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THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
LONDON :
PBINTED BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODB,
HER majesty's PRINTERS.
THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS,
A Political, Geographical, Ethnographical, Social and Commercial
— History of the Philippine Archipelago
AND
ITS POLITICAL DEPENDENCIES,
Embracing the whole Period of Spanish Rule.
BT
JOHN FOREMAN, F.R.G.S.
SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED,
WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
j-\j-\/ vcv/ \j \j\j\j\j vv s.
NEW YORK:
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.
1899.
First impression, April 1899.
Second impression, July 1899.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
It would be surprising if the concerns of an interesting
Colony like the Philippine Islands had not commanded
the attention of literary genius.
I do not pretend, therefore, to improve upon the able
productions of such eminent writers as Juan de le Concepcion,
Martinez Zuiiiga, Thomas Comin and others, nor do I aspire,
through this brief composition, to detract from the merit of
Jagor's work, which, in its da}^, commended itself as a valuable
book of reference. But since then, and within the last twenty
years, this Colony has made great strides on the path of social
and material progress ; its political and commercial importance
is rapidly increasing, and many w^ho know the Philippines, have
persuaded me to believe that my Notes would be an appreciated
addition to what was published years ago on this subject.
The critical opinions herein expressed are based upon
personal observations made during the several years I have
travelled in and about all the principal Islands of the
Archipelago, and are upheld by reference to the most reliable
historical records.
An author should be benevolent in his judgment of men
and manners and guarded against mistaking isolated cases for
rules. In matters of history he should neither hide the truth,
nor twist it to support a private view, remembering how easy it
is to criticize an act when its sequel is developed : such will
be my aim in the fullest measure consistent.
By certain classes I may be thought to have taken a
hypercritical view of things ; I may even offend their suscepti-
bilities — if I adulated them, I should fail to chronicle the truth,
and my work would be a deliberate imposture.
VI PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
I would desire it to be understood, with regard to the
classes and races in their collectiveness, that my remarks apply
only to the large majority ; exceptions undoubtedly there are —
these form the small minority. Moreover, I need hardly point
out that the native population of the Capital of the Philippines
by no means represents the true native character, to com-
prehend which, so far as its complicacy can be fathomed, one
must penetrate into and reside for years in the interior of the
Colony, as I have done, in places where extraneous influences
have, as yet, produced no effect.
There may appear to be some incongruity in the plan
of a work which combines objects so dissimilar as those
enumerated in the Contents pages, but this is not a History,
nor a Geography, nor an Account of Travels, in the strict sense
of the word — it is a concise review of all that may interest the
reader who seeks for a general idea of the condition of affairs in
this Colony in the past and in the present.
J.F.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
The success which has attended the pubhcation of the
First Edition of this work has induced me to carefully revise
it throughout, adding the latest facts of public interest up to
the close of Spanish rule in the Philippine Islands.
Long years of personal acquaintance with some of the
active movers in the Revolutionary Party enabled me to
estimate their aspirations. My associations with Spain and
Spaniards since my boyhood helped me, as an eye-witness of
the outbreak of the rebellion, to judge of the counterpart to
that movement. My connection with the American Peace
Commission in Paris afforded me an opportunity of appreciating
the noble efforts of a free people to raise the weight of monastic
oppression from milhons of their fellow creatures.
I would point out that my criticism of the clergy, who
exercised governmental functions in these Islands, in no way
applies to the Jesuit or the Paul fathers, who have justly gained
the respect of both Europeans and natives.
It is confidently hoped that the present Edition (which
covers the whole period of Spanish dominion, from the
conquest up to the evacuation) may merit that approval from
readers of English which has been so graciously accorded to
the previous one.
J.F.
The following refers to pages 567 and 568 in the First impression oj
this Second Edition.
When the second edition of this work was first published certain
statements appeared in regard to the relations of Mr. Edward Spencer
Pratt the United States Consul-General at Singapore with General
Aguinaldo the Philippine insurgent leader. These statements were
similar and equivalent to paragraphs appearing from time to time in
the public press which Mr. vSpeucer Pratt had permitted to pass
uncontradicted. Upon seeing these statements reproduced in this
volume that gentleman took legal action against the publishers
thus causing communications to be made to the author that while
Mr. Spencer Pratt had not thought proper to take notice of attacks
made upon himself in the newspapers he could not permit statements
so injurious to him in his public capacity to pass unnoticed when
embodied in a work of a permanent and historic character. He
considered that the statements in question were such as would
naturally create the impression that he as the Consul-General had
entirely exceeded the scope of his functions, had purported to enter
into political arrangements with the Philippine leader and was accord-
ingly primarily responsible for the subsequent outbreak of hostilities
between the insurgents and the United States. As a matter of fact
the idea Mr. Spencer Pratt had in making Aguinaldo's acquaintance
was to obtain from him such information as he was able to give
regarding existing conditions in the Philippines and to place him in
personal communication with Admiral, then Commodore, Dewey so
that that officer might should he see fit utilize Aguinaldo's services
and prestige with the armed natives to control them and prevent
reprisals when the American forces should appear before Manila and
co-operate to such extent with the latter as might be desired. More-
over it was to these objects alone that Mr. Spencer Pratt rigidly
confined himself in the course of his two brief interviews with General
Aguinaldo at Singapore. The original passages which attributed to
Mr. Pratt any further dealings of a political character with Aguinaldo
or other persons have been withdrawn, and the author can only
express his regret that they appeared and his hopes that Mr. Spencer
Pratt's reputation as a consular officer of the United States will not
eventually be found to have suifered by the publication of these
erroneous statements.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prologue _.------i
CHAPTER I.
General Description of the Archipelago. — Geographical Features
CHAPTER H.
Discovery of the Archipelago. — Magellan Straits discovered. — Death
of Maghallanes. — The First Voyage round the World. —
Expedition to the Moluccas. — Legaspi's Expedition from
Mexico. — Manila founded. — Death of Legaspi - - - 18
CHAPTER HI.
Philippine Dependencies. — The Ladrone, Caroline, and Pelew Islands 35
CHAPTER IV.
Attempted Conquest by Chinese. — Its Failure. — Fray Alonso
Sanchez's Mission to Spain. — Internal Administration in Olden
Times. — Mendicant and Augustine Friars. — Supreme Court. —
Church and State Contentions. — A Governor-General murdered 45
CHAPTER V.
Early Relations between the Philippines and Japan. — Catholic
Missions. — Martyr Saints - - ► - - - 65
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI.
PAGE
Conflicts with the Dutch.— Prosecutions of Governor- Generals.-
Nunneries. — The Inquisition. — Koxinga, the Chinese Corsair,
threatens Invasion. — Valenzuela, the Court Favourite. — Strange
Proceedings of a Pope's Legate - - - - - 7G
CHAPTER Vn.
British Occupation of Manila in 17G3.— The War Indemnity.— Simon
de Anda's Rebellion. — Manila evacuated under the Treaty of
Paris. — Ylocos Province Rebellion. — Struggles for Liberty. —
Cavite Conspiracy of 1872 _ _ . _ .94
CHAPTER Vni.
The Chinese.— The Alcayceria. — The Parian. — Expulsion of Chinese
decreed. — Chinese as Colonists. — Saint Francis rescues Manila
from the Chinese. — Chinese Population - - - - 116
CHAPTER IX.
The Various Tribes and Races. — Negrito Marriage Ceremony. —
Expedition against the Igorrotes. — Graddanes. — Itavis. —
Igorrotes. — Igorrote-Chinese. — Tinguianes. — Hindoos. — Albinos 12D
CHAPTER X.
Moslems and Southern Tribes. — Early History of the Sulu Archi-
pelago. — Mussulman Pirates. — Epoch of Terror. — Vicissitudes
of Sultan Mahamad Alimudin. — Mussulman Reprisals on the
Spaniards. — Colonel Arolas' Victories. — The Marauit Campaign.
— Sulu Costumes. — Religious Rites. — Sulu Island. — Subuanos
Tribe. — Across Palaiian Island ----- 139
CHAPTER XL
Domesticated Christian Natives. — Their Supposed Origin. —
Character. — Tagalogs. — Visayos. — Education, Schools and
Colleges. — Native Talent. — Fine Arts. — Music. — Rehgious
Superstitions. — The Shrines. — Penitents. — Slavery. — Prevalent
Diseases. — Marriages. — Mixed Marriages. — Dancing - - 177
CONTENTS. XI
CHAPTER XII.
PAGE
The Monastic Orders. —Their Preponderance. — Their Relations
with the Natives. — The Spanish Parish Priest. — The Hierarchy.
— Church Revenues. — Rivalries of the Friars - - . 215
CHAPTER XIII.
Government and Local Administration. — The Encomenderos. — The
Alcaldes. — Cost of Local Government. — Effects of Favouritism.
— Abuses. — Native Provincial Authorities. — Municipal Reforms 229
CHAPTER XIV.
Philippine Finances. — The Budget. — Army, Navy, and Judicial
Statistics. — Briwanda^e. — Pirates. — Legal Dilatoriness - - 250
CHAPTER XV.
Trade of the Islands. — Its Early History. — The Mexican Subsidy. —
The Galleons. — Smugglers in Olden Days. — Restrictions on
Trade. — The " Compania Guipiizcoana de Caracas." — The " Real
Compaiiia de Filipinas.' — Development of Agriculture. — Com-
mercial Crii^is.— Free Trade. — Manila opened to the World. — •
Foreign Capital introduced. — Monetary Notes. —Exchange
Fluctuatioiis.^Provincial Ports opened. — Tables of Traf'e
Statistics. — Excise and Customs Statistics. — Smuggling. — ^.Tail
Service. — Middlemen. — Manufactures. — Railways. — First
Philippine Railway. — Submarine and Land Telegraphs - - 271
CHAPTER XVI.
Agriculture. — Value of Arable Land. — Land Measures. — Cane Sugar
Statistics. — Sugar Shipments. — Sugar-Planting and Manufacture.
— Sugar-Making Estimate. — Cane Sugar v. Beetroot Sugar. —
Rice. — Rice Measures. — Rice Cultivation. — Macan and Paga
Paddy 306
CHAPTER XVII.
Manila Hemp. — Hemp Machinery. — Hemp-Planting Statistics and
Estimate. — Hemp Trade.— Hemp Shipments ... 323
XU CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVIII.
PAOK
Coffee. — Coffee Quotations, Shipments and Statistics. — Coffee Culture
and Yield. — Tobacco under Government Monopoly. — Tobacco
under Free Trade. — Tobacco and Cigar Shipments and Statistics.
— The " Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas " - - 337
CHAPTER XIX.
Maize. — Cocoa (^Cacao). — Esculent Roots. — Monkey Nuts. — Betel. —
Areca Palm. — Nipa Palm. — Cocoanut Palm. — Coprah Shipments
and Statistics. — Coir. — Cogon. — Cotton. — Dita. — Palma Brava. —
Bamboo. — Bojo. — Rattan Cane. — Gum Mastic Shipments. —
Edible Birds' Nests. — Balate. — Sapan-wood Shipments.— Saps. —
Hard Woods. — Hard Wood Tests, Comparative Strengths and
Qualities. — Fruits. — Flowers. — Medicinal Herbs - - - 352
CHAPTER
3Iineral Products. — Coal. — Gold. — Iron. — Copper. — Sulphur, etc. - 378
CHAPTER XXL
Domestic Live Stock. — Ponies, Buffaloes, etc. — Reptilia. — Insects,
etc. — The Locust Plague ------ 389
CHAPTER XXII.
Manila under Spanish Rule. — The Port. — The City. — Binondo, the
Trading Centre. — Electric Lighting. — Tramways. — Chinese and
Native Traders and Workers. — Bridges. — Theatres. — Bull Ring.
— Cock-Fighting. — Chinese New Year. — Journalism. — Botanic
Garden.^ — Dwelling-Houses. — Typhoons. — Earthquakes. — Native
Costumes -------- 397
CHAPTER XXIII.
Touring in Luzon Island. — Up the Pasig River. — Laguna de Bay. —
Jalajala. — Los Banos. — Santa Cruz. — Pagsanjan. — Botocan
Cascade.— Ma jay jay. — Tayabas and Pagbilao. — San Juan de
Bocboc. — Batangas. — Lipa.— Bombon Lake. — Talisay. — Taal. —
Balayan. — Maragondon. — Santa Cruz de Malabon. — Silan. —
Perez Dasmarinas. — Cavite Viejo. — Cavite - - _ 415
CONTENTS. Xlll
CHAPTER XXIV.
PAGE
Touring in the South. — Romblon. — The Silanga. — Yloilo. — W. Coast
of Negros.— Ginigaran. — Siimag. — Bacolod. — Cadiz Nuevo. —
Escalante. — The Danao River. — Calatrava. — Bagumbayan. —
Across Negros Island. — Buffalo Riding. — A Horse Fight - 459
CHAPTER XXV,
Travelling Notes. — Itineraries of 22 Journeys about the Islands - 486
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Tagalog Rebellion of 1896-98.— First Period up to the Retire-
ment of the Rebel Leaders to Hongkong. — The alleged Treaty
of Biac-na-bato.— Peace proclaimed _ _ - _ 509
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Tagalog Rebellion of 1896-98. — Second Period. — American Inter-
vention. — The Rebel Leaders return under American auspices
and resume Warfare. — The Naval Battle of Cavite. — The
Effect in Madrid. — The American-Spanish Peace Commission
in Paris. — Manila City capitulates to the Americans. — The
Revolutionary Government. — Philippine Act of Independence. —
First Revolutionary Congress. — The American-Spanish Treaty
of Paris __.-_--- 564
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Concluding Observations __.--. 639
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Author and nis Travelling Servant
Taal Volcano -_-._.
Mayon Volcano ------
A Negrito Family
Anito Idol --....
A Young Negrito . _ _ . .
H.H. Harun Narrasid, Sultan of Sulu
A TagIlog Milkwoman - - - - -
A Tagalog Townsman - . - - -
A Spanish Galleon - . _ _ .
A Prahu ------
A Canoe -------
A Casco (Sailing Barge)
A Sugar Estate-House, Southern Philippines
Rice-Planting in Terraces - - . _
The Plantain (Banana Tree) - - - -
The Papaw Tree and Leaf - - _ -
CocoANUT Palms ------
The old City Walls of Manila _ _ .
La Escolta. — The Principal Street in the Com-"(
MERciAL Quarter of Manila - - -J
A Half-Caste Manila Belle - - - -
A Village Market _ . _
A Luzon Bungalow - - - - _
Tagalog "Women and Children in Holiday Attire -
a leading visaya planter _ . _ .
- Frontisjnece
Facing page
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400
413
434
434
450
474
XVI
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
A Chinese-Filipino (Mestizo)
A Roadside Scene in Bulacan Province
A Riverside Washing Scene
Don Emilio Aguinaldo -
Admiral Patricio Montojo
General Basilio Augusti
Archbishop Bernardino Nozalkda
Facing page 474
490
498
518
574
574
574
MAPS AND PLANS.
Plan of the Province of Cavite . _ - „ 521
Plan showing relative Positions of United States^ 577
and Spanish Ships — Battle of Cavite, 18!)8 -i
Map of the Archipelago - - - - -at the end
PROLOGUE.
•^ Xothing extrmtate,
" Ko!' s?t down aught in malice." —
Othello, Act V., Sc 3.
IVrOTWITHSTANDING the three centuries of more or less complete
Spanish dominion, this Archipelago never ranked above the
most primitive of Colonial possessions.
That powerful nation which in centuries gone by was built up of
Iberians, Celts, Phosnicians, Carthaginians, Visigoths, Romans, and
Arabs was in its zenith of glory when the conquering spirit and
dauntless energy of its people led them to gallant enterprises of discovery
which astonished the whole civilised world. But they were satisfied
v>^ith conquering and leaving unimproved their conquests. Nor did the
subsequent example of succeeding colonising nations serve to quench,
in spirit, their petrified conservatism. Had they followed up their
discoveries by social enlightenment, — by encouragement to commerce
and by the development of the new resources under their sway — they
would, perhaps even to this day, have preserved the loyalty of those who
yearned for and obtained freer institutions. But they had elected to
follow the principles of that religious age, although the impellent motive
of conquest was divided between rapacity and soul-saving. All we can
credit them Vt'lth is the conversion of millions to Christianity at the
expense of cherished liberty; for, ever on the track of that fearless band
of warriors followed the satellites of the Roman Pontiff, ready to pass
the breach opened for them by the sword, to conclude the conquest
by the persuasive influence of the Holy Cross. Successful government
by that sublime ethical essence called moral philosophy iias fallen away
before a more practical regime. Liberty to think, to speak, to write,
to trade, to travel was only paYtially and reluctantly yielded under
A
^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
extraneous pressure. The venality of the conqueror's administration
— the juridical complicacy,^ want of public Avorks, weak imperial
government and arrogant local rule, tended to dismember the once
powerful Spanish Empire. The same causes have produced the same
effects in all Spain's distant colonies, and to-day the mother country is
practically childless.
The civilization of the world is but the outcome of wars, and
l")robably as long as the world lasts the ultimate appeal in all questions
will be made to force, notwithstanding Imperial Rescripts. The hope
of ever extinguishing warfare is as meagre as the advantage such
a state of things would be. The idea of totally suppressing martial
instinct in the whole civilized community is as hopeless as the effort
to convert all the human race to one religious system. Moreover,
the individual benefits derived from war generally exceed the losses
it inflicts on others ; nor is war an isolated instance of the few
suffering for the good of the many. " Salus populi suprema lex."
Nearly every step in the world's progress has been reached by warfare.
In modern times the peace of Europe is only maintained by the
eqn.ality of power to coerce by force.
Liberty in England, gained only by au exhibition of force, would
have been lost but for bloodshed. The great American Republic
owes its existence to this inevitable means, and neither arbitration,
moral persuasion, nor sentimental argument vrould ever have exchanged
Philippine monastic oppression for freedom of thought and liberal
institutions.
The right of conquest is admissible when it is exercised for the
advancement of civilization, and the conqueror takes upon himself
the moral obligation to improve the condition of the subjected peoples
and render them happier. How far the Spaniards of each generation
have fulfilled that obligation may be judged from these pages, the
Avorks of Mr. W. H. Prescott, the writings of Padre de las Casas, and
other chroniclers of Spanish colonial achievements. The happiest
colony is that which yearns for nothing at the hands of the mother
country ; the most durable bonds are those engendered by gratitude
and contentment. Such bonds can never be created by religious
teaching alone, unaccompanied by the twofold inseparable conditions
• There is a Spanish saying " Quie7i Imo la ley hizo la trampa.'''
PROLOGUE. 6
of moral and material improvement. In British India, equal justice,
moral example and constant care for the mutual welfare of the people
have riveted our dominion without the dispensable adjunct of an
enforced State religion. The reader will judge whether the Spaniards
engrafted the true civilization on the races they subdued, for, as mankind
has no philosophical criterion of truth, it is a matter of opinion where the
unpolluted fountain of the truest modern civilization is to be found.
It is claimed by China and by Europe, and the whole universe is
schismatic on the subject.
Juan de la Concepeiou,' who wrote last century, bases the Spaniards'
right to conquest solely on the religious theory. He affirms that the
Spanish Kings inherited a divine right to these islands, their dominion
being directly prophesied in the 18th chapter of Isaiah. Also, that as
Grod gave over the land of Canaan to the Children of Israel, so did He
award this territory to the Castilian monarchs. He assures us that
this concession from Heaven was confirmed by apostolic authority^ and
by " the many manifest miracles Avith which God, the Virgin and the
" Saints, as auxiliaries of our arms, demonstrated its unquestionable
" justice." Saint Augustine, he states, considered it a sin to doubt the
justice of war which God determines, but, let it be remembered, the
same savant insisted that the world was flat and that the sun hid every
night behind a mountain ! We cannot expect ordinary tnan to live in
advance of the culture of his generation — but Augustine was a saint in
embryo.
Could not the Mussulmans use the soul-saving argument with
respect to the Sultanate of Sulu ? Has not Islam rescued them from
complete barbarism and brought them to the fold of the Great Prophet ?
Have not apostates of the Romish Church, or, at least, their descendants,
as successfully established dominion in British India as the Spaniards
have in their Indies ? An apology for conquest cannot, however, be
found in the desire to spread any particular religion, more especially
when we treat of Christianity, whose benign radiance was overshadowed
' " Historia General de Philipinas," Chap. I., Part I., Vol. I., by Juan de la
Concepcion, pub. in 14 Vols., Manila, 1788.
- " No es necessario calificar el derecho a tales reinos 6 dominios, especial-
•■' mente entre vasallos de reyes tan justos y Catholicos y tan obedientes hijos de
" la suprema autoridad apostolica con cuia facultad han ocupado estas regiones."
—Ibid.
A 2
4 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
by that debasing iustitutiou the Inquisition, which sought out the
brightest intellects only to destroy them.
It will bo seen on f nture pages that the government of these islands
was practically as theocratic as it was civil. Upon the religious principle
were founded its statutes, and the reader will now understand the
source whence the innumerable Church and State contentions originated.
Christianity gave trouble from the first time it became a force in Rome,
for under its veil arose the mutiny of the Emperor Diocletian's soldiers.
The tendency has always been to combine political power with
Christian teaching, and in Rome the first conflicts with religion were
the attempts, finally successful, to build up a government within a
government ; an independent empire over men's minds within the
Roman Empire.
Historical facts lead one to enquire : How far was Spain ever a
moral potential factor in the world's progress ? and, if we eliminate
the natural effect of her military successes, would it not be more
correct to speak of the gradual decline rather than the rise of all
Spanish colonization ? For the repeated struggles for liberty, genera-
tion after generation, in all her colonies, tend to show that Spain's
sovereignty was maintained through the inspiration of fear rather
than love and sympathy, and that she entirely failed to render her
colonial subjects happier than they were before.
That America's conception of the moral duties attaching to conquest
will be very different to theirs can hardly be a sul)ject of doubt.
-*-♦♦♦-
CHAPTER L
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ARCHIPELAGO.
The Philippine Islands, with the Sulu Protectorate, extend a little
over sixteen degrees of latitude — from 4° 45' to 21° N. — and number
some 600 islands, many of which are mere islets. The eleven islands
of primary geographical importance are Luzon, Mindanao, Siimar,
Pauay, Negros, Palaiian (Paragua), Mindoro, Leyte, Cebu, Masbate,
and Bojol. The total area is approximately computed to be about
52,500 square miles. Ancient maps show the islands and provinces
under a different nomenclature, for example : —
Old Name.
Old Name.
Negros.
(Buglas.)
Mindoro.
(Mait.)
Cebu.
(Sogbu.)
Cavite.
(Cauit.)
Leytc.
(Bay bay.)
Samar.
(Ibabao.)
Albay.
(Ibalon.)
Basilan.
(Taguima.)
Tayabas.
(Calilayan.)
Manila P"'
(Toudo.)
Bataugas.
(Comintau.)
Bulacan P'^'=-
(Meycauayan.)
Luzon and Mindanao would be, in area, larger than all the rest of
the islands put together. Luzon is said to have about 40,000 square
miles of laud area. The northern half of Luzon is a mountainous
region formed by ramifications of the great Cordilleras, which run N.S.
All the islands are mountainous in the interior, the principal peaks
being the following, viz. : —
J'rrt ahore
sod level.
Halcou - (Mindoro) 8868
Apo - (Mindanao) 8804
Mayou - (Luzon) 8283
San Cristobal „ 7375
Isarog •' n 6443
(Luzon)
Banajao -
Labo - „
South Caraballo „
Caraballo del Baler,,
Maquiling „
F<'et above
sea level.
6097
5090
4720
3933
3720
6 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Most of these mountains and subordinate ranges are thickly
covered with forest and light undergrowth, whilst the stately trees are
gaily festooned with clustering creepers and flowering parasites of the
most brilliant hues. The Mayou, which is an active volcano, is
comparatively bare, whilst also the Apo, although no longer in
eruption, exhibits abundant traces of volcanic action in acres of lava
and blackened scoriae. Between the numberless ranges are luxuriant
plains glowing in all the splendour of tropical vegetation. The valleys,
generally of rich fertility, are about one-third under cultivation.
There are numerous rivers, few of which are navigable by
sea-going ships. Vessels drawing up to 13 feet can enter the Pasig
River, but this is due to the artificial means employed.
The principal Rivers are : — In Luzon Island the Rio Grande de
Cagayan, which rises in the South Caraballo mountain in the centre
of the island, and runs in a tortuous stream to the northern coast.
It has two chief affluents, the Rio Chico de Cagayan and the Rio
Magat, besides a number of streams Avhich find their way to its main
course. Steamers of 1 1 feet draught have entered the Rip Grande, but
the sand shoals at the mouth are very shifty and frequently the entrance
is closed to navigation. The river, which yearly overflows its banks,
bathes the great Cagayan Valley, — the richest tobacco growing district
in the colony. Immense trunks of trees are carried down in the torrent
with great rapidity, rendering it impossible for even small craft — the
barangayanes — to make their way up or down the river at that period.
The Rio Grande de la Pampanga rises in the same mountain and
flows in the opposite direction — southwards, — through an extensive
plain until it empties itself by some 20 mouths into the Manila Bay.
The whole of the Pampanga Valley and the course of the river present
a beautiful panorama from the summit of Arayat mountain, which has
an elevation of 2,877 feet above the sea level.
The whole of this flat country is laid out into embanked rice fields
and sugar-cane plantations. The towns and villages interspersed are
numerous. All the primeval forest, at one time dense, has disappeared ;
for this being one of the first districts brought under European
subjection, it supplied timber to the invaders from the earliest days of
Spanish colonisation.
The Rio Agno rises in a mountainous range towards the west coast
about 50 miles N.N.W. of the South Caraballo — runs southwards as
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE AKCHirELAGO. 7
far as lat. 16°, where it takes a S.W. direction down to lat. 15° 48'—
thence a N.W. course up to lat. 16°, whence it empties itself by two
mouths into the Gulf of Lingayen. At the highest tides there is a
maximum depth of 11 feet of Avater on the sand bank at the E. mouth,
on which is situated the port of Dagupan.
The Bicol River, which flows from the Bato Lake to the Bay of
San Miguel, has sufficient depth of Avater to admit vessels of small
draught a few miles up from its mouth.
In Mindamio Island the Butuan River or Rio Agusan rises at a
distance of about 26 miles from the southern coast and empties itself
on the northern coast, so that it nearly divides the island, and is
navigable for a few miles from the mouth.
The Rio Grande de Mindanao rises in the centre of the island
and empties itself on the west coast by two mouths, and is uavigable
for some miles by light draught steamers. It has a great number of
affluents of little importance.
The only river in Negros Island of any appreciable extent is the
Danao, Avhich rises in the mountain range running down the centre of
the island and finds its outlet on the east coast. At the mouth it is
about a quarter of a mile wide, but too shallow to permit large vessels
to enter, although past the mouth it has sufficient depth for any ship.
I have been up this river six hours' journey in a boat, and saw some
fine timber near its banks in many places. Here and there it opens
out very Avide, the sides becoming mangrove swamps.
The most important Lakes are : — In Luzon Island the Bay Lake
or Laguna de Bay, supplied by numberless small streams coming from
the mountainous district around it. Its greatest length from E. to W.
is 25 miles, and its greatest breadth N. to S. 21 miles. In it there is a
mountainous island — Talim, — of no agricultm-al importance, and several
islets. Its overflow forms the Pasig River, Avhich empties itself into
the Manila Bay. Each wet season — in the middle of the year — the
shores of this lake are flooded. These floods recede as the dry season
approaches, but only partially so from the south coast, which is
gradually being incorporated into the lake bed.
Lake Bombon, in the centre of which is a volcano in constant
activity, has a width E. to W. of 11 miles, and its length from N. to S.
is 14 miles. The origin of this lake is apparently volcanic. It is not
supplied by any streams emptying themselves into it (fm-ther than two
8 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
insiguificaut rivulets), r.ud it is connected with the sea l)y the Pansipit
Kiver, Avhich flows into the Gulf of Balayan at lat. 13° 52' N.
Cagayan Lake, in the extreme N.E. of the island, is about 7 miles
long by 5 miles broad.
Lake Bato, 3 miles across each way, and Lake Buhi, 3 miles N.S.
and 2^ miles wide, situated in the eastern extremity of Luzon Island,
are very shallow.
In the centre of Luzon Island, in the large valley watered by
the above-mentioned Pampanga and Aguo Rivers, are three lakes
respectively : Canarem, Mangabol and Candava ; the last two being
lowland meres flooded and navigable by canoes in the rainy season only.
In 3Iindoro Islcmd there is one lake called Naujan, 2J miles from
the N.E. coast. Its greatest width is 3 miles with 4 miles in lensth.
In 3Imdcmao Island there are the Lakes Maguindanao or Boayan,
in the centre of the island (20 miles E.W. by 12 N.S.) ; Malanao,
18 miles distant from the north coast ; Liguasan and Buluan towards
the south, connected with the Rio Grande de Mindanao, and a group
of four small lakes on the Agusuan River.
The Malanao Lake has great historical associations with the
struggles between Christians and Moslems during the period of the
Spanish conquest.
In some of the straits dividing the islands there are stronjr
currents, rendering navigation of sailing vessels very difficult, notably
in the San Bernadino Straits, separating the Islands of Luzon and
Saraar ; the roadstead of Yloilo between Panay and Guimarras
Islands, and the passage between the south points of Cebu and
Negros Islands.
Most of the islets, if not indeed the whole Archipelago, are of
volcanic origin. There are many volcanoes, tAvo of them in almost
constant activity, viz., the Mayou, in the extreme east of Luzon
Island, and the Taal Volcano, in the centre of Bombon Lake, S-t miles
due south of Manila. Also in Negros Island the Caulauau Volcano
— N. lat. 10'^ 24' — is occasionally in visible eruption. In 1886 a
portion of its crater subsided, accompanied by a tremendous noise and
a slight ejection of lava. In the picturesque Island of Camiguin, a
volcano moimtain suddenly arose from the plain in 1872.
The Mayon Volcano is in the Province of Albay, hence it is
popularly known as the Albay Volcano. Around its base there are
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 9
several toAvns and villages, the chief bciug Albay, the capital of the
province ; Cagsaua (called Daraga) and Camtiling on the one side, and
Malinao, Tobaco, etc. on the side facing the east coast. In 1769
there was a serious eruption, Avhich destroyed the towns of Cagsaua
and Malinao, besides several villages ; and devastated property within
a radius of 20 miles. Lava and ashes were throv/n out incessantly
during two months, and cataracts of water were formed. In 1811 loud
subterranean noises were heard proceeding from the volcano, Avhich
caused the inhabitants around to fear an early renewal of its activity,
but their misfortune was postponed. On the 1st of February, 1814,'
it burst Avith terrible violence. Cagsaua, Badiao, and three other
towns were totally demolished. Stones and ashes were ejected in all
directions. The inhabitants fled to caves to shelter themselves. So
sudden was the occurrence, that many natives were overtaken by the
volcanic projectiles and a few by lava streams. In Cagsaua nearly
all property was lost. Father Aragoueses estimates that 2,200
persons were killed, besides many being wounded.
An eruption took place in the Spring of 1887, but only a small
quantity of ashes was thrown out and did very little or no damage to
the property in the surrounding towns and villages.
The eruption of the 9th of July, 1888, severely damaged the towns
of Libog and Legaspi ; plantations were destroyed in the villages of
Bigaa and Bonco ; several houses were fired, others had the roofs
crushed in ; a great many domestic animals were killed ; fifteen natives
lost their lives, and the loss of live stock (buf^xloes and oxen) was
estimated at 500. The ejection of lava and ashes and stones from
the crater continued for one night, which was illuminated by a column
of fire.
The last eruption occurred in May, 1897. Showers of red-hot lava
fell like rain in a radius of 20 miles from the crater. In the immediate
environs about 400 persons were killed. In the village of Bacacay
houses were entirely buried beneath the lava ashes and sand. The road
to the port of Legaspi was covered out of sight. In the important tOAVu
of Tobaco there was total darkness and the earth opened. Hemp
plantations and a large number of cattle were destroyed. In Libog
' Vide pamphlet pnb. immediately after the event by Father Francisco
Aragoneses. P.P. of Cagsaua,. begging alms for the victims.
10 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
over 100 iuliabitauts perished iu the ruins. The hamlets of San Roque,
Misericordia, and Santo Nino, with over 150 inhabitants, were
completely covered with burning debris. At night-time the sight of
the fire column, heaving up thousands of tons of stones, accompanied
by noises like the booming of cannon afar off, was indescribably grand,
but it was the greatest public calamity which had befallen the province
for some years past.
The mountain is remarkable for the perfection of its conic form.
Owing to the perpendicular walls of lava formed on the slopes all
around, it is not possible to reach the crater. The elevation of the
peak has been computed at between 8,200 and 8,400 feet. I have been
around the base on the E. and S. sides, but the grandest view is to be
obtained from Cagsaua (Daraga). On a clear night when the moon is
hidden, a stream of fire is distinctly seen to flow from the crest.
Taal Volcano is iu the island of the Bombon Lake referred to
above. The journey by the ordinary route from the capital w^ould be
about 60 miles. This volcano has been in an active state from time
immemorial, and many eruptions have taken place with more or less
effect. The first one of historical importance appears to have occurred
in 1641 ; again, in 1709 the crater vomited fire with a deafening
noise ; on the 21st of September, 1716, it threw out burning stones
and lava over the whole island from which it rises, but so far, no harm
had befallen the villagers in its vicinity. In 1731, from the waters
of the lake, three tall columns of earth and sand arose in a few days,
eventually subsiding into the form of an island about a mile in
circumference. In 1749, there was a famous outburst which dilacerated
the coniform peak of the volcano, leaving the crater disclosed as it
now is.
The last and most desolating of all the eruptions of importance
occurred in the year 1754, when the stones, lava, ashes, and waves of
the lake, caused by volcanic action, contributed to the utter destruction
of the towns of Taal, Tanauan, »Sala and Lipa, and seriously damaged
property iu Balayan, 15 miles away, Avhilst cinders are said to have
reached Manila, 34 miles distant in a straight line. One writer says in
his MS.^ compiled 36 years after the occurrence, that people in Manila
' " Hist, de la Prov. de Batangas," por D. Pecho Andres de Castro y Amades,
Inedited MS. in the Bauan Couveat, Batangas.
GENERAL DESCllIPTION OF THE AECHIPELAGO. 11
dined with, lighted candles at mid-day and walked about the streets
confounded and thunderstruck, clamouring for confession during the
eight days that the calamity was visible. The author adds that the
smell of the sulphur and fire lasted six mouths after the event, and was
followed by malignant fever, to which half the inhabitants of the
province fell victims. Moreover, adds the writer, the lake Avaters
threw up dead alligators and fish, including sharks.
The best detailed account extant is that of the parish priest of Sala
at the time of the event. ^ He says that about 11 o'clock at night on the
11th of August, 1749, he saw a strong light on the top of the Volcano
Island, but did not take further notice. He went to sleep, Avhen at
3 o'clock the next morning he heard a gradually increasing noise like
artillery firing, which he supposed would proceed from the guns of the
galleon expected in Manila from Mexico, saluting the Sanctuary of
Our Lady of Cagsaysay whilst passing. He only became anxious
when the number of shots he heard far exceeded the royal salute, for he
had already counted a hundred times and still it continued. So he arose,
and it occurred to him that there might be a naval engagement off the
coast. He was soon undeceived, for four old natives suddenly called out
" Father, let us flee ! " and on his enquiry they informed him that the
island had burst, hence the noise. Daylight came and exposed to vicAV
an immense column of smoke gushing from the summit of the volcano,
and here and there from its sides smaller streams rose like plumes. He
Avas joyed at the spectacle, which interested him so profoundly that
he did not heed the exhortations of the natives to escape from the
grand but awful scene. It was a magnificent sight to watch mountains
of sand hurled from the lake into the air in the form of erect pyramids
and then falling again like the stream from a fountain jet. Whilst
contemplating this imposing phenomenon Avith tranquil delight, a
strong earthquake came and upset everything in the convent. Then
he reflected that it might be time to go ; pillars of sand ascended out
of the water nearer to the shore of the town and remained erect until,
by a second earthquake, they, with the trees on the islet, were violently
thrown doAvn and submerged in the lake. The earth opened out here
' MS. exhaustive report of the eruptions of Taal Volcano in 1749 and 1754,
dated 22nd December 1754, compiled by Fray Francisco Vencuchillo. Preserved
in the archives of the Corporation of St. Augustine in Manila.
12 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
and there as far as tlie shores of the Laguna de Bay, aud the lands of
Sala and Tauauan .shifted. Streams found new beds and took other
courses, whilst in several places trees were engulfed in the fissures made
in the soil. Houses, which one used to go up into, one now had to go
down into, but the natives continued to inhabit them without the least
concern.
The volcano, on this occasion, was in activity for three weeks ;
the first three days ashes fell like rain. After this incident, the natives
extracted sulphur from the open crater, and continued to do so until the
year 1754.
In that year (l7o4), the same chronicler continues, between nine
and ten o'clock at night on the loth of May, the volcano ejected
boiling lava, which ran down its sides in such quantities that only
the waters of the lake saved the people on shore from being burnt.
Towards the north, stones reached the shore and fell in a place
called Bayoyongan, in the jurisdiction of Taal. Stones and fire
incessantly came from the crater until the 2nd of June, when a volume
of smoke arose which seemed to meet the skies. It was clearly seen
fi'om Bauan, which is on a low level about four leagues (14 miles)
from the lake.
Matters continued so until the 10th of July, when there fell a
heavy shower of mud as black as ink. The wind changed its direction,
and a suburb of Sala, called Balili, was swamped with mud. This
phenomenon was accompanied by a noise so great, that the people of
Batangas and Bauan, who that day had seen the galleon from Acapulco
passing on her home voyage, conjectured that she had saluted the
Sanctuary of Our Lady of Cagsaysay. Tlie noise ceased, but fire still
continued to issue from the crater until the 25th of September. Stones
fell all that night ; and the people of Taal had to abandon their homes,
for the roofs were falling in with the weight upon them. The
chronicler was at Taal at this date, and in the midst of the column
of smoke a tempest of thunder and lightning raged aud continued
without intermission until the 4th of December.
The night of All Saints' day was a memorable one (Nov. 1st), for
the quantity of falling fire-stones, sand and ashes increased, gradually
diminishing again towards the 15th of November. Then, on that night,
after vespers, great noises were heard. A long melancholy sound
dinned in one's ears ; volumes of black smoke rose ; an infinite number
TAAL VOLCANO.
MAYON VOLCANO.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OK THE ARCHirELAGO. lo
of stones fell, and great waves proceeded from the lake, beating the
shores with appalling fnry. This was followed by another great
shower of stones, brought up amidst the black smoke, and lasted until
ten o'clock at night. For a short while the devastation was suspended
prior to the last supreme effort. All looked half dead and much
exhausted after seven months of suffering in the way described.' It
was resolved to take away the Sanctuary of Cagsaysay and put in its
place the second image of Our Lady.
On the 29th of November, from seven o'clock in the evening, the
volcano threw up more fire than all put together in the preceding seven
months. The burning column seemed to mingle with the clouds ; the
whole of the island was one ignited mass. A Avind blew. And as
the priests and the mayor (Alcalde) were just remarking that the fire
might reach the town, a mass of stones Avas thrown up with great
violence ; thunderclaps and subterranean noises Avere heard ; everybody
looked aghast, and nearly all knelt to pray. Then the waters of the
lake began to encroach upon the houses, and the inhabitants took to
flight, the natives carrying aAvay Avhatever chattels they could. Cries
and lamentations were heard all around ; mothers Avere looking for tlieir
children in dismay ; half-caste Avomen of the Parian were calling for
confession ; some of them beseechingly falling on their knees in the
middle of the streets. The panic Avas intense, and av;xs in no way
lessened by the Chinese, Avho set to yelling in their OAvn jargonic
syllables.
After the terrible night of the 29th of November they thought all
was over, Avhen again several columns of smoke appeared, and the
priest Avent off to tlie Sanctuary of Cagsaysay, Avhere the prior was.
Taal Avas entirely abandoned, the natives having gone in all directions
away from the lake. On the 29th and 30th of November there Avas
complete darkness around the lake vicinity, and when light reappeared
a layer of cinders about five inches thick Avas seen over the lands and
liou-;cs, and it Avas still increasing. Total darkness returned, so that
one could not distinguish another's face, and all Avere more horror-
stricken than ever. In Cagsaysay the natives climbed on to the
housetops and threw doAvn the cinders, Avhich Avere over-Aveighting
' Still it appears that all classes were willicc,^ to risk their lives to save their
property. They were not forcibly dctaine<l in that plight.
14 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
the structures. On the 30th of November, smoke and strange sounds
came with greater fury than anything yet experienced, while lightning
flashed in the dense obscurity. It seemed as if the end of the world
was arriving. When light returned, the destruction was horribly
visible ; the church roof was dangerously covered with ashes and
earth, and the writer opines that its not having fallen in might be
attributed to a miracle ! Then there was a day of comparative
quietude, followed by a hurricane which lasted two days. All were
in a state of melancholy, which was increased when they received the
news that the whole of Taal had collapsed ; amongst the ruins being
the Grovernment House and Stores, the Prison, State warehouses and
the Royal Rope Walk, besides the Church and Convent.
The Grovernor-General sent food and clothing in a vessel, which
was nearly wrecked by storms, whilst the crew pumped and baled out
continually to keep her afloat, until at length she broke up on the
shoals at the mouth of the PansipiD River.
Another craft had her mast split by a flash of lightning, but reached
port.
With all this, some daft natives lingered about the site of the
village of Taal till the last, and two men were sepulchred in the
Government House ruins. A Avoman left her house just before the
roof fell in and was carried away by a flood, from which she escaped,
and was then struck dead by a flash of lightning. A man Avho had
escaped from Mussulman pirates, by whom he had been held in
captivity for years, was killed during the eruption. He had settled in
Taal, and was held to be a perfect genius, for he could mend a clock !
The road from Taal to Balayan was impassable for a while on
account of the quantity of lava. Taal, once so important, was now
gone, and Batangas, on the coast, became the future capital of the
province.
The actual duration of this last eruption was 6 months and
17 days.
In 1780 the natives again extracted sulphur, but in 1790 a writer
at that date* says that he was unable to reach the crater owing to the
depth of soft lava and ashes on the slopes.
' " Hist, de la Prov. de Batangas," por Don Pedro Andres de Castro y Amades,
Tnedited MS. in the Bauan Convent, Province of Batangas.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 15
There is a tradition current amongst the natives that an
Englishman some years ago attempted to cut a tunnel from the
base to the centre of the volcanic mountain, probably to extract some
metallic product or sulphur. It is said that during the work the
excavation partially fell in upon the Englishman, who perished there.
The cave-like entrance is pointed out to travellers as the Cueva del
Ingles.
Referring to the volcano. Fray Gaspar de San Agustiu in his
history' remarks as follows : — " The volcano formerly emitted many
" large fire-stones which destroyed the cotton, sweet potato and other
" plantations belonging to the natives of Taal on the slopes of the
" (volcano) mountain. Also it happened that if three persons arrived
" on the volcanic island, one of them had infallibly to die there
" without being able to ascertain the cause of this circumstance.
" This was related to Father Alburquerque^ Avho after a fervent
" deesis entreating compassion on the natives, went to the island,
" exorcised the evil spirits there and blessed the land. A relio-ious
" procession Avas made, and Mass was celebrated with great humility.
" On the elevation of the Host, horrible sounds were heard
" accompanied by groaning voices and sad lamentations ; two craters
" opened out, one with sulphur in it and the other with green Avater
" («c), which is constantly boiling. The crater on the Lipa side is
" about a quarter of a league wide ; the other is smaller, and in time
" smoke began to ascend from this opening so that the natives,
" fearful of some new calamity, went to Father Bartholomew, Avho
" repeated the ceremonies already described. Mass Avas said a second
" time, so that since then the volcano has not thrown out any more
" fire or sraoke.^ However, whilst Fray Thomas Abresi Avas parish
" priest of Taal (about 1611), thunder and plaintive cries Avere again
" heard, therefore the priest had a cross made of Anobing wood, borne
" to the top of the volcano by more than 400 natives ; the result
" being, that not only the volcano ceased to do harm, but the island
" has regained its original fertile condition."
* " Hist, de Filipinas," by Dr. Gaspar de San Agustin, 2 vols. First part
pub. in Madrid, 1698, the second part yet inedited and preserved in the archives
of the Corporation of St. Augustine in Manila.
- P.P. of Taal from 1572 to 1575.
=* In the same archives of the St. Augustine Corporation in Manila an eruption
in 1641 is recordcci
16 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The Taal Volcano is reached with facility from the N. side of the
island, the ascent on foot occnpying about half an hour. Looking
into the crater, which would be about 4,500 feet wide from one border
to the other of the shell, one sees three distinct lakes of boiling liquid,
the colours of which change from time to time. I have been up to
the crater four times ; the last time the liquids in the lakes were
respectively of green, yellow and chocolate colours. At the time of
ray last visit there was also a lava chimney in the middle, from which
arose a snow-white volume of smoke.
The Philippine Islands are studded Avith creeks and bays forming
natural harbours, but navigation on the W. coasts of Cebu, Negros and
Palaiiau Islands, is dangerous for any but very light draught vessels,
the water being very shallow, whilst there are dangerous reefs all
along the \Y. coast of Palaiian and between the south point of this
island and Balabac Island.
The S.W. monsoon brings rain to most of the islands, and the wet
season lasts nominally six months, — from about the middle of April.
The other half of the year is the dry season. However, on those coasts
directly facing the Pacific Ocean, the seasons are the reverse of this.
The hottest season is from March to May inclusive, except on the
coasts washed by the Pacific, where the greatest heat is felt in June,
July and August. The temperature throughout the year varies but
slightly, the average heat in Luzon Island being about 81° 5' Fahr.
The average number of rainy days during the years 1881 to 1883 was
203.
The climate is a continual summer, which maintains a rich verdure
throughout the year ; and during nine months of the twelve an alternate
heat and moisture stimulates the soil to the spontaneous production of
every form of vegetable life.
The Avhole of the Archipelago, as far south as 10° lat., is afToeted
by the monsoons, and periodically disturbed by terrible hurricanes,
which cause great devastation to the crops and other property.
Earthquakes are also very frequent, the last of great importance
having occurred in 1863 and 1880. In 1897 a tremendous tidal
wave affected the Island of Leyte, causing great destruction of life
and property.
In the wet season the rivers swell considerably, and often over-
flow their banks ; whilst the mountain torrents carry away bridges,
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 17
cattle, etc. with terrific force, rendering travelling in some parts of
the interior dangerous and difficult. In the dry season, long droughts
occasionally occur (about once in three years), to the great detriment
of the crops and live stock.
The southern boundary of the Archipelago is formed by a chain of
some 140 islands, stretching from the large island of Mindanao as far
as Borneo, and constitutes the Sulu Archipelago and Sultanate, which
was under the protection of Spain (vide Chap. X.).
"♦■•'♦■■
B
CHAPTER II.
DISCOVERY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO.
The discoveries of Christopher Columbus in 1492 — the adventures
and conquests of Hernan Cortes, Blasco Nunez de Balboa and others in
the South Atlantic, had awakened an ardent desire amongst those of
enterprising spirit to seek beyond these regions which had hitherto not
been traversed. It is true the Pacific Ocean had been seen by Balboa,
who crossed the Isthmus of Panama, but how to get there with his
ships was as yet a mystery.
On the 10th of April, 1495, the Spanish Government published a
general concession to all who wished to search for uuknown lands.
This was a direct attack upon the privileges of Columbus at the
instigation of Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, who had the control of the
Indian affairs of the realm. Rich merchants of Cadiz and Seville,
whose imagination was inflamed by the reports of the abundance of
pearls and gold on the American coast, fitted out ships to be manned
by the roughest class of gold-hunters : so great were the abuses of this
common licence that it was withdrawn by Royal Decree on the 2nd of
June, 1497.
It was the age of chivalry, and the restless cavalier who had won
his spurs in Europe lent a listening ear to the accounts of romantic
glory and wealth attained across the seas.
That an immense ocean washed the western shores of the great
American continent was an established fact. That there was a passage
connecting the great Southern sea — the Atlantic — with that vast ocean
was an accepted hypothesis. Many had sought the passage in vain ;
the honour of its discovery was reserved for Hernando de Magballanes.
This celebrated man was a Portuguese noble who had received the
most complete education in the palace of King John II. Having
studied mathematics and navigation, at an early age he joined the
DISCOVERY OF THE ARCHIPELAGO. 19
Portuguese fleet which left for India ia 1505 under the coinmand of
Almeida. He wa3 present at the siege of Malacca under the famous
Alburquerque, and accompanied another expedition to the rich Moluccas,
or Spice Islands, when the Islands of Banda, Tidor and Ternate were
discovered. It was here he obtained the information which led him to
contemplate the voyages which he subsequently realized.
On his return to Portugal he searched the Crown Archives to see if
the Moluccas were situated within the demarcation accorded to Spain.*
In the meantime he repaired to the wars in Africa, where he was
wounded in the knee, with the result that he became permanently lame.
He consequently retired to Portugal, and his companions in arms, jealous
of his prowess, took advantage of his affliction to assail him with vile
imputations. The King Emmanuel encouraged the complaints, and
accused him of feigning a malady of which he was completely cured.
Wounded to the quick by such an assertion and convinced of having
lost the royal favour, Maghallanes renounced for ever, by a formal and
public instrument, his duties and rights as a Portuguese subject, and
henceforth became a naturalized Spaniard. He then presented himself
at the Spanish Court, at that time in Vallndolid, where he was well
received by the King Charles I., Bishop of Burgos, Juan Rodriguez
Fonseca, Minister of Indian Affairs, and by the King's chancellor.
They listened attentively to his narration, and he had the good fortune
to secure the personal protection of His Majesty, himself a well-tried
warrior.
The Portuguese Ambassador, Alvaro de Acosta, incensed at the
success of his late countryman, and fearing that the project under
discussion would lead to the conquest of the Spice Islands by the rival
kingdom, made every effort to influence the Court against him. At
the same time he ineffectually urged Maghallanes to return to Lisbon,
' During the previous century jealousy had run so high between Spain and
Portugal with regard to their respective colonization and trading rights, that the
question of demarcation had to be settled by the Pope Alexander VI., who issued a
bull dated 4th of May, 1493 (or 1494), dividing the world into two hemispheres
and decreeing that all heathen lands discovered in the Western half, from the
meridian of Cape Verd Island, should belong to the Spaniards ; in the Eastern half
to the Portuguese. The bull was adopted by both nations in the Treaty of
Tordesillas. It gave rise to many passionate debates, as the Spaniards wrongly
insisted that the Philippines and the Moluccas came within the division allotted to
them by Pontifical donation.
B2
20 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
alleging that his resolution to abandon Portuguese citizenship required
the sovereign sanction. Others even meditated his assassination to
Bave the interests of the King of Portugal. This powerful opposition
only served to delay the expedition, for finally the King of Portugal
was satisfied that his Spanish rival had no intention to authorize a
violation of the Convention of Demarcation.
Between King Charles and Maghallanes a contract was signed in
Saragossa by virtue of which the latter pledged himself to seek the
discovery of rich spice islands within the limits of the Spanish Empire.
If he should not have succeeded in the venture after ten years from the
date of sailing he would thenceforth be permitted to navigate and trade
without further royal assent, reserving one twentieth of his net gains
for the Crown. The King accorded to him the title of Cavalier
and invested him with the habit of St. James and the hereditary
government in male succession of all the islands he might annex. The
Crown of Castile reserved to itself the supreme authority over such
government. If Maghallanes discovered so many as six islands, he was
to embark merchandise in the King's own ships to the value of one
thousand ducats as royal dues. If the islands numbered only two, he
would pay to the Crown one fifteenth of the net profits. The King,
however, was to receive one fifth part of the total cargo sent in the
Jirst return expedition. The King would defray the expense of fitting
out and arming five ships of from 60 to 130 tons with a total crew of
234 men ; he would also appoint captains and officials of the Royal
Treasury to represent the State interests in the division of the spoil.
Orders to fulfil the contract were issued to the crown oflScers in
the port of Seville, and the expeJition was slowly prepared, consisting
of the following vessels, viz.: — The commodore ship "La Trinidad,"
under the immediate command of Maghallanes ; the " San Antonio,"
Captain Juan de Cartagena ; the " Victoria," Captain Luis de Mendoza ;
the" Santiago," Captain Juan Rodriguez Serrano, and the " Concepcion,"
Captain Caspar de Quesada.
The little fleet had not yet sailed when dissensions arose.
Maghallanes wished to carry his own ensign, whilst Doctor Sancho
Matienza insisted that it should be the Royal Standard.
Another, named Talero, disputed the question of who should be
the standard-bearer. The King himself had to settle these quarrels by
his own arbitrary authority. Talero was disembarked and the Royal
MAGELLAN STRAITS DISCOVERED. 21
Standard was formally presented to Maghallanes by injunction of the
King in the Church of Santa Maria de la Victoria de la Triana, in
Seville, where ha and his companions swore to observe the usages and
customs of Castile, and to remain faithful and loyal to His Catholic
Majesty.
On the 10th of August, 1519, the expedition left the port of San
Lucar de Barrameda in the direction of the Canary Islands.
On the 13th of December they arrived safely at Rio Janeiro.
Following the coast in search of the longed-for passage to the
Pacific Ocean, they entered the Solis River — so called because its
discoverer, Joao de Solis, a Portuguese, was murdered there. Its name
was afterwards changed to that of Rio de la Plata (the Silver River).
Continuing their course, the intense cold determined Maghallanes
ito winter in the next large river, known then as San Julian.
Tumults arose ; some wished to return home ; others harboured a
<lesire to separate from the fleet, but Maghallanes had sufficient tact to
persuade the crews to remain with him, reminding them of the shame
which would befall them if they returned only to relate their failure.
He added that, so far as he was concerned, nothing but death would
deter him from executing the royal commission.
As to the rebellious captains, Juan de Cartagena was already put in
irons and sentenced to be cast ashore with provisions and a disaffected
French priest for a companion. The sentence was carried out later on.
Then Maghallanes sent a boat to each of three of the ships to enquire
of the captains whom they served. The reply from all was that they
were for the King and themselves. Thereupon 30 men were sent to
the '' Victoria " with a letter to Meudoza, and whilst he was reading it,
they rushed on board and stabbed him to death. Quesada then brought
his ship alongside of the " Trinidad " and, with sword and shield in
hand, called in vain upon his men to attack. Maghallanes, with great
promptitude, gave orders to board Quesada's vessel. The next day
Quesada was executed. After these vigorous, but justifiable, measures
obedience was ensured.
Still bearing southwards within sight of the coast, on the 28 th of
October, 1520, the expedition reached and entered the seaway thenceforth
known as the Magellan Straits, dividing the Island of Tierra del Fuego
from the mainland of Patagonia.*
' Probably so called from the enormous number of patos (ducks) found there.
22 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
On the way one ship had become a total wreck, and now the
*' San Antonio " deserted the expedition ; her captain having been
wounded and made prisoner by his mutinous officers, she was sailed in
the direction of New Guinea. The three remaining vessels waited for
the "San Antonio " several days, and then passed through the Straits.
Great was the rejoicing of all when, on the 26th of November, 1520,
they found themselves on the Pacific Ocean ! It was a memorable day.
All doubt was now at an end as they cheerfully navigated across that
broad expanse of sea.
On the 16th of March, 1521, the Ladrone Islands were reached.
There the ships were so crowded with natives that they were obliged
to be expelled by force. They stole one of the ship's boats, and 90
men were sent on shore to recover it. After a bloody combat the boat
was regained, and the fleet continued its course westward. Coasting
along the North of the Island of Mindanao, they arrived at the mouth
of the Butuan River, where they were supplied with provisions by the
chief. It was Easter week, and on this shore the first Mass was
celebrated in the Philippines. The natives showed great friendliness,
in return for which Maghallanes took formal possession of their
territory in the name of Charles I. The chieftain himself volunteered
to pilot the ships to a fertile island — the kingdom of a relation of his —
and passing between the Islands of Bojol and Leyte the expedition
arrived on the 7th of April at Celju, where, on receiving the news, over
2,000 men appeared on the beach in battle array with lances and shields.
The Butuan chief went on shore and explained that the expedition
brought people of peace who sought provisions. The King agreed
to a treaty, and proposed that it should be ratified according to the
native formula, — drawing blood from the breast of each party, the
one drinking that of the other. This form of bond was called by the
Spaniards the Facto de sangre, or the Blood compact (vide Chap. XXVI.).
Maghallanes accepted the conditions, and a hut was built on shore
in which to say Mass. Then he disembarked with his followers, and
the King, Queen and Prince came to satisfy their natural curiosity.
They appeared to take great interest in the Christian religious rites
and received baptism, although it would be venturesome to suppose
they understood their meaning, as subsequent events proved. The
princes and headmen of the district followed their example and swore
fealty and obedience to the King of Spain.
DEATH OF MAGHALLANES. 23
Maghallanes espoused the cause of his new allies, who were at war
with the tribes ou the opposite coast, and on the 2oth of April, 1521,
he passed over to Magtan Island. In the affray he was mortally
wounded by an arrow, and thus ended his brief but lustrous career,
which fills one of the most brilliant pages in Spanish annals.
On the left bank of the Pasig River, facing the City of Manila,
stands a monument to his memory. Another has been erected on the
spot in Magtan Island, where he is supposed to have been slain on
the 27th of April, 1521. Also in the City of Cebu, near the beach,
there is an obelisk to commemorate these heroic events.
It was perhaps well for Maghallanes to have ended his days out
of reach of his royal master. Had he returned to Spain he would
probably have met a fate similar to that which befell Columbus after
all his glories. The " San Antonio," which, as already mentioned,
deserted the fleet at the Magellan Straits, continued her voyage from
New Guinea to Spain, arriving at San Lucar de Barrameda in March,
1521. The Captain, Alvaro Mesquita, was landed as a prisoner,,
accused of having seconded Maghallanes in repressing insubordination.
To Maghallanes were ascribed the worst cruelties and infraction of the
I'oyal instructions. Accused and accusers were alike cast into prison, ,
and the King, unable to lay hands on the deceased Maghallanes, sought
this hero's wife and children. These innocent victims of royal
vengeance were at once arrested and conveyed to Burgos, where the
Court happened to be, whilst the " San Antonio " was placed under
embargo.
On the decease of Maghallanes, the supreme command of tho
expedition in Cebu Island was assumed by Duarte de Barbosa, who,,
with 26 of his followers, was slain at a banquet to which they had
been invited by Hamabar, the King of the island. Juan Serrano had
so ingratiated himself with the natives during the sojourn on shore
that his life was spared for a while. Stripped of his raiment and.
armour, he was conducted to the beach, where the natives demanded
a ransom for his person of two cannons from the ships' artillery.
Those on board saw what was passing and understood the request,
but they were loath to endanger the lives of all for the sake of
one — " Melius est ut pereat inius quam ut pereai commu?iitas,^^ Saint
Augustine, — so they raised anchors and sailed out of the port, leaving
Serrano to meet his terrible fate.
24 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Due to sickness, murder during the revolts, and the slaughter in
Cebu, the exploring party, now reduced to 100 souls all told, was
deemed insufficient to conveniently manage three vessels. It Avas
resolved therefore to burn the most dilapidated one — the " Concepcion."
At a general council, Juan Caraballo was chosen Commander-in-chief
of the expedition, with Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa as Captain of the
*' Victoria." The royal instructions were read, and it was decided to
go to the Island of Borneo, already known to the Portuguese and
marked on their charts. On the way they provisioned the ships off the
coast of Palaiian Island, and thence navigated to within ten miles of
the capital of Borneo (probably Brunei). Here they fell in with a
number of native canoes, in one of which was the King's Secretary.
There was a great noise with the sound of drums and trumpets, and
the ships saluted the strangers with their guns.
The natives came on board, embraced the Spaniards as if they were
old friends, and asked them who they Avere and what they came for.
They replied that they were vassals of the King of Spain and wished to
barter goods. Presents were exchanged and several of the Spaniards
went ashore. They were met on the way by over 2,000 armed men and
safely escorted to the King's quarters. After satisfying his Majesty's
numerous enquiries. Captain Espinosa was permitted to return with his
companions. He reported to Caraballo all he had seen, and in a council
it was agreed that the town was too large and the armed men too
numerous to warrant the safety of a longer stay. However, being in
need of certain commodities, five men were despatched to the town. As
days passed by, their prolonged absence caused suspicion and anxiety,
so the Spaniards took in reprisal the son of the King of Luzon Island,
who had arrived there to trade, accompanied by 100 men and five women
in a large prahu. The prince made a solemn vow to see that the five
Spaniards returned, and left two of his women and eight chiefs as
hostages. Then Caraballo sent a message to the King of Borneo,
intimating that if his people were not liberated he would seize all the
junks and merchandise he might fall in with and kill their crews.
Thereupon two of the retained Spaniards were set free, but, in spite of
the seizure of craft laden with silk and cotton, the three men remaining
had to be abandoned and the expedition set sail.
For reasons not very clear, Caraballo was deprived of the supreme
command and Espinosa was appointed in his place, whilst Juan
THE FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 25
Sebastian Elcano was elected captain of the "Victoria." With a native
pilot, captured from a junk which they met on the way, the ships shaped
their course towards the Moluccas Islands, and on the 8th of November,
1521, they arrived at the Island of Tidor. Thus the essential object of
the expedition was gained — the discovery of a Western route to the
Spice Islands.
Years previous the Portuguese had opened up trade and still
continued to traffic with the?e islands, which were rich in nutmegs,
cloves, cinnamon, ginger, sage, pepper, etc. It is said that Saint
Francis Xayier had propagated his views amongst these islanders, some
of whom professed the Christian faith.
The King, richly adorned, went out with his suite to receive and
welcome the Spaniards. He was anxious to barter with them, and when
the " Trinidad " was consequently laden with valuable spices it was
discovered that she had sprung a leak. Her cargo was therefore
transferred to the sister ship whilst the " Trinidad " remained in Tidor
for repairs, and Elcano was deputed to make the voyage home with
the " Victoria," taking the Western route of the Portuguese in violation
of the Treaty of Tordesillas. Elcano's crew consisted of 53 Europeans
and a dozen natives of Tidor. The " Victoria " started for Spain at
the beginning of the year 1522 ; passed through the Sunda Straits at
great risk of being seized by the Portuguese ; experienced violent
storms in the Mozambique Channel ; was almost wrecked rounding the
Cape of Good Hope ; a few of the crew died — their only food was a
scanty ration of rice, — and in their extreme distress they put in at
Santiago Island, off Cape Verd, to procure provisions and beg assistance
from the Portuguese Governor. It was like jumping into the lion's
mouth. The Governor imprisoned those who went to him, in defence
of his sovereign's treaty rights ; he seized the boat which brought
them ashore ; enquired of them where they had obtained the cargo and
projected the capture of the " Victoria."
Captain Elcano was not slow to comprehend the situation ; he
raised anchor and cleared out of the harbour, and, as it had happened
several times before, those who had the misfortune to be sent ashore
were abandoned by their countrymen.
The " Victoria " made the port of San Lucar de Barrameda on the
6th of September, 1522, so that in a little over three years Juan
Sebastian Elcano had performed the most notable voyage hitherto on
26 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
record — it was the first yet accomplished round the world. It must
however be borne in mind that the discovery of the way to the
Moluccas, going Westward, was due to Maghallanes — of Portuguese
birth, — and that the route thence to Europe, continuing "Westward, had
long before been determined by the Portuguese traders, whose charts
Elcano used.
When Elcano and his 17 companions disembarked, their appearance
was most pitiable — mere skeletons of men, weather-beaten and famished.
The City of Seville received them with acclamation ; but their first act
was to walk barefooted, in procession, holding lighted candles in their
hands, to the church to give thanks to the Almighty for their safe
deliverance from the hundred dangers which they had encountered.
Clothes, money and all necessaries were supplied to them by royal bounty,
whilst Elcano and the most intelligent of his companions were cited to
appear at Court to narrate their adventures. His Majesty received
them with marked deference. Elcano was rewarded with a life pension
of 500 ducats (worth at that date about £112 lO^.), and as a lasting
remembrance of his unprecedented feat, his royal master knighted him
and conceded to him the right of using on his escutcheon a globe
bearing the motto : " Primus circundedit me."
Two of Elcano's officers, Miguel de Rodas and Francisco Alva, were
each awarded a life pension of 50,000 maravedis (worth at that time
about 14 guineas), whilst the King ordered one fourth of that fifth
part of the cargo which by contract with Maghallanes belonged to the
State Treasury, to be distributed amongst the crew, including those
imprisoned in Santiago Island.
The cargo of the "Victoria" consisted of 26^ tons of cloves, a
quantity of cinnamon, sandalwood, nutmegs, etc. Amongst the Tidor
Islanders who were presented to the King, one of them was not allowed
to return to his native home because he had carefully enquired the
value of the spices in the Spanish bazaars.
Meanwhile the " Trinidad " was repaired in Tidor and on her way
to Panama, when continued tempests and the horrible sufferings of the
crew determined them to retrace their course to the Moluccas. In this
interval Portuguese ships had arrived there, and a fort was being
constructed to defend Portuguese interests against the Spaniards, whom
they regarded as interlopers. The " Trinidad " was seized, and the
Captain Espinosa with the survivors of his crew were afforded a passage
EXPEDITIONS TO THE MOLUCCAS. 27
to Lisbon, which place they reached five years after they had set out
"with Maghallanes.
The euthusiasm of King Charles was equal to the importance of
the discoveries which gave renown to his subjects and added glory
to his crown. Notwithstanding a protracted controversy with the
Portuguese Court, which claimed the exclusive right of trading with
the Spice Islands, he ordered another squadron of six ships to be fitted
out for a voyage to the Moluccas. The supreme command was confided
to Garcia Yofre de Loaisa, Knight of Saint John, whilst Sebastian
Elcano was appointed captain of one of the vessels. After passing
through the Magellan Straits, the Commander Loaisa succumbed to the
fatigues and privations of the stormy voyage. Elcano succeeded him,
but only for four days, when he too expired. The expeditiou, however,
arrived safely at the Moluccas Islands, where they found the Portuguese
in full possession and strongly established, but the long series of
combats, struggles and altercations which ensued between the rival
powers, in which Captain Andres de Urdaneta prominently figured,
left no decisive advantage to either nation.
But the King was in no way disheartened. A third expedition —
the last under his auspices — was organized and despatched from the
Pacific Coast of Mexico by the Viceroy, by royal mandate. It was
composed of two ships, two transports and one galley, well manned
and armed, chosen from the fleet of Pedro Alvarado, the late Governor of
Guatemala. Under the leadership of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos it sailed
on the 1st of November, 1542 ; discovered many small islands in the
Pacific ; lost the galley on the way, and anchored off an island about
20 miles in circumference which was named Antonia. They found its
inhabitants very hostile. A fight ensued, but the natives finally fled,
leaving several Spaniards wounded, of whom six died. Villalobos then
announced his intention of remaining here some time, and ordered his
men to plant maize. At first they demurred, saying that they had
come to fight, not to till land, but at length necessity urged them to
obedience, and a small but insufficient crop was reaped in due season.
Hard pressed for food, they lived principally on cats, rats, lizards,
snakes, dogs, roots and wild fruit, and several died of disease. In this
plight a ship was sent to Mindanao Island, commanded by Bernado de
la Torre, to seek provisions. The voyage was fruitless. The party
was opposed by the inhabitants, who fortified themselves, but were
28 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
dislodged and slain. Then a vessel was commissioned to Mexico with
news and to solicit reinforcements. On the way, Volcano Island (of
the Ladrone Islands group) was discovered on the 6th of August, 1543.
A most important event followed. A galiot was built and despatched
to the islands (it is doubtful which), named by this expedition the
Philippine Islands in honour of Philip, Prince of Asturias, the sou of
King Charles I., heir apparent to the throne of Castile, to which he
ascended in 1 555 under the title of Philip II. on the abdication of his father.
The craft returned from the Philippine Islands laden with abundance
of provisions, with which the ships were enabled to continue the voyage.
By the royal instructions, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos was strictly
enjoined not to touch at the Moluccas Islands, peace having been
concluded with Portugal. Heavy gales forced him nevertheless to take
refuge at Gilolo. The Portuguese, suspicious of his intentions in view
of the treaty, arrayed their forces against his, inciting the King of the
island also to discard all Spanish overtures and refuse assistance to
Villalobos. The discord and contentions between the Portuguese and
Spaniards were increasing ; nothing was being gained by either party.
Villalobos personally was sorely disheartened in the struggle, fearing all
the while that his opposition to the Portuguese in contravention of the
royal instructions would only excite the King's displeasure and lead to
his own downfall. Hence he decided to capitulate with his rival and
accepted a safe conduct for himself and party to Europe in Portuguese
ships. They arrived at Amboina Island, where Villalobos, already
crushed by grief, succumbed to disease. The survivors of the
expedition, amongst whom were several priests, continued the journey
home via Malacca, Cochin China and Goa, where they embarked for
Lisbon, arriving there in 1549.
In 1558, King Charles was no more, but the memory of his ambition
outlived him. His son Philip, equally emulous and unscrupulous, was
too narrow-minded and subtly cautious to initiate an expensive enterprise
encompassed by so many hazards — as materially unproductive as it
was devoid of immediate political importance. Indeed the basis of
the first expedition was merely to discover a Western route to the rich
Spice Islands, already known to exist ; the second went there to
attempt to establish Spanish empire ; and the third to search for, and
annex to, the Spanish crown, lands as wealthy as those claimed by,
and now yielded to, the Portuguese.
LEGASPI'S EXPEDITION FROM MEXICO. 29
But the value of the Philippine Islands, of which the possession
was but recent and nominal, was thus far a matter of doubt.
One of the most brave and intrepid captains of the Loaisa
expedition — Andres de Urdaneta — returned to Spain in 1536. In
former years he had fought under King Charles I., in his wars in Italy,
when the study of navigation served him as a favourite pastime. Since
his return from the Moluccas his constant attention was given to the
project of a new expedition to the Far West, for which he unremittingly
solicited the royal sanction and assistance. But the King had grown
old and weary of the world, and whilst he did not openly discourage
Urdaueta's pretensions he gave him no effective aid. At length
in 1553, two years before Charles abdicated, Urdaneta, convinced
of the futility of his importunity at the Spanish Court, and equally
unsuccessful with his scheme in other quarters, retired to Mexico,
where he took the habit of an Augustine monk. Ten years afterwards
King Philip, inspired by the religious sentiment which pervaded his
whole policy, urged his Viceroy in Mexico to fit out an expedition to
conquer and christianize the Philippine Islands. Urdaneta, now a priest,
was not overlooked. Accompanied by five priests of his order, he was
entrusted with the spiritual care of the races to be subdued by an
expedition composed of four ships and one frigate well armed, carrying
400 soldiers and sailors, commanded by a Basque navigator, Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi. This remarkable man was destined to acquire the
fame of having established Spanish dominion in these islands. He was
of noble birth and a native of the Province of Guipuzcoa in Spain.
Having settled in the City of Mexico, of which place he was elected
Mayor, he there practised as a notary. Of undoubted piety, he enjoyed
reputation for his justice and loyalty, hence he was appointed General
of the forces equipped for the voyage.
The favourite desire to possess the valuable Spice Islands still
lurked in the minds of many Spaniards — amongst them was Urdaneta,
who laboured in vain to persuade the Viceroy of the superior
advantages to be gained by annexing New Guinea instead of the
Philippines, — whence the conquest of the Moluccas would be but a
facile task. However, the Viceroy was inexorable and resolved to
fulfil the royal instructions to the letter, so the expedition set sail from
the Mexican port of Navidad for the Philippine Islands on the 21st
of November, 1564.
30 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The Ladroue Islands were passed on the 9th of January, 1565,
and on the 13th of the following month the Philippines were sighted.
A call for provisions was made at several small islands, including
Camiguin, whence the expedition sailed to Bojol Island. A boat
despatched to the port of Butuan returned in a fortnight with the news
that there was much gold, wax and cinnamon in that district. A
small vessel was also sent to Cebu, and on its return reported that the
natives showed hostility, having decapitated one of the crew whilst he
was bathing.
Nevertheless, General Legaspi resolved to put in at Cebu, which
was a safe port ; and on the way there the ships anchored off Limasana
Island (to the south of Leyte). Thence running S.W., the Port of
Dapitan (Mindanao Island) was reached.
Prince Pagbuaya, who ruled there, was astonished at the sight of
such formidable ships, and commissioned one of his subjects, specially
chosen for his boldness, to take note of their movements, and report
to him. His account was uncommonly interesting. He related that
enormous men with long pointed noses, dressed in fine robes, ate stones
(hard biscuits), drank fire and blew smoke out of their mouths and
through their nostrils. Their power was such that they commanded
thunder and lightning (discharge of artillery), and that at meal time:3
they sat down at a clothed table. From their lofty port, their bearded
faces and rich attire, they might have been the very gods manifesting
themselves to the natives ; so the Prince thought it wise to accept the
friendly overtures of such marvellous strangers. Besides obtaining
ample provisions in barter for European wares, Legaspi procured from
this chieftain much useful information respecting the condition of
Cebu. He learnt that it was esteemed a powerful kingdom, of which
the magnificence was much vaunted amongst the neighbouring states ;
that the port was one of great safety, and the most favourably situated
amongst the islands of the painted faces.*
The General resolved therefore to filch it from its native king and
annex it to the crown of Castile.
He landed in Cebu on the 27th of April, 1565, and negotiations
were entered into with the natives of that island. Remembering
' The Visayos, inhabiting the southern group of the Archipelago, tatooed
themselves, hence for many years their islands were called by the Spaniards Islag
de loH ;pmtados.
PACIFICATION OF THE ISLANDS. 31
how successfully they had rid themselves of Maghallanes' party, they
naturally opposed this renewed menace to their independence. The
Spaniards occupied the town by force and sacked it, but for months
were so harassed by the surrounding tribes that a council was convened
to discuss the prudence of continuing the occupation. The General
decided to remain, and, little by little, the natives yielded to the new
condition of things, and thus the first step towards the final conquest
was achieved. The natives were declared Spanish subjects, and
hopeful with the success thus far attained, Legaspi determined to send
despatches to the King by the priest Urdaneta, who safely arrived at
Xavidad on the 3rd of October, 1565, and proceeded thence to Spain.
The pacification of Cebu and the adjacent islands was steadily and
successfully pursued by Legaspi ; the confidence of the natives was
assured, and their dethroned King Tupas accepted Christian baptism,
whilst his daughter married a Spaniard.
In the midst of the invaders' felicity, the Portuguese arrired to
dispute the possession, but they were compelled to retire. A fortress
was constructed and plots of land were marked out for the building of
the Spanish settlers' residences, and finally, in 1570, Cebu was declared
a City, after Legaspi had received from his royal master the title of
Governor-General of all the lands which he might be able to conquer.
In May, 1570, Captain Juan Salcedo, Legaspi's grandson, was
despatched to the Island of Luzon to reconnoitre the territory and
bring it under Spanish dominion.
The history of these early times is very confused, and there are
many contradictions in the authors of the Philippine chronicles, none
of which seem to have been written contemporaneously with the first
events. It appears, however, that Martin de Goiti and a few soldiers
accompanied Salcedo to the north. They were well received by the
native chiefs or petty Kings Lacandola, Eajah of Tondo (known as
Eajah Matanda, which means in native dialect the aged Rajah) and
his nephew the young Rajah Soliman of Manila.
The sight of a body of European troops armed as was the custom
in the 16th century, must have profoundly impressed and overawed
these chieftains, otherwise it seems almost incredible that they
should have consented, without protest, or attempt at resistance,
to (for ever) give up their territory, yield their independence, pay
32 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
tribixte,* and become the tools of invading foreigners with which to
conquer their own race without recompense whatsoever.
A treaty of peace was signed and ratified by an exchange of drops
of blood between the parties thereto. Soliman however soon repented
of his poltroonery and roused the war-cry among some of his tribes.
To save his capital (then called Maynila) falling into the hands of
the invaders he set fire to it. Lacandola remained passively watching
the issue. Soliman was completely routed by Salcedo and pardoned
on his again swearing fealty to the King of Spain. Goiti remained in
the vicinity of Manila with his troops whilst Salcedo fought his way
to the Borabon Lake (Taal) district. The present Batangas Province
was subdued by him and included in the jurisdiction of Mindoro Island.
During the campaign Salcedo was severely wounded by an arrow and
returned to Manila.
Legaspi was in the Island of Panay when Salcedo (some writers
say Goiti) arrived to advise him of what had occurred in Luzon.
They at once proceeded together to Cavite, where Lacandola visited
Legaspi on board, and, prostrating himself, averred his submission.
Then Legaspi continued his journey to Manila and was received there
with acclamation. He took formal possession of the surrounding
territory, declared Manila to be the capital of the Archipelago, and
proclaimed the sovereignty of the King of Spain over the whole group
of islands. Gaspar de San Agustin, writing of this period says: "He
" (Legaspi) ordered them (the natives) to finish the building of the
" fort in construction at the mouth of the river (Pasig) so that His
' Legaspi and Guido Lavezares, under oath, made promises of rewards to the
Lacandola family and a remission of tribute in perpetuity, but they were not
fuiaUed. In the following century — year 1C60— it appears that the descendants
of the Rajah Lacandola still upheld the Spanish authority, and having become
sorely impoverished thereby, the heir of the family petitioned the Governor
(Sabiniauo Manrique de Lara) to make good the honour of his first preJecessors.
Eventually the Lacandolas were exempted from the payment of tribute and poll
tax for ever, as recompense for the filching of their domains.
In 1884, when the fiscal reforms were introduced which abolished the tribute
and established in lieu thereof a document of personal identity (_eedula personal),
for which a tax was levied, the last vestige of privilege disappeared.
Descendants of Lacandola are still to be met with in several villages near
Manila, They do not seem to have materially profited by their transcendent
ancestry — one of them I found serving as a waiter in a French restaurant in the
capital in 1885.
DEATH OF LEGASPI. 33
" Majesty's artillery might be mounted therein for the defence of tho
*' port and the town. Also he ordered them to build a large house
*' inside the battlement walls for Legaspi's own residence — another
*' large house and church for the priests, etc
*' Besides these two large houses he told them to erect 150 dwellings
*' of moderate size for the remainder of the Spaniards to live in.
" All this they promptly promised to do, but they did not obey, for
*' the Spaniards were themselves obliged to terminate the work of the
^' fortifications."
The City Council of Manila was constituted on the 24;th of June,
loTl. On the 20th of August, 1572, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi
succumbed to the fatigues of his arduous life, leaving behind him
a uame Vi^hich wull always maintain a prominent place in Spanish
colonial history. He was buried in Manila in the Augustine Chapel
of San Fausto, where hung the Royal Standard and the hero's armorial
bearings until the British troops occupied the city in 1763.
" Death makes no conquest of this conqueror,
For now he lives in fame, though not in life."
Biehard III., Act 3, Sc. 1.
In the meantime Salcedo continued his task of subjecting the tribes
in the interior. The natives of Taytay and Cainta, in the present
military district of Morong, submitted to him on the 15th of August,
1571. He returned to the Laguna de Bay to pacify the villagers, and
penetrated as far as Camarines Norte to explore the Bicol River.
Bolinao and the provinces of Pangasiuan and Ylocos yielded to his
prowess, and in this last province he had well established himself when
the defence of the capital obliged him to return to Manila.
At the same time Martin de Goiti was actively employed in
•overrunning the Pampanga territory with the double object of
procuring supplies for the Manila camp and coercing the inhabitants on
his way to acknowledge their uew liege lord. It is recorded that in
this expedition Goiti was joined by the Rajahs of Tondo and Manila.
Yet Laeandola appears to have been regarded more as a servant of the
Spaniards nolens volens than as a free ally, for, because he absented
himself from Goiti's camp " without licence from the Maestre de
■Carapo," he was suspected by some writers of having favoured opposition
to the Spaniards' incursions in the Marshes of Ilagonoy (Pampanga
coast, N. boundary of Manila Bay).
34 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The district which constituted the aucieut province of Taal y
Balayan, subsequently denominated Province of Batangas, vv^as formerlj
governed by a number of caciques, the most notable of whom were
Gatpagil and Gatjinliutan. They were usually at war with their
neighbours. Gatjinliutan, the cacique of the Batangas River at the
time of the conquest, was famous for his valour. Gatsurigayan, who
ruled on the other side of the river, was celebrated as a hunter of deer
and wild boar. These men were half-castes of Borneo and Aeta
extraction, who formed a distinct race called by the natives Daghagaug.
None of them would submit to the King of Spain or become Christians,
hence their descendants were oiFered no privileges.
The Aetas collected tribute. Gabriel Montoya, a Spanish soldier
of Legaspi's legion, partially conquered those races, and supported the
mission of an Austin Friar amongst them. This was probably Fray
Diego Moxica, who undertook the mission of Batangas on its separation
from the local administration of Mindoro Island in 1581. The first
Governor of San Pablo or Sampaloc in the name of the King of Spain
was appointed by the soldier Montoya, and was called Bartolome
Maghayin ; the second was Cristobal Somaiigalit and the third was
Bernabe Pindau, all of Avhom had adopted Christianity. Bay, on the
borders of the lake of that name, and four leagues from San Pablo, was
originally ruled by the cacique Agustin Maglansailgan. Calilayan,
now called Tayabas, Avas founded by the woman Ladia, and subsequently
administered by a native Alcalde, who gave such satisfaction that he
vfas three times appointed the King's lieutenant and baptized as
Francisco de San Juan.
The system established by Juan Salcedo was to let the conquered
lands be governed by the native caciques and their male successors so
long as they did so in the name of the King of Castile. Territorial
possession seems to have been the chief aim of the European invaders,
and records of having improved the condition of the people or of
having opened up means of communication and traffic as they went on
conquering, or even having explored the natural resources of the
colony for their own benefit, are extremely rare.
San Pablo, the centre of a once independent district, is situated
at the foot of the mountains of San Cristobal and Banajao, from which
over fourteen streams of fresh water floAv through the villages.
♦■>.».
CHAPTER III.
PHILIPPINE DEPENDENCIES.
The Ladroxes, Carolines and Pelew Islands.
In 1521 Maghallanes cast anchor off the Ladrone Islands (situated
between 17° and 20° N. lat. by 146° E. long.) on his way to the
discovery of the Philippines. This group was named by him Islas
de las Velas.i Legaspi called them the Ladrones.=* Subsequently,
several navigators sighted or touched at these Islands, and the
indistinct demarcation which comprised them, acquired the name of
Saint Lazarus' Archipelago.
In 1662 the Spanish vessel " San Damian," on her course from
Mexico to LuzoQ, anchored here. On board Avas a missionary Fray
Diego Luis de San Victores, who was so impressed with the dejected
condition of the natives, that on reaching Manila he made it his
common theme of conversation. In fact, so importunately did he
pursue the subject with his superiors, that he had to be constrained to
silence. The Governor, Diego Salcedo, replied to his urgent appeal
for a mission there iu terms which permitted no further solicitation in
that quarter. But the Friar was persistent in his project, and
petitioned the Archbishop's aid. The prelate submitted the matter to
King Philip IV., and the Friar himself wrote to his father, who
presented a memorial to His Majesty and another to the Queen
beseeching her influence. Consequently in 1666, a Royal Decree was
received in Manila sanctioning a mission to the Ladrones.
The galleon " San Diego " was ready to sail, and Fray Diego Avas
to take passage to Acapulco to organize his expedition, but meanwhile
the merchants proposed to change her route, sending her to Peru, in
' Velas, Spanish for Sails. • Ladrones, Spanish for Thieves.
C 2
36 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
which ca93 they would give her a full car^;o. The priest protested.
The galleon was so heavily laden on one side, that she could not right
herself. The cunning Friar declared it was a sign from Heaven, but
that if she started on the voyage to Acapulco all would go well. The
shippers, howevei-, were not so readily gulled, and although, in the end,
ahe was despatched to Acapulco, the vessel was lightened of part of
her cargo.
Fray Diego arrived safely in the Viceregal Court of Mexico, and
pressed his views on the Viceroy, who declared that he had no orders.
Then the priest appealed to the Viceroy's wife, who, it is said, was
entreating her husband's help on bended knee, when an earthquake
occurred which considerably damaged the city. It was a manifes-
tation from Heaven, the wily priest avowed, and the Viceroy yielded
to the superstition of the age.
Therefore, in March 1668, Fray Diego started from Acapulco in
charge of a Jesuit mission for the Ladrones, Avhere they subsequently
received a pension of $3,000 per annum from Queen Maria Ana,
who meanwhile, had become a widow and Eegent. To commemorate
this Royal munificence, these islands have since been called by the
Spaniards " Islas Marianas," whilst the older name — Ladrones — is
better known to the world.
When the mission was fairly established, troops were sent there,
consisting of 12 Spaniards and 19 Philippine natives, with two pieces
•of artillery.
The acquiescence of the Ladrone natives was being steadily gained
by the old policy of conquest, under the veil of Christianity, until a
revolution broke out, on the discovery that the stranger's religion
brought with it restraint of liberty and a social dominion which
practically amounted to slavery. Fortunately, Nature came again to
the aid of Fray Diego, for, whilst the natives were in open rebellion, a
severe storm levelled their huts to the ground. The priest persuaded
them it was a visitation from Heaven, and peace was concluded.
Fray Diego left the mission for Visayas, where he was killed.
After his departure, the natives again revolted because they failed to
comprehend the mysteries of Christian rites, which, in those days,
involved a servile subjection. Many priests were slain from time to
time — some in the exercise of their sacerdotal functions, others in open
warfare.
THE LADKONE ISLANDS (-^rARIANAS). 37
In 1778 a Governor Avas sent there from Mexico with 30 soldiers,
but he resigned his charge after two years' service, and others
succeeded him.
The Islands are very poor. The products are Rice, Sago, Cocoa-
nuts and Cane-sugar to a small extent ; there are also pigs and fowls
in abundance. The Spaniards taught the natives the use of fire. They
were a warlike joeople ; every man had to carry arms. Their language
is Chamorro, much resembling the Visayan dialect. The population,
for a hundred years after the Spanish occupation, diminished. Women
purposely sterilized themselves. Some threw their new-born offspring
into the sea, hoping to liberate them from a world of woe, and that
they Avould regenerate in happiness. In the beginning of the 17th
century, the population was further diminished by an epidemic disease.
During the first century of Spanish rule, the Government were never
able to exact the payment of tribute. At the present day, the revenue
of the islands is not nearly sufficient to cover the entire cost of
administration. A few years ago, the Governor, Sr. Pazos, was
assassinated there.
There are nine towns with parish priests. All the Churches are
built of stone, and roofed with reed thatching, except that of the
capital,Avhich has an iron roof. Six of the towns have Town Halls
made of bamboo and reed grass ; one has a wooden building, and in
two of them (including the capital) the Town Halls are of stone.
The Seat of Government is at Agana (called in old official
documents the *' City of San Ignacio de Agaiia "). It is situated in
the creek called the Port of Apra. Ships cannot get up to the
capital ; they lie about two miles off Punta Piti, Avhere passengers,
stores and mails are conveyed to a wooden landing-stage. Five
hundred yards from here is the Harbour-master's office, built of stone,
with a tile roof. From Punta Piti there is a bad road of about five
miles. The situation of Agaiia seems to be ill-suited for communi-
cation with vessels, and proposals were ineffectually made by two
Governors, since 1835, to establish the capital town elsewhere. The
central Government took no heed of their recommendations. In
Agaiia there is a Government House, a Military Hospital and
Pharmacy, an Artillery Depot and Infantry Barracks, a well-built
Prison, a Town Hall, the Administrator's Office, called by the natives
"the shop," and the ruins of former public buildings. It is a rather
pretty town, but there is nothing notable to be seen.
»
38 PHILU^riNE ISLANDS.
The natives are as domesticated as the Philippine Islanders, and
have much better features. Spanish and a little English are spoken
by many of them, as these Islands in former years were the resort of
English-speaking whalemen. For the elementary Education of the
natives, there is the College of San Juan de Letran for boys, and a
girla' school in Agana ; and in seven of the towns, there was, in
1888, a total of four schools for boys, five schools for girls, and nine
schools for both sexes, under the direction of 20 masters and ix
mistresses.
When the Ladrone Islands (Marianas) Avere a dependency of the
Philippine General-Government, a subsidized mail steamer left Manila
for Agana, and two or three other ports, every three months. For the
Government of these Islands under the Spaniards, vide Chap. XIII.
An island was discovered by one of the Spanish galleon pilots in
1686, and called Carolina, in honour of Charles II. of Spain, but its
bearings could not be found again for years.
In 1696 two canoes, with 29 Pelew Islanders, drifted to the coast
of Siimar Island, and lauded at the Town of Guivaa. They were 60
days on the drift, and five of them died of privations. They were
terror-stricken Avhen thev saw a man on shore making; sig^ns to them.
When he went out to them in a boat, and boarded one of the canoes,
they all jumped out and got into the other ; then when the man got
into that, they were in utter despair, considering themselves prisoners.
They were conducted to the Spanish priest of Guivan, whom they
supposed would be the King of the Island, and on whom would
depend their lives and liberty. They prostrated themselves, and
implored his mercy and the favour of sparing their lives, whilst the
priest did all he could, by signs, to reassure them.
It happened that there had been living here, for some years, two
other strange men brought to this shore by currents and contrary
winds. These came forward to see the novelty, and served as
interpreters, so that the newcomers were all lodged in native houses
in twos and threes, and received the best hospitality.
They related that their Islands numbered 32, and only produced
fowls and sea-birds. One man made a map, by placing stones in the
relative position of the Islands. When asked about the number of the
inhabitants, one took a handful of sand to demonstrate that they were
countless. There was a King, they explained, who held hia court in
THE CAROLINE AND PELEW ISLANDS. 39
the Island of Lamurrec, to ■whom the chiefs were subject. They much
respected and obeyed him. Among these castaways was a chief, with
his wife — the daughter of the King.
The men had a leaf-fibre garment around their loins, and to it was
attached a piece of stuff in front, which was thrown over the shoulders
and hung loose at the back. The women were dressed the same as
the men, except that their loin vestment reached to their knees. The
King's daughter wore, moreover, tortoise-shell ornaments.
They were afraid when they saw a cow and a dog, their Island
having no quadrupeds. Their sole occupation consisted in providing
food for their families. Their mark of courtesy was to take the
iiand of the person whom they :saluted and pass it softly over the
face.
The priest gave them pieces of iron, which they prized as if they
had been of gold, and slept with them under their heads. Their only
arms were lances, with human bones for points. They seemed to be
a pacific people, intelligent and well-proportioned physically. Both
sexes wore long hair down to their shoulders.
Very content to find so much luxury in Samar, they offered to
return and bring their people to trade. The Jesuits considered this
a capital pretext for subjecting their Islands, and the Government
approved of it. At the instance of the Pope, the King ordered the
Oovernor-General, Domingo Zabiilburu, to send out expeditions in
quest of these Islands ; and, between 1708 and 1710, several unsuccessful
efforts were made to come across them. In 1710, two islands were
■discovered, and named San Andres. Several canoes arrived alongside
of the ship, and the occupants accepted the Commander's invitation to
<;ome on board. They Avere much astonished to see the Spaniards
smoke, and admired the iron fastenings of the vessel. When they got
near shore, they all began to dance, clapping their hands to beat time.
They measured the ship, and wondered where such a large piece of
wood could have come from. They counted the crew, and presented
them with cocoa-nuts, fish, and herbs from their canoes. The vessel
anchored near to the shore, but there was a strong current and a fresh
wind blowing, so that it was imprudent to disembark. However, two
priests insisted upon erecting a cross on the shore, and were accompanied
by the quarter-master and an officer of the troops. The weather
compelled the master to weigh anchor, and the vessel set sail, leaving
40 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
on land the four Eiiropeaus, avIio were nUimatelj murdered. For a
quarter of a ccutury these Islands were lost again to the Spaniards.
In 1721 two Caroline prahus were wafted to the Ladrone Islands,
Avhere D. Luiz Sanchez was Governor. The Caroline Islanders had no
idea where they had landed, and were quite surprised when tliey hcheld
the priest. He forcibly detained these unfortunate people, and handed
them over to the Governor, whom they entreated, Avith tears — but all
in vain — to be allowed to return to their homes. There they remained
prisoners, until it suited the Governor's convenience to send a vessel
with a priest to their Island. The priest Avent to their Island, and
thence to Manila, where a fresh expedition was fitted out. It was
headed by a missionary, and included a number of soldiers whom the
natives massacred soon after tlicir arrival. All further attempt to
subdue the Caroline Islands was necessarily postponed.
The natives, at that time, had no religion at all, or were, in a
vague sense, polytheists. Their wise men communicated with the
souls of the defunct. They were polygamists, but had a horror of
adultery. Divorce was at once granted by the chiefs on proof of
infidelity. They Avere cannibals. In each island there was a chief,
regarded as a semi-spiritual being, to whom the natives were profoundly
obedient. Huts were found used as astrological schools, where also the
winds and currents were studied. They made cloth of plantain-iibre
— hatchets Avith stone heads. Between sunset and sunrise they slept»
When war was declared between tAvo A'illages or tribes, each formed
three lines of warriors, 1st, young men ; 2nd, tall men ; 3rd, old men ;
then the combatants pelted each other Avith stones and lances. A man
hors de combat Avas replaced by one of the back file coming forward.
When one party acknoAvledged themselves Aanquished, it A\'as an
imderstood privilege of the victors to shower invectives on their retiring
adversaries. They lived on fruits, roots and fish. There Avcre no
quadrupeds and no agriculture.
Many Spanish descendants Avere found, purely natiA^e in their
habits, and it Avas remembered that about the year 1566, several
Spaniards from an expedition Avent iishore on some islands, supposed to
be these.
The Carolines and PelcAvs comprise some 48 groups of islands and
islets, making a total of about 500. Their relative position to the
Ladrone Islands is — of the former, from S.W. stretching to S.E. ; of
CAROLINE ISLANDS : POSSESSION DISPUTED. 41
the latter, 8.W. The principal Pelew Ishiuds are Babel-Druap and
Kosor — Yap aud Pouape (Aseuciou) are the most important of the
Caroliues. The centres of Government (vide Chap. XIII.) are
respectively in Yap and Babel-Druap, with a Yice-Governor of the
Eastern Caroliues iu Pouape — ail formerly dependent ou the Geueral-
Goverumeut in Manila. The Caroliues aud PelcAvs were iucluded in
the Bishopric of Cebii, aud were subject, judicially, to the Supreme
Court of Manila.
These Islands were subsequently many times visited by ships of
other nations, aud a barter trade gradually spruug up iu dried cocoa-nut
kernels aud fruit (coprah) for the extraction of oil in Europe aud
America. Later on, Avhen the natives Avere thoroughly accustomed to
the foreigners, British, American, aud German traders established
themselves on shore, and, up to the present, vessels continue to arrive
with European aud American manufactures to exchange for the coprah,'
which they carry aAvay.
Anglo-American missionaries have settled there, and a great
number of natives profess Christianity in the Protestant form. Religious
books in native dialect, published in Honolulu (Sandwich Islands) by
the Hawaiian Evangelical Association, are distributed by the American
missionaries. I have one before me now, entitled Kapas Fel, Puk Eu^
describing incidents from the Old Testament. A few of the natives
can make themselves understood iu English. Besides cocoa-nuts, the
Islands produce Rice, Yams, Bread-fruit (riina), Sugar Cane, &c.
The chief article of export trade is Coprah. Until 1886 there was no
Government, except that of several petty kings or chiefs, each of whom
still rules over his own tribe, although the Protestant missionaries
exercise a considerable social influence.
Whilst I was iu China in 1885, returning to Mauila from America,
I was startled by rumours of expected hostilities betn^een Spain and
Germany. A Spanish naval officer, named Capriles, having been
appointed Governor of the Islands, arrived at Yap, ostensibly with the
object of landing to hoist the Spanish flag as a signal of possession, for
it was known iu oflicial quarters that the Germans were about to
claim sovereignty. However, three days were squandered (perhaps
' The average estimated yield of the cocoa-nuts is as follows, viz. : — 2,30 nuts
give one cwt. of dried coprah, yielding say 10 gallons of oil.
■12 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
intentionally) in trivial formalities, and whilst two Spanish men-o'-war
— the "• Manila " and the " San Quintiu " — were already anchored
in the Port of Yap, the German warship " litis " entered, landed
marines, and hoisted their national flag, whilst the Spaniards looked
on. Then the German Commander went on hoard the " San
Quintin " to tell the Commander that possession of the Islands had
been taken in the name of the Emperor of Germany. Neither Capriles,
the appointed Governor, nor Espaiia, the Commander of the " San
Quintin " made any opposition, and as we can hardly attribute their
inactivity to cowardice (for surely Spanish valour has not degenerated
to such a degree), we can only suppose that they followed their
Government's instructions. Capriles and Espana returned to Manila,
and were both rewarded for their inaction ; the former being appointed
to the Government of Mindoro Island. In Manila, a ridiculous report
was circulated, that the Germans contemplated an attack upon the
Philippines. Earthworks were thrown up outside the city wall ;
cannons were mounted, and the cry of invasion resounded all over the
Colony. Hundreds of families fled from the capital and environs to
adjacent provinces, and the personal safety of the German residents was
menaced by individual patriotic enthusiasts.
In Madrid, popular riots followed the publication of the incident.
The German Embassy was assaulted, and its escutcheon was burnt in
the streets by the indignant mob, although, probably, not five per cent,
of the rioters had any idea where the Caroline Islands were, or anything
about them. Spain acted so feebly, and Germany so vigorously, in this
affiiir, that many asked — was it not due to a secret entente cnrdiale
between the respective Ministries, disrupted only by the weight of
Spanish public opinion ? Diplomatic notes Avere exchanged between
Madrid and Berlin, and Germany, anxious to withdraw with apparent
<lignity from an affair over which it was probably never intended to
waste powder and shot, referred the question to the Pope, who arbitrated
in favour of Spain.
But for these events, it is probable that Spain would never have
done anything to demonstrate possession of the Caroline Islands, and,
for 16 months after the question was solved by Pontific mediation,
there was a Spanish Governor in Yap — Sr. Elisa — a few troops
and officials, but no Government. No laws were promulgated, and
everybody continued to do as heretofore.
FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINE ISLANDS. 43
la Ponape (Asencion Island) Sr. Posadillo was appointed
Governor. A few troops were stationed there under a sub-lieutenant,
whilst some Capuchin Friars — European ecclesiastics of the meanest
type — were sent there to compete with the American Protestant
missionaries in the salvation of natives' souls. A collision naturally
took place, and the Governor — well known in Manila as crack-brained
and tactless — sent the chief Protestant missionary, Mr. E. T. Doane,
a prisoner to Manila on the 16th of June, 1887.* He was sent back
to Ponape by the Governor-General, but, during his absence, the
eccentric Posadillo exercised a most arbitrary authority over the natives.
The chiefs were compelled to serve him as menials, and their subjects
were formed into gangs, to work like convicts ; native teachers were
suspended from their duties under threat, and the Capuchins disputed
the possession of land, and attempted to coerce the natives to accept
their religion.
On the 1st of July the natives did not return to their bondage,
and all the soldiers, led by the sub-lieutenaut, were sent to bring them
in by force. A fight ensued, and the officer and troops, to the last
man, were killed or mortally wounded by clubs, stones and knives.
The astonished Governor fortified his place, which was surrounded by
the enemy. The tribes of the chiefs Nott and Jockets were up in
arms. There was the hulk " D''. Maria de Molina " anchored in the
roadstead, and the Capuchins fled to it on the first alarm. The
Governor escaped from his house on the night of the 4th of July with
his companions, and rushed to the sea, probably intending to swim out
to the hulk . But who knows ? He and his partisans were chased by
natives, who killed them all.
On the 21st of September, the news of the tragedy reached Manila
by the man-o'-war " San Quiutin " About six weeks afterwards,
three men-o'-war were sent to Ponape with infantry, artillery, a
mountain battery, and a section of Engineers — a total of about 558 men
— but on their arrival they met an American warship — the " Essex " —
which had hastened on to protect American interests. The Spaniards
limited their operations to the seizure of a few accused individuals,
whom they brought to Manila, and the garrison of Yap was increased
to 100 men, under a Captain and subordinate officers. The prisoners
* Mr. Doane is reported to have died in Honolulu about June 1890.
44 . PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
were tried in Manila by court-martial, aud I acted as interpreter. It
was foimd that they had only been loyal to the bidding of their chiefs,
and Tvere not morally culpable, whilst the action of the late Governor
of Ponape met with general reprobation. Public opinion gave
expression to the little sympathy due to a man who had expiated his
own imprudence.
Again, in July 1890, a party of 5-i soldiers, under Lieutenant
Porras, Avhilst engaged in felling timber in the forest, was attacked by
the Malatana (Caroline) tribe, Avho killed the officer and 27 of his men.
The news was telegraphed to the Home Government, and caused a
great sensation in Madrid. A couference of Ministers was at once held.
Professional politicians in the Spanish metropolis made an attempt,
through the public journals, to gain something for their respective
parties from the occurrence — whilst the Canovas Ministry cabled to the
Governor-General Weyler discretionary power to punish these Islanders.
Within a fev^ months, troops were sent from jNIauila for that purpose.
Instead, however, of chastising the Kanakas, the Government forces
were repulsed 1)y tbem with great slaughter. The commissariat
arrangements were most deficient : my friend Colonel Gutierrez Soto,
who commanded the expedition, was so inadequately supported by the
War Department, that, yielding to despair, and crestfallen by reason of
the open aud adverse criticism of his plan of campaign — he shot
himself.
-♦"'♦•♦-
C H A P T E R I Y
ATTEMPTED CONQUEST BY CHINESE.
On tbc death of General Legaspi, the Government of the Colonj-
was assumed by the Royal Treasiirer, Guido de Lavezares, iu
conformity with the scaled instructions from the Supremo Court of
Mexico, which were now opened. During this period, the possession
of the Islands was unsuccessfidly disputed by a rival expedition under
the command of a Chinaman, Li-ma-houg, whom the Spaniards were
pleased to term a pirate, forgetting, perhaps, that they themselves had
only recently wrested the country from its former possessors by virtue
of mio-ht against right. On the coasts of his native country be bad
indeed been a pirate. For the many depredations committed by him
against private traders and property, the Celestial Emperor, failing to
catch him by cajolery, outlawed him.
Born in the port of Tiuchiu, Li-ma-hong at an early age evinced a
martial spirit and joined a band of corsairs which for a long time had
been the terror of the China coasts. On the demise of his chief he
was unanimously elected leader of the buccaneering cruisers. At
length, pursued in all directions by the imperial ships of war, he
determined to attempt the conquest of the Philippines. Presumably
the same incentives which impelled the Spanish mariners to conquer
lands and overthrow dynasties — the vision of wealth, glory and empire,
— awakened a like ambition iu the Chinese adventurer. It was the
spirit of the age.' Iu his sea-wanderings he happened to fall in with
a Chinese trading junk returning from Manila with the proceeds of
1 Guido de Lfirer-ares deposed a Sultan in Borneo in order to aid another to
the throne, and even asked permission of King Philip II. to conquer China whicli
of course was not conceded to him. Yid<' also the history of the destruction of the
Aztec (Mexican) and Incaa (Peruvian) dynasties by the Spaniards.
46 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
her cargo sold there. This he seized, and the captive crew were
constrained to pilot his fleet towards the capital of Luzon. From
them he learnt how easily the natives had been plundered by a handful
of foreigners — the probable extent of the opposition he might
encounter — the defences established — the wealth and resources of the
district, and the nature of its inhabitants.
His fleet consisted of 62 war ships or armed junks, well found,
having on board 2,000 sailors, 2,000 soldiers, 1,500 women, a number
of artisans, and all that could be conveniently carried with which to
gain and organize his new Kingdom. On its way the squadron cast
anchor ofi* the Province of Ilocos Sur, where a fcAv troops were sent
ashore to get provisions. Whilst returning to the junks, they sacked
the village and set fire to the huts. The news of this outrage was
hastily communicated to Juan Salcedo, Avho had been pacifying the
Northern Provinces since July, 1572, and was at the time in Villa
Fernandina (now called Vigau). Li-ma-hong continued his course
until calms compelled his ships to anchor in the roads of Caoayan
(Ilocos coast), where a few Spanish soldiers were stationed under the
orders of Juan Salcedo, who still was in the immediate town of Vigan.
Under his direction, preparations were made to prevent the enemy
entering the river, but such was not Li-ma-hong's intention. He again
set sail ; Avhilst Salcedo, naturally supposing his course would be
towards Manila, also started at the same time for the capital with all
the fighting men he could collect, leaving only 30 men to garrison
Vigan and protect the State interests there.
On the 29th of November, 1574, the squadron arrived in the
Bay of Manila, and Li-ma-hong sent forward his Lieutenant Sioco — a
Japanese — at the head of 600 fighting men to demand the surrender of
the Spaniards. A strong gale however destroyed several of his junks,
in which about 200 men perished.
With the remainder he reached the coast at Paraiiaque, a village
a few miles south of Manila. Thence, with tow lines, the 400 soldiers
hauled their junks up to the beach of the capital.
Already at the village of Malate the alarm was raised, but the
Spaniards could not give credit to [the reports, and no resistance was
offered until the Chinese were within the gates of the city. Martin
de Goiti, the Maestre de Campo, second in command to the Governor,
■was the first victim of the attack,,
FAILURE OF CHINESE ATTACK ON MANILA. 47
The flames and smoke arising from his burning residence were the
first indications which the Governor received of what was going on.
The Spaniards took refuge in the Fort of Santiago, which the Chinese
were on the point of taking by storm, when their attention was drawn
elsewhere by the arrival of fresh troops led by a Spanish sub-lieutenant.
Under the mistaken impression that these were the vanguard of a
formidable corps, Sioco sounded the retreat. A bloody hand-to-hand
combat followed, and with great difficulty the Chinese collected their
dead and regained their junks.
In the meantime Li-ma-houg, with the reserved forces, was lying
in the roadstead of Cavite, and Sioco hastened to report to him the
result of the attack, which had cost the invader over one hundred dead
and more than that number wounded. Thereupon Li-ma-hong resolved
to rest his troops and renew the conflict in two days' time under his
personal supervision. The next day Juan Salcedo arrived by sea with
reinforcements from Vigan, and preparations were unceasingly made for
the expected encounter. Salcedo having been appointed to the office
of Maestre de Campo, vacant since the death of Goiti, the organisation
of the defence was entrusted to his immediate care.
By daybreak on the 3rd of December, the enemy's fleet hove to off
the capital, Avhere Li-ma-hong harangued his troops, Avhilst the cornets
and drums of the Spaniards were sounding the alarm for their fighting
men to assemble in the fort.
Then 1,500 chosen men, well armed, were disembarked under the
leadership of Sioco, who swore to take the place or die in the attempt.
Sioco separated his forces into three divisions. The city was set fire
to, and Sioco advanced towards the fort, into which hand-grenades were
thrown, whilst Li-ma-hong supported the attack with his ships' cannon.
Sioco, with his division, at length entered the fort, and a hand-
to-hand fight ensued. For a while the issue was doubtful. Salcedo
fought like a lion. Even the aged Governor was well at the front
to encourage the deadly struggle for existence. The Spaniards finally
gained the victory ; the Chinese were repulsed with great slaughter,
and their leader having been killed, they fled in complete disorder.
Salcedo, profiting by the confusion, now took the offensive and
followed up the enemy, pursuing them along the sea-shore, where they
were joined by the third division, which had remained inactive. The
panic of the Chinese spread rapidly, and Li-ma-hong, in despair, landed
48 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
another contingent of about 500 men, whilst he still continued afloat,
but even with this reinforcement the morale of his army could not be
regained.
The 'Chinese troops therefore, harassed on all sides, made a
precipitate retreat on board the fleet, and Li-ma-hong set sail again
for the west coast of the island. Foiled in the attempt to possess
himself of Manila, Li-ma-hong determined to set up his capital in
other parts. In a few days he arrived at the mouth of the Agno
River, in the province of Pangasinan, where he proclaimed to the
natives that he had gained a signal victory over the Spaniards. The
inhabitants there, having no particular choice between two masters,
received Li-ma-hong with Avelcome, and he thereupon set about the
foundation of his new capital some four miles from the mouth of the
river. Months passed before the Spaniards came in force to dislodge
the invader. Feeling themselves secure in their new abode, the
Chinese had built many dwellings, a small fortress, a pagoda, etc. At
leno-th an expedition Avas despatched under the command of Juan
Salcedo. This Avas composed of about 2.50 Spaniards and 1,600
natives well equipped Avith small arms, ammunition and artillery. The
floAver of the Spanish Colony, accompanied by two priests and the
Rajah cf Tondo, set out to expel the formidable foe. Li-ma-hong
made a bold resistance and refused to come to terms with Salcedo. In
the meantime, the Viceroy of Fokien, having heard of Li-ma-hong's
daring exploits, had commissioned a ship of Avar to discover the
whereabouts of his imperial master's old enemy. The envoy Avas
received Avlth delight by the Spaniards, Avho invited him to accompany
them to Manila to iuterA^ew the Governor.
Li-ma-houg still held out, but perceiving that an irresistible
onslaught Avas being projected against him by Salcedo's party, he very
cunningly and quite unexpectedly gave them the slip, and sailed out
of the river with his ships by one of the mouths unknown to his
enemies.' In order to divert the attention of the Spaniards, Li-ma-houg
ino-eniously feigned an assault in an opoosite quarter. Of course, on
his escape, he had to abandon the troops employed in this manoeuvre.
These losing all hope, and having indeed nothing but their lives to
* According to Juan dc la Concepcion, in his " Hist. Gen. de Philipinas,"
Vol. I., page 431, Li-ma-hong made his escape by cutting a canal for his ships to
pass through, but this appears to me highly improbable under the circumstancfia.
DELIVERANCE FROM THE CHINESE. 49
fight for, fled to the mountains. Hence, it is popuhuiy supposed that
from these fugitives descends the race of people in that province still
distinguishahle by their oblique eyes and known by the name of
Igorrote-Chinese.
" Aide toi et Dleii iaidera " is an old French maxim, but the
Spaniards chose to attribute their deliverance from their Chinese rival
to the friendly intervention of Saint Andrew. This Saint Avas declared
thenceforth to be the Patron Saint of Manila, and in his honour High
Mass is celebrated in the Cathedi-al at 8 a.m. on the 30th of each
November. It is a public holiday and gala-day, when all the highest
civil, military and religious authorities attend the Funcion votiva de
San Andres. This opportunity to assert the supremacy of ecclesiastical
power was not lost to the Church, and for many years it was the
custom after hearing Mass, to spread the Spanish national flag on the
floor of the Cathedral for the metropolitan Archbishop to walk over
it. It has been asserted, however, that a few years ago the Governor-^
General refused to witness this antiquated formula which, in public a-i
least, no longer obtains. Latterly it Avas the practice to carry the Royal
Standard before the altar. Both before and after the Mass, the bearer,
(Alferez Real), wearing his hat and accompanied by the Mayor of ther
City, stood on the altar floor, raised his hat three times, and three
times dipped the flag before the Image of Christ, then, facing the
public, he repeated this ceremony. On Saint AndrcAv's Eve, the
Royal Standard was borne in procession from the Cathedral through
the principal streets of the city, escorted by civil functionaries and
folloAved by a band of music. This ceremony was known as the Paseo
del Real Pcndon.
According to Juan de la Concepcion, the Rajahs^ Soliman and
Lacandola took advantage of these troubles to raise a rebellion against
the Spaniards. The natives too of Mindoro Island revolted and
maltreated the priests, but all these disturbances were speedily quelled:
by a detachment of soldiers.
The Governor willingly accepted the offer of the commander of
the Chinese man-o'-Avar to couA^ey ambassadors to his country to visit
the Viceroy and make a commercial treaty. Therefore tAVO priests,
Martin Rada and Geronimo Martin, were commissioned to carry a
Other authors assert that only Soliman rebelled.
D
50 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
letter of greeting and presents to this personage, who received them
with great distinction, but objected to their residing in the country.
After the defeat of Li-ma-hong, Juan Salcedo again set out to the
Northern Provinces of Luzon Island, to continue his task of reducing
the natives to submission. On the 11th of March, 1576, he died of
fever near Vigan (then called Villa Fernandina), capital of the Province
of Ilocos Sur. A year afterwards, what could be found of his bones
were placed in the ossuary of his illustrious grandfather, Legaspi, in
the Augustine Chapel of Saint Fausto, Manila. His skull, however,
which had been carried off by the natives of Ilocos, could not be
recovered in spite of all threats and promises. In Vigan there is a
small monument raised to commemorate the deeds of this famous
warrior, and there is also a street bearing his name.
*******
For several years following these events, the question of prestige
in the civil aft'airs of the colony was acrimoniously contested by the
Governor-General, the Supreme Court and the ecclesiastics.
The Governor was censured by his opponents for alleged undue
exercise of arbitrary authority. The Supreme Court, established on
the Mexican model, was reproached with seeking to overstep the limits
of its functions. Every legal quibble was adjusted by a dilatory
process, impracticable in a colony yet in its infancy, Avhere summary
justice was indispensable for the maintenance of order imperfectly
understood by the masses. But the fault laid less with the justices
than with the constitution of the Court itself. Kor was this state of
affairs improved by the growing discontent and immoderate ambition of
the clergy, who unremittingly urged their pretensions to immunity from
State control, affirming the supramundane condition of their office.
An excellent code of laws, called the Leyes de Indias, in force
in Mexico, Avas adopted here, but modifications in harmony with the
special conditions of this colony Avere urgently necessary, whilst all
the branches of government called for reorganization or reform. Under
these circumstances, the Bishop of Manila, Domingo Salazar, took the
initiative in commissioning a priest. Fray Alonso Sanchez, to repair
firstly to the Viceroy of Mexico and afterwards to the King of Spain,
to expose the grievances of his party.
Alonso Sanchez left the Philippines M-ith his appointment as
procurator-general for the Augustine order of monks. As the execution
FRAY ALONSO SANCHEz's MISSION TO SPAIN. 51
of the proposed reforms, which he was charged to lay before His
Majesty, would, if conceded, be entrusted to the Government of Mexico,
his first care was to seek the partisanship of the Viceroy of that
Colony ; and in this he succeeded. Thence he continued his journey
to Seville, where the Court happened to be, arriving there in September,
1587. He was at once granted an audience of the King, to present his
credentials and memorials relative to Philippine aifairs in general, and
ecclesiastical, judicial, military and native matters in particular. The
King promised to peruse all the documents, but suffering from gout,
and having so many and distinct State concerns to attend to, the
negotiations were greatly delayed. Finally, Sanchez sought a minister
who had easy access to the Royal apartments, and this personage
obtained from the King permission to examine tlie documents and hand
to him a succinct resume of the whole for His Majesty's consideration.
A commission Avas then appointed, including Sanchez, and the
deliberations lasted five months.
At this period, public opinion in the Spanish Universities was very
divided with respect to Catholic missions in the Indies.
Some maintained that the propaganda of the faith ought to be
purely Apostolic, such as Jesus Christ taught to his disciples,
inculcating doctrines of humility and poverty without arms or violence,
and if, nevertheless, the heathens refused to welcome this mission of
peace, the missionaries should simply abandon them in silence without
further demonstration than that of shaking the dust off their feet.
Others held, and amongst them was Sanchez, that such a method
was useless and impracticable, and that it was justifiable to force their
relio"ion upon primitive races at the point of the sword if necessary,
using any violence to enforce its acceptance.
Much ill-feeling was aroused in the discussion of these two and
distinct theories. Juan Volante, a Dominican Friar of the Convent of
Our Lady of Atocha, presented a petition against the views of the
Sanchez faction, declaring that the idea of ingrafting religion with the
aid of arms was scandalous. Fray Juan Volante was so importunate,
that he had to be heard in Council, but neither party yielded. At
length, the intervention of the Bishops of Manila, Macao and Malacca
and several captains and governors in the Indies influenced the King to
put an end to the controversy, on the ground that it would lead to no
good.
D 2
52 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The King retired to the Monastery of the Eseorial, aud Sanchez
■was cited to meet him there to learn the Royal will. About the same
time the news reached the King of the loss of the so-called Invincibk
Armada, sent under the command of the incompetent Duke of Medina
Sidonia to annex England. Notwithstanding this severe blow to the
vain ambition of Philip, the affairs of the Philippines were delayed but
a short time. On the basis of the recommendation of the junta, the
Royal Assent was given to an important decree, of which the most
significant articles are the following, namely : — The tribute was fixed
by the King at ten reales (5/-) per annum, payable by the natives in
gold, silver, or grain, or part in one commodity and part in the other.
Of this tribute, eight reales were to be paid to the Treasury, one half
real to the bishop and clergy, and one-and-a-half reales to be applied to
the maintenance of the soldiery. Full tribute was not to be exacted
from the natives still unsubjected to the Crown. Until their
confidence and loyalty should be gained by friendly overtures, they were
to pay a small recognition of vassalage, and subsequently the tribute in
common with the rest.
Instead of one-fifth value of gold and hidden treasure due to His
Majesty {real quintd), he would henceforth receive only one-tenth
of such value, excepting that of gold, which the natives wovild be
permitted to extract free of rebate.
A customs duty of 3°/^ ad valorem was to be paid on merchandise
sold, and this duty was to be spent on the army.
Export duty was to be paid on goods shipped to New Spain
(Mexico), and this impost was also to be exclusively spent on the armed
forces.
The number of European troops in the Colony was fixed at 400
men-at-arms, divided into six companies, each under a captain, a
sub-lieutenant, a sergeant, and tAvo corporals. Their pay was to be
as follows, namely : — Captain $35, sub-lieutenant $20, sergeant $10,
corporal $7, rank aud file $6 per month ; besides which, an annual
gratuity of $10,000 was to be proportionately distributed to alL
Recruits from Mexico were not to enlist under the age of lo
years.
The Captain-General was to have a body-guard of 24 men
(Halberdiers") with the pay of those of the line, under the immediate
command of a Captain to be paid $15 per month.
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. 53
Salaries due to State employes were to be punctually paid when
due ; and when funds were wanted for that purpose, they were to be
supplied from Mexico.
The King made a donation of $12,000, which, with another like
sum to be contributed by the Spaniards themselves, would serve
to liquidate their debts incurred on their first occupation of the
Islands.
The Governor and Bishop were recommended to consider the project
of a refuge for young Spanish women arrived from Spain, and to study
the question of dowries for native women married to poor Spaniards.
The offices of Secretaries and Notaries were no longer to be sold,
but conferred on persons who merited such appointments.
The governors were instructed not to make grants of land to their
relations, servants or friends, but solely to those who should have
resided at least three years in the islands, and have worked the lands
so conceded. Any grants which might have already been made to the
relations of the governors or magistrates were to be cancelled.
The rent paid by the Chinese for the land they occupied was to
be applied to the necessities of the capital.
The Governor and Bishop were to enjoin the judges not to permit
■costly law-suits, but to execute summary justice verbally, and so far as
possible, fines Avere not to be inflicted.
The City of Manila was to be fortified in a manner to ensure it
■against all further attacks or risings.
Four penitentiaries were to be established in the Islands in the
most convenient places, with the necessary garrisons, and six to eight
galleys and frigates well armed and ready for defence against the
English corsairs who might come by way of the Moluccas.
In the most remote and unexplored parts of the Islands, the
Governor was to have unlimited powers to act as he should please,
without consulting His Majesty; but projected enterprises of conversion,
pacification, &c., at the expense of the Royal Treasury, Avere to be
submitted to a Council comprising the Bishop, the captains, &c. The
Governor Avas authorised to capitulate and agree with the captains and
others who might care to undertake couA'ersions and pacifications on
their own account, and to concede the title of Maestre de Campo to
such persons, on condition that such capitulations should be forwarded
to His Majesty for ratification.
54 PHILIPriNE ISLANDS.
Only those persons domiciled in the Islands would be permitted
to trade with them.
A sum of $1,000 was to be taken from the tributes paid into the
Royal Treasury for the foundation of the Hospital for the Spaniards,
and the annual sum of $600, appropriated by the Governor for its
support, was confirmed. Moreover, theEoyal Treasury of Mexico was
to send clothing to the value of 400 ducats for the Hospital use.
The Hospital for the natives was to receive an annual donation
of $600 for its support, and an immediate supply of clothing from
Mexico to the value of $200.
Slaves held by Spaniards were to be immediately set at liberty. No
native was thenceforth to make slaves. All new-born natives were
declared free. The bondage of all existing slaves from ten years of
age was to cease on their attaining twenty years of age. Those above
twenty years of age were to serve five years longer, and then become
free. At any time, notwithstanding the foregoing conditions, they
would be entitled to purchase their liberty, the price of which was to
be determined by the Governor and the Bishop.^
There being no tithes payable to the Church by Spaniards or
natives, the clergy were to receive for their maintenance the half real
above mentioned in lieu thereof, from the tribute paid by each native
subjected to the Crown. When the Spaniards should have crops, they
were to pay tithes to the clergy.
A grant was made of 12,000 ducats for the building and ornaments
of the Cathedral, and an immediate advance of 2,000 ducats on
account of this grant was made from the funds to be I'emitted from
Mexico.
Forty Austin Friars were to be sent at once to the Philippines,
to be followed by missionaries from other corporations. The King
allowed $500 to be paid against the $1,000 passage money for each
priest, the balance to be defrayed out of the common funds of the
clergy, derived from their share of the tribute.
• Bondage in the Philippines was apparently not so necessary for the interests
of the Church as it was in Cuba, where a commission of Friars, appointed soon
after the discovery of the island, to deliberate on the policy of partially permitting
slavery there, reported " that the Indians would not labour without compulsion
" and that, unless they laboured, they could not be brought into communication
" with the whites, nor be converted to Christianity." Vide W. H. Prescott's
" Hist, of the Confiuest of Mexico," torn. II., Chap. I., page 104, ed. 1878.
MENDICANT AND AUGUSTINE FRIARS. 55
Missionaries in great numbers had already flocked to the
Philippines and roamed wherever they thought fit, without license
from the Bishop, whose authority they utterly repudiated.
Affirming that they had the direct consent of His Holiness flie
Pope, they menaced with excommunication whosoever attempted to
impede them in their free peregrination. Five years after the
foundation of Manila, the city and environs were infested with
niggardly mendicant Friars, Avhoso slothful habits placed their
supercilious countrymen in ridicule before the natives. They were
tolerated but a short time in the Islands ; not altogether because of
the ruin they would have brought to European moral influence on
the untutored tribes, but because the Bishop was highly jealous of
all competition against the Augustine order to which he belonged.
Consequent on the representations of Fray Alonso Sanchez, His
Majesty ordained that all priests who went to the Philippines were,
in the first place, to resolve never to quit the Islands without the
Bishop's sanction, which was to be conceded with great circumspection
and only in extreme cases, whilst the Governor was instructed not to
afford them means of exit on his sole authority.
Neither did the Bishop regard with satisfaction the presence of the
Commissary of the Inquisition, whose secret investigations, shrouded
with mystery, curtailed the liberty of the loftiest functionary, sacred
or civil. At the instigation of Fray Alonso Sanchez, the junta
recommended the King to recall the Commissary and extinguish the
office, but he refused to do so. In short, the chief aims of the Bishop
were to enhance the power of the Friars, raise the dignity of the
Colonial mitre, and secure a religious monopoly for the Augustine
order.
Gomez Perez Dasmariiias was the next Govei'nor appointed to these
Islands, on the recommendation of Fray Alonso Sanchez. In the Royal
Instructions which he brought with him were embodied all the above-
mentioned civil, ecclesiastical and military reforms.
At the same time. King Philip abolished the Supreme Court. He
wished to put an end to the interminable lawsuits so prejudicial to the
development of the Colony. Therefore the President and Magistrates
were replaced by Justices of the Peace, and the former returned to
Mexico in 1591. This measure served only to widen the breach
between the Bishop and the Civil Government. Dasraarifias corapeUed
56 . rniLirriNE islands.
him to keep within the sphere of his sacerdotal functious, and tolerated
no rival in State concerns. There was no appeal on the spot against
the Governor's authority. This restraint irritated and disgusted the
Bishop to such a degree, that, at the age of 78 years, he resolved to
present himself at the Spanish Court. On his arrival there, he
explained to the King the impossibility of one Bishop attending to
the spiritual wants of a people dispersed over so many islands. For
seven years after the foundation of Manila as capital of the Archipelago,
its principal church was simply a parish church. In 1578 it was
raised to the dignity of a Cathedral, at the instance of the King.
Three years after this date the Cathedral of Manila was solemnlv
declared to be a " Suffragan Cathedral of Mexico, under the Advocation
of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception ; " Domingo Salazar being
the first Bishop consecrated. He now proposed to raise the Manila
See to an Archbishopric, with three Suffragan Bishops. The King gave
his consent, subject to approval from Rome, and this following in due
course, Salazar was appointed first Archbishop of Manila, but he died
before the Papal Bull arrived, dated 14th of August, 1595, officially
authorising his investiture.
In the meantime, Alonso Sanchez had proceeded to Kome in May,
1589. Amongst many other Pontifical favours conceded to him, he
obtained the right for himself, or his assigns, to i;se a die or stamp of
any form with one or more images, to be chosen by the holder, and to
contain also the Figure of Christ, the Very Holy Virgin, or the Saint
Peter or Paul. On the reverse was to be engraven a bust portrait
of His Holiness, with the following indulgences attached thereto,
viz. : — " To him who should convey the word of God to the infidels,
" or give them notice of the holy mysteries — each time 300 years'
" indulgence. To him Avho, by industry, converted any one of these,
" or brought him to the bosom of the Church — full indulgence for all
" sins." A number of minor indulgences were conceded for services
to be rendered to the Pontificate, and for the praying so many Pater
Nosters and Ave Marias. This Bull was dated in Pome 28tli of
July, 1591.
Popes Gregory XIV, and Innocent IX. granted other Bulls relating
to the rewards for using beads, medals, crosses, pictures, blessed images,
etc., with which one could gain nine plenary indulgences every day
or rescue nine souls from purgatory ; and each day, twice over, all the
RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF SUPREME COURT. 57
full indulgences yet given in and out of Rome could be obtained for
living and deceased persons.
Sanchez returned to vSpaiu (where he died), bringing with him
the body of Saint Policarp, relics of Saint Potenciana, and 157
Martyrs ; amongst them, 27 popes, for remission to the Cathedral of
Manila.
The Supreme Court was re-established with the same faculties as
those of Mexico and Lima in lo98, and since then, on seven occasions,
when the Governorship has been vacant, it has acted pro tern. The
following interesting account of the pompous ceremonial attending the
reception of the Royal Seal, restoring this Court, is given by
Concepcion.* He says : — " The Royal Seal of office was received from
" the ship with the accustomed solemnity. It Avas contained in a
*' chest covered with purple velvet and trimmings of silver and gold,
" over which hung a cloth of silver and gold. It was escorted by a
" majestic accompaniment, marching to the sounds of clarions and
" cymbals and other musical instruments. The cortege passed through
" the noble city with rich vestments, with leg trimmings and
" uncovered heads. Behind these followed a horse, gorgeously
" caparisoned and girthed, for the President to place the cofler
*' containing the Royal Seal upon its back. The streets were
" beautifully adorned with exquisite drapery. The High Bailiff,
" magnificently robed, took the reins in hand to lead the horse under
" a purple velvet pall, bordered with gold. The magistrates walked
" on either side ; the aldermen of the city, richly clad, carried their
" staves of office in the august procession, which concluded with a
" military escort, standard bearers, etc., and proceeded to the Cathedral,
" where it was met by the Dean, holding a Cross. As the company
" entered the sacred edifice, the Te Deum was intoned by a baud of
" music."
In 1886 a Supreme Court, exactly similar to, and independent of,
that of Manila, was established in the City of Cebu. The question of
precedence in official acts having been soon after disputed between the
President of the Court and the Brigadier-Governor of Visayas, it was
decided in favour of the latter, on appeal to the Governor-General. In
■ " Hist. Gen. de Philiplnas," by Juan de la Concepcion, Vol. III., Chap. IX.,
page 365, pub. Manila, 1788.
58 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
the meantime, the advisability of abolishing the Supreme Court of
Cebii, was debated by the public.
For many years after the conquest, deep religious sentiment
pervaded the State policy, and not a few of the Governors-General
acquired fame for their demonstrations of piety.
Nevertheless, the couflictive ambition of the State and Church
representatives was a powerful hindrance to the progress of the
Colony.
The quarrel between Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (1635-1644)
and the Archbishop arose from a circumstance of little concern to the
Colony. The Archbishop ordered a military officer, who had a slave,
to either sell or liberate her. The officer, rather than yield to either
condition, wished to marry her, but failing to obtain her consent, he
stabbed her to death. He thereupon took asylum in a convent,
whence he was forcibly removed, and publicly executed in front of
St. Augustine's Church by order of the Governor. The Archbishop
protested against the act, which, in those days, was qualified as a
violation of sanctuary.
The churches were closed whilst the dispute lasted. The Jesuits,
always opposed to the Austin Friars, sided with the Governor. The
Archbishop therefore prohibited them to preach outside their churches
in any public place, under pain of excommunication and 4,000 ducats
fine, whilst the other priests agreed to abstain from attending their
religious or literary reunions. Finally, a religious council was called,
but a coalition having been formed against the Archbishop, he was
excommunicated — his goods distrained — his salary stopped, and he was
suspended in his archiepiscopal functions under a penalty of 4,000
ducats fine. At this crisis, he implored mercy and the intervention of
the Supreme Court. The magistrates decided against the prelate's
appeal, and allowed him twelve hours to comply, under pain of continued
excommunication and a further fine of 1,000 ducats. The Archbishop
thereupon retired to the Convent of St. Francis, where the Governor
visited him. The Archbishop subsequently made the most abject
s\ibmission in an archiepiscopal decree which fully sets forth the
admission of his guilt. Such a violent settlement of disputes did not
long remain undisturbed, and the Archbishop again sought the first
opportunity of opposing the lay authority. In this he can only be
CHURCH AND STATE CONTENTIONS. 59
excused — if excuse it be — as the upholder of the traditions of cordial
discord between the two great factious — Church aud State. The
Supreme Court, under the presidency of the Governor, resolved therefore
to banish the Archbishop from Mauila. With this object, 50 soldiers
were deputed to seize the prelate, Avho was secretly forewarned of their
coming by his co-conspirators. On their approach he held the Host in
his hand, and it is related that the sub-lieutenant sent in charge of the
troops, was so horrified at his mission, that he placed the hilt of his
sword upon the floor and fell upon the point, but as the sword bent he
did not kill himself. The soldiers waited patiently until the Archbishop
was tired out, and compelled, by fatigue, to replace the Host on the altar.
Then they immediately arrested him, conducted him to a boat under
a guard of five men, and landed him on the desert Island of Corregidor.
The churches were at once re-opeued ; the Jesuits preached where they
chose ; terms were dictated to the contumacious Archbishop, who
accepted everything unconditionally, and was thereupon permitted to
resume his oflace.
The acts of Corcuera were enquired iuto by his successor, who
caused him to be imprisoned for five years, but it is to be presumed
that Corcuera was justified in what he did, for on his release and return
to Spain, the King rewarded him with the Governorship of the Canary
Islands.
It is chronicled that Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, who arrived in
the galleon " San Francisco Xavier " in 1653 with the Archbishop
Poblete, refused to disembark until this dignitary had blessed the earth
he was going to tread. It Avas he too who had the privilege of
witnessing the expurgation of the islands of the excommunications and
admonitions of Rome. The Archbishop brought peace and good-will
to all men, being charged by His Holiness to sanctify the Colony.
The ceremony was performed with great solemnity, from an
elevation, in the presence of an immense concourse of people. Later
on, the pious Lara was accused of perfidy to his Royal Master, and was
fined $60,000, but on being pardoned, he retired to Spain, where he
took holy orders.
His successor, Diego Salcedo (1663-1668), was not so fortunate in
his relations with Archbishop Poblete, for during five years he warmly
contested his iuterveutiou in civil aflfairs. Poblete found it hard to
^^ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
yield the exercise of veto in all matters which, by courtesy, had been
conceded to him by the late Governor Lara. The Archbishop refused
to obey the Royal decrees relating to Church appointments under
the Royal patronage, such preferments being in the hands of the
Governor-General as vice-royal patron. These decrees were twice
notified to the Archbishop, but as he still persisted in his disobedience,
Salcedo signed an order for his expulsion to Mariveles. This brouo-ht
the prelate to his senses, and he remained more submissive in future
It is recorded that the relations between the Governor and the
Archbishop became so strained, that the latter was compelled to pay a
heavy fine-to remain standing whilst awaiting an audience-to submit
to contumely during the interviews— and when he died, the Governor
ordered royal feasts to celebrate the joyful event, whilst he prohibited
the de profimdis Mass, on the ground that such would be inconsistent
with the secular festivities.
The King, on being apprised of this, permitted the Inquisition to
take Its course. Diego Salcedo was surprised in his Palace, and
imprisoned by the bloodthirsty agents of the Santo Oficio. Some
years afterwards, he was shipped on board a galleon as a prisoner to
the Inquisitors of Mexico, but the ship had to put back under stress of
weather, and Salcedo returned to his dungeon. There he suffered the
worst privations, until he was again embarked for Mexico. On this
voyage he died of grief and melancholy. The King espoused the cause
of the ecclesiastics, and ordered Salcedo's goods, as well as those of his
partisans, to be confiscated.
Manuel de Leon (1669) managed to preserve a good understandin<.
with the clergy, and, on his decease, he bequeathed all his possession'^
to the Obras Pias {vide Chap. XV., foot note). '
Troubles with the Archbishop and Friars were revived on the
Government being assumed by Jnan de Nargas (1678-1684) In
the last year of his rule, the Archbishop was banished from Manila
It IS difficult to adequately appreciate the causes of this quarrel and
there is doubt as to which was right-the Governor or the Archbishop
On his restoration to his See, he was one of the few prelates— perhaps
the only one— who personally sought to avenge himself. Durincr the
dispute, a number of Friars had supported the Government^ and
these he caused to stand on a raised platform in front of a church and
HOLY KIOT. A GOVERNOR-GENERAL MURDERED. 61
publicly recant their former acts, declaring themselves miscreants.
Juan de Nargas had just retired from the Governorship after seven
years' service, and the Archbishop called upon him likewise to abjure
his past proceedings and perform the following penance : — To wear a
penitent's garb — to place a rope around his neck, and carry a lighted
candle to the doors of the cathedral and the churches of the Parian,
San Gabriel and Binoudo, on every feast day during four months.
Nargas objected to this degradation, and claimed privilege, arguing
that the Archbishop had no jurisdiction over him, as he was a Cavalier
of the military order of St. James. But the Archbishop only desisted
in his pretensions when the new Governor threatened to expel him
again.
Fernando Bustamente Bustillo y Rueda (1717-1719) adopted
stringent measures to counteract the Archbishop's excessive claims
to immunity. Several individuals charged with heinous crimes had
taken church asylum and defied the civil power and justice. The
Archbishop was appealed to, to hand them over to the civil authorities,
or allow them to be taken. He refused to do either, supporting the
claim of immunity of sanctuary.
At the same time it came to the knowledge of the Governor that a
movement had been set on foot against him by those citizens who
favoured the Archbishop's views, and that even the Friars had so
debased themselves as to seek the aid of the Chinese residents against
the Governor.
Torralba, the late acting-Governor, was released from confinement
by the Governor, and re-instated by him as judge in the Supreme
Court, although he was under an accusation of embezzlement to the
extent of $700,000. The Archbishop energetically opposed this act.
He notified to Torralba his excommunication and ecclesiastical pains,
and, on his own authority, attempted to seize his person in violation
of the privileges of the Supreme Court. Torralba with his sword and
shield in hand expelled the Archbishop's messenger by force. Then,
as judge in the Supreme Court, he hastened to avenge himself of his
enemies by issuing warrants against them. They fled to church
asylum, and, Avith the moral support of the Archbishop, laughed at the
magistrates. There the refugees provided themselves Avith arms, and
prepared for rebellion. When the Archbishop was officially informed
of these facts, he still maintained that nothing could violate their
Q2 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
immuuitj. The Governor then caused the Archbishop to -be arrested
and confined in a fortress, with all the ecclesiastics who had joined
the conspiracy against the Government.
Open riot ensued, and the priests marched to the Palace, amidst
hideous clamouriugs, collecting the mob and citizens on the way. It
was one of the most revolting scenes and remarkable events in
Philippine history. Priests of the Sacred Orders of Saint Francis,
Saint Dominic, and Saint Augustine joined the Recoletos in shouting
"Viva la Iglesia," "Viva nuestro Rey Don Felipe Quinto.'" The
excited rabble rushed to the Palace, and the guard having fled, they
easily forced their way in. One priest who impudently dared to
advance towards the Governor, was promptly ordered by him to
stand back. The Governor, seeing himself encircled by an armed
mob of laymen and servants of Christ clamouring for his doAvnfall,
pulled the trigger of his gun, but the flint failed to strike fire.
Then the crowd took courage and attacked him, whilst he defended
himself bravely with a bayonet, until he was overwhelmed by numbers.
From the Palace he was dragged to the common jail, and stabbed and
maltreated on the Avay.
His sou, hearing of this outrage, arrived on horseback, but was
run through by one of the rebels, and fell to the ground. He got up,
cut his way through the infuriated rioters, but Avas soon surrounded
and killed by numbers, who horribly mutilated his body.
The populace, urged by the clerical party, now fought for the
liberty of the Archbishop. The prison doors were broken open,
and the Archbishop was amongst the number of offenders liberated.
The prelate came in triumph to the Palace, and assumed the
Government in October, 17 19. The mob, during their excesses, tore
down the Royal Standard, and maltreated those whom they met of
the unfortunate Governor's faithful friends. A mock enquiry into
the circumstances of the riot was made in Manila in apparent judicial
form. Another investigation was instituted in Mexico, which led to
several of the minor actors in this sad drama being made the scapegoat
victims of the more exalted criminals. The Archbishop held the
Government for nine years, and was then transferred to the Mexican
Bishopric of Mechoacan.
1 " Long live the Church,"," Long live our King Philip V."
CHURCH AND STATE CONTENTIONS. 63
Pedro Manuel de Arandia (1754-1759) is said to have died of
melancholy consequent, in a measure, on his futile endeavours to govern
at peace Avith the Friars, who always secured the favour of the King.
On four occasions the Supreme State authority in the Colony has
heeu vested in the prelates. Archbishop Manuel Rojo, acting-
Governor at the time of the British occupation of Manila in 1763, is
said to have died of grief and shame in prison (176i) through the
intrigues of the violent Simon de Anda y Salazar.
Jose Eaon was Governor-General in 1768 Avheu the expulsion of
the Jesuits Avas decreed. After the secret determination was made
known to him, he was accused of having divulged it, and of having
concealed his instructions. He Avas thereupon placed under guard ia
his own residence, AA'here he expired.
Domingo Moriones y Murillo (1877-1880), it is alleged, had
altercations with the Friars, and found it necessary to remind the
Archbishop Payo that the supreme power in the Philippines belonged
to the State — not to the Church repi'esentative.
From the earliest times of Spanish dominion, it had been the
practice of the natives to expose to vicAv the corpses of their relations
and friends in the public highAvays and villages whilst conveying them
to the parish churches, where they Avere again exhibited to the common
gaze, pending the pleasure of the parish priest to perform the last
obsequies. This outrage on public decorum Avas proscribed by the
Director-General of Civil Administration in a circular of the 18th of
October, 1887, addressed to the Provincial Governors, enjoining them
to prohibit such indecent scenes in future. Thereupon the parish
priests simply shoAved their contempt for restraint by the civil
authorities, and simulated their inability to elucidate to the native petty
Governors the true intent and meaning of the order. At the same
time, the Archbishop of Manila issued instructions on the subject to his
subordinates in very equivocal language. The native local authorities
then petitioned the Civil Governor of Manila to make the matter clear
to them.
The Civil Governor of Manila referred the matter back to the
Director-General of Civil Administration. This functionary, in a ncAv
circular dated 4th of November, confirmed his previous mandate of the
18th October, and censured the action of the parish priests, who " in
64 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
improper language and from the pulpit," had incited the native headmen
to set aside his authority. The author of the circular sarcastically
added the pregnant remark, that he was penetrated Avith the conviction
that the Archbishop's sense of patriotism and rectitude loould deter
him from sid)verti7ig the law. This incident seriously aroused the
jealousy of the Friars holding vicarages, and did not improve the
relations between Church and State.
■♦■♦•♦■
CHAPTER y
EARLY RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PHILIPPINES
AND JAPAN.
Two decades of existence in the 16th century was but a short
period in which to make known the conditions of this new Colony to
its neighbouring States, when its only regular intercourse with them
was through the Chinese who came to trade with Manila. Japanese
mariners, therefore, appear to have continued to regard the north of
Luzon as " no-man's-land," for years after its nominal annexation by
the Spaniards they assembled there, whether as merchants or buccaneers
it is difficult to determine. Spanish authority had been asserted by
Salcedo along the west coast about as far as lat. 18° N., but in 1591
the north coast was only known to Europeans geographically. So far,
the natives there had not made the acquaintance of their new masters.
A large Spanish galley cruising in these waters met a Japanese
vessel off Cape Bojeador (N.W. point) and fired a shot which carried
away the stranger's mainmast, obliging him to heave-to. Then the
galley-men, intending to board the stranger, made fast the sterns,
whilst the Spaniards rushed to the bows, but the Japanese came first,
boarded the galley and drove the Spaniards aft, where they would
have all pei-ished had they not cut away the mizzenmast and let it fall
with all sail set. Behind this barricade, they had time to load their
arquebuses and drive back the Japanese, over whom they gained a
victory. The Spaniards then entered the Rio Grande de Cagayau,
where they met a Japanese fleet, between which they passed peacefully.
On shore they formed trenches, and mounted cannons on earthworks,
but the Japanese scaled the fortifications and pulled down the cannons
by the mouths.
These were recovered, and the Spanish captain had the cannon
mouths greased, so that the Japanese tactics should not be repeated.
Hi
66 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
A battle was fought, and the defeated Japanese set sail ; •whilst the
Spaniards remained to obtain the submission of the natives by force
or by persuasion.
Japanese had also come to Manila to trade, and were located in the
neighbouring village of Dilao,^ where the Franciscan Friars undertook
their conversion to Christianity, whilst the Dominican order considered
the spiritual care of the Chinese their especial charge.
The Portuguese had been in possession of Macao since the year
1557, and traded with various Chinese ports, whilst in the Japanese
town of Nagasaki there was a small colony of Portuguese merchants.
These were the indirect sources whence the Emperor of Japan learnt
that Europeans had founded a colony in Luzon Island, and in 1593
he sent a message to the Governor of the Philippines calling upon him
to surrender and become his vassal, threatening invasion in the event
•of refusal. The Spanish colonies at that date were hardly in a position
to treat with haughty scorn the menaces of the Japanese potentate,
for they were simultaneously threatened with troubles with the Dutch
in the Moluccas, for which they were preparing an armament (vide
Chap. VI.). The want of men, ships and war material obliged them
to seek conciliation with dignity. The Japanese Ambassador, Farranda
Kiemon, was received with great honours and treated with the utmost
■ deference during his sojourn in Manila.
The Governor replied to the Emperor, that being but a lieger of the
Kino- of Spain — a mighty monarch of unlimited resources and power, —
he was unable to acknowledge the Emperor's suzerainty ; for the most
important duty imposed upon him by his Sovereign was the defence
•of his vast domains against foreign aggression ; that, on the other hand,
he was desirous of entering into amicable and mutually advantageous
relations with the Emperor, and solicited his conformity to a treaty of
commerce, the terms of which would be elucidated to him by an envoy.
A priest, Juan Cobo, and an infantry captain were thereupon
accredited to the Japanese Court as Philippine ambassadors. On their
arrival they were, without delay, admitted in audience by the Emperor ;
the treaty of commerce was adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties,
and the ambassadors, with some Japanese nobles, set sail for Manila
in Japanese ships, which foundered on the voyage, and all perished.
' Now the suburb of Paco. Between 1606 and 1608, owing to a rising of the
Japanese settlers, their dwellings in Dilao were sacked and the settlement burnt.
PHILIPPINE CATHOLIC MISSIONS TO JAPAN. Q7
Neither the political nor the clerical party in Manila vf&a, however,
dismayed by this first disaster, and the prospect of penetrating Japan
was followed up by a second expedition.
Between the Friars an animated discussion arose, when the Jesuits
protested against members of any other order being sent to Japan.
Saint Francis Xavier had, years before, obtained a Papal Bull from
Pope Gregory XIII., awarding Japan to his Order, which had been the
first to establish missions in Nagasaki. Jesuits were still there iu
numbers, and the necessity of sending members of rival religious bodies
is not made clear in the historical records. The jealous feud between
those holy men was referred to the Governor, who naturally decided
against the Jesuits, in pursuit of the King's policy of grasping territory
under the cloak of piety. A certain Fray Pedro Bautista was chosen
as ambassador, and in his suite were three other priests. These
embarked in a Spanish frigate, whilst Farranda Kiemon, who had
remained in Manila the honoured guest of the Government, took his
leave, and went on board his own vessel. The authorities bid farewell
to the two embassies with ostentatious ceremonies and amidst public
rejoicings, and on the 26th of May, 1593, the two ships started on
their journey.
After 30 days' navigation, one ship arrived safely at Nagasaki and
the other at a port 35 miles off it.
Pedro Bautista, introduced by Farranda Kiemon, was presented to
the Emperor Taycosama, who welcomed him as an ambassador authorized
to negotiate a treaty of commerce^ and conclude an ojffensive and
defensive alliance for mutual protection. The Protocol was agreed to,
and signed by both parties, and the relations between the Emperor and
Pedro Bautista became more and more cordial. The latter solicited, and
obtained, permission to reside indefinitely in the country, and send the
treaty on by messenger to the Governor of the Philippines, hence the
ships in which the envoys had arrived remained about ten months in
port. A concession was also granted to build a church at Meaco, near
Osaka, and it was opened in 1594, when Mass was publicly celebrated.
In Nagasaki the Jesuits Avere allowed to reside unmolested, and
practise their religious rites amongst the Portuguese population of
traders and others who might have voluntarily embraced Christianitv.
Bautista went there to consult with the chief of the Jesuit Mission,
who energetically opposed what he held to be an encroachment upon
E 2
68 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
«
the monopoly rights of his Order, conceded by the self-constituted
Monarch of the whole world, Pope Gregory XIII., and confirmed by
Koyal Decrees. Bautist:i-, however, showed a permission which he had
received from the Jesuit General, by virtue of which he was suffered
to continue his course until the arrival of that dignitary himself.
The Portuguese merchants in Nagasaki were not slow to com-
prehend that Bautista's coming with priests at his command was but a
prelude to Spanish territorial conquest, in which they would uaturally
be the losers when their hoped-for emancipation from the Spanish yoke
should one day be realized.^ Therefore to save their own interests,
they forewarned the Governor of Nagasaki, who prohibited Bautista
from continuing his propaganda against the established religion of the
country iu contravention of the Emperor's commands. But little heed
was taken of this injunction, and Bautista was expelled from Nagasaki
for contumacy.
It was now manifest to the Emperor that he had been basely
deceived ; he was persuaded to believe that under the pretext of
concluding a commercial and political treaty as Philippine ambassador,
Bautista and his party had, iu effect, introduced themselves into his
realm with the clandestine object of seducing his subjects from their
allegiance, of undermining their consciences, perverting them from the
religion of their forefathers, and that all this would bring about the
dismemberment of his Empire and the overthrow of his dynasty.
Not only had Taycosama abstained from persecuting foreigners for the
exercise of their religious rites, but he freely licensed the Jesuits to
continue their mission in Nagasaki and wherever Catholics happened
to congregate. He had permitted the construction of their temples,
but he could not tolerate a deliberate propaganda M'hich foreshadowed
his own ruin.'"'
Pedro Bautista's designs being prematurely obstructed, he took his
passage back to Manila from Nagasaki in a Japanese vessel, leaving
behind him his interpreter, Fray Jerome, with the other Franciscan
Monks. An Imperial Decree was then issued to prohibit foreign
priests from interfering with the religion of Japanese subjects ; but
' Portugal was forcibly annexed to thfi Spanish Crown from 1"81 to lfi40.
2 The persecution of religious apostates by Philip XL's Generals during the
" Wars of the Flanders," was due to his foresight of the political disadvantages
•which would ensue from religious discord.
THE MARTYR-SAINTS IN JxVPAN. 69
this law being set at naught by Bautista's colleagues, one was arrested
and imprisoned, and warrants were issued against the others ;
meanwhile the Jesuits in Nagasaki were in no way restrained.
The Governor of Nagasaki caused the Franciscan propagandists
to be conducted on board a Portuguese ship and handed over to the
eharo-e of the captain, under severe penalties if he aided or allowed
their escape, but they were free to go wherever they chose outside the
Japanese Empire. The captain, however, permitted one to return
ashore, and for some time he wandered about the country in disguise.
Pedro Bautista had reached Manila, where the ecclesiastical
dignitaries prevailed upon the Governor to sanction another expedition
to Japan, and Bautista arrived in that country a second time with a
number of Franciscan Friars. The Emperor now lost all patience, and
determined not only to repress these venturesome foreigners, but to
stamp out the last vestige of their revolutionary machinations.
Therefore, by Imperial Decree, the arrest was ordered of all the
Franciscan Friars, and all natives who persisted in their adhesion to
these missionaries' teachings. Twenty-six of those taken were tried
and condemned to ignominious exhibition and death — the Spaniards,
because they had come into the country and had received royal favours
under false pretences, representing themselves as political ambassadors
and suite — the Japanese, because they had forsworn the religion of
their ancestors and bid fair to become a constant danger and source of
discord in the realm. Amongst these Spaniards was Pedro Bautista.
And after their ears and noses had been cut off, they were promenr'ded
from town to town in a cart, finally entering Nagasaki on horseback.
Each bore the sentence of death on a breast-board, which stated the
reasons why they were so condemned. The sentence was to be carried
out where common felons were ordinarily executed ; but a deputation
of Portuguese merchants waited upon the Governor at Nagasaki to beg
that the crucifixions should take place elsewhere. The Governor
readily acceded to their request — indeed there is nothing in the history
of these events which points to vindictiveness on the part of the
Japanese Emperor or his officers.
On a high ground, near the City and the port, in front of the
Jesuits' Church, these 26 persons were crucified and stabbed to death
with lances, in expiation of their political offences. It was a sad fate
for men who conscientiously believed that they were justified in
70 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
violating rights and laws of nations for the propagation of their
particular views, but can one complain ? Would Buddhist missionaries
in Spain have met with milder treatment at the hands of the
Inquisitors ?'
Each Catholic body was supposed to designate the same road to
Heaven — each professed to teach the same means of obtaining the
grace of God ; yet, strange to say, each bore the other an implacable
hatred — an inextinguishable jealousy I If conversion to Christianity
were for the glory of God and not -for the glory of the Friars, what
could it have mattered to the Franciscan order whether souls of
Japanese were saved by them or by others ? For King Philip it was
the same whether his political tools were of one denomination or the
other, but many of the Jesuits in Japan happened to be Portuguese.
The Jesuits in Manila probably felt that in view of their opposition
to the Franciscan missions, they might incur public censure, and be held
morally responsible for indirectly contributing to the unfortunate events
related ; therefore, they formally declared that Pedro Bautista and his
followers died excommunicated, because they had disobeyed the Bull
of Pope Gregory XIII.
The general public were much excited when the news spread
through the City, and a special Mass was said, followed by a religious
procession through the streets. The Governor sent a commission to
Japan, under the control of Luis de Navarrete, to ask for the dead
bodies and chattels of the executed priests. The Emperor showed no
rancour whatsoever ; on the contrary, his policy was already carried
out ; and to welcome the Spanish lay deputies, he gave a magnificent
banquet and entertained them sumptuously. Luis de Navarrete having
claimed the dead bodies of the priests, the Emperor at once ordered the
guards on the execution ground to retire, and told Navarrete that he
could dispose as he pleased of the mortal remains. Navarrete there-
upon hastened to Nagasaki, but before he could reach there, devout
Catholics had cut up the bodies ; one carrying away a head, another a
' Keligious intolerance in Spain was confirmed in 1822, by the New Penal Code
of that date ; the text reads thus : — " Todo fl que conspirase directamente y de
*' hecho 4 establecer otra religion en las Espanas, 6 & que la Nacion Eepafiola deje
" de profcsar la religion Apostolica Eomana es traidor y Bufrira la pena de
" muerte." Articulo 227 del Codigo Penal presentado a las Cortes en 22 de Abril
de 1821 y sancionado en 1822.
THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN EXPLAINS HIS POLICY. 71
leg, and so forth. It happened too, that Navarrete died of disease a
few days after his arrival in Nagasaki. His successor, Diego de Losa,
recovered the pieces of the deceased priests, which he put into a box
and shipped for Manila, but the vessel and box were lost on the way.
Diego de Losa returned to Manila, the bearer of a polite letter, and
very acceptable presents from the Emperor to the Governor of the
Philippines.
The letter fully expatiated on recent events, and set forth a well-
reasoned justification of the Emperor's decrees against the priests, in
terms which proved that he was neither a tyrant nor a wanton savage,
but an astute politician. The letter stated, that under the pretext of
being ambassadors, the priests in question had come into the country
and had taught a diabolical law belonging to foreign countries, and
which aimed at superseding the rites and laws of his own religion^
confused his people, and destroyed his Government and Kingdom ;
for whicli reason he had rigorously proscribed it. Against these
prohibitions, the religious men of Luzon preached their law publicly to
humble people, such as servants and slaves. Not being able to permit
this persistence in law-breaking, he had ordered their death by placing
them on crosses ; for he was informed that in the Kingdom where
Spaniards dominated, this teaching of their religious doctrine was but
an artifice and stratagem by means of which the civil power was
deceitfully gained. He astutely asks the Governor- General if he would
consent to Japanese preaching their laws in his territory, perturbing
public peace with such novelties amongst the lower classes ?
It is certain he would not permit it, argues the Emperor — it would
be severely repressed, and he had done the same in the exercise of his
absolute power and for the good of his subjects. Thus, he adds, he has
avoided the occurrence in his dominions of what has taken place in
those regions where the Spaniards deposed the legitimate Kings, and
bad constituted themselves masters by religious fraud.
It is true, he admits, that he seized the cargo of a Spanish ship,
but it was only as a reprisal for the harm which he had suffered by the
tumult raised when they evaded the edict.
But as the Spanish Governor had thought fit to send another
ambassador from so far, risking the perils of the sea, he was anxious
for peace and mutual good-feeling, but only on the precise condition
that no more individuals should be sent to teach a law foreip'n to his
72 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
realm, and under tliese unalterable conditions the Governor's subjects
were at liberty to trade freely "with Japan ; that by reason of his former
friendship and royal clemency, he had refrained from killing all the
Spaniards Avith the priests and their servants, and had allowed them to
return to their country.
As to religion itself, Taycosaraa is said to have remarked that
among so many professed, one more was of little consequence, — hence
his toleration in the beginning, and his continued permission to the
Jesuits to maintain their doctrines amongst their own sectarians.
Moreover, it is said that a map was shown to Taycosama, marking
the domains of the King of Spain and Portugal, and that in reply
to his enquiry : " How could one man have conquered such vast
territory ? " — a certain Father Guzman (or more probably it was a
Portuguese) answered : "By secretly sending religious men to teach their
" doctrine, and when a sufficient number of persons were so converted,
" the Spanish soldiery, with their aid, annexed their country and
" overthrew their Kings." Such an avowal naturally impressed
Taycosama profoundly.^
In Seville there was quite a tumult when the details of the
executions in Japan were published.
In the meantime, the lamentable end of the Franciscan missionaries
did not deter others from making further attempts to follow their
example. During the first 20 years of the 17th century, priests
succeeded in entering Japan, under the pretence of trading, in spite
of the extreme measures adopted to discover them and the precautions
taken to uproot the new doctrine, which it was feared would become
the forerunner of sedition. Indeed, many Japanese nobles professing
Christianity had already taken up their residence in Manila, and were
regarded by the Emperor as a constant danger to his realm, hence he
was careful to avoid communication with the Philippines. During the
short reigns of Dayfusama and ihis son Xogusama, new decrees were
issued, not against foreign Christians, but against those who made
apostates amongst the Japanese ; and consequently two more Spanish
priests were beheaded.
In September, 1622, a large number of Spanish missionaries and
Christian Japanese men and children were executed in Nagasaki.
' " Hist. Gen. de Philipinas," by Juan de la Concepcion, Vol. III., Chap. VIII.
MISSIONS AND EXECUTIONS CONTINUED. 73
Twenty -five of them were burnt, and the rest beheaded ; their remains
beino- thrown into the sea to avoid the Christians following their odious
custom of preserving parts of corpses as relics. Two days afterwards,
four Franciscan and two Dominican Friars with five Japanese were burnt
in Omura. Then followed an edict, stating the pains and penalties,
civil deprivations, etc. against all who refused to abandon their apostasy
and return to the faith of their forefathers. Another edict was issued,
imposing death upon those who should conduct priests to Japan, and
forfeiture of the ships in which they should arrive and the merchandise
with which they should come. To all informers against native
apostates, the culprits' estates and goods were transferred as a reward.
A Spanish deputation was sent to the Emperor of Japan in 1622,
alleo"ing a desire to renew commercial relations, but the Emperor was
so exasperated at the recent defiance of his decrees, that he refused to
accept the deputies' presents from the Philippine Government, and sent
them and the deputation away.
Still there were Friars in Manila eager to seek martyrdom, but the
Philippine traders, in view of the danger of confiscation of their ships
and merchandise if they carried missionaries, resolved not to despatch
vessels to Japan if ecclesiastics insisted on taking passage. The
Government supported this resolution in the interests of trade, and
formally prohibited the transport of priests. The Archbishop of
Manila, on his part, imposed ecclesiastical penalties on those of his
subordinates who should clandestinely violate this prohibition.
Supplicatory letters from Japan reached the religious communities
in Manila, entreating them to send more priests to aid in the spread of
Christianity, therefore the chiefs of the Orders consulted together,
bought a ship, and paid high wages to its officers to carry four
Franciscan, four Dominican and two Recoleto priests to Japan. W h e
the Governor, Alonso Fajardo, heard of the intended expedition, he
threatened to prohibit it, affirming that he would not consent to any
more victims being sent to Japan. Thereupon representatives of the
religious orders waited upon him, to state that if he persisted in his
prohibition, upon his conscience would fall the enormous charge of
having lost the souls which they had hoped to save. The Governor
therefore retired from the discussion, remitting the question to the
Archbishop, who at once permitted the ship to leave, conveying the ten
priests disguised as merchants. Several times the vessel was nearly
74 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
wrecked, but at length arrived safely in a Japanese port ; the ten priests
landed, and Avere shortly afterwards burnt by Imperial order.
In Rome, a very disputed enquiry had been made into the
circumstances of the Franciscan mission ; but in spite of the severe
ordeal of the diaboli advocatus, canonization was conceded to Pedro
Bautista and his companions.
In 1629, the Papal Bull of Urban VIII., dated 14th of September,
1627, was published in Manila, amidst public feasts and popular
rejoicing. The Bull declared the missionaries of Japan to be Saints and
Martyrs and Patron Saints of the second class. Increased animation
in favour of missions to Japan became general in consequence. Ten
thousand dollars were collected to fit out a ship to carry 12 priests
from Manila, besides 24 priests who came from Pangasinan to embark
secretly. The ship, however, was wrecked oflf the Ilocos Province
coast, but the crew and priests were saved.
A large junk was then secretly prepared at a distance from Manila
for the purpose of conveying another party of friars to Japan ; but just
as they were about to embark, the Governor sent a detachment of
soldiers with orders to prevent them doing so, and he definitely
prohibited further missionary expeditions.
In 1633, the final extinction of Christians was vigorously
commenced by the Emperor To-Kogunsama ; and in the following year
79 persons were executed. The same Emperor sent a ship to Manila
with a present of 150 lepers, saying that as he did not permit
Christians in his country, and knowing that the priests had specially
cared for these unfortunate beings, he remitted them to their care.
The first impulse of the vSpaniards was to sink the ship with cannon
shots, but finally it was agreed to receive the lepers, who were
conducted with great pomp through the city and lodged in a large
shed at Dilao (now the suburb of Paco). This gave rise to the
foundation of the Saint Lazarus' (Lepers') Hospital, existing at the
present day.* The Governor replied to the Emperor that if any more
were sent he would kill them and their conductors.
The Emperor then convoked a great assembly of his vassal Kings
and Nobles, and solemnly imposed upon them the strict obligation to
' This Hospital was rebuilt with a legacy left by the Gov.-Gen. Don Manuel
de Leon in 1677. It was afterwards subsidized by the Government, and was under
the care of the FranciBcan Friars, up to the close of Spanish dominion.
PHILIPPINE MISSIONS TO JAPAN EELINQUISHED. 75
fulfil all the edicts against the entry and permanence of Christians,
under severe penalties, forfeiture of property, deprivation of dignities,
or death. So intent was this Prince on effectually annihilating
Christianity within his Empire, that he henceforth interdicted all trade
with Macao ; and when in 1640 his decree was disregarded by four
Portuguese traders, who, describing themselves as ambassadors, arrived
with a suite of 46 Orientals, they were all executed.
In the same year, the Governor of the Philippines called a Congress
of local officials and ecclesiastics ; amongst whom it was agreed that
to send missionaries to Japan was to send them directly to death,
and it was henceforth resolved to abandon Catholic missions in that
country.
Secret missions and consequent executions still continued until
about the year 1642, when the Dutch took Tanchiu — in Formosa
Island — from the Spaniards, and intercepted the passage to Japan of
priests and merchants alike. The conquest of Japan was a feat which
all the artifice of King Philip IV.'s favourites and their monastic
agents could not compass.
4'»-»
CHAPTER VI.
CONFLICTS WITH THE DUTCH.
Consequent on the union of the Crowns of Portugal and Spain
(1581 to 16-10), the feuds, as between nations, diplomatically subsided,
altliough the individual antagonism was as rife as ever.
Spanish and Portuguese interests in the Moluccas, as elsewhere,
were thenceforth officially mutual. In the Molucca group, the old
contests between the once rival Kingdoms had estranged the natives
from their forced alliances. Anti-Portuguese and Philo-Portu"-uese
parties had sprung up amongst the petty sovereignties, but the
Portuguese fort and factory established in Ternate Island were held
for many years, despite all contentions. But another rivalry, as
formidable and more detrimental than that of the Portuguese in days
gone by, now menaced Spanish ascendancy.
From the close of the 16th century up to the year of the *' Family
Compact" Wars (1763), Holland and Spain were relentless foes. To
recount the numerous combats between their respective fleets during
this period, would itself require a volume. It will suffice here to show
the bearing of these political conflicts upon the concerns of the
Philippine colony. The treaty of Antwerp, which was wrung from
the Spaniards in 1609, twenty-eight years after the union of Spain and
Portugal, broke the scourge of their tyranny, whilst it failed to assuage
the mutual antipathy. One of the consequences of the " Wars of the
Flanders," which terminated with this treaty, was that the Dutch were
obliged to seek in the Far East the merchandise which had hitherto
been supplied to them from the Peninsula. The short-sighted policy
of the Spaniards in closing to the Dutch the Portuguese markets,
which were now theirs, brought upon themselves the destruction of
CONFLICTS WITH THE DUTCH. 77
the monopolies which they had gained by the Union. The Dutch
were now free, and their old tyrant's policy induced them to
independently establish their own trading headquarters in the
Mokicca Islands, whence they could obtain directly the produce
forbidden to them in the home ports. Hence, from those islands, the
ships of a powerful Netherlands Trading Company sallied forth from
time to time to meet the Spanish galleons from Mexico laden with
silver and manufactured goods.
Previous to this, and during the Wars of the Flanders, Dutch
corsairs hovered about the waters of the Moluccas, to take reprisals
from the Spaniards. These encounters frequently took place at the
eastern entrance of the San Bernadino Straits, where the Dutch were
accustomed to heave-to in anticipation of the arrival of their prizes.
In this manner, constantly roving about the Philippine waters,
they enriched themselves at the expense of their detested adversary,
and, in a small degree, avenged themselves of the bloodshed and
oppression which for over sixty years had desolated the Low
Countries.
The Philippine Colony lost immense sums in the seizure of itj
galleons from Mexico, upon which it almost entirely depended for
subsistence. Being a dependency of New Spain, its whole intercourse
with the civilized world, its supplies of troops and European
manufactured articles, were contingent upon the safe arrival of the
galleons. Also the dollars with which they annually purchased
cargoes from the Chinese for the galleons came from Mexico.
Consequently, the Dutch usually took the aggressive in these sea-
battles, although they were not always victorious. When there were
no ships to meet, they bombarded the ports where others were being
built. The Spaniards, on their part, from time to time fitted out
vessels to run down to the Molucca Islands to attack the enemy in his
own waters.
During the Governorship of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas (Io90-lo93),
the native King of Siao Island — one of the Molucca group — came to
Manila to offer homage and vassalage to the representative of the King
of Spain and Portugal, in return for protection against the incm-sions of
the Dutch and the raids of the Ternate natives. Dasmarinas received
him and the Spanish priests who accompanied him with affability, and,
being satisfied with his credentials, he prepared a large expedition to
78 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
go to the Moluccas to set matters in order. The Fleet was composed
of several frigates, one ship, 6 galleys and 100 small vessels, all
well armed. The fighting men numbered 100 Spaniards, 400
Pampanga and Tagalog arquebuaiers, 1,000 Visaya archers and
lancers, besides 100 Chinese to row the galleys. This expedition,
which was calculated to be amply sufficient to subdue all the
Moluccas, sailed from Cavite on the 6th of October, 1593. The
sailing ships having got far ahead of the galleys, they hove-to off
Punta de Azufre (N. of Maricaban Island) to wait for them. The
galleys arrived ; and the next day they were able to start again in
company. Meanwhile a conspiracy was formed by the Chinese
galleymen to murder all the Spaniards. Assuming these Chinese
to be volunteers, their action would appear most wanton and base.
If, however, as is most probable, they were pressed into this military
service to foreigners, it seems quite natural, that being forced to
bloodshed without alternative, they should first fight for their own
liberty.
All but the Chinese were asleep, and they fell upon the Spaniards in
a body. Eighteen of the troops and four slaves escaped by jumping
into the sea. The Governor was sleeping in his cabin, but awoke on
hearing the noise. He supposed the ship had grounded, and was
coming up the companion en deshabille, when a Chinaman cleaved his
head with a cutlass. The Governor reached his state-room, and taking
his Missal and the Image of the Virgin in his hand, he died in six hours.
The Chinese did not venture below, where the priests and armed soldiers
were hidden. They cleared the decks of all their opponents, made fast
the hatches and gangways, and waited three days, when, after putting
ashore those who were still alive, they escaped to Cochin China, where
the King and Mandarins seized the vessel and all she carried. On
board were found $12,000 in coin, some silver, and jewels belonging to
the Governor and his suite.
Thus the expedition was brought to an untimely end. The King
of Siao, and the missionaries accompanying him, had started in advance
for Otong (Panay Island) to wait for the Governor, and there they
received the news of the disaster.
Amongst the most notable of the successful expeditions of the
Spaniards, was that of Pedro Bravo de Acuna, iu 1606, which consisted
of 19 frigates, 9 galleys, and 8 small craft, carrying a total of about
CONFLICTS WITH THE DUTCH. — PLAY A HONDA. 79
2,000 men and provisions for a prolonged struggle. The result was
that they subdued a petty sultan, friendly to the Dutch, and established
a fortress on his island.
About the year 1607, the Supreme Court (the Governorship being
vacant from 1606 to 1608), hearing that a Dutch vessel was hovering
off Ternate, sent a ship against it, commanded by Pedro de Heredia.
A combat ensued. The Dutch commander was taken prisoner with
several of his men, and lodged in the fort at Ternate, but was ransomed
on payment of $50,000 to the Spanish commander. Heredia returned
joyfully to Manila, where, much to his surprise, he was prosecuted by
the Supreme Court for exceeding his instructions, and expired of
melancholy. The ransomed Dutch leader was making his way back
to his headquarters in a small ship, peacefully, and without threatening
the Spaniards in any way, when the Supreme Court treacherously sent
a galley and a frigate after him to make him prisoner a second time.
Overwhelmed by numbers and arms, and little expecting such perfidious
conduct of the Spaniards, he was at once arrested and brought to
Manila. The Dutch returned 22 Spanish prisoners of war to Manila
to ransom him, but whilst these were retained, the Dutch commander
was nevertheless imprisoned for life.
Some years afterwards, a Dutch squadron anchored off the south
point of Bataan Province, not far from Punta Marivelez, at the
entrance to Manila Bay. Juan de Silva, the Governor (from 1609 to
1616), was in great straits. Several ships had been lost by storms,
others were away, and there was no adequate floating armament with
which to meet the enemy. However, the Dutch lay to for five or six
months, waiting to seize the Chinese and Japanese traders' goods on
their way to the Manila market. They secured immense booty, and
were in no hurry to open hostilities. This delay gave Silva time to
prepare vessels to attack the foe. In the interval he dreamt that Saint
Mark had offered to help him defeat the Dutch. On awaking, he
called a priest, whom he consulted about the dream, and they agreed
that the nocturnal vision was a sign from Heaven denoting a victory.
The priest went (from Cavite) to Manila to procure a relic of this
glorious intercessor, and returned with bis portrait to the Governor,
who adored it. In haste the ships and armament were prepared. On
Saint Mark's day, therefore, the Spaniards sallied forth from Cavite
with six ships, carrying 70 guns and two galleys, and two launches
80 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
also well armed, besides a uumber of small light vessels, to assist in the
formation of line of battle.
A!l the European fighting men in Manila and Cavite embarked —
over 1,000 Spaniards — the iloTver of the Colonj, together with a large
force of natives, who were taught to believe that the Dutch were infidels.
On the issue of this day's events perchance depended the possession
of the Colony. Manila and Cavite were garrisoned by volunteers.
Orations were offered in the Churches. The Miraculous Image of Our
Lady of the Guide was taken in procession from the Hermit, and
exposed to public view in the Cathedral. The Saints of the different
churches and sanctuaries Avere adored and exhibited daily. The
Governor himself took the supreme command, and dispelled all
wavering doubt in his subordinates by proclaiming Saint Mark's
promise of intercession. On his ship he hoisted the Royal Standard,
on which was embroidered the Image of the Holy Virgin, with the
motto " Mostrate esse Matrem.,''^ and over a beautifully calm sea he led
the way to battle.
A shot from the Spanish heavy artillery opened the bloody combat.
The Dutch were completely vanquished, after a fierce struggle, which
lasted six hours. Their three ships were destroyed, and their flags,
artillery, and plundered merchandise to the value of $300,000, were
seized. This famous engagement was thenceforth known as the Battle
of Playa Honda.
Again iu 1611, under Silva, a squadron sailed to the Moluccas
and defeated the Dutch off Gilolo Island.
In 1617, the Spaniards had a successful engagement off the
Zambales coast with the Dutch, who lost three of their ships.
In July, 1620, three Mexican galleons were met by three Dutch
vessels off Cape Espiritu Santo (Samar Island), at the entrance of the
San Bernadino Straits, but managed to escape in the dark. Two ran
ashore aud broke up ; the third reached Manila. After this, the
Governor-General, Alonso Fajardo de Tua, ordered the course of the
State ships to be varied on each voyage.
In 1625, the Dutch again appeared off the Zambales coast, and
Gerouimo de Silva went out against them. The Spaniards having lost
one man, relinquished the pursuit of the enemy, and the Commander
was brought to trial by the Supreme Court.
In 1626, at the close o.* »he Governorship of Fernando de Silva, a
EULE OF THE GOVERNOKS-GENERAL. 81
Spauish Colouy was founded on Formosa Island, but no supplies were
sent to it, and consequently in 1642 it surrendered to the Dutch, who
held it for 20 years, until they were driven out by the Chinese
adventurer Koxinga. And thus for over a century and a lialf the
strife continued, until the Dutch concentrated their attention on the
development of their Eastern Colonies, Avhieh the power of Spain,
growing more and more effete, Avas incompetent to impede.
*******
The rule of tlic Governors-General of the Islands was, upon the
whole, beuignant with respect to the natives when these manifested
submission. Apart from the unconcealed animosity of the monastic
party, the Governor-General's liberty of action was always very mucli
locally restrained by the Supreme Court and by individual officials.
The standing rule was, that in the event of the death or deprivation
of office of the Governor-General, the Civil Government was to be
assumed by the Supreme Court, and the military administration by the
senior magistrate. Latterly, in the absence of a Governor-General,
from any cause whatsoever, the sub-inspector of the forces became
Acting Governor-General.
Up to the beginning of the present century, the authority of the
King's absolute will was always jealously imposed, and the Governors-
General were frequently rebuked for having exercised independent
action, taking the initiative in what tliey deemed the best policy. But
Royal decrees could not enforce honesty ; the peculations and frauds on
the part of the secular authorities, and increasing quarrels and jealousies
amongst the several religious bodies, seemed to annihilate all prospect
of social and material progress of the Colony. As early as the reign of
Philip III. (1598 to 1621), the procurators of Manila had, during three
years, been unsuccessfully soliciting from the mother country financial
help for the Pliilippiues to meet official discrepancies. The affairs of
the Colony were eventually siibmitted to a special Royal Commission
in Spain, the result being, that the King was advised to abandon tliis
possession, which was not only unproductive, but had become a costly
centre of disputes and bad feeling. However, Fray Hernando de
Moraga, a missionary from the Philippines, happened to be in the
Peninsula at the time, and successfully implored the King to withhold
his ratification of the recommendation of the Commission. His Majesty
avowed, that even though the maintenance of this Colony should exhaust
F
82 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
his Mexican Treasury, his conscience would not allow him to consent
to the perdition of souls which had been saved, and the hope of rescuing
yet far more in these distant regions.
During tho first two centuries following the foundation of the
Colony, it was the custom for a Royal Commission to be appointed to
enquire into the official acts of the outgoing Governor before he could
leave the islands. — Hacerle la residencia, as it was called.
Whilst on the one hand this measure effectually served us a check
upon a Governor who might be inclined to adopt unjustifiable means of
coercion, or commit defalcations, it was also attended with many abuses ;
for against an energetic ruler, an antagonistic party was always raised,
ready to join in the ultimate ruin of the Governor who had aroused
their susceptibilities by refusing to favour their nefarious schemes.
Hence when a prima facie case was made out against a Governor,
his inexperienced successor was often persuaded to consent to
his incarceration whilst the articles of impeachment were being
investigated.
Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (1635-1644) had been Governor
of Panama, before he was appointed to the Philippines. During his
term of office here he had usually sided with the Jesuits on important
questions taken up by the Friars, and on being succeeded by Diego
Fajardo, he was brought to trial, fined $25,000, and put into prison.
After five years' confinement, he was released by Royal order and
returned to Spain, where the King partially compensated him with the
Government of the Canary Islands.
Juan Vargas (1678-1684) had been in office for nearly seven years,
and the Royal Commissioner who enquired into his acts took four years
to draw up his report. He filled 20 large volumes of a statement of
the charges made against the late Governor, some of which were grave,
but the majority of them were of a very frivolous character. This is
the longest enquiry of the kind on record.
Acting-Governor Jose Torralba (1715-1717) was arrested on the
termination of his Governorship and confined in the Fortress of
Santiao-o, charged v/itli embezzlement to the amount of $700,000. Ho
had also to deposit the sum of $20,000 for the expenses of the enquiry
commission. Several other officials Avere imprisoned with him as
accomplices in his crimes. He is said to have sent his son with public
funds on trading expeditions around the coasts, and his wife and young
PROSECUTIONS OF THE GOVERNOKS-GENERAL. 83
children to Mexico with an enoi'mous sum of money defrauded from
the Government. Figures at that date shoAv, that -when he took the
Government, there Avas a balance in the Treasury of $238,849, and
■n-hen he left it in two years and a half, the balance was $33,226,
leaving a deficit of $205,623, whilst the expenses of the colony
v.'cre not extraordinary during that period. Amongst other charges,
he was laccused of having sold ten Provincial Government licences
(encomiendas), many offices of notaries, scriveners, &c., and conceded
27 months' gambling licences to the Chinese in the Parian Avithout
accounting to the Treasury. He was finally sentenced to pay a fine
of $100,000, the costs of the trial, the forfeiture of the $20,000 already
deposited, perpetual privation of public office, and banishment from the
Philippine Islands and Madrid. When the Eoyal order reached
Manila, ho was so ill that his banishment was postponed. He lived
for a short time nominally under arrest, and was permitted to beg alms
for bis subsistence until he died in the Hospital of San Juan de Dios
in 1736.
The defalcations of some of the Governors caused no inconsiderable
anxiety to the vSovereign. Pedro de Arandia (170-1-1759) was a
corrupt administrator of his country's wealth. He is said to have
amassed a fortune of $25,000 during his five years' term of office, and
on his death he left it all to pious works.
Governor Berenguer y Marquina (1788-1793) Avas accused of
bribery, but the King absolved him.
In the present century, a Governor of Yloilo is said to have
absconded in a sailing ship with a large sum of the public funds. A
local Governor Avas then also cx-officio administrator ; and, although
the system was afterwards reformed, official extortion was rife through-
out the whole Spanish administration of the Colony, up to the last.
A strange drama of the year 1622 well portrays the spirit of the
times — the immunity of a Governor-General in those days, as well as
the reli"-ious sentiment Avhich accompanied his most questionable acts.
Alouso Fajardo de Tua having suspected his Avife of infidelity, went to
the house Avhere she was accustomed to meet her paramour. Her attire
was such as to confirm her husband's surmises. He called a priest
and instructed him to confess her, telling him that he intended to take
her life. The priest failing to dissuade Fajardo from inflicting such
an extreme penalty, took her confession and proffered her spiritual
V 2
84 , PHILirPINE ISLANDS.
consolation. Then Fajardo, incensed with jealousy, mortally staLbed
her. No inquiry into the occurrence seems to have been made, and he
continued to govern for two years after the event, when he died of
melancholy. It is recorded that the paramour, who was the son of a
Cadiz merchant, had formerly been the accepted /«?ice of ;Fajardo's
wife, and that he arrived in Manila in their company. The Governor
o-ave him time to confess before he killed him, after which (according
to one account) he caused his house to be razed to the ground, and the
land on which it stood to be strewn with salt. Juan de la Concepcion,
however, says that the house stood for one hundred years after the event
as a memorial of the punishment.
In 1640, Olivarez, King Philip IV.'s chief counsellor, had succeeded
by his arrogance and unconstitutional policy of repression, in arousing
the latent discontent of the Portuguese. A few years previously they
had made an unsuccessful efFort to regain their independent nationality
under the sovereignty of the Duke of Bragauza. At length, when a
call Avas made upon their boldest warriors to support the King of Spain
in his protracted struggle with the Catalonians, an insurrection broke
out, which only terminated when Portugal had thrown oiF, for ever, the
scourge of Spanish supremacy.
The Duke of Bragauza was crowned King of Portugal, under the
title of John lY., aud every Portuguese colony declared in his favour,
except Ceuta, ou the African coast. The news of the separation of
Portugal from Spain reached Manila in the following year. The
Governor-General at that time— Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera — sent
out at once an expedition of picked men under Juan Claudio with
orders to take Macao, — a Portuguese settlement at the mouth of the
Canton River, about 40 miles west of Hongkong. The attempt
miserably failed, and the blue aud white ensign continued to waive
unscathed over the little territory. The Governor of Macao, who
was willing to yield, was denounced a traitor to Portugal, aud killed
by the populace. Juau Claudio, who fell a prisonei-, was generously
liberated by favour of the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa, and returned
to Manila.
The Convent of Santa Clara was founded in Mauila in 1621 by
Geronima de la Asuncion, who, three years afterwards, was expelled
from the management by the Friars because she refused to
admit reforms in the conventual regulatious. The General Council
NUNNERIES. THE INQUISITION. 85
subsequently restored her to the matronship for i20 years. Public
opinion was, at this time, vividly aroused against the superiors of the
convents, who, it was alleged, made serious inroads on society by
inveigling the marriageable young women into taking the veil and to
live unnatural lives. The public demanded that there should be a
fixed limit to the number of nuns admitted. An ecclesiastic of high
degree made strenuous elForts to rescue three nuns who had just
been admitted, but the abbess refused to give them up until hur
excommunication was published on the walls of the nunnery.
In 1750, a certain Mother Cecilia, who had been in the nunnery
of Santa Catalina since she was 16 years of age, fell in love with a
Spaniard who lived opposite, named Francisco Antonio de Figueroa,
and begged to be relieved of her vows and have her liberty restored to
her. The Archbishop was Avilling to grant her request, which Avas,
however, stoutly opposed by the Dominican Friars. On appeal being
made to the Governor, as viceregal patron, he ordered her to be set
at liberty. The Friars, nevertheless, defied the Governor, Avho, to sustain
his authority, was compelled to order the troops to be placed under
arms, and the commanding officer of the artillery to hold the cannons
in readiness to fire when antl where necessr.-y. In view of these
preparations, the Fi'iars allowed the nun to leave her confinement, and
she was lodged in the College of Santa Potenciana pending the dispute.
Public excitement was intense. The Archbishop ordered the girl to bo
liberated, but as his subordinates were still contumacious to his bidding,
the Bishop of Cebu was invited to arbitrate on the question, but he
declined to interfere, therefore an appeal was remitted to the Archbishop
of Mexico. In the meantime, the girl was married to her lover, and
long afterAvards a citation arrived from Mexico for the woman to appear
ut that ecclesiastical court. She Avent there Avith her husband, from
whom she Avas separated Avhilst the case Avas being tried, but in the
end her liberty and marriage Avere confirmed.
During the Government of Nino de Tabora (1626-1632), the
High Host and sacred A'essels Avere stolen from the Cathedral of Manila.
The Archbishop was, in cojisequeuce, sorely distressed, and Avalkcd
barefooted to the Jesuits' conA-eut to Aveep Avith the priests, and therein
find a solace for his mental affliction. It was surmised that the AATath
of God at such a crime Avould assuredly be avenged by calamities on
the inhabitants, and confessions Avere made daily. The Friars agreed to
86 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
appease the anger of the Almighty hj making public penance and
by public prayer. The Archbishop gave himself up to the most
fanciful follies. He perpetually fasted, ate herbs, drank only water,
slept on the floor with a stone for a pillow, and flagellated his own body.
On Corpus Christi day, a religious procession passed through the public
streets, exhorting the delinquents to restore the body of Our Saviour,
but all in vain. The melancholy prelate, weak beyond recovery from
his self-imposed privations, came to the window of his retreat as the
cortege passed in front of it, and there he breathed his last.
As in all other Spanish Colonies, the Inquisition had its secret
agents or commissaries in the Philippines. Sometimes a priest Avould
hold powers for several years to inquire into the private lives and acts
of individuals, whilst no one knew who the informer was. The Holy
Office ordered that its Letter of Anathema, with the names in full of all
persons who had incurred pains and penalties for heresy, should be read
in public places, every three years, but this order was not fulfilled.
The Letter of Anathema was so read in 1669, and the only time since
then up to the present date was in 1718.
In the middle of the 17th century, the Tartars invaded China and
overthrew the Min Dynasty — at that time represented by the Chinese
Emperor Yunglic. He was succeeded on the throne by the Tartar
Emperor Kungchi, to whose arbitrary power nearly all the Chinese
Empire had submitted. Amongst the few Mongol chiefs who held out
against Ta-Tsiug dominion, was a certain Mandarin, known under the
name of Koxinga, who retired to the Island of Kinmuen, where he
asserted his independence and defied his nation's conqueror. Securely
estabhshed in his stronghold, he invited the Chinese to take refuge in
his island and oppose the Tartar's rule. Therefore the Emperor ordered
that no man should inhabit China within four leagues of the coast,
except in those provinces which were undoubtedly loyal to the new
Government. The coast was consequently laid bare ; vessels, houses,
plantations, and everything useful to man Avas destroyed in order to
effectually cut off all communications with lands beyond the Tartar
Empire. The Chinese from the coast, who for generations had earned
a living by fishing, etc., crowded into the interior, and their misery was
indescribable.
Koxinga, unable to communicate with the mainland of the Empire,
turned his attention to the conquest or Formosa Island, at the time in
KOXINGA THEEATEXS INVASION. 87
the possession of the Dutch. According to Dutch accounts, the
Eui-opeau settlers numbered about 600, with a garrison of 2,200. The
Dutch artillery, stoi-es and merchandise were valued at $8,000,000,
and the Chinese, who attacked thsm under Koxinga, were about
100,000 strong. The settlement surrendered to the invaders' superior
numbers, and Koxinga established himself as King of the Island.
Koxinga had become acquainted with an Italian Dominican missionary
named Vittorio Riccio, whom he created a Mandarin, and sent him as
Ambassador to the Governor of the Philippines. Riccio therefore arrived
in Manila in 1652, the bearer of Koxinga's despatches calling upon the
Governor to pay tribute, under threat of the Colony being attacked by
Koxinga if his demand were refused.
The position of Riccio as an European Friar and Ambassador of a
Mongol adventurer was as awkward as it was novel. He was received
with great honour in Manila, where he disembarked, and rode to the
Government House in the full uniform of a Chinese envoy, through
lines of ti'oops drawn up to salute him as he passed. At the same time,
letters from Formosa had also been received by the Chinese in Manila,
and the Government at once accused them of conniving at rebellion.
All available forces were concentrated in the capital ; and to increase
the garrison, the Governor published a Decree, dated 6th of May, 1662,
ordering the demolition of the forts of Zamboanga, Yligan (Mindanao
Island), Calamianes and Ternate* (Moluccas).
The only provincial fort preserved was that of Surigao (then called
Caraga), conseci[uently in the south the Mussulmans became complete
masters on land and at sea for half a year.
The troops in Manila numbered 100 cavalry and 8,000 infantry.
Fortifications were raised, and redoubts were constructed in which to
secrete the Treasury funds. When all the armament was iu readiness,,
the Spaniards incited the Chinese to rebel, to afford a pretext for their
massacre.
Two junk masters Avere seized, and the Chinese population was
menaced ; therefore they prepared for their own defence, and then
opened the affray, for which tlie Government Avas secretly longing, by
* From this date the Molucca Islands were definitely evacuated and abandoned
by the Spaniards, although as maay men and as much material and money had
been employed iu garrisons and conveyance of subsidies there as in the whole
Philippine Coloay up to that period.
88 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
killing a Spauiard iu the market place. Suddeuly artillery fire was
opened out on the Parian, and many of the peaceful Chinese traders, iu
their terror, hanged themselves ; many wore drowned in the attempt to
reach the canoes in which to get away to sea ; some few did safely
arrive in Formosa Island and joined Koxinga's camp, whilst others took
to the mountains. Some 8,000 to 9,000 Chinese remained quiet, but
ready for any event, when they were suddeuly attacked by Spaniards
and natives. The confusion was general, and the Chinese seemed to
be gaining ground, therefore the Governor sent the Ambassador Riccio
and a certain Fray Joseph de Madrid to parley with them. The Chinese
accepted the terms oflfered by Riccio, who returned to the Governor,
leaving Fray Joseph with the rebels, but when Riccio went back with a
general pardon and a promise to restore the two junk masters, he found
that they had beheaded the priest. A general carnage of the Mongols
followed, and Juan de la Concepcion says ^ that the original intention
of the Spaniards Avas to kill every Chinaman, but that they desisted in
view of the inconvenience which would have ensued from the want of
tradesmen and mechanics. Therefore they made a virtue of a necessity,
and graciously pardoned in the name of His Catholic Majesty all Avho
laid down their arms.
Riccio returned to Formosa Island, and found Koxiuga preparing
for warfare against the Philippines, but before he could carry out his
intentions he died of fever. This chief's successor, of a less bellicose
spirit, sent Riccio a second time to Manila, and a treaty Avas agreed to,
re-establishing commercial relations with the Chinese. Shortly after
Koxinga's decease, a rebellion was raised in Formosa ; and the Island
falling at length into the hands of a Tartar party, became annexed to
China under the ucav dynasty. Then Riccio was called upon to relate
the part he had taken iu Koxinga's affairs, and he Avas beard in
council. Some present were in favour of invading the Philippines in
great force because of the criiel and unwarranted general massacre of
the Chinese in cold blood, but Riccio took pains to show how powerful
Spain Avas, and hoAv justified Avas the action of the Spaniards, as a
measure of precaution, iu A'icAV of the threateued iuA'asiou of Koxiuga.
The Chinese party Avas appeased, but had the Tartars cared to take
' "Hist. Gen, de Philipiuas, " by Juan de la Concepcion, Vol. VII., paije 48,
pub, Manila, 1783.
VALENZUELA, THE COURT FAVOURITE. 89
up the cause of their conquered subjects, the fate of the Philippines
■\voukI have been doubtful.
During the minority of the young Spanish King Charles II., the
Regency was held by his mother, the Queen DoAvager, who was
unfortunately influenced by favourites, to the great disgust of the Court
and the people. Amongst these sycophants was a man named
Valenzuela, of noble birth, Avho, as a boy, had followed the custom
of those days, and entered as page to a nobleman — the Duke del
lufantado — to learn manners and Court etiquette.
The Duke went to Italy as Spanish Ambassador, and took
Valenzuela imder his protection. He was a handsome and talented
young fellow, — learned for those times, — intelligent, Avell versed in all
the generous exercises of chivalry, and a poet by nature. On his
return from Italy with the Duke, his patron caused him to be created a
Cavalier of the Order of Saint James. The Duke shortly afterAvards
died, but through the influence of the Dowager Queen's confessor — the
notorious Nitard, also a favourite — young Valenzuela was presented at
Court. There he made love to one of the Queen's maids-of-honour
— a German — and married her. The Prince, Don Juan de Austria,
who headed the party against the Queen, expelled her favourite (Nitard)
from Court, and Valenzuela became Her Majesty's sole confidential
adviser. Nearly every night, at late hours, the Queen went to
Valenzuela's apartment to confer Avith him, Avhilst he daily brought her
secret neAvs learnt from the courtiers. The Queen created him Marquis
of San Bartolomc and of Villa Sierra, a first-class Grandee of Spain,
and Prime Minister.
He Avas a most perfect courtier ; and it is related of him that Avhen
a bull fight took place, he used to go to the Royal box richly adorned
in fighting attire, and, with profound rcA^erence, beg Her Majesty's
leave to challenge the bull. The Queen, it is said, never refused him
the solicited permission, but tenderly begged of him not to expose
himself to such dangers.
Sometimes he would appear in the ring as a cavalier, in a black
costume embroidered Avith silver and Avith a large Avhite and black
plume, in imitation of the Queen's half mourning. It AA'as much
remarked that on one occasion he Avore a device of the sun Avith
an eagle looking down upon it, and the Avords, '' / alone have
licence.^''
90 PHILIITINE ISLANDS.
He composed several comedies, and 'allowed them to be performed
at his expense for the free amusement of the people. He also
much improved the City of Madrid with fine buildings, bridges
and m;iuy public works to sustain his popularity amongst the
citizens.
The young King, now a youth, ordered a deer hunt to be prepared
in the Escorial grounds ; and during the diversion. His Majesty
happened to shoot Valenzuela in the muscle of his arm, whether
intentionally or accidentally is not known. However, the terrified
Queen-mother fainted and fell into the arms of her ladies-iu- waiting.
This circumstance was much commented upon, and contributed in no
small degree to the public odium and final downfall of Valenzuela in
1684. At length, Don Juan de Austria returned to the Court, when
the young King was of an age to appreciate public concerns, and he
became more the Court favourite than ever Valenzuela or Nitard had
been during the Dowager Queen's administration. Valenzuela fell at
once from the exclusive position he had held in Royal circles and
retired to the Escorial, where, by order of Don Juan de Austria,
a party of young noblemen, including Don Juan's sou, the Duke
of Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Valparaiso and others of rank,
accompanied by 200 horsemen, went to seize the disfavoured courtier.
He was out walking at the time of their arrival, but he was speedily
apprised of the danger by his bosom friend, the Prior of St. Jerome
Monastery. The priest hid him in the roof of the Monastery, v/here,
being nearly suffocated for Avant of ventilation, a surgeon Avas sent up
to bleed him and make him sleep. The search party failed to find the
refugee, and were about to return, when the surgeon treacherously
betrayed the secret to them, and Valenzuela was discovered sleeping
with arms by his side. He was made prisoner, confined in a castle,
degraded of all his honours and rank, and finally banished by Don Juan
de Austria to the furthermost Spanish possession in the Avorld — the
Philippines, — whilst his family were incarcerated in a convent at
Talavera in Spain.
When the Pope heard of this violation of church asylum in the
Escorial committed by the nobles, he excommunicated ail concerned in
it ; and in order to purge themselves of their sin and obtain absolution,
they were compelled to go to church in their shirts, each with a rope
around his neck. The/ actually performed this penance, and then the
STRANGE PROCEEDINGS OF A POPE's LEGATE. 91
Nuucio, Cardiual Mellini, relieved them of their ecclesiastical paius
and penalties.
Valenzuela was permitted to establish a house within the prison
of Cavite, where he lived for several years as a State prisoner and
exile. When Don Juan de Austria died, the Dowager-Queen regained
in a measure her influence at Court, and one of the first favours she
begged of her son, the King, was the return of Valenzuela to Madrid.
The King granted her request, and she at once despatched a ship to
bring him to Spain, but the Secretary of State interfered and stopped
it. Nevertheless, Valenzuela, pardoned and liberated, set out for
the Peninsula, and reached Mexico, where he died from the kick of a
horse.
In 1703, a vessel arrived in Manila Bay from India, under an
Armenian captain, bringing a young man 35 years of age, a native of
Turin, who styled himself Monseigneur Charles Thomas Maillard de
Tournon, Visitor-General, Bishop of Savoy, Patriarch of Antioch,
Apostolic Nuncio and Legate ad latere of the Pope. He was on his
way to China to visit the missions, and called at Manila with eight
priests and four Italian families.
Following the custom established Avith foreign ships, the custodian
of the Fort of Cavite placed guards on board this vessel. This act
seems to have aroused the indignation of the exalted stranger, who
assumed a very haughty tone, and arrogantly insisted upon a verbal
message being taken to the Governor (Domingo Zabulburu), to announce
his arrival. In Manila these circumstances were much debated, and
at length the Governor instructed the custodian of Cavite Fort to
accompany the stranger to the City of Manila. On his approach, a
salute was fired from the City battlements, and he took up his residence
in the house of the Maestre de Campo. There the Governor Avent to
visit him as the Pope's legate, and Avas received with great arrogance.
However, the Governor showed no resentment ; he seemed to be quite
dumfoundedby the dignified airs assumed by the patriarch, and consulted
with the Supreme Court about the irregularity of a legate arriving without
exhibiting the regiuin exequatur. The Court decided that the strauger
must be called upon to present his Papal credentials and the Royal
confirmation of his powers with respect to Spanish dominions, and Avith
this object a magistrate Avas commissioned to wait upon him. The
patriarch treated the commissioner Avith undisguised contempt, expressing
92 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
his indignation and surprise at liis position being doubted ; he absolutely
refused to show any credentials, and turned out the commissioner, raving
at him and causing an uproarious scandal. At each stage of the
negotiations with him, the patriarch put forward the great authority of
the Pope, and his unquestionable right to dispose of realms and peoples
at his will, and somehow this ruse seemed to subdue everybody ; the
Governor, the Archbishop and all the authorities, civil and ecclesiastical,
were overawed. The Archbishop, in fact, made an unconditional
surrender to the patriarch, who now declared that all State and religious
authority must be subordinate to his will. The Archbishop was ordered
by him to set aside his Archiepiscopal Cross, whilst the patriarch used
his own particular cross iu the religious ceremonies, and left it in the
Cathedral of Manila on his departure. He went so far as to cause his
master of the ceremonies to publicly divest the Archbishop of a part of
his official robes and insignia, to all which the prelate meekly consented.
All the chief authorities visited the patriarch, who, however, was too
dignified to return their calls. Here Avas, in fact, an extraordinary case
of a man unknown to everybody and refusing to prove his identity,
having actually brought all the authority of a colony under his sway !
He was, as a matter of fact, the legate of Clement XI.
The only person to whom he appears to have extended his
friendship was the Maestre de Campo, at the time under ecclesiastical
arrest. The Maestre de Campo was visited by the patriarch, who so
ingeniously blinded him Avith his patronage, that this official
squandered about ^20,000 iu entertaining his strange visitor and
making him presents. The patriarch in return insisted upon the
Governor and Archbishop pardoning the Maestre de Campo of all
his alleged misdeeds, and when this was conceded, he caused the
pardon to be proclaimed iu a public act. All the Manila officials
were treated by the patriarch with open disdain, but he created the
Armenian captain of the vessel which brought him to Maniln, a
knight of the " Golden Spiu'," iu a public ceremony in the Maestre de
Campo's house, in which the Governor-General was ignored.
From Manila the patriarch went to Chiun, where his meddling
with the Catholic missions was met Aviih fierce opposition. Pie so
dogmatically asserted his unproA'cd authority, that he caused European
missionaries to be cited to the Chinese Courts and sentenced for their
disobedience ; but he was playing with fire, for at last the Emperor of
TREATMENT OF PAPAL LEGATES. 93
China, wearied of his importunities, banished him from the country.
Tlience he went to Macao, where, much to the bewilderment of the
Chinese population, he maintained constant disputes with the Catholic
missionaries until he died there in 1710 in the Inquisition prison, where
he was placed at the instance of the Jesuits.
When King Philip V. became aware of what had occurred in
Manila, he was highly incensed, and immediately ordered the
Governor-General to Mexico, declaring him disqualified for life to
serve under the Crown. The senior magistrates of the Supreme
Court were -removed from office. Each priest who had yielded to
the legate'^ authority without previously taking cognizance of the
rcgitim exequatur was ordered to pay $1,000 fine. The Archbishop
was degraded and transferred from the Archbishopric of Manila to the
Bishopric of Guadalajara in Mexico. In spite of this punishment, it
came to the knowledge of the King that the ex-Archbishop of Manila,
as Bishop of Guadalajara, was still conspiring with the patriarch to
subvert civil and religious authority in his dominions, with Avhich
object he had sent him $1,000 from Mexico, and had promised him a
fixed sum of $1,000 per annum with whatever further support he
could afford to give him. Therefore the King issued an edict to the
effect that any legate who should arrive in his domains without Eoyal
confirmation of his Papal credentials should thenceforth be treated
simply with the charity and courtesy due to any traveller ; and in
order that this edict should not be forgotten, or evaded, under pretext
of its having become obsolete, it was further enacted that it should be
read in full on certain days in every year before all the civil and
ecclesiastical functionaries.
•♦'•'♦■-
CHAPTER VII.
BRITISH OCCUPATION OF :SIANILA.
Ix 1761, King George III. hail just succeeded to the throne of
England, and the protracted contentions with France had been suspended
for a while. It was soon evident, however, that efforts were being
employed to extinguish the power and prestige of Great Britain, and
with this object a convention had been entered into between France
and Spain known as the " Family Compact." It was so called because
it was an alliance made by the three branches of the Plouse of Bourbon,
namely, Louis XV. of France, Charles III. of Spain, and his son
Ferdinand, who, in accordance with the Treaty of Vienna, had ascended
the throne of Naples. Spain engaged to unite her forces with those of
France against England on the 1st of May, 1762, if the Avar still lasted,
in which case France would restore Minorca to Spain. Pitt was
convinced of the necessity of meeting the coalition by force of arras,
but he was unable to secure the support of his Ministry to declare war,
and he therefore retired from the premiership. The succeeding Cabinet
were, nevertheless, compelled to adopt his policy, and after having lost
many advantages by delaying their decision, war was declared against
France and Spain.
The British were successful everywhere. In the West Indies, the
Caribbean Islands and Havana were captured with great booty by
Rodney and Mouckton, whilst a British Fleet was despatched to the
Philippine Islands with orders to take Manila.
There are many versions of this event given by different historians,
and amongst them there is not wanting an author who, following the
Spanish custom, has accounted for defeat by alleging treason.
On the l-ith of September, 1762, a British vessel arrived in the
Bay of Manila, refused to admit Spanish officers on board, and after
taking soundings she sailed again out of the harbour.
BRITISH INVASION. ilANILA TAKEN. 95
In the evening of the 22iuT of September, the British sqiiadron,
composed of 13 ships, under the command of Admiral Cornish, entered
the bay, and the next dav two British officers were deputed to demand
the surrender of the Citadel, which was refused.
Brigadier-General Draper thereupon disembarked his troops, and
again called upon tlie city to yield. This citation being defied, the
bombardment commenced the next day. The Fleet anchored in front
of a powder-magazine, took possession of the Churches of Malats,
Ilermita, San Juan de Bagumbayan and Santiago. Two picket guards
made an unsuccessful sortie against them. The whole force in Manila,
at the time, was the King's regiment, which mustered about 600 men
and 80 pieces of artillery. The British forces consisted of 1,500
European troops (one regiment of infantry and tAvo companies of
artillery), 3,000 seamen, 800 Sepoy fusileers, and 1,400 Sepoy prisoners,
making a total of 6,830 men, including officers.^
There was no Governor-Genernl here at the time, and the only
person with whom the British Commander could treat was the Acting-
Governor, the Archbishop Manuel Antonio Rojo, who was willing to
yield. His authority was, however, set aside by a rebellious war party,
who placed themselves under the leadership of a magistrate of the
Supreme Court, named Simon de Auda y Salazar. This individual,
instead of leading them to battle, fled to the Province of Bulacan the
day before the capture of Manila in a prahu witli a few natives,
carrying with him some money and half a ream of official stamped
paper.^ He knew perfectly well that he was defying the legal
authority of the Acting-Governor, and was, in fact, in open rebellion
against his mandate. It was necessary, therefore, to give an official
colour to his acts by issuing his orders and proclamations on Govern-
ment-stamped paper, so that their validity might be recognized if he
subsequently succeeded in justifying his action at Court.
On the 24th of September, the Spanish batteries of San Diego and
San Andres opened fire, but with little effect. A richly laden galleon—
the " Philipino" — was known to be on her way from Mexico to Manila,
but the British ships which were sent in quest of her fell in with
> Zuiiiga's History, Eng. trans. London, 1S14, Vol. XL, Chap. XIII.
^ Cronica de los P. P. Dominiccs, ed. of llivadcnayra, Madrid, Vol. IV., pp. 637
to r,r,o.
96 , PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
another galleon — the "Trinidad" — and brought their prize to Manila.
Her treasure amounted to about $2,500,000.'
A Frencliman resident in Manila, Monsieur Faller, made an attack
on the British, who forced him to retire, and he Avas then accused by
the Spaniards of treason. Artillery fire was kept up on both sides.
The Archbishop's nephew was taken prisoner, and an officer was sent
Avith him to hand him over to his uncle. However, a party of natives
fell upon them and murdered them all. The officer's head having been
cut off, it Avas demanded by General Draper. Excuses were made for
not giving it up, and the General determined thenceforth to continue
the warfare with vigour and punish this atrocity. The artillery was
increased by another batterj^ of three mortars, placed behind the Church
of Santiago, and the bombardment continued.
Five thousand native recruits arrived from the provinces, and out
of this number, 2,000 Pampangos were selected. They were divided
into three columns, in order to advance by different routes and attack
respectively the church of Santiago — Malate and Hermita — and the
troops on the beach. At each place they were driven back. The leader
of the attack on Malate and Hermita — Don Santiago Orendain — was
declared a traitor. The two first columns were dispersed with great
confusion and loss. The third column retreated before they had
sustained or inflicted any loss. The natives fled to their villages in
dismay, and on the 5th of October the British entered the walled city.
After a couple of hours' bombardment, the forts of San Andres and
»San Eugenie were demolished, the artillery overturned, and the enemy's
fusileers and sappers were killed.
A council of war was now held by the Spaniards. General Draper
sustained the authority of the Archbishop against the war party,
composed chiefly of civilians, who determined to continue the defence
in spite of the opinion of the military men, who argued that a
capitulation was inevitable. But matters were brought to a crisis by
the natives, who refused to repair the fortifications, and the Europeans
were unable to perform such hard labour. Great confusion reigned in
the city — the clergy fled through the Puerta del Parian, where there
' This money constituted the Manihx merchants' specie remittances from
Acapulco, together with the Mexican subsidy to support the administration of
this Colony, vvhich was merely a dependency of Mexico up to the second decade
of this century Qide Chap, XV.).
BRITISH INVASION. — WAR INDEMNITY AGREED UPON. 97
was still a native guard. Accordiug to Ziiniga, the British spent 20,000
cannon balls and 5,000 shells in the bombardment of the city.
Major Fell entered the city (Oct. 6th) at the head of his troops,
and General Draper followed, leading his column unopposed, with
two field pieces in the van, whilst a constant musketry fire cleared the
Calle Real as they advanced. The people fled before the enemy. The
gates being closed, they scrambled up the walls and got into boats or
swam off.
Colonel Monson was sent by Draper to the Archbishop-Governor
to say that he expected immediate surrender. This was disputed by
the Archbishop, who presented a paper purporting to be terms of
capitulation. The Colonel refused to take it, and demanded an
unconditional surrender. Then the Archbishop, a Colonel of the
Spanish troops, and Colonel Monson went to interview the General,
whose quarters were in the Palace. The Archbishop, offering himself
as a prisoner, presented the terms of capitulation, which provided for
the free exercise of their religion ; security of private property ; free
trade to all the inhabitants of the islands, and the continuation of the
powers of the Supreme Court to keep order amongst the ill-disposed.
These terras were granted, but General Draper, on his part, stipulated
for an indemnity of four millions of dollars, and it was agreed to pay
one half of this sum in specie and valuables and the other half in
Treasury bills on Madrid. The capitulation, with these modifications
was signed by Draper and the Archbishop-Governor. The Spanish
Colonel took the document to the Fort to have it countersigned by the
magistrates, which was at once done ; the Fort was delivered up to
the British, and the magistrates retired to the Palace to pay their
respects to the conquerors.
When the British flag was seen floating from the Fort of Santiago
there was great cheering from the British Fleet. The Archbishop
stated that when Draper reviewed the troops, more than 1,000 men
were missing, including sixteen ofiicers. Among these officers v/ere
a Major, fatally wounded by an arrow on the first day of the assault,
and the Vice-Admiral, who Avas drowned whilst coming ashore iu
a boat.
The natives who had been brought from the provinces to Manila
were plundering and committing excesses in the city, so Draper had
them all driven out. Guards were placed at the doors of the nunneries
G
98 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
and convents to prevent outrages on the women, and then the city
was given up to the victorious troops for pillage during three hours.
Ziiiiiga, however, remarks that the European troops were moderate,
but tliat the Indian contingents were insatiable. They are said to have
committed many atrocities, and, revelling in bloodshed, even murdered
the inhabitants. They ransacked the suburbs of Santa Cruz and
Binondo, and, acting like savage victorious tribes, they ravished
women, and even went into the highways to murder and rob those
who fled. The three hours expired, and the following day a similar
scene was permitted. The Archbishop thereupon besought the General
to put a stop to it, and have compassion on the city. The General
complied with this request, and restored order under pain of death for
disobedience — some Chinese were in consequence hanged. General
Draper himself killed one whom he found in the act of stealing, and
he ordered that all Church property should be restored, but only some
priests' vestments Avere recovered.
Draper demanded the surrender of Cavite, which was agreed to by
the Archbishop and magistrates, but the Commanding Officer refused
to comply. The Major of that garrison was sent with °a message to
the Commander, but on the way he talked with such freedom about
the surrender to the British, that the natives quitted their posts and
plundered the Arsenal. The Commander, rather than face humiliation,
retired to a ship, and left all further respousibility to the Major.
Measures were now taken to pay the agreed indemnity. Heavy
contributions were levied upon the inhabitants, which, however, together
with the silver from the pious establishments, church ornaments, plate,
the Archbishop's rings and breast-cross, only amounted to $546,000.
The British then proposed to accept one million at once and draw the
rest from the cargo of the galleon " Philipiuo," if it resulted that she
had not been seized by the British previous to the day the capitulation
was signed — but the one million was not forthcoming. The day before
the capture of Manila, a Royal messenger had been sent off with
$111,000 with orders to hide them in some place in the Laguna de Bay.
The Archbishop now ordered their return to Manila, and issued a requi-
sition to that effect, but the Franciscan friars were insubordinate, and
armed the natives, whom they virtually ruled, and the treasure was
secreted in Majayjay Convent. Thence, on receipt of the Archbishop's
message, it was carried across country to a place in JK^orth Pampanga,
BRITISH INVASION. — SIMON DS ANDA's REBELLION. 99
bordering on Cagayan and Pangasinan. The British, convinced that
they were being duped, insisted ou their claim. Tlaomas Backhouse,
commanding the troops stationed at Pasig, went up to the Laguna de
Bay with 80 mixed troops, to intercept the bringing of the "Philipino"
treasure. He attacked Tunasan, Vifian and Santa Rosa, and embarked
for Pagsanjan, which was then the capital of the Lake Province. The
inhabitants, after firing the convent and church, fled. Backhouse
returned to Calamba, entered the Province of Bataugas, overran it, and
made several Austin Friars prisoners. In Lipa he seized $3,000, and
there he established his quarters, expecting that the " Philipino " treasure
would be carried that way ; but on learning that it had been transported
by sea to a Pampanga coast town. Backhouse AvithdreAV to Pasig.
In the capitulation, the whole of the Archipelago was surrendered
to the British, but a magistrate, Simon de Anda, determined to appeal to
arms. Draper used stratagem, and issued a Proclamation commiserating
the fate of the natives who paid tribute to Spaniards, and assuring them
that the King of England would not exact it. The Archbishop, as
Governor, became Draper's tool, sent messages to the Spanish families
persuading them to return, and appointed an Englishman, married in
the country, to be Alderman of Tondo. Despite the strenuous opposi-
tion of the Supreme Court, the Archbishop, at the instance of Draper,
convened a council of native headmen and representative families, and
proposed to them the cession of all the islands to the King of England.
Draper clearly saw that the ruling powers in the Colony, judging from
their energy and eiFective measures, Avere the Friars, so he treated them
with great respect. The Frenchman Faller, who unsuccessfully opposed
the British assault, was offered troops to go and take possession of
Zamboanga and accept the government there, but he refused, as did
also a Spaniard named Sandoval.
Draper returned to Europe ; Major Fell was left in command of the
troops, whilst Drake assumed the military government of the city, with
Smith and Brock as council, and Brereton in charge of Cavite. Draper,
on leaving, gave orders for two frigates to go in search of the " Philipino "
treasure. The ships got as far as Capul Island and put into harbour.
They were detained there by a ruse on the part of a half-caste pilot,
and the treasure was got away in the meantime.
Simon de Anda, from his provincial retreat, proclaimed himself
Governor-General. He declared that the Archbishop and the magistrates,
G 2
100 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
as prisoners of war, were dead in the eye of the law ; aud that his
assumptiou of authority was based upon old laws. None of his country-
men disputed his authority, and he established himself in Bacolor.
The British Council then convened a meeting of the chief inhabitants^
at which Anda was declared a seditious person and deserving of capital
punishment, together with the Marquis of Monte Castro, who had
violated his parole d'honneur, and the Provincial of the Austin Friars,
who had joined the rebel party. All the Austin friars were declared
traitors for having broken their allegiance to the Archbishop's authority.
The British still pressed for the payment of the one million, whilst the
Spaniards declared they possessed no more. The Austin friars were
ordered to keep the natives peaceable if they did not wish to provoke
hostilities against themselves. At length, the British, convinced of the
futility of decrees, determined to sally out with their forces ; and 500
men under Thomas Backhouse went up the Pasig River to secure a
free passage for supplies to the camp. Whilst opposite to Maybonga,
Bustos with his Cagayan troops fired on them. The British returned
the fire, and Bustos fled to Mariquina. The British passed the river,
aud sent an ofiicer with a white flag of truce to summon surrender.
Bustos was insolent, and threatened to hang the officer if he returned.
Backhouse's troops then opened fire and placed two field pieces which
completely scared the natives, who fled in such great confusion that
many were drowned in the river. Thence the British pursued their
enemy " as if they were a flock of goats," and reached the Bambau
River, where the Sultan of Sulu * resided with his family. The Sultan,
after a feigned resistance, fell a prisoner to the British, who fortified
his dwelling, and occupied it during the whole of the operations. There
were subsequent skirmishes ou the Pasig River banks with the armed
insuro-ents, who were driven as far as the Antipolo mountains.
Meanwhile, Anda collected troops ; and Bustos, as his Lieutenant-
General, vaunted the power of his chief through the Bulacan aud
Pampanga Provinces. A Franciscan aud an Austin friar, having led
troops to Masilo, about seven miles from Manila, the British went out
to dislodge them, but on their approach most of the natives feigned they
Avere dead, and the British returned Avithout any loss in arms or men.
The British, believing that the Austin friars were conspiring against
» Vicissitudes of Sultan Mahainad Allmudin iv'dc Cliap. X.;.
BRITISH INVASION. BULACAN TAKEN BY ASSAULT. 101
them in connivance with those inside the city, placed these friars in
«Gnfinemeut, and subsequently shipped away eleven of them to Europe.
For the same reason, they at last determined to enter the St. Augustine
Convent, and on ransacking it, they found that the priests had been
lying to them all the time. Six thousand dollars in coin were found
hidden in the garden, and large quantities of wrought silver elsewhere.
The whole premises were then searched, and all the valuables were
seized. A British expedition went out to Bnlacan, sailing across the
Bay and up the Hagonoy River, where they disembarked at Malolos
on the 19th of January, 1763. The troops, under Captain Eslay of
the Grenadiers, numbered 600 men, many of Avliom were Chinese
volunteers. As they advanced from Malolos, the natives and Spaniards
fled. On the way to Bulacan, Bustos advanced to meet them, but
retreated into ambush on seeing they were superior in numbers. Bulacan
Convent was fortified Avith three small cannons. As soon as the troops
were in sight of the convent, a desultory fire of case shot made great
havoc in the ranks of the resident Chinese volunteers forming the British
vanguard. At length the British brought their field pieces into action,
aiid pointing at the enemy's cannon, the first discharge carried off the
head of their artilleryman Ybarra. The panic-stricken natives
decamped ; the convent was taken by assault ; there was an indis-
criminate fight and general slaughter. The Alcalde and a Franciscan
friar fell in action ; one Austin friar escaped, and another was seized
ivnd killed to avenge the death of the British soldiers. The invading
forces occupied the Convent, and some of the troops were shortly sent
back to Manila. Bustos reappeared near the Bulacan Convent with
8,000 native troops, of which 600 were cavalry, but they dared no
attack the British. Bustos then manoeuvred in the neighbourhood and
made occasional alarms. Small parties were sent out against him with
so little efiect, that the British Commander headed a body in person,
and put the whole of Bustos' troops to flight like mosquitos before a
gust of wind, for Bustos feared they would be pursued into Pampanga.
After clearing away the underwood, which served as a covert for the
natives, the British reoccupied the convent ; but Bustos returned to
his position, and was a second time as disgracefully routed by the
British, who then withdrew to Manila.
At the same time, it Avas alleged that a conspiracy was being
organized amongst the Chinese in the Province of Pampa^iga with the
102 THILIPPINE ISLANDS.
object of assassinating Anda and his Spanish followers. The Chinese
cut trenches and raised fortifications, avowing that their bellicose
preparations were only to defend themselves against the possible attack
of the British ; whilst the Spaniards saw in all this a connivance with
the invaders. The latter no doubt conjectured rightly. Anda, acting
upon the views of his party, precipitated matters by appearing with
fourteen Spanish soldiers and a crowd of native bowmen to commence
the slaughter in the town of Guagua. The Chinese assembled there
in great numbers, and Anda endeavoured in vain to induce them to
surrender to him. He then sent a Spaniard, named Miguel Garces,
with a message, offering them pardon in the name of the King of
Spain if they would lay down their arms ; but they killed the emissary,
and Anda therefore commenced the attack. The result was favourable
for Anda's party, and great numbers of the Chinese were slain. Many
fled to the fields, where they were pursued by the troops, whilst those
who were captured were hanged. Such was the inveterate hatred
which Anda entertained for the Chinese, that he issued a general decree
declaring all the Chinese traitors to the Spanish flag, and ordered them
to be hanged wherever they might be found in the provinces. Thus
thousands of Chinese were executed who had taken no part whatever
in the events of this little war.
Admiral Cornish having decided to return to Europe, again urged
for the payment of the two millions of dollars. The Archljishop wa?^
in great straits ; he was willing to do anything, but his colleagues
opposed him, and Cornish was at length obliged to content himself
with a bill on the Madrid Treasury. Anda appointed Bustos Alcalde
of Bulacan, and ordered him to recruit and train troops, as he still
nurtured the hope of confining the British to Manila — perhaps even of
driving them out of the Colony.
The British in the city were compelled to adopt the most rigorous
precautious against a rising of the population within the walls, and
several Spanish residents were arrested for intriguing against them in
concert with those outside.
Several French prisoners from Pondicherry deserted from the
British ; and some Spanish regular troops, who had been taken
prisoners, effected their escape. The Fiscal of the Supreme Court and
a Seiior Villa Corta were found conspiring. The latter was caught in
the act of sending a letter to Anda, and was sentenced to be hanged
BRITISH INVASION. SIMON DE ANDA's PROCLAMATION. 103
aud quartered — the quarters to be exhibited in public places. The
Archbishop, however, obtained Villa Corta's pardon, on the condition
that Anda should evacuate the Pampanga Province ; and Villa Corta
wrote to Anda, begging him to accede to this, but Anda absolutely
refused to make any sacrifice to save his friend's life ; and at the same
time he wrote a disgraceful letter to the Archbishop, couched in such
insulting terms, that the British Commander burnt it without letting
the Archbishop see it. Villa Corta was finally ransomed by the
payment of $3,000.
The treasure brought by the " Philipino" served Anda to organize
a respectable force of recruits. Spaniards who were living there in
misery, and a crowd of natives always ready for pay, enlisted. These
forces under Lieutenant-General Bustos encamped at Malinta, about
five miles from Manila. The officers lodged in a house belonging
to the Austin Friars, around which the troops pitched their tents —
the whole being defended by redoubts and palisades raised under
the direction of a French deserter, who led a company. From this
place Bustos constantly caused alarm to the British troops, who once
had to retreat before a picket guard sent to get the church bells
of Quiapo. The British, in fact, were much molested by Bustos'
Malinta troops, who forced the invaders to withdraw to Manila and
reduce the extension of their outposts. This measure was followed
up by a Proclamation, in Avhich the British Commander alluded to
Bustos' troops as " canaille and robbers," and offered a reward of
$5,000 for Anda's head ; declaring him and his party rebels aud
traitors to their Majesties the Kings of Spain aud England. Anda,
chafing at his impotence to combat the invading party by force of
arms, gave vent to his feelings of rage and disappointment by issuing
a Decree, dated from Bacolor 19th of May, 1763, of which the
translated text reads as follows, viz. : —
" Royal Government Tribunal of these Islands for His Catholic
" Majesty : — Whereas the Royal Government Tribunal, Supreme
" Government and Captain-Generalship of His Catholic Majesty in
" these Islands are gravely oftended at the audacity and blindness
" of those men, who, forgetting all humanity, have condemned as
" rebellious and disobedient to both their Majesties, him, who as a
" faithful vassal of His Catholic Majesty, aud in conformity with the
" law, holds the Royal Tribunal, Government and Captain-General-
104 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
" ship ; and having suffered by a reward being offered by order of the
" British Governor in council to whomsoever shall deliver me alive or
" dead ; and by their having placed the arms captured in Bulaean at
" the foot of the gallows — seeing that instead of their punishing and
" reproaching such execrable proceedings, the spirit of haughtiness
" and pride is increasing, as shoAvn in the Proclamation published in
" Manila on the 17th instant, in which the troops of His Majesty
" are infamously calumniated — treating them as blackguards and dis-
" affected to their service — charging them with plotting to assassinate
" the English officers and soldiers, and with having fled Avhen attacked
" • — the whole of these accusations being false : Now therefore by
" these presents, be it known to all Spaniards and true Englishmen,
" that Messrs. Drake, Smith and Brock who signed the Proclamation
" referred to, must not be considered as vassals of His Britannic
" Majesty, but as tyrants and common enemies imworthy of human
" society, and therefore, I order that they be apprehended as such,
" and I offer ten thousand dollars for eacli one of them alive or dead.
" At the same time, I withdraw the order to treat the vassals of His
" Britannic Majesty with all the humanity which the rights of war
" will permit, as has been practised hitherto with respect to the
" prisoners and deserters."
Anda had by this time received the consent of his King to occupy
the position Avhich he had usurped, and the British Commander was
thus enabled to communicate officially with him, if occasion required
it ; and Drake replied to this Proclamation, recommending Anda to
carry on the war with greater moderation and humanity.
On the 27th of June, 1763, the British made a sortie from the
city to dislodge Bustos, who still occupied Malinta. The attacking
party consisted of 350 fusileers, 50 horsemen, a mob of Chinese and
a number of guns and ammunition. The British took up quarters
on one side of the river, whilst Bustos remained on the other. The
opposing parties exchanged fire, Ijut neither cared or dared to cross
the water-way. The British forces retired in good order to Masilo,
and remained there until they heard that Bustos had burnt Malinta
House and removed his camp to Meycauayan. Then the British
withdrew to Manila in the evening. On the Spanish side there were
two killed, five mortally wounded, and two slightly wounded. The
British losses were six mortally wounded and seven disabled. This
BRITISH INVASION. NEWS OF PEACE. 105
was the last encouuter in open warfare. Chinamen occasionally lost
their lives throi:gh their love of plunder in the vicinity occupied by
the British.
During these operations, the priesthood taught the ignorant natives
to believe that the invading troops were infidels — and a holy war was
preached.
The Friars, especially those of the Augustine order,' abandoned
their mission of peace for that of the sword, and the British met with
a slight reverse at Masilo, where a religious fanatic of the Austin friars
had put himself at the head of a small band lying in ambush.
On the 23rd of July, 1763, a British frigate brought news fi'om
Europe of an armistice, — and the preliminaries of peace, by virtue of
which Manila was to be evacuated (Peace of Paris, 10th of February,
1763), were received by the British Commander on the 27th of August
following, and communicated by him to the Archbishop-Governor for
the " Commander-in-Chief " of the Spanish arms. Anda stood on his
dignity, and protested that he should be addressed directly, and be
styled Captain-General. On this plea he declined to receive the
communication. Drake replied by a manifesto, dated 19th September,
to the effect that the responsibility of the blood which might be spilt in
consequence of Anda's refusal to accept his notification would rest with
him. Anda published a counter manifesto, dated 28th September,
in Bacolor (Pampanga), protesting that he had not been treated with
proper courtesy.
Greater latitude was allowed to the prisoners, and Villa Corta
effected his escape dressed as a woman. He fled to Anda — the
oo-conspirator Avho had refused to save his life, — and their superficial
friendship was renewed. Villa Corta was left in charge of business in
Bacolor during Anda's temporary absence. Meanwhile the Archbishop
fell ill ; and it Avas discussed who should be his successor in the
1 So tenacious was the opposition brought by the Austin friars both in Manila
and the Provinces, that the British appear to have regarded them as their special
foes.
From the archives of Bauan Convent, Province of Batangas, I have talien the
following notes, viz. :— The Austin Friars lost $238,000 and fifteen convents. Six
of their estates were despoiled. Of the troops killed, 300 were Spaniards, 500
Pampanga natives and 300 Tagalog natives. Besides the Austin friars from the
galleon " Trinidad," who were made prisoners and shipped to Bombay, ten of
their order were killed in battle and nineteen were taken and exiled to India and
Europe.
106 PHILIPriNE ISLANDS.
government in the event of his death. Villa Corta argued that it fell
to him as senior magistrate. The discussion came to the knowledge of
Anda, and seriously aroused his jealousy. Fearing conspiracy against
his ambitious projects, he left his camp at Polo, and hastened to
interrogate Villa Corta, who explained that he had only made casual
remarks in the course of conversation. Anda, however, was restless on
the subject of the succession, and sought the opinion of all the chief
priests and bishops. Various opinions existed. Some urged that the
decision be left to the Supreme Court — others were in favour of Anda —
whilst many abstained from expressing their views. Anda was so
nervously anxious about the matter, that he even begged the opinion of
the British Commander, and wrote him on the subject from Bacolor on
the 2nd of November, 1763.
Major Fell seriously quarrelled Avitli Drake about the Frenchman
Faller, whom Admiral Cornish had left under sentence of death for
having written a letter to Java accusing him of being a pirate and a
robber. Drake protected Faller, whilst Fell demanded the execution
of the prisoner ; and the dispute became so heated, that Fell was about
to slay Drake with a bayonet, but was prevented by some soldiers. Fell
then went to London to complain of Drake, hence Anda's letter was
addressed to Backhouse, who took Fell's place. Anda, who months
since had refused to negotiate or treat with Drake, still insisted
upon being styled Captain-General. Backhouse replied that he was
ignorant of the Spaniards' statutes or laws, but that he knew the
Governor was the Archbishop. Anda thereupon spread the report that
the British Commander had forged the Preliminaries of Peace because
he could no longer hold out in warfare. The British necessarily had to
send to the provinces to purchase provisions, and Anda caused their
forage parties to be attacked, so that the war really continued, in spite
of the news of peace, until the 30th of January, I76i. On this day
the Archbishop died, sorely grieved at the situation, and weighed down
with cares. He had engaged to pay four millions of dollars and
surrender the islands, but could he indeed have refused any terms ?
The British were in possession ; and these conditions were dictated at
the point of the bayonet.
Immediately after the funeral of the Archbishop, Anda received
despatches from the King of Spain, by Avay of China, confirming
the news of peace to his Governor at Manila. Then the British
BRITISH INVASION. MANILA EVACUATED. 107
acknowledged Auda as Governor, and proceeded to evacuate the citj,
but rival factions were not so easily set aside, and fierce quarrels ensued
betAveen the respective parties of Anda, Villa Corta and Ustariz as to
Avho should be Governor and receive the city officially from the British.
Anda, being actually in command of the troops, had the game in
his hands. The conflict was happily terminated by the arrival at
Marinduque of the newly appointed Governor-General from Spain,
Don Francisco de La Torre. A galley was sent there by Anda to bring
His Excellency to Luzon, and he arrived at Bacolor, where Anda
resigned the Government to him on the 17th of March, 1764.
La Torre sent a message to Backhouse and Brereton — the com-
manding officers at Manila and Cavite, — stating that he was ready
to take over the city in due form. La Torre thereupon took up his
residence in Santa Cruz, placed a Spanish guard with sentinels from
that ward as far as the Great Bridge (Puente de Barcas, now called
Puente de Espaiia), where the British advance guard was, and friendly
communication took place. Governor Drake was indignant at being
ignored in all these proceedings, and ordered the Spanish Governor to
withdraw his guards, under threat of appealing to force. Backhouse
and Brereton resented this rudeness, and ordered the troops under arms
to an-est Drake, whose hostile action, due to jealousy, they declared
unwarrantable. Drake being apprised of their intentions, escaped from
the city with his suite, embarked on board a frigate, and sailed off.
La Torre was said to be indisposed ou the day appointed for
receiving the city. Some assert that he feigned his indisposition as
he did not v.'ish to arouse Anda's animosity, and desired to afford
him an opportunity of displaying himself as a delegate at least of the
highest local authority by receiving the city from the British, whilst
he pampered his pride by allowing him to enter triumphantly into it.
As the city exchanged masters, the Spanish flag was hoisted once
more on the Fort of Santiago amidst the hurrahs of the populace and
artillery salutes.
Before embarking, Brereton offered to do justice to any claims
which might be legitimately established against the British authorities.
Hence a sloop lent to Drake, valued at ^4,000, was paid for to the
Jesuits, and the $3,000 paid to ransom Villa Corta's life was returned,
Brereton remarking, that if the sentence against him were valid, it
should have been executed at the time, but it could not be commuted
108 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS,
by money payment. At the instance of the British authorities, a free
pardon was granted and published to the Chinese, few of whom,
however, confided in it, and many left with the retiring army.
Brereton, with his forces, embarked for India, after despatching a
packet-boat to restore the Sultan of Sulu to his throne.
During this convulsed period, great atrocities Avere committed.
Unfortunately the common felons were released by the English from
their prisons, and used their liberty to perpetrate murders and robbery
in alliance with those always naturally bent that Avay. So great did
this evil become — so bold were the marauders, that in time they formed
large parties, infested liighAvays, attacked plantations, and the poor
peasantry had to flee, leaving their cattle and all their belongings in
their power. Several avenged themselves of the Friars for old scores —
others settled accounts with those Europeans who had tyrannized them
of old. The Chinese, whether so-called Christians or pagans, declared
for and aided the British.
The proceedings of the choleric Simon de Anda y Sahizar were
approved by his Sovereign, but his impetuous disposition drove from
him his best counsellors, whilst those who were bold enough to uphold
their opinions against his, were accused of connivance with the British.
Communications with Europe Avere scant indeed in those days, but
Anda could not have been altogether ignorant of the causes of the war,
which terminated with the Treaty of Paris.
On his return to Spain, after the appointment of La Torre as
Governor-General, he succeeded in retaining the favour of the kino-,
who conferred several honours on him, making him Councillor of
Castile, etc. In the meantime Jose Raou, who superseded La Torre,
had fallen into disgrace, and Anda was appointed to the Governor-
Generalship of the Islands.
There is perhaps no imperiousness so intolerant as that of an
official who vaunts his authority by the reflected light of his poAverful
patron. Anda on his arrival avenged himself of his opposers in all
directions. He imprisoned his predecessor, several judges, military
officials and others ; some he sent back to Spain, others he banished
from the capital. Thus he brought trouble upon himself. From all
sides hostile resistance increased. He quarrelled with the clergy ; but
when his irascible temper had exhausted itself in the course of six
years, he retired to the Austin Friars' Hospital of San Juan de Dios
REBELLION IN YLOCOS PROVINCE. 109
in Cavite, where he expired in 1776, much to the relief of his numerous
adversaries.
Consequent on the troubled state of the Colony, a serious rebellion
arose in Ylogan (Cagayan Province), amongst the Timava natives,
who flogged the Commandant, and declared they would no longer pay
tribute to the Spaniards. The revolt spread to Ylocos and Paugasinan,
but the ringleaders were caught, and tranquillity was restored by the
gallows.
A rising far more important occurred in Ylocos Sur. The Alcalde
was deposed, and escaped after he had been forced to give up his staff
of office. The leader of this revolt was a cunning and wily Manila
native, named Diego de Silan, who persuaded the people to cease paying
tribute, and declare against the Spaniards, who, he pointed out, were
unable to resist the English. The City of Vigan was in great commotion.
The Vicar-General parleyed with the natives ; and then, collecting his
troops, the rebels were dispersed, whilst some were taken prisoners ; but
the bulk of the rioters rallied and attacked, and burnt down part of the
city. The loyal natives fled before the flames. The Vicar-General's
house was taken, and the arras in it were seized. All the Austin friars
within a large surrounding neighbourhood had to ransom themselves
by money payments. Silan was then acknowledged as chief over a
large territory north and south of Vigan. He appointed his lieutenants,
and issued a Manifesto declaring Jesus of Nazareth to be Captain-
General of the place, and that he was His Alcalde for the promotion
of the Catholic religion and dominion of the King of Spain. His
Manifesto was wholly that of a religious fanatic. He obliged the
natives to attend Mass, to confess, and to see that their children went
to school. In the midst of all this pretended piety, he stole cattle and
exacted ransoms for the lives of all those Avho could pay them ; he levied
a tax of $100 on each friar. Under the pretence of keeping out the
British, he placed sentinels in all directions to prevent news reaching
the terrible Simon de A.nda. But Anda, though fully informed by an
Austin friar of what transpired, had not sufficient troops to march
north. He sent a requisition to Silan to present himself within nine
days, under penalty of arrest as a traitor. Whilst this order was
published, vague reports were intentionally spread that the Spaniards
were coming to Ylocos in great force. Many deserted Silan, but he
contrived to deceive even the clergy and others by his feigned piety.
110 . PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Silau sent presents to Manila for the British, acknowledsrinc: the Kino-
of England to be his legitimate Sovereign. The British Governor sent,
in return, a vessel bearing despatches to Silau, appointing him Alcalde
Major. Elated with pride, Silan at once made this public. The natives
■were undeceived, for they had counted on him to deliver them from the
British ; now, to their dismay, they saw him the authorized magistrate
of the invader. He gave orders to make all the Austin friars prisoners,
saying that the British would send other clergy in their stead. The
friars surrendered themselves without resistance and joined their Bishop
near Vigau, awaiting the pleasure of Silan. The Bishop excommunicated
Silau, and then he released some of the priests. The Christian natives
having refused to slay the friars, a secret compact was being made, with
this object, with the mountain tribes, when a half-caste named Vices
obtained the Bishop's benediction and killed Silan ; and the rebellion,
which had lasted from 14th December, 1762, to 28th May, 1763, ended.
Xot until a score of little battles had been fought were the numerous
riots in the provinces quelled. The loyal troops were divided into
sections, and marched north in several directions, until peace was
restored by March, 1765. Zufiiga says that the Spaniards lost in these
riots about 70 Europeans and 140 natives, whilst they cost the rebels
quite 10,000 men.
*******
The submission made to the Spaniards, in the time of Legaspi, of the
Manila and Tondo chiefs, was but of local importance, and by no means
implied a total pacific surrender of the whole Archipelago ; for each
district had yet to be separately conquered. In many places a bold stand
was made for independence, but the superior organization and science of
the European forces invariably brought them victory in the end.
Space will not permit me to cite all the numerous revolutionary
protests registered in history against the Spanish dominion, to show that
the natives from the beginning, and up to the present time, have only
yielded to a force which they have repeatedly, in each generation,
essayed to overthrow. The Pampanga natives soon submitted, but a
few years afterwards they were in open mutiny against their masters,
who, they alleged, took their young men from their homes to form army
corps, and busily employed the able-bodied men remaining in the district
to cut timber for Government requirements and furnish provisions to
the camp.
STRUGGLES FOR LIBERTY. Ill
In 1622 the natives of Bojol Island erected an oratory in the
mountain in honour of an imaginary deity, and revolted against the
tyranny of the Jesuit missionaries. They proclaimed their intention
to regain their liberty, and freedom from the payment of tribute to
foreigners, and taxes to a church they did not believe in. Several
towns and churches were burnt, and Catholic images were desecrated,
but the rebels were dispersed by the Governor of Cebu, who, with a
considerable number of troops, pursued them into the interior. In the
same island a more serious rising was caused in 1744 by the despotism
of a Jesuit priest named Morales, who arrogated to himself governmental
rights, ordering the apprehension of natives who did not attend Mass,
and exercising his sacerdotal functions according to liis own caprice.
The natives resisted those abuses, and a certain Dagohoy, whose
brother's body had been left uninterred to decompose by the priest's
orders, organised a revenge party, and swore to pay the priest in his
own coin. The Jesuit was captured and executed, and his corpse was
left four days in the sun to corrupt.
Great numbers of disaffected natives flocked to Dagohoy's standard.
Their complaint was, that whilst they risked their lives in foreign
service for the sole benefit of their European masters, their homes
were wrecked and their wives and families maltreated to recover the
tribute.
Dagohoy, with his people, maintained their independence for the
space of 35 years, during which period it was necessary to constantly
employ detachments of troops to check the rebels' raid on private
property. On the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Colony, Recoleto
Friars went to Bohol, and then Dagohoy and his partisans submitted
to the Government on the condition of all receiving a full pardon.
In Leyte an insurrection was set on foot in 1622 against Spanish
rule, and the Governor of Cebu went there with 40 vessels, carrying
troops and war material to co-operate with the local Governor against
the rebels. The native leader was made prisoner, and his head placed
on a high pole, to strike terror into the populace. Another prisoner
was garrotted, four more were publicly executed by being shot with
arrows, and another was burnt.
In 1629, an attempt was made in the Province of Surigao (theu
called Caraga), in the east of Mindanao Island, to throw off the
Spanish yoke. Several churches were burnt, and four priests were
112 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS,
killed by the rebels, and the rising was only quelled after three years*
guerilla warfare.
In 164:9 the Governor- General decided to supply the want of men
in the Arsenal at Cavite, and the increasing necessity for troops,
by pressing the natives of Samar Island into the King's service.
Thereupon a native headman named Sumoroy killed the priest of
Ybabao, ou the east coast of Samar, and led the mob who sacked and
burnt the churches along the coast. The Governor at Catbalogan got
too-ether a few men, and sent them into the mountains with orders
to send him back the head of Sumoroy, but instead of this they sent
him a pig's head. The revolt increased, and General Andres Lopez
Azaldegui was despatched to the island with full powers from the
Governor-General, whilst he Avas supported ou the coast by armed
vessels from Zamboanga. Sumoroy fled to the hills, but his mother
was found in a hut ; and the invading party wreaked their vengeance
on her by literally pulling her to pieces.
Sumoroy was at length betrayed by his own people, who carried
his head to the Spanish Captain, and this officer had it stuck up on
a pole in the village. Some years afterwards, another rebel chief
surrendered, under a pardon obtained for him by the priests, but the
military authorities imprisoned and then hanged him.
The riots of 1649 extended to other provinces for the same cause.
In Albay, the parish priest of Sorsogon had to flee for his life ; in
Masbate Island, a sub-lieutenant was killed ; in Zamboanga, a priest
was murdered ; in Cebu, a Spaniard was assassinated ; and in Caraga
(Surigao), and Butuan, many Europeans fell victims to the fury of the
populace. To quell these disturbances, Captain Gregorio de Castillo,
stationed at Butuan, was ordered to march agaiust the rebels with a
body of infantry, but bloodshed was avoided by the Captain publishing
a o-eneral pardon in the name of the King, and crowds of insurgents
came to the camp in consequence. The King's name, however, was
sullied ; for very few of those who surrendered ever regained their
liberty. They were sent prisoners to Manila, where a few were
pardoned, others were executed, and the majority became galley slaves.
In 1660 there was again a serious rising in Pampanga, the natives
objecting to cut timber for the Cavite Arsenal without payment. The
revolt spread to Pangasinan Province, where a certain Andres Maloug
was declared King, and ke in turn gave to another — Pedro Gumapos —
STRUGGLES FOR LIBERTY. 113
the title of Count. Messages were sent to Zambales and other adjacent
provinces, ordering the natives to kill the Spaniards, under pain of
incurring King Malong's displeasure.
Three army corps were formed by the rebels : one of 6,000 men,
under Melchor de Veras, for the conquest of Pampanga ; another of
3,000 men, led by the titular Count Gumapos, to annex Ilocos, and
Cagayan, whilst the so-called King Malong took the field against the
Pangasinan people at the head of 2,000 followers. Ilocos Province
declared in his favour, and furnished a body of insurgents under a
chief named Juan Manzano, whilst everywhere on the march the titular
King's troops increased until they numbered about 40,000 men. On
the way many Spaniards — priests and laymen — were killed. The
Governor-General sent by land to Pampanga 200 Spanish troops, 400
Pampangos and half-breeds, Avell armed and provisioned, and Mount
Arayat was fortified and garrisoned by 500 men. By sea : two galleys,
six small vessels, and four cargo launches — carrying 700 Spaniards
and half-breeds, and 30 Pampangos — went to Bolinao, in Zambales
Province. The rebels were everywhere routed, and their chiefs Avere
hanged, — some in Pampanga and others in Manila.
Almost each generation has called forth the strong arm of the
conqueror to repress native aspirations to liberty in one island or
another, whilst the flame of rebellion has as often been kindled by
sacerdotal despotism as by official rapacity.
In the present century, several vain attempts to subvert Spanish
authority have been made ; notably in 1823, when a body of disaffected
native troops, headed by their Captain — a Creole named Andres No vales
— conspired to seize the capital and assume Government.
The rising was quickly subdued by the Governor-General in person,
who, with Spanish troops, dispersed the rebels, their chiefs beino-
captured and executed.
In 1827 the standard of sedition was raised in Cebii and a few
towns of that island, but these disturbances were speedily stified
through the influence of the vSpanish friars. In 1844, durino- a nsino-
in Negros Island, the Spanish Governor was killed. The cause is said
to have been due to the Governor having compelled the State prisoners
to labour for his private account.
In January, 1872, what is known as the Cavite insurrection
occurred, the centre of the plot being Cavite Arsenal. A number of
H
114 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
native soldiers were implicated in this affair, and it was agreed
between the conspirators in Cavite and their accomplices in Manila
that the signal for the outbreak should be given by those in the
capital, who were to fire off a rocket on the night that they Avould be
ready for simultaneous action. It happened, however, that those in
Cavite mistook the fireworks of a suburban feast for the signal agreed
upon, and they unwittingly commenced the revolt, unsupported by
their comrades across the bay.
The disaffected soldiers took possession of the Arsenal and made a
firm resistance, whilst others attacked the influential Europeans. The
loyal troops were called out, the Arsenal was retaken, and all the
rebels who escaped death were taken prisoners. The origin of this
tumult was native opposition to the Spanish friars. A certain
Dr. Joseph Burgos (Philippine born) had headed a party which urged
the exclusion of fi'iars from parochial incumbencies, and called for
the fulfilment of the Council of Trent decisions which prohibited
friars from holding benefices. It appears that the friars, nevertheless,
secured these ecclesiastical preferments by virtue of Papal Bulls of
Pius V. and subsequent Popes, who authorized friars to act as parish
priests, not in perpetuity, but so long as secular clergymen were
insufiicient in number to attend to the cure of souls. The native party
consequently declared that the friars retained their incumbencies
illegally and by intrusion, in view of the sufficiency of Philippinb
secular priests. Had the Council of Trent enactments been carried
out to the letter, undoubtedly the religious communities in the Philip-
pines were doomed to comparative political impotence. Tho Spanish
monastic faction, therefore, insisted upon the extreme penalty of the
law being inflicted upon their opponents, and Dr. Joseph Burgos, and
three other native [priests (one of whom was a dotard of 80 years
of age), were executed on the Luneta, a fashionable promeuado by the
sea-shore outside Manila, whilst several of the native clergy and many
laymen were deported.
The real instigators of the Cavite tragedy were the Spanish friars,
who found in it a means of attainting Dr. Burgos, of striking terror
into the native clergy, and of procuring the banishment of certain
families known to hold liberal ideas.
Colonel Sabas went over to Cavite and quelled the riot, and when
the friars had secured their victims they caused a bill of indictment to
CAVITE CONSPIKACY OF 1872. 115
be put forward by the public prosecutor in which it was alleged that a
revolutionary government had been projected.
Some of the accused in this revolt, who protested their innocence,
were banished to the Marianas (Ladrone) Islands, whence a few
escaped to foreign countries. Of these, personally knowu to me, one
is a successful lawyer now residing near London, and three were still
living in Hongkong in 1896. In 1889 I visited a penal settlement —
La Colonia Agricola de San Ramon — in Mindanao Island, and during
my stay at the director's house I was every day served at table by
the native convict who was said to have been nominated by the Cavite
insurgents to the Civil Governorship of Manila.
^«^»»^_
H 2
CHAPTER Y I 1 1.
THE CHINESE.
Long before the foundation of Manila by Legaspi in 1571 the
Chinese traded with these Islands. Their locus standi, however, was
invariably a critical one, and their commercial ti'ansactions with the
semi-barbarous Philippine Islanders were always conducted afloat.
Often their junks were boarded and pillaged by the natives, but, in
spite of the immense risk incurred, the Chinese lacked nothing in their
active pursuit.
Legaspi soon perceived the advantages which would accrue to his
conquest by fomenting the development of commerce with these Islands ;
and, as an inducement to the Chinese to continue their traffic, he
severely punished all acts of violence committed against them.
In the course of time, the Chinese had gained sufficient confidence
under European protection to come ashore with their wares. In 1588,
Chinese were already paying rent for the land they occupied. Some
writers assert that they propagated their religious doctrine as well as
their customs, but I have found nothing to confirm this statement,
and my knowledge of Chinese habits inclines me to think it most
improbable. In their trading junks they frequently carried their idols
as a Romish priest carries his missal when he travels. The natives
may have imitated the Chinese religious rites years before the Spaniards
came. There is no evidence adduced to prove that they forcibly
proselytized the natives as the Spaniards did. On the other hand, there
is reason to believe that some idols, lost by the Chinese in shipwreck
and piratical attacks, have been, and still are, revered by the natives as
authenticated miraculous images of Christian Saints {vide " Holy Child
of Cebu" and " Our Lady of Casaysay," Chap. XL).
The Chinese contributed, in a large measure, to bring about a
state of order and prosperity in the new Colony, with the introduction
. CHINESE. THE ALCAYCERIA. THE PARIAN. 117
of their small trades and iudustry ; and their traffic ia the interior, and
with China, Avas really beneficial, in those times, to the object which
the conquerors had in view. So numerous, however, did they become,
that it was found necessary to regulate the growing commerce and the
modus Vivendi of the foreign traders.
In the bad weather they were unable to go to and from their junks,
and, fearing lest under such circumstances the trade would fall off,
the Government determined to provide them with a large building
called the Alcayceria. The contract for its construction was offered to
any private person or corporation Avilling to take it up on the following
terms, viz. : — The original cost, the annual expense of maintenance, and
the annual rents received from the Chinese tenants were to be equally
shared by the Government and the contractor. The contract was
accepted by a certain Fernando de Mier y Noriega, who was appointed
bailiff of the Alcayceria for life, and the employment was to be
hereditary in his family, at a salary of $50 per month. However
when the plan was submitted to the Government, it was considered too
extensive, and was consequently greatly reduced, the Government
defraying the total cost ($48,000). The bailiff's salary was likewise
reduced to $25 per month, and only the condition of sharing rent and
expense of preservation was maintained. The Alcayceria was a square
of shops, with a back store, and one apartment above each tenement.
It was inaugurated ia the year 1580, in the Calle de San Fernando, in
Binondo, opposite to where is now the Harbour-Master's Office, and
under fire of the forts. In the course of years this became a ruin, and
on the same site Government Stores were built in 1856. These, too,
were wrecked in their turn by the great earthquake of 1863. In the
meantime, the Chinese had long ago spread far beyond the limits of
the Alcayceria, and another centre had been provided for them within
the City of Manila. This was called the Parian, which is the Mexican
word for market-place. It was demolished by Government order in
1860, but the entrance to the city, at that part (constructed in 1782),
still retains the name of Puerta del Parian.
Hence it will be seen, that from the time of the conquest, and for
generations following, the Spanish authorities offered encouragement
and protection to the Chinese.
Dr. Antonio Morga, in his work on the Philippines, page 349,
writes (at the close of the 16th century) : '<It is true the town cannot
118 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
" exist without the Chinese, as they are workers in all trades and
" business, and very industrious and work for small wages."
Juan de la Concepcion writes^ (referring to the beginning of the
17th century) : " Without the trade and commerce of the Chinese,
" these dominions could not have subsisted." The same writer
estimates the number of Chinese in the Colony in 1638 at 33,000.''
In 1686 the policy of fixing the statutory maximum number of
Chinese at 6,000 was discussed, but commercial conveniences out-
Aveio-hed its adoption. Had the measure been carried out, it was
proposed to lodge them all in one place within easy cannon range, in
view of a possible rising.
In 1755 it was resolved to expel all non-Christian Chinese, but a
term was allowed for the liquidation of their affairs and withdrawal.
By the 30th of June 1755, the day fixed for their departure from
Manila, 515 Chinamen had been sharp enough to obtain baptism as
Christians, in order to evade the edict, besides 1,108 who were
permitted to remain because they were studying the mysteries and
intricacies of Christianity. 2,070 were banished from Manila, the
expulsion being rigidly enforced on those ncAvly arriving in junks.
Except a few Europeans and a score of Western Asiatics, the
Chinese who remained were the only merchants in the Archipelago.
The natives had neither knowledge, tact, energy, nor desire to compete
with them. They cannot, to this day, do so successfully, and the
Chinese may be considered a boon to the Colony, for, without them,
livino- would be far dearer — commodities and labour of all kinds more
scarce, and the export and import trade much embarrassed. The
Chinese are really the people who gave to the natives the first notions
of trade, industry and fruitful work. They taught them, amongst
many other useful things, the extraction of saccharine juice from the
sugar cane, the manufacture of sugar, and the working of wrought
iron. They introduced into the Colony the first sugar-mills with
vertical stone crushers, and iron boiling-pans.
The history of the last hundred-and-fifty years shows that the
Chinese, although tolerated, were always regarded by the Spanish
colonists as an unwelcome race, and the natives have learnt, from
' » Hist. Gen. de Philipinas," by Juan de la Concepcion, Vol. IV., page 53,
pub. in Manila in 1788.
- Ibid., Vol. v., page 429.
CHINESE: THEIR EXPULSION DECREED. 119
example, to despise them. From time to time, especially since the
year 1763, the feeling against them has run very high.
The public clamour for restrictions on their arrival, impediments
to the traffic of those already established here, intervention of the
authorities with respect to their dwellings and mode of living, and not
a few have urged their total expulsion. Indeed, such influence was
brought to bear on the Indian Council at Madrid during the temporary
Governorship of Juan Arechedera, Bishop of Nueva Segovia (1745-
1750), that the Archbishop received orders to expel the Chinese from
the Islands, but, on the ground that to have done so would have
jyrejtidiced public interests, he simply archived the decree. Even up to
the close of Spanish rule, the authorities in power and the national
trading class considered the question from very distinct points of view,
for the fact is, that only the mildest action was taken — just enough to
appease the wild demands of the people. Still the Chinaman was
always subject to the ebb and flow of the tide of official bounteousness,
and only since 1843 Avere Chinese shops allowed to be opened on the
same terms as other foreigners.
The Chinaman is always ready to sell at any price Avhich Avill leave
him u trifling nett gain, whereas the native, having earned sufficient
for his immediate wants, would stubbornly refuse to sell his wares
except at an enormous profit.
Again, but for Chinese coolie competition,' constant labour from the
natives would be almost unprocurable. The native day-labourer would
work two or three days, and then suddenly disappear. The active
Chinaman goes day after day to his task (excepting only at the time
of the Chinese New Year, in January or February), and can be depended
upon — thus the needy native is pushed, by alien competition, to bestir
himself. In my time, in the port of Yloilo, four foreign commercial
houses had to incur the expense and risk of bringing Chinese coolies
for loading and discharging vessels, whilst the natives coolly louno-ed
about and absolutely refused to Avork. Moreover, the exactions and
avarice of the native are quite intolerable, and create a serious impedi-
ment to the development of the Colony. Only a very small minority
of the labouring class will put their hands to work without an advance
' About two per thousand of the present resident Chinese were not originally
coolies.
120 rniLIPPINE ISLANDS.
on their wages, auJ men who earn $8 per mouth will often demand as
much as $25 to $40 advance without any guarantee whatsoever. If a
native is commissioned to perform any kind of service, he will refuse to
stir without a sum of money beforehand, whilst the Chinese very
rarely expect payment until they have given value for it. Only the
direst necessity will make an unskilled native labourer continue several
weeks at work for a Avage which is only to be paid when due. There
is scarcely a single agriculturist who has not the burthen of having to
sink a share of his capital in making advances to his labourers, who,
nevertheless, are in no way legally bound thereby to serve the capitalist,
or whether they are or not, the fact is, that a large proportion of this
capital so employed must be considered lost. There are certain lines
of business which, Avithout the aid of Chinese, Avould have to be
abandoned, hence it Avould be an unfortunate day for the Treasury, and
for the export and import merchant class, when the Chinese ceased to
co-operate in Philippine trade.
Taxes were first levied on the Mongol traders in 1828. In 1852
a general reform of the fiscal laws was introduced, and the classification
of Chinese dealers was modified. They Avere then divided into four
grades or classes, each paying contributions according to the new tariff".
In 1886 the universal depression, which was first manifest in this
Colony in 1884, still continued. Remedies of most original character
were suggested in the public organs and private circles, and a renewed
spasmodic tirade Avas levied against the Chinese. A petition, made
and signed by numbers of the trading class, Avas addressed to the
Sovereio-n, but it appears to have found its last resting-j)lace in the
Colonial Secretary's Avaste-paper basket. The Americans in the United
States and Mexico were in open rebellion against the Celestials — the
Governments of Australia had imposed a capitation tax on their
giitryi — ill British Columbia there was a party disposed to throw off"
its allegiance to Great Britain rather than forego the agitation against
the Chinese. Why should not the Chinese be expelled from the
' General Wong Yung Hd, accompanied by a Chinese Justice of the High
Court, visited Australia in the middle of the year 1887. In a newspaper of that
Colony, it was reported that after these persons had been courteously entertained
and shown the local institutions and industries, they had the bold eifrontery
to protest against the State Laws, and asked for a repeal of the " poll tax " —
considered there the only check upon a Chinese coolie inundation !
CHINESE AS COLONISTS. 121
Philippines, it was asked, or at least be permitted only to pursue
agriculture in the Islands ? In 1638, around Calamba and along the
Laguna shore, they tilled the land, but the selfishness and jealousy of
the natives made their permanence intolerable. In 1850 the Chinese
were invited to take up agriculture, but the rancorous feeling of the
natives forced them to abandon the idea, and seek greater security in
the towns.
The chief accusation levelled against the Chinaman is, that he comes
as an adventurer and makes money, which he carries away, without
leaving any trace of civilization behind him. The Chinese immigrant
is of the lowest social class. Is not the dream of the European
adventurer, of the same or better class, to make his pile of dollars and
be off to the land of his birth ? If he spends more money in the Colony
than the Chinaman does, it is because he lacks the Chinaman's self-
abnegation and thriftiuess. Is the kind of civilization taught in the
colonies by low-class European settlers worth having ?
The Chinaman settled in the Philippines under Spanish rule was
quite a different being to his obstinate, self-willed, riotous countryman
in Hongkong or Singapore. In Manila he was drilled past docility —
in six months he became even fawning, cringing, and servile, until
goaded into open rebellion. Whatever position he might attain to, he
was nev^r addressed (as in the British Colonies) as " Mr." or " Esqi^^"
but always " Chinaman " (" Chino ").
The total expulsion of the Chinese would have been highly
prejudicial to trade. If it suited the State policy to check the ingress
of the Chinese, nothing would have been easier than the imposition of
a ^50 poll tax. To compel them to take up agriculture was out
of the question in a Colony where there Avas so little guarantee for
their personal safety — so long as the native, jealous of the prosperity
which is the reward of their industrial habits, bears tliem an innate
malice.
The frugality, constant activity and commendable ambition of the
Celestial clashes with the dissipation, indolence and want of aim in
life of the native. There is absolutely no harmony of thoiight, purpose
or habit between the Philippine Malay native and the Mongol race,
and the consequence of Chinese coolies working on coffee, sugar or
other plantations would be frequent assassinations and open affray.
Moreover, a native planter could never manage, to his own satisfaction
122 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
or interest, an estate worked with Chinese labour. The Chinaman is
essentially of a commercial bent, and, in the Philippines at least, he
prefers taking his chance as to the profits, in the bubble and risk of
independent speculation, rather than calmly undertake obligations to
labour at a fixed wage which affords no stimulus to his efforts.
Plantations worked by Chinese owners with Chinese labour might
have succeeded, but those who arrived in the Colony brought no
capital, and the Government never offered to overcome this difficulty
by gratuitous allotment of property. A law relating to the concession
of State lands existed, but it was enveloped in so many entanglements
and encompassed by so many intricate conditions, that fe\v^ Orientals
or Europeans took advantage of it, for the tardy process to obtain
Government title deeds of the conceded lands compelled the needy
colonist to follow some other and distinct occupation in the meantime
in order not to starve.
History records that in the year 1603 two Chinese Mandarins
came to Manila as Ambassadors from their Emperor to the Governor-
General of the Philippines. They represented that a countryman of
theirs had informed His Celestial Majesty of the existence of a
mountain of gold in the environs of Cavite, and they desired to see it.
The Governor-General welcomed them, and they were carried ashore
by their own people in ivory and gilded sedan chairs. They wore
the insignia of High Mandarins, and the Governor accorded them the
reception due to their exalted station. He assured them that they
were entirely misinformed respectiug the mountain of gold, which
could only be imaginary, but, to further convince them, he accompanied
them to Cavite. The Mandarins shortly afterwards returned to their
country. The greatest anxiety prevailed in Manila. Rumours cir-
culated that a Chinese invasion was in preparation. The authorities
held frequent councils, in which the opinions were very divided. A
feverish consternation overcame the natives, who were armed, and
ordered to carry their weapons constantly. The armoury Avas over-
hauled. A war plan was discussed and adopted, and places were
signalled out for each division of troops. The natives openly avowed
to the Chinese, that whenever they saw the first signs of the hostile
fleet arriving, they would murder them all. The Chinese were accused
of having arms secreted; they were publicly insulted and maltreated;
the cry was falsely raised that the Spaniards had fixed the day for
ST. FRANCIS RESCUES MANILA FROM THE CHINESE. 123
their extermination ; tliey, daily, saw weapons being cleaned and put
in order, and they knew that there could he no immediate enemy hut
themselves. There was, in short, every circumstantial evidence that
the fight for their existence would ere long be forced upon them.
In this terrible position they were constrained to act on the
offensive, simply to ensure their own safety. They raised fortifications
in several places outside the city, and many an unhappy Chinaman
had to reluctantly shoulder a weapon with tears in his eyes. They
were traders. War and revolution were quite foreign to their wishes.
The Christian despots compelled them to abandon their adopted homes
and their chattels, regardless of the future. What a strange conception
the Chinese must have formed of His Most Catholic Majesty ! In
their despair, many of them committed suicide. Finally, on the eve
of St. Francis' Day, the Chinese openly declared hostilities — beat their
war-ffono-s — hoisted their flags — assaulted the armed natives, and
threatened the city. Houses were burnt, and Binoudo was besieged.
They fortified Tondo ; and the next morning, Luis Perez Dasmarinas,
an ex-Governor-General, led the troops against them. He was joined
by one hundred picked Spanish soldiers under Thomas de Acuna. The
nephew of the Governor and the nephew of the Archbishop rallied
to the Spanish standard nearly all the flower of Castilian soldiery — and
hardly one was left to tell the tale ! The bloodshed was appalling.
The Chinese, encouraged by this first victory, besieged the city, but
after a prolonged struggle, they were obliged to yield, as they could
not provision themselves.
The retreating Chinese were pursued far from Manila along the
Laguna de Bay shore, thousands of them being overtaken and
slaughtered or disabled. Reinforcements met them on the way,
and drove them as far as Batangas Province and into the Morong
district. The natives wove in high glee at this licence to shed blood
unresisted — so in harmony with their natural instincts. It is
calculated that 24,000 Chinese were slain or taken prisoners in this
revolt.
The priests afiirm positively that during the defence of the city
Saint Francis appeared in person on the walls to stimulate the
Christians — thus the victory was accorded to him.
This ruthless treatment of a harmless and necessary people — ^for
up to this event they had proved themselves to be both — threatened
124
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
to briug its own reward. They were the only industrious, thriving,
skilful, Avealth-producing portion of the population. There were no
other artificers or tradespeople in the Colony. Moreover, the Spaniards
Avere fearful lest their supplies from China of food for consumption in
Manila,' and manufactured articles for export to Mexico, should in
future be discontinued. Consequently, they hastened to despatch an
envoy to China to explain matters, and to reassure the Chinese traders.
Much to their surprise, they found the Viceroy of Canton little
concsrned about Avhat had happened, and the junks of merchandise
again arrived as heretofore.
Notwithstanding the memorable event of 1603, thirty-six years
afterwards another struggle was made by the Chinese. In 1639,
exasperated at ihe official robbery and oppression of a certain doctor,
Luis Arias de Mora, and the Governor of the Laguna Province, they
rose in open rebellion and killed these officials in the town of Calamba.
So serious was the revolt, that the Governor-General went out against
them in person. The rebels numbered about 30,000, and sustained, for
nearly a year, a petty warfare all around. The images of the Saints
were promenaded in the streets of Manila ; it was a happy thought, for
6,000 Chinese consequently surrendered. During this conflict, an edict
was published ordering all the Chinese in the provinces to be slain.
In 1660 there was another rising of these people, which terminated
in a great massacre.
The Spaniards now began to reflect that they had made rather a
bad bargain with the Mongol traders in the beginning, and that the
Government would have done better had they encour'aged commerce
with the Peninsula. Up to this time the Spaniards had vainly reposed
on their laurels as conquerors. They squandered lives and fortunes
on innumerable fruitless expeditions to Gamboge, Cochin China, Siam,
Pegu, Japan, and the Moluccas, in quest of fresh glories, instead of
concentrating their efforts in opening up this Colony and fomenting
a Philippine export trade, as yet almost unknown, if we exclude
merchandise from China, etc. in transit to Mexico. From this period
restrictions were, little by little, placed on the intromission of Chinese ;
they were treated with arrogance by the Europeans and Mexicans, and
' Just before the naval engagement of PJaya Honda between Dutch and Spanish
ships (^vide page 80) the Dutch intercepted Chinese junks on the way to
Manila, bringing, amongst their cargoes of food, as many as 12,000 capons
THE CPIINESE OK THE WAR PATH. 125
the jealous hatred which the native at this day feels for the Chinaman
now be^an to be more openlj manifested. The Chinaman had, for
a long time past, been regarded by the European as a necessity — and
henceforth an unfortunate one.
Nevertheless, the lofty Spaniard who by favour of the King had
arrived in Manila to occupy an official post without an escudo too much
in his pocket, did not disdain to accept the hospitality of the Chinese.
It was formerly their custom to secure the goodwill and personal
protection of the Spanish officials by voluntarily keeping lodging-houses
ready for their reception. It is chronicled that these gratuitous
residences were well furnished and provided with all the requisites
procurable on the spot. For a whole century the Spaniards were
lulled with this easy-going and felicitous state of things, whilst the
insidious Mongol, whose clear-sighted sagacity was sufficient to pierce
the thin veil of friendship proffered by his guest, was ever prepared
for another opportunity of rising against the dominion of Castile, of
which he had had so many sorry experiences since 1603. The occasion
at last arrived during the British occupation of Manila in 1763. The
Chinese voluntarily joined the invaders, but were unable to sustain
the struggle, and it is estimated that some 6,000 of them were
murdered in the provinces by order of the notorious Simon de Anda
(vide page 102). They menaced the town of Pasig — near Manila —
and Fray Juan de Torres, the parish priest, put himself at the head of
300 natives, by order of his Prior, Fray Andres Fuentes, to oppose
them, and the Chinese were forced to retire.
On the 9th of October, 1820, a general massacre of Chinese and
other foreigners, including British, took place in Manila and Cavite.
Epidemic cholera had affected the capital and surrounding districts ;
great numbers of natives succumbed to its malignant effects, and they
accused the foreigners of having poisoned the drinking water in the
streams. Foreign property was attacked and pillaged — even ships
lying in the bay had to sail off and anchor out afar for safety. The
outbreak attained such grave proportions, that the clergy intervened to
dissuade the populace from their hallucination. The High Host was
carried through the streets, but the rioters were only pacified when they
could find no more victims.
Amongst other reforms concerning the Chinese which the Spanish
colonists and Manila natives called for in 1886, through the public
126 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
organs, was, that they should be forced to comply with the law
promulgated in 1867, Avhich provided that the Chinese, like all other
merchants, should keep their trade-books in the Spanish language.
The demand had the appearance of being baseil on certain justifiable
grounds, but in reality it was a mere ebullition of spite intended to
augment the difficulties of the Chinese.
The British merchants and bankers are, by far, those who give
most credit to the Chinese. The Spanish and native creditors of the
Chinese are but a small minority, taking the aggregate of their credits,
and instead of seeking malevolently to impose new hardships on the
Chinese, they could have abstained from entering into risky transactions
with them. All merchants are aware of the Chinese trading system,
and none are obliged to deal with them. A foreign house gives a
Chinaman credit for say £300 to £400 worth of European manufactured
goods, knowing full well, from personal experience, or from that of
others, that the whole value will probably never be recovered. It
remains a standing debt on the books of the firm. The Chinaman
retails these goods, and brings a small sum of cash to the firm, on the
understanding that he shall get another parcel of goods, and so he
goes on for years.i Thus the foreign merchants practically sink an
amount of capital to start their Chinese constituents. Sometimes the
acknowledged owner and responsible man in one Chinese retail
establishment Avill have a share in, or own, several others. If matters
go wrong, he absconds abroad, and only the one shop which he openly
represented can be embargoed, whilst his goods are distributed over
several shops under any name but his. It is always difficult to bring
legal proof of this ; the books are in Chinese, and the whole business
is in a state of confusion incomprehensible to any European. But
these risks are well known beforehand. It is only then that the
primitive credit must be written off by the foreigner as a nett loss —
often small when set against several years of accumulated profits made
in successive operations.
The Chinese have guilds or secret societies for their mutual
protection, and it is a Avell-ascertained fact that they had to pay the
Spanish authorities very dearly for the liberty of living at peace with
' Since about the year 1885, this system, which has entailed severe losses, is
gradually falling into disuse, and business on casli terms has become more general.
THE CHINESE POPULATION. 127
their fellow meu. If tlie wind blew against them from official quarters
the affair brought ou the tapis was hushed up by a gift. These
peace-oiFerings were at times of considerable value, and were procured
by a tax privately levied ou each Chinaman by the headmen of their
guilds.
In 1880-1883 the Governor-General and other high functionaries
used to accept Chinese hospitality, — etc.
In December, 1887, the Medal of Civil Merit was awarded to a
Chinaman named Sio-Sion-Tay, resident iu Binondo, whilst the
Government for several years made contracts with the Chinese for the
public service. Another Chinaman was christened in the name of
Carlos Palanca, and later ou was awarded the Grand Cross of Isabella
the Catholic with the title of Excellency.
Many Chinese have adopted Christianity, either to improve their
social standing, or to be enabled thereby to contract marriage with
native women. Their intercessor and patron is Saint J^icholcts
since the time, it is said, that a Chinaman, having fallen into the
Pasig River, Avas in danger of being eaten by an alligator, and
saved himself by praying to that saint, Avho caused the monster to
turn into stone. The legendary stone is still to be seen near the left
bank of the river.
There appears to be no perfectly reliable data respecting the
number of Chinese residents in the Archipelago. In 1886 the statistics
differed largely. One statistician published that there was a total of
66,740 men and 194 women, of which 51,348 men and 191 women
lived in Manila and suburbs, 1,154 men and 3 women in Yloilo, and
983 men in Cebu, the remainder being dispersed over the coast villages
and the interior. The most competent local authorities in two
provinces proved to me that the figures relating to their districts were
inexact, and all other information on the subject which I have been
able to procure, tends to show that the number of resident Chinese
was imderrated. I estimate that there were 100,000 Chinese in the
whole colony of which upwards of 40,000 dwelt iu the capital and
its environs.
Crowds of Chinese passed to these islands via Sulu, which, as a
free port, they could enter without need of papers. Pretending to be
resident colonists there, they managed to obtain passports to travel ou
328 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
business for a limited period in the Philippines, but thej were never
seen again in Sulu.
In Manila and the wards, and in several provincial towns where
the Chinese residents were numerous, they had their own separate
" Tribunals " or local courts, wherein minor affairs were managed by
petty-governors of their own nationality, elected bi-annually, in the
same manner as the natives. In 1888 the question of establishing
Chinese Consulates in the Philippines was talked of in official circles,
which proves that the Government was far from seeing the " Chinese
question " in the same light as the Spanish or native merchant class.
In the course of time they acquired a certain consideration in the body
politic, and deputations of Chinese were present in all popular
ceremonies during the last few years of Spanish rule.
Wherever the Chinese settle they exhibit a disposition to hold their
footing, if not to strengthen it, at all hazards, by force if need be. In
Sarawak, their secret societies, which threatened to undermine the
prosperity of that little State, had to be suppressed by capital punish-
ment. Since the British occupation of Hongkong in 1841, there have
been two serious movements against the Europeans. In Singapore, the
attempts of the Chinese to defy the Government have met with only
feeble measures of repression.
In Australia and the United States it has been found necessary to
enact special laws regulating the ingress of Mongols. Under the
Spanish-Philippine Government the most that could be said against
them, as a class, was that, through their thrift and perseverance, they
outran the shopkeeping class in the race of life.
Under a native Government the lot of the Chinese is not likely to
be a happy one. One of the aims of the Tagalog Revolutionists is to
exclude the Chinese from the islands.
-♦-»•♦♦-
CHAPTER IX.
THE VARIOUS TRIBES AND RACES.
It 13 estimated that about one-fifth of the population of Luzon
Island, and one-fourth of that of the Visayas group, are independent.
Space will not permit me to attempt an exhaustive ethnographical
treatise on the various tribes and races dispersed over these regions,
and for fuller information on the subject of these notes, I would refer
my readers to Wallace's " Malay Archipelago."
The chief of these tribes are the Aetas or Negritos, a mountain
tribe to be found here and there over the whole group of islands.
The Gaddajies, Itavis, Igorrotcs, half-caste Igorrote- Chinese, the
Thiguianes, etc. in the Northern Islands, and the various branches
of Mussulmans in the South.
I have used only the generic denominations, for whilst these tribes
^re sub-divided (for instance, the Buquils of Zambales, a section of the
Negritos ; the Guinaanes, a sanguinary people inhabiting the mountains
of the Igorrote district, etc.) the fractious denote no material physical
-or moral difference, and the local names adopted by the different clans
of the same race are of no interest to the general reader.
Aetas or Negritos are to be met with in the mountains of nearly
every peopled island of the Colony, and are supposed to be the
■aboriginal inhabitants. They are dark, some of them being as black
as African Negroes. Their general appearance resembles that of the
Alfoor Papuan of New Guinea. They have curly matted hair, like
Astrakhan fur. The men cover only their loins, and the women dress
from the waist to the knees. They are a spiritless and cowardly race.
They would not deliberately face white men in anything nearly equal
numbers with warlike intentions, although they would perhaps spend
a quiverful of arrows from behind a tree at a retreating foe.
The Acta carries a bamboo lance, a palm-wood bow and poisoned
arrows when out on an expedition. He is wonderfully light-footed,
I
130 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
and runs with great speed after the deer, or climbs a tree like a monkey.
Groups of fifty to sixty souls live in community. Their religion seems
to be a kind of cosmolatry and spirit-worship. Anything which for
the time being, in their imagination, has a supei'uatural appearance
is deified. They have a profound respect for old age and for their
dead.
They are of extremely low intellect, and, although some of them
have been brought up by civilized families living in the vicinity of the
Negrito mountainous country, they offer little encouragement to those
who would desire to train them. Even when more or less domesticated,
the Negrito cannot be trusted to do anything Avhich requires an efiort
of judgment. At times, his mind seems to wander from all social
order, and he is apparently subject to an occasional overwhelming
eagerness to return to his native haunts, which disconcerts all one's
plans.
For a long time they were the sole masters of Luzon Island, wher©
they exercised seignorial rights over the Tagiilogs and other immi-
grants, until these arrived in such numbers, that the Negritos were
forced to retire to the high lands. The taxes imposed upon the
primitive Malay settlers by the Negritos were levied in kind, and when
payment was refused, they swooped down in a posse, and carried off the
head of the defaulter. Since the arrival of the Spaniards, the terror
of the white man has made them take definitely to the mountains, where
they appear to be very gradually decreasing.
The Government have exhausted all their laborious endeavours to
implant civilised habits among this weak-brained race.
In 1881 I visited the Capas Missions in Upper Pampanga. The
authorities had established there what is called a real — a kind of model
village of bamboo and palm-leaf huts, to each of Avhich a family was
assigned. They were supplied Avith food, clothing and all necessaries
of life for one year, which would give them an opportunity of tilling
the land and providing for themselves in future. But they followed
their old habits when the year had expired and the subsidy ceased.
On my second visit, they had returned to their mountain homes, and I
could see no possible inducement for them to do otherwise. The only
attraction for them during the year, was the fostering of their inbred
indolence, and as soon as they had to depend on their own resources, it
ought to have been evident that they would adopt their own way of
%■
1
A NEGRITO FAMII Y.
NEGRITO MARRIAGE CEREMONY. 131
living — free of taxes, military service and social restraint — as being
more congenial to their tastes.
Being in the Bataan Province some years ago, I accepted the
invitation of the son of a Lieutenant-Colonel to ride across the
mountain range to the opposite coast. On our way we approached a
Negrito Real, and hearing strange noises and extraordinary calls, we
stopped to consult as to the prudence of riding up to the settlement.
We decided to go there, and were fortunate enough to be present
at a wedding. The young bride, who might have been about thirteen
years of age, was being pursued by her future spouse as she pretended
to run away, and it need hardly be said that he succeeded in bringing
her in by feigned force. She struggled, and again got away, and a
second time she was caught. Then an old man Avitli grey hair came
forward and dragged the young man up a bamboo ladder. An old
woman grasped the bride, and both followed the bridegroom. The
aged sire then gave them a ducking with a cocoa-nut shell full
of water, and they all descended. The happy pair knelt down, and the
elder having placed their heads together, they were man and wife.
We endeavoured to find out which hut was allotted to the newly-
married couple, but we were given to understand, that until the sun
had reappeared five times they would spend their honeymoon in the
mountains.
After the ceremony was concluded, several present began to make
their usual mountain call. In the low-lands, the same peculiar cry
serves to bring home straggling domestic animals to their nocturnal
resting-place.
There is something picturesque about a well-formed, healthy
Negrito damsel, with jet black piercing eyes, and her hair in one
perfect ball of close curls. The men are not of a handsome type ;
some of them have a hale, swarthy appearance, but many of them
present a sickly emaciated aspect. A Negrito matron past thirty is
perhaps one of the least attractive objects in humanity.
They live principally on fish, roots and mountain rice, but they
often make a raid on the vicinal valleys and carry off the herds.
To such an extent was the crime of cattle-stealing pursued, that
several semi-official expeditions have been made to punish the
marauders, particularly on the Cordillera de Zambales, on the west
side of Luzon Island.
I 2
132 ■ PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The husbandry of the Negritos is the most primitive imaginable.
It consists of scraping the surface of the earth — without clearance of
forest — and throwing the seed.
They never " take up " a piece of land, but sow in the manner
described wherever they may happen to temporarily settle.
The Gaddanes occupy the extreme N.W. part of Luzon Island,
and are entirely out of the pale of civilization. I have never heard
that any attempt has been made to subdue them. They have a fine
physical bearing ; wear the hair down to the shoulders ; are of a very
dark colour, and feed chiefly on roots, mountain rice, game, fruits and
fish. They are considered the only really warlike and aggressive
nomades of the north, and it is the custom of the young men about to
marry, to vie with each other in presenting to the sires of their future
brides, all the scalps they are able to take from their enemies, as proof
of their manliness and courage. This practice prevails at the season
of the year when the tree — popularly called by the Spaniards " the
fire-tree " — is in bloom. The flowers of this tree are of a fire-red hue,
and their appearance is the signal for this race to collect their trophies
of war and celebrate certain religious rites. When I was in the
extreme north, in the country of the Ihanacs^ preparing my expedition
to the Gaddanes tribe, I was cautioned not to remain in the Gaddanes
country until the fire-tree blossomed. The arms used by the Gaddanes
are frightful weapons — long lances with tridented tips, and arrows
carrying at the point two rows of teeth, made out of flint or sea-shells.
These weapons are used to kill both fish and foe.
The Itavis inhabit the district to the south of that territory
occupied by the Gaddanes, and their mode of living and food are very
similar. They are, however, not so fierce as the Gaddanes, and if
assaults are occasionally made on other tribes, it may be rather
attributed to a desire to retaliate than to a love of bloodshed. Their
skin is not so dark as that of their northern neighbours — the Gaddanes
or the partially civilized Ibanacs — and their hair is shorter.
The Igokrotes are spread over a considerable portion of Luzon,
principally from N. lat. 16^° to 18°. They are, in general, a fine race
of people, physically considered.
• The Ibanacs are the ordinary domesticated natives inhabiting the extreme
north of Luzon and the banks of the Kio Grande de Cagayau for some miles up.
Some of them have almost black skins.
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EXPEDITION AGAINST THE IGORROTES. 133
They wear their hair long. At the back, it hangs down to the
shoulders, whilst it is cut shorter in front, and is allowed to nearly
cover the forehead like a long fringe. Some of them, settled in the
districts of Lepanto and El Abra, have a little hair on the chin and
upper lip. Their skin is of a dark copper tinge. They have flat noses,
thick lips, high cheek bones, and their broad shoulders and limbs
seem to denote great strength.
Their form is not at all graceful, however. Like all the races of
the Philippines, they are indolent to the greatest degree. Their huts
are built bee-hive fashion, and they creep into them like quadrupeds.
Fields of sweet potatoes and sugar-cane are under cultivation by them.
They cannot be forced or persuaded to embrace the Western system of
civilization. Adultery is little known, but if it occurs, the dowry is
returned and the divorce settled. Polygamy seems to be permitted, but
little practised. Murders are common, and if a member of one hut
or family group is killed, that family avenges itself on one of the
murderer's kinsmen, hence those Avho might have to " pay the piper "
are interested in maintaining order. In the Province of La Isabela,
the Negrito and Igorrote tribes keep a regular Dr. and Cr. account of
heads.
Their aggressions on the coast settlers have been frequent for
centuries past. From time to time they came down from their
mountain retreat to steal cattle and effects belonging to the domesti-
cated population. The first regular attempt to chastise them for these
inroads, and afterwards gain their submission, Avas in the time of
Governor Arandia (1754-1759), when a plan was concerted to attack
them simultaneously from all sides with 1,080 men. Their ranches and
crops were laid waste, and many Igorrotes were taken prisoners,
but the ultimate idea of securing their allegiance was abandoned as
an impossibility.
In 1881 General Primo de Rivera, at the head of a large armed
force, invaded their district with the view of reducing them to obedience,
but it was all to no purpose, and the result of the expedition was
apparently more disadvantageous than otherwise to the project of
bringing this tribe under Spanish dominion and of opening up their
country to trade and enlightened intercourse. Whilst the expeditionary
forces were not sufficiently large, or in a condition to successfully carry
on a war a outrance, to be immediately followed up by a military
134 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
system of government ; on the other hand, the feeble efforts displayed
to conquer them served only to demonstrate the impotence of the
Europeans. This gave the tribes courage to defend their liberty,
whilst the licence indulged in by the white men at the expense of the
mountaineers — and boasted of to me personally by many Spanish
officers — had merely the effect of raising the veil from their protesta-
tions of wishing to benefit the race they sought to subdue. The
enterprise ignomiuiously failed ; the costly undertaking was an
inglorious and fruitless one, except to the General, who — being under
Royal favour since at Sagunta in 1875 he " pronounced " for King
Alphonso — secured himself the title of Count of La Union.
Since this event, the Igorrotes have been less approachable by
Europeans, whom they naturally regard with every feeling of distrust.
Rightly or wrongly (if it can be a matter of opinion), they fail to see
any manifestation of ultimate advantage to themselves in the arrival of
a troop of armed strangers who demand from them food (even though
it be on payment) and perturbate their most intimate family ties. They
do not appreciate being civilized to exchange their usages, independence
and comfort for even the highest post obtainable by a native in the
provinces, which then was practically that of local head servant to the
district authority, under the name of Municipal Captain.
To roam at large in their mountain home is far more enjoyable to
them than having to wear clothes ; presenting themselves often, if
not to habitually reside, in villages ; having to pay taxes, for which
they would get little return — not even the boon of good high-roads — and
acting as unsalaried tax-collectors with the chance of fine, punishment
and ruin if they did not succeed in bringing funds to the Public Treasury.
As to Christianity, it would be as hard a task to convince them of
what Roman Catholicism deems indispensable for the salvation of the
soul as it would be to convert all England to the teachings of Buddha —
although Buddhism is as logical a religion as Christianity.
Being in Tuguegarao, the capital of Cagayan Province, about
60 miles up the Rio Grande, I went to visit the prisons, where I saw
many of the worst types of Igorrotes. I was told that a priest who
had endeavoured to teach them the precepts of Christianity, and had
explained to them the marvellous life of Saint Augustine, was dismayed
to hear an Igorrote exclaim that no coloured man ever became a white
man's saint. Nothing could convince him that an exception to the
IGORROTE-CHINESE. — TINGUIANES. 135
rule might be possible. Could experience have revealed to him the
established fact — the remarkable anomaly, that the grossest forms of
immorality were only to be found in the trail of the highest order of
white man's civilization ?
Specimens of the different tribes and races of these Islands were
on view at the Philippine Exhibition held in Madrid in 1887. Some
of them consented to receive Christian baptism before returning home,
but it was publicly stated that the Igorrotes were among those who
positively refused to abandon their own belief.
The Igorrote Chinese are supposed to be the descendants of the
Chinese who fled to the hills on the departure of the Corsair Li-ma-hong
from Pangasinan Province in 1574 {vide page 49). Their inter-
marriage with the Igorrote tribe has generated a species of people
quite unique in their character. Their habits are much the same as
those of the pure Igorrotes, but with this fierce nature is blended the
cunning and astuteness of the Mongol, and although their intelligence
may be often misapplied, yet it is superior to that of the pure Igorrote.
In the Province of Pangasinan there are numbers of natives of Chinese
descent included in the domesticated population, and their origin is
evidently due to the circumstances described.
The TiNGUiANES inhabit principally the district of El Abra, about
17° N. lat. by 120° 43' E, long. (Greenwich meridian). They
were nominally under the control of the Spanish Government, who
appointed their headmen petty governors of villages or ranches on the
system adopted in the subdued districts. According to Father Ferrando
(58 years ago), the form of oath taken in his presence by the newly
elected headmen on receiving the staff of office was the followino-
viz. : — " May a pernicious wind touch me ; may a flash of lightning
" kill me, and may the alligator catch me asleep if I fail to fulfil my
" duty." The headman presented himself almost when he chose to
the nearest Spanish Governor, who gave him his orders, which were
only fulfilled according to the traditional custom of the tribe. Thus,
the headman on his return to the ranche, delegated his powers to the
council of elders, and according to their decision he acted as the
executive only.
Whenever it was possible, they applied their own laws in preference
to acting upon the Spanish Code.
By their laws, the crime of adultery is punished by a fine of
136 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
30 dollars value and divorce, but if the adultery has been mutual, the
divorce is pronounced absolute, Avithout the payment of a fine.
When a man is brought to justice on an accusation which he denies,
a handful of straw is burnt in his presence. He is made to hold up an
earthenware pot and say as follows :— " May my belly be converted
" into a pot like this, if I have committed the deed attributed to me."
If the transformation does not take place at once, he is declared to be
innocent.
They are Pagans, but have no temples. Their gods are hidden in
the mountain cavities. Like many other religionists, they believe in
the efficacy of prayer for the supply of their material wants. Hence,
if there be too great an abundance of rain, or too little of it, or au
epidemic disease raging, or any calamity affecting the community in
general, the Anitos are carried round and exhorted (like the Saints of
the Roman Catholic Church), whilst Nature continues her uninter-
rupted course. The Minister of Anito is also appealed to when a child
is to be named. The infant is carried into the woods, and the Pagan
priest pronounces the name, whilst he raises a bohie knife over the noAv-
born creature's head. On lowering the knife, he strikes at a tree. If
the tree emits sap, the first name uttered stands good ; if not, the
ceremony is repeated, and each time the name is changed until the
oozing sap denotes the will of the deity.
The Tinguianes are monogamists, and generally are forced by the
parents to marry before the age of puberty, but the bridegroom or hi&
father or elder has to purchase the bride at a price mutually agreed
upon by the relations. These people live in cabins on posts or trees
sixty to seventy feet from the ground, and defend themselves from the
attacks of their traditional enemies, the Guinaanes, by heaving stones
upon them. Nevertheless, in the more secure neighbourhoods of the
Christian villages, these people build their huts similar to those of the
domesticated natives. From the doors and window openings, skulls of
buffaloes and horses are hung as amulets.
Physically, they are of fine form, and the nose is aquiline. They
wear the hair in a tuft on the crown, like the Japanese, but their
features are similar to the ordinary low-land native. They are fond of
music and personal ornaments. They tattoo themselves and black their
teeth ; and for these, and many other reasons, it is conjectured that
they descend from the Japanese shipwrecked crews who, being without
HINDOOS. ALBINOS. 137
means at band with which to return to their country, took to the
mountains inland from the west coast of Luzon.
I have never seen a Tinguian with a bow and arrow ; they carry
the lance as the common Aveapon, and for hunting and spearing fish.
Their conversion to Christianity has proved to be an impossible
task. A Royal Decree of Ferdinand VI,, dated in Aranjuez, 18th of
June, 1758, set forth that the infidels called Tinguinnes, Igorrotes and
by other names who should accept Christian baptism, should be exempt
all their lives from the payment of tribute and forced labour. Their
oflfspring, however, born to them after receiving baptism, would lose
these privileges as well as the independence enjoyed by their fore-
fathers. This penalty to future generations for becoming Christians
was afterwards extended to all the undomesticated races.
Many of these tribes did a little' barter traffic with the Chinese,
but — with the hope that necessity would bring them down to the
Christian villages to procure commodities, and thus become socialized —
the Government prohibited this trade in 1886.
The Tinguianes appear to be as intelligent as the ordinary subdued
natives. They are by no means savages — they are not entirely
strangers to domestic life, and they have laws of their own. A great
many Christian families of El Abra and Ilocos Sur are of Tinguian
origin, and I may here mention that the IIocos dominated natives have
the just reputation of being the only Philippine industrious people.
For this reason, IIocos servants and workmen are sought for in preference
to most others.
There is another race of people whose source is not distinctly
known, but, according to tradition, they descend from Indian Sepoys,
who, it is said, formed part of the troops under British command
during the military occupation of Manila in 1763. The legend is, that
these Hindoos, having deserted from the British army, migrated up
the Pasig River. However that may be, the sharp-featured, black skin
settlers in the Barrio de Dayap, of Cainta Town (Morong district),
are decidedly of a different stock to the ordinary native. The notable
physical differences are the fine aquiline nose, bright expression and
regular features. They are Christians — are far more laborious than
the Philippine natives, and are a law-abiding people. I have known
many of them personally for years. They are the only class who
voluntarily present themselves to pay the taxes, and yet, on the ground
138 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
that generations ago they were intruders on the soil, they were more
heavily laden with imposts than their fellow neighbours until the
abolition of tribute in 1884.
There are also to be seen in these Islands a few types of that class
of tropical inhabitant, preternaturally possessed of a white skin and
extremely fair hair — sometimes red — known as Albinos. I leave it to
physiologists to elucidate the peculiarity of vital phenomena in these
unfortunate abnormities of Nature. Amongst others, I once saw in
Negros Island, a hapless young Albino girl, with marble-white skin
and very light pink-white hair, who was totally blind in the sunny
hours of the day.
-♦♦ <» '♦
CHAPTER X.
MOSLEMS AND SOUTHERN TRIBES.
Simultaneously with the Spanish conquest of the Philippines,
two Borneo chiefs, who were brothers, quarrelled about their respective
possessions, and one of them had to flee. His partisans joined him,
and they emigrated to the Island of Basilan,' situated to the south
of Zamboanga (Mindanao Island). The Moros, as they are called in
the islands, are therefore supposed to be descended from the Mussulman
Dyaks of Borneo.
They were a valiant, warlike, piratical people, who admired bravery
in others, — had a deep-rooted contempt for poltroons, and lavished
no mercy on the weak.
In the suite of this chief, called Paguian Tindig, came his cousin
Adasaolan, who was captivated by the fertility of Basilan Island
and wished to remain there, so Tindig left him in possession and
withdrew to Sulu Island, where he easily reduced the natives to
vassalage, for they had never yet had to encounter so powerful a foe.
So famous did Paguian Tindig become, that, for generations after-
wards, the Sultans of vSulu were proud of their descent from such a
celebrated hero.
After the Spaniards had pacified the great Butuan Chief on the
north coast of Mindanao, Tindig consented to acknowledge the
suzerainty of their King, in exchange for undisturbed possession of the
realm which he had just founded.
Adasaolan espoused the Princess Paguian Goan, daughter of
Dimasangcay, King of Mindanao, by his wife Imbog, a Sulu woman,
and with this relationship he embraced the Mahometan faith.
' According to Father Pedro Murillo, the ancient name of Basilan was
Taguima, so called from a river there of that name.
140 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Adasaolan's ambition increased as good fortune came to him, and,
stimulated by the promised support of ihis father-in-law, he invaded
Sulu, attacked his cousin Tiudig, and attempted to murder him to
annex his kingdom. A short but fierce contest ensued. Tindig's
fortified dwelling was besieged in vain. The posts which supported
the upper story were greased with oil, and an entrance could not be
effected.
Adasaolan, wearied of his failures, retired from the enterprise, and
Tindig, in turn, declared war on the Basilan king after he had been
to Manila to solicit assistance from his Spanish suzerain's representative,
who sent two armed boats to support him.
When Tindig, on his return from Manila, arrived within sight of
Sulu, his anxious subjects rallied round him, and prepared for battle.
The two armed boats, furnished by the Spaniards, Avere on the way,
but, as yet, too far off to render help, so Adasaolan immediately fell
upon Tindig's party and completely routed them.
Tindig himself died bravely, fighting to the last moment.
Adasaolan, however, did not annex the territory of his defeated
cousin. Rajah Bongso succeeded Tindig in the Government of Sulu,
and when old age enfeebled him, he was wont to show with pride the
scars inflicted on him during the war of independence.
The Spaniards, having no one to fight for when they arrived,
returned to Manila with their armed boats. Adasaolan then made
alliances with Mindanao and Borneo people, and introduced the
Mahometan religion into Sulu. Since then, Sulu (called " Jolo," by
the Spaniards) has become the Mecca of the Southern Archipelago.'
^ -f * * * * *
The earliest records relating to Mindanao Island, since the Spanish
annexation of the Philippines, show that about the year 1595, a rich
Portuguese cavalier of noble birth, named Estevan Rodriguez, who had
acquired a large fortune in the Philippines, and who had a wealthy
brother in Mexico, proposed to the Governor Perez Dasmarinas the
conquest of this Island.
For this purpose, he offered his person and all his means, but
having waited in vain for four years to obtain the Royal sanction to his
' Mahomedanism appears to have been introduced into the Islands of Borneo
and Mindanao by Arabian missionary prophets.
EARLY HISTORY OF MINDANAO ISLAND. 141
project, he prepared to leave for Mexico, disgusted and disappointed.
He was on the point of starting for New Spain ; he had his ship laden
and his family on board, when the Royal confirmation arrived with the
new Governor, Dr. Antonio Morga. Therefore he changed his plans,
but despatched the laden ship to Mexico with the cargo, intending to
employ the profits of the ventnre in the prosecution of his Mindanao
enterprise.
With the title of General, he and his family, together with three
chaplain priests, started in another vessel for the south. They put iu
at Otong (Panay Island) on the way, and left there in April, 1596.
Having reached the great Mindanao River (Rio Grande), the ship
went up it as far as Buhayen, iu the territory of the chief Silongan.
A party under the Maestre de Campo was sent ashore to reconnoitre
the environs. Their delay in returning caused alarm, so the General
buckled on his shield, and, with sword in hand, disembarked,
accompanied by a Cebuano servant and two Spaniards, carrying lances.
On the way they met a native, who raised his campilan to deal a blow,
which the General received on his shield, and cut down the foe at the
waist. Then they encountered another, who cleaved the General's head
almost in two, causing his death in six hours. The Cebuano at once
ran the native through with a lance. This brave was discovered to be
the youngest brother of the chief Silongan, who had sworn to Mahomet
to sacrifice his life to take that of the Castillian invader.
The General's corpse was sent to Manila for interment. The
expedition led by the 3Iaestre de Campo fared badly, one of the party
being killed, another seriously wounded, and the rest fled on board.
The next day it was decided to construct trenches at the mouth of the
river, where the camp was established. The command was taken by
Juan de la Jara, the Maestre de Campo, whose chief exploit seems to
have been, that he made love to the deceased General's widow and
proposed marriage to her, which she indignantly rejected. Nothing
was gained by the expedition, and after the last priest died, the project
was abandoned, and the vessel returned to Cebu.
The alliances effected between the Sulu and Mindanao potentates
gave a great stimulus to Piracy, which hitherto had been confined
to the waters in the locality of those islands. It now spread over the
whole of the Philippine Archipelago, and was prosecuted with great
vigour by regular organised fleets, carrying weapons almost equal to
142 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
those of the Spaniards. In meddling with the Mussuhnan territories
the Spaniards may be said to have unconsciously lighted on a hornet's
nest. Their eagerness for conquest stirred up the implacable hatred
of the Moslem for the Christian, and they unwittingly brought woe
upon their own heads for many generations. Indeed, if half the
consequences could have been foreseen, they surely never would have
attempted to gain what, up to the present day, they have failed to
secure, namely, the complete conquest of Mindanao and the Sulu
Sultanate.
For over two centuries and a half Mussulman war junks ravaged
every coast of the Colony. Not a single peopled island was spared.
Thousands of the inhabitants were murdered, whilst others were carried
into slavery for years. Villages were sacked ; the churches were
looted ; local trade was intercepted ; the natives subject to Spain were
driven into the high lands, and many even dared not risk their lives
and goods near the coasts. The utmost desolation and havoc was
perpetrated, and militated vastly against the welfare and development
of the Colony.
For four years the Government had to remit the payment of
tribute in Negros Island and the others lying between it and Luzon, on
account of the abject poverty of the natives, due to these raids.
From the time the Spaniards first interfered with the Mussulmans
there was continual warfare. Expeditions against the pirates were
constantly being fitted out by each succeeding Governor. Piracy was
indeed an incessant scourge and plague on the Colony, and it cost the
Spaniards rivers of blood and millions of dollars only to keep it in
check.
In the present century, the Mussulmans appeared even in the Bay
of Manila. There are persons yet living who have been in Mussulman
captivity. There are hundreds who still remember, with anguish, the
insecurity to which their lives and properties were exposed. The
Spaniards were quite unable to cope with such a prodigious calamity.
The coast villagers built forts for their own defence, and many an old
stone watch-tower is still to be seen on the islands south of Luzon.
On several occasions the Christian natives were urged, by the
inducement of spoil, to equip corsairs, with which to retaliate on the
indomitable marauders. The Sulu people made captive the Christian
natives and Spaniards alike, whilst a Spanish priest was a choice prize.
MUSSULMAN PIRATES. EPOCH OF TERROR. 143
And whilst Spaniards in Philippine waters were straining everv
nerve to extirpate slavery, their countrymen were diligently pursuing a
profitable trade in it between the West Coast of Africa and Cuba !
" It is an ill wind which blows no one any good" ; and the Moslem
attacks certainly had the good political eiFect of forcing hundreds of
Christians up from the coast to people and cultivate the interior of
these islands.
Due to the enterprise of a few Spanish and foreign merchants,
steamers at length began to navigate in the waters of the Archipelago,
and piracy by Mussulmans beyond their own locality was doomed. In
the time of Governor-General Norzagaray, 18 steam gun-boats were
ordered out, and arrived in 1860, putting a close for ever to this epoch
of misery, bloodshed, and material loss. The end of piracy brought
repose to the Colony, and in no small degree aided the progress of its
social advancement.
During the protracted struggle with the Moslems, Zamboanga
(Mindanao Is.) was fortified, and became the headquarters of the
Spaniards in the south. After Cavite, it was the chief naval station,
and a penitentiary was also established there. Its maintenance was a
great burden to the Treasury — its existence a great eyesore to the
enemy, whose hostility was much inflamed thereby. About the year
1635 its abandonment was proposed by the military party, who
described it as only a sepulchre for Spaniards. The Jesuits, however,
urged its continuance, as it suited their interests to have material
support close at hand, and their influence prevailed in Manila
bureaucratic centres.
In the year 1738 the fixed annual expenses of Zamboanga fort and
equipment were $17,500, and the incidental disbursements were
estimated at $7,500. These sums did not include the cost of scores of
armed fleets which, at enormous expense, were [sent out against the
Mussulmans to little purpose. Each new (Zamboanga) Governor of a
martial spirit, and desiring to do something to establish or confirm his
fame for prowess, seemed to regard it as a kind of duty to pretext the
quelling of imaginary troubles in Sulu and Mindanao. Some, with less
patriotism than selfishness, found a ready excuse for filling their own
pockets by the proceeds of warfare, in making feigned efforts to
rescue captives. It may be observed in extenuation, that, in those
days, the Spaniards believed from their birth that none but a Christian
144 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
had rights, whilst some were deluded by a conscientious impression
that they were executing a high mission ; myth as it was, it at least
served to give them courage in their perilous undertakings. Peace was
made and broken over and over again. Spanish forts were at times
established in Sulu, and afterwards demolished. Every decade brought
new devices to control the desperate foe. Several Governors-General
headed the troops in person against the Mussulmans with temporary
success, but without any lasting eiFect, and almost every new Governor
made a solemn treaty with one powerful chief or another, which was
respected only as long as it suited both parties.
This continued campaign, the details of which are too prolix for
insertion here, may be qualified as a religious war, for Roman Catholic
priests took an active part in the operations with the same fiendish
passion as the Moslems themselves. Among these tonsured warriors
may be mentioned Father Ducos, the son of a Colonel, Jose Villanueva
and Pedro de San Agustin. They all acquired great fame out of their
profession ; the last being known, with dread, by the Moslems in the
beginning of the I7th century, under the title of the Captain-priest.
One of the most renowned Kings in Mindanao was Cachil Corralat,
an astute, far-seeing chieftain, who ably defended the independence of
his territory, and kept the Spaniards at bay during the whole of his
manhood.
An interesting event in the Spanish-Sulu history is the visit of
the Sultan Maharaad Alimudin to the Governor-General in 1750, and his
subsequent vicissitudes of fortune. The first Eoyal despatch addressed
bv the King of Spain to the Sultan of Sulu, was dated in Buen Retiro,
12th of July, 1744, and everything, for the time being, seemed to augur
a period of peace. In 1749, however, the Sultan was violently deposed
by an ambitious brother, Prince Bantilan, and the Sultan forthwith
went to Manila to seek the aid of his Suzerain's delegate, the Governor-
General of the Philippines who chanced to be the Bishop of Nueva
Segovia. In Manila, the Priest-Governor cajoled his guest with
presents, and accompanied him on horseback and on foot, with
the design of persuading him to renounce his religion in favour of
Christianity.
At leno-th the Sultan yielded, and avowed his intention to receive
baptism. Among the Friars an animated discussion ensued as to the
propriety of this act, especial opposition being raised by the Jesuits,
VICISSITUDES OF SULTAN MAHAMAD ALIMUDIN. 145
but iu the end the Sultan, with a number of his suite, outwardly-
embraced the Christian faith. The Sultan at his baptism received the
name of Ferdinand I. of Sulu ; at the same time he was invested with
the insignia and grade of a Spanish Lieutenant-General.
Great ceremonies and magnificent feasts followed this unprecedented
incident. He was visited and congratulated by all the elite of the
capital. By proclamation, the festivities included four days' illumina-
tion, three days' procession of the giants, three days of bull-fighting,
four nights of fireworks, and three nights of comedy, to terminate with
High Mass, a Te Deum and special sermon for the occasion.
In the meantime, the Sultan had requested the Governor to have
the Crown Prince, Princesses and retainers escorted to Manila, to learn
Spanish manners and customs. Thus the Sultan with his male and
female accompaniment numbered 60 persous. The Governor-Bishop
defrayed the cost of tbeir maintenance out of his private purse.
After the baptism, the Government supported them in Manila for two
years.
At length it was resolved, according to appearances, to restore the
Sultan Ferdinand I. to his throne. With that idea, he and his retinue
quitted Manila in the Spanish frigate " San Fernando," which was
convoyed by another frigate and a galley, until the " San Fernando "
fell in with bad weather ofF Mindoro Island, and had to make the
Port of Calapan. Thence he proceeded to Yloilo, where he changed
vessel and set sail for Zamboanga, but contrary winds carried him to
Dapitan (N.W. coast of Mindanao Island), where he landed and put
ofi" again in a small Visayan craft for Zamboanga, arriving there
on the 12th of July, 1751.
Thirteen days afterwards, the " San Fernando," which had been
repaired, reached Zamboanga also.
Before Ferdinand I. left Manila, he had addressed a letter to Sultan
Muhamad Amirubdin, of Mindanao, at the instance of the Spanish
Governor-General. The original was written by Ferdinand I. in
Arabic ; a version in Spanish was dictated by him, and both were
signed by him. These documents reached the Governor of Zamboanga
by the " San Fernando," but he had the original iu Arabic re-
translated, and found that it did not at all agree with the Sultan's
Spanish rendering. The translation of the Arabic runs thus : —
" I shall be glad to know that the Sultan Muhamad Amirubdin
" and all his chiefs, male and female, are well. I do not write a
K
146 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
' lengthy letter, as I inteuded, because I simply wish to give you to
' understand, in case the Sultan or his chiefs and others should feel
' aggrieved at my writing this letter in this manner, that I do so
' under pressure, being under foreign dominion, and I am compelled
' to obey whatever they tell me to do, and I have to say what they
' tell me to say. Thus the Governor has ordered ms to Avrite to you
' in our style and language ; therefore, do not understand that I am
' writing you on my own behalf, but because I am ordered to do so,
' and I have nothing more to add. Written in the year II Gi on the
' ninth day of the Eabilajer Moon, Ferdinand T., King of Sulu, who
' seals with his own seal."
This letter was pronounced treasonable. Impressed with, or
feigning, this idea, the Spaniards saw real or imaginary indications
of a design on the part of the Sultan to throw oiF the foreign yoke :it
the first opportunity. All his acts were thus interpreted, although
no positive proof was manifest, and the Governor communicated his
suspicions to Manila.
There is no explanation why the Spaniards detained the Sultan at
all in Zamboanga, unless with the intention of trumping up accusations
against him. The Sultan arrived there on the 12th of July, and
nothing was known of the disagreement in the letter until after the
25th of July. Why he was detained in Zamboanga during these 13
days can only be conjectured. To suppose that the Sultan could ever
return to reign peacefully as a Christian over Mussulman subjects was
utterly absurd to any sane mind.
On the 3rd of August, the Sultan, his sons, vassals and chiefs were
all cast into prison, without opposition, and a letter was despatched,
dated 6th of August, 1751, to the Governor in Manila, stating the
cause.
The Sultan was the first individual arrested, and he made no
difficulty about going to the fort. Even the Prince Asin, the Sultan's
brother, who had voluntaril]f come from Sulu in apparent good faith
with friendly overtures to the Spaniards, was included among the
prisoners. The reason assigned was, that he had failed to surrender
Christian captives as provided.
The prisoners, besides the Sultan, were the following, viz. : —
Four sons of the Sultan.
Prince Asin (brother).
Prince Mustafa (son-in-law).
Princess Panguiau Banquiling
(sister).
Four Princesses (daughters).
ACCUSATIONS AGAINST SULTAN AND SUITE. 147
160 ordinary male and female
retainers.
Five brothers-in-law.
One Mussulman Cherif.
Dato Yamudin (a noble).
Seven Mussulman priests.
Concubines with 32 female
servants.
The political or other crime (if any) attributed to these last is not
stated, nor why they were imprisoned.
The few arms brought, according to custom, by the followers of the
Sultan who had come from Sulu to receive their liege-lord and escort
him back to his country, were also seized.
A Decree of the Governor-General set forth the followinsr
accusations against the pi'isoners, viz. : — ■
1°. That Prince Asin had not surrendered captives. 2°. That
"whilst the Sultan was in Manila, new captives were made by the party
who expelled him from the throne. 3°. That the number of arms
brought to Zamboanga by Sulu chiefs was excessive. 4°. That the
letter to Sultan Muhamad Amirubdiu insinuated help wanted against
the Spaniards. 5°. That several Mahomedan, but no Christian booka,
were found in the Sultan's baggage. 6°. That during the journey to
Zamboanga he had refused to pray in Christian form. 7°. That he had
only attended Mass twice. 8°. That he had celebrated Mahomedan
rites, sacrificing a goat ; and had given evidence in a hundred ways
of being a Mahomedan. 9°. That his conversation generally denoted
a want of attachment to the Spaniards, and a contempt for their
treatment of him in Manila,^ and 10°. That he still cohabited with his
concubines.
The greatest stress was laid on the recovery of the captive
Christians, and the Governor added, that although the mission of the
fleet was to restore the Sultan to the throne (which, by the way, he
does not appear to have attempted), the principal object was the rescue
of Christian slaves. He, therefore, proposed that the liberty of the
imprisoned nobles and chiefs should be bartered at the rate of 500
Christian slaves for each one of the chiefs and nobles, and the balance
of the captives for Prince Asin and the clergy.
A subsequent Decree, dated in Manila 21st December, 1751, ordered
the extermination of the Mussulmans with fire and sword ; the fitting
' The Sultan complained that he had not been treated in Manila with dignity
equal to his rank and quality, and that he had constantly been under guard of
Boldiers in his re»idenc8 (thia was explained to be a guard-of -honour).
K 2
148 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
out of Visayan corsaira, with authority to extinguish the foe, burn all
that was combustible, destroy the crops, desolate their cultivated land,
make captives, and recover Chi'istian slaves. One-fifth of the spoil
(the Real quinto) was to belong to the King, and the natives were to
be exempt from the payment of tribute whilst so engaged.
Before giving effect to such a terrible, but impracticable resolution,
it was thought expedient to publish a brochure, styled a " Historical
Manifest," in which the Governor-General professed to justify his acts
for public satisfaction.
However, public opinion in Manila was averse to the intended
warfare, so to make it more popular, the Governor abolished the
payment of one-fifth of the booty to the King, An appeal was made
to the citizens of Manila for arms and provisions to carry on the
campaign ; they therefore lent or gave the following, viz. : —
26 guns, 13 bayonets, 3 sporting guns, 15 carbines, 5 blunderbusses,
7 brace of pistols, 23 swords, 15 lances, 900 cannon balls, and $150
from Spaniards, and a few lances and $188 from natives.
Meanwhile Prince Asin died of grief at his position.
Under the leadership of the Maestre de Campo ' of Zamboanga,
hostilities commenced. With several ships he proceeded to Sulu,
carrying a large armament and 1,900 men. When the squadron
anchored off Sulu, a white and a red flag were hoisted from the
principal fort, for the Spaniards to elect either peace or war. Several
Sulus approached the Fleet with white flags, to enquire for the Sultan.
Evasive answers were given, followed by a sudden cannonade.
No good resulted to the Spaniards from the attack, for the Sulus
defended themselves admirably. Tawi Tawi Island was next assaulted.
The Captain and his men Avent ashore, but their retreat was cut off
and they were all slain. The Commander of the expedition was so
discouraged, that he returned to Zamboanga and resigned. Pedro
Gastambide then took command, but after having attacked Basilan
Island fruitlessly, he retired to Zamboanga. The whole campaign was
an entire fiasco. It was a great mistake to have declared a war of
extermination without having the means to carry it out. The result
was, that the irate Sulus organized a guerilla warfare, by sea and by
' Maestre de Campo (obsolete grade), about equivalent to the modern General
of Brigade.
MUSSULMAN REPRISALS ON THE SPANIARDS. 149
land, against all Christians, to which the Spaniards but feebly
responded. The " tables were turned." In fact, they were in great
straits, and, wearied at the little success of their arms, endless councils
and discussions were held in the capital.
Meanwhile, almost every coast of the Archipelago was energetically
ravaged. Hitherto the Spaniards had only had the Sulus to contend
with, but the licence given by the Governor-General to reprisal and
pillage excited the cupidity of unscrupulous officials. Without
apparent right or reason, the Maestre de Campo of Zamboanga caused
a Chinese junk from Amoy, carrying goods to a friendly Sultan of
Mindanao, to be seized. After tedious delay, vexation, and privation,
the master and his crew were released, and a part of the cargo restored,
but the Maestre de Campo insisted upon retaining what was convenient
for his own use. This treachery to an amicable Power exasperated
and undeceived the Mindanao vSultan to such a degree, that he at once
took his just revenge by making war on the Spaniards. Fresh fleets of
armed canoes replenished the Sulu armadillas, ravaged the coasts
hunted down Spanish priests, and made captives.
On the north coast of Mindanao several battles took place.
There is a legend that over 600 Mussulmans advanced to the village
of Lubungan, but were repulsed by the villagers, who affirmed that
their patron, Saint James, appeared on horseback to help them.
Fray Roque de Santa Monica was chased from place to place,
hidmg in caves and rocks. Being again met by four Mussulmans, he
threatened them v/ith a blunderbuss and was left unmolested.
Eventually, he was found by friendly natives, and taken by them to a
wood, where he lived on roots. Thence he journeyed to Linao, —
became raving mad, and was sent to Manila, where he died quite
frantic, in the convent of his order.
The Sultan and his fellow prisoners had been conveyed to Manila
and lodged in the Fortress of Santiago. In 17o3, he petitioned the
Governor to allow his daughter, the Princess Faatima, and two slaves
to go to Sulu about his private affairs. A permit was granted on
condition of her returning, or, in exchange for her liberty and that of
her two slaves, to remit 50 captives, and, failing to do either, the
Sultan and his suite were to be deprived of their dignities and treated
as common slaves, to work in the galleys, and to be undistinguished
among the ordinary prisoners. On these conditions, the Princess
150 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
left, and forwarded 50 slaves and one more — a Spaniard, Jos^ de
Montesinos — as a present.
The Princess Faatlma, nevertheless, did return to Manila, bringing
vrith her an ambassador from Prince Bantilan, her uncle and Governor
of Sulu, who, in the meantime, had assumed the title of Sultan
Mahamad Miududin.
The ambassador was Prince Mahamad Ismael Dato Marayalayla.
After an audience with the Governor, he went to the fort to consult
with the captive Sultan, and they proposed a treaty with the Governor,
of which the main points were as follows, viz. : —
An offensive and defensive alliance.
All captives within the Kingdom of vSulu to be surrendered within
one year.
All objects looted from the churches to be restored v/ithin one
year.
On the fulfilment of these conditions, the Sultan and his people
-were to be set at liberty.
The treaty was dated in Manila, 3rd of March, 1754. The terms
were quite impossible of accomplishment, for the Sultan, being still in
prison, liad no power to enforce commands on his subjects.
The war was continued at great sacrifice to the State and with
little benefit to the Spaniards, whilst their operations were greatly
retarded by discordance between the officials of the expedition, the
authorities on shore, and the priests. At the same time, dilatory
proceedings were being taken against the Maestro de Campo of
Zamboanga, who was charged with having appropriated to himself
others' share of the war booty. Siargao Island had been completely
overrun by the Mussulmans ; the villages and cultivated land were laid
waste, and the Spanish priest was killed.
When the Governor Pedro de Arandia arrived in 1754, the Sultan
took advantage of the occasion to put his case before him. He had,
indeed, experienced some of the strangest mutations of fortune, and
Arandia had compassion on him. By Arandia's persuasion, the
Archbishop visited and spiritually examined him, and then the Sultan
confessed and took the Communion. In the College of Santa
Potenciana there was a Moslem woman who had been a concubine of
the Sultan, but who now professed Christianity, and had taken the name
of Rita Calderon. The Sultan's wife having died, he asked for this
MORE MUSSULMAN REPRISALS. 151
<BX-concubine in marriage, and the favour was conceded to him. The
nuptials were celebrated in the Governor's Palace on the 27th of April,
1755, and the espoused couple returned to their prison with an allowance
of $50 per mouth for their maintenance.
In 1755 all the Sultan's relations and suite who had been
incarcerated in Manila, except his son Ismael and a few chiefs, were
sent back to Sulu. The Sultan and his chiefs were then allowed to
live freely within the city of Manila, after having sworn before the
Governor, on bended knee, to pay homage to him, and to remain peaceful
during the king's pleasure. Indeed, Arandia was so favourably disposed
towards the Sultan Mahamad Alimudiu (Fernando I.), that personally
he was willing to restore him to his throne, but his wish only brought
him in collision with the clergy, and he desisted.
The British, after the military occupation of Manila in 1763,
took up the cause of the Sultan, and reinstated him in Sulu. Then
he avenged himself of the Spaniards, by fomenting incursions against
them in Mindanao, which the Governor-General, Jose Raon, was unable
to oppose for want of resources.
The Mussulmans, however, soon proved their imtrustworthiness
to friend and foe alike. Their friendship lasted on the one side so
long as danger could thereby be averted from the other, and a certain
Datto Teng-teng attacked the British garrison at Batambangan one
night, and slaughtered all but six of the troops.
The town of Sulu was formerly the residence of the Sultan's
Court. This Sovereign had arrogantly refused to check the piratical
cruisiugs made by his people against the Spanish subjects in the
locality and about the Islands of Calamianes ; therefore, on the 11th
of February, 1851, General Urbiztondo (an ex-Carlist chief), who had
been appointed Governor-General of the Philippines in the previous
year, undertook to redress his nation's grievances by force. The
Spanish flag was hoisted in several places. Sulu Town, which was
shelled by the gunboats, was captured and held by the invaders, and
the Sultan Muhamed Pulalon fled to Maybun on the south coast, to
which place the Court was removed. Still the Moslems paid the
Spaniards an occasional visit and massacred the garrison, which was
as often renewed by fresh levies.
In 1876 the incursions of the Mussulmans and the temerity of the
chiefs had again attained such proportions, that European dominion over
152 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
the Siilu Sultanate and Mindanao, even in the nominal form in which
it existed, was sorely menaced. Consequent on this, an expedition,
headed by Vice-Admiral Malcampo, arrived in the waters of the
Sultanate, carrying troops, with the design of enforcing submission.
The chief of the land forces appears to have had no topographical
plan formed. The expedition turned out to be one of discovery.
The troops were marched into the interior, without their officers
knowing where they were going, and they even had to depend on Sulu
guides. Naturally, they were often deceived, and led to precisely
where the Mussulmans were awaiting them in ambush, the result
being that great havoc was made in the advance column by frequent
surprises. Now and again would appear a iew juramejitados, or sworn
Moslems, who sought their way to Allah by the sacrifice of their own
blood, but causing considerable destruction to the invading party.
With a kris at the waist, a javelin in one hand, and a shield supported
by the other, they would advance before the enemy, dart forward
and backwards, make zigzag movements, and then, with a war-whoop,
rush in three or four at a time upon a body of Christians twenty
times their number, giving no quarter, expecting none — to die, or to
conquer ! The expedition was not a failure, but it gained little. The
Spanish flag was hoisted in several places, in some of which it remained
until the Spanish evacuation of the islands.
The Mussulmans (called by the Spaniards Moros) now extend over
the whole of Mindanao Island, and the Sultanate of Sulu, which
comprises Sulu Island (34 miles long from E. to W., and 12 miles in
the broadest part from N. to S.) and about 140 others, 80 to 90 of
which are uninhabited.
The population of the Sulu Sultanate alone would be about 110,000,
including free people, slaves and some 20,000 men-at-arms under orders
of the Dattos. The domains of His Highness reach westward as far as
Borneo, where, until recently, the Sultanate of Brunei was more or less
nominally subservient to that of Suln. The Sultan of Sulu is also
feudal lord of two vassal Sultanates in Mindanao Island.
There is, moreover, a half-caste branch of these people in the
southern half of Palauan Island (Paragua) of a very subdued and
peaceful nature, nominally under the Sulu Sultan's rule.
SULU SULTANATE. COLONIZING COMPANY. 153
In Mindanao, only a small coast district here and there was really
under Spanish empire, although Spain claimed suzerainty over all the
territory subject to the Sultan of Sulu, by virtue of an old treaty, which
never was respected to the letter. After the Sulu war of 1876, the
Sultan admitted the claim more formally, and on the 11th of March,
1877, a protocol was signed by England and Germany recognizing
Spain's rights to the Tawi Tawi group and the chain of islands stretching
from Sulu to Borneo. At the same time, it was understood that
Spain would give visible proof of annexation by establishing military
posts, or occupying these islands in some way, but nothing was done
until 1880, when they were scared by a report that the Germans
projected a settlement there. A convict corps at once took possession,
military posts were established, and in 1882 the 6th regiment of regular
troops was quartered in the group at Bongao and Siassi.
Meanwhile in 1880, a foreign colonizing company was formed in
the Sultanate of Brunei, under the title of " British North Borneo Co."
(Royal Charter 7th November, 1881). The company recognized
the suzerain rights of the Sultan of Sulu, and agreed to pay him
£5,000 a year as feudal lord. Spain protested that the territory was
hers, but could show nothing to confirm the possession. There was
neither a flag, nor a detachment of troops, nor auj thing whatsoever to
indicate that the coast was under European protection or dominion.
Notes were exchanged between the Cabinets of Madrid and London,
and the former relinquished for ever their claim to the Borneo fief of
Brunei.
The experiences of the unfortunate Sultan Alimudin (Ferdinand I.)
taught the Sulu people such a sad lesson that subsequent Sultans have
not cared to risk their persons in the hands of the Spaniards. There
was, moreover, a National Party which repudiated dependence on
Spain, and hoped to be able eventually to drive out the Spaniards.
Therefore, in 1885, when the heir to the throne was cited to Manila to
receive his investiture at the hands of the Governor-General, he refused
to comply, and the Government at once offered the Sultanate to another
chief. The dignity having been accepted by him, he presented himself
to the Governor-General in the capital.
The ceremony of investiture took place in the Government House
at Malacanan near Manila on the 24th of September, 1886, when Dutto
Harun took the oath of allegiance to the King of Spain as his sovereign
154 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
lord, and received from the Governor-General Emilio Terrero the title
of his Excellencj Paduca Majasari Maulana Amiril Matcminin Sultan
Muhamad Ha run Narrasid, with the rank and grade of a Spanish
Lieutenant-General.
The Governor -General was attended by his Secretary, the Official
Interpreter, and several officers of high local rank. In the suite of the
Sultan-elect were his Secretary Tuaji Hagi Omar, a priest Pandita
Tuan Sik Mustafa, and several dattos.
For the occasion, the Sultan-olect was dressed in European costume,
and wore a Turkish fez with a heavy tassel of black silk. His Secretary
and Chaplain appeared in long black tunics, white trousers, light shoes
and turbans. Two of the remainder of his suite adopted the European
fashion, but the others wore rich typical Moorish vestments.
The Sultan returned to his country, and in the course of three
months the chiefs of the National Party openly took up arms against
the nominee of the King of Spain, the movement spreading to the
adjacent islands of Siassi and Bongao, which form part of the
Sultanate.
The Mussulmans on the Great Mindanao River, from Cottobatto
upwards, openly defied Spanish authority ; and in the spring of 1886,
the Government were under the necessity of organizing an expedition
against them.
The Spaniards had ordered that native craft should carry the
Spanish flag, otherwise they would be treated as pirates or rebels. In
March, 1887, the cacique of the Simonor ranche (Bongao Island),
named Pandan, refused any longer to hoist the Christian ensign, and
he was pursued and taken prisoner. He was conveyed on the gunboat
" Panay " to Sulu, and on being asked by the Governor why he had
ceased to use the Spanish flag, he haughtily replied tuat " he would
only answer such a question to the Captain-General," and refused to
give any further explanation. Within a month after his arrest, the
garrison of Sulu Avas strengthened by an increase of 377 men, in
expectation of an immediate general rising.
The forces were led by Majors Mattos and Villa Abrille, under the
command of Brigadier Serina. They were stoutly opposed by a cruel
and despotic chief, named Utto, who advanced at the head of his
subjects and slaves. With the co-operation of the gunboats up the
river, the Mussulmans were repulsed with great loss.
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HOSTILITIES ON THE RIO GRANDE, MINDANAO. 155
Probably this would have sufficed for a long time to convince the
Mussulmaus that when they show front, the modern means of warfare
are more effective than theirs. Scores of expeditions have been led
against the Mindanao natives, and temporary submission has been
usually obtained by the Spaniards, but on their retirement, the natives
have always reverted to their old customs, and have taken their revenge
on the settlers. The history of the Colony would have proved this to
the Governor-General, but there were petty jealousies existing between
his highest officers in the south, which his presence, without warfare,
would have sufficed to tranquillize. What reason was there for further
hostilities ?
The cry was raised that Datto Dtto had avowed that no Spaniard
had, or ever should, enter his territory !
It was a small plea for an armed expedition, but from the example
of his predecessor in 1880, the General perchance foresaw in a little
war the vision of titles and more material reward, besides counter-
balancing his increasing unpopularity in Manila, due to the influence of
the Government Secretary Don Felipe Canga-Argiielles. Following in
the wake of those who had successfully checked the Mussulmans
in the previous spring, he took the chief command in person in the
beginning of January, 1887, to force a recantation of the Chief Utto's
independence.
The petty Sultans of Bacat, Bnhayen and Kudaraugan in vain
united their fortunes with that of Utto. The stockades of cocoanut
trunks, palma-bravas and earth (called cnttas) were easily destroyed by
the Spanish artillery, and their defenders fled under a desultory fire.
There was very little slaughter on either side, A few of the Christian
native infantry soldiers suffered from the bamboo spikes set in the
ground around the stockades (called by the Spaniards puas), but
the enemy had not had time to cover with brushwood the pits
dug for the attacking party to fall into.
In about two months, the operations ended by the submission of
some petty chiefs of minor importance and influence ; and after
spending so much powder and shot and Christian blood, the General
had not even the satisfaction of seeing either the man he was fighting
against or his enemy's ally, the Sultan of Kudaraligan.
This latter sent a priest, Pandita Kalibaudang, and Datto Andig to
sue for peace, and cajole the General with the fairest promises.
156 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Afterwards the son and heir of this chief, Rajah Muda Tambllanang,
presented himself, and he and his suite of 30 followers were conducted
to the camp in the steam launch " Carriedo."
Utto, whose residence had been demolished, had not deigned to
submit in person. He sent, as emissaries, Datto Siruilgang and the
chiefs Buat and Dalandung, who excused only the absence of Utto'&
prime minister. Capitulations of peace were drawn up and handed
to Utto's servants, who were told to bring them back signed without
delay, for despatches from the Home Government, received four or five
weeks previously, were urging the General to conclude this affair as
speedily as possible. They were returned signed by Utto — or by
somebody else — and the same siguature and another, supposed to be
that of his wife, the Ranee Pudtli (a woman of great sway amongst her
people) were also attached to a letter, offering complete submission.
The Spaniards destroyed a large quantity of rice paddy, and they
stipulated for the payment of a war indemnity in the form of cannons,
buffaloes and horses, to be delivered at a period later on.
The General gave them some trifling presents, and they went their
way and he his, — to Manila, where he entered in state on the 21st of
March, with flags flying, music playing, and the streets decorated with
bunting of the national colours, to give welcome to the conqueror of
the Mussulman chief — whom he had never seen — the bearer of peace
capitulations signed — by whom ? *
As usual, a Te Deum was celebrated in the Cathedral for the
victories gained ov^er the infidels ; the officers and troops who had
returned were invited by the Municipality to a theatrical performance,
and the Governor-General held a reception. Some of the troops were
left in Mindanao, it having been resolved to establish armed outposts
still farther up the river for the better protection of the port and
settlement of Cottobatto.
Whilst the Governor- General headed the military parade in the
Cottobatto district, the ill-feeling of the Sulu natives towards the
Spaniards was gradually maturing. An impending struggle was
evident, and Colonel Juan Arolas, the Governor of Sulu, concentrated
his forces in expectation.
The Sulus, always armed, prepared for events in their cottas ;
Arolas demanded their surrender, which was refused, and they were
' Datto Utto afterwards visited the Brigadier of Mindanao in October, 1887,
COLONEL AROLAS' VICTORIES IN SULU ISLAND. 157
attacked. Two cottas, well defended, were ultimately taken, not
without serious loss to the Spaniards. It was reported that amongst
the slain was a captain. Arolas then twice asked for authority to
attack the Mussulmans at Maybun and was each time refused. At
length, acting on his own responsibility, on the 15th of April, 1887, he
ordered a gunboat to steam round to Maybun and open fire at day-
break on the Sultan's capital, which was in possession of the party
opposed to the Spanish nominee (Harun Narrasid). At 11 o'clock
the same night he started with his troops towards Maybun, and the
next morning, whilst the enemy was engaged with the gunboat, he
led the attack on the land side. The Mussulmans, quite surprised,
fought like lions, but were completely routed, and the seat of the
Sultanate was razed to the ground. It was the most crushing defeat
ever inflicted on the Sulu National Party. The news reached Manila
on the 29th of April, and great praise was justly accorded to Colonel
Arolas, whose energetic operations contrasted so favourably with the
Cottobatto expedition. It was thought that Arolas would have come
to the capital to receive the congratulations of his companions-in-arms,
and all manner of festivities in his honour were projected ; but he
elected to continue the v.^ork of maintaining his country's prestige in
all the islands of the group, Notwithstanding his well-known
republican tendencies, on the 20th of September, 1887, the Queen-
Eegent cabled through her Ministry her acknowledgment of Colonel
Arolas' valuable services, and the pleasure it gave her to reward him
with a Brigadier's commission.^
In 1895 an expedition against the Mussulmans was organised under
the supreme command of Governor-General Ramon Blanco. It w^as
known as the Marauit Campaign. The tribes around Lake Malanao
and the Marauit district had, for some time past, made serious raids
on the Spanish settlement at Yligan, which is connected with Lake
Malanao by a river navigable only by canoes. Indeed, the lives and
property of Christians in all the territory adjoining Yligan were in
great jeopardy, and the Spanish authorities were set at defiance. It
was, therefore, resolved, for the first time, to attack the tribes and
destroy their cottas around the lake for the permanent tranquillity of
' By Royal Order of June, 1890, Brigadier Arolas was appointed Governor of
Mindanao.
158
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Yligau. The Spanish and native troops alike suffered great hardships
and privations. Steam launches iu sections (constructed in Hono--
kong), small guns and war material were carried up from Yligan lo
the lake by natives over very rugged ground. On the lake shore the
launches were fitted up and operated on the lake, to the immense
surprise of the tribes. From the laud side their cottas were attacked
and destroyed, under the command of my old friend Brigadier- General
Gonzalez Parrado. The operations, which lasted about three months,
were a complete success, and General Gonzalez Parrado was rewarded
with promotion to General of Division. Lake Malanao, with the
surrounding district and the route down to Yligan, were in
possession of the Spaniards, and in order to retain that possession
without the expense of maintaining a large military establishment,
it was determined to people the conquered territory with Christian
families from Luzon and the other islands situated north of
Mindanao. It was the attempt to carry out this colonizing scheme
which gave significance to the Marauit Expedition and contributed to
that movement which, in 1896, led to the downfall of Spanish rule
in the Archipelago.
The last Spanish punitive expedition against the Mindanao
Mussulmans was sent in February, 1898, under the command of
General Buille. The operations lasted only a few days. The
enemy was driven into the interior with great loss and one chief
was slain. The small gunboats built in Hongkong for the Marauit
Campaign— the General Blanco, Corcuero, and La?iao— again did
good service.
A few years ago, we were all alarmed on Corpus Christi Day,
during the solemn procession of that feast in Cottobatto, by the sudden
attack of a few Mussulmans on the crowd of Christians assembled. Of
course the former were overwhelmed and killed, as they quite expected
to be. They were of that class known as Jurameniados, or sworn
Mussulmans, who believe that if they make a solemn vow, in a form
binding on their consciences, to die taking the blood of a Christian,
their souls will immediately migrate to the happy hunting-ground, where
they will ever live in bliss, in the presence of the Great Prophet. This
is the most dangerous sect of Mussulmans, for no exhibition of force
can suffice to stay their ravages, and they can only be treated like mad
dogs, or like a Malay who has run afnok.
SULU ARCHIPELAGO. NATIVE COSTUMES. 159
The Spaniards (in 1898) left nearly half the Philippine Archipelago
to be conquered, but only its Mussulman inhabitants ever took the
aggressive against them in regular warfare. The attempts of the
Jesuit missionaries to convert them to Christianity were entirely futile,
for the Panditas and the Romish priests were equally fanatical in
their respective religious beliefs. The last treaty made between Spain
and Sulu especially stipulated that the Mussulmans should not be
persecuted for their religion.
To overturn a dynasty, to suppress an organised system of feudal
laws, and to eradicate an ancient belief, the principles of which had
solidly insinuated themselves among the populace in the course of
centuries, was a harder task than that of bringing under the Spanish
yoke detached groups of Malay emigrants. The pliant, credulous nature
of the Luzon settlers — the fact that they professed no deeply-rooted
religion, and — although advanced from the nomad to the municipal
condition — were mere nominal lieges of their puppet kinglings, were
facilities for the achievement of conquest.
True it is, that the dynasties of the Aztecs of Mexico and the
Incas of Peru yielded to Spanish valour, but there was the incentive of
untold Avealtb ; here, only of military glory, and the former outweighed
the latter.
The Sulu Islanders, male and female, dress with far greater taste
and ascetic originality than the Christian natives. The women are
fond of gay colours, the predominant ones being scarlet and green.
Their nether bifurcated garment is very baggy — the bodice is
extremely tight — and, with equally close-fitting sleeves, exhibits every
contour of the bust and arms. They use also a strip of stuff sewu
together at the ends called the jabul, which serves to protect the head
from the sun-rays. The end of the jabul would reach nearly down to the
feet, but is usually held retrousse under the arm. They have a passion
for jewellery, and wear many finger-rings of metal and sometimes of
sea-shells, whilst their earrings are gaudy and of large dimensions.
The hair is gracefully tied with a coil on the top of the head, and
their features are more attractive than those of the generality of
Philippine Christian women.
The men wear breeches of bright colours, as tight as gymnasts'
pantaloons, with a large number of buttons up the sides — a kind of
160 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
waistcoat buttoning up to the throat — a jacket reaching to the hips
with close sleeves, and a turban. A chief's dress has many adornments
of trinkets, and is quite elegant.
They are robust, of medium height, often of superb physical
development, of a dusky bronze colour, piercing eyes, low forehead,
lank hair which is dressed as a chignon and hangs down the back of
the neck. The body is agile, the whole movement is rapid, and they
have a wonderful power of holding the breath under water. They are
of quick perception, audacious, extremely sober, ready to promise
everything and do nothing, vindictive and highly suspicious of a
stranger's intentions. They are very long-suffering in adversity,
hesitating in attack, and the bravest of the brave in defence. They
disdain work as degrading and only a fit occupation for slaves, whilst
warfare is, to their minds, an honourable calling. Every male over
16 years of age has to carry at least one fighting weapon at all times
and consider himself enrolled in military service.
They have a certain knowledge of the Arts. They manufacture
on the anvil very fine kris-daggers, knives, lance heads, etc. Many
of their fighting weapons are inlaid with silver and set in polished
hard wood or ivory handles artistically carved.
In warfare they carry shields, and their usual arms on land are the
campilan, a kind of short two-handled sword, wide at the tip and
narrowing down to the hilt — the harong for close combat — the straight
kris for thrusting and cutting, and the waved serpent-like kris for
thrusting onlj'. They are dexterous in the use of arms, and can most
skilfully decapitate a foe at a single stroke. At sea they use a sort
of assegai, called hagsacay or simhilin, about half an inch in diameter,
with a sharp point. Some can throw as many as four at a time, and
make them spread in the flight ; they use these for boarding vessels.
They make many of their own domestic utensils of metal, also coats of
mail of metal v/ire and buffalo horn which resist hand weapons, but
not bullets. The wire probably comes from Singapore.
The local trade is chiefly in pearls, mother-of-pearl, shells, shark
fins, etc.* The Sultan has a sovereign right to all pearls found which
' According to Sonnerat, Sulu Island produced elephants S xide " Voyages aux
Indes et a la Chine," Vol. III., Chap. 10. I have not seen the above statement
confirmed in any writing. Certainly there is no such animal in these islands at
the present day.
RELIGIOUS RITES. PANDITAS. 161
exceed a certain size fixed by law, hence it is very difficult to secure an
extraordinary specimen. The Mussulmans trade at great distances in
their small craft, for tiiey are wonderfully expert navigators. Their
largest vessels do not exceed seven tons, and they go as far as Borneo,
and even down to Singapore on rare occasions. However, without
going that distance, they are Avell supplied with arms, for a foreign
ship occasionally puts in at Sulu with rifles, &c., which are exchanged
for mother-of-pearl, gum, pearls, and edible birds' nests.
I found that almost any coinage was useful for purchasing in the
market-places. 1 need hardly add that the Chinese small traders
have found their way to these regions, and it would be an unfavourable
sign if a Chinaman were not to be seen there, for where the frugal
Celestial cannot earn a living it is a bad look-out. Small Chinese
coins (known as cash in the China Treaty Ports) are current money
here, and I think the most convenient of all copper coins, for, having
a hole in the centre, they can be strung together. Chinese began to
trade with this island in 1751
The root of their language is Sanscrit, mixed with Arabic. Each
Friday is dedicated to public worship, and the faithful are called to
the temple by the beatiug of a box or hollow piece of wood. All
recite the Iman with a plaintive voice in honour of the Great
Prophet ; a slight gesticulation is then made Avhilst the Pandita
reads a passage from the Mustah. It seemed to me strange that no
young women put in an appearance at the temple on the occasion of
my visit.
At the beginning of each year, there is a very solemn ceremonial,
and, in the event of the birth or death of a child, or the safe return
from some expedition, it is repeated. It is a sort of Te Deum in
conformity with their rites. During a number of days in a certain
month of the year they abstain from eating, drinking and pleasure
of all kinds, and suffer many forms of self imposed misery. Strano-ers
are never allowed, I was told, inside the Mosque of the Sultan, but
it is a rare thing for strangers to find themselves anywhere in the
Sultan's capital. The higher clergy are represented by the Cherif, who
has temporal power also, and this post is hereditary. The title of
Pandita means simply priest, and is the common word used in
Mindanao as well as in Palauan Island. He seems to be clmost the
chief in his district— not in a warlike sense like the Datto— but his
L
162 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
word ha.g gi-eat influence. He performs all the functions of a priest,
receives the vow of the juramentados, and expounds the mysteries and
the glories of that better world whither they will go without delay if
they die taking the blood of a Christian.
The Panditas are doctors also. If a Datto or chief dies, they
intone a dolorous chant — the family bursts into lamentations, which
are finally drowned in the din of the clashing of cymbals and beating
of gongs, whilst sometimes a gun is fired. In rush the neighbours,
and join in the shouting, until all settle down quietly to a feast. The
body is then sprinkled with salt and camphor, and dressed in white
with the kris attached to the waist. There is little ceremony about
placing the body in the coffin and burying it. The mortuary is marked
by a wooden tablet — sometimes by a stone, on which is an inscription
in Arabic. A slip of board, or bamboo, is placed around the spot,
and a piece of wood, carved like the bows of a canoe, is stuck
in the earth ; in front of this is placed a cocoa-nut shell full of
water.
The old native town or cotta of vSulu was a collection of bamboo
houses built upon piles and extended a few hundred yards into the
sea. This is now all demolished, only the Military Hospital being so
re-constructed.
The site is a small bay formed by the points Dangapic and Candea,
and the modern town is situated on the plain a couple of yards above
sea-level. The sea-beach is cleared, and the native village put back
inland.
There is a short stone and brick pier — a very simple edifice
for a Church — splendid barracks, equal to those in Manila, and said to
be more commodious. Some of the houses are of stone or brick, others
of wood, and all have corrugated iron roofs. The streets are marked
out at rectangles, well drained — boulevards, squares and tasteful
gardens formed, and the market-place is clean and orderly.
The neighbourhood is Avell provided with water from natural
streams. The town is supplied with drinking water conducted in
pipes, laid for the purpose from a spring about a mile and a quarter
distant, whilst other piping carries water to the end of the pier for the
requirements of shipping. This improvement, the present salubrity
of the town (once a fever focus), and its recent embellishment, are
mainly due to the intelligent activity of its late Governors, Colonel
HIS HIGHNESS THE SULTAN OF SULU. 163
(now General) Gonzdlez Parrado and Colonel (now General) Juan
Arolas.
The town is encircled on the land side by a brick loop-holed wall.
The outside defences consist of two forts, viz. : — The " Princesa
de Asturias " and " Torre de la Reina;' and within the town those
of the '' Paerta Blockaics;' '' Puerta Espana;' and the redoubt
" Alfonso Xliy — this last has a Nordenfeldt gun.
The general aspect of Sulu is lively and attractive ; the quaint
attire and energetic features of the native population adding to the
general picturesqueness.
The Spanish Government of Sulu was entirely under martial law,
and the Europeans (mostly military men) were constantly on the alert
for the ever-recurring attacks of the natives.
By a Decree dated 24th of September, 1877, all the natives, and
other races or nationalities settled there, were exempted from all kinds
of contributions or taxes for 10 years. In 1887 the term was extended
for another 10 years, hence, no imposts being levied, all the Spaniards
had to do was to maintain their prestige with peace.
In his relations with the Spaniards, the Sultan held the title of
Excellency, and he, as well as several chiefs, received pensions from the
Government at the following rates : —
$ per annum.
Sultan of Sulu ----.__ 2 400
Do. of Mindanao ----__ \ qqq
Datto Beraduren, heir to the Sulu Sultanate - 700
Paduca Datto Alimbdin, of Sulu - - - . 500
Datto Amiral, of Mindanao - - - . . §00
Other minor pensions - - _ _ _ qqq
{^6,100
and an allowance of $2 for each captive rescued, and $3 for each
pirate caught, whether in Sulu or Mindanao waters.
The Sultan is the Majasari (the stainless, the spotless)— the
Pontiff-king— the chief of the State and the Church ; but it is said
that he acknowledges the Sultan of Turkey as the Padishah. He is
the irresponsible lord and master of all life and property among his
subjects, although in his decrees he is advised by a Council of Elders.
L 2
164. PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Nevertheless, in spite of his absolute authority, he does not seem
to have perfect control over the acts of his nobles or chiefs, who are a
privileged class, and are constantly waging some petty war among
themselves, or organising a marauding expedition along the coast.
The Sultan is compelled, to a certain extent, to tolerate their excesses,
as his own dignity, or at least his own tranquillity, is in a great measure
dependent on their common goodwill towards him. The chiefs collect
tribute in the name of the Sultan, but they probably furnish their own
wants first and pay differences into the Royal Treasury, seeing that it
all comes from their OAvn feudal dependents.
The Sultanate is hereditary under the Salic Law. The Sultan is
supported by three ministers, one of whom acts as Regent in his
absence (for he might have to go to Mecca, if he had not previously
done so), the other is Minister of War, and the third is Minister of
Justice and Master of the Ceremonies.
Slavery exists in a most ample sense. There are slaves by birth
and others by conquest, such as prisoners of war, insolvent debtors,
and those seized by piratical expeditions to other islands. A Creole
friend of mine, Don A. M., was one of these last. He had commenced
clearing an estate for cane-growing on the Negros coast some years
ao-o, when he was seized and carried off to Sulu Island. In a few
years he was ransomed and returned to Negros, where he formed one
of the finest sugar haciendas and factories in the Colony.
In 1884 a Mussulman was found on a desolate isle lying off the
Antique coast (Pauay Island), and of course had no document of
identity, so he was arrested and confined in the jail of San Jose de
Bueuavista. From prison he Avas eventually taken to the residence of
the Spanish Governor, Don Manuel Castellon, a very humane gentleman
and a personal friend of mine. There he worked for some little time
with the other domestics. In Don Manuel's study there was a
collection of native arms which took the fancy of the Mussulman ; one
morning he seized a kris and lance, and, bounding into the breakfast-
room, capered about, gesticulated, and brandished the lance in the air,
much to the amusement of the Governor and his guests. But in an
instant the fellow (hitherto a mystery, but undoubtedly ^juramentado)
hurled the lance with great force towards the Public Prosecutor, and
the missile, after severing his watch-chain, lodged in the side of the
table. The Governor and the Public Prosecutor at once closed with
A VISIT TO THE SULTAN. 165
the "woulcl-be assassin, whilst the Governor's wife, with great presence
of mind, thrust a table-knife into the culprit's body between the shoulder-
blade and the collar-bone. The man fell as if dead, and, when all
supposed that he was so, he suddenly jumped up. No one had
thought of taking the kris out of his grasp, and he rushed around
the apartment, severely cut two of the servants, but was ultimately
despatched by the bayonets of the guards who arrived on hearing
the scuffle. The Governor showed me his woumls, which were slio-ht.
but his life was saved by the valour of his wife — Dona Justa.
It has often been remarked by old residents, that if free licence
were granted to the domesticated natives, their barbarous instincts
would recur to them in all vigour. Here was an instance. The body
was carried ofF by an excited populace, Avho tied a rope to it, beat it,
and dragged it through the town to a few miles up the coast, where it
was thrown on the sea-shore. The priests did not interfere ; like the
Egyptian mummies cast on the Stygian shores, the culprit was unworthy
of sepulture — besides, who would pay the fees ?
During my first visit to Sulu in 1881, I was dining with the
Governor, when the conversation ran on the details of an expedition
which was to be sent out in a day or so to Maybun, to carry despatches
received from the Governor-General for the Sultan, and to transact
business anent the Protectorate. The Governor seemed rather surprised
when I expressed my Avish to join the party, for the journev is not
unattended with risk for one's life. [I may here mention, that only
a few days before I arrived, a young officer was sent on some mission
a short distance outside the town of Sulu, accompanied by a patrol
of two guards. He was met by armed Moslems, and sent back with
one of his hands cut off. I remember also the news reaching us, that
several military officers were sitting outside a cafe in Sulu Town,
when a number of juramentados came behind them and cut their
throats.] However, the Governor did not oppose my wish — on the
contrary, he jocosely replied that he could not extend my passport
so far, because he could say nothing about my safety, yet the more
Europeans the better.
Officials usually went by sea to Maybun, and a gunboat was now
and again sent round the coast with messages to the Sultan, but there
was none here at the time.
166 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Our partj, all told, including the native attendants, numbered
about thirty Christians, aud we started early in the morning on
horseback. I carried my oi'diuary vv'eapon — a revolver — hoping there
would be no need to use it on the journey. And so it resulted ; we
arrived, without being molested in any way, in about three hours,
across a beautiful country.
We passed two low ranges of hills, which appeared to run from
S.W. to N.E., and several small streams, whilst here and there was
a I'anche of the Sultan's subjects. Each rauche was formed of a
group of ten to twenty huts, controlled by the Cacique.
Agriculture seemed to be pursued iu a very pristine fashion,
but doubtless owing to the exuberant fertility of the soil, we saw some
very nice crops of Eice, Indian corn, Sugar cane, and Indigo aud Coffee
plantations on a small scale. In the forest which we traversed there
were some of the largest Bamboos I have ever seen, and fine building
timber, such as Teak, Narra, Molave, Mangachapuy aud Camagon (vide
Woods, page 367). I was assured that Cedars also flourished on
the island. We saw a great number of Monkeys, wild Pigeons,
Cranes, and Parrots, v/hilst Deer, Buffaloes and Wild Goats are said to
abound in these parts.
On our arrival at Maybun, we went first to the bungalow of a
Chinaman — the Sultan's brother-in-law — where we refreshed ourselves
with our own provisions, and learnt the gossip of the place. On
inquiry, we Avere told that the Sultan was sleeping, so we waited at
the Chinaman's. I understood this man was a trader, but there were
no visible signs of his doing any business. Most of our party slept
the siesta, and at about four o'clock we called at the Palace. It was a
very large building, well constructed, aud appeared to be built almost
entirely of materials of the country. A deal of bamboo and wood
were used in it, aud even the roof was made of split bamboo, although
I am told that this was replaced ];y sheet iron when the young Sultan
came to the throne. The vestibule was very spacious, and all around
was pleasantly decorated with loveiy shrubs aud plants j)eculiar to
most mid-tropical regions. The entrance to the Palace was always
open, and we were received by three Dattos, who saluted us in a
formal way, and without waiting to ask us any question, invited us,
with a •i^'^ive of the hand, to follow into the throne room.
A VISIT TO THE SULTAN THE SULTANAS. 167
The Sultan was seated ou our euteriug, but when the bearer of
the despatches approached with the official interpreter by his side, and
we following, he rose in his place to greet us.
His Excellency was dressed in very tight silk trousers, fastened
partly up the sides with showy chased gold or gilt buttons — a short
Eton-cut olive -green jacket with an infinity of buttons, white socks,
ornamented slippers, a red sash around his waist, a kind of turban, and
a kris at his side. One could almost have imagined him to be a
Spanish bull-fighter with an Oriental finish off.
We all bowed low, and the Sultan, surrounded by his Sultanas, put
his hands to his temples, and on lowering them, he bowed at the same
time. We remained standing whilst some papers were handed to him.
He looked at them — a few words were said in Spanish, to the effect
that the bearer saluted His Excellency in the name of the Governor of
Sulu. The Sultan passed the documents to the official interpreter, who
read or explained them in Sulu language ; then a brief conversation
ensued, through the interpreter, and the business was really over.
After a short pause, the Sultan motioned to us to be seated on floor
cushions, and we complied. The cushions, covered with rich silk, were
very comfortable. Servants, in fantastic costumes, were constantly in
attendance, serving betel-nut to those who cared to chew it.
One Sultana was fairly pretty, or had been so, but the remainder
were heavy, languid and lazy in their movements ; and their teeth, dyed
black, did not embellish their personal appearance. The Sultan made
various inquiries, and passed many compliments ou us, the Governor,
Governor-General and others, which were conveyed to us through the
interpreter. Meanwhile, the Sultanas chatted among themselves, and
were apparently as much interested in our external appearance as we
were in their style, features and attire. They all wore light-coloured
" dual garments " of great width and tight bodices. Their coiffure
was carefully finished, but a part of the forehead was hidden by an
ungraceful fringe of hair.
We had so little in common to converse on, and that little had to
be said through the interpreter, that we were rather glad when we
were asked to take refreshments. It at least served to relieve the
awkward feeling of looking at each other in silence. Chocolate and
ornamental sweetmeats were brought to us, but what frightful mixture
the supposed chocolate was I could not tell. I believe it was made
168 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
with cocoanut oil, and to avoid a scene consequent on an indisposition,
I decided to leave it.
We were about to take our departure, when the Sultan invited us
to remain all night in the Palace. The leader of our party caused to
be explained to him that we Avere thankful for his gracious offer, but
that, being so numerous, we feared to disturb His Excellency by
intruding so far on his hospitality. Still the Sultan politely insisted,
and whilst the interpretation was being transmitted, I found an
opportunity to let our chief know that I had a burning anxiety to stay
at the Palace for curiosity. In any case, we were a large number to
go anywhere, so our leader, in reply to the Sultan, said, that he and
four Europeans of his suite would take advantage of His Excellency's
kindness.
We withdrew from the Sultan's presence, and walked through the
town in company with some functionaries of the Royal household.
There was nothing very striking in the town ; it was like most others.
There were some good bungalows of bamboo and thatching. I noticed
that men, women, and children were smoking tobacco or chewing,
and had no visible occupation. Many of the smaller dwellings were
built on piles out to the sea. We saw a number of divers preparing to
go off to get pearls, mother-of-pearl, etc. They are very expert in
this occupation, and dive as deep as 100 feet. Prior to the plunge,
they go through a grotesque performance of waiving their arms in
the air and twisting their bodies, in order — as they say — to frighten
away the sharks ; then with a whoop, they leap over the edge of
the prahu, and continue to throw their arms and legs about for the
purpose mentioned. They often dive for the shark and rip it up Avith
a kris.
Five of us retired to the Palace that night, and were at once
conducted to our rooms. There was no door to my room ; it was,
strictly speaking, an alcove. During the night, at intervals of about
every hour, as it seemed to me, a Palace servant or guard came
to inquire hoAV the SeTwr was sleeping, and if I were comfortable.
" Duerme el Senor ? " (does the gentleman sleep ?) was apparently the
limit of his knowledge of Spanish. I did not clearly understand more
than the fact that the man was a nuisance, and I regretted there Avas no
door with which to shut him out. The next morning we paid our
respects to His Highness, who furnished us with an escort — more as
IN A SUBUANO SETTLEMENT, MINDANAO ISLAND. 169
a compliment than a necessity — and we reached Suhi town again, after
a very enjoyable ride through a superb country.
*******
The Sultan's subjects are so far spread from the centre of
Government — Maybun — that in some places their allegiance is but
nominal. Many of them residing near the Spanish settlements are
quick at learning Castillian sufficiently well to be understood, but the
Spanish authorities have tried in vain to subject them to an European
order of things.
About 20 miles up the coast, going north from Zamboanga, the
Jesuits sent a missionary in 1885 to convert the Stibuanos, said to
be of the same caste as the Manohos of Caraga, the Guimbanos of
Sulu and the Samecas of Basilan. He endeavoured to persuade the
people to form a village. They cleared a way through the forest from
the beach, and at the end of this opening, about three quarters of a
mile long, I found a church half built of wood, bamboo and palm-
leaves. I had ridden to the place on horseback along the beach, and
my food and baggage followed in a canoe. The opening was so
roughly cleared that I thought it better to dismount when I got half
way. As the church was only in course of construction, and not
consecrated, I took up my quarters there. I was followed by a Suhuaiio,
who was curious to know the object of my visit. I told him I
wished to see the headman, so this personage arrived with one of his
wives and a young girl. They sat on the floor with me and tasted
some of my food, and as the Cacique could make himself understood
in Spanish, we chatted about the affairs of the town in posse. The
visiting priest had gone to the useless trouble of baptizing a few of
these people. They appeared to be as much Christian as I was
Mussulman. The Cacique had more than one wife — the word of the
Pandita of the settlement was the local law, and the Patidita himself
of course had his seraglio. I got the first man, who had followed me,
to direct me to the Pandita's house. My guide was gaily attired in
bright red tight acrobat breeches, with buttons up the side, and a
jacket like a waistcoat, with sleeves so close-fitting that I suppose he
seldom took the trouble to undress himself. I left the Cacique,
promising to visit his bungalow that day, and then my guide led me
through winding paths, in a wood, to the hut of the Pandita. On the
way, I met a man of the tribe, carrying epriug-water in a bamboo, which
170 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
lie tilted, to give me a driuk. To my inquiries if he were a Cliristiau,
and if be knew the Castillian Paudita (Spanish priest), he replied in
the affirmative ; continuing the interrogation, I asketl him how many
Gods there were, and when he answered " four," I closed my investiga-
tion of his Christianity. My guide was too cunning to take me by
the direct path to the Panditci's bungalow. He led me into a half-
cleared plot of land facing the bungalow, whence the inmates could
see us for at least ten minutes making our approach. When we
arrived, and after scrambling up the staircase, Avhich was simply a
notched trunk of a tree about nine inches diameter, I found that the
Pandita, forewarned, had fled to the mountain close by, leaving his
wives to entertain the visitor. It was perhaps censurable to have
brought Dutch gin with me, when visiting a people of rightly famed
sobriety in their natural habits, yet it was highly efficacious in arousing
their loquacity when I found them all lounging and chewing betel-
nut: squatted on the lloor amongst them, with the big black square
bottle passing round, they became remarkably chatty. Then I picked
up my bottle and went to the Cacique's bungalow. In the rear of
this dwelling there was a small forge, and the most effective bellows
of primitive make Avhich I have ever seen in any country. It was a
double-action apparatus, made entirely of bamboo, except the pistons,
which were of feathers. These pistons, working up and down alter-
nately by a bamboo rod in each hand, sustained perfectly a constant
draught of air. One man was squatting on a bamboo bench the height
of the bellows' rods, whilst the smith crouched on the ground, to forge
his kris on the anvil.
The headman's bungalow was built the same as the others, but
with greater care. It was rather high up, and had the usual notched
log-of-wood staircase, which is perhaps easy to ascend with naked feet.
The Cacique and one of his wives were seated on mats on the floor.
After mutual salutations, the wife threw me three cushions, on which
I reclined — doing the dolce for niente whilst we talked about the
affairs of the Settlement. The conversation was growing rather
wearisome anent the Spanish priest having ordered huts to be built
without giving materials — about the scarcity of palm leaves in the
neighbourhood, and so forth, so I bade them farewell and went on to
another hut. Here the inmates were numerous — four women, three
or four men, and two rather pretty male children, with their heads
ACROSS PALATJAN ISLAND (pARAGUA). 171
shaven so as to leave ouly a tuft of hair towards the forehead aboiit
the size of a crowa piece. They Avere all drowsy, but here the giu
bottle had a grand effect. Six copper tom-toms were brought out, and
placed in a row on pillows, whilst another large one, for the bass
accompaniment, was suspended from a wooden frame. A man beat
the bass with a stick, whilst the women took it in turns to kneel on
the floor, with a stick in each hand, to play a tune on the series of six.
A few words were passed between the three men, when suddenly one
of them arose and performed a war dance, quaintly twisting his
arms and legs in attitudes of advance, recoil and exultation. There
I left the bottle Avhich had done so much service, and mounted my
horse to leave the Settlement in embryo, called by the missionaries
Reus, which is the name of a town in Cataluuia.
The Island of Palaiiau (Partigua) formerly belonged to the Sultan
of Borneo (Brunei ?), but at the beginning of the 18th century
Spaniards had already settled in the north of it.
A movement was set on foot to reduce the natives to submission,
and in order to protect the Spanish settlers from Mussulman attacks
a fort Avas established at Labo. HoAvever, the supplies were not
kept up, and many of the garrison died of misery, hunger and
nakedness, until 1720, Avheu it was abandoned.
Some years afterwards, the island Avas gratuitously ceded to the
Spaniards by the Sultan, at their request. Captain Antonio Fabeau
was sent there Avuth troops to take formal possession, being awarded
the handsome salary of $50 per month for this service. On the arrival
of the ships, an officer AA'as sent ashore ; the people fled inland, and the
formalities of annexation Avere proceeded Avith uuAvituessed. But the
only signs of possession left there were the corpses of the troops
and sailors Avho died from eating rotten food, or Avere murdered by
Mussulmans who attacked the expedition.
Subsequently, a fortress Avas established at Taytay, where a number
of priests and laymen, in a few years, succeeded in forming a small
colony, which at length shared the fate of Labo. The ouly Spanish
settlement in the island, at the date of the CA'acuation, Avas the colony
of Puerta Princesa. on the east coast.*
' A few outposts had recently been established by Eoyal decree. They were
all under the command of a Captain, vide Chap. XIII.
172 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Before I started on my peregrination in Palauan Island, I sought in
vain for information respecting the habits and nature of the Taghanuas,
a half-caste Malay-Aeta tribe, disseminated over a little more than the
southern half of the island. It was only on my arrival at Puerta
Princesa that I was able to procure a vague insight into the
peculiarities of the people whom 1 intended to visit. The Governor,
Don Felipe Canga-Argiielles, was highly pleased to find a traveller
who could sympathize with his efforts, and help to make known, if only
to the rest of the Archipelago, this island almost unexplored in the
interior. He constantly wrote articles to one of the leading journals of
Manila, under the title of " Echos from Paragua " (Palauan), partly
with the view of attracting the attention of the Government Depart-
ments to the requirements of the Colony, but also to stimulate a spirit
of enterprise in favour of this fertile island among those trading
capitalists who might feel inclined to cultivate its vast resources.
Puerta Princesa is a good harbour, situated on a gulf. The soil has
been levelled, trees have been planted, and a slip for repairing vessels
has been constructed. There was a fixed white light visible eleven
miles off. It Avas a naval station for two gunboats — the Commander
of the station was ex-officio Governor of the Colony. It was also a
Penal Settlement for convicts, and those suspected by the civil or
religious authorities. To give employment to the convicts and
suspects, a model sugar estate was established by the Government.
The locality supplied nearly all the raw material for working and
preserving the establishment, such as lime, stone, bricks, timber, sand,
firewood, straw for l>ags, rattans, etc.
The aspect of the town is agreeable, and the environs are pretty,
but there is a great drawback in the want of drinking-water, which, in
the dry season, has to be procured from a great distance.
The Governor showed me great attention, and personally took
command of a gunboat, which conducted me to the mouth of the
Iguajit River. This is the great river of the district, and is navigable
for about three miles. I put off in a boat manned by marines, and was
rowed about two miles up, as far as the mission station. The missionary
received me well, and I stayed there that night, Avith five men, whom
I had engaged to carry my luggage, for Ave had a journey before us
of some days on foot to the opposite coast.
My luggage, besides the ordinary travelling requisites and
provisions, included about ninety yards of printed stuffs of bright
PALAUAN ISLAND (pARAGUA). 173
colours, six dozen common handkerchiefs, and some twelve pounds
weight of beads on strings, with a few odds and ends of trinkets ;
whilst my native bearers were provided with rice, dried fish, betel-nut,
tobacco, etc. for a week or more. We set out on foot the next day,
and in three days and a half we reached the western shore.
The greatest height above the sea-level on our route was about
900 metres, according to my aneroid reading, and the maximum heat
at mid-day in the shade (month of January) was 82° Fahr. The
nights were cold, comparatively speaking, and at midnight the
thermometer once descended to 59^ Fahr.
The natives proved to be a very pacific people. We found some
engaged in collecting gum from the trees in the forest, and others
cutting and making up bundles of rattans. They took these products
down to the Iguajit River mission station, Avhere Chinese traders
bartered for them stufis and other commodities. The value of coin was
not altogether unknown in the mission village, although the relative
value between copper and silver coinage was not understood. In the
interior they lived in great misery, their cabins being wretched hovels.
They planted their rice without ploughing at all, and all their
agricultural implements were made of wood or bamboo.
The island produces many marketable articles, such as beeswax,
edible birds' nests, fine shells, dried shell-fish, a few pearls, bush-
rope or paldsan of enormous length, wild nutmegs, logwood, etc.,
which the Chinese obtain in barter for knives and other small
manufactures.
The native dress is made of bark of trees, smashed with stones, to
take out the ligneous parts. In the cool Aveather they make tunics of
bark, and the women wear drawers of the same material. They adorn
their waists with sea-shell and cocoa-nut shell ornaments, whilst the
fibre of the palm serves for a waistband. They pierce very large holes
in their ears, in which they place shells, wood, etc. They never bathe
intentionally. Their arms are bows and arrows, and darts blown
through a kind of pea-shooter. They are a very dirty people, and the);
eat their fish or flesh raw.
I had no difficulty whatever in getting guides from place to place
on payment in goods, and my instructions were always to lead me
straight to the coast, the nearest point of which I knew was due west
or a few points to the north.
We passed through a most fertile country the whole way. There
174 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
were no rivers of any importance, but we vv^ere well supplied with
drinking-water from the numerous springs and rivulets. The forests
are very rich in good timber, chiefly Ipil {Eperma deca?idria), a very
useful hardwood (vide " Woods," page 367). I estimated that many of
these trees, if felled, would have given clean logs of seventy to eighty
feet long. Also ebony and logwood are found here. I presume the
felling of timber is abandoned by these natives on account of the
difficulties, or rather, total want of transport means. From a plateau,
within half a day's journey of the opposite coast, the scenery was
remarkably beautiful, with the sea to the Avest and an interminable
grandeur of forest to the east. There were a few fishermen on the
west coast, but further than that, there was not a sign of anything
beyond the gifts of nature.
With an abundance of fish, we Avere able to economize our
provisions. One of my men fell ill with fever, so that we had to wait
two days on the west coast, whilst I dosed him with Edo's fruit salt
and Howard's quinine. Such a thing as a horse I suppose had never
been seen here, although I would gladly have bought or hired one, for
I was very weary of our delay. We all went on the march again, on
foot nearly all the way, by the same passes to the Iguajit Eiver, where
we found a canoe, which carried us back to Puerta Princesa.
The first survey of the Palaiian Island coast is said to have been
made by the British. A British map of Puerta Princesa, with a few
miles of adjoining coast, was shown to me in the Government House
of this place. It appears that the west coast is not navigable for ships
within at least two miles of the shore, although there are a few
channels leading to creeks. Vessels coming from the west usually
pass through the Straits of BaUibac, between the island of that name
and the islets ofi" the Borneo Island coast. The north of Palai'tau
Island is very sparsely peopled.
In recent years, the Home Government have made efforts to colonize
Palauan Island, by off'ering certain advantages to emigrants. By Royal
Order, dated 25th of February, 1885, the islands of Palauan and
Mindanao were to be occupied in an effectual manner, and outposts
established, wherever necessary, to guarantee the secure possession of
these islands. The points mentioned for such occupation in Palauan
Island, were Tagbusao and Malihut on the east coast, and Colasian and
Malanut on the west coast. It also confirmed the Royal Decree of the
30th of July, 1860, granting to all families emigrating to these newly
ROYAL DECREE ON EMIGRATION. 175
established military posts, and all peaceful tribes of the Islands who
might choose to settle there, exemption from the payment of tribute
for six years. The families would be furnished with a free passage
to these places, and each group would be supplied with seed and
implements.
A subsequent Royal Order, dated 19th of January, 1886, was
issued, to the effect : — That the Provincial Governors of the Provinces
of North and South Ilocos were to stimulate voluntaiy emigration of the
natives to Palauan Island, to the extent of 25 families from each of
the two provinces per annum. That any payments due by them to
the Public Treasury were to be condoned. That such families and
any persons of good character Avho might establish themselves in
Palauan should be exempt from the payment of taxes for ten years, and
receive free passage there for themselves and their cattle, and three
hectares of land gratis, to be under cultivation within a stated period.
That two chupas of rice (for rice measure, vide] page 318) and ten
cents of a dollar should be given to each adult, and one chupa of rice
to each minor each day during the first six months from the date of
their embarking. That the Governor of Palauan should be instructed
respecting the highways to be constructed, and the convenience of
opening free ports in that island. That the land and sea forces should
be increased ; and of the latter, a third-rate mau-o'-war should be
stationed on the west coast. That convicts should continue to be
sent to Palauan, and the Governor should be authorized to employ all
those of bad conduct in public works. That schools of primary,
instruction should be established in the island wherever such might
be considered convenient, etc., etc'
> By Royal Order of August 20th, 1888, a concession of 12,000 to 14,000 hectares
of land in Palauan was granted to Felipe Canga-Argiielles y Villalba, ex-Governor
of Puerta Princesa, for the term of 20 years.
He covld work mines, cut timber, and till the land so conceded under the law
called " Ley de Colonias Agricolas," of the 4th September, 1S84, which was little
more than an extension to the Philippines of the Peninsula forest and agricultural
law of June 3rd, 18(58, ride " Gaceta de Madrid" of September 29th, 1888. It
appears, however, from the C!olonial Minister's despatch No. 515, to the Governor-
General of the Colony, dated May 24th, 1890, that the concessionnaire had
endeavoured to associate himself with foreigners for the working of the concession.
The wording of the despatch shows that suspicion was entertained of an intention
to eventually declare territorial independence in Palaiian. The Government,
wishing to avoid the possibility of embroilment with a foreign nation, unfortunately
thought it necessary to impose such restrictions upon the concessionnaire as to
render his enterprise valueless.
176 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
In the Island of Bahibac there is absolutely nothing remarkable to
be seen, unless it be a little animal about the size of a big cat, but in
shape a perfect model of a doe.' I took one to Manila, but it died the
daj we arrived. No part of the island (which is very mountainous and
fertile) appears to be cultivated, and even the officials at the station
had to get supplies from Manila, Avhilst cattle were brought from the
Island of Cuyo, one of the Calamiaues group. A few weeks before I
arrived in BaUibac, an American three-masted ship had stranded in
the dangerous Balubac Straits, but the Captain with his wife and
daughter managed to reach the naval station of Balabac, where they
were treated with every kindness by the Governor and officials.
' Alfred Marche calls this the Tragvhis BuncMl, and says it is also to be found
in Malacca, Cochin China, and Pulo Condor, vide " Lu(jon et Palaouan," par
A. Marche, Paris, 1SS7,
♦ '••»
CHAPTEK XI.
DOMESTICATED NATIVES.— ORIGIN— CHARACTER.
The generally accepted, theory regarding the origin of the race
which I will tei-m " domesticated natives," is, that they first migrated
from Madagascar to the Malay Peninsula. But so many learned
dissertations have emanated from distinguished men, propounding
conflicting opinions on the descent of the Malays and the inhabitants
of Malesia, that we are still left on the field of conjecture. There
is not room in this work to enter the lists against many strange
assertions which have been made on the subject.
Some have gone as far as Patagonia to trace the primitive source
of these people.^ " I dare affirm," says Zuniga,^ " that the Indians
" of the Philippines are descended from the aborigines of Chili and
'*' Peru, and that the language of these islands derives immediately
■" from the parent source," Father Zuniga, at least, uses the potent
and feasible argument in favour of his conclusions, that natives have
been frequently carried Westward by East winds and currents,
whilst no case is on record of their having drifted in the contrary
direction towards this Archipelago.
However, the popular supposition is, that they passed from
Malesia to these Islands. In the course of time — perhaps after many
generations — they virtually supplanted the aboriginal population in
the dominion of the coasts and lowlands, where they became as
thoroughly radicated as if they had been proper autochthons of the
soil.
The descendants of these emigrants, therefore, were those whom
the Spanish invaders had to subdue to maintain a footing. To the
' Zuuiga's Hist, de Phil,, torn, i. * Ibid,
M
178 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
present day they are the only race, among the several in these
islands, subjected, in fact, to civilized methods.
The light of Christianity fell upon them, but, to them, it Avas as
burning embers, under which their cherished freedom would smoulder
and decay. The die was cast against their liberties, where the pale
face from the Far West trod, backed by the Inquisition.
In treating of the domesticated natives I wish it to be understood,
that my observations apply solely to the very large majority of the
niore or less five millions of them who inhabit these islands.
Id the Capital and the ports open to foreign trade, where
cosmopolitan vices and virtues prevail, and in large towns, where
there is constantly a number of domiciled Europeans, the native
has become a modified being. It is not here that a just estimate
of character can be arrived at, even during many years sojourn.
The native must be studied by often-repeated casual residence
in localities where his, or her, domestication is only "by law
established," imposing little restraint upon natural inclinations, and
where exotic notions in no way obtain.
Several writers have essayed to correctly depict the Philippine
native character, but with only partial success. Dealing with such au
anomalism, the most eminent physiognomists would surely difiPer in
their speculations regarding the Philippine native of the present day.
That Catonian figure, with placid countenance and solemn gravity of
feature, would readily deceive any one as to the true mental organism
within.' The late parish priest of Alaminos, in Batangas Province— a
Spanish Franciscan friar, who spent half his life in the Colony— left
a brief manuscript essay on the native character. I have read it.
In his opinion, the native is an incomprehensible phenomenon, the
mainspring of whose line of thought and the guiding motive of whose
actions have never yet been, and perhaps never will be, discovered.
A native will serve a master satisfactorily for years, and then suddenly
abscond, or commit some such hideous crime as conniving with a
brigand'band to murder the family and pillage the house.
A friend of mine— a Frenchman— who has lived in the Colony
about half a century, had a servant with him for nearly forty years.
The son came back from a journey, bringing with him a portmanteau
containing 1 1,000. The old servant cut it open and extracted there-
from about 20 or 30 dollars. He did not deny it. So my old
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TRAITS OF NATIVE CHARACTER. 179
friend, aged about 70, gave his domestic — aged about 50, and still
called " boy " — as sound a thrashing as his years would permit for the
want of smartness, he said, in not taking the whole sum.
When the hitherto faithful servant is remonstrated with for having
committed a crime, he not uufrequently accounts for the fact by saying,
" Senor, my head Avas hot." Wheu caught in the act on his first start
on highway robbery or murder, his invariable excuse is, that he is
nof. a scoundrel himself, but that he was " invited " by a relation or
compadre to join the company.
He is fond of gambling, profligate, lavish in his promises, but
lache in the extreme as to their fulfilment. He will never come
frankly and openly forward to make a clean breast of a fault committed
or even a pardonable accident, but will hide it, until it is found out.
In common with many other non-European races, an act of
generosity or a voluntary concession of justice is regarded as a sio-n
of weakness. Hence it is, that the experienced European is often
compelled to be more harsh than his own nature dictates. In 1887,
the Director-General of Civil Administration visited the provinces,
and lent his ear to the native complaints, with the intention of
remedying certain inconvenient practices prejudicial to the people.
The result was, that on the 1st of March in the following year, a
body of headmen had the boldness to present themselves in Manila
with a manifesto demanding reforms which implied nothing less than
a complete revolution in the governmental system, consequently a
large number of the parties to the manifesto were imprisoned.
If one pays a native 20 cents for a service performed, and that
be exactly the customary remuneration, he will say nothing, but if a
feeling of compassion impels one to pay 30 cents, the recipient will
loudly protest that he ought to be paid more. In Luzon, the
native is able to say " Thank you " {saUimat-po) in his mother tongue,
but in the South (Visayas) there is no way of expressing thanks in
native dialect to a donor, and although this may, at first sight, appear
to be an insignificant fact, I think, nevertheless, a great deal may be
deduced from it, for the deficiency of the ^vord in the Visaya vernacular
denotes a deficiency of the idea which that word should express.
If the native be in want of a trivial thing, which by plain askiu""
he could readily obtain, he will come with a long tale, often begin by
telling a lie, and whilst he invariably scratches his head, he will beat
M 2
180 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
about the bush until he comes to the point, with a supplicating tone
and a saintly countenance hiding a mass of falsity. But if he has
nothing to gain for himself, his reticence is astonishingly inconvenient,
for he may let your horse die and tell you afterwards it was for want
of rice paddy, or, just at the very moment you want to use something,
he will tell you " Uala-jio'''' — there is not any.
I have known natives whose mothers, according to their account,
have died several times, and each time they have tried to beg the loan
of the burial expenses.
Even the best class of natives neither appreciate, nor feel grateful
for, nor even seem to understand a spontaneous gift. Apparently,
thev onlv comprehend the favour when one yields to their asking. The
lowest classes never give to each other, unsolicited, a cent's worth.
If an European makes voluntary gratuities to the natives, he is
considered a fool — they entertain a contempt for him, which developes
into intolerable impertinence. Therefore, to avoid this, if a native
wants anything, never ofter it voluntarily ; if he comes to borrow
lend him a little less than he asks for, after a verbose preamble. If
one at once lent, or gave, the full value asked for, the native would
continue to invent a host of pressing necessities, until one's patience
was exhausted. The saying, " Give him an inch and he will take an
" ell," can truly be applied to the Filipinos. They are void of all
feeling of magnanimity, and do not understand chivalry towards the
weak or the fallen foe.
A native seldom restores the loan of anything voluntarily. On
beino- remonstrated with for his remissness, after the date of repayment
or return of the article has expired, he will coolly reply " You did not
" ask me for it." A native considers it no degradation to borrow
money ; it gives him no recurrent feeling of humiliation or poignant
distress of mind. Thus, he will often give a costly feast to impress his
neighbours with his wealth and maintain his local prestige, whilst on
all sides he has debts innumerable. At most, he regards debt as an
inconvenience, not as a calamity, and perchance this looseness of
morality is the cause of his inability to resist evil in many forms.
Were it not for the fear of a fine, no well-to-do native would willingly
contribute his legal quota to the expenses of the State.
Before entering another native's house, he is very complimentary,
and sometimes three minutes' dialogue is exchanged between the visitor
TRAITS OF NATIVE CHARACTER. 181
sind the native visited before the former passes the threshold. When
a native enters an European's house, he generally satisfies his curiosity
by looking all around, and often puts his head into a private room,
asking permission to do so afterwards.
The lower class of native never comes at first call ; among
themselves, it is usual to call five or six times, raising the voice each
time. If a native is told to tell another to come, he seldom goes to
him to deliver the message, but calls him from a distance. The
rule of the road for horsemen and canoemen is (among themselves),
that he who comes along behind must steer clear — the one in front, on
either side, does not make way. When a native steals (and I must say
they are fairly honest), he steals only what he wants. One of the
rudest acts, according to their social code, is to step over a person asleep
on the floor. Sleeping is, with them, a very solemn matter ; they are
very averse to awaking any one, the idea being, that during sleep the
soul is absent from the body, and that if slumber be suddenly arrested,
the soul might not have time to return. A person knowing the habits
of the native, when he calls upon him and is told " He is asleep," does
not inquire further — the rest is understood: that he may have to wait
an indefinite time until the sleeper wakes up — so he may as well
depart. To get a servant to rouse you, you have to give him very
imperative orders to that effect: then he stands by your side, and calls
" Seiior, Seiior " repeatedly, and each time louder, until you are half
aAvake, then he returns to the low note, and gradually I'aises his voice
again until you are quite conscious.
The reasoning of a native and an European differs so largely, that
the mental impulse of the two races is ever clashing. vSometimes a
newly arrived generously disposed Provincial Governor will start a
reform solely for their benefit, and find his subjects quite indifferent
about it.
With the majority, no number of years of genial intercourse,
without material profit, will arouse in the native breast a perceptible
sympathy for the white race. Exceptions to this rule are always
appreciated. The Visaya native, in particular, exhibits a frigid
stoicism. He bears his own misfortunes unmoved, and would look on
at another in imminent danger with solemn indifference.
Wherever I have been in the whole Archipelago — near the Capital,
or five hundred miles from it — I have found mothers teaching their
182 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
offspring to regard the European as a demoniacal being ! an evil spirit !
or, at least, as an enemy to be feared. If a child cries, it is hushed by
the exclamation " Castila ! " (European). If a white man approaches
a poor hut or a fine native residence, the cry of caution, the watchword
for defence is always heard — Castila ! and the children hasten their
retreat from the dreaded object.
The Filipino, like most Orientals, is a good imitator, but having
no initiative genius, lie is not efficient in anything. If you give
him a model, he will copy it any number of times, but you cannot
get him to make two copies so much alike that the one is
undistinguishable from the other. He has no attachment for any
occupation in particular. To-day he will be at the plough ; to-morrow
a coachman, a collector of accounts, a valet, a sailor, and so on ; or
he will suddenly renounce social trammels in pursuit of lawless
vagabondage. I once travelled Avith a Colonel Marques, acting
Governor of Cebu, whose valet Avas an ex-law student.
The native is indolent in the extreme, and never tired of sitting
still, gazing at nothing in particular. He will do no regular work
without an advance — his word cannot be depended upon — he is fertile
in exculpatory devices — he is momentarily obedient, but is averse to
subjection. He feigns friendship, but has no loyalty — he is calm and
silent, but can keep no secret — he is daring on the spur of the moment,
but fails in resolution, if he reflects — he is wantonly unfeeling towards
animals, cruel to a fallen foe, but fond of his children. If familiarity
be permitted with a native, there is no limit to his audacity. The
Tagalog is docile, but keenly resents an injustice.
Native superstition and facile credulity are easily imposed upon.
A report emitted in jest, or in earnest, travels with alarming rapidity,
and the consequences have not unfrequently been serious. He rarely
sees a joke, and still more rarely makes one. He never reveals anger,
but he will, with the most profound calmness, avenge himself, awaiting
patiently the opportunity to use his bohie knife with effect. Mutila-
tion of a vanquished enemy is common among these Islanders. If
he recognizes a fault by his own conscience, he will receive a flogging
without resentment or complaint ; if he is not so convinced of the
misdeed, he will await his chance to give vent to his rancour.
He has a profound respect only for the elders of his household, and
the lash justly administered. He rarely refers to past generations in
TRAITS OF NATIVE CHARACTER. 183
his lineao-e, and the lowest class do not know their own njiei. Families
are very united, and claims for help and protection are admitted how-
ever distant the relationship may be. Sometimes the connection of a
"hanger on" with his host's family will be so remote and doubtful,
that he can only be recognized as " tm poco pariente nada mas " (a
sort of kinsman). But the house is open to all.
The native is a good father and a good husband, unreasonably
jealous of his wife, careless of the honour of his daughter, and will take
no heed of the indiscretions of his spouse committed before marriage.
Cases have been known of natives having fled from their burning
huts, taking care to save their fighting cooks, but leaving their wivea
and children to look after themselves.
In February, 1H85, I was present in the Town Hall of Mariquiua,
a village six miles from Manila, when the petty Governor was hearing
a remarkable case of callousness. A native had handed over the
corpse of his late wife to his brother-in-law for interment, and refused
to pay any of the expenses. During the investigation, the husband
put forward the fantastic plea that his consort had been useful to him
in life, but now she was no longer of any service, and he did not think
he ought to be compelled to incur any expense over a dead body. He
was condemned to pay the costs of the burial, but alleging that he had
no money, he had to go to work in the village, husking rice, until the
sum was raised. I made him an offer on the spot to buy off his debt,
he to pay me by receiving lashes in the Town Hall at the rate of three
cents a stroke, but he would not accept the bargain.
If a question be suddenly put to a native, he apparently loses his
presence of mind, and gives a reply most convenient to himself, to save
himself from trouble, punishment or reproach. It is a matter of
perfect indifference to him whether the reply be true or not. Then,
as the investigation proceeds, he will amend one statement after
another, until, finally, he has practically admitted his first explanation
to be quite false. One who knows the native character, so far as its
mysteries are penetrable, would never attempt to get at the truth of a
question by a direct inquiry — he would " beat about the bush," and
extract the truth bit by bit. Nor do the natives, rich or poor, of any
class in life, and with very few exceptions in the whole population,
appear to regard lying as a sin, but rather as a legitimate, though
cunning, convenience, which should be resorted to whenever it will
184 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
serve a purpose. It is my frauk opinion that they do not, in their
consciences, hold lying to be a fault in any degree. If the liar he
discovered and faced, he rarely appears disconcerted — his countenance
rather denotes surprise at the discovery or disappointment at his
being foiled in the object for which he lied. As this is one of the most
remarkable characteristics of the natives of both sexes in all spheres of
life, I have repeatedly discussed it with the priests, several of whom
have assured me that the habit prevails even in the Confessional.^
The native is so contumacious to all Ijidding — so averse to social
order, that he can only be ruled by coercion or by the demonstration
of force. Men and Avomen alike find exaggerated enjoyment in
litigation, which many keep up for years. Among themselves they
are tyrannical. They have no real sentiment, honour or magnanimity,
and, apart from their hospitality, in which they (especially the Tagulogs)
far excel the European, all their actions appear to be only guided by
fear, or interest, or both.
The domesticated Tagalog natives of the North have made greater
progress in civilization and good manners than the Visayos of the
South. It is, perhaps, in a measiire, due to the proximity of the
Capital, whence Western influence and comely breeding are more
easily spread, but not altogether so. The Tagalog differs vastly from
his southern brother in his true nature, and that nature is more pliant ;
he is by instinct cheerfully and less interestedly hospitable. Invariably
an European wayfarer who takes asylum in the Town Hall of a Tagalog
villasre — which at the same time serves as a casual ward — is invited by
one or the other of the principal residents or headmen to lodge at his
house. If he stayed there several days no charge would be made for
this accommodation, and to offer payment would give offence. A
present of some European article might be made, but it is not at all
looked for. Your Tagiilog host lends you horses or vehicles to go
about the neighbourhood, takes you round to the houses of his friends,
accompanies you to any feast which may be celebrated at the time of
your visit, and lends you his sporting gun, if he has one.
' With regard to this characteristic among the Chinese, Sir John Bowring
aiiirms that the Chinese respect their writings and traditions, whilst they do not
believe a lie to be a fault, and in some of their classical works it is especially
recommended, in ©rder to cheat and confuse foreign intruders. Vifle " A Visit
to the Philippine Islands," by Sir John Bowring, ll.d., F.E.S. Manila. 1876,
Spanish edition, page iTli.
MANNERS OF THE VISAYOS. 185
The whole time he treats you with the deference due to the
superiority which he recognizes. He is remarkably inquisitive, and
will ask all sorts of questions about your private affairs, but that is of
no consequence — he is not intrusive, he never hints at corresponding
favours, and if he be invited to visit you in the capital, or wherever
you may reside, he accepts the invitation reluctantly, but seldom pays
the visit. If, however, an intimacy should subsequently result from
this casual acquaintanceship, theu the native is quite ; likely to be
constantly begging your assistance.
The Visaya native's cold hospitality is much tempered with avarice
or the prospect of personal gain — quite a contrast to the Tagalog.
On the first visit, he might admit you into his house out of mere
ciuriosity to know all about you — whence you come — why you travel —
how much you possess — and where you are going. The basis of his
estimation of a visitor is his worldly means, or, if the visitor be engaged
in trade, his power to facilitate his host's schemes would bring him
a certain measure of civility and complaisance. He is fond of, and
seeks, the patronage of Europeans of position. In manners, the Visayo
is uncouth and hrusquc, and more conceited, arrogant, self-reliant,
ostentatious and unpolished than his northern neighbour. If remon-
strated with for any fault, he is quite disposed to assume an air of
impertinent retort or sullen defiance.
The women too are less compliant in the South than in the North,
and evince an almost incredible avarice. They are excessively fond
of ornament, and at feasts they appear adorned with an amount of
gaudy French jewellery, which, compared with their means, has cost
them a lot of money to purchase from the swarm of Jew pedlars who
invade the villages.
If an European calls on a well-to-do Visayo, the women of the
family saunter off in one direction and another, to hide themselves in
other rooms, unless the visitor be well known to the family.
If met by chance, perhaps they will return a salutation, perhaps
not. They seldom indulge in a smile before a stranger ; have no con-
versation ; no tuition beyond music and the lives of the Saints, and
altogether impress the traveller with their insipidity of character,
which chimes badly with the air of disdain which they exhibit.
I stayed for some months in an important Visaya town, in the
house of an European who was married to a native woman, and was
186 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
much edified by observing the visitors from the locality. Tbe " Seiiora,"
who was somewhat pretentious in her social aspirations amongst her
own class, occasionally came to the table to join us at meals, but more
often preferred to eat on the floor in her bedroom, where she could
follow her native custom, at ease, of eating with her fingers.
The women of the North are less reserved, a trifle better educated,
and decidedly more courteous and sociable. Their manners are more
lively, void of arrogance, cheerful and buoyant in tone. However, all
over the Islands the women are more niggardly than the men.
But the Filipino has many excellent qualities which go far to make
amends for his shortcomings. He is patient and forbearing in the
extreme, remarkably sober, plodding, anxious only about providing
for his immediate wants, and seldom feels " the canker of ambitious
thoughts." In his person and his dwelling he may serve as a pattern
of cleanliness to all other races in the tropical East. He has little
thought beyond the morrow, and therefore he never racks his brains
about events of the far future in the political world or any other
sphere. He indifferently leaves everything to happen as it may, with
surprising resignation.
The Tagalog in particular has a genial, sociable nature. The
native, in general, will go without food for many hours at a time
without grumbling ; and fish, rice, betel-nut and tobacco are his chief
wants.
When an European is travelling, he never needs to trouble about
where or when his servant gets his food or where he sleeps — he looks
after that. When a native travels, he drops in amongst any group
of his fellow countrymen whom he finds having their meal on the
road-side, and wherever he happens to be at nightfall, there he lies
down to sleep. He is never long in a great dilemma. If his hut is
about to fall, he makes it fast with bamboo and rattan cane. If a
vehicle breaks down, a harness snaps, or his canoe leaks or upsets, he
has always his remedy at hand. Pie bears misfortune of all kind
with the greatest indifference, and without the least apparent emotion.
Under the eye of his master he is the most tractable of all beings.
He never (like the Chinese) insists upon doing things his own way,
but tries to do just as he is told, whether it be right or Avrong. A
native enters your service as a coachman, and if you wish him to
paddle a boat, cook a meal, fix a lock, or do any other kind of labour
NATIVE CHARACTER — THE GOOD POINTS. 187
possible to him, he is quite agreeable. He knows the duties of no
occupation with efficiency, and he is perfectly willing to be a " jack-of-
all trades." Another good feature is, that he rarely, if ever, repudiates
a debt, although he may never pay it. So long as he gets his food and
fair treatment, and his stipulated wages paid in advance, he is content
to act as a general-utility-man. If not pressed too hard, he will follow
his superior like a faithful dog. If treated with kindness, according to
Euro'pean notions, he is lost. Lodging he will find for himself. The
native never looks ahead ; he is never anxious about the future ; but if
left to himself, he will do all sorts of imprudent things, from sheer want
of reflection on the consequences, when, as he puts it, " his head is
hot" from excitement due to any cause.
On the loth of March, 1886, I was coming round the coast of
Zambales in a small steamer, in which I was the only saloon passenger.
The captain, whom I had known for years, found that one of the
cabin servants had been systematically robbing him for some time past.
He ordered the steward to cane him, and then told him to go to the
upper deck and remain there. He at once walked up the ladder and
threw himself into the sea, but a boat was lowered, the vessel stopped,
and he was soon picked up. Had he been allowed to reach the shore,
he would have become what is kuown as a remontado and perhaps
eventually a brigand, for such is the beginning of many of them.
The native has no idea of organization on a large scale, hence a
successful revolution is not possible if confined to the pure indigenous
population unaided by others, such as Creoles and foreigners. He is
brave, and fears no consequences when with or against his equals, or if
led by his superiors, but a conviction of superiority — moral or physical
— in the adversary depresses him. An excess of audacity calms and
overawes him rather than irritates him.
His admiration for bravery and perilous boldness is only equalled
by his contempt for cowardice and puerility, and this is really the secret
of the native's disdain for the Chinese race. Under good European
officers they make excellent soldiers ; however, if the leader fell, they
would become at once demoralized. There is nothing they delight in
more than pillage, destruction and bloodshed, and when once they
become masters of the situation in an affray, there is no limit to their
greed and savage cruelty.
188 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Yet, detesting order of any kind, military discipline is repugnant
to them, and, as in other countries, all kinds of tricks are resorted to,
to avoid it. On looking over the deeds of an estate which I had
purchased, I saw that two brothers, each named Catalino Raymundo,
were the owners at one time of a portion of the laud. I thought there
must have been some mistake, but, on close inquiry, I found that they
were so named to dodge the recruiting officers, who would not readily
suppose there were two Catalino Raymundos born of the same parents.
As one Catalino Raymundo had served in the army and the other was
dead, no further secret was made of the matter, and I Avas assured that
this practice was common among the poorest natives.
In November, 1887, a deserter from the new recruits was pursued
to Langca, a ward of Meycauayan, Bulacan Province, where nearly all
the inhabitants rose up in his defence, the result being, that the
Lieutenant of Cuadrilleros was killed and two of his men were
wounded. When the Civil Guard appeared on the spot, the whole
ward was abandoned.
According to the Spanish army regulations, a soldier cannot be
on sentinel duty for more than two hours at a time under any
circumstances. Cases have been known of a native sentinel having
been left at his post for a little over that regulation time, and to have
become frenetic, under the impression that the two hours had long
since expired, and that he had been forgotten. In one case the man
had to be disarmed by force, but in another instance the sentinel simply
refused to give up his rifle and bayonet, and defied all who approached
him. Finally, a brigadier went with the colours of the regiment iu
hand to exhort him to surrender his arms, adding that justice would
attend his complaint. The sentinel, however, threatened to kill any
one who should draw near, and the brigadier had no other resource
open to him but to order an European soldier to climb up behind
the sentry-box with a revolver and blow out the insubordinate
native's brains.
Some years ago, a contingent of Philippine troops was sent to assist
the French iu Tonquin, where they rendered very valuable service.
Indeed, some officers are of opinion that they did more to quell the
rising of the Tonquinese than the French troops themselves. When iu
the melee, they throw off their boots, and, barefooted, they rarely falter.
Even over mud and swamp, a native is almost as sure-footed as a goat
PECULIARITIES OF NATIVE CHARACTER. 189
-ou the brink of a quarry. I have frequently been carried for miles iu
a hammock by four natives and relays through morassy districts too
dangerous to travel ou horseback. They are great adepts at climbiug
wherever it is possible for a human being to scale a height ; like
monkeys, they hold as much with their feet as with their hands ; they
ride any horse barebacked without fear ; they are utterly careless about
jumping into the sea among the sharks, which sometimes they will
intentionally attack with knives, and I never knew a native who could
not swim. There are natives Avho dare dive for the caiman and rip
it up. If they meet with an accident, they bear it with supreme
resignation, simply exclaiming " desgracia pa " — it was a misfortune.
The native is very slowly tempted to abaudon the habits and
traditional customs of his forefathers, and his ambitionless felicity may
be envied by any true philosopher.
No one who has lived in the Colony for years could sketch the real
moral portrait of such a remarkable combination of virtues and vices.
The domesticated native's character is a succession of surprises. The
experience of each year brings one to form fresh conclusions, and the
most exact definition of such a kaleidoscopic creature is, after all,
hypothetical. However, to a certain degree, the characteristic indolence
of the Philippine Islanders is less dependent on themselves than on
natural law. By the physical conditions with which they are
surrounded, their vigour of motion, energy of life, and intellectual
power are influenced.
The organic elements of the European diflfer widely from those of
the Philippine native, and each, for its own durability, requires its own
special environment. The half-breed partakes of both organisms, but
has the natural environment of the one. Sometimes artificial means —
the mode of life into which he is forced by his European parent — will
counteract in a measure natural law, but, left to himself, the tendency
will ever be towards an assimilation to the native. Original national
characteristics disappear in an exotic climate, and, in the course of
generations, conform to the new laws of nature to which they are
exposed.
It is an ascertained fact, that the increase of energy introduced into
the Philippine native by blood mixture from Europe lasts only to the
second generation, whilst the effect remains for several generations
when there is a similarity of natural environment in the two races
190 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
crossed. Hence the peculiar qualities of a Chinese half-breed are
preserved in succeeding generations, whilst the Spanish half-caste has
mersed into the conditions of his environment.
The Spanish Government has striven in vain against natural law
to counteract physical conditions by favouring mixed marriages/ but
Nature overcomes man's law, and climatic influence forces its
conditions on the half-breed. Indeed, were it not for new supplies of
extraneous blood infusion, mongrel individuality of character would
become indiscernible among the masses.
Treating even of Europeans, the new physical conditions and
the influence of climate on their mental and physical organisms are
perceptible after two or three decades of years' residence in the mid-
tropics, in defiance of their own volition.
For the Education of youth in the Colony, of all classes and
conditions, the State contributed in 1888, according to the Budget for
that year, the following sums, viz. : —
$ cts.
Schools and Colleges for high-class education in
Manila, including Navigation, Drawing,
Painting, Book-keeping, Languages, History,
Arts and Trades, Natural History Museum
and Library and general instruction - - 86,450 00
School of Agriculture (including 10 schools and
model farms in 10 Provinces) - - 113,686 64
General Expenses of Public Instruction, includ-
ing National Schools in the Provinces - 38,513 70
'o
$238,650 34
On the banks of the River Pasig, there was a Training College for
Schoolmasters, who Avere drafted off to the villages, with a miserable
stipend, to teach the juvenile rustics. But what fell somewhat hard
on the village schoolmaster Avas, that to recover his salary, the system
of centralization adopted by the Government obliged him to spend
a comparatively considerable amount of it. For instance, I knew a
> See the Army Regulations for the advantages granted to military men who
marry Philippine born women. Vide also page 53.
EDUCATION. 191
schoolmagter who received $16 per month for his services, but every
month lie had to spend one dollar to travel to Manila to receive it,
and another dollar to return to his village, — this expenditure equalled
twelve and a half per cent, of his total income. For such a wretched
pittance, great things were not to be expected of either the teacher
or his teaching. Other circumstances also contributed to keep the
standard of education among the masses very low, in some places to
abolish it totally. The parish priests were cx-officio Inspectors of
Schools for primary instruction, wherein it was their duty to see
that the Spanish language was taught. The old "Laws of the
Indies " provide that Christian doctrine shall be taught to the heathen
native in Spanish.* Several decrees confirming that law were issued
from time to time, but their fulfilment did not seem to suit the policy
of the Friars. On the 30th of June, 1887, the Governor-General
published another decree with the same object, and sent a com-
munication to the Archbishop to remind him of this obligation of his
subordinates, and the urgency of its stri(}t observance. Nevertheless,
they persisted in striving to keep the rising generation (as they had
always done with past generations) from the knowledge of anything
further than Christian doctrine. This they learnt only by rote, for it
suited the Friar to stimulate that peculiar mental condition in which
belief precedes understanding. The schoolmaster, being subordinate to
the inspector, had no voice in the matter, and was compelled to follow
the views of the priest. Few Spaniards took the trouble to learn
native dialects (of which there are about 30), and only a small per-
centage of the natives can speak intelligible Spanish. There is no
literature in dialect. There were many villages with untrained masters
who could not speak Spanish — there were other villages with no
schools at all.
As the poorest families generally depend on agriculture, living in
rural districts remote from the villages, compulsory education — even
such as it was — was not possible, consequently the majority grew up
as untutored as when they were born.
Home discipline and training of manners were quite ignored, even
in well-to-do families. Children Avere left without control, and allowed
to do just as they pleased, hence they became ill-behaved and boorish.
' Vide " Recopilacion de las Leyes de Indias," ley V., tit. XIII., lib, I.
192 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Planters of means, and others who could afford it, sent their sous
and daughters to private schools, or to the colleges under the direction
of the priests in Manila, Jaro (Yloilo Province) or Cebii. A few — very
few — sent their sons to study in Europe, or in Hongkong.
The teaching offered to students in Manila was very advanced, as
will be seen from the following Syllabus of Education in the Municipal
Athenajum of the Jesuits : —
Algebra. Latin Composition.
Arithmetic. Mechanics.
Agkicultuee. Meecantilb Akithmetic.
Commekce. Natural History,
Commercial Law. Physics and Chemistry.
Commercial Geography. Philosophy.
English. Painting.
French. Ehetoric and Poetry.
Geometry. Spanish Classics.
Greek. Spanish Composition.
History. Topography.
Latin Grammar. Trigonometry.
In the highest Girls' School — the Santa Isabel College — the
following was the curriculum, viz. : —
Arithmetic. History of the Philippines.
Drawing. Music.
Dress-Cutting. Needlework.
French. Physics.
Geography. Reading — Prose and Verse.
Geometry. Spanish Grammar.
Geology. Sacred History.
History of Spain.
There were also (for girls), the Colleges of Santa Catalina, Santa
Eosa, La Concordia, the Municipal School, etc. A few were sent to
the Italian Convent in Hongkong.
A college known as Saint Thomas' was founded in Manila by Fray
Miguel de Venavides, third Archbishop of Manila, between the years
1603 and 1610. He contributed to it his library and $1,000, to which
was added a donation by the Bishop of Nueva Segovia of $3,000 and
his library.
In 1620, it already had professors and masters under Government
protection. It received three Papal Briefs for 10 years each, permitting
students to graduate in Philosophy and Theology. It was then raised
to the status of an University in the time of Philip IV., by Papal Bull
COLLEGES.— UNIVERSITIES. 193
of 20th November, 1645. The first rector of Saiut Thomas' University
was Fray Martin Real de la Cruz. In the meantine, the Jesuits'
University had been established. Until 1645, it was the only place of
learning superior to primary education, and conferred degrees. The
Saint Thomas' University (under the direction of Dominican Friars)
now disputed the Jesuits' privilege to do so, claiming for themselves
exclusive right by Papal Bull. A law suit followed, and the Supreme
Court of Manila decided in favour of Saint Thomas'. The Jesuits
appealed to the King against this decision. The Supreme Council of
the Indies Avas consulted, and revoked the decision of the Manila
Supreme Court, so that the two Universities continued to give degrees
until the Jesuits were expelled from the Colony in 1768. From 1785,
Saint Thomas' University was styled the "Royal University," and was
declared to rank equally with the Peninsula Universities.
There was also the Dominican College of San Juan de Letran,
founded in the middle of the 1 7th century, the Jesuit Normal School,
the Convent of Mercy for Orphan Students, and the College of Saint
Joseph. This last was founded in 1601, under the direction of the
Jesuits. King Philip V, gave it the title of Royal College, and allowed
an escutcheon to be erected over the entrance. The same king endowed
three prof essorial chairs with $10,000 each. Latterly it was governed
by the Rector of the University, whilst the administration Avas confided
to a licentiate in pharmacy.
At the time of the Spanish evacuation, therefore, the only university
in the City of Manila was that of Saint Thomas, which was empowered
to issue diplomas of licentiate in law, theology, medicine, and pharmacy
to all successful candidates, and to confer degrees of LL.D. The
investiture (which the public were allowed to witness) was presided over
by the rector of the university, a Dominican Friar ; and the speeches
preceding and following the ceremony, which was semi-religious, were
made in the Spanish language.
In connection with this university, there was the modern Saint
Thomas' College for preparing students for the university.
One of the most interesting and amusing types of the native, was
the average college student from the provinces. After a course of two,
three, up to eight years, he learnt to imitate European dress and ape
:Western manners ; to fantastically dress his hair ; to wear patent
leather shoes, jewellery, and a felt hat d la dcr?u^rc mode adjusted
N
194 THILIPPINE ISLANDS.
carefully towards one side of his head. He went to the theatre, drove
a " tilbury," and attended native reunions, to deploy his abilities before
the beau sexe of his class. He reminded one, in fact, of the Calcutta
Baboo Bachelor of Arts. During his residence in the capital, he was
supposed to learn, amongst other subjects, Latin, Divinity, Philosophy,
and sometimes Theology, preparatory, in many cases, to following his
father's occupation of planting fields of sugar-cane and rice. The
average student had barely an outline idea of either physical or political
geography, whilst his notions of Spanish or universal history were very
chaotic. I really think that the Manila newspapers — poor as they
-^vere — contributed very largely to the education of the people in this
Colony.
Still there are cases of an ardent genius shining as an exception to
his race. Amongst the few, there were two brothers named Luna —
the one Avas a notably skilful performer on the guitar and violin, who,
however, died at an early age. The other, Juan Luna, developed a
natural ability for painting. A work of his own conception — the
" Spoliarium," executed by him in Rome in 1884, gained the second
prize at the Madrid Academy Exhibition of Oil Paintings. The Muni-
cipality of Barcelona purchased this chef (Tceuvre for the City HalL
Other famous productions of his are, " The Battle of Lepanto," " The
Death of Cleopatra," and " The Blood Compact." This last master-
piece was acquired by the Municipality of Manila for the City Hall,
but was removed when the Tagalog Rebellion broke out, for reasons
which will be understood after reading Chapter XXVI. This artist, the
son of poor parents, was a second mate on board a sailing ship, when
his gifts were recognized, and means were furnished him with which
to study in Rome. His talent was quite exceptional, for these Islanders
are not an artistic people. They (in general) have no admiration for
the most lovely scenery and beautiful forms in Nature, nor their
reproduction. They form a decided contrast to the Japanese in this
respect. Paete, in the Laguna Province, is the only place in the
provinces I know of where there are sculptors by profession. The
Academy (in Manila) is open to all comers of all nationalities, and, as
an ex-student, under its professors Don Lorenzo Rocha and Don Agustin
Saez, I can attest to their enthusiasm for the progress of their pupils.
I was personally acquainted with a native — Jose Rizal — who went
to Germany and Spain to study, and returned with his titles of doctor in
NATIVE TALENT. — EINE ARTS. — MUSIC. 195
medicine, philosophy, and arts. In 1886 he wrote a very readable
novel, entitled "Noli me Taugere," and other works. Also in 1887,
as an oculist, he performed a difficult operation very successfully in
Calamba (Laguua Province). His biography, however, is more
minutely referred to in Chapter XXVI.
In the General Post and Telegraph Office in Manila, I was shown
an excellent specimen of wood-carving— a bust portrait of Mr. Morsa
(the celebrated inventor of the Morse system of telegraphy) — the work
of a native sculptor.
Another promising native, Vicente Francisco, exhibited some good
sculpture work in the Philippine Exhibition, held in Madrid in 1887 ;
the jury recommended that he should be allowed a pension by the
State, to study in Madrid and Rome.
But the native of cultivated intellect, on returning from Europe,
found a very limited circle of friends of his own class and training.
If he returned a lawyer or a doctor, he was one too many, for the
capital swarmed with them ; if he had learnt a trade, his knowledo-c
was useless outside Manila, and in his native village his previous
technical acquirements were usually profitless.
The native has an inherent passion for music. Musicians are to
be found in every village, and even among the very poorest classes.
There was scarcely a parish without its orchestra, and this natural taste
was laudably encouraged by the priests. Some of these bands acquired
great local fame, and were sought for wherever there vras a feast miles
away. The players seemed to enjoy it as much as the listeners, and
they would keep at it for hours at a time, as long as their bodily
strength lasted. Girls from six years of age learn to play the harp
almost by instinct, and college girls quickly learn the piano. There
are no native composers — they are but imitators. There is an absence
of sentimental feeling in the execution of set music (which is all
European), and this is the only drawback to their becomino- fine
instrumentalists. For the same reason, classical music is very little in
vogue among the Philippine people, who prefer dance pieces and ballad
accompaniments. In fact, a native musical performance is so void of
soul and true conception of harmony, that at a feast it is not an
uncommon thing to hear three bands playing close to each other at the
same time ; and the mob assembled seem to enjoy the confusion of the
melody. There are no Philippine vocalists of repute.
N 2
196 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Travelling through the Province of Laguna in 1882, I was, for the
first time, impressed with the ingenuity of the natives in their imitation
of European musical instruments. I had, just an hour before, emerged
from a dense forest, abundantly adorned with exquisite foliage, and
where majestic trees, flourishing in gorgeous profusion, afforded a
gratifying shelter from the scorching sun. Not a sound was heard but
the gentle ripple of a limpid stream, breaking over the boulders on its
course towards the ravine below me. Neither the axe nor the plough
had thus far outraged Nature in this lovely spot. But it was hardly
the moment to ponder on the poetic scene around me, for fatigue and
hunger had overcome nearly all sentimentality, and I got as quickly as
I could to the first resting-place. This I found to be the plantation
bmigalow of a well-to-do native cane-grower.
There was quite a number of persons assembled, and the occasion
of the meeting was, that the sugar cane mill on the plantation had
that day been blessed and baptized with holy water.
Before I was near enough, however, to be distinguished as an
European — for it was nearly sunset — I heard the sound of distant
music floating through the air. So strange an occurrence in such a
place excited my curiosity immensely ; the surrounding scene — the
mystic strains of dying melody — might well have entranced a more
romantic nature, and I determined to find out what it all meant. I
succeeded, and discovered that it was a bamboo orchestra returning
from the feast of the " baptism of the mill." Each instrument was
made of bamboo, and the players were farm labourers.
Being naturally prone to superstitious beliefs, the islanders accepted,
without doubting, all the fantastic tales which the early missionaries
taught them. Miraculous crosses healed the sick, cured the plague,
and scared away the locusts. Images, such as the Holy Child of
Bangi, relieved them of all worldly sufteriugs. To this day they
revere many of these objects, which are still preserved.
The most ancient miraculous image in these Islands appears to be
the Saiito Ni7w de Cebu — the Holy Child of Cebu. It is recorded that
on the 28th of July, 1565, an image of the Child Jesus was found on
Cebu Island shore by a Basque soldier named Juan de Camus. It was
venerated and kept by the Austin Friars. In 1627. a fire occurred in
THE HOLY CHILD OF CEBU. 197
tiiat City, when the Churches of Saint Nicholas and of the Holy Child
were burnt down. The image was saved, and temporarily placed
in charge of the Recoleto priests. A fire also took place on the site of
the first cross erected on the island by Fray Martin de Rada, the day
Legaspi landed, and it is said that this cross, although made of
bamboo, was not consumed. There now stands an Oratory, wherein
is exposed the original cross on special occasions. Close by is the
modern Church of the Holy Child.
In June 1887, the Prior of the convent conducted me to the strong
room where the wonderful image is kept. The Saint is of wood, about
fifteen inches high, and laden with silver trinkets, which have been
presented on different occasions. When exposed to public view, it has
the honours of field-marshal accorded to it.
It is a mystic deity with ebon features — so different from the lovely
Child presented to us on canvas by the great masters. During the
feast held in its honour (20th of January), pilgrims from the remotest
districts of the island and from across the seas come to purify their
souls at the shrine of " The Holy Child."
In the same room is a beautiful image of the Madonna, besides two
large tin boxes containing sundry arms, legs, and heads of Saints, with
their robes in readiness for adjustment on procession days. The patron
of Cebu City is Saint Vidal.
The legend of the celestial protector of Manila is not less
interesting. It is related that in Dilao, near Manila, a wooden image
of Saint Francis de Assisi, which was in the house of a native named
Alonso Cuyapit, was seen to weep so copiously, that many cloths were
moistened by its tears.
The image, with its hands open during three hours, asked God's
blessing on Manila. Then, on closing its hands, it grasped a cross and
skull so firmly, that these appeared to be one and the same thing.
Vows were made to the Saint, who was declared protector of the
Capital, and the said image is now to be seen in the Franciscan
Church, under the appellation of Saint Francis of Tears — Sail
Francisco de las Idgrimas.
Our Lady of Casaysay^ near Taal, in Batangas Province, has
been revered for many years both by Europeans and natives. So
enthusiastic was the belief in the miraculous power of this image, that
198 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
the galleons when passing the Bataugas coast on their wnj to and
from Mexico were accustomed to fire a salute from their guns.
This image was picked up by a native in his fishing net, and he
placed it iii a cave, where it v/as discovered by other natives, who
imagined they saw many extraordinary lights around it. According to
the local legend, they heard sweet sonorous music proceeding from the
same spot, and the image came forward and spoke to a native woman,
who had brought her companions to adore the Saint.
The history of the many shrines all over the Colony would v/ell fill
a volume ; however, by far the most popular one is that of the Virgin
of Antipolo — Nuestra Senora de Buen Viaje y de la Paz, " Our Lady
of Good Voyage and Peace."
This image is said to have wrought many miracles. It was first
brought from Aeapulco (Mexico) in 1626 in the State galleon, by Juan
Nino de Tabora, who was appointed Governor-General of these Islands
by King Philip IV. The Saint, it is alleged, had encountered
numberless reverses between that time and the year 1672, since which
date it is safely lodged in the Parish Church of Antipolo — a village
in the Military District of Morong — in the custody of the Austin
Friars until the year 1898.
In the month of May, thousands of people repair to this shrine ;
indeed, this village of 3,809 inhabitants chiefly depends upon the
pilgrims for its existence, for the land within the jurisdiction of
Antipolo is all mountainous and very limited in extent. The priests
also did a very good trade in prints of Saints, rosaries, etc., for the
sale of which tbey opened a shop during the feast inside the convent
just in front of the entrance. The total amount of money spent in the
village by visitors during the pilgrimage has been roughly computed
to be ^30,000, They came from all parts of the islands
The legends of the Saint are best described in a pamphlet published
in Manila,^ from which I take the following information.
The writer says that the people of Aeapulco (Mexico) were loth to
part with their Holy Image, but the saintly Virgin being disposed to
succour the inhabitants of the Spanish Indies, she herself smoothed all
difiiculties.
' " Historia de Nuestra Senora La Virgen de Antipolo," by M. Piomero, Manila,
1886.
THE VIRGIN OF ANTIPOLO. 199
Baring her first voyage in the month of March, 1626, a tempest
arose, which was calmed by the Virgin, and all arrived safely at the
shores of Manila. The Virgin was then taken in procession to the
Cathedral, whilst the church bells tolled and the artillery thundered
forth salutes of welcome.
A solemn Mass was celebrated, at which all the religious
communities, civil authorities, and a multitude of people assisted.
Six years afterwards, the Governor-General Tabora died.
By his Avill he intrusted the Virgin to the care of the Jesuits,
whilst a church was being built under the direction of Father Juan
Salazar for her special reception. During the erection of this church,
the Virgin often descended from the altar and displayed herself
amongst the flowery branches of a tree, called by the natives Antipolo
(^Arfocarpus incisd).
The tree itself was henceforth regarded as a precious relic by the
natives, who, leaf by leaf and branch by branch, were gradually carrying
it off. Then Father Salazar decreed that the tree should serve for a
pedestal to the Divine Miraculous Image— hence the title " Virgin of
Antipolo."
In 1639 the Chinese rebelled against the Spanish authority.
In their furious march through the ruins and the blood ol" their
victims, and amidst the wailing of the crowd, they attacked the
Sanctuary wherein reposed the Virgin. Seizing the Holy Image, they
cast it into the flames, and when all around was reduced to ashes,
there stood the Virgin of Antipolo, resplendent with her hair, her lace,
her ribbons and adornments intact, and her beautiful body of brass
without wound or blemish !
Passionate at seeing frustrated their designs to destroy the deified
protectress of the Christians, a rebel stabbed her in the face, and all
the resources of art have ever failed to heal the lasting wound.
Again the Virgin was enveloped in flames, which hid the appalling
sight of her burning entrails. Now the Spanish troops arrived, and
fell upon the heretical marauders with great slaughter ; then, glancing
with trembhng anxiety upon the scene of the outrage, behold ! with
astonishment they descried the Holy Image upon a pile of ashes —
unhurt !
With renewed enthusiasm, the Spanish infantry bore away the
Virgin on their shoulders in triumph, and Sebastian Hurtado, the
200 . PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Governor- General at the time, had her conveyed to Cavite to be the
patroness of the faithful upon the high seas.
A galleon arrived at Cavite, and being unable to go into port, the
commander anchored off at a distance.
Then the Governor-General, Diego Fajardo, sent the Virgin on
board, and, by her help, a passage was found for the vessel to enter.
Later on, twelve Dutch war ships appeared off Mariveles, a point
to the north of the entrance to Manila Bay. They had come to attack
Cavite, and in their hour of danger the Spaniards appealed to the
Virgin, who gave them a complete victory over the Dutchmen, causing
them to flee, with their commander mortally wounded. During the
affray, the Virgin had been taken away for safety on board the " San
Diego," commanded by Cepeda. In 1650 this vessel returned, and the
pious prelate, Jose Millan Poblete, thought he perceived clear
indications of an eager desire on the part of the Virgin to retire to
her Sanctuary.
The people too clamoured for the Saint, attributing the many
calamities with which they were afflicted at that period to her absence
from their shores. Assailed by enemies, frequently threatened by the
Dutch, lamenting the loss of several galleons, and distressed by a serious
earthquake, their only hope reposed in the beneficent aid of the Virgin
of Antipole.
But the galleon " San Francisco Xavier " feared to make the
journey to Mexico without the saintly support, and for the sixth time
the Virgin crossed the Pacific Ocean.
In Acapulco the galleon lay at anchor until March, 1653, when
the newly appointed Governor-General, Sabiniauo Manrique de Lara,
Archbishop Miguel Poblete, Fray Rodrigo Cardenas, Bishop-elect of
Cagayan, and many other passengers embarked and set sail for Manila.
Their sufferings during the voyage were horrible. Almost overcome
oy a violent storm, the ship became unmanageable. Rain poured ia
torrents, whilst her decks were washed by the surging waves, and all
was on the point of utter destruction. In this plight the Virgin was
■exhorted, and not in vain, for at her command the sea lessened its fury,
the wind calmed, and all the horrors of the voyage ceased. Black
threatening clouds dispersed, and under a beautiful blue sky a fair wind
wafted the galleon safely to the port of Cavite.
THE VIRGIN OF ANTIPOLO. SHRINES. 201
These circunistaBces gained for the Saint the title of " Virgin of
Good Voyage and Peace " ; aud the sailors who acknowledged that
their lives were saved by her sublime intercession — followed by the
ecclesiastical dignitaries and military chiefs — carried the image to her
retreat in Autipolo (8th September, 1653), where it was intended she
should permanently remain. However, deprived of the succour of
the Saint, misfortunes again overtook the galleons. Three of them
were lost, and the writer of the brochure to which I refer supposes
(Chap. IV.) that perchance the sea, suffering from the number of
furrows cut by the keels of the ships, had determined to take a fierce
revenge by swallowing them up !
Once more, therefore, the Virgin condescended to accompany a
galleon to Mexico, bringing her back safely to these shores in 1672.
This was the Virgin's last sea voyage. Again, and for ever, she
was conveyed by the joyous multitude to her resting place in Antipolo
Church, and, on her journey thither, there was not a flower, adds the
chronicler, which did not greet her by opening a bud — not a mountain
pigeon which remained in silence, whilst the breezes and the rivulets
pom-ed forth their silent murmurings of ecstacy. Saintly guardian of
the soul, dispersing mundane evils — no colours, the historian tells us,
can paint the animation of the faithful ; no discourse can describe the
consolation of the pilgrims in their refuge at the Shrine of the Holy
Virgin of Antipolo.
Yet the village of Antipolo and its neighbourhood is the centre of
brigandage, the resort of murderous highwaymen, the focus of crime.
What a strange contrast to the sublime virtues of the immortal
Divinity enclosed within its Sanctuary !
The most lucrative undertaking in the Colony is that of a shrine.
It yields all gain and no possible loss. Among the most popular of
these " Miraculous Saint Shows " was that of Gusi, belonging to a
native Father M G- , late parish priest of Ihig, in Negros
Island. At Gusi, half-an-hour's walk from the Father's parish church,
was enthroned San Joaquin, who, for a small consideration, consoled
the faithful or relieved them of their sufferings. His spouse, Santa
Ana, having taken up her residence in the town of Molo (Yloilo
Province), was said to have been visited by San Joaquin once a year.
202 . PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
He was absent on the journey at least a fortnight, but the waters in
the neighbourhood of the Shrine being sanctified the clientele was not
dispersed. Some sceptics have dared to doubt whether San Joaquin
really paid this visit to his saintly wife, and alleged that his absence
was feigned, firstly to make his presence longed for, and secondly to
remove the cobwebs from his hallowed brow, and give him a wash and
brush up for the year. It paid well for years — every devotee leaving
his mite. At the time of my pilgrimage there, the holy Father's son.
was the petty Governor of the same town of Hug.
Shrine-owners are apparently no friends of free trade. In 1888
there was a great commotion amongst them when it Avas discovered
that a would-be competitor and a gownsman had conspired, in
Pampanga Province, to establish a Miraculous Saint, by concealing
an imasre in a field in order that it should " make itself manifest to
the faithful," and thenceforth become a source of income.
It is notorious that in a church near Manila a few years ago, an
image was made to move the parts of its body as the reverend preacher
exhorted it in the course of his sermon. When he appealed to the
saint, it wagged its head or extended its arms, whilst the female
audience wept and Availed. Such a scandalous disturbance did it
provoke, that the exhibition was even too monstrous for the clergy
themselves, and the Archbishop prohibited it. But religion has many
wealth-producing branches. In January, 1889, a friend of mine
(J M , of Negros) showed me an account rendered by the
Superior of the Jesuits' School for the education of his sous, each of
whom was charged with one dollar as a gratuity to the Pope, to induce
him to canonize a deceased member of their order. Nevertheless, I
have been most positively assured by friends, whose good faith I
ought not to doubt, that San Pascual Ballon really has, on many
occasions, had compassion on barren women (their friends) and given
them offspring.
On the other hand, the holy waters transported to Negros Island
from the Coucepciou district (Pauay Island), for which the steamer
" Eiipido " was specially chartered from Yloilo, failed to prolong the
days of my late friend A M , of Bago.
Trading upon the credulity of devout enthusiasts by fetichisna
and shrine quackery is not altogether confined to the ecclesiastics. A
layman named P , in Yloilo, some few years ago, when he was an
SHRINES. PENITENTS. 203
official of tlie prison, known as the " Cotta," conceived the idea oH
declaring that the Blessed Virgin and Child Jesus had appeared in the
well of the prison, where they took a bath and disappeared. When, at
length, the belief became popular, hundreds of natives went there to
get water from the well, and P imposed a tax on the pilgrims.
P , who at one time possessed a modest fortune, and owned two
of the best houses in the Square of Yloilo, subsequently became
miserably poor.
The Feast of Tigbauaug (a few miles from Yloilo), which takes
place in January, is also much frequented, on account of the miracles
performed by the patron Saint of the town. The faith in the power
of this minor divinity to dispel bodily suffering is so deeply rooted,
that members of the most enlightened families of Yloilo and the
neighbouring towns go to Tigbauang simply to attend High Mass,
and go back home at once. I have seen steamers return to Yloilo
from this feast so crowded with passengers, that there was only
standing room for them.
An opprobrious form of religious imposture — and I judged the
most contemptible — which frequently offended the public eye, was the
practice of prowling about with doll-saints in the streets and public
highways. A vagrant, too lazy to earn an honest subsistence,
procured a licence from the monks to hawk about a wooden bos Avith a
doll or print inside and a pane of glass in front. This he offered to
hold before the nose of any ignorant passer-by who was willing to pay
for the boon of kissing the glass !
During Holy Week, a few years ago, the captain of the Civil
Guard in Tayabas Province went to the town of Atimouan, and saw
natives in the streets almost in a state of niidity doing penance
*' for the wounds of Our Lord." They were actually beating them-
selves with flails, some of which were made of iron chain, and others
of rope with thongs of rattan cane. He confiscated the flails — one
of which he gave to me — and effectually assisted the fanatics in their
penitent castigation. Alas ! to what excesses will faith, unrestrained
by reason, bring one !
The result of tuition in mystic influences is sometimes de-
veloped in the appearance of native Santones, — indolent scamps who
never cut their hair, and roam about in remote villages and districts,
feigning the possession of supernatural gifts, and the faculty of saving
204 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
souis and curing diseases, "with the object of living at the expense of
the ignorant. I have never happened to meet more than one of these
creatures — an escaped convict named Apolonio, said to be a native of
Cabuyao (Laguna Province), who, assuming the character of a prophet
and worker of miracles, had fled to the neighbourhood of San Pablo
village. I have often heard of them in other places, notably in Capis
Province, where the pursuit of the Santones by the Civil Guard was
for a while the local theme of conversation.
The sale of Masses is a very old-established custom of the Roman
Catholic Church, but it never appeared to me in so practical and
business-like a light as, when in Pasacao (Province of Camarines Sur),
on the 23rd of December, 1886, I heard a certain Father Carlos, who
was going to Spain on a special mission, strike a serious bargain with
a Spaniard residing in Nueva Ciiceres. The priest proposed to send
to his friend a ham from Gallicia for every ten Mass orders he received
from him. The bargain being accepted, he at once proceeded to
calculate the cost of the ham and the value of the fees of ten Masses,
chuckling over the nett profits in perspective.
The Spanish clergy were justifiably zealous in guarding the native
classes from the knowledge of other doctrines which would only
lead them to immeasurable bewilderment. Hence all the natives
who were entirely under Spanish dominion, i.e., all the indigenous
population, excepting the independent and semi-independent tribes,
are Roman Catholics.
This blind obedience to one system of Christianity, even in its
grossly exaggerated form, had the effect desired by the State, of
bringing about social unity to an advanced degree. Yet, so far as I
have observed, it appears evident that the native understands
extremely little of the " inward and spiritual grace " of religion.
He is so material and realistic, so devoid of all conception of things
abstract, that his ideas rarely, if ever, soar beyond the contemplation
of the " outward and visible signs " of Christian belief. The symbols
of faith and the observance of religious rites are to him religion itself.
He also confounds morality with religion. Natives go to church
because it is the custom. Often if a native cannot put on a clean
shirt, he abstains from going to Mass. The petty Governor of a
town was compelled to go to High Mass, accompanied by his
"ministry." In some towns, the Barangai/ Chiefs were fined or
NATIVE CONCEPTION OF RELIGION. 205
beaten if they were absent from church on Sundays antl certain
Feast Days/
As to the women, little or no pressure was necessary to oblige
them to attend Mass ; many of them pass half their existence between
adoration of the images, Mariolatry and the confessional.
Undoubtedly, Roman Catholicism appears to be the form of
Christianity most successful in proselytizing uncivilized races, which
are impressed more with their eyes than their understanding.
The pagan idols, Avhich reappeared in the form of martyrs in
primitive times, still gratify the instinctive want of visible deities to
uncultivated minds. The heathen rites, originally adopted by the
Catholic Church to appease the pagans in the earliest ages, such as
pompous ritual, lustrous gold and silver vases, magnificent robes, and
glittering processional shows, serve, where intellectual reasoning would
fail, to convince the neophyte of the sanctity of the religious system
and the inf.illibility of its professors' precepts.
The parish priest of Lipa, a town in Batangas Province, related
to a friend of mine, that having on one occasion distributed all his
stock of pictures of the Saints to those who had come to see him on
parochial business, he had to content the last suppliant with an empty
raisin box, without noticing that on the lid there was a coloured print
of Garibaldi. Later on. Garibaldi's portrait was seen in a hut in one
of the suburbs with candles around it, being adored as a Saint.
A curious case of native religious philosophy was reported in a
Manila newspaper.^ A milkman was accused by one of his customers of
having adulterated the milk which he supplied. Of course he denied
it at first, and then yielding to more potent argument than words, he con-
fessed that he had diluted the milk with holi/ water from the Church
fonts, for at the same time that he committed the sin he was penitent.
' A Decree issued by Don Juan de Ozaeta, a magistrate of the Supreme Court,
in his general visit of inspection to the provinces, dated 2(5th May, 161)6, enacts
the following, viz. : — " That Chinese half-castes and headmen shall be compelled
" to go to the church and attend Divine Service, and act according to the customs
" established in the villages," and the penalty for an infraction of this mandate by
a male was " 20 lashes in the public highway and two months' labour in the Eoyal
" Eope Walk (established in Taal), or in the Galleys of Cavite." If the delinquent
were a female, the chastisement was " one month of public penance in the church,"
whilst the Alcalde or Governor of the Province who did not promptly inflict
the punishment was to be mulcted in the sum of " $200, to be paid to the Royal
" Treasury."
2 "Diario de Manila," Saturday, July 28th, 1888.
206 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Although slavery was prohibited by law as far back as the reign of
Philip II.,* it nevertheless still exists in an occult form among the
natives. Rarely, if ever, do its victims appeal to the law for redress,
firstly, because of their ignorance, and secondly, because the untutored
class have an innate horror of resisting anciently established custom,
and it would never occur to them to do so. On the other hand, in the
time of the Spaniards, the numberless procuradores and pica-pleitos
— touting solicitors — had no interest in taking up cases so profitless to
themselves. Under the pretext of guaranteeing a loan, parents readily
sell their children (male or female) into bondage ; the child is handed
over to work imtil the loan is repaid, but as the day of restitution of
the advance never arrives, neither does the liberty of the youthful
victim. Among themselves it was a law, and is still a practised
custom, for the debts of the parents to pass on to the children, and, as
I have said before, debts are never repudiated by them.
However, one cannot closely criticise the existence of slavery in
the Philippines, when it is remembered that it was in vogue in educated
England not much over half a century ago. Before the 1st of August,
1834, negroes Averc caught in public highways and shipped off to the
colonies, whilst press gangs seized quondam free citizens to serve in the
army and navy forces. When the case of the negro James Somerset
was first brought before Lord Mansfield by Mr. Granville Sharp, that
high legal authority, in agreement with all the contemporary lawyers
of note, virtually decided that the slave trade could be legally carried
on in the streets of London and Liverpool, and it needed the persistent
devotion of Clarkson, Wilberforce, Brougham and Fowell Buxton, to
ensure equality of freedom to all British subjects.
Labour seems to be about equally distributed amongst men and
women in the Philippines ; each sex, as a rule, working strictly in its
sphere ; and this may compare favourably with the state of rural society
as it was in Scotland some years ago, for Mr. Samuel Smiles remarks^ :
" The hard work was chiefly done, and the burdens borne by, the
" v/omen ; and if a cotter lost a horse, it was not unusual for him to
' According to Concepcion, there were headmen at the time of the Conquest
who had as many as 300 slaves, and as a property they ranked next in value
to gold. Vide " Hist. Gen. de Philipinas," by Juan de la Concepcion, pub. in
Manila in 1788, in 14 volumes.
= Smiles' " Self Help." Edition of 18G7, page 376.
PREVALENT DISEASES. 207
*' marry a wife as the cheapest substitute," And again, in the north
of Spain, I have, hundreds of times, seen ships being laden with
mineral, brought down in baskets on the heads of Basque v.'omen.
All the natives of the domesticated type have distinct Malay
features — prominent cheek bones, large and lively eyes, and flat noses
with dilated nostrils. They are, on the average, of rather low stature,
very rarely bearded, and of a copper colour more or less dark. Most of
the women have no distinct line of hair on the forehead. Some there
are with hairy-down on the forehead within an inch of the eyes, possibly
a reversion to a progenitor (the Macacus radiata), in whom the forehead
had not become quite naked, leaving the limit between the scalp and
the forehead undefined. The hair of both males and females stands out
from the skin like bristles, and is very coarse. Children, from their
birth, have a spot at the base of the vertebrae, thereby supporting the
theory of Professor Huxley's AnthropidcB sub-order — or man (vide
" An Introduction to the Classification of Animals," by Professor
Huxley, 1869, page 99).
Consanguine marriages are very common, and perhaps this accounts
for the low intellect and mental debility perceptible in many famil 
