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HAVING been asked by the Delegates of the Clarendon Press to 
undertake the editing of a portion of Cicero s orations, I was induced 
to choose the series delivered against Antony, partly from finding that 
as a matter of fact they had come to be more read by Students in 
this University than any other portion of his works; but even more 
because I was convinced of their especial value, both as bringing out 
most strongly Cicero s power as an orator, and his importance in the 
State at what was perhaps really the most honourable portion of his 
life, and also as illustrating a period of history concerning which we 
have so little contemporary information. From these considerations 
I had for some years past selected them as a subject for lectures with 
my own pupils ; my experience in which both laid the foundation of the 
present work and convinced me that some new commentary was required. 
Indeed the Philippic orations of Cicero appeared of late years to have 
sunk into an obscurity which contrasts strongly with the high esteem in 
which they were held by ancient writers, and the attention which was 
paid to them by early commentators. For more than forty years no 
separate edition of them, with explanatory notes, had been published 
either in England or on the continent ; and the only English commentary 
on the whole series which had appeared was that of Mr. Long, which 
embraces all the orations of Cicero. The first and second orations have 
been carefully edited, with short German notes, by Karl Halm, the 
colleague of J. G. Baiter in completing the second edition of Orelli s 
text of the whole works of Cicero ; and Halm s notes on the second 
oration have been translated and expanded, with his usual exhaustive 
carefulness, by Mr. J. E. B. Mayor. From the notes in Halm s edition 
I have derived much assistance, and to Mr. Mayor s additional notes 
I have been occasionally indebted for useful information. 

The only other edition which has helped me much in the explanation 
of the orations is that of Wernsdorf, which, though ill-arranged and 
deficient in accuracy, is yet valuable as containing the notes of many 
of the earlier commentators ; the most important being those of Abrami 




on the first two orations, of Manutius, and of Garatonius. The last 
of these do not appear to be preserved in any other form. 

I must gratefully acknowledge the assistance which I received from the 
late Professor Conington, who looked over the sheets of my first edition 
as they passed through the press, and improved it by many valuable 
suggestions; and also from the Rev. A. Watson, of Brasenose College, 
who most kindly placed at my disposal his own notes on the orations. 
These have been especially useful in illustrating the historical allusions. 

In preparing the present edition Mr. Watson s notes on the Letters of 
Cicero have also been of great assistance to me. I have further to 
acknowledge kind help from the Rev. G. G. Bradley, Master of Univer 
sity College, and the Rev. W. Lock, Fellow of Magdalen College. 

The text is mainly taken from that of Halm, in the second edition 
of Orelli s text. The deviations from it are mostly in the direction 
of a v return to the authority of the Vatican MS., and are noted where 
they occur; with the exception of a few variations from his ortho 
graphy, either for the sake of uniformity, or in deference to the wishes 
of the Delegates of the Press, that unusual modes of spelling should, so 
far as possible, be avoided. 

Besides the more usual historical and critical authorities, I have 
gained considerable assistance from Mr. Forsyth s Life of Cicero ; from 
the recent excellent edition of the text of Cicero s works, by Baiter 
and Kayser ; and from various articles by Madvig, both as collected 
in his Opuscula, and as scattered through the various German classical 
periodicals. From these I have also gained some useful hints by other 
scholars. The Chronological Table of Cicero s life is founded on that 
of Schiitz and Uster in Orelli s Onomasticon Tullianum. The grammars 
of Madvig, Zumpt, and Donaldson I have quoted simply by their authors 

Great pains have been taken to secure accuracy of reference. Every 
quotation has been verified, and the passages for the most part quoted 
at length, so far as they bear upon the point at issue. The references 
to Cicero have been given both to the chapters and the smaller sections, 
but it should be noted that the smaller sections, except in the letters, 
are a collateral, not a subordinate division, to the larger chapters. 

A list of the chief MSS. of these orations, and of the editions and 
commentaries to which I have referred, is appended. 


Of these the Vatican (commonly quoted as V) is the most important. 
It is preserved in the archives of the Basilica of St. Peter at Rome, 


and is commonly referred to the eighth or ninth century. It was first 
collated by Gabriel Faerni in 1561, subsequently by Muretus and 
Garatonius, and more recently a special collation was made for Halm s 
large edition. 

Four MSS., commonly quoted collectively as D, individually as a b g t, 
hold the next place. They are of different dates, a and b belonging to 
the thirteenth, t to the eleventh century; but they are all manifestly 
derived from the same older MS., while their discrepancies show them 
to be independent copies : b and t are the most carefully written of the 
four. They are preserved at Bamberg, Berne, Wolfenbiittel, and 
Tegernsee respectively. 

An Italian MS. of the fifteenth century, now in a private library 
in Ireland, has been used by Halm in parts where either the Vatican 
or the other MSS. have failed. It is quoted by him as i. 

For the fourteenth oration he also consulted an old Italian MS., 
quoted as v in the Vatican library ; but it is apparently of very 
inferior authority. 


(The editions and commentaries marked * are quoted from Werns- 
dorf s edition of the Philippic orations.) 
* M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia, ex recensione lo. Aug. Ernesti. 

Halis Saxonum. 1774-1777. 

M. Tullii Ciceronis opera quae supersunt omnia, edidit lo. Casp. 
Orellius. Turici. 1831-1838. 

* M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia, editio auctior et emendatior. Opus 

morte Orellii interruptum continuaverunt J. G. Baiterus et Car. 
Halmius. Turici. 1845-1862. This may be said to be as 
great an improvement on the former edition as that was on all 
which had preceded it. 

M. Tullii Ciceronis opera supersunt omnia, ediderunt J. G. Baiter> 
C. L. Kayser. Lipsiae. 1860-1869. A very convenient, accu 
rate, and at the same time cheap edition of Cicero s complete 
works, issued from the press of Bernhard Tauchnitz. 

* Ciceronis Orationes. Venetiis. 1519. This was the work of Andr. 

Naugerius: and is stated by Orelli to be the foundation of all 
subsequent editions. 

* M. Tullii Ciceronis Orationes, ed. Graevii. Amst. 1699. 
Ciceros sammtliche Reden. Klotz. Leipzig. 1839. 

M. Tullii Ciceronis Orationes, with a commentary by George Long. 
London, 1851-1858. 


viii PREFACE. 

* Ciceronis Philippicae Orationes, a Gaelic Secundo Curione emendatae 

et illustratae. Basiliae. 1551. 

* Ciceronis Philippicae Orationes, a M. Antonio Mureto emendatae et 

illustratae. Parisiis. 1562. 

* Ciceronis Orationes Philippicae, etc., ex antiquissimo libro a Gabriele 

Faerno illustratae. Romae. 1563. 

M. T. Ciceronis Orationes Philippicae, notis variorum instruxit G. G. 
Wernsdorf. Lipsiae. 1821-1822. 

Ciceros erste und zweite Philippische Rede, von Karl Halm. Zweite 
Auflage. Berlin. 1858. 

M. T. Ciceronis Oratio Philippica II., emendata et in usum scholarum 
edita ab Carolo Henr. Frotschero. Lipsiae. 1833. 

Cicero s Second Philippic, with an introduction and notes, translated 
from the German of Karl Halm. Edited, with corrections and ad 
ditions, by John E.B. Mayor, M. A. Cambridge and London. 1861. 

Cicero. Select Letters, with English introduction, notes, and appendices, 
by Albert Watson, M.A. Oxford. 1870, and (2nd edition) 1874. 


* Abrami, Nicol., commentarius in tertium volumen orationum Ciceronis. 

Lutet. Paris. 1631. 

* Ferrarii, Hieron., ad Paulum Manutium emendationes in Philippicas 

Ciceronis. Venetiis. 1542. 

* Caspar Garatonius, a native of Ravenna, began to publish a complete 

edition of Cicero s works at Naples in 1777, but being prevented 
from completing it, he sent his notes on the Philippic orations to 
Wernsdorf, who incorporated them in his edition. 

* Heumann, Chrp. Aug., emendatio locorum singularium Ciceronis; in 

Misc. Lips. 8. 82 foil. Early in the i8th century. 
Heusinger, lo. Mich. Notae in Philippicam secundam. About the 

middle of the i8th century. 

Jentzen, F. G. liber des Cicero vierte Philipp. Rede. Liibek. 1820. 
Krause, Aug. iiber Ciceros vierte Philippische Rede. Neu Stettin. 1847. 
Madvig, lo. Nicol. See above, p. vi. 
Manutii, Pauli, in Ciceronis orationes commentarius. Venetiis. 1578- 

Rau, S. I. variarum lectionum liber ad Ciceronis orationes pertinens. 

Lugd. Bat. 1834. 
Ursini, Fulvii, in omnia opera Ciceronis notae. Antverpiae. 1581. 

OXFORD, April, 1878. 




Life of 









M. Tullius Cicero, son of M. Tullius Cicero by Helvia, was 
born at Arpinum, on the 3rd of January, in the last year 
of the war with Jugurtha; which was also marked by the 
birth of Cn. Pompeius Magnus. 


celebrated his triumph over Jugurtha on the ist of January; 
and shortly afterwards war was declared against the Cimbri 
and Teutones. The Lex Domitia de sacerdotiis was 
passed, transferring the election of priests from their re 
spective colleges to the people. 

the brother of the orator, was probably born in this 

utterly defeated the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae. M. An- 
tonius the orator gained a triumph over the Cilician pirates. 
Archias, the instructor of Cicero, came to Rome. 

Coss. C. MARIUS V., M . AQUILIUS. Marius and Catulus 
defeated the Cimbri on the Athesis near Verona. 

Saturninus and C. Servilius Glaucia, tribunes of the com 
mons, were put to death in a seditious riot which they had 
excited against the aristocracy. 

Coss. M. ANTONIUS (the orator), A. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS. 
The Servile war in Sicily was brought to an end by M . 

Lex Caecilia et Didia was passed, requiring the promulga 
tion of all laws for three nundinae before they could be 






9 1 


passed (Phil. 5. 3, 8), and forbidding laws on different 
subjects to be tacked together. 



Lex Licinia Mucia, attaching severe penalties to the un 
authorized assumption of citizenship, proved one of the 
chief exciting causes of the Social war. 

Birth of Lucretius. 




Cicero assumed the toga virilis/ and Schiitz refers to this 
year his boyish poems of Pontius Glaucus, and Marius. 

M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the commons, having brought 
forward laws for the transference of the iudicium to the 
senate, and for the assignment of the public land, was 
murdered by the equestrian party. 

this time Cicero translated the Phaenomena and Prognostica 
of Aratus. 

The Marsic or Social war broke out in consequence of 
the civic disabilities and wrongs of the allies. A Lex lulia 
conferred the franchise on all the Italians who did not join 
in the outbreak. 

served his first and only campaign under Pompey (Phil. 
12. n, 27). 

The Marsic war was prosecuted with success by Pompey 
and Sulla, and the outbreak virtually quelled. 

began the study of philosophy under Phaedrus the Epi 
curean, and afterwards under Philo the Academic. Having 
been a pupil of Q. Mucius Scaevola the augur, in the study 
of civil law, on his death, probably in this year, he trans 
ferred himself to his cousin, Q. Mucius Scaevola the pontifex 

The Marsic war was brought to an end by Pompey. 
War was declared against Mithridates, and disputes about 



Life of 













the command in it gave rise to the civil war between Marius 
and Sulla. Marius was driven from Rome. 

P. Sulpicius Rufus passed a law for equalizing the old 
and new citizens, which Sulla declared null, as being passed 
by violence (Phil. 8. 2, 7). Sulla himself passed laws con 
firming the legislative powers of the senate, and placing the 
elections more exclusively in the hands of the wealthier 

Coss. CN. OCTAVIUS, L. CORNELIUS CINNA, subsequently 
L. CORNELIUS MERULA. Sulla having gone to Asia to conduct 
the war against Mithridates, Cinna and Marius excited a 
counter-revolution, and, taking forcible possession of the 
city, massacred great numbers of their political opponents. 

Birth of Catullus. 

wrote his books de Rhetor ica, of which the two i* Znven- 
tione are extant, about this time. 

Marius died on the i3th of January, and was succeeded 
in the consulship by L. VALERIUS FLACCUS. Cinna was left 
in undisputed supremacy at Rome. 

Birth of Sallust. 


Cicero, now a pupil of Diodotus the Stoic, began the practice 
of public declamations, and translated various dialogues of 
Plato and the Oeconomicus of Xenophon. 

Peace was concluded with Mithridates: and Cinna was 
slain in a mutiny of his soldiers at Ancona. 

Sulla returned to Italy, and having defeated Norbanus, who 
fell in the battle, made terms with Scipio (Phil. 12, n, 27). 

Coss. C. MARIUS, CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO III. Sulla finally 
defeated the Marian party in Italy, both Consuls were killed, 
and Sulla was appointed perpetual dictator. 

Birth of Terence. 

Cicero delivered his first oratio,. pri P. Quint ,\ Sulla 
reorganized the constitution. 

Pius. Cicero spoke pro Sex. Posdn Am^rino. 


Life of 















Cicero spoke * pro muliere Arretmd 1 , and shortly afterwards 
went to Athens, where lie studied under Antiochus of 
Ascalon, the Academic, and Phaedrus and Zeno the Stoics. 

Sulla resigned the dictatorship. 

Cicero took lessons in rhetoric at Athens from Demetrius 
the Syrian. Later in the year he travelled in Asia Minor, 
gaining instruction from all the leading professors of 

Sulla died, and Lepidus tried to overthrow his constitu 
tion, but was successfully opposed by Catulus, and died 
an exile in Sardinia. 

LIVIANUS. Cicero returned to Rome and married Terentia. 

Cn. Pompeius was sent to take the command in Spain 
against Q. Sertorius. 

among other causes, pleaded pro Q. Roscio Comoedo. He 
was elected quaestor. 

quaestor in Sicily under the pro-praetor Sex. Peducaeus, and 
delivered a speech * pro Siculis adolescentibus . P. Servilius 
Vatia gained the agnomen of Isauricus for his victories over 
the pirates. 

Cicero returned to Rome and >v poke * pro ^i Wiandro. 

War was renewed with Mithridates under L. Lucullus. 

The war with the gladiators under Spartacus broke out. 

CLODIANUS. Sertorius was murdered, and the war in Spain 

SURA. Cicero spoke prj M. Tallio, and probably * pro 
L. Vfreno and * 1>ru C. Mustio. 

Spartacus was defeated and slain by M. Licinius Crassus, 
and Cn. Pompeius celebrated a triumph for his victories 
in Spain. 

1 Of Orations marked thus * little or nothing remains. 



Life of 










The Sicilians having indicted C. Verres for extortion and 
malversation in his province, Cicero on their behalf de 
livered the Divinatio in Q. Caecilium, and the Actin Pn ma 
in C. Verrem. The A ctio Secunda was never delivered. He 
was elected curule aedile. 

L. Aurelius Cotta passed a law, giving the iudicium to 
the senate, equites, and tribuni aerarii, in equal portions. 
Cn. Pompeius restored the power of the tribunes of the 

Birth of Virgil. 

As aedile Cicero exhibited three sets of games. He de 
livered the speeches pro M. Fonteio., and pro A. Caecina. 

this year begin Cicero s letters to Atticus. His cousin and 
constant travelling companion, L. Cicero, died. 

spoke * pro P. Oppio. He betrothed his daughter to 
C. Piso Frugi. He was elected praetor at the head of the poll. 

The Lex Gabinia gave the command in the war against 
the pirates to Cn. Pompeius. A law of L. Roscius Otho 
assigned the seats in the theatre immediately behind the 
senators to the equites. 

The Lex Acilia Calpurnia was passed against bribery and 
treating at elections. 

Cicero, as praetor urbanus, preside d with marked integrity 
in the criminal courts. He delivered his speech de imperio 
Cn. Pompeii, in behalf of the law of C. Manilius for giving 
the command of the Mithridatic war to Cn. Pompeius : 
and spoke -pro A. Cluentio and *pro C. Fvndanio. 

Cn. Pompeius assumed the command" against Mithridates, 
and made a treaty with Tigranes. 

Cicero spoke * pro C, Manityo and * pro L. Cornell" G v " 
and began his canvass for the consulship. 

L. Catiline formed his first conspiracy to murder the 

Birth of Horace. 



Life of 











delivered his speech, * in t^ga Candida, against the coalition 
of Catiline and C. Amoiiiuo. His son Marcus was born, 
and his daughter married to C. Piso. He was elected 
Consul by all the centuries. 

delivered his orations de lege agraria contra, P. Servilium 
/?/// /*, /, o^.e i;i ihe senate; and tv. r o bafo ; :^ the people , * pro 
L. Roscio Othone ; pro C. Rabirio Posin-mo ; * a e proscrip- 
tcnim ji/ii s, maintaining the Uv.v of Sulk, whereby the sons 
of those who fell in his proscription were excluded from 
public offices; pro C. Pisone ; * cum provinciam deponeret ; 
in Catilinam ; and pro Murena. The great event of his 
consulship was crushing the second conspiracy of Catiline. 

Mithridates died, and the war in the East was brought to 
a close. 

Birth of Augustus. 

having refused a province, remained at Rome, and delivered 
the speeches, * contra contionem Q. Metelli, and pro P. Cor 
nelia Sulla. 

Catiline was defeated and slain: Cn. Pompeius returned 
to Italy. 

P. Clodius violated the mysteries of the Bona Dea. 

MESS ALA NIGER. Cicero r,rv~ke * in Clodium et Curiomtn 
ar 1 /;- <f. 7 icimo A chia. 

Cicero wrote a commentary in Greek, * ircpl TTJS uTrare/asr 
and the poem dc rebus in consul ai a g^n s, of xv iiich about 
j eighty lines remain. He spoke * pro P. Scipione Na&ica. 

Caesar, Fompey, and Crassus formed the coalition com 
monly called the first triumvirate. 

Cicero spoke * pro C. Antonio ; * pro A. Itfinucio Thermo 
(twice); ami pro L. Valeria f iauo. Ke refused the over 
tures of Caesar, who offered him lirst a place at the board of 
twenty for dividing lands in Campania, and then an embassy 
to Egypt. He began his letters to his brother Qubtus, with 
an excellent esbo.y on ave duties of a provincial governor, 



Life of 













Caesar received the command in both Gauls for five 
years ; and P. Clodius was elected tribune of the commons, 
having been adopted into a plebeian family through the 
influence of Caesar. 

Birth of Livy. 

Cicero was exiled in consequence of a law of P. Clodius, 
imposing exile on any person who had killed a Roman 
citizen uncondemned. His house and villas at Tusculum 
and Formiae were destroyed ; and he himself went abroad 
to Thessalonica, but returned in November as far as Dyr- 

METELLUS NEPOS. Cicero was recalled from exile in August, 
and in September delivered the speeches Post Reditum in 
Senatu and ad Qui rites, and pro domo sua. 

cius PHILIPPUS. Cicero delivered the speeches * pro L. Cal- 
purnio Pisone Bestia> pro P. Sestio, in P. Vatinium inter- 
rogatio ; de haruspicum responsis : pro L. Cornelio Balbo ; 
de provinciis consularibus ; . pro M. Caelio. He married his 
daughter Tullia for the second lime, to Furius Crassipes. 

Cicero spoke in Pisonem; * in A. Cabmium; pro Cn. Planco; 
* pro Caninio Gallo ; and wrote his ireatise de Oratore. 

Caesar s command in Gaul was extended for a second 
period of five years; Pompey received the provinces of 
Spain ; and Crassus that of Syria. 


PULCHER. Cicero spoke pro C. Rabirio Poslumo ; * pro P. 

Vatinio; pro M. Aemilio Scaurz ; * pro M. Cras?<.., in senatv.; 

pro C. Messio ; * pro bruso ; and * de Reatinorum causa. 

He was also engaged in writing his treatise de Repullica. 

Cicero was elected augur, on the death of Crassus in a 
battle against the Parthians. 

Pius SCIPIO, from the ist of August. Cicero defended Milo 
on the charge of killing P. Clodius, and afterwards wrote 
the rxtant ,ipeoch/>r0 Milone. He also spoke *pro M, Saufeit 












(twice); and * in T. Munatium Plancum. He probably 
wrote his work de Legibus* 

Great, uots took place at Rome between the factions of 
Milo and P. Clodius. 

Cicero was appointed proconsul in Cilicia. 

A supplication was decreed in honour of Cicero, for his 
conduct in his province. He came as far as Brundisium 
on his return to Rome. Tullia married her third husband, 
P. Cornelius Dolabeila. 

CRUS. Cicero returned to Rome, where he found civil 
war on the point of breaking out between Caesar and 
Pompey. When Caesar crossed the Rubicon, Cicero, 
despairing of peace, retired first into Campania, and about 
the beginning of June to Greece. Caesar was made 

RICUS. Caesar crossed into Greece, and defeated Pompey 
at the battle of Pharsalus, Aug. 9. Cicero returned to Italy 
after the battle. 

Pompey was murdered before Alexandria. Caesar went 
to Egypt, and commenced the Alexandrine war. 

entered on office in October. Cicero remained at Brundisium 
till September, when he was reconciled to Caesar, and came 
to Tusculum, and ultimately to Rome. 

Caesar, as dictator, finished the Alexandrine war; and 
having returned to Italy in September, crossed again to 
Africa at the end of the year, to carry on the war against 
the Pompeian party. 

Cicero wrote the Partition?? Oraioriae^ * Lans Cat^nis, and 
Orator ; and at the close of the year delivered the speeches 
pro M, Mar cello and pro Q. Ligario. About the same time 
lie divorced his wile Terentia. 

Caesar finally defeated the Pompeian army in Africa 
at Thapsus. M. Cato killed himself at Utica. Returning 
to Rome Caesar occupied himself in correcting abuses in 



Life of 







the state, and in reforming the calendar. At the end of 
the year he went to Spain. 

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR IV., without a colleague till 
October, then Q. FABIUS MAXIMUS, C. TREBONIUS. Cicero 
married Publilia, whom he divorced the same year. Tullia 
died, after giving birth to a son. Cicero wrote his treatises 
de Consolatione, de Finibus, Acadernicae quaestiones, and de 
livered the speech pro rege Deiotaro. 

Caesar defeated the sons of Pompey at Munda. He was 
made Consul for ten years, dictator and censor for life. 

Coss. C. IULIUS CAESAR V., M. ANTONIUS. On Caesar s 

Cicero finished the Tusculan Disputations. On the i5th 
of March Caesar was assassinated, and two days afterwards 
Cicero delivered a speech in the senate, recommending 
peace. Antony getting the upper hand, Cicero retired into 
the country, where he wrote his. treatises de Natura Deorum, 
Je Divinatione, de Fato, Laelius, CatO Maior, * de Gloria, 
Topica. On the 3ist of August he return <* A to Rome, and 
on the 2nd of September delivered the first Philippic oration. 
Shortly afterwards he wrote the second Philippic, and also 
the treatise de Officiis. On the 2oth of December, Antony 
having abandoned the city in consequence of the defection 
of the Fourth and Martian legions, Cicero delivered the 
third and fourth Philippic orations. 

Coss. C. VIEIUS PANSA, A. HIRTIUS. Cicero delivered 
the remaining Philippic orations. (See the several Intro 
ductions.) After the battles before Mutina, Antony com 
bined with M. Lepidus, and subsequently they were both 
invited to Rome by Octavianus, who had been elected Consul 
with Q. PEDIUS. The second triumvirate was formed, a 
general proscription followed, and Cicero was murdered 
by order of Antony, on the yth of December, in the grounds 
of his Formian villa. 







To understand the bearing of the Philippic orations of Cicero, it is 
necessary shortly to review the course of events at Rome, consequent 
on the assassination of Julius Caesar, March i5th, 44 B.C. On the 
evening of the same day, finding it impossible to gain the confidence or 
the sympathy of the mass of the citizens, the conspirators, at the insti 
gation of Decimus Brutus, repaired to the Capitol, where they were 
joined by Cicero and other nobles ; while Lepidus, the Master of the 
Horse, occupied the Forum with an armed force, and sent an assurance 
of support to Antony. In the meantime the body of Caesar was 
carried home, and something like quiet was restored. During the 
ensuing night Antony opened negotiations with Lepidus, securing 
his support by the promise of the vacant office of pontifex maximus : 
while his own position was strengthened by his receiving from Cal- 
purnia, Caesar s widow, all the dictator s private papers, and treasure 
to the amount of 4000 talents. 

The next day the liberators, encouraged by the avowed support of 
Dolabella, who claimed the consulship which Caesar s death left vacant, 
and to which he had been already nominated as his successor, re 
solved again to appeal to the people, and made M. Brutus their 

\ B 


spokesman. He was coldly received, and they were obliged to return 
to the Capitol, while Antony took the opportunity of seizing the 
public treasure in the temple of Ops, amounting to seven hundred 
millions of sesterces (somewhat more than 6,ooo,ooo/.). The next day 
(March 17), on the invitation of the conspirators, he summoned the 
senate to meet in the temple of Tellus, near his own house in the 
Carinae. To add to his security he filled the Forum with troops, an 
excuse for the precaution being afforded by the violence which the 
mob had offered to the praetor, Cornelius Cinna, when he appeared 
among them in his official robes. The result of a very stormy debate 
was a resolution that no investigation should be mack into Caesar s 
murder; but that all the ordinances and arrangements which he had 
made, acta Caesaris, should be ratified. This policy was supported 
by Cicero, as a necessary compromise, and was acquiesced in by 
the liberators, though it was manifest that it left the whole power in 
the hands of Antony. A public funeral was further decreed to Caesar, 
on the motion of his father-in-law, L. Calpurnius Piso. These measures 
were confirmed by the people, assembled in the Forum ; and the 
conspirators were invited to come down from the Capitol, Antony 
sending his own son as a hostage for their security. On the following 
day another meeting of the senate was held, and the distribution of 
the provinces, as arranged by Caesar, was again confirmed. By this 
assignment M. Brutus received Macedonia, and C. Cassius Syria, 
though they could not properly enter into possession of them till 
the expiration of their office of praetor. Decimus Brutus succeeded to 
Cisalpine Gaul, Cimber to Bithynia, and Trebonius to Asia. 

The next event was the funeral of Caesar, which Antony artfully 
employed as a means of stirring up the fury of the people against his 
murderers. Entitled by his position as Consul to pronounce the 
funeral oration over his colleague, as the body lay in the Forum, pre 
viously to its being carried to the pyre prepared for it in the Campus 
Martius, he roused their feelings by recounting the honours of the 
dictator, which were reflected on the whole Roman people, and the 
violated oath whereby his murderers had sworn to defend him. Ex 
cited to frenzy by his speech, and yet more by hearing the tenour of 
Caesar s will, and his munificent bequests to the Roman people, the 
crowd refused to allow the body to be removed without the city walls, 
and burned it on a hastily raised pyre in the midst of the Forum 
itself. The excitement rapidly spread. The houses of the liberators 
were attacked ; Helvius Cinna, an adherent of Caesar, was torn in 
pieces in mistake for the praetor L. Cornelius Cinna, and the tumult 


did not cease till the people were convinced that the principal con 
spirators had fled, and were for the present beyond their reach. 

The advantage which Antony had gained by the course of events 
at Caesar s funeral he further secured by the moderation of his sub 
sequent conduct. He did not attempt to extend the amnesty to any 
of the political exiles, with the single exception of Sextus Clodius, a 
client and chief agent of the notorious Publius Clodius, whose widow 
Fulvia Antony had married as his third wife. He declared that no 
exemptions from tribute had been granted to any cities. He con 
sented to the proposal of Sulpicius that no further < acts of Caesar 
should be ratified. His popularity culminated when he proposed that 
the office of dictator should be abolished for ever. In the beginning 
of April he did good service to the state by crushing a disturbance 
raised by one Herophilus, who pretended to be a grandson of Marius, 
and whom he put to death without a trial (i. 2, 5). Emboldened by 
his success, he began to make unscrupulous use of Caesar s papers, 
urging the pleasure of the dictator for every measure or appointment 
which might suit his purpose, and not hesitating to forge suppositi 
tious memoranda, when no convenient documents could be found 
among the genuine acta Caesaris. In addition to the favour which 
he thus acquired, both among citizens and provinces on whom he 
conferred benefits, he presently added to his personal security by the 
usual tyrant s resource of a body-guard of 6000 soldiers, which the 
senate were persuaded to allow him, and he sought for popularity 
among the veterans by a new assignment of lands to them in Campania, 
whither he himself proceeded to superintend in person the execution of 
his measure. 

Dolabella took this opportunity of thwarting the policy of Antony 
in the city ; overthrowing all the memorials of Caesar which existed 
within its walls, even the altar raised in his honour in the Forum, and 
the marble pillar which marked the place of his tumultuous funeral. 
He repressed every popular demonstration of the Caesarian party, and 
aided the cause of the patriots in a manner that called forth the warmest 
eulogies from Cicero himself (Att. 14. 15, 2). 

At this crisis Octavius appeared upon the scene. He had received 
the news of his great-uncle s murder in Epirus, where he was completing 
his military education in the camp at Apollonia. Urged by his mother 
Atia to return to Rome at once, he crossed the sea without delay, and land 
ing near Lupiae in Calabria, he remained there till the receipt of a copy 
of Caesar s will emboldened him to advance to Brundisium, and present 
himself to the garrison in that place as C. lulius Caesar Octavianus, 

B 2, 


the dictator s adopted son. He was warmly received by the veterans, 
and encouraged to send a formal notification of his claims to the senate 
and the leaders of the two parties. Following this up by a cautious 
advance towards Rome, at Naples he met Cicero, who gladly welcomed 
a new rival to Antony. About the beginning of May he entered Rome, 
where he had already made a favourable impression by undertaking the 
expense of certain shows exhibited in honour of Caesar at the festival 
of the Parilia, on the 2ist of April. This impression he confirmed by 
paying assiduous court to the individual senators, and by undertaking 
to pay the bequests of Caesar to the people. Antony was absent from 
Rome, but hearing of Octavius growing popularity, he hastened back 
to the city, and about the middle of the month he had an interview with 
Octavius, in which the latter claimed the money of the dictator which 
Antony had appropriated. Antony refused to refund it, on the 
ground that it was public treasure, when Octavius took upon himself 
the payment of the legacies, as well as the exhibition of shows at the 
dedication of the temple which Caesar had built in honour of Venus 

Meanwhile M. Brutus and Cassius had retired from the city to Lanu- 
vium, probably at the time of the disturbances caused by the Pseudo- 
Marius. Decimus Brutus, in defiance of the Consul, assumed the 
government of Cisalpine Gaul, and Trebonius and Cimber took posses 
sion of their respective provinces of Asia and Bithynia. In the absence 
of the liberator, Antony persuaded the senate to alter the distribution 
of the provinces, so far as to transfer Syria and Macedonia from Cassius 
and Brutus to Dolabella and himself. In compensation they were offered 
the privilege of supplying the city with corn from Sicily and Asia. This 
they were unwilling to accept, and made the necessity of preparing for it 
an excuse for lingering in Italy, till they had made one more unsuccessful 
attc mpt to conciliate popular favour by the magnificence of the * Ludi 
Apollinares, exhibited at the expense of Brutus as city praetor. The 
failure of this effort induced them at length to abandon hopes of remain 
ing longer in Italy, and Cicero, feeling that the prospects of the republican 
party were for the present crushed, and that he himself was not wholly 
free from danger, determined to avail himself of a legatio which 
Doiabella had given him, and to go to Greece till the beginning of the 
next year, when he hoped for more success under the administration 
of the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa. He spent a single day among 
his friends in Sicily, and thence set sail for Greece on the 2nd of August, 
but was driven back to Leucopetra, whither tidings were brought him 
that a change had come over the face of affairs; that the senate had 


been summoned for the ist of August ; and that rumours were rife 
that Brutus and Cassius were likely to come to an understanding with 
Antony. This news changed his plans once more ; he resolved to go 
at once to Rome, and was not even deterred by an interview with 
Brutus at Velia, in which he learned the defeat of the republican party 
in the meeting of the ist of August from which they had hoped 
so much. He entered Rome on the 3 ist of August, and found that 
Antony had summoned the senate for the following day. Cicero, after 
some hesitation, resolved not to attend, pleading fatigue and sickness 
to the Consuls, while to his friends he urged the impossibility of his 
appearing as a witness of the honours which were to be proposed to 
Caesar. His real reason appears to have been an unwillingness to take 
the initiative in the contest between himself and Antony which was now 
inevitable. In his absence the Consul uttered the most violent invective 
against him, upbraiding him with cowardice in staying away, and even 
threatening the demolition of his house. He then retired to his villa 
at Tibur ; but Dolabella summoned the senate to meet on the following 
day in the temple of Concord, when Cicero delivered his first Philippic 
oration against Antony. The tone of it is moderate, compared with 
that of those which follow. He seems unwilling to close every door 
of peace between himself and his antagonist ; and though he attacks his 
public policy unsparingly, he abstains as yet from any personal abuse, 
such as is conspicuous in all the rest of these orations. 







1 ANTE quam de re publica, patres conscript!, dicam ea, quae 

i dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter consilium 

et profectionis et reversionis meae. Ego cum sperarem ali- 

quando ad vestrum consilium auctoritatemque rem publicam esse 

revocatam, manendum mihi statuebam quasi in vigilia quadam 5 

cc. I, 2. Before entering on the main topic 
of his speech, Cicero thinks it right to explain 
why he left the city, and why he returned 
without accomplishing his contemplated jour 
ney to Greece. He had derived great hopes 
from the amnesty which followed the dic 
tator s death; from the moderation and 
constitutional policy of Antony; and, above 
all, from the abolition of the dictatorship. 
These hopes were confirmed by the strong 
and orderly administration, both of Antony 
and Dolabella : but they were rudely dashed 
to the ground by the events of the 1st of 
June. Then the senate was terrified into 
inaction ; the populace was excited into revo 
lutionary acts; the veterans were urged to 
look for booty; and Cicero, despairing of 
any present sphere of usefulness, left the city 
till the new year should open a prospect of 
better things. 

I. Patres Conscript!. Livy 2. I tells 
us that on the expulsion of the kings, in order 
to fill up the number of the senate, diminish 
ed by the massacres of Tarquinius, Brutus 
admitted the principal knights to the rank 
of senators, under the title of Conscript! : 
and that this was the origin of the double 
title of the senate, ut in senatum vocarentur, 
qui Patres, quique conscripti essent. Con- 

scriptos videlicet, in novum senatum ad- 
pellabant lectos. The term Patres Con- 
scripti therefore is condensed for Patres 
et Conscripti/ like Populus Romanus 
Quirites, lis vindiciae, &c. It had 
however so completely come to be used 
as a single expression for Senators, that 
Cicero even uses the singular Pater Con- 
scriptus, of an individual senator, Phil. 13. 
13, 28. 

3. Reversionis. Manutius gives as the 
distinction between reversio and reditus, 
that the latter is used of a man who has 
attained the object of his journey, and so 
returns in accordance with his original plan : 
the former of a man who turns back before 
reaching his proposed destination. He sup 
ports this by the expression of Cicero about 
this very expedition, Att. 16. 7, 5 Quam 
valde ille reditu, vel potius reversione mea 
laetatus! but as he also uses the term 
reditus in reference to it, without cor 
rection, in the same Epistle, and in Phil. 
2. 30, 76 Exposui nuper, patres con- 
scripti, causam reditus mei, it seems pro 
bable that reditus is the word of general 
application, reversio the word more pecu 
liarly appropriate to turning back pre 


cc. 12. 

consular! ac senatoria. Nee vero usquam discedebam nee a re 
publica deiiciebam oculos ex eo die, quo in aedem Telluris con- 
vocati sumus. In quo templo, quantum in me fuit, ieci fundamenta 
pacis Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum ; Graecum etiam 
.s verbum usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas 
ilia, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna 
delendam censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. Antonii, egregia etiam 2 
voluntas ; pax denique per eum et per liberos eius cum praestan- 
tissimis civibus confirmata est. Atque his principiis reliqua con- 

10 sentiebant. Ad deliberationes eas,quashabebat domi de re publica, 
principes civitatis adhibebat ; ad hunc ordinem res optimas defere- 
bat ; nihil turn, nisi quod erat notum omnibus, in C. Caesaris 
commentariis reperiebatur, summa constantia ad ea quae quaesita 
erant, respondebat. Num qui exsules restituti ? Unum aiebat, 3 

15 praeterea neminem. Num immunitates datae? Nullae, respon- 

2. Ex eo die : the i/th of March, two 
days alter Caesar s murder. The temple 
of Tellus was in the Carinae, on the site of 
the house of Sp. Cassius, which was pulled 
down and confiscated on his condemnation 
in 485 B. C. The exact situation of it is 
very uncertain, but it probably lay in the 
valley at the foot of the western slopes of 
the Esquiline, and so conveniently near the 
house of Pompey in the Carinae, which 
Antony himself occupied. 

4. Atheniensium. On the restoration 
of the exiles under Thrasybulus, in 403 B.C., 
when a general amnesty was proclaimed, 
and the people swore \JLT\ [AvrjaiKaKeiv. 
The term d^i/r/oTf a, which Cicero is said 
to have used on this occasion, is not found 
in any Greek author before the time of 
Plutarch ; the classical word being a5aa. 
Dion Cassius, 44. 23-33, professes to give 
the speech of Cicero in favour of the am 
nesty, together with that which Antony 
delivered over the body of Caesar. 

8. Per liberos. The conspirators, even 
after the amnesty had been proclaimed, did 
not venture to come down from the Capitol 
till Antony and Lepidus each sent a son to 
them, to be kept as hostages for their 
safety. That liberos is a mere rhetorical 
inaccuracy for filium is clear from c. 13, 
31, and 2. 36, 90, from the latter of which 
passages we learn that Antony s hostage 
was one of his sons by Fulvia, the daughter 
of M. Fulvius, nicknamed Bambalio. On 
receiving the hostages, Brutus and Cassius 
descended from their stronghold, and supped 

the same evening, Brutus with Lepidus, 
Cassius with Antony. Plut. Brut. 19. 

II. Deferebat. Deferre res ad se- 
natum is to make an announcement to the 
senate on a matter over which they have 
no control ; whence it is used of the augurs 
reporting the auspices, and here of Antony 
reporting to the senate the purport of docu 
ments which they had already ratified : 
referre ad senatum is the term used of the 
Consuls, bringing a question formally before 
the senate for their decision. 

T2. In C. Caesaris commentariis, 
in Caesar s papers, commentarii being 
notes for future expansion and use ; as 
Cicero, Brut. 75, 262, tells us that Caesar 
called his histories Commentaries, be 
cause they were nudi, recti et venusti, omni 
ornatu orationis tamquam veste detracta, 
written from the wish alios habere paiata, 
unde sumerent, qui vellent scribere historiam. 

14. Unum. This was Sex. Clodius, a 
client of P. Clodius, and the chief agent of 
his lawlessness, who had been condemned 
and sent into exile in 52 B.C., after Mile s 
trial, on the accusation of Caesennius Philo 
and M. Aufidius. Cicero, Att. 14. 13, 6, 
says he consented to his recall by Antony, 
though convinced that Caesar had never 
expressed any wish for it : quae enim Cae 
sar numquam neque fecisset neque passus 
esset, ea mine ex falsis eius commentariis 

15. Immunitates, dreAfmt, exemptions 
from taxation, which we find frequently 
granted, especially by the emperors, both 



debat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio, clarissimo viro, voluit, 
ne qua tabula post Idus Martias ullius decreti Caesaris aut bene- 
ficii figeretur. Multa praetereo eaque praeclara ; ad singulare 
enim M. Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, quae iam 
vim regiae potestatis obsederat, funditus ex re publica sustulit, 5 
de qua ne sententias quidem diximus ; scriptum senatus consul- 
turn, quod fieri vellet, attulit, quo recitato auctoritatem eius 
summo studio secuti sumus eique amplissimis verbis per senatus 
2 consultum gratias egimus. Lux quaedam videbatur oblata, non 

4 modo regno, quod pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore sub- 10 
lato ; magnumque pignus ab eo rei publicae datum, se liberarn 
civitatem esse velle, cum dictatoris nomen, quod saepe iustum 
fuisset, propter perpetuae dictaturae recentem memoriam fun- 

5 ditus ex re publica sustulisset. Liberatus periculo caedis paucis 
post diebus senatus ; uncus impactus est fugitive illi, qui in 15 
Marii nomen invaserat. Atque haec omnia communiter cum 
collega : alia porro propria Dolabellae, quae, nisi collega afuisset, 

to individuals and states. It appears from 
a letter of Cicero, Fam. 12. I, i, written 
about the end of the previous May, that 
such grants of exemption were among the 
evils immediately consequent on the death 
of Caesar : and in the second Philippic we 
find that Antony soon proceeded to make 
them by wholesale : neque solum singulis 
venibant immunitates sed etiam populis 
universis, 2. 36, 92; cp. 38, 97. 

1. Servius Sulpicius, the famous 
lawyer, in favour of erecting a statue to 
whom Cicero delivered the ninth Philippic 
oration. See Introd. to Phil. 9. 

2. Ne qua tabula figeretur, that 
no law should be published/ the custom being 
that any new law was engraved on a brazen 
tablet, and hung up for seventeen days in 
public, before being finally deposited in the 

6. Ne sententias quidem diximus, 
we passed a silent vote, without debate, and 
therefore without a division. See on 3. 9, 24. 

Scriptum senatus consultum. It 
appears to have been unusual for senators 
to write out beforehand the proposals which 
they intended to make in the senate. Cp. 
however 3. 8, 20: 10. 2, 5: Fam. 10. 
13. I- 

12. Iustum: so long as the dictatorship 
was held only for a definite time, ad tempus 
sumebatur, Tac. Ann. I. I, and to meet a 
special emergency. Sulla was the first to 
make himself perpetual dictator, in 82 B.C., 

reviving the office after a lapse of 120 
years, when its old spirit, as well as the 
necessity for it, had completely died away. 
At the time therefore when Antony abolished 
the dictatorship, there were no feelings of old 
association attached to it which could coun 
terbalance the dislike which the despotism 
of Sulla and of Caesar had inspired. 

15. Uncus. The hook by which the bodies 
of criminals were dragged, after execution, 
to the scalae Gemoniae, on the brink of 
the Aventine, and thence thrown into the 
Tiber. Cp. Juv. 10. 66 Seianus ducitur 
unco, Suet. Vit. 17 Apud Gemonias minu- 
tissimis ictibus excarnificatus atque confec- 
tus est, et inde unco tractus in Tiberim. 

Fugitive. This was Herophilus, a 
horse-doctor or oculist, equarius or ocu- 
larius, who, according to Val. Max. 9. 15, 2, 
exchanged his Greek name for the Roman 
one of Amatius. He assumed to be the 
grandson of Marius, and having attempted 
to raise a disturbance after the death of 
Caesar, was put to death without a trial by 
Antony ; an illegal act, for which the senate 
granted him indemnity. 

16. Cum collega: P. Cornelius Dola- 
bella, who had been nominated by Caesar to 
succeed him in the consulship for the latter 
part of the year 44 B. C., after he himself 
should have started on his Parthian expedi 
tion. Cp. 2. 32, So and 81. 

17. Afuisset: on that progress through 
Campania, in the latter half of April and 



cc. 23. 

credo iis futura fuisse communia. Nam cum serpcret in urbem 
infinitum malum iclque manaret in dies latius, idemque bustum 
in foro facerent, qui illam insepultam sepulturam effecerant, et 
quotidie magis magisque perditi homines cum sui similibus 
5 servis tectis ac templis urbis minitarentur, talis animadversio 
fuit Dolabellae cum in audaces sceleratosque servos, turn in 
impuros et nefarios liberos, talisque eversio illius exsecratae 
columnae, ut mini minim videatur tarn valde reliquum tempus 
ab illo uno die disscnsisse. Ecce enim Kalendis luniis, quibus 6 

10 ut adessemus cdixcrant, mutata omnia : nihil per senatum, multa 
et magna per populum, et absente populo et invito. Consules 
designati negabant se audere in senatum venire ; patriae libe- 
ratores urbe carebant ea, cuius a cervicibus iugum servile deiece- 
rant, quos tarnen ipsi consules in contionibus et in omni sermone 

15 laudabant ; veterani qui appellabantur, quibus hie ordo dili- 

the beginning of May, in order to super 
intend the distribution of lands to the 
veterans, with which Cicero taunts him in 
the second Philippic, 100 foil. 

2. Infinitum malum, an evil of 
which no one could foresee the end. 

Bustum : alluding to a column which 
the lower orders of the people raised in Cae 
sar s honour on the site of his funeral p\re, 
with the inscription. PARENTI PATRIAE. This 
column Dolabel a threw down during the 
absence of Antony, finding that the honours 
paid to it were made a pretext for tumult 
and sedition. He also put the ringleaders 
in the disturbances to death, crucifying the 
slaves, and throwing the freemen from the 
Tarpeian rock. 

3. Insepultam sepulturam, that 
burial so little worthy of the name; proba 
bly with reference to the tumultuous and 
irregular nature of the proceedings. The 
body, contrary to the general custom at 
Rome, was burnt in the very heart of the 
city, in the Forum. See Legg. 2. 23, 58 
Hominem mortuum, inquit lex in xii tabulis, 
in uibe ne sepelito neve urito. The oxy 
moron appears to be an imitation of such 
Greek expressions as vv^^v avvfupov, nap- 
Ofvov r dnapeevov Eur. Hec. 612. Fer- 
rarius compares a line quoted by Cicero de 
Oral. 3. 5 X, 219 

Qua tempestate Paris Helenam innuptis 
iunxit nuptiis. 

9. Kalendis luniis. Cicero tells us in 
the second Philippic, 42, 108, that the senate 
was too much alarmed to obey the summons 

convening it for the 1st of June; and gives 
a detailed account of the unconstitutional 
proceedings of Antony on that day : pro 
ceedings nominally sanctioned by the people, 
though in reality they were wholly devoid 
of such a sanction, as the assembly consisted 
only of an excited, tumultuous rabble, none 
of the respectable citizens being present. 
He draws the same distinction in the speech 
De Domo sua, 33, 89 An tu populum Ro- 
manum esse putas ilium, qui con^tat ex iis, 
qui mercede conducuntur? qui impelluntur 
ut vim afferant magistratibus ? ut obsideant 
senatum? optent quotidie caedem, incendia, 

II. Consules designati, C. Vibius 
Pansa, and Aul. Hirtius, who had been 
nominated by Caesar as Consuls for the 
year 43 B. C. 

14. Quos tamen &c. and that though 
the Consuls themselves were always speaking 
of them in the highest terms/ Cp. 2. 3, 5 
Quos tu ciarissimos viros soles appellare, 
and 12, 30 Urutus, quern ego honoris causa 

15. Veterani qui appellabantur: 
Graevius takes this to mean the veterans to 
whom Antony appealed ; but it seems more 
probable that it signifies those who claimed 
the name of veterans: the imperfect being 
used rather than the present, because it is 
not Cicero s object to define the term ve 
terani. but he is wishing to intimate either 
that he thought those who had aided Caesar 
against the state to be unworthy of the 
name, or that many of them had not yet 




gentissime caverat, non ad conservationem earum rerum, quas 
habebant, sed ad spem novarum praedarum incitabantur. Quae 
cum audire mallem quam videre, haberemque ius legationis 
liberum, ea mente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis lanuariis, quod 
initium senatus cogendi fore videbatur. 5 

3 Exposui, patres conscript!, profectionis consilium : nunc re- 
7 versionis, quae plus admirationis habet, breviter exponam. Cum 
Brundisium iterque illud, quod tritum in Graeciam est, non 
sine causa, vitavissem, Kalendis Sextilibus veni Syracusas, quod 
ab ea urbe transmissio in Graeciam laudabatur : quae tamen 10 
urbs mihi coniunctissima plus una me nocte cupiens retinere 

served the number of campaigns which en 
titled them to it. Hence the reading ap- 
pellabantur, which is found in two MSS., 
would destroy the meaning of the passage, 
which would then merely be the veterans, 
as they are called. 

I. Caverat : by assigning lands to them 
after the expiration of their term of military 

3. Ius legationis liberum. Cicero gives 
an account of this legatio in one of his letters 
to Atticus, 15. n, saying that Dolabella had 
appointed him his legatus, with the special 
privilege, usually confined to liberae lega- 
tiones, of being allowed to enter and leave 
Rome at his will ; and had extended the 
time within which he might avail himself 
of it to five years. He says that with these 
additions to the usual rights of a legatus, 
this commission suits him better than a 
libera legatio, since the time of the latter 
could not be extended. These liberae lega- 
tiones were a species of honorary commis 
sions, granted to senators who wished to 
travel in the provinces, and investing them 
with all the privileges of legati. Seeing 
the abuses to which they led, Cicero en 
deavoured, in his consulship, to abolish them, 
but only succeeded in limiting their duration 
to one year, Legg. 3. 8, 18. Further re 
gulations, the exact nature of which is 
unknown, were made about them by a 
Lex lulia. 

cc. 3, 4. Cicero had scarcely left Italy, 
when the fortunate accident of a storm drove 
him back in time to hear of the speech of 
Antony, and the farewell edict of Brutus 
and Cassius ; together with the news that the 
senate was to meet on the ist of August, and 
that Antony once more promi&ed to obey the 
constitution. And although at Velia he heard 
from Brutus that these promises had not been 
fulfilled, and that L. Piso alone had dared to 

raise his voice in support of the authority of 
the senate, yet he determined still to return, 
and to make a solemn protest against the 
encroachments of Antony. 

7 Plus admirationis habet, has 
more in it to excite astonishment. Cp. Off. 
2 - 5> !7 Cum hie locus nihil habeat dubita- 
tionis. Halm attributes this sense of ad- 
mirationem habet to a kind of passive 
meaning of the substantive, as though it 
signified the capacity for being admired, as 
well as the act of admiring: but it seems 
rather to arise from a vague use of the verb 
habeo, like the Greek e x<w, in the sense of 
carries with it, admits of, necessarily 
associates with itself: cp. Aristot. Eth. I. 3, 2 
rd Siitaia . . . roaavrrjv ex l Sia<f>opav /eat 
TrXavrfv &are Soteeiv VO^QJ fj.6vov flvai, Thuc. 
2. 61, 2 TO \VITOVV lx t ^Sy rr)V ai- 

8. Non sine causa. In a letter to Atti 
cus, 1 6. 4, 4, he explains this cause to be the 
expected arrival of certain legions, probably 
those from Macedonia, at Brundisium ; and 
says that he entertains the idea of waiting 
to sail with Brutus. In the next letter he 
tells Atticus that this scheme fell through, 
owing to Brutus anxiety to see how things 
turned out in Italy. 

10. Tamen refers, not to what pre 
cedes, but to the desire of the Syracusans ex 
pressed in the same clause by the participle 
cupiens : which city, in spite of its eager 
ness to do so, yet could not detain me more 
than a single night. Halm compares Pro 
Sestio, 67, 140 Hunc tamen flagrantem in- 
vidia . . . ipse populus Romanus periculo 
liberavit. It is somewhat like the use of 
O//CDS in such passages as Soph. O. C. 957 
xe, /m 5fcu 

ii. Coniunctissima: owing to the in 
tegrity of his conduct as quaestor in the 



GO. 3 4. 

non potuit. Veritus sum ne meus repentinus ad meos neces 
saries adventus suspicionis aliquid afferret, si essem commoratus. 
Cum autem me ex Sicilia ad Leucopetram, quod est promon- 
torium agri Regini venti detulissent, ab eo loco conscendi ut 
5 transmitterem ; nee ita multum provectus reiectus austro sum 
in eum ipsum locum, unde conscenderam. Cumque intempesta 3 
nox esset mansissemque in villa P. Valerii, comitis et familiaris 
mei, postridieque apud eundem ventum exspectans manerem, 
municipes Regini complures ad me venerunt, ex iis quidam 

10 Roma reccntes : a quibus primum accipio M. Antonii contionem, 
quae mihi ita placuit, ut ea lecta de reversione primum coepe- 
rim cogitare. Nee ita multo post edictum Bruti affertur et 
Cassii, quod quidem mihi, fortasse quod eos plus etiam rei pub- 
licae quam familiaritatis gratia diligo, plenum aequitatis vide- 

15 batur. Addebant praeterea fit enim plerumque ut ii, qui boni 
quid volunt afferre, amngant aliquid, quo faciant id quod nun- 
tiant laetius rem conventuram ; Kalendis senatum frequentem 
fore ; Antonium, repudiatis malis suasoribus, remissis provinciis 

island, and his zeal in their behalf in the 
prosecution of Verres. 

4. Conscendi. This verb appears in 
Cicero to have everywhere the meaning of 
embarking, whether it is used absolutely, as 
here, or with the addition of navem, as in 
Fam. 3. 10, 3 Conscendens iam navem, 
Epheso Laodiceam revertit. Another simi 
lar account of these circumstances is given 
Att. 1 6. 7. 

6. Intempesta nox, the dead of 
night, quae non habet idoneum tempus 
rebus gerendis Macrob. Sat. i. 3, sub fin. 
Cp. Varr. L. L. 7. 72 Nox intempesta dicta 
ab tempestate ; tempestas ab tempore ; nox 
intempesta quo tempore nihil agitur. We 
may compare with it the Greek expression 
VVKTOS dojpi, Theocr. n. 40. The same 
indefiniteness pervades both expressions, 
Macrobius I.e. making nox intempesta 
succeed concubia: while Varro 6. 7 
identifies it with concubium, and also with 
silentium noctis. Cp. Virg. G. i. 247 
Intempesta silet nox. 

10. Contionem. Of the purport or occa 
sion of this speech we know nothing, except 
that we may gather from this passage that it 
feferred to the restoration of tranquillity in 
the state. It was a common practice to 
have such speeches taken down by short 
hand writers, notarii, and copies distributed 
among those interested in the proceedings. 

n. Coeperim, the perfect subjunctive, 
instead of the pluperfect, to bring the picture 
more vividly before the minds of the hearers, 
on the same principle as the use of the pre 
sent indicative in historic narration. 

12. Edictum Bruti et Cassii. This 
was probably the farewell edict which they 
published when on the point of leaving Italy; 
in which they declared themselves willing, if 
it were necessary for the peace of the state, 
to live in perpetual exile. It is mentioned 
by Velleius, 2. 62, 3; and is alluded to in 
the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony, 
Cic. Fam. II. 3, but is not itself extant. 

17- Rem conventuram, that an ar 
rangement would be made ; cp. Att. 9. 6, 2 
Rem conventuram putamus. Lit. that the 
matter would result in unanimity. 

Kalendis. In the MSS. we find Ka 
lendis Sextilibus, an obvious mistake, since 
Cicero came to Syracuse on the ist of August. 
Halm thinks there is a confusion between 
Sext. and Sept. : but it seems more pro 
bable that the month was not named by 
Cicero, and that some copyist has repeated 
the word Sextilibus from the previous sec 
tion. See Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 163. 

18. Provinciis Galliis. By the disposi 
tion of Caesar, Transalpine Gaul had been as 
signed to L. Munatius Plancus, and Cisalpine 
Gaul to Decimus Brutus. Antony prevailed 
on the people, notwithstanding this arrange- 


4 Galliis, ad auctoritatem senatus esse rediturum. Turn vero 
9 tanta sum cupiditate incensus ad reditum, ut mihi nulli neque 
remi neque venti satis facerent, non quo me ad tempus occur- 
surum non putarem, sed ne tardius quam cuperem rei publicae 
gratularer. Atque ego celeriter Veliam devectus Brutum vidi : 5 
quanto meo dolore, non dico. Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur in earn 
urbem me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet, et ibi velle 
tuto esse, ubi ille non posset. Neque vero ilium similiter atque 
ipse eram commotum esse vidi : erectus enim maximi ac pul- 
cherrimi facti sui conscientia nihil de suo casu, multa de vestro 10 
10 querebatur. Exque eo primum cognovi quae Kalendis Sexti- 
libus in senatu fuisset L. Pisonis oratio : qui quamquam parum 
erat id enim ipsum a Bruto audieram a quibus debuerat 
adiutus, tamen et Bruti testimonio quo quid potest esse 
gravius? et omnium praedicatione, quos postea vidi, magnam T 5 
mihi videbatur gloriam consecutus.. Hunc igitur ut sequerer 
properavi, quern praesentes non sunt secuti, non ut profkerem 
aliquid nee enim sperabam id nee praestare poteram, sed 
ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset multa autem impendere 

ment, to grant him the latter province; but 8. Tuto esse. A similar use of esse with 

on proceeding in November to take posses- tuto instead of a predicative noun is found, 

sion of it, he was resisted by Brutus, who Fam. 14. 3, 3 Ut tuto sim; Att 8. I, I 

threw himself into Mutina, and there main- Nusquam eris tutius ; ib. "2 Non quaerere, 

tained himself till the siege was raised by ubi tutissimo essem. See also with other 

the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, both adverbs; Att. 14. 16, 4 De Attica pergratum 

of whom fell in the struggle. Antony mihi fecisti, quod curasti ut ante scirem recte 

was driven across the Alps, and Brutus esse quam non belle fuisse. 

remained in undisputed command of the 10. De vestro, i.e. their loss of real 

province. power, owing to Antony assuming to take 

3. Non quo ... non putarem, not everything into his own hands, 

that I had any fears of being too late. - The 12. L. Pi so, Caesar s father-in-law, was 

subjunctive with such expressions appears to formerly the bitter personal and political 

be used when the proposition they introduce enemy of Cicero, and was attacked by him 

is in itself a mere hypothesis of the writer with the greatest virulence in his speeches 

or speaker, which is not only declared not De Provinces Consularibus, and In Pisonem, 

to be the reason of the phenomenon under 55 B. C. In these Cicero accuses him, with 

investigation, but is also asserted to be in apparent justice, of every kind of mal- 

itself untrue. Accordingly, when the sup- administration in his province of Macedonia 

posed cause is in itself a real fact, and it is during the two preceding years. Piso s 

merely denied that it is the cause of the opposition to Antony was only short-lived, 

phenomenon, the indicative is used with as when the latter went to Mutina to attack 

quia or quoniam, as in Tac. Hist. 3. 4 D. Brutus, Piso remained as the prin- 

Non quia industria Flaviani egebat, not cipal supporter of his views in Rome. He 

influenced by the desire, which he yet felt, was one of the envoys to Antony in the 

to avail himself of the zeal of Flavianus, beginning of the following year. At pre- 

sed ut consulare nomen surgentibus...prae- sent Cicero was ready to follow him as the 

tenderetur: and Livy 33. 27 Non quia sa- most appropriate leader of the constitutional 

tis dignos eos esse credebat, not from the party. 

conviction which he yet entertained of their 19. Si quid mihi humanitus, &c. 

worthiness. if any of the accidents to which man is liable 


ce. 46. 

videntur praeter naturam etiam praeterque fatum, huius tamen 
diei vocem testem rei publicae relinquerem meae perpetuae erga 

r ,se voluntatis. 

Quoniam utriusque consilii causam, patres conscript!, pro-i 

5 batam vobis esse confido, prius quam de re publica dicere 
incipio, pauca querar de hesterna M. Antonii iniuria : cui sum 
amicus, idque me non nullo eius officio debere esse prae me 

should have befallen me and many do 
appear to be hanging over me contrary at 
once to the course of nature and to my 
destined lot; fatum being apparently the 
natural tenour of the life which destiny had 
marked out for him, liable however to be 
overthrown by rash interference on the part 
of himself or others. It seems to be rightly 
explained by Abrami : Ilia praeter naturam 
praeterque fatum, quae nee a principiis 
naturae intrinsecis, nee a caussis externis 
agendi necessitate constrictis, sed ab ho- 
minis libertate dependet, ut cum quis sibi 
vel mortem consciscit, vel alterius scelere 
occiditur. He compares Virg. Ae. 4. 696 
Nam quia nee fato, merita nee morte 

Sed misera ante diem, subitoque accensa 

Nondum illi fiavum Proserpina vertice 

Abstulerat, Stygioque caput damnaverat 


and Demosth. de Cor. p. 296, 19 TOV TTJS 
duapnevrjs KOI TOV avroftarov OdvaTOV : 
from which latter passage Gellius, 13. I, 
tells us that Cicero probably derived the 
expression. The same idea occurs frequently 
in Homer; cp. Od. i. 33 [/fyorot] afyytnv 
aTaffdaXirjcriv viTfp/j.opov d A/ye ZXOVCTIV, 
II. 2. 155 tvOa Kfv A.pyeioLO ii vTrep/j.opa 
vuffTos fTvxOr] : though the supremacy of 
fate was generally vindicated, even by super 
natural interference, if necessary, when 
external causes were on the point of breaking 
through it. Cp. II. 17. 321 ; 20. 30 and 336. 
See also Professor Conington s note on 
Virgil, 1. c. 

I. Tamen is omitted in some MSS., 
but it is commonly found in the apodosis after 
a protasis introduced by a concessive si: 
I might at any rate leave my voice in 
testimony, &c. Cp. 2. 32, 78 Si minus 
fortem, at tamen strenuum. 

i. Erga se rather than erga earn, 
because respublica is virtually the subject 
of the sentence ; that the state might still 

have my voice this day as a witness to my 

6. Hesterna M. Antonii iniuria, the 
threats which Antony had used, when 
Cicero, on the plea of illness, absented him 
self from the senate on the 1st of September. 
Nominally, every senator was bound to be 
present at all meetings of the senate ; cp. 
Legg. 3. 4. II Senator!, qui nee aderit, aut 
causa aut culpa esto; and absence was liable 
to be punished by a fine, which might be 
enforced by a pignoris capio. This was 
the technical term for the process whereby 
the praetor allowed the goods of a person, 
who was in contempt of court, to be taken, 
and so!d, unless the contempt was purged 
within a given time. Cp. Livy 3. 38 
Postquam citati non convenibant, dimissi 
circa domos adparitores simul ad pignora 
capienda, sciscitandumque, num consulto 
detrectarent. On such an occasion however 
as the proposal of a supplicatio, or so 
lemn holiday in honour of a general who 
had gained an important victory, it was 
supposed that the friends of the person thus 
honoured would be certain to attend in suf 
ficient numbers to ensure a full house, and 
therefore it was generally left open to the 
senators to be present or not as they pleased. 
The irregularity of the present supplicatio 
is pointed out by Cicero in this speech, 
c. 6, 13. 

7. Non nullo eius officio: in sparing 
him at Brundisium, when on his return 
from Pharsalus, Antony was instructed 
by Caesar to prevent any of Pompey s 
party from landing in Italy. For Cicero s 
later estimate of this service, see 2.3, 5 ; 

H> 59- 

cc. 5, 6. Cicero complains of the personal 
animosity displayed toiuards him by Antony, 
in endeavouring to force him to attend the 
meeting of the senate on the previous day, 
when he was weary with his journey, and 
in threatening violent measures towards him 
in consequence of his non-appearance. He 
declares the impossibility of his taking part 
in any such unconstitutional proceedings as 


5 semper tuli. Quid tandem erat causae cur in senatum hesterno 
die tarn acerbe eogerer? Solusne aberam? an non saepe minus 
frequentes fuistis? an ea res agebatur, ut etiam aegrotos deferri 
oporteret? Hannibal, credo, erat ad portas, aut de Pyrrhi pace 
agebatur, ad quam causam etiam Appium ilium, et caecum et 5 

12 senem, delatum esse memoriae proditum est. De supplicationi- 
bus referebatur, quo in genere senatores deesse non solent. 
Coguntur enim non pignoribus, sed eorum, de quorum honore 
agitur, gratia ; quod idem fit, cum de triumpho refertur. Ita 
sine cura consules sunt, ut paene liberum sit senator! non adesse. 10 
Qui cum mini mos notus esset cumque e via languerem et mihi- 
met displicerem, misi pro amicitia qui hoc ei diceret. At ille 
vobis audientibus cum fabris se domum meam venturum esse 
dixit. Nimis iracunde hoc quidem et valde intemperanter. 
Cuius enim maleficii tanta ista poena est, ut dicere in hoc ordine 15 
auderet se publicis operis disturbaturum publice ex senatus 
sententia aedificatam domum ? Quis autem umquam tanto 
damno senatorem coegit ? aut quid est ultra pignus aut multam ? 
Quod si scisset quam sententiam dicturus essem, remisisset 

6 aliquid profecto de severitate cogendi. An me censetis, patres 20 

13 conscripti, quod vos inviti secuti estis, decreturum fuisse, ut 
parentalia cum supplicationibus miscerentur ? ut inexpiabiles 

the ordinance of a supplicatio in honour following the Vatican MS., here retain e 

of a dead man; and regrets that absence had via. 

prevented him from supporting L.Piso in his Mihimet displicerem, was indis- 

patriotic opposition to Antony on the 1st of posed. So of mental trouble, Displiceo 

August. mihi nee sine multo scribo dolore, Cic. Att. 

4. De Pyrrhi pace agebatur. The 2. 18, 3. 

allusion is to the mission of Cineas, after the 13. Cum fabris. Cp. 5. 7, 19 Hue 
battle of Heraclea, 280 B.C., when the etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. etiam fabros se 
terms of peace that Pyrrhus offered were missurum et domum meam disturbaturum 
on the point of being accepted, till Appius esse dixit. Cicero s house had been pulled 
Claudius Caecus persuaded the senate to down during his exile in 58 B. C., and re- 
reject them. The speech which he delivered built on his return in the following year, 
on the occasion was still extant in Cicero s out of funds granted him by the state, in 
time. Cic. Brut. 16, 62. spite of the violent opposition of P. Clodius. 

II. E via languerem. Ferrarius, on 16. Publicis operis. This use of 

the authority of t hree MSS., urges the reading operae, for the concrete operarii, is not 

de via, comparing Acad. Post. I. I, I infrequent in Cicero; cp. c. 9, 22 Ut ipse ad 

Nisi de via fessus esset; Somn. Scip. I, 2 operas mercenarias statim protrahatur ; Att. 

(Rep. 6. 10, 10) Me, et de via, et qui ad 4. 3, 3 Facile operas aditu prohibuerunt. 

multam noctem vigilassem, artior quam So Hor. S. 2. 7, 118 Accedes opera agro 

solebat somnus complexus est ; and Plaut. nona Sabino. 

Pseud. 2. 2, 66 Ut lassus veni de via, me 22. Parentalia. In the end of February, 

volo curare. The actual expression de Cic. Legg. 2. 21, 54, the Romans celebrated 

via languere, however, does not seem to a festival in honour of the dead, Feralia, at 

occur elsewhere, and the majority of editors, which offerings were brought to their tombs, 


co. 67 

religiones in rem publicam inducerentur ? ut decernerentur sup- 
plicationes mortuo ? Nihil dico cui. Fuerit ille Brutus, qui 
et ipse dominatu regio rem publicam liberavit et ad similem 
virtutem et simile factum stirpem iam prope in quingentesimum 
5 annum propagavit : adduci tamen non possem, ut quemquam 
mortuum coniungerem cum immortalium religione, ut, cuius 
sepulchrum usquam exstet ubi parentetur, ei publice supplicetur. 
Ego vero earn sententiam dixissem, ut me adversus populum 
Romanum, si qui accidisset gravior rei publicae casus, si bellum, 

10 si morbus, si fames, facile possem defendere : quae partim iam 
sunt, partim timeo ne impendeant. Sed hoc ignoscant di im- 
mortales velim et populo Romano, qui id non probat, et huic 
ordini, qui decrevit invitus. Quid ? de reliquis rei publicae 
malis licetne dicere ? Mini vero licet et semper licebit digni- 

15 tatem tueri, mortem contemnere. Potestas modo veniendi in 
hunc locum sit : dicendi periculum non recuso. Atque utinam, 
patres conscripti, Kalendis Sextilibus adesse potuissem ! non 

and panegyrics pronounced in their praise. 
Cp. Varro, L. L. 6. 13 Feralia ab inferis et 
ferendo, quod ferunt turn epulas ad sepulcrum, 
quibus ius ibi parentare. Cicero s argument 
here is, that Antony is mixing up two in 
consistent kinds of religious ceremony ; the 
Parentalia, addressed directly to the dead; 
and the Supplicatio, a solemn service in 
honour indeed of some general, but addressed 
to the gods, and therefore incapable of being 
celebrated after the death of the general 
without the risk of confusing thanksgiving 
for his success with worship to himseff, and 
so incurring the guilt of impiety. 

2. Fuerit ille, suppose that he was, 
&c. Cp. 15 Fuerit quaedam necessaria. 

4. Stirpem propagavit. The identity 
of the families of L. lunius Brutus, the first 
consul, and M. Brutus, the tyrannicide, is 
upheld also by Plutarch Brut, i , who says, 
on the authority of Posidonius, that L. 
Brutus had a third son, who was only a child 
when his father put his elder brothers to 
death. The connection is, however, impro 
bable in itself; and the story of Posidonius 
would naturally be invented to reconcile its 
difficulties. The objection that the later 
Bruti were plebeians, while L. Brutus was 
a patrician, even if we admit the latter fact 
as certain, would not be fatal, as there are 
many instances of families passing from the 
one order to the other. 

7- Usquam. The reading of the Vatican 
and some other MSS. is nusquam, which 
is supported on the ground that as the column 
which marked the place where Caesar s body 
was burned had been overthrown by Dola- 
bella, it could not be said that any tomb of 
his did now exist. This interpretation, how 
ever, is contrary to the general argument of 
the passage, in which Cicero is maintaining 
that as Caesar was dead, and buried, like 
any other man, he could not be made an 
exception to the general rule of never per 
forming a supplicatio in honour of the 
dead. See Madvig. Opusc. I. p. 202. 

Supplicetur. The tense is to be ex 
plained by reference to the idea in Cicero s 
mind ( numquam adducar ut coniungam ), 
the change from the imperfect being aided 
by the tenses in the intervening relative 

9. Si qui gravior casus, if any more 
serious kind of disaster. The reading of 
the old editions, supported by two MSS., 
is si quis: but the usual distinction seems 
to apply here, that si qui casus means if 
any kind of disaster ; si quis casus, if any 
individual disaster. Cicero is giving the 
reason why he was so urgent in expressing 
his opinion on the subject, in order that, 
whatever might be the result, he at least 
should be free from blame. 



quo profici potuerit aliquid, sed ne unus modo consularis, quod 
turn accidit, dignus illo honore, dignus re publica inveniretur. 
Qua quidem ex re magnum accipio dolorem, homines amplis- 
simis populi Romani beneficiis USQS L. Pisonem ducem optimae 
sententiae non secutos. Idcircone nos populus Romanus con- 5 
sules fecit, ut in altissimo gradu dignitatis locati rem publicam 
pro nihilo haberemus? Non modo voce nemo L. Pisoni con- 

15 sularis, sed ne vultu quidem assensus est. Quae, malum ! est 
ista voluntaria servitus ? Fuerit quaedam necessaria : neque 
ego hoc ab omnibus iis desidero, qui sententiam consulari loco I0 
dicunt. Alia causa est eorum, quorum silentio ignosco, alia 
eorum, quorum vocem requiro. Quos quidem doleo in suspi- 
cionem populo Romano venire non modo metus, quod ipsum 

7 esset turpe, sed alium alia de causa deesse digmtati suae. Quare 
primum maximas gratias et ago et habeo Pisoni, qui non quid 15 
efficere posset in re publica cogitavit, sed quid facere ipse debe- 
ret : deinde a vobis, patres conscripti, peto ut, etiam si sequi 
minus audebitis orationem atque auctoritatem meam, benigne 
me tamen, ut adhuc fecistis, audiatis. 

i. Unus modo consularis, L. Piso. 
See on 10. 

3. Amplissimis beneficiis us.os : 
in being made Consuls and praetors. Among 
those of consular rank, the most con 
spicuous were L. Piso, Servius Sulpicius, 
C. Marcellus, Q^ Fufius Calenus, P. Ser- 
vilius Isauricus, P. Vatinius, and L. Caesar, 
the uncle of Antony, to whom Cicero is 
probably especially referring in saying that 
he can pardon the silence of some of them. 

8. Quae, malum, what, the plague? 
Cp. 10. 9, 1 8 Quae, malum! est ista ratio? 
and Verr. Act. 2. I. 20, 54 Quae, malum! 
est ista tanta audacia ? This interjectional 
use of malum is most common in the 

10. Hoc, i.e. the assertion of freedom 
under all circumstances. The obscurity in 
the connection of ideas has led some recent 
editors to suppose that some such words as 
repellenda est voluntaria have been lost : 
but this seems hardly necessary; and there 
is no trace of such omission in any of the 
MSS. The train of thought appears to be, 
Grant that all could not avoid such slavery; 
this is a degree of patriotism whose absence 
I must needs forgive in some who speak as 
consulars ; but yet we must distinguish be 

tween those whose silence is pardonable, and 
those who are absolutely bound to speak. 
Cp. 10. 9, 19. 

Sententiam consulari loco dicunt. 
The privilege of speaking consulari or 
praetorio loco was often granted as a 
special honour to persons who had not 
filled the office of Consul or praetor. Thus 
we find a decree in favour of Octavius, 
Phil. 5. 17, 46 Senatui placere, C. Caesarem, 

C. f., pontificem, pro praetore, senatorem 
esse, sententiamque loco praetorio dicere. 

12. Suspicionem .. alium .. deesse. 
Suspicio is occasionally found with the accu 
sative and the infinitive; as in Cic. Att. 8. 1 1 

D, I Suspicionem nullam habebam, te rei- 
publicae causa mare transiturum ; Brut, n, 
43 Fuisse Suspicionem veneno sibi consci- 
visse mortem : but here there is the especial 
awkwardness of the clause depending on 
another infinitive of which the persons sus 
pected are themselves the subject. 

cc. 7, 8. Turning to the main subject of 
his speech, as containing the reasons for his 
vote, Cicero declares his opinion that the acts 
of Caesar ought to be ratified: meaning 
thereby, not all the memoranda and notes, 
genuine or forged, which Antony quoted from 
the dictator s private papers ; but his formal 
and completed acts, as embodied in his laws, 



cc. 78. 

Primum igitur acta Caesaris servanda censeo, non quo pro- 16 
bem quis enim id quidem potest? sed quia rationem haben- 
dam maxime arbitror pads atque otii. Vellem "adesset M. 
Antonius, modo sine advocatis sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus 
5 valere, quod mihi heri per ilium non licuit : doceret me vel po- 
tius vos, patres conscripti, quern ad modum ipse Caesaris acta 
defenderet. An in commentariolis et chirographis et libellis se 
uno auctore prolatis, ne prolatis quidem, sed tantum modo dictis, 
acta Caesaris firma erunt : quae ille in aes incidit, in quo populi 

10 iussa perpetuasque leges esse voluit, pro nihilo habebuntur ? 
Equidem existimo nihil tarn esse in actis Caesaris quam leges 17 
Caesaris. An, si cui quid ille promisit, id erit fixum, quod idem 
non facere potuit ? ut multis multa promissa non fecit ; quae 
tamen multo plura illo mortuo reperta sunt, quam a vivo bene- 

15 ficia per omnes annos tributa et data. Sed ea non muto, non 
moveo : summo studio illius praeclara acta defendo. Pecunia 
utinam ad Opis maneret ! cruenta ilia quidem, sed his tempo- 
ribus, quoniam iis, quorum est, non redditur, necessaria. Quam- 

such as that limiting the tenure of provinces; 
or that abolishing the third decuria of 
indices which Antony proposed to nullify 
by establishing a new third decuria, com 
posed of centurions and of privates of the 
legion Alauda. 

I. Primum igitur. ..censeo. With 
this begins the formal declaration of Cicero s 
resolution and vote, to which all that went 
before was prefatory. See on 3. 9, 24. 
Subsequently in writing to C. Cassius, Cicero 
says that the senate made these concessions 
to Antony merely temporibus cedentes. 
Fam. 12. i, 2. 

4. Sine advocatis. Advocatus was 
the name commonly applied to any one who 
by his presence gave aid or countenance 
to a person pleading his cause in the senate 
or law-courts ; and especially to the iuris- 
consultus* who supplied him with advice on 
points of law. Antony s advocati, whose 
presence Cicero deprecates, were the armed 
soldiers with whom he had beset the en 
trances of the Cella Concordiae on the 
previous day. Cp. Liv. 3. 47 Virginius 
sordidatus filiam suam cum ingenti advoca- 
tione in forum deducit. 

7. Se uno auctore. This use of the 
reflexive pronoun is justified by the fact that 
Antony s ^ views are the prominent thought 
in Cicero s mind, so that he is the logical 
subject of the sentence : Does he think 

to secure the ratification of those acts of 
Caesar, of whose existence we have no evi 
dence except in the various note-books of 
the dictator, which he, and he alone, pro 
duces, or rather simply quotes : and that 
meanwhile all that Caesar caused to be 
engraved on brass, signifying thereby that 
they should be permanent laws, should go 
for nothing ? 

9. In aes incidit : see on c. I, 3. 

12. An si cui, &c. Cicero goes on to 
prove the absurdity of ratiiying all these 
supposed acta, by showing that it would 
pledge the people to a much more rigid ful 
filment of the promises, and even the un 
expressed intentions of the dictator, than 
he either could or would have carried out 
himself. Cp. Att. 14. 10, I Ut omnia facta, 
scripta, dicta, promissa, cogitata Caesaris 
plus valerent, quam si ipse viveret. 

16. Pecunia utinam ad Opis ma 
neret. Sc. the seven hundred million ses 
terces which Antony had seized on the 
evening of the dictator s murder. See Introd., 
and 2. 37, 93. The remains of the temple of 
Ops are still visible in the Forum, adjoining 
the temple of Saturn. Cicero calls the money 
cruenta, and funesta, 2. I.e., as being the 
result of the tyranny and bloodshed of the 
dictator, especially in the confiscation of 
the property belonging to the party of 


is quam ea quoque sit effu-sa, si ita in actis fuit. Ecquid est quod 
tarn proprie dici possit actum eius, qui togatus in re publica 
cum potestate imperioque versatus sit, quam lex ? Quaere acta 
Gracchi ; leges Semproniae proferentur : quaere Sullae ; Cor- 
neliae. Quid ? Pompei tertius consulatus in quibus actis con- 5 
stitit ? nempe in legibus. De Caesare ipso si quaereres, quidnam 
egisset in urbe et in toga, leges multas responderet se et prae- 
claras tulisse, chirographa vero aut mutaret aut non daret, aut, 
si dedisset, non istas res in actis suis duceret. Sed haec ipsa 
concede, quibusdam etiam in rebus conniveo ; in maximis vero 10 
rebus, id est legibus, acta Caesaris dissolvi ferendum non puto. 
8 Quae lex melior, utilior, optima etiam re publica saepius flagi- 
19 tata, quam ne praetoriae provinciae plus quam annum neve plus 
quam biennium consulares obtinerentur r Hac lege sublata 
videnturne vobis posse Caesaris acta servari? Quid? lege, quae 15 
promulgata est de tertia decuria nonne omnes iudiciariae leges 
Caesaris dissolvuntur ? Et vos acta Caesaris defenditis, qui 
leges eius evertitis? nisi forte, si quid memoriae causa rettulit 
in libellum, id numerabitur in actis et, quamvis iniquum et inu 
tile sit, defendetur : quod ad populum centuriatis comitiis tulit, 20 

1. Effusa sit, let us acquiesce in its 13. Ne praetoriae provinciae, &c. 
having been expended. Cp. 5. 3, 7 ; 8. 9, 28 Ipse autem ut quin- 

1 8 introduces, somewhat irregularly, the quennium, inquit Antonius, obtineam pro- 
opposition to what precedes. The natural vinciam. At istud vetat lex Caesaris, et tu 
antithesis to id erit fixum would have been acta Caesaris defendis. Before the passing 
leges eius fixae non erunt, instead of which of this Lex lulia, the tenure of a province 
Cicero proceeds to prove that Caesar s laws was not limited in time ; and Dion Cassius, 
were especially acta Caesaris, and leaves 43. 35, says that Caesar was led to propose 
his hearers to draw the inference. it by feeling how much both his desire for 

2. Qui togatus, &c., who as a empire, and his power of acquiring it, were 
civilian has been invested with supreme civil increased by his own long government in the 
and military authority in the state. Cp. province of Gaul. 

Sull. 30, 85 Cui uni togato supplicationem 16. De tertia decuria. The addition 

decreverit. Imperium is defined by Cicero, of the word iudicum, which is wanting in 

Phil. 5. 16,45, as the power sine quo res the Vatican MS., bears evident traces of being 

militaris administrari, teneri exercitus, bellum a gloss. The third decuria of the trib .mi 

geri non potest. As it was an established aerarii, to whom a share in the iudicium 

principle that a Consul could not exercise had been given by the Lex Aurelia in 70 

the authority of a general within the city B. C., was abolished by a Lex ludiciaria of 

walls, this imperium togati was the especial Julius Caesar passed in 46 B.C. Cp. Suet, 

characteristic of a dictator. lul. 41 Indicia ad duo genera iudicum 

5. Tertius consulatus. In 52 B.C., redegit, equestris ordinis ac senatorii : tri- 

when Pompey, being elected sole Consul, bunos aerarios, quod erat tertium, sustulit. 

passed the laws de Vi, de Ambitu, and Antony proposed to add another third de- 

de Sodalitiis, which proved the means of curia, consisting of centurions qui ordines 

delivering the city from the disturbances of duxerunt, and of private soldiers of the 

Milo and his party. legion Alauda. Cp. 5. 5, 12. 



cc. 89. 

id in actis Cacsaris non habebitur. At quae ista tertia decu- 20 
r ia ? Centurionum inquit. Quid ? isti ordini iudicatus lege 
lulia, etiam ante Pompeia, Aurelia non patebat? Census prae- 
fmiebatur, inquit. Non centurioni quidem solum, sed equiti 
5 etiam Romano : itaque viri fortissimi atque honestissimi, qui 
ordines duxcrunt, res et iudicant et iudicaverunt. Non quaero, 
inquit, istos : quicumque ordinem, duxit iudicet. At si ferretis, 
quicumque equo meruisset, quod est lautius, nemini probaretis ; 
in iudice enim spectari et fortuna debet et dignitas. Non 

10 quaero, inquit, ista : addo etiam iudices manipulares ex legione 
Alaudarum ; aliter enim nostri negant posse se salvos esse. 
O contumeliosum honorem iis, quos ad iudicandum nee opinantes 
vocatis ! hie enim est legis index, ut ii res in tertia decuria iudi- 
cent, qui libere iudicare non audeant. In quo quantus error est, 

15 di immortales ! eorum, qui istam legem excogitaverunt ! Ut 
enim quisque sordidissimus videbitur, ita libentissime severitate 
iudicandi sordes suas eluet laborabitque ut honestis decuriis 

i. Quae ista tertia decuria? So 
the Vatican MS., as in 2. 19, 48 quae autem 
domus? Some MSS. insert est, which is 
retained as a doubtful reading by Halm. 

3. Pompeia; passed 55 B.C., confirm 
ing the provisions of the Lex Aurelia, with 
regard to the three decuriae, but imposing 
a property qualification. Cicero therefore 
shows that the bill of Antony did more to 
lower the dignity of the judicial bench than 
any of those which had preceded it. 

8. Quicumque equo meruisset, i. e. 
equo publico, with a horse furnished by the 
state (cp. 6. 5, 13 Ab equitibus Romanis, 
equo publico ), since there was another class 
of equites at Rome, who served with their 
own horses, and were not reckoned among 
the eighteen centuries. See Livy 5. 7. An 
eques received half as much pay again as a 
centurion, and ranked proportionately higher, 
so that if position alone, dignitas, were 
taken into consideration, without a property 
qualification, fortuna, the knight would 
have a claim to be admitted more freely to 
the iudicatus than the centurion. 

Quod est lautius, a more 
honourable service. Some MSS. read lau- 

ii. Alaudarum, the legion Alauda, (so 
called, apparently, from a plume on their 
helmets like a lark s crest, Pliny H. N. ii. 
37 44>) na d been raised by Caesar among 
the natives of Transalpine Gaul, about 55 
B.C., so that the admission of its soldiers to 

the iudicatus was the first opening of the 
judicial bench to barbarians. On this point 
Cicero expresses himself strongly in a later 
oration, 5. 5. According to him, the avowed 
motive of Antony in giving them this pri 
vilege was to have some devoted partisans 
among the iudices. They had already been 
invested with the franchise by Caesar. 
Suet. lul. 24. 

Aliter, without this admixture of ob 
sequious adherents. 

13. Legis index, the whole gist of the 
law, index being used not merely for the 
title of a book, but also for a summary of 
its contents ; and being hence applied to an 
abstract of any work, or the subject-matter 
of any science; cp. Varr. R. R. i. i, 4 
Scribam tibi tres libros indices, ad quos 
revertare, si qua in re quaeres, quemadmodum 
quidque te in colendo oporteat facere. 

14. In quo quantus, &c. Cicero argues 
that Antony s scheme will defeat its own ob 
ject ; for these legionary iudices, from the 
very fact of their being admitted on such 
insulting terms to the judicial bench, to act 
as his tools, will be led to discharge their 
duty with greater sternness, if not even to 
show bias against his followers, in order to 
exhibit their independence and impartiality, 
and to prove that they were worthy of 
receiving admission in more creditable 
fashion ; and of being enrolled in honour 
able decuriae, instead of being hustled into 
one which was nothing but a disgrace. 



9 potius dignus videatur quam in turpem iure coniectus. Altera 
21 promulgata lex est, ut et de vi et maiestatis, damnati ad popu- 
lum provocent, si velint. Haec utrum tandem lex est an 
legum omnium dissolutio? Quis est enim hodie, cuius intersit 
istam legem f manere ? Nemo reus est legibus illis, nemo, 5 
quern futurum putemus ; armis enim gesta numquam profecto in 

cc. 9, 10. As for the proposed law allow 
ing those who were found guilty of rioting 
or treason to appeal to the people, it was 
a simple abolition of all laws whatsoever; 
reducing any trials for such crimes to mere 
questions of violence and corruption, while 
there was not even any one whose favour 
Antony might thus conciliate. He was using 
Caesar s name to nullify the very laws to 
which Caesar, when alive, attached the most 
importance ; the power of the dead dictator 
was ruining the commonwealth; and though, 
in virtue of its constitution, the state had 
means of guarding against evil consequences 
even from the worst of laws, the present 
reign of terrorism turned the ancient forms 
of law into a farce, and neutralised all such 
salutary checks. 

2. Maiestatis. This is the amendment 
of Orelli for the unintelligible reading of 
the Vatican MS. maiestates, here and in 
23. Other MSS., and the majority of 
editors before Orelli, read de maiestate. 
Cp. however pro Cluent. 35, 97 Bulbus 
est condenmatus ; adde maiestatis : where 
the testimony of MSS. is unanimous. The 
crime of maiestas is defined by Cicero, 
de Invent. 2. 17, 53, as De dignitate aut 
amplitudine aut potestate populi, aut eorum, 
quibus populus potestatem dedit, aliquid de- 
rogare. The right of appeal to the people 
from the decision of any magistrate, to which 
we find so much value attached in early 
Roman historv, apparently did not exist in 
the case of quaestionesperpetuae, permanent 
judicial commissions, which were first intro 
duced by L. Calpurnius Piso, 149 B.C., to 
try cases of extortion in the provinces. After 
wards they were extended, probably by C. 
Gracchus, to the investigation of those 
public crimes which most frequently gave 
occasion to capital sentences, such as poison 
ing and assassination; .and by Sulla to all 
criminal causes. The practical effect of 
this was the abolition of capital punish 
ment, as the power of life and death rested 
with the people only. See Mommsen, Hist, 
of Rome, vol. 3. pp. 112, 372, 373, Eng. 
Trans. The appeal of C. Rabirius, sup 
ported by an extant speech of Cicero, was 

from the Duumviri perduellionis, excep 
tionally appointed for that occasion, and not 
from the regular criminal tribunal, pro C. 
Rab. 4. 1 2. It is obvious that as the working 
of the law courts became more settled, and 
more deserving of the confidence of the 
people, and more especially as the jealousies 
between patricians and plebeians died away, 
the Provocatio ad Populum/ which was 
rendered so necessary by the tyranny of 
kings and decemvirs, and the oppression of 
a dominant class, would tend to become 
both unnecessary and pernicious. 

5. Manere can only mean should stand, 
an unusual sense of the word. Cp. however 
Tac. Agric. c. 46 Quidquid mirati sumus 
manet mansurumque est in animis homi- 
num. Garatonius argues that a law may as 
well be said manere/ after promulgation, by 
being passed, as by being left unchallenged 
when it has come into force. He compares 
the use of maneat as parallel to fixum sit 
in the speech pro Rab. Post. 9, 25 Illud 
maneat et fixum sit, quod neque moveri 
neque mutari potest. Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 
203, denies the possibility of this meaning for 
manere, and considers the passage to be 
corrupt. If it is genuine, it would seem as 
though Cicero were looking forward beyond 
the actual passing of the law : Suppose you 
pass the law, who will be interested in its 
remaining in operation? F.Urlichs, in Eos 
for 1865, p. 203, suggests avere, the m 
of manere having been introduced from 
the end of the preceding legem. Another 
reading is venire, which gives no sense. 

Legibus illis. Under the existing laws 
there were no prisoners for trial, so where 
was the need of a change by which none 
would benefit ? It was a law for which no 
one would thank him, quae gratiam nullam 
habeat. The common reading istis legi 
bus loses all the distinction between the 
present state of things, in which as a matter 
of fact no offenders existed, and the result 
of Antony s, proposal, whereby any future 
criminals would secure indemnity: idfertur, 
ne quis omnino umquam istis legibus reus 

22 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc 9-10. 

iudicium vocabuntur. At res popularis. Utinam quidem aliquid 
velletis esse populare ! omnes enim iam cives de rei publicae 
salute una et mente et voce consentiunt. Quae est igitur ista 
cupiditas legis eius ferendae, quae turpitudinem summam habeat, 
; gratiam nullam ? Quid enim turpius quam qui maiestatem 
populi Romani minuerit per vim, eum damnatum iudicio ad 
earn ipsam vim reverti, propter quam sit iure damnatus ? Sed 22 
quid plura de lege dispute? quasi vero id agatur ut quisquam 
provocet : id agitur, id fertur, ne quis omnino umquam istis legi- 

10 bus reus fiat. Quis enim aut accusator tarn amens reperietur, 
qui reo condemnato obiicere se multitudini conductae velit, aut 
iudex, qui reum damnare audeat, ut ipse ad operas mercenarias 
statim protrahatur? Non igitur provocatio ista lege datur, sed 
duae maxime salutares leges quaestionesque tolluntur. Quid 

i- est aliud hortari adolescentes, ut turbulenti, ut seditiosi, ut per- 
niciosi cives velint esse ? Quam autem ad pestem furor tribu- 
nicius impelli non poterit his duabus quaestionibus de vi et 
maiestatis sublatis ? Quid, quod obrogatur legibus Caesaris, 23 
quae iubent ei, qui de vi, itemque ei, qui maiestatis damnatus 

20 sit, aqua et igni interdici ? quibus cum provocatio datur, nonne 
acta Caesaris rescinduntur ? Quae quidem ego, patres con- 
scripti, qui ilia numquam probavi, tamen ita conservanda con- 
cordiae causa arbitratus sum, ut non modo, quas vivus leges 

i. At res popularis, but, you will 12. Operas. See on c. 5, 12. 

say, it is a matter which public opinion has 14. Quid est aliud. what else were it 

already settled. to exhort the youths, &c. Some MSS. in- 

6. Ad earn ipsam vim. Because it sert quam or nisi, as in 5. 8, 21 Quid 

reduces the matter to a contest between the erat aliud nisi denuntiare servitutem ? but 

loyal and the partakers of his treason. cp. 2. 4, 7 Quid est aliud tollere ex vita 

8. Quasi vero, &c., just as though vitae societatem ? So also 5. 2, 5 ; 10. 2, 5. 

the object were that any single person should We may compare the two Greek expres- 

appeal." Quisquam is here used on account sions d AAo TI ij and ct AAo n. 

of the negative notion really inherent in 18. Obrogatur : obrogare legi est legis 

the clause : the object being that no one prioris infirmandae causa legem aliam ferre : 

should appeal. Cp. in Vat, 3, 7 Quasi vero abrogare legem, penitus tollere, Ferrar. e 

quisquam vir excellent! animo optabilius Festo. Cp. Cic. Rep. 3. 22, 33 Huic legi 

quicquam arbitretur quam se a suis civibus neque obrogari fas est, neque derogari ex hac 

rei publicae causa diligi. aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest. 

10. Quis enim, &c., for where will you Legibus Caesaris. Passed in 46 B. C. 

find either a prosecutor so mad as willingly 22. Ilia numquam probavi, never 

expose himself to the mercy of a hired approved of their being carried ; not so 

I by convicting his opponent ; or a much because of any fault he had to find 

juryman so rash as to condemn a prisoner with the measures themselves, as on account 

knowing that he himself will thereupon of the unconstitutional manner in which they 

be dragged before a mob of mercenary were passed 
labourers ? 

22-25. O RATIO PHILIP PIC A I. 23 

Caesar tulisset, infirmandas hoc tempore non putarem, sed ne 

illas quidem, quas post mortem Caesaris prolatas esse et fixas 

10 videtis. De exsilio reducti a mortuo, civitas data non solum 

24 singulis, sed nationibus et provinciis imiversis a mortuo, immu- 
nitatibus infmitis sublata vectigalia a mortuo. Ergo haec uno, 5 
verum optimo auctore domo prolata defendimus : eas leges, 
quas ipse nobis inspectantibus recitavit, pronuntiavit, tulit, 
quibus latis gloriabatur, eisque legibus rem publicam contineri 
pufabat, de provinciis, de iudiciis, eas, inquam, Caesaris- leges 

25 nos, qui defendimus acta Caesaris, evertendas putamus ? Ac to 
de his tamen legibus, quae promulgatae sunt, saltern queri pos- 
sumus : de iis, quae iam latae dicuntur, ne illud quidem licuit ; 
illae enim sine ulla promulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae. 
Quaero autem, quid sit cur aut ego aut quisquam vestrum, 
patres conscripti, bonis tribunis plebi leges malas metuat. 15 
Paratos habemus qui intercedant, paratos qui rem publicam 
religione defendant ; vacui metu esse debemus. Quas tu mihi, 
inquit, intercessiones ? quas religiones ? Eas scilicet, quibus rei 
publicae salus continetur. Negligimus ista et nimis antiqua ac 

3. De exsilio . . . immunitatibus. t 5?) Stdwet irdtra tfivxr) teal TOVTOV tve/ta 
See on 3. ir&vTa Trpdrret. 

4. Nationibus, to the Sicilians, among n. De his tamen legibus, And yet 
others. Cp. Att. 14. 12, 1 Antonius accepta these laws, which come under our cognisance 
grandi pecunia fixit legem a dictatore co- by having been promulgated, are not the 
mitiis latam, qua Siculi cives Romani : cuius worst ; of these we may at any rate com- 
rei vivo illo mentio nulla. plain. So far Antony had only used Caesar s 

5. Uno verum optimo auctore, authority in support of laws which he brought 
* on the unsupported testimony of a single forward and passed in regular course, so that 
man, however excellent he may be. Vulg. men might canvass, though they dared not 
UHO viro optimo, a reading which loses reject them : but besides this, he introduced 
the irony expressed by the prominence given certain suppositious laws, which he declared 
to optimo in the reading of the text. to have been actually passed by Caesar, so 

6. Domo prolata appears to be opposed that men were forced to accept them, with- 
to the publicity and regularity of the proceed- out even the opportunity of discussing them. 
ings in the other case. And though constitutionally the tribunes of 

7. Recitavit, pronuntiavit seem the commons, by interposing their veto, or 
both of them to express the public reading by obnuntiatio (see on 2. 32, 81), ought 
of the laws by the crier, before they were to have been able to overcome all fear of 
proposed; tulit the formal proposal of them bad laws being passed or acted on to the 
before the people. injury of the state, yet Antony got over 

8. Eisque legibus, &c., thinking that this difficulty by the simple process of pre- 
the safety of the state depended on them. venting them by force. 

Cp. 25 Quibus reipublicae salus continetur. 19. Antiqua ac stulta, follies of a 

The change from the relative to the demon- bygone age. Cp. pro Rose. Amer. 9, 26 

strative, for the sake of simplicity, is common Homines antiqui, qui ex sua natura ceteros 

both in Greek and Latin. Cp. Fin. 2. 2, 5 fingerent. So apx a ^ os > Aesch. Prom. 317 

Finem definiebas id esse, quo omnia, quae a/>X a 0"<*>s aoi (f>aivofiai \eyetv rd8c. Cp. 

recta fierent, referrentur, neque id ipsum Soph. O. T. 290 Kotya Kal ira\ai ZITT}. 
usquam referretur. Plat. Rep. p. 505 E 


cc. 1012. 

stulta ducimus : forum saepietur, omnes claudentur aditus, armati 
in praesidiis multis locis collocabuntur. Quid turn? Quod ita 26 
erit gestum, id lex erit? et in aes incidi iubebitis, credo, ilia 
legitima: consules populum iure rogaverunt hocine a 

5 maioribus accepimus ius rogandi ? popul usque iure scivit. 
Oui populus? isne, qui exclusus est? Quo iure? an eo, quod 
vi et armis omne sublatum est ? Atque haec dico de futuris ; 
quod est amicorum ante dicere ea, quae vitari possint : quae 
si facta non erunt, refelletur, oratio mea. Loquor de legibus 

10 promulgates, de quibus est integrum vobis : demonstro vitia ; 
tollite ! denuntio vim, arma ; removete ! 

Irasci quidem vos mini, Dolabella, pro re publica dicenti non H 
oportebit. Quamquam te quidem id facturum non arbitror 27 
novi facilitatem tuam : collegam tuum aiunt in hac sua fortuna, 

15 quae bona ipsi videtur mihi, ne gravius quippiam dicam, avorum 
et avunculi sui consulatum si imitaretur, fortunatior videretur : 

3. Credo. Muretus reads cedo ilia 
legitima, but besides its MS. authority, 
credo seems also to have more force in 
keeping up the irony of the clause. What 
is thus carried must needs be law : and the 
provisions so made law, I presume, you will 
order to be inscribed on brass. Cicero then 
changes from irony into direct invective, 
while he shows the hollowness of meaning 
in the ancient formula of laws, when used 
to introduce measures passed under absolute 

7. De futuris. He passes over all that 
is irrevocable, and speaks only of the laws 
which had been promulgated, and were in 
due course awaiting the vote of the people, 
who could yet decide upon them as they 
would ( de quibus est integrum vobis ); and 
herein, he says, he is acting the part of a 
friend even towards Antony and Dolabella ; 
for he is warning them of the neglect of 
religion and order which he foresees will 
render their acts really invalid, and they 
need only give heed to his warnings, and 
abandon their unconstitutional proceedings, 
if they wish to prove his forebodings false. 
If he were blaming them for what is past, 
he argues, they might reasonably be angry 
with him, but with his friendly advice they 
have no ground of quarrel. 

cc. ii, 12. Turning directly to address 
the Consuls, Cicero deprecates the notion that 
he is actuated by hostility towards them ; he 
even courts their opposition, so long as they 
confine themselves within the bounds of fair 

antagonism; and while lamenting that a 
false conception of glory had lately misled 
them, he compliments Dolabella on the vigour 
which he displayed in putting down the riots 
occasioned by the erection of a monument to 

27. With this section begins the se 
cond division of Cicero s speech, in which 
he points out the dangers and the evils of 
the course which the Consuls were pursuing. 
See on 16. 

14. Facilitatem, how placable your 
temper is : facilitas being distinguished 
from dementia, with which it is often 
joined, as readiness to admit an explanation, 
and so to forgive, from calmness of tem 
per, which does not readily take offence. 
See on 9. 5, ii. 

15. Avorum. These were M. Antonius 
the orator, Consul in 99 B. C., a strenuous 
opponent of the democratic party, and L. 
Julius Caesar, Consul in 90 B.C., and author 
of the Lex lulia de civitate sociis danda. 
They both were put to death by Marius 
and China when they obtained possession 
of the city in 87 B.C. Cp. de Orat. 3. 3, 10 
lam M. Antonii in iis ipsis Rostris, in quibus 
ille rempublicam constantissime consul de- 
fenderat, quaeque censor imperatoriis manu- 
biis ornarat, positum caput illud fuit, a quo 
erant multorum civium capita servata; neque 
vero longe ab eo C. lulii caput hospitis 
Etrusci scelere proditum cum L. lulii patris 
capite iacuit 

1 6. The uncle referred to was L. Julius 



sed eum iracundum audio esse factum, Video autem quam sit 
odiosum habere eundem iratum et armatum, cum tanta prae- 
sertim gladiorum sit impunitas : sed proponam ius, ut opinor, 
aequum, quod M. Antonium non arbitror repudiaturum. Ego, 
si quid in vitam eius aut in mores cum contumelia dixero, quo 5 
minus mihi inimicissimus sit, non recusabo : sin consuetudinem 
meam tenuero, id est, si libere quae sentiam de re publica dixero, 
primum deprecor ne irascatur, deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto 
ut sic irascatur ut civi. Armis utatur, si ita necesse est, ut dicit, 
sui defendendi causa : iis, qui pro re publica quae ipsis visa 10 
erunt dixerint, ista arma ne noceant. Quid hac postulatione 

28 dici potest aequius ? Quod si, ut mihi a quibusdam eius fami- 
liaribus dictum est, omnis eum quae habetur contra voluntatem 
eius oratio graviter ofifendit, etiam si null a inest contumelia, 
feremus amici naturam. Sed idem illi ita mecum locuntur: non 15 
idem tibi, adversario Caesaris, licebit, quod Pisoni socero, et 
simul admonent quiddam, quod cavebimus : nee erit iustior in 

12 senatum non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis. Sed per deos 

Caesar, Consul in 64 B. C., the year before 
Cicero himself, and his firm supporter in sup 
pressing the conspiracy of Catiline. 

i. Sed eum. After the long paren 
thesis, the thread of the sentence is resumed 
with sed, in a manner not unfrequent in 
Cicero. Cp. 2. 2, 5 Sed quo*beneficio ? 
ib. 4, 8 ; 32, 80. 

3. Ius . . aequum, I will make a pro 
position which seems to me so fair, that I 
think Antony will not refuse to entertain it. 
The manifest equity of the proposal entitles 
Cicero afterwards to term it postulatio. 
See on 2. 29, 72. 

9. Ut civi, without violent and illegal 
use of arms. 

10. Sui defendendi causa. The usual 
pretext of all tyrants for obtaining a 
body-guard. So Peisistratus, rpoifj-ariffas 
((tivrbv eSeero rov 8-fjfj.ov <}>v\a,K7Js TIV&S 
irpbs avrov Kvpfjcrai Hdt. i. 59, 5. Cp. 
Phil. 2. 8, 19 Quid est dementius, quam, 
cum rei publicae perniciosa arma ipse ce- 
peris, obiicere alteri salutaria ? 

15. Feremus amici naturam, we will 
not quarrel with the humour of a friend, 
rather than (with Mr. Long) we will bear 
with his humour like friends, which does 
not harmonise with the resumption of fa- 
miliares in idem illi. 

Locuntur. So the Vatican MS. 

Halm reads loquuntur, but the Romans 
appear to have avoided with especial care 
the concurrence of uu. See Mr. Munro s 
Lucretius, vol. 2. p. 27. 

17. Nee erit iustior, &c. In his large 
edition Halm places these words within 
inverted commas, as though they were part 
of the warning given by Antony s associates, 
nor will you find death a less valid excuse 
than sickness for not coming into the senate, 
To this it is objected by Prof. Rauchenstein 
(Jahn s Jahrbiicher for 1857, p. 382) that 
Cicero had not pleaded illness, but weariness 
( cum e via languerem et mihimet displice- 
rem, c. 5,12), and that the warning of his foes 
ends with the words admonent quiddam; 
the clause nee erit iustior, &c., containing 
the exposition of Cicero s intended caution, 
and meaning, if sickness is, as all allow, a va 
lid excuse for absence from the senate, surely 
the danger of death is at least as valid, and 
I shall be fully justified, if these threats con 
tinue, in refusing to expose myself to ob 
vious peril of my life. In his second school 
edition (1858), Halm adopts this explanation. 

18. Sed per deos immortales! The 
sentence, interrupted after this exclamation, 
is virtually though not formally resumed in 
30, with the words recordare, quaeso, 
Dolabella, &c. Cicero, being as yet un 
willing to make the rupture with Antony 

2 6 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 12-13. 

immortales ! te enim intuens, Dolabella, [qui es mill! carissi- 29 
mus,] non possum utriusque vestrum errorem reticere : credo 
enim vos, nobiles homines, magna quaedam spectantes, non 
pecuniam, ut quidam nimis creduli suspicantur, quae semper ab 
5 amplissimo quoque clarissimoque contempta est, non opes vio- 
lentas et populo Romano minime ferendam potentiam, sed 
caritatem civium et gloriam concupivisse. Est autem gloria 
laus recte factorum magnorumque in rem publicam meritorum, 
quae cum optimi cuiusque, turn etiam multitudinis testimonio 

10 comprobatur. Dicerem, Dolabella, qui recte factorum fructus 30 
esset, nisi te praeter ceteros paulisper esse expertum viderem. 
Quern potes recordari in vita illuxisse tibi diem laetiorem quam 
cum expiato foro, dissipato concursu impiorum, principibus 
sceleris poena affectis, te domum recepisti ? Cuius ordinis, cuius 

15 generis, cuius denique fortunae studia turn laudi et gratulationi 
tuae se non obtulerunt? Quin mihi etiam, quo auctore te in 
his rebus uti arbitrabantur, et gratias boni viri agebant et tuo 
nomine gratulabantur. Recordare, quaeso, Dolabella, consen- 
sum ilium theatri, cum omnes earum rerum obliti, propter quas 

final, here attributes the unpatriotic conduct viris repudianda. 

of the Consuls to an error of judgment. 13. Expiato foro, &c. See on 5. 

I. Qui es mihi carissimus. These After affectis, one MS. adds the words 

words rest solely on the authority of the urbe incendio et caedis metu liberata. 
second writer in the Vatican MS. 14. Cuius ordinis, &c., what rank, or 

3. Nobiles homines. The word family, or fortune, then could hinder men 
nobiles is here used in its strictly technical from pressing forward to congratulate and 
sense, belonging to families ennobled by praise you? 

the tenure of curule offices. 16. Quin mihi etiam, &c. Cp. Cicero s 

4. Nimis creduli. Yet at the end letter to Dolabella, Att. 14. 17 A, I Nemi- 
of November in this same year, Cicero, in nem conveni . . . quin omnes, cum te sum- 
a letter to Atticus, Att. 16. 15, I, speaks of mis laudibus ad caelum extulerunt, mihi 
Dolabella as having betrayed a client s cause, continue gratias maximas agant. Negant 
emptus pecunia. enim se dubitare, quin tu, meis praeceptis et 

Ab amplissimo quoque, by each in consiliis obtemperans, praestantissimum te 

proportion to his dignity and honour ; the civem et singularem consulem praebeas. 
usual force of the superlative with quisque. 19. Earum rerum obliti. Dolabella, 

S.^Opes violentas, resources founded being greatly in debt, and finding that Caesar 

on violence. Cicero frequently draws a would do nothing for him, caused himself 

similar distinction between money and the to be adopted into the plebeian family of 

wider expression opes: cp. Lael. 6, 22 Cn. Lentulus, and thus became eligible for 

Ceterae res, quae expetuntur, opportunae the tribuneship, which he obtained in 48 B.C. 

sunt singulae rebus fere singulis, divitiae ut He then proposed a general abolition of 

utare, opes ut colare, honores ut laudere. debts, which gave rise to great tumults, the 

7. Est autem gloria. Cp. c. 14, 33; opposition being headed by his colleague 

and Tusc. 3. 2, 3 Ea (gloria) est consen- L. Trebellius : and these tumults being re- 

tieris laus bonorum, incorrupta vox bene peated on the day of voting, Dolabella s 

iudicantium de excellent! virtute, ea virtuti party was defeated, and the motion lost, 

resonat tamquam imago : quae quia recte mainly through the influence of Antony. 

factorum plerumque comes est, non est bonis then Caesar s Master of the Horse. 

29-32. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A I. 27 

fuerant tibi offensi, significarent se beneficio novo memoriam 

31 veteris doloris abiecisse. Hanc tu, P. Dolabella, magno loquor 
cum dolore, hanc tu, inquam, potuisti aequo animo tantarn 

13 dignitatem deponere ? Tu autem, M. Antoni, absentem enim 
appello, unum ilium diem, quo in aede Telluris senatus fuit, 5 
non omnibus his mensibus, quibus te quidam multum a me 
dissentientes beatum putant, anteponis? Quae fuit oratio de 
concordia ! quanto metu veterani quanta sollicitudine civitas turn 
a te liberata est, cum collegam tuum depositis inimic^tiis, oblitus 
auspiciorum a te ipso augure populi Romani nuntiatorum, illo 10 
primum die collegam tibi esse voluisti, tuus parvus films in 

32 Capitolium a te missus pacis obses fuit. Quo senatus die 
laetior? quo populus Romanus? qui quidem nulla in contione 
umquam frequentior fuit. Turn denique liberati per viros for- 
tissimos videbamur, quia, ut illi voluerant, libertatem pax conse- 15 
quebatur. Proximo, altero, tertio, denique reliquis consecutis 
diebus non intermittebas quasi donum aliquod quotidie afferre rei 
publicae, maximum autem illud, quod dictaturae nomen sustulisti. 
Haec inusta est a te, a te, inquam, mortuo Caesari nota ad igno- 
miniam sempiternam. Ut enim propter unius M. Manlii scelus 20 
decreto gentis Manliae neminem patricium Manlium Marcum 

00.13-15. Apostrophizing Antony in his Graevius, that veteran! is the genitive 

absence, he reminds him of his magnanimous ( from what fear of the veteran soldiery ), 

and patriotic conduct during the few days veteranus being used like eques or pedes, 

immediately following the death of Caesar. is improbable, and unsupported by any simi- 

E specially he thanks him for abolishing the lar use of the word. Halm conjectures 

dictatorship; and pointing out the infamy veterum malorum, but the antithesis of the 

with which he thereby branded the last holder sentence seems to require some word in the 

of the office, he laments that instead of nominative case. Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 203, 

following the example of M. Antonius, his thinks the reading corrupt, but does not 

grandfather, he should seek to imitate Caesar, suggest any emendation. 
by striving after supreme power and desiring 10. Auspiciorum; by which he had 

to be feared. At the same time he warns declared the election of Dolabella to be 

both Antony and Dolabella that the public invalid. See 2. 33, 82 and 83. 
voice was everywhere against the memory n. Tuus parvus filius. See on a. 

of Caesar, and in favour of constitutional 20. M. Manlii, the preserver of Rome 

authority, and that any one who sought to from the night attack of the Gauls, 390 B.C.; 

rival the dictator s power must be prepared in consequence of whose subsequent attempt, 

to meet with the dictator s fate. 384 B.C., to raise himself to despotic power, 

He ends his oration by declaring his un- the Manlia gens passed a resolution that 

dying zeal for the good of the state, and none of them should thenceforth bear the 

thanking the senate for the kindness with praenomen of Marcus, Livy 6. 20 Accord- 

which they had listened to him. ing to Dion Cassius, 51. 19, a similar decree 

5. Unum ilium diem. See on i. was passed in the family of the Antonii, after 

8. Veterani. Their fear would pro- the battle of Actium, to mark their repudia- 

bably be lest the grants of land made by tion of M. Antonius. 

Caesar should be revoked; for otherwise 21. Patricium; there being also pie- 

the interests of the soldiery would lie on the beian families of Manlii, 
side of war and tumult. The suggestion of 

28 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 13-15. 

vocari licet, sic tu propter unius dictatoris odium nomen dictatoris 
fimditus sustulisti. Num te, cum haec pro salute rei publicae 33 
tanta gessisses, fortunae tuae, num amplitudinis, num claritatis, 
num gloriae, poenitebat? Unde igitur subito tanta ista muta- 
5 tio ? Non possum adduci ut suspicer te pecunia captum : licet 
quod cuique libet loquatur, credere non est necesse ; nihil enim 
umquam in te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi. Quamquam 
solent domestic! depravare non numquam, sed novi firmitatem 
tuam. Atque utinam ut culpam, sic etiam suspicionem vitare 

10 potuisses ! Illud magis vereor, ne ignorans verum iter gloriae 14 
gloriosum putes plus te unum posse quam omnes et metui a 
civibus tuis. Quod si ita putas, totam ignoras viam gloriae. 
Carum esse civem, bene de re publica mereri, laudari, coli, 
diligi gloriosum est : metui vero et in odio esse invidiosum, 

15 detestabile, imbecillum, caducum. Quod videmus etiam in 34 
fabula illi ipsi, qui oderint, dum metuant dixerit, pernici- 
osum fuisse. Utinam, M. Antoni, avum tuum meminisses ! de 
quo tamen audisti multa ex me eaque saepissime. Putasne 
ilium immortalitatem mereri voluisse, ut propter armorum 

20 habendorum licentiam metueretur ? Ilia erat vita, ilia secunda 

6. Nihil in te sordidum. Yet in 15. Imbecillum, caducum, a sign of 

the next oration, c. 14, 35, he does not hesi- weakness and impending ruin. 
tate to attribute the conduct of Antony to 16. Oderint, dum metuant. These 

the basest greed for money, and in the same words, probably from Attius, are quoted with 

oration, c. 16, 40 and 41, he points out his abhorrence by Seneca, de Ira, i. 20, 4 qualis 

discreditable avarice in securing, by any ilia dira et abominanda, Oderint dum me- 

means, the succession to the property even tuant : and again by Cicero, Off. I. 28, 97, 

of utter strangers. It is probable, however, as a wicked sentiment, but yet appropriately 

that Cicero here refers to his liberality in put into the mouth of some characters, 

spending money, which Plutarch (vit. Anton. Atreo dicente plausus excitantur. Est enim 

4) shows to have been remarkable. digna persona oratio. 

8. Domestici; referring especially to 17. De quo tamen, &c. Tamen 

his wife Fulvia, whose avarice was noto- rather apologizes for the utterance of the 

rious. Cp. 5. 4, ii Calebant in interiore wish, than qualifies its meaning. And yet 

aedium parte totius reipublicae nundinae : there ought to be no doubt of your doing 

mulier, sibi felicior quam viris, auctionem so, considering how often you have heard 

provinciarum regnorumque faciebat. so much from me concerning him. 

ii. Metui a civibus tuis. Some MSS. 19. Ut . . . . metueretur, at the price 

add quam diligi malis, but these words of being feared. Cp. Nat. Deor. I. 24, 67 

seem to have been inserted (perhaps from Quid enim niereas, ut Epicurus esse desinas, 

Off. 2. 8, 29 Dum metui, quam cari esse, what would you take to give up Epicu- 

et diligi maluimus ) by some copyist, who did reanism ? Verr. Act. 2. 4. 60, 1 34 Quid 

not see that metui depends on gloriosum, arbitramini Reginos merere velle, ut ab iis 

and is parallel to plus te unum posse. marmorea ilia Venus auferatur. The ex- 

You think that glory consists in being more pression is said by Ferrarius to be confined 

powerful than ail your fellow-citizens to- to Cicero and Plautus. Cp. Plaut. Menaechm. 

gether, and in being the object of their i. 3, 35 Neque hodie ut te perdam, meream 

dread. Deum divitias mihi. 



fortuna, libertate esse parem ceteris, principem dignitate. Itaque, 
ut omittam res avi tui prosperas, acerbissimum eius supremum 
diem malim quam L. Cinnae dominatum, a quo ille crudelissime 
est interfectus. 

35 Sed quid oratione te flectam ? Si enim exitus C. Caesaris 5 
efficere non potest ut malis carus esse quam metui, nihil cuius- 
quam proficiet nee valebit oratio. Quern qui beatum fuisse 
putant, miseri ipsi sunt. Beatus est nemo, qui ea lege vivit, ut 
non modo impune, sed etiam cum summa interfectoris gloria 
internci possit. Quare flecte te, quaeso, et maiores tuos respice I0 
atque ita guberna rem publicam ut natum esse te cives tui 
gaudeant ; sine quo nee beatus nee clarus nee unctus quis- 

15 quam esse omnino potest. Populi quidem Romani iudicia multa 

36 ambo habetis, quibus vos non satis moveri permoleste fero. 
Quid enim gladiatoribus clamores innumerabilium civium ? quid J 5 
populi versus ? quid Pompei statuae plausus infmiti ? quid duobus 

1. Parem ceteris. So the Vatican 
MS. Vulg. parem cum ceteris, which though 
an unusual construction is not unparalleled. 
Cp. Brut. 59. 215 Paria cum Crasso : and 
see Kritz on Sail. lug. 14, 9. 

2. Supremum diem. See on 27. 

3. Dominatum. His four successive con 
sulships, 87-84 B.C., called also by Tacitus, 
Ann. I.I, dominatio. Among the leading 
men in Rome, besides M. Antonius and L. 
Caesar, L. Merula, Q.. Catulus, Cn. Octa- 
vius and others fell victims to his tyranny. 

6. Carus esse quam metui. Cp. 2. 
44, 112 Caritate te et benevolentia civium 
saeptum oportet esse, non armis. 

12. Nee unctus. So the Vatican MS. 
only, all the rest omitting it. Halm adopts 
the . conjecture of Muretus nee tutus, 
others read nee sanctus, or nee diuturnus. 
If the reading be genuine, unctus probably 
means distinguished, like lautus, for 
which sense however there is apparently no 
authority elsewhere, the nearest approach 
to it being a metaphorical use of the word 
as applied to language, Brut. 20, 78 lam 
enim erat unctior quaedam splendidiorque 
consuetudo loquendi. 

13. Iudicia multa. Showing, that is, the 
rigour with which they exact true patriotism 
as a necessary condition of popularity. 

15. Gladiatoribus, at the time of the 
gladiators shows. Cp. Att. 2. 1,5 Quaerit 
ex me, num consuessem Siculis locum gladi 
atoribus dare; ib. 19, 3 Gladiatoribus qua 
dominus qua advocati sibilis conscissi : ludis 

Apollinaribus, Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum 
Pompeium petulanter invectus est/ So in 
Greek, rpayooSois KO.IVOIS, when the new 
tragedies were acted: ap. Dem. Cor. p. 
243, 16. 

Populi versus. Extempore effusions, 
by which the people on any public oc 
casion expressed their views on the events 
and characters of the day ; in the present 
instance probably either praising Caesar s 
murderers, or reviling those who sought to 
emulate him in crushing the liberty of the 
state. Cicero expresses his opinion about 
the general value of such demonstrations, 
pro Sest. 54, 115 Comitiorum et contionum 
significationes sunt non numquam vitiatae 
atque corruptae : theatrales gladiatoriique 
consessus dicuntur omnino solere levitate 
nonnullorum emptos plausus exiles et raros 
excitare. Significo appears to be the 
technical word for such expression of opinion : 
cp. also pro Sest. 50, 106 Tribus locis sig- 
nificari maxime populi Romani iudicium ac 
voluntas potest, contione, comitiis, ludorum 
gladiatorumque consessu. 

16. Pompei statuae, the statue of Pom- 
pey in the Curia Pompei, at the foot of 
which Caesar was assassinated, and which is 
therefore represented as looking with a 
favourable eye upon his death. A statue, 
believed to be the one in question, 

yet existent in 

The austerest form of naked majesty, 
is preserved in the Palazzo Spada at Rome. 

Duobus tribunis plebis, the ap- 


c. 15. 

tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversantur? parumne haec significant 
incredibiliter consentientem populi Roman! universi voluntatem ? 
Quid? Apollinarium ludorum plausus vel testimonia potius et 
iudicia populi Romani parum magna vobis videbantur ? O beatos 
5 illos, qui, cum adesse ipsis propter vim armorum non licebat, 
aderant tamen et in medullis populi Romani ac visceribus haere- 
bant ! nisi forte Attio turn plaudi et sexagesimo post anno 
palmam dari, non Bruto putabatis, qui ludis suis ita caruit, ut in 
illo apparatissimo spectaculo studium populus Romanus tribuerit 

10 absenti, desiderium liberatoris sui perpetuo plausu et clamore 

Equidem is sum qui istos plausus, cum popularibus civibus 37 
tribuerentur, semper contempserim ; idemque cum a summis, 
mediis, infimis, cum denique ab universis hoc idem fit cumque 

T 5 ii, qui ante sequi populi consensum solebant, fugiunt, non plau- 
sum ilium, sed indicium puto. Sin haec leviora vobis videntur, 

plause bestowed on the two tribunes of the 
commons, tribunis, like statuae, being 
the dative. The reading of the Vatican MS. is 
uT. R. P., where the u (II) might equally 
stand for ii, whence Ferrarius conjectured 
iis. Cicero, Phil. 3. 9, 23, enumerates three 
tribunes of the commons among the enemies 
of Antony, L. Cassias, D. Carfulenus, and 
Ti. Canutius, the last-named being also 
mentioned by Velleius, 2. 64, 2, as a bitter 
antagonist who continua rabie lacerabat 
Antonium. The other one referred to here 
is probably L. Cassius, the brother of C. 
Cassius : cp. Att. 14. 2, I Plausus L. Cassio 
datus etiam facetus mihi quidem visus est. 

3- Apollinarium ludorum plausus, 
applause, not merely as at the gladiators 
shows, at the time of the games, but be 
stowed upon the games themselves, and 
so by implication on Brutus, who as praetor 
urbanus had defrayed their expense, though 
he did not dare to trust himself in Rome. 
The presidency of the games, in his absence, 
was entrusted to C. Antonius. The games 
took place every year on the 6th of July. 

4. O beatos illos. Brutus, Cassius, 
and their adherents, who, though banished 
from the city, yet remained rooted in the 
hearts and breasts of the people. 

7- Attio. The play acted at these 
games was the Tereus of Attius. Cp. Cic. 
Att. 16. 2, 3 Delectari mihi Tereo vide- 
batur, et habere maiorem Attio quam An 
tonio gratiam. Cicero argues that this 
unwonted demonstration in favour of so old 

a play could only be due to the circumstances 
under which it was acted. 

9. Tribuerit, have shown their zeal, 
which still remains, while at the time they 
soothed their regret. Each tense has thus 
its proper and distinct meaning, and the 
various emendations, tribueret, found as 
a correction in the Vatican MS., and adopted 
by Halm, or lenierit, are quite unnecessary. 
Cp, Veil. I. 9, I Nam biennio adeo varia 
fortuna cum consulibus conflixerat, ut ple- 
rumque superior fuerit, (has continued to 
show his superiority,) magnamque partem 
Graeciae in societatem suam perduceret 
(brought, once for all, into alliance with 

12. Cum popularibus tribuerentur, 
as a mere tribute of praise to citizens who 
court popular favour. One MS. and many 
editors read a popularibus, apparently from 
a wish to make it harmonize with a sum- 
mis, &c., interpreting populares and qui 
sequi populi consensum solebant 3 to mean 
citizens who follow in the wake of public 
opinion, and always shout with the ma 
jority : but besides the strangeness of mean 
ing thus given to populares, the difference 
of mood and tense in the two clauses shows 
that they were in no way intended to be 

15. Qui .... solebant, who used to fol 
low public opinion, but see that the present 
is no time to show themselves, since now it 
is not demagogues, but honest men, who are 
being cheered. 

36-38. ORATIO PHILIPPIC A /. 31 

quae sunt gravissima, num etiam hoc contemnitis, quod sensistis, 
tarn caram populo Romano vitam A. Hirtii fuisse ? Satis erat 
enim probatum ilium esse populo Romano, ut est, iucundum 
amicis, in quo vincit omnes, carum suis, quibus est ipse carissi- 
mus : tantam tamen sollicitudinem bonorum, tantum timorem in 5 
quo meminimus ? certe in nullo. 

38 Quid igitur ? hoc vos, per deos immortales ! quale sit non 
interpretamini ? Quid ? eos de vestra vita cogitare non censetis, 
quibus eorum, quos sperant rei publicae consulturos, vita tarn 
cara sit ? Cepi fructum, patres conscripti, reversionis meae, quo- 10 
niam et ea dixi, ut quicumque casus consecutus esset, exstaret 
constantiae meae testimonium, et sum a vobis benigne ac dili- 
genter auditus. Quae potfestas si mihi saepius sine meo vestro- 
que periculo fiet, utar : si minus, quantum potero, non tarn mihi 
me quam rei publicae reservabo. Mihi fere satis est quod vixi 15 
vel ad aetatem vel ad gloriam : hue si quid accesserit, non tarn 
mihi quam vobis reique publicae accesserit. 

5. Tantam tamen, &c., yet whom you trying to reimpose on them the yoke 

can we remember whose health excited such of slavery ? Vulg. Quid eos .... cogitare 

anxiety, such fear in all good men ? Fear, censetis ? 

that is, of the consequences should the state 10. Fructum. In clearing his own con- 
be left unprotected by the death of the science, and in experiencing the kindness 
Consul elect. Most MSS. read timorem om- and attention of the senate, 
nium, omitted in the Vatican, which may II. Q_uicumque casus. Cp. c. 4, 10. 
be justified on the ground that even the 14. Utar, without ea/ Cp. pro Sulla 
inferior citizens, though they might not 33, 92 Quae prima innocentis mihi de- 
care for the death of the man, would yet fensio est oblata suscepi. 
dread the loss of the Consul. As late as the 15. Mihi fere satis est, &c., I have 
last week in December Cicero writes to a lived long enough to satisfy my desire of life, 
friend that Hirtius noster tardius con- and to fill up the measure of my fame. 
valescit, Fam. 12. 22, I. Cp. Phil. 7. Cp. Fam. 10. I, I Mihi maximae curae est, 
4, 12; 8. 2, 5. non de mea quidem vita, cui satisfeci, vel 

8. Quid? eos, &c. If the Romans aetate, vel factis, vel (si quid etiam hoc ad 

care, so much for the life of those whom rem pertinet) gloria : sed me patria solli- 

they hope to find serving the interests of the citat, and Att. 14. 21, 3 Mihi quidem 
state, think ye they will pass over your 
proceedings without notice/ when they see 


AFTER the delivery of the first Philippic oration, Antony remained for 
some days in his villa at Tibur, employed, according to Cicero, in 
arranging and rehearsing his reply, Phil. 2. 17, 42; 5. 7, 19; Fam. 
12. 2, i. On his return to Rome he summoned the senate to meet 
on the ipth of September, and then delivered a speech in Cicero s 
absence, the nature of which we can gather from the answer it pro 
voked. He accused Cicero of personal baseness and ingratitude; of 
cruelty and oppression in his consulship; of having caused the death 
of P. Clodius ; of having brought about the civil war, by sowing variance 
between Caesar and Pompey; and lastly of having been the prime 
mover in the murder of Caesar himself. It was an open declaration 
of war, formed with the object of concentrating on Cicero the enmity 
of all parties in the state. Regarding it in this light, Cicero did not 
venture on an immediate reply, and though he remained in Rome till 
the end of the month, he did not appear in the senate. 

Early in October he retired to Puteoli, where he occupied himself 
in composing the second Philippic oration, in reply to Antony. It 
was submitted to the criticism of Atticus, and some alterations mads 
in it at his suggestion, Att. 16. n; but though he was in Rome for 
a part of the autumn, he still abstained from coming into open collision 
with Antony, and the oration did not pass beyond the circle of his con 
fidential friends till the end of November, when Antony left Rome to 
quell the mutiny of his troops at Alba. Then, with the approbation 
of Atticus, Cicero published his manifesto, and the success with which 
it met showed the soundness of the judgment which had kept it back 
so long. The defection of the legions weakened the prestige of Antony, 
and people were prepared to join in any clamour raised against him. 
The crisis only called for some one with authority to lead the cry, and 
Cicero s oration gave the impulse which was requisite. Accepting the 
challenge which Antony had given some ten weeks before, he openly 



declared himself his enemy, and laid bare his character in one of the 
bitterest invectives which has ever been composed. He begins by 
answering in detail the charges which Antony had brought against him, 
and then reviews the public and the private life of Antony throughout 
its course, showing him to be, if the account be true, the greatest 
monster of corruption, meanness, and profligacy ever seen upon the 
earth. Even allowing for exaggeration, there was enough of truth in 
the attack to make it tell with fatal force against the cause of Antony. 
The people were shaken by it in their natural allegiance to the Consul ; 
the veterans were reminded that the man who claimed to be the heir 
of Caesar s power had slighted and insulted Caesar s adopted son ; and 
the senate were roused to energetic measures against Antony which 
contrasted strongly with their previous apathy. Above all, Cicero was 
placed in a position of influence which made him virtually the leader 
of the senate, and gave additional weight to his continued exertions 
in the cause of freedom. 

The speech professes to be spoken on the ipth of September, in 
immediate reply to Antony ; but even from internal evidence, from the 
elaboration of its arguments, and the very perfectness of its detail, we 
might gather that it could not have been an extempore address ; and 
it is at least noticeable that in no speech which he actually delivered 
does he lavish such unqualified abuse upon the tyranny of Caesar. 

Though it is characterized in many parts by a coarseness which we feel 
to be intolerable to modern ears, yet the verdict of all ages pronounces 
this oration to be Cicero s masterpiece. It is probably to this, the 
longest of the political orations, that the younger Pliny is referring, 
Ep. i. 20, 4, when he tells of M. Tullium, cuius oratio optima fertur, 
quae maxima; and the lines of Juvenal, 10. 124, are famous 

Ridenda poemata malo, 

Quam te conspicuae, divina Philippica, famae, 
Volveris a prima quae proxima. 

It was undoubtedly to this oration that the title of Philippic was 
especially applied, though when it was first given is not easily ascertained. 
Plutarch, Cic. 24, says that Cicero himself entitled the orations his 
Philippics, but he is perhaps referring to passages in the spurious letters 
to Brutus, 2. 4, 2; 5, 4; so that the lines of Juvenal contain the first 
certain trace of the name. 

The oration has great historical, as well as literary, value, from the 
continual allusions to the events of a period of which we have no 
satisfactory continuous history. 




1 QUONAM meo fato, patres conscript!, fieri dicam, ut nemo 
i his annis viginti rei publicae fuerit hostis, qui non bellum eodem 
tempore mihi quoque indixerit ? Nee vero necesse est quemquam 
a me nominari : vobiscum ipsi recordamini. Mihi poenarum illi 
plus quam optarem dederunt : te miror, Antoni, quorum facta 5 
imitere, eorum exitus non perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis 
minus mirabar. Nemo enim illorum inimicus mihi fuit volun- 
tarius : omnes a me rei publicae causa lacessiti. Tu ne verbo 
quidem violatus, ut audacior quam Catilina, furiosior quam 
Clodius viderere, ultro me maledictis lacessisti tuamque a me 10 

c. I. Cicero opens his speech by remarking 
on his peculiar destiny, that he was always 
personally involved in conflict with, every 
citizen who had proved himself a traitor 
to the state. Generally he was the ag 
gressor, but Antony had taken the initiative 
in a speech of more than ordinary virulence. 
After reviewing all the motives which sug 
gested themselves for such a course, he con 
cludes that Antony must have wished to 
make his treason unmistakeable, by attacking 
so notorious a patriot. 

1. Nemo. He mentions by name Catiline 
and Clodius, but the point of his sarcasm 
is not a little blunted by the omission of 
Caesar, from whom he had received too 
many favours to enumerate him among his 
personal enemies. 

2. His annis viginti, within these 
twenty years : a less exact description of 
time than ante hos viginti annos, or 
abhinc viginti annos, though according 

to the inclusive mode of reckoning in vogue 
at Rome it was just twenty years since the 
conspiracy of Catiline, 63 B. C. 

Bellum indixerit: cp. pro Sulla, 
9, 28 Cum mihi uni cum omnibus irn- 
probis aeternum videam esse bellum sus- 

5. Optarem, than I should wish them 
to have paid, did it still depend on me. 
Heumann s conjecture optaram* is needless, 
and would rather express that Cicero had 
determined in his own mind some less pen 
alty which he had wished that they should 

7. Voluntarius, of his own accord, 
without having been first attacked by 

9. Ut . . . viderere. These words go 
better with lacessisti than with violatus ; 
you attacked me, to prove yourself more 
daring than Catiline, more insane than 

D 2, 


cc. 12. 

alienationem commendationem tibi ad impios cives fore puta- 
visti. Quid putem ? contemptumne me ? Non video nee in vita 2 
nee in gratia nee in rebus gestis nee in hac mea mediocritate 
ingenii, quid despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu facillime 
5 de me detrahi posse credidit ? qui ordo clarissimis civibus bene 
gestae rei publicae testimonium multis, mihi uni conservatae 
dedit. An dcccrtare mecum voluit contentione dicendi? Hoc 
quidem est beneficium. Quid enim plenius, quid uberius quam 
mihi et pro me et contra Antonium dicere? Illucf profecto : 

10 non existimavit sui similibus probarl posse, se esse hostem 
patriae, nisi mihi esset inimicus, Cui prius quam de ceteris 3 
rebus respondeo, de amicitia, quam a me violatam esse crimina- 
tus est, quod ego gravissimum crimen iudico, pauca dicam. 

Contra rem suam me nescio quando venisse questus est. An 2 

T 5 ego non venirem contra alienum pro familiari et necessario ? non 
veairem contra gratiam non virtutis spe, sed aetatis flore collec- 
tiun ? non venirem contra iniuriam, quam iste intercessoris ini- 

1. Ad irnpios cives: cp. 5. I, 3 Ne- 
minem aequiorem reperiet quam me, cui, 
dum se civibus impiis commendat, inimicus 
quam amicus esse maluit. 

2. Q_uid putem? Of the four conceiv 
able reasons for Antony s conduct, viz. I. 
contempt of Cicero, 2. a mistaken estimate 
of their respective positions with the senate, 
3. a desire to rival him in oratory, 4. a wish 
to prove his own disloyalty, by attacking 
the noblest of patriots, Cicero rejects the first 
three as untenable, and adopts the fourth. 

In vita, in my private life, as op 
posed to in rebus gestis, in the actions of 
official life. 

6. Uni conservatae : so Cat. 4. 10, 
20 Ceteris semper bene gesta, mihi uni con- 
servata republica gratulationem decrevistis. 
Cp. also Cat. 3. 6, 15, Phil. 14. 8, 24. 

7. Hoc quidem, this is indeed the 
greatest kindness he could show me. 

9. Illud profecto. So the Vatican MS. 
The others add est : but illud depends on 
some such word as putavit, to be supplied 
from non existimavit. 

cc. 2, 3. He began by charging Cicero 
with being false to ties of friendship, by 
opposing him in a lawsuit. Cicero replies, 
first generally, that he was pleading against 
Antony, with whom he was wholly uncon 
nected, for a friend, and in the cause of 
justice : then in detail he denies that Antony 
was an intimate of his house, or that he 

oivedhis augur ship to the courtesy of Antony, 
who could not possibly have stood against 
him ; or that Antony had any claim upon 
his gratitude, unless it constituted a claim 
that he had once abstained from murdering 
him. Even if the most were made of this, 
it could not outweigh, Cicero s plain duty 
in denouncing Antony when he violated every 
duty of a citizen, a magistrate, and a man. 

14. Contra rem suam. In some trial, 
of the particulars of which we know nothing, 
but in which, from Cicero s expression, 
Antony was rather indirectly than directly 
interested. So far as we can gather, it 
would seem probable that the suit in ques 
tion was brought by Sicca, Cicero s Sicilian 
friend, against some associate of Antony s, 
and that the latter, finding the suit going 
against his friend, prevailed on a certain 
tribune of the commons, whose favour he 
had gained by companionship in profligacy, 
to stop the proceedings by his veto. We 
may infer, from a letter of Cicero to Atticus, 
Att. 1 6. n, I, that Cicero suppressed the 
details at the instigation of Atticus, out 
of regard for the honour of Sicca. The 
defendant has been thought, with some 
probability, to be Quintus Fadius himself; 
this passage evidently implying that it was 
some one who belonged to the order of 

17- Non venirem contra iniuriam, 
&c., was I not to oppose a wrong which 

1 1- 



quissimi beneficio obtinuit, non iure praetorio ? Sed hoc idcirco 
commemoratum a te puto, uti te infimo ordini commendares. 
cum omnes te recordarentur libertini generum et liberos tuos 
nepotes Q. Fadii, libertini hominis, fuisse. At e,nim te in 
disciplinam meam tradideras nam ita dixisti ; domum 5 
meam ventitaras. Ne tu, si id fecisses, melius famae, melius 
pudicitiae tuae consuluisses. Sed neque fecisti nee, si cuperes, 
4 tibi id per C. Curionem facere licuisset. Auguratus petiti- 
onem mihi te concessisse dixisti. O incredibilem audaciam ! 
O impudentiam praedicandam ! Quo enim tempore me augu- 10 
rem a toto collegio expetitum Cn. Pompeius et Q. Horten- 
sius nominaverunt nee enim licebat a pluribus nominari , tu 
nee solvendo eras nee te ullo modo nisi eversa re publica 

Antony carried through, not by due course 
of law in the praetor s court, but by favour 
of a veto from the most unscrupulous of 
tribunes? It appears from the speech 
against Vatinius, 14, 33, that such exercise 
of the veto was at least an unusual, if not 
an absolutely illegal practice : Fecerisne, 
quod in hac republica non modo factum 
antea nunquam est, sed in omni memoria 
est omnino inauditum ? appellarisne tribunes 
plebis, ne causam diceres? 

3. Te is inserted by Halm, following 
Orelli, as necessary for the construction. 

Libertini generum. Fadia was his 
first wife. Cp. 13. 10, 23 Is humili- 
tatem despicere audet cuiusquam, qui ex 
Fadia susceperit libefos. According to Sue 
tonius, Claud. 24, the original meaning of 
this word libertinus was a freedman s son, 
as opposed to libertus, a freedman : Ig- 
narus temporibus Appii et deinceps aliquam- 
diu libertinos dictos non ipsos, qui manu- 
mitterentur, sed ingenuos ex his procreates : 
but in all extant authors in whom we find 
the words, from Plautus onwards, they both 
denote the actual freedman, libertinus ab 
solutely, in respect of his condition in the 
state, libertus in his relation to his former 

4. Fuisse. Fadius being apparently al 
ready dead, so that the tie between him and 
Antony was no longer in existence. 

At enim. Here Cicero introduces, and 
refutes, the several arguments whereby 
Antony had sought to prove that he was 
not alienus, but bound to Cicero by the 
closest ties. 

In disciplinam. You had placed 
yourself under my instruction. Cp. de.Div. 
I. 41, 92 Senatus decrevit ut de principum 

filiis decem singulis Etruriae populis in dis 
ciplinam traderentur. 

6. Ne tu. All the MSS. concur in the 
orthography ne, rather than nae, which 
appears to be a later device for the sake 
of distinction from the conjunction. Cp. 
Kritz on Sail. Cat. 52, 27. In Cicero this 
adverb is never found except in combination 
with a pronoun. Cp. c. 30, %6. 

8. C. Curionem. See c. 1 8, 44-46. It 
was to Curio s influence that Antony owed 
his election to the augurship, 53 B.C., three 
years after Cicero s admission to the college. 
Cp. Plut. Ant. 5 Srjfjiapxoi dWSete rbv 
Avrujviov, flra TUV kir ol&vois ifpeow ovs 
Avyovpas KaXovffiv. 

g. Mihi te concessisse, you re 
tired in my favour from the contest for the 

II. A toto collegio. The number of 
the augurs was increased by Sulla to fifteen, 
by Caesar to sixteen. The nomination by 
two augurs perhaps was a relic of the time 
when their whole number was only three, 
and any vacancy was filled by the co- 
optatio of the two survivors. By the Lex 
Domitia de Sacerdotiis, passed 103 B. C., 
and re-enacted 63 B.C., the election to the 
college of augurs was vested in seventeen 
out of the thirty-five tribes chosen by lot. 

13. Nee solvendo eras, were insol 
vent ; lit. not in a condition to pay your 
debts. Cp. Livy 2. 9 Tributo plebes li- 
berata, ut divites conferrent, qui oneri fe- 
rendo essent. This use of the dative is 
closely -allied to its employment as marking 
the destination in official, titles : cp. Livy 
lo. 8 Decemviri sacris faciundis; Id. 2. 8 
Comitia collegae subrogando habuit : and 
see Madv. 415, Obs. I. 

^8 M. TULLII CICERONIS ce. 2-4. 

fore incolumem putabas. Poteras autem eo tempore auguratum 
petere, cum in Italia C. Curio non esset? aut turn, cum es factus : 
imam tribum sine Curione ferre potuisses ? cuius etiam familiares 
de vi condemnati sunt, quod tui nimis studiosi fuissent. At 3 
5 beneficio sum tuo usus. Quo ? quamquam illud ipsum, quod 5 
commemoras, semper prae me tuli. Malui me tibi debere con- 
fiteri quam cuiquam minus prudenti non satis gratus videri. Sed 
quo beneficio? quod me Brundisii non occideris? Quern ipse 
victor, qui tibi, ut tute gloriari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus 

10 suis principatum, salvum esse voluisset, in Italiam ire iussisset, 
eum tu occideres ? Fac potuisse. Quod est aliud, patres con- 
scripti, beneficium latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint iis se 
dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint? Quod si esset bene 
ficium, numquam qui ilium interfecerunt, a quo erant conservati, 

15 quos tu clarissimos viros soles appellare, tantam essent gloriam 
consecuti. Quale autem beneficium est, quod te abstinueris 
nefario scelere? Qua in re non tarn iucundum mihi videri 
debuit non interfectum me a te, quam miserum te id impune 
facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quando quidem maius accipi 6 

20 a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes me dicere ingratum ? an 
de interitu rei publicae queri non , debui, ne in te ingratus 
viderer? At in ilia querella, misera quidem et luctuosa, sed 
mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me senatus populusque Romanus 
collocavit, necessaria, quid est dictum a me cum contumelia ? 

25 quid non moderate ? quid non amice ? Quod quidem cuius 

I. Fore incolumem, could escape jecture of Madvig s, being absent from the 

bankruptcy. MSS. He urges that its insertion is abso- 

6. Semper prae me tuli: see on lutely necessary, since nudum participium 
I -4> JI pro tota sententia infinita nullo exemplo 

7. Minus prudenti, who does not nulla ratione ponitur Opusc. I. p. 207. 
look at the matter in its right light. 22. In ilia querella, sc. the first 

Sed quo: see on i . u, 27. Philippic, in which, as we have seen, his 

13-^Quod si ^ esset beneficium. tone towards Antony was comparatively 

Cicero s argument is, that the general voice moderate. 

of the Roman people, in holding the as- Misera quidem. With this conces- 

sassnis of Caesar, who had owed their lives sive use of quidem , it is usual to insert 

to him, to be yet worthy of the highest the pronoun, misera ilia quidem, but its 

praise, declared that no gratitude was due absence here is due to its occurrence imme- 

to any one who merely abstained from diately before. 

exercising illegal power over the lives of 23. Pro hoc gradu, in consideration of 

his fellow-citizens. Cp. c. 24, 59, and Sen. my consular rank. For the view which 

de Benef. 2. 20,3 Non enim servavit is, Cicero entertained of the responsibilities 

qui non interfecit, nee beneficium dedit, sed involved by this position, see I. 6, 14 and 

missionem. I5; 5. ^ l8> 
18. Interfectum me. Me is a con- 




temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio querentem abstinere male-| 
dictis, praesertim cum tu reliquias rei publicae dissipavisses, 
cum domi tuae turpissimo mercatu omnia essent venalia, cum 
leges eas, quae numquam promulgatae essent, et de te et a te 
latas confiterere, cum auspicia augur, intercessionem consul 5 
sustulisses, cum esses foedissime stipatus armatis, cum omnes 
impuritates impudica in domo quotidie susciperes vino lustrisque 

7 confectus. At ego, tamquam mihi cum M. Crasso contentio esset, 
quocum multae et tarn magnae fuerunt, non cum imp gladiatore 
nequissimo, de re publica graviter querens de homine nihil dixi. 10 
Itaque hodie perficiam ut intelligat, quantum a me beneficium 

4 turn acceperit. ~At etiam litteras, quas me sibi misisse diceret, 

2. Reliquias, the remaining treasures 
of the state. Cp. I. 7, 17. 

3. Domi tuae: Cp. cc. 14, 35; 36, 

92; 37.955 45. If 5- 

4. De te, to benefit yourself. This 
was forbidden by a Lex Licinia and a Lex 
Aebutia, both of uncertain date. Cp. de 
Leg. Agrar. 2. 8, 21 Licinia est lex et 
altera Aebutia, quae non modo eum, qui 
tulerit de aliqua curatione ac poteslate, sed 
etiam collegas eius, cognatos, affines excipit, 
ne iis ea potestas curatiove mandetur. We 
learn from II. 6, 13 that he had placed 
himself on a commission for dividing public 
lands ; Duos collegas Antoniorum et Dola- 
bellae, Nuculam et Lentonem, Italiae di- 
visores lege ea, quam senatus per vim latam 

A te, and therefore not among the acta 

5. Auspicia augur, intercessionem 
consul. The first in passing his Agra 
rian law, which was in double defiance 
of the omens, both because they were at 
the time adverse, and because he proposed*, 
it in conjunction with Dolabella, whose 
election he had himself pronounced void, 
in consequence of unfavourable omens, see 
c. 32, 81 ; Phil. 5. 3, 7: the second, by filling 
the forum with armed men, and so forcibly 
overbearing any opposition, Ib. 4, 9. 

7. Impudica: so the Vat. MS.; Vulg. 
pudica, which probably is derived from 
c. 28, 69 Quid enim umquam domus ilia 
viderat nisi pudicum, quid nisi ex optimo 
more et sanctissima disciplina? Here how 
ever it is more appropriate to find an epithet 
descriptive of the present condition of the 
house, than a reference to its former purity 
when in the possession of Pompey. 

8. M. Crasso, the colleague of Caesar 
and Pompey, who fell in battle against the 

Parthians, 55 B.C. Cicero always professed 
the greatest admiration for him in public ; 
cp. pro Sest. 17, 39 M. Crassus, quccum 
mihi omnes erant amicitiae necessitudines, 
vir fortissimus ; and a letter to him is ex 
tant, full of the warmest protestations of 
friendship, Fam. 5. 8 ; but in speaking of 
him to his intimate friends, he always ex 
presses distrust of him ; see Att. I. 14, 3 and 
4; Fam. 14. 2, 2. Many of the repartees 
that passed between them are preserved by 
Plutarch, Cic. cc. 25, 26. 

9. Uno. Halm takes this with ne- 
quissimo, most especially wicked ; but it 
is rather equivalent to aliquo, with a shade 
of contempt" conveyed in it, with a certain 
most abandoned gladiator. Cp. Att. 9. 
10, 2 Me una haec res torquet, quod non . . 
Pompeinm, tamquam unus manipularis, se- 
cutus sim: and Plaut. True. 2. I, 39 Sed 
est huic unus servos violentissumus. 

c. 4. As regards the letters which Antony 
had read, while wondering at his want of 
manners in publishing private correspond 
ence, and at his folly in producing docu 
ments whose authenticity he could not prove, 
Cicero urges that the only charge against 
him which they could support was that he 
used too much courtesy in addressing An 
tony. He would not produce in return the 
letters which would show Antony in the light 
of a suppliant to himself. 

12. Litteras. A copy of this letter, 
sent to Atticus for inspection, is preserved, Att. 
14. 133. It is couched in terms of warm 
friendship, but in the accompanying letter 
to Atticus he explains that his complaisance 
is only feigned, for the sake of temporizing 
where resistance was useless. For the sub 
stance of the letter see on I. I, 3. 

Diceret. This use of the sibjunc- 
tive, of words introducing a sentence in 

40 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-5. 

recitavlt homo et humanitatis expers et vitae communis ignarus. 
Quis enim umquam, qui paulum modo bonorum consuetudinem 
nosset, litteras ad se ab amico mlssas offensione aliqua inter- 
posita in medium protulit palamque recitavit? Quid est aliud 

5 tollere ex vita vitae societatem, tollere amicorum colloquia absen- 
tium? Guam multa ioca solent esse in epistolis, quae prolata 
si sint, inepta videantur ! quam multa seria^ neque tamen ullo 
modo divulganda ! Sit hoc inhumanitatis : stultitiam incredi- 8 
bilem videte. Quid habes quod mihi opponas, homo diserte, 

! ut Tironi et Mustelae iam esse videris? qui cum hoc ipso 
tempore stent cum gladiis in conspectu senatus, ego quoque te 
disertum putabo, si ostenderis, quo modo sis eos inter sicarios 
defensurus : sed quid opponas tandem, si negem me umquam 
ad te istas litteras misisse ? Quo me teste convincas ? an chiro- 

Jrgrapho? in quo habes scientiam quaestuosam. Qui possis ? 
sunt enim librarii manu. Iam invideo niagistro tuo, qui te tanta 
mercede, quantam iam proferam, nihil sapere doceat. Quid o 
enim est minus non dico oratoris, sed hominis, quam id ob- 
iicere adversario, quod ille si verbo negarit, longius progredi non 

20 possit qui obiecerit ? At ego non nego, teque in isto ipso con 
vince non inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam amentiae. Quod 
enim verbum in istis litteris est non plenum humanitatis, officii, 
benevolentiae ? Omne autem crimen tuum est, quod dc te in 
his litteris non male existimem, quod scribebam tamquam ad 

the oratio obliqua, though irregular in itself, sassins for trial. Cp. pro Rose. Amer. 32, 

is not uncommon in Cicero. Cp. c. 24, 60 90 Sexcenti sunt, qui inter sicarios et de 

Quod earn a me servatam esse meminis- beneficiis accusabant ; Fin. 2. 16, 54 Cum 

sent: and see Madv. 357, Obs. 2. praetor quaestionem inter sicarios exer- 

3. Noss-et, the subjunctive, because the cnisset. 

clause describes a particular class of men, 15. Scientiam quaestuosam: see c. 

not an individual. 28, 97. 

4. Quid est aliud : see on i. 9, 22. 17. Nihil sapere, to be a fool. Cp. 
8. Inhumanitatis. Halm adds tuae, c. 17, 43, whence we learn that his teacher 

but it is not found in the Vatican MS., and was Sex. Clodius, a Sicilian rhetorician, whom 

seems unnecessary. So much for his ill he rewarded with 2000 iugera of Leontine 

breeding: now see the inconceivable folly land, 

of the man. jg. Id obiicere, &c., to bring an ob- 

10. Tironi et Mustelae. These men jection a-gainst an opponent, which requires 

are often mentioned among the satellites of only his bare denial to stop your further 

Antony: cp. 8. 9, 26; 12. 6, 14; 13. ?, 3. progress in the attack. 

The latter was a native of Anagnia, and is 23. Omne autem tuum crimen, 

styled by Cicero gladiorum princeps, c. &c., the sole point of your accusation is 

41, 1 06 ; but nothing more is known of that in the said letter I express no bad 

opinion of you. Cp. below existimatio, 

12. Inter sicarios, when tried for the expressed opinion. 

murder, lit. when numbered among as- 24. Scribebam: so the Vatican MS. 


civem, tamquam ad bonum virum, non tamquam ad sceleratum 
et latronem. At ego tuas litteras, etsi iure poteram a te laces- 
situs, tarn en non proferam : quibus petis ut tibi per me liceat 
quendam de exsilio reotucere, adiurasque id te invito me non . . 

esse facturum, idque a me impetras. Quid enim me interpo- 5 

. . . pA^cfcirKfeevr 
nerem audaciae tuae, quam neque auctontas huius ordmis neque 

existimatio populi Romani neque leges ullae possent coercere? 

10 Verum tamen quid erat quod me rogares, si erat is, de quo 
rogabas, Caesaris lege reductus? .Sed videlicet meam gratiam 
voluit esse, in quo ne ipsius quidem ulla esse poterat lege 10 

5 Sed cum mihi, patres conscripti, et pro me aliquid et in 
M. Antonium multa dicenda sinj^ajterum peto/ a voJaurjjiKme 
pro me dicentem bemgne, ^terurn ipse r emciam/ut^^rffra ilium 
cum dicam, attente udiatis.) Simul illud oro : si meam cum in 15 
omni vita, turn in dicendo moderationem modestiamque cog- 
nostis, ne me hodie, cum isti, ut provocavit, respondero, oblitum 
esse putetis mei. Non tractabo ut consulem : ne ille quidem 
me ut consularem. Etsi ille nullo modo consul, vel quod ita 
vivit vel quod ita rerri publicam gerit vel quod ita factus est : 20 

11 ego sine ulla eontroversia consularis. Ut igitur intelligeretis, 

of con^wcJ ft* 

Halm follows the ordinary reading scribam, 13. Alterum peto, &c. The reason 

but there seems to be a special reason for for the different tone he takes with regard 

the difference of mood, in that male existi- to the two divisions of his speech may be 

mem only expresses the charge which An- found in the beginning of Demosthenes 

tony might have expected Cicero to make speech de Corona, p. 226. 20 fyvffei ndaiv 

against him ; whereas scribebam intro- avOpwirois v-rra.px.ti, raiv ptv \oidopiwv KOI 

duces the actual substance of the letter. -r&v KaTrjyopiuiv OLKOVZIV jySews, rots Irrcu- 

4. Quendam. Sextus Clodius, the tool vovat 5 avrovs ax#a#ai. Accordingly, 

of P. Clodius, not the rhetorician mentioned while judiciously apologising for the part 

, above. concerning himself, he gains greater atten- 

9. Meam gratiam, he wished me to tion even for this portion of his speech, by 
I have the credit of it. the promise of the more exciting invective 

10. Lege lata: see I. I, 3, where An- which is to follow. His appeal, too, to his 
^ tony is represented as expressly declaring usual moderation is not without its object, 

that Sextus Clodius was the one exile whom as serving to show that nothing but the 

the act that Caesar had passed restored to atrocity of the case could have led him to 

his country. break forth at such length on the present 

cc. 57* Apologizing 1 for his unwonted occasion. 

egotism in speaking of his own merits, Cicero 20. Quod ita factus est. Since he 

answers the attack which Antony had made had been nominated by Caesar, not elected 

upon his consulship, by appealing to the by the free vote of the people. Cp. c. 32, 

approbation of his conduct expressed by all 79 lussus es renuntiari consul, et quidem 

the leading men of his time : contrasting in cum ipso. See on c. 30, 76. For the use 

this respect the consulship of Antony, which of ita as a predicate, see Madv. 209 b. 

was only marked by deeds of unconstitutional Obs. 2. 

violence, calculated to win applause from 21. Ut igitur intelligeretis, &c. 

the base companions of his revels. He uses a similar argument in the speech 


cc 5 6. 

qualem ipse sc consulem profiteretur, obiecit mihi consulatum 
meum. Qui consulatus verbo meus, patres conscripti, re vester 
fuit. Quid enim ego constitui, quid gessi, quid egi nisi ex huius 
ordinis consilio, auctoritate, scntentia ? Haec tu homo sapiens, 

5 non sol um eloquens, apud eos, quorum consilio sapientiaque 
gesta sunt, ausus es vituperare? Quis autem meum consulatum 
praeter te Publiumque Clodium, qui vituperaret, inventus est ? 
Cuius quidem tibi fatum, sicut C. Curioni, manet, quoniam id 
domus tuae est, quod fuit illorum utrique fatale. Non placet 12 

10 M. Antonio consulatus meus. At placuit P. Scrvilio, ut eum 
primum nominem ex illius temporis consularibus, qui proxime 
est mortuus ; placuit Q. Catulo, cuius semper in hac re publica 
vivet auctoritas ; placuit duobus Lucullis, M. Crasso, Q. Hor- 
tensio, C. Curioni, C. Pisoni, M . Glabrioni, M . Lepido, L. Vol- 

15 catio, C. Figulo, [D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui turn erant consules 
designati ; placuit idem quod consularibus M. Catoni, qui cum 
multa vita excedens providit, turn quod te consulem non vidit. 

against Piso, 7- 14 Relatio ilia salutaris et 
diligens fuit consulis, animadversio quidem 
et indicium senatus : qu;ie cum reprehendis, 
ostemlis qtialis tu, si ita forte accidisset, 
fueris illo tempore consul futurus. 

8. Tibi. One MS. has te,. manet, 
which would simply mean awaits you, 
whereas tibi is a pure dativus commodi, 
is reserved in all its force for your benefit. 
So Virg. Aen. 9. 301 

Quae tibi polliceor reduci, rebusque se- 

Haec eadem matrique tuae generique 


shall be confirmed without diminution to 
your mother and your family. 

Id domus tuae est. Fulvia, who 
before she married Antony, had been the 
wife of P. Clodius and C. Scribonius Curio, 
who fell in the war with Juba, before 
Utica, 49 B. C. Halm retains the ordinary 
meaning domi tuae, in your house; but 
domus, the reading of the Vatican MS., 
is more appropriate, signifying there exists 
as part of your household that which proved 
the death of both of them/ For the am 
bitious, restless character of Fulvia, cp. 
Pint. Ant. c. 10 &ov\@iav ayayunwos TTJV 
KXoiSttv TO) ^rjfj.ayojya> avvoiK^aaoav, ov 
raXaaiav ouSe oiKovptav <fpovovv yvvatov 
ovSe dvSpos IStujrov icparew diovv, dX\ 
apxovros apxtiv real ffrparrjyowros a 

10. P. Servilio, &c. The consulates 
whose names he here enumerates all held the 
consulship in the course of the seventeen years 
immediately preceding the conspiracy of 
Catiline, with the exception of D. Junius 
Silanus, and L. Licinius Murena, who were 
then Consuls elect. The most eminent among 
them were P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, the 
represser of the Ciiician and Isaurian pirates, 
79 B. C. ; L. Lucullus, the conqueror of 
Mithridates ; M. Licinius Crassus, the col 
league of Caesar and Pompey in the so-called 
first triumvirate, 6 1 B.C.; and L. Hortensius 
the orator. Cicero mentions nearly the same 
list of his supporters, Att. 12. 21. 

IT. Proxime. He had died in the 
early part of this same year, at the advanced 
age of 80. 

16. M. Catoni. Caio s speech on the 
5th of December turned the scale against the 
conspirators, in whose behalf the speech of 
Caesar had produced a great effect. 

Cum multa . . . providit, &c., by 
hastening his death he avoided many evils, 
and chief of them the sight of you as Consul. 
Cp. the comment of Tacitus on the death 
of Agricola, Agric. 44 Festinatae mortis 
grande solatium evasisse postremum illud 
tempus, quo Domitianus non iam per inter- 
valla ac spiramenta temrorum, sed continuo 
ac velut uno ictu rem publicam exhausit. 
Cato killed himself at Utica, 46 B.C., to 
avoid falling into Caesar s hands. 


Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius probavit, qui, 
]j^/m^\^im^n. decedens ex Syria vidit, complexus et gratulans 
meo beneficio patriam se visurum esse dixit. Sed quid singulos 
commemoro ? Frequentissimo senatui sic placuit, ut esset nemo, 
qui mihi non ut parenti gratias ageret, qui mihi non vitarri suam, 5 
6 fortunas, liberos, rem publicam referret acceptam. Sed quoniam 
is illis, quos nominavi, tot et talibus viris res publica orbata est, 
veniamus ad vivos, qui duo de consularium numero reliqui sunt. 
L. Cotta, vir summo ingenio summaque prudentia, rebus iis 
gestis, quas tu reprehendis, supplicationem decrevit verbis am- 10 
plissimis, eique illi ipsi, quos modo nominavi, consulares sena- 
tusque cunctus assensus est, qui honos post conditam hanc 
14 urbem habitus est togato ante me nemini. L. Caesar, avun- 
culus tuus, qua oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate senten- 
tiam dixit in sororis suae virum, vitricum tuum ! Hunc tu cum 15 
auctorem et praeceptorem omnium consiliorum totiusque vitae 
debuisses habere, vitrici te similem quam avunculi maluisti. 
Huius ego alienus consiliis consul turn usus sum : tu, sororis 
filius, ecquid ad eum umquam de re, publica rettulisti ? At ad 
quos refert ? di immortales ! Ad eos scilicet, quorum nobis 2 < 

il etiam dies natales audiendi sunt. Hodie non descendit Anto- 
X -j comt TO 


I. Cn. Pompeius had been absent from his friendship for Cicero, not only by pro- 
Rome at the time of Cicero s consulship, and posing the supplicatio (see on I. 6, 13) in 
on first hearing of its events had been want- his honour, but later, by proposing his recall 
ing in his congratulations, of which Cicero from exile. 

complains to him in an extant letter, Fam. 15. Vitricum tuum. After the death 

5. 8. Cp. Off. i. 22, 78 Cn. Pompeius, vir of M. Antonius the elder, Julia married P. 

abundans bellicis laudibus, multis audien- Lentulus Sura, the man of most note among 

tibus Ciceroni hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra the associates of Catiline, who was put to 

se triumphtim tertium deportaturum fuisse, death in prison on the special motion of his 

nisi Ciceronis in rempublicam beneficio, ubi brother-in-law L. Julius Caesar. Cp. Cat. 

triumpharet, esset habiturus. 4. 6, 13. 

6. Referret acceptam, gave me ere- 18. Alienus . . . consul, a stranger in 

dit for the boon of life. The metaphor is blood, and in the highest position in the 

taken from keeping accounts, in which state, I thought no scorn to seek his 

referre acceptam is to enter in the column counsels. 

of money received, referre expensam to 20. Quorum nobisr^cc., whose birth- 
enter in that of money paid. Cp. c. 22, 55 days must needs be dinned into even our 
Omnia denique, quae postca vidimus . . . uni ears. Such is the shamelessness of the 
accepta referemus Antonio. man, that he not only celebrates the birth- 

8. Qui duo, of whom two. The days of his minions, but he cannot be content 
Latin idiom, more logical than the English, without letting the very senate know of it. 
never uses the genitive with numerals, unless 21. Non descendit, comes not down 
some real partition is expressed. See Madv. to the senate ; not necessarily implying literal 
284. Obs. 7- descent, since Antony s house was in the 

9. L. Cotta, Consul 65 B.C., the year low ground of the Carinae, but as most peo- 
of the first conspiracy of Catiline, showed pie in Rome lived on the hills, it was usual 

44 M. TULLI1 C1CERONIS cc. 6-8. 

nius. Cur? dat nataliciam in hortis. Cui? neminem nomi- 
nabo : putate turn Phormioni alicui, turn Gnathoni, turn etiam 
Ballioni. O foeditatem hominis flagitiosam ! o impudentiam, 
nequitiam, libidinem non ferendam ! Tu cum principem sena- 
5 torem, civem singularem, tarn propinquum habeas, ad eum de 
re publica nihil referas, referas ad eos, qui suam rem nullam 
habent, tuam exhauriunt ? Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, 7 
perniciosus meus. Adeone pudorem cum pudicitia perdidisti, 
ut hoc in eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quo ego senatum ilium, 

* qui quondam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, consulebam, tu 
homines perditissimos cum gladiis collocavisti ? At etiam ausus ie 
est quid autem est quod tu non audeas ? clivum Capito- 
linum dicere me consule plenum servorum armatorum fuisse. 
Ut ilia, credo, nefaria senatus consulta fiercnt, vim afferebam 

15 senatui. O miser, sive ilia tibi nota non sunt nihil enim boni 
nosti sive sunt, qui apud tales viros tarn impudenter loquare ! 
Quis enim eques Romanus, quis praeter te adolescens nobilis, 
quis ullius ordinis, qui se civem esse meminisset, cum senatus 
in hoc templo csset, in clivo Capitolino non fuit? quis nomen 

20 non dedit ? quamquam nee scribae sufficere nee tabulae nomina 

to talk of their coming down to the Forum, portion of the Via Sacra which wound up the 

or the Campus, or any place of public slope of the Capitoline hill, passed just to the 

resort. south of the Aedes Concordiae, only separated 

1. Nataliciam, sc. cenam. So Halm from it by the Senaculum. 

from the Vatican MS. Vulg. < natalicia, 10. Quondam. Before the ruin brought 

sc. munera, like sponsalia. Cp. ad Q.. upon the state by the civil war, and more 

Fratr. 2. 6, I A. D. viii. Id. Apr. sponsalia recently by the oppressive measures of 

Crassipedi praebui. Antony. In his speech pro Mil. 33, 90, 

2. Phormioni, &c., characters from Cicero calls the senate house which Clodius 
well-known comedies, the former two being burnt templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis, 
parasites in the Phormio and Eunuchus mentis, consilii publici, caput urbis, portum 
respectively of Terence, Ballio a pander in omnium gentium. 

the Pseudolus of Plautus. 13. Servorum armatorum. So Antony 

7. Tuus videlicet, &c. Cicero here styled the knights, as being wholly subser- 
begins another point in his answer, by taking vient to Cicero. To arm slaves was in itself 
up again ^the summary of Antony s charge contrary to law. 

against him, from the beginning of 12 14. Afferebam, I was proposing to 

non placet M. Antonio consulatus meus. employ. 

8. Pudorem cum pudicitia, all sense 15. O miser, &c. Cp. c. 22, 54 O mi- 
of shame, as well as purity: pudor* being serum te, si haec intelligis, miseriorem si non 
purity of mind, pudicitia purity of body. intelligis. Some MSS. have miserum here, 
Thus they are contrasted with petulantia but cp. 13. 17, 34 O miser, cum re, turn 
and stuprum respectively, Cat. 2. n, 35. hoc ipso, quod non sentis quam miser sis. 

9- In eo templo. In the shrine of Con- 17. Nobilis. See on i. 12, 29. 

3rd, see c. 8, 19. This was at the N.E. 19. Nomen non dedit, did not en- 

f the Forum, close under the Capitol. rol his name for service. Cicero says that 

The raised floor of it, paved with marble, the very slaves hastened to volunteer for the 

The Clivus Capjtolinus, that preservation of the state, Cat. 4. 8, 16 Ser- 




17 illorum capere potuerunt. Etenim cum homines nefarii de 
patriae parricidio confiterentur, consciorum indiciis, sua manu, 
voce paene litterarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, cives truci- 
dare, vastare Italiam, delere rem publicam consensisse, quis 
esset qui ad salutem communem defendendam non excitaretur ? 5 
praesertim cum senatus populusque Romanus haberet ducem, 
qualis si qui nunc esset, tibi idem quod illis accidit contigisset. 
Ad sepulturam corpus vitrici sui negat a me datum. Hoc vero 
ne Publius quidem Clodius dixit umquam : quern, quia iure ei 
inimicus fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis [eum] esse superatum. 10 

is Qui autem tibi venit in mentem redigere in memoriam nostram, 
te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum ? An verebare ne non puta- 
remus natura te potuisse tarn improbum evadere, nisi accessisset 

8 etiam disciplina ? Tarn autem eras excors, ut tota in oratione 
tua tecum ipse pugnares, non modo non cohaerentia inter se 15 
diceres, sed maxime disiuncta atque contraria, ut non tanta 
mecum, quanta tibi tecum esset contentio. Vitricum tuum 
fuisse in tanto scelere fatebare, poena affectum querebare. Ita 

vus est nemo qui modo tolerabili conditione 
sit servitutis . . qui non quantum audet et 
quantum potest conferat ad salutem volun- 

I. De patriae parricidio. The words 
parricidium, parricida, as applied to trea 
son against the state, seem always to have a 
conscious reference to the metaphor of the 
state being the parent of her citizens, as in 
Val. Max. 6. 4, 5 M. Brutus suarum prius 
virtutum quam patriae parentis parricida. 
Cp. Sail. Cat. 51, 25 Quis reprehendet, 
quod in parricidas reipublicae decretum 

3. Se .. . cotnsensisse. The infinitive is 
explanatory of de patriae parricidio con 
fiterentur. Consentio is more usually 
found in a good sense, to agree together; 
but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 8, 18 belli faciendi 
causa consensisse. 

cc. 7, 8. In particular Antony had 
charged Cicero with refusing burial to his 
step-father. Denying the fact, Cicero rebukes 
his folly in reminding the senate that Len- 
tulus ^uas his step-father ; in laying on him 
the blame of a punishment for which the 
senate was itself responsible; and in bring 
ing forward any charge of violence, while 
guilty at the moment of the grosser violence 
of blocking up the senate with barbarian 
mercenaries. He takes occa&ion by the way 

to vindicate his own poetry from the impo 
tent assault of Antony s wit. 

8. Ad sepulturam, &c. Cicero here 
passes to a fresh charge of Antony against 
him ; rather abruptly, but the ad with 
which the clause begins may account for the 
absence of the usual at. The charge itself 
is declared to be false by Plutarch, who 
asserts, Ant. c. 2, that not only P. Lentulus, 
but all the conspirators who were killed 
were given up for burial. 

10. Eum, which is found in the Vatican 
MS., appears to be here superfluous, unless 
indeed the true reading be cui quia iure 
inimicus fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis eum 
esse superatum; as has been conjectured by 
Sttirenburg, on pro Arch. p. 185. 

12. P. Lentulus Sura was Consul in 
71 B.C. His dissolute life led to his expul 
sion from the senate in the following year, 
but he was again made praetor in 63 B. C., 
and held that office at the time of the con 
spiracy. See on c. 6, 13. 

16. Disiuncta. So the Vatican MS. 
spells the word, in this place only. It means 
contradictory to each other, in the logical 
sense of the word. Cp. c. 13, 32 Quae 
diiunctius dicuntur, what is put in the form 
of a dilemma ; and Top. 14, 56 In diiunc- 
tione plus uno verum esse non potest. 

4 6 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-9. 

quod proprie meum est, laudasti, quod totum est senatus, repre- 
hendisti : nam comprehensio sontium mea, animadversio senatus 
fuit. Homo disertus non intelligit eum, quern contra dicit, 
laudari a se, eos, apud quos dicit, vituperari. lam illud cuius 19 
5 est, non dico audaciae cupit enim se audacem , sed, quod 
minime vult, stultitiae, qua vincit omnes, clivi Capitolini menti- 
onem facere, cum inter subsellia nostra versentur armati ? cum 
in hac cella Concordiae, di immortales ! in qua me consule 
salutares sententiae dictae sunt, quibus ad hanc diem viximus, 

io cum gladiis homines collocati stent? Accusa senatum, accusa 
equestrem ordinem, qui turn cum senatu copulatus fuit, accusa 
omnes ordines, omnes cives, dum confiteare hunc ordinem hoc 
ipso tempore ab Ityraeis circumsederi. Haec tu non propter 
audaciam dicis tarn impudenter, sed, quia tantam rerum repug- 

i; nantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. Quid est enim de- 
mentius quam, cum rei publicae perniciosa arma ipse ceperis, 
obiicere alteri salutaria? At etiam quodam loco facetus esse 20 
voluisti. Quam id te, di boni, non decebat ! In quo est tua 
culpa non nulla ; aliquid enim salis a mima uxore trahere potu- 

20 isti. Cedant arma togae. Quid? turn nonne cesserunt ? 

3. Quern contra dicit. So Cicero al- difficulty to most editors. Orelli reads, with 

ways, the first use of the compound word the later MSS., sed, qui tantam rerum re- 

contradico being apparently in Livy 8. 2 pugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. 

nee contradici, quin . . . amicitia de integro Halm combines the readings, sed quia, 

reconcilietur ; while its usage with a dative qui non videas, nihil profecto sapis. In 

is wholly post- Augustan. his school edition of 1858 he substitutes 

7. Inter subsellia nostra. In the cum for qui. Baiter and Kayser adopt 

very senate house itself (see on c. 7, 15), Ernesti s reading, vides, which is simply 

where, if anywhere, freedom from violence cutting the knot. Perhaps the simplest 

might have been confidently expected. emendation is that of Frotscher, sed quia . . . 

II. Qui copulatus fuit. See Cat. 4. 7, non videns, nihil profecto sapis. I have 

15, where Cicero tells us that the knights, thought it best to retain the reading of the 

after many years of struggling with the Vatican MS., though the subjunctive after 

senate, the most prominent subject of dis- quia seems to be an anomaly. In other 

pute being the exclusive right to the iudi- passages where quia is joined with a sub- 

cium, had shown the greatest cordiality in junctive (as Lael. 4, 15 ut beate vixisse vi- 

combining with them to repress the sedition. dear, quia cum Scipione vixerim ) the reason 

13. Ityraeis. These men, whom he again which it introduces is obviously quoted as 
alludes to as barbari sagittarii in 5. 6, 1 8, existing in the mind of some one else. 
were first introduced into the Roman army 18. In quo, &c., and yet you deserve 
as archers by Caesar in his African c im- some blame for failing. The mima uxor 
paign, 47 B. C. (Bell. Afric. c. 20) ; their who should have suppl ed Antony with wit 
country, which lies on the east bank of the was Cytheris, formerly the mistress of Vo- 
Jordan, to the north-east of the sea of lumnius Eutrapelus, Fam. 9. 26, 2 ; whence 
Galilee, having been subdued by Pompey in Cicero tells us that certain municipales 
^S B C. saluted her, when travelling with Antony, 

14. Sed quia ... videas, because you as Volumnia, c. 24, 58 ; cp.^ 28, 69. 

do not sze how great an inconsistency is in- 20. Cedant arma togae. Cp. Off. 

volved. The subjunctive here has proved a I. 22, 77; where he deprecates hostile 


At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Quaeramus igitur, utrum 
melius fuerit, libertati populi Romani sceleratorum arma an 
libertatem nostram armis tuis cedere. Nee vero tibi de versibus 
plura respondebo : tantum dicam breviter, te neque illos neque 
ullas omnino litteras nosse, me nee rei publicae nee amicis um- 5 
quam defuisse, et tamen omni genere monimentorum meorum 
perfecisse ut meae vigiliae meaeque litterae et iuventuti utili- 
tatis et nomini Romano laudis aliquid afferrent. Sed haec non 
huius temporis : majpra videamus. 
9 P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. Quidnam I0 

21 homines putarent, si turn occisus esset, cum tu ilium in foro 
spectante populo Romano gladio insecutus es negotiumque 
transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas tabernae librariae coniecisset 
iisque oppilatis impetum tuum compressisset ? Quod quidem 
ego favisse me tibi feteor, suasisse ne tu quidem dicis. At r 5 
Miloni ne favere quidem potui ; prius enim rern transegit quam 
quisquam eum facturum id suspicaretur. At ego suasi. Scilicet 

is animus erat Milonis, ut prodesse rei publicae sine suasore non 
posset! At laetatus sum. Quid ergo? in tanta laetitia cunctae 

22 civitatis me unum tristem esse oportebat? Quamquam de morte 20 

criticism of the line Cedant arma togae, n. Tu ilium . . . insecutus es. This 

concedat laurea liudi. It is one of four, as we learn from c. 20, 49, was when An- 

which are all that remain to us of his epic tony was a candidate for the quaestorship, 

poem in three books, de Meis Temporibus. in 53 B.C., the year before Clodius was 

7. Perfecisse ut. Between these killed by Milo. 

words some MSS. introduce operis subse- 13. In scalas. This would be the stair- 

civis, which are wanting in the Vatican case leading from the shop on the ground 

MS. The expression would mean bits of floor to the upper room, inhabited by the 

work, done at odd times, and it is so used shopman. Cp. pro Mil. 15, 40 Cum se ille 

by Cicero, de Or. 2. 89, 364, but with an (Clodius) fugieHS in scalarum tenebris ab- 

apologetic ut aiunt, as though the meta- didisset. So the runaway slave in Horace, 

phor were then a new one ; and this is In scalis latuit metuens pendentis habenae, 

borne out by a more elaborate explanation Epp. 2. 2, 15. 

of it in the treatise de Legg. I. 3, 9. 14. Quod . . . favisse . . fateor, herein 

cc. 9, 10. Antony had laid at Cicero s door I confess I gave you the sanction of my ap- 

the death of Clodius. Cicero replies that Milo proval. Faveo seems to be here used in 

needed and allowed no aid or countenance ; its technical sense of applauding (whence 

and that he only shared the feelings of every favitores, claqueurs, Plaut. Amph. prol. 78 

patriot in rejoicing at a deed which Antony &c.) : cp. Hor. Od. 3. 24, 46 Quo clamor 

himself had once before attempted. As re- vocat et turba faventium. Cicero says that 

garded the charge of causing the quarrel in Milo s case he could only rejoice after the 

between Caesar and Pompey, Cicero had event, as he should not have presumed to 

indeed endeavoured to prevent their friend- -give him advice on the matter, and the 

ship ; and failing in this, had tried to keep affray was over too quickly to admit of any 

Pompey from violating the laws; but when one cheering him on. For the use of quod *N 

their alliance had been once completed, he limiting the extent of the action of an in- < 

used his utmost efforts to maintain harmony transitive verb, see Madv. 229. 

between them. 20. Q_uamquam . . . fuit quaestio. 

48 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. o-u. 

Clodii fuit quaestio non satis prudenter ilia quidem constituta ; 
quid enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui hominem occi- 
disset, cum esset legibus quaestio constituta? quaesitum est 
tamen : quod igitur, cum res agebatur, nemo in me dixit, id 
5 tot annis post tu es inventus qui diceres ? 

Quod vero dicere ausus es idque multis verbis, opera inea 23 
Pompeium a Caesaris amicitia esse diiunctum ob eamque 
causam culpa mea bellum civile esse natum, in eo non tu 
quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus errasti. 

EO Ego M. Bibulo, praestantissimo cive, consule nihil praetermisi, 10 
quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium a Caesaris con- 
iunctione avocarem. In quo Caesar felicior fuit ; ipse enim 
Pompeium a mea familiaritate diiunxit. Postea vero quam se 
totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit, quid ego ilium ab eo distra- 

15 here conarer? Stulti erat sperare, suadere impudentis. Duo 24 
tamen tempora inciderunt, quibus aliquid contra Caesarem 
Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim reprehendas, si potes : unum, ne 
quinquennii imperium Caesari prorpgaret, alterum, ne pateretur 
ferri ut absentis ems ratio haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis per- 

And therefore, Cicero implies, had I taken a advantage of two opportunities to advise 

prominent part in the general rejoicing, had Pompey not to strain tke laws in Caesar s 

it been supposed that I was accessory to the favour. 

deed, then was the time when such sus- 12. Ipse . . . diiunxit. In his speeches 
picions would have found vent, but then no pro Sestio, 64, 133, and in Pisonem, 31, 76, 
one asserted that I was in any way impli- Cicero attributes this estrangement to the 
cated. He entirely ignores what he himself intrigues and calumnies of Vatinius, Ga- 
had written in his speech for the occasion, binius, and Piso. As these were all the de- 
pro Mil. 1 8, 47 Scitis, indices, fuisse qui in voted adherents of Caesar, Piso being his 
hac rogatione suadenda dicerent Milonis father-in-law, they were probably merely 
manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero acting as his agents in the matter, 
maioris alicuius : me videlicet latronem ac 18. Quinquennii imperium. The 
sicarium abiecti homines et perditi describe- provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum 
bant. had been conferred on Caesar for five years, 

2. Nova lege. This was the Lex by the Lex Vatinia, in 59 B.C. To these 

Pompeia de Vi, a privilegium passed specially the senate added Gallia Transalpina, and his 

to meet the case of Milo. See on i. 7, 18. command in all three was extended, proro- 

9. Temporibus. Cicero s argument is gabatur imperium, for a further space of 

that until Caesar s power had reached such five years, in 55 B.C., by the Lex Trebonia, 

a height as to be dangerous to the state, he which received the support of the Consuls, 

did endeavour to check its growth by warn- Cn. Pompeius and M. Crassus. 

ing Pompey against him. When however 19. Ratio haberetur. This was in 

the alliance between them was cemented 53 B.C., when the senate had passed a decree 

by the marriage of Pompey with Julia, that Pompey should be sole Consul. Though 

Caesar s daughter, which took place in the Cicero here claims credit for opposing the 

consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, 59 B. C., proposal that votes should be received for 

he felt that further remonstrance would be Caesar in his absence, we learn from a letter 

both dangerous and useless ; though he still to Atticus, 7. i, 4, that he promised 

kept a watchful eye upon them, and took Caesar to exert himself in his behalf: Ut 


suasissem, in has miserias numquam incidissemus. V\ Atque idem 
ego, cum iam opes omnes et suas et populi Romani Pompeius 
ad Caesarem detulisset seroque ea sentire coepisset, quae ego 
multo ante provideram, inferrique patriae bellum viderem nefa- 
rium, pacis, concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non destiti, 5 
meaque ilia vox est nota multis : Utinam, Pompei, cum Caesare 
societatem aut numquam coisses aut numquam diremisses ! fuit 
alterum gravitatis, alterum prudentiae tuae. Haec mea, M. 
Antoni, semper et de Pompeio et de re publica consilia fuerunt : 
quae si valuissent, res publica staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, 10 
infamia concidisses. 

11 Sed haec vetera, illud vero recens, Caesarem meo consilio 
25 interfectum. Iam vereor, patres conscripti, ne, quod turpissi- 
mum est, praevaricatorem mihi apposuisse videar, qui me non 
solum meis laudibus ornaret, sed etiam alienis. Quis enim 15 
meum in ista societate gloriosissimi facti nomen audivit? cuius 
autem, qui in eo numero fuisset, nomen est occultatum ? occul- 
tatum dico ? cuius non statim divulgatum ? Citius dixerim 

illi hoc liceret (sc. ut absentis ratio haberetur, 
ne exercitum dimitteret), adiuvi, rogatus ab 
ipso Ravennae. In a letter however to A. 
Caecina, v Fam. 6. 6, 5, he says that his ad 
vocacy extended, not to urging that the leave 
should be given, but only to supporting the 
decision of the people on the matter : Ut, 
quoniam ipso consule repugnante populus 
iusserat, haberetur. 

6. Utinam, &c. Cp. the same letter 
4 Plurimi sunt testes me et initio, ne con- 
iungeret se cum Caesare, monuisse Pompeium, 
et postea, ne seiungeret : coniunctione frangi 
senatus opes, diiunctione civile bellum ex- 
citari videbam. 

8. Gravitatis, if the genuine reading, 
probably means consistency, or stead 
fastness of character ; an absence of which 
was shown by Pompey in allying himself 
with Caesar, and dissolving his connection 
with the aristocracy. The reading is how 
ever doubtful, being added by a later hand 
to supply a blank in the Vatican MS. Halm 
suggests pietatis. 

cc. i i-i 3. The last charge was that Cicero 
was the contriver of Caesar s death. This was 
something altogether new, and resting on no 
evidence. Nor were the liberators men to 
need his sanction or advice. In rejoicing at 
the tyrant s death, he agreed with every other 
loyal citizen. The actual assassins even 

Antony mentioned with respect, and this, with 
the special honours which their country granted 
them, proved them to be, not, as otherwise 
they must have been, the worst of murderers, 
but saviours of their country. To be of their 
number, could he but claim the honour, would 
be indeed a ground of pride. Though, had 
the plot been his, he would not have failed to 
carry it through, by rooting out the kingly 
power with the king. 

12. Meo consilio interfectum. Cp. 
Fam. 12. 2, I Homo amens et perditus 
. . . nullam aliam ob causam me auctorem 
fuisse Caesaris interficiendi criminatur, nisi 
ut in me veterani excitentur. 

14. Praevaricatorem, a collusive ac 
cuser, in league with the accused, to secure 
his acquittal : such as Verres sought to gain 
for himself in Q^Caecilius. The charges, he 
says, which Antony brings against him," 
although false, are such as would be most 
honourable, if true. 

15. Alienis. Some MSS. insert before 
this oneraret, introducing a play on the 
words like ex oratore arator, in 3. 9, 22. It 
is however not found in the Vatican MS., and 
the spelling varies in the others. For the 
expression laudibus onerare, we may com 
pare Livy 4. 14 Laudibus haud immeritis 

. 18. Citius, here and Brut. 67, 238, Earn 


cc. 1112. 

iactasse se aliquos, ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, cum conscii 
non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet qui fuisset. Quam 26 
veri simile porro est in tot hominibus partim obscuris, partim 
adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, meum nomen latere 
spotuisse? Etenim si auctores ad liberandam patriam deside- 
rarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego impellerem, quorum uterque 
L. Bruti imaginem quotidie videret, alter etiam Ahalae? Hi 
igitur his maioribus ab alienis potius consilium peterent quam 
a suis? et foris potius quam domo? Quid? C. Cassius, in ea 
10 familia natus. quae non modo dominatum, sed ne potentiam 
quidem cuiusquam ferre potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit : , 
qui etiam sine his clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium 
fluminis Cydni confecisset, si jjle,ad earn ripam, quam constiU 
erat, non ad contrariam naves appulisset. Cn. Domitium non 27 

ut citius veteratoriam quam oratoriam 
diceres, does not seem to be quite equivalent 
to potius/ but rather signifies it would re 
quire less time and argument to induce one 
to say, &c. 

1. Iactasse se aliquos, &c. Cp. 
Plut. Caes. 67 fvtoi 8e KOI ffvvavf@awov 
avro7s not KaTf/jii yi vffav favrovs us fterf- 
(?X r ) K <- >Tes T v epyov ftal TrpoatTroiovvro TTJV 
86/-av, wv rjv KCLL Fcuos Oieraoijios KO.I Aei/- 
rAos ^-nivO-ffp. OVTOL ptv ovv rfjS dKa^o- 
veias Si.Kr]v edwKav, vartpov viro A.VTOJVIOV 
KO.I TOV veov Kaicrapos dvaipfOfVTfs, Kal 
IJLrjdf rrjs So^s, St rjv airtOvriaKOV, diro\av- 
cavrts dm (ma TWV d\\ojv. 

2. Ut quisquam vellet. The ano 
malous construction of these words, which 
really depend on dixerim, is probably due 
to the confusion introduced by the inter 
vening clause, ut . . .viderentur/ into the 
construction of which they are attracted. 
Otherwise a verb of contrary meaning, 
were so timid, must be supplied from 
iactasse after qua n. 

4. Adolescentibus neminem occul 
tantibus, young men without discretion 
to suppress the name of any one. So Att. 
14. 22, 5, he speaks of the conspirators as 
illi iuvenes. 

6. Illis auctoribus. Madvig, Opusc. I. 
p. 164, objects that they actually perpetrated, 
and not merely advised the deed. He sug 
gests actoribus. Ernesti thinks the words 
to be a gloss. 

7. L. Bruti. See on i. 6, 13. 
Ahalae, of C. Servilius Ahala, who 

killed Sp. Maelius in 439 B.C. From him 
Servilia, the mother of M. Brutus, traced her 

descent. The allusion is to the waxen 
images or masks of those members of the 
family who had held curule offices, which 
were placed in the atrium in the houses 
of all nobiles. See Pliny N. H. 35. 2, 2. 

9. Foris, from external sources/ as in 
de Orat. 2.40, 173 Foris assumuntur ea, 
quae non sua vi sed extranea sublevantur. 1 
Hence domo, from their home resources, 
not domi/ at home. 

In ea familia. The allusion is to 
the fate of Sp. Cassius Viscellinus, the pro 
poser of the first Agrarian law, who accord 
ing to one story was put to death by his 
own father in 485 B.C., for aiming at ty 
ranny. See Liv. ii. 41. 

10. Dominatus is the regular word for 
absolute power: cp. Off. 2. i, 2 Cum 
dominatu unius omnia tenerentur neque esset 
usquam consilio aut auctoritati locus ; and 
see on Phil. I. 14, 34. 

13. Ad earn ripam, &c. This perhaps 
refers to the marshy lake formed at the 
mouth of the Cydnus, just below Tarsus (see 
Strabo 14. 5, n) ; otherwise it is not easy 
to see how Caesar s landing on the wrong 
bank of a small river like the Cydnus should 
have overthrown Cassius plans. Of the 
proposed attempt on Caesar s life we know 
nothing from other sources. 

Quam constituerat. For the omis 
sion of the preposition see Madv., 323 b. 
Obs. i. 

14. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus was 
son of L. Domitius, who was killed after 
the battle of Pharsalus by the cavalry of 
Caesar (Caes. Bell. Civ. 3.99; see c. 29, 
71), by Porcia, the sister of M. Cato Uti- 

26-29. RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 51 

patris interitus, clarissimi viri, non avunculi mors, non spoliatio 
dignitatis ad recuperandam libertatem, sed mea auctoritas exci- 
tavit - An C. Trebonio ego persuasi ? cui ne suadere quidem 
ausus essem : quo etiam maiorem ei res publica gratiam debet, 
qui libertatem populi Romani unius amicitiae praeposuit depul- 5 
sorque dominatus quam particeps esse maluit. An L. Tillius 
Cimber me est auctorem secutus ? quern ego magis fecisse illam 
rein sum admiratus, quam facturum putavi, admiratus autem ob 
earn causam, quod beneficiorum, memor patriae fuis- 
set. Quid ? duos Servilios Cascas dicam an Ahalas ? et hos 10 
auctoritate mea censes excitatos potius quam caritate rei pub- 
licae? Longum est persequi ceteros, idque rei publicae prae- 
clarum, fuisse tarn multos, ipsis gloriosum^-^ 
12 At quern ad modum me coargucrlt homo acutus recordamini. 

28 Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim cruentum alte extollens Brutus *s 
pugionem Ciceronem nominating exclamavit atque ei recupe- 
ratam libertatem est gratulatus. Cur mini potissimum? quia 
sciebam ? Vide ^ne ilia causa fuerit appellandi mei, quod, cum 
rem gessisset consimilem rebus iis, quas ipse gesseram, me potis 
simum testatus est se aemulum mearum laudium exstitisse. 20 

29 Tu autem, omnium stultissime, non intelligis, si, id quod me 
arguis, voluisse interfici Caesarem crimen sit, etiam laetatum 
esse morte Caesaris crimen esse ? Quid enim interest inter 
suasorem facti et probatorem? aut quid refert, utrum voluerim 
fieri an gaudeam factum ? | Ecquis est igitur exceptis iis, qui 25 
ilium regnare gaudebant, qui illud aut fieri noluerit aut factum 

censis. He was himself at the battle of See Madv., 348 e. Obs. i. 

Pharsalus, and remained an exile till 46 B.C., Idque rei publicae, &c., that there 

when he received the pardon of the con- were so many, does honour to the state, and 

queror, but remained in the retirement of a has conferred glory on themselves. 

private citizen. 16. Ciceronem exclamavit, shouted 

5. Unius, of Caesar, whose friendship out the name of Cicero; perhaps for the 

and confidence Trebonius enjoyed up to the reason Cicero alleges, perhaps because Cicero 

time of the assassination. The same may was now left the most powerful man in the 

be said of Cimber. cp. Fam. 6. 12, 2. state. It might also be to make the people 

7- Quern ego magis, &c., whose believe that Cicero was an accomplice in the 

antecedents gave me far less reason to sup- plot, without his really being so. 

pose that he would do the deed, than to 17. Quia. So Halm, from a conjecture 

wonder at his having done it. of Graevius. The MSS. have qui. 

10. An Ahalas, or are they not rather 20. Laudium. So the Vatican MS. 

worthy to be called Ahala ? See on 26. Cp. fraudium, Off. 3. 18, 75 ; and in Pis. 19, 

P. Servilius Casca, who aimed the first blow 44. The other MSS. have the more usual 

at the dictator, and his brother Gaius, had form laudum. 

both been among Caesar s adherents. 26. Regnare. He purposely uses the 

12. Longum est, it would be tedious. obnoxious word, to rule with kingly sway. 

E 2 

52 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 12-13. 

improbarit? Omnes ergo in culpa : etenim omnes boni, quan 
tum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, aliis 
animus, aliis occasio defuit : voluntas nemini. Sed stuporem 30 
hominis vel dicam pecudis attendite ; sic enim dixit : Brutus ? 
5 quern ego honoris causa nomino, cruentum pugionem tenens 
Ciceronem exclamavit : ex quo intelligi debet eum conscium 
fuisse. Ergo ego sceleratus appellor a te, quern tu F ispicatum 
aliquid suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem prae se pugionem tulit, is 
a te honoris causa nominatur? Esto : sit in verbis tuis hie 

TO stupor : quanto in rebus sententiisque maior ? Constitue hoc, 
consul, aliquando, Brutorum, C. Cassii, Cn. Domitii, C. Tre- 
bonii, reliquorum quam velis esse causam ; edormi crapulam, 
inquam, et exala. An faces admovendae sunt, quae excitent 
tantae causae indormientem ? Numquamne intelliges statuen-, 

J 5 dum tibi esse, utrum illi, qui istam rem gesserunt, homicidae 
sint an vindices libertatis ? Attende enim paulfsper cogitatio- 13 
nemque sobrii hominis punctum temporis suscipe. Ego, qui 31 
sum illorum, ut ipse fateor, familiaris, ut a te arguor, socius, 
nego quidquam esse medium : connteor, eos, nisi liberatores 

20 populi Romani conservatoresque rei publicae sint, plus quam 
sicarios, plus quam homicidas, plus etiam quam parricidas esse, 
si quidem est atrocius patriae parentem quam suum occidere. 
Tu homo sapiens et considerate, quid dicis ? Si parricidas, cur 

4. Pecudis, of the ass, as we should tur, id in sapientibus est solis. 

say : the use of pecus (properly a sheep ) 12. Quam velis causam. Explanatory 

referring to his intellectual rather than his of hoc, what complexion you would wish 

moral baseness. Cp. 8. 3, 9 Homines to be given to the case of the conspirators. 
agrestes, si homines illi ac non pecudes po- 13, Inquam, in other words, I bid you 

tius ; and in Pis. 9, 19 Ego istius pecudis rouse yourself from sleep. 
. . . praesidio volebam uti. An faces admovendae sunt, must 

5. Quern ego honoris causa no- we apply a lighted torch to stir up a man 
mino, whom I name with all respect, who can sleep over a question such as this. 
the usual formula when living persons were The same expression is used metaphorically 
spoken of by name, so that no special com- de Orat. 3.1,4 Verborum faces admovere. 
pliment is thereby intended. Cp. c. 44, Cp. 3. 304 Nee nimisirai fax umquam 
113 Tua minime avara coniux, quam ego subdita percit, and Quint. I. 2, 25 Id 
sine contumelia describe ; and see on i. 2, 6. nobis acriores ad studia dicendi faces subdi- 
Conventional, however, as the expression disse contenderim. Before excitent Halm 
was, it gave Cicero some ground for urging inserts [te] from a later copyist in the 
the argument that to speak of the assassin Vatican MS. It seems to be unnecessary, 
with respect was inconsistent with looking its omission leaving the clause in the form 
on the accessory as accursed. of a general sentiment, as rendered above. 

_ 8. Is. For this redundant use of is, espe- 21. Plus quam. more than can be ex- 

cially after an intervening relative clause, see pressed by the term cut-throats. See Madv., 

Madv. 489 a ; and cp. de Off. 3. 3, 13 Illud 305. Obs. 2. 
quidem honestum, quod proprie vereque dici- 23*. Parricidas. See on c. 7, 17. 




honoris causa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et apud populum Roma- 
num semper appellati? cur M. Brutus referente te legibus est 
solutus, si ab urbe plus quam decem dies afuisset ? cur ludi 
Apollinares incredibili M. Bruti honore celebrati ? cur provinciae 
Bruto et Cassio datae ? cur quaestores additi ? cur legatorum 5 
numerus auctus ? Atqui haec acta per te ; non igitur homicidas. 
Sequitur ut liberatores tuo iudicio, quando quidem tertium nihil 
32 potest esse. Quid est? num conturbo te? non enim fortasse 
satis quae diiunctius dicuntur intelligis. Sed tamen haec summa 
est conclusionis meae : quoniam scelere a te liberati sunt, ab T 
eodem amplissimis praemiis dignissimos iudicatos. Itaque iam 
retexo orationem meam. Scribam ad illos ut, si qui forte quod 
a te mihi obiectum est quaerent sitne verum, ne cui negent. 
Etenrm vereor (ne aut celatum me illis ipsis non honestum, 
aut invitatum refugisse mihi sit turpissimum. \ Quae enim res J 
umquam, pro sancte luppiter! non modo in hac urbe, sed 
in omnibus terris est gesta maior? quae gloriosior? quae 

2. Legibus solutus, from the special 
law, that is, which forbade Brutus, as prae 
tor urbanus, from being absent from the 
city more than ten nights. Such exemption 
from the obligation of a particular law could 
originally only be granted by the people : 
and so we are told by Asconius, in his 
preface to Cicero s lost oration pro C. Cor- 
nelio, that when the senate first began to 
grant such immunities, the condition was 
inserted ut de ea re ad populum ferretur, 
though by degrees first the actual reference 
to the people, and eventually even the form 
of inserting the clause, were discontinued. 

3. Ludi Apollinares. See on i. 15, 

4. Provinciae datae. According to 
the disposition of Caesar, Brutus was to have 
had the province of Macedonia, Cassius 
Syria, on the expiration of their praetorship 
in the city : but one of the first measures of 
Antony, on the 1 8th of March, had been 
to prevail on the senate to alter this arrange 
ment, giving Brutus Crete, and Cassius 
Africa. (Plut. Brut. 19; cp. Phil. n. 12, 


5. Quaestores additi. The meaning of 
this appears from what follows to be that 
an extraordinary number of qua estors and 
legates were voted to Brutus and Cassius, as 
part of the compensation for the loss of the 
more important provinces. 

9. Diiunctius. So Halm .from the 

Vatican MS. Other MSS. have distinctius, 
which is less appropriate than the technical 
word, meaning in the form of a dilemma. 
See on c. 8, 18. 

10. Ab eodem. Some MSS. insert te, 
which is quite in accordance with Cicero s 
manner: cp. pro Sest. 50, 107 Habuit de 
eodem me P. Lentulus consul contionem ; 
ib. 51, 109 De me eodem comitiis cen- 
turiatis ferebatur. Halm omits it on the 
authority of the Vatican MS. 

12. Retexo, I remodel rffy speech on 
the hypothesis that I was cognizant of the 
matter. So Matius, ap. Cic. Fam. n. 28, 
5 Me ipse retexam. Cicero has shown, 
cc. II, 12, that Antony s arguments were 
insufficient to prove his complicity ; he now 
declares that the charge, if proved against 
him, is but further testimony to his pa 

Ut . . . ne. Cp. Fam. 4. I, 2 Tre- 
batio mandavi, ut, si quid tu eum velles ad 
me mittere, ne recusaret ; ut in each case 
expressing the general final nature of the 
clause, ne resuming it with the negative, 
after a parenthesis. See Madv., 456. 

14. Celatum me, my being kept in 
ignorance. Cp. de Leg. Agr. 2. 5, 1 1 Cum 
me in eorum sermonem insinuarem, cela- 
bar, excludebar. Plutarch, Brut. 12, says 
that Cicero was not informed of the con 
spiracy from fear of his natural timidity, 
exaggerated by the cautiousness of age. 



5. 1314. 

commendatior hominum memoriae sempiternae ? In huius me 
tu consilii societatem tamquam in equum Troianum cum princi- 
pibus includis ? Non recuso ; ago etiam gratias, quoquo animo 33 
facis. Tanta enim res est, ut invidiam istam, quam tu in me 
vjs^concitarej cum laude non comparem. Quid enim beatius 
iilis, quos tu expulsos a te praedicas et relegates? qui locus 
est aut tarn desertus aut tarn inhumanus, qui illos, cum acces- 
serint, non affari atque appetere videatur ? qui homines tarn 
agrestes, qui se, cum eos adspexerint, non maximum cepisse 

10 vitae fructum putent ? quae vero tarn immemor posteritas, quae 
tarn ingratae litterae reperientur, quae eorum gloriam non im- 
mortalitatis memoria prosequantur ? Tu vero adscribe me talem 
in numerum. Sed unam reni vereor ne non probes. Si enim 14 
fuissem, non solum regem, sed etiam regnum de re publica 34 

15 sustulissem ; et, si meus stilus ille fuisset, ut dicitur, mihi crede, 
non solum unum actum, sed totam fabulam confecissem. Quam- 
quam si interfici Caesarem voluisse crimen est, vide, quaeso, 
Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quern et Narbone hoc consilium 

1. Commendatior, commends itself 
more to the recollection of mankind for all 
ages. Cp. Fam. 12. 26 Ceteris rebus 
habeas eos a me commendatissimos. Com- 
mendabilis, besides slightly differing in mean 
ing ( capable of commending itself rather 
than actually doing so), is not found earlier 
than Livy. 

2. In equum Troianum. Cp. de 
Orat. 2. 22, 94 Isocrates, cuius e ludo 
tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes 

4. Invidianv istam, I consider the 
risk of the odium which you wish to excite 
against me, as nothing in comparison with 
the chance of the praise which may await 
me. Cp. Fam. 12. 2, I Nullam aliam ob 
causam me auctorem fuisse Caesaris inter- 
ficiendi criminatur, nisi ut in me veteran! 

6. Expulsos et relegates. The 
former is the general word expressing driven 
into exile, the latter the technical term for 
exclusion from, without loss of civic 
rights. Cp. Ov. Trist. 2. 135 

Adde quod edictum quamvis immane 


Attamen in poenae nomine leve fuit. 
Quippe relegatus, non exsul dicor in illo. 

c. 14. If however killing Caesar jyg$" 
a crime, let Antony beware lest he himself 

be found to be. a sharer in it. He was 
well known to have wished it once, and now 
he was the person who had reaped the greatest 
benefit from it, so that the only thing which 
saved him from suspicion was the feeling that 
he could have had no part in so meritorious 
a deed. 

14. Fuissem, sc. in eo numero. 
Non solum regem, sed regnum. 

Abraini compares Fam. 12. I, I (a letter 
to Cassius) Ut adhuc quidem actum est, 
non regno sed rege liberati videmur ; Att. 
14. 14, 2 Sublato tyranno tyrannida manere 

15. Si meus stilus, &c. Had I been 
the author of that tragedy, I should not have 
stopped at the completion of the first act. 
The play on the word stilus/ intimated in 
the words ut dicitur, is untranslateable. 
Halm compares Hor. S. 2. I, 39 

Sed hie stilus haud petet ultro 
Quemquam animantem et me veluti 

custodiet ensis 
Vagina tectus. 

For the sentiment cp. Fam. 12.4, I Vellem 
Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses : 
reliquiarum nihil fuisset. 

18. Hoc consilium. Cp. Plut. Ant. 13 
Ton/ tyiXwv rovs iriaroiis Kara\6yovTcs 
irfpl AvTcwiov. TcDf 5e aXKuv 
TOV dvSpa Tpefiwvios dvreintv 




cum Trebonio cepisse notissimum est, et ob eius consilii socie- 
tatem, cum interficeretur Caesar, turn te a Trebonio vidimus 
sevocari. Ego autem vide quam tecum agam non inimice 
quod bene cogitasti aliquando, laudo ; quod non indicasti, gratias 

35 ago ; quod non fecisti, ignosco ; virum res ilia quaerebat. Quod , 
si te in iudicium quis adducat usurpetque illud Cassianum, cui 
bono fu ( erit, vide, quaeso, ne haereas. Quamquam illud fuk, 
ut dicebas quidem, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant, tibi 
tamen praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas, 
qui maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis liberavisti, qui per 10 
easdem tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti, ad quern 

e domo Caesaris tarn multa delata sunt, cuius domi quaestuo- 
sissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirographorum offi- 
cina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatium, vectigalium flagitro- 

36 sissimae nundinae. Etenim quae res egestati et aeri alieno tuo 15 
praeter mortem Caesaris subvenire potuisset? Nescio quid 

f(j)ri yap v(p bv \povov dirrjvTOJV l Ifiypias 
eiraviovTi Kaiaapi rov Avrojviov avatcrjv- 
OVVTOS avTw KOI avvofievovTos aif/aa9ai TTJS 
yvcj^s drpf/j-a TTOJS KOI p,tr euAa/3ei as, TUV 
8e vorjaai, ov O(aff0ai Se rty irftpav, 
ov fA.i)v ovoe irpos Kaiaapa /carfiirew, d\\a 
TucrTcDs KaTaaicuTTTJaai TOV \6yov. The 
occasion was on his return from Spain, 
after the defeat of Cn. and Sext. Pompeius, 
45 B. C. 

2. Turn . . . sevocari. Cp. Plut. Brut. 
17 TpcjSuwos irepi rds Ovpas Avrwviov 
eiriaTTa.aaiJ.ej/os Kal irpoaofJLi\wv eca Kareaxe 
and Phil. 13. 10, 23. 

4. Non indicasti. Non is wanting 
in the Vatican MS., but seems necessary to 
the sense ; though Faerni would explain it, 
I thank you for having at length shown 
your patriotism by wishing to kill the tyrant. 
In this sense indicasti would be most 

6. Cui bono fuerit? who has pro 
fited by the deed ? This saying of L. Cassius, 
the proposer of the second Lex Tabellaria 
in 137 B.C., is quoted also pro Mil. 12, 32 ; 
cp. pro Rose. Amer. 30, 84 L. Cassius 
ille, quern populus Romanus verissimum et 
sapientissimum iudicem putabat, identidem 
in causis quaerere solebat, cui bono fuisset. 
Cicero argues that Antony had derived more 
advantage than any one else from Caesar s 
death, since it removed the sole barrier 
between himself and absolute power. The 
following words, omnibus bono, tibi tamen 
praecipue, are conclusive against the old 

mistranslation of the phrase, what was the 
good of it, as though cui bono agreed 
with one another. 

7. Ne haereas, I fear lest you may find 
it embarrassing. 

Illud fuit, ut dicebas quidem. 
So Halm, from the reading of the Vatican 
MS. illud fuit, tu ut dicebas quidem. The 
common reading is illud quidem fuit, ut tu 
dicebas; from which Madvig, Opusc. I. 
p. 207, conjectures ut turn dicebas, 5 on the 
ground that while no antithesis is meant 
between the words of Antony and those of 
others, there is a contrast between his present 
and his former policy. The occasion referred 
to is probably the 1 7th of March, when 
Antony made his conciliatory speech in the 
temple of Tellus. 

10. Ad aedem Opis. See on I. 7, 17 ; 
andcp. c. 37, 93; 5. 4, u. 

11. Ad quern, &c. See Introduction to 
the first oration. 

13. Commentariorum. See on 1.1,2. 

15. Nundinae. From meaning the day 
on which markets were held, nundinae 
came to mean the place of meeting for 
traffic; cp. de Leg. Agr. 2. 33, 89 Illi 
Capuam receptaculum aratorum, nundinas 
rusticorum . . esse voluerunt; and hence the 
traffic itself, as here, and 5. 4, II Calebant 
in interiore aedium parte totius reipublicae 
nundinae. So nundinabantur, 3.4, 10. 

16. Nescio quid. For the accusative 
see on c. 9, 21. 

56 M. TULLI1 CICERO NIS cc. 14-ie. 

conturbatus esse videris : num quid subtimes ne ad te hoc 
crimen pertinere videatur? Libero te metu : nemo credet um- 
quam ; non est tuum de re publica bene merer! ;. habet istius 
pulcherrimi facti clarissimos viros res publica auctores : ego te 
5 tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. Respond! maximis 
criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis respondendum est. 

Castra mihi Pompei atque illud omne tempus obiecisti. Quo 15 
quidem tempore si, ut dixi, meum consilium auctoritasque 37 
valuisset, tu hodie egeres, nos liberi essemus, res publica non 

10 tot duces et exercitus amisisset. Fateor enim me, cum ea quae 
acciderunt providerem futura, tanta in maestitia fuisse, quanta 
ceteri optimi cives, si idem providissent, fuissent. Dolebam, 
dolebam, patres conscript!, rem publicam vestris quondam me- 
isque consiliis conservatam brevi tempore esse perituram. Nee 

1 5 vero eram tarn indoctus ignarusque rerum, ut frangerer arjimo 
propter vitae cupiditatem, quae me manens conficeret angoribus, 
dimissa molestiis omnibus liberaret. Illos ego praestaatissimos 
viros, lumina rei publicae, vivere volebam, tot consulares, tot 
praetorios, tot honestissimos senatores, omnem praeterea florem 

20 nobilitatis ac iuventutis, turn optimorum civium exercitus ; qui 
si viverent, quamvis iniqua conditione pacis mihi enim omnis 
pax cum civibus bello civili utilior videbatur rem publicam 
hodie teneremus. Quae sententia si valuisset, ac non ei maxime 38 
mihi, quorum ego vitae consulebam, spe victoriae elati obstitis- 

25 sent, ut alia omittam, tu certe numquam in hoc ordine, vel potius 

c. 15. To pass to lighter accusations. self, his father-in-law Q.. Metellus Scipio, 

And first, his conduct in the last campaign who fell in Africa shortly after the battle of 

with Pompey. He was too sad, says Thapsus, in 46 B.C., and his son Cn. 

Antony. Not too sad, surely, considering Pompeius, slain in Spain in 45 B.C. The 

the perils of the state, and the critical posi- armies referred to are probably those de- 

tion of so many noble men. He alienated feated under their respective commands at 

Pompey by his levity. Experience did not Pharsalus, Thapsus, and Munda. 
bear this out, nor his unbroken friendship 21. Mihi enim omnis pax. Cp. 7. 3, 7 

with Pompey, nor the testimony borne by Ego ilie, qui semper pacis auctor fui, 

Pompey to his merits during his final flight. cuique pax praesertim civilis. quamquam orn- 

This was the stronger proof of friendship, nibus bonis, tamen in primis fuit optabilis. 
since Cicero had been throughout opposed to 23. Quae sententia si valuisset, i.e. 

Pompey s policy, having always advocated if Caesar s terms had been accepted. These 

peace as the object to be first sought after, were that Pompey, dismissing his army and 

even at some sacrifice of dignity. his garrisons, should go to Spain, whilst 

7. Castra mihi Pompei. This was Caesar himself should resign the two pro- 

Pompey s last campaign in Epirus, where vinces of Gaul to their respective praetors, 

Cicero joined him in the summer of 49 L. Domitius and Considius Nonianus, and 

come to Rome to stand in person for the 

10. Tot duces. Notably Pompey him- consulship. See Fam. 16. 12, 3. 




numquam in hac urbe mansisses. At vero Cn. Pompei volun- 
tatem a me alienabat oratio mea. An ille quemquam plus 
dilexit? cum ullo aut sermones aut consilia contulit saepius? 
quod quidem erat magnum, de summa re publica dissentientes 
in eadem consuetudine amicitiae permanere. Ego, quid ille, et 5 
contra ille, quid ego sentirem et spectarem, videbat. Ego inco- 
lumitati civium primum, ut postea dignitati possemus, ille prae- 
senti dignitati potius consulebat. Quod autem habebat uterque 

39 quid sequeretur, idcirco tolerabilior erat nostra dissensio. Quid 
vero ille singularis vir ac paene divinus de me senserit, sciunt 10 
qui eum de Pharsalia fuga Paphum persecuti sunt. Numquam 
ab eo mentio de me nisi honorifica, nisi plena amicissimi desi- 
derii, cum me vidisse plus fateretur, se speravisse meliora. Et 
eius viri nomine me insectari audes, cuius me amicum, te sec- 

16 torem esse fateare?\Sed omittatur bellum illud, in quo tu 15 
nimium felix fuisti. Ne de iocis quidem respondebo, quibus 
me in castris usum esse dixisti. Erant quidem ilia castra plena 

i. At vero, &c. This charge of Antony 
is confirmed by Macrobius (Sat. 2. 3, 8), 
who tells us that Cicero was so free in the 
indulgence of his sarcastic humour, as to 
irritate Pompey, so that at last he exclaimed 
Cupio ad hostes Cicero transeat, ut nos 

4. Q_uod qujdem erat magnum, 
and this, it must be confessed, was no 
slight proof of mutual goodwill. Cicero 
wished to secure peace by accepting Caesar s 
conditions, Pompey to hold out for more 
honourable terms. 

9. Qjuid sequeretur, as each had a - 
definite object in view. 

II. Paphum. Valerius Maximus, I. 5, 
6, tells us that Pompey, on his way to 
Egypt, appellens ad oppidum Paphum, con- 
spexit in littore speciosum aedificium: guber- 
natoremque interrogavit, quod ei nomen 
esset : qui respond it, KaKo(3acn\fa vocari : 
quae vox spem eius, quantulacumque restabat, 
comminuit. His companions in flight were 
M. Favonius, the two Lentuli, and the king 
Deiotarus (Plut. Pomp. 77: Cic. de Div. 2. 

37, 79)- 

13. Me vidisse plus, that I had had 
the keener foresight. 

14. Sector is the term applied to one who 
bought the goods of a proscribed person 
when they were put up to auction. Partly 
from the forced nature of the sale, partly 
because the property was taken with all its 

liabilities, known and unknown, and partly 
too from the odium attaching to the pur 
chase, such property seldom realised its full 
value. In the present case Cicero tells us, 
c. 26, 44, that Antony was the only bidder. 
The word is probably derived from seco, 
the property being bought in bulk, and 
afterwards cut up into lots for purposes of 
resale. Cp. pro S. Rose. Amer. 29, 80 
Nescimus per ista tempora eosdem fere 
sectores fuisse collorum et bonorum ; and a 
similar play upon the word, ib. 36, 102 
Cum de bonis et de caede agatur, testi- 
monium dicturus est is, qui et sector est et sica- 
rius, hoc est, qui et illorum ipsorum bonorum, 
de quibus agitur, emptor atque possessor est, 
et eum hominem occidendum curavit, de 
cuius morte quaeritur. Others, with less 
likelihood, derive the word from sequor. 

17. Erant quidem. The unusual posi 
tion of quidem/ attached to the verb 
instead of the pronoun, is owing to the fact 
that the opposition lies, not between two 
attributes of the camp, but between the 
expected and actual consequences of its 
anxiety. It is true the camp was full of 
care (and might therefore have been expected 
to be gloomy), but men, so long as they 
are men, relax at times even amid the 
greatest perplexities. 

Plena curae. Very different is the 
account given of that camp by Caesar, B.C. 
3. 91, I In castris Pompeii videre licuit 


cc. 1617. 

curae ; verum tamen homines quamvis in turbidis rebus sint, 
tamen, si modo homines sunt, interdum animis relaxantur. Quod 40 
autem idem maestitiam meam reprehendit, idem iocum, magno 
argumento est me in utroque fuisse moderatum. 

Hereditatem mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum verun* 
crimen esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent. Sed qu: 
istuc tibi venit in mentem? ego enim amplius sestertium ducen- 
tiens acceptum hereditatibus rettuli. Quamquam in hoc genere 
fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo nisi amicus fecit heredem, 
ut cum illo commodo, si quod erat, animi quidam dolor iunge- 
retur : te is, quern tu vidisti numquam, L. Rubrius Casinas fecit 
heredem. Et quidem vide, quam te amarit is, qui albus aterne 4i 
fuerit ignoras. Fratris filium praeteriit, Q. Fufii, honestissimi 
equitis Romani suique amicissimi, quem palam heredem semper 

trichilas structas, magnum argenti pondus 
expositum, multa praeterea quae nimiam 
luxuriam et victoriae fiduciam designarent, 
ut facile aestimari posset, nihil eos de eventu 
eius diei timuisse, qui non necessarias con- 
quirerent voluptatcs. 

4. In utroque. Plutarch, Cic. 38, 
talks of him as dye\aaros del irepiiuv \v 
TO> ffTparoTTeSy KOLI atcvOpoJirbs, erepois 5^ 

c. 1 6. The last named accusations contra 
dicted one another. The mxt was simply 
false, that no one ever had left legacies 
to Cicero. It was true indeed that of the 
twenty million sesterces he had so received, 
none had ever come to him except from 
men he knew, whereas Antony was fortunate 
enough to find him<elf /he heir of perfect 

5. Negasti : as a proof of his un 
popularity. It was a mark of disrespect if 
a man was passed over in a friend s will. 
Abrami compares Plut. Pomp. 15 iSTyAcucre 
5e /iaAicrra SuAAas, on Trpos TLofAirfjiov ovtt 

erepois yap (pikois Scapeas diroXnTWV Kal TOV 
TTUidus dirob(ias (Trnpunovs TOV Uoftirrjiov 

O\QJS Traprj\0fv ; and the will of Julia, Tac. 
Ann. 3. 76 Testamentum multo apud vul- 
gum honore fuit, quia in magnis opibus, 
cum ferme cunc^os proceres cum h onore 
nominavisset, Caesarem omisit, quod civiliter 
acceptum. Among the legacies which Cicero 
had received, we hear of one from Cyrus 
the architect, pro Mil. 18, 48, and one of 
ten million sesterces from Diodotus the Stoic, 
Att. 2. 20, 6. 

7. Ducentiens, &c., centena millia/ 

twenty million sesterces, nearly i8o,ooo/. of 
our money. 

8. Acceptum rettuli, I entered to 
the credit of inheritances; see on c. 6, 12. 

11. L. Rubrius of Casinum is not known 
from any other source. 

Fecit heredem. Madvig, Opusc. I. 
p. 165, thinks that these words should be 
expunged, as being redundant, and weaken 
ing the sentence by transferring its emphasis 
from the antithetical words te is to the 
end. He is followed by Baiter and Kayser, 
but Halm maintains the words on the 
authority of all the MSS. 

12. Albus aterne fuerit, the very 
colour of whose complexion you do not 
know. Cp. Catull. 93 

Nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi velle 


Nee scire utrum sis ater an albus homo. 
The MSS. vary between fuerit and fueris, 
ignoras and ignoran?, whence Orelli 
reads fueris ignorans, fratris filium prae 
teriit, when, without even knowing the 
colour of your hair, he passed over his 
nephew in your favour. 

13. Q^ Fufii, sc. filium.\ So Halm, 
following the Vatican MS. He says, no- 
minat Cicero duos filio?, alterum fratris 
L. Rubrii, alterum amicissimi eius Q._ Fufii, 
quos ambos ab eo, ut Antonio gratificaretur, 
praeteritos esse conqueritur. Another read 
ing is ne nomen quidem perscripsit, making 
Fufius himself the disappointed heir. Faerni, 
with the same object, suggested, meminit. 
Heusinger. wished to expunge the doubtful 
words, making Q^ Fufius to be the brother 
of L. Rubrius. 




factitarat, ne nominat quidem : te, quem numquam viderat aut 
certe numquam salutaverat, fecit heredem. Velim mihi dicas, 
nisi molestum est, L. Turselius qua facie fuerit, qua statura, quo 
municipio, qua tribu. Nihil scio inquies nisi quae praedia 
habuerit. Igitur fratrem exheredans te faciebat heredem. In 5 
multas praeterea pecunias alienissimorum hominum vi eiectis 

42 veris heredibus, tamquam heres esset, invasit. Quamquam 
hoc maxime admiratus sum, mentionem te hereditatum ausum 
esse facere, cum ipse hereditatem patris non adisses.^ 

17 Haec ut colligeres, homo amentissime, tot dies in aliena villa ic 
declamasti? quamquam tu quidem, ut tui familiarissimi dicti- 
tant, vini exalandi, non ingenii acuendi causa declamas. At 
vero adhibes ioci causa magistrum, suffragio tuo et compotorum 
tuorum rhetorem, cui concessisti ut in te quae vellet diceret, sal- 
sum omnino hominem, sed materia facilis est in te et in tuos 15 
dicta dicere. Vide autem quid intersit inter te et avum tuum. 

2. Salutaverat, had never visited. 
Cp. Att. 13. 9, i Venit paullo post Curtius, 
salutandi causa, sed mansit invitatus. 

5. Igitur, this then was the reason, 
merely because you knew about his pro 

Faciebat, he was willing, as you say, 
to leave his property to you. 

In multas pecunias invasit cp. 
pro Rose. Amer. 2, 6 Quoniam in alienam 
pecuniam tarn plenam atque praeclaram 
nullo iure invaserit. Multae pecuniae 
are many sums of money : cp. Verr. Act. 
2 - 3- 73 I 7 I Ut praetor pecunias (the 
several sums of money) quas civitatibus 
distribuere debeat, eas omnes avertat atque 

9. Non adisses, had not entered on 
the estate of your father. Hereditatem 
adire or cernere was the technical term 
for taking possession of a property be 
queathed to one. Heredes necessarii (slaves 
and children in manu testatoris ), were 
bound to accept a bequest, unless the praetor 
exempted them on the ground of its being 
encumbered. Hence it is doubtful whether 
Cicero means here that Antony was dis 
inherited, or that he found the estate so 
burdened with debt, that he was allowed 
to relinquish it, and give it up for sale to 
pay the debts. The latter is rendered more 
probable by c. 1 8, 44; and Sallust, Fragm. 
3. 65, says that M. Antonius, the father, 
was perdundae pecuniae genitus. 

c. 1 7. In concluding the refutation of the 
charges brought against him, Cicero takes 
occasion to point out the failure of Antony s 
attempts at learning rhetoric ; and rebukes 
his criminal folly in giving his unsuccessful 
tutor such extravagant remuneration from 
the public lands. 

10. In aliena villa. In Scipio s villa 
at Tibur: cp. 5. 7, 19. 

14. Rhetorem. Sex. Clodius, of Sicily 
(not to be confounded with Sex. Clodius, the 
tool of P. Clodius, see on I. I, 3), was noted 
for his wit, which is acknowledged by 
Cicero himself, Att. 4. 15, 2 Vereor ne 
lepore te suo detineat diutius rhetor Clo 
dius. He mentions him again in con 
temptuous terms, 3. 9, 22. 

Quae vellet. Plutarch says of Antony, 
c. 24 dvTiffKwipai frjv real di>0v&piaai KCLI 
ye\wfj.vos oi>x TJTTOV fj ye\wv e xatpe. 

15. Omnino, certainly, it must be 

16. Dicta, sharp sayings, dicteria, 
like the French mots Cp. de Orat. 2. 54 
222 Haec scilicet bona dicta, quae salsa 
sint ; nam ea dicta appellantur proprio iam 
nornine. Hence the use of the cognate accu 
sative, usually only found with the addition 
of an adjective or pronoun, dicta contain 
ing in itself the requisite additional idea. 
See Madv., 224. Obs. 4. 

Avum, the famous orator, M. An 
tonius. For his cautious, deliberate style of 
speaking, sensirn, cp. de Orat. 3. 9, 32 



Ille sensim dicebat, quod causae prodesset : tu cursim dicis 
aliena. At quanta merces rhetori data est ! Audite, audite, 43 
patres conscript!, et cognoscite rei publicae vulnera. Duo milia 
iugerum campi Leontini Sex. Clodio rhetori assignasti et qui- 
5 dem immunia, ut populi Romani tanta mercede nihil sapere 
disceres. Num etiam hoc, homo audacissime, ex Caesaris com- 
mentariis ? Sed dicam alio loco et de Leontino agro et de 
Campano, quos iste agros ereptos rei publicae turpissimis pos- 
sessoribus inquinavit. lam enim, quoniam criminibus eius satis 

J respondi, de ipso emendatore et correctore nostro quaedam di- 
cenda sunt. Nee enim omnia effundam, ut, si saepius decer- 
tandum sit, ut erit, semper novus veniam : quam facultatem 
mini multitude istius vitiorum peccatorumque largitur. 

Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero ? Sic, opinor ; a principio 18 

15 ordiamur. Tenesne memoria praetextatum te decoxisse? Patris, 44 
inquies, ista culpa est. Concede ; etenim est pietatis plena 
defensio. Illud tamen audaciae tuae, quod sedisti in quattu- 

Videtisne, genus hoc quod sit Antonii? 
forte, vehemens, commotum in agendo, prae- 
munitum et ex omni parte causae saeptum, 
acre, acutum, enucleatum, in una quaque 
re commorans? &c. ; ib. 2. 73, 296 Ego 
mehercule, inquit (Caesar), Antoni, semper 
is fui, qui de te oratore sic praedicarem, 
unum te in dicendo mihi videri tectissimum, 
propriumque hoc esse laudis tuae nihil a 
te umquam esse dictum, quod obesset ei, 
pro quo diceres. 

2. Aliena, all that can do it injury. 

4. Iugerum, as nummum/ ampho- 
rum, medimnum, and other genitives in 
common use as measures. See on 5. 3, 8. 

Campi Leontini : cp. c. 39, 101. The 
state domains of Leontini were almost en 
tirely in the hands of foreign possessors, 
either Roman citizens, or natives of other 
states in Sicily: see Verr. Act. 2. 2. 46, 109 
In agro Leontino praeter unam Mnasistrati 
familiam glebam Leontinorum possidet 

5. Immunia. Under ordinary circum 
stances land thus held would have paid one 
tenth of the produce, decumae, to the state. 
Clodius held his rent free, so that the Roman 
people was doubly defrauded, first, in not 
being able to assign its land to a more 
worthy occupant, and secondly, in losing its 
rent. Hence Pop. Rom. tanta mercede. 

Nihil sapere. See on c. 3, 8. 

7. Alio loco. See c. 39, 101. 

10. De ipso emendatore et cor 
rectore, our would-be schoolmaster and 
reformer/ So Pliny Pan. 6 Corrector 
emendatorque disciplinae castrorum. Fur- 
naletti refers to Bentley on Hor. Epp, i. 15, 
37 eipcaviKws et invidiose corrector dicitur, 
qui alios castigat ipse eiusdem culpae reus. 

c. 18. Turning to review the life of Antony, 
Cicero exposes the extravagance, impudence, 
and profligacy of his boyhood, whereby he 
brought disgrace, not only on himself, but on 
C. Curio, his nobler though misguided part 
ner in debauchery. 

15. Praetextatum, while still a boy, 
before changing the dress of boyhood for 
that of manhood. Cp. Livy 22. 57 De- 
lectu edicto, iuniores ab annis septemdecim, 
et quosdam praetextatos scribunt. 

Decoxisse, were a bankrupt, a 
meaning gained from the sense of boiling 
down to nothing. Cp. Pliny N. H. 33. 10, 
47 Q]?i primus acceperit cognomen divitis, 
decoxisse creditoribus suis. Antony s apo 
logy renders it probable that this bankruptcy 
consisted in the renunciation of his father s 
estate, see on c. 16, 41. 

16. Concede. Your very dutiful apo 
logy is valid, as excusing your poverty, but 
it does not justify your breaking the law, 
which takes cognizance only of a man s 
position, not of the causes of it. 


ordecim ordinibus, cum esset lege Roscia decoctoribus certus 
locus, quamvis quis fortunae vitio, non suo decoxisset Sump- 
sisti virilem, quam statim muliebrem togam reddidisti. Primo 
vulgare scortum ; certa flagitii merces nee ea parva ; sed cito 
Curio intervenit, qui te a meretricio quaestu abduxit et, tarn- 5 
quam stolam dedisset, in matrimonio stabili et certo collocavit. 

45 Nemo umquam puer emptus libidinis causa tarn fuit in domini 
potestate quam tu in Curionis. Quotiens te pater eius domu sua 
eiecit? quotiens custodes posuit, ne limen intrares? cum tu 
tamen nocte socia, hortante libidine, cogente mercede per tegu- 10 
las demitterere. Quae flagitia domus ilia diutius ferre non 
potuit. Scisne me de rebus mihi notissimis dicere ? Recordare 
tempus illud, cum pater Curio maerens iacebat in lecto ; films 
se ad pedes meos prosternens lacrimans te mihi commendabat ; 
orabat ut se contra suum patrem, si sestertium sexagiens pete- 15 
ret, defenderem : tantum enim se pro te intercessisse dicebat. 
Ipse autem amore ardens confirmavit, quod desiderium tui dis- 

46 cidii ferre non posset, se in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego 
quanta mala florentissimae familiae sedavi vel potius sustuli ! 

I. Lege Roscia, the law of L. Ros- the climax, nox socia est, hortatur libido, 

cius Otho, 67 B.C., assigning the fourteen merces cogit. 

rows of seats immediately behind the or- Per tegulas. Cp. Ter. Eun. 3. 5, 40 

chestra to the equites. Cp. Hor. Epod. 4, 15 Deum sese in pretium convertisse, atque 

L Sedilibusque magnus in primis eques in alienas tegulas 

Othone contempto sedet. Venisse clanculum per impluvium, fucum 

3. Togam. Some MSS. stolam, but factum mulieri ; 

this loses the whole point of Cicero s sar- where impluvium is used for the aperture 

casm, the stola being the dress of Roman in the roof, usually compluvium. 

matrons, to which he says that Antony had n. Demitterere. So Halm, following 

no right until his marriage with Curio. Cp. Ferrarius, for the MS. reading dimitterere. 

c. 20, 50 Ut viri tui similis esses. The 15. Orabat, &c. The younger Curio had 

toga was worn by courtezans and freed- become security for Antony to the amount 

women. Cp. Hor. S. I. 2, 62 Quid interest of six millions of sesterces (53,1257.) which 

in matrona, ancilla peccesve togata ; and he was called upon to pay, and thus obliged 

Ovid Ep. de Pont. 3, 3 to ask his father for them, and so he begs 

Scripsimus haec illis, quarum nee vitta Cicero to stand between him and his father s 

pudicas anger. If we follow the reading, te contra, 

Attingit crines, nee stola longa pedes." found in some MSS., the subject of peteret 

8. Domu. Some MSS. have domo, but will be pater, the father demanding repay- 

domu is the reading of the Vatican MS., ment from Antony of the sum which his son 

and also of the best MS. of Verr. Act. 2. 5. had lost on his account. 

49, 128 Domu sua tota expilata. The 16. Intercedere, to become security. 

form is also found in the Praenestine Kal- Cp. Att. 6. I, 5 Quasi calcar adrnovet, in- 

endar (Orelli, Inscript. Lat. 2. p. 388), IN tercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam. 

DOMV IMP. CAESARIS, and it is quoted Cicero s friendship for the elder Curio 

by Garatonius as a reading in Pliny Ep. 10. showed itself by continued interest in 

76. the son, in spite of his profligacy and 

IO. Cogente mercede. Abrami notices extravagance, as we find in the letters 

62 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 19 20. 

Patri persuasi ut aes alienum filii dissolveret, redimeret adole- 
scentem, summa spe et animi et ingenii praeditum, rei familiaris 
facultatibus, eumque non modo tua familiaritate, sed etiam con- 
gressione patrio iure et potestate prohiberet. Haec tu cum 
5 per me acta meminisses, nisi illis, quos videmus, gladiis confi- 
deres, maledictis me provocare ausus esses ? Sed iam stupra 19 
et flagitia omittamus : sunt quaedam, quae honeste non possum 47 
dicere, tu autem eo liberior, quod ea in te admisisti, quae a 
verecundo inimico audire non posses. Sed reliquum vitae cursum 

J o videte, quern quidem celeriter perstringam. Ad haec enim, quae 
in civili bello, in maximis rei publicae miseriis fecit, et ad ea, 
quae quotidie facit, festinat animus. Quae peto ut, quamquam 
multo notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, tamen, ut facitis, attente 
audiatis : debet enim talibus in rebus excitare animos non cog- 

15 nitio solum rerum, sed etiam recordatio : etsi incidamus, opinor, 
media, ne nimis sero ad extrema v-eniamus. 

Intimus erat in tribunatu Clodio, qui sua erga me beneficia 48 
commemorat ; eius omnium incendiorum fax, cuius etiam domi 
iam turn quiddam molitus est. Quid dicam ipse optime intel- 

20 ligit. Inde iter Alexandream contra senatus auctoritatem, contra 
rem publicam et religiones : sed habebat ducem Gabinium, 
quicum quidvis rectissime facere posset. Qui turn inde reditus 

to him. Fam. 2. 1-7. He may also have 18. Incendiorum fax, perhaps meta- 

hoped to turn to use his great powers of phorically the firebrand that set alight the 

oratory, which, however, Caesar attached to fire of all his treason, cp. de Dom. 5, 13 

his side by paying all his debts, 50 B.C. Ne in hanc tantam materiem seditionis ista 

I. Redimeret, &c., employ his for- funesta fax adhaeresceret : though Cicero 

tune to ransom so promising a youth from often charges P. Clodius and his satellites 

slavery to Antony. with actual incendiarism, cp. ib. 24, 62 ; 

5. Quos videmus; as though he were pro Gael. 32, 78. Clodius was tribune in 58 

delivering the speech in the presence of B.C. 

Antony s body-guard of mercenaries. See 19. Quiddam. What this was we have 

on c. 8, 19. no means of knowing, but from his after- 

c. 19. His entry into public life was as the wards marrying Fulvia, the wife of Clodius, 

friend and tool of Clodius. Next he was Manutius supposes that a reference is made 

found, under the respectable patronage of to an intrigue with her. 
Gabinius, travelling to all corners of the 2O. Iter Alexandream. See on c. 30, 

world, to find himself on his return to Italy 76. The journey was made in 56 B.C., when 

the only citizen without a home. Antony combined with A. Gabinius to rein- 

8. P^o liberior, you allow yourself state Ptolemy Auletes on his throne, in oppo- 

more licence of speech, because you know sition to a decree of the senate, and an oracle 

how my tongue is tied in answering you. of the Sibyl, which forbade that he should be 

15. Incidamus, let us cut short the restored cum multitudine (ad Q.. Frat. 2. 

middle of the story. Cp. Livy 32. 37 Lon- 2,3). 

giorem exorsis orationem, brevis interrogatio 22. Quicum, See Madv., 86. Obs. 2. 

sermonem incidit. For opinor some MSS. Cicero was especially bitter against Gabinius, 

have oportet. as being the author of his exile. 



aut qualis? prius in ultimam Galliam ex Aegypto quam domum. 
Quae autem domus ? suam enim quisque domum turn obtinebat, 
nee erat usquam tua. Domum dico ? quid erat in terris, ubi 
in tuo pedem poneres praeter unum Misenum, quod cum sociis 
20 tamquam Sisaponem tenebas ? Venis e Gallia ad quaesturam 5 
49 petendam. Aude dicere te prius ad parentem tuum venisse 
quam ad me. Acceperam iam ante Caesaris litteras, ut mihi 
satis fieri paterer a te : itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus 
de gratia. Postea sum cultus a te, tu a me observatus in peti- 
tione quaesturae. / Quo quidem tempore P. Clodium approbante 10 

\ . 

1. In ultimam Galliam, to join Caesar, 
who had then just returned from Britain. 

2. Quae autem domus? The later 
copyist in the Vatican MS. and some other 
MSS. insert erat, but the omission of the 
verb is common in short exclamatory ques 
tions. Cp. c. 17, 43 Num etiam hoc ex 
Caesaris commentariis ? c. 29, 74 Tarn 
bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito? 

3. Nee erat usquam tua. The time 
had not come for Antony to acquire a house, 
since that was only to be done through the 
aid of confiscations. 

5. Sisaponem. Probably the true ex 
planation of this comparison is that given 
by Turnebus, quoted by Abrami. He refers 
it ad miniaria metalla Sisaponensium, quae 
societates publicanorum exercebant : dicit 
enim, Antonium non unum possessorem 
Miseni fuisse, sed possessionis socios habere 
multos* Turn. Adv. 10. 12. He only 
held it in partnership with his creditors. 
Cp. c. 29, 73. That a company of publi- 
cani worked the cinnabar mines at Sisapo, in 
Hispania Baetica, is told us by Pliny N. H. 
33. 7, 40. Abrami himself thinks that as 
the fumes of cinnabar were unwholesome, 
so the villa of Antony was exposed ad 
ventum horribilem et pestilentem, viz. the 
exactions of his creditors. He compares 
Catullus 26 

Furi, villula nosrta non ad Austri 
Flatus opposita est, nee ad Favoni, 
Nee saevi Boreae, aut Apeliotae, 
Verum ad milia quindecim ac ducentos. 
O ventum horribilem atque pestilentem. 
5. Venis. So Halm, from the Vatican 
reading venisse Gallia. Other MSS. have 
venisti Galliam, whence the common read 
ing venisti e Gallia. Antony was elected 
quaestor for the year 52 B.C. 

c. 20. As candidate for the qnaestorship, 
Antony sought, and readily obtained, the 

countenance and aid of Cicero ; in gratitude 
for which, as he alleged, he tried to take the 
life of Clodius. So soon as he obtained the 
quaestor ship, he "hurried to the camp of Caesar, 
as the best resort for ruined profligates. 

6. Ad parentem tuum. So the 
Vatican and other MSS., but as his father 
and his stepfather, P. Lentulus, both were 
dead, his only parent was Julia. Charisius, 
indeed (i. 76), quotes instances of parens 
in the masculine being used for mother, but 
in the only one which we can verify (Virg. 
Ae. 3. 341) against the authority of all 
existing MSS. The others are a fragment of 
Pacuvius, Te, sol, invoco, ut mihi potesta- 
tem duis Inquirendi mei parentis : and of an 
epistle of Gracchus, tuus parens sum, h. e. 
mater. Still as ad parentem here is 
merely equivalent to to your home, as we 
might say to your father s house, the mas 
culine gender is perhaps defensible. An 
obvious emendation is tuam, suggested by 
Buchanan. Halm reads turn, from a conjec 
ture of Frotscher. The remaining MSS. have 
patrem tuum, whence we have conjectures 
patruum tuum (though his uncle C. Antonius 
was then in exile), matrem tuam, and ama- 
torem tuum, with reference to C. Curio. 

7. Ut mihi satis fieri, &c., that I 
would accept your overtures of reconcilia 
tion; the main ground of offence being 
probably the friendship of Antony with 
P. Clodius. 

9. Observatus, countenanced. Cp. 
pro Mur. 34, 70 A quibus (senatoribus et 
equitibus) si domus nostra celebratur, si in- 
terdum ad forum deducimur, si uno basilicae 
spatio honestamur, diligenter observari vide- 
mur et coli. The Vatican reading ovatus 
is manifestly corrupt, and has given rise to 
the conjectures ornatus, adiutus, comi- 
tatus, sublevatus, but observatus is the 
reading of all the other MSS. 


6 4 


cc. 2022. 

populo Romano in foro es conatus occidere, cumque earn rem 
tua sponte conarere, non impulsu meo, tamen ita praedicabas, 
te non existimare, nisi ilium interfecisses, umquam mihi pro 
tuis in me iniuriis satis esse facturum. In quo demiror, cur 
5 Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, cum te ultro mihi 
idem illud deferentem numquam sim adhortatus. Quamquam, si 

- in eo perseverares, ad tuam gloriami [rem illam referri malebam 
quam ad meam gratiam. Quaestor es factus : deinde continue 50 
sine senatus consulto, sine sorte, sine lege ad Caesarem cucur- 

10 risti ; id enim unum in terris egestatis, aeris alieni, nequitiae 
perditis vitae rationibus perfugium esse ducebas. Ibi te cum 
et illius largitionibus et tuis rapinis explevisses, si hoc est 
explere quod statim effundas, advolasti egens ad tribunatum, 
ut in eo magistratu, si posses, viri tui similis esses. 

15 Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae ipse in se atque in domes- 21 
ticum decus impure et intemperanter, sed quae in nos fortu- 
nasque nostras, id est in universam rem publicam, impie ac 

i. Conatus es. See on c. 9, 21. 

6. Quamquam, &c. The train of 
thought seems to be I did not encourage you, 
because I saw your want of perseverance. 
And yet, under any circumstances, even if you 
were to persevere, I thought it better that 
you should have the whole credit of the 
matter. Hence the conjecture of Manutius, 
quoniam for quamquam, is unnecessary. 

9. Sine sorte. Cp. Att. 6. 6, 4 Pom- 
peius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q._ Cas- 
sium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium. 
The regular mode of apportioning the 
several quaestorships was by lot, though 
sometimes the senate gave a general some 
particular quaestor by decree, as C. Laelius 
to P. Scipio, 202 B.C. (Livy 30. 33) ; and 
sometimes, as this passage seems to show, 
the people passed a special law for the purpose; 
similar to those by which they assigned ex 
traordinary provinces to proconsuls. 

II. Perfugium. See below, c. 32, 78; 
Gael. ap. Cic. Fam. 8. 14, 3 Video ad 
Caesarem omnes, qui cum timore aut mala 
spe vivant, accessuros. 

13. Explere. Halm marks here a la 
cuna, which is variously supplied, haurire, 
devorare, ingerere, corripere. The 
sense may be, however, if we may apply 
the word "explere" to that which you 
immediately intend disgorging. Garatonius 
compares pro Rab. Post. 16, 44 Ex qua 
(diguitate) illi nihil detrahi potest quod non 

aut fortiter ferat aut facile restituat. 

14. Viri tui, Curio. See on c. 18, 44. 

cc. 21, 22. In his tribuneship, he persisted 
in thwarting by his veto the counsels of the 
senate for the common weal, till they were 
obliged, in self-defence, to stop his inter 
ference by declaring him a public enemy. 
Again he fled to C. Caesar, and gave him 
the excuse he sought for the invasion of his 
country, on the ground that the tribunes^ 
privileges had been violated. Thus Antony 
was the immediate cause of all the evils of the 
civil war, and of the loss, by death or banish 
ment, of so many noble citizens; the final 
issue being loss of liberty to the senate and 
the state. 

16. Decus. This reading is due to Mad- 
vig, who shows (Opusc. i. p. 166; 2. p. 
322) not only that in must have the same 
meaning with both accusatives, so that 
here in dedecus could only mean to the 
detriment of his dishonour, which is absurd, 
but also that such an expression as in 
dedecus/ to his dishonour, so as to bring 
dishonour on himself, is never used by any 
prose writer till after the Augustan period, 
though it occurs in poetry, as Hor. Epod. 
J 7. 63 

Ingrata misero vita ducenda est, in hoc, 

Novis ut usque suppetas doloribus: 
and in later prose, especially in the time of 
Seneca. The mistake would easily arise 
from doubling the syllable. 

50-52. OR AT 10 PHI LIP PIC A II. 65 

nefarie fecerit : ab huius enim scelere omnium malorum prin- 

51 cipium natum reperietis. Nam cum L. Lentulo C. Marcello 

consulibus Kalendis lanuariis labentem et prope cadentem rem 
... V4*fA^ ,. . . ~> ~ . . 

publicam Tulcire cuperetis, ipsique C. Caesan, si sana mente 

esset, consulere velletis : turn iste venditum atque emancipatum 5 
tribunatum consiliis vestris opposuit cervicesque suas ei subiecit 
securi, qua multi minoribus in peccatis occiderunt. In te, M. 
Antoni, id decrevit senatus et quidem incolumis, nondum tot 
luminibus exstinctis, quod in hostem togatum decerni est soli- 
turn more maiorum. Et tu apud patres conscriptos contra me 10 
dicere ausus es, cum ab hoc ordine ego conservator essem, tu 
hostis rei publicae iudicatus ? Commemoratio illius tui sceleris 
intermissa est, non memoria deleta. Dum genus hominum, dum 
populi Romani nomen exstabit quod quidem erit, si per te 
licebit, sempiternum, tua ilia pestifera intercessio nominabi- 15 

52 tur. Quid cupide a senatu, quid temere fiebat, cum tu unus 
adolescens universum ordinem decernere de salute rei publicae 
promouisti, neque semel, sed saepius ? neque tu tecum de sena 
tus auctoritate agi passus es ? Quid autem agebatur, nisi ne 
deleri et everti rem publicam funditus_ velles, cum te neque 20 

2. L. Lentulo, C. Marcello, in 49 6. Cervices. It is noticeable that 

B.C.. the year of Antony s tribuneship, and Cicero nowhere uses the word cervix in 

of the commencement of the civil war the singular. 
between Caesar and Pompey. 9. In hostem togatum, so as to give 

4. Si sana mente esset, had he the ConsuiS power of life and death within 
been willing, that is, to show himself a the city walls. 

loyal citizen/ See c. 35, 88 note. The n. Conservator. See on c. I, 2. 

senate passed a decree on the 1st of 15. Sempiternum. See Virg. Ae. I ft 

January, that Caesar should disband his 278 

army, or be held a public enemy. Antony Hie ego nee metas rerum nee tempora 

and his colleague, Q. Cassius Longinus, pono ; 

interposed their vetos, which the senate Imperium sine fine dedi. 

disregarded, declaring that in doing so the Hence Tibullus, Aeternae urbis moenia, 2. 

tribunes violated the interests of the state. 5, 23. 

Finding themselves expelled from the senate 16. Unus adolescens. Cicero conve- 

on the 6th of January, and feeling that the niently ignores the co-operation of Q. Cas- 

absolute power given to the Consuls was sius, and exaggerates the youth of Antony, 

aimed especially against them, they fled who, being now 34, could no longer be 

from Rome and joined Caesar at Ravenna. reckoned among adolescentes. See on c. 

(Caes. B. C. I. 5, 4: Liv. Epit. lib. 109.) 44, 113. 

5. Emancipatum, transferred from 18. Neque tu tecum, &c., nor would 
his own authority to that of Caesar, his you allow the opening of any negotiations 
own loss of power being the idea more pro- with yourself abont upholding the authority 
minently brought forward. So de Fin. I. 7, of the senate, though all that was sought 
24 Filium in adoptionem D. Silano emanci- was that you should consent not utterly 
paverat; but Cat. Mai. 1 1, 38 Senectus ho- to destroy the state : ne velles, that you 
nesta est, . . si nemini mancipata est, stress would not exert your sovereign will and 
being laid on the slavery which is the result. pleasure. 


66 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 21-23. 

principes civitatis rogando neque maiores natu monendo neque r3 
frequens senatus agendo de vendita atque addicta senteritia 
movere potuit? Turn illud multis rebus ante tentatis necessario 
tibi vulnus inflictum est, quod paucis ante te, quorum incolumis 
5 fuit nemo : turn contra te dedit arma hie ordo consulibus reli- 
quisque imperils et potestatibus : quae non effugisses, nisi te ad 
arma Caesaris contulisses. Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps 22 
C. Caesari omnia perturbare cupienti causam belli contra patriam 53 
inferendi dedisti. Quid enim aliud ille dicebat? quam causam 

10 sui dementissimi consilii et facti afferebat, nisi quod intercessio 
neglecta, ius tribunicium sublatum, circumscriptus a senatu csset 
Antonius? Omitto quam haec falsa, quam levia, praesertim 
cum omnino nulla causa iusta cuiquam esse possit contra patriam 
arma capiendi. Sed nihil de Caesare : tibi certe confitendum 

15 est causam perniciosissimi belli persona tua constitisse. O mise- 54 
rum te, si haec intelligis, miseriorem, si non intelligis, hoc litteris 
mandari, hoc memoriae prodi, huius rei ne posteritatem quidem 
omnium saeculorum umquam immemorem fore, consulcs ex 
Italia expulsos cumque iis Cn. Pompeium, quod imperil populi 

.20 Romani decus ac lumen fuit, omnes consulares, qui per valetu- 

2. Agendo, by its attempted nego- evrrpfTifj rov Tro\f/j.ov 

tiations, rather than by the severity of its u. Ius tribunicium sublatum, not 

measures. only by ignoring their veto, but by threat- 

Addicta, given over to the highest cning the sanctity of their persons. Cp. 

bidder: cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 63, 148 Si Livy 2. 33; Dionys. 7. 17. 

doceo al : quanto pluris potuisse vendere neque Circumscriptus, hampered in the 

iis voluisse te addicere, qui contra Apronium exercise of his power. Cp. 13. 9, 19 Pa- 

Hcerentnr. rata de circumscribendo adolescente sententia 

4. Vulnus, viz. the decree, dent consularis; and pro Mil. 33, 88 Senatus, 

operam consules, praetores, tribuni plebis, credo, praetorem eum circumscripsisset, 

quique consulares sunt ad urbem (these would have fenced in Clodius, so that he 

being " reliqua imperia"), ne quid res should not exceed his powers. 

publica detriment! capiat Caes. B. C. I. 15. Persona tua. So the Vatican MS. 

5 3; C P- Fam. 16. II, 3. This power, Cp. 3. 8, 19 cum eo (sc. interitu tuo) 

Cicero says, had never before been given to salus. . . consisteret. Vuig. in persona. 

the Consuls without proving fatal to those O miserum te. See c. 7, 16. 

against whom it was directed. 19. Pompeium, quod lumen fuit. 

9. Causam. Caesar himself alleges this This attraction of the relative into the 

object amongst others that induced him to gender of the predicate is found when, the 

take up arms against the state ( ut tribunos antecedent being already sufficiently defined, 

plebii, ea re ex civhate expulsos, in suam stress is to be laid on the attribute contained 

dignitatem restitueret B. C. I. 32, 5), and in the relative clause. Cp. 5. 14, 38 Pom- 

it was no doubt useful to him as a popular peio patre, quod imperio populi Romani 

cry, especially as the senate seem to have lumen fuit, exstincto. When the relative 

been technically in the wrong : but his clause contains the only data for identifying 

counsels were based on deeper views than the antecedent, the relative pronoun must 

this, and as Plutarch says, Ant. 6 ravra follow the ordinary rules. See Madv. 316. 

TrdAcu deopevy irpotydatojs axn^a. KO! \6jov 20. Omnes consulares. As it was 



6 7 

dinem exsequi cladem illam fugamque potuissent, praetores, 
praetorios, tribunes pl. } magnam partem senatus, omnem sub- 
olem iuventutis, unoque verbo rem publicam expulsam atque 
55 exterminatam suis sedibus ! . Ut igitur in seminibus est causa 
arborum et stirpium, sic huius luctuosissimi belli semen tu 5 
fuisti. Doletis tres exercitus populi Romani interfectos : inter- 
fecit Antonius. Desideratis clarissimos cives : eos quoque nobis 
eripuit Antonius. Auctoritas huius ordinis afflicta est : afflixit 
Antonius. Omnia denique, quae postea vidimus quid autem 
mali non vidimus ? si recte ratiocinabimur, uni accepta refe- 10 
remus Antonio. Ut Helena Troianis, sic iste huic rei publicae 
belli causa, causa pestis atque exitii fuit. Reliquae partes tribu- 
natus principii similes. Omnia perfecit, quae senatus salva re 
publica ne fieri possent perfecerat. Cuius tamen scelus in scelere 
23 cognoscite. Restituebat multos calamitosos : in iis patrui nulla 15 
56 mentio. Si severus, cur non in omnes ? si misericors, cur non 
in suos ? Sed omitto ceteros : Licinium Denticulam de alea 

notorious that several men of consular rank 
(among whom were P. Servilius Isauricus, 
L. Volcatius, and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus, the 
last-named actively espousing Caesar s side), 
remained in Rome, Cicero invents for all of 
them the plea of ill health. 

I. Exsequi, &c., to accomplish that 
disastrous flight. The leaders of Pompey s 
party retired with him in the first instance 
to Capua, whence he fled to Brundisium at 
the end of February, in preparation for 
leaving Italy for his last campaign. 

5. Semen. Abrami compares Dem. Cor. 
p. 280, 28 6 yap TO OTTfpua irapanx^t 
OVTOS TUIV (pvvrcav KO.KWV a lTios ; and in 
Tim. p. 748, 13 ovof a-rrepfj-a Stt KO.TO.- 
&dX\(tv tv rfi TTO\I TOIOVTCW Trpayfj-arajv, 
ov8 fl prjircas av \Ktyboi. 

6. Tres exercitus. See c. 6, iz 

10. Accepta referemus. See c. 16, 

13. Principii. So Halm, following Ga- 
ratonius, from the Vatican reading princi- 
piis, where the s is probably due to the 
initial of the following similis. Vulg. 

Quae senatus, &c., which the senate 
had rendered impossible without the ruin of 
the constitution/ 

14. Scelus in scelere. It was an of 
fence against the state to annul its sentences; 

but if he were doing that, natural affection 
demanded the recall from exile of his uncle, 
C. Antonius. 

cc. 23-25. His power he abused in every 
way. First, by restoring to tlieir civil rights 
convicted persons, in behalf of whom no 
single plea could decently be urged. Se 
condly, in not extending this clemency to his 
wide. Thirdly, by his progress through the 
borough towns in the company of an actress, 
and attended by a troop of profligates, amid 
luxury most unsuited to a tribune. Fourthly, 
by his cruelty and avarice in war, in which 
the only merit he could urge was his single 
act of moderation in not killing Cicero; and 
this was only out of deference to the unan 
imous opinion of his soldiers, who were 
scandalized by the open profligacy of his 

His next appointment, to be Caesar s 
master of the horse, was gained by jobbery, 
and led to further jobbery, combined with 
rapine and excess of every kind. 

15. Restituebat in this chapter seems 
to mean generally he restored to their 
former privileges, (cp. below, restituit in 
integrum ), since Denticula was evidently not 
in exile. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 2. 26, 63 Alia 
iudicia restituta sunt. 

17. De alea condemnatum. Cp. Hor. 
Od. 3. 24, 58 Seu malis vetita legibus 

68 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 23-24. 

condemnatum, collusorem suum, restituit, quasi vero ludere cum 
condemnato non liceret : sed ut, quod in alea perdiderat, bene- 
ficio legis dissolveret. Ouam attulisti rationem populo Romano 
cur eum restitui oporteret ? Absentem credo in reos relatum ; 
5 rem indicia causa iudicatam ; nullurn fuisse de alea lege iudi- 
cium ; vi oppressum et armis ; postremo, quod de patruo tuo 
dicebatur, pecunia indicium esse corruptum. Nihil horum. At 
vir bonus et re publica dignus. Nihil id quidem ad rem, ego 
tamen, quoniam condemnatum esse pro nihilo est, ita ignosce- 

10 rem. Hominem omnium nequissimum, qui non dubitaret vel 
in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de alea, condemnatum qui in 
integrum restituit, is non apertissime studium suum ipse profi- 
tetur? In eodem vero tribunatu, cum Caesar in Hispaniam 57 
proficiscens huic conculcandam Italian! tradidisset, quae fuit 

15 eius peragratio itinerum ! lustratio municipiorum ! Scio me in 
rebus celebratissimis omnium sermone versari eaque, quae dico 
dicturusque sum, notiora esse omnibus, qui in Italia turn fuerunt, 
quam mihi, qui non fui : notabo tamen singulas res, etsi nullo 
modo potent oratio mea satis facere vestrae scientiae. Etenim 

20 quod umquam in terris tantum flagitium exstitisse auditum est? 24 
tantam turpitudinem? tantum dedecus? Vehebatur in essedo 58 

1. Quasi vero, &c., as though to 93, where Cicero propounds the case of a 
keep up some show of respectability in his man who had accepted an inheritance under 
company, though really to escape the pay- promise of dancing in the forum, and de 
ment of his gambling debts; sed marking cides that he ought to violate his promise 
the transition from the false plea to the real rather than do so, unless the money gained 
object which Antony had in view. were to be applied to some great necessity 

2. Beneficio legis, by the gratitude of the state. 

he earned from Denticula, by carrying 12. Studium suum, his own predi- 

through the law which restored him to lection for play. 

his civic rights. 14. I tali am. Caesar left Lepidus in charge 

4. Absentem credo. Here follow of Rome, and Antony of Italy. Plut. Ant. 6. 

the usual pleas on which reversal of a sen- 18. Q_ui non fui. See on c. 15, 37. 

tence might be urged, or even (as in the last 21. Vehebatur in essedo. Abrami 

case) the compassion of the senate excited. calls attention to the force of every single 

One of these, he says, Antony might have word in this charge. He, a tribune of the 

pressed in favour of his uncle; Denticula commons, bound to avoid aristocratic pomp, 

could claim the benefit of none Additional and to make himself accessible to all, drove, 

point is given to the comparison by the fact like a woman, in a barbarian carriage, pre- 

that Cicero himself defended C. Antonius. ceded by lictors, to which a tribune had no 

9. Condemnatum esse. In such a right, and these adorned luith laurel wreaths, 

general confusion of the constitution, respect in token of victory over Pompev and the 

for the mere decision of a court of law Consuls. Among these was carried Cytheris, 

would naturally go for nothing. a mimic actress, a courtezan among the 

10 Qui non dubitaret, &c., who insignia of magistracy, without even the 
would not hesitate to play dice in the very decency of a curtained litter, 
forum itself; this being the height of pro- Essedo. This was a Celtic two- 
fan! ty in a Roman s eyes ; cp. Off. 3. 24, wheeled chariot, found apparently both in 




tribunus pi. ; lictores laureati antecedebant, inter quos aperta 
lectica mima portabatur, quam ex oppidis municipales homines 
honesti, obviam necessario prodeuntes, non noto illo et mimico 
nomine, sed Volumniam consalutabant. Sequebatur reda cum 
lenonibus, comites nequissimi : reiecta mater amicam impuri 5 
filii tamquam nurum sequebatur. O miserae mulieris fecun- 
ditatem calamitosam ! Horum flagitiorum iste vestigiis omnia 
municipia, praefecturas, colonias, totam denique Italiam im- 

59 Reliquorum factorum eius, patres conscripti, difficilis est sane 10 
reprehensio et lubrica. Versatus in bello est ; saturavit se san 
guine dissimillimorum sui civium : felix fuit, si potest ulla in 
scelere esse felicitas. Sed quoniam veteranis cautum esse volu- 
mus, quamquam dissimilis est militum causa et tua illi secuti 
sunt, tu quaesisti ducem, tamen, ne apud illos me in invidiam 15 
voces, nihil de genere belli dicam. Victor e Thessalia Brundi- 
sium cum legionibus revertisti. Ibi me non occidisti. Magnum,. 

Britain and in Gaul. Cp. Fam. 7. 6, 2 Tu, 
qui ceteris cavere didicisti, in Britannia ab 
essedariis decipiaris caveto ; and Virg. G 3. 
204 Bel^ica vel molli melius feret esseda 
collo. Caesar describes them as used in 
war, B. C. 4. 33. It seems to have become 
a fashionable carriage in Rome ; see Professor 
Conington on Virg. 1. c. 

i. Tribunus plebi. Cp. Plut. Quaest. 
Rom. 8 1 TTJS orjfjLapx ias TJ)V ytvfaiv l/f 
TOV 8rj/j.ov, TO drjfMOTiKov iff- 
Xvpuv eo~Tt, KOI j-fa TO 

Kal o~TO\f) Kal StatTT? TO?S 


2. Mima. Cp. Juv. 8. 198 
Res haud mira tamen, citharoedo principe, 


Cicero complained at the time of the dis 
graceful nature of the proceeding, Att. 7. 10, 
5 Hie tamen Cytherida secum lectica aperta 
portat, alteram uxorem: cp. ib. 16, 5. 

4. Volumniam. See on c. 8, 20. 
Reda. This was also a Gaulish chariot, 

but on four wheels; see Quint, i. 5, 57 
Plurima Gallic* (verba) valuerunt, ut reda 
ac petorritum. 

5. Comites is in apposition to the 
general idea of reda cum lenonibus, the 
coach-load of panders. Another reading, 
supported however only by one late MS., 
is leonibus, in defence of which Pliny s 

story (N. H. 8. 16, 21; cp. Att. 10. 13, 
i) of Antony driving a yoke of lions in a 
chariot is urged. But besides that this event 
was after Pharsalus, and that the lions were 
yoked to his own chariot, not to that of his 
attendants, the anomaly of the expression 
reda cum leonibus for reda leonibus 
iuncta would be sufficient to decide the 
question in favour of the reading of the MSS. 

Mater. Julia, daughter of L. lulius Caesar, 
who was Consul in the social war, 90 B.C. 

8. Municipia, &c. See on 3. 5, 13 
and 4. 3, 7. 

II. Lubrica, hazardous, on account of 
the offence which would be given to the 

13. Quoniam veteranis, &c. Two 
reasons are assigned by Cicero for his silence, 
of which the latter, though in strictness of 
grammar it should merely re-assert the 
former, is really quite distinct from it : 
Since we wish to maintain the interests of 
the veterans, that you may not bring me 
into disfavour with them. 

14. Dissimilis. Besides the superior and 
more responsible position of Antony, the 
soldiers were in the first instance bound to 
Caesar by their military oath. 

16. E Thessalia. After the battle of 
Pharsalus, August, 48 B. C., Cicero came to 
Brundisium in November, and remained 
there till September in the following year. 

17. Non occidisti. See on c. 3, 5 and 6. 



beneficium ! potuisse enim fateor : quamquam nemo erat eorum, 
qui turn tecum fuerunt, qui mihi non censeret parci oportere. 
Tanta est enim caritas patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus eo 
essem, quod earn a me servatam esse meminissent. Sed fac id 
5 te dedisse mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam, 
quia non a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias hoc 
tuum beneficium sic tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim cum te haec 
auditurum videres ? Venisti Brundisium, in sinum quidem et 25 
in complexum tuae mimulae. Quid est? num mentior ? Quam 61 
miserum est id negare non posse, quod sit turpissimum confiteri ! 
Si te municipiorum non pudebat, ne veterani quidem exercitus ? 
quis enim miles fuit qui Brundisii illam non viderit? quis qui 
nescient venisse earn tibi tot dierum via gratulatum ? quis qui 
non indoluerit tarn sero se quam nequam hominem secutus esset 
cognoscere? Italiae rursus percursatio eadem comite mima, in 62 
oppida militum crudelis et misera deductio, in urbe auri, argenti 
maximeque vini foeda direptio. Accessit ut Caesare ignaro, 
cum esset ille Alexandreae, beneficio amicorum eius magister 
equitum constitueretur. Turn existimavit se suo iure cum 
Hippia vivere et equos vectigales Sergio mimo tradere. Turn 

4. Meminissent. See on c. 4, 7. 16. Deductio, quartering the soldiers 

6. Licuitne, &c., did not your abuse on the towns for the winter : deduco being 

prevent me from continuing to show that commouly employed for bringing soldiers 

1 recognised your kindness, especially as, all into winter quarters: cp. Caes. B. G. 5. 27, 

the time that you were abusing me, you 9 Legionibus in hiberna deductis; and Livy 

saw that such would be my answer? 26.20; 43.9. Abrami takes it of the allot- 

Praesertim cum gives an additional ment of lands to the soldiers, which would 

reason for what is really, though not gram- drive the citizens from their homes ; but it 

matically, the leading notion in this sen- is not likely that any measures of this sort 

tcnce, viz. the effect of Antony s wanton would be taken till Caesar had returned to 

abuse of him. Cp. 8. 2, 5 C. quidem Rome, 

Caesar non expectavit vestra decreta, prae- 1 7. Caesare ignaro. Yet Plutarch, 

seriim cum illud aetatis erat: where the Ant. 8, says that Caesar himself appointed 

train of thought is, Octavius might have him master of the horse, and sent him in 

been expected to wait for your decrees, that capacity to Rome. 

especially considering his age, but he acted 19. Cum Hippia, that as master of the 

on his own responsibility. horse (itnrapx 05 } ne was entitled to live with 

II. Municipiorum, if you felt no Hippias, the mimic actor. 

shame in the presence of the borough towns, 20. Vectigales, according to Manutius 

i. e. at bringing on them such a disgrace. (whom Forctllini follows), means simply 

Lindemann (on Plaut. Trin. 4. 2, 67) says, earning profit for their master. Hence he 

Omnia quae pudore afficiunt, sive ilia in re- thinks the reference is to the horses that 

bus turpibus censentur, sive personae stint contended in the games, and that Antony 

reverentia dignae, ad verbum piidere genitivo allowed Sergius, the mimic actor, to contract 

struuntur. Cp. 12. 3, 8 Pudet huius legi- for the supply of these, a privilege hitherto 

onis, pudet quartae; Ter. Hec. 5. 2, 27 monopolized by senators, and in their case 

Pudet Philumenae, I am ashamed of seeing exercised with a view to popularity rather 

Phi umena; and Sail. Frag. i. 51, 15 Te than to profit. Abrami thinks that equi 

neque homin-um neque deorum pudet. vectigales (like pecunia vectigalis in Verr. 

59-63. RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 71 

sibi non hanc, quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Pisonis domum 
ubi habitaret legerat. Quid ego istius decreta, quid rapinas, 
quid hereditatum possessiones datas, quid ereptas proferam ? 
Cogebat egestas ; quo se verteret, non habebat : nondum ei 
tanta a L. Rubric, non a L. Turselio hereditas venerat ; non- 5 
dum in Pompei locum mu-ltorumque aliorum, qui aberant, re- 
pentinus heres successerat. Erat ei vivendum latronum ritu, ut 
tantum haberet, quantum rapere potuisset. 

es Sed haec, quae robustioris improbitatis sunt, omittamus : lo- 
quamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. Tu istis fau- 10 
cibus, istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis firmitate 
tantum vini in Hippiae nuptiis exhauseras, ut tibi necesse esset 
in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. O rem non 
modo visu foedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter cenam in ipsis 
tuis immanibus illis poculis hoc tibi accidisset, quis non turpe 15 
duceret? in coetu vero populi Romani, negotium publicum 
gerens, magister equitum, cui ructare turpe esset, is vomens frustis 
esculentis vinum redolentibus gremium suum et totum tribunal 
implevit. Sed haec ipse fatetur esse in suis sordibus : veniamus 
ad splendidiora. 20 

Act. 2. i. 35, 89) means horses supplied as 11. In Hippiae nuptiis, &c. Cp. 

tribute by conquered nations. He quotes Plut. Ant. 9 lv Iniriov TTOTC rov (* 

Hdt. 3. 90 to show that the Cicilians paid yapois tariaOels Kal TTIWV Sia VVKTOS, eira 

a tribute of horses to Darius, and thinks that irpwi rov Srjfj,ov rcaXovvros (Is dyopav irpo- 

the Romans probably continued to receive e\0ajv en Tpotyfjs fj.faros Ifie trac, T&V 

their tribute in the ancient fashion. In that (pi\cov TWOS viroffX vros TO ipaTiov. 

case the passage would mean that Antony 14. In coetu, &c. Garatonius quotes 

gave Sergius the horses which belonged to Quint. 8. 4, 8, commenting on this passage: 

the state. Singula incrementum habent. Per se de- 

I. Male tuetur, has difficulty in re- forme, vel non "in coetu," vomere; "in 

taining for his own. It was Pompey s house coetu" vd non "populi;" "populi" etiam 

(see on I. I, i), and was now claimed by non "Romani;" vel, si uullum "negotium" 

Sextus Pompeius, who had agreed to lay ageret ; vel si non " publicum ;" vel si non 

aside hostilities in Spain, on condition of " magister equitum." Mr. Mayor remarks 

receiving the property of his father. See sn that this chapter is more often cited by 

13. 8, 10. Quintilian than any other in the speech. 

M. Pupius Piso distinguished himself in cc. 26-28. Caesar s ill-omened re urn to 

the first civil war, on the side of Sulla, and Rome led to the sale of his proscribed oppo- 

was afterwards Consul, through the interest nents property. Antony alone had the heart 

of Pompey, 61 B. C. and shamelesmess to bid for that of Pompey; 

3. Datas . . ereptas, which he gave to and entering on it with indecent haste, in a 
his adherents, or seized from their lawful few days, with the aid of his abandoned fol- 
owners. lowers, he had squandered all the treasures 

4. A. L. Rubric, &c. See on c. 16, 40. of that house, which no one else could look on 
9. Istis faucibus, &c., all showing without tears. He alone was utterly devoid 

Antony s great powers of drinking, and of feeling, never disturbed by the contrast 

therefore the enormity of his excess, when between the former pure and noble owner of 

it produced such results. See Quint. 8. 4, the house, and its present tenant, whose most 

1 6 ; 9. 4, 23. virtuous act was to divorce his mistress. And 

72 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 26-27. 

Caesar Alexandrea se recepit, felix, ut sibi quidem vide- 26 
batur, mea autem sententia, qui rei publicae sit hostis, felix 64 
esse nemo potest. Hasta posita pro aede lovis Statoris bona 
subiecta Cn. Pompei miserum me! consumptis enim lacrimis 

5 tarn en infixus haeret animo dolor, bona, inquam, Cn. Pompei 
magni voci acerbissimae subiecta praeconis. Una in ilia re 
servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit servientibusque animis, cum 
omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi Romani liber 
fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus quisnam esset tarn impius, tarn 

10 demens, tarn dis hominibusque hostis, qui ad illud scelus sec- 
tionis auderet accedere, inventus est nemo praeter Antonium, 
praesertim cum tot essent circum hastam illam, qui alia omnia 
auderent : unus inventus est qui id auderet, quod omnium fugis- 
set et reformidasset audacia. Tantus igitur te stupor oppressit 65 

15 vel, ut verius dicam, tantus furor, ut primum, cum sector sis isto 
loco natus. deinde cum Pompei sector, non te exsecratum populo 
Romano, non detestabilem, non omnes tibi deos, non omnes 
homines esse inimicos et futuros scias? At quam insolenter 
statim helluo invasit in eius viri fortunas, cuius virtute terribilior 

20 erat populus Romanus exteris gentibus, iustitia carior ! In eius 27 
igitur viri copias cum se subito ingurgitasset, exsultabat gaudio 

withal he was so proud of his notoriety, that sarius sub praeconem cum dedecore subiectus 

even now he tpoke of himself as being both est, is non modo ex numero vivorum extur- 

Consul and Antonius, lest men in respect batur, sed, si fieri potest, infra etiam mortuos 

for the Consul should forget the contempt amandatur. 

appropriate to the debauchee. 10. Sectionis. See on c. 15, 39. 

1. Alexandrea. Caesar left Alexandrea n. Accedere is the special word for bid- 
in the latter end of March, and arrived in ding at an auction. Cp. Livy 43. 16 Edixe- 
Rome in September, 47 B.C. runt, ne quis eorum . . ad hastam suam 

2. Hostis, So the Vatican MS. Some accederent. 

others have infelix. 12. Praesertim cum, though formally 

3. Hasta posita. The origin of set- dependent on inventus est nemo, really 
ting up a spear as the sign ot a public auc- refers to the leading idea in Cicero s mind ; 
tion is probably to be found in the fact to the strangeness of the want of bidders, 
that the earliest auctions would be sales rather than to the actual fact of that want. 
of spoil taken in war, and sold on the See on c. 24, 60. It may be translated 
spot. which was ail the more remarkable as, or 

Pro aede lovis Statoris. At the top even though, or and that at a time 

of the Via Sacra, near the place where the when. 

arch of Titus now stands. 15. Isto loco, sc. as being nobilis. 

5. Haeret animo. Madvig, Opusc. I. 16. Exsecratum, so Halm from the 

p. 145, would alter the order of the words, Vatican MS. Vulg. execrandum ;" but see 

reading animo haeret, to mark more clearly on c. 13, 32. 

the dependence of animo on haeret. 21. Se subito ingurgitasset, had all 

For the disgrace involved in the proceeding at once begun to wallow in; cp. in Pis. 1 8, 

see pro^Quiuct. 15,49 Cuius bona venie- 42 Numquam te in tot flagitia ingurgi- 

runt, cuius . . etiam victus vestitusque ncces- tasses. 


persona de mimo, modo egens, repente dives. Sed, ut est apud 

66 poe tam nescio quern, male parta male dilabuntur. Incre- 
dibile ac simile pprtenti est, quonam modo ilia tarn multa quam 
paucis non dico mensibus, sed diebus effuderit. Maximus vini 
numerus fuit, permagnum optimi pondus argenti, pretiosa vestis, 5 
multa et lauta supellex et magnifica multis locis, non ilia qui- 
dem luxuriosi hominis, sed tamen abundantis : horum paucis 

67 diebus nihil erat. Quae Charybdis tarn vorax ? Charybdim 
dico ? quae si fuit, animal unum fuit : Oceanus, me dius fidius, 
vix videtur tot res, tarn dissipatas, tarn distantibus in locis 10 
positas tarn cito absorbere potuisse. fchil erat clausum, nihil 
obsignatum, nihil scriptunaJ Apothecae totae nequissimis homi- 
nibus condonabantur. Alia mimi rapiebant, alia mimae : domus 
erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebriorum : totos dies potabatur 
atque id locis pluribus : suggerebantur etiam saepe non enim 15 
semper iste felix damna aleatoria. Conchyliatis Cn. Pompei 
peristromatis servorum in cellis lectos stratos videres. Quam 
ob rem desinite mirari haec tarn celeriter esse consumpta : non 
modo unius patrimonium quamvis amplum, ut illud fuit, sed 
urbes et regna celeriter tanta nequitia devorare potuisset. At 20 

1. Persona de mimo, like the man me is merely a demonstrative inseparable 
in the farce. particle, like e in ecastor. 

2. Male, &c., ill-gotten gain never II. Nihil erat clausum, &c., so care- 
thrives. The quotation is from Naevius. less was he, that he neither locked, nor 

5. Numerus, a vast stock of wine, so sealed, nor put his name on anything; or 
frumenti Verr. Act. 2. 2. 72, 176. scriptum may be (as Halm takes it) he 

Optimi argenti, of beautifully- made no list of anything. 

wrought plate. Madvig ( 466 b) says 12. Apothecae, whole stores of wine. 

that the words are placed in such unusual Apothecae differ from cellae vinariae, 

order to give a prominence to both adjec- being the magazine where the main stock of 

tives, and at the same time to bring "ar- wine was stowed away, as opposed to the 

genti," which forms an antithesis with other place where the supply for daily use was 

words, to the last place. kept. The latter was in the inmost part 

6. Non ilia quidem, &c., not enough of the house, for coolness (not necessarily 
to stamp the man as luxurious, but suffi- underground, see Pliny, N. H. 14. 21, 27), 
ciently betokening affluence. See on 13. -whereas the apotheca was in the upper 
5, 10. part, where it could be mellowed by the 

9. Animal unum fuit, was but a single smoke. See Colum. I. 6, 20; and cp. Hor. 

creature. So Virgil personifies Charybdis, Od. 3. 21, 7 

Ae. 3. 420 Laevum implacata Charybdis Descende, Corvino iubente 

Obsidet. Promere languicliora vina; 

Me dius fidius is taken by some to * of a jar of special wine that was to be pro 
be the same oath as Mehercle, being equiva- duced in honour of his guest, 
lent to Me Dius (lovis) films, d and 1 being 17. Servorum in cellis, in the garrets 
interchanged asin lingua/ dingua/ lacrima, of the slaves. Cato, R. R. 14. 2, calls 
Saxpv, and many other words. The more them familiae cellas, whence Vitruvius 
probable derivation is from fides, Dius term, 6. 10, cellae familiaricae. 
Fidius corresponding to Zevt irlarios. The 20. Devorare potuisset, could have 

74 M. TULLII C1CERONIS cc. 27-29. 

idem aedes etiam et hortos. O audaciam immanem ! tu etiam 68 
ingrccli iliam do mum ausus es ? tu illud sanctissimum limen 
intrare ? tu illarum aedium dis penatibus os impurissimum osten- 
dere? Quam domum aliquamdiu nemo adspicere poterat, nemo 
5 sine lacrimis praeterire, hac te in domo tarn diu deversari non 
pudet ? in qua, quamvis nihil sapias, tamen nihil tibi potest esse 
iucundum. An tu, ilia in vestibule rostra [spolia] cum adspex- 28 
isti, domum tuam te introire putas? fieri non potest. Quamvis 
enim sine mente, sine sensu sis, ut es, tamen et te et tua et 

1.0 tuos nosti. Nee vero te umquam neque vigilantem neque in 
somnis credo posse mente consistere. Necesse est, quamvis sis, 
ut es, violentus et furens, cum tibi obiecta sit species singularis 
viri, perterritum te de somno excitari, furere etiam saepe vigi 
lantem. Me quidem miseret parietum ipsorum atque tectorum. 69 

IT Quid enim umquam domus ilia viderat nisi pudicum, quid nisi 
ex optimo more et sanctissima disciplina? Fuit enim ille vir, 
patres conscripti, sicuti scitis, cum foris clarus turn domi admi- 
ranclus, neque rebus externis magis laudandus quam institutis 
domesticis. Huius in sedibus pro cubiculis stabula, pro con- 

20 clavibus popinae sunt. Etsi iam negat : nolite quaerere ; frugi 

devoured, supposing it had had them; the liceret : triumphabantque etiam dominis 

further condition causing the use of the mutatis ipsae domus, et erat haec stimulatio 

subjunctive, instead of the more usual indi- ingens, exprobrantibus tectis quotidie, im- 

cative. See Madv. 348, Obs. I. bellem dominum intrare in alienum triuin- 

i. Aedes et hortos, sc. devoravit. phum : and Virg. Ae. 7.183 

Horti, in the plural, means pleasure- Multaquepraeterea sacris in postibus arma, 

grounds ; esp. a villa with its grounds. Captivi pendent currus, curvaeque secures, 

Cp. c. 6, 15, and Off. 3. 14, 58 Ad cenam Et cristae capitum, et portarum ingentia 

hominem in hortos iimtavit. claustra, 

6. Quamvis nihil sapias, however Spiculaque, clipeique, ercptaque rostra 
void of sense you are, cp. c. 1 7, 43 ; carinis. 

c. 4, 8. ii. Mente consistere, to beat ease 

7. In vestibule, in the courtyard, an in your mind. 

empty space before the door, not a part of 12. Violentus; so Halm, from the Vati- 

the building, as appears from pro Caec. 12, 35 can and two other MSS. Al. vinolentus, 

Si te . . armati non modo limine tectoque which has plausibility, both from the cha- 

aedium tuarum, sed primo aditu vestibuloque racter of Antony, and the combinations 

prohibuerint. Cp. Plant. Most. 3. 2, 133 vinolentum furorem, Fam. 12. 25, 4; and 

Viden vestibulum ante aedes hoc, et am- furiosam vinolentiam, c. 39, 101. 
bulacrum cuius modi ? Species, the phantom: cp. Ov. M. 

Rostra, probably trophies of Pompey s II. 677 Voce sua, specieque viri turbata 

victories over the pirates, 66 B.C. Spolia soporem Excutit. 

is probably a gloss. The reading of the 1 6. Fuit ille vir, &c. Cp. Plut. Ant. 

Vatican MS. is rostran spolia. For the 21 IIof-iTrrjtov TOV Me-yaAou yevofAfvrjv, 

custom of decorating the entrance with such dvSpbs ovx fJTrov em aw^poavvri KOI TO> 

trophies, Abrami compares Pliny, N. H. TerayfAevcas KOL S^yuorj/cws diaiTaoOai Oav- 

35. 2, 2 Aliae foris et circurn limina ani- p.aaQtvros ^ 8td TOVS rp(ts Opidftfiovs. 
niorum iugentium imagines erant, affixis 19. Pro conclavibus. Some MSS. have 

hostium spoliis, quae nee emtori refringere pro tricliniis, but the Vatican reading, pro 




factus est : illam tsuam suas res sibi habere iussit, ex duodecim 
tabulis claves ademit, exegit. Guam porro spectatus civis, quam 
probatus ! cuius ex omni vita nihil est honestius quam quod cum 

70 mima fecit divortium. At quam crebro usurpat et consul et 
Antonius : hoc est dicere : et consul et impudicissimus, et 5 
consul et homo nequissimus. Quid est enim aliud Antonius? 
Nam si dignitas significaretur in nomine, dixisset, credo, ali- 
quando avus tuus se et consulem et Antonium numquam dixit : 
dixisset etiam collega meus, patruus tuus, nisi si tu es solus 
Antonius. Sed omitto ea peccata, quae non sunt earum par- 10 
tium propria, quibus tu rem publicam vexavisti : ad ipsas tuas 
partes redeo, id est ad civile bellum^mod natum, conflatum, 

29 susceptum opera tua est. Cui bello^^m propter timiditatem 

71 tuam, turn propter libidines defuisti. Gustaras civilem sangui- 
nem vel potius exsorbueras : fueras in acie Pharsalica antesig- 15 

conclavibus popinae triclinis, seems to show 
that the latter word is a gloss. Conclave 
is any chamber quod clave claudi potest, 
here a dining room. 

I. Illam suam. Halm thinks that 
suam, which is the reading of the Vatican 
MS., but supplied by a later hand, may be a 
corrupt substitution for mimatn. He has 
formally divorced his actress-wife, alteram 
uxorem as he calls Cytheris, Att. 7- !O> 5- 
Restoration of the dowry (Plaut. Stich. 2.1, 
50 Uxorin sit reddenda dos divortio ; cp. 
Trinum. 2. I, 43 

Tuas res tibi habe, 
Amor ! mihi amicus 
Ne fuas umquam ; 
and Mart. 10. 41, I 

Mense novo lani veterem, Proculeia, ma- 

Deseris.atque iubes rem sibi habere suas ), 
and. expulsion from the house (Plaut. Mil. Gl. 
4. 6, 62 Quin tua causa exegit virum a se, ) 
seem to have been regular parts of a divorce 
from a marriage by coemtio. With respect 
to reclaiming the household keys, the symbol 
of domestic government, the only other evi 
dence we have is a passage from the Epistles 
of S. Ambrose (6, 3), quoted by Abrami : 
Mulier offensa claveis remisit, domum re- 
vertit. Cicero s application of theSe terms 
to Cvtheris is of course mere sarcasm. 

5. Hoc est dicere, the only attributes 
connoted by the word Antonius being 
those of shamelessness and depravity. 

8. Avus. M. Antonius, the orator, 
whose younger son C. Antonius Hybrida 
was Consul with Cicero, 63 B.C. 

9. Nisi si, unless it be the case that; 
the excepted case being the hypothesis put 
forward in the whole clause. Nisi si is 
most commonly thus used with indefinite 
pronouns and adverbs : cp. Livy 6. 26 
Hie plebis nostrae habitus fuit, eritque 
semper, nisi si quando a vobis, proque vobis, 
arma acceperimus. 

10. Earum partium propria, passing 
over all that does not bear upon the policy 
whereby you harassed the state, I return to 
your own special work. 

.29. After his cruelty in the civil war, 
he might have been expected to folloiu Caesar 
into Spain : but they had lately quarrelled, 
when Caesar, somewhat unreasonably, made 
his adherent pay for the property ne had 
bought. This brought him into difficulties ; 
he had little left to sell, and even what he had 
was claimed by those on zvhose inheritances 
he had seized. On this he tried to murder 
Caesar, just before his setting out for Spain. 

14. Defuisti. The real reason why 
Antony did not join Caesar in the African 
campaign probably was the coolness which 
arose between them in consequence of 
Caesar requiring him lo pay the money 
which he bid for Pompey s house: though 
below Cicero represents this as the result 
( Itaque . . appellatus es ). For the charge 
of cowardice there is no foundation, and 
Cicero himself refutes it by recording that 
he fought in the post of honour in the front 
ranks ( antesignanus ) at Pharsalus. Plu 
tarch tells us that Caesar gave him the 
command of the left wing, ws iro\jj.iKQJTa,T(a 
TWV v<}) avrov, Ant. 8. 

76 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 29-30. 

nanus ; L. Domitium, clarissimum et nobilissimum virum, occi- 
deras multosque praeterea qui e proelio effugerant, quos Caesar, 
ut non nullos, fortasse servasset, crudelissime persecutus truci- 
daras. Quibus rebus tantis talibus gestis, quid fuit causae cur 
5 in Africam Caesarem non sequerere, cum praesertim belli pars 
tanta restaret? Itaque quem locum apud ipsum Caesarem post 
eius ex Africa reditum obtinuisti? quo numero fuisti ? Cuius 
tu imperatoris quaestor fueras, dictatoris magister equitum, belli 
princeps, crudelitatis auctor, praedae socius, testamento, ut dice- 

10 bas ipse, filius, appellatus es de pecunia, quam pro domo, pro 
hortis, pro sectione debebas. Primo respondisti plane ferociter, 72 
et, ne omnia videar conh^te, prope modum aequa et iusta dice- 
bas. A me C. Caesar ^pFuniam ? cur potius quam ego ab illo ? 
an sine me ille vicit? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad ilium 

15 belli civilis causam attuli ; ego leges perniciosas rogavi ; ego 
arma contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, contra 
senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios arasque 
et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vicit? Quorum 
facinus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda communis ? lus 

20 postulabas, sed quid ad rem ? plus ille poterat. Itaque excussis 73 
tuis vocibus et ad te et ad praedes tuos milites misit, cum re- 

I. L. Domitium. See on c. II, 27. with the exception of that for the re- 

7. Quo numero fuisti? of what ac- versa! of certain judicial sentences (see c. 
count were you? So 3. 6, 16 Bambalio, 23, 56). It shows Cicero s power of sar- 
homo nullo numero. casm that he makes Antony urge as services 

8. Quaestor, see on c. 20,50; Mag is- to Caesar exclusively the wrongs he did the 
ter equitum, on c. 25,62; belli prin- state. 

ceps, on c. 22, 55. 19. lus postulabas, your demands were 

10. Filius. We learn from Dion Cassius on y fair, postulo, 1 according to Donatus, 

(44. 35) that Antony was placed among the being strictly to demand what is one s 

heirs in remainder ( secundi heredes ! ), by right. He says, on Ter. Andr. 2. 5, 1 1 

the will of Caesar, but nowhere of anything Petimus precario ; poscimus imperiose ; 

like his adoption by the dictator. postulamus iure. See on I. II, 27. The 

Appellatus es, you were summoned fairness of any claims, Cicero declares, is the 

for the money : cp. de Leg. Agr. i. 36, 100 last thing to be taken into consideration; 

Nulli populo Romano pro me maiores Caesar was the more powerful, and that 

mei spoponderunt, mihi creditum est : a decided the matter. 

me pctere quod debeo, me ipsum appellare 20. Excussis. So the Vatican, and most 

debetis. other MSS. Two have exclusis. which 

15. Causam; see on c. 22, 53. Madvig adopts (Opusc. i. p. 207). The use, 

Ego leges perniciosas rogavi. however, of excussis ( having shaken him- 

These words are wanting in the Vatican self free from your words ) probably has re- 

MS., but are found in the others, and are ference to respondisti plane ferociter above ; 

quoted by the grammariaa Nonius (about and it is borne out by Tibullus, 2. 6, 12 

A.D. 200). Their reference is very doubt- Magna loquor, sed magnifice mihi verba 

ful, as among Antony s actions we hear locuto 

of no laws which he passed at this period, Excutiunt clausae fortia verba fores. 

71-75. RATIO PHI LIP PIC A II. 77 

pente a te praeclara ilia tabula prolata est Qui risus hominum ! 
tantam esse tabulam, tarn varias, tarn multas possessiones, ex 
quibus praeter partem Miseni nihil erat, quod is qui auctionare- 
tur posset suum dicere. Auctionis vero miserabilis adspectus : 
vestis Pompei non multa eaque maculosa, eiusdem quaedam 5 
argentea vasa collisa, sordidata mancipia, ut doleremus quid- 

74 quam esse ex illis reliquiis, quod videre possemus. Hanc tamen 
auctionem heredes L. Rubrii decreto Caesaris prohibuerunt. 
Haerebat nebulo : quo se verteret non habebat. Quin his ipsis 
temporibus domi Caesaris percussor ab isto missus deprehensus 10 
dicebatur esse cum sica : de quo Caesar in senatu aperte in te 
invehens questus est. Proficiscitur in Hispaniam Caesar, paucis 
tibi ad solvendum propter inopiam tuam prorogatis diebus. Ne 
turn quidem sequeris. Tarn bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito ? 
Hunc igitur quisquam, qui in suis partibus, id est in suis fortunis 15 
tarn timidus fuerit, pertimescat ? 

30 Profectus est aliquando tandem in Hispaniam, sed tuto, ut ait, 

75 pervenire non potuit. Quonam modo igitur Dolabella pervenit ? 
Aut non suscipienda fuit ista causa, Antoni, aut, cum susce- 

i. Tabula, catalogue of the sale; pert) 7 , we may suppose, was added by Antony 

tabulae auctionariae, Cat. i. 8, 18 ; cp. to the sale. 

pro Caec. 6, 16 Adest ad tabulam, licetur 12. Proficiscitur in Hispaniam. 

Aebutius. About the end of 46 B. C., to crush the 

Prolata est. This is Madvig s in- resistance of Cn. and Sext. Pompeius. 

terpretation (Opusc. 1. c.) of the Vatican 14. Rudem. The wand with which 

reading prolatas. He urges the necessity gladiators who had served their time were 

of the verb being expressed in such a sen- presented by the praetor, in token that they 

tence, and is followed by Halm. had earned their pension. Cp. Hor. Epp. I. 

3. Partem Miseni. See on c. 19, 48. I, 2 Spectatum satis, et donatum iam rude 

4. Adspectus, though more commonly quaeris ; Juv. 7. 171 Ergo sibi dabit ipse 
subjective, is elsewhere used objectively, of rudem ; and Mart. 3. 36, 10 Ut noncium 
the appearance of the object gazed upon. credas me meruisse rudem. Some MSS. 
Cp. Cat. 4. 6, II Veisatur mihi ante oculos have rudem accepisti, but the verb is 
adspectus Ctthegi ; and de Nat. Deor. 2. 63, wanting in the Vatican MS. See on c. 19, 
158 Pomorum iucundus adspectus. Ccn- 48; and for the term gladiator as applied 
spectus, on the other hand, seems always to to Antony, cp. 7. 6, 17. 

be subjective, of the act of looking. See 15. In suis partibus, in following out 

Madvig on Cic. Fin. 5. 18, 48. his own policy; that is, in looking after his 

6. Sordidata mancipia, a few slaves own interests. 

in mean apparel; mancipia being chat- cc. 30, 31. Thither Antony, after much 

tels, quae iure mancipi possidentur, and delay, proposed to follow him, but only got 

especially living chattels, or slaves. Cp. as far as Narbo, leaving Dolabella to fight 

Parad. 5. i, 35 Non enim ita dicunt eos his battles for him, even against the sons of 

esse servos, ut mancipia, quae sr.nt domino- Pompey, who were seeking to regain from 

lum facta nexo aut aliqr.o iure civili. him their lost inheritance. From Narbo he 

8. Heredes L. Rubrii. See c. 16, returned, by night, in most unworthy guise, 

40. The injured heirs probably took the alarming all the city, that he might surprise 

opportunity of Antony s disgrace to beg for his wife, and save his sureties from an exe- 

Caesar s interference. Some of their pro- cution on their property. 

7 8 


co. 3031. 

pisses, defendenda usque ad-extremum. Ter depugnavit Caesar 
cum civibus, in Thessalia, Africa, Hispania. Omnibus adfuit 
his pugnis Dolabella : in Hispaniensi etiam vulnus accepit. Si 
de meo iudicio quaeris, nollem ; sed tamen consilium a primo 
5 reprchendendum, laudanda constantia : tu vero quid es ? Cn. 
Pompei liberi turn primum patriam repetebant esto ; fuerit 
haec partium causa communis : repetebant praeterea deos 
patrios, aras, focos, larem suum familiarem, in quae tu .invaseras. 
Haec cum peterent armis ii, quorum erant legibus etsi in rebus 

10 iniquissimis quid potest esse aequi ? tamen quern erat aequissi- 
mum contra Cn. Pompei liberos pugnare? quem ? te, sectoj^Ti. 
An cum tu Narbone mensas hospitum convomeres, DolaiBBa 
pro te in Hispania dimicaret ? 

Qui vero Narbone reditus ? Etiam quaerebat, cur ego ex ipso 76 

15 cursu tarn subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, patres conscripti, 
causam reditus mei : volui, si possem, etiam ante Kalendas 
lanuarias prodesse rei publicae. Nam quod quaerebas, quo 
modo redissem : primum luce, non tenebris ; deinde cum calceis 
et toga, nullis nee Gallicis nee lacerna. At etiam adspicis me 

I. Ter depugnavit Caesar. See on 
c. 15, 37. 

4. Nollem, I would he had been 

A primo, from the outset: cp. Att. 9. 
6, 5 Tuas mine cpistolas a primo lego. 

5. Quid es ? As \ve say, you are 
neither one thing nor the other: neither 
loyal nor consistent. Cp. de Har. Resp. 2O, 
42 Hie vero quid est ? quid valet ? 

6. Turn is only found in the Vatican 
MS., but may have been omitted in the rest 
to bring out more clearly the meaning of 
primum, which does not belong to it, but 
is in the first place, as opposed to prae 

Fuerit, &c., grant that in this you 
were but abandoning your party s cause, the 
further object of their resistance touched 
yourself more nearly. 

8. In quae. referring to masculine and 
feminine antecedents. Cp. Livy 44. 24 
Natura inirnica sunt libera civitas et rex. 

10. Tamen is resumptive, after the paren 
thesis introducing an apologv for the word 

12. Narbone. Narbo, the capital of 
Gallia Narbonensis, now Narbonne, at the 
mouth of the Aude, in the department of 

that name (in the province of Languedoc), 
was the furthest point that Antony reached 
in his journey to join Caesar. 

Convomeres. Cp. c. 41. io.| Ab hora 
tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, vomebatur; and 
above c. 25, 63. 

14. Narbone reditus, return from Nar 
bo. In a letter to Atticus (9. 5, i) we find a 
series of combinations of verbal nouns with 
the several cases denoting different relations 
of place : Sunt ista quidem difficillima, iter 
ad superum, navig.itio infero, discessus Ar- 
pinum, mansio Formiis. Cp. above c. 19, 
48 Iter Aiexandream. 

Cur revertissem. See on i. 3, 7. foil. 

18. Calceis, with my boots on, i.e. 
fully dressed. Cp. pro Gael. 26, 62 Calceati 
et vestiti. 

19. Toga. Juvenal mentions the relief 
from the necessity of wearing the toga as 
one of the pleasures of a country life : u. 

Nostra bibat vernnm contracta cuticula 


Effugiatque togam. 
Cp. id. 3. 171 

4 Pars magna Italiae est, si verum admit- 

timus, in qua 
Nemo togam sumit, nisi mortuus ; 




et quidem, ut videris, iratus. Ne tu iam mecum in gratiam 
redeas, si scias quam me pudeat nequitiae tuae, cuius te ipsum 
non pudet. Ex omnium omnibus flagitiis nullum,turpius vidi, 
nullum audivi. Qui magister equitum fuisse tibi viderere, in 
proximurn annum consulatum peteres vel potius rogares, per 5 
municipia coloniasque Galliae, a qua nos turn,, cum consulatus 
petebatur, non rogabatur, petere consulatum solebamus, cum 
Gallicis et lacerna cucurristi. At videte levitatem hominis. 
31 Cum hora diei decima fere ad Saxa rubra venisset, delituit in 
77 quadam cauponula atque ibi se occultans perpotavit ad ves- 10 
peram ; inde cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus domum venit 
capite obvoluto. lanitor : Quis tu? C A Marco tabellarius. 

and Martial (10. 47, 5) enumerates among 
the things that make life happy, Lis num- 
quam, toga rara, mens quieta. 

Gallicis. From Geilius (13. 21) we 
learn that gallicae were a kind of sandals, 
like the Roman soleae, and the Greek Kpr\- 
iriSfs, covering only the sole of the feet. 
There was an ancient law at Rome, Neive 
quis in poplico luci praetextam, neive soleas 
habeto (Marini, Atti degli Arvali, p. 569); 
and Cicero brings a reproach against Piso 
(c. 6. 1 3) Nescio quo e gnrgustio te pro- 
dire, capite involute, soleatum. Cp. Verr. 
Act. 2. 5. 33, 86. 

Lacerna (cp. Hor. S. 2. 7, 55 Odo- 
ratum caput obscurante lacerna), was a large 
riding cloak, fastened by a brooch, and used 
in Cicero s time (apparently not before) for 
travelling. Suetonius (Aug. 40) confirms 
the inference from this passage, that it was 
considered a mark of effeminate luxury to 
wear it in the city : Negotium aedilibus 
dedit (Augustus) ne quern posthac paterentur 
in foro Circove, nibi positis lacernis, togatum 

I. Ne tu. See on c. 2, 3. 

5. Rogares. Abrami takes this change 
of words as though Cicero referred to 
Antony s obtaining the consulship as a gift 
from Caesar, not by a legitimate elec 
tion. As, however, rogatio is a regular 
word for a constitutional canvass, the ex 
planation of Graevius seems better, that 
Antony, according to Cicero, begged the 
consulship as a favour from the people, in 
stead of claiming it as the reward of his 
services. He compares pro Plane. 10, 25 
Neque enim sic rogabam. ut petere vi- 
derer, quia familiaris esset meus. Cp. Fam. 
2. 6, I Grave est enim homini pudenti 
petere aliquid magnum ab eo, de quo se 
bene meritum putet, ne id, quod petal, 

exigere magis quam rogare et in mercedis 
potius quam beneficii loco numerare vi- 

6. A qua. In the Vatican MS. the pre 
position is wanting, but it is found in the 
others. Halm substitutes e qua, without 
authority, comparing the expression e pro- 
vincia triumphare, to gain in some province 
the victory that earned a triumph, (in Pis. 
2 3 55 Ex Macedonia non triumphares ), 
so that this passage would mean where we 
used to serve our apprenticeship for the 
consulship. The reading of the MSS., 
however, gives the better sense, whose 
votes we used to ask, while votes were 
freely given. Cp. Att. I. I, 2 Fortasse, 
quoniam videtur in suffragiis inultum posse 
Gallia, . . excurremus mense Septembri (in 
the law vacation) legati ad Pisonem. 

8. Levitatem, not, as in later writers, 
inconstancy, but trifling, as it is ex 
plained by Geilius 7. II Veterum homi- 
num qui proprie atque integre locuti sunt, 
leves dixerunt, quos vulgo nunc viles et 
nullo honore digrios dicimus, et livitatem 
appellaverunt proinde quasi viliiatem* 

9. Ad Saxa rubra, on the Cremera, be 
tween Rome and Veii. 

10. Vesper am. So Halm from the 
Vatican MS. Other MSS. and Gellius (who 
quotes this passage, 7- JI ) vesperum, a 
form which occurs de Fin. 3. 2, 8. 

11. Cisio, in a gig. Cisia were two- 
wheeled vehicles, especially used for rtpid 
travelling: cp. pro Rose. Amer. 7, iQ Decem 
horis nocturnis sex et quinquaginta milia 
passuum cisiis pervolavit. 

Capite obvoluto. Cp. in Pis. 6, 13, 
quoted above on 76. 

12. A Marco, the praenomen only being 
given in his own house, among his own 



cc. 3132. 

Confestim ad earn, cuius causa venerat, eique epistolam tradidit. 
Quam cum ilia legeret flens erat enim scripta amatorie ; caput 
autem litterarum, sibi cum ilia mima posthac nihil futurum ; 
omnem se amorem abiecisse illim atque in hanc transfudisse : 
5 cum mulier fleret uberius, homo misericors ferre non potuit : 
caput aperuit, in collum invasit. O hominem nequam ! quid 
enim aliud dicam? magis proprie nihil possum dicere. Ergo ut 
te catamitum, nee opinato cum te ostendisses, praeter spem 
mulier adspiceret, idcirco urbem terrore nocturno, Italiam mul- 

jo torum dierum metu perturbasti ? Et domi quidem causam 73 
amoris habuisti, foris etiam turpiorem, ne L. Plancus praedes 
tuos vcnderet. Productus autem in contionem a tribuno plebis 
cum respondisses te rei tuae causa venisse, populum etiam dica- 
cem in te reddidisti. Sed nimis multa de nugis : ad maiora 

is; veniamus. 

C. Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam longissime proces- 32 
sisti. Celeriter isti, redisti, ut cognosceret te, si minus fprtem, at 
tamen strenuum. Factus es ei rursus nescio quo modo famili- 

I. Ad earn. Some MSS. add deducitur, 
but the omission of the verb suits better 
the dramatic character of the scene. 

4. Illim, from that quarter. Halm 
maintains this form also in pro Rab. Post. 
12, 35 ; de Har. Resp. 20, 42 ; instead of 
illinc, which is formed from it by the 
addition of the demonstrative particle ce. 

8. Catamitum. The inappropriateness 
of this reproach here led Heusinger to con 
jecture that this word is a corruption for 
the name of a well-known character in some 
play, who reappeared when he was supposed 
to be dead. 

10. Causam amoris, the plea of love 
to urge. 

n. Praedes tuos. Caesar having ap 
parently given orders to the praefecti urbis, 
of whom L. Plancus was one, that, if An 
tony did not pay the price of Pompey s 
house within the time appointed, a distress 
should be levied, and that, as was usual, not 
on the goods of Antony himself, but on 
those of his sureti. s. Praedes, properly 
the sureties themselves, is here used for 
tl eir goods, Cp. Verr. Act. 2. I. 54, 142 
Praedibus praediisque vendendis. 

12. Tuos. So Halm from the Vatican 
reading tus, and from other MSS. Al. 
suos, which agrees better with the MS. 
reading habuit, for habuisti. 9 

Productus in contionem, in order 
that the news which occasioned the mission 
of a special messenger might be made pub 
licly known. When Antony declared that 
he had merely returned on urgent private 
affairs, ( res tua having moreover a spe 
cial reference to love affairs, ) the very 
people made jokes at his expense. 

c. 32. When Caesar was returning home, 
Antony went some way to meet him, and 
not only regained his favour, to that his 
villainy was sufficient passport, but obtained 
from him the consulship. In this Dola- 
bdla was cheated, first by Caesar grasping 
for himself what he had promised Dolabella, 
and secondly, by the conduct of Antony. 
Abject enough in all his demeanour towards 
his master, he had the face to declare 
beforehand that he, as Consul, would usurp 
the augur s duty, and pronounce the auspices 
faulty, whatever their real character might 

17. Isti, redisti. So c. 35, 89: the 
omission of the copula marking more 
strongly the restlessness of the proceeding. 

18. Strenuum, active/ especially in 
travelling. Cp. Att. 15. 6, 2 Noli me tarn 
strenuum putare. ut ad nonas recurram. An 
tony s reputation for bravery, Cicero says, 
was lost when he stopped short at Narbo ; 
he sought to regain favour by his energy. 




aris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar : quern plane perditum acre 
alieno egentemque, si eundem nequam hominem audacemque 

79 cognorat, hunc in familiaritatem libentissime recipiebat. His 
igitur rebus praeclare commendatus iussus es renuntiari consul 
et quidem cum ipso. Nihil queror de Dolabella, qui turn est 5 
impulsus, inductus, elusus. yQua in re quanta fuerit uterque 
vestrum perfidia in Dolabellam, quis ignorat? Ille induxit ut 
peteret, promissum et receptum intervertit ad seque transtulit : 
tu eius perfidiae voluntatem tuam adscripsisti. Veniunt Kalen- 
dae lanuariae : cogimur in senatum ; invectus est copiosius 10 

so multo in istum et paratius Dolabella quam nunc ego. Hie 
autem iratus quae dixit, di boni ! Primum cum Caesar osten- 
disset se, prius quam proficisceretur, Dolabellam consulem esse 
iussurum quern negant regem, qui et faceret semper eius modi 
aliquid et diceret : sed cum Caesar ita dixisset, turn hie bonus \ - 
augur eo se sacerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis 
vel impedire vel vitiare posset, idque se facturum esse asseve- 

i. Habebat, &c., this was exactly 
Caesar s way. Cp. Pliny Ep. I. 12, 7 
Habebat enim hoc moris ; and Hor. S. 

I- 3 3 

Sardus habebat 
Ille Tigellius hoc. 

6. Impulsus, inductus, elusus. The 
two latter words are explained by what fol 
lows ; impulsus probably means, excited 
with the hope of being Consul ; cp. ad 
Brut. I. 10, 3 Caesarem impulerunt in 
spem certissimam consulatus ; Suet. Ner. 
35 In spem imperii impellere. 

8. Receptum adds to promissum the 
further idea of guaranteeing : cp. Att. 
13. i, 2 De aestate polliceris vel potius 

9. Kalendae lanuariae, when the 
Consuls entered on their office, 44 B.C. 

II. In istum. Against Antony, as the 
instrument of Caesar, whom he dared not 
attack directly for his treachery. 

13. Proficisceretur. On the expedi 
tion which, beginning with the subjugation 
of the Parthiuns, was intended to extend 
over Hyrcania, and the parts about the 
Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and passing 
through Scythia, to work its way back 
to Italy through Germany, completing 
thus the circle of his conquest. Plut. 
Caes. 58. 

14. Iussurum. Cp. 79 iussus es, the 
word being intentionally chosen to mark the 

despotic nature of the act, as Cicero himself 
points out in the words that follow. 

15. Sed. See on I. 11, 27. 

17- Impedire, vel vitiare, could 
prevent their being held, or, if they were, 
could make them null and void, neither of 
which he had any right to do as augur. The 
several steps in the ceremony of taking the 
auspices were as follows : First the Consul 
or other presiding magistrate ordered the 
inspection to be made. This order the 
augurs carried out, and made their report 
( nuntiatio ), which the Consul then con 
sidered ; and if he thought the omens un 
favourable, he declared the business to be 
postponed ( obnuntiatio ). Hence the augurs 
office was purely ministerial, as they could 
neither initiate the proceedings, nor decide 
on the result ; though doubtless there were 
many cases in which the obnuntiatio ne 
cessarily followed on their report. It is not 
clear to which part of the proceedings the 
term spectio applies, though probably to 
the estimation of the auspices by the Consul, 
previous to his obnuntiatio. Festus says it 
applies also to the actual inspection; but 
this is not borne out by Cicero s argument. 
Cp. Varr. L. L. 5. 8 Et quod in auspiciis 
distributum est, qui habeant spectionem, 
qui non habeant. A wholly different rite is 
referred to in the words de caelo servare, 
the process there consisting in looking for 
omens in the heavens. This was only in 


cc. 3233. 

ravit. In quo primum incredibilem stupiditatem hominis cog- 
noscite. Quid enim ? istud, quod te sacerdotii iure facere posse 81 
dixisti, si augur non esses et consul esses, minus facere potuisses ? 
Vide ne etiam facilius. Nos enim nuntiationem solum habemus, 
5 consules et reliqui magistrates etiam spectionem. Esto : hoc 
imperite ; nee enim est ab homine numquam sobrio postulanda 
prudentia : sed videte impudentiam. Multis ante mensibus in 
senatu dixit se Dolabellae comitia aut prohibiturum auspiciis 
aut id facturum esse, quod fecit. Quisquamne divinare potest, 

10 quid vitii in auspiciis futurum sit, nisi qui de caelo servare con- 
stituit ? quod neque licet comitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit, 
non comitiis habitis, sed prius quam habeantur debet nuntiare. 
Verum implicata inscientia impudentia est ; nee scit" quod au- 
gurem, nee facit quod pudentem decet. Itaque ex illo die recor- 82 

15 damini eius usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Quis umquam 
apparitor tarn humilis, tarn abiectus ? Nihil ipse poterat ; omnia 
rogabat ; caput in aversam lecticam inserens beneficia, quae ven- 

the power of the presiding magistrate, and 
as the mere determination on his part to 
observe the sky sufficed, whether omens 
were observed or not, it was possible to 
know beforehand that the business would be 
thus postponed. Probably it was the im 
mense power thus conveyed to one man in 
determining elections that led to the pro 
hibition of this means of stopping them. 
Cp. de Dom. 15, 39 Negant (augures) fas 
esse agi cuai pcpulo, cum de caelo servatum 

4. Nos enim, we augurs, see on c. 

2, 3- 

9. Aut id, &c., or make them void, 
by breaking them off in the middle. See 
c. 32, 82. 

10. Nisi qui, &c. It is true that, as 
Abrami urges, the man who had determined 
de caelo servare could not tell what bad 
omen he would see, and so Cicero s argu 
ment is informally expressed ; but his mean 
ing is clear, that by that determination 
alone could a man resolve beforehand that 
he would bring augury to bear in stopping 
the proceedings, since it was the only kind 
of divination in which, as we have seen 
above, it made no practical difference what 
was the result of his observations. 

11. Per leges. He apparently refers to 
a Lex Clodia, passed by P. Clodius in his 
tribuneship, 58 B.C., and repealing the Lex 

Aelia et Fufia. This latter law (or laws, 
for it is doubtful whether there was one or 
two, see Orelli, Onomast. 3. p. 130,) secured 
to the magistrates the right of stopping the 
comitia if the omens were unfavourable, 
and also reserved to the tribunes their pri 
vilege of intercessio. Cicero elsewhere 
denounces its repeal as the removal of one 
of the main bulwarks of the constitution. 
(In Vatin. 9, 23; pro Sest. 15, 33.) 

16. Apparitor, a public servant of one 
of the minor magistrates, standing in the 
same relation to them as the lictors to the 

17. In aversam lecticam, into the 
back of the litter. He would respectfully 
follow his colleague s litter, and from time to 
time reach forward his head to the back of 
the litter as it was carried from him. The 
reading adversam, which is found in 
several MSS., would represent him as bold 
enough to stop the litter when he met it in 
the street. 

c. 33. This monstrous role he carried out. 
After the election was concluded, lie declared 
that it should not fake place ; and then again, 
when it so suited him, he acted as though it 
had been regular. On the consequences of his 
conduct Cicero would not titter an opinion, 
lest he should anticipate the formal judgment 
of the augurs, but at least it served to shoiv 
the fellow s impudence. 


33 deret, a collega petebat. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies ; 

I. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum 
dies, &c. The key to this much disputed 
passage appears to be found in the descrip 
tion of the Comitia Centuriata given by 
Cicero in his treatise de Republica (3. 22, 
39). That passage is itself corrupt, but 
it seems agreed that in the main the Vatican 
MS., as corrected by the second copyist, 
fairly represents its meaning. (See Halm 
on the passage, and Orelli, Onomast. 3. 
p. 374-) It is as follows: Nunc rationem 
videtis esse talem, ut equitum centuriae cum 
sex suffragiis et prima classis, addila centuria 
quae ad summum usum urbis fabris tignariis 
est data, LXXXVIHI centurias habeat : qui- 
bus ex cent, quattor (sic) centuriis, tot enim 
reliquae sunt, octo solae si accesserunt, con- 
fecta est vis populi universa : reliquaque 
multo maior multitudo sex et nonaginta 
centuriarum neque excluderetur suffragiis, 
ne superbum esset, nee valeret nimis, ne 
esset periculosum. From this account we 
gain the following facts, bearing on the pas 
sage before us. I. That the first class con 
tained 70 centuries, probably one of seniors 
and one of juniors in each tribe. 2. That 
the whole number of centuries was 193, of 
which only 104 belonged to the lower 
classes. 3. That the votes of the knights, 
the first class, and a very small portion (8 
centuries) of the second class, constituted 
an absolute majority, and if they agreed, 
rendered further voting unnecessary. 4. 
That the knights appear to have been asso 
ciated in voting with the first class, but 
that the sex suffragia, probably the repre 
sentatives of the old patrician centuries, 
which Livy tells us (l. 43) were retained by 
Servius Tullius, still were kept distinct. 
It must also be observed that in the original 
rendering of the Vatican MS. the number 
sex is not expressed, so that we may 
readily suppose either that Cicero omitted 
it in both passages as superfluous, or that in 
both cases it has dropped out by the care 
lessness of the copyist. Any explanation of 
its absence in the Republic would apply, 
though with less apparent plausibility, to the 
less corrupt passage before us. 

Applying these remarks to our text, and 
observing that the knights appear to have 
lost their right of voting first, in order to 
gratify the superstition involved in giving 
the first vote to a century chosen by lot 
( praerogativa ), we get the following inter 
pretation of the passage : Now we come | 
to the day of Dolabella s election ; the lot 
is cast which century shall vote first. He j 
remains quiet. Its vote is declared. He 

holds his tongue. Then the first class (in 
cluding the 12 centuries of knights, and the 
odd century of smiths, &c.) is called within 
the barriers. Then, as usual, come the " sexj 
suffragia." Then the second class is called : ; 
all this taking less time than I have spent in; 
telling it. When all is over (the votes of a( 
few centuries in the second class- finishing the * 
business), our excellent augur, a second i 
Laelius, adjourns the election to another 
day. The only difficulty in this interpre 
tation lies in the necessity of introducing or 
understanding sex, and it is possible that 
the true reading may be suffragia equitum, 
the word equitum having dropped out 
from the influence of the following turn. 

The explanation here given differs from 
the ordinary views in supposing that the 
only change introduced into the Comitia 
centuriata by the admixture of the forms 
of the Comitia tributa/ consisted in an 
alteration of the number of centuries, adapt 
ing them to the number of tribes. This 
adaption is confirmed by the expressions 
in Livy that the right of voting first fell 
on different occasions to the Aniensis iuni- 
orum (24. 7), the Veturia iuniorum (26. 
22), and the Galeria iuniorum (27. 6). 
Many commentators have even supposed 
(following the conjecture of Pantagathus) 
that the same arrangement prevailed in all 
the classes, and that there were two centuries 
of each class in every tribe, or 350 centuries 
in all, excluding the knights ; but besides the 
adverse testimony of the passage in the 
Republic, Niebuhr brings an objection (Hist. 
Rome 3. p. 334, Eng. Trans.) against this 
theory, that in an ordinary day there would 
not be time for 350 centuries to vote. 
How the 104 centuries were divided among 
the lower classes we cannot tell. Orelli 
(Onomast. 1. c.) conjectures that the fourth 
and fifth classes, which originally had fewer 
votes in proportion to their numbers than 
the others, were actually disfranchised by 
the change, and points out that this was 
the more feasible when the citizens no 
longer paid any taxes to the treasury. 
Madv. (Opusc. i. p. 169) thinks that the 
whole account refers to the voting of the 
centuria praerogativa, the several classes 
voting separately in each century, but he 
gives no authority to support his. view, which 
is at least opposed by the words confecto 
negotio. His theory also makes it neces 
sary to expunge the second renuntiatur. 
Another reading is suffragatum secunda 
classis vocatur, with which the words ut 
assolet are hopelessly otiose, nor is the 

G 2 

8 4 


cc. 3334. 

sortitio praerogatlvae ; quiescit. Remmtiatur ; tacet. Prima 
classis vocatur, renuntiatur ; deinde, ita ut assolet, suffragia ; turn 
secunda classis vocatur : quae omnia sunt citius facta quam dixi. 
Confecto negotio bonus augur C. Laelium diceres alio die 33 
5 inquit. O impudentiam singularem ! Quid videras ? quid sen- 
seras? quid audieras? neque enim te de caelo servasse dixisti, 
nee hodie dicis. Id igitur obvenit vitium, quod tu iam Kalendis 
lanuariis futurum esse provideras et tanto ante praedixeras. 
Ergo hercule magna, ut spero, tua potius quam rei publicae cala- 

10 mi tat e ementitus es auspicia, obstrinxisti religione populum 
Romanum, augur auguri, consul consuli obnuntiasti. Nolo 
plura, ne acta Dolabellae videar convellere, quae necesse est 
aliquando ad nostrum collegium deferantur. Sed arrogantiam 84 
hominis insolentiamque cognoscite. Quam diu tu voles, viti- 

15 osus consul Dolabella : rursus, cum voles, salvis auspiciis creatus. 
Si nihil est, cum augur iis verbis nuntiat, quibus tu nuntiasti, 
confitere te, cum alio die dixeris, sobrium non fuisse : sin est 
.aliqua vis in istis verbis, ea quae sit augur a collega require. 

matter much amended by the conjecture of 
L. Urlichs (Rhein. Mus. for 1847, p. 153), 
that the second vocatur is an interpolation, 
arising from the conscious want of a verb, 
which he supposes is to be sought in the 
last letters of assolet, so that the reading 
would be deinde ut assolet it suffragatum 
secuada classis, then the second class 
comes forth in order as usual to stand by 
the first, 

I. Praerogativae, sc. centuriae, the 
election to the consulship always being made 
at the Comitia centuriata, though the can 
didates naturally arranged their canvassing 
according to tribes : Cp. Q.. Cic. de Pet. 
Cons. 8, 32 Qui apud tribules suos gratia 
plurimum possunt, tui studiosos in centuriis 
habebis. It has been urged from Livy 5. 
18 Haud invitis patribus P. Licinium 
Calvum praerogativa tribunum militum 
(consulari potestate) creant, . . . omnesque 
deinceps ex collegio eiusdem anni refici ap- 
parebat ; . . . qui priusquam renuntiarentur, 
iure vocatis tribubus permissu interregis P. 
Licinius Calvus ita verba fecit, that the 
election also took place according to tribes, 
but Niebuhr has shown (Hist. Rome 3. p. 339) 
that the election to the military tribuneship, 
unlike that to the consulship, took place at 
the Comitia tributa. 

4. C. Laelium: cp. Nat. Deor. 3. 2, 5 
Habeo C. Laelium augurem eundemque 

sapientem, quern potius audiam de religione 
in ilia oratione nobili quam quemquam 
principem Stoicorum. 

Alio die. This was the regular for 
mula for declaring the Comitia to be ad 
journed; cp. de Legg. 2. 12. 31 Quid gra- 
vius quam rem susceptam dirimi, si nnus 
augur "alio die" dixerit. 

6. De caelo servasse. See on 81. 

11. Obnuntiasti. See on 80. 

12. Convellere, to nullify; cp. pro 
Caec. 1 8, 51 Ojjae iudicia aut stipulationes 
aut pacti et conventi formula non infirmari 
ac convelli potest, si ad verba rem deflectere 

13. Deferantur, the validity of which 
must at some future time be referred to the 
college of augurs for their decision. 

18. Ea quae sit, show us what mean 
ing they can possibly bear that shall be con 
sistent with your present recognition of 
Dolabella as consul. 

c. 34. The worst was at the Lupercalia, 
when Antony not only so far forgot the 
dignity of the consulship as to run about the 
streets half naked, but tried to make himself 
and the Roman people openly the slaves of 
Caesar, by offering him a crown : and when 
Caesar had the grace to reject it, instead of 
letting the matter drop, he openly proclaimed, 
and caused it to be recorded in the public 
annals, that he had tried to establish at Rome 



34 Sed ne forte ex multis rebus gestis Antonii rem imam pul- 
cherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veniamus. Non dis- 
simulat, patres conscript! : apparet esse commotum ; sudat, 
pallet. Quldlibet, modo ne nauseet, faciat, quod in porticu 
Minucia fecit. Quae potest esse turpitudinis tantae defensio ? 5 
Cupio audire, ut videam, ubi rhetoris sit tanta merces, id est 

85 ubi campus Leontinus appareat. Sedebat in rostris collega 
tuus, amictus toga purpurea,TrTsella aurea, coronatus. Escendis, 
accedis ad sellam ita eras Lupercus, ut te consulem esse memi- 
nisse deberes , diadema ostendis. Gemitus toto foro. Unde 10 
diadema ? non enim abiectum sustuleras, sed attuleras domo 
meditatum et cogitatum scelus. Tu diadema imponebas cum 
plangore populi : ille cum plausu reiiciebat. Tu ergo unus, 
scelerate, inventus es qui, cum auctor regni esses, eum, quern 
collegam habebas, dominum habere velles ; idem tentares, quid 15 

86 populus Romanus ferre et pati posset/ At etiam misericordiam 
captabas : supplex te ad pedes abiiciebas. Quid petens ? ut 
servires? Tibi uni peteres, qui ita a puero vixeras, ut omnia 

such a tyranny as in olden times had caused 
the death or exile of all who aimed at it. 

1. Unam pulcherrimam, the very 
fairest action: cp. Lael. I, I Scaevolam 
contuli, quem unum nostrae civitatis et 
ingenio et iustitia praestantissimum audes 
dicere; and Virg. Ae. 2. 426 Cadit et 
Rhipeus, iustissirnus unus Qui fuit. 

2. Ad Lupercalia. On the 15th of 
February. Plutarch (Caes. 61) describes the 
licence that prevailed during this festival, 
TWV fvyfvcav veaviatccuv KOI dpxovrojv iroX\ol 
SiaOfovffiv ava TT)V itoXiv yvftvol GKVTCGI 
\affiois TOVS t fJLiroSwv Im iratSiq Kal y\can 
waiovTfs. In his life of Antony, c. 12, he 
tells us that Antony took part in this ; and 
in both places he gives a full account of his 
offering the crown to Caesar. Cp. 13. 

I5 31- 

4. In porticu Minucia, in the re 
gion of the Circus Flaminius, a little south? 
west of the circus itself, and adjoining trie 
theatre of Balbus, close to the modern 
Ghetto. It was built by L. Minucius Rufus, 
in commemoration of his victories in Thrace 
in no B.C. As assemblies of the people 
were often held there, the misconduct of 
Antony here alluded to is probably the same 
that is described in c. 25, 63. 

7. Ubi campus Leontinus appa 
reat, what we have to show for the land 
at Leontini. See c. 17, 43 note. 

8. Amictus toga purpurea, &c. Ifft 
8i<ppov xpvaov Opiapptfcai Koafiw Kffcoa- 
//7//ii/os, Plut. Caes. 61. Suetonius tells us 
that the Senate decreed to Caesar the right 
of wearing a crown of laurel, a privilege 
which he especially valued, as a means of 
concealing his incipient baldness. Suet. 
Caes. 45 ; cp. ib. 76. 

9. Ita ... ut, your being Lupercus 
was subject to the condition of your remem 
bering that you were Consul ; you were 
bound, Lupercus as you were, to remember 
the obligations of your consulship. Cp. 
Off. i. 25, 88 Ita probanda est mansuetudo 
atque dementia, ut adhibeatur reipublicae 
causa severitas. 1 

12. Diadema. 8id5jjfJ.a ffTtfpavu SaQvqs 
TTfpnreir\(yfjLevov, Plut. Caes. 61 . The crime 
was intensified by the fact that it sprung from 
no momentary impulse, but had been care 
fully planned and rehearsed ( meditatum ) 
at home, as was proved by his bringing the 
crown with him. 

Imponebas, &c., again and again you 
tried to place it on his brow, amid the 
hooting of the people, and so often he re 
fused it amid their applause. Plutarch tells 
us (1. c.) that Caesar ordered the crown to 
be deposited in the Capitol. Cp. 3. 5, \2. 

14. Auctor regni. See c. 22, 53 note. 

1 8. Peteres. Abrarni takes this as 
equivalent to petere debebas ; but grant- 



cc. 3435. 

paterere, ut facile servires : a nobis populoque Romano man- 
datum id certe non habebas. O praeclaram illam eloquentiam 
tuam, cum es nudus contionatus ! Quid hoc turpius? quid 
foedius? quid suppliers omnibus dignius? Num exspectas, dum 
te stimulis fodiamus? haec te, si ullam partem habes sensus, 
lacerat, haec cruentat oratio. Vereor ne imminuam summorum 
virorum gloriam ; dicam tamen dolore commotus. Quid indig- 
nius quam vi\*tre eum qui imposuerit diadema, cum omnes 
fateantur iure interfectum esse qui abiecerit ? At etiam adscribi 87 
iussit in fastis ad Lupercalia : C. Caesari, dictator! perpetuo, 
M. Antonium consulem populi iussu regnum detulisse, 
Caesarem uti noluisse. lam iarn minime miror te otium 
perturbare ; non modo urbem odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum 
perditissimis latronibus non solum de die, sed etiam in diem 
vivere. Ubi enim tu in pace consistes? qui locus tibi in legibus 
et in iudiciis esse potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu 
regio sustulisti ? Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Sp. Cassius, 

ing that the imperfect and pluperfect sub 
junctive may sometimes express what ought 
to have been done (see Madv. 351 b. 
Obs. 4), it seems better here to take it, 
with Halm, you might ask, if you would, 
for yourself. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 66, 168 
Etiamne id magnrm fuit, Panormum lit- 
teras mittere? Adservasses hominem, . . . 
aliquid de summo supplicio remitteres. 

3. Nudus, cp. 3. 5, 12. The customary 
dress of theLuperci at their festival being only 
an apron of goatskin, (cp. Ov. Fast. 5. 101 
Semicaper coleris cinctutis, Faune, Lupercis, 
ib. 2. 283 foil.) the reproach to Antony 
consists not in his being thus half naked, 
but in his coming forward in such a guise to 
harangue the people as Consul. 

5. Stimulis fodiamus. An ox goad 
was commonly used to punish offending 
slaves: cp. Plaut. Cure. I. 2, 43 Etiam 
mihi quoque stimulo fodere lubet te. 

6. Haec oratio, this speech of mine. 
7- Quid indignius quam. Cicero 

himself says, Att. 16. II, 2, that he thinks 
this would be better changed : Illud etiam 
malo, " indignissimum est hunc vivere," 
quam, "quid indignius." The original 
reading is however found in the Vatican MS. 
10. In fastis. In the fasti annales, 
the public records of the chief events in the 
year. Cp. Hor. Od. 4. 13, 14. 

Nee clari lapides (referunt) tempora, 
quae semel 

Notis condita fastis 
Inclusit volucris dies. 

Ad Lupercalia, under the heading 
of the Lupercalia, at its date. 

14. De die evidently means extrava 
gantly, and perhaps is to be explained -by 
Hor. Od. i. I, 20 Nee partem solido de- 
mere de die Spernit : the extravagance con 
sisting in abstracting from business hours 
some extra time for feasting. Cp. Id. Epp. 

I. 14, 34 Media de luce; Livy 23. 8 Coe- 
perunt epulari de die, et convivium non 
ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse, 
sed ut in civitate atque etiam domo diti ac 
luxuriosa omnibus vt.ltiptatis illecebris in- 
structum. So Catull. 47, 5 

Vos convivia Jauta sumtuose 

De die facitis. 

Halm takes it of living on what the day 
brings forth. 

In diem, only for the day, without 
thought for the morrow: cp. 5. 9, 25 
Qui in horam viverent ; de Orat. 2. 40, 169 
Si barbarorum est in diem vivere. 

17. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See c. 

II, 26 notes. From the omission of the second 
Spurius in the Vatican MS., some editors 
have written here Spurii Cassius, Maelius, 
as if the praenomen could be used once 
for the two names. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 70) 
points out the barbarism of this, and suggests 
the reading in the text, from a comparison 
of c. 44, 114. 

86-89. ORA T10 PHILIPPIC A II. 87 

Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius necati, ut multis post saeculis a M. 
Antonio, quod fas non est, rex Romae constitueretur? 
35 Sed ad auspicia redeamus, de quibus Idibus Martiis fuit in 

88 senatu Caesar acturus. Quaero : turn tu quid egisses ? Audie- 
bam equidem te paratum venisse, quod me de ementitis auspi- 5 
ciis, quibus tamen parere necesse erat, putares esse dicturum. 
Sustulit ilium diem Fortuna rei publicae. Num etiam tuum 
de auspiciis iudicium interitus Caesaris sustulit ? Sed incidi in 
id tempus, quod iis rebus, in quas ingressa erat oratio, praever- 
tendum est. Quae tua fuga ! quae formido praeclaro illo die/H 
quae propter conscientiam scelerum desperado vitae ! cum ex 
ilia fuga beneficio eorum, qui te, si^sanus esses, salvum esse 

89 voluerunt, clam te domum recepisti. 1 O mea frustra semper 
verissima auguria rerum futurarum ! Dicebam illis in Capitolio 
liberatoribus nostris, cum me ad te ire vellent, ut ad defenden- 15 
dam rem publicam te adhortarer : quoad metueres, omnia te 
promissurum ; simul ac timere desisses, similem te futurum tui. 
Itaque cum ceteri consulares irent redirent, in sententia mansi : 
neque te illo die neque postero vidi, neque ullam societatem 

00.35,36. The death of Caesar had pre- 6. Putares. For this use of the sub- 
vented Antony from giving an explanation junctive see c. 4, 7 note. 
about the auspices. It also caused him, under J. Sustulit, rendered unavailable for 
the influence of terror, to make more show public business. ,Dom. 17. 45 Si 
of patriotic feeling than Cicero could possibly qua res ilium diem aut auspiciis aut excu- 
believe would last. It was true that he stirred satione sustulit, tota causa iudiciumque sub- 
np the riot which took place at Caesar s latum sit. 

funeral; but then he passed those excellent Tuum de auspiciis iudicium. Since 

decrees, forbidding the recall of exiles, or the nothing more was heard of any objections 

granting of immunities, and abolishing for to the validity of Dolabella s election. 

ever the office of dictator. Yet, even at the 9. Quod . . . praevertendum est, 

time, he was violating these decrees; and not which claims precedence of the other 

content with squandering the public funds, he matters. Praevertor (rarely praeverto, 

ivas selling pardons and immunities by whole- as in Tac. Ann. 4. 32) is commonly used 

sale at his home. in the sense of turning first to, though 

3. Fuit acturus. As Caesar was in- seldom, as here, with an accusative case 
tending to start on his Parthian expedition after it. Cp., however, Livy 8. 13 Co 
on the 1 9th of March, it was necessary that acti novi consules omnibus earn rem prae- 
the validity of Dolabella s election, as Consul verti. 

in his place, should be determined before 10. Q_uae tua fuga. We learn from 

his departure ; and it seems that on the very Plutarch (Ant. 14) that Antony, on hearing 

day of his death he was going to bring the of Caesar s assassination, hid himself in the 

matter before the senate. disguise of a slave. 

5. Ementitis auspiciis. Cp. c. 33, 12. Si sanus esses, if you would but 

83; 3. 4, 9. Fictitious however though entertain sound views about the state: cp. 

they were, yet being formally declared, these c. 21, 51 Ipsi C. Caesari, si sana mente 

auspices could not be ignored till they had esset, consulere velletis. 

been as formally annulled; hence parere 18. Irent redirent. See c. 31, 78 

necesse erat. note. 

88 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 35-37. 

optimis civibus cum Importunissimo hoste foedere ullo confir- 
mari posse credidi. Post diem tertium veni in aedem Telluris, 
et quidem invitus, cum omnes aditus armati obsiderent. Qui 
tibi dies ille, Antoni, fuit ! Quamquam mihi inimicus subito 90 
5 exstitisti, tamen me tui miseret, quod tibi invideris. Qui tu vir, 36 
di immortales, et quantus fuisses, si illius diei mentem servare 
potuisses ! Pacem haberemus, quae erat facta per obsidem 
puerum nobilem, M. Bambalionis nepotem. Quamquam bonum 
te timor faciebat, non diuturnus magister officii, improbum fecit 
ea, quae, dum timor abest, a te non discedit, audacia. Etsi turn, 
cum optimum te putabant me quidem dissentiente, funeri tyranni, 
si illud funus fuit, sceleratissime praefuisti. Tua ilia pulchra 91 
laudatio, tua miseratio, tua cohortatio ; tu, tu, inquam, illas faces 
incendisti et eas, quibus semustilatus ille est, et eas, quibus 

15 incensa L. Bellieni domus deflagravit. Tu illos impetus perdi- 
torum hominum et ex maxima parte servorum, quos nos vi 
manuque reppulimus, in nostras domos immisisti. Idem tamen 
quasi fuligine abstersa reliquis diebus in Capitolio praeclara 
senatus consulta fecisti, ne qua post Idus Martias immunitatis 

20 tabula neve cuius beneficii figeretur. Meministi ipse de exsu- 
libus, scis de immunitate quid dixeris. Optimum vero, quod 

2. Post diem tertium, two days 9. Diuturnus. Cp. C)ff. 2. 7, 23 Malus 
after, on the 1 7th of March, according to est custos diuturnitatis metus. His meaning 
the Roman inclusive mode of reckoning : is, that where fear is the only monitor to 
cp. de Div. I. 25, 52 Est apud Platonem duty, the removal of the fear will cause the 
Socrates . . . dicens Cr soni sibi post tertium immediate neglect of the duty. 

diem esse moriendum : and Tac. Ann. I. 62 12. Si illud funus fuit. Cp. I. 2, 5 

Post sextum cladis annum. Illam insepultam sepulturam ; and note. 

Veni in aedem Telluris. See I. I, I 14. Semustilatus, scorched. The 

note. taunt is not only unworthy of Cicero, but 

3. Qui tibi dies ille! what a day of also untrue, as Caesar s body was consumed 
glory was that for you ! as being marked by to ashes: cp. Att. 14. 10, i Ille etiam 
his zeal for the real interests of the state. in foro combustus. Fcrrarius compares 
See I. I, 2. For the expression cp. Qui tu pro Mil. 13, 33 Tu P. Clodii cruentum 
vir ! just below. cadaver . . . infelicissirnis lignis- semustu- 

5. Invideris, you have grudged your- latum, nocturnis canibus dilaniandum reli- 

self the fame you had achieved, have in- quisti. 

terfered with your own interests. 15. L. Bellieni. Perhaps the same man 

7. Per puerum. See I. i, 2 note. whom Caelius mentions (Cic. Fam. 8. 15, 2) 

8. M. Bambalionis, That Bambalio as verna Demetrii, Demetrius being a fa- 
was the nickname of M. Fulvius, the father vourite freedman of Antony s. The burning 
of Fulvia, not of the father of Fadia, of his house, and the murder, by mistake, of 
Antony s first wife, as some have thought, Helvius China, appear to have been the only 
is proved both by the praenomen, Fadius serious deeds of mischief done by the mob 
name being Quintus, c. 2, 3 ; and by 3. after Caesar s funeral. 

6, 1 6, where he explains the meaning of 17. Idem tamen, &c. For the fol- 

the name. lowing acts of Antony, see I. I, .3 notes. 




dictaturae nomen in perpetuum de re publica sustulisti : quo 
quidem facto tantum te cepisse odium regni videbatur, ut eius 

92 omne nomen propter proximi dictatoris metum tolleres. Consti- 
tuta res publica videbatur aliis, mihi vero nullo modo, qui omnia 
te gubernante naufragia metuebam. Num igitur me fefellit ? aut 5 
num diutius sui potuit dissimilis esse. Inspectantibus vobis 
toto Capitolio tabulae figebantur, neque solum singulis venibant 
immunitates, sed etiam populis universis : civitas non iam sin- 
gillatim, sed provinciis totis dabatur. Itaque si haec manent, 
quae stante re publica manere non possunt, provincias universas, 10 
patres conscripti, perdidistis, neque vectigalia solum, sed etiam 
imperium populi Romani huius domesticis nundinis deminutum 

37 est. Ubi est septiens miliens, quod est in tabulis, quae sunt 

93 ad Opis ? funestae illius quidem pecuniae, sed tamen, quae nos, 

si iis, quorum erat, non redderetur, a tributis posset vindicare. J 5 
Tu autem quadringentiens sestertium, quod Idibus Martiis debu- 
isti, quonam modo ante Kalendas Apriles debere desisti ? Sunt 
ea quidem innumerabilia, quae a tuis emebantur non insciente te, 

3. Omne nomen. So Halm, .with 
Muretus, from the Vatican reading * omen 
nomen. The common reading is omneni 
propter proximum dictatorem tolleres me 
tum. It seems probable that in the Vatican 
reading omen is superfluous, brought in 
from nomen following, as in the next line 
in the same MS. res is written twice. 
Madvig points out that omne nomen tol- 
lere would not be good Latin for funditus 
nomen tollere. 

8. Populis universis. In c. 38, 97 
he specifies Crete. Cp. also 3. 12, 30 Ven- 
diderit immunitates? civitates liberaverit? 
provincias totas ex imperii populi Romani 
iure sustulerit? and I. 10, 24 note. 

12. Domesticis nundinis. See on c. 

M. 35- 

c. 37. The most absurd thing was a de 
cree in favour of Deiotarus, professedly pro 
ceeding from Caesar, who was to the last his 
bitterest enemy ; really a piece of jobbery on 
the part of Antony, who hoped to get ten 
million sesterces for granting to Deiotarus 
the territory of which he had already taken 
possession, without waiting for his aid. 

13. Septiens mil 1 iens, sc. sestertium. 
See introduction to the first oration ; 
c. 14, 35 note; and i. 7, 17 note. Two 
MSS. supply sestertium. As in such ex 
pressions sestertium is always treated as 

a singular noun (whence the singular rela 
tive quod ), so that here it would be the 
nominative, case, funestae pecuniae is not 
in apposition with it, but rather depends on 
tabulis: cp. 5. 6, 15 Direptio eius pecu 
niae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est. 
See also on 95. 

15. A tributis. The tributum, or war 
tax, levied on all real property, had been 
discontinued since the time of the Mace 
donian war, in 147 B.C., in consequence of 
the influx of revenue from the provinces. 
It became necessary to reimpose it in the 
year following this speech. Cp. Fam. 12. 
30, 4 Incredibiles angustiae pecuniae pub- 
licae, quae conquiritur undique, ut optime 
meritis militibus promissa solvantur; quod 
quidem fieri sine tribute posse non arbitror. 

16. Q_uadringentiens sestertium. 
Forty millions of sesterces, or nearly 360,000^. 
The enormous scale of the incomes and 
debts of the leading Romans of this period 
is well illustrated by M. Boissier, in his 
pamphlet Stir la Vie privee des Romains. 

Idibus . . . Kalendas. The usual 
times for settling accounts between debtor 
and creditor. Cp. Hor. S. I. 3, 87 Tristes 
Kalendae; ib. 6, 75 Octonis referentes 
Idibus aera ; id. Epod. 2, 69 

Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam, 
Quaerit Kalendis ponere. 


cc. 3738. 

sed unum egregium de rege Deiotaro, populi Roman! amicissimo, 
decretum in Capitolio fixum : quo proposito nemo erat, qui in 
ipso dolore risum posset continere. Quis enim cuiquam inimicior 94 
quam Deiotaro Caesar? aeque atque huic ordini, ut equestri, ut 
Massiliensibus, ut omnibus, quibus rem publicam populi Romani 
caram esse sentiebat. Igitur a quo vivo nee praesens nee absens 
rex Deiotarus quidquam aequi boni impetravit, apud mortuum 
factus est gratiosus. Compellarat hospitem praesens, compu- 
tarat, pecuniam impetrarat, in eius tetrarchia unum ex Graecis 
comitibus suis collocarat, Armenian! abstulerat a senatu datam. 
Haec vivus eripuit : reddit mortuus. At quibus verbis ? modo 95 
aequum sibi videri, modo non iniquum. Mira verborum com- 
plexio ! At ille numquam semper enim absenti adfui Deio 
taro quidquam sibi, quod nos pro illo postularemus, aequum 

I. Deiotaro. Deiotarus, tetrarch of 
Galatia, was invested by the Romans with 
the title of king in gratitude for his services 
in the war with Mithridates. Having aided 
Pompey in the civil war, he was deprived of 
his dominions by Caesar, but resumed them on 
hearing of the dictator s death, and induced 
Antony to confirm his title by a bribe of ten 
millions of sesterce?, or nearly 90,000^. 

5. Massiliensibus. Cp. pro Font. I, 
3 Urbs Massilia fortissimorum fidelissi- 
morumque sociorum, qui Gallicorum bel- 
lorum pericula a populo Romano copiis 
armisque propulsarunt ; ib. 16, 35 Ea 
conditione atque eo fato se in his terris 
collocatam esse arbitratur, ne quid nostris 
hominibus illae gentes nocere possint. 
Hence when Caesar reduced it, in 48 B.C., 
in consequence of its adherence to Pompey, 
Cicero tells us that the Roman citizens 
mourned over its humiliation as their own. 
See 8. 6, 17. 

6. Igitur. In consequence of the rare 
use by Cicero of igitur at the beginning of 
a clause, various emendations, such as is 
igitur, sed igitur, figitur, &c., have been 
suggested. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 206) 
defends the simple igitur/ comparing c. 1 6, 
41, and urging that Cicero s meaning is 
obvious enough, that having shown that 
Caesar was Deiotarus bitterest foe, he con 
cludes ironically, from Antony s decree, that 
they must have been reconciled after Caesar s 
death. See also Zumpt, 3^7. 

7- Aequi boni. See on i. I, r. 
8. Compellarat hospitem praesens, 
Caesar had sent for him when staying in 

his house; cp. in Senatu 13, 32 Nomina- 
tim alii compellabantur, alii citabantur, alii 
relegabantur. Caesar passed through Galatia 
in 47 B.C., returning from his campaign in 
Pontus against Pharnaces. 

9. Impetrarat. So Halm, from the 
Vatican MS. ; Orelli, from another MS., 

Unum .. collocarat. Mithridates of 
Pergamus, a natural son of Mithridates the 
Great, on whom at the same time Caesar 
conferred the title of king of the Bos 

10. Armenian!. The little Armenia, 
which Caesar probably gave to Ariobarzanes 
III, king of Cappadocia : cp. de Div. 2. 37, 
79 Is cum ei Trogmorum tetrarchian eri- 
puisset et adseculae suo Pergameno nescio 
cui dedisset eidemque detraxisset Armenian! 
a senatu datam, cumque ab eo magnificen- 
tissumo hospitio acceptus esset, spoliatum 
reliquit et hospitem et regem. 

12. Mira verborum complexio, a 
strange combination of words ; viz. the 
indiscriminate use of aequum and non 
iniquum in the same decree. Cicero again 
finds fault with Antony s Latinity, 3. 9, 22 ; 
and 1 3. 19, 43. 

13. Adfui. The last cause that Cicero 
pleaded was that of Deiotarus, when he was 
accused by his grandson Castor of designs 
on Caesar s life. The case was heard before 
Caesar, 45 B.C., on which occasion Cicero 
delivered his extant speech, pro Rege Deio 
taro, but the dictator postponed the decision 
of the case till he should have made personal 
inquiries on the spot. 



dixit videri. Syngrapha sestertii centiens per legates, viros 
bonos, sed timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, sine reliquorum 
hospitum regis sententia facta in gynaecio est, quo in loco plu- 
rimae res venierunt et veneunt. Qua ex syngrapha quid sis 
acturus meditere censeo : rex enim ipse sua sponte, nullis com- 5 
mentariis Caesaris, simul atque audivit eius interitum, suo Marte 

96 res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo sapiens ius semper hoc 
fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, ea tyrannis interfectis ii, 
quibus erepta essent, recuperarent. Nemo igitur juie_consultus, 
ne iste quidem, qui tibi uni est jure consultus, per quem haec 10 
agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi dicit pro iis rebus, quae erant 
ante syngrapham recuperatae : non enim a te emit, sed prius, 
quam tu suum sibi venderes, ipse possedit. Ille vir fuit, nos 
quidem contemnendi, qui auctorem odimus, acta defendimus^" 

38 Quid ego de commentariis infinitis, quid de innumerabilibus 15 


I. Syngrapha was the special term for 
a contract which did not necessarily involve 
the receipt of a valuable consideration by 
the person who paid the money. Hence it 
would be appropriate to the present case, 
when the benefit which Antony proposed 
to confer on Deiotarus was at once illegal 
and beyond his power. See Asconius on 
Verr. Act. 2. i. 36, 91. For the story cp. 
Att. 14. 12, i Quid? Deiotari nostri causa 
non similis ? Dignus ille quidem omni 
regno, sed non per Fulviam; and see c. 44, 
113; 36, 92 notes. 

Sestertii centiens. In such expres 
sions it would seem that the contracted 
genitive plural of sestertius is treated as a 
singular neuter noun = 1000 sesterces (see on 
5. 3, 8), and that its case is determined by 
the construction required for the expression 
of the whole sum. Hence in 93 quadrin- 
gentiens sestertium is a sestertium reckoned 
400 times, or, as this mode of reckoning 
always implied an addition of a hundred 
fold, 40,000,000 sesterces. So here ses 
tertii depends, not on centiens, but on 
syngrapha, a contract for 10,000,000 
sesterces. So in the ablative, pro Font. 
3, 4 Testis non invenitur in ducenties et 
triciens sestertio ; Pliny N. H. 8. 48, 74 
Quae Neroni principi quadragies sestertio 
nuper stetere. 

5. Meditere censeo, I recommend 
you to consider very carefully : cp. Verr. 
Act. i. 5. 68, 174 Magno opere censeo 

Sua sponte. So that Antony s con 

tract, even if otherwise not fraudulent, fell 
to the ground, as being based upon a pro 
mise to give Deiotarus what was already in 
his actual possession. 

9. lure consultus. So Halm, from the 
Vatican reading iureis, which he conceives 
to be a confusion of the right and wrong 
readings. In 9. 5, 10 Cicero uses the form 
iuris consultus, but there, as in pro Mur. 
13, 28, and de Orat. I. 55, 235 the parti 
cipial force of the word, experienced in 
jurisprudence, is strongly dwelt on; and 
where the term is simply used for a lawyer, 
iure consultus seems to be the ordinary 
form. Yet Horace, A. P. 369, has consultus 
iuris/ evidently meaning no more than a 

10. Iste. Supposed by Manutius to be 
Sext. Clodius, the tool of P. Clodius, whose 
recall from exile Antony procured. See I. 
i, 3 note. 

13. Suum sibi venderes. The sub 
junctive mood and the reflexive pronoun 
are used for the same reason, because the 
clause expresses the state of Deiotarus mind. 
He entered on possession of his rights, 
without waiting to know that you had sold 
him what was his already. 

14. Auctorem odimus. Halm com 
pares 13. I, 2 Quid ego de proximo (sc. 
Caesare) dicam, cuius acta defendimus, 
auctorem JDSUITI iure caesum fatemur ? 

c|. 38, p. To tell of all the forgeries of 
Antony would take too long. Decrees .were 
issued under Caesar s name without waiting 
for the meeting of the committee which the 


cc. 38 39. 

chirographis loquar? quorum etiam institores sunt, qui ea tam- 
quam gladiatorum libellos palam venditent. Itaque tanti acervi 
nummorum apud istum construuntur, ut iam expendantur, non 
numerentur pecuniae. At quam caeca avaritia est ! Nuper 

5 fixa tabula est, qua civitates locupletissimae Cretensium vecti- 
galibus liberantur, statuiturque ne post M. Brutum pro consule 
sit Creta provincia. Tu mentis es compos? tu non constrin- 
gendus ? In Caesaris decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum 
potuit liberari, cum Creta nihil ad Brutum Caesare vivo perti- 

ioneret? At huius venditione decreti, ne nihil actum putetis, 
provinciam Cretam perdidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rei fuit 
emptor, cui defuerit hie venditor. Et de exsulibus legem, quam 98 
fixisti, Caesar tulit ? Nullius insector calamitatem : tantum 
queror, primum eorum reditus inquinatos, quorum causam Caesar 

15 dissimilem iudicarit ; deinde nescio cur non reliquis idem tri- 
buas : neque enim plus quam tres aut quattuor reliqui sunt. 
Qui simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua misericordia non simili 
fruuntur ? cur eos habes in loco patrui ? de quo ferre, cum de 
reliquis ferres, noluisti : quern etiam ad censuram petendam 

senate had appointed to examine the dictator s 
papers ; Caesar was represented as foreseeing 
all the changes which his death should cause 
in his arrangements for the provinces ; Crete 
was henceforth to be lost to Rome ; enough 
exiles were restored to render it injustice not 
to bring back all; his uncle, L. Antonius, 
was neglected, insulted, and betray e^ and to 
crown all, he brought a false and cowardly 
charge of faithlesstiess against his wife, that 
uncle s daughter, that he might make room 
for her successor. 

I. Institores. So Halm, from Pant- 
agathus, and Madvig from his own inde 
pendent conjecture. He urges (Opusc. I. 
p. 173) that the MS. reading imitatores is 
obviously false, not only because no one 
would have dared to forge the documents 
except Antony, but even if they had, and 
further had found purchasers for their 
forgeries, that would have brought no gain 
to Antony, whereas Cicero directly states 
that the circumstance which he relates was 
the source of enormous profit to him. In 
stitores are hawkers, as in Ov. A. Am. 
I. 421 

4 Institor ad dominam veniet distinctus 

Expediet merces teque sedente suas. 

2. Libellos, programmes: cp. Tac. 
Dial, de Or. 9 Subsellia conducit et libellos 

3. Expendantur, are weighed, as is 
customary with large sums of money, which 
would take too long a time to count. 

6. Post M. Brutum pro consule, 
after the proconsulship of M. Brutus. 
Cicero argues that Antony here betrays the 
falseness of the decrees attributed to Caesar, 
by making one of them refer to Brutus 
proconsulship in Crete, though his only 
connexion with that province arose out of 
Antony s alteration of Caesar s arrange 
ments, after Caesar s death. 

7. Constringendus, put in confine- 
ment : cp. in Pis. 20, 48 Si farniliam 
tuam dimisisses, amici te constringendum 

II. Nemo ullius, &c., there has been 
nothing which Antony would not sell, if 
he could only find a purchaser. 

13. Fixisti, as being one of Caesar s 

14. Eorum reditus inquinatos, the 
slur thrown upon the more respectable 
exiles, by being coupled in their restoration 
with such reprobates. 

18. Patrui. See c. 23, 56 note. 




impulisti, eamque petitionem comparasti, quae et risus hominum 
99 et querellas moveret. Cur autem ea comitia non habuisti ? an 
quia tribunus pi. sinistrum fulmen nuntiabat? Cum tua quid 
interest, nulla auspicia sunt, cum tuorum, turn fis religiosus. 
,Quid ?- eundem in septemviratu nonne destituisti ? intervenit 5 
enim, cui metuisti, credo, ne salvo capite negare non posses. 
Omnibus eum contumeliis onerasti, quern patris loco, si ulla 
in te pietas esset, colere debebas. Filiam eius, sororem tuam, 
eiecisti, alia conditione quaesita et ante perspecta. Non est 
satis : probri insimulasti pudicissimam feminam. Quid est quod 10 
addi possit ? contentus eo non fuisti. Frequentissimo senatu 
Kalendis lanuariis sedente patruo hanc tibi esse cum Dolabella 
causam odii dicere ausus es, quod ab eo sorori et uxori tuae 
stuprum esse oblatum comperisses. Quis interpretari potest, 
impudentiorne, qui in senatu, an improbior, qui in Dolabellam, 15 
an impurior, qui patruo audiente, an crudelior, qui in illam 
39 miseram tarn spurce, tarn impie dixeris ?/ Sed ad chirographa 
100 redeamus. Quae tua fuit cognitio ? Acta enim Caesaris pads 
causa confirmata sunt a senatu, quae quidem Caesar egisset, non 

I. Risus et querellas. Men laughed 
at the idea of a man who had been exiled 
for extortion in his province being a can 
didate for such a magistracy as the censor 
ship : they grieved at The unnatural conduct 
of Antony, in exposing his uncle to such 
contempt. That C. Antonius had been re 
called from exile is clear from 99. The 
real reason for not carrying through the 
election of censors probably was the people s 
obvious disapproval of the candidate whom 
Antony proposed. 

3. Sinistrum fulmen. It was at the 
Comitia only that this was an unfavourable 
sign: see de Div. 2. 18, 43 Comitiorum 
solum vitium est fulmen, quod idem omnibus 
rebus optumum auspicium habemus, si sinis 
trum fuit. 

Tua . . . tuorum. Cp. Fam. 2. 4, I Si 
quid esset, quod eos scire aut nostra aut 
ipsorum interesset ; and for different views 
as to the case of tua, see Zumpt, 449 
note, Madvig 295, Donaldson 152 c. 

5. In septemviratu. The .commis 
sion for dividing lands in Campania and the 
Leontine territory (see 8. 8, 26) among the 
veterans. The acts of this commission were 
afterwards annulled on the ground that its 
appointment had been procured by intimida 

tion. See 1 1. 6, 13. 

6. Cui metuisti. So Madvig (Opusc. 
I, p. 171) from the Vatican reading cu. 
The other MSS. read quern, but the object 
of Antony s fear was not Nucula or Lento, 
but the danger of disobliging whichever of 
these worthies Cicero here refers to^il 

8. Debebas. S<$e Madv. 348 e. 

Sof%rem. His first cousin, Antonia, 
whom he divorced on the pretext of an 
intrigue with Dolabella, in order to marry 
Fulvia, the other match ( conditio ) re 
ferred to here. 

15. In Dolabellam. This, at least, is 
a mere rhetorical licence. Dolabella was 
notoriously one of the most profligate men 
of his time. 

17. Tarn spurce, tarn impie, with 
such want of decency and good feeling. 

18. Quae . . . cognitio ? what was the 
nature of your investigation ? The senate 
had appointed a committee ( consilium ) to 
investigate Caesar s papers with the two 
Consuls on the 1st of June; but Antony 
submitted the papers to the cognizance of 
no one but himself; and when the appointed 
day arrived, he had surrounded himself with 
such a force as to bear down all cavil or 

94 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS cc. 39-40. 

ea, quae egisse Caesarem dixisset Antonius. Unde ista erum- 
punt ? quo auctore proferuntur ? si sunt falsa, cur probantur ? si 
vera, cur veneunt ? At sic placuerat, ut Kalendis luniis de 
Caesaris actis cum consilio cognosceretis. Quod fuit consilium ? 
5 quern umquam convocasti ? quas Kalendas lunias exspectasti ? 
an eas; ad quas te peragratis veteranorum coloniis stipatum 
armis rettulisti ? 

O praeclaram illam percursationem tuam mense Aprili atque 
Maio, turn cum etiam Capuam coloniam deducere conatus es ! 

jo Quern ad modum illinc abieris vel potius paene non abieris, 
scimus. Cui tu urbi minitaris. Utinam conere, ut aliquando 101 
illud paene tollatur ! At quam nobilis est tua ilia peregrinatio ! 
Quid prandiorum apparatus, quid furiosam vinolentiam tuam 
proferam ? Tua ista detrimenta sunt, ilia nostra. Agrum Cam- 

15 panum, qui cum de vcctigalibus eximebatur ut militibus daretur, 
tamen infligi magnum rei publicae vulnus putabamus, hunc tu 
compransoribus tuis et collusoribus dividebas. Mimos dico et 
mimas, patres conscript!, in agro Campano collocatos. Quid 
iam querar de agro Leontino? quoniam quidem hae quondam 

20 arationes Campana et Leontina in populi Romani patrimonio 

5. Quas Kalendas, what was the 10. Paene non abieris. See on 12. 

aspect of the Kalends you awaited? 3, 7. 

cc. 39, 40. In the spring he made a pro- n. Utinam conere, I wish you 

gress through Campania, which he tried to would try to carry out your threats. 

divide among a party of actors and actresses: 14. Ilia nostra, ours are yet to be 

just as he had given Leotitini to his doctor and told. 

his tutor, who alike had failed in doing any 15. De vectigalibus eximebatur, 

good with him : he founded a new colony at was struck out of the list of " agri vecti- 

Casilinum, in spite of Cicero s remojfstrances, gales." This was the natural result of the 

on the site of one ivhich then existed; and land being taken out of the hands of the 

then, to crown his sacrilege with robbery, he subject population, who paid decumae to 

seized on M. Varro s villa at Casinum, under the Roman treasury, and divided among 

the pretence that he had purchased it from colonists, who held it in absolute ownership, 

Caesar, who had really even ordered him to subject to no payment of any sort. 

give it up. 1 6. Tamen, notwithstanding the good- 

9. Etiam Capuam. Capua had been ness of the object. 

made a Roman colony by Caesar, who in Hunc. For this redundant use of the 

59 B.C. settled 20,000 Roman citizens in demonstrative pronoun, after a long relative 

the ager Campanus. It was therefore clause, see Madv. 489 a. 

illegal (see c. 40, 102) to found a new colony 19. Quoniam introduces the reason why 

there, and Antony s proceedings would no- he introduces the subject of Leontini in this 

minally be limited to the reassignment of connection. And yet the association is 

lots which had reverted to the state by the natural, since, &c. 

death or relinquishment of their original 20. Arationes. This word is especially 

holders. He would doubtless in some cases applied to the Roman state lands, farmed on 

oust existing occupiers, so as to give some the principle of paying tithes to the treasury : 

ground for the sweeping charge which cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 50, 119 Arationes et 

Cicero brings against him. (See Merivale, agros vectigales vastasse atque exinanisse. 

3- p. 61.) Among them the lands of Campania and 


grandiferae et fructuosae ferebantur. [Medico tria milia iugerum : 

quid, si te sanasset ? rhetori duo : quid, si te disertum facere 

40 potuissetPj Sed ad iter Italiamque redeamus. Deduxisti colo- 

102 niam Casilinum, quo Caesar ante deduxerat. Consuluisti me 
per litteras de Capua tu quidem, sed idem de Casilino respon- 5 
dissem : possesne, ubi colonia esset, eo coloniam novam iure 
deducere. Negavi in earn coloniam, quae esset auspicate de- 
ducta, dum esset incolumis, coloniam novam iure deduci : colonos 
novos adscribi posse rescripsi. Tu autem insolentia etatus omni 
auspiciorum iure turbato Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, quo I0 
erat paucis annis ante deducta, ut vexillum tolleres, ut aratrum 
circumduceres : cuius quidem vomere portam Capuae paene 

103 perstrinxisti, ut florentis coloniae territorium minueretur. Ab 
hac perturbatione religionum advolas in M. Varronis, sanctissimi 
atque integerrimi viri, fundum Casinatem. Quo iure? quo ore? J 5 
Eodem, inquies, quo in heredum L. Rubrii, quo in heredum 
L. Turselii praedia, quo in reliquas innumerabiles possessiones. 
Et si ab hasta, valeat hasta, valeant tabulae, modo Caesaris, non 
tuae ; quibus debuisti, non quibus tu te liberavisti. Varronis 
quidem Casinatem fundum quis venisse dicit ? quis hastam istius 20 
venditionis vidit ? quis vocem praeconis audivit ? Misisse te 

Leontini were pre-eminent in fertility: cp. IT. Ut vexillum tolleres, going so 

8. 8, 26 Campanus ager et Leontinus, far as to display your standard, using all 

quae duo maiores nostri annonae perfugia the formalities customary in taking posses- 

ducebant ; and Verr. Act. 2. 3. 46, 109 sion of a military colony. 
Leontinos, qui principes rei frumentariae 14. M. Varronis. This was M. Teren- 

fuerint. tius Varro, vir Romanorum eruditissimus, 

1. Grandiferae. Orelli, following one as QuiiTtilian (10. I, 95) terms him. He 
M >. reads grandi fenore, to avoid a word himself describes the aviary in this villa at 
which seems not to occur again in classical Casinum, de Re Rust. 3. 5, 9. He belonged 
Latin ; but grandiferae is not only the to the Pompeian party. 

reading of the Vatican and other MSS., but 16. L. Rubrii . . . L. Turselii. See 

is stated by the satirist Marcianus Capella c. 1 6, 40 and 41. Cicero appears originally 

(5. 511) to have been used by Cicero, to have written here, Eodem iure quo 

while it certainly suits better in combination Scipionis praedia, and to have altered it on 

with fructuosae. the suggestion of Atticus, perhaps on the 

2. Quid, si. So the Vatican MS. ground that Antony had not acquired Scipio s 
The others read quasi, but there is more villa in this way. See Att. 16. II, 2 and 
force in the reading of the text, He got Mr. Watson s note. 

3,000 iugera for failing; what would have 19. Quibus debuisti, sc. for the pro- 
been his fee, had he succeeded ? perty of Pompey, which he had bought 

4. Casilinum, where Caesar had planted when they were sold by auction. See c. 
another colony of veterans, was on the 26, 64. 

Volturnus, only three miles west of Capua, Quibus tu te liberavisti. This, by 

and on the site of the modern town of that a play on the word tabulae, refers to 

name. the forged acta Caesaris, through which 

5. Tu quidem, your question, it is Antony had replenished his ruined for- 
true, referred to Capua. tunes. 


cc. 4042. 

dicis Alexandream, qui emeret a Caesare. Ipsum enim ex- 
spectare magnum fuit ! Quis vero audivit umquam nullius 104 
autem salus curae pluribus fuit de fortunis Varronis rem ullam 
esse detractam? Quid? si etiam scripsit ad te Caesar ut red- 
5 deres, quid satis potest dici de tanta impudentia ? Remove 
gladios parumper illos, quos videmus : iam intelliges aliam 
causam esse hastae Caesaris, aliam confidentiae et temeritatis 
tuae ; non enim te dominus modo illis sedibus, sed quivis ami- 
cus, vicinus, hospes, procurator arcebit. At quam multos dies 41 

10 in ea villa turpissime es perbacchatus ! Ab hora tertia bibe- 
batur, ludebatur, vomebatur. O tecta ipsa misera quam dis- 
pari domino ! Quamquam quo modo iste dominus? sed tamen 
quam ab dispari tenebantur ! studiorum enim suorum M. Varro 
voluit illud, non libidinum deversorium. Quae in ilia villa 105 

J 5 antea dicebantur! quae cogitabantur ! quae litteris mandabantur ! 
lura populi Romani, monimenta maiorum, omnis sapientiae ratio 
omnisque doctrinae. At vero te inquilino non enim domino 

1. Ipsum enim exspectare. Caesar 
did not return to Rome till September, and 
then unexpectedly, in consequence of the 
disturbances resulting from the quarrels of 
the tribunes, P. Dolabella and L. Trebellius, 
so that Cicero s accusation of unnecessary 
haste is hardly fair. It is however only a 
rhetorical introduction to the real burden of 
the charge, consisting in the fact that, so far 
from sanctioning the sale of Varro s property, 
Caesar had actually commanded restitution 
to be made. 

2. Nullius autem salus, &c. And 
therefore the negative evidence, that no one 
had heard of it, went far to prove that no 
such spoliation had taken place. 

5. Remove gladios. See on c. 18, 

6. Aliam causam esse, &c., i.e. 
in consenting to ratify the acts of Caesar, 
we do not sanction every act of your rapa 

9. Procurator, an agent, with full 
powers to act for his absent employer : cp. 
pro Caec. 20, 31 Is qui legitime procurator 
dicitur, omnium rerum eius, qui in Italia non 
sit absitve rei publicae causa, quasi quidam 
paene dominus, hoc est, alien! iuris vicarius. 

c. 41. In that villa, formerly the seat of 
learned study, he indulged his usual profli 
gacy, neglecting all the ordinary courtesies 
expected from a Roman Consul towards his 
neighbours in the country; and on his journey 

back to Rome he treated those ivho came to 
greet him with the same disdain. Some, 
who had adopted Cassius and the Bruti as 
their patrons, he took upon himself to chide 
in the most abusive language. 

10. Ab hora tertia. From about 8.30 
a.m. ; the usual time for feasts to begin 
being the ninth hour (cp. Fam. 9. 26, I 
Accubueram hora nona ; and Mart. 4. 8, 6 
Irnperat exstructos frangere nona toros ), 
or in winter the tenth, to balance the varia 
tion of the time. (See Becker s Gallus, 
p. 456, Eng. Trans.) 

11. Quam dispari domino. A quo 
tation from some tragedy, given more fully 
in Off. I. 139 O donius antiqua, heu qnam 
dispari dominare domino. The ablative here 
is probably merely retained from the familiar 
quotation, without any consideration of its 
possible dependence on misera. 

15. lura populi Romani, &c. Dis 
tinct reference is here made, as Halm points 
out, to the treatises of Varro de lure Civili, 
in fifteen books ; de Vita Pop. Rom. in 
four books ; Annales, in three books ; 
Antiquitates, in forty-one books ; de Forma 
Philosophiae ; and his nine books Disci- 

1 6. Ratio, &c., the theory or method 
of all philosophy and learning. 

17. Inquilino, tenant. So Catiline 
says, sibi patricio homini perdita republica 
opus esse, cum earn servaret M. Tullius 


personabant omnia vocibus ebriorum, natabant pavimenta vino, 
madebant parietes, ingenui pueri cum meritoriis, scorta inter 
matres familias versabantur. Casino salutatum veniebant, 
Aquino, Interamna. Admissus est nemo. lure id quidem ; in 

106 homine enim turpissimo obsolefiebant dignitatis insignia. Cum 5 
inde Romam proficiscens ad Aquinum accederet, obviam ei 
processit, ut est frequens municipium, magna sane multitudo. 
At iste operta lectica latus per oppidum est ut mortuus. Stulte 
Aquinates : sed tamen in via habitabant. Quid, Anagnini ? 
Qui cum essent devii, descenderunt, ut istum, tamquam si esset, 10 
consulem salutarent. Incredibile dictu, t sed turn nimis inter 
omnes constabat neminem esse resalutatum, praesertim cum 
duos secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laconem, quorum 

107 alter gladiorum est princeps, alter poculorum. Quid ego illas 
istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, quibus invectus est 15 
in Sidicinos, vexavit Puteolanos, quod C. Cassium et Brutos 
patronos adoptassent? Magno quidem studio, iudicio, benevo- 
lentia, caritate, non, ut te et Basilum, vi et armis, et alios vestri 
similes, quos clientes nemo habere velit, non modo illorum 

42 cliens esse. Interea dum tu abes, qui dies ille collegae tui 20 
fuit, cum illud, quod venerari solebas, bustum in foro evertit ! 

inquilinus civis urbis Romae (Sail. Cat. 31, 12. Praesertim cum, even though. 

7), with reference to Cicero being a native See on c. 24, 60. 

of Arpinum. 13. Duos Anagninos. Cp. Att. 16. II, 

4. lure id quidem, so far you did 3. Anagnini sunt Mustela raiapxr)s et 

well, not to let provincials see the tarnished Laco, qui plurimum bibit. It would seem 

glory of the Roman magistracy. that Cicero had originally omitted the names 

9. Sed tamen, yet they had the of these two men, and inserted them in con- 
excuse of living on his road. The Via sequence of a criticism from Atticus. 
Latina passed through Aquinum, seven 17. Patronos adoptassent. This was 
miles from Casinum, whereas it left Anagnia not an uncommon compliment for the pro- 
on an eminence slightly to the right. vincial towns to pay to their benefactors 

10. Tamquam si esset, as though among the Roman citizens. Cp. in Pis. 
he had not forfeited the dignity. n, 25 Me inaurata statua donarant ; me 

11. Sed turn nimis, all testimony at patronum unum adsciverant. 

the time was too unanimous to be discre- 19. Non modo, to say nothing of being 
dited. So Halm in his large edition, fol- their client. See Madv. 461 b, Obs. 3. 
lowing two MSS., for the unintelligible c. 42. Once more in Rome, he made his 
reading of the Vatican MS. sed cum uinus. colleague lay aside his patriotic zeal. And 
In his edition of 1858 he has a conjectural for himself, he outdid all the tyranny of 
leading verum vicinos. Madvig (Opusc. 2. former tyrants ; he took possession of the city 
p. 330) suggests sed sum vicinus, Cicero s by force ; he prevented the senate from as- 
personal knowledge from having a villa near sembling by his violence; and treated laws 
being brought forward to counterbalance and wills alike with contempt, destroying the 
antecedent improbability. Nipperdey (Philo- safeguards of the constitution, and robbing 
logus 3. p. 144) conjectures uisu, intro- the people of the legacies which Caesar had 
ducing a somewhat weak antithesis to dictu, bequeathed to them. 
from the evidence of eye witnesses. 21. Bustum. See I. 2, 5 note. 


98 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS ec. 42-43. 

qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos, qui una fuerunt, 
concidisti. Quid evenerit postea nescio metum credo valu- 
isse et arma ; collegam quidem de caelo detraxisti effecis- 
tique, non tu quidem etiam nunc ut similis tui, sed certe ut 
5 dissimilis esset sui. 

Qui vero inde reditus Romam ! quae perturbatio totius urbis ! 108 
Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem, Sullam postea domi- 
nantem, modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. Erant fortasse 
gladii, sed absconditi nee ita multi. Ista vero quae et quanta 

10 barbaria est ! Agmine quadrate cum gladiis secuntur : scutorum 
lecticas portari videmus. Atque his quidem iam inveteratis, 
patres conscript!, consuetudine obduruimus. Kalendis luniis 
cum in senatum, ut erat constitutum, venire vellemus, metu 
perterriti repente diffugimus. At iste, qui senatu non egeret, 109 

15 neque desideravit quemquam, et potius discessu nostro laetatus 
est, statimque ilia mirabilia facinora effecit. Qui chirographa 
Caesaris defendisset lucri sui causa, is leges Caesaris easque 
praeclaras, ut rem publicam concutere posset, evertit. Numerum 
annorum provinces prorogavit, idemque, cum actorum Caesaris 

20 defensor esse deberet, et in publicis et in privatis rebus acta 
Caesaris rescidit. In publicis nihil est lege gravius, in privatis 
firmissimum est testamentum. Leges alias sine promulgatione 

2. Concidisti, you collapsed : cp. 5. collocabantur, non quo ilia scuta occulta esse 
9> 2 3 Quo ille nuntio audito, . . repente vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, 
concidit. laborarent. 

Metum. Fo in i. 12, 29 he repu- 14. At iste, &c. The connection of the 

diates the notion of Dolabelia being actuated clauses is not very clear ; qui . . . egeret is 

by corrupt motives. See note. explanatory; statimque . . . effecit answers 

3. De caelo detraxisti. Cp. Att. to neque desideravit quemquam : cp. Cat. 
14. 18, I Saepius me iam agitas, quod rem 2. 13, 28 Perficiam . . . ut neque bonus 
gestam Dolabellae nimis in caelum videar quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos 
efferre ; ib. 6. 2, 9 Salaminii nos in caelum ornnes salvi esse possitis; and et . . laetatus 
decretis suis sustulerunt. est is parenthetical. Yet Antony, stand- 

7. Memineramus . . . videramus. ing in no need of a senate, showed no dismay 

Cicero was about 20 years old when China at anybody s absence, being indeed rather 

was in power (87-84 B.C.), but it was rejoiced at our departure, and immediately 

during the dictatorship of Sulla (82-79 B.C.) carried out his marvellous atrocities. Halm 

that he first came forward into public life : reads sed . . . laetatus est, but on no 

cp. 5.6, 17 Cinnam memini, vidi Sullam, authority, and the intervening et per- 

modo Caesarem. haps accounts for the unusual combina- 

9. Nee ita multi, and not so very tion of neque . . que. See Madv. 
many: not by way of direct comparison 458 c. 

with those of Antony, but absolutely, to 18. Numerum annorum. See I. 8, 19 

show that Caesar had a certain moderation note, and 5. 3, 7. 

in his lawlessness. 22. Sine promulgatione sustulit, 

10. Barbaria, Asiatic despotism (Halm). he abolished without ever publishing the 

11. Lecticas, Cp. 5. 6, 18 Lecticae " abrogatio." Cicero complains of the 




sustulit, alias ut tolleret, promulgavit. Testamentum irritum 
fecit, quod etiam infimis civibus semper obtentum est. Signa, 
tabulas, quas populo Caesar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie 
partim in hortos Pompei deportavit, partim in villam Scipi- 
onis. 5 

43 Et tu in Caesaris memoria diligens ? tu ilium amas mortuum ? 

110 Quern is honorem maiorem consecutus erat, quam ut haberet 
pulvinar, simulacrum, fastigium, flaminem ? Est ergo flamen, 
ut lovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, sic divo lulio M. Antonius. Quid 
igitur cessas ? cur non inauguraris ? Sume diem, vide qui te 10 
inauguret : collegae sumus ; nemo negabit. O detestabilem 
hominem, sive quod Caesaris sacerdos es, sive quod mortui! 
Quaero deinceps, num hodiernus dies qui sit ignores. Nescis heri 
quartum in Circo diem ludorum Romanorum fuisse? te autem 
ipsum ad populum tulisse ut quintus praeterea dies Caesari 15 
tribueretur ? Cur non sumus praetextati ? cur honorem Caesaris 
tua lege datum deseri patimur ? an supplicationes addendo 

same irregularity in the opposite direction, 
I. 10, 25 illae enim (leges) sine ulla pro- 
mulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae. 

1. Alias . . . promulgavit, to abolish 
other laws, he published bills to a contrary 
effect ; as in the case of the iudicium, 
when Caesar had reduced the decuriae to 
two, and Antony proposed a law reconsti 
tuting a third. 

2. Obtentum est, has ever been 
maintained, even in the interests of the 
lowest citizens. Cp. Tusc. 5. 41, 118 lex, 
quae in Graecorum conviviis obtinetur. 
Civibus is a dativus commodi. 

3. Cum hortis. These were on the 
Etruscan side of the Tiber (cp. Hor. S. I. 
9, 18 Trans Tiberim longe cubat is, prope 
Caesaris hortos ), below the city, about a 
mile distant from the Porta Portuensis. 

c. 43. And even in his love for Caesar he 
was not consistent. He was Caesar s flamen, 
the minister of the divine honours lately voted 
to him. Now was the time for the celebration 
of his festival, yet Antony was not preparing 
for the task. To account for this neglect far 
clearer eloquence was needed than his grand 
father s, who however never clothed his 
thoughts in so thin a disguise as Antony 
had worn at the Lupercalia. 

8. Pulvinar, &c., a couch to support 
his image at the " lectisternium," an image 
to adorn his temple, a temple with a pedi 
ment, a special priest to do him service. 

Cp. Flor. 4. 2 Non ingratis civibus, omnes 
unum in principem congesti honores : circa 
templa imagines ; in theatre distincta radiis 
corona ; suggestus in curia ; fastigium in 
domo ; mensis in caelo. 

Simulacrum is generally, like sig- 
num, the statue of a god, but not univer 
sally: seeVerr. Act. 2. 2.65, 159 Forsitan 
vix convenire videretur, quern ipsum homi 
nem cuperent (Rhodii) evertere, eius (sc. 
Mithridatis) effigiem simulacrumque ser- 

9. Ut lovi, &c. The Flamines of 
these three gods were always patricians, and 
were called flamines maiores. Henca the 
bathos of the descent, from Jupiter to Caesar, 
from the flamen Dialis to Antony. Antony 
had sought and obtained this office of flamen 
during Caesar s life, but had not been con 
secrated, and after Caesar s death had shrunk 
from it. 

12. Mortui. See on I. 6, 13. 

14. InCirco. The Ludi Romani in Circo 
appear to have been a continuation, after 
two days interval, of the Ludi Magni: these 
latter lasting from the 4th to the 1 2th of 
September, the former generally from the 
1 5th to the 1 8th. but this year, in honour 
of Caesar, was added the 1 9th, on which day 
Cicero represents himself as speaking. 

17. Supplicationes, &c., were you so 
inconsistent, that, while permitting the pro 
fanation of the supplications, by allowing one 

H 2 

ioo M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 43-44. 

diem contaminari passus es, pulvinaria contaminari noluisti ? Aut 
undique religionem tolle aut usque quaque conserva. Quaeris 
placeatne mihi pulvinar esse, fastigium, flaminem. Mihi vero in 
nihil istorum placet : sed tu, qui acta Caesaris defendis, quid 
5 potes dicere cur alia defendas, alia non cures ? nisi forte vis 
fateri te omnia quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri. Quid 
ad haec tandem ? exspecto enim eloquentiam tuam : disertis- 
simum cognovi avum tuum, at te etiam apertiorem in dicendo ; 
ille numquam nudus est contionatus, tuum hominis simplicis 

10 pectus vidimus : respondebisne ad haec aut omnino hiscere 
audebis ? ecquid reperies ex tarn longa oratione mea, cui te 
respondere posse confidas ? 

Sed praeterita omittamus : hunc unum diem, unum, inquam, 44 
hodiernum diem, hoc punctum temporis, quo loquor, defende, 112 

15 si potes. Cur armatorum corona senatus saeptus est ? cur me 
tui satellites cum gladiis audiunt? cur valvae Concordiae non 
patent? cur homines omnium gentium maxime barbaros, Ity- 
raeos, cum sagittis deducis in forum ? Praesidii sui causa se 
facere dicit. Non igitur miliens perire est melius quam in sua 

20 civitate sine armatorum praesidio non posse vivere ? Sed nullum 
est istud, mihi crede, praesidium : caritate te et benevolentia 
civium saeptum oportet esse, non armis. Eripiet et extorquebit us 
tibi ista populus Romanus, utinam salvis nobis ! sed quoquo 

in honour of a dead man, you respected the toriam vim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs 

" lectisternium " too much to allow a mortal adtollere oculos aut hiscere audebant. 

to encroach upon it ? The clause suppli- c. 44. Even while Cicero was speaking, 

cationes . . . passus es, though grammatically Antony was acting unconstitutionally in 

parallel to pulvinaria . . . noluisti, is really blockading the senate with a mercenary 

subordinate. This arrangement, called by force. At the best, it was mistaken policy, 

the grammarians parataxis, is common in since love, not terror, was the best protection 

Greek. See Dissen on Dem. Cor. p. 281, 7 for a Roman magistrate ; and if he used a 

alffxpov fffTtv, cD avSpts AOrjvaioi, el ja> tyrant s arms, Romans would never forget, 

filv rd tpya i/Tre/xeji/a, u^efs Se /irjSe rovs and never shrink from following the glorious 

\6yovs avfgtffde ; andcp. Cic.Tusc. 5. 32, 90 examples of those who, in the spirit of their 

An Scythes Anacharsis potuit pro nihilo ancestors, asserted with the sword the sacred 

pecuniam ducere, nostrates philosophi facere cause of liberty. 

non potuerunt ? 15. Cur armatorum, &c. See on c. 

8. Apertiorem in dicendo, you 18,46. 

showed Jess reserve. Cicero plays on the 17. Ityraeos. See on c. 8, 19. 

double meaning of apertus, referring to 20. Sed nullum, &c. Cp. I. 14, 33; 

Antony s naked harangue at the Lupercalia and Off. 2. 7, 25 Nee vero ulla vis imperii 

(see c. 34, 86), and to his openness of speech. tanta est, quae premente metu possit esse 

Cp. pro Mur. 25, 51 Ille, ut semper fuit, diuturna ; Pliny Pan. 49, 3 Frustra se ter- 

apertissimus, non se purgavit, sed indicavit rore succinxerit, qui septus caritate non 

atque induit. fuerit : armis enim arma irritantur. 

10. Hiscere, to open your mouth at 23. Salvis nobis, before we are utterly 

all. Cp. Liv. 6. 16 Nee adversus dicta- destroyed. 

iio-H4. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A II. 101 

modo nobiscum egeris, dum istis consiliis uteris, non potes, mihi 
crede, esse diuturnus. Etenim ista tua minime avara coniunx, 
quam ego sine contumelia describe, nimium diu debet populo 
Romano tertiam pensionem. Habet populus Romanus ad quos 
gubernacula rei publicae deferat : qui ubicumque terrarum sunt, 5 
ibi omne est rei publicae praesidium vel potius ipsa res publica, 
quae se adhuc tantum modo ulta est, nondum recuperavit. 
Habet quidem certe res publica adolescentes nobilissimos, para- 
tos defensores : quam volent illi cedant otio consulentes, tamen 
a re publica revocabuntun ,.-- Et nomen pacis dulce est et ipsa 10 
res salutaris ; sed inter pacem et servitutem plurimum interest. 
Pax est tranquilla libertas, servitus postremum malorum om- 
114 nium, non modo bello, sed morte etiam repellendum. Quod si 
se ipsos illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, at 
exemplum facti reliquerunt. Illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt. 15 
Tarquinium Brutus bello est persecutus, qui turn rex fuit, cum 
esse Romae licebat ; Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius 
propter suspicionem regni appetendi sunt necati : hi primum 
cum gladiis non in regnum appetentem, sed in regnantem 

2. Minime avara coniunx, most them retire as far as they will, however far 
liberal of wives. She had sacrificed two they shall retire. Cp. de Div. I. 26, 56 
husbands to the Roman people already Quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodeni 
P. Clodius and C. Curio; the third and last sibi leto, quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum. 
instalment of her debt was overdue. Pensio This transitional usage, in which the verb, 
is the technical word for instalments to be though still conjugated, has yet nearly the 
paid at regular intervals, and is especially same force as the conjunction quamvis, 
applied to the restitution of the dowry of a illustrates both the original meaning of that 
divorced wife by her husband, which he was conjunction, in whatever degree, how- 
required to make in three annual pay- ever much, and also the reason of its 
merits. ordinary construction with the subjunctive. 

3. Sine contumelia. See on c. 12, Similarly we find licebit with nearly the 
30. force of licet in its conjunctional use, in 

4. Ad quos, sc. Brutus and Cassius, Hor. Epod. 15, 19 Sis pecore et multo 
and the other conspirators. dives tellure licebit, you may be rich, for 

6. Ipsa respublica. Cp. Thuc. 7. 77, aught I care; and Ov. Trist. 5. 14, 3 
7 avfycs yap TTO\IS Kai ov ret x 7 ? ou5e vrjcs Detrahat auctori multum fortuna licebit. 
dvdpiat Ktvai. 1 1. Inter pacem, &c. Cp. Livy 10. 17 

7. Nondum recuperavit, having Petisse pacem (Samnites) a populo Romano, 
merely exchanged the yoke of Caesar for cum bellum tolerare non possent: rebellasse, 
that of Antony. Cp. Fam. 12. I, 2 Ulta quod pax servientibus gravior, quam liberis 
suas iniurias est per vos interitu tyranni ; bellum, esset. 

nihil amplius : ornamenta vero sua quae 17. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See on 

reciperavit? c. 11, 26. 

8. Adolescentes. Brutus and Cassius M. Manlius. See on I. 13, 32. 

were both upwards of 40 years old, Brutus 1 8. Primum. So Halm, following the 

having been born in 85 B.C., and Cassius Vatican MS., for primi. He compares 9. 

having been quaestor, and therefore at least 6, 13 Statua . . . qualis L. Sullae primum 

32, in 53 B.C. See on c. 21, 52. statuta est; and Cat. 3. 6, 15 Quod mihi 

9. Quam volent illi cedant, let primum ... togato contigit. 

102 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 44-46. 

impetum fecenmt. Quod cum ipsum factum per se praeclarum 
est atque divinum, turn expositum ad imitandum est, praesertim 
cum illi earn gloriam consecuti sint, quae vix caelo capi posse 
videatur. Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti 

5 fructus erat, tamen mortali immortalitatem non arbitror esse 

Recordare igitur ilium, M. Antoni, diem, quo dictaturam sus- 45 
tulisti ; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus populique Romani, 115 
confer cum hac immani nundinatione tua tuorumque : turn in- 

10 telliges quantum inter lucrum et laudem intersit. Sed nimirum, 
ut quidam morbo aliquo et sensus stupore suavitatem cibi non 
sentiunt, sic libidinosi, avari, facinerosi verae laudis gustatum 
non habent. Sed si te laus allicere ad recte faciendum non 
potest, ne metus quidem a foedissimis factis potest avocare ? 

15 ludicia non metuis. Si propter innocentiam, laudo : sin propter 
vim, non intelligis, qui isto modo iudicia non timeat, ei quid 
timendum sit. Quod si non metuis viros fortes egregiosque 116 
cives, quod a corpora tuo prohibentur armis, tui te, mihi crede, 
diutius non ferent. Quae est autem vita dies et noctes timere 

20 a suis ? nisi vero aut maioribus habes beneficiis obligates, quam 
ille quosdarn habuit ex iis, a quibus est interfectus, aut tu es 
ulla re cum eo comparandus. Fuit in illo ingenium, ratio, 
memoria, litterae, cura, cogitatio, diligentia ; res bello gesserat 

4. Etsi enim satis, &c. Cp. pro Dictaturam sustulisti. See I. 2, 4 

Mil. 35, 97 Addit haec . . . fortes et sapi- note. 

entes viros non tarn praemia sequi solere 9. Cum hac immani nundina- 

recte factorum, quam ipsa recte facta ... tione. So Halm from the unintelligible 

sed tamen ex omnibus praemiis virtutis, si reading of the Vatican MS., cum hac im- 

esset habenda ratio praemiorum, amplissi- manum latione. Cp. c. 14, 35. Kayser 

mum esse praemium gloriam. adopts a conjecture of Jeep s : Cum hac 

cc. 45, 46. Finally, Cicero adjures him immani mutatione. The other MSS. have 

to return to better counsels, as the safest Cum numatione. 

policy. Caesar was in every way a nobler 21. Quosdam. Notably C. Trebonius 

man than Antony, his friends were person- and L. Tillius Cimber ; see c. II, 27. M. 

ally devoted to him; yet he fell by the hands Brutus and C. Cassius were bound to Caesar 

of those very friends, because he placed him- by the same obligation as Cicero to Antony, 

self before the laws. Antony should take that he had spared their lives. 

warning by his fate ; his armed adherents 22. Ingenium, ratio, genius and me- 

would not long be faithful- to him ; the ex- thod. 

ample of tyrannicide was fresh among the 23. Memoria. Abrami compares pro 

citizens; and Cicero himself would rather Deiot. 15, 42 Memoriam tuam implorat, 

die to free the state from slavery than live qua vales plurirnum. 

when life had lost the sweetness which is only Litterae. Besides his histories, Caesar 

found in liberty. was famous as an orator. See Cic. Brut. 

7. Igitur, as with your present counsels 72, 252; Quint. 10. I, 114 C. Caesar 

you cannot long be safe. si foro tantum vacasset, non alius ex nostris 

114-118. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A II. 103 

quamvis rei publicae calamitosas, at tamen magnas ; multos 
annos regnare meditatus magno labore, multis periculis quod 
cogitarat effecerat ; muneribus, monumentis, congiariis, epulis 
multitudinem imperitam delenierat ; suos praemiis, adversaries 
clementiae specie devinxerat ; quid multa ? attulerat iam liberae 5 
civitati partim metu, partim patientia consuetudinem serviendi. 
46 Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre possum, ceteris 

117 vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. Sed ex plurimis malis, 
quae ab illo rei publicae sunt inusta, hoc tamen boni est, quod 
didicit iam populus Romanus, quantum cuique crederet, quibus 10 
se committeret, a quibifs caveret. Haec non cogitas ? neque 
intelligis satis esse viris fortibus didicisse, quam sit re pulchrum, 
beneficio gratum, fama gloriosum tyrannum occidere ? An, 

118 cum ilium homines non tulerint, te ferent ? Certatim posthac, 
mini crede, ad hoc opus curretur neque occasionis tarditas 15 

Respice, quaeso, aliquando [rem publicam, M. Antoni] ; 
quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas considera ; mecum, uti 
voles : redi cum re publica in gratiam. Sed de te tu videris, 

contra Ciceronem nominaretur ; Tac. Ann. plies it to a largess offered by Antony to the 

13. 3 Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus ; legions from Macedonia (Att. 1 6. 8, 2 

and he also wrote works on the Latin Ian- Congiarium ab Antonio accipere nolue- 

guage (de Analogia), on the movements of runt ) 
the stars, and on the auspices. g. Inusta, whose brand he has inde- 

3. Muneribus, sc. gladiatoriis. Espe- libly impressed upon the state. The term 

cially a very splendid show on the occasion appears to combine the two notions of com- 

of his daughter s death ; Suet. Jul. 26 ; cp. pulsory infliction, and indelible impression. 

ib. 39. Cp. Livy 9. 3 Vivet semper in pectoribus 

Monumentis. The chief public build- illorum, quidquid istuc praesens necessitas 

ings of Caesar were the Forum lulium, inusserit. So Cic. Cat. I. 6, 13 Quae nota 

to the north of the Forum Romanum, en- domesticae turpitudinis non inusta vitae tuae 

closing a temple of Venus Genitrix (Pliny est? 

N. H. 35. 12, 45); the Basilica lulia (com- II. A quibus caveret, against whom 

pleted by Augustus), whose area, paved with it should be on its guard. 
precious marbles, has of late years been im- 17. Respice, &c. The Vatican reading 

covered, on the south side of the Forum is Respice quaeso ali quibus, &c., with 

Romanum; and the Circus Maximus, which he a small lacuna after ali, too small, appa- 

extended to the dimensions of three stadia in rently, to leave room for the words in 

length, and one in breadth, and completed brackets, which are found in the other MSS. 

with great magnificence (ib. 36. 15, 102). Halm, in his school edition of 1858, omits 

Congiariis. The congius being a them. Kayser, following Jeep, reads Re- 
liquid measure (holding about three quarts), sipisce. 

congiaria were strictly largesses of wine or 18. Mecum, uti voles, sc. be reeon- 

oil, but the word was afterwards applied to ciled to me ( in gratiam redibis ) or not 

presents of money: cp. Suet. Tib. 20 Po- as you will. Abrami compares Livy 8. 

pulo congiarium trecenos nummos viritim 35 Mecum, ut voles, reverteris in gratiam. 

dedit. Though generally used of presents to The use of the future, where we less accu- 

the people (id. Ner. 7 Populo congiarium, rately use the present, is to be noticed, cp. 

militi donativum proposuit ), yet Cicero ap- c. 44, 113 quam volent illi cedant. 



ego de me ipse profitebor. Defend! rem publicam adolescens, 
non deseram senex : contempsi Catilinae gladios, non perti- 
mescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtulerim, si reprae- 
sentari morte mea libertas civitatis potest, ut aliquando dolor 
5 populi Romani pariat, quod iam diu parturit. Etenim si abhinc H9 
annos prope viginti hoc ipso in templo negavi posse mortem 
immaturam esse consulari, quanto verius nunc negabo seni ! 
Mihi vero, patres conscripti, iam etiam optanda mors est, per- 
fimcto rebus iis, quas adeptus sum qnasque gessi. Duo modo 
10 hacc opto, iimnn, nt moriens populum Romanum liberum relin- 
quam hoc mihi maius ab dis immortalibus dari nihil potest ; 
alterum, ut ita ciiique eveniat, ut de re publica quisque mere- 

3. Repraesentari, be presently se 
cured. Cp. Fam. 5. 1 6, 6 Neque expec- 
tare temporis medicinam, quam reprae&entare 
ratione possimus. 

5. Abhinc annos viginti. Abhinc 
is used both with the accusative and abla 
tive, according to Hand (Tursdl. I. 64), 
with no difference of meaning ; but the 
double use in Cic. pro Rose. Com. 13, 37 
abhinc annis xv., in the oratio obliqua, 
and in the next line repromittis abhinc tri- 
ennium Roscio, in the oratio recta, seems to 
favour the distinction drawn by Mr. Mayor, 
that with the accusative it means before 
this time, with the ablative before that 
time. Cp, Vcrr. Act. 2. i. 57, 130 Hero 

dotus . . . offendit eum mensem qui conse- 
quitur mensem comitialem, comitiis iam 
abhinc diebus triginta factis. 

9. Quas adeptus sum, &c., after the 
honours which I have attained, and the 
exploits which I have achieved. The 
words in italics Halm thinks of very doubt 
ful genuineness, both from their being added 
in the Vatican MS. by a later hand, and 
from the internal evidence of the singular 
expression res adeptus sum, and the un- 
classical ring of duo modo haec opto. 

12. Cuique ... quisque. Cp., for the 
double quisque, 3. to, 24 Ut, quae cuique 
apta esset, ea cuique obveniret. 


THE third oration brings before us a new scene in the struggle 
between the different parties in the state, and is directed against an 
attempt on the part of Antony which gave occasion, more or less 
directly, to all the remaining orations except the eleventh. We have 
seen that one of the first measures which Antony proposed, after the 
death of Caesar, was a change in the disposition of the provinces, 
whereby he was to obtain Macedonia, and Dolabella Syria. Not content 
with this, he shortly afterwards, probably in July (see Merivale 3. 98), 
proposed that Macedonia should be transferred to his brother Gaius, and 
that he himself should supplant Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul, 
apparently in order that he might possess a powerful force within easy 
reach of the city. The senate refused to listen to the proposal, but 
Antony brought it before the people in the comitia, and gained their 
assent by persuading them that Decimus was preparing to attack the 
party of Caesar, and uphold by force the cause of his assassins. He 
also obtained leave to recall four legions from Macedonia, and on the 
9th of October proceeded to Brundisium to place himself at their head. 
On his way he put some soldiers to death at Suessa Auruncorum, and 
finding at Brundisium that two of the legions, the Martia and Quarta, 
despised the largess which he offered them, he treacherously mas 
sacred their centurions in the presence of his wife. Finding that the 
troops were not to be depended on, probably owing to the temptations 
offered by agents of Octavianus, he sent the second and thirty-fifth 
legions, which still in the main adhered to him, (see 5. 19, 53 ; Fam. 10. 
30, i), in detachments towards Cisalpine Gaul, appointing a rendezvous 
at Ariminum ; and returned himself to Rome, at the head of the Gaulish 
legion Alauda, which he had probably brought with him from Rome; 
as we know that it was there in the earlier part of the summer (Att. 16. 
8, 2). 

Octavianus had meanwhile been levying troops, and winning over the 
veterans in Campania, by a largess of 500 denarii apiece. By Cicero s 
advice he returned to Rome, shortly before the arrival of Antony, but 
finding that the veterans were not yet prepared for open conflict with 
the Consul, he thought it prudent to retire to Arretium. 

Antony left the bulk of his troops at Tibur, but entered the city, 


contrary to the laws, at the head of an armed force, to whom, as he 
marched through the streets, he promised the houses and property of 
his enemies for plunder. He convened the senate for the 24th of 
November, denouncing any senator who should absent himself as an 
enemy to him and to his country. On the appointed day he was 
himself absent, being, according to Cicero (Phil. 3. 8, 20), too drunk to 
make his appearance. He summoned another meeting in the Capitol 
for the 28th, at which he forbade three tribunes, whom he knew to be 
hostile to him, to be present. 

The object of the meeting was to denounce the conduct of Octavi- 
anus, but when the day arrived his resolution failed him, and the only 
proposal laid before the senate was for a supplicatio in honour of 
M. Lepidus. In the midst of the debate on this, a message reached 
him that the fourth legion had openly declared in favour of Octavianus 
and joined the Martia, which had already taken up a position at Alba. 
Feeling that to stay in Rome was dangerous, he took a hurried division 
on the question before the senate, and hastened to Alba, in hopes of yet 
recovering the allegiance of his troops. Finding the gates shut against 
him, he proceeded to Tibur, and confirming the fidelity of the forces 
there by a present of 2000 sesterces to every soldier, he set forth at 
their head towards Cisalpine Gaul, with a view of dispossessing Decimus 
Brutus of his province. 

At this juncture Cicero published his second oration, and used the 
influence which it gave him in strengthening the cause of Octavianus, 
and inflaming all parties against Antony. On the 2oth of December 
the tribunes, in the absence of both the Consuls, convened the senate 
for the transaction of some formal business, and to arrange for its safe 
meeting on the ist of January; and Cicero availed himself of the 
occasion to deliver the third Philippic oration. 

In it he denounces Antony as a public enemy, declaring that his 
conduct was worse than that of Tarquin; and having reviewed the 
lawlessness and cowardice of his proceedings, by which he had forfeited 
all claim to be regarded as Consul, he exposes the absurdity of his 
attempt to insult Octavianus by reproaching him with the position of his 
mother; and ridicules the bad Latin of his proclamations. On the other 
hand he highly extols the conduct of Octavianus, of Decimus Brutus, 
and the fourth and Martian legions ; and he ends his speech by formally 
proposing that the thanks of the senate should be given them for what 
they had done, and that the recent changes in the disposition of the 
provinces should be annulled. His proposals were accepted by the 
senate, and A. Hirtius and C. Pansa, the Consuls elect, were instructed 
to take the earliest possible opportunity for carrying them into effect. 




1 SERIUS omnino, patres conscripti, quam tempus rei publicae 

1 postulabat, aliquando tamen convocati sumus : quod flagitabam 
equidem quotidie, quippe cum bellum nefarium contra aras et 
focos, contra vitam fortunasque nostras ab homine profligato ac 
perdito non comparari, sed geri iam viderem. Exspectantur 5 
Kalendae lanuariae, quas non exspectat Antonius, qui in provin- 
ciam D. Bruti, summi et singularis viri, cum exercitu impetum 
facere conatur ; ex qua se instructum et paratum ad urbem ven- 

2 turum esse minitatur. Quae est igitur exspectatio aut quae vel 
minimi dilatio temporis ? quamquam enim adsunt Kalendae 10 
lanuariae, tamen breve tempus longum est imparatis. Dies 
enim affert vel hora potius, si nihil provisum est, magnas saepe 
clades. Certus autem dies non ut sacrifkiis, sic consiliis exspec- 
tari solet. 

c. I. Cicero urges on the senate that they the loth, for the 2Oth of the same month, 

should take instant action, instead of need- on which day Cicero delivered this oration. 
lessly waiting for the 1st of January; a 6. In provinciam D. Bruti, sc. Cis- 

dangerous delay, when so unscrupulous an alpine Gaul. See Introduction. 
enemy was already actively engaged against 12. Si nihil. So Halm, from the Vatican 

the state. reading, nihil. Vulg. * nisi. The senti- 

I. Serius omnino, &c. In 5. u, 30 ment seems to be borrowed from Dem. Phil. 

Cicero says that he began topress for the meet- I. p. 50, 24 rov yap rov irparrtaQai xpovov 

ing of the senate ut primum post discessum els TO TrapaatcevafcaOai dvaXiaKopev, ol 5 

latronts vel potius desperatam fugam libere ruv irpayfjiarcav ov pevovai naipol rr)r 

haberi potuit. Antony, however, had left the PpaSvrrjra KOI dpooveiav. 
city on the 28th of November, and Cicero 13. Sacrifices is Halm s emendation 

did not return to it till the Qth of December. for the Vatican reading, sacrificii sic con- 

The senate was summoned by the tribunes siliis. The other MSS. have sacrificii sic 

of the commons, who entered on office on consilii. 

io8 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 1-3. 

Quo si aut Kalendae lanuariae fulssent eo die, quo primum 
ex urbe fugit Antonius, aut eae non essent exspectatae, bellum 
iam nullum haberemus. Auctoritate enim senatus consensuque 
populi Romani facile hominis amentis fregissemus audaciam. 
5 Quod confido equidem consules designates, simul ut magistra- 
tum inierint, esse facturos ; sunt enim optimo animo, summo 
consilio, singular! concordia : mea autem festinatio non victoriae 
solum avida est, sed etiam celeritatis. 

Quo enim usque tantum bellum, tarn crudele, tarn nefarium 3 

Jo privatis consiliis propulsabitur? cur non quam primum publica 
accedit auctoritas ? C. Caesar adolescens, paene potius puer, 2 
incredibili ac divina quadam mente atque virtute, cum maxime 
furor arderet Antonii cumque eius a Brundisio crudelis et pestifer 
reditus timeretur, nee postulantibus nee cogitantibus, ne optan- 

*5 tibus quidem nobis quia non posse fieri videbatur, firmissimum 4 
exercitum ex invicto genere veteranorum militum comparavit 
patrimoniumque suum effudit : quamquam non sum usus eo 
verbo quo debui ; non enim effudit : in rei publicae salute coilo- 
cavit. Cui quamquam gratia referri tanta non potest quanta 

debetur, habenda tamen est tanta, quantam maximam animi 
nostri capere possunt. Quis enim est tarn ignarus rerum, tarn 

2. Fugit. Cp. 5. II, 30, quoted above n. Adolescens. Octavianus was at 

on I. this time eighteen years of age. 

5. Consules designates. Aulus 14. Ne optantibus quidem. The 

Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, who were to Vatican MS. reads nee optantibus quidem; 

enter office on the 1st of January 43 B.C. but Madvig (on Cic. Fin. Excursus 3. p. 822 

cc. 2, 3. C. Caesar, on his own respond- foil.) shows that the expression ne . . . 

bility, and at his oivn expense, had saved the quidem, never in writers of this age absorbs 

state, by gaining over the legions at Brundi- into itself the copulative conjunction. The 

shim, which Antony had hoped to have as only other passages in Cicero where nee . . . 

instruments of his cruelty, that he might over- quidem rests on any good authority are 

whelm the citizens of Rome, as he had mur- Cat. Ma. 9, 27 nee nunc quidem, where 

dered the centurions at Brundisium. To nee . . . quidem is a condensation of ac 

C. Caesar therefore, and the soldiers who non . . . quidem, nor do I now indeed : 

had shown their patriotism by deserting and Nat. Deor. 3. 9, 23 nee cur animantem 

Antony, thanks, honours, and the confirma- quidem esse, where the c seems due to 

tion of their deeds were due from the the initial of the following word. Here he 

senate. thinks nee has crept in from the double 

9- Quo enim usque. For the division nee preceding. Halm admits his reasoning, 

of the adverb, cp. Mart. 2. 64, 9 Eia age, and reads ne . . . quidem. See also Hand s 

rumpe moras, quo te sperabimus usque? Tursellinus, 4. 162 foil.) 

10. Privatis consiliis, by the irre- 17. Patrimonium ... effudit. Octa- 

gular proceedings of Octavianus, which he vianus expended, or rather invested, collo- 

goes on to describe, and the unauthorised cavit, his private means in giving the vete- 

resistance of Dec. Brutus (see c. 4, 8); for rans 500 denarii apiece. Cp. Att. 1 6. 8, I 

both of which thanks are proposed by Veteranos, quique Casilini et Calatinae 

Cicero in the forma], vote which closes this sunt, perduxit ad suam sententiam. Nee 

oration. mirum : quingenos denarios dat. 


nihil de re publica cogitans, qui hoc non intelligat, si M. Antonius 
a Brundisio cum iis copiis, quas se habiturum putabat, Romam, 
ut minabatur, venire potuisset, nullum genus eum crudelitatis 
praeteriturum fuisse ? quippe qui in hospitis tectis Brundisii for- 
tissimos viros optimosque cives iugulari iusserit ; quorum ante 5 
pedes eius morientium sanguine os uxoris respersum esse con- 
stabat. Hac ille crudelitate imbutus, cum multo bonis omnibus 
veniret iratior, quam illis fuerat, quos trucidarat, cui tandem 

5 nostrum aut cui omnino bono pepercisset? Qua peste privato 
consilio rem publicam neque enim fieri potuit aliter Caesar 10 
liberavit. Qui nisi in hac re publica natus esset, rem publicam 
scelere Antonii nullam haberemus. Sic enim perspicio, sic iu- 
dico, nisi unus adolescens illius furentes impetus crudelissimosque 
conatus cohibuisset, rem publicam funditus interituram fuisse. 
Cui quidem hodierno die, patres conscripti, nunc enim primum 15 
ita convenimus, ut illius beneficio possemus ea, quae sentiremus, 
libere dicere tribuenda est auctoritas, ut rem publicam non 
modo a se susceptam, sed etiam a nobis commendatam possit 

3 Nee vero de legione Martia, quoniam longo intervallo loqui 2 o 

6 nobis de re publica licet, sileri potest. Quis enim unus fortior, 
quis amicior umquam rei publicae fuit quam legio Martia uni- 
versa? quae cum hostem populi Romani Antonium iudicasset, 
comes esse eius amentiae noluit : reliquit consulem, quod pro- 
fecto non fecisset, si eum consulem iudicasset, quern nihil 25 
aliud agere, nihil moliri nisi caedem civium atque interitum 
civitatis videret. Atque ea legio consedit Albae. Quam 

I. Si M. Antonius, &c. Cp. Fam. 10. context. The other MSS. have bonis 

28, 3 Certum habeto, nisi ille (sc. puer hominibus. 

Caesar) veteranos celeriter conscripsisset 9. Privato consilio, on his own 

legionesque duae de exercitu Antonii ad eius responsibility. 

se auctoritatem contulissent, atque is opposi- 10. Caesar. So henceforward Cicero 

tus esset terror Antonio, nihil Antonium see- designates Octavianus. 

leris nihil crudelitatis praeteriturum fuisse. 17. Ut rempublicam, &c., that he 

4. Fortissimos viros. Martiae le- may assume the defence of the state, not 

gionis centuriones 13. 8, 18. Themassacre merely as an office voluntarily taken on 

however was not confined to the centurions, himself, but as a charge entrusted to him 

unless Cicero in c. 4, 10 of this oration by the senate. 

exaggerates the number ( Brundisii ad tre- 27. Consedit Albae, at Alba Longa, 

centos fortissimos viros civesque optimos on the east shore of the Alban Lake, and 

trucidavit ), as there were only 60 centu- only fourteen miles from Rome. It was the 

rions to a legion. Cp. also 5. 8, 22. news of this occupation of Alba that had 

7. Bonis omnibus. So the Vatican induced Antony hurriedly to leave the 

MS. Halm, following an early conjecture, city (see on c. I, i). When he found that 

reads nobis/ as agreeing better with the he could not shake the resolution of the 

no M, TV L LI I CICERO NTS oc. 3-4. 

potuit urbem eligere aut opportuniorem ad res gerundas aut 
fideliorem aut fortium virorum aut amicorum rei publicae 
civium ? Huius legionis virtutem imitata quarta legio duce 7 
L. Egnatuleio quaestore, civi optimo et fortissimo, C. Caesaris 
5 auctoritatem atque exercitum persecuta est. Faciundum est 
igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut ea, quae sua sponte darissimus 
adolescens atque omnium praestantissimus gessit et gerit, haec 
auctoritate nostra comprobentur, veteranorumque, fortissimorum 
virorum, turn legionis Martiae quartaeque mirabilis consensus 

10 ad rem publicam recuperandam laude et testimonio nostro con- 
firmetur, eorumque commoda, honores, praemia, cum consules 
designati magistratum inierint, curae nobis fore hodicrno die 

Atque ea quidem, quae dixi de Caesare deque eius exercitu, 4 

15 iam diu nota sunt nobis. Virtute enim admirabili Caesaris s 
constantiaque militum veteranorum legionumque earum, quae 
optimo iudicio auctoritatem vestram, libertatem populi Romani, 
virtutem Caesaris secutae sunt, a cervicibus nostris est depulsus 
Antonius. Sed haec, ut dixi, superiora : hoc vero recens edic- 

20 turn D. Bruti, quod paulo ante propositum est, certe silentio 

Martian legion, he retired to Tibur, and use of haec, to recall emphatically to mind 

thence proceeded towards Cisalpine Gaul. the subject which had been separated from 

2. Fortium . . . amicorum. This is its verb by an intervening relative clause, 

the reading of the Vatican MS., defended cp. 7. 5, 15 cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam 

(though not adopted) by Wernsdorf, who shows coloniam populi Romani firmissimam, op- 

that Cicero s meaning probably is what city pugnarit . . . hunc in eum ordinem recipi ; 

that contains either brave men or friendly and contrariwise de Orat. 2. 28, 125 haec 

citizens could have been found either more ipsa, quae mine ad me delegare vis, ea sem- 

convenient or more to be depended on? per in te eximia fuerunt. See Madv. 9 a. 

Bravery and good feeling towards Rome were c. 4. More recently Decimus Brutus, fol- 

necessary conditions in the citizens of the lowing the example of his ancestor, who 

place which they should occupy ; of the drove out a king for merely being proud, had 

cities which exhibited these the veterans published an edict, maintaining the liberty 

might choose the most convenient. Halm and authority of the state, menaced now by 

adopts the reading of the Junta edition Antony, who in wickedness, arbitrary self- 

(1515), which is slightly altered from the assumption, and contempt of all religion, in 

other MSS., aut fortiorum virorum aut meanness, cruelty, and disloyalty, went beyond 

amiciorum. This however has evidently the worst that any man had ventured to 

arisen from not distinguishing the independ- assert of Tarquin. 

ence of the two pairs of aut ... aut. 19. Edictum D. Bruti. Cicero tells 

4. Civi. So the Vatican MS. here, and Decimus Brutus himself (Fam. II. 6, 2) that 
5. 19, 52, and the other MSS. in c. 15, 39. the sight of this edict was what induced 
Priscian, 7- 13? 68, brings several passages him to come into the senate on the day 
(e.g. pro Sest. 12, 12 quod ausus esset pro when this oration was deliverd : Nefas 
civi, pro bene merito civi ) to prove that esse duxi aut ita haberi senatum, ut de tuis 
this form of the ablative is used by Cicero. divinis in rempublicam meritis sileretur 

5. Persecuta est, attached itself to quod factum esset, nisi ego venissem aut, 
the army under C. Caesar s command. etiam si quid de te honorifice diceretur, me 

6. Ea . . . haec. For this redundant non adesse. 


non potest praeteriri. Pollicetur enim se provinciam Galliam 
retenturum in senatus populique Romani potestate. O civem 
natum rei publicae, memorem sui nominis imitatoremque ma- 
iorum ! Neque enim Tarquinio expulso maioribus nostris tarn 
fuit optata libertas, quam est depulso iam Antonio retinenda 5 
9 nobis. Illi regibus parere iam a condita urbe didicerant : nos 
post reges exactos servitutis oblivio ceperat. Atque ille Tar 
quinius, quern maiores nostri non tulerunt, non crudelis, non 
impius, sed superbus est habitus et dictus : quod nos vitium in 
privatis saepe tulimus, id maiores nostri ne in rege quidem ferre 10 
potuerunt. L. Brutus regem superbum non tulit : D. Brutus 
sceleratum atque impium regnare patietur Antonium? Quid 
Tarquinius tale, qualia innumerabilia et facit et fecit Antonius ? 
Senatum etiam reges habebant : nee tamen, ut Antonio senatum 
habente, in consilio regis versabantur barbari armati. Servabant ! 5 
auspicia reges ; quae hie consul augurque neglexit, neque solum 
legibus contra auspicia ferendis, sed etiam collega una ferente 
10 eo, quern ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fecerat. Quis autem 
rex umquam fuit tarn insignite impudens, ut haberet omnia com- 
moda, beneficia, iura regni venalia ? Quam hie immunitatem, 20 
quam civitatem, quod praemium non vel singulis hominibus vel 
civitatibus vel universis provinciis vendidit? Nihil humile de 
Tarquinio, nihil sordidum accepimus : at vero huius domi inter 
quasilla pendebatur aurum, numerabatur pecunia ; una in domo 

2. In potestate. So Halm, following . . . occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis multare 
the Vatican MS. Orelli, from the other poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos, sed 
MSS., reads in potestatem, a construction unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare 
which is found after esse and habere in posset. 

a few legal and political expressions: cp. 12. Sceleratum atque impium reg- 

Div. in Q. Caec. 20, 66 quae in amicitiam nare, to play the part of a king both 

populi Romani dicionemque essent. See impious and wicked. 
Madv., 230, Obs. 2. 15. Barbariarmati. See 2.8, iQnote. 

3. Imitatorem maiorum. See I. 6, 17. Collega una ferente, proposing 
13 note. them in conjunction with Dolabella, whose 

4. Neque enim Tarquinio, &c., nor election he had nullified. See on 2. 33, 82. 
indeed was the desire of our ancestors to 19. Tam insignite impudens, so 
gain liberty on the expulsion of Tarquinius egregiously devoid of shame. 

so great as should be our desire to retain it 20. Immunitatem. See on I. I, 3. 

by throwing off the yoke of Antony. 22. Nihil humile, &c. Of the value 

8. Non crudelis. Yet cp. Flor. I. 7 of such commendation from the mouth of 

Ipse in senatum caedibus, in omnes super- Cicero we may judge from a comparison of 

bia, quae crurlelitate gravior est bonis, gras- I. 13, 33, where he uses exactly the same 

satus, cum saevitiam domi fatigasset, tandem expressions of Antony : nihil umquam in 

in hostes conversus est. . . . Turn quoque te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi. 

cruentus in suos; Livy 1.49 Metu regnum 23. Inter quasilla. Domesticis 

tutandum esset : quern ut pluribus incuteret nundinis, 2. 36, 92 ; in gynaecio, ib. 37, 

112 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-6. 

omnes, quorum intererat, totum imperium populi Roman! nundi- 
nabantur. Supplicia vero in cives Romanos nulla Tarquinii 
accepimus : at hie et Suessae iugulavit eos, quos in custodiam 
declerat, et Brundisii ad trecentos fortissimos viros civesque op- 
5 timos trucidavit. Postremo Tarquinius pro populo Romano 11 
bellum gerebat turn, cum est expulsus : Antonius contra popu- 
lum Romanum exercitum adducebat turn, cum a legionibus 
relictus nomen Caesaris exercitumque pertimuit neglectisque 
sacrinciis sollemnibus ante lucem vota ea, quae numquam sol- 

10 veret, nuncupavit, et hoc tempore in provinciam populi Romani 
conatur invadere. Maius igitur a D. Bruto beneficium populus 
Romanus et habet et exspectat, quam maiores nostri acceperunt 
a L. Bruto, principe huius maxime conservandi generis et nomi- 
nis. Cum autem omnis servitus est misera, turn vero intolera- 5 

15 bilis est servire impuro, impudico, effeminato, numquam ne in 12 
metu quidem sobrio. Hunc igitur qui Gallia prohibet, private 
praesertim consilio, iudicat verissimcque iudicat non esse consu- 
lem. Faciendum est igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut D. Bruti 
privatum consilium auctoritate publica comprobemus. Nee vero 

20 M. Antonium consulem post Lupercalia debuistis putare. Quo 

95. Quasillum (whence the contracted usurp by force. Cp. II. 2,4 In Galliam 

form qualum ) is especially used of women s invasit Antonius, in Asiam Dolabella, in 

spinning baskets; cp. Prop. 5. 7 4 1 Et alienam uterque provinciam. 

graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis. c. 5. It was true that he was nominally 

3. Suessae. Cp. 4. 2, 4; 13. 8, 18. Consul, but on this score he had forfeited all 
This massacre seems to have taken place right, by offering to become the slave of 
when Antony was on his way to Brundi- Caesar, in the hope that he might one day 
sium. emulate his despotism. Therefore the senate 

4. Ad trecentos. See on c. 2, 4. ought to honour Brutus for resisting him, 

5. Pro populo Romano. Against and with Brutus all Cisalpine Gaul, which had 
the Rutulians of Ardea. Livy I. 57. come forward with the utmost unanimity to 

9. Vota nuncupavit, uttered so- defend the authority of that senate, which had 
lemn vows. Vota nuncupata were those now met to take measures for its own pro- 
which Consuls and praetors made in solemn tection. 

form, on their departure for their provinces ; 14. Intolerabilis. So Halm, from 
and they were generally registered in the almost all the MSS. Servitus is easily sup- 
presence of many witnesses. Cp. Livy 41. plied from the preceding clause. Vulg. 
IO Cum consul more maiorum, secundum intolerable. 

vota in Capitolio nuncupata, paludatus pro- 15. Ne in metu quidem sobrio. 

fectus ab Urbe esset. Plutarch records his wonderful power of 

Quae numquam solveret, which he abstinence under pressure, Ant. 17 O 

was never doomed to pay; i.e. Cicero ex- 6 ovv At/radios Tore Oavpaarov r\v irapa- 

presses his belief that Antony s prayers Sff-y/ia rofs arpaTKJjrais euro rpvipfjs roff- 

would not be granted, and that so he avrrjs nal TToXvre^fias vocap re mvcav 

would not be obliged to pay his vows ; as SiftyOapfjitvov (VKU\OJS Kal Kapnovs dypiovs 

in the case of Pallas, nil iam caelestibus ttal pifas irpoff(f>ep6/j.fvos. 

ullis debentem Virg. Ae. n. 51. 16. Private consilio. Cp. c. I, 3 note. 

10. In provinciam . . . invadere, to 20. Lupercalia. See 2. 34, 84 note. 


enim ille die populo Romano inspectante nudus, unctus, ebrius 
. est contionatus et id egit ut collegae diadema imponeret, eo die 
se non modo consulatu, sed etiam libertate abdicavit. Esset 
enim ipsi certe statim serviendum, si Caesar ab eo regni insignia 
accipere voluisset. Hunc igitur ego consulem, hunc civem Ro- 5 
manum, hunc liberum, hunc denique hominem putem, qui foedo 
illo et flagitioso die et quid pati C. Caesare vivo posset et quid 
13 eo mortuo consequi ipse cuperet ostendit ? Nee vero de virtute, 
constantia, gravitate provinciae Galliae taceri potest. Est enirn 
ille flos Italiae, illud firmamentum imperii populi Romani, illud 10 
ornamentum dignitatis. Tantus autem est consensus munici- 
piorum coloniarumque provinciae Galliae, ut omnes ad auctori- 
tatem huius ordinis maiestatemque populi Romani defendendam 
conspirasse videantur. Quam ob rem, tribuni pi., quamquam vos 
nihil aliud nisi de praesidio, ut senatum tuto consules Kalendis 15 
lanuariis habere possent, rettulistis, tamen mini videmini magno 
consilio atque optima mente potestatem nobis de tota re publica 
fecisse dicendi. Cum enim tuto haberi senatum sine praesidio 
non posse iudicavistis, turn statuistis etiam intra muros Antonii 
scelus audaciamque versari. 20 

6 Quam ob rem omnia mea sententia complectar, vobis, ut 


2. Id egit ut imponeret, used of local self-government than the older 

every effort to crown his colleague. So 2. municipia possessed, as in the oration pro 

34, 85 imponebas, again and again you Sest. 14, 32, he preserves the old distinc- 

tried to crown him. lions : nullum erat Italiae municipii m, 

10. Ille flos Italiae. For this attrac- nulla colonia, nulla praefectura, . . . c uod 
tion of the demonstrative out of the gender non turn honorificentissime de mea salute 
of the noun which it represents into that of decrevisset. Cp. Phil. 4. 3, 7 municipia, 
the predicate cp. Virg. Ae. 7, 4 si qua colonias, praefecturas, and 2 24,58. So a 
est ea gloria; ib. 10. 828 si qua est ea Lex Municipals found near Heraclea, pro- 
fama. A similar usage is also found in bably of the year 45 B.C., contains provi- 
Greek, as Aesch. Prom. 754 avrij -ya/> (sc. sions for the constitutions of the various 
TO 0ai/etV) ^v av -n-q^arcav a-rraXXa-yrj. municipia, coloniae, praefectvrae, fora, con- 
See Madv. 313 ; and Riddell on Plat. Apol. ciliabula civium Romanorum. In Phil 13. 
P- 195- 8, 1 8 he clearly makes the change which 

11. Municipiorum coloniarumque. the Lex lulia had made in the status of 
By the Lex lulia, passed in the consulship coloniae. For the whole subject see 
of L. lulius Caesar, 90 B.C., all the allied Mr. Watson s letters of Cicero, Append, xii. 
towns in Italy and Gallia Cispadana re- 16. Rettulistis, brought forward a 
ceived the Roman civitas, and became motion. See on I. I, 2. 

municipia. In 49 B.C. the dictator Caesar cc. 6, 7. The honours paid to Brutns and 

extended this privih ge to the transpadani, to Gaul would render it imperative to treat 

so that it is not easy to see what distinction Antony as a public enemy, since otherwise 

is here implied between municipia and they must be rebels against the highest law- 

coloniae. Most probably by coloniae he fully constituted authority. But he had 

means to distinguish tho?e cities which were further shown himself unworthy of his office, 

coloniae before they became municipia, by the. insulting language of his edicts, in 

and which perhaps retained a larger share which he found fault with C. Caesar for pro- 


T 14 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-7. 

intelligo, non invitis, ut et praestantissimis ducibus a nobis detur 
auctoritas, et fortissimis militibus spes ostendatur praemiorum, 
et iudicetur non verbo, sed re non modo non consul, sed etiam 
hostis Antonius. Nam si ille consul, fustuariurn meruerunt le- 
5 giones, quae consulem reliquerunt ; sceleratus Caesar, Brutus 
nefarius, qui contra consulem private consilio exercitus compara- 
verunt : si autem militibus exquirendi sunt honores novi propter 
eorum divinum atque immortale meritum, ducibus autem ne 
referri quidem potest gratia, quis est qui eum hostem non existi- 

10 met, quern qui armis pcrsequantur, conservatores rei publicae 
iudicantur? At quam contumeliosus in edictis ! qua.m barbarus ! 
quam rudis ! Primum in Caesarem maledicta congessit de- 
prompta ex recordatione impudicitiae et stuprorum suorum. 
Quis enim hoc adolescente castior? quis modestior? quod in 

15 iuventute habemus illustrius exemplum veteris sanctitatis ? quis 
autem illo, qui male dicit, impurior ? Ignobilitatem obiicit C. 
Caesaris filio, cuius etiam natura pater, si vita suppeditasset, 
consul factus esset. Aricina mater. Trallianam aut Ephesiam 
putes dicere. Videte quam despiciamur omnes, qui sumus e 

fligacy peculiar to himself; and reproached if any men pursue him under arms, they 

him with an origin which many noble senators are thought to be the saviours of their 

were proud to claim, and which at least was country. 

not inferior to his own. He had even gone 1 6. Qui male dicit. So Halm, from 

out of his way to accuse Cicero s nephew of the original reading of the Vatican MS., qui 

having meditated parricide, not seeing that maledict. A corrected reading, followed by 

his abuse is really praise, just as in his the other MS., is maledico. 

attacks on Cicero himself he never knew 17. Natura pater. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 

whether he was eulogising or injuring 3. 69, 162 Si est tuus natura films. C. 

him. Octavius, the father of Octavianus. died 

4. Fustuarium, cudgelling to death, when he was only ...four years old, 58 B.C. 

a military punishment described by Polybius, He was praetor 61 B.C., which itself secured 

6. 35 TO 8e TJJS v\OKorrias IOTI TOIOVTOV. Octavianus from the reproach of ignobilitas, 

\aftwv v\ov 6 x^i a PX os T v KaraKpiOivros even if he could not claim to inherit the 

oTov jjif/dTO IJLOVOV. ov ycvo/Aevov, -rrdvTes honours of his adoptive father, all being 

ol TOV ffTpaTOireS w TVTTTOVTS rofs {;A.ois nobiles, by any of whose ancestors any 

teal rofs \idois, rovs p.ev ir\fiffTovs kv curule magistracy had been held. Octavius 

avrrj rfj GTpaTowfSeia KarafiaXXovai. It had just returned to Rome before his death, 

was the punishment for deserters, cp. Livy to be a candidate for the consulship. 
5. 6 Fustuarium meretur, qui signa relin- 18. Aricina mater, of Aricia, a Latin 

quit, aut praesidio recedit. It must be dis- town, only 16 miles from Rome (cp. Hor. 

tinguished both from the flagellatio servo- S. I. 5, I ; Juv. 4. 117), which had gained 

rum, and the lighter fustium animadversio the full Roman franchise so early as 340 

to which free civilians were liable. See also B.C., at the close of the great Latin war; 

Kritz on Sail, fragm 4. 27. and was therefore not deserving of such con- 

10. Persequantur. So Halm, from the temptuous mention, as though it had been 

Vatican MS. for the ordinary reading per- a barbarous Asiatic town, like Ephesus or 

seqnuntur. The subjunctive seems to be Tralles. 

required, as conveying the description of the 19. Omnes qui sumus: Cicero hini- 

men who were considered patriots. When, self being but a municipalis of Arpinum. 



municipiis, id est omnes plane : quotus enim quisque nostrum non 
est ? Quod autem municipium non contemnit is, qui Aricinum 
tanto opere despicit, vetustate antiquissimum, iure foederatum, 
propinquitate paene fmitimum, splendore municipum honestis- 

16 simum ? Hinc Voconiae, hinc Atiniae leges ; hinc multae sellae 5 
curules et patrum memoria et nostra ; hinc equites Romani 
lautissimi et plurimi. Sed si Aricinam uxorem non probas, cur 
probas Tusculanam? Quamquam hums sanctissimae feminae 
atque optimae pater, M. Atius Balbus, in primis honestus, prae- 
torius fuit : tuae coniugis, bonae feminae, locupletis quidem 10 
certe, Bambalio quidam pater, homo nullo numero. Nihil illo 
contemptius, qui propter haesitantiam linguae stuporemque cordis 
cognomen ex contumelia traxerat. At avus nobilis. Tuditanus 
nempe ille, qui cum palla et cothurnis nummos populo de rostris 
spargere solebat. Vellem hanc contemptionem pecuniae suis 15 

17 reliquisset ! Habetis nobilitatem generis gloriosam. Qui au 
tem evenit ut tibi flulia natus ignobilis videatur, cum tu eodem 
materno genere soleas gloriari? Quae porro amentia est eum 
dicere aliquid de uxorum ignobilitate, cuius pater Numitoriam 
Fregellanam, proditoris filiam, habuerit uxorem, ipse ex libertini 20 

I. Quotus quisque, one in every 
how many? and so how few among the 
whole of us can boast a different origin? 

3. lure foederatum, whose privi 
leges are secured by treaty, not merely 
granted as favours. 

5. Hinc Voconiae hinc Atiniae 
leges. These laws are mentioned together 
also in Verr. Act. I. 42, 109. The Lex 
Voconia de Hereditatibus was proposed by 
Q^ Voconius Saxa, 169 B.C. Its principal 
provision was ne quis heredem mulierem 
institueret : Livy Epit. 41. There were 
two Leges Atiniae/ one de rebus furtivis, 
passed in 197 B.C., the other probably 
about 130 B.C., giving senatorial rank to 
the tribunes of the commons. It is only 
from this passage that we know that the 
proposers of any of these laws were natives 
of Aricia. 

8. Tusculanam. M. Fulvius Bambalio 
(see on 2. 36, 90) being apparently a 

9. Praetorius. He was praetor in 62 
B.C., and obtained the province of Sardinia. 

II. Homo nullo numero. See on 2. 
29, 7*- 

13. Traxerat. So Halm, from the 

Vatican reading tarxerat. Vulg. traxerit; 
but the reference being only to the facts of 
an individual case, the subjunctive is un 

Tuditanus. Of Tuditanus we know 
only what is mentioned in the text. He is 
quoted by Val. Max. (7. 8, i) as a notorious 
madman, but he grounds the fact of his 
madness on the same story. 

14. Cum palla et cothurnis, in full 
tragic costume. 

17. lulia natus. So the Vatican MS., 
though natus nowhere else seems to be 
used in the sense of prognatus. Hence we 
have various conjectures: luliaefilia natus, 
luliae nepos, luliae nata, &c. The 
other MSS. have Aricina, which is inap 
propriate, as the point of Cicero s argu 
ment is that Octavianus only shared with 
Antony the honour of being sprung from a 

19. Numitoria was the first wife of 
M. Antonius Creticus. Her father, Q^ 
Numitorius Pullus, betrayed his native town 
to the Romans under L. Opimius, 125 

20. Ex libertini filia, Fadia. See 
2. 2, 3 note. 


filia susceperit liberos? Sed hoc clarissimi viri viderint, L. Phi- 
lippus, qui habet Aricinam uxorem, C. Marcellus, qui Aricinae 
filiam : quos certo scio dignitatis optimarum feminarum non 
paenitere. Idem etiam Q. Ciceronem, fratris mei filium, com- 7 
5 pellat edicto, nee sentit amens commendationem esse compella- 
tionem suam. Quid enim accidere huic adolescent! potuit opta- 
tius quam cognosci ab omnibus Caesaris consiliorum esse socium, 
Antonii furoris inimicum ? At etiam gladiator ausus est scribere is 
hunc de patris et patrui parricidio cogitasse: "O admirabilem 

10 impudentiam, audaciam, temeritatem ! in eum adolescentem hoc 
scribere audere, quern ego et frater meus propter eius suavissimos 
atque optimos mores praestantissimumque ingenium certatim 
amamus omnibusque horis oculis, auribus, complexu tenemus ! 
Nam me isdem cdictis nescit laedat an laudet. Cum idem 

IP supplicium minatur optimis civibus, quod ego de sceleratissimis 
ac pessimis sumpserim, laudare videtur, quasi imitari velit : cum 
autem illam pulcherrimi facti memoriam refricat, turn a sui simi- 
libus invidiam aliquam in me commoveri putat. 

Sed quid fecit ipse ? Cum tot edicta posuisset, edixit ut ad- 8 


1. L. Philippu s married Atia herself, vestri cives atqne socii. 

after the death of C. Octavius. 17. Refricat, excites afresh; the me- 

2. C. Marcellus married her daughter taphor being taken from chafing an old 
Octavia, afterwards the wife of Antony wound; cp. de Leg. Agr. 3. 2, 4 Refricare 
himself. obductam reipublicae cicatricem ; in Pis. 33, 

4. Compellat, abuses ; cp. Att. 2. 2, 82 Reipublicae praeterita fata refricabis. 

3 ( Nigidium minari in contione se iudicem The allusion is 10 the suppression of Catiline s 

compellaturum esse. conspiracy. 

9. Hunc de patris, &c. By betraying c. 8. With similar inconsistency he issued 

to Caesar their intention of leaving Italy, 49 a proclamation, aimed especially at Cicero, 

B.C. Cicero himself laments over the same requiring all senators, wider pain of being 

story of his nephew in a letter to Atticus held guilty of treason, to attend a meeting 

(10. 4, 6), and though he afterwards had on the 2^th of November, and when the day 

reason to btlieve the story false (ib. 7, 4), yet came, he was himself absent at a disorderly 

even then he charges his nephew with exces- feast. And on the 2Sth, when he once more 

sive avarice, and a little later with arrogance convened the senate, expressly to impeach 

and insolence ; while two years afterwards C. Caesar, he dared not carry out his 

(47 B.C.) he tells Atticus that he has heard shameful project, even though by dropping it 

that the young man had been expressing he convicted himself. 

himself in madly hostile terms against him 19. Posuisset. I have restored the 

(Att. li. 10, i). reading of all the MSS. here, and of the 

14. Laedat an laudet, whether he Vatican MS. in 4.4,9, because although 

is tending to my hurt or to my praise. proponere would be more in accordance 

The antithesis, as explained in the con- with usage in both cases, yet there is suffi- 

cluding sentence of the chapter, is less cient authority for this use of ponere in 

direct than the similarity of sound would such expressions as tabulas in publico po- 

lead one to expect, especially as laedo is nere (pro Place. 9, 21) ; while the usage in 

sometimes used as the contrary of laudo, in 4. 4, 9 finds a parallel in Fam. 9. 15,4 

the sense of to upbraid; cp. pro Font. 15, cum in memem venit, ponor ad scriben- 

35 cum laedat nemo bonus, laudent omnes dum. 

17-21. O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A III. 117 

esset senatus frequens a. d. VIII Kalendas Decembres : eo die 
ipse non adfuit. At quo modo edixit ? Haec sunt, ut opinor, 
verba in extreme: Si quis non adfuerit, hunc existimare 
omnes poterunt et interitus mei et perditissimorum 
consiliorum auctorem fuisse. Quae sunt perdita consilia ? 5 
an ea, quae pertineant ad libertatem populi Romani recuperan- 
dam ? quorum consiliorum Caesari me auctorem et hortatorem 
et esse et fuisse fateor. Quamquam ille non eguit consilio cuius- 
quam, sed tamen currentem, ut dicitur, incitavi. Nam interitus 
quidem tui quis bonus non esset auctor, cum eo salus et vita 10 
optimi cuiusque, libertas populi Romani dignitasque consisteret ? 

20 Sed cum tarn atroci edicto nos concitavisset, cur ipse non ad 
fuit ? Num putatis aliqua re tristi ac severa ? vino atque epulis 
retentus, si illae epulae potius quam popinae nominandae sunt. 
Diem edicti obire neglexit : in ante diem quartum Kalendas 15 
Decembres distulit. Adesse in Capitolio iussit : quod in tem- 
plum ipse nescio qua per Gallorum cuniculum adscendit. Con- 
venerunt corrogati, et quidem ampli quidam homines, sed im- 
memores dignitatis suae. Is enim erat dies, ea fama, is qui 
senatum vocarat, ut turpe senator! esset nihil timere. Ad eos 20 
tamen ipsos, qui convenerant, ne verbum quidem ausus est facere 
de Caesare, cum de eo constituisset ad senatum referre : scrip- 

21 tarn attulerat consularis quidam sententiam. Quid est aliud de 

6. Quae pertineant, such as relate 17, I Nee varii (nuntii) venerant ex ante 

to the recovery of our liberty. So Halm, diem Non. lun. usque ad prid. Kal. Sext. ; 

from the corrupt Vatican reading pertitne- Livy 43. 16 In ante dies octavum et septi- 

nat. Vulg. pertinent; but it is not indi- mum Kal. Oct. The expression can even 

vidual counsels, but the kind of counsel, be used as the predicate of a sentence, Cic. 

that Cicero is specifying. Cat. i. 3, 7 Qui dies futurus esset ante 

9. Currentem incitavi, I spurred the diem sextum Kal. Nov. See Hand s Tur- 
willing horse. In Fam. 12. 23, 2 Cicero sellinus, i. 378 foil. 

speaks of the alleged attempt on Antony s 17. Gallorum cuniculum. Cp. pro 

life as one which prudentes viri et credunt Caec. 30, 88 Ncn eos in cuniculum, qua 

factum et probant. aggress i erant, sed in Capitolium restitui 

10. Eo. See on 2. 22, 53. oporteret. The account given by Livy of 

11. Optimi cuiusque. See on I. 12, the attempt upon the Capitol by the Gauls 
29. not only makes no mention of any mine, 

14. Retentus. Sc. non adfuit. Some but is incompatible with the idea of one. 
MSS. unnecessarily add est. 1 See Livy 5. 47. 

15. Diem obire. As we say, to meet 22. Scriptam. See on I. I, 3. 

his engagement. Cp. Att. 13. 14, i Obire 23, Quid est aliud ... iudicare. In 

auctionis diem facile potuerunt. most MSS. the words nisi se ipsum hostem 

In ante diem. The expression ante iudicare immediately follow quid est aliud, 

diem quartum Kalendas (itself attracted but the order in the text is not only -that 

from the proper construction die quarto of the Vatican MS., but also that most in 

ante Kalendas ) came to be looked on so accordance with Cicero s usage. Cp. Cat. 

completely as a single term, as to be com- Ma. 2, 5 Quid est enim aliud Gigantum 

bined with other prepositions. Cp. Att. 3. modo bellare cum dis nisi naturae repugnare? 



cc. 810. 

eo referre non auderc, qui contra se consulem exercitum duceret, 
nisi se ipsum hostem iudicare ? Necesse erat enim alterutrum 
esse hostem ; nee poterat aliter de adversariis iudicari ducibus. 
Si igitur Caesar hostis, cur consul nihil referat ad senatum ? sin 
5 ille a senatu notandus non fuit, quid potest dicere, quin, cum 
de illo tacuerit, se hostem confessus sit ? Quern in edictis Spar- 
tacum appellat, hunc in senatu ne improbum quidem dicere 
audet. At in rebus tristissimis quantos excitat risus ! Senten- 9 
tiolas edicti cuiusdam memoriae mandavi, quas videtur ille pera- 

10 cutas putare : ego autem qui intelligent, quid dicere vellet, 
adhuc neminem inveni. Nulla contumelia est, quam facit 
dignus. Primum quid est dignus? nam etiam malo multi 22 
digni, sicut ipse. An quam facit is, qui cum dignitate est? quae 
autem potest esse maior ? Quid est porro facere contume- 

ipliam? quis sic loquitur? Deinde : nee timor, quern denun- 
tiat inimicus. Quid ergo? ab amico timor denuntiari solet? 
Horum similia deinceps. Nonnc satius est mutum esse quam 
quod nemo intelligat dicere? En, cur magister eius ex oratore 

4. Referat, why was he to make no 
proposal? So the Vatican MS. Halm 
referebat; vulg. refert. For the use of 
the subjunctive, see Madv. 353. 

6. Spartacum. Spartacus, by birth a 
Thracian, was leader of the gladiators in the 
Servile war, 73-71 B.C. In 4. 6, 14 Cicero 
calls Antony himself a Spartacus, as the 
climax of all that was atrocious. 

c. 9, His very language was barbarous 
and unintelligible, though this was a trifle 
compared withhis outrageous conduct towards 
most virtuous and loyal citizens. His ulti 
mate departure was marked by a combination 
of panic and disorder, equally unworthy of 
a Consul ; when on hearing of the defection 
of his soldiers he took a hurried division 
on the popular question of a supplicatio 
for Lepidus, and fled in panic from the 

12. Quid est dignus? Cicero s argu 
ment is that dignus used absolutely is not 
Latin, and if it meant anything, would pro 
bably nu-an a man of worth. Conse 
quently insult proceeding from dignus 
would be the worst of all, as being probably 
well-deserved. Antony probably meant 
contumelia dignus, a man himself deserving 
to be insulted; so that his fault in Latinity 
consists only in a rather obscure ellipsis. 

15. Quis sic loquitur? The expres 

sion, if not classical in Cicero s time, was 
used before him by Plautus, Asin. 2. 4, 82 
Tu contumeliam alteri facias, tibi non 
dicatur? and Terence, Eun. 5. 2, 26 Nam 
etsi ego digna hac contumelia sum maxime, 
at tu indignus qui faceres tamen; and in later 
times by Seneca. It is curious that Quin- 
tilian, remarking on the change of usage, 
whereby facere contumeliam had become 
classical in his day, seems to understand it as 
meaning to suffer insult, like iacturam 
facere; Inst. 9. 3, 13 Ut nunc evaluit . . . 
contumeliam fecit, quod a Cicerone repre- 
hendi nolum est : (tffici enim contumelia 
dicebant ; so that some commentators have 
thought that Cicero is objecting to Antony 
using the expression in so unusual a sense. 
See Gronov. Observ. 3. 8. Gronovius him 
self thinks that Cicero s criticism is really 
directed against the extreme compression 
of the whole clause, rather than against the 
barbarism of any special phrase. 

Quern denuntiat inimicus, which 
arises from the threatening of an enemy ; 
cp. Att. 2. 23, 3 Non mediocres terrores 
iaccre atque denuntiare. 

18. Magister. Sext. Clodius of Leon- 
tini. See 2. 17, 42 and 43; ib. 39, 1OI 

Ex oratore arator, has left the 
platform for the plough. 




arator factus sit, possideat in agro publico campi Leontini duo 
milia iugerum immtmia, ut hominem stupidum magis etiam 

23 infatuet mercede publica. Sed haec leviora fortasse : illud 
quaero, cur tarn mansuetus in senatu fuerit, cum in edictis tarn 
ferus fuisset. Quid enim attinuerat L. Cassio, tribune pl. 3 for- 5 
tissimo et constantissimo civi, mortem denuntiare, si in senatum 
venisset, D. Carfulenum, bene de re publica sentientem, senatu 
vi et minis mortis expellere, Ti. Canutium, a quo erat honestis- 
simis contentionibus et saepe et iure vexatus, non templo solum, 
verum etiam aditu prohibere Capitolii ? Cui senatus consulto ne 10 
intercederent verebatur? De .supplicatione, credo, M. Lepidi, 
clarissimi viri. Atque id erat periculum, de cuius honore extra- 
ordinario quotidie aliquid cogitabamus, ne eius usitatus honos 

24 impediretur. Ac ne sine causa videretur edixisse ut senatus 
adesset, cum de re publica relaturus fuisset, allato nuntio de 15 
legione quarta mente concidit, et fugere festinans senatus con- 
sultum de supplicatione per discessionem fecit, cum id factum 
esset antea numquam. 

10 Quae vero profectio postea ! quod iter paludati ! quae vitatio 

5. L. Cassio . . . D. Carfulenum 
. . . Ti. Canutium. See on I. 15, 36. 
L. Cassius was reconciled to Antony after 
the battle of Philippi, but Carfulenus fell in 
the battle before Mutina, in which Antony 
was defeated, April 15,43 B.C., and Canutius 
was killed by Octavianus, after the capture 
of Perusia, 40 B.C. 

II. Intercederent, oppose their tri 
bunicial veto. 

M. Lepidi, afterwards the triumvir. 
Antony had sent him to Spain to effect a 
reconciliation with Sex. Pompeius, and for 
his success in this mission the senate gi anted 
him a supplicatio. See on I. 6, 13. The 
terms of the reconciliation were that Pom- 
pey should be allowed to return to Rome, 
and be indemnified for the loss of his father s 

17. Per discessionem. The usual 
mode of taking the votes in the Roman 
senate consisted in the Consuls asking each 
man severally how he wished to vote. On 
being asked his vote he had the right to 
speak, and so we find most of Cicero s 
speeches in the senate ending with a formal 
declaration of his vote. Where the opinion 
of the house, however, was very decided, so 
that there was nothing to be gained by 

listening to the speeches of all the senators, 
it was not unusual for the majority, with the 
permission of the Consuls, to group them 
selves round one of the speakers on their side 
during his speech, and so to show in favour 
of which side the decision was. This was 
called discessio, and the senators were said 
discedere, or pedibus ire in sententiam 
illorum quorum sententiae assentirentur. 
Cp. 6. I, 3; 14. 7. 21 ; Livy 3. 41 In 
hanc sententiam ut discederetur, iuniores 
Patrum evincebant. In the case of the 
decree for a supplicatio, the strangeness of 
a discessio is obvious, since it took away 
all opportunity of panegyric. 

cc. 10, II. From that day forth all had 
gone well in Rome. The magistrates were 
showing energy befitting the occasion ; even 
Antony s friends had given up the provinces 
which fortune had assigned them so mar 
vellously in accordance with their wishes ; by 
the loyalty and judgment of C. Caesar the 
wolf had been driven from the gate of the 
fold, and the Roman people, well rid of so 
profligate a tyrant, could once more take 
measures to secure the freedom which Cicero 
had ever laboured to maintain. 

19. Palndati, wearing the general s 
cloak," the symbol of military command, 

120 M. TULLII CICERONIS ec. 10-11. 

oculorum, lucis, urbis, fori ! quam misera fuga ! quam foeda ! 
quam turpis ! Praeclara tamen senatus consulta illo ipso die 
vespertina, provinciarum religiosa sortitio, divina vero op- 
portunitas, ut, quae cuique apta esset, ea cuique obveniret. 
5 Praeclare igitur facitis, tribuni pi., qui de praesidio consulum 25 
senatusque referatis, meritoque vestro maximas vobis gratias 
omnes et agere et habere debemus. Qui enim periculo carere 
possumus in tanta hominum cupiditate et audacia? ille autem 
homo afflictus et perditus quae de se exspectat iudicia graviora 

10 quam amicorum suorum? Familiarissimus eius, mihi homo 
coniunctus, L. Lentulus et P. Naso, omni carens cupiditate, nul- 
lam se habere provinciam, nullam Antonii sortitionem fuisse iudi- 
caverunt. Quod idem fecit L. Philippus, vir patre, avo, maior- 
ibus suts dignissimus. In eadem sententia fuit homo summa 

i? integritate atque innocentia, C. Turranius. Idem fecit Sp. 
Oppius ; ipsi etiam, qui amicitiam M. Antonii veriti plus ei tri- 
buerunt, quam fortasse vellent, M. Piso, necessarius meus, et 
vir et civis egregius, parique innocentia M. Vehilius senatus 
auctoritati se obtemperaturos esse dixerunt. Quid ego de L. 26 

20 Cinna loquar? cuius spectata multis magnisque rebus singularis 
integritas minus admirabilem facit huius honestissimi facti glo- 

formally assumed by the Consul on setting edncss. This use of the word is seemingly 

out for a campaign, and as formally laid without a parallel, though in almost every 

aside before he could re-enter the city. other sense of perditus it is common 

2. Praeclara senatus consulta, &c. to find afflictus combined with it by 

The irony is to be noticed throughout. The Cicero. 

decrees were not only not admirable, but n. L. Lentulus had been the accuser 

actually illegal, being passed after sunset of A. Gabinius, on the charge of maiestns, 

(see Sen. Dial. 9. 17, 7 Maiores nostri in 54 B.C., when he was suspected of prae- 

novam relationem post horam decimam in varicatio. See on 2. n, 25. Of Naso 

senatu fieri vetabant ); the allotment of the nothing further is known, 
provinces was managed in defiance of all 13. L. Philippus, probably the son of 

the sanctions of religion; and the inter- Octavianus stepfather, who was Consul in 

ference of heaven had never before shown 56 B.C., and grandson of the famous orator, 

so happy a disposition of the lots as that distinguished by Horace, Epp. i. 7, 46, as 

each person should gain exactly what he Strenuus et fortis causisque Philippus 

wished. agendis Clarus. 

4. Cuique . . . cuique. See 2. 46, 15. C. Turranius. Of Turranius and 

119 note. the following three nothing else is known. 

7. Et agere et habere, both to ex- 19. L. Cinna was praetor at the time 

press and feel gratitude. of Caesar s death, and so far identified him- 

Periculo carere. So the Vatican self with the conspirators, as to incur the 

MS. ^ The rest have carere metu et peri- enmity of the mob exasperated by Antony, 

culo, perhaps borrowed from 7. 9, 27. Cp. so that they murdered Helvius Cinna in 

c. 8, 20 ut tuipe senator! esset nihil mistake for him. 
timere/ 21. Minus admirabilem, &c.. makes 

9. Afllictus, overwhelmed with wick- us wonder less at it. 



riam : qui omnino provinciam neglexit, quam item magno animo 
et constant! C. Cestius repudiavit. Qui sunt igitur reliqui, quos 
sors divina delectet? f L. Annius, M. Antonius. O felicem 
utrumque! nihil enim maluerunt. C. Antonius Macedoniam. 
Hunc quoque felicem ! hanc enim habebat semper in ore pro- 5 
vinciam. C. Calvisius Africam. Nihil felicius ! modo enim ex 
Africa decesserat et quasi divinans se rediturum duos legates 
Uticae reliquerat. Deinde M. t Cusini Sicilia, Q. Cassii His- 
pania. Non habeo quid suspicer : duarum credo provinciarum 
11 sortes minus divinas fuisse. O C. Caesar adolescentem ap- 10 
27 pello , quam tu salutem rei publicae attulisti ! quam impro- 
visam! quam repentinam I qui enim haec fugiens fecit, quid 
faceret insequens ? Etenim in contione dixerat se custodem 
fore urbis seque usque ad Kalendas Maias ad urbem exercitum 
habiturum. O praeclarum custodem ovium, ut aiunt, lupumPS 
custosne urbis an direptor et vexator esset Antonius ? Et 

2. Qui sunt igitur reliqui, &c., 
whom have we then remaining, to testify 
by their delight the interference of heaven 
in the lots. 

3. L. Annius. Perhaps L. Annius 
Bellienus, who<e house was burnt after 
Caesar s death. The name however is 
doubtful. Some MSS. have T. Antonius, 
which Orelli thinks is a mistake for 
L. Antonius, but he was tribune of the 
commons at the time. 

M. Antonius. It seems strange that 
his name should occur in the allotment, 
as Gaul had been assigned to him by 
a law, passed indeed with violence, (Livy 
Epit. H7) and therefore ignored by Cicero, 
(see on c. 4. n,) but still superseding the 
necessity of any share in the sortitio. 
Some commentators have supposed that 
there is an error in his name also. 

4. C. Antonius, the second of the 
three brothers, fell into the hands of M. 
Brutus, in trying to maintain his pro 
vince, and by him was put to death in 42 

5. Hunc quoque felicem". For the 
accusative in an exclamation, without an 
interjection, cp. pro Gael. 26, 63 In balneis 
delituerunt : testes egregios. 

6. Africam. This was at present 
held by Q.. Cornificius, a friend of Cicero, 
who was commissioned, with the other 
governors of provinces, by the decree passed 
in the senate on the day of this speech, to 
hold his province against Calvisius Sabinus, 

or any successor not sanctioned by the 
senate, quoad ex senatus consulto cuique 
eorum successum sit, c. 15, 38; cp. Fani. 
12. 22, and 23; Att. 12. 14. 

8. M. Cusini Sicilia. So the Vati 
can MS. Orelli reads M. Iccius Sicilian!, 
Qi Cassius Hispaniam, from very confused 
readings of the inferior MSS. Some error 
probably underlies the name of Cusinus, 
as we nowhere hear of such a man. Cicero s 
argument is that here the hand of heaven 
is less visible, since two of Antony s oppo 
nents had obtained these provinces. Q^ 
Cassius was probably son of the Q^ Cassius 
whom Cicero, Att. 5. 21, 2, calls frater 
(probably cousin) of C. Cassius the ty 

11. Quam tu salutem. Thetoneofall 
this passage is much more confident than 
that which Cicero adopted in a letter of this 
date to Q._ Cornificius. See Fam. 12, 22; 
and Mr. Watson s note. 

12. Fecit. So the Vatican MS. The 
others have fecerit, expressing not only 
the fact, but the character of the man who 
could have taken such measures in the midst 
of flight. The subjunctive, however, though 
expressive, is not necessary. 

15. Custodem ovium. The proverb 
is as old as Herodotus, 4. 149 %<prj avrov 
KaraXftytiv oiv \vtcoiai. Cp. Piaut. Pseud. 

I. 2, 8 

Hoc eorum opust : ut lupos mavelis 
Apud oves linquere, quam hos ci,stodes 

122 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 11-12. 

quidem se introiturum in urbem dixit exiturumque, cum vellet. 
Quid illud ? nonne audiente populo sedens pro aede Castoris 
dixit, nisi qui vicisset, victurum neminem ? 

Hodierno die primum longo intervallo in possessionem liber- 28 
5 tatis pedem ponimus : cuius quidem ego, quoad potui, non modo 
defensor, sed etiam conservator fui. Cum autem id facere non 
posscm, quievi, nee abiecte nee sine aliqua dignitate casum ilium 
tcmporum et dolorem tuli. Hanc vero tacterrimam beluam quis 
ferrc potest aut quo modo ? Quid est in Antonio praetcr libi- 

10 dincm, crudelitatem, petulantiam, audaciam? Ex his totus con- 
glutinatus est. Nihil apparet in eo ingenuum, nihil moderatum, 
nihil pudcns, nihil pudicum. Ouapropter, quoniam res in id dis- 29 
crimcn adducta est, utrum ille poenas rei publicae luat an nos 
serviamus, aliquando, per dcos immortales ! patres conscripti, 

15 patrium animum virtutemque capiamus, ut aut libertatem pro- 
priam Romani et generis et nominis recuperemus aut mortem 
scrvituti anteponamus. Multa, quae in libera civitate ferenda 
non essent, tulimus et perpessi sumus : alii spe forsitan recu- 
perandae libertatis, alii vivendi nimia cupiditate : sed, si ilia 

20 tulimus, quae nos necessitas ferre coegit, quae vis quaedam 
pacne fatalis, quae tamen ipsa non tulimus : ctiamne huius im- 
puri latronis feremus taeterrimum crudelissimumque dominatum ? 
Quid hie faciet, si potent, iratus, qui cum suscensere nemini 12 


I. Introiturum exiturumque. When 6. Conservator fui. Up to the time 

a general had once left the city, he could of Caesar s usurpation. 

not re-enter it without laying down his Cum non possem, on ceasing to 

impcriiim. It was one of the charges be able, the subjunctive marking that his 

against Verres, quod, cum paludatus ex- rest was both subsequent to, and consequent 

isset, votaque . . . nuncupasset, noctu lectica on, his loss of power. 

in urbem introferri solitus est Verr. Act. 8. Beluam. Cp. 8. 4, 13 Quid te 

2. 5. 13, 34. See on i. 2, 6. facturum de belua putas. 

3. Victurum. Cp. 4. 5, 12 Agitur 12. Pudens, pudicum. For the dis- 
enim non qua conditione victuri, sed vie- tinction, see 2. 7, 15 note. 

turine simus an cum supplicio ignominiaque 15. Propriam. Cp. 6. 7, 19 Aliae na- 

perituri. The epigrammatic turning of the tiones servitutem patipossunt,populi Romani 

sentence, arising from the identity in form est propria libertas. 

of the participles of vivo and vinco, is 21. Q_uae tamen ipsa, &c., though 

untranslateable. even these we found at length too much to 

4. In possessionem. The ablative bear. Even Caesar s power fell at last before 
would have been more in accordance with the Roman passion for liberty. 

Cicero s usage, cp. pro Caec. II, 31 Si in cc. 12-14. Recapitulating the crimes 

fundo pedem posuisses ; pro Lig. 8, 24 In which Antony had committed since the death 

provincia pedem ponere. Ferrarius quotes of Caesar, and showing how, with ]iis brother 

two passages in which the accusative is used Lucius, he was carrying on the same mad 

after vestigium ponere, facere (de Fin. 5. career of wanton cruelty in Gaul, Cicero 

2, 5 ; pro Caec. 14, 39), but in both of these calls upon the senate not to lose the oppor- 

the best MSS. have the ablative. (unity, but with the Roman people eager to 

27-31. RATIO PHIL IP PIC A III. 123 

posset, omnibus bonis fuerit inimicus ? quid hie victor non aude- 
bit, qui nullam adeptus victoriam tanta scelera post Caesaris 
interitum fecerit ? refertam eius domum exhauserit ? hortos com- 
pilaverit ? ad se ex iis omnia ornamenta transtulerit ? caedis et 
incendiorum causam quaesierit ex funere ? duobus aut tribus 5 
senatus consultis bene et e re publica factis reliquas res ad 
lucrum praedamque revocaverit? vendiderit immunitates? civi- 
tates liberaverit? provincias universas ex imperii populi Romani 
iure sustulerit? exsules reduxerit? falsas leges C. Caesaris no 
mine et falsa decreta in aes incidenda et in Capitolio figenda 10 
curaverit earumque rerum omnium domesticum mercatum insti- 
tuerit? populo Romano leges imposuerit? armis et praesidiis 
populum et magistratus foro excluserit, senatum stiparit [arma- 
tis] ? armatos in cella Concordiae, cum senatum haberet, inclu- 
serit? ad legiones Brundisium cucurrerit ? ex iis optime senti- 15 
entes centuriones iugulaverit ? cum exercitu Romam sit ad 
interitum nostrum et ad dispersionem urbis venire conatus ? 
31 Atque is ab hoc impetu abstractus consilio et copiis Caesaris, 
consensu veteranorum, virtute legionum, ne fortuna quidem 
fractus minuit audaciam, nee ruere demens nee furere desinit. 20 
In Galliam mutilatum ducit exercitum, cum una legione et ea 
vaccillante L. fratrem exspectat, quo neminem reperire potest 

support them, himself ever ready with his Halm) says that he thinks this reading has 

counsels, and C. Caesar and Brutus in the crept in from its not being observed that 

field, to choose the wise and energetic course of armis et praesidiis belongs to stiparit, as 

crushing Antony while he was entangled on well as to excluserit. The word suggests 

every side in Gaul. They should be prepared a false antithesis between armis et prae- 

for death rather than slavery, though with sidiis, and armatis, and might easily have 

such new Consuls as Hirtius and Pansa, there been borrowed from the following armatos. 

could be but little doubt of soon securing the I have therefore followed Halm in placing it 

freedom which was a Roman s birthright. between brackets. 

3. Compilaverit, has stripped whole 14, Haberet, incluserit, has been in 
villas of their decorations? cp. Verr. Act. the habit of placing armed men on the several 
2 - 4- 2 4 53 Qui uno imperio ostiatim occasions when he convened the senate. 
totum oppidum compilaverit. 17. Dispersionem, the breaking up 

4. Caedis, &c., has sought to find in of our city. So the Vatican MS. If this 
the celebration of a funeral a pretext for word is right, (other readings being disper- 
murder and incendiarism? See on i. 2, 5. ditionem and dispertitionem, ) it may be 

6. Senatus consultis. See 1. 1, 3 notes. compared with the Greek dvaaraais, the 

8. Liberaverit, has freed from paying dispersion and removal of the citizens in 
tribute. See 2. 36, 92 note; and for the either case implying the ruin of the city. 
use of the word cp. de Prov. Cons. 5, 10 19. Ne fortuna quidem, &c., showed 
Vectignles mult-os ac stipendiaries liberavit. no diminution of his rashness even under 

9. Exsules. See 2. 23, 56. fortune s frown. 

ii. Domesticum mercatum. See on 21. Cum una legione. Yet see on 

2 - H 35- c. 2, 4. 

13. Armatis. Madvig. (in a letter to 22. Vaccillante. I have restored this 

124 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS 00.12-14. 

sui similiorem. Ille autem ex myrmillone dux, ex gladiatore 
imperator, quas effecit st rages, ubicumque posuit vestigium ! 
Fundit apothecas, caedit greges armentorum reliquique pecoris, 
quodcumque nactus est ; epulantur milites ; ipse autem se, ut 
5 fratrem imitetur, obruit vino ; vastantur agri, diripiuntur villae, 
matres familiae, virgines, pueri ingenui abripiuntur, militibus 
traduntur. Haec eadem, quacumque exercitum duxit, fecit M. 
Antonius. His vos taeterrimis fratribus portas aperietis? hos 13 
umquam in urbem recipietis ? non tempore oblato, ducibus 32 

10 paratis, animis militum incitatis, populo Romano conspirante, 
Italia tota ad libertatem recuperandam excitata, deorum immor- 
talium beneficio utemini ? Nullum erit tempus hoc amisso. A 
tergo, fronte, lateribus tenebitur, si in Galliam venerit. Nee illc 
armis solum, sed etiam decretis nostris urguendus est. Magna 

15 vis est, magnum numen unum et idem sentientis senatus. Vide- 
tisne refertum forum populumque Romanum ad spem recuper- 
andae libertatis erectum? qui longo intervallo cum frequentes 
hie videt nos, turn sperat etiam liberos convenisse. Hunc ego 33 
diem exspectans M. Antonii scelerata arm a vitavi turn, cum ille 

20 in me absentem invehens non intelligebat, ad quod tempus me 
et meas vires reservarem. Si enim turn illi caedis a me initium 
quaerenti respondere voluissem, mine rei publicae consulere non 
possem. Hanc vero nactus facultatem, nullum tempus, patres 

reading from the Vatican MS., on the au- any smaller beasts that he could lay his 

thority of Nonius, p. 34. Cp. Munro on hands upon. 

Lucr. 3. 504, apparently the only passage in 10. Conspirante, joining together heart 

poetry where the first syllable is long. He and soul. 

says that this spelling would confirm its de- 15. Numen, the prestige. Cp. Post 

rivation from the waddling gait of the Red. ad Quir. IO, 25 Cum vobis, qui apud 

vacca. 1 Halm reads vacillante. me deorum immortalium vim et numen 

1. Myrmillone. Cp. 5. 7, 20; 7. 6, tenetis ; pro Mil. 30, 83 Qui nullam vim 
17. The myrmillo fought in Gallic arms, esse ducit numenve divinum. 

with a fish ( mormyr ) tor his crest. He 20. Invehens. In the speech, delivered 

usually was the antagonist of a Thrax, or on the iQth of September, which provoked 

of a retiarius. the second Philippic. 

2. Effecit. The Vatican MS. has ef- 21. Caedis, &c. Cp. 5. 7, 20. 
fecerit, whence Halm thinks it probable -23. Hanc vero, &c., now that this op- 
that after vestigium some such clause as portunity is given me, be assured, senators, 
1 quis vestrum ignorat has fallen out. This that I will not let a moment pass, by day 
is the more likely from the fact that the or by night, without making the liberty of 
words fundit apothecas are also not to be the Roman people and your honour the sub- 
found in any of the MSS., being restored ject of my thoughts where thought is re- 
frorn a quotation by Servius, on Virg. E. quired ; while, where deed and action are 
6. 55. needed, so far from shrinking, I will strive, 

3. Apothecas. See on 2. 27, 67, even with importunity, to make that deed 

4. Armentorum, &c., of cattle, and and action mine. 


conscript!, dimittam neque diurnum neque nocturnum, quin de 
libertate populi Romani et dignitate vestra quod cogitandum 
sit cogitem, quod agendum atque faciendum^ id non modo noil 
recusem, sed etiam appetam atque deposcam. Hoc feci, dum 
licuit : intermisi, quoad non licuit. lam non solum licet, sed 5 
etiam necesse est, nisi servire malumus quam, ne serviamus, 

34 armis animisque decernere. Di immortales nobis haec praesidia 
dederunt : urbi Caesarem, Brutum Galliae. Si enim ille oppri- 
mere urbem potuisset, statim, si Galliam tenere, paulo post 

14 Optimo cuique pereundum erat, reliquis serviendum. | Hanc igi- 10 
tur occasionem oblatam tenete, per deos immortales ! patres 
conscripti, et amplissimi orbis terrae consilii principes vos esse 
aliquando recordamini. Signum date populo Romano consilium 
vestrum non deesse rei publicae, quoniam ille virtutem suam non 
defuturam esse profitetur. Nihil est quod moneam vos. Nemo 15 
est tarn stultus qui non intelligat, si indormierimus huic tempori, 
non modo crudelem superbamque dominationem nobis, sed igno- 

35 miniosam etiam et flagitiosam ferendam esse. Nostis insolen- 
tiam Antonii, nostis amicos, nostis totam domum. Libidinosis, 
petulantibus, impuris, impudicis, aleatoribus, ebriis servire, ea 20 
summa miseria est summo dedecore coniuncta. Quod si iam 
quod di omen avertant ! fatum extremum rei publicae venit, 
quod gladiatores nobiles faciunt ut honeste decumbant, faciamus 
nos, principes orbis terrarum gentiumque omnium, ut cum dig- 

36 nitate potius cadamus quam cum ignominia serviamus. Nihil 25 
est detestabilius dedecore, nihil foedius servitute. Ad decus et 
ad libertatem nati sumus : aut haec teneamus aut cum dignitate 
moriamur. Nimium diu teximus quid sentiremus : mine iam 

4. Dum licuit, as long as ever I 23. Ut honeste decumbant. Cp. 

could. See Madv. 336. Obs. 2. Tusc. 2. 17, 41 Quis mediocris gladiator 

10. Erat. So Halm from bis own con- ingemuit ? quis non modo stetit, verum 

jecture. Most MSS. omit the verb. Orelli, etiam decubuit turpiter? 
following two MSS., reads esset. Faciamus ut, &c., Met us take care 

16. Si indormierimus, if we let this to fall with dignity rather than submit to the 

time pass by in sleep. disgrace of slavery. For this periphrastic 

IJ- Crudelem superbamque, marked use of facere ut, to add length and weight 

with cruelty and pride, the latter epithet to an apodosis, see Zumpt, 619, 816. 

probably referring to the reign of Tarquin, It seems to be especially used with an epex- 

(see above, c. 4, 9,) the former to the tyran- egetic clause, explaining more particularly 

nies of Oinna, Sulla, and Caesar, cp. 2. 42, what has been generally expressed before as 

108. To submit to such rule as this was a the direct object of the verb. Cp. 6. 3, 5, 

sign of weakness, but it did not involve dis- and 4. 5, n. 
grace and infamy. 

12,6 M. TULLII CICERONIS oo. 14-15. 

apertum est ; omnes patefaciunt, in utramque partem quid sentiat, 
quid velit. Sunt impii cives, sed pro caritate rei publicae nimium 
multi, contra multitudinem bene sentientium admodum pauci : 
quorum opprimendorum di immortales incredibilem rei publicae 
5 potestatem et fortunam dederunt. Ad ea enim praesidia, quae 
habemus, iam accedent consules summa prudentia, virtute, con- 
cordia, multos menses de rei publicae libertate commentati 
atque meditati. His auctoribus et ducibus, dis iuvantibus, nobis 
vigilantibus et multum in posterum providentibus, populo Ro- 

10 mano consentiente, erimus profecto liberi brevi tempore. lucun- 
diorcm autem faciet libertatem servitutis recordatio. 

Ouas ob res, quod tribuni pi. verba feccrunt, uti senatus Ka- 15 
lendis lanuariis tuto haberi sententiaeque de summa re publica 37 
libere dici possint, de ea re ita censeo^uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius, 

1 5 consules designati, dent operam uti senatus Kalcndis lanuariis 
tuto haberi possit : quodque edictum D. Bruti, impcratoris, con- 
sulis designati, propositum sit, senatum existimare D. Brutum, 
imperatorem, consulem designation, optime de re publica mereri, 
cum senatus auctoritatem populique Romani libertatem imperi- 

20 umque defendat : qfe odque provinciam Galliam citeriorcm, opti- 38 
morum et fortissimorum amicissimorumque rei publicae civium, 
exercitumque in senatus potestate retineat, id eum exercitumque 

1. Quid sentiat, quid velit. So the 1st of January; that thanks should be 
the Vatican MS., quisque being apparently given to Decimus Brutus, C. Caesar, and the 
understood from the collective omnes. forces under their command; and that the 
Halm follows the ordinary reading sentiant, existing provincial governors should hold 
velint. their appointments till successors were duly 

2. Sed really opposes admodum pauci chosen by the senate. 

to sunt impii cives; pro caritate reipub- 12. Verba fecerunt, &c., have opened 

licae nimium multi being parenthetical. this debate in order to enable the senate to 

Disloyal citizens exist, it is true, but, though meet in safety. The difference of mood 

more than in one s love for the state one between quod verba fecerunt, and quod 

would desire, yet they are but few against edictum . . . propositum sit is to be 

the multitude of well-affected. Halm com- noticed. The former states the reason of 

pares pro Sest. 49, 105 Graves et magni Cicero giving his vote at all, without any 

homines habebantur; sed valebant in senatu regard to the substance of it, while the 

multum, apud bonos viros plurimum, multi- latter is one of the arguments influencing his 

tudini iucundi non erant; yet, despite their decision. Hence the latter forms an integral 

influence in the senate, and with all good part of his vote, the former is merely an 

men, they were unpopular with the crowd. external circumstance leading to it. 
Orelli, following the later MSS., omits sed. 14. Ita censeo. With these words begin 

IO. Iucundi or em, &c. Muretus com- his formal vote; see on c. 9, 24; and cp. I. 

pares Eur. fragm. Andr. 144 rj8v TOI aca- f, 16 note. 
BevTa /j.e/j.vr)aOai iruvuv. iS. Consulem designatum. D. 

c. 15. Cicero concludes the oration with Brutus and L. Plancus were nominated by 

his formal vote, that the new Consuls should Caesar to the consulship for 42 B.C., in 

provide for the safe meeting of the senate on succession to C. Pansa and Aul. Hirtius. 




eius, municipia, colonias provinciae Galliae recte atque ordine 
exque re publica fecisse et facere : senatum ad summam rem 
publicam pertinere arbitrari ab D. Bruto et L. Planco, impera- 
toribus, consulibus designates, itemque a ceteris, qui provincias 
obtinent, obtineri ex lege lulia, quoad ex senatus consulto cuique 5 
eorum successum sit ;-eosque dare operam ut eae provinciae 
atque exercitus in senati populique potestate praesidioque rei 
publicae sintri cumque opera, virtute, consilio C. Caesaris sum- 
moque consensu militum veteranorum, qui eius auctoritatem 
secuti rei publicae praesidio sunt et fuerunt, a gravissimis peri- 10 
culis populus Romanus defensus sit et hoc tempore defendatur ; 
39 cumque legio Martia Albae constiterit, in municipio fidelissimo 
et fortissimo, seseque ad senatus auctoritatem populique Ro- 
mani libertatem contulerit ; et quod pari consilio eademque 
virtute legio quarta usa L. Egnatuleio duce, civi egregio, senatus 15 
auctoritatem populique Romani libertatem defendat ac defen- 
derit : senatui magnae curae esse ac fore, ut pro tantis eorum in 
rem publicam mentis honores eis habeantur gratiaeque referan- 
tur :4senatui placere uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius, consules designati, 
cum magistratum inissent, si eis videretur, primo quoque tern- 20 
pore de his rebus ad hunc ordinem referrent, ita uti e re publica 
fideque sua videretur. 

I. Municipia, colonias. See on c. 

5. I 3- 

4. Qui provincias obtinent. See 
c. 10, 26 note. 

7. Senati. So the Vatican MS. F. 
Ritschl (Rhein. Mus.for 1853. p. 495) quotes 
in favour of this form Divin. in Caec. 5, 19 
Beneficio senati populique Romani; where 
it rests on the authority of Charisius; Fam. 
2. 7, 4 Ut et senati consulturn et leges 
defendas; ib. 8. 8, 6 Quominus de 
R.P. P. R.Q^ referri senatique consulturn 
fieri possit. This last passage is from a 
complete decree of the senate, quoted in its 

integrity by M. Caelius, in a letter to 

15. Duce, civi egregio. So Halm, 
following some of the MSS. The reading of 
the Vatican MS. is L. egnatuleio que opti 
egregio mo; in which F. Biicheler (Rhein. 
Mus. for 1857, p. 467) contends that egre 
gio is a mere gloss, and that the right 
reading is L. Egnatuleio, quaestore optimo. 
He inserts [ duce ] conjecturally before 
L. Egnatuleio. His view is supported by 
J. Frey (ib. p. 631), except that the latter 
thinks that cive (more probably civi ) is 
the word represented by que. 


THE senate having passed a decree in accordance with the terms of 
the resolution proposed by Cicero, he proceeded immediately to the 
Forum, and announced to the people, at the suggestion of M. Servilius, 
and the other tribunes of the commons, the determination to which the 
senate had come ; showing that though Antony was not yet declared an 
enemy to the state, yet that the senate, by the measures which they had 
taken, were practically acting on the supposition of his treason. The 
speech, delivered in the excitement of the moment, is naturally less finished 
than those which he had carefully prepared, and in many parts contains 
a repetition, less happily expressed, of ideas on which he had enlarged 
before the senate. 

The genuineness of the oration has been often questioned, especially 
by F. G. Jentzen, in a pamphlet published at Lubeck in 1820, and by 
A. Krause, in an address delivered at Neu Stettin in 1847. The argu 
ments of the former call for the less consideration, because they are 
based on the theory that Cicero only published any of his orations for 
one of two reasons ; either to gratify some client whose cause he had 
pleaded, or because he thought them likely to prove useful to the youth 
of Rome, as models of oratory. He entirely ignores the historical 
interest which by itself would justify the publication of a speech like 
this, and is naturally led by his hypothesis to criticise details in the 
oration with a severity that makes no allowance for the circumstances 
under which it was delivered. 

Krause attacks it on grounds both of external and internal evidence. 
The former he acknowledges to be partly on the other side, since the 
end of the third chapter is quoted both by Quintilian (9. 3, 86) and by 
the Spanish grammarian Isidorus (Orig. 2. 21, n); while the words 
Incumbite in causam (c. 5, 12) are quoted by Arusianus Messius. 


Against this testimony he brings the fact that Nonius (p. 373) quotes, as 
from the fourth Philippic, the words si cum fascibus clam te ex urbe 
proieceris/ which do not occur in the oration as we have it, and which he 
says are specially appropriate, as supplying a natural allusion to Antony s 
flight. He also thinks that the words Laudat an compellat edicto/ 
quoted by Acron (on Hor. S. 2. 3, 297) as from the Philippics, 
probably belonged to the genuine fourth Philippic. Now, even granting 
the accuracy of Nonius, it is a less violent supposition to allow that the 
words which he quotes may have dropped out from the oration, than to 
condemn it altogether; and the supposition that Acron, if quoting 
correctly, is quoting from the fourth oration, is entirely gratuitous, 
especially as we know that at least one of this series of orations is 

His internal evidence is of two kinds, from the subject-matter, and 
from details in the language of the speech. The first is mainly negative, 
from the absence of certain topics which he thinks that Cicero must 
have introduced. He observes that he does not mention in detail the 
several points of the senate s decree ; that there is no mention of the 
flight of Antony from the city ; that there is no defence of Octavianus, 
whose conduct was technically illegal ; and that there is no abuse of the 
brothers of Antony. Now, in the first place, the whole of this argument 
rests on the assumption that because Cicero might naturally have intro 
duced these topics in his speech, therefore he must necessarily have 
done so, which is at once illogical and arbitrary ; and even in detail, 
most of the positions fail. In the senate, Cicero was giving his formal 
vote on the matters before the house, and therefore necessarily men 
tioned every separate clause in the resolutions he supported ; but some 
of them were comparatively unimportant, as the decree that the provinces 
should remain in the power of the existing magistrates ; and to one 
at any rate, that the tribunes should provide for the safe meeting of 
the senate on the ist of January, Cicero was in his heart opposed, 
because it interfered with his wish for immediate action. (See Phil. 
3. i, i; and cp. Drumann, Geschicht. Rom. i. 224 notes 95 and 96.) 
The second point, the flight of Antony, we have already seen, was 
possibly mentioned, if we believe the fragment quoted by Nonius 
to have belonged to this oration. The second chapter of the speech, 
with its panegyric on Octavianus, would surely be sufficient apology 
for his conduct before an audience whose passions Cicero was striving 
to excite, rather than to convince their minds. As for the omission 
of any invective against the other brothers, the want of it seems 
rather to arise from an overstrained interpretation of the word semper 



in 12. 7, 17 ( in totam denique M. Antonii domum sum semper 
invectus ) which is surely sufficiently justified by the abuse lavished on 
them in the third, sixth, seventh, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth orations. 

The only positive argument that Erause brings against the speech 
from the subject-matter is that it so often coincides with that of the third 
oration ; to which he adds (and in this he follows in the steps of 
Jentzen), that in many cases the very expressions are borrowed, but 
spoiled by being differently turned, from passages in the former speech. 
These characteristics, however, are just what might be looked for in a 
case where a man had delivered a carefully prepared speech in a body 
like the senate, and then proceeded to address a popular assembly on 
the same subject. The same ideas would occur to his mind, and the 
old phrases would adapt themselves to those ideas, while want of full 
preparation, with perhaps less carefulness in addressing a less educated 
audience, would tend to divest those phrases of their exact propriety of 
expression. If we may draw any inference from the facts alleged, it 
should rather be that we have here the speech as Cicero actually 
delivered it, not retouched and polished at his leisure. 

The individual passages which Jentzen and Krause severally select, as 
evidence of spuriousness, will be more conveniently considered in the 
notes as they occur. 




1 FREQUENTIA vestrum incredibilis, Quirites, contioque 
i tanta, quantam meminisse non videor, et alacritatem mihi 
summam defendendae rei publicae affert et spem recuperandae. 
Quamquam animus mihi quidem numquam defuit, tempora 
defuerunt : quae simulac primum aliquid lucis ostendere visa 5 
sunt, princeps vestrae libertatis defendendae fui. Quod si id 
ante facere conatus essem, nunc facere non possem. Hodierno 
enim die, Quirites, ne mediocrem rem actam arbitremini, funda- 

c. I. The eagerness with which the people 
crowded to hear him led Cicero to hope 
that they would second the measures which 
the senate had adopted against Antony. 
They had passed a decree of thanks to 
C. Caesar for levying an army against him, 
and thereby declared most plainly thai they 
looked ni>on him as no longer Consul, but 
a public enemy. Otherwise Caesar s con 
duct would be treason : as it was, it showed a 
readiness and energy in the state s behalf, which 
was without a parallel, and well deserved the 
enthusiastic gratitude of the people. 

I. Vestrum. Ernesti, following one 
MS., reads vestra, on the ground that 
vestrum is not thus used without any 
partitive meaning. Compare however de 
Leg. Agr. 2. 21, 55 Hac vestrum fre- 
quentia; and pro Plane. 6, 16 Noli me ad 
vestrum contentionem vocare. The dif 
ference between the two forms of the geni 
tive is brought before us by a comparison 
of this passage with c. 2, 4 odio vestri, 
with hatred felt towards you. 

Incredibilis, such as I can hardly 
credit. Jentzen attacks this word as in 
appropriate, since what is before the eyes 
is no longer matter for belief or disbelief. 
It is at worst a pardonable exaggeration; 

meaning that no one who had not seen it 
would believe in the greatness of the crowd. 

Gontio exactly answers to our public 
meeting, not invested with any legal 
power, but generally summoned by some 
duly constituted authority, as in the present 
case by M. Servilius, and the other tribunes 
of the commons, and carrying with it the 
moral weight of public opinion, constitu 
tionally expressed. 

3. Recuperandae. Some MSS. add 
libertatis; but cp. 3. 2, 5 Nisi (Caesar) 
in hac re publica natus esset, rem publicam 
scelere Antonii nullam haberemus. 

6. Princeps, &c., I took the lead in 
defending your liberty. Cp. 7. 8, 23 Prin- 
cipes pecuniae pollicendae fuerunt; IO. II, 
24 Eum principem fuisse ad conatum 
exercitus comparand! . 

7- Hodierno enim .die. Emphasis 
must be laid on hodierno, to make this 
clause agree with what precedes; for it is 
only to-day, &c. This fault in the con 
nection is remarked upon both by Jentzen 
and Krause, but with Cicero it is no un 
common thing to find conjunctions carrying 
on the train of thought suggested to the 
orator s mind, rather than that which is 
expressed by his words. See on 2. 24, 60. 


cc. 12. 

menta iacta sunt reliquarum actionum. Nam est hostis a 
senatu nondum verbo appellatus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius. 
Nunc vero multo sum erectior, quod vos quoque ilium hostem 2 
esse tanto consensu tantoque clamore approbavistis. Neque 
5 enim, Quirites, fieri potest, ut non aut ii sint impii, qui contra 
consulem exercitus comparaverunt, aut ille hostis, contra quern 
iure arma sumpta sunt. Hanc igitur dubitationem, quamquam 
nulla erat, tamen ne qua posset esse, senatus hodierno die sus- 
tulit. C. Caesar, qui rem publicam libertatemque vestram suo 

10 studio, consilio, patrimonio denique tutatus est et tutatur, max- 
imis senatus laudibus ornatus est. Laudo, laudo vos, Quirites, 3 
quod gratissimis animis prosequimini nomen clarissimi adoles- 
centis vel pueri potius ; sunt enim facta eius immortalitatis, 
nomcn aetatis. Multa memini, multa audivi, multa legi, Qui- 

15 rites ; nihil ex omnium saeculorum memoria tale cognovi : qui, 
cum servitute premeremur, in dies malum cresceret, praesidii 
nihil haberemus, capitalem et pestiferum a Brundisio turn M. 
Antonii reditum timeremus, hoc insperatum omnibus consilium, 
incognitum certe ceperit, ut exercitum invictum ex paternis 

I. Reliquarum actionum, of all 
that remains to be done. For this rare 
use of actio, objected to by Jentzen as 
unparalleled, cp. Off. 2. I, 3 Stante re- 
publica, . . . scriptis non ea, quae nunc, 
sed actiones nostras ( = res gestas) mandare- 

4. Clamore. This speech is especially 
full of reference to the demeanour of the 
audience. Cp. below 3 Laudo, laudo 
VOS/&C.; c. 2, 5 Fraeclare et loco, &c. ; 
3, 7 Ut ostenditis; Recte et vere negatis, 
Quirites, &c. 

7- Hanc igitur, &c., this doubt 
therefore, though doubt indeed there was 
none, the possibility however of such a 
doubt, the senate has this day removed. 

13. Sunt enim, &c., his deeds indeed 
betoken something more than mortal, yet 
the name of boy befits his age. Cp. 13. 
II, 24 Est istuc nomen aetatis. In this 
passage the order is somewhat inverted, 
in order to lay more stress on the glory 
of the deeds. Another reading, found in 
some inferior MSS., is non aetatis. 

15. Chii. The antecedent to qui is of 
course Octavianus, and is to be sought 
grammatically in some ellipse after tale, 
such as quale est eius. 

17. Capitalem et pestiferum. Jent 
zen objects to this combination as an anti 
climax, adapted in bad taste from 3. 2, 3 
Crudelis et pestifer reditus. In reality 
however the words stand to each other in 
no relation of degree, capitalem marking 
the guilt of Antony, pestiferum the ground 
the Romans had for being terrified. 

19. Ceperit . . . conficeret, he has 
adopted counsels (resulting in a lasting 
resolve), . . . that so he might (once for all) 
collect an army. 

Invictum, &c. Jentzen objects to 
this clause, as being a copy of 3. 2, 3, faulty 
in two respects. First, that though the 
veterans might be styled invictum genus 
militum, yet an untried army could not 
as a whole be called invictum ; and se 
condly, that the allusions to the dictator in 
paterni . . . patris siti milites, would go far 
to alienate the people by reminding them of 
his tyranny. To the latter objection it 
may be answered that Cicero s chief point 
at present is to urge the prowess of the 
soldiers, which would be assured by their 
having served under Caesar; and it never 
could be strange or unacceptable in Roman 
ears to hear an army of their veterans styled 

1-6. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A IV. 133 

militibus conficeret Antoniique furorem crudelissimis consiliis 
2 incitatum a pernicie rei publicae averteret. Quis est enim qui 

4 hoc non intelligat, nisi Caesar exercitum paravisset, non sine 
exitio nostro futurum Antonii reditum fuisse? Ita enim se 
recipiebat ardens odio vestri, cruentus sanguine civium Roman- 5 
orum, quos Suessae, quos Brundisii occiderat, ut nihil nisi de 
pernicie populi Romani cogitaret. Quod autem praesidium 
erat salutis libertatisque vestrae, si C. Caesaris fortissimorum 
sui patris militum exercitus non fuisset ? cuius de laudibus et 
honoribus, qui ei pro divinis et immortalibus mentis divini im- 10 
mortalesque debentur, mihi senatus assensus paulo ante decrevit 

5 ut primo quoque tempore referretur. Quo decreto quis non 
perspicit hostem esse Antonium iudicatum ? quern enim pos- 
sumus appellare eum, contra quern qui exercitus ducunt, iis 
senatus arbitratur singulares exquirendos honores ? Quid ? 15 
legio Martia, quae mihi videtur divinitus ab eo deo traxisse 
nomen, a quo populum Romanum generatum accepimus} non 
ipsa suis decretis prius quam senatus hostem iudicavit Anto 
nium ? Nam si ille non hostis, hos, qui consulem reliquerunt, 
hostes necesse est iudicemus. Praeclare et loco, Quirites, re- 20 
clamatione vestra factum pulcherrimum Martialium comproba- 
vistis |> qui se ad senatus auctoritatem, ad libertatem vestram, 
ad universam rem publicam contulerunt, hostem ilium et latro- 

6 nem et parricidam patriae reliquerunt. Nee solum id animose 

c. 2. Had it not been for C. Caesar, For a similar combination of genitives of 

Antony would have proceeded from the different significations we may compare 

murder of the centurions at Brundisium to Off. i. 14, 43 L. Sullae C. Caesaris pe- 

the destruction of the state; and therefore cuniarum translatio a iustis dominis ad 

the honours were but justly due which the alienos non debet liberalis videri. 

senate had decreed to him, and to the 14. Contra quern, &c., whose open 

Martian and fourth legions, which, in the enemies in the field are deemed by the 

same spirit, had abandoned Antony, without senate worthy of extraordinary honours. 

waiting for the senate s orders. Krause objects that qui ducunt really 

6. Quos Suessae, &c. See on 3. 4, 10. refers to Octavianus only, but D. Brutus 

7. Cogitaret. Cicero here argues, shared in the special honours granted by 
not quite accurately, from Antony s outward the decree. 

conduct to his inward thoughts. Cogitare 20. Loco, opportunely; cp. Fam. 9. 

videretur would, as Jentzen remarks, have 16,4 Oenomao tuo nihil utor; etsi po- 

expressed the formal consequence of ita suisti loco versus Accianos. 
se recipiebat, and would have given more ac- Reclamatione, by your shouts of 

curately the grounds of the citizens alarm. disapproval; see on c. I, 2. The sub- 

The meaning, however, is unmistakeable. stantive is not found again before the time 

8. C. Caesaris, &c., Caesar s army, of Apuleius, but Cicero uses the verb in 
composed of the bravest of his father s 5. 8, 22; and 6. 5, 12. 

veterans. The accumulation of genitives 24. Parricidam patriae. See on 2. 

has given offence to many commentators. 7, 17. 

134 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 2-4, 

et fortiter, sed considerate etiam sapienterque fecerunt. Albae 
constiterunt, in urbe opportuna, munita, propinqua, fortissimo- 
rum virorum, fidelissimorum civium atque optimorum. Huius 
Martiae legionis legio quarta imitata virtutem duce L. Egnatu- 
5 leio, quern senatus merito paulo ante laudavit, C. Caesaris exer- 
citum persecuta est. 

Quae exspectas, M. Antoni, iudicia graviora? Caesar fertur 
in caelum, qui contra te exercitum comparavit. Laudantur 
exquisitissimis verbis legiones, quae te reliquerunt, quae a te 
10 arcessitae sunt, quae essent, si te consulem quam hostem malu- 
isses, tuae. Quarum legionum fortissimum verissimumque iudi- 
cium confirmat senatus, comprobat universus populus Romanus, 
nisi forte vos, Quirites, consulem, non hostem iudicatis Anto- 
nium. Sic arbitrabar, Quirites, vos iudicare, ut ostenditis. Quid ? 7 
15 municipia, colonias, praefecturas num aliter iudicare censetis? 
Omnes mortales una mente consentiunt : omnia arma eorum, 
qui haec salva velint, contra illam pestem esse capienda. Quid ? 
D. Bruti indicium, Quirites, quod ex hodierno eius edicto per- 
spicere potuistis, num cui tandem contemnendum videtur ? 
20 Recte et vere negatis, Quirites. Est enim quasi d eorum im- 
mortalium beneficio et munere datum rei publicae Brutorum 
genus et nomen ad libertatem populi Romani vel constituendam 
vel recipiendam. Quid igitur D. Brutus de M. Antonio iudi- s 

3. Fidelissimorum is only added in 10. Arcessitae sunt, which you had 

the margin of the Vatican MS., by the summoned from Macedonia. Krause ob- 

second writer, perhaps to make the passage jects that this is a very unimportant point 

more like 3. 3, 6. Halm thinks that the to urge, and that, if mentioned at all, it 

true reading (if the whole clause be not should have preceded quae te reliquerunt. 

an interpolation) is probably fortissimorum But in reality it adds very much to the 

virorum civiumque optimorum. Against significance of the conduct of these legions, 

its genuineness has been urged its intrinsic that had not Antony, somewhat irregularly, 

weakness, and the rare apposition of in summoned them from Macedonia, thty 

urbe, subjoined to Albae, though this would never have been in Italy at all, and 

occurs previously in the parallel passage in the force it gives to their desertion accounts 

3. 15, 39. (See Madv., 296 a. Obs. 2.) both for the insertion of the words, and 

Jentzen considers that the whole of the for their position. 

chapter, from Quid? legio Martia, is a 15. Municipia, colonias, praefectu- 

mere ill-digested cento from other orations. ras. See on 3. 5, 13. It is to be observed 

c. 3. This decision of the legions was that praefecturae were not a separate 

approved of not only by (he seriate and by division from coloniae and municipia, 

the people at Rome, but by the borough but that praefects were sent from Rome to 

towns; and also by D. Brutus, who had administer justice in most of the older 

recently issued an edict, excluding Antony municipia, and at least in many of the 

from his province, and declaring war coloniae civium Romanorum. 

against him. 22. Constituendam vel recipien- 

8. In caelum. See on 2. 42, 107. dam. Respectively by the expulsion of 

6-9. ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A IV. 135 

cavit ? Excludit provincia, exercitu obsistit, Galliam totam 
hortatur ad bellum, ipsam sua sponte suoque iudicio excitatam. 
Si consul Antonius, Brutus hostis : si conservator rei publicae 
Brutus, hostis Antonius. Num igitur, utrum horum sit, dubitare 

4 possumus ? Atque ut vos una mente unaque voce dubitare vos 5 
negatis, sic modo decrevit senatus, D. Brutum optirrie de re 
publica mereri, cum senatus auctoritatem populique Roman! 
libertatem imperiumque defenderet. A quo defenderet ? nempe 

9 ab hoste : quae est enim alia laudanda defensio ? Deinceps 
laudatur provincia Gallia meritoque ornatur verbis amplissimis 10 
ab senatu, quod resistat Antonio. Quern si consulem ilia pro 
vincia putaret neque eum reciperet, magno scelere se adstrin- 
geret : omnes enim in consulis iure et imperio debent esse 
provinciae. Negat hoc D. Brutus imperator, consul designatus, 
natus rei publicae civis ; negat Gallia, negat cuncta Italia, negat 15 
senatus, negatis vos. Quis ilium igitur consulem nisi latrones 
putant ? Quamquam ne ii quidem ipsi, quod locuntur, id sentiunt, 
nee ab iudicio omnium mortalium, quamvis impii nefariique sint, 
sicut sunt, dissentire possunt. Sed spes rapiendi atque prae- 
dandi obcaecat animos eorum, quos non bonorum donatio, non 20 

the kings, and the overthrow of usurpers, appear to be ever used as exactly equiva- 

such as Caesar had been, and Antony was lent to deinde, of mere accidental se- 

now. quence. 

3. Si consul Antonius. This clause 13. Omnes enim, &c., for all pro- 
is quoted by Quintilian (9. 3, 86) as an vinces ought to submit to the jurisdiction 
instance of avTi^era^oXr). See the intro- and authority of the Consul. This seems 
duction to this oration. hardly in accordance with the existing state 

c. 4. This conduct on the part of Brutus of things at Rome since the time of Sulla, 

was commended by the senate and the people, who limited the authority of the Consul to 

and the Gauls were also praised, who would the home districts, confining the command 

not allow Antony to come into their country: of the provinces to proconsuls and pro- 

none, in fact, still looked on him as Consul praetors. (See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, 

save some few abandoned men, amongst 3. 367 Eng. Trans.) It was still however 

whom he had promised that he would nppor- competent for the senate to give the Consul 

tion Italy ; a promise which gods and men extraordinary powers in the provinces ; and 

seemed equally resolved that he should not under any circumstances violent opposition 

perform. to the first magistrate in the state could only 

9. Deinceps. &c., next in order we have be justified by flagrant misconduct on his 

the praises of the province of Gaul. Dein- part. 

ceps here approximates in meaning to 14. Consul designatus. See on 3. 

deinde, but still retains the idea of a series, 15, 37. 

of which the members come in regular sue- 17. Putant. For the attraction into the 

cession. Cp. Livy 31. 16 Aenum hide cepit; number of latrones see Madv. 217. 

deinceps alia castella, Cypsela, et Doriscon, Obs. 2. 

et Serrheum occupat, then he successively 19. Sicut sunt. Cp. de Orat. I. S3, 

gets possession of the other forts. See 236 Quamvis sceleratissimi illi fuissent) 

Hand s Tursellinus, 3, 235. It does not sicut fuerunt. 

136 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-6. 

agrorum assignatio, non ilia infinita hasta satiavit ; qui sibi 
urbem, qui bona et fortunas civium ad praedam posuerunt ; qui, 
dum hie sit quod rapiant, quod auferant, nihil sibi defuturum 
arbitrantur ; quibus M. Antonius o di immortales, avertite et 
5 detestamini, quaeso, hoc omen ! urbem se divisurum esse pro- 
misit Ita vero, Quirites, ut precamini, eveniat, atque huius 10 
amentiae poena in ipsum familiamque eius recidat ! quod ita 
futurum esse confido. lam enim non solum homines, sed etiam 
deos immortales ad rem publicam conservandam arbitror con- 

losensisse. Si enim prodigiis atque portentis di immortales nobis 
futura praedicunt, ita sunt aperte pronuntiata, ut et illi poena 
et nobis libertas appropinquet : sive tantus consensus omnium 
sine impulsu deorum esse non potuit, quid est quod de voluntate 
caelestium dubitare possimus ? 

15 Reliquum est, Quirites, ut vos in ista sententia, quam prae 5 
vobis fertis, perseveretis. Faciam igitur, ut imperatores instructa 11 
acie solent, quamquam paratissimos milites ad proeliandum 
videant, ut eos tamen adhortentur, sic ego vos ardentes et erec- 
tos ad libertatem recuperandam cohortabor. Non est vobis, 

20 Quirites, cum eo hoste certamen, cum quo aliqua pads conditio 
esse possit. Neque enim ille servitutem vestram, ut antea, sed 

1. Hasta. The sale of the goods of his energy, and like Catiline he must be 
the Pompeian party, by the command of crushed; and Cicero was once more ready 
Caesar. to contribute all his powers (awards accom- 

2. Posuerunt. Halm reads proposu- plishing this end. 

erunt. See on 3. 8, 19. I ;. Quamquam .. videant, although 

5. Detestamini, turn aside at my they may see; the subjunctive being due 

prayer. Detestor elsewhere means I to the purely hypothetical character of the 

pray for the removal of; but this usage, to clause. 

signify the action of the gods in granting 18. Ut . . . adhortentur depends on 

5uch a prayer, seems to be unparalleled. facere, to be supplied from faciani with 

7. Familiam, his household; including solent. For this use of facio ut cp. Cat. 

probably Fulvia, but not his two brothers. Ma. 12, 42 Invitus feci ut L. Flamininum 

See the introduction to this oration. e senatu eicerem; and see 3. 14, 35 note. 

10. Prodigiis, &c. Of these we have For the use of sic cp. Fam. I. 9, 19 

no further record. Dixi me facere quiddam, quod in Eu- 

cc. 5, 6. It ivas no use parleying with nucho parasitus suaderet militi : ... sic petivi 

Antony; he was thirsting for blood, and a iudicibus. 

nothing else ivould satisfy his rage; they 21. Neque enim. Krause objects to 

must destroy him, now that they had the this clause that it is unworthy of a Roman, 

opportunity, or they would perish, and that and inconsistent with the beginning and end 

amid disgrace most alien to the nature of the of this speech, to represent the fear of death 

Roman people. He was not a Hannibal, as a more powerful motion for action than 

the general of a civilized and responsible the fear of slavery. But Cicero s argument 

country ; he had nothing to lose, and there- rather is that when death is imminent there 

fore nothing to form a material guarantee is no chance of escaping it, as slavery may 

for the performance of his promises ; he was be avoided, or even remedied, by diplomacy. 

a mere robber, as wicked as Catiline, without It is the immediate urgency of the danger, 


iam iratus sanguinem concupivit. Nullus ei Indus videtur esse 
iucundior quam cruor, quam caedes, quam ante oculos truci- 

12 datio civium. Non est vobis res, Quirites, cum scelerato homine 
ac nefario, sed cum immani taetraque belua, quae quoniam in 
foveam incidit, obruatur. Si enim illim emerserit, nullius sup- 5 
plicii crudelitas erit recusanda. Sed tenetur, premitur, urguetur 
nunc iis copiis, quas habemus, mox iis, quas paucis diebus novi 
consules comparabunt. Incumbite in causam, Quirites, ut facitis. 
Numquam maior consensus vester in ulla causa fuit, numquam 
tarn vehementer cum senatu consociati fuistis. Nee mirum. I0 
Agitur enim non qua conditione victuri, sed victurine simus an 

13 cum supplicio ignominiaque perituri. Quamquam mortem qui- 
dem natura omnibus proposuit, crudelitatem mortis et dedecus 
virtus propulsare solet, quae propria est Romani generis et 
seminis. Hanc retinete, quaeso, quam vobis tamquam heredi- 15 
tatem maiores vestri reliquerunt. Nam cum alia omnia falsa 
incerta sint, caduca mobilia, virtus est una altissimis defixa 
radicibus, quae numquam vi ulla labefactari potest, numquam 
demoveri loco. Hac virtute maiores vestri primum universam 
Italiam devicerunt, deinde Karthaginem exciderunt, Numantiam 20 
everterunt, potentissimos reges, bellicosissimas gentes in dici- 

Q onem huius imperii redegerunt. Ac maioribus quidem vestris, 

14 Quirites, cum eo hoste res erat, qui haberet rem publicam, 
curiam, aerarium, consensum et concordiam civium, rationem 
aliquam, si ita res tulisset, pads et foederis : hie vester hostis 25 

not the greatness of the evil threatened, passage is too philosophical for the occa- 

which.he is impressing on his audience. sion. 

4. In foveam. This appears to have 19. Universam Italiam. The con- 
passed into a proverb. Cp. Plant. Pers. 4. 4, quest of Italy was completed by the reduc- 
45 Pene in foveam decidi. tion of Volsinii, 265 B.C., unless the Cisal- 

5. Illim. See on 2. 31, 77. pine Gauls and Ligurians be included, the 
Nullius . . . recusanda, we shall have latter of whom were not finally subdued till 

no power to repudiate any punishment, 1586. C. 

however cruel. This use of the gerundive, 20. Karthaginem . . . Numantiam. 

to denote capacity, is confined in the best Cp. Off. I. II, 35 Maiores nostri . . . 

prose writers to negative sentences. See Karthaginem et Numantiam funditus sustu- 

Madv. 420 Obs. ; and cp. 5. 4, II Fe- lerunt. The memorable resistance of the 

renda nullo modo est. latter city to Scipio Africanus, 134 B.C., 

14. Propria, &c. See 3. II, 29 note. rather than the importance of its capture, 

16. Nam cum . . . sint. So Halm, for causes it to be placed in the same category 

quamquam . . . sint, from a suggestion of as Carthage. 

P. R. Miiller, in Philologus, 9. 186, the 21. Potentissimos reges, such as 

alteration being suggested by the anomaly of Perseus, Antiochus, and Mithridates. 

quamquam with the subjunctive. Krause 24. Rationem, &c., something whereon 

objects, without much force, that the whole to found peace and treaties. 


vestram rem publicam oppugnat, ipse habet nullam : senatum, 
id est orbis terrae consilium, delere gestit, ipse consilium pub- 
licum nullum habet : aerarium vestrum exhausit, suum non 
habet. Nam concordiam civium qui habere potest, nullam 
5 cum habet civitatem ? pads vero quae potest esse cum eo 
ratio, in quo est incredibilis crudelitas, fides nulla ? Est 15 
igitur, Quirites, populo Romano, victori omnium gentium, 
omne ccrtamen cum percussore, cum latrone, cum Spar- 
taco. Nam quod se similem esse Catilinae gloriari solet, 

10 scelere par est illi, industria inferior. Ille cum exercitum nul 
lum habuisset, repente conflavit : hie eum exercitum, quern 
accepit, amisit. Ut igitur Catilinam diligentia mea, senatus 
auctoritate, vestro studio et virtute fregistis, sic Antonii nefa- 
rium latrocinium vestra cum senatu concordia tanta, quanta 

15 numquam fuit, felicitate et virtute exercituum ducumque vestro- 
rum brevi tempore oppressum audietis. Equidem, quantum 16 
cura, labore, vigiliis, auctoritate, consilio, niti atque efficere 
potero, nihil praetermittam, quod ad libertatem vestram perti- 
nere arbitrabor : neque enim id pro vestris amplissimis in me 

20 beneficiis sine scelere facere possum. Hodierno autem die 
primum referente viro fortissimo vobisque amicissimo, hoc 
M. Servilio, collegisque eius, ornatissimis viris, optimis civibus, 
longo intervallo me auctore et principe ad spem libertatis 

5. Cum habet, at a time when he no completion of the effort coming last in each 

longer has. This is the Vatican reading, case. 

and seems to point more strongly to Antony s 20. Sine scelere, &c. Cp. 6. 6, 17 

outlawry th.m the common reading cum Quid enim non debeo vobis, Quirites, quern 

habeat, seeing that he has none of his own. vos a se ortum hominibus nobihssimis omni- 

8. Cum Spartaco. See on 3. 8, 21. bus honoribus praetulistis ? 

9. Gloriari solet. Of this we have 22. M. Servilio. See the introduction 
no record elsewhere. Manutius thinks that to this oration. He was similarly introduced 
it is a pure invention on the part of Cicero, to the meeting before which he delivered 
probably to pave the way for his praises of the sixth oration by P. Apuleius, tribune of 
himself. the commons. See 6, I, I. 

17. Niti atque efficere. In 2. 10, 23. Ad spem exarsimus. Jentzen 

23, he reverses this order of the words, complains of this as being too bold a meta- 

quantum facere enitique potui. If however phor. It is not however easy to see why 

eniti means to struggle to the end, and he should not use the expression ad spem 

so to achieve, the reason for the difference exardere as well as exarsistis ad libertatis 

of order is apparent, the word marking the recuperandae cupiditatem II. 2, 3. 


No immediate action could be taken in consequence of the success of 
Cicero s third oration, as it was necessary to wait till the new Consuls, 
A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, entered on office on the ist of 
January, 43 B. C. Meanwhile Antony had marched upon Cisalpine 
Gaul, whereupon D. Brutus threw himself into Mutina, the modern 
Modena, resolved to stand a siege rather than surrender his province; 
and Octavianus, at the head of a considerable force, including Antony s 
two revolted legions, was marching to attack him in the rear. If the new 
Consuls proved vigorous in attacking Antony, his cause was hope 
less, and Cicero was using all his influence to induce them to adopt an 
energetic policy. On the other hand, they were both staunch adherents 
of Caesar, who had given them all the position which they held in the 
state, and therefore they were not likely to be very warm in supporting 
the cause of one of his assassins, against the man who professed to be 
upholding all his measures. Hence, though Cicero speaks in public as 
though they could be thoroughly depended on, yet we learn from his 
letters that he did not wholly trust them. (Att. 15. 6 and 22.) And 
this distrust was justified by the proceedings in the senate on the ist of 
January. The Consuls themselves indeed adopted a firm and manly 
tone, which excited Cicero s hopes, but then they called on Q. Fufius 
Calenus to deliver his opinion first among the consulars. It has been 
commonly thought that giving him this precedence was a matter of 
private arrangement; but be this as it may (see on c. i, i), at any rate he 
was Pansa s father-in-law, and might be reasonably supposed to represent 
the real feelings of the Consul, which his official position forced him in 
some degree to suppress in his own speech. He was not only a firm 
partisan of the dictator, but a personal enemy of Cicero (Att. n. 8, 2), 
and so closely allied to the cause of Antony, that he was acting as his 


representative in Rome, and Fulvia and her children were actually staying 
at his house. He proposed that Antony should not yet be treated as a 
public enemy, but that ambassadors should be sent to him, to bring him 
back, if possible, to his allegiance to the senate. This motion was 
supported by L. Piso and some other consulars, and it was against it 
that Cicero delivered his fifth oration. 

In this he urges that it would be in the highest degree inconsistent, and 
unworthy of the dignity of the senate to enter into negotiations with a 
man whom, a few days before, they had virtually declared to be a public 
enemy, by voting their thanks to the legions who had deserted him, and 
to the generals who had taken on themselves to act against him. He 
passes in review once more the conduct of Antony since the dictator s 
death ; his wanton forgeries ; his various pernicious measures, especially 
condemning his degradation of the judicial bench ; and his uncon 
stitutional conduct in maintaining an armed force within the city walls. 
He maintains that not merely war, but civil war (tnnmltus) should be 
proclaimed, that the military dress should be assumed, the courts of 
justice closed, and a general levy made throughout the whole of Italy. 
He concludes by renewing his proposal of thanks and honours to 
D. Brutus and Octavianus, and the soldiers under their command. 

The debate was continued for the unusual period of four days, and it 
appears that Cicero would have had a large majority, had not Salvius, a 
tribune of the commons, interposed his veto, and prevented the motion 
for declaring Antony a public enemy from being voted on. The 
proposal of Calenus was then adopted; Servius Sulpicius L. Piso 
and L. Philippus were appointed ambassadors to treat with Antony; and 
Cicero so far prevailed that he was entrusted with the drawing out of 
their commission. They were instructed to call on Antony to raise the 
siege of Mutina, to cease from further hostilities against D. Brutus, 
and from all attempts upon the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and to 
submit himself in all respects to the authority of the senate and the 
Roman people. If he refused submission on any single point, he was 
to be treated as a public enemy. 

The rest of the proposals in Cicero s motion, with reference to the 
honours to be bestowed on Brutus and Octavianus and their armies, 
were carried without opposition, 



1 NIHIL umquam longius his Kalendis lanuariis mihi visum 
i est, patres conscript! : quod idem intelligebam per hos dies uni 
cuique vestrum videri. Qui enim bellum cum re publica gerunt, 
hunc diem non exspectabant. Nos autem turn, cum maxime 
consilio nostro subvenire communi saluti oporteret, in senatum 5 
non vocabamur. Sed querellam praeteritorum dierum sustulit 
oratio consulum ; qui ita locuti sunt, ut magis exoptatae Kalendae 
quam serae esse videantur. Atque ut oratio consulum animum 
meum erexit spemque attulit non modo salutis conservandae, 
verum etiam dignitatis pristinae recuperandae, sic me pertur- 10 
basset eius sententia, qui primus rogatus est, nisi vestrae virtuti 

cc. I, 2. The speeches of the Consuls on II. 27, I ; Verr. Act. 2.4. 18,39; pro Rab. 

assuming office had done much to lessen the Post. 12, 35 Nee mihi longius quidquam 

anxiety with which all loyal citizens were est, iudices, quam videre hominum vultus. 
longing for the meeting of the senate. But 4. Cum . . . oporteret. The subjunc- 

this anxiety was renewed by the proposal tive is used, because it is not so much the 

of Q. Fufius Calenus, which contrasted exact moment, as the character of the crisis 

strongly with the general firmness shown that is signified ; at a time when, rather 

against Antony, thirteen days before. To than at the moment when our counsel was 

send ambassadors to treat with him would required. 

be absurdly inconsistent with the recent vote 7. Ut magis, &c., that it is rather the 

of thanks and honours to those in arms impatience of our anxiety than the real 

against him : it was what none but Cotyla urgency of the case that has made them 

would have ventured to suggest ten days seem so late in coming. 
ago : and it almost made one credit the II. Qui primus rogatus est. This 

rumour that it would be proposed to give is shown by 10. I, 3 to have been Q^ Fufius 

him the government of Transalpine Gaul; Calenus, since it was the custom to give the 

in other words, to furnish him with all the precedence of voting to the same man 

means of waging civil war against the state. throughout the year. (Suet. Caes. 21.) 

And yet this would be madness which no From the same passage we learn that this 

plea of friendship or kindred, to say nothing precedence was given at the discretion of the 

of corruption, could for a moment justify. Consul, and that Caesar, after the marriage 

I. Nihil umquam longius, nothing of his daughter, gave it to his son-in-law 

ever was more impatiently longed for, Pompey. Hence Manutius thinks it probable 

4 seemed longer in coming." This is a fa- that Calenus was called upon to vote first 

vourite expression with Cicero, cp. Fam. as being the father-in-law of Pansa. (See 

1 42 M. JULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-2. 

constantiaeque confiderem. Hie enim dies vobis. patres con- 2 
scripti, illuxit, haec potestas data est, ut quantum virtutis, quan 
tum constantiae, quantum gravitatis in huius ordinis consilio 
esset, populo Romano declarare possetis. Recordamini qui dies 
5 nudius tertius decimus fuerit, quantus consensus vestrum, quanta 
virtus, quanta constantia ; quantam sitis a populo Romano 
laudem, quantam gloriam, quantam gratiam consecuti. Atque 
illo die, patres conscripti, ea constituistis, ut vobis iam nihil sit 
integrum nisi aut honesta pax aut bellum necessarium. Pacem 3 

Jo vult M. Antonius ? Arma deponat, roget, deprecetur. Nemi- 
nem aequiorem reperiet quam me, cui, dum se civibus impiis 
commendat, inimicus quam amicus esse maluit. Nihil est pro- 
fecto, quod possit dari bellum gerenti : erit fortasse aliquid, 
quod concedi possit roganti : legatos vero ad cum mittere, de 

15 quo gravissimum et severissimum iudicium nudius tertius deci 
mus feceritis, non iam levitatis est, sed, ut quod sentio dicam, 
dementiae. Primum duces eos laudavistis, qui contra ilium 2 
bellum privato consilio suscepissent ; deinde milites veteranos, 
qui cum ab Antonio in colonias essent deducti, illius beneficio 

20 libertatem populi Romani anteposuerunt. Quid ? legio Martia, 4 
quid? quarta, cur laudantur? Si enim consulem suum relique- 
nmt, vituperandae sunt : si inimicum rei publicae, iure laudantur. 
Atqui cum consules nondum haberetis, decrevistis ut de praemiis 
militum et de honoribus imperatorum primo quoque tempore 

8.6,19.) It might also have been because 18. Suscepissent. It is not easy to 

he was the junior consular^ present, hav- see the reason for the difference of mood of 

ing been Consul in 47 B.C., and his col- suscepissent and anteposuerunt, unless it 

league and successors being at this time all be changed to vary the sound of the termi- 

either absent from Rome or dead. The nation of the two clauses. In both certain 

usual practice was to begin with the definite individuals are referred to, so that the 

consules designati (see c. 13, 35, and 6. 3, indicat ; ve might have been employed; and 

8), but D, Brutus and L. Plancus were also in both the subjunctive would appropriately 

absent. have been used as introducing the reason of 

4. Q_ui dies nudius tertius deci- the special praise. Perhaps the use of the 

mus, what was the character of this day subjunctive is referable to the presence of 

twelve days; literally the day that now is eos, in the sense of such generals as. 
the I3th day since, a.d. xiii Kal. Ian., 19. In colonias. See 2. 39, IOO foil. 

the 20th of December, on which the third notes. 

and fourth orations were delivered. This 21. Si enim consulem, &c. Compare 

chapter seems to be the only place where the dilemma used in canvassing the conduct 

nudius ( = nunc dies ) is used in speaking of D. Brutus, 4. 3, 8 ; and 3. 8, 21. 
of a day so distant. 23. Nondum haberetis. The city 

8. Nihil sit integrum nisi, &c., the was deserted bv both the Consuls of the pre- 

only alternatives now open to you are ceding year, Dolabella having, before the 

honourable peace or war from which you flight of Antony, gone to Asia Minor on his 

cannot shrink. way to Syria. 


referretur. Placet eodem tempore praemia constituere eis, qui 
contra Antonium arma ceperint, et legates ad Antonium mit- 
tere? ut Jam pudendum sit honestiora decreta esse legionum 
quam senatus : si quidem legiones decreverunt senatum defen- 
dere contra Antonium, senatus decernit legatos ad Antonium. 5 
Utrum hoc est confirmare militum animos an debilitare virtutem ? 

5 Hoc dies duodecim profecerunt, ut, quern nemo praeter Cotylam 
inventus sit qui defenderet, is habeat iam patronos etiam con- 
sulares. Qui utinam omnes ante me sententiam rogarentur! 
quamquam suspicor, quid dicturi sint quidam eorum, qui post 10 
me rogabuntur : facilius contra dicerem, si quid videretur. 
Est enim opinio decreturum aliquem Antonio illam ultirnam 
Galliam, quam Plancus obtinet. Quid est aliud omnia ad bel- 
lum civile hosti arma largiri ? primum nervos belli, pecuniam 
infinitam, qua nunc eget, deinde equitatum, quantum velit. Equi- 15 
tatum dico ? dubitabit, credo, gentes barbaras secum adducere. 
Hoc qui non videt, excors, qui cum videt decernit, impius est. 

6 Tu civem sceleratum et perditum Gallorum et Germanorum 
pecunia, peditatu, equitatu, copiis instrues? Nullae istae excu- 
sationes sunt : * meus amicus est \ sit patriae prius. Meus 20 
cognatus. An potest cognatio propior ulla esse quam patriae, 

I. Placet eodem tempore, &c. If 16. Gentes barbaras. The Romans 

ambassadors were sent to Antony, he was had often had foreign cavalry in their pay, 

not con idered as an outlaw, and it was especially in the campaigns of Caesar in 

only if he were an outlaw that Octavianus, Gaul; and the velites had given place to 

D. Brutus, and the veterans, could be justified a levis armatura of barbarian skirmishers ; 

in opposing him. but gentes barbarae would include foreign 

7. Cotylam. L. Varius Cotyla was a legionaries, the nationes of the empire, 
most intimate friend of Antony, chosen by who had not yet been admitted into a 
him to convey his demands to the senate Roman army. 

(8. 8, 24). He had probably been aedile 20. Meus amicus. The prominent 

in the preceding year, as Cicero calls him position of the pronoun in each case seems 

aedilicius, 13. 12, 26. to point to these pleas being such as would 

8. Inventus sit, has been found up to be urged by different senators. It seems 
the present time. probable that no one ventured to make the 

12. Est enim opinio, &c., there is an proposal which Cicero thus condemns, 
impression that some one will propose, &c. 21. Cognatus. A blood relation by 

Ultimam Galliam. Gallia Comata, descent from a common ancestor. Cicero 

consisting of all Transalpine Gaul, with argues that the cognatio patriae must 

the exception of Narbonensis and Belgica, come before any ordinary cognatio, since 

had been divide i by Caesar in 44 B.C., the ground of relationship is to be traced to 

between L. Munatius Plancus and A. Hirtius. the founder of the race, and so a man would 

The latter having come to Rome, the be proved cognatus to the very persons 

entire command of the province devolved from whom he would in general trace his 

on Plancus. relationship to his kindred. In other cog- 

13. Quid est aliud. See I. 9, 22; 2.4, nationes we trace up to parentes; when 
7 n tes. we take into consideration the cognatio 



cc. 23. 

in qua parentes etiam continentur ? Mihi pecuniam tribuit. 
Cupio videre qui id audeat dicere. Quid autem agatur cum 
aperuero, facile erit statuere quam sententiam dicatis aut quam 

5 Agitur, utrum M. Antonio facultas detur opprimendae rei 3 
publicae, caedis faciendae bonorum, urbis dividundae, agrorum 
suis latronibus condonandi, populum Romanum servitute oppri- 
mendt, an horum ei facere nihil liceat. Dubitate quid agatis. 
At non cadunt haec in Antonium. Hoc ne Cotyla quidem dicere 7 
10 auderet. Quid enim in eum non cadit ? qui, cuius acta se defen- 
dere dicit, eius eas leges pervertit, quas maxime laudare potera- 
mus. Hie paludes siccare voluit : hie omnem Italian! moderate 

patriae, parentes and descendants are alike 
cognati in relation to the supposed founder 
of the nation. 

1. Tribuit, he has given me money. 
So Halm from the Vatican MS. The 
ordinary reading is attribuit, which would 
mean he has entrusted me with public 
money on account (cp. 9. 7, 16 Uti con- 
sules . . . pecuniam redemptori attribuendam 
solvendamque curent ; 14. 14, 38 Qiiaes- 
tores urbanos ad earn rem pecuniam dare, 
attribuere, solvere iubeant ), so that plea and 
retort would be alike pointless. 

2. Quid autem agatur, &c. For the 
order of the clauses, see Madv. 476 c. 

cc. 3, 4. If any one doubted the use which 
Antony would make of such an opportunity, 
he need only look at his previous conduct, 
when professing to follow in the path of 
Caesar. Caesar had wished to improve the 
state domains, Antony, in contempt for all 
forms, and in despite of the most unmistake- 
able auspices, proposed to carry a law giving 
the whole of Italy to L. Antonius for dis 
tribution. And to prevent any possible re 
monstrance, on the day when the law was to 
be voted on, he occupied the forum with an 
overwhelming force of armed men. Cicero 
therefore proposes that all his laws should 
be formally annulled : that those which were 
beneficial should be re-enacted : but that all 
his embezzlement of public money, all his 
forgeries, all his fraudulent dealings in 
pardons, immunities, treaties and grants 
must be condemned, and reversed, so far 
as possible, by a solemn decree of the 

6. Urbis dividundae. This is the 
emendation of Halm, in his corrigenda, 
derived from a comparison of 7 ; 8. 3, 9 ; 
13. 9, 19; ib. 19, 42 and 20, 47; in all of 

which passages a division of the city is 
spoken of as forming part of Antony s plans. 
The reading of the Vatican MS. is urbis 
eruendorum, crowded in by a later hand 
over an erasure too small for it; that of the 
other MSS. bonorum eripiendorum, urbis, 
agrorum suis condonandi. The combina 
tion of gerundive constructions is remarkable. 
We have first the simple construction with 
the gerund, populum . . . opprimendi ; 
secondly, the ordinary attracted construction 
with the gerundive, opprimendae rei pub- 
licae ; and thirdly, the intermediate con 
struction, agrorum condonandi, where the 
object is attracted into the case of the 
gerund, but the gerund itself remains un 
altered. (See Madv. 413. Obs. 2.) 
Kritz (on Sallust, Cat. 31, 5) explains this 
last construction by supposing that the lead 
ing substantive and the gerund combine so 
as to form one notion, on which the second 
genitive depends. This, however, seems too 
artificial. Cp. de Invent. 2. 2, 5 Exem- 
plorum eligendi potestas." 

8. Dubitate, c., hesitate, if ye can, 
what course to take. Some editors, with 
out authority, read dubitatis. 

9. At non. The inferior MSS. have 
an non ; but the clause comes in much 
better as an objection from some friend of 
Antony, yet all this does not apply to 
Antony, than as a question from Cicero. 

10. Q_ui, cuius acta. &c., who while 
professing to maintain the acts of Caesar, 
selects those laws of his for travesty which 
we might best have praised. 

12. Paludes. The drainage of the 
Pomptine marshes was commenced by 
Caesar, and some progress seems to have 
been made before his death, as Dion Cassius 
tells us (49. 5) that Antony proposed to 




homini, L. Antonio, dividundam dedit. Quid ? hanc legem 
populus Romanus accepit ? quid ? per auspicia ferri potuit ? 
Sed augur verecundus sine collegis de auspiciis : quamquam ilia 
auspicia non egent interpretatione ; love enim tonante cum 
populo agi non esse fas quis ignorat ? Tribuni plebi tulerunt 5 
de provinciis contra acta C. Caesaris : ille biennium, iste sex- 
ennium. Etiam hanc legem populus Romanus accepit? quid? 
promulgata fuit ? quid ? non ante lata quam scripta est ? quid ? 
non ante factum vidimus quam futurum quisquam est suspi- 
scatus? Ubi lex Caecilia et Didia? ubi promulgatio trinum 10 
nundinum ? ubi poena recenti lege lunia et Licinia ? Possuntne 
hae leges esse ratae sine interitu legum reliquarum? Eccui 
potestas in forum insinuandi fuit ? Quae porro ilia tonitrua ! 

divide the land reclaimed among the poorer 
Roman citizens ; \wpav d\Xr]v re vro\\i)v 
at TT)V tv TOIS (\<n rots Hovrivois as 
Ke\uaiJi.tvois 77877 Kal ycupyetcrOai 8vvafj.(- 
vois KXypovxyOrivai 8ta Aovtciov Avrojviov 
dStA^ou SinjLapxovfTos eaijyrjaaTO. For 
this commission to divide the lands, which 
Cicero here magnifies into a division of all 
Italy, cp. IT. 6, 13; 2. 3, 6 note. The law 
appointing the commissioners was annulled as 
being carried illegally. See also 6. 5, 14. 

3. Augur verecundus, &c., but our 
augur is bashful about interpreting the au 
spices without his colleagues. Cp. 10. 6, 
13 Homo verecundus in Macedonian! non 
accedit. De introduces the subject-matter 
of his bashfulness, in a manner more common 
with verbs; but cp. pro Sest. 33, 72 Quae 
etiam collegae eius moderatio de me. 

4 love tonante. Cp. de Div. 2. 18, 
42 In nostris commentariis scriptum ha- 
bemus, love tonante, fulgurante, comitia po- 
puli haberi nefas; and see 2. 38, 99 note. 

5. Plebi. So the Vatican MS. here and 
in c. 4, 9. The form is defended and illus 
trated by Drakenborch on Livy 2. 43. 

6. Ille biennium, &c. It is doubt 
ful who are meant by ille and iste. The 
latter would seem to refer to Antony, work 
ing through his tools, the tribunes of the 
commons. Ille then must be Caesar, and 
the meaning is, Caesar limited the tenure 
even of a consular province to two years, 
Antony has extended it to six. In 8. 9, 
28 Antony is represented as demanding that 
he should hold his province for jive years, 
perhaps by way of moderation. Otherwise 
ille and iste might refer to the two pro 
posers of the change, the one advocating 
the tenure of praetorian provinces for two 

years, the other that of consular pro 
vinces for six. This seems less likely, partly 
because there would be no object in thus 
dividing the measure, partly because it loses 
the contemptuous force of iste, so appro 
priately used of Antony. Halm reads hie, 
apparently adopting the latter interpretation ; 
Kayser hi, from A. W. Zumpt. For the 
Lex lulia de provinciis cp. i. 8, 19; 2. 
42, 109. 

10. Lex Caecilia et Didia, passed 
by the Consuls Q. Caecilius Mctellus Nepos, 
and T. Didius, 98 B.C., and requiring that 
every law should be published on three suc 
cessive nundinae before it was proposed. 
This law and the Lex lunia et Licinia were 
considered by Cicero two of the remcdia 
rei publicae, Att. 2. 9, I. 

Trinum nundinum. This passage, 
with de Dom. 1 6, 41 Quod in ceteris legi- 
bus trinum nundinum esse oportet, id in 
adoptione satis est trium esse hor.uum, seems 
to show that trinum nundinum was ori 
ginally a syncopated genitive plural (see on 
2. 17, 43\ though afterwards, like sester- 
tium (see on 2. 37, 95) it came to be treated 
as a neuter singular, as in Livy 3. 35 Post- 
quam comitia decemviris creandis in trinum 
nundinum indicta sunt; Quint. 2. 4, 35 
4 Rogatio sive non trino forte nundino pro 
mulgata. sive non idoneo die. 

11. Lege lunia et Licinia, passed by 
the Consuls D. lunius Silanus and L. Licinius 
Murena, 62 B.C., against introducing laws 
without due notice, ne clam aerario legun 
ferri liceret. 

13. Insinuandi, of making their way 
into the forum. Insinuo is more generally 
used with the reflective pronoun, but cp. 
Fam. 4. 13, 6 In ipsius consuetudinem 

I 4 6 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 3-4. 

quae tempestas! ut, si auspicia M. Antonium non moverent, 
sustinere tamen eum ac ferre posse tantam vim tempestatis, 
imbris ac turbinum, mirum videretur. Quam legem igitur se 
augur dicit tulisse non modo tonante love, sed prope caelesti 

5 clamore prohibente, hanc dubitabit contra auspicia latam con- 
fiteri ? Quid ? quod cum eo collega tulit, quern ipse fecit sua 9 
nuntiatione vitiosum, nihilne ad auspicia bonus augur pertinere 
arbitratus est ? Sed auspiciorum nos fortasse erimus interpretes, 4 
qui sumus eius collegae. Num ergo etiam armorum interpretes 

10 quaerimus ? Primum omnes fori aditus ita saepti, ut, etiam si 
nemo obstaret armatus, tarnen nisi saeptis revulsis introiri in 
forum nullo modo posset : sic vero Grant disposita praesidia, 
ut, quo modo hostium aditus urbe prohibentur, ita castellis et 
operibus ab ingressione fori populum tribunosque plebi propul- 

15 sari videres. Ouibus de causis eas leges, quas M. Antonius 10 
tulisse dicitur, omnes censeo per vim et contra auspicia latas 
iisque legibus populum non teneri. Si quam legem de actis 
Caesaris confirmandis deve dictatura in perpetuum tollenda deve 
colonis in agros deducendis tulisse M. Antonius dicitur, easdem 

20 leges de integro, ut populum teneant, salvis auspiciis ferri placet. 
Quamvis enim res bonas vitiose per vimque tulerit, tamen eae 
leges non sunt habendae, omnisque audacia gladiatoris amentis 
auctoritate nostra repudianda est. Ilia vero dissipatio pecuniae n 
publicae ferenda nullo modo est, per quam sestertium sepliens 

insinunbo. The later MSS. have introeundi, I, 2 Ergo ille (L. Caesar) avunculus ; num 

a manifest gloss for the less usual but more etiam vos avunculi, qui illi estis assensi? 
expressive word. Antony had so blocked 16. Censeo, I give my formal vote. 

the entrance, that no management could See 3. 15, 37 note. 

procure a passage. See below, c. 4, 9. 17. Si quam legem, &c. The meining 

I. Si auspicia, &c., if his religious feel- of this seems to be that Antony, by illegally 

ingcouldnotbe aroused, the storm was enough passing measures to suit his own purposes, 

to break down any ordinary physical powers. had thrown such suspicion over all his 

5. Clamore depends on prohibente; acts, that even his beneficial measures, for 
when Jupiter was not only thundering, but the more security, had better be formally 
absolutely stopping all action by his uproar re-enacted. The dictatorship had been 
in the sky. abolished, and Caesar s acts confirmed, by 

6. Cum eo collega. Dolabella. See a decree of the senate, not by a Liw, but 
on 2. 33, 82 foil. the argument would equally apply to both. 

8. Nos fortasse erimus interpretes. 21. Quamvis here qualifies bonas, 
He no longer expresses himself with the and leges is the predicate of the apodo>is. 
same confidence as in 2. 33. 83 Acta Do- However good the measures may have been 
labellae necesse est aliquando ad nostrum which he passed irregularly and by force, 
collegium deferantur. yet they must not be considered laws. 

9. Num ergo, &c. The meaning of the 24. Sestertium septiens miliens. 
arms at any rate was plain enough. Garato- Somewhat over 6,ooo,ooo/. of our money, 
nius compares, for the rhetorical figure, 8. Cp. 2. 14, 35; 37, 93. 


miliens falsis perscriptionibus donationibusque avertit, ut por- 
tenti simile videatur tantam pecuniam populi Romani tarn brevi 
tempore perire potuisse. Quid? illi immanes quaestus feren- 
dine, quos M. Antonii tota exhausit domus? Decreta falsa 
vendebat, regna, civitates, immunitates in aes accepta pecunia 5 
iubebat incidi. Haec se ex commentariis C. Caesaris, quorum 
ipse auctor erat, agere dicebat. Calebant in interiore aedium 
parte totius rei publicae nundinae ; mulier, sibi felicior quam 
viris, auctionem provinciarum regnorumque faciebat ; restitue- 
bantur exsules quasi lege sine lege : quae nisi auctoritate senatus 10 
rescinduntur, quoniam ingress! in spem rei publicae recuperandae 
12 sumus, imago nulla liberae civitatis relinquetur. Neque solum 
commentariis commenticiis chirographisque venalibus innumera- 
bilis pecunia congesta in illam domum est, cum, quae vendebat 
Antonius, ea se ex actis Caesaris agere diceret, sed senatus etiam 15 
consulta pecunia accepta falsa referebat ; syngraphae obsigna- 
bantur ; senatus consulta numquam facta ad aerarium defere- 
bantur. Huius turpitudinis testes erant etiam exterae nationes. 
Foedera interea facta, regna data, populi provinciaeque liberatae, 
ipsarumque rerum falsae tabulae geniente populo Romano toto 20 
Capitolio figebantur. Quibus rebus tanta pecunia una in domo 

I. Falsis perscriptionibus, by Syngraphae, contracts were signed 

forged entries. Perscriptio is a memo- and sealed. Notably that with Deiotarus ; 

randum of money spent, not yet formally see 2. 37, 95 note. 

entered in the account book. Cp pro Rose. 17. Ad aerarium. Laws and decrees 

Com. 2, 5 Siuim codicem (ledger) testis loco of the senate, after being exposed to public 

recitare arrogantiae est ; snarum perscrip- view for a sufficient time, were finally depo- 

tionum et litterarnm adversaria proferre non sited, for safe custody, with the quaestores 

amentia est? The entries referred to were aerarii in the treasury. Cp. Tac. Ann. 3. 

forged in the papers which Antony produced 51 Factum senatus consultum ne decreta 

as Caesar s. patrum ante diem decimum ad aerarium 

Avertit, he has embezzled, turned deferrentnr; Livy 39. 4 Qui per infrequen- 

to his own use; cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 19,49 tl am f urt i m factum senatus consultum ad 

^Si doceo te non minus domum tuam aver- aerarium detulerit. Originally, from the 

tisse quam Romam misisse. time of the abolition of the decemvirate, 

5. Immunitates, &c. See 2. 36, 92 decrees of the senate had been placed in 
notes. the temple of Ceres, under the care of 

6. Commentariis. See I. r, 2 note. the aediles. See Livy 3. 55. In 12. 5, 

7. Ipse auctor. Cp. 2. 14. 35 note. 12 and 13. 9, 19 Cicero uses the ex- 

8. Quam viris. Two of whom, P. pression delata, without specifying the 
Clodius and C. Curio, she had outlived. place. 

See 2. 44, 113 note. 19. Liberatae, sc. vectigalibus. Cp. 

10. Exsules. Cp. 2. 23, 56. 2. 38, 97. 

1 6. Referebat. Sc. in tabulas ; cp. 20. Toto Capitolio figebantur. So 

Verr. Act. 2. 4 65, 146 Cum iam non elsewhere of Caesar s decrees, genuine or 

solum discessio facta est, sed etiam perscrip- forged, 2. 36, 91 ; 37, 93; 38, 97; 12. 5, 

turn atque in tabulas relatum. 12. 

L 2, 


cc. 48. 

coacervata est, ut, si hoc t genus pene in unum redigatur, non 
sit pecunia rei publicae defutura. 

Legem etiam iudiciariam tulit, homo castus atque integer, 5 
iudiciorum et iuris auctor. In quo nos fefellit. Antesignanos et 
5 manipulares et Alaudas iudices se constituisse dicebat. At ille 
legit aleatores, legit exsules, legit Graecos. O consessum iudi- 
cum praeclarum ! o dignitatem consilii admirandam ! Avet 13 
animus apud consilium illud pro reo dicere. Cydam Cretensem, 
portentum insulae, hominem audacissimum et perditissimum. 

10 Sed fac non esse : num Latine scit? num est ex iudicum genere 
et forma ? num, quod maximum est, leges nostras moresve 
novit? num denique homines? est enim Creta vobis notior quam 
Roma Cydae ; dilectus autem et notatio iudicum etiam in nostris 
civibus haberi solet. Cortynium vero iudicem quis novit aut 

*5 quis nosse potuit? Nam Lysiaden Atheniensem plerique novi- 
mus ; est enim Phaedri, philosophi nobilis, films, homo praeterea 

I. Hoc genus pene. &c. This is the 
reading of the Vatican MS , and no satisfac 
tory emendation has been proposed. The 
other MSS. omit pene, for which pecu- 
niae and penu (itself a form only quoted 
by grammarians from Afranius) have been 
suggested. The meaning is clear, could all 
this treasure be realised ; but the reading 
seems hopeless. P R. Mtiller suggests si 
hoc genus populi in usum redigatur, but 
even with this violent alteration he leaves 
genus unexplained. Halm proposes si 
hoc ingens fenus. The right reading may 
perhaps be, as has been suggested by Pro 
fessor Conington, si hoc genus omne in 
unum redigatur/ if all these various kinds 
of treasure could be reduced to one, viz. 

cr. 5, 6. Especially his laiu with respect 
to the indicium* must be repealed. It was 
bad enough at first sight that centurions and 
even private soldiers of a foreign legion 
shonld be indiscriminately admitted to the 
judicial bench. But the reality was even 
worse: among the best of the new indices 
were aliens and gamblers, men either un 
known in Rome, or better known than liked, 
men over whom the praetor could have no 
control, some of them even ignorant of the 
Latin language. And after these came all 
the dregs of Antonys revellers; the sole 
object of the law being to secure impunity for 
crimes which could not possibly escape before 
a decently re>pc able tribunal. Such a law 
was a deep disgrace to the whole country, 

and even had it been legally passed, must 
needs have been annulled. 

3. Legem iudiciariam. See on I. 8, 
19 foil. 

5. At ille legit, &c. What he ac 
knowledged was bad enough, that he ap 
pointed men who had no position to 
guarantee their integrity, private soldiers, of 
foreign extraction. Yet these at least were 
Roman citizens, and had not forfeited their 
reputation. Those whom he really chose 
were even worse, gamesters, exiles, even 
Greeks. A noble bench of jurymen, a court 
of truly wondrous dignity! Cp. Att. I. 16, 
3 Non enim umquam turpior in ludo 
talario consessus fuit. 

8. Cydam. Sc. legit. Cydas was 
a common name in Cortyna, but this man 
is otherwise unknown. 

10. Ex iudicum genere et forma, of 
the breed and stamp of men of whom we 
make our jurymen. 

13. Dilectus, &c., even among our own 
citizens we exercise some choice and discrimi 
nation. Cp. I. 8, 20 Census praefiniebatur. 

15. Nam Lysiaden, &c. Nam carries 
on the connection rather of Cicero s thoughts 
than of his words. Who could be ex 
pected to know a juryman from Cortyna; 
this is worse than all, for men like Lysiades 
at least we know. 

16. Phaedrus was the president of the 
Epicurean school when Cicero was at Athens, 
80 B.C. Cp. de Nat. Deor. I. 33, 93; de 
Fin. I. 5, 16. 


festivus, ut ei cum Curio, consessore eodemque collusore, facil- 

14 lime possit convenire. Quaero igitur, si Lysiades citatus iudex 
non respondent excuseturque Areopagites esse nee debere eodem 
tempore Romae et Athenis res iudicare : accipietne excusatio- 
nem is, qui quaestioni praeerit, Graeculi iudicis, modo palliati, 5 
modo togati? an Atheniensium antiquissimas leges negliget? 
Qui porro ille consessus, di boni ! Cretensis iudex, isque nequis- 
simus. Quern ad modum ad hunc reus alleget ? quo modo 
accedat ? dura natio est. At Athenienses misericordes. Puto ne 
Curium quidem esse crudelem, qui periculum fortunae quotidie ID 
facit. Sunt item lecti iudices, qui fortasse excusabuntur ; habent 
enim legitimam excusationem, exsilii causa solum vertisse nee 

15 esse postea restitutes. Hos ille demens iudices legisset, horum 
nomina ad aerarium detulisset, his magnam partem rei publicae 

6 credidisset, si ullam speciem rei publicae cogitavisset ? Atque 15 
ego de notis iudicibus dixi : quos minus nostis, nolui nominare : 
saltatores, citharistas, totum denique comissationis Antonianae 
chorum in tertiam decuriam iudicum scitote esse coniectum. 
En causam cur lex tarn egregia tamque praeclara maximo 
imbri, tempestate, ventis, procellis, turbinibus, inter fulmina et 20 
tonitrua ferretur, ut eos iudices haberemus, quos hospites habere 

I. Ut ei cum Curio, &c., so that he the testimony of ancient authors, of cunning, 

would have no difficulty in agreeing with avarice, treachery, disloyalty, and piracy ; 

Curius, his partner on the bench and at the but their cruelty, except so far as it might 

gaming table. be involved in the other faults, does not 

3. Areopagites esse. A Greek con- seem to be elsewhere recorded, 

struption, perhaps introduced to suit the At Athenienses. This at least cannot 

nationality of Lysiades. Cp. Catull. 4. I. be said against them all. Lysiades is of a 

Phaselus ille quern videtis hospites nation noted for its clemency. 

Ait fuisse navium celerrimus. n. Lecti, chosen by Antony. 

5. Is qui quaestioni praeerit, &c., 12. Legitimam excusationem. Ab- 

* will the presiding praetor admit the excuse scnce from Rome on the service of the state 

of the Greekling juryman, clad now in was a valid plea for escaping the burden of the 

Greek, and now in Roman garb? iudicium, and these men had been required 

8. Quern ad modum. So the Vatican by the state to go abroad. Cp. pro Quiuct. 28, 
MS. How shall a prisoner get an advocate 86 Exsilii causa solum vertisse ; Juv. II. 49 
to plead before this man? Allegare is Qui vertere solum Baias et ad Ostia current. 
used in private matters as legare in public, 15. Si ullam speciem, &c., had any 
to employ a representative. Cp. Fam. 15. form of commonwealth been in his thoughts. 
4, 16 Extremum illud est, ut philosophiam 18. In tertiam decuriam. See i. 8, 
ad te allegem. In post-Augustan Latin it 19 and 20 notes. 

obtains the meaning to allege. The other 19. Maximo imbri, &c. See above, 

MSS. have quern ad hunc, what advocate c. 3, 8. 

shall he employ? 21. Quos hospites. So the Vatican MS. 

9. Dura natio est. J. Meursius, in his The others have quos socios ad epulas hos- 
account of Crete, gives a long list of the pites, the additional words bearing evident 
vices of the Cretans, convicting them, on signs of being a gloss to interpret hospitc 


150 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 6-7. 

nemo velit. Scelerum magnitude, conscientia maleficiorum, 
direptio eius pecuniae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est, hanc 
tertiam decuriam excogitavit : nee ante turpes iudices quaesiti 
quam honestis iudicibus nocentium salus desperata est. Sed 16 
5 illud os, illam impuritatem caeni fuisse, ut hos indices legere 
auderet ! quorum lectione duplex imprimeretur rei publicae 
dedecus : unum, quod tarn turpes iudices essent ; alterum, quod 
patefactum cognitumque esset, quam multos in civitate turpes 
haberemus. Hanc ergo et reliquas eius modi leges, etiam si sine 

to vi salvis auspiciis essent rogatae, censerem tamen abrogandas : 
mine vero cur abrogandas censeam, quas iudico non rogatas ? 

An ilia non gravissimis ignominiis monumentisque huius 17 
ordinis ad posteritatis memoriarn sunt notanda, quod unus M. 
Antonius in hac urbe post conditam urbem palam secum ha- 

15 buerit armatos ? quod neque reges nostri fecerunt ncque ii, qui 
regibus exactis regnum occupare voluerunt. Cinnam memini, 
vidi Sullam, modo Caesarem : hi enim tres post civitatem a L. 
Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa res publica. Non 
possum affirmare nullis telis eos stipatos fuisse : hoc dico nee 

20 multis et occultis. At hanc pestem agmen armatorum seque- is 

2. Ratio confecta est, the tale of would be an acknowledgment that they had 

which was duly stored. There appears been constitutionally passed, 
here to be a confusion of ideas between cc. 6, 7. Urging the enormity of Antony* s 

1 rationem conficere, to make up one s offence in bringing armed men into the 

accounts, (cp. Fam. 5. 20, 2 Rationes con- senate-house, Cicero strengthens his proposal 

fectas collatas, ) and pecuniam conficere, to annul the laws of Antony, by passing in 

to gather money together, cp. pro Flacc. review his conduct towards the senate. On 

9, 20 Duae rationes conficiendae pecuniae. the 1st of September he threatened to pull 

5. Fuisse. The later MSS. have fecis- down Cicero s house for being absent, though 
sent, but the exclamation of indignant sur- there was no pressing business to discuss ; 
prise suits better here. It was bad enough and having been absent himself when Cicero 
to work out the idea of the third decuria ; delivered his first Philippic oration, he spent 
but to think of the shamelessness, the foul seventeen days in drinking and declaiming 
iniquity that dared to choose such jurymen in Scipio s villa, by way of preparing a 
as these to sit in it! Cp. Fam. 14. I, I reply. On the occasion of its delivery, 
* Me miserum ! te, ista virtute, fide, probi nothing but absence could have saved Cicero 
tate, humanitate in tantas aerumnas propter from the violence of Antony and his brother 
me incidisse. Lucius; and all Antony s policy since that 

6. Imprimeretur. The subjunctive is time had consisted in plundering and dis 
used, because the proposition sets forth, not tributing to his ruffians the property of 
the identity, but the character of the jury- honest men. 

men, who were such that by choosing them 12. Gravissimis ignominiis, &c., 

a double disgrace was inflicted on the state ; is not this to be handed down to posterity 

first, the corruption of the judicial bench; with the record of the deepest ignominy 

and secondly, the revelation that such repro- which this senate can inflict ? 
bates were so numerous in Rome. 15. Armatos. The tyrant s bodyguard. 

ii. Nunc vero, &c. His only reason See i. n, 27 note, 
for not proposing their repeal was that this 16. Cinnam, &c. Cp. 2. 42, 108. 


batur : Cassius, Mustela, Tiro, gladios ostentantes, sui similes 
greges ducebant per forum ; certum agminis locum tenebant bar- 
bari sagittarii. Cum autem erat ventum ad aedem Concordiae, 
gradus complebantur, lecticae collocabantur, non quo ille scuta 
occulta esse vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, labo- 5 
7 rarent. Illud vero taeterrimum non modo adspectu, sed etiam 
auditu, in cella Concordiae collocari armatos, latrones, sicarios ; 
de templo carcerem fieri ; opertis valvis Concordiae, cum inter 
subsellia senatus versarentur latrones, patres conscriptos senten- 

19 tias dicere. Hue nisi venirem Kalendis Septembribus, etiam 10 
fabros se missurum et domum meam clisturbaturum esse dixit. 
Magna res, credo, agebatur : de supplicatione referebat. Veni 
postridie : ipse non venit. Locutus sum de re publica, minus 
equidem libere quam mea consuetudo, liberius tamen quam peri- 
culi minae postulabant. At ille homo vehemens et violentus, qui 15 
hanc consuetudinem libere dicendi excluderet fecerat enim hoc 
idem maxima cum laude L. Piso triginta diebus ante , inimici- 
tias mihi denuntiavit ; adesse in senatum iussit a. d. XIII Kalendas 
Octobres. Ipse interea septemdecim dies de me in Tiburtino 
Scipionis declamitavit, sitim quaerens : haec enim ei causa esse 20 

20 declamandi solet Cum is dies, quo me adesse iusserat, venisset, 
turn vero agmine quadrato in aedem Concordiae venit atque in 
me absentem orationem ex ore impurissimo evomuit. Quo die, 

1. Cassius. Perhaps Barba Cassius, who leave a door of reconciliation open. See 
is mentioned in connection with Mustela introd. to the first oration. 

and Tiro 13. 2, 3. For these latter see on 15. Qui . . . excluderet, violent to the 

2. 4, 8. Two MSS. have Classicius. extent of barring this habit of free speech. 

2. Certum agminis locum, marched 16. Fecerat enim, &c. The parenthetic 
in regular column. clause is apparently introduced to explain 

Barbari. The Ituraeans. 866002.8,19. and justify the word consuetudinem. The 

4. Non quo . . . vellet. See on I. 4, 9. speech of L. Piso was on the 1st of August. 

6. Non modo adspectu, sed etiam Cp. I. 4, 10. 

auditu. This is Halm s reading, from a 18. A. d. xni Kal. Oct. On the igth 

conjecture of P. R. Miiller, based on a com- of September Antony delivered the speech 

parison of the Vatican reading non modo to which the second Philippic is supposed 

auditus sed etiam aspectu (which involves to be an answer. See introd. to the second 

an anticlimax, unless it might be, a dis- oration. 

grace which is not merely a matter of 19. In Tiburtino Scipionis. Cp. 2. 

report, but of ocular witness, ) with 2. 25, 17, 42. 

63 O rem non modo visu foedam, sed 20. Sitim quaerens, to stimulate his 

etiam auditu. The other MSS. have auditu, thirst. Hence his use of the exaggeration 

non modo aspectu. declamitavit, rather than commentatus 

8. Opertis valvis. Cp. 2. 44, 112 est, which he employs in his account of 

Cur valvae Concordiae non patent ? the same matter to Q.. Cassius, Fam. 12. 

10. Kal. Sept., the day before the first 2, I. Some MSS. insert the words ut 

Philippic was delivered. Cp. I. 5, 12. digestio potius quam declamatio videreiiur, 

13. Minus libere. As he still wished to which seem to be a gloss. 

152 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 7-9. 

si per amicos mihi cupienti in senatum venire licuisset, caedis 
initium fecisset a me ; sic enim statuerat. Cum autem semel 
gladium scelere imbuisset nulla res ei finem caedendi nisi defati- 
gatio et satietas attulisset. Etenim aderat Lucius frater, gladiator 
5 Asiaticus, qui myrmillo Mylasis depugnarat ; sanguinem nostrum 
sitiebat, suum in ilia gladiatoria pugna multum profuderat. Hie 
pecunias vestras aestimabat ; possessiones notabat et urbanas 
et rusticas ; huius mendicitas aviditate coniuncta in fortunas 
nostras imminebat ; dividebat agros quibus et quos volebat ; 

10 nullus aditus erat private, nulla aequitatis deprecatio : tantum 
quisque habebat possessor, quantum reliquerat divisor Antonius. 
Quae quamquam, si leges irritas fcceritis, rata esse non possunt, 21 
tamen separatim suo nomine notanda censeo, iudicandumque 
nullos septemviros fuisse, nihil placere ratum esse, quod ab iis 

15 actum diceretur. 

M. vero Antonium quis est qui civem possit iudicare potius 8 
quam taeterrimum et crudelissimum hostem, qui pro aede Cas- 
toris seclens audiente populo Romano dixerit, nisi victorem 
victurum neminem ? Num putatis, patres conscripti, dixisse eum 

20 minacius quam facturum fuisse? Quid vero, quod in contione 
diccre ausus est, se, cum magistratu abisset, ad urbem futurum 

5. Myrmillo. See on 3. 12, 31. Of 00.8,9. Antony had persistently endea- 
the circumstance to which Cicero alludes voured to bring about a reign of terror, 
we have no record except his own repeated He had threatened his opponents with death, 
taunts. Cp. c. II, 30; 6. 4, 10; 7. 6, 17. and all the people with slavery; he had 
Mylasa was the principal city of Caria. gone to Bnmdisium to get forces adequate 

6. Multum profuderat, he had for his purpose, and finding that the troops 
poured forth unsparingly. refused to be his tools, he took a murderous 

8. Aviditate coniuncta. For the revenge on their centurions. C. Caesar of- 

use of the ablative cp. 3. 14, 35 Ea sum- fered to oppose him, and Antony was pre- 

ma mistria est summo dedecore coniuncta ; pared to move that he should be declared 

and see Madv. 268 a. Obs. 2. a public enemy, had not the defection of his 

10. Nullus aditus privato, &c., no legions caused him to flee in panic from 

one who had been deprived of his lands the city. Even then he persevered in his evil 

could obtain an audience, no arguments of designs, marching on Cisalpine Gaul, and 

equity could prevail on him to spare. Cp. besieging D. Brutus in Mutina. He, a 

c. 19, 53; and 7. 6, 1 8 Queretur expulsos/ Roman citizen, Tvas waging against Rome 

where expulsi seems to be the same as a war more savage and destructive than any 

privati. foreign foe had ever done: and yet men 

12. Si leges irritas feceritis, &c. hesitated to declare him an enemy, and were 

Cicero might have been content to let the for sending envoys to him, thus loivering the 

commission of the septemviri and their acts dignity of the senate, cooling the general 

fall through in the general annulling of ardour for war, and losing precious time, 

Antony s laws, but the special iniquity of without a chance of doing good. 

them seemed to call for individual notice, 18. Nisi victorem, &c. Cp. 3. II, 27. 

and to require every care that they should 20. Quam facturum fuisse. For this 

not be allowed to stand for want of atten- attraction from the finite verb after quam 

tion being drawn to them. see Madv. 402 c. 


cum exercitu, introiturum quotienscumque vellet, quid erat aliud 

22 nisi denuntiare populo Romano servitutem ? Quod autem eius 
iter Brundisium ! quae festinatio ! quae spes, nisi ad urbem vel 
in urbem potius exercitum maximum adduceret? Qui autem 
dilectus centurionum ! quae effrenatio impotentis animi ! Cum 5 
eius promissis legiones fortissimae reclamassent, domum ad se ve 
nire iussit centuriones, quos bene sentire de re publica cognoverat, 
eosque ante pedes suos uxorisque suae, quam secum gravis im- 
perator ad exercitum duxerat, iugulari coe git. Quo animo hunc 
futurum fuisse censetis in nos, quos oderat, cum in eos, quos 10 
numquam viderat, tarn crudelis fuisset? et quam avidum in pecu- 
niis locupletium, qui pauperurn sanguinem concupisset ? quorum 
ipsorum bona, quantacumque erant, statim suis comitibus com- 

23 potoribusque descripsit. Atque ille furens infesta iam patriae 
signa a Brundisio inferebat, cum C. Caesar deorum immortalium 15 
beneficio, divina animi, ingenii, consilii magnitudine, quamquam 
sua sponte eximiaque virtute, tamen approbatione auctoritatis 
meae colonias patrias adiit, veteranos milites convocavit, paucis 
diebus exercitum fecit, incitatos latronum impetus retardavit. 
Postea vero quam legio Martia ducem praestantissimum vidit, 20 
nihil egit aliud nisi ut aliquando liberi essemus : quam est imi- 

9 tata quarta legio. Quo ille nuntio audito cum senatum vocasset 
adhibuissetque consularem, qui sua sententia C. Caesarem hostem 

I. Quotienscumque vellet. Consti- 6. Reclamassent, had shouted dis- 

tutionally a military commander lost his approval. Cp. Fam. I. 2, 2 Orationi 

imperium by entering the city. See on reclamare, and see on 4. -2, 5. 

I. 2, 6; and on c. 16, 45. 14. Descripsit, he portioned off. Cp. 

3. Iter Brundisium. See 2. 30, 76 pro Place. 14, 32 Descripsit pecuniam ad 

note. Pompeii rationem. 

Nisi ad urbem. So the Vatican MS. 16. Divina. So Halm, for divini, 

Some MSS. have nisi ut ad urbem, but not from a conjecture of Madvig s, supported 

only would the construction spes ut be by one MS. 

a very unusual one, (cp. Lael. 19, 68 Quamquam sua sponte, &c., un- 
Spem adferunt ut fructus appareat ), but prompted, it is true, save by his own 
the clause introduced by nisi is evidently unrivalled virtue, yet with the full sanction 
meant to give the grounds, not the sub- of my authority. Cp. Att. 16. 8, 2 Con 
stance of his hope. sultabat, utrum Romam cum tribus milibus 

5. Dilectus centurionum, assembling veteranorum proficisceretur,anCapuam tene- 

of the centurions. See 3. 2, 4 note. Some ret ... an iret ad tres legiones Macedonicas. 

MSS. have delectus, but though the verb 18. Patrias, which his father had 

diligo is never used of levying or assem- founded. 

bling soldiers, the form dilectus is often 20. Ducem praestantissimum. Of 

found in the best MSS. both as substantive this he had at least hitherto given no proof, 

and as past participle. having held no military command. 

Effrenatio. dna ciprjufvov, what unbri- 21. Nihil egit aliud, &c., it strove for 

died fury of an ill-regulated temper. Cp. Hor. nothing else except our freedom. 

Od. i. 37, 10 Quidlibet impotens sperare. 23. Consularem, &c. We know from 

154 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 9-10. 

iudicaret, repente concidit. Post autem, neque sacrifices sollem- 24 
nibus factis neque votis nuncupatis, non profectus est, sed pro- 
fugit paludatus. At quo ? In provinciam firmissimorum civium, 
qui ilium, ne si ita quidem venisset, ut nullum bellum inferret, 
5 ferre potuissent, impotentem, iracundum, contumeliosum, super- 
bum, semper poscentem, semper rapientem, semper ebrium. At 
ille, cuius ne pacatam quidem nequitiam quisquam ferre posset, 
bellum intulit provinciae Galliae ; circumsedet Mutinam, firmis- 
simam et splendidissimam populi Romani coloniam ; oppugnat 

10 D. Brutum imperatorem, consulem designatum, civem non sibi, sed 
nobis et rei publicae natum. Ergo Hannibal hostis, civis Anto- 25 
nius? Quid ille fecit hostiliter, quod hie non aut fecerit aut 
faciat aut moliatur et cogitet? Totum iter Antoniorum quid 
habuit nisi depopulationes, vastationes, caedes, rapinas ? quas 

15 non faciebat Hannibal, quia multa ad usum suum reservabat : at 
hi, qui in horam viverent, non modo de fortunis et de bonis 
civium, sed ne de utilitate quidem sua cogitaverunt. 

Ad hunc, di boni ! legates mitti placet ? Norunt isti homines 
formam rei publicae, iura belli, exempla maiorum ? cogitant quid 

3. 8, 20 that the consular in question hnd does not find a parallel in what Antony 

come into the senate with his vote ready either has done, or is doing, or is at least 

written down. Though he had procured a contriving and planning. 
consular to pronounce Octavianus an enemy 14. Quas. Some MSS. have quae, as 

by formal vote. in de Nat. Deor. 3. 24, 6 1 Nemo fortunam 

1. Concidit, he collapsed: cp. 2.42, ab inconstantia et temeritate seiuuget, quae 
107 concidisti. digna certe non sum deo: see Madv. 

2. Votis nuncupatis. See 3. 4, II 3153. 

note. He there represents Antony as At hi is adopted by Halm and most 

having pronounced the vows, but left the editors from the conjecture of Naugerius, 

sacrifices unperformed. (1519,) in the place of the ungrammatical 

Non profectus est, sed profugit. reading of the Vatican MS. haec. The 

Cp. c. 11,30 Post discessum latronis vel other "MSS. have haec hi, or haec ii, 

potius desperatam fr.gam; and 13. 9, 19 except one which has et hii. The at* 

4 Egressus est non viis, sed tramitibus pain- might easily have dropped out after re- 

datus, ... ex eo non iter, sed cursus et fuga servabat. 
in Gailiam. 16. Q_ui in horam viverent, who 

3. Firmissimorum. Most editions lived but for the passing hour. Cp. In 
add et fortissimorum, which is added by diem vivere, 2. 34, 87. The subjunctive 
a later hand in the Vatican MS., but seems is due to the causal force of the relative. 

to be a gloss, perhaps derived from 3. 15, Non modo is used thus for non 

38. Kayser inserts the words in brackets. modo non, only when the predicate is 

8. Mutinam, now Modena. A colony, common to both clauses, so that the 

with the full rights of Roman citizens, was negation which lies in ne quidem may 

planted here in 183 B.C., to strengthen the be referred to the whole. See Madv., 

Roman frontier on the subjection of the 461 b. 
Boii. 1 8. Isti homines, the men you fa- 

12. Hostiliter, so as to prove himself vour. He is addressing Calenus, cp. c. 1, I 

an enemy. Tu, qui primus royatus es ; and the 

Quod hie non fecerit, &c,, which note. 

23-27. O RATIO PHILIP PIC A V. 155 

populi Romani maiestas, quid senatus severitas postulet? Le- 
gatos decernis ? Si, ut deprecere, contemnet : si, ut imperes, 
non audiet : denique quamvis severa legatis mandata dederimus, 
nomen ipsum legatorum hunc, quern videmus, populi Romani 
restinguet ardorem, municipiorum atque Italiae franget animos. 5 
Ut omittam haec, quae magna sunt, certe ista legatio moram 

26 et tarditatem afferet bello. Quamvis dicant, quod quosdam 
audio dicturos : legati proficiscantur : bellum nihilo minus 
paretur, tamen legatorum nomen ipsum et animos hominum et 

10 belli celeritatem morabitur. Minimis momentis, patres con- 10 
scripti^ maximae inclinationes temporum nunt, cum in omni 
casu rei publicae, turn in bello et maxime civili, quod opinione 
plerumque et fama gubernatur. Nemo quaeret, quibus cum 
mandatis legatos miserimus : nomen ipsum legationis ultro mis- 
sae timoris esse signum videbitur. Recedat a Mutina, desinat 15 
oppugnare Brutum, decedat ex Gallia : non est verbis rogandus, 

27 cogendus est armis. Non enim ad Hannibalem mittimus ut 
a Sagunto recedat, ad quern miserat olim senatus P. Valerium 
Flaccum et Q. Baebium Tampilum, qui, si Hannibal non pareret, 
Karthaginem ire iussi erant : nostros quo iubemus ire, si non 20 
paruerit Antonius ? ad nostrum civem mittimus, ne impera- 
torern, ne coloniam populi Romani oppugnet. Itane vero ? hoc 
per legatos rogandum est? Quid interest, per deos immortales ! 
utrum hanc urbem oppugnet an huius urbis propugnaculum, 
coloniam populi Romani praesidii causa collocatam ? Belli 25 

4. Hunc, &c., will quench the ardour non absisteretur bello, ad ducem ipsum in 

now apparent in the Roman people, and poenam foederis rupti deposcendum. The 

crush the spirits of the burghers throughout name of the latter envoy is recovered from 

Italy. the passage in Livy, the MSS. of Cicero 

c. 10. An embassy would be interpreted having vebium pamphilum. When Han- 

as indicating fear; and it was not like nibal would not listen to terms, remon- 

opening negotiations with a foreign general, strances could be made to his government, 

because there was no further authority to to which he could not refuse obedience ; 

which they could appeal, if Antony refused if Antony proved obstinate, there was no 

compliance. In dealing with a rebellious ulterior court of appeal. 
citizen, the dignified course was to compel 22. Itane vero? is it then come to 

him to submit, instead of begging him to this ? 
have compassion on his country. 24. Propugnaculum, an outpost. Cp. 

10. Minimis momentis, &c., the de Leg. Agrar. 2. 27, 74 Est operae pre- 

smallest impulses bring about the greatest tium diligentiam maiorum recordari, qui 

changes in events. colonias sic idoneis in locis contia snspicio- 

18. Miserat olim, &c., in 218 B.C. nem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non oppida 

Cp. Livy 21. 6 Legati missi, P. Valerius Italiae, sed propugnacula imperil videreutur. 

Flaccus et CL Baebius Tampilus, Saguntum See above on c. 9, 24. 
ad Hannibalem, atque inde Karthaginem, si 

156 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 10-12. 

Punici secundi, quod contra maiores nostros Hannibal gessit, 
causa fuit Sagunti oppugnatio. Recte ad eum legati missi : 
mittebantur ad Poenum, mittebantur pro Hannibalis hostibus, 
nostris sociis. Quid simile tandem? nos ad civem mittimus, ne 
5 imperatorem populi Romani, ne exercitum, ne coloniam circum- 
sedeat, ne oppugnet, ne agros depopuletur, ne sit hostis. 

Age, si paruerit, hoc cive uti aut volumus aut possumus ? Ante 11 
diem xill Kalendas lanuarias decretis vestris eum concidistis : 28 
constituistis ut haec ad vos Kalendis lanuariis referrentur, quae 

10 rcferri videtis, de honoribus et praemiis bene de re publica meri- 
torum et merentium : quorum principem iudicastis eum, qui 
fuit, C. Caesarem, qui M. Antonii impetus nefarios ab urbe in 
Galliam avertit : turn milites veteranos, qui primi Caesarem 
secuti sunt, atque illas caelestes divinasque legiones Martiam et 

15 quartam comprobastis, quibus, cum consulem suum non modo 
reliquissent, sed bello etiam persequerentur, honores et praemia 
spospondistis : eodemque die D. Bruti, praestantissimi civis, 
edicto allato atque proposito, factum eius collaudastis, quodque 
ille bellum private consilio susceperat, id vos auctoritate publica 

20 comprobastis. Quid igitur illo die aliud egistis nisi ut hostem 29 
iudicaretis Antonium? His vestris decretis aut ille vos aequo 
animo adspicere poterit aut vos ilium sine dolore sum mo vide- 

2. Sagunti oppugnatio. The siege question, when all parties in the state were 

of Saguntum, memorable for the obstinate bent on crushing him. He had even gone 

resistance of the inhabitants, was in viola- so far as to promise unlimited plunder to Ids 

tion of the treaty between Rome and followers, and therefore it was surely time 

Carthage, the Saguntines being in alliance to place the matter in the hands of the 

with Rome. It was taken by Hannibal in Consuls, only offering an amnesty to those 

218 B.C. who should at once return to their alle- 

4. Quid simile tandem? Where is giance. 

the analogy with the present case? 7. Age, si paruerit. Even if he now 

cc. n, 12. After the decrees passed on obeys, the time is past. Punishment, not 

the 2Oth of December, Antony could only be negotiation, is what is now required. If we 

dealt with as a public enemy. His presence would we could not, and if we could we 

in Rome would be intolerable to honest men, would not treat him as a citizen. 

and a mere nucleus of treason, even if he 8. Decretis vestris. See 3. 15. 

should submit; but neither his oivn dis- Concidistis, you gave the death blow 

loyally, nor the passions of his followers, to his hopes: cp. ad Q^ Fr. 2. 4, I Vati- 

would ever suffer him to yield, and the only nium arbitratu nostro concidimus. So the 

result of the embassy ivould be a further neuter concidit," above c. 9. 23. cp. 2. 42, 

waste of precious time. Instant action was 107. 

what was requisite; a tumult should be II. Qui fuit, of whom you rightly 

declared, a universal levy held, all civil judged that C. Caesar was the chief. 

business should be suspended, and the military 17. D. Bruti edicto. See 3. 4, 8. 

garb be generally assumed. Such prompti- 20. Quid aliud . . . nisi ut, &c., 

tude might overwhelm him, for it would what other object had you in view except 

shou> that it was no longer a mere party to declare Antony a public enemy ? 

27-31. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A V. 157 

bitis? Exclusit ilium a re publica, distraxit, segregavit non 
solum scelus ipsius, sed etiam, ut mihi videtur, fortuna quaedam 
rei publicae. Qui si legatis paruerit Romamque redierit, num 
umquam perditis civibus vexillum quo concurrant defuturum 
putatis ? Sed hoc minus vereor : sunt alia, quae magis timeam 5 
et cogitem. Numquam parebit ille legatis : novi hominis in- 
saniam, arrogantiam ; novi perdita consilia amicorum, quibus 

so ille est deditus. Lucius quidem frater eius, utpote qui peregre 
depugnarit, familiam ducit. Sit per se ipse sanus, quod num- 
quam erit : per hos esse ei tamen non licebit. Teretur interea 10 
tempus, belli apparatus refrigescent. Unde est adhuc bellum 
tractum nisi ex retardatione et mora ? Ut primum post disces- 
sum latronis vel potius desperatam fugam libere senatus haberi 
potuit, semper flagitavi ut convocaremur. Quo die primum 
convocati sumus, cum designati consules non adessent, ieci sen- 15 
tentia mea maximo vestro consensu fundamenta rei publicae, 
serius omnino quam decuit nee enim ante potui , sed tamen 
si ex eo tempore dies nullus intermissus esset, bellum profecto 

31 nullum haberemus. Omne malum nascens facile opprimitur : 

inveteratum fit plerumque robustius. Sed turn exspectabantur 20 
12 Kalendae lanuariae, fortasse non recte. Verum praeterita omit- 
tamus. Etiamne hanc moram, dum proficiscantur legati ? dum 
revertantur ? quorum exspectatio dubitationem belli affert : bello 
autem dubio quod potest studium esse dilectus? 

3. Num umquam. So Halm, follow- in the forefront of your philosophy. ) Cp. 

kig P. R. Miiller, from the Vatican reading Fam. 7. 5, 3. 

numquam. The other MSS. have num 12. Tractum, prolonged, equivalent to 

quando. protractum ; cp. Att. 10.8,2 Id quod 

5. Minus vereor. Because the contin- maxime velim, pelli istum ab Hispania, aut 

gency will never arise ; he will never obey. trahi id bellum. 

8. Peregre depugnarit. As a Myr- Ut primum, &c. See 3. i, I note, 
millo at Mylasa. See on c. 7, 20. 17. Serius omnino, &c. Cp. the be- 

9. Familiam ducit, heads the band, ginning of the third oration. 

not as captain or officer, but set in front as 21. Kalendae lanuariae. When the 

the prime specimen of the lot. The ex- new Consuls entered on their office, 

pression is taken from the practice of putting 22. Hanc moram. After these words 

the finest man in the front of a gang of there is in the margin of the Vatican MS., 

slaves exposed for sale, to recommend the by a later hand, the word afferemus, which 

lot. So Qmntilian has classem ducere, Kayser inserts, but Halm thinks it an un- 

of a schoolboy, to be the show-boy of the necessary interpolation, the verb being 

class, i. 2. 2-4. Here the expression has frequently omitted, even in these orations, 

peculiar point from the application of in similar rhetorical exclamations. Cp. 2. 

familia to a school of gladiators. Cicero 29, 74 Tam bonus gladiator rudem tarn 

elsewhere uses the expression metaphorically: cito? and the note. 

Fin. 4. 16, 45 Gravissimam illam vestram 23. Quorum exspectatio, waiting 

sententiam, quae familiam ducit, ( stands for whom throws a doubt over the certainty 

i 5 8 


cc. 1213, 

Guam ob rem, patres conscript!, legatorum mentionem nullam 
censeo faciendam ; rem administrandam arbitror sine ulla mora 
et confestim gerendam censeo ; tumultum decerni, iustitium 
edici, saga sumi dico oportere, dilectum haberi sublatis vacati- 
5 onibus in urbe et in Italia praeter Galliam tota. Quae si erunt 32 
facta, opinio ipsa et fama nostrae severitatis obruet scelerati 
gladiatoris amentiam. Sentiet sibi bellum cum re publica esse 
susceptum, experietur consentientis senatus nervos atque vires : 
nam mine quidem partium contentionem esse dictitat. Ouarum 

10 partium ? Alteri victi sunt, alteri sunt e mediis C. Caesaris 
partibus : nisi forte Caesaris partes a Pansa et Hirtio consulibus 
et a nlio C. Caesaris oppugnari putamus. Hoc vero bellum non 
est ex dissensione partium, sed ex nefaria spe perditissimorum 
civium excitatum : quibus bona fortunaeque nostrae notatae 

15 sunt et iam ad cuiusque opinionem distributae. Legi episto- 33 
lam Antonii, quam ad quendam septemvirum, capitalem homi- 
nem, collegam suum, miserat. Quid concupiscas tu videris : 
quod concupiveris certe habebis. En ad quern legates mitta- 

of war, which stops all zeal in the levying 
of troops. 

2. Censeo. See on 3. 9, 24. 

Rem ad ministrandam,&c., we should 
without delay determine on our line of 
policy, and proceed at once to carry it into 

3. Tumultum. See on 8. I, 3, and 
cp. 6, i, 2. 

4. Sublatis vacationibus, with no 
allowance of exemptions. So in 326 B.C., 
on an alarm of an invasion of the Gauls, 
L. Aemilitis was ordered Exercitum scribere 
sine ulla vacalionisvenia Livy 8. 20. Vaca- 
tio, exemption from further service, on ac 
count of illness, civil employment, completion 
of the term of service, or the like, is to be 
carefully distinguished from commeatus, 
furlough, or leave of absence for a time. 

5. Praeter Galliam. In 8. 2, 6 and 
Fam. II. 8, 2 he speaks of this levy as 
being tota Italia, without excepting Gaul; 
but here, in his formal vote, he is naturally 
more precise in his language. From 7. 8, 
21 we learn that Antony was raising levies 
in Gaul, which sufficiently accounts for its 
exception. Cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2. 

10. Alteri. &c., those favouring Antony 
are conquered ; those opposing him are 
found in the very heart of C. Caesar s 
party. Cicero s argument is that the 

vote of Dec. 20 showed that Antony had 
no party of his own in the senate, and 
that the very people whom he might have 
expected to enlist upon his side, the par 
tisans of the dictator, were actively arrayed 
against him. Manutius and other commen 
tators take the former aHeri to mean the 
Pompeian party, but then the second alteri 
could only be the adherents of the dic 
tator, and it would be wholly without 
point, and mere tautology, to say that they 
were to be found in Caesar s party. 

II. A Pansa et Hirtio. They were 
both bound by ties of gratitude and friend 
ship to the dictator, and now held the 
consulship on his nomination. 

14. Quibus, for whose benefit, unless 
the dative may be looked on as 5mmed : ately 
depending on distributae, among whom/ 
notatae sunt et being, as regards the 
grammar, parenthetical. 

15- Ad cuiusque opinionem to suit 
the views of each : cp. Verr. Act. 2. i. 51, 
135 Iste, qui iam spe atque opinione 
praedam illam devorasset. 

16. Septemvirum. See on 2. 38, 99. 

Capitalem hominem, a gallows- 
bird. The word in this sense is generally 
used of crimes rather than of their per 
petrators, but cp. Cat. 2. 2, 3 Tarn capi 
talem hostem. 


mus, cui bellum moremur inferre : qui ne sort! quidem fortunas 
nostras destinavit, sed libidini cuiusque nos ita addixit, ut ne 
sibi quidem quidquam integrum, quod non alicui promissum 
iam sit, reliquerit. Cum hoc, patres conscripti, bello, bello, 
inquam, decertandum est, idque confestim : legatorum tarditas 5 

34 repudianda est. Quapropter ne multa nobis quotidie decer- 
nenda sint, consulibus totam rem publicam commendandum 
censeo iisque permittendum, ut rem publicam defendant provi- 
deantque ne quid res publica detrimenti accipiat, censeoque ut 
iis, qui in exercitu M. Antonii sunt, ne sit ea res fraudi, si ante 10 
Kalendas Februarias ab eo discesserint. Haec si censueritis, 
patres conscripti, brevi tempore libertatem populi Romani auc- 
toritatemque vestram recuperabitis : si autem lenius agetis, 
tamen eadem, sed fortasse serius decernetis. De re publica, 
quoad rettulistis, satis decrevisse videor. 15 

13 Altera res est de honoribus : de quibus deinceps intelligo 

35 esse dicendum. Sed qui ordo in sententiis rogandis servari 
solet, eundem tenebo in viris fortibus honorandis. A Bruto 
igitur, consule designate, more maiorum capiamus exordium : 
cuius ut superiora omittam, quae sunt maxima ilia quidem, sed 20 
adhuc hominum magis iudiciis quam publice laudata, quibus- 
nam verbis eius laudes huius ipsius temporis consequi possu- 

3. Integrum reliquerit, he has left thanks should be given to D. Brutus, who 

nothing in his own power. had saved his country by preserving Cis- 

9. Ne quid detrimenti, &c. This alpine Gaul from the hands of Antony : and 
was the formula by which martial law was that a gilt equestrian statue should be erected 
proclaimed, and irresponsible power given to in honour of M, L?pidns, who had always 
the Consuls. Cp. pro Mil. 26, 70 Pompeio shown himself to be a true lover of liberty, 
senatus commisit ut videret, ne quid res and who had lately quenched the embers of 
publica detrimenti caperet ; quo uno versi- a dangerous civil war, and done good 
culo satis armati semper consules fuerunt, service in restoring Sext. Pompeius to his 
etiam nullis armis datis. country. 

Ut ne. See Madv. . 456. 16. Deinceps, next in their due order. 

10. Fraudi. So in the laws of the xn See on 4. 4, 9. 

Tables: Se fraude esto, let him be blame- 17. In sententiis rogandis. See on 

less. c. I, I. 

15. Quoad rettulistis, so far as your 20. Superiora: his share in the assas- 

motion related to the state. Some editors sination of Caesar, which all men were not 

read quod, but -quoad is the reading of as yet prepared to praise, 

the Vatican MS., and quod would rather 22. Huius ipsius temporis, &c., the 

mean as to the point of your having made praise which he has won for his conduct at 

a motion about the state, (see Madv. this time : the praise being considered from 

308 b. Obs. 2,) which would be less appro- different points of view as bestowed on 

priate here. Brutus and on the time. A somewhat similar 

cc. 13-15. Turning to the question of combination of two different genitives is 

rewarding those who had done loyal service found in Caes. B. G. 3. 18 Superiorum 

to the state, Cicero proposes that a vote of dierum Sabini cunctatio. 

160 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 13-14. 

mus? Neque enim ullam mercedem tanta virtus praeter hanc 
laudis gloriaeque desiderat : qua etiam si careat, tamen sit se 
ipsa contenta : quamquam in memoria gratorum civium tam- 
quam in luce posita laetetur. Laus igitur iudicii testimoniique 

5 nostri tribuenda Bruto est. Quam ob rem his verbis, patres 36 
conscripti, senatus consultum faciendum censeo : Cum D. Brutus 
imperator, consul designatus, provinciam Galliam in senatus 
populique Romani potestate teneat, cumque exercitum tantum 
tarn brevi tempore summo studio municipiorum coloniarumque 

10 provinciae Galliae, optime de re publica meritae merentisque, 
conscripserit compararit, id eum recte et ordine exque re publica 
fecisse, idque D. Bruti praestantissimum meritum in rem pub- 
licam senatui populoque Romano gratum esse et fore : itaque 
senatum populumque Romanum existimare, D. Bruti impera- 

15 toris, consulis designati, opera, consilio, virtute incredibilique 
studio et consensu provinciae Gallia_jtJ3ublicae difficillimo 
tempore esse subventuni Htric~Tanto merito Bruti, patres con- 37 
scripti, tantoque in rem publicam benencio quis est tantus 
honos qui non debeatur? Nam si M. Antonio patuisset Gallia, 

20 si oppressis municipiis et coloniis imparatis in illam ultimam 
Galliam penetrare potuisset, quantus rei publicae terror impen- 
deret ? Dubitaret, credo, homo amentissimus atque in omnibus 
consiliis praeceps et devius non solum cum exercitu suo, sed 
etiam cum omni immanitate barbariae bellum inferre nobis, ut 

25 eius furorem ne Alpium quidem muro cohibere possemus. Haec 
igitur habenda gratia est D. Bruto, qui ilium, nondum inter- 
posita auctoritate vestra, suo consilio atque iudicio non ut 
consulem recepit, sed ut hostem arcuit Gallia seque obsideri 

2. Desiderat, feels to be needful for 23. Devius, never constant in his 

the perfection of its happiness; careat, course. Cp. Lael. 25, 93 Quid enim 

though it be deprived of this. potest esse tam flexibile, tarn devium quam 

4. Laetetur. The subjunctive is not animus eius, qui ad alterius vultum atque 

dependent on quamquam, which here sig- nutum convertitur? and Lucr. 2. 82 Avius 

nifies and yet; but is due (like sit ) to the a vera longe ratione vagaris. 
conditional nature of the clause, (fiaiSpvvoir 25. Muro. The force and propriety of 

dv ; if permitted, it would rejoice at finding this expression is only to be appreciated 

a record in the hearts of its grateful fellow- when the Alps are seen from the Italian 

citizens, as being thus brought forth to view. side, descending, as it seems from a little 

14. Existimare, express their opinion. 1 distance, precipitously into the plain of 

Cp. 2. 4, 9. Lombardy. The northern side is, generally 

20. Ultimam, Gallia Comata, at present speaking, much less steep, and there is no 
held by L. Munatius Plancus, the other extensive plain to give the force of con- 
Consul elect. See on c. 2, 5. trast. 


quam hanc urbem maluit. Habeat ergo huius tanti fact! tam- 
que praeclari decreto nostro testimonium sempiternum : Gallia- 
que, quae semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio 
libertatique communi, merito vereque laudetur, quod se suas- 
que vires non tradidit, sed opposuit Antonio. 5 

L4 Atque etiam M. Lepido pro eius egregiis in rem publicam 

38 mentis decernendos honores quam amplissimos censeo. Sem 
per ille populum Romanum liberum voluit maximumque sig- 
num illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cum Antonio diadema 
Caesari imponente se avertit gemituque et maestitia declaravit, 10 
quantum haberet odium servitutis, quam populum Romanum 
liberum cuperet, quam ilia, quae tulerat, temporum magis neces 
sitate quam iudicio tulisset. Quanta vero is moderatione usus 
sit in illo tempore civitatis, quod post mortem Caesaris conse- 
cutum est, quis nostrum oblivisci potest? Magna haec, sed ad 15 

39 maiora properat oratio. Quid enim, o di immortales ! admira- 
bilius omnibus gentibus, quid optatius populo Romano accidere 
potuit quam, cum bellum civile maximum esset, cuius belli 
exitum omnes timeremus, sapientia f etiam id potius exstingui 
quam armis et ferro rem in discrimen adducere? Quod si eadem 20 
ratio Caesaris fuisset in illo taetro miseroque bello, ut omittam 
patrem, duos Cn. Pompei, summi et singularis viri, filios inco- 
lumes haberemus : quibus certe pietas fraudi esse non debuit. 
Utinam omnes M. Lepidus servare potuisset ! Facturum fuisse 
declaravit in eo, quod potuit, cum Sex. Po.mpeiujn restituit 25 

3. Praesidet atque praesedit, is 18. Bellum civile, the war with 

now, and always has .been, the bulwark of Sext. Pompeius, as continued after Caesar s 

our empire, lying as an obstacle to the death. 

inroads of the outer barbarians beyond the 19. Sapi.entia. Same second virtue 

Alps. seems to be required here, to balance ar- 

6. M. Lepido. Lepidus had been mis et ferro. The want ;has been variously 

appointed by Caesar to the government of supplied by et dementia, et mansuetn- 

Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, dine, or et humanitate, from the follovr- 

and repaired thither shortly after Caesar s ing section. The missing word would seem 

death, at Antony s instigation, to try and to be represented by etiam/ which is 

reconcile the younger Pompey to the senate, otiose.!] 

with the ulterior object of weakening the 20. Adducere. We should rather have 

power of the opposition, should the civil expected rem adduci, maintaining the 

war again break out. form of the previous clause, but the civil 

9. Diadema. See 2. 34, 85 notes. war is represented as using its instruments 

13. Quanta moderatione. He had of harness and sword to bring the matler 

followed the lead of Antony throughout, to a crisis. 

but had withdrawn from Rome before the 23. Pietas, sympathy with, and duty 

latter began to abandon the moderation towards their father. 
which at first he showed, 35. Restituit. See on 3. 9, 23. 


1 62 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 14-16. 

civitati, maximum ornamentum rei publicae, clarissimum monu- 
mentum clementiae suae. Gravis ilia fortuna populi Romani, 
grave fatum. Pompeio enim patre, quod imperio populi Ro 
mani lumen fuit, exstincto interfectus est patris simillimus fili-us. 
5 Sed omnia mihi videntur deorum immortalium iudicio expiata, 40 
Sex. Pompeio rei publicae conservato. Quam ob causam iustam 15 
atque magnam et quod periculosissimum civile bellum maxi- 
mumque humanitate et sapientia sua M. Lepidus ad pacem 
concordiamque convertit, senatus consultum his verbis censeo 

10 perscribendum : Cum a M. Lepido imperatore, pontifice max- 
imo, saepe numero res publica et bene et feliciter gesta sit, 
populusque Romanus intellexerit ei dominatum regium maxime 
displicere, cumque eius opera, virtute, consilio singularique cle- 
mentia et mansuetudine bellum acerbissimum civile sit restinc- 

15 turn, Sextusque Pompeius, Gnaei films, Magnus, huius ordinis 41 
auctoritate ab armis discesserit et a M. Lepido imperatore, pon 
tifice maximo, summa senatus populique Romani voluntate 
civitati restitutus sit : senatum populumque Romanum pro max- 
imis plurimisque in rem publicam M. Lepidi mentis magnam 

20 spem in eius virtute, auctoritate, felicitate reponere otii, pacis, 
concordiae, libertatis, eiusque in rem publicam meritorum sena 
tum populumque Romanum memorem fore, eique statuam 
equestrem inauratam in rostris aut quo alio loco in foro vellet 
ex huius ordinis sententia statui placere. Qui honos, patres 

25 conscripti, mihi maximus videtur primum, quia Justus est : non 
enim solum datur propter spem temporum reliquorum, sed pro 
ampKssimis mentis redditur ; nee vero cuiquam possumus com- 

3. Quod . . . lumen fuit. Cp. 2. 22, primum si stare non possunt corruant ; and 
54 note. then being led away to give the reason for 

4. Filius. Cn. Pompeius, the elder this wish, he never proceeds to the second 
brother of Sextus, was wounded in the consideration. 

battle of Munda (March 17, 6.0.45), and 27. Redditur, it is awarded him in 

shortly afterwar Js captured and slain. payment for his services. 

10. Pontifice maximo. He owed this Nee cuiquam, &c. Manutius quotes 

dignity to Antony, who caused him to be a passage from Velleius, (2. 10.) who 

elected to the vacancy made by Caesar s says that similar statues were erected to 

death, in return for the support that Lepidus L. Sulla, Cn. Pompeius, and C. Caesar, 

had given him. That in honour of Pompey would be 

25. Primum, &c. The natural sequence awarded iudicio senatus libero et soluto, 

to this would ruve been deinde quia novus and Cicero is careless enough of facts 

est, but Cicero, having interrupted his sen- when they interfere with rhetorical point 

tence to give the reasons why his vote was to make his statement of little force as 

just, resumes it in another form. Similarly invalidating that of Velleius. See on a. 

in Cat. 2. 10, 21 he begins, Qui homines I, I. 




memorare hunc honorem a senatu tributum iudicio senatus 
soluto et libero. 
16 Venio ad C. Caesarem, patres conscript! : qui nisi fuisset, quis 

42 nostrum esse potuisset ? Advolabat ad urbem a Brundisio 
homo impotentissimus, ardens odio, animo hostili in omnes 5 
bonos, cum exercitu Antonius. Quid hums audaciae et sceleri 
poterat opponi ? Nondum ullos duces habebamus, non copias ; 
nullum erat consilium publicum, nulla libertas ; dandae cervices 
erant crudelitati nefariae ; fugam quaerebamus omnes, quae ipsa 

43 exitum non habebat. Quis turn nobis, quis populo Romano 10 
obtulit hunc divinum adolescentem deus, qui, cum omnia ad 
perniciem nostram pestifero illi civi paterent, subito praeter 
spem omnium exortus prius confecit exercitum, quern furori 
M. Antonii opponeret, quam quisquam hoc eum cogitare sus- 
picaretur. Magni honores habiti Cn. Pompeio, cum esset ado- 15 
lescens, et quidem iure : subvenit enim rei publicae, sed aetate 
multo robustior et militum ducem quaerentium studio paratior 

cc. 1 6, 17. C. Caesar had proved himself 
the almost superhuman saviour of his country. 
In the midst of a general panic, though a 
mere boy, with no experience, no prestige 
to commend him to the soldiery, he had 
gathered for himself an army capable of 
resisting Antony. It was but fair to legalise 
such energetic patriotism, and therefore 
Cicero proposes to give him a regular mili 
tary command, with the title of propraetor ; 
and at the same time to admit him to the 
senate, with extraordinary privileges, both in 
his position there, and his capacity for seek 
ing offices of state. In other cases it was 
well to wait for the maturity of age, but 
C. Caesar had shown powers far beyond 
his years, and challenged comparison with 
Africanus, Alexander, and other youthful 
heroes, whose early powers claimed for them 
exemption from the ordinary rules whereby 
mankind is judged. 

4. A Brundisio. Cp. 3. 2, 4. 

5. Impotentissimus, &c. The order 
of the words in this clause is noticeable, the 
description of Antony beginning with his 
private intemperance, and proceeding through 
his malignity, and disloyal temper, to his 
overt act of treason, his name coming at the 
end as at once the climax and the explanation 
of his faults. A man of most unbridled 
passions, burning with malignant feeling, a 
foe in temper to all honest men, in arms 
against his country, in a word, Antonius. 

8. Nullum consilium publicum, no 
council representing the republic ; the 
senate being still unable to deliberate freely. 

10. Exitum non habebat, presented 
no outlet ; no safe place for flight being 
to be found. Cp. de Or. 2. 77, 312 Causae 
quae plurimos exitus dant. 

11. Deus is thrown to the end of the 
clause apparently to give point to divinus. 
So godlike a young man could only have 
received his inspiration from a god. 

15. Cum esset adolescens, young 
man as he was. Pompey was not quite 
23 when he raised an army in Picenum, 
defeated M. Brutus, and joined Sulla, 83 B.C. 
Octavianus was little more than three years 
younger at the time of Antony s advance 
on Rome. 

17. Paratior. Halm reads paratiore, 
a conjecture of his own, in order that the 
clauses may more exactly balance the ex 
pressions in the account of Caesar. The 
final e might easily have dropped out 
before et, but stiidio paratiore could only 
depend upon robustior, which would thus 
be strangely used with one ablative of phy 
sical quality, existing in Pompey, and 
another of the mental affections of his 
soldiers. He was of a much more vigorous 
age, and had much more to support him, in 
the zeal of the soldiers who were seeking for 
a general, and so far his difficulties were 
less ; and further, his services were of more 

M 2, 

164 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. ie-17. 

et in alio genere belli ; non enim omnibus Sullae causa grata : 
declarat multitude proscriptorum, tot municipiorum maximae 
calamitates. Caesar autem annis multis minor veteranos cupi- 44 
entes iam requiescere armavit ; earn complexus est causam, 
5 quae esset senatui, quae populo, quae cunctae Italiae, quae dis 
hominibusque gratissima. Et Pompeius ad L. Sullae maxi 
mum imperium victoremque exercitum accessit : Caesar se ad 
neminem adiunxit ; ipse princeps exercitus faciendi et praesidii 
comparandi fuit. Ille adversariorum partibus agrum Picenum 

10 habuit inimicum : hie ex Antonii amicis, sed amicioribus liber- 
tatis contra Antonium confecit exercitum. Illius opibus Sulla 
regnavit : huius praesidio Antonii dominatus oppressus est. 
Demus igitur imperium Caesari, sine quo res militaris adminis- 45 
trari, teneri exercitus, bellum geri non potest : sit pro praetore 

*5 eo iure quo qui optimo. Qui honos quamquam est magnus 
ilia aetate, tamen ad necessitatem rerum gerendarum, non solum 
ad dignitatem valet. Itaque ilia quaeramus, quae vix hodierno 
die consequemur. Sed saepe spero fore huius adolescentis 17 
honorandi et nobis et populo Romano potestatem : hoc autem 

20 tempore ita censeo decernundum : (Quod C. .Caesar, Gai filius, 46 
pontifex, pro praetore, summo rei publicae tempore milites vete- 

doubiful merit, for the war in which he what he thought he could obtain, though 

engaged was different, the cause of Sulla even here he foresaw difficulty : Let us 

being k-ss universally popular. therefore seek for this, which to-day we 

2. Municipiorum. Notably Praeneste, shall have sufficient difficulty in gaining. 

Norba, Nola, and Volaterrae. So in the spurious Epistles to Brutus we find 

12. Regnavit, made himself despot. (2. 15, 7) : Cum omne praesidium esset in 
See on 2. 12, 2Q. puero, quis honos ei non fuit decernendus ? 

Dominatus. 8660111.14,34. Quamquam ego illi turn verborum laudem 

13. Imperium. This is a locus tribui, eamque modicam. Decrevi etiam 
classicus for the meaning of imperium. imperium, quod quamquam videbatur illi 
See on I. 7, 18. The same honour was given aetati honorificum, tamen erat exercitum 
to Pompey by Sulla, who addressed him habenti necessarium. Quid enim est sine 
when their forces joined as Imperator, imperio exercitus? 

though he had held no regular commission 19. Honorandi. So Halm, for theVati- 

from the state. can reading hortandi honorandi, the two 

14. :Sit pro praetore, let him have the words there probably arising from confusion, 
rank of pro-praetor, as fully as though such as is common in that MS. Many 
regularly appointed ; eo iure quo pro prae- editors, following Ferrarius, read ornandi 
tore est qui optimo iure est, that is, with honorandi, referring the former to the 
as full privileges as if he had been legally panegyrics of the senate, the latter to the 
appointed in the ordinary way. offices of distinction conferred by the 

16. Ad necessitatem. If Octavius was people. 

to hold the command of an army, he must 20. Gai. Gaius, Gnaeus appear to 

have the imperium ; and Cicero implies be properly spelt with a G, the C which 

that he would ask for further honours, were usually stands for their initial being perhaps 

it not that he anticipated opposition ; on retained from the time when that letter 

which account he limited his demands to had the force of G. 




ratios ad libertatem populi Romani cohortatus sit eosque con- 
scripserit, quodque legio Martia atque quarta summo studio 
optimoque in rem publicam consensu C. Caesare duce et auctore 
rem publicam, libertatem populi Romani defendant defenderint, 
et quod C. Caesar pro praetore Galliae provinciae cum exercitu 5 
subsidio profectus sit, equites, sagittarios, elephantos in suam 
populique Romani potestatem redegerit difficillimoque rei pub- 
licae tempore saluti dignitatique populi Romani subveneritA) ob 
eas causas senatui placere, C. Caesarem, Gai filium, pontincem, 
pro praetore, senatorem esse sententiamque loco praetorio dicere, 10 
eiusque rationem, quemcumque magistratum petet, ita haberi, 
ut haberi per leges liceret, si anno superiore quaestor fuisset. 

47 Quid est enim, patres conscripti, cur eum non quam primum 
amplissimos honores capere cupiamus? Legibus enim anna- 
libus cum grandiorem aetatem ad consulatum constituebant, 15 
adolescentiae temeritatem verebantur : C. Caesar ineunte aetate 
docuit ab excellent! eximiaque virtute progressum aetatis ex- 
spectari non oportere. Itaque maiores nostri, veteres illi ad- 
modum antiqui, leges annales non habebant : quas multis post 
annis attulit ambitio,, ut gradus essent petitionis inter aequales. 20 
Ita saepe magna indoles virtutis, prius quam rei publicae pro- 

48 desse potuisset, exstincta est. . At vero apud antiques Rulli, 

6. Equites, sagittarios, elephantos. 
These are joined together as forming the 
foreign portion of his forces. At this period 
the cavalry of the Roman army generally, 
and the light-armed universally, were com 
posed of mercenaries. See on c. 2, 5. The 
elephants were probably some that had been 
taken by Caesar from the Moors in the 
African campaign, and had been attached to 
the legions of Antony; though elephants 
had been occasionally used in the Roman 
army since the close of the second Punic 
war. (Livy3i. 36.) The last occasion on 
which they took part in any important 
engagement was at the battle of Thapsus, 
where they proved fatal to their own side. 

10. Loco praetorio. See on I. 6, 15. 

11. Rationem haberi, votes should be 
received for him : he should be taken into 
account in the election, should be eligible. 
Cp. 2. 10, 24 note. 

14. Legibus, by the Leges annales, fix 
ing the age at which a citizen might become 
a candidate for the various offices of state. 
That for quaestor was 31, for Consul 43. 

The first and principal Lex annalis was 
the Lex Villia, passed in 1 80 B.C. 

18. Admodum antiqui, of primitive 
simplicity, not yet hampered by the com 
plexity of more modern regulations : as in 
I. 10, 25 he uses antiqua for old-fashioned 
customs, falling short of the requirements 
of more advanced civilization. Cp. pro 
Quinct. 22, 72 Hominem antiqui officii. 

19. Non habebant. Cp. Tac. Ann. li. 
22 Apud maiores virtutis id praemium 
fuerat, cunctisque civium, si bonis artibus 
fiderent, licitum petere magistratus ; ac ne 
aetas quidem distinguebatur, quin prima 
iuventa consulatum et dictaturas inirent. 

20. Ambitio, rivalry for office; not the 
struggle for popularity, which is a later 
meaning of the word, illustrative of the 
change in Roman public life under the em 
perors, when the avenues of laudable ambi 
tion were gradually closed. Which rivalry 
for office introduced long after, that the 
struggles for the several steps might take 
place among men of the same age. 

22. Rulli. Q^ Fabius Maximus Rullus 

1 66 


cc. 1718. 

Decii, Corvini multique alii, recentiore autem memoria superior 
Africanus, T. Flamininus admodum adolesceutes consules facti 
tantas res gesserunt, ut populi Romani imperium auxerint, 
nomen ornarint. Quid? Macedo Alexander, cum ab ineunte 

5 aetate res maximas gerere coepisset, nonne tertio et tricesimo 
anno mortem obiit? quae est aetas nostris legibus decem annis 
minor quam consularis. Ex quo iudicari potest virtutis esse 
quam aetatis cursum celeriorem. Nam quod ii, qui Caesari 
invident, simulant se timere, ne verendum quidem est, ut tenere 

o se possit, ut moderari, ne honoribus nostris elatus intemperan- 
tius suis opibus utatur. Ea natura rerum est, patres conscripti, 49 
ut, qui sensum verae gloriae ceperit quique se ab senatu, ab 
equitibus Romanis populoque Romano universe senserit civem 

was Consul 322 B.C., having already dis 
tinguished himself when magister equitum 
in 325 B.C., by a victory over the Samnites, 
gained in a battle which he fought against 
the orders of his dictator, L. Papirius Cursor. 
(Livy 8. 29 sqq.) He is the only Rullus of 
that period known to history. 

1. Decii. Probably the youthful Consul 
of the name was the second P. Decius Mus, 
who was Consul first in 312 B.C. He was 
afterwards thrice Consul with Fabius Maxi- 
mus Rullus, and on the last occasion, in 
295 B.C., he is described by Livy as being 
ferocior et aetate et vigore animi Livy 
10. 28. 

Corvini. M. Valerius Corvus, whose 
son took the name of Corvinus, here loosely 
given to the father, was elected Consul in 
348 B.C., as a mark of gratitude for his 
victory over the gigantic Gaul in the previous 
year. He was at the time only 23 years 
old. (Livy 7. 26.) 

2. Africanus. The elder Africanus was 
29 when he was made Consul in 205 B.C. ; 
and he had then already achieved the con 
quest of Spain, where he was appointed to 
the command of the army as proconsul in 
210 B.C. 

T. Flamininus was elected Consul in 
198 B.C., at the age of 31, having previously 
only held the office of quaestor. See Livy 
32. 7 ; from which passage we learn that at 
that time not only was there no Lex annalis, 
but the practice of requiring men to pass 
through the several minor grades of office 
to qualify for the consulship rested only 
upon custom, not on law. Plutarch says 
(Flam. c. 2) that he was not yet 30, but 
Livy, two years later, makes him 33 (Livy 
33- 33)- 

3. Auxerint, ornarint. Perfects, in 
stead of imperfects, because the results of 
their exploits continued to the time when 
Cicero is speaking. 

4. Ab ineunte aetate. Alexander s 
first military distinction was gained in the 
battle of Chaeroneia. 338 B.C., before he 
was 1 8. (Plut. Alex. c. 9.) 

8. Quam aetatis. The insertion of the 
second member of the comparison before 
the comparative, to increase the force of 
contrast, is noticeable; cp. Tusc. 3. 22, 52 
Maris subita tempestas quam ante provisa 
terret navigantes vehementius ; and see 
Madv. 303 a. Obs. 2. 

c. 1 8. There was no fear of C. Caesar 
forgetting what was due to moderation, no 
fear of his following in his father s foot 
steps, through elation at his early honours. 
He had learned to prize true glory, the 
glory which consists in the love and respect 
of all his fellow-citizens ; he had even sacri 
ficed his private enmities to the welfare of 
the state; and in going to the aid of D. 
Brutus he had given a pledge which Cicero 
undertakes he should redeem, that he would 
always unswervingly maintain his present 

Quod ii, &c., what those who envy 
Caesar feign to dread is no subject even for 
our apprehension. For this distinctive 
meaning of vereor cp. 12. 12, 29 Quid? 
veteranos non veremur, nam timed se ne 
ipsi quidem volunt, quonam modo accipiant 
severitatem ? Cat. Ma. ii. 37 Metuebant 
servi, verebantur liberi. 

12. Quique se, &c. Cicero means this 
clause to be explanatory of the former : 
the love of one s fellow-citizens is the 
truest glory. 

48-51. RATIO PHI LIP PIC A V. 167 

carum haberi salutaremque rei publicae, nihil cum hac gloria 
comparandum putet. Utinam C. Caesari, patri dico, contigisset 
adolescenti, ut esset senatui atque Optimo cuique carissimus ! 
quod cum consequi neglexisset, omnem vim ingenii, quae summa 
fuit in illo, in populari levitate consumpsit. Itaque cum respec; 5 
turn ad senatum et ad bonos non haberet, earn sibi viam ipse 
patefecit ad opes suas amplificandas, quam virtus liberi populi 
ferre non posset. Eius autem filii longissime diversa ratio est : 
qui cum omnibus est, turn Optimo cuique carissimus. In hoc 
spes libertatis posita est ; ab hoc accepta iam salus ; huic summi 10 

50 honores et exquiruntur et parati sunt. Cuius igitur singularem 
prudentiam admiramur, eius stultitiam timemus ? Quid enim 
stultius quam inutilem potentiam, invidiosas opes, cupiditatem 
dominandi praecipitem et lubricam anteferre verae, gravi, solidae 
gloriae? An hoc vidit puer : si aetate processerit, non videbit? 15 
At est quibusdam inimicus clarissimis atque optimis civibus. 
Nullus iste timor esse debet. Omnes Caesar inimicitias rei 
publicae condonavit : hanc sibi iudicem constituit, hanc mode- 
ratricem omnium consiliorum atque factorum. Ita enim ad rem 
publicam accessit, ut earn confirmaret, non ut everteret. / Omnes 20 
habeo cognitos sensus adolescentis. Nihil est illi re publica 
carius, nihil vestra auctoritate gravius, nihil bonorum virorum 

51 iudicio optatius, nihil vera gloria dulcius. Quam ob rem ab eo 
non modo nihil timere, sed maiora et meliora exspectare debetis, 
neque in eo, qui ad D. Brutum obsidione liberandum profectus 25 
sit, timere, ne memoria maneat domestici doloris, quae plus 

I. Carum is a conjecture of Ferrarius, and in the speech de Prov. Cons. 9, 20. 
adopted by most editors, for the MSS. read- Ita ad rem publicam accessit. His en- 
ing clarum. Cp. I. 14, 33 Carum esse trance on public life is a guarantee that he will 
civem, bene de re publica mereri, laudari , establish, not destroy, the commonwealth. 
coli, diligi gloriosum est. 21. Habeo cognitos. This periphrasis 

3. Optimo cuique, best beloved by for the perfect active, like the Greek con- 

those who are most virtuous themselves. struction with the active aorist participle, 

See on I. 12, 29. (jbv fj,ev irporiffas, rov 5" aTt/zcuras e x 

14. Verae, gravi, solidae, genuine, Soph. Ant. 22,) is a step towards the modern 

influential, substantial, opposed severally to usage of auxiliary verbs. It always marks 

inutilis, invidiosa, lubrica, profitless, the fullest force of the definite perfect, that 

obnoxious, precarious. the action of the verb continues, in itself or 

18. Condonavit, has sacrificed all his in its consequences, to the present time. Cp. 
private enmities. Fam. 13. 17, 2 Si eum nondum satis habes 

19. Consiliorum is a conjecture of cognitum, tibi eum commendo; and see 
Faernus to supply an obvious want, the Madv. 427. 

reading of the Vatican MS. being omnium 26. Domestici doloris : the assassiua- 

atque factorum. Consilia atque facta tion of Caesar. 

are similarly joined in 10. lo, 20; II, 23; Quae plus possit, so as to weigh more. 

168 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. is-io. 

apud eum possit quam salus civitatis. Audebo ctlam obligare 
fidem meam, patres conscripti, vobis populoque Romano reique 
publicae : quod profecto, cum me nulla vis cogeret, facere non 
auderem, pertimesceremque in maxima re periculosam opinio- 
5 nem temeritatis : promitto, recipio, spondee, patres conscripti, 
C. Caesarem talem semper fore civem, qualis hodie sit qua- 
lemque eum maxime velle esse et optare debemus. 

Quae cum ita sint, de Caesare satis hoc tempore dictum 19 
habebo. Nee vero de L. Egnatuleio, fortissimo et constantis- 52 

10 simo civi amicissimoque rei publicae, silendum arbitror, seel 
tribuendum testimonium virtutis egregiae, quod is legionem 
quartam ad Caesarem adduxerit, quae praesidio consulibus, sena- 
tui populoque Romano reique publicae esset : ob earn causam 
placere, uti L. Egnatuleio triennium ante legitimum tempus 

15 magistratus petere, capere, gerere liceat. In quo, patres con 
scripti, non tantum commodum tribuitur L. Egnatuleio, quantus 
honos : in tali enim re satis est nominari. 

De exercitu autem C. Caesaris ita censeo decernundum : 53 
senatui placere, militibus veteranis, qui Caesaris pontificis anc- 

20 toritatcm secuti libcrtatem popnli Romani auctoritatemque huius 

ordinis defenderint atque defendant, iis liberisque eorum militiae 

..vacationem esse, utique C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter 

3. Quod . . . temeritatis, which other- 8. Dictum habebo, I shall be acknow- 

wise I should not dare to do, &c. Ernesti ledged to have said enough. See above on 

supposes an alternative clause to have dropped 50. 

out after temeritatis, such as nisi eum plane 10. Civi. See on 3. 3, 7. 

perspectum haberem, but this may easily be 15. Magistratus. Halm reads magis- 

supplied from the context. tratum, on his own authority, but as Egna- 

5. Promitto, recipio, spondeo, I tuleius was at present only quaestor, there 

promise, undertake, pledge myself, the three seems no reason why we should not accept 

words forming a climax, from a mere promise the reading of the Italian MS. (the Vatican 

to a solemn bond. Recipio, in the sense has magna, which is obviously wrong, and 

of taking a risk upon oneself, is distinguished the others are deficient in this portion of the 

from polliceor, Att. 13. i, i De aestate oration), supposing that he was allowed to 

polliceris, vel potius recipis; and joined with anticipate each of the higher magistracies 

spondeo, Fam. 13. 17, 3 Spondeo in by three years. This privilege, Cicero says, 

meque recipio. was insignificant in itself, but it was a high 

c. 19. Having moved a vote of thanks honour to have gained in it the public 

and special privileges to L. Egnatuleius, the thanks of the senate. 

quaestor of the fourth legion ; and proposed 19. Auctoritatem secuti, &c. The 

that rewards in lands, money, and exemp- words in italics are added by Halm, after a 

tions from service should be given to the suggestion of Garatonius, to supply an obvious 

soldiers ivho had left or shoidd leave the omission, probably arising from the repeti- 

standard of Antony, Cicero concludes by tion of the word auctoritatem. The words 

once more deprecating delay, and urging supplied are modelled on the decree in 3. 15, 

the tiecessity for immediate and energetic 37. Cp. 3. 4, 8 ; 10. 10, 21 ; n. 8, 20. 
action. 22. Vacationem. See on c. 12, 31, 




ambove, si eis videretur, cognoscerent, qui ager iis coloniis esset, 
quo milites veteran! deduct! essent, qui contra legem luliam 
possideretur, ut is militibus veteranis divideretur : de agro Cam- 
pano separatim cognoscerent inirentque rationem de commodis 
militum veteranorum augendis ; legionique Martiae et legioni 5 
quartae et iis militibus, qui de legione secunda, tricesima quinta 
ad C. Pansam A. Hirtium consules venissent suaque nomina 
edidissent, quod iis auctoritas senatus populique Romani liber- 
tas carissima sit et fuerit, vacationem militiae ipsis liberisque 
eorum esse placere extra tumultpm Gallicum Italicumque, 10 
easque legiones bello confecto missasfjieri placere ; quantamque 
pecuniam militibus earum legionum in singulos C. Caesar, pon- 
tifex, pro praetore pollicitus sit, tantam dari placere : utique 
C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si eis videretur, 
rationem agri haberent, qui sine iniuria privatorum dividi posset, 15 
iisque militibus, legioni Martiae et legioni quartae ita darent 
adsignarent, ut quibus militibus amplissime dati adsignati essent. 
Dixi ad ea omnia, consules, de quibus rettulistis : quae si 
erunt sine mora matureque decreta, facilius apparabitis ea, 
quae tempus et necessitas flagitat. Celeritate autem opus 20 
est : qua si essemus usi, bellum, ut saepe dixi, nullum 

Probably the exemption proposed would be 
with the same limitation as below, extra 
tumultum Gallicum Italicumque. 

2. Contra legem luliam. The main 
provisions of the agraiian law, carried by 
Caesar in his consulship in 59 B.C., for the 
division of state lands in Campania, were 
that existing rights of property should be 
observed, that individual allotments should 
be small, and incapable of alienation till they 
had been held for twenty years, and that 
the receivers of land were to be poor citizens, 
fathers of at least three children. See 
Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, 4. pp. 200, 528 
(Eng. Trans.). Antony had divided this 

territory compransoribus suis et collusori- 
bus 2. 39, 101. 

5. Legioni Martiae, &c. See on 3. 

8. Edidissent. So the Vatican MS. 
Cp. Livy 2. 24 Nominis edendi apud con 
sules potestas. 

10. Tumultum. See 8. I, 3 note. 

11. Missas fieri, should be at once 
discharged from further service. 

15. Privatorum. See on c. 7> 2 
17. Ut quibus militibus. Sc. ut iis 
militibus dati essent quibus amplissime dati 
essent. Cp. Eo iure, quo qui optimo c. 


AT the close of the debate in the senate which gave rise to the fifth 
Philippic oration, Cicero came out into the Forum, on the 4th of January, 
and being introduced to the multitude by P. Apuleius, a tribune of the 
commons, he told them in the sixth oration what had happened. 

In it he shows again the absurdity and danger of sending ambassadors 
to Antony, and so delaying the declaration of war ; which he declares to 
be inevitable, from considerations of the character both of Antony him 
self, and of his chief companions, especially his brother Lucius ; and he 
concludes by urging them to await patiently the return of the ambas 
sadors, and to let nothing induce them to waver in the firm assertion of 
their liberty, which he had ever laboured to support. 



1 AUDITA vobis esse arbitror, Quirites, quae sint acta in 

1 senatu, quae fuerit cuiusque sententia. Res enim ex Kalendis 
lanuariis agitata paulo ante confecta est, minus quidem ilia 
severe quam decuit, non tamen omnino dissolute. Mora est 
allata bello, non causa sublata. Quam ob rem, quod quaesivit 5 
ex me P. Apuleius, homo et multis officiis mihi et summa fami- 
liaritate coniunctus et vobis amicissimus, ita respondebo, ut ea, 
quibus non interfuistis, nosse possitis. Causa fortissimis optimis- 
que consulibus Kalendis lanuariis de re publica primum refe- 
rendi fuit ex eo, quod XIII Kalendas Ian. senatus me auctore 10 

2 decrevit. Eo die primum, Quirites, fundamenta sunt iacta rei 

c. T. Following out the motion of the 2Oth 
of December, which was the first day after a 
long interval on which the senate had met 
in liberty, the Consuls had proposed stringent 
measures against Antony. This proposal 
Cicero had strenuously supported, moving 
that all the steps should be taken which were 
usual when an enemy was threatening the 
city. During three days debate his policy 
was looked upon with favour ; but on the 
fourth day milder counsels prevailed, and it 
was agreed to send an embassy to Antony, 
whereby the progress of the war was need 
lessly delayed. 

I. Audita vobis, has been rumoured 
among you, rather than has been heard by 
you. The dative is seldom, if ever, used in 
prose as the exact equivalent of the ablative 
of the agent ; see Madv. 250 a. Here the 
literal meaning would be, our proceedings 
are to you as what you have heard. For the 
sense cp. 10. 3, 6 An vero hoc pro nihilo 

putas, efferri haec foras, et ad populi Roman! 
aures pervenire. The opinion of Manutius, 
that from the doors of the temple of Concord 
being open, some, but not all, of the people 
could hear the deliberations of the senate, 
and that this oration was meant to gratify 
the curiosity of the rest, scarcely needs refu 
tation. Cicero s object is obviously to 
explain more fully what was generally but 
imperfectly known. 

4. Dissolute, without strength. 
6. P. Apuleius. Cp. 14. 6, 16 P. 
Apuleius, tribunus plebis, rneorum omnium 
consiliorum periculorumque iam hide a con- 
sulatu meo testis, conscius, adiutor. On the 
present occasion he brought forward Cicero 
to speak, as M. Servilius had done fifteen 
days before. See 4. 6, 16. 

10. xm Kalendas Ian., the 2Oth of 
December, when he delivered the third and 
fourth orations. 

11. Eo die primum, &c. Cp. 4. I, I. 

372 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-3. 

publicae : fuit enim longo intervallo ita liber senatus, ut vos ali- 
quando liberi essetis. Quo quidem tempore, etiam si ille dies 
vitae finem mihi allaturus esset, satis magnum ceperam fructum, 
cum vos universi una mente atque voce iterum a me conserva- 
5 tarn esse rem publicam conclamastis. Hoc vestro iudicio tanto 
tamquc praeclaro excitatus ita Kalendis lanuariis veni in sena- 
tum, ut meminissem quam personam impositam a vobis susti- 
nerem. Itaque bellum nefarium illatum rei publicae cum viderem, 
nullam mo ram interponendam insequendi M. Antonium putavi, 

10 hominemque audacissimum, qui multis nefariis rebus ante corn- 
missis hoc tempore imperatorem populi Roman! oppugnaret, 
coloniam vestram fidissimam fortissimamque obsideret, bello 
censui persequendum : tumultum esse decrevi, iustitium edici, 
saga sum! dixi placere, quo omnes acrius graviusque incumbe- 

15 rent ad ulciscendas rei publicae iniurias, si omnia gravissimi 
belli insignia suscepta a senatu viderent. Itaque hacc sententia, 3 
Quiritcs, sic per triduum valuit, ut, quamquam discessio facta 
non esset, tamen praeter paucos omnes mihi assensuri viderentur. 
Hodierno autem diet nescio qua eis obiecta re remissior senatus 

20 fuit. Nam plures earn sententiam secuti sunt, ut, quantum 
senatus auctoritas vesterque consensus apud Antonium valiturus 
esset, per legates experiremur. 

Intelligo, Quirites, a vobis hanc sententiam repudiari, neque 2 

3. Ceperam. The indicative is here which is given by F. Biicheler (Rhein. Mus. 
used because, independently of the condition, for 1857, p. 466). Rejecting non est, as 
he had already reaped an adequate reward. probably brought in from non esset above, 

4. Iterum: the first deliverance being and rem as merely the repetition of the 
from the conspiracy of Catiline. beginning of remissior, he considers that 

7. Q_uam personam, &c.. what cha- qua pads underlies qua eis, so that the 

racter you had given me to sustain. Cp. whole would be, Hodierno autem die, spe 

de Orat. 2. 24, 102 Tres personas unus nescio qua pacis obiecta, remissior senatus 

sustineo, meam, adversarii, iudicis ; Off. I. fuit. 

28, 97 Nobis personam imposuit ipsa Remissior, less severe. 

natura. cc. 2, 3. The people would learn with 

11. Oppugnaret, the subjunctive, as dismay that the ambassadors had merely 
showing wherein his audacity consisted. been charged to enjoin on Antony that he 

12. Coloniam : Mutina. should demist from his attempts on Gaul, and 

18. Esset. The subjunctive here is merely once more place himself under the autho- 
due to the influence of videretur, the rity of the senate. When they considered his 
dependtmt verb being attracted into the con- profligate and treasonable course of conduct, 
struction of the one on which it depends. and the evil influences which prevailed with 
For discessio see on 3. 9, 24. him, they would agree with Cicero that 

19. Nescio qua, &c. So Halm. The Antony was most unlikely to obey. His 
reading of the Vatican MS. here is dies, non violence and insolence were much more likely 
est, pe nescio quaeis obiectarem remissior sen- to make him treat the envoys and their em- 
atus fuit, the most probable interpretation of bassy with contempt; and the only result of 


iniuria. Ad quern enim legates ? ad eumne, qui pecunia publica 
dissipata atque effusa, per vim et contra auspicia impositis rei 
publicae legibus, fugata contione, obsesso senatu ad opprimen- 
dam rem publicam Brundisio legiones arcessierit, ab iis relictus 
cum latronum manu in Galliam irruperit, Brutum oppugnet, 5 
Mutinam circumsedeat? Quae vobis potest cum hoc gladiatore 

4 conditionis, aequitatis, legationis esse communitas ? Quamquam, 
Quirites, non est ilia legatio, sed denuntiatio belli, nisi paruerit : 
ita enim est decretum, ut si legati ad Hannibalem mitterentur. 
Mittuntur enim qui nuntient, ne oppugnet consulem designatum, 10 
ne Mutinam obsideat, ne provinciam depopuletur, ne dilectus 
habeat, sit in senatus populique Romani potestate. Facile vero 
huic denuntiationi parebit, ut in patrum conscriptorum atque in 
vestra potestate sit qui in sua numquam fuerit ! Quid enim ille 
umquam arbitrio suo fecit ? Semper eo tractus est, quo libido 15 
rapuit, quo levitas, quo furor, quo vinolentia : semper eum duo 
dissimilia genera tenuerunt, lenonum et latronum ; ita domesticis 
stupris, forensibus parricidiis delectatur, ut mulieri citius avaris- 

3 simae paruerit quam senatui populoque Romano. Itaque quod 

5 paulo ante feci in senatu faciam apud vos. Testificor, denuntio, 20 
ante praedico nihil M. Antonium eorum, quae sunt legatis man- 
data, facturum : vastaturum agros, Mutinam obsessurum, dilectus 
qua possit habiturum. Is est enim ille, qui semper senatus iudi- 
cium et auctoritatem, semper voluntatem vestram potestatemque 
contempserit. An ille id faciat, quod paulo ante decretum est, 25 

it would be the serious delay which it would 24, 2 Nondum legati redierant, quos senatus 

cause. In the end they would be obliged to non ad pacem deprecandam sed ad denun- 

follow the example of D. Bruttts, who had tiandum bellum miserat, nisi legatorum 

shown by his opposition to Antony that he nuntio paruisset. 

looked on him as no longer a Consul, but the 9. Ad Hannibalem. Cp. 5. 10, 27 

enemy of the state. note. 

1. Legates: sc. mittimus. The omis- 17. Genera, lenonum et latronum. 
sion of the verb is remarkable here, as the For a similar use of the genitive, where we 
substantive is repeated from a clause in should rather have expected nouns in appo- 
which it stood in a different construction. sition, see Cat. 2. 8, 18 Unum genus est 
See however on 2. 19, 48. eorum, qui magno in acre alieno maiores 

Pecunia publica: that which Caesar etiam possessiones habent ; and see Madv. 

had stored in the temple of Ops, cp. I. 7, 286. Obs. 2. 

17. 18. Mulieri, Fulvia. See on i. 13, 33 ; 

2. Contra auspicia. Cp. 3. 4, 9 1. 44, 113. 

Neque solum legibus contra auspicia feren- 23. Q_ua possit, in whatever way he 

dis, sed etiam collega una ferente eo quern can, quaratione; rather than wherever he 

ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fecerat. can, which would be a rare, though not un- 

4. Arcessierit. Cp. 4. 3, 6. exampled use of the word in Cicero. 

8. Denuntiatio belli. Cp. Fam. 12. 25. Faciat . . . ut. See on 3. 14, 35. 

174 M - TULLII CICERONIS cc. 3-4. 

ut exercitum citra flumen Rubiconem, qui finis est Galliae, edu- 
ceret, dum ne propius urbem Romam CC milia admoveret ? 
Huic denuntiationi ille pareat? ille se fluvio Rubicone et CC 
milibus circumscriptum esse patiatur? Non is est Antonius. 
5 Nam si esset, non commisisset ut ei senatus, tamquam Hannibali 6 
initio belli Punici, denuntiaret ne oppugnaret Saguntum. Quod 
vero ita avocatur a Mutina, ut ab urbe tamquam pestifera flamma 
arceatur, quam habet ignominiam ! quod iudicium senatus ! Quid ? 
quod a senatu dantur mandata legatis, ut D. Brutum militesque 

10 eius adeant iisque demonstrent summa in rem publicam merita 
beneficiaque eorum grata esse senatui populoque Romano iisque 
earn rem magnae laudi magnoque honori fore, passurumne cen- 
setis Antonium introire Mutinam legates, exire inde tuto? Num- 
quam patietur, mihi credite : novi violentiam, novi impudentiam, 

15 novi audaciam. Nee vero de illo sicut de homine aliquo debe- 7 
mus, sed ut de importunissima belua cogitare. Quae cum ita 
sint, non omnino dissolutum est quod decrevit senatus. Habet 
atrocitatis aliquid legatio : utinam nihil haberet morae ! Nam 
cum plerisque in rebus gerendis tarditas et procrastinatio odiosa 

20 est, turn hoc bellum indiget celeritatis. Succurrendum est D. 
Bruto, omnes undique copiae colligendae ; fhoram exhibere nul- 

2. Ne propius cc milia. This would 21. Horam exhibere nullam, &c. 

confine Antony within limits of about twenty This is the reading of the MSS. The 

miles, the Rubicon being nine miles north general meaning is plain, we are bound to 

of Ariminum, which is about 210 Roman do our best without delay for the liberation 

miles from Rome. The omission of quam of a citizen like this, but the interpretation 

is not usual in comparisons of quantity, of the words is almost hopeless. As they 

cp. Livy 24. 40 Multo minus tria milia stand they can only signify, to spend no 

militum ; and see Prof. Conington on Virg. time in freeing such a citizen cannot but be 

G. 4. 207. wrong, which is very weak. In the more 

4. Circumscriptum. See on 2. 22,53. generally proposed alterations, horam exi- 

5. Non commisisset, never would mere ( to withdraw an hour from the time 
have gone so far. that might be spent, and so to waste an 

7. Ita ... ut, &c., what disgrace, what hour ), and moram exhibere, to make a 

censure from the senate is involved in this, show of delay, the repetition of the negative 

that while withdrawn from Mutina, he yet forms a further difficulty, whence Wesenberg 

is ordered to remain away from Rome. See (ad or. pro Sest. p. 30, quoted by Halm) 

on 2. 34, 85. declares the removal of one of the negatives 

16. Importunissima, of the most in- to be necessary. A less violent alteration 
discriminate rapacity; raging without any would be to read curam exhibeie, which 
regard to fitness of time or circumstance. would give good sense. Lambinus pro- 

17. Dissolutum. See on c. I, i. Atro- poses excubare, to give up none of our 
citas seems to be a stronger expression than time to watchfulness, comparing c. 7, 18 
severe in that place, perhaps rigour. Cp. Quantum potero excubabo vigilaboque 
Quint. I. 7, 37 Quod in foro atrocitate pro vobis. Halm reads horam eximere 
formularum diiudicatur/ by the unbending [nullam]. Even with this reading there 
strictness of the laws. Hor. Od. 2. I, 24 is a dispute about the meaning ; but ex- 
Praeter atrocem animum Catonis. imere tempus in Cicero appears to be 

5-io. OR ATI PHI LIP PIC A VI. 175 

8 lam in tali cive liberando sine scelere non possumus. An ille 
non potuit, si Antonium consulem, si Galliam Antonii provin- 
ciam iudicasset, legiones Antonio et provinciam tradere, domum 
redire, triumphare, primus in hoc ordine, quoad magistratum 

9 iniret, sententiam dicere ? quid negotii fuit ? Sed cum se Brutum 5 
esse meminisset vestraeque libertati natum, non otio suo, quid 
egit aliud nisi ut paene corpore suo Gallia prohiberet Antonium ? 
Ad hunc utrum legates an legiones ire oportebat? Sed prae- 
terita omittamus : properent legati, quod video esse facturos : 
vos saga parate. Est enim ita decretum, ut, si ille auctoritati 10 
senatus non paruisset, ad saga iretur. Ibitur ; non parebit : nos 
amissos tot dies rei gerendae queremur. 

4 Non metuo, Quirites, ne, cum audierit Antonius, me hoc et 
in senatu et in contione confirmasse, numquam ilium futurum 
in senatus potestate, refellendi mei causa, ut ego nihil vidisse 15 
videar, vertat se et senatui pareat. Numquam faciet ; non in- 
videbit huic meae gloriae : malet me sapientem a vobis quam se 

10 modestum existimari. Quid ? ipse si velit, num etiam Lucium 
fratrem passurum arbitramur? Nuper quidem dicitur ad Tibur, 
ut opinor, cum ei labare M. Antonius videretur, mortem fratri 20 
esse minitatus. Etiamne ab hoc myrmillone Asiatico senatus 
mandata, legatorum verba audientur ? Nee enim secerni a fratre 
poterit, tanta praesertim auctoritate. Nam hie inter illos 
Africanus est ; pluris habetur, quam L. Trebellius, pluris, quam 
T. Plancus, * * * adolescens nobilis. Plancum, qui omnibus 25 

to deprive one of time which one might of the crew: who had the impudence to claim 

claim, (like dv(\(iv TOVS XP VOVS m Dem. amongst his clients the thirty-five tribes of 

F. L. p. 399, 30, cp. ad Q^Fratr. 2. i, 3 Rome, the Roman knights, the most distin- 

Clodius rogatus diem dicendo eximere guished military tribunes of Caesar s army, 

coepit, ) rather than, as some maintain, to and, most marvellous of all, the Roman 

consume time. Change. These claims were all attested by 

4. Primus sententiam dicere: as statues in his honour, with inscriptions bearing 

* Consul designatus for the following year. lasting witness to his arrogance. 
Cp. 5- 13- 355 ? nd see on 5. I, i. 19. Ad Tibur, whither Antony had 

Quoad, until; cp. 3. 15, 38. gone when he fled precipitately from Rome 

II. Iretur. Cp. 14. i, i Propter cuius on the news of the defection of the fourth 

periculum ad saga issemus, propter eiusdem legion. See 3. 9, 24. 

salutem redeundum ad pristinum vestitum 21. Myrmillone. Cp. 3. 12,31; e 7 

censerem. 20 and n, 30. 

cc. 4, 5. // Antony himself were willing 23. Tanta auctoritate, when his in 
fo submit, he would be prevented by his fluence is so great among the soldiery 
traitorous associates, such as T. Plancus and 25. Adolescens nobilis. This appel- 
L. Trebellius, the champion of commercial lation could hardly apply to T. Plancus who 
probity, and above all by his brother L. had been tribune of the commons nine 
Antonius, the leader and the greatest ruffian years before ; and in the Vatican MS we 


co. 4 5. 

sententiis maximo vestro plausu condemnatus nescio quo modo 
se coniecit in turbam atque ita maestus rcdiit, ut retractus, noh 
reversus videretur, sic contemnit, tamquam si illi aqua et igni 
interdictum sit ; aliquando negat ei locum esse oportere in curia, 
5 qui incenderit curiam. Nam Trebellium valdc iam diligit : 11 
oderat turn, cum ille tabulis novis adversabatur : iam fert in 
oculis, postea quam ipsum Trebellium vidit sine tabulis novis 
salvum esse non posse. Audisse enim vos arbitror, Quirites, 
quod etiam videre potuistis, quotidie sponsores et creditores 

jo L. Trebellii convenire. O fides! hoc enim opinor Trebellium 
sumpsisse cognomen : quae potest esse maior fides quam frau- 
dare creditores ? domo profugere ? propter aes alienum ire ad 
arma ? Ubi plausus ille in triumpho est, saepe ludis ? ubi aedili- 
tas delata summo studio bonorum ? quis est, qui hunc non casu 

15 existimet recte fecisse, nequitia sceleste? Sed redeo ad amores 5 
deliciasque vestras, L. Antonium, qui vos omnes in fidem suam 12 

find after his name the wildest confusion of 
erasures and repetitions, so that the genuine 
reading is hopelessly lost. This confusion 
is followed by the words cum exiluerit, 
from which some editors, comparing 13. 13, 
28, extract quam Exitius, a name which 
even there is of doubtful authority. It is 
more probable that the words have some 
reference to the banishment of Plancus, in 
5 i B.C., for the share which he had taken 
in the tumultuous funeral of P. Clodius. Any 
conjecture, however, is too uncertain to be 
of much value. Plancus was restored by 
Caesar, and on his death espoused the cause 
of Antony. See 10. 10, 22. 

2. Coniecit in turbam, mixed him 
self up with the crowd of returning exiles. 

3. Aqua et igni interdictum. The 
aquae et ignis interdictio was the severest 
form of exile, whereby the culprit lost his 

5. Qui incenderit curiam. In the riot 
which accompanied the funeral of Clodius 
the Curia Hostilia was burnt to the ground. 

Trebellium. In 47 B.C. L. Tre- 
bellius, then tribune of the commons, took 
a prominent part in the rejection of his col 
league P. Dolabella s motion for a general 
abolition of debts ; tabulae novae. As he 
afterwards endeavoured, with the aid of 
Antony, to carry a precisely similar measure, 
Cicero is always twitting him with his incon 
sistency ; cp. 10. 10, 22; n. 6, 14; 13. 

12, 26. 

9. Sponsores et creditores, his 

sureties and his creditors, to make arrange 
ment for the satisfaction of the claims upon 

io. O fides !&c. Cp. 13. 12, 26, where 
he is styled fidei patronus, fraudator credi- 

13. In triumpho, on the occasion of 
the triumph; i.e., not one of his own, but 
on some occasion, when some other man 
was triumphing, Trebellius had come in for 
a share of the popular favour, as patron of 
the public credit. A similar demonstration 
in his favour seems to have been made at 
some time at the games. 

15. Nequitia sceleste, he acted well 
by chance, but ill by the inborn corruption 
of his nature. The Vatican MS. has ne 
quitia est scelere, which has led to the 
various conjectures, nequitia est scelere 
coniuncta, nequitia excellere, qui ne 
quitia et scelere ita excellat, &c. The 
best emendations seem to be that of Klotz, 
nequitia scelerate, and the similar one 
in the text, which is adopted by Halm 
from Nipperdey, who says (Philol. 3. 144) 
that the est is a mere futile attempt to 
emend the corrupt reading scelere. 

Amores deliciasque, your love and 
sweetheart. Cp. de Div. I. 36, 79 Quid? 
amores ac deliciae tuae, Roscius. 

16. In fidem recepit, has taken you 
all under his protection. Cp. Off. I. II, 
35 Ut ii, qui nationes devictas bello in 
fidem recepissent, earum patroni essent more 




recepit. Negatis? num quisnam est vestrum, qui tribum non 
habeat ? Certe nemo : atqui ilium quinque et triginta tribus 
patronum adoptarunt. Rursus reclamatis? Adspicite illam a 
sinistra equestrem statuam inauratam, in qua quid inscriptum 
est? Quinque et triginta tribus patrono. Populi Ro- 5 
mani igitur est patronus L. Antonius. Malam quidem illi 
pestem ! clamori enim vestro assentior. Non modo hie latro, 
quern clientem habere nemo velit, sed quis umquam tantis opi- 
bus, tantis rebus gestis fuit, qui se populi Romani, victoris domi- 
13 nique omnium gentium, patronum dicere auderet ? In foro L. 10 
Antonii statuam videmus, sicut illam Q. Tremuli, qui Hernicos 
devicit, ante Castoris. O impudentiam incredibilem ! tantumne 
sibi sumpsit, quia Mylasis myrmillo Thraecem iugulavit, famili- 
arem suum? Quonam modo istum ferre possemus, si in hoc 
foro spectantibus vobis depugnasset ? Sed haec una statua. 15 
Altera ab equitibus Romanis equo publico, qui item adscribunt 
patrono. Quern umquam iste ordo patronum adoptavit? Si 
quemquam, debuit me. Sed me omitto. Quern censorem ? 
quern imperatorem? Agrum iis divisit. O sordidos, qui acce- 
i 14 perint, improbum, qui dederit ! Statuerunt etiam tribuni mili- 20 
tares, qui in exercitu Caesaris bis fuerunt. Quis est iste ordo? 

1. Num quisnam. Some editors have 
written quispiarn, apparently without au 
thority, and needlessly, as the use of quis 
nam as an indefinite pronoun is quite 
Ciceronian, Orat. 2.3, 13 Crassus, num 
quidnam,inquit,novi? pro Rose. Am. 37, 107 
Duo Roscii. Num quisnam praeterea ? 

2. Quinque et triginta, the whole 
thirty-five tribes, the number having re 
mained the same since the addition of the 
Quirina and Velina, 241 B.C. 

3. Reclamatis ? See on 4. 2, 5. 

7. Non modo . . . sed quis umquam, 
putting this ruffian out of the question, was 
there ever any man ? The interrogative 
following non modo is perhaps unparalleled, 
but similar cases of its usage for a negative, 
to which by its exhaustive force it is equi 
valent, are not uncommon. A somewhat 
similar instance is found in Div. in Caec. 1 8, 
59 Quid habes quod possis dicere, quam- 
obrem non modo mihi, sed cuiquam ante- 

ii. Tremuli. Q. Marcius Tremulus 
triumphed over the Hernici and Anagnini 
in 306 B.C. The temple of Castor stands 

nearly opposite the Rostra, on the south 
side of the Forum, so that the statue was 
probably full in Cicero s view as he ad 
dressed the people. 

13. Familiarem suum, one of his 
own company; see on 5. n, 30. 

16. Equo publico. See on I. 8, 20. 

18. Debuit me, as having raised the 
equestrian order by his consulship. Cp. 
de Leg. Ag. i. 9, 27 Habeat me ipsum 
sibi documento, quern equestri ortum loco 
consulem videt, quae vitae via facillime 
viros bonos ad honorem dignitatemque per- 

20. Statuerunt : sc. statuam, as in 5. 
15. 4U 9- 7. 6- 

21. Bis. The MSS. have duobus, ap 
parently a misinterpretation of the symbol 
II, as they have the singular exercitu. 
Cp. the inscription on the monument of Cn. 
Scipio : 



Moreover the following question put by 


i 7 8 


cc. 56. 

multi fuerunt multis in legionibus per tot annos. Us quoque 
divisit Semurium. Campus Martius restabat, nisi prius cum 
fratre fugisset. Sed haec agrorum assignatio paulo ante, Oui- 
rites, L. Caesaris, clarissimi viri et praestantissimi senatoris, 

5 sententia dissoluta est : huic enim assensi septemvirum acta 
sustulimus. lacent benencia Nuculae, friget patronus Antonius. 
Nam possessores animo aequiore discedent : nullam impensam 
fecerant, nondum instruxerant. partim quia non conndebant, 
partim quia non habebant. Sed ilia statua palmaris, de qua, si 15 

meliora tempera essent, non possem sine risu dicere : L. An 
tonio a lano medio patrono. Itane? lanus medius in L. 

Cicero points to the erectors of this statue 
being a more arbitrary and ill-defined body 
than would be formed of all the military 
tribunes in the two armies of Caesar, under 
standing by this expression the army of Gaul, 
and the army of the civil war. To have 
merely held the office of military tribune 
twice was in itself no great bond of union 
between the sharers of this honour, while so 
manv would come under the designation 
that it was at least unlikely that they would 
all have other sympathies in common. 
Nor indeed could the army of the civil war 
be said to be so different from the army of 
Gaul that they could be talked of with any 
propriety as the two armies of Caesar. 
A. W. Zumpt (Commentationes Epigra- 
phicae, I. 3?i) proposes the somewhat 
violent alteration decem annis fuissent ; 
objecting to the reading in the text on the 
ground that to have been tribune twice 
formed no basis of classification, either in 
respect of character or length of service. 
He admits however that there are undoubted 
instances where a second tribune-ship is 
reckoned to a man s credit, and points out 
that if it were true that military tribunes 
were appointed to serve under a general for 
the whole term of his command, then those 
who had served twice under Caesar, who 
had received the command in Gaul for two 
definite periods of five years, would have 
held their office for ten years. This length 
of service points to a reason why such men 
should associate together in erecting a 
statue, but on the other hand per tot 
annos seems to imply reference to a tenure 
of office admitting of more frequent changes 
than would thus have taken place. 

2. Semurium. We only know of this 
that it formed part of a bequest left to the 
Roman people by Acca Larentia, a mythical 

courtezan of the early ages of the kingdom, 
identified by some with the wife of Faus- 
tulus, the nurse of Romulus and Remus. 
(M.icrob. Saturn. I. 10.) From being 
named as next in sanctity to the Campus 
Martius, it evidently was in or close to 
Rome. Some editors have wished to read 
Remurium, this being the spot on the 
Aventine where, according to the legend, 
Remus wished to build the city (Pint. Rom. 
c. 9) ; but the authority of the MSS. is 
supported by the passage in Macrobius. 

4. L. Caesaris. The uncle of Antony. 
Cicero had himself advocated this measure, 

5- 7, 21. 

6. lacent beneficia, 8tc. } the favours 
of Nucula are lost, the patronage of Antony 
is at zero. Cp. ad Q^ Fratr. 3. 2, 3 
Memmius minim in niodum iacet ; Scaurus 
refrixerat. Nucula is mentioned again as 
one of the septemviri, 8. 9, 26; II. 6, 13. 

7. Possessores, the allottees of the 
public land. They had not yet stocked 
it, partly from want of means, being chosen 
from the dregs of the people, partly, where 
they were better off, from want of confidence 
in the permanence of their title. 

g. Palmaris, &c., but that statue carries 
off the palm, &c. That palmaris is the 
predicate, and not, as Manutius seems to hold, 
an epithet of statua, seems clear from the 
only other passage, also ironical, in which the 
word is used by Cicero ; de Nat. Deor. 1.8, 20 
Sed ilia palmaris, quod, qui non modo natum 
mundum introduxerit, sed etiam manu paene 
factum, is eum dixerit fore se:i>piternum. 

II. A lano medio. Mr. Dyer (Diet, 
of Geography, vol. 2, p. 774 b) thinks that 
lanus was the name of a street, perhaps 
that which passed along the south side of 
the Forum, the Via Sacra, according to him, 
passing to the north. He supports his view 




Antonii clientela est? Quis umquam in illo lano inventus est, 
qui L. Antonio mille nummum ferret expensum ? 

6 Sed nimis multa de nugis : ad causam bellumque redeamus ; 
quamquam non alienum fuit personas quasdam a vobis recog- 
nosci, ut quibuscum bellum gereretur possetis taciti cogitare. 5 
Ego autem vos hortor, Quirites, ut etiam si melius aliud fuit, 
tamen legatorum reditum exspectetis animo aequo. Celeritas 
detracta de causa est : boni tamen aliquid accessit ad causam. 

16 Cum enim legati renuntiarint, quod certe renuntiabunt, non in 
vestra potestate, non in senatus esse Antonium, quis erit tarn 10 
improbus civis qui ilium civem habendum putet? Nunc enim 
sunt pauci illi quidem, sed tamen plures, quam re publica dig- 
num est, qui ita loquantur : ne legatos quidem exspectabimus ? 
Istam certe vocem simulationemque clementiae extorquebit istis 

by the Scholium on Hor. Epp. I. I, 54 lanus 
autem hie platea dicitur, ubi mercatores et 
foeneratores sortis causa convenire solebant. 
That medius lanus is equivalent to our 
Change, and that it was in the immediate 
neighbourhood of the Tabernae Novae, is 
clear ; but it seems probable that it signifies 
not the middle of the street lanus, but the 
middle lanus, the centre one, that is, of three 
archways in the Forum, round which bankers 
used to congregate. One such archway, the 
lanus Quadrifrons, dating probably from the 
time of Constantine, still exists in the Vela- 
brum. This explanation suits better with 
the personification of the several lani, here 
and in Horace, 1. c. Haec lanus summus 
ab imo Perdocet ; and also with the expres 
sion f ad medium lanum/ rather than "in 
medio lano, in Hor. S. 2. 3, 18 

Postquam omnis res mea lanum 
Ad medium fracta est, aliena negotia 

euro ; 

and Cic. Off. 2. 24, 87 (25, 90 of many 
editions) Sed toto hoc de genere commodius 
a quibusdam optumis viris ad lanum medium 
sedentibus disputatur. Cicero tells us (de 
Nat. Deor. 2. 27, 67) that transitiones 
perviae lani nominantur. We hear that 
CL Fulvius Flaccus, in 174 B.C., built three 
lani, which may have been those in question. 
Orelli indeed (on Hor. S. 1. c.) quotes a 
passage from P. Victor de Reg. Urb. 8 lani 
duo Celebris mercatorum locus . . . lani duo 
praecipui ad arcum Fabianum, superior et 
inferior, as supporting a view that summus 
and imus lanus were distinct arches, and 
medius lanus the space between; but the 

authority of the writings which go undei 
the name of Victor is generally now con 
sidered worthless. 

2. Qui . . . ferret expensum, to lend 
IO/. to L. Antonius. In strict accuracy 
1,000 sestertii at this time were worth a 
little under 9/. For ferre expensum see 
on 2. 6, 12. 

cc. 6, 7- Though the embassy was useless, 
yet now it would be best to wait for the 
return of the ambassadors. The failure of 
their mission would prove that Cicero was 
not only unceasingly energetic in maintaining 
the freedom of his country, but also gifted 
with the foresight which should make his 
counsels worth attending to. Meanwhile he 
would content himself with being among the 
foremost in making those preparations for 
immediate action, which the innate love of 
liberty was stimulating all to make, who, 
whether in the city or the country, were 
eager to crush the frenzy and audacity of 

4. Personas quasdam, &c., the cha 
racters of certain men should be reviewed by 

5- Taciti cogitare, consider in your 

6. Etiam si ... fuit, granting that a 
different course was preferable ; viz. that 
recommended by Cicero in the fifth oration, 
to treat Antony as an enemy without more 

14. Istam vocem, that watchword; 
cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 65, 168 Constitue nihil 
esse opis in hac voce, civis Romanus 

N 2 

i8o M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 6-7. 

res ipsa [publica]. Quo etiam, ut confitear vobis, Ouirites, minus 
hodierno die contendi, minus laboravi, ut mihi senatus assentiens 
tumultum decerneret, saga sumi iuberet. Malui viginti diebus 
post sententiam meam laudari ab omnibus quam a paucis hodie 
5 vituperari. Quapropter, Quirites. exspectate legatorum reditum 17 
et paucorum dierum molestiam devorate. Oui cum redierint, 
si pacem afferent, cupidum me, si bellum, prpvidum iudicatote, 
An ego non provideam meis civibus? non dies noctesque de 
vestra libertate, de rei publicae salute cogitem ? Quid enim non 

10 debeo vobis, Ouirites, quern vos a se ortum hominibus nobilis- 
simis omnibus honoribus praetulistis ? An ingratus sum ? quis 
minus ? qui partis honoribus eosdem in foro gessi labores, quos 
petendis. Rudis in re publica ? quis exercitatior, qui viginti 
iam annos bellum geram cum impiis civibus ? Quam ob rem, 7 

*5 Quirites, consilio quantum potero, labore plus paene quam potero is 
excubabo vigilaboque pro vobis. Etenim quis est civis, prae- 
sertim hoc gradu, quo me vos esse voluistis, tain oblitus beneficii 
vestri, tarn immemor patriae, tarn inimicus dignitatis suae, quern 
non excitet, non inflammet tantus vester iste consensus ? Multas 

20 magnasque habui consul contiones, multis interfui : nullam um- 
quam vidi tantam, quanta nunc vestrum est. Unum sentitis 

I. Res ipsa (publica). The last word, eager to welcome it; that it would come 

whose initial only is found in the MSS., unexpectedly, but none the less welcome on 

seems to have been rightly condemned by that account. This however loses the anti- 

Muretus and Garatonius. thesis to providum. There is no variation 

Quo etiam, &c. This declaration is at in the MSS., but conjectural emendations are 

variance with the earnestness with which stupidum and timidum. 

Cicero urged his point in the fifth oration, 10. A se ortum, with no parentage to 

and is an apology for his defeat with which boast of. 

he could scarcely have hoped to impose upon n. Praetulistis. Cicero was returned 

his audience. at the head of the poll both for the praetor- 

6. Devorate, swallow down the annoy- ship in 66 B.C., and for the consulship in 
ance." Cp. Brut. 67, 236 Hominum in- 63 B.C. For the latter he had among his 
eptias ac stultitias, quae devorandae nobis antagonists two patricians, L. Catilina and 
sunt. P. Galba, and two plebeians of noble family, 

7. Cupidum. Graevius interprets this C. Antonius Hybrida (his colleague) and L. 
nimis partium studiosum, led astray by Cassius Longinus. 

party feeling; comparing pro Font. IO, 21 Ingratus. Cp. pro Mur. 4, 8 (a 

Testibus . . . cupidis et iratis et coniuratis corrupt passage, whose general meaning is, 

et ab reiigione remotis ; and pro Caec. 3. 8 however, clear enough) Cum praemia mihi 

Cupidior quam sapientem iudicem esse tanta pro hac industria sint data, quanta 

aequum est. Cp. also Fam. 16. 1 1, 3 Nos antea nemini : sic et si ceperis eos, cum 

agimus nihil cupide : though in all these adcptus sis, deponere, esset hominis et astuti 

passages cupidus rather means blinded by et ingrati. 

the passion of the moment, in the present 13. Viginti iam annos. Since his 

case by obstinate antipathy to Antony. consulship. See 2. i, I note. 

Another interpretation of cupidum here is 17. Gradu. Sc. consulari. 


omnes, unum studetis, M. Antonii conatus avertere a re publica, 
furorem exstinguere, opprimere audaciam. Idem volunt omnes 
ordines, eodem incumbunt municipia, coloniae, cuncta Italia. 
Itaque senatum bene sua sponte firmum firmiorem vestra aucto- 
19 ritate fecistis. Venit ternpus, Quirites, serius omnino, quam dig- 5 
num populo Romano fuit, sed tamen ita maturum, ut difFerri iam 
hora non possit. Fuit aliquis fatalis casus, ut ita dicam, quern 
tulimus, quoquo modo ferendus fuit : nunc si quis erit, erit volun- 
tarius. Populum Romanum servire fas non est : quern di immor- 
tales omnibus gentibus imperare voluerunt. Res in extremum 10 
est adducta discrimen : de libertate decernitur. Aut vincatis 
oportet, Quirites, quod profecto et pietate vestra et tanta con- 
cordia consequemini, aut quidvis potius quam serviatis. Aliae 
nationes servitutem pati possunt, populi Romani est propria 
libertas. 15 

7. Fatalis casus, a misfortune brought 14. Populi Romani, &c. Cp. 3. II, 

on us by destiny: viz., the tyranny of 29; 4.5, 13. After Romani some MSS. 

Caesar. insert res, perhaps from a mistake in the 

12. Pietate, your loyalty to your Vatican MS., where the first two letters of 

fatherland. est are written twice over. 


DURING the absence of the ambassadors the Consuls summoned a 
meeting of the senate, for the purpose of settling some comparatively 
unimportant business connected with the Appian road, the Mint, and 
the festival of the Lupercalia. The day of the meeting is not exactly 
known, but it was before the i5th of February, that being the day on 
which the Lupercalia was held. Cicero was present, and on being asked 
for his vote upon the first two questions, he took the opportunity of 
delivering the seventh Philippic oration, in which the first three lines and 
the last seven words refer to the matter under discussion, and the rest is 
occupied with an urgent appeal to the senate not to listen to the friends 
of Antony, whose anxiety for a peace, which was incompatible with 
freedom, safety, or honour, showed more zeal for the cause of their 
friend than loyalty to their country. He therefore pressed upon them 
the necessity of continuing their efforts for the protection of the state, 
since no sincere proposals could be hoped for on the side of Antony. 
The speech is one of his most eloquent : but it does not appear that any 
immediate action was taken in consequence of it. 




1 PARVIS de rebus, sed fortasse necessariis consulimur, patres 

1 conscript!. De Appia via et de Moneta consul, de Lupercis 
tribunus pi. refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio vide- 
tur, tamen animus aberrat a sententia suspensus curis maioribus. 
Adducta est enim, patres conscripti, res in maximum periculum 5 
et in extremum paene discrimen. Non sine causa legatorum 
missionem semper timui, numquam probavi, quorum reditus quid 
sit allaturus ignore : exspectatio quidem quantum afferat lan- 
guoris animis quis non videt ? Non enim se tenent ii, qui 
senatum dolent ad auctoritatis pristinae spem revirescere, con- 10 
iunctum huic ordini populum Romanum, conspirantem Italiam, 

2 paratos exercitus, expedites duces. lam nunc fmgunt responsa 
Antonii eaque defendunt. Alii postulare ilium, ut omnes exer 
citus dimittantur. Scilicet legatos ad eum misimus, non ut 
pareret et dicto audiens esset huic ordini, sed ut conditiones 15 

cc. I, 2. The topics for discussion were Moneta, afterwards the Roman Mint, occu- 

unimportant, compared with the consideration pied the S.W. summit of the Capitoline 

of the danger overhanging the state. It was Hill. It was built by L. Camillus, on the 

asserted that Antony was willing to make site of the house of Cn. Manlius Capitolinus, 

what he called moderate terms with the in pursuance of a vow made in a battle with 

people, giving up at least Cisalpine, if not the Aurunci. (Livy 7. 28; 6. 20.) 

both the Gauls, as though it were his part to Lupercis. See on 2. 34 84. 

dictate terms, instead of submitting uncon- 4. Suspensus curis maioribus, amid 

ditionally to the senate. Such language the suspense which greater cares inflict on us. 

proved those who employed it to be no good 6. Legatorum missionem. See in- 

citizens, much less worthy of the name of troduction to the fifth oration. 

consular; contrasting as it did with the con- 10. Revirescere, regaining strength 

duct of C. Pansa, who had availed himself enough to hope for the renewal of its ancient 

of the opportunity which the crisis gave him, power. Some MSS. have reviviscere, a 

to show himself the noblest Consul that had more favourite word with Cicero. For the 

been known within the memory of man. construction, cp. de Prov. Cons. 14, 34 Ad 

2. De Moneta. The temple of Juno renovandum belluin revirescent. 

i8 4 


cc. 12. 

ferret, leges imponeret, reserare nos exteris gentibus Italiam 
iuberet, se praesertim incolumi, a quo mains pcriculum quam 
ab ullis nationibus extimescendum est. Alii remittere eum 3 
nobis Galliam citeriorem, illam ultimam postulare : praeclare ! 

? ex qua non legiones solum, sed etiam nationes ad urbem cone- 
tur adducere. Alii nihil eum iam nisi modeste postulare. 
Macedonian! suam vocat omnino, quoniam Gaius frater est inde 
revocatus. Sed quae provincia est, ex qua ilia fax excitare non 
possit incendium ? Itaque idem, quasi providi cives et senatores 

10 diligentes, bellicum me cecinisse dicunt, suscipiunt pacis patro- 
cinium. Nonne sic disputant? Irritatum Antonium non opor- 
tuit ; nequam est homo ille atque confidens ; multi praeterea 
improbi quos quidem a se primum numerare possunt, qui haec 
locuntur : eos cavendos esse denuntiant. Utrum igitur in 

15 ncfariis civibus ulciscendi, cum possis, an pertimescendi diligen- 
tior cautio est ? Atque haec ii locuntur, qui quondam propter 2 
levitatem populares habebantur. Ex quo intelligi potest animo 4 
illos abhorniisse semper ab Optimo civitatis statu, non voluntate 
fuisse populares. Qui enim evenit ut, qui in rebus improbis 

1. Reserare, &c., remove the forces 
which bar Italy against her foreign foes. 

2. Se praesertim incolumi, and 
that though he is safe. See on 2. 24, 

4. Illam ultimam, quam Plancus 
obtinet 5. 2, 5 : see note. 

7. Suam vocat. On the ground that 
the decree of the senate which recalled his 
brother left matters as they were before the 
provinces had been allotted; and that though 
the province originally belonged to M. 
Brutus, he had been superseded in favour 
of Antony by a previous decree of the 
senate, passed on the 1st of June. 

Gaius frater. He was praetor in 44 
B.C., and obtained the province of Mace 
donia. (Cp. 3. 10, 26.) On his recall, in 
consequence of the decree passed on the 
occasion of that oration, he did not return to 
Rome, but maintained himself in arms 
against M. Brutus till the autumn of this 
year. (See IO. 4, 9 ; 11.11,26.) He was 
eventually put to death by Brutus, probably 
in retaliation for the murder of Cicero. 

8. Fax. Cp. 2. 19, 43 Omnium incen- 
diorum fax ; and de Harusp. Resp. 2, 4 
Cum his iuriis et facibus bellum mihi dico 
esse susceptum. 

10. Pacis. This is the conjecture of 
Ursinus, for the readings of the MSS. patris, 
or partis; cp. 12. 2, 6 Ex pacis patrocinio, 
quod subito su.scepit. 

11. Irritatum. So Halm, from a cor 
rection in the Vatican MS., the word 
having been omitted by the original writer. 
The other MSS. have irritari, which is 

15. Ulciscendi. The later MSS. have 
ulciscendis . . . pertimescendis, apparently 
to avoid the peculiar construction ulcis 
cendi cautio. Cp. however pro Flacc. 13, 
31 Defendendi facilis est cautio. In 
dealing with traitors, should we take more 
care to show our fears of them, or to punish 
them, when there is a chance? 

16. Propter levitatem, &c., whose 
frivolity made them seem, in former days, to 
be hunting after popularity. See on 2. 31, 
77 ; and for populares on 1.15, 37. 

18. Non voluntate, &c., that their 
seeking for popularity arose from no love 
for the people, but from disloyalty to the 
state. They were on the democratic side, 
only when the democratic side was wrong. 

19. In rebus improbis, sc. when the 
popular desire was set on what was wrong, 
they were all for furthering what the people 


populares fuerint, idem in re una maxime populari, quod eadem 
salutaris rei publicae sit, improbos se quam populares esse 
malint ? Me quidem semper, uti scitis, adversarium multitu- 

5 dinis temeritati haec fecit praeclarissima causa popularem. Et 
quidem dicuntur, vel potius se ipsi dicunt consulares : quo 5 
nomine dignus est nemo, -nisi qui tanti honoris nomen potest 
sustinere. Faveas tu hosti? ille litteras ad te mittat de sua 
spe rerum secundarum ? eas tu laetus proferas, recites, descri- 
bendas etiam des improbis civibus ? eorum augeas animos ? 
bonorum spem virtutemque debilites ? et te consularem aut 10 
senatorem, denique civem putes? Accipiet in optimam partem 
C. Pansa, fortissimus consul atque optimus. Etenim dicam 
animo amicissimo : hunc ipsum, mihi hominem familiarissimum, 
nisi talis consul esset, ut omnes vigilias, curas, cogitationes in 

e rei publicae salute defigeret, consulem non putarem. Quam- 15 
quam nos ab ineunte illius aetate usus, consuetudo, studiorum 
etiam honestissimorum societas similitudoque devinxit, eius- 
demque cura incredibilis in asperrimis belli civilis periculis 
perspecta docuit non modo salutis, sed etiam dignitatis meae 
fuisse fautorem : tamen eundem, ut dixi, nisi talis consul esset, 20 
negare esse consulem auderem. Idem non modo consulem 
esse dico, sed etiam memoria mea praestantissimum atque opti 
mum consulem, non quin pari virtute et voluntate alii fuerint, 
sed tantam causam non habuerunt, in qua et voluntatem suam 

7 et virtutem declararent. Huius magnitudini animi, gravitati, ^5 
sapientiae tempestas est oblata formidolosissimi temporis. Turn 
autem illustratur consulatus, cum gubernat rem publicam, si 
non optabili, at necessario tempore. Magis autem necessarium, 
patres conscripti, nullum tempus umquam fuit. 

wished ; but when the people s wishes offended at my using his name in order to il- 

happened to be right, they sacrificed their lustrate my argument from an extreme case, 
popularity to their love of wickedness. 22. Praestantissimum, &c., stands 

3. Adversarium. The later MSS. have forth most prominently as the most patriotic 

adversatum; but cp. pro Cluent. 34, 94 Consul that I can remember. 
seditiosis adversarius. 23. Non quin. Equivalent to non 

7. Faveas tu hosti. This may be quianon; cp. de Orat. 2. 72, 295 Non quin 
addressed to Qi Fufius Calenus (see on 5. enitendum sit in utroque. 

I, i), but more probably generally to any 26. Tempestas, &c., an opening has 

senator to whom the charges would apply. been given to Pansa s high-mindedness, 

8. Describendas, to copy; cp. Fam. solidity of character, and wisdom, in a 
12. 17, 2 Dicam tuis, ut librum, si velint, moment of extraordinary danger. Tem- 
describant ad teque mittant. pestas temporis, the opportunity which is 

II. Accipiet, &c., C. Pansa will not be presented by the time. 



cc 34. 

Itaque ego ille, qui semper pacis auctor fui, cuique pax 3 
praesertim civilis, quamquam omnibus bonis, tamen in primis 
fuit optabilis omne enim curriculum industriae nostrae in foro, 
in curia, in amicorum periculis propulsandis elaboratum est ; 
5 hinc honores amplissimos, hinc mediocres opes, hinc dignita 
tem, si quam habemus, consecuti sumus : ego igitur pacis, ut 8 
ita dicam, alumnus, qui, quantuscumque sum nihil enim mihi 
arrogo sine pace civili certe non fuissem periculose dico ; 
quern ad modum accepturi, patres conscripti, sitis horreo, sed 

10 pro mea perpetua cupiditate vestrae dignitatis retinendae et 
augendae quaeso oroque vos, patres conscripti, ut prime, etsi 
erit vel acerbum auditu vel incredibile a M. Cicerone esse dic 
tum, accipiatis sine offensione quod dixero, neve id prius, quam 
quale sit explicaro, repudietis : ego ille, dicam saepius, pacis 

15 semper laudator, semper auctor, pacem cum M. Antonio esse 
nolo. Magna spe ingredior in reliquam orationem, patres con 
scripti, quoniam periculosissimum locum silentio sum praeter- 
vectus. Cur igitur pacem nolo ? quia turpis est, quia periculosa, 9 

cc. 3-5. Cicero therefore, the persistent 
eager advocate of peace, to far deviated from 
his pr:nciples as to shrink from peace with 
Antony; but only because it ivas shameful, 
dangerous, and fallacious. It was shameful, 
because incontinent with the decree which 
they had passed so recently. By voting 
honours to C. Caesar, Decimus Brutus, and 
the soldiers under their command, by deter 
mining to send both Consuls, one at the risk 
of Jiis life, to the seat of ivar, and by order 
ing a general levy, they had practically de 
clared that Antony was a public enemy : and 
this view was confirmed by the eager attention 
paid to warlike preparations by all classes in 
the city. Nor did the message to Antony, 
impolitic, even disgraceful as it was, bind 
them to treat upon his terms, since it was not 
so much an embassy, as a notice to yield, 
under penalty of destruction if he disobeyed. 
The Roman senators should die rather than 
submit to one who outdid kings and tyrants 
alike, both in extortion and wickedness at 
home, and in actual deeds of treasonable 
warfare in the provinces. 

i. Pacis auctor. Cp. 2. 15, 37. The 
elaboration of this sentence and the frequent 
dependent clauses and parentheses make the 
thread of it difficult to follow, even with the 
aid of the thrice repeated subject, Ego ille, 
. . . ego igitur pacis . . . alumnus, . . . ego 

ille pacis . . . laudator, . . . pacem esse nolo. 
2. In primis, above all other men. 
All good men desired peace, but none so 
much as Cicero. 

4, In periculis propulsandis. Cicero 
only twice in his life undertook a prosecution, 
and" in both cases he might be said to be 
pleading the cause of his friends against 
their oppressors. The first was that of 
Verres, 70 B.C., in behalf of the Sicilians; 
the second that of T. Munatius Plancus 
Bnrsa, who as tribune of the commons had 
taken a leading part in bringing Milo to 
trial, 52 B.C. 

7. Quantuscumque sum, whatever 
small position may be mine ; quantus 
cumque being used, by a neioiffis common 
with Cicero, for quamuluscumque ; cp. 5. 
8, 22 Bona, quantacumque erant ; and de 
Orat. 2. 28, 123 Quantuscumque sum ad 

8. Periculose dico, I speak at the 
peril of my reputation for consistency. 
Muretus notices this as a remarkable in 
stance of TrpodiupOcccris, answerng an objec 
tion before the cause of it has arisen. 

I?. Incredibile, &c., however difficult 
to believe that it has come from Cicero s 

17. Silentio, without your interrupting 


quia esse non potest. Quae tria dum explico, peto a vobis, 
patres conscripti, ut eadem benignitate qua soletis mea verba 

Quid est inconstantia, levitate, mobilitate cum singulis homi- 
nibus, turn vero universe senatui turpius ? quid porro incon- 5 
stantius quam, quern modo hostem non verbo, sed re multis 

10 decretis iudicaritis, cum hoc subito pacem velle coniungi ? Nisi 
vero, cum C. Caesari meritos illi quidem honores et debitos, 
sed tamen singulares et immortales decrevistis, unam ob causam, 
quod contra M. Antonium exercitum comparavisset, non hostem 10 
turn Antonium iudicavistis ; nee turn hostis est a vobis iudicatus 
Antonius, cum laudati auctoritate vestra veterani milites, qui 
C. Caesarem secuti essent ; nee turn hostem Antonium iudi- 
castis, cum fortissimis legionibus, quod ilium, qui consul appel- 
labatur, cum esset hostis, reliquissent, vacationes, pecunias, agros 15 

4 spopondistis. Quid .V cum Brutum, omine quodam illius generis 

11 et nominis natum ad rem publicam liberandam, exercitumque 
eius, pro libertate populi Romani bellum gerentem cum An 
tonio, provinciamque fidelissimam atque optimam, Galliam, 
laudibus amplissimis affecistis, turn non hostem iudicastis An- 20 
tonium ? Quid ? cum decrevistis ut consules, alter ambove, ad 
bellum proficiscerentur, quod erat bellum, si hostis Antonius 

12 non erat ? Quid igitur profectus est vir fortissimus, meus col- 
lega et familiaris, A. Hirtius consul ? at qua imbecillitate ! qua 
macie ! sed animi vires corporis infirmitas non retardavit. 25 
Aequum, credo, putavit vitam, quam populi Romani votis reti- 
nuisset, pro libertate populi Romani in discrimen adducere. 

4. Levitate, caprice. See on 2. 31, turn fato quodam paterni maternique ge- 

77- neris et nominis. The other MbS. have 

6. Non verbo, sed re. Cp. 4. I, I homine. For the omen see 2. II, 26 

Est hostis a senatu nondum verbo appel- note, 
latus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius. 23. Meus collega : in the augurship. 

8. Meritos. So most editors for the At the end of the first oration Cicero 

Vatican reading merito. The passive mentions the general anxiety for the safety 

meaning of meritus, common in poetry, is of Hirtius, who was then in bad health. To 

found again in connection with debitam, in this he apparently refers in saying that the 

de Orat. 2. 50, 203 Iracundiam neque earn people s prayers had saved his life. The 

iniustam sed meritam ac debitam ; ib. 3. 4, date of his departure from Rome is uncer- 

14 Meritam gratiam debitamque. Illi tain, but it was probably soon after the 

depends on decrevistis, not on meritos. despatch of the envoys (Merivale 3. 128). 

16. Omine. So Halm, from one MS., From this speech (c. 2, 5 ; 9, 27) we learn 

following the conjecture of Ferrarius, who that Pansa still remained in Rome. Hirtius 

compares 10. 6, 14 Brutus . . . cum sua was not only the friend, but the pupil of 

excellentissima virtute rei publicae natus, Cicero (Fam. 7. 33, i). 

1 88 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc. 4-6. 

Quid ? cum dilectus haberi tota Italia iussistis, cum vacationes 13 
omnes sustulistis, turn ille hostis non est iudicatus ? Armorum 
officinas in urbe videtis ; milites cum gladiis secuntur consulem ; 
pracsidio sunt specie consuli, re et veritate nobis ; omnes sine 

5 ulla recusatione, summo etiam cum studio nomina dant, parent 
auctoritati vestrae : non est iudicatus hostis Antonius ? At 
legates misimus. Heu me miserum ! cur senatum cogor, quern 14 
laudavi semper, reprehenderc ? Quid? vos censetis, patres con- 
scripti, legatorum missionem populo Romano vos probavisse? 

10 non intelligitis, non auclitis, meam sententiam flagitari ? cui cum 
pridie frequentes essetis assensi, postridie ad spem estis inanem 
pacis devoluti. Ouam turpe porro legiones ad senatum legates 
mittcre, senatum ad Antonium ! quamquam ilia legatio non est : 
denuntiatio est paratum illi exitium, nisi paruerit huic ordini. 

I 5 Quid refert? tamen opinio est gravior. Missos enim legatos 
omnes vident, decreti nostri non omnes verba noverunt. Retin- 5 
enda est igitur nobis constantia, gravitas, perseverantia, repetenda 
vetus ilia severitas : si quidcm auctoritas senatus decus, honest- 
atem, laudem, dignitatemque desiderat, quibus rebus hie ordo 

20 caruit nimium diu. Sed erat tune excusatio oppressis, misera ilia 
quidem, sed tamen iusta : nunc nulla est. Liberati regio 
dominatu videbamur : multo postea gravius urguebamur armis 
domesticis. Ea ipsa depulimus nos quidem : extorquenda sunt. 
Quod si non possumus facere dicam quod dignum est sena- 

10. Meam sententiam flagitari, do placing the note of interrogation after 
you not hear them calling loudly for the tamen, according to the suggestion of 
measures I proposed? viz. that Antony Faernus. In spite of this distinction, the 
should at once be formally declared an really important point is what people gene- 
enemy, rally think of the measure ; and they at 

n. Pridie . . . postridie are here cor- least look on it as an embassy. 

relative, on one day, on the next. Till 17. Constantia, gravitas, perseve- 

the 3rd of January the feeling of the senate rantia, as opposed to the inconstantia, 

had been on Cicero s side, but on the morn- levitas, mobilitas* of Antony, c. 3, 9. 

ing of the 4th the tide turned, and the 19. Desiderat, regrets; caruit, has 

meeting acquiesced in the veto which Salvius been without, under the tyranny of Caesar, 

placed upon his motion. See introd. to the 23. Depulimus, &c., we drove them 

sixth oration. indeed from our walls, but that is not 

12. Devoluti, ye sank down/ with the enough, we must wrench them from the 

implied notion of deterioration. Cp. Livy hands of him who has usurped them. The 

5. II Eo devolvi rern (matters had come words extorquenda sunt stand baldly, so 

to such a pass), ut aut patricii aut patriciorum that some editors have inserted sed, but 

asseclae babendi tribuni plebis sint. without authority. The reading of the 

Legiones, those of Antony. Of these later MSS. is nunc quidem extorquenda 

ambassadors we know nothing. sunt, but quidem is wanted in the former 

15. Quid refert? &c. So Halm, re- clause, and weak in the latter, 

storing the common punctuation, instead of 24. Quod si, &c. Mr. Forsyth says of 


15 tore et Romano homine , moriamur. Quanta enim ilia erit 
rei publicae turpitude, quantum dedecus, quanta labes, dicere 
in hoc ordine sententiam M. Antonium consulari loco ! cuius 
ut omittam innumerabilia scelera urbani consulatus, in quo 
pecuniam publicam maximam dissipavit, exsules sine lege resti- 5 
tuit, vectigalia divendidit, provincias de populi Romani imperio 
sustulit, regna jiddixit pecunia, leges civitati per vim imposuit, 
armis aut obsedit aut exclusit senatum : ut haec, inquam, omit 
tam, ne hoc quidem cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam, coloniam 
populi Romani firmissimam, oppugnarit, imperatorem populi 10 
Romani, consulem designatum, obsederit, depopulatus agros sit, 
hunc in eum ordinem recipi, a quo totiens ob has ipsas causas 
hostis iudicatus sit, quam foedum flagitiosumque sit ? 

16 Satis multa de turpitudine : dicam deinceps, ut proposui, de 
periculo, quod etsi minus est fugiendum quam turpitudo, tamen 15 

6 offendit animos maioris partis hominum magis. Poteritis igitur 
exploratam habere pacem, cum in civitate M. Antonium vide- 
bitis vel potius Antonios ? Nisi forte contemnitis Lucium : ego 
ne Gaium quidem. Sed, ut video, dominabitur Lucius ; est 
enim patronus quinque et triginta tribuum, quarum sua lege, 20 
qua cum C. Caesare magistratum partitus est, suffragium sus- 

this sentence that it is as fine as anything against his falling into his ancient evil prac- 

in Demosthenes perhaps finer if we ex- tices. And if danger should arise, the senate 

cept the adjuration in the speech on the must accept the blame of it, since they had 

Crown (Life of Cicero, 2. 221, edit. l). Cicero to warn them, and all orders of the 

4. Urbani consulatus. His campaigns people were eager to assist them in avert- 

were carried on at home, against the liberty, ing it. 

the laws, the property of the state and 19. Dominabitur, will play the part of 

people. The charges here brought against tyrant ; so pro Rab. Post. 14, 39 Domi- 

Antony have all been discussed already, in natus est enim, inquit, Alexandriae. 

the notes to the second oration. 20. Patronus. See 6. 5. 

6. Divendidit, has sold piecemeal; Sua lege, the law passed by L. An- 
cp. de Leg. Agr. I. 3, 7 Bona populi Romani tonius, as tribune of the commons, in the 
divendere. preceding year, giving to Caesar the right 

7. Addixit, has given over to the of nominating the Consuls for the next 
highest bidder; see 2. 21, 52 note. two years, together with half the other 

11. Consulem designatum : see on 3. magistrates who were usually elected by the 
15,37. people. (Suet. Caes. 41.) 

12. Hunc. For this redundant use of 21. Magistratum. This is the reading 
hie, after a long relative clause, see 2. 39, of the Vatican MS., which Halm supposes 
IOI note. to be a corruption for magistratuum corni 
ce. 6, 7- Secondly, with Antony (or rather tia or nominationem. By virtue of 

with the Antonii, for Lucius, the patron of which law he divided the election of the 

the people, the knights, and the bankers, the magistrates between Caesar and the people. 

doughty gladiator, was no less formidable The use of magistratus in the singular 

than his brother), any peace must needs be full for the whole bodv of magistrates is hardly 

of danger, for there could be no security defensible. The other MSS. and most 

190 . M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-8. 

tulit ; patronus centuriarum equitum Romanorum, quas item 
sine suffragio esse voluit ; patronus eorum, qui tribuni militares 
fuerunt ; patronus lani medii. Quis huius potentiam poterit 17 
sustinere ? praesertim cum eosdem in agros etiam deduxerit. 
5 Quis umquam omnes trihus ? quis equites Romanos ? quis tri 
bunes militares ? Gracchorum potentiam maiorem fuisse arbi- 
tramini, quam huius gladiatoris futura sit ? quern gladiatorem 
non ita appellavi, ut interdum etiam M. Antonius gladiator 
appellari solet, sed ut appellant ii, qui plane et Latine locuntur. 

10 Myrmillo in Asia depugnavit. Cum ornasset thraecidicis comi- 
tem et familiarem suum, ilium miserum fugientem iugulavit ; 
luculentam tamen ipse plagam accepit, ut declarat cicatrix. 
Qui familiarem iugularit, quid is occasione data faciet inimico ? 18 
et qui illud animi causa fecerit, hunc praedae causa quid factu- 

15 rum putatis? Non rursus improbos decuriabit? non sollicitabit 
rursus agrarios? non queretur expulsos? M. vero Antonius 
non is erit, ad quern omni motu concursus fiat civium perdito- 
rum ? Ut nemo sit alius nisi ii, qui una sunt, et ii, qui hie ei 
nunc aperte favent, parumne erunt multi ? praesertim cum 

20 bonorum praesidia discesserint, illi parati sint ad nutum futuri^ 
Ego vero metuo, si hoc tempore consilio lapsi erimus, ne illi 
brevi tempore nimis multi nobis esse videantur. Nee ego 19 

editors have magistratus. Nipperdey of the arena : cp. ad Q_Fr. 3. 2, I Gabiniurn 

(Philologus 3. 144) thinks that rnagistra- luculente calefecerat Memmius. 

turn partitus est may mean, shared the 13. Familiarem, his comrade ; cp.6. I.e. 

nomination of magistrates, as in Tac. Ann. 14. Animi causa, to amuse himself; 

1.44 Centurionatum egit means he pro- cp. Fam. 7. 2, 3 Hie simiolus animi causa 

ceeded to the appointment of centurions. me, in quern inveheretur, delegerat. 

For the general sense he compares Suet. 15. Decuriabit, place on the judicial 

Caes. 41 Comitia cum populo partitus bench. See I. 8, 19 note. 

est. Sollicitabit agrarios, try to rouse 

4. Praesertim cum, &c., especially those who are desirous of land , cp. Cat. 4. 
when he shall have given these same clients 2, 4 C. Gracchus, quod agrarios concitare 
allotments of the public lands. conatus est. 

5. Tribunes militares. One of the 16. Queretur expulsos, bemoan the 
later MSS. reads habuit, but it is easily lot of those who lose their lands, to make 
supplied from the earlier part of the argu- way for the new settlers ; so as to gain over 
merit. desperadoes of all classes. Muretns suggests 

9. Plane et Latine, plain Latin; cp. quaeret urbe expulsos as the explanation 
Verr. Act. 2.4. I, 2 Latine me scitote, non of the Vatican reading quae retur, but the 
accusatorie loqui. expulsi are obviously those who are de- 

10. Myrmillo. See 3. 12, 31 note. prived of their property. See on 5. 7, 20. 
Thraecidicis, with the arms of a The new settlers we, uld be those introduced 

Thrax, the usual antagonist of the myrmillo. by the decree passed in consequence of the 

See 6. 5, 13. fifth oration. 

12. Luculentam, a serious blow. The 20. Ad nutum, to obey Antony with- 

expression is probably taken from the slang out demur. 

16-21. ORAT10 PHILIP PIC A VII. 191 

pacem nolo, sed pacis nomine bellum involutum reformido. 
Quare si pace frui volumus, bellum gerendum est : si bellum 

7 omittimus, pace numquam fruemur. Est autem vestri consilii, 
patres conscripti, in posterum quam longissime providere. Id- 
circo in hac custodia et tamquam specula collocati sumus, uti 5 
vacuum metu populum Romanum nostra vigilia et prospicientia 
redderemus. Turpe est summo consilio orbis terrae, praesertim 

20 in re tarn perspicua, consilium intelligi defuisse. Eos consules 
habemus, earn populi Romani alacritatem, eum consensum Ita- 
Hae, eos duces, eos exercitus, ut nullam calamitatem res publica lo 
accipere possit sine culpa senatus. Equidem non deero : mo- 
nebo, praedicam, denuntiabo, testabor semper deos hominesque 
quid sentiam, nee solum ndem meam, quod fortasse videatur 
satis esse, sed in principe civi non est satis : curam, consilium 
vigilantiamque praestabo. 15 

8 Dixi de periculo : docebo ne coagmentari quidem posse 

21 pacem ; de tribus enim, quae proposui, hoc extremum est. 
" Quae potest pax esse M. Antonio primum cum senatu ? quo 

ore vos ille poterit, quibus vicissim vos ilium oculis intueri ? 
quis vestrum ilium, quern ille vestrum non oderit? Age, vos 20 
ille solum, et vos ilium ? Quid ? ii, qui Mutinam circumsedent, 
qui in Gallia dilectus habent, qui in vestras fortunas imminent, 
amici umquam vobis erunt aut vos illis ? An equites Romanos 

I. Involutum. So Halm from the later flrience of C. Caesar and D. Brutus, all 

MSS., and a comparison with a fragment of made peace impossible. 

a letter ito Octavian, ad Caes. lun. Epist. i. 16. Coagmentari. The Vatican MS. 

fr. 9 Sed quod videret nomine pacis bellum has coamentari, a reading which Muretus 

invohitum fore. The Vatican MS. has nouo- defends, deriving the word from amenta, 

lutum whence Muretus suggested the com- ea quibus ad ligandum utimur. This mean- 

mon reading obvolutum, as in 2. 31. 77- I! g f amentum however does not occur 

3. Est vestri consilii, your character before the writings of the elder Pliny, and if 

for prudence calls upon you. coamentari be the right reading, it seems 

5. In hac custodia, &c., in this post more likely that it is taken from a form 

of guardianship, this watch-tower, as it coamentum, derived directly from cogo, 

were. To custodia answers vigilia; to as amentum (the impelling thong) is from 

specula prospicientia. ago. Though several times used by Cicero 

7. Summo consilio. Cp. 4. 6, 14 (apologetically, with quasi or quodain- 

Senatum, id est orbis terrae consilium. modo ) of the combination of words, in his 

14. In principe civi, in one who rhetorical treatises, the word coagmentari 
claims to be the leader of his party. For . appears to be nowhere else employed in so 

the form civi see 3. 3, 7 note. distinctly metaphorical a sense as here. I 

c. 8. And lastly, peace with Antony could will show that peace cannot even be patched 

not be. Mutual hatred, the people s eager- up with Antony. 

ness for liberty, the sies^e of Mutina, and the 20. Age, vos, &c., is this mutual hatred 

loyalty and readiness for service which had confined to you and him ? 

thereby been excited, together with the in- 22. In Gallia. See 5. 12, 31 note. 

192 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-9. 

amplectetur? occulta enim fuit eorum voluntas iudiciumque de 
Antonio. Qui frequentissimi in gradibus Concordiae steterunt, 
qui nos ad libertatem recuperandam excitaverunt, arma, saga, 
bellum flagitaverunt, me una cum populo Romano in contionem 
5 vocaverunt : hi Antonium diligent et cum his pacem servabit 
Antonius ? Nam quid ego de universe populo Romano dicam ? 22 
qui pleno ac referto foro bis me una mente atque voce in con 
tionem vocavit declaravitque maximam libertatis recuperandae 
cupiditatem. Ita quod erat optabile antea, ut populum Roma- 

10 num comitem haberemus, nunc habemus ducem. Quae est 
igitur spes, qui Mutinam circumsedent, imperatorem populi 
Romani exercitumque oppugnant, iis pacem cum populo Ro 
mano esse posse ? An cum municipiis pax erit, quorum tanta 23 
studia cognoscuntur in decretis faciendis, militibus dandts, pecu- 

15 niis pollicendis, ut in singulis oppidis curiam populi Romani 
non desideretis ? Laudandi sunt ex huius ordinis sententia 
Firmani, qui principes pecuniae pollicendae fuerunt : respon- 
dendum honorifice est Marrucinis, qui ignominia notandos cen- 
suerunt eos, si qui militiam subterfugissent. Haec iam tota 

20 Italia fient. Magna pax Antonio cum iis, his item cum illo. 
Ouae potest esse maior discordia ? in discordia autem pax 
civilis esse nullo pacto potest. Ut omittam multitudinem, 24 
L. Visidio, equiti Romano, homini in primis ornato atque 
honesto civique semper egregio, cuius ego excubias et custo- 

I. Occulta, &c. Ironical. They made Marrucini, from their admission to the 
no display, of course, of their feelings and Roman alliance, in 304 B C., were also con- 
opinions about Antony. spicuous for their general fidelity to Rome, 

7. Bis. On the occasions of the fourth but they joined the Marsi and Peligni in the 

and sixth orations. Social War, at the close of which, with the 

9. Quod here is nearly equivalent to Picenians, they were admitted to the Roman 

whereas, the principal clause not containing franchise. 

a direct antecedent to it, but only an obser- 19. Subterfugissent, evaded military 

vation referring to the antecedent. See service. Cp. Off. 3. 26, 97 Ulixen in- 

Madv. 398 b. Obs. 2. simulant tragoediae simulatione insaniae 

15. Ut in singulis, &c., that in re- militiam subterfugisse. 

viewing the conduct of the several towns 23. L. Visidio. Orelli and other editors, 

you nowhere feel the absence of the Roman apparently without MS. authority, have 

senate : they are all as zealous as if they Nasidio, identifying this otherwise un- 

were acting under the immediate influence known knight with L. Nasidius. who coin- 

of the senate. manded a fleet under Pompey in 49 B.C. 

17. Firmani. From the time of the To this it is objected that Nasidius would 

Roman conquest of Picenum, 268 B.C., not have been appointed to such an office 

Firmum (now Fermo) always proved a unless he had held some magistracy, and it 

staunch ally of Rome, remaining faithful is unusual to apply the term eques to any 

even during the Social War, when it was the one who had even been quaestor, 
headquarters of Cn. Pompeius Strabo. The 


dias mei capitis cognovi in consulatu meo ; qui vicinos suos 
non cohortatus est solum ut milites fierent, sed etiam faculta- 
tibus suis sublevavit : huic, inquam, tali viro, quern nos senatus 
consulto collaudare debemus, poteritne esse pacatus Antonius? 
Quid? C.Caesari? qui ilium urbe, quid? D. Bruto, qui Gallia 5 

25 prohibuit ? lam vero ipse se placabit et leniet provinciae Gal- 
liae, a qua expulsus et repudiatus est ? Omnia videbitis, patres 
conscripti, nisi prospicitis, plena odiorum, plena discordiarum, 
ex quibus oriuntur bella civilia. Nolite igitur id velle, quod 
fieri non potest, et cavete, per deos immortales ! patres con- ro 
scripti, ne spe praesentis pacis perpetuam pacem amittatis. 

9 Quorsum haec omnis spectat oratio? quid enim legati ege- 

26 rint, nondum scimus. At vero excitati, erecti, parati, armati 
animis iam esse debemus, ne blanda aut supplici oratione aut 
aequitatis simulatione fallamur. Omnia fecerit oportet, quae 15 
interdicta et denuntiata sunt, prius quam aliquid postulet ; Bru- 
tum exercitumque eius oppugnare, urbes et agros provinciae 
Galliae populari destiterit ; ad Brutum adeundi legatis potes- 
tatem fecerit, exercitum citra flu men. Rubiconem eduxerit, nee 
propius urbem milia passuum ducenta admoverit ; fuerit et in 20 
senatus et in populi Romani potestate. Haec si fecerit, erit 
Integra potestas nobis deliberandi : si senatui non paruerit, non 

27 illi senatus, sed ille populo Romano bellum indixerit. Sed vos 
moneo, patres conscripti : libertas agitur populi Romani, quae 
est commendata vobis, vita et fortunae optimi cuiusque, quo 25 
cupiditatem infinitam cum immani crudelitate iam pridem in- 
tendit Antonius; auctoritas vestra, quam nullam habebitis, nisi 
nunc tenueritis : taetram et pestiferam beluam ne inclusam et 
constrictam dimittatis cavete. Te ipsum, Pansa, moneo quam- 
quam non eges consilio, quo vales plurimum 3 tamen etiam summi 30 

6. Leniet, sc. se provinciae leniet, any one particular, the only course in that 

an apparently unparalleled construction of case was to crush him, and thus free the 

lenio, due to the influence of its combi- Roman people from all danger and all fear 

nation with placo, which, with so closely for ever. 

cognate a meaning, is not unusual with this 15. Omnia fecerit, &c., he must have 

construction; cp. Fam. 13. i, 3 Uti te sibi submitted to us in all that we have forbidden 

placarem. Will he now bring himself to or commanded him to do, before he can 

look with kindly and gentle feelings on the claim a hearing for his requests. 

province of Gaul T 19. Exercitum, &c. See on 6. 3, 5. 

c. 9. What remained was therefore to be 21. Erit integra, the question will 

firm and ready. If Antony gave way to all be open for deliberation. 

the orders of the senate, then deliberation 24. Agitur, is at stake. 

might be possible and tafe, but if he failed in 30. Non eges, &c., although, that is, 



gubernatores in magnis tempestatibus a vectoribus admoneri 
solent , hunc tantum tuum apparatum tamque praeclarum ne 
ad nihilum recidere patiare. Tempus habes tale, quale nemo 
habuit umquam. Hac gravitate senatus, hoc studio equestris 
5 ordinis, hoc ardore populi Romani potes in perpetuum rem 
publicam metu et periculo liberare. Quibus de rebus refers, 
P. Servilio assentior. 

you are rather fitted for administering than way, and the Mint, the subjects of the 

receiving such advice. Consul s motion; see c. I, i. 

2. Apparatum, not merely the forces 7. P. Servilio : probably P. Servilius 

which he had collected from the levy, as Vatia Isauricus the younger, who was one of 

Manutius thinks, but all his other resources, the chief supporters of the aristocratical 

in the firmness of the senate, the zeal of the party, and afterwards chosen as one of the 

knights, and the eagerness of the people. envoys for the proposed second embassy to 

6. Quibus de rebus: the Appian Antony. See 12. I, I note. 


THE exact date of this oration cannot be determined, but it is clear 
from the last section that it was delivered some little time before the Ides 
of March. The occasion of it was the return of two of the ambassadors 
who had been sent to Antony. Servius Sulpicius, the third ambassador, 
had been in bad health before he started, and died before he reached the 
camp of Antony. The other two, L. Piso and L. Philippus, laid before 
Antony the demands of the senate ; to which he replied, as Cicero had 
foretold, not by simple submission, but by a series of counter proposi 
tions. He offered indeed to give up his designs upon Cisalpine Gaul, 
but only on condition of his being invested with the command of the 
Transalpine province, to be held, against the law of Caesar, for a period 
of five years. He further demanded that six legions should be given 
him from the army of D. Brutus ; that his troops should receive 
rewards in lands and money ; that his previous grants in Campania and 
Leontini should be confirmed; that all the decrees which he had 
published as the acts of Caesar should continue valid ; that no account 
should be demanded of the public money which he had embezzled ; that 
the septemviri for the division of lands should be maintained in their 
office ; and that his own law concerning the iudicia should be ratified. 
In making these proposals he did not suspend his operations against 
Mutina, even during the time of his interview with the ambassadors ; and 
he refused to allow them to communicate with D. Brutus. 

When the commissioners returned home with their report of these 
proceedings, public indignation was generally aroused. All thoughts of 
peace with Antony were laid aside; and the only question was what 
steps should be adopted against him. Hirtius had already gone to join 
the army under Mutina, but Pansa immediately summoned the senate, 
and proposed that war should be proclaimed. L. Caesar proposed the 
substitution of the milder term tumultus/ but with an apology on the 

O 2, 


ground that Antony was his nephew. However he was supported by 
Q. Fufius Calenus, and some others, and eventually by the Consul 
himself. It is not easy to understand why Cicero took no prominent 
part in the debate (see however on c. i, i), but allowed the proposal of 
L. Caesar to be carried, though it was strongly in opposition to his own 
desires. On the following day, the senate having met again to consider 
further measures, he delivered the eighth oration, in which he criticizes 
severely both the proceedings of the senate on the previous day, and the 
pusillanimous conduct of the ambassadors in allowing such contemptuous 
insolence on the part of Antony. He protests against any half measures, 
urging that Antony could only be treated as an enemy to whom no 
terms could be granted ; and that to send a second embassy to him was 
only to incur a second time the degradation which the first had brought 
upon them ; and he concludes by proposing that Cotyla, the envoy sent 
by Antony, should at once be ordered to return to him, and that an 
amnesty should be granted to all of Antony s soldiers who should leave 
his standard before the Ides of March. 



1 CONFUSIUS hesterno die est acta res, C. Pansa, quam 

1 postulabat institutum consulatus tui. Pa rum mihi visus es eos, 
quibus cedere non soles, sustinere. Nam cum senatus ea virtus 
fuisset, quae solet, et cum re viderent omnes esse bellum, qui- 
damque id verbum removendum arbitrarentur, tua voluntas in 5 
discessione fuit ad lenitatem propensior. Victa est igitur propter 
verbi asperitatem te auctore nostra sententia. Vicit L. Caesaris, 
amplissimi viri, qui verbi atrocitate dempta oratione fuit quam 
sententia lenior. Quamquam is quidem, antequam sententiam 
diceret, propinquitatem excusavit. Idem fecerat me consule in 10 
sororis viro, quod hoc tempore in sororis filio fecit, ut et luctu 

2 sororis moveretur et saluti populi Romani provideret. Atque 
ipse tamen Caesar praecepit vobis quodam modo, patres con- 
scripti, ne sibi assentiremini, cum ita dixit, aliam sententiam se 
dicturum fuisse eamque se ac re publica dignam, nisi propinqui- 15 

c. I. Cicero begins by lamenting the le- he moved, did not deliver an important 

niency of the previous day s decision, though speech. 

he maintains that L. Caesar, in proposing, 10. Propinquitatem. Hewasthebrother 

out of feeling for his nephew, to style the of Julia, Antony s mother. Cp. Fam. 10. 

crisis of affairs tumultus rather than bel- 28, 3 L.Caesar optime sentit, sed, quod 

lum, was introducing an imaginary distinc- avunculus est, non acerrimas dicit sententias. 

tion, since in fact tumultus was more serious After the death of the elder Antonius, Julia 

a thing than ordinary war. married P. Lentulus Sura, one of Catiline s 

I. Hesterno die: the day on which accomplices, to whom allusion is made be- 

the decree was passed, which declared the low. At the trial of the conspirators, L. 

tumultus. See introduction. Caesar declared himself in favour of any 

3. Sustinere, to withstand their attack. punishment short of death. 

5. In discessione. 8660113.9,24. Idem fecerat, &c., in my consul- 

7. Nostra sententia. From this it ship he had behaved in the same way with 
appears that Cicero had taken part in the regard to his brother-in-law as now in re- 
debate of the preceding day, but probably spect of Antony ; in both cases combiniu j; 
he expressed his views before L. Caesar, care for the public interest with sympathy 
and not anticipating the amendment which for his sister s grief. 

198 M. TULLII CICERON1S ec. 1-2. 

tate impediretur. Ergo ille avunculus : num etiam vos avunculi, 
qui illi estis assensi ? 

At in quo fuit controversia ? Belli nornen ponendum quidam 
in sententia non putabant : tumultum appellare malebant, ignari 
5 non modo rerum, sed etiam verborum ; potest enim esse bellum, 
ut tumultus non sit, tumultus esse sine bello non potest. Quid 3 
est enim aliud tumultus nisi perturbatio tanta, ut maior timor 
oriatur ? unde etiam nomen ductum est tumultus. Itaque 
maiores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus, tumul- 

10 turn Gallicum, quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum 
nominabant. Gravius autem tumultum esse quam bellum hinc 
intelligi potest, quod bello vacationes valent, tumultu non valent. 
Ita fit, quern ad modum dixi, ut bellum sine tumultu possit, 
tumultus sine bello esse non possit. Etenim cum inter bellum 4 

15 et pacem medium nihil sit, necesse est tumultum, si belli non 
sit, pacis esse : quo quid absurdius dici aut existimari potest ? 
Sed nimis multa de verbo : rem potius videamus, patres con- 
scripti, quam quidem intelligo verbo fieri interdum deteriorem 
solere. Nolumus hoc bellum videri. Quam igitur municipiis et 2 

6. Ut tumultus, &c. The words that though looked on as more conducive to 
tumultus non sit are wanting in the panic for the moment, it was never con- 
Vatican MS., apparently owing to the recur- sidered so serious a matter as bellum. 
rence of the word tumultus. They have Rem, &c,, let us rather look at the 
been recovered by Halm from a quotation reality, which, as I understand, is often 
in Isidorus, Orig. 18. i, 7. The other MSS. made worse than it need be by the language 
have esse bellum sine tumultus : tumultus which we employ ; i.e. for want of pre- 
esse, &c., taken, with great improbability, cision in our language we fail to form a 
from Cicero s repetition of the sentiment right estimate of, and so take right mea- 
just below. sures in, any crisis. 

Quid est enim,&c. This is adduced by cc. 2, 3. That there ivas really war was 

Quintilian, 7- 3> 25, as an instance of defi- shown by the zeal of the municipal towns; 

nition by etymology, which he says is rarely by the conduct of Antony himself; by the 

found. It is hardly necessary to observe energetic measures of Octavianus ; by the 

that in this case the etymology is wrong. mission of Hirtins, and his victory over 

8. Itaque maiores nostri, &c. This Antony; by the general levies, and the war- 
is the locus classicus for the meaning of like attitude of the citizens. This all be- 
tumultus, properly a revolt of the Italian tokened civil ivar, and that of an enormity 
nations, and extended only to an inroad hitherto unparalleled. Unlike all others, it 
of the Gauls, which was looked upon with was entered on solely for private aggrandize- 
equal apprehension. Cp. Servius on Virg. menf, in the midst of profound peace, when 
Ae. 8. i Tumultus, id est, bellum Italicum, all classes were unanimously bent on defend 
vel Gallicum, in quibus ex periculi vicinitate ing the institutions of their country, and pre- 
erat timor multus. serving their property and their homes. These 

12. Vacationes. See on 5. 12, 31. Antony was promising as spoil to his aban- 

17. De verbo. The special pleading of doned crew of profligates and ruffians, after 

Cicero is sufficiently shown by the fact of a fashion which contrasted strangely in its 

the senate looking on the amendment of lawlessness and cruelty with the glorious 

L. Caesar as a milder measure ; and the rewards held out by the commonwealth to its 

general use of the word tumultus proves patriotic soldiers, 


coloniis ad excludendum Antonium auctoritatem damus ? quam, 
ut milites fiant sine vi, sine multa, studio, voluntate ? quam, ut 
pecunias in rem publicam polliceantur ? Si enim belli nomen 
tolletur, municipiorum studia tollentur : consensus populi Ro- 
mani, qui iam descendit in causam, si nos languescimus, debili- 5 

5 tetur necesse est. Sed quid plura? D. Brutus oppugnatur : 
non est bellum ? Mutina obsidetur : ne hoc quidem bellum est ? 
Gallia vastatur : quae pax potest esse certior ? Illud vero quis 
potest bellum esse dicere ? Consulem, fortissimum virum, cum 
exercitu misimus : qui cum esset infirmus ex gravi diuturnoque 10 
morbo, nullam sibi putavit excusationem esse oportere, cum 
ad rei publicae praesidium vocaretur. C. quidem Caesar non 
exspectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud esset aetatis : 
bellum contra Antonium sua sponte suscepit ; decernendi enim 
tempus nondum erat : bellum autem gerendi tempus si praeter- 15 

6 misisset, videbat re publica oppressa nihil posse decerni. Ergo 
illi nunc et eorum exercitus in pace versantur. Non est hostis 
is, cuius praesidium Claterna deiecit Hirtius ; non est hostis, qui 
consuli armatus obsistit, designatum consulem oppugnat ; nee 
ilia hostilia verba nee bellica, quae paulo ante ex collegae litteris 20 
Pansa recitavit : Deieci praesidium; Claterna potitus 
sum; fugati equites; proelium commissum; occisi ali 
quot. Quae pax potest esse maior? Dilectus tota Italia de- 
creti sublatis vacationibus ; saga eras sumentur ; consul se cum 
praesidio descensurum esse dixit. 25 

7 Utrum hoc bellum non est ? Etiam tantum bellum, quantum 
numquam fuit. Ceteris enim bellis, maximeque civilibus, con- 

i. Ut milites fiant, that they should have done at his age. Cp. 2. 24, 60 

enrol themselves, as they are doing. note. 

Sine multa. The later MSS. have 14. Decernendi enim tempus, &c., 

tumultu, but Cicero is obviously enumera- for the time for passing a decree was not 

ting the various motives, of terror or patriot- yet come : the senate not being free till 

ism, whereby men are commonly induced to Antony had quitted Rome, 

enlist. 18. Claterna was about ten miles south- 

5. Descendit in causam, is taking east of Bononia (Bologna}, which was still 

up the matter. Cp. Livy 36. 7 Cui, si in Antony s possession. Cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2. 

semel in causam descenderit, nihil integri There are now no remains of the city, but 

futurum sit. The expression seems to be its site is perhaps marked by the name of a 

taken from coming down into the forum small stream which crosses the ancient Via 

(see below, 6), to support a friend s cause Aemilia, called Quaderna. 

in the law courts. 23. Tota Italia. See on 5. 12, 31. 

lo. Infirmus. See 7. 4, 12 note. 25. Descensurum esse, sc. in forum. 

13. Praesertim cum, as he might well Cp. 2. 6, 15 Hodie non descendit Antoiiius. 



co. 23. 

tentionem rei publicae causa faciebat. Sulla cum Sulpicio de 
iure legum, quas per vim consul Sulla latas esse dicebat ; China 
cum Octavio de novorum civium suffragiis ; rursus cum Mario 
et Carbone Sulla, ne dominarentur indigni et ut clarissimorum 
5 hominum crudelissimam poeniretur necem. Horum omnium 
bellorum causae ex rei publicae contentione natae sunt. De 
proximo bello civili non libet dicere : ignoro causam, detestor 
exitum. Hoc bellum quintum civile geritur atque omnia in 3 
nostram aetatem inciderunt primum non modo non in dissen- 8 

10 sione et discordia civium, sed in maxima consensione incredibi- 
lique concordia. Omnes idem volunt, idem defendant, idem 
sentiunt. Cum omnes dico, eos excipio, quos nemo civitate 
dignos putat. Ouae est igitur in medio belli causa posita ? 
Nos deorum immortalium templa, nos muros, nos domicilia 

15 sedesque populi Romani, aras, focos, sepulchra maiorum ; nos 
leges, indicia, libertatem, coniuges, liberos, patriam defendimus : 

l. Rei publicae causa, a question 
affecting the state. 

Cum Sulpicio. P. Sulpicius Rufus, 
characterised by Cicero (Brut. 55, 203) as 
the grandest orator he had ever heard, joined 
Marius in 88 B.C., when tribune of the 
commons, and in his favour got a law passed 
by violence, which distributed the Italians 
who had just received the franchise, among 
the thirty-five old tribes, thus placing t;.e 
whole political power in their hands. The 
Consuls attempted to prevent the passing of 
this law by declaring a iustitium, but 
Sulpicius cume into the forum with a force 
sufficient to overbear all opposition, over 
came the Consuls, and drove Sulla from the 
city. Sulla shortly afterwards returned at 
the head of his army, and having made 
himself master of the city, killed Sulpicius, 
and obliged Marius to flee from Rome. 
The next year Cinna was Consul, and tried 
again to pass the obnoxious law, but was for 
a time successfully resisted by his colleague, 
Cn. Octavius, who was slain in the tumults 
that ensued. 

De iure legum, how far the laws 
were constitutional: ius being the prin 
ciple of right which underlies all written 

3. Cum Mario. This was the adopted 
son of the great Marius, who succeeded his 
father as the leader of his party, but in 
his consulship, 82 B.C., was utterly defeated 
by Sulla, and put an end to his own life. 
His colleague Cn. Papirius Carbo was de 

feated shortly after, but made his escape to 

4. Indigni, the democratic party. 
Clarissimorum hominurn, e.g. Q. 

Catulus, the former colleague of Marius, 
M. Antonius the orator, L. Caesar, the 
victor of Acerrae, 90 B.C., P. Crassus, who 
had gained distinction in the Spanish and 
Social Wars, and L. Merula, who had un 
willingly superseded Cinna in his consulship. 

5. Poeniretur. For the deponent form 
cp. Tusc, I. 44, 107 Multi inimicos etiam 
mortuos poeniuntur. 

7. Proximo, that between Caesar and 

8. Quintum. Cicero omits all mention 
of the war with Sertorius, perhaps because 
from the time of his quitting Rome in 82 
B.C., till his death in 72 B.C., the scene of 
the struggle was in Spain. 

In nostram aetatem. Cicero was 
19 years old at the time of the contest 
between Sulpicius and Sulla, forty-five years 
before the time of this oration. 

9. Primum, &c., and yet it is the first 
that has arisen when our citizens were not 
only free from variance and disunion, but 
even joined together by unusual and scarcely 
credible harmony of feeling. Perhaps the 
same might be said of almost any civil war, 
by thus conveniently ignoring that those 
who differ from the speaker have any right 
to be considered. 

13. Quae est igitur, &c., what is then 
the avowed cause of the war ? 


contra M. Antonius id molitur, id pugnat, ut haec omnia per- 
turbet, evertat, praedam rei publicae causam belli putet, fortunas 
nostras partim dissipet, partim dispertiat parricidis. 
9 In hac tarn dispari ratione belli miserrimum illud est, quod 
ille latronibus suis pollicetur primum domos ; urbem enim divi- 5 
surum se confirmat : deinde omnibus portis quo velint deduc- 
turum. Omnes Cafones, omnes Saxae ceteraeque pestes, quae 
secuntur Antonium, aedes sibi optimas, hortos, Tusculana, 
Albana definiunt. Atque etiam homines agrestes, si homines 
illi ac non pecudes potius, inani spe ad aquas usque et Puteolos 10 
provehuntur. Ergo habet Antonius quod suis polliceatur : quid 
nos? num quid tale habemus? Di meliora ! id enim ipsum 
agimus, ne quis posthac quidquam eius modi possit polliceri. 
Invitus dico, sed dicendum est. Hasta Caesaris, patres con- 
scripti, multis improbis et spem aflfert et audaciam. Viderunt 15 
enim ex mendicis fieri repente divites : itaque semper hastam 
videre cupiunt ii, qui nostris bonis imminent, quibus omnia polli- 
10 cetur Antonius. Quid nos? nostris exercitibus quid pollicemur? 
Multo meliora atque maiora. Scelerum enim promissio et iis, 
qui exspectant, perniciosa est et iis, qui promittunt. Nos liber- 20 
tatem nostris militibus, leges, iura, indicia, imperium orbis terrae, 
dignitatem, pacem, otium pollicemur. Antonii igitur promissa 
cruenta, taetra, scelerata, dis hominibusque invisa, nee diuturna 

3. Parricidis. See on 2. 7, 17. Ad aquas: to Baiae. Cp. pro 

4. In hac tarn dispari ratione, in Plane. 27, 65 Me unum ex iis feci, qui ad 
the midst of a war that contradicts all aquas venissent. From Att. i. 16, 10 
precedents. Quid, inquit, homini Arpinati cum aquis 

6. Deducturum, &c., will lead them calidis, we may gather that it was considered 

forth to seize upon what lands they will. presumption for any one not in good society 

7- Cafones. Cafo was one of Caesar s at Rome to go to so fashionable a watering- 
veterans (n. 5, 12), and is frequently de- place as Baiae. 

nounced by Cicero as one of Antony s tools. 12. Di meliora. Cp. Cat. Ma. 14, 47 

Cp. also 10. 10, 22. Di meliora, inquit; and Virg. G. 3. 513 

Saxae. Decidius Saxa was a Spaniard, Di meliora piis, erroremque hostibus ilium! 

whom Caesar made tribute of the commons 14. Hasta Caesaris, the auctions of 

in 44 B.C., though not even a Roman confiscated property, sold by Caesar s orders, 

citizen. (Cp. n. 5, 12; 13. 13, 27.) He as in the case of the estate of Pompey, 

subsequently held commands under Antony bought by Antony himself. See 2. 26, 

and Octavianus in the East, but was defeated 64 note, 

and killed by Q._ Labienus, 40 B.C. 16. Semper hastam . . . cupiunt, &c. 

8. Tusculana, sc. praedia ; cp. Att. Manutius compares Off. 2. 8, 29 Nee vero 

7- 5> 3 Ego in Tusculanum nihil sane hoc umquam bellorum civilium semen et causa 

tempore ... Sed de Formiano Tarracinam deerit, dum homines perditi hastam illam 

pnd. Kal. Ian. Inde Pomptinam summam ; cruentam et meminerint et sperabunt. 

inde Albanum Pompeii. , 9 . Scelerum promissio, to promise 

10. Pecudes. See on 2. 12, 30. what is wicked. 

203 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 3-4. 

nee salutaria : nostra contra honesta, Integra, gloriosa, plena 
laetitiae, plena pietatis. 

Hie mihi etiam O. Fufius, vir fortis ac strenuus, amicus meus, 4 
pacis commoda commemorat. Quasi vero, si laudanda pax n 
5 esset, ego id aeque commode facere non possem. Semel enim 
pacem defendi ? non semper otio studui ? quod cum omnibus 
bonis utile esset, turn praecipue mihi. Quern enim cursum in- 
dustria mea ten-ere potuisset sine forensibus causis, sine legibus, 
sine iudiciis? quae esse non possunt civili pace sublata. Sed !2 

10 quaeso, Calene, quid tu ? servitutem pacem vocas ? Maiores 
quidem nostri non modo, ut liberi essent, sed etiam, ut impera- 
rent, arma capiebant : tu arma abiicienda censes, ut serviamus ? 
Quae causa iustior est belli gerendi quam servitutis depulsio ? in 
qua etiam si non sit molestus dominus, tamen est miserrimum 

15 posse, si velit. Immo aliae causae iustae, haec necessaria est. 
Nisi forte ad te hoc non putas pertinere, quod te socium fore 
speras dominationis Antonii. In quo bis laberis : primum, quod 
tuas rationes communibus interponis, deindc, quod quidquam 
stabile aut iucundum in regno putas. Non, si tibi antea profuit, 

20 semper proderit. Quin etiam de illo homine queri solebas : 13 
quid te facturum de belua putas ? Atque ais eum te esse, qui 
semper pacem optaris, semper omhes cives volueris salvos. 
Honesta oratio, sed ita, si bonos et utiles et e re publica cives: 

I. Integra, opposed to taetra, with- audits colonies. Calenus, on the contrary, 

out taint or crime. showed himself to be unpatriotic, first, by 

cc. 4-6. To advocate war at the present defending Antony in spite of his open warfare 

time was quite consistent with. an undirninished and insulting conduct towards the state ; and 

love of peace, and care for the safety of the secondly, by his persistent attacks upon a city 

citizens, for war meant now deliverance from so loyal as Massilia, ivhose sufferings excited 

tyranny and permanent safety for all honest the compassion even of her oppressor, Caesar, 

men, and these were blessings well worth 3. Q. Fufius : Calenus ; see on 5. I, 

winning by a temporary sacrifice of peace. I. For Cicero s real feelings towards 

In like manner Scipio Nasica and L. Opimius Calenus, see Att. 9. 8, 2 Fufius est illic 

ivere rightly praised for choosing present (with Caesar), mihi inimicissimus ; ib. 15. 

bloodshed rather than a lasting slavery, when 2, 4 Sane insulse (scribit), ut solet. 

the Gracchi tried successively to overthrow 4. Si laudanda pax esset. See *J. 3, 

the constitution. So the treason of Satur- 7 foil. 

ninus and of Catiline could only be subdued 15. Necessaria, admits of no alter- 

by force of arms ; the guilty always must be native. 

rooted out to save the innocent, and though 19. Antea, during the time of Caesar s 

in the single case of P. Clodius popular rule. 

opinion of course ivas wrong, and Calenus 20. De illo homine. The last word is 

showed himself more keen of sight than emphatic, of him, who was a man. 

Cicero, yet none could now dispute the fact 23. Ita, si, &c., only with the proviso 

that in upholding D. Brutus Cicero was that all these citizens should be loyal. Cp. 

asserting the freedom of the Roman people 2. 34, 85 note, 




sin eos, qui natura cives sunt, voluntate hostes, salvos veils, quid 
tandem intersit inter te et illos ? Pater tuus quidem, quo utebar 
sene auctore adolescens, homo severus et prudens, primas om 
nium civium P. Nasicae, qui Ti. Gracchum interfecit, dare 
solebat ; eius virtute, consilio, magnitudine animi liberatam rem 5 
14 publicam arbitrabatur. Quid? nos a patribus num aliter acce- 
pimus ? Ergo is tibi civis, si temporibus illis fuisses, non pro- 
baretur, quia non omnes salvos esse voluisset. Quod L. Opi- 
mius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita cen- 
suerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defen- 10 
deret. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Num igitur eum, 
si turn esses, temerarium civem aut crudelem putares ? aut Q. 
Metellum, cuius quattuor filii consulares ? P. Lentulum, prin- 
cipem senatus, complures alios summos viros, qui cum Opimio 
consule armati Gracchum in Aventinum persecuti sunt ? quo in 15 
proelio Lentulus grave vulnus accepit, interfectus est Gracchus 
et M. Fulvius consularis eiusque duo adolescentuli filii. Illi 

2. Pater. The father is mentioned only 
here. From his estimate of Scipio Nasica 
Dr. Schmitz (Smith s Diet, of Biogr.) argues 
that he was a considerable holder of public 

3. Primas. Sc. partes; cp. Att. I. 
I7> 5 Amoris erga me tibi primas defero. 

4. P. Nasicae. Cicero is fond of eulo 
gising this man as a patriot, though he 
seems to have been a hotheaded, unscrupu 
lous partizan of the aristocratic faction. Cp. 
Brut. 58, 212 Ex dominatu Ti. Gracchi 
privatus in libertatem rem publicam vindi- 
cavit; Off. i. 22, 76 Nee plus Africanus 
in exscindenda Numantiarei publicaeprofuit, 
quam P. Nasica privatus, cum Ti. Gracchum 
interemit. The part he took in the murder 
of Gracchus made Nasica so unpopular in 
Rome, that the senate made an excuse for 
sending him to Asia, whence he never re 

8. Voluisset. The subjunctive is used, 
because containing the reason which Calenus 
would have given : because, you would 
have said, he had not wished for the safe 
preservation of all the citizens. 

L. Opimius was Consul in 121 B.C., 
and introduced the law against the restora 
tion of Carthage, which led to the disturb 
ances in which C. Gracchus perished. He 
acted at the instigation of the senate (see 
Cat. i, 2, 4), and was looked on by their 
party as a hero, servator ipse rei publicae, 

pro Plane. 28, 69 ; cp. ib. 29, 70 Praetor 
finitimo, Consul domestico bello rem publi 
cam liberavit. 

12. Esses. See Madv. 347 b. Obs. 2. 
Q. Metellus Macedonicus was a steady 

opponent of the Gracchi, and is praised 
by Cicero (Brut. 21, 81) for the eloquence 
of his speech against the elder brother. 
His fourth son was praetor, and can 
didate for the consulship at the time of 
his father s death, in 115 B.C. ; cp. Fin. 5. 27, 
82 Tris fiiios consules vidit, e quibus unum 
etiam et censorem et triumphantem, quartum 
autem praetorem, eosque salvos reliquit et 
tris filias nuptas. 

13. P. Lentulus was Consul 162 B.C., 
and must therefore have been far advanced 
in years at the time of Gracchus death. 
Cp. Cat. 4. 6, 13 Huius avus Lentuli, vir 
clarissimus, armatus Gracchum est perse- 
cutus ; ille etiam grave turn vulnus accepit, 
ne quid de summa re publica deminueretur. 

I5j In Aventinum. Gracchus himself 
escaped across the Tiber, through the self- 
devotion of two of his attendants, but having 
sprained his ancle in descending the Aven- 
tine, he fell, probably by his own hand, in 
the Lucus Furinae, at the foot of the Jani- 

17. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Consul 125 
B.C., was one of the supporters of the 
Gracchi, and the chief advocate for resisting 
the senate by force of arms. His elder sou 

204 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 4-6. 

igitur viri vituperandi ; non enim omnes cives salvos esse volu- 
erunt. Ad propiora veniamus. C. Mario L. Valerio consulibus 5 
senatus rem publicam defendendam dedit : L. Saturninus tri- 15 
bunus pi., C. Glaucia praetor est interfectus. Omnes illo die 

5 Scauri, Metelli, Claudii, Catuli, Scaevolae, Crassi arma sump- 
serunt. Num aut consules illos aut clarissimos viros vituper- 
andos putas ? Ego Catilinam perire volui. Num tu, qui omnes 
salvos vis, Catilinam salvum esse voluisti ? Hoc interest, Calene, 
inter meam sententiam et tuam : ego nolo quemquam civem 

10 committere ut morte multandus sit : tu, etiam si commiserit, 
conservandum putas. In corpore si quid eius modi est, quod 
reliquo corpori noceat, id uri secarique patimur, ut membrum 
aliquod potius quam totum corpus intereat : sic in rei publicae 
corpore. ut totum salvum sit, quidquid est pestiferum, ampu- 

15 tetur. Dura vox ! multo ilia durior : Salvi sint improbi, scelerati. le 
impii ; deleantur innocentes, honesti, boni, tota res publica. Uno 
in homine, Q. Fufi, fateor te vidisse plus quam me. Ego P. 
Clodium arbitrabar perniciosum civem, sccleratum, libidinosum, 
impium, audacem, facinerosum, tu contra sanctum, temperantem, 

20 innocentem, modestum, retinendum civem et optandum : in hoc 
uno te plurimum vidisse, me multum errasse concedo. Nam 
quod me tecum iracunde agere dixisti solere, non est ita. Vehc- 
menter me agere fateor, iracunde nego. Omnino irasci amicis 
non temere soleo, ne si merentur quidem. Itaque sine verborum 17 

25 contumelia a te dissentire possum, sine animi summo dolore non 
possum. Parva est enim mihi tecum aut parva de re dissensio ? 

was seized and put to death with him, the 10. Committere ut, &c.. should act 

younger son was detained when sent by his so as to deserve the punishment of death, 

father to arrange a compromise with the a favourite construction with Cicero ; cp. 

senate, and was afterwards put to death in Off. 2. 14, 50 Committere ut accusator 

prison. See Cat. I. 2, 4; and 12, 29; nominere. 

ib. 4. 6, 13. 17. Te vidisse plus. When P. Clodius 

2. C. Mario, &c. 100 B.C. Cicero was accused of violating the mysteries of 

says (Brut. 62, 224) that Saturninus was the Bona Dea, Calenus, then tribune of the 

seditiosorum omnium post Gracchos elo- commons, proposed a law that he should 

quentissimus, Glaucia longe post homines be tried by the ordinary tribunal, instead 

natos improbissimus. The lawless conduct of by a special court, and thus made pos- 

of Saturninus in his tribuneship reached a sible the corruption which procured his 

climax in the murder of C. Memmius, on acquittal. The irony of the passage is ob- 

which he and Glaucia were declared public vious. 

enemies, and after an ineffectual struggle to 19. Facinerosum. So Halm, follow- 

dcfend themselves in the Capitol, they sur- ing the Vatican MS. and the general custom 

rendered to Marius, but were pelted to of the most ancient MSS. Al. facinoro- 

dcath by the mob. sum. 


Ego huic faveo, tu illi? immo vero ego D. Bruto faveo, tu M. 
Antonio : ego conservari coloniam populi Roman! cupio, tu 

6 expugnari studes. An hoc negare potes, qui omnes moras in- 
terponas, quibus infirmetur Biutus, melior fiat Antonius ? Quo- 
usque enim dices pacem velle te ? Res geritur, t conductae 5 
lineae sunt, pugnatur acerrime. Qui intercurrerent, misimus tres 
principes civitatis. Hos contempsit, reiecit, repudiavit Antonius : 

is tu tamen permanes constantissimus defensor Antonii. Et qui 
dem, quo melior senator videatur, negat se illi amicum esse 
debere : cum suo magno esset beneficio, venisse eum contra se. 10 
Vide quanta caritas sit patriae : cum homini sit iratus, tamen rei 
publicae causa defendit Antonium. 

Ego te, cum in Massilienses tarn es acerbus, Q. Fufi, non 
animo aequo audio. Ouousque enim Massiliam oppugnabis? 
ne triumphus quidem finem facit belli? per quern lata est urbs 15 
ea, sine qua numquam ex transalpinis gentibus maiores nostri 
triumphaverunt. Quo quidem tempore populus Romanus inge- 
muit. Quamquam proprios dolores suarum rerum omnes habe- 
bant. tamen huius civitatis fidelissimae miserias nemo erat civis 

19 qui a se alienas arbitraretur. Caesar ipse, qui illis fuerat iratis- 20 
simus, tamen propter singularem eius civitatis gravitatem et 
fidem quotidie aliquid iracundiae remittebat : te nulla sua 

I. Ego huic, &c., Ms it a mere question est. The construction seems akin to that 

of political partizanship, one supporting A, of the descriptive ablative, 
the other B? 13. Massilienses. The friendship be- 

6. Lineae. This is the reading in all tween Massilia and Rome dated from the 
the MSS., though its meaning is uncertain, second Punic war, and the Massiliots had 
the word not being elsewhere found in con- always aided Rome in all her contests with 
nection with military operations. It may the Transalpine Gauls. Cp. pro Font. 5, 
perhaps be, like our lines, the entrenched 13 Urbs Massilia, fortissimorum fidelissimo- 
position of the army, the opposing forces rumque sociorurn, qui Gallicorum bellorum 
are already in close contact. All editors pericula populo Romano copiis remisque 
before Halm have vineae, a reading compensarunt. In 49 B.C. Massilia de- 
which still leaves a difficulty about con- clared for Pompey, and being reduced by 
ductae, though it may be the system or Caesar after a determined resis ance, was de- 
mantelets is brought against the city ; cp. prived of part of its territory and privileges. 
Veget. de Re Mil. 4. 15 Cum plures Cp. Off. 2. 2, 28 Portari in triumpho Mas- 
(vineae) factae fuerint, iunguntur in ordi- siliam vidimus et ex ea urbe triumphari, sine 
nem, sub quibus subsidentes tuti ad subru- qua numquam imperatores nostri ex transal- 
enda murorum penetrant fundamenta. . pinis bellis triumpharunt. It appears from 

Qui intercurrerent, to throw them- Alt. 14. 14, 6, and Phil. 13. 15, 32 that 

selves between the contending parties. after Caesar s death the Massiliots applied 

10. Cum suo, &c., Antony had taken for restitution of their lands and rights. 
part against him, though under great obli- 15. Lata est, was borne in effigy; cp. 

gations to him. Manutius compares Fam. Quint. 6. 3, 61 Cum in triumpho Caesaris 

7- 30, 3 Acilius, qui in Graeciam cum eborea oppida essent translata. 
legionibus missus est, maximo meo beneficio 22. Aliquid remittebat, sc. grew less 


co. 68. 

calamitate civitas satiare tarn fidelis potest ? Rursus iam me irasci 
fortasse dices. Ego autem sine iracundia dico omnia, nee tamen 
sine dolore animi : neminem illi civitati inimicum esse arbitror 
qui amicus huic sit civitati. Excogitare quae tua ratio sit, 
5 Calene, non possum. Antea deterrere te ne popularis esses 
non poteramus : exorare nunc ut sis popularis non possumus. 
Satis multa cum Fufio ac sine odio omnia, nihil sine dolore. 
Credo autem, qui generi querellam moderate ferat, aequo animo 
laturum amici. 

10 Venio ad reliquos consulares, quorum nemo est lure hoc meo 7 
dico quin mecum habeat aliquam coniunctionem gratiae ; alii 20 
maximam, alii mediocrem, nemo nullam. Guam hesternus dies 
nobis, consularibus dico, turpis illuxit ! iterum legates ? quid ? si 
ille faceret inducias? Ante os oculosque legatorum tormentis 

15 Mutinam verberavit ; opus ostendebat munitionemque legatis; 
ne punctum quidem temporis, cum legati adessent, oppugnatio 
respiravit. Ad hunc legatos ? cur? an ut eorum reditu vehe- 
mentius pertimescatis ? Equidem cum ante legatos decerni non 21 
censuissem, hoc me tamen consolabar, quod, cum illi ab Antonio 

20 contempt! et reiecti revertissent renuntiavissentque senatui non 

and less displeased with it every day. It 
retained its freedom and its nationality, and 
continued, though with diminished propor 
tions in a material point of view, to be intel 
lectually the centre of Hellenic culture in that 
distant Celtic country which at this very time 
was attaining a new historical significance. 
(Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, Eng. Tr. 4. 


2. Dico omnia. So the Vatican MS. 
The later MSS. insert ut before omnia, 
but the asyndeton is less abrupt if we have 
expressed a direct object of dico. 

5. Popularis is here used with a play on 
the word. In the first place it means one 
of the democratic party, in the second, on 
the side of the mass of Roman citizens. 
Formerly we could not make you by our 
threats give up the party of the people, now 
we cannot bring you by our prayers to join 
the people s cause. 

8. Generi, the Consul, C. Vibius Pansa. 
See on 5. i, T. 

cc. 7~9- It u>a s ivith pain that Cicero 
turned to comment on the conduct of the other 
consular^. They were willing to despatch a 
second embassy, when the first had even now 
come back insulted and unable to accomplish 

anything. He was left alone, in circum 
stances which might well have caused alarm, 
to maintain single-handed the honour of the 
senate. Things were sadly changed since the 
time when Antiochus was brought to submit 
upon the spot, by the mere threat of breaking 
off negotiations, now that Antony replied to 
the demands of the senate by maki?ig counter- 
propositions ; and these too involving no less 
than the reivard of men who really merited 
execution, indemnity for all illegal actions 
done by himself and his adherents, and a 
province wherein he might carry on his 
treasonable practices without interference for 
a period far exceeding all the limits which 
the law allowed. 

10. lure hoc meo dico, as I may 
fairly say. 

13. Quid? si, &c., what is left for you, 
if he should consent to a truce? Success in 
the negotiations would really cause the 
greatest embarrassment, and only waste time. 
A common reading, though apparently with 
out MS. authority, is ut ille faceret indu 
cias ? not surely with any idea of his 
consenting to a truce, like Cat. I. 9, 22 
Quamquam quid loquor ? te ut ulla res 




modo ilium de Gallia non discessisse, ut censuissemus, sed ne a 
Mutina quidem recessisse, potestatem sibi D. Bruti conveniendi 
non fuisse, foret ut omnes inflammati odio, excitati dolore armis, 
equis, viris D. Bruto subveniremus. Nos etiam languidiores 
postea facti sumus, quam M. Antonii non solum audaciam et 5 

22 scelus, sed etiam insolentiam superbiamque perspeximus. Uti- 
nam L, Caesar valeret, Servius Sulpicius viveret ! multo melius 
haec causa ageretur a tribus, quam nunc agitur ab uno. Dolenter 
hoc dicam potius quam contumeliose : deserti, deserti, inquam, 
sumus, patres conscripti, a principibus. Sed saepe iam dixi 10 
omnes in tanto periculo, qui recte et fortiter sentient, erunt con- 
sulares. Animum nobis afferre legati debuerunt : timorem attu- 
lerunt, quamquam mihi quidem nullum, quamvis de illo, ad 
quem missi sunt, bene existiment : a quo etiam mandata acce- 

8 perunt. Pro di immortales ! ubi est ille mos virtusque maiorum? 15 

23 C. Popilius apud maiores nostros cum ad Antiochum regem 

I. Ut censuissemus, according to the 
terms of our decree. 

3. Foret ut. So Halm, from the 
Vatican reading fore tu, the subjunctive 
being conditional, without any inherent idea 
of futurity. The other MSS. have fore 
ut, as though Cicero had forgotten the 
preceding quod, after the long intervening 

Armis, equis, viris, with all the 
forces at our command ; so metaphorically 
Fam. 9. 7, I Quoniam confecta sunt omnia, 
non est dubitandum, qnin equis viris. Cp. 
Livy 35. 44 Omnem se Graeciam armis, 
viris, equis, omnem oram maritimam clas- 
sibus completurum. The later MSS. have 

4. Nos etiam, &c , as a matter of fact 
we became even more devoid of energy, so 
soon as we found in M. Antonius not only 
boldness and wickedness, but insolence and 
arrogance as well. 

7. L. Caesar. Cp. Fam. 12. 2, 3 L. 
Caesar, optimus et fortissimus civis, valetu- 
dine impeditur. 

8. Ab uno, i.e. by Cicero himself, who 
was now bereft of his two main supporters, 
and left to fight the battle of his cause alone. 
From c. I, I we learn that L. Caesar was 
virtually on Cicero s side, though differing 
from him on the choice of words to be em 

Dolenter, &c., I speak in sorrow more 
than in reproach. For the complaint, cp. 
Fam. 12. 22, 2 Oppressa omnia sunt, nee 

habent ducem boni. 

10. A principibus, by the consulars, 
as is explained by the following clause. Cp. 
Cat. 3. 6, 13 Dictae sunt a principibus 
acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae, quas 
senatus sine ulla varietate est secutus. 

14. Bene existiment, they express a 
favourable opinion; an infatuation on the 
part of public officers which Cicero main 
tains might well strike panic into the 

1 6. Ad Antiochum. The occasion of 
this embassy was the war between Syria and 
Egypt, 171 B.C., caused primarily by a 
dispute about the cities of Coele-Syria, which 
had been granted to Egypt as the dowry of 
Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus the 
Great, and not restored upon her death. 
Antiochus Epiphanes thought this a favour 
able opportunity of advancing the traditional 
policy of the Seleucidae, and seizing upon 
Egypt. In 168 B.C. he had advanced, 
after considerable successes, as far as Alex 
andria, when he was induced by the menace 
of C. Popilius Laenas to obey the injunc 
tions of the Roman senate, and give up the 
enterprise. For the incident cp. Livy 45. 12 
Popilius, pro cetera asperitate animi, virga, 
quam in manu gerebat, circumscripsit regem : 
ac, "Priusquam hoc circulo excedas," inquit, 
"redde responsum, senatui quod referam." 
Obstupefactus tarn violento imperio parumper 
cum haesitasset, " Faciam," inquit, " quod 
censet senatus. " Pliny (N. H. 34. 6, 24) 
erroneously attributes this action to Cn. 

208 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS cc . 8-9. 

legatus missus esset et verbis senatus nuntiasset ut ab Alexan- 
drea discederet, quam obsidebat, cum tempus iJle differret, vir- 
gula stantem circumscripsit dixitque se renuntiaturum senatui, 
nisi prius sibi respondisset quid facturus esset, quam ex ilia cir- 
5 cumscriptione exisset. Praeclare : senatus enim faciem secum 
attulerat auctoritatemque populi Romani : cui qui non paret, 
non ab eo mandata accipienda sunt, sed ipse est potius repudi- 
andus. An ego ab eo mandata acciperem, qui senatus mandata 24 
contemneret ? aut ei cum senatu quidquam commune iudicarem, 

10 qui impcratorem populi Romani senatu prohibente obsideret ? 
At quae mandata! qua arrogantia! quo stupore ! quo spiritu ! 
Cur autem ea legatis nostris dabat, cum ad nos Cotylam mit- 
teret, ornamentum atque arcem amicorum suorum, hominem 
aedilicium ? si vcro turn fuit aedilis, cum cum iussu Antonii in 

15 convivio servi publici loris ceciderunt. At quam modesta man- 25 
data ! Ferrei sumus, patres conscripti, qui quidquam huic nege- 
mus. Utramque provinciam, inquit, remitto; exercitum 
depono; privatus esse non recuso: haec sunt enim verba. 
Redire ad se videtur. Omnia obliviscor, in gratiam re- 

20 deo. Sed quid adiungit? Si legionibus meis sex, si equi- 
tibus, si cohort! praetoriae praedam agrumque dede- 

Octavius, ambassador to Antiochus V, the causa 13. 12, 26. 

son of Epiphanes. See 9. 2, 4 note. 17. Utramque provinciam. Not the 

3. Se renuntiaturum, that he would two provinces of Gaul, for Plancus still held 

report progress, and so stop the negotiations. Gallia Transalpina (5. 2,5), but Cisalpine 

Halm thinks that in re there lies the Gaul and Macedonia (see 7. I, 3). Hence 

notion of negation, and that the word in there is no discrepancy between this demand 

itself implies the refusal of Antiochus to of Antony and that in the next chapter: 

comply with the demands of the senate : but Galliam togatam remitto, Comatam pos- 

though this is easily gathered from the con- tulo. 

text, it is not contained in the word, which 20. Legionibus meis sex. These 
has its customary meaning of reporting the would be the 5th or Alauda legion, the 2nd 
result of a commission-. The later MSS. and 35th from Macedonia, of which the 
have se non ante renuntiaturum, which greater part had followed Antony, and pro- 
vitiates the meaning. bably three of tirones. Cp. Fam. 10. 34, I : 

7. Potius. The later MSS. have totus, and Mr. Watson s notes. In Append, xi. 1 1, 

as in Att. 9. 2, I Repudiari se totum. Mr. Watson expresses his opinion that one 

11. Quo stupore. The unsuitableness of these three latter legions consisted of 
of this word between two of such cognate evocati. 

meaning as arrogantia and spiritus has 21. Cohorti praetoriae, the body- 
led to the conjecture quo tumore. If the guard, attached to the person of every 
reading be genuine, it may perhaps qualify Roman general. Cp. Caes. B. G. I. 40 Si 
qua arrogantia, with what infatuated praeterea nemo sequatur, tamen se cum sola 
arrogance, as ff^irXrjKTos, tufipovTr/Tos are decima legione iturum, de qua non dubitaret, 
used in Greek. sibique earn praetoriam cohortem futuram. 

12. Cotylam. See on 5. 2, 5. Praedam. The audacity of this pro- 
15. Loris ceciderunt, deliciarum posal, ar.d the absence of any spoils 

23-27. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A VIII. 209 

ritis. lis etiam praemia postulat, quibus ut ignoscatur si 
postulet, impudentissimus iudicetur. Addit praeterea, ut quos 
ipse cum Dolabella dederit agros, teneant ii, quibus dati 

26 sint. Hie est Campanus ager et Leontinus, quae duo maiores 
9 nostri annonae perfugia ducebant. Cavet mimis, aleatoribus, 5 

lenonibus : Cafoni etiam et Saxae cavet, quos centuriones pug- 
naces et lacertosos inter mimorum et mimarum greges collo- 
cavit. Postulat praeterea, ut [chirographorum] sua et com- 
mentariorum collegaeque sui decreta maneant. Quid 
laborat, ut habeat quod quisque mercatus est, si quod acce- 10 
pit habet qui vendidit ? Et ne tangantur rationes ad 
Opis: id est, ne septiens miliens reciperetur. Ne fraudi sit 
septemviris quod egissent. Nucula hoc, credo, admonuit ; 
verebatur fortasse ne amitteret tantas clientelas. Caveri etiam 
vult iis, qui secum sint, quidquid contra leges commi- 15 

27 serint. Mustelae et Tironi prospicit : de se nihil laborat. Quid 
enim commisit umquam ? num aut pecuniam publicam attigit 
aut hominem occidit aut secum habuit armatos ? Sed quid est 
quod de iis laboret? postulat enim ne sua iudiciaria lex ab- 
rogetur. Quo impetrato quid est quod metuat? an ne suorum 20 
aliquis a Cyda, Lysiade, Curio condemnetur? Neque tamen 
nos urget mandatis pluribus ; remittit aliquantum et relaxat. 
Galliam, inquit, togatam remitto, comatam postulo. 

which could be so distributed, have led to he, the seller, is in safe possession of the 

the probable conjecture of praemia for purchase-money? Antony had got all that 

praedam, which is however found in all the he could make by his wholesale forgery of 

MSS. The conjecture is borne out by the decrees, and Cicero thinks that it is not like 

repetition of praemia in the following him to be so careful of the interests of his 

clause. customers. 

4. Campanus ager et Leontinus. n. Ad Opis. See I. 7, 18 note. 

See on 2. 39, 101. 13. Septemviris. See 2. 38, 99 note. 

5. Annonae perfugia, our reserve of 14. Clientelas: of the partizans to 
corn. whom he had assigned land. 

6. Cafoni et Saxae. See above, c. 3, 16. Mustelae et Tironi. See 2. 4, 8 
9 note. note. 

8. Chirographorum. If this word, Quid commisit? Cicero recurs ironi- 
which is found in all the MSS., be genuine, cally to the three main charges against 
it must be applicable to all the three classes Antony ; the appropriation of the public 
of decrees which are afterwards specified. treasure, the murder of the centurions, and 
The decrees, existing under the hand of his being in arms against the state, 
himself and Caesar (as found in his note- 19. Iudiciaria lex, de tertia decuria 
books) and Dolabella. It is more probably iudicum. See I. 8, 19 ; 5. 5, 12 foil., with 
an interpolation, arising from the recollection the notes upon both passages. 

of such passages as I. 7, 16; 2. 14, 35 Com- 23. Togatam. Cisalpine Gaul, which 

mentariorum et chirographorum officina. was so far civilized as to have adopted the 

9. Quid laborat, &c., why so anxious Roman dress; Comatam, Transalpine Gaul, 
to secure the title of the buyers, so long as so called from the fashion of the people to 



cc. 910. 

Otiosus videlicet esse mavult. Cum sex legionibus, inquit, 
iisque suppletis ex D. Bruti exercitu 3 non modo ex dilectu 
suo, tamdiuque ut obtineat, dum M. Brutus C. Cassius 
consules prove consulibus provincias obtinebunt. Huius 
5 comitiis C. frater eius est enim annus iam repulsam tulit. 
Ipse autem ut quinquennium, inquit, obtineam. At istud 28 
vetat lex Caesaris, et tu acta Caesaris defendis. 

Haec tu mandata, L. Piso, et tu, L. Philippe, principes civi- 10 
tatis, non dico animo ferre, verum auribus accipere potuistis ? 

10 Sed, ut suspicor, terror erat quidam : nee vos ut legati apud 
ilium fuistis nee ut consulares, nee vos vestram nee rei publicae 
dignitatem tenere potuistis. Et tamen nescio quo pacto sapi- 
entia quadam, credo, quod ego non possem, non nimis irati re- 
vertistis. Vobis M. Antonius nihil tribuit, clarissimis viris, legatis 

J 5 populi Roman! : nos quid non legato M. Antonii Cotylae con- 

let their hair grow long. In 7. I, 3 Cicero 
shows that Antony s real object in demanding 
an unsettled province like Transalpine Gaul 
was not that he might be otiosus, but that 
he might be able to raise forces in it for the 
overthrow of the commonwealth. 

3. Tamdiu, &c. Antony apparently 
fore-aw that if the senatorial party continued 
in the ascendant, M. Brutus and C. Cassius 
would certainly be elected Consuls on the 
first possible occasion. This would be for 
the year 41 B C., on the expiration of two 
years from their praetorship, and as they 
would subsequently have been able to hold 
the command of provinces as proconsuls for 
two years (l. 8, 19), compliance with 
Antony s demand would give him Gallia 
Transalpina for five years (43-39 B.C.), in 
direct violation of the very law by which 
he assumed that the command of Brutus 
and Cassius would be limited. His pretext 
for this proposal would doubtless be that he 
anticipated danger to himself from the pos 
session of power by his enemies. 

4. Huius comitiis, by his mode of 
determining the election, he accepts as a 
foregone conclusion the defeat of his bro 
ther. C. Antonius had been a colleague of 
Brutus and Cassius in the praetorship, and 
would therefore naturally be a candidate for 
the consulship in the same year, and hence 
his brother, by assuming that Brutus and 
Cassius would be Consuls, admits the pro 
bability of his defeat. 

6. Ipse autem, &c. This last demand is 
probably Cicero s interpretation of the pre 

vious one, and this would account for the 
change of person. Otherwise, as a quota 
tion from Antony s letter, it would be worse 
than tautology, as it would put in plain 
language what he had previously taken care 
to express obscurely. 

c. 10. He mar veiled how Piso and Philip- 
pus could so tamely suffer such affronts. The 
sacred character of ambassadors had been 
insulted in a manner which the senate would 
not condescend to imitate even toivards a man 
like Cotyla. He was admitted to the senate ; 
certain consular s even treated him with 
friendly hospitality, letting their fears master 
both their love of liberty and their duty 
towards the state, and failing to profit by the 
example of such men as Q. Scaevola, who 
thought no pains or assiduity too great in 
labouring for the common good. 

8. Haec tu mandata, &c. Manutius 
compares Fam. 12. 4, I Nihil autem foe- 
dius Philippo et Pisone, legatis, nihil flagitio- 
sius ; qui cum essent missi, ut Antonio ex 
senatus sententia certas res denuntiarent, 
cum ille earum rerum nulli paruisset, ultro 
ab illo ad nos intolerabilia postulata rettu- 

13. Non nimis irati. The Vatican MS. 
omits the negative, but it seems essential to 
the sense. The envoys had the command 
over their tempers which was called for 
by a wise discretion. 

Revertistis. One MS. has reversi 
estis, but the active form of the perfect 
is usual in authors of the ante-Augustan 


cessimus ? Cui portas huius urbis patere ius non erat, huic hoc 
templum patuit, huic aditus in senatum fuit, hie hesterno die 
sententias vestras in codicillos et omnia verba referebat, huic 
se etiam summis honoribus usi contra suam dignitatem vendi- 
tabant. O di immortales ! quam magnum est personam in re 5 
publica tueri principis ! quae non animis solum debet, sed etiam 
oculis servire civium. Domum recipere legatum hostium, in 
cubiculum adrrrittere, etiam seducere hominis est nihil de digni- 
tate, nimium de periculo cogitantis. Quod autem est periculum ? 
nam si maximum in discrimen venitur, aut libertas parata victori I0 
est aut mors proposita victo : quorum alterum optabile est, 
alterum effugere nemo potest. Turpis autem fuga mortis omni 

30 est morte peior. Nam illud quidem non adducor ut credam, 
esse quosdam, qui invideant alicuius constantiae, qui labori, qui 
eius perpetuam in re publica adiuvanda voluntatem et senatui J 5 
et populo Romano probari moleste ferant. Omnes id quidem 
facere debebamus, eaque erat non modo apud maiores nostros, 
sed etiam nuper summa laus consularium, vigilare, adesse animo, 
semper aliquid pro re publica aut cogitare aut facere aut dicere. 

si Ego, patres conscripti, Q. Scaevolam augurem memoria teneo 20 
bello Marsico, cum esset summa senectute et perdita valetudine, 
quotidie, simul atque luceret, facere omnibus conveniendi potes- 
tatem sui : nee eum quisquam illo bello vidit in lecto, senexque 
debilis primus veniebat in curiam. Huius industriam maxime 

I. Ius non erat: he being on a trea- 20. Q^. Scaevolam. Cp. Lael. 1, I 

sonable errand, as a traitor s messenger. Ego a patre ita cram deductusad Scaevolam 

4. Venditabant se, tried to recom- sumpta virili toga, ut, quoad possem et 
mend themselves, as a salesman showing liceret, a senis latere numquam discederem. 
off his goods; cp. pro Sull. 10, 31 Ita Scaevola was Consul 117 B.C., and lived to 
illos aiidituros quibus se venditabat. the end of the Marsic war, 88 B.C., but how 

5. Personam tueri principis, to much longer he survived does not appear, 
sustain the character of a leading citizen. He is commonly called the Augur in dis- 
See on 6. I, 2. tinction to his son Q^ Mucius Scaevola 

8. Seducere, to take aside for private Pontifex. 

conversation. Cp. Att. 5. 21, 12 Cum 22. Simul atque luceret. That early 

haec disseruissem, seducit me Scaptius ; ait rising was common among the Romans is 

se nihil contra dicere. shown, among other passages, by the well- 

14. Qui labori. Halm reads qui labori known epigram of Martial, 4. 8, which gives 

eius, from two of the later MSS., but the the first and second hours, which in summer 

insertion of the pronoun would lead us to would be from about 4.30 to 7 a.m., to the 

look forward for the construction of labori, reception of clients and friends : Prima 

instead of referring it to invideant. One salutantes atque altera continet hora. 
MS. has laboribus, but this is unlikely with 24. Debilis. The later MSS. have et 

1 labori at the end of 31. debilis, which is adopted by Orelli, on the 

16. Id facere, sc. perpetuam voluntatem ground that so melius distinguuntur duo 

praestare. mala, senectus et debilitas. 

P 2 

212 M. TULLI1 CICERO NIS cc. 10-11. 

quidem vellem ut imitarentur ii, quos oportebat : secundo autem 
loco, ne alterius labori invlderent. Etenim, patres conscript!, ]j 
cum in spem libertatis sexennio post simus ingressi diutiusque 33 
servitutem perpessi, quam captivi servi frugi et diligentes solent, 
5 quas vigilias, quas sollicitudines, quos labores liberandi populi 
Romani causa recusare debemus? Equidem, patres conscripti, 
quamquam hoc honore usi togati solent esse, cum est in sagis 
civitas, statui tamen a vobis ceterisque civibus in tanta atroci- 
tate temporis tantaque perturbatione rei publicae non differre 

10 vestitu. Non enim ita gerimus nos hoc bello consulares, ut 
aequo animo populus Romanus visurus sit nostri honoris in 
signia, cum partim e nobis ita timidi sint, ut omnem populi 
Romani benenciorum memoriam abiecerint, partim ita a re 
publica aversi, ut se hosti favere prae se ferant, legates nostros 

*5 ab Antonio despectos et irrisos facile patiantur, legatum Antonii 
sublevatum velint. Hunc enim reditu ad Antonium prohiberi 
negabant oportere et in eodem excipiendo sententiarn meam 
corrigebant : quibus geram morem. Redeat ad imperatorem 
suum Varius, sed ea lege, ne umquam Romam revertatur. 

20 Ceteris autem, si errorem suum deposuerint et cum re publica 
in gratiam redierint, veniam et impunitatem dandam puto. 

Quas ob res ita censeo : Eorum, qui cum M. Antonio sunt, 33 
qui ab armis discesserint et aut ad C. Pansam aut ad A. Hirtium 
consules aut ad Decimum Brutum imperatorem, consulem de- 

25 signatum, aut ad C. Caesarem pro praetore ante Idus Martias 

c. ir. When zeal for the public service to imply a distinction between slaves taken 

was so much needed, and so little shown, it in war, and persons born in slavery. The 

was no time for the leaders of the people to former would be more likely, if honest and 

insist on special privileges. He had thought industrious, to win the compassion of their 

it right that all should alike wear the milt- masters, and gain an early manumission. 
tary garb, lest the people should be reminded 7. Hoc honore usi, those who have 

that the consulars were also specially dis- been Consuls, cp. c. 10, 28 summis hono- 

tinguished for cowardice and disloyalty. ribus usi. 

For himself, he could offer no terms to the 16. Sublevatum velint, are anxious 

insurgents except upon immediate submis- that all difficulties should be removed from 

sion ; and therefore he proposed that Cotyla, his path. 

and no one else, should now return to An- 17. In eodem excipiendo, &c., in 

tony, and that those of his adherents should the matter of his reception my views were 

be pardoned who returned to their allegiance overruled ; Cicero having been of opinion 

by the 1st of March. that he should never have been received 

3. Sexennio : the slavery beginning into the city; see above, c. 10, 28. 
with the outbreak of the civil war between 19. Varius, Cotyla. See on 5. 2, 5. 
Caesar and Pompey, 49 B.C. 25. Ante Idus Martias prirnas, 

4. Captivi servi. The latter word is before the Ides of March next. Cp. Cato 
omitted in the later MSS., but Cicero seems R. R. 147 Locus vinis ad Kal. Octob. 




primas adierint, iis fraudi ne sit, quod cum M. Antonio fuerint. 
Si quis eorum, qui cum M. Antonio sunt, fecerit quod honore 
praemiove dignum esse videatur, uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius con- 
sules, alter ambove, si iis videbitur, de eius honore praemiove 
primo quoque die ad senatum referant. Si quis post hoc senatus 5 
consultum ad Antonium profectus esset praeter L. Varium, sena 
tum existimaturum eum contra rem publicam fecisse. 

primas dabitur; and Livy 23. 32 Q. Fabius 
edixit, ut frumenta omnes ex agris, ante Kal. 
lun. primas, in urbes munitas conveherent. 
The exact precision of expression is due to 
the formal character of the vote or procla 
mation. Cp. also Livy 42. 21. 

2. Si quis eorum, &c. This seems 

to point to the contemplation of some act of 
treachery, or even open violence, among the 
soldiery of Antony. 

3. Consules, &c. This appears in the 
Vatican MS. in the contracted form cosaa 
sis. See on 5. 19, 53. 


SHORTLY after the delivery of the eighth oration, another meeting of 
the senate was held, to consider what honours should be paid to the 
memory of Servius Sulpicius, who had died on the embassy to Antony. 
He had been chosen as ambassador on account of his eminence as a 
jurist, and his high reputation for uprightness of character ; and Cicero 
is probably guilty of no exaggeration in pronouncing him the mainstay 
of the expedition. He had been in very bad health before he started, 
and was anxious to decline the commission, but yielded to the pressure 
put on him by the senate, so that Cicero had some foundation for saying 
that the senate was responsible for his death. The Consul, Pansa, 
proposed that he should be honoured with a public funeral, and a gilt 
pedestrian statue placed in the Rostra ; and it was in support of this 
motion that Cicero delivered his ninth Philippic oration. He says that 
he need have spoken a very few words, had not P. Servilius opposed the 
latter part of the decree, on the ground that a statue had never before 
been voted to any ambassador, unless he had been slain by violence 
on his embassy. Cicero urges that Sulpicius even more truly gave his 
life for his country than any who had been so put to death, since he 
knew before he started that he had small chance of returning. He 
points out how fully worthy Sulpicius had proved himself of such 
honours, and how the form of them was most appropriate to the 
man. The motion of the Consul was carried in its integrity, and 
a statue was erected before the Rostra, which was still standing in 
the time of Aurelian, as a testimony to the fame of Sulpicius and the 
eloquence of Cicero. 

The speech is one of the most genial and pleasing which we have of 
Cicero s : it displays genuine feeling for the loss of a friend, and in the 


warm panegyric which he utters over the illustrious jurist, he forgets for 
a time the bitterness of his animosity towards Antony. There is but 
little difficulty in the language of the speech, which is probably owing 
partly to the fact that Cicero could on this occasion speak exactly as he 
felt, and had no occasion for the complications caused by veiled sarcasm 
and artificial innuendo. 




1 VELLEM di immortales fecissent, patres conscript!, ut vivo 

1 potius Ser. Sulpicio gratias ageremus quam honores mortuo 
quaereremus. Nee vero dubito quin, si ille vir legationem 
renuntiare potuisset, reditus eius et vobis gratus fuerit et rei 
publicae salutaris futurus, non quo L. Philippo et L. Pisoni aut 5 
studium aut cura defuerit in tanto officio tantoque munere, sed 
cum Ser. Sulpicius aetate illos anteiret, sapientia omnes, subito 
ereptus e causa totam legationem orbam et debilitatam reliquit. 

2 Quod si cuiquam iustus honos habitus est in morte legato, in 
nullo iustior quam in Ser. Sulpicio reperietur. Ceteri, qui in 10 
legatione mortem obierunt, ad incertum vitae periculum sine 
ullo mortis metu profecti sunt : Ser. Sulpicius cum aliqua per- 

c. I. In proposing that a statue should be 
erected in memory of Ser. Sulpicius, who had 
died on a mission to A ntony, Cicero expresses 
his deep sense of the loss which the embassy 
had sustained in the death of the oldest and 
wisest of its members. He points out that 
Sulpicius had started with the full conviction 
that it would cause his death, and had there 
fore more truly sacrificed his life for his 
country than those who had on former occa 
sions received the same honour of a statue. 

3. Legationem renuntiare, * to report 
the issue of his embassy: cp. 6. 6, 16 
Cum enim legati renuntiarint, quod certe 
renuntiabunt ; and 8. 8, 23 note. 

5. Non quo ... defuerit. See on 1.4,9. 

6. In tanto officio tantoque mu 
nere, in performing duties so arduous and 
services so important. The original differ 
ence between these two words, so constantly 
combined by Cicero, seems to be that 
officium represents an aet as binding on 
the doer, munus as beneficial to some other 

person or persons. 

7. Illos . . . omnes. The readings vary 
between the accusative and dative, but the 
former has the sanction of the Vatican MS., 
and is more in accordance with Cicero s 
usage, though he has the dative in Fin. 5. 
3 1 * 93 Quamvis minimam animi praestan- 
tiam omnibus bonis corporis anteire dicamus; 
and Off. 2. 10, 37 Qui anteire ceteris vir- 
tute putantur. 

8. Ereptus e causa, the sudden loss of 
his services in the commission. Causa, 
though more generally used of pleading in a 
court of law, is sometimes extended to any 
more general commission : cp. Verr. Act. 2. 
3 73> J 7 Aeneas, cui senatus dederat 
publicam causam, ut mihi gratias ageret. 

9. Cuiquam. For the use of quis- 
quam* in affirmative sentences see on i. 9, 
22 ; and Madv. 494 b. 

II. Ad incertum, &c., to meet the 
various ordinary risks of life, with no especial 
ground for apprehending death. 

2 1 8 M. TULLII C ICE RON IS cc. 1-3. 

veniendi ad M. Antonium spe profectus est, nulla revertendi. 
Qui cum ita affectus esset, ut, si ad gravem valetudinem labor 
accessisset, sibi ipse diffideret, non recusavit quo minus vel ex- 
tremo spiritu, si quam opem rei publicae ferre posset, experi- 
5 retur. Itaque non ilium vis hiemis, non nives, non longitudo 
itineris, non asperitas viarum, non morbus ingravescens retarda- 
vit, cumque iam ad congressum colloquiumque eius pervenisset, 
ad quern erat missus, in ipsa cura ac meditatione obeundi sui 
muneris excessit e vita. 

10 Ut igitur alia, sic hoc, C. Pansa, praeclare, quod et nos ad 3 
honorandum Ser. Sulpicium cohortatus es, et ipse multa copiose 
de ipsius laude dixisti. Quibus a te dictis nihil praeter senten- 
tiam dicerem, nisi P. Servilio, clarissimo viro, respondendum 
putarem, qui hunc honorem statuae nemini tribuendum censuit 

15 nisi ei, qui ferro esset in legatione interfectus. Ego autem, 
patres conscripti, sic interpreter sensisse maiores nostros, ut cau- 
sam mortis censuerint, non genus esse quaerendum. Etenim 
cui legatio ipsa morti fuisset, eius monimentum exstare volue- 
runt, ut in bellis periculosis obirent homines legationis munus 

20 audacius. Non igitur exempla maiorum quaerenda, sed consi- 
lium est eorum, a quo ipsa exempla nata sunt, explicandum. 
Lars Tolumnius, rex Veientium, quattuor legates populi Romani 2 
Fidenis interemit, quorum statuae steterunt usque ad meam 4 
memoriam in rostris. Justus honos ; iis enim maiores nostri, 

25 qui ob rem publicam mortem obierant, pro brevi vita diuturnam 
memoriam reddiderunt. Cn. Octavii, clari viri et magni, qui 

2. Cum ita affectus esset, &c., the service of their country, but Sulpicius had 

though in such a state of health, as to feel gone to face an almost certain death, allow- 

his danger imminent. Cp. Att. 14. 17, 2 ing no precautions for his health even to 

L. Caesari, quern pridie Neapoli affectum delay his exertions in performing what he 

graviter videram. felt to be his duty. 

4. Si ... posset. For the use of si 22. Legates interemit. See Livy 4. 

in dependent questions, after words which 17. Livy and Pliny (N. H. 34. 6, 23) both 

signify an attempt, see Madv. 451 d. call the envoy Cloelius Tullus instead of 

12. Nihil praeter sententiam, I Cluvius, and Pliny has the name Nautius 
should give my vote without adding any instead of Antius. 

further words. See on 3. 9, 24. 26. Cn. Octavii. Octavius was killed 

13. Clarissimo viro. These words when on an embassy to Antiochus V, the 
were added by Th. Mommsen, as the ex- son of Epiphanes (see on 8. 8, 23), in 162 
planation of the previously undeciphered B.C., to enjoin obedience to the terms of 
Vatican reading cui. the treaty made with his grandfather, Anti- 

cc. 2, 3. The envoys slain by Lars Tolum- ochus the Great. He was Consul in 165 

nius, and Cn. Octavius, who was assassinated B.C. Four of his descendants also gained 

on an embassy to Antiochus, had fallen in the consulship. 


primus in earn familiam, quae postea viris fortissimis floruit, 
attulit consulatum, statuam videmus in rostris. Nemo turn novi- 
tati invidebat ; nemo virtutem non honorabat. At ea fuit legatio 
Octavii, in qua periculi suspicio non subesset. Nam cum esset 
missus a senatu ad animos regum perspiciendos liberorumque 5 
populorum, maximeque ut nepotem regis Antiochi, eius qui cum 
maioribus nostris bellum gesserat, classes habere, elephantos 
alere prohiberet, Laudiceae in gymnasio a quodam Leptine est 

5 interfectus. Reddita est ei turn a maioribus statua pro vita, 
quae multos per annos progeniem eius honestaret, nunc ad tan- 10 
tae familiae memoriam sola restat. Atqui et huic et Tullo 
Cluvio et L. Roscio et Sp. Antio et C. Fulcinio, qui a Veientium 
rege caesi sunt, non sanguis, qui est profusus in morte, sed ipsa 

3 mors ob rem publicam obita honori fuit. Itaque, patres con- 
scripti, si Ser. Sulpicio rasus mortem attulisset, dolerem equidem 15 
tanto rei publicae vulnere, mortem vero eius non monimento, 
sed luctu publico esse ornandam putarem. Nunc autem quis 
dubitat quin ei vitam abstulerit ipsa legatio ? Secum enim ille 
mortem extulit : quam, si nobiscum remansisset, sua cura, optimi 

6 filii fidelissimaeque coniugis diligentia vitare potuisset. At ille 20 
cum videret, si vestrae auctoritati non paruisset, dissimilem se 

2. Novitati, his want of noble birth. portion of Antony s fleet at Actium, but this 

Cp. Fam. I. 7 8 Video non, ut antehac might well have been another of the name, 

putabam, novitati esse invisum meae. Augustus was descended from the uncle of 

II. Restat. So Ernesti, followed by Halm the murdered relative. 

and Kayser, for the MS. reading restaret. 14. Obita. So Halm, following one MS., 

The correction seems almost necessary, and the conjecture of Ferrarius, who com- 

since the extinction of the race could not pares pro Sest. 38, 83 Quos a maioribus 

enter into the calculations of those who nostris morte obita positos in illo loco atque 

granted the statue, and is merely introduced in rostris collocates videtis. The other 

by Cicero as a historical fact, adding addi- MSS. have habita ; which S. C. Schirlitz 

tional interest to it. The mistake might (de Philippica Nona Dissertatio, p. n) 

easily slip into the MSS., from the influence defends, as going closely with honori ; 

of the preceding honestaret. If restaret what was deemed an honour to Octavius, 

is right, the subjunctive must in both cases and the envoys slain by Lars Tolumnius, 

mark the ordinance of fate, not the inten- was not the blood which was shed in their 

tions of the senate ; which was destined to death, but the very fact of dying for the 

confer honour to remain now, &c. ; but state. For honori habere he compares 

even so the presence of nunc occasions Sail. Jug. 31, 10 Perinde quasi ea honori 

greater awkwardness than the occurrence of non praedae habeant; and for the expres- 

a subjunctive and an indicative belonging sion mors ob rempublicam, such phrases as 

to the same relative. The last descendant pietas advorsum decs Fin. 3. 22, 73. 
of On. Octavius of whom we hear is M. 16. Non monimento, &c. should be 

Octavius, aedile in 50 B.C., and one of marked, not by a monument, but by public 

Pompey s generals at the battle of Thap- demonstrations of mourning. Cp. pro Sest. 

sus, 46 B.C. He is said by Dr. Smith 1. c. : cuius mortem ornandam monimento 

(Diet. Biogr. s.v.) to have commanded a sempiterno putaretis. 


futurum sui, sin paruisset, munus sibi illud pro re publica sus- 
cepturn vitae finem fore, maluit in maximo rei publicae discri- 
mine emori quam minus quam potuisset videri rei publicae pro- 
fuisse. Multis illi in urbibus, iter qua faciebat, reficiendi se et 
5 curandi potestas fuit. Aderat hospitum invitatio liberalis pro 
dignitate summi viri et eorum hortatio, qui una erant missi, ad 
requiescendum et vitae suae consulendum. At ille properans, 
festinans, mandata vestra conficere cupiens, in hac constantia 
morbo adversante perseveravit. Cuius cum adventu maxime 7 

10 perturbatus esset Antonius, quod ea, quae sibi iussu vestro de- 
nuntiarentur, auctoritate erant et sententia Ser. Sulpicii consti- 
tuta, declaravit quam odisset senatum, cum auctorem senatus 
exstinctum laete atque insolenter tulit. Non igitur magis Lep- 
tines Octavium nee Veientium rex eos, quos modo nominavi, 

15 quam Ser. Sulpicium occidit Antonius. Is enim profecto mor 
tem attulit, qui causa mortis fuit. Quocirca etiam ad posteri- 
tatis memoriam pertinere arbitror exstare, quod fuerit de hoc 
bello iudicium senatus. Erit enim statua ipsa testis bellum tam 
grave fuisse, ut legati interitus honoris memoriam consecutus 

20 sit. Quod si excusationem Ser. Sulpicii, patres conscripti, lega- 4 
tionis obeundae recordari volueritis, nulla dubitatio relinquetur 8 
quin honore mortui, quam vivo iniuriam fecimus, sarciamus. Vos 
enim, patres conscripti, grave dictu est, sed dicendum tamen 
vos, inquam, Ser. Sulpicium vita privastis : quern cum videretis 

25 re magis morbum quam oratione excusantem, non vos quidem 
crudeles fuistis quid enim minus in hunc ordinem convenit ? 

12. Auctorem senatus, the senate s only be a monument of his death, and of the 

representative; cp. pro Flacc. 15, 36 senate s gratitude. 
4 Praeclarus iste suae civitatis auctor. 20. Excusationem legationis obe- 

19. Honoris memoriam, the record undae, his plea for declining the com- 

of a public honour. mission of ambassador. This is a rare 

cc. 4, 5. The senate itself could not escape construction with excusatio, the genitive 

the charge of having caused his death, by being more generally used with it to signify 

setting aside the excuses which he urged for the substance of the excuse. We find, how- 

exemption from this service. It had made ever, excusatio peccati, Lael. II, 37; 

the interests of the state a higher consideration excusationes iniuriae, pro Sull. 16, 47. 
than his life, and was thus peculiarly bound 25. Re magis, &c., enforcing the plea 

to pay him honour in his death. This was of illness by his looks more than by his 

due to his friends, and especially to the exem- words. The later MSS. have se, a mis- 

plary filial piety of his son, who was himself take which has given rise to the further false 

the best memorial of his father s virtues. reading morbo ; but the antithesis evidently 

The memory of his life was mfficiently secured is intended to be between the proof of ill- 

by his excellence, and his unequalled legal ness given by his words, and that visible in 

skill and judgment, so that this statue would his worn-out and feeble looks. 


sed cum speraretis nihil esse, quod non illius auctoritate et 
sapientia effici posset, vehementius excusationi obstitistis atque 
eum, qui semper vestrum consensum gravissimum iudicavisset, 

9 de sententia deiecistis. Ut vero Pansae consulis accessit cohor- 
tatio gravior quam aures Ser. Sulpicii ferre didicissent, turn vero 5 
denique filium meque seduxit atque ita locutus est, ut auctori- 
tatem vestram vitae suae se diceret anteferre. Cuius nos virtu- 
tern admirati non ausi sumus adversari voluntati. Movebatur 
singular! pietate filius ; non multum eius perturbation! meus 
dolor concedebat : sed uterque nostrum cedere cogebatur mag- 10 
nitudini animi orationisque gravitati, cum quidem ille maxima 
laude et gratulatione omnium vestrum pollicitus est se quod 
velletis esse facturum, neque eius sententiae periculum vitatu- 
rum, cuius ipse auctor fuisset : quern exsequi mandata vestra 
properantem mane postridie prosecuti sumus. Qui quidem 15 
discedens mecum ita locutus est, ut eius oratio omen fati vide- 

5 Reddite igitur, patres conscripti, ei vitam, cui ademistis : vita 
10 enim mortuorum in memoria est posita vivorum. Perficite, ut 
is, quern vos inscii ad mortem misistis, immortalitatem habeat 20 
a vobis. Cui si statuam in rostris decreto vestro statueritis, 
nulla eius legationem posteritatis obscurabit oblivio. Nam 
reliqua Ser. Sulpicii vita multis erit praeclarisque monimentis 
ad omnem memoriam commendata. Semper illius gravitatem 
constantiam, fidem, praestantem in re publica tuenda curam 25 
atque prudentiam omnium mortalium fama celebrabit. Nee 
vero silebitur admirabilis quaedam et incredibilis ac paene divina 

6. Seduxit. See 8. 10, 29 note. tive existence after death, that in the passage 

9. Singulari pietate, the descriptive quoted he is arguing from the instinctive 

ablative, not dependent on movebatur. desire felt by men to live in the remem- 

His son, a man of singular affection for his brance of posterity, to the conclusion that 

father, was deeply moved. after death we shall necessarily be conscious 

13. Eius sententiae, the proposal that of the opinion which men hold of us. 
ambassadors should be sent to Antony. 26. Nee vero silebitur. For the 

15. Prosecuti sumus, we set him on transitive use of sileo cp. Att. 2. 18, 3 Tu 

his way, irpoTrefj-ipafj.fv ; cp. Att. 6. 3, 6 hocsilebis; and Ov. M. 12. 575. 
Is me nee proficiscentem Apameam prose- Nee tamen ulterius, quam fortia facta 

cutus est. silendo, 

18. Vita enim mortuorum, &c. Cp. Ulciscar fratres. 

Cat. Mo. 13, 82 Nescio quo modo animus And for the estimate of the legal eminence 

erigens se posteritatem ita semper prospi- of Sulpicius cp. de Legg. I. 5, 17 Sit ista res 

ciebat, quasi, cum excessisset e vita, turn (iuris disciplina) magna, sicut est, quae 

denique victurus esset. So far however was quondam a multis claris viris, nunc ab uno 

Cicero from holding that men had no objec- summa auctoritate ac scientia sustinetur. 

M. TULLI1 CICERO N IS cc. 5-6. 

eius in legibus interpretandis, aequitate explicanda scientia. 
Omnes ex omni aetate, qui in hac civitate intelligentiam iuris 
habuerunt, si unum in locum conferantur, cum Ser. Sulpicio non 
sint comparandi. Nee enim ille magis iuris consultus quam 

5 iustitiae fuit. Ita ea quae proficiscebantur a legibus et ab iure n 
civili semper ad facilitatem aequitatemque referebat, neque insti- 
tuere litium actiones malebat quam controversias tollere. Ergo 
hoc statuae monimento non eget : habet alia maiora. Haec 
enim statua mortis honestae testis erit, ilia memoria vitae glori- 

10 osae, ut hoc magis monimentum grati senatus quam clari viri 
futurum sit. Multum etiam valuisse ad patris honorem pietas 12 
filii videbitur : qui quamquam afflictus luctu non adest, tamen 
sic animati esse debetis, ut si ille adesset. Est autem ita af- 
fectus, ut nemo umquam unici filii mortem magis doluerit quam 

15 ille maeret patris. Et quidem etiam ad famam Ser. Sulpicii filii 
arbitror pertinere, ut videatur honorem debitum patri praestitisse. 
Quamquam nullum monimentum clarius Ser. Sulpicius relin- 
quere potuit quam effigiem morum suorum, virtutis, constantiae, 
pietatis, ingenii filium, cuius luctus aut hoc honore vestro aut 

20 nullo solacio levari potest. 

Mihi autem recordanti Ser. Sulpicii multos in nostra famili- 6 

I. Aequitate, the application to indi- estimation of them. Cp. pro Mur. 12, 27 
vidual cases of the principle rather than the Cum permulta praeclare legibus essent con- 
letter of the law : 6Trav6pOa>fj.a v6fj.ov, rj stituta, ea iureconsultorum ingeniis pleraque 
\\f nrei 8ia TO KaOoXov, Arist. Eth. N. 5. corrupta ac depravata sunt. 
IO, 6. 9. Ilia, those other greater monuments 

4. Iuris consultus, &c., more skilled of his worth will form a record of his nobler 

in the letter than in the spirit of the law. life. 
For the case see on 2. 37, 96. 10. Hoc magis, &c., this will bear 

6. Facilitatem, properly readiness to witness rather to the gratitude of the senate 

listen, seems here, from its conjunction with than the greatness of the man. 
aequitas, to mean willingness to admit 14. Doluerit ... maeret, that no one 

arguments from special circumstances/ such has ever felt more grief for the loss of an 

as might prevent the rigorous application of only son than he shows for the death of his 

the letter of the law. Arguments which father. For this distinction between doleo 

started from the letter of our statutes and and maereo cp. Att. 12. 28, 2 Maerorem 

the common law were invariably referred by minui, dolorem non potui, nee si possem, 

him to the standard of tolerance and equity. vellern. 

So facilitas is joined with humanitas, c. 6. The form of monument, a pedestrian 

Fam. 13. 24, 2 Pro tua facilitate et hu- statue of brass, was just what Sulpicius him- 

manitate purgatum se tibi scribit esse. A self, with his characteristic moderation, would 

conjectural emendation, utilitatem, quoted have wished. Nor could he fear opposition 

by Lambinus, would place the reputation of on the part of those who had proposed the 

Servilius on much lower grounds, in substi- greater and more permanent memorial of a 

tuting expediency for equity. public funeral ; while he rejoiced that by the 

Neque . . . malebat. He thus same vote a well-earned honour would be 

showed himself in contrast to the general paid to Sulpicius, and another brand of 

class of iureconsulti, according to Cicero s infamy impressed on Antony. 

10-15. O RATIO PHI LIP PIC A IX. 22,3 

13 aritate sermones gratior illi videtur, si qui est sensus in morte, 
aenea statua futura et ea pedestris quam inaurata equestris, 
qualis L. Sullae primum statuta est. Mirifice enim Servius 
maiorum continentiam diligebat, huius saeculi insolentiam vitu- 
perabat. Ut igitur si ipsum consulam quid velit, sic pedestrem 5 
ex acre statuam tamquam ex eius auctoritate et voluntate de- 
cerno : quae quidem magnum civium dolorem et desiderium 

14 honore monimenti minuet et leniet. Atque hanc meam senten- 
tiam, patres conscripti, P. Servilii sententia comprobari necesse 
est : qui sepulchrum publice decernendum Ser. Sulpicio censuit, 10 
statuam non censuit. Nam si mors legati sine caede atque ferro 
nullum honorem desiderat, cur decernit honorem sepulturae, qui 
maximus haberi potest mortuo? Sin id tribuit Ser. Sulpicio, 
quod non est datum Cn. Octavio, cur, quod illi datum est, huic 
dandum esse non censet? Maiores quidem nostri statuas 15 
multis decreverunt, sepulchra paucis. Sed statuae intereunt 
tempestate, vi, vetustate : sepulchrorum autem sanctitas in 
ipso solo est, quod nulla vi moveri neque deleri potest ; 
atque, ut cetera exstinguntur, sic sepulchra sanctiora fiunt 

15 vetustate. Augeatur igitur isto honore etiam is vir, cui nullus 20 
honos tribui non debitus potest ; grati simus in eius morte 
decoranda, cui nullam iam aliam gratiam referre possumus. 
Notetur etiam M. Antonii, nefarium bellum gerentis, scelerata 
audacia. His enim honoribus habitis Ser. Sulpicio repu- 
diatae reiectaeque legationis ab Antonio manebit testificatio 25 

I Si qui est sensus, &c. In Lael. 8. Minuet. Cp. Pliny Ep. 2. 7, 7 Si 

4, 13 he expresses less doubtfully his views defunctorum imagines domi positae dolorem 

of the consciousness of the soul after death : nostrum levant, quanto magis eae, quibus 

Neque enim adsentior iis, qui neper haec in celeberrimo loco non modo species et 

disserere coeperunt, cum corporibus simul vultus illorum, sed honor etiam et gloria 

animos interire atque omnia morte deleri. refertur. 

3. Primum. See on 2.44,114. The 17. Sepulchrorum, &c. The ground 
gilding must have been the innovation, since being consecrated by the usual rites and 
Livy (2. 13) records an equestrian statue of sacrifices. See de Legg. 2. 22, 55 foil. 
Cloelia, placed on the Via Sacra, as early Till this was done, Cicero tells iis that 
as 506 B.C. the resting-place of the corpse was only 

4. Insolentiam, extravagance, which situs, not sepulchrum. Cp. also Tusc. 
passes all the bounds of precedent and au- I. 12, 27. 

thority; cp. Or. 52, 176 Gorgias festi- 19. Exstinguntur. All the MSS. spell 

vitatibus insolentius abutitur, quas Isocrates this word with one u. Halm has exstingu- 

moderatius etiam temperavit. untur, but see on I. n, 28. 

5. Ut . . . si. Cp. Fam. 2. 14 Eius 20. Isto honore, with the honour 
negotium sic velim suscipias, ut si esset already proposed to you; sc. of a public 
mea. funeral. 


Quas ob res ita censeo : Cum Ser. Sulpicius Q. F. Lemonia 7 
Rufus difficillimo rei publicae tempore, gravi periculosoque 
morbo affectus, auctoritatem senatus, salutem rei publicae vitae 
suae praeposuerit contraque vim gravitatemque morbi conten- 
5 derit, ut in castra M. Antonii, quo senatus eum miserat, perve- 
niret, isque, cum iam prope castra venisset, vi morbi oppressus 
vitam amiserit maximo rei publicae tempore, eiusque mors con- 
sentanea vitae fuerit sanctissime honestissimeque actae, in qua 
saepe magno usui rei publicae Ser. Sulpicius et privatus et in 

10 magistratibus fuerit : cum talis vir ob rem publicam in legatione 16 
mortem obierit, senatui placere Ser. Sulpicio statuam pedestrem 
aeneam in rostris ex huius ordinis sententia statui circumque 
earn statuam locum ludis gladiatoribusque liberos posterosque 
eius quoquo versus pedes quinque habere, quod is ob rem pub- 

15 licam mortem obierit, eamque causam in basi inscribi : utique 
C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si iis videatur, quae- 
storibus urbis imperent, ut earn basim statuamque faciendam et 
in rostris statuendam locent, quantique locaverint, tantam pe- 
cuniam redemptori attribuendam solvendamque curent : cumque 

20 antea senatus auctoritatem suam in virorum fortium funeribus 
ornamentisque ostenderit, placere eum quam amplissime supremo 
suo die efferri. Et cum Ser. Sulpicius Q. F. Lemonia Rufus 17 

c. 7. He concludes with a formal motion, 14. Quoquo versus, in every direction 

that Ser. Sulpicius should be buried at the from the statue ; and thus expressive of a 

public expense on the Esquiline, and that a slightly different mode of measurement from 

brazen statue should be erected on the Rostra pedes xxx. quoquo versus in 17; which 

in his honour, with a space of Jive feet on means thirty feet square, in each direction 

each side reserved for his posterity for in which ground is usually measured; that is, 

ever. in fronte and in agrum. Cp. Hor. S. i. 

I. Lemonia, of the tribe Lemonia, 8, 1 2 Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus 

which was one of the original sixteen country in agrum Hie dabat. 

tribes, cp. Verr. i. 8, 23 Q. Verrem Ro- 16. Quaestoribus urbis, elsewhere 

milia ; ib. Act. 2. 2. 43, 107 C. Claudius quaestores urbani ; but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 

C. F. Palatina. 53, 123 Quas ad quaestores urbis misit ; 

7. Maximo rei publicae tempore. and Livy 25.1 M. Atilio praetori urbis. 

So Halm from the Vatican MS. The other This duty would fall on them, as keepers of 

MSS. have munere, but in such formal the public treasury. 

votes repetition of the same idea in nearly 19. Attribuendam. See on 5. 2, 6. 

the same words is very common. For the 21. Supremo suo die, on the day of 

expression maximo tempore cp. de Legg. 3. his funeral ; an expression which is perhaps 

19, 43 Est boni auguris meminisse se without an exact parallel, though supre- 

maximis rei publicae temporibus praesto esse mus is commonly used in reference to the 

debere. various portions of the funeral rites. Cp. 

13- Ludis gladiatoribusque : perhaps Supremi tori Ov. Fast. 6. 668 ; Supremus 
a hendiadys for ludis gladiatoriis, since ignis id. Am. I. 15, 41. 
these were the only exhibitions held in the 22. Efferri, !/c<e />e<r0cu, should be car- 
forum, ried out to burial. 




ita de re publica meritus sit, ut iis ornamentis decorari debeat, 
senatum censere atque e re publica aestimare aediles curules 
edictum, quod de funeribus habeant, Ser. Sulpicii Q. F. Lemonia 
Rufi funeri remittere ; utique locum sepulchro in campo Esqui- 
lino C. Pansa consul, seu quo in loco videbitur, pedes XXX. 5 
quoquo versus adsignet, quo Ser. Sulpicius inferatur : quod 
sepulchrum ipsius, liberorum posterorumque eius esset, uti quod 
optimo iure publice sepulchrum datum esset. 

3. Edictum, the bye-law, ( edictum 
perpetuum, ) promulgated by the aediles on 
entering office, to regulate the expenses per 
missible at funerals. Though these edicta 
were only technically in force for the year 
of the magistrate s tenure of office, it was 
the custom for those which were found to 
work weil to be re-enacted from year to 

4. Remittere, to relax in favour of 
the funeral of Sulpicius. 

In campo Esquilino. On that part 
of the Esquiline which was outside of the 
Agger of Servius Tullius. See on I. 2, 5. 
The more usual place for public funerals was 

in the Campus Martius, the Campus Esqui- 
linus being also used as a burial-ground for 
the lowest class of citizens (Hor. S. 1.8, 10); 
but from the magna sepulchra which he 
mentions (ib. 35) it would seem that some 
at least of the higher classes were buried 
there. The site of the burial-ground was 
turned into a kind of public park by Maece- 
na (ib. 14). 

7. Uti, &c., with the firmest title that 
is ever given by authority of the state for 
a place of burial. A somewhat fuller for 
mula would be eodem iure quo quod optimo 
iure . . . datum esset. Cp. 12. 12, 30. 


ABOUT the same time that M. Antonius left Rome, his brother 
C. Antonius started for Macedonia, to take possession of that province. 
The government of it for the year 43 B. C. had been originally assigned 
by Caesar to M. Brutus ; it had been transferred by a decree of the 
senate on the 5th of June to M. Antonius ; when he obtained from the 
people, probably in July, the province of Cisalpine Gaul, it had been 
transferred, in the general allotment of the provinces, to his brother Gaius, 
and lastly, on the 2oth of December, this allotment had been annulled 
on the motion of Cicero, and a decree passed that the provinces should 
remain in the hands of their present governors till successors should be 
appointed by the senate. With this complication it was no wonder that 
the possession of the province should be disputed. The best title was 
perhaps that of M. Antonius, and Cicero himself acknowledges that it 
was valid (see on n. 12, 27); but he had abandoned his claim in his 
attempts upon Cisalpine Gaul ; and the contest remained between the 
two other claimants. M. Brutus, who had gone to Athens in September, 
and had there received a large supply of money from the quaestor 
M. Apuleius, and been joined by the remnants of the forces of Pompey, 
was the first in the field, and was acknowledged by Q. Hortensius, the 
son of the orator, whom he found in command of the province, as his 
legitimate successor. Being thus placed at the head of the regular forces 
in the province, he was enabled to set C. Antonius at defiance, and force 
him to take refuge in Apollonia, where he kept him closely shut up. He 
was also warmly supported by the troops of P. Vatinius, who was pro 
consul in Illyricum, though it is doubtful how far this was by the will of 
Vatinius himself. (Compare 10. 6, 13 with Livy Epit. 118 and Veil. Pat. 
2. 69, 3.) 

When the news of these proceedings reached Rome, the Consul Pansa 
called a meeting of the senate, and speaking of M. Brutus in the highest 



terms, laid before them the question whether he should be confirmed in 
the government which he had assumed. Q. Fufius Calenus, who opened 
the debate, proposed that he should be removed from his command ; and 
it was in answer to h m that Cicero delivered his tenth oration. It is 
mainly a warm panegyric on the conduct of M. Brutus. The two main 
objections to be urged against him were that he had no more right in 
Macedonia than Antonius, and that if one of Caesar s murderers were 
supported the veterans would take offence. The first point Cicero passes 
over as lightly as possible, maintaining that even if he were not borne 
out by the letter of the law, yet in all that he had done he had anticipated 
the wishes of the senate, and been actuated by a spirit of the purest 
patriotism : so that no loyal citizen could hesitate to prefer him to 
Antonius. With regard to the second point he declares that the veterans 
had shown themselves superior to such prejudices, when they interfered 
with the welfare of the state ; and indignantly protests against the idea 
of submitting the highest interests of the commonwealth to the will and 
pleasure of the soldiery. 

He concludes by formally proposing that M. Brutus should be con 
firmed in the government of the province, and that he should be supplied 
with all the requisites for carrying on the campaign. His motion was 
agreed to by the senate. The exact date of the speech cannot be ascer 
tained, but it was probably delivered about the beginning of March, 
43 B. C. 




1 MAXIMAS tibi, Pansa, gratias, omnes et habere et agere 

1 debemus : qui cum hodierno die senatum te habiturum non 
arbitraremur, ut M. Bruti, praestantissimi civis, litteras acce- 
pisti, ne minimam quidem moram interposuisti quin quam 
primum maximo gaudio et gratulatione frueremur. Cum fac- 5 
turn tuum gratum omnibus debet esse, turn vero oratio, qua 
recitatis litteris usus es. Declarasti enim verum esse id, quod 
ego semper sensi, neminem alterius, qui suae confideret, virtuti 

2 invidere. Itaque mihi, qui plurimis officiis sum cum Bruto et 
maxima familiaritate coniunctus, minus multa de illo dicenda 10 
sunt. Quas enim ipse mihi partes sumpseram, eas praecepit 
oratio tua. Sed mihi, patres conscripti, necessitatem attulit 
paulo plura dicendi sententia eius, qui rogatus est ante me : 

cc. I, 2. Congratulating Pansa on his I. Gratias et habere et agere, 

promptitude in convening the senate, and on both to feel and to express our grati- 

the generosity of his speech in praise of M. tude. 

Brutus, Cicero laments that once again his 2. Qui cum, &c., * seeing that though 

lead had not been followed by Calenus, who we did not expect that you would convene 

appeared at present to be doomed to find the senate to-day, yet on receiving the 

himself on all occasions in a minority of despatch of M. Brutus, you allowed no time 

one. He seemed to have some special quarrel to be lost before putting us in the receipt of 

with the Bruti, though Cicero could hardly the greatest pleasure and the most accep- 

believe it possible that he should not prefer table congratulations. Manutius takes gra- 

tkem to any one of the Antonii, the last men tulatione of the congratulations which the 

whom he should wish a son of his to imitate. senate would send to M. Brutus, in which 

And in modifying the vote proposed in honour case frueremur would be applied to it by a 

ofM. Brutus, Calenus made the strange pro- kind of zeugma ; but it refers rather to 

posal, which had not even the excuse of being the mutual congratulations of the senators, 

unpremeditated, that the composition of his when the Consuls reported his success. 

letter should be praised, and nothing said II. Praecepit, has anticipated. 

about its substance. 13. Eius: of Calenus. See on 5. I, I. 

330 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-3. 

a quo ita saepe dissentio, ut iam verear ne, id quod fieri 
minime debet, minuere amicitiam nostram videatur perpetua 

Quae est enim ista tua ratio, Calene, quae mens, ut numquam 3 
5 post Kalendas lanuarias idem senseris, quod is, qui te senten- 
tiam primum rogat ? numquam tarn frequens senatus fuerit, cum 
unus aliquis sententiam tuam secutus sit ? Cur semper tui dis- 
similes defendis ? cur, cum te et vita et fortuna tua ad otium, 
ad dignitatem invitet, ea probas, ea decernis, ea sentis, quae 

10 sint inimica et otio communi et dignitati tuae? Nam ut supe- 2 
riora omittam, hoc certe, quod mihi maximam admirationem 
movet, non tacebo. Quod est tibi cum Brutis bellum ? cur eos, 4 
quos omnes paene venerari debemus, solus oppugnas? alterum 
circumsederi non moleste fers, alterum tua sententia spolias iis 

15 copiis, quas ipse suo labore et periculo ad rei publicae, non ad 
suum praesidium per se nullo adiuvante perfecit? Qui est iste 
tuus sensus, quae cogitatio, Brutos ut non probes, Antonios 
probes? quos omnes carissimos habent, tu oderis? quos acer- 
bissirne ceteri oderunt, tu constantissime diligas? Amplissimae 

20 tibi fortunae sunt, summus honoris gradus, filius, ut et audio et 
spero, natus ad laudem, cui cum rei publicae causa faveo, turn 
etiam tua. Quaero igitur, eumne Bruti similem malis an An- 5 
tonii ? ac permitto ut de tribus Antoniis eligas quern velis. Di 
meliora ! inquies. Cur igitur non iis faves, eos laudas, quorum 

25 similem tuum filium esse vis ? Simul enim et rei publicae con- 
sules et propones illi exempla ad imitandum. Hoc vero, Q. 
Fufi, cupio sine offensione nostrae amicitiae sic tecum ut a te 

7. Sententiam tuam secutus sit. Yet 28 Si mihi stomachum moveritis ; Att. 2. 

a portion of the motion of Calenus on the 14, i Quatitam tu rnihi moves expecta- 

ist of January was carried, even in oppo- tionem. 

sition to Cicero. See introduction to the 13. Alterum circumsederi: viz. D. 

fifth oration. Brutus, blockaded by Antony in Mutina. 

9. Ad dignitatem. The later MSS. 16. Perfecit, has organized. The 

have et ad dignitatem, but the asyn- later MSS. have the more ordinary expres- 

deton is preferable, marking that Cicero sion confecit, has got together. 

substitutes the appeal to his dignity as a 20. Summus honoris gradus. He 

correction for the lower motive of personal was Consul in 47 B.C. 

leisure. So in the next clause he brings in Filius. Of this son we only know 

public tranquillity in the place of individual that on his father s death in 41 B.C. he 

ease. surrendered to Octavianus the army which 

II. Mihi . . . admirationem movet. his father was commanding in Cisalpine 

The later MSS. have me maxima admi- Gaul as the legate of Antony, 

ratione, but the construction in the text is 23. Di meliora. See 8. 3, 9 note, 
more common in Cicero; cp. pro Mur. 13, 




dissentiens senator queri : ita enim dixisti et quidem de 
scripto nam te inopia verbi lapsum putarem litteras Bruti 
recte et ordine scriptas videri. Quid est aliud librarium Bruti 

6 laudare, non Brutum ? Usum in re publica, Calene, magnum 
iam habere et debes et potes. Quando ita decerni vidisti ? aut 5 
quo senatus consulto huius generis sunt enim innumerabilia 
bene scriptas litteras decretum a senatu ? Quod verbum tibi 
non excidit, ut saepe fit, fortuito : scriptum, meditatum, cogi- 

o tatum attulisti, Hanc tibi consuetudinem plerisque in rebus 
bonis obtrectandi si qui detraxerit, quid tibi quod sibi quisque Ic 
velit non relinquetur? Quam ob rem collige te placaque ani- 
mum istum aliquando et mitiga ; audi viros bonos, quibus 
multis uteris ; loquere cum sapientissimo homine, genero tuo, 
saepius quam ipse tecum : turn denique amplissimi honoris 
nomen obtinebis. An vero hoc pro nihilo putas, in quo qui 
dem pro amicitia tuam vicem dolere soleo, efferri hoc foras 
et ad populi Romani aures pervenire, ei, qui primus senten- 
tiam dixerit, neminem assensum ? quod etiam hodie futurum 

1. De scripto. See on i. i, 3. 

2. Nam . . putarem, for otherwise I 
should suppose. Some MSS. insert nisi 
tuam in dicendo facultatem nossem, to the 
detriment of the sense, the protasis evidently 
being, had you not been reading from a 
written copy of your speech. This seems 
to have been a most unusual practice in the 
Roman senate. 

3. Recte et ordine. Calenus probably 
meant with propriety and deference to the 
authority of the senate. Cicero puts on 
the words the puerile interpretation in good 
writing and decent style. 

Q_uid est aliud. See on i. 9, 22. 

8. Meditatum, &c. Cp. 2. 34, 85 
Attuleras domo meditatum et cogitatum 

c. 3. Calenus did injustice to himself, by 
ahvays seeking to disparage men of worth. 
For now, in seeking to take away from M. 
Brutus the legions which he had won over 
to the salvation of the state, he was striving 
to dishonour a man who had not only dared 
the noblest of deeds in order to secure freedom 
for his country, but had also shown himself 
capable of the more difficult virtues of patience 
and self-abnegation, in resigning the chief 
honours of his praetorship. 

9. Hanc tibi consuetudinem, &c., 

could some one but cure you of this 
habit of disparaging the good on every 
occasion, all your remaining qualities will 
be such as any one would gladly welcome 
in himself. Some MSS. have bonos, 
but obtrectare does not seem to be used 
with the accusative till the time of Ta 
citus, and then mainly with inanimate 

11. Collige te, recover yourself. Cp. 
Tusc. 4. 36, 78 Quid est se ipsum colli- 
gere nisi dissupatas animi partis rursum in 
suum locum cogere ? 

12. Quibus multis uteris, with many 
of whom you are intimate. This is better 
than the reading of the later MSS., qui 
bus uteris multum, whose society you 
much frequent," with which audi bonos 
viros would be little more than mere tau 

13. Genero tuo. The Consul, C. Vibius 

14. Amplissimi honoris, &c., you 
will make good your claim to a title of such 
high rank ; i. e. you will show yourself to 
be indeed a consular. 

16. Tuam vicem, on your account; 
aty X P">. Cp. Fam. 12. 23, 3 Tuam 
vicem saepe doleo; and see Madv. 237 c 
Obs. 3. 

233 M. TULLII C1CERONIS cc. 3-4. 

Legiones abducis a Bruto. Quas ? nempe eas, quas ille a 
C. Antonii scelere avertit et ad rem publicam sua auctoritate 
traduxit. Rursus igitur vis nudatum ilium atque solum a re 
publica relegatum videri. Vos autem, patres conscripti, si 7 

5 M. Brutum deserueritis et prodideritis, quern tandem civem 
umquam ornabitis ? nisi forte eos, qui diadema imposuerint, 
conservandos, eos, qui regni nomen sustulerint, deserendos pu- 
tatis. Ac de hac quidem divina atque immortali laude Bruti 
silebo, quae gratissima memoria omnium civium inclusa non- 

10 dum publica auctoritate testata est. Tantamne patientiam, di 
boni ! tantam moderationem, tantam in iniuria tranquillitatem 
et modestiam ! qui cum praetor urbis esset, urbe caruit, ius non 
dixit, cum omne ius rei publicae recuperavisset, cumque concursu 
quotidiano bonorum omnium, qui admirabilis ad eum fieri sole- 

15 bat, praesidioque Italiae cunctae saeptus posset esse, absens 
iudicio bonorum defensus esse maluit quam praesens manu : 
qui ne Apollinares quidem ludos pro sua populique Romani 
dignitate apparatos praesens fecit, ne quam viam patefaceret 
sceleratissimorum hominum audaciae. Quamquam qui umquam 4 

20 aut ludi aut dies laetiores fuerunt, quam cum in singulis versibus 8 

I. A C. Antonii scelere. In spite of to urbanus, on account of the play on the 

the decree of the 2Oth of December, annul- word in the following urbe caruit. 
ling the apportionment of the provinces Ius non dixit. He had restored to 

made by Antony (see 3. 15, 38 and 10, 26), the state the privilege of being governed 

his brother had gone to take the command according to the laws, and yet was not him- 

in Macedonia, when he was opposed and self allowed his rightful part in the adminis- 

eventually taken prisoner by M. Brutus, tration of those laws. See introduction to 

after being deserted by several of his the first oration, 
legions. 14. Admirabilis, to a marvellous ex- 

5. Deserueritis et prodideritis, ye tent. 

desert and betray, the climax expressed in 17. Apollinares ludos. The presi- 

the words being more clearly shown in dency of these belonged to him as city 

Epist. ad Q^ Fr. I. 3, 5 Cum amici praetor. See I. 15, 36 note ; and 2. 13, 31. 
partim deseruerint me, partim etiam pro- 18. Apparatos, which he had got up 

diderint. with magnificence proportionate to the 

6. Qui diadema imposuerint. See honour of the Roman people and himself. 
2. 34, 85 note. c. 4. Even while all the world ivas lament- 

10. Testata est: so rarely in a passive ing his absence from the games, so grandly 

sense, and only in the tenses compounded celebrated at his expense, he was passing his 

with the perfect participle. time contentedly in retirement, planning 

Tantamne patientiam. For the measures for his country s good. Presently 

simple accusative, without an infinitive, in Tie quitted Italy, followed in a few days 

interrogative exclamations, cp. Verr. Act. by C. Cassins, only to find a new sphere for 

2. 5. 25, 62 Huncine hominem ! hancine his patriotism, in rescuing Macedonia, Illy- 

impudentiam, indices ! hanc audaciam ! and ricum. and Greece from the grasp of C. 

see Zumpt, 402. Antonius. 

12. Praetor urbis. See 9. 7, 1 6 note. 20. In singulis versibus, echoing 

The reading urbis, which is found in the the sentiments of casual verses in the play. 

Vatican MS., seems here preferable in itself See I. 15, 36 notes. 


populus Romanus maximo clamore et plausu Bruti memoriam 
prosequebatur ? Corpus aberat liberatoris, libertatis memoria 
aderat : in qua Bruti imago cerni videbatur. At hunc iis ipsis 
ludorum diebus videbam in insula clarissimi adolescentis, Lu- 
culli, propinqui sui, nihil nisi de pace et concordia civium cogi- 5 
tantem. Eundem vidi postea Veliae cedentem Italia, ne qua 
oreretur belli civilis causa propter se. O spectaculum illud non 
modo hominibus, sed undis ipsis et litoribus luctuosum ! cedere 
e patria servatorem eius, manere in patria perditores ! Cassii 
classis paucis post diebus consequebatur, ut me puderet, patres ic 
o conscripti, in earn urbem redire, ex qua illi abirent. Sed quo 
consilio redierim, initio audistis, post estis experti : exspectatum 
igitur tempus a Bruto est. Nam quoad vos omnia pati vidit, 
usus est ipse incredibili patientia : postea quam vos ad liber- 
tatem sensit erectos, praesidia vestrae libertati paravit. 15 

At cui pesti quantaeque restitit ! Si enim C. Antonius quod 
animo intenderat perficere potuisset, aut potius nisi eius sceleri 
.virtus M. Bruti obstitisset, Macedonian!, Illyricum, Graeciam 
perdidissemus : esset vel receptaculum pulso Antonio vel agger 
oppugnandae Italiae Graecia : quae quidem nunc M. Bruti im- 20 
perio, auctoritate, copiis non instructa solum, sed etiam ornata 
tendit dexteram Italiae suumque ei praesidium pollicetur. Quod 

4. In insula. Probably the small island 10. Ut me puderet. Cp. I. 4, 9 
of Nesis, at the extremity of the head- Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur in earn urbem 
land between Puteoli and Naples. It was me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet, 
in the immediate neighbourhood of the cele- et ibi velle tuto esse, ubi ille non posset. 
brated Neapolitan villa of Lucullus, and we 12. Initio, at the beginning of these 
know from Att. 1 6. 1-4, that Brutus was orations. See I. 3 and 4. 

residing there while making preparations for 19. Receptaculum . . . agger oppug- 

his games. nandae Italiae. Ferrarius compares the 

5. Propinqui. Brutus and Lucullus were two Greek words irp60o\os and (TriTixifff*(i, 
cousins : their mothers being daughters as in Xen. Cyr. 5. 3, 23 eftovXevaai/TO 
of Q^Servilius Caepio, and half-sisters of M. Koivrj fyvXarreiv (TO typovpiov}, oirais avrois 
Cato Uticensis. p\v ttpopoXos fir] iro\ffj.ov, rots 5 Avavpiois 

Nihil nisi de pace. Cp. a letter of tmrtTei\iaiJ.tvov. 

Brutus and Cassius to Antony, Cic. Fam. 21. Instructa . . orn-ata. These two 

li. 2, 2 Nos ab initio spectasse otium nee words are so frequently used indifferently, as 

quidquam aliud libertate communi quaesisse almost synonyms, that it is difficult to see in 

declarat exitus. v what the antithesis consists. Probably in- 

6. Veliae. Cp. I. 4, 9. structa marks that existing resources were 
9. Perditores. Probably the three made the most of, ornata that all that was 

Antonii. One MS. gives the more usual necessary was provided. * Not only prepared 

word proditores, but perditores is more to fight, but thoroughly equipped for war. 

immediately opposed to servatorem, and Cp. 1 1. 10, 23 Instructam ornatamque 

is quite classical. Cp. pro Plane. 36, 89 provinciam. 

ut idem perditor rei publicae nominarem, 22. Quod qui, &c.. wherefore if any 

qui servator fuissem. one deprives Brutus of his army, he thereby 



cc. 46. 

qui ab illo abducit exercitum, et respectum pulcherrimum et 
praesidium firmissimum adimit rei publicae. Equidem cupio 10 
haec quam primum Antonium audire, ut intelligat non D. 
Brutum, quern vallo circumsedeat, sed se ipsum obsideri. Tria 5 
5 tenet oppida toto in orbe terrarum ; habet inimicissimam Gal- 
Ham ; eos etiam, quibus confidebat, alienissimos, Transpadanos ; 
Italia omnis infesta est ; exterae nationes a prima ora Graeciae 
usque ad Aegyptum optimorum et fortissimorum civium impe- 
riis et praesidiis tenentur. Erat ei spes una in C. Antonio, qui 

10 duorum fratrum aetatibus medius interiectus vitiis cum utroque 
certabat. Is tamquam extruderetur a senatu in Macedonian!, 
et non contra prohiberetur proficisci, ita cucurrit. Quae tern- n 
pestas, di immortales ! quae flamma, quae vastitas, quae pestis 
Graeciae, nisi incredibilis ac divina virtus furentis hominis co- 

15 natum atque audaciam compressisset ! Quae celeritas ilia Bruti ! 
quae cura ! quae virtus ! Etsi ne C. quidem Antonii celeritas 
contemnenda est : quam nisi in via caducae hereditates retar- 

deprives the state of a most excellent asylum 
and the strongest of its fortresses. Quod 
is here used as a sort of adverbial or cog 
nate accusative, similar to its use in adjura 
tions. See Prof. Conington on Virg. Aen. 2. 
141. For this use of respectus, see on 1 1. 
II, 26. 

c. 5. This would be most fatal tidings to 
the other Antony, who was in (he midst of 
enemies in Gaul, and placed his sole depen 
dence on his brother. Yet that brother, in 
spile both of his indecent haste in starting 
for his province, and of his unauthorised 
intrusion in lllyricum, was utterly thwarted 
by the energy of Brutus, who, without 
waiting for the orders of the senate, had 
carried out completely all the senate could 
have wished. 

4. Tria. Manutius compares Fam. 12. 
5, 2 Praeter Bononiam, Regium Lepidi, 
(Reggio), Parmarn, totam Galliam tene- 
bamus studiosissimam rei publicae. Tuos 
etiam clientes Transpadanos mirifice con- 
iunctos cum causa habebamus. 

7. A prima ora. Halm quotes Fam. 
ib. I a prima enim ora Graeciae usque ad 
Aegyptum optimorum civium imperiis mu- 
niti erimus et copiis/ as his reason for de 
parting from the Vatican reading a primo 
ore. Garatonius shows that though Os 
Graeciae might possibly have been used for 
the entrance of Greece/ in consideration of 
its being approached from Italy by sea, yet 

primum os could add nothing to this 

10. Vitiis cum utroque certabat, 
was a match for each of them in his own 
special vices. 

11. Tamquam extruderetur, &c., as 
though he had been driven into Macedonia, 
instead of having been expressly forbidden to 
go. For the use of ac non see Madv. 
458 a. Obs. i. 

14. Graeciae. The later MSS. add 
fuisset/ but see 2. 29, 74 note. 

16. Virtus. The Vatican MS. adds 
Caes., evidently in mistake, perhaps from 
recollection of the beginning of 13, 9, 19; 
but some genitive seems required in oppo 
sition to furentis hominis. Some editors 
have suggested Caepionis, but that name 
alone does not appear to have been applied 
to M. Brutus. 

17. Quam. So Halm from the Vatican 
MS. The others have quern. 

Caducae hereditates. Caduca bona 
were legacies of which the person to 
whom they were left failed to take posses 
sion. Quod quis sibi testamento relicturn 
aliqua ex causa non ceperit, caducum appel- 
latur, quia quasi cecidit ab eo. Ulp. lib. 
regular, tit. 17. They would probably 
become the property of the next heir-at-law. 
Cp. Juv. 9. 88 Legatum omne capis, nee 
non et dulce caducum, and Cic. de Or. 3. 
31, 122 Nostra est omnis ista prudentiae 




dassent, volasse eum, non iter fecisse diceres. Alios ad nego- 
tium publicum ire cum cupimus, vix solemus extrudere : hunc 
retinentes extrusimus. At quid ei cum Apollonia ? quid cum 
Dyrrachio ? quid cum Illyrico ? quid cum P. Vatinii imperatoris 
exercitu ? Succedebat, ut ipse dicebat, Hortensio. Certi fines 5 
Macedoniae, certa conditio, certus, si modo erat ullus, exercitus : 
cum Illyrico vero et cum Vatinii legionibus quid erat Antonio ? 

12 At ne Bruto quidem : id enim fortasse quispiam improbus dixerit 
Omnes legiones, omnes copiae, quae ubique sunt, rei publicae sunt : 
nee enim eae legiones, quae M. Antonium reliquerunt, Antonii po- 10 
tius quam rei publicae fuisse dicentur. Omne enim et exercitus 
et imperil ius arnittit is, qui eo imperio et exercitu rem publicam 

6 oppugnat. Quod si ipsa res publica iudicaret, aut si omne ius 
decretis eius statueretur, Antonione an Bruto legiones populi 
Romani adiudicaret ? Alter advolarat subito ad direptionem 15 

doctrinaeque possessio, in quam homines 
quasi caducam atque vacuam abundantes 
otio, nobis occupatis, involaverunt. C. 
Antonius is represented as thrusting himself 
into the position of the reversionary heirs, 
and seizing on these properties in default of 
the persons to whom in the first instance 
they were left. Manutius says that, in 
default of the heir, they fell ad fiscum, but 
the very use of this word shows that he is 
anticipating the regulations of a later time, 
when the disposal of these caduca bona 
was elaborately settled by the Lex lulia et 
Papia Poppaea, A.D. 9. 

3. Cum Apollonia? cum Dyrra 
chio? That these towns were at this time 
in the province of Illyricum might be inferred 
from this passage, and seems clear from c. 
6, 13, and Plut. Brut. 25 dyyf\\frai 
Fat os, 6 AvTOWiOV dSeX^os, 4 IraAtas 
8iaf3(/3r)K<jbs @a.8ittv tvOvs em rds ovvd/j.cis, 
as kv EmSd/jLVQ} /cat ArroAAawa BartVtos 
ffvvtfye. P. Vatinius had been proconsul in 
Illyricum since 46 B.C., and Cicero s argu 
ment is that whatever claim C. Antonius 
might urge on Macedonia, he must be act 
ing illegally in meddling with Illyricum. 
From the fact that L. Piso, when pro 
consul in Macedonia, extended his extortion 
to Apollonia and Dyrrachium (in Pis. 
40, 96), it would seem that the country 
known by the name of Illyris Graeca, ex 
tending from the river Drilo southwards 
to the Acroceraunian mountains, formed a 
kind of debateable land between the pro 
vinces of Illyricum and Macedonia, being 

attached to one or the other at the will of 
the senate. 

5. Hortensio. Q^ Hortensius, the son 
of the orator, received the province of 
Macedonia from Caesar in 44 B.C. 

6. Certa conditio, definite terms on 
which it was held. 

8. At ne Bruto quidem. Cicero 
supposes an objection, that M. Brutus had 
no more right to appropriate the legions of 
Vatinius than C. Antonius. Technically such 
an objection would be valid, and Cicero can 
only urge that Brutus was acting in accord 
ance with the policy of the senate, and for 
the good of his country, while Antony was 
striving for the ruin of his country, in direct 
opposition to what he knew to be the 
senate s will. Even so his argument begs 
the question in dispute, that Brutus was 
acting for, Antonius against the state. 

9. Omnes legiones. For the introduc 
tion of the answer to a supposed objection, 
without any adversative particle, cp. Att. 
1 6. 7, 3 At hoc ipsum non constanter. 
Nemo doctus unquam . . mutationem con- 
silii inconstantiam dixit esse. 

c. 6. The conduct of Brutus was best 
justified by comparing his loyalty of purpose 
with the treason of C. Antonius, who through 
out sought nothing but the ruin of the state. 
Brutus had blockaded him in Apollonia ; 
and was well seconded by Q Hortensius, the 
younger M. Cicero, Cti. Domitius, and P. 
Vatinius, by whose united energies the Gre 
cian provinces were saved, and all the forces 
there kept loyal to their country s cause. 

136 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 6-7. 

pestemque sociorum, ut, quocumque iret, omnia vastaret, diri- 
peret, auferret, exercitu populi Romani contra ipsum populum 
Romanum uteretur. Alter earn legem sibi statuerat, ut, quo 
cumque venisset, lux venisse quaedam et spes salutis videretur. 

5 Denique alter ad evertendam rem publicam praesidia quaerebat, 
alter ad conservandam. Nee vero nos hoc magis videbamus 
quam ipsi milites, a quibus tanta in iudicando prudentia non 
erat postulanda. . Cum VII cohortibus esse Apolloniae scribit 13 
Antonium, qui iam aut captus est quod di dent! aut certe 

10 homo verecundus in Macedonian! non accedit, ne contra senatus 
consultum fecisse videatur. Dilectus habitus in Macedonia est 
summo Q. Hortensii studio et industria : cuius animum egre- 
gium dignumque ipso et maioribus eius ex Bruti litteris perspi- 
cere potuistis. Legio, quam L. Piso ducebat, legatus Antonii, 

15 Ciceroni se filio meo tradidit. Equitatus, qui in Syriam duce- 
batur bipertito, alter eum quaestorem, a quo ducebatur, reliquit 
in Thessalia seseque ad Brutum contulit ; alterum in Macedonia 
Cn. Domitius adolescens summa virtute, gravitate, constantia 
a legato Syriaco abduxit. P. autem Vatinius, qui et antea iure 

20 laudatus a vobis et hoc tempore merito laudandus est, aperuit 
Dyrrachii portas Bruto et exercitum tradidit. Tenet igitur res 14 
publica Macedonian!, tenet Illyricum, tuetur Graeciam : nostrae 
sunt legiones, nostra levis armatura, noster equitatus, maxi- 

10. Homo verecundus, &c., or at Syria as Dolabella s share of the army 

any rate the man has the modesty not in Macedonia, Antony having summoned 

to enter Macedonia. Cp. 5. 3, 7 the four legions of infantry to join him 

Augur verecundus sine coilegis de aus- in Italy (see 3. 3). In Fam. 12. 14, 6, P. 

piciis. Lentulus speaks of a third body of cavalry 

15. Filio meo. In 45 B.C. M. Cicero which he had gained over to the service 

the younger went to Athens, for the pur- of the state : Primus equitatum Dola- 

poses of study. On Caesar s death he bellae ad rem publicam traduxi Cassioque 

attached himself to M. Brutus, who made tradidi. 

him military tribune, in which capacity he 18. Cn. Domitius. See 2. II, 27 

distinguished himself in the Macedonian note. 

campaign, not only gaining over the legion 19. A legato Syriaco, from the 

of L. Piso, but taking C. Antonius pri- officer commanding the detachment on its 

soner. way to Syria. From Plutarch (Brut. 25) 

Equitatus . . . alter . . . alter. we learn that this was Cinna, probably a 

This use of alter . . . alter/ dividing a son of the popular leader; though he reters 

singular nominative with which they stand the exploit to Antistius. 
in apposition, seems to be without a parallel. 20. A vobis. Some MSS.have nobis, 

It is like the Greek 77 ... 77 6e in but this would have been too much even 

Plato Phaedr. p. 255 C. 77 TOV pevfj-ctTos for Cicero, after the abuse lavished on 

(Ktivov 7777717, ... 77 fjitv ets avrov e Sv, him in the speeches pro Sestio and in 

77 8 aTTOfj.faTovfj.ti/ov eo> airoppet . The Vatinium. 
cavalry appears to have been going into 21. Dyrrachii. See on c. 5, 1 1. 


meque noster est Brutus semperque noster, cum sua excellen- 
tissima virtute rei publicae natus, turn fato quodam paterni 

7 maternique generis et nominis. Ab hoc igitur viro quisquam 
bellum timet, qui ante quam nos id coacti suscepimus, in pace 
iacere quam in bello vigere maluit ? quamquam ille quidem 5 

1 nurnquam iacuit, neque hoc cadere verbum in tantam virtutis 
praestantiam potest. Erat enim in desiderio civitatis, in ore, 
in sermone omnium. Tantum autem aberat a bello, ut, cum 
cupiditate libertatis Italia arderet, defuerit civium studiis potius 
quam eos in armorum discrimen adduceret. Itaque illi ipsi, si 10 
qui sunt, qui tarditatem Bruti reprehendant, tamen idem mode- 
rationem patientiamque mirantur. 

15 Sed iam video, quae loquantur ; neque enim id occulte faci- 
unt. Tirnere se dicunt, quo modo ferant veterani exercitum 
Brutum habere. Quasi vero quidquam intersit inter A. Hirtii, 15 
C. Pansae, D. Bruti, C. Caesaris et hunc exercitum M. Bruti. 
Nam si quattuor exercitus ii, de quibus dixi, propterea laudan- 
tur, quod pro populi Romani libertate arma ceperunt, quid est 
cur hie M. Bruti exercitus non in eadem causa ponatur? At 
enim veteranis suspectum nomen est M. Bruti. Magisne quam 20 
Decimi ? Equidem non arbitror : etsi est enim Brutorum com 
mune factum et laudis societas aequa, Decimo tamen iratiores 
erant ii, qui id factum dolebant, quo minus ab eo rem illam 

2. Paterni maternique generis, Antony) Nos in hac sententia sumus, ut te 

viz. the Bruti and Servilii. See on 2. u, cupiamus in libera re publica magnum atque 

26. honestum esse ; vocemus te ad nullas inimi- 

c. 7. Nor was Brutus influenced by thirst citias, sed tamen pluris nostram libertatem 

for military renown. He was always willing quam tuam amicitiam aestimemus. 
to sacrifice himself for the sake of peace, 9. Defuerit, &c., he has preferred 

and his moderation and patience formed a disappointing the ardour of the citizens 

theme for praise with every one. Nor to involving them in the risks of war, 

was there much more force in the sug- For the construction potius quam . . . 

gested jealousy of the veterans. M. Brutus, adduceret see Madv. 360. Obs. 4. 
like Decimus and the Consuls and Octavianus, 14. Veterani, the veterans of Caesar s 

was fighting for the liberty of Rome ; and army, who might well dislike to serve under 

if either of the Bruti could be thought to be his assassin. 

obnoxious to Caesar s soldiery, surely it was 22. Decimo tamen, &c., yet those 

Decimus, for whose safety they were yet con- who were sorry for what was done were 

tent to fight. more enraged with Decimus, in proportion 

4. In pace iacere, the inactivity of as they urged that he had stronger reasons 

peace, as shown during the time that Brutus for abstaining from the plot. Decimus had 

remained in Italy after Caesar s death. all along been a favourite with Caesar ; 

6. Neque cadere potest. It cannot he obtained from him the government 

apply to Brutus. of Cisalpine Gaul, and in his will was 

8. Aberat a bello. Cp. Fam. II. 3, found to be named among the heredes 

4 (a letter from Brutus and Cassius to secundi, 

238 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 7-9. 

dicebant fieri debuisse. Quid ergo agunt nunc tot exercitus 
nisi ut obsidione Brutus liberetur ? Qui autem hos exercitus 
ducunt? li, credo, qui C. Caesaris res actas everti, qui causam 
veteranorum prodi volunt. Si ipse viveret C. Caesar, acrius, 8 
5 credo, acta sua defenderet, quam vir fortissimus defendit Hir- 16 
tius : aut amicior causae quisquam inveniri potest quam films ? * 
At horum alter, nondum ex longinquitate gravissimi morbi re- 
creatus, quidquid habuit virium, id in eorum libertatem defen- 
dendam contulit, quorum votis iudicavit se a morte revocatum : 

10 alter, virtutis robore firmior quam aetatis, cum istis ipsis vete- 
ranis ad D. Brutum liberandum est profectus. Ergo illi certis- 
simi idemque acerrimi Caesaris actorum patroni pro D. Bruti 
salute bellum gerunt, quos veterani secuntur ; de libertate enim 
populi Romani, non de suis commodis armis decernendum 

15 vident. Quid est igitur cur ijs, qui D. Brutum omnibus opibus 17 
conservatum velint, M. Bruti sit suspectus exercitus? An vero, 
si quid esset quod a M. Bruto timendum videretur, Pansa id 
non videret ? aut, si videret, non laboraret ? Quis aut sapientior 
ad coniecturam rerum futurarum aut ad propulsandum metum 

20 diligentior? Atquin huius animum erga M. Brutum studiumque 
vidistis. Praecepit oratione sua, quid decernere nos de M. Bruto, 
quid sentire oporteret, tantumque afuit ut periculosum rei pub- 
licae Bruti putaret exercitum, ut in eo firmissimum rei publicae 

3. Ii, credo: their readiness, at any enim facta eius immortalitatis, nomen 

rate, to confirm the measures of Caesar, and aetatis. 

his grants to the veterans, is quite beyond 18. Laboraret, would he not feel 

suspicion therefore why should the veterans anxiety ? 

object to M. Brutus, who was aiding them 20. Atquin. So the Vatican MS. 

with all his might ? The rule, however, quoted by Wernsdorf 

c. 8. Caesar himself could not have been from Muretus, that alioqui and atqui 

more eager for the maintenance of his mea- were written with a final n when a vowel 

sures than A. Hirtius and Octavianus. Yet followed is not to be depended on. The 

both of these were using all their energies in form atqui is frequently used by Cicero 

the cause of D, Brutus, and thereby vir- before a vowel, and those authors who em- 

tually declared their trust in him and in ploy alioqui (which is not found till after 

Marcus. The latter too was deemed by C. the Augustan period, see Halm on Cic. de 

Pansa the eager supporter of the acts of Legg. 2. 25, 62; Munro on Lucr. 3. 415), as 

Caesar, whose keen foresight would at once frequently insert the n before a consonant. 

detect the slightest danger to be the most It was probably purely euphonic, and arbi- 

important bulwark of the state. trarily inserted according to the writer s 

6. Filius: his adopted son, Octavianus. taste, though Hand (Tursell. I. 235) thinks 

7- Morbi. Cp. I. 15, 37; 7. 4, 12. that it is akin to the final n of sin, and 

8. Quidquid virium. Cp. Livy 23. 9 intensifies the idea of opposition. That 

lurantes per quidquid Deorum est; and atqui is the original form seems to be 

Hor. Epod. 5, i At O Deorum quidquid in proved by the fact that atquin does not 

caelo regit. appear in the writings of Phiutus or Terence. 

IO. Quam aetatis. Cp. 4. I, 3 Sunt (Hand, I. 523.) 


praesidium et gravissimum poneret. Scilicet hoc Pansa aut non 
videt hebeti enim ingenio est aut negligit : quae enim Caesar 
egit, ea rata esse non curat ; de quibus confirmandis et sancien- 
dis legem comitiis centuriatis ex auctoritate nostra laturus est. 

9 Desinant igitur aut ii, qui non timent, simulare se timere et 5 
prospicere rei publicae, aut ii, qui omnia verentur, nimium esse 

is timidi, ne illorum simulatio, horum obsit ignavia. Quae, malum ! 
est ista ratio semper optimis causis veteranorum nomen oppo- 
nere ? quorum etiam si amplecterer virtutem, ut facio, tamen, si 
essent arrogantes, non possem ferre fastidium. At nos conantes 10 
servitutis vincula rumpere impediet, si quis veteranos nolle dix- 
erit? Non sunt enim, credo, innumerabiles, qui pro communi 
libertate arma capiant ; nemo est praeter veteranos milites vir, 
qui ad servitutem propulsandam ingenuo dolore excitetur. Potest 
igitur stare res publica freta veteranis sine magno subsidio iu- 15 
ventutis ? quos quidem vos libertatis adiutores complecti debetis, 

19 servitutis auctores sequi non debetis. Postremo erumpat enim 
aliquando vera et me digna vox ! si veteranorum nutu mentes 
huius ordinis gubernantur omniaque ad eorum voluntatem nostra 
dicta facta referuntur, optanda mors est, quae civibus Romanis 20 
semper fuit servitute potior. Omnis est misera servitus ; sed 
fuerit quaedam necessaria : ecquodnam principium putatis liber 
tatis capessendae? An, cum ilium necessarium et fatalem 
paene casum non tulerimus, hunc feremus voluntarium? Tota 

I. Scilicet, &c. : an ironical argu- tutis, without considerable reinforcements 

ment from a manifest absurdity, that from the younger men ? 
Pansa could be neglecting the measures of 20. Quae civibus, &c. Cp. 3. II, 2.9 

Caesar, when he was actually preparing a Ut aut libertatem propriam Romani et 

bill, in obedience to the senate, for confirm- generis et nominis recuperemus aut mortem 

ing them. servituti anteponamus; and Dem. Cor. p. 

c. 9. Urging his hearers to lay aside un- 296, 14 ovol rjv aiov, ei p,r) lAev- 

founded fears, Cicero indignantly protests 8fpias egfcrrai TOVTO iroKiv. 
against subservience to the veterans. They 22. Fuerit quaedam necessaria, 

were not the only people willing to fight for when Caesar was supreme. Cp. I. 6, 15 

the cause of freedom ; and it were better for note. 

the people all to die than to change that Ecquodnam, &c., do ye entertain 

freedom for a slavery which they might the idea of ever beginning to assert your 

avoid. liberty ? 

7. Quae, malum! &c. Cp. 1.6, 15 23. Fatalem paene casum, that 

Qnae, malum! est ista voluntaria servitus? disaster which one might almost say was 

On the sentiment of the passage Mr. Forsyth brought on us by fate. Cp. 3. IT, 29 Si 

(Life of Cicero, 2. 231) remarks that ilia tulimus, quae nos necessitas ferre coegit, 

Cicero little foresaw that the time would quae vis quaedam paene fatalis, quae tamen 

come when the Praetorian guards would put ipsa non tulimus : etiamne huius impuri 

up to auction the Imperial throne. latronis feremus taeterrimum crudelissi- 

15. Sine magno subsidio iuven- mumque dominatum? 

240 M. TULLII CICERO NIS eo. 9-11, 

Italia desiderio libertatis exarsit : servire diutius non potest 
civitas ; serius populo Romano hunc vestitum atque arma dedi- 
mus, quam ab eo flagitati sumus. 

Magna quidem nos spe et prope explorata libertatis causatn 10 
5 suscepimus : sed ut concedam incertos exitus esse belli Mar- 20 
temque communem, tamen pro libertate vitae periculo decer- 
tandum est ; non enim in spiritu vita est, sed ea nulla est omnino 
servienti. Omnes nationes servitutem ferre possunt : nostra 
civitas non potest, nee ullam aliam ob causam, nisi quod illae 

10 laborem doloremque fugiunt, quibus ut careant, omnia perpeti 
possunt, nos ita a maioribus instituti atque imbuti sumus, ut 
omnia consilia atque facta ad dignitatem et ad virtutem refer- 
remus. Ita praeclara est recuperatio libertatis, ut ne mors qui 
dem sit in repetenda libertate fugienda. Quod si immortalitas 

15 consequeretur praesentis periculi fugam, tamen eo magis ea 
fugienda videretur, quo diuturnior servitus esset. Cum vero 
dies et noctes omnia nos undique fata circumstent, non est viri 
minimeque Romani dubitare eum spiritum, quern naturae 
debeat, patriae reddere. Concurritur undique ad commune 21 

20 incendium restinguendum. Veteran!, qui primi Caesaris auc- 

2. Hunc vestitum: the military garb. cure ttk <re ar^XXoifJ-i ^ax r j v * s 

Cp. 8. II, 32. veipav 

c. 10. The struggle certainly was not vvv 8 , e^ 7 "? 8 yap Krjpes t(pffTafftv 

without its risk, but no risk would be too Oavaroio 

great to run for such a prize, especially when fjivpiai, as OVK ecrrt (pvyeiv fiporov, ov8 

Roman citizens were concerned: and on viraXvai, 

their side were all the men and all the forces loufv, rjf ra> eux os opto/j.(v, rjf TIS fj/j.iv. 

worth considering, while Antony had luith followed by Demosth. Cor. p. 258, 15 

him only his abandoned brother and a creiv Tlepas uev yap airaatv dvOpwirois earl TOV 

of men like him, who merely wished to re- fiiov davaros, KO.V tv olKidnca TIS avrov 

instate their ruined fortunes by seizing on the KaQftpas Trjpri 5u o% TOVS dyadovs avSpas 

public lands. tyxeiptiv anacriv ad rots ttaXois, TTJV 

5. Mart em communem, that Mars dyaGrjv -rrpo^a\\ofj.vovs eX-rriSa, (pfptiv 5 

is fickle. Cp. Fam. 6. 4, I Omnis belli o n av o 0e<3s 5i8a> yevvaias ; and by Virg. 

Mars communis; and Livy 5. 12 Sergio Ae. 10. 467 

Martem communem belli fortunamque accu- Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparabile 

sante; with the Homeric expression vvbs tempus 

Evvd\tos, Ares deals his favours forth im- Omnibus est vitae: sed famam extendere 

partially. factis 

8. Nationes, all foreign nations; like Hoc virtutis opus ; 

the Jewish use of the word eOvr). though Cicero goes beyond the rest in 

15. Eo magis, &c. Cp. Horn. II. 12. deeming even immortality wretched if at- 

322 tended with dishonour; reminding us of 

a) TTfTTOV, 6t nlv ydp iroXcfJiOV Tifpl Toi/Se the envy felt by Tennyson s Tithonus to- 

(pvyovTf wards happy men that have the power to 

met ST) /j,f\\oifjiv dyrjpca T ddavarca re die. 

ovre KCV avrvs tvl irp&TOiffi 17- Dies et noctes, whole days and 

nights ; not merely by day and night. 


toritatem secuti stint, conatum Antonii reppulerimt : post eius- 
dem furorem Martia legio fregit, quarta afflixit. Sic a suis 
legionibus condemnatus irrupit in Galliam, quam sibi armis 
animisque infestam inimicamque cognovit. Hunc A. Hirtii, 
C. Caesaris exercitus insecuti sunt : post Pansae dilectus urbem 5 
totamque Italiam erexit. Unus omnium est hostis : quamquam 
habet secum Lucium fratrem, carissimum populo Romano civem, 

22 cuius desiderium ferre diutius civitas non potest. Quid ilia 
taetrius belua ? quid immanius ? qui ob earn causam natus 
videtur, ne omnium mortalium turpissimus esset M. Antonius. 10 
Est una Trebellius, qui iam cum tabulis novis redit in gratiam, 
Plancus et ceteri pares : qui id pugnant, id agunt, ut contra 
rem publicam restituti esse videantur. Sollicitant homines 
imperitos Saxa et Cafo, ipsi rustici atque agrestes, qui hanc rem 
publicam nee viderunt umquam nee videre constitutam volunt, 15 
qui non Caesaris, sed Antonii acta defendunt, quos avertit agri 
Campani infinita possessio : cuius eos non pudere demiror, cum 

11 videant se mimos et mimas habere vicinos. Ad has pestes oppri- 

23 mendas cur moleste feramus quod M. Bruti accessit exercitus ? 
immoderati, credo, hominis et turbulenti : videte ne nimium 20 
patientis : etsi in illius viri consiliis atque factis nihil nee nimium 

1. Sunt is omitted in the MSS., the etiam et Saxae cavet, quos centuriones pug- 
later ones correcting the deficiency by the naces et lacertosos inter mimorum et mima- 
improbable reading veteranique, for ve- rum greges collocavit. 

terani, qui. Halm restores it in italics, c. n. There was no fear of M. Brutus 

being uncertain in what position it should being too impetuous. His moderation was 

stand, more to be feared, but all his wishes were 

2. Martia .... quarta. See 3. 3 subordinate to the authority of the senate. 
"ores. He deserved the same honours as Decimus 

10. Ne omnium, &c. Cp. de Prov. and Octavianus, while some acknowledgment 
Cons. 5, 12 Piso gloriatur se brevi tempore was due to M. Apuleius and Q Hortensiu* ; 
perfecisse, ne Gabinius unus omnium nequis- and therefore Cicero concludes by a formal 
simus existimaretur. motion, approving of the conduct of Brutus 

11. Qui iam, &c., who is now be- and Hortensius, confirming them in their 
coming reconciled to the general abolition comm nds, and giving to Brutus authority 
of debts, which, before he himself became to levy money and supplies in the name of 
insolvent, Trebellius had strenuously re- the republic. 

sisted. See 6. 4, ii note. 20. Ne nimium patientis. The 

12. Plancus. See on 6. 4, 10. reading of the Vatican MS. is paeneti- 

15. Nee viderunt umquam: their entes ; whence most of the later MSS., 
introduction to Rome dates back only to the followed by Halm, give paene patientis. 
time when it was crushed beneath the tyranny One MS. alone has the reading in the text, 
of Caesar. which is maintained by J. Frey (Rhein. 

16. Avertit, perverts from loyally main- Mus. for 1857, P- 631) to be the true one, 
taining Caesar s acts. the letters ene in the Vatican reading being 

17. Cuius eos, &c. Cafo and Saxo them- interpolated from videte ne above. The 
selves were creditable persons beside their sense is much improved by the omission of 
fellow colonists. Cp. 8. 9, 26 Cafoni the paene. 



nee parurn umquam fuit. Omnis voluntas M. Bruti, patres 
conscript!, omnis cogitatio, tota mens auctoritatem senatus, li- 
bertatem populi Roman! intuetur : haec habet proposita, haec 
tueri vult. Tentavit quid patientia perficere posset : nihil cum 

5 proficeret, vi contra vim experiundum putavit. Cui quidem, 
patres conscripti, vos idem hoc tempore tribuere debetis, quod 
a. d. XIII. Kal. Ian. D. Bruto C. Caesari me auctore tribuistis ; 
quorum privatum de re publica consilium et factum auctoritate 
vestra est comprobatum atque laudatum. Quod idem in 24 

10 M. Bruto facere debetis, a quo insperatum et repentinum rei 
publicae praesidium legionum, equitatus, auxiliorum magnae et 
firmae copiae comparatae sunt : adiungendus est Q. Hortensius, 
qui cum Macedonian! obtineret, adiutorem se Bruto ad com- 
parandum exercitum fidissimum et constantissimum praebuit.. 

15 Nam de M. Apuleio separatim censeo referendum : cui testis 
est per litteras M. Brutus, eum principem fuisse ad conatum 
exercitus comparandi. Quae cum ita sint, quod C. Pansa consul 25 
verba fecit de litteris, quae a Q. Caepione Bruto pro consule 
allatae et in hoc ordine recitatae sunt, de ea re ita censeo : 

20 Cum Q. Caepionis Bruti pro consule opera, consilio, industria, 
virtute difficillimo rei publicae tempore provincia Macedonia et 
Illyricum et cuncta Graecia et legiones, exercitus, equitatus in 
consulum, senatus populique Romani potestate sint, id Q. Cae- 
pionem pro consule bene et e re publica pro sua maiorumque 

25 suorum dignitate consuetudineque rei publicae bene gerendae 
fecisse, earn rem senatui populoque Romano gratam esse et 
fore : utique Q. Caepio Brutus pro consule provinciam Mace- 26 

3. .Haec habet proposita, these name in his formal vote as being his strictly 

he has always set before him. Cp. Att. 8. legal appellation. Hence it also appears on 

2, 3 Positas omnes nostras spes habemus ; his coins, of which one is engraved in Dr. 

and see on 5. 1 8, 50. Smith s Diet, of Biography, with the head 

7. D. Bruto C. Caesari. See 3. 15, of Brutus and LEIBERTAS on the ob- 

37 and 38. verse, and a lyre and the inscription 

15. M. Apuleio. From Appian, Bell. CAEPIO BRUTUS PROCOS on the 

Civ. 4. 75, we learn that on the arrival of reverse. 

Brutus in Macedonia M. Apuleius handed 25. Consuetudineque. Que isvery 

over to him all the money which he held seldom found in Cicero appended to a word 

as quaestor, and all the troops under his ending in e, except in a passage like the 

command. Cp. the complaint of Antony, present, where legal phraseology is of more 

13. 16, 32 Apuleiana pecunia Brutum sub- importance than euphonic rules. See how- 

ornastis. ever 13. 20, 46 Maioreque deorum im- 

18. Caepione. M. Brutus was so mortalium beneficio; and Fam. I. 9, 20 

called in consequence of his adoption by his Illi quos saepe nutu significationeque ap- 

uncle, Q^ Servilius Caepio. Cicero uses the pello. 




doniam, Illyricum cunctamque Graeclam tueatur, defendat, 
custodiat incolumemque conservet, eique exercitui, quern ipse 
constituit comparavit, praesit, pecuniamque ad rem militarem, 
si qua opus sit, quae publica sit et exigi possit, utatur exigat, 
pecuniasque a quibus videatur ad rem militarem mutuas. sumat 5 
frumentumque imperet operamque det ut cum suis copiis quam 
proxime Italiam sit : cumque ex litteris Q. Caepionis Bruti 
pro consule intellectum sit, Q. Hortensii pro consule opera 
et virtute vehementer rem publicam adiutam omniaque eius 
consilia cum consiliis Q. Caepionis Brutr pro consule coniuncta 10 
fuisse, eamque rem magno usui rei publicae fuisse : Q. Horten- 
sium pro consule recte et ordine exque re publica fecisse, sena- 
tuique placere Q. Hortensium pro consule cum quaestore 
prove quaestore et legatis suis provinciam Macedonian! ob- 
tinere, quoad ei ex senatus consulto successum sit. 15 

5. Mutuas sumat. Cicero more gene 
rally uses mutuari for to borrow, though 
mutuum dare is with him the customary 
expression for to lend. Cp. Plaut. Asin. I. 
3, 95 Nam si mutuas non potero, certum 
est, sumam fenore. 

6. Quam proxime Italiam. Cp. 
Att. 6. 5, 3 Exercitum habere quam prox 
ime hostem." 

14. Prove quaestore. The title of 
proquaestor was sometimes given to a 

man who had been quaestor at Rome, and 
in the following year accompanied a pro 
consul to his province in the same capacity: 
but it more generally signified one who was 
appointed to the quaestor s office by the 
governor in his province, either as an extra 
honorary officer, or to supply a deficiency in 
the number. 

15. Quoad ei, &c., till some one be 
appointed by the senate to succeed him. 

CP. 3. 15, 38. 


TOWARDS the end of the year 44 B.C., Dolabella left Rome, in order 
to anticipate C. Cassius in occupying the province of Syria, in which he 
had supplanted him by the decree of June 5th. Being in great need 
of money, he endeavoured to supply his wants by levying contribu 
tions on his road, in Greece, Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor. At 
Smyrna, about the end of February, he was excluded from the city by 
the proconsul, C. Trebonius, one of Caesar s murderers ; but received a 
supply of provisions, and an escort to Ephesus, for which place he started 
after an apparent reconciliation with Trebonius. He returned, however, 
with the escort, and entering the city by night, he treacherously murdered 
the proconsul. If we may believe the account of Cicero, he previously 
tortured him for two days, and then treated his dead body with the 
utmost ignominy; but the former part at least of this statement is 
improbable. (See on c. 3, 17.) 

When the news of this outrage was received at Rome, about the 
middle of March, a meeting of the senate was immediately held, 
and Dolabella was proclaimed a public enemy. Whether Cicero 
took any part in the debate we have no means of knowing; but 
on the following day, when a second meeting was held to consider 
what provision should be made for the government of Syria, left 
vacant by the deposition of Dolabella, he delivered his eleventh 
Philippic oration. Two proposals had been made, one that P. Servilius 
should be sent out as proconsul, the other that the Consuls of the 
current year should themselves be appointed to the governments of Asia 
and Syria. To the latter proposal Cicero objected that they had already 
work enough on hand, in crushing the designs of Antony ; to the former 
he opposed the technical objection that, as Servilius held no public 
office, it was not competent to the senate to appoint him to the com 
mand of a province. 

He proposed to bestow the province on C. Cassius, to whom it had 
originally been assigned, and who was already there, in arms against 


Dolabella. He acknowledges that Cassius was acting against the orders 
of the senate, but urges that he was really furthering the true interests of 
the state with energy and judgment ; and that in a crisis like the present 
such patriotism should be encouraged without pressing too closely the 
letter of the law. The speech, which opens with a violent tirade against 
Dolabella, was unsuccessful, mainly through the influence of Pansa ; and 
it was agreed, on the motion of Q. Fufius Calenus, to commit the charge 
of the two provinces to the Consuls, so soon as they should have ended 
the campaign against Antony. (Fam. 12. 7, i.) Cassius however, as 
Cicero had predicted, took the law into his own hands, and assuming 
the government of Syria, shortly afterwards reduced Laodicea, into 
which Dolabella had thrown himself; and Dolabella, to escape falling 
into his hands, committed suicide. The text of this speech is in a less 
satisfactory state than that of the preceding ones, the Vatican MS. failing 
in the middle of the ninth chapter, and thenceforth only supplying us with 
fragments of the twelfth and thirteenth orations, containing 12. 5, 12;- 
12. 9, 23; and 13. i, i;-i3- 5, i. 





1 MAGNO in dolore, patres conscripti, vel maerore potius, 
i quern ex crudeli et miserabili morte C. Trebonii, optimi civis 
moderatissimique hominis, accepimus, inest tamen aliquid, quod 
rei publicae profuturum putem. Perspeximus enim quanta in 
iis, qui contra patriam scelerata arma ceperunt, inesset im- 5 
manitas. Nam duo haec capita nata sunt post homines natos 
taeterrima et spurcissima, Dolabella et Antonius : quorum alter 
effecit quod optarat, de altero patefactum est quid cogitaret. 
L. China crudelis, C. Marius in iracundia perseverans, L. Sulla 
vehemens ; neque ullius horum in ulciscendo acerbitas progressa 10 
ultra mortem est : quae tamen poerta in cives nimis crudelis 

cc. 1-3. The death of Trebonius, grievous throughout Asia. It were good for the 

calamity as it was, might furnish a useful senators to observe this well in all its horrors, 

lesson to the state. Antony and Dolabella for it was but typical of what Antony would 

were twins in wickedness, and now that Dola- do if he shordd be allowed to have his way. 
bella had shown how far he could go beyond i. Magno in dolore, &c., in the 

all previous precedents in cruelty, and had midst of great grief, grief which I cannot 

thereby given warning what they both were control. See on 9. 5, 12. 
capable of doing, the sternest measures must 2. C. Trebonii. See the introduction 

be adopted in dealing with either of them. to this oration. Trebonius was Consul in 

Each was an intruder in a province not his 45 B.C., and soon after Caesar s death, in 

own. Antony indeed was checked in Gaul which he took a prominent part, he went as 

by D. Brutus, but in Ada Dolabella had proconsul to the province of Asia. 
made good his ground, having sent a ruf- 9. L. Cinna, &c. The introduction of 

fianly subordinate to prepare the way for Cinna and Sulla as examples of tyranny had 

him. He had followed up a treacherous now become a commonplace with Cicero ; 

show of friendship for Trebonius, by sur- cp. 2. 42, 108 ; 5. 6, 17. For the sake of 

prising his city and murdering himself, with a rhetorical point he here ignores the indig- 

all the aggravation of torture before and nity which Sulla practised on the remains of 

insult after death, and had then proceeded Marius, on which he elsewhere enlarges, de 

to play the tyrant in a triumphal progress Legg. 2. 22, 56. Cp, Val. Max. 9. 2, I. 

248 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 1-2. 

putabatur. Ecce tibi geminum in scelere par, invisitatum, in- 2 
auditum, ferum, barbarum. Itaque quorum sum mum quondam 
inter ipsos odium bellumque meministis, eosdem postea singular! 
inter se consensu et amore devinxit improbissimae naturae et 
5 turpissimae vitae similitude. Ergo id, quod fecit Dolabella in 
quo potuit, multis idem minatur Antonius. Sed ille cum procul 
esset a consulibus exercitibusque nostris neque dum senatum 
cum populo Romano conspirasse sensisset, fretus Antonii copiis 
ea scelera suscepit, quae Romae iam suscepta arbitrabatur a 

10 socio furoris sui. Quid ergo hunc aliud moliri, quid optare 3 
censetis aut quam omnino causam esse belli ? Omnes, qui libere 
de re publica sensimus, qui dignas nobis sententias diximus, qui 
populum Romanum liberum esse voluimus, statuit ille quidem 
non inimicos, sed hostes : maiora tamen in nos quam in hostem 

15 supplicia meditatur : mortem naturae poenam putat esse, iracun- 
diae tormenta atque cruciatum. Oualis igitur hostis habendus 
est is, a quo victore si cruciatus absit, mors in beneficii parte nu- 
meretur? Quam ob rem, patres conscripti, quamquam hortatore 2 
non egetis ipsi enim vestra sponte exarsistis ad libertatis recu- 

20 perandae cupiditatem , tamen eo maiore animo studioque liber- 
tatem defendite, quo maiora proposita victis supplicia servitutis 

I. Invisitatum, though only found in must be crushed. 

one of the later MSS. for inusitatum, is 15. Poenam, which is found in all the 

upheld by Halm, as being the less likely MSS., is placed by Halm in brackets, as 

word of the two to have been substituted by though he thought, with Ferrarius, that 

mistake, and as being more suited to the death could scarcely be called poena natu- 

context. He compares Livy 4. 33 Acies, rae. Cp. pro Mil. 37, 101 Milo exsilium 

inaudita ante id tempus invisitataque ; id. ibi esse putat, ubi virtuti non sit locus; 

5. 37 Invisitato atque inaudito hoste. In mortem naturae finem esse, non poenam. 

these passages, as in almost every passage But Dolabe .la is represented as considering 

where the word is used, the same confusion what kind of punishment will suit his pur- 

with inusitatus has arisen. Cp. de Div. 2. pose best, and rejecting the punishment of 

67, 138; Off. 3. 9, 38; Livy ;;. 7 and 35 ; death, as coming naturally at some time on 

35. 42. man. Since therefore it is as a punishment 

3. Odium bellumque, as in the con- that it comes before his thoughts, it is only 

duct of Antony when Dolabella was standing consistent to look on nature, who inflicts it, 

for the consulship (see 2. 32 foil.); and the as a punisher. In the first clause poenam 

proceedings of Dolabella after Caesar s death. is appropriate, as carrying on the notion of 

See on i. 2, 5. supplicia, while without it in the second 

10. Quid hunc, &c., wherein conceive the opposition of iracundiae to naturae 

you that Antony s plans are different ? or would be forced and artificial, 
if his plans and wishes are not of such a 17. A quo victore, &c., who thinks 

nature, what do you suppose is the reason that we should look on death as a boon, 

why we are at war ? if when victorious he abstains from tor- 

14. Non inimicos, sed hostes, not ture. 

merely unfriendly, but deadly enemies. 19. Exarsistis, &c. Cp. 4. 6, 16 Ad 

Inimicos it might suffice to shun, hostes spem libertatis exarsimus. 




4 videtis. In Galliam invasit Antonius, in Asiam Dolabella, in 
alienam uterque provinciam : alteri se Brutus obiecit impetum- 
que furentis atque omnia divexare ac diripere cupientis vitae 
suae periculo colligavit, progressu arcuit, a reditu refrenavit : 
obsideri se passus ex utraque parte constrinxit Antonium. Alter 5 
in Asiam irrupit. Cur? si, ut in Syriam, patebat via et certa 
neque longa : sin ut ad Trebonium, quid opus fuit cum legione? 
Praemisso Marso nescio quo Octavio, scelerato latrone atque 
egenti, qui popularetur agros, vexaret urbes, non ad spem con- 
stituendae rei familiaris, quam tenere eum posse negant qui 10 
norunt mini enim hie senator ignotus est , sed ad praesentem 

5 pastum mendicitatis suae, consecutus est Dolabella. Nulla 
suspicione belli quis enim id putaret? secutae collocutiones 
familiarissimae cum Trebonio complexusque : summae benevo- 
lentiae indices falsi exstiterunt in amore simulato ; dexterae, 15 

1. In alienam uterque provin 
ciam. Cp. c. 12, 27 In Macedonian! 
alienam advolavit. These provinces had 
been assigned by Caesar to D. Brutus 
and C. Trebonius respectively, and though 
the people had apparently consented that 
Antony should have Cisalpine Gaul, this 
arrangement had not been sanctioned by the 
senate. See on 2. 13, 31, and introduction 
to the tenth oration. 

2. Brutus, sc. Decimus. 

4. Colligavit, has hampered his onset : 
cp. Fam. 9.17,2 Quid faciat tarnen non 
habet, ita se cum multis impedivit; and 
below, c. n, 26 note. 

6. Cur? si, &c. I have followed the 
reading of Halm, who adopts the conjecture 
of Lambinus, inserting the words sin ut ad 
Trebonium, as though Cicero were discussing 
the only two possible reasons for Dolabella 
entering Asia Minor. He might be merely 
taking that road into his own province of 
Syria, which the senate had taken from C. 
Cassius and given to Dolabella after Caesar s 
death. To this suggestion Cicero answers 
that the way to Syria, which was generally 
reached by sea, was well enough known, and 
too short to admit of such a deviation. Or 
he might be going to join Trebonius, the 
legal governor of Asia, but in that case he 
would hardly have entered another man s 
province at the head of an army. Hence 
Cicero infers that there is no explanation of 
his conduct consistent with innocence of 
treasonable designs. And this inference was 
confirmed by his sending in advance an un 

scrupulous plunderer like Octavius. Orelli, 
rejecting the words inserted by Lambinus, 
stops the passage thus: Quid opus fuit cum 
legione praemisso Marso . . . egenti? qui 
popularetur agros, . . . mendicitatis suae. 
Consecutus est Dolabella nulla suspicione 
belli, &c. 

II. Hie senator, this upstart senator; 
sc. Octavius. 

14. Complexusque. According to the 
common reading these words belonged to 
the following clause, complexusque summae 
benevolentiae falsi indices exs iterunt in 
amore simulato ; which must either mean 
and embraces stood forth as false witnesses 
of the highest goodwill, whose love was 
wholly feigned, or and embraces, false 
witnesses of the highest goodwill, were con 
spicuous amid the pretence of love. Nip- 
perdey (Philol. 3. 146), whom Halm follows, 
first proposed to transpose indices falsi, and 
place the stop after complexusque, so that 
the sense is, then followed the most inti 
mate conversations with Trebonius, accom 
panied by embraces : the symbols of the 
highest goodwill proved false where love 
was only feigned. S. Rau, by a some 
what more violent change, suggests Com- 
plexus, qui sunt mutuae benevolentiae in 
dices, falsi exstiterunt, &c., which agrees 
very well with the following clause. 
Professor Conington suggested removing 
the colon after complexusque, so that 
secutae should be a participle, and 
falsi indices the predicate of the sen 

250 M. TULLII C1CERON1S cc . 2-4. 

quae fidei testes esse solebant, sunt perfidia et scelere violatae : 
nocturnus introitus Zmyrnam quasi in hostium urbem, quae est 
fidissimorum antiquissimorumque sociorum: oppressus Trebonius, 
si ut ab eo, qui aperte hostis essct, incautus, si ut ab eo, qui 
5 civis etiam turn speciem haberet, miser. Ex quo nimirum do- 
cumcntum nos capere fortuna voluit, quid esset victis extime- 
scendum. Consularem hominem, consular! imperio provinciam 
Asiam obtinentem, Samiario exsuli tradidit : interficere captum 
statim noluit, ne nimis, credo, in victoria liberalis videretur. Cum 

10 verborum contumeliis optimum virum incesto ore laccrasset, 
turn verberibus ac tormentis quaestionem habuit pecuniae pub- 
licae idque per biduum : post cervicibus fractis caput abscidit 
idque adfixum gestari iussit in pilo : reliquum corpus tractum 
[atque laniatum] abiecit in mare. Cum hoc hoste bellandum e 

15 est, cuius taeterrima crudelitate omnis barbaria superata est. 
Quid loquar de caede civium Romanorum? de direptione fano- 
rum ? quis est qui pro rerum atrocitatc deplorare tantas calami- 
tates queat ? Et nunc tota Asia vagatur, volitat ut rex, nos 
alio bcllo distineri putat : quasi vero non idem unumque 

20 bellum sit contra hoc iugum impiorum nefarium. Imaginem 3 
M. Antonii crudelitatis in Dolabella cernitis : ex hoc ilia efficta 
est, ab hoc Dolabellae scclerum praecepta sunt tradita. Num 
leniorem, quam in Asia Dolabella fuit, in Italia, si liceat, fore 

2. Zmyrnam. So Halm, on MS. au- Appian attributes the insulting treatment of 

thority, here and pro Balb. II, 28. Smyrna the body to the hatred felt by the soldiers 

especially distinguished itself, in the war with towards one of Caesar s murderers. 

Mithridates, for fidelity to Rome. Exsuli. A play on the words, which is 

4. Si ut ab eo, &c., if by one who untranslateable, is perhaps intended here 

was in the position of an open enemy, he between consul and exsul. 

merits blame for want of caution, but if by 11. Quaestionem, &c., tortured him to 

one who even then maintained the semblance make him say where he had hidden the 

of a citizen, his fate deserves our unmixed public money. 

pity. 14. [Atque laniatum]. These words 

8. Samiario. Orelli (Onomast. lull. are added in the Vatican MS. by a later 

s. v.) thinks that this word refers to the hand. 

man s trade, a vendor of Samian pottery, 17. Deplorare, sufficiently lament. 

whence the late Latin word samio, to 19. D istineri, are kept away from him 

polish with Samian stone; but Garatonius, bv pressure in another place : so better than 

who first suggested this idea, doubts the detineri, the reading of some MSS., which 

existence of such a term in Cicero s time, as would merely be are kept employed. 

well as the propriety of mentioning the trade 20. Hoc iugum. Cp. c. I, 2 Eccs tibi 

of the murderer in this passage. More pro- geminum in scelere par. 

bably it is the man s name. Appian (B.C. 21. Ex hoc ilia efficta est, the model 

3. 26) says that Trebonius was slain by a (imago) was copied from Antony. The 

centurion directly he was taken ; and neither existing MSS. have effecta, which is 

he nor Strabo (14. p. 646) makes any men- meaningless, but Ursini gives MS. authority 

tion of the cruelty or treachery of Dolabella. for the reading in the text. 


putatis Antonium? Mihi quidem et ille pervenisse videtur, 
quoad progredi potuerit feri hominis amentia, neque Antonius 
ullius supplicii adhibendi, si potestatem habeat, ullam esse 

7 partem relicturus. , Ponite igitur ante oculos, patres conscripti, 
miseram illam quidem et flebilem speciem, sed ad incitandos 5 
nostros animos necessarian! : nocturnum impetum in urbem 
Asiae clarissimam, irruptionem armatorum in Trebonii domum, 
cum miser ille prius latronum gladios videret, quam quae res 
esset audisset : furentis introitum Dolabellae, vocem impuram 
atque os illud infame, vincla, verbera, eculeum, tortorem carni- 10 
ficemque Samiarium : quae tulisse ilium fortiter et patienter 
ferunt. Magna laus meoque iudicio omnium maxima ; est 
enim sapientis, quidquid homini accidere possit, id praemeditari 
ferundum modice esse, si evenerit. Maioris omnino est consilii 
providere ne quid tale accidat, animi non minoris fortiter ferre, 15 

8 si evenerit. Ac Dolabella quidem tarn fuit immemor humani- 
tatis quamquam eius numquam particeps fuit , ut suam in- 
satiabilem crudelitatem exercuerit non solum in vivo, sed etiam 
in mortuo, atque in eius corpore lacerando atque vexando, cum 
animum satiare non posset, oculos paverit suos. 20 

4 O multo miserior Dolabella quam ille, quern tu miserrimum 

I. Et ille . . . neque Antonius. So Oavarovs T dcupovs, ual KO.KWV a\\as 

c. 2, 4 Patebat via et certa neque longa. odovs, 

4. Ponite ante oculos, &c. Mtiretus w , et n TrdffxoifJ- , wv t$6aov (ppevl, 

thinks that Cicero is here imitating Aeschin. (JLTJ p.oi vtupls irpoffrrfffov /j,a\\ov da/cot. 

iu Ctes. p. 76, i 67rei577 rofs cru/jiaaiv ov 17. Fuit. So Halm, following one MS., 

irapeyeveaOe, d\\a rats 76 diavoiais diro- the others having fuerit. The correction 

PXtyar avT&v ets rds av^opas, KCU seems to be so plainly stated as a fact that 

vofj.iaaO opai> aXiaKop-iv-qv TTJV iro\iv K.T.\. the indicative is absolutely necessary. 

IO. Eculeum. Of this instrument of 20. Paverit. All the MSS. have pavit, 

torture, so often mentioned in the persecu- but the connection of ideas, as well as the 

tions of the early Christians, we have no rhythm of the sentence, seems to require 

account in any writer of authority. that this clause, as well as the preceding 

12. Est enim sapientis, &c. Lam- one, should be dependent on fuit im- 

binus compares a saying of Pittacus, awe- memor. 

ruv dvbpwv earl, irplv ^eviaOai ra Svffx f PV c. 4. Even in his hour of triumph Dola- 

npovoriaai ^77 7eVr/Tar dvSpficw fie yevopfva bella failed, for he inflicted on himself the 

fv OtaOai. Compare also Tusc. 3. 14, lasting agonies of remorse, a thousand times 

30 Quoniam multum potest provisio animi more hard to bear than the two days torture 

et praeparatio ad minuendum dolorem, sint which Trebonius underwent. He was more- 

sempcr ornnia homini humana meditata j over judged to be an enemy of the state, a 

and Eur.^Fr. Thes. 384 far worse fate than death; and so, even in 

yoj 8e TOVTO irapa <ro<pov nvbs ftaOwv, respect of their present condition, Trebonius 

fls (ppovriSas vovv avp.<popds T i/3a\- might be deemed the happier man ; without 

\ufj.r)v, ^ setting his noble nature against the vicious- 

(pvjas T enavTa irpoamQds Trdrpas ness of Dolabella s character, which an un- 

^^ s suspecting trustfulness had hitherto prevented 

253 M. TULLII CICERONIS C o. 4-5. 

esse voluisti ! Dolores Trebonius pertulit magnos ; multi ex 
morbi gravitate maiores, quos tamen non miseros, sed laboriosos 
solemus dicere. Longus fuit dolor bidui, at compluribus anno- 
rum saepe multorum : nee vero graviora sunt carnificum crucia- 

5 menta quam interdum tormenta morborum. Alia sunt, alia, 9 
inquam, o perditissimi homines et amentissimi, multo miseriora. 
Nam quo maior vis est animi quam corporis, hoc sunt graviora 
ea, quae concipiuntur animo, quam ilia, quae corpore. Miserior 
igitur qui suscipit in se scelus quam si qui alterius facinus 

10 subire cogitur. Cruciatus est a Dolabella Trebonius : et quidem 
a Karthaginiensibus Regulus. Qua re cum crudelissimi Poeni 
iudicati sint in hoste, quid in cive de Dolabella iudicandum est ? 
An vero hoc conferendum est aut dubitandum, uter miserior sit, 
isne, cuius mortem senatus populusque Romanus ulcisci cupit, 

15 an is, qui cunctis senatus sententiis hostis est iudicatus? Nam 
ceteris quidem vitae partibus quis est qui possit sine Trebonii 
maxima contumelia conferre vitam Trebonii cum Dolabellae ? 
Alterius consilium, ingenium, humanitatem, innocentiam, magni- 
tudinem animi in patria liberanda quis ignorat? alteri a puero 

20 pro deliciis crudelitas fuit, deinde ea libidinum turpitudo, ut in 
hoc sit semper ipse laetatus, quod ea faceret, quae sibi obiici ne 
ab inimico quidem possent verecundo. Et hie, di immortales ! 10 
aliquando fuit meus : occulta enim erant vitia non inquirenti. 

Cicero from discovering in a near connection ginians, is looked upon by many modern 

of his own. writers, and amongst others by Mommsen 

3. Longus fuit dolor bidui at, &c. (Hist, of Rome, 2.46), as an invention of 

So Halm. Madvig (Jahn s Jahrbuch for the later Romans. 

1856, p. 124) would stop the clause Longus 12. la hoste, in dealing with an 

fuit dolor. Bidui; at, &c. He says that enemy; cp. Virg. Ae. 2. 541 

the mention of the definite and cpmpara- At non ille, satum quo te mentiris, Achilles 

tively short period of two days is inappro- Talis in hoste fuit Priamo: 

priate in an objection urging the length and see Kritz on Sail. Cat. 9, 2. 
of the sufferings of Trebonius ; and that it 18. Magnitudinem animi, in sacri- 

comes in much more fitly in Cicero s answer : ficing all feelings of gratitude and private 

two days, I grant, he suffered, yet how friendship, by sharing in Caesar s murder, 
many have been sufferers for many years ; 23. Meus, a member of my family. 

but two days of incessant torture would He styles him meus even after his divorce 

generally be considered long enough. from Tullin, Att. 14. 15, 2 O mirificum Dola- 

8. Miserior igitur, &c. Cp. Plat. bellam meum, iam enim dicam meum; antea, 

Gorg. p. 469 c: ricwA. av dpa jSouAoto av crede mihi, subdubitabam. That Cicero s 

odiKflaQai fj.d\\ov fj db iKfiv ; 2owp. fiov- blindness to the notorious profligacy of Dola- 

XoiurjV /j,( v av eyasyt ovSirepa el 8 dva.y- bella was wilful seems clear from the language 

Kaiov fl r/ adiKfiv rj dfitKfTffOai, k\oip.rjv av used by M. Caelius, in his letter congratu- 

uaXXov d8iKticr6ai fj dSiitfiv. lating Cicero on his daughter s engagement 

n. Regulus. The story of the mission (Fam. 8. 13, i) ; in which he extenuates the 

of Regulus to Rome in 250 B.C., and his vices which he cannot deny to have existed 

subsequent cruel treatment by the Cartha- in the man. While Caesar lived, Cicero 




Neque nunc fortasse alienus ab eo essem, nisi ille nobis, nisi 
moenibus patriae, nisi huic urbi, nisi dis penatibus, nisi aris et 
focis omnium nostrum, nisi denique naturae et humanitati inven- 
tus esset inimicus. A quo admoniti diligentius et vigilantius 
caveamus Antonium. 5 

5 Etenim Dolabella non ita multos secum habuit notos atque 
insignes latrones : at videtis quos et quam multos habeat An- 
tonius. Primum Lucium fratrem : quam facem, di immortales ! 
quod facinus ! quod scelus ! quern gurgitem ! quam voraginem ! 
Quid eum non sorbere animo, quid non haurire cogitatione, cuius 10 
sanguinem non bibere censetis? in cuius possessiones atque for- 

11 tunas non impudentissimos oculos spe et mente defigere ? Quid 
Censorinum? qui se verbo praetorem esse urbanum cupere 
dicebat, re certe noluit. Quid Bestiam ? qui consulatum in Bruti 
locum se petere profitetur : atque hoc quidem detestabile omen i 5 
avertat luppiter ! Quam absurdum autem, qui praetor fieri non 
potuerit, petere eum consulatum ! nisi forte damnationem pro 
praetura putat. Alter Caesar Vopiscus ille summo ingenio, 

appears to have thought it useful to have a 
friend at court in the person of his son-in-law; 
and on his death there was a hope at first 
that Dolabella would be serviceable as a 
check to Antony. Hence, even after his 
ill-treatment of Tullia, Cicero maintained a 
constant show of friendship towards him. 

I. Nobis. So Halm for the Vatican 
reading bonis, the two words being often 
confused in MSS. Cp. 3. 2, 4 note. The 
other MSS. have vobis. 

5. Antonium: because, as he said 
above, cc. I, 2 and 3, 6, Dolabella had only 
proved more cruel than Antony from having 
had a better opportunity. 

cc. 5, 6. The guilt of Dolabella might 
serve as a warning against Antony, who 
was the more dangerous because of the despe 
rate character of his followers. His brother 
Lucius was indeed the worst, but he had 
besides in his army men notorious in every 
way, who had violated every precept of political 
or moral probity. Outlaws, foreign upstarts, 
bankrupts, murderers formed the flower of his 
army, and they would eagerly have followed 
the example set by Dolabella, had not the 
senate wisely adopted the proposal of Calenus, 
and denounced him as a public enemy. 

9. Quern gurgitem! So he speaks 
of M. Antonius as worse than any Charybdis, 
2. 27, 67. 

10. Cuius ... censetis? in are omitted 

in the Vatican MS., but the omission of the 
last word makes it appear as though a com 
plete line had escaped the copyist, in 
being indispensable for the construction. 

12. Quid Censorinum? The accu 
sative may depend on habet, to be supplied 
from habeat ; but it is more probably 
what say you of Censorinus ? who was 
always saying that he wished to be praetor 
of the city, but has shown himself in fact 
unwilling so to be; i.e. he had practically 
abdicated the office, by going to the camp of 
Antony, whereas it was illegal for the city 
praetor to be away from Rome. L. Marcius 
Censorinus was one of Antony s staunchest 
supporters, and through his interest gained 
the consulship in 39 B.C. 

14. Bestiam. L. Calpurnius Bestia was 
one of Catiline s adherents. In 57 B.C. he 
was an unsuccessful candidate for the prae- 
torship, and in the following year was prose 
cuted for bribery, and convicted, though 
Cicero defended him. Having thus failed 
in gaining the praetorship. he was ineligible 
for the consulship, in which he was hoping 
to supplant M. Brutus. 

In Bruti locum, to fill the place which 
naturally would fall to Brutus. The con 
struction in locum depends upon the idea 
of being elected, which is involved in con 
sulatum petere. 

18. Alter Caesar Vopiscus, like a 



cc. 56. 

summa potentia, qui ex aedilitate consulatum petit, solvatur 
legibus : quamquam leges eum non tenent propter eximiam, 
credo, dignitatem. At hie me defendente quinquies absolutus 
est : sexta palma urbana etiam in gladiatore difficilis. Sed haec 
5 iudicum culpa, non mea est. Ego defendi fide optima : illi 
debuerunt clarissimum et praestantissimum senatorem in civitate 
retinere. Qui tamen nunc nihil aliud agere videtur, nisi ut 
intelligamus illos, quorum res iudicatas irritas fecimus, bene et 
e re publica iudicavisse. Neque hoc in hoc uno est : sunt alii 12 

10 in isdem castris honeste condemnati, turpiter restituti. Quod 
horum consilium, qui omnibus bonis hostes sunt, nisi crudelis- 
simum putatis fore ? Accedit Saxa nescio quis, quern nobis 
Caesar ex ultima Celtiberia tribunum pi. dedit, castrorum antea 
metator, nunc, ut sperat, urbis : a qua cum sit alienus, suo 

15 capiti salvis nobis ominetur. Cum hoc veteranus Cafo, quo 
neminem veterani peius oderunt. His quasi praeter dotem, 
quam in civilibus malis acceperant, agrum Campanum est 

second Caesar Vopiscus. C. lulius Caesar 
Strabo Vopiscus, having been curule aedile 
in 90 B.C., was brought forward by the 
aristocratic party as a candidate for the 
consulship, in violation of the Lex Villia 
Annalis. as he had never held the praetorship. 
His election was prevented by the forcible 
intervention of the tribunes, and Cicero thus 
implies that Bestia could only bring forward 
one precedent for his illegal conduct, and 
that a precedent of failure. 

1. Solvatur legibus. See on 2. 13, 


2. Quamquam leges, and yet, Cicero 
would say, a decree to this effect is hardly 
necessary, since the laws already prove too 
narrow to confine such singular merit. 

4. Sexta palma urbana. Cicero had 
gained his cause five times for Bestia; defeat 
in the sixth, in his trial for bribery, was 
hardly to be avoided. Such unqualified 
success would scarcely find a parallel even in 
the arena. That the defeat in question was 
already sustained is clear from the following 
words, illi debuerunt . . . retinere. 

7 Qjii tamen, &c. In 49 B.C. Caesar 
procured the recall from banishment of most 
of the exiles, especially those convicted of 
bribery under the Lex Pompeia de Vi. It 
is probable that Bestia, though convicted 
under an earlier statute, would take advan 
tage of the grace thus offered to return to 

Rome ; and Cicero, to whom this act of 
Caesar s had been most distasteful at the 
time, urges that Bestia at least was doing all 
he could to justify the severity of those who 
tried him, and to show how utterly mis 
placed was Caesar s clemency. It is pro 
bable that the recall was accomplished at 
the time by a decree of the senate, acting 
under Caesar s orders ; but at any rate by 
ratifying all his measures after his death 
they had accepted the responsibility of what 
he did. Hence fecimus. 

13. Castrorum antea metator. In 
14. 4, 10 he is called peritus metator et 
callidus. He was probably at first one of 
the workmen employed to trace out the 
camp under the direction of the centurions, 
on whom that duty devolved. See also on 

8- 3, 9- 

14. A qua, &c. Saxa had been hoping 
for a confiscation of the state lands, but as 
he, a foreigner, knew but little of Rome and 
its affairs, Cicero expresses a hope that his 
wish may prove ominous to himself, that 
there may be a confiscation indeed, but of 
the lands so wrongfully bestowed on him. 
Yet since he is a stranger there, may the 
omen recoil on his own head without in 
flicting injury on us. Some of the later 
MSS. have dominetur, which is meaning 

15. Cafo. See on 8. 3, 9. 






largitus Antonius, ut haberent reliquorum nutriculas praediorum. 
Quibus utinam contend essent ! ferremus, etsi tolerabile non 
erat, sed quidvis patiendum fuit, ut hoc taeterrimum bellum 
non haberemus. 

Quid ? ilia castrorum M. Antonii lumina, nonne ante oculos 5 
proponitis? Primum duos collegas Antoniorum et Dolabellae, 
Nuculam et Lentonem, Italiae divisores lege ea, quam senatus 
per vim latam iudicavit : quorum alter comrnentatus est mimos, 
alter egit tragoediam. Quid dicam de Apulo Domitio? cuius 
modo bona proscripta vidi : tanta procuratorum est negligentia. 10 
At hie nuper sororis filio infudit venenum, non dedit. Sed non 
possunt non prodige vivere, qui nostra bona sperant, cum ef- 
fundant sua. Vidi etiam P. Decii auctionem, clari viri, qui 
maiorum exempla persequens pro alieno se aere devovit. 
Emptor tamen in ea auctione inventus est nemo. Hominem 15 
ridiculum, qui se exserere aere alieno putet posse, cum vendat 
aliena. Nam quid ego de Trebellio dicam ? quern ultae videntur 
Furiae debitorum ; vindicem enim novarum tabularum novam 

I. Nutriculas, to nurse their other 
farms; the certain profits from the rich 
lands of Capua covering all the risk and 
possible loss of their other estates ; as he 
says of them de Leg. Agrar. 2. 28, 78 
neque istorum pecuniis quidquam aliud 
deesse video nisi eius modi fundos, quorum 
subsidio familiavum magnitudines et Cuma- 
uorum ac Puteolanorurn praediorum sumptus 
sustentare possint. 

6. Collegas, as septemviri agris divi- 
dundis. See 2. 38, 99 note. 

7. Nuculam. See on 6. 5, 14. 
Lentonem. Cp. 12. 9, 23. The 

other two divisores were Tiro and Mus- 
tela. See 8. 9, 26. 

8. Comrnentatus est, composed 
mimes ; the word expressing rather the 
inventive than the mechanical part of com 

9. Cuius modo, &c., whose goods I 
saw but yesterday exposed for sale, so great 
has been the carelessness of the assignees. 
The emphasis is on modo, the affairs of 
Domitius the Apulian (of whom nothing is 
known from other sources) having long been 
desperate, though steps were only just now 
taken to realize his property. 

II. Infudit venenum, non dedit. 
Some have taken this to mean, he drenched, 
rather than dosed with poison, as though 

infudit expressed excessive quantity. It 
is rather he mixed the poison for his 
nephew, but did not administer it ; meaning 
either that his resolution failed hirn, or that 
he employed another s hand to carry out his 
wickedness. Cp. Hor. Epod. 5, 7,7 
Maius parabo, maius infundam tibi 

Fastidienti poculum. 

14. Pro alieno se aere devovit, 
sacrificed himself as a martyr to his debts. 

16. Qui se exserere, to think he 
could escape the debts he owed to others, 
by selling what was not his own. Exse 
rere is Halm s emendation for the Vatican 
reading exercere, for which the other MSS. 
have exire. 

17. De Trebellio. See on 10. 10, 22. 
Trebellius had made himself obnoxious 
to the general body of insolvent debtors, 
when he opposed the general abolition of 
debts, novae tabulae. Hence now that 
his affairs have been reduced to such a state, 
that his property appears scheduled in an 
auction list, tabula auctionaria, Cicero says 
that the furies of the debtors now have 
wreaked their vengeance on Trebellius ; for 
here a clearance catalogue asserts the right 
of clearance from our debts. He has a 
similar play on the words Cat. 2. 8, 18 
Meo beneficio tabulae novae proferentur, 
verum auctionariae. 


tabulam videmus. Quid de T. Planco? quern praestantissimus 
civis, Aquila, Pollentia expulit, et quidem crure fracto : quod 
utinam ill! ante accidisset, ne hue redire potuisset ! Lumen et 
decus illius exercitus paene praeterii, T. Annium Cimbrum, 
5 Lysidici filium Lysidicum ipsum [Graeco verbo], quoniam omnia 
iura dissolvit, nisi forte iure Germanum Cimber occidit. Cum 
hanc et huius generis copiam tantam habeat Antonius, quod 
scelus omittet, cum Dolabella tantis se obstrinxerit parricidiis 
nequaquam pari latronum manu et copia ? Quapropter, ut 15 

10 invitus saepe dissensi a Q. Fufio, ita sum eius sententiae libenter 
assensus. Ex quo iudicare debetis me non cum homine solere, 
sed cum causa dissidere. Itaque non assentior solum, sed etiam 
gratias ago Fufio : dixit enim severam, gravem, re publica dig- 
nam sententiam, iudicavit hostem Dolabellam, bona censuit 

15 publice possidenda. Quo cum addi nihil potuisset quid enim 
atrocius potuit, quid severius decernere? dixit tamen, si quis 
eorum, qui post se rogati essent, graviorem sententiam dixisset, 
in earn se iturum. Quam severitatem quis potest non laudare? 
Nunc, quoniam hostis est iudicatus Dolabella, bello est per- 7 

20 sequendus. Neque enim quiescit : habet legionem, habet fugi- 16 

1. T. Planco. See on 6.4, 10. pares Quint. 8. 3, 29 Cimber hie fuit, a 

2. Aquila. L.Pontius Aquila. one of quo fratrem necatum hoc Ciceronis dicto 
Caesar s assassin?, was legatus of D. Brutus notatum est: Germanum Cimber occidit. 
in this campaign, and perished before IO. Saepe dissensi. See 5, I, I ; 10. 1,3. 
Mutina in the battle in which the Consul 15. Publice possidenda, should be 
Hirtius was killed. confiscated to the state. The expression 

Pollentia. A city of Liguria, (now would properly apply to any portion of the 
Polenza, a place of no importance,) a few state lands, which was either retained as a 
miles south of Turin, at the junction of the possessio populi Romani, or reclaimed from 
Stura and Tanaro. After his defeat at the occupant to whom it had been assigned. 
Mutina, Antony attempted to secure Pol- Here its application is more general, to all 

lentia, but found himself forestalled by D. the goods of Dolabella. 
Brutus. See Fam. II. 13. 18. In earn se iturum, he would 

Quod utinam, &c. Had he suffered support the measure. See on 3. 9, 24. 
crurifragium, Cicero argues, i.e. had he been cc. 7, 8. War with Dolabella was inevitable, 

crucified, and his legs broken on the cross, find the only question (hat remained was who 

there would have been an end of him. should be the general. It was proposed to 

4. T. Annium Cimbrum. Cp. 13. give the post to P. Servilius, but tlie people 
12, 26 Philadelphia Annius. had alwnys looked with the utmost jealousy 

5. Graeco verbo. These words are on entrusting private individuals with such 
probably a gloss, as the play upon the name commands, and thus virtually transferring 
Lysidicu?, a breaker of the peace, would the comilia to the senate-house. The excep- 
be obvious enough to such an audience as tions which might be quoted only proved the 
the Roman senate. rule. The senate entrusted to Pompey the 

6. Nisi forte iure, &c., unless a u<ar agabist Sertorius only because tlie Con- 
Cimber had a right to kill one germanely siils both declined it, and the extraordinary 
related to him. Cimber being the name of commission lately given to Octavianus did 
a German people, Cicero plays upon the but legalise a military command which cir- 
double meaning of germanus. Halm com- cumstances had already thrust upon him. 




tivos, habet sceleratam impiorum manum ; et ipse confidens, 
impotens, gladiatorio generi mortis addictus. Quam ob rem, 
quoniam Dolabella hesterno die hoste decreto bellum gerundum 
est, imperator est diligendus. Duae dictae sunt sententiae, 
quarum neutram probo : alteram, quia semper, nisi cum est 5 
necesse, periculosam arbitror : alteram, quia alienam his tem- 
17 poribus existimo. Nam extraordinarium imperium populare 
atque ventosum est, minime nostrae gravitatis, minime huius 
ordinis. Bello Antiochino magno et gravi, cum L. Scipioni 
provincia Asia obvenisset, parumque in eo putaretur esse animi, 10 
parum roboris, senatusque ad collegam eius, C. Laelium, huius 
Sapientis patrem, negotium deferret, surrexit P. Africanus, frater 
maior L. Scipionis, et illam ignominiam a familia deprecatus 
est, dixitque et in fratre suo summam virtutem esse summumque 
consilium, neque se ei legatum, id aetatis iisque rebus gestis, 15 
defuturum. Quod cum ab eo esset dictum, nihil est de Scipionis 
provincia commutatum ; nee plus extraordinarium imperium ad 
id bellum quaesitum, quam duobus antea maximis Punicis bellis, 
quae a consulibus aut a dictatoribus gesta et confecta sunt, 

2. Impotens, unable to control his 
passions. Cp. Hor. Od. i. 37, 10 

Quidlibet impotens 

Gladiatorio generi, &c., bent upon 
dying by a violent death. 

3. Hesterno die. Hence it is clear 
that this oration was not spoken, as is often 
stated, (see Merivale, 3. 136: Forsyth, Life 
of Cicero 2. 233,) in support of the motion 
of Calenus, that Dolabella should be de 
clared a public enemy ; but it was delivered 
on the following day, when the senate 
met to consider what action should be taken 
in the matter, and especially who should be 
appointed to succeed Dolabella in the govern 
ment of his province. Cp. c. 13, 29. 

5. Cum est. The indicative marks 
the concc ssion, that occasions not only may, 
but do occasionally arise, when such a step 
is necessary. Cicero had himself taken a 
leading part in such a measure when advo 
cating the Lex Manilla, giving Pempey 
the special command of the war against 
Mithridates ; and more recently, when de 
fending the measures of Octavianus. 

7. Extraordinarium, out of due 

8. Ventosum, unsubstantial ; cp. Livy 
42. 30 Quosdam (ad novanda omnia agebat) 

ventosum ingenium, quia Perseus magis 
aurae popularis erat. 

9. Bello Antiochino, the war with 
Antiochus the Great, in 190 B.C. 

II. Huius Sapientis, of Laelius the 
wise, so well known, so constantly spoken 
of, among ourselves. From the peculiarity 
of this use of huius, some editors would 
read illius, and some even substitute 
Laelii Sapientis patrem. Kayser places 
huius within brackets. 

13. A familia, prayed that such dis 
grace might not befall his family; cp. Verr. 
Act. 2.1. 60, 157 Is ul!am ab sese calami- 
tatem poterit deprecari? Most of the later 
MSS. unnecessarily read familiae. Livy 
(37. l) represents the story somewhat differ 
ently, saying that the command in Asia was 
given to L. Scipio by a special decree of the 
senate, and so was extraordinarium, in 
order that Africanus might once more be 
opposed to Hannibal, who was fighting in 
the army of Antiochus. 

15- Id aetatis, though of such an 
age; id aetatis, id temporis being some 
times used for the simple genitive or ablative, 
to signify the point of time; cp. Cat. i. 4, 
10 Quos ad me id temporis ventures esse 
praedixeram, and Madv. 238. 

19. A dictatoribus. The very office 



cc. 78. 

quam Pyrrhi, quam Philippi, quam post Achaico bello, quam 
Punico tertio : ad quod populus Romanus ita sibi ipse dilegit 
idoneum ducem, P. Scipionem, ut eum tamen bellum gerere 
consulem vellct. Cum Aristonico bellum gerundum fuit P. 8 
5 Licinio L. Valerio consulibus. Rogatus est populus, quern id is 
bellum gerere placeret : Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, 
Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali, multam dixit, si a sacris dis- 
cessisset : quam multam populus Romanus remisit, pontifici 
tamen flaminem parere iussit. Sed ne turn quidem populus 

10 Romanus ad privatum detulit bellum : quamquam erat Afri- 
canus, qui anno ante de Numantinis triumpharat : qui cum 
longe omnes belli gloria et virtute superaret, duas tamen tribus 
solas tulit. Ita populus Romanus consul! potius Crasso quam 
privato Africano bellum gerundum dedit. De Cn. Pompei 

15 imperils, summi viri atque omnium principis, tribuni pi. turbu- 
lenti tulerunt. Nam Sertorianum bellum a senatu privato 

of dictator supplied a constitutional means 
of appointing a man to such a command 
as Cicero is now attempting to prevent ; so 
that the mention of dictators virtually con 
cedes the point at issue. 

1. Philippi, Philip V of Macedonia, 
finally defeated by T. Qninctius Flaminimis 
in 197 B.C., after seventeen years of inter 
mittent war. 

Achaico bello. in 147 and 146 B.C., 
terminating with the capture of Corinth 
by L. Mummius. 

2. Ita ... ut, though it selected for 
itself a suitable general, yet chose that he 
should cany on the war as Consul. See on 

2- 34, 85. 

4. Aristonicus was a natural son of 
Eumenes II, who claimed the kingdom of 
Pergamus on the death of Attains III. As 
Attains had made the Romans his Iv.iirs, 
Aristonicus was thus brought into conflict 
with Rome. He defeated the Consul P. 
Licinius Crassus in 131 B.C., but was taken 
prisoner bv M. Perperna in the following 

8. Remisit. As the fine was only 
threatened, it is hardiy clear how it could 
have been remitted ; but probably the ex 
planation of Garatonius is correct, that L. 
Valerius appealed against his colleague s 
decision, which was only possible under the 
supposition that the fine had been inflicted, 
and that therefore the people, in confirming 
the claim of Crassus, necessarily confirmed 
the fine, and made it requisite to remit it. 

in order to exempt Valerius from payment. 
He compares the parallel case of an older 
P. Licinius Crassus, who similarly prevented 
the Consul Q^Fabius Pictor, as being Fiamen 
Quirinalis, from taking the command in 
Sicily, in 189 B.C. In that case also the 
fine was threatened, an appeal was made, 
and the result, as given by Livy (37. 51), 
was religio ad postremum vicit, ut d icto 
audiens esset flamen pontifici ; et multae ex 
iussn populi remissae. What made the 
conduct of the younger Crassus more op 
pressive was that he himself, as Pontifex 
Maximus, was no less bound to stay in 
Rome. See Livy, Epit. 59. 

II. Anno ante. Numantia was taken 
133 B.C., but the triumph of Africanus did 
not take pi ice till the following year. 

13. Tulit, only gained the votes of two 

15. Tribuni . . . tulerunt. Bit Cicero 
himself supported the proposal, in his speech 
de Cn. Pompeii imperio. 

16. Nam Sertorianum bellum. And 
this, Cic.:ro would imply, concludes the list 
of precedents, for the Sertorian war, which 
some might urge against me, was only given 
to a private citizen, because the Consuls 
would not undertake its conduct. The 
private citizen was Pompey, then (in 77 
B.C.) only an cques ; cp. de Imp. Cn. 
Pomp. 21 Cum esset nonnemo in senatu qui 
diceret, " non oportere mitti hominem pri 
vatum pro consule :" L. Piiilippus dixisse 
fertur, " non se ilium sua sententia pro con- 


datum est, quia consules recusabant, cum L. Philippus pro 

19 consulibus eum se mittere dixit, non pro consule. Quae igitur 
haec comitia? aut quam ambitionem constantissimus et gra- 
vissimus civis, L. Caesar, in senatum introduxit? Clarissimo 
viro atque innocentissimo decrevit imperium, private tamen : 5 
in quo maximum nobis onus imposuit. Assensus ero, ambi 
tionem induxero in curiam : negaro, videbor sufiragio meo 
tamquam comitiis honorem homini amicissimo denegavisse. 
Quod si comitia placet in senatu haberi, petamus, arnbiamus : 
tabella modo detur nobis, sicut populo data est. Cur committis, 10 
Caesar, ut aut praestantissimus vir, si tibi non sit assensum, 
repulsam tulisse videatur, aut unus quisque nostrum praeteritus, 
si, cum pari dignitate simus, eodem honore digni non putemur? 

20 At enim nam id exaudio C. Caesari adolescentulo imperium 
extraordinarium mea sententia dedi. Ille enim mihi praesidium 15 
extraordinarium dederat : cum dico mihi, senatui dico populo- 
que Romano. A quo praesidium res publica, ne cogitatum 
quidem, tantum haberet, ut sine eo salva esse non posset, huic 
extraordinarium imperium non darem? Aut exercitus adi- 
mendus aut imperium dandum fuit. Quae est enim ratio aut 20 
qui potest fieri ut sine imperio teneatur exercitus? Non 

sule sed pro consulibus mittere. " The 10. Tabella, the voting tablet ; so that 

Consuls thus contemptuously set aside were all the forms of a popular election might be 

M. lunius Brutus and Mam. Aemilius Le- duly observed, 
pidus Livianus 13. Pari dignitate, of equal rank as 

2. Quae igitur, &c., what then is consulars. 

this election? or what this candidature for 14. Exaudio, I hear it whispered. 

office which L.Caesar has introduced into Exaudire is to hear in spite of some 

the senate T The comitia, Cicero would obstacle, and especially to hear what is not 

say, not the senate, was the place for the directly meant to be heard. Cp. Cat. 4. 7, 

election of officers of the state, and the only 14 Sed ea quae exaudio dissimulare non 

constitutional function of the senate in the possum. Here the implication is that the 

matter was to apportion among existing objection made is one which the objectors 

officers their several spheres of duty. L. would hardly have ventured to utter in 

Caesar had proposed that P. Servilius Vatia Cicero s own hearing, so as to allow him to 

Isauricus, a man of consular rank, but at expose its full absurdity, 
present holding no office, should be appointed 18. Haberet. The subjunctive puts the 

proconsul, with the command of the war case generally, so as to show that the case 

against Dolabdla. Cicero himself was of Octavianus was one which fell under an 

anxious to commit the conduct of the war acknowledged law. Cicero s first argument 

to C. Cassius, who was already propraetor is that the merits of Octavianus were extra- 

in Syria. ordinary. ; and besides, he urges that in his 

6. Assensus ero. For the omission case the senate were not conferring, but 

of si, in the hypothetical statement of continuing a command, so that the case 

alternatives, see Madv. 442 a. Obs. was not parallel to that of Servilius, to whom 

2; and cp. 13. II, 25 Recesseris, undi- no slight would be offered by letting him 

que omnes insequentur : manseris, haere- remain at home in the position which he at 

bis. present held. 

S 3 

260 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 8-10. 

igitur, quod ereptum non est, id existimandum est datum. Eri- 
puissetis C. Caesari, patres conscript!, imperium, nisi dedissetis. 
Milites veterani, qui illius auctoritatem, imperium, nomen secuti 
pro re publica arma ceperant, volebant sibi ab illo imperari : 

5 legio Martia et legio quarta ita se contulerant ad auctoritatem 
senatus et rei publicae dignitatem, ut deposcerent imperatorem 
et ducem C. Caesarem. Imperium C. Caesari belli necessitas, 
fasces senatus dedit. Otioso vero et nihil agenti privato, ob- 
secro te, L. Caesar, cum peritissrmo homine mihi res est 

[ o quando imperium senatus dedit? 

Sed de hoc quidem hactenus, ne refragari homini amicissimo 9 
ac de me optime merito videar : etsi quis potest refragari non 
modo non petenti, verum etiam recusanti ? Ilia vero, patres 21 
conscripti, aliena consulum dignitate, aliena temporum gravitate 

fr sententia est, ut consules Dolabellae persequendi causa Asiam 
et Syriam sortiantur. Dicam, cur inutile rei publicae, sed 
prius, quam turpe consulibus sit, videte. Cum consul designatus 
obsideatur, cum in eo liberando salus sit posita rei publicae, 
cum a populo Romano pestiferi cives parricidaeque desciverint, 

20 cumque id bellum geramus, quo bello de dignitate, de libertate, 
de vita decernamus, si in potestatem quis Antonii venerit, pro- 
posita sint tormenta atque cruciatus, cumque harum rerum 
omnium decertatio consulibus optimis et fortissimis commissa 
et commendata sit : Asiae et Syriae mentio fiet, ut aut sus- 

? picioni crimen aut invidiac matcriam dedisse videamur? At 22 

5. Ita . . ut, only on condition that. 18. Sit posita, has been allowed to rest. 

See 2. 34. 85 note. 21. Si in potestatem. One MS. has 

9. Peritissimo, well-versed in law, etsi, but the asyndeton may very well be 

and therefore knowing all the precedents carried on throughout the clause, 

which possibly could bear upon the point. 24. Suspicion! crimen, &c., that we 

cc. 9, IO. To appoint the Consuls to the may seem to have provided suspicion with 

vacant provinces was inexpedient both for a ground for accusation, or to have laid a 

them and for the state. It would make the foundation for unpopularity. His meaning 

people imagine that they were looking after is more fully explained in the following 

their own interests rather than the safe/y of chapter, that if the notion were entertained 

D. Brutus, while it could hardly fail to divert that Pansa was cognizant of the proposal, 

some portion of their care from the measures suspicion would immediately conclude that 

to be taken for his deliverance. The state he wished to have the conduct of the war 

would suffer, because proceedings against in Asia, in order to avoid the difficult and 

Dolabella must necessarily be delayed ; unless dangerous task of contending with Antony. 

indeed they appointed a deputy, thus taking It is true that the liberation of D. Brutus 

on themselves a responsibility which Cicero was still the first task assigned to the Con- 

had shown to be too heavy even for the suls, bi.t the fact that they had further duties 

senate. laid upon them was likely to make them 

13. Ilia vero, the other of the two negligent in performing the first, and anxious 

proposals mentioned above. See 16. to find excuses for abandoning it. 

20-24. OR ATI PHI LIP PIC A XI. 261 

vero ita decernunt, ut liberate Bruto: id enim restabat, ut 
relicto, deserto, prodito. Ego vero mentionem omnino pro- 
vinciarum factam dico alienissimo tempore. Quamvis enim 
intentus animus tuus sit, C. Pansa, sicut est, ad virum fortissi- 
mum et omnium clarissimum liberandum, tamen rerum natura 5 
coget te necessario referre animum aliquando ad Dolabellam 
persequendum et partem aliquam in Asiam et Syriam derivare 
ctirae et cogitationis tuae. Si autem fieri posset, vel plures 
te animos habere vellem, quos omnes ad Mutinam intenderes. 
Quod quoniam fieri non potest, isto te animo, quem habes 10 
praestantissimum atque optimum, nihil volumus nisi de Bruto 

23 cogitare. Facis tu id quidem et eo maxime incumbis, ut 
intelligo : duas tamen res, magnas praesertim, non modo agere 
uno tempore, sed ne cogitando quidem explicare quisquam 
potest. Incitare et inflammare tuum istuc praestantissimum 15 
studium, non ad aliam ulla ex parte curam transferre debemus. 

10 Adde istuc sermones hominum, adde suspiciones, adde invidiam. 
Imitare me, quem tu semper laudasti : qui instructam orna- 
tamque a senatu provinciam deposui, ut incendium patriae 
omissa omni cogitatione restinguerem. Nemo erit praeter 20 
unum me, quicum profecto, si quid interesse tua putasses, pro 
summa familiaritate nostra communicasses, qui credat te invito 
provinciam tibi esse decretairu Hanc, quaeso, pro tua singular! 
sapientia reprime famam atque efnce, ne id, quod non curas, 

24 cupere videare. Quod quidem eo vehementius tibi laborandum 25 

I. Id enim restabat, &c. Cicero dis- lently ordered and equipped. See on 10. 

poses of the apology made for the authors 4, 9. 

of this proposal, that they would only, send 19 Deposui. On the expiration of his 

Hirtius and Pansa to Asia after Brutus was consulship, Cicero first gave his colleague 

released, by showing that the only alter- C. Antonius his province of Macedonia in 

native to his release was his desertion, aban- exchange for that of Gallia Cisalpina, and 

donment, betrayal. If they had not used then resigned this latter in favour of Q^ 

the word liberate, one of the other three Metellus Celer. See Fam. 5. 2, 3 ; and cp. 

must necessarily have been appropriate. in Pis. 2, 5 Ego provinciam*Galliam senatus 

7. Derivare, to divert into another auctoritate exercitu et pecunia instructam et 

channel, to turn some portion of your ornatam, quam cum Antonio commutavi, 

thoughts and care on Asia and Syria. quod ita existimabam tempora rei publicae 

.12. Ut intelligo. So Halm, from the ferre, in contione deposui reclamante populo 

reading of two MSS., intellego. The Romano. 

others omit it. It must be borne in mind 21. Q_uicum profecto, &c. This 

that in this portion of the orations the legi- clause contains the proof, to Cicero s mind, 

timate sphere of conjecture is somewhat en- that Pansa was innocent of all complicity in 

larged, from the failure of the Vatican MS. the proposal ; for in any matter concerning 

See introduction to this oration. his interests he would have been sure to 

18. Instructam ornatamque, excel- consult so dear a friend as Cicero. 

262 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 10-11. 

est, quia in eandem cadcre suspicionem collega, vir clarissimus, 
non potcst. Nihil horum scit, nihil suspicatur ; bellum gerit, 
in acie stat, de sanguine et de spiritu decertat : ante provin- 
ciam sibi decretam audiet quam potuerit tempus ei rei datum 
5 suspicari. Vereor ne exercitus quoque nostri, qui non dilectus 
necessitate, sed voluntariis studiis se ad rem publicam contu- 
lerunt, tardentur animis, si quidquam aliud a nobis nisi de 
instanti bello cogitatum putabunt. Quod si provinciae consu- 
libus expetendae videntur, sicut saepe multis clarissimis viris 

10 expetitae sunt, reddite prius nobis Brutum, lumen et decus 
civitatis : qui ita conservandus est, ut illud signum, quod de 
caelo delapsum Vestae custodiis continetur : quo salvo salvi 
sumus futuri. Tune vel in caelum vos, si fieri potuerit, umeris 
nostris tollemus, provincias certe dignissimas vobis deligemus : 

15 nunc quod agitur agamus. Agitur autem, liberine vivamus an 
mortem obeamus : quae certe servituti anteponenda est. Quid ? 25 
si etiam tarditatem affert ista sententia ad Dolabellam per- 
sequendum ? quando enim veniet consul ? an id exspectamus, 
quoad ne vestigium quidem Asiae civitatum atque urbium 

20 relinquatur ? At mittent aliquem de suo numero. Valde mihi 
probari potest, qui paulo ante clarissimo viro private imperium 
extra ordinem non dedi. At hominem dignum mittent. Num 
P. Servilio digniorem? at eum quidem civitas non habet. Quod 
ergo ipse nemini putavi dandum, ne a senatu quidem, id ego 

4. Tempus, &c., that time could have implied in quando veniet, or the circum- 

been spared for the consideration of such stances defined in the following clause, the 

a matter. utter destruction of the cities of Asia. In 

9. Multis . . . expetitae sunt, have either case quoad would give a satisfactory 

been objects of ambition to many men of construction, while quo would be unintelli- 

the highest renown/ Halm reads a multis, gible. The conjecture of Lambinus gives the 

but multis is the dative ; see on 6. I, I. simplest sentence, but is a more violent inter- 

II. Illud signum. So Halm, following ference with the MSS. In any case the sense 

Ernesti, and the parallel of the similar pas- is clear: is it that we are waiting till no 

sage pro Scaur, fr. 48 Palladium illud, quod vestige of the states and cities of Asia be left? 

quasi pignus nostrae salutis atque imperii 20. De suo numero, of their own 

custodiis Vestae continetur. The MSS. rank/ some consular/ But Cicero points 

have id signum/ For an account of the out that this is more objectionable than the 

Palladium see Ov. Fast. 6. 419 foil. former proposal ; if it was undesirable that 

18. An id exspectamus quoad ne, the senate should appoint a priva e citizen 

&c. Of the confused readings of the MSS., to such a post, how much worse was it that 

quo ante, quo, quo nee, quo ne, the best he should be appointed by the sole authority 

two emendations seem to be that in the of the Consuls. The worthiness of the man 

text, adopted by Halm, from W. Christ ; appointed was beside the question, 

and that of Lambinus, an id tempus expec- 23. Eum, sc., one more worthy than 

tamus quo ne, &c. Without tempus, id Servilius. 

must either mean the coming of the Consul, 24. Putavi is the conjecture of Madvig, 




26 unius iudicio delatum comprobem ? Expedite nobis homine 
et parato, patres conscripti, opus est et eo, qui imperium legi- 
timum habeat, qui praeterea auctoritatem, nomen, exercitum, 
perspectum animum in re publica liberanda. 

11 Quis igitur is est ? Aut M. Brutus aut C. Cassius aut uter- 5 
que. Decernerem plane, sicut multa in consulibus, alterum 
ambosve, ni Brutum colligassemus in Graecia et eius auxilium 
ad Italian! vergere quam ad Asiam maluissemus : non ut ex t 
ea acie respectum haberemus, sed ut ipsa acies subsidium ha- 
beret etiam transmarinum. Praeterea, patres conscripti, M. Bru- 10 
turn retinet etiam nunc C. Antonius, qui tenet Apolloniam, 

adopted by Halm, for the MS. reading 
putat. With the common reading, ipse is 
generally understood of Servilius, who, Cicero 
says (c. 9, 20), was unwilling to accept the 
office. The opposition however of Strvilius 
and Cicero would be unmeaning, whereas the 
full force of each pronoun, as referring to 
Cicero, is clearly seen by placing the clauses 
in their natural order ; am I a man to ap 
prove of a command being given by the de 
cision of an individual, which I have myself 
held should not be given even by the senate ? 

3. Qui praeterea, &c. Cicero ac 
knowledges the importance of the crisis, that 
it requires a man of weight, reputation, and 
approved loyalty, with an army at his back; 
and therefore virtually admits that an extra 
ordinary appointment might conceivably 
have been necessary; but he would maintain 
that such a man would commonly be found 
among the Roman officers, and asserts that 
as a matter of fact there were at present two, 
most fully qualified, to choose between. 

cc. li, 12. There were only two men really 
eligible for the post, both already holding 
office, and possessed of adequate abilities. 
These were M. Brutus and C. Cassius. And 
as Brutus had already work enough on 
hand in defending Macedonia against C. 
Antonius, a task which he had taken on 
himself, in his zeal for the welfare of the 
state, it remained to give authority to Casmis 
to act against Dolabella. For this authority 
indeed he had not waited, having gone to 
Syria in obedience to that insight into his 
country s true interests which justified a man 
in disregarding written laws. Cicero ac 
cordingly proposes that Cassius should have 
the government of Syria, with full authority 
to levy all the troops and money needed for 
the war with Dolabella. 

6. Sicut multa in consulibus, sc. 
decernuntur, after the fashion of many 

decrees in the case of the Comuls, my pro 
posal would be that Brutus and Cassius 
should take the command, one or both of 
them, as might be most convenient. This 
is Halm s conjecture, from the reading of 
one MS., multa consulib. To the same 
effect is the conjecture of Klotz, sicut 
multi consules, as many do of the Consuls. 
The common reading, sicut multa, consules 
alterum ambosve, I should propose, follow 
ing many previous decrees, that the Consuls, 
separately or together, take the command, 
exactly contradicts his previous argument. 

7. Ni . . . colligassemus, &c., had 
we not bound Brutus to remain in Greece ; 
the word being apparently chosen for its 
opposition to expedito homine. 

8. Non ut ex ea acie, &c., not that 
we might have a place to fly to from that 
scene of action, but that the army there 
might itself have something to -support it 
from beyond the sea. The meaning seems 
to be that Cicero does not wish the forces 
under Hirtius to entertain the idea of flight 
to Greece in case of failure, but only to feel 
that there were forces there which might 
support them if they were hard beset. 
Madvig (Jahn s Jahrbiicher for 1856^.124), 
to bring this out more clearly, would adopt 
the conjecture of Ferrarius, non ut eo ex 
acie, &c., Ex acie, quae in Italia contra 
Antonium instruatur et pugnet, ad M. 
Biutum et in Graeciam resj ici non vult, ne 
in eo respectu fugae cogitatio lateat, sed 
ipsam illam Italicam aciem subsidio Bruti et 
Graeciae firmari. For the use of respectus 
cp. 10. 4, 9 Respectum pulcherrimum 
et praesidium firmissimum ; and Liv. 42. 46 
Quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus 
alio sit quam ad Romanes respectus. Halm 
would strike out acie and acies, so that 
ea and ipsa should both refer to Italy. 

II. Apolloniam, c. Apollonia, Byllis, 



cc. 1112. 

magnam urbem et gravem, tenet, opinor, Byllidem, tenet Aman- 
tiam, instat Epiro, urget Oricum, habet aliquot cohortes, habet 
equitatum. Hinc si Brutus erit traductus ad aliud bellum, 
Graeciam certe amiserimus. Est autem etiam de Brundisio 
5 atque ilia ora Italiae providendum. Quamquam miror tarn diu 
morari Antonium ; solet enim ipse accipere manicas nee diutius 
obsidionis mctum sustinere. Quod si confecerit Brutus et in- 
tellexerit plus se rei publicae profuturum, si Dolabellam perse- 
quatur, quam si in Graccia maneat, aget ipse per sese, ut adhuc 

10 quoque fecit, neque in tot incendiis, quibus confestim succur- 
rendum est, exspectabit senatum. Nam et Brutus et Cassius 27 
multis iam in rebus ipse sibi senatus fuit. Necesse est enim 
in tanta convcrsionc et pcrturbatione omnium rerum tcmporibus 
potius parere quam moribus. Nee enim nunc primum aut 

15 Brutus aut Cassius salutem libertatemque patriae legem sanc- 
tissimam et morem optimum iudicavit. Itaque si ad nos nihil 
referretur de Dolabella persequendo, tarn en ego pro decreto 
putarem, cum essent talcs virtute, auctoritate, nobilitate f summi 

and Amantia were all in Illyris Graeca (see 
10. 5- ii note), and apparently, as well as 
Epirus and its port of Oricuni, out of the 
jurisdiction of C. Antonius, even granting his 
right to the province of Macedonia. Fer- 
rarius reads Illyricum instead of Oricum/ 
urging, in addition to some MS. authority, 
that Cicero would not have so mixed up 
the names of towns and countries as 
to mention Epirus between Amantia and 
Oricum, But it seems more natural to 
introduce a chief town in Epirus after men 
tioning the province, than to return to Illy 
ricum after passing to Epirus ; while it is 
hardly consistent to say, he is pressing on 
Illyricum, after stating that three of its cities 
were actually in his hands. Halm quotes 
the extant MSS. as unanimous in favour of 

2. Aliquot cohortes. Seven, accord 
ing to 10. 6, 13; but Cicero here sup 
presses the number, probably to make his 
forces seem of more importance. 

6. Accipere manicas, to put on his 
gloves, and start on such journeys of his 
own accord, without waiting to be driven 
out by stress of war. These gloves are pro 
bably mentioned with contempt, to show 
the effeminacy of the man ; cp. Pliny 
Ep. 3. 5, 15 Ad latus notarius, cuius manus 
hienie manicis muniebantur, ut ne caeli qui- 
deni asperitas ullum studiis tempus eriperet. 

7. Quod si confecerit. Halm sug 
gests quern si confecerit ; but the word may 
well be used without an expressed object, 
if he gets his work finished, as it is em 
ployed with reference to bargains ; cp. Att. 
12. 19, I Confice de columnis. 

9. Adhuc quoque : in assuming the 
command of the legions of Vatinius. See on 
10. 5, 12. 

14. Quam moribus, than to the cus 
tomary rules of conduct. Cp. Off. i. 10, 
31 Incidunt saepe tempora, cum ea, quae 
maxime videntur digna esse iusto homine 
eoque quern virum bonum dicimus commu- 
tantur fiuntque contraria. 

Nee nunc primum, &c. An allu 
sion probably to their share in Caesar s 

18. Tales virtute, &c. Aut summi 
abundat, quod non credo, aut legendum 
summa ; aut pro tales, tali, aut aliud men- 
dum subest (Faernus). That the passage 
is corrupt to some extent is admitted by all 
commentators, but it seems as though the 
fault lay deeper than in any single word, 
since the clause cum essent, &c. hardly 
gives a grammatical explanation of pro 
decreto putarem. Yet 1 should consider 
that we had as good as a decree, when there 
were found men of such surpassing merit in 
respect of birth, and influence, and valour, of 
whose armies one is already close at hand, 


viri, quorum alterius iam nobis notus esset exercitus, alterius 
12 auditus. Num igitur Brutus exspectavit decreta nostra, cum 
studia nosset? Neque enim est in provinciam suam Cretam 
profectus : in Macedonian! alienam advolavit ; omnia sua pu- 
tavit, quae vos vestra esse velitis ; legiones conscripsit novas, 5 
excepit veteres ; equitatum ad se abduxit Dolabellae atque 
eum nondum tanto parricidio oblitum hostem sua sententia 
iudicavit : nam ni ita esset, quo iure equitatum a consule ab- 

28 duceret ? Quid ? C. Cassius, pari magnitudine animi et consilii 
praeditus, nonne eo ex Italia consilio profectus est, ut prohi- 10 
beret Syria Dolabellam ? Qua lege? quo iure? Eo, quod 
luppiter ipse sanxit, ut omnia, quae rei publicae salutaria essent, 
legitima et iusta haberentur. Est enim lex nihit aliud nisi recta 
et a numine deorum tracta ratio, imperans honesta, prohibens 
contraria. Huic igitur legi paruit Cassius, cum est in Syriam 15 
profectus, alienam provinciam, si homines legibus scriptis ute- 

20 rentur, iis vero oppressis, suam lege naturae. Sed ut ea vestra 
quoque auctoritate firmetur, censeo : Cum P. Dolabella quique 
eius crudelissimi et taeterrimi facinoris ministri, socii, adiutores 
fuerunt, hostes populi Romani a senatu iudicati sint, cumque 20 

within our cognizance, and the other is and see Madv. . 374- 
known to us by fame. 13. Est enim lex. Cp. de Legg. I. 6, 18 
4. Alienam. The province of Mace- Lex est ratio summa, insita natura, quae 
donia hid originally been given to Brutus, iubet ea quae facienda sunt prohibetque con- 
but was transferred by the senate to M. traria. In both definitions Cicero is rather 
Antonius after Caesar s death. This arrange- setting forth the principle on which law 
nient Cicero apparently acknowledges as ought to be grounded, than the nature of 
valid, since it also constituted the title of law itself; and he was too good a lawyer 
Brutus to Crete. The subsequent transfer- and too practical, a man not to know the 
ence of Macedonia to C. Antonius we have utter confusion which would ensue, if every 
seen him repudiate (10. 5, 10 foil.). If by one were allowed to regulate his conduct by 
the term alienam Cicero meant to signify his own interpretation of the principles of 
the province of Hortensius, as Manutius the law of nature, instead of obeying his 
supposes, he could not have talked of Crete country s laws. The real justification for 
as belonging to Brutus.. the conduct of Cassius is not to be found 

6. Equitatum . . . abduxit. Cp. 10. in special pleading such as Cicero s, but 
6, 13. in the generally admitted truth that in a. 

7. Tanto parricidio oblitum, stained great crisis the executive authority must 
with the murder of Trebonius. set itself above the laws, and leave it to 

12. Ut ... haberentur, on the principle its fellow-citizens to judge whether the 
that everything beneficial to the state should emergency required such unlawful con- 
be considered lawful and just. The depen- duct. 

dent clause expresses that in which the 17. Ea ... firmetur, that this law 

justice of the matter shows itself; cp. Pers. may be confirmed. Halm, following Bake, 

5- 98 reads firmentur, as though ea were the 

Publica lex hominum naturaque continet whole conduct of Cassius. 

hoc fas, 20. Iudicati sint. Hesterno die, c. 

Ut teneat vetitos inscitia debilis actus; 7, 16. 

266 M. TULLII C1CERONIS 00.12-13. 

senatus P. Dolabellam bello persequendum censuerit, ut is, qui 
omnia deorum hominumque iura novo, inaudito, inexpiabili 
scelere polluerit nefarioque se patriae parricidio obstrinxerit, 
poenas dis hominibusque meritas debitasque persolvat : senatui 30 
5 placere C. Cassium pro consule provinciam Syriam obtinere, ut 
qui optimo iure earn provinciam obtinuerit ; eum a Q. Marcio 
Crispo pro consule, L. Statio Murco pro consule, A. Allieno 
legato exercitum accipere eosque ei tradere, cumque iis copiis 
et si quas praeterea paraverit bello P. Dolabellam terra mari- 

10 que persequi ; eius belli gerendi causa, quibus ei videatur, naves, 
nautas, pecuniam ceteraque, quae ad id bellum gerendum per- 
tineant, ut imperandi in Syria, Asia, Bithynia, Ponto ius potes- 
tatemque habeat, utique, quamcumque in provinciam eius belli 
gerendi causa advenerit, ibi maius imperium C. Cassii pro con- 

15 sule sit, quam eius erit, qui earn provinciam turn obtinebit, cum 
C. Cassius pro consule in earn provinciam vencrit : regem Deio- 31 
tarum patrem et regem Deiotarum filium, si, ut multis bellis 
saepe numero imperium populi Romani iuverint, item C. Cas 
sium pro consule copiis suis opibusque iuvissent, senatui popu- 

20 loque Romano gratum esse facturos : itemque si ceteri reges, 
tetrarchae dynastaeque fecissent, senatum populumque Roma- 
num eorum officii non immemorem futurum : utique C. Pansa 
A. Hirtius consules, alter ambove, si eis vidcretur, re publica 
recuperata de provinciis consularibus, praetoriis, ad hunc ordinem 

25 primo quoque tempore referant : interea provinciae ab iis, a qui- 

3. Patriae parricidio. See on 2. 7, 10 Eius belli gerendi, &c. In this 

1 7- clause Cicero passes from the construction 

7. Crispo. Crispus was properly procon- of the accusative with the infinitive to that 

sul in Bithynia, but had come to Syria to assist of ut with the subjunctive; cp. 3. 15, 37. 

L. Murcus against Caecilius Bassus. They The general construction of the clause is, 

had both been adherents of Caesar, and had and I move that for the purpose of carrying 

been sent out to the East asproconsuls without on this war he should have the right and 

having previously held the consulate. Cassius power of demanding in Syria, Asia, &c., the 

gratefully acknowledges their support in a ships, sailors, and so forth, with which it 

letter to Cicero, Fam. 12. II, i, written on may seem good to him to carry on the 

the 7th of March, and therefore not received war. 

when this oration was delivered. In the 16. Deiotarum patrem. See on 2. 

same letter he says that the legions which 37, 93 foil. Deiotarus was a very old man 

Allienus brought from Egypt, at the request in 54 B.C., but lived to join the side of 

of Dolabella, had been given over to him, Brutus and Cassius in 42 B.C. Both father 

but we learn from Appian (4. 59) that this and son received the title of king from 

was not without resistance, so that Cicero s Caesar. Cp. pro Deiot. 13, 36. 
conviction that Allienus was anxious to 23. Re publica recuperata, when 

abandon Dolabella (c. 13, 32) proved to be the state is re-established, 1 by the overthrow 

ill grounded. of Antony. 




bus obtinentur, obtineantur, quoad cuique ex senatus consulto 
successum sit. 
13 Hoc senatus consulto ardentem inflammabitis et armatum 

32 armabitis Cassium : nee enim animum eius potestis ignorare 
nee copias. Animus is est, quern videtis : copiae, quas audistis, 5 
fortes et constantes viri, qui ne vivo quidem Trebonio Dolabellae 
latrocinium in Syriam penetrare sivissent. Allienus, familiaris 
et necessarius meus, post interitum Trebonii profecto ne dici 
quidem se legatum Dolabellae volet. Est Q. Caecilii Bassi, 
privati illius quidem, sed fortis et praeclari viri, robustus et 10 

33 victor exercitus. Deiotari regis, et patris et filii, et magnus 
et nostro more institutus exercitus : summa in filio spes, summa 
ingenii indoles summaque virtus. Quid de patre dicam ? cuius 
benevolentia in populum Romanum est ipsius aequalis aetati : 

I. Quoad cuique, &c. Cp. 3. 15, 38. 

c. 13. Such a decree would encourage C. 
Cassius and his troops, which even now were 
numerous. Besides the Roman forces at 
his disposal, he could command the assistance 
of the two Deiotari, those constant allies of 
the Roman people; and of the Phoenician 
fleet, which would willingly aid him in con 
sequence of his exploits against the Parthians. 

5. Videtis. Ferrarius suggested vi- 
distis, with reference to Caesar s murder ; a 
reading supported by Ernesti, from its agree 
ment with audistis. But the difference of 
tense naturally follows from hearing being a 
momentary, seeing a continuous operation of 
the senses ; and they may fairly be said to 
see the state of Cassius mind, which 
Cicero had so clearly laid before them. 

6. Fortes et constantes viri . . . 
sivissent. This is the reading of the ex 
isting MSS., except that one at Oxford has 
passi fuissent. Madvig (Jahn s Jahrbiicher 
for 1856, p. 124) thinks that something 
has fallen out, since even if we adopt with 
Halm the common emendation, fortis et 
constantis . . . sivisset/ there is a double awk 
wardness ; first in recurring to the virtues of 
Cassius, instead of proceeding to enumerate 
his forces, and secondly in the omission of 
the names of Q^ Marcius Crispus and L. 
Statius Murcus. His most plausible conjec 
ture is, copiae quas audistis [primum eae 
legiones, quas Q. Marcius, L. Statius habent], 
fortes, &c. 

7. Familiaris, &c. It seems very 
doubtful whether this is the same man that 
was legatus of Q. Cicero in Asia 60 B.C.; 
and Cicero is so fond of claiming every man 

of any note as his very good friend that not 
much weight can be attached to such ex 
pressions of intimacy. 

8. Profecto. So Halm, following the 
suggestion of W. Christ. The common 
reading is profectus, but Trebonius was 
only killed in February, and Allienus, before 
the 7th of March (Fam. 12. 1 1, l), had 
joined Cassius, while returning from a mis 
sion which Dolabella had given him to 

9. Q.. Caecilii Bassi. Bassus was at 
this time entrenched in Apameia, having as 
sumed the title of praetor in 46 B.C., and 
successfully resisted hitherto all the forces 
sent against him. On the arrival of Cassius 
in Syria, the troops of Bassus joined him, but 
Bassus himself was allowed to leave the 

12. Nostro more institutus, organ 
ised according to our principles. Cp. Att. 
6. 1, 14 Deiotarushabet cohortes quadringe- 
narias, nostra armatura, XXX. Orelli, 
following one early edition, reads instruc- 
tus, but all the MSS. have institutus, and 
this is more appropriate, being the word 
that would signify the furnishing with prin 
ciples, while instruere would rather express 
the application of those principles to par 
ticular cases. Instituere est ad recte agen 
dum dirigere, et quasi in honesta re monstrata 
statuere et collocare : instruere est ornare, et 
quasi apparare. (Forcell. s.v.) Hence 
instituere exercitum is to organise the con 
stitution of an army ; instruere 1 to prepare 
it for a particular campaign or battle. 

14. Ipsius aequalis aetati. Dtiotarus 
had been the firm ally of Rome during all 

268 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 13-14. 

qui non solum socius imperatorum nostrorum fuit in bcllis, 
verum etiam dux copiarum suarum. Quae dc illo viro Sulla, 
quac Murena, quae Servilius, quae Lucullus, quam ornate, quam 
honorifice, quam graviter saepe in senatu praedicavcrunt ! Quid 34 
5 de Cn. Pompeio loquar ? qui unum Deiotarum in toto orbe 
terrarum ex animo amicum vereque benevolum, unum fidelem 
populo Romano iudicavit. Fuimus imperatores ego et M. Bi- 
bulus in propinquis finitimisque provinciis : ab eodem rege 
adiuti sumus et equitatu et pedestribus copiis. Secutum est 

10 hoc acerbissimum et calamitosissimum civile bellum : in quo 
quid faciendum Deiotaro, quid omnino rectius fuerit, dicere non 
est necesse, praesertim cum contra ac Deiotarus sensit victoria 
belli diiudicarit. Quo in bello si fuit error, communis ei fuit 
cum senatu : sin recta sententia, ne victa quidem causa vitupe- 

15 randa est. Ad has copias acccdent alii reges, etiam dilectus 
accedent. Neque vero classes deerunt : tanti Tyrii Cassium 35 
faciunt, tantum eius in Syria nomen atque Phoenice est. Pa- ]_4 
ratum habet imperatorem C. Cassium, patres conscripti, res 
publica contra Dolabellam, nee paratum solum, sed peritum 

20 atque fortem. Magnas ille res gessit ante Bibuli, summi viri, 
adventum, cum Pacori nobilissimi ducis maximas copias fudit 
Syriamque immani Parthorum impetu liberavit. Maximam eius 

the wars with Mithridates, who first came to his prowess in the Parthian war, as quaes- 

in conflict with the Romans in 89 B.C. tor to M. Crassus. 

2. Sulla, Murena, Lucullus, the cc. 14, 15. To the charge of overpraising 

conquerors of Mithridates in the three wars Cassius, Cicero answers that nothing would 

with him respectively. P. Servilius Vat: a induce him to praise any who were traitors 

also found in Deiotarus a useful ally against to the state; and he ends by a protest against 

the Cilician and Isaurian pirates, 7^-75 a slavish subservience to the veterans, as if 

B.C. they were the only powerful body in the state, 

8. Finitimis provinciis. Cicero in ivhile he shows that even of the veterans it was 

Cilicia, M. Bibulus in Syria, 51 B ; C. In only those that had espoused the cause of 

both provinces operations were carried on Antony whom the honours given to C. Cassius 

with success against the Parthians, in Cilicia could possibly offend. 

mainly by Cicero s brother Quintus, in Syria 21. Pacorus was the son of Orodes I, 

by C. Cassius as pro-quaestor; cp. c. 14, king of Parthia, and entrusted by him with 

35- the command of the campaign against 

12. Contra ac Deiotarus sensit: Cassius, after the death of Crassus. The 

Deiotarus having throughout taken the part reading of all the extant MSS. is Parthorum 

of Pompey, nobilissimos duces, the reading in the text 

16. Classes. Cassius himself, in a letter being from a MS. quoted by Ursinus. It 

to Cicero (Fam. 12. 13, 3% says he obtained is adopted by Halm in consequence of 

what ships he could from the coasts of the Parthorum occurring again so soon, 

province of Asia and the islands ; and he though he thinks that perhaps the right 

speaks of the fleet of a namesake of his, pro- reading is Pacori, Parthorum nobilissimi 

bably his nephew L. Cassius, as being ducis. 

classis bene magna: ib. 4. The prestige 22. Maximam laudem : his share in 

of Cassius among the Phoenicians was due Caesar s death. 




et singularem laudem praetermitto ; cuius enim praedicatio 
nondum omnibus grata est, hanc memoriae potius quam vocis 

36 testimonio conservemus. Animadvert!, patres conscripti, ex- 
audivi etiam nimium a me Brutum nimium Cassium ornari : 
Cassio vero sententia mea dominatum et principatum dari. Quos 5 
ego orno? nempe eos, qui ipsi sunt ornamenta rei publicae. 
Quid ? D. Brutum nonne omnibus sententiis semper ornavi ? 
num igitur reprehenditis ? An Antonios potius ornarem, non 
modo suarum familiarum, sed Romani nominis probra atque 
dedecora ? an Censorinum ornem, in bello hostem, in pace 10 
sectorem ? an cetera ex eodem latrocinio naufragia colligam ? 
Ego vero istos otii, concordiae, legum, iudiciorum, libertatis 
inimicos tantum abest ut ornem, ut effici non possit quin eos 

37 tarn oderim, quam rem publicam diligo. Vide, inquit, ne vete- 
ranos ofifendas : hoc enim vel maxime exaudio. Ego autem 15 
veteranos tueri debeo, sed eos, quibus sanitas est : certe timere 
non debeo. Eos vero veteranos, qui pro re publica arma cepe- 
runt secutique sunt C. Caesar em, auctorem beneficiorum patef- 

3. Exaudivi. Halm reads exaudiri, 
from a MS. reading exaudirui, but with 
what sense it is not easy to see. The com 
mon reading is dici iam a quibusdam exor- 
nari, the last word being found in three 
MSS., the remainder supplied by Naugerius. 
I have preferred, following Kayser, to 
strike out the r in exaudirui, believing 
that thus good sense is obtained with little 
recourse to conjecture, and that the words 
nimium Cassium, which are found in all 
the MSS., though suspected by Garatonius 
and Halm (who places them in brackets), 
are justified. In c. 8, 20 he says he hears 
whispers ( exaudio ) that he is guilty ot in 
consistency in having voted for conferring 
an extraordinary command upon Octavianus. 
So now, referring back to that, he says : I 
have even heard it whispered, senators, that 
Brutus and Cassius are too much praised by 
me, nay that to Cassius my proposal gives 
absolute and irresponsible authority. And 
the words in 37, hoc enim vel maxime 
exaudio, seem to refer to some more recent 
whispers than those abcut Octavianus. The 
suggestion of Naugerius seems to be confuted 
by the singular verb inquit, in 37, the 
subject of which must be the whisperer of 
this passage. 

10. Censorinum. See on c. 5, n. 

11. Sectorem, a broker, a pur 

chaser of confiscated property. See on 

2. 15. 39- 

Naufragia, the other wrecks, cp. 13. 
2, 3 Addite ilia naufragia Caesaris ami- 

15. Ego autem, &c., now I grant that 
I am bound to respect the interests of the 
veterans, that is, the loyal ones; to fear 
them I am assuredly in nowise bound. Halm 
places only a comma after sanitas est, as 
though eos depended on timere, but 
Cicero would not acknowledge any obliga 
tion to fear any of the veterans, while his 
following argument is all intended to show 
that even in the duty of respecting their 
interests there was a limit, since those inte 
rests might be forfeited by treason. Of the 
two adversative particles, autem is opposed 
to the view of Cicero s conduct suggested 
by his opponent, sed to the universal im 
plied in veteranos. He warns me not to 
give the veterans offence, but I am only 
anxious for their interests, yet not the inte 
rests of all, for it is only for the loyal that I 
need to care. 

18. Auctorem, who guaranteed the 
benefactions of his father ; undertaking out 
of his own resources to pay the legacies of 
Caesar, which Antony, though in possession of 
his money, had repudiated. Some MSS. have 
auctoritate, which, if it mean anything, 

270 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. u-is. 

norum, hodieque rem publicam defendunt cum magno periculo, 
non tueri solum, sed etiam augere commodis debeo. Qui autem 
quiescunt, ut septima, ut octava legio, in magna gloria et laude 
ponendos puto. Comites vero Antonii, qui postquam beneficia 

5 Caesaris comederunt, consulem designatum obsident, huic urbi 
ferro ignique minitantur, Saxae se et Cafoni tradiderunt, ad 
facinus praedamque natis, num quis est qui tuendos putet ? 
Ergo aut boni sunt, quos etiam ornare, aut quieti, quos con- 
servare debemus, aut impii, quorum contra furorem bellum et 

jo iusta arma cepimus. Quorum igitur veteranorum animos ne 15 
offendamus veremur ? Eorumne, qui D. Brutum obsidione cu- 38 
piunt liberare ? quibus cum Bruti salus cara sit, qui possunt 
Cassii nomen odisse ? An eorum. qui utrisque armis vacant? 
non vereor ne acerbus civis quisquam istorum sit, qui otio de- 

islectantur. Tertio vero generi non militum veteranorum, sed 
importunissimorum hostium, cupio quam acerbissimum dolorem 
inurere. Quamquam, patres conscripti, quousque sententias di- 
cemus veteranorum arbitratu ? quod eorum tantum fastidium 
est, quae tanta arrogantia, ut ad arbitrium illorum imperatores 

20 etiam diligamus ? Ego autem dicendum est cnim, patres con- 39 

would mean encouraged by remembering In the passage against Catiline some MSS., 
his father s benefactions. This however not and in both those from the Philippics some 
only requires a very forced interpretation editions have the accusative, but the ablative 
of the ablative, but requires an awkward seems more natural of the instrument with 
reference in paternorum, which in that which the threatened evil is to be inflicted. 
case would more grammatically refer to the When the evil itself is expressed, it is put in 
fathers of the veterans than to Caesar. the accusative, as in 6. 4. 10 Dicitur mortem 
i. Cum magno periculo. So most patri esse minitatus. We find the two 
of the MSS., though some omit cum. combined in Ov. M. 2. 199 Volnera cur- 
Halm reads vitae suae periculo, from the vata minitantem cuspide vidit. 
reading of one MS., video epericulo. 13. Qui utrisque armis vacant, 

3. Septima. So the extant MSS. who assume the arms of neither side. 
Orelli, following MS. authority quoted by 14. Civis quisquam. Madvig (Jahn s 
Ferrarius, reads sexta, on the ground that Jahrb. for 1856, p. 124) thinks there is an 
the seventh legion as a matter of fact was in error here, as Cicero is not speaking of the 
the army of Hirtius. See 14. 10, 27. The veterans being acerbi, but of Cassius offend- 
discrepancy may however be owing to the ing them, for which purpose he divides them 
difference of date, the fourteenth oration into three classes. He would substitute 
being delivered more than a month later. quoiquam or cuiquam for quisquam, 

4. Postquam .... comederunt, &c. and some such word as nuntius for civis, 
Cp. 13. 2, 3 Alaudae ceterique veterani, and these alterations are adopted by 
semiuarium iudicum decuriae tertiae, qui Kayser. But in fact no alteration is needed, 
suis rebus exhaustis. beneficiis Caesaris de- unless it be Halm s suggestion civibus, for 
voratis, fortunas nostras concupiverunt. in saying that there is no fear of any one of 

6. Ferro ignique. So all the MSS. these veterans being virulent, he is merely 

here, and in 13. 21, 47. So too Halm, expressing in other words that there was no 

Cat, 2 I, I Huic urbi ferro flammaque fear that they should take offence. 
minitantem. Cp. Sail. Cat. 49, 4 Egredi- 17. Quousque sententias dicemus, 

enti ex senalu Caesari gladio minitarentur. &c. Cp. 10. 9, 18 and 19 and the note. 

37-40. ORATIO PHI LIP PIC A XI. 271 

script!, quod sentio non tarn veteranos intuendos nobis arbitror, 
quam quid tirones milites, flos Italiae, quid novae legiones ad 
liberandam patriam paratissimae, quid cuncta Italia de vestra 
gravitate sentiat. Nihil enim semper floret ; aetas succedit 
aetati. Diu legiones Caesaris viguerunt : nunc vigent Pansae, 5 
vigent Hirtii, vigent Caesaris filii, vigent Planci ; vincunt nu- 
mero, vincunt aetatibus : nimirum etiam auctoritate vincunt ; 
id enim bellum gerunt, quod ab omnibus gentibus comprobatur. 
Itaque his praemia promissa sunt, illis persoluta. Fruantur 
illi suis, persolvantur his quae spopondimus : id enim deos 10 
40 immortales spero aequissimum iudicare. Quae cum ita sint, 
earn quam dixi sententiam vobis, patres conscripti, censeo com- 

9. Fruantur illi suis, let us leave illisues. The common reading is fruantur 
the veterans in possession of what they have his illi, which is improbable, in consequence 
already. So Halm from a MS. reading of the following his. 


AFTER the debate in the senate which gave occasion to the eleventh 
Philippic oration, Cicero proceeded to the forum, and being introduced 
to the people there assembled by M. Servilius, a tribune of the commons, 
he told them what had taken place. According to his own account his 
eulogies on C. Cassius were received with immense enthusiasm, tanto 
clamore consensuque populi, ut nihil umquam simile viderim (Fam. 12. 
7, i), but the speech is unfortunately lost; so that the twelfth in our 
series of Philippic orations is really the thirteenth which he delivered. 

The partisans of Antony were unceasing in their endeavours to 
remove the sentence of outlawry which had been decreed against him, 
and their efforts at this time were aided by the fears entertained by 
many of the friends of D. Brutus, that if he should fall into Antony s 
hands he would be treated like Trebonius. Accordingly the Consul, 
C. Pansa, was prevailed upon to propose that another embassy should 
be sent to Antony, including amongst its members P. Servilius and 
Cicero himself. The proposal was agreed to by the senate, apparently 
without much opposition, but on the following day a second meeting 
was held to consider some of the details, and then Cicero urged the 
senate to reconsider its decision, and give up all idea of such an 
embassy. He shows that a renewal of negotiations could not possibly 
do any good ; that the ardour of generals, soldiers, and citizens alike 
would be discouraged by such vacillation; that Antony s treatment of 
the former embassy showed the hopelessness of endeavouring to make 
terms with him ; and that if he were restored, his presence in Rome 
would make the place too hot for any honest citizens. 

As regarded himself, he urges that he was the last man who should 
have been selected for the purpose, as the enmity between himself and 
Antony had gone too far to allow of any peaceful intercourse between 



them. His presence would not only destroy the little chance that there 
was of the embassy proving successful, but would be attended with the 
greatest danger to himself, and he could much better serve his country 
by watching over its interests at home, than by throwing away his life 
in fruitless attempts at negotiation with his enemy. 

The senate were prevailed upon by Cicero s arguments to abandon 
the project of an embassy, and Pansa shortly afterwards, about the end^ 
of March, left Rome with his army to join his colleague and Octavianus 
before Mutina. 




1 ETSI minime decere videtur, patres conscript!, falli, decipi, 

1 errare eum, cui vos maximis saepe de rebus assentiebamini, 
consoler me tamen, quoniam vobiscum pariter et una cum 
sapientissimo consule erravi. Nam cum duo consulares spem 
honestae pacis nobis attulissent, quod erant familiares M. Antonii, 5 
quod domestic!, nosse aliquod eius vulnus, quod nobis ignotum 
esset, videbantur. Apud alterum uxor, liberi : alter quotidie 

2 litteras mittere, accipere, aperte favere Antonio. Hi subito 
hortari ad pacem, quod iam diu non fecissent, non sine causa 
videbantur. Accessit consul hortator. At qui consul ! Si pru- 10 
dentiam quaerimus, qui minime falli posset : si virtutem, qui 

cc. i, 2. Cicero "had consented to the pro 
posal of sending a second embassy to Antony, 
partly in deference to the opinion of Pansa, 
and of the two men who were most likely to 
know how Antony would receive it; partly 
from seeing that Antony s family and friends 
showed less confidence than usual. Reflec 
tion had proved to him that he was wrong. 
They had been deceived by ambiguous ex 
pressions, and there was really no reason to 
suppose that Antony was inclined to yield. 
P. Servilius had also acknowledged that he 
was wrong in consenting to go upon the 
embassy, and was even afraid that his consent 
should be interpreted as treason ; and there 
fore Cicero urges the senate to reconsider 
their decree. 

I. Falli, decipi. From this beginning, 
as well as from the fact of his having been 
proposed as one of the envoys, we may 
gather that Cicero had been at first favour 
able to the idea of sending this second em 
bassy to Antony. The general question had 
probably been already voted on, and he took 

the opportunity of the names of the envoys 
being submitted to the senate to express his 
change of views. From cc. 2, 6 ; 7, 18 
we learn that the other envoys proposed 
were L. Piso, Q. Fufius Calenus, L. Caesar, 
P. Servilius, and the Consul, C. Pansa. 

2. Assentiebamini. So Halm from one 
MS. for the common reading assentiamini, 
the mood being more suitable to the definite 
reference to Cicero himself, and the tense to 

4. Consule, C. Pansa. The two con- 
sulars are L. Piso and Q. Fufius Calenus. 

6. Aliquod eius vulnus, &c., some 
thing which had befallen him, without our 
knowing it. 

8. Litteras mittere, &c. So in 7. 2, 
5 Calenus is represented as Antony s active 
agent in Rome, receiving and circulating his 

10. Qui consul! what a Consul! 
So better than Quis consul? who was 
the Consul in question? See on I. 6, 
I 3- 

T 2, 


nullam pacem probaret nisi concedente atque victo : si magni- 
tudinem animi, qui praeferret mortem servituti. Vos autem, 
patres conscripti, non tarn immemores vestrorum gravissimorum 
decretorum videbamini, quam spe allata deditionis, quam amici 

5 pacem appellare mallent, de imponendis, non accipiendis legibus 
cogitare. Auxerat autem meam quidem spem, credo item 
vestram, quod domum Antonii afflictam maestitia audiebam, 
lamentari uxorem * *. Hie etiam fautores Antonii, quorum in 
vultu habitant oculi mei, tristiores videbam. Quod si non 3 

10 ita est, cur a Pisone et Caleno potissimum, cur hoc tempore, 
cur tam improvise, cur tarn repente pacis est facta mentio ? 
Negat Piso scire se, negat audisse quidquam, negat Calenus 
rem ullam novam allatam esse. Atque id nunc negant, postea 
quam nos pacificatoria legatione implicatos putant. Quid ergo 

15 opus est novo consilio, si in re nihil omnino novi est? Decepti, 2 
decepti, inquam, sumus, patres conscripti : Antonii est acta causa 
ab amicis eius, non publica. Quod videbam equidem, sed quasi 
per caliginem : praestrinxerat aciem animi D. Bruti salus. Quod 
si in bello dari vicarii solerent, libenter me, ut D. Brutus 

20 emitteretur, pro illo includi paterer. Atque hac voce O. Fufii 4 
capti sumus : ne si a Mutina quidem recesserit, audiemus 
Antonium ? ne si in senatus quidem potestate futurum se 
dixcrit? Durum videbatur : itaque fracti sumus, cessimus. 
Recedit igitur a Mutina? Ncscio. Paret senatui ? Credo, 

2 5 inquit Calenus, sed ita, ut teneat dignitatem. Valde hercules 

I, Concedente atque victo. Other In vultu habitant, &c., on 

readings are concedenti, the dative ; and whose countenance my eyes continually 

Antonio concedente; but that in the text dwell. Cp. Or. 15, 49 Quonam modo ille 

has most authority, and is quite intelligible in bonis haerebit et habitabit suis. 

as an ; blative absolute, without the subject 14. Pacificatoria, &c., committed 

being expressed. to an embassy for making peace. The 

5. Appellare mallent. So Halm, word does not appear elsewhere, 

from an old conjecture formed out of the 18. Praestrinxerat, &c., had destroyed 

reading appellarern alieni. Other MSS. the keenness of my insight. Cp. Div. in 

have appellarent alieni, which, if genuine, Caec. 14, 46 Periculum fore ne . . . prae- 

would imply that some word, opposed to stringat aciem ingenii tui. 

pacem, had dropped out before appella- 19. Vicarii, substitutes. The word is 

rent. This seems not improbable, though more generally used of those who succeed to 

the obnoxious word deditio sufficiently privileges, than of those \vho undertake 

accounts for the introduction of the paren- burdens for others ; but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 4. 

thetic clause. 37, 81 Succedam ego vicarius tuo muneri; 

8. Uxorem * * . Suspicor hie aliquid and Livy 29. I Se quisque excusare, et vi- 

excidi c se ; quod sit ex eodem genere. Nimis carium accipere. 

abruptumesthoc: infra quidem (c. 2, e^liberi 22. In potestate. So Halm from one 

commemorantur. ERNESTI. Halm agrees MS. The others have in potestatem, which 

with this view, and Kayser marks the lacuna. he believes to be impossible. See 3 4, 8 note. 


vobis laborandum est, patres conscripti, ut vestram dignitatem 
amittatis, quae maxima est, Antonii, quae neque est ulla neque 
esse potest, retineatis, ut earn per vos reciperet, quam per se 
perdidit. Si iacens vobiscum aliquid ageret, audirem fortasse : 
quamquam sed hoc malo dicere : audirem. Stanti resistendum 5 

5 est, aut concedenda una cum dignitate libertas. At non est 
integrum : constituta legatio est. Quid autem non integrum 
est sapienti, quod restitui potest? Cuiusvis hominis est errare, 
nullius nisi insipientis in errore perseverare : posteriores enim 
cogitationes, ut aiunt, sapientiores solent esse. Discussa est TO 
ilia caligo, quam paulo ante dixi : diluxit, patet, videmus omnia, 
neque per nos solum, sed admonemur a nostris. Attendistis 
paulo ante praestantissimi viri quae esset oratio. Maestam, 
inquit, domum offendi, coniugem, libercs. Admirabantur boni 
viri, accusabant amici, quod spe pacis legationem suscepissem. 15 
Nee mirum, P. Servili. Tuis enim severissimis gravissimisque 
sententiis omni est non dico dignitate, sed etiam spe salutis 

e spoliatus Antonius. Ad eum ire te legatum, quis non mira- 
retur ? De me experior : cuius idem consilium, quod tuum, 
sentio quam reprehendatur. Nos reprehendimur soli ? Quid ? 20 
vir fortissimus Pansa sine causa paulo ante tarn accurate lo- 
cutus est tarn diu ? Quid egit nisi uti falsam proditionis a se 
suspicionem depelleret ? Unde autem ista suspicio est ? Ex 
pacis patrocinio repentino, quod subito suscepit, eodem captus 
errore quo nos. 25 

3 Quod si est erratum, patres conscripti, spe falsa atque fallaci, 

2. Amittatis . . . perdidit, that you, 10. Ut aiunt. The proverb is found in 

by a mistaken policy, may lose your honour, Eur. Hipp. 436, and Cress, fr. 410 

while you maintain his, which he has wil- at ocvrepai TTOJS tppovrfoet aotydarfpai. 

fully cast away. 13. Maestam . . . suscepissem. A 

5. Quamquam . Cicero seems to quotation from the speech of P. Servilius, 
imply that even if Antony were prostrate at which seems to be referred to above, c. I, 2. 
their feet, it might be safer not to listen too 1 6. P. Servili. See on 7. 9, 27. 
eagerly to him, but he prefers to advocate Severissimis. So Halm, from an 
the more generous policy in so improbable a older conjecture, confirmed by 5. I, 3; n. 
contingency. 6, 15 ; for the MS. reading verissimis. 

6. At non est integrum, but, I 19. Cuius idem, &c., knowing how 
shall be told, the question is no longer open. much I am blamed for a course of conduct 
Cp. 7. 9, 26. like your own. 

8. Cuiusvis hominis, &c. In- cc. 3, 4. A second embassy could not pos- 

vent. 2. 3, 9 Non parum cognosse, sed in sibly do good, and might do endless harm : 

parum cognito stulte et diu perseverasse offending and discouraging all the loyal 

turpe est ; propterea quod alterum communi citizens, both of Rome and of the borough 

hominum infirmitati, alterum singulari unius towns, and especially the legions now engaged 

cuiusque vitio est attributum. against Antony, and the inhabitants of Capua, 

278 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 3-4. 

redeamus in viam. Optimus est portus paenitenti mutatio 
consilii. Quid enim potest, per decs immortales ! rei publicae 
prodesse nostra legatio ? prodesse dico ? quid, si etiam obfutura 
est ? obfutura ? quid, si iam nocuit atque obfuit ? An vos acer- 
5 rimam illam et fortissimam populi Romani libertatis recupe- 
randae cupiditatem non imminutam ac debilitatam putatis le- 
gatione pacis audita ? Quid municipia censetis ? quid colonias ? 
quid cunctam Italiam ? futuram eodem studio, quo contra com 
mune incendium exarserat ? An non putamus fore ut eos 

10 paeniteat professos esse et prae se tulisse odium in Antonium, 
qui pecunias polliciti sunt, qui arma, qui se totos et animis 
et corporibus in salutem rei publicae contulerunt ? Quem ad 
modum nostrum hoc consilium Capua probabit, quae temporibus 
his Roma altera est? Ilia impios cives iudicavit, eiecit, exclusit. 

15 Illi, illi, inquam, urbi fortissime conanti e manibus est ereptus 
Antonius. Quid ? legionum nostrarum nervos nonne his con- 8 
siliis incidimus ? quis est enim qui ad bellum inflammato animo 
futurus sit spe pacis oblata ? Ipsa ilia Martia caelestis et divina 
legio hoc nuntio languescet et mollietur atque illud pulcher- 

20 rimum Martium nomen amittet : excident gladii, fluent arma de 
manibus. Senatum enim secuta non arbitrabitur se graviore 
odio debere esse in Antonium quam senatum. Pudet huius 
legionis, pudet quartae, quae pari virtute nostram auctoritatem 
probans non ut consulem et imperatorem suum, sed ut hostem 

25 et oppugnatorem patriae reliquit Antonium : pudet optimi ex- 
ercitus, qui coniunctus est ex duobus ; qui iam lustratus, qui 
profectus ad Mutinam est : qui si pacis, id est timoris nostri, 

who had forcibly excluded him as a rebel force of law, and, apparently, by force of 

from their city. It was moreover most un- arms. Cp. 2. 39, 100 foil. 
fair to open a negotiation for peace without 15. Illi, ilii, &c., from the strenuous 

the concurrence of the generals who were efforts of that city, aye, of Capua, it required 

carrying on the ivar, and of their allies in force to rescue Antony ; cp. 2.1. c. : Qnem- 

Gaul, who were joining in it heart and admodum illinc abicris, vel potius paene 

soul. non abieris, scimus. 

3. Obfutura? do I speak of the fu- 18. Martia. Cp. 3. 3, 6. 

ture? As in the former clause he re- 22. Huius legionis, &c., we feel shame 

jected the idea of the embassy doing in the presence of this legion, and the fourth. 

good, so here he corrects himself for telling See on 2. 25, 61. 

of its evil consequences in the future 26. Ex duobus : the army of Hirtius, 

tense. who had been joined bv the forces under 

14. Impios cives, &c. These were Octavianus. 

the new colonists whom Antony tried to Lustratus, has been solemnly puri- 

settle in the territory of Capua, and whom fled, as was always done before an army 

the Capuans succeeded in rejecting both by took the field. 


nomen audierit, lit non referat pedem, insistet certe. Quid enim 
4 revocante et receptui canente senatu properet dimicare ? Quid 
9 autem hoc iniustius, quam nos inscientibus iis, qui bellum ge- 
runt, de pace decernere ? nee solum inscientibus, sed etiam 
invitis ? An vos A. Hirtium, praeclarissimum consulem, C. 5 
Caesarem, deorum benefkio natum ad haec tempora, quorum 
epistolas spem victoriae declarantes in manu teneo, pacem velle 
censetis ? Vincere illi expetunt pacisque dulcissimum et pul- 
cherrimum nomen non pactione, sed victoria concupiverunt. 
Quid? Galliam quo tandem animo hanc rem audituram pu- 10 
tatis? ilia enim huius belli propulsandi, administrandi, susti- 
nendi principatum tenet. Gallia D. Bruti nutum ipsum, ne 
dicam imperium, secuta armis, viris, pecunia belli principia 
firmavit : eadem crudelitati M. Antonii suum totum corpus 
obiecit : exhauritur, vastatur, uritur : omnes aequo animo belli 15 
10 patitur iniurias, dum modo repellat periculum servitutis. Et ut 
omittam reliquas partes Galliae nam sunt omnes pares , 
Patavini alios excluserunt, alios eiecerunt missos ab Antonio : 
pecunia, militibus et, quod maxime deerat, armis nostros duces 
adiuverunt. Fecerunt idem reliqui, qui quondam in eadem causa 20 
erant et propter multorum annorum iniurias alienati a senatu 
putabantur : quos minirne mirum est, communicata cum iis re 
publica, fideles esse, qui etiam expertes eius fidem suam semper 
praestiterunt. His igitur omnibus victoriam sperantibus pacis 
nomen afferemus, id est desperationem victoriae ? 15 

I. Ut non referat pedem, even the civitas to the Cispadani at the same 

supposing it does not retreat. See Madv. time ; as afterwards we hear of their playing 

440 a. Obs. 4. an important part in Roman elections (see 

Quid enim, &c., why should it be in a Att. I. i, 2, B.C. 65, Videtur in suffrages 

hurry to engage? This, which is the multum posse Gallia ) ; and we know of no 

reading of the four older MSS., seems pre- occasion between these dates for giving them 

ferable to Quis, which Orelli reads from new privileges. 

i, as it preserves the notion of the arn.y 22. Communicata cum iis repub- 

feeling as one man. lica, when they received a share in the 

13. Principia firmavit, placed the franchise. 
war at its outset on a firm basis. cc. 5,6. Antony had treated with contempt 

20. Qui quondam, &c., who in former all overtures of peace even while it still was 

days were in the same position as Padua. possible ; before he had passed beyond all 

From the time of the first subjugation of the bounds in his demands, and before the senate 

Boii in 191 B.C., the district of Gaul had had branded him as a forger and a thief. 

been oppressed by the cruelty of one Roman His laws indeed had been annulled, but the 

governor after another, till the time of the remembrance of them and of his violence 

Social War. As a reward for their fidelity remained ; and so far from giving him the 

in this war the ius Latii was given to the province of Further Gaul, the senate, if they 

Transpadani in 89 B.C., and most probably consulted the welfare and the dignity of the 


Quid ? si ne potest quidem ulla esse pax ? Quae enim est 5 
conditio pads, in qua ei, cum quo pacem facias, nihil concedi 11 
potest ? Multis rebus a nobis est invitatus ad pacem Anto- 
nius : bellum tamen maluit. Missi legati repugnante me, sed 
5 tamen missi ; delata mandata : non paruit. Denuntiatum est 
ne Brutum obsideret, a Mutina discederet : oppugnavit etiam 
vehementius. Et ad eum legates de pace mittemus, qui pacis 
nuntios repudiavit ? Verecundioremne coram putamus in pos- 
tulando fore, quam fuerit turn, cum misit mandata ad senatum ? 

10 Atqui turn ea petebat, quae videbantur improba omnino, sed 
tamen aliquo modo posse concedi ; nondum erat vestris tarn 
gravibus tamque multis iudiciis ignominiisque concisus : nunc ea 
petit, quae dare nullo modo possumus, nisi prius volumus bello 
nos victos confiteri. Senatus consulta falsa delata ab eo iudi- 12 

15 cavimus : num ea vera possumus iudicare ? Leges statuimus 
per vim et contra auspicia latas iisque nee populum nee plebem 
teneri : num eas restitui posse censetis? Sestertium septiens 
miliens avertisse Antonium pecuniae publicae iudicavistis : num 
fraude poterit carere peculatus ? Immunitates ab eo civitatibus, 

20 sacerdotia, regna venierunt : num figentur rursus eae tabulae, 
quas vos decretis vestris refixistis ? Quod si ea, quae decre- 6 
vimus, obruere, num etiam memoriam rerum delere possumus? 

people, would not let either him or his sup- tarn intima Tiberio causa, intima is vir- 

porters even enter the city ivith any semblance tually equivalent to a positive. 

of a triumph. If they returned, the only 12. Concisus, he had not yet received 

choice for honest men would lie between his death blow. Cp. 5. 11,28. 

slavery and death ; and it was most inconsis- 14. Senatus consulta falsa, &c. See 

tent and undignified in them to place, them- 5. 4, 10-12 notes. 

selves in such a strait. 19. Peculatus, embezzlement of public 

7. Pacis nuntios. He uses the term money. 

nuntios, as though in correction of his Ab eo venierunt. For the abla- 

former expression, missi legati, to carry out tive of the agent after veneo, cp. Quint, 

consistently the view he had before main- 12. I, 43 Respondit, a cive se spoliari malle, 

tained, (see 7. 9, 26,) that the previous com- quam ab hoste venire. 

missioners were not sent to treat with 20. Figentur rursus. Cp. 5. 4, 12 

Antony, but merely to convey to him the Earum rerum falsae tabulae gemente populo 

ultimatum of the senate, and if he rejected Romano toto Capitolio figebantur. These 

that, to declare him a public enemy. measures were all cancelled by the senate on 

8. Coram, in a personal interview. the 1st of January, ib. 6, 16. 

10. Improba omnino, quite uncon- 22. Obruere. Some MSS. have obruere 
scionable. volumus, but this gives a false antithesis, 

11. Tarn gravibus. So Halm, from laying the emphasis on the contrast between 
one MS., for tarn gravissimis. on the the wish and the power of the senate, instead 
ground that tarn is not so used wi.h super- of on the difference between stultifying their 
latives. In two passages quoted by Graevius, former measures, and making the world 
Lael. 23, 86, and Fin. 2. 28, 93, there forget what had taken place. The one was 
appears to be no MS. authority for the possible, though inexpedient, the other quite 
reading; and in Tac. Ann. i. 53 Nee alia beyond their power. 


quando enim obliviscetur ulla posteritas, cuius scelere in hac 
vestitus foeditate fuerimus? Ut centurionum legionis Martiae 
Brundisii profusus sanguis eluatur, num elui praedicatio crude- 
litatis potest ? Ut media praeteream, quae vetustas toilet operum 
circum Mutinam taetra monimenta, sceleris indicia latrociniique 5 

13 vestigia ? j Huic igitur importune atque impure parricidae quid 
habemus" per deos immortales ! quod remittamus ? An Galliam 
ultimam et exercitum ? quid est aliud non pacem facere, sed 
differre bellum? nee solum propagare bellum, sed concedere 
etiam victoriam ? An ille non vicerit, si quacumque conditione 10 
in hanc urbem cum suis venerit ? Armis nunc omnia tenemus ; 
auctoritate valemus plurimum ; absunt tot perditi cives, nefa- 
rium secuti ducem : tamen eorum ora sermonesque, qui in urbe 
ex eo numero relicti sunt, ferre non possumus. Quid censetis ? 
cum tot uno tempore irruperint, nos arma posuerimus, illi non 15 
deposuerint, nonne nos nostris consiliis victos in perpetuum 

14 fore ? Ponite ante oculos M. Antonium consularem ; sperantem 
consulatum Lucium adiungite ; supplete ceteros, neque nostri 
ordinis solum, honores et imperia meditantes ; nolite ne Tirones 
quidem, Numisios, Mustelas, Seios contemnere. Cum iis facta 20 
pax non erit pax, sed pactio servitutis. L. Pisonis, amplissimi 
viri, praeclara vox a te non solum in hoc ordine, Pansa, sed 
etiam in contione iure laudata est. Excessurum se ex Italia 
dixit, deos penates et sedes patrias relicturum, si quod di 

7 omen averterint ! rem publicam oppressisset Antonius. Quaero 25 


2. Vestitus foeditate. They were 18. Supplete ceteros, &c. Those al- 
still wearing the sagum, the melancholy ready named had some pretensions to dis- 
witness of a civil war. Cp. 8. 11,32. tinction, being senators, though unworthy 

3. Profusus sanguis. See 3. 2, 4 note. ones; but there were many others aiming 
5. Taetra monimenta, the foul records at high civil and military offices, who had 

of his works about Mutina; to be found not even reached the senate. 

in the remains of his siege operations. 20. Numisios. The name of Numisius 

7. Galliam ultimam. See 5. 2, 5 note. does not occur elsewhere ; nor does that of 

8. Q_uid est aliud. See on 1.9, 22. Seius, though Halm thinks he is probably the 

9. Propagare bellum, to prolong same man whose name occurs with many 
the war. Cp. Fam. 5. 15, 3 Propagatio varieties of reading in 13. 12, 26, and whom 
miserrimi temporis. he there calls Insteius. For Tiro and Mus- 

10. Si quacumque. The later MSS. tela cp. 2. 4, 8. 

omit si, and Madvig ( 87. Obs. i) limits 21. Non pax, sed pactio servitutis, 

this use of quicumque, as practically equi- a compact, not of peace, but of slavery. 

valent to quivis, from the suppression of Cp. Flor. 4. 12 Totius generis humani aut 

the verb of possibility, to the expression pax fuit aut pactio. 

4 quacumque ratione. Cp. however Att. 3. 25. Averterint, may the gods already 

21 Te oro ut quamcumque in partem quam have diverted from us. Some of the later 

planissime ad me scribas. MSS. have averterent, as though the words 


igitur a te, L. Piso, nonne oppressam rem publicam putes, si 
tot tarn impii, tarn audaces, tarn facinerosi recepti sint ? Quos 
nondum tantis parricidiis contaminates vix ferebamus, hos nunc 
omni scelere coopertos tolerabiles censes civitati fore ? Aut 
5 isto tuo, mihi crede, consilio erit utendum,, ut cedamus, abeamus, 
vitam inopem et vagam persequamur, aut cervices latronibus 
dandae atque in patria cadendum est. Ubi sunt, C. Pansa, 
illae cohortationes pulcherrimae tuae, quibus a te excitatus 
senatus, inflammatus populus Romanus non solum audivit, sed 

i etiam didicit nihil esse homini Romano foedius servitute ? Id- 10 
circone saga sumpsimus, arma cepimus, iuventutem omnem ex 
tota Italia excussimus, ut exercitu florentissimo et maximo 
legati ad pacem mitterentur ? si accipiendam, cur non rogamur ? 
si postulandam, quid timemus ? In hac ego legatione sim aut 

15 ad id consilium admiscear, in quo ne si dissensero quidem a 
ceteris sciturus populus Romanus sit ? Ita fiet ut, si quid 
remissum aut concessum sit, meo semper periculo peccet An- 
tonius, cum ei peccandi potestas a me concessa videatur. 

Quod si habenda cum M. Antonii latrocinio pacis ratio fuit, 17 

20 mea tamen persona ad istam pacem conciliandarn minime fuit 
deligenda. Ego numquam legates mittendos censui ; ego ante 
reditum legatorum ausus sum dicere, Pacem ipsam si afferrent, 
quoniam sub nomine pacis bellum lateret, repudiandam ; ego 
princeps sagorum ; ego semper ilium appellavi hostem 3 cum alii 

were part of the quotation from Piso s the finest of our youth from the whole of 

speech; but the fact that the words of ill Italy. Cp. pro Mur. 12, 26 In manibus 

omen were merely quoted by Cicero, ac- iactata et excussa. The later MSS. have 

counts for his throwing back his wish to the excivimus, but excussimus is quoted and 

time when they were originally uttered. explained by Nonius (p. 299) as being equi- 

cc. 7, 8. Even if the embassy were sent, valent to elegimus. 

Cicero was the last person who should have 13. Si accipiendam, &c., if the object 

been appointed to negotiate for peace. He of the embassy is to sue for peace on An- 

had shown himself the bitter and unsparing tony s terms, why does not that appear on 

enemy of Antony, and was therefore most the face of the motion? and if it is to dictate 

unlikely to prevail with him, while the expe- terms, what have we to fear? 
dition could not but involve the greatest 15. Ad id consilium, shall I mix 

danger and annoyance to himself. His myself up in such a policy ? 
loyally made him shrink from intercourse 22. Pacem ipsam, the goddess Peace 

with men *o stained with every kind of guilt; herself. 

and even if he had little regard for his own 24. Princeps sagorum. Cicero had 

life, still it was of too great importance to the urged that the military dress should be 

state to be endangered needlessly. assumed as early as the 1st of January, (see 

9. Non solum audivit, &c., not 5. 12, 32,) though it was not tiil the return 

only heard, but learned by heart the lesson. of the ambassadors that his advice was 

J2. Excussimus, we have sifted out followed (8. 1 1, 32). 


adversarium, semper hoc bellum, cum alii tumultum. Nee haec 
in senatu solum ; eadem ad populum semper egi : neque solum 
in ipsum, sed in eius socios facinorum et ministros, et praesentes 
et eos qui una sunt, in totam denique M. Antonii domum sum 

18 semper invectus. Itaque ut alacres et laeti spe pads oblata 5 
inter se impii cives, quasi vicissent, gratulabantur, sic me ini- 
quum eierabant, de me querebantur : diffidebant etiam Servilio ; 
meminerant eius sententiis confixum Antonium : L. Caesarem, 
fortem quidem ilium et constantem senatorem, avunculum tamen, 
Calenum procuratorem, Pisonem familiarem : te ipsum, Pansa, i c 
vehementissimum et fortissimum consulem, factum iam putant 
leniorem : non quo ita sit aut esse possit, sed mentio a te facta 
pacis suspicionem multis attulit immutatae voluntatis. Inter 
has personas me interiectum amici Antonii moleste ferunt : 
quibus gerendus mos est, quoniam semel liberates esse coepimus. 15 

8 Proficiscantur legati optimis ominibus, sed ii proficiscantur, in 

19 quibus non offendatur Antonius. Quod si de Antonio non 
laboratis, mihi certe, patres conscripti, consulere debetis. Par- 
cite oculis saltern meis et aliquam veniam iusto dolori date. 
Quo enim adspectu videre potero omitto hostem patriae, ex 20 
cjiip mihi odium in ilium commune vobiscum est : sed quo 
modo adspiciam mihi uni crudelissimum hostem, ut declarant 
eius de me acerbissimae contiones? Adeone me ferreum pu- 
tatis, ut cum eo congredi aut ilium adspicere possim ? qui nuper, 

I. Adversarium, a political opponent. pronouns. See Madv. 489 b., and excep- 

Tumultum. Cp..8. i, 2 foil. tions in 2. 3, 6 and 15, 39. He admits 

4. Qui una sunt, who are away with however that 6. I, i Minus quidem ilia 

him. severe quam decuit, non tamen omnino dis- 

7- Eierabant, they solemnly chal- solute, is an exact parallel to the ordinary 

lenged my appointment as being prejudiced. reading here. 

Cp. de Orat. 2. 70, 285 Cum Scipioni M. 15. Quibus gerendus mos est, &c., 

Flaccus multis probris obiectis P. Mucium whom we must humour, since complaisance 

iudicem tulisset, " Eiero," inquit : " iniquus is the order of the day. His meaning is that 

est." Cum esset admurmuratum, " Ah," since the senate were bent on complying 

inquit, " P.C., non ego mihi ilium iniquum with the wishes of the friends of Antony, by 

eiero, verum omnibus." sending envoys to him, it was a pity not to 

Servilio, &c. He here enumerates carry out this policy to its full extent, by 

the other commissioners, giving the reasons letting them also choose their own ambas- 

why they should severally be favourable to sadors. 
Antony, or the reverse. 22. Mihi uni, to me especially, in a 

9. Fortem quidem ilium. Halm degree in which he is cruel to no one else. 
here approves of the suggestion of Muretus, 24. Cum eo ... ilium. The change 

fortem ilium quidem, as there is nothing in of pronoun is noticeable, but is probably 

this clause to justify an exception to the merely from euphonic reasons, as there seems 

general rule that in such concessive sentences to be no variation of meaning to account 

quidem should only be attached to personal for it. 



cc. 89. 

cum in contione donaret eos, qui ei de parricidis audacissimi 
videbantur, mea bona donare se dixit Petissio Urbinati, qui ex 
naufragio luculenti patrimonii ad haec Antoniana saxa proiectus 
est. An L. Antonium adspicere potero ? cuius ego crudelitatem 20 
5 effugere non potuissem, nisi me moenibus et portis et studio 
municipii mei defendissem. Atque idem hie myrmillo Asiati- 
cus, latro Italiae, collega Lentonis et Nuculae, cum Aquilae 
primi pili nummos aureos daret, de meis bonis se dare dixit : 
si enim de suis dixisset, ne Aquilam quidcm ipsum crediturum 

10 putavit. Non ferent, inquam, oculi Saxam, Cafonem, non duo 
praetores, non tribunum pi., non duo designates tribunes, non 
Bestiam, non Trebellium, non T. Plancum. Non possum animo 
aequo videre tot tarn importunes, tarn sceleratos hostes ; nee id 
fit fastidio meo, sed caritate rei publicae. Sed vincam animum 21 

15 mihique impcrabo : dolorem iustissimum, si non potuero fran- 
gere, occultabo. Quid ? vitae censetisne, patres conscript!, ha- 
bendam mihi aliquam esse rationem ? quae mihi quidem minime 
cara est, praesertim cum Dolabella fecerit ut optanda mors 

I. Donaret eos . . . bona donare. 
The close conjunction of these two construc 
tions with dono shows the difference between 
them ; the accusative in each case being 
used of the object whose interests are most 
prominent in the writer s mind. Antony 
was considering how he should reward his 
band of murderers, so far the recipients of 
his bounty were uppermost in his thoughts, 
and then in considering ways and means, 
the property of Cicero occurred to him, and 
for the moment its destination was the chief 
point to be considered. The first question 
was whence to find rewards for his followers, 
the second in what direction to bestow the 
goods of Cicero. Petissius of Urbinum is 
mentioned again among the crew of Antony, 
13- 2,3- 

6. Municipii mei, Arpinum. Of this 
attack of L. Antonius we do not elsewhere 
hear ; but we know that Cicero was at 
Arpinum in the interval between the first 
and second Philippic orations. Att. 16. 

13 C, 2. 

Myrmillo Asiaticus. See 5. 7, 20 note. 

7- Collega Lentonis, in the septem- 
virate for dividing the public lands. 

Aquilae primi pili. As primi 
pili is nowhere else found without cen- 
turio, expressed or easily understood, it is 
probable either that centurioni has dropped 
out, (cp. pro Balb. 15, 34,) or that Cicero 

wrote primipilo, as Garatonius and Halm 
suppose. In Livy 7- 41 Primus centurio 
erat, quern nunc primi pili vocant, centurio 
may be so readily supplied from the pre 
ceding words, that it furnishes no authority 
for the use of the expression in a passage 
like the present. Some have thought that 
Aquila is not a proper name, but expresses 
the soldiers of the first maniple gathered 
under their standard. Putting aside, how 
ever, the un-Ciceronian nature of such an 
expression, aquila is only used of the 
standard of the whole legion, as opposed to 
the signa of the several cohorts, and could 
therefore never be applied in reference to the 
soldiers of a single maniple. This view 
seems to have been held by the writers of 
some of the MSS., which have below ne 
Aquilam quidem ipsam credituram. 

10. Duo praetores : probably Censo- 
rinus, cp. II. 5, II, and P. Ventidius Bassus, 
who was also praetor for this year, and 
whom we know from the next chapter and 
from 13. 2, 2 to have been with Antony. 

11. Non tribunum plebis. Garato 
nius thought that this should be struck out, 
because in 13. 12, when Antony s senate is 
being described, there are enumerated in it 
both future and past tribunes, but none for 
the current year. 

Duo designates tribunes, Tullus 
Hostilius and one Insteius. See 13. 12, 26. 


esset, modo sine cruciatu atque tormentis : vobis tamen et 
populo Romano vilis meus spiritus esse non debet. Is enim 
sum, nisi me forte fallo, qui vigiliis, curis, sententiis, periculis 
etiam, quae plurima adii propter acerbissimum omnium in me 

22 odium impiorum, perfecerim ut non obstarem rei publicae, ne 5 
9 quid arrogantius videar dicere. Quod cum ita sit, nihilne mihi 

de periculo meo cogitandum putatis ? Hie cum essem in urbe 
ac domi, tamen multa saepe tentata sunt, ubi me non solum 
amicorum fidelitas, sed etiam universae civitatis oculi custo- 
diunt : quid censetis, cum iter ingressus ero, longum praesertim, 10 
nullasne insidias extimescendas ? Tres viae sunt ad Mutinam, 
quo festinat animus, ut quam primum illud pignus libertatis 
populi Romani, D. Brutum, adspicere possim : cuius in com- 
plexu libenter extremum vitae spiritum ediderim, cum omnes 
actiones horum mensum, omnes sententiae meae pervenerint 15 
ad eum, qui mihi fuit propositus, exitum. Tres ergo, ut dixi, 
viae : a supero mari Flaminia, ab infero Aurelia, media Cassia.; 

23 Nunc, quaeso, attendite, num aberret a coniectura suspicio 
periculi mei. Etruriam discriminat Cassia. Scimusne igitur, 
Pansa, quibus in locis nunc sit Lentonis Caesennii septemviralis 20 

4. Omnium impiorum. Cp. 2. I, I. which alone the word occurs. This form is 

5. Ut non obstarem, &c., that I common in poetry, cp. Ov. M. 8. 500; 
should not hurt the interests of the state, Fast. 5. 187 and 424; and Halm quotes it 
since modesty prevents my telling all that I as the probable reading in Fam. 3 6, 5 ; 
have done for it. though Orelli and Baiter there read men- 

cc. 9, 10. On each of the three roads that sium. 

led to Mutina Cicero would find a deadly 1 6. Exitum: the release of D. Bru- 

enemy ; and therefore, though the city itself tus. 

was not without its dangers to him, he would 17. Flaminia. The most direct road to 

stay at home, on the scene of his continued Mutina was the Via Cassia, which passes 

struggles in his country s cause. Men of his through the middle of Etruria ( discriminat 

position were bound .to use all due precau- Etruriam } passing near Veii, and through 

tions, and not to risk their lives without Volsinii, Clusium, Florence, and Pistoria. 

security. The Via Flaminia, however, leading from 

6. Nihilne de periculo meo, &c. Rome in a nearly direct line to Arirninum, 
Mr. Forsyth (2. 235) comments on the and thence bending westward through Bo- 
difference between ancient and modern man- nonia, Mutina, and Placentia, to Medio- 
ners shown in this part of the speech. With lanum, was the most frequented north road, 
us a man who should be selected for a public The Via Aurelia followed the coast of the 
service of danger would hardly like to con- Mediterranean, which it struck at Alsium, 
fess that the danger alarmed him, or to urge to Pisae, where travellers to Mutina would 
that his life was of too much value to the probably leave it, and pass through Luca to 
state to be sacrificed. Yet Cicero did this join the Via Cassia at Pistoria. 

without scruple. 20. Lentonis, &c., Lento Caesennius 
II. Ad Mutinam, to the army btf ore with his authority as septemvir? See on 
Mutina. See Madv. 232. II. 7, 13. Caesennii auctoritas may be 
15. Mensum. So Halm, for mensunu- compared with the common Greek peri- 
sum, the reading of the Vatican MS., in phrasis fiii] H/jawA^efy, &c. 


auctoritas ? Nobiscum nee animo certe est nee corpore. Si 
autem aut domi est aut non longe a domo, certe in Etruria 
est, id est in via. Quis igitur mihi praestat Lentonem uno 
capite esse contentum ? Die mihi praeterea, Pansa, Ventidius 
5 ubi sit, cui fui semper amicus, ante quam ille rei publicae 
bonisque omnibus tarn aperte est factus inimicus. Possum Cas- 
siam vitare, tencre Flaminiam. Quid ? si Anconam, ut dicitur, 
Ventidius venerit ? poterone Ariminum tuto accedere ? Restat 
Aurelia : hie quidem etiam praesidia habeo ; possessiones enim 

jo sunt P. Clodii. Tota familia occurret, hospitio invitabit propter 
familiaritatem notissimam. Hisce ego me viis committam, qui 10 
Terminalibus nuper in suburbium, ut eodem die reverterer, ire 24 
non sum ausus? Domesticis me parietibus vix tueor sine ami- 
corum custodiis. Itaque in urbe [maneo], si licebit, manebo. 

15 Haec mea sedes est, haec vigilia, haec custodia, hoc praesidium 
stativum. Teneant alii castra, gerant res bellicas, oderint hostem 
nam hoc caput est : nos, ut dicimus semperque fecimus, 
urbem et res urbanas vobiscum pariter tuebimur. Neque vero 
recuso munus hoc : quamquam populum Romanum video pro 

20 me recusare. Nemo me minus timidus, nemo tarnen cautior. 
Res declarat. Vicesimus annus est, cum omnes scelerati me 
unum petunt. Itaque ipsi, ne dicam mihi, rei publicae poenas 

I. Nee animo, &c., he is opposed to 14. Maneo, which is enclosed by Halm 

us in feeling, as he is personally absent. in brackets, is omitted by Kavser. It seems 

3- Quis igitur, &c., who then guaran- to be superfluous, and probably is a copyist s 

tees to me that Lento will be satisfied with error, as it is only found in the four cognate 

his one murder? Lento Caesennius was the MSS. 

murderer of Cn. Pompeius the younger. See 15. Praesidium stativum, my per- 

Flor. 4. 2, 86. manent station. 

7. Tenere, though only found in one 16. Gerant res bellicas. Gerant 

MS., seems requisite for the sense, as he is Halm s emendation for regna, which 

goes on to state what would be the probable seems unmeaning, as no command given to 

consequence of taking the Flaminian road. a Roman officer would be called by that 

Anconam. The form of this word obnoxious name. 

varies even in the best writers. Cicero else- Oderint hostem. Orelli explains 

where has Anconam Fam. 16. 12, 2; but this, let them really hate Antony as a 

Anconem Att. 7. II, I. public enemy, not feign hatred towards him, 

Ut dicitur, as he is said to have while secretly favouring his cause. Cp. 13. 

done, not as it is said. We must supply 7, 15 Odimus, irati pugnamus. The pecu- 

venisse. Harity of the expression has led to various 

9. Habeo. Two MSS. have habebo, conjectures, such as adennt, custodiant, 

but the present tense suits the irony better: fuderint, but the words nam hoc caput 

Here indeed I actually have a guard await- est, omitted in some MSS., seem to refer 

ing me. the audience to something preceding any 

12. Terminalibus, on the 23rd of overt act. 

February, the last day of the old Roman 21. Vicesimus annus est. Cp. 2. I, 

year. I note. 


dederunt : me salvum adhuc res publica conservavit sibi. Timide 
hoc dicam ; scio enim quidvis homini accidere posse : verum 
tamen semel circumsessus lectis valentissimorum hominum viri- 

25 bus cecidi sciens, ut honestissime possem exsurgereJ Possumne 
igitur satis videri cautus, satis providus, si me huic itineri 5 
tarn infesto tamque periculoso commisero? Gloriam in morte 
debent ii, qui in re publica versantur, non culpae reprehen- 
sionem et stultitiae vituperationem relinquere. Quis bonus 
non luget mortem Trebonii? quis non dolet interitum talis et 
civis et viri ? At sunt qui dicant, dure illi quidem, sed tamen 10 
dicunt : minus dolendum, quod ab homine impuro nefarioque 
non caverit. Etenim qui multorum custodem se pronteatur, 
eum sapientes sui primum capitis aiunt custodem esse oportere. 
Cum saeptus sis legibus et iudiciorum metu, non sunt omnia 
timenda neque ad omnes insidias praesidia quaerenda. Quis 15 
enim audeat luci, quis in militari via, quis bene comitatum, 

26 quis illustrem aggredi ? Haec neque hoc tempore neque in me 
valent : non modo enim poenam non extimescet, qui mihi 
vim attulerit, sed etiam gloriam sperabit a latronum gregibus 
et praemia. 20 

11 Haec ego in urbe provideo : facilis est circumspectus, unde 
exeam, quo progrediar, quid ad dexteram, quid ad sinistram sit. 

3. Semel circumsessus, &c., once where in prose. Lucretius even has it as an 

when I was beset by a picked band of the ablative, 4. 235 In luci quae poterit res 

most powerful men, I fell like a skilful com- accidere. 

batant, that I might rise again with glory. 17. Neque . . . valent, do not hold 

The allusion is probably to the time of good either at this time or in my case. 

his exile in 58 B C., when finding that cc. II, 12. In the city he could guard 

Crassus and Ponipey, and even Caesar, were against the dangers that beset him ; but this 

abandoning him to the attacks of P. Clodius, was out of the question either on his journey 

he left Rome to return to it within eighteen through the Apennines, or in a conference 

months amid acclamations and congratula- with Antony. In him he would find no 

tory addresses. The words circumsessus courteous enemy, but a passionate ruffian, 

and lectis have both been questioned, and who would certainly kill him if they met on 

at first they seem incongruous, the former neutral ground, while it was quite impossible 

being always used of hostile attacks, the for either party to consent to an interview in 

latter more generally applied to friends ; but the camp of the other. Hence conference was 

it was just the fact that the real leaders of the only possible by letter, and the result of this 

state were combined against him, which made must be referred to the senate, so that it could 

Cicero yield for the time before the league. as well be carried on from Rome. He felt 

II. Quod . . . non caverit. This sure that his conduct would meet with the 

charge of want of precaution Cicero has approbation of the loyal legions, and, if they 

before refuted in n. 2, 5, by showing that took time for reflection, of the veterans as 

Trebonius had no grounds for suspecting well. He concludes by expressing his wil- 

evil designs in Dolabella. lingness to go if called upon, but again 

16. Luci. This locative form is com- urges the duty of preserving his life for more 

mon in Plautus, but does not appear else- important services. 

288 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 11-12. 

Num idem in Appennini tramitibus facere potero ? in quibus 
etiam si non erunt insidiae, quae facillime esse poterunt, animus 
tamen erit sollicitus, ut nihil possit de officiis legationis atten- 
dere. Sed effugi insidias, perrupi Appenninum : nempe in An- 
5 tonii congressum colloquiumque veniendum est. Quinam locus 
capietur? si extra castra, ceteri viderint : ego mortem actutum 
futuram puto. Novi hominis furorem, novi effrenatam violen- 
tiam. Cuius acerbitas morum immanitasque naturae ne vino 
quidem permixta temperari solet, hie ira dementiaque inflam- 

] matus adhibito fratre Lucio, taeterrima belua, numquam pro- 
fecto a me sacrilegas manus atque impias abstinebit. Memini 27 
colloquia et cum acerrimis hostibus et cum gravissime dissiden- 
tibus civibus. Cn. Pompeius, Sexti films, consul me praesente, 
cum essem tiro in eius exercitu, cum P. Vettio Scatone, duce 

15 Marsorum, inter bina castra collocutus est. Quo quidem me- 
mini Sex. Pompeium, fratrem consulis, ad colloquium ipsum 
Roma venire, doctum virum atque sapientem. Quern cum Scato 
salutasset, quern te appellem ? inquit. At ille : voluntate 
hospitem, necessitate hostem. Erat in illo colloquio aequitas ; 

20 nullus timor, nulla suberat suspicio ; mediocre etiam odium. 
Non enim, ut eriperent nobis socii civitatem, sed ut in earn 
reciperentur petcbant. Sulla cum Scipione inter Cales et Tea- 

i. In tramitibus, in the narrow year he put an end to the Social War. There 

p:iths; cp. 13. 9, 19 Egressus est non viis is a discrepancy in the cognomen of Vettius, 

sed tramitibus. who is called Cato by Appian, 1 . 40, and Veil. 

3. De officiis . . . attendere. Cp. Pat. 2. 16: but Scato occurs as a Marsic 
de Part. Or. 24, 84 Cum de necessitate name in Cicero s speech de Domo, 44, 116; 
attendemus. and the substitution of the well-known name 

4. Effugi. suppose me to have escaped Cato for the rare one of Scato was natural 
all ambuscades. See Madv. 442. Obs. 2 ; enough in the later writers. 

and cp. the use of KOJL Sr) in Greek, as Eur. 15. Quo quidem. Halm has quo 

Med. 388 /cat Srj TfOvaai. quidem tempore, 1 from a conjecture of Er- 

6. Ceteri viderint, let the others nesti, which seems to weaken the sentence, 
look to themselves. And to this meeting I remember that Sextus 
Mortem actutum futuram. So Pompeius himself, the brother of the Consul, 
most of the MSS. Halm has a conjecture, came to take part in the conference. Ad 
me vix tutum futurum, and Kayser colloquium is added to quo, to define more 
suggests me vim ac tortorem laturum, clearly the purpose for which Sextus came. 
apparently from the reading of one MS. He was noted for his skill in jurisprudence, 
me vi ac toto futurum. The reading in cp. Brut. 47, 175 Sex. frater eius (Cn. 
the text seems weak, but the conjectures Pompeii) praestantissimum ingenium con- 
involve a violent change without much tulerat ad summam iuris civilis et ad per- 
improvement. fectam geometriae et rerum Stoicarum scien- 

II. Sacrilegas; as daring to offer vio- tiam. 

lence to the sacred person of an augur. 22. Sulla cum Scipione. This was 

13. Cn. Pompeius, the father of the in 83 B.C., shortly after Sulla s return from 

triumvir, was Consul in 89 B.C., in which Asia, after conquering Mithridates. Having 




num, cum alter nobilitatis florem. alter belli socios adhibuisset, 
de auctoritate senatus, de suffrages populi, de iure civitatis leges 
inter se et conditiones contulerunt. Non tenuit omnino collo- 
12 quium illud fidem : a vi tamen periculoque afuit. Possumusne 
igitur in Antonii latrocinio aeque esse tuti ? Non possumus : 5 

28 aut, si ceteri possunt, me posse diffido. Quod si non extra 
castra congrediemur, quae ad colloquium castra sumentur ? In 
nostra ille numquam veniet : multo minus nos in illius. Reli- 
quum est ut et accipiantur et remittantur postulata per litteras : 
ergo erimus in castris. Mea quidem ad omnia postulata una 10 
sententia : quam cum hie vobis audientibus dixero, isse et re- 
disse me putatote : legationem confecero. Omnia ad senatum 
mea sententia reiiciam, quaecumque postulabit Antonius. Ne- 
que enim licet aliter, neque permissum est nobis ab hoc ordine, 
ut bellis confectis decem legatis permitti solet more maiorum, 15 
neque ulla omnino a senatu mandata accepimus. Quae cum 
agam in consilio, nullis, ut arbitror, repugnantibus, nonne me- 
tuendum est ne imperita militum multitude per me pacem 

29 distineri putet ? Facite hoc meum consilium legiones novas 

defeated the other Consul, C. Norbanus, he 
offered a truce to L. Scipio, and availed 
himself of the intercourse which ensued to 
induce the troops of Scipio to desert him. 
Scipio was taken prisoner in his tent, and 
obliged to resign his consulship as the price 
of his liberty. 

2. De auctoritate senatus, &c. The 
nature of these negotiations may be in 
ferred from the measures passed by Sulla 
when he obtained absolute authority. He 
greatly increased the power of the senate, 
especially by transferring the chief military 
power from the Consuls and praetors, who 
were elected by the people, to the proconsuls 
and propraetors, who were both appointed 
and liable to be dismissed by the senate ; 
he maintained the rights of all the new citi 
zens, doing away with the distinction 
between citizens of Rome and of the borough 
towns, and only disfranchising those whose 
opposition to him had been most marked : 
but he abolished so much of China s law as 
had given the freedmen equal rights of 
suffrage with the older citizens. See 
Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, vol. 3. c. 10. 

3. Contulerunt. The change of con 
struction is noticeable, as though Sulla 
Scipioque had preceded, instead of Sulla 
cum Scipione. 

10. Erimus in castris, each in his 
own camp. 

12. Confecero, I shall have accom 
plished the purpose of my mission, without 
stirring from the spot. Most of the MSS. 
have confero, which is unmeaning. 

13. Neque enim licet, &c., for in 
fact no other course is lawful, nor has any 
such power been given us by the senate, as 
is commonly given on the completion of a 
war, according to the custom of our ances 
tors, to ten plenipotentiaries, nor have we 
received from the senate any commission 
enabling us to act. Cicero s argument is 
that they were not like the ten commis 
sioners usually sent with full powers to 
arrange the settlement of a conquered 
country, that they had no authority to 
conclude any arrangement with Antony, 
and that any proposals of his must still 
come before the senate ; so that to expose 
the lives of eminent men, merely for the 
purpose of carrying despatches, was alto 
gether needless. 

17. In consilio, in carrying out our 

18. Pacem distineri, that the prospect 
of peace is being deferred. Cp. Livy 
2. 15 Ne quid meam vobiscum pacem 



non improbare : nam Martiam et quartam nihil cogitantes praeter 
dignitatem et decus comprobaturas esse certe scio. Quid ? 
veteranos non veremur nam timeri se ne ipsi quidem volunt 
quonam modo accipiant severitatem meam ? multa enim falsa 
5 de me audierunt, multa ad eos improbi detulerunt. Quorum 
commoda, ut vos optimi testes estis, semper ego sententia, 
auctoritate, oratione firmavi : sed credunt improbis, credunt 
turbulentis, credunt suis. Sunt autem fortes illi quidem, sed 
propter memoriam rerum, quas gesserunt pro populi Romani 

10 libertate et salute rei publicae, nimis feroces et ad suam vim 
omnia nostra consilia revocantes. Horum ego cogitationem non 30 
vereor : impetum pertimesco. Haec quoque tanta pericula si 
effugero, satisne tutum reditum putatis fore? Cum enim et 
vestram auctoritatem meo more defendero et meam fidem rei 

15 publicae constantiamque praestitero, turn erunt mihi non ii so- 
lum, qui me oderunt, sed illi etiam, qui invident, extimescendi. 
Custodiatur igitur vita mea r. p., eaque quoad vel dignitas vel 
natura patietur, patriae reservetur : mors aut necessitatem habeat 
fati, aut, si ante oppetenda est, oppetatur cum gloria. Haec 

20 cum ita sint, etsi hanc legationem res publica, ut levissime 
dicam, non desiderat, tamen, si tuto licebit ire, proficiscar. 
Omnino, patres conscripti, totum huiusce rei consilium non 
meo periculo, sed utilitate rei publicae metiar. De qua mihi, 
quoniam liberum est spatium, multum etiam atque etiam con- 

25 siderandum puto idque potissimum faciendum, quod maxime 
interesse rei publicae iudicaro. 

I. Cogitantes. The reading of the 4. Quonam modo accipiant. So 

MSS. is cogitetis, or cogitatis. With Halm from one MS., for the ordinary reading, 

that reading certe scio has no meaning, sed quonam modo accipient. Halm s 

and to say that the Martian and Fourth reading gives more special force to veremur, 

legions will approve of nothing but their and of the four MSS. which have sed, two 

honour and glory is very weak. The read- have accipiant. 

ing in the text (^which was first suggested by II. Horum ego, &c., of the result of 

Madvig in Jahn s Jahrbiicher for 1856, p. their thoughts, if they would but think, I 

126), making consilium meum the object have no apprehension, but I dread the fury 

of comprobaturas esse, gives a simple con- of their impulse. 

struction and sensible meaning to the sen- 17. Eaque. The reading of the MSS. 

tence. In support of it he compares a here is very confused, but all except one 

similar error in 14. 3, 6, where the minor have eaque. Halm reads Custodiatur 

Vatican MS. has dubitatis for dubitantes, igitur vita f r. p. mea, quoad/ &c., and 

and in Livy 42. 26, where all the MSS. have suggests Custodiatur igitur vita p. c. (patres 

fiuctuatis for what must be fluctuantes. conscripti) mea, atque quoad, &c. 

3. Veremur . . . timeri. See on 5. 19. Si ante oppetenda est. See I. 

l8, 48; and cp. below, 30. 4, IO note. 




SHORTLY after Pansa had left Rome, in the middle of March, to join 
his colleague before Mutina, letters arrived from L. Plancus, the governor 
of Transalpine Gaul, and Consul elect, and from M. Lepidus, now in 
command of the province of Hither Spain. They both strongly advo 
cated peace with Antony, and both at the same time wrote to Cicero, 
declaring their unswerving loyalty to the senate. The letters of Lepidus 
are not preserved, but their tenour may be gathered from Cicero s 
answer, (Fam. 10. 27), in which he expresses a hope that Lepidus will 
not sacrifice liberty to his desire for peace. The letter of Plancus to the 
senate and people (Cic. Fam. 10. 8) is full of apologies for past hesitation 
and dissimulation, and assurances of energetic action for the future. 

The despatch of Plancus was first laid before the senate, and after a 
two days debate, in the course of which Cicero delivered two speeches 
which are not preserved, a vote of thanks to him was passed on Cicero s 
proposal. On the following day P. Servilius proposed a vote of thanks 
to Lepidus, coupling with it a recommendation to him to leave the 
question of peace to the senate, who could not entertain it until Antony 
laid down his arms. On this occasion Cicero delivered his thirteenth 
oration, in which he supports the motion of Servilius, especially depre 
cating peace with Antony. In addition to the reasons previously urged, 
he laid before the senate a letter recently addressed by Antony to Hirtius 
and Pansa, which he criticises, clause by clause, with a bitterness and 
animosity not surpassed in any of the other orations. 

He concludes by adding to the motion of Servilius a vote of thanks to 
Sextus Pompeius, for his promises of aid to the senate and the Roman 




1 A PRINCIPIO huius belli, patres conscript!, quod cum im- 

1 piis civibus consceleratisque suscepimus, timui ne conditio 
insidiosa pacis libertatis recuperandae studia restingueret. Dulce 
enim etiam nomen est pacis, res vero ipsa cum iucunda, turn 
salutaris. Nam nee privates focos nee publicas leges videtur 5 
nee libertatis iura cara habere, quern discordiae, quern caedes 
civium, quern bellum civile delectat, eumque ex numero hominum 
eiiciendum, ex finibus humanae naturae exterminandum puto. 
Itaque sive Sulla sive Marius sive uterque sive Octavius sive 
China sive iterum Sulla sive alter Marius et Carbo sive qui 10 
alius civile bellum optavit, eum detestabilem civem rei publicae 

2 natum iudico. Nam quid ego de proximo dicam, cuius acta 
defendimus, auctorem ipsum iure caesum fatemur? Nihil igitur 
hoc cive, nihil hoc homine taetrius, si aut civis aut homo 

cc. i, 2, Deeming peace the greatest of country, nor the rights which liberty con- 

blessings, and civil war, under any circum- veys. For this last expression cp. Sail. Cat. 

stances, such a curse as to merit extermination 37, 9 lus libertatis imminutum; where 

for its authors, Cicero yet warns the senate Kritz explains lus libertatis to mean all 

that they may be deceived by the name of the privileges of a freeborn citizen. Cp. 

peace. In most cases mutual concessions on Horn. II. 9. 63 

the part of the leaders in civil war might dtyprjTajp, dOffUffros, dveam6s \aviv l- 

have produced a genuine peace ; but Antony vos, 

and his associates were such profligate and os iro\e/J.ov eparai fTnorju iov ottpvoevTos : 

abandoned characters, that not only could no of which this passage is perhaps intended to 

reliance be placed on their engagements, but be a paraphrase. 

their very presence would make the city in- 9. Octavius. Cn. Octavius, the col- 

tolerablefor honest men. league of Cinna in his consulship 87 B.C. 

5. Publicas leges. The epithet is See on 8. 2, 7. 

added here to show the different capacities 10. Alter Marius, C. Marius, the 

in which a man loves his home and the laws adopted son of the great Marius. See on 

of his country. The former is dear to him 8. 2, 7. 

as a member of a family, the latter as a 12. Cuius acta, &c. Cp. 2. 37, 96 

citizen. He holds in esteem neither the Hie (C. Caesar) vir fuit : nos contemnendi, 

home of his family, nor the laws of his qui auctorem odimus, acta defendimus. 

294 M. TULLII CICERON1S cc. 1-3. 

habendus est, qui civile bellum concupiscit. Sed hoc primum 
videndum est, patres conscripti, cum omnibusne pax esse possit 
an sit aliquod bellum inexpiabile, in quo pactio pacis lex sit 
scrvitutis. Pacem cum Scipione Sulla sive faciebat sive simulabat, 
5 non erat desperandum, si convenisset, fore aliquem tolerabilem 
statum civitatis. Cinna si concordiam cum Octavio confirmare 
voluisset, hominum in re publica sanitas remanere potuisset. 
Proximo bello si aliquid de summa gravitate Pompeius, multum 
de cupiditate Caesar remisisset, et pacem stabilem et aliquam 

10 rem publicam nobis habere licuisset. Hoc vero quid est? cum 2 
Antoniis pax potest esse? cum Censorino, Ventidio, Trebellio, 
Bestia, Nucula, Munatio, Lentone, Saxa ? Exempli causa paucos 
nominavi : genus infinitum immanitatemque ipsi cernitis reli- 
quorum. Addite ilia naufragia Caesaris amicorum, Barbas Cas- 3 

15 sios, Barbatios, Polliones ; addite Antonii collusores et sodales, 
Eutrapelum, Melam, Coelium, Crassicium, Tironem, Mustelam, 
Petissium : comitatum relinquo, duces nomino. Hue accedunt 
Alaudae ceterique veterani, seminariurri iudicum decuriae tcrtiae, 
qui suis rebus exhaustis, beneficiis Caesaris devoratis, fortunas 

20 nostras concupiverunt. O fidam dexteram Antonii, qua ille 4 
plurimos cives trucidavit ! o ratum religiosumque foedus, quod 
cum Antoniis fecerimus ! Hoc si Marcus violare conabitur, 
Lucii eum sanctitas a scelere revocabit. Illis locus si in hac 
urbe fuerit, ipsi urbi locus non erit. Ora vobis eorum ponite 

25 ante oculos et maxime Antoniorum ; incessum, adspectum, vul- 
tum, spiritum ; latera tegentes alios, alios praegredientes amicos. 

3. Pactio pacis, &c., to come to terms heroes we have heard before. See Index, 
of peace is but to pass a law ordaining our 13. Genus infinitum, &c., the count- 
slavery. less tribe and savage cruelty of the rest. 

4. Cum Scipione Sulla. See 12. II, 14. Naufragia does not appear to be 
27 note. used elsewhere in this concrete metaphorical 

7. Sanitas, &c., men might have con- sense, of the men who had made shipwreck 
tinued in a healthy state within the com- of their fortunes, though frequently em- 
monwealth. Halm thinks that these words, ployed for the wreck itself. Cp. 12. 8, 
which are only found in the margin of the 19. 

Vatican MS., are an awkward conjecture of 16. Eutrapelum. P. Volumnius, the 

a later copyist to supply a missing clause. former lover of Cytheris, (see on 2. 24,58,) 

As it was the state itself, rather than the received this name on account of his liveli- 

citizens, which had sunk into a morbid con- ness and wit. 

dition, Faernus proposed to read omnino 18. Seminarium, &c., a nursery for 

for hominum. jurymen of the third decuria. See i. 8, 20 

8. De summa gravitate, if Pompey note. 

would have abated somewhat of his inflexible 19. Beneficiis . . . devoratis, &c. 

consistency. See on 2. 10, 24. Cp. II. 14, 37. 

n. Cum Censorino, &c. Of all these 26. Latera tegentes, walking by 


Quern vini anhelitum, quas contumelias fore censetis minasque 
verborum ! Nisi forte eos pax ipsa leniet, maximeque, cum 
in hunc ordinem venerint, salutabunt benigne, comiter appella- 
3 bunt unum quemque nostrum. Non recordamini, per decs 
5 immortales, quas in eos sententias dixeritis ? Acta M. Antonii 5 
rescidistis, leges refixistis, per vim et contra auspicia latas 
decrevistis, totius Italiae dilectus excitavistis, collegam et 
scelerum socium omnium hostem iudicavistis. Cum hoc quae 
pax potest esse? Hostis si esset externus, id ipsum vix talibus 
factis, sed posset aliquo modo. Maria, montes, regionum mag- 10 
nitudines interessent : odisses eum, quern non videres. Hi in 
oculis haerebunt et, cum licebit, in faucibus : quibus enim 
saeptis tarn immanes beluas continebimus ? At incertus exitus 
belli. Est omnino fortium virorum, quales vos esse debetis, 
virtutem praestare tantum enim possunt , fortunae culpam 15 
e non extimescere. Sed quoniam ab hoc ordine non fortitude 
solum, verum etiam sapientia postulatur quamquam vix vi- 
dentur haec posse seiungi, seiungamus tamen : fortitude dimi- 
care iubet, iustum odium incendit, ad confligendum impellit, 
vocat ad periculum. Quid sapientia ? cautioribus utitur consiliis, 20 
in posterum providet, est omni ratione tectior. Quid igitur 

their side. Cp. Hor. S. 2. 5, 1 8 still greater. Halm compares in Pis. 12, 

Utne tegam spurco Darnae latus? 27 Collegit ipse se vix, sed collegit ta- 

Latus tegere, or claudere (Juv. 3. 131), men. 

was more especially to walk on a man s left, n. Odisses eum, &c., you might hate 

or unprotected side, so as to act as a shield one who was out of sight, without that 

to him. hatred proving an insupportable annoy- 

c. 3. The measures which the senate had ance. Cicero s meaning is that the feel- 

taken against Antony must have rendered ings of any loyal citizen towards one 

him implacable; and since any pretended who had acted like Antony could only 

wisdom which urged the senate to make be those of deadly hatred, such as would 

peace would purchase security at the price of render contact with him insupportable ; and 

honour, the only course that remained was that therefore peace with such a man was 

to carry on the war, and so save honour even only possible so long as he could remain at 

at the risk of defeat. a distance out of sight. This would naturally 

7. Collegam, &c., his colleague and occur in the case of a foreign foe, it would 

partner in all his wickedness you have pro- be impossible in that of Antony, 
nounced a public enemy. 12. Haerebunt, &c., these men will 

9. Hostis si esset, c., were he a haunt your eyes, and when occasion offers, 

foreign foe, peace would be too much to will fasten on your throat. The play on 

grant him after such conduct, but yet some the word haerebunt is untranslateable. 
means might be found to make it possible. 16. Extimescere, to be too much 

The unnecessary emphasis of id ipsum, afraid of : ex being emphatic, 
and the want of an infinitive after posset, 21. Tectior, more reserved. Cp. 

make the genuineness of this clause doubt- Fin. 2. 17, 54 Is, qui occultus et tectus 

ful. The later MSS. insert tamen before dicitur. A reading of later MSS., not borne 

id ipsum, which makes the awkwardness out by parallels, is protection 

3 96 


cc. 34. 

censet ? parendum est enim atque id optimum iudicandum, quod 
sit sapientissime constitutum. Si hoc praecipit, ne quid vita ex- 
istimem antiquius, ne decernam capitis periculo, fugiam omne 
discrimen, quaeram ex ea : etiamne, si erit, cum id fecero, 
5 serviendum ? Si annuerit, ne ego sapientiam istam, quamvis 
sit erudita, non audiam. Sin respondent, tu vero tuere ita 
vitam corpusque, ita fortunas, ita rem familiarem, ut haec 
libertate posteriora ducas itaque his uti velis, si libera re publica 
possis, ne pro his libertatem, sed pro libertate haec proiicias 

TO tamquam pignora iniuriae : turn sapientiae vocem audire videar 
eique uti deo paream. Itaque si receptis illis esse possumus 7 
liberi, vincamus odium pacemque patiamur : sin otium incolu- 
mibus iis esse nullum potest, laetemur decertandi oblatam esse 
fortunam. Aut enim interfectis illis fruemur victrice re publica, 

15 aut oppressi quod omen avertat luppiter ! si non spiritu, at 
virtutis laude vivemus. 

At enim nos M. Lepidus > imperator iterum, pontifex maximus, 4 

4. Si erit. So Halm from the reading 
of the Vatican MS., sierit, comparing c. 6, 
14 si perniciosa erunt. The later and 
more general reading is etiamne fuerit, 
which very much weakens the force of the 

5. Ne ego. See on 2. 2, 3. 

6. Tu vero, &c. The reading of the 
Vatican MS. is Tu vero vitam, &c., the 
other MSS. adding servato after cor 
pusque. Halm suggests that tuere had 
dropped out after tu vero, and Kayser, 
following Madvig, (see Jahn s Jahrb. for 
1856, p. 126), strikes out tu vero al 
together, as a mere corruption from tuere, 
and as being in itself quasi dubitantis 
adfirmatio, vix apta, saltern non necessaria. 
The retention of the words, however, 
serves to maintain the vividness of a dia 
logue : Nay, I would have you preserve, 

IO. Tamquam pignora iniuriae, feel 
ing that if retained they will but guarantee 
your wrong. The possession of property 
under the government of a tyrant is so far 
from being an unmixed blessing, that it is cer 
tain sooner or later to excite his covetousness, 
and then he will be deterred by no respect 
for law or honesty from appropriating it. 
Hence what in a free state would be the 
strongest security for a man s welfare, under 
a tyrant is only a guarantee that he will be 
one of the tyrant s victims. Manutius takes 

it somewhat differently, that the wealth can 
only be retained by unconstitutional submis 
sion to a tyrant, and that therefore its re 
tention involves a pledge that its possessor 
will act unrighteously, but this is less in 
accordance with the line of Cicero s argu 
ment. The guarantor is not the owner of 
the goods, but Fortune, who has entrusted 
him with them, and who, in bestowing 
them uuder such circumstances, does but 
guarantee spoliation. 

12. Pacem patiamur, let us reconcile 
ourselves to peace: which, under such cir 
cumstances, can at best be only the more 
endurable of two evils. 

cc. 4, 5. The advice of Lepidus, who ad 
vocated peace, deserved careful attention, 
from the high character of the man, and the 
services which both his ancestors and himself 
had rendered to the state. But he was wrong 
in supposing that because he had made an 
honourable peace with, the younger Pompey, 
he could therefore do the like with Antony, 
whose character was in all respects so oppo 
site. Moreover the outlawry of Antony and 
his friends really came most opportunely for 
the senate, enabling them to carry out the 
restitution of Pompey s property. 

17. M. Lepidus. The name, though 
wanting in all the MSS., is found in the 
earliest printed editions, and has been gene 
rally retained as necessary. Cicero could 
hardly have styled a person whom he did 




optime proximo civili bello de re publica meritus, ad pacem 
adhortatur. Nullius apud me, patres conscripti, auctoritas maior 
est quam M. Lepidi, vel propter ipsius virtutem vel propter 
familiae dignitatem. Accedunt eodem multa privata magna 
eius in me merita, mea quaedam officia in ilium. Maximum 5 
vero eius beneficium numero, quod hoc animo in rem publicam 
8 est, quae mihi vita mea semper fuit carior. Nam cum Magnum 
Pompeium, clarissimum adolescentem, praestantissimi viri filium, 
auctoritate adduxit ad pacem remque publicam sine armis max- 
imo civilis belli periculo liberavit, turn me eius beneficio plus 10 
quam pro virili parte obligatum puto. Itaque et honores ei 
decrevi quos potui amplissimos, in quibus mihi vos estis assensi, 
nee umquam de illo et sperare optime et loqui destiti. Magnis 
et multis pignoribus M. Lepidum res publica illigatum tenet. 
Summa nobilitas est, omnes honores, amplissimum sacerdotium, 15 
plurima urbis ornamenta ipsius, fratris maiorumque monimenta, 

not name as imperator iterum? The title 
has been objected to by Ursinus, but it is 
assumed by Lepidus himself in two of his 
extant letters (Cic. Fam. 10. 34 and 35), and 
it is found on the coins of more than one of 
his contemporaries. In his own case it was 
hardly deserved, as on the first occasion he 
assumed it on his own authority, when in 
48 B.C. he compelled the proconsul Q. 
Cassius Longinus and his quaestor M. Mar- 
cellus to abstain from warring on each other 
in Further Spain. His second exploit, the 
reconciliation of Sex. Pompeius in 44 B.C., 
was equally bloodless, but on that occasion 
the appellation of Imperator was granted 
him by the senate. See 5. 14 and 15. 

5. Merita . . . officia. The courtesy 
shown in the difference of the terms em 
ployed deserves notice. To this should be 
added many occasions on which he has in 
private earned my gratitude, some few where 
I have been able to serve him. See on 9. 
I, I. 

7. Magnum Pompeium. Sex. Pom 
peius, the younger son of the triumvir. 

10. Plus quam pro virili parte. 
Forcellini interprets this in more than my 
private capacity, to a greater extent than 
I, as an individual, had a right to look for ; 
cum non solum private mihi, sed etiam 
reipublicae profuerit. It may however be 
better referred to Lepidus, the logical sub 
ject of the sentence, he has laid me, I 
think, under a greater obligation than any 
single man could be expected to confer. 

Or it might be, as Prof. Conington has 
suggested, I consider that my obligations 
to him are greater than those that bind an 
individual : the general sense, in this case, 
being nearly the same as according to the 
first interpretation. Pro parte virili al 
ways means, to the extent of a man s 
right or duty, not to the extent of his 
powers. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 3, 7 c Plus 
etiam, quam pars virilis postulat, . . . sus- 
cipere debeam. 

II. Decrevi, I proposed. See 5. 15. 

15. Omnes honores, he has filled all 
the offices of state: ending with his con 
sulship in 46 B.C. 

Amplissimum sacerdotium : that 
of pontifex maximus, secured to him 
by Antony in consideration of his support 
at the time of Caesar s death. See intro 
duction to the first oration. 

16. Ornamenta ipsius, &c. Orelli 
places a semicolon after ornamenta, as 
though monimenta were in apposition to 
it : but the balance of the sentence seems 
better preserved by Halm s punctuation, 
which is adopted in the text. We do not 
know what works Lepidus himself contributed 
towards the beautifying of the city, but his an 
cestor, M. Aemilius Lepidus (Consul in 187 
and 175 B.C.) was noted as the founder of 
several important buildings. In his aedile- 
ship, 192 B.C., he built the Porticus Ae- 
milia, betwen the Aventine and the river, 
and in his first censorship, in 179 B.C., he 
founded the Pons Aemilius, and the Basilica 

298 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc. 4-5. 

probatissima uxor, optatissimi liberi, res familiaris cum ampla, 
turn casta a cruore civili. Nemo ab eo civis violatus, multi eius 
beneficio et misericordia liberati. Tails igitur vir et civis 
opinione labi potest, voluntate a re publica dissidere nullo pacto 
5 potest. Pacem vult M. Lepidus. Praeclare, si talem potest 9 
efficere, qualem nuper effecit : qua pace Cn. Pompei filium res 
publica adspiciet suoque sinu complexuque recipiet, neque solum 
ilium, sed cum illo se ipsam sibi restitutam putabit. Haec causa 
fuit cur decerneretis statuam in rostris cum inscriptione praeclara, 

10 cur absenti triumphum. Quamquam enim magnas res bellicas 
gesserat et triumpho dignas, non erat tamen ei tribuendum, quod 
nee L. Aemilio nee Aemiliano Scipioni nee superior! Africano 
nee Mario nee Pompeio, qui maiora bella gesserunt : sed quod 
silentio bellum civile confecerat, cum primum licuit, honores 

15 in eum maximos contulistis. Existimasne igitur, M. Lepide, 5 
qualem Pompeium res publica habitura sit civem, tales futures 10 
in re publica Antonios? In altero pudor, gravitas, moderatio, 
integritas : in illis et cum hos compello, praetereo animo ex 
grege latrocinii neminem libidines, scelera, ad omne facinus 

20 immanis audacia. Deinde vos obsecro, patres conscript!, quis 
hoc vestrum non videt, quod Fortuna ipsa, quae dicitur caeca, 
vidit? Salvis enim actis Caesaris, quae concordiae causa de- 
fendimus, Pompeio sua domus patebit, eamque non minoris, 
quam emit Antonius, redimet : redimet, inquam, Cn. Pompei 

Aemilia in the Forum. This was further Perseus, and father of Scipio Aemilianus, 

beautified by M. Aemilius Lepidus, the better known as Scipio Africanus the 

father of the triumvir, in his consulship 78 younger. 

B.C. His brother, L. Aemilius Paulus, 14. Silentio, without disturbance. 

appears, from a passage in Cicero (Alt. 4. 18. Cum hos compello, in formally 

16, 14), to have restored this basilica and arraigning these. 

built a new one in his aedileship, 53 B.C., 21. Fortuna ipsa vidit. The course 

but of this second basilica nothing else is of Cicero s argument is not very clear, but 

known. it seems to be this. Pompey s property 

I. Probatissima uxor. lunia, the having been confiscated by Caesar, and 

daughter of D. lunius Silanus, and half-sister bought by Antony, would have been lost 

of M. lunius Brutus. In a letter to Atticus beyond recal, had" Antony continued loyal; 

(6. 2,25) Cicero throws serious doubts upon but as his properly in turn had reverted to 

her faithfulness to her husband, most incon- the state, it was possible, without over- 

sistent with the epithet probatissima. throwing Caesar s ordinance, to enable Sex. 

5. Praeclare. Cp. Fam. 10. 27, I Pacis Pompeius to recover his father s property, 

inter cives conciliandae te cupidum esse He would still be required to buy it, which 

laetor. was sad enough, but the state could now, 

9. Statuam. See 5. 15. Of the tri- by the aid of Fortune, both furnish him with 

uniph we do not elsewhere hear. the money, and empower him to effect the 

12. L. Aemilio: to L. Aemilius purchase. Cp. the concluding clause of this 

Paulus Macedonians/ the conqueror of chapter. 


domum films. O rem acerbam ! sed haec satis diu multumque 
defleta sunt. Decrevistis tantam pecuniam Pompeio, quantam 
ex bonis patriis in praedae dissipatione inimicus victor redegisset. 

11 Sed hanc mihi dispensationem pro paterna necessitudine et 
coniunctione deposco. Redimet hortos, aedes, urbana quaedam, 5 
quae possidet Antonius. Nam argentum, vestem, supellectilem, 
vinum amittet aequo animo, quae ille helluo dissipavit. Albanum, 
Formianum a Dolabella recuperabit, etiam ab Antonio Tuscu- 
lanum : iique, qui nunc Mutinam oppugnant, D. Brutum obsident, 
de Falerno Anseres depellantur. Sunt alii plures fortasse, sed I0 
de mea memoria dilabuntur. Ego etiam eos dico, qui hostium 
numero non sunt, Pompeianas possessiones quanti emerint filio 

12 reddituros. Satis inconsiderati fuit, ne dicam audacis, rem ullam 
ex illis attingere : retinere vero quis poterit, clarissimo domino 
restitute? An is non reddet, qui domini patrimonium circum- 15 
plexus quasi [thesaurum] draco, Pompei servus, libertus Caesaris, 
agri Lucani possessiones occupavit? Atque illud septiens mi- 
liens, quod adolescent!, patres conscripti, spopondistis, ita di- 
scribetur, ut videatur a vobis Cn. Pompei films in patrimonio suo 
collocatus. Haec senatus : reliqua populus Romanus in ea 20 

1. Satis diu. See 2. cc. 26-28. 16. Draco. Op. Phaedr. 4. 19. Vulpis . . 

2. Tantam pecuniam. The amount Pervenit ad draconis speluncam intimam, 
of the indemnity voted to Sex. Pompeius is Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. 
stated by Appian (3. 4) to have been fifty [Thesaurum.] This is placed within 
million Attic drachmae, or about 2,ooo,ooo/. brackets by Halm and Kayser. Rau thinks 
of our money. the whole three words quasi thesaurum 

5. Urbana quaedam, &c., certain draco a gloss. 

villas in the city, now in Antony s occu- 17. Septiens miliens. From the con- 

pation. text it would seem that this must refer to 

10. Anseres. The allusion is to a poet the indemnity which the senate had voted 

in the train of Antony, surnamed Anser, to Sextus, and this we have seen to be 

who is alluded to in uncomplimentary terms stated by Appian at 2,ooo,ooo/., more 

by Ovid, Trist. 2. 435 nearly bis miliens. Many editors have 

Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque supposed that allusion is here made to the 

procacior Anser, often-quoted money in the temple of Ops, 

Et leveCornifici,parqueCatonis opus; but this had not only been appropriated 

and according to Servius by Virgil, in the but spent by Antony, and therefore could 

line inter strepere anser olores : Eel. 9. 35. not have been assigned to Sextus. It is 

The villa at Falernum had probably been probable either that Appian was mistaken 

given to him by Antony as the reward of in the amount of the sum, or that the 

his verses. copyists have been misled by the recol- 

Depellantur. Orelli reads depellen- lection of the famous septiens milieus. 

tur, from one MS., but all the others have and that the genuine reading here is bis. 
depellantur, which is also quoted by 18. Discribetur, shall be apportioned. 

Servius on Virg. I.e. Halm reads describetur, but in his notes de- 

15. Is: perhaps Demetrius of Gadara, a clares his preference for the form discribere. 
favourite freedman of Pompey, whom we 20. In ea familia, in dealing with 

know to have acquired great wealth. that family. 

300 M. TULLII CICERONIS cc 5-7. 

familia, quam vidit amplissimam, persequetur, in primis pater- 
num auguratus locum, in quern ego eum, ut, quod a patre accept, 
filio reddam, mea nominatione cooptabo. Utrum igitur augurem 
lovis optimi maximi, cuius interpretes internuntiique constituti 

5 sumus, nos, utrum populus Romanus libentius sanciet, Pompei- 
umne an Antonium ? Mihi quidem numine deorum immorta- 
lium videtur hoc Fortuna voluisse, ut actis Caesaris firmis ac 
ratis Cn. Pompei films posset et dignitatem et fortunas patrias 

10 Ac ne illud quidem silentio, patres conscripti, praetereundum 6 
puto, quod clarissimi viri legati, L. Paulus, Q. Thermus, C. 13 
Fannius, quorum habetis cognitam voluntatem in rem publicam 
eamque perpetuam atque constantem, nuntiant, se Pompei con- 
veniundi causa devertisse Massiliam eumque cognovisse para- 

15 tissimo animo, ut cum suis copiis iret ad Mutinam, ni vereretur 
ne veteranorum animos offenderet. Est vero eius patris films, 
qui sapienter faciebat non minus multa quam fortiter. Itaque 
intelligitis et animum ei praesto fuisse nee consilium defuisse. 
Atque etiam hoc M. Lepido providendum est, ne quid arrogan- 

20 tius, quam eius mores ferunt, facere videatur. Si enim nos 14 
exercitu terret, non meminit ilium exercitum senatus populique 
Romani atque universae rei publicae esse, non suum. At uti 
potest pro suo. Quid turn ? omniane bonis viris, quae facere 
possunt, facienda sunt ? etiamne. si turpia, si perniciosa erunt ? 

25 si facere omnino non licebit ? Quid autem turpius aut foedius 

I. Pater num, which his father held matter, and especially to beware of straining 

before him. See 2. 2, 4 note. his power so far as to use the army which 

5. Nos. Halm saw that some altera- was given him for the service of the state, in 

tion was required in this sentence, and thwarting the general zeal now displayed 

suggested augures for augurem, in order against Antony by senate, Consuls, and people 

to account for the double utrum, which alike. 

seemed to show that the sanction of some II. Legati : probably envoys sent to 

other body was required besides the Roman Sex. Pompeius, not by the senate, but by 

people. The emendation in the text, sug- Lepidus, L. Paulus being his brother, 
gested by Madvig (in Jahn s Jahrb. for 14. Massiliam. Sextus appears to have 

1856, p. 126), seems preferable, as nos come to Marseilles as a convenient place 

might easily have dropped out, being taken from which to watch the course of events, 

for the subject of constituti sumus; and with a view to determining his own policy 

augurem lovis O.M. seems to be required, accordingly. 

to show the importance of the sanction 16. Veteranorum : the veterans of 

sought. Caesar, to whom his very name would be 

cc. 6, 7- Pompey himself was only deterred obnoxious. 

from joining in the contest against Antony 20. Quam eius mores ferunt, that 

by fear of offending the veterans : so that is compatible with his loyal character. 
Lepidus would do well to reconsider the 24. Si erunt. See on c. 3, 6, 

12-15. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A XIII. 301 

aut quod minus deceat quam contra senatum, contra cives, contra 
patriam exercitum ducere ? quid vero magis vituperandum quam 
id facere, quod non liceat ? Licet autem nemini contra patriam 
ducere exercitum : si quidem licere id dicimus, quod legibus, 
quod more maiorum institutisque conceditur. Neque enim, quod 5 
quisque potest, id ei licet, nee, si non obstatur, propterea etiam 
permittitur. Tibi enim exercitum, Lepide, tarn quam maioribus 
tuis patria pro se dedit. Hoc tu arcebis hostem, fines imperil 
propagabis : senatui populoque Romano parebis, si quam ad 
7 aliam rem te forte traduxerit. Haec si cogitas, es M. Lepidus, 10 
15 pontifex maximus, M. Lepidi, pontificis maximi, pronepos : sin 
hominibus tantum licere iudicas, quantum possunt, vide ne alienis 
exemplis iisque recentibus uti quam et antiquis et domesticis 
malle videare. Quod si auctoritatem interponis sine armis, 
magis equidem laudo, sed vide ne hoc ipsum non sit necesse. 15 
Quamquam enim est tanta in te auctoritas, quanta debet in 
homine nobilissimo, tamen senatus se ipse non contemnit, nee 
vero fuit umquam gravior, constantior, fortior. Incensi omnes 
rapimur ad libertatem recuperandam : non potest ullius aucto- 
ritate tantus senatus populique Romani ardor exstingui: odimus, 20 
irati pugnamus, extorqueri manibus arma non possunt : receptui 

4. Licere, &c. This is the locus clas- 2 (a letter written by Cicero to Lepidus 

sicus for the meaning of the word. ahout this time) Sapientius, meo qui- 

7- Tam quam, no less than to your dem iudicio, facies, si te in istam pacifica- 

ancestors. For this rarer use of tarn tionem non interpones, quae neque senatui 

quam, in a simple comparison of degree, nee cuiquam bono probatur. 
cp. Brut. 74, 258 Aetatis illius ista fuit 20. Odimus, irati pugnamus. Halm 

laus tarn quam innocentiae sic Latine lo- points out a reference to a passage in 

quendi. , Lucilius (fr. 4. 8), which Cicero had before 

10. Es M. Lepidus, you are all that used to illustrate an argument: Tusc. 4. 
the name of M. Lepidus implies. Cp. 21, 48 

Virg. Ae. 6. 883 Odi hominem: iratuspugno; neclongiu* 

Tu Marcellus eris; quidquam 

and Dr. Henry s note. One MS. has M. Nobis, quam dextrae gladium dum 

Lepide, losing the whole point and vigour accommodet alter. 

of the clause. 21. Manibus. So all the MSS. Halm 

11. Pronepos. Strictly the great-grand- reads e manibus, Orelli de manibus; 
son, whereas the M. Lepidus in question, but as extorqueo is often used with a 
who was pontifex maximus, censor, and dative of the person from whom anything 
twice Consul, was his great-great-grandfather. is wrested, there is no reason why it should 
The word abnepos, however, does not not equally admit a dative of the part. Cp. 
seem to occur before the time of Suetonius, Lucr. 6. 1224 

and the exact degree of descent is unim- Extorquebit enim vitam vis morbida 

portant. membris ; 

12. Alienis exemplis, a precedent and Cic. Cat. I. 6, 16; where there is con- 
out of your own family ; referring to the siderable MS. authority for the reading 
usurpation of Caesar. Quotiens tibi iam extorta est ista sica 

15. Vide, ne, &c. Cp. Fam. 10. 27, manibus? 

303 M. TULLII CICERO NIS cc. 7-9. 

signum aut revocationem a bello audire non possumus : spe- 
ramus optima, pati vel difficillima malumus quam servire. 
Caesar confecit invictum exercitum : duo fortissimi consules 16 
adsunt cum copiis : L. Planci, consulis designati, varia et magna 
5 auxilia non desunt : in D. Bruti salute certatur : unus furiosus 
gladiator cum taeterrimorum latronum manu contra patriam, 
contra deos penates, contra aras et focos, contra quattuor con 
sules gerit bellum. Huic cedamus? huius conditiones audiamus? 
cum hoc pacem fieri posse credamus ? 

10 At periculum est ne opprimamur. Non metuo ne is, qui suis 8 
amplissimis fortunis nisi bonis salvis frui non potest, prodat 
salutem suam. Bonos cives primum natura efiicit, adiuvat deinde 
fortuna ; omnibus enim bonis expedit salvam esse rem publicam : 
sed in iis, qui fortunati sunt, magis id apparet. Quis fortunatior 17 

15 Lepido, ut ante dixi? quis eodem sanior? Vidit eius maestitiam 
atque lacrimas populus Romanus Lupercalibus : vidit quam ab- 
iectus, quam confectus esset, cum Caesari diadema imponens 
Antonius servum se illius quam collegam esse malebat. Qui 
si reliquis flagitiis et sceleribus se abstinere potuisset, tamen 

20 unum ob hoc factum dignum ilium omni poena putarem. Nam 
si ipse servire poterat, nobis dominum cur imponebat? et si 
eius pueritia pertulerat libidines eorum, qui erant in eum tyranni, 
etiamne in nostros liberos dominum et tyrannum comparabat? 
Itaque illo interfecto, qualem in nos eum esse voluit, talis ipse 

2 5 in ceteros exstitit. Qua enim in barbaria quisquam tarn taeter, 18 
tarn crudelis tyrannus quam in hac urbe armis barbarorum 
stipatus Antonius ? Caesare dominante veniebamus in senatum, 

3. Confecit, has got together. Cp. any overtures of peace. 

de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 21, 6l Quid tarn novum, 10. Ne opprimamur : if, that is, Lepi- 

quam adolescentulum privatum exercitum dus should prove false to his loyalty, and 

difficili rei publicae tempore conficere? con- join with Antony. In what follows Cicero 

fecit. really betrays his fears that Lepidus would 

7. Quattuor consules : Hirtius and be faithless, in the very earnestness with 

Pansa ; and L. Plancus and D. Brutus, the which he brings forward reasons why he 

Consuls elect. should be staunch. 

cc. 8, 9. Too much weight must not be 14. Fortunati, blessed by fortune, and 

attached to the danger of defeat. By sub- so not unfrequently wealthy. Cp. de Orat. 

servience to Caesar, by his cruel massacres, 2. 86, 352 Apud Scopam, fortunatum ho- 

by his outrageous conduct in Rome, followed minem et nobilem. 

by his ignominious retreat, and lastly by 16. Lupercalibus. See 2. 34, 85 

plunging the country into civil war, and note. 

blockading the Consul elect, who had loyally 22. Qui erant, &c. Cp. 2. 18, 44 and 

opposed him, Antony had closed the door to 45. 


si non libere, at tamen tuto. Hoc archipirata quid enim dicam 
tyranno? haec subsellia ab Ityraeis occupabantur. Prorupit 
subito Brundisium, ut inde agmine quadrato ad urbem acce- 
deret : lautissimum oppidum nunc municipum honestissimorum, 
quondam colonorum, Suessam, fortissimorum militum sanguine 5 
implevit : Brundisii in sinu non modo avarissimae, sed etiam 
crudelissimae uxoris delectos Martiae legionis centuriones tru- 
cidavit. Inde se quo furore, quo ardore ab urbem, id est, ad 
caedem optimi cuiusque rapiebat ! quo tempore di ipsi immor- 
tales praesidium improvisum nee opinantibus nobis obtulerunt. 10 
9 Caesaris enim incredibilis ac divina virtus latronis impetus 
19 crudeles ac furibundos retardavit : quern turn ille demens laedere 
se putabat edictis, ignorans, quaecumque falso [in eum] diceret 
in sanctissimum adolescentem, ea vere recidere in memoriam 
pueritiae suae. Ingressus urbem est, quo comitatu vel potius 15 
agmine ! cum dextra sinistra, gemente populo Romano, mina- 
retur dominis, notaret domos, divisurum se urbem palam suis 
polliceretur. Rediit ad milites ; ibi pestifera ilia Tiburi contio. 
Inde ad urbem cursus, senatus in Capitolium, parata de circum- 
scribendo adolescente sententia consularis, cum repente nam 20 

1. Hoc archipirata, &c., under this enough has been already said about the 
arch-pirate (for tyrant is too good a name boyhood of Antony to make the mere 
for him). A tyrant is only the enemy of mention of it imply a contrast to the purity 
his subjects, a pirate the enemy of all of Octavianus. 

mankind, according to Cicero s own defi- Vere recidere, &c., recoil with 

nition, Off. 3. 29, 107 Non est ex per- truth on the records of his own boyhood. 

duellium numero definitus, sed communis Cp. 3. 6, 15 In Caesarem maledicta con- 

hostis omnium : cum hoc nee fides debet gessit deprompta ex recordatione impudici- 

nec ius iurandum esse commune. Hence by tiae et stuprorum suorum. 
the very name he is strengthening his argu- 15. Vel potius agmine. The correc- 

ment against negotiations with Antony. tion marks the attempt at intimidation by a 

2. Ab Ityraeis. See 2. 8, 19 note. display of military power, which was speei- 

3. Agmine quadrato, at the head of ally obnoxious at Rome, where a general 
an army. Cp. 2. 42, 108. was not allowed to enter the city under 

4. Municipum. This is the emenda- ordinary circumstances at the head of his 
tion of Manutius for municipium. Cicero army. 

is expressing the change in the political 18. Tiburi. Cicero and Livy both 

status of Suessa, from being a colonia commonly use this old locative form, signi- 

Latina to being a borough town, effected fying the place where a thing is done, in 

by the Tex lulia* in 90 B.C. See on 3. nouns of the third declension. Cp. Kar- 

5, 13. thagini, de Leg. Agr. 2. 33, 90; Livy 28. 

5. Suessam. See on 3. 4, 10. 26; Anxuri, Id. 5. 8; and see on 12. 

6. Brundisii. See on 3. 2,4. IO, 25. 

14. In sanctissimum adolescentem. 19. De circumscribendo adoles- 

Halm encloses these words in brackets, cente, for impeding the young man s 

as a probable gloss, explaining falso. liberty of action. See on 2. 22, 53. 

Either these words or in eum are re- 20. Sententia consularis. Cp. 3. 8, 

dundant, but the latter are omitted in the 21 Scriptam attulerat consularis quidam 

Italian and two of the other MSS., and sententiam. 

304 M. TULLII CICERONIS co. 9-10. 

Martiam legionem Albae consedisse sciebat affertur ei de 
quarta nuntius. Quo perculsus abiecit consilium referendi ad 
senatum de Caesare : egressus est non viis, sed tramitibus 
paludatus, eoque ipso die innumerabilia senatus consulta fecit : 

5 quae quidem omnia citius delata quam scripta sunt. Ex eo non 20 
iter, sed cursus et fuga in Galliam. Caesarem sequi arbitrabatur 
cum legione Martia, cum quarta, cum veteranis, quorum ille 
nomen prae metu ferre non poterat : eique in Galliam penetranti 
D. se Brutus obiecit, qui se totius belli fluctibus circumiri quam 

10 ilium aut regredi aut progredi maluit, Mutinamque illi exsultanti 
tamquam frenos furoris iniecit. Quam cum operibus munitioni- 
busque saepsisset, nee eum coloniae florentissimae dignitas neque 
consulis designati maiestas a parricidio deterreret, turn me 
testor et vos et populum Romanum et omnes deos qui huic urbi 

15 praesident invito et repugnante legati missi tres consulares ad 
latronum et gladiatorum ducem. Quis tarn barbarus umquam ? 21 
tarn immanis ? tarn ferus ? Non audivit, non respondit : neque 
eos solum praesentes, sed multo magis nos, a quibus illi erant 
missi, sprevit et pro nihilo putavit. Postea quod scelus, quod 

20 facinus parricida non edidit ? Circumsedet colonos nostros, 
exercitum populi Romani, imperatorem consulem designatum : 
agros divexat civium optimorum : hostis taeterrimus omnibus 
bonis cruces ac tormenta minitatur. Cum hoc, M. Lepide, pax 
esse quae potest ? cuius ne supplicio quidem ullo satiari videtur 

25 posse populus Romanus. 

Quod si quis dubitare adhuc potuit quin nulla societas huic 10 
ordini populoque Romano cum ilia importunissima belua posset 22 
esse, desinat profecto dubitare his cognitis litteris, quas mihi 
missas ab Hirtio consule modo accepi. Eas dum recito dumque 

30 de singulis sententiis breviter dispute, velim, patres conscripti, 

I. De quarta, &c. Cp. 3. 9, 24 foil. ; which Cicero criticises in detail throughout 

5. 9, 24 and the notes. the remainder of the speech. Ignoring their 

5. Delata: sc. in aerarium; were proper designation, he began by declaring 

registered." See 5. 4, 12 note. his joy at the murder of Trebonius, while he 

9. Totius belli, &c. Cp. II. 2, 4 lamented the outlawry of Dolabella, and he 

Brutus . . . progressu arcuit, a reditu refre- even had the impudence, forgetting the ignoble 

navit, obsideri se passus ex utraque parte origin of his own wife Fadia, to reproach 

constrinxit Antonium. Trebonius, most groundlessly, with lowly 

13. Turn me invito, &c. See the birth. 

introduction to the fifth oration. 28. Desinat. Ernesti suggests desinet, 

c. 10. The former conclusion ivas con- but the imperative suits better with the im- 

jlrmed by Antony s, recent letter to the Consuls, perious tone of Cicero s criticism. 




ut adhuc fecistis, me attente audiatis. Anton ius Hirtio et 
Caesari. Neque se imperatorem neque Hirtium consulem nee 
pro praetore Caesarem. Satis hoc quidem scite : deponere alie- 
num nomen ipse maluit quam illis suum reddere. Cog nit a 
morte C. Trebonii non plus gavisus sum quam dolui. 5 
Videte quid se gavisum, quid doluisse dicat : facilius de pace 
deliberabitis. Dedisse poenas sceleratum cineri atque 
ossibus clarissimi viri et apparuisse numen deorum 
intra finem anni vertentis, aut iam soluto supplicio 
parricidii aut impendente, laetandum est. O Spartace ! 10 
quern enim te potius appellem ? cuius propter nefanda scelera 
tolerabilis fuisse videtur Catilina : laetandum esse ausus es 
scribere Trebonium dedisse poenas ? sceleratum Trebonium ? 
quo scelere, nisi quod te Idibus Martiis a debita tibi peste 
23 seduxit ? Age, hoc laetaris : videamus quid moleste feras. 15 
ludicatum hoc tempore hostem Dolabellam, eo quod 
sicarium occiderit, et videri cariorem populo Romano 
filium scurrae quam C. Caesarem, patriae parentem, 
ingemiscendum est. Quid ingemiscis hostem Dolabellam? 

I. Antonius Hirtio et Caesari. The 
absence of the titles in this address may 
have arisen from a feeling on the part of 
Antony that while they were fighting to 
decide which truly represented Rome, it was 
unfitting to assign to either party Roman 
titles. Cicero s criticism of this letter should 
be compared with his criticism of Antony s 
edict in 3. 9. 

3. Alienum, a title which he has 

9. Intra finem, &c., before twelve 
months had passed away ; not, that is, before 
the end of 44 B. C., but within twelve months 
of Caesar s death. Cp. pro Quinct. 12, 40 
Petisses statim ; si non statim, paullo quidem 
post; si non paullo, at aliquanto; sex quidem 
illis mensibus profecto ; anno vertente sine 
controversial Annus vertens signifies the 
time within which the cycle of the earth s re 
volution is completed, the solar year, at what 
ever date the computation is begun. Hence 
it is applied in a wider sense to a supposed 
cycle of the universe, at the end of which 
all the heavenly bodies are found occupying 
the same positions as at its commencement, 
in Cic. de Rep. 6. 22, 24 (Somn. Scip. 7) 
Cum ad idem unde semel profecta sunt 
cuncta astra redierint eandemque totius 
caeli descriptionem longis intervallis rettule- 

rint, turn ille vere vertens annus appellari 
potest : in quo vix dicere audeo quam multa 
hominum saecula teneantur. The murder 
of Trebonius was about the end of February 
(Merivale 3. 135 ; cp. introduction to the 
eleventh oration), so that this letter was 
probably written immediately after Antony 
had received the news. 

10. Spartace. Cp. 4. 6, 15 and 3. 8, 
21 note. 

12. Laetandum esse, &c. Halm 
places a note of interrogation after scribere, 
as though Cicero first marvelled at Antony s 
finding any cause for rejoicing, and then at 
the subject of his joy. This however intro 
duces a needless complication, and suggests 
a climax which does not exist, from dedisse 
poenas 1 to sceleratum Trebonium. 

15. Seduxit. Cp. Fam. 10. 28, I Quod 
vero a te, viro optimo, seductus est tuoque 
beneficio adhuc vivit haec pestis, interdum, 
quod mihi vix fas est, tibi subirascor. On the 
occasion of Caesar s murder Trebonius took 
Antony aside, not from any motives of kindness 
towards him, but to prevent his interference. 

18. Scurrae. The father of Trebonius 
is only known to us from this chapter, and 
Fam. 1. c., where he is styled civis acerrimus. 

19. Hostem Dolabellam. One MS. 
adds iudicalum. 


306 M. TULL1I CICERONIS cc. 10-12. 

quid ? te non intelligis dilectu tota Italia habito, consulibus 
missis, Caesare ornato, sagis denique sumptis hostem iudicatum ? 
Quid est autem, scelerate, quod gemas hostem Dolabellarn 
iudicatum a senatu? quern tu ordinem omnino esse nullum 
5 putas, sed earn tibi causam belli gerendi proponis, ut senatum 
funditus deleas, reliqui boni et locupletes omnes summum ordi 
nem subsequantur. At scurrae filium appellat : quasi vero ig- 
notus nobis fuerit splendidus eques Romanus, Trebonii pater. 
Is autem humilitatem despicere audet cuiusquam, qui ex Fadia 

10 sustulerit liberos? Acerb is si mum vero est te, A. Hirti, 11 
ornatum beneficiis Caesaris, et talem ab eo relictum, 24 
qualem ipse miraris Equidem negare non possum a Caesare 
Hirtium ornatum, sed ilia ornamenta in virtute et industria 
posita lucent. Tu vero, qui te ab eodem Caesare ornatum ne- 

*5 gare non potes, quid esses, si tibi ille non tarn multa tribuisset? 
ecquo te tua virtus provexisset ? ecquo genus ? In lustris, 
popinis, alea, vino tempus aetatis omne consumpsisses, ut facie- 
bas, cum in gremiis mimarum mentum mentemque deponeres. 
et te, o puer Puerum appellat, quern non modo virum, sed 

9. Ex Fadia. So Ferrarius, followed an obvious mistake of the copyists, who did 
by most subsequent editors, from the various not observe that te is part of the subject 
readings of the MSS., ex eadia, ex ea of id agere in 25, the thread of the 
die/ ex eadem, the two latter being appa- sentence being interrupted by the comments 
rently attempts to frame Latin words, regard- of Cicero. 

less of meaning, from the first. Fadia, Beneficiis. Hirtius belonged to a pie- 
Antony s first wife, was the daughter of beian and undistinguished family, and owed 
Qi Fadius, a freedman. Cp. 2. 2, 3; 3. 6, all his honours and position to the friend- 
17. ship and patronage of Caesar, who had 

10. Sustulerit. Tollere liberos is pro- finally nominated him to the consulship for 
perly to acknowledge children, from 43 B.C. 

the custom of laying new-born children at 13. In virtute, Sec., conferred on 

their father s feet, for him to decide whether valour and energy. 

they should be reared or not. Here it seems 16. Ecquo genus ? This reading seems 

to be used as nearly equivalent to gignere to be very pointless, especially considering 

liberos, cp. Suet. Ner. 5 Decessit (Domitius) the ignoble birth of Hirtius. Kayser adopts 

sublato filio Nerone ex Agrippina. the plausible emendation ofPluygers, ecquo 

c. ii. He found fault with the conduct of industrial which might easily have been 

Hirtius, who owed everything to Caesar, confused with the following in lustris. 

though in his case it was merit which had 18. Mentum mentemque. So Halm 

earned Caesar s favour, and of Octavianus, after Ferrarius, as having much more point 

a mere boy, who, boy as he was, had won than the MS. reading mentem mentumque. 

for himself, thanks to Antony, the title of To place the seat of his brains in his beard 

Father of his country, because, forsooth, might pass for a joke, but without this link 

they sought for the condemnation of Dolabella, it would be absurd to say mentem in gre- 

the deliverance ofD. Brutus, whom Antony miis deponere, and nothing would be gained 

dared to call a prisoner, and the exaltation by adding the literal after the metaphorical 

of M. Brutus and Cassius. idea. Cp. the similar play on words in 26 

11. Ornatum. The MSS. add esse, diruptus dirutusque. 

23-26. ORAT10 PHILIPPIC A XIII. 307 

etiam fortissimum virum sensit et sentiet. Est istuc quidem 
nomen aetatis, sed ab eo minime usurpandum, qui suam amen- 

25 tiam puero huic praebet ad gloriam. qui omnia nomini de- 
bes Debet vero solvitque praeclare. Si enim ille patriae 
parens, ut tu appellas ego quid sentiam videro , cur non hie 5 
parens verier, a quo certe vitam habemus e tuis facinerosissimis 
manibus ereptam ? id agere, ut iure damnatus sit Dola- 
bella Turpem vero actionem, qua defenditur amplissimi aucto- 
ritas ordinis contra crudelissimi gladiatoris amentiam! et ut 
venefica haec liberetur obsidione. Veneficam audes ap- 10 
pellare eum virum, qui tuis veneficiis remedia invenit ? quem ita