesimus annus est. Cp. 2. I,

year. I note.

§§23-26. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XII. 287

dederunt : me salvum adhuc res publica conservavit sibi. Timide
hoc dicam ; scio enim quidvis homini accidere posse : verum
tamen semel circumsessus lectis valentissimorum hominum viri-

25 bus cecidi sciens, ut honestissime possem exsurgereJ Possumne
igitur satis videri cautus, satis providus, si me huic itineri 5
tarn infesto tamque periculoso commisero? Gloriam in morte
debent ii, qui in re publica versantur, non culpae reprehen-
sionem et stultitiae vituperationem relinquere. Quis bonus
non luget mortem Trebonii? quis non dolet interitum talis et
civis et viri ? At sunt qui dicant, dure illi quidem, sed tamen 10
dicunt : minus dolendum, quod ab homine impuro nefarioque
non caverit. Etenim qui multorum custodem se pronteatur,
eum sapientes sui primum capitis aiunt custodem esse oportere.
Cum saeptus sis legibus et iudiciorum metu, non sunt omnia
timenda neque ad omnes insidias praesidia quaerenda. Quis 15
enim audeat luci, quis in militari via, quis bene comitatum,

26 quis illustrem aggredi ? Haec neque hoc tempore neque in me
valent : non modo enim poenam non extimescet, qui mihi
vim attulerit, sed etiam gloriam sperabit a latronum gregibus
et praemia. 20

11 Haec ego in urbe provideo : facilis est circumspectus, unde
exeam, quo progrediar, quid ad dexteram, quid ad sinistram sit.

3. Semel circumsessus, &c., 'once where in prose. Lucretius even has it as an

when I was beset by a picked band of the ablative, 4. 235 ' In luci quae poterit res

most powerful men, I fell like a skilful com- accidere.'

batant, that I might rise again with glory.' 17. Neque . . . valent, 'do not hold

The allusion is probably to the time of good either at this time or in my case.'

his exile in 58 B C., when finding that cc. II, 12. In the city he could guard

Crassus and Ponipey, and even Caesar, were against the dangers that beset him ; but this

abandoning him to the attacks of P. Clodius, was out of the question either on his journey

he left Rome to return to it within eighteen through the Apennines, or in a conference

months amid acclamations and congratula- with Antony. In him he would find no

tory addresses. The words 'circumsessus' courteous enemy, but a passionate ruffian,

and 'lectis' have both been questioned, and who would certainly kill him if they met on

at first they seem incongruous, the former neutral ground, while it was quite impossible

being always used of hostile attacks, the for either party to consent to an interview in

latter more generally applied to friends ; but the camp of the other. Hence conference was

it was just the fact that the real leaders of the only possible by letter, and the result of this

state were combined against him, which made must be referred to the senate, so that it could

Cicero yield for the time before the league. as well be carried on from Rome. He felt

II. Quod . . . non caverit. This sure that his conduct would meet with the

charge of want of precaution Cicero has approbation of the loyal legions, and, if they

before refuted in n. 2, 5, by showing that took time for reflection, of the veterans as

Trebonius had no grounds for suspecting well. He concludes by expressing his wil-

evil designs in Dolabella. lingness to go if called upon, but again

16. Luci. This locative form is com- urges the duty of preserving his life for more

mon in Plautus, but does not appear else- important services.

288 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 11-12.

Num idem in Appennini tramitibus facere potero ? in quibus
etiam si non erunt insidiae, quae facillime esse poterunt, animus
tamen erit sollicitus, ut nihil possit de officiis legationis atten-
dere. Sed effugi insidias, perrupi Appenninum : nempe in An-
5 tonii congressum colloquiumque veniendum est. Quinam locus
capietur? si extra castra, ceteri viderint : ego mortem actutum
futuram puto. Novi hominis furorem, novi effrenatam violen-
tiam. Cuius acerbitas morum immanitasque naturae ne vino
quidem permixta temperari solet, hie ira dementiaque inflam-

]° matus adhibito fratre Lucio, taeterrima belua, numquam pro-
fecto a me sacrilegas manus atque impias abstinebit. Memini 27
colloquia et cum acerrimis hostibus et cum gravissime dissiden-
tibus civibus. Cn. Pompeius, Sexti films, consul me praesente,
cum essem tiro in eius exercitu, cum P. Vettio Scatone, duce

15 Marsorum, inter bina castra collocutus est. Quo quidem me-
mini Sex. Pompeium, fratrem consulis, ad colloquium ipsum
Roma venire, doctum virum atque sapientem. Quern cum Scato
salutasset, 'quern te appellem ?' inquit. At ille : ' voluntate
hospitem, necessitate hostem.' Erat in illo colloquio aequitas ;

20 nullus timor, nulla suberat suspicio ; mediocre etiam odium.
Non enim, ut eriperent nobis socii civitatem, sed ut in earn
reciperentur petcbant. Sulla cum Scipione inter Cales et Tea-

i. In tramitibus, 'in the narrow year he put an end to the Social War. There

p:iths;' cp. 13. 9, 19 ' Egressus est non viis is a discrepancy in the cognomen of Vettius,

sed tramitibus.' who is called Cato by Appian, 1 . 40, and Veil.

3. De officiis . . . attendere. Cp. Pat. 2. 16: but Scato occurs as a Marsic
de Part. Or. 24, 84 'Cum de necessitate name in Cicero's speech de Domo, 44, 116;
attendemus.' and the substitution of the well-known name

4. Effugi. 'suppose me to have escaped Cato for the rare one of Scato was natural
all ambuscades.' See Madv. § 442. Obs. 2 ; enough in the later writers.

and cp. the use of KOJL Sr) in Greek, as Eur. 15. Quo quidem. Halm has ' quo

Med. 388 /cat Srj TfOvaai. quidem tempore,'1 from a conjecture of Er-

6. Ceteri viderint, ' let the others nesti, which seems to weaken the sentence,
look to themselves.' ' And to this meeting I remember that Sextus
Mortem actutum futuram. So Pompeius himself, the brother of the Consul,
most of the MSS. Halm has a conjecture, came to take part in the conference.' ' Ad
'me vix tutum futurum,' and Kayser colloquium' is added to ' quo,' to define more
suggests ' me vim ac tortorem laturum,' clearly the purpose for which Sextus came.
apparently from the reading of one MS. He was noted for his skill in jurisprudence,
'me vi ac toto futurum.' The reading in cp. Brut. 47, 175 'Sex. frater eius (Cn.
the text seems weak, but the conjectures Pompeii) praestantissimum ingenium con-
involve a violent change without much tulerat ad summam iuris civilis et ad per-
improvement. fectam geometriae et rerum Stoicarum scien-

II. Sacrilegas; as daring to offer vio- tiam.'

lence to the sacred person of an augur. 22. Sulla cum Scipione. This was

13. Cn. Pompeius, the father of the in 83 B.C., shortly after Sulla's return from

triumvir, was Consul in 89 B.C., in which Asia, after conquering Mithridates. Having

§§ 26-i

ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A XII.

289

num, cum alter nobilitatis florem. alter belli socios adhibuisset,
de auctoritate senatus, de suffrages populi, de iure civitatis leges
inter se et conditiones contulerunt. Non tenuit omnino collo-
12 quium illud fidem : a vi tamen periculoque afuit. Possumusne
igitur in Antonii latrocinio aeque esse tuti ? Non possumus : 5

28 aut, si ceteri possunt, me posse diffido. Quod si non extra
castra congrediemur, quae ad colloquium castra sumentur ? In
nostra ille numquam veniet : multo minus nos in illius. Reli-
quum est ut et accipiantur et remittantur postulata per litteras :
ergo erimus in castris. Mea quidem ad omnia postulata una 10
sententia : quam cum hie vobis audientibus dixero, isse et re-
disse me putatote : legationem confecero. Omnia ad senatum
mea sententia reiiciam, quaecumque postulabit Antonius. Ne-
que enim licet aliter, neque permissum est nobis ab hoc ordine,
ut bellis confectis decem legatis permitti solet more maiorum, 15
neque ulla omnino a senatu mandata accepimus. Quae cum
agam in consilio, nullis, ut arbitror, repugnantibus, nonne me-
tuendum est ne imperita militum multitude per me pacem

29 distineri putet ? Facite hoc meum consilium legiones novas

defeated the other Consul, C. Norbanus, he
offered a truce to L. Scipio, and availed
himself of the intercourse which ensued to
induce the troops of Scipio to desert him.
Scipio was taken prisoner in his tent, and
obliged to resign his consulship as the price
of his liberty.

2. De auctoritate senatus, &c. The
nature of these negotiations may be in
ferred from the measures passed by Sulla
when he obtained absolute authority. He
greatly increased the power of the senate,
especially by transferring the chief military
power from the Consuls and praetors, who
were elected by the people, to the proconsuls
and propraetors, who were both appointed
and liable to be dismissed by the senate ;
he maintained the rights of all the new citi
zens, doing away with the distinction
between citizens of Rome and of the borough
towns, and only disfranchising those whose
opposition to him had been most marked :
but he abolished so much of China's law as
had given the freedmen equal rights of
suffrage with the older citizens. See
Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, vol. 3. c. 10.

3. Contulerunt. The change of con
struction is noticeable, as though ' Sulla
Scipioque' had preceded, instead of Sulla
' cum Scipione.'

10. Erimus in castris, 'each in his
own camp.'

12. Confecero, 'I shall have accom
plished the purpose of my mission, without
stirring from the spot.' Most of the MSS.
have ' confero,' which is unmeaning.

13. Neque enim licet, &c., ' for in
fact no other course is lawful, nor has any
such power been given us by the senate, as
is commonly given on the completion of a
war, according to the custom of our ances
tors, to ten plenipotentiaries, nor have we
received from the senate any commission
enabling us to act.' Cicero's argument is
that they were not like the ten commis
sioners usually sent with full powers to
arrange the settlement of a conquered
country, that they had no authority to
conclude any arrangement with Antony,
and that any proposals of his must still
come before the senate ; so that to expose
the lives of eminent men, merely for the
purpose of carrying despatches, was alto
gether needless.

17. In consilio, 'in carrying out our
mission.'

18. Pacem distineri, 'that the prospect
of peace is being deferred.' Cp. Livy
2. 15 ' Ne quid meam vobiscum pacem
distineat.'

290 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO PHIL1PPICA XII. C.i2.

non improbare : nam Martiam et quartam nihil cogitantes praeter
dignitatem et decus comprobaturas esse certe scio. Quid ?
veteranos non veremur — nam timeri se ne ipsi quidem volunt
— quonam modo accipiant severitatem meam ? multa enim falsa
5 de me audierunt, multa ad eos improbi detulerunt. Quorum
commoda, ut vos optimi testes estis, semper ego sententia,
auctoritate, oratione firmavi : sed credunt improbis, credunt
turbulentis, credunt suis. Sunt autem fortes illi quidem, sed
propter memoriam rerum, quas gesserunt pro populi Romani

10 libertate et salute rei publicae, nimis feroces et ad suam vim
omnia nostra consilia revocantes. Horum ego cogitationem non 30
vereor : impetum pertimesco. Haec quoque tanta pericula si
effugero, satisne tutum reditum putatis fore? Cum enim et
vestram auctoritatem meo more defendero et meam fidem rei

15 publicae constantiamque praestitero, turn erunt mihi non ii so-
lum, qui me oderunt, sed illi etiam, qui invident, extimescendi.
Custodiatur igitur vita mea r. p., eaque quoad vel dignitas vel
natura patietur, patriae reservetur : mors aut necessitatem habeat
fati, aut, si ante oppetenda est, oppetatur cum gloria. Haec

20 cum ita sint, etsi hanc legationem res publica, ut levissime
dicam, non desiderat, tamen, si tuto licebit ire, proficiscar.
Omnino, patres conscripti, totum huiusce rei consilium non
meo periculo, sed utilitate rei publicae metiar. De qua mihi,
quoniam liberum est spatium, multum etiam atque etiam con-

25 siderandum puto idque potissimum faciendum, quod maxime
interesse rei publicae iudicaro.

I. Cogitantes. The reading of the 4. Quonam modo accipiant. So

MSS. is ' cogitetis,' or ' cogitatis.' With Halm from one MS., for the ordinary reading,

that reading ' certe scio' has no meaning, ' sed quonam modo accipient.' Halm's

and to say that the Martian and Fourth reading gives more special force to 'veremur,'

legions will approve of nothing but their and of the four MSS. which have ' sed,' two

honour and glory is very weak. The read- have 'accipiant.'

ing in the text (^which was first suggested by II. Horum ego, &c., ' of the result of

Madvig in Jahn's Jahrbiicher for 1856, p. their thoughts, if they would but think, I

126), making 'consilium meum' the object have no apprehension, but I dread the fury

of ' comprobaturas esse,' gives a simple con- of their impulse.'

struction and sensible meaning to the sen- 17. Eaque. The reading of the MSS.

tence. In support of it he compares a here is very confused, but all except one

similar error in 14. 3, 6, where the minor have 'eaque.' Halm reads 'Custodiatur

Vatican MS. has ' dubitatis' for ' dubitantes,' igitur vita f r. p. mea, quoad/ &c., and

and in Livy 42. 26, where all the MSS. have suggests ' Custodiatur igitur vita p. c. (patres

'fiuctuatis' for what must be ' fluctuantes.' conscripti) mea, atque quoad,' &c.

3. Veremur . . . timeri. See on 5. 19. Si ante oppetenda est. See I.

l8, 48; and cp. below, § 30. 4, IO note.

INTRODUCTION

TO THE THIRTEENTH ORATION.

?Cf.£^7*/

SHORTLY after Pansa had left Rome, in the middle of March, to join
his colleague before Mutina, letters arrived from L. Plancus, the governor
of Transalpine Gaul, and Consul elect, and from M. Lepidus, now in
command of the province of Hither Spain. They both strongly advo
cated peace with Antony, and both at the same time wrote to Cicero,
declaring their unswerving loyalty to the senate. The letters of Lepidus
are not preserved, but their tenour may be gathered from Cicero's
answer, (Fam. 10. 27), in which he expresses a hope that Lepidus will
not sacrifice liberty to his desire for peace. The letter of Plancus to the
senate and people (Cic. Fam. 10. 8) is full of apologies for past hesitation
and dissimulation, and assurances of energetic action for the future.

The despatch of Plancus was first laid before the senate, and after a
two days' debate, in the course of which Cicero delivered two speeches
which are not preserved, a vote of thanks to him was passed on Cicero's
proposal. On the following day P. Servilius proposed a vote of thanks
to Lepidus, coupling with it a recommendation to him to leave the
question of peace to the senate, who could not entertain it until Antony
laid down his arms. On this occasion Cicero delivered his thirteenth
oration, in which he supports the motion of Servilius, especially depre
cating peace with Antony. In addition to the reasons previously urged,
he laid before the senate a letter recently addressed by Antony to Hirtius
and Pansa, which he criticises, clause by clause, with a bitterness and
animosity not surpassed in any of the other orations.

He concludes by adding to the motion of Servilius a vote of thanks to
Sextus Pompeius, for his promises of aid to the senate and the Roman
people.

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM
LIBER TERTIUS DECIMUS.

1 A PRINCIPIO huius belli, patres conscript!, quod cum im-

1 piis civibus consceleratisque suscepimus, timui ne conditio
insidiosa pacis libertatis recuperandae studia restingueret. Dulce
enim etiam nomen est pacis, res vero ipsa cum iucunda, turn
salutaris. Nam nee privates focos nee publicas leges videtur 5
nee libertatis iura cara habere, quern discordiae, quern caedes
civium, quern bellum civile delectat, eumque ex numero hominum
eiiciendum, ex finibus humanae naturae exterminandum puto.
Itaque sive Sulla sive Marius sive uterque sive Octavius sive
China sive iterum Sulla sive alter Marius et Carbo sive qui 10
alius civile bellum optavit, eum detestabilem civem rei publicae

2 natum iudico. Nam quid ego de proximo dicam, cuius acta
defendimus, auctorem ipsum iure caesum fatemur? Nihil igitur
hoc cive, nihil hoc homine taetrius, si aut civis aut homo

cc. i, 2, Deeming peace the greatest of country, nor the rights which liberty con-

blessings, and civil war, under any circum- veys.' For this last expression cp. Sail. Cat.

stances, such a curse as to merit extermination 37, 9 'lus libertatis imminutum;' where

for its authors, Cicero yet warns the senate Kritz explains ' lus libertatis' to mean all

that they may be deceived by the name of the privileges of a freeborn citizen. Cp.

peace. In most cases mutual concessions on Horn. II. 9. 63

the part of the leaders in civil war might dtyprjTajp, dOffUffros, dveam6s \aviv l««-

have produced a genuine peace ; but Antony vos,

and his associates were such profligate and os iro\e/J.ov eparai fTnorju'iov ottpvoevTos :

abandoned characters, that not only could no of which this passage is perhaps intended to

reliance be placed on their engagements, but be a paraphrase.

their very presence would make the city in- 9. Octavius. Cn. Octavius, the col-

tolerablefor honest men. league of Cinna in his consulship 87 B.C.

5. Publicas leges. The epithet is See on 8. 2, 7.

added here to show the different capacities 10. Alter Marius, C. Marius, the

in which a man loves his home and the laws adopted son of the great Marius. See on

of his country. The former is dear to him 8. 2, 7.

as a member of a family, the latter as a 12. Cuius acta, &c. Cp. 2. 37, 96

citizen. ' He holds in esteem neither the ' Hie (C. Caesar) vir fuit : nos contemnendi,

home of his family, nor the laws of his qui auctorem odimus, acta defendimus.'

294 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 1-3.

habendus est, qui civile bellum concupiscit. Sed hoc primum
videndum est, patres conscripti, cum omnibusne pax esse possit
an sit aliquod bellum inexpiabile, in quo pactio pacis lex sit
scrvitutis. Pacem cum Scipione Sulla sive faciebat sive simulabat,
5 non erat desperandum, si convenisset, fore aliquem tolerabilem
statum civitatis. Cinna si concordiam cum Octavio confirmare
voluisset, hominum in re publica sanitas remanere potuisset.
Proximo bello si aliquid de summa gravitate Pompeius, multum
de cupiditate Caesar remisisset, et pacem stabilem et aliquam

10 rem publicam nobis habere licuisset. Hoc vero quid est? cum 2
Antoniis pax potest esse? cum Censorino, Ventidio, Trebellio,
Bestia, Nucula, Munatio, Lentone, Saxa ? Exempli causa paucos
nominavi : genus infinitum immanitatemque ipsi cernitis reli-
quorum. Addite ilia naufragia Caesaris amicorum, Barbas Cas- 3

15 sios, Barbatios, Polliones ; addite Antonii collusores et sodales,
Eutrapelum, Melam, Coelium, Crassicium, Tironem, Mustelam,
Petissium : comitatum relinquo, duces nomino. Hue accedunt
Alaudae ceterique veterani, seminariurri iudicum decuriae tcrtiae,
qui suis rebus exhaustis, beneficiis Caesaris devoratis, fortunas

20 nostras concupiverunt. O fidam dexteram Antonii, qua ille 4
plurimos cives trucidavit ! o ratum religiosumque foedus, quod
cum Antoniis fecerimus ! Hoc si Marcus violare conabitur,
Lucii eum sanctitas a scelere revocabit. Illis locus si in hac
urbe fuerit, ipsi urbi locus non erit. Ora vobis eorum ponite

25 ante oculos et maxime Antoniorum ; incessum, adspectum, vul-
tum, spiritum ; latera tegentes alios, alios praegredientes amicos.

3. Pactio pacis, &c., 'to come to terms heroes we have heard before. See Index,
of peace is but to pass a law ordaining our 13. Genus infinitum, &c., 'the count-
slavery.' less tribe and savage cruelty of the rest.'

4. Cum Scipione Sulla. See 12. II, 14. Naufragia does not appear to be
27 note. used elsewhere in this concrete metaphorical

7. Sanitas, &c., ' men might have con- sense, of the men who had made shipwreck
tinued in a healthy state within the com- of their fortunes, though frequently em-
monwealth.' Halm thinks that these words, ployed for the wreck itself. Cp. 12. 8,
which are only found in the margin of the 19.

Vatican MS., are an awkward conjecture of 16. Eutrapelum. P. Volumnius, the

a later copyist to supply a missing clause. former lover of Cytheris, (see on 2. 24,58,)

As it was the state itself, rather than the received this name on account of his liveli-

citizens, which had sunk into a morbid con- ness and wit.

dition, Faernus proposed to read 'omnino' 18. Seminarium, &c., 'a nursery for

for 'hominum.' jurymen of the third decuria.' See i. 8, 20

8. De summa gravitate, ' if Pompey note.

would have abated somewhat of his inflexible 19. Beneficiis . . . devoratis, &c.

consistency.' See on 2. 10, 24. Cp. II. 14, 37.

n. Cum Censorino, &c. Of all these 26. Latera tegentes, 'walking by

§§2-e. 0 RATIO PHI LIP PIC A XIII. 295

Quern vini anhelitum, quas contumelias fore censetis minasque
verborum ! Nisi forte eos pax ipsa leniet, maximeque, cum
in hunc ordinem venerint, salutabunt benigne, comiter appella-
3 bunt unum quemque nostrum. Non recordamini, per decs
5 immortales, quas in eos sententias dixeritis ? Acta M. Antonii 5
rescidistis, leges refixistis, per vim et contra auspicia latas
decrevistis, totius Italiae dilectus excitavistis, collegam et
scelerum socium omnium hostem iudicavistis. Cum hoc quae
pax potest esse? Hostis si esset externus, id ipsum vix talibus
factis, sed posset aliquo modo. Maria, montes, regionum mag- 10
nitudines interessent : odisses eum, quern non videres. Hi in
oculis haerebunt et, cum licebit, in faucibus : quibus enim
saeptis tarn immanes beluas continebimus ? — At incertus exitus
belli. — Est omnino fortium virorum, quales vos esse debetis,
virtutem praestare — tantum enim possunt — , fortunae culpam 15
e non extimescere. Sed quoniam ab hoc ordine non fortitude
solum, verum etiam sapientia postulatur — quamquam vix vi-
dentur haec posse seiungi, seiungamus tamen — : fortitude dimi-
care iubet, iustum odium incendit, ad confligendum impellit,
vocat ad periculum. Quid sapientia ? cautioribus utitur consiliis, 20
in posterum providet, est omni ratione tectior. Quid igitur

their side.' Cp. Hor. S. 2. 5, 1 8 still greater. Halm compares in Pis. 12,

' Utne tegam spurco Darnae latus?' 27 ' Collegit ipse se vix, sed collegit ta-

' Latus tegere,' or 'claudere' (Juv. 3. 131), men.'

was more especially to walk on a man's left, n. Odisses eum, &c., 'you might hate

or unprotected side, so as to act as a shield one who was out of sight, without that

to him. hatred proving an insupportable annoy-

c. 3. The measures which the senate had ance.' Cicero's meaning is that the feel-

taken against Antony must have rendered ings of any loyal citizen towards one

him implacable; and since any pretended who had acted like Antony could only

wisdom which urged the senate to make be those of deadly hatred, such as would

peace would purchase security at the price of render contact with him insupportable ; and

honour, the only course that remained was that therefore peace with such a man was

to carry on the war, and so save honour even only possible so long as he could remain at

at the risk of defeat. a distance out of sight. This would naturally

7. Collegam, &c., 'his colleague and occur in the case of a foreign foe, it would

partner in all his wickedness you have pro- be impossible in that of Antony,
nounced a public enemy.' 12. Haerebunt, &c., 'these men will

9. Hostis si esset, £c., 'were he a haunt your eyes, and when occasion offers,

foreign foe, peace would be too much to will fasten on your throat.' The play on

grant him after such conduct, but yet some the word ' haerebunt' is untranslateable.
means might be found to make it possible.' 16. Extimescere, 'to be too much

The unnecessary emphasis of 'id ipsum,' afraid of :' ' ex' being emphatic,
and the want of an infinitive after ' posset,' 21. Tectior, 'more reserved.' Cp.

make the genuineness of this clause doubt- Fin. 2. 17, 54 'Is, qui occultus et tectus

ful. The later MSS. insert 'tamen' before dicitur.' A reading of later MSS., not borne

' id ipsum,' which makes the awkwardness out by parallels, is ' protection'

3 96

M. TULLII CICERO NTS

cc. 3—4.

censet ? parendum est enim atque id optimum iudicandum, quod
sit sapientissime constitutum. Si hoc praecipit, ne quid vita ex-
istimem antiquius, ne decernam capitis periculo, fugiam omne
discrimen, quaeram ex ea : etiamne, si erit, cum id fecero,
5 serviendum ? Si annuerit, ne ego sapientiam istam, quamvis
sit erudita, non audiam. Sin respondent, ' tu vero tuere ita
vitam corpusque, ita fortunas, ita rem familiarem, ut haec
libertate posteriora ducas itaque his uti velis, si libera re publica
possis, ne pro his libertatem, sed pro libertate haec proiicias

TO tamquam pignora iniuriae :' turn sapientiae vocem audire videar
eique uti deo paream. Itaque si receptis illis esse possumus 7
liberi, vincamus odium pacemque patiamur : sin otium incolu-
mibus iis esse nullum potest, laetemur decertandi oblatam esse
fortunam. Aut enim interfectis illis fruemur victrice re publica,

15 aut oppressi — quod omen avertat luppiter ! — si non spiritu, at
virtutis laude vivemus.

At enim nos M. Lepidus > imperator iterum, pontifex maximus, 4

4. Si erit. So Halm from the reading
of the Vatican MS., ' sierit,' comparing c. 6,
14 ' si perniciosa erunt.' The later and
more general reading is ' etiamne fuerit,'
which very much weakens the force of the
query.

5. Ne ego. See on 2. 2, 3.

6. Tu vero, &c. The reading of the
Vatican MS. is ' Tu vero vitam,' &c., the
other MSS. adding ' servato' after 'cor
pusque.' Halm suggests that 'tuere' had
dropped out after ' tu vero,' and Kayser,
following Madvig, (see Jahn's Jahrb. for
1856, p. 126), strikes out ' tu vero' al
together, as a mere corruption from ' tuere,'
and as being in itself ' quasi dubitantis
adfirmatio, vix apta, saltern non necessaria.'
The retention of the words, however,
serves to maintain the vividness of a dia
logue : ' Nay, I would have you preserve,'
&c.

IO. Tamquam pignora iniuriae, 'feel
ing that if retained they will but guarantee
your wrong.' The possession of property
under the government of a tyrant is so far
from being an unmixed blessing, that it is cer
tain sooner or later to excite his covetousness,
and then he will be deterred by no respect
for law or honesty from appropriating it.
Hence what in a free state would be the
strongest security for a man's welfare, under
a tyrant is only a guarantee that he will be
one of the tyrant's victims. Manutius takes

it somewhat differently, that the wealth can
only be retained by unconstitutional submis
sion to a tyrant, and that therefore its re
tention involves a pledge that its possessor
will act unrighteously, but this is less in
accordance with the line of Cicero's argu
ment. The guarantor is not the owner of
the goods, but Fortune, who has entrusted
him with them, and who, in bestowing
them uuder such circumstances, does but
guarantee spoliation.

12. Pacem patiamur, ' let us reconcile
ourselves to peace:' which, under such cir
cumstances, can at best be only the more
endurable of two evils.

cc. 4, 5. The advice of Lepidus, who ad
vocated peace, deserved careful attention,
from the high character of the man, and the
services which both his ancestors and himself
had rendered to the state. But he was wrong
in supposing that because he had made an
honourable peace with, the younger Pompey,
he could therefore do the like with Antony,
whose character was in all respects so oppo
site. Moreover the outlawry of Antony and
his friends really came most opportunely for
the senate, enabling them to carry out the
restitution of Pompey's property.

17. M. Lepidus. The name, though
wanting in all the MSS., is found in the
earliest printed editions, and has been gene
rally retained as necessary. Cicero could
hardly have styled a person whom he did

§§ 6-8.

ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A XIII.

297

optime proximo civili bello de re publica meritus, ad pacem
adhortatur. Nullius apud me, patres conscripti, auctoritas maior
est quam M. Lepidi, vel propter ipsius virtutem vel propter
familiae dignitatem. Accedunt eodem multa privata magna
eius in me merita, mea quaedam officia in ilium. Maximum 5
vero eius beneficium numero, quod hoc animo in rem publicam
8 est, quae mihi vita mea semper fuit carior. Nam cum Magnum
Pompeium, clarissimum adolescentem, praestantissimi viri filium,
auctoritate adduxit ad pacem remque publicam sine armis max-
imo civilis belli periculo liberavit, turn me eius beneficio plus 10
quam pro virili parte obligatum puto. Itaque et honores ei
decrevi quos potui amplissimos, in quibus mihi vos estis assensi,
nee umquam de illo et sperare optime et loqui destiti. Magnis
et multis pignoribus M. Lepidum res publica illigatum tenet.
Summa nobilitas est, omnes honores, amplissimum sacerdotium, 15
plurima urbis ornamenta ipsius, fratris maiorumque monimenta,

not name as ' imperator iterum? The title
has been objected to by Ursinus, but it is
assumed by Lepidus himself in two of his
extant letters (Cic. Fam. 10. 34 and 35), and
it is found on the coins of more than one of
his contemporaries. In his own case it was
hardly deserved, as on the first occasion he
assumed it on his own authority, when in
48 B.C. he compelled the proconsul Q.
Cassius Longinus and his quaestor M. Mar-
cellus to abstain from warring on each other
in Further Spain. His second exploit, the
reconciliation of Sex. Pompeius in 44 B.C.,
was equally bloodless, but on that occasion
the appellation of 'Imperator' was granted
him by the senate. See 5. 14 and 15.

5. Merita . . . officia. The courtesy
shown in the difference of the terms em
ployed deserves notice. ' To this should be
added many occasions on which he has in
private earned my gratitude, some few where
I have been able to serve him.' See on 9.
I, I.

7. Magnum Pompeium. Sex. Pom
peius, the younger son of the triumvir.

10. Plus quam pro virili parte.
Forcellini interprets this ' in more than my
private capacity,' « to a greater extent than
I, as an individual, had a right to look for ;'
' cum non solum private mihi, sed etiam
reipublicae profuerit.' It may however be
better referred to Lepidus, the logical sub
ject of the sentence, 'he has laid me, I
think, under a greater obligation than any
single man could be expected to confer.'

Or it might be, as Prof. Conington has
suggested, ' I consider that my obligations
to him are greater than those that bind an
individual :' the general sense, in this case,
being nearly the same as according to the
first interpretation. 'Pro parte virili' al
ways means, ' to the extent of a man's
right or duty,' not ' to the extent of his
powers.' Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 3, 7 c Plus
etiam, quam pars virilis postulat, . . . sus-
cipere debeam.'

II. Decrevi, ' I proposed.' See 5. 15.

15. Omnes honores, 'he has filled all
the offices of state:' ending with his con
sulship in 46 B.C.

Amplissimum sacerdotium : that
of ' pontifex maximus,' secured to him
by Antony in consideration of his support
at the time of Caesar's death. See intro
duction to the first oration.

16. Ornamenta ipsius, &c. Orelli
places a semicolon after ' ornamenta,' as
though 'monimenta' were in apposition to
it : but the balance of the sentence seems
better preserved by Halm's punctuation,
which is adopted in the text. We do not
know what works Lepidus himself contributed
towards the beautifying of the city, but his an
cestor, M. Aemilius Lepidus (Consul in 187
and 175 B.C.) was noted as the founder of
several important buildings. In his aedile-
ship, 192 B.C., he built the Porticus Ae-
milia, betwen the Aventine and the river,
and in his first censorship, in 179 B.C., he
founded the Pons Aemilius, and the Basilica

298 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-5.

probatissima uxor, optatissimi liberi, res familiaris cum ampla,
turn casta a cruore civili. Nemo ab eo civis violatus, multi eius
beneficio et misericordia liberati. Tails igitur vir et civis
opinione labi potest, voluntate a re publica dissidere nullo pacto
5 potest. Pacem vult M. Lepidus. Praeclare, si talem potest 9
efficere, qualem nuper effecit : qua pace Cn. Pompei filium res
publica adspiciet suoque sinu complexuque recipiet, neque solum
ilium, sed cum illo se ipsam sibi restitutam putabit. Haec causa
fuit cur decerneretis statuam in rostris cum inscriptione praeclara,

10 cur absenti triumphum. Quamquam enim magnas res bellicas
gesserat et triumpho dignas, non erat tamen ei tribuendum, quod
nee L. Aemilio nee Aemiliano Scipioni nee superior! Africano
nee Mario nee Pompeio, qui maiora bella gesserunt : sed quod
silentio bellum civile confecerat, cum primum licuit, honores

15 in eum maximos contulistis. Existimasne igitur, M. Lepide, 5
qualem Pompeium res publica habitura sit civem, tales futures 10
in re publica Antonios? In altero pudor, gravitas, moderatio,
integritas : in illis — et cum hos compello, praetereo animo ex
grege latrocinii neminem — libidines, scelera, ad omne facinus

20 immanis audacia. Deinde vos obsecro, patres conscript!, quis
hoc vestrum non videt, quod Fortuna ipsa, quae dicitur caeca,
vidit? Salvis enim actis Caesaris, quae concordiae causa de-
fendimus, Pompeio sua domus patebit, eamque non minoris,
quam emit Antonius, redimet : redimet, inquam, Cn. Pompei

Aemilia in the Forum. This was further Perseus, and father of Scipio Aemilianus,

beautified by M. Aemilius Lepidus, the better known as Scipio Africanus the

father of the triumvir, in his consulship 78 younger.

B.C. His brother, L. Aemilius Paulus, 14. Silentio, ' without disturbance.'

appears, from a passage in Cicero (Alt. 4. 18. Cum hos compello, in 'formally

16, 14), to have restored this basilica and arraigning these.'

built a new one in his aedileship, 53 B.C., 21. Fortuna ipsa vidit. The course

but of this second basilica nothing else is of Cicero's argument is not very clear, but

known. it seems to be this. Pompey's property

I. Probatissima uxor. lunia, the having been confiscated by Caesar, and

daughter of D. lunius Silanus, and half-sister bought by Antony, would have been lost

of M. lunius Brutus. In a letter to Atticus beyond recal, had" Antony continued loyal;

(6. 2,25) Cicero throws serious doubts upon but as his properly in turn had reverted to

her faithfulness to her husband, most incon- the state, it was possible, without over-

sistent with the epithet 'probatissima.' throwing Caesar's ordinance, to enable Sex.

5. Praeclare. Cp. Fam. 10. 27, I ' Pacis Pompeius to recover his father's property,

inter cives conciliandae te cupidum esse He would still be required to buy it, which

laetor.' was sad enough, but the state could now,

9. Statuam. See 5. 15. Of the tri- by the aid of Fortune, both furnish him with

uniph we do not elsewhere hear. the money, and empower him to effect the

12. L. Aemilio: 'to L. Aemilius purchase. Cp. the concluding clause of this

Paulus Macedonians/ the conqueror of chapter.

f § 8-12. OR ATI 0 PHILIPPIC A XIII. 299

domum films. O rem acerbam ! sed haec satis diu multumque
defleta sunt. Decrevistis tantam pecuniam Pompeio, quantam
ex bonis patriis in praedae dissipatione inimicus victor redegisset.

11 Sed hanc mihi dispensationem pro paterna necessitudine et
coniunctione deposco. Redimet hortos, aedes, urbana quaedam, 5
quae possidet Antonius. Nam argentum, vestem, supellectilem,
vinum amittet aequo animo, quae ille helluo dissipavit. Albanum,
Formianum a Dolabella recuperabit, etiam ab Antonio Tuscu-
lanum : iique, qui nunc Mutinam oppugnant, D. Brutum obsident,
de Falerno Anseres depellantur. Sunt alii plures fortasse, sed I0
de mea memoria dilabuntur. Ego etiam eos dico, qui hostium
numero non sunt, Pompeianas possessiones quanti emerint filio

12 reddituros. Satis inconsiderati fuit, ne dicam audacis, rem ullam
ex illis attingere : retinere vero quis poterit, clarissimo domino
restitute? An is non reddet, qui domini patrimonium circum- 15
plexus quasi [thesaurum] draco, Pompei servus, libertus Caesaris,
agri Lucani possessiones occupavit? Atque illud septiens mi-
liens, quod adolescent!, patres conscripti, spopondistis, ita di-
scribetur, ut videatur a vobis Cn. Pompei films in patrimonio suo
collocatus. Haec senatus : reliqua populus Romanus in ea 20

1. Satis diu. See 2. cc. 26-28. 16. Draco. Op. Phaedr. 4. 19. Vulpis . .

2. Tantam pecuniam. The amount ' Pervenit ad draconis speluncam intimam,
of the indemnity voted to Sex. Pompeius is Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos.'
stated by Appian (3. 4) to have been fifty [Thesaurum.] This is placed within
million Attic drachmae, or about 2,ooo,ooo/. brackets by Halm and Kayser. Rau thinks
of our money. the whole three words ' quasi thesaurum

5. Urbana quaedam, &c., 'certain draco' a gloss.

villas in the city, now in Antony's occu- 17. Septiens miliens. From the con-

pation.' text it would seem that this must refer to

10. Anseres. The allusion is to a poet the indemnity which the senate had voted

in the train of Antony, surnamed Anser, to Sextus, and this we have seen to be

who is alluded to in uncomplimentary terms stated by Appian at 2,ooo,ooo/., more

by Ovid, Trist. 2. 435 nearly 'bis miliens.' Many editors have

' Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque supposed that allusion is here made to the

procacior Anser, often-quoted money in the temple of Ops,

Et leveCornifici,parqueCatonis opus;' but this had not only been appropriated

and according to Servius by Virgil, in the but spent by Antony, and therefore could

line ' inter strepere anser olores :' Eel. 9. 35. not have been assigned to Sextus. It is

The villa at Falernum had probably been probable either that Appian was mistaken

given to him by Antony as the reward of in the amount of the sum, or that the

his verses. copyists have been misled by the recol-

Depellantur. Orelli reads ' depellen- lection of the famous 'septiens milieus.'

tur,' from one MS., but all the others have and that the genuine reading here is ' bis.'
'depellantur,' which is also quoted by 18. Discribetur, ' shall be apportioned.'

Servius on Virg. I.e. Halm reads ' describetur,' but in his notes de-

15. Is: perhaps Demetrius of Gadara, a clares his preference for the form ' discribere.'
favourite freedman of Pompey, whom we 20. In ea familia, 'in dealing with

know to have acquired great wealth. that family.'

300 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 5-7.

familia, quam vidit amplissimam, persequetur, in primis pater-
num auguratus locum, in quern ego eum, ut, quod a patre accept,
filio reddam, mea nominatione cooptabo. Utrum igitur augurem
lovis optimi maximi, cuius interpretes internuntiique constituti

5 sumus, nos, utrum populus Romanus libentius sanciet, Pompei-
umne an Antonium ? Mihi quidem numine deorum immorta-
lium videtur hoc Fortuna voluisse, ut actis Caesaris firmis ac
ratis Cn. Pompei films posset et dignitatem et fortunas patrias
recuperare.

10 Ac ne illud quidem silentio, patres conscripti, praetereundum 6
puto, quod clarissimi viri legati, L. Paulus, Q. Thermus, C. 13
Fannius, quorum habetis cognitam voluntatem in rem publicam
eamque perpetuam atque constantem, nuntiant, se Pompei con-
veniundi causa devertisse Massiliam eumque cognovisse para-

15 tissimo animo, ut cum suis copiis iret ad Mutinam, ni vereretur
ne veteranorum animos offenderet. Est vero eius patris films,
qui sapienter faciebat non minus multa quam fortiter. Itaque
intelligitis et animum ei praesto fuisse nee consilium defuisse.
Atque etiam hoc M. Lepido providendum est, ne quid arrogan-

20 tius, quam eius mores ferunt, facere videatur. Si enim nos 14
exercitu terret, non meminit ilium exercitum senatus populique
Romani atque universae rei publicae esse, non suum. At uti
potest pro suo. Quid turn ? omniane bonis viris, quae facere
possunt, facienda sunt ? etiamne. si turpia, si perniciosa erunt ?

25 si facere omnino non licebit ? Quid autem turpius aut foedius

I. Pater num, 'which his father held matter, and especially to beware of straining

before him.' See 2. 2, 4 note. his power so far as to use the army which

5. Nos. Halm saw that some altera- was given him for the service of the state, in

tion was required in this sentence, and thwarting the general zeal now displayed

suggested ' augures ' for ' augurem,' in order against Antony by senate, Consuls, and people

to account for the double ' utrum,' which alike.

seemed to show that the sanction of some II. Legati : probably envoys sent to

other body was required besides the Roman Sex. Pompeius, not by the senate, but by

people. The emendation in the text, sug- Lepidus, L. Paulus being his brother,
gested by Madvig (in Jahn's Jahrb. for 14. Massiliam. Sextus appears to have

1856, p. 126), seems preferable, as 'nos' come to Marseilles as a convenient place

might easily have dropped out, being taken from which to watch the course of events,

for the subject of 'constituti sumus;' and with a view to determining his own policy

' augurem lovis O.M.' seems to be required, accordingly.

to show the importance of the sanction 16. Veteranorum : the veterans of

sought. Caesar, to whom his very name would be

cc. 6, 7- Pompey himself was only deterred obnoxious.

from joining in the contest against Antony 20. Quam eius mores ferunt, 'that

by fear of offending the veterans : so that is compatible with his loyal character.'
Lepidus would do well to reconsider the 24. Si erunt. See on c. 3, 6,

§§12-15. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A XIII. 301

aut quod minus deceat quam contra senatum, contra cives, contra
patriam exercitum ducere ? quid vero magis vituperandum quam
id facere, quod non liceat ? Licet autem nemini contra patriam
ducere exercitum : si quidem licere id dicimus, quod legibus,
quod more maiorum institutisque conceditur. Neque enim, quod 5
quisque potest, id ei licet, nee, si non obstatur, propterea etiam
permittitur. Tibi enim exercitum, Lepide, tarn quam maioribus
tuis patria pro se dedit. Hoc tu arcebis hostem, fines imperil
propagabis : senatui populoque Romano parebis, si quam ad
7 aliam rem te forte traduxerit. Haec si cogitas, es M. Lepidus, 10
15 pontifex maximus, M. Lepidi, pontificis maximi, pronepos : sin
hominibus tantum licere iudicas, quantum possunt, vide ne alienis
exemplis iisque recentibus uti quam et antiquis et domesticis
malle videare. Quod si auctoritatem interponis sine armis,
magis equidem laudo, sed vide ne hoc ipsum non sit necesse. 15
Quamquam enim est tanta in te auctoritas, quanta debet in
homine nobilissimo, tamen senatus se ipse non contemnit, nee
vero fuit umquam gravior, constantior, fortior. Incensi omnes
rapimur ad libertatem recuperandam : non potest ullius aucto-
ritate tantus senatus populique Romani ardor exstingui: odimus, 20
irati pugnamus, extorqueri manibus arma non possunt : receptui

4. Licere, &c. This is the locus clas- 2 (a letter written by Cicero to Lepidus

sicus for the meaning of the word. ahout this time) ' Sapientius, meo qui-

7- Tam quam, 'no less than to your dem iudicio, facies, si te in istam pacifica-

ancestors.' For this rarer use of ' tarn tionem non interpones, quae neque senatui

quam,' in a simple comparison of degree, nee cuiquam bono probatur.'
cp. Brut. 74, 258 ' Aetatis illius ista fuit 20. Odimus, irati pugnamus. Halm

laus tarn quam innocentiae sic Latine lo- points out a reference to a passage in

quendi.' , Lucilius (fr. 4. 8), which Cicero had before

10. Es M. Lepidus, 'you are all that used to illustrate an argument: Tusc. 4.
the name of M. Lepidus implies.' Cp. 21, 48

Virg. Ae. 6. 883 ' Odi hominem: iratuspugno; neclongiu*

' Tu Marcellus eris;' quidquam

and Dr. Henry's note. One MS. has ' M. Nobis, quam dextrae gladium dum

Lepide,' losing the whole point and vigour accommodet alter.'

of the clause. 21. Manibus. So all the MSS. Halm

11. Pronepos. Strictly ' the great-grand- reads 'e manibus,' Orelli ' de manibus;'
son,' whereas the M. Lepidus in question, but as 'extorqueo' is often used with a
who was pontifex maximus, censor, and dative of the person from whom anything
twice Consul, was his great-great-grandfather. is wrested, there is no reason why it should
The word ' abnepos,' however, does not not equally admit a dative of the part. Cp.
seem to occur before the time of Suetonius, Lucr. 6. 1224

and the exact degree of descent is unim- ' Extorquebit enim vitam vis morbida

portant. membris ; '

12. Alienis exemplis, 'a precedent and Cic. Cat. I. 6, 16; where there is con-
out of your own family ; ' referring to the siderable MS. authority for the reading
usurpation of Caesar. ' Quotiens tibi iam extorta est ista sica

15. Vide, ne, &c. Cp. Fam. 10. 27, manibus?'

303 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 7-9.

signum aut revocationem a bello audire non possumus : spe-
ramus optima, pati vel difficillima malumus quam servire.
Caesar confecit invictum exercitum : duo fortissimi consules 16
adsunt cum copiis : L. Planci, consulis designati, varia et magna
5 auxilia non desunt : in D. Bruti salute certatur : unus furiosus
gladiator cum taeterrimorum latronum manu contra patriam,
contra deos penates, contra aras et focos, contra quattuor con
sules gerit bellum. Huic cedamus? huius conditiones audiamus?
cum hoc pacem fieri posse credamus ?

10 At periculum est ne opprimamur. Non metuo ne is, qui suis 8
amplissimis fortunis nisi bonis salvis frui non potest, prodat
salutem suam. Bonos cives primum natura efiicit, adiuvat deinde
fortuna ; omnibus enim bonis expedit salvam esse rem publicam :
sed in iis, qui fortunati sunt, magis id apparet. Quis fortunatior 17

15 Lepido, ut ante dixi? quis eodem sanior? Vidit eius maestitiam
atque lacrimas populus Romanus Lupercalibus : vidit quam ab-
iectus, quam confectus esset, cum Caesari diadema imponens
Antonius servum se illius quam collegam esse malebat. Qui
si reliquis flagitiis et sceleribus se abstinere potuisset, tamen

20 unum ob hoc factum dignum ilium omni poena putarem. Nam
si ipse servire poterat, nobis dominum cur imponebat? et si
eius pueritia pertulerat libidines eorum, qui erant in eum tyranni,
etiamne in nostros liberos dominum et tyrannum comparabat?
Itaque illo interfecto, qualem in nos eum esse voluit, talis ipse

25 in ceteros exstitit. Qua enim in barbaria quisquam tarn taeter, 18
tarn crudelis tyrannus quam in hac urbe armis barbarorum
stipatus Antonius ? Caesare dominante veniebamus in senatum,

3. Confecit, ' has got together.' Cp. any overtures of peace.

de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 21, 6l 'Quid tarn novum, 10. Ne opprimamur : if, that is, Lepi-

quam adolescentulum privatum exercitum dus should prove false to his loyalty, and

difficili rei publicae tempore conficere? con- join with Antony. In what follows Cicero

fecit.' really betrays his fears that Lepidus would

7. Quattuor consules : Hirtius and be faithless, in the very earnestness with

Pansa ; and L. Plancus and D. Brutus, the which he brings forward reasons why he

Consuls elect. should be staunch.

cc. 8, 9. Too much weight must not be 14. Fortunati, 'blessed by fortune,' and

attached to the danger of defeat. By sub- so not unfrequently ' wealthy.' Cp. de Orat.

servience to Caesar, by his cruel massacres, 2. 86, 352 ' Apud Scopam, fortunatum ho-

by his outrageous conduct in Rome, followed minem et nobilem.'

by his ignominious retreat, and lastly by 16. Lupercalibus. See 2. 34, 85

plunging the country into civil war, and note.

blockading the Consul elect, who had loyally 22. Qui erant, &c. Cp. 2. 18, 44 and

opposed him, Antony had closed the door to 45.

§§16-19. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIII. 303

si non libere, at tamen tuto. Hoc archipirata — quid enim dicam
tyranno? — haec subsellia ab Ityraeis occupabantur. Prorupit
subito Brundisium, ut inde agmine quadrato ad urbem acce-
deret : lautissimum oppidum nunc municipum honestissimorum,
quondam colonorum, Suessam, fortissimorum militum sanguine 5
implevit : Brundisii in sinu non modo avarissimae, sed etiam
crudelissimae uxoris delectos Martiae legionis centuriones tru-
cidavit. Inde se quo furore, quo ardore ab urbem, id est, ad
caedem optimi cuiusque rapiebat ! quo tempore di ipsi immor-
tales praesidium improvisum nee opinantibus nobis obtulerunt. 10
9 Caesaris enim incredibilis ac divina virtus latronis impetus
19 crudeles ac furibundos retardavit : quern turn ille demens laedere
se putabat edictis, ignorans, quaecumque falso [in eum] diceret
in sanctissimum adolescentem, ea vere recidere in memoriam
pueritiae suae. Ingressus urbem est, quo comitatu vel potius 15
agmine ! cum dextra sinistra, gemente populo Romano, mina-
retur dominis, notaret domos, divisurum se urbem palam suis
polliceretur. Rediit ad milites ; ibi pestifera ilia Tiburi contio.
Inde ad urbem cursus, senatus in Capitolium, parata de circum-
scribendo adolescente sententia consularis, cum repente — nam 20

1. Hoc archipirata, &c., 'under this enough has been already said about the
arch-pirate (for tyrant is too good a name boyhood of Antony to make the mere
for him).' A tyrant is only the enemy of mention of it imply a contrast to the purity
his subjects, a pirate the enemy of all of Octavianus.

mankind, according to Cicero's own defi- Vere recidere, &c., 'recoil with

nition, Off. 3. 29, 107 'Non est ex per- truth on the records of his own boyhood.'

duellium numero definitus, sed communis Cp. 3. 6, 15 'In Caesarem maledicta con-

hostis omnium : cum hoc nee fides debet gessit deprompta ex recordatione impudici-

nec ius iurandum esse commune.' Hence by tiae et stuprorum suorum.'
the very name he is strengthening his argu- 15. Vel potius agmine. The correc-

ment against negotiations with Antony. tion marks the attempt at intimidation by a

2. Ab Ityraeis. See 2. 8, 19 note. display of military power, which was speei-

3. Agmine quadrato, ' at the head of ally obnoxious at Rome, where a general
an army.' Cp. 2. 42, 108. was not allowed to enter the city under

4. Municipum. This is the emenda- ordinary circumstances at the head of his
tion of Manutius for ' municipium.' Cicero army.

is expressing the change in the political 18. Tiburi. Cicero and Livy both

status of Suessa, from being a ' colonia commonly use this old locative form, signi-

Latina ' to being a borough town, effected fying the place where a thing is done, in

by the Tex lulia* in 90 B.C. See on 3. nouns of the third declension. Cp. 'Kar-

5, 13. thagini,' de Leg. Agr. 2. 33, 90; Livy 28.

5. Suessam. See on 3. 4, 10. 26; ' Anxuri,' Id. 5. 8; and see on 12.

6. Brundisii. See on 3. 2,4. IO, 25.

14. In sanctissimum adolescentem. 19. De circumscribendo adoles-

Halm encloses these words in brackets, cente, ' for impeding the young man's

as a probable gloss, explaining 'falso.' liberty of action.' See on 2. 22, 53.

Either these words or 'in eum' are re- 20. Sententia consularis. Cp. 3. 8,

dundant, but the latter are omitted in the 21 ' Scriptam attulerat consularis quidam

Italian and two of the other MSS., and sententiam.'

304 M. TULLII CICERONIS co. 9-10.

Martiam legionem Albae consedisse sciebat— affertur ei de
quarta nuntius. Quo perculsus abiecit consilium referendi ad
senatum de Caesare : egressus est non viis, sed tramitibus
paludatus, eoque ipso die innumerabilia senatus consulta fecit :

5 quae quidem omnia citius delata quam scripta sunt. Ex eo non 20
iter, sed cursus et fuga in Galliam. Caesarem sequi arbitrabatur
cum legione Martia, cum quarta, cum veteranis, quorum ille
nomen prae metu ferre non poterat : eique in Galliam penetranti
D. se Brutus obiecit, qui se totius belli fluctibus circumiri quam

10 ilium aut regredi aut progredi maluit, Mutinamque illi exsultanti
tamquam frenos furoris iniecit. Quam cum operibus munitioni-
busque saepsisset, nee eum coloniae florentissimae dignitas neque
consulis designati maiestas a parricidio deterreret, turn me —
testor et vos et populum Romanum et omnes deos qui huic urbi

15 praesident — invito et repugnante legati missi tres consulares ad
latronum et gladiatorum ducem. Quis tarn barbarus umquam ? 21
tarn immanis ? tarn ferus ? Non audivit, non respondit : neque
eos solum praesentes, sed multo magis nos, a quibus illi erant
missi, sprevit et pro nihilo putavit. Postea quod scelus, quod

20 facinus parricida non edidit ? Circumsedet colonos nostros,
exercitum populi Romani, imperatorem consulem designatum :
agros divexat civium optimorum : hostis taeterrimus omnibus
bonis cruces ac tormenta minitatur. Cum hoc, M. Lepide, pax
esse quae potest ? cuius ne supplicio quidem ullo satiari videtur

25 posse populus Romanus.

Quod si quis dubitare adhuc potuit quin nulla societas huic 10
ordini populoque Romano cum ilia importunissima belua posset 22
esse, desinat profecto dubitare his cognitis litteris, quas mihi
missas ab Hirtio consule modo accepi. Eas dum recito dumque

30 de singulis sententiis breviter dispute, velim, patres conscripti,

I. De quarta, &c. Cp. 3. 9, 24 foil. ; which Cicero criticises in detail throughout

5. 9, 24 and the notes. the remainder of the speech. Ignoring their

5. Delata: sc. 'in aerarium;' 'were proper designation, he began by declaring

registered." See 5. 4, 12 note. his joy at the murder of Trebonius, while he

9. Totius belli, &c. Cp. II. 2, 4 lamented the outlawry of Dolabella, and he

'Brutus . . . progressu arcuit, a reditu refre- even had the impudence, forgetting the ignoble

navit, obsideri se passus ex utraque parte origin of his own wife Fadia, to reproach

constrinxit Antonium.' Trebonius, most groundlessly, with lowly

13. Turn me invito, &c. See the birth.

introduction to the fifth oration. 28. Desinat. Ernesti suggests 'desinet,'

c. 10. The former conclusion ivas con- but the imperative suits better with the im-

jlrmed by Antony's, recent letter to the Consuls, perious tone of Cicero's criticism.

§§ 19—23.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIII.

3°5

ut adhuc fecistis, me attente audiatis. Anton ius Hirtio et
Caesari. Neque se imperatorem neque Hirtium consulem nee
pro praetore Caesarem. Satis hoc quidem scite : deponere alie-
num nomen ipse maluit quam illis suum reddere. Cog nit a
morte C. Trebonii non plus gavisus sum quam dolui. 5
Videte quid se gavisum, quid doluisse dicat : facilius de pace
deliberabitis. Dedisse poenas sceleratum cineri atque
ossibus clarissimi viri et apparuisse numen deorum
intra finem anni vertentis, aut iam soluto supplicio
parricidii aut impendente, laetandum est. O Spartace ! 10
quern enim te potius appellem ? cuius propter nefanda scelera
tolerabilis fuisse videtur Catilina : laetandum esse ausus es
scribere Trebonium dedisse poenas ? sceleratum Trebonium ?
quo scelere, nisi quod te Idibus Martiis a debita tibi peste
23 seduxit ? Age, hoc laetaris : videamus quid moleste feras. 15
ludicatum hoc tempore hostem Dolabellam, eo quod
sicarium occiderit, et videri cariorem populo Romano
filium scurrae quam C. Caesarem, patriae parentem,
ingemiscendum est. Quid ingemiscis hostem Dolabellam?

I. Antonius Hirtio et Caesari. The
absence of the titles in this address may
have arisen from a feeling on the part of
Antony that while they were fighting to
decide which truly represented Rome, it was
unfitting to assign to either party Roman
titles. Cicero's criticism of this letter should
be compared with his criticism of Antony's
edict in 3. 9.

3. Alienum, 'a title which he has
forfeited.'

9. Intra finem, &c., 'before twelve
months had passed away ;' not, that is, before
the end of 44 B. C., but within twelve months
of Caesar's death. Cp. pro Quinct. 12, 40
' Petisses statim ; si non statim, paullo quidem
post; si non paullo, at aliquanto; sex quidem
illis mensibus profecto ; anno vertente sine
controversial Annus vertens signifies the
time within which the cycle of the earth's re
volution is completed, the solar year, at what
ever date the computation is begun. Hence
it is applied in a wider sense to a supposed
cycle of the universe, at the end of which
all the heavenly bodies are found occupying
the same positions as at its commencement,
in Cic. de Rep. 6. 22, 24 (Somn. Scip. 7)
' Cum ad idem unde semel profecta sunt
cuncta astra redierint eandemque totius
caeli descriptionem longis intervallis rettule-

rint, turn ille vere vertens annus appellari
potest : in quo vix dicere audeo quam multa
hominum saecula teneantur.' The murder
of Trebonius was about the end of February
(Merivale 3. 135 ; cp. introduction to the
eleventh oration), so that this letter was
probably written immediately after Antony
had received the news.

10. Spartace. Cp. 4. 6, 15 and 3. 8,
21 note.

12. Laetandum esse, &c. Halm
places a note of interrogation after ' scribere,'
as though Cicero first marvelled at Antony's
finding any cause for rejoicing, and then at
the subject of his joy. This however intro
duces a needless complication, and suggests
a climax which does not exist, from 'dedisse
poenas1 to 'sceleratum Trebonium.'

15. Seduxit. Cp. Fam. 10. 28, I 'Quod
vero a te, viro optimo, seductus est tuoque
beneficio adhuc vivit haec pestis, interdum,
quod mihi vix fas est, tibi subirascor.' On the
occasion of Caesar's murder Trebonius took
Antony aside, not from any motives of kindness
towards him, but to prevent his interference.

18. Scurrae. The father of Trebonius
is only known to us from this chapter, and
Fam. 1. c., where he is styled ' civis acerrimus.'

19. Hostem Dolabellam. One MS.
adds ' iudicalum.'

306 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 10-12.

quid ? te non intelligis dilectu tota Italia habito, consulibus
missis, Caesare ornato, sagis denique sumptis hostem iudicatum ?
Quid est autem, scelerate, quod gemas hostem Dolabellarn
iudicatum a senatu? quern tu ordinem omnino esse nullum
5 putas, sed earn tibi causam belli gerendi proponis, ut senatum
funditus deleas, reliqui boni et locupletes omnes summum ordi
nem subsequantur. At scurrae filium appellat : quasi vero ig-
notus nobis fuerit splendidus eques Romanus, Trebonii pater.
Is autem humilitatem despicere audet cuiusquam, qui ex Fadia

10 sustulerit liberos? Acerb is si mum vero est te, A. Hirti, 11
ornatum beneficiis Caesaris, et talem ab eo relictum, 24
qualem ipse miraris — Equidem negare non possum a Caesare
Hirtium ornatum, sed ilia ornamenta in virtute et industria
posita lucent. Tu vero, qui te ab eodem Caesare ornatum ne-

*5 gare non potes, quid esses, si tibi ille non tarn multa tribuisset?
ecquo te tua virtus provexisset ? ecquo genus ? In lustris,
popinis, alea, vino tempus aetatis omne consumpsisses, ut facie-
bas, cum in gremiis mimarum mentum mentemque deponeres.
et te, o puer — Puerum appellat, quern non modo virum, sed

9. Ex Fadia. So Ferrarius, followed an obvious mistake of the copyists, who did
by most subsequent editors, from the various not observe that ' te' is part of the subject
readings of the MSS., 'ex eadia,' 'ex ea of 'id agere' in § 25, the thread of the
die/ ' ex eadem,' the two latter being appa- sentence being interrupted by the comments
rently attempts to frame Latin words, regard- of Cicero.

less of meaning, from the first. Fadia, Beneficiis. Hirtius belonged to a pie-
Antony's first wife, was the daughter of beian and undistinguished family, and owed
Qi Fadius, a freedman. Cp. 2. 2, 3; 3. 6, all his honours and position to the friend-
17. ship and patronage of Caesar, who had

10. Sustulerit. ' Tollere liberos' is pro- finally nominated him to the consulship for
perly ' to acknowledge children,' from 43 B.C.

the custom of laying new-born children at 13. In virtute, Sec., 'conferred on

their father's feet, for him to decide whether valour and energy.'

they should be reared or not. Here it seems 16. Ecquo genus ? This reading seems

to be used as nearly equivalent to 'gignere to be very pointless, especially considering

liberos,' cp. Suet. Ner. 5 'Decessit (Domitius) the ignoble birth of Hirtius. Kayser adopts

sublato filio Nerone ex Agrippina.' the plausible emendation ofPluygers, 'ecquo

c. ii. He found fault with the conduct of industrial' which might easily have been

Hirtius, who owed everything to Caesar, — confused with the following ' in lustris.'

though in his case it was merit which had 18. Mentum mentemque. So Halm

earned Caesar's favour, — and of Octavianus, after Ferrarius, as having much more point

a mere boy, — who, boy as he was, had won than the MS. reading 'mentem mentumque.'

for himself, thanks to Antony, the title of To place the seat of his brains in his beard

Father of his country, — because, forsooth, might pass for a joke, but without this link

they sought for the condemnation of Dolabella, it would be absurd to say 'mentem in gre-

the deliverance ofD. Brutus, — whom Antony miis deponere,' and nothing would be gained

dared to call a prisoner, — and the exaltation by adding the literal after the metaphorical

of M. Brutus and Cassius. idea. Cp. the similar play on words in § 26

11. Ornatum. The MSS. add 'esse,' ' diruptus dirutusque.'

§§23-26. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A XIII. 307

etiam fortissimum virum sensit et sentiet. Est istuc quidem
nomen aetatis, sed ab eo minime usurpandum, qui suam amen-

25 tiam puero huic praebet ad gloriam. qui omnia nomini de-
bes — Debet vero solvitque praeclare. Si enim ille patriae
parens, ut tu appellas — ego quid sentiam videro — , cur non hie 5
parens verier, a quo certe vitam habemus e tuis facinerosissimis
manibus ereptam ? id agere, ut iure damnatus sit Dola-
bella — Turpem vero actionem, qua defenditur amplissimi aucto-
ritas ordinis contra crudelissimi gladiatoris amentiam! — et ut
venefica haec liberetur obsidione. Veneficam audes ap- 10
pellare eum virum, qui tuis veneficiis remedia invenit ? quem ita
obsides, nove Hannibal, aut si quis acutior imperator fuit, ut
te ipse obsideas, neque te istinc, si cupias, possis explicare.
Recesseris, undique omnes insequentur : manseris, haerebis.
Nimirum recte veneficam appellas, a quo tibi praesentem pestem 15

26 vides comparatam. ut quam potentissimus sit Cassius
atque Brutus. Putes Censorinum dicere aut Ventidium aut
etiam ipsos Antonios. Cur autem nolint potentes esse non rnodo
optimos et nobilissimos viros, sed secum etiam in rei publicae
defensione coniunctos ? Nimirum eodem modo haec ad- 20
spicitis, ut priora — quae tandem? — castra Pompei sena-

12 turn appellabatis. An vero tua castra potius senatum ap-
pellaremus? in quibus tu es videlicet consularis, cuius totus
consulatus est ex omni monimentorum memoria evulsus : duo

2. Nomen aetatis. Cp. 4. I, 3 note. death;' but so the following words come

3. Nomini: sc. ' Caesaris.' Some in very awkwardly, and it is more pro-
MSS. add 'eius,' but the reading in the text bable that 'priora' agrees with 'castra;'
is clear enough when the fragments of the not so as to imply two camps of Pbmpey,
letter are extracted from the commentary of but comparing the expedition of Hirtius and
Cicero. Pansa with Pompey's well-known previous

5. Ut tu appellas, 'to adopt the campaign ;' as formerly ye used to give the

title which you give him;' ep. Fam. 12.3, I name of senate to the camp of Pompey.'
'In statua quam posuit in Rostris inscripsit cc. 12-14. Hg cavilled at the name of

PARENTI OPTIME MERITO.' senate as applied to Pompey's camp; as if it

7. Damnatus sit, &c., 'that the con- were more appropriate to his own, which had
demnation of Dolabella may appear to have indeed representatives of every rank, but each
been legal.' of them a disgrace to the rank he represented.

8. Turpem actionem. See on 3. 10, 26. In the camp of Pompey, on the other hand,
10. Venefica haec. The feminine the consulars alone were ten in number, and

form expressing contempt. Cp. Sail. Hist. men of such repute,' that the one survivor

fr. i. 48, 21 'Fufidius, ancilla turpis, hono- had sufficed to crush Antony, while among

lum omnium dehonestamentum.' the other senators present were found a ma-

14. Recesseris. See on n. 8, 19. jorily of the men in highest esteem at Rome.

21. Ut priora. Manutius takes this to 24. Duo praetores, P. Ventidius Basstis

be, 'as your former conduct, in aiding those and L. Marcius Censorinus. See 12. 8> 20

who would check me in avenging Caesar's note.

X 2

3°8

M. TULLII CICERO N IS

cc. 12—13.

praetores, sine causa diffisi se aliquid habituros ; nos enim Cae-
saris beneficia defendimus : praetorii Philadelphus Annius et
irmocens Gallius : aedilicii corycus laterum et vocis meae,
Bestia, et fidei patronus, fraudator creditorum, Trebellius, et
5 homo diruptus dirutusque, Q. Caelius, columenque amicorum
Antonii, Cotyla Varius, quern Antonius deliciarum causa loris
in convivio caedi iubebat a servis publicis : septemvirales Lento,
Nucula ; turn deliciae atque amores populi Roman! L. Antonius :
tribuni primum duo designati, Tullus Hostilius, qui suo iure in
10 porta nomen inscripsit, qua, cum prodere imperatorem suum non
potuisset, reliquit : alter est designatus Insteius nescio qui, fortis,
ut aiunt, latro, quern tamen temperantem fuisse ferunt Pisauri
balneatorem. Secuntur alii tribunicii, T. Plancus in primis : qui 27
si senatum dilexisset, numquam curiam inccndisset. Quo scelere

1. Sine causa diffisi. Cicero's mean
ing is that they joined Antony to preserve
their interests, which would have been safe
at any rate, since the senate had confirmed
the gifts of Caesar.

2. Philadelphus Annius, C. Annius
Cimber, called Philadelphus by Cicero
because he had killed his brother (see on
n. 6, 14), as Ptolemy Philopator derived his
surname from the murder of his parents.

3. Innocens Gallius. Of Gallius we
know scarcely anything, except that he is
probably the man who adopted the emperor
Tiberius. 'Innocens' is of course ironical,
and perhaps refers to some specially noto-
rion« crime of which he had been guilty.

Corycus, properly a leathern sack filled
with sand or flour, and hung up in the
gymnasium, for the athletes to exercise their
strength by striking it to and fro, somewhat
after the fashion of the quintain. Cicero
here calls Bestia ' the practising ground for
his lungs and voice/ in allusion to his having
six times defended him in a court of justice.
See ii. 5, u note.

4. Fidei patronus. Cp. 6. 4, II note.
Fraudator creditorum are bracketed

by Kayser, with great probability, as a gloss.

5. Diruptus dirutusque, 'ruptured
and ruined.' 'Dirutus' is more strictly ap
plied to a soldier whose pay has been stopped
by way of punishment, cp. Verr. Act. 2.5.
13,33 ' AleatorisPlacentini castra commemo-
rabuntur, in quibus cum frequens fuisset,
tamen acre dirutus est.'

6. Cotyla Varius. See 5. 2, 5 note.
Deliciarum causa, 'for his amuse

ment.' Cp. 8. 8, 24. The idea of insult
to Cotyla is probably also conveyed in the
expression, as in ' delicias facere ; ' see Plaut.
Men. 2. 3, 35 'Eia, delicias facis.'

7. Septemvirales, on the commission
for the division of the lands. See on 2. 38,
99.

9. Tribuni. So Halm, following Fer-
rarius, for the reading of the MSS. ' tribu
nicii.'

Suo iure, 'with good right.' Cp. 2.
25, 62. The man and the circumstance
to which allusion is here made are alike
unknown ; but Orelli supposes that Hostilius,
having been foiled in an attempt to betray
Mutina to Antony, made his escape by
a ' Porta Hostilia,' to the name of which he
thereby gave a new significance.

10. Qua. So Halm, adopting Rau's sug
gestion, for ' qui,' which is awkward after the
former ' qui,' from the influence of which
the mistake might easily have arisen.

12. Quern tamen, 'who however, they
say, confined himself at Pisaurum strictly to
water— for the baths.' Cicero, taking ad
vantage of the double meaning of ' tem-
perans' (cp. Hor. Od. 3. 19, 6 ' Quis aquam
temperet ignibus '), introduces what is really
a hit at the low birth of Insteius as though
he were going to pay a compliment to his
temperance, carefully reserving the word
which unveils his real meaning till the end
of the sentence.

13. T. Plancus was tribune in 52 B.C.,
and one of the chief movers in the riot at
the funeral of Clodius, in which the Curia
Hostilia was burnt down.

§§26-28. OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A XIII. 309

damnatus in earn urbem rediit armis, ex qua excesserat legibus.
Sed hoc ei commune cum pluribus sui simillimis : illud tamen
mirum, quod in hoc Planco proverbii loco dici solet : perire eum
non posse, nisi ei crura fracta essent. Fracta sunt, et vivit.

13 Hoc tamen, ut alia multa, Aquilae referatur acceptum. Est 5
etiam ibi Decius, ab illis, ut opinor, Muribus Deciis, itaque
Caesaris munera rosit. Deciorum quidem multo intervallo per
hunc praeclarum virum memoria renovata est. Saxam vero
Decidium praeterire qui possum, hominem deductum ex ultimis
gentibus, ut eum tribunum pi. videremus, quern civem numquam 10

28 videramus ? Est quidem alter Saserna, sed omnes tantam ha-
bent similitudinem inter se, ut in eorum praenominibus errem.
Nee vero Extitius, Philadelphi frater, quaestor, praetermittendus
est, ne, si de clarissimo adolescente siluero, invidisse videar
Antonio. Est etiam Asinius quidam senator voluntarius, lectus 15
ipse a se. Apertam curiam vidit post Caesaris mortem : muta-
vit calceos, pater conscriptus repente factus est. Non novi Sex.
Albesium, sed tamen neminem tarn maledicum offendi, qui ilium
negaret dignum Antonii senatu. Arbitror me aliquos praeter-
isse ! de iis tamen, qui occurrebant, tacere non potui. Hoc 20
igitur fretus senatu Pompeianum senatum despicit, in quo decem

1. Rediit arm is, by the violent inter- Mures, the last of whom was defeated by
ference of Caesar. Pyrrhus at Asculum, 279 B.C.

2. Simillimis. The MSS. have ' dissi- 8. Saxam. Cp. II. 5, 12 note,
millimis,' but most modern editors have II. Est quidem. Madvig (Jahn's
adopted the emendation, which seems neces- Jahrb. for 1856, p. 126) suggests 'ibidem,
sary. comparing 'est ibi etiam' in § 27, and

3. Mirum. So Klotz, followed by Halm pointing out that ' quidem' is not only weak
and Kayser, for the reading of the MSS., here, but rarely attached by Cicero to a verb,
'uerum,' which affords no antithesis to Alter Saserna, 'one of the two
'commune,' whereas what is peculiar to one Sasernae;' Cicero cannot remember which.
man may naturally be termed ' mirum/ Two brothers of the name served under
The peculiarity consisted not in the appli- Caesar in the African war.

cation of the saying to Plancus, but in its 13. Frater: probably the cousin ger-

being falsified. He was driven out of Pol- man. He is not mentioned elsewhere,

lentia by Aquila with a broken thigh (n. 15. Asinius. Perhaps the Pollio of c.

6, 14). 2, 3: but otherwise unknown.

4. Nisi ei crura fracta essent, 16. Mutavit calceos. fhe donned the
'unless his legs were broken;' the allusion senator's shoe ;' with its black ' corrigiae '
being to the punishment of ' crucifragium.' and crescent. Cp. Juv. 7. 192

6. Decius. Cp. 11. 6, 13 note. ' Appositam nigrae lunam subtexit alutae.'

7. Munera rosit, 'he nibbled at the 17. Pater conscriptus, 'a newly en-
gifts of Caesar;' in punning allusion to his rolled senator.' Cp. Hor. A. P. 314
name of ' Mus.' 'Quod sit conscript!, quod iudicis officium,'

Multo intervallo. There was a which is apparently the only other passage

P. Decius, who took a prominent part in where ' conscriptus ' is found in the singular

supporting C. Gracchus, 120 B.C., but of a senator. See on i. i, i.

Cicero is probably referring only to the Decii 21. Decem consulares. In the fol-

3io

M. TULLI1 CICERONI S

cc. 13—15.

fuimus consulares : qui si ornnes viverent, bellum omnino hoc
non fuisset ; auctoritati cessisset audacia. Sed quantum prae- 29
sidii fuerit in ceteris, hinc intelligi potest, quod ego unus relictus
ex multis contudi et fregi adiuvantibus vobis exsultantis prae-
5 donis audaciam. Quod si non Fortuna nobis modo eripuisset 14
Ser. Sulpicium eiusque collegam ante, M. Marcellum — quos
cives ! quos viros ! — si duo consules amicissimos patriae, simul
ex Italia eiectos, si L. Afranium, summum ducem, si P. Len-
tulum, civem cum in ceteris rebus, turn in salute mea singularem,

10 si M. Bibulum, cuius est in rem publicam semper merito laudata
constantia, si L. Domitium, praestantissimum civem, si Appium
Claudium, pari nobilitate et voluntate praeditum, si P. Scipio-
nem, clarissimum virum maiorumque suorum simillimum, res
publica tenere potuisset : certe iis consularibus non esset Pom-

15 peianus despiciendus senatus. Utrum igitur aequius, utrum so
melius rei publicae fuit, Cn. Pompeium an sectorem Cn. Pompei
vivere Antonium ? Qui vero praetorii ! quorum princeps M.

lowing chapter he mentions ten, beside?
himself; but of these Serv. Sulpicius never
joined Pompey, and is apparently only men
tioned .as being a firm opponent of Antony,
and as having sacrificed his life on the em
bassy to him. See introduction to the
ninth oration. Pompey himself is not
reckoned, as being the chief to whom the
senate belonged.

6. M. Marcellus was assassinated in
49 B.C., as he was returning from the
exile to which his violence in opposing
Caesar, both during and after his consulship
(51 B.C.), had condemned him.

7. Duo consules. The two Consuls
of the year 49 B.C., C. Marcellus, brother
of M. Marcellus, and L. Lentulus Cms.
The former probably perished during the
civil war ; the latter was put to death in
prison in Egypt, shortly after Pompey's
murder. Two of the MSS. have ' duos,' but
the dual form of the accusative is of frequent
occurence.

8. L. Afranius, Consul 60 B.C., was
put to death by Caesar's orders shortly after
the battle of Thapsus. where he was taken
prisoner. Cicero's present estimate of him
seems merely expressed to serve the purpose
of the moment, as elsewhere (Att. I. 18, 5)
he speaks of him as ' ignavus ac sine animo
miles.' C.p. ib. i. 20, 5.

9. In salute mea. P. Lentulus Spin-
ther owed his consulship, in 57 B.C., to .the

support of Caesar, but he had no sooner
entered on it than he proposed the recall of
Cicero from exile, and thenceforth he showed
himself an energetic supporter of Pompey,
after whose death we hear no more of
him.

10. M. Bibulus was elected Consul with
Caesar in 59 B.C., through the interest
of the aristocratical party, of which he was
a consistent supporter. He died when in
command of Pompey's fleet, in 48 B.C.

11. L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and
App. Claudius P.ulcher were colleagues
in the consulship in 54 B.C. They were
both of them constantly opposed to Cicero,
though belonging to the same party in the
state, and Claudius was notorious for his
venality and rapacity. Domitius fell at
Pharsalus ; Claudius died previously in Eu-
boea.

12. P. Scipio, better known as Q^ Cae-
cilius Metellus Scipio, was called Publius
before his adoption by Metellus Pius, and
accordingly his name appears under both
forms. He was selected by Pompey as his
colleague in the consulship late in 52 B.C.,
and was ever afterwards his staunch adhe
rent. He commanded Pompey's fleet off
the coast of Africa, but being defeated
shortly after the battle of Thapsus he com
mitted suicide.

16. Sectorem. Cp.. 2. 15, 39 and 26,
64 notes.

§§28-31. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A XIII. 311

Cato idemque omnium gentium virtute princeps. Quid reliquos
clarissimos viros commemorem ? nostis omnes. Magis vereor ne
longum me in enumerando quam ne ingratum in praetereundo
putetis. Oui aedilicii ! qui tribunicii ! qui quaestorii ! Quid
multa ? talis senatorum et dignitas et multitude fuit, ut magna 5
excusatione opus iis sit, qui in ilia castra non venerunt. Nunc
reliqua attendite.

15 Victum Ciceronem duce.m habuistis. Eo libentius
ducem audio, quod certe ille dicit invitus : nam de victo nihil
laboro ; fatum enim meum est sine re publica nee vinci posse 10
nee vincere. Macedonian! munitis exercitibus. Et quidem
fratri tuo, qui a vobis nihil degenerat, extorsimus. Africam
commisistis Varo bis capto. Hie cum Gaio fratre putat
se litigare. In Syriam Cassium misistis. Non igitur sentis
huic causae orbem terrae patere, te ex,tra munitiones tuas ves- 15

31 tigium ubi imprimas non habere ? Cascam tribunatum ge~
rere passi estis. Quid ergo? ut Marullum, ut Caesetium a
re publica removeremus eum, per quern, ut neque hoc idem
posthac neque multa eius modi accidere possent, consecuti

cc. 15, 16. After a futile sneer at Cicero, Cum Gaio fratre. He thinks that

and taunts levelled at other loyal citizens the senate has no more right to exercise

which recoiled upon himself, Antony ventured a discretionary power in selecting its officers,

to recall to mind his own disgraceful conduct than a man would have who was as utterly

at the Lupercalia, his illegal proceedings in devoid of judgment and discretion as C,

connection with the colonization of the vete- Antonius.

rans, and his disloyal hatred of the people of 16. Cascam. P. Servilius Casca, one of

Marseilles', and he found fault with various Caesar's assassins, was tribune of the com-

aciions of the senate, which were either wholly mons at the time, and Antony urges that

insignificant, or meritorious in themselves, he should have been removed from his office

or even necessary for the welfare of the for the crime : which Cicero says would

state. have been following Caesar's own example,

8. Victum Ciceronem, an allusion to who superseded and expelled from the senate

his exile, a point on which he was always the two tribunes, L. Caesetius Flavus and C.

most sensitive. Epidius Marullus, for removing the crowns

II. Exercitibus, with the combined from his statues and imprisoning a person

forces under M. Brutus. See the tenth who had saluted him as king. See Suet,

oration. The present tense is noticeable Caes. 79.

among the perfects; but the fortification 17. A re publica removeremus. Cp.
of Macedonia, like the promises to the Veil. Pat. 2. 68 'In hoc tamen saepe lacessiti
Massiliots in § 33, was still in process of principis ira excessit, ut eensoria potius con-
completion, and Antony had probably not tentus nota quam animadversione dictatoria
yet heard of the capture of his brother summoveret eos a republica;' where the
Gaius. mention of the censorial power shows that

13. Varo. Sex. Quintilius Varus was their removal 'a republica' was not banish-

taken prisoner by Caesar at Corfinium in ment, but merely exclusion from public

49 B.C. ; and as we know that he was again life.

fighting on Pompey's side in Africa, it is 18. Hoc idem, 'this same act of arbi-

probably to that occasion that we must trary power,' by which the tribunes were

refer his second capture. deprived of their office.

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS

co. 15—16.

sumus? Vectigalia luliana Lupercis ademistis. Luper-
corum mentionem facere audet? neque illius diei memoriam
perhorrescit, quo ausus est obrutus vino, unguentis oblitus, nudus
gementem populum Romanum ad servitutem cohortari? Veter-
sanorum colonias, deductas lege et senatus consulto,
sustulistis. Nos sustulimus, an contra legem comitiis cen-
turiatis latam sanximus ? Vide ne tu veteranos tamen eos, qui
erant perditi, perdideris in eumque locum deduxeris, ex quo
ipsi iam sentiunt se numquam exituros. Massiliensibus iure

10 belli adempta reddituros vos pollicemini. Nihil dispute
de iure belli — magis facilis disputatio est quam necessaria — :
illud tamen animadvertite, patres conscripti, quam sit huic rei
publicae natus hostis Antonius, qui tanto opere earn civitatem
oderit, quam scit huic rei publicae semper fuisse amicissimam.

35 Neminem Pompeianum, qui vivat, teneri lege Hirtia
dictitatis. Ouis, quaeso, iam legis Hirtiae mentionem facit?
cuius non minus arbitror latorem ipsum quam eos, de quibus

I. Vectigalia luliana, the revenues
which Caesar gave to the Luperci : probably
as an endowment for the third class of lu-
liani, which he added to the college of the
Luperci in his own honour, and of which he
made Antony high priest. This was in his
4th dictatorship, probably just at the end of
45 B.C. For Antony's conduct on the oc-
cassion referred to, see 2. 34 notes.

5. Lege et senatus consulto. Some
MSS. omit ' et,' and Garatonius upholds the
omission, making 'senatus consulto' depend
on ' sustulistis/ on the ground that the act
for establishing the colonies, hastily passed
at the 'comitia,' never came before the
senate. Halm however shows that this is
no objection to the ordinary reading, as
Antony made no more difficulty about in
venting decrees of the senate, than about
irregularly passing laws. See 5. 3, 7.

6. Nos sustulimus, &c., 'did we abo
lish the colonies, or did we rather ratify a
law duly passed at the comitia?' i.e. the
senate could not rescind an act which had
never really passed, but by annulling the
irregular proceedings of Antony they vindi
cated the authority of the laws which he
had violated. Some editors understand the
colonies in question to be those of Caesar,
and interpret these words to mean, ' so far
from disallowing the colonies, we even got
a law carried io maintain them,' or (reading

'lege . . . lata ') 'we even sanctioned them
by a law which regularly passed the comi
tia :' but Antony could have had no pretence
or reason for asserting that any colonies
planted by Caesar had been disallowed.

7. Qui erant, &c., 'you have ruined
those veterans who had ruined themselves
already, and brought them into a dilemma,'
&c. Cp. Fam. 4. 2,3 ' Quantum nos fefel-
lerit et quern in locum res deducta sit vides.'
Cicero is of course playing on the technical
meaning of 'deducere in locum' with respect
to colonies.

9. lure belli. In consequence of their
revolt against Caesar, in whose proceedings
Cicero could see but little ' ius.' For the
treatment of the Massiliots see 8. 6, 18
note.

16. Dictitatis. This is Orelli's emen
dation, followed by all subsequent editors,
for the unintelligible reading of the MSS.
' dignitatis.' Previous editors commonly
adopted the suggestion of Naugerius : ' An
nescitis neminem . . . tenere lege Hirtia
dignitates.' To discover the true reading
is the more hopeless from the want of any
information as to the purport of the 'Lex
Hirtia.' Mr. Watson suggests that it was
passed in 49 B.C., and perhaps excluded
those who had served in Pompey's army
from public offices. (Letters, Append, ix.

§§31-33. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIII. 313

lata est, paenitere. Omnino mea quidem sententia legem illam
appellare fas non est, et, ut sit lex, non debemus illam Hirtii
legem putare. Apuleiana pecunia Brutum subornastis.
Quid? si omnibus suis copiis excellentem virum res publica
armasset, quern tandem bonum paeniteret ? nee enim sine 5
pecunia exercitum alere nee sine exercitu fratrem tuum capere
33 potuisset. Securi percusses Petrum et Menedemum,
civitate donates et hospites Caesaris, laudastis. Non
laudavimus, quod ne audivimus quidem ; valde enim nobis in
tanta perturbatione rei publicae de duobus nequissimis Graeculis 10
cogitandum fuit. Theopompum, nudum expulsum a Tre-
bonio, confugere Alexandream neglexistis. Magnum
crimen senatus ! De Theopompo, summo homine, negleximus,
qui ubi terrarum sit, quid agat, vivat denique an mortuus sit,
quis aut scit aut curat? Servium Galbam eodem pugione 15
succinctum in castris videtis. Nihil tibi de Galba re-
spondeo, fortissimo et constantissimo civi : coram aderit ; prae-
sens tibi et ipse et ille, quern insimulas, pugio respondebit.
Milites aut meos aut veteranos contraxistis, tam-
quam ad exitium eorum, qui Caesarem occiderant: et 20
eosdem nee opinantes ad quaestoris sui aut imperatoris
aut commilitonurn suorum pericula impulistis. Scilicet
verba dedimus, decepimus ; ignorabat legio Martia, quarta,

2. Ut sit lex, 'supposing it to be a Halm omits it, thinking that it is a cor-
law.' ruption of the name of the place from which

3. Apuleiana pecunia. Cp. 10. II, Theopompus was expelled. He may be
24 ' Cui testis est per litteras M. Brutus, the man whom Cicero mentions two years
eum principem fuisse ad conatum exercitus before (Att. 13. 7> J) as being in cor-
comparandi.' Appian tells us that from the respondence with Caesar.

first arrival of M. Brutus in Greece Apuleius 15. Eodem pugione, with the iden-

handed over to him all his forces and the tical dagger with which he killed Caesar,
money which he had collected as quaestor 19. Meos, the Fourth and Martian

(B. Civ. 4. 75). legions, which Antony had summoned from

7. Petrum. Perhaps the same who is Macedonia to join him. See 3. 2, 3 and 4.
mentioned by Caesar (Bell. Civ. 3. 35) as his 21. Quaestoris, &c. Antony served as

zealous supporter. The name is doubtful, quaestor in Gaul under Caesar in 52 and 51

and is variously given as ' Petrus,' ' Petraeus,' B.C. Cp. 2. 20, 50. At Pharsalus he was

and ' Paetus.' The last form is the least in command of the right wing of Caesar's

likely, as he was evidently a Greek. army, whence he probably claimed the title

Menedemum. Of him we know of Imperator.

nothing, except that from a comparison of 23. Verba dedimus, &c., 'we cozened

Cic. Att. 15. 2, 2 with ib. 4, 4 it seems and deceived them.' Cp. Att. 15. 16 A:

probable that the rumour of his execution 'Verba mihi dari facile palior.' The irony

was a mistake. is best continued to the end of the chapter,

II. Non is found after ' nudum,' in three though some editors take the latter part as

of the MSS., under the contracted form ' ii.' a question, reading ' num illi,' &c.

M. TULLII C ICE RON IS cc. IB-IS.

nesciebant veteran! quid ageretur. Non illi senatus auctori-
tatem, non libertatem populi sequebantur : Caesaris mortem
ulcisci volebant, quam omnes fatal em fuisse arbitrabantur : te
videlicet salvum, beatum, florentem esse cupiebant. O miser 17

5 cum re, turn hoc ipso, quod non sentis quam miser sis ! Sed 34
maximum crimen audite. Denique quid non aut probastis
aut fecistis, quod faciat, si reviviscat — quis? credo enim
afferet aliquod scelerati hominis exemplum — Cn. Pompeius
ipse? O nos turpes, si quidem Cn. Pompeium imitati sumus !

10 aut filius eius, si modo possit? Potent, mihi crede : nam
paucis diebus et in domum et in hortos paternos immigrabit.
Postremo negatis pacem fieri posse, nisi aut emisero
Brutum aut frumento iuvero. Alii istuc negant : ego vero,
ne si ista quidem feceris, umquam tecum pacem huic civitati

15 futuram puto. Quid? hoc placetne veteranis istis? quibus
adhuc omnia integra sunt. Nihil vidi tarn integrum quam
ut oppugnare imperatorem incipiant, quern tanto studio con-
sensuque offenderint. — Quoniam vos assentationibus et 35
venenatis muneribus t venistis. Depravati an corrupti

20 sunt, quibus persuasum sit foedissimum hostem iustissimo bello

3. Fatalem, 'the special act of destiny;' to choose their line of action.' Antony
and so calling for no revenge in any quarter. seems to mean that as they had not yet

cc. 17-18. He considered he was uttering actually attacked him, they had committed

a very bitter taunt in accusing the senate of no offence for which he might not pardon

imitating Pompey : and having repudiated them ; but Cicero points out that deserting

the idea of relieving D. Brutus, he offered their general was ample cause of offence,

terms to the veterans if they would betray saying that ' he never saw any line of action

their general. Acknowledging his sympathy so freely open to a body of men as to

with Dolabella, and complaining of the rejec- attack their general, whom they have so stu-

tion of his own outrageous terms, he urged diously and so unanimously offended.' Halm

that Caesar s rather than Trebonius' death unnecessarily reads ! cum tantum studium

should be avenged, thus seeking the destruc- consensumque ostenderint,' from the read-

tion of all the noblest and most loyal ing ' ostenderint1 in one MS.

citizens. 18. Quoniam vos, &c. The sentence

4. O miser, &c. Cp. 2. 17, 16 note. as it stands is unmeaning. Halm suggests
7. Quod faciat. So Halm, following ' quoniam vos eos assentationibus ... venistis

the conjecture of Madvig (Opusc. 2. 200), depravatum. line corrupti sunt,' &c., and

for the ordinary reading, found in two Madvig (Jahn's Jahib. for 1856, p. 126)

MSS., 'fecistis? Quid facial,' &c. He would substitute ' quamquam eos vos...

approves however rather of the plural ' quae' venistis depravatum. Itane ? Corrupti sunt,'

(two MSS. ' que'), ' what have ye not either &c., which Kayser adopts,
sanctioned or actually done of the things 20. Persuasum sit . . . persequi. This

which Pompey, could he come to life again, construction of 'persuasum sit' with the

would do?' infinitive is rare, but is found also in Plaut.

10. Modo. So Halm, from one MS., Bacch. 4. 8, 93 ' Persuasum est facere, quoius

for the ordinary reading ' domo,' corrected me nunc facti pudet ;' and is borne out by

in one MS. to ' domi.' the analogy of 'conceditur mihi facere,' and

16. Omnia integra sunt, 'have yet ' permitto alicui facere.' See Madvig 1. c.

§§33-37. OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A XIII. 315

persequi? At militibus inclusis opem fertis. Nihil moror
eos salvos esse et ire quo lubet, si tantum modo pati-
untur perire eum, qui meruit. Quam benigne ! Denique
usi liberalitate Antonii milites imperatorem reliquerunt et se
ad hostem metu perterriti contulerunt : per quos si non stetisset, 5
non Dolabella prius imperatori suo quam Antonius etiam col-

36 legae parentasset. Concordiae factam esse mentionem
scribitis in senatu et legatos esse consulares quinque.
Difficile est credere eos, qui me praecipitem egerint,
aequissimas conditiones ferentem et tamen ex iis 10
aliquid remittere cogitantem, putare aliquid moderate
aut humane esse facturos. Vix etiam veri simile est,
qui iudicaverint hostem Dolabellam ob rectissimum
facinus, eosdem nobis parcere posse idem sentientibus.
Parumne videtur omnium facinorum sibi cum Dolabella socie- 15
tatem initam confiteri? Nonne cernitis ex uno fonte omnia
scelera manare? Ipse denique fatetur, hoc quidem satis acute,
non posse eos, qui hostem Dolabellam iudicaverint ob rectis
simum facinus — ita enim videtur Antonio — sibi parcere idem

18 sentienti. Quid huic facias, qui hoc litteris memoriaeque 20

37 mandarit, ita sibi convenisse cum Dolabella, ut ille Trebonium

2. Quo lubet, si tantum, &c. So have sacrificed his victim from among the
Halm from one MS. The others have ' quo murderers of Caesar, by killing D. Brutus,
iubetis tantum,' or ' quo iubetis si tantum ;' as soon as Dolabella succeeded in murdering
the ' si' being apparently first lost in ' iubetzs,' Trebonius.

and then re-inserted from the obvious neces- 8. Consulares quinque. See 12. 7»
sity of its presence. Mr. Long gets over this 1 8 ; where Pansa is added to the five ' con-
necessity by reading ' patiantur,' apparently sulares.' He is probably omitted by Antony,
without authority. because the embassy was only the secondary

3. Denique, &c., 'we have come to reason for his going to Mtitina, and if it
this then at last, that availing themselves of failed he was to follow out his primary
Antony's generosity, the soldiers have left object, and join his forces to those of Hirtius
their general,' &c. Some editors, following in opposing Antony.

Ferrarius, read 'itaque;' but Hand (Tursell. 9. Difficle est credere ... putare.
2. 267) shows that 'denique,' like the That either 'credere' or 'putare' is super-
German ' am Ende,' serves to express ironical fluous is clear ; but Garatonius defends them
indignation, suggesting what is looked upon both, thinking that 'putare' repeats ' cre-
as in the highest degree improbable. He dere' on account of the long intervening
compares pro Rose. Am. 29, 81 ' li denique clause. He thinks 'credere' comes in so
qui turn armati dies noctesque concursabant, elegantly as to prove its own case, while
. . . Sex. Roscio temporis illius acerbitatem Priscian (15. 3, 13) quotes the passage with
iniquitatemque obiicient.' ' putare.' Madvig would strike out ' cre-

5. Per quos si non stetisset, 'but dere,' ' nam etsi multos novi interpretes nihil
for whose opposition.' reformidantes, non puto tamen me reperturum

6. Non Dolabella prius, &c. ' Dola- qui neget haec sic cohaerere; "Difficile est
bella's offering to the " manes" of his general putare (credere) eos qui me . . . egerint . . .
would not have come before the offering of facturos esse.'" (Jahn's Jahrb. for
Antony to his colleague ; ' i. e. Antony would p. 1 2^.)

3i6 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. is-19.

et, si posset, etiam Brutum, Cassium, discruciatos necaret * * *
eademque inhiberet supplicia nobis ? O conservandus civis cum
tarn pio iustoque foedere ! Is etiam queritur conditiones suas
repudiatas, aequas quidem et verecundas : ut haberet Galliam

5 ultimam, aptissimam ad bellum renovandum instruendumque
provinciam : ut Alaudae in tertia decuria iudicarent, id est,
ut- perfugium scelerum esset t cum turpissimis rei publicae
sordibus : ut acta sua rata essent, cuius nullum remanet con-
sulatus vestigium. Cavebat etiam L. Antonio, qui fuerat

10 aequissimus agri privati et publici decempedator, Nucula et
Lentone collega. Quam ob rem vos potius animadvertite, 38
utrum sit elegantius et partibus uttlius, Trebonii mor
tem persequi an Caesaris, et utrum sit aequius, con-
currere nos, quo facilius reviviscat Pompeianorum causa

iStotiens iugulata, an consentire, ne ludibrio simus in-
imicis. Si esset iugulata, numquam exsurgeret : quod tibi
tuisque contingat ! Utrum, inquit, elegantius — atqui hoc
bello de elegantia quaeritur ! — partibusque utilius. Partes, 39
furiose, dicuntur in foro, in curia. Bellum contra patriam ne-

20 farium suscepisti : oppugnas Mutinam, circumscdes consulem
designatum : bellum contra te duo consules gerunt cumque iis
pro praetorc Caesar : cuncta contra te Italia armata est. Istas
tu partes potius quam a populo Romano defectionem vocas ?

2. Eademque, &c. As ' i!le' obviously and more advantageous for your party.'

refers to Dolabella, and this latter clause as Cicero cavils at the word 'elegantius' as

obviously to something which Antony should introducing too trifling considerations for so

do, and as there is nothrng to mark the weighty a decision as that between peace

change of subject, Klotz, followed by subse- and war. Two passages are commonly

quent editors, has marked the passage as quoted from Livy as justifying Antony's use

deficient. Probably some such words as of the word, from 35. 14 ' Neminem

' ipse dorni maneret' should be supplied. (Pyrrho) elegantius loca cepisse, praesidia

6. Alaudae. See I. 8, 20 note. disposuisse :' and 37. I 'Elegantius facturos

7- Cum turpissimis r. p. sordibus dixit si iudicio patrum quam si sorti earn

can only mean 'to the dire disgrace of the rem permisissent ;' but the former refers

state,' in which sense the use of ' turpissimis' only to the engineering skill of Pyrrhus, the

is strange. Halm would read 'turn' or latter not to the actual alternative between

' iam,' ' that henceforth there might be a peace and war, but to the manner in which

refuge for their crimes to the lowest dregs of the decision should be made. Cicero's ob-

the state.' Klotz reads 'in ... sordibus,' jection to ' partes' is that it is used of parties

' a refuge for crime among the lowest dregs in a state, whereas Antony was an outlaw,

of the people,' but this is hardly fair to the and at open war with Rome. Here there-

Alaudae. fore the matter in dispute lies deeper than a

10. Decempedator. The word is only mere question of Latinity.

used here. Cp. 14. 4, 10 ' Peritus metator 15. Iugulata. Perhaps 'annihilated' is

et callidus.' The reference is again to the the word that will best bear Cicero's criticism

septemvirate ' agris dividundis.' of a term which cannot be literally trans-

12. Elegantius, &c., 'in better taste, lated.

§§37-41. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIII. 317

Trebonii mortem an Caesaris persequi.— Trebonii satis
persecuti sumus, hoste iudicato Dolabella: Caesaris mors facil-
lime defenditur oblivione et silentio. Sed videte quid moliatur.
Cum mortem Caesaris ulciscendam putat, mortem proponit non
iis solum, qui illam rem gesserunt, sed iis etiam, si qui non 5
19 moleste tulerunt. Quibus, utri nostrum ceciderint, lucro
40futurum est. Quod spectaculum adhuc ipsa Fortuna
vitavit, ne videret unius corporis duas acies lanista
Cicerone dimicantes: qui usque eo felix est, ut eisdem
ornamentis deceperit vos, quibus deceptum Caesarem 10
gloriatus est. Pergit t in me maledicta, quasi vero ei pul-
cherrime priora processerint : quern ego inustum verissimis
maledictorum notis tradam hominum memoriae sempiternae.
Ego lanista ? et quidem non insipiens : deteriores enim iugulari
cupio, meliores vincere. Utri ceciderint, scribit, lucro nob is 15
41 futurum. O praeclarum lucrum ! quo te victore — quod di omen
avertant ! — beata mors eorum futura sit, qui ex vita excesserint
sine tormentis. A me deceptos ait eisdem ornamentis
Hirtium et Caesarem. Quod, quaeso, adhuc a me est tributum

1. Trebonii . . . persequi. So Halm, both sides belonged to his school of gladia-
following a suggestion of Ferrarius. The tors, and he marshalled the whole war. Cp.
MSS. have 'potius Trebonii mortem quam Livy 35. 35 ' Quanto satius esse Romam mit-
Caesaris persequimur/ but the change of tere legatos, quam populum Romanum cum
'persequi' into 'persequimur' might easily Antiocho, lanistis Aetolis, dimicare.'

have been made by some copyist, who did IO. Ornamentis: perhaps 'flowers of

not see that it was a quotation of a portion rhetoric;' (cp. ad Quint. Fr. i. 13, I 'lam

of what had been already quoted, and wished pridem istum canto Caesarem. Mihi crede,

to make it grammatical in itself; and 'potius' in sinu est: neque ego discingor') as we do

probably comes in from the line above. not hear of Cicero taking any prominent

2. Facillime. It were easy enough to part in promoting the official exaltation of
defend it by eulogies on its perpetrators, but Caesar.

it is easier still, and quite enough, to let it II. In me maledicta. Halm thinks

sink unmentioned into oblivion. 'iacere' or ' iactare' has fallen out. Another

c. 19. He deprecated civil war, as fostered reading is 'in mea maledicta,' like ' m earn

by Cicero for his own ends, as if anything contumeliam ' in § 42 ; but this presents a

but ruin could accrue to him if Antony were strange construction of ' pergo,' hardly borne

successful; and he upbraided Cicero for out by ' pergamus ad reliqua' in Brut. 43.

treacherous compliments which he had never 153.

paid to Hirtius, and for deceiving Caesar, 14. Et quidem non insipiens, 'and

who had really been betrayed by Antony him- indeed I show my skill therein ;' in seeking

self. He declared himself resolved to abide to get rid of the worst of his band.

by his party, and by his plighted troth to 15. Nob is, 'to Cicero and his friends;'

Dolabella, — partnership with whom was in- the 'inimici* referred to above in § 38. It

famy, — and to Lepidus and Plancus, neither is hard to see what gain Cicero could be

of whom would ever have made terms with supposed to reap by the overthrow of the

him. Consuls, leading as it must have done to the

6. Quibus. Sc. ' inimicis,' see § 38. exaltation of Antony.

8. Lanista Cicerone, 'with Cicero to 16. Quo, 'whereby.' An emendation

arrange the terms of combat;' as though has been suggested, 'cum te victore.'

3i 8 M. TULL1I C1CERONIS 00.10-20.

Hirtio ornamentum ? nam Caesari plura et maiora debentur.
Decepturn autem Caesarem a me dicere audes? Tu, tu, in-
quam, ilium occidisti Lupercalibus : cuius, homo ingratissime,
flaminium cur reliquisti? Sed iam videte magni et clari viri
5 admirabilem gravitatem atque constantiam. Mihi quidem42
constat nee meam contumeliam nee meorum ferre, nee
deserere partes, quas Pompeius odivit, nee veteranos
sedibus suis moveri pati nee singulos ad cruciatum trahi,
nee fallere fidem, quam dedi Dolabellae. Omitto alia:

10 fidem Dolabellae, sanctissimi viri, deserere homo pius non
potest. Quam fidem? an optimi cuiusque caedis, urbis et
Italiae partitionis, vastandarum diripiendarumque provinciarum ?
Nam quid erat aliud, quod inter Antonium et Dolabellam,
impurissimos parricidas, foedere et fide sanciretur ? Nee 43

15 Lepidi societatem violare, piissimi hominis. Tibi cum
Lepido societas aut cum ullo, non dicam bono civi, sicut ille
est, sed homine sano ? Id agis ut Lepidum aut impium aut
insanum existimari velis. Nihil agis — quamquam affirmare de
altero difficile est — de Lepido praesertim, quern ego metuam

20 numquam, bene sperabo, dum licebit. Revocare te a furore
Lepidus voluit, non adiutor esse dementiae. Tu porro ne pios
quidem, sed piissimos quaeris, et, quod verbum omnino nullum

I. Caesari plura, &c. It would 7. Odivit. So the MSS. Festus ac-
seem from this as though Cicero affected to knowledges the obsolete form ' odio ' as the
understand Antony as referring to the basis of conjugation for this verb, and various
younger Caesar, to whom alone this would forms belonging to it are found in patristic
apply ; and then he corrects himself by Latin, especially in Tertullian.
saying, ' but can it be the elder Caesar whom II. Optimi cuiusque, &c. Cp. 2O,
you dare to say that I deceived?' If this 47, and 5. 3, 6. For 'vastandarum' one
view be right, it gives weight to the reading MS. has ' stias dandarum,' whence many
' deceptum autem patrem a me,' &c., which editors, following Ferrarius, have ' suis dan-
is found in three MSS. darum ;' but the superfluous 's' is merely

3. Occidisti, ' dealt him the fatal the repetition of the final letter of 'parti-
blow;' by opening the eyes of the people to tionis.' Another meaningless reading is
the real nature of his government, in offering ' sententias dandarum.'

him a crown. Cp. 2. 34, 85. 15. Cum Lepido. Here again, as in

4. Flaminium cur reliquisti. As c. 4, 7 foil., and c. 8, 16, Cicero betrays his
'flamen' of Caesar (see 2. 43, no), it was misgivings about Lepidus; but he implies
unlawful for Antony to be away from the that even if Lepidus forgot his duty to his
city for a single night. The mention of the country, he would at any rate never be
' Lupercalia,' at which Antony held the new guilty of such enormities as Antony.

office of Lupercus lulius, naturally leads 18. De altero, 'of one's neighbour.'
Cicero to consider the other priesthood in Cp. Off. i. 2, 4 ' Nulla vitae pars, neque si
honour of Caesar with which he was in- tecum agas quid, neque si cum altero con-
vested. The form 'flaminium' is confirmed trahas, vacare officio potest.'
by Livy 26. 23 ' C. Claudius ... flaminio 22. Omnino nullum, &c. It was
abiit.' used by Tacitus and later writers, and Flavins

§§41-46. OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A XIII. 319

in lingua Latina est, id propter tuam divinam pietatem novum

44 inducis. Nee Plancum prodere, participem consiliorum.
Plancum participem ? cuius memorabilis ac divina virtus lucem
afifert rei publicae — nisi forte eum subsidio tibi venire arbi-
traris cum fortissimis legionibus, maximo equitatu peditatuque 5
Gallorum — : quique, nisi ante eius adventum rei publicae poenas
dederis, ille huius belli feret principatum. Quamquam enim prima
praesidia utiliora rei publicae sunt, tamen extrema sunt gratiora.

20 Sed iam se colligit et ad extremum incipit philosophari. Si me

45 rectis sensibus euntem di immortales, ut spero, ad- 10
iuverint, vivam libenter. Sin autem me aliud fatum
manet, p'raecipio gaudia suppliciorum vestrorum. Nam-
que si victi Pompeiani tam insolentes sunt, victores
quales futuri sint, vos potius experiemini. Praecipias licet
gaudia : non enim tibi cum Pompeianis, sed cum universa re 15
publica bellum est. Omnes te di homines, summi medii innmi,
cives peregrini, viri mulieres, liberi servi oderunt. Sensimus
hoc nuper falso nuntio, vero propediem sentiemus. Quae si
tecum ipse recolueris, aequiore animo et maiore consolatione

46 moriere. Denique summa iudicii mei spectat hue, ut 20
meorum iniurias ferre possim, si aut oblivisci velint

Caper is quoted by the grammarian Pom- dilation to all who would aid him in aveng-

peius (p. 132, ed. Lindemann) as adducing ing Caesar's death: as if he were the man

passages from Cicero's own epistles in which whom such a task befitted, or as if such an

the form occurs. offer could delude any, when not even Caesar s

3. Plancum. The Consul elect. He, adopted son had been led away by the

like Lepidus, eventually deceived the hopes use which Antony had made of Caesar's

of Cicero, and joined Antony, though after name.

the relief of Mutina he for a time combined 9. Se colligit, 'he composes himself.'

with D. Brutus in carrying on the war See 10. 3, 6 note.

against him. Cp. Fam. n. 15, I (to D. 12. Vestrorum: of the partisans of

Brutus) ' Coniunctio tua cum collega con- Caesar, represented by the Consuls, to whom

cordiaque vestra, quae litteris communibus the letter was addressed ; on whom the

declarata est, S. P. CL.R. gratissima acci- Pompeian party would wreak a speedy

dit.' vengeance, so soon as they had no longer

7. Ille. For this use of ' ille,' added to need of their assistance against Antony,
a relative, after an intervening parenthetic 14. Praecipias licet, 'it is well,' that

clause, for the sake of marking out more is, ' that you should enjoy by anticipation

clearly the person referred to, Madvig (on what you will never live to see fulfilled.'

Cic. Fin. 5. 24, 171) compares pro Sest. 32, Manutius points out that Cicero does not

66 ' Qui, cum in senatu privati, ut de me repeat the subject of Antony's enjoyment,

sententias dicerent, flagitabant, legem illi on account of the evil omen.
Clodiam timere dicebant.' Cp. also de Orat. 1 8. Nuntio, when a false report arrived

2. 30, 130. that you were dead.

c. 20. He represented himself to be at war 19. Aequiore animo. Perhaps from

with the Pompeian party, whereas it was the feeling that he had no friends, but that all

whole of Rome that was at war with him ; wished him dead.
and he made a magnanimous offer of recon- 21. Meorum iniurias, 'the wrongs

320 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 20-21.

ipsi fecisse, aut ulcisci parati sunt una nobiscum
Caesaris mortem. Hac Antonii sententia cognita dubita-
turumne A. Hirtium aut C. Pansam, consules, putatis, quin ad
Antjonium transeant ? Brutum obsideant ? Mutinam expugnare
scupiant? Quid de Pansa et Hirtio loquor? Caesar, singular!
pietate adolescens, poteritne se tenere, quin D. Bruti sanguine
poenas patrias persequatur ? Itaque fecerunt ut his litteris lectis
ad munitiones propius accederent : quo maior adolescens Caesar
maioreque deorum immortalium beneficio rei publicae natus est,

10 qui nulla specie paterni nominis nee pietate abductus umquam
est, sed intelligit maximam pietatem conservatione patriae
contineri. Quod si partium certamen esset, quarum omnino 47
nomen exstinctum est, Antoniusne potius et Ventidius partes
Caesaris defenderent quam primum Caesar, adolescens summa

15 pietate et memoria parentis sui, deinde Pansa et Hirtius, qui
quasi cornua duo tenuerunt Caesaris turn, cum illae vere partes
vocabantur ? Hae vero quae sunt partes, cum alteris senatus
auctoritas, populi Romani libertas, rei publicae salus proposita
sit, alteris caedes bonorum, urbis Italiaeque partitio ? Veniamus 21
aliquando ad clausulam. Legatos venire non credo — bene
me novit — t quod venias, proposito praesertim exemplo Dola-

committed by my friends;' by the former his flanks,' the metaphor being taken from

adherents, that is, of Caesar, as opposed to military language. This expression (the

the Pompeians. boldness of which does not appear to have

I. Parati sunt. So the extant MSS. gained for it imitators) probably attaches

The older editors have ' sint ; ' but Antony too much importance at least to Pansa

would require the readiness for vengeance among Caesar's followers ; and even Hirtius

more immediately than the willingness to mainly owes his prominence to his being

forget, and so might well say, ' if they Consul at this time.

should be willing to forget that they have c. 21. He was right enough in supposing

done the wrongs, or if they are prepared that no ambassadors would trust themselves

at once to join us in avenging Caesar's to him. In short, his letter did but expose

death.' his treasonable designs, and make it more

7. Poenas patrias, 'to avenge his impossible to come to terms with him; and
father's death.' it only confirmed Cicero in voting with

Fecerunt ut. See 4. 5, II note. Servilius that Lepidus should be recom-

' They advanced at once nearer to Antony's mended to leave the matter in the hands of

entrenchments, to join battle with him.' the senate; to which he adds the further

The double meaning of ' accedo,' which so proposal that the thanks of the senate and

well expresses the result of Cicero's ironical people should be given to the younger Pompey

suggestion, can hardly be rendered in trans- for his conduct.
lation. 21. Q_uod venias. The reading here

8. Quo maior, &c., 'whereby Caesar is hopelessly corrupt; and no satisfactory
is seen to be a youth of higher powers,' &c. emendation has been suggested. Perhaps

9. Maioreque. See on 10. II, 25. the best is that adopted by Orelli ; ' bellum
16. Cornua tenuerunt, 'were Caesar's quo veniat,' 'into the neighbourhood of the

main support on either side ; ' lit. ' supported war.'

§§ 46-49. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A XIII. 321

bellae. Sanctiore erunt, credo, iure legati quam duo consules,
contra quos arma fert, quam Caesar, cuius patris flamen est,
quam consul designatus, quern oppugnat, quam Mutina, quam

48 obsidet, quam patria, cui igni ferroque minitatur. Cum vene-
rint, quae postulant cognoscam. Quin tu abis in malam 5
pestem malumque cruciatum ! Ad te quisquam veniat nisi
Ventidii similis ? Oriens incendium qui restinguerent, summos
viros misimus ; repudiasti : nunc in tantam flammam tamque
inveteratam mittamus, cum locum tibi reliquum non modo ad
pacem, sed ne ad deditionem quidem feceris? I0

Hanc ego epistolam, patres conscripti, non quo ilium dignum
putarem recitavi, sed ut confessionibus ipsius omnia patefacta

49 eius parricidia videretis. Cum hoc pacem M. Lepidus, vir
ornatissimus omnibus et virtutis et fortunae bonis, si haec
videret, denique aut vellet fieri aut posse arbitraretur ? ' Prius 15
undis flamma,' ut ait poe'ta nescio quis, prius denique omnia
quam aut cum Antoniis res publica aut cum re publica Antonii
redeant in gratiam. Monstra quaedam ista et portenta sunt
[prodigia] rei publicae. Moveri sedibus huic urbi melius est
atque in alias, si fieri possit, terras demigrare, unde Antoniorum 20
nee facta nee nomen audiat, quam illos, Caesaris virtute eiectos,
Bruti retentos, intra haec moenia videre. Optatissimum est
vincere ; secundum est nullum casum pro dignitate et libertate
patriae non ferendum putare. Quod reliquum est, non est

4. Igni ferroque. See II. 14, 37 be itself an interpolation from the following

note. clause.

9. Inveteratam, ' that has gained such Prius undis flamma. Cp. Sen. Thyest.

force from lapse of time.' 3. I, 77

II. Non quo, &c., 'not that I thought 'Ante cum flammis aquae,

the writer worthy of so much consideration.' Cum morte vita, cum mari ventus fidem

13. Pacem M. Lepidus. Lepidus had Foedusque iungent.'

written a letter to the senate (see Introd.) It was probably a common proverb at Rome,

strongly advocating peace, as the only means though it cannot be traced further back than

of securing the safety of the state. Cicero.

15. Denique aut vellet. There seems 19. [Prodigia]. So Halm, who looks

to be something wrong here, from the bald- on ' prodigia' as a gloss,
ness of ' denique ' as it stands. Where it is 20. Antoniorum nee facta nee

used in the apodosis of a hypothetical sen- nomen. Cp. Fam. 7. 30, I ' Hinc ipse evo-

tence, as equivalent to ' demum,' it is al- lare cupio et aliquo pervenire, "ubi nee

ways combined with a demonstrative pronoun Pelopidarum nomen nee facta audiam;"'

or adverb, as in Fin. I. 19, 64 ' Qui si omnes and Att. 14. 12, 2 'Exire aveo, " ubi nee Pelo-

veri erunt, turn denique poterit aliquid cog- pidarum;"' from which passages it appears

nosci et percipi.' Madvig (Jahn's Jahrb. for that Cicero is here alluding to a favourite

1856, p. 127) suggests the addition of ' au- quotation from some well-known play,
diret" after ' videret,' ' if he could see, or in 22. Retentos, 'kept before Mutina. '

fact hear all this.' The word may perhaps 24. Non est tertium, 'does not come

322 M. T. CICERONIS ORAT10 PHILIP. XIII. c. 21.

- tertium, sed postremum omnium, maximam turpitudinem sus-
cipere vitae cupiditate. Quae cum ita sint. de mandatis 50
litterisque M. Lepidi, viri clarissimi, ServiKo assentior et hoc
amplius censeo, Magnum Pompeium, Gnaei filium, pro patris
5 maiorumque suorum animo studioque in rem publicam suaque
pristina virtute, industria, voluntate fecisse, quod suam eorum-
que, quos secum haberet, operam senatui populoque Romano
pollicitus esset, eamque rem senatui populoque Romano gratam
acceptamque esse eique honori dignitatique earn rem fore.
10 Hoc vel coniungi cum hoc senatus consulto licet, vel seiungi
potest separatimque perscribi, ut proprio senatus consulto
Pompeius collaudatus esse videatur.

near enough to be placed third:' though Proximos illi tamen occupabit

next, it can only be looked upon as coming Pallas honores.'

last. So Hor. Od. i. 12, 18 3. Servilio assentior. Cp. 7. 9, 27.

'Nee viget quidquam simile aut se- Hoc amplius censeo, 'I move as a

cundum, rider.'

INTRODUCTION
TO THE FOURTEENTH ORATION.

AFTER the departure of Pansa to join his colleague, Cicero was left
practically at the head of affairs in Rome, and about the middle of April
his opponents took advantage of his prominence to spread a rumour
that he was intending to assume the dictatorship. Their design was
favoured by a report which reached the city at the same time that Antony
had gained a great victory, and was marching upon Rome : and Cicero
would have been in considerable danger, had not P. Apuleius, the
tribune of the commons, come forward to vindicate the purity of his
policy, and expose the absurdity of the rumour which was circulated of
his ambition. Very shortly after this speech was delivered, a despatch
arrived from Hirtius with the news of a victory over Antony, and the
tide immediately turned in Cicero's favour. It appears that Antony had
evacuated Bononia, in order to concentrate his forces before Mutina, so
that Pansa advanced without opposition to within eight miles of the
latter city. There he was opposed by Antony with two legions, two
praetorian cohorts, and some veteran volunteers. Hirtius however sent
a detachment to his aid, and the result was a decided success on the
part of the Consuls, though Pansa was seriously, and, as it turned out,
mortally wounded in the engagement. The details of the battle may be
best given in the words of Ser. Sulpicius Galba (Cic. Fam. 10. 30), who
held a command in Pansa' s army. His narrative slightly differs from
that of Appian, and also in some small particulars from the account in
Cicero's speech ; but Appian is not quite impartial in his history of these
times, and Cicero spoke the fourteenth oration before the arrival of
Galba's letter, and probably with imperfect information as to the details
of the battle, so that, considering the clearness and vigour of Galba's
account, and the opportunity which he possessed of knowing the par
ticulars, we may fairly trust its accuracy. He says : ' A. d. xvii. Kalend.

Y 1

INTRODUCTION

Maias (April 15), quo die Pansa in castris Hirtii erat futurus, cum quo
ego eram — nam ei obviam processeram milia passuum centum, quo
maturius veniret, — Antonius legiones eduxit duas, secundam et quintam
tricensimam et cohortes praetorias duas, unam suam, alteram Silani, et
evocatorum partem. Ita obviam venit nobis, quod nos quattuor legiones
tironum habere solum arbitrabatur. Sed noctu, quo tutius venire in
castra possemus, legionem Martiam, cui ego praeesse solebam, et duas
cohortes praetorias miserat Hirtius nobis. 2. Cum equites Antonii
apparuissent, contineri neque legio Martia neque cohortes praetoriae
potuerunt; quas sequi coepimus coacti, quoniam retinere eas non po-
tueramus. Antonius ad Forum Gallorum suas copias continebat, neque
sciri volebat se legiones habere ; tantum equitatum et levem armaturam
ostendebat. Postea quam vidit se invito legionem ire Pansa, sequi se
duas legiones iussit tironum. Postea quam angustias paludis et silvarum
transiimus, acies est instructa a nobis duodecim cohortium. 3. Nondum
venerant legiones duae ; repente Antonius in aciem suas copias de vico
produxit et sine mora concurrit. Primo ita pugnatum est, ut acrius non
posset ex utraque parte pugnari ; etsi dexterius cornu, in quo ego eram
cum Martiae legionis cohortibus octo, impetu primo fugaverat legionem
xxxv. Antonii, ut amplius passus * * ultra aciem, quo loco steterat,
processerit. Itaque cum equites nostrum cornu circumire vellent,
recipere me coepi et levem armaturam opponere Maurorum equitibus, ne
aversos nostros adgrederentur. Interim video me esse inter Antonianos,
Antoniumque post me esse aliquanto. Repente equum immisi ad earn
legionem tironum, quae veniebat ex castris scuto reiecto. Antoniani me
insequi ; nostri pila coniicere velle. Ita nescio quo fato sum servatus,
quod sum cito a nostris cognitus. 4. In ipsa Aemilia, ubi cohors Caesaris
praetoria erat, diu pugnatum est. Cornu sinisterius, quod erat innrmius,
ubi Martiae legionis duae cohortes erant et cohors praetoria, pedem
referre coeperunt, quod ab equitatu circumibantur, quo vel plurimum
valet Antonius. Cum omnes se recepissent nostri ordines, recipere me
novissimus coepi ad castra. Antonius tamquam victor castra putavit se
posse capere. Quo cum venit, complures ibi amisit nee egit quicquam.
Audita re Hirtius cum cohortibus viginti veteranis redeunti Antonio in
sua castra occurrit copiasque eius omnes delevit fugavitque eodem loco,
ubi erat pugnatum, ad Forum Gallorum. Antonius cum equitibus hora
noctis quarta se in castra sua ad Mutinam recepit. 5. Hirtius in ea
castra rediit, unde Pansa exierat, ubi duas legiones reliquerat, quae ab
Antonio erant oppugnatae. Sic partem maiorem suarum copiarum
Antonius amisit veteranarum. Nee id tamen sine aliqua iactura cohor
tium praetoriarum nostrarum et legionis Martiae fieri potuit. Aquilae

TO THE FOURTEENTH ORATION. 325

duae, signa sexaginta sunt relata Antonii. Res bene gesta est. A. d.
xvi. Kalendas Maias, ex castris/

The despatch of Hirtius excited to the highest pitch the enthusiasm of
the people, already roused in Cicero's favour by the speech of Apuleius.
They crowded to his house, and conducted him in a triumphal proces
sion to the Capitol, and back again to his home on the Palatine'. This
was on the 20th cf April, the day on which Galba's letter was written,
and on the following day, M. Cornutus, the city praetor, called a meeting
of the senate. It was moved by P. Servilius that the citizens should lay
aside the military garb, and that a public thanksgiving should be
celebrated in honour of the victory. Cicero followed with the fourteenth
and last extant Philippic oration. In respect to the first point he urged
that it would be premature to lay aside the garb of war till the siege of
Mutina was actually raised ; but the second motion he eagerly supported
as implying more than it expressed. On no previous occasion had a
thanksgiving been decreed for a victory over citizens, and therefore in
voting for its celebration now, the senate really was pronouncing Antony
a public enemy. He accordingly moved that the time should be
extended to the unprecedented length of fifty days, and that the three
generals, Hirtius, Pansa, and Octavianus, should be included in the
honour; though even according to his own account, Octavianus had
taken no part in the actual battle. He concluded with a glowing eulogy
of those who had fallen in the battle, consoling their surviving friends
with the thoughts of the glory which they had won, and which would be
made imperishable by the public monument which he proposed should
be erected to their memory.

It is probable that Cicero delivered further orations on the subject of
the contest with Antony, and we might especially expect to find one on
the occasion of the second battle before Mutina, in which Hirtius was
killed and Antony decisively defeated; but there is no trace of any
later speech preserved, except two short fragments quoted by Arusianus
(p. 225, Lindem.) as from a sixteenth Philippic oration.

For this oration Halm obtained the collation of an additional MS.,
but without any valuable results, as it has given rise to no improvement
in the text, and appears to be carelessly written. It is in the Vatican
library, and is pronounced by Halm (who quotes it as ' v ') to be ' ex
vetustioribus Italicis.'

M. TULLII CICERONIS

ORATIONUM PHILIP PIC ARUM

LIBER QUARTUS DECIMUS.

1 SI, ut ex litteris, quae recitatae sunt, patres conscripti, sce-

1 leratissimorum hostium exercitum caesum fusumque cognovi,
sic id, quod et omnes maxime optamus et ex ea victoria, quae
parta est, consecutum arbitramur, D. Brutum egressum iam
Mutina esse cognovissem j^ propter cuius periculum ad saga 5
issemus, propter eiusdem salutem redeundum ad pristinum ves-
titum sine ulla dubitatione censerem. Ante vero quam sit ea
res, quam avidissime civitas exspectat, allata, laetitia frui satis
est maximae praeclarissimaeque pugnae ; reditum ad vestitum
confectae victoriae reservate. Confectio autem huius belli est to

2 D. Bruti salus. Quae autem est ista sententia, ut in hodiernum
diem vestitus mutetur, deinde eras sagati prodeamus ? Nos
vero cum semel ad eum, quern cupimus optamusque, vestitum
redierimus, id agamus ut eum in perpetuum retineamus. Nam
hoc quidem cum turpe est, turn ne dis quidem immortalibus 15
gratum, ab eorum aris, ad quas togati adierimus, ad saga su-

3 menda discedere. Atque animadverto, patres conscripti, quosdam
huic favere sententiae : quorum ea mens idque consilium est, ut,

cc. I, 2. Cicero warns the senate that it 8. Laetitia frui. So Halm from the

was premature to assume the garb of peace MSS. The old reading was ' laetitiae usus,'

before D. Brutus should be extricated from which gives rather an awkward double geni-

Mutina, both because the war could not be tive.

yet considered finished, and because they 15. Cum turpe est, &c. : the shame

would be failing in due respect to Brutus. of the action consisting in the mockery

It was for his deliverance that they had which it involved, both of their sorrow and

witnessed such gallant exertions on the part of their religion, that they should put on the

of the envoys, the Consuls, Octavianus, and the toga, so as to mark rejoicing and triumph,

Roman people; and therefore it was right to while they knew that their anxiety was not

wait for the issue on which so much had been yet over, and that the gods had granted

staked before commencing their rejoicings. only half their prayers.

328 M. TULLII CICERONIS 00.1-3.

cum videant gloriosissimum ilium D. Bruto futurum diem, quo
die propter eius salutem redierimus, hunc ei fructum eripere
cupiant, ne memoriae posteritatique prodatur propter unius civis
periculum populum Romanum ad saga isse, propter eiusdem
5 salutem redisse ad togas. Tollite hanc : nullam tarn pravae
sententiae causam reperietis. Vos vero, patres conscripti, con-
servate auctoritatem vestram, manete in sententia, tenete vestra
memoria, quod saepe ostendistis, huius totius belli in unius
viri fortissimi et maximi vita positum esse discrimen. Ad 2

to D. Brutum liberandum legati missi principes civitatis, qui illi 4
hosti ac parricidae denuntiarent ut a Mutina discederet : eiusdem
D. Bruti conservandi gratia consul sortitu ad bellum profectus
A. Hirtius, cuius imbecillitatem valetudinis animi virtus et spes
victoriae connrmavit : Caesar, cum exercitu per se comparato f

15 cum primis pestibus rem publicam liberasset, ne quid postea
sceleris oriretur, profectus est ad eundem Brutum liberandum
vicitque dolorem aliquem domesticum patriae caritate. Quid 5

C. Pansa egit aliud dilectibus habendis, pecuniis comparandis,
senatus consultis faciendis gravissimis in Antonium, nobis co-

20 hortandis, populo Romano ad causam libertatis vocando, nisi ut

D. Brutus liberaretur? A quo populus Romanus frequens ita
salutem D. Bruti una voce depoposcit, ut earn non solum
commodis suis, sed etiam necessitati victus anteferret. Quod
sperare nos quidem debemus, patres conscripti, aut inibi esse

2. Redierimus, sc. 'ad pristinnm primum,' apparently taking the first 'cum*

vestitum ;' an ellipse easily supplied from the as a preposition ; and this inverted order of

preceding section. One MS. however in- the words would suit the artificial arrange-

serts ' ad vestitum ; ' and in another ' ad ment of the whole of these two opening

togam' is added as a gloss. chapters. One MS. has 'a primis pestibus,'

5. Hanc, sc. ' sententiam.' and Manutius defends the reading in the

10. Legati missi. See fifth and sixth text, referring the 'primae pestes ' to An-

orations. tony's return from Brundisium, and joining

12. Sortitu. So Halm from two MSS. 'cum exercitu a se comparato' to ' pro-
The old reading was ' consules sortiti ;' but fectus est.'

the form 'sortitu' occurs also de Dom. 19, 17. Dolorem aliquem domesticum,

50 ' Pluribus de rebus uno sortitu rettulisti.' ' what natural affection lingered in his breast.'

13. Imbecillitatem. Cp. 7. 4, 12 Cicero seems rather to imply that Octavianus
'Quid igitur profectus est vir fortissimus, was too true a patriot to entertain much
meus collega et familiaris, A. Hirtius Con- love for such a tyrant as the dictator.

sul? at qua imbecillitate ! qua macie ! sed 23. Q_uod, sc. the deliverance of D.

animi vires corporis infirmitas non retar- Brutus.

davit.' 24. Inibi, in reference to time, does not

15. Cum primis pestibus. Halm occur again in Cicero. It signifies, ' on the

thinks that under this obviously corrupt point of being achieved.' Cp. Caecil. ap.

reading underlies some such expression as Non. 2. 427 ' Liberne es ? non sum, verum

' compressis pestibus.' Kayser reads ' cum inibi est.'

§§ 3—7.

ORATIO PHILIPPICA XIV.

$19

aut iam esse confectum : sed spei fructum rei convenit et evento
reservari, ne aut deorum immortalium beneficium festinatione
praeripuisse aut vim fortunae stultitia contempsisse videamur.

6 Sed quoniam significatio vestra satis declarat quid hac de re
sentiatis, ad litteras veniam, quae sunt a consulibus et a pro 5
praetore missae, si pauca ante, quae ad ipsas litteras pertineant,

3 dixero. Imbuti gladii sunt, patres conscripti, legionum exer-
cituumque nostrorum vel madefacti potius duobus duorum con-
sulum, tertio Caesaris proelio. Si hostium fuit ille sanguis,
summa militum pietas : nefarium scelus, si civium. Quousque 10
igitur is, qui omnes hostes scelere superavit, nomine hostis care-
bit ? nisi mucrones etiam nostrorum militum tremere vultis

7 dubitantes, utrum in cive an in hoste figantur. Supplicationem
decernitis : hostem non appellatis. Gratae vero nostrae dis im-
mortalibus gratulationes erunt, gratae victimae, cum interfecta 15
sit civium multitude ! De improbis, inquit, et audacibus ; nam
sic eos appellat clarissimus vir : quae sunt urbanarum maledicta
litium, non inustae belli internecivi notae. Testamenta, credo,

I. Evento. So Halm from one MS.
Most of the MSS. have ' eventui,' which is
the commoner form in the singular number,
but cp. Att. 3. 8, 4 'poenam eventi.' Cicero's
meaning is that they must not be too hasty
in triumphing over the victory, lest they
should seem to presume on the continued
favour of the gods, or to have put out of
sight reverses with which fortune still might
persecute them. He attributes all the good
which they might receive to the favour of
heaven, and all reverses to the accidents of
fortune, with an inconsistency commonly to
be found in all who adopt the phraseology
of fatalism.

cc. 3, 4. The senate still hesitated to call
Antony an enemy, though they waged war
against him, and entertained the question of
a ' supplication ' for his defeat. Yet he did
not hesitate to carry on open war with his
country, to praise the enormities of Dolabella,
to sanction the outrages of his brother, to treat
the colonies with most rapacious violence, and
to threaten equal violence against Rome
itself. Cicero therefore declares in favour
of a ' supplication ' for Jiffy days in honorir
of the three generals, who would thus acquire
for themselves the name of Imperator, whilst
Antony would be thereby branded as an
enemy to the state.

4. Significatio vestra, 'your gestures
of assent;' cp. pro Sest. 59, 125 ' Haec

populi Romani tanta significatio.'

5. A pro praetore, by Octavianus.
Cp. c. 8, 22.

7. Imbuti. One MS. adds 'sanguine,'
which is apparently a gloss.

8. Madefacti. Manutius, followed by
Forcellini, says ' Minus est " madefacti "
quam " imbuti," ' as though Cicero corrected
himself, putting a weaker word for a stronger
one. The mention of the three battles,
however, seems to point rather to a
climax in the use of ' madefacti ; ' and this
is confirmed by the use of 'imbuo,' re
ferring to the beginning of bloodshed in
5. 7, 20 'Cum semel gladium scelere im-
buisset.'

Duobus. See the introduction.

10. Pietas, ' loyal devotion.'

11. Nomine hostis. He had in all
respects been treated as a foe, since the day
when the people assumed the military dress,
but had never yet been formally declared a
public enemy.

16. Civium : as the soldiers of Antony
must be deemed, if they were not considered
enemies.

17. Clarissimus vir: the proposer of
the ' supplicatio,' P. Servilius.

18. Internecivi. So Halm, with whom
Facciolati agrees, for the common reading
' internecini.' The MSS. are hopelessly con
fused in this clause, and all corrupt.

330 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 3-5.

subiiciunt aut eiiciunt vicinos aut adolescentulos circumscribunt ;
his enim vitiis affectos et talibus malos aut audaces appellare
consuetude solet. Bellum inexpiabile infert quattuor consuli- 8
bus unus omnium latronum taeterrimus ; gerit idem bellum cum
5 senatu populoque Romano ; omnibus — quamquam ruit ipse suis
cladibus — pestem, vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta denuntiat ;
Dolabellae ferum et immane facinus, quod nulla barbaria posset
agnoscere, id suo consilio factum esse testatur ; quaeque esset
facturus in hac urbe, nisi eum hie ipse luppiter ab hoc templo

10 atque moenibus reppulisset, declaravit in Parmensium calami-
tate, quos optimos viros honestissimosque homines, maxime cum
auctoritate huius ordinis populique Romani dignitate coniunctos,
crudelissimis exemplis interemit propudium illud et portentum,
L. Antonius, insigne odium omnium hominum vel, si etiam di

15 oderunt quos oportet, deorum. Refugit animus, patres conscripti, 9
eaque clicere reformidat, quae L. Antonius in Parmensium liberis
et coniugibus effecerit. Quas enim turpitudines Antonii libenter
cum dedecore subierunt, easdem per vim laetantur aliis se in-
tulisse. Sed vis calamitosa est, quam illis obtulcrunt : libido

20 flagitiosa, qua Antoniorum oblita est vita. Est igitur quisquam, 4
qui hostes appellare non audeat, quorum scelere crudelitatem
Karthaginiensium victam esse fateatur ? Qua enim in urbe tarn
immanis Hannibal capta quam in Parma surrepta Antonius?
nisi forte huius coloniae et ceterarum, in quas eodem est animo,

25 non est hostis putandus. Si vero coloniarum et municipiorum 10
sine ulla dubitatione hostis est, quid tandem huius censetis

I. Subiiciunt, 'they exhibit counter- 10. 33, 4 ; ib. II. 13 A.

feit wills.' Cp. Quint. 9. 2, 73 'Ream 13. Propudiuru et portentum, 'that

tuebar, quae subiecisse dicebatur mariti tes- prodigy of vileness.' ' Propudium,' as a

tamentum.' concrete term, appears, except in this passage,

3. Quattuor consulibus. See on 13. to be confined to the writings of the come-
7, 1 6. dians. It here rests on the authority of

4. Unus. See on 2. 34, 84. one MS., the others having 'proludium,' or

5. Ruit ipse, &c. Cp. Hor. Epod. ' praeludium.'

16, 2 'Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit.' 15. Refugit, &c. Halm compares Virg.

9. Ab hoc templo. From this pas- Ae. 2. 12

sage it would appear that the senate met on 'Animus meminisse horret, luctuque refugit.'
this occasion in the temple of Jupiter on the 24. Nisi forte, &c. Cicero's argument

Capitol. Cp. c. 10, 27. depends on the general acknowledgment that

10. In Parmensium calamitate. We Antony was an enemy to Parma and the
have already seen (10. 5, 10) that Parma other municipal towns; and this he shows
was one of the cities in Antony's occupation him to have been, in that he treated them
(cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2) ; but of the particulars worse than any recognised enemy ever did.
of its seizure we have nowhere else so much 26. Quid . . . huius urbis, ' what is his
information as in this passage. Cp. Fam. relation to this city? is he its enemy? or

§§7-12. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIV. 331

urbis, quam ille ad explendas egestates latrocinii sui concupivit?
quam iam peritus metator et callidus decempeda sua Saxa divi-
serat ? Recordamini, per deos immortales ! patres conscripti,
quid hoc biduo timuerimus, a domesticis hostibus rumoribus
improbissimis dissipatis. Quis liberos, quis coniugem adspicere 5
poterat sine fletu ? quis domum ? quis tecta ? quis larem familia-
rem. Aut foedissimam mortem omnes aut miserabilem fugam
cogitabant. Haec a quibus timebantur, eos hostes appellare
dubitamus ? Gravius si quis attulerit nomen, libenter assentiar :
hoc vulgari contentus vix sum, leviore non utar. 10

11 Itaque cum supplicationes iustissimas ex iis litteris, quae
recitatae sunt, decernere debeamus, Serviliusque decreverit, au-
gebo omnino numerum dierum, praesertim cum non uni, sed
tribus ducibus sint decernendae. Sed hoc primum faciam, ut
imperatores appellem eos, quorum virtute, consilio, felicitate 15
maximis periculis servitutis atque interitus liberati sumus. Et-
enim cui viginti his annis supplicatio decreta est, ut non im-
perator appellaretur, aut minimis rebus gestis aut plerumque
nullis? Quam ob rem aut supplicatio ab eo, qui ante dixit,
decernenda non fuit, aut usitatus honos pervulgatusque tribu- 20

" endus iis, quibus etiam novi singularesque debentur. An si quis

what?' ' quid' standing for the word which compares de Prov. Cons. cc. IO and II, in

should bear the same relation to ' urbis' that which the word occurs repeatedly in both

' hostis' does to ' coloniarum.' applications; and which also illustrate the

1. Latrocinii, 'of his band of robbers.' custom of proposing a 'supplicatio' on the
Cp. Cat. I. 13, 31 'Si ex tanto latrocinio receipt of despatches from a general in the
iste unus tolletur/ field.

2. Decempeda sua. Cp. II. 5, 12; 13. Cum non uni sed tribus. So
and see on 13. 18, 37. Halm, from the very confused readings of

4. Hoc biduo. The rumour of An- the MSS. The old reading was 'sed com-

tony's success and its consequences are set muniter tribus,' but 'communiter' seems to

forth at length in c. 6. have sprung out of 'cum non uni.'

A domesticis hostibus, 'by enemies 17. Viginti his annis. See on 2.

within the walls.' The MSS. add ' id est I, I.

qui intra moenia hostes sunt ;' which Ferra- 19. Ab eo. This rare construction with

rius deservedly expunged as a gloss. the gerundive, showing that it had come

IO. Hoc vulgari, &c. Cp. Verr. Act. to be looked on as a passive form, seems

2. 2. 66, 170 'Verbo satis digno tarn nefaria mainly to occur when there is already a

res dici non potest;' de Leg. Agr. 2. 14, 35 dative depending on it in another relation.

'Verbum mini deest, Quirites, cum ego hanc Cp. de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 2, 6 ' Qnibus est a

potestatem regiam appello, sed profecto maior vobis consulendum.' See however ib. 12, 34

est quaedam.' ' Haec a me in dicendo praetereunda non

12. Decernere is to give one's decision sunt;' and Phil. 3. 8, 21 'Sin ille a senatu

in favour of any question, and hence either notandus non fuit?' and Zumpt, § 651.
of the senate, 'to pass a decree,' or, as here, cc. 5, 6. The generals would rejoice that

of an individual senator, 'to vote for a their honours should be associated with the

motion;' not necessarily implying that he name of Cicero, when they entered the temple

was the original proposer of it. Mr. Long which, had recently been the scene of an ovation

332 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 5-6.

Hispanorum aut Gallorum aut Threcum mille aut duo milia
occidisset, eum hac consuetudine, quae increbuit, imperatorem
appellaret senatus : tot legionibus caesis, tanta multitudine hos-
tium interfecta — hostium dico? ita, inquam, hostium, quamvis

5 hoc isti hostes domestic! nolint — clarissimis ducibus supplica-
tionum honorem tribuemus, imperatorium nomen adimemus?
Quanto enim honore, laetitia, gratulatione in hoc templum
ingredi debent illi ipsi huius urbis liberatores, cum hesterno die
propter eorum res gestas me ovantem et prope triumphantem

10 populus Romanus in Capitolium domo tulerit, domum inde
reduxerit ? Is enim demum est mea quidem sententia Justus 13
triumphus ac verus, cum bene de re publica mentis testimonium
a consensu civitatis datur. Nam sive in communi gaudio populi
Roman! uni gratulabantur, magnum iudicium, sive uni gratias

?5 agebant, eo maius, sive utrumque, nihil magnincentius cogitari
potest.

Tu igitur ipse de te? dixerit quispiam. Equidem invitus, sed
iniuriae dolor facit me praeter consuetudinem gloriosum. Nonne
satis est ab hominibus virtutis ignaris gratiam bene merentibus

20 non referri ? Etiam in eos, qui omnes suas curas in rei publicae
salute defigunt, f impetus crimen [invidiaque] quaeretur? Scitis 14
enim per hos dies creberrimum fuisse sermonem, me Parilibus,

in his honour. An attempt had been made So Halm in his text, though in his notes he
to spread a rumour that he, of all men, was suggests ' impietatis crimen,' 'the charge of
aiming at sovereign power, and designs had disloyalty.' He thinks 'invidia' a gloss,
even been formed against his life: but the 'que' not being found in the MSS. Kayser
plot had been frustrated by a speech of P. reads ' impietatis crimine invidia.' The
Apuleius, and the conspirators confounded older editors omit 'impetus,' and read 'crimen
by the news of Antony s defeat. invidiaque quaeretur,' 'shall it be sought to
2. Imperatorem. Cicero seems to stir up prejudice against them, by charging
imply that the custom of giving the title them with crime:' but the expression of
of 'imperator' so easily was of recent the nature of the charge seems to be re-
growth, quired.

7. Quanto enim honore, &c. Mr. 22. Parilibus. So Halm from one MS.
Forsyth (2. 248) draws attention to the The rest have ' per Idus Quintiles,' a reading
adroitness with which Cicero manages ' to opposed to both chronology and grammar,
bring in his own name and speak at some The feast of the Parilia, or birthday of
length of himself by alluding to the proud Romulus and Remus (otherwise called Pa-
delight with which the victorious generals lilia, as though it were the festival of Pales),
would enter as imperators that temple was celebrated on the 2ist of April, and as
where they were then sitting, when they re- the battles which gave occasion to this
collected that it was on account of their speech were fought on the 1510, the news
exploits that the people had the day before might very well have reached Rome on the
conducted him in triumph to the Capitol.' 2Oth of that month. This is the date given in

8. Hesterno die, the 2oth of April, the one of the so-called letters to Brutus (ad
day on which the news arrived. See on § 14. Brut. I. 3, 2), and as that letter bears evident

21. Impetus crimen [invidiaque]. traces of reference to this passage, and was

§§12-16. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIV. 333

qui dies hodie est, cum fascibus descensurum. In aliquem credo
hoc gladiatorem aut latronem aut Catilinam esse collatum, non
in eum, qui ne quid tale in re publica fieri posset effecerit.
An ego, qui Catilinam haec molientem sustulerim, everterim,
afflixerim, ipse exsisterem repente Catilina ? Quibus auspiciis 5
istos fasces augur acciperem ? quatenus haberem ? cui traderem ?
Quemquamne fuisse tarn sceleratum qui hoc fingeret, tarn furio-
6 sum qui crederet ? Unde igitur ista suspicio vel potius unde

15 iste sermo ? Cum, ut scitis, hoc triduo vel quadriduo tristis a
Mutina fama manaret, inflati laetitia atque insolentia impii cives 10
unum se in locum, ad illam curiam, partibus potius suis quam
rei publicae infelicem, congregabant. Ibi cum consilia inirent de
caede nostra partirenturque inter se, qui Capitolium, qui rostra,
qui urbis portas occuparent, ad me concursum futurum civitatis
putabant. Quod ut cum invidia mea fieret et ut cum vitae etiam 15
periculo, famam istam fascium dissipaverunt ; fasces ipsi ad me
delaturi fuerunt. Quod cum esset quasi mea voluntate factum,
turn in me impetus conductorum hominum quasi in tyrannum
parabatur; ex quo caedes esset vestrum omnium consecuta.
Quae res patefecit, patres conscripti, sed suo tempore totius 20

16 huius sceleris fons aperietur. Itaque P. Apuleius tribunus pi.,
meorum omnium consiliorum periculorumque iam inde a con-
sulatu meo testis, conscius, adiutor, dolorem ferre non potuit
doloris mei : contionem habuit maximam populo Romano unum

probably written within twenty or thirty (Jahn's Jahrb. for 1856, p. 127) suggests
years of Cicero's death, its authority on this ' furiis,' ' ut furiosos homines eo congregari
point is considerable. Orelli, following a solitos significet.' This conjecture is adopted
conjecture of Ferrarius, reads 'pridie Vinalia,' by Kayser, and has the advantage of making
which would be the 22nd of April; but the 'suis' refer to 'curiam.' Other conjectures
reading in the text is further confirmed by a are ' civibus,' ' victoribus,' ' rebus.' The
scholium on Pers. I. 72, which quotes allusion is probably to the Curia Pom-
Cicero as mentioning the Palilia in the pei!, which, as being the scene of Caesar's
Philippics. murder, would naturally be deemed by his

I. Cum fascibus, 'with the ensigns of adherents to be a place of evil destiny to
sovereign power;' probably as dictator, or the state.

even as king. For 'descensurum' see on 2. 13. Rostra is the emendation of Faer-

6, 15. nus for 'hostia,' and has been adopted by

4. An . . . everterim ; sc. 'an id effeci almost all subsequent editors,
ut,' &c. 20. Patefecit. So the MSS. The

9. Sermo. He implies that the rumour older editors have ' patescit,' a mistake

was not even founded on honest suspicion, caused probably by their not observing that

but was wilfully spread abroad to bring him 'quae' is the accusative plural. The trea-

into odium. sonable designs were brought to light by the

II. Partibus. So Halm from a conjee- course of events, but their origin yet re-
ture by Klotz. The MSS. have ' viribus,' mained to be disclosed.

or 'iuris ;' from the latter of which Madvig 21. P. Apuleius. See on 6. I, I.

334 M. TV L LI I CICERONIS cc. e-7.

atque idem sentiente. In qua contione cum me pro summa
nostra coniunctione et familiaritate liberare suspicione fas-
cium vellet, una voce cuncta contio declaravit nihil esse a
me umquam de re publica nisi optime cogitatum. Post hanc

5 habitam contionem duabus tribusve lioris optatissimi nuntii
et litterae venerunt : ut idem dies non modo iniquissima me
invidia liberarit, sed etiam celeberrima populi Romani gratu-
latione auxerit.

Haec interposui, patres conscripti, non tarn ut pro me dicerem 17

10 — male enim mecum ageretur, si parum vobis essem sine de-
fensione purgatus — , quam ut quosdam nimis ieiuno animo et
angusto monerem, id quod semper ipse fecissem, uti excellen-
tium civium virtutem imitatione dignam, non invidia putarent.
Magnus est in re publica campus, ut sapienter dicere Crassus

15 solebat, multis apertus cursus ad laudem. Utinam quidem illi 7
principes viverent, qui me post meum consulatum, cum iis ipse
cederem, principem non inviti videbant! Hoc vero tempore
in tanta inopia constantium et fortium consularium quo me
dolore affici creditis, cum alios male sentire, alios nihil omnino

20 curare videam, alios parum constanter in suscepta causa per-
manere sententiamque suam non semper utilitate rei publicae,
sed turn spe, turn timore moderari ? Quod si quis de contentione 18
principatus laborat, quae nulla esse debet, stultissime facit, si
vitiis cum virtute contendit : ut enim cursu cursus, sic in viris

25 fortibus virtus virtute superatur. Tu, si ego de re publica
optime sentiam, ut me vincas, ipse pessime senties ? aut, si ad
me bonorum concursum fieri vidcbis, ad te improbos invitabis ?
Nollem, primum rei publicae causa ; deinde etiam dignitatis
tuae. Sed si principatus ageretur, quern numquam expetivi, quid

7. Sed etiam, &c., 'but has also con- expected ' feci,' but Cicero represents this as

ferred on me the honour of most unanimous part of the wording of his advice to his

congratulations from the Roman people.' adversaries, instead of expressing it as a

c. 7- He himself was not desirous of ac- parenthetic explanation to the senate.
quiring undue prominence in the state; and so 14. Crassus, L. Licinius Crassus, Con-

far as he aimed at distinction among his sul 95 B.C., and pronounced by Cicero to

fellow-citizens, he confined himself to honour- dispute the palm for oratory with M. Anto-

able means; being conscious that any us'e of nius. See Brut. 36, 138; and 86, 296.
disloyal measures must necessarily result in 16. Principes, 'leaders in the state,'

discomfiture. Hence he had been constant hi and especially men of consular rank.
his efforts for the freedom of the state, and 29. Quid tandem, &c. As the protasis

had persevered in urging war, only because of this clause contains the opposite sugges-

a peace with Antony would involve the slavery tion to that of the preceding one, supposing

of them all. Cicero to be actuated by the unworthy

12. Fecissem. We should rather have motive of personal ambition, instead of

§§ie-2i. ORATIO PHILIP PIC A XIV. 335

tandem mihi esset optatius ? ego enim malis sententiis vinci

19 non possum, bonis forsitan possim et libenter. Haec populum
Romanum videre, animadvertere, iudicare quidam moleste ferunt.
Poteratne fieri ut non proinde homines de quoque, ut quisque
mereretur, iudicarent ? Ut enim de universo senatu populus 5
Romanus venssime iudicat, nullis rei publicae temporibus hunc
ordinem firmiorem aut fortiorem fuisse, sic de imo quoque
nostrum et maxime, qui hoc loco sententias dicimus, sciscitantur
omnes, avent audire quid quisque senserit : ita de quoque, ut

20 quemque meritum arbitrantur, existimant. Memoria tenent me 10
ante diem XIII Kalendas lanuarias principem revocandae liber-
tatis fuisse ; me ex Kalendis lanuariis ad hanc horam invigilasse
rei publicae ; meam domum measque aures dies noctesque om
nium praeceptis monitisque patuisse ; meis litteris, meis nuntiis,
meis cohortationibus omnes, qui ubique essent, ad patriae prae- 15
sidium excitatos ; meis sententiis a Kalendis lanuariis numquam
legates ad Antonium ; semper ilium hostem, semper hoc bellum,
ut ego, qui omni tempore verae pacis auctor fuissem, huic essem

21 nomini pestiferae pacis inimicus. Idem P. Ventidium, cum
alii f tr. pi. uolusenum, ego semper hostem. Has in sententias 20

anxiety for the good of the state, and the De quoque ut quisque. See on

character of his rivals, so the apodosis 2. 46, 119.

contains an opposite result. Patriotism and 8. Hoc loco, sc. 'consular! loco.'
generous rivalry would make him most un- 1 1. Ante diem xm: the day on which
willing that his opponents should descend to the third and fourth orations were spoken,
unworthy means for gaining success, per- The MSS. have 'xim;' but the date is
sonal ambition would make him welcome proved both by the occurrence of the right
eagerly such conduct on their part. The figures in 6. I, I and Fam. 12. 22, 3; and
'res optatissima' therefore, in such a case, *• by the expression which he used respecting
would be that his opponent should entertain it on the 1st of January, 'qui dies nudius
disloyal thoughts, and seek the aid of repro- tertius decimus est' 5. I, 2.
bates, ' vitiis cum virtute contendens.' The 12. Ex Kalendis lanuariis: when in
following clause confirms this view, in which the fifth oration he proposed that Antony
Cicero declares that he fears nothing from should be declared an enemy,
disloyal stratagems, but if any one can de- 16. Meis sententiis. It is to be
vise a better policy than his own for the noticed in this sentence how, as Cicero ad-
state, he, in the interests of the state, would vances to his climax, his expressions become
be the first to welcome it. more elliptical: in the opening clauses the

2. Possim. One MS. has 'possum,' grammar is complete, then the substantive

but see Madv. § 350 b. Obs. 3. verb disappears, and at last he omits the

4. Proinde. One MS. here has 'per- whole verbs ' missos esse legates,' • iudicatum

inde,' and some critics deny that Cicero ever esse ilium hostem.'

uses 'proinde' in this sense; but in Tusc. 18. Ut ego, &c., 'so that I, the consis-

5. 2, 6 'proinde' is found in all the extant tent adviser of real peace on all occasions,

MSS., and in pro Quinct. 14, 45, as here, the opposed this ruinous peace, which existed

balance of authority is greatly in its favour. but in name. Cp. 7- 3> Jfoll.; 8.4, Ii,&c.

Its occurrence in Lucretius (see 3. 1035 and 19. Ventidium. Cp. 12. 8, 20; 13.

1053) admits of no question. See also 21, 48.

Zumpt, § 282. 20. Tr. pi. uolusenum. The reading

33^

M. TULLII CICERONIS

cc. 7 — 9.

meas si consules discessionem facere voluissent, omnibus istis la-
tronibus auctoritate ipsa senatus iam pridem de manibus arma
cecidissent^Sed, quod turn non licuit, patres conscripti, id hoc 8
tempore non solum licet, verum etiam necesse est, eos, qui re
5 sunt hostes, verbis notari, sententiis nostris hostes iudicari.

Antea cum hostem ac bellum nominassem, semel et saepius 22
• sententiam meam de numero sententiarum sustulerunt : quod in
hac causa iam fieri non potest. Ex litteris enim C. Pansae
A. Hirtii consulum, C. Caesaris pro praetore, de honore dis

10 immortalibus habendo sententias dicimus. Supplicationem modo
qui decrevit, idem imprudens hostes iudicavit : numquam enim
in civili bello supplicatio decreta est. Decretam dico ? ne victoris
quidem litteris postulata est. Civile bellum consul Sulla gessit ; 23
legionibus in urbem adductis quos voluit expulit, quos potuit

15 occiclit : supplicationis mentio nulla. Grave bellum Octavianum
insecutum est : supplicatio Cinnae nulla victori. Cinnae vic-
toriam imperator ultus est Sulla : nulla supplicatio decreta a
senatu. Ad te ipsum, P. Servili, num. misit ullas collega litteras

here is hopelessly corrupt, and probably a
portion has been lost, as there seems no
reason for mentioning Ventidius alone in
such a connection. Moreover he was one
of the praetors for this year. Hence Orelli
reads 'cum alii praetorem, tribanum Volu-
sienum, ego,' &c., on which Halm remarks
with justice, ' huic coniecturae iam verborum
ordo ratioque rhetorica refragatur.' Another
reading, found in two MSS., is 'cum alii tr.
pi. voluissent num ego,' &c. Volusenus is
not elsewhere mentioned by Cicero as one of
the followers of Antony, though we hear of
one C. Volusenus Quadratus, ' vir et consilii
magni et virtutis,' being 'praefectus equitum*
under Caesar. (Caes. Bell. Gall. 3. 5 ; Bell.
Civ. 3. 60.)

I. Si consules. The MSS. add ' de-
signati,' probably the injudicious interpolation
of an early copyist, as the Consuls had al
ready entered on their office.

Discessionem facere. See on 3. 9,
24.

cc. 8-ro. He now had the authority of
the Consuls for proposing to declare Antony
an enemy : for in no case had a ' supplica
tion ' been decreed for victory over citizens.
He himself proposed to make the matter even
less ambiguous, by giving the title of Impe
rator to both the Consuls and to Octavianus,
for their noble prowess in the war. Hirtius
and Pansa in the field, as gallant leaders

of gallant armies, and Octavianus for his
promptitude in opposing Antony and his
valour in defending the camp, had well
deserved this honour in addition to a ' suppli
cation ' of fifty days.

7- Sustulerunt, &c., 'would not allow
the question to be put to the House.' This
explains 'non licuit' above, as the Consuls
were the lawful authorities on the subject of
what motions should be allowed. In the
present instance, the question which they
had brought before the senate in their
despatches involved, if Cicero's reasoning is
correct, the previous decision that Antony
was a public enemy.

1 1. Imprudens, ' unconsciously,' without
being aware what his proposal involved.

12. Decretam dico? Cp. 2. 27, 67
'Quae Charybdis tam vorax? Charybdin
dico ? '

15. Octavianum. Cp. 8. 2, 7 note.

16. Victori. So Halm from one MS.,
comparing § 24, and c. 3, II. The common
reading 'victoris' seems to have arisen from
copyists not observing that the construction
really depends on 'decreta est.' Madvig
thinks 'Cinnae' an interpolation, as being
itself out of place, and destroying the sym
metry of the three clauses, ' supplicationis
mentio nulla ;' ' supplicatio nulla victori ;'
' nulla supplicatio decreta.'

18. Collega. P. Servilius Vatia was

§§ 21-26. OR ATI 0 PHILIPPIC A XIV. 337

de ilia calamitosissima pugna Pharsalia ? num te de supplicatione
voluit referre ? Profecto noluit. At misit postea de Alexandrea,
de Pharnace : Pharsaliae vero pugnae ne triumphum quidem egit.
Eos enim cives pugna ilia sustulerat, quibus non modo vivis,
sed etiam victoribus incolumis et florens civitas esse posset. 5

24 Quod idem contigerat superioribus bellis civilibus. Nam mihi
consuli supplicatio nullis armis sumptis non ob caedem hostium,
sed ob conservationem civium novo et inaudito genere decreta
est. Quam ob rem aut supplicatio re publica pulcherrime gesta
postulantibus nostris imperatoribus deneganda est, quod praeter 10
A. Gabinium contigit nemini, aut supplicatione decernenda hostes

9 eos, de quibus decernitis, iudicetis necesse est. Quod ergo ille
re, id ego etiam verbo, cum imperatores eos appello : hoc ipso
nomine et eos, qui iam devicti sunt, et eos, qui supersunt,

25 hostes iudico, cum victores appello imperatores. Quo modo *5
enim potius Pansam appellem ? etsi habet honoris nomen am-
plissimi. Quo Hirtium ? Est ille quidem consul, sed alterum
nomen beneficii populi Romani est, alterum virtutis atque vic-
toriae. Quid ? Caesarem, deorum beneficio rei publicae pro-
creatum, dubitemne appellare imperatorem ? qui primus Antonii 20
immanem et foedam crudelitatem non solum a iugulis nostris,
sed etiam a membris et visceribus avertit. Unius autem diei

26 quot et quantae virtutes, di immortales, fuerunt ! Princeps enim

Consul with Caesar in 48 B.C , and remained claim to a 'supplicatio' is commonly stated to

at home while Caesar was in Greece. have been some successes in his province of

2. De Alexandrea. Alexandrea was Judaea: but Drumann (Gesch. Rom. 3. 47,

reduced by Caesar early in the following note 35) shows from the dates that it was

year, after which he proceeded to attack rather a defeat of some Arabs who had been

Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, whom he making incursions into Syria,

utterly defeated at Zela, in Pontus, on the 12. Ille, sc. P. Servilius. Another

2nd of August. reading is 'illi,' referring to the Consuls and

4. Eos enim cives. In this sentence Octavianus, but the more recent reference

Cicero is rather representing his own views of has been to the proposer of the decree,

the party of Pompey, than those which Caesar 15. Cum victores appello impera-

would have entertained. The fact however tores. These words are supposed by some

of their being citizens was probably 'what editors to be a gloss ; but such repetitions

deterred Caesar from claiming a triumph. are not unfrequent with Cicero, and unless

6. Nam mihi consuli, &c. See 2. the words in question be retained, the con-

I, 1. For the use of 'nam' introducing nection of the following clause is very

by anticipation the answer to a supposed awkward,

objection, cp. n. 8, 18 note. 16. Nomen, that of Consul.

10. Praeter A. Gabinium. Cp. ad 22. A membris et visceribus, 'from

QiFr. 2.8,1 'Id. Maiis (56 B.C.) senatus our limbs and flesh.' 'A iugulis' simply

frequens divinus fuit in supplicatione Ga- points to the dangers to their lives, the fol-

binio deneganda. Adiurat Procilius hoc lowing words to the probability that Antony

nemini accidisse.' Cicero himself was not would torture them, following the example

present on this occasion. The ground of his set by Dolabella.

338 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. o-n.

omnium Pansa proelii faciendi et cum Antonio confligendi fuit :
dignus imperator legione Martia, digna legio imperatore. Cuius
si acerrimum impetum cohibere Pansa potuisset, uno proelio
confecta res esset. Sed cum libertatis avida legio effrenatius in

5 aciem hostium irrupisset ipseque in primis Pansa pugnaret, duo-
bus periculosis vulneribus acceptis sublatus e proelio rei publicae
vitam reservavit. Ego vero hunc non solum imperatorem, sed
etiam clarissimum imperatorem iudico : qui cum aut morte aut
victoria se satis facturum rei publicae spopondisset, alterum

ic fecit, alterius di immortales omen avertant ! Quid dicam de 10
Hirtio ? qui re audita e castris duas legiones eduxit incredibili 27
studio atque virtute, quartam illam, quae relicto Antonio se olim
cum Martia legione coniunxit, et septimam, quae constituta ex
vetcranis docuit hoc proelio militibus iis, qui Caesaris beneficia

15 servassent, senatus populique Romani carum nomen esse. His
viginti cohortibus, nullo equitatu, Hirtius ipse aquilam quartae
legionis cum inferret, qua nullius pulchriorem speciem impera-
toris accepimus, cum tribus Antonii legionibus equitatuque con-
flixit hostesque nefarios, huic lovis optimi maximi ceterisque

20 deorum immortalium templis, urbis tectis, libertati populi Ro-

3. Si ... potuisset. According to of Octavianus in the subsequent battle, by

Galba (Cic. Fam. 10. 30), the uncontrollable Sueton. Aug. 10 'In media dimicatione,

impetuosity of the Martian legion led Pansa aquilifero legionis suae graviter saucio,

into considerable difficulty, and ultimately [constat eum] aquilam humeris subiisse,

gave to Antony a temporary advantage in diuque portasse.'

the battle. This letter Cicero could not 18. Cum tribus. In the letter of Galba

yet have received, as it was only written the Antony is said to have brought only two

day before he delivered this oration. See legions, the second and thirty-fifth, into

the introduction. action ; but we know that he had with him

5. Ipseque. Cp. IO. II, 25 note. also the fifth, the famous Alauda legion,

7. Vitam reservavit. He was mor- which certainly took part in the second

tally wounded, but was apparently still alive action (Fam. 10. 33, 4): and as Galba' s

when Galba wrote. letter had not yet arrived, Cicero might

13. Septimam. This legion has been naturally conclude that all three legions were

already mentioned with praise (7. 14, 37, engaged on the first day. It seems more

note), as having remained loyal, in oppo- simple to suppose that the despatches did

sition to those followers of Antony, ' qui, not contain precise information on this

postquam beneficia Caesaris comederunt, point, than to imagine with Drumann that

consulem designatum obsident.' Cicero purposely exaggerated the number of

16. Viginti cohortibus, forming the Antony's forces, or with Garatonius that he

two legions. Cp. Cine. Alim. quoted by reckoned as a legion the two praetorian co-

Gell. 16. 4 'In legione sunt centuriae sexa- horts and veteran volunteers ('evocati') whom

ginta, manipuli triginta, cohortes decem.' Galba mentions as engaged in the fight.

I7- Q_aa nullius, &c., 'the noblest 19. Huic lovis optimi maximi. So

type of devotion of which we have ever Halm, after Muretus. The old reading is

heard in any general;' lit. 'the noblest 'huic lovi maximo,' combining the name of

type of generalship on record.' Cp. Off. luppiter awkwardly with the temples of the

2. II, 39 'Nisi speciem prae te boni viri other gods. Huic, 'this temple where we

feras.' We find a similar exploit recorded are now sitting.' See c. 3, 8 note.

§§26-29. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIV. 339

mani, nostrae vitae sanguinique imminentes prostravit, fudit,
occidit, ut cum admodum paucis nocte tectus, metu perterritus,
princeps latronum duxque fugerit. O solem ipsum beatissimum,
qui, antequam se abderet, stratis cadaveribus parricidarum cum

28 paucis fugientem vidit Antonium ! An vero quisquam dubi- 5
tabit appellare Caesarem imperatorem ? Aetas eius certe ab
hac sententia neminem deterrebit, quando quidem virtute super-
avit aetatem. Ac mihi semper eo maiora beneficia C. Caesaris
visa sunt, quo minus erant ab aetate ilia postulanda : cui cum
imperium dabamus, eodem tempore etiam spem eius nominis 10
deferebamus ; quod cum est consecutus, auctoritatem decreti
nostri rebus gestis suis comprobavit. Hie ergo adolescens
maximi animi, ut verissime scribit Hirtius, castra multarum
legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est secundumque proelium
fecit. Ita trium imperatorum virtute, consilio, felicitate uno 15

11 die locis pluribus res publica est conservata. Decerno igitur

29 eorum trium nomine quinquaginta dierum supplicationes : causas,
ut honorincentissimis verbis consequi potuero, complectar ipsa
sententia.

Est autem fidei pietatisque nostrae declarare fortissimis militi- 20
bus quam memores simus quamque grati. Quam ob rem pro-

10. Imperium dabamus: by the de- tony had attacked this camp in the morning,
cree passed on the 1st of January, wherein before proceeding against Pansa, and had
he was invested with the title of propraetor left a portion of his troops to continue the
(5. 17. 46). assault.

Spem eius nominis, 'the hope im- 17. Quinquaginta dierum. This was

plied in that name.' an unprecedented number of days for a

11. Est consecutus. Halm suggests, ' supplicatio,' ten having been an extreme
and Kayser reads, 'esset consecutus,' but this number in honour of Pompey's victory over
would necessitate an aorist rather than a Mithridates, and only fifteen having been
perfect sense for ' comprobavit.' ' In achiev- granted even in honour of Caesar's conquest
ing all that the word "imperium" im- of the Belgae. See de Prov. Cons, n, 26
plies, he has justified our decree by his ex- and 27.

ploits.' cc. 11-13. It was right to recognize also

13. Maximi animi. The genitive is the valour of the soldiers; and therefore

much less frequently used by Cicero to ex- Cicero proposes that all the promises made to

press quality than the ablative, and almost them should be confirmed in favour of the

exclusively to denote the quality of some survivors ; and that the dead, who had given

portion of the subject which cannot be a portion of their life to their country, should

separated from it even in idea. Cp. Fam. receive the imperishable memorial of a public

4. 8, I ' Neque monere te audeo praestanti monument. This unparalleled honour would

prudentia virum nee confirmare maximi mark the people's sense of the unparalleled

animi hominem;' and see Madv. § 287. distinctions of the legions engaged; and it

Obs. 2. would be some consolation to their mourning

Castra multarum legionum, the relations, to feel that those whom they had

camp of Hirtius, constructed to accom- lost were acknowledged to be worthy of such

modate a large body of troops, and therefore a monument, as being the saviours of their

requiring a large force for its defence. An- country.

340 M. TULLII CICERONIS 00.11-12.

missa nostra atque ea, quae legionibus bello confecto tributuros
nos spopondimus, hodierno senatus consulto renovanda censeo ;
aequum est enim militum, talium praesertim, honorem coniungi.
Atque utinam, patres conscript!, civibus omnibus solvere nobis 30
5 praemia liceret ! quamquam nos ea, quae promisimus, studiose
cumulata reddemus. Sed id quidem restat, ut spero, victoribus,
quibus senatus fides praestabitur : quam quoniam difficillimo rei
publicae tempore secuti sunt, eos numquam oportebit consilii
sui paenitere. Sed facile est bene agere cum his, a quibus ctiam

10 tacentibus flagitari videmur: illud admirabilius et mains maxime-
que proprium senatus sapientis est, grata eorutn virtutem memoria
prosequi, qui pro patria vitam profuderunt. Quorum de honore 31
utinam mihi plura in mentem venirent ! duo certe non praeteribo,
quae maxime occurrunt : quorum alterum pertinet ad virorum

15 fortissimorum gloriam sempiternam, alterum ad leniendum mae-
rorem et luctum proximorum. Placet igitur mihi, patres con- 12
scripti, legionis Martiae militibus et eis, qui una pugnantes
occiderint, monimentum fieri quam amplissimum. Magna atque
incredibilia sunt in rem publicam huius merita legionis. Haec

20 se prima latrocinio abrupit Antonii, haec tenuit Albam, haec
se ad Caesarem contulit ; hanc imitata quarta legio parem
virtutis gloriam consecuta est. Quarta victrix desiderat ncmi-
nem : ex Martia nonnulli in ipsa victoria conciderunt. O for-
tunata mors, quae naturae debita pro patria est potissimum

3. Coniungi, 'be associated with that who had fallen in war. This custom seems

of their generals.' never to have prevailed at Rome, the duty

6. Cumulata, 'with interest.' This of celebrating the praises of the dead having
is the emendation of Naugerius for ' quam been there left in the hands of their private
multa,' adopted by most subsequent editors, friends and relations.

though Halm suggests 'atque cumulate,' 21. Hanc imitata, &c., 'it was by

comparing c. 13, 35. Cp. Virg. Ae. 4. 436 following the example which this legion

'Quam (veniam) mihi cum dederis, cu- set,' &c. This special theme of praise seems

mulatam morte remittam.' to be introduced for the sake of including

7. Praestabitur, 'the senate's plighted the fourth legion in his eulogy. As it had
word will be fulfilled.' Another reading, lost no men (cp. Fam. 10. 30, 5) it did
found in two MSS., is ' praestatur ;' 'the not naturally come within the scope of what
senate's word is pledged.' is practically a funeral oration.

15. Maerorem et luctum, 'the dis- 24. Naturae debita. Cp. 10. 10, 20 'Non
tress and mourning of their relatives.' He est viri minimeque Romani dubitare eum spi-
does not say ' dolorem,' that deeper reason- riturn, quern naturae debeat, patriae reddere.'
able grief which is beyond the power of Potissimum, 'in preference to any
outward consolation. See on 9. 5, 12. other way.' Death is a debt which nature

16. Placet igitur mihi, &c. The claims at some time or another, but the
conclusion of this oration is apparently an occasion and mode of paying the debt is left
imitation of the funeral orations, so com- to some extent within the discretion of each
mouly delivered by the Athenians over those individual man for himself.

§§ 29—33.

ORATIO PHILIPPIC A XIV.

rd£iv
dyadots dvSpdffiv

32 reddita ! Vos vero patriae natos iudico : quorum etiam nomen
a Marte est, ut idem deus urbem hanc gentibus, vos huic urbi
genuisse videatur. In fuga foeda mors est, in victoria gloriosa :
etenim Mars ipse ex acie fortissimum quemque pignerari solet.
Illi igitur impii, quos cecidistis, etiam ad inferos poenas parricidii 5
luent : .vos vero, qui extremum spiritum in victoria effudistis,
piorum estis sedem et locum consecuti. Brevis a natura vita
vobis data est, at memoria bene redditae vitae sempiterna.
Quae si non esset longior quam haec vita, quis esset tarn amens
qui maximis laboribus et periculis ad summam laudem gloriam- 10

33 que contenderet ? Actum igitur praeclare vobiscum, fortissimi,
dum vixistis, nunc vero etiam sanctissimi milites, quod vestra
virtus neque oblivione eorum, qui nunc sunt, nee reticentia
posterorum sepulta esse poterit, cum vobis immortale moni-

2. A Marte. Cp. 4. 2, 5.

Idem deus, &c. Curio compares the
funeral oration ascribed to Demosthenes,
p. 1307, II foil., where the valour of the
several tribes is traced back to the influence
of their founders, as here the valour of the
Martian legion is ascribed directly to the in
spiration of the founder of the Roman people.

4. Pignerari, 'to claim as his own;'
as his pledge, or share of the wealth of
brave men with which he has endowed the
state. Cp. de Rep. I. 4, 8 ' Hac nos patria
lege genuit . . . ut plurimas et maximas
nostri animi, ingenii, consilii partes ipsa sibi
ad utilitatem suam pigneraretur, tantumque
nobis in nostrum privatum usum quantum
ipsi superesse posset remitteret.' The ex
pression about Mars is apparently proverbial,
perhaps translated from Aesch. fr. 52

d\\' "Aprjs (f)i\€i

det TO, Xwcrra Trdi/r' * diravdifav orparov :
cp. Soph. fr. 649 ; Eur. fr. 721.

5. Etiam ad inferos. Cp. Cat. I.
J3» 33 ' Tu, luppiter, . . hunc et huius
socios, . . scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria
societate coniunctos, aeternis suppliciis vivos
mortuosque mactabis.' For the use of ' ad,'
as equivalent to ' apud,' cp. Caes. B. G. 3. 9
' Nomen ad omnes nationes sanctum fuisset.5

7. Piorum sedem. Cp. de Rep. 6.
13, 13 (Somn. Scip. 3, 4) 'Sic habeto :
omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adiu-
verint, auxerint, certum esse in caelo defini-
tum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fru-
antur.' The idea is perhaps taken from
Pseudo-Demosth. Epitaph, p. 1399, 27 TTWS
°v XP*I TOVTOVS evdainovas vofJii^fffOai ; ovs
iraptdpovs elfeorojs dv Tts <pr]<Tai TOIS KO.TQJ

Ofoi's flva
trporepois
vrjffois.

Brevis a natura, &c. Cp. Lys.
Epitaph, p. 198, 8 dyrjparoi pev avrwv at
fj.vf)[j,a.i, (^AOJTCU 8e VTTO iravrcav
al TifJ.ai' 01 irevOovvrai p,\v 8id TTJV
us OvrfTol, vpvovmai Se &s dOdvaroi did rrjv
dptTrjv ; ib. p. 198, 15 eTretS^ Ovrfruv ffoufM-
rcav frvxov, dOdvarov nvrj/Arjv Sid rty
dpeTrjv avrwv Kare\L-nov. We must re
member that, according to Cicero's philo
sophy, these men gave up part of the
short life allowed them by nature in dying
for their country. See 1.4, 10 note.

9. Quis esset tarn amens, &c. Cp.
Tusc. I. 15, 33 ' Inhaeret in mentibus quasi
saeclorum quoddnm augurium futurorum, . .
quo quidern adempto quis tarn esset demens
qui semper in laboribus et periculis viveret?'

12. Sanctissimi. Cp. Virg. Ae. n. 158

' Tuque, o sanctissima coniux,
Felix morte tua;'
and Tib. 2. 6, 31

' Ilia mihi sancta est ; illius dona sepulcro,
Et madefacta meis serta feram lacrimis.'

14. Sepulta. So Halm from two MSS.
' Inasmuch as your prowess cannot be buried
in obscurity either through the forgetfulness
of the present generation, or by the silence
of posterity.' The other reading is ' inse-
pulta,' which some interpret as an intensified
form of 'sepulta,' from 'insepelio;' but which
is more commonly taken to mean, ' shall not
be deprived of funeral honours,' a strange
and seemingly unparalleled sense for the ad
jective to convey.

Immortale monimentum. Cp. Thuc.

342 M. TULLII CICERONI S cc. 12-14.

mentum suis paene manibus senatus populusque Romanus ex-
struxerit. Multi saepe exercitus Punicis, Gallicis, Italicis bellis
clari et magni fuerunt, nee tamen ullis tale genus honoris
tributum est. Atque utinam maiora possemus, quando quidem
5 a vobis maxima accepimus ! Vos ab urbe furentem Antonium
avertistis ; vos redire molientem reppulistis. Erit igitur ex-
structa moles opere magnifico incisaeque litterae, divinae virtutis
testes sempiternae, numquamque de vobis eorum, qui aut vide-
bunt vestrum monimentum aut audient, gratissimus sermo

10 conticescet. Ita pro mortali conditione vitae immortalitatem
estis consecuti.

Sed quoniam, patres conscript!, gloriae munus optimis et 13
fortissimis civibus monimenti honore persolvitur, consolemur 34
eorum proximos, quibus optima est haec quidem consolatio :

15 parentibus, quod tanta rei publicae praesidia genuerunt ; liberis,
quod habebunt domestica exempla virtutis ; coniugibus, quod iis
viris carebunt, quos laudare quam lugere praestabit ; fratribus,
quod in se ut corporum, sic virtutis similitudinem esse confident.
Atque utinam his omnibus abstergere fletum sententiis nostris

20 consultisque possemus vel aliqua talis iis adhiberi publice posset
oratio, qua deponerent maerorem atque luctum gauderentque
potius, cum multa et varia impenderent hominibus genera mortis,
id genus, quod esset pulcherrimum, suis obtigisse, eosque nee
inhumatos esse nee desertos, quod tamen ipsum pro patria non

25 miserandum putatur, nee dispersis bustis humili sepultura cre-
matos, sed contectos publicis operibus atque muneribus eaque
exstructione, quae sit ad memoriam aeternitatis ara Virtutis.

•2. 43 KOivrj yap TO. Gai^ara 5t5oi/T6s, I5la fj.vpi.ai, as OVK ecm <f>vyew Pporov, ovb'

TOV dyrjp&v eircuvov t\du&avov KOI TOV vtraXv^ai)

Tcupov €Tnari/j,6TaTov,ovK tv<£ Ktlvrai pdXXov to/jifv, r/€ rca fvxos ope£o/j.ev, fj£ ns

dAA' €V cb r/ So£a avTuiv irapci TO) tvTv^ovTi TJ/MV.

del /ml \6yov /cat €pyov Kaipy deifj-vrjaTOS 23. Quod est pulcherrimum. Cp.

fcaTa\(iir€Tai' dvSpuvyap (•m<pavan' irdaayfj Plat. Menex. p. 234 C. real /J.-QV, Si Mfi/efei/e,

rdipos, KOI ov crTrj\u>v p.6vov lv rrj olfffia iro\\axT] KivSvvevei fta\ov elvai TO Iv TTO-

arj^aivei CTTfy/KK/)^, d\\d xal kv rr/ pr) \€fj.a> diroOvrjcrtcfiv' ftal yap ra(prjs Ka\rjs

irpocrr]Kov(Tr) aypafyos iwr\\ji.r] -nap' l/cacrro; re KOI /j-fyaXoTrpeirovs rvyx^ei.

rrjs yviu p.r]s fj.dX.Xov rj TOV Zpyov li/SiatTarat. 24. Qiiod tamen ipsum, &c. Cp.

13. Consolemur : following the ex- Virg. Ae. 2. 646 ' Facilis iactura sepulcri.'

ample in the speech of Pericles, Thuc. 2. 26. Contectos publicis operibus

44 and 45. atque muneribus, 'buried by the state

22. Cum multa et varia, &c. The idea with public obsequies:' 'opera' being the

is perhaps taken from Horn. II. 12. 326 foil. actual labour bestowed upon the funeral,

vvv 8' (ffiirrjs yap Kjjpfs ((peardffiv ' munera' the ceremonies and functions by

Oavdroio which it was accompanied.

§§33-37. O RATIO PHILIP PIC A XIV. 343

35 Quam ob rem maximum quidem solacium erit propinquorum,
eodem monimento declarari et virtutem suorum et populi
Romani pietatem et senatus fidem et crudelissimi memoriam
belli : in quo nisi tanta militum virtus exstitisset, parricidio
M. Antonii nomen populi Romani occidisset. Atque etiam 5
censeo, patres conscripti, quae praemia militibus promisimus
nos re publica recuperata tributuros, ea vivis victoribusque
cumulate, cum tempus venerit, persolvenda : qui autem ex iis,
quibus ilia promissa sunt, pro patria occiderunt, eorum paren-
tibus, liberis, coniugibus, fratribus eadem tribuenda censeo. 10

14 Sed, ut aliquando sententia complectar, ita censeo : Cum

36 C. Pansa, consul, imperator, initium cum hostibus confligendi
fecerit, quo proelio legio Martia admirabili incredibilique virtute
libertatem populi Romani defenderit, quod idem legiones tironum
fecerint, ipseque C. Pansa, consul, imperator, cum inter media 15
hostium tela versaretur, vulnera acceperit : cumque A. Hirtius,
consul, imperator, proelio audito, re cognita, fortissimo praestan-
tissimoque animo exercitum castris eduxerit impetumque in
M. Antonium exercitumque hostium fecerit eiusque copias
occidione occiderit, suo exercitu ita incolumi, ut ne unum 20

37 quidem militem desiderarit : cumque C. Caesar, pro praetore,
imperator, consilio diligentiaque sua castra feliciter defenderit
copiasque hostium, quae ad castra accesserant, profligarit, occi
derit : ob eas res senatum existimare et iudicare eorum trium
imperatorum virtute, imperio, consilio, gravitate, constantia, 25
magnitudine animi, felicitate populum Romanum foedissima
crudelissimaque servitute liberatum ; cumque rem publicam,
urbem, templa deorum immortalium, bona fortunasque omnium
liberosque conservarint dimicatione et periculo vitae suae, uti

8. Cumulate. See on c. n, 30. II. Sententia complectar, 'to sum

Cum tempus venerit, ' now that the up what I have been urging in a formal vote.'

time has come.' The fulfilment of the Halm suggests ' sententiam,' but what has

promises being duly earned by the victory gone before was not the substance of his

which they had gained. vote, but the reasons for it.

c. 14. He concludes by a formal vote, that 14. Legiones tironum. Two legions

the three generals should receive the thanks of recruits, out of four which the Consuls

of the senate, and that a ' supplication' of apparently had with them, were engaged in

fifty days should be held in their honour ; the battle. See Fam. 14. 30, 2.
that the rewards promised to the soldiers 29. Vitae suae. The genitive belongs

should be confirmed; that a monument to ' dimicatione' as well as to 'periculo;'

should be raised at the public expense in cp. de Prov. Cons. 9, 23 ' Impendentibus

honour of the dead; and that the rewards periculis maximis cum dimicatione capitis ; '

and honours due to them should be bestowed pro Plane. 32, 77 ' Vitae dimicationes.'
on their surviving relatives.

344 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO PHILIP. XIV.

ob eas res bene, fortiter feliciterque gestas C. Pansa A. Hirtius
consules, imperatores, alter ambove, aut, si aberunt, M. Cornutus
praetor urbanus supplicationes per dies quinquaginta ad omnia
pulvinaria constituat : cumque virtus legionum digna clarissimis 1
5 imperatoribus exstiterit, senatum, quae sit antea pollicitus legi-
onibus exercitibusque nostris, ea summo studio re publica
recuperata soluturum : cumque legio Martia princeps cum
hostibus conflixerit, atque ita cum maiore numero hostium
contenderit, nt, cum plurimos caederent, caderent nonnulli,

10 cumque sine ulla retractatione pro patria vitam profuderint ;
cumque simili virtute reliquarum legionum milites pro salute et
libertate populi Romani mortem oppetiverint : senatui placere
ut C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, imperatores, alter ambove, si
eis videatur, iis, qui sanguinem pro vita, libertate, fortunis populi

15 Romani, pro urbe, templis deorum immortalium profudissent,
monimentum quam amplissimum locandum faciendumque curent
quaestoresque urbanos ad earn rem pecuniam dare, attribuere,
solvere iubeant, ut exstet ad memoriam posteritatis sempiternam
scelus crudelissimorum hostium militumque divina virtus; utique,

20 quae praemia senatus militibus ante constituit, ea solvantur
eorum, qui hoc bello pro patria occiderunt, parentibus, liberis,
coniugibus, fratribus, iisque tribuantur, quae militibus ipsis tribui
oporteret, si vivi vicissent, qui morte vicerunt.

2. M. Cornutus. As city praetor it MSS., ' locandum 'faciendumque urbem ad

was his official duty to take the place of earn rem,' which is wholly untenable. Cp.

the Consuls in their absence. Cp. Fam. 10. the wording of the decree in 9. 7, 16.
12, 3 ' Placuit nobis ut statim ad Cornutum 19. Divina virtus. So Halm from

praetorem urbanum litteras deferremus, qui, one MS. The others have ' ad scelus . . .

quod consules aberant, consulate munus sus- divinam virtutem.'
tinebat more maiorum.' Utique. So Halm, following the sug-

7. Soluturum. So Halm from one gestion of Manutius (' malim utique, magis

MS. The others have ' resoluturum,' 're-' enim redolet antiquitatem'), fortified by the

having the force of ' paying as a debt due,' reading of one MS. The other MSS. have

as in 'reddo' c. 12, 32. Plautus uses the ' utque.'

word in the same sense, Menaech. 5. 5, 30 22. Iisque tribuantur. So Halm, fol-

' Obdormisco si resolvi argentum quoi ego lowing Ferrarius. The MSS. repeat ' fra-

debeo.' Cp. id. Amph. 2. 2, 81 ; Epid. I. tribus' after ' iisque/ probably by mistake,

2, 39 ; Cat. R. R. 144, 3. Manutius reads as there is no trace of a custom such as some

' persoluturum/ which would be suitable commentators have suggested, that the

enough, but rests on no authority. brothers of those who had fallen in war

10. Sine ulla retractatione, ' without should succeed to their military rank and

any hesitation;' cp. Att. 13. 25, I 'Sine privileges.

ulla dubitatione aut retractatione.' The 23. Si vivi vicissent. So Halm and

word, which is rare, is only found in com- Kayser, following Ernesti. The MSS. have

bination with ' sine.' ' si illi vicissent,' which is much less forcible.

16. Curent, quaestoresque urbanos. Another emendation, adopted by Orelli, is

So Ferrarius, correcting the reading of the ' si illi vixissent.'

ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM FRAGMENTA. 345

Loci qui a grammaticis ex Philippicis afferuntur
nee in Us exstant.

1. Nonius p. 373 ed. Merc. Proiectum, subtraction. M. Tullius
in Philippicis lib. II II. quid? hoc senatus consultum fecit ut
clam te ex urbe proiceres ?

2. Arusianus Messius p. 225 Lind. Deflexit de proposito.
Cic. Philipp. XVI. Laterensis ne vestigium quidem deflexit.

3. Arusianus Messius p. 225 Lind. Disceptata lis est. Cic.
Philipp. XVI. Non est ilia dissensio disceptata bello.

4. Schol. Bob. ad or. p. Mil., c. 10, vol. 2, p. 286, ed. Or. Quos
mine vulgo muliones dicinms, eos scilicet, qui iumenta vehiculis
subiuncta moderantur et regunt, eos veteres, ut animadvertis,
redarios dicebant, muliones autem proprie eos^ qui negotiationem
lucri sui causa in huius modi iumentis exercebant : quamvis et in
Philippicis mulionem Ventidium dixerit eapropter, quod de publico
redemerat iumentorum praebitionem, quae esset apud exercitum
necessaria. — Schol. ad luven. 7. 199, p. 287, ed. lahn. Ventidius
ex mulione Caesaris dictatoris, ut Tullius in epistolis [ad Fam. 10.
1 8, 3] et in Philippicis loquitur ; opitidante Antonio et Augusto
usque eo provectus est, ut ei crederetur Parthicum belluni.

1. This passage is supposed by August oration was delivered after the news of the
Krause ('tlber Ciceros vierte Philippische alliance between Antony and Lepidus had
Rede,' p. 6) to be the sole surviving fragment been received at Rome.

of the genuine fourth oration, which had 4. Aulus Gellius tells us (15. 4) that

been replaced by a spurious composition of Ventidius Bassus obtained a precarious liveli-

later date. (See the introduction to the hood in his younger days by furnishing mules

fourth oration.) The reading ' fecit ut . . . and carriages to magistrates who were setting

proiceres' is a conjecture by C. L. Roth for out for their provinces; and quotes three

the reading of the MSS. ' facit clam te ex lines composed in allusion to this when

urbe proieceris.' Ventidius was made Consul —

2. M. luventius Laterensis was ' Concurrite omnes augures, haruspices :
legatus in the army of M. Lepidus, and Portentum inusitatum conflatum est
used all his influence to deter him from recens,

joining Antony after the battle of Mutina. Nam mulos qui fricabat, consul factus

Hence it seems probable that this sixteenth est.'

INDEX.

(The first figure refers to the Oration, the second to the smaller subdivision

into sections.)

ABHINC, 2. 119.

Abstract for concrete, 14. 10.

Accedere, to bid at an auction, 2. 64 ;

play on the word, 1 3. 46.
Accusative, in exclamations, 3. 26;

limiting intransitive verb, 2. 21.
Achaicum bellum, n. 17.
Actio, 4. i.
Actutum, 12. 26.
Ad, equivalent to 'apud,' 14. 32.
Ad, to the vicinity of, 12. 22.
Addicere, 2. 52 ; 7. 15.
Additi quaestores, 2. 31.
Adolescens, 2. 52, 113.
Adspectus, 2. 73.
Advocatus, i. 16.
Aequitas, 9. 10.

Aerarium, the depository of laws, 5. 12.
Affh'ctus, 3. 25.
Afranius, L., 13. 29.
Agere, to negotiate, 2. 52.
Agmen quadratum, 2. 108; 13. 18.
Agrarius, desirous of land, 7. 18.
Ahala, C. Servilius, 2. 26, 27; 10. 14.
Alba Longa, occupation of, 3. 6.
Albus aterne, 2. 41.
Alea, 2. 56.
Alexander, 5. 48.
Alexandrea, 2. 48, 64.
Alio die, 2.83.
Allegare, 5. 14.
Allienus, A, u. 30, 32.

aXXo Ti r), I. 22.

Alpes, 5. 37.

Alter . . . alter, 10. 13.

Amantia, n. 26.

Amatius, the pseudo-Marius, i. 5.

Ambitio, 5. 47.

Anacolouthon, 5. 40.

Anagnia, 2. 106.
Ancona, 12. 23.
Animi causa, 7. 17.
Annius, L., 3. 26.
Annona, 8. 26.
Anser, 13. u.
Anteire with ace., 9. i.

avTifJ.fTci[3o\r), 4. 8.

Antiochus Epiphanes, 8. 23 ; 9. 4.

Antiochus the Great, u. 17.

Antiquus, i. 25 ; 5. 47.

Antius, Sp., 9. 5.

Antonia, 2. 99.

Antonius, C., brother of the triumvir,
3. 26; 7. 3; 8. 26; 10. 6, 9 foil.

Antonius, L., attack on Cicero, 12. 20;
conduct towards Parma, 14. 8 ; cru
elty in Gaul, 3. 30 ; ' myrmillo,' 3.
31 ; 5. 20, 30 ; 6. 10; 7. 17 ; 12. 20;
'patronus' of all Rome, 7. 16 foil.;
worst of the three brothers, 10. 22 ;

11. 10.

Antonius, M., the orator, i. 27; 2. 42,
70.

Antonius, M., the triumvir, acts of,
annulled, 5. 10; at Alexandrea, 2.
48; answers the first Philippic, 5.
19; ' augur verecundus,' 5. 7 ; augur
through Curio's influence, 2. 4; body
guard of, 1.27; Caesar's death caused
by, 13. 41 ; Caesar's fate a warning
to, 2. 116; Caesar's memory neg
lected by, 2. no; Caesar's murder
attempted by, 2. 34, 745 Caesar's
nominee in the consulship, 2. 10;
Caesar's treason caused by, 2. 53;
Campania, his progress through, 1.5;
2. 100; Capua, his exclusion from,

12. 7; Capua, his proceedings at,
2. 92; Cicero's benefactor, i. n;

34*

fNDEX.

2. 59 ; Cicero's enemy, 2. 2 ; Cicero's
friend, 2. 3 ; Cisalpine Gaul appro
priated by, i. 8; Cisalpine Gaul oc
cupied by, 5. 24 ; Cisalpine Gaul
resigned by, 8. 26; Clodius' tool,
2. 48 ; constitutional conduct of,
after Caesar's death, 1.2; consulship
obtained by, 2.79; ' consulatus ur-
banus,' 7. 15; counter-propositions of,
8. introd. ; crew of, described, 5. 12
foil.; 13. 26 foil.; cruelty of, 2. 61 ;
defeated by A. Hirtius, 14. introd. ;
dictatorship abolished by, i. 4; 2.
115; discourtesy of, 2. 7, 105 foil.;
Dolabella defended by, 13. 25 ; Dola-
bella's election stopped by, i. 31 ;
2.82; drinks in Scipio's villa, 5. 19 ;
embassy voted to, 6. 3 ; exorbitant
demands of, 12. 12; falsifies the
auspices, 2. 82; finds fault with
Cicero's consulship, 2. n ; finds fault
with Hirtius and Octavianus, 13. 24 ;
' flamen Caesaris,' 13.41; flight before
Octavianus, 3. i, 24 ; 5. 24, 30; flight
to Gaul, 3. 6; flight on Caesar's
death, 2. 88; forges ' acta Caesaris,'
2. 97; forges laws, i. 25; 2. 8 ;
forges 'senatusconsulta,' 12.1 2; friend
of traitors, 2. 2; gambler, 2. 56;
gluttonous, 2. 63; grandfathers of,
1.27; ' heres secundus' to Caesar,
2.71; ' hostis Populi Romani, 3.15;
4. 5 ; 5. 28 foil.; 14. 6, 22 ; ingrati
tude of, towards Calenus, 8. 18;
insolent, 2. 58; jobbery of, 2. 35,
62, 92, 115; 3. 10, 30; joins Caesar
in Gaul, 2.48; joins Caesar at Ra
venna, 2. 51 ; Italy entrusted to, by
Caesar, 2. 57, 58; * indicium' be
stowed on foreigners by, 5. 12 ;
Latinity of, 2. 95; 3. 22; 13. 43 ;
laws of, invalid, 5. 10 ; legislation of,
2. 72 ; letter of, 13. 22 ; life of, re
viewed, 2. 44 foil.; Lupercalia, con
duct at the, 2. 84; 3. 12; 13. 31;
Macedonia claimed by, 7. 3 ; ' ma-
gister equitum,' 2. 62 ; massacres
of, 3. 4 ; 4. 4; 13. 18; Mutina be
sieged by, 5. 24; Narbo, expedi
tion to, 2. 75 ; Narbo, return from,
2. 76; ' non sordidus,' i. 32; oc
cupied the forum with soldiery,
2. 19, 96; 5. 9; 13. 18; peace
with, impossible, 7. 7 ; 13. 21 ; Phar-
salus, conduct at, 13. 33; Pompey's
goods bought by, 2. 64, 100, 103 ;
profligate, 2. 57, 104 ; promised Italy

to his soldiery, 8. 9 ; quaestor, 2. 49 ;
seeks to avenge Caesar's death, 13.
46; senate blockaded by, 2. 19, 112;
senate insulted by, 3. 20; senate of,
13. 26; sons of, i. 2; 2. 90; sub
servience to Caesar, 13. 17; sum
mons legions from Macedonia, 4. 6 ;
6. 3 ; suppliant to Cicero, 2. 7 ;
temperate when necessary, 3. 12 ;
threatens Cicero, i. n ; Trebonius'
death a cause for rejoicing to, 1 3. 22 ;
tribune, 2.51; tries to kill P. Clodius,
2. 21, 49; tries to corrupt the vete
rans, 13. 34; tyrant of the worst
kind, 2. 108 ; 7. 15 ; uncle of, i. 27;
unconstitutional conduct of, after
i st of June, 1.6 ; unnatural conduct of,
2.55; unsupported in the senate, 5.
32; untrustworthy, 13. 4 ; venal, 2.
97 ; villa of, at Misenum, 2. 48, 73 ;
violates ' Lex lulia de provinces,'
8. 26 ; wishes to crown Caesar, 2. 85 ;
5.38; wishes to declare Octavianus a
public enemy, 5. 23 ; wishes to divide
Italy among his followers, 5. 7.

Antonius Hybrida, C., uncle of the
triumvir, 2. 56, 70, 98.

Apertus in dicendo, 2. in.

Apollinares ludi, i. 36 ; 2. 31 ; 10. 7.

Apollonia, 10. n; n. 26.

Apothecae, 2. 67 ; 3. 31.

Apparatus, 7. 27.

Appellare, to summon for debt, 2. 71.

Appellari, i. 6.

Appia via, 7. i.

Apuleius, M., 10. 24; 13. 32.

Apuleius, P., 6. i ; 14. 16.

Aquae, 8. 9.

Aquila, 12. 20.

Aquila, L. Pontius, 11. 14; 13. 27.

Aquinum, 2. 106.

Arationes, 2. 101.

Archipirata, 13. 18.

Argentum, plate, 2. 66.

Aricia, 3. 15.

Aristonicus, u. 17.

Armenia Minor, 2. 94.

Armenta, 3. 31.

Arpinum, 12. 20.

Asyndeton, i. i ; 2. 75, 89, 94; 10. 3.

Atia, 3. 15.

Atius, M., 3. 1 6.

Atquin, 10. 17.

Atrocitas, 6. 7.

Attius quoted, i. 34, 36.

Attraction from finite verb after
quam,' 5. 21; of demonstrative,

INDEX.

349

3. 13; of relative, 2. 54; 5. 39; of

verb into plural, 4. 9.
Attribuere, to give money on account,

5. 6 ; 9. 16 ; 14. 38.
Auctor, representative, 9. 7.
Aversa lectica, 2. 82.
Avertere, 5. u.
Augurs, College of, 2. 4, 81.
Auspices invented, 2. 83, 88 ; 3, 9.
Auspices violated, 6. 3.

Baiae, 8. 9.

Bambalio, M. Fulvius, 2. 90 ; 3. 16.

Barbaria, 2. 108.

Basilus, 2. 107.

Bassus, P. Ventidius, 12. 20.

Bassus, Q^ Caecilius, n. 32.

Bellienus, L., 2. 91.

Belua, 3. 28.

Bestia, L. Calpurnius, n. n ; 13. 26.

Bibulus, M., 2. 23 ; 11.34; 13.29.

Bodyguard of tyrants, i. 27 ; 5. 17.

Brundisium, massacres at, 3. 4 ; 4. 4 ;
13. 18.

Brutus, D. lunius, blockaded in Mu-
tina, 10. 4; 'consul designatus,' 3.
37 ; checked Antony's entrance into
Gaul, 4. 8 ; 13. 20 ; decree in honour
of? 5- 35 ; edict of, 3. 8 ; favourite
with Caesar, 10. 15 ; praetor in Cis
alpine Gaul, 1.8.

Brutus, L. lunius, i. 13 ; 2. 26 ; 10. 14.

Brutus, M. lunius, anxious for peace,
10. 8 ; at Athens, 10. introd. ; Crete
given to, instead of Macedonia, 2. 31 ;
decree in honour of, 10. 23 ; ex
empted from penalties, 2. 31; fare
well edict of, i. 8; 'ius non dixit,'
10. 7 ; letter of, 10. i ; Macedonia
occupied by, n. 27 ; not descended
from L. Brutus, 1.13; 2.29; Pansa's
esteem for, 10. 17; 'praetor urbis,'
10. 7; proconsul in Crete, 2. 31;
resists C. Antonius, 10. 9 foil. ; self-
abnegation of, 10. 8.

Bustum Caesaris, i. 5; 2. 107.

Byllis, ii. 26.

Cadere in aliquem, 5. 6 ; 10. 14.

Caducae hereditates, 10. 11.

Caelius, Q., 13. 3, 26.

Caelo, detrahere de, 2. 107.

Caepio, a name of M. Brutus, 10. 24.

Caesar, C. lulius, acts of, ratified, 1. 17 ;
Alexandrea reduced by, 14. 23 ;
called Antony to account for his
debts, 2. 71; careless about loyalty

when young, 5. 49; Cicero's bene
factor, 2. i ; civil wars of, 2. 75 ;
civil war, pretext for, 2. 53 ; column
in his honour, i. 5; ' commentarii,'

1. 2 ; Consul, 2. 24 ; decorated by
the senate, 2. 85 ; Deiotarus de
fended by, 2. 94 ; diadem rejected
by, 2. 87 ; expels Caesetius and Ma-
rullus from the senate, 13. 31 ; flamen
of, 2. no; funeral of, 2. 90; gardens
of, 2. 109 ; goes to Spain, 2. 74 ;
grasping, 10. 2 ; inscription to, 3. i ;
laws of, see 'leges luliae;' life at
tempted by Antony, 2. 74 ; literary
powers of, 2. 116; magnificence of,

2. 116; Massiliots, conduct towards,
8. 19 ; miserable, i. 35 ; opposed by
the consulars, 2. 54 ; Parthian cam
paign, 2. 80; Pompey alienated from
Cicero by, 2. 23; Pompey's goods
sold by, 2.64; Pompey's negotiations
with, 2. 37; Pompey reconciled to,
2.33; province of Gaul retained by,
2. 24 ; provinces allotted by, 2. 31 ;
public works of, 2. 116; recalls the
exiles, u. n; refuge of the aban
doned, 2. 50, 78 ; returns to Rome
from Egypt, 2. 64; seeks no ' sup-
plicatio' after Pharsalus, 14. 23 ;
temple of, 2. no; tyranny pre
meditated, 2. 116.

Caesar, L. lulius, i. 27 ; 2. 14 ; 3. 22 ;

6. 14; 8. i.

Caesar Vopiscus, C. lulius, n. n.
Cafo, 8. 9, 26 ; 10. 22 ; n. 12, 37.
Calcei, 2. 76.
Calceos mutare, 13. 28.
Calenus, Q^Fufius, the elder, 8. 13.
Calenus, Q. Fufius, 5. i ; 8. n, 16 ;

10. 2 ; 12. i ; his son, 10. 4.
Calvinus Sabinus, 3. 26.
Canutius, Ti., 3. 23.
Capital punishment abolished, i. 21.
Capitalis homo, 5. 33.
Capua, 2. 100 ; 12. 7.
Carbo, Cn. Papirius, 8. 7.
Carfulenus, D., 3. 23.
Casca, P. Servilius, 13. 31.
Cascae, Servilii, 2. 27.
Casilinum, 2. 102.
Cassianum, 2. 35.
Cassius, Q^j 3. 26.
Cassius, Sp., i. i ; 2. 26, 87, 114.
Cassius Barba, 5. 18 ; 13. 3.
Cassius Longinus, C., attempts Caesar's

life, 2. 26 ; farewell edict of, 1.8;

fit general against Dolabella, n.

35°

INDEX.

28; Parthian campaign of, u. 35;
popular in Phoenicia, u. 35; pro
praetor in Syria, n. 28.

Cassius Longinus, L., 3. 23.

Catiline, 2. 12 ; 4. 15 ; 8. 15 ; 14. 14.

Cato, M. Porcius, 2. 12.

Cavere ab aliquo, 2. 117.

Cautio, genitive with, 7. 3.

Celare, 2. 32.

Cellae servorum, 2. 67.

Cellae vinariae, 2. 67.

Censeo, i. n ; 3. 24, 37 ; 5. 10.

Censorinus, L., n. n, 36; 12. 20.

Charybdis, 2. 67.

Cicero, M. Tullius, addresses the peo
ple, 4. i ; 6. i ; Antony's bitterest
enemy, 12. 15; Antony's interests
opposed by, 2. 3 ; Antony's style
criticised by, 13. 22 ; Arpinas, 3. 15 ;

12. 20 ; augur, 2.4; benefactor of the
knights, 6. 13; Brundisium avoided
by, i. 7 ; Caesar estranged from
Pompey by, 2. 23; Caesar's death
contrived by, 2. 25, 28 ; care for
himself, 12. 25; Cilician campaign |
of, ii. 34; Clodius' death contrived |
by, 2. 22 ; consented to send a second
embassy to Antony, 12.1; Deiotarus
defended by, 2. 95 ; departs from
Rome after Caesar's death, i. i ;
Dolabella disowned by, 11. 10 ;
enemy to all traitors, 2.1; exile of,

13. 30; fell to rise again, 12. 24;
foresight of, 6. 17 ; funeral oration
of, 14. 29 foil. ; house rebuilt by
senate, i. 12 ; leaves Italy, i. 6;
legacies to, 2. 40 ; letter to Antony,
2. 7; Marsic campaign of, u. 27;
modesty in praising himself, 2. 10 ;
not bound to Antony, 2.3; objects
to go on the second embassy to
Antony, 12. 17 foil. ; Octavianus ac
knowledged by, 3. 3 ; opposes the
mission of envoys to Antony, 13. 20 ;
'pads auctor,' 2. 37; 7. 7; 8. 11 ;
poetry of, 2. 20; Pompey joined by,

2. 37 ; prompt action urged by, 3.1;
proposes thanks to Sex. Pompeius ;
J3' 5° I prosecutor only twice, 7. 7 ;
province declined by, n. 23; ready
to die, i. 38; 2. 119; returns to
Italy after Pharsalus, 2. 59 ; returns
to Italy, Aug. 3!, 44 B.C., i. 7; re
turns to Rome after Antony's flight

3. i ; saviour of the state, 2. 2, 51
Sicilian connection of, i. 7; 7. 7
sole supporter of the senate's honour,

8. 22; sovereign power sought by,
14. 14; special pleading, 8. 4;
upright in his ambition, 14. 17;
urges a declaration of war, 5. 31;
urges M. Lepidus to be neutral, 13.
49 ; views of a future life, 4. 32 ;

9. 10, 18 ; villa near Anagnia, 2. 106 ;
zeal of, 6. 18.

Cicero, M. Tullius, the younger, 13.

13-
Cicero, Q^ Tullius, the younger, 3.

18.

Cimber, C. Annius, 1 1. 14 ; 13.26.
Cimber, L. Tullius, 2. 27, 116.
Cinna, L. Cornelius, i. 35; 2. 108 ;

3. 26; 5. 17; 8. 7 ; ii. i; 13. 2;

14. 23.

Circumscribere, 2. 53 ; 6. 5 ; 13. 19.
Cisium, 2. 77.
Citius, 2. 25.

Civi (ablative), 3. 39 ; 5.52; 7. 20.
Civil wars, 8.7.
Claterna, 8. 6.

Claudius Pulcher, App., 13. 29.
dementia, i. 27.
Climax, 2. 44.

Clivus Capitolinus, 2. 16, 19.
Clodius, P., 2. 21 ; 8. 16.
Clodius, Sex., client of P. Clodius, 1.3;

2. 9, 96.
Clodius, Sex., the Sicilian rhetorician,

2. 9, 42, ioi.
Cluvius Tullus, 9. 5.
Coagmentor, 7. 21.
Coena, time of, 2. 104.
Cognatus, 5. 6.
Cognitio, 2. 100.
Colligare, ii. 4, 26.
Colligere se, to recover, 10. 6513. 44.
Coloniae, 2. 100; 3. 13.
Comata Gallia, 8. 27.
Comitia centuriata, 2. 82.
Commendatus, 2. 32.
Commentari mimos, ii. 13.
Commentarii, 1.2.
Commissioners to Antony enumerated,

12. 28; not plenipotentiary, 12. 28.
Committere ut, 6. 6 ; 8. 15.
Compellare, 3. 17; 2. 94.
Compilare, 3. 30.
Concidere, 2. 107; 5. 23.
Concldere, 5. 28; 12. ii.
Conclave, 2. 69.
Concord, Temple of, 2. 15.
Conficere, absolute, ii. 26 ; to get to
gether, 13. 1 6.
Congiaria, 2. 116.

INDEX.

Coniungere, with ablative, 5. 20.
Conscendere, i. 7.
Consentire, 2. 17.
Constringere, 2. 97^.
Constructio Kara gvvfviv, 2. 58.
Consuls invested with absolute power,

2. 52 ; limitation of power of, 4. 9.
Contio, 4. i.
Contra dicere, 2. 18.
Contumeliam facere, 3. 22.
Convellere, 2. 83.
Conventuram rem, i. 8.
Coram, 12, u.
Cornificius, Q^, 3. 26.
Cornua tenere, 13. 47.
Cornutus, M., 14. 37.
Corvinus, 5. 48.
Corycus, 13. 26.
Gotta, L. Aurelius, 2. 13.
Cotyla, L. Varius, 5. 5 ; 8. 24, 28, 32 ;

13. 26.

Crassus, L. Licinius, 14. 17.
Crassus, M. Licinius, 2. 7, 12.
Crassus Mucianus Dives, P. Licinius,

ii. 18.

Cretans a cruel nation, 5. 14.
, Crispus, Q^ Marcius, 11. 30.
Crurifragium, 13. 27.
Cui bono, 2.35.
Cumulatus, 14. 30.
Cuniculum Gallorum, 3. 20.
Cupidus, 6. 17.
Curia Hostilia, 6. 10.
Curia Pompeii, 14. 15.
Curio, C., 2. 3, 44, 50.
Curius, M.', 5. 13 ; 8. 27.
Cusinus, M., 3. 26.
Cydas, 5. 12.
Cydnus, 2. 26.
Cytheris, 2. 20, 56, 58, 59.

Dative after passive verbs, 6. i.

Debere, 2. 99.

Decempeda, 14. 10.

Decempedator, 13. 37.

Decernere, 14. n.

Decii Mures, 13. 27.

Decius Mus, P., 5. 18.

Decoquere, 2. 44.

Decuriae iudicum, i. 19, 20; 5. 15;

13- 3.

Decunare, 7. 18.
De die in diem, 2. 87.
Deductis, 2. 62.
Deferre, 2. 83.

Deferre in aerarium, 13. 19 ; 14. 5.
Deferre res ad senatum, 1.2.

Definition by etymology, 8. 3.

Deinceps, 5. 35 ; 4. 9.

Deiotarus, 2. 93, 95; 3. 31, 33-

Deiotarus the younger, 3. 31, 33.

Deliciae, 6. 12.

Demetrius of Gadara, 13. 12.

Denique, 13. 35, 49.

Denticula, Licinius, 2. 56.

Deplorare, n. 6.

Derivare, n. 22.

Descendere in curiam, 8. 4.

Descendere in senatum, 2. 15 ; 8. 6.

Describere, to copy, 7. 5.

Describere, to divide, 5. 22.

Desiderare, 5. 35; 7. 14.

Detestari, 4. 9.

Devius, 5. 37.

Devoluti, 7. 14.

Devorare, 6. 17.

Diadema, 2. 85 ; 5. 38 ; 10. 7.

Dicta, 2. 42.

Dictatorship, tenure of, i. 4 ; 2. 91.

Dignus, absolutely, 3. 22.

Diiunctio, 2. 18, 32.

Di meliora, 8. 9 ; 10. 5.

Dimicatio with genitive, 14. 37.

Discessio, 3. 24; 6. 3 ; 8. i ; 14. 21.

Disciplinary tradere in, 2. 3.

Discribere, 13. 12.

Dispersio, 3. 30.

Displiceo mihi, i. 12.

Dissolute, 6. i, 7.

Distinere, n. 6; 12. 28.

Distribuere, 5. 32.

Divendere, 7. 15.

Divorce, ceremonies of, 2. 69.

Dolabella, P. Cornelius, adopted by
Cn. Lentulus, i. 30; Antony's col
league, i. 5, 29 ; 3. 9 ; Asia occupied
by, n. 4; consulship declared in
valid, 2. 82, 83 ; 5. 8 ; enemy of the
state, ii. 16; profligacy of, 2. 99;
purifies the forum, i. 30; relations
with Cicero, n. 10; treachery, 10. 5 ;
'tribunus plebis,' i. 30; Trebonius
murdered by, n. i ; upright, i. 29.

Dolere, 9. ii ; ii. i.

Dominatus, i. 34 ; 2. 26 ; 7. 16.

Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn., 2. 27 ;
10. 13.

Domitius Ahenobarbus, L., 2. 71 ; 13.
29.

Domitius Apulus, n. 13.

Domu, 2. 45.

Domus or ' domi,5 2. n.

Donare, constructions of, 12. 19.

Dyrrachium, 10. n.

353

INDEX.

Eculeus, ii. 7.

Edere nomina, 5. 53.

Edicta aedilium, 9. 17.

Efferre, 9. 16.

EfFrenatio, 5. 22.

Egnatuleius, L., 3.7, 39; 4. 6; 5. 52.

Eierare, 12. 18.

Elegans, 13. 38.

Elephants, 5. 46.

Ellipse of verbs, 2. 74; 5. 31 ; 6. 7.

Emancipates, 2. 51.

Emendator et corrector, 2. 43.

Eniti, 2. 23 ; 4. 16.

Epirus, ii. 26.

Equi vectigales, 2. 62.

Equis viris, 8. 21.

Equites equo publico, i. 20 ; 6. 13.

Equites join the senate against Catiline,

2. 19.

Equitum centuriae, 2. 82.
Esquilinus campus, 9. 17.
Essedum, 2. 58.
Et . . . neque, ii. 6.
Eventus, 14. 5.
Exalare, 2. 30.

Exardere ad spem, 4. 16 ; ii. 3.
Exaudire, ii. 20, 36.
Excusatio, 5. 14; 9. 8.
Excutere, 2. 73 ; 12. 1 6.
Exhibere, 6. 7.
Existimare, to express opinion, 2. 9;

5. 36; 8. 22.

Expendere pecuniam, 2. 98.
Exsilium, 2. 33; 6. 10.
Extimescere, 13. 5.
Extorquere with dative, 13. 15.
Extraordinarium imperium, ii. 17.

Faces admovendae sunt, 2. 30.

Facilitas, i. 27 ; 9. ii.

Eacinerosus, 8. 16.

Facio ut, 4. ii.

Fadia, Antony's first wife, 2.3; 3. 17 ;

13. 23.

Fadius, Q^, 2. 3.
Familiam ducere, 5. 30.
Familiaris, 6. 13; 7. 17.
Fasti, 2. 87.
Fastigium, 2. no.
Fatalis, 6. 19.

Fatalism, inconsistency of, 14. 5.
Fatum, power of, i. 10.
Faveo, 2. 10.
Fax, 2. 48; 7. 3.

Feminine, contemptuous use of, 13. 25.
Ferre, to bear in effigy, 8. 18.

Firmum, 7. 23.

Flaccus, L. Valerius, n. 18.

Flaccus, M. Fulvius, 8. 14.

Flamines, 2. 1 10.

Flaminium, 13. 41.

Flaminius, T. Quinctius, 5. 48.

Foris, 2. 26.

Fortunatus, 13. 16.

Forum lulium, 2. 116.

Foveam, incidere in, 4. n.

Fourth oration genuine, 4. introd.

Fraus, 5. 34.

Frigere, 6. 14.

Fufius, Q^, 2. 41.

Fulmen sinistrum, 2. 99.

Fulvia, Antony's third wife, i. 2 ; avari
cious, 1.33; 2. 113; 5. ii ; 6. 4; fatal
to her husbands, 2. n, 113; 5. n.

Funeral oration, 14. 31.

Fustuarium, 3. 14.

Future, equivalent to English present,

Gabinius, A., proposed Cicero's exile,
2. 48; was refused a 'supplicatio,'
14. 24.

Galba, Serv. Sulpicius, 13. 33 ; his letter
to Cicero, 14. introd.

Gallia Comata and Togata, 8. 27.

Gallia ultima, 5. 5 ; 7. 3.

Gallicae, 2. 76.

Gallius, M., 13. 26.

Gambling illegal, 2. 56.

Gaul, enfranchisement of, 12. 10.

Gauls, capture of Rome by, 3. 20.

Gauls, loyalty of, 4. 9.

Gauls, votes of, 2. 76.

Genitive after genera, 6. 4 ; double,
5. 35 ; of quality, 14. 28 ; plur. in
'ium,' 2. 28 ; plur, in 'um,' 2. 43.

Genitives accumulated, 4. 4.

Gerundive, construction with ' ab ' and
ablative, 3. 21 ; 14. n ; various con
structions of, 2. 4; 5. 6.

Gladiatoribus, i. 36.

Gladiators, pride of, 3. 34.

Gracchi, 8. 14.

Grandiferae, 2. 101.

Gravitas, 2.24; 13.2.

Greek construction, 5. 14.

Gynaecium, 2. 95.

Habebat hoc Caesar, 2. 78.
Habere cognitum, 5. 50, 52; 10. 22.
Habere with abstract nouns, i. 7.
Haerere, 2. 36.
Hannibal, 5. 37 ; 6. 4.

INDEX.

353

Hasta, the sign of an auction, 2. 64 ;
8.9.

Hasta Caesaris, 4. 9 ; 8. 9.

Hereditates adire, 2. 42.

Hereditates, a mark of respect, 2. 40.

Herophilus, i. 5.

Hie redundant, 2. 101 ; 3. 7 ; 7. 15.

Hippias, 2. 62, 63.

Hirtius, A., augur, 7. 12 ; bad health
of, i. 37; 7. 12; 10. 16; Caesar's
supporter, 10. 16; Cicero's pupil,
7. 12: 'consul designatus,' i. 6;
3.2; distrusted by Cicero, 5. introd. ;
killed before Mutina, i. 9 ; * novus
homo,' 13. 24 ; sent to Gaul, 7. 12 ;
* supplicatio ' of, 14. 36; victory of,
over Antony, 8. 6 ; 14. introd.

Hiscere, 2. in.

Honoris causa nominare, 2. 30, 113.

Hortensius, Q., 2. 4, 12.

Hortensius, Q^, the younger, 10. u, 24.

Horti, 2. 67.

Humanitas, i. 10.

lacere, 6. 14,

lanus, 6. 15.

Id aetatis, n. 17.

Idem, followed by personal pronoun,

2. 32.

Igitur beginning clause, 2. 94.
Ille redundant, 13. 44.
Illim, 2. 77 ; 4. n.
Illyrium, 10. u.
Imbutus, 14. 6.
Immunes agri, 2. 43.
Immunitates, i. 3 ; 2. 92 ; 5. n.
Imperfect subjunctive expressing duty,

2. 86.

Imperium, i. 18 ; 3. 27 ; 5. 45.
Impluvium, 2. 45.
Impotens, n. 16.
Improba, 12. n.
Impulsus, 2. 79.

In, expressing final cause, 2. 50.
In ante diem, 3. 20.
In diem vivere, 2. 87 ; 5. 25.
In hoste, 11.9.
Incidere, 2. 47.
Incolumis, 2. 4.
Increbescere, 14. 12.
Incredibilis, 4. i.
Index, i. 20.

Indicative for English subjunctive, 2.27.
Indicative in conditional sentence, 6. 2.
Indigni, 8. 7.
Indormire, 3. 34.
Infinitives in exclamations, 5. 16.

Infudit venenum, n. 13.

Ingurgitare, 2. 65.

Inibi, 14. 5.

Injustice worst for the doer, u. 9.

Inquilinus, 2. 105.

Insepultus, 14. 33.

Insinuare, 5. 8.

Insolentia, 9. 13.

Insteius, 12. 20 ; 13. 26.

Institor, 2. 97.

Instituere, n. 33.

Instruere, 6. 14; 10. 9; u. 33.

Integer, 5. 2, 33 ; 7. 26 ; 8. 10 ; 12. 5 ;

'3- 34-

Intempesta nox, i. 8.
Interamna, 2. 105.

Intercedere, to become security, 2, 45.
Interest, construction of, 2. 99.
Internecivus, 14. 7.
Invadere in pecunias, 2. 41.
Invadere in provinciam, 3. n ; n. 4.
Inveteratus, 13. 48.
Invisitatus, n. i.
Involutus, 7. 19.
Inurere, 2. 117.
Ire in sententiam, n. 15.
Is, redundant, 2. 30.
Ita restrictive, 2. 85 ; 6. 6 ; n. 20.
Ita, 'nee ita multi,' 2. 108.
Italy, final subjugation of, 4. 13.
Ityraei, 2. 19, 96, 112 ; 5. 18.
lubere consulem, 2. 79, 80.
ludicia, i. 19, 20,
lugum, n. 6.

lunia, wife of M. Lepidus, 13. 8.
luppiter Capitolinus, 14. 8.
luppiter Stator, 2. 64.
lure consultus, 2. 96 ; 9. 10.
lus and 'lex,' 8. 7.
lus Latii, 12. 10.
lus libertatis, 13.1.
lus postulare, 2. 72.

Kal by, 12. 26.

Kalendae, 2. 13 ; 5. 31.
Karthago, 4. 13.

Lacerna, 2. 76.

Laco, 2. 106.

Laedat an laudet, 3.18.

Laelius, C., 2. 83 ; n. 17.

Languere e via, i. 12.

Lanista, 13. 40.

Lars Tolumnius, 9. 4.

Laterensis, M. luventius, Frag. 2.

Latine loqui, 7. 17.

Latus tegere, 13. 4.

A a

354

INDEX.

Laudium, 2. 28.

Lecticae scutorum, 2. 108 ; 5. 18.

Legatio libera, i. 6.

Legibus solutus, 2. 31.

Legio Alauda, i. 20 ; 14. 27.

Legio Martia, 3. 6 ; 4. 5 ; 5. 53 ; 10.

21; 12. 8; 14. 26, 27, 31.
Legio quarta, 4. 5 ; 14. 27, 31.
Legio secunda, 14. 27.
Legio septima, 14. 27, 31.
Lemonia tribus, 9. 15.
Lenire with dative, 7. 25.
Lento Caesennius, u. 13 ; 12. 23 ; 13.

2, 26.

Lentulus, L. Cornelius, 3. 25.

Lentulus, P. Cornelius, 8. 14.

Lentulus Crus, L. Cornelius, 2. 51 ;
13. 29.

Lentulus Spinther, P. Cornelius, 13. 29.

Lentulus Sura, P. Cornelius, 2. 14, 18 ;
8. i.

Leontini, 2. 43, 84, 101 ; 8. 26.

Lepidus, M. Aemilius, advises peace,
1 3' 7> 49 j conduct on Caesar's death,
i. 2; 'imperator bis,' 13. 7; left in
charge of Rome by Caesar, 2. 57 ;
loyal, 5. 38; loyalty of, mistrusted,
13. 1 6, 43; made peace with Sex.
Pompeius, u. 8; ' pontifex maxi-
mus,' 13. 7 ; ' supplicatio ' to, 3. 23.

Levitas, 2. 77 ; 7. 4, 9.

Lex defined, 1 1. 28.

Lex Aebutia, 2.6; Aelia et Fufia, 2.
8 1 ; 'agraria' of M. Antonius, 2. 6 ;
'agraria' of C. lulius Caesar, 2. 53;
' annalis/ 5.47;' Antonia de iudiciis,'
5. 12 ; 'Antonia (of L. Antonius) de
magistratibus,' 7. 16 ; < Atinia,' 3. 16 ;
'Aurelia de iudiciis,' i. 92; 8. 26;
' Caecilia et Didia,' 5. 8 ; ' Clodia de
auspiciis,' 2.81; ' Domitia de sacer-
dotiis,' 2. 4 ; Hirtia, 13. 22 ; ' lulia de
civitate,' 13.22; * lulia de iudiciis,'
i. 19; 8. 26; 'lulia de provinces,'
i. 19; 2. 109; 3. 12 ; 5. 7 ; ' lunia
et Licinia,' 5. 8 ; ' Licinia '2.6;
'Manilla,' n. 16; ' municipalis,' 3.
13; 'Pompeia de iudiciis,' i. 20;
'Pompeia de vi,' i. 19 ; 2. 22 ; ' Ros-
cia,' 2. 44 ; ' Vatinia,' 2.24;' Vo-
conia,' 3. 16.

Libelli, 2. 97.

Liberare, 3. 30 ; 5. 12.

Libertatis ius, 13. i.

Libertinus and ' libertus,' 2. 3.

Liberty the birthright of Romans, 3.
295 4- 131 6- 19-

Licet, meaning of, 13. 14.

Lineae, 8. 17.

Locative forms, 12. 25; 13. 19.

Loco, 4. 5.

Loco consulari dicere, i. 15; 5. 46 ;

14. 19.

Locuntur, i. 28.
Longum, 5. i.
Longum est, 2. 27.
Lubrica, 2. 59.
Luci, 12. 25.
Luctus, 14. 31.
Luculentus, 7. 17.
Lucullus, L. Licinius, 2. 12; 10. 8;

ii. 33-

Ludi Apollinares, i. 36; 2. 31 ; 10. 7.

Ludi Romani, 2. no.

Lupercalia, 2. 84 ; 3. 12 ; 7. i.
i Luperci lulii, 13. 31.
| Lupus custos ovium, 3. 27.

Lustratio exercitus, 12. 8.

Macedonia, allotment of, 10. introd.

Madefactus, 14. 6.

Maelius, Sp., 2. 26, 87, 114.

Maerere, 9. n ; IT. i.

Maeror, 14. 31.

Maiestas, i. 21.

Malum used interjectionally, i. 15;

10. 18.

Mancipatus, 2. 51.
Mancipia, 2. 73.
Mancre alicui, 2. n.
Manere, to be permanent, 1.22.
Manicae, n. 26.

Manlius Capitolinus, M., r. 32 ; 2. 114.
Marcellus, C. Claudius, 3. 17 ; 13. 29.
Marcellus, M. Claudius, 13. 29.
Marius, C., 8. 15 : n. i.
Marius, C., the younger, 8. 7 ; 13. i.
Marius, the pseudo, 1.5.
Marrucini, 7. 23.
Mars communis, 10. 20.
Mars selects the noblest victims, 14. 32.
Martial law, 5. 34.
Massilia, 2. 94 ; 8. 18.
Massiliots hated by Antony, 13. 32.
Medius Fidius, 2. 67.
jLteioxrif, 7- 8.
Menedemus, 13. 33.
Mensum, 12. 22.
Mercenarius, 5. 5, 46.
Meritum distinguished from ' officium,'

13.8.

Meritus passive, 7. 10.
Messius, Arusianus, frag. 2, 3.
Metator castrorum, n. 12 ; 14. 10.

INDEX.

355

Metellus Macedonicus, Q^ Caecilius,

8.14.

Metuere with dative, 2. 99.
Milo, T. Annius, 2. 21.
Minitor, construction of, n. 37 ; 13. 47.
Minucia porticus, 2. 84.
Mithridates of Pergamus, 2. 94.
Moneta, 7. i.
Morem gerere, 12. 18.
Movere admirationem alicui, 10. 3.
Munda, 2. 37.
Municipia, 3. 13.
Munus, 9. i.

Murcus, L. Statius, n. 30.
Murena, L. Licinius, 2. 12 ; n. 33.
Mustela Tamisius, 2. 8, 106; 5. 18;

8. 26; 12. 14; 13. 3.

Mutina, 5. 24 ; 6. 4 foil. ; 7. 15 ; 8. 5.
Myrmillo, 5. 20, 30; 6. 10 ; 7. 17;
12. 20.

Naevius quoted, 2. 65.

Narbo, 2. 75.

Natalicia, 2. 15.

Nationes, 10. 20.

Natura pater, 3. 15.

Naufragia, n. 36; 13. 2.

Ne with personal pronouns, 2. 3, 76 ;

13.6.
Ne quid detriment! capiat respublica,

5- 34-

Ne (not ' nee') . . . quidem, 3.3.
Necesse est with subjunctive, 4. 5.
Neque . . . que, 2. 109.
Nesis, 10. 8.
Nisi si, 2. 70.
Nobilis, i. 29 ; 2. 16.
Nomina dare, 2. 16.
Non modo followed by an interrogative,

6. 12; for 'non modo non,' 5. 25.
Non quia, non quo, &c., i. 9; 5. 18;

9. i.

Nonius, frag. i.
Notarii, i. 8.
Novitas, 9. 4.

Nucula, 6. 14 ; 8. 26 ; n. 1 3.

Nudius tertius, 5. 2.

Numantia, 4. 13 ; u. 18.

Numen, 3. 32.

Numero esse, 2. 71 ; 3. 16.

Numerus vim, 2. 65.

Numisius, 12. 14.

Numitoria Fregellana, 3. 17.

Nuncupare vota, 3. n ; 5. 24.

Nundinae domesticae, 2. 35, 92, 115;

3- 10, 30.
Nuntiatio, 2. 80.

Nuntii pacis, 12. n.
Nutriculae, n. 12.

O, construction with, 2. 16, 54; 13. 34.

Obire diem, 3. 20.

Obnuntiatio, 2. 80.

Obrogare legi, 1.23.

Observatus, 2. 49.

Obtineri, 2. 109.

Obtrectare, 10. 6.

Octavianus, G. lulius Caesar, Antony
driven from Rome by, 3. 27 ; Caesar's
adopted son, 10. 16 ; called Caesar,
3. 5 ; consulted Cicero, 5. 23 ; 'dux
praestantissimus,' 5. 23 ; extraordi
nary honours to, 5. 47 ; extraordinary
promise in, 5. 48 foil. ; * imperium '
given to, 5. 45 ; 14. 28 ; paid Caesar's
legacies, n. 37; patriotism of, 4. 4
foil.; personal gallantry of, 14. 27;
propraetor, 5. 46; 14. 6; saved the
state, 3. 3; * supplicatio ' to, 14. 36;
wins the veterans, 3.3.

Octavius, C., 3. 15.

Octavius, Cn., 9. 4.

Octavius, Cn., the younger, 8. 7 ; 13.
i, 2; 14. 23.

Oderint dum metuant, i. 34.

Odivi, 13. 42.

Officium, 9. i ; 13. 7.

Omnes: qui omnes, 2. 13.

Omnino, 2. 42.

Onerare laudibus, 2. 25.

Operae, i. 12, 22.

Opimius, L., 8. 14.

Opinio, 5. 32.

Ops, temple of, i. 17; 2. 35, 93; 5. ir;
6. 3; 8. 26; 13. 12.

Ora, 10. 10.

Oricum, n. 26.

Ornamenta, 13. 40.

Ornare, 10. 9; 11.23.

Ortus a se, 4. 17.

Pacificatorius, 12. 3.

Pacorus, n. 35.

Palladium, n. 24.

Palma urbana, n. u.

Palmaris, 6. 15.

Paludatus, 3. 24.

Paludes Pornptinae, 5. 7.

Pansa, C. Vibius, ' consul designatus,'
i. 6; 3. i ; 'consul praestantissi
mus,' 7.6; did not seek the command
against Dolabella, n. 23 ; distrusted,
5. introd ; killed before Mutina, 1.8;
promptitude of, 10. i ; son-in-law of

A a 2

INDEX.

Calenus, 8. 18 ; 10.6; 'supplicatio'

to, 14. 36.
Paphus, 2. 39.
Par, i. 34.
Parataxis, 2. no.

Parens = 'mater,' masculine, 2. 49.
Parentalia, i. 13.
Parentare, 13. 35.
Parilia, 14. 14.
Parma, 14. 8.

Parricidium, 2.17, 31; 4. 5; 8. 8; 11.29.
Pater conscriptus, 13. 28.
Patres conscripti, i. i.
Patronus, 2. 107.

Paulus Macedonicus, L. Aemilius, 13. 9.
Pax ipsa, 12. 17,
Peculatus, 12. 12.
Pecus, 2. 30; 8. 9.

Pedem ponere in possessionem, 3. 28.
Pensio, 2. 113.
Perditor, 10. 8.
Perfect indicative, hypothetical use of,

12. 26.
Perfect subjunctive, concessive use of,

1. 13, 17; 2. 75; distinguished from
imperfect, i. 36; 3. 30; 4. 3 ; for
pluperfect, i. 8.

Perficere, to organise, 10. 4.

Perscriptio, 5. n.

Persona, 6. 2 ; 8. 29.

Persuadere, 13. 35.

Petissius Urbinas, 13. 3.

Petrus, 13. 32.

Phaedrus, 5. 13.

Pharnaces, 14. 23.

Pharsalus, 2. 27, 37 ; 14. 23.

Philip V of Macedon, n. 17.

Philippic orations, origin of the name,

2. introd.

Philippus, L. Marcius, n. 18.
Philippus, L. Marcius the son, 3. 17;

8. 28; 9. i.

Philippus, L. Marcius the grandson, 3.25.
Phoenician fleet, u. 35.
Piceni, 7. 23.
Pietas, 5. 31.
Pignerari, 14. 32.
Pignora iniuriae, 13, 6.
Pignoris capio, i. n.
Piissimus, 13. 43.

Piso, L. Calpurnius, 10. 13 ; 12. i.
Piso Gaesoninus, L. Calpurnius, i. 10,

_i4; 5. 19; 8. 28; 9. i; 12. 14.
Piso, M. Calpurnius, 3. 25.
Piso, M. Pupius, 2. 62.
Plancus, L. Munatius, i. 8; 2.78; 3.

38; 5- 5J 13- 44-

Plancus Bursa, T. Munatius, 6. 10; 10.
22 ; 11.14; 12. 20.

Plebi, 5. 7.

Plus quam, 2. 31.

Poenior, deponent, 8. 7.

Pollentia, n. 14.

Pompeius Magnus, Cn., father of the
triumvir, 12. 27.

Pompeius Magnus, Cn., Caesar's friend
ship for, 2. 23 ; camp of, 2. 37 ; 13.
26 ; Cicero's consulship approved by,
2. 12; Cicero nominated augur by,
2.4; conduct after Catiline's con
spiracy, 2. 12; consulship of, i. 18;
extraordinary commands of, n. 18;
flight from Rome, 2. 54; flight to
Egypt, 2. 39; house of, i. i ; 2. 6,
64, 103 ; last campaign in Epirus, 2.
37; laws of, i. 18; 2. 22 ; Mithri-
datic war entrusted to, ir. 16 ;
praises of, 2.69; property of, sold,
2. 64; 4. 9; property of, to be
recovered, 13. 10 ; Sertorian war
given to, 1 1. 18 ; Sulla's main support,

5- 43-
Pompeius Magnus, Cn., the younger,

5- 39-
Pompeius Magnus, Sex., 2. 75 ; 5. 38,

39; 13. 8-13, 50.
Pompeius Strabo, Cn., 12. 27.
Ponere edictum, 3. 19 ; 4. 9.
Popilius Laenas, C., 8. 23.
Popularis, i. 21, 37; 7. 4; 8. 19.
Porcia, 2. 27.
Possessor, 6. 14.
Possidere, u. 15.
Post diem tertium, 2. 89.
Postulare, i. 27 ; 2. 72.
Potuisset with pres. inf., 2. 67.
Praecipere, 10. 2; 13. 45.
Praedes, 2. 78.
Praenomen, use of, 2. 77.
Praerogativa, 2. 82.
Praesertim cum, 2. 60, 64, 106; 7. 2,

175 8.5.

Praesidere, 5. 37.
Praestringere, 12. 3.
Praetextatus, 2. 44.
Praetor urban us, duties of, 14. 37.
Praetoriana cohors, 8. 25.
Praevaricator, 2. 25.
Praeverti, 2. 88.
Preposition omitted, 2. 26.
Pridie and ' postridie ' correlative, 7. 14.
Primae partes, 8. 13.
Primas, ante Idus, 8. 33.
Primi pili, 12. 20,

INDEX.

357

Prirnum, 2. 114.

Principes, 8. 22.

Privatus, 5. 10.

Procurator, 2. 104; n. 13,

rrpodiopdaxris, 7- 8.

Proinde, 14. 10.

Pronepos, 13. 15.

Pronoun, demonstrative for relative,

i. 24.

Pronoun, use of reflexive, i. 16.
Pronuntiare, i. 24.
Propagare, 12. 13.
Propudium, 14. 8.
Propugnaculum, 5. 27.
Proquaestor, 10. 26.
Prosequi, 9. 9.
Providere, 2. 24.
Provinces, assignment of, i. 8; 2. 31 ;

3, 26 ; ii. 30; introd. to Orr. i. and

10.

Provinces, government of, 4. 9.
Provinces, tenure of, limited, i. 19.
Provocatio, i. 21.
Proxime with accusative, 10. 26.
Pudet, 2. 61; 12. 8.
Pudor, 2. 15; 3. 28.
Pulvinar, 2. no.
Puteoli, 2. 107.
Pyrrhus, i. n.

Quadratum agmen, 13. 18.
Quaestiones perpetuae, i. 21.
Quaestorships, allotment of, 2. 31, 50.
Quam omitted, 6. 5.
Quam volent, 2. 113.
Quantuscumque = ' quantuluscumque,'

7.8.

Quasillum, 3. 10.
Qiie after -e, 10. 25.
Quiand'quis' distinguished, 1. 13; 12.2.
Qui duo, 2. 13.
Quia with subjunctive, 2. 19.
Quicunque = ' quivis,' 12. 13.
Quid es, 2. 75.
Quid est aliud ? 1.22; 2.7; 3.21; 10.

5; 12. 13.

Quidem, 2. 6, 39; 12. 18.
Quidquid virium, 10. 16.
Quin = ' quia non,' 7. 6.
Quisnam indefinite, 6. 12.
Quisquam in affirmative sentences, i.

22 ; 9. 2.
Quisque repeated, 14. 19; 2. 119; 3.

24.
Quisque with superlatives, i. 29; 3. 19;

5. 495 13. 42.
Quoad, 6. 8; 11. 25.

Quod, whereas, 7. 22.
Quod qui, 10. 9.
Quoquo versus, 9. 15, 17.
Quotus quisque, 3. 15.
Quousque in two words, 3.3,

Rationem conficere, 5. 15.

Rationem habere alicuius, 5. 46.

Receptaculum, 10. 9.

Recipere in fidem, 6. 12.

Recipere, to undertake, 2. 79; 5. 51.

Recitare, i. 24.

Reckoning, Roman mode of, 2. 89.

Reclamare, reclamatio, 4. 5 ; 5. 22 ;

6. 12.

Recusare, 4. 12.
Reda, 2. 58.

Referre acceptum, 2. 12, 40, 55 ; 6. 15.
Referre ad senatum, i. 2.
Referre in tabulas, 5. 12.
Refricare, 3. 18.
Refugere, 14. 9.

Regnare, 2. 29, 34; 3. 8 ; 5. 44-
Regulus, n. 9.

Relative agreeing with predicate, 2. 54.
Relative, neuter with masc. and fern.

antecedents, 2. 75.
Relegatio, 2. 33.
Remissior, 6. 3.
Removere, 13. 31.
Renuntiare, 8. 23 ; 9. i.
Repraesentare, 2. 118.
Reserare, 7. 2.
Resolvere, 14. 38.
Respectus, 10. 9; n. 26.
Restituere, 2. 56.
Retexere, 2. 32.
Retractatio, 14. 38.
Reversio, i. i.
Revertere, active form of the perfect,

8. 28.

Revirescere, 7. i.
Rogare consulatum, 2. 76.
Romanorum propria libertas, 3. 29; 6.

19; 10. 19.

Romans early risers, 8. 31.
Rome, 'the eternal city,' 2. 51.
Roscia lex, 2. 44.
Roscius, L., 9. 4, 5.
Rubicon, 6. 5.

Rubrius, L., 2. 40, 62, 74, 103.
Rudis, 2. 74.
Rullus, Q; Fabius Maximus, 5. 48.

Saga, 5. 32; 6. 9; 8. 32; 10. 19; 12.

12, 17.
Saguntum, 5. 27.

INDEX.

Salvius, 5. introd. ; 6. introd. ; 7. 14.

Salutare, 2. 41.

Samiarius, u. 5.

Sanctus, 14. 33.

Sanus, 2. 51, 88 ; 1 1. 37 ; 13. 2.

Sapere nihil, 2. 8, 43.

Sasernae, 13. 28.

Saturninus, L. Apuleius, 8. 15.

Saxa, L. Decidius, 8. 9, 26; 10. 22;

ii. 12, 37; 12. 20; 13. 27; 14. 10.
Saxa rubra, 2. 77.
Scaevola, Q. Mucius, ' pontifex maxi-

mus,' 8. 31.

Scaevola, Q. Mucius, the augur, 8. 31.
Scalae, 2. 21.
Scato, Vettius, 12. 27.
Scipio, Q^ Caecilius Metellus Pius, 2.

37. 42; 5. 19; 13. 29.
Scipio Aemilianus (Africanus Minor),

P. Cornelius, 5. 48; n. 17, 18.
Scipio Africanus (Maior), P. Cornelius.

5. 48; ii. 175 13- 9-
Scipio Asiagenes, L. Cornelius, n. 17.
Scipio Asiaticus, L. Cornelius, 12. 27;

13. 2.

Scipio Nasica Serapis, P. Cornelius, 8. 1 3.
Second thoughts, 12. 5.
Sector, 2. 39,64; ii. 36; 13- 30-
Sed, resuming the sentence, 1.27; 2.

5, 8, 80.

Seducere, 8. 29; o. 9 ; 13. 22.

Semen, 2. 25.

Seminarium, 13. 3.

Semurium, 6. 14.

Semustulatus, 2. 91.

Senate, crushed under Antony's policy,

1.6; diminution of power of, 1.9;

order of voting in, 3. 24; 5. i, 35;

6. 8 ; written speeches unusual in,
i. 3; 3. 20 ; jo. 5.

Senati, genitive, 3. 38.

Senators obliged to attend, i. ii.

Septemviri agris dividundis, 2. 99; 5. 7,

21, 33 ; 8. 26; ii. 13.
Sepulchrum, 9. 14.
Sertorius, Q., 8. 7 ; n. 18.
Servare de caelo, 2. 80, 83.
Servi armati, 2. 16.
Servilius, M., 4. 16.
Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., 2. 12.
Servilius VatiaIsauricus,P., the younger,

7- 27; 9. 14; ii. 19; 12. 5j 18 ;

14. 7, ii, 23.
Sestertium, 2. 93, 95.

Si in dependent questions, 9. 2.
Si omitted, n. 19; 13. 25.
Sicarios, inter, 2.8.

Sicca, 2. 3.

Sicilians attached to Cicero, 1.7; re
ceived immunities, i. 23.

Sidicini, 2. 107.

Significare, i. 36.

Significatio, 14. 6.

Silere transitive, 9. 10.

Simulacrum, 2. no.

Sisapo, 2. 48.

Sitim quaerens, 5. 19.

Solvendo esse, 2. 4.

Solutus legibus, 2. 31; ii. u.

Spartacus, 3. 21 ; 4. 15; 13. 22.

Species, a phantom, 2. 68.

Species imperatoris, 14. 27.

Spectio, 2. 80.

Stativus, 12. 24.

Statua equestris, 5. 40; 9. 13.

Statua pedestris, 9. 13.

Statuere, 6. 14.
i Stilus, 2. 34.

Stimuli, 2. 86.

Strenuus, 2. 78.

Stupor, 8. 24.

Subiicere, to forge, 14. 7.
1 Subjunctive mood, attracted, 6. 3
causal, 3. M ; concessive, i. 13, 17
2. 75; 10. 19; epexegetic, 6. 2
expressing duty, 2. 86; implying
oratio obliqua, 8. 14; introducing
oratio obliqua, 2. 7, 60 ; marking cha
racter, 5. 16; of a class, 2. 7 ; of a
general case, n. 20; subjective, 2. 96.

Sublevatum, 8. 32.

Subsecivae operae, 2. 20.

Substantives of motion govern cases,

2. 48, 76.

Subterfugere, 7. 23.

Suessa, massacre at, 3. 10 ; 4. 4 ; 13.18.

Suffragia, sex, 2. 82.

Sulla Felix, L. Cornelius, aided by
Pompey, 5. 44 ; civil war of, 14. 23 ;
conquers Cinna, 14. 23; conquers
Mithridates, u. 23; equestrian statue
of, 9. 13; negotiations with Scipio,
12. 27; 13. 2; opposed Sulpicius,
Marius, and Carbo, 8. 7 ; perpetual
dictator, i 4 ; political reforms of,
12. 27; tyranny of, 5. 17; ' vehe-
mens,' ii. i.

Sulpicius Galba, Serv., ambassador to
Antony, 5. introd.; conduct after
Caesar's death, i. 3; death on his
embassy, 9. i foil. ; death regretted
8. 22; eminence as a lawyer, 9. 10
funeral of, 9. 15 ; statue to, 9. i
temperance of, 9. 13.

INDEX.

359

Sulpicius Rufus, P., 8. 7.
Sulpicius Rufus, Serv., 9. 12.
Supplicatio, i. 13; 2. no.
Suspicio, construction with, i. 15.
Sustinere, 8. i.
Syngrapha, 2. 95; 5. 12.

Tabula auctionaria, 2. 73.

Tabulae novae, u. 14.

Tabulam figere, 1.3.

Tarn with superlatives, 12. n.

Tarn quam, of degree, 13. 14.

Tamen, force of, i. 7, 10, 34; 2. 75.

Tarquinius Superbus, 3. 8.

Tectus, 13. 6.

Tegulas, demitti per, 2. 44.

Tellus, temple of, i. i ; 2. 89.

Tempestas, 7. 22.

Terminalia, 12. 24.

Tertius, 13. 49.

Testata est, passive, 10. 7.

Thapsus, 2. 37.

Theopompus, 13. 33.

Thrax, 3. 31; 7. 17.

Thunder, 5. 7.

Tibur, 6. 10.

Tiburi, locative, 13. 19.

Tiro, 2. 8; 5. 18; 8. 26; 12. 14; 13. 3.

Toga, as full dress, 2. 76.

Togata Gallia, 8. 27.

Togatae meretrices, 2. 44.

Togatus hostis, 2. 51.

Tollere diem, 2. 88.

Tollere liberos, 13. 23.

Tollere sententiam, 14. 22.

Trahere,= * portrahere,' 5. 30.

Trames, 12. 26.

Trebellius, L., 6. 10, n; 10. 22; u.

14; 13. 2, 26.
Trebonius, C., 13. 23.
Trebonius, C., the younger, 2. 27, 34,

116; 11.1,5,8,9; 12.25; 13.22,23.
Tremulus, Q. Marcius, 6. 13.
Tribunes, veto of, 2. 3.
Tribunicium ius, 2. 53.
Tribuo, 5. 6.
Tribus xxxv., 6. 12.
Tributum, 2. 93.
Trinum nundinum, 5. 8.
Trojan horse, 2. 32.
Tuditanus, Sempronius, 3. 16.
Tullus Hostilius tr. pi., 12. 20; 13. 26.
Tumultus, 5. 31,53; 8. 2, 3; 12. 17.
Turranius, G., 3. 25.
Tusculana, sc. 'praedia,' 8. 9.
Tuto esse, i. 9.

Vacatio, 5. 3 1, 53; 8. 3.

Vaccillo, 3. 31.

Varro, M. Terentius, 2. 103, 105.

Varus, P., 13. 30.

Vatinius, P., 10. n, 13.

Vectigales agri, 2. 101.

Vectigales equi, 2. 62.

Velia, i. 9; 10. 8.

Venditare, 8. 28.

Venire, with abl. of agent, 12. 12.

Ventidius Bassus, P., 12. 20, 23 ; 13. 2,

48; 14. 21 ; frag. 4.
Ventosus, n. 17.
Verb omitted, 2. 48; 5. 31 ; 6. 3.
Verba dare, 13. 33.
Verecundus, 5. 7; 10. 13.
Vereri, 12. 29; 5. 48.
Versus populi, i. 36.
Vertens annus, 13. 22.
Vesperus, 2. 77.
Vestibulum, 2. 68.
Vestrum, vestri, 4. i.
Veterans, jealousy of, suggested, 10. 15 ;

lands assigned to, 1.6; 2. 59; too

much considered, 10. 18; n. 37;

wished for peace, i. 31.
Veto of tribunes, 2. 3.
Vexillum tollere, 2. 102.
Via Aurelia, 12. 23.
Via Cassia, 12. 23.
Via Flaminia, 12. 23.
Vicarii, 12. 3.
Vicem, 10. 6.
Vineae, 8. 17.
Virilis pars, 13. 8.
Visidius, L., 7. 24.
Vitiosus, 3. 9.
Unctus, i. 35.
Uncus, i. 5.

Unus, above all, 2. 84; 12. 19; 14. 8.
Unus for ' aliquis,' 2. 7.
Volsinii, 4. 13.
Volumnia, 2. 20, 58.
Volumnius Eutrapelus, P., 13. 3.
Volusenus Quadratus, C., 14. 21.
Vox, a watchword, 6. 16.
Urbis praetor, quaestor, 9. 16 ; 10. 7.
Ut, after a verb of saying, 2. 25.
Ut, at the price of, i. 34.
Ut concessive, 12. 8; 13. 32.
Utne, 2. 32; 5. 34.
Uu, i. 27.

Zmyrna, n. 5.

6280
Al
1878

Cicero, Marcus Tullius

The Philippic orations
2d ed . , rev .

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "The Philippic orations. With English notes by John Richard King"

See other formats