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v-VA
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
1493-1898
Xi&ffiB^SS&ft
be
8 MI
•2'E c
The PHILIPPINE
ISLANDS 1493-1898
Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the
Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Eco-
nomic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those
Islands from their earliest relations with European
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth Century
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINALS
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and
James Alexander Robertson, with historical intro-
duction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations
Volume XXXIII — 1519-1522
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI
COPYRIGHT I906
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII
Preface n
Primo viaggio intorno al mondo {to be concluded).
Antonio Pigafetta. Italian text with English
translation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519-
1522 26
Notes 273
Bibliographical Data 367
t>?>"\*3
ILLUSTRATIONS
Magalhaes's ship "Victoria;" photographic repro-
duction of cut facing p. 102 of Henry Stevens's
Johann Schoner (edited by C. H. Coote, London,
1888): from the copy in Lenox Library.
(Probably the ideal conception of some early artist, and
perhaps of the type of the "Victoria." Its source is
not mentioned in the above book.) . . Frontispiece
Pigafetta's Chart of the Straits of Magellan . . 86
Pigafetta's Charts of the Unfortunate Isles and the
Ladrones . . . . . . . 92
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Samar, etc. . 102
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Bohol, etc. . 112
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Cebu, Mactan,
and Bohol 136
Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Panglao and
Cagayan Sulu . : 202
Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Paragua and Bor-
neo . . . . . . . . .210
Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Mindanao and
of Jolo, etc. ..... . 230
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Sarangani, etc. . 238
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Sanguir, etc. . 242
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Paghinzara, etc. 246
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Ternate, etc. . 250
Map showing discoveries of Magalhaes; photo-
graphic facsimile from Mappamundo (Goa,
1 571) of Fernao Vas Dourado, a MS. hydro-
graphical atlas preserved in Archivo Nacional da
Torre do Tombo, Lisbon .... 270,271
PREFACE
In this and the succeeding volume, we present
various documents (notably the Relation of Antonio
Pigafetta) which could not be obtained in season for
publication in regular chronological order, and
which it has seemed advisable to insert as addenda at
this point.
With the present volume is begun the publication
of Antonio Pigafetta's relation of the first circum-
navigation of the world - the greatest single achieve-
ment in all the history of sea exploration and
discovery. Written by a participant of the expedi-
tion, Pigafetta's relation has a greater value than any
other narrative of the voyage. Its great value and
the fact that it has never been adequately presented
to the English-speaking public have induced the
editors to insert this relation in the present series
both in the original Italian (rigidly adhering to and
preserving all the peculiarities of the original manu-
script) and in English translation. This relation is
especially valuable for its descriptions of the various
peoples, countries, and products, of Oriental seas,
and for its vocabularies, as well as for its account of
the first circumnavigation. From its very nature,
the relation has called for an unusual amount of
1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
annotation, which has been drawn freely from vari-
ous sources : chiefly Mosto's annotations in his publi-
cation of Pigaf etta's relation in Part V, volume Hi, of
the Raccolta di documenti e studi y published by the
Royal Columbian Commission of the fourth cente-
nary of the discovery of America under the auspices
of the Minister of Public Instruction (Roma, 1894) 5
Navarrete's Col. de viages, iv (Madrid, 1837) ;
various publications of the Hakluyt Society; and
F. H. H. Guillemard's Life of Ferdinand Magellan
(New York, 1891). The publication of the original
Italian and the English, page for page, renders it
necessary to place the annotations at the end of the
volume instead of in footnote as hitherto. The
various charts of the Italian manuscript are all pre-
sented in facsimile in the course of the work.
In order that the various peculiarities of the manu-
script might be preserved, it has been necessary to
specially design and cast certain characters that ap-
pear in Pigafetta's narrative. None of these charac-
ters have been reproduced by Mosto, who also writes
out all abbreviations. Throughout we have aimed
to present the document as it exists in the Biblioteca
Ambrosiana (even to the spacing of words) with
the exception that paragraphs in the manuscript
begin with a hanging indention and usually end with
a series of dots and dashes. A brief synopsis of the
relation follows.
After a brief dedication to the grand master of
the Hospitaler knights of Rhodes or Malta, as they
were called later, and of which order he is a mem-
ber, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in
15 19 with the papal legate, he first hears of the expe-
dition about to set out under Magalhaes. Being
1519152a] PREFACE 13
desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to
accompany the expedition, and soon joins the fleet
at Seville, whence it is to depart. Magalhaes, as a
wise commander, issues his instructions to the vari-
ous commanders of the vessels ere port is left, so that
they may keep together in the unknown seas before
them, and that they may act in harmony.
Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 15 19, the
fleet of five small vessels starts on its long journey
amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the
Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they an-
chor until September 20, when setting sail once
more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached
September 26. There they reprovision and taking
their departure on October 3, coast southward along
Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms
(cheered however by the welcome apparition of St.
Elmo's fire, which promises them safety) , until they
cross the line. Thereupon taking a general westerly
course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian
coast is soon sighted. The fresh provisions, so essen-
tial to sea voyages, are procured on the coast of
Brazil, where occurs the first communication with
the natives, with whom wonderful bargains are
made. Those Indians, cannibals though they be, and
whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to
inscribe some of their language) receive the mari-
ners hospitably, and thinking that the latter are come
to remain among them, build them a house. But
after a stay of eighteen days, the sails are again
trimmed toward the south, and descending the coast,
Magalhaes anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which
had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis
and his men. Unable here to hold converse with the
14 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
anthropophagous natives, who flee at their approach,
the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands
where many sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and
thus fresh food obtained. The next anchorage is at
the famous Bay of St Julian along the desolate Pata-
gonian coast, where for five months they winter.
For two months not an individual is seen, but one
day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians,
whose huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who
are held as giants. Amicable relations are entered
into with various of these wandering Indians, and
finally MagalhSes, with the taste for the wonderful
that characterized his period, as strongly, or more
strongly than our own, determines to capture two of
them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is
successful, but an attempt to induce the wife of one
of the Indians to go to the ship fails. Very interest-
ing are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to
him is due the earliest description of their manners
and customs and the earliest specimens of their lan-
guage. The two captured giants are placed in
separate vessels, but unfortunately both die ere
reaching the end of the journey, one in the deserting
ship "San Antonio," and the other in Magalh£es's
own ship, the "Trinidad."
During the five months at that port "many things
happened there." Shortly after entering the port,
the most critical moment of all Magalhaes's life
comes, and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from
the beginning of the expedition. This is the mutiny
headed by Juan de Cartagena, captain of one of the
vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalh£es
because he is a Portuguese. The latter, however,
proves equal to the emergency, and by his prompt
15191522] PREFACE IS
action and the punishments tempered by mercy that
he inflicts, quiets the trouble. Joao Serrao, captain
of the "Santiago" is sent to explore the coast, but
is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved.
Their rescue (not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrill-
ing and arduous matter, and calls into play the
endurance of men already tried by misfortune and
bufferings with Nature.
With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners
leave port St Julian and proceeding along the coast,
anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy
weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition.
A stay of two months is made, during which the
ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of provi-
sions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river,
the crews (for MagalhSes looks after the spiritual
welfare of his men) confess and take communion.
Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the
first half of the expedition is attained, namely, the
discovery of the strait, which occurs October 21,
1520. "That strait is one hundred and ten leguas
. . . long, and it is one-half legua broad, more
or less." Its discovery is due to the indomitable
energy and endurance of Magalhaes, and his certain
knowledge (probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its
existence. Continuing, Pigafetta briefly narrates the
passage through the strait, and the desertion of the
"San Antonio," which returns to Spain, after putting
the captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, a relative of
MagalhSes, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese
named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhaes, as
the tatter's expedition has destroyed ambitious plans
of his own. The other three ships, leaving letters
and signals in the strait, in case the "San Antonio"
1 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
tries to regain them, proceeds on its way, debouching
from the strait November 28. Then begins a long
voyage over the trackless Pacific "in truth . . .
very pacific ;" and the three ships sail on steadily for
three and two-thirds months without being able to
reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added
the sufferings of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta,
whose curiosity is always alert and active, and who
remains well, diverts himself with talking to the
Patagonian, who is finally baptized, but who is one
of those to die. In the vast stretch from the strait
to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Euro-
peans) , only two islands, both desert, are sighted, and
those, since they are unable to find anchorage there,
are called the "Unfortunate Isles." Pigafetta men-
tions the southern constellation Crux and the star
clouds since called after Magalhaes. His geo-
graphical information, as one might expect, is not
always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in
the open Pacific. Thoughts of relief that come upon
sighting various islands (which they called the
Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabi-
tants) are quickly dissipated by the hostility there
encountered. So bold are these natives (whose
appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes
briefly), that they even steal the ship's boat from
the stern of the "Trinidad," thus necessitating a raid
into one of the islands, where some of the natives are
killed, and some houses burned, but the boat re-
covered.
On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines
(by them called the archipelago of San Lazaro) to
be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is cast at
a small desert island called Humunu, (but which
15191522] PREFACE 17
the mariners call "The watering-place of good signs"
because the first traces of gold are found there) , near
Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the
sick, whom Magalhaes himself tends with solicitude.
March 18, they gain their first acquaintance with the
natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh
provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second
of March, and the Europeans have their first sight
of a tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as his men,
is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week's
stay, the ships again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming
to an untimely end by slipping over the side of the
vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of
"that fount of mercy," the Virgin.
March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua
(Mazava), where Enrique, the Malaccan slave of
Magalhaes, serves as interpreter. Amicable rela-
tions are speedily entered into and confirmed by the
Malayan rite of blood brotherhood. The king of
Limasaua, and his brother, the king of certain dis-
tricts in Mindanao, prove most helpful, and are
completely won over by a judicious presentation of
gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed by the
power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and
armor, and their astonishment is increased when
Magalhaes relates his course to their islands and the
discovery of the strait.
On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit
the natives ashore, where they spend the night in the
king's palace, a typical Visayan house raised aloft
on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the vari-
ous ceremonies that he witnesses impress Pigafetta,
and his companion, cast in coarser mould than he,
becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in
1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
the language of the new peoples whom he meets,
writes down certain of their words, whereat they are
greatly astonished. He records that he "ate meat
on Holy Friday, for I could not help myself." On
Easter Sunday, the natives are deeply impressed by
the mass that is celebrated ashore, and the cross
which is planted in the highest part of the island,
and which they promise to adore.
The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which
is used only as a place of recreation by the two kings,
who go there to visit one another and hunt, leads
Magalh£es to seek a more abundant harbor. Among
the places pointed out where food is abundant is the
island of Cebu, and there MagalhSes determines to
go, "for so did his unhappy fate will." After a seven
days' stay at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebu
under the pilotage of the king of Limasaua, who is
finally taken aboard the "Trinidad" as his vessel is
unable to keep up with the swifter-moving Euro-
pean vessels. Entering the port of Cebu on April 7,
amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is
thrown into consternation, but the Malaccan being
sent ashore reassures them of his master's good in-
tentions, whom he proclaims to be a "captain of the
greatest king and prince in the world," who "was
going to discover Malucho," but hearing of the
great fame of the king of Cebu, wishes trade with
him. The king of Cebu is willing to accord friend-
ship to the Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the
custom for all visitors to pay it to him. But no trib-
ute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king,
at the advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of
the deeds of the Portuguese along Malacca and the
Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them,
15191522] PREFACE 19
until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to
be much greater than the Portuguese), expresses his
willingness to make friendship with Magalhaes.
With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua,
peace is made according to Malay rites, and gifts
exchanged. Magalhaes, deeply religious, in com-
mon with many of his age, early seeks to lure the
natives of Cebu to holy baptism, by presenting to
them its most attractive side, and promising the king
if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they
must become willing converts, and not for the hope of
gain or for fear. The peace is more firmly cemented
by the visit of Pigaf etta and a companion to the king,
where they witness ceremonies similar to those of
Limasaua, and where gifts are bestowed upon the
king and some others. They also visit the house of
the prince apparent, where they hear their first
concert of Visayan music and see a native dance.
On the following Wednesday two of the crew are
buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much
pomp as possible.
Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of
merchandise ashore, the safety of which is assured
by the king. Those people are found to have
weights and measures for their trading; and besides
their gongs, a flute-like instrument. Their houses
are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the trad-
ing, gold being given for metals and large articles,
and food for the smaller wares. The good bargains
obtained by the Europeans, would have been materi-
ally less and the trade spoiled forever had it not
been for Magalhaes's watchfulness, for so eager are
the men at the sight of the gold, that they would have
given almost anything for it. On the following Sun-
20 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
day, the king and his chief men, and the queen and
many women, are baptized and given European
names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have
become Christians, as well as some from neighbor-
ing islands. The queen at her earnest request, is given
a small image of the Christ child, the same afterward
recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest
of reverence at Cebu. The opposition of certain
chiefs to the king of Cebu is satisfactorily ended by
the inducements and threats of Magalhaes. The lat-
ter swears to be faithful in his friendship with the
natives, who likewise swear allegiance to the king of
Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy
their idols, according to their promise, and Ma-
galhaes finds them still sacrificing to them for the
cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance
that the new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which
he offers his head, the sick man (who is the prince's
brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island)
is miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are
burned amid great demonstrations. Vivid descrip-
tions are given of the people and their customs and
ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourn-
ing.
April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of
Mactan sends a small present to Magalhaes, with the
request to aid him with a boat load of men against
the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to
Spain. Magalhaes in his ardor, and notwithstand-
ing the remonstrances of his friends, leads three boat
loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where hav-
ing ordered the king of Cebu to be a witness of the
battle only, he engages the natives. Disastrous in-
deed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of
15191522] PREFACE 21
foes, the Europeans are compelled to retreat, and
the retreat becomes a rout, the personal bravery of
MagalhSes and a few of his closest friends only sav-
ing the men from almost complete massacre. Rec-
ognizing the leader, the natives make their greatest
efforts against him, and finally he is killed while
knee deep in the water, but after all the others are
saved. Pigafetta's lament is tragic and sorrowful;
they "killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and
our true guide." Insolent in their victory, the na-
tives refuse to give up the body of the slain
leader at the request of the king of Cebu. The Eu-
ropeans stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw
their merchandise and guards to the ship, and make
preparations for departure. Duarte Barbosa and
Jo5o de Serriio are chosen leaders. The second act
in the drama follows speedily. The slave Enrique,
enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Bar-
bosa, conspires with the king of Cebu; with the re-
sult that twenty-six men, including both of the lead-
ers, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which
the king invites them. Joao Carvalho, deaf to the
entreaties of Jo5o Serrao, his comrade, and anxious
to become leader, sails away leaving him to his death.
Pigafetta names the products of Cebu, and gives a
valuable vocabulary of Visayan words, most of
which are still in use by those people.
By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to
Bohol, where the "Conception" is burned, as there
are too few men left to work all three ships; al-
though its supplies and all else possible are trans-
ferred to the "Victoria" and "Trinidad." Then,
cruising along, they put in at Mindanao where
Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made
22 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
blood friendship at the ships. There they hear of
Luzon, where the Chinese trade annually. Depart-
ing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu,
a penal settlement for Borneo, where the blowpipe
and poisoned arrows are used, and the daggers
adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Para-
guay although before reaching that island, the men
have been tempted to abandon the ships because of
hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in
bamboos and is better than that cooked in earthen
pots. Those people raise fighting cocks and bet on
their favorite birds. Ten leagues from Paragua is
the great island of Borneo, whither the ships next
go, and anchor at the city of Brunei, which is built
over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand
fires. Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit
the ships, they enter into relations with the Borneans.
Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king, and
bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some
of the grandeurs of an oriental court are spread be-
fore their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly describes.
The strangers are graciously given permission to
take on fresh supplies of food, water, and wood, and
to trade at pleasure. Later actions of the Borneans
cause the men of the ships to fear treachery, and
forestalling any action by that people, they attack a
number of junks near them, and capture four.
Among the captives is the son of the king of Luzon,
who is the chief captain in Borneo, and whom Car-
valho allows to escape, without consulting the others,
for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing re-
acts on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men
who were ashore and Carvalho's own son (born of a
native woman in Brazil) to return to the ships, and
1519-15" PREFACE 23
they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks
are described. They use porcelain dishes which are
made from a fine white clay that is buried under
ground for fifty years in order to refine it, and in-
herited from father to son. Camphor is obtained
there, and the island is so large that it can be circum-
navigated by a prau only in three months' time.
On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from
the captured junks are kept, among them three wo-
men whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents
for the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself.
Happily escaping from the point on which one of
the ships has become grounded, and the fear of
explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a
barrel of powder, the ships anchor at a point of
Borneo, where for forty-two days, the men are busied
in repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels.
The journey is resumed back toward Paragua, the
governor of a district of that island being captured
on the way; with whom, however, they enter into
friendly relations. Thence the ships cruise along
between Cagayan, Jolo, and Mindanao, capturing
a native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island,
from the captive occupants of which they learn news
of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid stormy weather,
they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of
Mindanao ; and thence proceed in a generally south-
erly direction amid many islands until the Moluccas
are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore
on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven
months, less two days, since their departure from
Spain.
At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the
king, who is a powerful astrologer and has been ex-
24 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
pecting their arrival. He promises them as many
cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his
island, contrary to the practice of kings, to provide
them the sooner; in return for his services hoping for
their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas,
especially against the king of Ternate. There they
learn that Francisco Serrao, the great friend of
MagalhSes, has perished some eight months pre-
viously from poison administered by the king of
Tidore, whom he had visited, because he had aided
the king of Ternate against Tidore. This SerrSo,
says Pigafetta, was the cause of Magalhaes under-
taking his expedition, and he had been in the Moluc-
cas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal dis-
covered those islands. The efforts of the Ternatans
to gain the new strangers fail, for they are already
pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a
house is built ashore and on the thirteenth the mer-
chandise is carried there, among it being that cap-
tured with the various junks at and near Borneo.
The sailors are somewhat careless of their bargains
for they are in haste to return to Spain. The king
continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a
Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed.
This relation will be concluded in VOL. xxxiv.
The Editors
December, 1905.
PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO
By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca.
1525, of events of 15 19- 1522
Source: Our transcript is made from the original document
which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.
Translation : This is made by James Alexander Robertson.
[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]
Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de
Rhodi aL JIL" . et Exell 100 . S. philipo de villers
lisleadam Jnclito gr5 mai/t° de Rhoddj /ignior /uo
ob/eruanti//imo.
Perche /ono molti curio/i IlL™ et exell™ . Signor
che non /olamente /e contentano de /apere et Inten-
dere li grandi et admirabillj co/e che dio me a con-
ce//o de vedere et patire nela inf ra/cripta mia longa
et pericolo/a nauigatioe. Ma anchora vogliono /a-
pere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui,
non pre/tando q e lla Jntegra fede aL exito ft prima
n5 anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto /apera
v*. Jll a . s a . che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita
deL nfo /aluatore m°.v c .xix in /pagnia in la corte
deL sereni//imo Re de romani con el R^ mons or '
franc chieregato alhora protho ap°°. et oratore de
La s to . memoria de papa Leone x°. che per /ua vertu
dapoi he acce/o aL epis to . di aprutino et principato
de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto gra noti/ia p molti
libri letti et per diuer/e per/onne che praticauano
con sua s\ de le grande et /tupende co/e deL mare
26
[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]
Antonio Pigafcta, 1 patrician of Venezia and
knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes]/ to the most illus-
trious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villcrs Lis-
leadam,' renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most
honored lord 4
Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord,
there are many curious persons who not only take
pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and won-
derful things which God has permitted me to see and
suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto
appended, but who also wish to know the means and
manners and paths that I have taken in making that
voyage [literally: "in going thither"]; and who
do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they
have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore,
your most illustrious Lordship must know that, find-
ing myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior
MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most
serene king of the Romans, 8 with the reverend Mon-
signor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic proton-
otary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory
(and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and
prince of Teramo) ,* and having learned many things
from many books that I had read, as well as from
various persons/ who discussed the great and mar-
velous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship,
«7
*8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
occeanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta
Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me
ct andare a vedere q c lle co/e che pote//ero dare al-
guna /ati/fati5e a me mede/mo et pote//ero partu-
rirmi q a lche nome apre//o la po/terita hauendo In-
te/o <\ alora /i era preparata vna armata in la cita
de Siuiglia che era de cinq3 naue per andare a /co-
prire la Speceria nele y/olle de maluco de la q'lle era
capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentil-
homo portugue/e et era com" de s 10 . Jacobo de la
/pada piu volte c5 molte /ue laude haueua peregrato
in diuer/e guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cd
molte letere di fauore dela cita de bar/alonna doue
alhora re/ideua sua mage/ta et /op a vna naue pa//ay
/ino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino p tera jun/i
a /iuiglia et iui e//endo /tato ben circa tre me/i
e/petando que La dicta armata se pone/e in hordine
p la partita finalmente como q* de /oto intendera v
ex* s a . con felici//imi au/pitij in comen/iamo la nfa
nauigatioe Et pcfie ne le/er mio in ytalia Quando
andaua a la /antita de papa Clemente q e lla per /ua
gratia amontero/o ver/o dime se dimo/tro assai be-
nigna et humana et di/semi che li /arebe grato li
copia//e tute q c lle co/e haueua vi/te et pa//ate nella
nauigatioe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como
dita niente dimeno /egondo el mio debiL potere li ho
voluto /ati/fare. Et co/i li oferi/co in que/to mio
libreto tute le vigilie fatiq3 et peregrinatiSe mie pre-
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 29
I determined, by the good favor of his Cesarean
Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to expe-
rience and to go to see those things for myself, so
that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself some-
what, and so that I might be able to gain some re-
nown for later posterity.' Having heard that a fleet
composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the
city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover
the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command
of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,* a
Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order
of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [*.*., "St. James of the
Sword"], 10 [who] had many times traversed the
Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had ac-
quired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsa-
lonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing
many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as
Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went over-
land to Siviglia. Having been there about three full
months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order
for the departure, 11 finally, as your most excellent
Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voy-
age under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as
when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness,
Pope Clement," you by your grace showed yourself
very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told
me that you would be greatly pleased if I would
write down for you all those things which I had seen
and suffered during my voyage; and although I have
had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your
desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I
offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils,
hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although
3° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
gandola quando la vachera dalle a/idue cure Rhodi-
anne se degni tran/corerle peril que me potera e/sere
n5 pocho remunerato da V J 11. 8. a la cui bonna
grac a mi donno et recomando.
Hauendo deliberate) il capitanio generalle difare
co/i longa nauigatioe p lo mare occeanno doue /em-
pre /onno Jnpetuo/i venti et fortune grandi et n6
volendo manife/tare aniuno deli /uoj el viagio che
voleua fare agio n5 fo//e /marito in pen/are de fare
tanto grande et /tupenda co/a como fece c5 lo aiuto
de ydio li Capitani /ui che menaua in /ua copagnia
lo odiauano molto nd /o perche /inon pche era por-
tugue/e et e/si /pagnioli. Volendo dar fine a que/to
que promi/e c5 Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo
Re de /pagnia agio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte
non se separe//eno vna de lalt\ ordeno questo hor-
dine et lo dete atuti li piloti et mae/tri de le /ue naui
Loqual era lui de note /empre voleua andar inanzi
dele altre naui et die /eguita/eno la /ua con vna
facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual
/emp portaua pendSte de la popa de la Sua naue
que/to /egniale era agio de continuo lo /eguita/eno
se faceua vno alt° fuoco con vna lanterna ho c5 vno
pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamS strengue di
Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi /ecado al /ole
ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge re/ponde-
/eno agio /ape/se per chesto /egnialle che tute veni-
uano in/ieme se faceua duj focq* /enza lo farolo
vira/seno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eL
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 3 1
you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign
to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to
receive a not slight remuneration from your most
illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign
and commend myself ."
The captain-general having resolved to make so
long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious
winds and great storms are always reigning, but not
desiring to make known to any of his men the voy-
age that he was about to make, so that they might
not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and
extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with
the aid of God (the captains who accompanied
him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless
because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards) ,
with the desire to conclude what he promised under
oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia,
prescribed the following orders and gave them to
all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the
ships might not become separated from one another
during the storms and night 14 These were [to the
effect] that he would always precede the other ships
at night, and they were to follow his ship which
would have a large torch of wood, which they call
farol. 1 * He always carried that farol set at the poop
of his ship as a signal so that they might always fol-
low him. Another light was made by means of a
lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from
a rush and called sparto rope " which is well beaten
in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the
smoke - a most excellent material for such use. They
were to answer him so that he might know by that
signal whether all of the ships were coming together.
3 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ]Vol. 33
vento n5 era buono et al prepo/ito p andar al nfo
camino ho fjdo voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre
fuochi tole/seno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de
uela che se ataca da ba/so dela vela magiore quando
fa bon tempo p andar piu la setol via agio /ia piu
facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna
in pre/sa in vno tempo subito : Si faceua quatro f ochi
amay/seno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno /egniale
di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero
tiraua alguna b5 barda fose segniale de tera o de
bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far
alsare le vele in alto a^io loro nauega/seno /eguendo
/empf p Quela facela de popa Quando voleua
far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi Quando
voleua voltar/e in altra parte faceua duj Volendo
poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavao et veniuio
in/ieme faceua vno pche cu/si ogni naue face/se
et li re/ponde/e ogni nocte /e faceua tre gardie
la p a nel principio de la nocte La /econda Que la
chiamano modora neL me/o La t* nel fine tuta la
gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli el p°
era del cap , houero del contra maistro mudando/e
ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo
t° del mae/tro p tanto lo Cap genneral Comando
che tute le naue obserua/eno Que/ti /egniali et
guardie acio se anda/e piu /eguri.
i 5 i9-i5«] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 33
If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they
were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when
the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to con-
tinue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly.
If he showed three lights, they were to lower away
the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is
fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is
suitable for making better time. It is lowered so
that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is
struck hastily during a sudden squall. 17 If he
showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails; "
after which he showed a signal by one light, [which
meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a
greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was
a signal of land or of shoals. 19 Then he showed
four lights when he wished to have the sails set full,
so that they might always sail in his wake by the
torch on the poop. When he desired to set the
bonnet-sail, he showed three lights. 19 When he de-
sired to alter his course, he showed two ; S1 and then
if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were
following and whether they were coming together,
he showed one light, so that each one of the ships
might do the same and reply to him. Three watches
were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the
night; the second, which is called the midnight,"
and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the
men in the ships were divided into three parts: the
first was the division of the captain or boatswain,
those two alternating nightly; the second, of either
the pilot or boatswain's mate; and the third, of the
master." Thus did the captain-general order that
all the ships observe the above signals and watches,
so that their voyage might be more propitious.* 4
34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Luni a x $ agusto g° de /ancto laurcntio Nel anno
J a deto e/sendo la armata fornita de tute le cose
necessarie per mare et dogni /orte de gente eramo
ducente et trenta/ete homini nela matina Se feceno
p/te per partir/e daL mole de siuiglia et tirando
molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et
venne abaso del fiume betis al pfite detto gadalcauir
passando p vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che
era gia grande habitatiSe de mori per mezo lo q a lle
/taua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume p andare a
siuiglia dilque li e re/tato fin aL pre/ente nel fondo
del acqua due colonne que quando pa//ano le naui
afio bi/ognio de homini cj /apianno ben lo Locho
delle colonne p cio n5 de//eno in e//e et e bi/ognio
pa//arle quanto el fiume /ta piu cre//ente et anche p
molti altri luochi deL fiume Q n5 a tanto fondo che
ba/te p pa//are le naui cargate et q e lle non /ianno
tropo grandi Poi venirono ad un alt° £j/e chiama
coria pa//ando p molti altri villagij a longo deL
fiume tanto q ajon/eno ad vno ca/tello deL duca de
medina cidonia il q a lle /e chiama S. lucar che e
porto p entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente
c5 il capo de /anct vincent che /ta in 37 gradi dc
latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siui-
glia fin aq* p lo fiume gli /onno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali
alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cd li alt 1
cap 1 p lo fiume aba//o neli bateli de le naue et iui
/te//imo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcune
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 35
On Monday morning, August x, St Lawrence's
day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been sup-
plied with all the things necessary for the sea," (and
counting those of every nationality, we were two
hundred and thirty-seven men) , made ready to leave
the harbor of Siviglia.* 6 Discharging many pieces
of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the
wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called
Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal
Farax, once a large Moorish settlement In the
midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said
river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that
bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom
of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need
men who know the location of the columns thor-
oughly, so that the ships may not strike against them.
They must also be passed when the river is highest
with the tide ; as must also many other villages along
the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself]
for ships that are laden and which are not very large
to pass. Then the ships reached another village
called Coria, and passed by many other villages
along the river, until they came to a castle of the
duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which
is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea." It is in
an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct
Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x
leguas from the said port** From Siviglia to this
point [*.*., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by
river." Some days after, the captain-general, with
his other captains, descended the river in the small
boats belonging to their ships. We remained there
for a considerable number of days in order to finish "
3 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
co/e li manchauao et ogni di andauamo in tera'ad
aldir me//a aduno locho Q /e chiama fira dona de
baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo
cap° genneraL vol/e tucti ft confe//a/eno et n5 con-
/entite ninguna dona veni//e ne Larmata per meglior
ri/pecto.
Marti a xx de /eptembf neL mede/imo anno ne
parti//emo da que/to Locho chiamato /an luchar
pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto me/e
ariua//emo a vna Jsola de la gra canaria Q /e di/e
teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar came
acha et legnia /te//imo yui tre giorni et mezo per
fornire Larmata de le decte cose poi anda//emo
a vno porto de La mede/ma y/ola deto monte ro//o p
pegolla tardando dui giorni Sapera vfa IlL™* s\
<\ in que/te y/olle dela gra canaria ge vna infra le
altre ne laq a lle no /i troua pur vna goza de hacqua
q na/cha /inon nel mezo di de/cendere vna nebola
daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne
la dicta y/ola /tilando dale /ue foglie et ramy molta
hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adri//ado in
guiza de fontana vna fo//a houe ca/ca tuta la acqua
de La q a lle li homini habitanti et animali cosi
dome/tici como /aluatici ogni giorno de que/ta
hacqua et n5 de alt* habondanti//imamSte /i
saturano.
Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte /e dete le velle
aL Camino deL au/tro in golfandone neL mare
occeanno pa//ando f ra capo verde et le /ue y/olle in
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 37
[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed.
Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village
called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of
Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure,
the captain-general wished all the men to confess,
and would not allow any " woman to sail in the fleet
for the best of considerations.
We left that village, by name San Luchar, on
Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a
southwest course." On the 26th " of the said month,
we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called
Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees,
[landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and
wood.* 4 We stayed there for three and one-half
days in order to furnish the fleet with the said sup-
plies. Then we went to a port of the same island
called Monte Rosso " to get pitch," staying [there]
two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know
that there is a particular one of the islands of the
Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop
of water which gushes up [from a spring] ; " but that
at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and en-
circles a large tree which grows in the said island,
the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of
water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench
which resembles a spring, where all the water falls,
and from which the people living there, and the
animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy them-
selves daily with this water and no other."
At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails
were trimmed toward the south," and we took to the
open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and
its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus for
38 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
14 gradi et mezo et cu//i molti giorni nauiga//imo
p La co/ta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela q'lle
he vna montagnia detta /iera leona in 8 gradi de
latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza
venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo /e/anta
giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticq*
Jnanzi Q ajunge//emo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte
gropade de venti inpetuo/i et corenti de acqua ne
a/altaronno contra el viagio no po//endo /pontare
Jnan/i et acio Q le naue no pericula//eno. Se
calauano tute le velle et de q3/ta /orte andauamo de
mare in trauer/o fin Q pa//aua la grupada pche
veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nd era
vento. Quando faceua /olle era bonna/a. veniuano
aL bordo de le naue certi pe//i grandi Q /e
quiamano tiburoni Q anno denti teribilli et ft
trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo
molti co hami de fero benche nd /onno bonni da
mangiare ft non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny.
Jn que/te fortune molte volte ne apar/e il corpo
/ancto cioe /ancto elmo in lume f ra le altre in vna
ob/curi//ima nocte de taL /plendore come e vna
facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et /te
circa due hore et piu co noi con/olandone Q
piangevao quanto que/ta bennedeta luce/e vol/e
partire da nuy tanto grandi//imo /plendore dete ne
li hocq* no/t* (J /te/emo piu de mezo carto de hora
tuti cieq* chiamando mi/ericordia et veramete cre-
dendo e//ere morti el mare /ubito ft aquieto.
Viti molte /orte de vcelli tra le q'lle vna (J nd
haueua culo. vn altra quando la femina vol far li
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 39
many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or
Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera
Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with con-
trary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we
reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of
continual rain. 40 Contrary to the opinion of the
ancients, 41 before we reached the line many furious
squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head
on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in
order that the ships might not be wrecked, 4 * all the
sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander
hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to
cease, for it was very furious. 43 When it rained there
was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Cer-
tain large fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks] came to
the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and
whenever they find men in the sea they devour them.
We caught many of them with iron hooks, 44 although
they are not good to eat unless they are small, and
even then they are not very good. During those
storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, ap-
peared to us many times, in light - among other times
on an exceedingly dark night, 4 * with the brightness of
a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for
about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we
were weeping. When that blessed light was about to
leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast
into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an
eighth of an hour 4i blinded and calling for mercy.
And truly when we thought that we were dead men,
the sea suddenly grew calm. 4T
I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that
had no anus; and another, [which] when the female
4° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
oui li fa soura la /quena deL ma/chio et iui /e
creanno no anno piede et /empre Viueno neL mare,
vn altra /orte q viueno deL /tercho de li alt* vcelli et
n5 de alt Si como viti molte volte que/to vcello q*L
chiamamo Caga//ela corer dietro ad alt 2 vcelli fin
tanto q e lli /onno con/trecti mandar fuora eL /tercho
/ubito Lo piglia et La//a andare lo vcello anchora
viti molti pe//i Q volauano et molti alt 1 congregadi
in/ieme Q pareuano vna y/ola.
Pa//ato Q haue//emo la linea equinotiale in ver/o
el meridianno p de//emo la tramontana et co/i /e
nauego tra el me/o Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera
che se di/e la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi l / 2 aL polo
antatico Q e tera deL capo de S t0 augu/tino Q /ta in 8
gradi aL mede/imo polo do ue piglia//emo gri
refre/cho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in
vero piu gentiL que /ia carne de anta como vaca
canne dolci et altre co/e infinite Q La/cio p non
e//ere plixo p vno amo da pe/care o vno cortello
dauano 5. ho 6. galinne p vno petine vno paro de
occati p vno /pequio ho vna forfice tanto pe/ce <J
hauerebe ba/tato a x homini p vno /onaglio o vna
/tringa vno ce/to de batate. q3/te batate /onno aL
mangiare como ca/tagnie et longo como napi et p
vno re de danari (J e vna carta de Jocare me deteno
6. galine et pen/auano anchora hauernj inganati
Jntra//emo in que /to porto iL giorno de /ancta lucia
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 4 1
wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the
male and there they are hatched. The latter bird
has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is]
another kind which live on the ordure of the other
birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this
bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other
birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure,
which the former seizes immediately and abandons
die latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and
many others collected together, so that they resem-
bled an island. 41
After we had passed the equinoctial line going
south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed
south south-west " until [we reached] a land called
the land of Verzin M which lies in 233/2 degrees of
the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the
land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino,
which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we
got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes
[batate], many sweet pine-apples - in truth the most
delicious fruit that can be found -the flesh of the
anta* 1 which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innu-
merable other things, which I shall not mention in
order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one
knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one
comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair
of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x
men ; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of
potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chest-
nuts in taste, and are as long as turnips." For a king
of diamonds [danari]™ which is a playing card, they
gave me 6" fowls and thought that they had even
cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy's day,
4 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
et in q e L di hauc//emo eL /ollc p Zcnit et pati//emo
piu caldo. q e L giorno et li alt 1 qu&do haueu&o eL
/olle p zenit che Quando eramo /oto la linea
equinotialle.
Que/ta tera deL verzin e abondantiss* et piu
grande Q /pagnia fran/a et Jtalia tute in/ieme. e
deL re de portugalo li populi de que/ta tera nd
/onno chri/tiani et nd adorano co/a alguna viueno
/ec5do Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinti-
cinque anny et ceto et quaranta. Vano nudi co//i
homini como femine habitano in certe ca/e longue
che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bi ba/o
chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme ca/e da vno
capo et da Lalt° a legni gro//i fanno foco infra
e//i in tera in ogni vno de que/ti boij /tano cento
homini co le /ue moglie et figlioli facendo gra ro-
more anno barche duno /olo arburo ma/chize
quiamate ca noe cauate co menare de pietra que/ti
populi adoperao le pietre Como nui el fero p nd
hauere /tanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de
que/te. vogano cS palle como da forno et cu//i
negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aq c lli
de la/tigie palude. Sono di/po/ti homini et femine
como noi Mangiano carne humana de Li /ui
nemici non p bonna ma p vna certa vzan/a Que/ta
vzan/a Lo vno con laltro. fu principio vna vequia
Laq'lle haueua /olamente vno figliolo q fu amazato
dali suoi nemici p iL <j pa//ati alguni giorni li /ui
pigliorono vno de la Compagnia Q haueua morto
1519-1522] first VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 43
and on that day had the sun on the zenith ; M and we
were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the
other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than
when we were under the equinoctial line. 19
That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than
Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,' 1 put together, and be-
longs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that
land are not Christians, and have no manner of wor-
ship. They live according to the dictates of nature, 19
and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and
one hundred and forty years. 19 They go naked, both
men and women. They live in certain long houses
which they call boii" and sleep in cotton hammocks
called amache, which are fastened in those houses
by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the
ground under those hammocks. In each one of those
boiiy there are one hundred men with their wives
and children, 91 and they make a great racket. They
have boats called canoes made of one single huge
tree, 99 hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets.
Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they
have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of
those boats. They paddle with blades like the
shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and
shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabit-
ants of the Stygian marsh. 99 Men and women are
as well proportioned as we. They eat the human
flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but be-
cause it is a certain established custom. That cus-
tom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman, 94
who had but one son who was killed by his enemies.
In return some days later, that old woman's friends
captured one of the company who had killed her
44 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 35
Suo figliolo et Lo condusero doue /taua que/ta
vequia ela vedendo et ricordando/e deL fuo figliolo
como cagnia rabiata li cor/e ado//o et Lo mordete
in vna /pala co/tui deli a pocho f ugi neli /oi et di//e
Como Lo vol/ero mangiare mo/trandoli eL /egnialle
de La /pala. qn que/ti pigliarono poi de q e lli li
mangiorono et q e lli de que/ti /iche p que/to he
venuta tal vzan/a. Non /e mangiano /ubito ma ogni
vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in ca/a metendola al
fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangian-
dolo bruto lado co le altre cose p memoria deglt
/ui nemici Que/to me di//e Johane carnagio piloto
<J veniua c6 nuy el q a lle era /tato in que/ta tera qua-
tro anny Que/ta gente /e depingeno marauiglio-
/amfite tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuer/i a
maniere ancho le done /ono [sono : doublet in orig-
inal MS.] to/i et /en/a barba perche ft la pel anno.
Se ve/teno de ve/tituf de piume de papagalo c5 rode
grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula
ca/i tuti li homini eccepto le femine et f anciuli hano
tre bu/i ne lauro de/oto oue portano pietre rotonde
et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente.
n5 /onno del tuto negri ma oliua/tri portano
de/coperte le parte vergonio/e iL Suo corpo e /enza
peli et co//i homini q a L donne Sempre Vano nudi
iL Suo re e chiamato cacich anno infiniti//imi
papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 p vno /pecho et gati
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 45
son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She
seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him
like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder.
Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people,
whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing
them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whom-
ever the latter captured afterward at any time from
the former they ate, and the former did the same to
the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in
this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but
every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house,
where he smokes it. Then every week," he cuts off
a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other
food to remind him of his enemies. The above was
told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio," who came
with us, and who had lived in that land for four
years. Those people paint the whole body and the
face in a wonderful manner with fire in various
fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are:
doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and
have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe
themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with
large round arrangements at their buttocks made
from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight.
Almost all the people, except the women and chil-
dren,* 1 have three holes pierced in the lower lip,
where they carry round stones, one finger or there-
abouts in length and hanging down outside. Those
people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown
color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the
body is without hair, 63 while both men and women
always go naked. Their king is called cacich [*'.*.,
cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots,
4^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
maimoni picoli fati como leoni ma J alii co/a belis-
sima fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de
arbore non molto bonno Q na/ce fra larbore et La
/cor/a et he como recotta. hanno porci <J /op a La
/quena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi Q
anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro /en/a linga ne
dauano p vno acceta ho cortello grade vna ho due
dele /ue figliole giouane p fchiaue ma /ua mogliere
no darianno p co/a alguna Elle no farebenno
vergonia a suoi mariti p ogni gra co/a come ne /tate
referito de giorno no con/enteno a li Loro mariti
ma /olamSte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano
tuto eL magiaf suo da li monti in zerli ho vero
cane/tri /uL capo ho atacati aL capo pero e//endo
/empre /eco /ui mariti /olamgte c5 vno archo de
verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di
canna et que/to fano per che /onno gelo/i le
femine portano /ui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete
de banbazo. La/cio altre co/e p no e//ere piu longo.
Se di//e due volte me//a in tera p il que que/ti
/tauano co tanto contrictioe in genoquionj aL/ando
le mano giunte q era grandiss piacere vederli Edi-
ficareno vna ca/a per nui pen/ando doue//emo /tar
/eco algun tempo et taglia rono molto ver/in per
darnela a la no/tra partida era /tato for/e duy
me/i no haueua pioue/to in que/ta terra et Quando
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 47
and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror; and little mon-
keys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow,
and very beautiful.** They make round white
[loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of
trees, which' is not very good, and is found between
the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk
curds/ They have swine which have their navels
[lombelico] on their backs/ 1 and large birds with
beaks like spoons and no tongues." The men gave
us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for
one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not
give us their wives in exchange for anything at all.
The women will not shame their husbands under any
considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse
to consent to their husbands by day, but only by
night." The women cultivate the fields, and carry
all their food from the mountains in panniers or bas-
kets on the head or fastened to the head. 74 But they
are always accompanied by their husbands, who are
armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black
palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this
because they are jealous [of their wives]. The
women carry their children hanging in a cotton net
from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order
not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore,
during which those people remained on their knees
with so great contrition and with clasped hands
raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure w
to behold them. They built us a house as they
thought that we were going to stay with them for
some time, and at our departure they cut a great
quantity of brazil-wood [verzifi] to give us. Ti It
had been about two months since it had rained in
4 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
ajonge/emo aL porto per ca/o pioucte p que/to
deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauef monato
no/co la piogia que/ti populi facilmente Se
conuerterebenno a la fede de Je/u xpo.
Jmprima co/toro pen/auano li batelli fo//cro
figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturi//eno quando
/e butauano fora di naue in mare et /tando co/i aL
co/ta do como he vzan/a credeuano le naue li nu-
tri//eno Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue
capitania, houe yo /taua non p alt° /enon p trouaf
alguno recapito /tando co/si et a/pectando buto
lo ochio sup* la camera deL mai/t° et victe vno
quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando c5
grande gentile//a et galantaria se lo fico aparte
aparte de li labri della /ua natura et subito ba//a
ba/sa Se partite. Vedendo que/to iL cap , generale
etyo.
Alguni Vocabuli de q3/ti populi deL verzin.
AL miglio.
Maiz
Alia farina.
hui
AL hamo.
pinda
AL cortello
tacse
Al petine
chigap
Alia forfice
pirame
AL /onaglio
Jtanmaraca
Buono piu Q bono
turn maragathum
Ste//emo 13. giorni in que/ta tera /eguendo poi
il nfo camino anda/emo fin a 34 gradi et vno ter/o aL
polo antarticho doue troua//emo in vno fiume de
i5*9-i5"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 49
that land, and when we reached that port, it hap-
pened to rain, whereupon they said that we came
from the sky and that we had brought the rain with
us." Those people could be converted easily to the
faith of Jesus Christ.
At first those people thought that the small boats
were the children of the ships, and that the latter
gave birth to them when they were lowered into the
sea from the ships, and when they were lying so
alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed
that the ships were nursing them. 78 One day a beau-
tiful young woman came to the flagship, where I
was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance
might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her
eyes upon the master's room, and saw a nail longer
than one's finger. Picking it up very delightedly and
neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina
[natura], and bending down low immediately de-
parted, die captain-general and I having seen that
action."
Some words of those people of Verzin "
For Millet maiz
for Flour hui
for Fishhook pinda
for Knife tacse
for Comb chigap
for Scissors pirame
for Bell itanmaraca
Good, better turn maragathum
We remained in that land for 13 days. Then
proceeding on our way, we went as far as 34 and
one-third degrees" toward the Antarctic Pole,
5° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
acqua dolce homini Q /e chiamano Canibali et man-
giano la came humana vene vno de la /tatura ca/i
como vno gigante nella naue capitania p asigurare
li alt 1 suoi haueua vna voce /imille a vno toro
in tanto que que/to /tete ne la naue li alt* portoronno
via Le /ue robe daL loco doue habitauao dent nella
terra p paura de noi Vedendo que/to /alta//imo
in terra cento homini p hauef linga et parlare /echo
ho vero p for/a pigliarne alguno fugiteno et
fugSdo face uano tanto gra pa//o Q noi /altando n5
poteuamo avan/are li sui pa//i. in que/to fiume
/tanno /ette Jzolle. ne la maior de que/te /e troua
pietre precio/e Qui se chiama capo de s u . maria
gia /e pen/aua £j de qui /e pa/a//e aL mare de Sur
cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu di/couerto ade//o
nd he capo /inon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue.
Altre volte in que/to fiume fu mangiado da questi
Canibali per tropo fidar/e vno Capitanio Spagniolo
Q /e chiamaua J oh a de solis et /esanta homini Q
andauano a di/courire terra como nui.
Po /eguendo eL mede/imo camino t/o eL polo
antarticho aco/to de terra veni//imo adare in due
J/olle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente
non /e porla narare iL gra numero de que/ti occati
in vna hora carga//imo le cinque naue Que/ti
occati /enno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo
co/si neL corpo como nelle ale. nd volano et viueno
de pe/se eranno tanti gra//i Q non bi/ogniaua pe-
larli ma /cor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno como
Que/ti loui marini /onno de diuer/i colori et gro//i
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 5 1
where we found people at a freshwater river, called
Canibali [i.*.» cannibals], who eat human flesh. One
of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flag-
ship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his
friends." He had a voice like a bull. While he
was in the ship, the others carried away their pos-
sessions from the place where they were living into
the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed
one hundred men in order to have speech and con-
verse with them, or to capture one of them by force.
They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step
that we although running could not gain on their
steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the
largest of which precious gems are found. That
place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was
formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea
of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing fur-
ther was ever discovered. Now the name is not
[given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17
leguas in width." A Spanish captain, called Johan
de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover
lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by
those cannibals because of too great confidence. 84
Then proceeding on the same course toward the
Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came
to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-
wolves." Truly, the great number of those geese
cannot be reckoned ; in one hour we loaded the five
ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have
all their feathers alike both on body and wings.
They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat
that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin
them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-
wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf,
5 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
como viteli et eL capo como loro c5 le orechie picole
et tode et denti grandi no anno gambe /enon piedi
tacade aL corpo /imille a le nfe mani c5 onguie
picolle et f ra li diti anno q e lla pele. le och'e /are-
benno fe roci//ime /e pote//eno corere nodano et
viueno de pe/cie Qui hebenno li naue grandi//ima
fortuna p il que ne apar/eno molte volte li tre corpi
/ancti gioe s to . elmo s to . nicolo et s* chiara et /ubito
/e/Vaua la fortuna.
Partendone de q* ariua//emo fin a 49 gradi et mezo
aL antarticho e/sendo linuerno le naui introrono in
vno bon porto p inuernar/e quiui /te/emo dui
me/i /enza vedere p/onna alguna. Vndi a linproui/o
vede//emo vno homo de /tatura de gigante <} /taua
nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et
butando/e poluere Soura la te/ta. JL capitanio
gfiale mando vno deli nfi a lui acio face//e li mede-
/imi acti in /egno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna
Jzolleta dinanzi aL cap gnalle Quando fo nella
/ua et nfa pre/entia molto /e marauiglio et faceua
/egni c5 vno dito alzato credendo veni//emo daL
ciello Que/to erra tanto grande Q li dauamo a La
cintura et ben di/po/to haueua La faza grande et
depinta intorno de ro//o et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo
co dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocq 1 capili
Q haueua erano tinti de biancho. era ve/tito de
pelle de animale co/i de Sotilmente in/ieme el
qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como
vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, le
1519-1522I FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD S3
with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round,
and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet
with small nails attached to the body, which re-
semble our hands, and between their fingers the
same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very
fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on
fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great
storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared
to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicho-
las, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly
ceased.
Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and
one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it
was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter."
We passed two months in that place without seeing
anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of
giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing, 87 sing-
ing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-
general sent one of our men to the giant so that he
might perform the same actions as a sign of peace.
Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet
into the presence of the captain-general. When the
giant was in the captain-general's and our presence,
he marveled greatly, 88 and made signs with one
finger raised upward, believing that we had come
from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only
to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face
was large and painted red all over, while about his
eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts
painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty
hair was painted white. 89 He was dressed in the
skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That
animal has a head and ears as large as those of a
54 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
gambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitri//e como
lui ge ne /onno a/aysimi in que/ta tera haueua a
li piedi albarghe de le mede/me pelle Q copreno li
piedi a vzo de /carpe et nella mano vno archo curto
ct gro//o. La corda alquando piu gro//a di q e lle
deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale
c5 vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue
inpenade como le no/tre p fore pote de pietra de
fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turque/qur
facendole co vn alt* pietra. Lo cap genneralle li fece
dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre co/e Qli
mo/trete li mo/tro vno /pequio grande de azalle.
quando eL vide /ua figura grandamente /e /pauento
et /alto in drieto et buto tre o quat° de li no/t* homini
p terra da poy li dete Suonagli vno /pequio vno
petine et certi pater no/t* et mando lo in tera cS 4
homini armati Vno /uo compagnio Q may vol/e
venire a le naue quando eL vite venire co/tui cS li
no/t* cor/e doue /tauano li alt 1 Se mi//eno in fila
tuti nudi ariuando li no/t 1 a e//i comen/orono
abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et
mo/trandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba po/ta
in pigniate de tera Q la mangia//eno pche non
haueuano altra co/a li no/t 1 li feceno /egnio
doue//eno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno
portare le /ue robe p il que Que/ti homini subito
pigliorono Solamente li /ui archi et le /ue femine
cargate como asine portorono il tuto. que/te nd
/onno tanti grandi ma molto piu gro//e quando le
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 55
mule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the
legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it
neighs, and that land has very many of them. 80 His
feet were shod with the same kind of skins which
covered his feet in the manner of shoes. 91 In his
hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord
somewhat thicker than those of the lute, 91 and made
from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle
of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and
with points of white and black flint stones in the
manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those
points were fashioned by means of another 'stone. 9 *
The captain-general had the giant given something
to eat and drink, and among other things which were
shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he
saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped
back throwing three or four 04 of our men to the
ground. After that he was given some bells, a
mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The
captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men.
When one of his companions, who would never come
to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran
to the place where the others were, who came [down
to the shore] all naked one after the other. When
our men reached them, they began to dance and to
sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our
men some white powder made from the roots of an
herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they
ate because they had nothing else. Our men made
signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would
help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those
men quickly took only their bows, while their women
laden like asses carried everything. The latter are
S 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
vede/yimo grandamSte fteffemo /tupefati anno le
tete longue mozo brazo. /onno depinte et ve/tite
como loro mariti /inon dinanzi a la natura anno vna
pele//ina Q la cop re menavano quat° de q3/ti ani-
mali picoli ligadi c5 ligami amodo de caueza.
Que/ta gente quanto voleno pigliare de que/ti ani-
male ligano vno de que/ti picoli a vno /pino poi
veneno li grandi p Jocare c5 li picoli et e//i /tando
a/con/i li amazano c6 Le f reze. li no/t* ne candu/-
/ero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno
repartiti de due parte deL porto agio piglia//eno de
li dicti animalj.
Deli a 6. Jorni fu vi/to vno gigante depinto et
ve/tito de la medi/ima /orta de alguni Q faceuano
legnia haueua in mano vno archo et freze aco-
/tando/e a li no/t 1 p 5 ma /e tocaua eL capo eL volto
et eL corpo et iL /imile faceua ali no/V et dapoy
leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL cap gfiale Lo
/epe. Lo mando atore co Lo/quifo et menolo in q e lla
Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna
ca/a p li fabri et p meter li alcune co/e de le naue.
co/tui era piu grande et meglio di/po/ti de li alt 1 et
tanto trata bile et gratio/o. /altando balaua et
quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera
vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cS nui tanto q e L
bati/V/emo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro
prenuntiaua Je/u pater no/ter aue maria et Jouani
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 57
not so tall as the men but are very much fatter.
When we saw them we were greatly surprised.
Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are
painted and clothed like their husbands, except that
before their privies [natura] they have a small skin
which covers them. They led four of those young
animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When
those people wish to catch some of those animals,
they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush.
Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the
little ones; and those people kill them with their
arrows from their place of concealment. Our men
led eighteen of those people, counting men and
women, to the ships, and they were distributed on
the two sides of the port so that they might catch
some of the said animals.
Six days after the above, a giant painted 9 * and
clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of
our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow
and arrows in his hand. When our men approached
him, he first touched his head, face,™ and body, and
then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his
hands toward the sky. When the captain-general
was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in
the small boat. He was taken to that island in the
port where our men had built a house for the smiths "
and for the storage of some things from the ships.
That man was even taller and better built than the
others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up
and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every
leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He re-
mained with us for a considerable number of days,
so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni.
5^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
como nui /e non c5 voce groci//ima. poi eL cap°
gftale li dono vna camiza vna cami/ota de panno
brague//e di pano vn bonet vn /pequio vno petine
/onagli et altre co/e et mandolo da li sui ge li ando
molto alegro et cdtento eL giorno /eguente co/tui
porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL cap° gftale p
il que li dete molte co/e acio ne porta//e de li alt 1
ma piu noL vede/emo pen/a/emo li Suoi lo
haue//ero amazato p hauef conuer/ato c5 nuy.
Pa//ati 15 giorni vede//emo quat de que/ti gi-
ganti /enza le /ue arme p che le aueuano a/co//e in
certi /pini poi li dui che piglia//emo ne li in/egniaro
ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente JL cap
genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu di/po/ti
c5 grande a/tutia p condurli in /pagnia Se alt* mente
haue//e facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni
de nui. La stutia Q vzo in retenerli fo que/ta ge
dete molti cortelli forfice /peq* /onagli et chri/talino
hauendo que/ti dui li mani pienne de le detti co/e iL
cap° gftale fece portare dui para de feri Q ft meteno
a li piedi mo/trando de donnarli et elli p effort
fero li piaceuao molto ma non /apeuano Como
portarli et li rincre/ceua la/sarli nd haueuano oue
meter q c lle merce ; et be/ogniauali tenerli cS le mani
la pelle q haueuao intorno li alt 1 duy voleuano
ajutarli ma iL cap no vol/e vedendo Q li rincre/ci-
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 59
He uttered [the words] " Jesu," "Pater Noster,"
"Ave Maria" and "Jovani" [i.e., John T as dis-
tinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice.
Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen
jerkin [camisota de panno\ cloth breeches, a cap, a
mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him
away like his companions. He left us very joyous
and happy. The following day he brought one of
those large animals to the captain-general, in return
for which many things were given to him, so that
he might bring some more to us ; but we did not see
him again. We thought that his companions had
killed him because he had conversed with us.
A fortnight later we saw four of those giants with-
out their arms for they had hidden them in certain
bushes as the two whom we captured showed us.
Each one was painted differently. The captain-gen-
eral kept two of them -the youngest and best pro-
portioned -by means of a very cunning trick, in
order to take them to Spagnia." Had he used any
other means [than those he employed], they could
easily have killed some of us." The trick that he
employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave
them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass
beads; and those two having their hands filled with
the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs
of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on
the feet. 100 He made motions that he would give
them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased
since those manacles were of iron, but they did not
know how to carry them. They were grieved at
leaving them behind, but they had no place to put
those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrapped
60 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
ua la/siare q e lli feri li fece /egnio li f arebe ali piedi
ct queli portarebenno via e//i ri/po/ero c5 la tc/ta dc
/i Subito aduno mede/imo tempo li fece metere a
tucti dui et quando linquiauao co lo fero <J trauer/a
dubitauano ma /igurandoli iL cap pur /teteno fermi
a vedendo/e poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori
quiamando fortemente setebos Q li ajuta//e agli alt*
dui apena pote/imo ligarli li mani li manda//emo a
terra c5 noue homine agio guida//eno li no/t 1 doue
/taua La moglie de vno de q e lli haueuano pre/i
perche fortemSte c5 /egni la lamentaua agio ella
intende//emo. Andando vno ft de/ligo li mani et
cor/e via co tanta velocita Q li nfi lo per/eno 4c
vi/ta ando doue /taua La /ua brigata et nd trouo vno
de li /oi q era rima/to c5 le femine p che era andato
a la caza /ubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto
eL fatto Lalt° tanto /e /for/aua p de/ligar/e $ li
no/t 1 lo ferirono vn pocho /op a la te/ta et sbufando
conduce li nfi doue /tau£o le loro donne. gioan
cauagio piloto capo de que/ti nd vol/e tore la donna
q e lla /era ma dormite yui p che se faceua nocte li
alt 1 duy veneno et vedendo co/tui ferito se dubitauio
et nd di/ero niente alhora ma ne lalba parloro a
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 6 1
about them with their hands. 101 The other two giants
wished to help them, but the captain refused. See-
ing that they were loth to leave those manacles be-
hind, the captain made them a sign that he would
put them on their feet, and that they could carry
them away. They nodded assent with the head.
Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on
both of them at the same time. When our men were
driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to sus-
pect something, but the captain assuring them, how-
ever, they stood still. When they saw later that they
were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly
for Setebos 1M to aid them. With difficulty could we
bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore
with nine of our men, in order that the giants might
guide them to the place where the wife of one of the
two whom we had captured 103 was; for the latter
expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so
that we understood [that he meant] her. While they
were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands,
and took to his heels with such swiftness that our
men lost sight of him. He went to the place where
his associates were, but he did not find [there]
one of his companions, who had remained behind
with the women, and who had gone hunting. He
immediately went in search of the latter, and told
him all that had happened. 104 The other giant en-
deavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that
our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the
head, whereat he raging led them to where the
women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and com-
mander of those men, refused to bring back the
woman 10B that night, but determined to sleep there,
62 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
le donne /ubito fugiteno via et coreuao piu li picoli
Q li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui /e tra//eno
da parte tira do ali nfi f rece. lalt° menaua via q e lli
/oi animaleti p cazare et co/i cdba tendo vno de q c lli
pa//o la co//a c6 vna freza a vno deli nfi il q'lle
/ubito mori quando vi/teno que/to /ubito cor/eno
via li nfi haueuano /quiopeti et bale/tre et may
nd li poterono ferire quando que/ti combateuio
may /tauano fermi ma /altando de qua et della. li
no/t 1 /e pelirono Lo morto et bra/arono tute le robe (J
haueuano la//ata Certamente que/ti giganti
Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno gelo/i//imi de loro
mogliere.
Quando que/ta gente /e sente malle aL /tomacho
in loco de purgar/e se met£o nela golla dui palmi
et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro tde mi/quiade
cS /angue pQ mangiano certi cardi Quando li
dole eL capo Se danno neL f ronte vna tagiatura neL
trauer/o et cu//i nele brace ne le gambe et in cia/-
cuno locho deL corpo cauando//e molta /angue.
vno de q e lli hauiuao pre /i Q /taua nela nfa naue
diceua como q c L /angue n5 voleua /tare iui et p q'llo
li daua pa//ione anno li capeli tagliati c5 la quie-
rega amodo de f rati ma piu longui c5 vno cordonne
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 63
for night was approaching. The other two giants
came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesi-
tated, 109 but said nothing then. But with the dawn,
they spoke 10T to the women, [whereupon] they imme-
diately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster
than the taller) , leaving all their possessions behind
them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their ar-
rows at our men. The other was leading away those
small animals of theirs in order to hunt. 10 * Thus
fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of
our men with an arrow, and the latter died imme-
diately. When the giants saw that, they ran away
quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but
they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when
the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped
hither and thither. Our men buried their dead com-
panion, and burned all the possessions left behind
by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter
than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their
wives.
When those people feel sick at the stomach, in-
stead of purging themselves, 10 * they thrust an arrow
down their throat for two palmos or more 110 and
vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood,
for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they
have a headache, they cut themselves across the fore-
head; and they do the same on the arms or on the
legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity
of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and
whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood re-
fused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain],
and consequently causes them suffering. They wear
their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it is
64 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
di bambaso intorno lo capo neL q'lle ficano le frezc
quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro
deL corpo p lo grandi/simo f redo. Quando more
vno de que/ti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando
molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti ne
vedeno vno /oura altri asay piu grande gridando et
f acendo piu gra fe/ta cosi como eL demonio li apare
de pinto de q e lla Sorte ft depingeno quiamano eL
demonio magior /etebos ali alt 2 cheleulle anchora
co/tui ne di//e c5 /egni hauere vi/to li demonj con
dui corni in te/ta et peli longui Q copriuano li piedi
getare focho p La boca et p iL culo JL cap° gfiale
nomino que/ti populi patagoni tutti /e ve/tino de la
pelle de q e llo animale gia deto nd anno case /enon
trabacque de la pelle deL mede/imo animale et c5
q e lli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani
viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q la
quiamao chapae ogni vno de li dui Q piglia//emo
mangiaua vna /porta de bi/coto et beueua in vna
fiata mezo /echio de hacqua et mangiauSo li /orgi
/enza /corti carli.
Ste//emo in que/to porto el q a L chiama//emo
porto de s t0 . Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue
acadetenno molte co/e. A$io Q vfa IlL™*. s a ne /apia
algune fu Q /ubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le
altre quat naue ordinorono vno tradimSto p ama-
zare iL cap genneralle et que/ti erano eL vehadore
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 65
left longer; m and they have a cotton cord wrapped
about the head, to which they fasten their arrows
when they go hunting. They bind their privies close
to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold. 1 "
When one of those people die, x or twelve demons
all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully
about the corpse. They notice that one of those
demons is much taller than the others, and he cries
out and rejoices more. 1 " They paint themselves
exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to
them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos, 114
and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us
by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns
on their heads, and long hair which hung to the
feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks.
The captain-general called those people Patagoni. 1 "
They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal
above mentioned; and they have no houses except
those made from the skin of the same animal, and
they wander hither and thither with those houses
just as the Cingani lie do. They live on raw flesh and
on a sweet root which they call chapae. liT Each of
the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit,
and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They
also ate rats without skinning them.
In that port which we called the port of Santo
Julianno, we remained about five months. 1 " Many
things happened there. In order that your most
illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it hap-
pened that as soon as we had entered the port, the
captains of the other four ships plotted treason in
order that they might kill the captain-general.
Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the
66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
de Larmata Q /e chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL
the/orero alouise de mendo/a eL contadore anthonio
cocha et ga/par de cazada et /quartato eL veador de
li homini fo amazato lo the/br3 apognialade e/endo
de/coperto Lo tradimento de li alquantj giornj
ga/par de ca/ada p voler fare vno alt tradimSto fo
/bandito c5 vno prete in que/ta tera patagonia. eL
Cap generate n5 vol/e far lo amazare perche Lo
imperatof don carlo lo haueua facto cap Vna
naue chiamata /ancto Jacobo p andare a de/courire
la co/ta Se per/e tucti li homini Si /aluarono p
miracolo no bagniando//e apenna dui de que/ti
venirono ali naui et ne di/cero el tuto p il que eL
cap gfiale ge mando alguni homini co /acq 1 pienny
de bi/coto p dui me/i ne f u for/a portarli eL viuere
p che ogni giorno trouauano q'lque co/a de la naue
eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue <J /onno
cento millia la via a/pri//ima et pienna de /pini
/tauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in
machioni no trouauano hacqua da beuere /enon
giagio il que ne era grandisima fatiga. Jn que/to
porto era a/ay//ime cape Longue Q le chiamano
missiglioni haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole
Q non le poteuano mangiare ancho /e trouaua
Jn/en/o /truzi volpe pa//are et conigli piu picoli
a//ay de li no/tri Qui in cima deL piu alto monte
driza//emo vna croce in /igno de que/ta terra, (J
erra deL re de /pagnia et chiama//emo que/to monte
monte de x°.
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 67
fleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise
de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and
Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having
been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger
blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days
after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a
priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-gen-
eral did not wish to have him killed, because the
emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain. 119
A ship called " Sancto Jacobo " was wrecked in an
expedition made to explore the coast. All the men
were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet.
Two of them came to the ships after suffering great
hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us.
Consequently, the captain-general sent some men
with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two
months. It was necessary for us to carry them the
food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked]
were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24
leguas, 120 or one hundred millas, and the path was
very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days
on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They
found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused
them the greatest hardship. 121 There were very
many long shellfish which are called missiglioni 1 * 1
in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls,
although small ones in the middle, but could not be
eaten. Incense, ostriches, 12 * foxes, sparrows, and
rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We
erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there,
as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king
of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de
Christo [i.e. y Mount of Christ].
68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno ter/o
al antartico troua/emo vno fiome de hacqua dolce
ncl q'llc lc naui quasi p/cnno p li vcnti teri bili
ma dio ct li cor pi /ancti lc ajutarono Jn Que/to
fiume tarda//emo circa duy me/i p fornirne de hac-
qua legnia et pc/cie longho vno bra/o et piu c5
/quame. era molto bonno ma pocho ct inan/i /e
parti//emo de qui cL cap° genneralle et tuti nuy Sc
confc//ascmo ct Comunica/scmo Como veri chri/-
tianni.
Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL mede/imo
polo troua//emo neL giorno delle vndici millia
vergine vno /treto eL capo deL q'llc chiamio capo
dele vndici millia vergine p grandi/simo miracolo
Que/to /treto e longo cento et diece legue (J /onno
440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua Q
va a referire in vno alt mare chiamato mar pacificho
circundato da mStagnie alti//ime caricate de neue
nS li poteuamo tro uare fondo /inon con lo proi/e in
tera in 25 et 30 braza et /e non era eL capitanio
gennerale n6 trouauamo Que/to /trecto percfi tuti
pen/auamo et diceuamo como era /erato tuto intor-
no. ma iL capitano gftale q /apeua de douer
fare la /ua nauigatioe p vno /treto molto a/co/o como
vite nela the/oraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta
fata p q c lla exelenti//imo huomo martin de boemia
Mando due naui S to . anthonio et la conceptide (J
co//i le quiamauano auedere q era neL capo de la
baia noi co le altre due naue la capitania Se
chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria /te//emo ad
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 69
Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less
one-third 1 * 4 degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a
river of fresh water. There the ships almost per-
ished because of the furious winds ; but God and the
holy bodies 125 aided them. We stayed about two
months in that river in order to supply the ships with
water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio
in length and more, and covered with scales. They
were very good although small."* Before leaving
that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed
and received communion as true Christians. 1 "
Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same
pole, 1 " we found a strait on the day of the [feast of
the] m eleven thousand virgins [i.e., October 21],
whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Ver-
gine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins]
because of that very great miracle. That strait is
one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and
it is one-half legua broad, more or less. 180 It leads
to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is sur-
rounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow.
There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchor-
ing], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings m
on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for
the captain-general, we would not have found that
strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed
on all sides. But the captain-general who knew
where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he
saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king
of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man,
Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the " Santo An-
thonio " and the " Conceptione " (for thus they were
called), to discover what was inside the cape de la
7° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 33
a/pectarle dent° ne la baya La nocte ne souravenne
vna grande fortuna <J duro fino al alt° mezo Jorno p
il que ne. fu forza leuare lanchore et la/siare andare
de qua et dela per la baia a le altre due naui li
era trauer/ia et no poteuao caualcare vno capo Q
f aceua la baya qua/i in fine p voler venif a noi /i que
li era for/a adare in /eco pur aco/tando/e aL fine de
La baya pen/ando de e//ere per/i viteno vna boca
picola Q no [pa/aua: crossed out in original MS.]
pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi /e
cazaronno dentro /i que perforza di/co per/eno el
/treto et vedendo q n6 era cantone ma vno /treto de
tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya.
poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno alt° /tretto et
vnalt* baya piu grande q le due p'me molto alegri
subito voltofo Jndrieto p dirlo aL capitanio gftale
noi pen/auamo £o//eno per/e prima p La fortuna
grande. Lalt* perche eranno pa//ati dui giorni et n6
aparauao et ancho per certi fumi Q f aceuano duy deli
/ui mandati in tera p aui/arne et co/i /tando /u/pe/i
vedemo venire due naui c5 le velle pienne et c5 le ba
dere /piegate ver/o de noi. e//endo co/i vicine su-
bito /caricorono molte bom barde et gridi poy tuti
in/ieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda
/emo acercare piu inanzi.
iS*9-*S**] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 7 1
Baia [*'.*., of the Bay]. 1 " We, with the other two
ships, [namely], the flagship, called "Trinitade,"
and the other the " Victoria," stayed inside the bay
to await them. 1 " A great storm struck us that night,
which lasted until the middle of next day, which
necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves
drift hither and thither about the bay. The other
two ships suffered a headwind and could not double
a cape m formed by the bay almost at its end, as they
were trying to return to join us ; so that they thought
that they would have to run aground. But on ap-
proaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they
were lost, they saw a small opening which did not
[exceed: crossed out in original MS.] appear to be
an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone]. 1 ** Like des-
perate men they hauled into it, and thus they dis-
covered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not
a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded
farther, and found a bay. 1 " And then farther on
they found another strait and another bay larger than
the first two. 1 " Very joyful they immediately turned
back to inform the captain-general. We thought
that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the
violent storm, and second, because two days had
passed and they had hot appeared, and also because
of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their
men who had been sent ashore to advise us. 1 " And
so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails
full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward
us. When they neared us in this manner, they sud-
denly discharged a number of mortars, and burst
into cheers. 1 " Then all together thanking God and
the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] far-
ther on.
7 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Essendo entrati in que/to /treto troua//emo due
bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio
gfiale mando la naue /ancto anthonio insieme c5 la
concitione p vedere ft q e lla boca (J era t/o /irocho
haueua exito neL mare pacifico la naue /ancto
anthonio noL vol/e a/pectare la conceptide p <j
voleua fugire p retornare in Spagnia como fece
iL piloto de que/ta naue Se chiamaua /tefan gomes
Loq a lle hodiaua molto lo Cap* gennerale pij inanzi
Se face//e que/ta armata co/tui era andato da Lo
imperatof p f ar/e dare algune carauele p di/courire
terra ma p la venuta deL Cap* gennerale /ua
mage/ta n5 le li dete p que/to ft acordo c6 certi
/pagniolli et nella nocte /eguente pigliarono lo cap°
de la /ua naue el q'lle era germano deL cap° gftale et
haueua nome aluaro de me/chita Lo ferirono et
Lo me//eno in feri et co/i lo condu//ero in spagnia
in que/to naue. era lalt° gigante q haueuamo prezo
ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptide
p nS potere /eguire que/ta La a/pectaua andando
fugi p lo mede/imo [porto: crossed out in original
diqua et dela s to . ant a la nocte torno indrieto et /e
MS.'] /trecto nuy eramo andati a de/courire lalt*
bocha ver/o eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL
mede/imo [porto: crossed out in original MS.]
/treto ariua//emo a vno fiume q e L chiama//emo eL
fiume delle /ardine pche apre//o de que/to ne eranno
molte et co/i quiuy tarda//emo quatro Jorni p
a/pectare le due naue in que/ti giorni mada/emo
1519-iSaa] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 73
After entering that strait, we found two openings,
one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest 140
The captain-general sent the ship " Sancto An-
thonio " together with the " Concitione " to ascer-
tain whether that opening which was toward the
southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship
" Sancto Anthonio " would not await the " Concep-
tione," because it intended to flee and return to
Spagnia - which it did. The pilot of that ship was
one Stefan Gomes, 141 and he hated the captain-gen-
eral exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted
out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some
caravels with which to discover lands, but his Maj-
esty did not give them to him because of the coming
of the captain-general. On that account he con-
spired with certain Spaniards, and next night they
captured the captain of their ship, a cousin "' of the
captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they
wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took
to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured
was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on.
The " Conceptione," as it could not follow that ship,
waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The
" Sancto Anthonio " turned back at night and fled
along the same [port: crossed out in original MS.]
strait. 148 We had gone to explore the other opening
toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same
[port: crossed out in original MS.] strait continu-
ously, we came upon a river which we called the
river of Sardine [*'.*., Sardines], because there were
many sardines near it 144 So we stayed there for four
days in order to await the two ships. During that
period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore the
74 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
vno batello ben fornito p de/coprire eL capo de lalt°
mare venne in termi ne dc tre Jorni et di//ero como
haueuano [haueuano: doublet in original MS.']
veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gen-
nerale lagrimo p allegreza et nomino q e L capo Capo
dezeado perche laueuano Ja gra tempo di/iderato.
Torna/emo indrieto p sercar le due naue et nd
troua//emo /in5 la conceptide et domandandoli doue
era lalt*. ri/po/e Johan /eranno Q era cap et piloto
de que/ta et ancho de q e lla q ft per/e (J n5 /apeua et
(J may nS Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la
boca la Cerca//emo p tuto lo /treto fin in q c lla boca
doue ella fugite. il cap gennerale mando indrieto
la naue victoria fina aL principio deL /treto auedere
ft ella era iui et non trouandola mete//e vna bandera
in cima de alguno mSticello c5 vna letera in vna pi-
gniatella ficada in tera apre//o la bandera acio
vedendola troua//eno la lfa et /apa//eno lo viagio Q
faceuamo p che cu//i era dato le ordine fra noi
Quando ft /mariuamo le naue vna de lalt*. ft mifft
due bandere c5 le Ire luna avno mSticello nela prima
baya lalt* in vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno
molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL cap° gftale
le/peto c5 lalt* naue apre//o eL fiume Jsleo et fece
metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de que/to
fiume eL q a lle era fra alte montagnie caricate de
neue et de/cendeneL mare apre//o Lo fiume de le
/ardine. Se n5 trouauamo que/to /treto eL cap°.
gfiale haueua deliberato andare fino a /etanta cinq3
gradi aL polo artaticho [sic] doue in taL altura aL
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 7S
cape of the other sea. The men returned within
three days, and reported that they had seen the cape
and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy,
and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [*.*., Desire], 1 "
for we had been desiring it for a long time. We
turned back to look for the two ships, 146 but we found
only the " Conceptione." Upon asking them where
the other one was, Johan Seranno, 141 who was cap-
tain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that
-ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not
know, and that he had never seen it after it had en-
tered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the
strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and
the captain-general sent the ship " Victoria " back
to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the
ship was there. Orders were given them, if they
did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of
some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried
in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner
were seen the letter might be found, and the ship
might learn the course that we were sailing. For
this was the arrangement made between us in case
that we went astray one from the other. 148 Two ban-
ners were planted with their letters - one on a little
eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in
the third bay 149 where there were many sea-wolves
and large birds. The captain-general waited for the
ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo, 150 and
he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which
flowed between high mountains covered with
snow and emptied into the sea near the river of
Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the
captain-general had determined to go as far as sev-
7 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
tempo de la e/tate n5 ge e nocte et /e glie ne he poche
et co//i neL inuerno Jorno. agio <} vfa IlL™*. s a iL
creda quando eramo in que/to /trecto le nocte
eranno /olamSte de tre hore et era neL me/e doctobf
La terra de que/to /trecto ami mancha era voltata
aL /iroco et era ba//a chiama//emo aque/to /treto eL
/treto patagoni cho 1 Lo q a L /e troua ogni meza
lega Seguri//imi porti hacque exelenti//ime Legnia
/inon di cedro pe/chie /ardine mi//iglioni et appio
erba dolce ma gene anche de amare na/ce atorno
le fontane del q a lle mangia//imo a//ay Jorni p n5
hauef alt credo n5 /ia aL mondo el piu bello et
megliof /treto como eque/to. Jn que/to mar oc-
ceanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de pe/ci
/onno tre /orte de pe//i Longui vno brazo et piu (J
/e chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li q a lli
/equitano pe/ci q volanno chiamattj colondrini
Longui vno palmo et piu et /onno obtini aL man-
giare. Quando q c lle tre /orte trouao alguni de que/ti
volanti Subito li volanti /altanno fora de lacqua et
volano fin q anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de
bale/tra in tanto Q que/ti volano li alt* li corenno
indrieto /octa hacqua a La /ua ombra n5 /onno cu//i
pre/to ca/cati ne lacqua Q que/ti /ubito li piglianno
et mangiano co/a in vero beli//ima de vedere.
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD | 77
enty-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There
in that latitude, during the summer season, there is
no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and
so in the winter with the day. In order that your
most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we
were in that strait, the nights were only three hours
long, and it was then the month of October, 1 " The
land on the left-hand side of that strait turned
toward the southeast 1 " and was low. We called
that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the
safest of ports every half legua in it, m water, the
finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and
missiglioni, while smallage, 1 * 4 a sweet herb (although
there is also some that is bitter) grows around the
springs. We ate of it for many days as we had noth-
ing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful
or better strait in the world than that one. m In
that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt.
The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one
braza and more in length, and are called dorado,
albicore, and bonito. 1M Those fish follow the flying
fish called colondrini, 1 " which are one palmo and
more 1M in length and very good to eat. When the
above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying
fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and
fly as long as their wings are wet- more than a cross-
bow's flight. While they are flying, the others run
along back of them under the water following the
shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner
fallen into the water than the others immediately
seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing
to watch.
7*
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Vocabuli de li
giganti pataghoni
AL capo
her.
aL ochio.
other.
AL nazo
or
Alle cillie
occhecheL
ALc palpcbre
SechechieL
Ali bussi deL nazo
oresche
ALa boca
xiam
Ali Labri
Schiahame
Ali denti
phor.
ALa linga
SchiaL
AL mento
Sechen
A li pelli
archiz
AL volto
cogecheL
Ala golo
ohumez
ALa copa
Schialeschin
ALc /pallc
pelles.
AL gomedo
CoteL
ALa man
chene
ALa palma de
Laman
Caimeghin
AL dito
Cori
Ale orechie
Sane
Soto eL brogo
Salischin
Ala mamela
othen
AL peto
ochij
AL corpo
gecheL
AL menbro
/achet
Ali te/ticuli
Sacancas
Ala natura de le
donne
Jsse
AL vzar c6 e//e
Jo hoi
ALe co//e
chiane
AL genochio
tepin
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WOI
Words of the
Patagonian giants
For Head
her
for Eye
other
for Nose
or
for Eyebrows
occhechel
for Eyelids
sechechiel
for Nostrils
oresche
for Mouth
xiam
for Lips
schiahame
for Teeth
phor
for Tongue
schial
for Chin
sechen
for Hair
archiz
for Face
cogechel
for Throat
ohumez
for Occiput
schialeschin m
for Shoulders
pelles
for Elbow
cotel
for Hand
chene
for Palm of the hand
caimeghin
for Finger
cori
for Ears
sane
Armpit
salischin
for Teat
othen
for Bosom
ochij
for Body
gechel
for Penis
sachet
for Testicles
sacancas
for Vagina ieo
isse
for Communication
with women
jo hoi
for Thighs
chiane
for Knee
tepin
79
8o
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
AL chulo
Schiaguen
Ale culate
hoij
AL brazo
maz
AL polso
holion
A le gambe
coss
AL piede
thee
AL calcagno
tere
ALa chauequie dcL
pie
perchi
Ala /ola deL pie
caot/cheni
Ale onguie
Colim
AL core
thoL
AL gratare
gechare
Al homo /guerco
Calischen
AL giuane
Calemi
AL hacqua
holi
AL f uoco
ghialeme
AL fumo
giaiche
Al no
ehen
AL si
Rey
AL oro
pelpeli
ALe petre lazure
Secheg
AL solle
Calexcheni
AUe /telle
/ettere.
AL mare
Aro
AL vento
oni
ALa fortuna
ohone
AL pe/se
hoi
AL mangiare
mechiere
ALa /cutella
elo
ALa pigniata
aschanie
AL demandare
ghelhe
Vien qui
hai si
AL gardar
chonne
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 8 1
for Rump
schiaguen
for Buttocks
hoij
for Arm
maz
for Pulse
holion
for Legs
coss
for Foot
thee
for Heel
tere
for Ankle
perchi
for Sole of the foot
caotscheni
for Fingernails
colim
for Heart
thol
for to Scratch
gechare
for Cross-eyed man
calischen
for Young man
calemi
for Water
holi
for Fire
ghialeme
for Smoke
giaiche
for No
ehen
for Yes
rey
for Gold
pelpeli
for Lapis lazuli
secheg
for Sun
calexcheni
for Stars
settere
for Sea
aro
for Wind
oni
for Storm
ohone
for Fish
hoi
for to Eat
mechiere
for Bowl
elo
for Pot
aschanie
for to Ask
ghelhe
Come here
hai si
for to Look
chonne
82
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
AL andar
Rey
AL Combater
oamaghce
Ale f reze
Sethe
AL Cane
holL
AL lupo
Ani
AL andare longi
Schien
ALa guida
anti
ALa neue
theu
AL courire
hiani
AL Seruzo ucelo
hoihoi
A li sui oui
Jani
Ala poluere derba
che mangiio
Capac.
AL odorare
OS
AL papagalo
cheche
ALa gabiota ucelo
Cleo
AL misiglioni
Siameni.
AL panno ro/so
Terechae.
AL bonet
AicheL
Al colore neg°.
AineL
AL ro/so
taiche
AL gialo
peperi
AL coginare
yrocoles
ALa cintura
Catechin
AL ocha
cache
AL diauolo grande
Setebos
All picoli
cheleule.
Tucti que/ti vocabuli /e prenuntiano in gorgha
pche cu//i li prenutiauio Loro.
Me di//e que/ti vocabuli queL gigante (J haue-
uamo nella naue per (J domandandome Capac (ioe
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 83
for to Walk
rey
for to Fight
oamaghce
for Arrows
sethe
for Dog
holl
for Wolf
ani
for to Go a long
distance
schien
for Guide
anti
for Snow
theu
for to Cover
hiani
for Ostrich, a bird
hoihoi
for its Eggs
jani
for the powder of the
herb which they eat
capac
for to Smell
OS
for Parrot
cheche
for Birdcage
cleo
for Misiglioni
siameni
for Red Cloth
terechae
for Cap
aichel
for Black
ainel
for Red
taiche
for Yellow
peperi
for to Cook
yrocoles
for Belt
catechin
for Goose
cache
for their big Devil
Setebos
for their small Devils
Cheleule
All the above words are pronounced in the throat,
for such is their method of pronunciation. 161
That giant whom we had in our ship told me those
words; for when he, upon asking me for capac™
84 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
pane che chusi chiamano quela radice Q vzanno Loro
p panne et oli ?ioe hacqua Quando eL me vite
/criuer que/ti nomi domandandoli poi de li alt 1 c5
la penna in mano me Jntendeua vna volta feci la
croce et la basai mo/trandoglila Subito grido
/etebos et fecemi /egno Se piu face//e la croce
me intrarebe neL corpo et f arebe crepare Quando
que/to gigante /taua male domando la croce abra/-
sandola et ba/andola molto Se volse far Xpiano
inanzi la /ua morte eL chiama/emo paulo
Que/ta gente Quando voleno far fuoco f regano vno
legnio pontino cd vno alt° in fine Q f anno Lo fuocho
in vna certa medola darbore Q fra que/ti dui legni.
Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne di/buca/emo
da que/to /trecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico
/te//emo tre mesi et vinti Jorni sen/a pigliare re-
f rigerio de co/a alguna mangiauamo bi/coto non piu
bi/coto ma poluere de q e llo c5 vermi apugnate p
che e//i haueuano mSgiato iL buono puzaua gri
damSte de orina de Sorzi et beueuamo hacqua
J alia gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo
certe pelle de boue Q erano /op* Lantena mangiore
a^io Q Lantena nd rompe//e la /arzia duri//ime p
iL Solle piogia et vento Le la/ciauamo p quat° ho
cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho
/op* le braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora a//ay
volte /egature de a/e li sorgi ft vendeuano mezo
ducato lo vno et ft pur ne haue//emo potuto hauef
ma /oura tute le alt 1 /quiagu re Que/ta era la
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 87
that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they
use as bread, and o/i, that is to say, water, saw me
write those words quickly, and afterward when I,
with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he
understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross,
and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately
cried out " Setebos," and made me a sign that if I
made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter
into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant
was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and
kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian
before his death. We called him Paulo. When
those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharp-
ened piece of wood against another piece until the
fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is
placed between those two sticks. 16 *
Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched
from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific
Sea. 1 ** We were three months and twenty days with-
out getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit,
which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits
swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good.
It stank strongly of the urine of rats. 1 ** We drank
yellow water that had been putrid for many days.
We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of
the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the
shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard
because of the sun, rain, and wind. 1 ** We left them
in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them
for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate
them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats
were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then
we could not get them. 167 But above all the other
88 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
pegiore. Cre/siuano le gengiue ad alguni /op* li
denti Cosi de Soto Como de /oura Q p modo alguno
no poteuamo magiare et co//i moriuano p que/ta
infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigate c6 vno
Jndio de La terra deL verzin vinti cinque ho
trenta homini /e infirmorono Q neli brazi neli gambe
o in alt° loco /icque poq 1 re/ta rono /ani p La
gratia de dio yo no hebi algunna infirmitade. Jn
Que/ti tre me/i et vinti giorni anda/emo circa de
quatro millia legue in vn golfo p que/to mar pacifico
in vero he benne pacifico p Q in q3/to tempo no
haue/semo fortuna Sen/a vedere tera alcuna sinS due
y/olete de/habitate nelle q a L no troua//emo alt°
/enon vcelli et arbori la chiama//emo y/olle infortu-
nate Sono longi luna da lalt* ducento legue n5
trouauamo fondo apre//o de loro /e n5 vedeuamo
molti ti buroni La p ! ma Jzolla /ta in quindi/i gradi
de latitudine aL hau/tralle, et lalt 11 in noue ogni
Jorno faceuamo cinquanta /esanta et /etanta Legue a
La catena ho apopa et /e ydio et /ala /ua madre
bennedeta nS ne daua cosi bo tempo moriuamo tucti
de fame in que/to mare grandi//imo Credo
certamete no /i f ara may piu taL viagio.
Quando fu//imi v/citi da que/to /trecto Se haue/-
/emo nauigato Sempre aL pongte hauere//emo dato
vna volta aL mondo /enza trouare terra niuna Se n5
el capo deli xj°* vergine che he capo de que/to
/trecto aL mare occeanno leuante pongte co Lo capo
de/eado del mare pacifico liq a lli dui capi /tanno in
cinquata duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL
polo antarticho.
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 89
misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums
of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our
men swelled, so that they could not eat under any
circumstances and therefore died. 168 Nineteen men
died from that sickness, and the giant together with
an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five
or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the
arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few re-
mained well. However, I, by the grace of God,
suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thou-
sand leguas during those three months and twenty
days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea. 160
In truth it is very pacific, 170 for during that time we
did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except
two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds
and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle In-
fortunate \j.e. y the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two
hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage,
[but] near them saw many sharks. 111 The first islet
lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other
in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or sev-
enty leguas at the catena or at the stern. 171 Had not
God and His blessed mother given us so good
weather we would all have died of hunger in that
exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such
voyage will ever be made [again].
When we left that strait, if we had sailed con-
tinuously westward we would have circumnavigated
the world without finding other land than the cape of
the xi thousand Virgins. 17 * The latter is a cape of
that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west
with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those
capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees
toward the Antarctic Pole.
9° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
JL polo antartico no ne cosi /tellato como Lo
artico ft vede molto /telle picolle congregate in-
/ieme Q fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco /eparate
luna de lalf et vno poco ofu/che in mezo de leqMle
/tanno due /telle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et
poco /e moueno. Que/te due /telle /onno iL polo
antarticho La Calamita no/tra Zauariando vno
sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non
haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero
Quando eramo in Que/to golfo iL Cap° generalle
domando a tucti li piloti andando /empre a la vela p
q*L Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte ri/po-
/ero tucti p la Sua via puntaLmSte datta li ri/po/i
<!} pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua
agiutare la guchia deL nauegare p che nd receueua
tanta forza da la parte /ua. Quando eramo in mezo
di que/to golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque
/telle lucidi//ime drito aL ponente, et Suono
iu/ti//ime luna c5 lalt*.
Jn que/ti giorni mauiga//emo fra iL ponente et
iL mae/tralle et a La quarta deL mae/tralle in ver/o
ponente et aL mae/tralle fin Q ajunge//emo a la linea
equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitide Cento
et vinti dui gradi la linea de la ripartitide e trenta
gradi longi daL meridionale el meridionale e tre
gradi al leuante longi de capo verde Jn que/to
Camino pa/a//emo poco longi da due Jzolle
richiste vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo
antarticho Q Se chiama Cipangu Lalt* in quindici
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 93
The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic.
Many small stars clustered together are seen, which
have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There
is but little distance between them, and they arc
somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large
and not very luminous stars, which move only slight-
ly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our
loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, al-
ways pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although
it did not have so much strength as on its own side.
And on that account when we were in that open
expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots
whether they were always sailing forward in the
course which we had laid down on the maps, all re-
plied : " By your course exactly as laid down." He
answered them that they were pointing wrongly -
which was a fact -and that it would be fitting to
adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not re-
ceiving so much force from its side. When we were
in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross
with five extremely bright stars straight toward the
west, those stars being exactly placed with regard
to one another. 114
During those days m we sailed west northwest,
northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached
the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred
and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation.
The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the
meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward
from Capo Verde. 116 We passed while on that
course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich
islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the
Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other in
94 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
gradi chiamata Subdit pradit pa/Tata la linea equi-
notialle nauiga//emo tra ponente et mai/tralle et a la
carta deL ponente ver/o eL mae/tralle poi duzente
legue aL ponente mudando eL viag°. a La Quarta in
ver/o garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho p
apropinquar/e piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara
iL q a L capo c5 perdon de li Co/mo grafi p 3 n5 Lo
vi/teno nd /i troua doue loro iL pen/auao ma aL
/etentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho.
Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci
gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a
6 de mar/o di/copre//emo vna y/ola aL mai/tralle
picola et due alt 6 aL garbino vna era piu alta et
piu granda de Laltre due iL cap generale voleua
firmar/e nella grande p pigliare q a lque refrigerio
ma no puote perche la gente de que/ta Jzolla entra-
uano nele naui et robauano q 1 vna co/a q* lalt* tal-
mente Q non poteuamo gardar/i. Voleuano calare le
vele acio anda/emo in tera ne roborono lo /quifo cj
e/taua ligato a La popa de la naue cap a c6 grandiss*
pre/teza p il que corozato eL cap generalle ando
in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono
da quaranta o cinquanta caze co molti barquiti et
amazorono /ette huomini et rehebe lo /quifo
Subito ne parti /cmo /equendo Lo mede/imo ca-
mino. Jnanzi Q di/monta/emo in tera alguni no ft}
infermi ne pregorono ft amazauamo huomo o donna
li porta/emo Ly interiori p che Subito /arebenno
/ani.
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 95
fifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit. 1 " After
we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west
northwest, and west by north, and then for two hun-
dred leguas toward the west, changing our course
to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees
toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might ap-
proach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That
cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they
have not seen it) , is not found where it is imagined
to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or there-
abouts. 118
About seventy 1Tt leguas on the above course, and
lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longi-
tude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small
island to the northwest, and two others toward the
southwest, one of which was higher and larger than
the other two. The captain-general wished to stop
at the large island and get some fresh food, but he
was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that
island entered the ships and stole whatever they
could lay their hands on, so that we could not pro-
tect ourselves. The men were about to strike the
sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very
deftly stole from us the small boat 180 that was fas-
tened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the
captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty
armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses
together with many boats, and killed seven men. 181
He recovered the small boat, and we departed imme-
diately pursuing the same course. Before we landed,
some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any
man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they
would recover immediately. 188
9 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Quando feriuamo alguni de que/ti cd li veretuni
Q li pa//auano li fianq 1 da luna banda alaltra tirauano
il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo
tirauano fuora marauigliando/e molto et cu//i
moriuano et alt 2 cj erano feriti neL peto faceuano
cL Simillc ne' mo//eno agra compa/ione Co/toro
vedendoe partire nc /eguitorono c5 piu de Cento bar-
chiti piu de vna legua Se aco/tauano ale naui mo/-
trandone pe/ce cd /imulatide de darnello ma
traheuano /axi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cd
velle piene pa/a vano f ra loro et li batelli con q e lli /ui
barcheti molto de/tri//imi vede/emo algune femine
in li barqueti gridare et /capigliar/e credo p amore
de li Suoi morti.
Ognuno de que/ti vive /econdo la Sua volonta
non anno /ignori vano nudi et alguni barbati con
li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati portano
capeleti de palma como li albanezi /onno grandi
como nui et ben di/po/ti nd adorSo niente
/onno aliua/tri ma na/cono bianq* anno li denti
ro//i et negri p che la reputano beli//ima co/a le
femine vano nude /enon cj dinanzi a la /ua natura
portano vna /cor/a /treta /otille come la carta Q na/ce
f ra larbore et la /corza de la palma /onno belle deli-
cate et bianque piu que li huomini cd li capilli /par/i
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 97
When we wounded any of those people with our
crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through
their loins from one side to the other, they, looking
at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on
that side, 1 " and then* drew it out, with great astonish-
ment, and so died. Others who were wounded in
the breast did the same, which moved us to great
compassion. Those people seeing us departing fol-
lowed us with more than one hundred m boats for
more than one legua. They approached the ships
showing us fish, feigning that they would give them
to us ; but then threw stones at us and fled. And al-
though the ships were under full sail, they passed
between them and the small boats [fastened astern],
very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw
some women in their boats who were crying out and
tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom
we had killed. 1 "
Each one of those people lives according to his
own will, for they have no seignior. 1 * 6 They go
naked, and some are bearded and have black hair
that reaches to the waist. They wear small palm-
leaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as
we, and well built. They have no worship. They
are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red
and black, for they think that is most beautiful.
The women go naked except that they wear a narrow
strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between
the tree and the bark of the palm, before their
privies. They are goodlooking and delicately
formed, and lighter complexioned than the men ; and
wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose
and hanging quite down to the ground. The worn-
98 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
et longui negri//imi fino in tera Que/te nd lauo-
rano ma /tanno in ca/a te//endo /tore casse de palma
et altre co/e nece//arie aca/a /ua mangiano cochi
batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et
pe/ci volatori c5 altre co/e /e ongieno eL corpo et
li capili c5 oleo de cocho et de giongioli le /ue
ca/e tute /onno facte di legnio coperte de taule c5
foglie defigaro de /op* longue due braza con /olari
et c5 f ene/tre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di /tore
beli//ime de palma dormeno /oura paglia di
palma molto mole et menuta nd anno arme Senon
certe a/te c5 vno 0//0 pontino de pe/ce ne La cima
Que/ta gente e pouera ma ingenio/a et molto ladra
p que/to chiama//emo que/te tre J/ole le y/ole
de li ladroni eL /uo /pa/o e andare c5 Le donne
p mare c5 q e lle /ue barquete Sono como le fuce-
lere ma piu /trecti alguni negri bianq* et alt* ro//i
anno da lalt* parte dela vella vno legno gro//o
pontino nele cime c5 pali atrauer/adi q e L /u/tentano
neL acqua p andare piu /eguri aLa vela la vela e
di foglie de palma cosite in/ieme et facta amodo de
latina p timone anno certe pale como da for no cd
vno legnio in cima fanno de la popa proua et de
la proua popa et /onno Como delfini /altar a lacqua
de onda in onda Que/ti ladroni pen/auano ali
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 99
en do not work in the fields but stay in the house,
weaving mats, 187 baskets [casse: literally boxes], and
other things needed in their houses, from palm
leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate]™
birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugar-
cane, and flying fish, besides other things. They lif
anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and
beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood
covered with planks and thatched with leaves of
the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and
they have floors and windows. The rooms and the
beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palm-
leaf mats. 190 They sleep on palm straw which is
very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a
kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end.
Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thiev-
ish, on account of which we called those three islands
the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves]." 1 Their
amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas
with those small boats of theirs. 1 " Those boats re-
semble fucelere™ but are narrower, and some are
black, [some] white, and others red. At the side
opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood
pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and rest-
ing on the water, in order that the boats may sail
more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn
together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rud-
ders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth
shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They
can change stern and bow at will [literally: they
make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern], 194 and those
boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water
from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers]
IOO THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
/egni Q faceuao nd fu/ero alt 1 homini aL mondo
/enon loro.
Sabato a /edize de mar/o 1521 de//emo neLa au-
rora soura vna tera alta ldgi trecento legue delle
y/olle de li latroni laq*L e y/ola et /e chiama Zamal
eL cap° gfiale nel giorno /eguente vol/e di/mon-
tare in vnalt* y/ola de/habitata p e//ere piu /eguro
(J era di dietro de que/ta p pigliare hacqua et q'lque
diporto fece fare due tende in terra p li infermi et
feceli amazare vna porcha Luni a 18. de mar/o
vede//emo dapoi di/nare venire t/o de nui vna
barca c5 noue homini p ilque lo cap° generale co-
mando £j niuno Si moue//e ne diet [ft parolla alguna
/enza /ua li/entia Quando ariuorono que/ti in
terra /ubito Lo /uo principalle ando aL cap gfiale
mo/trando/e alegro p la nfa venuta re/tarono cinq3
de que/ti piu ornati c5 nuy li alt 1 andorono a leuare
alguni alt 1 q pe/cauano et cu//i venirono tucti
vedendo Lo cap gfiale que que/ti erano homini c5
ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti
ro//i spequi petini /onagli Auorio boca//ini et alt*
co/e Quando vi/tenno la corte/ia deL cap li pre-
/entorono pe/ci vno va/o de vino de palma q Lo
chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri
piu picoli piu /aporiti et dui cochi alhora nd
haueuano alt ne fecoro /egni c5 La mano Q in fino
aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q e ri/o cochi et
molta altra victuuaglia.
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 103
thought, according to the signs which they made,
that there were no other people in the world but
themselves. 1 "
At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen, 1 ** 1521, wo
came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred
leguas from the islands of Latroni - an island named
Zamal [i.*., Samar]. The following day, the cap-
tain-general desired to land on another island which
was uninhabited and lay to the right of the above-
mentioned island, in order to be more secure, and
to get water and have some rest. He had two tents
set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed
for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we
saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it.
Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one
should move or say a word without his permission.
When those men reached the shore, their chief went
immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of
joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately
adorned of them remained with us, while the rest
went to get some others who were fishing, and so
they all came. The captain-general seeing that they
were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before
them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells,
ivory, bocasine, 1 * 7 and other things. When they saw
the captain's courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of
palm wine, which they call uraca [*.*., arrack], figs
more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas], 1 ** and
others which were smaller and more delicate, and
two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but
made us signs with their hands that they would bring
umay or rice, 1 ** and cocoanuts and many other
articles of food within four days.
I<H THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Li coq* /onno f ructi deLa palma co/i como nui
hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto co/i anno
que/ti populi ogni co/a da que/ti arbori anno eL
vino in que/to modo forano La dicta palma in cima
neL core/ino de to palmito dalq*lle /tilla vna lichore
como e mo/to biancho dolce ma vn pocho bru/queto
in canne gro//e come La gamba et piu latacano
alarbof la /era p la matina et la matina p la /era
Que/ta palma fa vno fructo iL q'lle he lo cocho
Que/to cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno
La /ua p J ma /cor/a e tde et gro//a piu de dui diti
nelaq*lle trouano Certi filittj q fanno le corde (j
liganno le /ue barque /oto di que/ta ne he vna dura
et molto piu gro//a di quella de la noce que/ta la
bru/ano et fano poluere bonna p loro /oto di que/to
e vna medola biancha gro//a come vn dito Laq*L
mangiano fre/ca co La carne et pe//i como nui lo
panne et de q e L /apore 3 he la mandola qui la /eca//e
/e farebe panne in mezo di que/ta medola e vna
hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando
que/ta hacqua /ta vn pocho acolta /e congella et
diuenta como vno porno Quando voleno fare oglio
piglianno que/to cocho et la//ano putrefare q e lla
medola c5 lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo
como butiro Quando voleno far aceto la/anno
putrefare lacqua /olamente poi lameteno aL /olle et
e aceto como de vino biancho /i po fare ancho
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 105
Cocoanuts arc the fruit of the palmtrcc. 100 Just
as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those peo-
ple get everything from that tree. They get wine
in the following manner. They bore* a hole into the
heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e.,
stalk], from which distils a liquor* 01 which resem-
bles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat
tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick
as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to
the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morn-
ing for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, name-
ly, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or
thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker
than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in
that husk, whence is made cord for binding together
their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell,
much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which
they burn and make therefrom a powder that is use-
ful to them.* 01 Under that shell there is a white
marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which
they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread;
and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could
be dried and made into bread. There is a clear,
sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance
which is very refreshing. When that water stands
for a while after having been collected, it congeals
and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish
to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the
marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then
they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When
they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the
water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a
vinegar results like [that made from] white wine.
106 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
latte como nui faceuamo gratauamo q3/ta medola
poi la mi/quiauamo c5 lacqua /ua mede/ima /tru-
candola in vno panno et co/i era late como di capra.
Que/te palme /onno como palme deli datali ma non
co/i nodo/e /e non li/ce. Vna famiglia de x per-
/onne c5 dui de que/te /e manteneno fruando octo
giorni luna et octo giorni La alt* p Lo vino p che /e
altramenti face//eno Se /echarebenno et durano
cento anny.
Grande familliaritade pigliarono c5 nui Que/ti
populi ne di/cero molte co/e como le chiamauano
et li nomi de algune y/ole q /e vedeuano de q 1 La
/ua /e chiama Zuluan laq*lle non etropo grande
piglia/cemo gr5 piacere c5 que/ti perche eranno
a/ay piaceuoli et conuer/abili iL cap gflale p
farli piu honnore li meno ala /ua naue et li mo/tro
tuta la /ua mercadan/ia garofoli cannella peuere
gengero no/ce mo/cade Matia oro et tute le co/e <J
eranno nella naue fece de/caricare algune bombarde
hebero gr5 paura et vol/ero /altar fuora de la naue
ne fecero /egni que li doue nuj andauamo na/ce//e-
uano co/e Ja dete Quando /i vol/ero partire
pigliarono li/entia con molta gratia et gentileza
dicendo q tornarebeno /egondo la /ua pme//a La
y/ola doue eramo /e chiama humunu ma noy p
trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiari//ima la
chiame//emo lacquada dali buoni ft gnialli p che
fu iL p*mo /egnio de oro q troua//emo in que/ta
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *OJ
Milk can also be made from it for we made some.
We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed
the scrapings with its own water which we strained
through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat's
milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but al-
though not smooth they are less knotty than the latter.
A family of x persons can be supported on two trees,
by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if
they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They
last a century. 208
Those people became very familiar with us. They
told us many things, their names and those of some
of the islands that could be seen from that place.
Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not
very large. 204 We took great pleasure with them,
for they were very pleasant and conversable. In
order to show them greater honor, the captain-gen-
eral 20 * took them to his ship and showed them all
his merchandise - cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger,
nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship.
He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they
exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the
ship. 206 They made signs to us that the abovesaid
articles grew in that place where we were going.
When they were about to retire they took their leave
very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would
return according to their promise. The island
where we were is called Humunu ; but inasmuch as
we found two springs there of the clearest water,
we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., " the
Watering-place of good Signs "], for there were the
first signs of gold which we found in those districts. 2 * 1
108 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
parte. Qiui /i troua gra cantitade de coralli biancho
et arbori grandi Q fanno f ructi pocho menori de La
mandola et /onno Como li pignioli et ancho molte
palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue in
Que/to Locho /onno molte y/ole p ilque Lo
chiama//emo larcipelago de s. lazaro de/courendo
lo nella /ua dominicha iL quale /ta in x gradi de
latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e /esanta vno di
longitudine della linea deLa repartitioe.
Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di q e lli
homini Secondo ne haueuano pme//o in due barcque
c5 cochi naran/i dolci vno va/o de vino de palma et
vno galo p dimo/trare que in que/te parte eranno ga-
line se mo/trarono molto alegri ver/o de noi com-
pra//emo tute q e lle /ue co/e iL /uo s or era vechio et
de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreq'e li
altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi c5 f azoli in torno
Lo capo Ste/emo quiui octo [giorni] neliqMli eL nfo
cap° andaua ogni di in terra aui/itare ly infirmi et
ogni matina li daua cd le /ue mani acqua deL cocho <J
molto li confortaua di dietro de que/ta y/ola /tanno
homini q anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie £j
portanno le braci ficati in loro Que/ti popoli /onno
caphri gioe gentili vanno nudi c5 tella de /cor/a dar-
bore intorno le /ue vergonie se nS alguni principali
cd telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cd /eda aguchia
sonno oliua/t* gra//i de pinti et /e ongeno c5 olio de
cocho et de giongioli p lo /olle et p iL vento anno
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I<>9
We found a great quantity of white coral there, and
large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond
and resembling pine seeds. There are also many
palms, some of them good and others bad. There are
many islands in that district, and therefore we called
them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were
discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus. ,oi They
lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole,
and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one de-
grees from the line of demarcation.
At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came
as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts,
sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,** in
order to show us that there were fowls in that dis-
trict. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at see-
ing us. 110 We purchased all those articles from them.
Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e.,
tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in
his ears, 111 and the others many gold armlets on their
arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed
there one week, and during that time our captain
went ashore daily to visit the sick, and m every morn-
ing gave them cocoanut water from his own hand,
which comforted them greatly. There are people
living near that island 818 who have holes in their
ears so large that they can pass their arms through
them. Those people are caphri, 814 that is to say,
heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from
the bark of a tree about their privies, except some
of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered
with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are
dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with
cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protection
IIO THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
li capili negri/Yimi fina a La cinta et anno dague
cortelli lan/e fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et
rcte da pc/carc come Rizali lc /ue barche /onno
como le no/t*
NeL luni /ancto a vinticinq3 de mar/o giorno de
La nf a donna pa//ato mezo di e//endo de hora in ora
p leuar/i anday abordo de la naue p pe/care et
metendo li piedi /opra vna antena p de/cedere nela
mesa degarni tide me slizegarono p che era pioue/to
et co/i ca/tai neL mare q ninguno me vi/te et e//endo
qua/i /umer/o me venne ne La mano Sini/tra La
/cota de La vella magiore Q era a/co/a ne lacqua
me teni forte et Comen/ai agridare tanto Q fui aju-
tato c5 Lo batelo n5 credo J a per mey meriti ma
p la mi/ericordia di q c lla fonte de pieta fo//e ajutato.
neL mede/imo Jorno piglia//emo tra iL ponente
et garbi infra quat y/olle ?ioe Cenalo hiunanghan
Jbusson et abarien
Joue a vinti octo de marzo p hauere vi/to la nocte
pa//ata fuocho in vna y/ola ne la matina /urgi//emo
apre//o de que/ta vede/emo vna barcha picola Q la
chiamano boloto c5 octo homini de dent appincar/e
nela naue Ca pitanea Vno /chiauo deL cap gftale
£} era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo
ilq*lle /ubito inte/eno venero neL bordo de la naue
n5 volendo intrare dent , ma /tauano vno pocho
di/co/ti vedendo eL cap (J n5 voleuano fidar/i de
nui li buto vn bonnet ro//o et altre co/e ligate /up*
vn pezo de taula La piglioronno molto alegri et
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I 3
against sun and wind. They have very black hair
that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and
spears* 1 ' ornamented with gold, large shields,
fascines, 116 javelins, and fishing nets that resemble
rizali ; '" and their boats are like ours.
On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our
Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point
of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship
to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down
into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and
consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw
me. When I was all but under, my left hand hap-
pened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the main-
sail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I
held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that
I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not,
I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through
the mercy of that font of charity [i.*., of the Virgin].
That same day we shaped our course toward the
west southwest between four small islands, namely,
Cenalo, Hiunanghan, 11 * Ibusson, and Abarien.
On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as
we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we
anchored near it. 219 We saw a small boat which the
natives call boloto with eight men in it, approaching
the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-gen-
eral, who was a native of Zamatra [*.*., Sumatra],
which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to
them. They immediately understood him, came
alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a
position at some little distance. 110 The captain seeing
that they would not trust us, threw them out a red
cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. They
"4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Subito Se parti rono p aui/are el /uo re deli circa due
hore vede//emo vegnire due balanghai /onno barche
grande et cu//e le chiamano pienni de huomini neL
magiof era Lo suo re Sedendo /oto vno coperto de
/tore Quando eL giun/e ap//o La capitania iL
Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inte/e p che in que/te parte
li re /anno piu linguagij Q li alt* comando (J alguni
/oi intra//eno nele naue luy /empre /tete neL
/uo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li /uoi
tornoronno et /ubito tornati ft parti. iL Cap° gflalle
fece grande honnore aq e lli Q venirono nela naue et
donnoli algune co/e per ilche il re inanzi la /ua
partita vol/e donnare aL cap° vna bara de oro grande
et vna /porta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL
molto nd voice acceptarle neL tardi anda/emo c5
le naue apre//o la habitatide deL re.
JL giorno /eguente Q era eL venerdi /ancto eL
cap° gflale mando lo /quia ua Q era lo interprete nfo
in tera in vno batello adire aL re ft haueua alguna
co/a da mangiare la face//e portaf in naue Q re/ta-
riano bene /ati/fati da noi et como amici et nd Como
nimici era venuti a la/ua y/ola eL re venne c5 /ey
vero octo homini neL mede/imo batello et entro nela
naue abrazando/i col cap° gflale et donoli tre vazi di
porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et
due orade molto grande c5 altre co/e eL cap dete
al re vria ve/te de panno ro//o et giallo fato a La
torche/ca et vno bonnet ro//o fino ali alt 1 Sui aq*
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I 5
received them very gladly, and went away quickly
to advise their king. About two hours later we saw
two balanghai coming. They are large boats and
are so called [by those people]. They were full of
men, and their king was in the larger of them, being
seated under an awning of mats. When the king
came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The
king understood him, for in those districts the kings
know more languages than the other people. He
ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he
always remained in his balanghai, at some little dis-
tance from the ship until his own men returned; and
as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-
general showed great honor to the men who entered
the ship, and gave them some presents, for which
the king wished before his departure to give the cap-
tain a large bar m of gold and a basketful of ginger.
The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but
would not accept it In the afternoon we went in the
ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king.
Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent
his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a
small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have
it carried to the ships ; m and to say that they
would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men]
had come to the island as friends and not as enemies.
The king came with six or eight men *• in the same
boat and entered the ship. He embraced the cap-
tain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars
•covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very
large orade™ and other things. The captain-gen-
eral gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth
made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap;
and to the others (the king's men), to some knives
and to others mirrors. Then the captain-general
1 1 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
cortelli ct aq* /pecq* poy lc fccc dare la ColatiOe ct
p il chiauo li fecc dire Q voleua c//crc cun lui ca/i
ca/i cioc fratello ri/po/c <J co//i voleua e//ere t/<>
de lui dapoy lo cap° ge mo/tro panno de diver/i colori
tela corali et molta alt* mercantia et tuta lartigliaria
facendola de/cargare alguni molto /i /pauentorno
poi fece armare vno homo c5 vno homo darme et li
me//e atorno tre c5 /pade et pugniale Q li dauano p
tuto iL corpo p laq*L co/a eL re re/to ca/i fora di/e
li di//e p il Schiauo Q vno de que/ti armati valeua
p cento de li suoi re/po/e <J era cu//i et Q in ogni naue
ne menaua duzento Q /e armauano de q e lla /orte li
mo/tro Corazine /pade et rodelle et fece fare a vno
vna leuata poi Lo condu//e /up* la tolda dela naue Q
he in cima de la popa et fece portare la /ua carta de
nauigare et La bu//ola et li di//e p linterprete como
trouo Lo /treto p vegnire alui et Quante lune /onno
/tati /enza vedere terra Se marauiglio in vltimo
li di/ce Q voleua ft li piace//e mandare /eco dui
homini acio li mo/tra//e algune de le /ue co/e re-
/po/e <J era contento yo ge anday c5 vno alt
Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello et
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 1 7
had a collation spread for them, and had the king
told through the slave that he desired to be cast
cast 225 with him, that is to say, brother. The king
replied that he also wished to enter the same rela-
tions with the captain-general. Then the captain
showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral
[ornaments], and many other articles of merchan-
dise, and all the artillery, some of which he had dis-
charged for him, whereat the natives were greatly
frightened. Then the captain-general had a man
armed as a soldier," 6 and placed him in the midst
of three men armed with swords and daggers, who
struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was
the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-
general told him through the slave that one of those
armed men was worth one hundred of his own men.
The king answered that that was a fact. The cap-
tain-general said that he had two hundred men in
each ship who were armed in that manner." 1 He
showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and
had a review made for him."* Then he led the king
to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the
stern ; and had his sea-chart and compass brought."*
He told the king through the interpreter how he
had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and
how many moons he had been without seeing land,
whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told
the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to
him, to send two of his men with him so that he
might show them some of his things. The king re-
plied that he was agreeable, and I went in company
with one of the other men. 1 *
When I reached shore, the king raised his hands
1 1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
poi /e volta cont* nuy dui facc//emo lo /imillc
ver/o dc lui co/i tuti li alt* fccero il re mc piglio p
La mano vno /uo principale piglio lalt compag*
ct cu//i ne menord /oto vno copcrto dc cane douc era
vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille
a vna fu/ta ne sede//emo /op* la popa de que/to
/empre parlando con /egni li suoi ne /tauano in piedi
atorno atorno c5 /pade dague Lanze et targoni
fece portare vno piato de came de porco c5 viio vazo
grande pienno de vino beueuamo adogni boconne
vna ta//a de vino lo vino Q li auan/aua q'lque
volta ben (J fo/ceno poche ft meteua in vno vazo da
p /i la /ua ta/a /empre /taua coperta ninguno alt
li beueua Se nd il re et yo Jnanzi Q lo re piglia//e
la ta//a p bere alzaua li mani giunte al gielo et t/o
de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio
dela mano sini /tra ver/o dime prima pen/aua me
vole//e dare vn pognio et poi beueua f aceua co/i yo
ver/o il re Que/ti /egni fanno tuti luno ver/o de
Laltro quando beueno c5 que/te cerimonie et alt 1
/egni de ami/itia merenda /cmo mangiay neL
vennere /ancto carne p n5 potere fare alt° Jnanzi
<J veni//e lora de cenare donay molte co/e al re <J
haueua portati /cri//e a/ai co//e como le chiamanao
Quanto Lo re et li alt* me vi/tenno fcriuere et li
diceua q e lle /ue parolle tutti re/torono atoniti in
que/to mezo venne lora de cenare portoronno duy
plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et
lalt de carne de porcho c5 /uo brodo cena//emo
1819-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I 9
toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We
did the same toward him" 1 as did all the others.
The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs
took my companion: and thus they led us under a
bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai, m
as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling
a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that
balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The
king's men stood about us in a circle with swords,
daggers, spears, and bucklers. 1 " The king had a
plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with
wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine.
The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, al-
though that happened but rarely, was put into a jar
by itself. The king's cup was always kept covered
and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before
the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped
hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and
when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of
his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he
was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the
same toward the king. They all make those signs
one toward another when they drink. We ate with
such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship.
I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help my-
self. Before the supper hour I gave the king many
things which I had brought. I wrote down the
names of many things in their language. When the
king and the others saw me writing, and when I told
them their words, they were all astonished." 4 While
engaged in that the supper hour was announced.
Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one
full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy.
1 20 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
c5 li medc/imj /egni ct cerimonie poi anda//emo aL
palatio deL re eLq'lle era facto como vna teza da
fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era
edificato /oura legni groffi alti de terra q e L /e con-
uiene andare co /calle ne fece /edere /op* vna /tora
de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli
ameza ora fo portato vno piato de pe/ce bru/tolato
in pezi et gengero p alora colto et vino eL figliolo
magiore deL re chera iL principe vene doue
eramo il re li di//e (J /ede//e apre//o noi et co//i
/edete fu portato dui piati vno de pe/ce c5 lo /ue
brodo et lalt de rizo acio Q mangia//emo col prin-
cipe il nfo compag p tanto bere et mangiare
diuento briaco Vzano p lume goma de arbore q
la quiamao anime voltata in foglie de palma o de
figaro el re ne fece /egno q e L voleua andare
adormire la//o c5 nui lo principe c5 q'lle dormi-
/cmo /op* vna /tora de canne c5 co//ini de foglie
venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio p La mano
co//i anda//emo doue aveuamo cenato p fare
colatide ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare Jnanzi la
partita eL re molto alegro ne ba/o le mani et noi le
/ue venne co nui vno /uo f ratello re dunalt* y/ola
c5 tre homini Lo cap gfiale lo retenete adi/nare
c5 nui et donoli molte co/e.
Nella y/ola de que/to re que condu//i ale naui /e
troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando
la terra tutti li va/o de que/to re /onno de oro et
15*9-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I^tl
We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after
which we went to the palace of the king which
was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig
[*.*., banana] and palm leaves* It was built up high
from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was
necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders. 1 " The
king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with
our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a
platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in,
and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king's
eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us,
whereupon the king told him to sit down near us,
and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were
brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other
with rice), so that we might eat with the prince.
My companion became intoxicated as a consequence
of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum
of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or fig [*'.*.,
banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign
that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince
with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo
mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned
the king came and took me by the hand, and in that
manner we went to where we had had supper, in
order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came
to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands
with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers,
the king of another island, and three men came with
us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us,
and gave him many things. 1 "
Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs
are found by sifting the earth in the island of that
king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that
122 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
anche alguna parte de dela ca/a /ua co/i ne referite
Lo mcdc/imo re ft gondo lo /ue co/tumc era molto
in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vede//emo f ra
que/ti populi haueua li capili negri//imi fin alle
/palle c5 vno velo de /eta /op* Lo capo et due /quione
grande de horo tacatte ale orechie portaua vno
panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de /eta Q copriua
dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga c5 Lo
manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de
legnio lauorato in ogni dente haueua tre machie
doro (J pareuano fo//eno ligati c5 oro oleua de
/torac et beligioui era oliua/tro et tuto depinto.
Que/ta /ua y/ola ft chiama butuan et calagan.
Quando que/ti re ft voleuano vedere ve neno tuti
due aLa caza in que/ta y/ola doue eramo eL re p ! mo
ft q ! ama raia colambu iL /egundo raia siaui.
Domenicha vltimo de mar/o giorno de pa/ca nela
matina p tempo eL cap° gfiale mando il prete co
alcanti aparechiare p douere dire me//a c5 lo inter-
prete a dire al re (j n5 voleuamo di/cendere in terra
p di/inar /echo ma p aldire me//a p ilque Lo re ne
mando dui porq 1 morti Quando fu hora de me//a
anda//emo in terra for/e cinquanta huomini n5 ar-
mati la pfo na ma c5 le altre nfe arme et meglio ve/-
tite Q pote//emo Jnanzi que arua//emo aLa riua c5
li bateli forenno /caricati sej pezi de bombarde in
/egnio de pace /alta//emo in terra li dui re
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 2 3
king are of gold and also some portion of his house,
as we were told by that king himself. According
to their customs he was very grandly decked out
[molto in ordine]™ and the finest looking man that
we saw among those people. His hair was exceed-
ingly black y and hung to his shoulders. He had a
covering of silk on his head, and wore two large
golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a
cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which cov-
ered him from the waist to the knees. At his side
hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat
long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved
wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth,
and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold. m
He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was
tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That
island of his was called Butuan and Calagan. m
When those kings wished to see one another, they
both went to hunt in that island where we were. The
name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the
second Raia Siaui.* 40
Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of
March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the
priest with some men to prepare the place where
mass was to be said ; M1 together with the interpreter
to tell the king that we were not going to land in
order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore
the king sent us two swine that he had had killed.
When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with
about fifty men, without our body armor, but carry-
ing our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.*"
Before we reached the shore with our boats, six
pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We
1 24 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
abra//arono lo cap° gfiale et Lo me//eno in mezo de
loro anda//emo in ordinanza fino aL locho con/a-
crato non molto longi de la riua Jnanzi ft
comcn/a//c la mc//a iL cap° bagno tuto cL corpo
de li dui re con hacqua mo/ta da Se ofer/e ala
me//a li re andorono aba//iare la croce como nuy
ma n5 ofer/eno Quando /e leuaua lo corpo de nfo
s or . /tauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo c5 le mane
gionte le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno
tempo quando ft leuo Lo corpo de x° dando ge Lo
/egnio de la tera c5 li /chiopetj finita la me//a
alquanti deli no/t* ft comunicorono Lo cap°
generale fece fare vno ballo cd le /pade deque le re
hebenno gra piacere poi fece porta re vna croce c5
li quiodi et la coronna alaq a L /ubito fecero reueren-
tia li di//e per Lo interprete como que/to era
iL vessilo datoli daLo inperatof /uo /ignore agio in
ogni parte doue anda//e mete/Ye que/to /uo /egnialle
et che voleua meterlo iui p /ua vtilita p che ft vene/-
/eno algune naue dele nfe /aperianno cd que/ta croce
noj e//ere /tati in que/to locho et n5 farebenno de/-
piacere aloro ne ale co/e [co/e: doublet in original
MS.'] et /e piglia//eno alguno de li /oi /ubito mo/-
trandoli que/to /egnialle le la//erianno andare et (j
conueniua meter que/ta croce in cima deL piu alto
monte que fo//e agio vedendola ogni matina La
adora//eno et /eq3/to faceuano ne troui ne fulmini
ni tempe/ta li nocerebe in co/a alguna lo
ringratiorno molto et (j farebenno ogni co/a volen-
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 2 5
landed ; the two kings embraced the captain-general,
and placed him between them. We went in march-
ing order to the place consecrated, which was not
far from the shore. Before the commencement of
mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the
two kings with musk water.* 4 * The mass was offered
up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we
did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.* 44 When
the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained
on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped
hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once
when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal
having been given from the shore with muskets.
After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took
communion.* 4 * The captain-general arranged a
fencing tournament,* 4 * at which the kings were great-
ly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the
nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence
was made.* 47 He told the kings through the inter-
preter that they were the standards given to him by
the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might
go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that
he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit,
for whenever any of our ships came,* 4 * they would
know that we had been there by that cross, and would
do nothing to displease them or harm their property
[property : doublet in original MS.]. If any of their
men were captured, they would be set free imme-
diately on that sign being shown. It was necessary
to set that cross on the summit of the highest moun-
tain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might
adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, light-
ning, nor storms would harm them in the least. They
1 26 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
tieri ancho li fece dire ft eranno morj ho gentili o
inque credeuao ri/po/ero Q n5 adorauao alt /inon
al/auano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et Q
chiamauao Lo /ua dio Abba p laq'L co/a lo cap*
hebc grande alegre//a vedendo que/to eL p ! mo
re leuo le mani aL ciello et di//e Q voria /e fo//e
po//ibille farli vedef iL /uo amore ver/o de lui
Lo interprete ge di//e p q*L cagi5e haueua quiui
co/i pocho da mangiare re/po/e Q n5 habitaua in
q3/to Locho ft nd quado veniua a La caza et a vedere
Lo /uo fratello ma /taua in vna alt* y/ola doue
haueua tuta la /ua f amiglia li fece dire ft haueua
Jnimici Lo dice//e p cio andarebe c5 que/te naue
ade/trugerli et faria lo hobedirianno Lo rengratio
et di//e Q haueua benne due y/olle nemiche maque
alhora n5 era tempo de andarui Lo Cap° li di//e
/e dio face//e <J vnalt* fiatta ritorna/ce in que/te
parte conduria tanta gente <J farebe p for/a e/erli
/ugette et que voleua andare adi/nare et dapoy
tornarebe p far pore la croce in cima deL monte
ri/po/ero eranno Contend f acendo//e vn bata glione
c5 /caricare li /quiopeti et abra/ando/i lo cap c5 li
due re piglia//emo li/entia.
Dopo di/nare torna//emo tucti in gioponne et an-
da/semo in/ieme c5 li duy Re neL mezo di in cima
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I *7
thanked him heartily and [said] that they would
do everything willingly. The captain-general also
had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen,
or what was their belief. They replied that they
worshiped nothing, but that they raised their
clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that
they called their god " Abba." *" Thereat the cap-
tain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king
raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished
that it were possible for him to make the captain
see his love for him. The interpreter asked the
king why there was so little to eat there. The lat-
ter replied that he did not live in that place except
when he went hunting and to see his brother, but
that he lived in another island where all his family
were. The captain-general had him asked to de-
clare whether he had any enemies, so that he might
go with his ships to destroy them and to render them
obedient to him. 150 The king thanked him and said
that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him,
but that it was not then the season to go there. The
captain told him that if God would again allow
him to return to those districts, he would bring so
many men that he would make the king's enemies
subject to him by force. He said that he was about
to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward
to have the cross set up on the summit of the moun-
tain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then
forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and
the captain having embraced the two kings, we took
our leave.
After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets,
and that afternoon m went together with the two
1 28 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
deL piu alto monte Q fo//e Quando ariua//emo
in cima Lo cap° genneralle li di//e como li era caro
hauere /udato p loro p che e/endo iui la croce nS
poteua /inon grandamSte Jouarli et domandoli
q'L porto era migliore p victuuaglie dice//ero
Q ne erano tre sioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma
che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico
et /e profer/enno di darni piloti q ne in/egnia-
rebenno iL viag° Lo cap gftale li rengratio
et delibero de andarli p Q cu//i voleua la sua infelice
font, po/ta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater no/ter
et vna aue maria adorandola co/i li re fecenno poy
de/cende//emo p li /ui campi Lauorattj et anda/-
/cmo doue era lo balanghai li re feceno portare
alquanti cochi a$io ft rinf re/ca//imo Lo cap° li
domando li* piloti p che la matina /equente voleua
partir/i et Q li tratarebe como ft mede/imo La/an-
doli vno de li nfj p o/tagio ri/po/ero Q ogni ora
li voltfft eranno aL /uo comSdo ma nela nocte iL
p*mo re ft mudo dopigniOe La matina quando
eramo p partir/i eL re mando adire aL cap gene-
ralle Q per amore /uo a/pecta//e duj giornj fin Q
face//e coglire el rizo et alt 1 /ui menuti pregandolo
manda//e alguni homini p ajutareli agio piu pre/to
/e /paza//e et Q luy mede/imo voleua e//ere lo nfo
piloto. lo Cap mandoli alguni homini ma li Re
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 29
kings to the summit of the highest mountain there.
When we reached the summit, the captain-general
told them that he esteemed highly having sweated
for them, for since the cross was there, it could not
but be of great use to them. On asking them which
port was the best to get food, they replied that there
were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann,
but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most
trade. They offered of their own accord to give us
pilots to show us the way. The captain-general
thanked them, and determined to go there, for so
did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was
erected in position, each of us repeated a Pater
Noster and an Ave Maria, and adored the cross;
and the kings did the same. Then we descended
through their cultivated fields, and went to the place
where the balanghai was.* 5 * The kings had some
cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh our-
selves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots
for he intended to depart the following morning,
and [said] that he would treat them as if they were
the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as
hostage. The kings replied that every hour he
wished the pilots were at his command, but that
night the first king changed his mind, and in the
morning when we were about to depart, sent word
to the captain-general, asking him for love of him
to wait two days until he should have his rice har-
vested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the
captain-general to send him some men to help him,
so that it might be done sooner ; and said that he in-
tended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent
him some men, but the kings ate and drank so much
1 30 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
tanto mangiorono et beueteno Q dormiteno tuto il
giorno alguni p e/cu/arli dicero <J haueuano vno
pocho dc malle p q e L giorno li no/t* n6 feccro nicntc
ma neli alt 1 dui /eguenti lauorono.
Vno de que/ti populi nc portc force vna /cudela
de rizo c5 octo o dieze figue ligaty in/ieme p bara-
tarli in vno cortello Q valeua iL piu tre catrini eL
cap vedendo que que/to nS voleua alt* Senon vno
cortello lo chiamo p vedere piu co/e mi//e mano
a la bor/a et li voice dare p q e lle co/e vno realL
lui noL vol/i lui mo/tro vno ducato mancho lo
accepto al fine li voice dare vno dopionne de duy
ducati n6 voice mai alt° Q vn corte lo et cu//i li lo
fece dare Andando vno de li nfi in terra p tore
acqua vno de que/ti li voice dare vno coronna pontina
de oro ma/igio grade como vna colona p /ey filce de
cri/talino ma iL cap° non voice Q la bara ta//e agio
que in que/to principio /ape//ero Q pritiauamo piu
la nf a mercantia q Lo /uo oro.
Que/ti populi /onno gentili vanno nudi et de
pinti portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno
le /ue vergonie Sonno grandi//imi beuitori le
/ue femi ne vanno ve/tite de tella de arbore de la
cinta in giu c5 li capili negri fina in terra anno
forate le orechie et pienne de oro. Que/ta gente
/empre ma/ticanno vno fruto Q Lo quiamano Areca
e como vno pero lo taglianno in quat° parti et poi
lo volueno nele foglie deL /uo arburo (J le nominano
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 3 l
that they slept all the day. Some said to excuse
them that they were slightly sick. Our men did
nothing on that day, but they worked the next two
days.* 5 *
One of those people brought us about a porringer
full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas]
fastened together to barter them for a knife which
at the most was worth three catrini.* 54 The captain
seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife,
called him to look at other things. He put his hand
in his purse and wished to give him one real for
those things, but the native refused it. The captain
showed him a ducado but he would not accept that
either. Finally the captain tried to give him a
doppione * 55 worth two ducados, but he would take
nothing but a knife ; and accordingly the captain had
one given to him. When one of our men went ashore
for water, one of those people wanted to give him a
pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a
colona *° for six strings of glass beads, but the cap-
tain refused to let him barter, so that the natives
should learn at the very beginning that we prized
our merchandise more than their gold.* 57
Those people are heathens,* 58 and go naked and
painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a
tree about their privies.* 5 * They are very heavy
drinkers.* 60 Their women are clad in tree cloth
from their waist down, and their hair is black and
reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in
their ears which are filled with gold. Those peo-
ple are constantly chewing a fruit which they call
areca } and which resembles a pear. They cut that
fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leaves
I3 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
betre /onno como foglie di moraro cS vno poco de
calcina et quando le anno be ma/ticate le /putano
fora fanno diuentare la boca roci//ima Tucti
li populi de que/ta parte deL mondo le vzanno p che
rinf re/cali molto eL core Se re/ta//eno de vzarle
morirebenno in que/ta izolla /onno cany gati
porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi
limoni miglio panizo /orgo cera et molto oro /ta
de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui ter/i aL artico et
cento et /e/anta dui de longitudine della linea de La
ripartitide et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada
et /e chiama Mazaua
Ste/semo sette giorni quiui poi piglia//emo la
via deL mai/trale pa//ando f* cinq3 y/olle cioe Cey-
lon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan in que/ta
y/ola de gatigan /onno barba/tili grandi como
aquille p (J era tardi ne amaga//emo vno era
como vna galina aL mangiare ge /onno colombi tor-
tore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine
cS la coda loga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua
li meteno /oto la /abia p lo grS caldo li crea
Quando /onno na/ciuti alzano la arena et vieneno
fora que/ti oui /onno bony de mangiare. De
mazaua agatighan /onno vinti leghe partendone
da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne
puote /eguif p che lo e/pecta//emo circa tre y/olle
cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gion/e molte
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 133
of their tree which they call betre [i.e., betel]. Those
leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They
mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed
it thoroughly, they spit it out. m It makes the mouth
exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of
the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart,
and if they ceased to use it they would die. There
are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoa-
nuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet,
panicum, sorgo, 1 " wax, and a quantity of gold in
that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-
thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longi-
tude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the
line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the
Acquada, and is called Mazaua." 1
We remained there seven days, after which we
laid our course toward the northwest, passing
among ,e * five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Cani-
ghan, Baybai, and Gatighan. 266 In the last-named
island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles.
As it was late we killed one of them, 166 which re-
sembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtle-
doves, 167 parrots, and certain black birds as large as
domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last
mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and
bury them under the sand, through the great heat
of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born,
they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs
are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas
from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward
from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not
follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited
him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, and
1 34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
/e marauiglio deL nfo nauigare Lo cap gftale lo fece
mS tare nela /ua naue c5 alguni /oi principali
dilque hebero piacere et co//i anda//emo in zubu
da gatighan azubu /onno quindice legue.
Domeniga a sete de ap4le amezo di intra//emo
ncL porto de Zubu pa//ando per molti vilagij
vedeuamo molte caze facte /opra li arbori Apropin-
quSdone ala cita Lo cap° gftale comando le naui
sinbandera//eno furono Calate le velle et po/te
amodo de bataglia et /carico tuta lartigliaria p ilque
que/ti populi hebero grandi//ima paura Lo cap*
mando vno /uo alieuo c6 lo interprete inba//iatore
aL re de Zubo. Quando ariuorono nela cita tro-
uorono Jnfiniti huomini in/ieme co Lo re tuti pauro/i
p le bombarde linterprete li di//e que/to e/ere
nfo co/tume intrando in /imili luogui in /egnio de
pace et ami/itia et p honnorare lo re deL luogo
/caricauamo tuctele bombarde eL re et tucti li
/uoi /e a/egurorono et fece dire ali no/V p lo /uo
gouuernatore Q voleuamo linterprete ri/po/e
como eL /uo /igniore era cap° deL magiore re et
principe fo//e neL mondo et Q andaua adi/courif
malucho ma p la /ua bonna fama Como haueua
Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto /olamente p
vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia c5 la /ua mercha-
dantia li di//e Q in bonna hora fo//e venuto ma Q
haueua que/ta vzan/a tutte le naui Q intrauano neL
porto /uo pagau5o tributu et Q nd eranno quat° g 2 che
'
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 37
Pozon. 168 When he caught up with us he was great-
ly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed.
The captain-general had him come into his ship
with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased.
Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the dis-
tance to Zubu being fifteen leguas. 268
At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the
port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we
saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching
the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to
fling their banners. The sails were lowered and ar-
ranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired,
an action which caused great fear to those people.
The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to
the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they
reached the city, they found a vast crowd of peo-
ple together with the king, all of whom had been
frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told
them 2T0 that that was our custom when entering into
such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and
that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the
king of the village. The king and all of his men
were reassured, and the king had us asked by his
governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied
that his master was a captain of the greatest king
and prince in the world, and that he was going to
discover Malucho; 2T1 but that he had come solely to
visit the king because of the good report which he
had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to
buy food with his merchandise. The king told him
that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a
good time], but that it was their custom for all ships
that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it
13^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
vno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de /chiaui li
haueua dato tributo et p /egnio di que/to li mo/tro
vno mer chadante de $iama que era re/tato p mer-
chadantare oro et /quiaui Lo interprete li di//e
como eL /uo /igniore p e//ere cap° de tanto gri re
non pagaua tributo ad alguno /igniore deL mondo et
/e voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ft non guerra guera
Alhoro eL moro merchadante diffe aL re Cata raia
chita ?ioe garba ben /igniore que/ti /onno de q'lli Q
anno conqui/tato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia ma-
giore Si bene /i li fa ben ft a ft male male et pegio
como anno facto a calicut et amalaca linterprete
Jnte/o lo tuto et di//egli q c L re de /uo /igniore era
piu potente de gente et de nauj Q Lo re de portogalo
et era re de /pagnia et Jmperatof de tuttj li xpiani et
/e n6 voleua e//erli amicho li mandaria vnalt* fiata
tanta gente q c L de/trueri5o iL moro naro ogni co/a
aL re alhora li di//e ft con/igliarebe c5 li /ui et nel
di /eguente li ri/ponderebe poy fece portare vna
colatiSe de molte viuade tute de carne po/te in piati
de porcelane cS molti vazi di vino data La Cola-
tiSe li no/t 1 retornoronno et ne di//ero lo tuto iL
re de mazaua Q era lo p'mo dopo que/to re et /igniore
de alcante y/olle ando in tera p dire al re la grande
cortezia deL nfo cap° genneralle.
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 39
was but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e.,
Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him
tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed
out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who
had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The in-
terpreter told the king that, since his master was
the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute
to any seignior in the world, and that if the king
wished peace he would have peace, but if war in-
stead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to
the king Cata rata chita that is to say, ,T * " Look well,
sire." "These men are the same who have con-
quered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e.,
India Major] . m If they are treated well, they will
give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil
and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut
and Malaca." The interpreter understood it all and
told the king that his master's king was more power-
ful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that
he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the
Christians, and that if the king did not care to be
his friend m he would next time send so many men
that they would destroy him. The Moro related
everything to the king, m who said thereupon that
he would deliberate with his men, and would answer
the captain on the following day. Then he had re-
freshments of many dishes, all made from meat and
contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars
of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed
themselves, they returned and told us everything.
The king of Mazaua,*" who was the most influential
after that king and the seignior of a number of
islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great
courtesy of our captain-general.
1 4° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
Luni matina iL nfo /criuio in/ieme c5 linterprete
andorono in zubu vene iL re con li /ui principali
in piaza ct fece /edcre li no/t* apre//o lui li di/e
/e piu duno cap° era in q3/ta compania et /eL voleua
lui paga//e tributo aL imperatore /uo S w . ri/po/e de
n5 ma voleua /olamente merchadanta/e c5 lui et non
con alt* di//e Q era contento et /eLo cap nfo voleua
e//ere /uo amicho li manda//e von pocho de /angue
deL /uo bracio drito et co//i farebe luy p /egnio de
piu vera ami/itia re/po/e Q Lo faria poy Lo re
li di//e como tucti li cap 1 <j veniuio quiui se dauano
pfLti luno c5 lalt° et /e Lo nfo cap° olui doueua co-
men/are linterprete li di//e poy <j lui voleua man-
tegnire que/to co/tume comincia//e et cu//i comen/o.
Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne
ale naui /aluto lo capitano gfiale da parte diL re
et di/celli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu
victuuaglia poteua p darnela et como mandarebe
dopo di/nare vno /uo nepote con dui otre de /ui
principali p fare la pace. lo cap gfiale fece
armare vno de le /ue pprie arme et feceli dire como
tuti nuy combateuamo de q e lla /orta; iL moro molto
/i /pauento iL cap li di//e n5 /i /pauenta//e
perche le nfe ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici et
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 14 1
Monday morning, our notary, together with the
interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied
by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had
our men sit down near him. He asked the notary
whether there were more than one captain in that
company, and whether that captain wished him to
pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary
replied in the negative, but that the captain wished
only to trade with him and with no others. The king
said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain
wished to become his friend, he should send him a
drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself
would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most
sincere f riendship. m The notary answered that the
captain would do it Thereupon, the king told him
that all the captains who came to that place, were
wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual
presents between the king and the captain], and
asked whether our captain or he ought to com-
mence. ,7, The interpreter told the king that since he
desired to maintain the custom, he should commence,
and so he did. m
Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the
ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-gen-
eral in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that
the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as
possible to give to him, and that after dinner he
would send one of his nephews and two others of
his chief men to make peace. The captain-general
had one of his men armed with his own arms, and
had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner.
The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain
told him not to be frightened for our arms were soft
I4 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
a/pere ali nemici et co/i como li fazoli a/ciugano
yl /udore co/i le nfe arme ateranno et de/trugeno tuti
li aduer/arj et maleuoli de La nfa fede fece que/to
acio el moro <j pareua e//ere piu a/tuto de li alt 1 lo
dice //e aL re.
Dopo di/nare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re (J
era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuer-
natore et iL barizello magiore c6 octo principali p
fare La pace con noi Lo cap° gfiale /edendo in vna
cadedra de veluta ro//a li prin cipali in /edie de
corame et li alt 1 in tera /oura /tore li di//e p Lo inter-
prete /e Lo /uo co/tume era de parlare in /ecreto
houero in publico et Se que/to principe col re de
mazaua haueuao potere de fare la pace ri/po/ero
Q parla vano in publico et <J co/toro haueuao iL
potere de far la pace Lo cap di//e molte co/e
/oura la pace et q e L pregaua ydio la con firm a //e in
cielo di/cero que may nd haueu5o aldite cotalle
parolle et que pigliauio gr5 piacere a vdir le Ve-
dendo Lo cap <j que/to volenti eri a/coltauao et re-
/pondeuao li comincio dire co/e per indurli ala fede:
Domando q*L dopo la morte deL re /uccede//e aLa
s*. ri/po/e <j Lo re no haueua figlioli ma figliole et Q
que/to /uo nipote haueua p moglie la magiore percio
era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno
vequi non /i honorauao piu mali figlioli li coman-
dauao lo cap li di//e como ydio fece Lo ciello La
terra Lo mare et tucte le alt 6 co/e et como inpo//e /e
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 143
toward our friends and harsh toward our enemies;
and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our
arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and
those who hate our faith. 180 The captain did that
so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than
the others, might tell it to the king.
After dinner the king's nephew, who was the
prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua,
the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and
eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-
general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal
men M1 on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon
the floor. The captain-general asked them through
the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak
in secret or in public, and whether that prince and
the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace."*
They answered that they spoke in public, and that
they were empowered to make peace. The captain-
general said many things concerning peace, and that
he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said
that they had never heard any one speak such words,
but that they took great pleasure in hearing them.
The captain seeing that they listened and answered
willingly, began to advance arguments to induce
them to accept the faith. Asking them who would
succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king,
he was answered that the king had no sons but only
daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that
nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They
said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old,
they received no further honor, but their children
commanded them. The captain told them that God
made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else,
144 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
doue//eno honnorare li padri ct madri ct q 1 altramete
faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como
tuti de/cendeuao de adam et eua no/t* primi parenti
et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre
co/e pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li /uplicorono
vole//e la/arli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li
amay/tra//e ne La fede et che li farebSo grande
honnore gli re/po/e Q alhora n5 poteua la/ciarli
alguno ma /e vole uao e//ere xpiano Lo prete nfo
li baptezarebe et Q vnalt* fiata menaria preti et f rati
queli in/egniarebSo la fede nfa ri/po/ero que
p 2 ma voleuao parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno
xpiani lagrima//emo tuti p la grande alegreza
Lo cap° li di/ce (J non ce f acero xpiani p paura ne p
compiacerne ma vo lontariamSte et acoloro (j voleuao
viuere /econdo la /ua lege n5 li farebe facto di/piacer
alguno mali xpiani /erianno meglio vi/ti et caregiati
Q li alt 1 Tuti gridaronno aduna voce Q no ft
faceuao xpiani p paura ne p compiacerne ma p /ua
Spontanea volontate Alhora li di//e Q /i deuen-
tauao xpiani gli La//arebe vna armatura p che cu//i
li era /tato inpo/to deL /"uo re et como nd poteuao
vzare c5 le /"ue donne e/endo gentilli /enza grandi/-
/imo pecato et como li a/eguraua Q cffendo x I ani non
li aparerebe piu eL domonio /inon neL ponto ex-
tremo de la /ua morte diceno Q nd /apeuano re/pon-
derli p le /ue belle parolle ma /e rimeteuano nele /ue
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 145
and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers
and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was
condemned to eternal fire ; that we are all descended
from Adam and Eva, our first parents ; that we have
an immortal spirit; 1 " and many other things per-
taining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the cap-
tain to leave them two men, or at least one/ 84 to in-
struct them in the faith, and [said] that they would
show them great honor. The captain replied to them
that he could not leave them any men then, but that
if they wished to become Christians, our priest would
baptize them, and that he would next time bring
priests and friars who would instruct them in our
faith. They answered that they would first speak
to their king, and that then they would become Chris-
tians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The
captain-general told them that they should not be-
come Christians for fear or to please us, but of their
own free wills ; "* and that he would not cause any
displeasure to those who wished to live according to
their own law, but that the Christians would be better
regarded and treated than the others. All cried out
with one voice that they were not becoming Chris-
tians through fear or to please us, but of their own
free will. Then the captain told them that if they
became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,"*
for so had his king commanded him; that we could
not have intercourse with their women without com-
mitting a very great sin, since they were pagans ; and
that he assured them that if they became Christians,
the devil would no longer appear to them except in
the last moment at their death." 7 They said that
they could not answer the beautiful words of the
I4 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
manj ct f ace//e de loro como dc /oy fidcli//imi /erui-
tori Lo cap° piangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna
mano del principe et vna deL re f ra le /ue li di//e p
la fcde portaua a dio et alimperatof /uo /igniore et
p Lo habito £j haueua li prometeua q li daua la pace
ppe tua col re de/pagnia re/po/ero que lo /imille
prometeuao Conelu/a la pace Lo cap° fece dare
vna colatiSe poy lo principe et re pre/entarono
aL cap° da parte deL /uo re alquanti ce/toni de rizo
porci capre et galine et li di/cero li perdona/ce p
cio taL co/e erano pocque avno /imille alui Lo
cap° dono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella
/otili//ima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chri/-
talino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri /onno
molto apreciati in que/te parte. AL re di mazaua
no li deto alguno pftte p che gia li aueua dato vna
ve/te de cambaya con altre co/e et ali altri aq* vna
co/a zq { vnalt . Mando poy aL re de zubu p mi et
vnalt vna ve/te de /"eta gialla et morella aguisa
Turche/ca vno bonnet ro/o fino alquante filce de
cri/talino po/"to ogni co/a in vno piato dargento et
dui biqui eri dorati in mano Quando focemo nela
cita troua/"/emo Lo re in fuo palatio co molti homini
q ft deua in tera /oura vna /"tora di palma haueua
/ola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale
/ue tgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato
aguchia vna Colana aL colo de gr£ precio due
/quione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie c6 petre
precio/e atorno era gra//o et picolo et depinto c5
15*9-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD H7
captain, but that they placed themselves in his hands,
and that he should treat them as his most faithful
servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and
clasping one of the prince's hands and one of the
king's between his own, said to them that, by his faith
in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by
the habit which he wore," 8 he promised them that
he would give them perpetual peace with the king
of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the
same. After the conclusion of the peace, the cap-
tain had refreshments served to them. Then the
prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some
baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the cap-
tain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him
to pardon them, for such things were but little [to
give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince
a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some
strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking
cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those
districts. He did not give any present to the king
of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of
Cambaya, besides other articles. 189 To the others
he gave now one thing and now another. Then he
sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other
a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style,
a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a
silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our
hands. 190 When we reached the city we found the
king in his palace surrounded by many people. He
was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only
a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf em-
broidered with the needle about his head, a neck-
lace of great value hanging from his neck, and two
large gold earrings fastened in his ears set round
148 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
lo fuocho a diuer/e maniere mangiaua in tera /our a
vnalt* /tora oui dc bissascutclaza po/ti in dui vazi
de porcelafi et haueua dinanzi quat vazi piennj de
vino de palma /erati con erbe odiri fere ct ficati catro
cannuti con ogni vno c6 que/ti beueua. Facta la
dcbita reuerentia linterprete li di//e como lo /uo
/igniore lo rengratiaua molto deL /uo pfite et que li
mandaua que/to n5 p il /uo ma p lo trin/icho amore
li portaua li ve/te//emo la ve/te gli pone//emo iL
bonnet in capo et li de//emo le altre co/e et poy
ba/andoli vetri et ponendoli /oura lo capo le li pre-
/entai et facendo lui eL /imilli li accepto poi iL re
ne fece magiare de q e lli oui et bere con q e lli canuti li
alt 1 /ui in que/to mezo gli di//ero lo parlam t0 deL
cap° /op* la pace et lo exortamento p farli xpiani
iL Re ne voice te ner /echo acene li dice//emo non
poteuamo aloro re/tare pigliata la li/entia iL prin-
cipe ne meno /eco a ca/a /ua doue /onauano catro
fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nfo ma era po/ta
in tera Vnalt* daua vno legnio facto alcanto gro//o
neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate
mo in la vna mo in lalt* Lalt* in vna borquia grande
col mede/imo modo. La vltima c5 due brochiete in
mao dando luna ne lalt* faceua vno /uaue /onno tanto
atempo /onauao que pareua haue//eno gra ra-
gion deL canto Que/te eranno a/ay belle et bian que
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 149
with precious gems. He was fat and short, and
tattooed with fire 191 in various designs. From
another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs
which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four
jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with
sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small
reeds in each jar by means of which he drank. w *
Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter
told the king that his master thanked him very warm-
ly for his present, and that he sent this present not
in return for his present but for the intrinsic love
which he bore him. tM We dressed him in the robe,
placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other
things ; then kissing the beads and putting them upon
his head, I presented them to him. He doing the
same [/.*., kissing them] accepted them. Then the
king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through
those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him
in that place, the words of the captain concerning
peace and his exhortation to them to become Chris-
tians. The king wished to have us stay to supper
with him, but we told him that we could not. stay
then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince
took us with him to his house, where four young girls
were playing [instruments] - one, on a drum like
ours, but resting on the ground ; the second was strik-
ing two suspended gongs alternately with a stick
wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm
cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner;
and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by
striking one against the other, which gave forth a
sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one
would believe they possessed good musical sense.
15° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
ca/i como le no/tre ct co/i grande eranno nude
/inon q haueuao tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL
ginoquio et algune tutc nude col pichieto dele ore-
chic grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo
tene tondo et largo c6 li capeli grandi et negri et co
vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et /"empre di/calce
iL principe ne fece balare c6 tre tutte nude me-
renda/Vemo et dapoy veni//emo ale naui Que/te
borchie /"onno de metalo et ft f anno ne La regi6e deL
/ignio magno Q e detta La China Quiui le vzanno
Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon.
Mercore matina p tfftrt morto vno deli no/t* nella
nocte pa/Tata linterprete et yo anda//emo adomander
aL re doue lo poteriamo ft pelire troua//emo Lo re
aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita
reueren/"ia li lo di//e ri/po/e ft io et li mey va/alli
ftmo tucti deL tuo /"igniore Quato magiorm* debe
tfftrt la terra et li dice como voleuamo con/acrare
il luoco et meterlj vna croce ri/po/e que era molto
contento et q la voleua adorare como nuy alt 1 fu
/epolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio pote//emo p
darli bo exempio et poy la con/acra/"/emo /ultardi
ne sepeli//emo vno alt porta/'/emo molta merchantia
in terra et la mete//emo in vna ca/a q*L el re Latol/"e
/oura /"ua fede et Quatro homini (J eranno re/"tati per
merchadantare in groffo. Que/ti populi viueno c5
Ju/titia pe/o et mezura amano la pace lotio et
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 5 l
Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white
as our girls and as large. They were naked except
for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reach-
ing to the knees. Some were quite naked and had
large holes in their ears with a small round piece
of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round
and large. They have long black hair, and wear a
short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot.
The prince had three quite naked girls dance for
us. We took refreshments and then went to the
ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and
are manufactured in the regions about the Signio
Magno 294 which is called China. They are used
in those regions as we use bells and are called
aghon.* 9 *
On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had
died during the previous night, the interpreter and
I 29e went to ask the king where we could bury him.
We found the king surrounded by many men, of
whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked
it. 297 He replied, "If I and my vassals all belong to
your sovereign, how much more ought the land." I
told the king that we would like to consecrate the
place, 298 and to set up a cross there. He replied
that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to
adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried
in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order
to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the
place, and in the evening buried another man. We
carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we
stored in a house. The king took it under his care
as well as four men who were left to trade the goods
by wholesale. 299 Those people live in accordance with
justice, and have weights and measures. They love
IS 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
laquiete anno bilancie de legnio lo legnio a vna
corda neL mezo c5 Laq'L /etiene duno capo c
piombo ct dclalt /egni como carti terci ct librf
Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belan/ia cfi e c5
tre filli como le nfe et la meteno /our a li /egni et cu/i
pe/ano Ju/to anno mezure grandi//ime /enza
fondo le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como
le nfe et le chiamano Subin le ca/e /onno de legni
de taule et de cane edificate /op* pali gro//i alti de
terra q bi/ognia andarui dent c6 /calle et anno
camare como le nfe /oto le ca/e teneno li porci capre
et galine /e trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL
vedere Q amazano le balene leqMle le Jnguiotano viui
Quando loro /onno neL corpo veneno fuora deL /uo
coperto et li magiano eL core Que/ta gente le
trouano poi viui apre//o deL core dele ballenne
morte Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto
biancho et La carne Sonno boni da mangiare et le
chiamano laghan.
Vennere li mo/tra//emo vna botega pienna de le
nfe merchantie p ilque re/toronno molto admirati
p metalle fero et lalt* merchantia gro//a ne dauano
horo p le altre menute ne dauao ri/o porci et capre
cd altre vi tuualgie Que/ti populi ne dauano x
peci de oro p xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo
duno ducato emezo Lo cap gfiale non vol/e /e
piglia//e tropo oro perque /arebe /tato alguno mari-
naro (J hauerebe dato tuto Lo /uo p vno poco de oro
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 53
peace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances,
the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which
it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other
marks like quarter-lib ras, third-libras, and libras.
When they wish to weigh they take the scales which
has three wires like ours, and place it above the
marks, and so weigh accurately. 100 They have very
large measures without any bottom.* 01 The youth
play on pipes made like ours which they call sub in.
Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built
of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground
on large logs, and one must enter them by means of
ladders. They have rooms like ours ; and under the
house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large
sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found
there which kill whales. For the whale swallows
them alive, and when they are in the whale's body,
they come out of their shells and eat the whale's
heart. Those people afterward find them alive near
the dead whale's heart. Those creatures have black
teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good
to eat. They are called laghan? 01
On Friday we showed those people a shop full of
our merchandise, ,0, at which they were very much
surprised. For metals, iron, and other large mer-
chandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller
articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other
food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii
libras of iron *" (one piece being worth about one
and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not
wish to take too much gold, for there would have
been some sailors who would have given all that they
owned for a small amount of gold, and would have
1 54 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
et haueria di/conciato Lo trafigo p semper Sabato
p hauef pme//o Lo re aL cap° de far/i xpiano ne la
dominicha ft fece ne la piaza Q era /acrata vno tribu-
nalle adornato de tapi//eria et rami de palma p
baptizarlo et mandoli adire Q nella matina no haue/e
paure dele bombarde per cio era no/t° co/tume ne le
fe/te magiore de/caricaf /enza pietre.
Domeniga matina a Quatordize de ap'lle anda/-
/emo in terra Quaranta hoj co duy homini tucti
armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle Quante di/mo
ta/'/emo /e tira tucta lartigliaria Que/ti populi
/iguiao diqua et de la Lo cap° et lo re ft abracio-
rono li di//e q la bandera realle n5 f\ portaua in terra
/mon c6 cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati
et co cinquanta /chiopeteri ma p lo /"uo grande amore
co/i la haueua portata poi tuti alegri anda//emo
prtffo aL tribunalle Lo cap° et Lo re /edeuao in
cathedre de veluto roffo et morello li principalli in
cu/yini li alt 1 /bura /tore lo Cap° di//"e aL re p lo
interprete ringratia//e ydio p cio lo haueua in/pirato
a far/e xpano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li /ui
nemi/"i Q prima ri/po/e q voleua tfftrt xpiano ma
alguni fui principali no voleuano ho bedire p che
diceuano tfftrt cuffi homini como lui alhora lo
nfo cap° fece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et
di//eli /enon hobediuao aL re como /uo re li farebe
amazare et daria la /ua roba aL re Ri/po/eno lo
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 155
spoiled the trade for ever. 805 On Saturday, as the
captain had promised the king to make him a Chris-
tian on Sunday, a platform was built in the conse-
crated square, which was adorned with hangings and
palm branches for his baptism. The captain-gen-
eral sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of
the pieces that would be discharged in the morn-
ing, for it was our custom to discharge them at our
greatest feasts without loading with stones. 804
On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men
of us went ashore, two of whom were completely
armed and preceded the royal banner. 801 When we
reached land all the artillery was fired. 808 Those
people followed us hither and thither. The captain
and the king embraced. The captain told the king
that the royal banner was not taken ashore except
with fifty men armed as were those two, and with
fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him
that he had thus brought the banner. 800 Then we all
approached the platform joyfully. The captain and
the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet, 818
the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats. 811 The
captain told the king through the interpreter that
he thanked God for inspiring him to became a
Christian; and that [now] he would more easily con-
quer his enemies than before. The king replied that
he wished to become a Christian, but that some of
his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said
that they were as good men as he. Then our captain
had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them
that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he
would have them killed, and would give their pos-
sessions to the king. They replied that they would
*5 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
hebedirebSo di//e aL re /e andaua in /pagnia
retornarebe vnalt* volta co tanto potere Q lo f aria Lo
magior re de q'lle parte per che era /tato ^mo a
voler far/e xpiano leuando li many aL ciello Lo
rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly /oy rimane//e a?io
meglio lui et li /ui populi focero in/tructi nelafede
Lo cap° re/po/e que p Contentarlo li La//arebe duy
ma voleua menar /eco dui fanciulli deli principalli
acio in para//eno la linga nfa et poi aLa ritornato
/ape//ero dire aque/ti altri le co/e de/pagnia /e
mi//e vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza Lo
cap° li di//e /e/i voleuao far xpiani Como haueuao
deto nelli giornj pa//ati li bi/ogniaua bru /are tucti
li /ui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni
di c5 le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo
far/i lo /egnio de La croce mo/trandoli como li
faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doue//eno
veni re a que/ta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et
q e L (J haueuao J a deto vole/ef c5 le bonne ope re con-
firmarlo el re co tucti li alt 2 voleuao confirmare lo
tucto lo cap° gftale li di//e como /era ve/tito tuto
de biancho p mo/trarli Lo /uo /incero amore ver/o
de loro ri/po/ero p li /ui dolci paroli n5 /aperli
re/pondere. Con que/te bonne parolle lo cap° con-
du//e lo re p la mSo /uL tribunalle p baptizarlo et
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 57
obey him. The captain told the king that he was
going to Spagnia, but that he would return again
with so many forces that he would make him the
greatest king of those regions, as he had been the
first to express a determination to become a Chris-
tian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked
the captain, and requested him to let some of his men
remain [with him], so that he and his people might
be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied
that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that
he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs
with him, so that they might learn our language,
who afterward on their return would be able to tell
the others the wonders [cose'] of Spagnia. A large
cross was set up in the middle of the square. The
captain told them that if they wished to become
Christians as they had declared on the previous days,
that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross
in their place. They were to adore that cross daily
with clasped hands, and every morning after their
[i.e., the Spaniards'] custom, they were to make the
sign of the cross (which the captain showed them
how to make) ; and they ought to come hourly, at
least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneel-
ing. The intention that they had already declared,
they were to confirm with good works. The king
and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly.
The captain-general told the king that he was clad
all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward
them. They replied that they could not respond to
his sweet words. The captain led the king by the
hand to the platform while speaking these good
words in order to baptize him. He told the king
158 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
di//eli /e chiameria don carlo como alinperatof /uo
/igniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello
delinperatof al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno princi-
palle fernando como iL principalle no/t° gioe Lo
cap . Al moro x°foro poy ali alt 1 aq 1 vno nome et
aq 1 vno alt° forenno baptizati inanzi me//a cinque
cento hominj Vdita la mc//a lo cap conuito
adi/nar /eco lo re c5 altri principali nd vol/ero ne
acompagniarono fina ala riua le naui /caricorono
tutte le bombarde et abrazando/e pre//ero Com-
biatto.
Dopo di/nare il prete et alguni altri anda//emo in
terra p baptizar La reyna laq a lle venne c5 quaranta
dame la conduce//emo /op* lo tribunalle facendola
/edere /oura vno co//ino et lalf Zirca ella fin q c L
prete Sapara li mo/tray vno Jmagine de La nfa
donna vno bambino di legnio beli//imo et vna croce
p il que li venne vna contrictiSe Q piangendo do-
mando lo bate/imo la nomina /cmo Johanna como la
madre de linperatof /ua figliola moglie deL principe
Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre
ognuna lo /uo nome bap tiza//emo octo cento
anime f ra homini donne et fanciulli la regina era
Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et
nero haueua la bocha et le onghie ro/i//ime in capo
vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de
/olana co vna coronna in circa de le mede/me foglie
como q c lla deL papa ne may va in alguno locho
/enza vna de que/te ne demando iL banbino p
15191522], FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 159
that he would call him Don Carlo, after his sover-
eign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after
the emperor's brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni;
a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the
captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others,
now one name, and now another. Five hundred men
were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of
mass, the captain invited the king and some of the
other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompany-
ing us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged
all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs
and the captain took leave of one another.*"
After dinner the priest and some of the others
went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with
forty women. We conducted her to the platform,
and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and
the other women near her, until the priest should be
ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very
beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. There-
upon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked
for baptism amid her tears. m We named her
Johanna, after the emperor's mother; her daughter,
the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of
Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [dis-
tinctive] name. Counting men, women, and chil-
dren, we baptized eight hundred souls.* 14 The queen
was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered
with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails
were very red, while on her head she wore a large
hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,* 15 with
a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of
the pope; and she never goes any place without such
a one.* 16 She asked us to give her the little child
160 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
tenerlo in locho de li /oi ydoli et poy /e parti /ul-
tardi iL re et la reyna c5 a/ay//ime per/onne ven-
nerono aL lito lo cap° alhora fece tirare molte
trombc dc fuocho et bombarde gro//e p ilche
pigliaronno grandi/imo piacef eL cap° et lo re
ft chiamanao f ratelli Que/to re /e chiamaua raia
humabd Jnanzi pa/a//eno octo giorni forenno
baptizati tucti de que/ta y/ola et dele altre alguni
bru/a//emo vna vila p n6 vollere hobedire aL re ne
a noy la q a lle era in vna y/ola vicina aque/ta pone/-
/emo quiui la croce p que que/ti populi eranno gen-
tilli /e fo//ero /tato mori li hauere//emo po/to
vna colonna in /egnio de piu dureza p che li mori
/onno a/ay piu duri p conuertirli cha li gentilli.
Jn que/ti giorni lo cap° gftalle andaua ogni di in
terra p vdire me//a et diceua aL re molte co/e de La
fede La regina vene vno giorno c5 molta pompa
ad vdir la me//a tre donzelle li andauao dinanzi
con tre de li /ui capelli in m5o eLa era ve/tita de
negro et biancho c6 vno velo grande de /eta trauer-
/ato co li/te de oro in capo Q li copriua li /palle et
c6 Lo /uo capello a/ai//ime donne la /eguiuao
leq'lle er3o tute nude et di/calce /enon Jntorno le
parte tgonio/e haueuSo vno paniocolo de tella de
palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li
capilli /par/i La regina facta la reuerentia aL
altare /edete /up* vno co//ino Lauorato di /eta
inanzi /e comen/a//e la me//a iL cap la ba gnio c5
alquante /ue dame de hacqua roza mu/chiata molto
1 5 19-1 5"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 6 1
Jesus to keep in place of her idols;* 17 and then she
went away. In the afternoon,' 18 the king and queen,
accompanied by numerous persons, came to the
shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of
fire and large mortars discharged, by which they
were most highly delighted.* 19 The captain and the
king called one another brothers. That king's name
was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all
the persons of that island, and some from the other
islands, were baptized. We burned one hamlet
which was located in a neighboring island, because
it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross
there for those people were heathen. Had they been
Moros, we would have erected a column there as a
token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much
harder to convert than the heathen.
The captain-general went ashore daily during
those days to hear mass, and told the king many
things regarding the faith.* 10 One day the queen
came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls
preceded her with three of her hats in their hands." 1
She was dressed in black and white with a large silk
scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her
head, which covered her shoulders ; and she had on
her hat. A great number of women accompanied
her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that
they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before
their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and
all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made
the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk
embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of
the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her
women with musk rosewater, for they delighted ex-
1 62 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
/e delectauSo de talle odore /apendo Lo cap q e L
bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li di//e
Lo tcne//c in Locho dc li /ui ydoli p chc era in
memoria deL figloL de dio ringratiandolo molto
lo acccpto.
Vno giorno lo cap gftalc inanzi mc//a fe//c venire
lo re ve/tito c6 la /ua ve/ta de /eta et li principali
de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se
chiamaua bendara vno alt° f ratello deL re Cadaio et
alguni Simiut /ibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti
alt* que la//o p non e//ere longo fece tuti q/ti
Jurare e//ere hobedienti aL /uo re et li ba/aronno la
mano poi fece q e L re de//ere /empre hobediente et
fidelle aL re de/pagnia co/i lo Juro alhora iL
cap cauo la /ua /pada inanzi la ymagina de nfa
donna et di//e aL re Quando co//i /e Juraua piu
pre/to doueria/i morire que aromper vno /imiL
Juram5to /iqueL Juraua p que/ta ymagine p la vita
de limperatof /uo s c . et p il /uo habito de//erle /em-
pre fidelle facto que/to lo cap° donno aL re vna
cathedra de veluta ro//o dicendoli ounque anda//e
/emp La face//e portare dinanzi avn /uo piu por-
pinque et mo/troli Como La /i doueua portare
re/po/e Lo f arebe volentierj p amore /uo et di/ce aL
cap Como faceua far vna Joya p donarlila laq a L era
due /chione doro grande p tacare ali oreq ! e due p
metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre p pore
ali piedi /oura le calcagnie et altre petre precio/e p
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 63
ceedingly in such perfumes. The captain knowing
that the queen was very much pleased with the child
Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of
her idols, for it was in memory ,M of the son of God.
Thanking him heartily she accepted it
Before mass one day, the captain-general had the
king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of
the city, [to wit], the king's brother and prince's
father, whose name was Bendara; another of the
king's brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called
Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many
others whom I shall not name in order not to be
tedious."* The captain made them all swear to be
obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter's
hand. Then the captain had the king declare that
he would always be obedient and faithful to the king
of Spagnia, and the king so swore." 4 Thereupon, the
captain drew his sword before the image of our
Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore,
he should prefer to die rather than to break such an
oath," 5 if he swore by that image, by the life of the
emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever
faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain
gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that
wherever he went he should always have it carried
before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he
showed him how it ought to be carried. The king
responded that he would do that willingly for love
of him, and he told the captain that he was making
a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings
of gold to fasten ,M in his ears, two armlets to put
on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings
for the feet above the ankles, besides other precious
164 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
adornare lc orechic Que/ti /onno li piu belli
adornamgti po//ano vzarc li re de que/te bande
liq'lli /empre vano de/calci con vno panno de tella
de la cinta fina aL ginochio.
JL cap° gfiale vno Jorno di//e al re et ali alt 1 p q a L
cagionne nd bruzauao li /oi ydoli como li haueuao
pme//o e/endo chri/tiannj et p che ft Ly /acrificaua
tanta Carne ri/po/ero q e L Q faceuSo non Lo
faceuao p loro ma p vno infermo agio li ydoli li
da//e /alute laq a L non parlaua Ja cat° giorni era
fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de
La y/olo Lo cap gli di//e Q bru//a/ero le ydoli et
crede//eno in chri/to et ft linfermo ft bapti/a//e
/ubito garirebe et ft cio n5 foce li taglia//ero Lo
capo alhora alhora ri/po/e lo re lo farebe p che
varamgte credeua in chri/to f ace//emo vna pce//ione
dela piaza fino aLa ca/a de linfermo aL meglio
pote//emo oue Lo troua//emo que non poteua par-
lare ne mouer/e Lo baptiza//emo cd due fut
mogliere et x donzelle poi lo cap li fece dire como
/taua /ubito parlo et di//e como p la grac* de nfo s or .
/taua a//ay benne Que/to fu vno manife//imo
miraculo nelli tempi noft Quando Lo cap Lo vdi
parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere
vna mandolata q gia laueua facta fare p lui poi
mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de len/oli vna
Coperta de panno J alio et vno cu//ino et ogni giorno
fin Q fo /anno li mado mandolattj acqua ro/a oleo
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 65
gems to adorn ,2T the cars. Those are the most beau-
tiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can
wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth
garment that hangs from the waist to the knees.
One day the captain-general asked the king and
the other people why they did not burn their idols
as they had promised when they became Christians;
and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They
replied that what they were doing was not for them-
selves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now
for four days, so that the idols might give him health.
He was the prince's brother, and the bravest and
wisest man in the island. The captain told them
to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that
if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly re-
cover ; and if that did not so happen they could be-
head him [i.e., the captain] then and there. There-
upon, the king replied that he would do it, for he
truly believed in Christ. We made a procession
from the square to the house of the sick man with
as much pomp as possible. There we found him in
such condition that he could neither speak nor move.
We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls.
Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He
spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our
Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest
miracle [that happened] in our times. When the
captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently.
Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk,
which he had already had made for him. Afterward
he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet
of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered
his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rose-
1 66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
rozato et algune con/erue de zucaro no /tete cinque
giorni q e L comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo
Q teniuio a/co/o certe vecquie in ca/a /ua in pntia
deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece di/f are molti taber-
nacoli p la riua deL mare neliq*lli mangiau£o la
carne con/acrata Loro mede/imi Cridarono ca/-
tiglia ca/tiglia li rouinauao et di//eno /e dio li
pre/taua vita bru/arebenno quanti ydoli pote//e
trouare et /e benne fu//ero in ca/a deL re. Que/ti
ydoli /onno de legnio Concaui /enza li parti de
drieto anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in
/u/o con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cS quat°
denti grandi//imj como porci cingiari et /onno tucti
depintj
Jn Que/ta ysola /onno molte ville li nomi de
leq a lle et deli suoi et deli /ui prin cipali /onno que/ti
Cinghapola li /ui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan
Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL
/uo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL /uo princi-
palle theteu Vna lalutan iL /uo principalle Tapan
Vna cilumai et vnalt* lubucun Tucti q3/ti ne
hobediuSo et ne dauao victuuaglia et tributo
Apre//o que/ta yzola de zubu ne era vna (J /e chi-
amaua matan laq a L f aceua Lo porto doue eramo iL
nome dela /ua villa era matan li /ui principali zula
et Cilapulapu Quella villa Q bruza//emo era in
que/ta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia
A$io que vfa ilL"* s a /apia le Cerimonie Q vzanno
Co/toro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonano
\
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 67
water, oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Be-
fore five days the sick man began to walk. He had
an idol that certain old women had concealed in his
house burned in the presence of the king and all the
people. He had many shrines along the seashore
destroyed, 8 ** in which the consecrated meat was
eaten. The people themselves cried out " Casti glial
Castiglial" and destroyed m those shrines. They
said that if God would lend them life, they would
burn all the idols that they could find, even if they
were in the king's house. Those idols are made of
wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their
arms are open and their feet turned up under them
with the legs open. They have a large face with
four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are
painted all over.
There are many villages in that island. Their
names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs
are as follows : Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton,
Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cican-
bul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one
Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its
chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun."*
All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave
us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was
an island called Matan, which formed the port where
we were anchored. The name of its village was
Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu.
That city which we burned was in that island and
was called Bulaia.
In order that your most illustrious Lordship may
know the ceremonies that those people use in conse-
crating the swine, they first sound those large
1 68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
q e llc borchie grandi poi ft porta tre piati gradj dui
co roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in
foglie con pechc bru/tolato. Lalt° con panne de
Cambaia et due banderete di palma Vno pano de
Cambaia ft di/tende in terra poi veneno duy fe-
mine Vequi//ime cia/cuna con vno tronbonne de cana
in mao Quando /onno montate /uL panno fanno
reuerentia aL /olle poi ft ve/tenno co li pannj Vna
ft pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et
piglia vnalt° f aciolo ne le manj et balando et /unando
con q e llo chiama iL /olle lalt* piglia vna de q e lle
banderete et balla et /uona col /uo trobonne balls
et chiamSo cu//i vno pocho f ra ft dicendo molte co/e
aL /olle Quella deL faciolo piglia lalt* bandereta
et la/cio Lo faciolo et ambe due /onando cS li trom-
bonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato
Quella dali corni /em pre parla tacitamete aL /olle et
q c La alt* li ri/ponde poy aq e lla de li corni li e
apre/entato vna taga de vino et balando et dicendo
certe parolle et lalt* re/pondendoli et facendo vista
cat° ho cinque volte de beuere eL vino /parge q e llo
/oura eL core deL porcho poy /ubito torna abal-
lare a Que/ta mede/ima vien dato vna lancia Ley
vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle /empre tute
due balando et mo/tra do cat° ho cinque volte de dare
[de dare : doublet in original MS.] cS la lancia neL
core aL porcho con vna /ubbita pre/teza Lo pa//a
da parte aparte pre/to /i /era la ferita con erba
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 69
gongs." 1 Then three large dishes are brought in;
two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet,
baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the
other with cloth of Cambaia"* and two standards
made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cam-
baia is spread on the ground. Then two very old
women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet
in her hand. When they have stepped upon the
cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they
wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts
a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes
another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and
blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to
the sun. The other takes one of the standards and
dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and
call out thus for a little space, saying many things
between themselves to the sun. She with the ker-
chief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief
drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long
time, dance about the bound hog. She with the
horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other
answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of
the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain
words, while the other answers her, and making pre-
tense four or five times of drinking the wine,
sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she
immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given
to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating
certain words, while both of them continue to dance,
and making motions four or five times of thrusting
the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden
and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side
to the other. The wound is quickly stopped ,M with
17° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
q e lla (J amazato iL porcho ponendo/e vna tor/a
acce/a in boca la/morza laq'lle /ta /emprc acce/a in
quc/tc Ccrcmonic Lalt* coL capo dcL trombonne
bagniandolo ncL /angue dc porcho va /anguinando
coL /uo dito La f rontc p ! ma ali /oi mariti poy ali alt 1
ma n5 vcfterofto may a noi poy /e di/uc/teno ct
vano amangiare Quelle co/e Q /onno nelli piati et
Conuitano Senon femine Lo porcho /i pella cO lo
fuocho /ique ni /uno alt° que Le vequie con/acrano
La carne di porcho et nd La magiau£o /e non fo//e
morta de que/ta /orte.
Que/ti populi vano nudi portano /olamente vno
pezo de tella de palma otorno Le /lie vergonie
grandi et picoli hanno pa//ato iL /uo membro circa
dela te/ta de luna parte alalt* con vno fero de oro
houero de /tanio gro//o como vna penna de ocha et
in vno capo et lalt° deL mede/imo fero alguni anno
Como vna /tella con ponte /oura li capi alt 1 como
vna te/ta de chiodo da caro a/ai//ime volte Lo
vol/i vedere da molti co/i veq* Como Joueni p che n5
lo potteua credere neL mezo dil fero e vn buso p
ilq a lle vrinano iL fero et le /telle /emp /tanno
ferme Loro diceno Q le /ue moglie voleno cu//i et /e
fo//ero de altra /orte nS vzariano c5 elli quando
que/ti voleno vzare c6 le femine Loro medi/ime Lo
pigliano nd in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a
meter/i dento p'mo q c lla /tella de /oura et poy Lalf
Quanto edent° diuenta in ordine et cu/i /empre /ta
dent° fin que diuenta molle perche altramSti n5 Lo
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I7 1
grass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in
her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted
throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it m The
other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the
blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood
with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands,
and then the others ; but they never came to us. Then
they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of
those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with
them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means
of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the
flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is
killed in this way. ,M
Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of
palm-tree cloth about ,M their privies. The males,
large and small, have their penis pierced from one
side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin
bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same
bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points
upon the ends ; others are like the head of a cart nail.
I very often asked many, both old and young, to see
their penis, because I could not credit it. In the
middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they
urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm.
They say that their women wish it so, and that if they
did otherwise they would not have communication
with them. When the men wish to have communi-
cation with their women, the latter themselves take
the penis not in the regular way and commence very
gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the
spur on top first, and then the other part When it
is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the
penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for other-
I7 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
porianno cauare fuora. Que/ti populi vzanno
que/to pche /onno de debille natura anno Quante
moglie voleno ma vna principalle Se vno deli
nfi andaua in tera co/i dedi Como de nocte ogni uno
Lo Conuitaua que mangia//e et q c L beue//e Le
/lie viuande /onno mezo cote et molto /alate
beueno /pe//o et molto con q e lli /ui Cannuti dali
valzi et duro cinq3 o/ey hore vno /uo mangiare Le
donne amauao a/ay piu noy que que/ti atucti da /ey
anny in /u apoco apoco li apreno la natura p cagion
de q e lli /ui membrj.
Quando vno deli /ui principali emorto li vzanno
que/te Cerimonie p £ ma mente tutte le donne
principale de la terra vano ala ca/a deL morte in
mezo dela ca/a /ta lo morto in vna ca/a in torno la
ca/a poneno corde a mo do duno /tecato neliq'li
atachano molti ramy de arbore in mezo de ogni
ramo e vno panno de bonba/o agui/a de pauiglide
Soto liqualli /edeanno le donne piu principali tute
coperte de panne bianq* de bomba/o per vna don-
zella p ogni vna Q li faceua vento co vno /parauen-
tolo di palma le alt* /edeanno intorno la camera
me/te poy era vna Q tagliaua apoco apoco cd vno
cortello li capilli aL morto vnalf Q era /tata la
moglie principale deL morto giaceua /our a lui et
giungeua la /ua boca le /ue many et li /ui piedi con
q c lli deL morto. Quando q e lla tagliaua li capilj
que/ta piangeua et Quando re/taua de tagliarli
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 173
wise they could not pull it out. Those people make
use of that device because they are of a weak nature.
They have as many wives as they wish, but one of
them is the principal wife. 337 Whenever any of our
men went ashore, both by day and by night, every
one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands
are half cooked and very salty. They drink fre-
quently and copiously from the jars 338 through those
small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or
six hours. The women loved us very much more
than their own men. All of the women from the
age of six years and upward, have their vaginas
[natura] gradually opened because of the men's
penises. 33 *
They practice the following ceremonies when one
of their chiefs dies. First all the chief •** women of
the place go to the house of the deceased. The de-
ceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box.
Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a
palisade, to which many branches of trees are at-
tached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cot-
ton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most prin-
cipal women sit under those hangings, and are all
covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl
who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other
women sit about the room sadly. 341 Then there is
one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased
very slowly with a knife. Another who was the
principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him,
and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon
those of the deceased. When the former is cutting
off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former
finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are many
174 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
que/ta Cantaua atorno la Camera erano molti
vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et /up* q e llo mira
/torac et belgioui <j faceuano olere la ca/a grande-
mete lo teneno in ca/a cinque a/ey giorni c5 Que/te
Cerimonie Credo /ia onto de canfora poi Lo
/epeli//eno co La mede/ima ca/a Serata con quiodi
de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de
legni. ogni nocte in que/ta cita circa de la meza
nocte veniua vno vccelo negri//imo grande Como
vno Coruo et no era cu//i pre/to ne le ca/e cheL
gridaua p ilque tucti li canj vrlauao et duraua quat°
ocinque ore queL /uo gridare et vrlare nd ne
vol/eno may dire la cagi5 de que/to.
Vennere a vinti/ey de aq*lLe Zula principale de
q e lla y/ola matan mando vno /uo figliolo con due
capre apre/entarle aL cap° gfiale et dicendoli Como
li mandaua tuta /ua pme//a ma p cagion de lalt°
principalle Cilapulapu q no voleua hobedire aL re
de/pagnia nd haueua potuto mandarglila et que
neLa nocte /eguente li manda//e /olamente vno ba-
tello pienno de homini p che lui li aiutaria et com-
bateria Lo cap° gfiale delibero de andarui c5 tre
batelli Lo prega//emo molto n5 vole//e vegnire
ma lui Como bon pa/tore non vol/e abandonare lo
/uo grege. Ameza nocte /e parti//emo /exanta ho-
mini armati de cor/eletti et celade in/ieme col re
xpiano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o
trenta ba languai et tre hore inan/i Lo Jorno ariua/-
/emo a matan Lo cap° non vol/e Combater alhora
mali mando adire p lo moro /e voleuano hobedire
X519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 175
porcelain jars containing fire about the room, and
myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor
through the house, are put on the fire. They keep
the body in the house for five or six days during those
ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with
camphor. Then they bury the body and the same
box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails
and covered and enclosed by logs of wood."* Every
night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as
large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had
it thus reached the houses than it began to screech,
so that all the dogs began to howl ; and that screech-
ing and howling would last for four or five hours,* 4 *
but those people would never tell us the reason of it.
On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the
island of Matan, 344 sent one of his sons to present two
goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would
send him all that he had promised, but that he had
not been able to send it to him because of the other
chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of
Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only
one boatload of men on the next night, so that they
might help him and fight against the other chief.
The captain-general decided to go thither with three
boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but
he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his
flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed
with corselets and helmets, together with the Chris-
tian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and
twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan
three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish
to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the
Moro to the effect that if they would obey the king
I7 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
aL re de spagnia et recognio/cere Lo re xpiano p /uo
s e . et darne lo nfa tributo li /arebe amicho ma/e
voleuano altramente a/pecta//eno como feriuao le
nfe Lance ri/po/ero /e haueuamo lance haueuao
lancie de canne bru/tolatte et pali bru/tolate et que
nd anda//emo alhora ad a/altarli ma a/pecta/emo
veni//e Lo giorno perche /arebenno piu gente.
Que/to diceuao agio anda /emo aritrouarli p che
haueuao facto certi ioffi f ra le caze p fame ca/care
dent°. Venuto Lo giorno /alta/Temo ne Lacqua
fina ale coffie caranta noue homini et cuffi anda/-
/emo piu de dui trati de bale/t* inanzi pote/60 ariuar
aL litto li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi
p certe petre q erano neL acqua li alt 2 vndici
homini re/tarono p gardia de li bateli Quando
ariua/yemo in terra Que/ta gente haueuao facto tre
/cadrony de piu de mille cinque cento p/onne /ubito
/entendone ne venirono a do/To con voci grandi//imi
dui p fiancho et Lalt° p contro. Lo cap° qua do
vi/te que/to ne fece dui parti et co/i comincia/Vemo
a Combater li /quiopeti et bale/tieri tirarano da longi
ca/i meza hora in vano /bla mente pa//andoli li tar-
goni facti de tauole /otille et li brazi Lo capp
gridaua nd tirare nd tirare ma non li valeua niente.
Quando que/ti vi/tenno que tirauamo li /quiopeti in
vano gridando deliborono a /tar forte ma molto piu
gridauao Quando erano de/carigati li /quiopeti
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 177
of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their
sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their
friend ; but that if they wished otherwise, they should
wait to see how our lances wounded. 340 They replied
that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and
stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to
proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until
morning, so that they might have more men. They
said that in order to induce us to go in search of
them ; for they had dug certain pitholes between the
houses in order that we might fall into them. When
morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water
up to our thighs, and walked through water for more
than two crossbow flights before we could reach the
shore. The boats could not approach nearer because
of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men
remained behind to guard the boats. When we
reached land, those men had formed in three divi-
sions to the number of more than one thousand five
hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged
down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divi-
sions on our flanks and the other on our front. When
the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions,
and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and
crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-
hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through
the shields which were made of thin wood and the
arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them,
" Cease firing I cease firing I " but his order was not
at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were
shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they
determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their
shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the na-
17^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
may n5 /tauano fermi /altando dequa et dela coperti
con li /ui targonj ne tirauao tante frechie Lance de
canna alguno di fero aL cap° gftalle pali pontini
bru/tolati pietre ct Lo fango apena /e poteuao de-
fendere. Vcdendo que/to Lo cap° gfiale mando
alguni abru/are le /ue ca/e per /pauentarli Quando
que/ti vi/tenno bruzare le /ue caze deuentorono piu
fero ci apre//o de le ca/e forenno amazati dui deli
nrj et vinti o trenta ca/e li bru/a//emo ne venirono
tanti ado//o Q pa//arono c5 vna f reza ve nenata La
gamba drita aL cap° per il que comando <j /e retira/-
/emo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono /ique re/ta/-
/emo da /ey o octo c5 lo capitanio Que/ti non ne
tirauao in alt /inon ale gambe per <j erano nude p
tante Lancie et pedre Q ne trahevano non pote//emo
re/i/tere le bombarde de li batelli p e//ere tropo
longui n5 ne poteuao ajutare /iche veni//emo reti-
rando/i piu de vna bonna bale/trata longi de la riua
/empre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio
/empre ne /eguitoro et repigliando vna mede/ima
Lancie quat o/ey volte ne La Lanciauano que/ti
Connio//endo Lo cap° tanti /i voltorono /op m de lui
<j dui volte li botarono lo celadoe fora deL capo ma
lui como bon Caualiero /empre /taua forte c5 alguni
alt 1 piu de vno hora co//i combate//emo et non vo-
lendo/i piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di
cana deL vizo lui /ubito co la /ua Lancia Lo
amazo et la/ciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar de
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 179
tives would never stand still, but leaped hither and
thither, covering themselves with their shields. They
shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many
bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at
the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened
with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely
defend ourselves. Seeing that, the captain-general
sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify
them. When they saw their houses burning, they
were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were
killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or
thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon
us that they shot the captain through the right leg
with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered
us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except
six or eight of us who remained with the captain.
The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were
bare; and so many were the spears and stones that
they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance.
The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they
were too far away. So we continued to retire for
more than a good crossbow flight from the shore
always fighting up to our knees in the water. The
natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the
same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again
and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned
upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head
twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight,
together with some others. Thus did we fight for
more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An
Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's
face, but the latter immediately killed him with his
lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, try-
1 80 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
mano a La /pada non puote cauarla /enon meza per
vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo Quando
vi/teno que/to tuti andorono zdoffo alui vno c5
vno gra terciado che e como vna /imitara ma piu
groffo li detc vna ferita nelagamba /ini/tra p LaqMle
ca/co coL volto inanzi subito li foreno ado/To con
Lancie de fero et de cana et con q e lli fui terciadi fin
que iL /pechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida
nfa amazarono Quando lo feriuao molte volte ft
volto indrieto p vedere ft eramo tucti dent° neli
bateli poi vedendolo morto aL meglio pote/emo
feriti ft ritra//emo ali batelli q gia ft partiuao Lo
re xpiano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo cap° inanzi
di/monta/Terno in tera li comi//e non f\ doue//e
partire dal /uo balanghai et fttfft auedere in que
modo Combateu5o Quando lo re ftpt como era
morto piance ft non era que/to pouero cap niuno
de noy Si /aluaua neli bateli p che Quando lui Com-
bateua li alt 1 ft retiravao ali batelli. Spero in vfa
IlL™* s a La fama duno /1 genero/o cap° non debia
tfftrt extinta neli tempi no/V fra le altre vertu (J
eranno in lui era Lo piu Co/tante in vna grandi//ima
fortuna Q may alguno alt° iofft fupo taua la fame
piu <j tucti li alf et piu Ju/tamente Q homo fofft aL
mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ft Que/to fu iL vero
ft ve de aperta mente ninguno alt hauef auuto tanto
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 8 1
ing to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but
halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm
with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that,
they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them
wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,* 40
which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That
caused the captain to fall face downward, when
immediately they rushed upon him with iron and
bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they
killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our
true guide. When they wounded him, he turned
back many times to see whether we were all in the
boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wound-
ed, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which
were already pulling off. The Christian king would
have aided us, but the captain charged him before
we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to
see how we fought. When the king learned that the
captain was dead, he wept Had it not been for that
unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would
have been saved in the boats, for while he was fight-
ing the others retired to the boats. I hope through
[the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that
the fame of so noble a captain will not become ef-
faced in our times. Among the other virtues which
he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one
else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger
better than all the others, and more accurately than
any man in the world did he understand sea charts " T
and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen
openly, for no other had had so much natural talent
1 82 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.31
Jngenio ni ardire de /aper dar vna volta aL mondo
como J a cazi lui haueua dato. Que/ta bataglia fo
facta aL Sabato vinti/ete de ap^le 1521. iL cap° La
vol/e fare in /aba to p <j era lo giorno /uo deuoto
nelaq'lle foreno morti con lui octo de li nfi et cat°
Jndij facto xpiani dale bombarde deli bateli (J
eranno da poy venutj p aiutarne et deli nimici Se non
Quindici ma molti de noy feriti.
Dopo di/hare le re xpiano mando adire cO Lo
no/t° con/entimgto aquelli de matan se ne voleuao
dare lo cap° con li alt 2 morti q li dare//emo Quanta
merchadantia vole//ero ri/po/ero non /i daua vno
taL homo como pen/auamo et Q non Lo darebenno p
la magior riche//a deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire
p memoria /ua.
Sabato <J fo morto Lo cap° q e lli cat Q /tauano nela
cita p merchadantare fecero portare le no/tre mer-
chantie alle naui poy face//emo dui gu bernatori
duarte barboza portugue/e parente deL cap°. et Joh5
/eranno /pagniolo linterprete nfo Q /e chiamaua
henrich p e/yere vno poco ferito no andaua piu in
terra p fare le co/e nfe nece/Varie ma /taua /empre
ne La /quiauina p ilque duarte barbo/a guuernatof
de la naue cap* li grido et di/Tegli /e benne e morto
Lo cap° /uo s e . p que/to non era libero anzi voleua
1519152a] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 83
nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the
world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought
on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521. 348 The cap-
tain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the
day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were
killed with him in that battle,* 40 and four Indians,
who had become Christians and who had come after-
ward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the
boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while
many of us were wounded.
In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message
with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect
that if they would give us the captain and the other
men who had been killed, we would give them as
much merchandise as they wished. They answered
that they would not give up such a man, as we
imagined [they would do], and that they would not
give him for all the riches in the world, but that they
intended to keep him as a memorial.* 50
On Saturday, the day on which the captain was
killed, the four men who had remained in the city
to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships.
Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte
Barboza," 1 a Portuguese and a relative of the cap-
tain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.*" As our inter-
preter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he
would not go ashore any more to attend to our neces-
sary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that ac-
count, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flag-
ship, cried out to him and told him, that although his
master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore
free; on the contrary he [i.*., Barboza] would see
I 84 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Quando fo//emo ariuati in e/pagnia /cmprc fo//e
/chiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL cap° gfiale
et minaciandoli ft non anda ua in terra Lo f rust aria
Lo /chiauo /i leuo et mo/tro de non far cOto de
que/te parol le et ando in tera adire al re xpiano
Como ft voleuao partire pre/to ma ft lui voleua far
a /uo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nfe mercha-
dantie et cu//i ordinorono vno tradimento Lo
/quiauo retorno ale naue et mo/tro e//ere piu /acente
que ptaa
Mercore matina p*mo de magio Lo re xpono
mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano prepa-
rate le gioie haueua pme//o de mandare aL re de-
/pagnia et que li pregaua c5 li alt 1 foi anda/ero di/i-
nare /echo q e lla matina Q li la darebe andorono 24
homini in tera c5 que/ti ando Lo nfo a/trologo che
/e chiamaua s. martin de siuilla yo non li pote andare
p che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de f reza venenata
che haueua nela fronte Jouan caruaio c5 Lo bari-
zello tornorono indietro et ne di/cero como vi/teno
colui re/a nato p miracolo menare Lo prete aca/a
/ua et p que/to /eranno partittj per che dubitauao de
q a lque malle n5 di//ero co/i pre/to le parolle que
/enti//imo grJ gridi et Lamenti /ubito leua//emo
lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele ca/e ne
appinqua//emo piu ala terra et cu//i tirado vede/-
/emo Joh5 /eranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare
nO doue//emo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno li
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 85
to it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should
still be the slave of Dofla Beatrice, the wife of the
captain-general." 1 And threatening the slave that
if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter
arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words,
went ashore to tell the Christian king 3M that we were
about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow
his advice, he could gain the ships and all our mer-
chandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the
slave returned to the ship, where he showed that
he was more cunning m than before.
On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the
Christian king sent word to the commanders that the
jewels m which he had promised to send to the king
of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and
their other companions to come to dine with him
that morning, when he would give them the jewels.
Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our
astrologer, San Martin de Sivilla. I could not go
because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poi-
soned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan
Carvaio and the constable 3 " returned, and told us
that they saw the man who had been cured by a mir-
acle take the priest to his house. 358 Consequently,
they had left that place, because they suspected some
evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when
we heard loud cries and lamentations. We imme-
diately weighed anchor and discharging many mor-
tars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore.
While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan
Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to
us not to fire any more, for the natives would kill
1 86 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
domanda//emo ft tucti li alt* con lo interprete erano
morti difft tucti erano morti /aluo linterprctc
nc prego molto Lo doueffemo re/catare c5 q a lque
merchadantia ma Joha caruiao fuo compare non
vol/ero p re/tare loro patronj anda/Te Lo batello in
tera Ma Johan /eranno pur piangendo ne di//e Q
n5 hauere/Temo co/i pre/to facto vella <j lauerianno
amazato et di//e <j pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL
Juditio dimanda/Te Lanima /ua a Johan caruiao /uo
compadre /ubito /e parti/Temo no /o ft morto
o viuo lui re/ta/Te.
Jn que/ta yzola /e troua cani gati rizo millio
panizo /orgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne
dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte
/orte vino de palma et oro et e grande y/ola con vno
bon porto q a due intrate vna aL ponente lalt* aL
grego et leuante /ta de Latitudine aL polo articho
in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitide
cento /exanta cat gradi et ft chiama Zubu Quiui
inanzi <j motif ft lo cap° genneralle haue/yemo noua
de malucho Que/ta gente /bnano de viola c5 corde
de ramo.
Vocabuli de que/ti populi gentili.
AL homo : lac
ALa donna paranpaon
ALa Jouene beni beni
Ala maritata babay
1519-15™].. FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 87
him. 8 " We asked him whether all the others and
the interpreter were dead. He said that they were
all dead except the interpreter. He begged us ear-
nestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise ;
but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others]
would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they
might remain masters of the ships. 060 But although
Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so
quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he
prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his
comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately
departed. I do not know whether he is dead or
alive. 3 "
In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet,
panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [1.*., bananas], oranges,
lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts,
nangcas,"* gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine,
and gold. 868 It is a large island, and has a good port
with two entrances - one to the west and the other to
the east northeast. 364 It lies in x degrees 366 of latitude
toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one
hundred and sixty- four 366 degrees from the line of
demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of
Malucho there before the death of the captain-gen-
eral. Those people play a violin with copper strings.
Words of those heathen people
For Man lac
for Woman paranpaon
for Young woman beni beni
for Married woman babay
i88
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Ali capilli
AL vizo
Ale palpebre
Ale ciglie
Al ocquio
AL nazo
Ale ma/Telle
Ali labri
A la bocca
A li denti
Ale gengiue
Ala linga
Alle orechie
Ala gola
AL collo
AL mento
ALa barba
Ale /palle
A la /chena
AL peto
AL corpo
Soto li braci
AL braci o
AL gomedo
AL pol/o
ALa mano
A la palma de la
man
AL dito
Ala ongia
AL Lombelico
AL membro
Ali te/ticoli
bo ho
guay
pilac
chilei.
matta.
Jlon.
apin
oloL.
baba.
nipin
leghex.
dilla
delengan.
liogh.
tangip
Qilan.
bonghot
bagha.
licud.
dughan
tiam
Jlot
botchen
fico
molanghai
camat
palan
dudlo
coco
pu/ut
vtin
boto
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 89
for Hair
boho
for Face
guay
for Eyelids
pilac
for Eyebrows
chilei
for Eye
matta
for Nose
ilon
for Jaws
apin
for Lips
olol
for Mouth
baba
for Teeth
nipin
for Gums
leghex
for Tongue
dilla
for Ears
delengan
for Throat
liogh
for Neck
tangip
for Chin
queilan
for Beard
bonghot
for Shoulders
bagha
for Spine
licud
for Breast
dughan MT
for Body
tiam
Armpit
ilot
for Arm
botchen
for Elbow
sico
for Pulse
molanghai
for Hand
camat
for the Palm of the hand palan
for Finger
dudlo
for Fingernail
coco
for Navel
pusut
for Penis
utin
for Testicles
boto
190
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Ala natura de le
donne
billat
AL vzar c5 loro
Jiam
Ale cullate
/amput
Ala co/sa
paha
AL ginochio
tuhud.
AL Schincho
ba/sag ba/sag
ALa polpa de la
gamba
bitis
ALa cauechia
bolboL
AL calcagnio
tiochid
Ala /olla deL pie
Lapa lapa
AL horo
balaoan
AL argento
pilla
AL Laton
concach
AL fero
butan
Ale canne dolce
tube
AL cuchiaro
gandan
AL rizo
bughax baras
AL melle
deghex
ALa cera
talho
AL /alle
acin
AL vino
tuba nio nipa
AL bere
MinuncubiL
AL mangiare
maCan.
AL porcho
babui
ALa capra
candin
ALa galina
monoch
AL miglio
humas
AL forgo
batat
AL panizo
dana
AL peuere
mani//a
Ali garofoli
chianche.
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I9 1
for Vagina m
billat
for to have Communi-
cation with women
jiam
for Buttocks
samput
for Thigh
paha
for Knee
tuhud
for Shin
bassag bassag
for Calf of the leg
bitis
for Ankle
bolbol
for Heel
tiochid
for Sole of the foot
lapa lapa
for Gold
balaoan
for Silver
pilla
for Brass
concach
for Iron
butan
for Sugarcane
tube
for Spoon
gandan
for Rice
bughax baras
for Honey
deghex
for Wax
talho
for Salt
acin
for Wine
tuba nio nipa
for to Drink
minuncubil
for to Eat
macan
for Hog
babui
for Goat
candin
for Chicken
monoch
for Millet
humas
for Sorgo
batat
for Panicum
dana m
for Pepper
manissa
for Cloves
chianche
192
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
ALa Cannella
mana.
AL gengero
luia
AL ayo
Laxuna
Ali naran/i
ac/ua
AL ouo
/ilog
AL coco
lubi.
AL acceto
zlucha
AL acqua
tubin
AL f uoco
Clayo.
AL fumo
assu.
AL /of iarc
tigban.
Alle belancie
tinban
AL pezo
tahiL
Ala perla
mutiara.
Ale madre de le
perle
tipay.
Ala zampognia
Subin
AL mal de s to Job.
Alupalan
portame
palatin comorica
Acerte fogacie de
rizo
tinapai
buono
main
N5
ti da le
AL cortello
capol /undan
Ale forfice
catle
A tosare
chunthinch
AL homo ben
hornato
pixao
Ala tella
balandan
A li panni £j ft
copreno
Abaca
AL conaglio
colon colon
Ali pater nf j dogni
/orte
tacle
15191533) FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 93
for Cinnamon
mana
for Ginger
luia
for Garlic
laxuna
for Oranges
acsua
for Egg
silog
for Cocoanut
lubi
for Vinegar
zlucha
for Water
tubin
for Fire
clayo
for Smoke
assu
for to Blow
tigban
for Balances
tinban
for Weight
tahil m
for Pearl
mutiara
for Mother of pearl
tipay
for Pipe [a musical in-
strument]
subin
for Disease of St. Job
alupalan m
Bring me
palatin comorica
for certain Rice cakes
tinapai m
Good
main
No
tidale
for Knife
capol, sundan
for Scissors
catle
To shave
chunthinch
for a well adorned Man
pixao
for Linen
balandan
for the cloth with which
they cover themselves
abaca
for hawk'sbell
coloncolon m
for Pater nosters of all
classes
tacle
i 9 4
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
AL petinc
AL pentinare
ALa Camiza
ALa gugia de co/ire
AL cu/ire
A La porcelana
AL cana
AL gato.
Ali /ui vcli
Ali cri/talini
Vien q*
Ala caza
AL legniame
Allc /tore doue
dormeno
Ale /tore de palma
Ale cu/7mi de foglie
A li piati de legnio
AL /uo ydio
AL /olle
ALa luna
Ala /tela
ALa aurora
Ala matina
Ala taza
grande
AL archo
ALa f reza
Ali targoni
A le ve/te inbotide
p combater
Ale /ue daghe
cutlei mi/samis
monssughud.
Sabun.
daghu
mamis
mobuluc
aian ydo
epos.
gapas
balus
marica
Jlaga balai
tatamue
Tagichan
bani
Vliman
dulan
Abba.
adlo
/onghot
bolan bunthun.
mene
vema
tagha
ba/saL
bo/sugh.
oghon.
cala/san.
baluti
calix baladao
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 195
for Comb
cutlei, missamis
for to Comb
monssughud
for Shirt
sabun
for Sewing-needle
daghu
for to Sew
mamis
for Porcelain
mobuluc
for Dog
aian, ydo
for Cat
epos
for their Scarfs
gapas
for Glass Beads
balus
Come here
marica
for House
ilaga, balai
for Timber
tatamue
for the Mats on which
they sleep
tagichan
for Palm-mats
bani
for their Leaf cushions
uliman
for Wooden platters
dulan
for their God
abba
for Sun
adlo
for Moon
songhot
for Star
bolan, bunthun
for Dawn
mene
for Morning
uema
for Cup
tagha
Large
bassal
for Bow
bossugh
for Arrow
oghon
for Shields
calassan
for Quilted garments
used for fighting
baluti
for their daggers
calix, baladao
196
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Ali /ui tertiadi
Campilan.
A la Lancia
bancan.
El talle
tuan.
Ali figui
/aghin
Ale zuche
baghin
Ale corde dele /ue
viollc
gotzap
AL fiume
tau.
AL ri/aio p pe/carc
pucat laia
AL batello
/ampan.
A le canne grandc
cauaghan.
Ale picole
bonbon.
Ale /ue barche
grande
balanghai
Ale /ue barque
picolle
boloto
Ali granci
Cuban
AL pe/ce
Jcam y//ida
A vno pe/cie tuto
depinto
panap /ap5
A vno alt* roffo
timuan.
A vno certo alt°
pilax
A vno alt*
emaluan.
Tuto e vno
Siama siama,
A vno /chiauo
bon/uL
A la forca
bolle
ALa naue
benaoa
A vno re cap°
gflale
raia.
Numero:
Vno
Vzza
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 197
for their Cutlasses campilan
for Spear bancan
for Like tuan
for Figs [i.e., bananas] saghin
for Gourds
baghin
for the Cords of their
violins
gotzap
for River
tau
for Fishing-net
pucat, laia
for small Boat
sampan
for large Canes
cauaghan
for the small ones
bonbon
for their large Boats
balanghai
for their small Boats
boloto m
for Crabs
cuban
for Fish
icam, yssida
for a Fish that is all
colored
panapsapan
for another red [Fish]
timuan
for a certain other
[kind of Fish]
pilax
for another [kind of
Fish]
emaluan
All the same
siama siama
for a Slave
bonsul
for Gallows
bolle
for Ship
benaoa
for a King or Captain-
general
raia
Numbers
One
uzza
198 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
duy dua
tre tolo.
Quat° vpat
Cinque lima
Sey onom
Sette pitto
octo gualu
Noue Ciam.
Diece polo.
Longi dizodoto legue de que/ta y/ola zzubu aL
capo de q e La alt* Q /e chiama bohol bruza//emo
in mezo de que/to arcipelago la naue conceptide per
e//ere re/tati tropo pochi et forni//emo le altre due
de le co/e /ue megliore pi glia//emo poy la via deL
garbin et mezo di co/tando la Jzola Q /i di/e pani-
longon nela q*lle /onno homini neg* Como in etiopia
poy ariua/go a vna y/ola grande Lo re delaq'lle p
fare pace c5 noy Se cauo /angue de La mano /ini/tra
/anguinando/e lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la
linga in /egnio de magior amiti/ia co/i f ace//emo
ancho nui Jo /olo anday c6 Lo rey in tera p vedere
Que/ta y/ola /ubito Q Jntra//emo in vno fiume
molti pe/catori pre/entarono pe/ce al re poy lo re
ft cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le /ue tgonie
c5 alguni /ui principali et cantando Co minciorono
a vogare pa//ando p molti habitationi Q erano /oura
Lo fiume ariua//emo a due hore de nocte in ca/a
/ua daL principio de q3/to fiume doue e/tauamo
le naui fino a ca/a del re erSo due legue entrSdo
nela ca/a ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna
et de foglie de palma Que/te torcie erano de
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 199
two dua
three tolo
four upat
five lima
six onom
seven pitto
eight gualu
nine ciam
ten polo m
In the midst of that archipelago" 7 at a distance of
eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the
head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the
ship "Conceptione," for too few men of us were left
[to work it]. m We stowed the best of its contents in
the other two ships, and the laid our course toward
the south southwest, coasting along the island called
Panilongon,*" where black men like those in Etiopia
live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao],
whose king in order to make peace with us, dre\y
blood from his left hand marking his body, face,
and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the
closest friendship, and we did the same. I went
ashore alone with the king in order to see that island.
We had no sooner entered a river than many fisher-
men offered fish to the king. Then the king removed
the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of
his chiefs ; and began to row while singing past many
dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours
after nightfall we reached the king's house. The
distance from the beginning of the river where our
ships were to the king's house, was two leguas. When
we entered the house, we came upon many torches
of cane and palm leaves,* 80 which were of the anime,
200 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
anime Como li dete de soura fin <j ft aparechio
la cene lo re con dui principali et due /ue femine
belle beue rono vno gra vazo de vino pienno de
palma /enza mangiare niente Jo e/cu/andomi
hauere cennato non voice berre /inon vna volta
beuendo faceuazao tute le cerimonie Como eL re de
mazaua venne poy La Cena de rizo et pe/cie molto
/alato po/to in /cutelle de porcelana mangiauSo
lo rizo p panne Cocono Lo rizo in que/to modo
prima meteno dent° in pigniate de terra como le nfe
vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata poy
li meteno lacque et iL rizo copredola la la/ciano
bugliere fin Q venne lo rizo duro como panne poi
Lo cauano fuora in pezi in tucte que/te parte
cocono Lo rizo in que/ta /orte Cenato <j haue/-
/emo Lo re fece portare vna /tora de canne con vnalt*
de palma et vna cucino de foglie a$io yo dormi//e
/oura que/te iL re con le due femine ando a dor-
mire in vno luoco /eparato dormi c5 vno /uo
principali Venuto il giorno mentre ft aparechio
Lo di/nare anday p que/ta izolla vidi in que/te
loro ca/e a//ay ma//aritie de oro et poca victuuaria
poy di/na//emo rizo et pe/cie finito Lo di/nare
dice aL [re] con /egni vederia La reyna me
re/po/e era contento anda//emo de Compania in
(ima duno alto monte doue era la ca/a de la reyna
Quando entray in ca/a Le fece la reuerentia et ley
co//i ver/o de me /edeti apre//o a ella Laq'lle
faceua vna /tora de palma p dormi re p La ca/a /ua
erafio atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatro
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 203
of which mention was made above. Until the supper
was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and
two of his beautiful women drank the contents of
a large jar of palm wine without eating anything.
I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink
but once. In drinking they observed all the same
ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the
supper, which consisted of rice and very salt m fish,
and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought
in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook
it after the following manner. They first put in an
earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines
all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice,
and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice
becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in
pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout
those districts. 8 " When we had eaten, the king had
a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf
pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them.
The king and his two women went to sleep in a
separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs. 8 * 1
When day came and until the dinner was brought
in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles
of gold in those houses ,M but little food. After that
we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of
dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could
see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and
we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where
the queen's house was located. When I entered the
house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the
same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She
was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the
house there was hanging a number of porcelain jars
2<M THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
borquie de metalo vna magiore de Lalt* et due piu
picole p /enare gli eranno molti /chiaui et /chiaue
Q La /eruiuio Que/te ca/e /onno facte como le
alf Ja dete pigliata li/entia torna/emo in caza
deL re /ubito fece darne vna Colati5e de
canne dolce La magior abundantia Q /ia in
que/ta y/ola e de oro mi mo/trorono certj
valoni facendomi /egnio que in q e lli era tanto
horo como li /ui capilly ma non anno fero p
cauarlo ne ancque voleno q e la fatiga Que/ta
parte de La y/ola e vna mede/ma terra con butuan et
calaghan et pa//a /opra bohol et confina c5 mazaua
per che tornaremo vna alt* fiata in que/ta izolla non
dico alt° pa//ato mezo di vol/e tornare ale naui
eL re vol/e venire et li alt 1 principali et cu//i vene/-
/emo neL medi/imo balanghai retornando p lo
fiume viti aman drita /op* vno monticello tre
huominj apicati a vno arbure Q haueua tagliati li
ramy Domanday al re q* eran q e lli ri/po/i Q
erano maLfactorj et robatorj Que/ti populi vano
nudi Como li alt 1 de /up* Lo re /e chiama raia
Calanao eL porto he buono et quiui /e troua rizo
gengero porci cap re galine et alt 6 co/e /ta de Lati-
tudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento /exanta-
/ete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et
longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et /e chiama chipit
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 205
and four metal gongs - one of which was larger than
the second, while die other two were still smaller -
for playing upon. There were many male and
female slaves who served her. Those houses are
constructed like those already mentioned. Having
taken our leave, we returned to the king's house,
where the king had us immediately served with re-
freshments of sugarcane. The most abundant prod-
uct of that island is gold. They showed me certain
large valleys, 885 making me a sign that the gold there
was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they
have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not
care to go to the trouble [to get it].** That part of
the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and
Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded
by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again,
I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon
having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The
king and the other chief men wished to accompany
me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai. 881
As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the
summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended
from one tree, the branches of which had been cut
away. I asked the king what was the reason for
that, and he replied that they were malefactors and
robbers. Those people go naked as do the others
above mentioned. The king's name is Raia Ca-
lanao. 888 The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, gin-
ger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be
found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight
degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude
of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees 8W from the
line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu,
206 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
due Jornatc de q* aL mai/trale /e troua vna J/ola
grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno /ey hoto
octo Junci deli populi lechij
Partendone de q* ala meza partita de ponente et
garbin de//emo in vna y/ola non molto grande et ca/i
de/habitata La gente de que/ta /onno mori et
eranno banditi duna y/ola deta burne vano nudi
Como li alt 1 anno za robotane con li carca//eti alato
pienni de f reze con erba venenata anno pugnialli
con li mani/i ornati de oro et de pietre precio/e
lancie rodelle et corazine de como de bufalo ne
chiamauSo corpi /ancti Jn que/ta y/ola ft trouaua
pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandi//imj /ta de
Latitudine aL polo articho in /ette gradi et mezo et
longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et cbiama//e
caghaian.
Da que/ta y/ola circa de vinti cinque legue fra
ponente et mai/tralle tro ua//emo vna Jzola grande
doue /i troua rizo gengero porci capre galie fighi
Longui mezo brazo et gro//i como lo bracio /onno
boni et alguni alt 2 Longui vno palmo et alt* mancho
molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne
dolci radice como rapi aL mSgiare et rizo cotto /oto
lo fuocho in canne o in legnio que/to dura piu que
qllo coto in pigniatte Que/ta tera poteuSo chia-
mare la terra de pmissione perche Jnanzi la troua/-
/emo patiuamo gr5 Fame a/say volte /te//emo in
force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra p
non morire de fame. Lo re fece pace c5 noi
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 207
and is called Chipit. 880 Two days' journey thence
to the northwest is found a large island called
Lozon," 1 where six or eight junks belonging to the
Lequian people go yearly/"
Leaving there and laying our course west south-
west, we cast anchor at an island not very large and
almost uninhabited. The people of that island are
Moros and were banished from an island called
Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have
blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of
arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers
whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious
gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo
horn. 898 They called us holy beings. Little food
was to be found in that island, but [there were]
immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-
half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-
three leguas 894 from Chippit. Its name is Cag-
haian. 895
About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest
from the above island we found a large island, where
rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza
long and as thick as the arm [*.*., bananas] (they are
excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less
in length, and are much better than all the others),
cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots
resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is
cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood ;
and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots.
We called that land the land of promise, because
we suffered great hunger before we found it. We
were often on the point of abandoning the ships and
going ashore in order that we might not die of hun-
208 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
tagliando//e vno pocho c5 vno nfo cortello in mezo
deL pecto et /anguinando ft tocho la lingua et La
f ronte in /egnio de piu vera pace co/i fecc mo ancho
nuy Que/ta y/ola /ta de Latitudine aL polo arti-
cho in noue gradi et vno ter/o et cento et /eptanta vno
et vno ter/o de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitide
pulaoan.
Que/ti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li alt 1
Qua/i tucti Lauaranno li /ui campi hanno zara-
botanne c5 freze de legnio gro//e piu duno palmo
arponate et algune con /pine de pe/ce con erba
venenata at alt e co ponte de cana arponate et venenate
anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in
cambio de le penne neL fine dele /ue zarabotSe
liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno
tracte le freze combateno c5 que/to precianno aneli
cadennete de latone /onaglie cor teli et piu aL filo
de ramo p ligare li /ui ami da pe/care anno gaily
grandi molto dome/tici no li mangiSo p vna certa
/ua venneratiSe alguna volta li f anno combatere luno
co lalt° et ogni vno meta p Lo /uo vno tanto et poy
de cului q he /uo eL vincitore he /uo eL premio et
anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et megliof
de q e llo de palma.
Longi de que/ta y/ola dieze legue aL garbin
de/semo in vna Jzola et co/teandola ne pareua al-
quanto a/cendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eL
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 21 I
ger. Me The king made peace with us by gashing
himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives,
and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue
and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we
did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine
and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and
a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-
third m degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is
called] Pulaoan." 8
Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the
others. Almost all 8M of them cultivate their fields.
They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more
than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others
tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb;
while others are tipped with points of bamboo like
harpoons and are poisoned. 400 At the end of the
arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead
of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they
fasten a bit of iron like a spear head; 401 and when
they have shot all their arrows they fight with that.
They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells,
knives, and still more on copper wire for binding
their fishhooks. They have large and very tame
cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain
veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they
make them fight with one another, and each one puts
up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes
to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled
rice wine which is stronger and better than that made
from the palm. 402
Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to
an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to
be going upward. After entering the port, the holy
212 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
corpo /ancto p vno tempo o/curi//imo daL
principio de que/ta y/ola fina aL porto li /onno cin-
quanta legue Lo Jorno /equente a noue de Juglio
Lo re de que/ta y/ola ne mando vno prao molto bello
c5 la proua et la popa lauorate doro era /up* la
proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne
de pauonne in cima alguni /onauio con cinphonie
et tamburi veniuSo c8 que/to prao due al ma die li
prao /onno Como fu/te et le almadie /onno le /ue
barche da pe/care octo homini vecq* deli princi-
pali entrarono nele naui et /ederonno neLa popa /op*
vno tapeto ne apre/entarono vno vazo de legnio de
pinto pieno de betre et areca che e q e L fructo que
ma/ticano /empre con fiori de gel/omini et de
naranci coperto de vno panno de /eta J alio due gabie
pienne de galine vno paro de cap re tre vazi pieni
de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti fa/ci de canne
dolci et co//i de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone
pigliaronno li/entia eL vino de rizo he chiaro
como lacqua ma tanto grande Q molti deli no/t*
/embriacard et lo chiamano arach.
Deli a/ey giorni lore mando vnalt* volta tre prao
con molta pompa /on£do cinphonie tamburi et bor-
chie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero
reuerentia c5 certe sue berete de tella Q li copreno
/olamentc la cima deL capo li /aluta//emo c5le
bonbarde /enza pietre poy ne detero vno pftte de
diuer/e viuande /olamente de rizo algune in foglie
facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj de
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 21 3
body [i.e., St. Elmo's fire] appeared to us through
the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty
leguas 4 " from the beginning of that island to the
port. On the following day, July nine, the king of
that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose
bow and stern were worked in gold. At die bow
flew a white and blue banner surmounted with pea-
cock feathers. Some men were playing on musical
instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Two al*
madies 4 ** came with that prau. Praus resemble
fustas, while the almadies are their small fishing
boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the
ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They
presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel
and areca (the fruit which they chew continually),
and jessamine "* and orange blossoms, a covering of
yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple
of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some
bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the
other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The
rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it
intoxicated many of our men. It is called arach [*'.*.,
arrack].
Six days later the king again sent three praus with
great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical
instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and
brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their
peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their
heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars
without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us
a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice.
Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in
somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-
214 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
zucharo et alguni alt 1 f acti amodo de torte con oui et
mellc ne di//cro como lo /ue re era contento
piglia//cmo hacqua et legnia ct contrata//emo aL nfo
piacef vdendo que/to monta//emo /ette dc nuy alt 1
/op a lo prao ct porta//emo vno pfttc al re clq'llc era
vna ve/ta dc vcluto tde a la turche/ca vna cathedra
dc veluto morello cinque bracia de panno ro//o vno
bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro
coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro do-
rato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [ro/so: crossed
out in original M5.] giallo vno paro de /carpe ar-
gentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL
gouuernatof tre bracia de panno ro//o vno bonnet et
vno bichier dorato aL re darme Q era vennuto
nelli prao gli de/emo vna ve/ta de panno ro//o et
tde aLa turche/ca vno bonnet et vno quinterno
de carta a li alt* /ete principali a q 1 tella a q* bonnet)
et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et /ubito ft
parti//emo.
Quando Jonge//emo aLa cita /te//emo for/i due
hore neli prao fin Q venirono dui elephanti coperti
de /eta et dudizi homini c5 vno vazo p vno de porce
lana coperto de/eta p coprire nfi pre/enti poy
monta//emo /op* li elefanty et que/ti dodice hominj
ne andau3o dinanzi c5 li pre/enti neli vazi anda
/emo cu//i fin a la ca/a del gouuernatore oue ne fo
data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormi//emo
/oura matara/i de bambazo la /ua fodra era de tafeta
li lin/oli de cambaia lo giorno /eguente /te//emo in
ca/a fin amezo di poy anda//emo aL palagio del re
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 215
loaves, while others were made in the manner of tarts
with eggs and honey. They told us that their king
was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade
at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven 406 of us en-
tered their prau bearing a present to their king,
which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the
Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas
of red cloth, a cap, 407 a gilded drinking glass, a cov-
ered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and
a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three
brazas of [red: crossed out in original MSJ\ yellow
cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-
case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red
cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the gov-
ernor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave
a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish
fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to
the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and
to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book
of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the
land].
When we reached the city, we remained about two
hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants
with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom
carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which
to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the
elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot
with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to
the house of the governor, where we were given a
supper of many kinds of food. During the night
we slept on cotton mattresses, 40 * whose lining was of
taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we
stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to the
2l6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
/oura clcfanti c5 li p/entj dinanci como lo giorao
dananti da ca/a deL gouuernatof fin in ca/a deL re
tutc le /trate erano pienne de hominj con /pade
lancie et targonj p che cu//i haueua voluto lo re.
Jntra//emo /oura li elefanti ne la corte deL pala-
tio anda//emo /u p vna /cala acompagniatj daL
gouuernatof et alt 1 principali et Jntra//emo in vna
/ala grande piena de molti baronj oue /ede//emo
/op* vno tapeto c5 li pflti neli vazi apre//o noi AL
capo de Que/ta /ala nehe vnalt* piu alta ma alquanto
piu picola tuta ornata de panni de /eta oue /e apri-
rono due fene/tre con due cortine de brocato daliq'Ui
veniua la luce nella /ala iui erano trecento homini
in piedi c5 /tocq* nudi soura la co//a p guardia deL
re aL capo de Que/ta era vna grande fene/t* dalaq'lle
/e tiro vna cortina de brocato dent° de que/ta vede/-
/emo el re /edere ataula con vno /uo figliolo picolino
et ma/ticare betre dietro da lui erano /inon donne
Alhora ne di//e vno principalle nuy nd poteuJo
parlare al re et ft voleuamo alguna co/a Lo dice/-
/emo alui p che la direbe avno piu principale et
Quello avno fratello deL gouuernatof Q /taua nela
/ala piu picola et poi lui la direbe c8 vna zarabotana
p vna /fi/ura deL pariete a vno Q /taua dent° cQlore
et ne in /egnio doue//emo fare al re tre reuerentie
c5 li many Jonte /o p lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno
mo alt° et poy le basa//emo co/i fo facto Que/ta e
la /ua reuerentia reale li dice//emo como eramo deL
1519-15"! FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 2iy
king's palace upon elephants, with our presents in
front as on the preceding day. All the streets from
the governor's to the king's house were full of men
with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the
king's orders. We entered the courtyard of the
palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a
ladder accompanied by the governor and other
chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles, 4 *
where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents
in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is
another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was
all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows,
through which light entered the hall and hung with
two brocade curtains, opened from it, There were
three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at
their thighs in that hall to guard the king. 410 At
the end of the small hall was a large window from
which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we
could see within it the king seated at a table with
one of his young sons chewing betel. 411 No one but
women were behind him. Then a chief told us that
we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished
anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could
communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter
would communicate it to a brother of the governor
who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man
would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube
through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with
the king. The chief taught us the manner of making
three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped
above the head, raising first one foot and then the
other and then kissing the hands toward him, and
we did so, that being the method of the royal obei-
21 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [VoL 33
re de/pagnia et que lui voleua pace /eco et nd
domandauao alt° /aluo potere mScadSi tare ne fece
dire el re poy cheL re de/pagnia voleua e/ere fxxo
amicho lui era contenti//imo de e//er /uo et di//e
piglia//emo hacqua et legnia et merchadanta/emo a
nfo piacere poi li de//emo li pre/enti faceua
dognj co/a cS Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia
acia/cuno de nuy alt 1 fo dacto brocadelo et panny de
oro et de /eta ponendoneli /op a la /pala Sini/tra ma
poco la/ciando negli ne deteno vna ColatiSe de
garofoli et canella alora foreno tirate le cortine
et /erate le fene/tre li homini <j era neL palatio
tuti haueuao panni de oro [de oro: doublet in origi-
nal MS.] et de /eta intorno loro tgonie pugniali c6
Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre
precio/e et molti aneli nele mani retorna//emo
Soura le elefanti ala ca/a deL gouuernatof Sete
homini portorono iL prezente del re /empre dinanzi
Quando fo/semo Jonti aca/a dereno a ogniuno Lo
Suo et nel mi//ero /our a la /pala Sini/tra aliq'lli
p /ua fatica dona//emo a cia/caduna vno paro de
Cortelli venirono in ca/a deL gouuernatof noue
hominj c5 alt* tanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte
de re in ogni piato erao x hoto dudize /cudelle
de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi
galine pauonj et altry animali et de pe/ce cena/-
/emo in tera /oura vna /tora de palma de trenta o
trenta dui /orte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo
pe/ce et alt 6 co/e beue uao a ogni bocone pieno
vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de q e L
vino lanbicato mangia//emo rizo et altre viuande
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 219
sance. We told the king that we came from the king
of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace
with him and asked only for permission to trade.
The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia
desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be
his, and said that we could take water and wood,
and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the
presents, on receiving each of which he nodded
slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded
and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our
left shoulders, where they were left but a moment. 4 "
They presented us with refreshments of cloves and
cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to
and the windows closed. The men in the palace were
all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered
their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts
adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they
had many rings on their hands. We returned upon
the elephants to the governor's house, seven men
carrying the king's presents to us and always preced-
ing us. When we reached the house, they gave each
one of us his present, placing them upon our left
shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of
knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the gov-
ernor's house with a like number of large wooden
trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or
twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens,
peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped
on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-
two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other
things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small
cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup
the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet food
220 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
de /ucaro cS cuchiarj doro Como li nf j oue dor-
mi//emo le due nocte /tauSo due torcie de cera
biancha /empre acceze /oura dui Candellieri de
argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne
dolio c6 catro pauerj p ogni vna et dui homini <J
/empre le /pauilau£o Veni//emo /oura li elefanti
fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao <J ne
condu/cero ale nauj Que/ta cita etuta fondata in
acqua /al/a /aluo la ca/a del re et algune de certy
principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focq* le ca/e
/onno tute de legno edificati /oura pali gro//i alti
da tera Quando lo mare cre/cie vanno le donne p
la tera con barque vendendo co/e nece//arie aL /uo
viuere dinanzi la ca/a deL re e vno muro de
Cadreli gro//o con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel
q'Ue erano cinquanta /ey bombarde de metalo et /ey
de fero in li dui giornj /te//emo iui /caricorono
molte Que/to re e moro et /e chiama raia Siripada
era de Quaranta anny et gra//o ninguno Lo
gouerna ft non donne figliole deli principali non
/i parte may fora daL palatio ft non Quando va ala
caza ninguno li po par lare /inon p zarabotane
tene x /criuanj Q /criueno le co/e /ue in f cor ft de ar-
bore molto /otille a Que/ti chiamano Xiritoles.
Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vede//emo
venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in trc
/cadronj con alt 1 tanti tunguli Q /onno li /ue barche
picole Quando vede//emo Que/to pen/ando fo//e
qMque Jnganno ne de//emo Lo piu pre/to fo po//i-
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 221
with gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quar-
ters there during those two nights, two torches of
white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather
tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of
oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff
them continually. We went elephant-back to the
seashore, where we found two praus which took us
back to the ships. That city 418 is entirely built in
salt water, except the houses of the king and certain
chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e.,
families]. 414 The houses are all constructed of wood
and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When
the tide is high the women go in boats through the
settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to
maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front
of the king's house with towers like a fort, in which
were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and
six of iron. During the two days of our stay there,
many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro
and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years
old and corpulent. No one serves him except women
who are the daughters 4 " of chiefs. He never goes
outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting,
and no one is allowed to talk with him except
through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called
Xiritoles, 416 who write down his deeds on very thin
tree bark.
On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw
more than one hundred praus divided into three
squadrons and a like number of tunguli 41T (which are
their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catch-
ing sight of them, imagining that there was some
trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as pos-
222 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
bile nela vella et p pre//a La/cia//emo vna anchora
et molto piu ne dubitauao de e//ere tolti in mezo de
ccrti J unci (J ncL giorno pa//ato re/tarono dopo nuy
Subito /e volta//emo contra que/ti et ne piglia//emo
cat° amazando molte p /onne tri o catro J unci
fugirono in /eco in vno de q'lli Q piglia//emo era lo
figliolo deL re deLa y/ola de Lozon co/tui era
cap° gnale de que/to re de burne et veniua cS que/ti
Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q he in capo de
que/ta i/ola ver/o Jaua magiore laq a lle p non volere
hobedire aque/to re ma aq c llo de Jaua magiore la
haueua ruynata et /acquegiata giouan Caruiao
nfo piloto la//o andare Que/to cap° et Lo Jonco
/enza no/t° con/entimgto p certa Cantita de oro como
dapoy /ape//emo /e non La//aua que/to re lo cap°
ne haueria dato tuto q e llo haue//emo demandato p
che que/to cap° era molto temuto in que/te parte ma
piu da gentilli p cio /onno Jnimici//imj de que/to
re moro. in que/to porto glie vnalt* cita de gen-
tilli magiori de q e lla de li mori fondata anche ella
in acqua /alza p ilche ogni Jorno Que/ti dui populi
combateno in/ieme neL mede/imo porto il re
gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma no tanto /u-
perbo facilmente ft conuertirebe a la fede de xpo
Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnte/o in que modo
haueuao tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire p vno de
li no/t* (J erao in tera como li prao n5 veniuao p fame
de/piacere ma andauao cont* li gentilli et p verifi-
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 223
sible, abandoning an anchor in our haste. We ex-
pected especially that we were to be captured in be-
tween certain junks which had anchored behind us on
the preceding day. We immediately turned upon
the latter, capturing four of them and killing many
persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight
by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured
was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He
was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and
came with those junks from a large city named
Laoe, 4 " which is located at the end of that island
[*.*., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had de-
stroyed and sacked that city because it refused to
obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java
Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed
that captain and the junks to go without our consent,
for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward.
Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king,
the latter would have given us whatever we had
asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared
throughout those regions, especially by the heathens,
as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In
that same port there is another city inhabited by
heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros,
and built like the latter in salt water. On that ac-
count the two peoples have daily combats together
in that same harbor. The heathen king is as power-
ful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could
be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the
Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he
sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore
to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us
any harm, but that they were going to attack the
224 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
catiSe de que/to li mo/trorono alguni capi de homini
morti et li di/cero que erao de gentili manda//emo
dire aL re li piace//e la/ciare venire li no/tri duy
homini Q /tauano ne la cita p contratare et Lo figlio-
lo de JohS caruaio <j era na/cuto nela tera deL
tzin ma lui nd voice de que/to fo cagiSc Johi
Caruaio p La//iare q e L cap° reteni//emo /edizi
homj piu principali p menarli in /pagnia et tre
donne in nome de la regina de/pag* ma J oh a caruaio
le v/urpo per /ue.
LY Jonci /onno le /ue naui et facti inque/to modo
Lo fondo e circa duy palmi /oura lacqua et de taule
con cauechie di legnio a//ay ben facto /uura de
que/to /onno tucti de cane gro/i//ime p contra*
pezo porta vno de que/ti tanta roba como vna naue
li /ui arbore /onno de canne et le velle de /cor/e de
arbore la porcellana /orte de tera bianqui//ima
et /ta cinquanta anny /oto tera inanzi la/iadopere p
che altramente non /aria fina lo padre la /otera p
lo figliolo /eL [veleno] /i ponne in vno vazo de
porcelana fino /ubito /e rompe la moneta Q
adoperano li morj in que/ta parte e dimetalo
/bu/ata neL mezo p in/filzarla et a /olam te duna
parte quat° /egni Q /onno lfe deL gri re della Chijna
et La chiamano picis per vno cathiL de argento
viuo che e due libre de le no/f ne dauano /ey /cutelle
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 225
heathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moras
showed him some heads of men who had been killed,
which they declared to be the heads of heathens.
We sent a message to the king, asking him to please
allow two of our men who were in the city for pur-
poses of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who
had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to
us, but the king refused. That was the consequences
of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We
kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured
junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in
the queen's name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the
latter for himself. 4 "
Junks are their ships and are made in the follow-
ing manner. The bottom part is built about two
palmos above the water and is of planks fastened
with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above
that they are entirely made of very large bamboos.
They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of
those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their
masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of
trees. 410 Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly
white earth which is left for fifty years under the
earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not
be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison]
is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish
immediately breaks. 411 The money made by the
Moras in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced
in the middle in order that it may be strung. On
only one side of it are four characters, which are let-
ters of the great king of Chiina. We call that money
picis. 4 ™ They gave us six porcelain dishes for one
cathil 4 ** (which is equivalent to two of our libras)
226 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
de porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis
p cento /exanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de por-
celana p tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana p 160
cathili de metalo ne danao vno bahar de cera Q e
duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo
vno bahar de /ale p quaranta cathili de metalo vno
bahar de anime p conciar le nauj p que in que/te
parte nS /i troua pegola vinti tahiL fanno vno
cathiL Qiui /e apretia metalo argento viuo vetro
cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nfe merce
ma piu lo fero et li ochiali Que/ti morj vano nudi
como li alt 1 beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo
beue per purgar/e et Lo Sano p re/tare /anno.
Jl rede burne a due perle gro//c come dui oui de
galina et /onno tanto rotonde (J non puono firmar/e
/oura vna tauola et que/to /o certo p (\ quando li
porta//emo li pre/enti li fo facto /egnio nele mo/-
tra/e lui di//e le mo/trarebe lalt° giorno poy alguni
principali ne di//ero Loro hauerle vedute.
Que/ti mori adoranno mahometo et la /ua lege et
non mangiar carne de porco lauar/i il culo cS la
mano /ini/tra non mangiare co q e lla no tagliare co/a
alguna c5 la dextra /edere Quando vrinano n5 ama-
zare galine ne capre /e p*ma n5 parlano aL /olle ta-
gliare de galine le cime de le alle co le /ue pelecine <\
li avanzano de /oto et li piedi et poy /cartarla p mezo
lauar/e lo volto cS la mano drita nO lauar/e li denti
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 227
of quicksilver; one hundred picis for one book of
writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hun-
dred and sixty cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one porce-
lain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is
equivalent to two hundred and three cathils) , of wax
for 160 cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one bahar of
salt for eighty cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one bahar
of ant me to calk the ships (for no pitch is found in
those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [tnetalo].** 4
Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the
people highly esteem bronze [tnetalo], quicksilver,
glass, cinnabar, 41 * wool cloth, linens, and all our other
merchandise, although iron and spectacles 4 * 6 more
than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the
other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quick-
silver - the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and
the well man to preserve his health.
The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two
hen's eggs. They are so round that they will not
stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for
when we carried the king's presents to him, signs
were made for him to show them to us, but he said
that he would show them next day. Afterward some
chiefs said that they had seen them.
Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter's law
orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the but-
tocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eat-
ing;" 7 not to cut anything with the right hand; to
sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats with-
out first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of
the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up
from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them
in twain ; to wash the face with the right hand, but
228 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
c6 li ditti et none mangiarc co/a alguna amazata ft
non da loro /onno circu /i/i como li Judei.
Jn que/ta y/ola na/ce la canfora /pecie de bal/amo
laqMle na/ce fra li arbori et la /cor/a e menuta
como li remole Se la /e tiene di/coperta apoco
apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor li
na/ce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni
chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole
/carlogne vache buf ali porci capre galine oche ceruj
elefanti cauali et altre co/e Que/ta y/ola e tanto
grande Q /i /ta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi
/ta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et
vno carto et in cento et /etanta/ey et duy ter/i de
Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ft chiama
burne.
Partendone de que/ta y/ola torna//emo in drieto
p truuare vno loco apto p conciare le naui p che
f aceuano hacqua vna naue p poco vedere deL /uo
piloto dete in certi ba//i duna y/ola deta bibalon ma
cO lo ajuto de dio la libera//emo vno marinaro de
q e lla naue no hauedendo/e de/pauilo vna candella in
vna barille pien de poluere de bombarda Subito la
tol/e fora /en/a danno ni//uno /egufcdo poi lo nfo
camino piglia//emo vno prao pienno de Cochi que
andaua a burne le homini fugirono in vna J/oleta
fin que piglia//emo que/to tre alt 1 fugirono de drieto
da certe y/ollete.
AL capo de burne f m que/ta et vna J/ola deta Cim-
bonbon q /ta in octo gradi et /ette menuti e vno porto
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 23 1
not to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not
to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by
themselves. 4 ** They are circumcised like the Jews.
Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that
island. It exudes between the wood and the bark,
and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat
bran. 4 ** If it is exposed it gradually evaporates
[literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call it
capor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges,
lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds,
turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine,
goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and
other things are found there. 4 ** That island is so
large that it takes three months to sail round it in a
prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth de-
grees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of
one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees
from the line of demarcation, and its name is
Burne. 4 * 1
Leaving that island, we turned back in order to
find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were
leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island
called Bibalon, 4 ** because of the carelessness of its
pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor
of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a bar-
rel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out
without any harm. 4 ** Then pursuing our course, we
captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to
Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we
captured it. 4 * 4 Three other praus escaped behind
certain islets.
At the head of Burne between it and an island
called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eight
232 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
pfecto p conciare naui p ilque entra//emo dent et
p hauef tropo le co/e nece//arie p conciare le naui
tarda//emo quarataduj giorni Jn Que/ti giorni
ognuno de nuy /e afaticaua q* in vna co/a q ! in vnalt*
ma la magior faticha haueuSo era andar far legnia
neli bo/chi /enza /carpe Jn que/ta y/ola /onno
porci /aluatici ne amaza//emo vno de que/ti cS lo
batello ne lacqua pa//ando de vna y/ola in vnalt*
loq A lle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et
li denti grandi gli /onno Cocodrili grandi cu//i
de terra como de mare o/trigue et cape de diuer/e
/orte f ra le altre no troua//emo due la carne de
luna pezo vinti fey libf et lalf quaranta catro pi-
glia//emo vno pe/ce (J haueua Lo capo Como vno
porco con dui Corni eL /uo corpo era tuto duno
0//0 /olo haueua /oura la /chena como vna /ella
et era picolo Ancora q i fe troua arbori <j f anno la
foglia Quando ca/cano /onno viue et Ca minano
Quelle foglie /onno de piu ne meno Como q e lli deL
moraro ma no tanto Longue apre//o eL pecolo de
vna parte et delalt* anno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto
et pontino non anno /angue et q i le coca f ugino yo
ne teny vna noue giorni in vna /catola Quando la
apriua Que/ta andaua in torno intorno p la /catola
non pen/o viueno de alt° /enon de arie.
E//endo partiti de que/ta y/ola gioe deL porto neL
capo de q e lla y/ola pulaoa in contra//emo vno Jonco
che veniua da burne neLq a lle era lo gouuernatof de
pulaoan li face//emo /egnio amayna//e le velle et
lui n6 volendole amaynare lb piglia//emo p for/a et
I5i9-i5«] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 233
degrees and seven minutes, 4 " is a perfect port for
repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but
as we lacked many things for repairing the ships,
we delayed there for forty-two days. During that
time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing
and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however
was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that
island there are wild boars, of which we killed one
which was going by water from one island to another
[by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was
two and one-half palmos long, 486 and its teeth were
large. There are found large crocodiles, both on
land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds.
Among the last named we found two, the flesh of
one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the
other forty-four. 431 We caught a fish, which had a
head like that of a hog and two. horns. Its body
consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it
resembled a saddle; and it was small. 4 " Trees are
also found there which produce leaves which are
alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are
quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long.
On both sides near the stem, which is short and
pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood,
but if one touches m them they run away. I kept
one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened
the box, that leaf went round and round it. 440 I be-
lieve those leaves live on nothing but air.
Having left that island, 441 that is, the port, we met
at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which
was coming from Burne, on which was the governor
of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their
sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we cap-
234 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Lo /acquegia//emo /eL gouernatof vol/e e//ere
libera ne dete in termino de /ette giornj Quatro cento
me/ure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cin-
quanta galine poy ne a pre/ento cochi figui canne
dolci vazi de vino de palma et alt* co/e vedS do
nuy la /ua liberalita gli rende//emo alguni /ui pu-
gnialli et archibu/i poy li dona//emo vna bandiera
vna ve/ta de dama/co giallo et xv bra;ia de tclla a
vno /uo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno
fratello deL gouuernatof vna ve/ta de panno tde et
alt* co/e /e parti//emo de lui Como amigi et
toraa//emo indrieto f* la y/ola de cagajan et q*L
porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL
leuante t/o /iroco p trouare le y/olle de malucho
pa/a//emo p certi monticelli circa de liq'lli troua/-
/emo lo mare pienno de herbe c5 lo fondo grandis*
Quando pa/auamo p que/ti ne pareua intrare p vno
alt mare re/tado chipit al leuante troua//emo
due y/olle zolo et taghima aL ponente apre//e de
le q'lle na/cono le perle le due deL re de burne
forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito
in que/to modo Que/to re piglio per moglie vna
figliola deL re de zolo laq'lle li di//e como /uo padre
haueua Que/te due perle co/tui /i delibero hauerli
in ogni modo ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao
et piglio lore con duy /ui figlioli et meno li a burne
/eL re de zolo /e vol/e liberare li fu for/a darli le
due perle.
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 235
tared the junk by force, and sacked it [We told]
the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he
was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred
measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one
hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us
with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars
full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his
liberality, we returned some of his daggers and
arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a
yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his
son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the gov-
ernor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and
we parted from them as friends. We turned our
course back between the island of Cagaian and the
port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in
order that we might find the islands of Malucho.
We passed by certain reefs [literally: small eleva-
tions] near which we found the sea to be full of grass,
although the depth was very great. When we passed
through them, it seemed as though we were entering
another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found
two island, Zolo and Taghima, 441 which lie toward
the west, and near which pearls are found. 44 * The
two pearls of the king of Burne were found there,
and the king got them, as was told us, in the follow-
ing manner. That king took to wife a daughter of
the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had
those two pearls. The king determined to get pos-
session of them by hook or by crook. Going one
night with five hundred praus, 444 he captured the
king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne
with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he
wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls
to him.
236 PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO [Vol. 33
Poy al leuantc carta del grego pa/a//emo f ra dui
habitatide dete cauit et subanin et vna J/ola habitata
deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli La
gente de que/ta hanno loro ca/e in barche et non
habitano altroue in q e lle due habitatide de cauit
et subanin liq'lli /onno ne la y/ola de butuan et
Calaghan na/ce la meglior Canella Q /i po//a
trouare /e /tau2o iui p dui giornj ne cariga-
uano le naui ma p hauer bon vento apa/are vna ponta
et certe y/ollete Q erano circha de que/ta n5 vole/-
/emo tardaf et andando a la vella barata//emo di/i-
/ette libre p dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL
gouuernatof de pulaoan larbore de que/ta Can-
nella he alt° tre o catro cubito et gro//o como li diti
de La mano et n5 ha piu de tre o catro rameti la
/ua foglia he como q e lla deL lauro La /ua /cor/a
he La Cannella La /e coglie due volte a lanno co/i
e forte lo legnio et le foglie e//endo verde como la
cannella la chiamiio caiu mana Caiu vol dire
legno et mana dolce gioe legnio dolce.
Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna
cita grande detta maingda nao Laq*lle he nela y/ola
de butuan et calaghan acio /ape//emo q'Lque noua
de maluco piglia//emo p for/a vno bigniday e come
vno prao et amaza//emo /ette homini in que/to
erano /olum dizidoto homini di/po/ti Quanto
alguni alt 1 vede//emo in que/te parte tucti deli prin-
cipali de ma ingdanao f ra que/ti vno ne di//e (\ era
f ratello del re de maingdanao et che /apeua doue era
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 239
Then we laid our course east by north between
two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an
inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas
from the reefs. 449 The people of that island make
their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise.
In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which
are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan,
is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we
stayed there two days, those people would have laden
our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for
passing a point and certain islets which were near
that island, we did not wish to delay. While under
sail we bartered two large knives which we had
taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen
libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to
a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the
fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small
branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel.
Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice
per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the
cinnamon when they are green. Those people call
it caiu mana. Cain means wood, and mana, sweet,
hence, " sweet wood." **•
Laying our course toward the northeast, and going
to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located
ill the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we
might gather information concerning Maluco, we
captured by force a bigniday" 1 a vessel resembling
a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eight-
een men, and they were as well built as any whom
we had seen in those regions. 448 All were chiefs of
Maingdanao, among them being one who told us
that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao,
*4° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
malucho p que/to la/a//emo la via del grego et
piglia/So la via de /iroco in vno capo de que/ta
y/ola butuan et caleghan apre//o de vno fiume /e
trouano hominj pelozi grandi//imi combatitori et
arciere anno /pade largue vno palmo mang&o /inon
Lo core deL huomo crudo c5 /ugo de neranzi o
limoni et /e chiamano benaian li pelo/i Quando
piglia//emo La via deL /iroco /tauamo in fty gradi
et /ete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.
Andando aL /iroco troua//emo Quatro y/olle
Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar
vno /abato de nocte a vinti /ey de octobre co/teando
birahan batolach ne a//alto vna fortuna grandi//ima
p ilque pregando ydio aba//a /emo tucte le velle
Subito li tri no/t* /ancti ne apar/ero de/caciando tuta
la/curitate 8 to . elmo /tette piu de due hore incima
lagabia como vna torchia s to . nicolo in cima dela
mezana et s u chiara /oura lo trinqueto pmete/emo
vno /chiauo a/ancto elmo a s to nicolo et a S u . chiara
gli de//emo a ogny vno la/ua elemo/ina /eguendo
poy nfo viagio intra//emo in vno porto in mezo de le
due y/olle Saranghani et candighar et ft aferma/-
/emo aL leuante apre//o vna habitatide de /arangani
oue /e troua oro et perle Que/ti populi /onno
gentili et vano nudi como gli alt 2 Que/to porto /ta
de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi
cinquanta legue de cauit.
Stando quiui vno giorno piglia//emo dui piloti
p for/a acio ne in/egnia/eno malucho f acendo nfo
'•»*.,♦
zJ jgl
£d/
'._> -L.TT^r-
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 243
and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through
his directions we discontinued our course toward the
northeast, and took that toward the southeast At
a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and
near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceed-
ingly great fighters and archers. They use swords
one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts
with the juice of oranges or lemons, 44 * Those shaggy
people are called Benaian. When we took our
course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of
six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic
Pole, and thirty *■• leguas from Cavit 4 * 1
Sailing toward the southeast, we found four
islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach, 4 "
Sarangani, and Candighar. 4 ™ One Saturday night,
October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Bato-
lach, we encountered a most furious storm* There-
upon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Imme-
diately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated
all the darkness. 494 St. Elmo remained for more
than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St.
Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the
foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St.
Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one.
Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor
between the two islands of Saranghani and Can-
dighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settle-
ment of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found.
Those people are heathens and go naked as do the
others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five de-
grees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit
Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured
two pilots by force, in order that they might show
244 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
viagio f* mezo giorno et garbin pa/a//emo p octo
y/ole habitate et de/habitate po/te in modo de vna via
leq'lle /e chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Cama-
nuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariua/-
/emo in vna y/ola po/ta in fine de que/te molto bella
aL vedere p hauere vento contrario et p non
potere pa//are vna ponta de que/ta y/o la andauamo
dequa et dela girca de ella p ilque vno de q e lli
haueuamo pigliati a /aranghai et Lo fratello deL
re de maingdanao c5 vno /uo figliolo picolo ne la
nocte fugirono nuotando in que/ta y/ola ma iL
figliolo p nd potere tenere /aldo /oura le /palle de
/uo padre /e anego p nd potere caualcare la dicta
punta pa//a/emo de /oto dela y/ola doue erano molte
y/olette Que/ta y/ola tenne quat° re raia matan-
datu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu /onno
gentili /ta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27.
legue longi de /aranghany. et edetta /anghir.
Facendo lo mede/imo Camino pa/a//emo zirca
/ey J/olle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau
lontana diece legue da /anghir Que/ta tenne vno
mdte alto ma n5 largo lo /uo re chiama raia ponto
et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laq'lle a tre
montagnie alte Lo /uo re /e chiama raia babintan
talaut poy troua//emo aL leuante de paghinzara
longi dodici legue due y/olle n5 molto grandi habi-
tate dette zoar et meau pa//ate que/te due y/olle
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *47
us where Malucho lay. 41 * Then laying our course
south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited
and desert islands, which were situated in the manner
of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao,
Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and
Nuza. 4M Finally we came to an island at their end,
which was very beautiful to look at* As we had a
contrary wind, so that we could not double a point
of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it.
Consequently, one of the men whom we had cap-
tured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of
Maingdanao who took with him his small son,
escaped during the night by swimming to that island.
But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold
tightly to his father's shoulder. Being unable to
double the said point, we passed below the island
where there were many islets. That island has four
kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha,
Raia Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are
heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and
one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27
leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir. m
Continuing the same course, we passed near six
islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zang-
halura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and
has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is
called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara. 4 ** The latter
is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high
mountains. The name of its king is Raia Bab in tan. 4 "
[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found
twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands,
not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and
Meau. 460 After passing those two islands, on
248 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
mercore a/ey dc nouembf di/coper/emo quat y/ollc
alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue Lo
pilloto Q ne era re/tato di//e Como q e lle quatro y/olle
erSo maluco p ilque rengratia//emo ydio et p alle-
greza de/carica//emo tuta La artigliaria non era
de marauiliar/i /e eramo tanto alegri perche
haueuSo pa//ati vinti/ette me/i mancho dui giorni
in cercare malucho p tute q3/te y/olle [p tute que/te
y/olle: doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho eL
menor fondo troua//emo era in cento et ducento
bracia aL contrario Como diceuSo li portugue/i <J
quiui nd /i poteua nauigare p li gri ba//i et iL giello
ob/curo como loro Se haueu5o ymaginato.
Venere a octo de nouembf 1521 tre hore inanzi lo
tramontar deL /olle entra/e mo in vno porto duna
y/olla deta Tadore et /urgendo apre//o terra in vinti
bracia de/carica//emo tuta lartigliaria neL giorno
/eguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circun-
dole vna volta /ubito li anda//emo contra cS Lo
batello p honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel /uo prao
et /edere apre//o de/e lui /edeua /otto vna hum-
brela de Seta Q andaua intorno dinan/i de lui era
vno /uo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cS dui vazi
de oro p dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cO due
ca//etine dorate pienne de q e lle betre. Lo re ne di//e
fo//emo libS venuttj et Como lui J a gra tempo /e
haueua /ogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalu™ da
luogui lontanj et p piu Certificar/i aueua voluto
vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et Q nuy
1519 15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD ^S 1
Wednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered
four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two
[abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still re-
mained with us told us that those four islands were
Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an
expression of our joy discharged all our artillery.
It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had
passed twenty-seven months less two days in our
search for Malucho. 46 * Among all those islands
[among all those islands: doublet in original MS.],
even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we
found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas,
notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that
that region could not be navigated because of the
numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have
imagined. 4 **
Three hours before sunset on Friday, November
eight, 1 52 1, 4 " we entered into a harbor of an island
called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in
twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day
the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled
about them once. We immediately went to meet
him with the small boat, in order to show him honor.
He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near
him. He was seated under a silk awning which
sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one
of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons
with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and
two others with two gilded caskets filled with their
betel. The king told us that we were welcome there,
and that he had dreamt some time ago that some
ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts;
and that for more assurance he had determined to
25 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
eramo q e lli Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li
ba/aronno la mano poi lo Conducemo /oura la popa
et neL en trare dentro nO /e vo/ce aba//are ma entro
de /oura via facendolo /edere in vna cathedra de
veluto ro//o li ve/ti//emo vna ve/ta de veluto
J alio aLa turque/ca nui p piu /uo honnore /edeuJo
in terra apre//o lui e/endo tucti a/entati lo re
comincio et di//e lui et tucti /ui populi volere /emp
e//ere fideli//emj amici et va//ali aL nfo re de/pa-
gnia et acceptaua nuj Como /ui figlioli et doue/cemo
de/cendere in terra Como nele prie ca/e no/t 6 p che
daq* indietro /ua y/ola non /e chiameria piu tadore
ma ca/tiglia p lamore grande portaua al nfo re Suo
/igniore li dona//emo vno pftte q m L fo la ve/te la
cathedra vna pe//a de tell a /otille Quatro bracia de
panno de /carlata vno /aglio de brocato vno panno de
dama/co giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro
et de /eta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cam-
baia dui bonnetj /ey filce de cri/talo dodici corteli
tre /pechi grandi sey forfice /ey petini alquanti
bichieri dorati et altre co/e aL /uo figliolo vno pafio
indianno de oro et de /eta vno /pechio grande vno
bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alt 1 /ui principali a
ogni vno vno panno de /eta bonneti et dui cortellj
et a molti alt* aq* bonneti et aq* cortelli de//emo
in fin queL re ne di//e doue /semo re/tare dopo
ne di//e lui n6 hauer alt /inon la pp" vita p madare
al re /uo s. doue//emo nuj piu appincar/e a la cita
1519-15"] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 253
consult the moon/ 64 whereupon he had seen the shi£S
were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king
entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we
led him to the stern. When he entered inside there,
he would not stoop, but entered from above. 46 * Caus-
ing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed
him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish
fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we
sat down on the ground near him. Then when all
were seated, the king began to speak and said that
he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal
friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He re-
ceived us as his children, and we could go ashore as
if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth,
his island was to be called no more Tadore but Cas-
tiglia, because of the great love which he bore to
our king, his sovereign. We made him a present
which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of
delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece
of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some In-
dian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece
of b crania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps,
six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large
mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded
drinking-cups, 466 and other articles. To his son we
gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror,
a cap, and two knives ; 46T and to each of nine others
- all of them his chiefs - a silk cloth, caps, and two
knives ; and to many others caps or knives. We kept
giving presents until the king bade us desist. After
that he declared to us that he had nothing else except
his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We
were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever
254 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amaza//emo cO li
Schiopeti partendo//e dc la popa may ft voice
aba//are pigliata la li//entia di/care ca//emo
tucte le bombarde Que/to re he moro et for/i de
quaranta cinque anny ben facto cO vna pfltia realle
et grandi//imo a/trologo alhora era ve/tito duna
Cami/eta de tella biancha /oti li//ima cOli capi de
le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta
qua/i fina in terra et era de/cal/o haueua Jntorno
Lo capo [lo capo : doublet in original MS.] vno velo
de /eta et /oura vna girlanda de fiory et chiama//e
raia /ultan Manzor.
Domenica a x de nouembf Que/to re vol/e inten-
dere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti de/pagnia et
Lo /oldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re dgia/cuno
de nui et voliua li de//emo vna firma deL re et vna
bandiera reale p cfi daq 1 inanzi La /ua J/ola et vnalt*
chiamata Tarenate de laq'lle /eL poteua coronare
vno /uo [figlio : crossed out in original MS.] nepote
deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due /erianno deL re
de/pagnia et p honnore del /uo re era p combatere
in/ino aLa morte et Quando non pote//e piu re/i/-
tere veniria in /pag* lui etucti li /ui in vno Joncho
faceua far de nuoua cdla firma et badera reale percio
grS tempo era /uo /eruitof ne prego li la/cia//emo
algunj hominj acio ogni ora ft arecorda//e deL re
de/pagnia et non mercadatie p che loro non gli
re/tarebenno et ne di//e voleua andare a vna J/ola
chiamata bachian p fornirne piu pre/to le naui de
1519x522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 255
came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our
muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never
bend his head. 4 " When he took his leave we dis-
charged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about
forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal
presence, 4 * and is an excellent astrologer. At that
time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white
stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in
gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to
the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf
wrapped about his head [his head: doublet in orig-
inal MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His
name is Raia Sultan Manzor/"
On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to
tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia,
and what pay and quintalada *" the king gave to each
of us. He requested us to give him a signature of
the king and a royal banner, for then and thence-
forth, he would cause it that his island and another
called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown
one of his [sons : crossed out in original MS J] grand-
sons, 4 " named Calonaghapi) would both belong to
the king of Spagnia ; and for the honor of his king
he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could
no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his
family in a junk 4TS which he was having built new,
carrying the royal signature and banner; and there-
fore he was the king's servant for a long time. He
begged us to leave him some men so that he might
constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He
did not ask for merchandise because the latter would
not remain with him. 474 He told us that he would
go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to
256 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
garo/ali p cio nela /ua non eranno tanti de fechi
fucero /oficientj a carigar le due naue ogi p e//ere
domenicho non vol/c contractare JL giorno
fe/tigiato da quc/ti populi he Lo nfo vennere.
A9cio vfa JIL"* s\ /apra le y/olle doue na/cono li
garofali Sonno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir
machian et bachian tarenate he la principalle et
quado viueua lo /uo re signorigiaua ca/i tucte le
altre Tadore et q e lla doue eramo tienne re
mutir et machian non anno re ma /e regenno a po-
pulo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore f anno
guera in/ieme Que/te due li /erueno de gente La
vltima e bachian et tienne re tucta que/ta puin tia
doue na/cono li garofali /e chiama malucho. non
era ancora octo me/y que ero morto in tarenate vno
franc /eranno portugue/e cap° gftale deL re de
tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que
Con/trin/e Lo re de tadore donnare vna /ua figliola
p moglie aL re de tarenate et qua/i tucti li figlioli
deli principali p o/tagio de laq a L figliola na/cete
queL nepote deL re de tadore poy facta f a loro la
pace e//endo venuto vno giorno franc /eranno in
tadore p contractare garofali que/to re lo fece
velenare c5 q e lle foglie de betre et viuete /inon catro
Jornj il /uo re lo veleua far /epelire /econdo le
/ue lege ma tre xpiani /ui /eruitorj non con/entirono
Lo q a L la/cio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de
vna donna que tol/i in Jaua magiore et ducento
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD *S7
furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not
enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships.
As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade.
The festive day of those people is our Friday.
In order that your most illustrious Lordship may
know the islands where cloves grow, they are five,
[namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and
Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its
king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others.
Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir
and Machian have no king but are ruled by the peo-
ple, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of
Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them
with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a
king. That entire province where cloves grow is
called Malucho. 4 " At that time it was not eight
months since one Francesco Seranno m had died in
Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-
general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the
king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained
the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to
wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons
of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grand-
son of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter.
Peace having been made between the two kings, and
when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to
trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned
with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days.
His king wished to have him buried according to his
law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Chris-
tians who were his servants would not consent to it.
He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a
woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major,
258 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
bahar dc garofoli co/tui era grande amicho et
parente dcL nfo fideL cap°. gfiale et fo cau/a de
Comouerlo apigliar q3/ta inpre/a perche piu volte
e//endo Lo firo cap° amalacha li haueua /cripto
Como lui /taua iui D. manueL J a re de portugaL
p nd volere acre/cere la pui/ione deL nfo cap gfiale
/olamente de vno te/tonne aL me/e p li /ui benne-
meriti venne in /pagnia et hebe dala /acra mage/ta
tucto q c llo /epe demandare pa//ati x giorni dopo
la morte de franc /eranno iL re de tarenate deto raya
Abuleis hauendo de/caciato fuo gennero re de ba-
chian fu avelenato de /ua figliola moglie del decto re
Soto ombra de volere cScludef la pace fra loro il
q'lle /campo /olum duy giornj et la/cio nuoue figlio-
ly principali li loro nomy /ono que/ti Chechili
momuli J adore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili
manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara
vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.
Luni a xj de nouembf vno deli figlioli deL re de
tarenate chechili de roix ve/tito de veluto ro//o
venne ali naui cS dui prao /onnando cS q e lle borchie
et nd vol/e alhora entrare neli naui co/tui teneua
la donna li figlioli et li alt 6 co/e de franc /eranno
Quando lo Cognio//emo manda//emo dire al re /eL
doueu5o receuere p che eramo neL /uo porto ne
ri/po/e f ace//emo como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL
re vedendone /tar /u/pe/i /e di/co/to alquanto da le
naui li an da/emo cdlo batello apfitarli vno panno
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 259
and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close
friend and a relative of our royal captain-general,
and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake
that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha,
he had written to him several times that he was in
Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal,
refused to increase our captain-general's pension by
only a single testoon per month for his merits, the
latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained every-
thing for which he could ask from his sacred Maj-
esty. 4 " Ten days after the death of Francesco Se-
ranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis,
having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian,
was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter
king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace
between the two kings. The king lingered but two
days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are
Chechili Momuli, J adore Vunighi, Chechili de
Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin
Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi. 4 "
On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the
king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came
to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus
and his men were playing upon the abovementioned
gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time.
He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the
other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we
found out who he was, we sent a message to the king,
asking him whether we should receive Chechili de
Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to
us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of
the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off
somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the
260 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
de oro et de /eta indiano cO alquati Cortelli /pechi
et forfice accepto li cd vno pocho de /degnio et
/ubito /e parti Co/tui haueua /eco vno Jndio
xpiano chiamato Manuel /eruitof dun pet° alfon/o
de loro/a portughe/e loq'L dopo la morte de franc
/eranno vene de bandan ataranate iL /eruitof p
/apere parlare in portughe/e entro nele naue et di/-
/enne /e ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno
nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno /empre
/tauamo aL /eruitio deL re de /pagnia m§ da/emo
vna lfa apietro alfon/o de loro/a p que/to /uo /erui-
tof doue//e vegnire /enza /u/pecto ni//uno.
Que/ti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno
vna p /uo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobedi/-
conno aque/ta il re de tadore haueua vna ca/a
gr§de fuora de la ;ita doue e/tauano du cento /ue
donne de li piu principali cd alt 6 tante le /eruiuano
Quando lo re mangia /ta /olo ho vero cd la /uo mogle
prin cipalle in vno luoco alt° Como vn tribunalle oue
po vedere tucte le altre Q li /edenno atorno et aq c lla
piu li piace li comanda vada dormire /echo q e la
nocte finito lo mangiare /e lui comanda Q3 que/te
mangi£o in/ieme Lo fanno /e non ognuna va man-
giare nella /ua camera. Niuno /enza li/entia deL
re le puo vedere et /e alguno he trouato o di giorno
o de nocte apre//o la caza del re he amazato ogni
famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due
figliole Que/to re haueua vinti /ey figlioli octo
ma/chi lo re/to femine Dinanzi a que/ta y/ola
1519152a] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 26 1
boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold
and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He
accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediate-
ly departed. He had a Christian Indian with him
named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de
Lorosa,*" a Portuguese who went from Bandan to
Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As
the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came
aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons
of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king
of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of
the king of Spagnia. We 48 ° sent a letter to Pietro
Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him]
that he could come without any hesitation.
Those kings have as many women as they wish,
but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey.
The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house out-
side of the city, where two hundred of his chief
women lived with a like number of women to serve
them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his
chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he
can see all the other women who sit about the gal-
lery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep
with him that night. After the king has finished
eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they
do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own
chamber. No one is allowed to see those women
without permission from the king, and if anyone is
found near the king's house by day or by night, he
is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the
king one or two of its daughters. That king had
twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daugh-
ters. Lying next that island there is a very large
262 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
nche vna grandi//ima chiamata giailolo che he
habitata de mory et da gentilli ft trouerano duy re
fra li mory Si como ne di//e eL re vno ha uef
hauuto /eycento figlioli et lalt° cinque cento et vinti-
cinque li gentili nd teneno tante donne ne viueno
cO tante /uper/titioni ma adorana la p*a co/a Q vedeno
la matina quando e/conno fora de ca/a p tuto q e L
giorno JL re de que/ti gentilli deto raya papua e
richi//imo de oro et habita dent° ne lay/ola in
que/ta J/ola de giaiallo na/cono Soura /a//i viui
cane gro//e Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto
buona da bere ne Comprau3o assay daque/ti populi.
Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno
giorno vna ca/a nela cita p la nfa mercantia gli
la porta//emo qua/i tuta et p guardia de quella la-
/cia//emo tri homini de li nfj et /ubito Comincia/-
/cmo amerchadantare in que/to modo p x bracia
de panno ro//o asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de
garof ali Q he quat q3* et fey libf un Quintale e cento
libf per quindici bracia de panno nd tropo bonno un
bahar p quindice accette vno bahar p trenta cinque
bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti p dizi
/ette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar p dizi/ete cathili
de argento viuo vno bahar p vinti/ey bracia de tella
vno bahar p vinticinque bracia de tella piu /otille
vno bahar p cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per
cinquanta forfice vno bahar p quaranta bonneti vno
bahar p x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de
15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 263
island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is in-
habited by Moras and heathens. Two kings are found
there among the Moras, one of them, as we were
told by the king, having had six hundred children,
and the other five hundred and twenty-five. 4 * 1 The
heathens do not have so many women ; nor do they
live under so many superstitions, but adore for all
that day the first thing that they see in the morning
when they go out of their houses. The king of those
heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in
gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds
as thick around as the leg and filled with water that
is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in
the island of Giaiallo. 4 " We bought many of them
from those people.
On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a
house built for us in the city in one day for our mer-
chandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither,
and left three of our men to guard them. We imme-
diately began to trade in the following manner. For
x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave
us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four
quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth
of not very good quality, one quintal and one hun-
dred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thir-
ty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king get-
ting them all) ; for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one
bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one
bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for
twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one
hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs
of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar;
for x pieces of Guzerat cloth, 4 ** one bahar; for three
264 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
q e lle /ue borchie dui bahar p vno quintaL de metalo
vno bahar tucti li /pechi eranno rocti et li pocq 1
bonny Ly vol/c el re molte dc que/te co/e eranno
de q e lli Junci haueuamo pre/i la p/te/a de venire
in /pagnia ne fece dare le nfe merchantie p miglior
mercato non hauere//emo facto ogni giorno veni-
uano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine
figui cochi et altre co/e da mangiare Q era yna
marauiglia forni//emo li naui de hacqua buona
Que/ta hacqua na/cie calda ma/e /ta p /pacio duna
hora fora de /uo fonte diuenta frigidi//ima que/to
ep(j na/ce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario
Como ft diceua in /pagnia lacqua e//er portata
amaluco de longi parte.
Mercore lo re mando /uo figliolo deto mossahap
a mutir p garofoli agcio piu pre/to ne forni//eno
hogi dice//emo aL re Como haueuamo pre//i certj
indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene liface//emo
tanta gratia gli de//emo li pre/oni pche li mandarebe
nelle /ue terre c5 cinque hominj de li /ui p manife/-
tare deL re de/pagnia et de /ua fama alhora li
dona//emo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna
p la cagi5e Ja detta JL giorno /eguente li apre-
/enta//emo tucti li pre/oni /aluo q e lli de burne ne
hebe grandi//imo piacere. Dapoy ne di/ce doue/-
/emo p /uo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuao
1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 265
of those gongs of theirs, two bahars; 414 for one
quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all
the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the
king wished for himself. Many of those things [that
we traded] were from the abovementioned junks
which we had captured. Our haste to return to
Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at bet-
ter bargains [to the natives] than we should have
done. 4 " Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls,
figs [i.e. } bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of
food were brought to the ships, that we were sur-
prised. We supplied the ships with good water,
which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it
stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it
becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it
comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite
the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water
must be carried to Maluco from distant parts. 4 * 6
On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named
Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us
more quickly. On that day we told the king that
we had captured certain Indians. The king
thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the
kindness to give him their persons, so that he might
send them back to their land, with five of his own
men, in order that they might make the king of
Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him
the three women who had been captured in the
queen's name for the reason already advanced. Next
day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those
from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently.
Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show
our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in
266 PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO [Vol. 33
nele nauj p che ne darebe tante capre et galine gli
amaza//emo p farli piagere et li apicha//emo /oto
la Couuerta Quado Co/toro p ventura li vedeuano
/c copriuano lo volto p non vederli ne /entire lo /uo
odore.
{Continued in Vol. XXXIV \ page 38.)
I5i9-i5«] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 267
the ships, in return for which he would give us an
equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them
in order to show him a pleasure, 4 * 7 and hung them up
under the deck. When those people happen to see
any swine they cover their faces in order that they
might not look upon them or catch their odor.
{Continued in Vol. XXXIV \ page jp.)
_o_j
Map showing discoveries of
Fernao Vas Dou-
[From original MS. in Archivo
T ALA M C X
~j
/;
1
irA*" 1 i
r 1 v^lMfc 1 ■»
s
'M i iNVClAJ j L
*'**"■• - *_
4 U I
Magalhaes, from Mappamundo
rado (Goa, 1571 )
Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon]
NOTES
{Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden
are made from Arber's reprint The first three English books on
America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The
decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555;
from Mosto, from // prbno viaggio, intorno al globo di Antonio
Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was pub-
lished as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di docu-
ment e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel
quarto centenario dalla scoperta delY America, appearing under
the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from
Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was trans-
lated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in
the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti
publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana.]
1 The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded
in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who -resided at Venice, and
was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several
centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black
below with a white transverse bar running from left to right.
On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar.
The old family house is still standing and shows the motto //
nest rose sans espine, i.e. 9 " No rose without a thorn," which
was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and
not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as
some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the dose of
the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some
declaring it to be 1491 ; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives
the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some
have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evi-
dently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St.
John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the
sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain
with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1 5 19, but in what
capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhaes's intended
voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that
he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain's
servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called
2 73
274 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
as his country was Lombardy. After the return of the "Vic-
toria," he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France, and returned
to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by
him to Carlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily
throughout the voyage. His Relation as we know it was under-
taken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova, but its com-
position was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come to
Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524,
meeting Villiers J'lsle-Adam on his journey thither. He re-
mained in the pope's service but a short time, for in April, 1524,
he was back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copy-
right on his Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty
years. Pozzo says that he was received into the Order of St.
John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably somewhat before that
date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August, 1530, his
work was presented to Villiers TIsle-Adam. Nothing further is
known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks
as late as 1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or
1535 and at Malta. In addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote
a Treatise on the art of navigation, which follows his Relation.
This is not presented in the present publication, notwithstanding
its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is repro-
duced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with
Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of
Itinerario da Vienna a Constantino poll (London, 1585); and
wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the "Vincenzo"
being an error for " vicentino," i.e., " Venetian." See Mosto, //
primo viaggio. . .di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), PP« 13-30;
Larousse's Dictionnaire ; and La grande Ency elope die (Paris).
2 The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See vol. n, p. 26, note
2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta's spelling of proper names
is retained.
8 Philippe de Villiers TIsle-Adam, the forty-third grand mas-
ter of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of
Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family
at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at
grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected
grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year
occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand
five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman.
After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold
in October, and refusing Soliman 's entreaties to remain with him,
went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by
Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter
of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta
which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed
by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l'lsle-
I 5i9 I 522] NOTES 275
Adam went thither in October of that year. He was always held
in high esteem for his bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri's
Dictionaire, and Larousse's Dictionnaire.
4 The four MSS. of Pigafetta's Relation are those known as
the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the
Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the
same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French)
so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned
by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The
MSS. of the Bibliotheque Nationale are both shorter than the
Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of
the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of
these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A
full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books
will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series.
There are a number of radical differences between the Paris
MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS.
5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph
structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters,
although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical
of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 con-
tains the following title on the page immediately preceding the
beginning of the relation proper: " Navigation and discovery of
Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian,
and knight of Rhodes."
•The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that
dignity until June, 15 19. Pigafetta writing after that date is not
explicit.
6 Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most
ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth
century. He attained preeminence at Sienna in both civil and
ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of
Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace.
Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill.
He left Rome for Spain in December, 1 5 18, on a private mission
for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks
who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His
house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that
day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3.
T MS. 51650 adds: " scholars and men of understanding."
• MS. 5.650 reads: " so that I might satisfy the wish of the
said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said
that I had made the said voyage and indeed been an eyewitness
of the things hereafter written."
276 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
9 See vol. 1, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhaes. The
only adequate life of Magalhaes in English is that of Guillemard.
10 That is, the Order of Santiago. See vol. i, p. 145, note
171. Magalhaes and Falero were decorated with the cross of
comendador of the order by Carlos I in the presence of the royal
Council in July, 15 18. See Guillemard 's Ferdinand Magellan,
p. 114.
11 See vol. 1 for various documents during the period of the
preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard 's Magellan, pp. 1 14-1 16
and 130-134; and Stanley's First Voyage, pp. xxxiv-xlvi.
12 Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19,
1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Cle-
ment's election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or
January, 1524.
"The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled
adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to
Clement VII, instead of Villicrs L'Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36,
note 3.
14 MS. 5,650 reads: " Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after
all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the
captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his
honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some
good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make
for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare
the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through
astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the
so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration
of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea
where he was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason
also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in
his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not,
unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese, and
they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been
biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of
that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow,
so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from
one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and
gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered
them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and
legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was im-
possible."
15 A Spanish word, meaning " lantern."
16 Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza
" braid " or " twist." Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque,
1519-1522] NOTES 277
which denotes a large rope made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa)
- known to the Spaniards as esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: " Some-
times he set out a lantern; at other times a thick rush cord which
was lighted and was called ' trenche ' [i.*., 'estrenque,' ' rope of
Spanish grass hemp']." Barrio (Diccionario general etimologico)
says that the origin of estrenque is unknown.
17 MS. 5*650 reads: " If he wished the other ships to haul in
a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the main-
sail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstand-
ing that the weather might be favorable for making better time,
it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that
the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when
bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise."
18 MS. 5,650 adds: "which he had extinguished immediately
after;" and continues: "then showing a single light as a sign
that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships
should do as he."
19 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is to say, a rock in the sea."
20 Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly
translated, it is: " Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be re-
attached to the sail, he showed three fires."
11 This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650.
**Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night
immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8.
2 * Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French
contremaitre and the Spanish contramaestre 9 was formerly the
third officer of a ship's crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the
officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to
Littre was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small
craft. The maestro (French maitre) was a sub-officer in charge
of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance.
The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the
above officers (see following note).
24 The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as
follows in MS. 5,650: " In addition to the said rules for carry-
ing on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid
the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches
set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and
in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was
at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the
third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the 4 diane '
[i.e., 'morn'] or otherwise 'the star of dawn.' The above*
named watches were changed nightly: that is to say, that he who
had stood first watch stood second the day following, while he
278 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to
change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both
those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that
their voyage might be made with the greatest of safety. The men
of the said fleet were divided into three divisions: the first was
that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or boatswain's
mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having
been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart, as fol-
lows."
25 See Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 329-336, and Navarrete,
Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3-1 1, 162-188, for the stores and equip-
ments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted
of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic,
cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar,
quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary
supplies were carried in the " Trinidad,' 1 and the ecclesiastical
ornaments in that ship and the " San Antonio."
26 The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhaes is
a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5,
1 5I9> conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in
Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj.
6, leg. 2-25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five per-
sons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers
of the fleet (see Llorens Ascensio's Primer a vuelta al mundo,
Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his
Coleccion (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that
at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the
official lists and " the casual occurrence of names in the numerous
and lengthy autos fiscal es connected with the expedition." Guille-
mard conjectures that the total number must have been between
two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto
(p« 53» note 2) says: " Castanheda and Barros say that the crews
amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete's lists
show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in
addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese
and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings,
Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors,
Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But
seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Bis-
cayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326-329.) The registers
of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12-26) are
as follows.
1519-1522]
NOTES
Trinidad
(Flagship of no tons)
279
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Chief cap-
tain of
the fleet
Hernando de Magallanes
Portuguese, citizen of
Oporto
Pilot of his
Highness
Esteban Gomez
Portuguese
Notary
Leon de Espeleta
Master
Juan Bautista de Pun-
zorol x
Cestre, on the Genoese
shore
Alguacil*
Gonzalo Gomez de Espi-
nosa
Espinosa
Contra-
maestre
Francisco Albo *
Axio, citizen of Rodas
Surgeon
Juan de Morales 4
Sevilla
Barber
Marcos de Bayas
San Lucar de Alpechin
Carpenter
Master Antonio
Genoese
Steward
Cristobal Ros or
Rodriguez
Lepe
Calker
Felipe 5
Genoese, native of Reco
Cooper
Francisco Martin
Sevilla
Sailor
Francisco de Espinosa
De le Brizuela
11
Gines de Mafra
Jerez
i«
Leon Pancaldo*
Saona, in Genova
11
Juan Ginoves 7
San Remo
11
Francisco Piora
Saona
11
Martin Ginoves
Cestre
11
Anton Hernandez Col-
menero
Huelva
11
Anton Ros, or Rodriguez
Huelva
1 Called in other lists Juan Bautista, Bautista de Poncero, Ponccron, and by Herrera,
Juan Bautista de Pone ev era. — Navaiiiti.
* A marine officer above the rank of soldier, but below that of ensign.
'The pilot who wrote the logbook of the ship "Victoria ** from its arrival at the
cape of San Augustin in Brazil until its return to Spain. Navarrete says that Herrera
calls him Francisco Calvo.
4 Called Bachelor Morales in another register. — Navabbeti.
* Called Filipo de Troa in another register. — Navabbeti.
* Called Pancado in another register. — Navabbbtb.
1 Called Sanrremo Ginoves in another register. — Navabbbtb.
28o
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Sailor
Bartolome Sanchez
Huelva
u
Tomas de Natia
Cestre
«<
Diego Martin
Huelva
ii
Domingo de Urrutia x
Lequeitio
ic
Francisco Martin
Huelva
cc
Juan Rodriguez
Sevilla
Gunner
Master - Andres, chief
gunner
Bristol, in England
IC
Juan Bautista
Mompeller
II
Guillermo Tanegui
Lila de Groya
Common
seaman
Antonio de Goa
Loro
«i
Anton de Noya *
Noya in Galicia
ii
Francisco de Ayamonte
Ayamonte
ii
Juan de Santandres 8
Cueto
ii
Bias de Toledo 4
Almunia in Aragon
ii
Anton*
Black
ii
Basco Gomez Gallego
Portuguese
ii
Juan Gallego
Pontevedra
ii
Luis de Beas •
Beas in Galicia
ii
Juan de Grijol
Grijol in Portugal
Bay
Gutierrez
Asturian from Villasevil
ii
Juan Genoves 7
A port on the Genoese
shore
ii
Andres de la Cruz 8
Sevilla
Servants of the captain and sobresalientes •
Servant
Sobresa-
liente
Cristobal Rabelo
Joan Minez or Martinez
Portuguese,
Oporto
Sevilla
native of
1 Called in other registers, Barruti, Barrutia, Barote, and Domingo Vizcaino. — Nava-
um.
2 Called Anton Gallego and Antonio Varela in other registers. — Navarriti.
8 Called Juan de Santander in another register. — Navarriti.
4 Called Bias Durango in another register. — Navarriti.
* The slave of Gonzalo Gomez de Espinoza, called Anton Moreno in another register.
— Navarrrti.
1 Said to be a Portuguese in another register. — Navarriti.
7 Called Juan Antonio in another register. — Navarritr.
1 Called Andres Paye in another register. — Navarritr.
* Sobretalientt u thus defined by Las Partiday — the laws of Castilla, compiled by Al-
fonso X. — parte I., tit. 24, ley 6: " Sobresalientes are called otherwise men who are
placed over and above the requisite number in the ships, both as crossbowmen and other
classes of soldiers. Such men have no other duty than to defend those who might be in
their ships when fighting with enemies.** Cited by Morro from A. Jal in G lot sat re
1519-15™]
NOTES
281
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Servant
Fernando Portogues x
Portuguese, native of
Oporto
Sobresa-
licntc
Antonio Lombardo 2
Lombardia
Peti-Joan
French, native of Angeo
[ue. % Anjou]
Gonzalo Rodriguez
Portuguese
Diego Sanchez Barrasa
Sevilla
Luis Alonso, de Gois * »
Portuguese, citizen of
Ayamonte
Duarte Barbosa
Portuguese
Albaro de la Mezquita
Portuguese
Servant
Nuiio
Portuguese, native of
Montemayor Nuevo
Servant
Diego
San Lucar
Captain's
boy
Francisco 4
Portuguese, native of Es-
tremiz
Idem
Jorge Morisco
Lombardia
Chaplain
Pedro de Balderrama
Ecija
Merino
Alberto * Merino
Cordova
Servant of
the al-
guacil
Pero Gomez
Hornilla la Prieta
Armorer
Pero Sanchez 6
Sevilla
Interpre-
ter, a
servant
Henrique de Malaca 7 *
Malaca
Lazaro de Torres
Aracena
n antique. (Paris, 1 848). Motto speaks of them as soldiers or volunteers who were em-
barked to take part in battles and in boarding. Guillemard says of them: " The young
men of good family, who took part in the expedition from love of adventure or desire for
advancement in military service, shipped as tobrttalienttt, or supernumeraries** {ut
supra, p. 328).
1 Called in another register, Fernan Lopez, volunteer. — Navaiiete.
3 Called Antonio de Plegafetis [/.«., Pigafetta] in another register. — Navai»ete.
* Called Luis Alfonso in another register. — Navaiiete.
4 Called Francisco de la Mezquita in another register. — Navaiiete.
* Called Albertos, a sobresaliente, in another register. — Navai»ete.
Merino: A shepherd, and formerly by extension an alguacil, which is its meaning here.
* Called Pedro Sanildes in another register. — N avaieete.
7 Magalhaes's slave, who afterward, according to Pigafetta, plotted the death of the
Europeans, by conspiring with the ruler of Cebu.
282
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
San Antonio
(120 tons)
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Captain
and su-
pervisor
of the
fleet
Juan de Cartagena
Accountant
Antonio de Coca
Notary
Hieronimo Guerra
His Maj-
esty's
pilot
Andres de San Martin
Pilot of his
Highness
Juan Rodriguez de
Mafra
Master
Juan de Elorriaga 1
Guipuzcoa
Boatswain
Diego Hernandez
Sevilla
Barber
Pedro Olabarrieta 2
Bilbao
Steward
Juan Ortiz de Gopegar 8
Bilbao
Calker
Pedro de Bilbao
Bilbao
Carpenter
Pedro de Sabtua
Bermeo
Calker
Martin de Goytisolo
Baquio
Cooper
Joan de Oviedo
Sevilla
Sailor
Sebastian de Olarte
Bilbao
«<
Lope de Uguarte
if
Joanes de Segura
Segura in Guipuzcoa
11
Joan de Francia
Ruan [ue.y Rouen]
11
Jacome de Mecina
Mesina
i<
Christobal Garcia
From Palos
11
Pero Hernandez
Rivadesella
11
Antonio Rodriguez, Cal-
Sevilla
11
derero [i.e., black-
smith]
Hernando de Morales 4
From Moguer
11
Francisco, Marinero [ue. 9
a sailor]
Citizen of Huelva
11
Francisco Ros, or Rodri-
guez
From Huelva
11
Pedro de Laredo
Portogalete
11
Simon de Asio
Axio
1 Called in other registers, Uriaga, Horraga, Loriaga, and Elorraga. — Navaeeete.
9 In another register said to be the servant of Antonio de Coca. — Navaieete.
8 Called Juan Ortiz de Goperi in another register. — Navaeeete.
Called Francisco de Morales in another register. — Navaeeete.
1519-1522]
NOTES
283
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Gunner
Master Jacques, chief
gunner
From Tierra Lorena [£e\,
land of Lorraine]
ci
Rojer Dupict
Monaym
41
Joan Jorge
Silvedrin
Common
seaman
Luis, 1 Grumete [i.e\, a
common seaman]
Galicia
it
Martin de Aguirre
Arrigorriaga
II
Columbazo
Bolonia [i.e\, Bologna]
II
Lucas de Mecina
Mesina
II
Lorencio Rodriguez
From Moguer
14
Miguel
Pravia, in Asturias
41
Joanes de I run Iranzo
Irun Iranza in Guipuz-
14
Joan Ginoves
coa
Saona
II
Joan de Orue
Munguia
II
Alonso del Puerto *
Puerto de Santa Maria
Boy
Diego, son of Cristobal
Garcia
From Palos
11
Diego, son of Juan Rodri-
guez de Mafra
Servants and sobresalientes
Chaplain
Bernardo Calmeta
Laytora in France
Sobresa-
liente
Joan de Chinchilla
Murcia
11
Anton de Escobar
Talavera
11
Francisco de Angulo
Moron
Servant to
the cap*
tain
Francisco de Molino
Baeza
11
Roque Pelea
Salamanca
11
Rodrigo Nieto, a Galician
Orense
11
Alonso del Rio
Burgos
11
Pedro de Balpuesta
Citizen of Burgos
11
Joan de Leon
Leon
11
Gutierre de Tufion 3
Tunon in Asturias
<«
Joan de Sagredo, 4
merino
Revenga, in the land of
Burgos
41
Joan de Minchaca, a
crossbowman
Bilbao
1 Luis de Avendano in another register. — Navabbiti.
* Called Alonso de Palos in another register. — Navabbbti.
* Called Garcia de Tunon in another register. — Navabbiti.
4 Called Segredo in another register. — Navabbiti.
284
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Captain's
Antonio Hernandez, in-
servant
terpreter
Ayamonte
Servant to
the ac-
countant
Juan Gomez de Espinosa
Espinosa
CI
Pedro de Urrea
Concbpcion
(90 tons)
Brujas
Captain
Gaspar de Quesada
Notary
Sancho de Heredia
Pilot of his
Highness
Joan Lopez Caraballo
Portuguese
Master
Joan Sebastian de El-
cano 1
Guetaria
Boatswain
Joan de Acurio
Bermeo
Barber
Hernando de Busta-
mente*
Merida
Calker
Antonio de Basazabal *
Bermeo
Carpenter
Domingo de Iraza 4
Deva
Steward
Joan de Campos
Alcala de Henares
Cooper
Pero Perez
Sevilla
Sailor
Francisco Rodriguez *
Sevilla
cc
Francisco Ruiz
Moguer
cc
Mateo de Gorfo •
Gorfo
II
Joan Rodriguez 7
Huelva
«
Sebastian Garcia 8
Huelva
II
Gomez Hernandez
Huelva
«
Lorenzo de Iruna *
Socavila in Guipuzcoa
cc
Joan Rodriguez, 10 el sordo
[i.e., the deaf man]
Sevilla
c<
Joan de Aguirre
Bermeo
tt
Joan de Ortega
Cifuentes
1 In other registers called Del Cano, Delcano, and simply Juan Sebastian. — Nava-
BBITl.
* Said to be a native of Alcantara in another register. — Navaiiiti.
'Called Anton de Bazaza in another register. — Navabbxtx.
4 Called Domingo de Yarza in another register. — Navabbxtx.
' Said to be a native of Portugal in another register. — Navabbxtx.
• Called Mateo Oriego in another register. — Navabbxtb.
T Called in another register Juan Rodriguez de Huelva, native of Mallorca. — Nava-
bbxtx.
• Called Sebastian de Huelva in another register. — Navaiiiti.
* Called Lorenzo Duirna in another register. — Navabbxtx.
10 Called Juan Roiz in another register. — Navabbxtb.
1519-1522]
NOTES
285
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Gunner
Hans Vargue, 1 chief gun-
ner
German
«
Master Pedro
Bruselas
CI
Roldan de Argote
Flandes, in Brujas
Common
ffjrnipn
Joan de Olivar 2
41
Guillermo de Lole *
cc
Cristobal de Costa 4
Jerez
cc
Guillen
Galvey
cc
Gonzalo de Vigo
Vigo
cc
Pedro de Muguertegui
Muguertegui
cc
Martin de Isaurraga
Bermeo
<c
Rodrigo Macias
Sevilla
tt
Joan Navarro 5
Pamplona
<c
Joanes de Tuy
Boy
Juanillo •
Galbey
cc
Pedro de Churdurza 7
Bermeo
Sobresalientes
Captain's
servant
Luis del Molino
Baeza
cc
Antonio Fernandez
Portuguese, of Sevilla
cc
Alonso Coto 8
Genoese
cc
Francisco Diaz de Mad-
rid
Madrid
Merino
Martin de Judicibus
Genoese
Juan de Silva
Isla Graciosa, in Azores
Blacksmith
Gonzalo Hernandez
Santa Maria del Puerto
Martin de Magallayns
Portuguese, of Lisboa
Almonaster, a boundary
Joan de la Torre
of Sevilla
Victoria
(85 tons)
Captain
and
treasurer
of fleet
Luis de Mendoza
1 In other registers called Master A nee and Master Otans. — Navabbxtk.
2 Called Oliver de Valencia in another register. — Navabbbtx.
* Called Guillermo Ir6i in another register. — Navabbbtx.
4 Called Cristobal de Jerez in another register. — Navabbbte.
'Called Juan Novoro in another register.— Navabbbtx.
'In another register called the young son of Juan Caraballo. — Navabbbti.
1 Called Pedro Chindurza in another register. — Navabbbtx.
' In other registers called Alonzo Genoves, Cota, and Costa. — Navabbxtb.
286
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Pilot of his
Highness
Basco Gallego
Portuguese
Notary
Martin Mendez
Citizen of Sevilla
Master
Anton Salomon
Trapana in Sicilia
Boatswain
Miguel de Rodas
Rodas
Alguacil
Diego de Peralta
Peralta in Navarra
Steward
Alonso Gonzales
Portuguese
Calker
Simon de la Rochela
From La Rochela
Carpenter
Martin de Griate l
From Deva
Sailor
Miguel Benesciano
Bresa
i
Diego Gallego
Bayona in Galicia
u
Lope Navarro
Tudela
i
Nicolas Ginoves
Genova
i
Nicolao de Napoles
Napoles de Romania
c
Miguel Sanchez
Rodas
c
Nicolao de Capua
Capua
c
Benito Genoves
Arvenga
c
Felipe de Rodas
Rodas
<
Esteban Villon 2
Troya
cc
Joan Griego
Napoles de Romania
Gunner
Jorge Aleman [i.e., the
German], chief gunner
From Estric
u
Filiberto de Torres 8
Toriana
it
Hans, a German 4
Agan
Common
seaman
Joanico, 5 a Viscayan
Somorostro
u
Joan de Arratia •
Bilbao
tt
Ochote T
Bilbao
<<
Martin de Ayamonte
it
Pedro de Tolosa
Tolosa in Guipuzcoa
ti
Sebastian Ortiz
Gelver
«
Antonio
Baresa in Genova
M
Bernal Mahuri 8
Narbona
CC
Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., a
Galician]
Coruna
1 Called in other registers Garate, Yarat, and Perez. — Navarrete.
2 Called in another register Esteban Breton, and a third register says that he was a native
of Trosig in Bretana. — Navarbits.
8 Another register says that he was a native of Hourienes in Torayn [/.*., Tourraine.]
— Navarrete.
4 Another register calls him Aires, and says that he was afterward chief gunner in the
" Victoria." — Navarrxtx.
* Called in another register Machin Vizcaino [/.«., a Viscayan]. — Navarrkte.
• In other registers called Juan de Sahelices and Saylkes. — Navarrxtx.
1 Called in another register Ochot de Randio. — Navabrxte.
8 In other registers called Cristobal Mahuri and Bernardo Mauri.— Navabiete.
ISI9-I52 2 ]
NOTES
287
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Common
Domingo Portogues [i.e\,
seaman
a Portuguese]
Coimbra
Boy
Juan de Zuvileta, the son
of Basco Gallego
Baracaldo
Sobresalientes
The cap-
tain's
servant
Francisco Carvajal
Salamanca
11
Joan Martin x
Aguilar de Campo
ic
Simon de Burgos
Portuguese
if
Bartolome de Saldana
Palos
Blacksmith
Gonzalo Rodriguez
11
Pero Garcia de Herrero a
Ciudad Real
Joan Villalon
Antequera
Alonso de Mora, or de
Ebora*
Mora, in Portugal
Cooper
Joan de Cordoba
Sanlucar
Diego Diaz
Sanlucar
Santiago
(75 tons)
Captain
and pilot
of his
Highness
Joan Serrano
Citizen of Sevilla
Notary
Antonio de Costa
Master
Baltasar Ginoves
Ribera de Genova [Le. t
the Genoese shore]
Boatswain
Bartolome Prior 4
San Malo
Steward
Gaspar Diaz
Isla Graciosa, in the
Azores
Calker
Joan Garcia
Genova
•Carpenter
Ripart 5
Bruz in Normandia [i.e.,
Normandy]
Sailor
Antonio Flamenco [i.e\,
a Fleming]
Enveres
1 Another register declares him to be a native of Sevilla. — Navarbiti.
3 Called Pedro Herrero ['.*., the blacksmith] in another register. — Natarreti.
8 Called Alonso Portugues [r.t., the Portuguese] in another register. — Navarrite.
4 Called in other registers Malo a Frenchman, Malvo, and Amalo. — Navarrite.
1 Called in other registers Ricarte, Ruxar, and Rigarte; while another says that he was
a native of Ebras in France. — Navarrxte.
288
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Cafacitf
Name
Nationality
Sailor
Luis Martinez
Huelva
II
Bartolome Garcia
Palos
II
Joan Garcia
Palos
II
Agustin
Saona
II
Bocacio Alfonso *
Bollullos
\ II
Pedro Gascon 2 [£*., a
Gascon]
Burdeos [i.e., Bordeaux]
II
Domingo *
II
Diego Garcia de Trigu-
eros
Trigueros
Gunner
Lorenzo Corrat
Talesa in Normandia
[i.e\, Normandy]
ii
Joan Macia 4
Troya
Common
seaman
Pedro Diaz 5
Huelva
ii
Antonio Hernandez •
Palos
ii
Juan, 7 a negro
i<
Joan Breton [Le., a Bre-
ton]
Cruesic in Brctafia [ue. t
Brittany]
«*
Pedro Bello 8
Palos
II
Hieronimo Garcia •
Sevilla
II
Pero Arnaot
Horrai
II
Pero Garcia
Trigueros
Boy
Joan Flamenco [i.e\, a
Fleming]
Enveres
ii
Francisco Paxe 10
Sobresalientes
Merino Joan de Aroche
Martin Barrena
Hernan Lorenzo
Aroche, boundary of Se-
villa
Villafranco in Guipuzcoa
Aroche
1 Called Socacio Alonso in another register. — Navakkxtx.
1 Called Pedro Gaston in another register. — Navakkxtx.
9 Called Domingo Marinero [/.*., a sailor] in another register. — Navakkxtx.
4 Called Juan de Troya in another register. — Navakkxtx.
1 Called Pedro de Huelva in another register. — Navakkxtx.
• Called Alonso Hernandez in another register. — NAVAaatTx.
T The slave of Juan Serrano. — Navakkxtx.
9 Pedro Brito in another register. — Navaxxktx.
•Geronimo Serillano [i.e. t a native of Sevilla] in another register.— Navaxxxtx.
19 Another register calls him Francisco, the son-in-law of Juan Serrano. — Navaxxxtx.
1519-1522]
NOTES
289
The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235.
Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general
de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Mufioz, and various other
sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the
abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming
people from their native town or province, and the fact that the
various registers were made between 15 19 and 1525. From some
of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in
the fleet.
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Carpenter
Aroca
Viscayan
Steward
Bias Alfonso
Portuguese
Calker
Juan Gutierrez
Maestre Pedro *
Sailor
Bautista Genoves
Genova
Common
seaman
Perucho de Bermeo
.
ic
Domingo Alvarez
cc
Domingo Gonzalez
II
Domingo de Zubillan 2
Portuguese
II
Andres Blanco
II
Antonio Gomez
Axio
II
Juan Portugues [i.e\, a
Portuguese]
II
Juan Bras
II
Gonzalo Gallego
II
Rodrigo de Hurrira
Sebastian Portugues [i.e\,
a Portuguese]
Juan de Ircepais
Sobresalientes
Secular
priest
Pero Sanchez de Reina
Licentiate Morales
Hernando Rodriguez
Hartiga
Diugurria
1 This man was Shanghaied at the island of Teneriffe by order of Magalhaes, October
1, 1519, and embarked on the "Santiago," but his occupation or country is unknown.
He returned in the " Victoria," and was one of those captured by the Portuguese in the
island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, as u proved by documents in Archivo Ge-
neral de Indias. — Navasmti.
2 Named in other registers Domingo, from Tovilla, Portugal, and Domingo, native of
Cobillana, Portugal. — Navaiieti.
290
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
Capacity
Name
Nationality
Soldier
Diego Arias
Sanlucar
Blacksmith
Juan Hernandez
Triana
Servant of
Luis de
Men-
doza
Hernando de Aguilar
The negro of the pilot
Juan Carballo
In addition there were probably others, this list being still three
short of Guillemard's figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc, of N. Amer.>
London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list
27 The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wad-al-
Kebir, "the great river"), superseded the Roman name of Baetis.
The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called
Baetica after the name of the Baetis. By the town Gioan dal
Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn
al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia
Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla.
Coria was once a Roman potters' town and is still celebrated for
its jars. San Lucar de Barrameda was named in honor of St.
Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to
the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after
the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house
of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Perez de Guzman, a
famous captain.
28 The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given
(ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially
with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and
Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta
may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an
error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows:
"which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x
leguas from the said port ; " for " longui " may be taken as agree-
ing with " gradi." In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form
will be used in preference to the Italian ; and the same will apply
to the names of Spanish coins.
29 MS. 5,650 reads: "And after passing many small villages
along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the
duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is
a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that
port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape
of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a
latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from
15191522] NOTES 291
the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port
by the river abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles."
This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not trans-
late or write the French version, but that the work was done by
another, who takes various liberties with his original.
80 MS. 5,650 reads: " furnish the fleet."
81 Ninguna in original, a Spanish word.
82 MS. 5,650 adds: "otherwise called 'labeiche.' " Labech
(Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This
is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explana-
tion to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino,
" southwest."
88 MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: "sixteenth." The so-called
Genoese pilot (the author of the " Roteiro," by which name his
account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see
Guillemard's Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4)
gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros
agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stan-
ley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Piga-
fetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520.
Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that
the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the
Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more ad-
missible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival
by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2 ;
while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montana Roja (the
Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53,
notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo
are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times
they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus
Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon.
84 The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names
of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides.
The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat,
but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth
century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially
through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethen-
court went there, and shortly after began their conquest under
the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the set-
tlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded
to Spain in 1481 (see Birch's Alboquerque, London, 1 875-1 884,
Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the
islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter mean-
ing " men of Tenerife." The inhabitants of this island, holding
out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See
also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877) ; and History and De-
*9 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
scription of Africa (London, 1896), 1, pp. 99-101: both publica-
tions of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly
called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other
islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak,
the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude
is 28° 15'.
tB Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at
the south end of Tenerife.
86 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a substance needed by ships."
Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a
caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53,
note 8).
87 MS. 5,650 reads: " water coming from spring or river."
88 Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly
abridges: "The lyke thynge is al/o /eene in the Hand of /aynt
Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne." Of this
island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt
Society edition, p. 100) says: "Hierro hath neither spring nor
well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which
over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as
sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower
or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne
rising." This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded
upon fact " for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and
other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from
the daily mists" (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio
Chil y Naranio (Estudios historicos . . . de las islas Cana-
rias % 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and
that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see
the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9).
89 MS. 5,650 adds: "which the sailors of the east call
' Cyroc* " This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the
southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the
port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2).
40 Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: "In this coa/t they had
no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether
for the /pace of three /core and tenne dayes, in the which they
came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne."
41 MS. 5,650 adds: "and of those persons who have sailed
there often."
42 MS. 5,650 reads: "And in order that our ships might not
be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls
come together)."
15191522] NOTES 293
48 This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are
missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins:
" During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni," etc The
word tiburoni, " sharks " is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes
from the French tiberon (tiburin, /i£iiroji).-Echagaray's Die-
cionario Etimologico (Madrid, 1889).
44 MS. 5,650 reads: "The said fish are caught by means of
a contrivance which sailors call ' hame ' which is an iron fish-
hook." Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Jmo t
meaning " fishhook."
45 MS. 5,650 adds: " because of the bad weather."
40 MS. 5,650 reads " a quarter of an hour," and the same dura-
tion of time is given by Eden (p. 250).
47 MS. 5,650 adds: "It is to be noted that whenever that
fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends
the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is
never wrecked." Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says
that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and
sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts
of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby,
and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he ap-
peared, he remained a quarter of an hour, and at his departure a
great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden
(p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects
into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of
St. Elmo's fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of
De SubtUitate. He says: " Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the
fyer baule or /tarre commonly cauled /aynt Helen which is /urn-
tyme /eene abowt the ma/tes of /hyppes, beinge of /uche fyery
nature that it /umetyme melteth bra/en ve//els, and is a token of
drownyng, fora/much as this chaunceth only in great tempe/tes.
For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered,
can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of
a gro/e vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a
token of imminent perell." The fires called after St. Peter and
St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are
generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little
and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if
massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo's fire is the popular
name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of
a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging.
It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was con-
sidered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed
this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and
the French edition of Pigafetta's relation published by Simon de
294 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54) : " They saw the fires
called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom
the ancients called Castor and Pollux)." "Elmo" is said by
some to be a corruption of " Helena/' the sister of Castor and
Pollux, and the name "Hellene " or " Helen " was often given
to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more
probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died
about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean.
The phenomenon is also called fire of " St. Elias," " St. Clara,"
" St. Nicolas," and " composite," " composant," and " corposant
{i.e., corpus sanctum) ."
4S The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the
family Larida and genus Thalassidroma) , which is found along
all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific The tale of
the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, 17. S. Exploring
Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela ("cagaselo" in
MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger,
and by sailors " boatswain," " teaser," and " dung-hunter." The
last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that
this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pur-
sues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that
they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exo-
ccetuSy or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of
which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape
their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New
York).
49 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between
the south and the west;" and below reads: "twenty-four and
one-half degrees; " while Eden (p. 250) reads: " xxii degrees and
a halfe."
50 Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema's
Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is
the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was
first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral,
and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country
were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, men-
tioned below, lies in 8° 2i / south latitude, and is the most east-
ern headland of South America. It was the first land of that
continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500
by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhaes arrested
Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of
the " San Antonio " to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard's Ma-
gellan, p. 153). Albo's log begins slightly before the sighting of
the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton's " In-
troduction " in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1874).
1519-1522] NOTES 295
61 MS. 5*650 reads: "veal." The anta is the tapir, once
very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civil-
ized districts. See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo,
however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says
when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian : " and many Indians
came there, who are clad in certain skins of ant as, which resemble
camels without the hump." (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p.
214).
62 Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et
est de la longueur dun naveau, " and is of the length of a shuttle,"
confusing naveau with navette, " shuttle." Naveau here is equiva-
lent to navet t " turnip " or navette, " rape," a plant of the turnip
class, as is proved by the Italian.
"MS. 5*650 reads: "And for a king of cards, of the kind
which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls."
The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade
("swords"), bastoni ("clubs"), danari (literally: "money;"
" diamonds "), and coppe (" cups ").
"MS. 5,650 reads: "five."
56 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is an astrological term. That
zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in
the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can
be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first
book De caelo et mondo." By the treatise of the sphere is evidently
meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and
which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the
present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the follow-
ing: "Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of
the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian
and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding
the longitude and latitude of places east and west." In the Italian
MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley trans-
lates Amoretti's version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged.
Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his
three-years' experience during the expedition.
M Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to
coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy's
bay on December 13 (St. Lucy's day). Of the coast he says:
" The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them.
There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San
Tome, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays
running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast
and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers.
Cape Frio is a very large river. ... At the entrance of the
said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island,
and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports . . .
29^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
and is called the bay of Santa Lucia. ... In the said bay,
one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and
trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk's bells with food. • • .
We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed
there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the
said month of December. On that day we went and took our
course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right
of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [ue., the Kings]
which has a good entrance." The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 1) says:
" as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to
the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which
is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he
steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio
de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they
entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th
December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained
there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th
of December of the same year." Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306)
says: "Setting sail thence [ue., from Tenerife], the first land
sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended
the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15
or 16 days."
67 Eden (p. 251) says: "bygger then all Spayne, Portugale,
Fraunce, and Italic"
68 MS. 5,650 adds: " more like beasts than anything else."
69 MS. 5,650 reads: "And some of those people live to the
age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and
forty, or more." Eden (p. 251) says: " Cxx. and Cxi. yeares."
For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and
customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition),
pp. 1 17-169.
60 Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as " boy."
W MS. 5,650 reads: "You must know that a family of one
hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those
houses called boii." One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi)
is described by Wilson ( Transactions of Ethnological Society, new
series, vol. i) as being " 60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms
for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central
fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained
200 head." See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60,
note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamo-
yos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1 ; see also
Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi).
"Amoretti makes this passage read: "Their boats, called
15191522] NOTES 297
canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;"
understanding maschize as massiccio " huge." Mosto prefers to read
maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one
word in the original), for ma schiacciate, "but flattened." Ac-
cepting this, the translation would be: "They have boats made
from one single tree, only flattened." Amoretti's interpretation is
to be preferred.
"MS. 5,650 reads: "and one would believe them to be
enemies from hell."
64 MS. 5,650 adds: " of the said country of Verzin."
W MS. 5,650 reads: "daily." Amerigo Vespucci says in a
letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): "I saw human flesh salted and
suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to
hang up bacon and swine's flesh." See Jesuit Relations and Allied
Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism
among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans
Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155-159; and Domin-
guez's Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications,
London, 1891), pp. 129, 130.
•• For Carvagioy as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an
error of the amanuensis. This was Joao Carvalho (the Juan
Lopez Caraballo of the register -see note 26, ante). Carvalho
was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age,
as appears later in Pigafetta's narrative. After the fatal banquet
in the island of Cebu, he became the leader of the remaining men
of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He re-
mained behind with the ill-fated " Trinidad," and never returned
to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil,
was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252-255, for Correa's
account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalh2es.
67 The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536
both include the women and children. - Stanley.
• 8 It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the
American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit
Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue).
•• Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys
of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8).
70 MS. 5,650 reads: "fresh cheese." Pigafetta may here
refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See
Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130-132, for a description
of the method of preparing this root.
71 The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagagu),
or peccari {Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those
298
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless
and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten;
and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Bur-
ton (ur supra), p. 160, note.
• 72 The Platalea a) a) a or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family
of the Plataleida, whose habitat extends through all of tropical
and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the
Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern
part of the United States.
78 Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of
the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner.
74 MS. 5,650 reads: " The women attend to the outside affairs,
and carry everything necessary for their husband's food in small
panniers on the head or fastened to the head."
75 MS. 5,650 adds: " and compassion."
78 MS. 5,650 reads: "When we departed they gave us a very
great quantity of verzin;" and adds: "That is a color which
comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abun-
dantly, that the country is called Verzin from it."
77 MS. adds: " which was a piece of great simplicity."
78 This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650:
" Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the peo-
ple of the above place showed us another very simple thing."
79 This passage in Stanley reads as follows: "A beautiful
young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I
was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she
directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a
finger's length, and went and took it as something valuable and
new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been
able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards,
she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery." The
matter between the words " length " and " naked " is taken from
MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his
travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion
being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down),
as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian
MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley
cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536
which omits the above story: "At the first land at which we
stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships
from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken
with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out
of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned
15191522] NOTES 299
immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms." He also
cites the following passage from the first French printed edition,
which also narrates the above story of the girl : "At the first coast
that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in
travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned,
and nursed their children." Stanley adds that this story of the
slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come
aboard ship.
80 MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: " maiz,
buy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, turn maraghatom."
Amoretti (see Stanley's edition, p. 48) reads tacse as torse and
itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French
forcette (" scissors ") as " fork."
81 Eden says (p. 251): "xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward
the pole Antartike."
82 MS. 5,650 reads: "and to ask whether the others might
come."
88 MS. 5,650 reads: "That place was formerly called Cape
Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence
to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been
ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther
on." Eden (p. 251) reads: "Abowt the mouth of this ryuer, are
/even ilandes, in the bygge/t whereof, they founde certeyne precious
/tones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes
thought that by this ryuer they might haue pa//ed into the /outh
/ea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was
none other pa//age than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large
in the mouth." This river was the Rio de la Plata. The " Ro-
teiro" (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhaes left Rio de Janeiro
December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa Maria and the river
which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until
February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions
the river which he calls the " river of Solis." The ships sent to
look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a
careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito
(Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: "They left that place [i.*.,
Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the
river called Solis, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he
could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes
ordered the ship ' Santiago ' to sail forward for about 50 leguas
to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he
crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the
[opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest." For early
history of this region, see Dominguez's Conquest of the River
Plata.
3°° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
64 Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born
at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient
authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He
was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo
Vespucci in 15 12. In October, 15 15, he sailed in command of an
expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He dis-
covered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region
of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed
and eaten before September, 15 16. The remnant of the expedi-
tion was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law.
M Eden adds (p. 251): "which /urn thynke to bee tho/e
fy/^hes that wee caule pikes." Below, the sea-wolf is described
as having a head " of golden coloure." They were probably some
species of the Otariida or fur-seals (Guillemard, p. 160, note).
The " geese " were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also
mention the " sea-wolves and ducks." Kohl (Zeitschrift der
Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the
ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos
Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado ("Port Desire;"
see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions
from these " sea-wolves," calling the bay where he secured them
" Seale Bay." See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition),
PP. 54, 55.
••Port St. Julian. The "Roteiro" pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says
that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20'
south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: "We went
to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of
March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew.
The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We
pitched the ships in that port." Other writers give slightly dif-
ferent locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the
Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at
Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news
obtained from some of the men of the "Trinidad." His informa-
tion as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian,
he says: "They coasted along shore until they reached a river
called San Juan where they wintered for four months."
87 MS. 5,650 adds: "jumping up and down." The only
reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: " Many
Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which
resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made
from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The
arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint
instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners,
and very well-built and well-appearing men." (Navarrete, iv,
15191522] NOTES 3 QI
pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta's account that given by Maxi-
milianus Transylvanus, in vol. i, pp. 303-337.
88 MS. 5,650 reads: " he began to marvel and to be afraid."
88 Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates
(p. 180) this passage: " His hair was short and colored white,"
but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor
MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as
does also Wilkes (Narrative of 17. 5. Exploring Expedition, 1838-
1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the
officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were
taller than average Europeans, as follows: "They had good
figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and
high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their
hair was coarse and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow
border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap
or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them
were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than
in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many
of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay,
soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their in-
flamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting." They showed
that they had had previous communication with white men. Their
food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and
had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that
" The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken
(men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to
as Tehuel-Che, southerners." Many of them are " from six to six
feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they
are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads."
Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average
height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m -» an( l hence the early accounts
of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note
6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the " Roteiro "
(Stanley, p. 5) ; and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56-61 (where the origin of
the name " Patagonian " is wrongly given).
90 The guanaco, a species of llama. See also VOL. n, p. 34,
note 5*.
91 Hence arose the name " Patagonians " or " men with big
feet," given by Magalhaes, because of the awkward appearance of
the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for
greater warmth.
88 The words "somewhat thicker than those of a lute" are
lacking in MS. 5,650.
302 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
98 This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650.
" Eden (p. 251) says "two," and following says that Magal-
haes gave the giant " certeyne haukes belles and other great belles,
with al/o a lookynge gla//e, a combe, and a payre of beades of
gW/e."
95 MS. 5,650 adds: " on the face."
"MS. 5,650 omits " face."
97 " For the smiths " is omitted by MS. 5,650.
98 Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian
was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (vol. I,
PP« 3H, 3i5)- The "Roteiro" says (Stanley, p. 5) that three
or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain
in the " San Antonio." Pigafetta's account, as given by an eye-
witness, is to be preferred.
"MS. 5,650 reads: "for otherwise they could have caused
some of our men trouble." Below Stanley (p. 53) again mis-
translates the French " forces " as "forks."
100 MS. 5,650 adds: "of malefactors," and reads farther:
" and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles."
101 MS. 5,650 reads: "and they were grieved that they could
not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by
the other things that they were holding." Eden (p. 252) says at
the end of his account of the capture: " Being thus taken, they
were immediately /eperate and put in /undry ^hyppes."
102 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is, the big devil."
Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on
America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the
newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who
invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Pata-
gonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake
(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth.
108 MS. 5,650 reads: " the wife of one of the giants who had
remained behind in irons."
104 MS. 5,650 makes this plural.
106 See ante , note 103.
108 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
107 MS. 5,650 adds: " in their language."
108 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
1M MS. 5,650 reads " instead of taking medicine." See Jesuit
Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples
15191522] NOTES 3°3
of medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American In-
dians.
110 MS. 5,650 reads " two feet or so."
111 MS. 5,650 reads "cut short and shaven like religious."
Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who cap-
tured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition,
pp. 136-138, and note, from which it appears that this manner
of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes).
112 Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives
the original from MS. 5,650.
118 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: " They seem
to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others,
and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than
the others."
114 Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints " Setebas." Ron-
cagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in " Bollettino della Societa
geografica italiana," 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians
sacrificed to an evil spirit called " Wallichu." Brinton, ut supra,
p. 328, says: "They are not without some religious rites, and
are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of
any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the
four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois."
115 See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes "Pataghoni" of
MS. 5,650 as " Palaghom."
1X, A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance
in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions
upon the credulous people. The name " Cingani " or Zingari, as
they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word
TduT'yxavot, by which they were called by Byzantine writers
of the ix-xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly
different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bo-
hemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in
northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves.
In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against
them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as
1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have
become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and
Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitanos
(Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until
the reign of Carlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the
Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don
Quixote (pt i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitano had first appeared
in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described.
3°4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the
Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their
language is Aryan and was highly inflected ; and while they have
been given many names by the nations among whom they have
lived, their own appellation is "Rom" "the man." See New
International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903).
117 MS. 5,650 reads: " capae; " but Stanley has mistranscribed
" capac."
118 Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the "Roteiro" (Stanley,
p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, aote 3) give the
date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the
second errs in giving 5j4 instead of 4^ months for the period for
which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of
departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date
says that the name " St. Julian " or " of the ducks " was given to
that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as
April 2, and says that the place was called " river of Sad Juliao."
See Mosto, ut supra.
119 A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny
reads as follows in MS. 5,650: " However the treason was dis-
covered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a
dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and
then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another
mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on
that land of Pathagonia." The Italian MS. is badly confused,
while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows
the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of
the attempted mutiny: "They remayned fyue monethes in this
porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes con-
/pirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered:
Amonge whom the trea/urer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Cer-
teyne of the other con/pirators, he left in the /ayd land of Pato-
goni." See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus
in vol. 1, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp.
297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships
revolted against Magalhaes " saying that they intended to take him
to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction ; " but
Magalhaes subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with
him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the
fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro
de Mesquita, Magalhaes's cousin, is wrongly reported to have been
given command of one of the ships of those lulled, but the com-
mand of the " San Antonio " that had previously been given to
Antonio de Coca, after Magalhaes had deprived Cartagena of it,
had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.
15*9-15"] NOTES 3°5
The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de
viages, iv, pp. 34-38) which was compiled mainly from docu-
ments presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as fol-
lows:
" March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the
port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently
ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and
of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Maga-
llanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back,
since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any
strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accom-
plish what he had promised ; that the king had ordered the voyage
which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he
found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in
regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay
had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and
quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them,
nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding
rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them
not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian
nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and
offering them corresponding rewards in the king's name. By such
means did he quiet the men.
"April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his cap-
tains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward
to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and
all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de
Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a
prisoner in Quesada's keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro
de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.
" During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena
with about thirty armed men of the ship ' Concepcion * went to
the ' San Antonio,' where Quesada requested that the captain,
Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew
of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ' Concep-
cion ' and ' Victoria.' [He said] that they already knew how
Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had
asked him to fulfil the king's orders; that they were lost men; and
that they should help him make another request of Magallanes,
and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the
' San Antonio,' spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mez-
quita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ' I summon you, in God's
name and that of the king, Don Carlos, to go to your ship, for the
present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and
I also summon you to release our captain.' Thereupon Quesada
replied : ' Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this
madman?' and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in
3°6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner,
Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ' Concepdon,'
while Quesada remained in the ' San Antonio. 9 Thus were Que-
sada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ' San
Antonio,' ' Concepcion,' and ' Victoria.'
" Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect
that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their
disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty's provisions.
They said that they had done that in order that he might no
longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree
to fulfil his Majesty's orders, they would obey his commands, and
[said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they
would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most re-
spectful to him.
" Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he
would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that
they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should
go to the ship ' San Antonio/ where they would all assemble and
decide definitely on what the lung's orders commanded.
" Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than
meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft
and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ' San
Antonio ' which was used for those negotiations, at his ship ; and
sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff be-
longing to his ship, to the ' Victoria,' with six men armed secretly
and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told
the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was read-
ing the letter and smiling as if to say * You don't catch me that
way,' Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor
stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead.
Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under com-
mand of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ' Trinidad ' with
fifteen armed men, who entering the ' Victoria ' flung the banner
to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April
2. Then the ' Victoria ' approached the flagship, and they together
immediately approached the ' Santiago.'
" On the following day, the ' San Antonio ' and the ' Concep-
cion ' which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put
to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship
which stood farthest out. The ' San Antonio ' raised two anchors,
and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro
de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order
to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mez-
quita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally,
they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station
himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship,
15191522] NOTES 3°7
not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would
be settled favorably.
" Before setting sail in the ' San Antonio/ where they were
endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship
dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some
large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ' San Antonio '
crying, ' For whom are you?' they responding, Tor the king, our
sovereign, and your Grace/ surrendered to Magallanes. The
latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other
sobresalientes who had gone to the * San Antonio ' with Quesada.
Then he sent to the ' Concepcion ' for Juan de Cartagena and
imprisoned him with them.
" Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken
ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On
the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quar-
tered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada's own follower
and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from
hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes
sentenced Juan de Cartagena arid the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez
de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny,
to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty
men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships,
and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of
the punishment."
Brito's account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very
brief and unsatisfactory: "In that port the captains began to
ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Carta-
gena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate
with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he
been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill
him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they
went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put
their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their
ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill
him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de
Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their
chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their at-
tempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the
crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill
Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be
arrested ,* while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded.
When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a
secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants."
Correa (Stanley, pp. 247-250) gives a different and imperfect
account of the meeting.
Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magel-
lan), pp. 162-174. When the "San Antonio" deserted, Esteban
3 o8
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. Joao
Serrao (after the loss of the "Santiago") was given command
of the " Concepcion," Mesquita of the " San Antonio," and Duarte
Barbosa of the " Victoria," all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra,
p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also
have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty
was executed. That the history of Magalhaes's expedition was
generally known is evident from the following: "The next day
after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe
in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian,
where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we
supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon
some of his disobedient and rebellious company." World encom-
passed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.
120 MS. 5,650 reads: " twenty-five leagues."
121 Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: "and very
little of that." The account of the shipwreck and rescue as
given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut
supra, pp. 175-179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was
lost, namely, the negro slave of Joao Serrao. The " Roteiro "
(Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete,
iv, p. 307) says: "After this [*.*., the mutiny], they wintered
for three months ; and Magal lanes again ordered the ship * San-
tiago ' to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked
but all of its crew were saved." Correa's account (Stanley,
p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel
was lost.
122 Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish
mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus
or common mussel.
128 See vol. 11, p. 34, note 5*.
124 Eden (p. 252) says: "52. degree . . . lackynge a
thyrde parte. 1 '
125 MS. 5,650 omits: "and the holy bodies," and has in its
place: "by His grace."
128 MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form
braccio is retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza
is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the
braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos
(spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse
( "fathom") in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures
this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore
1519-15"] NOTES 3°9
Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22,
1905: " The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion
that the fish in question was what was formerly called Eliginus
maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find
for it is ' robalo/ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-
speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popu-
lar names, however, it is very misleading. ' Robalo ' is the
Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our
striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America
has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different
family peculiar to the southern hemisphere - the Nototheniids.
The so-called Eliginus maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclo-
vinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and
probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhaes."
m Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Na-
varrete, iv, p. 215) says: "We left that place [*.*., Port San
Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted
along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we
found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th
of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas,
the 1 8th of the month of October. We caught many fish there
and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east
and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good in-
dentations." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 4) places the river
Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°.
That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to
pick up the wreckage of the " Santiago " until September 18. The
name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river be-
cause they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation
of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note
7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to Joao
Serrao who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on
which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy
cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an
eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October
11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined
to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of
the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in
Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhaes gave in-
structions to his captains here "saying that he would follow those
coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if
he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that
enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged ; and that after that
he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east north-
east, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of
San Lorenzo."
310 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply
headed " chapter."
128 The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Bar-
bosa says 53 30'; Barros, 52 56'; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52°
30'. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.
199 MS. 5,650 has the words in brackets.
180 Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: " they founde the /traight
nowe cauled the /traight of Magellanus, beinge in /urn place
C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth /umwhere very large and
in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth." Stanley
(P- 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur
moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply "some-
thing like almost a half-league wide." The " Roteiro " (Stanley,
p. 7) says that the channel " at some places has a width of three
leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league."
Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five,
or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one
league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon
shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the
mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one
league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot's distance in places. (Mosto,
p. 61, note 2.)
181 Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word
meaning the " bow moorings ; " Cf . Jal, Glosscdre nauixque
(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is " prois," which
signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the
rope by which it is moored to the shore.
182 This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: " The said strait
was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said),
and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit
from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared
that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew
that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of
Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and
pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of
his ships forward - one named the ' Sainct Anthoine,' and the
other the ' Conception ' - in order that they might look for and
discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape
de la Baya."
Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Boehem,
Bcehm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436)
of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany,
and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders,
1477-1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he be-
1519-15"] NOTES 3 11
came acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geogra-
pher of Diego Cam's expedition to Western Africa. On his re-
turn, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of
Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal
in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and
agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491
he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until
1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed
an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and
others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard).
In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he
remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths
sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before
Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhsies, the latter
of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Bio-
graphical Dictionary (London, 1848) ; Grande Encyclopedic
(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.) ; and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.
See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189-198) for a discussion of
knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the
American continent, prior to Magalh2es's discovery and passage
of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against,
decides that there may have been a " more or less inexact knowl-
edge of the existence of some antarctic break " that would allow
access to the eastern world.
188 Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Gui-
llemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.
184 Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.
185 The " First Narrows " or Primera Garganta, just beyond
Anegada Point.
186 Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip's Bay, or Boucant Bay.
187 The " Second Narrows " and Broad Reach.
188 MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.
189 MS. 5,650 reads: " When near us they suddenly discharged
a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with
artillery and cries."
140 The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends
to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Ad-
miralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between
the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.
141 Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator
and pilot with ambitions only less than those of MagalhSes, his
kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably
3 l 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [V o1 - 33
in the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to
pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhies.
Conspiring with Geronimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected
captain of the " San Antonio " they made off with that ship, and
after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchor-
ing at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after
the return of the " Victoria," but was liberated, and in 1524
proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An
expedition having been fitted out by Carlos I, he coasted Florida
and the eastern coast as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain
in 1525. See Grande Encyclopedic; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42-45,
and 201-208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203-205.
Brito's story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of
the "San Antonio" (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows:
" They left that place [Le. t the river of Santa Cruz] on October
20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge.
The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after
they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked,
and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portu-
guese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend
a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet.
Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him.
Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ' San Antonio ' and
the ' Conception ' to go in advance in order to explore the strait.
After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell
Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not
tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information
Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced
along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had
explored. Then he ordered the ' San Antonio ' of which Alvaro
de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a
Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that
opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and
it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was
wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until
he found an exit." Correa's account of the desertion of the " San
Antonio " is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on
hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).
142 Literally " brother ; " but to be understood probably as the
expression cugino germano, " cousin german."
148 MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: " But that ship
lost its time, for the other."
144 Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo,
Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant
which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles
Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the
15191522] NOTES 3 X 3
course to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before
anchoring.
146 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at
the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter
being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).
146 MS. 5,650 adds: " which were on the other side."
147 Joao Serr£o, the brother of Magalh2es's staunchest friend
Francisco Serrao, and a firm supporter of the great navigator.
Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though
he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register
speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete,
iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete,
iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and cap-
tain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albu-
querque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502- 1503)
made him captain of the ship " Pomposa " which was built in
Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs.
On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for
Vasco da Gama's fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope,
crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape
Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor
under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which MagalhSes also par-
ticipated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August,
1 5 10, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 15 12, but must
have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in
15 13; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the
fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Ma-
galhaes as captain and pilot of the "Santiago," but after the wreck
of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the
" Conception," in which he later explored the strait. Failing to
dissuade Magalhaes from attacking the natives of Matan, he be-
came commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhaes's
death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous
banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra),
and Stanley's Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1869).
148 MS. 5,650 reads as follows: " Such was the method ordered
by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that
happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the
fleet." Then it adds: "Thereupon the crew of the said ship
did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set
two banners with their letters," etc
149 The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).
150 According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or "of Is-
3*4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
lands") is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with
the port of San Miguel, just east of the " River of Sardines; " the
island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles
Islands.
151 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at
the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only
appeared for some " four hours each day " in June and July.
Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than
five hours.
152 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between
the east and south."
m MS. 5,650 adds: " and anchorages."
154 Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still
to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto,
p. 63, note 3).
156 MS. 5,650 reads: " I do not believe that there is a more
beautiful country or a better strait than that." See Albo's de-
scription of the strait, in vol. i, pp. 264-265 ; that of Transylvanus,
vol. 1, pp. 319-321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt
Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning
the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring).
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait
was called the "Strait of Victoria, because the ship 'Victoria*
was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magal-
haens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens."
Castanheda says that Magalhaes gave it the name of " bay of All
Saints " because it was discovered on November 1 ; and San
Martin in his reply to Magalhaes's request for opinions regarding
the continuance of the expedition calls it " channel of All Saints: "
but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and
later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the
instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527,
and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the English-
man Robert Thome. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II
that it be called "strait of the Mother of God." It was also
called " strait of Martin Behaim." The anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The
"Roterio" (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length,
and that in traversing it, they "sailed as long as it was daylight,
and anchored when it was night." Transylvanus (vol. I, p. 320)
gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues;
Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, no
to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, no leagues. See Mosto, p. 60,
note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130.
1519-15"]
NOTES
3'5
156 These fish are: a species of Coryphana; the Thymnus
albacora, and the Thymnus plamys.
157 From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or
tubfish (Trigla hirundo).
158 MS. 5,650 reads: "one foot or more."
159 At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page,
occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pata-
ghoni, that is, " Continuation of Patagonian words."
160 Literally: " for the nature of women."
161 MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of
Patagonian words from the Italian MS.
Eyes ather
Eyelashes occhechl
Lips schiane
Hair ajchir
Throat ohumer
Shoulders peles
Penis scachet
Testicles scaneos
Rump schiachen
Arm mar
Pulse ohon
Legs choss
Feet teche
Heel there
Sole of the foot cartscheni
Fingernails colini
To scratch ghecare
Young man calemi
Water oli
Smoke jaiche
We chen
Yes zei
Petre lazure secheghi
Sun calexcheni
To eat mecchiere
To look conne
To walk rhei
Ship theu
To run haim
Ostrich eggs jan
The powder of the herb
which they eat capae
Red cloth terechai
316
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Black
amel
Red
theiche
To cook
jrecoles
A goose
chache
Their little devils
Cheleult
In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen,
the equivalent of " no; " then is " ship " in the above, and "snow "
in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, "to
cover ") in the Italian, becomes courir (" to run ") in MS. 5i65<>*
All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words
are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa;
alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno) ; homo squerzo (Italian
MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata) ; alstruxxo
vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo) ; and alcocinare (Italian MS.
al cocinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was
written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it
furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version
of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not
himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of
it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabu-
lary, without English translation), and hence bases his observa-
tions on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points
out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list,
but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made
by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent
whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows:
la pouldre tfherbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to
be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and
mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent
in a footnote as " Food, the root used as bread." Stanley also
makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche
("nostrils"); canneghin for caimeghin ("palm of the hand");
ochy for ochii ("bosom"); scancos for scaneos ("testicles");
hou for hoii (" buttocks ") ; ohoy for ohon (" pulse ") ; cartschem
for cartscheni ("sole of the foot"); chol for thol ("heart");
om for oni ("wind"); aschame for aschanie ("earthen pot");
oamaghei for oamaghce (" to fight ") ; amet for amel (" black ") ;
and ixecoles for jrocoles ("to cook"). Amoretti has also made
many errors (see Stanley's First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto,
who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the
Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui 9 the
correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui out; and tcrechai
for the equivalent of " red cloth." Eden (p. 252) gives only the
following words: "breade, Capar: water, OH: redde clothe,
Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel."
Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the
15191522] NOTES 3*7
vocabulary of the Tehucl-chcs compiled by the second lieutenant
of the ship " Roncagli," which correspond almost exactly with
those given by Pigafetta.
glish
Roncagli
Pigafetta
Nose
or
or
eye
othel
other
hand
tzen
chene
ear
sha
sane
ostrich
oyue
hoi hoi
Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis
exploraciones y descubrimientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880)
in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but
slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words
in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian
languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes's
17. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii,
pp. 651-656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta's vocabulary. Hale
says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the
Patagonian district.
162 MS. 5,650 reads: " capae."
168 Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North
American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
(Cleveland reissue) ; see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt
Society edition), p. 126.
At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs
the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86).
The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta's charts are the reverse
of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS.
5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the
words: " Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie." Immediate-
ly following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart
of the Ysole Infortunate ("Unfortunate Isles;" see p. 92).
These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the fol-
lowing notice : " Here are shown the two islands called ' Un-
fortunate Islands.' " The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or
dull black on a blue ground.
1M The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhto left
the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr
(Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.
165 MS. 5,650 reads: "And we ate only biscuits that had
fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from
the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the
good had been eaten." Eden (p. 252) reads: "And hauynge in
3*8
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
this tyme con/umed all theyr by/ket and other vyttalcs, they fell
into /uche nece//itie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that
remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and /tynkynge
lyke py//e by rea/bn of the /alte water." Herrera (Navarrete,
iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.
166 A curious coincidence in view of Magalhies's answer to
Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the
continuance of the voyage that " although he had to eat the cow-
hide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and dis-
cover what he had promised the emperor" (Navarrete, iv, p. 43;
cited from Herrera). At that council Andre de San Martin,
pilot in the " San Antonio," advised that they continue explora-
tions until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain;
and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that
navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order
that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45*49)-
16T MS. 5,650 reads: " enough of them."
168 This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a
document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only
eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to
the Ladrones.
159 The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after
sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was
reached. At the line (" Roteiro," Stanley, p. 9), Magalh5es
changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas,
as " he had information that there were no provisions " there.
1T0 MS. 5,650 reads: " It is well named Pacific"
1T1 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a large fish called tiburoni."
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Un-
fortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were
eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called
St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°).
Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that
the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies,
but Albo's journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop
was made there. The " Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9), gives the lati-
tude of these islands as 18° or 19 and 13 or 14°. Albo (Na-
varrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24
in 1 6° 15', and was called San Pablo, because that was the date
of St. Paul's conversion; and the island of Tiburones was dis-
covered February 4, in io° 40', at a distance of 9 (sic) from the
former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°.
These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland
of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude
15191522] NOTES 3*9
14° 45' south, and longitude 138 48' west; and Flint Island of
the Manihiki group, located in latitude n° 20' south and longi-
tude 151° 48' west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the
former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note
163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.
1Ta MS. 5,650 reads: "now at the stern, now at the wind-
ward side, or otherwise." Amoretti changes this passage com-
pletely, reading: " According to our measurement of the distance
that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy
leagues daily." Many basing themselves on this passage of Amo-
retti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first
circumnavigation. Dr. B reusing (Die Catena a poppa bet Piga-
fetta und die Logge, in " Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erd-
kunde zu Berlin," 1869, iv, pp. 107-1 15) believes that the "stern
chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an
instrument for determining the angle of the ship's leeway, an
opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d' America e
Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1 890).
L'Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia delta geogr. in
Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294-296), combats
that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The dif-
ficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word ho and whether
it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction
then the passage means " estimating by sight, the rate of the ship
from the ' bow catena,' or ' at the stern ' (' catena ' being a beam
perpendicular to the ship's axis at the point near the bow where
it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that
place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel
to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or
seventy leagues." One might suppose, if ho be regarded as a
verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern (the
passage reading " the catena that was at the stern ") ; or that the
disjunctive Ao, " or " is used in place of e, " and," and that Piga-
fetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena
by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from
the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the
ship's rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note, I. L'Vzielli's opinion is
the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas
as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An
instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as
early as 1577, but it was very deficient.
178 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which
he calls "cape of the virgins" was discovered on October 21,
1520, and lay in latitude about 52 south. Barros says that it
was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo,
on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.
3 2 ° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
114 Regarding the reckonings Eden says: "In /o much that
it was nece//arie to helpe the needle with the lode /tone (com-
monly cauled the adamant) before they could /aile therwith,
bycau/e it moued not as it doothe when it is in the/e owre partes."
Eden also gives a cut of the " /tarres abowt the pole Antartike."
The same author also (pp. 277-280) compiles from Amerigo Ves-
pucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled " Of the Pole
Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of
the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equi-
noctiall line. Al/o certeyne /ecreates touching the arte of /ay-
lynge." The former says: "The pole Antartike hath nother
the great beare nor the lyttle as is /eene abowte owre pole. But
hath foure /tarres whiche compa//e it abowt in forme of a quad-
rangle. When these are hydden, there is /eene on the lefte /yde
a bryght Canopus of three /tarres of notable greatne//e, whiche
beinge in the mydde/t of heauen, repre/enteth this figure." The
latter says: " Here we /awe a marueylous order of /tarres, /o
that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to
knowe in what place and degree the /outh pole was, we tooke the
day with the /oonne, and ob/erued the nyght with the a/trolabie,
and /aw manife/tly twoo clowdes of rea/onable bygne//e mouynge
abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ry/ynge and nowe
faulynge, /o keepynge theyr continuall cour/e in circular mouynge,
with a /tarre euer in the mydde/t which is turned abowt with them
abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue the/e appeareth a
marueylous cro//e in the mydde/t of fyue notable /tarres which
compa//e it abowt. . . . This cro//e is so fayre and bewtif ul,
that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it. . • • "
These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula
minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The
Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula
major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and
covering about two hundred times the moon's surface, while the
Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in
full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the
former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portu-
guese pilots probably called them at first " clouds of the cape."
(Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles
a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation
by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross.
Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude.
The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that
east and west.
The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones
Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b).
This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded
by the inscription : " The island of the robbers and the style of
their boats."
1519-1522] NOTES 3 21
175 MS. 5,650 reads: " During that time of two months and
twelve days."
"•Amoretti reads: "three degrees east of Capo Verde." If
the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the
MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.
177 Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island
of Antilia, called " Septe citade " on Martin Behaim's globe
(Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove
that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague
reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thir-
teenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China
fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived
by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kue or Dschi-pon,
which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See
Travels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii ; and Rein's Japan, p. 4.
178 See vol. 1, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.
179 MS. 5,650 reads: " sixty." Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 322)
names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but
says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223)
conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and
Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first
island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubt-
edly correct.
180 MS. 5,650 adds: "called skiff."
181 MS. 5,650 adds: "of the said island."
182 MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before
the following paragraph.
188 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the fol-
lowing sentence; but that MS. adds: "We left the said island
immediately afterward, and continued our course." This was
on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet,
" Master Andrew " of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut supra, p.
226).
184 Eden (p. 254) says: " two hundreth of theyr boates."
185 MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the
chapter is unnumbered..
When Loaisa's expedition reached the Ladrones, they found
still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa's ship
(see vol. 11, pp. 30, 34, 35, no). See the reception accorded
Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, vol. n,
pp. 109-113. The " Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expe-
dition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo,
Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees) ; and that after the theft of the
322 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole
village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and
that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in io°-I2°
north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the
equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: "Thence [1.*.,
the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and
after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found
a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded
the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they
were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They
killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoic-
ing."
186 MS. 51650 adds: " or superior."
l8T MS. 5,650 reads: "cloth."
188 At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus:
" There are found in that place."
189 MS. 5,650 reads: "Those women."
190 MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje
or stoje meaning "mats," and explains by adding: "which we
call mats."
191 They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las
Felas, " the sails " from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives
used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also vol. xvi, pp. 200-202.
192 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: "The pas-
time of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is
to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made
of fishbone."
198 Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere,
which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on
the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows
and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means
the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried
to Venice.
194 MS. 5,650 reads: " The said boats have no difference be-
tween stern and bow." Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speak-
ing of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the
same expression: "They went both ways, for they could make
the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished." The
apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is
the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern
islands.
195 In the Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly
("Watering-place of good signs"), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,
I5i9-i5«] NOTES 3 2 3
Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102)
follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and
is preceded by the following: "Here is shown the island of
Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson,
and Abarien, and several others."
196 " The tenth of March " in Eden, and the distance of Zamal
from the Ladrones is given as " xxx. leagues." Albo (Navarrete,
iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan,
"which extended north and had many bays;" and that going
south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan.
At the former " we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they
fled. That island lies in 9 40' north latitude." The "Roteiro"
(Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in "barely
eleven degrees," and that the fleet " went to touch at another
further on, which appeared first." Two praus approached a boat
sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the
praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island
" which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the
1 Island of Good Signs,' because they found some gold in it."
197 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
198 MS. 5,650 reads: " more than one foot long."
199 Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern
islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names
for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages
of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagalog
has words for " green rice," " rice with small heads," " dirty
and partly rotten rice," " early rice," " late rice," " cooked rice,"
and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.
200 MS. 5,650 reads: "In order to explain what manner of
fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called
' cochi ' is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have
bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different
things, so those people get the above named substances from those
palm-trees alone." See Delgado's Historia, pp. 634-659, for
description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Ga-
zetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.
201 MS. 5,650 reads: "along the tree." Practically the
method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philip-
pine Gazetteer, p. 75.
203 In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254)
reads: " Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke /hell whiche they
bume and make pouder thereof and v/e it as a remedie for cer-
teyne di/ea/es." He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on con-
gealing " lyeth within the /hell lyke an egge."
3^4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
208 MS. 5,650 reads: " By so doing they last a century."
204 Called " Suluan " by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a
small island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David
P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i,
p. 413), says that the men from Suluan " were perhaps not typical
of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely
scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but . . .
were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present
Visayan people are in the main descended." These natives had
probably come, he says, " in successively extending settlements, up
the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ' Suluan '
itself means ' Where there are Suluges,' that is, men of Sulu or
Jolo."
205 MS. adds: " seeing that they were thus well dispositioned."
206 MS. 5,650 adds: " into the sea."
207 Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada
(i.*., Aguada, " watering-place ") " where we took on water and
wood, that island being very free of shoals " (see ante, note 196).
This island is now called Homonhon, Jomonjol, or Malhon. Its
greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and
five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles south-
west from the nearest point in Samar. It is called " Buenas
Senas " on Murillo Velarde's map.
208 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) says that the archipelago
was also called " Vail Sem Periguo," or " Valley without PeriL"
The name " Filipinas " was not applied to them until 1542 by
Villalobos (see vol. ii, p. 48).
209 Probably the jungle-fowl (G alius bankiva) which is caught
and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and
still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard
(ut supra, p. 228, note 1).
210 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
211 MS. 5,650 reads: " In his ears he wore pendants of gold
jewels, which they call ' schione.' "
212 MS. adds: "whom he had put ashore on that island that
they might recruit their strength."
218 MS. 5*650 reads: " There is another island near the above
island, inhabited by people." Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that
picheti is from the Spanish piquet e, " a small hole made with a
sharp pointed instrument." This custom of piercing the ears is
quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peo-
ples.
15191522] NOTES 3 2 5
114 Eden (p. 254) reads: " caphranita that is gentyles." See
vol. ni, p. 93, note 29.
215 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
216 Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of
which translate " fascines." Mosto reads focine, which is
amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably the
same word as fiocina, a " harpoon " or " eel-spear," and hence here
a " dart."
217 Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which
is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio
(Dizion. veneziano), says of rizali: " Rizzagio or rizzagno,
1 sweepnet ' a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into
rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes,
and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is also called that
contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a
barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a
hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly
enter the net, there is no danger of their escape."
Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices - in favor-
able situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the
shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the
hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of
the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.
218 MS. 5,650 reads: " Hiunanghar." Stanley has mistran-
scribed " Huinanghar." It is difficult to identify the four islands
of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty.
Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan,
Gibuson, and Cabalarian. The first three are evidently correct,
as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed.
The last island is shown in Pigafetta's chart to be north of
Malhon, and the probability is that he names and locates it
merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position
seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarian.
After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio aia) follows
the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and
Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol,
and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650
(on folio 36a) is preceded by: " Below is shown the cape of
Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it."
219 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: "We departed thence
[i.e., from Malhon] and went toward the west in order to strike
a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and
has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the
west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is in-
habited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.
326 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands
lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that
island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed
us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chick-
peas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds de-
grees north." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) says: "They
ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which
they sailed [i.e., Malhon], and came to anchor at another island,
which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine de-
grees; and in this island they were very well received, and they
placed a cross in it." See also vol. i, pp. 322, 323.
t20 MS. 5,650 reads: " But they moved off immediately and
would not enter the ship through distrust of us." The slave who
acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete's list
* 21 Bara: the Spanish word barra.
222 MS. 5,650 reads: " to ask him to give him some food for
his ships in exchange for his money."
228 MS. 5,650 reads: "The king hearing that came with
seven or eight men."
224 For dor ad e, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: " which are
very large fish of the kind abovesaid."
225 The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means " inti-
mate friends." See Trumbull's Blood Covenant (Philadelphia,
1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friend-
ship typified by blood.
226 MS. 5,650 reads: " After that the said captain had one of
his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor." Stanley has trans-
lated harnois blanc literally as " white armor."
227 This passage may be translated: "Thereby was the king
rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave,
that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own
men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had
brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that
manner." Eden so understood it, and reads: "whereat the
Kynge marualed greatly, and /ayde to th[e] interpretoure (who
was a /laue borne in Malacha) that one of tho/e armed men
was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men." MS. 5,650
agrees with the translation of the text.
228 Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: " and he made
two of his men engage in sword-play before the king."
229 MS. 5,650 says only: " Then he showed the king the sea-
chart, and the navigation compass." Eden says (p. 348) that the
first to use the compass was one " Flauius of Malpha, a citie in
1519-15"] NOTES 3 2 7
the kingdom of Naples. . . . Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe
commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by who/e
daylye experience, the /ame is brought to further perfection, and
the v/e thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man
knoweth the cau/e why the iren touched with the lode /tone,
turneth euer towarde the north /tarre, as playnely appeareth in
euery common dyall." He also says: " As touchynge the needle
of the compa//e, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that
/aylynge as farre /outh as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of
the needle /tyll re/pected the northe as it dyd on this /yde the
Equinoctiall, /auynge that it /umwhat trembeled and declyned a
lyttle, whereby the force /eemed /umwhat to be dimini//hed, /o
that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode /tone." (See ante,
p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese
as early as 2634 B - c *> an( ^ ^ TSt applied to navigation in the third
or fourth century a.d., or perhaps earlier. It was probably in-
troduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from
the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by
Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century in De Utensilibus.
The variations from the true north were observed as early as
1269.
380 Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king
as making this request and Magalhaes as assenting thereto; but
the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhaes
made the request.
281 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.
282 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is, a boat."
288 The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in
MS. 5,650: " Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine
brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they
lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand
the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the
left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and ex-
tended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to
strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we
banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and
others/' See Spencer's Ceremonial Institutions, especially
chapter I.
284 Eden reads (p. 255) : " When the kynge /awe Antonie
Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde re-
hear/e them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge /ygnes that
/uchc men de/cended from heauen." Continuing he confuses the
eldest son of the first king with the latter's brother, the second
king.
285 A tolerably good description of the native houses of the
328 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
present day in the Philippines. Cf . Morga's description, vol. XVI,
pp. 117-119.
2,6 MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point
227 This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made
to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: " All
the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house,
which was well furnished according to the custom of the country,
were of gold."
228 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
289 Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao.
240 This name is variously rendered : Mosto, Stain ; MS. 5,650,
Siaui; Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu.
241 MS. 5,650 reads: "the captain sent the chaplain ashore
to celebrate mass."
242 MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the
Italian MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships
from the shore by means of muskets, and again that the musketry
was fired when the kings and Magalhaes separated, both of which
references are omitted by MS. 5,650. Eden reads: "The Cap-
taine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr be/t apparel
withowte weapons or harne//e, and all the re/ydue well armed."
248 In Eden (p. 255) : " dama/ke water."
244 MS. 5,650 reads: " but they offered nothing."
248 MS. 5,650 says: " every one did his duties as a Christian
and received our Lord."
248 MS. 5,650 adds: " for the people."
247 The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously:
"they made immediate reverence;" MS. 5,650 says "to which
these kings made reverence," which is scarcely likely, as the latter
would, until told by Magalhaes, see nothing in the ceremony.
Rather it was the Spaniards who made the reverence.
248 MS. 5,650 reads: " whenever any ships came from Spain."
249 Cf. Morga, vol. xvi, p. 132.
250 MS. 5,650 reads: " men and ships to render them obedient
to him."
251 MS. 5,650 reads: "to the middle of the highest moun-
tain," evidently confusing mezo di (" afternoon ") of the Italian
MS. with mezo (mezzo; "middle") ; for the cross was set up
on the summit of the mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 con-
tinues: " Then those two kings and the captain rested, and while
conversing, the latter had them asked [not " I had them asked "
15191522] NOTES 3 2 9
as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as ;>] where the best
port was for getting food. They replied that there were three,
namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was
the largest and the best trading place." These are the islands of
Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani
of Transylvanus, vol. i, p. 322), Cebu, and Mindanao (the
Caraga district).
252 MS. 5,650 reads simply: "Then we descended to the
place where their boats were."
288 This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where
it reads as follows: " As the captain intended to leave next morn-
ing, he asked the king for pilots in order that they might conduct
him to the ports abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those
pilots as he would them themselves, and that he would leave one
of his men as a hostage. In reply the first king said that he would
go himself to guide the captain to those ports and that he would
be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he should gather
his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He asked
the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could accom-
plish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it." At this point MS.
5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter.
284 The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was
struck in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two
Sicilies, etc The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished
as " quattrino Romano." The Venetian copper quattrino was
first struck in the reign of Francesco Foscari (1423-57). See
W. C. Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent (London and
New York, 1893), p. 226.
255 Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France dur-
ing his occupation of the Milanese (1500-1512). Hazlitt,
ut supra, p. 196.
356 Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period.
287 This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS.
has another chapter division at this point.
258 Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as " gentle."
259 Probably the abaca, although it may be the cloth made from
the palm. See Morga's description of the Visayans, vol. xvi,
p. 112.
260 Cf. Morga's Sucesos, vol. xvi, pp. 80, 81.
241 MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as fol-
lows: " They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have
chewed it a long time, they spit it out and throw it away." Cf.
the account in Morga's Sucesos, vol. xvi, pp. 97-99.
33° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
292 MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga's Sucesos, vol.
xvi, pp. 84-97.
268 In MS. 5,650, "Mazzaua;" in Eden, "Metfana;" in
Mosto, " Mazana," while in the chart it appears as " Mazzana; "
Transylvanus, " Massana; " and Albo, " Masava." It is now
called the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and
one-half square miles.
264 Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for " among " fra
as prima " first." The error arises through the abbreviation used,
namely f a t Mosto mistaking it for p a , which would be prima.
265 Stanley mistranscribes " Gatighan " from MS. 5,650 as
" Satighan." The names of the five islands as given by Eden
are: "Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan." These
are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the
northern part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and
inlet in Leyte), and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the
other nearby islands on the west coast of Leyte. See chart of
these islands on p. 112.
Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: "We left Mazava
and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran
along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There
we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about
10 leguas where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that
night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for
about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and one-third degrees. At that point
we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called
Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the islands of
Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west.
Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to
the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain consid-
erable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an
extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava,
Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look
out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a
canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go
ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan,
we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu.
There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave
us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time.
The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants
readily became Christians." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11)
says that the king of Macangar (f.*., Mazaua) conducted the
Spaniards " a matter of thirty leagues to another island named
Cabo [i.e., Cebu], which is in ten degrees, and in this island
Fernando de Magalhaes did what he pleased with the consent of
1519-1522] NOTES 33 1
the country." Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) : " After
that, after passing amid many islands, they reached one called
Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba con-
ducted them to another large island called Zubo."
266 MS. 5,650 reads: "only one of them." Barbastili is a
Venetian word for pipistrellu These bats are the Pteropi or " fly-
ing foxes," the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species
inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found in
Guimaras, Siquijor, and Cebu, and the skins of some are used as
fur. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 235). See also Delgado's
Historic, pp. 842, 843 ; and 17. S. Philippine Gazetteer.
267 Stanley mistranslates as " tortoises." The " black birds
with the long tail " are the tabon " mound-building Megapodes,
gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion "
( Guillemard *s Magellan, p. 235). See also vol. v, p. 167, note
14, and vol. xvi, page 198, note 43; also vol. xvi, p. 81, note 84.
268 These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their
names are Poro, Pasijan, and Panson. See Pigafetta's chart show-
ing these islands on p. 112.
369 Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the
chart of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136).
MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the
words: "Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and
Bohol."
270 MS. 5,650 reads: " But the interpreter reassured them by
telling them."
271 MS. 5,650 reads: " and he was going, by the orders of
the said sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque."
272 MS. 5,650 reads: "Thereupon the abovesaid merchant
said to the king in their language," etc, without giving the original
Malay words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita.
278 Calicut, properly Kalikot (said to be derived from two
words meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the
first king of Kalikot was limited to the extent over which a cock
could be heard to crow; or from Kali, one of the names of the
goddess Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar
coast. The king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape
Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted the Mahometan faith
divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin,
Cananor, and Coulao, and gave them to his friends, on condition
that the king of Calicut be termed " Zamorim " or " Samorim,"
i.e., "Supreme emperor and God upon earth" (although the
proper form is said to be " Tamurin " which is conjectured by
some to be a modification of the Sanskrit " Samunri," " seaking."
33 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
The city of Kalikot, a noted emporium of trade, was built per-
haps as early as 805 a.d., although the date 1300 a.d. is also given
as that of its founding; and is described by Ibn Batuta in 1342
as one of the finest ports in the world. It was visited by Covilham
in 1486, and Vasco da Gama's ships were freighted there in 1498.
The latter attacked the city in 1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese
built a fortified factory there in 15 13 which was destroyed by
the governor in 1525 to avoid its falling into the enemy's hands.
The English established a factory in the city in 161 6, which was
captured in 1766 by Haidar Ali; but after a further series of
capture and recapture, the city and district was permanently
turned over to the British (1792). See Stanley's Vasco da Gama
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869) ; Birch's Alboquer-
que (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1875-1884) ; Jones
and Badger's Ludovico di Varthema (Hakluyt Society publica-
tions, London, 1863), pp. 135-177; also Grey's Travels of Pietro
della Valle (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1892), pp.
344, 345, note.
Malacca, or more correctly Malaka is the name of an ancient
territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese,
and is possibly derived from " Malayu " meaning in Javanese " to
run " or " fugitive." At an early period Malacca fell under the
sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the
Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest
of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once
centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 a.d. The first
European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505.
It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 151 1,
and they held it (1580 1640 under Spanish control) until 1641
when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully be-
sieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English
obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the
Dutch possessed it from 1818-1825. For descriptions and history
of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stan-
ley's East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190-195;
Birch's Alboquerque, iii, pp. 7 1 -90 (and other citations) ; Burnell
and Tide's Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104-106; Gray's
Voyage of Francois Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also
see Crawfurd's Dictionary^ pp. 238-249.
The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor
(Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors.
Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion
of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern
portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo's
Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coro-
mandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coro-
mandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia.
1519-15*2] NOTES 333
Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian
empire. See Telfer's Johann Schtitberger ( Hakluyt Society publi-
cations, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt
Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11-45) India the
Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that
Jordanus's Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran,
and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north
of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinite-
ly to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia
is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just re-
verses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio
who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geog-
rapher, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the
Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of "Middle India which is
called Aden." Conti divides India into three parts: the first ex-
tending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the
Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses
whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana.
274 MS. 5,650 adds: " and treat his subjects well."
275 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.
276 MS. 5,650 adds: " who was in the captain's ship."
277 MS. 5,650 reads: " Thereupon the king told them that he
was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would
send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and
[asked] the captain to do the same."
278 MS. 5,650 reads: "Consequently they should ask their
captain whether he intended to observe the custom."
279 MS. 5*650 reads: "he should commence by giving a
present, whereupon the captain would do his duty." This MS.
begins another chapter at this point.
280 MS. 5,650 reads: "so do our arms destroy the enemies
of our faith."
281 MS. 5,650 adds: " of the ships."
282 MS. 5,650 reads: " and whether that prince who had come
with them, was empowered to make peace."
288 MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses.
284 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650.
285 MS. 5,650 adds: " and for love toward God."
288 MS. 5,650: "he would leave them the arms that the
Christians use."
287 These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650.
334 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
288 MS. 5,650 adds: " of Sainct Jacques [£*., Santiago]."
289 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
290 Called " drynking gla//es of Venice woorke " in Eden (p.
257).
291 MS. 5,650 reads: " He had his face painted with fire in
various designs." Eden reads: " and had the residue of his body
paynted with dyuers coloures whereof /urn were lyke vnto flam-
ynge fyre."
292 MS. 5,650 reads: "he had four jars full of palm-wine,
which he was drinking through reed pipes."
298 MS. 5,650 reads: "We made the due reverence to him
while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and
told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not
to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made
to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him."
This MS. omits the following three sentences.
294 The " Sinus Magnus " of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf
(Mosto, p. 76, note 3).
295 This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650,
where it reads as follows: "The prince, the king's nephew,
took us to his house, where he showed us four girls who were
playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and
their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he
had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that
they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their
privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some
were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then
we returned to the ships." These gongs are used in many parts of
the Orient.
296 MS. 5,650 adds: " by the captain's order."
297 MS. 5,650 reads: " we told him of the death of our man,
and that our captain requested that he might be buried."
298 MS. 5,650 adds: " according to our manner."
299 MS. 5 ,650 reads: "The king took it under his charge,
and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king.
Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said
merchandise."
800 MS. 5,650 reads: " They have wooden balances like those
of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise." Par dec a, as Stanley
points out, is for par de ca de Loire which is equivalent to Langue
d*oil 9 and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par
de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French
15191522] NOTES 335
understanding by the person who translated and adapted the Ital-
ian manuscript.
801 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points
out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and
must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta.
802 Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a
shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for
holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white
inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It re-
sembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that
most of the shellfish are indigestible but highly esteemed. See
Delgado's Historia, p. 928.
108 MS. 5,650 adds: "Which was of various strange kinds."
804 Eden says: " xvi. poundes weyght of iren."
805 MS. 5,650 reads: "The captain-general did not wish to
take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not
sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their
lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be con-
strained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to
sell it at as high a price as possible."
806 MS. 5,650 adds: " or any other balls."
807 MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of
precede the royal banner.
808 MS. 5,650 adds: " and the natives of the country for their
fear of it, fled hither and thither," which is in place of the follow-
ing sentence.
80s This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
810 MS. 5,650 reads: "One covered with red and the other
with velvet."
811 MS. 5,650 adds: " in the manner of the country."
812 The account of the baptism of the king is considerably
abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: "Then the
captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in
order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He
told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had
signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols
of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which
they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped
and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the lung
how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king
and all his men said that they would obey the captain's command-
ment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king
33 6
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
by the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism
the captain told the king that he would call him Dom Charles,
after the emperor his sovereign. He named the prince Dom
Fernand, after the brother of the said emperor, and the king of
\ Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of Christofle to the Moro,
while he called each of the others by names according to his
fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an error of the
French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the con-
clusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his
chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However,
he accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the
ships discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave
of one another." Eden gives the number baptized as five hun-
dred men.
818 MS. 5,650 reads: "On seeing that, she expressed the
greatest desire to become a Christian, and asking for baptism, she
was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor's
mother."
814 There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the his-
tory of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot
be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for
many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleve-
land reissue).
315 Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto
conjectures that solatia means solecchio or solicchio signifying an
apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have mis-
applied the Spanish word solana 9 which signifies a place bathed
by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun.
816 This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.
1 81T MS. 5,650 adds: " and we gave it to her." This was the
image found by one of Legazpi's soldiers in Cebu in 1565 (see
vol. 11, pp. 120, i2i 9 128, 216, 217; and vol. v, p. 41). En-
carnacion (Die. bisaya-espahol y Manila, 1851), says: "The
Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of Bathala
[God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have
been left by the celebrated Magallanes."
818 MS. 5,650 reads: "evening."
819 MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The " tromb " or
" trunk " was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and
hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek-
fire (see Corbett's Spanish War, 1585-87 [London], 1898, p.
335 )• At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS.
5,650, and translates from Amoretti's version of the Italian MS.
820 MS. 5,650 reads: " to better instruct and confirm him in
the faith."
1519-1522] NOTES 337
821 Eden says the queen was preceded by " three younge damo-
/elles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes."
822 MS. 51650 adds: "and presentation."
823 MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: "and sev-
eral others/' omitting all the names.
824 MS. 5,650 reads: " and they all so swore."
825 MS. 5,650 reads from this point: " Then they swore, and
thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the
life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever re-
main faithful and subject to the emperor," thus ascribing this
oath to the king instead of to Magalhaes. The words " by his
habit " can refer only to Magalhaes, who wore that of Santiago,
and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebu.
826 MS. 5,650 adds: " and hang."
827 MS. 5,650 adds: " and deck."
828 MS. 5,650 adds: " and demolished."
829 MS. 5,650 adds: " and overthrew."
880 There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and
MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this
point: "There are a number of villages in that island, whose
names and those of their chiefs are as follows: CinghapoLa, Cila-
ton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another,
Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot-
cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief,
Apanoan ; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu ; another, Lulutan,
and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau,
and Mosto, Iapan] ; another Cilumay ; and also Lubucun." Amo-
retti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and conse-
quent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have " Lubucin :
its chief is Cilumai." Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be
Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubu, but
Mosto (p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An ex-
amination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this dif-
ference.
881 MS. 5,650 adds after the word bor chics: "instruments so
called."
882 Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley's East African and
Malabar Coasts, p. 65: "They make there [i.r., in Cambay]
many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and
colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours."
888 MS. 5,650 adds: " and closed."
884 MS. 5,650 reads: "She who has killed the hog, puts a
338
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
lighted torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which
she holds constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony."
m Cf. the ceremonies of the bay lanes described by Loarca,
vol. v, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, vol. xn, p. 270.
116 Otorno : Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries
Attorno in a note.
887 MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only
the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the trans-
lation to this point. See vol. v, p. 117, and vol. xvi, p. 130,
where Loarca and Morga describe this custom.
tts Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, " jars," which appears probable.
•"MS. 5,650 adds: "made in the manner abovesaid;" but
this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that
MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in
the Italian MS.
840 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
841 MS. 5,650 reads: "The other women sit about the dead
chamber sadly and in tears."
848 Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indis-
criminately throughout this narration, but we have translated
uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca's description of burial and
mourning customs among the Visayans, vol. v, pp. 129, 135, 137-
141 ; Plasencia's description among the Tagalogs, vol. vn, pp. 194,
195; and Morga, vol. xvi, p. 133.
848 MS. 5,650 reads: "five or six hours."
844 Eden in describing the island of Mat an confuses the Piga-
fetta narrative. He says: "Not farre from this Ilande of
Zubut, is the Hand of Mathan, who/e inhabitauntes v/e maruelous
ceremonies in theyr /acrifices to the /bone and burying the deade.
They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members." In the
description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the
three divisions of the islanders contained " two thou/and and
fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hard-
ened at the poyntes with fyer."
845 To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approxi-
mately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is
much abridged and much less graphic It is as follows: " They
replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hard-
ened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished.
At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water, in the place
whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic]
crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could
15191522] NOTES 339
not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs which were
in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They
were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five
hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance,
but it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They
leaped hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we
wound one of them. On the other hand, our artillery in the
boats was so far away from us that it could not aid us. Those
people seeing that, and that the captain had had some of their
houses burned in order to inspire them with terror, and having
become more enraged, threw so many iron pointed spears at us,
and shot so many arrows even at the captain himself that we
could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having been
driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was
fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one
of those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face
which laid him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so
closely that we were forced to retire to our boats and to leave
the dead body of the captain-general, with our other killed." The
eulogy on the dead commander is approximately the same in both
MSS., except at the end, where MS. 5,650 reads: " Eight of
our men died there with him, and four Indians, who had become
Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were killed by the artillery of
the ships, which had at last come to our aid, while many of us
were wounded."
Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebu and the
death of Magalhaes: "They stayed there about one month, and
the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The
king of Zubo ordered the kings of the other islands to come to
him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes,
as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and
went to an island called Mat ha. He set fire to a village, and not
content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his
servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the sav-
ages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their
boats."
846 Terciado : a Spanish word.
847 Carteava: a Spanish word.
848 The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28.
The account of the battle is as follows: " Fernan de Magalhaes
desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should be-
come subject to this who had become Christian : and these did not
choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhaes seeing that,
got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of
those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of
ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about
34° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
half a league from that which he had burned, which is named
Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send
him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three
loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that for
each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send
to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at
once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would
not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he de-
manded of them, Fernan de Magalhaes ordered three boats to be
equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against
the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morn-
ing; there they found many people, who might well be as many
as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such
a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhaes was killed there,
with six of his men, in the year 1521."
•*• Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men
killed with Magalhaes on April 27 as follows : Christobal Rabelo,
then captain of the "Victoria;" Francisco Espinosa, a sailor;
Anton Gallego, a common seaman ; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente
and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro
Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar,
sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29.
150 See vol. 1, pp. 325, 326, note 215*.
851 MS. 5»650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although
lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son
of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide
of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the
fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501-1516 in the Orient,
the result of that stay being his Livro emque da relacao do que
viu e ouviu no Orient e, which was first published at Lisbon in
1 81 3 in vol. vii of Colleccao de noticias para a historia et geo graphic
das nacoes ultramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A descrip-
tion of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society
publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portu-
guese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa,
and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said
to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility
in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da
Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commis-
sioned in 15 15 to oversee the construction of some galleys by
Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, Magalhaes lived in the house-
hold of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte's sister Beatriz.
Duarte embarked on the " Trinidad " as a sobresaliente, and it
was he who captured the " Victoria " from the mutineers at Port
St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing
to recover Magalhaes's body from the natives of Mactan, he was
1519-15*2] NOTES 34 1
himself slain at Cebu at the fatal banquet May 1, 1521. Be-
sides the above book, which is a most valuable contribution to
early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do Tombo a
letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513, complain-
ing of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard's Magellan ; Stan-
ley's Vasco da Gama; Birch's Alboquerque; and Hoefer's NouvelU
Biographie Generate (Paris, 1855).
862 See ante, note 147.
t6t Magalhaes married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo
Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 15 17. One son Rodrigo
was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time
of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the
March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp.
89-91, 322.
854 MS. 5,650 adds: " and to advise the Christian king."
856 Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, " busy."
MS. 5,650 reads: " wiser and more affectionate than before."
856 MS. 5,650 adds: " and presents."
857 The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was
left behind with the " Trinidad " and was one of the four sur-
vivors of that ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after.
868 This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan
Caruaie auecques le barifel fen retourneret qui nous dirent com-
ment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy jut guery par miracle it
le preftre a (a maifon et que pour cela jlz fen eftoyent partiz eulx
doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et
this becomes equivalent to the text.
159 MS. 5,650 reads: " for we would kill him."
860 MS. 5,650 reads: "But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and
others refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there
if the boat went ashore."
In regard to Joao Serrao's death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309)
says: " As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they
hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to
Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one
of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and
two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens
such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and
barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would
give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted
that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships]
fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and aban-
doned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him."
342
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
tei The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the
banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting
the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon
the natives, who had determined upon their course of action at-
tacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5)
asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the
cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Na-
varrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went
ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting
that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in
China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve.
Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as
follows :
Duarte Barbosa • .
Juan Serrano . . •
Luis Alfonso de Gois
Andres de S. Martin
Sancho de Heredia •
Leon de Ezpeleta
Pedro de Valderrama
Francisco Martin
Simon de la Rochela
Cristobal Rodriguez
Francisco de Madrid
Hernando de Aguilar
Guillermo Fenesi or Tanagui
Anton Rodriguez
Juan Sigura • . .
Francisco Picora . .
Francisco Martin
Anton de Goa . .
Rodrigo de Hurrira •
Pedro Herrero . .
Hartiga ....
Juan de Silva, Portuguese
Nuno
Henrique, from Malaca
Peti Juan, French . .
Francisco de la Mezquita
Francisco . . ... .
All of these names are to
ante, note 26.
862 Chiacare: the nangca; see vol. xxxrv, p. 107, where Pigafet-
ta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio
zibethenusy which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian
captain of the " Trinidad "
captain of the " Concepcion "
captain of the " Victoria "
pilot of his Majesty
notary
notary
priest
cooper
calker
steward
sobresaliente and soldier
servant of Luis de Mendoza
. gunner of the " Trinidad "
sailor
sailor
sailor
sailor
common seaman
common seaman
sobresaliente
sobresaliente
sobresaliente
servant of Magallanes
servant of Magallanes and inter-
preter
servant of Magallanes
servant of Magallanes
son-in-law of Juan Serrano
be found in Navarrete's list See
1519-1522] NOTES 343
archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines
where it is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary) ; but it is the Artocarpus
integrifolia (see vol, xvi, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5>65<> makes this
capers.
888 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and
nangcas.
884 MS. 5,650 reads: " one to the east northeast, and the other
to the west southwest."
868 MS. 5,650 adds: "and eleven minutes."
866 Stanley says wrongly 154°.
867 This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the
following page is a repetition of the title: VocabUi deli populi
gentilli, that is " Words of those heathen peoples." MS. 5,650
does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley.
888 See ante, note 160.
868 Bassag bassag does not correspond to "shin," but to " basket
for holding clothes, etc.," or "cartilage of the nose;" or possibly
to basac basac, " the sound made by falling water."
870 The equivalent of Pigafetta's dana is daoa or daua y "millet."
Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for " pani-
cum."
871 Tahil is found in the Tagalog dictionaries, and is the name
of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese
weight called " tael," which was introduced by the Chinese into
the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various archi-
pelagoes. See Crawfurd 's Dictionary; and vols, hi, p. 192, note
57; rv, p. 100, note 11 ; and vn, p. 88.
872 See Note 582, post.
878 Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of
bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked
about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put
together before baking with some sugar between. The word is
extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See Encarnacion's
Diccionario.
874 Amoretti's conjectured reading of sonaglio ("hawk's-bell")
for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan
dictionaries.
875 Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of
twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is
called dalamas.
878 Most of the words of Pigafetta's Visayan vocabulary can
be distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although
344
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
it is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta's Italian
phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can
be distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-cspanol y espanol-
bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Felix de la Encarnacion, O.S.A.
(Recollect) ; and Diccionario Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-espanol
(Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See
also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and Visayan lan-
guages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat's Les Philip-
pines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175-238. The words queried in the
following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents.
English
Vis a j an
(Pigafetta)
{Encarnacion)
(Sanchez)
lac
lalaqui (?)
man
woman (mar-
ried)
babay
babaye
babaye
hair
boho
bohoc
bohoc
face
guay
bayhon (?)
eyebrows
chilei
quilay
quiray
eye
matta
mata
mata
nose
ilon
ilong
irong
jaw
apin
aping
aping
mouth
baba
ba-ba
baba
teeth
nipin
ngipon
ngipon
gums
leghex
lagos
lagus
tongue
dilla
dila
dila
ear
delenghan
dalonggan
doronggan
throat
liogh
liog
chin
queilan
solang (?)
sulang (?)
beard
bonghot
bongot
bongot
shoulder
bagha
abaga
abaga
spine [back-
bone]
licud
licod
licod
breast
dughan
doghan
dughan
body
tiam
tian
tian
armpit
ilot
iloc
iroc
arm
botchen
bocton;
botcon
butcon
elbow
sico
sico
sico
hand
camat
camot
camut
palm of hand palan
palad [sa
camot]
palad [sa
camut]
finger
dudlo
todlo
tudlo
fingernail
coco
coco
coco; colo
navel
pusut
posad
posud
penis
utin
otin
otin
1519-1522]
NOTES
345
English
Visayan
(Pigafetta)
(Encarnaciin)
{Sanchez)
testicles
boto
boto
boto
vagina
billat
bilat
bilat
buttocks
samput
sampot
thigh
paha
paa
paa
knee
tuhud
tohod
tohud
calf of leg
bitis
bitiis
biti-is
ankle
bolbol
bool bool
boco boco
heel
tiochid
ticod
ticud
sole of foot
lapa lapa
lapa lapa
gold
balaoan
bulaoan
bulauan
silver
pilla
pilac
brass
concach
calonggaqui
iron
butan
pothao
puthao
sugarcane
tube
tobo
tubo
honey
deghex
dogos
dugos
wax
talho
talo
talo
salt
acin
asin
asin
wine
tuba nia nipa
toba nga nipa
tuba nga nipa
to eat
macan
pagcaon ( ?)
pagcaon (?)
hog
babui
baboy
babuy
goat
candin
canding
canding
chicken
monoch
manoc
manuc
npnn^r
manissa
malisa
pepper
cloves
chianche
sangqui
sangqui
cinnamon
mana
mana
mana
ginger
luia
loy-a
luy-a
garlic
laxuna
lasona
lasona
egg
silong
itlog
itlug
cocoanut
lubi
lobi
lubi
vinegar
zlucha
suca
suca
water
tubin
tobig; tubig
tubig
fire
clayo
calayo
calayo
smoke
assu
aso
aso
balances
tinban
timbangan
timbang; tim-
bangan
pearl
mutiara
mutia
mutia
mother-of-
pearl
tipay
tipay
tipay
pipe
subin
sobing
subing
rice cakes
tinapai
tinapay
tinapay
good
main
maayo
maopay
knife
capol; sundan
sipol; sondang
sipol ; sundang
scissors
catle
catli
catli
to shave
chunthinch
gunting
linen
balandan
balantan
346
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 33
English
Vis ay an
(Pigrfttta)
(Encarnactin)
(Sanchez)
their cloth
[i.e. f hemp] abaca
abaci
abaci
hawk's bell
coloncolon
colongcolong
goronggorong
comb
cutlei
surlay
sodlay
shirt
sabun
sabong (?)
[f.f., orna-
ment]
sewing-needle daghu
dagom
dagum
dog
aian ; ydo
; iro
ayam;
scarf [veil]
gapas
gapas [i.e. y
cotton]
house
ilaga; balai
; balay
; balay
timber
tatamue
tatha (?)
[£*., to
split] or
pata (?)
[ie., a piece
of wood or
bamboo]
tahamis (?)
mat
tagichan
tagican
taguican
palm-mat
bani
banig
banag
cushion
uliman
olnan, and al-
lied forms
(?)
olonan ( ?)
wooden plat
-
ters
dulan
dolong
dulang
sun
adlo
arlao
adlao
star
bunthun
bitoon ( ?)
bitoon (?)
morning
uema
ogma;
odma ( ?)
cup
tagha
tagay
tagay
bow
bossugh
bosog
bosog
arrow
oghun
odyong
odiong
shield
calassan
calasag
calasag
quilted armor baluti
baloti
dagger
calix ; baladao
calis; baladao
caris; baladao
cutlass
campilan
campilan
campilang
spear
bancan
bangcao
bangcao
like
tuan
to-ang
banana
saghin
saguing
saguing
gourd
baghin
bagong
net
pucat; laia
; laya
raya
small boat
sampan
sampan
sampan
large canes
cauaghan
caoayan
cauayan
small canes
bonbon
bongbong
bongbong
1519-1522]
NOTES
3
English
Visaym
(Pigafetta)
(Encarnactin)
(Sanchez)
large boats
balanghai
balafigay
barangay
small boats
boloto
baloto
baloto
crabs
fish
cuban
icam; yssida
coboa
; isda
; isda
a colored fish panapsapair
panapsipan
panapsapan
a red fish
timuan
tiao ( ?)
another fish
ship
pilax
benaoa
pilas
bangca
king
raia
hari
had!
one
uzza
usa*
usa
two
dua
doha
duha
three
tolo
tolo
tolo
four
upat
opat
upat
five
lima
lima
lima
six
onom
onom
unum
seven
pitto
pito
pito
eight
gualu
oalo
ualo
nine
ciam
siam
siam
ten
polo
napolo
napolo
347
Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably
to error on Pigafetta's part and the obstacles in the method of
communication between peoples the genius of whose respective
languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for
" man " is tao or tauo, although Mall at gives a form dala, which
may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see vol. v, p. 123,
where the origin of the words lalac, " man," and babaye %
"woman," are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general
word for "woman " or " married woman ; " while binibini is
given by Mallat as the Tagalog equivalent of "girl," and by
Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as
the equivalent of " influential woman." Liog is used for both
" throat " and " neck." Tian is properly " belly," and the mis-
take would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when
desiring the word for " body," which would be construed by the
natives to that particular part toward which he happened to
point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative
organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis
corresponds to both " shin " and " calf of the leg." Iro denotes
also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta's bolon is
the word for " moon " instead of " star." The occurrence of
what are today Tagalog forms in Pigafetta's list shows how the
various dialects shade into one another and how the one has re-
tained words that have sunk into disuse in the other.
348
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
877 Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b)
is the chart of the island of Panilonghon ( Panisonghon ; ?.«?.,
p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by
the words : " Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon."
178 The " Roteiro " (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains
elected in place of those killed at Cebu were " Joam Lopez [Car-
valho], who was the chief treasurer " to " be captain-major of the
fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet " to " be captain of one
of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa." Pigafetta
makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the " Victoria "
home; both the above captains remaining with the "Trinidad."
When the " Conception " was burned, only one hundred and
fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see
Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the " Roteiro" (Stanley,
p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one hundred
and eighty.
179 In Eden : " Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men
lyke vnto the Sara/ins." This is the island of Panglao and the
"black men " arc the Negritos. See W. A. Reed's Negritos of
Zambales, published by Department of the Interior " Ethnological
Survey Publications" ii, part i (Manila, 1904), which says
(p. 20) that the only large islands, besides Luzon, inhabited at
present by Negritos are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua,
although they do inhabit some of the smaller islands. The pure
type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon or moun-
tain Visayans; and (p. 22) "so far there is no evidence that
Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito
population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000.
The U. S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of
14,347, all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411,
415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533.
180 MS. 5,650 reads: "When entering that house, we were
preceded by many reed and palmleaf torches."
881 These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650.
882 See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and
use of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native
names for that grain ; and Census of the Philippines, iv.
888 Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: "where he
slept with his principal wife."
884 MS. 5,650 reads: " in the houses of the king."
888 MS. 5,650 reads: " little valleys."
886 Cf. VOL. Ill, pp. 56, 57.
1519-1522] NOTES 349
• W MS. 5,650 reads: "boat."
» M MS. 5,650 reads: "Calanoa;" and Eden: "Calauar."
889 MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred and sixty-six;" and
Eden: "17a"
,90 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relat-
ing the course of the ships on leaving Cebu: " We left Subu and
sailed southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees,
between the end of Subu and an island called BohoL Toward
the western end of Subu lies another island, by name, Panilongo,
which is inhabited by blacks. That island and Subu contain gold
and considerable ginger. The former lies in 9 and one-third
degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees. Accordingly we
left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored in the
island of BohoL There we made two ships of the three, burning
the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies
in 9 and one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest
toward Quipit, and anchored at that settlement on the right hand
side of a river. On the northwest and open side are two islets
which lie in 8 and one-half degrees. We could get no food there,
for the people had none, but we made peace with them. That
island of Quipit contains a quantity of gold, ginger, and cinna-
mon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search of food. The
distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands is about
112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and south
by west direction; and this island [i.*., Mindanao] extends quite
generally east and west."
The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which
is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or
Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabit-
ants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they
learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes
Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo
in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note 2).
891 The first European mention of the island of Luzon. Luz6n
is derived from the Malay lasting (Tagilog, losong) y "mortar."
See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 222, 223.
8M Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians
who are known to have carried on trade for many years with the
Philippines, and who indeed, once owned them.
Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the
chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio
53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Below is shown
the island of Caghaian."
35° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
••• MS. 5,650 docs not mention the cuirasses.
m Eden reads: " 40. leagues."
• M Albo (Navarretc, iv, p. 221) says: "We left that place
[i.*., Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until
we came to an island containing very few inhabitants and called
Quagayan. We anchored in the northern part of that island,
where we asked for the location of the island of Poluan, in order
to get provisions of rice, for that island contains it in abundance,
and many ships are laden there for other districts. Accordingly
we sailed west northwest and came across the headland of the
island of Poluan." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 14) calls
Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies
northeast of Borneo.
•••The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships con-
tained only sufficient provisions for a week.
197 Eden reads: " Clxxix. degrees and a third parte." MS.
5,650 reads: " one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees."
••• Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Na-
varrete, iv, pp. 221, 222) : " Then we sailed north by east along
the coast [of Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao,
where we made peace. Its inhabitants were Moros. We went
to another village of Caf res, where we bartered for a considerable
quantity of rice, and consequently laid in a good supply of pro-
visions. That coast extends northeast and southwest. The head-
land of its northeastern part lies in 9 and one-third degrees, and
that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third degrees. Then
on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of this island,
we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and
along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east
and west with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west
with Quagayan."
The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 15-17) gives a fuller account
of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they
attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go
toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to
anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by
the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam
de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being re-
ceived kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto
Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the
strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho
makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine
are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro
who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who prom-
1519-1522] NOTES 35*
ises to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last
moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former
village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309)
says that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, " a rich
country, where they got new directions about Burneo, and cap-
tured two men to guide them there."
At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart
of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v. t p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on
folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: "Chart of the
island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao."
•••MS. 5,650 read's: "all." .
400 This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as
follows: "They have bows with wooden arrows more than one
palmo long, some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones,
poisoned with poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poi-
soned bamboo."
401 MS. 5,650 reads: "mace." Jannetone as pointed out by
Mosto (p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon.
402 Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and
Malasian peoples. See Wallace's Malay Archipelago (New York,
1869), p. 477; and Bowling's Visit to Philippine Isles (London,
1859), PP. H9-I53.
408 Eden reads: " fyue leaques."
404 From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by
the inhabitants of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portu-
guese and their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single
tree, although there are various kinds, to one of which is given
the name coche, "carriage") which is derived from the Arabic
al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar, " to cross," so called
because those vessels are used in crossing rivers. - Echegaray's
Die. etimologico (Madrid, 1887).
406 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
406 Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1).
407 MS. 5,650 reads: " a red cap."
408 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.
409 MS. 5,650 adds: " and seigniors."
410 Stanley makes the unhappy translation " with naked daggers
in their hands, which they held on their thighs."
411 Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a
Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578, vol. iv, pp. 222, 223, where
the king is found playing chess.
35 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
419 This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650.
418 The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard's Magellan,
pp. 269-273. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wal-
lace's Malay Archipelago ; and Forest's account of Brunai quoted
by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets
held by the women.
414 MS. 51650 reads: "twenty or twenty-five thousand."
Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates
the population, and that he probably gained his information from
a Malay courtier.
415 MS. 5*650 reads: " the women and daughters."
416 Cherita-tulis, "writers of narratives" (Stanley, p. 114);
jurutulis, " adepts in writing " (Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 61).
41T MS. 5,650 reads: " timghuly."
418 Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region
"Lao" (see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive
cosmo graphic ae meditationes) " Lave." It may possibly be the
modern island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto,
p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that
it is some place in Banjarmasin.
419 The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of
Borneo are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222) : " We
sailed from Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island
[i.e., Poluan] to its southwest headland, we discovered an island
with a shoal on its eastern side, and which lies in 7 and one-half
degrees, so that we had to deviate to the west for about fifteen
leguas. Then we sailed southwest coasting along the island of
Borney to a city of the same name. You must needs know that
the land must be approached closely, for there are many shoals
outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant use, for
it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large bay.
Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native
pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a con-
siderable number of days, and commenced to trade there and
made firm friendship. But later, many canoes, in number 260,
were equipped to capture us and came upon us. When we
saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of the bay, where-
upon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and captured
one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a
very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.*., the
prince of Luzon] without asking advice of anyone. Borney is
a large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor,
1515-15"] NOTES 353
the last named of which is much esteemed in these lands, and it
is said that when people die they are embalmed with it. Borney
(that is, the port of Borney) lies in a latitude of 5 degrees and
25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees and 5 minutes from
the line of demarcation."
The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 17-20) says that while on the
way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the
islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands - Guillemard,
Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three
leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina
Balu- Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port
of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at
Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching
the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of
Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish
trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambas-
sador to the king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of
twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery
from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and
capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning
the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety
men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two
to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave,
taking with them fourteen men and three women of those cap-
tured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward
course, the " Trinidad " grounds on a point of the island of
Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by
the tide.
Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the
Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that
their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa
who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as
Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks
desert the ships. Three others, among them Carvalho's son, are
ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads
the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left
behind on the island.
The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called)
in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt
Society edition), pp. 246-248. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary,
pp. 57-66. See also Henry Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak and
British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is
an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo.
420 The word " junk " is probably derived from the Malay
Jong or Ajong " a great ship." For a description of these ships,
354 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
see Yule's Cathay (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866),
ii, pp. 417, 418.
421 MS. 5,650 reads: "If venom or poison be put in a vase
of fine porcelain, it breaks immediately." In accordance with this
reading we have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno,
ue. y " poison," which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis.
Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio
Pigafetta's Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoii (p. 208), when
speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian
ambassador which consisted of "eight dishes [piati firuarit] which
break if any one puts poison in them. Those piati firuarit are
made of the substance which we call porcelain, and are made in
China, the province situated in the extreme outskirts of the Orient.
They are made of earth, which is kept for more than fifty years
buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which is buried by
the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to hand." See
also Yule's Cathay > ii, p. 478 ,* and Burnell and Tide's Linschoten
(Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp. 129, 130.
4S *The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common
throughout the eastern islands were called "pichis" or "pitis,"
which was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a
frequent appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were
early in general use throughout the southern islands of the eastern
archipelagoes. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 285-288.
421 The cate or catty. See vol. xvin, p. 141, note 32.
4,4 MS. 5,650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax,
and the pitch, for the last, eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of
bronze being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes
" barrel " or " cask " in the French. The anime (pitch) may have
been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the
Philippines (see Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, 282,
283).
425 MS. 5,650 omits this word.
426 Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century; and the
credit for the invention is assigned to Alessandro di Spina, a
Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon.
42T MS. 5,650 reads: " not to wash the buttocks with the left
hand ; not to eat with it."
"•Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He
says that had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would
not have written as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as
he would have been better informed. Notwithstanding the fact
that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a student of that
15191522] NOTES 355
faith, some of these practices may have been introduced into
Borneo, as the rites there being far from their center, may have
become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first place. For in-
stance, that the law was not strictly observed there is seen from
the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant arrack.
429 MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small
drops. The Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops
camphora) is confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the
islands of Sumatra and Borneo, where it is very abundant. The
oil (both fluid and solid) is found in the body of the tree where
the sap should be, but not in all trees. The Malay name for
camphor is a slight corruption of the Sanskrit one " karpura," and
to distinguish it from the camphor of China and Japan, the word
Bams is annexed (the name of the seaport of the western coast
of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from that
island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese.
See Crawfurd's Dictionary % p. 81.
480 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and
adds: "hinds."
481 Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS.
are three charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v. t p.
210), at the lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll read-
ing " Here are found the living leaves;" found on folio 60b of
MS. 5,650, preceded by the words " Chart of the island of Burne
and the place where the living leaves are found." 2. On folio
46b, the chart of Mindanao, which is divided into the districts
of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v. t p.
230) ; found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words
" Chart of five islands - Benaian." 3. On folio 47a, the chart
of the islands of Zzolo [i.e., Jolo], Tagima, and Chauit and
Subanin, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading "Where
pearls are produced ; " found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650, preceded
by the words " Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima, and
others."
482 Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note
418.
488 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
484 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture
of this junk.
486 In Eden : " Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the
Equinoctial! lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr /hyppes
and furny//e them with fre//he water and fuell." Cimbonbon
is probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between
Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the "Roteiro" (Stanley,
35 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
p. 21), port Samta Maria de Agosto, (St. Mary of August)
because it was reached on the fifteenth of August, the day of our
Lady of August. It is assigned a latitude of fully seven degrees.
Herrera says that the ships were overhauled on Borneo itself.
Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta wrongly by saying that
he assigns the careening place as Palawan or Paragua.
486 MS. 5,650 reads: " two and one-half feet long."
4,7 Cf. Transylvanus, vol. i, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna
gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of
taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was
used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The
shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh
hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See
Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152.
488 Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the
family of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus.
489 Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word
" chocar " " to jostle" (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves,
were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the
Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from their re-
semblance to a leaf.
440 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that
Pigafetta kept the leaf " for the /pace of viii. dayes."
441 The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At
this place Joao Carvalho was deposed from the chief command
for his high-handed measures and non-observance of royal orders,
and retook his old position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected
in his place and Elcano was chosen captain of the " Victoria." See
Navarrete, iv, pp. 73, 289, 292, 294.
442 Basilan; see vol. hi, p. 168, note 44.
448 The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found
along the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archi-
pelago, especially in the last named, where many very valuable
pearls are found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous
fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl
of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of
Jolo claims the fisheries as his own and rents them out, but
always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is dis-
puted by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty
between that sultan and the United States government. See
A if airs of Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee
(Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philip-
pines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands
(Washington, 1905), pp. 534-536. An early interesting account
of pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber's edition), pp. 213, 214.
1519-1522] NOTES 357
444 MS. 5,650 reads: "fifty."
445 Cauit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga,
Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the
island of Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at
the southeastern end of the Zamboanga province. " Subanim "
says Dr. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) " suggests
a settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao,
who are known as Subanon. Here, too, they saw the notorious
* sea-gypsies,' the Bajau or Samal Laut, whose wandering boats,
then as now, shifted their stations with the changing of the
Monsoon."
444 Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of
Mindanao is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Hand-
book of Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinna-
mon of stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga,
Caraga, and the mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Cey-
lon, although containing a bitter element that depreciates its
value, but which can be eliminated by cultivation. Many of the
old writers describe the plant and its cultivation, one of the
earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 191. Piga-
fetta's etymology of the Malay word is correct.
447 Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has
(p. 121), bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling
a large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells's Colin > i, p. 25).
448 MS. 5,650 reads: "seventeen men seemingly as bold and
ready as any others whom we had seen in those districts."
449 Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a news-
paper of 1874 to the Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the cus-
tom of eating the heart or liver of their slain enemies among the
Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes
of Malayan origin living in northern Luzon are said to have
ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 158).
4W MS. 5,650 reads: " twenty."
451 At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the
chart of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v. t
p. 238). This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, pre-
ceded by the words: " Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc"
4M Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco
and Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3)
conjectures to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the
southern portion of Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably
correct if we take Albo's word that the two ships turned to the
southeast after passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the
35** THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.33
main west coast east of Zamboanga is remarkably free of islands,
lends color to the second.
468 The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most
southern point of Mindanao.
454 MS. adds: "who are St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St.
Clara."
466 It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with
the unprovoked capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the
discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the
loss of Magalhaes. Such acts amounted to nothing less than
piracy.
456 These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group
south of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao
on the chart) to be the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to
be Lipang. Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht
and Amsterdam, 1724), i, between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group
of islands at about this location with the names Lirong (Lipan ?),
Karkelang, Cabroewang, Noessa (Nuza ?), Karkarotang, and
Karotta.
457 At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On
folio 51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan,
Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (?.c, p. 242) ; in
MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b, preceded by the words: " Chart
of the islands of Sanghir, etc" 2. On folio 51b, the islands of
Chcama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut,
Zoar, and Meau (q.v., p. 246) ; in MS. 5,650, on folio 66b, pre-
ceded by the words: " Chart of the islands of Meau, etc"
Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete,
iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1).
458 Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group)
Cheama is Kima ; Carachita is Karakitang ; Para still retains that
name, or is called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan;
Ciau is Siao or Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra)
figures on Valentyn's map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare,
though the same island seems also to be called Tagulanda, so
that Guillemard is right in his identification of this island; it is
identified with the island of Roang by the British Admiralty map
of 1890, while Mosto conjectures that it may be the island of
Biaro. See Guillemard's Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and
Mosto, p. 92, notes 2-7.
459 MS. 5,650 gives this name as " Babintau." That MS.
adds: "All those islands are inhabited by heathens," and con-
tinuing, reads : " There is an island called Talant east of
Cheama."
1519-1522] NOTES 359
4eo Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir.
Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of
Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Mosto, p.
92, notes 8-10. The geography of the islands of the East India
groups has not yet been set forth in a detailed and masterly
manner, or definite proportions given to it, although it is a sub-
ject that merits enthusiastic research and labor.
4ei Eden reads (p. 259) : " the /yxte daye of Nouember and
the. xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne."
482 MS. 5,650 adds: " by which they were deceived.''
Albo's narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222-224) of the events of
the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at
the Moluccas is as follows: "We left Borney, and returned by
the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel
between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turn-
ing west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus
we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit
toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan,
we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very
large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to
have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude
of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small
islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where
many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast
by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a lati-
tude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the head-
land of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and
one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The above-
named headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends
southeast and west northwest with Poluan.
"Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the
south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky
islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where con-
siderable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded.
That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed
northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast
until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement
extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island
of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable
gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland
lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian.
" We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we
saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast,
where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing
along that same course to the head of that island. Then we
saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between
3 6 °
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
the two islands until we reached a point some distance ahead,
and at that place we entered a channel between Candicar and
another island called Sarangani. We anchored at the latter island
and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in 4 and
two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and
one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south
latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees.
From the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north
northwest and south southeast without meeting any headland.
" We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached
the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two
islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin
lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees.
" From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called
Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter
island lies in exactly 3 degrees.
" We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which
lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island
to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those
islands are sighted.
" From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached
a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and
southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called
Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes
and the other in 1 and one-half degrees.
" We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the
islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a
channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We
were received there with the utmost friendliness and established
a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with
those people, and abode there many days until the ships were
laden."
The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 20-23) says that after leaving
Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and
captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for re-
pairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435)-
Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of
Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Jolo), where
they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipc
(Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym
(Tagima). "And always running along the coast of the said
island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with
sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named
cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao
carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in
Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone
further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands
1519-15"] NOTES 3 61
which are named Semrryn." A guide to Maluco is bargained
for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play
false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives
attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next
day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while
the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes.
Continuing they sight " three high mountains belonging to a nation
of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes ?]," and shortly
after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred
by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people
are hostile. "While still in this neighborhood, they saw the
islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the
artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November
of 1 52 1, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years,
two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th
of August of 1 5 19."
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance
from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archi-
pelago of St. Lazarus " where there occur many islands " inter-
vening.
At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as fol-
lows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate,
Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v. t p. 250), with the inscription "All
the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at
the antipodes ; " probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of
MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most
of that MS.) : " Here follow the cloves." 2. On folio 53a, a
chart entitled " Maluco," showing the islands Tadore, Mare,
Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., vol. xxxiv, p. 72), with a
tree bearing the inscription "Caui go mode, that is, cloves ;" shown
on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Description
of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method
of finding the best; and also of nutmegs."
4M Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port "before the
ry/inge of the /bone."
484 MS. 5,650 adds: " by astrology."
465 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
4M MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups.
487 From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650:
"To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or
caps."
' 488 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
469 MS. 5,650 reads: " a royal presence and eloquence."
362 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
470 " Mauzor " in Eden (p. 259).
471 MS. 5*650 does not mention the " quintalada." The quin-
talada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the
ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount
allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhaes's fleet was
specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Carlos I to
Magalhaes and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 15 19. The amounts
(see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150-152) are as follows:
Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the
ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which
each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth
part to his Highness.
Quintaladas
First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-gen-
eral of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin
space [camara] apiece 60
Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these
twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above
decks 20
The other three captains shall each be allowed forty
quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada 40
Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quin-
talada below decks 22
Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals ... 22
Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space
and one quintalada 22
Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada . . 8
The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada . . 3
Chaplains, four quintals apiece 4
Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece 5
Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and
one quintalada apiece 14
Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quin-
talada apiece 10
Sailors, one quintalada apiece 2
Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece . . . ij4
Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece .... 3 arrobas
Gunners
The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece
and one quintalada 5
The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece . 2j4
Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas 2}4
Calkers, the same 2j4
Coopers, the same 2j4
15191522] NOTES 3 6 3
Crossbowmen, the same 2j4
Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece .... I
Stewards, three quintals apiece 3
Stonecutters, three quintals apiece 3
In case that our service is performed by building a fortress
there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall
be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to
these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually
from the quintaladas that shall remain there.
If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons
with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said
fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until
we appoint to those duties.
Chests
The captains-general shall take four chests, on which
they will pay only the twentieth 4
The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the
same terms 3
Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece 2
The notaries of the ships one chest apiece
Masters and pilots, each one chest
Boatswains, one chest apiece
Alguacil of the fleet, one chest
Chaplains, one chest apiece
The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece
The captains' servants, one chest for each two ....
Physician and surgeon, one chest
Sailors, one chest for each two
Common seamen, one chest for each two
Boys, one chest for each three
Master gunners of the ships, each one chest ....
The other gunners, one chest for each two
Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and
sailors, one chest for each two
Stewards, one chest apiece
Sobresalientes, one chest apiece
472 Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown
later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name " Calanoghapi."
478 The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650.
474 In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: " And
because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships,
he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian," etc
476 Leonardo de Argensola (vol. xvi, p. 221) derives Maluco
from the word " Moloc " meaning " the capital." Crawfurd
3 6 4
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
says that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown,
although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has
been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their dis-
trict, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta
(for whose ancient names, see vol. xvi, p. 221). Varthema
(Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight
account of the district under the name of the " island of Monoch,
where the cloves grow," which Magalhaes showed to Carlos I
(Guillemard's Magellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authen-
tic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in his East
African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201,
202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 283-285.
476 Francisco Serrao, brother of Joio Serrao, was Magalhaes's
most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the
stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters.
In 1509, Serrao sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter
Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was
attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by
Magalhaes saved him. In January, 15 10, while returning from
the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 151 1 he was sent as
captain of one of three ships under Antonio d' Abreu to the
Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedi-
tion failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands
of Banda. On this expedition, Serrao's ship was abandoned as
unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on
an island. Here pirates landing, Serrao and his men took posses-
sion of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The
opportunity offering, Serrao went to Ternate, where he espoused
the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter
of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhaes's
death. A number of letters passed between Magalhaes and Serrao,
during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhaes
made use of them to persuade Carlos I to undertake the expe-
dition. See Guillemard's Magellan.
477 See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard's Magellan for details
regarding Magalhaes's negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and
his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostao, tostoes)
is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth
century (Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent).
478 It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these
names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: " Checchily Momoly,
Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi,
Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi."
Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names " Chechili-
Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi,
15191522] NOTES 365
Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Scrich, and Calanopagi." Mosto
gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of
the sixth and seventh which he gives as " Chialin Chechilin " and
"Cathara." Checheli (Chechelin) and possibly CM, denotes
the title Cachil ("noble").
479 Called by Barros "Joao de Lourosa, a man disloyal to
his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The "Roteiro" (Stanley,
pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Tar-
gatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him " to
come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not
dare, because the king of the country forbade it." However,
permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the
ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (vol. i, p. 299)
says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p.
305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Span-
iards. He remained with the "Trinidad," and was promptly
executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see
Guillemard's Magellan, p. 303).
480 MS. 5,650 adds: " hearing that."
481 In Eden: "/ixe hundreth and fiftie." The native name
of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island
belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of
Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of
Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from
the Arabic article al and fora, " without," and applied by the
Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter prob-
ably representing the p re-Malayan populations, and inhabiting
the central portion of the island.
482 Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes
" as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three /pannes in length
frome ioynt to ioynt or more. . . . Theyr canes are full of
mo/te cleare water without any maner of ta/t or /auore eyther
of the canes or of any other thynge: And /uche as yf it were
taken owte of the fre//he/te /prynge in the worlde." Pigafetta
probably refers to some species of bamboo.
488 MS. 5,650 reads: "for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with]
munjeet." Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat,
Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar
peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the
Affghan or Ghori empire of Hindostan until the end of the four-
teenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See
Badger's introduction to Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society
edition), p. lviii. Foster's Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt
Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539,
540) : " Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of
366 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 33
Cambaya. The Chccfe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadabad]. It
Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of
India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach].
It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the
Mahi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah,
falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others.
It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places." Its ports
were important centers of trade.
484 This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden.
485 Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Bar-
bosa's East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edi-
tion), pp. 221-223.
486 Probably it was because of this belief that the ships in-
tended to take in water near Celebes, " because they feared that
in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in " (see the
"Roteiro," Stanley, p. 22).
487 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (1519-1522), by
Antonio Pigafetta, knight of the Order of Jerusalem.
-This document exists in manuscript in Biblioteca
Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy, where it bears pressmark,
"L. 103 - Sup."
Important
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AUDUBON'S WESTERN
JOURNAL: 1849-1850
Being the MS. record of a trip from New York to
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and Arizona to the gold-fields of California
By
JOHN W. AUDUBON
With biographical memoir by his daughter
MARIA R. AUDUBON
Edited by
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With folded map, portrait ', and original drawings
iOHN W. AUDUBON, son of the famous
ornithologist, was a member of Colonel
Webb's California Expedition which
started from New York City for the gold-
fields in February, 1 849. The Journal
consists of careful notes which Audubon
made en route. It was written with a view
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The Journal is, therefore, here published for the first
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of the excitements, dangers, and privations of life in the
§§?
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II
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If
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^tmm
vfUVUVOVC'S WESTERN JOUR&QAL
gold-fields. An additional interest attaches to this account
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consisted of nearly a hundred men, when the expedition
reached Roma, and the command then by unanimous
choice of the party devolved upon Audubon. This situa-
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sympathetic nature, as well as his keenness and ability as
a leader.
Besides being a fascinating story of adventure, the Jour-
nal throws much light on the interesting years immediately
following the discovery of gold in California. John W.
Audubon was (with his brother Victor G. Audubon) the
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availed herself ofa large amount of auxiliary material not
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PERSONAL NARRATIVE
^— — ^ — > OF — - — — — ^—
Travels in Virginia, ^Maryland,
Tennsyhania, Ohio, Indiana,
Kentucky; and of a Residence in
the Illinois Territory: 1817-1818
BY
ELIAS PYM FORDHAM
With facsimiles of the author's sketches and plans
Edited with Notes, Introduction, Index, etc., by
FREDERIC AUSTIN OGG, A.M.
Author of « The Opening of the Mississippi"
lhmw I m&" *^ S hitherto unpublished MS., which is a
real literary and historical find, was written
in 1 8 17-18 by a young Englishman of excellent education
who assisted Morris Birkbeck in establishing his Illinois
settlement. The author writes anonymously, but by a
careful study of various allusions in the Narrative and
from information furnished by the family in possession
of the MS., has been identified as Elias Pym Fordham.
Landing at Baltimore, he reached the West by way of
Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the Ohio River to Cincinnati,
describing the people and the country as he went along.
THE MIDDLE Fordham was an especially well-qualified
WEST IN 1817 observer of the Middle West because of
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FO^HAMS ^PERSONAL NARRATIVE
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local AND These journeys also gave him unexampled
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WSTORY of the Middle West, and his journal is con-
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VALUE FOR The Publication of Fordham's Narrative
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"AN AUTHORITY OF THE HIGHEST IMPORTANCE"- Winsor
Til
PRESENT STATB
OF THE
EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS
ON THE
M I S S I S I P P It
A OtooRArtficAL Description of dm Hirst.
ILLVSTRATt* •*
PLANS a«» DRAUGHTS.
By Capuia PHILIP PITTMAN.
LONDON.
NMi far J. N«»*ti, BoaMrikr » H* MAJESTY.
Edited with Introduction, Notes, snd Index, by
FRANK HEYWOOD HODDER
Professor of American History, University of Kansas
THIS exceedingly rare work was issued in London, in 1770, and
has been so much in demand by historical students and collectors
of Americana that even imperfect copies of the original are now almost
impossible to obtain at any price. Our text is from a perfect copy of
the original with all the folding maps and plans carefully reproduced.
*Only two conies have been offered for sale during the past five years; one copy sold
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PITTMAN'S MISSISSIPPI SETTLEMENTS
Pittman's Mississippi Settlements contains much valuable original ma-
J 7 kl tc ™l for the study of the French and Spanish
Jf Valuable Settlements of old Louisiana, West Florida, and
SOUrce Work * c I^nois country. The author, Captain Philip
Pittman, was a British military engineer, and
gives an accurate general view of the Mississippi Settlements just after
the English came into possession of the eastern half of the valley by
the Peace of 1763. His account, written from personal observation,
is rich in allusions to the political, social, and military readjustments
resulting from this change of possession. u A comprehensive account
of the Illinois country and its inhabitants, with sketches in detail of
the several French posts and villages situated therein, as personally
viewed by him in 1766-67. ... It contains, in a compact form, much
useful and reliable information (nowhere else to be found) concern-
ing the Mississippi Valley and its people at that transition period."
— Wallace: Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule.
Dr. William F. Poole in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History ef
TJi* p/irllpvt America says : «« It is the earliest English
j. rus cut uc*i> account of those settlements, and, as an
English account ™* orit ? m *"* WC8t « ra Jg"* if of *•
£> highest importance. He [Pittman] was a
military engineer, and for five years was employed in surveying the
Mississippi River and exploring the western country. The excellent
plans which accompany the work, artistically engraved on copper,
add greatly to its value."
An introduction, notes, and index have been supplied by Professor
j . 1 Frank Heywood Hodder, who has made a
Annotation by special study of American historical geo-
Professor Hodder ^ ra P hv - Tlie valuc of thc rc P rint is thus
J enhanced by annotation embodying the re-
sults of the latest researches in this field of American history.
The edition is limited to 500 copies, each numbered. It is hand-
somely printed in large Caslon type on Dickinson's deckle-edged
paper. With folding maps and plans. Large 8 vo, cloth, uncut, gilt top.
Price £3.00 net.
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
TWSLISHE7(S CLEVELAND, OHIO
Early Western Travels
■— — 1 1 748 - 1 846 — —
A SERIES of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descrip-
tive of the Aborigines and Social and Economic Condi-
tions in the Middle and Far West, during the Period of
Early American Settlement.
Edited with Historical, Geographical, Ethnological, and Bibliographical
Notes, and Introductions and Index, by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, ll.d.
With facsimiles of the original title-pages, maps, portraits,
views, etc 3 1 volumes, large 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops.
Price $4.00 net per volume (except the Maximilien Atlas,
which is 1 1 5.00 net). The edition is limited to 750 com-
plete sets, each numbered and signed; but in addition there-
to, a limited number of the volumes will be sold separately.
An Elaborate Analytical Index to the Whole
«• This new series of historical and geographical works by the scholarly
editor of* The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,' promises to be
particularly valuable and of more than usual popular interest. All the
books are rare, some of them exceedingly so, no copy being found in the
largest collections on this side of the Atlantic, or in many abroad. They
are copiously explained and illustrated by introductions and notes, bio-
graphical sketches of the authors, bibliographical data, etc. The series
should, of course, be in every public, collegiate, and insti-
tutional library, to say nothing of private collections of
respectable rank. The works included naturally vary in literary
merit and attractiveness, but many of them will compare favorably
with the better class of modern books of travel, while some are as fas-
cinating as the best fiction." — The Critic.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
TU*BLISHE<HS CLEVELAND, OHIO
Extracts from a few of the reviews
American Historical Review : "The books are handsomely bound and print-
ed. The editing by Dr. Thwaites seems to have been done with his
customary care and knowledge. There is no want of helpful annotations.
The books therefore are likely to be of more real value than the
early prints from which they are taken."
The Independent: "The editor's annotations make the present series worth
possessing, even if one already owns the originals."
The Literary Digest: "It is next to impossible, at this late date,
even to a well-endowed public library, to amass a consider-
able collection of these early travels, so essential to an adequate
understanding of the life and manners of the aborigines, and the social and
economic conditions in the middle and far West, during the period of
early American settlement. The making of a judicious and competent
selection of the best and rarest of these writings has become an inevit-
able requirement; and the padent company of historians, librarians,
and scholars will be quick to congratulate each other that the great task
has fallen to the hands of so well-equipped an editor as Dr. Thwaites,
eminent as an authority on all questions pertaining to the exploration and
development of our great Western domain."
The Forum: "A most helpful contribution to the study of the America of a
century or so ago."
The Athenaum: ". . . A series of permanent historical value . . . It ought
to find a place in every geographical or historical library."
Public Opinion: "The century that sets the bounds of this work is the most
important and interesting in the history of the 'winning of the West;' . .
it is comprehensive, and the materials at the disposal of the editor assure a
collection that will be indispensable to every well-equipped public
or private library. 9 '
The Nation : * * A stately series, octavo in size, typographically very open and
handsome. The annotations are abundant and highly valuable. 9 '
New York Times Saturday Review: "An invaluable series of reprints of
rare sources of American history."
The Dial: "An undertaking of great interest to every student of
Western history. Exhaustive notes and introductions are by Dr.
Thwaites, the foremost authority on Western history, who is also to sup-
ply an elaborate analytical index, under one alphabet, to the complete
series. This latter is an especially valuable feature, as almost all the rare
originals are without indexes."
M We cannot thoroughly understand our ova history, local or National, without some- kaowioift
of theae route* of trade and war."— The Outlook.
The'Historic Highways of America
by Archer Butler Hulbert
A series of monographs on the History of America as portrayed in the evo-
lution of its highways of War, Commerce, and Social Expansion.
Comprising the following volumes :
I — Paths of the Mound-Building Indiana and Qraal Game Animals*
II — Indian Thoroughfares.
Ill— Washington's Road: The Pint Chapter of the Old French War.
IV— Braddock's Road.
V— The Old Glade (Porbes's) Road.
VI— Boone's Wilderness Road.
VII— Portage Paths: The Keys of the Continent.
VIII— Military Roads of the Mississippi Basin.
IX — Waterways of Westward Expansion.
X — The Cumberland Road.
XI, XII — Pioneer Roads of America, two volume*.
XIII, XIV — The Great American Canals, two volume*.
XV— The Future of Road-Making in America.
XVI— Index.
Sixteen volumes, crown 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. A limited edition
only printed direct from type, and the type distributed. Each volume hand-
somely printed in large type on Dickinson's hand-made paper, and illustra-
ted with maps, plates, and facsimiles.
Published a volume each two months, beginning September, 1902.
Price, volumes 1 and 2, $2.00 net each ; volumes 3 to 16, $2.50 net
each.
Fifty sets printed on large paper, each numbered and signed by tbt
author. Bound in cloth, with paper label, uncut, gilt tops. Price, $5.00
net per volume.
"The fruit not only of the study of original historical sources in document* found here and la
England, but of patient and enthusiastic topographical studies, in the course of which every foot ei
these old historic highways has been traced and traversed."— Tiki Living Age.
"The volumes already issued show Mr. Hulbert to be an earnest and enthusiastic student, and a
reliable guide."— Out West.
M A look through these volumes shows most conclusively that a new source of history is betas;
developed— a source which deals with the operation of the most effective causes influencing human
afairs."— Iowa Journal of Hist 01 y and Politics.
u The successive volumes In the series may certainly be awaited with great interest, for they
promise to deal with the most romantic phases of the awakening of America at the dawn of occi-
dental civilisation."— Boston Transcript.
M The publishers have done their pan toward putting forth with proper dignity this important
work. It is issued on handsome paper and is illustrated with many maps, diagrams, and old.
prints."— Chicago Evening Post.
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STANFORD UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES
STANFORD AUXILIARY LIBRARY
STANFORD, CALIFORNIA 94305-6004
(650) 723-9201
salcirc@sulmail.stanford.edu
All books are subject to recall.
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