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8 MI 

•2'E c 

ISLANDS 1493-1898 

Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the 
Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of 
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous 
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Eco- 
nomic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those 
Islands from their earliest relations with European 
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth Century 


Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and 
James Alexander Robertson, with historical intro- 
duction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord 
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations 

Volume XXXIII — 1519-1522 

The Arthur H. Clark Company 
Cleveland, Ohio 





Preface n 

Primo viaggio intorno al mondo {to be concluded). 
Antonio Pigafetta. Italian text with English 
translation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519- 

1522 26 

Notes 273 

Bibliographical Data 367 



Magalhaes's ship "Victoria;" photographic repro- 
duction of cut facing p. 102 of Henry Stevens's 
Johann Schoner (edited by C. H. Coote, London, 
1888): from the copy in Lenox Library. 
(Probably the ideal conception of some early artist, and 
perhaps of the type of the "Victoria." Its source is 
not mentioned in the above book.) . . Frontispiece 

Pigafetta's Chart of the Straits of Magellan . . 86 
Pigafetta's Charts of the Unfortunate Isles and the 
Ladrones . . . . . . . 92 

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Samar, etc. . 102 

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Bohol, etc. . 112 

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Cebu, Mactan, 

and Bohol 136 

Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Panglao and 

Cagayan Sulu . : 202 

Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Paragua and Bor- 
neo . . . . . . . . .210 

Pigafetta's Charts of the islands of Mindanao and 
of Jolo, etc. ..... . 230 

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Sarangani, etc. . 238 
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Sanguir, etc. . 242 
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Paghinzara, etc. 246 
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Ternate, etc. . 250 
Map showing discoveries of Magalhaes; photo- 
graphic facsimile from Mappamundo (Goa, 
1 571) of Fernao Vas Dourado, a MS. hydro- 
graphical atlas preserved in Archivo Nacional da 
Torre do Tombo, Lisbon .... 270,271 


In this and the succeeding volume, we present 
various documents (notably the Relation of Antonio 
Pigafetta) which could not be obtained in season for 
publication in regular chronological order, and 
which it has seemed advisable to insert as addenda at 
this point. 

With the present volume is begun the publication 
of Antonio Pigafetta's relation of the first circum- 
navigation of the world - the greatest single achieve- 
ment in all the history of sea exploration and 
discovery. Written by a participant of the expedi- 
tion, Pigafetta's relation has a greater value than any 
other narrative of the voyage. Its great value and 
the fact that it has never been adequately presented 
to the English-speaking public have induced the 
editors to insert this relation in the present series 
both in the original Italian (rigidly adhering to and 
preserving all the peculiarities of the original manu- 
script) and in English translation. This relation is 
especially valuable for its descriptions of the various 
peoples, countries, and products, of Oriental seas, 
and for its vocabularies, as well as for its account of 
the first circumnavigation. From its very nature, 
the relation has called for an unusual amount of 


annotation, which has been drawn freely from vari- 
ous sources : chiefly Mosto's annotations in his publi- 
cation of Pigaf etta's relation in Part V, volume Hi, of 
the Raccolta di documenti e studi y published by the 
Royal Columbian Commission of the fourth cente- 
nary of the discovery of America under the auspices 
of the Minister of Public Instruction (Roma, 1894) 5 
Navarrete's Col. de viages, iv (Madrid, 1837) ; 
various publications of the Hakluyt Society; and 
F. H. H. Guillemard's Life of Ferdinand Magellan 
(New York, 1891). The publication of the original 
Italian and the English, page for page, renders it 
necessary to place the annotations at the end of the 
volume instead of in footnote as hitherto. The 
various charts of the Italian manuscript are all pre- 
sented in facsimile in the course of the work. 
In order that the various peculiarities of the manu- 
script might be preserved, it has been necessary to 
specially design and cast certain characters that ap- 
pear in Pigafetta's narrative. None of these charac- 
ters have been reproduced by Mosto, who also writes 
out all abbreviations. Throughout we have aimed 
to present the document as it exists in the Biblioteca 
Ambrosiana (even to the spacing of words) with 
the exception that paragraphs in the manuscript 
begin with a hanging indention and usually end with 
a series of dots and dashes. A brief synopsis of the 
relation follows. 

After a brief dedication to the grand master of 
the Hospitaler knights of Rhodes or Malta, as they 
were called later, and of which order he is a mem- 
ber, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in 
15 19 with the papal legate, he first hears of the expe- 
dition about to set out under Magalhaes. Being 

1519152a] PREFACE 13 

desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to 
accompany the expedition, and soon joins the fleet 
at Seville, whence it is to depart. Magalhaes, as a 
wise commander, issues his instructions to the vari- 
ous commanders of the vessels ere port is left, so that 
they may keep together in the unknown seas before 
them, and that they may act in harmony. 

Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 15 19, the 
fleet of five small vessels starts on its long journey 
amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the 
Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they an- 
chor until September 20, when setting sail once 
more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached 
September 26. There they reprovision and taking 
their departure on October 3, coast southward along 
Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms 
(cheered however by the welcome apparition of St. 
Elmo's fire, which promises them safety) , until they 
cross the line. Thereupon taking a general westerly 
course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian 
coast is soon sighted. The fresh provisions, so essen- 
tial to sea voyages, are procured on the coast of 
Brazil, where occurs the first communication with 
the natives, with whom wonderful bargains are 
made. Those Indians, cannibals though they be, and 
whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to 
inscribe some of their language) receive the mari- 
ners hospitably, and thinking that the latter are come 
to remain among them, build them a house. But 
after a stay of eighteen days, the sails are again 
trimmed toward the south, and descending the coast, 
Magalhaes anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which 
had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis 
and his men. Unable here to hold converse with the 


anthropophagous natives, who flee at their approach, 
the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands 
where many sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and 
thus fresh food obtained. The next anchorage is at 
the famous Bay of St Julian along the desolate Pata- 
gonian coast, where for five months they winter. 
For two months not an individual is seen, but one 
day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians, 
whose huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who 
are held as giants. Amicable relations are entered 
into with various of these wandering Indians, and 
finally MagalhSes, with the taste for the wonderful 
that characterized his period, as strongly, or more 
strongly than our own, determines to capture two of 
them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is 
successful, but an attempt to induce the wife of one 
of the Indians to go to the ship fails. Very interest- 
ing are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to 
him is due the earliest description of their manners 
and customs and the earliest specimens of their lan- 
guage. The two captured giants are placed in 
separate vessels, but unfortunately both die ere 
reaching the end of the journey, one in the deserting 
ship "San Antonio," and the other in Magalh£es's 
own ship, the "Trinidad." 

During the five months at that port "many things 
happened there." Shortly after entering the port, 
the most critical moment of all Magalhaes's life 
comes, and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from 
the beginning of the expedition. This is the mutiny 
headed by Juan de Cartagena, captain of one of the 
vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalh£es 
because he is a Portuguese. The latter, however, 
proves equal to the emergency, and by his prompt 

15191522] PREFACE IS 

action and the punishments tempered by mercy that 
he inflicts, quiets the trouble. Joao Serrao, captain 
of the "Santiago" is sent to explore the coast, but 
is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved. 
Their rescue (not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrill- 
ing and arduous matter, and calls into play the 
endurance of men already tried by misfortune and 
bufferings with Nature. 

With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners 
leave port St Julian and proceeding along the coast, 
anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy 
weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition. 
A stay of two months is made, during which the 
ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of provi- 
sions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river, 
the crews (for MagalhSes looks after the spiritual 
welfare of his men) confess and take communion. 
Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the 
first half of the expedition is attained, namely, the 
discovery of the strait, which occurs October 21, 
1520. "That strait is one hundred and ten leguas 
. . . long, and it is one-half legua broad, more 
or less." Its discovery is due to the indomitable 
energy and endurance of Magalhaes, and his certain 
knowledge (probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its 
existence. Continuing, Pigafetta briefly narrates the 
passage through the strait, and the desertion of the 
"San Antonio," which returns to Spain, after putting 
the captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, a relative of 
MagalhSes, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese 
named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhaes, as 
the tatter's expedition has destroyed ambitious plans 
of his own. The other three ships, leaving letters 
and signals in the strait, in case the "San Antonio" 


tries to regain them, proceeds on its way, debouching 
from the strait November 28. Then begins a long 
voyage over the trackless Pacific "in truth . . . 
very pacific ;" and the three ships sail on steadily for 
three and two-thirds months without being able to 
reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added 
the sufferings of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta, 
whose curiosity is always alert and active, and who 
remains well, diverts himself with talking to the 
Patagonian, who is finally baptized, but who is one 
of those to die. In the vast stretch from the strait 
to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Euro- 
peans) , only two islands, both desert, are sighted, and 
those, since they are unable to find anchorage there, 
are called the "Unfortunate Isles." Pigafetta men- 
tions the southern constellation Crux and the star 
clouds since called after Magalhaes. His geo- 
graphical information, as one might expect, is not 
always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in 
the open Pacific. Thoughts of relief that come upon 
sighting various islands (which they called the 
Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabi- 
tants) are quickly dissipated by the hostility there 
encountered. So bold are these natives (whose 
appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes 
briefly), that they even steal the ship's boat from 
the stern of the "Trinidad," thus necessitating a raid 
into one of the islands, where some of the natives are 
killed, and some houses burned, but the boat re- 

On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines 
(by them called the archipelago of San Lazaro) to 
be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is cast at 
a small desert island called Humunu, (but which 

15191522] PREFACE 17 

the mariners call "The watering-place of good signs" 
because the first traces of gold are found there) , near 
Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the 
sick, whom Magalhaes himself tends with solicitude. 
March 18, they gain their first acquaintance with the 
natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh 
provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second 
of March, and the Europeans have their first sight 
of a tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as his men, 
is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week's 
stay, the ships again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming 
to an untimely end by slipping over the side of the 
vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of 
"that fount of mercy," the Virgin. 

March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua 
(Mazava), where Enrique, the Malaccan slave of 
Magalhaes, serves as interpreter. Amicable rela- 
tions are speedily entered into and confirmed by the 
Malayan rite of blood brotherhood. The king of 
Limasaua, and his brother, the king of certain dis- 
tricts in Mindanao, prove most helpful, and are 
completely won over by a judicious presentation of 
gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed by the 
power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and 
armor, and their astonishment is increased when 
Magalhaes relates his course to their islands and the 
discovery of the strait. 

On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit 
the natives ashore, where they spend the night in the 
king's palace, a typical Visayan house raised aloft 
on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the vari- 
ous ceremonies that he witnesses impress Pigafetta, 
and his companion, cast in coarser mould than he, 
becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in 


the language of the new peoples whom he meets, 
writes down certain of their words, whereat they are 
greatly astonished. He records that he "ate meat 
on Holy Friday, for I could not help myself." On 
Easter Sunday, the natives are deeply impressed by 
the mass that is celebrated ashore, and the cross 
which is planted in the highest part of the island, 
and which they promise to adore. 

The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which 
is used only as a place of recreation by the two kings, 
who go there to visit one another and hunt, leads 
Magalh£es to seek a more abundant harbor. Among 
the places pointed out where food is abundant is the 
island of Cebu, and there MagalhSes determines to 
go, "for so did his unhappy fate will." After a seven 
days' stay at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebu 
under the pilotage of the king of Limasaua, who is 
finally taken aboard the "Trinidad" as his vessel is 
unable to keep up with the swifter-moving Euro- 
pean vessels. Entering the port of Cebu on April 7, 
amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is 
thrown into consternation, but the Malaccan being 
sent ashore reassures them of his master's good in- 
tentions, whom he proclaims to be a "captain of the 
greatest king and prince in the world," who "was 
going to discover Malucho," but hearing of the 
great fame of the king of Cebu, wishes trade with 
him. The king of Cebu is willing to accord friend- 
ship to the Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the 
custom for all visitors to pay it to him. But no trib- 
ute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king, 
at the advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of 
the deeds of the Portuguese along Malacca and the 
Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them, 

15191522] PREFACE 19 

until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to 
be much greater than the Portuguese), expresses his 
willingness to make friendship with Magalhaes. 
With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua, 
peace is made according to Malay rites, and gifts 
exchanged. Magalhaes, deeply religious, in com- 
mon with many of his age, early seeks to lure the 
natives of Cebu to holy baptism, by presenting to 
them its most attractive side, and promising the king 
if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they 
must become willing converts, and not for the hope of 
gain or for fear. The peace is more firmly cemented 
by the visit of Pigaf etta and a companion to the king, 
where they witness ceremonies similar to those of 
Limasaua, and where gifts are bestowed upon the 
king and some others. They also visit the house of 
the prince apparent, where they hear their first 
concert of Visayan music and see a native dance. 
On the following Wednesday two of the crew are 
buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much 
pomp as possible. 

Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of 
merchandise ashore, the safety of which is assured 
by the king. Those people are found to have 
weights and measures for their trading; and besides 
their gongs, a flute-like instrument. Their houses 
are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the trad- 
ing, gold being given for metals and large articles, 
and food for the smaller wares. The good bargains 
obtained by the Europeans, would have been materi- 
ally less and the trade spoiled forever had it not 
been for Magalhaes's watchfulness, for so eager are 
the men at the sight of the gold, that they would have 
given almost anything for it. On the following Sun- 


day, the king and his chief men, and the queen and 
many women, are baptized and given European 
names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have 
become Christians, as well as some from neighbor- 
ing islands. The queen at her earnest request, is given 
a small image of the Christ child, the same afterward 
recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest 
of reverence at Cebu. The opposition of certain 
chiefs to the king of Cebu is satisfactorily ended by 
the inducements and threats of Magalhaes. The lat- 
ter swears to be faithful in his friendship with the 
natives, who likewise swear allegiance to the king of 
Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy 
their idols, according to their promise, and Ma- 
galhaes finds them still sacrificing to them for the 
cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance 
that the new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which 
he offers his head, the sick man (who is the prince's 
brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island) 
is miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are 
burned amid great demonstrations. Vivid descrip- 
tions are given of the people and their customs and 
ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourn- 

April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of 
Mactan sends a small present to Magalhaes, with the 
request to aid him with a boat load of men against 
the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to 
Spain. Magalhaes in his ardor, and notwithstand- 
ing the remonstrances of his friends, leads three boat 
loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where hav- 
ing ordered the king of Cebu to be a witness of the 
battle only, he engages the natives. Disastrous in- 
deed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of 

15191522] PREFACE 21 

foes, the Europeans are compelled to retreat, and 
the retreat becomes a rout, the personal bravery of 
MagalhSes and a few of his closest friends only sav- 
ing the men from almost complete massacre. Rec- 
ognizing the leader, the natives make their greatest 
efforts against him, and finally he is killed while 
knee deep in the water, but after all the others are 
saved. Pigafetta's lament is tragic and sorrowful; 
they "killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and 
our true guide." Insolent in their victory, the na- 
tives refuse to give up the body of the slain 
leader at the request of the king of Cebu. The Eu- 
ropeans stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw 
their merchandise and guards to the ship, and make 
preparations for departure. Duarte Barbosa and 
Jo5o de Serriio are chosen leaders. The second act 
in the drama follows speedily. The slave Enrique, 
enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Bar- 
bosa, conspires with the king of Cebu; with the re- 
sult that twenty-six men, including both of the lead- 
ers, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which 
the king invites them. Joao Carvalho, deaf to the 
entreaties of Jo5o Serrao, his comrade, and anxious 
to become leader, sails away leaving him to his death. 
Pigafetta names the products of Cebu, and gives a 
valuable vocabulary of Visayan words, most of 
which are still in use by those people. 

By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to 
Bohol, where the "Conception" is burned, as there 
are too few men left to work all three ships; al- 
though its supplies and all else possible are trans- 
ferred to the "Victoria" and "Trinidad." Then, 
cruising along, they put in at Mindanao where 
Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made 


blood friendship at the ships. There they hear of 
Luzon, where the Chinese trade annually. Depart- 
ing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu, 
a penal settlement for Borneo, where the blowpipe 
and poisoned arrows are used, and the daggers 
adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Para- 
guay although before reaching that island, the men 
have been tempted to abandon the ships because of 
hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in 
bamboos and is better than that cooked in earthen 
pots. Those people raise fighting cocks and bet on 
their favorite birds. Ten leagues from Paragua is 
the great island of Borneo, whither the ships next 
go, and anchor at the city of Brunei, which is built 
over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand 
fires. Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit 
the ships, they enter into relations with the Borneans. 
Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king, and 
bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some 
of the grandeurs of an oriental court are spread be- 
fore their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly describes. 
The strangers are graciously given permission to 
take on fresh supplies of food, water, and wood, and 
to trade at pleasure. Later actions of the Borneans 
cause the men of the ships to fear treachery, and 
forestalling any action by that people, they attack a 
number of junks near them, and capture four. 
Among the captives is the son of the king of Luzon, 
who is the chief captain in Borneo, and whom Car- 
valho allows to escape, without consulting the others, 
for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing re- 
acts on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men 
who were ashore and Carvalho's own son (born of a 
native woman in Brazil) to return to the ships, and 

1519-15" PREFACE 23 

they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks 
are described. They use porcelain dishes which are 
made from a fine white clay that is buried under 
ground for fifty years in order to refine it, and in- 
herited from father to son. Camphor is obtained 
there, and the island is so large that it can be circum- 
navigated by a prau only in three months' time. 

On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from 
the captured junks are kept, among them three wo- 
men whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents 
for the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself. 
Happily escaping from the point on which one of 
the ships has become grounded, and the fear of 
explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a 
barrel of powder, the ships anchor at a point of 
Borneo, where for forty-two days, the men are busied 
in repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels. 
The journey is resumed back toward Paragua, the 
governor of a district of that island being captured 
on the way; with whom, however, they enter into 
friendly relations. Thence the ships cruise along 
between Cagayan, Jolo, and Mindanao, capturing 
a native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island, 
from the captive occupants of which they learn news 
of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid stormy weather, 
they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of 
Mindanao ; and thence proceed in a generally south- 
erly direction amid many islands until the Moluccas 
are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore 
on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven 
months, less two days, since their departure from 

At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the 
king, who is a powerful astrologer and has been ex- 


pecting their arrival. He promises them as many 
cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his 
island, contrary to the practice of kings, to provide 
them the sooner; in return for his services hoping for 
their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas, 
especially against the king of Ternate. There they 
learn that Francisco Serrao, the great friend of 
MagalhSes, has perished some eight months pre- 
viously from poison administered by the king of 
Tidore, whom he had visited, because he had aided 
the king of Ternate against Tidore. This SerrSo, 
says Pigafetta, was the cause of Magalhaes under- 
taking his expedition, and he had been in the Moluc- 
cas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal dis- 
covered those islands. The efforts of the Ternatans 
to gain the new strangers fail, for they are already 
pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a 
house is built ashore and on the thirteenth the mer- 
chandise is carried there, among it being that cap- 
tured with the various junks at and near Borneo. 
The sailors are somewhat careless of their bargains 
for they are in haste to return to Spain. The king 
continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a 
Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed. 
This relation will be concluded in VOL. xxxiv. 

The Editors 
December, 1905. 


By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 
1525, of events of 15 19- 1522 

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document 
which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy. 

Translation : This is made by James Alexander Robertson. 


Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de 
Rhodi aL JIL" . et Exell 100 . S. philipo de villers 
lisleadam Jnclito gr5 mai/t° de Rhoddj /ignior /uo 

Perche /ono molti curio/i IlL™ et exell™ . Signor 

che non /olamente /e contentano de /apere et Inten- 

dere li grandi et admirabillj co/e che dio me a con- 

ce//o de vedere et patire nela inf ra/cripta mia longa 

et pericolo/a nauigatioe. Ma anchora vogliono /a- 

pere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, 

non pre/tando q e lla Jntegra fede aL exito ft prima 

n5 anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto /apera 

v*. Jll a . s a . che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita 

deL nfo /aluatore m°.v c .xix in /pagnia in la corte 

deL sereni//imo Re de romani con el R^ mons or ' 

franc chieregato alhora protho ap°°. et oratore de 

La s to . memoria de papa Leone x°. che per /ua vertu 

dapoi he acce/o aL epis to . di aprutino et principato 

de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto gra noti/ia p molti 

libri letti et per diuer/e per/onne che praticauano 

con sua s\ de le grande et /tupende co/e deL mare 



Antonio Pigafcta, 1 patrician of Venezia and 
knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes]/ to the most illus- 
trious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villcrs Lis- 
leadam,' renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most 
honored lord 4 

Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, 
there are many curious persons who not only take 
pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and won- 
derful things which God has permitted me to see and 
suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto 
appended, but who also wish to know the means and 
manners and paths that I have taken in making that 
voyage [literally: "in going thither"]; and who 
do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they 
have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, 
your most illustrious Lordship must know that, find- 
ing myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior 
MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most 
serene king of the Romans, 8 with the reverend Mon- 
signor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic proton- 
otary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory 
(and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and 
prince of Teramo) ,* and having learned many things 
from many books that I had read, as well as from 
various persons/ who discussed the great and mar- 
velous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship, 



occeanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta 
Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me 
ct andare a vedere q c lle co/e che pote//ero dare al- 
guna /ati/fati5e a me mede/mo et pote//ero partu- 
rirmi q a lche nome apre//o la po/terita hauendo In- 
te/o <\ alora /i era preparata vna armata in la cita 
de Siuiglia che era de cinq3 naue per andare a /co- 
prire la Speceria nele y/olle de maluco de la q'lle era 
capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentil- 
homo portugue/e et era com" de s 10 . Jacobo de la 
/pada piu volte c5 molte /ue laude haueua peregrato 
in diuer/e guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cd 
molte letere di fauore dela cita de bar/alonna doue 
alhora re/ideua sua mage/ta et /op a vna naue pa//ay 
/ino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino p tera jun/i 
a /iuiglia et iui e//endo /tato ben circa tre me/i 
e/petando que La dicta armata se pone/e in hordine 
p la partita finalmente como q* de /oto intendera v 
ex* s a . con felici//imi au/pitij in comen/iamo la nfa 
nauigatioe Et pcfie ne le/er mio in ytalia Quando 
andaua a la /antita de papa Clemente q e lla per /ua 
gratia amontero/o ver/o dime se dimo/tro assai be- 
nigna et humana et di/semi che li /arebe grato li 
copia//e tute q c lle co/e haueua vi/te et pa//ate nella 
nauigatioe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como 
dita niente dimeno /egondo el mio debiL potere li ho 
voluto /ati/fare. Et co/i li oferi/co in que/to mio 
libreto tute le vigilie fatiq3 et peregrinatiSe mie pre- 


I determined, by the good favor of his Cesarean 
Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to expe- 
rience and to go to see those things for myself, so 
that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself some- 
what, and so that I might be able to gain some re- 
nown for later posterity.' Having heard that a fleet 
composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the 
city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover 
the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command 
of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes,* a 
Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order 
of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [*.*., "St. James of the 
Sword"], 10 [who] had many times traversed the 
Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had ac- 
quired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsa- 
lonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing 
many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as 
Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went over- 
land to Siviglia. Having been there about three full 
months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order 
for the departure, 11 finally, as your most excellent 
Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voy- 
age under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as 
when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, 
Pope Clement," you by your grace showed yourself 
very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told 
me that you would be greatly pleased if I would 
write down for you all those things which I had seen 
and suffered during my voyage; and although I have 
had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your 
desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I 
offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, 
hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although 


gandola quando la vachera dalle a/idue cure Rhodi- 
anne se degni tran/corerle peril que me potera e/sere 
n5 pocho remunerato da V J 11. 8. a la cui bonna 
grac a mi donno et recomando. 

Hauendo deliberate) il capitanio generalle difare 
co/i longa nauigatioe p lo mare occeanno doue /em- 
pre /onno Jnpetuo/i venti et fortune grandi et n6 
volendo manife/tare aniuno deli /uoj el viagio che 
voleua fare agio n5 fo//e /marito in pen/are de fare 
tanto grande et /tupenda co/a como fece c5 lo aiuto 
de ydio li Capitani /ui che menaua in /ua copagnia 
lo odiauano molto nd /o perche /inon pche era por- 
tugue/e et e/si /pagnioli. Volendo dar fine a que/to 
que promi/e c5 Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo 
Re de /pagnia agio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte 
non se separe//eno vna de lalt\ ordeno questo hor- 
dine et lo dete atuti li piloti et mae/tri de le /ue naui 
Loqual era lui de note /empre voleua andar inanzi 
dele altre naui et die /eguita/eno la /ua con vna 
facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual 
/emp portaua pendSte de la popa de la Sua naue 
que/to /egniale era agio de continuo lo /eguita/eno 
se faceua vno alt° fuoco con vna lanterna ho c5 vno 
pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamS strengue di 
Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi /ecado al /ole 
ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge re/ponde- 
/eno agio /ape/se per chesto /egnialle che tute veni- 
uano in/ieme se faceua duj focq* /enza lo farolo 
vira/seno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eL 


you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign 
to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to 
receive a not slight remuneration from your most 
illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign 
and commend myself ." 

The captain-general having resolved to make so 
long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious 
winds and great storms are always reigning, but not 
desiring to make known to any of his men the voy- 
age that he was about to make, so that they might 
not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and 
extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with 
the aid of God (the captains who accompanied 
him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless 
because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards) , 
with the desire to conclude what he promised under 
oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, 
prescribed the following orders and gave them to 
all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the 
ships might not become separated from one another 
during the storms and night 14 These were [to the 
effect] that he would always precede the other ships 
at night, and they were to follow his ship which 
would have a large torch of wood, which they call 
farol. 1 * He always carried that farol set at the poop 
of his ship as a signal so that they might always fol- 
low him. Another light was made by means of a 
lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from 
a rush and called sparto rope " which is well beaten 
in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the 
smoke - a most excellent material for such use. They 
were to answer him so that he might know by that 
signal whether all of the ships were coming together. 


vento n5 era buono et al prepo/ito p andar al nfo 
camino ho fjdo voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre 
fuochi tole/seno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de 
uela che se ataca da ba/so dela vela magiore quando 
fa bon tempo p andar piu la setol via agio /ia piu 
facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna 
in pre/sa in vno tempo subito : Si faceua quatro f ochi 
amay/seno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno /egniale 
di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero 
tiraua alguna b5 barda fose segniale de tera o de 
bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far 
alsare le vele in alto a^io loro nauega/seno /eguendo 
/empf p Quela facela de popa Quando voleua 
far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi Quando 
voleua voltar/e in altra parte faceua duj Volendo 
poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavao et veniuio 
in/ieme faceua vno pche cu/si ogni naue face/se 
et li re/ponde/e ogni nocte /e faceua tre gardie 
la p a nel principio de la nocte La /econda Que la 
chiamano modora neL me/o La t* nel fine tuta la 
gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli el p° 
era del cap , houero del contra maistro mudando/e 
ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo 
t° del mae/tro p tanto lo Cap genneral Comando 
che tute le naue obserua/eno Que/ti /egniali et 
guardie acio se anda/e piu /eguri. 


If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they 
were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when 
the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to con- 
tinue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. 
If he showed three lights, they were to lower away 
the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is 
fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is 
suitable for making better time. It is lowered so 
that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is 
struck hastily during a sudden squall. 17 If he 
showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails; " 
after which he showed a signal by one light, [which 
meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a 
greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was 
a signal of land or of shoals. 19 Then he showed 
four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, 
so that they might always sail in his wake by the 
torch on the poop. When he desired to set the 
bonnet-sail, he showed three lights. 19 When he de- 
sired to alter his course, he showed two ; S1 and then 
if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were 
following and whether they were coming together, 
he showed one light, so that each one of the ships 
might do the same and reply to him. Three watches 
were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the 
night; the second, which is called the midnight," 
and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the 
men in the ships were divided into three parts: the 
first was the division of the captain or boatswain, 
those two alternating nightly; the second, of either 
the pilot or boatswain's mate; and the third, of the 
master." Thus did the captain-general order that 
all the ships observe the above signals and watches, 
so that their voyage might be more propitious.* 4 


Luni a x $ agusto g° de /ancto laurcntio Nel anno 
J a deto e/sendo la armata fornita de tute le cose 
necessarie per mare et dogni /orte de gente eramo 
ducente et trenta/ete homini nela matina Se feceno 
p/te per partir/e daL mole de siuiglia et tirando 
molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et 
venne abaso del fiume betis al pfite detto gadalcauir 
passando p vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che 
era gia grande habitatiSe de mori per mezo lo q a lle 
/taua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume p andare a 
siuiglia dilque li e re/tato fin aL pre/ente nel fondo 
del acqua due colonne que quando pa//ano le naui 
afio bi/ognio de homini cj /apianno ben lo Locho 
delle colonne p cio n5 de//eno in e//e et e bi/ognio 
pa//arle quanto el fiume /ta piu cre//ente et anche p 
molti altri luochi deL fiume Q n5 a tanto fondo che 
ba/te p pa//are le naui cargate et q e lle non /ianno 
tropo grandi Poi venirono ad un alt° £j/e chiama 
coria pa//ando p molti altri villagij a longo deL 
fiume tanto q ajon/eno ad vno ca/tello deL duca de 
medina cidonia il q a lle /e chiama S. lucar che e 
porto p entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente 
c5 il capo de /anct vincent che /ta in 37 gradi dc 
latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siui- 
glia fin aq* p lo fiume gli /onno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali 
alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cd li alt 1 
cap 1 p lo fiume aba//o neli bateli de le naue et iui 
/te//imo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcune 


On Monday morning, August x, St Lawrence's 
day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been sup- 
plied with all the things necessary for the sea," (and 
counting those of every nationality, we were two 
hundred and thirty-seven men) , made ready to leave 
the harbor of Siviglia.* 6 Discharging many pieces 
of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the 
wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called 
Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal 
Farax, once a large Moorish settlement In the 
midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said 
river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that 
bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom 
of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need 
men who know the location of the columns thor- 
oughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. 
They must also be passed when the river is highest 
with the tide ; as must also many other villages along 
the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] 
for ships that are laden and which are not very large 
to pass. Then the ships reached another village 
called Coria, and passed by many other villages 
along the river, until they came to a castle of the 
duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which 
is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea." It is in 
an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct 
Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x 
leguas from the said port** From Siviglia to this 
point [*.*., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by 
river." Some days after, the captain-general, with 
his other captains, descended the river in the small 
boats belonging to their ships. We remained there 
for a considerable number of days in order to finish " 


co/e li manchauao et ogni di andauamo in tera'ad 
aldir me//a aduno locho Q /e chiama fira dona de 
baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo 
cap° genneraL vol/e tucti ft confe//a/eno et n5 con- 
/entite ninguna dona veni//e ne Larmata per meglior 

Marti a xx de /eptembf neL mede/imo anno ne 
parti//emo da que/to Locho chiamato /an luchar 
pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto me/e 
ariua//emo a vna Jsola de la gra canaria Q /e di/e 
teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar came 
acha et legnia /te//imo yui tre giorni et mezo per 
fornire Larmata de le decte cose poi anda//emo 
a vno porto de La mede/ma y/ola deto monte ro//o p 
pegolla tardando dui giorni Sapera vfa IlL™* s\ 
<\ in que/te y/olle dela gra canaria ge vna infra le 
altre ne laq a lle no /i troua pur vna goza de hacqua 
q na/cha /inon nel mezo di de/cendere vna nebola 
daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne 
la dicta y/ola /tilando dale /ue foglie et ramy molta 
hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adri//ado in 
guiza de fontana vna fo//a houe ca/ca tuta la acqua 
de La q a lle li homini habitanti et animali cosi 
dome/tici como /aluatici ogni giorno de que/ta 
hacqua et n5 de alt* habondanti//imamSte /i 

Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte /e dete le velle 
aL Camino deL au/tro in golfandone neL mare 
occeanno pa//ando f ra capo verde et le /ue y/olle in 


[providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. 
Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village 
called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of 
Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, 
the captain-general wished all the men to confess, 
and would not allow any " woman to sail in the fleet 
for the best of considerations. 

We left that village, by name San Luchar, on 
Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a 
southwest course." On the 26th " of the said month, 
we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called 
Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, 
[landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and 
wood.* 4 We stayed there for three and one-half 
days in order to furnish the fleet with the said sup- 
plies. Then we went to a port of the same island 
called Monte Rosso " to get pitch," staying [there] 
two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know 
that there is a particular one of the islands of the 
Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop 
of water which gushes up [from a spring] ; " but that 
at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and en- 
circles a large tree which grows in the said island, 
the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of 
water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench 
which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, 
and from which the people living there, and the 
animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy them- 
selves daily with this water and no other." 

At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails 
were trimmed toward the south," and we took to the 
open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and 
its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus for 


14 gradi et mezo et cu//i molti giorni nauiga//imo 
p La co/ta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela q'lle 
he vna montagnia detta /iera leona in 8 gradi de 
latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza 
venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo /e/anta 
giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticq* 
Jnanzi Q ajunge//emo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte 
gropade de venti inpetuo/i et corenti de acqua ne 
a/altaronno contra el viagio no po//endo /pontare 
Jnan/i et acio Q le naue no pericula//eno. Se 
calauano tute le velle et de q3/ta /orte andauamo de 
mare in trauer/o fin Q pa//aua la grupada pche 
veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nd era 
vento. Quando faceua /olle era bonna/a. veniuano 
aL bordo de le naue certi pe//i grandi Q /e 
quiamano tiburoni Q anno denti teribilli et ft 
trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo 
molti co hami de fero benche nd /onno bonni da 
mangiare ft non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. 
Jn que/te fortune molte volte ne apar/e il corpo 
/ancto cioe /ancto elmo in lume f ra le altre in vna 
ob/curi//ima nocte de taL /plendore come e vna 
facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et /te 
circa due hore et piu co noi con/olandone Q 
piangevao quanto que/ta bennedeta luce/e vol/e 
partire da nuy tanto grandi//imo /plendore dete ne 
li hocq* no/t* (J /te/emo piu de mezo carto de hora 
tuti cieq* chiamando mi/ericordia et veramete cre- 
dendo e//ere morti el mare /ubito ft aquieto. 

Viti molte /orte de vcelli tra le q'lle vna (J nd 
haueua culo. vn altra quando la femina vol far li 


many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or 
Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera 
Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with con- 
trary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we 
reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of 
continual rain. 40 Contrary to the opinion of the 
ancients, 41 before we reached the line many furious 
squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head 
on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in 
order that the ships might not be wrecked, 4 * all the 
sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander 
hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to 
cease, for it was very furious. 43 When it rained there 
was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Cer- 
tain large fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks] came to 
the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and 
whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. 
We caught many of them with iron hooks, 44 although 
they are not good to eat unless they are small, and 
even then they are not very good. During those 
storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, ap- 
peared to us many times, in light - among other times 
on an exceedingly dark night, 4 * with the brightness of 
a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for 
about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we 
were weeping. When that blessed light was about to 
leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast 
into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an 
eighth of an hour 4i blinded and calling for mercy. 
And truly when we thought that we were dead men, 
the sea suddenly grew calm. 4T 

I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that 
had no anus; and another, [which] when the female 


oui li fa soura la /quena deL ma/chio et iui /e 
creanno no anno piede et /empre Viueno neL mare, 
vn altra /orte q viueno deL /tercho de li alt* vcelli et 
n5 de alt Si como viti molte volte que/to vcello q*L 
chiamamo Caga//ela corer dietro ad alt 2 vcelli fin 
tanto q e lli /onno con/trecti mandar fuora eL /tercho 
/ubito Lo piglia et La//a andare lo vcello anchora 
viti molti pe//i Q volauano et molti alt 1 congregadi 
in/ieme Q pareuano vna y/ola. 

Pa//ato Q haue//emo la linea equinotiale in ver/o 
el meridianno p de//emo la tramontana et co/i /e 
nauego tra el me/o Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera 
che se di/e la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi l / 2 aL polo 
antatico Q e tera deL capo de S t0 augu/tino Q /ta in 8 
gradi aL mede/imo polo do ue piglia//emo gri 
refre/cho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in 
vero piu gentiL que /ia carne de anta como vaca 
canne dolci et altre co/e infinite Q La/cio p non 
e//ere plixo p vno amo da pe/care o vno cortello 
dauano 5. ho 6. galinne p vno petine vno paro de 
occati p vno /pequio ho vna forfice tanto pe/ce <J 
hauerebe ba/tato a x homini p vno /onaglio o vna 
/tringa vno ce/to de batate. q3/te batate /onno aL 
mangiare como ca/tagnie et longo como napi et p 
vno re de danari (J e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 
6. galine et pen/auano anchora hauernj inganati 
Jntra//emo in que /to porto iL giorno de /ancta lucia 


wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the 
male and there they are hatched. The latter bird 
has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] 
another kind which live on the ordure of the other 
birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this 
bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other 
birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, 
which the former seizes immediately and abandons 
die latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and 
many others collected together, so that they resem- 
bled an island. 41 

After we had passed the equinoctial line going 
south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed 
south south-west " until [we reached] a land called 
the land of Verzin M which lies in 233/2 degrees of 
the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the 
land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, 
which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we 
got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes 
[batate], many sweet pine-apples - in truth the most 
delicious fruit that can be found -the flesh of the 
anta* 1 which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innu- 
merable other things, which I shall not mention in 
order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one 
knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one 
comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair 
of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x 
men ; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of 
potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chest- 
nuts in taste, and are as long as turnips." For a king 
of diamonds [danari]™ which is a playing card, they 
gave me 6" fowls and thought that they had even 
cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy's day, 


et in q e L di hauc//emo eL /ollc p Zcnit et pati//emo 
piu caldo. q e L giorno et li alt 1 qu&do haueu&o eL 
/olle p zenit che Quando eramo /oto la linea 

Que/ta tera deL verzin e abondantiss* et piu 
grande Q /pagnia fran/a et Jtalia tute in/ieme. e 
deL re de portugalo li populi de que/ta tera nd 
/onno chri/tiani et nd adorano co/a alguna viueno 
/ec5do Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinti- 
cinque anny et ceto et quaranta. Vano nudi co//i 
homini como femine habitano in certe ca/e longue 
che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bi ba/o 
chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme ca/e da vno 
capo et da Lalt° a legni gro//i fanno foco infra 
e//i in tera in ogni vno de que/ti boij /tano cento 
homini co le /ue moglie et figlioli facendo gra ro- 
more anno barche duno /olo arburo ma/chize 
quiamate ca noe cauate co menare de pietra que/ti 
populi adoperao le pietre Como nui el fero p nd 
hauere /tanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de 
que/te. vogano cS palle como da forno et cu//i 
negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aq c lli 
de la/tigie palude. Sono di/po/ti homini et femine 
como noi Mangiano carne humana de Li /ui 
nemici non p bonna ma p vna certa vzan/a Que/ta 
vzan/a Lo vno con laltro. fu principio vna vequia 
Laq'lle haueua /olamente vno figliolo q fu amazato 
dali suoi nemici p iL <j pa//ati alguni giorni li /ui 
pigliorono vno de la Compagnia Q haueua morto 

1519-1522] first VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 43 

and on that day had the sun on the zenith ; M and we 
were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the 
other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than 
when we were under the equinoctial line. 19 

That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than 
Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,' 1 put together, and be- 
longs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that 
land are not Christians, and have no manner of wor- 
ship. They live according to the dictates of nature, 19 
and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and 
one hundred and forty years. 19 They go naked, both 
men and women. They live in certain long houses 
which they call boii" and sleep in cotton hammocks 
called amache, which are fastened in those houses 
by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the 
ground under those hammocks. In each one of those 
boiiy there are one hundred men with their wives 
and children, 91 and they make a great racket. They 
have boats called canoes made of one single huge 
tree, 99 hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. 
Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they 
have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of 
those boats. They paddle with blades like the 
shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and 
shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabit- 
ants of the Stygian marsh. 99 Men and women are 
as well proportioned as we. They eat the human 
flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but be- 
cause it is a certain established custom. That cus- 
tom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman, 94 
who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. 
In return some days later, that old woman's friends 
captured one of the company who had killed her 


Suo figliolo et Lo condusero doue /taua que/ta 
vequia ela vedendo et ricordando/e deL fuo figliolo 
como cagnia rabiata li cor/e ado//o et Lo mordete 
in vna /pala co/tui deli a pocho f ugi neli /oi et di//e 
Como Lo vol/ero mangiare mo/trandoli eL /egnialle 
de La /pala. qn que/ti pigliarono poi de q e lli li 
mangiorono et q e lli de que/ti /iche p que/to he 
venuta tal vzan/a. Non /e mangiano /ubito ma ogni 
vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in ca/a metendola al 
fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangian- 
dolo bruto lado co le altre cose p memoria deglt 
/ui nemici Que/to me di//e Johane carnagio piloto 
<J veniua c6 nuy el q a lle era /tato in que/ta tera qua- 
tro anny Que/ta gente /e depingeno marauiglio- 
/amfite tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuer/i a 
maniere ancho le done /ono [sono : doublet in orig- 
inal MS.] to/i et /en/a barba perche ft la pel anno. 
Se ve/teno de ve/tituf de piume de papagalo c5 rode 
grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula 
ca/i tuti li homini eccepto le femine et f anciuli hano 
tre bu/i ne lauro de/oto oue portano pietre rotonde 
et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. 
n5 /onno del tuto negri ma oliua/tri portano 

de/coperte le parte vergonio/e iL Suo corpo e /enza 
peli et co//i homini q a L donne Sempre Vano nudi 
iL Suo re e chiamato cacich anno infiniti//imi 
papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 p vno /pecho et gati 


son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She 
seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him 
like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. 
Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, 
whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing 
them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whom- 
ever the latter captured afterward at any time from 
the former they ate, and the former did the same to 
the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in 
this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but 
every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, 
where he smokes it. Then every week," he cuts off 
a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other 
food to remind him of his enemies. The above was 
told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio," who came 
with us, and who had lived in that land for four 
years. Those people paint the whole body and the 
face in a wonderful manner with fire in various 
fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are: 
doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and 
have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe 
themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with 
large round arrangements at their buttocks made 
from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. 
Almost all the people, except the women and chil- 
dren,* 1 have three holes pierced in the lower lip, 
where they carry round stones, one finger or there- 
abouts in length and hanging down outside. Those 
people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown 
color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the 
body is without hair, 63 while both men and women 
always go naked. Their king is called cacich [*'.*., 
cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots, 


maimoni picoli fati como leoni ma J alii co/a belis- 
sima fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de 
arbore non molto bonno Q na/ce fra larbore et La 
/cor/a et he como recotta. hanno porci <J /op a La 
/quena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi Q 
anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro /en/a linga ne 
dauano p vno acceta ho cortello grade vna ho due 
dele /ue figliole giouane p fchiaue ma /ua mogliere 
no darianno p co/a alguna Elle no farebenno 
vergonia a suoi mariti p ogni gra co/a come ne /tate 
referito de giorno no con/enteno a li Loro mariti 
ma /olamSte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano 
tuto eL magiaf suo da li monti in zerli ho vero 
cane/tri /uL capo ho atacati aL capo pero e//endo 
/empre /eco /ui mariti /olamgte c5 vno archo de 
verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di 
canna et que/to fano per che /onno gelo/i le 
femine portano /ui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete 
de banbazo. La/cio altre co/e p no e//ere piu longo. 
Se di//e due volte me//a in tera p il que que/ti 
/tauano co tanto contrictioe in genoquionj aL/ando 
le mano giunte q era grandiss piacere vederli Edi- 
ficareno vna ca/a per nui pen/ando doue//emo /tar 
/eco algun tempo et taglia rono molto ver/in per 
darnela a la no/tra partida era /tato for/e duy 
me/i no haueua pioue/to in que/ta terra et Quando 


and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror; and little mon- 
keys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, 
and very beautiful.** They make round white 
[loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of 
trees, which' is not very good, and is found between 
the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk 
curds/ They have swine which have their navels 
[lombelico] on their backs/ 1 and large birds with 
beaks like spoons and no tongues." The men gave 
us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for 
one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not 
give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. 
The women will not shame their husbands under any 
considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse 
to consent to their husbands by day, but only by 
night." The women cultivate the fields, and carry 
all their food from the mountains in panniers or bas- 
kets on the head or fastened to the head. 74 But they 
are always accompanied by their husbands, who are 
armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black 
palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this 
because they are jealous [of their wives]. The 
women carry their children hanging in a cotton net 
from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order 
not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, 
during which those people remained on their knees 
with so great contrition and with clasped hands 
raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure w 
to behold them. They built us a house as they 
thought that we were going to stay with them for 
some time, and at our departure they cut a great 
quantity of brazil-wood [verzifi] to give us. Ti It 
had been about two months since it had rained in 


ajonge/emo aL porto per ca/o pioucte p que/to 
deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauef monato 
no/co la piogia que/ti populi facilmente Se 

conuerterebenno a la fede de Je/u xpo. 

Jmprima co/toro pen/auano li batelli fo//cro 
figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturi//eno quando 
/e butauano fora di naue in mare et /tando co/i aL 
co/ta do como he vzan/a credeuano le naue li nu- 
tri//eno Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue 
capitania, houe yo /taua non p alt° /enon p trouaf 
alguno recapito /tando co/si et a/pectando buto 
lo ochio sup* la camera deL mai/t° et victe vno 
quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando c5 
grande gentile//a et galantaria se lo fico aparte 
aparte de li labri della /ua natura et subito ba//a 
ba/sa Se partite. Vedendo que/to iL cap , generale 

Alguni Vocabuli de q3/ti populi deL verzin. 

AL miglio. 


Alia farina. 


AL hamo. 


AL cortello 


Al petine 


Alia forfice 


AL /onaglio 


Buono piu Q bono 

turn maragathum 

Ste//emo 13. giorni in que/ta tera /eguendo poi 
il nfo camino anda/emo fin a 34 gradi et vno ter/o aL 
polo antarticho doue troua//emo in vno fiume de 


that land, and when we reached that port, it hap- 
pened to rain, whereupon they said that we came 
from the sky and that we had brought the rain with 
us." Those people could be converted easily to the 
faith of Jesus Christ. 

At first those people thought that the small boats 
were the children of the ships, and that the latter 
gave birth to them when they were lowered into the 
sea from the ships, and when they were lying so 
alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed 
that the ships were nursing them. 78 One day a beau- 
tiful young woman came to the flagship, where I 
was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance 
might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her 
eyes upon the master's room, and saw a nail longer 
than one's finger. Picking it up very delightedly and 
neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina 
[natura], and bending down low immediately de- 
parted, die captain-general and I having seen that 

Some words of those people of Verzin " 

For Millet maiz 

for Flour hui 

for Fishhook pinda 

for Knife tacse 

for Comb chigap 

for Scissors pirame 

for Bell itanmaraca 

Good, better turn maragathum 

We remained in that land for 13 days. Then 
proceeding on our way, we went as far as 34 and 
one-third degrees" toward the Antarctic Pole, 


acqua dolce homini Q /e chiamano Canibali et man- 
giano la came humana vene vno de la /tatura ca/i 
como vno gigante nella naue capitania p asigurare 
li alt 1 suoi haueua vna voce /imille a vno toro 
in tanto que que/to /tete ne la naue li alt* portoronno 
via Le /ue robe daL loco doue habitauao dent nella 
terra p paura de noi Vedendo que/to /alta//imo 
in terra cento homini p hauef linga et parlare /echo 
ho vero p for/a pigliarne alguno fugiteno et 
fugSdo face uano tanto gra pa//o Q noi /altando n5 
poteuamo avan/are li sui pa//i. in que/to fiume 
/tanno /ette Jzolle. ne la maior de que/te /e troua 
pietre precio/e Qui se chiama capo de s u . maria 
gia /e pen/aua £j de qui /e pa/a//e aL mare de Sur 
cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu di/couerto ade//o 
nd he capo /inon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. 
Altre volte in que/to fiume fu mangiado da questi 
Canibali per tropo fidar/e vno Capitanio Spagniolo 
Q /e chiamaua J oh a de solis et /esanta homini Q 
andauano a di/courire terra como nui. 

Po /eguendo eL mede/imo camino t/o eL polo 
antarticho aco/to de terra veni//imo adare in due 
J/olle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente 
non /e porla narare iL gra numero de que/ti occati 
in vna hora carga//imo le cinque naue Que/ti 
occati /enno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo 
co/si neL corpo como nelle ale. nd volano et viueno 
de pe/se eranno tanti gra//i Q non bi/ogniaua pe- 
larli ma /cor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno como 
Que/ti loui marini /onno de diuer/i colori et gro//i 


where we found people at a freshwater river, called 
Canibali [i.*.» cannibals], who eat human flesh. One 
of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flag- 
ship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his 
friends." He had a voice like a bull. While he 
was in the ship, the others carried away their pos- 
sessions from the place where they were living into 
the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed 
one hundred men in order to have speech and con- 
verse with them, or to capture one of them by force. 
They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step 
that we although running could not gain on their 
steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the 
largest of which precious gems are found. That 
place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was 
formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea 
of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing fur- 
ther was ever discovered. Now the name is not 
[given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 
leguas in width." A Spanish captain, called Johan 
de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover 
lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by 
those cannibals because of too great confidence. 84 

Then proceeding on the same course toward the 
Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came 
to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea- 
wolves." Truly, the great number of those geese 
cannot be reckoned ; in one hour we loaded the five 
ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have 
all their feathers alike both on body and wings. 
They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat 
that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin 
them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea- 
wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf, 


como viteli et eL capo como loro c5 le orechie picole 
et tode et denti grandi no anno gambe /enon piedi 
tacade aL corpo /imille a le nfe mani c5 onguie 
picolle et f ra li diti anno q e lla pele. le och'e /are- 
benno fe roci//ime /e pote//eno corere nodano et 
viueno de pe/cie Qui hebenno li naue grandi//ima 
fortuna p il que ne apar/eno molte volte li tre corpi 
/ancti gioe s to . elmo s to . nicolo et s* chiara et /ubito 
/e/Vaua la fortuna. 

Partendone de q* ariua//emo fin a 49 gradi et mezo 
aL antarticho e/sendo linuerno le naui introrono in 
vno bon porto p inuernar/e quiui /te/emo dui 
me/i /enza vedere p/onna alguna. Vndi a linproui/o 
vede//emo vno homo de /tatura de gigante <} /taua 
nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et 
butando/e poluere Soura la te/ta. JL capitanio 
gfiale mando vno deli nfi a lui acio face//e li mede- 
/imi acti in /egno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna 
Jzolleta dinanzi aL cap gnalle Quando fo nella 
/ua et nfa pre/entia molto /e marauiglio et faceua 
/egni c5 vno dito alzato credendo veni//emo daL 
ciello Que/to erra tanto grande Q li dauamo a La 
cintura et ben di/po/to haueua La faza grande et 
depinta intorno de ro//o et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo 
co dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocq 1 capili 
Q haueua erano tinti de biancho. era ve/tito de 
pelle de animale co/i de Sotilmente in/ieme el 
qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como 
vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, le 


with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, 
and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet 
with small nails attached to the body, which re- 
semble our hands, and between their fingers the 
same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very 
fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on 
fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great 
storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared 
to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicho- 
las, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly 

Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and 
one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it 
was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter." 
We passed two months in that place without seeing 
anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of 
giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing, 87 sing- 
ing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain- 
general sent one of our men to the giant so that he 
might perform the same actions as a sign of peace. 
Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet 
into the presence of the captain-general. When the 
giant was in the captain-general's and our presence, 
he marveled greatly, 88 and made signs with one 
finger raised upward, believing that we had come 
from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only 
to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face 
was large and painted red all over, while about his 
eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts 
painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty 
hair was painted white. 89 He was dressed in the 
skins of animals skilfully sewn together. That 
animal has a head and ears as large as those of a 


gambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitri//e como 
lui ge ne /onno a/aysimi in que/ta tera haueua a 
li piedi albarghe de le mede/me pelle Q copreno li 
piedi a vzo de /carpe et nella mano vno archo curto 
ct gro//o. La corda alquando piu gro//a di q e lle 
deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale 
c5 vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue 
inpenade como le no/tre p fore pote de pietra de 
fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turque/qur 
facendole co vn alt* pietra. Lo cap genneralle li fece 
dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre co/e Qli 
mo/trete li mo/tro vno /pequio grande de azalle. 
quando eL vide /ua figura grandamente /e /pauento 
et /alto in drieto et buto tre o quat° de li no/t* homini 
p terra da poy li dete Suonagli vno /pequio vno 
petine et certi pater no/t* et mando lo in tera cS 4 
homini armati Vno /uo compagnio Q may vol/e 
venire a le naue quando eL vite venire co/tui cS li 
no/t* cor/e doue /tauano li alt 1 Se mi//eno in fila 
tuti nudi ariuando li no/t 1 a e//i comen/orono 
abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et 
mo/trandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba po/ta 
in pigniate de tera Q la mangia//eno pche non 
haueuano altra co/a li no/t 1 li feceno /egnio 
doue//eno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno 
portare le /ue robe p il que Que/ti homini subito 
pigliorono Solamente li /ui archi et le /ue femine 
cargate como asine portorono il tuto. que/te nd 
/onno tanti grandi ma molto piu gro//e quando le 


mule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the 
legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it 
neighs, and that land has very many of them. 80 His 
feet were shod with the same kind of skins which 
covered his feet in the manner of shoes. 91 In his 
hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord 
somewhat thicker than those of the lute, 91 and made 
from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle 
of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and 
with points of white and black flint stones in the 
manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those 
points were fashioned by means of another 'stone. 9 * 
The captain-general had the giant given something 
to eat and drink, and among other things which were 
shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he 
saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped 
back throwing three or four 04 of our men to the 
ground. After that he was given some bells, a 
mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The 
captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. 
When one of his companions, who would never come 
to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran 
to the place where the others were, who came [down 
to the shore] all naked one after the other. When 
our men reached them, they began to dance and to 
sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our 
men some white powder made from the roots of an 
herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they 
ate because they had nothing else. Our men made 
signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would 
help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those 
men quickly took only their bows, while their women 
laden like asses carried everything. The latter are 


vede/yimo grandamSte fteffemo /tupefati anno le 
tete longue mozo brazo. /onno depinte et ve/tite 
como loro mariti /inon dinanzi a la natura anno vna 
pele//ina Q la cop re menavano quat° de q3/ti ani- 
mali picoli ligadi c5 ligami amodo de caueza. 
Que/ta gente quanto voleno pigliare de que/ti ani- 
male ligano vno de que/ti picoli a vno /pino poi 
veneno li grandi p Jocare c5 li picoli et e//i /tando 
a/con/i li amazano c6 Le f reze. li no/t* ne candu/- 
/ero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno 
repartiti de due parte deL porto agio piglia//eno de 
li dicti animalj. 

Deli a 6. Jorni fu vi/to vno gigante depinto et 
ve/tito de la medi/ima /orta de alguni Q faceuano 
legnia haueua in mano vno archo et freze aco- 
/tando/e a li no/t 1 p 5 ma /e tocaua eL capo eL volto 
et eL corpo et iL /imile faceua ali no/V et dapoy 
leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL cap gfiale Lo 
/epe. Lo mando atore co Lo/quifo et menolo in q e lla 
Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna 
ca/a p li fabri et p meter li alcune co/e de le naue. 
co/tui era piu grande et meglio di/po/ti de li alt 1 et 
tanto trata bile et gratio/o. /altando balaua et 

quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera 
vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cS nui tanto q e L 
bati/V/emo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro 
prenuntiaua Je/u pater no/ter aue maria et Jouani 


not so tall as the men but are very much fatter. 
When we saw them we were greatly surprised. 
Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are 
painted and clothed like their husbands, except that 
before their privies [natura] they have a small skin 
which covers them. They led four of those young 
animals, fastened with thongs like a halter. When 
those people wish to catch some of those animals, 
they tie one of these young ones to a thornbush. 
Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the 
little ones; and those people kill them with their 
arrows from their place of concealment. Our men 
led eighteen of those people, counting men and 
women, to the ships, and they were distributed on 
the two sides of the port so that they might catch 
some of the said animals. 

Six days after the above, a giant painted 9 * and 
clothed in the same manner was seen by some [of 
our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow 
and arrows in his hand. When our men approached 
him, he first touched his head, face,™ and body, and 
then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his 
hands toward the sky. When the captain-general 
was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in 
the small boat. He was taken to that island in the 
port where our men had built a house for the smiths " 
and for the storage of some things from the ships. 
That man was even taller and better built than the 
others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up 
and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every 
leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He re- 
mained with us for a considerable number of days, 
so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni. 


como nui /e non c5 voce groci//ima. poi eL cap° 
gftale li dono vna camiza vna cami/ota de panno 
brague//e di pano vn bonet vn /pequio vno petine 
/onagli et altre co/e et mandolo da li sui ge li ando 
molto alegro et cdtento eL giorno /eguente co/tui 
porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL cap° gftale p 
il que li dete molte co/e acio ne porta//e de li alt 1 
ma piu noL vede/emo pen/a/emo li Suoi lo 
haue//ero amazato p hauef conuer/ato c5 nuy. 

Pa//ati 15 giorni vede//emo quat de que/ti gi- 
ganti /enza le /ue arme p che le aueuano a/co//e in 
certi /pini poi li dui che piglia//emo ne li in/egniaro 
ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente JL cap 
genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu di/po/ti 
c5 grande a/tutia p condurli in /pagnia Se alt* mente 
haue//e facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni 
de nui. La stutia Q vzo in retenerli fo que/ta ge 
dete molti cortelli forfice /peq* /onagli et chri/talino 
hauendo que/ti dui li mani pienne de le detti co/e iL 
cap° gftale fece portare dui para de feri Q ft meteno 
a li piedi mo/trando de donnarli et elli p effort 
fero li piaceuao molto ma non /apeuano Como 
portarli et li rincre/ceua la/sarli nd haueuano oue 
meter q c lle merce ; et be/ogniauali tenerli cS le mani 
la pelle q haueuao intorno li alt 1 duy voleuano 
ajutarli ma iL cap no vol/e vedendo Q li rincre/ci- 


He uttered [the words] " Jesu," "Pater Noster," 
"Ave Maria" and "Jovani" [i.e., John T as dis- 
tinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. 
Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen 
jerkin [camisota de panno\ cloth breeches, a cap, a 
mirror, a comb, bells, and other things, and sent him 
away like his companions. He left us very joyous 
and happy. The following day he brought one of 
those large animals to the captain-general, in return 
for which many things were given to him, so that 
he might bring some more to us ; but we did not see 
him again. We thought that his companions had 
killed him because he had conversed with us. 

A fortnight later we saw four of those giants with- 
out their arms for they had hidden them in certain 
bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. 
Each one was painted differently. The captain-gen- 
eral kept two of them -the youngest and best pro- 
portioned -by means of a very cunning trick, in 
order to take them to Spagnia." Had he used any 
other means [than those he employed], they could 
easily have killed some of us." The trick that he 
employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave 
them many knives, scissors, mirrors, bells, and glass 
beads; and those two having their hands filled with 
the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs 
of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on 
the feet. 100 He made motions that he would give 
them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased 
since those manacles were of iron, but they did not 
know how to carry them. They were grieved at 
leaving them behind, but they had no place to put 
those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrapped 


ua la/siare q e lli feri li fece /egnio li f arebe ali piedi 
ct queli portarebenno via e//i ri/po/ero c5 la tc/ta dc 
/i Subito aduno mede/imo tempo li fece metere a 
tucti dui et quando linquiauao co lo fero <J trauer/a 
dubitauano ma /igurandoli iL cap pur /teteno fermi 
a vedendo/e poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori 
quiamando fortemente setebos Q li ajuta//e agli alt* 
dui apena pote/imo ligarli li mani li manda//emo a 
terra c5 noue homine agio guida//eno li no/t 1 doue 
/taua La moglie de vno de q e lli haueuano pre/i 
perche fortemSte c5 /egni la lamentaua agio ella 
intende//emo. Andando vno ft de/ligo li mani et 
cor/e via co tanta velocita Q li nfi lo per/eno 4c 
vi/ta ando doue /taua La /ua brigata et nd trouo vno 
de li /oi q era rima/to c5 le femine p che era andato 
a la caza /ubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto 
eL fatto Lalt° tanto /e /for/aua p de/ligar/e $ li 
no/t 1 lo ferirono vn pocho /op a la te/ta et sbufando 
conduce li nfi doue /tau£o le loro donne. gioan 
cauagio piloto capo de que/ti nd vol/e tore la donna 
q e lla /era ma dormite yui p che se faceua nocte li 
alt 1 duy veneno et vedendo co/tui ferito se dubitauio 
et nd di/ero niente alhora ma ne lalba parloro a 


about them with their hands. 101 The other two giants 
wished to help them, but the captain refused. See- 
ing that they were loth to leave those manacles be- 
hind, the captain made them a sign that he would 
put them on their feet, and that they could carry 
them away. They nodded assent with the head. 
Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on 
both of them at the same time. When our men were 
driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to sus- 
pect something, but the captain assuring them, how- 
ever, they stood still. When they saw later that they 
were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly 
for Setebos 1M to aid them. With difficulty could we 
bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore 
with nine of our men, in order that the giants might 
guide them to the place where the wife of one of the 
two whom we had captured 103 was; for the latter 
expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so 
that we understood [that he meant] her. While they 
were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, 
and took to his heels with such swiftness that our 
men lost sight of him. He went to the place where 
his associates were, but he did not find [there] 
one of his companions, who had remained behind 
with the women, and who had gone hunting. He 
immediately went in search of the latter, and told 
him all that had happened. 104 The other giant en- 
deavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that 
our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the 
head, whereat he raging led them to where the 
women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and com- 
mander of those men, refused to bring back the 
woman 10B that night, but determined to sleep there, 


le donne /ubito fugiteno via et coreuao piu li picoli 
Q li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui /e tra//eno 
da parte tira do ali nfi f rece. lalt° menaua via q e lli 
/oi animaleti p cazare et co/i cdba tendo vno de q c lli 
pa//o la co//a c6 vna freza a vno deli nfi il q'lle 
/ubito mori quando vi/teno que/to /ubito cor/eno 
via li nfi haueuano /quiopeti et bale/tre et may 
nd li poterono ferire quando que/ti combateuio 
may /tauano fermi ma /altando de qua et della. li 
no/t 1 /e pelirono Lo morto et bra/arono tute le robe (J 
haueuano la//ata Certamente que/ti giganti 

Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno gelo/i//imi de loro 

Quando que/ta gente /e sente malle aL /tomacho 
in loco de purgar/e se met£o nela golla dui palmi 
et piu duna firza et gomitano coloro tde mi/quiade 
cS /angue pQ mangiano certi cardi Quando li 
dole eL capo Se danno neL f ronte vna tagiatura neL 
trauer/o et cu//i nele brace ne le gambe et in cia/- 
cuno locho deL corpo cauando//e molta /angue. 
vno de q e lli hauiuao pre /i Q /taua nela nfa naue 
diceua como q c L /angue n5 voleua /tare iui et p q'llo 
li daua pa//ione anno li capeli tagliati c5 la quie- 
rega amodo de f rati ma piu longui c5 vno cordonne 


for night was approaching. The other two giants 
came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesi- 
tated, 109 but said nothing then. But with the dawn, 
they spoke 10T to the women, [whereupon] they imme- 
diately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster 
than the taller) , leaving all their possessions behind 
them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their ar- 
rows at our men. The other was leading away those 
small animals of theirs in order to hunt. 10 * Thus 
fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of 
our men with an arrow, and the latter died imme- 
diately. When the giants saw that, they ran away 
quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but 
they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when 
the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped 
hither and thither. Our men buried their dead com- 
panion, and burned all the possessions left behind 
by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter 
than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their 

When those people feel sick at the stomach, in- 
stead of purging themselves, 10 * they thrust an arrow 
down their throat for two palmos or more 110 and 
vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, 
for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they 
have a headache, they cut themselves across the fore- 
head; and they do the same on the arms or on the 
legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity 
of blood. One of those whom we had captured, and 
whom we kept in our ship, said that the blood re- 
fused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], 
and consequently causes them suffering. They wear 
their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it is 


di bambaso intorno lo capo neL q'lle ficano le frezc 
quando vano ala caza ligano eL Suo membro dentro 
deL corpo p lo grandi/simo f redo. Quando more 
vno de que/ti apareno x ho dudice demonj balando 
molto alegri in torno deL morto tucti depinti ne 
vedeno vno /oura altri asay piu grande gridando et 
f acendo piu gra fe/ta cosi como eL demonio li apare 
de pinto de q e lla Sorte ft depingeno quiamano eL 
demonio magior /etebos ali alt 2 cheleulle anchora 
co/tui ne di//e c5 /egni hauere vi/to li demonj con 
dui corni in te/ta et peli longui Q copriuano li piedi 
getare focho p La boca et p iL culo JL cap° gfiale 
nomino que/ti populi patagoni tutti /e ve/tino de la 
pelle de q e llo animale gia deto nd anno case /enon 
trabacque de la pelle deL mede/imo animale et c5 
q e lli vano mo di qua mo di la como fanno li cingani 
viueno de carne cruda et de vna radice dolce q la 
quiamao chapae ogni vno de li dui Q piglia//emo 
mangiaua vna /porta de bi/coto et beueua in vna 
fiata mezo /echio de hacqua et mangiauSo li /orgi 
/enza /corti carli. 

Ste//emo in que/to porto el q a L chiama//emo 
porto de s t0 . Julianno cirqua de cinque mesi doue 
acadetenno molte co/e. A$io Q vfa IlL™*. s a ne /apia 
algune fu Q /ubito entrati neL porto li capitani de le 
altre quat naue ordinorono vno tradimSto p ama- 
zare iL cap genneralle et que/ti erano eL vehadore 


left longer; m and they have a cotton cord wrapped 
about the head, to which they fasten their arrows 
when they go hunting. They bind their privies close 
to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold. 1 " 
When one of those people die, x or twelve demons 
all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully 
about the corpse. They notice that one of those 
demons is much taller than the others, and he cries 
out and rejoices more. 1 " They paint themselves 
exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to 
them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos, 114 
and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us 
by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns 
on their heads, and long hair which hung to the 
feet belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. 
The captain-general called those people Patagoni. 1 " 
They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal 
above mentioned; and they have no houses except 
those made from the skin of the same animal, and 
they wander hither and thither with those houses 
just as the Cingani lie do. They live on raw flesh and 
on a sweet root which they call chapae. liT Each of 
the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, 
and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They 
also ate rats without skinning them. 

In that port which we called the port of Santo 
Julianno, we remained about five months. 1 " Many 
things happened there. In order that your most 
illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it hap- 
pened that as soon as we had entered the port, the 
captains of the other four ships plotted treason in 
order that they might kill the captain-general. 
Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the 


de Larmata Q /e chiamaua Johan de cartegena eL 
the/orero alouise de mendo/a eL contadore anthonio 
cocha et ga/par de cazada et /quartato eL veador de 
li homini fo amazato lo the/br3 apognialade e/endo 
de/coperto Lo tradimento de li alquantj giornj 
ga/par de ca/ada p voler fare vno alt tradimSto fo 
/bandito c5 vno prete in que/ta tera patagonia. eL 
Cap generate n5 vol/e far lo amazare perche Lo 
imperatof don carlo lo haueua facto cap Vna 
naue chiamata /ancto Jacobo p andare a de/courire 
la co/ta Se per/e tucti li homini Si /aluarono p 
miracolo no bagniando//e apenna dui de que/ti 
venirono ali naui et ne di/cero el tuto p il que eL 
cap gfiale ge mando alguni homini co /acq 1 pienny 
de bi/coto p dui me/i ne f u for/a portarli eL viuere 
p che ogni giorno trouauano q'lque co/a de la naue 
eL viagio ad andare era longuo 24 legue <J /onno 
cento millia la via a/pri//ima et pienna de /pini 
/tauano 4 giorni in viagio le nocte dormiuano in 
machioni no trouauano hacqua da beuere /enon 
giagio il que ne era grandisima fatiga. Jn que/to 
porto era a/ay//ime cape Longue Q le chiamano 
missiglioni haueuano perle neL mezo ma picole 
Q non le poteuano mangiare ancho /e trouaua 
Jn/en/o /truzi volpe pa//are et conigli piu picoli 
a//ay de li no/tri Qui in cima deL piu alto monte 
driza//emo vna croce in /igno de que/ta terra, (J 
erra deL re de /pagnia et chiama//emo que/to monte 
monte de x°. 


fleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise 
de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and 
Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having 
been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger 
blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days 
after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a 
priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-gen- 
eral did not wish to have him killed, because the 
emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain. 119 
A ship called " Sancto Jacobo " was wrecked in an 
expedition made to explore the coast. All the men 
were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. 
Two of them came to the ships after suffering great 
hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. 
Consequently, the captain-general sent some men 
with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two 
months. It was necessary for us to carry them the 
food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] 
were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 
leguas, 120 or one hundred millas, and the path was 
very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days 
on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They 
found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused 
them the greatest hardship. 121 There were very 
many long shellfish which are called missiglioni 1 * 1 
in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, 
although small ones in the middle, but could not be 
eaten. Incense, ostriches, 12 * foxes, sparrows, and 
rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We 
erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, 
as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king 
of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de 
Christo [i.e. y Mount of Christ]. 


Partendone de qui in 51 grado mancho vno ter/o 
al antartico troua/emo vno fiome de hacqua dolce 
ncl q'llc lc naui quasi p/cnno p li vcnti teri bili 
ma dio ct li cor pi /ancti lc ajutarono Jn Que/to 
fiume tarda//emo circa duy me/i p fornirne de hac- 
qua legnia et pc/cie longho vno bra/o et piu c5 
/quame. era molto bonno ma pocho ct inan/i /e 
parti//emo de qui cL cap° genneralle et tuti nuy Sc 
confc//ascmo ct Comunica/scmo Como veri chri/- 

Poi andando a cinquanta dui gradi aL mede/imo 
polo troua//emo neL giorno delle vndici millia 
vergine vno /treto eL capo deL q'llc chiamio capo 
dele vndici millia vergine p grandi/simo miracolo 
Que/to /treto e longo cento et diece legue (J /onno 
440 millia et largo piu et mancho de meza legua Q 
va a referire in vno alt mare chiamato mar pacificho 
circundato da mStagnie alti//ime caricate de neue 
nS li poteuamo tro uare fondo /inon con lo proi/e in 
tera in 25 et 30 braza et /e non era eL capitanio 
gennerale n6 trouauamo Que/to /trecto percfi tuti 
pen/auamo et diceuamo como era /erato tuto intor- 
no. ma iL capitano gftale q /apeua de douer 
fare la /ua nauigatioe p vno /treto molto a/co/o como 
vite nela the/oraria deL re de portugaL in vna carta 
fata p q c lla exelenti//imo huomo martin de boemia 
Mando due naui S to . anthonio et la conceptide (J 
co//i le quiamauano auedere q era neL capo de la 
baia noi co le altre due naue la capitania Se 
chiamaua trinitade Laltra la victoria /te//emo ad 


Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less 
one-third 1 * 4 degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a 
river of fresh water. There the ships almost per- 
ished because of the furious winds ; but God and the 
holy bodies 125 aided them. We stayed about two 
months in that river in order to supply the ships with 
water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio 
in length and more, and covered with scales. They 
were very good although small."* Before leaving 
that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed 
and received communion as true Christians. 1 " 

Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same 
pole, 1 " we found a strait on the day of the [feast of 
the] m eleven thousand virgins [i.e., October 21], 
whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Ver- 
gine [i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] 
because of that very great miracle. That strait is 
one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and 
it is one-half legua broad, more or less. 180 It leads 
to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is sur- 
rounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. 
There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchor- 
ing], but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings m 
on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for 
the captain-general, we would not have found that 
strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed 
on all sides. But the captain-general who knew 
where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he 
saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king 
of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, 
Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the " Santo An- 
thonio " and the " Conceptione " (for thus they were 
called), to discover what was inside the cape de la 


a/pectarle dent° ne la baya La nocte ne souravenne 
vna grande fortuna <J duro fino al alt° mezo Jorno p 
il que ne. fu forza leuare lanchore et la/siare andare 
de qua et dela per la baia a le altre due naui li 
era trauer/ia et no poteuao caualcare vno capo Q 
f aceua la baya qua/i in fine p voler venif a noi /i que 
li era for/a adare in /eco pur aco/tando/e aL fine de 
La baya pen/ando de e//ere per/i viteno vna boca 
picola Q no [pa/aua: crossed out in original MS.] 
pariua boca ma vno Cantone et como abandonadi /e 
cazaronno dentro /i que perforza di/co per/eno el 
/treto et vedendo q n6 era cantone ma vno /treto de 
tera andarono piu inanzi et trouoro no vna baya. 
poi andando piu oltra trouorono vno alt° /tretto et 
vnalt* baya piu grande q le due p'me molto alegri 
subito voltofo Jndrieto p dirlo aL capitanio gftale 
noi pen/auamo £o//eno per/e prima p La fortuna 
grande. Lalt* perche eranno pa//ati dui giorni et n6 
aparauao et ancho per certi fumi Q f aceuano duy deli 
/ui mandati in tera p aui/arne et co/i /tando /u/pe/i 
vedemo venire due naui c5 le velle pienne et c5 le ba 
dere /piegate ver/o de noi. e//endo co/i vicine su- 
bito /caricorono molte bom barde et gridi poy tuti 
in/ieme rengratiando ydio et la vergine maria anda 
/emo acercare piu inanzi. 


Baia [*'.*., of the Bay]. 1 " We, with the other two 
ships, [namely], the flagship, called "Trinitade," 
and the other the " Victoria," stayed inside the bay 
to await them. 1 " A great storm struck us that night, 
which lasted until the middle of next day, which 
necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves 
drift hither and thither about the bay. The other 
two ships suffered a headwind and could not double 
a cape m formed by the bay almost at its end, as they 
were trying to return to join us ; so that they thought 
that they would have to run aground. But on ap- 
proaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they 
were lost, they saw a small opening which did not 
[exceed: crossed out in original MS.] appear to be 
an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone]. 1 ** Like des- 
perate men they hauled into it, and thus they dis- 
covered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not 
a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded 
farther, and found a bay. 1 " And then farther on 
they found another strait and another bay larger than 
the first two. 1 " Very joyful they immediately turned 
back to inform the captain-general. We thought 
that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the 
violent storm, and second, because two days had 
passed and they had hot appeared, and also because 
of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their 
men who had been sent ashore to advise us. 1 " And 
so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails 
full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward 
us. When they neared us in this manner, they sud- 
denly discharged a number of mortars, and burst 
into cheers. 1 " Then all together thanking God and 
the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] far- 
ther on. 


Essendo entrati in que/to /treto troua//emo due 
bocque vna aL Siroco laltra aL garbino iL capitanio 
gfiale mando la naue /ancto anthonio insieme c5 la 
concitione p vedere ft q e lla boca (J era t/o /irocho 
haueua exito neL mare pacifico la naue /ancto 
anthonio noL vol/e a/pectare la conceptide p <j 
voleua fugire p retornare in Spagnia como fece 
iL piloto de que/ta naue Se chiamaua /tefan gomes 
Loq a lle hodiaua molto lo Cap* gennerale pij inanzi 
Se face//e que/ta armata co/tui era andato da Lo 
imperatof p f ar/e dare algune carauele p di/courire 
terra ma p la venuta deL Cap* gennerale /ua 
mage/ta n5 le li dete p que/to ft acordo c6 certi 
/pagniolli et nella nocte /eguente pigliarono lo cap° 
de la /ua naue el q'lle era germano deL cap° gftale et 
haueua nome aluaro de me/chita Lo ferirono et 
Lo me//eno in feri et co/i lo condu//ero in spagnia 
in que/to naue. era lalt° gigante q haueuamo prezo 
ma quanto entro neL caldo morse. La Conceptide 
p nS potere /eguire que/ta La a/pectaua andando 
fugi p lo mede/imo [porto: crossed out in original 
diqua et dela s to . ant a la nocte torno indrieto et /e 
MS.'] /trecto nuy eramo andati a de/courire lalt* 
bocha ver/o eL garbin trouando pur ogni hora eL 
mede/imo [porto: crossed out in original MS.] 
/treto ariua//emo a vno fiume q e L chiama//emo eL 
fiume delle /ardine pche apre//o de que/to ne eranno 
molte et co/i quiuy tarda//emo quatro Jorni p 
a/pectare le due naue in que/ti giorni mada/emo 


After entering that strait, we found two openings, 
one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest 140 
The captain-general sent the ship " Sancto An- 
thonio " together with the " Concitione " to ascer- 
tain whether that opening which was toward the 
southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship 
" Sancto Anthonio " would not await the " Concep- 
tione," because it intended to flee and return to 
Spagnia - which it did. The pilot of that ship was 
one Stefan Gomes, 141 and he hated the captain-gen- 
eral exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted 
out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some 
caravels with which to discover lands, but his Maj- 
esty did not give them to him because of the coming 
of the captain-general. On that account he con- 
spired with certain Spaniards, and next night they 
captured the captain of their ship, a cousin "' of the 
captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they 
wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took 
to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured 
was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. 
The " Conceptione," as it could not follow that ship, 
waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The 
" Sancto Anthonio " turned back at night and fled 
along the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] 
strait. 148 We had gone to explore the other opening 
toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same 
[port: crossed out in original MS.] strait continu- 
ously, we came upon a river which we called the 
river of Sardine [*'.*., Sardines], because there were 
many sardines near it 144 So we stayed there for four 
days in order to await the two ships. During that 
period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore the 


vno batello ben fornito p de/coprire eL capo de lalt° 
mare venne in termi ne dc tre Jorni et di//ero como 
haueuano [haueuano: doublet in original MS.'] 
veduto eL capo et eL mare amplo eL capitanio gen- 
nerale lagrimo p allegreza et nomino q e L capo Capo 
dezeado perche laueuano Ja gra tempo di/iderato. 
Torna/emo indrieto p sercar le due naue et nd 
troua//emo /in5 la conceptide et domandandoli doue 
era lalt*. ri/po/e Johan /eranno Q era cap et piloto 
de que/ta et ancho de q e lla q ft per/e (J n5 /apeua et 
(J may nS Laueua veduta dapoy que ella entro ne la 
boca la Cerca//emo p tuto lo /treto fin in q c lla boca 
doue ella fugite. il cap gennerale mando indrieto 
la naue victoria fina aL principio deL /treto auedere 
ft ella era iui et non trouandola mete//e vna bandera 
in cima de alguno mSticello c5 vna letera in vna pi- 
gniatella ficada in tera apre//o la bandera acio 
vedendola troua//eno la lfa et /apa//eno lo viagio Q 
faceuamo p che cu//i era dato le ordine fra noi 
Quando ft /mariuamo le naue vna de lalt*. ft mifft 
due bandere c5 le Ire luna avno mSticello nela prima 
baya lalt* in vna Jzoleta nella terza baya doue eranno 
molti Loui marini et vcceli grandi. JL cap° gftale 
le/peto c5 lalt* naue apre//o eL fiume Jsleo et fece 
metere vna croce in vna Jzoleta zirca de que/to 
fiume eL q a lle era fra alte montagnie caricate de 
neue et de/cendeneL mare apre//o Lo fiume de le 
/ardine. Se n5 trouauamo que/to /treto eL cap°. 
gfiale haueua deliberato andare fino a /etanta cinq3 
gradi aL polo artaticho [sic] doue in taL altura aL 


cape of the other sea. The men returned within 
three days, and reported that they had seen the cape 
and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, 
and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [*.*., Desire], 1 " 
for we had been desiring it for a long time. We 
turned back to look for the two ships, 146 but we found 
only the " Conceptione." Upon asking them where 
the other one was, Johan Seranno, 141 who was cap- 
tain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that 
-ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not 
know, and that he had never seen it after it had en- 
tered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the 
strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and 
the captain-general sent the ship " Victoria " back 
to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the 
ship was there. Orders were given them, if they 
did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of 
some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried 
in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner 
were seen the letter might be found, and the ship 
might learn the course that we were sailing. For 
this was the arrangement made between us in case 
that we went astray one from the other. 148 Two ban- 
ners were planted with their letters - one on a little 
eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in 
the third bay 149 where there were many sea-wolves 
and large birds. The captain-general waited for the 
ship with his other ship near he river of Isleo, 150 and 
he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which 
flowed between high mountains covered with 
snow and emptied into the sea near the river of 
Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the 
captain-general had determined to go as far as sev- 


tempo de la e/tate n5 ge e nocte et /e glie ne he poche 
et co//i neL inuerno Jorno. agio <} vfa IlL™*. s a iL 
creda quando eramo in que/to /trecto le nocte 
eranno /olamSte de tre hore et era neL me/e doctobf 
La terra de que/to /trecto ami mancha era voltata 
aL /iroco et era ba//a chiama//emo aque/to /treto eL 
/treto patagoni cho 1 Lo q a L /e troua ogni meza 
lega Seguri//imi porti hacque exelenti//ime Legnia 
/inon di cedro pe/chie /ardine mi//iglioni et appio 
erba dolce ma gene anche de amare na/ce atorno 
le fontane del q a lle mangia//imo a//ay Jorni p n5 
hauef alt credo n5 /ia aL mondo el piu bello et 
megliof /treto como eque/to. Jn que/to mar oc- 
ceanno Se vede vna molto delecteuoL caza de pe/ci 
/onno tre /orte de pe//i Longui vno brazo et piu (J 
/e chiamano doradi, albacore et bonniti, li q a lli 
/equitano pe/ci q volanno chiamattj colondrini 
Longui vno palmo et piu et /onno obtini aL man- 
giare. Quando q c lle tre /orte trouao alguni de que/ti 
volanti Subito li volanti /altanno fora de lacqua et 
volano fin q anno le alle bagniate piu de vno trar de 
bale/tra in tanto Q que/ti volano li alt* li corenno 
indrieto /octa hacqua a La /ua ombra n5 /onno cu//i 
pre/to ca/cati ne lacqua Q que/ti /ubito li piglianno 
et mangiano co/a in vero beli//ima de vedere. 


enty-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There 
in that latitude, during the summer season, there is 
no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and 
so in the winter with the day. In order that your 
most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we 
were in that strait, the nights were only three hours 
long, and it was then the month of October, 1 " The 
land on the left-hand side of that strait turned 
toward the southeast 1 " and was low. We called 
that strait the strait of Patagonia. One finds the 
safest of ports every half legua in it, m water, the 
finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and 
missiglioni, while smallage, 1 * 4 a sweet herb (although 
there is also some that is bitter) grows around the 
springs. We ate of it for many days as we had noth- 
ing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful 
or better strait in the world than that one. m In 
that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. 
The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one 
braza and more in length, and are called dorado, 
albicore, and bonito. 1M Those fish follow the flying 
fish called colondrini, 1 " which are one palmo and 
more 1M in length and very good to eat. When the 
above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying 
fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and 
fly as long as their wings are wet- more than a cross- 
bow's flight. While they are flying, the others run 
along back of them under the water following the 
shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner 
fallen into the water than the others immediately 
seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing 
to watch. 



[Vol. 33 

Vocabuli de li 

giganti pataghoni 

AL capo 


aL ochio. 


AL nazo 


Alle cillie 


ALc palpcbre 


Ali bussi deL nazo 


ALa boca 


Ali Labri 


Ali denti 


ALa linga 


AL mento 


A li pelli 


AL volto 


Ala golo 


ALa copa 


ALc /pallc 


AL gomedo 


ALa man 


ALa palma de 



AL dito 


Ale orechie 


Soto eL brogo 


Ala mamela 


AL peto 


AL corpo 


AL menbro 


Ali te/ticuli 


Ala natura de le 



AL vzar c6 e//e 

Jo hoi 

ALe co//e 


AL genochio 



Words of the 

Patagonian giants 

For Head 


for Eye 


for Nose 


for Eyebrows 


for Eyelids 


for Nostrils 


for Mouth 


for Lips 


for Teeth 


for Tongue 


for Chin 


for Hair 


for Face 


for Throat 


for Occiput 

schialeschin m 

for Shoulders 


for Elbow 


for Hand 


for Palm of the hand 


for Finger 


for Ears 




for Teat 


for Bosom 


for Body 


for Penis 


for Testicles 


for Vagina ieo 


for Communication 

with women 

jo hoi 

for Thighs 


for Knee 





[Vol. 33 

AL chulo 


Ale culate 


AL brazo 


AL polso 


A le gambe 


AL piede 


AL calcagno 


ALa chauequie dcL 



Ala /ola deL pie 


Ale onguie 


AL core 


AL gratare 


Al homo /guerco 


AL giuane 


AL hacqua 


AL f uoco 


AL fumo 


Al no 


AL si 


AL oro 


ALe petre lazure 


AL solle 


AUe /telle 


AL mare 


AL vento 


ALa fortuna 


AL pe/se 


AL mangiare 


ALa /cutella 


ALa pigniata 


AL demandare 


Vien qui 

hai si 

AL gardar 



for Rump 


for Buttocks 


for Arm 


for Pulse 


for Legs 


for Foot 


for Heel 


for Ankle 


for Sole of the foot 


for Fingernails 


for Heart 


for to Scratch 


for Cross-eyed man 


for Young man 


for Water 


for Fire 


for Smoke 


for No 


for Yes 


for Gold 


for Lapis lazuli 


for Sun 


for Stars 


for Sea 


for Wind 


for Storm 


for Fish 


for to Eat 


for Bowl 


for Pot 


for to Ask 


Come here 

hai si 

for to Look 




[Vol. 33 

AL andar 


AL Combater 


Ale f reze 


AL Cane 


AL lupo 


AL andare longi 


ALa guida 


ALa neue 


AL courire 


AL Seruzo ucelo 


A li sui oui 


Ala poluere derba 

che mangiio 


AL odorare 


AL papagalo 


ALa gabiota ucelo 


AL misiglioni 


AL panno ro/so 


AL bonet 


Al colore neg°. 


AL ro/so 


AL gialo 


AL coginare 


ALa cintura 


AL ocha 


AL diauolo grande 


All picoli 


Tucti que/ti vocabuli /e prenuntiano in gorgha 
pche cu//i li prenutiauio Loro. 

Me di//e que/ti vocabuli queL gigante (J haue- 
uamo nella naue per (J domandandome Capac (ioe 


for to Walk 


for to Fight 


for Arrows 


for Dog 


for Wolf 


for to Go a long 



for Guide 


for Snow 


for to Cover 


for Ostrich, a bird 


for its Eggs 


for the powder of the 

herb which they eat 


for to Smell 


for Parrot 


for Birdcage 


for Misiglioni 


for Red Cloth 


for Cap 


for Black 


for Red 


for Yellow 


for to Cook 


for Belt 


for Goose 


for their big Devil 


for their small Devils 


All the above words are pronounced in the throat, 
for such is their method of pronunciation. 161 

That giant whom we had in our ship told me those 
words; for when he, upon asking me for capac™ 


pane che chusi chiamano quela radice Q vzanno Loro 
p panne et oli ?ioe hacqua Quando eL me vite 
/criuer que/ti nomi domandandoli poi de li alt 1 c5 
la penna in mano me Jntendeua vna volta feci la 
croce et la basai mo/trandoglila Subito grido 
/etebos et fecemi /egno Se piu face//e la croce 
me intrarebe neL corpo et f arebe crepare Quando 
que/to gigante /taua male domando la croce abra/- 
sandola et ba/andola molto Se volse far Xpiano 
inanzi la /ua morte eL chiama/emo paulo 

Que/ta gente Quando voleno far fuoco f regano vno 
legnio pontino cd vno alt° in fine Q f anno Lo fuocho 
in vna certa medola darbore Q fra que/ti dui legni. 
Mercore a 28 de nouembre 1520 Ne di/buca/emo 
da que/to /trecto ingolfandone neL mare pacifico 
/te//emo tre mesi et vinti Jorni sen/a pigliare re- 
f rigerio de co/a alguna mangiauamo bi/coto non piu 
bi/coto ma poluere de q e llo c5 vermi apugnate p 
che e//i haueuano mSgiato iL buono puzaua gri 
damSte de orina de Sorzi et beueuamo hacqua 
J alia gia putrifata per molti giorni et mangiauamo 
certe pelle de boue Q erano /op* Lantena mangiore 
a^io Q Lantena nd rompe//e la /arzia duri//ime p 
iL Solle piogia et vento Le la/ciauamo p quat° ho 
cinque giorni neL mare et poi le meteua vno pocho 
/op* le braze et cosi le mangiauamo et ancora a//ay 
volte /egature de a/e li sorgi ft vendeuano mezo 
ducato lo vno et ft pur ne haue//emo potuto hauef 
ma /oura tute le alt 1 /quiagu re Que/ta era la 


that is to say, bread, as they call that root which they 
use as bread, and o/i, that is to say, water, saw me 
write those words quickly, and afterward when I, 
with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he 
understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, 
and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately 
cried out " Setebos," and made me a sign that if I 
made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter 
into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant 
was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and 
kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian 
before his death. We called him Paulo. When 
those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharp- 
ened piece of wood against another piece until the 
fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is 
placed between those two sticks. 16 * 

Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched 
from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific 
Sea. 1 ** We were three months and twenty days with- 
out getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, 
which was no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits 
swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. 
It stank strongly of the urine of rats. 1 ** We drank 
yellow water that had been putrid for many days. 
We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of 
the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the 
shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard 
because of the sun, rain, and wind. 1 ** We left them 
in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them 
for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate 
them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats 
were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then 
we could not get them. 167 But above all the other 


pegiore. Cre/siuano le gengiue ad alguni /op* li 
denti Cosi de Soto Como de /oura Q p modo alguno 
no poteuamo magiare et co//i moriuano p que/ta 
infirmita morirono 19. homini et iL gigate c6 vno 
Jndio de La terra deL verzin vinti cinque ho 
trenta homini /e infirmorono Q neli brazi neli gambe 
o in alt° loco /icque poq 1 re/ta rono /ani p La 
gratia de dio yo no hebi algunna infirmitade. Jn 
Que/ti tre me/i et vinti giorni anda/emo circa de 
quatro millia legue in vn golfo p que/to mar pacifico 
in vero he benne pacifico p Q in q3/to tempo no 
haue/semo fortuna Sen/a vedere tera alcuna sinS due 
y/olete de/habitate nelle q a L no troua//emo alt° 
/enon vcelli et arbori la chiama//emo y/olle infortu- 
nate Sono longi luna da lalt* ducento legue n5 
trouauamo fondo apre//o de loro /e n5 vedeuamo 
molti ti buroni La p ! ma Jzolla /ta in quindi/i gradi 
de latitudine aL hau/tralle, et lalt 11 in noue ogni 
Jorno faceuamo cinquanta /esanta et /etanta Legue a 
La catena ho apopa et /e ydio et /ala /ua madre 
bennedeta nS ne daua cosi bo tempo moriuamo tucti 
de fame in que/to mare grandi//imo Credo 

certamete no /i f ara may piu taL viagio. 

Quando fu//imi v/citi da que/to /trecto Se haue/- 
/emo nauigato Sempre aL pongte hauere//emo dato 
vna volta aL mondo /enza trouare terra niuna Se n5 
el capo deli xj°* vergine che he capo de que/to 
/trecto aL mare occeanno leuante pongte co Lo capo 
de/eado del mare pacifico liq a lli dui capi /tanno in 
cinquata duy gradi di latitudine puntualmente aL 
polo antarticho. 


misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums 
of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our 
men swelled, so that they could not eat under any 
circumstances and therefore died. 168 Nineteen men 
died from that sickness, and the giant together with 
an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five 
or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the 
arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few re- 
mained well. However, I, by the grace of God, 
suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thou- 
sand leguas during those three months and twenty 
days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea. 160 
In truth it is very pacific, 170 for during that time we 
did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except 
two desert islets, where we found nothing but birds 
and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle In- 
fortunate \j.e. y the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two 
hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, 
[but] near them saw many sharks. 111 The first islet 
lies in fifteen degrees of south latitude, and the other 
in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or sev- 
enty leguas at the catena or at the stern. 171 Had not 
God and His blessed mother given us so good 
weather we would all have died of hunger in that 
exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such 
voyage will ever be made [again]. 

When we left that strait, if we had sailed con- 
tinuously westward we would have circumnavigated 
the world without finding other land than the cape of 
the xi thousand Virgins. 17 * The latter is a cape of 
that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west 
with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those 
capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees 
toward the Antarctic Pole. 


JL polo antartico no ne cosi /tellato como Lo 
artico ft vede molto /telle picolle congregate in- 
/ieme Q fanno in guiza de due nebulle poco /eparate 
luna de lalf et vno poco ofu/che in mezo de leqMle 
/tanno due /telle molto grandi ne molto relucenti et 
poco /e moueno. Que/te due /telle /onno iL polo 
antarticho La Calamita no/tra Zauariando vno 
sempre tiraua aL suo polo artico niente de meno non 
haueua tanta forza como de la banda Sua. Et pero 
Quando eramo in Que/to golfo iL Cap° generalle 
domando a tucti li piloti andando /empre a la vela p 
q*L Camino nauigando pontasemo nele carte ri/po- 
/ero tucti p la Sua via puntaLmSte datta li ri/po/i 
<!} pontauano falso cosi como era et che conueniua 
agiutare la guchia deL nauegare p che nd receueua 
tanta forza da la parte /ua. Quando eramo in mezo 
di que/to golpho Vedessemo vna croce de cinque 
/telle lucidi//ime drito aL ponente, et Suono 
iu/ti//ime luna c5 lalt*. 

Jn que/ti giorni mauiga//emo fra iL ponente et 
iL mae/tralle et a La quarta deL mae/tralle in ver/o 
ponente et aL mae/tralle fin Q ajunge//emo a la linea 
equinoti alle longi da la linea de la ripartitide Cento 
et vinti dui gradi la linea de la ripartitide e trenta 
gradi longi daL meridionale el meridionale e tre 
gradi al leuante longi de capo verde Jn que/to 
Camino pa/a//emo poco longi da due Jzolle 
richiste vna in vinti gradi de latitudine al polo 
antarticho Q Se chiama Cipangu Lalt* in quindici 


The Antarctic Pole is not so starry as the Arctic. 
Many small stars clustered together are seen, which 
have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There 
is but little distance between them, and they arc 
somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large 
and not very luminous stars, which move only slight- 
ly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our 
loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, al- 
ways pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although 
it did not have so much strength as on its own side. 
And on that account when we were in that open 
expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots 
whether they were always sailing forward in the 
course which we had laid down on the maps, all re- 
plied : " By your course exactly as laid down." He 
answered them that they were pointing wrongly - 
which was a fact -and that it would be fitting to 
adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not re- 
ceiving so much force from its side. When we were 
in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross 
with five extremely bright stars straight toward the 
west, those stars being exactly placed with regard 
to one another. 114 

During those days m we sailed west northwest, 
northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached 
the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred 
and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. 
The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the 
meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward 
from Capo Verde. 116 We passed while on that 
course, a short distance from two exceedingly rich 
islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the 
Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other in 


gradi chiamata Subdit pradit pa/Tata la linea equi- 
notialle nauiga//emo tra ponente et mai/tralle et a la 
carta deL ponente ver/o eL mae/tralle poi duzente 
legue aL ponente mudando eL viag°. a La Quarta in 
ver/o garbin fin in tredici gradi aL polo articho p 
apropinquar/e piu a La tera deL capo de gaticara 
iL q a L capo c5 perdon de li Co/mo grafi p 3 n5 Lo 
vi/teno nd /i troua doue loro iL pen/auao ma aL 
/etentrione in dodeci gradj poco piu o mancho. 

Circa de setanta legue a la detta via in dodeci 
gradi di latitudine et 146 de longitudine Mercore a 
6 de mar/o di/copre//emo vna y/ola aL mai/tralle 
picola et due alt 6 aL garbino vna era piu alta et 
piu granda de Laltre due iL cap generale voleua 
firmar/e nella grande p pigliare q a lque refrigerio 
ma no puote perche la gente de que/ta Jzolla entra- 
uano nele naui et robauano q 1 vna co/a q* lalt* tal- 
mente Q non poteuamo gardar/i. Voleuano calare le 
vele acio anda/emo in tera ne roborono lo /quifo cj 
e/taua ligato a La popa de la naue cap a c6 grandiss* 
pre/teza p il que corozato eL cap generalle ando 
in tera con Quaranta huomini armati et bruzarono 
da quaranta o cinquanta caze co molti barquiti et 
amazorono /ette huomini et rehebe lo /quifo 
Subito ne parti /cmo /equendo Lo mede/imo ca- 
mino. Jnanzi Q di/monta/emo in tera alguni no ft} 
infermi ne pregorono ft amazauamo huomo o donna 
li porta/emo Ly interiori p che Subito /arebenno 


fifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit. 1 " After 
we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west 
northwest, and west by north, and then for two hun- 
dred leguas toward the west, changing our course 
to west by south until we reached thirteen degrees 
toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might ap- 
proach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That 
cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they 
have not seen it) , is not found where it is imagined 
to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or there- 
abouts. 118 

About seventy 1Tt leguas on the above course, and 
lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longi- 
tude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small 
island to the northwest, and two others toward the 
southwest, one of which was higher and larger than 
the other two. The captain-general wished to stop 
at the large island and get some fresh food, but he 
was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that 
island entered the ships and stole whatever they 
could lay their hands on, so that we could not pro- 
tect ourselves. The men were about to strike the 
sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very 
deftly stole from us the small boat 180 that was fas- 
tened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the 
captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty 
armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses 
together with many boats, and killed seven men. 181 
He recovered the small boat, and we departed imme- 
diately pursuing the same course. Before we landed, 
some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any 
man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they 
would recover immediately. 188 


Quando feriuamo alguni de que/ti cd li veretuni 
Q li pa//auano li fianq 1 da luna banda alaltra tirauano 
il veretone mo diqua mo diLa gardandoLo poi Lo 
tirauano fuora marauigliando/e molto et cu//i 
moriuano et alt 2 cj erano feriti neL peto faceuano 
cL Simillc ne' mo//eno agra compa/ione Co/toro 
vedendoe partire nc /eguitorono c5 piu de Cento bar- 
chiti piu de vna legua Se aco/tauano ale naui mo/- 
trandone pe/ce cd /imulatide de darnello ma 
traheuano /axi et poi fugiuano andando le naue cd 
velle piene pa/a vano f ra loro et li batelli con q e lli /ui 
barcheti molto de/tri//imi vede/emo algune femine 
in li barqueti gridare et /capigliar/e credo p amore 
de li Suoi morti. 

Ognuno de que/ti vive /econdo la Sua volonta 
non anno /ignori vano nudi et alguni barbati con 
li capeli negri fino a lo cinta ingropati portano 
capeleti de palma como li albanezi /onno grandi 
como nui et ben di/po/ti nd adorSo niente 

/onno aliua/tri ma na/cono bianq* anno li denti 
ro//i et negri p che la reputano beli//ima co/a le 
femine vano nude /enon cj dinanzi a la /ua natura 
portano vna /cor/a /treta /otille come la carta Q na/ce 
f ra larbore et la /corza de la palma /onno belle deli- 
cate et bianque piu que li huomini cd li capilli /par/i 


When we wounded any of those people with our 
crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through 
their loins from one side to the other, they, looking 
at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on 
that side, 1 " and then* drew it out, with great astonish- 
ment, and so died. Others who were wounded in 
the breast did the same, which moved us to great 
compassion. Those people seeing us departing fol- 
lowed us with more than one hundred m boats for 
more than one legua. They approached the ships 
showing us fish, feigning that they would give them 
to us ; but then threw stones at us and fled. And al- 
though the ships were under full sail, they passed 
between them and the small boats [fastened astern], 
very adroitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw 
some women in their boats who were crying out and 
tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom 
we had killed. 1 " 

Each one of those people lives according to his 
own will, for they have no seignior. 1 * 6 They go 
naked, and some are bearded and have black hair 
that reaches to the waist. They wear small palm- 
leaf hats, as do the Albanians. They are as tall as 
we, and well built. They have no worship. They 
are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red 
and black, for they think that is most beautiful. 
The women go naked except that they wear a narrow 
strip of bark as thin as paper, which grows between 
the tree and the bark of the palm, before their 
privies. They are goodlooking and delicately 
formed, and lighter complexioned than the men ; and 
wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose 
and hanging quite down to the ground. The worn- 


et longui negri//imi fino in tera Que/te nd lauo- 
rano ma /tanno in ca/a te//endo /tore casse de palma 
et altre co/e nece//arie aca/a /ua mangiano cochi 
batate vcceli figui longui vno palmo canne dolci et 
pe/ci volatori c5 altre co/e /e ongieno eL corpo et 
li capili c5 oleo de cocho et de giongioli le /ue 
ca/e tute /onno facte di legnio coperte de taule c5 
foglie defigaro de /op* longue due braza con /olari 
et c5 f ene/tre li camare et li lecti tucti forniti di /tore 
beli//ime de palma dormeno /oura paglia di 
palma molto mole et menuta nd anno arme Senon 
certe a/te c5 vno 0//0 pontino de pe/ce ne La cima 
Que/ta gente e pouera ma ingenio/a et molto ladra 
p que/to chiama//emo que/te tre J/ole le y/ole 
de li ladroni eL /uo /pa/o e andare c5 Le donne 
p mare c5 q e lle /ue barquete Sono como le fuce- 
lere ma piu /trecti alguni negri bianq* et alt* ro//i 
anno da lalt* parte dela vella vno legno gro//o 
pontino nele cime c5 pali atrauer/adi q e L /u/tentano 
neL acqua p andare piu /eguri aLa vela la vela e 
di foglie de palma cosite in/ieme et facta amodo de 
latina p timone anno certe pale como da for no cd 
vno legnio in cima fanno de la popa proua et de 
la proua popa et /onno Como delfini /altar a lacqua 
de onda in onda Que/ti ladroni pen/auano ali 


en do not work in the fields but stay in the house, 
weaving mats, 187 baskets [casse: literally boxes], and 
other things needed in their houses, from palm 
leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate]™ 
birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugar- 
cane, and flying fish, besides other things. They lif 
anoint the body and the hair with cocoanut and 
beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood 
covered with planks and thatched with leaves of 
the fig-tree [i.e., banana-tree] two brazas long; and 
they have floors and windows. The rooms and the 
beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palm- 
leaf mats. 190 They sleep on palm straw which is 
very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a 
kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. 
Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thiev- 
ish, on account of which we called those three islands 
the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves]." 1 Their 
amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas 
with those small boats of theirs. 1 " Those boats re- 
semble fucelere™ but are narrower, and some are 
black, [some] white, and others red. At the side 
opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood 
pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and rest- 
ing on the water, in order that the boats may sail 
more safely. The sail is made from palmleaves sewn 
together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rud- 
ders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth 
shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They 
can change stern and bow at will [literally: they 
make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern], 194 and those 
boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water 
from wave to wave. Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers] 


/egni Q faceuao nd fu/ero alt 1 homini aL mondo 
/enon loro. 

Sabato a /edize de mar/o 1521 de//emo neLa au- 
rora soura vna tera alta ldgi trecento legue delle 
y/olle de li latroni laq*L e y/ola et /e chiama Zamal 
eL cap° gfiale nel giorno /eguente vol/e di/mon- 
tare in vnalt* y/ola de/habitata p e//ere piu /eguro 
(J era di dietro de que/ta p pigliare hacqua et q'lque 
diporto fece fare due tende in terra p li infermi et 
feceli amazare vna porcha Luni a 18. de mar/o 
vede//emo dapoi di/nare venire t/o de nui vna 
barca c5 noue homini p ilque lo cap° generale co- 
mando £j niuno Si moue//e ne diet [ft parolla alguna 
/enza /ua li/entia Quando ariuorono que/ti in 
terra /ubito Lo /uo principalle ando aL cap gfiale 
mo/trando/e alegro p la nfa venuta re/tarono cinq3 
de que/ti piu ornati c5 nuy li alt 1 andorono a leuare 
alguni alt 1 q pe/cauano et cu//i venirono tucti 
vedendo Lo cap gfiale que que/ti erano homini c5 
ragionne li fece dare da mangiare et li donno bonneti 
ro//i spequi petini /onagli Auorio boca//ini et alt* 
co/e Quando vi/tenno la corte/ia deL cap li pre- 
/entorono pe/ci vno va/o de vino de palma q Lo 
chiamano Vraca figui piu longui dun palmo et altri 
piu picoli piu /aporiti et dui cochi alhora nd 
haueuano alt ne fecoro /egni c5 La mano Q in fino 
aquatro giorni portarebenno vmay q e ri/o cochi et 
molta altra victuuaglia. 


thought, according to the signs which they made, 
that there were no other people in the world but 
themselves. 1 " 

At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen, 1 ** 1521, wo 
came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred 
leguas from the islands of Latroni - an island named 
Zamal [i.*., Samar]. The following day, the cap- 
tain-general desired to land on another island which 
was uninhabited and lay to the right of the above- 
mentioned island, in order to be more secure, and 
to get water and have some rest. He had two tents 
set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed 
for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we 
saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. 
Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one 
should move or say a word without his permission. 
When those men reached the shore, their chief went 
immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of 
joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately 
adorned of them remained with us, while the rest 
went to get some others who were fishing, and so 
they all came. The captain-general seeing that they 
were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before 
them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, 
ivory, bocasine, 1 * 7 and other things. When they saw 
the captain's courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of 
palm wine, which they call uraca [*.*., arrack], figs 
more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas], 1 ** and 
others which were smaller and more delicate, and 
two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but 
made us signs with their hands that they would bring 
umay or rice, 1 ** and cocoanuts and many other 
articles of food within four days. 


Li coq* /onno f ructi deLa palma co/i como nui 
hauemo iL panne iL vino lo oleo et lacetto co/i anno 
que/ti populi ogni co/a da que/ti arbori anno eL 
vino in que/to modo forano La dicta palma in cima 
neL core/ino de to palmito dalq*lle /tilla vna lichore 
como e mo/to biancho dolce ma vn pocho bru/queto 
in canne gro//e come La gamba et piu latacano 
alarbof la /era p la matina et la matina p la /era 
Que/ta palma fa vno fructo iL q'lle he lo cocho 
Que/to cocho e grande como iL capo et piu et meno 
La /ua p J ma /cor/a e tde et gro//a piu de dui diti 
nelaq*lle trouano Certi filittj q fanno le corde (j 
liganno le /ue barque /oto di que/ta ne he vna dura 
et molto piu gro//a di quella de la noce que/ta la 
bru/ano et fano poluere bonna p loro /oto di que/to 
e vna medola biancha gro//a come vn dito Laq*L 
mangiano fre/ca co La carne et pe//i como nui lo 
panne et de q e L /apore 3 he la mandola qui la /eca//e 
/e farebe panne in mezo di que/ta medola e vna 
hacqua quiara dolce et molto cordialle et quando 
que/ta hacqua /ta vn pocho acolta /e congella et 
diuenta como vno porno Quando voleno fare oglio 
piglianno que/to cocho et la//ano putrefare q e lla 
medola c5 lacqua et poi la fanno buglire et vene oleo 
como butiro Quando voleno far aceto la/anno 
putrefare lacqua /olamente poi lameteno aL /olle et 
e aceto como de vino biancho /i po fare ancho 


Cocoanuts arc the fruit of the palmtrcc. 100 Just 
as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those peo- 
ple get everything from that tree. They get wine 
in the following manner. They bore* a hole into the 
heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., 
stalk], from which distils a liquor* 01 which resem- 
bles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat 
tart, and [is gathered] in canes [of bamboo] as thick 
as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to 
the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morn- 
ing for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, name- 
ly, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or 
thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker 
than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in 
that husk, whence is made cord for binding together 
their boats. Under that husk there is a hard shell, 
much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which 
they burn and make therefrom a powder that is use- 
ful to them.* 01 Under that shell there is a white 
marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which 
they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; 
and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could 
be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, 
sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance 
which is very refreshing. When that water stands 
for a while after having been collected, it congeals 
and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish 
to make oil, they take that cocoanut, and allow the 
marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then 
they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When 
they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the 
water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a 
vinegar results like [that made from] white wine. 


latte como nui faceuamo gratauamo q3/ta medola 
poi la mi/quiauamo c5 lacqua /ua mede/ima /tru- 
candola in vno panno et co/i era late como di capra. 
Que/te palme /onno como palme deli datali ma non 
co/i nodo/e /e non li/ce. Vna famiglia de x per- 
/onne c5 dui de que/te /e manteneno fruando octo 
giorni luna et octo giorni La alt* p Lo vino p che /e 
altramenti face//eno Se /echarebenno et durano 
cento anny. 

Grande familliaritade pigliarono c5 nui Que/ti 
populi ne di/cero molte co/e como le chiamauano 
et li nomi de algune y/ole q /e vedeuano de q 1 La 
/ua /e chiama Zuluan laq*lle non etropo grande 
piglia/cemo gr5 piacere c5 que/ti perche eranno 
a/ay piaceuoli et conuer/abili iL cap gflale p 
farli piu honnore li meno ala /ua naue et li mo/tro 
tuta la /ua mercadan/ia garofoli cannella peuere 
gengero no/ce mo/cade Matia oro et tute le co/e <J 
eranno nella naue fece de/caricare algune bombarde 
hebero gr5 paura et vol/ero /altar fuora de la naue 
ne fecero /egni que li doue nuj andauamo na/ce//e- 
uano co/e Ja dete Quando /i vol/ero partire 
pigliarono li/entia con molta gratia et gentileza 
dicendo q tornarebeno /egondo la /ua pme//a La 
y/ola doue eramo /e chiama humunu ma noy p 
trouarli due fondana de hacqua chiari//ima la 
chiame//emo lacquada dali buoni ft gnialli p che 
fu iL p*mo /egnio de oro q troua//emo in que/ta 


Milk can also be made from it for we made some. 
We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed 
the scrapings with its own water which we strained 
through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat's 
milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but al- 
though not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. 
A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, 
by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if 
they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They 
last a century. 208 

Those people became very familiar with us. They 
told us many things, their names and those of some 
of the islands that could be seen from that place. 
Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not 
very large. 204 We took great pleasure with them, 
for they were very pleasant and conversable. In 
order to show them greater honor, the captain-gen- 
eral 20 * took them to his ship and showed them all 
his merchandise - cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, 
nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. 
He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they 
exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the 
ship. 206 They made signs to us that the abovesaid 
articles grew in that place where we were going. 
When they were about to retire they took their leave 
very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would 
return according to their promise. The island 
where we were is called Humunu ; but inasmuch as 
we found two springs there of the clearest water, 
we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., " the 
Watering-place of good Signs "], for there were the 
first signs of gold which we found in those districts. 2 * 1 


parte. Qiui /i troua gra cantitade de coralli biancho 
et arbori grandi Q fanno f ructi pocho menori de La 
mandola et /onno Como li pignioli et ancho molte 
palme algune bonne et algune altre catiue in 
Que/to Locho /onno molte y/ole p ilque Lo 
chiama//emo larcipelago de s. lazaro de/courendo 
lo nella /ua dominicha iL quale /ta in x gradi de 
latitudine aL polo articho et Cento e /esanta vno di 
longitudine della linea deLa repartitioe. 

Vennere a 22 de marzo venirono in mezo di q e lli 
homini Secondo ne haueuano pme//o in due barcque 
c5 cochi naran/i dolci vno va/o de vino de palma et 
vno galo p dimo/trare que in que/te parte eranno ga- 
line se mo/trarono molto alegri ver/o de noi com- 
pra//emo tute q e lle /ue co/e iL /uo s or era vechio et 
de pinto portaua due Schione de oro a le oreq'e li 
altri molte maniglie de oro ali brazi c5 f azoli in torno 
Lo capo Ste/emo quiui octo [giorni] neliqMli eL nfo 
cap° andaua ogni di in terra aui/itare ly infirmi et 
ogni matina li daua cd le /ue mani acqua deL cocho <J 
molto li confortaua di dietro de que/ta y/ola /tanno 
homini q anno tanto grandi li picheti de Lorechie £j 
portanno le braci ficati in loro Que/ti popoli /onno 
caphri gioe gentili vanno nudi c5 tella de /cor/a dar- 
bore intorno le /ue vergonie se nS alguni principali 
cd telle de banbazo lauorate neli capi cd /eda aguchia 
sonno oliua/t* gra//i de pinti et /e ongeno c5 olio de 
cocho et de giongioli p lo /olle et p iL vento anno 


We found a great quantity of white coral there, and 
large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond 
and resembling pine seeds. There are also many 
palms, some of them good and others bad. There are 
many islands in that district, and therefore we called 
them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were 
discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus. ,oi They 
lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, 
and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one de- 
grees from the line of demarcation. 

At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came 
as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, 
sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,** in 
order to show us that there were fowls in that dis- 
trict. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at see- 
ing us. 110 We purchased all those articles from them. 
Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., 
tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in 
his ears, 111 and the others many gold armlets on their 
arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed 
there one week, and during that time our captain 
went ashore daily to visit the sick, and m every morn- 
ing gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, 
which comforted them greatly. There are people 
living near that island 818 who have holes in their 
ears so large that they can pass their arms through 
them. Those people are caphri, 814 that is to say, 
heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from 
the bark of a tree about their privies, except some 
of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered 
with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are 
dark, fat, and painted. They anoint themselves with 
cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protection 


li capili negri/Yimi fina a La cinta et anno dague 
cortelli lan/e fornite de oro targoni facine arponi et 
rcte da pc/carc come Rizali lc /ue barche /onno 
como le no/t* 

NeL luni /ancto a vinticinq3 de mar/o giorno de 
La nf a donna pa//ato mezo di e//endo de hora in ora 
p leuar/i anday abordo de la naue p pe/care et 
metendo li piedi /opra vna antena p de/cedere nela 
mesa degarni tide me slizegarono p che era pioue/to 
et co/i ca/tai neL mare q ninguno me vi/te et e//endo 
qua/i /umer/o me venne ne La mano Sini/tra La 
/cota de La vella magiore Q era a/co/a ne lacqua 
me teni forte et Comen/ai agridare tanto Q fui aju- 
tato c5 Lo batelo n5 credo J a per mey meriti ma 
p la mi/ericordia di q c lla fonte de pieta fo//e ajutato. 
neL mede/imo Jorno piglia//emo tra iL ponente 
et garbi infra quat y/olle ?ioe Cenalo hiunanghan 
Jbusson et abarien 

Joue a vinti octo de marzo p hauere vi/to la nocte 
pa//ata fuocho in vna y/ola ne la matina /urgi//emo 
apre//o de que/ta vede/emo vna barcha picola Q la 
chiamano boloto c5 octo homini de dent appincar/e 
nela naue Ca pitanea Vno /chiauo deL cap gftale 
£} era de zamatra gia chiamata traprobana li parlo 
ilq*lle /ubito inte/eno venero neL bordo de la naue 
n5 volendo intrare dent , ma /tauano vno pocho 
di/co/ti vedendo eL cap (J n5 voleuano fidar/i de 
nui li buto vn bonnet ro//o et altre co/e ligate /up* 
vn pezo de taula La piglioronno molto alegri et 


against sun and wind. They have very black hair 
that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives, and 
spears* 1 ' ornamented with gold, large shields, 
fascines, 116 javelins, and fishing nets that resemble 
rizali ; '" and their boats are like ours. 

On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our 
Lady, March twenty-five, while we were on the point 
of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship 
to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down 
into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and 
consequently I fell into the sea, so that no one saw 
me. When I was all but under, my left hand hap- 
pened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the main- 
sail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I 
held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that 
I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, 
I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through 
the mercy of that font of charity [i.*., of the Virgin]. 
That same day we shaped our course toward the 
west southwest between four small islands, namely, 
Cenalo, Hiunanghan, 11 * Ibusson, and Abarien. 

On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as 
we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we 
anchored near it. 219 We saw a small boat which the 
natives call boloto with eight men in it, approaching 
the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-gen- 
eral, who was a native of Zamatra [*.*., Sumatra], 
which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to 
them. They immediately understood him, came 
alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a 
position at some little distance. 110 The captain seeing 
that they would not trust us, threw them out a red 
cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. They 


Subito Se parti rono p aui/are el /uo re deli circa due 
hore vede//emo vegnire due balanghai /onno barche 
grande et cu//e le chiamano pienni de huomini neL 
magiof era Lo suo re Sedendo /oto vno coperto de 
/tore Quando eL giun/e ap//o La capitania iL 
Schiauo li parlo iL re lo inte/e p che in que/te parte 
li re /anno piu linguagij Q li alt* comando (J alguni 
/oi intra//eno nele naue luy /empre /tete neL 
/uo balanghai poco longi de La naue fin che li /uoi 
tornoronno et /ubito tornati ft parti. iL Cap° gflalle 
fece grande honnore aq e lli Q venirono nela naue et 
donnoli algune co/e per ilche il re inanzi la /ua 
partita vol/e donnare aL cap° vna bara de oro grande 
et vna /porta piena de gengero ma luj rengratiandoL 
molto nd voice acceptarle neL tardi anda/emo c5 
le naue apre//o la habitatide deL re. 

JL giorno /eguente Q era eL venerdi /ancto eL 
cap° gflale mando lo /quia ua Q era lo interprete nfo 
in tera in vno batello adire aL re ft haueua alguna 
co/a da mangiare la face//e portaf in naue Q re/ta- 
riano bene /ati/fati da noi et como amici et nd Como 
nimici era venuti a la/ua y/ola eL re venne c5 /ey 
vero octo homini neL mede/imo batello et entro nela 
naue abrazando/i col cap° gflale et donoli tre vazi di 
porcelanna coperti de foglie pienne de rizo crudo et 
due orade molto grande c5 altre co/e eL cap dete 
al re vria ve/te de panno ro//o et giallo fato a La 
torche/ca et vno bonnet ro//o fino ali alt 1 Sui aq* 


received them very gladly, and went away quickly 
to advise their king. About two hours later we saw 
two balanghai coming. They are large boats and 
are so called [by those people]. They were full of 
men, and their king was in the larger of them, being 
seated under an awning of mats. When the king 
came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The 
king understood him, for in those districts the kings 
know more languages than the other people. He 
ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he 
always remained in his balanghai, at some little dis- 
tance from the ship until his own men returned; and 
as soon as they returned he departed. The captain- 
general showed great honor to the men who entered 
the ship, and gave them some presents, for which 
the king wished before his departure to give the cap- 
tain a large bar m of gold and a basketful of ginger. 
The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but 
would not accept it In the afternoon we went in the 
ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king. 
Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent 
his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a 
small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have 
it carried to the ships ; m and to say that they 
would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] 
had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. 
The king came with six or eight men *• in the same 
boat and entered the ship. He embraced the cap- 
tain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars 
•covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very 
large orade™ and other things. The captain-gen- 
eral gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth 
made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; 
and to the others (the king's men), to some knives 
and to others mirrors. Then the captain-general 


cortelli ct aq* /pecq* poy lc fccc dare la ColatiOe ct 
p il chiauo li fecc dire Q voleua c//crc cun lui ca/i 
ca/i cioc fratello ri/po/c <J co//i voleua e//ere t/<> 
de lui dapoy lo cap° ge mo/tro panno de diver/i colori 
tela corali et molta alt* mercantia et tuta lartigliaria 
facendola de/cargare alguni molto /i /pauentorno 
poi fece armare vno homo c5 vno homo darme et li 
me//e atorno tre c5 /pade et pugniale Q li dauano p 
tuto iL corpo p laq*L co/a eL re re/to ca/i fora di/e 
li di//e p il Schiauo Q vno de que/ti armati valeua 
p cento de li suoi re/po/e <J era cu//i et Q in ogni naue 
ne menaua duzento Q /e armauano de q e lla /orte li 
mo/tro Corazine /pade et rodelle et fece fare a vno 
vna leuata poi Lo condu//e /up* la tolda dela naue Q 
he in cima de la popa et fece portare la /ua carta de 
nauigare et La bu//ola et li di//e p linterprete como 
trouo Lo /treto p vegnire alui et Quante lune /onno 
/tati /enza vedere terra Se marauiglio in vltimo 
li di/ce Q voleua ft li piace//e mandare /eco dui 
homini acio li mo/tra//e algune de le /ue co/e re- 
/po/e <J era contento yo ge anday c5 vno alt 

Quando fui in tera il re leuo le mani aL ciello et 


had a collation spread for them, and had the king 
told through the slave that he desired to be cast 
cast 225 with him, that is to say, brother. The king 
replied that he also wished to enter the same rela- 
tions with the captain-general. Then the captain 
showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral 
[ornaments], and many other articles of merchan- 
dise, and all the artillery, some of which he had dis- 
charged for him, whereat the natives were greatly 
frightened. Then the captain-general had a man 
armed as a soldier," 6 and placed him in the midst 
of three men armed with swords and daggers, who 
struck him on all parts of the body. Thereby was 
the king rendered almost speechless. The captain- 
general told him through the slave that one of those 
armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. 
The king answered that that was a fact. The cap- 
tain-general said that he had two hundred men in 
each ship who were armed in that manner." 1 He 
showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and 
had a review made for him."* Then he led the king 
to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the 
stern ; and had his sea-chart and compass brought."* 
He told the king through the interpreter how he 
had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and 
how many moons he had been without seeing land, 
whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told 
the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to 
him, to send two of his men with him so that he 
might show them some of his things. The king re- 
plied that he was agreeable, and I went in company 
with one of the other men. 1 * 
When I reached shore, the king raised his hands 


poi /e volta cont* nuy dui facc//emo lo /imillc 
ver/o dc lui co/i tuti li alt* fccero il re mc piglio p 
La mano vno /uo principale piglio lalt compag* 
ct cu//i ne menord /oto vno copcrto dc cane douc era 
vno balanghai longo octanta palmi deli mey Simille 
a vna fu/ta ne sede//emo /op* la popa de que/to 
/empre parlando con /egni li suoi ne /tauano in piedi 
atorno atorno c5 /pade dague Lanze et targoni 
fece portare vno piato de came de porco c5 viio vazo 
grande pienno de vino beueuamo adogni boconne 
vna ta//a de vino lo vino Q li auan/aua q'lque 
volta ben (J fo/ceno poche ft meteua in vno vazo da 
p /i la /ua ta/a /empre /taua coperta ninguno alt 
li beueua Se nd il re et yo Jnanzi Q lo re piglia//e 
la ta//a p bere alzaua li mani giunte al gielo et t/o 
de nui et Quando voleua bere extendeua lo pugnio 
dela mano sini /tra ver/o dime prima pen/aua me 
vole//e dare vn pognio et poi beueua f aceua co/i yo 
ver/o il re Que/ti /egni fanno tuti luno ver/o de 
Laltro quando beueno c5 que/te cerimonie et alt 1 
/egni de ami/itia merenda /cmo mangiay neL 
vennere /ancto carne p n5 potere fare alt° Jnanzi 
<J veni//e lora de cenare donay molte co/e al re <J 
haueua portati /cri//e a/ai co//e como le chiamanao 
Quanto Lo re et li alt* me vi/tenno fcriuere et li 
diceua q e lle /ue parolle tutti re/torono atoniti in 
que/to mezo venne lora de cenare portoronno duy 
plati grandi de porcelanna vno pienno de rizo et 
lalt de carne de porcho c5 /uo brodo cena//emo 


toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We 
did the same toward him" 1 as did all the others. 
The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs 
took my companion: and thus they led us under a 
bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai, m 
as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling 
a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that 
balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The 
king's men stood about us in a circle with swords, 
daggers, spears, and bucklers. 1 " The king had a 
plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with 
wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. 
The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, al- 
though that happened but rarely, was put into a jar 
by itself. The king's cup was always kept covered 
and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before 
the king took the cup to drink, he raised his clasped 
hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and 
when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of 
his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he 
was about to strike me) and then drank. I did the 
same toward the king. They all make those signs 
one toward another when they drink. We ate with 
such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. 
I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help my- 
self. Before the supper hour I gave the king many 
things which I had brought. I wrote down the 
names of many things in their language. When the 
king and the others saw me writing, and when I told 
them their words, they were all astonished." 4 While 
engaged in that the supper hour was announced. 
Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one 
full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy. 


c5 li medc/imj /egni ct cerimonie poi anda//emo aL 
palatio deL re eLq'lle era facto como vna teza da 
fienno coperto de foglie de figaro et de palma era 
edificato /oura legni groffi alti de terra q e L /e con- 
uiene andare co /calle ne fece /edere /op* vna /tora 
de canne tenendo le gambe atracte como li Sarti deli 
ameza ora fo portato vno piato de pe/ce bru/tolato 
in pezi et gengero p alora colto et vino eL figliolo 
magiore deL re chera iL principe vene doue 
eramo il re li di//e (J /ede//e apre//o noi et co//i 
/edete fu portato dui piati vno de pe/ce c5 lo /ue 
brodo et lalt de rizo acio Q mangia//emo col prin- 
cipe il nfo compag p tanto bere et mangiare 
diuento briaco Vzano p lume goma de arbore q 
la quiamao anime voltata in foglie de palma o de 
figaro el re ne fece /egno q e L voleua andare 
adormire la//o c5 nui lo principe c5 q'lle dormi- 
/cmo /op* vna /tora de canne c5 co//ini de foglie 
venuto lo giorno eL re venne et me piglio p La mano 
co//i anda//emo doue aveuamo cenato p fare 
colatide ma iL batelle ne venne aleuare Jnanzi la 
partita eL re molto alegro ne ba/o le mani et noi le 
/ue venne co nui vno /uo f ratello re dunalt* y/ola 
c5 tre homini Lo cap gfiale lo retenete adi/nare 
c5 nui et donoli molte co/e. 

Nella y/ola de que/to re que condu//i ale naui /e 
troua pezi de oro grandi como noce et oui criuelando 
la terra tutti li va/o de que/to re /onno de oro et 


We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after 
which we went to the palace of the king which 
was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig 
[*.*., banana] and palm leaves* It was built up high 
from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was 
necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders. 1 " The 
king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with 
our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a 
platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, 
and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king's 
eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, 
whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, 
and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were 
brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other 
with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. 
My companion became intoxicated as a consequence 
of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum 
of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or fig [*'.*., 
banana] leaves for lights. The king made us a sign 
that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince 
with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo 
mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned 
the king came and took me by the hand, and in that 
manner we went to where we had had supper, in 
order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came 
to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands 
with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, 
the king of another island, and three men came with 
us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, 
and gave him many things. 1 " 

Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs 
are found by sifting the earth in the island of that 
king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that 


anche alguna parte de dela ca/a /ua co/i ne referite 
Lo mcdc/imo re ft gondo lo /ue co/tumc era molto 
in ordine et Lo piu bello huomo que vede//emo f ra 
que/ti populi haueua li capili negri//imi fin alle 
/palle c5 vno velo de /eta /op* Lo capo et due /quione 
grande de horo tacatte ale orechie portaua vno 
panno de bombazo tuto Lauorato de /eta Q copriua 
dala cinta fino aL ginoquio aL lato vna daga c5 Lo 
manicho al canto longo tuto de oro iL fodro era de 
legnio lauorato in ogni dente haueua tre machie 
doro (J pareuano fo//eno ligati c5 oro oleua de 
/torac et beligioui era oliua/tro et tuto depinto. 
Que/ta /ua y/ola ft chiama butuan et calagan. 
Quando que/ti re ft voleuano vedere ve neno tuti 
due aLa caza in que/ta y/ola doue eramo eL re p ! mo 
ft q ! ama raia colambu iL /egundo raia siaui. 

Domenicha vltimo de mar/o giorno de pa/ca nela 
matina p tempo eL cap° gfiale mando il prete co 
alcanti aparechiare p douere dire me//a c5 lo inter- 
prete a dire al re (j n5 voleuamo di/cendere in terra 
p di/inar /echo ma p aldire me//a p ilque Lo re ne 
mando dui porq 1 morti Quando fu hora de me//a 
anda//emo in terra for/e cinquanta huomini n5 ar- 
mati la pfo na ma c5 le altre nfe arme et meglio ve/- 
tite Q pote//emo Jnanzi que arua//emo aLa riua c5 
li bateli forenno /caricati sej pezi de bombarde in 
/egnio de pace /alta//emo in terra li dui re 


king are of gold and also some portion of his house, 
as we were told by that king himself. According 
to their customs he was very grandly decked out 
[molto in ordine]™ and the finest looking man that 
we saw among those people. His hair was exceed- 
ingly black y and hung to his shoulders. He had a 
covering of silk on his head, and wore two large 
golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a 
cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which cov- 
ered him from the waist to the knees. At his side 
hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat 
long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved 
wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, 
and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold. m 
He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was 
tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That 
island of his was called Butuan and Calagan. m 
When those kings wished to see one another, they 
both went to hunt in that island where we were. The 
name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the 
second Raia Siaui.* 40 

Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of 
March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the 
priest with some men to prepare the place where 
mass was to be said ; M1 together with the interpreter 
to tell the king that we were not going to land in 
order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore 
the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. 
When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with 
about fifty men, without our body armor, but carry- 
ing our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.*" 
Before we reached the shore with our boats, six 
pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We 


abra//arono lo cap° gfiale et Lo me//eno in mezo de 
loro anda//emo in ordinanza fino aL locho con/a- 
crato non molto longi de la riua Jnanzi ft 
comcn/a//c la mc//a iL cap° bagno tuto cL corpo 
de li dui re con hacqua mo/ta da Se ofer/e ala 
me//a li re andorono aba//iare la croce como nuy 
ma n5 ofer/eno Quando /e leuaua lo corpo de nfo 
s or . /tauano in genoquioni et adorauanlo c5 le mane 
gionte le naue tirarono tuta La artigliaria in vno 
tempo quando ft leuo Lo corpo de x° dando ge Lo 
/egnio de la tera c5 li /chiopetj finita la me//a 
alquanti deli no/t* ft comunicorono Lo cap° 
generale fece fare vno ballo cd le /pade deque le re 
hebenno gra piacere poi fece porta re vna croce c5 
li quiodi et la coronna alaq a L /ubito fecero reueren- 
tia li di//e per Lo interprete como que/to era 
iL vessilo datoli daLo inperatof /uo /ignore agio in 
ogni parte doue anda//e mete/Ye que/to /uo /egnialle 
et che voleua meterlo iui p /ua vtilita p che ft vene/- 
/eno algune naue dele nfe /aperianno cd que/ta croce 
noj e//ere /tati in que/to locho et n5 farebenno de/- 
piacere aloro ne ale co/e [co/e: doublet in original 
MS.'] et /e piglia//eno alguno de li /oi /ubito mo/- 
trandoli que/to /egnialle le la//erianno andare et (j 
conueniua meter que/ta croce in cima deL piu alto 
monte que fo//e agio vedendola ogni matina La 
adora//eno et /eq3/to faceuano ne troui ne fulmini 
ni tempe/ta li nocerebe in co/a alguna lo 

ringratiorno molto et (j farebenno ogni co/a volen- 


landed ; the two kings embraced the captain-general, 
and placed him between them. We went in march- 
ing order to the place consecrated, which was not 
far from the shore. Before the commencement of 
mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the 
two kings with musk water.* 4 * The mass was offered 
up. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we 
did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.* 44 When 
the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained 
on their knees and worshiped Him with clasped 
hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once 
when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal 
having been given from the shore with muskets. 
After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took 
communion.* 4 * The captain-general arranged a 
fencing tournament,* 4 * at which the kings were great- 
ly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the 
nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence 
was made.* 47 He told the kings through the inter- 
preter that they were the standards given to him by 
the emperor his sovereign, so that wherever he might 
go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that 
he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, 
for whenever any of our ships came,* 4 * they would 
know that we had been there by that cross, and would 
do nothing to displease them or harm their property 
[property : doublet in original MS.]. If any of their 
men were captured, they would be set free imme- 
diately on that sign being shown. It was necessary 
to set that cross on the summit of the highest moun- 
tain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might 
adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, light- 
ning, nor storms would harm them in the least. They 


tieri ancho li fece dire ft eranno morj ho gentili o 
inque credeuao ri/po/ero Q n5 adorauao alt /inon 
al/auano le mani giunti et la faza al ciello et Q 
chiamauao Lo /ua dio Abba p laq'L co/a lo cap* 
hebc grande alegre//a vedendo que/to eL p ! mo 
re leuo le mani aL ciello et di//e Q voria /e fo//e 
po//ibille farli vedef iL /uo amore ver/o de lui 
Lo interprete ge di//e p q*L cagi5e haueua quiui 
co/i pocho da mangiare re/po/e Q n5 habitaua in 
q3/to Locho ft nd quado veniua a La caza et a vedere 
Lo /uo fratello ma /taua in vna alt* y/ola doue 
haueua tuta la /ua f amiglia li fece dire ft haueua 
Jnimici Lo dice//e p cio andarebe c5 que/te naue 
ade/trugerli et faria lo hobedirianno Lo rengratio 
et di//e Q haueua benne due y/olle nemiche maque 
alhora n5 era tempo de andarui Lo Cap° li di//e 
/e dio face//e <J vnalt* fiatta ritorna/ce in que/te 
parte conduria tanta gente <J farebe p for/a e/erli 
/ugette et que voleua andare adi/nare et dapoy 
tornarebe p far pore la croce in cima deL monte 
ri/po/ero eranno Contend f acendo//e vn bata glione 
c5 /caricare li /quiopeti et abra/ando/i lo cap c5 li 
due re piglia//emo li/entia. 

Dopo di/nare torna//emo tucti in gioponne et an- 
da/semo in/ieme c5 li duy Re neL mezo di in cima 


thanked him heartily and [said] that they would 
do everything willingly. The captain-general also 
had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, 
or what was their belief. They replied that they 
worshiped nothing, but that they raised their 
clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that 
they called their god " Abba." *" Thereat the cap- 
tain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king 
raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished 
that it were possible for him to make the captain 
see his love for him. The interpreter asked the 
king why there was so little to eat there. The lat- 
ter replied that he did not live in that place except 
when he went hunting and to see his brother, but 
that he lived in another island where all his family 
were. The captain-general had him asked to de- 
clare whether he had any enemies, so that he might 
go with his ships to destroy them and to render them 
obedient to him. 150 The king thanked him and said 
that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, 
but that it was not then the season to go there. The 
captain told him that if God would again allow 
him to return to those districts, he would bring so 
many men that he would make the king's enemies 
subject to him by force. He said that he was about 
to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward 
to have the cross set up on the summit of the moun- 
tain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then 
forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and 
the captain having embraced the two kings, we took 
our leave. 

After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, 
and that afternoon m went together with the two 


deL piu alto monte Q fo//e Quando ariua//emo 
in cima Lo cap° genneralle li di//e como li era caro 
hauere /udato p loro p che e/endo iui la croce nS 
poteua /inon grandamSte Jouarli et domandoli 
q'L porto era migliore p victuuaglie dice//ero 
Q ne erano tre sioe Ceylon Zubu et calaghann ma 
che Zubu era piu grande et de meglior trafico 
et /e profer/enno di darni piloti q ne in/egnia- 
rebenno iL viag° Lo cap gftale li rengratio 
et delibero de andarli p Q cu//i voleua la sua infelice 
font, po/ta la cruce ognuno dice vno pater no/ter 
et vna aue maria adorandola co/i li re fecenno poy 
de/cende//emo p li /ui campi Lauorattj et anda/- 
/cmo doue era lo balanghai li re feceno portare 
alquanti cochi a$io ft rinf re/ca//imo Lo cap° li 
domando li* piloti p che la matina /equente voleua 
partir/i et Q li tratarebe como ft mede/imo La/an- 
doli vno de li nfj p o/tagio ri/po/ero Q ogni ora 
li voltfft eranno aL /uo comSdo ma nela nocte iL 
p*mo re ft mudo dopigniOe La matina quando 
eramo p partir/i eL re mando adire aL cap gene- 
ralle Q per amore /uo a/pecta//e duj giornj fin Q 
face//e coglire el rizo et alt 1 /ui menuti pregandolo 
manda//e alguni homini p ajutareli agio piu pre/to 
/e /paza//e et Q luy mede/imo voleua e//ere lo nfo 
piloto. lo Cap mandoli alguni homini ma li Re 


kings to the summit of the highest mountain there. 
When we reached the summit, the captain-general 
told them that he esteemed highly having sweated 
for them, for since the cross was there, it could not 
but be of great use to them. On asking them which 
port was the best to get food, they replied that there 
were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, 
but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most 
trade. They offered of their own accord to give us 
pilots to show us the way. The captain-general 
thanked them, and determined to go there, for so 
did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was 
erected in position, each of us repeated a Pater 
Noster and an Ave Maria, and adored the cross; 
and the kings did the same. Then we descended 
through their cultivated fields, and went to the place 
where the balanghai was.* 5 * The kings had some 
cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh our- 
selves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots 
for he intended to depart the following morning, 
and [said] that he would treat them as if they were 
the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as 
hostage. The kings replied that every hour he 
wished the pilots were at his command, but that 
night the first king changed his mind, and in the 
morning when we were about to depart, sent word 
to the captain-general, asking him for love of him 
to wait two days until he should have his rice har- 
vested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the 
captain-general to send him some men to help him, 
so that it might be done sooner ; and said that he in- 
tended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent 
him some men, but the kings ate and drank so much 


tanto mangiorono et beueteno Q dormiteno tuto il 
giorno alguni p e/cu/arli dicero <J haueuano vno 
pocho dc malle p q e L giorno li no/t* n6 feccro nicntc 
ma neli alt 1 dui /eguenti lauorono. 

Vno de que/ti populi nc portc force vna /cudela 
de rizo c5 octo o dieze figue ligaty in/ieme p bara- 
tarli in vno cortello Q valeua iL piu tre catrini eL 
cap vedendo que que/to nS voleua alt* Senon vno 
cortello lo chiamo p vedere piu co/e mi//e mano 
a la bor/a et li voice dare p q e lle co/e vno realL 
lui noL vol/i lui mo/tro vno ducato mancho lo 
accepto al fine li voice dare vno dopionne de duy 
ducati n6 voice mai alt° Q vn corte lo et cu//i li lo 
fece dare Andando vno de li nfi in terra p tore 
acqua vno de que/ti li voice dare vno coronna pontina 
de oro ma/igio grade como vna colona p /ey filce de 
cri/talino ma iL cap° non voice Q la bara ta//e agio 
que in que/to principio /ape//ero Q pritiauamo piu 
la nf a mercantia q Lo /uo oro. 

Que/ti populi /onno gentili vanno nudi et de 
pinti portano vno pezo de tella de arbore intorno 
le /ue vergonie Sonno grandi//imi beuitori le 
/ue femi ne vanno ve/tite de tella de arbore de la 
cinta in giu c5 li capili negri fina in terra anno 
forate le orechie et pienne de oro. Que/ta gente 
/empre ma/ticanno vno fruto Q Lo quiamano Areca 
e como vno pero lo taglianno in quat° parti et poi 
lo volueno nele foglie deL /uo arburo (J le nominano 


that they slept all the day. Some said to excuse 
them that they were slightly sick. Our men did 
nothing on that day, but they worked the next two 
days.* 5 * 

One of those people brought us about a porringer 
full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] 
fastened together to barter them for a knife which 
at the most was worth three catrini.* 54 The captain 
seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, 
called him to look at other things. He put his hand 
in his purse and wished to give him one real for 
those things, but the native refused it. The captain 
showed him a ducado but he would not accept that 
either. Finally the captain tried to give him a 
doppione * 55 worth two ducados, but he would take 
nothing but a knife ; and accordingly the captain had 
one given to him. When one of our men went ashore 
for water, one of those people wanted to give him a 
pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a 
colona *° for six strings of glass beads, but the cap- 
tain refused to let him barter, so that the natives 
should learn at the very beginning that we prized 
our merchandise more than their gold.* 57 

Those people are heathens,* 58 and go naked and 
painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a 
tree about their privies.* 5 * They are very heavy 
drinkers.* 60 Their women are clad in tree cloth 
from their waist down, and their hair is black and 
reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in 
their ears which are filled with gold. Those peo- 
ple are constantly chewing a fruit which they call 
areca } and which resembles a pear. They cut that 
fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leaves 


betre /onno como foglie di moraro cS vno poco de 
calcina et quando le anno be ma/ticate le /putano 
fora fanno diuentare la boca roci//ima Tucti 
li populi de que/ta parte deL mondo le vzanno p che 
rinf re/cali molto eL core Se re/ta//eno de vzarle 
morirebenno in que/ta izolla /onno cany gati 
porci galine capre rizo gengero cochi figui naranzi 
limoni miglio panizo /orgo cera et molto oro /ta 
de Latitudine in noue gradi et dui ter/i aL artico et 
cento et /e/anta dui de longitudine della linea de La 
ripartitide et vinti cinque legue longi de la acquada 
et /e chiama Mazaua 

Ste/semo sette giorni quiui poi piglia//emo la 
via deL mai/trale pa//ando f* cinq3 y/olle cioe Cey- 
lon bohol canighan baybai et gatighan in que/ta 
y/ola de gatigan /onno barba/tili grandi como 
aquille p (J era tardi ne amaga//emo vno era 
como vna galina aL mangiare ge /onno colombi tor- 
tore papagali et certi vcelli negri grandi como galine 
cS la coda loga fanno oui grandi como de ocqua 
li meteno /oto la /abia p lo grS caldo li crea 
Quando /onno na/ciuti alzano la arena et vieneno 
fora que/ti oui /onno bony de mangiare. De 
mazaua agatighan /onno vinti leghe partendone 
da gatighan aL ponente iL re de mazaua non ne 
puote /eguif p che lo e/pecta//emo circa tre y/olle 
cioe polo ticobon et pozon quando eL gion/e molte 


of their tree which they call betre [i.e., betel]. Those 
leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They 
mix it with a little lime, and when they have chewed 
it thoroughly, they spit it out. m It makes the mouth 
exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of 
the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, 
and if they ceased to use it they would die. There 
are dogs, cats, swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoa- 
nuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, 
panicum, sorgo, 1 " wax, and a quantity of gold in 
that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two- 
thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longi- 
tude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the 
line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the 
Acquada, and is called Mazaua." 1 

We remained there seven days, after which we 
laid our course toward the northwest, passing 
among ,e * five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Cani- 
ghan, Baybai, and Gatighan. 266 In the last-named 
island of Gatigan, there are bats as large as eagles. 
As it was late we killed one of them, 166 which re- 
sembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtle- 
doves, 167 parrots, and certain black birds as large as 
domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last 
mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and 
bury them under the sand, through the great heat 
of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, 
they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs 
are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas 
from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward 
from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not 
follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited 
him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, and 


/e marauiglio deL nfo nauigare Lo cap gftale lo fece 
mS tare nela /ua naue c5 alguni /oi principali 
dilque hebero piacere et co//i anda//emo in zubu 
da gatighan azubu /onno quindice legue. 

Domeniga a sete de ap4le amezo di intra//emo 
ncL porto de Zubu pa//ando per molti vilagij 
vedeuamo molte caze facte /opra li arbori Apropin- 
quSdone ala cita Lo cap° gftale comando le naui 
sinbandera//eno furono Calate le velle et po/te 
amodo de bataglia et /carico tuta lartigliaria p ilque 
que/ti populi hebero grandi//ima paura Lo cap* 
mando vno /uo alieuo c6 lo interprete inba//iatore 
aL re de Zubo. Quando ariuorono nela cita tro- 
uorono Jnfiniti huomini in/ieme co Lo re tuti pauro/i 
p le bombarde linterprete li di//e que/to e/ere 
nfo co/tume intrando in /imili luogui in /egnio de 
pace et ami/itia et p honnorare lo re deL luogo 
/caricauamo tuctele bombarde eL re et tucti li 
/uoi /e a/egurorono et fece dire ali no/V p lo /uo 
gouuernatore Q voleuamo linterprete ri/po/e 

como eL /uo /igniore era cap° deL magiore re et 
principe fo//e neL mondo et Q andaua adi/courif 
malucho ma p la /ua bonna fama Como haueua 
Jntezo daL re de mazaua era venuto /olamente p 
vizitarlo et pigliare victuuaglia c5 la /ua mercha- 
dantia li di//e Q in bonna hora fo//e venuto ma Q 
haueua que/ta vzan/a tutte le naui Q intrauano neL 
porto /uo pagau5o tributu et Q nd eranno quat° g 2 che 



Pozon. 168 When he caught up with us he was great- 
ly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. 
The captain-general had him come into his ship 
with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. 
Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the dis- 
tance to Zubu being fifteen leguas. 268 

At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the 
port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we 
saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching 
the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to 
fling their banners. The sails were lowered and ar- 
ranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, 
an action which caused great fear to those people. 
The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to 
the king of Zubo with the interpreter. When they 
reached the city, they found a vast crowd of peo- 
ple together with the king, all of whom had been 
frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told 
them 2T0 that that was our custom when entering into 
such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and 
that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the 
king of the village. The king and all of his men 
were reassured, and the king had us asked by his 
governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied 
that his master was a captain of the greatest king 
and prince in the world, and that he was going to 
discover Malucho; 2T1 but that he had come solely to 
visit the king because of the good report which he 
had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to 
buy food with his merchandise. The king told him 
that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a 
good time], but that it was their custom for all ships 
that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it 


vno Juncho de Ciama cargato doro et de /chiaui li 
haueua dato tributo et p /egnio di que/to li mo/tro 
vno mer chadante de $iama que era re/tato p mer- 
chadantare oro et /quiaui Lo interprete li di//e 
como eL /uo /igniore p e//ere cap° de tanto gri re 
non pagaua tributo ad alguno /igniore deL mondo et 
/e voleua pace pace ha uerebe et ft non guerra guera 
Alhoro eL moro merchadante diffe aL re Cata raia 
chita ?ioe garba ben /igniore que/ti /onno de q'lli Q 
anno conqui/tato Calicut malaca et tuta lindia ma- 
giore Si bene /i li fa ben ft a ft male male et pegio 
como anno facto a calicut et amalaca linterprete 
Jnte/o lo tuto et di//egli q c L re de /uo /igniore era 
piu potente de gente et de nauj Q Lo re de portogalo 
et era re de /pagnia et Jmperatof de tuttj li xpiani et 
/e n6 voleua e//erli amicho li mandaria vnalt* fiata 
tanta gente q c L de/trueri5o iL moro naro ogni co/a 
aL re alhora li di//e ft con/igliarebe c5 li /ui et nel 
di /eguente li ri/ponderebe poy fece portare vna 
colatiSe de molte viuade tute de carne po/te in piati 
de porcelane cS molti vazi di vino data La Cola- 
tiSe li no/t 1 retornoronno et ne di//ero lo tuto iL 
re de mazaua Q era lo p'mo dopo que/to re et /igniore 
de alcante y/olle ando in tera p dire al re la grande 
cortezia deL nfo cap° genneralle. 


was but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., 
Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him 
tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed 
out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who 
had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The in- 
terpreter told the king that, since his master was 
the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute 
to any seignior in the world, and that if the king 
wished peace he would have peace, but if war in- 
stead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to 
the king Cata rata chita that is to say, ,T * " Look well, 
sire." "These men are the same who have con- 
quered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., 
India Major] . m If they are treated well, they will 
give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil 
and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut 
and Malaca." The interpreter understood it all and 
told the king that his master's king was more power- 
ful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that 
he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the 
Christians, and that if the king did not care to be 
his friend m he would next time send so many men 
that they would destroy him. The Moro related 
everything to the king, m who said thereupon that 
he would deliberate with his men, and would answer 
the captain on the following day. Then he had re- 
freshments of many dishes, all made from meat and 
contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars 
of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed 
themselves, they returned and told us everything. 
The king of Mazaua,*" who was the most influential 
after that king and the seignior of a number of 
islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great 
courtesy of our captain-general. 


Luni matina iL nfo /criuio in/ieme c5 linterprete 
andorono in zubu vene iL re con li /ui principali 
in piaza ct fece /edcre li no/t* apre//o lui li di/e 
/e piu duno cap° era in q3/ta compania et /eL voleua 
lui paga//e tributo aL imperatore /uo S w . ri/po/e de 
n5 ma voleua /olamente merchadanta/e c5 lui et non 
con alt* di//e Q era contento et /eLo cap nfo voleua 
e//ere /uo amicho li manda//e von pocho de /angue 
deL /uo bracio drito et co//i farebe luy p /egnio de 
piu vera ami/itia re/po/e Q Lo faria poy Lo re 
li di//e como tucti li cap 1 <j veniuio quiui se dauano 
pfLti luno c5 lalt° et /e Lo nfo cap° olui doueua co- 
men/are linterprete li di//e poy <j lui voleua man- 
tegnire que/to co/tume comincia//e et cu//i comen/o. 

Marti matina iL re de mazaua con lo moro venne 
ale naui /aluto lo capitano gfiale da parte diL re 
et di/celli como iLre de Zubu faceua adunare piu 
victuuaglia poteua p darnela et como mandarebe 
dopo di/nare vno /uo nepote con dui otre de /ui 
principali p fare la pace. lo cap gfiale fece 

armare vno de le /ue pprie arme et feceli dire como 
tuti nuy combateuamo de q e lla /orta; iL moro molto 
/i /pauento iL cap li di//e n5 /i /pauenta//e 
perche le nfe ar me eranno piaceuoli ali amici et 


Monday morning, our notary, together with the 
interpreter, went to Zubu. The king, accompanied 
by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had 
our men sit down near him. He asked the notary 
whether there were more than one captain in that 
company, and whether that captain wished him to 
pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary 
replied in the negative, but that the captain wished 
only to trade with him and with no others. The king 
said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain 
wished to become his friend, he should send him a 
drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself 
would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most 
sincere f riendship. m The notary answered that the 
captain would do it Thereupon, the king told him 
that all the captains who came to that place, were 
wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual 
presents between the king and the captain], and 
asked whether our captain or he ought to com- 
mence. ,7, The interpreter told the king that since he 
desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, 
and so he did. m 

Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the 
ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-gen- 
eral in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that 
the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as 
possible to give to him, and that after dinner he 
would send one of his nephews and two others of 
his chief men to make peace. The captain-general 
had one of his men armed with his own arms, and 
had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. 
The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain 
told him not to be frightened for our arms were soft 


a/pere ali nemici et co/i como li fazoli a/ciugano 
yl /udore co/i le nfe arme ateranno et de/trugeno tuti 
li aduer/arj et maleuoli de La nfa fede fece que/to 
acio el moro <j pareua e//ere piu a/tuto de li alt 1 lo 
dice //e aL re. 

Dopo di/nare vene ale naui Lo nipote deL re (J 
era principe coL re de mazaua iL moro iL gouuer- 
natore et iL barizello magiore c6 octo principali p 
fare La pace con noi Lo cap° gfiale /edendo in vna 
cadedra de veluta ro//a li prin cipali in /edie de 
corame et li alt 1 in tera /oura /tore li di//e p Lo inter- 
prete /e Lo /uo co/tume era de parlare in /ecreto 
houero in publico et Se que/to principe col re de 
mazaua haueuao potere de fare la pace ri/po/ero 
Q parla vano in publico et <J co/toro haueuao iL 
potere de far la pace Lo cap di//e molte co/e 
/oura la pace et q e L pregaua ydio la con firm a //e in 
cielo di/cero que may nd haueu5o aldite cotalle 
parolle et que pigliauio gr5 piacere a vdir le Ve- 
dendo Lo cap <j que/to volenti eri a/coltauao et re- 
/pondeuao li comincio dire co/e per indurli ala fede: 
Domando q*L dopo la morte deL re /uccede//e aLa 
s*. ri/po/e <j Lo re no haueua figlioli ma figliole et Q 
que/to /uo nipote haueua p moglie la magiore percio 
era Lo principe et quando li padri et madri eranno 
vequi non /i honorauao piu mali figlioli li coman- 
dauao lo cap li di//e como ydio fece Lo ciello La 
terra Lo mare et tucte le alt 6 co/e et como inpo//e /e 


toward our friends and harsh toward our enemies; 
and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our 
arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and 
those who hate our faith. 180 The captain did that 
so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than 
the others, might tell it to the king. 

After dinner the king's nephew, who was the 
prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, 
the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and 
eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain- 
general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal 
men M1 on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon 
the floor. The captain-general asked them through 
the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak 
in secret or in public, and whether that prince and 
the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace."* 
They answered that they spoke in public, and that 
they were empowered to make peace. The captain- 
general said many things concerning peace, and that 
he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said 
that they had never heard any one speak such words, 
but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. 
The captain seeing that they listened and answered 
willingly, began to advance arguments to induce 
them to accept the faith. Asking them who would 
succeed to the seigniory after the death of the king, 
he was answered that the king had no sons but only 
daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that 
nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They 
said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old, 
they received no further honor, but their children 
commanded them. The captain told them that God 
made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else, 


doue//eno honnorare li padri ct madri ct q 1 altramete 
faceua era condempnato neL fuoco eterno et como 
tuti de/cendeuao de adam et eua no/t* primi parenti 
et como haueuamo Lanima in mortalle et molte altre 
co/e pertinenti ala fede tuti alegri li /uplicorono 
vole//e la/arli dui homini ho aL meno vno acio li 
amay/tra//e ne La fede et che li farebSo grande 
honnore gli re/po/e Q alhora n5 poteua la/ciarli 
alguno ma /e vole uao e//ere xpiano Lo prete nfo 
li baptezarebe et Q vnalt* fiata menaria preti et f rati 
queli in/egniarebSo la fede nfa ri/po/ero que 
p 2 ma voleuao parlare al re et poy diuentarebenno 
xpiani lagrima//emo tuti p la grande alegreza 
Lo cap° li di/ce (J non ce f acero xpiani p paura ne p 
compiacerne ma vo lontariamSte et acoloro (j voleuao 
viuere /econdo la /ua lege n5 li farebe facto di/piacer 
alguno mali xpiani /erianno meglio vi/ti et caregiati 
Q li alt 1 Tuti gridaronno aduna voce Q no ft 
faceuao xpiani p paura ne p compiacerne ma p /ua 
Spontanea volontate Alhora li di//e Q /i deuen- 
tauao xpiani gli La//arebe vna armatura p che cu//i 
li era /tato inpo/to deL /"uo re et como nd poteuao 
vzare c5 le /"ue donne e/endo gentilli /enza grandi/- 
/imo pecato et como li a/eguraua Q cffendo x I ani non 
li aparerebe piu eL domonio /inon neL ponto ex- 
tremo de la /ua morte diceno Q nd /apeuano re/pon- 
derli p le /ue belle parolle ma /e rimeteuano nele /ue 


and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers 
and mothers, and that whoever did otherwise was 
condemned to eternal fire ; that we are all descended 
from Adam and Eva, our first parents ; that we have 
an immortal spirit; 1 " and many other things per- 
taining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the cap- 
tain to leave them two men, or at least one/ 84 to in- 
struct them in the faith, and [said] that they would 
show them great honor. The captain replied to them 
that he could not leave them any men then, but that 
if they wished to become Christians, our priest would 
baptize them, and that he would next time bring 
priests and friars who would instruct them in our 
faith. They answered that they would first speak 
to their king, and that then they would become Chris- 
tians, [whereat] we all wept with great joy. The 
captain-general told them that they should not be- 
come Christians for fear or to please us, but of their 
own free wills ; "* and that he would not cause any 
displeasure to those who wished to live according to 
their own law, but that the Christians would be better 
regarded and treated than the others. All cried out 
with one voice that they were not becoming Chris- 
tians through fear or to please us, but of their own 
free will. Then the captain told them that if they 
became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,"* 
for so had his king commanded him; that we could 
not have intercourse with their women without com- 
mitting a very great sin, since they were pagans ; and 
that he assured them that if they became Christians, 
the devil would no longer appear to them except in 
the last moment at their death." 7 They said that 
they could not answer the beautiful words of the 


manj ct f ace//e de loro como dc /oy fidcli//imi /erui- 
tori Lo cap° piangendo li abrazo et agiungendo vna 
mano del principe et vna deL re f ra le /ue li di//e p 
la fcde portaua a dio et alimperatof /uo /igniore et 
p Lo habito £j haueua li prometeua q li daua la pace 
ppe tua col re de/pagnia re/po/ero que lo /imille 
prometeuao Conelu/a la pace Lo cap° fece dare 
vna colatiSe poy lo principe et re pre/entarono 
aL cap° da parte deL /uo re alquanti ce/toni de rizo 
porci capre et galine et li di/cero li perdona/ce p 
cio taL co/e erano pocque avno /imille alui Lo 
cap° dono aL principe vno panno biancho di tella 
/otili//ima vno bonnet rozo aL quante felce de chri/- 
talino et vno biquier dorato de vetro. li vetri /onno 
molto apreciati in que/te parte. AL re di mazaua 
no li deto alguno pftte p che gia li aueua dato vna 
ve/te de cambaya con altre co/e et ali altri aq* vna 
co/a zq { vnalt . Mando poy aL re de zubu p mi et 
vnalt vna ve/te de /"eta gialla et morella aguisa 
Turche/ca vno bonnet ro/o fino alquante filce de 
cri/talino po/"to ogni co/a in vno piato dargento et 
dui biqui eri dorati in mano Quando focemo nela 
cita troua/"/emo Lo re in fuo palatio co molti homini 
q ft deua in tera /oura vna /"tora di palma haueua 
/ola mente vno panno de tella de bombazo dinanzi ale 
/ue tgonie vno velo intorno lo capo Lauorato 
aguchia vna Colana aL colo de gr£ precio due 
/quione grande de oro tachate ale orecquie c6 petre 
precio/e atorno era gra//o et picolo et depinto c5 


captain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, 
and that he should treat them as his most faithful 
servants. The captain embraced them weeping, and 
clasping one of the prince's hands and one of the 
king's between his own, said to them that, by his faith 
in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by 
the habit which he wore," 8 he promised them that 
he would give them perpetual peace with the king 
of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the 
same. After the conclusion of the peace, the cap- 
tain had refreshments served to them. Then the 
prince and the king [of Mazaua] presented some 
baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the cap- 
tain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him 
to pardon them, for such things were but little [to 
give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince 
a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some 
strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking 
cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those 
districts. He did not give any present to the king 
of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of 
Cambaya, besides other articles. 189 To the others 
he gave now one thing and now another. Then he 
sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other 
a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, 
a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a 
silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our 
hands. 190 When we reached the city we found the 
king in his palace surrounded by many people. He 
was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only 
a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf em- 
broidered with the needle about his head, a neck- 
lace of great value hanging from his neck, and two 
large gold earrings fastened in his ears set round 


lo fuocho a diuer/e maniere mangiaua in tera /our a 
vnalt* /tora oui dc bissascutclaza po/ti in dui vazi 
de porcelafi et haueua dinanzi quat vazi piennj de 
vino de palma /erati con erbe odiri fere ct ficati catro 
cannuti con ogni vno c6 que/ti beueua. Facta la 
dcbita reuerentia linterprete li di//e como lo /uo 
/igniore lo rengratiaua molto deL /uo pfite et que li 
mandaua que/to n5 p il /uo ma p lo trin/icho amore 
li portaua li ve/te//emo la ve/te gli pone//emo iL 
bonnet in capo et li de//emo le altre co/e et poy 
ba/andoli vetri et ponendoli /oura lo capo le li pre- 
/entai et facendo lui eL /imilli li accepto poi iL re 
ne fece magiare de q e lli oui et bere con q e lli canuti li 
alt 1 /ui in que/to mezo gli di//ero lo parlam t0 deL 
cap° /op* la pace et lo exortamento p farli xpiani 
iL Re ne voice te ner /echo acene li dice//emo non 
poteuamo aloro re/tare pigliata la li/entia iL prin- 
cipe ne meno /eco a ca/a /ua doue /onauano catro 
fanciulle vna de tamburo amodo nfo ma era po/ta 
in tera Vnalt* daua vno legnio facto alcanto gro//o 
neL capo con tella de palma in due borquia pichate 
mo in la vna mo in lalt* Lalt* in vna borquia grande 
col mede/imo modo. La vltima c5 due brochiete in 
mao dando luna ne lalt* faceua vno /uaue /onno tanto 
atempo /onauao que pareua haue//eno gra ra- 
gion deL canto Que/te eranno a/ay belle et bian que 


with precious gems. He was fat and short, and 
tattooed with fire 191 in various designs. From 
another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs 
which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four 
jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with 
sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small 
reeds in each jar by means of which he drank. w * 
Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter 
told the king that his master thanked him very warm- 
ly for his present, and that he sent this present not 
in return for his present but for the intrinsic love 
which he bore him. tM We dressed him in the robe, 
placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other 
things ; then kissing the beads and putting them upon 
his head, I presented them to him. He doing the 
same [/.*., kissing them] accepted them. Then the 
king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through 
those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him 
in that place, the words of the captain concerning 
peace and his exhortation to them to become Chris- 
tians. The king wished to have us stay to supper 
with him, but we told him that we could not. stay 
then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince 
took us with him to his house, where four young girls 
were playing [instruments] - one, on a drum like 
ours, but resting on the ground ; the second was strik- 
ing two suspended gongs alternately with a stick 
wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm 
cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; 
and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by 
striking one against the other, which gave forth a 
sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one 
would believe they possessed good musical sense. 


ca/i como le no/tre ct co/i grande eranno nude 
/inon q haueuao tella de arbore de la cinta fina aL 
ginoquio et algune tutc nude col pichieto dele ore- 
chic grande con vno cerquieto de legnio dentro quelo 
tene tondo et largo c6 li capeli grandi et negri et co 
vno velo picolo atorno iL capo et /"empre di/calce 
iL principe ne fece balare c6 tre tutte nude me- 
renda/Vemo et dapoy veni//emo ale naui Que/te 
borchie /"onno de metalo et ft f anno ne La regi6e deL 
/ignio magno Q e detta La China Quiui le vzanno 
Como nuy le campane et le chiamano aghon. 

Mercore matina p tfftrt morto vno deli no/t* nella 
nocte pa/Tata linterprete et yo anda//emo adomander 
aL re doue lo poteriamo ft pelire troua//emo Lo re 
aCompagniato de molti homini acui facta la debita 
reueren/"ia li lo di//e ri/po/e ft io et li mey va/alli 
ftmo tucti deL tuo /"igniore Quato magiorm* debe 
tfftrt la terra et li dice como voleuamo con/acrare 
il luoco et meterlj vna croce ri/po/e que era molto 
contento et q la voleua adorare como nuy alt 1 fu 
/epolto lo morto nela piaza aL meglio pote//emo p 
darli bo exempio et poy la con/acra/"/emo /ultardi 
ne sepeli//emo vno alt porta/'/emo molta merchantia 
in terra et la mete//emo in vna ca/a q*L el re Latol/"e 
/oura /"ua fede et Quatro homini (J eranno re/"tati per 
merchadantare in groffo. Que/ti populi viueno c5 
Ju/titia pe/o et mezura amano la pace lotio et 


Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white 
as our girls and as large. They were naked except 
for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reach- 
ing to the knees. Some were quite naked and had 
large holes in their ears with a small round piece 
of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round 
and large. They have long black hair, and wear a 
short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. 
The prince had three quite naked girls dance for 
us. We took refreshments and then went to the 
ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and 
are manufactured in the regions about the Signio 
Magno 294 which is called China. They are used 
in those regions as we use bells and are called 
aghon.* 9 * 

On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had 
died during the previous night, the interpreter and 
I 29e went to ask the king where we could bury him. 
We found the king surrounded by many men, of 
whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked 
it. 297 He replied, "If I and my vassals all belong to 
your sovereign, how much more ought the land." I 
told the king that we would like to consecrate the 
place, 298 and to set up a cross there. He replied 
that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to 
adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried 
in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order 
to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the 
place, and in the evening buried another man. We 
carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we 
stored in a house. The king took it under his care 
as well as four men who were left to trade the goods 
by wholesale. 299 Those people live in accordance with 
justice, and have weights and measures. They love 


laquiete anno bilancie de legnio lo legnio a vna 
corda neL mezo c5 Laq'L /etiene duno capo c 
piombo ct dclalt /egni como carti terci ct librf 
Quando voleno pezare pigliano la belan/ia cfi e c5 
tre filli como le nfe et la meteno /our a li /egni et cu/i 
pe/ano Ju/to anno mezure grandi//ime /enza 
fondo le Jouane Jogano de Zampognia fate Como 
le nfe et le chiamano Subin le ca/e /onno de legni 
de taule et de cane edificate /op* pali gro//i alti de 
terra q bi/ognia andarui dent c6 /calle et anno 
camare como le nfe /oto le ca/e teneno li porci capre 
et galine /e trouono quiui corniolli grandi belli aL 
vedere Q amazano le balene leqMle le Jnguiotano viui 
Quando loro /onno neL corpo veneno fuora deL /uo 
coperto et li magiano eL core Que/ta gente le 
trouano poi viui apre//o deL core dele ballenne 
morte Quenti anno denti la pelle negra iL coperto 
biancho et La carne Sonno boni da mangiare et le 
chiamano laghan. 

Vennere li mo/tra//emo vna botega pienna de le 
nfe merchantie p ilque re/toronno molto admirati 
p metalle fero et lalt* merchantia gro//a ne dauano 
horo p le altre menute ne dauao ri/o porci et capre 
cd altre vi tuualgie Que/ti populi ne dauano x 
peci de oro p xiiij libre de ferro vno pezo e circo 
duno ducato emezo Lo cap gfiale non vol/e /e 
piglia//e tropo oro perque /arebe /tato alguno mari- 
naro (J hauerebe dato tuto Lo /uo p vno poco de oro 


peace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, 
the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which 
it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other 
marks like quarter-lib ras, third-libras, and libras. 
When they wish to weigh they take the scales which 
has three wires like ours, and place it above the 
marks, and so weigh accurately. 100 They have very 
large measures without any bottom.* 01 The youth 
play on pipes made like ours which they call sub in. 
Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built 
of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground 
on large logs, and one must enter them by means of 
ladders. They have rooms like ours ; and under the 
house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large 
sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found 
there which kill whales. For the whale swallows 
them alive, and when they are in the whale's body, 
they come out of their shells and eat the whale's 
heart. Those people afterward find them alive near 
the dead whale's heart. Those creatures have black 
teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good 
to eat. They are called laghan? 01 

On Friday we showed those people a shop full of 
our merchandise, ,0, at which they were very much 
surprised. For metals, iron, and other large mer- 
chandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller 
articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other 
food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii 
libras of iron *" (one piece being worth about one 
and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not 
wish to take too much gold, for there would have 
been some sailors who would have given all that they 
owned for a small amount of gold, and would have 


et haueria di/conciato Lo trafigo p semper Sabato 
p hauef pme//o Lo re aL cap° de far/i xpiano ne la 
dominicha ft fece ne la piaza Q era /acrata vno tribu- 
nalle adornato de tapi//eria et rami de palma p 
baptizarlo et mandoli adire Q nella matina no haue/e 
paure dele bombarde per cio era no/t° co/tume ne le 
fe/te magiore de/caricaf /enza pietre. 

Domeniga matina a Quatordize de ap'lle anda/- 
/emo in terra Quaranta hoj co duy homini tucti 
armati denanzi aLa bandiera realle Quante di/mo 
ta/'/emo /e tira tucta lartigliaria Que/ti populi 
/iguiao diqua et de la Lo cap° et lo re ft abracio- 
rono li di//e q la bandera realle n5 f\ portaua in terra 
/mon c6 cinquanta homini Como erano li dui armati 
et co cinquanta /chiopeteri ma p lo /"uo grande amore 
co/i la haueua portata poi tuti alegri anda//emo 
prtffo aL tribunalle Lo cap° et Lo re /edeuao in 
cathedre de veluto roffo et morello li principalli in 
cu/yini li alt 1 /bura /tore lo Cap° di//"e aL re p lo 
interprete ringratia//e ydio p cio lo haueua in/pirato 
a far/e xpano et que vincerebe piu facilmente li /ui 
nemi/"i Q prima ri/po/e q voleua tfftrt xpiano ma 
alguni fui principali no voleuano ho bedire p che 
diceuano tfftrt cuffi homini como lui alhora lo 
nfo cap° fece chiamare tucti li principali deL re et 
di//eli /enon hobediuao aL re como /uo re li farebe 
amazare et daria la /ua roba aL re Ri/po/eno lo 


spoiled the trade for ever. 805 On Saturday, as the 
captain had promised the king to make him a Chris- 
tian on Sunday, a platform was built in the conse- 
crated square, which was adorned with hangings and 
palm branches for his baptism. The captain-gen- 
eral sent men to tell the king not to be afraid of 
the pieces that would be discharged in the morn- 
ing, for it was our custom to discharge them at our 
greatest feasts without loading with stones. 804 

On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men 
of us went ashore, two of whom were completely 
armed and preceded the royal banner. 801 When we 
reached land all the artillery was fired. 808 Those 
people followed us hither and thither. The captain 
and the king embraced. The captain told the king 
that the royal banner was not taken ashore except 
with fifty men armed as were those two, and with 
fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him 
that he had thus brought the banner. 800 Then we all 
approached the platform joyfully. The captain and 
the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet, 818 
the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats. 811 The 
captain told the king through the interpreter that 
he thanked God for inspiring him to became a 
Christian; and that [now] he would more easily con- 
quer his enemies than before. The king replied that 
he wished to become a Christian, but that some of 
his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said 
that they were as good men as he. Then our captain 
had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them 
that, unless they obeyed the king as their king, he 
would have them killed, and would give their pos- 
sessions to the king. They replied that they would 


hebedirebSo di//e aL re /e andaua in /pagnia 
retornarebe vnalt* volta co tanto potere Q lo f aria Lo 
magior re de q'lle parte per che era /tato ^mo a 
voler far/e xpiano leuando li many aL ciello Lo 
rengratio et pregolo alguni de Ly /oy rimane//e a?io 
meglio lui et li /ui populi focero in/tructi nelafede 
Lo cap° re/po/e que p Contentarlo li La//arebe duy 
ma voleua menar /eco dui fanciulli deli principalli 
acio in para//eno la linga nfa et poi aLa ritornato 
/ape//ero dire aque/ti altri le co/e de/pagnia /e 
mi//e vna croce grande neL mezo de la piaza Lo 
cap° li di//e /e/i voleuao far xpiani Como haueuao 
deto nelli giornj pa//ati li bi/ogniaua bru /are tucti 
li /ui ydoli et neL luoco loro metere vna croce et ogni 
di c5 le mane Joncte adorarla et ogni matina neL vzo 
far/i lo /egnio de La croce mo/trandoli como li 
faceua et ogni hora al meno de matina doue//eno 
veni re a que/ta croce et adorarla in genoquioni et 
q e L (J haueuao J a deto vole/ef c5 le bonne ope re con- 
firmarlo el re co tucti li alt 2 voleuao confirmare lo 
tucto lo cap° gftale li di//e como /era ve/tito tuto 
de biancho p mo/trarli Lo /uo /incero amore ver/o 
de loro ri/po/ero p li /ui dolci paroli n5 /aperli 
re/pondere. Con que/te bonne parolle lo cap° con- 
du//e lo re p la mSo /uL tribunalle p baptizarlo et 


obey him. The captain told the king that he was 
going to Spagnia, but that he would return again 
with so many forces that he would make him the 
greatest king of those regions, as he had been the 
first to express a determination to become a Chris- 
tian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked 
the captain, and requested him to let some of his men 
remain [with him], so that he and his people might 
be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied 
that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that 
he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs 
with him, so that they might learn our language, 
who afterward on their return would be able to tell 
the others the wonders [cose'] of Spagnia. A large 
cross was set up in the middle of the square. The 
captain told them that if they wished to become 
Christians as they had declared on the previous days, 
that they must burn all their idols and set up a cross 
in their place. They were to adore that cross daily 
with clasped hands, and every morning after their 
[i.e., the Spaniards'] custom, they were to make the 
sign of the cross (which the captain showed them 
how to make) ; and they ought to come hourly, at 
least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneel- 
ing. The intention that they had already declared, 
they were to confirm with good works. The king 
and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. 
The captain-general told the king that he was clad 
all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward 
them. They replied that they could not respond to 
his sweet words. The captain led the king by the 
hand to the platform while speaking these good 
words in order to baptize him. He told the king 


di//eli /e chiameria don carlo como alinperatof /uo 
/igniore aL principe don fernando como aL fratello 
delinperatof al Re de mazaua Johanni a vno princi- 
palle fernando como iL principalle no/t° gioe Lo 
cap . Al moro x°foro poy ali alt 1 aq 1 vno nome et 
aq 1 vno alt° forenno baptizati inanzi me//a cinque 
cento hominj Vdita la mc//a lo cap conuito 
adi/nar /eco lo re c5 altri principali nd vol/ero ne 
acompagniarono fina ala riua le naui /caricorono 
tutte le bombarde et abrazando/e pre//ero Com- 

Dopo di/nare il prete et alguni altri anda//emo in 
terra p baptizar La reyna laq a lle venne c5 quaranta 
dame la conduce//emo /op* lo tribunalle facendola 
/edere /oura vno co//ino et lalf Zirca ella fin q c L 
prete Sapara li mo/tray vno Jmagine de La nfa 
donna vno bambino di legnio beli//imo et vna croce 
p il que li venne vna contrictiSe Q piangendo do- 
mando lo bate/imo la nomina /cmo Johanna como la 
madre de linperatof /ua figliola moglie deL principe 
Catherina la reyna de mazaua lizabeta a le altre 
ognuna lo /uo nome bap tiza//emo octo cento 
anime f ra homini donne et fanciulli la regina era 
Jouene et bella tuta coperta duno panno biancho et 
nero haueua la bocha et le onghie ro/i//ime in capo 
vno capello grande de foglie de palma amodo de 
/olana co vna coronna in circa de le mede/me foglie 
como q c lla deL papa ne may va in alguno locho 
/enza vna de que/te ne demando iL banbino p 


that he would call him Don Carlo, after his sover- 
eign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after 
the emperor's brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; 
a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the 
captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, 
now one name, and now another. Five hundred men 
were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of 
mass, the captain invited the king and some of the 
other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompany- 
ing us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged 
all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs 
and the captain took leave of one another.*" 

After dinner the priest and some of the others 
went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with 
forty women. We conducted her to the platform, 
and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and 
the other women near her, until the priest should be 
ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very 
beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. There- 
upon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked 
for baptism amid her tears. m We named her 
Johanna, after the emperor's mother; her daughter, 
the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of 
Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [dis- 
tinctive] name. Counting men, women, and chil- 
dren, we baptized eight hundred souls.* 14 The queen 
was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered 
with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails 
were very red, while on her head she wore a large 
hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,* 15 with 
a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of 
the pope; and she never goes any place without such 
a one.* 16 She asked us to give her the little child 


tenerlo in locho de li /oi ydoli et poy /e parti /ul- 
tardi iL re et la reyna c5 a/ay//ime per/onne ven- 
nerono aL lito lo cap° alhora fece tirare molte 
trombc dc fuocho et bombarde gro//e p ilche 
pigliaronno grandi/imo piacef eL cap° et lo re 
ft chiamanao f ratelli Que/to re /e chiamaua raia 
humabd Jnanzi pa/a//eno octo giorni forenno 
baptizati tucti de que/ta y/ola et dele altre alguni 
bru/a//emo vna vila p n6 vollere hobedire aL re ne 
a noy la q a lle era in vna y/ola vicina aque/ta pone/- 
/emo quiui la croce p que que/ti populi eranno gen- 
tilli /e fo//ero /tato mori li hauere//emo po/to 
vna colonna in /egnio de piu dureza p che li mori 
/onno a/ay piu duri p conuertirli cha li gentilli. 

Jn que/ti giorni lo cap° gftalle andaua ogni di in 
terra p vdire me//a et diceua aL re molte co/e de La 
fede La regina vene vno giorno c5 molta pompa 
ad vdir la me//a tre donzelle li andauao dinanzi 
con tre de li /ui capelli in m5o eLa era ve/tita de 
negro et biancho c6 vno velo grande de /eta trauer- 
/ato co li/te de oro in capo Q li copriua li /palle et 
c6 Lo /uo capello a/ai//ime donne la /eguiuao 
leq'lle er3o tute nude et di/calce /enon Jntorno le 
parte tgonio/e haueuSo vno paniocolo de tella de 
palma et atorno lo capo vno velo picollo et tucti li 
capilli /par/i La regina facta la reuerentia aL 
altare /edete /up* vno co//ino Lauorato di /eta 
inanzi /e comen/a//e la me//a iL cap la ba gnio c5 
alquante /ue dame de hacqua roza mu/chiata molto 


Jesus to keep in place of her idols;* 17 and then she 
went away. In the afternoon,' 18 the king and queen, 
accompanied by numerous persons, came to the 
shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of 
fire and large mortars discharged, by which they 
were most highly delighted.* 19 The captain and the 
king called one another brothers. That king's name 
was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all 
the persons of that island, and some from the other 
islands, were baptized. We burned one hamlet 
which was located in a neighboring island, because 
it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross 
there for those people were heathen. Had they been 
Moros, we would have erected a column there as a 
token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much 
harder to convert than the heathen. 

The captain-general went ashore daily during 
those days to hear mass, and told the king many 
things regarding the faith.* 10 One day the queen 
came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls 
preceded her with three of her hats in their hands." 1 
She was dressed in black and white with a large silk 
scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her 
head, which covered her shoulders ; and she had on 
her hat. A great number of women accompanied 
her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that 
they had a small covering of palm-tree cloth before 
their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and 
all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made 
the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk 
embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of 
the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her 
women with musk rosewater, for they delighted ex- 


/e delectauSo de talle odore /apendo Lo cap q e L 
bambino molto piaceua a la reyna liel dono et li di//e 
Lo tcne//c in Locho dc li /ui ydoli p chc era in 
memoria deL figloL de dio ringratiandolo molto 
lo acccpto. 

Vno giorno lo cap gftalc inanzi mc//a fe//c venire 
lo re ve/tito c6 la /ua ve/ta de /eta et li principali 
de la cita iL fradello deL re padre deL principe Se 
chiamaua bendara vno alt° f ratello deL re Cadaio et 
alguni Simiut /ibuaia Sisacai et maghalibe et molti 
alt* que la//o p non e//ere longo fece tuti q/ti 
Jurare e//ere hobedienti aL /uo re et li ba/aronno la 
mano poi fece q e L re de//ere /empre hobediente et 
fidelle aL re de/pagnia co/i lo Juro alhora iL 
cap cauo la /ua /pada inanzi la ymagina de nfa 
donna et di//e aL re Quando co//i /e Juraua piu 
pre/to doueria/i morire que aromper vno /imiL 
Juram5to /iqueL Juraua p que/ta ymagine p la vita 
de limperatof /uo s c . et p il /uo habito de//erle /em- 
pre fidelle facto que/to lo cap° donno aL re vna 
cathedra de veluta ro//o dicendoli ounque anda//e 
/emp La face//e portare dinanzi avn /uo piu por- 
pinque et mo/troli Como La /i doueua portare 
re/po/e Lo f arebe volentierj p amore /uo et di/ce aL 
cap Como faceua far vna Joya p donarlila laq a L era 
due /chione doro grande p tacare ali oreq ! e due p 
metere ali brazi Soura li gomedi et due altre p pore 
ali piedi /oura le calcagnie et altre petre precio/e p 


ceedingly in such perfumes. The captain knowing 
that the queen was very much pleased with the child 
Jesus, gave it to her, telling her to keep it in place of 
her idols, for it was in memory ,M of the son of God. 
Thanking him heartily she accepted it 

Before mass one day, the captain-general had the 
king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of 
the city, [to wit], the king's brother and prince's 
father, whose name was Bendara; another of the 
king's brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called 
Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many 
others whom I shall not name in order not to be 
tedious."* The captain made them all swear to be 
obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter's 
hand. Then the captain had the king declare that 
he would always be obedient and faithful to the king 
of Spagnia, and the king so swore." 4 Thereupon, the 
captain drew his sword before the image of our 
Lady, and told the king that when anyone so swore, 
he should prefer to die rather than to break such an 
oath," 5 if he swore by that image, by the life of the 
emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever 
faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain 
gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that 
wherever he went he should always have it carried 
before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he 
showed him how it ought to be carried. The king 
responded that he would do that willingly for love 
of him, and he told the captain that he was making 
a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings 
of gold to fasten ,M in his ears, two armlets to put 
on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings 
for the feet above the ankles, besides other precious 


adornare lc orechic Que/ti /onno li piu belli 
adornamgti po//ano vzarc li re de que/te bande 
liq'lli /empre vano de/calci con vno panno de tella 
de la cinta fina aL ginochio. 

JL cap° gfiale vno Jorno di//e al re et ali alt 1 p q a L 
cagionne nd bruzauao li /oi ydoli como li haueuao 
pme//o e/endo chri/tiannj et p che ft Ly /acrificaua 
tanta Carne ri/po/ero q e L Q faceuSo non Lo 
faceuao p loro ma p vno infermo agio li ydoli li 
da//e /alute laq a L non parlaua Ja cat° giorni era 
fratello deL principe et Lo piu valente et Sauio de 
La y/olo Lo cap gli di//e Q bru//a/ero le ydoli et 
crede//eno in chri/to et ft linfermo ft bapti/a//e 
/ubito garirebe et ft cio n5 foce li taglia//ero Lo 
capo alhora alhora ri/po/e lo re lo farebe p che 
varamgte credeua in chri/to f ace//emo vna pce//ione 
dela piaza fino aLa ca/a de linfermo aL meglio 
pote//emo oue Lo troua//emo que non poteua par- 
lare ne mouer/e Lo baptiza//emo cd due fut 
mogliere et x donzelle poi lo cap li fece dire como 
/taua /ubito parlo et di//e como p la grac* de nfo s or . 
/taua a//ay benne Que/to fu vno manife//imo 
miraculo nelli tempi noft Quando Lo cap Lo vdi 
parlare rengratio molto ydio et aloro li fece beuere 
vna mandolata q gia laueua facta fare p lui poi 
mandogli vno matarazo vno paro de len/oli vna 
Coperta de panno J alio et vno cu//ino et ogni giorno 
fin Q fo /anno li mado mandolattj acqua ro/a oleo 


gems to adorn ,2T the cars. Those are the most beau- 
tiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can 
wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth 
garment that hangs from the waist to the knees. 

One day the captain-general asked the king and 
the other people why they did not burn their idols 
as they had promised when they became Christians; 
and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They 
replied that what they were doing was not for them- 
selves, but for a sick man who had not spoken now 
for four days, so that the idols might give him health. 
He was the prince's brother, and the bravest and 
wisest man in the island. The captain told them 
to burn their idols and to believe in Christ, and that 
if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly re- 
cover ; and if that did not so happen they could be- 
head him [i.e., the captain] then and there. There- 
upon, the king replied that he would do it, for he 
truly believed in Christ. We made a procession 
from the square to the house of the sick man with 
as much pomp as possible. There we found him in 
such condition that he could neither speak nor move. 
We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. 
Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He 
spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our 
Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest 
miracle [that happened] in our times. When the 
captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. 
Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, 
which he had already had made for him. Afterward 
he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet 
of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered 
his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rose- 


rozato et algune con/erue de zucaro no /tete cinque 
giorni q e L comincio a andare fece bruzare vno ydolo 
Q teniuio a/co/o certe vecquie in ca/a /ua in pntia 
deL re et tuto Lo populo et fece di/f are molti taber- 
nacoli p la riua deL mare neliq*lli mangiau£o la 
carne con/acrata Loro mede/imi Cridarono ca/- 
tiglia ca/tiglia li rouinauao et di//eno /e dio li 
pre/taua vita bru/arebenno quanti ydoli pote//e 
trouare et /e benne fu//ero in ca/a deL re. Que/ti 
ydoli /onno de legnio Concaui /enza li parti de 
drieto anno Ly brazi aperti et li piedi voltati in 
/u/o con le gambe aperte et Lo volto grande cS quat° 
denti grandi//imj como porci cingiari et /onno tucti 

Jn Que/ta ysola /onno molte ville li nomi de 
leq a lle et deli suoi et deli /ui prin cipali /onno que/ti 
Cinghapola li /ui principali Cilaton Ciguibucan 
Cimaningha Cimatichat CicanbuL Vna mandaui iL 
/uo principalle apanoaan Vna lalan iL /uo princi- 
palle theteu Vna lalutan iL /uo principalle Tapan 
Vna cilumai et vnalt* lubucun Tucti q3/ti ne 
hobediuSo et ne dauao victuuaglia et tributo 
Apre//o que/ta yzola de zubu ne era vna (J /e chi- 
amaua matan laq a L f aceua Lo porto doue eramo iL 
nome dela /ua villa era matan li /ui principali zula 
et Cilapulapu Quella villa Q bruza//emo era in 
que/ta yzola et Se chiama ua bulaia 

A$io que vfa ilL"* s a /apia le Cerimonie Q vzanno 
Co/toro in benedire Lo porco primamente Sonano 



water, oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Be- 
fore five days the sick man began to walk. He had 
an idol that certain old women had concealed in his 
house burned in the presence of the king and all the 
people. He had many shrines along the seashore 
destroyed, 8 ** in which the consecrated meat was 
eaten. The people themselves cried out " Casti glial 
Castiglial" and destroyed m those shrines. They 
said that if God would lend them life, they would 
burn all the idols that they could find, even if they 
were in the king's house. Those idols are made of 
wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their 
arms are open and their feet turned up under them 
with the legs open. They have a large face with 
four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are 
painted all over. 

There are many villages in that island. Their 
names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs 
are as follows : Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, 
Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cican- 
bul; one, Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one 
Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its 
chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun."* 
All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave 
us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was 
an island called Matan, which formed the port where 
we were anchored. The name of its village was 
Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. 
That city which we burned was in that island and 
was called Bulaia. 

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may 
know the ceremonies that those people use in conse- 
crating the swine, they first sound those large 


q e llc borchie grandi poi ft porta tre piati gradj dui 
co roze et fogace de rizo et miglio cote et riuolte in 
foglie con pechc bru/tolato. Lalt° con panne de 
Cambaia et due banderete di palma Vno pano de 
Cambaia ft di/tende in terra poi veneno duy fe- 
mine Vequi//ime cia/cuna con vno tronbonne de cana 
in mao Quando /onno montate /uL panno fanno 
reuerentia aL /olle poi ft ve/tenno co li pannj Vna 
ft pone vno faciollo ne La fronte con dui cornj et 
piglia vnalt° f aciolo ne le manj et balando et /unando 
con q e llo chiama iL /olle lalt* piglia vna de q e lle 
banderete et balla et /uona col /uo trobonne balls 
et chiamSo cu//i vno pocho f ra ft dicendo molte co/e 
aL /olle Quella deL faciolo piglia lalt* bandereta 
et la/cio Lo faciolo et ambe due /onando cS li trom- 
bonj gran pezo balanno intorno Lo porco ligato 
Quella dali corni /em pre parla tacitamete aL /olle et 
q c La alt* li ri/ponde poy aq e lla de li corni li e 
apre/entato vna taga de vino et balando et dicendo 
certe parolle et lalt* re/pondendoli et facendo vista 
cat° ho cinque volte de beuere eL vino /parge q e llo 
/oura eL core deL porcho poy /ubito torna abal- 
lare a Que/ta mede/ima vien dato vna lancia Ley 
vibrandola et dicendo alquante parolle /empre tute 
due balando et mo/tra do cat° ho cinque volte de dare 
[de dare : doublet in original MS.] cS la lancia neL 
core aL porcho con vna /ubbita pre/teza Lo pa//a 
da parte aparte pre/to /i /era la ferita con erba 


gongs." 1 Then three large dishes are brought in; 
two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, 
baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the 
other with cloth of Cambaia"* and two standards 
made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cam- 
baia is spread on the ground. Then two very old 
women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet 
in her hand. When they have stepped upon the 
cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they 
wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts 
a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes 
another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and 
blowing upon her trumpet, she thereby calls out to 
the sun. The other takes one of the standards and 
dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and 
call out thus for a little space, saying many things 
between themselves to the sun. She with the ker- 
chief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief 
drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long 
time, dance about the bound hog. She with the 
horns always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other 
answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of 
the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain 
words, while the other answers her, and making pre- 
tense four or five times of drinking the wine, 
sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she 
immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given 
to the same woman. She shaking it and repeating 
certain words, while both of them continue to dance, 
and making motions four or five times of thrusting 
the lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden 
and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side 
to the other. The wound is quickly stopped ,M with 


q e lla (J amazato iL porcho ponendo/e vna tor/a 
acce/a in boca la/morza laq'lle /ta /emprc acce/a in 
quc/tc Ccrcmonic Lalt* coL capo dcL trombonne 
bagniandolo ncL /angue dc porcho va /anguinando 
coL /uo dito La f rontc p ! ma ali /oi mariti poy ali alt 1 
ma n5 vcfterofto may a noi poy /e di/uc/teno ct 
vano amangiare Quelle co/e Q /onno nelli piati et 
Conuitano Senon femine Lo porcho /i pella cO lo 
fuocho /ique ni /uno alt° que Le vequie con/acrano 
La carne di porcho et nd La magiau£o /e non fo//e 
morta de que/ta /orte. 

Que/ti populi vano nudi portano /olamente vno 
pezo de tella de palma otorno Le /lie vergonie 
grandi et picoli hanno pa//ato iL /uo membro circa 
dela te/ta de luna parte alalt* con vno fero de oro 
houero de /tanio gro//o como vna penna de ocha et 
in vno capo et lalt° deL mede/imo fero alguni anno 
Como vna /tella con ponte /oura li capi alt 1 como 
vna te/ta de chiodo da caro a/ai//ime volte Lo 
vol/i vedere da molti co/i veq* Como Joueni p che n5 
lo potteua credere neL mezo dil fero e vn buso p 
ilq a lle vrinano iL fero et le /telle /emp /tanno 
ferme Loro diceno Q le /ue moglie voleno cu//i et /e 
fo//ero de altra /orte nS vzariano c5 elli quando 
que/ti voleno vzare c6 le femine Loro medi/ime Lo 
pigliano nd in ordine et Cominciano pian piano a 
meter/i dento p'mo q c lla /tella de /oura et poy Lalf 
Quanto edent° diuenta in ordine et cu/i /empre /ta 
dent° fin que diuenta molle perche altramSti n5 Lo 


grass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in 
her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted 
throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it m The 
other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the 
blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood 
with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, 
and then the others ; but they never came to us. Then 
they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of 
those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with 
them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means 
of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the 
flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is 
killed in this way. ,M 

Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of 
palm-tree cloth about ,M their privies. The males, 
large and small, have their penis pierced from one 
side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin 
bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same 
bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points 
upon the ends ; others are like the head of a cart nail. 
I very often asked many, both old and young, to see 
their penis, because I could not credit it. In the 
middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they 
urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. 
They say that their women wish it so, and that if they 
did otherwise they would not have communication 
with them. When the men wish to have communi- 
cation with their women, the latter themselves take 
the penis not in the regular way and commence very 
gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the 
spur on top first, and then the other part When it 
is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the 
penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for other- 


porianno cauare fuora. Que/ti populi vzanno 
que/to pche /onno de debille natura anno Quante 
moglie voleno ma vna principalle Se vno deli 
nfi andaua in tera co/i dedi Como de nocte ogni uno 
Lo Conuitaua que mangia//e et q c L beue//e Le 
/lie viuande /onno mezo cote et molto /alate 
beueno /pe//o et molto con q e lli /ui Cannuti dali 
valzi et duro cinq3 o/ey hore vno /uo mangiare Le 
donne amauao a/ay piu noy que que/ti atucti da /ey 
anny in /u apoco apoco li apreno la natura p cagion 
de q e lli /ui membrj. 

Quando vno deli /ui principali emorto li vzanno 
que/te Cerimonie p £ ma mente tutte le donne 
principale de la terra vano ala ca/a deL morte in 
mezo dela ca/a /ta lo morto in vna ca/a in torno la 
ca/a poneno corde a mo do duno /tecato neliq'li 
atachano molti ramy de arbore in mezo de ogni 
ramo e vno panno de bonba/o agui/a de pauiglide 
Soto liqualli /edeanno le donne piu principali tute 
coperte de panne bianq* de bomba/o per vna don- 
zella p ogni vna Q li faceua vento co vno /parauen- 
tolo di palma le alt* /edeanno intorno la camera 
me/te poy era vna Q tagliaua apoco apoco cd vno 
cortello li capilli aL morto vnalf Q era /tata la 
moglie principale deL morto giaceua /our a lui et 
giungeua la /ua boca le /ue many et li /ui piedi con 
q c lli deL morto. Quando q e lla tagliaua li capilj 
que/ta piangeua et Quando re/taua de tagliarli 


wise they could not pull it out. Those people make 
use of that device because they are of a weak nature. 
They have as many wives as they wish, but one of 
them is the principal wife. 337 Whenever any of our 
men went ashore, both by day and by night, every 
one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands 
are half cooked and very salty. They drink fre- 
quently and copiously from the jars 338 through those 
small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or 
six hours. The women loved us very much more 
than their own men. All of the women from the 
age of six years and upward, have their vaginas 
[natura] gradually opened because of the men's 
penises. 33 * 

They practice the following ceremonies when one 
of their chiefs dies. First all the chief •** women of 
the place go to the house of the deceased. The de- 
ceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. 
Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a 
palisade, to which many branches of trees are at- 
tached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cot- 
ton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most prin- 
cipal women sit under those hangings, and are all 
covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl 
who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other 
women sit about the room sadly. 341 Then there is 
one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased 
very slowly with a knife. Another who was the 
principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, 
and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon 
those of the deceased. When the former is cutting 
off the hair, the latter weeps; and when the former 
finishes the cutting, the latter sings. There are many 


que/ta Cantaua atorno la Camera erano molti 
vazi di porcelanna con fuoco et /up* q e llo mira 
/torac et belgioui <j faceuano olere la ca/a grande- 
mete lo teneno in ca/a cinque a/ey giorni c5 Que/te 
Cerimonie Credo /ia onto de canfora poi Lo 
/epeli//eno co La mede/ima ca/a Serata con quiodi 
de legnio in vno legnio coperto et circundato de 
legni. ogni nocte in que/ta cita circa de la meza 
nocte veniua vno vccelo negri//imo grande Como 
vno Coruo et no era cu//i pre/to ne le ca/e cheL 
gridaua p ilque tucti li canj vrlauao et duraua quat° 
ocinque ore queL /uo gridare et vrlare nd ne 
vol/eno may dire la cagi5 de que/to. 

Vennere a vinti/ey de aq*lLe Zula principale de 
q e lla y/ola matan mando vno /uo figliolo con due 
capre apre/entarle aL cap° gfiale et dicendoli Como 
li mandaua tuta /ua pme//a ma p cagion de lalt° 
principalle Cilapulapu q no voleua hobedire aL re 
de/pagnia nd haueua potuto mandarglila et que 
neLa nocte /eguente li manda//e /olamente vno ba- 
tello pienno de homini p che lui li aiutaria et com- 
bateria Lo cap° gfiale delibero de andarui c5 tre 
batelli Lo prega//emo molto n5 vole//e vegnire 
ma lui Como bon pa/tore non vol/e abandonare lo 
/uo grege. Ameza nocte /e parti//emo /exanta ho- 
mini armati de cor/eletti et celade in/ieme col re 
xpiano iL principi et alguni magiori et vinti o 
trenta ba languai et tre hore inan/i Lo Jorno ariua/- 
/emo a matan Lo cap° non vol/e Combater alhora 
mali mando adire p lo moro /e voleuano hobedire 


porcelain jars containing fire about the room, and 
myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor 
through the house, are put on the fire. They keep 
the body in the house for five or six days during those 
ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with 
camphor. Then they bury the body and the same 
box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails 
and covered and enclosed by logs of wood."* Every 
night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as 
large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had 
it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, 
so that all the dogs began to howl ; and that screech- 
ing and howling would last for four or five hours,* 4 * 
but those people would never tell us the reason of it. 
On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the 
island of Matan, 344 sent one of his sons to present two 
goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would 
send him all that he had promised, but that he had 
not been able to send it to him because of the other 
chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of 
Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only 
one boatload of men on the next night, so that they 
might help him and fight against the other chief. 
The captain-general decided to go thither with three 
boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but 
he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his 
flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed 
with corselets and helmets, together with the Chris- 
tian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and 
twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan 
three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish 
to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the 
Moro to the effect that if they would obey the king 


aL re de spagnia et recognio/cere Lo re xpiano p /uo 
s e . et darne lo nfa tributo li /arebe amicho ma/e 
voleuano altramente a/pecta//eno como feriuao le 
nfe Lance ri/po/ero /e haueuamo lance haueuao 
lancie de canne bru/tolatte et pali bru/tolate et que 
nd anda//emo alhora ad a/altarli ma a/pecta/emo 
veni//e Lo giorno perche /arebenno piu gente. 
Que/to diceuao agio anda /emo aritrouarli p che 
haueuao facto certi ioffi f ra le caze p fame ca/care 
dent°. Venuto Lo giorno /alta/Temo ne Lacqua 
fina ale coffie caranta noue homini et cuffi anda/- 
/emo piu de dui trati de bale/t* inanzi pote/60 ariuar 
aL litto li bateli non potereno vegnire piu inanzi 
p certe petre q erano neL acqua li alt 2 vndici 
homini re/tarono p gardia de li bateli Quando 
ariua/yemo in terra Que/ta gente haueuao facto tre 
/cadrony de piu de mille cinque cento p/onne /ubito 
/entendone ne venirono a do/To con voci grandi//imi 
dui p fiancho et Lalt° p contro. Lo cap° qua do 
vi/te que/to ne fece dui parti et co/i comincia/Vemo 
a Combater li /quiopeti et bale/tieri tirarano da longi 
ca/i meza hora in vano /bla mente pa//andoli li tar- 
goni facti de tauole /otille et li brazi Lo capp 
gridaua nd tirare nd tirare ma non li valeua niente. 
Quando que/ti vi/tenno que tirauamo li /quiopeti in 
vano gridando deliborono a /tar forte ma molto piu 
gridauao Quando erano de/carigati li /quiopeti 


of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their 
sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their 
friend ; but that if they wished otherwise, they should 
wait to see how our lances wounded. 340 They replied 
that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and 
stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to 
proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until 
morning, so that they might have more men. They 
said that in order to induce us to go in search of 
them ; for they had dug certain pitholes between the 
houses in order that we might fall into them. When 
morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water 
up to our thighs, and walked through water for more 
than two crossbow flights before we could reach the 
shore. The boats could not approach nearer because 
of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men 
remained behind to guard the boats. When we 
reached land, those men had formed in three divi- 
sions to the number of more than one thousand five 
hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged 
down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divi- 
sions on our flanks and the other on our front. When 
the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, 
and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and 
crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half- 
hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through 
the shields which were made of thin wood and the 
arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, 
" Cease firing I cease firing I " but his order was not 
at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were 
shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they 
determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their 
shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the na- 


may n5 /tauano fermi /altando dequa et dela coperti 
con li /ui targonj ne tirauao tante frechie Lance de 
canna alguno di fero aL cap° gftalle pali pontini 
bru/tolati pietre ct Lo fango apena /e poteuao de- 
fendere. Vcdendo que/to Lo cap° gfiale mando 
alguni abru/are le /ue ca/e per /pauentarli Quando 
que/ti vi/tenno bruzare le /ue caze deuentorono piu 
fero ci apre//o de le ca/e forenno amazati dui deli 
nrj et vinti o trenta ca/e li bru/a//emo ne venirono 
tanti ado//o Q pa//arono c5 vna f reza ve nenata La 
gamba drita aL cap° per il que comando <j /e retira/- 
/emo a poco apoco ma loro fugirono /ique re/ta/- 
/emo da /ey o octo c5 lo capitanio Que/ti non ne 
tirauao in alt /inon ale gambe per <j erano nude p 
tante Lancie et pedre Q ne trahevano non pote//emo 
re/i/tere le bombarde de li batelli p e//ere tropo 
longui n5 ne poteuao ajutare /iche veni//emo reti- 
rando/i piu de vna bonna bale/trata longi de la riua 
/empre comba tendo ne lacque fin aL ginoquio 
/empre ne /eguitoro et repigliando vna mede/ima 
Lancie quat o/ey volte ne La Lanciauano que/ti 
Connio//endo Lo cap° tanti /i voltorono /op m de lui 
<j dui volte li botarono lo celadoe fora deL capo ma 
lui como bon Caualiero /empre /taua forte c5 alguni 
alt 1 piu de vno hora co//i combate//emo et non vo- 
lendo/i piu retirare vno indio li lancio vna lanza di 
cana deL vizo lui /ubito co la /ua Lancia Lo 
amazo et la/ciolila neL corpo poy volendo dar de 


tives would never stand still, but leaped hither and 
thither, covering themselves with their shields. They 
shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many 
bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at 
the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened 
with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely 
defend ourselves. Seeing that, the captain-general 
sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify 
them. When they saw their houses burning, they 
were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were 
killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or 
thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon 
us that they shot the captain through the right leg 
with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered 
us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except 
six or eight of us who remained with the captain. 
The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were 
bare; and so many were the spears and stones that 
they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. 
The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they 
were too far away. So we continued to retire for 
more than a good crossbow flight from the shore 
always fighting up to our knees in the water. The 
natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the 
same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again 
and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned 
upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head 
twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, 
together with some others. Thus did we fight for 
more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An 
Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's 
face, but the latter immediately killed him with his 
lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, try- 


mano a La /pada non puote cauarla /enon meza per 
vna ferita de canna haueua neL brazo Quando 
vi/teno que/to tuti andorono zdoffo alui vno c5 
vno gra terciado che e como vna /imitara ma piu 
groffo li detc vna ferita nelagamba /ini/tra p LaqMle 
ca/co coL volto inanzi subito li foreno ado/To con 
Lancie de fero et de cana et con q e lli fui terciadi fin 
que iL /pechio iL lume eL conforto et la vera guida 
nfa amazarono Quando lo feriuao molte volte ft 
volto indrieto p vedere ft eramo tucti dent° neli 
bateli poi vedendolo morto aL meglio pote/emo 
feriti ft ritra//emo ali batelli q gia ft partiuao Lo 
re xpiano ne hauereba ajutato ma Lo cap° inanzi 
di/monta/Terno in tera li comi//e non f\ doue//e 
partire dal /uo balanghai et fttfft auedere in que 
modo Combateu5o Quando lo re ftpt como era 
morto piance ft non era que/to pouero cap niuno 
de noy Si /aluaua neli bateli p che Quando lui Com- 
bateua li alt 1 ft retiravao ali batelli. Spero in vfa 
IlL™* s a La fama duno /1 genero/o cap° non debia 
tfftrt extinta neli tempi no/V fra le altre vertu (J 
eranno in lui era Lo piu Co/tante in vna grandi//ima 
fortuna Q may alguno alt° iofft fupo taua la fame 
piu <j tucti li alf et piu Ju/tamente Q homo fofft aL 
mondo carteaua et nauigaua et ft Que/to fu iL vero 
ft ve de aperta mente ninguno alt hauef auuto tanto 


ing to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but 
halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm 
with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, 
they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them 
wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,* 40 
which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That 
caused the captain to fall face downward, when 
immediately they rushed upon him with iron and 
bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they 
killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our 
true guide. When they wounded him, he turned 
back many times to see whether we were all in the 
boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wound- 
ed, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which 
were already pulling off. The Christian king would 
have aided us, but the captain charged him before 
we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to 
see how we fought. When the king learned that the 
captain was dead, he wept Had it not been for that 
unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would 
have been saved in the boats, for while he was fight- 
ing the others retired to the boats. I hope through 
[the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that 
the fame of so noble a captain will not become ef- 
faced in our times. Among the other virtues which 
he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one 
else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger 
better than all the others, and more accurately than 
any man in the world did he understand sea charts " T 
and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen 
openly, for no other had had so much natural talent 


Jngenio ni ardire de /aper dar vna volta aL mondo 
como J a cazi lui haueua dato. Que/ta bataglia fo 
facta aL Sabato vinti/ete de ap^le 1521. iL cap° La 
vol/e fare in /aba to p <j era lo giorno /uo deuoto 
nelaq'lle foreno morti con lui octo de li nfi et cat° 
Jndij facto xpiani dale bombarde deli bateli (J 
eranno da poy venutj p aiutarne et deli nimici Se non 
Quindici ma molti de noy feriti. 

Dopo di/hare le re xpiano mando adire cO Lo 
no/t° con/entimgto aquelli de matan se ne voleuao 
dare lo cap° con li alt 2 morti q li dare//emo Quanta 
merchadantia vole//ero ri/po/ero non /i daua vno 
taL homo como pen/auamo et Q non Lo darebenno p 
la magior riche//a deL mondo ma lo voleuano tenire 
p memoria /ua. 

Sabato <J fo morto Lo cap° q e lli cat Q /tauano nela 
cita p merchadantare fecero portare le no/tre mer- 
chantie alle naui poy face//emo dui gu bernatori 
duarte barboza portugue/e parente deL cap°. et Joh5 
/eranno /pagniolo linterprete nfo Q /e chiamaua 
henrich p e/yere vno poco ferito no andaua piu in 
terra p fare le co/e nfe nece/Varie ma /taua /empre 
ne La /quiauina p ilque duarte barbo/a guuernatof 
de la naue cap* li grido et di/Tegli /e benne e morto 
Lo cap° /uo s e . p que/to non era libero anzi voleua 


nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the 
world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought 
on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521. 348 The cap- 
tain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the 
day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were 
killed with him in that battle,* 40 and four Indians, 
who had become Christians and who had come after- 
ward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the 
boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while 
many of us were wounded. 

In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message 
with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect 
that if they would give us the captain and the other 
men who had been killed, we would give them as 
much merchandise as they wished. They answered 
that they would not give up such a man, as we 
imagined [they would do], and that they would not 
give him for all the riches in the world, but that they 
intended to keep him as a memorial.* 50 

On Saturday, the day on which the captain was 
killed, the four men who had remained in the city 
to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. 
Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte 
Barboza," 1 a Portuguese and a relative of the cap- 
tain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.*" As our inter- 
preter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he 
would not go ashore any more to attend to our neces- 
sary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that ac- 
count, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flag- 
ship, cried out to him and told him, that although his 
master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore 
free; on the contrary he [i.*., Barboza] would see 


Quando fo//emo ariuati in e/pagnia /cmprc fo//e 
/chiauo de ma dona beatrice moglie deL cap° gfiale 
et minaciandoli ft non anda ua in terra Lo f rust aria 
Lo /chiauo /i leuo et mo/tro de non far cOto de 
que/te parol le et ando in tera adire al re xpiano 
Como ft voleuao partire pre/to ma ft lui voleua far 
a /uo modo gadaneria li naue et tucte le nfe mercha- 
dantie et cu//i ordinorono vno tradimento Lo 
/quiauo retorno ale naue et mo/tro e//ere piu /acente 
que ptaa 

Mercore matina p*mo de magio Lo re xpono 
mando adire ali gouuernatory Como erano prepa- 
rate le gioie haueua pme//o de mandare aL re de- 
/pagnia et que li pregaua c5 li alt 1 foi anda/ero di/i- 
nare /echo q e lla matina Q li la darebe andorono 24 
homini in tera c5 que/ti ando Lo nfo a/trologo che 
/e chiamaua s. martin de siuilla yo non li pote andare 
p che era tuto infiato per vna ferita de f reza venenata 
che haueua nela fronte Jouan caruaio c5 Lo bari- 
zello tornorono indietro et ne di/cero como vi/teno 
colui re/a nato p miracolo menare Lo prete aca/a 
/ua et p que/to /eranno partittj per che dubitauao de 
q a lque malle n5 di//ero co/i pre/to le parolle que 
/enti//imo grJ gridi et Lamenti /ubito leua//emo 
lanchore et tirando molte bombarde nele ca/e ne 
appinqua//emo piu ala terra et cu//i tirado vede/- 
/emo Joh5 /eranno in camiza ligato et ferito gridare 
nO doue//emo piu tirare per che Lamazarebenno li 


to it that when we should reach Espagnia, he should 
still be the slave of Dofla Beatrice, the wife of the 
captain-general." 1 And threatening the slave that 
if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter 
arose, and, feigning to take no heed to those words, 
went ashore to tell the Christian king 3M that we were 
about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow 
his advice, he could gain the ships and all our mer- 
chandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the 
slave returned to the ship, where he showed that 
he was more cunning m than before. 

On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the 
Christian king sent word to the commanders that the 
jewels m which he had promised to send to the king 
of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and 
their other companions to come to dine with him 
that morning, when he would give them the jewels. 
Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our 
astrologer, San Martin de Sivilla. I could not go 
because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poi- 
soned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan 
Carvaio and the constable 3 " returned, and told us 
that they saw the man who had been cured by a mir- 
acle take the priest to his house. 358 Consequently, 
they had left that place, because they suspected some 
evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when 
we heard loud cries and lamentations. We imme- 
diately weighed anchor and discharging many mor- 
tars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. 
While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan 
Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to 
us not to fire any more, for the natives would kill 


domanda//emo ft tucti li alt* con lo interprete erano 
morti difft tucti erano morti /aluo linterprctc 
nc prego molto Lo doueffemo re/catare c5 q a lque 
merchadantia ma Joha caruiao fuo compare non 
vol/ero p re/tare loro patronj anda/Te Lo batello in 
tera Ma Johan /eranno pur piangendo ne di//e Q 
n5 hauere/Temo co/i pre/to facto vella <j lauerianno 
amazato et di//e <j pregaua ydio neL Jorno deL 
Juditio dimanda/Te Lanima /ua a Johan caruiao /uo 
compadre /ubito /e parti/Temo no /o ft morto 
o viuo lui re/ta/Te. 

Jn que/ta yzola /e troua cani gati rizo millio 
panizo /orgo gengero figui neranzi limone Canne 
dolci agio meL cochi chiacare zuche carne de molte 
/orte vino de palma et oro et e grande y/ola con vno 
bon porto q a due intrate vna aL ponente lalt* aL 
grego et leuante /ta de Latitudine aL polo articho 
in x gradi de longitudine de la linea de la repartitide 
cento /exanta cat gradi et ft chiama Zubu Quiui 
inanzi <j motif ft lo cap° genneralle haue/yemo noua 
de malucho Que/ta gente /bnano de viola c5 corde 
de ramo. 

Vocabuli de que/ti populi gentili. 

AL homo : lac 

ALa donna paranpaon 

ALa Jouene beni beni 

Ala maritata babay 


him. 8 " We asked him whether all the others and 
the interpreter were dead. He said that they were 
all dead except the interpreter. He begged us ear- 
nestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise ; 
but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] 
would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they 
might remain masters of the ships. 060 But although 
Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so 
quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he 
prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his 
comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately 
departed. I do not know whether he is dead or 
alive. 3 " 

In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, 
panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [1.*., bananas], oranges, 
lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, 
nangcas,"* gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, 
and gold. 868 It is a large island, and has a good port 
with two entrances - one to the west and the other to 
the east northeast. 364 It lies in x degrees 366 of latitude 
toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one 
hundred and sixty- four 366 degrees from the line of 
demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of 
Malucho there before the death of the captain-gen- 
eral. Those people play a violin with copper strings. 

Words of those heathen people 

For Man lac 

for Woman paranpaon 

for Young woman beni beni 

for Married woman babay 



[Vol. 33 

Ali capilli 
AL vizo 
Ale palpebre 
Ale ciglie 
Al ocquio 
AL nazo 
Ale ma/Telle 
Ali labri 
A la bocca 
A li denti 
Ale gengiue 
Ala linga 
Alle orechie 
Ala gola 
AL collo 
AL mento 
ALa barba 
Ale /palle 
A la /chena 
AL peto 
AL corpo 
Soto li braci 
AL braci o 
AL gomedo 
AL pol/o 
ALa mano 
A la palma de la 

AL dito 
Ala ongia 
AL Lombelico 
AL membro 
Ali te/ticoli 

bo ho 

































for Hair 


for Face 


for Eyelids 


for Eyebrows 


for Eye 


for Nose 


for Jaws 


for Lips 


for Mouth 


for Teeth 


for Gums 


for Tongue 


for Ears 


for Throat 


for Neck 


for Chin 


for Beard 


for Shoulders 


for Spine 


for Breast 

dughan MT 

for Body 




for Arm 


for Elbow 


for Pulse 


for Hand 


for the Palm of the hand palan 

for Finger 


for Fingernail 


for Navel 


for Penis 


for Testicles 




[Vol. 33 

Ala natura de le 



AL vzar c5 loro 


Ale cullate 


Ala co/sa 


AL ginochio 


AL Schincho 

ba/sag ba/sag 

ALa polpa de la 



ALa cauechia 


AL calcagnio 


Ala /olla deL pie 

Lapa lapa 

AL horo 


AL argento 


AL Laton 


AL fero 


Ale canne dolce 


AL cuchiaro 


AL rizo 

bughax baras 

AL melle 


ALa cera 


AL /alle 


AL vino 

tuba nio nipa 

AL bere 


AL mangiare 


AL porcho 


ALa capra 


ALa galina 


AL miglio 


AL forgo 


AL panizo 


AL peuere 


Ali garofoli 



for Vagina m 


for to have Communi- 

cation with women 


for Buttocks 


for Thigh 


for Knee 


for Shin 

bassag bassag 

for Calf of the leg 


for Ankle 


for Heel 


for Sole of the foot 

lapa lapa 

for Gold 


for Silver 


for Brass 


for Iron 


for Sugarcane 


for Spoon 


for Rice 

bughax baras 

for Honey 


for Wax 


for Salt 


for Wine 

tuba nio nipa 

for to Drink 


for to Eat 


for Hog 


for Goat 


for Chicken 


for Millet 


for Sorgo 


for Panicum 

dana m 

for Pepper 


for Cloves 




[Vol. 33 

ALa Cannella 


AL gengero 


AL ayo 


Ali naran/i 


AL ouo 


AL coco 


AL acceto 


AL acqua 


AL f uoco 


AL fumo 


AL /of iarc 


Alle belancie 


AL pezo 


Ala perla 


Ale madre de le 



Ala zampognia 


AL mal de s to Job. 



palatin comorica 

Acerte fogacie de 






ti da le 

AL cortello 

capol /undan 

Ale forfice 


A tosare 


AL homo ben 



Ala tella 


A li panni £j ft 



AL conaglio 

colon colon 

Ali pater nf j dogni 




for Cinnamon 


for Ginger 


for Garlic 


for Oranges 


for Egg 


for Cocoanut 


for Vinegar 


for Water 


for Fire 


for Smoke 


for to Blow 


for Balances 


for Weight 

tahil m 

for Pearl 


for Mother of pearl 


for Pipe [a musical in- 



for Disease of St. Job 

alupalan m 

Bring me 

palatin comorica 

for certain Rice cakes 

tinapai m 





for Knife 

capol, sundan 

for Scissors 


To shave 


for a well adorned Man 


for Linen 


for the cloth with which 

they cover themselves 


for hawk'sbell 

coloncolon m 

for Pater nosters of all 



i 9 4 


[Vol. 33 

AL petinc 

AL pentinare 

ALa Camiza 

ALa gugia de co/ire 

AL cu/ire 

A La porcelana 

AL cana 

AL gato. 

Ali /ui vcli 

Ali cri/talini 

Vien q* 

Ala caza 

AL legniame 

Allc /tore doue 

Ale /tore de palma 
Ale cu/7mi de foglie 
A li piati de legnio 
AL /uo ydio 
AL /olle 
ALa luna 
Ala /tela 
ALa aurora 
Ala matina 
Ala taza 
AL archo 
ALa f reza 
Ali targoni 
A le ve/te inbotide 

p combater 
Ale /ue daghe 

cutlei mi/samis 






aian ydo 





Jlaga balai 









bolan bunthun. 









calix baladao 


for Comb 

cutlei, missamis 

for to Comb 


for Shirt 


for Sewing-needle 


for to Sew 


for Porcelain 


for Dog 

aian, ydo 

for Cat 


for their Scarfs 


for Glass Beads 


Come here 


for House 

ilaga, balai 

for Timber 


for the Mats on which 

they sleep 


for Palm-mats 


for their Leaf cushions 


for Wooden platters 


for their God 


for Sun 


for Moon 


for Star 

bolan, bunthun 

for Dawn 


for Morning 


for Cup 




for Bow 


for Arrow 


for Shields 


for Quilted garments 

used for fighting 


for their daggers 

calix, baladao 



[Vol. 33 

Ali /ui tertiadi 


A la Lancia 


El talle 


Ali figui 


Ale zuche 


Ale corde dele /ue 



AL fiume 


AL ri/aio p pe/carc 

pucat laia 

AL batello 


A le canne grandc 


Ale picole 


Ale /ue barche 



Ale /ue barque 



Ali granci 


AL pe/ce 

Jcam y//ida 

A vno pe/cie tuto 


panap /ap5 

A vno alt* roffo 


A vno certo alt° 


A vno alt* 


Tuto e vno 

Siama siama, 

A vno /chiauo 


A la forca 


ALa naue 


A vno re cap° 







for their Cutlasses campilan 

for Spear bancan 

for Like tuan 

for Figs [i.e., bananas] saghin 

for Gourds 


for the Cords of their 



for River 


for Fishing-net 

pucat, laia 

for small Boat 


for large Canes 


for the small ones 


for their large Boats 


for their small Boats 

boloto m 

for Crabs 


for Fish 

icam, yssida 

for a Fish that is all 



for another red [Fish] 


for a certain other 

[kind of Fish] 


for another [kind of 



All the same 

siama siama 

for a Slave 


for Gallows 


for Ship 


for a King or Captain- 







duy dua 

tre tolo. 

Quat° vpat 

Cinque lima 

Sey onom 

Sette pitto 

octo gualu 

Noue Ciam. 

Diece polo. 

Longi dizodoto legue de que/ta y/ola zzubu aL 
capo de q e La alt* Q /e chiama bohol bruza//emo 
in mezo de que/to arcipelago la naue conceptide per 
e//ere re/tati tropo pochi et forni//emo le altre due 
de le co/e /ue megliore pi glia//emo poy la via deL 
garbin et mezo di co/tando la Jzola Q /i di/e pani- 
longon nela q*lle /onno homini neg* Como in etiopia 
poy ariua/go a vna y/ola grande Lo re delaq'lle p 
fare pace c5 noy Se cauo /angue de La mano /ini/tra 
/anguinando/e lo corpo Lo volto et la cima de la 
linga in /egnio de magior amiti/ia co/i f ace//emo 
ancho nui Jo /olo anday c6 Lo rey in tera p vedere 
Que/ta y/ola /ubito Q Jntra//emo in vno fiume 
molti pe/catori pre/entarono pe/ce al re poy lo re 
ft cauo li pannj que haueua intorno le /ue tgonie 
c5 alguni /ui principali et cantando Co minciorono 
a vogare pa//ando p molti habitationi Q erano /oura 
Lo fiume ariua//emo a due hore de nocte in ca/a 
/ua daL principio de q3/to fiume doue e/tauamo 
le naui fino a ca/a del re erSo due legue entrSdo 
nela ca/a ne venirono incontra molte torcie de canna 
et de foglie de palma Que/te torcie erano de 


two dua 

three tolo 

four upat 

five lima 

six onom 

seven pitto 

eight gualu 

nine ciam 

ten polo m 

In the midst of that archipelago" 7 at a distance of 
eighteen leguas from that island of Zzubu, at the 
head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the 
ship "Conceptione," for too few men of us were left 
[to work it]. m We stowed the best of its contents in 
the other two ships, and the laid our course toward 
the south southwest, coasting along the island called 
Panilongon,*" where black men like those in Etiopia 
live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao], 
whose king in order to make peace with us, dre\y 
blood from his left hand marking his body, face, 
and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the 
closest friendship, and we did the same. I went 
ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. 
We had no sooner entered a river than many fisher- 
men offered fish to the king. Then the king removed 
the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of 
his chiefs ; and began to row while singing past many 
dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours 
after nightfall we reached the king's house. The 
distance from the beginning of the river where our 
ships were to the king's house, was two leguas. When 
we entered the house, we came upon many torches 
of cane and palm leaves,* 80 which were of the anime, 


anime Como li dete de soura fin <j ft aparechio 
la cene lo re con dui principali et due /ue femine 
belle beue rono vno gra vazo de vino pienno de 
palma /enza mangiare niente Jo e/cu/andomi 
hauere cennato non voice berre /inon vna volta 
beuendo faceuazao tute le cerimonie Como eL re de 
mazaua venne poy La Cena de rizo et pe/cie molto 
/alato po/to in /cutelle de porcelana mangiauSo 
lo rizo p panne Cocono Lo rizo in que/to modo 
prima meteno dent° in pigniate de terra como le nfe 
vna fogla grande che circunda tuta la pigniata poy 
li meteno lacque et iL rizo copredola la la/ciano 
bugliere fin Q venne lo rizo duro como panne poi 
Lo cauano fuora in pezi in tucte que/te parte 
cocono Lo rizo in que/ta /orte Cenato <j haue/- 
/emo Lo re fece portare vna /tora de canne con vnalt* 
de palma et vna cucino de foglie a$io yo dormi//e 
/oura que/te iL re con le due femine ando a dor- 
mire in vno luoco /eparato dormi c5 vno /uo 
principali Venuto il giorno mentre ft aparechio 
Lo di/nare anday p que/ta izolla vidi in que/te 
loro ca/e a//ay ma//aritie de oro et poca victuuaria 
poy di/na//emo rizo et pe/cie finito Lo di/nare 
dice aL [re] con /egni vederia La reyna me 

re/po/e era contento anda//emo de Compania in 
(ima duno alto monte doue era la ca/a de la reyna 
Quando entray in ca/a Le fece la reuerentia et ley 
co//i ver/o de me /edeti apre//o a ella Laq'lle 
faceua vna /tora de palma p dormi re p La ca/a /ua 
erafio atacati molti vazi de porcelana et Quatro 


of which mention was made above. Until the supper 
was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and 
two of his beautiful women drank the contents of 
a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. 
I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink 
but once. In drinking they observed all the same 
ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the 
supper, which consisted of rice and very salt m fish, 
and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought 
in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook 
it after the following manner. They first put in an 
earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines 
all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, 
and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice 
becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in 
pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout 
those districts. 8 " When we had eaten, the king had 
a reed mat and another of palm leaves, and a leaf 
pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. 
The king and his two women went to sleep in a 
separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs. 8 * 1 
When day came and until the dinner was brought 
in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles 
of gold in those houses ,M but little food. After that 
we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of 
dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could 
see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and 
we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where 
the queen's house was located. When I entered the 
house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the 
same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She 
was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the 
house there was hanging a number of porcelain jars 


borquie de metalo vna magiore de Lalt* et due piu 
picole p /enare gli eranno molti /chiaui et /chiaue 
Q La /eruiuio Que/te ca/e /onno facte como le 
alf Ja dete pigliata li/entia torna/emo in caza 
deL re /ubito fece darne vna Colati5e de 

canne dolce La magior abundantia Q /ia in 
que/ta y/ola e de oro mi mo/trorono certj 

valoni facendomi /egnio que in q e lli era tanto 
horo como li /ui capilly ma non anno fero p 
cauarlo ne ancque voleno q e la fatiga Que/ta 
parte de La y/ola e vna mede/ma terra con butuan et 
calaghan et pa//a /opra bohol et confina c5 mazaua 
per che tornaremo vna alt* fiata in que/ta izolla non 
dico alt° pa//ato mezo di vol/e tornare ale naui 
eL re vol/e venire et li alt 1 principali et cu//i vene/- 
/emo neL medi/imo balanghai retornando p lo 
fiume viti aman drita /op* vno monticello tre 
huominj apicati a vno arbure Q haueua tagliati li 
ramy Domanday al re q* eran q e lli ri/po/i Q 
erano maLfactorj et robatorj Que/ti populi vano 
nudi Como li alt 1 de /up* Lo re /e chiama raia 
Calanao eL porto he buono et quiui /e troua rizo 
gengero porci cap re galine et alt 6 co/e /ta de Lati- 
tudine aL polo articho in octo gradi et cento /exanta- 
/ete de longitudine della linea repartitionalle et 
longi da Zubu cinquanta legue et /e chiama chipit 


and four metal gongs - one of which was larger than 
the second, while die other two were still smaller - 
for playing upon. There were many male and 
female slaves who served her. Those houses are 
constructed like those already mentioned. Having 
taken our leave, we returned to the king's house, 
where the king had us immediately served with re- 
freshments of sugarcane. The most abundant prod- 
uct of that island is gold. They showed me certain 
large valleys, 885 making me a sign that the gold there 
was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they 
have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not 
care to go to the trouble [to get it].** That part of 
the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and 
Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded 
by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, 
I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon 
having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The 
king and the other chief men wished to accompany 
me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai. 881 
As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the 
summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended 
from one tree, the branches of which had been cut 
away. I asked the king what was the reason for 
that, and he replied that they were malefactors and 
robbers. Those people go naked as do the others 
above mentioned. The king's name is Raia Ca- 
lanao. 888 The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, gin- 
ger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be 
found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight 
degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude 
of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees 8W from the 
line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu, 


due Jornatc de q* aL mai/trale /e troua vna J/ola 
grande detta Lozon doue vanno ogni anno /ey hoto 
octo Junci deli populi lechij 

Partendone de q* ala meza partita de ponente et 
garbin de//emo in vna y/ola non molto grande et ca/i 
de/habitata La gente de que/ta /onno mori et 
eranno banditi duna y/ola deta burne vano nudi 
Como li alt 1 anno za robotane con li carca//eti alato 
pienni de f reze con erba venenata anno pugnialli 
con li mani/i ornati de oro et de pietre precio/e 
lancie rodelle et corazine de como de bufalo ne 
chiamauSo corpi /ancti Jn que/ta y/ola ft trouaua 
pocha victuuaglia ma arborj grandi//imj /ta de 
Latitudine aL polo articho in /ette gradi et mezo et 
longi da chippit Quaranta tre legue et cbiama//e 

Da que/ta y/ola circa de vinti cinque legue fra 
ponente et mai/tralle tro ua//emo vna Jzola grande 
doue /i troua rizo gengero porci capre galie fighi 
Longui mezo brazo et gro//i como lo bracio /onno 
boni et alguni alt 2 Longui vno palmo et alt* mancho 
molto megliori de tucti li altri Cochi batate canne 
dolci radice como rapi aL mSgiare et rizo cotto /oto 
lo fuocho in canne o in legnio que/to dura piu que 
qllo coto in pigniatte Que/ta tera poteuSo chia- 
mare la terra de pmissione perche Jnanzi la troua/- 
/emo patiuamo gr5 Fame a/say volte /te//emo in 
force de habandomare le naui et andare in terra p 
non morire de fame. Lo re fece pace c5 noi 


and is called Chipit. 880 Two days' journey thence 
to the northwest is found a large island called 
Lozon," 1 where six or eight junks belonging to the 
Lequian people go yearly/" 

Leaving there and laying our course west south- 
west, we cast anchor at an island not very large and 
almost uninhabited. The people of that island are 
Moros and were banished from an island called 
Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have 
blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of 
arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers 
whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious 
gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo 
horn. 898 They called us holy beings. Little food 
was to be found in that island, but [there were] 
immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one- 
half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty- 
three leguas 894 from Chippit. Its name is Cag- 
haian. 895 

About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest 
from the above island we found a large island, where 
rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza 
long and as thick as the arm [*.*., bananas] (they are 
excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less 
in length, and are much better than all the others), 
cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots 
resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is 
cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood ; 
and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots. 
We called that land the land of promise, because 
we suffered great hunger before we found it. We 
were often on the point of abandoning the ships and 
going ashore in order that we might not die of hun- 


tagliando//e vno pocho c5 vno nfo cortello in mezo 
deL pecto et /anguinando ft tocho la lingua et La 
f ronte in /egnio de piu vera pace co/i fecc mo ancho 
nuy Que/ta y/ola /ta de Latitudine aL polo arti- 
cho in noue gradi et vno ter/o et cento et /eptanta vno 
et vno ter/o de Longitudine de La lignea ripartitide 

Que/ti populi de polaoan vano nudi como li alt 1 
Qua/i tucti Lauaranno li /ui campi hanno zara- 
botanne c5 freze de legnio gro//e piu duno palmo 
arponate et algune con /pine de pe/ce con erba 
venenata at alt e co ponte de cana arponate et venenate 
anno neL capo ficato vno pocho de legnio molle in 
cambio de le penne neL fine dele /ue zarabotSe 
liganno vno fero como di Jannetone et Quando anno 
tracte le freze combateno c5 que/to precianno aneli 
cadennete de latone /onaglie cor teli et piu aL filo 
de ramo p ligare li /ui ami da pe/care anno gaily 
grandi molto dome/tici no li mangiSo p vna certa 
/ua venneratiSe alguna volta li f anno combatere luno 
co lalt° et ogni vno meta p Lo /uo vno tanto et poy 
de cului q he /uo eL vincitore he /uo eL premio et 
anno vino de rizo lambicato piu grande et megliof 
de q e llo de palma. 

Longi de que/ta y/ola dieze legue aL garbin 
de/semo in vna Jzola et co/teandola ne pareua al- 
quanto a/cendere intrati neL porte ne a parue eL 


ger. Me The king made peace with us by gashing 
himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, 
and upon bleeding, touching the tip of his tongue 
and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we 
did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine 
and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and 
a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one- 
third m degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is 
called] Pulaoan." 8 

Those people of Polaoan go naked as do the 
others. Almost all 8M of them cultivate their fields. 
They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more 
than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others 
tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; 
while others are tipped with points of bamboo like 
harpoons and are poisoned. 400 At the end of the 
arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead 
of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they 
fasten a bit of iron like a spear head; 401 and when 
they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. 
They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, 
knives, and still more on copper wire for binding 
their fishhooks. They have large and very tame 
cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain 
veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they 
make them fight with one another, and each one puts 
up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes 
to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled 
rice wine which is stronger and better than that made 
from the palm. 402 

Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to 
an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to 
be going upward. After entering the port, the holy 


corpo /ancto p vno tempo o/curi//imo daL 

principio de que/ta y/ola fina aL porto li /onno cin- 
quanta legue Lo Jorno /equente a noue de Juglio 
Lo re de que/ta y/ola ne mando vno prao molto bello 
c5 la proua et la popa lauorate doro era /up* la 
proua vna bandiera de biancho et lazuro con penne 
de pauonne in cima alguni /onauio con cinphonie 
et tamburi veniuSo c8 que/to prao due al ma die li 
prao /onno Como fu/te et le almadie /onno le /ue 
barche da pe/care octo homini vecq* deli princi- 
pali entrarono nele naui et /ederonno neLa popa /op* 
vno tapeto ne apre/entarono vno vazo de legnio de 
pinto pieno de betre et areca che e q e L fructo que 
ma/ticano /empre con fiori de gel/omini et de 
naranci coperto de vno panno de /eta J alio due gabie 
pienne de galine vno paro de cap re tre vazi pieni 
de vino de rizo lanbicato et alquanti fa/ci de canne 
dolci et co//i de tero a laltra naue et abraciandone 
pigliaronno li/entia eL vino de rizo he chiaro 
como lacqua ma tanto grande Q molti deli no/t* 
/embriacard et lo chiamano arach. 

Deli a/ey giorni lore mando vnalt* volta tre prao 
con molta pompa /on£do cinphonie tamburi et bor- 
chie de latone circondorono le naui et ne fecero 
reuerentia c5 certe sue berete de tella Q li copreno 
/olamentc la cima deL capo li /aluta//emo c5le 
bonbarde /enza pietre poy ne detero vno pftte de 
diuer/e viuande /olamente de rizo algune in foglie 
facte in pezi alquanto longhi algune como pannj de 


body [i.e., St. Elmo's fire] appeared to us through 
the pitchy darkness. There is a distance of fifty 
leguas 4 " from the beginning of that island to the 
port. On the following day, July nine, the king of 
that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose 
bow and stern were worked in gold. At die bow 
flew a white and blue banner surmounted with pea- 
cock feathers. Some men were playing on musical 
instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Two al* 
madies 4 ** came with that prau. Praus resemble 
fustas, while the almadies are their small fishing 
boats. Eight old men, who were chiefs, entered the 
ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They 
presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel 
and areca (the fruit which they chew continually), 
and jessamine "* and orange blossoms, a covering of 
yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple 
of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some 
bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the 
other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The 
rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it 
intoxicated many of our men. It is called arach [*'.*., 

Six days later the king again sent three praus with 
great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical 
instruments [cinphonie] playing and drums and 
brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their 
peculiar cloth caps which cover only the top of their 
heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars 
without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us 
a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. 
Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in 
somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar- 


zucharo et alguni alt 1 f acti amodo de torte con oui et 
mellc ne di//cro como lo /ue re era contento 
piglia//cmo hacqua et legnia ct contrata//emo aL nfo 
piacef vdendo que/to monta//emo /ette dc nuy alt 1 
/op a lo prao ct porta//emo vno pfttc al re clq'llc era 
vna ve/ta dc vcluto tde a la turche/ca vna cathedra 
dc veluto morello cinque bracia de panno ro//o vno 
bonnet et vno biquier dorato vno vaso de vetro 
coperto tre quinternj de carta et vno Calamaro do- 
rato aLa regina tre bracia de panno [ro/so: crossed 
out in original M5.] giallo vno paro de /carpe ar- 
gentate vno guchiarollo dargento pieno de gugie AL 
gouuernatof tre bracia de panno ro//o vno bonnet et 
vno bichier dorato aL re darme Q era vennuto 
nelli prao gli de/emo vna ve/ta de panno ro//o et 
tde aLa turche/ca vno bonnet et vno quinterno 
de carta a li alt* /ete principali a q 1 tella a q* bonnet) 
et a ogni vno vno quinterno de carta et /ubito ft 

Quando Jonge//emo aLa cita /te//emo for/i due 
hore neli prao fin Q venirono dui elephanti coperti 
de /eta et dudizi homini c5 vno vazo p vno de porce 
lana coperto de/eta p coprire nfi pre/enti poy 
monta//emo /op* li elefanty et que/ti dodice hominj 
ne andau3o dinanzi c5 li pre/enti neli vazi anda 
/emo cu//i fin a la ca/a del gouuernatore oue ne fo 
data vna cena de molte viuande la nocte dormi//emo 
/oura matara/i de bambazo la /ua fodra era de tafeta 
li lin/oli de cambaia lo giorno /eguente /te//emo in 
ca/a fin amezo di poy anda//emo aL palagio del re 


loaves, while others were made in the manner of tarts 
with eggs and honey. They told us that their king 
was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade 
at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven 406 of us en- 
tered their prau bearing a present to their king, 
which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the 
Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas 
of red cloth, a cap, 407 a gilded drinking glass, a cov- 
ered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and 
a gilded writing-case. To the queen [we took] three 
brazas of [red: crossed out in original MSJ\ yellow 
cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle- 
case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red 
cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking-glass to the gov- 
ernor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave 
a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish 
fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to 
the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and 
to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book 
of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the 

When we reached the city, we remained about two 
hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants 
with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom 
carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which 
to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the 
elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot 
with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to 
the house of the governor, where we were given a 
supper of many kinds of food. During the night 
we slept on cotton mattresses, 40 * whose lining was of 
taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we 
stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to the 


/oura clcfanti c5 li p/entj dinanci como lo giorao 
dananti da ca/a deL gouuernatof fin in ca/a deL re 
tutc le /trate erano pienne de hominj con /pade 
lancie et targonj p che cu//i haueua voluto lo re. 
Jntra//emo /oura li elefanti ne la corte deL pala- 
tio anda//emo /u p vna /cala acompagniatj daL 
gouuernatof et alt 1 principali et Jntra//emo in vna 
/ala grande piena de molti baronj oue /ede//emo 
/op* vno tapeto c5 li pflti neli vazi apre//o noi AL 
capo de Que/ta /ala nehe vnalt* piu alta ma alquanto 
piu picola tuta ornata de panni de /eta oue /e apri- 
rono due fene/tre con due cortine de brocato daliq'Ui 
veniua la luce nella /ala iui erano trecento homini 
in piedi c5 /tocq* nudi soura la co//a p guardia deL 
re aL capo de Que/ta era vna grande fene/t* dalaq'lle 
/e tiro vna cortina de brocato dent° de que/ta vede/- 
/emo el re /edere ataula con vno /uo figliolo picolino 
et ma/ticare betre dietro da lui erano /inon donne 
Alhora ne di//e vno principalle nuy nd poteuJo 
parlare al re et ft voleuamo alguna co/a Lo dice/- 
/emo alui p che la direbe avno piu principale et 
Quello avno fratello deL gouuernatof Q /taua nela 
/ala piu picola et poi lui la direbe c8 vna zarabotana 
p vna /fi/ura deL pariete a vno Q /taua dent° cQlore 
et ne in /egnio doue//emo fare al re tre reuerentie 
c5 li many Jonte /o p lo capo alzando li piedi mo vno 
mo alt° et poy le basa//emo co/i fo facto Que/ta e 
la /ua reuerentia reale li dice//emo como eramo deL 


king's palace upon elephants, with our presents in 
front as on the preceding day. All the streets from 
the governor's to the king's house were full of men 
with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the 
king's orders. We entered the courtyard of the 
palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a 
ladder accompanied by the governor and other 
chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles, 4 * 
where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents 
in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is 
another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was 
all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, 
through which light entered the hall and hung with 
two brocade curtains, opened from it, There were 
three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at 
their thighs in that hall to guard the king. 410 At 
the end of the small hall was a large window from 
which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we 
could see within it the king seated at a table with 
one of his young sons chewing betel. 411 No one but 
women were behind him. Then a chief told us that 
we could not speak to the king, and that if we wished 
anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could 
communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter 
would communicate it to a brother of the governor 
who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man 
would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube 
through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with 
the king. The chief taught us the manner of making 
three obeisances to the king with our hands clasped 
above the head, raising first one foot and then the 
other and then kissing the hands toward him, and 
we did so, that being the method of the royal obei- 


re de/pagnia et que lui voleua pace /eco et nd 
domandauao alt° /aluo potere mScadSi tare ne fece 
dire el re poy cheL re de/pagnia voleua e/ere fxxo 
amicho lui era contenti//imo de e//er /uo et di//e 
piglia//emo hacqua et legnia et merchadanta/emo a 
nfo piacere poi li de//emo li pre/enti faceua 
dognj co/a cS Lo capo vn poco de riuerentia 
acia/cuno de nuy alt 1 fo dacto brocadelo et panny de 
oro et de /eta ponendoneli /op a la /pala Sini/tra ma 
poco la/ciando negli ne deteno vna ColatiSe de 
garofoli et canella alora foreno tirate le cortine 
et /erate le fene/tre li homini <j era neL palatio 
tuti haueuao panni de oro [de oro: doublet in origi- 
nal MS.] et de /eta intorno loro tgonie pugniali c6 
Lo manicho de oro et ornato de perle et petre 
precio/e et molti aneli nele mani retorna//emo 
Soura le elefanti ala ca/a deL gouuernatof Sete 
homini portorono iL prezente del re /empre dinanzi 
Quando fo/semo Jonti aca/a dereno a ogniuno Lo 
Suo et nel mi//ero /our a la /pala Sini/tra aliq'lli 
p /ua fatica dona//emo a cia/caduna vno paro de 
Cortelli venirono in ca/a deL gouuernatof noue 
hominj c5 alt* tanti piati de legnio grandi daL parte 
de re in ogni piato erao x hoto dudize /cudelle 
de porcelana pienne de Carne de vitello de caponi 
galine pauonj et altry animali et de pe/ce cena/- 
/emo in tera /oura vna /tora de palma de trenta o 
trenta dui /orte de viuande de carne eccepto Lo 
pe/ce et alt 6 co/e beue uao a ogni bocone pieno 
vno vazeto de porcelana grande como vno ouo de q e L 
vino lanbicato mangia//emo rizo et altre viuande 


sance. We told the king that we came from the king 
of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace 
with him and asked only for permission to trade. 
The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia 
desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be 
his, and said that we could take water and wood, 
and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the 
presents, on receiving each of which he nodded 
slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded 
and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our 
left shoulders, where they were left but a moment. 4 " 
They presented us with refreshments of cloves and 
cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to 
and the windows closed. The men in the palace were 
all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered 
their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts 
adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they 
had many rings on their hands. We returned upon 
the elephants to the governor's house, seven men 
carrying the king's presents to us and always preced- 
ing us. When we reached the house, they gave each 
one of us his present, placing them upon our left 
shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of 
knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the gov- 
ernor's house with a like number of large wooden 
trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or 
twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, 
peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped 
on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty- 
two different kinds of meat besides the fish and other 
things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small 
cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup 
the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet food 


de /ucaro cS cuchiarj doro Como li nf j oue dor- 
mi//emo le due nocte /tauSo due torcie de cera 
biancha /empre acceze /oura dui Candellieri de 
argento vno poco alti et due lampade grande pienne 
dolio c6 catro pauerj p ogni vna et dui homini <J 
/empre le /pauilau£o Veni//emo /oura li elefanti 
fino a La riua deL mare doue forono dui prao <J ne 
condu/cero ale nauj Que/ta cita etuta fondata in 
acqua /al/a /aluo la ca/a del re et algune de certy 
principali et he de vinti cinque miglia focq* le ca/e 
/onno tute de legno edificati /oura pali gro//i alti 
da tera Quando lo mare cre/cie vanno le donne p 
la tera con barque vendendo co/e nece//arie aL /uo 
viuere dinanzi la ca/a deL re e vno muro de 
Cadreli gro//o con barbarcanj a modo de forteza nel 
q'Ue erano cinquanta /ey bombarde de metalo et /ey 
de fero in li dui giornj /te//emo iui /caricorono 
molte Que/to re e moro et /e chiama raia Siripada 
era de Quaranta anny et gra//o ninguno Lo 
gouerna ft non donne figliole deli principali non 
/i parte may fora daL palatio ft non Quando va ala 
caza ninguno li po par lare /inon p zarabotane 
tene x /criuanj Q /criueno le co/e /ue in f cor ft de ar- 
bore molto /otille a Que/ti chiamano Xiritoles. 

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vede//emo 
venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in trc 
/cadronj con alt 1 tanti tunguli Q /onno li /ue barche 
picole Quando vede//emo Que/to pen/ando fo//e 
qMque Jnganno ne de//emo Lo piu pre/to fo po//i- 


with gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quar- 
ters there during those two nights, two torches of 
white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather 
tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of 
oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff 
them continually. We went elephant-back to the 
seashore, where we found two praus which took us 
back to the ships. That city 418 is entirely built in 
salt water, except the houses of the king and certain 
chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., 
families]. 414 The houses are all constructed of wood 
and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When 
the tide is high the women go in boats through the 
settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to 
maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front 
of the king's house with towers like a fort, in which 
were mounted fifty-six bronze [metalo] pieces, and 
six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, 
many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro 
and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years 
old and corpulent. No one serves him except women 
who are the daughters 4 " of chiefs. He never goes 
outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, 
and no one is allowed to talk with him except 
through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called 
Xiritoles, 416 who write down his deeds on very thin 
tree bark. 

On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw 
more than one hundred praus divided into three 
squadrons and a like number of tunguli 41T (which are 
their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catch- 
ing sight of them, imagining that there was some 
trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as pos- 


bile nela vella et p pre//a La/cia//emo vna anchora 
et molto piu ne dubitauao de e//ere tolti in mezo de 
ccrti J unci (J ncL giorno pa//ato re/tarono dopo nuy 
Subito /e volta//emo contra que/ti et ne piglia//emo 
cat° amazando molte p /onne tri o catro J unci 
fugirono in /eco in vno de q'lli Q piglia//emo era lo 
figliolo deL re deLa y/ola de Lozon co/tui era 
cap° gnale de que/to re de burne et veniua cS que/ti 
Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q he in capo de 
que/ta i/ola ver/o Jaua magiore laq a lle p non volere 
hobedire aque/to re ma aq c llo de Jaua magiore la 
haueua ruynata et /acquegiata giouan Caruiao 
nfo piloto la//o andare Que/to cap° et Lo Jonco 
/enza no/t° con/entimgto p certa Cantita de oro como 
dapoy /ape//emo /e non La//aua que/to re lo cap° 
ne haueria dato tuto q e llo haue//emo demandato p 
che que/to cap° era molto temuto in que/te parte ma 
piu da gentilli p cio /onno Jnimici//imj de que/to 
re moro. in que/to porto glie vnalt* cita de gen- 
tilli magiori de q e lla de li mori fondata anche ella 
in acqua /alza p ilche ogni Jorno Que/ti dui populi 
combateno in/ieme neL mede/imo porto il re 
gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma no tanto /u- 
perbo facilmente ft conuertirebe a la fede de xpo 
Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnte/o in que modo 
haueuao tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire p vno de 
li no/t* (J erao in tera como li prao n5 veniuao p fame 
de/piacere ma andauao cont* li gentilli et p verifi- 


sible, abandoning an anchor in our haste. We ex- 
pected especially that we were to be captured in be- 
tween certain junks which had anchored behind us on 
the preceding day. We immediately turned upon 
the latter, capturing four of them and killing many 
persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight 
by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured 
was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He 
was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and 
came with those junks from a large city named 
Laoe, 4 " which is located at the end of that island 
[*.*., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had de- 
stroyed and sacked that city because it refused to 
obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java 
Major instead. Giovan Carvaio, our pilot, allowed 
that captain and the junks to go without our consent, 
for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. 
Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, 
the latter would have given us whatever we had 
asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared 
throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, 
as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In 
that same port there is another city inhabited by 
heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, 
and built like the latter in salt water. On that ac- 
count the two peoples have daily combats together 
in that same harbor. The heathen king is as power- 
ful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could 
be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the 
Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he 
sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore 
to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us 
any harm, but that they were going to attack the 


catiSe de que/to li mo/trorono alguni capi de homini 
morti et li di/cero que erao de gentili manda//emo 
dire aL re li piace//e la/ciare venire li no/tri duy 
homini Q /tauano ne la cita p contratare et Lo figlio- 
lo de JohS caruaio <j era na/cuto nela tera deL 
tzin ma lui nd voice de que/to fo cagiSc Johi 
Caruaio p La//iare q e L cap° reteni//emo /edizi 
homj piu principali p menarli in /pagnia et tre 
donne in nome de la regina de/pag* ma J oh a caruaio 
le v/urpo per /ue. 

LY Jonci /onno le /ue naui et facti inque/to modo 
Lo fondo e circa duy palmi /oura lacqua et de taule 
con cauechie di legnio a//ay ben facto /uura de 
que/to /onno tucti de cane gro/i//ime p contra* 
pezo porta vno de que/ti tanta roba como vna naue 
li /ui arbore /onno de canne et le velle de /cor/e de 
arbore la porcellana /orte de tera bianqui//ima 
et /ta cinquanta anny /oto tera inanzi la/iadopere p 
che altramente non /aria fina lo padre la /otera p 
lo figliolo /eL [veleno] /i ponne in vno vazo de 
porcelana fino /ubito /e rompe la moneta Q 
adoperano li morj in que/ta parte e dimetalo 
/bu/ata neL mezo p in/filzarla et a /olam te duna 
parte quat° /egni Q /onno lfe deL gri re della Chijna 
et La chiamano picis per vno cathiL de argento 
viuo che e due libre de le no/f ne dauano /ey /cutelle 


heathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moras 
showed him some heads of men who had been killed, 
which they declared to be the heads of heathens. 
We sent a message to the king, asking him to please 
allow two of our men who were in the city for pur- 
poses of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who 
had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to 
us, but the king refused. That was the consequences 
of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We 
kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured 
junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in 
the queen's name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the 
latter for himself. 4 " 

Junks are their ships and are made in the follow- 
ing manner. The bottom part is built about two 
palmos above the water and is of planks fastened 
with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above 
that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. 
They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of 
those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their 
masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of 
trees. 410 Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly 
white earth which is left for fifty years under the 
earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not 
be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] 
is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish 
immediately breaks. 411 The money made by the 
Moras in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced 
in the middle in order that it may be strung. On 
only one side of it are four characters, which are let- 
ters of the great king of Chiina. We call that money 
picis. 4 ™ They gave us six porcelain dishes for one 
cathil 4 ** (which is equivalent to two of our libras) 


de porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis 
p cento /exanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de por- 
celana p tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana p 160 
cathili de metalo ne danao vno bahar de cera Q e 
duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo 
vno bahar de /ale p quaranta cathili de metalo vno 
bahar de anime p conciar le nauj p que in que/te 
parte nS /i troua pegola vinti tahiL fanno vno 
cathiL Qiui /e apretia metalo argento viuo vetro 
cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nfe merce 
ma piu lo fero et li ochiali Que/ti morj vano nudi 
como li alt 1 beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo 
beue per purgar/e et Lo Sano p re/tare /anno. 

Jl rede burne a due perle gro//c come dui oui de 
galina et /onno tanto rotonde (J non puono firmar/e 
/oura vna tauola et que/to /o certo p (\ quando li 
porta//emo li pre/enti li fo facto /egnio nele mo/- 
tra/e lui di//e le mo/trarebe lalt° giorno poy alguni 
principali ne di//ero Loro hauerle vedute. 

Que/ti mori adoranno mahometo et la /ua lege et 
non mangiar carne de porco lauar/i il culo cS la 
mano /ini/tra non mangiare co q e lla no tagliare co/a 
alguna c5 la dextra /edere Quando vrinano n5 ama- 
zare galine ne capre /e p*ma n5 parlano aL /olle ta- 
gliare de galine le cime de le alle co le /ue pelecine <\ 
li avanzano de /oto et li piedi et poy /cartarla p mezo 
lauar/e lo volto cS la mano drita nO lauar/e li denti 


of quicksilver; one hundred picis for one book of 
writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hun- 
dred and sixty cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one porce- 
lain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is 
equivalent to two hundred and three cathils) , of wax 
for 160 cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one bahar of 
salt for eighty cathils of bronze [tnetalo] ; one bahar 
of ant me to calk the ships (for no pitch is found in 
those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [tnetalo].** 4 
Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the 
people highly esteem bronze [tnetalo], quicksilver, 
glass, cinnabar, 41 * wool cloth, linens, and all our other 
merchandise, although iron and spectacles 4 * 6 more 
than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the 
other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quick- 
silver - the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and 
the well man to preserve his health. 

The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two 
hen's eggs. They are so round that they will not 
stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for 
when we carried the king's presents to him, signs 
were made for him to show them to us, but he said 
that he would show them next day. Afterward some 
chiefs said that they had seen them. 

Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter's law 
orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the but- 
tocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eat- 
ing;" 7 not to cut anything with the right hand; to 
sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats with- 
out first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of 
the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up 
from under and the feet of fowls; then to split them 
in twain ; to wash the face with the right hand, but 


c6 li ditti et none mangiarc co/a alguna amazata ft 
non da loro /onno circu /i/i como li Judei. 

Jn que/ta y/ola na/ce la canfora /pecie de bal/amo 
laqMle na/ce fra li arbori et la /cor/a e menuta 
como li remole Se la /e tiene di/coperta apoco 
apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor li 
na/ce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni 
chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole 
/carlogne vache buf ali porci capre galine oche ceruj 
elefanti cauali et altre co/e Que/ta y/ola e tanto 
grande Q /i /ta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi 
/ta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et 
vno carto et in cento et /etanta/ey et duy ter/i de 
Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ft chiama 

Partendone de que/ta y/ola torna//emo in drieto 
p truuare vno loco apto p conciare le naui p che 
f aceuano hacqua vna naue p poco vedere deL /uo 
piloto dete in certi ba//i duna y/ola deta bibalon ma 
cO lo ajuto de dio la libera//emo vno marinaro de 
q e lla naue no hauedendo/e de/pauilo vna candella in 
vna barille pien de poluere de bombarda Subito la 
tol/e fora /en/a danno ni//uno /egufcdo poi lo nfo 
camino piglia//emo vno prao pienno de Cochi que 
andaua a burne le homini fugirono in vna J/oleta 
fin que piglia//emo que/to tre alt 1 fugirono de drieto 
da certe y/ollete. 

AL capo de burne f m que/ta et vna J/ola deta Cim- 
bonbon q /ta in octo gradi et /ette menuti e vno porto 


not to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not 
to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by 
themselves. 4 ** They are circumcised like the Jews. 

Camphor, a kind of balsam, is produced in that 
island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, 
and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat 
bran. 4 ** If it is exposed it gradually evaporates 
[literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call it 
capor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, 
lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, 
turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows, buffaloes, swine, 
goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and 
other things are found there. 4 ** That island is so 
large that it takes three months to sail round it in a 
prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth de- 
grees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of 
one hundred and seventy-six and two-thirds degrees 
from the line of demarcation, and its name is 
Burne. 4 * 1 

Leaving that island, we turned back in order to 
find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were 
leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island 
called Bibalon, 4 ** because of the carelessness of its 
pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor 
of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a bar- 
rel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out 
without any harm. 4 ** Then pursuing our course, we 
captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to 
Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet, until we 
captured it. 4 * 4 Three other praus escaped behind 
certain islets. 

At the head of Burne between it and an island 
called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eight 


pfecto p conciare naui p ilque entra//emo dent et 
p hauef tropo le co/e nece//arie p conciare le naui 
tarda//emo quarataduj giorni Jn Que/ti giorni 
ognuno de nuy /e afaticaua q* in vna co/a q ! in vnalt* 
ma la magior faticha haueuSo era andar far legnia 
neli bo/chi /enza /carpe Jn que/ta y/ola /onno 
porci /aluatici ne amaza//emo vno de que/ti cS lo 
batello ne lacqua pa//ando de vna y/ola in vnalt* 
loq A lle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et 
li denti grandi gli /onno Cocodrili grandi cu//i 
de terra como de mare o/trigue et cape de diuer/e 
/orte f ra le altre no troua//emo due la carne de 
luna pezo vinti fey libf et lalf quaranta catro pi- 
glia//emo vno pe/ce (J haueua Lo capo Como vno 
porco con dui Corni eL /uo corpo era tuto duno 
0//0 /olo haueua /oura la /chena como vna /ella 
et era picolo Ancora q i fe troua arbori <j f anno la 
foglia Quando ca/cano /onno viue et Ca minano 
Quelle foglie /onno de piu ne meno Como q e lli deL 
moraro ma no tanto Longue apre//o eL pecolo de 
vna parte et delalt* anno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto 
et pontino non anno /angue et q i le coca f ugino yo 
ne teny vna noue giorni in vna /catola Quando la 
apriua Que/ta andaua in torno intorno p la /catola 
non pen/o viueno de alt° /enon de arie. 

E//endo partiti de que/ta y/ola gioe deL porto neL 
capo de q e lla y/ola pulaoa in contra//emo vno Jonco 
che veniua da burne neLq a lle era lo gouuernatof de 
pulaoan li face//emo /egnio amayna//e le velle et 
lui n6 volendole amaynare lb piglia//emo p for/a et 


degrees and seven minutes, 4 " is a perfect port for 
repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but 
as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, 
we delayed there for forty-two days. During that 
time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing 
and one at another. Our greatest fatigue however 
was to go barefoot to the woods for wood. In that 
island there are wild boars, of which we killed one 
which was going by water from one island to another 
[by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was 
two and one-half palmos long, 486 and its teeth were 
large. There are found large crocodiles, both on 
land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. 
Among the last named we found two, the flesh of 
one of which weighed twenty-six libras, and the 
other forty-four. 431 We caught a fish, which had a 
head like that of a hog and two. horns. Its body 
consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it 
resembled a saddle; and it was small. 4 " Trees are 
also found there which produce leaves which are 
alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are 
quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. 
On both sides near the stem, which is short and 
pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, 
but if one touches m them they run away. I kept 
one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened 
the box, that leaf went round and round it. 440 I be- 
lieve those leaves live on nothing but air. 

Having left that island, 441 that is, the port, we met 
at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which 
was coming from Burne, on which was the governor 
of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their 
sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we cap- 


Lo /acquegia//emo /eL gouernatof vol/e e//ere 
libera ne dete in termino de /ette giornj Quatro cento 
me/ure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cin- 
quanta galine poy ne a pre/ento cochi figui canne 
dolci vazi de vino de palma et alt* co/e vedS do 
nuy la /ua liberalita gli rende//emo alguni /ui pu- 
gnialli et archibu/i poy li dona//emo vna bandiera 
vna ve/ta de dama/co giallo et xv bra;ia de tclla a 
vno /uo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno 
fratello deL gouuernatof vna ve/ta de panno tde et 
alt* co/e /e parti//emo de lui Como amigi et 
toraa//emo indrieto f* la y/ola de cagajan et q*L 
porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL 
leuante t/o /iroco p trouare le y/olle de malucho 
pa/a//emo p certi monticelli circa de liq'lli troua/- 
/emo lo mare pienno de herbe c5 lo fondo grandis* 
Quando pa/auamo p que/ti ne pareua intrare p vno 
alt mare re/tado chipit al leuante troua//emo 
due y/olle zolo et taghima aL ponente apre//e de 
le q'lle na/cono le perle le due deL re de burne 
forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito 
in que/to modo Que/to re piglio per moglie vna 
figliola deL re de zolo laq'lle li di//e como /uo padre 
haueua Que/te due perle co/tui /i delibero hauerli 
in ogni modo ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao 
et piglio lore con duy /ui figlioli et meno li a burne 
/eL re de zolo /e vol/e liberare li fu for/a darli le 
due perle. 


tared the junk by force, and sacked it [We told] 
the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he 
was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred 
measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats, and one 
hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us 
with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars 
full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his 
liberality, we returned some of his daggers and 
arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a 
yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his 
son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the gov- 
ernor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and 
we parted from them as friends. We turned our 
course back between the island of Cagaian and the 
port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in 
order that we might find the islands of Malucho. 
We passed by certain reefs [literally: small eleva- 
tions] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, 
although the depth was very great. When we passed 
through them, it seemed as though we were entering 
another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found 
two island, Zolo and Taghima, 441 which lie toward 
the west, and near which pearls are found. 44 * The 
two pearls of the king of Burne were found there, 
and the king got them, as was told us, in the follow- 
ing manner. That king took to wife a daughter of 
the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had 
those two pearls. The king determined to get pos- 
session of them by hook or by crook. Going one 
night with five hundred praus, 444 he captured the 
king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne 
with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he 
wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls 
to him. 


Poy al leuantc carta del grego pa/a//emo f ra dui 
habitatide dete cauit et subanin et vna J/ola habitata 
deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli La 
gente de que/ta hanno loro ca/e in barche et non 
habitano altroue in q e lle due habitatide de cauit 
et subanin liq'lli /onno ne la y/ola de butuan et 
Calaghan na/ce la meglior Canella Q /i po//a 
trouare /e /tau2o iui p dui giornj ne cariga- 
uano le naui ma p hauer bon vento apa/are vna ponta 
et certe y/ollete Q erano circha de que/ta n5 vole/- 
/emo tardaf et andando a la vella barata//emo di/i- 
/ette libre p dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL 
gouuernatof de pulaoan larbore de que/ta Can- 
nella he alt° tre o catro cubito et gro//o como li diti 
de La mano et n5 ha piu de tre o catro rameti la 
/ua foglia he como q e lla deL lauro La /ua /cor/a 
he La Cannella La /e coglie due volte a lanno co/i 
e forte lo legnio et le foglie e//endo verde como la 
cannella la chiamiio caiu mana Caiu vol dire 
legno et mana dolce gioe legnio dolce. 

Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna 
cita grande detta maingda nao Laq*lle he nela y/ola 
de butuan et calaghan acio /ape//emo q'Lque noua 
de maluco piglia//emo p for/a vno bigniday e come 
vno prao et amaza//emo /ette homini in que/to 
erano /olum dizidoto homini di/po/ti Quanto 

alguni alt 1 vede//emo in que/te parte tucti deli prin- 
cipali de ma ingdanao f ra que/ti vno ne di//e (\ era 
f ratello del re de maingdanao et che /apeua doue era 


Then we laid our course east by north between 
two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an 
inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas 
from the reefs. 449 The people of that island make 
their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. 
In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which 
are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, 
is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we 
stayed there two days, those people would have laden 
our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for 
passing a point and certain islets which were near 
that island, we did not wish to delay. While under 
sail we bartered two large knives which we had 
taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen 
libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to 
a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the 
fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small 
branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. 
Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice 
per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the 
cinnamon when they are green. Those people call 
it caiu mana. Cain means wood, and mana, sweet, 
hence, " sweet wood." **• 

Laying our course toward the northeast, and going 
to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located 
ill the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we 
might gather information concerning Maluco, we 
captured by force a bigniday" 1 a vessel resembling 
a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eight- 
een men, and they were as well built as any whom 
we had seen in those regions. 448 All were chiefs of 
Maingdanao, among them being one who told us 
that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao, 


malucho p que/to la/a//emo la via del grego et 
piglia/So la via de /iroco in vno capo de que/ta 
y/ola butuan et caleghan apre//o de vno fiume /e 
trouano hominj pelozi grandi//imi combatitori et 
arciere anno /pade largue vno palmo mang&o /inon 
Lo core deL huomo crudo c5 /ugo de neranzi o 
limoni et /e chiamano benaian li pelo/i Quando 
piglia//emo La via deL /iroco /tauamo in fty gradi 
et /ete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit. 

Andando aL /iroco troua//emo Quatro y/olle 
Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar 
vno /abato de nocte a vinti /ey de octobre co/teando 
birahan batolach ne a//alto vna fortuna grandi//ima 
p ilque pregando ydio aba//a /emo tucte le velle 
Subito li tri no/t* /ancti ne apar/ero de/caciando tuta 
la/curitate 8 to . elmo /tette piu de due hore incima 
lagabia como vna torchia s to . nicolo in cima dela 
mezana et s u chiara /oura lo trinqueto pmete/emo 
vno /chiauo a/ancto elmo a s to nicolo et a S u . chiara 
gli de//emo a ogny vno la/ua elemo/ina /eguendo 
poy nfo viagio intra//emo in vno porto in mezo de le 
due y/olle Saranghani et candighar et ft aferma/- 
/emo aL leuante apre//o vna habitatide de /arangani 
oue /e troua oro et perle Que/ti populi /onno 
gentili et vano nudi como gli alt 2 Que/to porto /ta 
de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi 
cinquanta legue de cauit. 

Stando quiui vno giorno piglia//emo dui piloti 
p for/a acio ne in/egnia/eno malucho f acendo nfo 


zJ jgl 


'._> -L.TT^r- 


and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through 
his directions we discontinued our course toward the 
northeast, and took that toward the southeast At 
a cape of that island of Butuan and Caleghan, and 
near a river, are found shaggy men who are exceed- 
ingly great fighters and archers. They use swords 
one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts 
with the juice of oranges or lemons, 44 * Those shaggy 
people are called Benaian. When we took our 
course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of 
six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic 
Pole, and thirty *■• leguas from Cavit 4 * 1 

Sailing toward the southeast, we found four 
islands, [namely], Ciboco, Biraham Batolach, 4 " 
Sarangani, and Candighar. 4 ™ One Saturday night, 
October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Bato- 
lach, we encountered a most furious storm* There- 
upon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Imme- 
diately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated 
all the darkness. 494 St. Elmo remained for more 
than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. 
Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the 
foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. 
Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. 
Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor 
between the two islands of Saranghani and Can- 
dighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settle- 
ment of Sarangani, where gold and pearls are found. 
Those people are heathens and go naked as do the 
others. That harbor lies in a latitude of five de- 
grees nine minutes, and is fifty leguas from Cavit 

Remaining one day in that harbor, we captured 
two pilots by force, in order that they might show 


viagio f* mezo giorno et garbin pa/a//emo p octo 
y/ole habitate et de/habitate po/te in modo de vna via 
leq'lle /e chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Cama- 
nuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariua/- 
/emo in vna y/ola po/ta in fine de que/te molto bella 
aL vedere p hauere vento contrario et p non 
potere pa//are vna ponta de que/ta y/o la andauamo 
dequa et dela girca de ella p ilque vno de q e lli 
haueuamo pigliati a /aranghai et Lo fratello deL 
re de maingdanao c5 vno /uo figliolo picolo ne la 
nocte fugirono nuotando in que/ta y/ola ma iL 
figliolo p nd potere tenere /aldo /oura le /palle de 
/uo padre /e anego p nd potere caualcare la dicta 
punta pa//a/emo de /oto dela y/ola doue erano molte 
y/olette Que/ta y/ola tenne quat° re raia matan- 
datu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu /onno 
gentili /ta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. 
legue longi de /aranghany. et edetta /anghir. 

Facendo lo mede/imo Camino pa/a//emo zirca 
/ey J/olle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau 
lontana diece legue da /anghir Que/ta tenne vno 
mdte alto ma n5 largo lo /uo re chiama raia ponto 
et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laq'lle a tre 
montagnie alte Lo /uo re /e chiama raia babintan 
talaut poy troua//emo aL leuante de paghinzara 
longi dodici legue due y/olle n5 molto grandi habi- 
tate dette zoar et meau pa//ate que/te due y/olle 


us where Malucho lay. 41 * Then laying our course 
south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited 
and desert islands, which were situated in the manner 
of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, 
Cabiao, Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and 
Nuza. 4M Finally we came to an island at their end, 
which was very beautiful to look at* As we had a 
contrary wind, so that we could not double a point 
of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. 
Consequently, one of the men whom we had cap- 
tured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of 
Maingdanao who took with him his small son, 
escaped during the night by swimming to that island. 
But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold 
tightly to his father's shoulder. Being unable to 
double the said point, we passed below the island 
where there were many islets. That island has four 
kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, 
Raia Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are 
heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and 
one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 
leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir. m 

Continuing the same course, we passed near six 
islands, [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zang- 
halura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and 
has a high but not large mountain, and whose king is 
called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara. 4 ** The latter 
is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high 
mountains. The name of its king is Raia Bab in tan. 4 " 
[Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found 
twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, 
not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and 
Meau. 460 After passing those two islands, on 


mercore a/ey dc nouembf di/coper/emo quat y/ollc 
alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue Lo 
pilloto Q ne era re/tato di//e Como q e lle quatro y/olle 
erSo maluco p ilque rengratia//emo ydio et p alle- 
greza de/carica//emo tuta La artigliaria non era 
de marauiliar/i /e eramo tanto alegri perche 
haueuSo pa//ati vinti/ette me/i mancho dui giorni 
in cercare malucho p tute q3/te y/olle [p tute que/te 
y/olle: doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho eL 
menor fondo troua//emo era in cento et ducento 
bracia aL contrario Como diceuSo li portugue/i <J 
quiui nd /i poteua nauigare p li gri ba//i et iL giello 
ob/curo como loro Se haueu5o ymaginato. 

Venere a octo de nouembf 1521 tre hore inanzi lo 
tramontar deL /olle entra/e mo in vno porto duna 
y/olla deta Tadore et /urgendo apre//o terra in vinti 
bracia de/carica//emo tuta lartigliaria neL giorno 
/eguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circun- 
dole vna volta /ubito li anda//emo contra cS Lo 
batello p honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel /uo prao 
et /edere apre//o de/e lui /edeua /otto vna hum- 
brela de Seta Q andaua intorno dinan/i de lui era 
vno /uo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cS dui vazi 
de oro p dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cO due 
ca//etine dorate pienne de q e lle betre. Lo re ne di//e 
fo//emo libS venuttj et Como lui J a gra tempo /e 
haueua /ogniato alquante naue vegnire Amalu™ da 
luogui lontanj et p piu Certificar/i aueua voluto 
vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et Q nuy 


Wednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered 
four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two 
[abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still re- 
mained with us told us that those four islands were 
Maluco. Therefore, we thanked God and as an 
expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. 
It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had 
passed twenty-seven months less two days in our 
search for Malucho. 46 * Among all those islands 
[among all those islands: doublet in original MS.], 
even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we 
found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, 
notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that 
that region could not be navigated because of the 
numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have 
imagined. 4 ** 

Three hours before sunset on Friday, November 
eight, 1 52 1, 4 " we entered into a harbor of an island 
called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in 
twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day 
the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled 
about them once. We immediately went to meet 
him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. 
He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near 
him. He was seated under a silk awning which 
sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one 
of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons 
with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and 
two others with two gilded caskets filled with their 
betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, 
and that he had dreamt some time ago that some 
ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; 
and that for more assurance he had determined to 


eramo q e lli Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li 
ba/aronno la mano poi lo Conducemo /oura la popa 
et neL en trare dentro nO /e vo/ce aba//are ma entro 
de /oura via facendolo /edere in vna cathedra de 
veluto ro//o li ve/ti//emo vna ve/ta de veluto 
J alio aLa turque/ca nui p piu /uo honnore /edeuJo 
in terra apre//o lui e/endo tucti a/entati lo re 
comincio et di//e lui et tucti /ui populi volere /emp 
e//ere fideli//emj amici et va//ali aL nfo re de/pa- 
gnia et acceptaua nuj Como /ui figlioli et doue/cemo 
de/cendere in terra Como nele prie ca/e no/t 6 p che 
daq* indietro /ua y/ola non /e chiameria piu tadore 
ma ca/tiglia p lamore grande portaua al nfo re Suo 
/igniore li dona//emo vno pftte q m L fo la ve/te la 
cathedra vna pe//a de tell a /otille Quatro bracia de 
panno de /carlata vno /aglio de brocato vno panno de 
dama/co giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro 
et de /eta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cam- 
baia dui bonnetj /ey filce de cri/talo dodici corteli 
tre /pechi grandi sey forfice /ey petini alquanti 
bichieri dorati et altre co/e aL /uo figliolo vno pafio 
indianno de oro et de /eta vno /pechio grande vno 
bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alt 1 /ui principali a 
ogni vno vno panno de /eta bonneti et dui cortellj 
et a molti alt* aq* bonneti et aq* cortelli de//emo 
in fin queL re ne di//e doue /semo re/tare dopo 
ne di//e lui n6 hauer alt /inon la pp" vita p madare 
al re /uo s. doue//emo nuj piu appincar/e a la cita 


consult the moon/ 64 whereupon he had seen the shi£S 
were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king 
entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we 
led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, 
he would not stoop, but entered from above. 46 * Caus- 
ing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed 
him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish 
fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we 
sat down on the ground near him. Then when all 
were seated, the king began to speak and said that 
he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal 
friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He re- 
ceived us as his children, and we could go ashore as 
if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, 
his island was to be called no more Tadore but Cas- 
tiglia, because of the great love which he bore to 
our king, his sovereign. We made him a present 
which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of 
delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece 
of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some In- 
dian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece 
of b crania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, 
six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large 
mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded 
drinking-cups, 466 and other articles. To his son we 
gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, 
a cap, and two knives ; 46T and to each of nine others 
- all of them his chiefs - a silk cloth, caps, and two 
knives ; and to many others caps or knives. We kept 
giving presents until the king bade us desist. After 
that he declared to us that he had nothing else except 
his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We 
were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever 


et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amaza//emo cO li 
Schiopeti partendo//e dc la popa may ft voice 
aba//are pigliata la li//entia di/care ca//emo 
tucte le bombarde Que/to re he moro et for/i de 
quaranta cinque anny ben facto cO vna pfltia realle 
et grandi//imo a/trologo alhora era ve/tito duna 
Cami/eta de tella biancha /oti li//ima cOli capi de 
le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta 
qua/i fina in terra et era de/cal/o haueua Jntorno 
Lo capo [lo capo : doublet in original MS.] vno velo 
de /eta et /oura vna girlanda de fiory et chiama//e 
raia /ultan Manzor. 

Domenica a x de nouembf Que/to re vol/e inten- 
dere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti de/pagnia et 
Lo /oldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re dgia/cuno 
de nui et voliua li de//emo vna firma deL re et vna 
bandiera reale p cfi daq 1 inanzi La /ua J/ola et vnalt* 
chiamata Tarenate de laq'lle /eL poteua coronare 
vno /uo [figlio : crossed out in original MS.] nepote 
deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due /erianno deL re 
de/pagnia et p honnore del /uo re era p combatere 
in/ino aLa morte et Quando non pote//e piu re/i/- 
tere veniria in /pag* lui etucti li /ui in vno Joncho 
faceua far de nuoua cdla firma et badera reale percio 
grS tempo era /uo /eruitof ne prego li la/cia//emo 
algunj hominj acio ogni ora ft arecorda//e deL re 
de/pagnia et non mercadatie p che loro non gli 
re/tarebenno et ne di//e voleua andare a vna J/ola 
chiamata bachian p fornirne piu pre/to le naui de 


came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our 
muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never 
bend his head. 4 " When he took his leave we dis- 
charged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about 
forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal 
presence, 4 * and is an excellent astrologer. At that 
time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white 
stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in 
gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to 
the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf 
wrapped about his head [his head: doublet in orig- 
inal MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His 
name is Raia Sultan Manzor/" 

On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to 
tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, 
and what pay and quintalada *" the king gave to each 
of us. He requested us to give him a signature of 
the king and a royal banner, for then and thence- 
forth, he would cause it that his island and another 
called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown 
one of his [sons : crossed out in original MS J] grand- 
sons, 4 " named Calonaghapi) would both belong to 
the king of Spagnia ; and for the honor of his king 
he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could 
no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his 
family in a junk 4TS which he was having built new, 
carrying the royal signature and banner; and there- 
fore he was the king's servant for a long time. He 
begged us to leave him some men so that he might 
constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He 
did not ask for merchandise because the latter would 
not remain with him. 474 He told us that he would 
go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to 


garo/ali p cio nela /ua non eranno tanti de fechi 
fucero /oficientj a carigar le due naue ogi p e//ere 
domenicho non vol/c contractare JL giorno 

fe/tigiato da quc/ti populi he Lo nfo vennere. 

A9cio vfa JIL"* s\ /apra le y/olle doue na/cono li 
garofali Sonno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir 
machian et bachian tarenate he la principalle et 
quado viueua lo /uo re signorigiaua ca/i tucte le 
altre Tadore et q e lla doue eramo tienne re 
mutir et machian non anno re ma /e regenno a po- 
pulo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore f anno 
guera in/ieme Que/te due li /erueno de gente La 
vltima e bachian et tienne re tucta que/ta puin tia 
doue na/cono li garofali /e chiama malucho. non 
era ancora octo me/y que ero morto in tarenate vno 
franc /eranno portugue/e cap° gftale deL re de 
tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que 
Con/trin/e Lo re de tadore donnare vna /ua figliola 
p moglie aL re de tarenate et qua/i tucti li figlioli 
deli principali p o/tagio de laq a L figliola na/cete 
queL nepote deL re de tadore poy facta f a loro la 
pace e//endo venuto vno giorno franc /eranno in 
tadore p contractare garofali que/to re lo fece 
velenare c5 q e lle foglie de betre et viuete /inon catro 
Jornj il /uo re lo veleua far /epelire /econdo le 
/ue lege ma tre xpiani /ui /eruitorj non con/entirono 
Lo q a L la/cio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de 
vna donna que tol/i in Jaua magiore et ducento 


furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not 
enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. 
As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade. 
The festive day of those people is our Friday. 

In order that your most illustrious Lordship may 
know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, 
[namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and 
Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its 
king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. 
Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir 
and Machian have no king but are ruled by the peo- 
ple, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of 
Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them 
with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a 
king. That entire province where cloves grow is 
called Malucho. 4 " At that time it was not eight 
months since one Francesco Seranno m had died in 
Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain- 
general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the 
king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained 
the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to 
wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons 
of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grand- 
son of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. 
Peace having been made between the two kings, and 
when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to 
trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned 
with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. 
His king wished to have him buried according to his 
law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Chris- 
tians who were his servants would not consent to it. 
He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a 
woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major, 


bahar dc garofoli co/tui era grande amicho et 
parente dcL nfo fideL cap°. gfiale et fo cau/a de 
Comouerlo apigliar q3/ta inpre/a perche piu volte 
e//endo Lo firo cap° amalacha li haueua /cripto 
Como lui /taua iui D. manueL J a re de portugaL 
p nd volere acre/cere la pui/ione deL nfo cap gfiale 
/olamente de vno te/tonne aL me/e p li /ui benne- 
meriti venne in /pagnia et hebe dala /acra mage/ta 
tucto q c llo /epe demandare pa//ati x giorni dopo 
la morte de franc /eranno iL re de tarenate deto raya 
Abuleis hauendo de/caciato fuo gennero re de ba- 
chian fu avelenato de /ua figliola moglie del decto re 
Soto ombra de volere cScludef la pace fra loro il 
q'lle /campo /olum duy giornj et la/cio nuoue figlio- 
ly principali li loro nomy /ono que/ti Chechili 
momuli J adore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili 
manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara 
vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi. 

Luni a xj de nouembf vno deli figlioli deL re de 
tarenate chechili de roix ve/tito de veluto ro//o 
venne ali naui cS dui prao /onnando cS q e lle borchie 
et nd vol/e alhora entrare neli naui co/tui teneua 
la donna li figlioli et li alt 6 co/e de franc /eranno 
Quando lo Cognio//emo manda//emo dire al re /eL 
doueu5o receuere p che eramo neL /uo porto ne 
ri/po/e f ace//emo como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL 
re vedendone /tar /u/pe/i /e di/co/to alquanto da le 
naui li an da/emo cdlo batello apfitarli vno panno 


and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close 
friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, 
and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake 
that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, 
he had written to him several times that he was in 
Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, 
refused to increase our captain-general's pension by 
only a single testoon per month for his merits, the 
latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained every- 
thing for which he could ask from his sacred Maj- 
esty. 4 " Ten days after the death of Francesco Se- 
ranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, 
having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, 
was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter 
king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace 
between the two kings. The king lingered but two 
days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are 
Chechili Momuli, J adore Vunighi, Chechili de 
Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin 
Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi. 4 " 

On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the 
king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came 
to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus 
and his men were playing upon the abovementioned 
gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. 
He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the 
other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we 
found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, 
asking him whether we should receive Chechili de 
Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to 
us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of 
the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off 
somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the 


de oro et de /eta indiano cO alquati Cortelli /pechi 
et forfice accepto li cd vno pocho de /degnio et 
/ubito /e parti Co/tui haueua /eco vno Jndio 
xpiano chiamato Manuel /eruitof dun pet° alfon/o 
de loro/a portughe/e loq'L dopo la morte de franc 
/eranno vene de bandan ataranate iL /eruitof p 
/apere parlare in portughe/e entro nele naue et di/- 
/enne /e ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno 
nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno /empre 
/tauamo aL /eruitio deL re de /pagnia m§ da/emo 
vna lfa apietro alfon/o de loro/a p que/to /uo /erui- 
tof doue//e vegnire /enza /u/pecto ni//uno. 

Que/ti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno 
vna p /uo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobedi/- 
conno aque/ta il re de tadore haueua vna ca/a 
gr§de fuora de la ;ita doue e/tauano du cento /ue 
donne de li piu principali cd alt 6 tante le /eruiuano 
Quando lo re mangia /ta /olo ho vero cd la /uo mogle 
prin cipalle in vno luoco alt° Como vn tribunalle oue 
po vedere tucte le altre Q li /edenno atorno et aq c lla 
piu li piace li comanda vada dormire /echo q e la 
nocte finito lo mangiare /e lui comanda Q3 que/te 
mangi£o in/ieme Lo fanno /e non ognuna va man- 
giare nella /ua camera. Niuno /enza li/entia deL 
re le puo vedere et /e alguno he trouato o di giorno 
o de nocte apre//o la caza del re he amazato ogni 
famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due 
figliole Que/to re haueua vinti /ey figlioli octo 
ma/chi lo re/to femine Dinanzi a que/ta y/ola 


boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold 
and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He 
accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediate- 
ly departed. He had a Christian Indian with him 
named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de 
Lorosa,*" a Portuguese who went from Bandan to 
Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As 
the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came 
aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons 
of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king 
of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of 
the king of Spagnia. We 48 ° sent a letter to Pietro 
Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] 
that he could come without any hesitation. 

Those kings have as many women as they wish, 
but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. 
The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house out- 
side of the city, where two hundred of his chief 
women lived with a like number of women to serve 
them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his 
chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he 
can see all the other women who sit about the gal- 
lery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep 
with him that night. After the king has finished 
eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they 
do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own 
chamber. No one is allowed to see those women 
without permission from the king, and if anyone is 
found near the king's house by day or by night, he 
is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the 
king one or two of its daughters. That king had 
twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daugh- 
ters. Lying next that island there is a very large 


nche vna grandi//ima chiamata giailolo che he 
habitata de mory et da gentilli ft trouerano duy re 
fra li mory Si como ne di//e eL re vno ha uef 
hauuto /eycento figlioli et lalt° cinque cento et vinti- 
cinque li gentili nd teneno tante donne ne viueno 
cO tante /uper/titioni ma adorana la p*a co/a Q vedeno 
la matina quando e/conno fora de ca/a p tuto q e L 
giorno JL re de que/ti gentilli deto raya papua e 
richi//imo de oro et habita dent° ne lay/ola in 
que/ta J/ola de giaiallo na/cono Soura /a//i viui 
cane gro//e Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto 
buona da bere ne Comprau3o assay daque/ti populi. 
Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno 
giorno vna ca/a nela cita p la nfa mercantia gli 
la porta//emo qua/i tuta et p guardia de quella la- 
/cia//emo tri homini de li nfj et /ubito Comincia/- 
/cmo amerchadantare in que/to modo p x bracia 
de panno ro//o asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de 
garof ali Q he quat q3* et fey libf un Quintale e cento 
libf per quindici bracia de panno nd tropo bonno un 
bahar p quindice accette vno bahar p trenta cinque 
bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti p dizi 
/ette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar p dizi/ete cathili 
de argento viuo vno bahar p vinti/ey bracia de tella 
vno bahar p vinticinque bracia de tella piu /otille 
vno bahar p cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per 
cinquanta forfice vno bahar p quaranta bonneti vno 
bahar p x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de 


island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is in- 
habited by Moras and heathens. Two kings are found 
there among the Moras, one of them, as we were 
told by the king, having had six hundred children, 
and the other five hundred and twenty-five. 4 * 1 The 
heathens do not have so many women ; nor do they 
live under so many superstitions, but adore for all 
that day the first thing that they see in the morning 
when they go out of their houses. The king of those 
heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in 
gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds 
as thick around as the leg and filled with water that 
is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in 
the island of Giaiallo. 4 " We bought many of them 
from those people. 

On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a 
house built for us in the city in one day for our mer- 
chandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, 
and left three of our men to guard them. We imme- 
diately began to trade in the following manner. For 
x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave 
us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four 
quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth 
of not very good quality, one quintal and one hun- 
dred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thir- 
ty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king get- 
ting them all) ; for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one 
bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one 
bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for 
twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one 
hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs 
of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; 
for x pieces of Guzerat cloth, 4 ** one bahar; for three 


q e lle /ue borchie dui bahar p vno quintaL de metalo 
vno bahar tucti li /pechi eranno rocti et li pocq 1 
bonny Ly vol/c el re molte dc que/te co/e eranno 
de q e lli Junci haueuamo pre/i la p/te/a de venire 
in /pagnia ne fece dare le nfe merchantie p miglior 
mercato non hauere//emo facto ogni giorno veni- 
uano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine 
figui cochi et altre co/e da mangiare Q era yna 
marauiglia forni//emo li naui de hacqua buona 
Que/ta hacqua na/cie calda ma/e /ta p /pacio duna 
hora fora de /uo fonte diuenta frigidi//ima que/to 
ep(j na/ce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario 
Como ft diceua in /pagnia lacqua e//er portata 
amaluco de longi parte. 

Mercore lo re mando /uo figliolo deto mossahap 
a mutir p garofoli agcio piu pre/to ne forni//eno 
hogi dice//emo aL re Como haueuamo pre//i certj 
indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene liface//emo 
tanta gratia gli de//emo li pre/oni pche li mandarebe 
nelle /ue terre c5 cinque hominj de li /ui p manife/- 
tare deL re de/pagnia et de /ua fama alhora li 
dona//emo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna 
p la cagi5e Ja detta JL giorno /eguente li apre- 
/enta//emo tucti li pre/oni /aluo q e lli de burne ne 
hebe grandi//imo piacere. Dapoy ne di/ce doue/- 
/emo p /uo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuao 


of those gongs of theirs, two bahars; 414 for one 
quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all 
the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the 
king wished for himself. Many of those things [that 
we traded] were from the abovementioned junks 
which we had captured. Our haste to return to 
Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at bet- 
ter bargains [to the natives] than we should have 
done. 4 " Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, 
figs [i.e. } bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of 
food were brought to the ships, that we were sur- 
prised. We supplied the ships with good water, 
which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it 
stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it 
becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it 
comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite 
the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water 
must be carried to Maluco from distant parts. 4 * 6 

On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named 
Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us 
more quickly. On that day we told the king that 
we had captured certain Indians. The king 
thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the 
kindness to give him their persons, so that he might 
send them back to their land, with five of his own 
men, in order that they might make the king of 
Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him 
the three women who had been captured in the 
queen's name for the reason already advanced. Next 
day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those 
from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. 
Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show 
our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in 


nele nauj p che ne darebe tante capre et galine gli 
amaza//emo p farli piagere et li apicha//emo /oto 
la Couuerta Quado Co/toro p ventura li vedeuano 
/c copriuano lo volto p non vederli ne /entire lo /uo 

{Continued in Vol. XXXIV \ page 38.) 


the ships, in return for which he would give us an 
equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them 
in order to show him a pleasure, 4 * 7 and hung them up 
under the deck. When those people happen to see 
any swine they cover their faces in order that they 
might not look upon them or catch their odor. 

{Continued in Vol. XXXIV \ page jp.) 


Map showing discoveries of 
Fernao Vas Dou- 

[From original MS. in Archivo 





irA*" 1 i 

r 1 v^lMfc 1 ■» 


'M i iNVClAJ j L 
*'**"■• - *_ 

4 U I 

Magalhaes, from Mappamundo 
rado (Goa, 1571 ) 

Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon] 


{Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden 
are made from Arber's reprint The first three English books on 
America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The 
decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555; 
from Mosto, from // prbno viaggio, intorno al globo di Antonio 
Pigafetta, by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1894), which was pub- 
lished as a portion of part v of volume iii of Raccolta di docu- 
ment e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel 
quarto centenario dalla scoperta delY America, appearing under 
the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from 
Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan 
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was trans- 
lated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in 
the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti 
publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the 
Biblioteca Ambrosiana.] 

1 The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded 
in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who -resided at Venice, and 
was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several 
centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black 
below with a white transverse bar running from left to right. 
On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar. 
The old family house is still standing and shows the motto // 
nest rose sans espine, i.e. 9 " No rose without a thorn," which 
was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and 
not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as 
some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the dose of 
the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some 
declaring it to be 1491 ; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives 
the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some 
have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evi- 
dently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St. 
John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the 
sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain 
with the Roman ambassador Chieregato, in 1 5 19, but in what 
capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhaes's intended 
voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that 
he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain's 
servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called 

2 73 


as his country was Lombardy. After the return of the "Vic- 
toria," he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France, and returned 
to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by 
him to Carlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily 
throughout the voyage. His Relation as we know it was under- 
taken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova, but its com- 
position was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come to 
Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524, 
meeting Villiers J'lsle-Adam on his journey thither. He re- 
mained in the pope's service but a short time, for in April, 1524, 
he was back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copy- 
right on his Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty 
years. Pozzo says that he was received into the Order of St. 
John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably somewhat before that 
date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August, 1530, his 
work was presented to Villiers TIsle-Adam. Nothing further is 
known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks 
as late as 1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or 
1535 and at Malta. In addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote 
a Treatise on the art of navigation, which follows his Relation. 
This is not presented in the present publication, notwithstanding 
its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is repro- 
duced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with 
Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of 
Itinerario da Vienna a Constantino poll (London, 1585); and 
wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the "Vincenzo" 
being an error for " vicentino," i.e., " Venetian." See Mosto, // 
primo viaggio. . .di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), PP« 13-30; 
Larousse's Dictionnaire ; and La grande Ency elope die (Paris). 

2 The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See vol. n, p. 26, note 
2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta's spelling of proper names 
is retained. 

8 Philippe de Villiers TIsle-Adam, the forty-third grand mas- 
ter of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of 
Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family 
at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at 
grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected 
grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year 
occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand 
five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. 
After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold 
in October, and refusing Soliman 's entreaties to remain with him, 
went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by 
Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter 
of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta 
which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed 
by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530, and Villiers l'lsle- 

I 5i9 I 522] NOTES 275 

Adam went thither in October of that year. He was always held 
in high esteem for his bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri's 
Dictionaire, and Larousse's Dictionnaire. 

4 The four MSS. of Pigafetta's Relation are those known as 
the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the 
Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the 
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the 
same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French) 
so called because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned 
by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The 
MSS. of the Bibliotheque Nationale are both shorter than the 
Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of 
the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of 
these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A 
full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books 
will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series. 

There are a number of radical differences between the Paris 
MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 
5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph 
structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, 
although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical 
of the differences will be shown in these notes. MS. 5,650 con- 
tains the following title on the page immediately preceding the 
beginning of the relation proper: " Navigation and discovery of 
Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, 
and knight of Rhodes." 

•The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that 
dignity until June, 15 19. Pigafetta writing after that date is not 

6 Francesco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most 
ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth 
century. He attained preeminence at Sienna in both civil and 
ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of 
Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace. 
Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill. 
He left Rome for Spain in December, 1 5 18, on a private mission 
for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks 
who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His 
house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that 
day who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3. 

T MS. 51650 adds: " scholars and men of understanding." 

• MS. 5.650 reads: " so that I might satisfy the wish of the 
said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said 
that I had made the said voyage and indeed been an eyewitness 
of the things hereafter written." 


9 See vol. 1, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhaes. The 
only adequate life of Magalhaes in English is that of Guillemard. 

10 That is, the Order of Santiago. See vol. i, p. 145, note 
171. Magalhaes and Falero were decorated with the cross of 
comendador of the order by Carlos I in the presence of the royal 
Council in July, 15 18. See Guillemard 's Ferdinand Magellan, 
p. 114. 

11 See vol. 1 for various documents during the period of the 
preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard 's Magellan, pp. 1 14-1 16 
and 130-134; and Stanley's First Voyage, pp. xxxiv-xlvi. 

12 Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 
1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Cle- 
ment's election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or 
January, 1524. 

"The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a wofully garbled 
adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to 
Clement VII, instead of Villicrs L'Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, 
note 3. 

14 MS. 5,650 reads: " Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after 
all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the 
captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his 
honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some 
good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make 
for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare 
the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through 
astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the 
so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration 
of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea 
where he was about to sail, and in consideration of another reason 
also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in 
his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not, 
unless because he, the captain-general, was a Portuguese, and 
they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a long while been 
biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of 
that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow, 
so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from 
one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and 
gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered 
them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and 
legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was im- 

15 A Spanish word, meaning " lantern." 

16 Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trenza 
" braid " or " twist." Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, 

1519-1522] NOTES 277 

which denotes a large rope made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa) 
- known to the Spaniards as esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: " Some- 
times he set out a lantern; at other times a thick rush cord which 
was lighted and was called ' trenche ' [i.*., 'estrenque,' ' rope of 
Spanish grass hemp']." Barrio (Diccionario general etimologico) 
says that the origin of estrenque is unknown. 

17 MS. 5*650 reads: " If he wished the other ships to haul in 
a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the main- 
sail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstand- 
ing that the weather might be favorable for making better time, 
it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that 
the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when 
bad weather came suddenly in any squall or otherwise." 

18 MS. 5,650 adds: "which he had extinguished immediately 
after;" and continues: "then showing a single light as a sign 
that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships 
should do as he." 

19 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is to say, a rock in the sea." 

20 Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly 
translated, it is: " Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be re- 
attached to the sail, he showed three fires." 

11 This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

**Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night 
immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8. 

2 * Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French 
contremaitre and the Spanish contramaestre 9 was formerly the 
third officer of a ship's crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the 
officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to 
Littre was applied to the master or seacaptain of certain small 
craft. The maestro (French maitre) was a sub-officer in charge 
of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance. 
The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the 
above officers (see following note). 

24 The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as 
follows in MS. 5,650: " In addition to the said rules for carry- 
ing on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid 
the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches 
set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and 
in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was 
at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the 
third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the 4 diane ' 
[i.e., 'morn'] or otherwise 'the star of dawn.' The above* 
named watches were changed nightly: that is to say, that he who 
had stood first watch stood second the day following, while he 


who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to 
change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both 
those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that 
their voyage might be made with the greatest of safety. The men 
of the said fleet were divided into three divisions: the first was 
that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or boatswain's 
mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having 
been instituted, the captain-general determined to depart, as fol- 

25 See Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 329-336, and Navarrete, 
Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3-1 1, 162-188, for the stores and equip- 
ments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted 
of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic, 
cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar, 
quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary 
supplies were carried in the " Trinidad,' 1 and the ecclesiastical 
ornaments in that ship and the " San Antonio." 

26 The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhaes is 
a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 
1 5I9> conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in 
Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj. 
6, leg. 2-25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five per- 
sons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers 
of the fleet (see Llorens Ascensio's Primer a vuelta al mundo, 
Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his 
Coleccion (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that 
at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the 
official lists and " the casual occurrence of names in the numerous 
and lengthy autos fiscal es connected with the expedition." Guille- 
mard conjectures that the total number must have been between 
two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto 
(p« 53» note 2) says: " Castanheda and Barros say that the crews 
amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete's lists 
show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in 
addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese 
and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings, 
Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, 
Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But 
seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Bis- 
cayans. (See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 326-329.) The registers 
of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12-26) are 
as follows. 



(Flagship of no tons) 





Chief cap- 

tain of 

the fleet 

Hernando de Magallanes 

Portuguese, citizen of 

Pilot of his 


Esteban Gomez 



Leon de Espeleta 


Juan Bautista de Pun- 

zorol x 

Cestre, on the Genoese 


Gonzalo Gomez de Espi- 





Francisco Albo * 

Axio, citizen of Rodas 


Juan de Morales 4 



Marcos de Bayas 

San Lucar de Alpechin 


Master Antonio 



Cristobal Ros or 



Felipe 5 

Genoese, native of Reco 


Francisco Martin 



Francisco de Espinosa 

De le Brizuela 


Gines de Mafra 



Leon Pancaldo* 

Saona, in Genova 


Juan Ginoves 7 

San Remo 


Francisco Piora 



Martin Ginoves 



Anton Hernandez Col- 




Anton Ros, or Rodriguez 


1 Called in other lists Juan Bautista, Bautista de Poncero, Ponccron, and by Herrera, 
Juan Bautista de Pone ev era. — Navaiiiti. 

* A marine officer above the rank of soldier, but below that of ensign. 

'The pilot who wrote the logbook of the ship "Victoria ** from its arrival at the 
cape of San Augustin in Brazil until its return to Spain. Navarrete says that Herrera 
calls him Francisco Calvo. 

4 Called Bachelor Morales in another register. — Navabbeti. 

* Called Filipo de Troa in another register. — Navabbeti. 

* Called Pancado in another register. — Navabbbtb. 

1 Called Sanrremo Ginoves in another register. — Navabbbtb. 



[Vol. 33 





Bartolome Sanchez 



Tomas de Natia 



Diego Martin 



Domingo de Urrutia x 



Francisco Martin 



Juan Rodriguez 



Master - Andres, chief 


Bristol, in England 


Juan Bautista 



Guillermo Tanegui 

Lila de Groya 



Antonio de Goa 



Anton de Noya * 

Noya in Galicia 


Francisco de Ayamonte 



Juan de Santandres 8 



Bias de Toledo 4 

Almunia in Aragon 





Basco Gomez Gallego 



Juan Gallego 



Luis de Beas • 

Beas in Galicia 


Juan de Grijol 

Grijol in Portugal 



Asturian from Villasevil 


Juan Genoves 7 

A port on the Genoese 



Andres de la Cruz 8 


Servants of the captain and sobresalientes • 



Cristobal Rabelo 

Joan Minez or Martinez 



native of 

1 Called in other registers, Barruti, Barrutia, Barote, and Domingo Vizcaino. — Nava- 

2 Called Anton Gallego and Antonio Varela in other registers. — Navarriti. 
8 Called Juan de Santander in another register. — Navarriti. 

4 Called Bias Durango in another register. — Navarriti. 

* The slave of Gonzalo Gomez de Espinoza, called Anton Moreno in another register. 
— Navarrrti. 

1 Said to be a Portuguese in another register. — Navarriti. 
7 Called Juan Antonio in another register. — Navarritr. 
1 Called Andres Paye in another register. — Navarritr. 

* Sobretalientt u thus defined by Las Partiday — the laws of Castilla, compiled by Al- 
fonso X. — parte I., tit. 24, ley 6: " Sobresalientes are called otherwise men who are 
placed over and above the requisite number in the ships, both as crossbowmen and other 
classes of soldiers. Such men have no other duty than to defend those who might be in 
their ships when fighting with enemies.** Cited by Morro from A. Jal in G lot sat re 








Fernando Portogues x 

Portuguese, native of 



Antonio Lombardo 2 



French, native of Angeo 
[ue. % Anjou] 

Gonzalo Rodriguez 


Diego Sanchez Barrasa 


Luis Alonso, de Gois * » 

Portuguese, citizen of 

Duarte Barbosa 


Albaro de la Mezquita 




Portuguese, native of 
Montemayor Nuevo 



San Lucar 



Francisco 4 

Portuguese, native of Es- 


Jorge Morisco 



Pedro de Balderrama 



Alberto * Merino 


Servant of 

the al- 


Pero Gomez 

Hornilla la Prieta 


Pero Sanchez 6 



ter, a 


Henrique de Malaca 7 * 


Lazaro de Torres 


n antique. (Paris, 1 848). Motto speaks of them as soldiers or volunteers who were em- 
barked to take part in battles and in boarding. Guillemard says of them: " The young 
men of good family, who took part in the expedition from love of adventure or desire for 
advancement in military service, shipped as tobrttalienttt, or supernumeraries** {ut 
supra, p. 328). 

1 Called in another register, Fernan Lopez, volunteer. — Navaiiete. 

3 Called Antonio de Plegafetis [/.«., Pigafetta] in another register. — Navai»ete. 

* Called Luis Alfonso in another register. — Navaiiete. 

4 Called Francisco de la Mezquita in another register. — Navaiiete. 

* Called Albertos, a sobresaliente, in another register. — Navai»ete. 

Merino: A shepherd, and formerly by extension an alguacil, which is its meaning here. 

* Called Pedro Sanildes in another register. — N avaieete. 

7 Magalhaes's slave, who afterward, according to Pigafetta, plotted the death of the 
Europeans, by conspiring with the ruler of Cebu. 



[Vol. 33 

San Antonio 
(120 tons) 





and su- 


of the 


Juan de Cartagena 


Antonio de Coca 


Hieronimo Guerra 

His Maj- 



Andres de San Martin 

Pilot of his 


Juan Rodriguez de 


Juan de Elorriaga 1 



Diego Hernandez 



Pedro Olabarrieta 2 



Juan Ortiz de Gopegar 8 



Pedro de Bilbao 



Pedro de Sabtua 



Martin de Goytisolo 



Joan de Oviedo 



Sebastian de Olarte 



Lope de Uguarte 


Joanes de Segura 

Segura in Guipuzcoa 


Joan de Francia 

Ruan [ue.y Rouen] 


Jacome de Mecina 



Christobal Garcia 

From Palos 


Pero Hernandez 



Antonio Rodriguez, Cal- 



derero [i.e., black- 

Hernando de Morales 4 

From Moguer 


Francisco, Marinero [ue. 9 

a sailor] 

Citizen of Huelva 


Francisco Ros, or Rodri- 


From Huelva 


Pedro de Laredo 



Simon de Asio 


1 Called in other registers, Uriaga, Horraga, Loriaga, and Elorraga. — Navaeeete. 
9 In another register said to be the servant of Antonio de Coca. — Navaieete. 
8 Called Juan Ortiz de Goperi in another register. — Navaeeete. 
Called Francisco de Morales in another register. — Navaeeete. 








Master Jacques, chief 


From Tierra Lorena [£e\, 
land of Lorraine] 


Rojer Dupict 



Joan Jorge 




Luis, 1 Grumete [i.e\, a 

common seaman] 



Martin de Aguirre 




Bolonia [i.e\, Bologna] 


Lucas de Mecina 



Lorencio Rodriguez 

From Moguer 



Pravia, in Asturias 


Joanes de I run Iranzo 

Irun Iranza in Guipuz- 


Joan Ginoves 



Joan de Orue 



Alonso del Puerto * 

Puerto de Santa Maria 


Diego, son of Cristobal 


From Palos 


Diego, son of Juan Rodri- 
guez de Mafra 

Servants and sobresalientes 


Bernardo Calmeta 

Laytora in France 



Joan de Chinchilla 



Anton de Escobar 



Francisco de Angulo 


Servant to 

the cap* 


Francisco de Molino 



Roque Pelea 



Rodrigo Nieto, a Galician 



Alonso del Rio 



Pedro de Balpuesta 

Citizen of Burgos 


Joan de Leon 



Gutierre de Tufion 3 

Tunon in Asturias 


Joan de Sagredo, 4 


Revenga, in the land of 


Joan de Minchaca, a 



1 Luis de Avendano in another register. — Navabbiti. 

* Called Alonso de Palos in another register. — Navabbbti. 

* Called Garcia de Tunon in another register. — Navabbiti. 
4 Called Segredo in another register. — Navabbiti. 



[Vol. 33 





Antonio Hernandez, in- 




Servant to 

the ac- 


Juan Gomez de Espinosa 



Pedro de Urrea 

(90 tons) 



Gaspar de Quesada 


Sancho de Heredia 

Pilot of his 


Joan Lopez Caraballo 



Joan Sebastian de El- 

cano 1 



Joan de Acurio 



Hernando de Busta- 




Antonio de Basazabal * 



Domingo de Iraza 4 



Joan de Campos 

Alcala de Henares 


Pero Perez 



Francisco Rodriguez * 



Francisco Ruiz 



Mateo de Gorfo • 



Joan Rodriguez 7 



Sebastian Garcia 8 



Gomez Hernandez 



Lorenzo de Iruna * 

Socavila in Guipuzcoa 


Joan Rodriguez, 10 el sordo 

[i.e., the deaf man] 



Joan de Aguirre 



Joan de Ortega 


1 In other registers called Del Cano, Delcano, and simply Juan Sebastian. — Nava- 


* Said to be a native of Alcantara in another register. — Navaiiiti. 
'Called Anton de Bazaza in another register. — Navabbxtx. 

4 Called Domingo de Yarza in another register. — Navabbxtx. 
' Said to be a native of Portugal in another register. — Navabbxtx. 

• Called Mateo Oriego in another register. — Navabbxtb. 

T Called in another register Juan Rodriguez de Huelva, native of Mallorca. — Nava- 

• Called Sebastian de Huelva in another register. — Navaiiiti. 

* Called Lorenzo Duirna in another register. — Navabbxtx. 
10 Called Juan Roiz in another register. — Navabbxtb. 








Hans Vargue, 1 chief gun- 




Master Pedro 



Roldan de Argote 

Flandes, in Brujas 



Joan de Olivar 2 


Guillermo de Lole * 


Cristobal de Costa 4 






Gonzalo de Vigo 



Pedro de Muguertegui 



Martin de Isaurraga 



Rodrigo Macias 



Joan Navarro 5 



Joanes de Tuy 


Juanillo • 



Pedro de Churdurza 7 





Luis del Molino 



Antonio Fernandez 

Portuguese, of Sevilla 


Alonso Coto 8 



Francisco Diaz de Mad- 




Martin de Judicibus 


Juan de Silva 

Isla Graciosa, in Azores 


Gonzalo Hernandez 

Santa Maria del Puerto 

Martin de Magallayns 

Portuguese, of Lisboa 
Almonaster, a boundary 

Joan de la Torre 

of Sevilla 


(85 tons) 




of fleet 

Luis de Mendoza 

1 In other registers called Master A nee and Master Otans. — Navabbxtk. 

2 Called Oliver de Valencia in another register. — Navabbbtx. 
* Called Guillermo Ir6i in another register. — Navabbbtx. 

4 Called Cristobal de Jerez in another register. — Navabbbte. 

'Called Juan Novoro in another register.— Navabbbtx. 

'In another register called the young son of Juan Caraballo. — Navabbbti. 

1 Called Pedro Chindurza in another register. — Navabbbtx. 

' In other registers called Alonzo Genoves, Cota, and Costa. — Navabbxtb. 



[Vol. 33 




Pilot of his 


Basco Gallego 



Martin Mendez 

Citizen of Sevilla 


Anton Salomon 

Trapana in Sicilia 


Miguel de Rodas 



Diego de Peralta 

Peralta in Navarra 


Alonso Gonzales 



Simon de la Rochela 

From La Rochela 


Martin de Griate l 

From Deva 


Miguel Benesciano 



Diego Gallego 

Bayona in Galicia 


Lope Navarro 



Nicolas Ginoves 



Nicolao de Napoles 

Napoles de Romania 


Miguel Sanchez 



Nicolao de Capua 



Benito Genoves 



Felipe de Rodas 



Esteban Villon 2 



Joan Griego 

Napoles de Romania 


Jorge Aleman [i.e., the 

German], chief gunner 

From Estric 


Filiberto de Torres 8 



Hans, a German 4 




Joanico, 5 a Viscayan 



Joan de Arratia • 



Ochote T 



Martin de Ayamonte 


Pedro de Tolosa 

Tolosa in Guipuzcoa 


Sebastian Ortiz 




Baresa in Genova 


Bernal Mahuri 8 



Rodrigo Gallego [i.e., a 



1 Called in other registers Garate, Yarat, and Perez. — Navarrete. 

2 Called in another register Esteban Breton, and a third register says that he was a native 
of Trosig in Bretana. — Navarbits. 

8 Another register says that he was a native of Hourienes in Torayn [/.*., Tourraine.] 
— Navarrete. 

4 Another register calls him Aires, and says that he was afterward chief gunner in the 
" Victoria." — Navarrxtx. 

* Called in another register Machin Vizcaino [/.«., a Viscayan]. — Navarrkte. 

• In other registers called Juan de Sahelices and Saylkes. — Navarrxtx. 
1 Called in another register Ochot de Randio. — Navabrxte. 

8 In other registers called Cristobal Mahuri and Bernardo Mauri.— Navabiete. 

ISI9-I52 2 ] 







Domingo Portogues [i.e\, 


a Portuguese] 



Juan de Zuvileta, the son 

of Basco Gallego 



The cap- 



Francisco Carvajal 



Joan Martin x 

Aguilar de Campo 


Simon de Burgos 



Bartolome de Saldana 



Gonzalo Rodriguez 


Pero Garcia de Herrero a 

Ciudad Real 

Joan Villalon 


Alonso de Mora, or de 


Mora, in Portugal 


Joan de Cordoba 


Diego Diaz 



(75 tons) 


and pilot 

of his 


Joan Serrano 

Citizen of Sevilla 


Antonio de Costa 


Baltasar Ginoves 

Ribera de Genova [Le. t 
the Genoese shore] 


Bartolome Prior 4 

San Malo 


Gaspar Diaz 

Isla Graciosa, in the 


Joan Garcia 



Ripart 5 

Bruz in Normandia [i.e., 


Antonio Flamenco [i.e\, 

a Fleming] 


1 Another register declares him to be a native of Sevilla. — Navarbiti. 

3 Called Pedro Herrero ['.*., the blacksmith] in another register. — Natarreti. 

8 Called Alonso Portugues [r.t., the Portuguese] in another register. — Navarrite. 

4 Called in other registers Malo a Frenchman, Malvo, and Amalo. — Navarrite. 

1 Called in other registers Ricarte, Ruxar, and Rigarte; while another says that he was 
a native of Ebras in France. — Navarrxte. 



[Vol. 33 





Luis Martinez 



Bartolome Garcia 



Joan Garcia 






Bocacio Alfonso * 


\ II 

Pedro Gascon 2 [£*., a 


Burdeos [i.e., Bordeaux] 


Domingo * 


Diego Garcia de Trigu- 




Lorenzo Corrat 

Talesa in Normandia 
[i.e\, Normandy] 


Joan Macia 4 




Pedro Diaz 5 



Antonio Hernandez • 



Juan, 7 a negro 


Joan Breton [Le., a Bre- 


Cruesic in Brctafia [ue. t 


Pedro Bello 8 



Hieronimo Garcia • 



Pero Arnaot 



Pero Garcia 



Joan Flamenco [i.e\, a 




Francisco Paxe 10 

Merino Joan de Aroche 

Martin Barrena 
Hernan Lorenzo 

Aroche, boundary of Se- 
Villafranco in Guipuzcoa 

1 Called Socacio Alonso in another register. — Navakkxtx. 
1 Called Pedro Gaston in another register. — Navakkxtx. 
9 Called Domingo Marinero [/.*., a sailor] in another register. — Navakkxtx. 
4 Called Juan de Troya in another register. — Navakkxtx. 
1 Called Pedro de Huelva in another register. — Navakkxtx. 
• Called Alonso Hernandez in another register. — NAVAaatTx. 
T The slave of Juan Serrano. — Navakkxtx. 
9 Pedro Brito in another register. — Navaxxktx. 

•Geronimo Serillano [i.e. t a native of Sevilla] in another register.— Navaxxxtx. 
19 Another register calls him Francisco, the son-in-law of Juan Serrano. — Navaxxxtx. 




The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. 
Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo general 
de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Mufioz, and various other 
sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the 
abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming 
people from their native town or province, and the fact that the 
various registers were made between 15 19 and 1525. From some 
of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in 
the fleet. 








Bias Alfonso 



Juan Gutierrez 
Maestre Pedro * 


Bautista Genoves 




Perucho de Bermeo 



Domingo Alvarez 


Domingo Gonzalez 


Domingo de Zubillan 2 



Andres Blanco 


Antonio Gomez 



Juan Portugues [i.e\, a 


Juan Bras 


Gonzalo Gallego 


Rodrigo de Hurrira 
Sebastian Portugues [i.e\, 

a Portuguese] 
Juan de Ircepais 




Pero Sanchez de Reina 
Licentiate Morales 
Hernando Rodriguez 

1 This man was Shanghaied at the island of Teneriffe by order of Magalhaes, October 
1, 1519, and embarked on the "Santiago," but his occupation or country is unknown. 
He returned in the " Victoria," and was one of those captured by the Portuguese in the 
island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, as u proved by documents in Archivo Ge- 
neral de Indias. — Navasmti. 

2 Named in other registers Domingo, from Tovilla, Portugal, and Domingo, native of 
Cobillana, Portugal. — Navaiieti. 



[Vol. 33 





Diego Arias 



Juan Hernandez 


Servant of 

Luis de 



Hernando de Aguilar 
The negro of the pilot 
Juan Carballo 

In addition there were probably others, this list being still three 
short of Guillemard's figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc, of N. Amer.> 
London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list 

27 The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wad-al- 
Kebir, "the great river"), superseded the Roman name of Baetis. 
The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one province called 
Baetica after the name of the Baetis. By the town Gioan dal 
Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn 
al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia 
Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. 
Coria was once a Roman potters' town and is still celebrated for 
its jars. San Lucar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. 
Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to 
the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after 
the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house 
of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Perez de Guzman, a 
famous captain. 

28 The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given 
(ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially 
with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and 
Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta 
may have forgotten the actual distance, or it may have been an 
error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: 
"which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x 
leguas from the said port ; " for " longui " may be taken as agree- 
ing with " gradi." In all rendering of distances, the Spanish form 
will be used in preference to the Italian ; and the same will apply 
to the names of Spanish coins. 

29 MS. 5,650 reads: "And after passing many small villages 
along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the 
duke of Medinacidonia, and called Sainct Lucar, where there is 
a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that 
port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape 
of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a 
latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from 

15191522] NOTES 291 

the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port 
by the river abovesaid, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles." 
This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not trans- 
late or write the French version, but that the work was done by 
another, who takes various liberties with his original. 

80 MS. 5,650 reads: " furnish the fleet." 

81 Ninguna in original, a Spanish word. 

82 MS. 5,650 adds: "otherwise called 'labeiche.' " Labech 
(Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This 
is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explana- 
tion to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, 
" southwest." 

88 MS. 5,650 reads wrongly: "sixteenth." The so-called 
Genoese pilot (the author of the " Roteiro," by which name his 
account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see 
Guillemard's Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p. 32, and note 4) 
gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros 
agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stan- 
ley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Piga- 
fetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. 
Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that 
the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the 
Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more ad- 
missible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival 
by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2 ; 
while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montana Roja (the 
Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, 
notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo 
are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times 
they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus 
Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon. 

84 The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names 
of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. 
The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, 
but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth 
century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially 
through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethen- 
court went there, and shortly after began their conquest under 
the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the set- 
tlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded 
to Spain in 1481 (see Birch's Alboquerque, London, 1 875-1 884, 
Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the 
islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter mean- 
ing " men of Tenerife." The inhabitants of this island, holding 
out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See 
also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877) ; and History and De- 


scription of Africa (London, 1896), 1, pp. 99-101: both publica- 
tions of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly 
called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other 
islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation, and its peak, 
the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude 
is 28° 15'. 

tB Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at 
the south end of Tenerife. 

86 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a substance needed by ships." 
Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a 
caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53, 
note 8). 

87 MS. 5,650 reads: " water coming from spring or river." 

88 Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly 
abridges: "The lyke thynge is al/o /eene in the Hand of /aynt 
Thomas, lyinge directly vnder the Equinoctiall lyne." Of this 
island of Hierro, Pory (History and description of Africa, Hakluyt 
Society edition, p. 100) says: "Hierro hath neither spring nor 
well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which 
over-spreadeth a tree, from whence distilleth so much moisture, as 
sufficeth both for men and cattel. This cloud ariseth an hower 
or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne 
rising." This is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded 
upon fact " for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and 
other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from 
the daily mists" (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio 
Chil y Naranio (Estudios historicos . . . de las islas Cana- 
rias % 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and 
that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see 
the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9). 

89 MS. 5,650 adds: "which the sailors of the east call 
' Cyroc* " This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the 
southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the 
port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2). 

40 Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: "In this coa/t they had 
no maner of contrary wynds but a great calme and fayre wether 
for the /pace of three /core and tenne dayes, in the which they 
came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne." 

41 MS. 5,650 adds: "and of those persons who have sailed 
there often." 

42 MS. 5,650 reads: "And in order that our ships might not 
be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls 
come together)." 

15191522] NOTES 293 

48 This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are 
missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: 
" During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni," etc The 
word tiburoni, " sharks " is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes 
from the French tiberon (tiburin, /i£iiroji).-Echagaray's Die- 
cionario Etimologico (Madrid, 1889). 

44 MS. 5,650 reads: "The said fish are caught by means of 
a contrivance which sailors call ' hame ' which is an iron fish- 
hook." Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Jmo t 
meaning " fishhook." 

45 MS. 5,650 adds: " because of the bad weather." 

40 MS. 5,650 reads " a quarter of an hour," and the same dura- 
tion of time is given by Eden (p. 250). 

47 MS. 5,650 adds: "It is to be noted that whenever that 
fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends 
the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is 
never wrecked." Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says 
that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and 
sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts 
of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, 
and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he ap- 
peared, he remained a quarter of an hour, and at his departure a 
great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden 
(p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects 
into his abridgment of the first circumnavigation a description of 
St. Elmo's fire by Hieronimus Cardanus in the second book of 
De SubtUitate. He says: " Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the 
fyer baule or /tarre commonly cauled /aynt Helen which is /urn- 
tyme /eene abowt the ma/tes of /hyppes, beinge of /uche fyery 
nature that it /umetyme melteth bra/en ve//els, and is a token of 
drownyng, fora/much as this chaunceth only in great tempe/tes. 
For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, 
can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of 
a gro/e vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therfore a 
token of imminent perell." The fires called after St. Peter and 
St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are 
generally to be seen on the cables, after a storm. Being little 
and swift moving they can do no damage as they could do if 
massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo's fire is the popular 
name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of 
a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. 
It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was con- 
sidered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed 
this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and 
the French edition of Pigafetta's relation published by Simon de 


Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54) : " They saw the fires 
called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom 
the ancients called Castor and Pollux)." "Elmo" is said by 
some to be a corruption of " Helena/' the sister of Castor and 
Pollux, and the name "Hellene " or " Helen " was often given 
to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more 
probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died 
about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. 
The phenomenon is also called fire of " St. Elias," " St. Clara," 
" St. Nicolas," and " composite," " composant," and " corposant 
{i.e., corpus sanctum) ." 

4S The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the 
family Larida and genus Thalassidroma) , which is found along 
all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific The tale of 
the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, 17. S. Exploring 
Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela ("cagaselo" in 
MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, 
and by sailors " boatswain," " teaser," and " dung-hunter." The 
last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that 
this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pur- 
sues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that 
they have swallowed. The flying-fish is either a species of Exo- 
ccetuSy or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of 
which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape 
their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New 

49 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between 
the south and the west;" and below reads: "twenty-four and 
one-half degrees; " while Eden (p. 250) reads: " xxii degrees and 
a halfe." 

50 Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema's 
Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is 
the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was 
first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, 
and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country 
were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, men- 
tioned below, lies in 8° 2i / south latitude, and is the most east- 
ern headland of South America. It was the first land of that 
continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 
by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Magalhaes arrested 
Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of 
the " San Antonio " to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard's Ma- 
gellan, p. 153). Albo's log begins slightly before the sighting of 
the point, his first entry being November 29. See Burton's " In- 
troduction " in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society 
publications, London, 1874). 

1519-1522] NOTES 295 

61 MS. 5*650 reads: "veal." The anta is the tapir, once 
very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civil- 
ized districts. See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, 
however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says 
when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian : " and many Indians 
came there, who are clad in certain skins of ant as, which resemble 
camels without the hump." (Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, p. 

62 Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et 
est de la longueur dun naveau, " and is of the length of a shuttle," 
confusing naveau with navette, " shuttle." Naveau here is equiva- 
lent to navet t " turnip " or navette, " rape," a plant of the turnip 
class, as is proved by the Italian. 

"MS. 5*650 reads: "And for a king of cards, of the kind 
which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls." 
The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade 
("swords"), bastoni ("clubs"), danari (literally: "money;" 
" diamonds "), and coppe (" cups "). 

"MS. 5,650 reads: "five." 

56 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is an astrological term. That 
zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in 
the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can 
be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first 
book De caelo et mondo." By the treatise of the sphere is evidently 
meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and 
which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the 
present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the follow- 
ing: "Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of 
the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian 
and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding 
the longitude and latitude of places east and west." In the Italian 
MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley trans- 
lates Amoretti's version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. 
Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his 
three-years' experience during the expedition. 

M Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 210) says that the fleet continued to 
coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy's 
bay on December 13 (St. Lucy's day). Of the coast he says: 
" The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. 
There are many rivers and ports in the said Brasil and San 
Tome, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays 
running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast 
and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. 
Cape Frio is a very large river. ... At the entrance of the 
said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, 
and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports . . . 


and is called the bay of Santa Lucia. ... In the said bay, 
one finds a well-disposed and numerous race, who go naked and 
trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk's bells with food. • • . 
We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed 
there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the 
said month of December. On that day we went and took our 
course west southwest, and found seven islands. To the right 
of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [ue., the Kings] 
which has a good entrance." The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 1) says: 
" as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to 
the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which 
is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he 
steered to the west, a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio 
de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio, and they 
entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th 
December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained 
there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th 
of December of the same year." Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) 
says: "Setting sail thence [ue., from Tenerife], the first land 
sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended 
the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 
or 16 days." 

67 Eden (p. 251) says: "bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, 
Fraunce, and Italic" 

68 MS. 5,650 adds: " more like beasts than anything else." 

69 MS. 5,650 reads: "And some of those people live to the 
age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and 
forty, or more." Eden (p. 251) says: " Cxx. and Cxi. yeares." 
For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and 
customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), 
pp. 1 17-169. 

60 Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as " boy." 

W MS. 5,650 reads: "You must know that a family of one 
hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those 
houses called boii." One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) 
is described by Wilson ( Transactions of Ethnological Society, new 
series, vol. i) as being " 60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms 
for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central 
fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 
200 head." See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, 
note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamo- 
yos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note 1 ; see also 
Burton, ut supra, pp. lxi-lxxvi). 

"Amoretti makes this passage read: "Their boats, called 

15191522] NOTES 297 

canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;" 
understanding maschize as massiccio " huge." Mosto prefers to read 
maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one 
word in the original), for ma schiacciate, "but flattened." Ac- 
cepting this, the translation would be: "They have boats made 
from one single tree, only flattened." Amoretti's interpretation is 
to be preferred. 

"MS. 5,650 reads: "and one would believe them to be 
enemies from hell." 

64 MS. 5,650 adds: " of the said country of Verzin." 

W MS. 5,650 reads: "daily." Amerigo Vespucci says in a 
letter (Mosto, p. 55, note 6): "I saw human flesh salted and 
suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to 
hang up bacon and swine's flesh." See Jesuit Relations and Allied 
Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism 
among the North American Indians. See also Captivity of Hans 
Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 151, 155-159; and Domin- 
guez's Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, 
London, 1891), pp. 129, 130. 

•• For Carvagioy as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian; an 
error of the amanuensis. This was Joao Carvalho (the Juan 
Lopez Caraballo of the register -see note 26, ante). Carvalho 
was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, 
as appears later in Pigafetta's narrative. After the fatal banquet 
in the island of Cebu, he became the leader of the remaining men 
of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He re- 
mained behind with the ill-fated " Trinidad," and never returned 
to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, 
was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252-255, for Correa's 
account of the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalh2es. 

67 The early French edition and the Italian edition of 1536 
both include the women and children. - Stanley. 

• 8 It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the 
American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit 
Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue). 

•• Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys 
of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8). 

70 MS. 5,650 reads: "fresh cheese." Pigafetta may here 
refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See 
Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130-132, for a description 
of the method of preparing this root. 

71 The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagagu), 
or peccari {Dicotyles torquatus), which has quills resembling those 



of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It is tailless 
and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten; 
and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Bur- 
ton (ur supra), p. 160, note. 

• 72 The Platalea a) a) a or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family 
of the Plataleida, whose habitat extends through all of tropical 
and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the 
Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern 
part of the United States. 

78 Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of 
the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner. 

74 MS. 5,650 reads: " The women attend to the outside affairs, 
and carry everything necessary for their husband's food in small 
panniers on the head or fastened to the head." 

75 MS. 5,650 adds: " and compassion." 

78 MS. 5,650 reads: "When we departed they gave us a very 
great quantity of verzin;" and adds: "That is a color which 
comes from trees which grow in the said country, and so abun- 
dantly, that the country is called Verzin from it." 

77 MS. adds: " which was a piece of great simplicity." 

78 This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: 
" Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the peo- 
ple of the above place showed us another very simple thing." 

79 This passage in Stanley reads as follows: "A beautiful 
young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I 
was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she 
directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a 
finger's length, and went and took it as something valuable and 
new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been 
able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, 
she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery." The 
matter between the words " length " and " naked " is taken from 
MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his 
travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion 
being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), 
as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian 
MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley 
cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 
which omits the above story: "At the first land at which we 
stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships 
from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken 
with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone out 
of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned 

15191522] NOTES 299 

immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms." He also 
cites the following passage from the first French printed edition, 
which also narrates the above story of the girl : "At the first coast 
that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in 
travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, 
and nursed their children." Stanley adds that this story of the 
slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come 
aboard ship. 

80 MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: " maiz, 
buy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, turn maraghatom." 
Amoretti (see Stanley's edition, p. 48) reads tacse as torse and 
itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French 
forcette (" scissors ") as " fork." 

81 Eden says (p. 251): "xxxiiii. degree and a halfe toward 
the pole Antartike." 

82 MS. 5,650 reads: "and to ask whether the others might 

88 MS. 5,650 reads: "That place was formerly called Cape 
Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence 
to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been 
ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther 
on." Eden (p. 251) reads: "Abowt the mouth of this ryuer, are 
/even ilandes, in the bygge/t whereof, they founde certeyne precious 
/tones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes 
thought that by this ryuer they might haue pa//ed into the /outh 
/ea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was 
none other pa//age than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large 
in the mouth." This river was the Rio de la Plata. The " Ro- 
teiro" (Stanley, p. 2) says that Magalhaes left Rio de Janeiro 
December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa Maria and the river 
which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until 
February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 211) also mentions 
the river which he calls the " river of Solis." The ships sent to 
look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a 
careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito 
(Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: "They left that place [i.*., 
Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the 
river called Solis, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he 
could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes 
ordered the ship ' Santiago ' to sail forward for about 50 leguas 
to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he 
crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the 
[opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest." For early 
history of this region, see Dominguez's Conquest of the River 


64 Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born 
at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient 
authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He 
was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo 
Vespucci in 15 12. In October, 15 15, he sailed in command of an 
expedition in search of a southwest passage to India. He dis- 
covered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region 
of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed 
and eaten before September, 15 16. The remnant of the expedi- 
tion was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law. 

M Eden adds (p. 251): "which /urn thynke to bee tho/e 
fy/^hes that wee caule pikes." Below, the sea-wolf is described 
as having a head " of golden coloure." They were probably some 
species of the Otariida or fur-seals (Guillemard, p. 160, note). 
The " geese " were penguins. Albo, Herrera, and others, also 
mention the " sea-wolves and ducks." Kohl (Zeitschrift der 
Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the 
ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos 
Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado ("Port Desire;" 
see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions 
from these " sea-wolves," calling the bay where he secured them 
" Seale Bay." See World Encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), 
PP. 54, 55. 

••Port St. Julian. The "Roteiro" pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says 
that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 49° 20' 
south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 214) says: "We went 
to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of 
March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. 
The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and two-thirds degrees. We 
pitched the ships in that port." Other writers give slightly dif- 
ferent locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the 
Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at 
Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news 
obtained from some of the men of the "Trinidad." His informa- 
tion as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, 
he says: "They coasted along shore until they reached a river 
called San Juan where they wintered for four months." 

87 MS. 5,650 adds: "jumping up and down." The only 
reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: " Many 
Indians came there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which 
resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made 
from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The 
arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint 
instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, 
and very well-built and well-appearing men." (Navarrete, iv, 

15191522] NOTES 3 QI 

pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta's account that given by Maxi- 
milianus Transylvanus, in vol. i, pp. 303-337. 

88 MS. 5,650 reads: " he began to marvel and to be afraid." 

88 Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates 
(p. 180) this passage: " His hair was short and colored white," 
but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor 
MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as 
does also Wilkes (Narrative of 17. 5. Exploring Expedition, 1838- 
1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the 
officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were 
taller than average Europeans, as follows: "They had good 
figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and 
high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their 
hair was coarse and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow 
border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap 
or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them 
were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than 
in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many 
of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay, 
soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their in- 
flamed and sore eyes, was filthy and disgusting." They showed 
that they had had previous communication with white men. Their 
food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and 
had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that 
" The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken 
(men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to 
as Tehuel-Che, southerners." Many of them are " from six to six 
feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they 
are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads." 
Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average 
height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m -» an( l hence the early accounts 
of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 
6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the " Roteiro " 
(Stanley, p. 5) ; and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake 
(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56-61 (where the origin of 
the name " Patagonian " is wrongly given). 

90 The guanaco, a species of llama. See also VOL. n, p. 34, 
note 5*. 

91 Hence arose the name " Patagonians " or " men with big 
feet," given by Magalhaes, because of the awkward appearance of 
the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for 
greater warmth. 

88 The words "somewhat thicker than those of a lute" are 
lacking in MS. 5,650. 


98 This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650. 

" Eden (p. 251) says "two," and following says that Magal- 
haes gave the giant " certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, 
with al/o a lookynge gla//e, a combe, and a payre of beades of 

95 MS. 5,650 adds: " on the face." 

"MS. 5,650 omits " face." 

97 " For the smiths " is omitted by MS. 5,650. 

98 Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian 
was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (vol. I, 
PP« 3H, 3i5)- The "Roteiro" says (Stanley, p. 5) that three 
or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain 
in the " San Antonio." Pigafetta's account, as given by an eye- 
witness, is to be preferred. 

"MS. 5,650 reads: "for otherwise they could have caused 
some of our men trouble." Below Stanley (p. 53) again mis- 
translates the French " forces " as "forks." 

100 MS. 5,650 adds: "of malefactors," and reads farther: 
" and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles." 

101 MS. 5,650 reads: "and they were grieved that they could 
not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by 
the other things that they were holding." Eden (p. 252) says at 
the end of his account of the capture: " Being thus taken, they 
were immediately /eperate and put in /undry ^hyppes." 

102 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is, the big devil." 

Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on 
America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the 
newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who 
invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Pata- 
gonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake 
(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth. 

108 MS. 5,650 reads: " the wife of one of the giants who had 
remained behind in irons." 

104 MS. 5,650 makes this plural. 

106 See ante , note 103. 

108 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

107 MS. 5,650 adds: " in their language." 

108 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 

1M MS. 5,650 reads " instead of taking medicine." See Jesuit 
Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples 

15191522] NOTES 3°3 

of medicine and surgery as practiced by the North American In- 

110 MS. 5,650 reads " two feet or so." 

111 MS. 5,650 reads "cut short and shaven like religious." 
Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who cap- 
tured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, 
pp. 136-138, and note, from which it appears that this manner 
of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes). 

112 Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives 
the original from MS. 5,650. 

118 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: " They seem 
to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, 
and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than 
the others." 

114 Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints " Setebas." Ron- 
cagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in " Bollettino della Societa 
geografica italiana," 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians 
sacrificed to an evil spirit called " Wallichu." Brinton, ut supra, 
p. 328, says: "They are not without some religious rites, and 
are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of 
any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the 
four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois." 

115 See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes "Pataghoni" of 
MS. 5,650 as " Palaghom." 

1X, A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance 
in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions 
upon the credulous people. The name " Cingani " or Zingari, as 
they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word 
TduT'yxavot, by which they were called by Byzantine writers 
of the ix-xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly 
different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bo- 
hemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in 
northwestern India, whence they emigrated in successive waves. 
In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against 
them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 
1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have 
become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and 
Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitanos 
(Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until 
the reign of Carlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the 
Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don 
Quixote (pt i, chap, xxx), but the name Gitano had first appeared 
in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. 


The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the 
Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their 
language is Aryan and was highly inflected ; and while they have 
been given many names by the nations among whom they have 
lived, their own appellation is "Rom" "the man." See New 
International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903). 

117 MS. 5,650 reads: " capae; " but Stanley has mistranscribed 
" capac." 

118 Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the "Roteiro" (Stanley, 
p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, aote 3) give the 
date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the 
second errs in giving 5j4 instead of 4^ months for the period for 
which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of 
departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date 
says that the name " St. Julian " or " of the ducks " was given to 
that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as 
April 2, and says that the place was called " river of Sad Juliao." 
See Mosto, ut supra. 

119 A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny 
reads as follows in MS. 5,650: " However the treason was dis- 
covered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a 
dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and 
then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another 
mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on 
that land of Pathagonia." The Italian MS. is badly confused, 
while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows 
the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of 
the attempted mutiny: "They remayned fyue monethes in this 
porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes con- 
/pirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: 
Amonge whom the trea/urer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Cer- 
teyne of the other con/pirators, he left in the /ayd land of Pato- 
goni." See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus 
in vol. 1, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 
297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships 
revolted against Magalhaes " saying that they intended to take him 
to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction ; " but 
Magalhaes subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with 
him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the 
fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro 
de Mesquita, Magalhaes's cousin, is wrongly reported to have been 
given command of one of the ships of those lulled, but the com- 
mand of the " San Antonio " that had previously been given to 
Antonio de Coca, after Magalhaes had deprived Cartagena of it, 
had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny. 

15*9-15"] NOTES 3°5 

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de 
viages, iv, pp. 34-38) which was compiled mainly from docu- 
ments presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as fol- 

" March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the 
port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently 
ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and 
of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Maga- 
llanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, 
since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any 
strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accom- 
plish what he had promised ; that the king had ordered the voyage 
which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he 
found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in 
regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay 
had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and 
quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, 
nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding 
rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them 
not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian 
nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and 
offering them corresponding rewards in the king's name. By such 
means did he quiet the men. 

"April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his cap- 
tains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward 
to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and 
all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de 
Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a 
prisoner in Quesada's keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro 
de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes. 

" During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena 
with about thirty armed men of the ship ' Concepcion * went to 
the ' San Antonio,' where Quesada requested that the captain, 
Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew 
of the ship to seize it, as they had already done with the ' Concep- 
cion ' and ' Victoria.' [He said] that they already knew how 
Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had 
asked him to fulfil the king's orders; that they were lost men; and 
that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, 
and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the 
' San Antonio,' spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mez- 
quita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ' I summon you, in God's 
name and that of the king, Don Carlos, to go to your ship, for the 
present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and 
I also summon you to release our captain.' Thereupon Quesada 
replied : ' Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this 
madman?' and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in 


the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, 
Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship ' Concepdon,' 
while Quesada remained in the ' San Antonio. 9 Thus were Que- 
sada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ' San 
Antonio,' ' Concepcion,' and ' Victoria.' 

" Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect 
that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their 
disposal in order to require him to fulfil his Majesty's provisions. 
They said that they had done that in order that he might no 
longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he would agree 
to fulfil his Majesty's orders, they would obey his commands, and 
[said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they 
would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most re- 
spectful to him. 

" Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he 
would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that 
they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should 
go to the ship ' San Antonio/ where they would all assemble and 
decide definitely on what the lung's orders commanded. 

" Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than 
meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft 
and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship ' San 
Antonio ' which was used for those negotiations, at his ship ; and 
sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff be- 
longing to his ship, to the ' Victoria,' with six men armed secretly 
and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told 
the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was read- 
ing the letter and smiling as if to say * You don't catch me that 
way,' Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor 
stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. 
Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under com- 
mand of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ' Trinidad ' with 
fifteen armed men, who entering the ' Victoria ' flung the banner 
to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 
2. Then the ' Victoria ' approached the flagship, and they together 
immediately approached the ' Santiago.' 

" On the following day, the ' San Antonio ' and the ' Concep- 
cion ' which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put 
to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship 
which stood farthest out. The ' San Antonio ' raised two anchors, 
and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro 
de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his ship, in order 
to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mez- 
quita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, 
they arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station 
himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, 

15191522] NOTES 3°7 

not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would 
be settled favorably. 

" Before setting sail in the ' San Antonio/ where they were 
endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship 
dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some 
large and small shots and men leaped aboard the ' San Antonio ' 
crying, ' For whom are you?' they responding, Tor the king, our 
sovereign, and your Grace/ surrendered to Magallanes. The 
latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other 
sobresalientes who had gone to the * San Antonio ' with Quesada. 
Then he sent to the ' Concepcion ' for Juan de Cartagena and 
imprisoned him with them. 

" Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken 
ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On 
the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quar- 
tered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada's own follower 
and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from 
hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes 
sentenced Juan de Cartagena arid the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez 
de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, 
to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty 
men who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, 
and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of 
the punishment." 

Brito's account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very 
brief and unsatisfactory: "In that port the captains began to 
ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Carta- 
gena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming him as associate 
with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he 
been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill 
him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they 
went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put 
their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their 
ill-considered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill 
him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de 
Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their 
chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their at- 
tempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the 
crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill 
Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be 
arrested ,* while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. 
When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a 
secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants." 

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247-250) gives a different and imperfect 
account of the meeting. 

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magel- 
lan), pp. 162-174. When the "San Antonio" deserted, Esteban 

3 o8 


Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. Joao 
Serrao (after the loss of the "Santiago") was given command 
of the " Concepcion," Mesquita of the " San Antonio," and Duarte 
Barbosa of the " Victoria," all Portuguese (Guillemard, ut supra, 
p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also 
have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty 
was executed. That the history of Magalhaes's expedition was 
generally known is evident from the following: "The next day 
after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe 
in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, 
where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we 
supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon 
some of his disobedient and rebellious company." World encom- 
passed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234. 

120 MS. 5,650 reads: " twenty-five leagues." 

121 Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: "and very 
little of that." The account of the shipwreck and rescue as 
given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut 
supra, pp. 175-179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was 
lost, namely, the negro slave of Joao Serrao. The " Roteiro " 
(Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 307) says: "After this [*.*., the mutiny], they wintered 
for three months ; and Magal lanes again ordered the ship * San- 
tiago ' to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked 
but all of its crew were saved." Correa's account (Stanley, 
p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel 
was lost. 

122 Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish 
mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus 
or common mussel. 

128 See vol. 11, p. 34, note 5*. 

124 Eden (p. 252) says: "52. degree . . . lackynge a 
thyrde parte. 1 ' 

125 MS. 5,650 omits: "and the holy bodies," and has in its 
place: "by His grace." 

128 MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form 
braccio is retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza 
is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the 
braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos 
(spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse 
( "fathom") in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures 
this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore 

1519-15"] NOTES 3°9 

Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 
1905: " The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion 
that the fish in question was what was formerly called Eliginus 
maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find 
for it is ' robalo/ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish- 
speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popu- 
lar names, however, it is very misleading. ' Robalo ' is the 
Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our 
striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America 
has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different 
family peculiar to the southern hemisphere - the Nototheniids. 
The so-called Eliginus maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclo- 
vinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and 
probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhaes." 

m Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Na- 
varrete, iv, p. 215) says: "We left that place [*.*., Port San 
Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted 
along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we 
found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th 
of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, 
the 1 8th of the month of October. We caught many fish there 
and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east 
and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good in- 
dentations." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 4) places the river 
Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. 
That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to 
pick up the wreckage of the " Santiago " until September 18. The 
name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river be- 
cause they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation 
of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 
7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to Joao 
Serrao who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on 
which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy 
cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an 
eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 
11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined 
to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of 
the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in 
Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhaes gave in- 
structions to his captains here "saying that he would follow those 
coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if 
he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that 
enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged ; and that after that 
he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east north- 
east, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of 
San Lorenzo." 


A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply 
headed " chapter." 

128 The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Bar- 
bosa says 53 30'; Barros, 52 56'; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 
30'. Mosto, p. 60, note 9. 

199 MS. 5,650 has the words in brackets. 

180 Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: " they founde the /traight 
nowe cauled the /traight of Magellanus, beinge in /urn place 
C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth /umwhere very large and 
in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth." Stanley 
(P- 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur 
moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply "some- 
thing like almost a half-league wide." The " Roteiro " (Stanley, 
p. 7) says that the channel " at some places has a width of three 
leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league." 
Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, 
or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one 
league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon 
shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the 
mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one 
league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot's distance in places. (Mosto, 
p. 61, note 2.) 

181 Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word 
meaning the " bow moorings ; " Cf . Jal, Glosscdre nauixque 
(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is " prois," which 
signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the 
rope by which it is moored to the shore. 

182 This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: " The said strait 
was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), 
and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit 
from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared 
that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew 
that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of 
Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and 
pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of 
his ships forward - one named the ' Sainct Anthoine,' and the 
other the ' Conception ' - in order that they might look for and 
discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape 
de la Baya." 

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Boehem, 
Bcehm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) 
of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, 
and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 
1477-1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he be- 

1519-15"] NOTES 3 11 

came acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geogra- 
pher of Diego Cam's expedition to Western Africa. On his re- 
turn, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of 
Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal 
in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and 
agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 
he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 
1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed 
an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and 
others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard). 
In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he 
remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths 
sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before 
Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhsies, the latter 
of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Bio- 
graphical Dictionary (London, 1848) ; Grande Encyclopedic 
(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.) ; and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74. 

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189-198) for a discussion of 
knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the 
American continent, prior to Magalh2es's discovery and passage 
of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, 
decides that there may have been a " more or less inexact knowl- 
edge of the existence of some antarctic break " that would allow 
access to the eastern world. 

188 Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Gui- 
llemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay. 

184 Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange. 

185 The " First Narrows " or Primera Garganta, just beyond 
Anegada Point. 

186 Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip's Bay, or Boucant Bay. 

187 The " Second Narrows " and Broad Reach. 

188 MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals. 

189 MS. 5,650 reads: " When near us they suddenly discharged 
a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with 
artillery and cries." 

140 The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends 
to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Ad- 
miralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between 
the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula. 

141 Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator 
and pilot with ambitions only less than those of MagalhSes, his 
kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably 


in the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to 
pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhies. 
Conspiring with Geronimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected 
captain of the " San Antonio " they made off with that ship, and 
after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchor- 
ing at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after 
the return of the " Victoria," but was liberated, and in 1524 
proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An 
expedition having been fitted out by Carlos I, he coasted Florida 
and the eastern coast as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain 
in 1525. See Grande Encyclopedic; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42-45, 
and 201-208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203-205. 

Brito's story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of 
the "San Antonio" (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: 
" They left that place [Le. t the river of Santa Cruz] on October 
20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. 
The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after 
they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, 
and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portu- 
guese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend 
a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. 
Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. 
Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ' San Antonio ' and 
the ' Conception ' to go in advance in order to explore the strait. 
After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell 
Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not 
tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information 
Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced 
along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had 
explored. Then he ordered the ' San Antonio ' of which Alvaro 
de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a 
Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that 
opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and 
it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was 
wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until 
he found an exit." Correa's account of the desertion of the " San 
Antonio " is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on 
hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250). 

142 Literally " brother ; " but to be understood probably as the 
expression cugino germano, " cousin german." 

148 MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: " But that ship 
lost its time, for the other." 

144 Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, 
Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant 
which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles 
Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the 

15191522] NOTES 3 X 3 

course to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before 

146 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at 
the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter 
being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198). 

146 MS. 5,650 adds: " which were on the other side." 

147 Joao Serr£o, the brother of Magalh2es's staunchest friend 
Francisco Serrao, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. 
Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though 
he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register 
speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and cap- 
tain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albu- 
querque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502- 1503) 
made him captain of the ship " Pomposa " which was built in 
Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. 
On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for 
Vasco da Gama's fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, 
crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape 
Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor 
under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which MagalhSes also par- 
ticipated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 
1 5 10, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 15 12, but must 
have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 
15 13; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the 
fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Ma- 
galhaes as captain and pilot of the "Santiago," but after the wreck 
of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the 
" Conception," in which he later explored the strait. Failing to 
dissuade Magalhaes from attacking the natives of Matan, he be- 
came commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhaes's 
death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous 
banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), 
and Stanley's Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society 
publications, London, 1869). 

148 MS. 5,650 reads as follows: " Such was the method ordered 
by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that 
happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the 
fleet." Then it adds: "Thereupon the crew of the said ship 
did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set 
two banners with their letters," etc 

149 The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11). 
150 According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or "of Is- 


lands") is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with 
the port of San Miguel, just east of the " River of Sardines; " the 
island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles 

151 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at 
the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the 
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only 
appeared for some " four hours each day " in June and July. 
Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than 
five hours. 

152 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between 
the east and south." 

m MS. 5,650 adds: " and anchorages." 

154 Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still 
to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, 
p. 63, note 3). 

156 MS. 5,650 reads: " I do not believe that there is a more 
beautiful country or a better strait than that." See Albo's de- 
scription of the strait, in vol. i, pp. 264-265 ; that of Transylvanus, 
vol. 1, pp. 319-321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt 
Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning 
the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). 
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait 
was called the "Strait of Victoria, because the ship 'Victoria* 
was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magal- 
haens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens." 
Castanheda says that Magalhaes gave it the name of " bay of All 
Saints " because it was discovered on November 1 ; and San 
Martin in his reply to Magalhaes's request for opinions regarding 
the continuance of the expedition calls it " channel of All Saints: " 
but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and 
later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the 
instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, 
and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the English- 
man Robert Thome. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II 
that it be called "strait of the Mother of God." It was also 
called " strait of Martin Behaim." The anonymous Portuguese 
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The 
"Roterio" (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, 
and that in traversing it, they "sailed as long as it was daylight, 
and anchored when it was night." Transylvanus (vol. I, p. 320) 
gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; 
Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, no 
to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, no leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, 
note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130. 




156 These fish are: a species of Coryphana; the Thymnus 
albacora, and the Thymnus plamys. 

157 From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or 
tubfish (Trigla hirundo). 

158 MS. 5,650 reads: "one foot or more." 

159 At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, 
occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pata- 
ghoni, that is, " Continuation of Patagonian words." 

160 Literally: " for the nature of women." 

161 MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of 
Patagonian words from the Italian MS. 

Eyes ather 

Eyelashes occhechl 

Lips schiane 

Hair ajchir 

Throat ohumer 

Shoulders peles 

Penis scachet 

Testicles scaneos 

Rump schiachen 

Arm mar 

Pulse ohon 

Legs choss 

Feet teche 

Heel there 

Sole of the foot cartscheni 

Fingernails colini 

To scratch ghecare 

Young man calemi 

Water oli 

Smoke jaiche 

We chen 

Yes zei 

Petre lazure secheghi 

Sun calexcheni 

To eat mecchiere 

To look conne 

To walk rhei 

Ship theu 

To run haim 

Ostrich eggs jan 
The powder of the herb 

which they eat capae 

Red cloth terechai 







To cook 


A goose 


Their little devils 


In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, 
the equivalent of " no; " then is " ship " in the above, and "snow " 
in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, "to 
cover ") in the Italian, becomes courir (" to run ") in MS. 5i65<>* 
All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words 
are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; 
alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno) ; homo squerzo (Italian 
MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata) ; alstruxxo 
vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo) ; and alcocinare (Italian MS. 
al cocinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was 
written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it 
furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version 
of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not 
himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of 
it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabu- 
lary, without English translation), and hence bases his observa- 
tions on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points 
out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, 
but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made 
by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent 
whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: 
la pouldre tfherbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to 
be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and 
mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent 
in a footnote as " Food, the root used as bread." Stanley also 
makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for oresche 
("nostrils"); canneghin for caimeghin ("palm of the hand"); 
ochy for ochii ("bosom"); scancos for scaneos ("testicles"); 
hou for hoii (" buttocks ") ; ohoy for ohon (" pulse ") ; cartschem 
for cartscheni ("sole of the foot"); chol for thol ("heart"); 
om for oni ("wind"); aschame for aschanie ("earthen pot"); 
oamaghei for oamaghce (" to fight ") ; amet for amel (" black ") ; 
and ixecoles for jrocoles ("to cook"). Amoretti has also made 
many errors (see Stanley's First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, 
who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the 
Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui 9 the 
correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui out; and tcrechai 
for the equivalent of " red cloth." Eden (p. 252) gives only the 
following words: "breade, Capar: water, OH: redde clothe, 
Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel." 

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the 

15191522] NOTES 3*7 

vocabulary of the Tehucl-chcs compiled by the second lieutenant 
of the ship " Roncagli," which correspond almost exactly with 
those given by Pigafetta. 


















hoi hoi 

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis 
exploraciones y descubrimientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) 
in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but 
slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words 
in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian 
languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes's 
17. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, 
pp. 651-656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta's vocabulary. Hale 
says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the 
Patagonian district. 

162 MS. 5,650 reads: " capae." 

168 Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North 
American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 
(Cleveland reissue) ; see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt 
Society edition), p. 126. 

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs 
the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). 
The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta's charts are the reverse 
of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 
5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the 
words: " Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie." Immediate- 
ly following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart 
of the Ysole Infortunate ("Unfortunate Isles;" see p. 92). 
These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the fol- 
lowing notice : " Here are shown the two islands called ' Un- 
fortunate Islands.' " The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or 
dull black on a blue ground. 

1M The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhto left 
the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the 
anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr 
(Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27. 

165 MS. 5,650 reads: "And we ate only biscuits that had 
fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from 
the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the 
good had been eaten." Eden (p. 252) reads: "And hauynge in 



this tyme con/umed all theyr by/ket and other vyttalcs, they fell 
into /uche nece//itie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that 
remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and /tynkynge 
lyke py//e by rea/bn of the /alte water." Herrera (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water. 

166 A curious coincidence in view of Magalhies's answer to 
Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the 
continuance of the voyage that " although he had to eat the cow- 
hide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and dis- 
cover what he had promised the emperor" (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; 
cited from Herrera). At that council Andre de San Martin, 
pilot in the " San Antonio," advised that they continue explora- 
tions until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; 
and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that 
navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order 
that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45*49)- 

16T MS. 5,650 reads: " enough of them." 

168 This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a 
document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only 
eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to 
the Ladrones. 

159 The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after 
sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was 
reached. At the line (" Roteiro," Stanley, p. 9), Magalh5es 
changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, 
as " he had information that there were no provisions " there. 

1T0 MS. 5,650 reads: " It is well named Pacific" 

1T1 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a large fish called tiburoni." 
The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Un- 
fortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were 
eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called 
St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). 
Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that 
the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, 
but Albo's journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop 
was made there. The " Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9), gives the lati- 
tude of these islands as 18° or 19 and 13 or 14°. Albo (Na- 
varrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 
in 1 6° 15', and was called San Pablo, because that was the date 
of St. Paul's conversion; and the island of Tiburones was dis- 
covered February 4, in io° 40', at a distance of 9 (sic) from the 
former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. 
These two islands were probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland 
of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude 

15191522] NOTES 3*9 

14° 45' south, and longitude 138 48' west; and Flint Island of 
the Manihiki group, located in latitude n° 20' south and longi- 
tude 151° 48' west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the 
former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note 
163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6. 

1Ta MS. 5,650 reads: "now at the stern, now at the wind- 
ward side, or otherwise." Amoretti changes this passage com- 
pletely, reading: " According to our measurement of the distance 
that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy 
leagues daily." Many basing themselves on this passage of Amo- 
retti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first 
circumnavigation. Dr. B reusing (Die Catena a poppa bet Piga- 
fetta und die Logge, in " Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erd- 
kunde zu Berlin," 1869, iv, pp. 107-1 15) believes that the "stern 
chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an 
instrument for determining the angle of the ship's leeway, an 
opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d' America e 
Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1 890). 
L'Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia delta geogr. in 
Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294-296), combats 
that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The dif- 
ficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word ho and whether 
it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction 
then the passage means " estimating by sight, the rate of the ship 
from the ' bow catena,' or ' at the stern ' (' catena ' being a beam 
perpendicular to the ship's axis at the point near the bow where 
it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that 
place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel 
to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or 
seventy leagues." One might suppose, if ho be regarded as a 
verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern (the 
passage reading " the catena that was at the stern ") ; or that the 
disjunctive Ao, " or " is used in place of e, " and," and that Piga- 
fetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena 
by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from 
the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the 
ship's rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note, I. L'Vzielli's opinion is 
the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas 
as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An 
instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as 
early as 1577, but it was very deficient. 

178 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which 
he calls "cape of the virgins" was discovered on October 21, 
1520, and lay in latitude about 52 south. Barros says that it 
was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, 
on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1. 


114 Regarding the reckonings Eden says: "In /o much that 
it was nece//arie to helpe the needle with the lode /tone (com- 
monly cauled the adamant) before they could /aile therwith, 
bycau/e it moued not as it doothe when it is in the/e owre partes." 
Eden also gives a cut of the " /tarres abowt the pole Antartike." 
The same author also (pp. 277-280) compiles from Amerigo Ves- 
pucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled " Of the Pole 
Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of 
the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equi- 
noctiall line. Al/o certeyne /ecreates touching the arte of /ay- 
lynge." The former says: "The pole Antartike hath nother 
the great beare nor the lyttle as is /eene abowte owre pole. But 
hath foure /tarres whiche compa//e it abowt in forme of a quad- 
rangle. When these are hydden, there is /eene on the lefte /yde 
a bryght Canopus of three /tarres of notable greatne//e, whiche 
beinge in the mydde/t of heauen, repre/enteth this figure." The 
latter says: " Here we /awe a marueylous order of /tarres, /o 
that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to 
knowe in what place and degree the /outh pole was, we tooke the 
day with the /oonne, and ob/erued the nyght with the a/trolabie, 
and /aw manife/tly twoo clowdes of rea/onable bygne//e mouynge 
abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ry/ynge and nowe 
faulynge, /o keepynge theyr continuall cour/e in circular mouynge, 
with a /tarre euer in the mydde/t which is turned abowt with them 
abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue the/e appeareth a 
marueylous cro//e in the mydde/t of fyue notable /tarres which 
compa//e it abowt. . . . This cro//e is so fayre and bewtif ul, 
that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it. . • • " 
These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula 
minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The 
Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula 
major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and 
covering about two hundred times the moon's surface, while the 
Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in 
full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the 
former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portu- 
guese pilots probably called them at first " clouds of the cape." 
(Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles 
a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation 
by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. 
Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. 
The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that 
east and west. 

The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones 
Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). 
This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded 
by the inscription : " The island of the robbers and the style of 
their boats." 

1519-1522] NOTES 3 21 

175 MS. 5,650 reads: " During that time of two months and 
twelve days." 

"•Amoretti reads: "three degrees east of Capo Verde." If 
the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the 
MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4. 

177 Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island 
of Antilia, called " Septe citade " on Martin Behaim's globe 
(Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove 
that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague 
reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thir- 
teenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China 
fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived 
by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kue or Dschi-pon, 
which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See 
Travels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii ; and Rein's Japan, p. 4. 

178 See vol. 1, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336. 

179 MS. 5,650 reads: " sixty." Transylvanus (vol. i, p. 322) 
names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but 
says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) 
conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and 
Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first 
island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubt- 
edly correct. 

180 MS. 5,650 adds: "called skiff." 

181 MS. 5,650 adds: "of the said island." 

182 MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before 
the following paragraph. 

188 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the fol- 
lowing sentence; but that MS. adds: "We left the said island 
immediately afterward, and continued our course." This was 
on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, 
" Master Andrew " of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 

184 Eden (p. 254) says: " two hundreth of theyr boates." 

185 MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the 
chapter is unnumbered.. 

When Loaisa's expedition reached the Ladrones, they found 
still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa's ship 
(see vol. 11, pp. 30, 34, 35, no). See the reception accorded 
Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, vol. n, 
pp. 109-113. The " Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expe- 
dition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, 
Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees) ; and that after the theft of the 


skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole 
village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and 
that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese 
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in io°-I2° 
north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the 
equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: "Thence [1.*., 
the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and 
after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found 
a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded 
the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they 
were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They 
killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoic- 

186 MS. 51650 adds: " or superior." 

l8T MS. 5,650 reads: "cloth." 

188 At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: 
" There are found in that place." 

189 MS. 5,650 reads: "Those women." 

190 MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje 
or stoje meaning "mats," and explains by adding: "which we 
call mats." 

191 They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las 
Felas, " the sails " from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives 
used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also vol. xvi, pp. 200-202. 

192 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: "The pas- 
time of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is 
to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made 
of fishbone." 

198 Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere, 
which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on 
the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows 
and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means 
the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried 
to Venice. 

194 MS. 5,650 reads: " The said boats have no difference be- 
tween stern and bow." Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speak- 
ing of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the 
same expression: "They went both ways, for they could make 
the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished." The 
apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is 
the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern 

195 In the Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly 
("Watering-place of good signs"), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien, 

I5i9-i5«] NOTES 3 2 3 

Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) 
follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and 
is preceded by the following: "Here is shown the island of 
Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, 
and Abarien, and several others." 

196 " The tenth of March " in Eden, and the distance of Zamal 
from the Ladrones is given as " xxx. leagues." Albo (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, 
"which extended north and had many bays;" and that going 
south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. 
At the former " we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they 
fled. That island lies in 9 40' north latitude." The "Roteiro" 
(Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in "barely 
eleven degrees," and that the fleet " went to touch at another 
further on, which appeared first." Two praus approached a boat 
sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the 
praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island 
" which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the 
1 Island of Good Signs,' because they found some gold in it." 

197 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

198 MS. 5,650 reads: " more than one foot long." 

199 Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern 
islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names 
for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages 
of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagalog 
has words for " green rice," " rice with small heads," " dirty 
and partly rotten rice," " early rice," " late rice," " cooked rice," 
and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71. 

200 MS. 5,650 reads: "In order to explain what manner of 
fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called 
' cochi ' is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have 
bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different 
things, so those people get the above named substances from those 
palm-trees alone." See Delgado's Historia, pp. 634-659, for 
description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Ga- 
zetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75. 

201 MS. 5,650 reads: "along the tree." Practically the 
method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philip- 
pine Gazetteer, p. 75. 

203 In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) 
reads: " Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke /hell whiche they 
bume and make pouder thereof and v/e it as a remedie for cer- 
teyne di/ea/es." He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on con- 
gealing " lyeth within the /hell lyke an egge." 


208 MS. 5,650 reads: " By so doing they last a century." 

204 Called " Suluan " by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a 
small island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David 
P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, 
p. 413), says that the men from Suluan " were perhaps not typical 
of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely 
scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but . . . 
were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present 
Visayan people are in the main descended." These natives had 
probably come, he says, " in successively extending settlements, up 
the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ' Suluan ' 
itself means ' Where there are Suluges,' that is, men of Sulu or 

205 MS. adds: " seeing that they were thus well dispositioned." 

206 MS. 5,650 adds: " into the sea." 

207 Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada 
(i.*., Aguada, " watering-place ") " where we took on water and 
wood, that island being very free of shoals " (see ante, note 196). 
This island is now called Homonhon, Jomonjol, or Malhon. Its 
greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and 
five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles south- 
west from the nearest point in Samar. It is called " Buenas 
Senas " on Murillo Velarde's map. 

208 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) says that the archipelago 
was also called " Vail Sem Periguo," or " Valley without PeriL" 
The name " Filipinas " was not applied to them until 1542 by 
Villalobos (see vol. ii, p. 48). 

209 Probably the jungle-fowl (G alius bankiva) which is caught 
and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and 
still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard 
(ut supra, p. 228, note 1). 

210 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

211 MS. 5,650 reads: " In his ears he wore pendants of gold 
jewels, which they call ' schione.' " 

212 MS. adds: "whom he had put ashore on that island that 
they might recruit their strength." 

218 MS. 5*650 reads: " There is another island near the above 
island, inhabited by people." Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that 
picheti is from the Spanish piquet e, " a small hole made with a 
sharp pointed instrument." This custom of piercing the ears is 
quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peo- 

15191522] NOTES 3 2 5 

114 Eden (p. 254) reads: " caphranita that is gentyles." See 
vol. ni, p. 93, note 29. 

215 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

216 Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of 
which translate " fascines." Mosto reads focine, which is 
amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably the 
same word as fiocina, a " harpoon " or " eel-spear," and hence here 
a " dart." 

217 Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which 
is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio 
(Dizion. veneziano), says of rizali: " Rizzagio or rizzagno, 
1 sweepnet ' a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into 
rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, 
and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is also called that 
contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a 
barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a 
hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly 
enter the net, there is no danger of their escape." 

Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices - in favor- 
able situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the 
shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the 
hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of 
the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533. 

218 MS. 5,650 reads: " Hiunanghar." Stanley has mistran- 
scribed " Huinanghar." It is difficult to identify the four islands 
of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. 
Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, 
Gibuson, and Cabalarian. The first three are evidently correct, 
as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. 
The last island is shown in Pigafetta's chart to be north of 
Malhon, and the probability is that he names and locates it 
merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position 
seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarian. 

After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio aia) follows 
the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and 
Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, 
and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 
(on folio 36a) is preceded by: " Below is shown the cape of 
Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it." 

219 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: "We departed thence 
[i.e., from Malhon] and went toward the west in order to strike 
a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and 
has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the 
west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is in- 
habited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly. 


We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands 
lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that 
island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed 
us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chick- 
peas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds de- 
grees north." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) says: "They 
ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which 
they sailed [i.e., Malhon], and came to anchor at another island, 
which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine de- 
grees; and in this island they were very well received, and they 
placed a cross in it." See also vol. i, pp. 322, 323. 

t20 MS. 5,650 reads: " But they moved off immediately and 
would not enter the ship through distrust of us." The slave who 
acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete's list 

* 21 Bara: the Spanish word barra. 

222 MS. 5,650 reads: " to ask him to give him some food for 
his ships in exchange for his money." 

228 MS. 5,650 reads: "The king hearing that came with 
seven or eight men." 

224 For dor ad e, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: " which are 
very large fish of the kind abovesaid." 

225 The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means " inti- 
mate friends." See Trumbull's Blood Covenant (Philadelphia, 
1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friend- 
ship typified by blood. 

226 MS. 5,650 reads: " After that the said captain had one of 
his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor." Stanley has trans- 
lated harnois blanc literally as " white armor." 

227 This passage may be translated: "Thereby was the king 
rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, 
that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own 
men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had 
brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that 
manner." Eden so understood it, and reads: "whereat the 
Kynge marualed greatly, and /ayde to th[e] interpretoure (who 
was a /laue borne in Malacha) that one of tho/e armed men 
was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men." MS. 5,650 
agrees with the translation of the text. 

228 Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: " and he made 
two of his men engage in sword-play before the king." 

229 MS. 5,650 says only: " Then he showed the king the sea- 
chart, and the navigation compass." Eden says (p. 348) that the 
first to use the compass was one " Flauius of Malpha, a citie in 

1519-15"] NOTES 3 2 7 

the kingdom of Naples. . . . Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe 
commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by who/e 
daylye experience, the /ame is brought to further perfection, and 
the v/e thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man 
knoweth the cau/e why the iren touched with the lode /tone, 
turneth euer towarde the north /tarre, as playnely appeareth in 
euery common dyall." He also says: " As touchynge the needle 
of the compa//e, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that 
/aylynge as farre /outh as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of 
the needle /tyll re/pected the northe as it dyd on this /yde the 
Equinoctiall, /auynge that it /umwhat trembeled and declyned a 
lyttle, whereby the force /eemed /umwhat to be dimini//hed, /o 
that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode /tone." (See ante, 
p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese 
as early as 2634 B - c *> an( ^ ^ TSt applied to navigation in the third 
or fourth century a.d., or perhaps earlier. It was probably in- 
troduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from 
the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by 
Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century in De Utensilibus. 
The variations from the true north were observed as early as 

380 Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king 
as making this request and Magalhaes as assenting thereto; but 
the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhaes 
made the request. 

281 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 

282 MS. 5,650 adds: " that is, a boat." 

288 The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in 
MS. 5,650: " Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine 
brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they 
lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand 
the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the 
left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and ex- 
tended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to 
strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we 
banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and 
others/' See Spencer's Ceremonial Institutions, especially 
chapter I. 

284 Eden reads (p. 255) : " When the kynge /awe Antonie 
Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde re- 
hear/e them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge /ygnes that 
/uchc men de/cended from heauen." Continuing he confuses the 
eldest son of the first king with the latter's brother, the second 

285 A tolerably good description of the native houses of the 


present day in the Philippines. Cf . Morga's description, vol. XVI, 
pp. 117-119. 

2,6 MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point 

227 This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made 
to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: " All 
the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, 
which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, 
were of gold." 

228 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 

289 Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao. 

240 This name is variously rendered : Mosto, Stain ; MS. 5,650, 
Siaui; Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu. 

241 MS. 5,650 reads: "the captain sent the chaplain ashore 
to celebrate mass." 

242 MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the 
Italian MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships 
from the shore by means of muskets, and again that the musketry 
was fired when the kings and Magalhaes separated, both of which 
references are omitted by MS. 5,650. Eden reads: "The Cap- 
taine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr be/t apparel 
withowte weapons or harne//e, and all the re/ydue well armed." 

248 In Eden (p. 255) : " dama/ke water." 

244 MS. 5,650 reads: " but they offered nothing." 

248 MS. 5,650 says: " every one did his duties as a Christian 
and received our Lord." 

248 MS. 5,650 adds: " for the people." 

247 The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: 
"they made immediate reverence;" MS. 5,650 says "to which 
these kings made reverence," which is scarcely likely, as the latter 
would, until told by Magalhaes, see nothing in the ceremony. 
Rather it was the Spaniards who made the reverence. 

248 MS. 5,650 reads: " whenever any ships came from Spain." 

249 Cf. Morga, vol. xvi, p. 132. 

250 MS. 5,650 reads: " men and ships to render them obedient 
to him." 

251 MS. 5,650 reads: "to the middle of the highest moun- 
tain," evidently confusing mezo di (" afternoon ") of the Italian 
MS. with mezo (mezzo; "middle") ; for the cross was set up 
on the summit of the mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 con- 
tinues: " Then those two kings and the captain rested, and while 
conversing, the latter had them asked [not " I had them asked " 

15191522] NOTES 3 2 9 

as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as ;>] where the best 
port was for getting food. They replied that there were three, 
namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was 
the largest and the best trading place." These are the islands of 
Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani 
of Transylvanus, vol. i, p. 322), Cebu, and Mindanao (the 
Caraga district). 

252 MS. 5,650 reads simply: "Then we descended to the 
place where their boats were." 

288 This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where 
it reads as follows: " As the captain intended to leave next morn- 
ing, he asked the king for pilots in order that they might conduct 
him to the ports abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those 
pilots as he would them themselves, and that he would leave one 
of his men as a hostage. In reply the first king said that he would 
go himself to guide the captain to those ports and that he would 
be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he should gather 
his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He asked 
the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could accom- 
plish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it." At this point MS. 
5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter. 

284 The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was 
struck in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two 
Sicilies, etc The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished 
as " quattrino Romano." The Venetian copper quattrino was 
first struck in the reign of Francesco Foscari (1423-57). See 
W. C. Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent (London and 
New York, 1893), p. 226. 

255 Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France dur- 
ing his occupation of the Milanese (1500-1512). Hazlitt, 
ut supra, p. 196. 

356 Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period. 

287 This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. 
has another chapter division at this point. 

258 Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as " gentle." 

259 Probably the abaca, although it may be the cloth made from 
the palm. See Morga's description of the Visayans, vol. xvi, 
p. 112. 

260 Cf. Morga's Sucesos, vol. xvi, pp. 80, 81. 

241 MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as fol- 
lows: " They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have 
chewed it a long time, they spit it out and throw it away." Cf. 
the account in Morga's Sucesos, vol. xvi, pp. 97-99. 


292 MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga's Sucesos, vol. 
xvi, pp. 84-97. 

268 In MS. 5,650, "Mazzaua;" in Eden, "Metfana;" in 
Mosto, " Mazana," while in the chart it appears as " Mazzana; " 
Transylvanus, " Massana; " and Albo, " Masava." It is now 
called the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and 
one-half square miles. 

264 Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for " among " fra 
as prima " first." The error arises through the abbreviation used, 
namely f a t Mosto mistaking it for p a , which would be prima. 

265 Stanley mistranscribes " Gatighan " from MS. 5,650 as 
" Satighan." The names of the five islands as given by Eden 
are: "Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan." These 
are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the 
northern part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and 
inlet in Leyte), and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the 
other nearby islands on the west coast of Leyte. See chart of 
these islands on p. 112. 

Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: "We left Mazava 
and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran 
along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There 
we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 
10 leguas where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that 
night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for 
about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and one-third degrees. At that point 
we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called 
Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the islands of 
Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west. 
Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to 
the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain consid- 
erable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an 
extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava, 
Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look 
out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a 
canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go 
ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan, 
we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu. 
There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave 
us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. 
The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants 
readily became Christians." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) 
says that the king of Macangar (f.*., Mazaua) conducted the 
Spaniards " a matter of thirty leagues to another island named 
Cabo [i.e., Cebu], which is in ten degrees, and in this island 
Fernando de Magalhaes did what he pleased with the consent of 

1519-1522] NOTES 33 1 

the country." Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) : " After 
that, after passing amid many islands, they reached one called 
Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba con- 
ducted them to another large island called Zubo." 

266 MS. 5,650 reads: "only one of them." Barbastili is a 
Venetian word for pipistrellu These bats are the Pteropi or " fly- 
ing foxes," the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species 
inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found in 
Guimaras, Siquijor, and Cebu, and the skins of some are used as 
fur. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 235). See also Delgado's 
Historic, pp. 842, 843 ; and 17. S. Philippine Gazetteer. 

267 Stanley mistranslates as " tortoises." The " black birds 
with the long tail " are the tabon " mound-building Megapodes, 
gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion " 
( Guillemard *s Magellan, p. 235). See also vol. v, p. 167, note 
14, and vol. xvi, page 198, note 43; also vol. xvi, p. 81, note 84. 

268 These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their 
names are Poro, Pasijan, and Panson. See Pigafetta's chart show- 
ing these islands on p. 112. 

369 Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the 
chart of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136). 

MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 51a, preceded by the 
words: "Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and 

270 MS. 5,650 reads: " But the interpreter reassured them by 
telling them." 

271 MS. 5,650 reads: " and he was going, by the orders of 
the said sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque." 

272 MS. 5,650 reads: "Thereupon the abovesaid merchant 
said to the king in their language," etc, without giving the original 
Malay words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita. 

278 Calicut, properly Kalikot (said to be derived from two 
words meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the 
first king of Kalikot was limited to the extent over which a cock 
could be heard to crow; or from Kali, one of the names of the 
goddess Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar 
coast. The king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape 
Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted the Mahometan faith 
divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin, 
Cananor, and Coulao, and gave them to his friends, on condition 
that the king of Calicut be termed " Zamorim " or " Samorim," 
i.e., "Supreme emperor and God upon earth" (although the 
proper form is said to be " Tamurin " which is conjectured by 
some to be a modification of the Sanskrit " Samunri," " seaking." 


The city of Kalikot, a noted emporium of trade, was built per- 
haps as early as 805 a.d., although the date 1300 a.d. is also given 
as that of its founding; and is described by Ibn Batuta in 1342 
as one of the finest ports in the world. It was visited by Covilham 
in 1486, and Vasco da Gama's ships were freighted there in 1498. 
The latter attacked the city in 1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese 
built a fortified factory there in 15 13 which was destroyed by 
the governor in 1525 to avoid its falling into the enemy's hands. 
The English established a factory in the city in 161 6, which was 
captured in 1766 by Haidar Ali; but after a further series of 
capture and recapture, the city and district was permanently 
turned over to the British (1792). See Stanley's Vasco da Gama 
(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869) ; Birch's Alboquer- 
que (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1875-1884) ; Jones 
and Badger's Ludovico di Varthema (Hakluyt Society publica- 
tions, London, 1863), pp. 135-177; also Grey's Travels of Pietro 
della Valle (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1892), pp. 
344, 345, note. 

Malacca, or more correctly Malaka is the name of an ancient 
territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, 
and is possibly derived from " Malayu " meaning in Javanese " to 
run " or " fugitive." At an early period Malacca fell under the 
sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the 
Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest 
of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once 
centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 a.d. The first 
European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505. 
It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 151 1, 
and they held it (1580 1640 under Spanish control) until 1641 
when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully be- 
sieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English 
obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the 
Dutch possessed it from 1818-1825. For descriptions and history 
of Malacca, see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stan- 
ley's East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190-195; 
Birch's Alboquerque, iii, pp. 7 1 -90 (and other citations) ; Burnell 
and Tide's Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104-106; Gray's 
Voyage of Francois Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also 
see Crawfurd's Dictionary^ pp. 238-249. 

The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor 
(Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. 
Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion 
of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern 
portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo's 
Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coro- 
mandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coro- 
mandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. 

1519-15*2] NOTES 333 

Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian 
empire. See Telfer's Johann Schtitberger ( Hakluyt Society publi- 
cations, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt 
Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11-45) India the 
Less, India the Greater, and India Tertia. Yule points out that 
Jordanus's Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, 
and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north 
of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinite- 
ly to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia 
is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just re- 
verses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio 
who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geog- 
rapher, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the 
Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of "Middle India which is 
called Aden." Conti divides India into three parts: the first ex- 
tending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the 
Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses 
whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana. 

274 MS. 5,650 adds: " and treat his subjects well." 

275 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

276 MS. 5,650 adds: " who was in the captain's ship." 

277 MS. 5,650 reads: " Thereupon the king told them that he 
was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would 
send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and 
[asked] the captain to do the same." 

278 MS. 5,650 reads: "Consequently they should ask their 
captain whether he intended to observe the custom." 

279 MS. 5*650 reads: "he should commence by giving a 
present, whereupon the captain would do his duty." This MS. 
begins another chapter at this point. 

280 MS. 5,650 reads: "so do our arms destroy the enemies 
of our faith." 

281 MS. 5,650 adds: " of the ships." 

282 MS. 5,650 reads: " and whether that prince who had come 
with them, was empowered to make peace." 

288 MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses. 

284 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

285 MS. 5,650 adds: " and for love toward God." 

288 MS. 5,650: "he would leave them the arms that the 
Christians use." 

287 These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650. 


288 MS. 5,650 adds: " of Sainct Jacques [£*., Santiago]." 

289 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

290 Called " drynking gla//es of Venice woorke " in Eden (p. 

291 MS. 5,650 reads: " He had his face painted with fire in 
various designs." Eden reads: " and had the residue of his body 
paynted with dyuers coloures whereof /urn were lyke vnto flam- 
ynge fyre." 

292 MS. 5,650 reads: "he had four jars full of palm-wine, 
which he was drinking through reed pipes." 

298 MS. 5,650 reads: "We made the due reverence to him 
while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and 
told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not 
to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made 
to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him." 
This MS. omits the following three sentences. 

294 The " Sinus Magnus " of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf 
(Mosto, p. 76, note 3). 

295 This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, 
where it reads as follows: "The prince, the king's nephew, 
took us to his house, where he showed us four girls who were 
playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and 
their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he 
had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that 
they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their 
privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some 
were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then 
we returned to the ships." These gongs are used in many parts of 
the Orient. 

296 MS. 5,650 adds: " by the captain's order." 

297 MS. 5,650 reads: " we told him of the death of our man, 
and that our captain requested that he might be buried." 

298 MS. 5,650 adds: " according to our manner." 

299 MS. 5 ,650 reads: "The king took it under his charge, 
and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. 
Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said 

800 MS. 5,650 reads: " They have wooden balances like those 
of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise." Par dec a, as Stanley 
points out, is for par de ca de Loire which is equivalent to Langue 
d*oil 9 and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par 
de la meant Languedoc. This passage was adapted to the French 

15191522] NOTES 335 

understanding by the person who translated and adapted the Ital- 
ian manuscript. 

801 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points 
out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and 
must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta. 

802 Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a 
shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for 
holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white 
inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It re- 
sembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that 
most of the shellfish are indigestible but highly esteemed. See 
Delgado's Historia, p. 928. 

108 MS. 5,650 adds: "Which was of various strange kinds." 

804 Eden says: " xvi. poundes weyght of iren." 

805 MS. 5,650 reads: "The captain-general did not wish to 
take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not 
sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their 
lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be con- 
strained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to 
sell it at as high a price as possible." 

806 MS. 5,650 adds: " or any other balls." 

807 MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of 
precede the royal banner. 

808 MS. 5,650 adds: " and the natives of the country for their 
fear of it, fled hither and thither," which is in place of the follow- 
ing sentence. 

80s This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

810 MS. 5,650 reads: "One covered with red and the other 
with velvet." 

811 MS. 5,650 adds: " in the manner of the country." 

812 The account of the baptism of the king is considerably 
abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: "Then the 
captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in 
order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He 
told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had 
signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols 
of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which 
they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped 
and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the lung 
how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king 
and all his men said that they would obey the captain's command- 
ment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king 

33 6 


by the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism 
the captain told the king that he would call him Dom Charles, 
after the emperor his sovereign. He named the prince Dom 
Fernand, after the brother of the said emperor, and the king of 
\ Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of Christofle to the Moro, 
while he called each of the others by names according to his 
fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an error of the 
French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the con- 
clusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his 
chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, 
he accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his arrival, the 
ships discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave 
of one another." Eden gives the number baptized as five hun- 
dred men. 

818 MS. 5,650 reads: "On seeing that, she expressed the 
greatest desire to become a Christian, and asking for baptism, she 
was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor's 

814 There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the his- 
tory of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot 
be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for 
many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleve- 
land reissue). 

315 Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto 
conjectures that solatia means solecchio or solicchio signifying an 
apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have mis- 
applied the Spanish word solana 9 which signifies a place bathed 
by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun. 

816 This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 
1 81T MS. 5,650 adds: " and we gave it to her." This was the 
image found by one of Legazpi's soldiers in Cebu in 1565 (see 
vol. 11, pp. 120, i2i 9 128, 216, 217; and vol. v, p. 41). En- 
carnacion (Die. bisaya-espahol y Manila, 1851), says: "The 
Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of Bathala 
[God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have 
been left by the celebrated Magallanes." 

818 MS. 5,650 reads: "evening." 

819 MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The " tromb " or 
" trunk " was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and 
hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greek- 
fire (see Corbett's Spanish War, 1585-87 [London], 1898, p. 
335 )• At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 
5,650, and translates from Amoretti's version of the Italian MS. 

820 MS. 5,650 reads: " to better instruct and confirm him in 
the faith." 

1519-1522] NOTES 337 

821 Eden says the queen was preceded by " three younge damo- 
/elles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes." 

822 MS. 51650 adds: "and presentation." 

823 MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: "and sev- 
eral others/' omitting all the names. 

824 MS. 5,650 reads: " and they all so swore." 

825 MS. 5,650 reads from this point: " Then they swore, and 
thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the 
life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever re- 
main faithful and subject to the emperor," thus ascribing this 
oath to the king instead of to Magalhaes. The words " by his 
habit " can refer only to Magalhaes, who wore that of Santiago, 
and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebu. 

826 MS. 5,650 adds: " and hang." 

827 MS. 5,650 adds: " and deck." 

828 MS. 5,650 adds: " and demolished." 

829 MS. 5,650 adds: " and overthrew." 

880 There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and 
MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this 
point: "There are a number of villages in that island, whose 
names and those of their chiefs are as follows: CinghapoLa, Cila- 
ton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, 
Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cot- 
cot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief, 
Apanoan ; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu ; another, Lulutan, 
and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau, 
and Mosto, Iapan] ; another Cilumay ; and also Lubucun." Amo- 
retti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and conse- 
quent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have " Lubucin : 
its chief is Cilumai." Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be 
Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubu, but 
Mosto (p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An ex- 
amination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this dif- 

881 MS. 5,650 adds after the word bor chics: "instruments so 

882 Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley's East African and 
Malabar Coasts, p. 65: "They make there [i.r., in Cambay] 
many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and 
colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours." 

888 MS. 5,650 adds: " and closed." 

884 MS. 5,650 reads: "She who has killed the hog, puts a 



lighted torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which 
she holds constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony." 

m Cf. the ceremonies of the bay lanes described by Loarca, 
vol. v, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, vol. xn, p. 270. 

116 Otorno : Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries 
Attorno in a note. 

887 MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only 
the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the trans- 
lation to this point. See vol. v, p. 117, and vol. xvi, p. 130, 
where Loarca and Morga describe this custom. 

tts Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, " jars," which appears probable. 

•"MS. 5,650 adds: "made in the manner abovesaid;" but 
this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that 
MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in 
the Italian MS. 

840 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

841 MS. 5,650 reads: "The other women sit about the dead 
chamber sadly and in tears." 

848 Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indis- 
criminately throughout this narration, but we have translated 
uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca's description of burial and 
mourning customs among the Visayans, vol. v, pp. 129, 135, 137- 
141 ; Plasencia's description among the Tagalogs, vol. vn, pp. 194, 
195; and Morga, vol. xvi, p. 133. 

848 MS. 5,650 reads: "five or six hours." 

844 Eden in describing the island of Mat an confuses the Piga- 
fetta narrative. He says: "Not farre from this Ilande of 
Zubut, is the Hand of Mathan, who/e inhabitauntes v/e maruelous 
ceremonies in theyr /acrifices to the /bone and burying the deade. 
They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members." In the 
description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the 
three divisions of the islanders contained " two thou/and and 
fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hard- 
ened at the poyntes with fyer." 

845 To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approxi- 
mately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is 
much abridged and much less graphic It is as follows: " They 
replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hard- 
ened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished. 
At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water, in the place 
whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic] 
crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could 

15191522] NOTES 339 

not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs which were 
in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They 
were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five 
hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, 
but it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They 
leaped hither and thither in such a way that scarce could we 
wound one of them. On the other hand, our artillery in the 
boats was so far away from us that it could not aid us. Those 
people seeing that, and that the captain had had some of their 
houses burned in order to inspire them with terror, and having 
become more enraged, threw so many iron pointed spears at us, 
and shot so many arrows even at the captain himself that we 
could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having been 
driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was 
fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one 
of those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face 
which laid him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so 
closely that we were forced to retire to our boats and to leave 
the dead body of the captain-general, with our other killed." The 
eulogy on the dead commander is approximately the same in both 
MSS., except at the end, where MS. 5,650 reads: " Eight of 
our men died there with him, and four Indians, who had become 
Christians. Of the enemy fifteen were killed by the artillery of 
the ships, which had at last come to our aid, while many of us 
were wounded." 

Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebu and the 
death of Magalhaes: "They stayed there about one month, and 
the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The 
king of Zubo ordered the kings of the other islands to come to 
him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, 
as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and 
went to an island called Mat ha. He set fire to a village, and not 
content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his 
servant, and five Castilians were killed in combat with the sav- 
ages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their 

846 Terciado : a Spanish word. 

847 Carteava: a Spanish word. 

848 The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. 
The account of the battle is as follows: " Fernan de Magalhaes 
desired that the other kings, neighbours to this one, should be- 
come subject to this who had become Christian : and these did not 
choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhaes seeing that, 
got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of 
those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of 
ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about 


half a league from that which he had burned, which is named 
Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send 
him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three 
loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that for 
each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send 
to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at 
once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would 
not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he de- 
manded of them, Fernan de Magalhaes ordered three boats to be 
equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against 
the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morn- 
ing; there they found many people, who might well be as many 
as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such 
a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhaes was killed there, 
with six of his men, in the year 1521." 

•*• Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men 
killed with Magalhaes on April 27 as follows : Christobal Rabelo, 
then captain of the "Victoria;" Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; 
Anton Gallego, a common seaman ; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente 
and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro 
Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, 
sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29. 

150 See vol. 1, pp. 325, 326, note 215*. 

851 MS. 5»650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although 
lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son 
of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide 
of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the 
fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501-1516 in the Orient, 
the result of that stay being his Livro emque da relacao do que 
viu e ouviu no Orient e, which was first published at Lisbon in 
1 81 3 in vol. vii of Colleccao de noticias para a historia et geo graphic 
das nacoes ultramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A descrip- 
tion of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society 
publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portu- 
guese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa, 
and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said 
to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility 
in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da 
Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commis- 
sioned in 15 15 to oversee the construction of some galleys by 
Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, Magalhaes lived in the house- 
hold of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte's sister Beatriz. 
Duarte embarked on the " Trinidad " as a sobresaliente, and it 
was he who captured the " Victoria " from the mutineers at Port 
St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing 
to recover Magalhaes's body from the natives of Mactan, he was 

1519-15*2] NOTES 34 1 

himself slain at Cebu at the fatal banquet May 1, 1521. Be- 
sides the above book, which is a most valuable contribution to 
early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do Tombo a 
letter written by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513, complain- 
ing of the Portuguese excesses. See Guillemard's Magellan ; Stan- 
ley's Vasco da Gama; Birch's Alboquerque; and Hoefer's NouvelU 
Biographie Generate (Paris, 1855). 

862 See ante, note 147. 

t6t Magalhaes married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo 
Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 15 17. One son Rodrigo 
was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time 
of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the 
March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 
89-91, 322. 

854 MS. 5,650 adds: " and to advise the Christian king." 

856 Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente, " busy." 
MS. 5,650 reads: " wiser and more affectionate than before." 

856 MS. 5,650 adds: " and presents." 

857 The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was 
left behind with the " Trinidad " and was one of the four sur- 
vivors of that ill-fated vessel, returning to Spain long after. 

868 This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan 
Caruaie auecques le barifel fen retourneret qui nous dirent com- 
ment jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy jut guery par miracle it 
le preftre a (a maifon et que pour cela jlz fen eftoyent partiz eulx 
doubtans de quelque male aduanture. By dropping the first et 
this becomes equivalent to the text. 

159 MS. 5,650 reads: " for we would kill him." 

860 MS. 5,650 reads: "But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and 
others refused, for fear lest they would not remain masters there 
if the boat went ashore." 

In regard to Joao Serrao's death, Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) 
says: " As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they 
hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to 
Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one 
of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and 
two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens 
such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and 
barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would 
give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted 
that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] 
fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and aban- 
doned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him." 



[Vol. 33 

tei The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the 
banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting 
the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon 
the natives, who had determined upon their course of action at- 
tacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) 
asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the 
cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Na- 
varrete, iv, p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went 
ashore, and Castanheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting 
that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in 
China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve. 
Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as 
follows : 

Duarte Barbosa • . 
Juan Serrano . . • 
Luis Alfonso de Gois 
Andres de S. Martin 
Sancho de Heredia • 
Leon de Ezpeleta 
Pedro de Valderrama 
Francisco Martin 
Simon de la Rochela 
Cristobal Rodriguez 
Francisco de Madrid 
Hernando de Aguilar 
Guillermo Fenesi or Tanagui 
Anton Rodriguez 
Juan Sigura • . . 
Francisco Picora . . 
Francisco Martin 
Anton de Goa . . 
Rodrigo de Hurrira • 
Pedro Herrero . . 
Hartiga .... 
Juan de Silva, Portuguese 


Henrique, from Malaca 

Peti Juan, French . . 
Francisco de la Mezquita 
Francisco . . ... . 

All of these names are to 
ante, note 26. 

862 Chiacare: the nangca; see vol. xxxrv, p. 107, where Pigafet- 
ta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio 
zibethenusy which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian 

captain of the " Trinidad " 
captain of the " Concepcion " 
captain of the " Victoria " 
pilot of his Majesty 

sobresaliente and soldier 
servant of Luis de Mendoza 
. gunner of the " Trinidad " 

common seaman 
common seaman 
servant of Magallanes 
servant of Magallanes and inter- 
servant of Magallanes 
servant of Magallanes 
son-in-law of Juan Serrano 

be found in Navarrete's list See 

1519-1522] NOTES 343 

archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines 
where it is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary) ; but it is the Artocarpus 
integrifolia (see vol, xvi, p. 88, note 72). MS. 5>65<> makes this 

888 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and 

884 MS. 5,650 reads: " one to the east northeast, and the other 
to the west southwest." 

868 MS. 5,650 adds: "and eleven minutes." 

866 Stanley says wrongly 154°. 

867 This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the 
following page is a repetition of the title: VocabUi deli populi 
gentilli, that is " Words of those heathen peoples." MS. 5,650 
does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley. 

888 See ante, note 160. 

868 Bassag bassag does not correspond to "shin," but to " basket 
for holding clothes, etc.," or "cartilage of the nose;" or possibly 
to basac basac, " the sound made by falling water." 

870 The equivalent of Pigafetta's dana is daoa or daua y "millet." 
Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for " pani- 

871 Tahil is found in the Tagalog dictionaries, and is the name 
of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese 
weight called " tael," which was introduced by the Chinese into 
the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various archi- 
pelagoes. See Crawfurd 's Dictionary; and vols, hi, p. 192, note 
57; rv, p. 100, note 11 ; and vn, p. 88. 

872 See Note 582, post. 

878 Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of 
bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked 
about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put 
together before baking with some sugar between. The word is 
extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See Encarnacion's 

874 Amoretti's conjectured reading of sonaglio ("hawk's-bell") 
for conaglio (see Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan 

875 Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of 
twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is 
called dalamas. 

878 Most of the words of Pigafetta's Visayan vocabulary can 
be distinguished in the dictionaries of that language, although 



[Vol. 33 

it is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta's Italian 
phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can 
be distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-cspanol y espanol- 
bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Felix de la Encarnacion, O.S.A. 
(Recollect) ; and Diccionario Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-espanol 
(Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See 
also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and Visayan lan- 
guages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat's Les Philip- 
pines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175-238. The words queried in the 
following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents. 


Vis a j an 





lalaqui (?) 


woman (mar- 











bayhon (?) 










































solang (?) 

sulang (?) 









spine [back- 






























palm of hand palan 

palad [sa 


palad [sa 








coco; colo 




































calf of leg 






bool bool 

boco boco 





sole of foot 

lapa lapa 

lapa lapa 
































tuba nia nipa 

toba nga nipa 

tuba nga nipa 

to eat 


pagcaon ( ?) 

pagcaon (?) 















































tobig; tubig 













timbang; tim- 














rice cakes 









capol; sundan 

sipol; sondang 

sipol ; sundang 





to shave 








[Vol. 33 


Vis ay an 




their cloth 

[i.e. f hemp] abaca 



hawk's bell 










sabong (?) 

[f.f., orna- 


sewing-needle daghu 




aian ; ydo 

; iro 


scarf [veil] 


gapas [i.e. y 


ilaga; balai 

; balay 

; balay 



tatha (?) 
[£*., to 
split] or 
pata (?) 
[ie., a piece 
of wood or 


tahamis (?) 











olnan, and al- 
lied forms 


olonan ( ?) 

wooden plat 












bitoon ( ?) 

bitoon (?) 



odma ( ?) 

















quilted armor baluti 



calix ; baladao 

calis; baladao 

caris; baladao 




















pucat; laia 

; laya 


small boat 




large canes 




small canes 












large boats 




small boats 





icam; yssida 

; isda 

; isda 

a colored fish panapsapair 



a red fish 


tiao ( ?) 

another fish 

















































Some of the words present difficulties however, due probably 
to error on Pigafetta's part and the obstacles in the method of 
communication between peoples the genius of whose respective 
languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for 
" man " is tao or tauo, although Mall at gives a form dala, which 
may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see vol. v, p. 123, 
where the origin of the words lalac, " man," and babaye % 
"woman," are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general 
word for "woman " or " married woman ; " while binibini is 
given by Mallat as the Tagalog equivalent of "girl," and by 
Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as 
the equivalent of " influential woman." Liog is used for both 
" throat " and " neck." Tian is properly " belly," and the mis- 
take would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when 
desiring the word for " body," which would be construed by the 
natives to that particular part toward which he happened to 
point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative 
organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis 
corresponds to both " shin " and " calf of the leg." Iro denotes 
also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta's bolon is 
the word for " moon " instead of " star." The occurrence of 
what are today Tagalog forms in Pigafetta's list shows how the 
various dialects shade into one another and how the one has re- 
tained words that have sunk into disuse in the other. 



877 Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) 
is the chart of the island of Panilonghon ( Panisonghon ; ?.«?., 
p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by 
the words : " Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon." 

178 The " Roteiro " (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains 
elected in place of those killed at Cebu were " Joam Lopez [Car- 
valho], who was the chief treasurer " to " be captain-major of the 
fleet, and the chief constable of the fleet " to " be captain of one 
of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa." Pigafetta 
makes no mention at all of Elcano, who brought the " Victoria " 
home; both the above captains remaining with the "Trinidad." 
When the " Conception " was burned, only one hundred and 
fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see 
Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267), although the " Roteiro" (Stanley, 
p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros, one hundred 
and eighty. 

179 In Eden : " Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men 
lyke vnto the Sara/ins." This is the island of Panglao and the 
"black men " arc the Negritos. See W. A. Reed's Negritos of 
Zambales, published by Department of the Interior " Ethnological 
Survey Publications" ii, part i (Manila, 1904), which says 
(p. 20) that the only large islands, besides Luzon, inhabited at 
present by Negritos are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua, 
although they do inhabit some of the smaller islands. The pure 
type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon or moun- 
tain Visayans; and (p. 22) "so far there is no evidence that 
Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito 
population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. 
The U. S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 
14,347, all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411, 
415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533. 

180 MS. 5,650 reads: "When entering that house, we were 
preceded by many reed and palmleaf torches." 

881 These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650. 

882 See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and 
use of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native 
names for that grain ; and Census of the Philippines, iv. 

888 Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: "where he 
slept with his principal wife." 

884 MS. 5,650 reads: " in the houses of the king." 

888 MS. 5,650 reads: " little valleys." 

886 Cf. VOL. Ill, pp. 56, 57. 

1519-1522] NOTES 349 

• W MS. 5,650 reads: "boat." 

» M MS. 5,650 reads: "Calanoa;" and Eden: "Calauar." 

889 MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred and sixty-six;" and 
Eden: "17a" 

,90 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relat- 
ing the course of the ships on leaving Cebu: " We left Subu and 
sailed southwest to a latitude of 9 and three-fourths degrees, 
between the end of Subu and an island called BohoL Toward 
the western end of Subu lies another island, by name, Panilongo, 
which is inhabited by blacks. That island and Subu contain gold 
and considerable ginger. The former lies in 9 and one-third 
degrees and Subu in 10 and one-third degrees. Accordingly we 
left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored in the 
island of BohoL There we made two ships of the three, burning 
the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies 
in 9 and one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest 
toward Quipit, and anchored at that settlement on the right hand 
side of a river. On the northwest and open side are two islets 
which lie in 8 and one-half degrees. We could get no food there, 
for the people had none, but we made peace with them. That 
island of Quipit contains a quantity of gold, ginger, and cinna- 
mon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search of food. The 
distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands is about 
112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and south 
by west direction; and this island [i.*., Mindanao] extends quite 
generally east and west." 

The " Roteiro " (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which 
is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or 
Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabit- 
ants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they 
learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes 
Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo 
in Barros (see Mosto, p. 84, note 2). 

891 The first European mention of the island of Luzon. Luz6n 
is derived from the Malay lasting (Tagilog, losong) y "mortar." 
See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 222, 223. 

8M Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians 
who are known to have carried on trade for many years with the 
Philippines, and who indeed, once owned them. 

Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the 
chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 
53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Below is shown 
the island of Caghaian." 


••• MS. 5,650 docs not mention the cuirasses. 

m Eden reads: " 40. leagues." 

• M Albo (Navarretc, iv, p. 221) says: "We left that place 
[i.*., Quipit] and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until 
we came to an island containing very few inhabitants and called 
Quagayan. We anchored in the northern part of that island, 
where we asked for the location of the island of Poluan, in order 
to get provisions of rice, for that island contains it in abundance, 
and many ships are laden there for other districts. Accordingly 
we sailed west northwest and came across the headland of the 
island of Poluan." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 14) calls 
Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies 
northeast of Borneo. 

•••The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships con- 
tained only sufficient provisions for a week. 

197 Eden reads: " Clxxix. degrees and a third parte." MS. 
5,650 reads: " one hundred and sixty-one and one-third degrees." 

••• Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Na- 
varrete, iv, pp. 221, 222) : " Then we sailed north by east along 
the coast [of Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao, 
where we made peace. Its inhabitants were Moros. We went 
to another village of Caf res, where we bartered for a considerable 
quantity of rice, and consequently laid in a good supply of pro- 
visions. That coast extends northeast and southwest. The head- 
land of its northeastern part lies in 9 and one-third degrees, and 
that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third degrees. Then 
on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of this island, 
we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and 
along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east 
and west with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west 
with Quagayan." 

The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 15-17) gives a fuller account 
of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they 
attempt to land, the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go 
toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to 
anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by 
the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam 
de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being re- 
ceived kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto 
Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the 
strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho 
makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine 
are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro 
who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who prom- 

1519-1522] NOTES 35* 

ises to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last 
moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former 
village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) 
says that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, " a rich 
country, where they got new directions about Burneo, and cap- 
tured two men to guide them there." 

At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 41a) follows the chart 
of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v. t p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on 
folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: "Chart of the 
island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao." 

•••MS. 5,650 read's: "all." . 

400 This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as 
follows: "They have bows with wooden arrows more than one 
palmo long, some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, 
poisoned with poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poi- 
soned bamboo." 

401 MS. 5,650 reads: "mace." Jannetone as pointed out by 
Mosto (p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon. 

402 Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and 
Malasian peoples. See Wallace's Malay Archipelago (New York, 
1869), p. 477; and Bowling's Visit to Philippine Isles (London, 
1859), PP. H9-I53. 

408 Eden reads: " fyue leaques." 

404 From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by 
the inhabitants of the East Indies; also a boat used by the Portu- 
guese and their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single 
tree, although there are various kinds, to one of which is given 
the name coche, "carriage") which is derived from the Arabic 
al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar, " to cross," so called 
because those vessels are used in crossing rivers. - Echegaray's 
Die. etimologico (Madrid, 1887). 

406 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

406 Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1). 

407 MS. 5,650 reads: " a red cap." 

408 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 

409 MS. 5,650 adds: " and seigniors." 

410 Stanley makes the unhappy translation " with naked daggers 
in their hands, which they held on their thighs." 

411 Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a 
Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578, vol. iv, pp. 222, 223, where 
the king is found playing chess. 


419 This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

418 The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard's Magellan, 
pp. 269-273. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wal- 
lace's Malay Archipelago ; and Forest's account of Brunai quoted 
by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets 
held by the women. 

414 MS. 51650 reads: "twenty or twenty-five thousand." 
Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates 
the population, and that he probably gained his information from 
a Malay courtier. 

415 MS. 5*650 reads: " the women and daughters." 

416 Cherita-tulis, "writers of narratives" (Stanley, p. 114); 
jurutulis, " adepts in writing " (Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 61). 

41T MS. 5,650 reads: " timghuly." 

418 Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region 
"Lao" (see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive 
cosmo graphic ae meditationes) " Lave." It may possibly be the 
modern island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, 
p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that 
it is some place in Banjarmasin. 

419 The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of 
Borneo are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222) : " We 
sailed from Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island 
[i.e., Poluan] to its southwest headland, we discovered an island 
with a shoal on its eastern side, and which lies in 7 and one-half 
degrees, so that we had to deviate to the west for about fifteen 
leguas. Then we sailed southwest coasting along the island of 
Borney to a city of the same name. You must needs know that 
the land must be approached closely, for there are many shoals 
outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant use, for 
it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large bay. 
Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native 
pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a con- 
siderable number of days, and commenced to trade there and 
made firm friendship. But later, many canoes, in number 260, 
were equipped to capture us and came upon us. When we 
saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of the bay, where- 
upon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and captured 
one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a 
very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.*., the 
prince of Luzon] without asking advice of anyone. Borney is 
a large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor, 

1515-15"] NOTES 353 

the last named of which is much esteemed in these lands, and it 
is said that when people die they are embalmed with it. Borney 
(that is, the port of Borney) lies in a latitude of 5 degrees and 
25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees and 5 minutes from 
the line of demarcation." 

The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 17-20) says that while on the 
way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the 
islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands - Guillemard, 
Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three 
leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina 
Balu- Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the port 
of Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at 
Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching 
the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of 
Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish 
trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambas- 
sador to the king to whom he takes a present. After a stay of 
twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery 
from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and 
capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning 
the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety 
men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two 
to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, 
taking with them fourteen men and three women of those cap- 
tured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward 
course, the " Trinidad " grounds on a point of the island of 
Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by 
the tide. 

Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the 
Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that 
their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa 
who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as 
Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks 
desert the ships. Three others, among them Carvalho's son, are 
ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads 
the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left 
behind on the island. 

The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) 
in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt 
Society edition), pp. 246-248. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, 
pp. 57-66. See also Henry Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak and 
British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is 
an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo. 

420 The word " junk " is probably derived from the Malay 
Jong or Ajong " a great ship." For a description of these ships, 


see Yule's Cathay (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866), 
ii, pp. 417, 418. 

421 MS. 5,650 reads: "If venom or poison be put in a vase 
of fine porcelain, it breaks immediately." In accordance with this 
reading we have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, 
ue. y " poison," which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis. 
Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio 
Pigafetta's Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoii (p. 208), when 
speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian 
ambassador which consisted of "eight dishes [piati firuarit] which 
break if any one puts poison in them. Those piati firuarit are 
made of the substance which we call porcelain, and are made in 
China, the province situated in the extreme outskirts of the Orient. 
They are made of earth, which is kept for more than fifty years 
buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which is buried by 
the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to hand." See 
also Yule's Cathay > ii, p. 478 ,* and Burnell and Tide's Linschoten 
(Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp. 129, 130. 

4S *The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common 
throughout the eastern islands were called "pichis" or "pitis," 
which was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a 
frequent appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were 
early in general use throughout the southern islands of the eastern 
archipelagoes. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 285-288. 

421 The cate or catty. See vol. xvin, p. 141, note 32. 

4,4 MS. 5,650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, 
and the pitch, for the last, eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of 
bronze being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes 
" barrel " or " cask " in the French. The anime (pitch) may have 
been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the 
Philippines (see Report of Philippine Commission, 1900, iii, 282, 

425 MS. 5,650 omits this word. 

426 Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century; and the 
credit for the invention is assigned to Alessandro di Spina, a 
Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon. 

42T MS. 5,650 reads: " not to wash the buttocks with the left 
hand ; not to eat with it." 

"•Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He 
says that had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would 
not have written as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as 
he would have been better informed. Notwithstanding the fact 
that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a student of that 

15191522] NOTES 355 

faith, some of these practices may have been introduced into 
Borneo, as the rites there being far from their center, may have 
become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first place. For in- 
stance, that the law was not strictly observed there is seen from 
the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant arrack. 

429 MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small 
drops. The Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops 
camphora) is confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the 
islands of Sumatra and Borneo, where it is very abundant. The 
oil (both fluid and solid) is found in the body of the tree where 
the sap should be, but not in all trees. The Malay name for 
camphor is a slight corruption of the Sanskrit one " karpura," and 
to distinguish it from the camphor of China and Japan, the word 
Bams is annexed (the name of the seaport of the western coast 
of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from that 
island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese. 
See Crawfurd's Dictionary % p. 81. 

480 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and 
adds: "hinds." 

481 Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS. 
are three charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v. t p. 
210), at the lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll read- 
ing " Here are found the living leaves;" found on folio 60b of 
MS. 5,650, preceded by the words " Chart of the island of Burne 
and the place where the living leaves are found." 2. On folio 
46b, the chart of Mindanao, which is divided into the districts 
of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v. t p. 
230) ; found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words 
" Chart of five islands - Benaian." 3. On folio 47a, the chart 
of the islands of Zzolo [i.e., Jolo], Tagima, and Chauit and 
Subanin, (q.v., p. 230), accompanied by a scroll reading "Where 
pearls are produced ; " found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650, preceded 
by the words " Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima, and 

482 Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 

488 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 

484 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture 
of this junk. 

486 In Eden : " Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the 
Equinoctial! lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr /hyppes 
and furny//e them with fre//he water and fuell." Cimbonbon 
is probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between 
Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the "Roteiro" (Stanley, 


p. 21), port Samta Maria de Agosto, (St. Mary of August) 
because it was reached on the fifteenth of August, the day of our 
Lady of August. It is assigned a latitude of fully seven degrees. 
Herrera says that the ships were overhauled on Borneo itself. 
Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta wrongly by saying that 
he assigns the careening place as Palawan or Paragua. 

486 MS. 5,650 reads: " two and one-half feet long." 
4,7 Cf. Transylvanus, vol. i, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna 
gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of 
taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was 
used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The 
shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh 
hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See 
Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152. 

488 Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the 
family of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus. 

489 Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word 
" chocar " " to jostle" (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves, 
were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the 
Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from their re- 
semblance to a leaf. 

440 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that 
Pigafetta kept the leaf " for the /pace of viii. dayes." 

441 The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At 
this place Joao Carvalho was deposed from the chief command 
for his high-handed measures and non-observance of royal orders, 
and retook his old position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected 
in his place and Elcano was chosen captain of the " Victoria." See 
Navarrete, iv, pp. 73, 289, 292, 294. 

442 Basilan; see vol. hi, p. 168, note 44. 

448 The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found 
along the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archi- 
pelago, especially in the last named, where many very valuable 
pearls are found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous 
fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl 
of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of 
Jolo claims the fisheries as his own and rents them out, but 
always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is dis- 
puted by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty 
between that sultan and the United States government. See 
A if airs of Philippines, Hearing before U. S. Senate Committee 
(Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philip- 
pines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands 
(Washington, 1905), pp. 534-536. An early interesting account 
of pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber's edition), pp. 213, 214. 

1519-1522] NOTES 357 

444 MS. 5,650 reads: "fifty." 

445 Cauit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga, 
Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the 
island of Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at 
the southeastern end of the Zamboanga province. " Subanim " 
says Dr. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) " suggests 
a settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao, 
who are known as Subanon. Here, too, they saw the notorious 
* sea-gypsies,' the Bajau or Samal Laut, whose wandering boats, 
then as now, shifted their stations with the changing of the 

444 Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of 
Mindanao is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Hand- 
book of Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinna- 
mon of stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, 
Caraga, and the mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Cey- 
lon, although containing a bitter element that depreciates its 
value, but which can be eliminated by cultivation. Many of the 
old writers describe the plant and its cultivation, one of the 
earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 191. Piga- 
fetta's etymology of the Malay word is correct. 

447 Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has 
(p. 121), bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling 
a large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells's Colin > i, p. 25). 

448 MS. 5,650 reads: "seventeen men seemingly as bold and 
ready as any others whom we had seen in those districts." 

449 Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a news- 
paper of 1874 to the Battas of Sumatra. Semper found the cus- 
tom of eating the heart or liver of their slain enemies among the 
Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes 
of Malayan origin living in northern Luzon are said to have 
ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 158). 

4W MS. 5,650 reads: " twenty." 

451 At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the 
chart of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v. t 
p. 238). This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, pre- 
ceded by the words: " Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc" 

4M Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco 
and Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) 
conjectures to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the 
southern portion of Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably 
correct if we take Albo's word that the two ships turned to the 
southeast after passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the 


main west coast east of Zamboanga is remarkably free of islands, 
lends color to the second. 

468 The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most 
southern point of Mindanao. 

454 MS. adds: "who are St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. 

466 It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with 
the unprovoked capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the 
discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the 
loss of Magalhaes. Such acts amounted to nothing less than 

456 These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group 
south of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao 
on the chart) to be the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to 
be Lipang. Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht 
and Amsterdam, 1724), i, between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group 
of islands at about this location with the names Lirong (Lipan ?), 
Karkelang, Cabroewang, Noessa (Nuza ?), Karkarotang, and 

457 At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1. On 
folio 51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, 
Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (?.c, p. 242) ; in 
MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b, preceded by the words: " Chart 
of the islands of Sanghir, etc" 2. On folio 51b, the islands of 
Chcama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, 
Zoar, and Meau (q.v., p. 246) ; in MS. 5,650, on folio 66b, pre- 
ceded by the words: " Chart of the islands of Meau, etc" 

Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, 
iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1). 

458 Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group) 
Cheama is Kima ; Carachita is Karakitang ; Para still retains that 
name, or is called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; 
Ciau is Siao or Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra) 
figures on Valentyn's map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, 
though the same island seems also to be called Tagulanda, so 
that Guillemard is right in his identification of this island; it is 
identified with the island of Roang by the British Admiralty map 
of 1890, while Mosto conjectures that it may be the island of 
Biaro. See Guillemard's Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and 
Mosto, p. 92, notes 2-7. 

459 MS. 5,650 gives this name as " Babintau." That MS. 
adds: "All those islands are inhabited by heathens," and con- 
tinuing, reads : " There is an island called Talant east of 

1519-1522] NOTES 359 

4eo Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir. 
Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of 
Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Mosto, p. 
92, notes 8-10. The geography of the islands of the East India 
groups has not yet been set forth in a detailed and masterly 
manner, or definite proportions given to it, although it is a sub- 
ject that merits enthusiastic research and labor. 

4ei Eden reads (p. 259) : " the /yxte daye of Nouember and 
the. xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne." 

482 MS. 5,650 adds: " by which they were deceived.'' 

Albo's narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222-224) of the events of 
the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at 
the Moluccas is as follows: "We left Borney, and returned by 
the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel 
between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turn- 
ing west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus 
we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit 
toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan, 
we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very 
large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to 
have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude 
of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small 
islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where 
many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast 
by east and southwest by west with Solo. Tagima lies in a lati- 
tude of 6 and five-sixths degrees, and is located opposite the head- 
land of Quipit. Many islets lie between those two islands, and 
one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The above- 
named headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends 
southeast and west northwest with Poluan. 

"Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the 
south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky 
islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where con- 
siderable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. 
That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed 
northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast 
until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement 
extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island 
of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable 
gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland 
lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian. 

" We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we 
saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, 
where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing 
along that same course to the head of that island. Then we 
saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between 

3 6 ° 


the two islands until we reached a point some distance ahead, 
and at that place we entered a channel between Candicar and 
another island called Sarangani. We anchored at the latter island 
and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in 4 and 
two-thirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and 
one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south 
latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. 
From the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north 
northwest and south southeast without meeting any headland. 

" We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached 
the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two 
islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin 
lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees. 

" From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called 
Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter 
island lies in exactly 3 degrees. 

" We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which 
lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island 
to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those 
islands are sighted. 

" From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached 
a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and 
southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called 
Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes 
and the other in 1 and one-half degrees. 

" We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the 
islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a 
channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We 
were received there with the utmost friendliness and established 
a firm peace. We built a house ashore in order to trade with 
those people, and abode there many days until the ships were 

The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 20-23) says that after leaving 
Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and 
captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for re- 
pairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435)- 
Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of 
Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Jolo), where 
they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reach Quipc 
(Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym 
(Tagima). "And always running along the coast of the said 
island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with 
sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named 
cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao 
carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in 
Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone 
further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands 

1519-15"] NOTES 3 61 

which are named Semrryn." A guide to Maluco is bargained 
for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play 
false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives 
attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next 
day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while 
the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. 
Continuing they sight " three high mountains belonging to a nation 
of people whom they call the Salabos [Celebes ?]," and shortly 
after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred 
by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people 
are hostile. "While still in this neighborhood, they saw the 
islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the 
artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November 
of 1 52 1, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, 
two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th 
of August of 1 5 19." 

The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance 
from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archi- 
pelago of St. Lazarus " where there occur many islands " inter- 

At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as fol- 
lows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, 
Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v. t p. 250), with the inscription "All 
the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at 
the antipodes ; " probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of 
MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most 
of that MS.) : " Here follow the cloves." 2. On folio 53a, a 
chart entitled " Maluco," showing the islands Tadore, Mare, 
Pulongha, Mutir, and Machiam (q.v., vol. xxxiv, p. 72), with a 
tree bearing the inscription "Caui go mode, that is, cloves ;" shown 
on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Description 
of the clove trees; how they grow; season for gathering; method 
of finding the best; and also of nutmegs." 

4M Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port "before the 
ry/inge of the /bone." 

484 MS. 5,650 adds: " by astrology." 

465 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

4M MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups. 

487 From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: 
"To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or 

' 488 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 

469 MS. 5,650 reads: " a royal presence and eloquence." 


470 " Mauzor " in Eden (p. 259). 

471 MS. 5*650 does not mention the " quintalada." The quin- 
talada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the 
ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount 
allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhaes's fleet was 
specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Carlos I to 
Magalhaes and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 15 19. The amounts 
(see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150-152) are as follows: 

Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the 
ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which 
each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth 
part to his Highness. 

First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captains-gen- 
eral of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin 

space [camara] apiece 60 

Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these 
twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above 

decks 20 

The other three captains shall each be allowed forty 

quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada 40 

Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quin- 
talada below decks 22 

Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals ... 22 
Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space 

and one quintalada 22 

Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada . . 8 
The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada . . 3 

Chaplains, four quintals apiece 4 

Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece 5 

Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and 

one quintalada apiece 14 

Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quin- 
talada apiece 10 

Sailors, one quintalada apiece 2 

Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece . . . ij4 
Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece .... 3 arrobas 


The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece 

and one quintalada 5 

The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece . 2j4 

Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas 2}4 

Calkers, the same 2j4 

Coopers, the same 2j4 

15191522] NOTES 3 6 3 

Crossbowmen, the same 2j4 

Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece .... I 

Stewards, three quintals apiece 3 

Stonecutters, three quintals apiece 3 

In case that our service is performed by building a fortress 
there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall 
be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to 
these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually 
from the quintaladas that shall remain there. 

If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons 
with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said 
fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until 
we appoint to those duties. 


The captains-general shall take four chests, on which 
they will pay only the twentieth 4 

The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the 
same terms 3 

Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece 2 

The notaries of the ships one chest apiece 

Masters and pilots, each one chest 

Boatswains, one chest apiece 

Alguacil of the fleet, one chest 

Chaplains, one chest apiece 

The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece 

The captains' servants, one chest for each two .... 

Physician and surgeon, one chest 

Sailors, one chest for each two 

Common seamen, one chest for each two 

Boys, one chest for each three 

Master gunners of the ships, each one chest .... 

The other gunners, one chest for each two 

Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and 
sailors, one chest for each two 

Stewards, one chest apiece 

Sobresalientes, one chest apiece 

472 Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown 
later by the context. MS. 5,650 spells his name " Calanoghapi." 

478 The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650. 

474 In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: " And 
because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, 
he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian," etc 

476 Leonardo de Argensola (vol. xvi, p. 221) derives Maluco 
from the word " Moloc " meaning " the capital." Crawfurd 

3 6 4 


says that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, 
although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has 
been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their dis- 
trict, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta 
(for whose ancient names, see vol. xvi, p. 221). Varthema 
(Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246), gives a slight 
account of the district under the name of the " island of Monoch, 
where the cloves grow," which Magalhaes showed to Carlos I 
(Guillemard's Magellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authen- 
tic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in his East 
African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 
202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 283-285. 

476 Francisco Serrao, brother of Joio Serrao, was Magalhaes's 
most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the 
stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. 
In 1509, Serrao sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter 
Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was 
attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by 
Magalhaes saved him. In January, 15 10, while returning from 
the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 151 1 he was sent as 
captain of one of three ships under Antonio d' Abreu to the 
Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedi- 
tion failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands 
of Banda. On this expedition, Serrao's ship was abandoned as 
unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on 
an island. Here pirates landing, Serrao and his men took posses- 
sion of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The 
opportunity offering, Serrao went to Ternate, where he espoused 
the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter 
of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhaes's 
death. A number of letters passed between Magalhaes and Serrao, 
during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhaes 
made use of them to persuade Carlos I to undertake the expe- 
dition. See Guillemard's Magellan. 

477 See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard's Magellan for details 
regarding Magalhaes's negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and 
his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostao, tostoes) 
is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth 
century (Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent). 

478 It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these 
names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: " Checchily Momoly, 
Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, 
Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi." 
Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names " Chechili- 
Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, 

15191522] NOTES 365 

Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Scrich, and Calanopagi." Mosto 
gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of 
the sixth and seventh which he gives as " Chialin Chechilin " and 
"Cathara." Checheli (Chechelin) and possibly CM, denotes 
the title Cachil ("noble"). 

479 Called by Barros "Joao de Lourosa, a man disloyal to 
his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The "Roteiro" (Stanley, 
pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Tar- 
gatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him " to 
come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not 
dare, because the king of the country forbade it." However, 
permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the 
ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (vol. i, p. 299) 
says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 
305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Span- 
iards. He remained with the "Trinidad," and was promptly 
executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see 
Guillemard's Magellan, p. 303). 

480 MS. 5,650 adds: " hearing that." 

481 In Eden: "/ixe hundreth and fiftie." The native name 
of Gilolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island 
belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of 
Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of 
Malays and Alfuros (pagans; a word apparently formed from 
the Arabic article al and fora, " without," and applied by the 
Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter prob- 
ably representing the p re-Malayan populations, and inhabiting 
the central portion of the island. 

482 Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes 
" as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three /pannes in length 
frome ioynt to ioynt or more. . . . Theyr canes are full of 
mo/te cleare water without any maner of ta/t or /auore eyther 
of the canes or of any other thynge: And /uche as yf it were 
taken owte of the fre//he/te /prynge in the worlde." Pigafetta 
probably refers to some species of bamboo. 

488 MS. 5,650 reads: "for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] 
munjeet." Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, 
Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar 
peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the 
Affghan or Ghori empire of Hindostan until the end of the four- 
teenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See 
Badger's introduction to Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society 
edition), p. lviii. Foster's Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt 
Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 
540) : " Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of 


Cambaya. The Chccfe Citty is Amadavaz [Ahmadabad]. It 
Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of 
India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. 
It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the 
Mahi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, 
falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. 
It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places." Its ports 
were important centers of trade. 

484 This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden. 

485 Cf. with the prices of various oriental products in Bar- 
bosa's East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edi- 
tion), pp. 221-223. 

486 Probably it was because of this belief that the ships in- 
tended to take in water near Celebes, " because they feared that 
in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in " (see the 
"Roteiro," Stanley, p. 22). 

487 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph. 


Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (1519-1522), by 
Antonio Pigafetta, knight of the Order of Jerusalem. 
-This document exists in manuscript in Biblioteca 
Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy, where it bears pressmark, 
"L. 103 - Sup." 

Historical Publications 


The Arthur H. Clark Company 

Full descriptive circulars will be mailed 
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JOURNAL: 1849-1850 

Being the MS. record of a trip from New York to 

Texas, and an overland journey through Mexico 

and Arizona to the gold-fields of California 



With biographical memoir by his daughter 

Edited by 


Professor of American History, University of Kansas 

With folded map, portrait ', and original drawings 

iOHN W. AUDUBON, son of the famous 
ornithologist, was a member of Colonel 
Webb's California Expedition which 
started from New York City for the gold- 
fields in February, 1 849. The Journal 
consists of careful notes which Audubon 
made en route. It was written with a view 
to publication, accompanied by a series of sketches made 
at intervals during the journey; but owing to Audubon's 
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The Journal is, therefore, here published for the first 
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Besides being a fascinating story of adventure, the Jour- 
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His pictures of the spreading of the gold craze in the East, 
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after reaching California, show him to be a keen and 
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The Editor, Professor F. H. H odder, of the University 
of Kansas, has supplied complete annotation explaining 
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Eersonal allusions. Professor H odder in his editorial work 
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^— — ^ — > OF — - — — — ^— 

Travels in Virginia, ^Maryland, 
Tennsyhania, Ohio, Indiana, 
Kentucky; and of a Residence in 
the Illinois Territory: 1817-1818 



With facsimiles of the author's sketches and plans 

Edited with Notes, Introduction, Index, etc., by 


Author of « The Opening of the Mississippi" 

lhmw I m&" *^ S hitherto unpublished MS., which is a 
real literary and historical find, was written 
in 1 8 17-18 by a young Englishman of excellent education 
who assisted Morris Birkbeck in establishing his Illinois 
settlement. The author writes anonymously, but by a 
careful study of various allusions in the Narrative and 
from information furnished by the family in possession 
of the MS., has been identified as Elias Pym Fordham. 
Landing at Baltimore, he reached the West by way of 
Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the Ohio River to Cincinnati, 
describing the people and the country as he went along. 
THE MIDDLE Fordham was an especially well-qualified 
WEST IN 1817 observer of the Middle West because of 
the numerous journeys he undertook, on land-hunting 
trips for new emigrants, in the service of Mr. Birkbeck. 
These journeys led him into Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky; 


and he never omits the opportunity to make frank and 
pointed comment on society, manners, and morals, as well 
as careful observations of the face of the country and of 
industrial conditions. The style is quite unaffected and 
has much natural charm and sprightliness; and the fact 
that he wrote anonymously made him much more free in 
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local AND These journeys also gave him unexampled 
PIONEER opportunities for contact with the pioneers 

WSTORY of the Middle West, and his journal is con- 

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M I S S I S I P P It 

A OtooRArtficAL Description of dm Hirst. 




NMi far J. N«»*ti, BoaMrikr » H* MAJESTY. 

Edited with Introduction, Notes, snd Index, by 


Professor of American History, University of Kansas 

THIS exceedingly rare work was issued in London, in 1770, and 
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*Only two conies have been offered for sale during the past five years; one copy sold 
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Pittman's Mississippi Settlements contains much valuable original ma- 
J 7 kl tc ™l for the study of the French and Spanish 
Jf Valuable Settlements of old Louisiana, West Florida, and 
SOUrce Work * c I^nois country. The author, Captain Philip 
Pittman, was a British military engineer, and 
gives an accurate general view of the Mississippi Settlements just after 
the English came into possession of the eastern half of the valley by 
the Peace of 1763. His account, written from personal observation, 
is rich in allusions to the political, social, and military readjustments 
resulting from this change of possession. u A comprehensive account 
of the Illinois country and its inhabitants, with sketches in detail of 
the several French posts and villages situated therein, as personally 
viewed by him in 1766-67. ... It contains, in a compact form, much 
useful and reliable information (nowhere else to be found) concern- 
ing the Mississippi Valley and its people at that transition period." 
— Wallace: Illinois and Louisiana under French Rule. 

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TJi* p/irllpvt America says : «« It is the earliest English 

j. rus cut uc*i> account of those settlements, and, as an 

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j . 1 Frank Heywood Hodder, who has made a 

Annotation by special study of American historical geo- 

Professor Hodder ^ ra P hv - Tlie valuc of thc rc P rint is thus 

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■— — 1 1 748 - 1 846 — — 

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