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THE 

PHILOSOPHICAL   WORKS 

O  F 

FRANCIS  BACON, 

Baron  of  Ve r u l  a m,  Vifcount  St.  Albans, 


AND 


Lord  High-Chancellor  of  England-, 

Methodized,  and  made  EngliJJj^  from  the  ORIGINALS. 


WITH 


OCCASIONAL    NOTES, 

To  explain  what  is  obfcure  j  and  fhew  how  far  the  feveral  PLANS 
of  the  Author,  for  the  Advancement  of  all  the  Parts  of  Know- 
ledge, have  been  executed  to  the  Prefent  Time. 


In   THREE   VOLUMES. 

By    PETER    SHAW,     M.  D. 

VOL.     L 

Moniti   Meliora. 

L  O  N  T>  O  N: 

Printed  for  J.  J.  and  P.  Knapton;  D,  Midwinter  and  A.  Ward; 
A.  Bettesworth  and  C.  Hitchj  J.  Pemberton  ;  J.  Oseorn  and 
T.  Longman  ;  C.  Rivington  5  F.  Clay  ;  J.  Batley  ;  R.  Hett  > 
and  T.  Hatchett. 

M.DCC.XXXIII. 


Digitized  by  tine  Internet  Arciiive 

in  2009  witii  funding  from 

University  of  Toronto 


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(  *i"  ) 


T  O 

THE     RIGHT     HONOURABLE 

HORATIO  WALPOLE  % 

One  of  his  MAJESTY'S  Moft 
Honourable  Privy-Council,  tfc. 


SIR, 

T^HE  Philofophical  Works  of  the 
-*•  Lord  Bacofty  here  laid  before  You, 
contain  the  nobleft  Scheme  that,  polTi- 
bly,  was  ever  advanced  for  the  Good 
of  Mankind:  tho'  it  has  the  misfortune 
to  remain  unexecuted  in  moft  of  its  Ar- 
ticles. 

[*A  2]  Whether 


♦iv  DEDICATION. 


Whether  this  proceeds  from  any 
Fault  in  the  Thing  itfelf ;  or  ratlier 
from  a  Want  of  being  fufficiently  un- 
derftood  and  regarded ;  mufl:  be  left  to 
Perfons  of  your  approved  Capacity  and 
Judgment. 

To  render  the  whole  Plan  more  ea- 
fily  intelligible,  is  the  Defign  of  the 
prefent  Edition ;  and  to  procure  it  a 
proper  Regard,  the  End  of  the  prefent 

Addrefs. 

The  Labour  I  have  beflowed  upon 
the  Work,  is  humbly  fubmitted  to  your 
Cenfure.  And,  if  I  might  fpeak  for  my 
Author ;  he  likewife  wou'd  be  pleafed 
with  a  Judge,  who  refembles  him  fo 
much  in  extenfive  Knowledge,  and 
great  Application  to  Bufinefs. 

Might  I  alfo  fpeak  for  the  wifer  and 
better  Part  of  the  Nation ;  they  wou'd 

1  unani- 


DEDICATION.  *v 

unanimoufly  wifh  this  great  Scheme 
under  the  Confideration  of  fo  able  a 
Perfon ;  who  has  already  improved 
and  executed  very  important  Defigns 
for  the  Publick  Good.     I  am 


S  I  R, 


Tour  moft  Obedient, 


Humble  Servant, 


PETER   SHAW. 


(iii) 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 


TH  E  Lord  BaconV  Thilofophical  Works  ivere,  by  the  Au- 
thor, all  intended  to  be  in  Latin:  accordingly  he  isnrote 
moft  of  them  originally  in  that  Language^-,  and  others^ 
firjt  "jurote  in  Englifh,  he  after'-jnards  put  into  Latin'';  as 
he  dejigned  to  have  done  the  reft " ;  with  confiderable  Improvements 
and  Corre6iions.  So  that  thoje  Thilofophical  'Pieces  of  his,  -ji-hich 
he  left  only  in  Engli{h,  are  not  to  be  looked  upon  as  perfect  \  or  as 
having  received  the  degree  of  TerfeBion  be  purpofed  to  give 
them. 

This  Obfervation  may  help  to  remove  a  light  prejudice  in  thofe^ 
Vi'ho,  from  having  read  the  Lord  BaconV  Englifh  'TieceSy  conceive 
that  he  rjjas  not  the  'Philofopher  he  is  reprefented by  the  Learned; 
and  efpecially  by  Foreigner s^  vaho  appear  to  extol  him  in  a  fuptrla- 
tive  manner.  For,  fitch  a  difference  in  Opinion  feems  principally 
O'u^'ing  to  this,  that  one  fide  has  read  only  the  Englifh,  and  the 
other,  only  the  Latin  Works  of  the  Author. 

It  is  true  indeed,  that  fome  of  his  beft  Tieces  have  been  tranf- 
lated  into  Englifh,  by  other  hands.  'Dr.  Wats  has  given  a  Tranf- 
lation  of  the  de  Augmentis  Scientiarum  ^ ;  an  anonymous  Gentleman 
has  given  an  Extra£i  out  of  the  Novum  Organum^i    another 

A  2  Gentle- 

*  ^'''z,.  the  Novum  Organum,  the  Uiflory  of  Wir.ds,  the  Hifiory  of  Life  avd  Dtath,  the 
Hiflory  of  Condenfat!o?i  and  Rarifaffio»,  the  Piece  de  Sapiejilia  Veterum,  the  Animated 
Aftronomy,  the  Cenfure  of  Authors,  &c. 

*  As  the  Ad'uancement  of  Lear?ii/is,  and  the  EJfays. 
'  Such  as  the  Nevj  Atlantis,  Syha  Sylvarum,  &c. 

*  The  Adi'a7icemevt  and  Proficiency  of  Learni?!g  :  or  the  Partitions  of  Sciences.  Nine 
Books.  Written  in  Latin  by  the  Lord  Vifcount  St.  A/baris,  &c.  Interpreted  by  Cil- 
b-'rtWats;  London,  1674. 

■^  The  Novum  Orgajium  of  the  Lord  Vifcount  St.  Allans  epitomized,  for  the  clearer 
underll:anding  of  his  Natural  Hifiory.  Tranflated,  and  taken  out  of  the  Latin,  by 
M.D.  B.D.  Lo»^w/,  1676. 


IV 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 

Gentleman  has  given  a  Tranflation  of  the  Hiftory  of  Winds  ^ ;  an- 
other^ iz!ith  the  Ajjijiance  «j/I)?-.  Rawley,  a  Tranflation  of  the  Hi- 
ftory  of  Life  and  Death  \  after  a  much  ijsjorfe  had  been  given  be" 
fore  J  Sir  Arthur  Gorges  gave  a  Tranflation  of  the  Tiece  de  Sapien- 
tia  Veterum'i  andT>r.  Willymotr  a  Tranflation  of  the  Eflays'^ :  and 
hence  it  might  be  hoped,  that  Enghfh  Readers,  as  vjell  as  the 
Learned,  and  Natives,  as  well  as  Foreigners^  fmild  have  farmed 
a  true  Judgment  of  the  Lord  Bacon'j  Philofophical  Works.  But 
here  the  Fate  of  the  Author,  aiid  the  Englifh  Reader^  may  deferve 
to  be  pitied ;  for  among  the  fever al  Tranflations  above  enumeratedy 
there  are  but  fe'-jii  that  tolerably  exprefs  the  Senfe  and  Meaning  of 
the  Author  -,  and  none,  that  acquaint  the  Reader  with  the  ivhole 
of  his  Uefigns.  'Dr.  Wats'^y  Tranflation  of  the  de  Augmcnris  Scicn- 
tiarum,  is  by  the  Learned  accounted  low,  flat,  and  incongruous  ; 
fo  as  no  way  to  give  the  Spirit,  Vivacity,  and  Mind  of  the  Author ; 
or  fhew  his  Views  in  a  tolerable  Light.  Whence,  it  were  not  eafy 
to  imagine  that  the  Original  jhould  be  fo  excellent,  whilft  the 
Copy  was  fo  wretched.  The  'Defers  of  this  Performance  ha- 
ving been  obferved  long  fince,  T>r.  Rawley,  the  Author's  Chaplain, 
was  importii'iied  lo  give  a  better  Englilh  Verfion  of  that  noble  IVorky 
andrefcne  the  Honour  of  his  F'atron". 

The  EngUfh  Extrali,  or  Epitome,  of  the  Novum  Organum,  af- 
fords but  a  very  faint,  imperfect,  and  difadvantageous  Idea  of  the 
"Plan,  "Deflgn,    and  Difcoveries,    of  that  extraordinary  Tiece; 
yet  the  Epitomiz,er  feems,   by  his  Treface,  acquainted  with  the 
Author  s  general  Views  in  that  Work }  and  has  given  a  fbort  Ac- 
count 

*  The  Natural  and  Experir/icnt.il  Hiffory  of  Winds,  &c.  Tranflated  into  EngUfl)  by 
R.  G.  Gent.  Londov,  i6i\. 

^  Hijfory,  Natural  and  Experimental,  of  Life  and  Death:  or  of  the  Prolongation  of 
Life.     W'rinen  by  the  Lord  Vikount  St.  ^Ihafis.     London,  i67y. 

'The  Wifdojn  of  the  Anricnts,  &C.  Done  mto\EngliJb  by  Sir  Arthur  Gorges,  Knc. 
London,  1680. 

*  Lord  Bacons  EJfays :  or  Counfels  Moral  and  Civil.  Tranflated  from  the  Latin  by 
William  Willymott,  LL.D.  Feilow  of  King's  College  in  Cambridge,  and  Mailer  of  a  pri- 
vate School  at  IJIeiL-orth  in  Middlefex.     In  two  Volumes  ivo.     London,  1 720. 

•^  "  It  is  our  humble  Suit  to  you,  and  we  do  earneftly  follicit  you,  to  give  yourfelf  the 
"  trouble  to  correft  the  too  much  defedtive  Tranflation  of  the  de  Augmentis  Scieniiarum, 
"  which  Dr.  V/ats  hath  fet  forth  It  is  a  thoufand  pities,  that  fo  worthy  a  Piece  fhould 
"  lofe  its  G  race  and  Credit  by  an  ill  Expofuor  j  fince  thofe  Perfons  who  read  that  Tranf- 
"  lation,  taking  it  for  genuine,  and  upon  that  Prefumption  not  regarding  the  Latin  Edr- 
"  tion,  are  thereby  robbed  of  the  Benefit,  which  fif  vou  would  pleafe  to  undertake  the 
"  Bufinpfsi  they  mighr  receive.  This  tendeih  to  the  Difhonour  of  that  Noble  Lord,  and 
"  the  Hindrance  of  \!cvt  Advancement  of  LeartiingP  D/.  Tenifoa's  Account  of  the  Lord 
Sfcon'iW o:ks;  p. 26,27. 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 

count  of  them ' ;  but  vjhm  he  comes  to  trariflate  and  epitomize, 
he  Jlrangely  mayigks  the  fenfe,  and  defaces  the  lihole •■,  fo  that  it 
cannot  eajih  be  kno'u^n,  or  tolerably  uyiderftood.  bideed  the  T^efign 
'ivas  i7nperfefl ;  for  the  Novum  Orgaaum  being  entirely  apho- 
rijiical,  its  Nature  will  not  admit  of  epitomizing  to  any  advan- 
tage i  but,  as  the  Epitomizer  himfclf  obferved,  rather  requires  a 

Comment. 

Thefe 

*  "  I  need  not  recommend  this  ufefulTrcatife,  feeing  that  it  proceeds  fiom  fuch  aGe- 
"  nius,  whole  moft  trivial  Conceptions  have  obtained  the  Efteem  ot  his  Age;  not  inferior 
"  in  Learning  to  anv  of  the  former.  He  was  a  Peribn  of  a  found  Judgment,  iharpWir, 
"  vaft  Comprehenlion,  and  of  extraordinary  Abilities,  both  natural  and  acquired.  But  I 
"  need  not  run  over  the  Praifes  of  a  Perfon  fo  well  kno'.vn  amongft  us,  to  gain  a  kind 
"  Reception  and  favourable  Interpretation  of  this  obfcure,  but  ufeful  Book  :  tor  the  things 
"  therein  contained  are  fo  excellent  in  themfelves,  and  fo  well  deligned,  that  we  may  be 
"  inclinable  of  our  own  accord  to  embrace  and  peiul'e  them. 

"  The  Author's  Purpole  is,  to  cenfure  the  Limitations  of  Sciences  to  the  Bounds  pre- 
"  fcribed  to  us  by  the  fhallow  Patesof  fomc  of  former  Ages  j  to  difcover  the  Miflakes  of 
"  our  Underftandings ;  to  point  at  the  Sources  from  whence  they  proceed  ;  to  rectify  the 
"  common  Errors  of  Men,  back'd  by  ill-grounded  Axioms  i  todiredt  us  to  a  right  Inter- 
"  pretation  of  Nature's  Myfteries;  and  to  oblige  us  to  fettle  our  Judgments  upon  better 
"  and  furer  Principles  than  ordinary :  his  Purpofe  is  to  open  us  a  Gate  to  a  greater  Pro- 
"  ficiency  and  Improvement  in  all  kinds  of  Learning;  to  pull  down  the  Walls  of  Par- 
"  tition,  and  remove  the  7/0«  plus  ultra ;  that  we  might  fail  to  thofe  Ivdics  full  of  Gold 
"  and  Jewels;  I  mean,  the  Sciences  not  yet  difcover'd  to  our  World;  and  fetch  from 
"  thence  all  the  Rarities,  the  Knowledge,  and  Inventions,  that  may  pleafure  and  benefit 
"  our  human  Life.  For  that  purpofe,  he  advifeth  us  not  to  take  Things  and  Notions 
"  too  much  upon  truft ;  but  to  ground  our  Belief  upon  Praclice,  and  well-order'd  Expe- 
"  rience.  He  lays  down  feveral  Principles,  which  may  feem  ftrange  and  new;  but  if 
"  they  be  rightly  examined,  wefhall  find  rhem  naturally  proceeding  from  the  Nature  of 
"  Things. 

"  I  confefs,  the  moft  excellent  Conceptions  are  wrapped  up  in  obfcure  Terms;  and 
"  in  fuch  new-contrived  Expreflions,  that  Y^rngJ^mes,  at  the  firft  perufal, judged  this  No- 
"  luTn  Organuvi  to  be  paft  all  Mens  Underftanding.  But  we  may  confider,  that  a  new 
"  Method,  and  new  Things  and  Principles,  deferve  new  Expreflions ;  and  that  our  learned 
"  Author  fpeaksnot  to  theWilgar,  but  the  Learned  ;  to  v/hom  he  difcovers  other  Lands 
"  never  found  out  before  ,•  and  advifeth  them  to  adventure  to  feek,  and  to  proceed  on, 
"  without  minding  the  Difcouragements  and  Prohibitions  of  our  Predeceffors  in  Learning. 

''  This  Treatife,  therefore,  was  look'd  upon  as  a  feafonable  Addition  to  his  Natural 
"  Hifiorjr;  but  becaufe  the  whole  would  have  made  it  too  voluminous,  I  have  been  de- 
"  fired  to  gather  out  fuch  Obfervations  and  Direftions,  as  might  be  anfwerable  to  that 
"  Subjeft.     I  muft  needs  confefs,  after  a  ferious  Perufal,  I  did  fcarce  know  what  was  to 
"  befet  afide:   for  all  the  Things  therein  contained,  are  fo  material  and  feafonable,  that 
"  I  have  wondei'd  that  our  Efigii/b  Curtofi  have  not  had  the  defire  to  ftudy  and  underftand 
"  the  Direftions  that  are  there  given,  to  undeceive  their  miftaken  Judgments.     In  fuch 
-'  a  cafe,  that  this  Novum  Orgaiium  might  be  the  better  intelligible,  a  meer  Interpretation  • 
"  isnotfufficient,  in  regard  of  the  Author's  difficult  and  new-found  Expreflions ;   a  Com-- 
"  meiit  would  be  required  :  which  if  it  were  well  and  judicioufly  compofed,  accordingf 
"  to  the  Author's  true  Meaning  and  Intent,  I  am  perfuaded  every  one  would  be  of  my 
"  Judgment;  that  it  is  the  beft  and  moft  ufefulTreatife  of  our  Davs,  for  the  Purpofe  de- 
"  ligncd.    I  am  perfuaded  it  might  be  of  fmgular  ufe  to  fuch  Vsrtuofi  amongft  us,  as 

«  are.- 


VI 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 

Thefe  t-jjo  Tieces^  therefore^  being  fundamental,  and  leading  to 
all  the  re(l\  if  they  have  not  hitherto  been  tolerably  tranflated,  the 
Englifn  Reader  could  have  no  tolerable  notion  of  "-^ hat  the  Author 
dejigned^  and  executed,  in  the  r^ft  of  his  Thilofjphical  (Vorks,  which 
entirely  depend  upon  thefe :  and  thus,  tho  the  Hiliory  of  Winds, 
the  Hiftory  of  Life  and  Death,  &c.  had  been  better  tranflated  thayi 
they  are;  yet  the  Readers  thereof^  having  never  been  let  into  the 
Scheme  of  the  GKhtiv>  Instauration,  or  the  general ''Defign 
of  the  Author  s  Thilofophical  Works,  thefe  fubfequent  Tieces  could 
not  be  feen  in  their  true  light;  nor  indeed  be  rightly  tmderftood : 
Vi'hcnce  it  is  certain,  that  they  have  to  many  appeared  flrange  and 
diforderly  Things. 

It  may  here  be  added.,  that  the  Latin  Works  themfelves  were  not 
originally  published  in  their  true  Order  -,  but  in  'Parts,  at  diferent 
tirfieSy  according  as  they  happened  to  be  wrote  5  or  as  the  Author 
judged  them  fuitable  to  promote  his  general  End,  procure  Affijiance^ 
or  the  like:,  but  chiefly  to  prevent  Accident,  or  T>ifa(ler,  and  put  at 
leaft  fome  'Tortions  of  his  general  Scheme  out  of  the  danger  of 
peripnng.  And  hence,  the  natural  Order  of  his  IVorks  being  often 
inverted,  it  was  not  eafy  to  form  a  true  Judgment  of  the  Whole  ; 
or  to  perceive  the  ConncBiun  and  "Dependance  of  the  feveral 
Tarts. 

The  Author  had  feveral  Reafons  for  publijhing  his  Works  in  Latin. 
For  as  kis  T>ejigns  were  extenfive,  and  regarded  the  Benefit  of  Alan- 
kind  in  general;  he  thought  it  befl  to  deliver  them  in  the  moft 
gerieral  Language,  that  they  might  be  read  by  the  Men  of  all  Na- 
tions. Again.,  they  have  a  more  particular  regard  to  Tojierity  ;  and 
Latin  ferns  the  mofl  fuitable  Language  for  conveying  things  fafe 
and  unalter'd  to  After- Ages.  This  alfo  is  the  Language  of  the 
Learned-.,  and  the  Author's  T)efire  was  to  have  the  Learned  for 
his  firft  Readers  \  as  jiippofing  their  Minds  already  open'd,  and  pre- 
pared to  receive,  and  improve,  what  he  delivers.  But  he  was  more 
particularly  defirons  of  having  the  learned  Men  of  foreign  Coun- 
tries amongfl  his  early  Readers ;  that  he  might  by  this  means  antici- 
pate, or  have  fome  for  e-t  aft  e  of  the  'Judgment  of  T  after  it y.  For  T>if- 
tance  of  Tlace  has  here  a  fimilar  Effe£l  with  "Diftance  of  Time. 
And  laftlj,  he  was  defirous  of  being  read^  after  fome  Years  were 

paffed, 

"  are  not  perfedlly  acquainted  wirh  the  L<a!/;»Tone;uei  and  yet  employ  their  Time  and 
"  Studies  hi  the  Improvement  of  their  Abilities,  an'dfindinc^  out  Inventions  ufeful  to  the 
«  Lite  of  Man :  for  it  would  Uipply  them  with  fuch  Principles,  as  their  Leifure  and  Con- 
«  tnvance  might  wonderfully  improve  in  new  Difcovcries,  d^r."  Pref.  tothcEpit.  of  the 
Nov.  Organ. 


GENERAL     PREFACE.  vii 

parted,  by  the  Body  of  his  o\vrt  Countrvnten.  Ho'U)  prudently  this 
Scheme  ivas  laid,  and  ho'JJ  far  he  put  it  in  the  'Uay  of  exccutio?i,  the 
thing  itfelf  mu(i  fpeak. 

The  T)ejign  of  r^^'/^  Volumes,  is  to  give  a  Methodical  Ergliflj 
Edition  of  his  Philofophical  NA'orks,  fitted  for  a  commodious  and 
ready  'Terufal--,  fome'ujhat  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  Philolb- 
phical  Works  of  Mr.  Boyle  were,  afeiv  Tears  fince,  fitted^  iri  three 
Qiiarto  Volumes  ^. 

All  the  Author's  Pieces  that  VJere  originally  ivritteri  in  I.m'wi, 
or  by  himfelf  tranjlated  into  Latin,  are  here  ne-jo  done  from  thofe 
Originals ;  luith  care  all  along  to  collate  his  own  Englifli  vi'ith  the 
Latin,  vi'here  the  Tieas  ivere  extant  in  both  Languages. 

The  Method  obferved  in  thus  rendrtng  them  into  Englifh,  is  not 
that  of  a  dire^i  Tranfation\  {ivhich  might  have  left  them  mo'e  ob- 
fcure  than  they  are  5  and  no  vDay  fuited  this  'Defign  ;)  but  a  kind  of 
open  Verfion,  vi'hich  endeavours  to  exprefs,  in  modern  Englifh,  the 
Senfe  of  the  Author.,  clear,  full,  andflrong;  tho  vjithont  d.viatir.g 
from  him.,  and.,  if  poffible.,  without  lofing  of  his  Spirit,  Force,  or 
Energy.  And  tho  this  Attempt  may  feeni  vain,  or  bold,  it  vjas 
doubt lefs  better  to  have  had  the  Viesj,  than  vjtllinglj  to  have  aimed 
at  fecond  'Prizes. 

The  Liberty  fometimes  taken,  not  of  abridging,  {for  juft  and  per- 
fect Writings  are  incapable  of  Abridgment ;)  but  of  dropping,  or 
leaving  out,  fame  'Parts  oj  the  Author  s  fVritings.,  may  require 
greater  Excufe.  But  this  vi-as  done  in  order  to  fkorten  the  Works., 
whofe  Length  has  proved  one  T>ifcottragement  to  their  being  read. 
And  regard  has  been  had  to  omit  none  of  the  Philofophical  Mat- 
ter; but  only  certain  perfonal  Addreffes,  Coynpltments,  Exordiums., 
and  the  like:  for  as  the  Reafons  and  Ends,  for  which  thefewere  ori- 
ginally made,  fubfift  no  longer  i  it  was  thought  fuperfluous  to  continue 
fuch  'Particularities,  in  a  Work  of  this  general  nature. 

The  philofophical  Matter  thusfeparated,  is  difpofednito  that  which 
appear' d  to  be  the  moji  natural  Order  i  or  fuch  as  is  indicated  by  the 
Author  i  and  would,  perhaps,  have  been,  in  great  meafure,  obferved 
by  himfelf,  had  he  given  an  Edition  of  all  his  Works.  No  Merit., 
therefore,  can  be  claimed  in  this.,  fince  the  Order  was  pointed  out  by 
the  Author  -,  who  not  only  had  the  right  to  marfhal  his  own  Works  % 
but  was  concerned  to  place  them  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  befi  fuited. 
the  'Defign. 

After: 

'  Printed  at  London,  Ann.  1725. 


Vlll 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 

After  the  generalT>ifpofd  of  the  feparate  "Pieces,  fo  as  to  follow 
one  'another  in  the  pift eft  Order  ;  the  proper  T>ivifions,  or  Sextons 
of  each  particular  Tiece,  come  to  be  confider'd.  And  here,  the  Me- 
thod obfer^ed  has  been  fuch,  as  might  pre ferve  an  Uniformity  in  the 
irhole;  and  fit  thefe  Writings  for  general  Ufe.  Accordingly  the  fe- 
'veral  Tieces  are  divided,  and  broke,  into  diftin^  Se£iions,  and  Pa- 
ragraphs ;  this  Contrivance  having  been  found  to  help  the  Under- 
jlanding,  ajjift  the  Memory,  and  eafe  the  Reader. 

To  render  the  Work  ft  ill  more  familiar,  and  to  put  it  in  the  way 
of  being  farther  improved  5  particular  Prefaces,  and  Notes,  are  added 
to  explain,  or  illuftrate,  the  more  obfcureTieces,  Tajfages,  andEx- 
preffions ;  jloew  vohere  the  Author's  Schemes  have  been  executed:, 
and  refer  the  Reader  from  one  part  of  the  Work  to  another^ 
where  the  fame  SubjeEi  is  treated;  fo  as  in  fome  meafure^  to  make 
the  whole  a  Comment  upon  it  [elf.  And  the  better  to  fecure  this 
End,  there  is  added,  at  the  beginning  of  the  firft  Volume,  a  fmall 
Glollary,  or  Explanation,  of  the  more  uncommon  Philofophical 
Terms,  made  ufe  of  by  the  Author  -,  large  explicit  Tables  of  Con- 
tents to  each  Volume ;  Appendixes  to  imperfeU  Works  ;  and  an  Al- 
phabetical Index  to  the  Whole. 

This  Edition  was  not  undcrtake?i  of  a  fudden  ;  but  intended  many 
Tears  fmce.  The  principal  Inducement  to  it  was,  the  Service  it 
might  pofftbly  be  of  in  promoting  Knowledge,  and  exciting  Philofo- 
phers  to  endeavour  the  farther  'Difcovery  and  Improvement  of  Arts, 
for  there  fcarce  feems  to  be  any  natural  Means  more  powerful 
to  promote  this  End,  than  a  general  fpreading  of  the  Lord  Ba- 
con'j-  Philofophical  VVritings.  The  'Defign  was  delay' d,  for  fome 
time,  i'li  expe^ation  of  a  compleat  Edition  of  all  the  Author's 
original  Pieces ;  which  was  lately  publifl^ed,  from  *Dr.  Mcad'j 
Colle&ion,  in  four  Folio  Volumes,  ^^i  i\/r.  Blackbourne  :  of  which 
Editioyi,  confiderable  IJ fe  has  here  beeti  made.  And  if  too  little 
Time,  and  too  flender  Abilities,  have  not  been  employ' d  in  methodi- 
zing, tra7i(lating,  and  illuftrating  thefe  Writings  ;  fome  farther  Im- 
provement of  the  Sciences  might  be  juftly  expe^ed  from  the  prefent 
Labour.  At  leajl,  fomething  of  the  kind  was  thought  necejfary  j 
and  the  Whole  is  propofed  but  as  an  Attempt  towards  a  more  fer- 
viceable  Englifh  of  the  Lfjr^  Bacon'j  Philofophical  Works. 

IVhat  thefe  IVorks  are,  is  not  eafy  to  exprefs  -,  and  their  real 
Character,  tho'  not  faff,: lently  known,  need  not  be  here  dwelt  on, 
as  they  now  lie  open  to  an  eafy  Perufal.     The  principal  Obftacle 

to 


GENERAL     PREFACE.  ix 

to  their  Currency  appears  to  be  this,  that  fame  modern  "Thilofo- 
pherSy  and  Men  of  Letters^  tho'  they  allow  the  Lord  Bacon  to 
have  been  a  Great  Alan,  for  his  Time ;  ^rt  imagine  that  his  Thi' 
lofophy  is  mvj  almoft  fuperfeded  by  later  Improvements,  and  T>if- 
foveries. 

This,  upon  a  careful  Examination,  voill  perhaps  be  found  a  fatal 
Mifiake,  that  keeps  fame  of  the  mojl  ferviceable  T^hilofophical  Wri- 
tings hitherto  extant,  from  being  duly  Jlndied  and  improved.  For 
it  appears  impofftble  that  the  Lord  Bacon'j  T>ifcoveries  poonldgrovu 
out  of  date,  unlefs  the  Frame  of  Things  vjas  to  alter :  fince  he  con- 
flantly  endeavours  to  copy  Nature,  vjhich  is  alvi'ays  the  fame  -,  fo  that 
his  dijlingui^ing  Alerit  lies  in  this,  and  in  having  every  where 
opend  the  Springs  of  Knowledge  and  'Pra^fice. 

As  to  the  modern  T)ifcoveries  and  Improvements,  however  great 
and  numerous  they  may  be ;  yet  they  are,  in  general,  no  more  than  a 
part  of  what  this  Author  fore faw  in  his  Mind;  and  taught  the 
ways  of  bringing  to  light :  adding  withal  fuch  farther  T>ireflions, 
that  if  Alen  are  not  wanting  to  themfelves,  they  may  obtain  fill 
greater  Things.  For  he  has  fhewn  us  the  An  of  iavcnting  Arts; 
which  many  of  the  Ancients  feem'd  to  defpair  of;  and  which  the 
Aloderns, perhaps,  are  not  hitherto  fufficiently  verfed  in.  So  that 
till  no  more  'Difcoveries  remain  to  be  made  in  Nature,  it  phould 
feem  that  this  Author's  Thilofophical  Writings  cannot  be  fuper- 
feded. 

If  there  are  any  other  ObjeElions  lying  againft  the  Author ^  in 
his  Thilofophical  Capacity,  it  is  probable  they  may  arife  from  a 
want  of  thoroughly  underjtanding  his  fForks  ;  and  will  therefore 
vanijh,  upon  becoming  better  acquainted  with  him :  For  his  bejl 
"Defence  is  that  of  being  well  under  food. 

And  in  order  thereto,  he  may,  in  fame  places^  require  a  careful 
Reader ;  or  one  that  has  been  a  little  broke,  and  praBifed  in  afci- 
entifical  doubting  ofhimfelf;  and  a  prudent  Sufpenfon  of  the  Judg- 
ment :  otherwije  we  (hall  be  fometimes  apt,  through  Hafte,  Inad- 
vertence, or  an  Opinion  of  the  common  Methods  of  Thinking,  and 
Rtefoning,  to  attribute  thofe  Faults  to  the  Author,  that  might  be 
more  juftly  placed. 

'Perhaps,  a  fure  Rule  to  know  whether  his  Works  are  rightly 
underftood  is  this;  that  he  who  under  ft  and s  them,  will  ufually 
find  them  the  Refiilt  of  deep  Thought,  and  well  weigh  d  Experience  \ 
fo  as  to  prove  not  only  fir  ong  andjuft,  but,  in  an  extraordinary  manner. 

Vol.  I.  a  itfeful; 


GENERAL     PREFACE. 

ufeful'-,  teaching  more  than  they  direBly  exprefs--,  and  leading 
both  the  Mind  and  Hand  to  netv  Arts^  and  farther  T>ifcove' 
ries.  This  certainly  is  the  "Purport  of  his  Writings  i  and  tm- 
lefs  the  Reader,  by  converftng  with  them,  fhall  be  inflru^led,.  fame 
way  or  other,  to  improve  Thilofophy,  or  the  general  State  of  Know- 
ledge i  he  may  be  affiired  that  he  does  not  fully  underftand  the  Au~ 
thor,  who  prof ejfes  himfelf  to  have  done  nothings  imlefs  he  has 
taught  Tojlerity  to  do  more. 


CON< 


(xi) 


CONTENTS 

O  F    T  H  E 

FIRST    VOLUME. 


The  Arrangement  and  General  Survey  of 
KNOWLEDGE,    ^c. 

PRELIMINARIES. 

S  E  C  T.     L 
Containing  a  Plan  for  the  Reftification  of  Knowledge  in  general. 

THE  general  Befign,         Page  3  ^e  experimental  Pbilofopher  5,         ib. 

Imperfe^ion  of  the  Human  Know-  The  Sitbverten  of  ancient  Philofophiest 

ledge,                                 ib.  ib. 

Philofophy  to  behegun  a-new,             4  TheSuccefs  of  the  free  PbilofopherSt  ib. 

The  Poverty  of  Human  Knowledge,  ib.  The  mechanical  Philofophers,             ib. 

The  Greek  Philofophy,                     ib.  The  Logicians,                                    7 

Mechanic  Arts,                                  5  Infufficiency  of  the  tinaJftjledUnderfian- 

The  Sciences  not  recorded  perfect,      ib.  ding,                                            ib. 

General  Confent  of  little  weight  in  Phi-  The  Performance  of  the  Ancients,      ib. 

lofophies,                                      ib.  The  Procedure  of  the  Author,            ib. 

The  Procedure  of  thofe  who  teach  the  Admonitions  to  Mankind,                   8 

Sciences,                                    6  Requefls,                                       9 

b  2  SECT. 


xu 


The     CONTENTS. 


SECT.    II. 

Exhibiting  a  {hort  View  of  the  Defign 
and  Scope  of  the  Inftauration. 

The  Scope  of  the  de  Augmentis  Scien- 
tiarum,  lo 

The  Defign  of  the  Novum  Organum,  ib. 

Its  E)!d,  ib. 

lis  manner  of  demonflrating,  1 1 

Its  Grounds,  ib. 

Endeavours  to  fupply  the  Imperfe^ions 
cftheSenfes,  ib. 

yind  to  fubdue  the  Idols  of  the  Mind,  1 2 

The  Defign  of  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  1 3 

Its  Office, 

Colleilion, 

Stibtility, 

Choice, 

Its  Appointment, 

The  Defign  of  the  Enquiries  into  Life 
and  Death,  Winds,  Denfity  and  Ra- 
riiy,  &c.  ib. 

■Sfo/f  o///!'t'Philofophia  prima,        ib. 


Whether  Learning  difpofes  to  Indolence, 


20 


Whether  Learning  mifemploys  Time,  ib. 

Cato'i  jftfdgment  of  Learning,  21 

Learning  defended  from  the  Difcre- 
dit  brought  on  it  by    the  Learned, 

ib. 

The  Poverty  of  the  Learned,  ib. 

Their  Privacy  of  Life,  1 2 

Their  Meannefs  of  Employ,  ib. 

The  Manners  of  the  Learned,  ib. 

Their  preferring  their  Country's  Good 
to  their  own,  ib. 

Their  Failure  in  point  of  particular  Ap- 
plications, 22 

Their  Failure  in  Decency,  ib. 

Their  Temporizing,  Flattering,  Sec.    ib. 

Errors  in  the  Studies  of  the  Learned,  24 

Three  principal  Difeafes  in  Learning,  ib. 

Luxuriency  of  Style,  ib. 

The  fecond  Difeafe  of  Learning  ;  va'm 
Subtilty,  2  6 

The  Method  of  the  Schoolmen,  ib. 

Nature  of  the  Philofophia  fecunda,  1 6  The  third  Difeafe  of  Learning ;  viz.  De- 
ceit, or  Impoflure  and  Credulity,    2  7 


14 
ib. 
ib. 
ib. 
15 


SECT.    III. 

The  Objedions  againft  Learning 
confidered. 

Learning  defended  from  the  charge  of 
Irreligion,  1 6 

Natural  Knowledge  not  the  Caufe  of  the 
Fall,  1 7 

^antity  of  Knowledge  does  not  inflate, 

ib. 

Three  Limitations  of  Knowledge,       ib. 

That  Knowledge  does  not  incline  to  A- 
theifm,  ib. 


Eafmefs  of  Belief  of  two  kinds,  viz.  with 
regard  to  Hiflory,  ib. 

And  Opinions,  28 

Credulity,  as  to  Authors,  ib. 

Peccant  Humours  of  Learning;  viz.  an 
Affectation  of  Antiquity  and  Novelty, 

29 

Diflruft  of  farther  Difcoveries,  ife. 

That  the  befl  Opinions  are  not  the  mo/i 
prevalent,  ib. 

Sudden  ReduSlion  of  Knowledge  into  Me- 
thods, ib. 

The  quitting  ofUniverfality,  30 


Learning  defended  from  the  Charge  of     Too  great  Reverence  of  the  Human  Un- 


PoUticians,  ib 

That  Learning  and  Arms  haveflourifhed 

in  the  fame  Perfons,  19 

And  in  the  fat?ie  Times,  ib. 

Learning  of  Service  in  Government,  ib. 
How  Learning  affeofs  the  Mind,  with 

regard  to  Politifks^  ib. 


derfianding,  ib. 

Introducing  particular-Conceits  into  Phi- 

lofophy,  ib. 

Impatience  of  Doubting  and  Sufpenfion^ 

ib. 
Thi  magijlerial  Delivering  of  Knowledge, 

Afpiring 


The     CONTENTS. 


xiil 


jifpirbig  hut  to  btfericrSluaUfications,^  i 

Miftaking  the  End  of  Knowledge^       ib. 

The  Dignity  of  Learning,  /hewn  from 
Divine  Tejlimony,  32 

yf  Difference  betwixt  Knowledge  and 
Power,  in  the  Creation.,  ib. 

In  the  Celeftial  Hierarchy,  ib. 

The  Scripture  Difpenfation,  ib. 

/;;  Paradife,  ib. 

In  Cain  and  A.ht\,  33 

The  Age  before  the  Flood,  ib. 

In  Mofes,  Solomon,  ^c.  ib. 

The  Gofpel  Difpenfation,  ib. 

In  the  Apoftles,  ib. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Church,  ib. 

Two  capital  Services  of  Phihfophy  to 
Religion,  34 

The  Dignity  cf  Learning  fheivn  from 
Human  Tejlimofiy,  ib. 

The  EffeEls  of  Learning  in  Society,    25 

Effe^s  of  Leanmg  upon  Military  Vir- 
tue, ib. 

EffeSls  of  Learning  in  private  Virtue, 

36 

Learning  conquers  theFear  of  Death,  ib. 

Remedies  the  Difeafes  of  the  Mind,     ib. 

Gives  great  Power  over  Merts  Minds, 

27 


Raifes  private  Fortunes^ 
Affords  great  Delight. 
Renders  Men  immortal. 


ib. 
ib. 

38 


SECT.    IV. 

The  publick  Obftacles  to  Learning 
confidered. 

Publick  Endeavours  neceffary  to  advance 
Learning,  3  9 

The  publick  Obje^s  of  Learning,        ib. 

The  JVorks  regarding  the  Seals  of  Learn- 
ing, ib.. 

Books,  ib. 

The  Perfons  of  the  Learned,  40 

The  firft  publick  Defe5l,  a  want  of  Col' 
leges  for  Arts  and  Sciences  at  large,  ib. 

The  fecond,  a  want  of  proportionable 
Salaries,  ib. 

The  third,  a  want  of  Apparatus,  and 
publick  Allowances  for  Experiments, 

41 

The  fourth,  a  want  of  Infpe^ion,  and, 
Regulation  of  Univerfities,  ib. 

The  fifth,  a  want  of  Intelligence  be- 
twixt the  Univerfities  o/Europe,  42 

^je  Jixtb,  a  wattt  of  publick  Writers 
and  Enquirers^  ib. 


The  Diftribution  of  Knowledge  into  particular  Sciences. 

SECT.    I. 
Of  History. 


KNowledge,  Divine  and  Human, 
ranged  under  Hijiory,    Poetry, 
and  Philofophy,  43 

Hiftory  divided  into  Natural  and  Civil, 

44 
Natural  Hifiory  divided  into  the  Hifory 

cf  Generations,    Pretergenerations, 
end  ArtSy  ib. 


The  Hifiory  of  Arts,  why  ntade  a  Specie^ 

of  Natural  Hi/lory,  ib. 

The  Hijiory  cf  Creatures  extant',  but 

that  of  MoJiJiers  deficient,  45 

The  Hijiory  cf  Arts  deficient,  ib. 

Two  Ufes  of  Natural  Hijiory,  47 

/i  pure  and  general  Natural  Hijiory 

•wanting,  ib, 

Indn^ive^ 


MV 


The     CONTENTS. 


InihBive  Hijlory  wanting.  47 

Lilerary  Hijlory  wanting^  ib. 

Its  Defign,  48 

the  Manner  of  writing  it,  49 

Its  Ufe,  ib. 

Particular  Civil  Hijlory,  what  itjhould 
contain,  5° 

J'he  Difficulty  of  writing  it,  ib. 

Is  of  three  kinds,  viz.  ib. 

Memoirs,  of  two  forts,  ib. 

Regifters,  of  two  forts,  ib. 

/ind  Antiquities,  5  ^ 

Epitomes  the  Bane  of  Civil  Hijlory,     ib. 

Juji  Hijlory,  of  three  kinds,  viz.  Chro- 
nicles, Lives,  and  Relations,         ib. 

Biography  defe^ive,  52 

Relations  to  be  wrote  with  Care,        ib. 

Hijlory  of  Times,  is  geiieral  or  particu- 
lar, 53 

Divifible  into  Anmls  and  Journals,  ib. 

Civil  Hijlory   diviftble  into  pure  and 
mix'd,  54 

Cofmographical  Hijlory  varioujly  mix'd, 

ib. 

Ec cleft ajlical  Hijlory  divided  into   the 
Hijlory  of  the  Church,  ib. 

The  Hijlory  of  Prophecy,  which  is  wan- 
ting, 55 

And  the  Hi/lory  of  Providence,         ib. 

The    Appendages    of    Hijlory  ;     viz. 

Speeches,  and  Letters,  ib. 

j^tld  Apophthegms,  56 

SECT.    II. 

J^   Of    P  O  E  T  R  V. 

Poetry  is  imaginary  Hijlory,  56 

Divided,  ib. 

Into  Narrative  Poetry,  57 

Dramatic  Poetry,  ib. 

And  Allegorical  Poetry,  5  8 

The  two  Ufes  of  Allegorical  Poetry,  ib. 
The  Philofophy  of  the  ancient  Fables  de- 
ficient, in  Poetry,  ib. 
^he  Fable  of  Pan  ex^laified  of  Natural 
Philofophy, 


The  Fable  of  Pan  traced. 

5§ 

His  Portrait, 

ib. 

His  OJJices, 

ib. 

His  ABs, 

ib. 

His  Amours^ 

60 

And  IJfae, 

ib. 

The  Fable  explained  in  the  Origin  of 
Pan,  ib. 

In  the  Dejlinies  being  his  Sijlers,        ib. 
His  Horns,  ib. 

His  fhaggy  Body,  6 1 

His  Beard,  ib. 

His  bifor?n  Body,  ib. 

His  Goats  Feet,  ib. 

His  Enfigns ;  viz,  his  Pipe  and  Crook, 

ib. 
His  Mantle,  ib. 

His  OJfce  as  the  God  of  Hunters,        62 
Rural  Inhabitants,  ib. 

And  Meffenger  of  the  Gods,  ib. 

His  ruling  the  Nymphs,  ib. 

His  Power  ofjlriking  Terrors,  ib. 

His  challenging  Cupid,  ib. 

His  catching  Typhon  in  a  Net,         6^ 

His  finding  oj  Ceres,  ib. 

His  contending  with  Apollo  in  Muftck, 

ib. 

His  Amours,  ib. 

His  Offspring,  ib. 

His  fuppofed  Daughter,  64 

The  Fable  of  Perfeus  deduced,  ib. 

Affords  three  Precepts  for  War,         ib. 

Explain' d  of  undertaking  a  War  that 
fhall  be  remote,  65 

JuJl  andfeafible,  ib. 

Perkm  Jetting  out,  ib. 

His  Helmet,  Shield,  and  Mirror,     ib. 

His  confulting  the  Grese,  ib. 

HisfndingM.eduf3.aJleep,  66 

His  Ufe  of  the  Mirror,  ib. 

The  Origin  o/Pegafus,  and  the  Gorgon 
Shield,  ib. 

The  Fable  o/Dionyfus,  or  Bacchus,  eX' 
plained  of  the  Paffions,  ib. 

The  Fable  of  Bacchus  hifiorically  de- 
duced, ib. 

Sets 


The     CONTENTS. 


XV 


Sets  forth  the  Nature  of  unlawful  De- 
fire,  67 
The  Moral  o/Semele'j  Requejl,  ib. 
Bacchus  carried  in  Jupiter'j  Thigh.,  ib. 
Nurfed  by  Proferpina,  ib. 
His  effeminate  Face,  ib. 
His  Death  and  Refurre5lion,  ib. 
The  Inventor  of  Wine,  ib. 
His  Conquefts,  68 
His  Chariot  drawn  by  Tygers,  ib. 
The  Demons  about  his  Chariot,  ib. 
The  Mufes  in  his  Train,  ib. 
His  Amour  with  Ariadne,  ib. 
His  Ivy,  ib. 
His  frantick  Rites,  ib. 
TbeConfiifton  of  his  Story  with  Jupiter'^, 

SECT.    m. 
Of  Philosophy. 

Philofophy  divided  into  the  Do£lrine  of 
the  Deity,  Nature,  and  Man,      ib. 

Pritnary  Philofophy,  which  is  deficient, 

ib. 

Its  Nature  and  Ufe,  70 

A  fecond  part  of  primary  Philofophy, 
with  regard  to  tranfcendental  Condi- 
tions, ib. 

Divine  Philofophy,  its  Nature  and  Ufe,. 

71 

The  Do5lrine  of  Spirits,  72 

Natural  Philofophy  divided  into  fpecu- 

lative  and  practical,  ib. 

Speculative  Philofophy  divided  into  Phy- 

ficks  and  Metapbyficks,  73 

Metaphyficks  dijlinguifhed  from  primary 

Philofophy,  and  natural  Theology,  74 

SECT.    IV. 
Of   Physicks. 

Phyficks  divided,  (1.)  into  the  DoHrine 
of  Principles ;  (2.)  the  Stnlfure  of 
the  Univerfe  j  and  (3.}  the  Variety  of 
"^iiifgh  7.4 


The  Dorfrine  of  Variety  divided  into 
Phyficks  of  Creatures,  and  Phyfieks 
of  Natures,  yg. 

Concrete  Phyficks  divided  as  natural 
Hiftory,  ib. 

Phyfical  JJironomy  deficient,  ib. 

Aftrology  to  be  purged,  y6 

Rules  for  its  Amendment,  77 

A  jufl  Aftrology  wanting,  ib. 

How  to  be  fuppUed,  ib. 

//;  Ufes  in  PrediSlion,  78 

And  Elculion,  yn 

The  ways  of  arriving  at  Aftrology,    ib. 

Celeftial  Magick,  abfurdly  tack*d  to 
Aftrology,  80 

Abftra£l  Phyficks  divided  into  the  Doc- 
trine of  the  Schemes  of  Matter,     ib,- 

And  Appetites  and  Motions,  ib. 

The  Meafures  of  Motions,  an  Attendant 
on  Phyficks,  8 1 

Two  Appendages  to  Phyficks;  viz.  (i.) 
Natural  Problems,  ib. 

A  Calendar  whereof  is  deficient,       ib. 

And  (2.)  the  Opinions  of  the  ancient 
Pkiilofophers,  82 

JVhich  is  a  Work  likewife  deficient,    ib, 

S  E  C  T.     V. 

Of  Metaphysic K-^i- 

Metaphyficks  made  the  Enquiry  afiter 
Forms  and  final  Caufes,  8  j 

Simple  Forms  to  be  firft  enquired  into,  84 
This  part  of  Metaphyficks  defe£fii;e,  ib. 
Its  Ufe  to  jljorienlhe  way  to  Knowledge ^ 

«^  «5 

And  fit  free  the  human  FTJtr,     ib. 

The  fecond  part  of  Metaphyficks,  isfival 

Caufes,  ib. 

Their  Office  and  Ufe^  86 

SECT,  vr 

Of  N  A  T  u  R  A  L   Magick; 

The  PraElical  DoSlrine  of  Nature  di- 
vided ifu  correfpondence  to  the  Theo- 

ntifsl  3 


XVI 


The     CONTENTS. 


fetkal;  •mhence  rational  Mechanicks, 

And  Magick,  -which  is  defe^ive,       ib. 
Maricky  in  what  fenfe  to  be  underjlood, 

88 
The  IVealcnefs  of  the  common  Magick, 
Alchemy^  and  JJlrology,  ib. 

Two  Appendages  wanted  to  the  pr apical 
Docfrine  of  Nature ;  viz.  (i .)  an  In- 
ventory of  Knowledge,  ^9 
And  (2.)  a  Calendar  of  leading  Experi- 
ments,                                         ib. 
SECT.    VII. 
Of  Mathematicks. 

The  Office  and  Ufe  of  Matbe7naticks,  90 
Divided  into  pure  and  7nix'd,  9 1 

The  Defers  of  pure  Mathematicks,    ib. 
The  Defells  of  ?nix^d  Mathematicks  in- 
creafe  as  Phyficks  improve,  ib. 

SECT.     VIII. 

The  Dodrine  of  Man  -,  and  firft, 
of  the  Human  Perfon. 

Thejuji  Bounds  and  Ufe  of  Divifwn  in 
in  the  Sciences,  92 

The  Do£irine  of  Man  divided  into  Hu- 
man and  Civil  Piilofophy,  ib. 

The  DoHrine  of  the  Human  Perfon,  ib. 

The  Douirine  of  Union  betwixt  the  Soul 
and  Body,  93 

The  DaiJrjne  of  Gefture  deficient,       ib. 

Interpretation  of  Dreams ;  its  befl  Foun- 
dation, 94 

The  Docfrine  of  Imprffiion,  divided  into 
the  A^io%s  of  the  Body  upon  the  Soul, 

ib. 

And  the  Asians  of  the  Soul  upon  the 
Body,  95 

An  Enquiry  after  the  Seat  of  the  Soul 
recommended,  ib. 

SECT.    IX. 

Of  the  Doftrine  of  the  Human  Body. 

'^be  Do5frine  of  the  Body  divided  into 


Medicine,  Beautifying,  Gymnaflicks, 
and  the  Art  of  Elegance,  96 

Reafons  of  the  Difficulties  and  Imper- 
fe£fion  of  Medicine,  ib. 

The  Means  of  removing  the  Difficulties, 
in  advancing  this  Art,  ib. 

Medicine  divided  into,  ( i .)  the  Prefer- 
vation  of  Health,  (2.)  the  Cure  of 
Difeafes,  and  (3.)  the  Prolongation 
of  Life,  98 

The  Prefervation  of  Health  not  well 
treated  of,  ib. 

The  Cure  of  Difeafesimperfe£fly  bandied, 

ib. 

The  Hippocratical  Method  of  medicinal 
Reports  difcontinued,  ib. 

Comparative  Anatomy  deficient,        99 

The  DefeSl  of  live  Anatomy,  how  to  he 
fupplied,  100 

A  Work  wanting  upon  incurable  Dif- 
eafes, ib. 

The  Office  of  a  Phyfician  to  procure  eafy 
Deaths,  ib. 

An  Enquiry  into  the  Means  of  procuring 
Compofure  in  Death  deficient,       i  o  i 

A  Work  of  approved  Remedies  wanting, 

102 

The  Imitation  of  natural  Baths  and. 
Springs  deficient,  ib. 

The  Phyfician's  Clue  deficient,  1 03 

But  principally  a  Natural  Philofophy 
fundamental  to  the  Art,  ib. 

The  third  part  "/  Medicine,  or  the 
ways  of  prolonging  Life,    deficient^ 

104 

Admonitions,  with  regard  to  the  Pro- 
longation of  Life,  ib. 

The  Intentions  and  Indications  for  pro- 
longing Ufe,  1 05 

Rules  for  the  ConduSl  of  the  Work,    ib. 

The  drts  of  Decoration  divided  into  Ci- 
vil and  Effeminate,  1 06 

Gymnajiicks  divided  into  the  Arts  of  Ac- 
tivity, and  the  Arts  of  Suffering,    ib. 

The  Arts  of  Elegance  divided,  with  re- 
lation to  the  Eye^  and  the  Ear,     loy 

SECT. 


The     CONTENT  S. 


SECT.    X. 

Of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Soul. 

The  Do5lrine  of  the  Human  Soid^  di- 
vided into  the  DoSJrine  cf  the  infpired 
Subjiance,  and  that  of  the  fenfitive 
SouU  '08 

The  Enquiry  into  the  Suhflance  of  the 
rational  Soul,  referred  to  infpired 
Theology,  ib. 

The  Enquiry  of  the  feiifttive  Soul  neglec- 
ted, 1 09 
The  Do^rine  of  the  Soul  requires  an  En- 
quiry into  the  Origin  of  its  Faculties, 

ib. 

Two  Appendages  of  this  Doclrine,  viz. 

Divination  and  Fafcination,         no 

Divination  from  the  internal  Po'wer  of 

the  Soul,  divided  into   native,  and 

that  hy  Influx,  ib. 

Fafcination  the  Effetl  of  Imagination, 

ib. 
Ceremonial  Magick  not  allowable,    1 1 1 
T1V0  other  Do^rines  of  the  fenfitive  Soul, 
viz.  that  of  voluntary  Motion,  and 
thai  of  Senfe  and  Senfibility,         ib. 
The  Dohrine  of  mufcular  Motion  de- 
ficient, ib. 
The  DoSlrine  of  Senfe  and  Senfibility 
deficient,  in  /a-o  parts,                 1 1 2 
The  Enquiry  into  the  Origin  and  Form 
of  Light,  deficient,                     113 

SECT.    XI. 

The  Doftrine  of  the  Faculties  of  the 
Human  Mind. 

The  Docfrine  of  the  mental  Faculties, 
divided  into  Logicks  and  Et hicks,  1 14 

The  Poiver  of  the  Imagination  over  Rea- 
fan,  115 

Whence  the  difiike  of  many  (0  Logick, 

ib. 

The  four  Logical  Arts,  ib. 

Invention,  of  two  kinds,  relating  to  Arts 
and  Arguments^  116 

Vol.  I. 


The  Art  of  inventing  Arts  deficient,  ib. 

M(n  hitherto  more  beholden  to  Brute: 
than  Reafon,  for  Inventions,     '   "  ib. 

The  Ufe  of  Induction  perverted  and  neg- 
le^ed,  ■  "   ■    117 

A  genuine  and  CQrreH  InduSliov.  to  be  in- 
troduced, '  ■        ib. 

The  want  of  genuine  InduElion,  the  Caufe 
of  Scepticifm,  118 

The  Art  of  Indication,  or  DireBion, 
wanting,        *  '  ib. 

The  two  parts  of  this  Art,  1 19 

SECT.     XII. 
Of  Learned  Experience. 

The  Defign  of  Learned  Experience,  1 1$ 
The  way  of  varying  Experiments,  (i.) 
in  the  Subje£f,  ib. 

( 2 . )  In  the  Efficient,  ,120 

(3.)  In  the  ^luanlity,  ib. 

(4.)  By  Repetition,  ib. 

{5.)  By  Extenfion,  121 

(6.)  By  Tranfiation,  three  ways  \  viz. 
from  Nature  into  an  Art,  ib. 

From  one  Art  to  another,  122 

And  from  one  part  of  an  Art  to  an- 
other, ib. 
(7.)  The  Inverfion  of  Experiments,  123 
(8.)  The  Cofnpulfion  of  Experiments, 

ib. 
(9.)  The  Application  of  Experiments, 

ib. 
(ro.)  The  ConjunSiion  of  Experiments, 

124 
(11.)  Chance , Experiments,  ib. 

SECT.    XIII. 

Of  the  Invention  of  Arguments;  and 
Topical  Invention. 

The  Invention  of  Arguments,  what,  125 

Two  Methods  of  procuring  Matter  for 

Difcourfe ;  viz.  the  Topical,  and  the 

Proinpiuary,  ib. 


xvix 


Topical 


XVUl 


Topical  Invention,  divided  into  general 
and  particular,  126 

'The  particular  Topical  Invention  de- 
ficient, 127 

An  Example  of  the  particular  Topical 
Invention,  in  the  Subjeli  of  Gravity 
and  Levity,  ib. 

SECT.    XIV. 

Of  the  Art  of  J udgment. 

The  Art  of  Judgment  by  Indu5fion,  di- 
vided into  corrupt  and  genuine,     130 

The  Art  of  Judgment  by  Syllogifm,  its 
Origin,  ib. 

Its  Office,  131 

The  Art  of  Judgment,  divided  into  Ana-  ■ 
ly ticks,  and  theDo^rine  of  Confuta- 
tions, ib. 

The  Do^rine  of  Confutations,  divided 
(1.)  into  the  Confutation  ofSophifms, 

ib. 

(2 .)  The  Confutation  of  Interpretation, 

132 

C3.)  And  the  Confutation  of  Idols,  or 
falfe  Notionsy  ib. 

Idols  divided,  ib. 

( I.)  Into  Idols  of  the  Tribe,  133 

(2.)  Idols  of  the  Den,  ib. 

And  (3.)   Idols  of  the  Market,       134 

The  DoSlrine  of  Idols  deficient,  ib. 

An  Appendix  to  the  Art  of  Judgment 
deficient,  ib. 

SECT.     XV. 
Of  the  Art  of  Memory. 

T}:>e  Art  of  Memory,  divided  into  the 
Do5frine  of  Helps  for  the  Memttry, 

135 
And  the  Doctrine  of  the  Memory  itfelf, 

ib. 

Two  Intentions  of  the  Art  of  Memory, 

viz.  Pranotion^  136 

And  Emblem^  ib. 


The     CONTENTS. 

SECT.    XVI. 

Of  theDoftrine  of  Delivery,  and  firft. 


of  the  Elements  of  Speech. 

Traditive  DoSfrine,  divided  into  Gram- 
mar, Method,  and  Ornament  of 
Speech,  137 

Grammar,  of  two  kinds,  relative  to 
fpeaking  and  writing,  ib. 

The  Signs  of  Things,  divided  i?ito  con- 
gruous and  arbitrary,  viz.  C  i .)  Hie- 
roglyphicks  and  Gefiures ;  And,  (2.) 
Real  Characters,  138 

The  Office  and  Ufe  of  Grammar,         ib. 

Grammar,  divided  into  Literary  and 
Pbilofoph  ical,  139 

A  Philofophical  Grammar  deficient,  ib. 

Directions  for  fupplying  it,  ib. 

The  Accidents  of  Words  belonging  to 
Grammar,  140 

The  Meafure  of  Words  the  Origin  of 
Verfification,  and  Profodia,  ib. 

Writing  praolifed  by  Alphabet,  or  Cy- 
pher, 141 

The  Dotlrine  of  Cyphers,  ib. 

A  Cypher  to  divert  Examination,      ib. 

A  Cypher  void  of  Sufpicion,  '   142 

Example  of  a  hiiiieral  Alphabet,        ib. 

And  capable  of  being  made  general,  1 43 

An  Example  of  a  double-faced  Alpha- 
bet, ib. 

The  firft,  or  Roman  Alphabet,  ib. 

The  fecond,  or  Italick  Alphabet,     144 

An  Example  of  adjufting  the  two  Let- 
ters, ib. 

The  Art  of  decyphering  may  he  eluded, 

145 
SECT.    XVII. 

Of  the  Method  of  Speech. 

The  Method  of  Speech,  confidered  as  the 
Doctrine  of  tradilive  Prudence,   145 

Method  diftinguijhed  into  doElrinal  and 
initiative,  1 46 

The  initiative  Method  deficient^        ib. 

The 


The     CONTENTS. 


XIX 


The  concealed  Method,  147 

The  Advantages  of  Jphorifms  over  Me- 
thods, ib. 
The  Method  by  ^ejlions  and  Answers, 
to  he  nfcd  with  Difcret'.on,  1 48 
The  Method  to  fuit  the  Suhjeof,  ib. 
The  Method  of  conquering  Prejudice, 

ib. 

Method  divided,  in  refpe5l  of  the  Whole, 

and  the  Limitation  of  Propofitions, 

149 

Three  Limitations  of  Propofitions,    ib. 

Superficial  Methods,  1 5  o 

SECT.     XVIII. 

Of  Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 

The  Difference  betwixt  IVifdom  and  Elo- 
quence, 150 
The  Cultivation  of  Eloquence  carried  to 
a  great  height,  ib. 
The  Office  and  life  of  Rhetorick,      \  5 1 
Its  Power  and  EffeSfs,                    152 
A  Colle£lion   of  Sopkifms,  or   popular 
Colours  of  Good  and  Evil,  deficient, 
as  an  Appendage  to  Rhetorick,    153 
Examples  of  the  Method  of  fupplying 
this  Deficiency,  viz.                       ib. 

Sophism    I. 
What  Men  praife  and  celebrate,  is 
good  ;  what  they  difpraife  and  ccn- 
fure,  evil. 


Its  De 


f-l7i 


154 


eteii-ion. 

Sophism    II. 

What  is  commended,  even  by  an  E- 

nemy,  is  a  great  Good  ;  but  what 

is  cenfured,  even  by  a  Friend,   a 

great  Evil. 

Its  Foundation,  154 

//;  Detection,  ib. 

Sophism   III. 
To  be  deprived  of  a  Good,  is  an  Evil ; 
and  to  be  deprived  of  an  Evil,  a 
Good. 

Its  Fallacies,  155 


Sophism  IV. 
What  approaches  to  Good,  is  good  ; 
and  what  recedes  from  Good,   is 
evil. 

Ohfervation,  i55 

Its  Fallacies,  ib. 

Sophism    V. 

As  all  Parties  challenge  the  firft  Place; 
that  to  which  the  reft  unanimoudy 
give  the  fecond,  feems  the  beft : 
Each  taking  the  firft  Place  out  of 
AfFeiSlion  to  itfelfi  but  giving  the 
fecond  where  'tis  really  due. 

Illuftration,  156 

DeteJIion,  ib. 

Sophism   VI. 

That  is  abfolutely  beft,  the  Excellence 
whereof  is  greateft. 

Dete£iion,  156 

Soph  ism   VII. 

What  keeps  a  Matter  fafe  and  en- 
tire, is  good;  but  what  leaves  no 
Retreat,  is  bad:  for  Inability  to 
retire,  is  a  kind  of  Impotency  i  but 
Power  is  a  Good. 

I  lluft  ration,  157 

Foundation,  'b. 


Detection, 


ib. 


Sophism  VIII. 

That  Evil  we  bring  upon  ourfelves,  is 
greater ;  and  that  proceeding  from 
without  us,  lefs. 

Illuflration,  J  57 

De  tea  ion,  158 

Sophism  IX. 

The  Degree  of  Privation  feems  grea- 
ter than  that  of  Diminution  ;  and 
the  Degree  of  Inception  greater 
than  that  of  Increafe. 

Illuflration,  158 

The  Fallacies  of  the  firfl  Part,         i5g 

The  fecond  Pan  of  the  Sophifin  illufira- 

ted  and  dete^ed,  ib. 

b  2  Soph  I  sif 


a 


Sophism   X. 

What  relates  to  Troth,  is  greater 
than  what  relates  to  Opinion  :  but 
the  Meafure  and  Trial  of  what  re- 
lates to  Opinion,  is  what  a  Man 
would  not  do,  if  he  thought  he  were 
fecret. 

Illu/iratm,  1 60 

Sophism   XI. 
What  is  procured  by  our  own  Virtue 
and  Induftry,   is  a  greater  Good  ■, 
and  what  by  another's,  or  by  the 
Gift  of  Fortune,  a  lefs. 

niuflratmi,  i  60 

Its  Counter-Colours  and  Cvnfulatmi,  161 

Sophism  XII. 

What  confifts  of  many  divifible  Parts, 
is  greater,  and  more  one  than  what 
confifts  of  fewer ;  for  all  things, 
when  viewed  in  their  Parts,  feem 
greater  •,  Whence  alfo  a  Plurality  of 
Parts  (hews  bulky :  but  a  Plurali- 
ty of  Parts  has  the  ftronger  Effeifl, 
if  they  lie  in  no  certain  Order ;  for 
thus  they  refemble  Infinity,  and 
prevent  Comprehenfion. 

Explanation'^  161 

Confutation,     ,.  162 

A  Colle^ion  of'ftiidifd  AniUhels  wanting 

in  Rhetoricky  163 

Examples  for  procuring  this  CoUeSiion, 

A'Colleilion  of  leffer  Forms ■>  wanting  in 
Rhetorick,  lb. 

Examples  of  leffer  Forms. 

ACoMufion  in  the  Deliberative,     178 
Corollary  of  an  exa^  Divijion,  ib. 

A'Tranfttion  with  a  Caveat,  ib. 

A  Prepoffejfioii  againft  mi  imielerate 
Opinion,  ib. 


The     CONTENTS. 

SECT. 


XIX. 


Criticifm  and  School- Learning. 

Criticifm  and  School-Learning,  Appen- 
dages to  the  Dotfrine  of  Delivery, 

178 

Criticifm  divided,  as  it  regards,  (1.)  the 
correal publiffjing  of  Authors,        ij^ 

(2.)  The  Ilhifiration  of  them  by  Notes, 
&c.  ib. 

{l-)  A Cenfure  of  them,  ib. 

School-Learning  to  be  taught  in  Col- 
leges, 180 

The  ways  of  preparing  the  Genius,     ib. 

Studies  to  fiiit  the  Genius,  ib. 

The  proper  life  of  academical  Exercifes, 

181 

The  ASlion  of  the  Stage  recommended  as 
a  part  of  Difcipline,  ib. 

SECT.     XX. 

Of  Echicks,  or  Morality. 

The  SubjeSl  and  Office  of  Et hicks,    1 8  2 

The  great  Imperfi5lion  of  this  Do^rine, 

ib. 

Ethicks  divided  into  the  DoHrine  of  the 
Image  of  Good  ;  and  the  Georgicks  of 
the  Mind,  183 

The  Heathen  Summum  Bonum  fupe'r- 
feded  byChriJlianity,  ib. 

The  Heathen  Treatment  cf  pofrtive  and 
fmple  Good,  ib. 

And  of  comparative  Good,  184 

Their  Failure,  ib. 

Two  Appetites  in  all  things  ;  viz.  Self- 
Good,  and  Good  of  Communion,     ib. 

Several  ^eflicns  in  Morality  determi- 
ned upon  the  preceding  Foundation  ; 
viz.  (i.)  that  an  a^ive,  is  preferable 
to  a  contemplative  Life,  185 

{2.)  Whether  Felicity  is  placed  in  Vir- 
tue, or  Pleafure,  ib.- 

(.3.)  Whether  Felicity  be. placed  in  things 
witbm  our  power,  ib. 

MWhe- 


The    CONTENTS. 


xxk 


C4.;  TVhetber  the  Caufes  of  Difquiet  are 

to  be  avoidedy  or  the  Mind  prepared 

agalnjl  them^  1 8  6 

(5-)  Whether  a  Moralift  fiould  quitSo- 

cietyy  ib. 

SECT.    XXI. 

Of  Self-Good,  and  the  Good  of 

Communion. 

Self-Good  divided  into  alfive  and  paf- 
Jive,  187 

The  active  vioft  predominant,  ib. 

Individual  ailive  Good  differs  from  the 
Good  of  Communion,  1 8  8  ■ 

Pajjive  Good  divided  into  perfective  and 
conferviitive,  ib. 

Whether  Felicity  conffli  in  Tranqtiility 
or  Gratification,  1 89 

Whether  the  Mind  be  at  once  capable  of 
Tranquility  and  Fruition,  ib. 

The  Good  of  Communion,  how  far  trea- 
ted, and  hew  to  be  farther  purfued, 

ib. 

The  DoSrine  of  Frauds  and  Corruptions 
waiiting  in  Morality,  190 

The  mutual  Duties  of  Men  belong  to  re- 
fpeCiive  Duties,  191 

Comparative  Good  of  Communion,     ib. 

SECT.     XXII. 

Of  the  Cukivation  of  the  Mind. 

The  Do^rine  of  the  Cure  of  the  Mind 
deficient,  192 

The  Things  in  cur  power  to  be  d/Jiiri- 
guijhed,  with  regard  to  that  Cure,  193 

A  Work  of  the  CharaUers,  or  Natures, of 
Perfons,  deficient,  ib. 

The  Doolrine  of  the  JffeSiions  deficient, 

-194 
The  Things  within  our  pvjer  that  in- 
fluence the  Mind,  195 
Examples  hereof  in  Cuflotn  and  Habit, 

1^6 
(i.)  That  Taiks  be  duly  proportioned^ 

ib. 


(2.)  That  the  beft  and  'Ofor/l  State  of 

Mind  be  ebferved,  W), 

(3.)  To  endeavour  ftrenuoufly  agatnjt 

Nature,  ib. 

(4.)  That  things  be  not  direSly  impofed^ 

ib. 
The  ConduSI  requifile  in  Studies,  ii^y 
The  Cure  of  the  Mind  depending  upon 
its  more  and  lefs  perfeSl  State,  ib. 
Charity  the  Perfe^ion  of  Morality,  1 9  8 
Appendix  to  the  Georgicks  of  the  Mind, 

199 
SECT.    XXIII. 
Of  Civil  Dodlrlne;  and  firft,  of  Cgn- 
verlation  and  Decorum. 

The  Art  of  Silence,  lb. 

The  Do^rine  of  Civil  Policy,  in  fame  re- 

fpecfs  hfs  difficult  than  Ethicks,  200 
Civil  Knowledge  divided  into  Prudence 
(i.)  of  Converfaiion  ;  (2.)  Bufinefs  ; 
(3.)  Government,  ib. 

The  EffeEl  of  Decorum^  201 

The  Rules  of  Decency.  ib. 

SECT.     XXIV. 

The  Do(ftrzne  of  Bufinefs. 

The  DoBrine  of  Bufinefs  divided  into 
that  of  ixariousOccafions,  and  rifiag 
in  Life,  202 

No  Books  written  upon  th^  DoUrine  of 
Bufinefs,  ib;_ 

This  DoSirine  reducible  to  Rule,      2.03 

A  Specimen  of  the  Do<5lrine  of  vad-  • 
ous  Occafions  in  the  common  £ufi- " 
nefs  of  Life  ;  by  way  of  Aphorifm 
and  Explanation. 

Aphorism    I. 

A  foft  Anfwer  appeafes  Anger. 

The  way  of  excufing  a  Fault,         ^04 

Apho- 


xxn 


The     CONTENTS. 


Aphorism  II. 
A  prudent  Servant  fliall  rule  over  a 
foolifliSon,  and  divide  the  Inheri- 
tance among  the  Brethren. 

1'he  Conduil  of  azvife  Servant^        204 

Aphorism   III. 
If  a  wife  Man  contends  with  a  Fool, 
whether  he  be  in  Anger  or  in  Jeft, 
there  is  no  Quiet. 

The  Folly  of  contending  with  the  Obfii- 
nate,  205 

Aphorism   IV. 

Liften  not  to  all  that  is  fpoke,  left 
thou  fhouldft  hear  thy  Servant 
curfe  thee. 

"The  Treacher-j  of  ufelefs  Curiofity,  205 

Aphorism    V. 

Poverty  comes  as  a  Traveller,    but 

Want  as  an  armed  Man. 

'the  way  offecuring  an  Eft  ate,        205 

Aphorism  VI. 
He  who  inftrufts  a  Scoffer,  procures 
to  himfelf  Reproach  •,  and  he  who 
reproves  a  wicked  Man,  procures 
to  himfelf  a  Stain. 

'The  Danger  of  reproving  the  IVicked, 

206 

A  P  H  O  R  I  S  M     VII. 

A  wife  Son  rejoices  his  Father,  but  a 
foolillx  Son  is  a  Sorrow  to  his  Mo- 
ther. 

The  Virtues  and  Vices  of  Children  dif- 
ferently affe^  the  Father  from  the 
Mother,  206 

Aphorism   VIII. 
The  Memory  of  the  Juft  is  bleffed  -, 

but  the  Name  of  the  Wicked  Ihall 

rot. 
The  Difference  between  the  Fame  of  good 

find  had  Men  after  death,  206 


Aphorism  IX. 

He  who  troubles  his  own  Houfe,  fliall 

inherit  the  Wind. 

The  Folly  of  changing  Conditions,     207 

Aphorism  X. 

The  End  of  a  Difcourfe  is  better  than 

the  Beginning. 

The  Conclufions  of  Converfations  to  be 
agreeable,  207 

Aphorism   XI. 
As  dead  Flies  caufe  the  beft  Oint- 
ment to  yield  an  ill  Odour  -,  fo  does 
a  little  Folly  to  a  Man  in  Repu- 
tation for  Wifdom  and  Honour. 

hittle  Faults  readily  cenfured  in  wife 
Men,  208 

Aphorism  XII. 

Scornful   Men  enfnare  a  City  •,  but 
wife  Men  prevent  Calamity. 

The  Capable  undermined  by  the  lefs 
capable,  208 

Aphorism    XIII. 

The  Prince  who  willingly  hearkens 

to  Lyes,  has  all  his  Servants  wicked. 

Credulity  very    pernicious  in   Princet, 

209 

A  P  H  0  R  ISM     XIV. 

A  juft  Man  is  merciful  to  the  Life  of 
his  Beaft  -,  but  the  Mercies  of  the 
Wicked  are  cruel. 

Compaffton  to  be  limited,  209 

Aphorism    XV. 
A  Fool  fpeaks  all  his  Mind  ;  but  a 
wife  Man   referves  fomething  lor 
hereafter. 

Broken  Difcourfe  preferred  to  continued, 

210 

A  P  H  o- 


Aphorism  XVI. 
If  the  Difpleafure  of  great  Men  rife 
up  againft  thee,  forfake  not  thy 
Place  -,  for  pliant  Behaviour  ex- 
tenuates great  Offences. 
The  Method  of  recovering  a  Princess 
Favour,  2 1  o 

Aphorism     XVII. 
The  firll   in   his  own   Caufe  is  jufl: : 
then  comes  the  other  Party, and  en- 
quires into  him. 
How  to  conquer  Prepnjpjfion  in  a  Judge, 

111 

Aphorism     XVIII. 
He  who  brings  up  his  Servant  deli- 
cately, fliall  find   him  ftubborn  in 
the  End. 
The  J'Vay  of  managing  SuhjeiJs  and  Ser- 
vants, 2  I  2 
Aphorism  XIX. 
A  Man  diligent  in  his  Bufinefs  fliall 
ftand   before  Kings  -,    and  not  be 
ranked  among  the  Vulgar. 
■  Difpatch  the  Salification  moft  required 
by  Princes,  ib. 
Aphorism  XX. 
.  I  fiiw  all  tlic  living  which  walk  under 
theSiin  ;  with  the  fucceeding  young 
Prince    that  fhall    rife    up  in  his 
ftead. 
The  Folly  of  worfhiping  the  next  Heir, 

ib. 

Aphorism    XXI. 

There  was  a  little  City,  mann'd  but 

by  a  few  •,  and  a  mighty  King  drew 

his  Army  to  it,  eredted  Bulwarks 

againft  it,  and  entrenched  it  round  : 

now  there  was  found  within   the 

Walls  a  poor  wife  Man,  and  he 

by  hisWifdom  delivered  the  City; 

but  none  remembred  the  fame  poor 

Man, 

The  Rewards  of  the  more  deferving,2 1 3 


The     CONTENTS. 

Aphorism    XXII, 

The  Way  of  the  Slothful  is  a  Hedge 


xxm 


of  Thorns. 
The  Advantage  of  contriving  Bufinefs, 

214 
Aphorism    XXIII. 
He  who  refpefts    Perfons   in  Judg- 
ment, does  ill  ;  and  will    forfake 
the  Truth  for  a  Piece  of  Bread. 
Facility  of  Temper  pernicious  in  a  Judge. 

ib. 

A  p  H  o  r  ism    XXIV. 

A  poor  Man  that  by    Extortion  op- 

prefles  the  Poor,is  like aLand-fiood 

that  caufes  Famine. 

Rich  Cover nours  prefer' d  to  poor  oneSy 

214 
Aphorism    XXV. 
A   juft   Man    filling     before     the 
wicked,  is  a  troubled  Fountain  and 
a  corrupted  Spring. 

UnJHJi  and  publick  Sentences  worfe  than 
private  Injuries,  ib. 

Aphorism    XXVI. 

Contra<5l  no  Friendfhip  with  an  an- 
gry Man,  nor  walk  with  a  furious 
one. 

The  Caution  required  in  contra5fing 
Friendfdps,  2 1 5 

A  P  H    O   R    I  S  M      XXVII. 

He  who  conceals  a  Fault,feeks  Friend- 
fliip  -,  but  he  who  repeats  a  Mat- 
ter, feparates  Friends. 
The  Way  of  procuringReconciliation,  ib. 

Aphorism    XXVIII. 
In  every  good  Work  is  Plenty  -,  but 
where    Words    abound,    there  is 
commonly  a  Want. 
The  Difference  betwixt  an  effe^lve  and 
verbofe  Perfon,  ib. 

Aphorism    XXIX. 
Open  Reproof  is  better  tlian  fecret 
Affection, 

ThQ, 


fflor 


The     CONTENTS 
216 


The  Reproof  due  to  Friends., 

Aphorism    XXX. 
A   prudent  Man   looks  well  to  his 
Steps  i  but  a  Fool  turns  afide  to 
Deceit. 
That  Honeft'j  is  true  Policy,  ib; 

Aphorism    XXXI. 
Be  not  over-righteous,  nor  make  thy 
felf  over-wife  ;  for  v/hy   fhould'll 
thou  be  fuddenly  taken  off  ? 
The  Danger  of  great   Virtue  in   had 
Times,  2 1 7 

Aphorism    XXXII. 
Give  Occafion  to  a  wife  Man,  and 

his  Wifdom  will  be  encreafed. 
The  Difference    betwixt  Jhallow    and 
found  Knowledge,  ib. 

Aphorism    XXXIII. 
To  praife  one's  Friend  aloud,  rifing 
early, has  the  fame  Effect  as  curfing 
him. 
The  Condu5i  to  he  obferv'd  in  Praife, 

217 

Aphorism    XXXIV. 
As  the  Face  fliines  in  Water,  fo  are 
Men's  Hearts  manifeft  to  the  wife. 
The  Advantage  of  Knowledge,         1 1 8 
Further  Direolions  about  the  Method  of 
treating  this  Subje5f,  ib. 

The  mojl  commodious  Method  for  the 
purpofe,  ib. 

SECT.     XXV. 

OFSelf-Policy  i  or  the  Doctrine 
of  Rising  in  Life. 

Private  Policy  different  from  publick, 

219 

Js  not  to  be  profeffed,  ib. 

The  Do^frine  of  Rifmg  in  Life,  defici- 
ent, 220 

jin  Example  of  the  way  tofupply  it,  ib. 

Colle^ive  Precepts,  viz.  The  Informa- 
tion to  be  procured,  firfl  of  others, 
next  of  ourfelveSf  221 


Six  IVays  of  kngwing  Men;  viz.  {i.)hy 
Countenance,  ib, 

(2.)  By  Words.  (3.)  By  FaSls.  (4.)  By 
jifling  of  Tempers.     (5.)  By  difco- 
vering  of  Ends,  222 

(6.)  By  the  Relation  of  others,  223 
A  fummary  Redu£iion  of  the  fix  prece- 
ding Rules,  ib. 
The  Knowledge  to  he  procured  of  our- 
felveshy  Self-examination,  224 
( I .)  Whether  the  Temper  fults  theTimes, 

ib. 
ii.)  Whether  the   reputable  Kinds  of 
Life  are  agreeable  ib. 

(3.)  Whether  there  be  no  Rivals,   225 
(4.)  To  regard  one's  ownTetiiper  in  the 
choice  of  Friends,  ib. 

(5.)  Not  to  follow  Examples  too  clofe, 

ib. 
That  a  Man  mufi  learn  tofheiv  himfelf 
to  advantage,  ib. 

Keep  up  the  EJteevi  of  Virtue,  and  con- 
ceal his  own  Defers,  226 
He  mujl  exprefs  himfelf,                   21  j 
He  tnufl  bend  and  form  his  Mind,  228 
Inflances  of  mifiellanecus  Precepts  for 
Rifing  in  Life  ;    viz.    To    ejlimate 
things  jiiflly,  229 
To  amend  the  Mind,  ib. 
To  procure  Wealth,  Fame,   Honours, 

ib. 
Not  to  encounter  great  Difficulties,  230 
To  make  Opportunities,  ib. 

To  engage  in  no  long  Purfuits,  ib. 

To  a^  nothing  in  vain,  ib. 

Not  to  he  too  flriSlly  tied  down  to  any 
thing,  231 

Not  to  be  too  flrcngly  attached  to  Per- 
fons,  ib. 

Good  Fortune  fometimes  cpmes  eafy,  ib. 
The  preceding  Precepts  not  immoral, ib. 
No  Immoralities  to  be  praMifed  in  raif- 
ing  a  Fortune,  232 

The  Goods  of  the  Mind  to  he  firfl  pro- 
cured ^  ib. 

SECT. 


The   CONTENTS. 


xxf 


SECT.    XXVI. 

The  Doftrine  of  Government;  and 
firfl:  of  extending  the  Bounds  of 
Empire. 

97j<?  Jit  of  Empire,  234 

Divided  inith  regard  to,  ( i .)  the  Pre- 
fervalion^  (2.j  The  Happinefs,  and^ 
(2-)  The  Enlargement  of  States-,  235 

The  IMilitary  Scatefman  •,  or,  the  Doc- 
trine of  enlarging  Empire,   deficient, 

ib. 

The  different  Talents  of  Governors,    ib. 

The  Difference  of  States,  2^6 

The  Greatnefs  of  States,  how  to  be  efii- 
mated,  ib. 

yf  People  oppreffed  with  Taxes  tinf.t 
for  Rule,  ib. 

That  the  Nobles  he  few,  2  3  7 

That  the  Natives  be  an  Over-match  for 
the  Foreigners,  ib. 

The  fofier  mechanick  Arts  to  be  left  to 
Strangers,  238 

Arms  to  be  fliidied,  and  profeffed,  by  a 
military  Nation,  ib. 

That  the  Laws  and  Cuflomsfhould  af- 
ford Occafions  of  War,  239 

A  Nation  to  be  always  ready  for  War, 

240 

The  Advantage  of  being  Mafiers  at  Sea, 

ib. 

The  Soldiers  to  be  honourably  rewarded, 

ib. 

That  Empires  may  be  enlarged  by  Pru- 
dence, 241 

SECT.     XXVII. 

The  Doftrine  of  Univerfal  Juftice  ; 
or,  the  Fountains  of  Equity. 

Politicians  befl  qualif-ed  to  treat  the 
Sub\etl  of  Juftice^  242 

Three  'Fountains  of  Lijufice,  ib. 

The  Foundation  of  private  Right,      ib. 

Private  Right  to  beproteoled  by  publick 
L'J'tc,  243 

Vol.  I. 


Publick  Laws  exteftd  toR  e'tglcft.  Arms, 
&c.  ib. 

The  End  and  Difference  cf  LawSy  ib. 
A  good  Law  what,  244 

Certainty  Effential  to  a  Law,  ib. 

T'wo  Uncertainties  in  Laws,  ib. 

Three  Remedies  in  Cafes  emitted  by  the 
Law,  ib. 

Reafon  preferred  to  Cuflo7n,  ib. 

Cafes  omitted  to  be  governed  by  publick 
Advantage,  ib. 

The  Laws  not  to  be  wrefled,  245 

Statutes  of  Repeal  not  to  be  extended  to 
Cafes  omitted,  ib. 

No  Precedent  of  a  Precedent,  ib. 

Extenftun  more  allowable  in  fiimmary 
Law  St  ib. 

Solemnity  admits  not  of  Extenfion,      ib. 
Extenfion  to  After -Cafes  eafy,  ib. 

By  Precedents  under  due  Regulations, 

246 
Precedents  to   be   derived  from  good 
Times,  ib. 

Modern  Precedents  the  fafefl,  ih. 

Ancient  Precedents  to  be  cautioujly  ad- 
mitted^ ib. 
Precedents  to  be  limited,  ib. 
Partial  Precedents  to  be  guarded  againff, 

ib. 
The  Tranfmiffion    of  Precedents  to  be 
regarded,  ib. 

Precedents  to  be  authentick,  247 

Should  not  eafdy  be  admitted,  after  once 
rejeHed,  ib. 

Precedents  are  Matter   of  DireHion, 
not  Rule,  ib. 

Courts  and  Juries  under  their  Regula- 
tions, ib. 
The  Cenforial  and  PreBtorial  Courtsfih, 
Courts  of  Juftice  to  have  Power  of  pu- 
nifhing  new  Offences,                    ib. 
Courts  of  Equity  to  have  Fewer  offup- 
plying  the  Law,                          248 
Both  to  be  confined  to  extraordinary 
Cafes,                                          ib. 

c  Jurif- 


«XVI 


The    CONTENTS. 


Jurifdi^tofts  to  he  lodged  in  Supreme 

■   Courts,  ib. 

Juries  to  confijl  of  fever  ah  ib. 

Sentence  of  Life  and  Death  to  proceed 
upon  known  Laws,  ib. 

"that  there  he  three  Returns  of  the  Jurv, 

ib. 

^he  preparative  Parts  of  great  Crimes 
to  he  punifhed,  ib. 

Cafes  willingly  omitted  hy  the  Laws, 
not  to  be  relieved,  249 

The  Courts  of  Equity  to  he  kept  within 
Bounds  ib- 

JVo  Equity-Court  to  decree  againft  a  Sta- 
tute, ib- 

The  Courts  of  Equity  and  Juftice  tofe 
kept  diftinoJ,  'b- 


The  Preambles  of  Laws  to  he  Jhor  1,254. 

The  full  Purport  cf  the  Law  not  al- 
ways derivable  from  the  Preamble, 

ib. 

A  faulty  Method  in  drawing  up  the 
Laws,  ib. 

The  Ways  of  interpreting  the  Laws,  and 
taking  away  the  Ambiguity,  ib. 

By  recording  Judgments,  ib, 

Authentick  Writers,  255 

Auxiliary  Books,  ib. 

Viz.  Inflitutes,  ib. 

Explanations  cf  Terms,  and  Rules  of  the 
Law,  256 

Antiquities  of  Laws,  Abridgments,  Plea- 
dings,   Anfwers  and    Confultaiions, 

^57 


The  Judges  inEquity  to pubUfJj  their  own  Readings  to  he  direned,fo  as  to  terminate 

Rules,                                         ib.  ^lejtions,                                   258 

Retrofpeilive  Laws  to  he  ufed  wilhBif-  The  Uncertainties  of  Judgments  with 

cretion,                                          ib-  their  Remedies,                             ib. 

Are  proper  in  fraudulent  and  evafive  Decrees  to  he  reverfed  zvith  Solemnity^ 

Cafes,                                            ^b-  .      .                      259 

And  for  corroborating  and  confirming.  The  Courts  to  fnaintain  Peace  with  one 

250  another,                                        ib. 

Laws  regarding  Futurity  may  alfo  he  A  general  Retrofpe5iion,                  ib. 

RetrofpeSiive,  ib. 


Declaratory  Laws  to  he  enabled  where 
Retrofpetiion  is  jufl,  ib. 

The  Obfcurity  of  Laws  from  four  Ori- 
gins, lb. 
Excejfive    Accumulation     of   Laws , 

which  may  prove  very  pernicious,  ib. 
Two  Ways  of  making  new  Statutes,  ib. 
The  Contradiolories  in  Law  to  be  exa- 

7nined  at  proper  Intervals,  251 

Obfolete  Laws  to  he  cancelled.  ib, 

Courts  of  Equity  to  have  a  Right  ofde-    The  life  of  Human  Reafon  allowable  in 


SECT.     XXVII. 

The  Dodtrine  of  Infpired  Theology, 
or  Divinity. 

The  Divifion  and  Cultivation  cf  Divi- 

.    nity,  left  to  Divines,  261 

The  Prerogative  of  Revelation  over  the 
Light  of  Nature,  ib. 

Two  Significations  of  the  Light  of  Na- 
ture, 262 


creeing   contrary   to  obfolete   Laws, 

ib. 

New  Digefts  of  Laws  how  to  be  under- 
taken and  effeSled,  252 

A  perplexed  and  obfiure  Defcription  of 
Laws,  253 

The  Verhofity  of  the  Law  to  he  retrench- 
ed, ib. 


Religion,  263 

This  Ufe  of  Reafon  is  of  two  Kinds ;  re- 
garding,{i.)The  Explanation  of  My- 
Jleries  ;    and,  (2.)   Inferences  from 
thetn,  lb. 

Two  Excejfes  of  Huntan  Reafon  in  Di- 
vinity., 2  64 

The 


The  CONTENTS. 


xxvil 


Thi  firj}  Appendage  to  Theology  "Man' 

titii^  ;  viz.  The  Moderator,      264 

A  Di,cour/e  upon  the  Degrees  of  Unity 

among  Chrijiidiu,  defcient,  ib. 

A  fecond  Appendage  to  Divinity  vjan- 

•■  ting  ;  viz.  a  Difcourfe  of  Unity,  265 

Two  J-'/ays  of  interpreting  Sciipture  ; 

viz.  The  methodical,  and  the  loofe,  \h. 

The  loofe  zvay  fuhjeSt  to  two  Exceffes, 

ib. 
A  third  Appendage  to  Divinity     wan- 


ted; viz.    Notes  and   Ohfervations 

upon  particular  Texts,  266 

Ccnclufion,  ib. 

SECT.     XXIX. 

The  Coaft  of  the  new  Intelledual 
World  :  or,  A  Recapitulation  of 
the  Deficiencies  of  Knowledge  j 
pointed  out  in  the  preceding  Work, 
to  befupplied  by  Pofterity,  267-- 

270 


GENERAL  SUPPLEMENT 


TO      THE 


De  Augmentis  Scientiarum. 

Supplement  L     The   New  Atlantis ;  or,  A  Plan  of  en 

Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Knowledge. 

Delivered  in  the  Way  of  F  i  c  t  i  on. 


AFtilitious   Voyage,  intimating  the 
Difcovery  of  a  new  Country,  278 
The   Ship's  Arrival   to  an    unknown 
Port.  ib. 

Their  Humane  Reception,  ib. 

The  Offcers  take  no  Fees,  279 

A  Superioi'.r  Officer  examines  them,  ib. 
A  Notary  comes  onhoard  them,  280 
Part  of  their  Nu7nber  go  on  Shore,  ib, 
A  Defer ipt ion  of  the  Hoiife  of  Strangers, 

ib. 
Tbs  Strangers  7tot  to  go  abroad  for  three 


Days,  281 

Their  Meats  and  Drinks  defcrihed,  281 
Their  Medicines  intimated,  ib. 

The  Speech  of  the  Leader  to  the  refi  of 
the  Strangers^  ib. 

Their  Anfwer,  282 

The  Recovery  of  their  Sick,  ib. 

The  Company  vifited  by  the  Governor 
of  the  Houfe  of  Strangers,  ib. 

His  Difcourfe  to  them  j  and  their  An- 
fwer, ib, 
The  Company  revifted  by  the  Governor^ 
c  2                 wba 


XXVUl 


The     CONTENTS. 


who  entertains  them  with  an  Ac- 
count of  the  IJland,  283 

Its  Convey/ion  to  Chrijiianity,  ib. 

The  Miracle  whereby  it  was  wrought, 

ib. 

The  Prayer  of  a  Fellow  of  Solomon'^ 
College,  at  the  fight  of  the  Miracle. 

ib. 

The  Procefs  of  the  Miracle  \  and  its 
Confummation,  in  the  delivery  of  a 
Book  containing  the  Old  and  New 
Tefl  anient,  284 

The  Epijlle  of  St.Bzx\.\io\omtw,      ib. 

ji  farther  Miracle  both  in  the  Book 
and  Letter,  ib. 

The  Converfation  with  the  Governcur 
renewed,  ib. 

The  ^lefiioji  pat,  how  this  IJland  be- 
came acquainted  with  all  the  TForld, 
whiljt  itfelf  remained  unknown,    285 

T'he  Governour's  Anfwer.  ib. 

The  ancient  Shipping,  ib. 

Benfalem,  anciently,  much  reforted  to 
by  all  Nations,  ib. 

The  ancient  State  of  America.,         2^6 

Two  grand  Expeditions  of  the  Mexicans 
and  Peruvians,  ib. 

Followed'  by  an  Inundation  of  their 
CountrieSy  ib. 

The  Confequences  thereof  upon  the  In- 
habitants, 287 

The  Decay  of  Navigation  in  fucc ceding 
Ages,  ib. 

Why  the  Inhabita?its  of  Benfalem  re- 
main at  home,  ib. 

,/^«  Account  of  their  Z/K^Solomona,ib. 

The  Laws  he  ena^ed  againjt  the  En- 
trance of  Strangers,  2  S  8 

The  Law  regarding,  the  travellitig  if 
the  Natives,  ib. 

The  Inftitution  o/Solomon'j  Houfe,  or, 
a  Philofophical  Society^  ib. 

The  Mijfions  of  the  Fellows  of  this  So- 


ciety, 


2  89 


The  Effect  of  this   Nation's  offering 
Conditions  to  Sir  anger i^  290 


S  E  c  T.  ir. 

A  general  Character  of  the  Nation,     ib;. 

The  Company  admitted  into  the  Pre- 
feuce  of  a  Father  of  Solomon's  C'l- 
lege.  ib. 

The  Fa  there's  Difccurfe  to  the  chief  Man 
of  the  Company.  291 

The  End  of  tbelnjlitution  o/'Solomon'i 
College,  ib. 

Its  Apparatus  of  Caves,  Burials,  Towers 
and'ObfervatorieSy  ib. 

Lakes,  Pools,  Rocks,  Contrivances  for 
IVind  and  Water -Engines,  292 

Artificial  Springs,  Wells  for  Infufions, 
Meteor -Houfes,    and    Chambers   of 
Health,  ib. 

Artificial  Baths,  Orchards  and  Gar- 
dens, for  Experiments  upon  Vegeta- 
tion, 293 

Plants growingwithout  Seeds,  ib,. 

Pa-ks  and  Enclofures  for  Animals., 
and  the  Production  of  ncw  Species,. 

ib. 

Ponds  for  Experiments,  upon  Fifo,  and 
Breeding-places  for  Infects,  2945. 

Particular  Brew-hotfes,  Bake-houjes^ 
&c.  ib. 

Bread  of  various  Kinds,  ib. 

Meats  of  various  Kinds,  Shops  of  Me- 
dicines, Manufactures,  Furnaces  ancf 
Chemical  Apparatus,  295 

Optick-hcufes,  Collections  of  Gems  and 
Foffils,    and  Sound-houfes,  2^& 

Perfume-boufes,  a  Confe^ionary,  and 
Engine-houfeily  ■  297 

A  Mathematica  Houfe,  and  Hoitfes  of 
Deception,  29S 

The  Employments  andOffces  of  the  Fel- 
lows, ib. 

Twelve  Merchants  of  Light,  three  De- 
predators, three  Myjlery-men,  three 
Miners,  ihfee  Compilers^  ib. 

Three  BenefaBors,  three  Lamps,  three 
Inoculators,  three  Interprctersof  Na- 
ture; Pupils  and  Servants  ;  Conful- 
tations,.  2991 

Their 


The     CONTENTS. 

Their  Rites  and  Ordinances,  in  fre-     'Tlelrreligioui  CeremonisSi  and  ibeirVi- 
ferving  Models  of  Inventions,   and        fitations,  300 

Statues  cf  Inventors,  299     Conc'.ufiony  ib. 

Supplement   II.     7he    Begi?mi7?g    of    a  Hijlory  of 

Great  Britain. 


xxix 


'T'  U  E  Succ'Jfwn  of  the  Croivn  cf 

*•    England  devolves  upon  James  VI. 

of  Scotland,  303 

^he  EfffB  of  this  Succejfionas  to  the 
Peace  cfEmope,  ib, 

England  and  Scotland  never  united 
under  one  King  before,  ib. 

yf  IFork  of  Providence^  accomplifhing 
certain  Prophecies y  304 

The  Reputation  cf  this  Succejfon  aug- 
mented by  many  extraordinary  Cir- 
cumjlances,  ib. 

The  Unanimity  and  TranqinUiiy  at  the 


King's  Entrance,  ib. 

Tbefeditious  Book  of  FM-fons  //a' Jefuit, 

ib. 
j^il  Difcourfe  cf  a   Succeffor  prohibited 

by  ^teen  Elizabeth,  305 

The  great  and  univerfal  Joy  at  this  Suc- 

ceffion,  ibo 

The  Behaviour  of  thofe  attached  to  the 

former  Government,  ib;. 

The  Papijh.  The  Presbytery,  ib. 

The  King's  Book  publijh'd  at  his  En- 


trance, 


506 


Supplement  III.  Containing  the  Lives,  or  Civil  Cha-^ 
ra&ers,  of  Julius  Csefar,  Auguftus  Ciefar,  Kifig 
Henry  VII.     and  ^een  Elizabeth. 


I. 

A  Civil  Charafler  of  Julius  C^far. 

'~jr  H  E  general  Fortune  and  Temper 

■*       o/Cfefary  310 

His  Vie^Ji)s  felffh,  ib. 

Favour'd  by  the  People,  hut  not  the 

Nobles,  for  his  Haughlinefs,  3  1 1 
His  Thirft  cf  Power,  and  the  Means 

-whereby  he  obtained  it,  ib. 

Works  on  bothfides,mffembles  and  throws 

the  Blame  on  others,  ib. 

His  great  Talent  In  ?nilitary  J/fajrs ;  his 

Ccnduof  in  War,  his  Friendfhips,^  1 2 
His  Learning.  His  Pleafures.  His  End, 

313- 
A  Civil  Charaifer  0/ Auguftus  C^far, 

ib. 


A  Civil  CharaBer  of  King  Henry  VII.. 

3  »4- 

This  King  a  Mirror  for  the  Wife,      ib.. 
His  Religion  and  Atfs  of  Charity,      ib. 
His  Love  cf  Peace.  His  great  Succefs  in' 

JFar.  His  Regard  to  the  Laws,     ib. 
The-  Adminijlralion  ofjuflice  in  his  time,. 

His  Mercy.-    His  Covetoufnefs  and  Op- 
prefp.ons.  His  Expences.  His  Tempev 
and  Moral  CharaHer.  ib- 

His  Alliances.  His  Behaviour  in  Bufi- 
nefs,  and  his  CbaraHer  abroad.  His 
Intelligence.    His  Emi/faries,      316- 

His  Doviejlick  Character .  His  Condu^ 
in  the  Council,  3  i  y 

Promoted  t  he  Clergy  and  Lawyers,  to 
the  Negletl  of  the  Nobility,  ib. 

Hiss 


XXX 


The     CONTENT  S. 


His  Choke  of  ahle  Minijiers.  His  Con- 
pancy  in  prote^ing  his  Servants,  3  _i  7 

How  refpeBed  hy  bis  Subjecfs,  ib. 

His  exatl  andfcrupidcus  Diligence  in 
taking  Notes,  &cc.  ib. 

His  Sufpicions.  His  Affalility  and  Per- 
fuafion  ;  his  Learning,  and  Pleafttres, 

318 

How  affect  d  by  Royalty,  ib. 

Hozu  his  Nature  influenced  his  For- 
tune, _    319 

Compared  with  his  Contetnporaries,  the 
Kings  of  France  and  Spain,         ib. 

His  Perfon,  Death  and  Funeral,        ib. 

An  Account  of  the  Felicities  atten- 
ding the  Life  and  Reign  of  Queen 

Elizabeth. 

this  Siibje5l  requires  an  able  Statefman 

to  write  upon  it,  320 

•The  Felicity  cf  ^een  Elizabeth,  the 

prefent  Subje^,  ib. 

Thatjhe  was  raifedfrom  a  private  Life 

to  a  Crown,  ib. 

the  Misfortune  of  her  Mother,   no  Re- 

fletlionupon  herfelf,  ib. 

Her  Reign  extended  to  the  full  Prime  of 

her  Life,  32 1 

Her  ruling  a  hfirdy  warlike  People,  ib. 
Her  Enjoyment  of  Peace,  ib. 

the  Aidsflde  afforded  to  foreign  Princes, 

322 
the  Coiinfels  fije  gave  them,  ib. 


the  Peace  of  her  Reign  owing  to  herfelf, 

ib. 

fler  Succefs  in  difcovering  and  defeating 

Confpiracies,  323 

Ruled  in  a  learned  Age,  over  a  blow- 
ing People,  ib. 

Ruled  without  Confort,  ib. 

Left  no  Children,  ib. 

Her  Perfon  graceful,  and  her  Death 
eafy,  ib. 

Her  Minifters  able  Men,  324 

Her  poflhumous  Felicities,  viz.  her  next 
Succeffor,  and  her  Fame,  ib. 

thefe  Felicities  owing  to  herfelf,         ib. 

Her  Religion,  ib. 

Net  regardlefs  of  Mortality,  325 

Whether  fhe  were  moderate  in  Religion, 

ib. 

the  Alterations  of  her  Meafures  tq  on 
the  Spanifh  Invafion,  ib. 

And  the  hi{h  Rebellion,  326 

Priefls,  of  nee effity,  forbid  the  Kingdom 
on  pain  of  Death,  ib. 

this  Law  why  continued,  2i'^j 

Farther  Reafons  of  it,  ib. 

Proofs  of  her  fettled  Affection  for  Reli- 
gion, ib. 

thePrudence  fhevsn  in  bringing  about  the 
Reformation,  328 

Her  Levities,  ib. 

Her  moral  Virtues,  ib. 

Her  Defire  of  appeariug  eminent,  tho* 

fhe  had  lived  private,  ib. 

Her  great  talent  for  Government,     ib. 


Supplement   IV.    SeleSf  Speeches  on  particular  Occajionst 
Civile  yiidicial  aftd  Moral. 


SECT.    I. 

Speeches  on  Civil  Occafions. 

Speech  I, 


Speech  II. 

Upon  /Zvg^B^rfl/ Naturalization  of  the 
Scotifh  Nation,  336/0346 

Speech  III. 


T  T  P  0  N prefenting  a  Petition  cf  the     Upon  a  Motion  for  uniting  the  Laws  of 
*^   Houfe  of  Commons,  to  his  Majefty  ;         England  ij;;^  Scotland,  346/0349 


for  regulating  the  Purveyors,   332 

to  2^6 


S  P  E    E  C  H     IV. 

For  perfuading  the  Houfe  of  Commons 

to 


to  receive  the  Kwg*s  Mejfagei  b^  their 
Speaker,  and  from  the  Body  of  the 
Council,  3A-9toS5i 

Speech  V. 

Uj-on  Occafion  of  the-  Undertakers,  or 
certain  Perfons  who  were  faid  lo  have 
undertaken,  that  the  Kin^s  Buftnefs 
Jhouldpafs  in  the  Houfe  of  Coinmons, 

35iioss6 

Speech  VI. 

M.ide  in  the  St  ir-Chamher,  hefore  the 

Summer  Circuit  ;  the  King  being  in 

Scotland,  SB^to^sS 

Speech   VII. 

Alade  to  the  Speaker's  exciife,  and  0- 

ratwn,  35^10  3^3 

SECT.    II. 

Speeches  in  Judicial  Proceedings. 

Speech    I. 
The  Charge  againfi  the  Lord  Sanquhar, 
•   for  Murder,  3^3  to  ^ 6j 

Speech  II. 
The  Charge  againfi  William  Talbot, 
Counfellor  at  Law,  upon  an  Infor- 
mation in  the  S tar-Chamber,  for  a 
TVruing  under  his  Hand,  whereby, 
when  beinz  demanded  whether  the 
DoSlrine  o/Suarez,  as  to  the  depofing 
and  killing  of  Kings  excom?nunlcated, 
were  true  or  no  ?  he  anfwered. 
That  be  referred  hijnfelf  to  what  the 
Church  of  Rome  fhould  determine 
thereof,  365  to  370 

S  P    E  E  C  H      III. 

The  Charge  againfi  Owen,  indited  for 

HlghTreafon  in  the  King's- Bench, 

370/0374 


The    CONTENTS. 

Speech  IV. 
The  Charge  againfi  M.'L.  S.  W.   H.J 


XXXI 


for  Scandal,  and  traducing  the  King's 
Juftice,  in  the  Proceedings  againfi 
Wefton  f«  the  Star-Chamber,    374 

to  380 

S  P  E   E  C  H    V. 

The  Charge  againfi  Frances,  Countefs 

prSomerret,Kfo«  the  polfoningof  Sir 

Thomas  Ovcrbury,        380/0383 

S  P  E  E  c   H     VI. 

The  Charge  aga'nfi  Robert,  Earl  of 

■  Somerfct,  concerning  the  polfoning  of 

Sir  Thomas  Overbury,384  to  392 

SECT.   III. 
Speeches  on  Moral Occafions. 

Speech   I. 
Againfi  Duelling,  393  to  i^% 

Speech  II. 

Made  by  the  Author  upon  taking  his 
Place  in  Chancery,  as  Lord  Keeper 
of  the  Great  Seal  of  England ;  in 
performance  of  the  Charge  his  Ma- 
jeftygave  him,  when  he  received  the 
Seal,  in  theTear  iGiy,    398/0 405 
Speech   III. 
Made  in  the  Exchequer,  by  the  Author 
asLord  Keeper;  to  Sir  John  Denham, 
called  to  be  one  of  the  Barons  of  the 
Exchequer,  405  /0  407' 

Speech    IV. 
Made  in  the  Common  Picas,  to  Juflice 
Hutton  ;  called  to  be  one  of  the  Jud- 
ges of  the  Common  Pleas,         407» 

408 
Speech    V. 

Made  to  Sir  William  Jones,  called  to 
be  Lord  Chief  Juftice  o/Ireland,4o8, 

409 


Supplement 


xxxii 


The     CONTENTS. 


Supplement  V.    Seleci  Letters  upon  various  Occajions, 


SECT.    I. 
Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life* 

I. 

nn  O  the  Lord  'Treafurer  Burghley  ; 
upon  determiniiig  his  Courfe  of 
Life,  4«  3 

II. 
To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley,  of- 
fering Service-,  414 
III. 
To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley  ;  ex- 
ciifwg  a  Speech  in  Parliament,    4 1 5 
IV. 
To  the  Lord  Treafurer'Q\iro^\\e.Y  ;  cra- 
ving his  A£ifianc£,                      4 1 6 
V. 
To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley  ';  re- 
commending hisfirfi  Suit  for  the  Sol- 
Ucitor's  Place,                            41 7 
VI. 
To  Sir  Robert  Cecil  ;  intimating  Siif- 
picion  of  unfair  Pra£iices,            4 1 8 
VII. 
<lo    Sir   Robert   Cecil ;  expoflidating 
upon  his  ConduB  towards  the  Author, 

ib. 
VIII. 
To  the  Earl  of  EiTex  ;  reminding  him 
of  his  Suit,  419 

IX. 
To  the  EarlofEffsx  ;  upon  the  Caen's 
Refufal  of  the  Author's  Service,  ib. 
X. 
To  the  Earl  of  Efkx  ;  about  his  Lor d- 
Jbifs  Condu^  with  the  ^leen,  420-- 

424 


XI. 

To  the  Earl  of  Eflex  -,  defiring  he 
would  exciife  the  Author'' s  Defign  to 
the  Slueen,  of  going  abroad,  after  his 
Refufal,  424 

XII. 
To  the  Earl  of  Eflex  -,  upon  the  Earl's 
Expedition  into  Ireland,       ib.  427 
XIII. 
To  the  Lord  Henry  Howard ;  clearing 
himfelf  of  Afperfion  in  the  Cafe  of  the 
Earl  of  Effex,  427 

XIV. 
To  Sir  Fulke  Greville  -,  complaining  of 
Difappointinent  in  Preferment,    428 
XV. 
To  the  ^teen  ;  upon  his  keeping  from 
Court,  429 

XVI. 
To  the  Earl  of  l^onhumhcrhnd;  ten 
dring  Service,  ib. 

XVII. 
To  the  Earl  of    Devonfliire,    Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland  ;  apologizing 
for  his  Conduol,  with  relation  to  the 
Earl  c/Eflex,  43  O-  -444 

XVIII. 
To  Mr.    Robert  Kempe  ;    upon  the 
Death  of  the  Slueen,  444 

XIX. 
To  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  /«Scotland, 
before  the  King's  Entrance  ;  defiring 
Recommendation  to  his  Majefly,   ib. 
XX. 
To  the  King  •,  offering  Service  upon  his 
Majejlfs  coming  in,  445 

XXI. 


The   CONTENTS. 

kt-'i  Skbiefs, 


xxxiu 


XXI. 

To  fhi  Earl  of  Northumberland  ;  re- 
commending a  Proclamation  to  be 
made  by  the  King  at  his  Entrance, 

446 
XXII. 
To  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  •,  gi- 
ving fame  CharaHer  of  the  King  at 
his  Arrival,  447 

XXIII. 
To  Mr.  Matthews  •,  fgnifying  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  King,  at  his  firft  En- 
trance, 'b. 
XXIV. 
To  the  £ar/c/"  Salisbury  ;  fuing  for  the 
Sollicitor's  Place,                        448 
XXV. 
To  the  Earl  cf  Salisbury  again  ;  fuing 
for  the  Solicitor's  Place,            449 
XXVI. 
To  the  Lord  Chancellor  ;  fuing  for  the 
Sollicitor's  Place,  ib. 
XXVII. 
To  the  Kin%  ;  petitioning  for  the  Solli- 
citor's Place,                               450 
XXVIII. 
To  Sir  Edward  Coke  ;  expofiulating 
upon  Sir  Edward'j  Behaviour,    45  i 
XXIX. 
To  the  King  ;    upon  Occafion  of  Mr. 
Sutton'j  Eflate,                           452 
XXX. 
To  the  King  i    petitioning  for  Promife 
of  the  Attorney  s  Place,               456 
XXXI. 

To  the  King  ;  petitioning  for  the  Place 
of  Attorney-General,  457 

XXXII. 
To  the  King  ;  upon  the  Lord  Chancel- 
lor's Sicknefs,  ib. 
XXXIII, 
To  the  King  ;  relating  to  the  Cbancel- 

VOL.  I. 


458 


XXXIV. 

To  Sir  George  Villiers  ■,folliciting  to  be 
fworn  cf  the  Privy-Council,      459 
XXXV. 
To  Sir  George  Villiers ;  upon  accep- 
ting a  Place  in  Council,  460 
XXXVI, 
To  the  King  ;  propofing  to  regulate  Z'« 
Majfllfs  Finances,  ib. 
XXXVII. 
To  Mr.  Matthews  •,  believing  his  Dan- 
ger lefs  than  he  found  it,              4^^ 
XXXVIII. 
To    Mr.    Matthews  ;    intimating  his 
Apprehenfion  of  fame  Banger,     462 
XXXIX. 
To  Mr.  Matthews,  ib. 

XL. 
To  the    Right   Honourable  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  in  the  Up- 
per Houfe  of  Parliament,  462 
XLI. 
To  the  King  ;    imploring  Remittance  of 
his  Sentence,  4^3 
XLII. 
To  the  King-,  imploring  Favour,   464 

XLIII. 

To  the  Right   Honourable  the  Lords  of 

Parliament,    in  the  Upper  Houfe  af- 

fembled  ;  the  humble  Submiffion  and 

Supplication  of  the  Lord  Chancellor, 

465 — 46S     . 
XLIV. 

To  the  King  ;  imploring AJ/iftance,  468, . 

469 

XLV. 

To  the  Marquifs  0/ Buckingham  ;  re- 
commending Mr.  Matthews,      470 
XLVI. 
To  the  King  ;  petitioning  for  a  total 
Remifhon  of  his  Sentence,  47  ^ 

d  XLVII. 


XXXIV 


The     CONTENTS. 


472 


XLVII. 

To  the  Earl  of  Arundel, 

S  E  C  T.    II. 
Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Wri 


tings. 


I. 

To  his  Brother  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon, 
dedicating  his  firjl  Edition  of  his  Eflays, 

473 
II. 

To  the  Earl  ef  Northampton  ;  deft- 
ring  him  to  prefent  the    Advance- 
ment ofLearnini^  to  the  King,     474 
^III. 
To  Sir  Thomas  Bodley  ;  upon  pre- 
fenting  him  the  Advancement  of  Lear- 
ning, 473 
IV. 
To  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  ;  upon  pre- 
fenting  him  the  Advancement  of  Lear- 
ning,                                        475 
V. 

To  the  Univerfit-j  ij/ Cambridge  ;  upon 
prefenling  his  Advancement  of  Lear- 
ning to  their  publick  Library,       ib. 
VI. 
To   Trinity  -  College,     Cambridge  i 
npon  prefenting  them  the  Advance- 
ment of  Learning,  476 
VII. 

To  the  Umverfity  of  Oxford  ;  upon 
frefenting  them  the  Advancement 
oC  Leacning,  ib. 

VIII. 

To  Mr.  Matthews  -,  with  the  Ativaiue- 

ment  of  Learning,  ib. 

IX. 

To  the    Lord    Chancellor   Egerton  \ 

prefenting  him   the  Advatucment  of 

Learning,  477 

X. 

To  tke  Lord  Trcafurtt  BuckKmft ;  up- 


on prefenting  bim  the  Advancement 

of  Learning,  477 

XI. 

To  Dr.  Playfer  •,  dt firing  him  to  tranf- 

late  theAdvancement  into  Latin,  478 

XII. 

To  the  King  ;  with  the  Difcourfe  oflht 

Plantation  of  Ireland,  479 

Of  the   Plantation  of  hthnd,   480— 

486 
XIII. 

To  Sir  Thomas    Bodley  ;    defiring 

him  to  return  the  Author's  Cogi- 

tata  Gf  Fifa,  486 

XIV. 

To  the  Bifhop  of  Ely,  aion^  with  the 

Cogitata  &  Vifa.  488 

XV. 

To  Sir  George  Carew  •,  prefenting  him 

the  Memoir  in  felicem  Memoriam 

Elizabethje,  49 1 

XVI. 

To  Mr.  Matthews  ;  along  with  apart 

cftbe  Jnjlauration,  492 

XVII. 

To  the  Lord  Chancellor ;  with  a  Pro- 

pofalfor  a  complete  Britifh  Hijiory, 

49? 
XVIII. 

To  the  King  ;  relating  to  the  Hiflory  of 

his  Majejlfs  Times^,  494 

XIX. 

To  the  Univerfity  of  Cambridge  ;  upon 

prefenting  them  his  Book   De   Sapi- 

cntia  Veterum,  495 

XX. 

To  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  j  prefenting 

him   the  Book  De  Sapientia  Vece- 

rum,  496 

XXI. 

To  Mr.  Matthews,    along  with  the 

Book  DeSapifiQtia  Veterum,     ib. 

XXH. 


The    CONTENTS. 


XXXV 


xxn. 

To  his  Brother,  Sir  John  Conftable ; 
dedicating  a  new  Editio/f  sf  his  Ef- 
fap,  497 

XXIII. 

To  Mr.  Matthews  ;  upon  the  Subje^  of 
bis  IVrilings,  ib- 

XXIV. 
To  Mr.  Matthews  •,  upon  the  Memo- 
rial of  the  Felicities  of  ^een  Eliza- 
beth, and  the  Injiauration,       49  S 
XXV. 

Tt  Sir  Henry  Saville  ;  csiicerning  a 
Difcourfe  upon  the  intelle^ualPou/ersy 

499 
Thefrjl  Draught  of  a  Dijcourfe  upon 

Helps  for  the    intelle^ual  Powers, 

£00,  501 

XXVI. 

To  Mr.  Matthews  •,  entreating  Judg- 
ment upon  bis  fVritings,  502 
XXVII. 
Dedication  of  the  Novum  Organunn  to 
King  James,  ib. 
XXVIII. 
To  the  Univer/ity  0/ Cambridge  v  upon 


prefenting  the  Novum  Organum  to 
their  publick  Library,  50J 

XXIX. 
To  the  King  ;  prefentir.g  the  Hijlotj  of 
Henry  VII.  and  a  Propofal  for  a. 
new  Digejl  of  the  La-njs  0/ England, 

504 
XXX. 

Dedication  of  the  Hifory  of  Jf^mds  to 

Prince  Charles,  505 

XXXI. 

To  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  Lord 

High  Admiral    of  England  •,     di- 

dicating  the  lafi  Edition  of  his  EJfap., 

ib. 
XXXII, 
To  the  Bifhop  o/Winchefter  -,    coHcet- 
ning  the  Author's  publifhed  and  in- 
tended  fFritings,  506—508 

XXXIII: 
To  Z>r.  Williams,  5//?'(?/ 0/ Lincoln  ; 
concerning  the  Author's  Letters  and 
Speeches,  508 

XXXIV. 
To  Father  Fulgentio  ;  giving  fame  Ac- 
count of  his  Views  andDefigns  in  his 
fVritings.  509,  aW  5 10 


Supplement  VI.  AColkEiim  of  ^pophthegfns^       511 


'Ip  H  E  Apophthegms  of  Agathocles. 

Alcibiades, 

Alexander  the  Great, ' 

Alexander  the  Pope, 

Alonfo, 

Anacharfis 

Anaxagoras, 

Ann  Bullen, 

Anonymous, 

Antaclidas, 

Antigonus, 


cles. 

Antipater. 

5^i 

Antirthencs, 

ib. 

Apollonius, 

ib. 

Ariftippus, 

ib.. 

Bacon, 

514 

Bettenham, 

ib. 

Bias, 

ib. 

Bion, 

ik 

Brefquet, 

ib. 

Brown, 

5«9 

Burleigh, 

ib. 

Casfar, 

d2 


ib.- 
iK 
ib. 
iK 
520- 
523 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 
524 

ib. 
Car- 


XXX  VI 


The     CONTENTS. 


Carvaja], 

5^5 

Marbury, 

ib. 

Qffius, 

ib. 

Marius, 

ib. 

Cato, 

ib. 

Mendoza, 

ib. 

Catullus,' 

ib. 

More, 

ib. 

Charles, 

ib. 

Nero, 

532 

Chilon, 

ib. 

Pace, 

ib. 

Cineas, 

ib. 

Pawlet, 

ib. 

Cicero, 

526 

Philip, 

ib. 

Clearchus, 

ib. 

Phocion, 

ib. 

Clement, 

ib. 

Plato, 

ib. 

CralTus, 

ib. 

Plutarch, 

ib. 

D-mofthenes, 

ib. 

Pompey, 

ib. 

Diogenes, 

ib. 

Popham, 

533 

Dionyfius, 

5^7 

Pythagoras, 

ib. 

King  Edward, 

ib. 

Quinftius, 

ib. 

^een  Elizabeth, 

ib. 

Rabelais, 

ib. 

EJlefmere, 

528 

Raleigh, 

ib. 

Epaminondas, 

ib. 

Savil, 

ib. 

Epidtetus, 

ib. 

Sefa, 

ib. 

Ethelwold, 

ib. 

Simonides, 

534- 

Gardiner, 

ib. 

Sixtus, 

ib. 

Gondomar, 

ib. 

Socrates, 

ib. 

Gonfalvo, 

ib. 

Solon, 

ib. 

Grevil, 

ib. 

Stilpho, 

ib. 

Hannibal, 

ib. 

Sylvius, 

ib. 

Hanno, 

529 

Themiftocles,  . 

535 

Hatton, 

ib. 

Theodofius, 

ib. 

Heraclitus, 

ib. 

Trajan, 

ib. 

Howland, 

ib. 

Vefpafian, 

ib. 

King  James, 

ib. 

Weeks, 

ib. 

Jafon, 

530 

Welfhman, 

ib. 

Johnfon, 

ib. 

Whitehead, 

ib. 

Ifabella, 

ib. 

Wotton, 

ib. 

Judjeus, 

ib. 

Ximenes, 

53-6 

Latimer, 

ib. 

Zelim. 

ib. 

Lewis, 

ib. 

Appendix. 

Livia, 

lb. 

Containing  jhort  Sentences.,  and 

certain 

Lucullus, 

53 1 

Rules  for  Difcourfe, 

536 

Lycurgusj 

ib. 

Short  Rules  for  Converfation, 

537 

Supplement 


The  CONTENTS, 


xxxv'ii 


Supplement    VII.     ne  Mythology  or  concealed  K?iow!edge 
of  the  Ancie?its,  Decypherd  a?id  Explain  d,  539 


M 


Introduction. 
Containing  a  fhort  Critique  upon  the 
Mythology  of  the  Ancients,    545 

Tthology  earlier  than  our  prefent 
Hijfory,  ib. 

Has  been  wrefted  and  abiifed,  ib. 

But  fict  therefore  to  he  rejeBed,         ib. 

That  certain  Fables  are  defignedly 
Allegorical^  546 

Shewn  by  the  Structure  of  the  Fable,  ib. 

The  Conformity  of  the  Names  employed, 

ib. 

The  Abfurdity  offome  Fables,  a  Token 
of  their  being  Allegorical,  5 Ay 

The  Fables  earlier  than  the  Relators,\h. 

A  double  Ufe  of  Parables  ;  viz.  Teach- 
ing and  Concealing,  548 

The  Mythology  of  the  Ancients,  great 
or  happy,  ib. 

Its  Explanation  attempted  by    ethers, 

■    '  549 

SECT.     I. 

The  conceal'd    phyfical  Knowledge 

of  the  Ancients  decypher'd. 


The  Fable  of  Ccelum  ;   explain'd  of 
the  Creation,  or  Origin  of  all  things. 
Coelum,   his  CharaSfer,  550 

Jupiter  ufurps  the  Kingdom,  ib. 

Two  f Far s  on  ]up\ter,  ib. 

The  Fable  a  phyfical  Account  of  the 
Origin  of  the  World,  ib. 

Coelum  difmember''d,  s^i 

Saturn   devouring  his  Children,       ib. 
The  Reign  of  Saturn,  ib. 

The  Reig"  c/Jipiter,  ib. 

The  Birth  0/ Venus,  ib. 


Saturn,  why  nctkilled,  ib- 

Sol  aJ/ijJi/}g  Jupiter,  ib- 

The  Fable  involves  Philofophy,        55  2 

IL 
The  Fable  of  Prometheus ;  explain'd 
of  an  over-ruling  Providence,  and 
of  Human  Nature. 

Prometheus  creates  Man,  and  fleals 
Fire  from  Heaven,  552 

Accufed  to  the  Gods,  ib. 

Perpetual  Touth  beflo-jved  on  Men,  ib. 
The  Gift  laid  upon  an  Afs,  ib. 

And  transferred  to  Serpents,  ib. 

Prometheus  offers  a  Mock-Sacrifice,\h. 
Pandora  equipped  with  her  Box.  55^ 
The  Box  opened,  ib. 

Prometheus  arraigned  by  Jupiter,  ib. 
Condemned,  ib. 

/v7/?fW(i /c  Caucafus,  ib. 

Released,  ib. 

The  Promethean  Games,  ib. 

Prometheus  (Y('«5/«  Providence,  554 
Man  the  Work  of  Providence,  i  b. 

An  Account  of  cofmicdl  Ends,  ib. 

Man  a  Mixture  of  Clay,  and  the  Par- 
ticles of  all  Animals,  ib. 
The  Invention  of  Fire,                     S55 
How  fiole  by  Prometheus,               ib. 
Jupiter  pleas' d  with  the  apparent  In- 
gratitude of  Men  to  Prometheus,  ib. 
Explain'd  of  calling  Men  and  Nature 
to  account,                                    ib. 
Perpetual  Touth  the  Reward  of  accu- 
fing  Prometheus,                       r^^6 
The  Gift  of  perpetual  Youth  transferred 
to  Serpents,                                  55^ 
The  Reconciliation    of  Prometheus  to 
Men,                                           ib. 

The 


XXXVlll 


The     CONTENTS. 


<f he  Mock-Sacrifice^  557 

Vulcan /orw^f';?»- Pandora,  ib. 

"The  Behaviour  of  Epimecheus  to  Pan- 
dora, 558 
That  of  Prometheus,  ib. 
JJfifled  by  Hercules,  ib. 
Hercules  crojfing  the  Ocean  in  a  Pit- 
cher, 559 
Promecheus  attempting  Pallas,  ib. 
'The  Games  of  the  Torch,  ib. 
The  Fable  may  allude  to  Cbrijliafuty, 

ib. 
III. 
The  Fable  of  Orpheus  ;   explain'd  of 

Natural  and  Moral  Philofophy. 
The  Fable  of  Orpheus,  bow  to  he  ex- 
plain'd, 560 
Eurydice  recover* d,  ib. 
Jnd  lofl  again,  ib, 
Orpheus,  b-j  his  Mujick-,  moves  the 
Beajis,  561 
The  Trees  and  Stones,  ib. 
His  Mufick  drowned,  ib. 
T'hings  return  to  their  cw»    Natures, 

ib, 
Orpheus  torn  to  pieces,  ib. 

Helicony?«^i  and  rifes  again,  ib. 
Orpheus'j  Mufick  of  two  Kinds,  ib. 
Regarding  Morals  and  Phyfics,  ib. 
Philofophy  transferr'd  to  civil  Affairs, 

562 
After  finding  that  Death  is  unavoidable, 

ib. 

Orpheus  averfe  to  B^omen  and  IVed- 

lock,  ib. 

Orpheus  torn,  and  Helicon  hid,     ib. 

IV. 
The  Fable  of  Atalanta  and  Hippo- 
-menes  ;    explain'd  of  the  Contcft 
betwixt  Arc  and  Nature. 
Atalanta  conquered  by  Stratagem,  563 
Atalanta  denotes  Nature,  ib. 

And  Hippomenes  Art,  ib. 

V. 
The  Fable  of  Eri£ihonius ;  explain'd 
•  of  the  improper  Ufe  of  Force  in    Reveals  a  Secret  of  Nature^ 


Natural  Philofophy,  564 

VI. 

The  Fable  of  Icarus,  and  that  of 
Scylla  and  Charybdis  ;  explain'd  of 
Mediocrity  in  Natural  and  Moral 
Philofophy, 

Mediocrity  ufeful  in  the  Sciences,      S^S 

Icarus';  Flight  and  Fall,  ib. 

The  Difference  betwixt  Excefs  and  De- 
fied, 566 

The  Allegory  of  Scylla  and  Charybdis, 

ib. 
VII. 

The  Fable  of  Proteus  *,    explain'd  of 
Matter  and  its  Changes. 

Proteus,  Neptune'j  Herdfman  and  a 
Prophet,  566 

His  Transformation,  567 

Proteus  denotes  Matter,  ib. 

His  Herd,  what,  ib. 

Counting  them  at  Noon,  ib. 

Proteus^e««^,  ib. 

His  Prophetic  Gift,  568 

vni. 

The  Fable  of  Cupid ;  explain'd  of 
the  corpufcular  Philofophy, 

The  elder  Cupid,  568 

The  younger,  ib. 

The  moving  Principle  (f  Matter,  the 
EggofNox,  56g 

Confirmed  frojn  Solomon,  ib. 

The  Greek  Philofophers,  ib. 

Democritus,  ib. 

And  Epicurus,  570 

Cupid  drawn  a  Child,  ib. 

Naked,  ib. 

Blind,  ib. 

An  Archer,  ib. 

The  younger  Cupid,  ib. 

IX. 

The  Fable  of  Deucalion;  explained 
of  an  ufeful  Hint  in  Natural  Phi- 
lofophy. 

The  Oracle  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha, 

ib. 
XL 


The   CONTENTS. 


XXXIX 


X. 

The  Fable  of  Sphinx  ;  explain'd  of 
the  Sciences. 


Sphinx  defcrib'd. 

5n 

Her  Riddle, 

ib. 

Solved  by  CEdipus, 

ib. 

Sphinx,  is  Science., 

51i 

A  Mojijier, 

ib. 

Her  various  Form., 

ib. 

Her  Female  Face  and  Voice, 

ib. 

mngs. 

ib. 

Talonsy 

ib. 

Reftding  en  bi^b. 

ib. 

Befeiting  the  HighwaySy 

ib. 

Propofmg  Riddles., 

ib. 

Of  two  Kinds, 

574 

CEdipus  jolves  the  Riddle  relating  to 

Man,  ib. 

Sphinx'j  Carcafs  laid  upon  an  Afs,  ib. 
The  Lamenefs  (f  CEdipus,  ib. 

XI. 
The  Fable  of  Proferpine  ;  explain'd 

of  the  Spirit  included  in  Natural 

Bodies. 
Pluto  carries  awaj  Proferpine,     575 
Gathering  Narciffus,  ib. 

Ceres  goes  out  to  feek  her,  ib. 

Recovers  her  upon  Condition,  ib. 

Thefeus  and  Ter'ithous  attempt  tofree 

Proferpine /rcTO  Pluto,  ib. 

Proferpine  divides  the  Tear  betwixt  her 

Mother  and  Husband,  ib. 

Receives   the    Prefent   of  the    Golden 

Bough  y  gyS 

Proferpine,  or  jEiberiai  Spirit,       ib. 
Ravijhed,  ib. 

JVhilft  ^a/i)fr/«^  Narciffus,  ib; 

Made  the  Lady  of  Dis,  ib. 

Ceres,   or  the  Efficacy  of  the  celefiial 

Bodks,  ib. 

fafiirig  the  Pomgranate,  577 

Living  fix  Months  with  her  Husband, 

and  fix  with  her  Mother,  'h. 

ibe  Jttem.pt  of  Thskus  and  Pcrirhous, 

ib. 
fi*  Gilden  Bough,  ib. 


SECT.    II. 

The  concealed  Moral  Philofophy  of 
the  Ancients. 

I. 

The  Fable   of  Memnon ;  explained 
of  the  fatal  Precipitancy  of  Youth. , 

Memnon' J  Fate,  579 

the  Son  of  the  Morning,  ib. 

Dies  bewailed,  580 

II. 
The  Fable  of  Tythonus ;  explained  of 

predominant  Paffions. 
Tythonus  made  immortal,  580 

But  at  length  turned  to  a  Grafijepper,\h. 
Defcribes  Pleafurey  ib. 

And  Satiety,  ib. 

In  old  Agcy  ib» 

m. 

The  Fable  of  iV^rf/^jj  explained  of 

Self- Love. 
Narciffus  graced  by  Nature,.  581 

A  Self- Admirer,  ib. 

And  turned  into  a  Flower,.  ib. 

Reprefenis  Self-Lovers,  ib* 

fVho  prove  indolent,  ib. 

And  become  as  Flowers  of  Utile  Value, 

ib. 

The  Fable  of  7'"fo'.!Courtfhip  i  ex- 
plained of  Submiffion,andAbjeftion. 

Jupiter'i  Transformation,  582 

Jnie  a  Cuckow,  ib. 

The  Moral,  ib.. 

Y. 

The  Fable  of  Caffandrav  cxplai»*d 
of  too  free  and  unfeafonabk  Ad- 
vice, 

Caffandra  deceits  Apollo,  583 

The  Moral,  ib. 

lUuflration..  ib. 

VI. 

The  Fable  of  the  Sirens ;  explained 
of  Men's  Paiion  for  Pkafures. 

^i^f  Sirens,  whff,  ^84 

Their  Place  of  Refidence,  ib. 

Their 


xl 


The     CONTENTS. 


Their  Muftc,  ib. 

Remedies  againjl  their  deluding  Power, 

ib. 

The  Sirens,  or  Pleafures,  ancienlly 
iving'd,  _  585 

The  Lofs  of  the  Sirens  fFings,  an  Ho- 
nour  to  the  Mufes,  ib. 

Terpfichore  not  plumed  on  the  Head,'\b. 

The  Sirens  inhabit  IJlands,  5^5 

White  with  the  Bones  of  their  Cap- 
tives, rb. 

The  Remedies  againfl  the  Sirens,     586 

The  firjl  Remedy,  ib. 

The  fcond,  ib. 

The  third,  ib. 

VII. 

•The  Fable  of  Z)/mfi/-,  explained  of 
Perfecucion,  or  Zeal  for  Religion. 

Diomed  wounds  Venus,  586 

Js  honourably  received  by  Daunus,  s^j 

And  murdered,  ib. 

His  Companions  forbid  to  lament  his 
Death,  ib. 

Dif plays  the  Fate  of  a  Zealot  for  Re- 
ligion, ib. 

Tihmiiiiflainby  his  Entertainer,    588 

SECT.    HI. 

The  fecret  Political  Knowledge  of  the 

Ancients. 

I. 

The  Fables  of  Acleon  and  Pentheus ; 
explained  of  Curiofity,  or  prying 
into  the  Secrets  of  Princes,  and 
divine  Myfteries. 

Adleon'i  Crime,  585 

iTf^rt^  0/ Pentheus,  ib. 

Afteon'j  relates  t»  difcovering  the  Se- 
crets of  Princes,  590 

That  o/"Pentheus  to  divine  Myfleries,\b. 

II. 

The  Fable  of  the  Gods,  fwearingby 
the  River  Styx  ;  explain'd  of  Ne- 
ceffity,  in  the  Oaths  or  folemn 
Leagues  of  Princes, 

2 


The   Oath  of  Styx,  590 

The  Puniftiment  of  its  Violation,     59 1 
This  OathfJjsws  the  Nature  cf  Princes 
Confederacies,  ib. 

Neceffiiy  the  firongefl  Security  of  Prin- 
ces Oaths,  ib. 
III. 

The  Fable  oH  Jupiter  and  Metis  ;  ex- 
plained of  Princes,  and  their  Coun- 
cil. 

Jupiter  marries  Metis,  592 

And  brings  forth  Pallas,  ib. 

So  Kings  ?narry  their  Council,  ib. 

And  decree  as  from  themf elves,     592 

IV.. 
The  Fable  of  Endymion  ;  explained 

of  Court-Favourites. 
Luna'j  Amour  with  Endymion, 

fleeping  ;  turns  to  his  advantage,  593 
So   Kings    make  choice  of  fleecing  Fa- 
vourites, ib. 
Endymion'j  Cave,  ib. 

V. 
The  Fable  of  Nemefis  ;  explained  of 

the  Reverfes  of  Fortune. 
Nemefis  the  Daughter  ofNox  and  Oce- 
anus,  594 

Her  Enfigns,  ib. 

Nemefis  denotes  Retribution,  ib. 

Her  ParentSi  ib. 

Her  Wings,  595 

Her  Crown,  ib. 

Her  Javelin,  ib. 

Bottle  0/ Ethiopians,  ib. 

Her  riding  upon  a  Stag,  ib. 

VI. 

The  Fable  of  the  Cyclops  Death  -,  ex- 
plained of  bafe  Court-Officers. 
The  Cyclops   imprifon'd,  and  releas'd, 

59^>  597 
Forge  Thunderbolts,  597 

Mkuhpius  rejiores  A  dead  Man,    ib. 

And  is  flain  by  the  Cyclops,  who  are 

Jlatn  by  Apollo,  ib. 

Tbi 


T'he    CONTENTS. 


xli 


The  Cy  clops  are  the  cruel  Minijlers  _  of 
Princes,  ib. 

And  releafed  to  ferve  a  Turn,  and  at 
length  facrificed,  ib. 

vir. 

The  Fable  of  the  Giant's  Sifter ;  ex- 
plained of  publick  Detraflion. 
the  Giartti  Earth-born,  597 

Denote  the  Vtdgar,  apt  to  rebel,  and 
fpread  Rumours  and  Defamatms,ih. 

viir. 

The  Fable  of  Typhon  ;  explained  of 
Rebellion. 

Juno  produces  Typhon  without  Jupi- 
ter, _  59^ 

Typhon  /ate' Jupiter  Prifoner,      ib. 

Steals  his  Nerves,  ib. 

Tbofe  Nerves  recovered,  and  Typhon 
fubdued,  ib. 

This /hews  the  Fate  of  Kings,  and  the 
Rebellions  of  Subjects,  ib. 

How  thefe  Rebellions  are  allafd  and 
fupprefs'd,  599 


IX. 

The  Fable  of  Achelous  ;  explained  of 

War  by  Invafion. 
The  CowZ'd/o/"Herculesa«J  Achelous, 

599 
Reprefents  War  on  the  Offenftve  and 

Defenftvet  600 

X. 
The  Fable  ofDtsdalus  ;  explained  of 

Arts  and  Artifts,  in  Kingdoms  and 

States. 
Daedalus  murders  hisBrother  Artiji ,601 
Is  banifhed,  ib. 

Invents  many  mechanical  Slru5lures,\b. 
His  Labyrinth,  and  the  Clue,  ib. 

Is  perfecuted  by  Minos,  ib. 

Teaches  Icarus  to  fly,  ib. 

This  fhews  the  Envy  of  Artifs,  602 
That  Artifts  are  impolilicklj  banijhed,ib. 
The  Ufe  of  Arts,  ib. 

The  Labyrinth  and  Clue,  ib. 

Arts  perfecuted,  ib. 

Unlawful,  or  vain  Ars,  bow  beft  ftp- 

frejfed.  603 


End  of  the  Contents. 


Vol.  r. 


ERRATA  in   VOL.  T. 

In  the  General  Preface,  pag.  viii.  lin.  38.  after  EngliJJi  infcrt  edition. 
Pag.   If.  lin.  penult,  for  Fourth  read  Fifih. 

18.   lin.  ult.  for   Seft.  XVII.  read  Scft.  XVIII. 
Jt .   lin.  I  o.   for  non-appeamnce  read  appearance. 
If.   lin.  34..   for  Aexantter  tad  Alexander. 
6f.  lin.  16.   in  the  Margin,  for  fen/ible  rezii  fea/iilt. 

70.  lin.  12.  for  Acauftkks  read  Acoufiicks. 

71.  lin.  45^.  for  Nevyntit  read  Nieutntyt. 
7f.   lin.  7.  for  Accedents  read  AccUents. 
87.  lin.  9.   after  Metaphyftcks  infert  or. 

ij'S.  l;n.  39.  after  would  Adc  only. 

I  7J-.  lin.  II.  for  /0  Secrets,  read  M  /A?  Secret. 

19}.  lin.  6.  for  ca/c  read  c«/cj. 

199.  lin.  1  7.  inftead  of fo  are  the  four  latter,  ready»  the  four  latter  «ri. 

ibid.  lin.  j8.  for  WefenfelJs  read  Wefenfeld. 

100.  lin.  3.  dele  thefirfWo. 

2J'9.  lin.  Jf.   for  turning  read  tuning. 

19J'.  lin.  34.  for  hifolations  read  Infolations. 

303.  lin.  ult.  (or  Supplement  V.  Seel.  1.  read  Supplement  V.  Sf5.  II. 

331.  lin.  II,  read  Jludied,  full,  ftrong,  and  dejinitive. 

414.  lin.  ult,  for  eighteen,  read  Jixteen. 

509.  lin.  3f.  for  yefuil,  read  Friar. 

5-63.  lin.  2.  for  V.  read  IV.  and  alter  the  following  Numbers  accordingly, 

j-86.  lin.  30.  for  VIII.  read  VII. 

600.  lin.uk.  dele  that. 


SUMMARY   VIEW 


OF     THE 


AUTHOR  s    LIFE 


(xlv) 


SUMMARY  VIEW 

O  F    T  H  E 

AUTHOR'S      LIFE. 


FRANCIS  BACON  was  bom  at  London,  in  Tork-houfe 
in  ttie  Strand  ■■,  January  22,15  60.  His  Father  was  Sir  Ni- 
cholas Bacon,  a  Counfellor  of  State  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  of  England:  and  his 
Mother,  a  Daughter  of  Sir  Anthony  Cook,  of  Giddy-Hall  in  Effex-, 
who  had  been  Governor  to  King  Edward  VI». 

Being  thus  defcendcd,  he  was  early  initiated  in  a  Court  Life  ;  and, 
as  himfelf  exprefles  it  ^,  both  by  Family  and  Education,  tinged  with 
Civil  Affairs ;  and  biafs'd  by  Opinions.  During  his  Childhood,  he 
was  taken  notice  of  at  Court  for  a  more  than  ordinary  Capacity ; 
whence  the  Queen  delighted  to  talk  with  him;  and  would  often,  for 
his  Gravity,  term  him  the  Tonng  Lord-Keeper. 

He  was  early  ^  fcnt  to  Trinity -College  in  Cambridge,  where  he 
(ludied  under  Dr.  Whitgift,  afterwards  ArchbilTiop  of  Canterbury. 
His  Genius  fhew'd  itfelf  at  the  Univerfity,  by  the  uncommon  Progrefs 
he  made  in  the  Arts  and  Sciences :  fo  that,  what  feems  almoft  incredi- 
ble, he  not  only  underflood  Ariftotle'%  Philofophy  at  about  the  Age 

of 

*  Dr.  Rjw/fy's  Life  of  the  Author,  f.  i.  anJ  Dk^ i/a/c's  Baronage,  f.  457. 

''  S-o  the^friff/»,  publifhed  by  Gruter ;  tie  Inttr[retationeiititurA,Vroemmm,  in  inir.  ,, 

*^  He  was  matriculated,  Junexo.  An.  if/j. 


xivi  A  Summary   View  of 

of  Sixteen  $  but  was  even  then  come  to  a  DiQikc  thereof,  upon  find- 
ing it  rather  contentious  than  ufeful». 

His  Father  called  him  from  the  Univerfity,  at  this  early  Age, 
to  attend  the  Ambaflador,  Six  J  my  as  Ta'Ji'let,  into  France;  who 
foon  after  charged  him  with  feme  particular  Commiflion  from 
thence  to  the  Qiiccn  :  in  which  Commiflion,  he  acquitted  himfclf 
with  great  Approbation  5  and  returned  to  France  again,  in  order  to 
continue  there  for  fome  timct>. 

During  his  Stay  in  France  his  Father  died "^,  without  making  any 
fcparate  Provifion,  as  he  had  intended,  for  him :  fo  that  being  the 
younger  Brother  of  Five,  he  received  no  more  than  a  fifth  Share  of  a 
fnaaU  pcrfonal  Edate ;  and  therefore  ftxuggled  with  Difficulties,  in 
point  of  Fortune,  for  fome  Part  of  his  Life. 

Upon  returning  from  abroad,  he  applied  himfelf  to  the  Study  of  the 
Co7mnon  Ln-jv-,  in  the  way  of  a  Profefllon  ;  and  for  that  purpofe 
featcd  himfclf  in  Gray's-Inn--,  where  he  foon  became  fo  eminent,  as 
at  the  age  of  Twenty-eight,  to  be  chofe  by  that  honourable  Society 
for  their  Lent-Reader  ^  ;  and  afterwards  for  their  double  Reader. 

And  having  always  thought  himfclf  peculiarly  indebted  to  his 
Country;  he  now  bent  his  Endeavours  to  obtain  ibme  honourable 
Poft  in  the  Government ;  with  a  View,  as  himfelf  declares*,  to  pro- 
cure the  greater  affiClance  to  his  Capacity  and  Induftry,  in  perfefting 
his  philofophical  Defigns.  And  being  already  acquainted  with  the 
Civil  ArtSf  he  recommended  himfelf  to  fuch  Friends,  as  he  knew 
were  able  to  ferve  him  f. 

But  his  Advancement  in  the  Queen's  Time  was  flow,  and  not  very 
confidcrablc  :  for  he  had  Ibme  potent  Enemies  at  Court,  who  did 
their  utmort  to  keep  him  under  g.  He  was,  however,  made  one  of 
the  Clerks  of  the  Council ;  and  fworn  of  the  Council  learned,  ex- 
traordinary, to  her  Majcfly  :  but  could  not  in  her  Reign  obtain  the 
Place  of  Sollicitor-Gencral,  for  which  he  earneftly  ftrove;  even  by 
the  Interceflion  of  his  noble  Patron  the  Earl  of  Ejfex  h. 

Being  now  arrived  at  full  maturity,  whilft,  as  himfelf  obferves',  his 
Thoughts  were  bent  upon  Ambition  ;  an  ill  State  of  Health  admo- 

niflied 

*  See  Raiv/fy's  Life  of  the  Author,  p.  f.     Seealfo  Temfon's Baceniasa,  p.  lo. 

*■  It  lliould  icem  that  during  his  Continuance  abroad  he  made  the  Tour  of  Italy,   and  vifitcd 
Rome.     See  I'ol.  II.  p.ii-T. 
'  See  Vol.  III.  p.  231. 

*  Dr.Rsa-.'f/sLife  ofthe  Author,  p.  j-,  6.  and  r>«^(/a/f's  Baronage,  />  4.57,  438. 

*  See  the  Script»  in  Vro'em.  Je  liilerpretatione Nutun. 
'See  his  Letters,  Vol.1.  /".+13 4)-p. 

g  See  Tc/.  I. /1.418,  424. 

n   See  1^.1.432. 

'■  In  Proem,  de  Interpret .  KatHr. 


the   AUTHOR'x   LIFE.  xlvii 

nifhcd  him  that  his  Endeavours  were  unprofpcrous  :  whence  fre- 
quently conllderin;;  that  he  was  not  performing  his  Duty,  whilft  he 
left  thole  Studies  unprolccuted  by  which  he  might  do  fervice  to  Man- 
kind ;  and  followed  thofc  that  depended  upon  the  Will  of  others ;  he, 
for  a  time,  broke  off  all  further  Thoughts  of  rifing  in  Life ;  and  more 
vigoroufly  profecuted  the  Dcllgn  of  his  Infiauration  ^. 

But  upon  the  Death  of  Qiieen  Elizabeth,  and  the  coming  in  of 
King  "/rtw/fj,  his  former  Views  rcturn'd  ;  and  he  now  made  great 
Advances  in  Dignity  and  Preferment :  being  firft  knighted,  then  cre- 
ated Baron  of  Verulam,  and  laflly  Vifcount  iS"/.  y^/^^WJ".  His  Places 
were,  Council  learned  extraordinary  to  the  King,  as  he  had  before 
been  to  the  Queen  ;  SoUicitor-Gencral ;  Attorney-General ;  Counfel- 
lor  of  State;  Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal ;  and  Lord  High  Chan- 
cellor of  England. 

He  was  knighted  by  the  King  in  perfon  at  Whitehall,  in  the  Year 
1603  i  he  was  fworn  Sollicitor-General  in  1607;  made  Attorney- 
General  in  161 3  ;  appointed  Lord  Keeper,  and  chofe  of  the  Privy- 
Council  in  1 7 1 6  ;  made  Lord  High  Chancellor  in  1 6 1 8  ;  created  Ba- 
ron of  ^£T«//2?;;  the  fame  Year ;  and  Vifcount  St.  Albans  \\\  1620. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  thefe  Promotions  he  married  a  Daugh- 
ter of  Benedi^  Barnham,  Alderman  of  London  ;  but  died  without 
lillie. 

He  did  not  obtain  his  Pofts  of  Honour  and  Preferment  without  la- 
bour :  they  were  generally  the  effecl  of  his  own  Schemes,  contrived 
and  executed  with  great  Application  and  Addrefs  k 

His  Behaviour  in  the  feveral  Pofts  he  palled  through,  was  fuch,  as  (not- 
withftanding  the  Efforts  of  fome  powerful  Enemies)  procured  him 
an  almoft  univerlal  Efteem  for  Learning,  Parts,  and  Probity  ;  till 
at  length  he  was  accufed  of  Bribery  and  Corruption  in  the  Execution 
of  his  higheft  Office,  that  of  Lord  Chancellor. 

Inftead  of  defending  himfelf  againft  this  Accufation,  he  made  a 
full  and  ingenuous  Confellion  ^  to  the  Houfe  of  Peers  i  who,  upon 
the  3d  of  Alay,  1 62 1 ,  gave  judgment  againft  him  ;  "  That  he  fhould 
"  be  fined  40,000  /.  and  remain  Prilbner  in  the  Tower  during  the 
"  King's  Pleafure  5  that  he  fhould  for  ever  be  incapable  of  any  Office, 
"  Place,  or  Employment,  in  the  State  or  Commonwealth  ;  and  that 
"  he  Ihould  never  fit  in  Parliament,  or  come  within  the  Verge  of  the 
"  Court."  After 

*  See  the  Place  laft  cited. 

''  See  his  Letters,  Seel.  I.  pajjlm.      Vol.  I.  p.  415,   fj-f. 

'  See  Vol.  I.  This  ConfefTion  has  been  conftrued  a  Weaknefs  by  fome,  who  did  not  refled, 
that  it  is  noble  in  an  Offender  to  confefs;  and  that  generous  Minds  are  the  apteft  to  accute 
themfdvcs. 


xlviii  ^  Summary   View   of 

Afrcr  this,  he  retired  from  Civil  Aflfairs,  and  for  five  Years  gave 
himfclf  wholly  up  to  Philofophy  and  Writing ;  fo  that,  during  this 
Time,  he  executed  fcvcral  Portions  of  his  grand  hift duration :  but  did 
not  live  to  finifh  the  whole,    fo  far  as  he  had  hoped  to  do. 

He  died  y^prjl  9,  1626.  at  the  Earl  of  Arundel's  Houfe  at  High- 
gate,  of  a  Fever,  attended  with  a  Dcfluxion  upon  his  Breaft. 

He  lies  buried  in  St.  Michael's  Church  at  St.  Albans ;  a  Monu- 
ment being  there  ereded  for  him,  (with  his  full  Portrait,  in  the  pofture 
of  (Uidying;)  by  Sir  Thomas  Meautys,  once  his  Secretary,  and  after- 
wards Clerk  of  the  Council ;  with  a  Latin  Infcription,  by  Sir  Henry 
Wotton,  to  this  effed. 

Francis  Bacon,  Baron  of  NtxvXzm,  and  Fifcount  St.  Alhans  i 

or,  in  tnore  eminent  Titles^ 

The  Light  dfthe  Sciences,  and  the  La'-^  of  Eloquence., 

fate  thus : 
IFho,  when  he  had  explained  all  the  Secrets  of  civil  and  natural 
Knoivledge,  fulfilled  that  T>ecree  of  Nature  -,  let  Compounds 
be    Separated;    in   the  Tear    of   our  Lord   1626. 

Aged  66. 

This  Monument  'was  erected,    to  the   Memory  of  fo  great  a  Man., 

^j' Thomas  Meautys  j  ijuho  revered  htm. when  alive, 

and  admires  him  now  dead. 

To  give  a  full  Charafter  of  the  Lord  Bacon,  requires  a  more  than 
ordinary  Skill ;  the  following  are  but  fome  faint  Touches. 

The  Faculties  of  his  Mind  were  grcar,  and  happily  united  :  for  his 
Imagination,  Memory,  and  Rcafon  were  all  extraordinary.  He  knew 
v.Miat  was  in  Books ;  but  had  a  Knowledge  fupcriorto  them.  He  was 
indefatigable  in  Study,  and  found  himfelf  better  turned  for  that, 
than  for  any  thing  elfe  -,  as  having  a  Mind  quick  and  ready  to  perceive 
the  Correfpondencics  of  things  5  fix'd  and  intent  to  difcover  their  ni- 
cer Differences  ;  and  this  joined  with  a  Love  of  Enquiry  ;  a  Patience 
of  Doubting  ;  a  Pleafure  in  Contemplation  ;  a  Backwardnefs  in  Af- 
ferting  ;  a  Rcadincfs  in  acknowledging  an  Error ;  and  a  fcrupulous 
Exaftnefs  in  Difpofing  and  Methodizing:  at  the  fame  time  neither 
affcding  Novelty,  nor  adoring  Antiquity;  but  hating  all  kinds  of 
hnpofture  and  Delufion  ^. 

To  conHdcr  him  in  his  Philofophical  Capacity,  Hifloryfcarce  affords 
us  a  fit  Philofopher  wherewith  to  compare  him,     T*lato  and  Arijiotle 

were 

*  5!:e  Tntm.  Je  lottrpret.  Sat,    See  alfo  Fu/.  II. /.  531 — 33/% 

1 


the   AUTHOR'^   LIFE.  xli 


IX 


Were  Men  of  a  different  Cart :  they  paid  not  fo  great  a  regard  to  Truth 
and  Utihty  ;  nor  inltruiled  Mankind  fo  juftly  5  nor  open'd  the  hid- 
den Veins  of  Science  lb  fuccelsfully  ;  nor  taught  the  Art  of  philo- 
Ibphical  Invention,  lb  happily  as  the  "LoxA  Bacon. 

He  excelled  no  lelsni  particular  Sciences  than  in  general  Philofo- 
phy.  The  Law  was  his  Profeflion  ;  whereof  he  was  fo  great  a 
Mafter,  as  to  ftand  in  competition  with  the  celebrated  Lord  Coke : 
tho'  Ibme  good  Judges  arc  of  opinion,  that  the  Comparilbn  does  too 
much  honour  to  the  latter  ^. 

He  was  a  great  Mailer  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  State  ^j  and 
as  acceptable  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  as  in  the  Council  <^. 

His  Failings  were  chiefly  of  the  moral  or  oeconomical  kind  ;  and 
feem  owing  to  an  Excefs  of  certain  Virtuesi  -viz.  Gcncrofiiy  bor- 
dering upon  Profufcnels,  and  Good- nature  approaching  to  Facility. 
For  in  his  Ports  of  Profit,  he  laid  up  nothing ,  but  was  over-indul- 
gent to  his  Servants ;  and  luffcr'd  them  to  make  their  own  Advan- 
tages. And  from  no  fouler  an  Origin  feems  to  have  proceeded  the 
Bribery  and  Corruption  of  which  he  was  guilty  '^ :  The  Gifts  he  took 
being  commonly  by  the  Hands  of  his  Servants,  for  interlocutory  Or- 
ders ^  whilft  all  his  Decrees  were  fo  equitable,  that  not  one  of  them 
was  ever  reverfcd  as  unjuft*.  More  might  be  faid  to  extenuate  his 
Crime ;  if  a  Crime  of  fuch  a  nature  could  be  extenuated  :  The  Cor- 
ruption of  the  Times ;  the  Inveteracy  of  his  Enemies  •-,  and  the  King's 
withdrawing  of  his  Favour,  all  confpircd  to  make  him  a  Sacrifice  f. 

Some  have  thought  that  he  was  reduced  to  extreme  Poverty,  and 
fhew'd  an  abjed  Spirit,  after  his  Fall  5  particularly  in  the  fupplicating 
Letters  he  wrote  to  the  King :  but  let  his  whole  Behaviour,  his  Pen- 
fions,  his  Eftate,  and  thofe  Letters  be  well  confider'd  ;  and  the  Cafe 
will  appear  much  otherwife  S.  Tis  certain,  that  he  had  his  Errors 
and  his  Frailties  i  and  without  them  would  have  appcar'd  more  than 
human  :  but  to  take  him  as  he  was;  we  mufl:  acknowledge  him  one 
of  the  Q;reateft  Men  that  the  World  has  known. 


0' 


*  See  Mr.  Locker's  Charafter  of  the  LordBxcon  ;  in  Mr.  BUckbourns  Edition    Vo!  I   p.  178. 
*"  See  his  Speeches,  Letters,  (^c.     See  alio  Qsbom's  Advice  to  a  Son,  fuge  :jo. 

•■  See  Ra-wley's  Life,  p.  12.  and  Vol.  I.  f. 

■^  Sec  Rufliworth'%  CoUeflions,  Vol.L  and  Tenifon's  Baconiana,  p.ij'4. 

•  See  Baconiana.  p.  i^'f. 

f  SeeBuflieii  Extraft,  f.  19.  and  Tenlfon'i  Baconiana,  p.  16. 

t  See  Tenifon's  Baconiana,  pag.  if+j  ij-j-.     See  alfo  Rarpley's  Life,  pag.6,  7. 


VoL.L 


(li) 


'  A     S  MALL 


GLOSSARY, 

OR 

EXPLANATION, 

O    F 

Certain   PHILOSOPHICAL   TERMS,    either 
Invented,  or  Ufed  in  a  New  Senle,  by  the  Author. 


Abstraction. 

THIS  Word  the  Author  frequently  ules,  to  e.xprels  the  man-  abstrac- 
net  oi  forming  Notions ;  that  is,  not  fimple  Ideas,  or  Senfa-'^,'"'^'  "/^"^ 
tions,  which  require  no  Aftion  or  Operation  of  the  Mind'"""' 
befides  bare  Perception  5    but  the  Manner  of  deducing,  taking,  or 
abftra£iing  juft  Notions  from  Things,  after  a  due  confideration  of  all 
the  Particulars  that  (hould  go  to  conftitute  fuch  Notions. 

Thus  Notions  haftily  abJiraHed  from  Things  are  faulty,  flight,  No/ww^^^'y 
fuperficial  and  imperfedt  Notions,  derived  from  confidering  only  a"'^'"*^^^  ' 
few  obvious  Particulars ;  as  the  common  Notion  oiMoiJlure  is  hiftily 
abftracled  or  taken  from  confidering  only  Water  :  whereas  fuch  a 
'Thilofophical Notion  of  Moifturc  fhould  be  formed,  and  introduced, 

f  2  as 


lli 


Thi  du(  Ah- 

TirnSion  if 
Nolle»! . 


'  Adventi- 
tious, Cta- 
tlitions. 


Ahticipa- 

XION, 


Aphorisms, 
a  KinJ  cf 
Writing. 


A  Glossary,   or  Explanation, 

as  might  agree  with  all  Injlances  •■,  viz.  to  Quickfilvcr,  which  is 
moift  in  refpecl  of  Gold  5  10  Oil,  which  ismoill,  in  refped  of  Lea- 
ther i  &c. 

The  due  Abjlr action,  therefore,  or  Formation  of  Notions,  is  a 
particular  Operation,  or  Work,  of  the  Underftanding;  that  requires 
the  ufc  oi  Indiicfion,  in  the  Author's  Scnfc  thereof;  which  fee,  un- 
der the  Word  lndu6lion.  And  in  this  Operation  of  the  Mind,  the 
Perfedion  of  Thought,  Language,  and  all  Philofophy  principally 
confifts. 

Adventitious. 

By  Adventitious,  or  Tranfcendental  Conditions  of  Thmgs^  the 
Author  underftands  the  Ejcilicncc  of  Things  in  a  determinate,  or  cer- 
tain Quantity,  under  certain  invariable  Differences ;  or,  to  cxprefs  it 
otherwife,  the  Laws,  or  neceflary  Caufcs  in  Nature,  whereby  fome 
Things  exift,  and  others  do  not ;  why  there  are  fuch  large  Quantities 
of  fome  Things,  and  lefs  of  others;  why  ibme  Things  are  poflible, 
others  impoffible;  and  the  like.  Thus  to  enquire  into  the  phyfical, 
(not  final)  Caufes,  why  there  is  more  Iron  than  Gold  in  the  Worlds 
more  Marble  than  Diamond ;  why  it  is  impodible  for  Men  to  prei'erve 
their  own  Bodies  in  a  found  State  for  ever  ;  and  the  like  ;  is  enquiring 
intothe  Adventitious,  or  Tranfcendental  Conditions  of  Things  3  and  a 
negleded  part  of  Trimary  Thilofophy  :  which  fee. 

Anticipation. 

By  Anticipation,  the  Author,  in  a  particular  Senfe,  underflands 
the  common  Method  of  Reafoning,  and  judging  of  Things  with  a 
kindof  naturallmpaticnce.  Precipitancy,  blind  Fury,  andhead-ftrong 
Appetite ;  without  a  due  regard  to  the  real  Merits  of  theCafe ;  or  with- 
out a  proper  Regulation  and  Government  of  the  Mind,  by  the  ufe  of 
his  new  iVlachinc,  orLogick.  So  that  the  Method  of  Anticipation  is 
diredly  oppofite  to  his  Method  of  Indudion,  or  Interpretation  of 
Nature;   which  fee. 

Aphorisms. 

The  Author  takes  Aphorifms  inafomewhat  ftrider  fenfe  than  the 
common  ;  and  means  by  them,  not  loofe  and  fcatter'd  Obfervations 
thrown  together  in  a  Heap  -,  but  matter  of  well-weigh'd  Obfervation 
and  Experience,  thoroughly  digcfted  in  the  Mind,  and  afterwards 
clearly  and  methodically  fet  down  in  Writing;  with  a  fleady  View 
to  fome  ufeful  End  :  without  admitting  any  foreign  Ornament, 
Superfluity,  or  Exaggeration  ;  but  keeping  clofe  to  the  Truth  of  Na- 
ture, and  Reality.  Af^ 


<?/' Philosophical   Terms.  I'm 

Approximations. 
By  Approximations  the  Author  underftands  fiich  Particulars  as  ap-  Approxima- 
proach,  or,  in  Ibme  degree,    come  u^to Optatives,  or  the 'Defiiie-^^^^^' 
rata  in  Arts  and  Sciences  :  fo  as,  when  thofe  Optatives,  or  Defidc- 
rata,  arc,  for  the  prcfcnt,  impofllble  to  be  obtained ;  \vc  may  ftill  have 
Ibmething  of  the  fame  kind,  witliin  our  power,  tho'  of  an  inferior 
degree.     Sec  Optatives. 

Art  of  Inventing. 

By  the  Art  of  Inventing  Arts  is  meant  rheUfc  of  a  well-regula-  ^rt  gf  In- 
ted  and  '^>:.xicQi.hidu6iion,  applied  toPhyflcks;  being    an  Art,  or  ^8x7^^«^  fi« 
actual  'Dernonjlration,  as  juftly  fuited  to  this  purpolc,  as  Algebra  mArtofzn^ui- 
Mathematicks :  and  may  difcover  Arts  with  as  much  Certainty,  ^^"^Jr  Direaun' 
that  can  form  Equations.      See  Inclusion,  Interpretation  of  Na- 
ture, zn^  Inv eft igat ion  of  Forms.     See  aUb  InduCfive  Hiftory,  and 
Learned  Experience. 

Assemblages, 
V>y  greater  Affemblages,  or  Colleges,  of  Alatter  zrc\x'c\.d.ziciiood  the  Assemblages 
four  Elements,  as  they  are  commonly  called ;  viz.  Fire,  Air,  Wa- "-' *^''""'* 
ter,  and  Earth  :  and  by  the  [mailer  AJfemblages,  all  the  otlier  natu- 
ral Bodies  ;  as  Animals ;    Plants  and  Follils. 

Attraction.     See  Sympathy. 

Axioms. 
By  Axioms  the  Author  does  not  mean  Mathematical  Axioms,  or  Axioms,  h-» 
felf-evident  Propofitions ;    but  a  very  different  Thing  :  viz.  folid-^'"''""'' 
Portions  of  Trutii,  duly  railed  from  Enquiries  conducted  in  the  in- 
duftive  Method  ;  or  drawn,  as  rich  Corollaries,  from  particular  Hifto- 
ries  of  Nature  and  Art;  fo  as  to  be  pregnant  with  the  Matter  of  a 
juft  Theory,  and  fure  Diredions  for  Praftice.     And  thefe  Axioms  can 
be  no  otherwife  formed,  than  by  a  careful  and  accurate  Induction.  In 
other  Words,  a  perfeft  Axiom  is  a  fummary  Expreflion  of  the  Form, 
Laiv^  Nature,  or  Effence  of  a  Thing  difcover'd  after  a  due  Exclu- 
fion  and  Rcjcftion  of  every  Nature,  or  Property,  that  is  not  cflential ; 
fo  that  \\\tT)ifcovery  of  Forms.,  and  the  raifing  oi perfe&  Axioms 
ate  reciprocal,  or  one  and  the  fame  thing.     Sec  Forms.     But  bcfides 
ihcic perfefi  Axioms,  there  are  others  of  an  inferior  Nature,  tending 
lo  raife  up  tiie  more  perfect  by  degrees. 

z  Canons. 


\iv 


A  Glossary,   or  Explanation^ 


Canons. 


Civil  Hi- 

STOBV. 


Confuta- 
tion, of  De- 
titonftrations, 
Fhibfiphiei, 
and  the  N<t- 
turai  Reafin 


COSMICAL, 

Motions  and 
^mlities. 


Canons. 
Canons,  in  the  Author's  particular  Senfe  of  the  Word,  arc  the 
fame  as  Axioms ;  unlefs  we  except  that  they  more  particularly  regard 
Praftice ;  as  Jxioms^  if  we  make  the  difference,  regard  Theory, 
The  Word  Canons  is  aUb  fometimes  ufcd  for  ufeful  Obfetvations  of  a 
general  nature,  or  lar^e  extent. 

Civil   Histortt. 

By  Civil  Hiftory  is  meant  an  Account  of  the  Works  and  Ads  of 

Men  -,  as  Natural  Hiftory  is  an  Account  of  the  Works  and  Afts  of 

Nature.  ■ 

Confutation. 

This  Word  is  ufed,   not  fo  much  in  a  new  Senfe,  as  applied  in  a 

new  Manner,  or  to  a  new  Purpofe ;  viz.  the  Confutation  of  'De- 

monflratians  -,  the  Confutation  ofThilofophies ;  and  the  Confutation 

of  the  natural  Reafon  j  which  may  ieem  harih  and  ftrange  Expref- 

fions :    but,  as  Sophifms  are  confuted  in  the  vulgar  Logic ;    lb  the 

Author  confutes  the  vulgar  Demonftrations,  the  vulgar  Philofophies, 

and  the  common  method  of  RealbninL',    by  fhewing  them  all  to  be 

unfit  for  promoting  the  Sciences  j  which  requires  the  ufe  of  perfeft 

Induiiion. 

COSMICAL. 

Cofmical  Motions,  and  Cofmical  §lualities,  are  thofe  Motions  and 
Qualities  which  Things  have,  as  they  are  Parts  of  the  Univerfe,  or 
general  Syftem  of  Nature ;  and  would  not  have  the  fame,  if  they 
were  not  Parts  of  one  great  Whole. 


Elections, 
in  Apology. 


Elections. 

By  Elections,  with  regard  to  a  found  and  ferviceabie  Aftrology,  is 
meant  the  choice  of  proper  Times,  or  Seafons,  for  performuig  certain 
Actions  or  Operations  ^  fo  as  to  procure  the  afliftance  of  the  Ce- 
kftial  Influeiices,  when  thefe  may  be  ferviceabie.  EleBions,  thcre- 
forcj  are  one  principal  Ufe  of  Aftrology,  and  Tredi£ltons  another. 


EXCLUS  ION. 

Exclusion,       By  the  Method  ofjE.vr//</?tf«,  or  i?f'/>^/o«,  is  meant  the  throwing 

««^/KfjeiSiM- out  of  an  Enquiry  all  the  Subjcds  that  have  not  the  Nature  fought  5 

and  belongs  particularly  to  genuine  lndu£iion,  or  the  Art  o^ Invefti-- 

gating  Forms  j  where  it  conftantly  makes  a  Tai?le  by  itlelf,  called 

I  che 


tf/"    P  H  I  L  O  S  0  P  H  I  C  A  L     T  E  R  M  S.  Iv 

the  Table  of  'Declination,   AO fence  in  Approach,  Exclujion,  or  Re- 
jedion. 

The  Exprcllion  has  alio  a  lower,  or  more  obvious  Signification, 
denoting  the  rcfutal,  or  non-admittance,  of  dubious  and  uncertain 
Particulars,  or  Matters  of  llight  Obfcrvation  and  Experience,  into  an 
Enquiry,  or  any  particular  Hiftory  of  Nature  or  Art ;  asaUb  the  weed- 
ing of  fuch  Hiftorics,  and  throwing  out  fuch  Particulars. 

For  MS. 

By  Forms,  the  Author  underftands  thofe  real  Appetites,  'Po'wers,^oRm  firir$- 
Motions,  or  a^ive  La'ivs  of  Nature,  by  'in'hich  all  Things  exifl,  and^'^^^'*^' 
have  their  Effe£is.  And  to  the  Difcovery  of  thcfe  Laws,  his  prin- 
cipal Endeavours  arc  dircfted  ;  as  to  a  Thing  that  alone  will  conftitute 
a  juft  and  univerfal  Theory,  and  dired  to  an  extenfive  Pradice.  So  that 
his /«j'?<zar<«?w/,  or  Scheme  for  rebuilding  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  bring- 
ing them  to  their  Pcrfeftion,  depends  upon  the  "Difcovery  of  Forms  ; 
or  the  finding  of  Natures  convertible  with  any  Natures  alligned, 
that  fhall  limit,  and  reftrain,  and  conftitute  the  former.  Thus  by  dif- 
Govering  the  Form  of  Gold,  we  fhould  learn  what  conftitutes  that 
Metal,  or  gives  it  the  fpecific  Differences  which  diftinguifh  it  from 
all  other  Things ;  and,  at  the  fame  time,  obtain  a  Rule  for  intro- 
ducing that  Form,  or  the  Nature  of  Gold,  into  Silver,  or  any  other 
Body  fufceptible  thereof.  But  thcfe  Forms  are  not  yet  difcover'd  j 
and  can  be  inveftigated  no  other  way  than  by  the  Vic  and  Applica- 
tion of  the  Art  of  Indu£iion ;  which,  itfelf  is  not  hitherto  extant  in 
all  its  Parrs.     See  InduBion. 

Befidcs  this  eminent  Senfe  of  the  Word,  it  is  alfo  ufed,    in  aF*r»»/ 
more  common  Acceptation,  for  the  Figure,  Shape,  Fafhion,  or  Man- 
ner of  Things. 

Generations. 

Generations  are  the  ordinary  Produdions  of  Nature,  as  diftin-GEM^"*- 
guifhed  from  the  extraordinary,  or  monftrousi  which  the  Author "°^'' 
calls  Tret  erzener  at  ions. 

Georgicks. 
This  Exprcflron  of  Georgicks  is  transferr'd  from  Agriculture  intoGEORcicKs,^ 
Ethicks;  fo  as  to  denote  the  Art  of  cultivating,  or  improving  the'^^"'*'^""'" 
Mind  in  Moral  Virtue. 

His  TORY. 

By  pure  Hiflory,  the  Author  means  a  Colledion,  or  faithful  andHisromr. 

exaft  Dcfcription  of  the  Works,  Fadts,  or  Appearances  of  Nature, 

without  meddling  with  their  Caufes  5  which  is  a  Province  that  belongs 

to  the  Interpreter  of  Nature.  Nar~ 


com- 
mon. 


Ivi  ^    G  L  O  S  S  A  R  Y  j     (Jr    E  X  P  L  A  N  A  T  I  O  N, 

mrrathe         Narrative  Hiflory  is  diftinguiflied  from  InduEiive  Hijlory  ;  the 

^'>7-        former  containing  Dcfcriptions,  or  relating  the  Fads  and  Works  of 

Nature,  with  no  view  to  the  founding  a  jufl:  Philofophy  ;  which  is 

the  Dcfign  of  Indu^ive  Hijiory.     See  Indu£iive  and  Natural  Hi' 

Jlory. 

Idols, 

Idcls,  of  the     By  Idols  of  the  Mind  are  denoted  the  various  kinds  of  falfe  Repre- 

fentations,  Imaginations,  Figments,  and  wrong  Notions,  which  Men 

receive  from  Education,  Party,  particular  Studies,  &c.  fo  as  to  diftin- 

guifh  thefe  from  true  Notions,  which  are  duly  abftraded,  and  reprc- 


Mind. 


Induction. 


Inductive 
History. 


Inductive 
Method. 


Instances. 


fent  Things  as  they  are. 


Sec  AbJiroEiion-. 


Induction. 

This  Word  is  ufed,  not  in  the  common,  but  a  much  more  noble 
Senfe,  by  the  Author,  to  fignify  an  Art^  of  which  he  was  the  In- 
ventor. This  Art  has  a  great  rcfemblance  with  Algebra  ;  and  is  to 
the  Invcftigation  of  Forms,  what  that  is  with  regard  to  the  forming 
of  Equations.  It  confifts  of  fevcral  Parts,  and  is  extremely  well 
fuitcd  to  natural  Enquiries,  and  the  Difcovery  of  new  Arts,  and 
Works :  fo  that  it  may  well  be  called  a  Thilofophical  Algebra,  or 
the  Art  of  Inventing  Arts;  a  confiderable  Branch  whereof,  is  deli- 
ver'd  in  the  Author's  Piece  called  Novum  Organum.  See  Art  of  In- 
venting Arts. 

Inductive  History. 

InduEiive,  Trimary^  or  Mother-Hijlory,  is  a  Natural  and  Expe- 
rimental Hiftory,  colle'ded,  not  in  the  ordinary  way  of  Natural  Hifto- 
rics,  for  Amufement,  Delight,  or  the  fake  of  the  dired  Matters 
thcmfelves ;  but  with  a  View  to  the  building  up  a  folid  and  ferviceable 
Philofophy.  InduBive  Hifiory,  therefore,  was  a  Thing  entirely- 
wanting,  till  the  Author  fet  fomc  Examples  of  it  in  his  Hiftory  of 
Winds^  Life  and  T>eath,  &c.  wherein  he  ufes  his  own  Art  of  In- 
duifion.     See  InduBion. 

Inductive  Method. 
InduEiive  Method.,  is  the  Method  laid  down  by  the  ^rrf^/Jwd^Wf- 
tion.     Sec  InduBion^  and  Forms. 

Instances. 

By  Infiances,  the  Author  underftands  Particulars,  Fads,  Obferva- 
tions.  Experiments,  Natural  Bodies,  Inftruments,  or  any  thing  fitted 
to  afford  Light  and  Information  in  Enquiries.     But  as  it  were  cndlcfs 

to 


of  Philosophical   Terms.  Ivii 

to  purfue  the  Infinity  of  Things  in  particular  Enquiries,  the  Author, 
under  the  Doctrine  of  Inllanccs,  has  fhcwa  which  are  'prerogative  •-.^^""Z'"''^* 
that  is,  which  areoffuch  a  nature  .is  that  a  few  of  them  may  do  the  ^"-'^'""^''" 
Office  of  many  ;  and  thus  greatly  fhorrcn  the  Bufinefs  of  Enquiry. 

Instauration. 

The  hijlaurat'ion  is  the  Author's  general  Scheme  or  Plan,  which  Tnstaura-.J 
he  Uys  down  for  the  improvement  of  Knowledge.  This  Scheme '^'"^" 
confifts  of  fix  Parts  i  viz.  (i.)  A  Survey  of  the  prcfcnt  Stock 
of  Knowledge;  with  an  account  of  its  Deficiencies,  and  the  ways 
of  fupplying  them.  (2  )  A  new  Art  of  Indudion,  Philofophical 
Algchra,  Machine,  or  particular  Logick,  for  dilcovcring  Arts,  and 
interpreting  Nature.  (5.)  The  Materials  for  InduQive  Hiftor}'.  (4.) 
The  Induclive  Hiftory  itkif.  (5.)  The  beft  Philofophy  that  the  Au- 
thor could  raife  without  the  afllftance  oi  Induction.  And  (6.)  a 
genuine  and  found  Philofophy  raifcd  by  the  Art  of  Indtidion. 

Interpretation. 

What  the  Author  properly  means  by  the  Interpretation  of  Nature,  i.sTERPRtrA- 
is  the  Exercifc  of  the  laft  Part  of  his  Art  of  InduBion  ■■>   when  the  In^  ■^'O'*  ofKa- 
terpreter  having  all  his  Tallies,  and  the  requifitc  Materials  and  Helps^'^^J  .  ^^^^^^ 
before  him,  examines  what  is  the  Refult  of  any  particular  Enquiry  ^K-uHre. 
fo  as  at  length  to  difcover  the  Form  of  the  Nature  fought;  find  the 
Caufes  of  Effects ;  and  draw  out  the  Axioms  that  dired  new  Expe- 
riments and  Works.     It  is  therefore  the  Bufinefs  of  the  Natural  or 
rather  InduEiive  Hifiorian,  to  colledl  the  Matter  or  Inflances  of 
an  Enquiry  ;  range  them  into  regular  Tables,  &c.  and  the  Bufinefs 
of  the  Interpreter  of  Nature  to  examine  and  compare  the  whole, 
with  a  View  to  the  Inveftigation  of  Forms,  the  Difcovcry  oiCaiifes^ 
and  the  raifing  of  Axioms. 

But  bcfides  this  limited  Scnfe  of  the  Term  Interpretation  of  Na- 
ture, it  has  another,  more  general,  and  denotes  the  fober,  artificial, 
juft  and  regular  Procedure  of  the  Mind  in  the  Difcovcry  of  Truth, 
according  to  the  patient  and  laborious  Method  oi  Induction  :  in 
which  light  it  is  oppofcd  to  the  vulgar  Method  of  Anticipation  ; 
which,  when  foberly  confidcr'd,  appears  a  kind  of  frantick,  dcform'd 
and  unruly  Thing. 

Learned  Experience. 

By  Learned  Experience  the  Author  underftands  the  Art  of  Expe-  Learned  Ex- 
rimenting,  or  the  proper  Method  of  making  and  conducting  Expc- 

VoL.  i.  g  riments 


Literary 
HisTORif. 


Machike/Iw 
thi  Mind. 


Magick. 


Ivlii  ^  Glossary,    or  Explanation, 

rimenrs,  fo  as  that  they  (hall  afford  Light,  or  lead  to  fome  certain 
Difcoveries;  and  not  remain  cafual,  fluftuating  Things,  tried  in  the 
way  of  Amufcnient,  or  fiuitlefs  Curiofity. 

Literary  History. 

By  Literary  Hiflorj  is  meant  the  Hiftory  of  Matters  any  way  re- 
lating to  Learning,  tliro'  all  the  Ages  and  over  all  the  Countries  of 
the  World. 

Machine. 

What  this  is,  fee  explained  under  the  Term  Novum  Organum. 

Magick. 

The  Word  Magick  is  ufed  by  the  Author  in  its  ancient  honoura- 
ble Senfe  ;  or  rather  in  one  ftill  more  fublime  and  noble,  for  that  prac- 
tical Dodrine,  or  Science,  which,  iYOxnzT>ifcovery  of  Forms,  may 
produce  very  great  Works  and  Effcdts,  in  the  way  of  over-ruling,  or 
commanding  the  general  Laws  of  Nature.  But  as  Forms  are  not  hi- 
therto difcovcred.  Natural  Magick.,  which  depends  thereon,  has  at 
prefent  no  place  among  the  Sciences.  Otherwife,  as  Mechanicks  is 
to  Phyficks,  fo  is  Magick  to  Metaphyficks,  or  the  Difcovery  of  Forms. 

The  'Perfian  Magick  is  a  lublime  kind  of  Wifdom,  or  Science, 
depending  upon  the  Difcovery  of  the  natural  Relations  betwixt  the 
Parts  of  the  Univcrfe  ;  and  more  particularly  as  applied  to  find  out 
what  Relations  and  Conformities  Civil  States,  or  the  Art  of  Govern- 
ment, {hould  bear  to  the  Regulation  and  Government  of  the  World. 

Mathematicks. 
Mathematicks,  in  the  ftrid  Senfe,    is  that  part  of  Metaphyjieks 
(in  the  Author's  acceptation)  which  confiders  Quantity  ;  but  is  more 
advantagcoufly  made  an  Appendage,  or  auxiliary  Branch  of  Science, 
fubfervient  to  Thyjicks,  Metaphyjieks ^  Mechanicks,  and  Magick. 

Mechanicks. 
Mechanickj.  Mechanicks  is  of  two  kinds,  empirical  and  rational.  By  empiri- 
cal Mechanicks  ihc  K\xx\\ox  undcrftands  that  general  Method  of  ope- 
rating in  Arts,  which  has  no  Dcpendance  upon  T^hyjicks ;  and  pro- 
ceeds without  any  Knowledge  of  Caufcs.  And  by  rational  Mecha- 
nicks heunderftands  that  Method  of  operating,  which  is  accompanied 
with  a  Knowledge  of  phyfical  Caufes. 


terfim  Ma- 
gick. 


Mathema- 
ticks. 


M  E  T  A- 


of  Philosophical   Terms.  lix 

Metaphystcks. 
This  Word  is  afcd  in  a  particular  Scnfe  by  the  Author,  to  denote  ^"aphv- 
that  contemplative  Part  of  Natural  Philofophy,     which  difcovcrs^"^'"'" 
Forms,   ttnA  final  Can fes  ;  fo  as  tofhortcnthc  Way  to  Knowledge; 
fct  rhe  hunran  Power  at  liberty  j  and  find  out  the  true  ultimate  Caufcs 
of  Things.     See  "Thjficks. 

Natural  History. 
By  Natural  Hijlory  the  Author  underftands  a  Dcfcription  of  Ge- Natural 
ncrations,  Prxtergencrations,   and  Arts ;  or  ail  the  Produftions  of  ^'"°''^" 
Nature,  as  well  the  ordinary  as  extraordinary  and  monftrous;  and 
alio  of  Experience,  or  human  Arts,  and  Inventions.     Sec  Hijlory. 

Natural  Theology.  SizT)2vineThilofoph^ynn(^txThilofophy. 

Natures. 

The  Author  makes  frequent  uie  of  the  word  Nature  ov  Natures,  Natvrh. 
to  exprcfs  what  we  often  mean  by  Properties ;  but  the  Term  is  ftill 
of  greater  extent,  and  more  generally  ufcful.     Thus  (i.)  Natures 
are  the  fame  as  Things ;  [z  )  the  Nature  enquired  i?ito,  is  the  Sub- nattirt  m- 
jcA  fought,  or  the  Objeft  of  Enquiry  ;  but  (3.)    to   introduce   a i"'''^'' '"'<'• 
given  Nature,  is  to  introduce  the  Forniy  or  eJJ'ential  'PropcrtieSy  ofcivtn  n<i- 
onc  thing  into  another  i  fo  as  to  convert  the  one  into  the  other.  '«'■?■ 
And  (4.)  Nature  united,  ov /uramed  u/>,  is  the  Difcovery  of  the  ge-A'^«/«'-e 
neral  Law,  Uniformity,  or  Unity  of  Adion,  employ 'd  by  Nature,""'"'^' 
or  rather,  the  Author  of  Nature,  in  the  production  of  all  natural 
Works  and  Effeds. 

Novum   Organum. 

Novum  Organum  is  not  only  the  Title  of  that  Piece  wherein  the  Novum  Or- 
Autlior  dcfcribcs  \{\s  New  Logick,  Art  of  InduElion,  Thilofophical^^^'^^'^' 
Algebra,  or  new  Machine  for  working  with  the  Underftanding  upon, 
all  Subjects,  to  the  grcatcft  Advantage  5  but  alfo  denotes  the  Art  itlelf, 
whereby,  as  by  an  Engine  or  artificial  Help  for  the  Alind^  Men 
may  perform  incomparably  more  than  by  their  own  natural  Powers; 
and  ordinary  Capacities  be  thus  enabled  to  profecute  Enquiries,  and 
promote  general  Knowledge,  as  effcdnally  as  Men  of  Genius :  the  Me- 
thod of  working  witli  thjs  Help  being  like  the  Method  of  working 
with  /Algebra;  or  rather  with  a  general  Engine,  or  Inftrument,  pro- 
portion'd  to  the  Strength,  and  fitted  to  the  Ufe  of  all  Men. 

g  2  Opt  A- 


Ix  y^  Glossary,   «>r  Explanation, 

Optatives. 
Optativls.       By  Optatives  the  Author  underftands  'Dejiderata,  or  fuch  Particu- 
lars as  might  be  wifhed  for,  in  order  to  the  Accommodation  of  Life, 
and  the  Enlargement  of  Arts ;   as  for  Example,  Power  over  the  Wea- 
ther i  the  Longitude  at  Sea ;  new  mechanical  Motions,  &c. 

Perception. 

Perception.  "Qy  Terccption,  applied  to  inanimate  Bodics,  weareto  underftand 
the  fame  PalHon,  or  Suffering,  as  happens  in  animate  Bodies;  except- 
ing only  the  DifFercnce  that  depends  upon  the  Spirit  in  Animals,  or 
a  want  of  the  Senfes. 

Philosophy. 
Philosophy       By  'philofophy  in  general,    the  Author  underftands  all  Know- 
ingtnerai.     j^^jg^,^  except  Revclation,  or  infpired  Theology  ;  i'o  that  Arts  and 

Sciences  are  but  other  Words  for  Thtlofophy. 
vrim«ryvhi-      Trmary  Thilofophy,   in  the  general  Senfc,  denotes  a  kind  of 
hfofhy.         common  Science,  or  Colledion  of  neutral  Axioms,  belonging  in- 
differently to  all  the  Sciences ;    together  with  the  Doftrine  of  Ad- 
ventitious or  Tranfcendental  Conditions.     See  Adventitious  Con- 
ditions. 
fJ'Y"^  Pfci-      By  Natural  Thilofophy  the  Author  underftands  Philofophy  ap- 
"'"''"'''         plied  to  the  Things  of  Nature  (as  diflinguiOied  from   the  Dodrine 
of  the  Deity,  and  the  Dodrine  of  Man)   fo  as  to  difcover  Caufes, 
and  produce  Effeds.     See  Thyficks  and  Metaphyjicks. 
nivinevhi.       '\Divine  ThUofophf,    ox  Natural  Theology,  is  a  Science  formed 
ujc^hy.         jj^  jj^g  Mind  of  Man,  by  means  of  the  Light  of  Nature,  and  the 
Contemplation  ofthe  Works  of  God,  and  tends  to  confute  Atheifm, 
anddctermine  the  Laws  of  Nature  ;  but  not  toeftablifh  any  Religion. 
phiiofophi»         'Philofophia  Trima,  has  the  fame  fignification  with  Primary  Phi- 
frtm».         lofophy  ;  but  in   a  more  particular  Senfe,  denotes  the  Author's  in- 
tended imperfe^  Thilofophy,  to  be  raifed  in  the  befl  manner  pofllblc, 
without  the  Afliftanceof  the  y^r/ <?/'7W//^/<?W5    as  \\'\^  T^hilofophia 
Secunda  was  to  have  been  a  pure  and  pcrfcft  axiomatical  or  univerfal 
Philofophy,  tziCcd  by  the  Art  of  Indu^/on. 

P  HYS  I  CKS. 

Phyucks,  »■«      By  Thyjicks  the  Author  undcrflands  that  contemplative  Part  of 

generd.        Natural  TkUofophy ^  which  difcovers  the  efficient  Caulcs,  and  the 

Compoiition,  Matter,  and  Structure  of  Things }  z.%Mi.taphyfuksA\^. 

cover 


<?/*  Philosophical   Terms.  Ixi 

cover  their  Forms  and  Ends.  Thyjicks  therefore,  and  Metaphyjicks^ 
arc  the  two  contemplative,  or  theoretical  Parts  of  Natural  Philofophy ; 
to  which  anfwer  the  twopraftical  ones  of  Mechanicks  znd  Alagick. 

By  Thyjicks  of  Creatures,  or  Concrete  Thyficks,  we  are  to  under-  ^hl^^'"  «f 
ftand  that  ?^n  oi  Thyjicks,  which  exhibits  the  Varieties  and  Icflcr^*'"^"" 
Aflcmblages,  or  CoUeftions  of  Things,  purfued  in  the  Concretes  or 
Bodies  thcmlelves.     And  this  Part  borders  upon  Natural  Hiftory. 

Thyficks  of  Natures,  or  abftra£iThyfickSy  is  the  fame  Part  pm- T/^fiksef 
fued,  not  in  Concretes,    or  Individuals,    but  in  their  Accidents  or^"""'"- 
Qualities ;   fo  as  to  approach  the  Nature  of  Metaphyficks. 

Pneumatical  Bodies. 
By  ^Pneumatical  Bodies  the  Author  means  fuch  as  make  no  fcn-PNEOMATi- 
fibic  Refiftancc  to  the  Touch,  or  are  not  perceived,  or  found  ponde-'^'*'"  Bodies. 
rous  upon  the  Balance  in  the  open  Air. 

Prater  GENERATIONS.  Pn^TE^c.- 

For  the  Meaning  of  this  u  ord,  lee  Generations.  nerations. 

Primary  History.     See  Indu£iive  Hiflory. 
Primary  Philosophy.     Sec  Thilofophy. 

Professor  ial. 

By  Trofefforial  Learning,  and  Trofjforial  Arts  and  Sciences,  the  Profisso- 
Author  undcrftands  the  Arts  and  Sciences,  as  taught  in  the  common!""^'-  f^"'''»- 
Schools,  and  Univerfities;  where  he  judges  the  Arts  are  not  much^ff^/^'J/""' 
improved,  but  only  retailed  out  in  a  lophiftical  manner,  or  drefTed, 
adorned,  and  fafhioned  into  Syftems,  that  are  apt  to  deceive  by  their 
beautiful  Appearance. 

Promptuary. 

By  'Promptuary  Method  is  meant  the  procuring  a  Fund  of  Matter  Promptuar» 
for  Difcourfe,  by  laying  up,  for  ufe,  Arguments  ready  compofed,  with  ^'^^"*"*' 
regard  to  fuch  Subjeds  as  frequently  occur. 

Reason. 

By  Reafon  the  Author  frequently  underflands  the  raHi,  andimpru-REAson. 
dent,  ufe  of  the  rational  Faculty,  in  philofophical  Subjcds,  foaspre- 
fently  to  come  at  fome  erroneous  Conclufion,  and  proceed  upon  it 
as  if  it  were  true;  without  inuring  this  Faculty  to  the  fame  laborious 

Search, 


Ixii  A  Glossary,   or  Exp  lan  at  io  n, 

Search,  SufpenfioxTj    tnd  Scrupuloufiiefs  in  Philofophy,    asisprac- 
tilcd  ill  Matliematical  Demonftrations.     See  Confutation. 

Reduction. 
.Reduction.  By  ReduEiion  the  Author  undciftands  a  proper  Contrivance,  or 
artificial  Means,  for  bringing  thofe  Things  under  the  Judgment  of 
the  Scnfes  which  naturally  cfcape  them  :  or  Means  of  ftrengthening, 
afiifting,  and  improving  the  Scnfes  ;  as  by  Telefcopcs,  Microfcopes, 
Speaking-Trumpcts,  Ear-Trumpets,  &c. 

Rejection.     See  Exclujion. 


ScalaIntel 

L-ECTUS. 


Spirit. 


5llBSTlfrU- 
TION. 


Sylva  Syl- 

VAROM. 


SCALA    InTELLECTUS. 

By  Scala  IntelhUus  the  Author  underftands  the  proper  Applica- 
tion of  the  Art  of  Indu^ion.,  to  the  more  interefting  and  important 
Subjeds  of  Philofophy  5  fo  as  duly  to  profecute  a  Set  of  capital  En- 
quiries, that  fhall  lead,  by  degrees,  to  the  moft  fublime,  noble,  and 
general  Axioms,  pregnant  with  Dodrinc  and  Direclions  for  forming 
a  juft  Theory  of  Nature,  and  the  pcrfcding  of  Arts. 

Spirit. 
By  the  Spirit  in  Bodies  the  Author  means  a  more  fubtifc  and  rati- 
fied Matter,  of  the  fame  Nature  with  the  Bodies  themfclves,  refiding 
in  all  their  tangible  Parts,  multiplying  itfelf,  or,  as  it  were,  feeding 
upon  them  5  but,  unlefs  hindred,  continually  flying  off  into  the  Air  5 
fo  as  in  time  to  wafte,  exhauft,  and  confunie  the  Bodies. 

Substitution. 
By  Subjiitution^z  are  tounderftand  the  Means  of  fubftituting,  or 
ufing,  one  Obje£l  for  another,  where  the  Scnfes  fail  us  5  and  where  In- 
ftruments  for  helping,  or  improving  the  Senfcs,  are  of  no  fervice.  Thus, 
tho'  we  cannot  diredlly  examine  Flame,  we  may  fomctimes  advan- 
tageoufly  fubftitute  its  Pabulum,  or  the  Matter  whereof  it  conllfts ; 
viz.  Oil,   or  Spirit  of  Wine  i  id'C. 

Sylva  Sylvarum. 
By  Sylva  Sylvarum,  is  underftood,  as  its  Name  implies,  a  Wood 
of  Experiments  and  Obicrvations ;    or  a    Collection  of  Maccrials, 
ready  procured,  and  laid  up  for  forming  particular  Hiftories  of  Nature 
and  Alt,  in  the  Author's  indudi\'e  manner. 

Sym« 


<?/*  Philosophical   Terms.  Ixiii 

S  r  M  p  A  T  H  r. 
By  Sympathy y  Confent,  Attra^fion,  Sxlq.    we  are   to  undcrftand,  Sympathy. 
not  any  imaginary  Powers  5  but  real  Appetites,  or  Laws  of  Motion, 
or  Nature,  found  in  certain  Things,  whereby  they  have  a  Tendency 
towards,  or  operate  upon,  one  another  at  a  diftance. 

Tables, 

By  Tables  we  are  to  undcrftand  Sets  of  Papers,  containing  each  Tables. 
its  icparate  Matter,  or  particular /»y?/7;/f(fj,  Experiments,  Obferva- 
tions,  &c.  for  filling  up  the  Heads  of  any  Enquiry  i  and  working  upon 
any  Subjctfl:,  in  the  Method  of  Induftion  ;  fo  as  no  way  to  trufl:  or 
burthen  the  Memory,  or  confound  the  Underftanding  ;  but  proceed 
as  in  Algebraical  Operations ;  or  as  with  a  certain  Machine,  or  well- 
adapted  mechanical  Contrivance  for  the  purpofe.  Sec  the  Article 
Novum  Organum. 

Topical   Invention.' 

By  Topical  Invention  we  are  to  undcrftand   a  new  Method,  de--j.(jp,j,^j^j^.. 
pending  upon  a  Mixture  of  Logic  and  Philofophy,  of  fetting  downvENTioj<. 
the  principal  Heads,  or  leading  Particulars,  of  .in  Enquiry  ;  fo  as  that 
the  who'e  may  be  profecuted  to  the  beft  Advantage ;  both  with  regard 
to  the  Operation  of  the  Mind,   and  the  Difcovery  of  the  Thing 
fought. 

Traditive. 

By  Traditive  Tio&rine,  we  are  to  undcrftand  all  the  Arts  re-TRADixivF. 
lating  to  Words  and  Difcourfe ;  as  Grammar,  Hieroglyphicks,  VVri-  Doctrine. 
ting,   Cypher,  &c. 

By  Traditive  Lamp,  the  Author  denotes  a  new  Method  of  Teach-  Traditive 
ing ;  or  a  fcientifical,  initiative,  leading,  and  improveable  manner ''*"''■ 
of  dehvering  down  the  Sciences  to  Pofterity  ;  inftead  of  the  Dodrinal 
or  Dogmatical  Method  in  ufc. 

By  Traditive  'Prudence,  the  Author  underftands  the  Dodlrine  ofxRAo.TivF 
Method  in  Speech.  Prodence 


Transcendental.     See  Adventitious  Conditions. 

Union  and  Unity  of  Nature.     See  Nature. 

Works. 
By  Works  the  Author  underftands  conftdcrable  A<fts  of  the  Human  Wobks. 
Power,  or  Maftcrics  over  Nature  j  foasby  foiid,  and  rational  Means, 

to 


Ixiv  /f  Glossary,   ^c, 

to  fubduc  and  bend  her  to  the  more  ufeful  Purpofes;  as  u\  lengthen- 
ing the  common  Period  of  Life  ;  making  the  Wind  do  the  Office 
of  animal  Strength;  governing  the  Weather:  with  all  other  Things 
of  the  like  ufeful  kind,  in  refped  to  the  Accommodation  of  Life. 


N.B.  The  Defign  of  this  Glojfary  is  iiot  to  give  cxacl  Definitions  of 
the  Author's  Philofophical  Terms,  but  only  fome  general  No- 
tions of  them  ;  to  prevent  any  Mifconftruftion,  and  facilitate 
the  underftanding  of  his  Works.  In  which  View,  it  might 
not  be  amifs  foi-  thofe  unacquainted  with  the  Author,  to 
go  over  the  Glojjary  once  or  tw4ce,  before  the  whole  Work 
is  begun  to  be  read  :  For  as  he  had  different  Views,  with  re- 
gard to  the  Improvement  of  Philolbphy,  from  any  of  his  Prcde- 
ccfTors  i  he  was  under  a  necclllty  of  coining  new  Terms,  where 
none  were  extant  to  exprefs  his  Meaning.  But  when  Words  had 
already  been  appHcd,  in  a  Senfe  approaching  to  that  he  intended,  he 
ufes  them  in  a  guarded  manner,  fo  as  to  exprefs  no  other  than  Ac- 
tions, Fads,  Phenomena,  or  Realities,  as  they  are  found  in  Na- 
ture. And  under  this  Rcflriftion  we  are  to  underftand  the  Words 
Antipathy,  AttraSiion,  Fiiga  Factti,  Motion  of  Connexion,  Sym- 
fathy^  &c. 


IN- 


INSTAURATION 


PART     I. 


Vol,  I. 


-i. 


(  Ixvii  ) 


PREFACE. 


THE  l^ejign  of  this  firfl  ^art  of  the\-^sxh\3KhT\o-!^,  is 
to  gi've  a  fummary  Account  of  that  Stock  of  Knowledge 
"thereof  Mankind  are  fojfeffed ;  to  lay  this  Knowledge  down 
under fuch  natural  Branches^  or  fcientifical  T)ivifions,  as  may  mojt 
commodioujly  admit  of  jts  farther  Improvement  -,  to  point  out  its 
'DefcienceSy  or  Dcfidcrata ;  andy  laflly,  to  fhew,  by  Examples,  the 
direct  JVays  of  fupplying  thefe  'T>eficiences. 

In  the  Execution  of  this  Tlan,  the  Author  ranges  all  human 
Knowledge  under  the  fever  al  Kits  and  Sciences,  in  the  order  of  Na- 
ture 5  fo  as  to  fhew  how  thefe  are  formed  from  the  general  Mafs  5 
and  how  they  may  be  improved.  Whence  he  is  often  obliged  to  de- 
part from  the  received  Divifions  of  the  Sciences  •■,  tho  without  abfo- 
lutely  difapproving  the  Ufe  ofthofe  Divifions  on  other  Occajions. 
For  the  Nature  of  his  'Defign  laid  him  under  a  double  neceffity  of 
altering  them  ■■,  filft,  becaufe  to  clafs  and  fort  Matters  as  they  are 
related  in  Nature,  is  a  quite  different  End  and  Intention  from  that 
of  throwing  them  together  in  a  Heap  for  ufe.  Thus,  a  Secretary  of 
State  forts  and  dijiributes  his  Tapers  in  his  general  Office ^  fo  as  to 
lay  thofe  of  like  kind  together  5  viz.  Treaties  along  with  Treaties, 
Inflruiiions  along  with  InftruBions,  Foreign  Letters^  T)omeJlic 
Letters,  &c.  each  in  their  fepar ate  Cells ;  tho'  in  forne  particular 
Cabinet  he  may  lay  fuch  together,  as,  however  different  in  kind,  are 
likely  to  be  ufed  together.  After  the  fame  manner  the  Author,  in . 
/>&/>  general  Repofitory  of  Learning,  was  necefjitated  to  make  his 
^Divifions  according  to  the  Natures^  not  according  to  the  common 
Ufes  of  Things:  'ivhereasy  had  he  been  to  treat  any  particular 
Science,  he  would  perhaps  have  followed  the  'Divifions  that  are 
better  accommodated  to  Ufe  and  TraHice. 

h  z  His 


Ixviii  PREFACE. 

His  fecond  Reafon  for  altering  the  received  T)iviJions  is, 
that  as  he  e'very  ivhere  fets  dvji-n  the  Dcfidcrata  in  the  Sciences  ; 
and  luorks  up  thefe  Deiidcrata  into  one  Body  rjnith  the  reji ;  he 
ij:)as,  on  this  account  alfOy  obliged  to  alter,  a-ad  enlarge  the  former 
"Divijions^  to  make  room  for  ne'-joArts,  andne'-jj  Branches  of  Science. 

IVith  regard  to  the  Matter.^  or  Things  delivered  in  the  follo-jving 
Tiece^  the  Author  fore f aw  that  the  principal  ObjeSfions  iz-ould  lie 
againft  thofe  fet  down  as  deficient  >  thofe  he  propofes  to  be  effected ; 
and  thofe  of  an  inferior,  or  fecondary  Confideration. 

For,  the  Deficiences  here  pointed  out,  may  be  imagitied  already 
fupplied  by  fame  one  or  other  of  the  Ancients  or  Moderns.  But  in 
this  Particular.,  great  T>tUgencs  and  Attention  are  required,  to  per- 
ceive., in  a  ft  rong  and  pure  Light,  the  feveralT>e(igns  and  Schemes 
of  the  Author,  in  their  full  Latitude,  Scope.,  and  Tendency  :  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  a  fiber  Examination  of  fuch  fuppofed  Ancients 
and  Moderns  mufi  be  undertaken.,  to  fjew  whether  this  be  more 
than  a  light  Sufptcion  i  or  whether  they  have,  in  reality,  had  any 
fuch  Views  for  the  per  feeing  of  Arts  and  Sciences  ^. 

As  to  the  fever  al  great  Things  pointed  out  to  be  performed;  if 
they  appear  too  difficult.,  or  unfuitable  to  human  Abilities,  the  Au- 
thor defires  to  be  underfiood  in  this  Light  i  that  all  thofe  Things 
are  to  be  efleemed  poffible,  and performable.,  which  may  be  effected, 
(i.)  by  certain  ^erfons,  tho'  not  by  every  one;  (2.)  by  many  ift 
conjunction,  tho'  not  by  any  file  Hand-,  (3.)  by  a  Succeffionof  Ages., 
tho'  not  in  afingle  Age  \  and  (4.)  by  publick  Care,  and  a  publick 
E'xpence.,  tho'  not  by  private  Induflry,  and  a  private 'Purfe. 

But  for  thofe  who  had  rather  abide  by  that  Saying  of  Solomon, 
there  is  a  Lion  in  the  Way  ;  than  that  ^y  Virgil,  poffunt  quia  pofle 
videntur  ^  ;  the  Author  is  content  they  foould  efieem  his  Labours 
only  as  Wifhes  ;  provided  they  be  Wifhes  of  the  better  fort:  becaufe, 
as  it  requires  fome  Skill  to  ask  a  proper  ^eflion  \  fo  it  requires  fime 
Knowledge  to  make  a  reafinable  PFijh. 

But  as  there  are  fome  Particulars  in  the  following  Work.,  which 
may  appear  too  great ;  there  are  others.,  that  may  be  thought  too  mi- 
nute and  trivial.  To  this  the  Author  anfwers.,  that  his  'Defign  was 
to  make  a  general  Map  of  the  Sciences  i  without  omitting  the  leffer^ 
or  more  remote  IJlands :  yet,  not  fo  as  to  exhibit  an  oflentatious 
Mufier-Roll  of  Arts  and  Sciences ;  but  to  give^  in  a  concifi,  and 

lively 

•  See  the  firft  Part  of  the  Novum  Organum,  pafTim. 

*  To  think  Things  poflible,  will  make  them  fo. 


PREFACE.  Ixix 

lively  manner,  the  Marrov:;,  or  Kernels  of  the  Sciences,  feleEied 
from  a  large  Mafs  of  Matter.     For  tho'  it  be  a  common  ^ra[iice 
ivith  thofei£)hofeek  a  Character  for  general  Learnings  to  deal  in  ■ 
Terms,  a?id  make  ajpecious  Sheiz^  of  the  Out  [ides  of  Arts  s    thus 
raifing  the  Wonder  of  the  Ignorant ,  but  rendringthetnfelves  ridicu- 
lous to  the  Maflers  in  Science  -,  the  Author  hopes^  on  the  contrary, 
that  chiefly  the  -perfons  befl  skilled  in  the  fever al  Arts  and  Sciences 
he  endeavours  to  improve,  "uuill  here  find  the  mofl  Exercife  for  their 
Judgments  -,  and  thofe  not  fo  ivellverfed  therein^  lefs proportionably . 

Again y  he  would  have  it  remembred,  that  as  many  private  Gen- 
tlemen are  eminent,  and  difiinguifoed  at  their  Country-Seats ;  but 
appear  lefs  confiderable,  '■^hen  they  come  to  the  Metropolis :  fo  the 
fecondary,  or  frnaller  Arts,  lofe  of  their  T)ignity,  vi^hen placed  in  the 
fame  IFork  among  the  nobler  -,  tho  they  ftill  appear  great,  and  ex- 
cellent., to  fiich  as  have  beflo-jjed  their  principal  Time  and  Trains 
upon  them.  IVe  are  alfo  required  to  remember.,  that  the  Author 
every  -where  prefers  Uttlity,  and  Advantage,  to  Beauty,  ElegancCy 
and  Grandeur. 

This  leads  us  to  obferve  his  general  manner  of  procedure,  as  it 
differs  from  that  of  ordinary  IVr iters.  For.,  inftead  of  praEiifing 
the  common  Artifices  of  Writing :,  fo  as  to  raife  a  Reputation  by 
an  fevering,  or  confuting,  theT)o£irines  andOpinions  of  others-,  and 
fetting  his  ovsn  in  the  ftrongefl  Blaze,  by  borrovoed  Ornaments ; 
he  is  content  to  ufe  the  lefs  pompous  Arts.,  and  deliver  found  and 
ferviceable  Matter  in  a  clear  Method.,  and  eafy  ExpreJJion.  He  no 
way  ajfe£is  to  differ  from  others  s  nor  innovates  without  necefjity  •-, 
or  for  the  fake  of fome  confiderable  Advantage ;  being  firmly  perfua- 
dedf  that  if  what  he  delivers  be  juft  and  ufeful,  the  Voice  of  Na- 
ture will  anfwer  to  it,  tho'  the  Voice  of  Men  pjould  cry  it  down. 
Andy  in  this  Senfe^  he  applies  to  himfelf  that  Verfe  in  Virgil,  Non 
canimus  fui-dis,  rcfpondent  omnia  Sylva;  ^. 

In  the  fame  manner ^  he  often  compares  his  own  Procedure  in  in- 
telle^ual  Matters,  to  that  Expedition  of  the  French  againft  Naples  j 
whereof  KXcxxwdiZi  Borgia  ufed  to  fay ,  that  they  came  not  With 
Sword,  but  Chalk,  in  hand  5  to  mark  out  their  Lodgings,  rather 
than  to  fight ;  for  fo  the  Author  s  TDefign  is  to  gain  a  peaceable  En- 
trance for  Truthy  into  thofe  Minds  that  are  capable  of  lodging  fo  great 
a  Gueft  i  by  finglingy  and  marking  out  fuch  Minds ,  as  it  were  with 
Chalk;  and  not  forcing  a  Way  for  Truth  by  Controverfy,  Confuta- 
tion^  and  Contention. 

To 

*  Our  Lays  ire  heard  ;  the  Woods  spprave  them  s!I. ' 


Ixx  PREFACE. 

To  the  fame  pntpofe  he  adds^  that  he  fhould  be  conjidered  as  a 
Herald,  whofe  Office  is  not  to  fight,  but  to  be^  as  Homer  exprejfes 
fty  a  Meflcnger  of  Gods  and  Men  j  and  therefore,  that  it  is  againfi 
the  Law  of  Arms y  to  attack  or  isjound  fuch  a  Herald-^  efpec tally  as 
he  founds  not  the  Alarm  to  Battle,  or  Altercation  •■,  but  rather  a  Sur- 
ceafe:  that  Men  being  at  Teace  among  themfelves^  may  turn  their 
united  Forces  againfi  Nature,  break  doijjn  herjlrong  Holds,  and^  as 
far  as  the  Author  of  Nature  allows ^  enlarge  the  Empire  of  Man. 

In  this  gentle  manner  of  Trocedure,  therefore^  the  principal  Arts 
employed  by  the  Author  are  Order,  Metaphor^  andy  where  the  Sub- 
jeii  would  allow  it^  Terfpicuity  of  Style.  For  when  much  new  Mat- 
ter is  to  be  delivered,  new  Expreffions,  or  a  new  ufe  of  the  old  ones 
mufi  be  introduced.  And  this  latter  Expedietity  to  avoid  Oppofition 
andtoo  fudden  an  Innovationy  is  frequently  pra^ifed  by  the  Author. 

There  was  a  particular  Re  af on  for  the  ufe  of  Metaphor,  and  a  fi- 
gurative Style,  in  the  following  'Piece;  being  written  at  a  Time 
when  Men's  Minds  were  under  afirong^rejudtcCyfrom  the  "Do^rine 
of  Ariftorlc  and  the  Schools.  For  it  mufi  be  carefully  obferved,  that 
the  only  efi'eilualway  of  conquering  TrejudiceSy  and  delivering  new 
^oiirines  to  advantage,  is  artfully  tofieal  into  the  Mind  under  the 
Cover  of  Metaphor  and  Allufion.  And  hence  it  is,  that  the  Style  of 
the  following  'Piece  is  defignedly  more  figurative  than  in  other  Parts 
o/'/i^^  Inftanration. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  that  the  Original  of  this  Work  has 
been  greatly  laboured;  not  only  with  regard  to  the  Matter,  but  alfo 
to  the  Method,  and  the  Style :  fo  that  it  may  admit  of  a  ^efiton, 
whether  a  more  ufeful,  more  exa£i,  and  perfe£i  Philofophical 
Writing  can  be  any  where  found.  This  is  mentioned  the  rather, 
that  the  Errors,  and  Infu^ciency  of  theTratifiator,  may  not  be  laid 
at  the  door  of  the  Author. 

And  as  fo  much  pains  has  been  taken  on  the  fide  of  the  Author ; 
fome  alfo  is  doubt lefs  required  on  the  fide  of  the  Reader  ,•  in  order 
fully  to  enter  into  the  Senfe  and  Energy  of  the  Piece  :  fo  that,  at 
lengthy  it  may  be  generally  underfiood,  as  it  deferves  >  the  'T>irec- 
tions  it  delivers  be  more  effeBually  purfued  -,  and  Arts  and  Sciences 
no  longer  remain  thofe  imperfe^i  Things  they  are. 

We  mufi  particularly  remember,  that  the  Examples  of  Works, 
here  left  us  by  the  Author,  are  but  Examples,  that  fhew  the  way  of 
improving  the  Sciences  ;  and  fl^ould,  by  no  means,  be  efieemed  juft 
Treatifes :  theutmofi  he  intended  them  for,  being  toferve  as  Speci- 
mens, 

»  See  hereafter  f»s-  148.  and  Novum  0r^4num,  Pare  I.  pafiim. 


( 


PREFACE.  Ixxi 

vtens,  Tatterns^  or  Sketches,  from  -which fome  "judgment  might  be 
formed^  or  a  jujt  Expert  at  ion  conceived^  of  the  r  effective  Tieces 
"juhen  they  ^otild  be  finite d. 

Tofum  up  all,  the  Reader  has  here  a  Work  fundamental  to  the 
Improvement  of  the  Sciences ;  that  firongly  endeavours  to  enlarge 
the  prefent  Stock  of  human  Knovsledge ;  and  raife  it  to  the  highefl 
'Pitch  whereof  it  is  capable.  What  a  'Pitch  that  is,  mufi  not  be 
judged  of  from  the  mere  natural  Abilities  of  Men  i  but  as  they  may 
be  affifledby  Art ;  or  by  a  new  Method  of  Working  with  the  Mind, 
which  is  delivered  in  the  Novum  Organum,  or  fecond  V^iioi  the 
Instauration. 


AK 


(  Ixxii  ) 


AN 

ANALYTICAL  VIEW 

O  F     T  H  E 

SCHEME 

O  F    T  H  E 

DE   AUGMENTIS  S C 1 E NTI ARUM; 

O  R, 

The  Diviiion  of  Knowledge  into  proper  Branches; 
in  order  to  its  farther  Improvement. 

PRELIMINARIES. 

I. 

^he  Difcredits  of  Learning. 

THE  Objcflions  to  Learning  confider'd,  under  {i)  the  Objeftions 
of  Divines;  (2)  the  Objeftions  of  Politicians;  and  (3)  the  Ob- 
jeftions  to  the  Fortune,  Behaviour,  and  Studies  of  Learned  Men. 

1.  Diww  alledge,  (i)  that  the  Define  of  Knowledge  was  the  Original  Sin  ; 
(2.J  that  it  is  infinite  and  anxious  ;  and  ('3)  that  it  caufes  Herefics  and 
Atheifm. 

2.  Po/z7;Vza«i  alledge,  (i)  that  Learning  unfits  Men  for  Arms  ;  (2)  inca- 
pacitates them  for  Civil  Affairs  ;  and  (3J  proves  dangerous  to  States. 

3.  Learned  Men  objedled  to,  (i)  as  apt  to  negleft  their  private  Affairs, 
and  impoverifh  themfelves  -,  (2)  as  not  properly  applying  to  Perfons  in 
Power-,  (3)  as  failing  in  point  of  Behaviour  i  and  (4J  fometimes,  as  giving 
into  grofs  Flattery^ 

2  II. 


An  Analytical  Viev.\    &c.  Ixxiii 


ir. 

The  Difeafes  of  Learning. 

viz. 

1.  A  Fondnefs  for  Style,  or  Words,  rather  tii.ia  Matter. 

2.  Idle  Difputes,  and  Cavils, 

3.  Credulity  and  Impofture. 

III. 

Tlje  Peccant  Humour i  of  Learning. 

viz. 

1.  Affeftation  of  Antiquity,  or  Novelty. 

2.  Diffidence  of  the  PofTibility  of  new  Difcoveries, 

3.  Strong  Prepoffenion  that  the  beft  Opinions  and  Philofophies  have  aF- 
ways  prevailed. 

4.  An  unfeafonable  and  hafty  Reducing  of  Knowledge  to  Methods  and 
Syftems. 

5.  The  Negleft  of  general  Philofbphy  ;  as  a  thing  fuperior  tathecom-- 
mon  Arts  and  Sciences. 

6.  Admiration  of  the  contemplative  Powers  of  the  Underftanding  ;  ands 
an  untimely  Defertion  of  Obfervation  and  Experience. 

7.  The  tinging,  infefting,  or  corrupting  of  General  Phihfopby  with  par- 
ticular Arts  and  Studies. 

8.  Impatience  of  Doubting  •,    or  the  want  of  a  proper  Sufpenfion  of  the. 
Judgment. 

9.  A  dogmatical  and  imperious  manner  of  Teaching  and  Delivering  the 
Sciences. 

10.  Narrow  Views  in  Learned  Men  ;  regarding  not  the  Advancement  of 
the  Sciences,  but  inferior  Confiderations. 

11.  A  Miftaking  of  the  true  End  of  Knowledge,  and  turning  afide  to 
Curiofity,  Amufement,  Lucre,  Promotion,  i^c^ 

W. 

The  Dignity  of  Learning  argued  from  Divine  Authority, 

(])  The  Wifdom,  or  Knowledge  of  the  Creator.  (2)  The  Know- 
ledge of  Angels.  (3)  The  Produftion  of  Light.  (4)  The  Employment  in 
Paradife.  (5)  The  Lite  of  Cain  and  Abel.  (6)  Inventors  before  the  Flood, 
(7)  The  Confufion  of  Tongues.  (8)  The  Learning  of  Mofes.  (9J  Job. 
(10)  Solomon.  (11)  The  Procedure  of  ChriJ}^  in  fubduing  Ignorance, 
working  Miracles,  and  fending  the  Gift  of  Tongues.  (12)  The  Learning' 
of  St.  Paul.  (13J  The  Learning  of  many  Fathers  of  the  Church.  (i4>* 
Learning  raifes  the  Mind  to  glorify  God.  And,  (15)  is  the  Prefervativc 
againft  Error  and  Infidelity.  ., 

Vo  L.  r.  I  V. 


Ixxiv  ^n  Analytical  Vieix> 

5161?  Dignity  of  Learning /hewn  from  Hum  An  Tejlimony. 
(i)  Inventors  of  Arts  deified  among  the  Heathens.     (2)  Civil  Policy  re- 
gulated, and  States  advanced,  by  Learning.     {3)  Learned  Princes  the  beft 
Governours.     (4)  Learning  has  a  great  Influence  upon  military  Virtue. 

VI. 

fhe  Dignity  of  Learning  argued  from  the  Influence  it  has  upon  Moral  Virtue. 

(i)  That  Learning  is  fovereign  in  curing  the  Diforders  of  the  Mind.  (2) 
Has  a  greater  Dominion  than  any  Temporal  Power  •,  as  ruling  over  Reafon 
and  Belief.  (3)  Advances  Private  Men.  (4)  Affords  great  Delight  to  the 
Mind.     (5)  Gives  Perpetuity  and  Fame  ;  and  may  remain  after  Death. 

VII. 

The  Public  Means  of  promoting  Learning. 
viz. 

In  general ;  (i)  Ample  Rewards  •,  (2j  Prudent  Diredlion  i  and,  (3) United 
Labours. 

\r\ pa^  ti(ulir  ;  (i)  Seled  Places  for  Study -,  (2)  Proper  Books -,  and,  (3) 
Suitable  Teachers. 

The  Places  muft  have  four  Requifites;  viz.  (i)  Convenient  Buildings; 
(2)  Anfwerable  Endowments ;  (3)  Certain  Privileges  ;  and,  (4)  Laws  of 
DifcipHne. 

Books  muft  have  two  Requifites  •,  viz.  Libraries;  and  good  Editions. 

Teachers  to  bf  of  two  forts  5  viz.  Readers  in  the  prefent  Arts  and  Sciences; 
and  Enquirers  after  new  ones. 

Under  thcf  ■  Ads  for  advancing  the  Sciences,  are  found  fix  Defects  -,  viz,. 
(i )  The  Want  of  a  Foundation  for  Arts,  and  Philofophy  at  large.  (2)  The 
Want  of  comp"tent  Salaries  for  Readers  and  ProfelTors.  (3)  The  Want  of  a 
Stock  to  defray  the  Charge  of  Experiments.  (4)  A  Want  of  Infpefting  tlie 
Univerfities,  to  fee  what  Cuftoms,  Readings,  and  Exercifes  fhould  be  re- 
pealed or  alter'd  ;  as  Time  alters,  or  Learning  improves.  (5)  Want  of  mu- 
tual Correfpondence,  and  Intelligence,  among  the  different  Univerfities  of 
Europe.  And,  (6)  the  Want  of  a  public  Inftitution  for  enquiring  into  the 
Arts  hitherto  undifcover'd. 

The   Distribution    of  Knowledge. 

Knowliidge  divided,  with  regard  to  the  intclleftual  Faculties  of  (1) 
the  Memory,  (2)  the  Imagination,  and  (3)  the  Reafon  ;  into  L  Hijlery., 
II.   Poetr-^t  and  III.  Philofophy. 

I. 

History  divided  into  (i)  Natural,  and  (2)  Civil. 


of  the  De  Augmentis  Scicntiarum.  Ixxv 

(i)  Natural  HtJior\  AWxAedi,  with  regard  to  the  Sulj  ft,  into  three  Parts ; 
treating  (i)  of  Generations ;  (2)  of  Prjetergeneratioiis ;  and  (;)ofArts. 

Natural  Hijlory  again  divided,  with  regard  to  its  Ufes,  into  Narrative 
and  Induclive. 

(2)  Civil  Hijlory,  in  the  general,  divided  into  three  particular  kinds  ;  viz. 
(i)  Literary,  (2)  Civile  znd{^)  Sacred. 

1.  Literary  Hij7ory  rehtts  (i)  what  kinds  of  Learning  and  Artsflourifhed 
in  what  Ages,  and  Parts  of  the  World  ;  (2j  their  Antiquities  and  Progrefs 
on  the  Globe,  ^c. 

2.  Part'uular  Civil  Hiflory  divided  into  three  kinds;  viz.  the  nnfini/hed, 
the  fnijbed,  and  defaced;  and  accordingly  found  in  Memoirs,  juji  Hijloryy 
and  Antiquities. 

JuJl  Civil  Hijlory  divided  into  three  kinds,  with  regard  to  its  three  Ob- 
jefls ;  viz.  a  Portion  of  Time,  a  memorable  Perfon,  or  an  ilKiftrious  Ac- 
tion ;  and  accordingly  found  under  the  Form  oi  Annals.,  or  Chronicles,  Lives, 
and  Narratives,  or  Relations, 

Hijlory  of  Times  divided  into  general  and  particular  -,  or  as  it  relates  the 
Tranfaftions  of  the  whole  World,  or  only  of  a  particular  Nation. 

Hijlory  of  Times  is  likewife  divided  into  Annals  and  Journals ;  the  former  to 
contain  the  Matters  of  greater,  and  the  other  the  Matters  of  lefler  confequence 
to  a  State. 

Particular  Civil  Hijlory  is  alfo  divifible  into  pure  and  mixed:  and  of  this 
mixed  Hijlory  there  are  two  eminent  kinds ;  the  one  principally  civil,  the  other 
principally  natural. 

Cojhograpkical  Hijlory  is  alfo  a  mixt  Hijlory. 

3.  Sacred  or  Eccleftajlical  Hijlory  m  otntr^A,  divided  into  (i)  the  general 
Hiftory  of  the  Church  ;  (2)  the  Hiftory  of  Prophecy  ;  and  (3)  the  Hiftory 
of  Providence. 

The  general  Hiftory  of  the  Church  has  three  Parts  ;  and  defcribes  (1)  the 
Perfecution,  (2)  the  Migration,  and  (3)  the  Peace  of  the  Church. 

TheHijlcry  of  Prophecy  has  two  Parts  ;  viz.{\)  the  Prophecies  themfelves, 
and  (2j  their  Accomplifhments. 

The  Hiflory  cf  Providence  regards,  (i)  the  revealed,  and  (2)  thefecret  Will 
of  God  ;  fo  as  to  Ihew  die  Agreement  there  fomctimes  is  betv/ixt  them. 
Hijlory  has  three  Appendages ;  viz.  Speeches,  Letters,  and  Apophthegms. 

II. 
Poetry    divided  into   (j)   Narrative,  or  Heroic  al ;    (2)  Dramatical ; 
and  (j)  Allegorical. 

III. 
Philosophy  divided  into  three  Branches ;  viz.  (i)  Divine,  (2)  Natu- 
ral, and  {},)  Human. 

But  the  Trunk  is  a  Primary  or  General  Science,  containing  (i)  the 
Axioms  of  all  Sciences,  capable  of  fupplying  the  Branches;  and,  (2}  the 
Adventitious  or  Tranfcendental  Conditions  of  Things. 

i  2  (i; 


Ixxvi  An  Afialytkal  Visw 

(i)  Divine  Phllofophy,  or  Natural  Theology,  hascwo  Parts  ;  the  ons  re- 
lating to  the  Being  and  Attributes  of  God  •,  the  other,  to  the  Nature  of5pi- 
rits  and  Angels. 

(i)  Natural  Phllofophy  d\v\A?A  Into  Speculative  zn<^  PraflicaJ. 

Speculative  Philojopby  divided  into  Pbyfuks  and  Metapbyficks. 

Phyficki  divided  into    (i)    The  Dotlr'me  of  Prmciplcs ;  (2)   The  DoFlrine -cf 
the  Struolure  of  the  Univerje  ;  and,  (3)  The  DoClrinecftbe  Variet'y  of  Things. 

The  Do5lrine  of  the  Variety  ef  Things  divided  into  Concrete  Phyficks,   and 
JhJlraB  Phyficks  ;  or  Phyficks  of  Creatures,  and  Phyficiis  of  Natures. 

Concrete  Phyficks  divided  as  Natural  Hlftpry. 

Jbjlraul  Phyficks  divided  into  (i)  the  Doftrine  of  the  Schemes  of  Matter,  j 
and  (2)  the  Doftrine  of  Appetites  and  Motions. 

To  PhyfickshK.\or\g  three  appendages;  viz.  (i)  the  Meafure  of  Motions; 
(2)  Natural  Problems -,  and,  (:?)  the  Opinions  of  the  ancient  Philofophers. 

Metapbyficks  divided  into  (i)  the  Inveftigation  of  Forms;  and  (2)  the 
Enquiry  after  Final  Caitfes. 

PraSlcal  Phllofophy  divided  conformably  to  the  Theoretical ;    viz.  into 
Mechanicks  and  Magic k. 

To  Prafticiil  Philofophy  belong  two  Appendages ;  viz.  (i)  an  Inventory 
of  human  Knowledge  ;  and,  (2)  a  Calendar  of  Leading  Experiments. 

Mathematicks  makes  an  Appendage  to  Phyficks,  Metaphyficks,  Mecha- 
nicks, and  Magicks  ;  and  is  divided  into /«rt"  and  ?/n'.\v^. 

Pure  Mathematicks  divided  into  Geometry  and  Arithmelick. 

Mixed  AlatbemcHicks  divided  into  Perfpeclive,  Mufick,  AJlronomy,  CofmO' 
graphy^   Arcbiteclure,  Mechanicks,  &c. 

(3)  Human  Pbihfophy  has  two  general  Parts ;  viz.  Human,  and  Civil 
Doolrine. 

Human  DoSfrine  divided  into  the  Dodrine  of  the  human  Body,  and  of  the 
.human  Soul. 

But  here  is  mttv^o^td  ^  general  Science  of  the  Nature  and  State  of  Man, 
wherein  both  Body  and  Soul  participate. 

Th^is  general  Scienceh  divided(i)  into  t\it  Doctrine  of  the  human  Perfon  ;and 
(2j  the  DoElrine  of  Union. 

( I )  The  Do£frine  of  the  human  Perfon  has  two  Parts  ;  and  confiders  ( i )  the 
Mileries,  and  (2^  the  Prerogatives,  or  Excellencies  of  Mankind. 

{2)  T'\e  Doutrlne  of  Union  has  two  Fa.ns,  relating  ho'v  the  Soul  and  Body 
mutually  aft  upon  each  other,  (i;  by  Notices,  or  Indication;  and,  (2}  by 
ImprefTion. 

The  Doitrine  of  Notices  regards  Phyfiognomy,  and  the  Interpetation  of 
Dreams.  ; 

The  DouJrine  of  Imprefp.on  confiders  fi)  how  fir  the  Body  may  affeft  the 
■Soul ;  and  (2)  how,  and  to  what  degree,  the  Paflions  of  the  Sou!  may  atFeft 
the  Body. 

The  Doctrine  Of  the  Human  Body  divided  into  four  Parts;  viz. 
{i)    Medicine;     (2)    Cofmeiicks;    (3)   Gynnajiicks;    and,   (4)    the  ^/   of 


Elegance. 


of  the  De  Augmentis  Scientiarum.  Ixxvii 

1.  Medinm  divided  into  three  Parts  ;  viz.   ( i)  the  Pixfervation  of  Health  ; 
(2)  the  Cure  of  Difeales  ;  and,  (3)  the  Prolongation  of  Life. 

2.  Thi  Ari  of  Cofmeticks  divided  into  civit  s.ndeffemi>iale. 

3.  Gymnafl'.cks  divided  into  the  ^/-/jc/AT/wVy,  i^n^xhc  Arts  of  EndtirMce 
or  Sufferi)!^. 

4.  The.  Art  of  Elfs;aHce  divided  with  regard  to  the  £)'<?  and  the  Ear;  or 
into  Pah/ti?ig,  Mufick,  &c. 

The  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Soul  divided  into  (i)  the  Di/f^nw 
cf  the  uifpired  Subfta}icc  \  and  (2)  the  Doi'/riie  of  the  fenJJtive  Soul. 

Two  Appendages  to  this  Do^rine  of  the  Soul;  v'li..  Divination  and  Fafdnation. 

The  Dsclrvie  of  the  fenftiive  Soul  divided  into  (i)  the  Do^rine  of  voluntary 
Motion  ;  and  (t)  the  DoBrine  of  Senfe  and  Senfibilit\. 

The  Doctrine  of  the  Mental  Faculties  divided  into  fi j  Lo- 
GicKs,  and  (2)  Ethicks. 

The  Logical,  or  Rational,  Arts,  are  four;  viz.  (i)  the  Art  of  Enquiry  or 
Invention  i  (2)  the  Art  of  Examination,  ov  Judging;  (2)  the  Art  ofCitflodv, 
or  Memory  ;  and  (4)  the  Art  of  Elocution,  or  Delivery. 

[  I J  The  i\rt  of  Enquiry,  or  Invention,  relates  either  to  the  difcovery  of  Arts, 
or  Arguments  ; 

The  Art  of  Difcovery  divided  into  two  Parts  •,  as  it  proceeds  (1)  from  Ex- 
periment to  Experiment,  which  IS  Learned  Experience;  or  (2j  from  Experi- 
ments to  Axioms,  which  is  the  Art  of  Induftion. 

The  Art  of  difcovering  Arguments  divided  into  ( i )  the  Topical ;  and  {2 )  the 
Promptuary  Method. 

Topical  Invention  divided  into  general  and  particular. 

[2]  The  Art  of  Exatnination,  or  Judging,  divided  into  corriij  t  :ind  genuine; 
or  Syllogifm  and  Induction. 

The  Art  of  Judging  again  divided  into  Aaalyticks,  and  the  Dolirine  of  Con- 
futations. 

The  Doclrine  of  Confutations  divided  f  1)  into  the  Confutation  of  Sophifms; 
(2)  the  Confutation  of  Interpretation  ;  and  (3)  the  Confutation  of  Idols,  or 
falfe  Notions. 

The  Doctrine  of  Idols  divided  (i)  into  Idols  of  the  Tribe  ;  (2)  Idols  of  the 
Den  ;  and  (3)  Idols  of  the  Market. 

Appendix  to  the  Art  of  Judging,  fhewing  what  kind  of  Demonftration 
fhould  be  applied  to  each  Subject. 

[3]  The  Art  of  Cujlody,  or  Atemory,  divided  ( i)  into  the  DoCtrmeoi  Helps 
for  the  Mefnory  ;  and  (2)  the  Doftrine  of  the  Memory  itfclf. 

Artificial  Memory,  or  the  Doftrine  of  Helps  for  the  Memory,  has  two 
Parts  ;  viz.  Prczjiotidn  and  Emblem. 

[4]  The  Art  of  Elocution,  or  Dc^rine  of  Delivery,  divided  into  (i)  Gram- 
mar, {2)  Method,  and  (3)  Ornament  of  Speech.  ; 

I.  Grammar,  divided  into  (i)  the  Art  of  Speaking;  and  (2)  the  Art  of 
IVriting. 

A  Traditive  Doulrine  has  more  Defendants  befides  Words  and  Letters;  and 
may  be  divided  into  ("i)  Hieroglyphicks  and  Geftures  i  and  (2)  Real  Cha- 
racters. Grammar 


Ixxviii  -An  Analytical  View 

Grammar  again  divided  into  Luerary  and  Philofophical  ;  or  with  regard  to 
Words  and  Things. 

The /!rt  of  Speaking  regards  the  Accidents  of  Words  •,  viz.  (i)  Sound, 
(2^  Meafure,  and(3)  Accent. 

The  Jri  of  Writing  has  two  Parts,  with  regard  (i)  to  Alphabet,  and  (2) 
Cypher. 

The  Art  of  Cypher  has  two  Parts  -,  viz.  Cyphering  and  Deciphering. 

2.  The  Ms:bcdof  Spf:ecb,  or  Dc^Irine  of 'Traditive  Prudence,  diftinguifh'd 

(1)  mto  Doc? rinai  znd  Initiative  ;  (2)  into  open  and  concealed ;  (3)  into  Apbo- 
rijlical  and  Regular  ;  (4)  into  ^eftion  and  Anfwer ;  and  (5)  the  Method  0^ 
conquering  Prejudice. 

The  two  Parts  of  Method ;  viz.  general  and  particular  :  the  one  regarding 
a  Whole  •,  the  other  its  Parts. 

3,  The  Doiirine  of  Ornament  in  Speech  ;  under  which  comes  Rhetorick,  or 
Oratory. 

Three  Appendages  to  this  Dodlrine;  viz.  (i)  a  Colleffion  of  Sophiftm;  (2)  a 
ColleSfion  ofJiudiedAntitbets  ;  and  (3)  a  Colletlionof  leffer  Forms  of  Speech. 

Two  general  Appendages  to  the  Doctrine  of  Delivery  ;  viz.  (ij  the  Art  of 
Criticifm  ;  and  (2)  School-Learning. 

Criticifm  divided  with  regard  ( i )  to  the  giving  Editions  of  Authors  ;  {2)  the 
illufrating  of  Authors  by  Notes,  i^c.  and  (3)  the  Judging  or  Cenfurii/g  of  Au- 
thors. 

S chool- Learning  conMev'd  under  the  Heads  of  fi)  publick  Schools  and  Col- 
leges; (2)  of  preparing  the  Genius;  {^)  oi' fuiling  the  Study  to  the  Genius; 
(4)  the  Ufe  oi  Academical  Exercfes;  and  (5)  the  Adion  of  the  Stage,  con- 
fider'd  as  a  Part  of  Difcipline  in  Schools. 

Ethicks,  or  Morality,  divided  mto  (i)  the  Do^rjne  of  the  I/nage  of  Good; 
and  (2)  the  Cultivation,  or  Georgicks,  of  the  Mind. 

The  Dodlrine  of  the  Image  of  Good  divided  inco  Simple  and  Compound. 

Good  divided  (i)  into  Individual  or  Self-Good;  and  (2)  Good  of  Co7n- 
tnunion. 

Individual  Good  divided  into  ASIive  and  Paffive. 

Paffive  Good  divided  into  Perfe^ive  and  Confervaiive. 

The  Good  of  Communion,  or  Duties,  with  regard  to  Society,  divided  (i)  in- 
to the  Duties  of  Man  in  common;  (2)  RefpeElive  Duties ;  and  (3;  the  Doifrine 
of  Frauds. 

The  Cultivation  of  the  Mind  divided  into  ( i )  the  Improvement  of  the  M  ind ; 
and,   (2)   the  Cure  of  its  Difeafes  •,  which  regard  fi)  different  Difpofitions  •, 

(2)  Affedlions-,  and,    3 j  Remedies:  as  the  Art  of  Phyfick  regards  the Con- 
ftitution,  the  Diftemper,  and  the  Cure. 

Appendix  to  the  Cultivation  of  the  Mind -,  viz.  the  Relation  betwixt  the 
Good  of  the  Mind,  and  the  Good  of  the  Body. 

Civil  Knowledge  divided  into  three  k'wAs  o( DoFfrine,  or  Prudence; 
viz.  (i)  Prudence  in  Converfation  i  (2)  Prudence  in  Bufinefs  j  and,  (3}  Pru- 
dence in  Government. 

The 


of  the  De  Angmentis  Scientiarum.  Ixxix 

The  "Dttlrim  of  Bufinefs  divided  into  (i)  the  Do5frine  of  various  Occafiom  ; 
and,  (2)  the  DoBrine  of  rififig  in  Lfc. 

The  Doclrine  of  Government  AW\dtA  as  it  regards  (i)  the  Prefervation, 
(i)  the  Happinefs,  and  (3)  the  Enlargement  of  a  State. 

The  Dotlnne  of  lav.vnfal  Juflice,  or  Laws,  divided  ( i )  as  to  the  Certainty 
of  their  Senfe  ;  (2)  Juftnefs  of  Command  •,  (3)  Commodioufnefs  of  Execu- 
tion -,  (4)  Agreement  to  the  Form  of  Government  ;  and,  (5)  as  they  are 
produdlive  of  Virtue  in  theSubjeft. 

The  Divifion  of  Infvired  'Theology,  or  Divinity.,  left  to  Divines. 

lt^xhrte.A[-pendt7ges;  viz.  (i)  The  Moderator,  or  the  true  Ufe  of  Hu- 
man Reafon  in  Theology  -,  (2)  a  Difcourfe  upon  the  Degrees  of  Unity  in- 
the  City  of  God  ;  and,  (3)  the  firft  Flowings  of  the  Scriptures :  or  a  fhort, 
found,  and  judicious  Colle<^ion  of  Notes,  and  Obfervations,  upon  particuLar. 
Texts  of  facred  Writ. 


k 


I 


-     D  E 

AUG  MENTIS  SCIENTIARUM: 

OR,     THE 

Arrangement,  and  General  Survey, 

O  F 

KNOWLEDGE; 

WITH 

//J  particular  Defects;   and  the  Ways   of  fupplying 
the7n<i  for  the  Advancement  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 


Vol.  I.  B 


(3) 

THE 

ARRANGEMENT, 

AND 

GENERAL  SURVEY, 

O  F 

K   N  0   IV  L  E  D   G  E,    See. 

PRELIMINARIES. 

SECT.     I. 

Containing  a  Plan  for  the  ReEiijication^  and  Promotion^  of 
Knowledge  in  general. 

i.'jn^  Eing convinced,  by  a  careful  Obfervation,  that  the  ^«wa«  f7«i:/?r-T&»^«»<MZ 
1-^  y?(7W;«^  perplexes  it  felf-,  or  makes  not  a  fober  and  advantageous  ■^e/'j?''- 
\_J  Ufe  of  the  real  Helps  within  its  reach  ;  whence  manifold  ignorance 
and  inconveniences  arife  ;  we  are  determined  to  employ  our  ucmoft  Endea- 
vours towards  reftoring,  or  cultivating,  a  juft  and  legitimate  Familiarity  be- 
twixt the  Mind  and  Things''. 

2.  But  as  the  Mind,  haftily,  and  without  choice,  imbibes  and  treafuresrw;icr/«i3i«»e/ 
up  the  firft  Notices  of  Things,  from  whence  all  the  reft  proceed  •,  Errors '''*  human 
muft  for  ever  prevail,  and  remain  uncorrefted,  either  by  the  natural  Powers    °°^^  S^° 
of  the  Underftanding,    or  the  Affiftance  oi  Logic  :  for  the  original  Notions 
being  vitiated,  confufed,  and  inconfiderately  taken  from  Things  -,  and  the 
fecondary   ones  form'd  no  lefs  raflily  •,  human  Kno-wledge  itf  If,  the  Thing 
employ'd  in  all  our  Refearches,  is  not  well  put  together,  nor  juftly  formed; 
but  like  a  magnificent  Struftureon  a  bad  Foundation  \ 

B  2  3. 

'  That  is,  as  will  appear  hereafter,  the  raifing  a  nevArt,  by  joining  Keafomni  Experiment 
together,  for  the  improvement  of  Fhilofofhy.      See  below,  i8,  ^^,  and  ij-. 

''  Human  Knowledge  is  here  confider'd  in  its  common  imperfe<3:  ftate  ;  not  according  to  what  it 
may  be  brought  to,  wuhthe  proper  Conduft,  and  Regulation.     See  Seci.  II.  14. 

S 


Preliminaries. 


SeaJ. 


The  Poverty 
ef  human 
KnowleJ^e. 


Fhilofophy  to  3.  And  whilft  Men  agree  to  admire  and  magnify  the  falfe  Powers  of  the 
be  begun  a-  ]\^ifij^^  and  ncgledl  or  dellroy  chofe  that  might  be  rendered /r«^  ;  there  is 
"'"'■  no  other  courfe-left,  but  with  better  affiftances  to  begin  the  IVork  a-new ;  and 

raife  or  rebuild  the  Sciences,  Arts^  and  all  human  Kmtvletlge  from  a  firm  and 

folid  bafis  \ 

4.  This  may  at  firft  feem  an  infinite  Schefne,  unequal  to  human  Abilities  ; 
yet 'twill  be  found  more  found  and  fober  than  the  Schemes  we  have  already  ; 
as  tending  to  fome  iflue  :  whereas  all  hitherto  done  with  regard  to  the  Sciences, 
is  vertiginous,  or  in  the  way  of  perpetual  rotation. 

5.  To  fay  the  truth,  Men  do  not  appear  to  know  their  own  flock  and 
abilities,  but  fancy  their  PoflefTions  greater,  and  their  Faculties  lefs,  than  they 
are;  whence  either  valuing  the  r^f^'i  y^r/^  above  meafure,  they  look  out 
no  farther  ;  or  elfe  defpifing  themfelves  too  much,  they  exercife  their  talents 
upon  lighter  matters  ;  without  attempting  the  capital  things  of  all  "^.  And 
hence  the  Sciences  feem  to  ha.ve  their  Hercules' s  Pillars,  which  bound  thede- 
fires  and  hopes  of  mankind. 

6.  But  as  a  falfe  imagination  of  Plenty  comes  among  the  principal  caufes 
of  Want  ;  and  as  too  great  a  confidence  in  thing?  prefenc  leads  to  a  negleft 
of  future  affiftance  ;  'tis  neceffary  we  fhould  here  admonirti  Mankind  that 
they  do  not  too  highly  value  and  extol  either  the  number  or  ufefulnefs  of 
the  Things  hitherto  difcovered.  For,  by  clofely  infpefting  the  multiplicity 
of  Books  upon  Arts  and  Sciences,  we  find  them  to  contain  numberlefs  repeti- 
tions of  the  lame  things  in  point  of  invention  ;  but  differing  indeed  as  to 
the  manner  of  treatment :  fo  that  the  real  Difcoveries,  tho'  at  firft  blufh  they 
might  appear  numerous,  prove  upon  examination,  but  few''.      And  as  to 

Tlie  Greek      the  point  of  ufefulnefs,  the  Philofophy  we  principally  receiv'd  from  the  Greeks^ 
Wilofifhy.       niuft  be  acknowledged  puerile,  or  rather  talkative,  than  genetative ;  as  being 
fruitful  in  controverfies,  but  barren  of  works*, 

7.  And  had  this  not  been  a  lifelefs  kind  of  P/j/Vfl/o/)^)!,  'twere  fcarce  pofli- 
ble  it  Ihould  have  made  fo  little  progrefs  in  fo  many  ages  •,  infomuch  that 
not  only  Pofitions  now  frequently  remain  Pofttions  fiill,  but  ^lejiions  remain 
^/eftions  ;  rather  rivetted  and  cherifh'd,  than  determin'd,  by  Difputes  ;  Philo- 
fophy thus  coming  down  to  us  in  the  perfons  oi  Majler  and  Scholar,  inftead 
of  Inventor  and  Improver, 

8. 

'  For  inftance,  theoretical  RexfoningtVixihom  ^  fufficient  Ground-work  of  Faft,  and  Obfer- 
vation  ;  thofe  being  here  called  y<»//<  Towers  of  the  Mind  which  lead  to  Error,  and /«(/«  CoTf/». 
fions.     See  Seft.III.  41.  Sx. Novum Organum,  Sedi.I.  9. 

*'  Of  the  neceflity  for  this,  every  one  is  to  be  convinced  from  his  own  obfervation  and  expe- 
rience: but  theReafons  for  the  Undertaking  are  fully  open'd  hereafterj  efpecially  in  theentrance 
of  the  Novum  Organum.     See  alfo  below,  18.  8c  Seft.II.  14.. 

*  Such,  for  inllance,  as  in  moral  Philofophy,  a  command  of  the  Paflionsjand  in  natural  Phi- 
lo'bphy,  a  command  of  the  Winds,  the  Weather,  &c. 

^  Nor  are  the  Difcoveries  ajid  Improvements  made  fince  this  Author  wrote,  perhap;  fo 
numerous  or  fo  weighty  as  fome  imagine:  at  beft  they  execute  but  a  fmall  part  of  his  gene- 
ral Sch^-nie  for  the  promotion  of  Knowledge. 

■^  All  intimate  knowledge  both  of  the  Greek  Thilofofhy,  and  of  the  fubtilties  of  Nature, 
feems  requilite,  in  order  to  form  this  judgment.  We  are  generally  fo  prepolTels'd  in  favour  of 
that  Philolbphy,  asfe'dom  to  fee  its  emptmefs.  The  way  of  being  fa:isfi;d  is  to  try  its  ftrength 
in  conquering  the  difficulties  of  Nature,   aud  producing  Ejj'ecij. 


Sed.  I.  Preliminaries.  «; 

8.  In  the  Mechamc  Arts  the  cafe  is  orherwife  ;  thefe  commonly  advancing  Mechanic 
towards  pcrfuStion,   in  a  courfe  of  daily  improvement,  from  a  rough  unpo- ■^'■'^• 
lilh'd  ilate,  fometimes  prejudicial  co  the  firll:  Inventors  ;  whilft  Ph.icfo.  hy  and 

the  inlelle£iual  Sciences  are,  like  Statues,  celebrated  and  adored,  but  never  pro- 
moted :  niy  they  fometimes  appear  moft  perfect  in  the  original  Autiior,  and 
afterwards  degenerate".  For  when  once  men  take  up  with  the  opinions  of 
others,  they  no  longer  improve  the  Sciences  •■,  but  fcrvilely  beftow  their  talents 
in  adorning  and  defending  fome  particular  authors. 

9.  'Tis  a  fatal  miftake  to  fuppofe  tliat  the  Sciences  have  gradually  arrived  at  The  Sciences 
a  ftate  of  perfedion,  and  then  been  recorded  by  fome  one  Writer  or  other;  '>"  j'""'^'»' 
and  that  as  nothing  better  can  afterwards  be  invented,  men  need  but  cuiti-  '  ^ 

vate  and  fet  off  what  is  tlius  difcovered  and  compleated  :  whereas,  in  reality, 
this  regiilring  of  the  Sciences  proceeds  only  from  the  aflurance  of  a  few,  and 
the  floth  and  ignorance  of  many.  For  after  the  Sciences,  might  thus  perhaps, 
in  fevcral  parts,  be  carefully  cultivated  ;  a  man  of  an  undertaking  genius 
rifing  up,  who  by  the  concifenefs  of  his  method  renders  himfelf  acceptable 
and  famous,  he,  in  appearance,  eredls  an  Art,  but  in  reality  corrupts  the 
labours  of  his  Predeceffors''. 

10.  This  however  is  ufually  well  received  by  Pofterity;  as  readily  grati- 
fying their  curiofity,  and  indulging  their  indolence.  But  he  that  refts  up- 
on eftablifh'd  Confent,  as  the  judgment  approved  by  Time,  trufts  to  a  very 
fallacious  and  weak  foundation  :  for  we  have  but  an  imperfeft  knowledge  of 
the  difcoveries  in  Arts  and  Sciences,  made  public  in  different  ages  and  coun- 
tries -,  and  ftill  lefs  of  what  has  been  done  by  particidar  perfons,  and  tranfadl- 
ed  in  private.  Whence  neither  the  Births  nor  Mi/carriages  cf  Time  '  are  to 
be  found  in  our  Records. 

11.  Nor  is  Conjeni,  or  the  continuance  thereof,  a  tiling  of  any  great  ac-  General  Con-- 
count :  for  however  Governments  may  vary,  there  is  but  one  ft  ate  of  the  Set  n- /"'[  of  little 
ces ;  and  that  will  for  ever  be  Democratical  or  popular.     Biit  the  Doftrines  Z?^!'r!?- 

or  greatelt  vogue  among  the  people,  are  either  the  contentious  and  quar- 
relfome,  or  the  fhewy  and  empty  ;  that  is,  fuch  as  may  either  entrap  the 
aflent,  or  lull  the  mind  to  reft  :  whence,  of  courfe,  the  greateft  Genius's  in 
all  ages,  have  fuffer'd  violence;  whilft  out  of  regard  to  their  own  character, 
they  fubmitt-ed  to  xhe.  judgment  of  the  Times,  and  the  Populace"^.  And  thus  when 
any  more  fublime  Speculations  happen'd  to  appear,  they  were  commonly 
tofs'd  and  extinguifh'dby  the  breath  of  popular  opinion.  Whence  Time,  like 
a  River,  has  brought  down  to.  us  what  is  light  and.tumid  ;  but  funk  what  was. 
ponderous  and  Iblid  ^. 

12. 

'  As  from  the  time  of  Arljlotle  till  the  revival  of  Mathematical  and  Experimental  Philofo- 
phy  in  Europe,  particularly  by  our  Author,  GatiUi),  Caffenili,&c. 

'■  By  wrefting  them,  fuppofe,  and  faflioning  them  iiuo  Methods  and  Syftems  before  the  time.- 
See  hereafter  Seft.  III.  40. 

^  That  is,  neither  the  Inventions,  nor  a  Hiftory  of  the  Attempts  and  Failures,  of  Antiquity. 

^  Viz..  in  their  aflenr,  and  public  behaviour;  tho'  not  in  their  private  judgment.  The 
Addrefs  of  our  Author  in  this  particular  may  deferve  tobe  obftrved  thro'  the  whole  Work. 

«  For  inllance.  Time  has  thus  brought  down  the  Philofophies  of  Tlato  and  Arifiotle,  but 
funk  that  oi  Democritta,  &c.  See  PancirollHS  de  Reim  defer-ili/ii}  ctim  Hot.  Hemic.  Snlmnth,. 
^Supplement.  Mich.Watfon. 


6  Preliminaries.  Secfl.  I. 

TheTracedure       12.  As  tO  thofe  who  have  fet  up  for  Teachers  of  the  Sciences;  when  they 
ofthofewha    (jpQp  ^\^^\^  Charadcrs,  and  at  intervals fpeak  their  fentiments,  they  complain  of 
Sciences.*       the  fubtilty  of  Nature,  the  concealment  of  Truth,   the  obfcurity  of  Things, 
the  entanglement  of  Caufes,  and  the  imperfeftion  of  the  human  Underftandr 
ing :  thus  rather  chufing  to  accufc  the  common  State  of  Men  and  Things, 
than  make  confefllon  of  themfelves.     'Tis  alfo  frequent  with  them  to  adjudge 
that  impofTible  in  an  Art,  which  they  find  that  Art   does  not  effeft  ;    by 
which  means  they  skreen  indolence  and  ignorance  from  the   reproach  they 
merit  *. 
The  experU        I?,-  And  even  thofe  who  by  experience  propofe  to  enlarge  the  bounds  of 
mentMphilo-  the  Sciences,  fcarce  ever  entirely  quit  the  receiv'd   opinions,  and  go  to  the 
jofhen.         fountain-head;  but  think  it  enough  to  add  fomewhat  of  their  own:  as  pru- 
dentially  confidering,  that  at  the  time  they  fhew  their  modefty  in  ajfenting^ 
they  may  have  a  liberty  of  adding.      Bat  whilft  this  regard  is  fhewn  to  Opi- 
niotis  and  moral  Confiderations,  the  Sciences  are  greatly  hurt  by  fuch  a  languid 
procedure;  for 'tis  fcarce  poflible  at  once  to  admire  and  excel  an  author: 
as  Water  rifes  no  higher  than  the  Refervoir  it  falls  from.    Such  men  therefore, 
tho'  they  improve  fome  things,  yet  advance  the  Sciences  but  little  ;  or  rather 
amend  than  enlarge  them. 
Thefubverters      14.  There  have  been  alfo  bolder  Spirits,  and  greater  Genius's,  who  thought 
"■^^"".'"'^*'' themfelves  at  liberty  to  overturn  and  deftroy  the  ancient  Do5irine,  and  make 
way  for  themfelves  and  their  own  Opinions :  bur  without  any  great  advantage 
from  the  difturbance  ;  as  they  did  not  effeftively  enlarge  Pbilofophy  and  Jrts 
by  pradlical  Works  ^ ;  but  only  endeavour'd  to  alter  men's  Notions,  and  fet 
themfelves  at  the  Head  of  Opinions". 
Thefuecefs  of      1 5.  As  for  thofe  who,  neither  wedded  to  their  own  nor  others  Opinions, 
the  free  Philo-  but  continuing  friends  to  liberty,  made  ufe  of  aj/ijiance  m  their  Enquiries,  the 
fifhers.  fuccefsthey  met  with   did  not  anfwcr  toexpeftation  ;  the  attempt,  tho'  lau- 

dable, being  but  feeble  :  for  purfuing  only  the  probable  Reafns  of  things,  they 
were  carried  about  in  a  Circle  of  Arguments  ;  and  taking  a  promifcuous  liber- 
ty, preferv'd  not  the  Rigour  of  true  Enquirers  ;  whilft  none  of  them  duly 
convcrfed  with  experience  and  things  themfelves. 
TheMechmi-       16.  Others  again,  who  commit  themfelves  to  mechanical  experience,    yet 
calphilofe-     make  their  experiments   at  random,  without  ^ny  jnethod  of  Enquiry.      And 
^  ^'^''  the  greateft  part  of  thefe  have  no  confidv^rable  Views ;  but  efteem  it  a  great 

matter  if  they  can  make  a  fingle  Difcovery  :  which  is  both  a  trifling  and  un- 
skilful Procedure  ;  as  no  one  can  juftly,  or  fuccefsRilly,  difcover  the  nature 
of  any  one  thing  in  that  thing  itfejf;  or  without  numerous  experiments  which 
lead  to  farther  Enquiries  ^. 

*  Nothing  is  more  common  than  for  men  to  repute   Things  imponTible,    or  imprafticaMe, 
for  want  or  a  fufficient  compals  of  kno'.vledge  to  judge  of  them;  and  hence  fl-veralof  this  Au-  - 
thor's  Plan?  have  been  reputed  imp'a£ticub!e-.  particularly  that  of  the  nem  Atlantis,   for  founding 
a  Vhilofophical  College ;    tho'   the  Royal  Society  oi London  (eems  form'd  upon   that  model.     See 
Morhof.Polyhift.  Tom.  II.  pag.  134.  and  Sprat's  Hi/lory  of  the  Royal  Society. 

^  See  the  word  IVorks  explained  i:i  the  Glossahy. 

'   M.des  Cartes  is  an  eminent  Inftince  ot  this    procedure  among  the  Moderns;    tho'  the  in- 
telligent in  Philofophical  Hiftory  find  the  traces  of  all  his  Doftrine  among  the  Ancients. 

^  For  the  proper  or  Geometrical  Method  of  enquiria^  'nnoHiiate,  and  all  Philofophical  Subjeds, 
fee  the  Novum  Organum. 


Sed:.  I.  Preliminaries.  7 

17.  Laftly,  thofe  who  recommend  L^^/f  asrhebeft  and  fu reft  Inftrument  xte Logicians: 
for  improving  the  Sciences,  very  jullly  obferve,  that  the  Underftanding,  left  to 

itfelf,  ought  always  to  be  fufpecied.  But  here  the  Remedy  is  neither  equal 
to  the  Dileafe,  nor  approved  ;  for  tho'  the  Logic  in  ufe  may  be  properly  ap- 
plied in  civil  affairs,  and  the  j4'Is  that  are  founded  in  Bifcowfe  and  Ojviion  ; 
yet  it  by  no  means  reaches  the  fubtiliy  of  Nature :  and  by  catching  at  what  ic 
cannot  hold,  rather  ferves  to  eftablifh  Errors,  and  fix  them  deeper,  than  open 
the  fFay  to  Truth  \ 

18.  Upon  the  whole,  Men  do  not  hitherto  appear  to   be  happily  turned  infrffirieney  of 
and  fitted  for  the  Sciences,  either  by  their  own  induftry,  or  the  authority  of  '^^ ^""f^^/ 
Authors;  efpecially  as  there  is  little  dependance  to  be  had  upon  the  common  i„g_ 
Demojiflrations  a.nd  Experimefits :  whilil  the  Strufture  of  the  [//^zwr/^- renders 

it  a  Labyrinth  to  the  Underftanding  ;  where  the  Pafbs  are  not  only  every 
where  doubtful,  but  the  appearances  of  things  and  their  figns  deceitful ;  and 
the  ff^reathes  a.nd  Knots  of  Na.ture  intricately  turn'd  and  twifted'':  thro'  all 
which  we  are  only  to  be  condufted  by  the  uncertain  Light  of  the  Senfes,  that 
fometimes  fliines,  and  fometimes  hides  its  head  -,  and  by  Co'le^iom  of  Expe- 
riments and  particular  Fails;  in  which  no  Guides  can  be  trufted  -,  as  wanting 
direftion  themfelves,  and  adding  to  the  Errors  of  the  reft.  In  this  melan- 
choly ftate  of  things,  one  might  be  apt  to  defpair  both  of  the  Under/landing 
left  to  itfelf,  and  of  all  fortuitous  Helps  ;  as  of  a  ftate  irremediable  by  the 
utmoft  efforts  of  the  human  Genius  •,  or  the  often-repeated  chance  of  Trial. 
The  only  Clue  and  Method  is  to  begin  all  a-new  ;  and  direft  our  ftcps  in  a 
certain  order,  from  the  very  firft  perceptions  of  the  Senfes  "^. 

rg.  This,  however,  is  not  to  be  underftood  as  if  nothing  had  been  ef-  Theverfor- 
fefted  by  the  immenfe  Labours  of  fo  many  paft  Ages:  the  Antimts  have  per-  ^^","^"{'^' 
form'd  furpriziiigly  in  SubjedV";  that  required  abftrad:  Medication,  and  force 
of  Genius.  But  as  Navigation  was  imperfeft  before  the  ufe  of  the  Compafs  ; 
io  will  many  Secrets  of  Nature  and  Art  remain  undifcovered,  without  a 
more  perfeft  knowledge  of  the  Underftanding,  its  ul'es,  and  ways  of 
working''. 

20.  For  our  own  part,  from  an  earneft  defire  of  Truth,  we  have  commit-  T^he  'Procedure 
ted  ourfelves  to  doubtful,  difficult,  and  folitary  ways;  and  relying  on  the  ^/'/-"^  Author. 
Divine  Affiftance,  have  fupported  our  Mind  againft  the  vehemence  of  Opi- 
nions^ our  own  incernal  Douhts  and  Scruples ;  and  theDarknefs,  znd  fantajlic 
Images  of  the  Mind  :  that  at  length  we  might  make  more  fure  and  certain 
Difcoveries  for  the  benefit  of  Pofterity.  And  if  we  ftiall  have  eff'edled  any 
thing  to  the  purpofe  •,  what  led  us  to  it  was  a  true  and  genuine  humiliation 
of  Mind.  Thofe  who  br  fore  us  applied  themfelves  to  the  difcovery  of  Arts, 
having  juft  gl.mced  upon  Things,  Examples,  and  Experiments,  immediately, 
as  if  Invention  was  but  a  kind  of  Contemplation,  raifed  up  their  own  Spiirits 

to 

*  Thofe  who  would  fee  this  Hiftory  of  Fhilofophy  more  particularly  deduced,  may  con- 
fult  Morhof  s  Volyhiflor.  and  the  other  Writers  upon  Polymathy  and  Literary  Hiftory. 

*  By  IVremhes  and  Knots,  underftand  the  apparent  complication  of  Caufes,  and  the  fuperaddi- 
tion  of  Properties  not  effential  to  Things ;  as  Light  to  Heat,  Yellownel's  to  Gold,  Pellucidity 
to  Glafs,  ^c. 

*  See  above,  Seft.  I.  3.   and  the  entrance  of  the  Novum  Organum. 

*  Thefe  lift  particulars  are  the  Subjeft  of  the  HQvumOrgamtm, 


8  Preliminaries.  Seft.  I. 

to  deliver  Oracles^-,  whereas  our  method  is  continually  to  dwell  among 
things  foberly  ;  without  abftrading  or  fetting  the  Underftanding  farther  from 
them  than  makes  their  Images  meet :  which  leaves  but  little  work  for  Ge- 
nius and  mental  Abilities ''. 

2  1.  And  the  fame  humility  that  we  praftife  in  learning,  the  fame  we  alfo 
obferve  in  teaching  •,  without  endeavouring  to  (lamp  a  dignity  on  any  of  our 
Inventions,  by  the  triumphs  of  Confutation,  the  citation  of  Antiquity,  the 
producing  of  Authorities,  or  the  mask  of  Obfcurity  :.  as  any  one  might  do, 
who  had  rather  give  luftre  to  his  own  Name,  than  light  to  the  Minds  of 
others.  We  offer  no  violence,  and  fpread  no  nets  for  the  judgments  of  Men  ; 
but  lead  them  on  to  things  themfelves,  and  their  relations:  that  they  may 
view  their  own  ftores,  what  they  have  to  reafon  about,  and  what  they  may 
add,  or  procure,  for  the  common  good. 

22.  And  if  at  any  time  ourfelves  have  erred,  miftook,  or  broke  off"  too 
foon,  yet  as  we  only  propofe  to  exhibit  things  naked,  and  open,  as  they  are, 
our  Errors  may  be  the  readier  obferved,  and  feparated,  before  they  confide- 
rably  infe<ft  the  Mafs  of  Knowledge  ;  and  our  labours  be  the  eafier  continued. 
And  thus  we  hope  to  eftablifli  a  true  and  legitimate  Union  between  the  ex- 
perhnental  and  rational  Faculty,  for  ever :  the  undue  feparation  whereof,  has 
caufed  the  greateft  difturbances  in  the  family  of  Mankind  "=. 

23.  But  as  thefe  things  are  not  at  our  difpofal,  we  here,  at  the  en- 
trance of  our  Work,  with  the  utmoft  Humility  and  Fervency,  pour  forth 
our  Prayers  to  God,  that  remembring  the  Miferies  of  Mankind,  and  the 
Pilgrimage  of  this  Life,  where  we  pafs  but  few  days  and  forrowful,  he 
would  vouchfafe,  through  our  hands,  and  the  hands  of  others,  to  whom  he 
has  given  the  like  Mind,  to  relieve  the  human  race  by  a  new  adt  of  'i'"  boun- 
ty. We,  likewife,  humbly  befeech  him,  tharwh^r  is  hrimi.»  may  not  clafh 
with  what  is  divine  ;  and  that  when  the  ways  of  the  Setifes  are  open'd,  and 
a  greater  natural  Light  fet  up  in  the  mind,  nothing  of  incredulity  and 
blindnefs  towards  divine  Myferies  may  arife  :  but  rather  that  the  Underftand- 
ing, now  clear'd  up,  and  purged  of  all  vanity  and  fuperftition,  may  remain 
entirely  fubjedl  to  the  divine  Oracles,  and  yield  to  Faith,  the  things  that  are 
FaitVs:  and  laftly,  that  expelling  the  foifomus  Knowledge^,  infufed  by  the 
Serpent,  which  puffs  up  and  fwells  the  human  Mind  •,  we  may  neither  be  wife 
above  meafure,  nor  go  beyond  the  bounds  of  fobriety  ;  but  purfuethe  Truth 
in  charity. 

Admomtiom        24.  We  now  turn  ourfelves  to  Men,  with  a  few  wholefome  Admonitions 

/«Mankind,    and  juft  Requefts.     And  firft,  we  admonifh  them  to  continue  in  a  fenfe  of 

their  Duty,  as  to  divine  Matters  ;  for  the  Senfes  are  like  the  Sun,  which  dif- 

plays  the  fiice  of  the  Earth,  but  fhuts  up  that  of  the  Heavens:  and  again, 

that  they  run  not  into  the  contrary  extreme  ;  which  they  certainly  will  do, 

if 

"  That  is,  run  into  what  we  vulgarly  call  Theories  o^ni  Speculations,  inftead  of  keeping  to  O^- 
fervations  and  Experiments.     See  Scft.  III.  41. 

**  AbJIraBion,  and  what  we  commonly  call  A/fM/>^_yy7ir/!/Kf<j/(i?!z«_f,  any  farther, than  it  it  conduces 
to  Aftion  in  Life  is  what  this  Author  guards  againft,  as  the  Bane  of  Philofophy ;  or  a  kind  of 
Infatuation  and  Delufion.     Seeabovc,   Seci.l.  3.  and  Nov. Org.  Sea.I.ji,  10. 

•^  See  above,  Scd:.  I.  i. 

^  See  hereafter,  SeB.lW.  34. 


I 


Sed.  I.  Preliminaries.  g 

if  they  think  an  Enquiry  into  Nature  any  way  forbid  them  by  Religion  *. 
,  It  was  not  that  pure  and  unfpocted  natural  Knowledge,  whereby  Adam  gave 
names  to  things,  agreeable  to  their  natures,  which  caufed  his  fall ;  'tis  an 
ambitious  and  authoritative  Defire  of  moral  Knowledge,  to  judge  of  Good 
and  Evil,  that  makes  men  revolt  from  God,  and  obey  no  laws  but  thofe  of 
their  own  will ''.  But  for  the  Sciences,  which  contemplate  Nature,  the  facred 
Philofopher  declares,  "  'tis  the  Glory  of  God  to  conceal  a  thing  •,  but  the 
*'  Glory  of  the  King  to  find  it  out."  As  if  the  Di'-jine  Being  thus  in- 
dulgently condefcended  to  exercife  the  human  Mind  by  philolophical  En- 
quiries. 

25.  In  the  next  place,  we  advife  all  Mankind  to  think  of  the  true 
Ends  of  Knowledge ;  and  that  they  endeavour  not  after  it  for  curiofity,  con- 
tention, or  the  fake  of  defpifing  others  ;  nor  yet  for  profit,  reputation, 
power,  or  any  fuch  inferior  confideration  ;  but  folely  for  the  occafions 
and  ufes  of  Life  :  all  along  conducting  and  perfefling  it  in  the  Spirit  of 
Benevolence. 

26.  Our  Requefls  are,  (i.)  That  Men  would  not  conceive  we  here  de- R'^»'/'- 
liver  an  Opnion,  but  a  IVork ;  and  afTure  themfelves  we  attempt  not  to  found 

any  Secf,  or  particular  Doclrine ;  but  to  fix  an  extenfive  Bafis  for  the  fervice 
of  human  Nature.  (2.)  That,  for  their  own  fakes,  they  would  lay  afide  the 
Zeal  and  Prejudices  of  Opinions,  and  endeavour  the  common  Good  •,  and  that 
being,  by  our  affiflance,  freed  and  kept  clear  from  the  Errors  and  Hindrances 
of  the  way,  they  would  themfelves  alfo  take  part  of  the  Task,  (j.)  That 
they  would  not  defpair,  as  imagining  our  Project  for  a  grand  Rejioration,  or 
Promotion  of  all  kinds  of  Knowledge,  infinitely  beyond  the  power  of  Mortals 
to  execute  ;  whilft  in  reality,  it  is  the  genuine  Stop  and  Prevention  of  infinite 
Error.  Indeed,  as  our  flate  is  mortal,  and  human,  a  full  accomplifhment 
cannot  be  expefted  in  a  fingle  age  ;  and  muft  therefore  be  recommended  to 
pofterity.  Nor  could  we  hope  to  fucceed,  if  we  arrogantly  fearch'd  for  the 
Sciences  in  the  narrow  cells  of  the  human  Underftanding,  and  not  ilb- 
milTively  in  the  wider  World.  (4.)  In  the  laft  place,  to  prevent  ill  efFecls 
from  contention,  we  defire  Mankind  would  confider  how  far  they  have  a 
right  of  judging  our  Performance;  upon  the  foundations  here  laid  down  : 
for  we  rejed  all  that  Knowledge  which  is  too  haflily  abftrafted  from 
things,  as  vague,  diforderly,  and  ill-tbrm'd  :  and  we  cannot  be  expected  to 
abide  by  a  judgement  which  is  itfelf  called  in  queftion  =. 

'  See  Glanvil'i  Philcfiphia  pit,  printed  at  London,  in  1671. 

^"  See  hereafter,  SeciAW.   3,  4    (°rc. 

'^  The  Author  has  guarded  againft  any  Mifinrerprets'ion  of  this  laft  Pajfa^e,  which  might 
ot.herwife  feem  fhock:ngi  a=  ir  common  Senfe ^ni  Knoieu J^e  con\A  not  judge  of  his  Schemes 
wTiilft  itlelf  IS  no  more  than  KnovleJge  and  common  Senfe  at  the  bottom,  though  Knoraledge  reftifivd, 
and  common  Senfe  improved.  See  above,  iS,  10,  zi.  and  Se£t.  II.  7-8,9,  (^c.  After  what  tnaa- 
cer  the  whole  is  propofcd  to  be  effected,  appears  in  the  following  Seftion. 


Vol.  I.  C    ■  SECT 


10  Preliminaries.  Se<n:.  II. 


S  E  C  T.     II. 

Exhibiting  a  Jhort  View  of  the  Dejign  and  Scope  of  the 

Instauration. 

TheScofeof    I.  i.TTTE   divide  the   whole  of  the  Instauration  into  y? at  Parts: 
mentis  Sdfn-  '^  '     '^^^  fi^J^  whereof  gives  the  Subjlance,  or  general  Defaiptlon  of 

tiarum.  t\\t  Knowledge -which.  Mankind  at  prefent  poflefs ;  as  chufing  to  dwell  a  little 

upon  things  already  received,  that  we  may  the  eafier  perfedl  the  old,  and 
lead  on  to  new :  being  equally  inclin'd  to  cultivate  the  Difcoveries  of  Anti- 
quity, as  to  ftrike  out  frefli  Paths  of  Science. 

2.  Inclaffing  the  Sciences,  we  comprehend  not  only  the  Things  already  in- 
vented and  known,  but  alfo  thofe  omitted  and  wanted  :  for  the  iutelleofual 
Globe,  a.svfe\\  as  the  terrejlfial,  has  both  its  Forefts  and  Deferts.  'T is  there- 
fore no  wonder  if  we  fometimes  depart  from  the  common  Divifions:  For  an 
addition,  whilft  it  alters  the  Whole,  muft  neceflariiy  alter  the  Parts,  and  their 
Seftions ;  whereas  the  received  Divifions  are  only  ficted  to  the  recc ived  6'«;« 
cf  the  Sciences,  as  it  now  ftands. 

3.  "With  regard  to  the  Things  we  fl^ali  note  as  defeolivc;  'twill  be  our 
Method  to  give  more  than  the  bare  Tttles,  or  fliort  Heads  of  what  we 
wou'd  have  done  -,  with  particular  care,  where  the  Dignity  or  Difficulty  of 
the  Subjefl  requires  it,  either  to  lay  down  the  Rj/les  for  efteding  the  Work, 
or  make  an  Attempt  of  our  own,  by  way  of  Example,  or  Pattern,  of  the 
whole. 

TheVeftgnof  \\_  ^_  When  we  have  gone  thro'  the  ajuient  Arts,  we  fhall  inftruft  the 
human  Undrrjlanding  to  difcover  new  ones  ;  by  a  more  jjerfeft  ufe  of  Reafon» 
and  the  true  Helps  of  the  intelleSfnal  Faculties ;  fo  as  to  raife  and  enlarge  the- 
Powers  of  the  Mind  ;  and  as  fir  as  the  condition  of  humanity  allows,  fit  it 
to  conquer  the  difficulties  and  obfcurities  of  Nature.  The  thing  we  mean, 
is  a  kind  of  L^^/f,  byuscall'd  The  Art  of  interpreting  Nature  * :  as  differing 
widely  from  the  common  Logic  ;  which  however  pretends  to  afTifl:  and  diredV 
the  Underftanding  -,  and  in  that  they  agree :  But  the  difference  betwixt  them 
confifts  in  three  things ;  viz.  the  End,  the  ^r^^r  of  demonftrating,  and  the 
Grounds  of  Enquiry. 

ih  EnJ.  5.  The  End  of  our  new  Logic  is  to  find,  not  Arguments,  but  Arts ;  not 

what  agrees  with  Principles,  but  Principles  themfelves ;  not  probable  Rea- 
fons,  but  Plans  and  Befigns  of  Works:  a  different  intention  producing  a  dif- 
ferent effed.     In  one  the  Adverfary  is  conquer'd  by  Difpute  5   and  in  the 

other 

*  The  Art  of  Inter freting  Nature  depcncls  on  this  Foundation;  that  Nature  has  a  meaning  in 
all  (he  does:  whence,  as  ihe  moral  Philofofher,  who  converlcs  familiarly  with  Mankind,  can  in- 
rerpret  their  Defigns  from  his  Obfervationsj  fo  the  nutural  Fhih/ofher  interprets  the  Defigns 
of  Nature  by  the  fteps  he  abierves  her  to  take. 


the  Novum 
Organum 


Sed.II.  Preliminaries.  ii 

other  Nature  hy  IFcrks.  And  fuiwble  to  this  difference  ofdefign,  is  the 
nature  and  order  of  the  Demonftrations.  In  the  com»ion  Logic,  the  labour  is 
principally  beftowed  upon  Syllngiftn  :  whilft  the  Logic'mn  fcarce  thinks  oi 
Indunhi: ;  but  touching  it  (lightly,  pafles  on  to  X.\\&Forms  of  Difputation :  where- 
as we  rejeftthe  Demonjl ration  by  Syllogi/m.,  as  confufed,  and  letting  Nature  flip 
thro'  the  fingers  -,  whilft  we  take  Induolion  for  x.\\3.t  form  of  Deino>i(trnlion 
which  guards  the  Senfes,prefies  Nature  clofe,  and  rules  over  Works.  Whence 
the  common  order  ofDemonJlrating  is  abfolutely  inverted  :  for  inftead  of  fly- 
ing immediately  from  the  fenfcs,  and  particulars,  to  generals,  as  to  certain 
fix^d  Poles,  about  which  Difputes  always  turn'd  ;  and  deriving  others  from 
thefe,  by  intermediates;  in  a  fhort  indeed,  but  precipitate  manner,  fit  for 
controverfy,  but  unfit  to  clofe  with  nature  ;  we  continually  raifeup  Propoji- 
ticns  by  degrees,  and  in  the  laft  place,  come  to  the  moft  general  Axioms "  ; 
which  are  not  notional,  but  well  defined,  and  what  Nature  allows  of,  as  en- 
tring  the  very  e (fence  of  things  ^ 

6.  But  the  more  difficult  part  of  our  Task  confifts  in  the  Form  of  Indue- Jt>  manner  of 
tiin,  and  the  7''^^^''^!?«^  to  be  made  by  it  •,  for  th3.t  forj?i  of  the  Logicians  which  ^.^""'"■^'''*' 
proceeds  by  fimple  enumeration,  is  a  childifli  thing,  concludes  unfafely,  lies  '"^' 

open  to  contradihory  Inflances,  and  regards  only  common  matters ;  yet  de- 
termines nothing  :  whilft  the  Sciences  require  fuch  ii  form  of  Induction,  as  can 
feparate,  adjuft  and  verify  Experience  -,  and  come  to  a  neceflary  Determina- 
tion by  proper  exclufions  and  rejetflions". 

7.  Nor  is  this  all :  for  we  likewife  lay  the  foundations  of  the  Sciences  ftrong-  Jts  Grounds, 
er,  and  cloler  ■,  and  begin  our  Enquiries  deeper,    than  men  have  hitherto 

done  ;  bringing  thofe  things  to  the  teft,  which  the  common  Logic  has  taken 
upon  truft.  The  Lcgicians  borrow  the  Principles  of  th^  Sciences  from  the  Scien- 
ces themfelves,  venerate  the  firjt  Notions  of  the  Mind,  and  acquiefce  in  the 
immedhte  Inforfnations  of  the  Senfes,  when  rightly  difpofed  :  but  we  judge, 
that  every  province  of  the  Sciences  fhould  enter  a  real  Logic,  with  a  greater 
authority  than  their  own  principles  can  give  ;  and  that  fuch  fuppofed  Princi- 
ples fhould  be  examin'd,  till  they  become  abfolutely  clear  and  certain.  As 
for  firft  notiors  of  the  mind,  we  fufpedl  all  thofe  that  the  underftanding,  left 
to  itfelf,  procures  i  nor  ever  allow  them  till  approved  and  authorized  by  a 
fecond  judgment.  And  as  to  the  Informations  of  the  Senfes,  we  have  many 
ways  of  examining  them  :  for  the  Senfes  are  fellacious -,  though  they  dilqover 
their  own  Errors  :  but  thefe  lie  near,  whilft  the  means  of  Difcovery  are  re- 
mote. 

8.  The  Senfes  are  faulty  in  two  refpefts  ;    as  they  either /if/  or  deceive  us.  EnJeavoun  to 
For  there  are  many  things  that  efcape  the  Senfes,  tho'  ever  fo  rightly  dif-y«f?(r  the  im- 
fofed  ;  as  by  the  fubtilty  of  the  whole  body,  or  the  minutenefs  of  its  parts  jf^^  gg'^e/^ 
the  diftance  of  place  •,  the  flownefs  or  velocity  of  motion  ;  the  commonnefs  of 

C  2  the 

*  See  the ff^ff/ explained  in  the  Glossary. 

''  This  alludes  to  the  Difcovery  oiYorrm,  or  the  real  and  eflential  natures  of  Things  ;  afub- 
jed  largely  prolecuted  in  the  Nmum  Organum.  But  for  fuller  Information  in  this  Point,  fee 
below,  15:  the  railing  of  a  perfect  fet  of  general  Axioms  in  this  way,  being  the  completion  of 
the  Philofophia  Secundn. 

■^  This  cannot  well  be  explained  in  few  Words;  but  is  made  clear  to  an  attentive  Reader  of 
the  Kovum Organum;  where  thebufinefs  of  £;tr;>eriwM»  is,  by  the  alTiftanccof  Reafon,  reduced 
to  an  Art;  and  not  left  to  accident  and  cafualtnal. 


12  Preliminaries.  Sedl.  11. 

the  objeft,  t^c.  Neither  do  the  Senfes,  when  they  lay  hold  of  a  thing,  re- 
tain it  ftrongly:  for  evidence,  and  the  informations  of  ^f?;;/"?,  are  in  propor- 
tion to  Man,  and  not  in  proportion  to  the  Univerfe".  And  'tis  a  grand  Er- 
ror to  aflert  thatSenfe  is  themeafure  of  Things*". 

9.  To  remedy  this,  we  have  from  all  quarters  brought  together,  and  fitted 
Helps  for  the  Senfes;  and  that  rather  by  Experitnents  than  by  Infruments : 
apt  Experiments  being  much  more  fubtile  "^  than  the  Senfes  themfelves,  the*' 
affifted  with  the  moft  finifhed  Inftruments,  We,  therefore,  lay  no  great 
ftrefs  upon  the  immediate  and  natural  perceptions  of  the  Senfes  ;  but  would 
have  the  Senfes  to  judge  only  of  Expemnents  ;  and  Experiments  to  judge  of 
'Things'^.  On  which  foundation,  we  hope  to  be  patrons  of  the  5^«yfi,  and  in- 
terpreters of  their  oracles. 

10.  And  thus  we  mean  to  procure  the  things  relating  to  the  Light  of  Nature, 
and  the  ferting  it  up  in  the  Mind  :  which  things  might  of  themfelves  fuffice,, 
if  the  Mind  were  as  white  paper.  But  fince  the  minds  of  men  are  fo  ftrange- 
ly  difpofed,  as  not  to  receive  the  true  images  of  things.,  'tis  neceflary  alfo  that 
a  Remedy  be  found  for  this  Evil. 

Andtofiibdue  jj.  The /r/o/j,  or  f\lfe  Notions*  which  pofiTefs  the  Mind,  zxtt\i\\cr  acquired 
'tf.^j°^^''^''" or  innate.  The  acquired  arife  either  from  the  Opinions  and  Sedls  ofPhilofo* 
phers,  or  from  prepofterous  Laws  of  Demonftration  :  but  the  innate  cleave 
to  the  nature  of  the  U>idi'rft adding.,  which  is  found  much  more  prone  to  error 
than  the  Senfes.  For  however  men  may  amufe  themfelves,  and  admire,  or 
almoft  adore  the  Mind  f;  'tis  certain,  that  like  an  irregular  Glafs,  it  alters 
the  rays  of  things,   by  its  figure,  and  different  intLrfeftions^. 

12.  The  two  former  kinds  of  iio/^  may  be  extirpated,  tho' with  difficul- 
ty i  but  this  third  is  infuperable.     All  that  can  be  done,  is  to  point  them  out, 

antf' 

'  This  Pofuioa  requires  an  attentive  regard,  as  leading  to  a  Knowledge  of  the  Scantinefs  of 
our  own  Underftanding,  compared  tothat  difplaycd  in  theUniverie. 

^  TheDoftrine  ot'the  two laft  Paragraphs  may  appear  contradidlory  to  the  Opinion  of  Tome 
Philofophers ;  who  maintain  the  infallibility  of  the  Senfes,  as  well  as  of  Reafon  :  but  theDifpure 
perhaps  turns  rather  upon  Words  than  Things.  Thus  Vixhcr  Malbranche  is  exprefe,  that  the  Senfei 
neverdeetive  us,  yetasexprefs  ihlX.  they  jliould  never  he  trufted,  without  being  verified  :  charging 
the  Errors  ariiing  in  tliis  cafe,  uf  an  human  Liberty,  which  makes  a  wrong  choice.  See  Recherche 
de  la  Verite;  Livr.  I.  Chap.  j-.<5,  7.8.  The  DilTerence  may  arife  only  from  coniidering  the 
Senies  in  two  different  Lights,  vii..  Phyfically,  or  according  to  common  ufe ;  and  metaphy- 
fically,  or  abftraBedly.  The  NovHtnOrgnnum  dears  the  whole.  See  alfo  A/<irin.  Merfenniis  de  in- 
Verite  des  Sciences. 

"  That  is  going  deeper  into  the  nature  of  Things,  and  manifefting  their  true  State  to  the 
Senfes;  which,  unaiTilfed  by  Experiments,  could  make  very  little  progrcfs  \b  natural  Philofifhy. 
For  Experiments  are  the  medium  by  which  we  come  to  a  knowledge  of  Nature's  Works,  fe>  as 
to  imitate,  alter,  or  improve  them  by  Art. 

■^  Thus,  for  example,  the  unaffifted  Senfes  could  never  difcoverthe  Principles,  Contents,  and 
Virtues  of  mineral  M^atcrs ;  hut  proper  chemical  and  philofophical  Experiments,  exhibit  their 
Principles  and  Contents  to  the  Senfes:  whence  Experiments  determme  of  the  Thing,  and  the 
Senfes  of  the  Experiments.     And  on  this  footing  all  experimental  Fhilofophy  proceeds. 

'  The  Docftrine  of  Idols  is  farther  touched  in  the  De  Augmentlsi  but  fully  profecuted  and 
explained  in  the  Novum  Organum. 

^  That  is,  fet  up  Reafon,  Speculation,  and  the  mental  Powers,  far  above  Experience,  and  the 
converfing  with  Nature  in  her  Works.     See  hereafter  Se£t- III.  41,  <(.j,44,  &-c. 

t  That  IS,  does  not  from  within  itfelf  reprefent  the  Works  of  Nature,  as  they  are  in  the  ex- 
ternal World;  but  impofeson  itftlf  falfe  Imaginations  for  Fadls;  as  isufual  in  Theories  and  Sft' 
iuluions,  where  Nature  and  Experience  are  not  confuked. 


Seft.  II.  Preliminaries.  13 

and  mark,  and  convkl  that  treacherous  faculty  of  the  Mind  ♦,  leil  when  the 
ancient  errors  are  deftroy'd,  new  ones  fhould  fprout  out  from  the  r.uiknefs 
of  the  foil :  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  eftablifh  this  for  ever,  that  the  Under- 
ftanding  can  make  no  judgment  but  by  hiduSt'wn^  and  thejuft  form  tliercof. 
"Wliencd   the  DoSfrine  of  pwgifi^  the  UnderJiandiKg  requires  three  kinds  of 
Cot?fiitatio>!S,  to  fit  it  for   the   inveftigation  of  Truth  ;   viz.    the    Confuta- 
tion of  Philofophies,  the  Confutation  rf  Dcinonjirations,  and  the  Confutation  of 
the  natural  Reafon^.     And  when  this  is   explain'd,  and  the   real  nature    of 
Things,  and  of  the  Mind  fet  forth,  we  fhall  then,    by  the  divine  afliltance, 
have  prepared  and  deck'd  the  nuptial  Chamber  of  the  Mii:d  and  the  Uni- 
verfe  ^. 

III.   13.  But  as  we  propofe  not  only  to  pave  and  fhew  the  way,  hut  z\(oThe  defgn  ef 
to  tread  in  it  ourfelves,  we  fhall  next  exhibit  the  Phcenomena  of  the  Univerfe  \  '^'  •'')''^* 
that  is,  fuch  Experience  of  all  kinds,  and  fuch  a  Natural  Hiftory ',  as  may   ^  "^^^ 
afford  a  Foundation  to  Philofophy.     For  as  no  fins  method  of  Demonflra- 
tion,  or  form  of  explaining  Nature,    can  prefcrve  the  mind  from   error, 
and   fupport  it  from  falling  ;   fo  neither  can  it  hence  receive  any  matter 
of  Science.     Thofe,  therefore,  who  determine  not  to  conjecture   and  guefs, 
but  to  find  out  and  know  ;  not  to  invent  Fables  and  Romances  of  Worlds^  but 
to  look  into,  and  dilTedt  the  nature  of  this  real  Worlds  mufl;  confult  only  things 
themfelvcs.     Nor  can  any  force  of  Genius,  Thought,  or  Argument,  be  fub- 
ftituted  for  this  labour,  fearch  and  infpeftion  -,  not  even   tho'  all  the  wits  of 
men  were  united :  this  therefore  mult  either  be  had,  or  the  bufinefs  be  de- 
ferred for  ever. 

14.  But  the  conduft  of  mankind  has  hitherto  been  fuch,  that  'tis  no  won- 
der Nature  has  not  open'd  herfelf  to  them.  For  the  information  of  the  Senfes 
is  treacherous  and  deceitful;  Obfer-vation  cnTde{s,  irregular,  and  accidental; 
Tradition  idle,  tumorous,  and  vain  ;  PraLlice  narrow,  and  fervile  ;  Expe- 
rience blind,  ftupid-  vague  and  broken -,  and  «a/«rrt/////?or'y  extremely  light 
and  empty  :  wretched  materials  for  the  Underflranding  to  faihion  into  Philo- 
fophyand  Sciences !  Then  comes  in  a  prepoflrerous  fubtilty  of  argumentation, 
and  fifting,  as  a  laft  remedy,  that  mends  not  the  matter  one  jot  ;  nor  fepa- 
rates  the  errors '^.  Whence  there  are  abfolutely  no  hopes  of  enlarging  and 
promoting  the  Sciences,  without  rebuilding  them. 

15.  The frft  Materials  for  this  purpofe  muft  be  taken  from  a  new  kind  of 
Natural  Hijlory  ;  that  the  Underitandingmay  have  fit  fubjefts  to  'a:ork  upon, 
as  well  as  real  Helps  to  work  "ivitb.  But  our  Hiftory,  no  lefs  than  our  Logic, 
differs  from  the  common  in  many  refpefts  ;   particularly,  (i.;  in  its  end,  or 

office, 

*  See  thefe  Terms  explained  in  the  Glossary,  under  Confntutim. 

^  That  is,  has'e  brought  mapkind  to  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Nature  ;   or  to  a  fiate    »» 
of  difcovering  new  Manufadiurcs,  Works,  and  Effefts.     But  all  this  is  hereafter  more  fully  and 
familiarly  explained,  in  the  Short  analytical  View  of  the  Plan  of  the  Novum  Organura,  prefix'd 
to  that  Work. 

•^  Or  rather  Hiftory  of  Nature;  to  diftinguilh  it  from  the  common  acceptation  of  Kaniral 
Hiftory. 

t"  Unlefs  the  Reader  be  verfed  in  the  ways  of  the  human  MM,  he  may  be  apt  to  think  this 
naked  Defcription  a  (evere  Cenfure.  Ic  muft,  however,  be  remembred,  that  this  Reprefentatioa 
regards  the  Philofophical  ftate  of  Things  a  hundred  years  ago;  and  not  as  it  is  at  prefcnt  im- 
proved, upon  the  Schsme  laid  down  by  the  Author, 


14 


Us  Offict. 


Preliminaries. 


Sed.II. 


Celliciion. 


Subtilty. 


Choice. 


officS',  (2.)  its  coliefiion,  (3.)  Its  fubiilty,    (4.)  its  choke,  and  (5.)  its  appo'mt- 
fnent  for  what  is  to  follow. 

16.  (i.)  Our  natural  Hijl  or  J  is  not  defign'd  fo  much  to  pleafe  by  its  va- 
riety, or  benefit  by  gainful  Experiments,  as  to  give  light  in  the  difcovery  of 
Catifes  ;  and  hold  out  the  Breafl  to  Philofophy  * ;  for  tho'  we  principally  regard 
Works.,  Tind  the  atlive  parts  of  the  Sciences ;  yet  we  wait  lor  the  time  of  Har- 
veft  ■,  and  would  not  reap  the  Blade  for  the  Ear.  We  are  well  aware  that 
Axioms,  rightly  framed*",  will  draw  after  them  whole  fheaves  of  Works: 
But  for  that  untimely  and  childifh  DL-fire  of  feeing  fruits  of  new  Works  be- 
fore the  feafon  •,  we  abfolutely  condemn  and  rejedl  it,  as  the  golden  Apple  that 
hinders  the  progrefs. 

1 7.  (2.)  With  regard  to  its  coUeoiion  ;  we  propofe  to  fliew  Nature  not  only 
m  s.  free  fate,  as  in  the  H'lHory  of  Meteors,  Minerals,  Plants,  and  Animals; 
but  more  particularly  as  fhe  isbound,and  tortur'd,  prcfs'd,  form'd,  andturn'd 
out  of  her  courfe  by  Art  and  human  Indufry.  Hence  we  would  fet  down  all 
appofite  Experiments  of  the  mechanic  and  liberal  Arts  ;  with  many  others 
not  yet  form'd  into  Arts  :  for  the  nature  of  things  is  better  difcover'd  by  the 
torturings  of  Art,  than  when  they  are  left  to  themfelves.  Nor  is  it  only  a 
Hiftory  ofBodies  that  we  would  give  -,  but  alfo  of  their  cardinal  Virtues,  or 
fundamental  Qualities,  as  Denfity,  Rarity,  Heat,  Cold,  &c.  which  Ihould  be 
compriz'd  in  particular  Hiftories^ 

18.  {2.)  The  kind  of  Experiments  tohe -procured  for  our  Hiflory,  are  much 
more  fublile  and  fwiple  than  the  common :  abundance  of  them  muft  be  re- 
covered from  darknefs,  and  are  fuch  as  no  one  would  have  enquired  after, 
that  was  not  led  by  a  conftant  and  certain  track  to  the  difcovery  of  Caufes  -,  as 
being  themfelves  of  no  great  ufe,  andconfequently  not  fought  for  their  own 
fake  ■,  but  with  regard  to  Works  :  like  the  Letters  of  the  Alphabet  with  re- 
gard to  Difcourfe ''. 

19.  (4.)  In  the  Choice  of  our  Narratives  and  Experiments  we  hope  to  have 
fliewn  more  care  than  the  other  Writers  of  iV/z/z/r^/  Hifory  •,  as  receiving  no- 
thing but  upon  ocular  Demonftration,  or  the  ftrideft  fcrutiny  of  Examina- 
tion :  and  not  heightening  what  is  delivered,  to  increafe  its  miraculoufnefs, 
but  thoroughly  purging  it  of  fupcrftition  and  fable.  Befides  this,  *e  rejedl, 
with  a  particular  mark,  all  thole  boafted  and  received  filfehoods,  which  by 
a  ftrange  negle61:  have  prevailed  for  fo  many  ages ;  tlut  they  may  no  longer 
moleft  the  Sciences.  For  as  the  idle  tales  of  nurfes  do  really  corrupt  the 
minds  of  children,  we  cannot  too  carefully  guard  the  infoncy  of  Philolb;. 
phy  f)-om  all  vanity  and  fuperftition.  And  when  any  new  or  more  curious 
Experiment  is  offer' d,  tho'  it  may  feem  to  us  certain  and  well  founded,  yet 
we  exprefly  add  the  manner  wherein  it  was  made  •,  that,  after  it  fhall  be  ua- 
derftood  Jiow  things  appear  to  us,  men  may  beware  of  any  error  adhering  to 
them,  and  fearch  after  more  infallible  Proofs.     We,  likewife,  all  along  inter- 

pofe 

*  That  is,  afford  the  firft  matter  to  it. 
^  St'c below,  15. 

<^  The  Author's  particular  Hiftories  oi  Life  mi  Death,  Winds,  Scc.are  Inftmices  hereof. 
**  The  want  ot  attending  to  this  Delign  ot  the  Sylva  Sytvamm,   has  occalion'd  it  to  be  much 
undervalued  ;  to  thedifadvantage  oi  Experimental  rhilofofhy. 

f 


Sedl.  II.  Preliminaries.  15 

pole  ourDireftions,  Scruples  and  Cautions;  and  religiouily  guard  againft 
Phantoms  and  lUufions  ^. 

20.  {5.)  Lafi'y,  having  well  ohfevved  hov/ hr  Experimefits  and  Hi/iory6i-it'  'ppoiat- 
ftracl  the  mind  ;  and  how  difficult  it  is,  efpecially  for  tender  or  prciud iced '"'"'• 
perfons,  to  converfe  with  Nature  from  the  beginning,  we  are  continually  fub- 
joining  oiirObrervations,  as  lb  many  firft  Glances  oi  Natural  Hifiory  ztPhi- 
lofophv:  and  this  to  give  mankind  fome  Earneft,  that  they  fhall  not  be  kept 
perpetually  floating  upon  the  waves  ofHiJiory ;  and  that  when  they  come  to 
the  fFork  of  the  Underjlanciing,  and  the  Explanation  of  Nature,  they  may  find 
all  things  in  greater  readinefs  \ 

IV.  2 1 .   And  thus  we  fhall  be  prepared  to  enter  upon  Philofophy  itfelf.  Jf>e  'Difign  of 
But  in  fo  difficult  a  Task,  there  are  certain  things  to  be  obferved,  as  well  for '^^  ^'iT'"'^" 
inftruftion  as  for  prefent  ufe.     Thefrft  is  to  propofe  Examples  of  Enquiry  '^"^^..^f/r^'w; 
Invejligation,  according  to  our  own  method,  in  certain  SubjecSts  of  the  nobleft  uenfty  anJ 
kind  ;  but  greatly  differing  from  each  other,  that  a  Specimen  may  be  had  of  Rarity.  &(^- 
every  fort.     By  thefe  Examples  we  mean  not  illuftrations  ot  R.ules  and  Pre- 
cepts, but  perfeft  Models,  reprefenting,  as  it  were  to  the  eye,  the   whole 
progrefs  of  the  Mind,  and  the  continued  ftrudlure  and  order  of  Invention,  in 

the  moft  chofen  fubjefts :  after  the  fame  manner  as  Globes  and  Machines 
facilitate  the  more  abftrufe  and  fubtile  Demonftrations  in  Mathematicks. 
Such  a  Set  of  £.v«;«/i/«  will,  therefore,  be  a  particular  application  and  explana- 
tion of  the/>r(?«i /"^r;  ofour  Work^ 

V.  22.  The  fifth  Part  is  only  temporary,  or  of  ufe  but  till   the  reft  are  Scopeof  the 
finiflied  ;  whence  we  look  upon  it  as  Intereft  till  the  Principal  be  paid :  for  Philofophi% 
we  do  not  propofe  to  travel  hood- winked,  fo  as  to  take  no  notice  of  what  may^"""*" 
occur  of  ufe  in  the  way.     This  parr,  therefore,  will  confift  of  luch  things  as 

we  have  invented,  experienced,  or  added,  by  the  fame  common  ufe  of  the 
Underftanding  that  others  employ.  For  as  we  have  greater  hopes  from  our 
conftant  converfation  with  Nature,  than  from  our  force  of  Genius  •,  the  dif- 
covcries  we  fhall  thus  make  may  ferve  as  Inns  on  the  road,  for  the  Mind  to 
repofe  in,  during  its  progrefs  to  greater  certainties.  But  this,  without  being 
at  all  di)'pofed  to  abide  by  anything  that  is  not  difcovered,  or  proved,  by  the 
true  form  of  Induction.  Nor  need  any  one  be  fliock'd  at  this  fufpenfion  of 
the  judgment,  in  a  Doctrine  which  does  not  aflert  that  nothing  is  know- 
able  ;  but  only  that  things  cannot  be  known  except  in  a  certain  order  and 
method  :  whilft  it  allows  particular  degrees  of  certainty,  for  the  fake  of  com^ 
modioulhefs  and  ufe,  'till  the  Mind  fliall  be  enter'd  into  the  explanation  of 
Caufes. 

VI. 

*  The  Author  mentions  in  other  plices  the  uncommon  degree  of  Pains  and  Care  he  be- 
ftow'd  in  coUeding  this  Hiftory;  afluung  us,  that  the  rejeftion  he  ma.^.e  ot  Experiments  laid 
before  him  was  inhnite:  lb  that  the' it  m:;y  have  irs  ErrorsanJ  Imperfeftions ;  elpccially  as  be- 
ing pubiidied  after  the  Author's  death;  itmuti  be  allowed  a  wonderful  Performance  for  a  Ungle 
hand,  before  the  Ice  of  £.vt>cr(«K«  was  broken. 

''  See  the  Nature  and  Dclign  of  this  Hijlory  more  fully  open'd  in  the  IntrcduBion  toihcSyh» 
Sylvarum  itfelf. 

'^  This  Partis  what  the  Author  elfewhere  terms  Sc.tia  Ir.telleciiis;  or  the  Vrogrtft  of  the 
Underjlandtng ,  and  was  intended  tobe  fupplud  by  him  in  the  way  oi  monthly  Vroduciions.  See 
his  Dedication  of  the  Hijlory  of  the  Hiitds  to  Vrince  Gb.%rhi,  in  the  Fourth  Sufple.ment  to  the 
de  Angmenth  Scieniinriim, 


i6 

Nature  of  the 

Philofophia 

fecunda. 


Preliminaries. 


Sea.  III. 


VI.  23.  The /ij/?  Part  of  our  Work,  to  which  all  the  reft  are  fubfervient, 
is  to  lay  down  that  Philofophy  which  Ihall  flow  from  the  juft,  pure,  and  ftrifl 
Enquiry  hitherto  propofed.  But  to  perfeft  this,  is  beyond  both  our  abilities 
and  our  hopes:  yet  we  fhall  give  die  Foundations  of  it  •,  and  recommend  the 
finifhing  to  pofterity.  And  what  a  Work  it  would  then  be,  is  not  perhaps 
eafy  for  men,  in  the  prefent  ftate  of  minds  and  things,  to  conceive*.  The 
Point  in  View  is  not  only  the  contemplative  Happinefs,  but  the  whole  For- 
tunes, and  Affairs,  and  Powers,  and  Works  of  Men.  For  Man  being  the 
Minifter  and  Interpreter  of  Nature,  a6ls  and  underftands  fo  far  as  he  has 
obferved  of  the  order,  the  works  and  mind  of  Nature  ;  and  can  proceed  no 
flxrther  :  for  no  Power  is  able  to  looi'e  or  break  the  Chain  of  Caufes  ;  nor  is 
Nature  to  be  conquer'd  but  by  fubmiflion^:  whence  thofe  twin  Intentions, 
human  Knowledge  and  human  Power,  are  really  coincident  ■,  and  the  greateft 
hindrance  to  Works  is  the  ignorance  of  Caufes  ■=. 

24.  The  capital  Precept  for  the  whole  condud  is  this,  that  the  eye  of 
the  mind  be  never  taken  off  from  things  themfelves;  but  receive  their  ima- 
ges truly  as  they  are.  And  GiPri  forbid  that  ever  we  fliould  offer  t\\t  Dreams 
of  Fancy  for  a.  }?iodel  of  the  ff^orld  ;  but  rather,  thro' the  divine  fivour,  write  a 
Revelation,  and  real  View  of  the  Stamps  and  Signatures  of  the  Creator  upon 
the  Creatures ''. 


« 


SECT.    III. 

T6e  Ohje&ions  agai7tji  Learning  conjidered. 

I.   I.  TDEforewe  come  toclafsand  range  the  5aVw(f.c,  'tis  proper  we  fhould 
XJ  fift  the  merits  of  Knowledge  ;  or  clear  it  of  the  Difgrace  brought 
upon  it  by  Ignorance,  whether  difguifed  (1.)  in  the  Zeal  of  Oil  wj,  (2.)  the 
Arrogance  of  Politicians,  or  (3.)  the  Errors  of  yV/^«  of  Letters. 

2.  Some  Dm«ifj  pretend,  (i.)  "that  Knowledge  is  to  be  received  with 
"  great  limitation,  as  the  afpiring  to  it  was  the  original  Sin,  and  the  caufe  of 
the  charge  of  a  jj^g  p^^]}  .  ^2.)  that  it  has  fomcwhat  of  the  Serpent,  and  puffeth  up-,  (3.)  that 
Solomon  fays,  "  of  making  books  there  is  no  end ;  much  ftudy  is  wearinefs  of 
"  thefli'Jh  ;  for  in  much  wifdom  is  fniich  grief ;  and  he  that  increafeth  knowledge, 
"  increafeth  forrow  :"  (4.)  that  St.  Paid  cautions  againft  "  being  fpoiled 
"  through  vain  Philofophy  ;"  (5.)   "  that  Experience   fliews  learned    men 

have 


Learning  de 
fended  from 


*  The  Difcoveries  of  Mr.  Biiy/c,  Dr.  Hook,  Sir  Ifaac  Nervion,  8cc.  may  give  us  a  nearer  View  of 
ihhWork,  in  its  phylical  parr;  but  the  tt'ork  it/elf,  in  its  full  extent,  is  far  from  being  compleated 
to  t!iis  day  ;  ami  mult  ftiil  be  recommended  to  Poftenty. 

''  That  is,    by  cond.-fcending  to  obferve  her  ways. 

"^  That  human  KnoTnledge  and  human  Potver  are  coincident,  will  be  fully  !\iewn  in  the  Novum 
Orgi\rium,  where  allbtiie  nature  and  ufcsofthis  lad  Fart  are  more  largely  explained. 

'^  The  two  forejoingi'fff/o??^  being  no  more  than  the  Out-lines  of  the  Inflauration,  they  can- 
not give  a  full  and  diftindt  View  of  the  Scheme.  But  the  Reader  will  findthe  wholeopca  tohim 
by  degrees,-  and  be  enabled  at  length  to  perform  even  an  executive  part  m  the  Dejign. 


Sed:.  III.  Preliminaries.  ly 

"  have  been  Hercticks ;  and  learned  times  inclined  to  Athcifm ;  and  that 
"  the  contemplation  of  fecond  Caules  takes  from  our  dependance  upon  God, 
'«  who  is  the  firft." 

3.  To  this  we  anfwer,  (i.)  it  was  not  the  ^\xrt  Knowledge  of  Nature,  hy  Natuml 
the  light  whereof  man  gave  names  to  all  the  creatures  in  Paradife,  agree- ■'<^"''«''f"!?<  »«* 
able  to  theirnatures,  that  occafion'd  the  Fall ;  hutthc  proud  Knowledge  of  Good' f  """fi  ^ 
and  Evil,  with  an  intent  in  man  to  give  law  to  himfelf,  and  depend  no  more'  ^  ^"^ ' 
upon  God  *. 

4.  (2.)  Nor  can  any  quantity  o^ natural  Knowledge  pufF  up  the  Mind  ;  {or^antlty  of 
nothing  fills,  much  lefs  diftends  the  Soul,  butGod.  "Whence  as  Solomon  decLires,  f""^^"'-^'^^ 
that  the  eye  is  not  fat'isfied  withfeeingt  nor  the  ear  with  hearing  -,  fo  9f  Knowledge  ""'"'  '      *' 
itfelf,  he  fays,  God  hath  made  all  things  heautful  in  their  J'eafons :  alfo  he  bath 

placed  the  world  in  man's  heart ;  -jet  cannot  man  find  out  the  work  which  God 
worketh  from  the  l?eg!?imfig  to  the  end  :  hereby  declaring  plainly,  that  God  has 
framed  tlieMind  like  a  Glafs,  capable  of  the  image  of  the  Univerfe,  and  de- 
firous  to  receive  it,  as  the  eye  to  receive  the  Light  -,  and  thus  it  is  not  only 
pleafed  with  the  variety  and  viciffitudes  of  things,  but  alfo  endeavours  to 
find  out  the  Laws  they  obferve  in  their  changes  and  alterations.  And  if 
fuch  be  the  extent  of  the  Mind,  there  is  no  danger  of  filling  it  with  any 
quantity  of  Knowledge.  But  it  is  merely  from  its  quality,  when  taken 
without  the  true  corredtive,  that  Knowledge  has  fomewhat  of  venom  or  ma- 
lignity. The  corredive  which  renders  it  fovereign,  is  charity  ;  for  accord- 
to  St  Paul,  knowledge  puffetb  up,   but  charity  buildeth  up  *". 

5.  (3.)  For  the  excefs  of  writing  and  reading  books ;  the  anxiety  of  fpiritr&wZJw/V^- 
proceeding  from  Knowledge  ;  and  the  admonition,  that  we  be  not  feduced^'^^^^/K-now- 
by  vain  Philofophy  ;  when  the fe  pafiages  are  rightly  undcrftood,  they  mark  ^^"^" 

out  the  boundaries  of  human  Knowledge  ;  fo  as  to  comprehend  the  univerfal 
nature  of  things.  Thefe  limitations  are  three;  the  firft,  that  we  fhould  not 
place  our  felicity  in  Knowledge,  fo  as  to  forget  mortality  •,  the  fecond ;  that 
vv-e  ufe  Knowledge  fo  as  to  give  ourfelves  eafe  and  content,  not  diftafte  and 
repining;  and  the //./irJ,  that  we  prelum  e  not  by  the  contemplation  of  A'a- 
ture,  to  attain  to  the  myfteries  of  God. 

6.  As  to  x.\it firft,  Solomon  excellently  fays,  Ifaw  that  wifdo7n  excelleth  folly,  as 
far  as  light  excslleth  darknefs.  ^e  wife  man's  eyes  are  in  his  head,  but  the  fool 
walketh  in  darknefs :  and  I  myfdf  perceived  alfo  that  one  event  happeneth  to  them 
all.  And  for  the  fecond,  it  is  rertain  that  no  vexation  or  anxiety  of  mind  re- 
fults  from  Knowledge,  but  merely  by  accident  -,  all  Knowledge,  and  Admira- 
tion, which  is  the  feed  of  Knowledge,  being  pleafant  in  itfelf:  but  when  we 
frame  conclufions  fron.  our  knowledge,  apply  them  to  our  own  particu- 
lar, and  thence  minifter  to  ourfelves  weak  fears,  or  vaft  defires  •,  then  comes 
on  that  anxiety  and  trouble  of  mind  which  is  here  meant :  when  Knowledge 

'  The  Reader  will  ejfily  perceive,  that  the  Arguments  here  employed  are  Arguments  ad  ho- 
mlnetrti  or  popular  Anfwcrs  to  the  Ohjeftions,  ufually  brought  againft  Learning  by  particular 
fets  of  men  ;  rather  than  fuch  Inftanccs  as  fhew  the  ufefulnefs  and  advantages  of  Vhilofofhy,  or 
the  improved  ftate  of  the  mind  :  with  intention,  that  when  fuch  Objeciiom  are  anfwen;d  in 
their  kind,  the  Author  may  proceed  unmoiefted  in  his  way,  to  imprqve  the  general  flate  of 
Knowledge  ;  and  let  it  above  the  teach  of  future  OBjeHitns. 

•>  See  Sea.  1.  i}.i+. 

Vol.  I.  D  is 


i8  Preliminaries.  Sedl.IIL 

is  nolonger  the  dry  Light  of  Heraclittts  ;  but  the  drenched  one,  fteepsd  in  the 
humours  of  the  affeftions. 

7.  (4.)  The  third  point  deferves  to  be  more  dwelt  upon.  For  if  any  man 
fh.ill  think,  by  Iiis  enquiries  after  material  things,  to  difcover  the  nature,  or 
will,  of  God,  h;  is  indeed  fpoilsd  by  ■I'rt.'^Pfii/o/e/'/;)' ;  for  the  contemplation 
of  God's  works  produces  Knowledge  ;  tho',  with  regard  to  him,  not 
perfe<5l  Knowledge,  bu:Wonder,  which  is  broken  Knowledge.  It  may  there- 
fore b^  properly  faid,  I'hat  the  Seiife  refenibles  tbe  Sun,  which  fieivs  the  terre- 
Jlriiil  Glebe  ;  but  conceals  the  celejlial.  For  thus  the  Senfe  difcovers  natural 
things,  whilft  it  fhuts  up  divine.  And  hence  fome  learned  men  have  indeed 
been  heretical  ■,  whilft  they  fought  to  feize  the  fecrets  of  the  Deity,  born  on 
the  waxen  wings  of  the  fenfes. 
Thitt  Know  8.  (5.)  As  to  the  point  that  too  much  Knowledge  fhould  incline  to  Aiheiftn, 
lectie  does  not  ^^d  the  ignorance  of  fecond  caufes  make  us  more  dependant  upon  God,  we 
Aiheifm."  ^^^  Jf^'s  Q-.ieftion :  ^'-  TFill  'je  lye  for  God,  as  one  man  will  do  for  another  ;  to 
gratify  him  ?"  For  certainly  God  works  nothing  in  Nature  but  by  fecond 
CauLs ;  and  to  affert  the  contrary  is  mere  impofture,  as  it  were  in  favour  of 
God  ;  and  offering  up  to  the  author  of  truth,  the  unclean  facrifice  of  a  lye. 
And  tho' a  fuperfi  ial  tinfture  of  Philofophy  may  incline  the  mind  to  Atheifm, 
yet  a  farther  knowledge  brings  it  back  to  Religion ' :  for  to  reft  in  the  en- 
trance of  Philofophy,  where  fecond  caufes  appear,  may  induce  fome  obli- 
vion of  the  higheft  c  lufe  •,  but  when  we  go  deeper,  and  fee  the  dependance 
of  cauf  s,  and  the  works  of  Providence,  we  fhall  eafily  perceive  that  the  upper 
link  of  nature's  chain  is  fnjlned  to  Jupiter' j  throne.  To  conclude,  let  no  one 
weakly  imiigine,  that  men  can  fearch  too  far,  or  be  too  well  ftudied  in  the 
Book  of  God's  word,  and  works.  Divinity  and  Philofophy  ;  but  rather  let 
them  endeavour  an  endlefs  progreffion  in  bothi  only  applying  all  to  chari- 
ty, and  not  to  pride  ;  to  ufe,  not  oftentation  ;  without  confounding  the  two 
different  ftreams  of  Philofophy  and  Revelation  together''. 
Learning  de-  11.  9.  The  R  .flf^ftions  caft  uponLearning  by  Politicians,  are  thefe,  (i .) "  that- 
fendedfromthe  <■<■  it  enervates  mens  minds,  and  unfits  them  for  Arms -,  (2.)  that  it  perverts 
charge  ofPo-  n  their  difpofitions  for  Government  and  Politicksi  (3.)  that  it  makes  them  too 
*'  curious  and  irrefolute,  by  variety  of  reading  ;  too  peremptory  or  poficive 
"  by  ftridnrfs  of  rul  s  •,  too  immoderate  and  conceited  by  the  greatnefs  of 
"  inftan:es;  too  unfociable  and  unfuitable  for  the  times,  by  the  difTimilitude 
"  of  examples  ^  or  ?.t  leaft,  (4.)  that  it  diverts  from  adion  and  bufinefs,  and 
"  leads  to  a  love  of  retirement ;  (5.)  that  it  introduces  a  relaxation  in  Govern- 
"  ment,  whilft  every  man  is  more  ready  to  argue  than  obey  ;  (6.)  that  Caio 
"  the  Cenfor,  wh  n  Carneades  came  Emballidor  to  Rome,  and  the  young  Ro- 
"  »zfl«j  flock'd  about  him,  allured  with  his  Eloquence,  gave  counfel  in  open 
"  Senate,  to  grant  him  his  difpatch  immediately,  left  he  fhould  infcd  the 
"  minds  of  the  youth,  and  infeniibly  occafion  an  alteration  in  the  State," 

10. 

^  See  more  upon  this  Head  in  the  Author's  'Effty  on  Atheifm;  and  Mr.  Bcyle'i  'EJfays  upon 
the  Ulefulnefs  of  Philofophy. 

''  The  Dilpute  betwixt  i\m  rational  :inii  fcriptural  Divines  is  ftiU  on  foot:  the  former  are 
for  reconciling  Rcalbn  and  Piiiloibphy  \vit,i  Fai^h  a'ld  R:ligion  j  and  the  latter  for  keeping  th^m 
diftmil,  as  th'mgs  incompitable  ;  or  makmj;  Rcalbn  and  K.nowlcdge  fubjeft  to  Faith  and  Re- 
ligioi.  The  Author  is  clear,  that  they  lliotild  be  kt-pt  fcparatcj  as  will  mo'-e  fully  appear  here- 
after, when  he  com  is  to  kick  oi  Theology.     See  tie  Au^m.  Sclent.  Stci.  XXVIl. 


Se(5>.  III.  Preliminaries.  ig 

10.  (i.)  But  thefe  and  the  like  Imputations  have  rathera  fhew  of  gravity,  TAafLMrnraj- 
than  any  jull:  ground:  for  experience  fliews  l\\xz  Le.-irning  and  y/rw,r,    \xx-vQ''"<i  ■^'"'"i 
flourilhed  in  tiie  fame  perlbns,  and  ages.     As  to  perfons,  there  are  no  better f^,''^f/^^f^'' 
inftances  than  Alexander  and  Ceefar,  the  one  yfri/?o//c's  Scholar  in  Philorophy,ffr/o»j. 

and  the  other  Cicero's  rival  in  eloquence  ■■,  and  again,  Epaminondas  and  Xc- 
>ioph>!,  the  one  whereof  firft  abated  the  power  of  ^/'«r/^?,  and  th;;  other  firft 
pav'd  the  way  for  fubverting  the  Perfian  monarchy. 

11.  This  concurrence  of  Le.irning  znd  yirms,  is  yet  more  vifible  in  times ^nJ  in  the 
than  in  perfons,  as  an  age  exceeds  a  man.  For  in  .'Egypt,  AJfyria,  PcrfiaJtmeTimei. 
Greece,  wnARome,  the  times  moft  famous  for  Arms  are  likewife  moft  admired 

for  Learning  •,  fo  that  the  greateft  Authors  and  Philofophers,  the  greatefl 
Leaders  and  Governours,  have  lived  in  the  (iime  ages.  Nor  can  it  well  be 
otherwifc  :  for  as  the  fulnefsof  human  ftrength,  both  in  body  and  mind, comes 
nearly  at  an  age  •,  fo  Arms  and  Learning,  one  whereof  correfponds  to  the 
body,  the  other  to  the  foul,  have  a  near  concurrence  in  point  of  time. 

12.  (2.)  And  that  Learning  fhould  rather  prove  detrimental  than  fervice- rwr»;»^  «/ 
able  in  the  Art  of  Government,  feems  very  improbable  :  It  is  wrong  to  rriift/^'"^""''"  ^^»- 
the  natural  body  to  Empiricks,  who  commonly  have  a  few  receipts  whereon'^"'^'*'"*"'* 
they  rely  ;  but  know  neither  the  caufes  of  difeafes,  nor  the  conftiturions  of  pa- 
tients,  nor  the  danger  of  accidents,  nor  the  true  methods  of  cure.     And  fo  it 

muft  needs  be  dangerous  to  have  the  civil  Body  of  States  managed  by  empiri- 
cal Statefmen,  unlefswell  mix'd  with  others  who  are  grounded  in  Learning. 

13.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  almoft  without  inftance,  that  any  government 
was  unprofperous  under  learned  Governours.  For  however  common  it  has 
been  with  Politicians  to  diicredit  learned  men,  by  the  name  oi  Pedants  ;  yec 
it  appears  from  Hiftory,  that  the  governments  of  princes  in  minority  have  ex- 
celled the  governments  of  princes  in  maturity  -,  merely  becauie  the  man^'ge- 
ment  was  in  learned  hands.  The  (late  of  Rome  for  the  firft  five  years,  fo 
much  magnified,  during  the  minority  of  Ntro,  was  in  the  hands  of  Seneca,  a 
Pedant :  fo  it  was  for  ten  years,  during  the  minority  of  Gordiavus  the  younger, 
with  great  applaufe  in  the  hands  of  Mjitheus,  a  Pedant:  and  it  was  as  hap- 
py before  that,  in  xhs  minority  of  Alexander  Severus,  under  the  rule  of  wo- 
men, afTifted  by  Preceptors.  And  to  look  into  the  government  of  the 
Bifliops  of  Rome,  particularly  that  of  Pius,  and  Sextus  ^'inttis,  who  were 
both  at  their  entrance  efteemed  but  pedantical  Friars,  we  fhull  find  that  fuch 
Popes  did  greater  things,  and  proceeded  upon  truer  principles  of  State,  than 
thofe  who  rofe  to  the  Papacy  from  an  education  in  civil  affairs,  and  the  Courts 
of  Princes.  For  the'  men  bred  to  Learning  are  perhaps  at  a  lofs  in  points  of 
convenience,  and  prefent  accommodations,  caWed  Renfons  of  State;  yet  they 
are  perftd  in  the  plain  grounds  of  religion,  juftice,  honour  and  moral  vir- 
tue, which  if  well  purfued,  there  will  be  as  little  ufe  of  Reafons  of  State,  as  of 
Phyfick  in  a  healthy  conftitution.  Nor  can  the  experience  of  one  man's  life, 
furnifh  Examples  and  Precedents  for  another's:  prefent  Occurrences  frequently 
correfpond  to  ancient  examples,  better  than  to  later.  And  laftly,  the  Ge- 
nius of  any  fingle  man   can  no  more  equal  Learning,  than  a  private  purfc 

hold  way  with  the  Exchequer.  How  Learn- 

14.  (3.)  As  to  the  particular  Indifpofitions  of  the  Mind,  for  Politicks  and'"g  "/"^/'^^ 

Government.,  laid  to  the  charge  of  Learning,  if  they  are  aliow'd  of  any  force,  itff''^,^7e  p*- 

D  2  vciu^imdc,. 


20 


Preliminaries. 


Sea.III. 


Pfhether 
Learning  Jif- 
fofes  to  Indo- 
tnce. 


muft  be  remembred,  that  Learning  affords  more  Remedies,  than  it  breeds  Difea- 
fes :  for  if,  by  a  fecret  operation,  it  renders  Men  perplexed  and  irrefolute ;  on  the 
other  hand,  by  plain  precept,  it  teaches  when,  and  upon  what  grounds  to  re- 
folve,  and  how  to  carry  things  in  fufpence,  without  prejudice  :  if  it  makes  Men 
pofitive  and  Riff,  it  fliews  what  things  are  in  their  nature  demonllrative,  what 
conjedlural ;  and  teaches  theufe  of  DiftiniSlions  and  Exceptions,  as  well  as  the 
rigidnefs  of  Principles  and  Rules.  If  it  mifleads,  by  the  unfuitablenefs  of 
Examples,  itfhews  the  force  of  Circumftances,  the  Errors  of  Comparifons, 
and  t\\t  Cautions  of  Application ;  fo  that  in  all  cafes,  it  rectifies  more  ef- 
fedtually  than  it  perverts :  And  thefe  Remedies  it  conveys  into  the  Mind 
much  more  effeftually,  by  the  force  and  variety  of  Examples.  Let  a  Man 
look  into  the  Errors  of  Clement  the  Seventh,  fo  livelily  defcribed  by  Guic- 
ciardwe;  or  into  thofe  of  Cicero,  defcribed  by  himfelf  in  his  Epiflles  to  Jt- 
iicus,  and  he  will  fly  from  being  irrefolute  :  Let  him  look  into  the  Errors  of 
Phocion,  and  he  will  beware  of  Obflinacy,  or  Inflexibility  :  Let  him  read  the 
Fable  of  Ixion,  and  it  will  keep  him  from  Conceitednefs :  Let  him  look  in- 
to the  Errors  of  Cato  the  Second,  and  he  will  never  tread  oppofice  to  the 
World. 

15.  (4.)  For  the  pretence  that  Learning  difpoCes  to  Retirement,  Privacy, 
and  Sloth  ;  it  were  flrange  if  what  accufloms  the  Mind  to  perpetual  Motiorr, 
and  Agiiation,  fhould  induce  Indolence  ;  whereas  no  kind  of  Men  love  bufi- 
finefs,  for  its  own  fake,  but  the  Learned  ;  whilfl  others  love  it  for  profit,  as 
Hirelings  for  the  Wages ;  others  for  honour  •,  others  becaufe  it  bears  them  up 
in  the  eyes  of  men,  and  refrefhes  their  Reputations ;  which  would  otherwile 
fade ;  or  becaufe  it  reminds  them  of  their  Fortune,  and  gives  them  oppor- 
tunities of  revenging,  and  obliging  •,  or  becaufe  it  exercifes  fome  faculty, 
wherein  they  delight,  and  fo  keeps  them  in  good-humour  with  themfelves,  &c. 
Whence,  as  falfe  Valour  lies  in  the  eyes  of  the  Beholders,  fuch  Men's  In- 
duftry  lies  in  the  eyes  of  others,  or  is  exercifed  with  a  view  to  their  own  De- 
figns  ;  whilfl  the  Learned  love  Bufinefs,  as  an  Adlion  according  to  Nature, 
and  agreeable  to  the  Health  of  the  Mind,  as  Exercile  is  to  that  of  the  Body  : 
Whence,  of  all  Men,  they  are  the  mofc  indefatigable  in  fuch  bufmefs  as 
may  defervedly  fill  and  employ  the  Mind.  And  if  there  are  any  laborious 
in  Study,  yet  idle  in  Bufinefs ;  this  proceeds  either  from  a  Weaknefs  of  Body, 
or  a  Softnefs  of  Difpofition  ;  and  not  from  Learning  itfelf :  The  Confciouf- 
nefs  of  fuch  a  Difpofition  may  indeed  incline  a  Man  to  Learning,  but  Learn- 
ing does  not  breed  any  fuch  Temper  in  him. 
ivhtshrr  16.  If  it  be  objeded,  that  Learning  takes  up  much  time,  which  might  be 

Learning  »3//-  better  employ'd  ;  I  anfwer,  that  the  moft  adlive  or  bufy  Men  have  many 
ttn^^oys  Tune.  ^^^..^^^  hours,  while  they  expedt  the  tides  and  returns  of  Bufinefs ;  and  thea 
the  queftion  is,  how  thofe  Spaces  of  Leifure  fliall  be  fill'd  up,  whether  with 
PJeafure,  or  Study  ?  No  fear,  therefore,  that  Learning  fhould  diiplace  Bufi- 
nefs ;  for  it  rather  keeps,  and  defends  the  Mind  againft  Idlenefs,  and  Plea- 
fure  i  which  might  othcrwife  enter,  to  the  prejudice  both  of  Bufinefs  and 
Learning. 

17.  (5.)  Again,  for  the  Allegation  that  Learning  fhould  undermine  the 
Reverence  due  to  Laws  and  Government,  it  is  a  mere  Calumny,  without 
jfhadow  of  Truth.    For  to  fay,  that  blind  Cuftom  of  Obedience  fliould  be 


Sed.  III.  PRELIAilNARIES.  21 

a  fafer  Obligation,  than  Duty,  taught  and  underftood  •,  is  to  fliy,  that  a  blind 
Man  may  tread  furer  by  a  Guide,  than  a  Man  with  his  Eyes  open  can  by  a 
Light.  And,  doubtlefs.  Learning  makes  the  Mind  gentle  and  pliable  to  Go- 
vernment;  whereas  Ignorance  renders  it  churlifh  and  mutinous:  and 'tis  al- 
ways found,  tliat  the  moft  barbarous,  rude,  and  ignorant  Times,  have  been 
moit  tumultuous,  changeable,  and  feditious. 

1 8.  (6.)  As  to  the  Judgment  of  Caio  the  Cenfor,  he  was  puniHi'd  for  his  Caxo's^tidg- 
Contempt  oi  Learning.,  in  the  kind  wherein  he  offended  -,  for  when  pall:  three-  mctofLeita- 
fcore,  the  humour  took  him  to  learn  Greek:   which  fnews  that  his  former '"^' 
Cenfure  of  the  Grecian  Learning  was  rather  an  affefted  Gravity,  than  his  in- 
ward Senfe.     And  indeed  the  Romans  never  arrived  at  their  height  of  Em- 
pire, till  they  had  arrived  at  their  height  of  Arts,     For  in  the  time  of  the 
two  fiifl  Cirfars,  when  their  Government  was  in  its  grcateil:  perfeclion,  there 
lived  the  bell  Poet,  Virgil;  the  beft  Hiftoriographer,  Livy  ;  the  beft  Anti- 
quary, Varro ;  and  the  beft,  or  fecond  beft  Orator,  Cicero,  that  the  world 
has  known.     And  let  this  ferve  for  an  Anfwer  to  thofe  Politicians,  who,  in 
a  humorous  Severity,  or  affefted  Gravity,  have  thrown  Imputations  upoa 
Learning '. 

III.  19.  We  come  now  to  that  fort  of  Dzyirf ii/,  which  isbroughtuponLearn-  Learning  ^?- 
ing  by  learned  Men  themfelves:    And  this  proceeds  either  (i.)  from  their -^^"  ^^-{^^^ 
Fortune;  (2.)  their  Manners;  or  (3.)  the  nature  of  their  Studies.  brought  on 

(i.)  The  Difrepute  of  Learning  from  the  Fortune,  or  Condition  of  xht  it  ty  the 
Learned,  regards  either  their  Indigence,  Retirement,  or  Meannefs  of  Employ.     ■^*'"'"*''- 

20.  As  to  the  point,  that  learned  Men  grow  not  fo  foon  rich  as  others,  be-  The  Poverty 
catife  they  convert  not  their  Lahours  to  Profit  ;  we  might  turn  it  over  to  the  oftheLearved.. 
Friars,  of  whom  Machiavel  {aid,  "  That  the  Kingdom  of  the  Clergy  had 
"  been  long  fince  at  an  end,  if  the  Reputation  and  Reverence  towards  the 
"  Poverty  of  the  Monks  and  Mendicants  had  not  born  out  the  Exccffes  of 
"  Bifijops  and  Prelates  :'*  For  fo  the  Splendor  and  Magnificence  of  the 
Great  had  long  fince  funk  into  Rudenefs  and  Barbarifm,  if  the  Poverty  of 
learned  Men  had  not  kept  up  Civility  and  Reputation.  But  to  drop  fuch 
Advantages,  it  is  worth  obferving,  how  reverend  and  facred,  Poverty  was 
efteemed  for  fome  Ages  in  xht  Roman  Szitt ;  fince,  as  Livy  fays,  There  never 
was  a  Republic  greater,  more  venerable,  and  more  abounding  in  good  Exam^lei, 
than  the  Roman  ;  nor  one  that  fo  long  withjlood  Avarice  and  Luxury  •,  or  fo 
much  honoured  Poverty  and  Parcimony.  And  we  fee,  when  Rotne  degenerated, 
how  Julius  Cafar,  after  his  Vidlory,  was  counfel'd  to  begin  the  Rcftoration 
of  the  State  -,  by  abolifhing  the  Reputation  of  Wealth.  And  indeed,  as  we 
truly  fay  that  Blufliing  is  the  Livery  of  Virtue,  tho'  it  may  fometimes  pro- 
ceed from  Guilt ;  fo  it  holds  true  of  Poverty,  that  it  is  the  Attendant  of  Vir- 
tue, tho'  fometimes  it  may  proceed  from  mifraanagement  and  accident  ^ 

21. 

'  Moft  of  the  Exceptions  made  to  Learning,  may  proceed  from  a  mifunderftanding  of  the 
word,  rather  than  from  anydefedl  in  the  thing.  Lfar»('n^  is  often  taken  for  a  difagreeable,  prag- 
matical, or  pedantick  Temper  and  Behaviour,  in  many  of  thole  called  learned  Men;  but  if 
Knowledge  -weie  fubftituted  for  the  word  Learning,  mod  Difputes  of  this  kind  are  at  an  end: 
for  who  will  fay  of  Knowledge,  that  is  of  the  eflential  part  of  acquired  Learning,  that  it  unfits 
Men  for  any  Officeof  Life  ?  So  that  if  any  Objetfion  ftill  remains,  it  fhould  rather  feem  to  he 
againft  the  accidental  Attendants,  or  Concomitants,  of  Learning,  than  Learning  itfelf. 

*•  The  principal   Reaion  why  PhiiofophcrS;  and  learned  Men,  fail  of  railing  Eftates,   ieems-to. 

be 


22  Preliminaries.  Secfl.III. 

Their  Privacy      2  1.  As  for  Retirement,  it  is  a  Theme  fo  common,  to  extol  a  private  Life, 
ef  Life.  ^^j-  taxed  with  S;nfualiry  and  Sloth,  for  the  liberty,  the  pLnifure,  and  the  free- 

dom from  Indignity  it  affords,  that  every  one  touches  it  well :  fuch  an  agree- 
ment it  has  to  the  Nature  and  Apprehenfions  of  Mankind.     This  may  be 
added,  that  learned  Men,  forgotten  in  States,  and  not  living  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  are  like  the  Images  of  CaJJius  and  Brutus  at  the  Funeral  oijunia  ; 
which  not  being  reprefented,  as  many  others  were,  Tacitus  faid  of  them,  that 
the-j  out-jhone  the  rejl,  becaufe  not  feen. 
Their  Mean-       2  >.  As  for  their  Meannefs  of  Employ  ;  that  moft  expofed  to  contempt,  is 
nefs  of  Employ,  [he  Education  of  Youth  ;  to  which  they  are  commonly  allotted.     But  how 
unjuit  this  Reflcftion  is,  will  appear  to  all  who  meafure  things,  ijot  by  po- 
pular Opinion,  but  by  Reafon.     And  to  fay  the  truth,  how  much  foever 
the  L.ives  of  Pedants  have  been  ridicul'd  upon  the  Stage,  as  the  Emblem  of 
Tyranny  •,  becaufe  the  modern  Loofenefs,  or  Negligence,  has  not  duly  re- 
garded the  choice  of  proper  School-Mailers  and  Turors  ;  yet  the  Wifdom  of 
the  ancientefb  and  beft  Times  always  complain'd,  that  States  were  too  bufy 
with  Laws,  and  too  remifs  in  the  point  of  Education.      This  excellent  Part 
of  ancient  Difcipline,  has,  in  fome  meafure,  been  revived  of  late  by  the  Col- 
lege of  Jefuits  abroad  •,  in  which  particular,  they  dcferve  our  Imitation  ». 
The  Manners        23.  (2.)  The  Manners  of  learned  Men,  are  perfonal,  and  of  all  kinds  v  as 
oftheLearneJ.  Jq  other  Profeffions  -,  for  particular  Studies  have  their  particular  Influence  up- 
on mens  minds.      But,  to  view  the  thing  impartially,  no  Difgrace  can  be 
reflefted  upon  Learning  from  the  Manners  of  learned  Men,  not  inherent  in 
them  as  learned  ;  unlefs  it  be  a  fault,  that  the  Times  they  read  of  are  com- 
monly better  than  the  Times  they  live  in  ;  and  the  Duties  taught,  better 
than  the  Duties  pradlifed.     'Tis  true,  they  fometimes  over-earneftly  endea- 
vour to  bring  things  to  perfeftion ;  and  to  reduce  Morality  to  Precepts,  or 
Examples  of  too  great  height ;  tho'  they  have  Cautions  enow  in  their  Books 
againft  fuch  a  Procedure,     o 
Their  prefer-        24.  (3.)  Another  Fault .\?a<A  to  the  charge  of  learned  Men,  and  arifing 
ring  their       from  the  nature  of  their  Studies ;  is,   "  that  they  efleem  the  Prefervation,  Good., 
^o"'he?r'own    "  ^nd  Honour  of  their  Country,  before  their  czcn  Fortunes  or  Safeties."     De- 
mofthenes  faid  well  to  the  Athenians ;  "  My  Counfels  are  not  fuch,  as  tend 
"  to  aggrandize  me,  and  dimiftilh  you  ;  but  fometimes  not  expedient  for 
"  me  to  give,   tho'  always  expedient  for  you  to  follow."     So  Seneca,  after 
confecrating  the  five  Years  of  Nero's  Minority,  to  the  immortal  Glory  of 
learned  Governours,  held  on  his  honeft  courfe  of  good  Counfel,  after  his 
Mailer  grew  extremely  corrupt.     Nor  can  this  be  otherwife  •,  for  Learning 
gives  Men  a  true  fer>fe  of  their  Frailty,  the  Cafuaky  of  Fortune,  and  the 
Dignity  of  the  SouLand  its  Office;  whence  they  cannot  think  any  Greatnefs  of 
Fortune  a  v^orthy  End  of  their  Living-,  and  therefore  live  fo  as  to  give  a  clear 
and  acceptable  Account  to  God,  and  their  Superiors :  whilft  the  corrupter 
fort  of  Politicians,  who  are  not,  by  Learning,  eftablifhed  in  a  love  of  Duty,  ■ 
nor  ever  look  abroad  into  Univerfality,  refer  all  things  to  themfelves  -,  and 

thruft 

be  their  regard  to  Univerftlity,  or  a  great  variety  of  Particulars;  whereas  a  ftrong  attachment 
and  tixednefs  to  fome  one  Thing,  with  a  difregaid  of  all  others,  is  the  diredl  way  of  railing  a 
Fortune. 

*  The  chief  Reafon  why   the  Jefuits  make   fuch  excellent  Tutors,  is,  p»rhap;,  their. being 
verfed  in  civil,  as  well  as  collegiate  Life :  fo  as  to  join  the  Gentleman  with  the  Scholar. 


Se(5l.III.  Preliminaries.  23' 

thriift  into  the  Center  of  the  World,  as  if  all  Lines  fhould  meet  in  them 
and  their  Fortunes  ■,  without  regarding,  in  Storms,  what  becomes  of  the  Ship 
of  the  State,  if  they  can  five  themfelves  in  the  Cockboat  of  their  own 
Fortune. 

25.  Another  Charge  brought  againft  learned  Men,  which  may  rather  be  i'^'"''  'P^Hure 
defend..'d  than  denied,   is,  "  that  the)  fomet'imes  fad  in  maki>:g  court  to  parti-  '"  f^"^  "f 

*'  cidar  Perfons."  This  want  of  application  arifcs  from  two  Caufes ;  the  ^ApflkiuLm, 
one,  the  largenefs  of  their  Mind,  which  can  hardly  fubmit  to  dwell  in  the 
Examination  and  Obfervance  of  any  one  Perfon :  tho'  he  who  cannot  con- 
tradt  the  fight  of  his  Mind,  as  well  as  dilate  it,  wants  a  great  Talent  in  Life. 
The  fecond  Caufe,  is  no  Inability,  but  a  Rejeftion  upon  Choice  and  Judg- 
ment, For  the  honeft  and  juft  Limits  of  Obfervation  in  one  Perfon  upon 
another,  extend  no  farther  than  to  underftand  him  fufficiently  -,  (o  as  to  give 
him  no  offence,  or  be  able  to  counfcl  him,  or  to  (land  upon  reafonable  guard 
and  caution  with  refped  to  one's  fclf :  But  to  pry  deep  into  another  Man,  to 
learn  to  work,  wind,  or  govern  him,  proceeds  from  a  double  Heart ;  which, 
in  Friendfhip,  is  want  of  Integrity,  and  towards  Princes  or  Superiors,  wane 
of  Duty.  The  Eajlern  Cuftom,  which  forbids Subjeds  to  gaze  upon  Princes, 
tho'  in  the  outward  Ceremony  barbarous,  has  a  good  Moral ;  for  Men  ought 
not,  by  cunning  and  ftudied  Obfervations,  to  penetrate  and  fearch  into  the 
Hearts  of  Kings ;  which  the  Scripture  declares  infcrutabk. 

26.  Another  i-'i/^// noted  in  learned  Men,  is,   "  that  they  often  fail  in  point  Their  Tallure- 
"  of  Difcretion  and  Decency    of  Behaviour  ;    and  comtnit  Errors  in    ordinary  '"  ^"^^'"J- 

"  J^ions ;  whence  vulgar  Capacities  judge  of  them  in  greater  matters, 
•'  by  what  they  find  them  in  fmall."  But  this  Confequence  often  deceives. 
For  we  may  herejuftly  apply  the  Saying  of  Themijlocles ;  who  being  asked 
to  touch  a  Lute,  reply'd,  "  he  could  not  fiddle  •,  but  he  could  make  a  little 
"  Village  a  great  City."  Accordingly  many  may  be  well  skilled  in  Govern- 
ment and  Policy,  who  are  to  feek  in  little  Pundlilio's.  So  Plato  compared 
his  Mafter  Socrates  to  the  Shop- Pots  of  Apothecaries,  painted  on  the  out- 
fide  with  Apes  and  Owls,  and  Antiques  ;  but  contain'd  fovereign  and  pre- 
cious Remedies. 

27.  But  we  have  nothing  to  offer  in  excufe  of  thofe  unworthy  Prauf ices,  ThehTempc- 
wherely  fome  Profejfors  have  dcbafed  both  tbefnfelves  and  Learning:    as  the '''^"'•^' ^^''•'" 
trencher  PhUofophers,  who,  in  the  decline  of  the  Roman  State,  were  but  a   "^  '""^' 
kind  of  folemn  Parafites.     Ltician  makes  merry  with  this  kind  of  Gentry, 

by  defcribing  a  Philofopher  riding  in  a  Coach  with  a  great  Lady,  who  would 
needs  have  him  carry  her  Lap-dog  ;  which  he  doing  with  an  aukward  Offici- 
oufnefs,  the  Page  faid,  "  he  feared  the  Stoick  would  turn  Cxnick."  But  a- 
bove  all,  the  grofs  Flattery,  wherein  many  abufe  their  "Wit,  by  turning  He- 
cuba into  Hellena,  and  Faujli:m  into  Lucretia,  has  moft  diminifhed  the  Va- 
lue and  Efleem  of  Learning.  Neither  is  the  modern  Pfaftice  of  Dedications 
commendable  :  for  Books  f::ould  have  no  Patrons,  but  Truth  and  Reafon. 
And  the  ancient  Cuftom  was,  to  dedicate  them  only  to  private  and  equal 
Friends  ;  or  if  to  Kings  and  Great  Perfons,  it  was  to  fuch  as  the  Subjeft 
fuited.  Thefe,  and  the  like  meafures,  therefore,  deferve  rather  to  be  cenfured 
than  defended.  Yet  the  SubmilTion  of  learned  Men  to  thofe  in  power,  cannot 
be  condemned.     Diogenes,  to  one  who  ask'd  him,  "  how  it  happen'd  that 

'    '^  Philo- 


14  Preliminaries.  Sed:.III. 

"  Philofophers  follow'd  the  Rich,    and  not  the  Rich  the  Philofophers  ?'* 
anfwer'd,    "  becaufe  the  Philofophers  know  what  they  want,  but  the  Rich 
"  do  not."     And  of  the  like  nature  was  the  Anfwer  of  Arijlippus,  who  ha- 
ving a  Petition  to  Dionyfms,  and  no  ear  given  him,  fell  down  at  his  feet  \ 
whereupon  DioKyJius  gave  him  the  hearing,   and  granted  the  fuit :  but  when 
afterwards  Anjlippus  was  reproved  for  offering  fuch  an  Indignity  to  Philofo- 
phy,  as  to  fall  at  a  Tyrant's  Feet,  he  reply'd,    "  it  was  not  his  fliult,   if 
'•  jDw;aV?«j's  Ears  were  in  his  Feet."     Nor  was  it  accounted  Weaknefj,   but 
Difcretion  in  him  that  would  not  difpute  his  beft  with  the  Emperor  Adrian  ; 
cxcufing    himfelf,    "  that   it  was    reafonable  to  yield    to   one  that  com- 
*'  manded  thirty  Legions."     Thefe,  and  the  like  Condefcenfions  to  points 
of  Neceffity  and  Convenience,  cannot  be  difallow'd  :  for  tho'  they  may  have 
fome  fhew  of  external  Meannefs  •,  yet,  in  a  Judgment  truly  made,  they  are 
Submiffions  to  the  Occafioi.,  and  not  to  the  Per/on  *. 
Errersin  the       IV.  28,  We  proceed  to  the  Errors  and  Fanities  intermixed  with  the  Studies 
Studies  of  the  ^y  ig^med  Men  ;  wherein  the  Defign  is  not  to  countenance  fuch  Errors,  but, 
by  a  Ccnfure  and  Separation   thereof,  to  juilify  what  is  found  and  good  : 
For  'tis  the  manner  of  Men,  efpecially  the  evil-minded,  to  depreciate  what 
is  excellent  and  virtuous,  by  taking  advantage  over  what  is  corrupt  and  de- 
Three  princi-  generate.     We  reckon  three  principal  Fanities,  for  which  Learning  has  been 
falDifeafes  in  traduced.     Tiiofe  Things  are  ^'fl^«,  which  are  either  falfe  or  frivolous ;  or  de- 
Learning.        ficient  in  Truth  or  Ufe:  and  thofe  Perfons  :\rcvain,  who  are  either  credulous 
of  Falfities,  or  curious  in  things  of  little  ufe.     But  Curiofity  confifts  either 
in  Matter  or  JVords ;  that  is,  either  in  taking  pains  about  vain  "Things-,  or  too 
much  labour  about  the  Delicacy  of  Language.     There  are  therefore  in  reafon, 
as  well  as  experience,  three  Diftempers  of  Learning  ;    viz.  vain  AffeBations, 
vain  Difputes,  and  vain  Imaginations  ;    or  effeminate  Learning  ;    contentious 
Learning  ;  and  fantaftical  Learning. 
Luxnrlancy  of     29.  The  firft  Difeafe,  which  confifts  in  a  Luxuriancy  of  Style,  has  been  an- 
style.  ciently  efteemed,  at  different  times,  but  fbrangely  prevail'd  about  the  time 

of  Luther  ;  who  finding  how  great  a  Task  he  had  undertaken  againft  the  de- 
generate Traditions  of  the  Church,  and  being  unadifted  by  the  Opinions  of 
his  own  Age,  was  forced  to  awake  Antiquity  to  make  a  Party  for  him. 
Whence  the  ancient  Authors,  both  in  Divinity,  and  the  Humanities,  that 
had  long  flept  in  Libraries,  began  to  be  generally  read.  This  brought  on 
a  neceflity  of  greater  application  to  the  original  Languages,  wherein  thofe 
Authors  wrote  •,  for  the  better  undcrftanding,  and  applying  their  Works, 
Hence  alfo  proceeded  a  delight  in  their  manner  of  Style,  and  Phrafe,  and  an 
admiration  of  this  kind  of  Writing,  which  was  much  increafed  by  the  En- 
mity now  grown  up  againft  the  School-men ;  who  were  generally  of  the 
contrary  Party  -,  and  whofe  Writings  were  in  a  very  different  Style  and  Form  : 
as  taking  the  liberty  to  coin  new  and  ftrange  Words,  to  avoid  Circumlocu- 
tion, and  exprels  their  Sentiments  acutely  -,  without  regard  to  Purity  of 
Di6tion,and  Juftnefs  of  Phrafe.  And  again,  becaufe  the  great  Labour  then  was 
to  win  and  perfuade  the  People ;  Eloquence  and  variety  of  Difcourfe  grew 
I  into 

*  And  hence  the  Author,  in  the  original  of  this  Piece,  and  leveral  others,  ufcd  many  Apo- 
ftrophes  and  Compliments  to  King  'fames  the  Fiift:  but  as  neither  the  Occajion,  nor  the  ttrfon 
lublill  any  longer,  it  was  thought  proper  to  drop  fuch  Digreflions  in  this  Edition. 


Sed.  III.  Preliminaries. 

into  requeft,  as  mofl:  fuicable  for  the  Pulpit,  and  beft  adapted  to  the  Capa- 
city of  the  Vulgar  ;  lb  that  theie  four  Caufes  concurring,  viz.  (i.)  Admi- 
ration of  the  Ancients ;  (2.)  Enmity  to  the  School-men  ;  (3.)  an  exad:  Study 
of  Languages ;  and  (4.)  a  Define  of  powerful  Preaching,  introduced  an  af- 
feded  iTudy  of  Eloquence,  and  copioufnefs  of  Speech  ;  which  then  began  to 
flourifh.  This  foon  grew  to  excefs ;  infomuch,  that  Men  ftudy'd  more  after 
Words  than  Matter  -,  more  after  the  choicenefs  of  Phrafe,  and  the  round  and 
clean  Compofition,  fweet  Cadence  of  Periods,  the  ufe  of  Tropes  and  Figures  •, 
than  after  Weight  of  Matter,  Dignity  of  Subjeft,  Soundnefs  of  Argument, 
Life  of  Invention,  or  Depth  of  Judgment.  Then  grew  into  efteem,  the 
flowing  and  watry  Vein  of  Oj'oritis,  the  Portugal  Bifhop  ;  then  did  Stiirmius 
bellow  fuch  infinite  Pains  upon  Cicero  and  Hermcgenes  ;  then  did  Car  and 
Jfcham,  in  their  Leftures  and  Writings,  almoft  deify  Cicero  and  Demoflhc- 
iies ;  then  grew  the  Learning  of  the  School-men  to  be  utterly  defpifed, 
as  barbarous ;  and  the  whole  bent  of  thofe  Times,  was  rather  upon  Fulnefs 
than  Weight. 

29.  Here,  therefore,  is  the  firft  Dijlemper  of  Learning ;  uhen  Menftudy 
fVords,  and  not  Matter :  and,  though  we  have  given  an  Example  of  it  from 
later  Times,  yet  fuch  Levities  have,  and  will  be  found,  more  or  lefs,  in  all 
Ages.  And  this  muft  needs  difcredit  Learning,  even  with  vulgar  Capacities, 
when  they  fee  learned  Men's  Works  appear  like  the  firft  Letter  of  a  Patent ; 
which,  tho'  finely  flourifh'd,  is  Hill  but  a  Letter.  Pygmalion's  Frenzy  feems 
ii  good  Emblem  of  this  Vatiit^ :  for  Words  are  but  the  Images  of  Matter ; 
and  unlefs  they  have  Life  of  Reafon  and  Invention,  to  fall  in  love  with 
them  is  to  fall  in  love  with  a  Picture. 

30.  Yet  the  illuftrating  the  obfcurities  of  Philofophy,  with  fenfible  and 
plaiifible  Elocution,  is  not  haftily  to  be  condemned  :  For  hereof  we  have 
eminent  examples  in  Xenophon,  Cicero,  Seneca,  Plutarch,  and  Plalo^  ;  and  the 
thing  itfelf  is  of  great  ufe :  for  altho'  it  be  fome  hindrance  to  the  fevere 
Enquiry  after  Truth,  and  the  farther  progrefs  in  Philofophy,  that  it  fhould 
too  early  prove  fatisfaftory  to  the  Mind,  and  quench  the  defire  of  tarther 
fearch  ;  before  ajuft  period  is  made:  yet  when  we  have  occafion  for  Learn- 
ing and  Knowledge  in  civil  Life  ;  as  for  conference,  counfel,  perfuafion,  dif- 
courfe,  or  the  like  ;  we  find  it  ready  prepared  to  our  hands  in  the  Authors 
•who  have  wrote  in  this  way.  But  the  excefs  herein  is  fo  juftly  contemp- 
tible, that  as  Hercules,  when  he  faw  the  ftatue  of  Adonis,  who  was  the 
delight  of  Venus,  in  the  temple,  laid  with  indignation,  there  is  no  divinity  in 
thee;  fo  all  the  followers  of  ^^rrw/fj  in  Learning,  that  is,  the  more  fevere 
and  laborious  enquirers  after  Truth,  will  uefpife  thefe  delicades  and  affec- 
tations, as  trivial  and  effeminate. 

31.  This  luxuriant  6'/\/(f  was  fucceeded  by  another,  wliich,  the' more  ehafte, 
has  ftill  its  vanity  ;  as  turning  wholly  upon  pointed  expreflions,  and  fhort 
periods,  fo  as  to  appear  concile  and  round,  rather  than  difilifive  ;  by  which 
contrivance  the  whole  looks  more  ingenious  than  it  is.      Seneca  ufed  this 

*  M.  Fmitenelle  is  an  eminent  modern  Inftance  in  the  fame  way :  thus  particularly  his  Plu- 
rality of  liirlJs  renders  the  preJent  Syftem  of  Aftronomy  agreeably  familiar  j  as  his  Hiftory  of 
the  Koyal  Academy  embcliiihes  and  ejiplains  the  abftrufe  parts  of  Mathematicks,  and  Phi- 
iofophy. 

Vol.  L  £  kind 


^s 


26  Preliminaries.  ScS:.  III. 

kind  of  Style  profafely  •,  but  Tacitus  and  Pliny  vvitli  greater  moderation.  It 
has  alfo  begun  to  render  itfelf  acceptable  in  our  time.  But  to  fay  the  truth, 
its  admirers  are  only  the  men  of  a  middle  Genius,  who  think  it  adds  a  Dig- 
nity to  Learning  ;  whilft  thofe  of  folid  judgment  juftly  rejeft  it,  as  a  cer- 
tain Difeafe  of  Learning;  fince  it  is  no  more  than  a  jingle,  or  particular  quaint 
affeftation  of  words  ^.  And  fo  much  for  the  firjl  Difeafe  of  Learning. 
The  fecond  V.  ^2.  The  fecond  Difeafe  is  worfe  in  its  nature  than  the  former:  for  as 

Difeafe  of  the  Dignity  of  matter  exceeds  the  Beauty  of  words,  fo  Vanity  in  Matter  is  worfe 
Learnmg,vMa  ^^^^  Vanity  in  T-Fords :  whence  the  Precept  of  St.  Paul  is  at  all  times  feafona- 
ble  :  Avoid  prophane  and  vain  babblings ,  and  opfofttions  offciencefalflyfo  called. 
He  afllgns  two  marks  of  fufpefted  and  falfified  fcience:  the  one  novelty  and 
flrangenefs  of  terms ;  the  other /?rft7wyi  of  pofitions  ;  which  neceffarily  indu- 
ces oppofitions,  and  thence  queftionsand  altercations.  And  indeed,  as  ma- 
ny folid  fubftances  putrefy,  and  turn  into  worms ;  fo  does  found  Know- 
ledge often  putrefy  into  a  number  of  fubtle,  idle,  and  vermicular  Que- 
ftions,  that  have  a  certain  quicknefs  of  life  and  fpirit,  but  no  ftrength  of 
matter,  or  excellence  of  quality.  This  kind  of  degenerate  Learning  chiefly 
reign'd  among  the  Schoolmen  ;  who  having  fubtle  and  ftrong  Capacities,  abun- 
dance of  leifure,  and  but  fmall  variety  of  reading,  their  minds  b-iing  fhut 
up  in  a  few  Authors,  as  their  bodies  were  in  the  cells  of  their  monafteries, 
and  thus  kept  ignorant  both  oftheHiftory  of  Nature  and  Times  i  they» 
with  infinite  agitation  of  wit,  fpun  out  of  a  fmall  quantity  of  matter, 
thofe  laborious  webs  of  Learning,  which  are  extant  in  their  books.  For  the 
human  Mind,  if  it  afts  upon  matter,  and  contemplates  the  nature  of  Things, 
and  the  works  of  God,  operates  according  to  the  (luff,  and  is  limited  there- 
by •,  but  if  it  works  upon  itfelf,  as  the  fpider  does,  then  it  has  no  end : 
but  produces  cobwebs  of  learning,  admirable  indeed  for  the  finenefs  of  the 
thread  -,  but  of  no  fubftance  or  profit^. 
Tltemithoiof  33-  'This  unprofitable fuhtilty  is  of  two  kinds;  and  appears  either  in  the 
ihe Schoolmen.  {ahjeA,  when  that  is  fruiflefs  fpeculation  or  controverfy  -,  or  in  the  manner 
of  treating  it,  which  amongft  them  was  this:  Upon  every  particular  pof:- 
tioii  they  framed  objections,  and  to  thofe  objeftions  folutions  •,  which  folu- 
tions  were  generally  not  confutations,  but  diftinftions  ;  whereas  the  ftrength 
of  all  Sciences,  is  like  the  ftrength  of  a  faggot  bound.  For  the  harmony  of 
a  Science,  when  each  part  fupporcs  the  other,  is  the  true  and  fhort  confuta- 
tion ofall  the  fmaller  objeftions ;  on  the  contrary,  to  take  out  every  axiom, 
as  the  fticks  of  the  figgot,  one  by  one,  you  may  quarrel  with  them,  and 
bend  them,  and  break  them  at  pleafure  :  whence,  as  it  was  faid  of  Seiieca^  that 
he  weakned  the  weight  of  things  by  trivial  expreffion  ;  we  may  truly  fay  of  the 
School-men,  that  they  broke  the  folidity  of  the  Sciences,  by  the  tninutenefs  of 
their  queftions.  For,  were  it  not  better  to  fet  up  one  large  light  in  a  noble 
room,  than  to  go  about  with  a  fmall  one,  to  illuminate  every  corner  there- 
of'  ?     Yet  fuch  is  the  method  of  the  School-men  i  that  refts  not  fo  much 

upon 

*  Since  the  eftablidiment  of  the  Irench  Actidemy,  a  ftudied  plainnefs,  and  fimplicity  of  ftyle, 
begins  to  prevail  in  that  Nation. 

*  For  the  Literary  Hijlory  of  the  Schoolmen,  fee  Morhof'i  Polyhifi.  Tom.  II.  Lib.  I.  Cap.  t^ 
CamiJen's  Remains,  Sec. 

«  This  is  what  the  Author  endeavours  in  his  Novum  Orgnnnm;  which  fets  up  z  general Lisht. 
for.  the  improvement  of  all  kinds  of  K.nowkdge.. 


Sed.  III.  Preliminaries.  27 

upon  the  evidence  of  truth  from  arguments,  authorities  and  examples,  as  up- 
on particular  confutations   and   folutions  of  every   Icruple,  and  objedlion  ; 
which  breeds  one  queftion,  as  fafl  as  it  folves  another  ;  juft  as  in  the  above 
example,  when  the   light  is  carried  into  one  corner,  it  darkens  the  reft. 
Whence  the  fable  of  Scjlla  feems  a  lively  image  of  tliis  kind  of  Philofo- 
phy  ;  who  was  transformed  into  a  beautiful  virgin  upwards  ;  'wbilji  barking 
rnonilers  furrounded  her  belcw.     For  fo  the  generalities  of  the  Schoolmen  are 
for  a  while  fair  and  proportionable  •,    but  to  defcend  into  their  diftindlions 
and  deoifions,  they  end  in  monftrous  altercations,  and   barking  queftions. 
Whence  this  kind  of  knowledge  mull  neceliiirily  f!ill  under  popular  con- 
tempt :  lor  the  people  are  ever  apt  to  contemn  truth,  upon  account  of  the 
conrroveriies  railed  about  it  ;  and  to  think  thole  all  in  the  wrong  way,  who 
never  meet.     And  when  they  fee  fuch  Quarrels  about  fubtilities  and  matters 
of  no  ufe,  they  ufually   give   into  the  judgment  of  Dmisjius,    "  I'hat    'iis 
old  jnen's  idle  talk."     But  if  thole  Schoolmen,  to  their  great  thirft  of  truth, 
and  unwearied  exercife  of  wit,  had  joined  variety  of  reading,  and  contem- 
plation ;  they  would  have  proved  excellent  lights,  to  the  great  advancement 
of  all  kinds  of  Arts  and  Sciences.      And  thus  much  for  the  fecond  Difeafs 
of  Learning. 

VI.  34.  The  third  Difeafe,  which  regards  Deceit  or  Faljhood,  is  the  fouleft ;  The  third  Dif 
as  deftroying  the  eflential  form  of  Knowledge -,    which  is  nothing  but  a  re- ^."^^  "f  ^^""""^ 
prefentation  of  Truth  :  for  the  Truth  of  Exiftence,  and  the  Truth  of  Know-  cm,  or^/TOi«- 
ledge  are  the  fame  thing  •,  or  differ  no  more  than  the  diredt  and  reflefted  jiur'e  and 
ray.     This  vice  therefore  branches  into  two ;    viz.  delight  in  deceiving,   and  Credulity. 
aptnefs  to  be  deceived  ;  impoflure  and  credulity  -,    which  tho'  apparently  dif- 
ferent, the  one  feeming  to  proceed  from  cunning,  and  the  other  from  fim- 
plicity  ;  yet  they  generally  concur.     For  as  an  inquifuive  man  is  a  pratler  ; 
io  a  credulous  man  is  a  deceiver  ;  for  he  who  eafily  believes  rumours,  will 
as  eafily  increafe  them. 

35.  This  ea/inefs  of  belief ,  and  admitting  things  upon  weak  authority,    is  of  Eafmfs  e/Be^ 
two  kinds,  according  to  the  fubjefl :  being  either  a  belief  of  Hiftory,  and  ^'rf «/ '»» 
matter  of  Fact,  or  elfe  matter  of  Art  and  Opinion.      We  fee  the  inconve-  ^"1^'  *''^' 
nience  of  the  former  in  Ecclefuifliial  Hijlory,  which  has  too  eafily  received  and  tg  HiftwT 
regiftred  relations  of  miracles  wrought   by  martyrs,  hermits,  monks,  i^c. 
.and  their  relicks,  fhrines,  chapels,  images,  ^c.     So'm  Natural Hiflory,  there 
has  not  been  much  judgment  employed,    as  appears  from  the  writings   of 
Pliny,  Cardan,  Albertus,  and  many  of  the  Arabians ;  which  are  full  of  fa- 
bulous matters  ;  many  of  them  not  only  untried,  but  notorioufly  falfe :  to 
the  great  difcred  it  of  Natural  Pbilofophy,  with  grave  and  fober  minds.     But 
the  prudence  and  integrity  of  A riflo tie  is  here  worthy  our  obfervation -,  who 
having  compiled  an  exadl  Hi/lory  ofAni?nals,  dafh'd  it  very  fparingly  with 
fable  or  fiction  ;  throwing  all  Jlrange  Reports,  which  he  thought  worth  re- 
cording, into  a  book  by  themfelves  "  -,  thus  wifely  intimating,    that  matter 
of  Truth,  which  is  the  bafis  offolid  Experience,  Philofophy,  and  the  Scien- 
ces, fhould  not  be  mix'd  with  matter  of  doubtful  credit :  and  yet  that  cu- 

■E  2  riofities 

*  The  fame  method  was  fince  obferved  by  Mr.  Scjle,  who  colleiied  together  fuch  Relations 
cf  Fails  as  feem'd  lefs  credible,  under  the  Title  oiStrangt  Re^oris. 


28  Preliminaries.  Sed.  III. 

riofities  or  prodigies,  the*  feetningly  incredible,  are  not  to  be  fupprefs'd, 
or  denied  the  regiftring. 
Andop'mions.  3  6.  Credulity  in  y^ris  and  Op'^iions,  is  likewife  of  two  kinds  -,  viz.  when 
men  give  too  much  belief  to  Arts  themfelves  •,  or  to  certain  Authors  in  any 
Art.  The  Sciences  that  fway  tl)e  Imagination  more  than  the  Reafon,  are 
principally  three,  viz.  Aftrology\  Natural  Magick,  and  Alchemy  ;  the  ends  or 
pretenfions  whereof,  are  however  noble.  For  AJirology  pretends  to  difcover 
the  influence  of  the  fuperior  upon  the  inferiorBodies :  Natural  Magick  pretends 
to  reduce  Natural  Philofophy  from  fpeculation  to  works :  and  Chemtftry  pre- 
tends to  feparate  the  diffimilar  parts,  incorporated  in  natural  mixtures ;  and 
to  cleanfe  fuch  bodies  as  are  impure,  throw  out  the  heterogeneous  parts,  and 
perfed:  fuch  as  are  immature.  But  the  means  fuppofed  to  produce  tliefe  Ef- 
fefts  are,  both  in  theory  and  pradlice,  full  of  error  and  vanity  :  and  be- 
fides  are  feldom  delivered  with  candour  ;  but  generally  concealed  by  artifice 
and  enigmatical  ExprelTions  ;  referring  to  Traditions,  and  ufing  other 
Devices  to  cloak  Impofture.  Yet  Alchemy  may  be  compared  to  the  man 
who  told  his  fons,  he  had  left  them  Gold  buried  fomewhere  in  his  vineyard  -, 
where  they  by  digging  found  no  Gold,  but  by  turning  up  the  mould 
about  the  roots  of  their  vines,  procured  a  plentiful  vintage.  So  the  fearch 
and  endeavours  to  tnake  Gold,  have  brought  many  ufcful  inventions  and  in- 
ftruftive  experiments  to  light  ^. 
Credulity  as  37.  Credulity  in  re[peEl  of  certain  Authon.,  and  making  them  Dilators  in- 
ta  Authors,  ftead  oi  ConfiiU,  is  a  principal  caufe  that  the  Sciences  are  no  farther  ad- 
vanced. For  hence,  tho'  in  mechanical  Arts,  the  firft  inventor  fivlls  fhorr, 
time  adds  perfedtion  •,  whilft  in  the  Sciences,  the  firft  Author  goes  farthefl% 
and  time  only  abates  or  corrupts.  Thus  Artillery,  Sailings  Printing.,  &c. 
were  grofsly  managed  at  the  firft  ;  but  received  improvement  by  time  : 
on  the  contrary,  the  Philofophy  and  th?:  Sciences  of  AriftolU;  Plato,  Democritus, 
Hippocrates,  Euclid,  Archimedes,  &CQ..  flourifti'd  moft  in  the  original  Authors, 
and  degenerated  with  Time.  The  reafon  is,  that  in  the  mechanick  Arts,  the 
Capacities  and  Induftry  of  many  are  colledted  together  ;  whilft  in  the  Sciences, 
the  Capacities  and  Induftry  of  many  have  been  fpent  upon  the  Invention  of 
fome  one  man ;  who  has  commonly  been  thereby  rather  depraved  than  il- 
Juftrated.  For  as  water  afcends  no  higher  than  the  level  of  the  firft  fpring, 
fo  knowledge  derived  from  Arijhtle,  will  at  moft  rife  no  higher  again  than  the 
knowledge  oCAriJiolle.  And  therefore  tho'  afcholar  miijl  have  faith  in  his  majler; 
yet  a  man  well  inJlruSfed  mufl  judge  for  himfelf:  for  Learners  owe  to  their 
Mafters  only  a  temporary  belief,  and  a  fufpenfion  of  their  own  judgment,  till 
they  are  fully  inftrufted  ;  and  not  an  abfolute  refignation,  or  perpetual  cap- 
tivity. 

•  As  among  the  Mgyftians,  the  Chinefe,  and  the  ArMitrts,  if  their  Hijiories  are  to  be  cre- 
dited. In  later  times,  they  make  Copper  out  of  Iron,  to  profit,  at  Nevofohl  in  Germa?iy. 
See  Agricol»  tie  reMetallica,  Morhof.Fr.  Hoffman,  £cc.  And  thus  whWA  Brand  oi  Hambrough, 
was  working  upon  Urine,  in  order  to  find  the  Philofopher's  Stone,  he  (tumbled  upon  that 
called  Kunckel's  barning  Phofphorus,  in  the  year  1669.  See  Mem.de  I' Academ.  Royal  dei  Sciences, 
An.  1691.  And  Wl.Homberg  opermng  upon  human  Excrement,  for  an  Oil  to  convert  Quick- 
filver  into  Silver,  accidentally  produced  that  we  now  ciW  the  Black  Phofphorus i  3. 'powdeivthich- 
readily  takes  fire,  and  burns  like  a  coal  in  the  open  air.  See  Mem.  de  I' Acad.  An.  1711.  To: 
giyje  all  the  Inftancesof  this  kind,  were  almoft  endlefs. 


Sed.  III.  Preliminaries.  29 

tivity.     Let  great  Authors  therefore  have  their  due  ;  but  fo  as  not  to  de- 
fraud Time,  which  is  the  Author  of  Authors,  and  the  Parent  of  Truth. 

VII.  38.  Befides  the  three  Difeafes  of  Learning  above  treated  ;    there  z.YtTeecant  Hu- 
fome  ot\\tr  peccant  Humours,  which  fiilling  under  popular  obfervation,  and '"""".  "/  . 
reprchenfion,  require  to  be  particularly  mentioned.     The/r/?  i^  the  affening  J^'^Hl^^iii^^ 
of  ttvo  extre7nes  ;  Antiquity,  and  Novelty  :  wherein  the  children  of  Time  feem  of  Anriquity 
to  imitate  their  Father;  for  as  he  devours  his  children,  fo   they   endeavour  «"<' Novelty. 
to  devour  each  other  :  \vhi\(\i  Antiquity  envies  new  Improvements;  and  No- 
velty is  not  content  to  add,  without  defacing.    The  advice  of  the  Prophet 
is  jurt  in  this  cafe  :  Stand  upon  the  old  ways,  and  fee  which  is  the  good  way,  and 
•walk  therein.     For  Antiquity  deferves  that  men  fliould  fland  a  while  upon  it, 
to  view  around  which  is  the  befl  way  ;  but  when  the  difcovery  is  well  made, 
they  fhould  (land  no  longer,  but  proceed  with  chearfulnefs.     And  to  fpeak 
the  truth,  Antiquity,    as  we  call  it,    is  the   young  ftate   of  the  world  ;  for 
thofe   times  are    ancient  when   the   world   is  ancient;   and   not     thofe   we 
vulgarly  account  ancient  by  computing  backwards ;  fo  that  the  prefent  time 
is  the  real  Antiquity  *. 

39.  Another  £r/-or,  proceeding   from  the  former,  is,  a  diflrujl  that  any  T>tflrnfl of far^ 
thing  fhould  be  difccvered  in  later  times,  that  was  not  hit  upon  before;  as  if  Lu-'^"'^'/""""*" 
fM«'s  objeftion  againft  the  Gods,  lay  alfo  againft  Time.    He  pleafantly  asks""' 

why  the  Gods  begot  fo  many  children  in  the  firft  ages,  but  none  in  his 
days ;  and  whether  they  were  grown  too  old  for  generation,  or  were  re- 
ftrained  by  the  Pafian  Law,  which  prohibited  old  men  from  marrying  ?  For 
thus  we  feem  apprehenfive  that  Time  is  worn  out  ;  and  become  unfit  for 
generation.  And  here  we  have  a  remarkable  inftance  of  the  levity  and 
inconflancy  of  man's  humour  ;  which  before  a  thing  is  eftefted,  thinks  it 
impoffible  ;  and  as  foon  as  it  is  done,  wonders  it  was  not  done  before. 
So  the  Expedition  of  Alexander  into  Afia,  was  at  firft  imagin'd  a  vaft  and 
imprafticable  enterprize  ;  yet  Livy  afterwards  makes  fo  light  of  it,  as  to  fay 
it  was  but  bravely  venturing  to  defpife  vain  Opinions  ^.  And  the  cafe  was  the 
fame  in  Columbus's  Difcovery  of  the  JVeJl  Indies.  But  this  happens  much 
more  frequently  in  intelledlual  matters  ;  as  we  fee  in  moft  of  the  Propofi- 
tions  of  Euclid ;  which  till  demonftrated,  feem  ftrange ;  but  when  demon- 
ftrated,  the  mind  receives  them  by  a  kind  of  affinity  ;  as  if  we  had  known 
them  before. 

40.  Another  iTrror  of  the  fame  nature,  \%  an  Imagination  that  of  all  anc'ient'^^»' *f'i  l"fi' 
Opinions  cr  Seels,  the  bejl  has  ever  prevailed,  and  fuppreffed  the  reft  ;  fo  ^^^^^^^"'^"'J^^ 
if  a  man  begins  a  new  fearch,  he  muft  happen  upon  fomewhat  formerly  ^^-  prevalent. 
jefted  i  and  by  rejedlion,^  brought  into  oblivion  :  as  if  the  multitude,  or  the 

wiJer  fort,  to  pleafe  the  multitude,  would  not  often  give  way  to  what  is 
light  and  popular,  rather  than  maintain  what  is  fubilantial  and  deep  "=. 

4 1 .  Another  different  Error  is  the  over-early  and  peremptory  reduSlion  ofsuddtn  Re- 
knowledge  into  Arts  and  Methods  v  from  which  time  the  Sciences  are  feldom  Huahn  of 

I  improved.  ^"'"^I'^s^  '"- 

to  methods. 

*  This  is  more  particularly  explained  and  illuftrated  in  the  Novum  Organum. 

*  Nihil  »liud  quam  bene  aufus  eft,  vann  contemnere. 

«  The  Author's  own  conduft  in  this  particular  may  deferve  obfervation ;  as  turning  upon 
the  artificiul  ufe  of  rational  means  to  overthrow  Prejudice,  and  eftablifh  Truth.  See  above 
SeA.I.  11.  and  hereafter  in  the  prefent  Piece,  and  the  Novum  Organum,  paflim. 


3© 


R  EL.IM  I  N  A  R  I  E  S.  SctH:.!!!. 


improved :   For  as  young  men  rarely  grow  in  flature,  after  their  fhape  and 
limbs  are  fully  formed  ;  fo  Knowledge,  whilft  it  lies  in  Apborifms  and  Obfer- 
vations,  remains  in  a  growing  ftate  ;  but  when  once  fafhion'd  into  Methods, 
tho'  it  may  be  fiirther  polilhed,  illuftrated,  and  fitted  for  ufe,  it  no  longer 
encreafes  in  bulk  and  fubftance  *. 
The  quiuing        42,  Another  Error  is,  that  after  the  diftribution  of  particular  Arts  and  Scien- 
of  Univerfa-    ^^^^  „^gjj  generally  abandon  the  Study  of  Nature,  or  umverfal  Philofophy  ;  which 
'''■''■  flops  all  farther  progrefs.     For  as  no  perfeft  view  of  a  Country  can  be  ta- 

ken upon  a  flat  ;  fo  it  is  iinpoffible  to  difcover  the  remote  and  deep  parts 
of  any  Science,  by  {landing  upon  the  level  of  the  fame  Science  ;  or  without 
afcending  to  a  higher ''. 
Too  great  Ke-       43.  Another  £rr.5r  proceeds  from  too  great  a  reverence,  and   a  kind  of 
■verenei  to  the  g^^gration  paid  to  the  human  underftanding " ;  whence  men  have  withdrawn 
^^jj^^"   "  ^*^' themfelves  from  the  contemplation  of  nature,  and  experience,  and  fported 
with  their  own  reafon  and  the  fidions  ot  Fancy.     Thefe  Intelle^ualijls,  tho' 
commonly  taken  for  the  moll  fublime  and  divine  Philofophers '^ ;  are  cenfured 
by  Heraclltus,  when  he  fays,    "  men  feek  for  truth  in  their  own  little  worlds, 
"  and  not  in  the  great  "world  without  them  ;"  and  as  they  difdain  to  fpell,  they 
can  never  come  to  read  in  the  volume  of  God's  works  ■,  but  on  the  contrary, 
by  continual  thought  and  agitation  of  wit,  they  compel  their  own  Genius,  to 
divine,  and  deliver  oracles,  whereby  they  are  defervedly  deluded ". 
jntroJue'ing         44.  Another  Error  is,  that  7nen  often  infeR  their  Speculations  and  Do^rines, 
farticuUr       ^///j  fgr/ie  particular  Opinions  they  happen  to  be  fond  of,  or  the  particular  Sciences 
vh\"r^  h'"    ''^^^^^^^°  ^^^^  ^'^'^^  ^^"fl  "■tP^i^'^  ■'  '^""^  thence  give  all  other  things  a  tinfture  that 
loop  y.     .^  utterly  foreign  to  them.     Thus  Plato  mixed  Philofophy  with  Theology  -, 
Ariftotle  with  Logick,   Proclus  with  Mathematicks  ^ ;  as  thefe  Arts  were  a 
kind  of  elder  and  favourite  children  with  them.     So  the  Alchemifts  have  made 
a  Philofophy  from  a  few  Experiments  of  the  Furnace  ;    and  Gilbert  another 
out  of  the  Loadflone.     But  of  fuch  Authors  Arijlolle  fays  well :  Thofewho  take 
in  but  a  few  Confiderations,  may  eafily  pronounce  ^. 
jmfiitienee  of       45.  Another  Error  is  an  impatience  of  doubting,  and  a  blind  hurry  of  afferting 
Doubting  and  ^iifjout  a  mature  fufpenfion  of  judgment.     For  the  two  ways  of  contemplation 
suf^enjon.       ^^^  jjj^^  ^.j^^  ^^^  ^^y^  ofadlion,  fo  frequently  mention'd  by  the  ancients; 
the  one  plain  and  eafy  at  firft,  but  in  the  end  impaffable  ;  the  other  rough 

and 

•  Hence  Mr.  Boyle,  and  others,  recommend  and  praftife  'EJfay -writing  in  Vhilofofhy,  prefer- 
ably to  the  Syfiematical  Method. 

^  Thus  the  Mathematical  Philofophy  of  our  times  is  not  to  be  meafured  by  mere  Mathema- 
ticians ;  but  by  fuch  as  are  acquainted  with  Nature  and  Univerfality,  as  well  as  Mathematicks ; 
fo  as  dearly  to  difcern  how  tiir  this  kind  of  Philofophy  reaches,  and  where  it  errs,  or  falls 
fliorr.  It  may  be  proper  to  confult.upon  this  occafion,  a  late  Performance,  entitled,  Mathema- 
ti^ue  Unizer/elle. 

'  See  above,  Seft.  I.  10.  8c  Seft.  II.  1 1 . 

^  As  Plato,  for  inflance,  among  the  Ancients  ;  and  Jej  Cartes  among  the  Moderns. 

«  Thus  feme  of  the  Laws  of  motion,  laid  down  by  des  Cartes,  from  Theory,  are  found  falfe 
in  Experience. 

^  How  far  univerial  Philofophy  Is  at  prefent  difadvantageoufly  wrefted  into  the  Channel  of 
Mathematicks,  will  perhaps  be  better  perceived  by  Poflerity  than  ourfelves.  See  the  Author 
on  Mathematicks  hereafter,  Se£t.  VII.  and  Morhof's,  Polyhiji.  Tom. II.  pag.  149. 

B  Hence  the  principal  modern  writers  of  {literary  Hiflory  juftly  recommend  Polymathy,  or  a 
general  knowledge  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  as  neceflary  to  thole  who  would  thoroughly  under- 
ftand  and  improve  any  one  in  particular.    SeeMorhof,  Strh-uius,  5;«//;«;,  Stc.  i 


Secfl.lII.  Preliminaries.  31 

and  fiitiguiiig  in  the  entrance,  but  loon  after  fliir  and  even  :  fo  in  contem- 
phtion,  if  we  begin  with  certainties,  we  fliall  end  in  doubts  ;  but  if  we  begin 
with  doubts,  and  are  p.itient  in  them,  we  fliall  end  in  certainties'. 

46.  Another  £rro;-l ies  in  the  manner  of  delivering  K/wwledge,  which  is  ge- The  magi(le- 
neral/y  magifterial  and  peremptory,  not  ingenuous  and  open  ;  hut  fuited  to  gain  rialdeliynng 
belief  without  examination.     And  in  compendious  Treacifes   for  praftice,  this  "A  ^''""»''^'v£^- 
form  fhould  not  be  difallowed  :  but  in  the  true  delivering  of  Knowledge  both 
extremes  are  to  be  avoided  ;  viz.  ihxi  of  Felleius  ihe  Epicurean,  ^'■whofjared 

"  nothing /0  much  as  the  non-appearance  of  doubting  ;"  and  that  of  Socrates, 
and  the  Academicks,  who  ironically  doubted  of  all  things :  but  the  true  way  is 
to  propofe  things  candidly,  with  more  or  lefs  afleveration,  as  they  ftand  in 
a  man's  own  judgment. 

47.  There  are  other  Errors  in  the  fcope  that  men  propofe  to  themfelves :  Afplrmg  but 
for  whereas  the  more  diligent  Profejfors  of  any  Science  ought  chiefly  to  endeavour  ">  '»ff/'or 
the  making  fame  additions  or  improvements  therein  ;  they  afpire  only  to  certain  fe-  p-""  '■'''*' 
cond prizes  ;  as  to  be  a  profound  commentator  •,  a  fharp  difputant  ;    a  me- 
thodical compiler,  or  abridger,  (Jc.  whence  the  Returns  or  Revenues  of  Know- 
ledge are  fometimes  increafed,  but  not  the  Inheritance  and  Stock  \ 

48.  But  the  greatcft  Error  of  all,  is,  miftaking  the  ulti?nate  End  of  Know-  Mijlaklng  the 
ledge  ;  for  fome  Men  covet  Knowledge,  out  of  a  natural  Curiofity,  and  in-  ^"^  "f  •Kww- 
quifitive  Temper  ;  fome  to  entertain  the  Mind  with  Variety  and  Delight ;    '  ^^' 
fome  for  Ornament  and  Reputation ;  fome  for  Vidory  and  Contention  i 

many  for  Lucre  and  a  Livelihood ;  and  but  few  for  employing  the  Divine 
Gift  of  Reafon,  to  the  ufe  and  benefit  of  Mankind.  Thus  fome  appear  to 
feek,  in  Knowledge,  a  Couch  for  a  fearching  Spirit ;  others,  a  Walk  for  a 
wandring  Mind  ;  others,  a  Tower  of  State  •,  others,  a  Fort,  or  commanding 
Ground ;  and  others,  a  Shop  for  profit,  or  fale  -,  inftead  of  a  Store-houfe  for  the 
Glory  of  the  Creator,  and  the  endowment  of  human  Life.  But  that  which 
nuift  dignify  and  exalt  Knowledge,  is  the  more  intimate  and  ftridt  conjunftion 
of  Contemplation  and  Atlion ' ;  a  Conjunclion  like  that  of  Saturn,  the  Planet 
of  Reft  and  Contemplation ;  and  Jupiter,  the  Planet  of  civil  Society  and 
Action.  But  here,  by  Ufe  and  A^ion,  we  do  not  mean  the  applying  of 
Knowledge  to  lucre  •,  for  that  diverts  the  advancement  of  Knowledge  ;  as 
the  golden  Ball  thrown  before  Atalanta  ;  which  while  fhe  ftoops  to  take  up, 
the  race  is  hindred.  Nor  do  we  mean,  as  was  faid  of  Socrates,  to  call  Philo- 
fophy  down  from  Heaven,  to  converfe  upon  Earth  •,  that  is,  to  leave  Natural 
Philofophy  behind,  and  apply  Knowledge  only  to  Morality  and  Policy : 
But  as  both  Heaven  and  Earth  contribute  to  the  ufe  and  benefit  of  Man  •,  fo 
the  End  ought  to  be,  from  both  Philofophies,  to  feparate  and  rejedl  vain  and 
empty  Speculations;  and  preferve  and  increafe  all  thatisfolid  and  fruitful. 
And  thus  we  have  opened  the  chief  of  thofe  peccant  Humours,  which  not  only 

retard 

•  Doubling,  in  Thilofofhy,  appears  to  be  the  occaiional  Spring  of  Examination  and  Trial ;  or 
a  principal  motive  to  farther  fearch  and  experiments,  in  order  to  latisfy  the  Scruples  that  arife 
in  the  Mind.  To  this  purpofe,  fee  GlanvU's  Seeffis  Scitntific»,  printed  at  London,  i66f  i  and 
hereafter  under  Thy/uks,  Sedl.IV.  z/. 

*  That  is,  the  prefent  Syftem  of  Knowledge  is  thus  fometimes  fpread  among  the  Body  of  a 
People;  but  no  addition  made  to  its  total  Sum.  And  thus  the  greateft  part  of  Writers  are  but: 
Spreatkri;  and  the  original  InvwMM  and  Imfroven,  a  flendei  Number, 

f  See  above,  Sc£L  L  i. 


32 


Preliminaries. 


Sea.  in. 


T'.'t  Dignity  of 
Learning 
flitvn  from 
divine  r^/?:- 
mony. 


A  itifirence 
SetrvixtKnorv- 
leJgeanJPoTV- 
er  in  the  Crea- 
tion. 


Jn  the  celejlial 
Hierarchy. 


The  Scripturt 
Difpenfaiio». 


In  Farad  ife. 


retard  the  Progrefs  of  Learning  ;  but  alfo  occafion  it  to  be  traduced*.  We 
have  been  free  of  our  Cenfures,  as  not  propofing  a  Panegyric  upon  Learning., 
or  an  Hymn  to  the  Mufes ;  but,  without  varnifh  or  amplification,  to  weigh 
the  Dignity  of  Knowledge,  and  take  its  true  Eftimate  by  Arguments  and 
Teflimonies,  human  and  divine. 

VIII.  49.  Next,  therefore,  let  us  feek  the  Dignity  of  Knowledge  in  its  ori- 
ginal ;  that  is,  in  the  Attributes  and  Acls  of  God  -,  fo  far  as  they  are  re- 
vealed to  Man,  and  may  be  obferved  with  fobriety.  But  here  we  are  not 
to  feek  it  by  the  name  of  Learning :  for  all  Learning  is  Knowledge  ac- 
quired ;  but  all  Knowledge  in  God  is  original :  we  muft  therefore  look  for 
it  under  the  name  of  Wiflom,  or  Sapience.,  as  the  Scriptures  call  it. 

50.  In  the  work  of  Creation,  we  fee  a  double  Emanation  of  Virtue  from 
God  -,  the  one  relating  more  properly  to  Power,  the  other  to  IVifdom  ;  the 
one  exprefb'd  in  making  the  Matter,  and  the  other  in  difpofing  the  Form. 
This  being  fuppofed,  we  may  obferve,  that,  for  any  thing  mentioned  in 
the  Hiftory  of  the  Creation,  the  confufed  mafs  of  the  Heavens  and  Earth 
was  made  in  a  moment ;  whereas  the  Order  and  Difpofition  of  it  was  the 
work  of  fix  days :  fuch  a  mark  of  difference  feems  put  betwixt  the  TVorks  of 
Power,  and  the  Works  of  IVifdom  :  whence  it  is  not  written  that  God  faid. 
Let  there  be  Heaven  and  Earth,  as  it  is  of  the  fubfequent  Works ;  but  ac- 
tually, tiiat  God  ?uade  Heaven  and  Earth  :  the  one  carrying  the  ftyle  of  a 
Manufifture,  the  other  that  of  a  Law,  Decree,  or  Council. 

51.  To  proceed  from  God  to  Spirits:  We  find,  as  far  as  credit  may  be 
given  to  the  celeflial  Hierarchy,  of  the  fuppofed  Dionyfius,  the  Areopagite, 
the  firll  place  is  given  to  the  Angels  of  Love,  termed  Seraphim  ;  the  fecond, 
to  the  Angels  of  Light,  called  Cherubim  ;  and  the  third,  and  following  places, 
to  Thrones,  Principalities,  and  the  reft  -,  which  are  all  Angels  of  Power  and 
Miniftry  :  fo  that  the  Angels  of  Knowledge  and  Illumination,  are  placed  be- 
fore the  Angels  of  Office  and  Domination. 

52.  To  defcend  from  Spirits,  and  intelleftual,  to  fenfible  and  material 
Forms :  We  read  the  firft  created  Form  was  Light;  which,  in  nature  and 
corporeal  things,  hath  a  relation  and  correfpondence  to  Knowledge  in  Spirits, 
and  things  incorporeal :  fo,  in  the  diftribution  of  Days,  we  find  the  Day 
xvherein  God  refted,  and  compleated  his  Works,  was  bleflTed  above  all  the 
Days  wherein  he  wrought  them. 

53.  After  the  Cr^rt/ww  was  finifhed,  it  is  faid,  that  Man  was  placed  in  the 
Garden  to  work  therein;  which  Work  could  only  be  Work  of  Contemplation  ; 
that  is,  the  end  of  his  Work  was  but  for  Exercife  and  Delight,  and  not  for 
Neceffity :  for  there  being  then  no  Reludlance  of  the  Creature,nor  Sweat  of  the 
Brow,  Man's  Employment  was  confequently  matter  of  Pleafure,  not  La- 
bour. Again,  the  firft  Afts  which  Man  performed  in  Paradife,  confilled  of 
the  two  fummary  parts  of  Knowledge ;  a  view  of  the  Creatures,  and  the 
impofuion  of  Names.  54. 

*  To  this  Catalogue  of  Errors  incident  to  learned  Men,  may  be  added,  the  Frauds  and  Im- 
paftures  of  wliich  they  are  fbmetimes  guilty,  to  the  icandal  of  Learning.  Thus  Plagiarifm, 
Pyracy,  Fallification,  Interpolation,  Caftration,  the  pubhfhing  of  ipurious  Books,  the  ftealing  of 
Manufcriptsout  of  Libraries,  (^c.  have  been  frequent,  e{pec\3\\y  imong  the  Ecclefeajiical  IVriters  i 
^nd  the  Fratres  Falfarii.  For  inftances  of  this  kind,  lee  Struvius  de  DoBis  Imfoftoribus,  Mor- 
hof  in  Potyhift.  de  Pfeudonymis,  Anonymis,  dye.  Le  Clerc's  Art  Critic»,  Cave's  Hijloria  Littrarin 
Scriptorum  Zcclejiafticornm,  Father  Simon,  Maiilim,  &c. 


Sed.III.  Pr  E  L  Of  I  N  A  RI  ES.  33 

54.  In  the  firft  event  after  the  Fall,  wc  find  an  Image  of  the  two  States,  Tn  Cain  aiul 
the  contemplative  and  the  aftive,  figured  out  in  the  perlbns  of  yibcl  and  Cain  ; 

by  the  two  fimplefl:  and  moft  primitive  Trades,  that  of  the  Shepherd,  and 
that  of  the  Husbandman ;  where  again,  the  favour  of  God  went  to  the 
Shepherd,  and  not  to  the  Tiller  of  the  Ground. 

55.  So  in  the  Age  before  the  Flood,  the  facred  Records  mention  the  name  The  Age  be- 
of  the  Inventors  of  Mufick,  and  Workers  in  Metal.  In  the  Age  after  the/'"'^'^-"'^''""'- 
Flood,  the  firft  great  Judgment  of  God  upon  the  Ambition  of  Man,  was 

the  Confufion  ofTongues ;  whereby  the  open  trade,  and  intercourfe  of  Learn- 
ing and  Knowledge,  was  chiefly  obftruded. 

^6.  It  is  faid  of  Mofes,  "  T^bat  he  was  fecn  in  all  the  Learning  of  the  J"  Mofes,  So- 
"  /Egyj-tians  ■"  which  Nation  w.is  one  of  the  moft  ancien:  Schools  of  the  ^*^""'""' ^'• 
World:  for  Plato  brings  in  the  jEgyrticn  Pritft  ftying  to  Scion  ;  "  llu  Gre- 
"  cians  are  ever  Children,  having  no  knowledge  of  Antiquity,  nor  antiquit-j  of 
"  Kno-ivledge."  In  the  ceremonial  Law  of  Mofes,  we  find,  that  befidcs  the 
prefiguration  of  C/jr//?,  the  mark  of  the  People  of  God  to  diftinguifh  them 
from  the  Gentiles,  the  exercife  of  Obedience,  and  other  divine  Inftitutions, 
the  moft  learned  of  the  Rabhies  have  obferved  a  natural,  and  fome  of  them 
a  moral  Senfe,  in  many  of  the  Rites  and  Ceremonies.  Thus  in  the  Law  of 
the  Leprofy,  where  it  is  faid;  "  If  theWbitcnefs  have  overfpread  the  Flefh, 
**  the  Patient  may  pafs  abroad  for  clean  ;  but  if  there  be  any  whole  Flejh  re- 
"  maining,  he  is  to  be flna  up  for  unclean'^  one  of  them  notes  a  Principle  of 
Nature ;  viz.  that  Putrefadlion  is  more  contagious  before  Maturity,  than  after. 
Another  hereupon  obferves  a  Pofition  of  moral  Phikfophy ;  or  that  Men  aban- 
don'd  to  Vice,  do  not  corrupt  the  Manners  of  others,  fo  much  as 
thofe  who  are  but  half  wicked.  And  in  many  other  places  of  the  JfiiiJJj 
Law,  bcfides  the  Theologicrd  Senfe,  thsre  are  couched  many  Philofophical 
Matters.  The  Book  of  Job  is  likewife  pregnant  with  the  deep  parts  of  Na- 
riral  Philofophy  :  and  in  the  perfon  of  King  Solomon,  we  fee  Knowledge  pre- 
ferred to  all  t  mporal  Felicity. 

57.  Nor  did  the  Difpenfation  of  God  vary  in  the  times  after  our  Saviour,  The  Cofpel- 
■who  himf  If  firft  /hewed  his  power  to  fubdue  Ignorance,  by  conferring  with  ■D'//'w/""<'». 
the  P'  i  -fts  and  Daclors  of  rhe  Law  ;  before  he  fhewed  his  power  to  fubdue 
Nature  by  Miracles.     And  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  chiefly  ex- 

prcfied  in  the  Gift  of  Tongues,  which  are  but  the  conveyance  of  Knowledge. 

58.  So  in  the  elccflion  of  thofe  Inftruments  it  pleafed  God  to  ufe  for  plant   in  the  A- 
ing  tlie  Faith,  tho'   at    firft    he    employ'd   Perfons   altogether   unlearned,  po't'". 
otheiwife  than  by  Infpiration,  the  more  evid.ntly  to  declare  his  immediate 
working,  and  to  humble  all  human  Wifdom,  or  Knowledge  -,  yet,   in  the 

next  fuccefTio.T,  he  fenc  out  his  divine  Truth  into  the  world,  attended  widi 
other  parts  of  Learning,  as  with  Servants  or  Handmaids:  Thus  St.  Paul, 
who  was  the  only  le.irne  1  amongft  the  Apofths,  had  his  Pen  moft  employed 
in  the  writings  of  rhe  NewTcftament. 

59.  Ag.-,in,  we  find  that  mnny  of  the  ancient  Blfliops,  ::nd  Fathers  of  the  JheFathencf 
Church,  were  well  verfed  in  all  the  Learning  of  the  Heathens;  infomuch,  '^'i (^'■■'"rch. 
that  the  Edift  of  the  Emperor  Julian,  prohibiting  Chriftians  the  Schools, 

and  Exeiciics,  v/as  accounted  a  more  pernicious  Engine  againft  the  Faith, 

than   all  the  fanguinary  Perfecutions  of  his   Predecellors.      Neither  could 

Vol.  I.  F  Gregory 


34 


Preliminaries. 


Sea.  III. 


Tw»  capital 

Ser-vices  of 
Fhiiofophy  to 
Reiigiofi. 


Tie  Dignity 
of  Learning 
Jljervn  from 
human  Xf/?i- 
mony. 


Gregory  the  Firft,  Bilhop  of  Ro7ne.,  ever  obtain  the  opinion  of  Devotion, 
even  among  the  Pious ;  for  defigning,  tho'  otherwife  an  excellent  Perfon,  to 
exringuifh  the  memory  of  Heathen  Antiquiry.  But  it  was  the  Cbri/tian 
Church,  which,  amidft  the  Inundations  of  the  j'i;)!/^^»^  from  the  Northweft, 
and  the  Saracens  from  the  Eaft,  preferved  in  her  bofom  the  Relicks  even  of 
Heathen  Learning  ;  which  had  otherwife  been  utterly  extinguifhed.  And  of 
late  years  the  Jefints,  partly  of  themfelves,  and  partly  provoked  by  ex- 
ample, have  greatly  enlivened  and  ftrengthened  the  State  of  Learning,  and 
contributed  to  eftablifh  the  Roman  See. 

60.  There  are,  therefore,  two  principal  Services,  befides  Ornament  and 
Illuftration,  which  Philofopby  and  human  Leariib;g  perform  to  Fdiih  and  Re- 
ligion :  the  one  effedually  exciting  to  the  exaltation  to  God's  Glory  ;  and 
the  other  affording  a  fingular  Prefervative  againft  Unbelief  and  Error  ». 
Oar  Saviour  fiys,  l^e  err,  not  knowing  the  Scriptures,  nor  the  power  of  God ; 
thus  laying  before  us  two  Books  to  ftudy,  if  we  will  hz  fecured  from  Error  •, 
viz.  the  Scriptures,  which  reveal  the  Will  of  God  ;  and  the  Creation,  which 
exprefles  his  Power  :  the  latter  whereof  is  a  key  to  the  former  ;  and  not  only 
opens  our  Underilanding,  to  conceive  the  true  fenfe  of  the  Scripture,  by  the 
general  Notions  of  Reafon,  and  the  Rules  of  Speech  -,  but  chiefly  opens  our 
Faith,  in  drawing  us  to  a  due  confideration  of  the  Omnipotence  of  God, 
which  is  ftamped  upon  his  Works.  And  thus  much  for  c^ivine  'Tejiimony,  con- 
cerning the  Dignity  and  Merits  of  Learning"". 

IX.  61.  Next,  for  human  Proofs.  Deification  was  the  higheft  Honour 
among  the  Heathens ;  that  is,  to  obtain  Veneration  as  a  God,  was  the  fu- 
preme  Refpeft  which  Man  could  pay  to  Man  -,  efpecially  when  given  not 
by  a  formal  Aft  of  State,  as  it  uiually  was  to  the  Roman  Emperors,  but 
from  a  voluntary,  internal  Aflent,  and  Acknowledgment.  This  Honour  be- 
ing fo  high,  there  was  alfo  conftitued  a  middle  kind  :  for  human  Honours 
were  inferior  to  Honours  heroical  and  divine.  Antiquity  obferved  this  diffe- 
rence in  their  diftribution  •,  that  whereas  Founders  of  States,  Law-Givers, 
Extirpers  of  Tyrants,  Fathers  of  the  People,  and  other  eminent  perfons 
in  civil  merit,  were  honoured  but  with  the  titles  of  Heroes,  or  Demi-Gods ; 
fuch  as  Hercules,  Tcefeus,  Minos,  Romulus,  &c.  Inventors,  and  Authors  of 
new  Arts,  or  Difcoveries,  for  the  fervice  of  human  Life,  were  ever  advanced 
amongft  the  Gods  ;  as  in  the  cafe  of  Ceres,  Bacchus,  Mercury,  Apollo,  &c. 
And  this  appears  to  have  been  donewithgreatjuftice  and  judgment ;  for  the 
Merits  of  the  former  being  generally  confined  within  the  circle  of  one  Age, 
or  Nation  ;  are  but  like  fruitful  Showers,  which  ferve  only  for  a  feafon,  and 
a  fmall  extent :  vi'hilft  the  others  are  like  the  Benefits  of  the  Sun,  perma- 
nent and  univerfal.  Again,  the  former  are  mixed  with  Strife  and  Conten- 
tion •,  whilft  the  latter  have  the  true  Charadler  of  the  divine  Preience,  as 
coming  in  z  gentle  Gale,  without  noife  or  tumult. 

62, 

»  See,  upon  thefe  Heads,  Mr.Bo^/e's  High  Veneration  that  Man's  IntelleB  owes  to  God;  and  his 
Chrijlian  Virtiicfo. 

•>  How  tar  the  Defence  of  the  Chrijlian  Religion  is  owing  to  Learning,  may  appear  from 
Spencer's  Edition  of  Origen  againft  Celfui  j  Urotiui  de  Veriiate  Religioms  Chrijlian* ;  Huet's 
Deraonftratio  Evangelica,  &C. 


Sed.III.  Preliminaries.  35 

62.  The  Merit  of  Learning,  in  remedying  the  Inconveniences  arifing  from  r/^^ij?;.-  of 
Man  to  Man,  is  not  much  inferior  to  that  of  relieving  human  NecelTities.  '-^'^"'"'g  '» 
This  Merit  was  livelily  defcribed  by  the  Ancients,  in  the  Fiftion  of  Orpheus's    °'^''  y- 
Theatre  ;  where  ail  the  Beafts  and  Birds  afiembled ;  and  forgetting  their  fevcral 
Appetites,  flood  fociably  together,  liftening  to  the  Harp-,  wliofe  Sound  no 
fooner  ceaied,  or  was  drown'd  by  a  louder,  but  they  all  returned  to  their 
refpeiftive  Natures.  For  thus  Men  arefullof  favage  and  unreclaimed  Dcfires; 
which,  as  long  as  we  hearken  to  Precepts,  Laws,  and  Religion,  fwectly 
touch'd  with  Eloquence  and    Perfuafion,    fo    long    is    Society  and  Peace 
maintained  :  but  if  thefe  Inftruments  become  filent,  or  Sedition  and  Tumult 
drown  their  Mufick,  all  chings  fill  back  to  Confufion  and  Anarchy  \ 

6^.  This  appears  more  manifedly,  when  Princes,  or  Governours,  are 
learned.  For  tho'  he  might  be  thought  partial  to  his  profefTion,  who  faid, 
'•  Sfates  "Would  then  be  happy;  when  either  Kings  were  Philofophers.,  or  Phtto- 
"  fophers  Kingi ;"  yet  fo  much  is  verified  by  experience,  that  the  beft  Times 
have  happen'd  under  wife  and  learned  Princes.  For  tho'  Kings  may  have 
their  Errors  and  Vices,  like  other  Men  ;  yet  if  they  are  illuminated  by  Learn- 
ing, they  conftantly  retain  fuch  Notions  of  Religion,  Policy,  and  Morality, 
as  may  preferve  them  from  deftrudi\'e  and  irremediable  Errors,  or  Exct  (its  : 
for  thefe  Notions  will  whifper  to  them,  even  whilft  Counfellors  and  Servants 
(land  mute.  Such  Senators  likewife  as  are  learned,  proceed  upon  more  f.ife 
and  fubftantial  Principles,  than  mere  Men  of  experience:  the  former  view 
Dangers  afar  off;  whilft  the  latter  difcover  tiiem  not  tili  they  are  at  hand, 
and  then  truft  to  their  "Wit  to  avoid  them.  This  felicity  of  Times  under 
learned  Princes,  appears  eminent  in  the  age  between  the  death  of  Domi- 
tian,  and  the  reign  of  Commodus ;  comprehending  a  fuccefllon  of  fix  Prin- 
ces-,  all  of  them  learned,  or  fingular  Favourers  and  Promoters  of  Learn- 
ing. And  this  Age,  for  temporal  refpefts,  was  the  happieft  and  moft  flourilh- 
ing,  that  ever  the  Roman  State  enjoyed. 

64.  Nor  has  Learning  an  influence  only  over  civil  Society,  and  the  Arts  Efects  of 
of  Peace  ;  but  likewife  exerts  its   power  over  military  Virtue  :  as  eminently  i-e^yms  «/«« 
appears  in  the  examples  of  Aexa7ider  and  Cafar.     Alexander  was  bred  un-  "^''"^^y  Vir- 
der  Anftotle,  who  dedicated  feveral  Books  of  Philofophy  to  him.     He  was 
attended  by  Callijthenes,  and  other  learned  Perfons,  in  his  Camp,  and  Con- 
quefts.     In  what  efteem  he  held  Learning,  may  appear  by  three  particulars ; 
viz.  (i.)  The  Envy  he  ufed  toexprefs  towards  Achilles.,  in  having  fogood  a 
Recorder  of  his  Afts  as //(JOT^r  .•  (2.)  The  affignment  of  that  rich  Cabinet 
of  Darius,   to  contain  Homer's  Works :    (3.)  His  Letter  to  Arijhtle,  upon 
publifhing  his  Phyfcks  ;  expoftulating  with  him  for  divulging  the  Secrets 
of  Philofophy  -,  and  telling  him  he  efteemed  it  nobler  to  excel  other  Men  in 
Learning  and  Knowledge,  than  in  Power  and  Empire. 

6^.  The  Learning  of  Julius  Ccrfar  need  not  be  argued  from  his  Educa- 
tion, his  Company,  or  his  Speeches  •,  as  fully  declaring  itfelf  in  his  Wri- 
tings, whereof  fome  are  extant,  and  others  unfortunately  loft.     We  have 

F   2  left 

^  This  fliews  the  necelTity  of  cultivating  Eloquence,  or  keeping  up  the  Power  of  Speech,  in 
order  to  fubdue  the  Paffions,  inculcate  Morality  and  Religion,  and  influence  civil  Society;  and 
that  the  lame  Art  may,  in  fome  degree,  be  ufed  in  natural  Ihiltfofh,  was  fliewn  above, 
Seft  III.  31. 


36 


Preliminaries.  SeA.III. 


Icfc  us  that  excellent  Hijlory  of  his  own  Wars,  which  he  barely  entitled  a 
Cofnmentary,  or  Memoir  ;  wherein  all  the  fucceeding  times  have  admired  the 
folid  Weight  of  Matter,  and  the  lively  Images  of  Aftions  and  Pcrfons,  ex- 
prefled  in  the  greateft  propriety  and  perfpicuity  of  Language.  Tnat  this 
was  not  the  effcd  of  a  natural  Gift,  but  of  Learning»,  may  appear  by  chat 
Work  of  his  entitled  tie  Analogia  ;  which  was  a  certain  grammatical  Pbilo- 
foihy,  wherein  he  endeavoured  to  reduce  the  common  ufe  of  Speech  to  Con- 
gruity  and  Correftnefs ;  and  to  fuit  Words  to  Things,  noc  by  Cuftom,  but 
Reafon ''. 
Tfe^!  if  66,  To  proceed  from  imperial  and  military,  to  moral  and  private  Vir- 

hearning  tn  tuc  j  it  is  Certain,  that  Learning  foftens  the  barbarity  and  fi=rcenefs  of 
private  Vix-  mei/s  Minds :  but  then  it  muft  not  be  fuperficial  •,  for  this  rather  works  a 
'"^'  contrary  efFett.     Solid  Learning  prevents  all  Levity,  Temerity,  and  Info- 

lence  ;  by  fuggefting  Doubts  and  Difficulties,  and  inuring  the  Mind  to  bal- 
lance  the  Reafons  on  both  fides,  and  rejedt  the  firft  otters  of  Things  -,  or 
to  accept  of  nothing  but  what  is  firft  examined  and  tried.  It  prevents 
vain  Admiration,  which  is  the  root  of  all  Weaknefs :  things  being  admired, 
either  becaufe  they  are  ntw,  or  becaufe  they  3.Ye. great.  As  for  Nuvelt\,  no 
Man  can  wade  deep  in  Learning,  without  difcovering  that  he  knows  nothing 
thoroughly :  nor  can  we  wonder  at  a  Puppef-fliew,  W  we  look  behind  the  Cur- 
tain. With  regard  to  Greatnefs ;  as  Alexander,  after  having  been  ufed  to 
great  Armies,  and  the  Conquefts  of  large  Provinces  in  Afia  ;  when  he  re- 
ceived accounts  of  Battles  from  Greece,  which  were  commonly  for  a  pafs, 
a  fort,  or  fomc  walled  town,  imagined  he  was  but  reading  Hcmer's  Battle 
of  the  Frogs  and  the  Mice:  lb  if  a  Manconfiders  the  univerfal  Frame  ;  the 
Earth  and  its  Inhabitants  will  feem  to  him  but  as  an  Ant-hill ;  where  fome 
carry  Grain,  fome  their  Young,  fome  go  empty,  and  all  march  but  upon 
a  little  heap  of  Duft. 
ttarntngeon-  67.  Lfdr«j/7^  alfo  conquers,  or  mitigates,  the  Fear  of  Death,  and  adverfe 
qsten  theFear  Fortune  ;  which  is  one  of  the  greateft  Impediments  to  Virtue  and  Morality  : 
«/Death.  j^q^  if  a  man's  Mind  be  deeply  feafon'd  with  the  confideration  of  the  Mor- 
tality and  Corruptibility  of  things,  he  will  be  as  little  affefted  as  Epicletus  ; 
who,  one  day,  feeing  a  Woman  weeping  for  her  Pitcher  that  was  broken ; 
and  the  next  day,  a  Woman  weeping  for  her  Son  that  was  dead  ;  fa  id  calm- 
ly, Tejlerday  I  [aw  a  brittle  "Thing  broken,  and  to-day  a  Mortal  die.  And 
hence  Virgil  excellently  joined  the  Knowledge  of  Caufes,  and  the  conquering 
of  Fears,  together,  as  Concomitants '. 
Remedies  the  68.  It  were  tedious  to  enumerate  the  particular  Remedies  which  Learn- 
Difeafes^of  Jng  affords  for  all  the  Difeafes  of  the  Mind  ;  fometimes  by  purging  the  mor- 
bific Humours ;  fometimes  by  opening  Obftrudlions,  helping  Digeftion,  in- 

creafing 

*  The  diffufive  Learning  of  this  extraordiniry  Perfonage,  may  farther  appear  homFairicius's 
Account  of  his  Works.     See  Jo.  Albert.  Fxbricil  Bihliotheca  Latintt,   Vol.  I.    cap.  x. 

^"  This  Work  of  Julius  Ctfar,  written  in  two  Books,  is  loft;  but  Ja.Operarius  endeavours 
to  fupply  it  in  his  AnalogU  Lingui  Latin*,  printed  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1698;  and  at  Amjler' 
dam,  m  1700. 

'  Felix  qui  fotuit  lerum  cognofcere  caufas, 
^urqite  me  us  or/ines,  cjf>  inexorahile  fatum, 
ihhjecit  fediius  j  Jire^iiutnque  Acherom'u  avari. 


the  Mind. 


Sed.  III.  Preliminaries.  37 

cre.ifing  the  Appetite  ;  and  fometimes  healing  Exulcerations,  tdc.  Bat,  to 
fum  up  -ill,  it  difpolls  the  Mind  not  to  fix  or  fettle  in  Defects ;  but  to  re- 
main ever  fufceptible  of  Improvement  and  Reformation.  For  the  illiterate 
perfon  knows  not  what  it  is  to  defcend  into  himfclf,  or  call  liimfelf  to  an 
account;  nor  the  agrecabl  nefs  of  that  Life,  which  is  daily  fenfible  of  its 
own  Improvement :  He  may,  perhaps,  learn  to  fhew,  and  employ  his  natural 
Tah-nLS  ;  but  not  increafe  them  ;  he  will  L^arn  to  hide  and  colour  his  Faults, 
bu:  not  to  amend  them  :  like  an  unskilful  Mower,  who  continues  to  mo-v  on 
without  whetting  his  Scythe.  Tltc  Man  of  1, earning,  on  the  contrary,  al- 
ways joins  the  Corredion  and  Improvement  of  his  Mind,  with  the  ufc  antl 
employment  thereof.  To  conclude.  Truth  and  Go:dnefs  differ  but  as  the 
Seal  and  the  Impreffion:  for  Truth  imprints  Goodnefs  •,  whilft  the  Storms  of 
Vice  and  Perturbation  break  from  the  Clouds  of  Error  and  Fal.l:ood  ". 

X.  6q.  From  moral  Virtue,  we  proceed  to  examine  -wh-tber  am  Po'^x;er  he  '^'"•'^ S''^"^ 
equnt  tn  thai  ajfrir-ini  by  Knozvlerge.  Dignity  or  Command  is  always  propor-  men's  Uimh. 
lionable  to  the  Dignity  of  the  Commanded.  To  have  command  ov.r  Brutes, 
as  a  Herdfman,  is  a  mean  thing  ;  to  have  command  over  Children,  as  a  School- 
mafter,  is  matter  oi  fmall  honour  \  and  to  have  command  ovcrSlavcs,  is  rather  a 
Difgrace  than  an  Honour.  Nor  is  the  command  of  a  Tyrant  much  better,  over 
a  fervile  and  degenerate  People  •,  whence  Honours,  in  free  Monarchies,  and 
Republicks,  have  ever  been  more  efteemed,  than  in  tyrannical  Govern- 
ments ;  becaufe  to  rule  a  willing  People,  is  more  honourable  than  to  compel. 
But  the  Command  of  Knowledge,  is  higher  than  the  Command  over  a  free 
People  ;  as  being  a  Command  over  the  Reafon,  Opinion,  and  Underftanding 
of  Men  •,  which  are  the  nobleft  Faculties  of  the  Mind,  that  govern  the  "Will 
itielf :  for  there  is  no  Power  on  earth  that  fets  up  a  Throne  in  the  Spirits  of 
Men,  but  Knowledge  and  Learning.  Whence  the  deteftable  and  extreme 
Pleafure  wnerewith  Arch-hereticks,  falfe  Prophets,  and  Impoftors,  are'tranf- 
ported,  upon  finding  they  have  a  dominion  in  the  Faith  and  Confciences 
of  Men  j  a  pJeafure  lb  great,  that  it  once  tailed,  fcarce  any  Torture,  or 
Perfecution,  can  make  them  forgo  it.  But  as  this  is  what  the  Apocalypfe 
calls /.6^  defths  of  Satan  ;  fo  the  juft  and  lawful  Rule  over  men's  Underftand- 
ing,  by  the  evidence  of  Truth,  and  gentle  Perfuafion,  is  what  approaches 
neareft  to  the  divine  Sovereignty  ^ 

70.  With  regard  to  Honours  and  private  Fortune  -,  the  benefit  of  Learn-  B^mfa  pivate 
i»g  is  not  fo  confined  to  States,  as  not  likewife  to  reach  particular  Perfons.  FortKues. 
For  it  is  an  old  Obfervation,  that  Homer  has  given  more  Men  their  livings, 

than  Sylla,  Ca-far,  or  Augujtus,  notwithftanding  their  great  Largefles.    An^ 
it  is  hard  to  fay,  whether  Arms  or  Learning  have  advanced  the  greater  num- 
bers.    In  point  of  Sovereignty,  if  Arms,  or  Defcenr,  have  obtained  the  King- 
dom j  yet  Learning  has  obtained  the  Priejlbood,  which  was  ever  in  compe- 
cition  with  Empire. 

71.  Again,  the  pleafure  and  delight  of  Knowledge  and  Learning,  {\ir- jiforJs  ^rent 
pais  all  others:    for  if  the  Pleafures  of  the  Affedlions  exceed  the  Pleafures  ^f''^'"- 

of 

'  Mod  feem  to  agree,  that  KnoifUdge  will  make  Men  virtuous ;  at  lead,  that  none  are  truly 
wife,  it  they  are  nor  virtuous. 

*■  For  the  command  which  Knowledge  gives  Men  ovr  the  Works  of  Nature,  and  over  one 
another,  fee  Mr,  Bv)k's  ElTays  on  the  U/efnlnefs  of  Zx^enmemcl  Fhito/ofhy.  Abridg.  Vol.  I.  »» 
init. 


38  Preliminaries.  Sedl.  III. 

of  rhe  Siiiifes,  as-  much  as  the  obtaining  a  Defire,  or  a  Viflory,  exceeds  a 
Song,  or  a  Treat  •,  fhall  not  the  Pleafures  of  the  Underftanding  exceed  the 
Pleafures  of  the  AfTeftions  ?     In  all  other  pleafures  there   is  a  Satiety,  and 
after  ufe,  their  Verdure  fades ;  which  fliews  they  are  but  Deceits  and  Falla- 
cies ;  and  that  it  was  the  Novelty  which  pleafed,  not  the  Quality :  whence 
voluptuous  Men  frequently   turn  Friars,   and  ambitious  Princes  Melancho- 
licks.     But  of  Knowledge  there  is  no  Satiety  ;  for  here  Gratification  and 
Appetite  are  perpetually  interchanging  -,  and  confequently  this  is  Good  in  it- 
felf,   fimply,    without  fallacy  or  accident.     Nor    is   that  a   fmall   pleafure 
and   fatisfiiftion    to     the    Mind,     which    Lucretius    defcribes    to    this    ef- 
feft.     "  It  is  a  Scene  of  Delight  to  be  fife  on  fliore,  and  fee  a  Ship  toflfed  at 
"  fea  •,  or  to  be  in  a  Fortification,  and  fee  two  Armies  join  battle  upon 
"  a  Plain:  But  it  is  a  Pleafure  incomparable,  for  the  Mind  to  be  feated  by 
"  Learning  in  the  Fortrefs  of  Truth,  and  from  thence  to  view  the  Errors 
"  and  Labours  ot  others." 
Hinders  Men       1-'  ^^  conclude  ;  the  Dignity  and  Excellence  of  Knowledge  and  Learn- 
immortal.      ing,   is  what  human  Nature  mod  afpires  to,  for  the  iecuring  of  Immortality  : 
which  is  alfo  endeavour'd  after,  by  raifing  and  ennobling  of  Families  •,  by 
Buildings,  Foundations,  and   Monuments  of  Fame  •,  and  is,   in  efi^ed:,  the 
bent  of  all  other  human  Defires.     But  we  fee  how  much  more  durable  the 
Monuments  of  Genius  and  Learning  are,  than  thofeof  the  Hand.    The  Verfes 
of  Homer  have  continued  above  five  and  twenty  hundred  years,  without  lofs  ; 
in  which  time,  numberlefs  Palaces,  Temples,  Caftles,  and  Cities,  have  been 
demoliflied,  and  are  fallen  to  ruin.     It  is  impolfible  to  have  the  true  Pidures 
or  Statues  of  Cyus,  Alexander^  Ccefar,    or  the  great  Perfonages  of  much 
later  date  ■,  for  the  Originals  cannot  lad,  and  the  Copies   muft  lofe  of  the 
Life  :  But  the  Images  of  men's  Knowledge  remain  in  Books,  exempt  from 
the  Injuries  of  Time,  and  capable  of  perpetual  Renovation.     Nor  are  thefe 
properly  called  Images,  becaufe  they   generate  (till,  and  fow  their  Seed  in 
the  minds  of  others  •,   fo  as  to  caufe  infinite  Adlions  and  Opinions  in  fucceed- 
ing  Ages.    If,  therefore,  the  Invention  of  a  Ship  was   thought  fo  noble, 
which  carries  Commodities  from  place  to  place,  and  brings  the  remoteft 
Regions  acquainted  -,  how  much  more  are  Letters  to  be  valued,  which,  like 
Ships,  pafs  thro'  the  vaft  Ocean  of  Time,  and  convey  Knowledge  and  In- 
ventions to  the  remoteft  Ages .'     Nay,  fome  of  the  Philofophers,  who  were 
moit  immerfed  in  the  Senfes,  and  denied  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul  -,  yet 
allowed,  that  whatever  Motions  the  Spirit  of  Man  could   perform  without 
6be  Organs  of  the  Body,  might  remain  after  death;  which  are  only  thofe 
of  the  Underftanding,  and   not  of  the  AfFeftions :  fo  immortal  and  incor- 
ruptible a  thing  did  Knowledge  appear  to   them  =*.     And  thus  having  endea- 
voured to  do  jullice  to  the  Caufe  of  Knowledge,  divine  and  human,  we  Ihall 
leave  Wtflom  to  be  juflified  of  her  Children  *". 

SEC  T. 

^  This  Seclion  has  but  occafionally  confidcr'd  \.\tc  genernl  Merits  of  Learning;  its  particular 
Merits  will  app-.ar  hereafter,  when  it  comes  to  be  branched  into  the  Sciences:  fo  that  a  Judg- 
ment cannot  julHy  be  form'd  of  it  from  this  Examination.     See  below,  Scft.  V.  VI.  (^c. 

^  The  Merits  of  Learniig  have  been  occafionally  fhewn  by  many,  but  exprefsly  by  few.  A- 
mong  the  litter  may  be  reckon'd  Johannes  Wouwerius  de  Tolymnthia,  Gulielmus  Budms  de  Phi- 
lologii,  Morhof'm  his  Polyhificr,  and  StoUius  in  IntroduB.  in  Hiflorium  Literariam,  To  thefe  may 
be  added,  Baron  Spanheim,  M  Perault,  Sir  IViUiam  Temple,  Sec. 

I 


Sed.  IV.  P  11  j:  L  T  M  IN  A  R  I  E  s. 


39 


SECT.     IV. 

The  Public  Obstacles   /o  Learning  co}ifickrd. 

I.  "\7^7'E  come  next  to  confider  what  fleps  have  hitherto  been  taken,  and  VubVxck  ^n- 
V  V     what  farther  remains,  for  the  promotion  of  Learnvig.     TheFoun-  '^^"'^'O'"'  »^- 
dation  we  proceed  upon  is  this,  that  all  Works  are  conquered,  (i.)  ly  Greatnep  Zancluarn- 
cf  Re-ivard;  (z.)  Jujlnefs  of  Direolion  ;  and  (3.)  imi  ted  Labours :    The  fir  ft  hg. 
multiplies  Endeavours,  the  fecond  prevents  Error,  and  the  third  /bpplies  the 
Imperfeftion  of  Mankind  *.     But  the  principal  of  thefe  is  DireBion  ;  for  ac- 
cording to  the  Proverb,  a  lame  Adan  hi  the  right  zva)\  may  beat  a  Racer  in 
the  liirong.     And  Solomon  excellently  laid.  If  the  Iron  be  blunt,  it  requireth 
more  Jircngth  ;  but  Wtfdotn  is  that  ivhich  prevailcth :  fignifying  that  a  pru- 
dent Choice  of  the  Means,  is  more  effeftual  than  joint  Endeavours.     Bu- the 
Acts  of  great  Men  rather  regard  Magnificence  and  Fame,  than  Progrefs  and 
Proficiency  •,  and  tend  more  to  augment  the  Mafs  of  Learning  in  the  multi- 
tude of  Learned  Men,  than  to  redlify  or  advance  the  Sciences  ^. 

2.  The  y^cls  of  Merit  towards   Learning,    regard    three  Objefts ;    viz.  The  publlck 
(i.)  tht  Places  of  Learning  ;  (2.)  the  Booh  of  Learning;  and  (3.)  ihe  Per- oijeas  of 
fons  of  the  Learned,     For  as  Water,  whether  of  the  Dew  of  Htaven,  or  the  ^^'"'"'"S- 
Springs  of  the  Earth,  fcatters,  and  is  loft  on  the  ground,  unlefs  colkfted  in 

fome  Receptacle,  or  Ciftern  ;  fo  Knowledge,  whether  from  divine  Infpiriuion, 
or  human  Senfe,  would  foon  be  loft,  if  it  were  not  prcfcrved  in  Books,  Tra- 
ditions, Univerfities,  Colleges  and  Schools. 

3.  The  Works  regarding  the  Seats  of  Learning  are  four  ;  viz.  (i.)  Build-  1'^^  '"-^^•■^  re- 
ir.gs;    (2.)  Endowments;    (3.)  Privileges;    (4.)    Laws  and  Irfii'inions ;    all  |^^'^f  "I'j^"^ 
tending  to  privacy,  quiet,  and  exemption  from   Cares  and  Anxieties;  like  i«r/      ""^ 
the  ftiil  Stations,  defcribed  by  Virgil,  for  the  hiving  of  Bees. 

4.  T\\e.  Works  ivith  regard  to  Bocks,  are  principally  two  ;  viz.  (i.)  Libra-  Boih. 
ries",    which  are  as  Shrines  that  lodge  the  Relicks   of  the  ancient  Saints, 

full  of  Virtue,  without  Delufion  and  Impofture  ;    and    (2.)  new  and  more 

iorrcEt 

*  This  fundamental  Obfervation  fhould  be  kept  in  mind,  throughout  the  whole  Inflaurauon; 
otherwife  many  parts  of  the  Author's  Scheme  will  appear  imprafticablc.  T.njs  the  pariicular 
T>efideTHta  of  Learning,  hereafter  fet  down,  are  iome  of  them  too  great  to  be  fupplied  by  a 
private  hand  j  but  require  a  publick  Purfe,  an  exaft  Conduft,  and  united  AlTiftance;  as  the 
Hiftory  of  Arts,  the  Literary  Hiftory,  the  Fhitofophical  College,  &c.  And,  doubtlets,  iome  of  the 
greateft  Things  that  Mankind  are  capable  of  performing,  remain  unactempted,  01  unaccom- 
plifhed,  for  want  of  thefe  main  Springs  of  Aftion. 

''  The  means  of  doing  v/hich,  are  pointed  out  below. 

^  For  the  beftMethod^of  colIe(9:in^and  difpoling  publick  I./ir«r??/,  and  "-hdre  who  have  wrote 
upon  the  Subjeft,  iee  Morhof'\n  Polyhifl.  de  Meitih  erigenJjrum  Biiiifthecarum,  Tom.  I.  Lib.  L 
Cap.  IV.  V.  VL  and  Stollii  IntroJuH.  in  Hiftorium  Litera'i.im  de  Hifloria  Literaria  generation 
fpeBata,  p.  78,  &c.  But  parricuhrly  M.NmtdS's  Avis  four  dre/fi'-  line  Bibiiotlietiue,  firft  printid 
at  Paris,  in  1617  ;  and  afte-^wirds  tranflared  into  Latin  jy  ^cJ.^nidius,  w^ith  Additions,  in  i?^;. 
See  alfo  Hnude'i  Cutulogtts  Bibliothec*  Cvrdefmn^;  printed  at  i^nris,  in  i6.vj. 


y 


40  Preliminaries.  SeS:.  IV. 

corre^  Editions  of  Author !,  with  more  exaft  Tranflations,  more  ufeful  Notes, 
Explanations,  (^c. 
The  Terfons  of     5-  Tlie  ll^orks  that  regard  the  Pcfons  of  the  Learned,  befides  the  counte- 
r's Lfur»ev/.    nancing  of  them  in  general,  are  alfo  two:   viz.  (i.)  the  Reward  and  Infti- 
tution  of  Readers  in  the  Sciences  already  known  •,  and  (2.)  the  Reward  and 
Inftitution  of  Writers,  and  Enquirers  into  the  Parts  of  Learning  not  hitherto 
fufficiently  profccuted. 
Tbefirflfub.       6.  Thcfe  ate  the  Works  and  Afts  wherein  the  Merits  of  many  Princes, 
lick  Defect,  «  and  Others,  have  appeared.     But,  to  look  unto  that  part  of  the  Race  which  is 
want  of  Col-    i^ffg^,,  i^t^  we  obferve,  (i.)  that,  as  there  are  fo  many  excellent  Foundations  of 
and  Sciences     Colleges  in  Europe,  it  is  Jl range  they  fJjould  be  all  dedicated  to  certain  Proffftons, 
at  Urge.         and  none  left  free  to  Arts  and  Scienca  at  large.     For  tho'  all  Learning  fhould  be 
referred  to  Aclion,  yet  we  may  here  eafily  flill  into  the  error  of  fuppoJing 
the  Stomach  idl-f",  bccaufe  it  neither  performs  the  Office  of  Motion,  as  the 
Limbs  •,  nor  of  Scnfe,  as  the  Head  •,  tho'  it  digtfts  and  diftributes  to  all  the 
other  Parts :  in  like  manner,  if  a  Man  thinks  Philoiophy  and  Univerfality 
but  idle  Studies,  he  does  not  confider  that  all  ProfefTions  are  from  thence 
fupplied.     And  this  leems  a  principal  Caufe  of  the  flow  advancement  of 
Learning  -,  as  thefe  fundamental  kinds  of  Knowledge  have  been  ftudied  only 
in  paflage.     For  to  make  a  Tree  bear  more  Fruit,  it  Is  not  any  thing  done  to 
the  Boughs  •,  but  llirring  the  Earth,  and  the  putting  new  Mould  about  the 
Roots,   that  muft  efFe<5l  it".     And  this  dedicating  of  Foundations  to  pro- 
fejfory  Learning,  has  not  only  had  a  bad  effeft  upon  the  growth  of  the 
Sciences,  h\il?A\om  Governments.  For  hence  Princes  generally  find  a  great  want 
of  able  Men  for  their  fervice  ;  as  there  is  no  collegiate  Inftitution  for  Hiftory, 
modern  Languages,  Politicks,  and  the  like  means  of  qualifying  fuch  as  are 
difpofed  for  the  Service  of  the  State  ^ 
Thefccond.  a        7-  (^O  And  ws  Founders  cf  Colleges  plant,  and  Fourders  of  Lectures  water, 
ii'«»f  of  pro-    we  muft  next  note  a  defed:  in  publick  Le£fures,  whether  in  Arts  or  Profcffions : 
formn.ible      yjy^  jjjg  fmallnefs  cf  the  Salary  generally  ajfigred  thetn.     For  'tis  nectffary  to 
"  """■         the  progrefs  of  the  Sciences,  that  Readers  be  of  the  abl;ft  kind,  as  men 
intended  for  propagating  the  Sciences  to  future  ages,  and  not  for   tranfi- 
tory  ufe.     And  this  cannot  be,    unk-fs  the  Profits  may  content  the  moft 
Eminent  in  every  Art  to  appropriate  their  Lives  and  Labours  to  this  fole 
purpofe ;  who  muft  therefore  have  a  competency  allowed   them,   propor- 
tionable to  what  might  be  expcfted  from  the  prndice  of  a  Prof.-ftion.     For 
to  make  the  Sciences  flourifli,  D'^vid's  military  Law   Ihould  be  obferved, 
and  thofe  who  flay  w'.th  the  Carriage,  have  equal  with  thofe  who  are  in  the 

A5fion  ; 

*  The  thing  here  intendeil  is  3  general  College,  fct  apart  for  fundamental  Learning,  or  Tjch 
as  fhould  be  p  epava'ory  to  all  Aits  Sciences,  and  Profcirions;  that  is,  tur  teachins'  the  Prin- 
ciples of  imiverfal  Philofofhy,  or  general  Kncvledge :  For  want  of  fuch  a  general  Ii.Jliliition, 
^leii  the  nioit  cinintnt  in  lome  one  particular  Profeflion,  are  commonly  ignorant  in  ail  the 
reft  ;  whereas,  to  make  a  Man  complcat,  and  eminently  ferviccable,  'tis  neccfTiry  he  iTiould 
fi-(t  underliand  the  Principle?  of  Morality,  civil  Society,  natural  Pl^Hofjphy.  Lam,  Di-iiniiy  i:e- 
dicine  !k>-.  before  he  appli<;s  himielt  to  the  Praftice  and  Improvement  of  anv  one  Art,  Scicnre, 
or  Piof'cllion:  luch  a  Connection  all  the  Parts  of  Learning  have  with  one  another,  as  to'ctncr 
Ci'nn-ituting  but  one  Corps  of  Science. 

^  From  tcciing  this  ill  Effetf,  perhaps,  the  Academy  of  Potiticki  wa?  infiitutcd  by  Lewis  the 
Fourteenth  of  France;  and,  lately,  a  Profeffor  of  modern  Hijlory  by  KmgGeerge  'he  Fait  of 
England. 


Se£l.  IV.  Preliminaries.  41 

A£l'ion  -,  or  otherwife  the  Carriages  will  be  ill  attended  :  fo  LeBurers  in  the 
Sden:t's,  as  being  the  Guardians  of  the  Stores  and  Provifions,  whence  Men 
in  aftive  Life  arc  furnifhed,  ouglit  to  fliare  equal  Advantages  with  them  : 
For  if  the  Fathers  of  the  Sciences  be  weak,  or  ill  maintained,  the  Students 
will  feel  the  effefts  of  it*. 

8.  (3.)  The  next  Defe^  may  require  the  affiftance  of  the  Chemifts  ■,  who  The  third,  a. 
call  upon  Scholars  to  fell  their  Books,  and  build  Furnaces ;  quitting  Minerva  '»"'"  c/ Ap- 
and  riie  Mufcs,  as  barren  Virgins,  and  relying  upon  Vulcan.  And  indeed  to  Tir^.f'J'i'"' 
the  deep,  fruitful,  and  operative  Study  of  many  Sciences,  efpecially  Na/ural  ii,„^„cesfjy 
Philofophy  and  Pbyfick,  Books  are  not  the  only  Inftruments  required  :  and  Experimem. 
accordingly  Spheres,  Globes,  Maps,  £?f.  have,  as  well  as  Books,  been  pro- 
vided for  the  ftudy  of  Ajtrononiy  and  Geography.     And  fome  Places  deftined 

to  Phv/ick,  have  alfo  Gardens  for  Simples  ;  and  the  allowance  of  dead  Bo- 
dies for  Anatomy.  Bui  thefe  are  too /cant).  In  general,  no  great  proficiency 
can  well  be  made  in  thedifclofing  of  Nature,  without  fome  Public  Al- 
lowances FOR  Experiments;  whether  of  the  Furnace,  Engine,  or  any 
other  kind  :  and  therefore  as  the  Secretaries  and  Spies  of  Princes  are  r.liowed 
to  bring  in  Bills  for  Intelligence  ;  fo  muft  the  Spies  and  Obfers'-ers  of  Nature 
bring  in  their  Bills  of  Charges,  or  we  fhall  be  ill  informed.  And  if  Alex- 
ander made  fuch  a  liberal  Allowance  to  Arijlotle,  for  Hunters,  Fowlers, 
Firtiers,  i^c.  in  order  to  a  natural  Hijlory  of  Animals  ;  much  better  do  they 
deferve  it,  who  labour  in  the  Labyrinths  of  Art''. 

9.  (4.)  Another  Defeat  of  great  import ance,  is  a  neglect  in  Governours  of  The  fourth, 
Univerfities,  with  regard  to  Confultations  ;  and  in  Princes^  of  Vifitations ;  to  oh-  ^  ""•""  "/ 
ferve,  with  diligence^  whether  the  Readings,  Exercifes,  Difputations,  and  other  „Jj^'l'„ia,. 
academical  Cufioms,  anciently  inftituted,  flxuld  beflill  continued,  changed,  or  re-  tion  of  Uni- 
formed.   For,  as  in  all  Precedents,  if  the  times  wherein  they  began,  were  verjitiei. 
dark  or  ignorant,  it  derogates  from  their  Authority  ;  and  as  moft  Cufloms 

and  Orders  of  Univerfities  began  in  obfcure  and  ignorant  Times ;  it  is  the 
more  requifite  they  fhould  be  re-examined.  Thus,  for  inftance,  Scholars 
in  the  Univerfities  begin  Logick  and  Rhetorick  too  foon  ;  thefe  being  Arts  fitter 
for  Graduates,  than  Children :  and  when  rightly  underflood,  are  the  grav^efl 
of  Sciences,  and  the  Arts  of  Arts  ;  the  one  for  Judgment,  the  other  for 
Ornament  •,  as  affording  Rules  and  Direftions  for  fetting  out,  and  diipofing 
of  Matter :  whence  for  Minds  empty  and  unfraught  to  begin  with  thefe 
Arts,  the  Wifdom  whereof  is  great  and  univerfal,  renders  them  contemp- 
tible, and  finks  them  into  childifli  Sophiftry,  and  ridiculous  Affeftacion. 
Again,  the  Exercifes  of  Univerfities,  make  too  great  a  feparation  between  In- 
vention and  Memory  ;  for  Speeches  are  here  either  premeditated,  when  no- 
thing is  left  to  Invention,  or  merely  extemporary,  when  little  i-  left  to  Me- 
mory ;  whereas  Bufinefs  and  Aftion  require  a  mixture  of  Premeditation  and 

'  The  Salaries  allowed  by  Levnis  the  Fourteenth,  procured  very  able  Men  for  Members  of 
the  R(^'al  Acitdemy  of  Sciences  at  Faris ;  and  if  that  Academy  has  out-ilripp'd  moft  others  in 
Difcoveries  and  Improvements,  this  may  be  chiefly  owing  to  the  princely  Munificence  of  its 
Founder;  and  the  Prcfents  extraordinary,  wherewith  he  rewarded  luch  Members  as  merited  ic 
by  their  Works.      Sec  Fontenelle's  Hi/lory  of  the  Ke-efiablifljtnent,  An.  1699. 

''  That  is,  who  profecute  the  Bufmel's  of  Experiments,  as  m  the  Ro;al  Academy  ef  Sciences  at 
taris;  and  the  MetaUick  College  of  the  King  ot  Sweden:  but  the  Royal  Society  of  LonJon  has  no 
fuilick  Allow aitce  for  Experiments. 

Vol.  I.  G  Invention. 


42  Preliminaries.  Sed.  IV. 

Invention.     Whence  the  Exercife  anfwers  not  to  Praftice,  nor  the  Image  the 
Life :  whereas  it  is  a  conftant  rule  in  Exercifes,  to  form  them  as  near  as 
poffible  to  Pradice  -,  otherwife  they  do  not  prepare,  but  pervert  the  natural 
Faculties  of  the  Mind  ;   as  appears  when  Students  come  to  adt  in  civil  Life  9 
for  then  this  want  is  foon  perceived  by  themfelves,  and  fooner  by  others. 
The  fifth,  X         10.  (5.)  The  next  DefeSf  goes  a  little  higher:    for  as  the  advanceytient  of 
want  of  Intel-  Learning  greatly  depends  upon  the  Orders  and  Inftitutions  of  Univerfities  in 
t'wh:7theUni-  ^'^^  ^"^"^^  Kingdom  -,  it  would  be  ftill  better,  if  there  were  more  of  mutual  In- 
verfities  of      telUgence  between  the  Univerfities  of  Europe.     There  are  many  Orders  and 
Europe.  Foundations,  which  tho'  lying  under  feveral  Sovereignties,  yet  take  them- 

felves to  have  a  kind  of  Society,  and  Correfpondence,  with  one  another  j  in- 
fomuch,  that  they  have  common  Heads  and  Provincials':  and,  furely,  as  Na- 
ture creates  Brotherhood  in  Families,  and  mechanical  Arts  make  Brother- 
hood in  Communities,  as  the  Divine  Undlion  induces  Brotherhood  in  Kings 
and  Bifhops,  and  Vows  and  Rules  make  Brotherhood  in  Orders  ;  fo  there 
cannot  but  be  an  illujlrious  Fraternity  in  Learning  and  Illumination,  relative 
to  that  Faterniry  attributed  to  God,  the  Father  oi Light s\ 
The  fixth.  a  II.  (6.)  The  laft  D^ieii  is,  that  there  has  rarely  been  any  publick  Inflitu- 
vantoffub-  ([  „  of  IFr iters  or  Enq'iir-rs,  a''out  fuch  parts  of  Knowledge  as  are  not  already 
W^Qu^rers  A//'^'^«'^V  lubour-d.  Wr.ence  it  were  highly  proper  to  examine  what  parts 
of  Learning  have  been  profccuted,  and  what  neglefted :  for  the  opinion  of 
plenty  is  one  cau'e  of  want;  and  our  great  quantity  of  Books,  looks  like 
fuperfl'iity  ;  which,  however,  is  not  to  be  remedied  by  deftroying  thofe  we 
have  already,  but  by  publifhing  more  good  ones  •,  that,  like  the  Serpent 
oi Mof's,  might  d.vour  the  Serpents  of  the  Enchanters. 

1 2.  The  removal  of  the  five  preceding  Dcftfts,  and  even  the  aftive  part  of  the 
fixth  and  laft,  viz.  thelnftitution  of  fV' iters  and  Enquirers,  are  regnl (Vorks  "^  i 
towards  which,  the  Endeavours  of  a  private  Perfon  are  but  as  a  Statue  in  a 
crofs  Road,  that  may  point  the  way  it  cannot  go  "^ :  but  the  fpecuLuive  part 
of  the  laft,  viz.  the  Examination  of  Learning,  may  be  promoted  by  private 
labour.  We  ftiall,  therefore,  next  attempt  a  general  Survey  of  Knowledge ; 
and  enquire  into  what  parts  thereof  lie  wafte,  or  unimproved  ;  in  order  to 
furnifh  out  fuch  a  Plan,  as  may  give  light  to  p'.blick  Defigns,  and  excite  the 
private  Endeavours  of  others '. 

*  As  the  fefuits,  for  inftance,  and  other  religious  Orders  abroad. 

*  The  ill  Conrequcncesof  this  want  of  Correfpondence  tUll  continue,  in  feme  degree:  WeinE«^- 
lund irehxxt  little  acquainted  with  the  Tranfaftions  of  foreign  Vniverfties;  and  thence  generally 
think  but  contemptibly  of  them;  as  particularly  ot  ihe Germans ,  perhaps  for  want  of  know- 
ing them   better. 

'  And  therefore  properly  laid  before  croivn'd  Heads,  as  they  were,  with  great  addrefs,  by  the 
Author,  before  King  Jtmes  the  Firfi ;  tho'  without  effift.  \lux  King  Charles  U.  of  EogU>,d, 
and  Levis  WV.  of  France,  cnter'd  into  the  Spirit  of  this  giandDciign.  The  firft,  upon  infbituting 
xhe  Rcyal  Society  ol  London,  was  foon  tollow'd  by  the  other,  in  ciUWfhmg  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Sciences  at  Paris.  And  thepj  two  eminent  Examples  gave  occalion  to  the  eltablifhmeiit  of 
many  the  like  Societies  in  different  parts  of  Europe:  tho'  fome  of  an  inferiour  kind  were,  be- 
fore this,  formed  m  Italy 

^  Yet  private  Fortunes  may  be  cmploy'd  to  procure  thefe  publick  Advantagesj  as  appears 
bv  the  noble  In'litation  of  Grejham  College.  ' 

'  '  The  DliCTii  of  this  SeBion  is  heautifjliy  exemplihed,  and  deduced,  in  the  Nevo  Atlantis,  or 
Plan  of  a  PhiJofophical  Society,  placed  as  the  First  Supplement  to  the  prelim  Piece. 

THE 


(43  ) 


THE 

DISTRIBUTION 

o  F 

KNOWLE  DGE, 

Into  Particular  Sciences. 


s  E  c  T.     I. 

Of    H  I  S  T  O  R  V. 

I.  f"  ■    ^  H  E  jufteft  Divifion  of  Human  Learnings  is  that  derived  from  the  Knowledge, 
I         three   different  Faculties  of  the   Soul ;  the  Seat  of  Learning :  '^''■"'"e "«'' 
i      History  being  relative  to  the  Memory,  Poetry  to  the  Ima-  f/^J^fHifto^y, 
ginatm,  and  Philosophy   to  the  Reafon.     By  Poetry,  we  underftand  no  Poetry,««i 
more  x.h'xn  feigri' d  Hiftory,  or  Fable  ;  without  regard,  at  prefent,  to  the/of/i-  Philofophj. 
cal  Style. 

2.  History  is  properly  concerned  about  Individuals,  circumfcribed  by 
Time  and  Place :  fo  likevvife  is  Poetry  ;  with  this  difference,  that  its  Indivi- 
duals are  feign'd,  with  a  refemblance  to  true  Hiftory  ;  yet,  like  Painting,  fo  \ 
as  frequently  to  exceed  it.  But  Philosophy,  dropping  Individuals,  fixes 
upon  Notions  abftracled  from  them  ;  and  is  employ'd  in  compounding  and 
feparating  thefe  Notions  according  to  the  Laws  of  Nature,  and  the  Evidence 
of  Things  tbemfelves.  Thus  History,  Poetry,  and  Philosophy  flow 
from  the  three  diftintfl  Fountains  of  the  Mind,  viz.  the  Memor'j,  tlie  Ima- 
gination, and  the  Reafon ;  without  any  poffibility  of  increafing  their  num- 
ber. For  Hifo'-y  and  Experience  are  one  and  the  fame  thing  •,  fo  are  Philo- 
fojfhv  and  the  Sciences. 

3.  Nor  does  Divine  Learning  reqmrs  any  other  Divif  on :  for  tho*  Revela- 
tion and  Serfe  may  differ,  both  in  matter  and  manner  ;  yet  the  Spirit  of  Man, 
and  its  Cells,  are  the  fame  •,  and  in  this  cafe  receive,  as  it  were,  different  Li- 
quors thro'  different  Conduits.  Theology,  therefore,  confifts  (i.)  oi^  Sacred 
Ilijiory  ;  (2.)  Parable,  or  Divine  Poefy  ;  and  (3.)  Oi  Holy Docfrim,  or  Preceft, 

G  2  as 


44  H  I  s  T  o  R  Y.  Se6t.  I. 

as  its  fixed  P/j//o/o/)/6)'.     As  ^ox  Prophecy ,  which  feems  a  part  redundant,  'tis 
no  more  than  a  Species  of  Hijlory  -,  Divine  Hiftory  having  this  prerogative 
over  Human  ;  that  the  Narration  may  precede,  as  well  as  lucceed  the  FaB. 
H!ftory</roi-       4.  HisTORY  is  either  natural  or  civil:  the  7wtural  records  the  Works 
JeJinro  natu-  _^,^j  ^^"^g  of  J^ature  ;  the  cki/  the  Works  and  A6i:s  of  Mru.     Divine  Interpo- 
ral  »n  civi .  ^jj.jq|^  j^  unqueilionably  feen  in  both,  particularly  in  the  Affairs  of  Men  ;  fo 
far  as  to  conftitute  a  different  fpecies  oi  Hijlory,  which  we  call  Sacred,  or  Ec- 
clefiajtical.     But  fuch  is  the  dignity  oi Letters  and  Arts,  that  they  deferve  a 
feparate  HiJlory,  which,  as  well  as  the  Ecclefiajiical,  we  comprehend  under 
Civil  Hijlory. 
Natural  Hi-        5.  We  form  our  Divifion  of  Natural  Hijlory  upon  the  threefold /«/(?  and 
(toxy  divided  f-gfj^ifioji  of  Nature  ;  which  is(i.)  either  free,  and  proceeding  in  her  ordinary 
r'c/Gencra-'courfe,  without  molcftation  •,  or  (2.)  obftruded  by  fome  ftubborn  and  lefs 
tions,  PrKcer- common  Matters;  and  thence  put  out  of  her  courfc,  as  in  the  produdlion  of 
generations     Monfrers ;  or  (3.) bound  and  wrought  upon  by  human  means,  for  the  pro- 
and  kns.       duftion  of  Things  artificial.     Let  all  iVrt/2/r«///(/?(?r)',  therefore,  be  divided 
into  the  Hijlory  of  Generations,  Prccter-generations,  and  Arts ;  the  firjl  to  con- 
fider  Nature. At. Hbertyry.  iht  fecond.    Nature  in  her  errors;  and  the  thirdy 
Nature  in  conjlraint. 
The  Hijlory  of     g_   xhc  Hi  STORY  OF  Arts  fhould  the  rather  make  a  Species  of  Natural 
"^"deafmies^'ft^^y-»  becaufe  of  that  prevalent  opinion,  as   ify^r^werea  different  thing 
c/Nituial      from     ature;  and  Things  natural  different  from  Things  artificial -,  whence 
Hiftory.         many  Writers  of  Natural  Hijlory  think  they  perform  notably,  if  they  give 
us  the  Hijlory  of  Animals,  Plants,  or  Minerals^,  without  a  word  of  the  mecha- 
nic Arts.     A  farther  mifchief  is  to  have  Art  efteemed  no  more  than  an  af- 
fiftant  to  Nature,  fo  as  to  help  her  forwards,  correft  or  fet  her  free,  and  not 
to  bend,  change,  and  radically  affe£l  her  ;   whence  an  untimely  Defpair  has 
crept  upon  mankind  ;  who  fhould  rather  be  afllired  that  artificial  Things  daf- 
fer  not  from  natural  inform  or  ejfdnce,  but  only  in  the  efficient :  For  Man 
has  no  power  over  Nature  in  any  thing  but  Motion,  whereby  he  either  puts 
bodies  together,  or  feparates  them.   And  therefore,  fo  far  as  natural  Bodies 
may  be  feparated  or  conjoin'd,    man  may  do  any  thing  \   Nor  matters  it, 
if  things  are  put  in  order  for  producing  effeds,  whether  it  be  done  by  hu- 
man means  or  otherwife.     Gold  is  fometimes  purged  by  the  Fire,  and  tome- 
times  found  naturally  pure  :    the  Rain-bow  is  produced  after  a  natural  way, 
in  a  Cloud  above  •,  or  made  artificially,  by  the  fprinkling  of  Water  below. 
AsNature,  therefore,  governs  all  things,  by  means  ( i .)  of  her  general  Courfe, 
(2.}  her  Excurfion,  and  (3.)  by  means  of  human  Affiitance  :  thefe  three  Parts 
mull  be  received  into  Natural  Hijlory  ;  as  in  fome  meafure  they  are  by  Pliny. 

7- 

'   As  Arijiotle,  Diofcoridet,  dfiilpinus,  Cijius,  Wormius,  A'ldrovandus,  &c. 

^  T^h  fundamental  Maxi>7>  will  be  made  great  ufc  of  in  the  Courfe  of  the  Work;  and 
fliould  therefore  be  well  underflood  and  reniembred  ;  otherwife  we  fh.ili  eafily  miftake  prafti- 
cable  things  for  imprafticabie;  when  the  Author  comes  to  apply  fo  fimple  a  Principle,  for 
producing  uncommon  Ejfeiis  by  liiiman  Means,  or  merely  by  vhe  feparation  and  combination  of 
Matter.  Thus  a  perfon  unacquainted  with  Diftillation  and  Concentri;ion,  would  not  conceive 
that  Brandy  fliould  be  feparated  from  Wtne  by  Fire;  Water  from  Wine  /y  Cold,  Sec.  and  many 
more  confjderable  Works  be  perform'd  barely  by  human /ff.Jnw/cfj  and  cembinntion,  applied  in 
Muhanici,  Optics,  Mnaufr^trei   and  Arts. 


SeS:.  I.  History.  4^ 

7.  The  firft  of  thefe  Parts,   the  Hiftcry  of  Creatures ^  is  extant  in  tolerable  The  Hijlory  of 
perfcdion »  ;  but  the  two  others,   tiie  Hijlory  of  Monfien,  and  the  Hiflory  of^'^'^"*''^'  '^• 
Art},  m.iy  be  noted  as  deficient.      For  I  find  no  competent  ColleBion  of  the  'T\i  ^"n  '^"^ 
works  oj  lyjtnre  ciigrejjing  jrctntbe  ordinary  coiirje  oj  generations.,  produolions deficient. 
cmd  ructions  ■■,  whether  fnigidarities  of  place  and  region,  or  flfange  events  of  time 

and  c'xiKCe  ;  e;ffe£is  of  unkn'^wn  properties,  or  infiances  of  exceptions  to  gene- 
ral Rules.  We  have  indeed  many  books  of  fabulous  Experiments,  Secrets 
and  frivolous  Impoftures,  for  pleafiire  and  ftrangenefs  *• ;  hut  z.fiibjlantial  and 
loell-purged  Colleition  of  Heteroclitcs,  or  Irregularities  of  Nature,  carefully  exa- 
mined and  defcrihed,  efpecially  with  a  due  rejection  of  /able  and  popular  error,  is 
ivanting' :  for  as  things  now  ftand,  if  falfe  Fadls  in  Nature  be  once  on  foot; 
what  thro'  negleft  of  Examination,  the  countenance  of  Antiquity,  and  the 
ufe  made  of  them  in  Difcourfe,  they  are  fcarce  ever  retradted, 

8.  The  Defign  of  flich  a  Work,  of  which  we  have  a  precedent  in  Arijlo- 
tle,  is  not  to  content  curious  and  vain  minds  •,  but  (i.)  to  corredl  the  depra- 
vity of  Axioms  and  Opinions,  founded  upon  common  and  familiar  Examples ; 
and  (2.)  to  fhew  the  IVonders  of  Nature,  which  give  the  fhorteft  paflage  to 
the  f-Vonders  of  Art :  for  by  carefully  tracing  Nature  in  her  wandrings,  ive  may 
be  enabled  to  lead  or  compel  her  to  the  fame  again^.  Nor  would  we  in  this 
Hifiory  cflVondsrs  have  fuperftitious  Narrations  of  Sorceries,  Witchcrafts, 
Dreams,  Divinations,  (£c.  totally  excluded,  where  there  is  full  evidence 
of  the  fact:  becaufe  it  is  not  yet  known  in  what  cafes,  and  how  far  effefts 
attributed  to  fuperftition,  depend  upon  natural  caufes.  And,  therefore,  tho' 
the  practice  of  fuch  things  is  to  be  condemned  •,  yet  the  confideration  of  them 
may  afford  light,  not  only  in  the  judging  of  criminah,  but  in  the  firther 
difclofing  of  Nature.  Nor  fliould  men  fcruple  examining  into  thefe  things, 
in  order  to  difcover  Truth  :  the  Sun  tho'  it  palTcs  thro'  dirty  places,  yet  re- 
mains as  pure  as  before.  Thofe  narrations,  however,  which  have  a  tinfture  of 
fuperltition,  fhould  be  kept  feparate,ar.d  unmix'd  with  others,  that  are  merely 
natural.  But  the  Relations  of  religious  prodigies  and  miracles,  as  being 
either  flilfe  or  fupernaturai,  are  unfic  to  enter  a  Hiflory  of  Nature". 

9.  As  for  the  History   of  Nature  wrought  or  form'd  ;  we  h:iYt  The  Hiflory  of 
fome  Colledions  of  Agriculture  and  manual  Arts,  but  commonly  with  a  Re-  ■^''"  deficient. 

jeftion 

*  By  Arifiotle,  Diofcorides,  Fliny,  and  others. 

''  As  by  Cardan,   Faracelfiis,  Alexis,  Baptifla  Porta,  8cc. 

'  Nor  fupplied  to  this  day;  tho'  many  particulars  for  ir  may  be  collcftcj  from  Aldrovan- 
Jms,  IVeiiirichius,  Licetus,  Bonaientttra,  Schenkius,  Laurenlius,  Caflknius,  and  StengeUiis,  who 
have  all  wrote,  deMcnflris.  To  thefe  may  he  added  the  Thyfiica  ciiriopa  of  Schotlus,  Kircher's 
Mundus  fiibterntneus,  the  Vhilopofhical  TranfuBlons,  the  French  Memoirs,  the  Acta  Ertidito- 
rum,  the  Germ.in  Ephemerides,  and  H'tinlcf?.  IVor.ders  of  the  little  World. 

^  Let  this  Fonnd.uion  for  acquiring  a  Comaiand  over  Nature  be  well  obfervcd ;  for  many 
Particulars  mention'd  hereafter,  flich  as  governing  the  Winds,  the  Weather,  ©•<:.  would  fcera 
impofTibilities  without  it. 

'  To  this  Hiftoiy  might  perhaps  advantageoufly  be  added,  the  monfirous,  or  anomalous  Tro- 
duciions  in  Arts  j  where  things  happsn  in  an  eminent  degree,  contrary  to  the  expedlation  of 
the  Artift :  as  the  perverting  or  ftoppirg  of  vinous  Fermentation,  by  the  accidentalfalling  in  of 
a  little  Soap;  the  making  of  folid,  or  Loaf  Sug.ir,  from  the  accidental  application  of  Tobacco- 
pipe  Clay,  the  preventing  of  Sugar  from  boiling  over,  by  the  accidental  dropping  in  of  a  Can- 
die;  the  difcharging  of  rfrf /rtfr  by  accidentally  fpitting  upon  a  red  Writing,  Qrc  Inftances 
of  which  kind  arc  to  be  found  in  the  Books  of  Chemifiry,  and  other  praGical  Arts.  They 
dcferve  the  rather  to  be  co'lcfted,  becaufe  all  fuch  Inftances  give  us  the  Power  of  doing  the 
like  again;  and  thus  enlarge  our  command  over  Nature.  ^ 


46  History.  Secft.  I. 

jedion  of  fixmiliar  and  vulgar  Experiments,  which  yet  are  of  more  fervice 
in  the  Interpretation  of  Nature  than  the  uncommon  ones :  an  Enquiry  into 
mechanical  matters  being  reputed  a  difhonour  to  Learning  ;  unlefs  luchas 
appear  fecrets,  rarities  and  fubtilties  *.  But  the  truth  is,  they  are  not  the 
higheft  Inftances  that  give  the  fecureft  information ;  for  mean  and  fmall 
things  often  difcover  great  ones,  better  than  great  can  difcover  the  fmall  : 
and  therefore  yfn/o/Zf  obferves,  '■'■  That  the  nature  of  every  thing  is  beft  feen  in 
its  fmalleft  portions."  Whence  he  feeks  the  nature  of  a  common-wealth, 
firft  in  a  fvmily :  and  fo  the  nature  of  the  world,  and  the  policy  thereof, 
muft  be  fought  in  mean  relations  and  fmall  portions.  The  magnetic  virtue 
of  Iron  was  not  firft  difcover'd  in  Bars,  but  in  Needles. 

10.  But  in  my  judgment  the  ufe  of  mechanical  Hijlory  is,  of  all  others,  the 
moft  fundamental  towards  fuch  a  Natural  Pbilofophy  as  fhall  not  vanifli  in 
the  fume  of  fubtile,  fublime,  or  pleafing  fpeculations ;  but  be  operative  to  the 
endowment  and  benefit  of  human  life  :  as  not  only  fuggefting,  for  the  pre- 
fent,  many  ingenious  practices  in  all  trades,  by  connecting  and  transferring 
the  obfervations  of  one  Art  to  the  ufes  of  another,  when  the  Experience  of 
feveral  Arts  fhall  fall  under  the  confideration  of  one  man  ;  but  as  giving  a 
more  true  and  real  illumination  with  regard  to  Caufes  and  Axicfns,  than  has 
hitherto  appeared.  For  as  a  man's  Temper  is  never  well  known  till  he  is 
crofs'd  •,  in  like  manner,  the  Turns  and  Changes  of  Nature  cannot  appear  fo 
fully,  when  fhe  is  left  at  her  liberty,  as  in  the  Trials  and  Tortures  of 
Art, 

11.  We  add,  that  the  body  of  this  Experimental Hiftory  ftiould  not  only 
be  formed  from  the  mechanic  Arts ;  but  alfo  from  the  operative  and  effeftive 
part  of  the  liberal  Sciences,  together  with  numerous  pradtices,  not  hitherto 
brought  into  Arts  :  fo  that  nothing  may  be  omitted  which  has  a  tendency  to 
inform  the  Underftanding ''. 

12. 

*  The  Hiftory  here  intended  is  a  thing  of  vail  ex'cnt,  thit  requires  great  abilities,  and  fuita- 
ble  alliftancc:  to  execute  ;  and  perhaps  is  the  Hijlory  cf  Arts,  which  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Sciences  at  furis  have  been  feveia!  years  engaged  in.  Sach  a  Wck  is  certainly  worth/  oFthat 
illuftrious  Society.  What  Particulars  the  Author  would  have  this  Hiftory  include,  may  be  (een 
in  the  Catalogue  of  Hi/Zoric;  required  for  interpreting  the  H'orks  of  Nature  ■,  laid  down  in  the 
Sylza  Sylvarum,  ot  third  Part  cf  the  Inftnuratio»,  Su'tt.II.  The  Writings  to  be  con.ul  ed  for  it, 
are  principally  fuch  as  Agricoln  de  re  Me:altica ;  which  dcfcribcs  the  common  methods  and 
ways  of  working  Metals,  from  the  Ore  to  their  faleable  ftate;  Neri'i  Art  of  Glafs,  with  the 
Motes  and  Improvements  upon  it  by  Merret  and  Knnckel;  all  Mr.  Boyle's  Experimental  Pieces 
many  of  thofe  in  (he  Ph'lolbphical  Tranfaftions,  and  foreign  Journals;  Pomet  and  Lemery  on 
Drugs;  ^.ivary'i  Didtionary  of  Commerce  ;  iTa^/ upon  Dying,  Metallurgy,  Fermentation,  and 
other  Chemical  Arts;  Boerhaave'i  Cheiniftryj  de  La>i.i\  Magifierium  Naturt  Q-  Artis,  Sec. 
But  a  capital  thing  wantmg  to  complcat  this  Hijlory  of  Am,  is  an  Account  of  the  particular 
Encheirefes,  or  fecrct  ways  of  working,  which  make  the  myftery  of  every  Art,  and  are  com- 
moiily  concealed,  as  lucrative,  by  Artifts.  Thefe  myftcrics  may,  however,  be  leai-nt  by  a  ri^ht 
application;  and  'tis  pity  but  they  were  publillied  tor  the  enrichment  of  Natural  Philofifhy, 
and  the  farther  improvement  of  Arts,  i'ome  Attempts  alio  have  been  made  towards  furnilh- 
ing  out  the  Hijlory  i  lelf.  Dr.  Harris's  Lexicon  Technicum  may  pafs  for  a  Specimen  of  the  Work, 
in  the  Mathematical  Part.  But  M(.Chiiml>ers  has  purfucd  the  D.-tign  in  all  its  extent:  A  fccond 
Edition  of  his  Cyclopedia,  we  pvefuine,  may  go  n.ar  tocompleat  the  whale. 

''  And  thereto. e  not  ihz  Hiftory  of  Sophifiicatiorjs.  or  Adulter.uio>is  and  Frauds  praciifed  in 
Arts  and  Trades;  which  the  learned  A/iP''/i?c/ adds  as  a  fourth  p.trt  of  this  Lxperimci.lal  Hiftory; 

iho* 


Scd.  I.  History.  47 

12.  As  Natural  History    has   three  Parts,  fo  it  has  two  principal Trro  u/ei  of 
Ufes  ;  and  affords,  (i.)  a  Knoivledgc'  of  the  Things  themfelves  that  are  com-  ^^'"""al  Hi- 
mitted  to  Hljlory,  and(2.)  the/r//  Matter  of  Philofophy.     But  the  former,    °'^' 
rho'  it  has  its  advantages,  is  of  miicli  more  inferior  confiJeration    than  the 

other-,  which   is   a  Colleftion   of  Materials  for  a  juft    and   io\\l  Induclio», 
whereon  Philofophy  is  to  be  grounded.     And  in  this  view,  we  again  divide 
Natural  Hijlory  into  Narrative  ^nd  IndaSfive;  the  latter  whereof  is  wanting,  a  fun  and 
If  the  Natural  fJi.fory  extant,  tho'  apparently  of  great  bulk  and   vari.ty,.?f«f''' Natu- 
were  to  be  carefully  weeded  ot  its  Fables,  Antiquhies,  Quotations,  frivolous'^' ^,''^°''y 
Difputes,  Philology,  Ornaments,  and  Table-talk  -,  it  would  fhrink  to  a  nender""""  '"^' 
bulk.     But  befides,  a  Ilijl&ry  of  this  kind  is  far  from  what  we  require  ;  as 
wanting  the  two  abovemention'd  Parts  of  a  Natural  Hiflory,  viz.   Procter- 
generations  and  y^rtsy  on  which  we  lay  great  ftrefs ;  and  only  anfwers  one 
Part  in  five  of  the /Z)/W,  viz.  tha.t  of  Generations.     For  the  Hiitory  ofGf^^- 
ra.'wwj  has  five  fubordinate  Parts;  viz.  (i.)  The  Celefiial Bodies,  confidered 
in  their  naked  Phisnomena,  ftripp'd  of  Opinions.     (2.)  Meteors,  Comets,  and 
the  Regions  of  the  Air.      (3.)  The  Earth  and  Sea,  as  integral  parts  of  the 
Univerle,  including  Mountains,Rivers,Tides,  Sands,Woods,  and  Idands;  with 
a  view  to  Natural  Enquiries  rather  than  Cofmography.     (4.)  The  Elements, 
or  greater  JJfefnblages  of  matter,  as  I  call  them  •,  viz.  Fire,  Air,  Water,  and 
Earth.     And  (5.)   The  Species  of  Bodies  ;    or  more   exquiiite  CollfoJions  of 
Matter  ;  by  us  called  the /mailer  AJf^mhlages  ;  in  which  alone  the  induftry  of 
Writers  has  appeared  ;  and  that  too  rather  in  a  luxurious  than  folid  manner  ; 
as  rather  abounding  in  things  fuperfluous,  v'z.  the  Reprefentations  of  Plants 
and  Animals,  (£c.  than  careful  Obfervations,   which  fhould  ever  be  fubjoined 
to  Natural  Hijiory*.     In  fine,  all  the  Natural  Hilary  we  have  is  abfolutely  Induftive  Hi- 
unfir  for  the  end  we  propofe,    viz.  to  build  Phd'fophy  upon  •,  and  this  both  ftoryw/jo;;»^. 
in  the   manner  and  the  matter  thereof;  whence  we  fet  down  Inductive 
History,  asdeficient^ 

13.  Civil  History,   in  general,    maybe  divided  into  three  particular  Literary  Hi. 
kinds,  viz.  Sacred,  Civil,  and  Literary -,  the  latter  whereof  being  wanting,      J'^'^'""^* 
the  Hljlory  of  the  World  appears  like  the  Statue  of  Polypbeme,  without    its 

Eye; 

tho'  it  may  feem  fufficiently  included  under  the  Hiflory  of  Arts ;  as  bsin^  the  fecret  par:  cITen- 
tial  to  every  Art,  and  properly  called  the  Myflery,  or  Craft  thereof.  Of  thefc  Impolirions,  a 
large  numbcrr  may  be  readily  collefted,  and  isrve,  not  only  to  quicken  the  underftanding,  and 
enrich  Experimental  H'Jiory;  but  alio  contribute  to  perfecSt  the  Science  of  Oeconomical  Prudence. 
For  conrraries  lUuftrate  each  other,  and  to  know  the  liniiler  practices  of  an  Art  gives  lij^ht  to 
the  Artitfelf;  as  well  as  puts  men  upon  their  guard  againft  being  deceived.  See  Morhof'sPoly- 
hifi.  Tom.  11.  pag.  ii8. 

*  It  appears  to  be  the  Dcfi^n  of  the  Roy/j/  Society,  in  their  PhilofophicalT'.infaclions,  to  colle£l 
Materials  for  tm^^uve  Natural  Hiflory ;  whcre'O  we  may  add  the  French  Memoirs,  the  German 
Sphemerides,  Sec.  And  perhaps  a  judicious  Collection  from  the  modern  Writings  of  this  kind, 
wou  d  come  nearly  up  to  the  Thing  here  intended  ;  and  lay  the  Foundation  ot  an  Induilive 
Hifiory,  jaftly  noted  by  the  Author  as  deficient. 

*  What  the  Author  underftands  by  InduBive  Hiflory  fully  appears  in  his  own  particular  Hijh- 
ries  of  Life  an:!  Death,  IVinds,  Sec.  which  ihew  the  Way  of  iadiicing  or  conlcqucntiaily  dif- 
covering  and  drawing  out  the  Defij^ns  and  Operations  of  Nature,  by  the  tablina;.  or  orderly 
difpoling  of  0.)fervat:ons  and  Experiments,  or  managing  them  fomewhat  hke  alget/raical  Equa- 
tions. This  method  was  obierved  with  lefs  rigour  by  tvlr.  BoyU,  whoie  Philofophical  Peres  are 
a  mixture  of  natural  ini  iiiJu8ive  Hiflory  together  ;  but  more  ftrirtly  by  Sir  Ifaac  Neroton.  Set- 
Morhof'i  Volyhifl.  Tom.  II,  p,  117,  118,  i^'C.    and  the  HovHmOrgannm,  Part  II.  Sedi.  I  Cff» 


48 


History.  Sed-.  I. 


Eye-,  the  part  that  beft  fhews  the  life  and  fpirit  of  the  perfon*.  In  many- 
particular  Sciences  indeed,  as  the  Law,  Mathematicks,  Rhetoric,  &c.  there 
are  extant  Ibme  fliort  Memoirs,  and  jejune  Relations,  of  Seels,  Schools,  Books, 
Authors,  and  the  fucceffions  of  this  kind  of  Sciences ;  as  well  as  fome  trivial 
Accounts  of  the  Inventors  of  Things  and  Arts:  but  we  fay,  that  a  just 
AND  UNIVERSAL  LiTERARY  HisTORY  has  not  hithcrto  been  publiflied  ^. 
Its  Derisn  '  ^-  '^'^^  T^^fign  of  this  Work  fhould  be,  to  relate  from  the  earlieft  Accounts 

of  Time,  (i.)  what  Particular  kinds  of  L^rtr;7f«^  and  yfr/j  flourifhed  in  what 
Ages,  and  what  Parts  of  the  World  ;  (2.)  their  Antiquities,  Progrefs,  and 
Travels  on  the  Globe  ;  (3.)  their  Dscline,  Difappearance,  and  Reftoration. 
In  each  Artfliould  be  obferved,  (4.)  its  origin  and  occafion  of  invention  ; 
(5.)  the  manner  and  form  of  its  delivery  ;  and  (6.)  the  means  of  itsintro- 
dudlion,  exercife  and  eftablifhment.  Add  to  thefe,  (7.)  the  moft  famous 
Setts  and  Controverfies  of  learned  Men  ;  (8.)  the  Calumnies  they  fuffer'd, 
and  the  Prail'es  and  Honours  they  receiv'd.  (9.)  All  along  let  the  beft  Au- 
thors and  Books  be  noted -,  with  (10.)  the  Schools,  Succeffions,  Academies, 
Societies,  Colleges,  Orders,  and  whatever  regards  the  State  cf  Learning. 
But  ( 1 1.)  principally  let  Events  be  all  along  coupled  with  their  Caufes;  (which 
is  the  Soul,  as  it  were,  of  CivilHiJlory  ;)  in  relating  the  Nature  of  Countries  and 
People  i  (12.)  their  difpofition  and  indifpofition  to  different  kinds  of  Learn- 
ing-, (13.)  the  accidents  of  Time,  whether  flwourable  or  deftruftive  to  the 
Sciences  i  (14.)  the  Zealand  mixture  of  Religion  •,  (15.)  the  feverity  and 
lenity  of  Laws-,  (16.)  the  remarkable  Patronage,  Efforts  and  Endowments 
of  illuftrious  Men,  for  the  promotion  of  Learning,  and  the  like.  All  which 
we  would  have  handled,  not  in  the  manner  of  Critics,  who  barely  praife 
and  cenfure  -,  but  hiftorically,  or  in  the  way  of  a  naked  delivery  of  Fadls, 
with  but  a  fparing  ufe  of  private  judgment  ^ 

15- 

*  That  is,  an  Account  of  the  Origin,  Progrefs,  and  Fate  of  Learning,  human  Inventions  and 
the  Sciences  overall  the  Globe;  is  what  gives  Light,  Life  and  Spiritto  the  body  of  Cii^i/  Hiftory. 

^  Notwithilanding  Gefner's  Bibliotheca,  firll  printed  in  the  year  lyj-i,  and  the  Hermes  Aca- 
demicus  of  ilyUtts,  firft  publiflied  in  the  year  ij'48. 

•=  TheDelign  here  sketched  out,  appears  too  vaft  for  any  finglehand,  and  fhould  rather  be  the 
work  of  fome  Society  or  College  of  learned  Men.  None  of  the  V/rners  u-pon  Literary  Hiftory 
feem  to  have  taken  in  the  whole  Plan  of  the  Author.  Some  parts  thereof  have,  however,  been 
attempted;  particularly  by  Vetr.  Lambsciiis,  who  in  the  year  i6f9.  publiflied  his  Prodromus 
HiftoriA  Literaris.;  or  Preliminaries  to  a  general  Hifiory  of  the  Rife,  Progrefs,  Resolutions,  and 
Reftoraiions  of  all  Languages,  Sciences,  Faculties,  and  liberal  Arts,  in  the  oider  of  Time,  thro' 
all  Ages:  with  a  pinicuhr  commemoration  of  the  illuftrious  perfons  of  both  Sexes.  Printed  in  Latin, 
by  Liebez.eit  of  Hambourg,  in  Folio,  and  ag^iinwhh  AdS'.uonsby  fo.  Albert. Fabricins,  in  1710.  This 
Perfoi-Hiance,  tho' but  a  Specimen,  of  an  uiiiverfal  Literary  History,  was  a  Workof  immei  fe 
labour  and  erudition.  The  whole  Defign  conlifted  of  eight  and  thirty  books;  only  the  firll 
whereof,  and  four  Chapters  of  the  fccond,  ending  with  the  Argonautic  Expedition,  are  heie 
publiflied;  with  Plans  of  the  thirty  two  laft  Chapters  of  the  fame  fecond  Book.  Nor  if  the 
whole  were  executed,  would  it  fully  anfwer  either  to  the  method,  or  fill  up  the  Heads,  sketched 
out  by  the  Laid  Bacon.  The  executionof  fuch  a  grand  Defign  leemsa  Royal  IVork,  and  requires 
to  be  executed  in  Parts.  SeeMorhof.  Polyhijl.  Tom. I.  pag.  10. Ed.  1714-  O'Stollii  Introdiiciio  in 
Hiftoriam  Literariam,  Fd.Jen&,  An.  1718.  Many  particulars  for  this  Literary  Hiftory  arc  to  be 
found  in  the  Works  of  G.  J.  VoJJins  de  Hiftoricis' Gncis  &  Latinis,  de  Vhilologia,  de  Philojophin 
e^  Philofophorum  Seilis,  de  Theologia  Gentili.  Phyfiologia  Chriftlana,  de  Artibtis  pofnlaribus,  de 
Scientiis  Mathematicis,  &c.  This  Author  in  his  Book  de  Vhilologia  gives  fome  dircftions  for 
the  execution.  He  obferves,  (1)  that  Literary  Hiftory  fhould  contain  tin  account  of  the  learned 
J  Men, 


Sed.  I.  History.  49 

15.  For  the  manner  of  writing  this  Hiflory^  we  particiihrly  advife  that  7*«  »»«»»«•«/ 
the  materials  of  it  be  drawn,  not  only  from  Hiftories  and  Critical  Works,  """""«l  "• 
but  alfo  that  the  principal  Books  of  every  Century  be  regularly  confulted 
downwards ;  fo  fixr  we  mean,  as  that  a  Tafte  may  be  had,  or  a  Judgment 

formed,  of  the  Subje<5t,  Style,  and  Method  thereof ;  whence  the  literary  Ge- 
nius of  every  Age,  may  at  pleai'ure  be  raifed,  as  it  were  from  the  dead  *. 

1 6.  The  ufe  and  end  of  this  fFork  is  not  to  derive-  honour  and  pomp  to  iti  nft. 
Learning,  nor  to  gratify  an  eager  curiofity,  and  tondnefs,  of  knowing  and 
preferving  whatever  may  relate  thereto  ;  buc  chiefly   to  make  learned  Men 
wifv?,    in  the  prudent  and  fober  exercife  and  adminiftration  of  Learning  ; 

and  by  marking  out  the  Virtues  a::d  Vices  cf  in'elle^ual  Things^  as  well  as  the 
motions  and  perturbations  of  States,  to  fhew  how  the  befl:  Regulation,  and 
Government,  may  be  thence  derived  :  for  as  the  works  of  St.  Aujlin.,  or 
St.  Ambrofe^  will  not  make  fo  wife  a  Divine  as  a  thorough  reading  of  Ec- 
cleftajlical  Hiftcrs ;  the  fame  will  hold  true  of  learned  Men  with  regard  to 
particular  Books,  and  a  Literary  Hijiory  :  for  whoever  is  nor  fupported  by 
Examples  and  the  remembrance  of  Things,  mufl:  always  be  expofed  to  con- 
tingencies and  precipitancy  '^. 

Men,  and  their  Writings ;  the  improvement  of  the  Sciences,  the  Inventors,  and  the  progrefs  of 
Arts,  (i.)  Thit  Xenofhon  is  faid  by  Lacrtius  and  Suidas,  to  be  the  firft  who  wrote  the  Hiftory 
cr  Lives  of  the  Vhikfofhers  ;  but  the  Book  is  loft,  (j.)  That  the  ancient  Hiftorians  remaining 
upon  this  Subjeft  are  Laertins,  fhilojlratus,  Eunafius,  Heiychius,  and  Suidas,  among  the  Creeks} 
and  Cicero,  de  Claris  Oratoribus,  and  Suetonius  de  illujiriius  Cramm/iticis,  ac  Rhetoribus,  C3>  ali- 
quot Poetis,  among  the  Latins.  (4.)  That  to  this  kind  belong  thole  who  have  wrote  upon  the 
illujfricus  Ecclejiaflicks  ;  as  have  done  St.  Jercm,  Gennadius  MaJJilienJis ,  ifidorus  Hifpalenjis,  Hilde- 
fhorifus  Toletnnus,  Si^eiertus,  Honorius  Augufiodunenjis,  cy  Henricus  de  Gandavo.  (j-.)  .Among 
the  moderns  he  reckons  Folydore  Virgil,  Lilius  Gyraldus,  and  himfelf,  upon  the  ancient  Rheto- 
ricians, but  particularly  upon  the  Greek  and  Latin  Hiftorians  and  Poets.  {6.)  To  theft  he  adds 
many  of  the  Eccieliiftical  Writers,  and  fuch  as  have  given  the  Lives  of  eminent  Divines,  Law- 
yers and  Phylicians.  See  Vo/f.  de  Philolog.  Ed.  165-0.  pag.71,71.  (7.)  We  may  add,  C^rj/?. 
Alylii  Hermes  Academicus,  feu  de  Scribenda  Vniverjitatis  Rerum  Hijloria  ;  Conringius  de  Antiqui- 
tatibus  Acadetnicis ;  Reineri  Keineccii  Methodus  legendi  cognojcer.dique  Hiftoriam,  tarn  facram  quam 
frofantm;  Pancirollus  de  Rebus  memorabilibus;  Georg.Vafchius  de  novis  In-ventis,  quiius  facem  fr^tu- 
lit  Antiquitas;  Stanley's  Lives  of  the  Fhilofophers;  Morhcf's  Polyhijlor;  Struvii  Introiuclio  in  Not  i- 
tiam  Rei  Littrarit,  ^  Bihliotheca  Philofophica ;  Stollii  IntroduBio  in  Hiftoriam  Literarixm,  See. 

*  For  the  execution  of  this  Deiign,  Morhof,  in  his  Polyhiflor,  recommends  the  obfervance  of 
the  Direftion  laid  down  by  M.  Naude  for  dil'pofing  a  Library,  and  ranging  Books  according  to 
the  Subjedi  or  Faculties  they  treat  j  or  rather  that  propoftd  by  Lambecius,  for  a  Philolbphical 
Library.  See  Morhof  s  Polyhiff.  Tom. I.  pig.  9 — if.  Ed.  1714.  See  d.l[o  Naudti Dijjertatio  de  in- 
ftruenda  Bibliotheca  ;  publift'd  in  Latin,    with  Additions,  by  Schmidius.  An. 1705. 

''  The  ufes  of  fuch  a  Literary  Hiftory,  befides  the  capital  one  here  mention'd,  would  be  great 
and  numerous;  for  inftance,  it  wouid  ihew  the  Origins  and  Tranfmigrations  of  Religions,  He- 
reUes,  Phiiofophies,  Doftrines  and  Opinions;  the  Antiquity  of  Arts,  Sciences  and  Inventions; 
their  introduction  and  reception  in  different  Countries:  luch  a  Hiftory  would  perhaps  ftiewr 
that  moft  Phiiofophies,  Herefies,  Doftrines,  and  Inventions  are  originally  ancient,  and  only  re- 
vived or  new  drefs'd  up  in  iater  times;  and  help  us  to  recover  the  ancient  Arts  and  Secrets 
now  fuppofed  to  be  loft.  Another  principal  uft  of  it  would  be  to  direft  our  Studies,  for  ac- 
quiring a  Knowledge  of  univerfal  Philofophy,  or  any  particular  Branch  of  it ;  and  lead  to  Praftice 
and  farther  Improvement.  See  Erafmus  Bartholinus  de  Arcanis  Scientiarum,  Pancirollus  de  Re- 
6us  deftrdiiis.  Alex.  Tajjoni  Penfieri  diverfi,  (^  Pegelii  Thefaurus  Rerum  feleBarum,  &:c.  But 
\vhat  we  find  co.namonly  pubiiftied  under  the  Title  of  Literary  Hiftories,  contain  little  more 
than  an  Account  of  the  Editions  of  Books,  with  biographical  and  critical  Remarks  on  the 
Authors;  and  are  by  no  means  that  uni-verfal  hind  of  Litirar/  Hijiory  here  intended. 


Vol.  I.  H 


17. 


50 

Farticular 
Civil  Hillory, 
what  it  Jliould 
(onta'm. 


History. 


Sea.  I. 


The  difficulty 
ef  writing  it. 


js  of  three 
kinds,  viz.. 


Memoirs,  of 
too  fort  I. 


Htgifiers,  of 
two  fort  J. 


17.  Civil  History,  particularly  fo  called,  is  of  prime  dignity  and  au- 
thority among  human  Writings  ;  as  the  Examples  of  Antiquity,  the  Revo- 
lutions of  Things,  the  Foundations  of  civil  Prudence,    with  the  names  and 
reputations  of  Men,  are  committed  to  its  truft.     But  'tis-  attended  with  no 
lefs  difficulty  than  dignity  •,  for  it  is  a  Work  of  great  labour  and  judgment, 
to  throw  the  mind  back  upon  things  pafled,  and  flora  it  with  Antiquity  ; 
diligently  to  fearch  into,  and  with  fidelity  and  freedom  relate  (i.)  the  Com- 
inotions  of  Times,  (2.)  the  Cbar  alters  of  Perfo>is  ;  (.^.)  the  Inftahilit-j  of  Coun- 
fels ;  (4.)  the  Coiirfcs  of  ASions  ;  (5.)  the  Bottoms  of  Pretences ;  (6.)  the  Secrets 
of  State  ;  and  (7.)  to  fetall  this  to  view  in  proper  and  fuitable  language: 
cfpecially  as  ancient  Tranlaftions  are  uncertain,  and  late  ones  expofed  to 
danger.     Whence  fuch  a  Civil  Hifiorj  is  attended  with  numerous  Defects  v 
the  greater  part  of  Hifi:orians  writing  little  more  than  empty  and  vulgar  Nar- 
rations, and  fuch  as  are  really  a  difgrace  to  Hijlory  -,  while  fome  haftily  draw 
up  particular  Relations,  and  trivial  Memoirs  -,  fome  only  run  over  the  general 
heads  of  Actions  -,  and  others  defcend  to  the  minuted:  particulars,  which  have 
no  relation  to  the  principal  Aftions.     Thefe  in  compliance  with  their  Ge- 
nius, boldly  invent  many  of  the  things  they  write  ;  whilft  thofe  ftamp  the 
image  of  their  own  afFedtions  upon  what  they  deliver  :  thus  preferving  fideli- 
ty to  their  party  •,  but  not  to  Things  themfelves.     Some  are  conftantly  in- 
culcating Politicks,  in  which  they  take  moft  pleafure  ;  and  feek  all  occafions 
of  ftiewing  themfelves  •,  thus  childifhly  interrupting  the  Thread  of  their  Hi- 
fi  ory :  whilft  others  are  too  tedious,  and  fhew  but  little  Judgment  in  the  pro- 
lixity of  their  Speeches,   Harangues,    and  Accounts  of  Adions :  fo  that 
in  fhort,  nothing  is  fo  feldom  found  among  the  Writings  of  men,  as  true 
and  perfe^  civil  Hiflory  *. 

18.  This  Civil  Hijlory  h  of  three  kinds,  and  bears  refemblance  to  three 
kinds  of  Piffures ;  viz.  the  unfnijbfd,  the- fnifl'ed,  and  the  defaced:  Thus 
Civil  Hiflory,  which  is  the  Piflure  of  Times  and  Things,  appears  in  Memoirs, 
jujl  Hijlory,  and  Antiquities ;  but  Memoirs  are  Hijlory  begun,  or  the  firft- 
Strokes  and  Materials  of  it  -,  and  Antiquities,  are  Hijlory  defaced,  or  Remnants 
that  have  efcaped  the  Shipwreck  of  Time. 

19.  Memoirs,  or  Memorials,  are  of  two  kinds -,  whereof  the  one  may 
be  termed  Commentaries,  the  other  Regijlers.  In  Co?nmcntaries  are  fet  down 
naked  Events  and  Anions  in  fequence  •,  without  the  Motives,  Defigns, 
Counfels,  Speeches,  Pretexts,  Occafions,  (3'c.  for  fuch  is  the  true  nature 
of  a  Commentary ;  tho'  Ccefar,  in  modefty  mix'd  with  greatnefs,  called  the 
beft  Hiftory  in  the  world  a  Commentary. 

20.  Registers  are  of  two  kinds;  as  either  containing  the  Titles  of 
Things  and  Perfons  in  order  of  Time,  by  way  of  Calendar  and  Chronicles, 
or  elfe  in  the  way  of  Journal,  and  preferving  the  Edifts  of  Princes,  De- 
crees of  Council,  judicial  Proceedings,  Declarations  and  Letters  of  State, 
publick  Orations,  i3c.  without  continuing  the  thread  of  the  Narration  *•. 

21. 

•  Thus  perhaps  mod  of  the  Hijieries  of  Britain  are  partial  Accounts  of  the  fame  publick 
Tranlaiflions,  differently  reprefentcd  ;  according  to  the  Principles,  or  panicu'.ir  \  c-w  of  the 
Writer.  Whence  xhoie  of  Buchanan.  Baker,  Clarendon,  Kennet,  Eachard,  and  Biirhet,.r,c  often 
found  partial;  whilft  that  of  a  Foreigner,  M.  Thoyrai  Rapm,  is  allow \.;  the  jullcic  ^caeiai  Hi- 
jlory of  our  Nation.  ♦ 

^  Rhjhworih's  CilUHions  and  Rymer'i  loeder'a,  aic  eminent  Inftances  hereof.  j 


Sed.  I.  History.  51 

21.  Amtiquities  are  the  TFrecks  of  HiJlory\  wherein  the  memory  of ■^»''^»""3"«"- 
Things  is  almoft  loft  ;  or  fuch  Particulars  as  induftrious  Perfons,  with  exad:  ""■ 

and  fcrupulous  diligence,  can  any  way  colled  from  Genealogies,  Calendars, 
Titles,  Infcripcions,  Monuments,  Coins,  Names,  Etymologies,  Proverbs,  Tra- 
ditions, Archives,  Inftruments,  Fragments  of  publick  and  private  Hiftory, 
fcatter'd  Paflages  of  Books  no  way  hiftorical,  idc.  by  which  means  fome- 
thing  is  recovered  from  the  Deluge  of  Time.  This  is  a  laborious  Work  ; 
yet  acceptable  to  Mankind,  as  carrying  with  it  a  kind  of  reverential  awe  ; 
and  deferves  to  come  in  the  place  of  thofe  fabulous  and  ficlitious  Origins  of 
Nations  we  abound  with  :  tho'  it  has  the  lefs  authority,  as  but  few  have  ex- 
amined and  exercifed  a  liberty  of  thought  about  it  *. 

22.  In  thefe  kindsof  Imperfect  Hi  storv,  no  Deficiency  need  be  noted,  Epiiomesthe 
they  being  of  their  own   nature  imperfeft :  but  Epitomes  of  Hifior^  are  the  ^^''■^  of  Cixd 
Corruption  and  Moths,  that  have  fretted  and  corroded  many  found  and  ex-     '■'  "'^' 
cellent  bodies  of  Hijhry,  and  reduced  them  to  bafe  and  unprofitable  Dregs ; 

whence  all  Men  of  found  Judgment  declare,  the  ufe  of  them  ought  to  be 
banifli'd. 

23.  Just  History  is  of  three  kinds,  with  regard  to  the  three  Ohje&is  Juft Hi^ory of 
it  defigns  to  reprefent  •,  which  are  either  a  Portion  of  Tune,  a  memorable  Per-  t^'jee^yrM, 
fon,  or  an  illujlrious  Aclion.     The  firft  kind  we  call  writing  of  Annals,  or  ^j'~'     ^*"*'" 
Chronicles  •,  the  fecond.  Lives ;  and  the  third.  Narratives  or  Relations.    Chro- 
nicles fhare  the  greateft  Efteem  and  Reputation  -,  but  Lives  excel  in  A  dvan- 

tage  and  Ufe  ;  as  Relations  do  in  Truth  and  Sincerity.  For  Chronicles  repre- 
fent only  grand  publick  Actions,  and  external  Shews  and  Appearances  to 
the  People,  and  drop  the  fmaller  Pafiiiges  and  Motions  of  Men  and  Things. 
But  as  the  Divine  Artificer  hangs  the  greateft  Weight  upon  the  fmalleft 
Strings-,  fo  fuch /////(jnVi  rather  Ihew  the  Pomp  of  Aff^airs,  than  their  true 
and  inward  Springs.  And  tho'  it  interfperfes  Counfel ;  yet  delighting  in 
Grandeur,  it  attributes  more  Gravity  and  Prudence  to  human  Aftions,  than 
really  appears  in  them :  fo  that  Satyr  might  be  a  truer  Picture  of  human 
Life,  than  certain  Hijiories  of  this  kind :  whereas  Lives,  if  wrote  with  care  Lives, 
and  judgment,  propofing  to  reprefent  a  Perfon,  in  whom  Aftions,  both  great 
and  fmall,  publick  and  private,  are  blended  together,  muft  of  neceflity  give 
a  more  genuine,  native,  and  lively  Reprefenration,  and  fuch  as  is  fitter  for 
imitation  ^ 

24.  ParticularRelations  of  Act  10^  s;  3.5  of  the  PeloponneJianfFar,  AnJ  Reli- 
the  Expedition  of  Cyrus,  &c.  may,  likewife,  be  made  with  greater  truth  and  tions. 
exadnefs,  than  Hijiories  of  Tunes ;  as  their  Subjedl  is  more  level  to  the  Enquiry 

and  Capacity  of  the  Writer :  whilft  they  who  undertake  the  Hijhry  of  any 
large  portion  of  Time,  muft  needs  meet  with  Blanks  and  empty  Spaces, 
which  they  generally  fill  up  out  of  their  own  Invention. 

H  2  25. 

'  The  Subjedl  of  Antiquities  is  now  found  confideiably  cultivated,  by  the  Labours  of  Camb- 
Jen,  SelJtn,  Lightfoot,  VoJJius,  Spanheim,  GrevtHs,  Gronovius,  Dugdnle,  Van  Bale,  Vitifcns,  Stru- 
•vius,  Montfancon,  Totter,  2rideaux,  Wood,  and  many  other  eminent  Antiquaries.  See  Stolliiln- 
trtduciio  in  Hifioriam  Liternriam.  Ed,  Jens,  An.  1718.  De  Arte  Critica,  pag.  ifi— itf/.  ^ 
idorhcf.  Foljfhijlor,  Tom.  I.  lib.V.   cap.  1.   de  Scriftoribus  Antiquariis . 

^  Eminent  Examples  whereof  we  have  in  C»j[endi'%  Livet  of  Feirefc,  Tjcho  Brahe,  Sf*f^»cht 
Regiomom/tnus,  and  Copernicus, 


52  History.  Se<9:.  I. 

25.  This  exception,  however,  muft  be  made  to  the  Sincerity  of  Relations, 
that  if  they  be  wrote  near  the  times  of  the  Aftions  themfelves,  they  are,  in 
that  cafe,  to  be  greatly  fufpeded  of  Party  or  Prejudice.  But  as  'tis  uiiial 
for  oppofite  Parties  to  publiih  Relations  of  the  fame  Tranficlions ;  they,  by 
this  means,  open  the  way  to  truth  ;  which  lies  betwixt  the  two  extremes  :  fo 
that  after  the  heat  of  Contention  is  allay'd,  a  good  and  wife  Hijiorian  may 
hence  be  furnifhed  with  Matter  for  a  more  perfedl  Hijtory. 

26.  As  to  the  Deficiencies  in  thefe  three  kinds  0/  History  ;  doubtlefs 
many  particular  Tranfa£tions  have  been  left  unrecorded,  to  the  great  pre- 
judice, in  point  of  Honour  and  Glory,  of  thofe  Kingdoms  and  States  where 
they  pafled.  But  to  omit  other  Nations  •,  we  have  particular  reafbn  to  com- 
plain of  the  ImperfecStion  of  the  prefent  Hiftory  of  England,  in  the  main 
continuance  of  it ;  and  the  Partiality  and  Obliquity  of  that  of  Scotland.  Ic 
would  be  a  very  memorable  Work,  if  this  Ifland  of  Great  Britain,  now 
joined  in  Monarchy,  were  alfo  joined  in  one  Hijlory,  after  the  manner  of  the 
facred  Hijlory  ;  which  draws  down  the  account  of  the  ten  Tribes,  and  of  the 

two  Tribes,  as  twins,  together*. 
Biography  </e-      27.  With  regard  to  Lives  ;  we  cannot  but  wonder  that  our  own  Times 
feUhii.  have  fo  little  value  for  what  they  enjoy,  as  not  more  frequently  to  write  the 

Lives  of  eminent  Men.  For  tho'  Kings,  Princes,  and  great  Perfonages  are 
few,  yet  there  are  many  other  excellent  Men,  who  deferve  better  than  vague 
Reports  and  barren  Elogies.  And  altho'  many,  more  mortal  in  their  aflFeftions 
than  their  bodies,  efteem  the  defire  of  Fame  and  Memory  but  a  Vanity  •,  and 
defpife  Praife,  whilft  they  do  nothing  that  is  praife-worthy  •,  yet  this  alters 
not  5o/oMo«'s  Judgment,  '■'■  the  immor-j  of  the  Juft  flmll  he  with  praifes;  but 
"  the  name  of  the  Wicked  J}mII  rot  i*'  the  one  flourifliing,  whilft  the  other 
confumes,  or  turns  to  corruption.  So  in  that  laudable  way  of  fpeaking  of 
the  dead,  "  of  happ-j  memory !  of  pious  memory !  &c."  we  feem  to  acknow- 
ledge, with  Cicero  and  Defnoflhenes,  "  that  a  good  Name  is  the  proper  Inhe- 
"  ritance  of  the  deceafed."  Which  Inheritance,  as  lying  waftc  in  our  time, 
deferves  to  be  noted  as  a  Deficiency  *". 
delations  te  2  8.  In  the  bufinels  of  Relations,  it  is  alfo  to  be  wifhed  that  greater  dili- 
ie  wrote  with  gence  Were  employ'd  ;  for  there  is  no  fignal  Adlion,  but  has  fome  good  Pen 
fUTi.  J.Q  defcribe  it.     But  very  few  being  qualified  to  write  a.  jujl  Hijlory,  fuitable 

to  its  dignity,  a  thing  wherein  fo  many  have  failed ;    if  memorable  A<5ts 
were  but  tolerably  related  as  they  pafs ;   tliis  might  lay  the  Foundations,, 

and 

*  The  Author  intended  to  write  fuch  a  Hiftory  himfelf,  and  accordingly  begun  it :  what  was 
ifinilhed  of  it,  ftands  as  the  Second  Supplement  to  this  Piece  de  Augmentis  Scientiarum  : 
but  for  the  Continuation,  we  muft  have  recourle  to  Drake,  Thuanus,  Rapin,  &c. 

^"  It  has  been  fo  well  cultivated  fince,  that  a  Library,  might  be  coile£ted  of  the  Lives  of  emi- 
nent Moderns.  Whoever  defires  to  fee  the  neceflary  Rules  for  this  kind  of  Writing,  the  great 
Utility,  and  more  eminent  Inftances  of  it,  cannot,  perhaps,  do  better  than  read  the  learned  Mor- 
A«/upon  the  Subjedt,  in  his  Tolyhifior,  Tom.  I.  lib.  1.  cap.  19.  de  Vitarum  Serif toribus .  As  for 
Lives  themfelves,  among  the  mcft  ufeful  may  be  reckon'd  that  extraordinary  one  of  Teirefr, 
written  hy  Gajjendii  that  ai  MeUnBhon,  hy  Camerarius ;  that  oi  Emfinut,  by  M.  LeClirc;  that 
©f  Mr.  Cowley,  by  Bifliop  Sfrat ;  that  of  the  Lord  Chief  J-Aftice  Hale,  by  Bifliop  Burnet  ;  thofe  of 
Learned  Men,  by  Thuanus,  in  his  Hiftory;  thofe  coUedcdby  Bates;  and  thofe  of  the  Members 
ciKhsRoyalAcademy  of  Sciences  z^  ?aris,  by  M.  Fontenelle.  See  Striiz,ii  Introduffio  in  notitiam  Rei- 
Literarid.  Cap.Vlf.  de  Serif toribusVitarum.  What  the  Lord  irtfo»  himfelf  perform'd  in  this 
way,  tpjearsby  the  THjro  Svpflemenx  to  this  Piecei  d*  Augmentis  ScimtiarHm,. 


Sed.I.  History. 


53 


and  afford  Materials  for  a  compleat  Htjlory  of  Times,  wlien  a  Writer  fhould 
arife  equal  to  the  Work. 

29.  History  of  Times  is  either  general  or  particular,  as  it  relates  the  uijior-j  ef 
Traniadlions  of  the  whole  World,    or  of  a  certain  Kingdom,  or  Nation.  Times,  is  ge- 
And  there  have  been  thofe,  who  would  feem  to  give  us  the  H'ijlor\  of  the  "f"'  <"■  /""■- 
World  from  its  Origin  ;  but,  in  reality,  offer  only  a  rude  Collection  of  Things,  "'^''''"'• 
and  certain  fhort  Narratives  inftead  of  a  Hiftcry  '  .•  whilft  others  have  nobly, 

and  to  good  advantage,  endeavour'd  to  delcribe,  as  in  a  juft  Ilijlorv,  the  7fie- 
morable  TbiKgs,  which  in  their  time  happened  over  all  the  Globe.  For  human 
Affairs  are  not  fo  far  divided  by  Empires  and  Countries,  but  that  in  many 
cafes  they  rtill  preferve  a  connexion  :  whence  it  is  proper  enough  to  view, 
as  in  one  Pifture,  the  Fates  of  an  Age.  And  fjch  a  general  Hlflory  as  this, 
raay  frequently  contain  particular  Relations;  which,  the'  of  value,  might 
otherwife  cither  be  loft,  or  never  again  reprinted  :  at  leaft,  the  heads  of  fuch 
Accounts  may  be  thus  preferved.  But  upon  mature  confideration,  the  Laws 
of  juft  Hijlory  appear  fo  fevere,  as  fcarce  to  be  obferved  in  fuch  a  large  field 
of  Matter:  whence  the  bulkinefs  of  Hiflcry  fhould  rather  be  retrenched,  than 
enlarged:  otherwife,  he  who  has  fuch  variety  of  Matter  every  whvzre  fo  col- 
left,  if  he  preferve  not  conftantly  the  ftrideft  watch  upon  his  Informations^ 
will  be  apt  to  take  up  with  Rumours,  and  popular  Reports,  and  work  fuch 
kind  of  fuperficial  ^Iatter  into  his  Hijlory.  And  then  to  retrench  the  whole, 
he  will  be  obliged  to  pais  over  many  things  otherwife  worthy  of  relation  ;. 
and  often  to  contract  and  fliorten  his  Style;  wherein  there  lies  no  fmall  dan- 
ger of  frequently  cutting  off"  ufeful  Narrations,  in  order  to  oblige  Man- 
kind in  their  favourite  way  of  Compendium;  whence  fuch  Accounts,  which 
might  otherwife  live  of  themfelves,  may  come  to  be  utterly  loft  \ 

30.  History  of  Times  is  likewife  divifible  into  Annals  and  Jour-  DhifiiU  mt9 
NALs,  according  to  the  obfervation  of  Tacitus;  where,  mentioning  the  Mag-  ''^""^''^  'jarf 
nificence  of  certain  Strudlures,  he  adds,  "  'twas  found  fuitable  to  the  Roman  i°^^^^- 

"  dignity,  that  illuftrious  Things  fliouid  be  committed  to  Annals;  but  fuch 
"  z%  tbefe,  to  the  publjc.k  Journals  of  the  City."  Thus  referring  what  related 
to  the  State  of  the  Commonwealth  to  Annals ;  andfmaller  Matters  to  Jour- 
nals.  And  fo  there  fhould  be  a  kind  of  Heraldry  in  regulating  the  dignities 
of  Books,  as  well  as  P-erfons :  for  as  nothing  takes  more  from  the  Dignity  of 
a  State,  tlian  Confufion  of  Orders  and  Degrees  •,  fo  it  greatly  takes  from  the 
Authority  of  Hijhry,  to  intermix  Matters  of  Triumph,  Ceremony,  and  No- 
velty, with  Matters  of  State.  And  it  were  to  be  wifh'd  that  this  Diftindlion 
prevail'd.  But  in  our  times.  Journals  are  only  ufed  at  Sea,  and  in  military 
Expeditions:  whereas,  among  the  Ancients,  'twas  a  regal  Honour  to  have 

the 

*  Some  Genriemen  in  England  have  lately  publifhed  Propolals,  and  a  noble  Attempr,  towards 
an  U/iiverfal  Hiftory,  from  the  earlieft  Accamt  of  Time,  to  the  present  ;  wherein  rhe  Flan  appears 
fo  juftly  laid,  and  what  is  hitherto  executed  lb  exact,  that  it  is  greatly  to  be  wifhed  they  iray 
meet  with  luirable  Encouragement.  Among  the  belt  genernl  Hijiories  wrote  of  late,  are  e- 
lleemed  the  following;  -uiz.  Celtarii  Hijlorin  univerfalis.  Ed.  Jenx  17  1  i.  Jo.  Uenric.  Leodcrl 
IntroduBio  in  Hifloriam  univerfam.  Ed.  Lipfia:,  An.  1713.  Johnn.  Cleric.  Compendium  Hijlorii 
tiniverfatis.  Amlfclodami  1697;  C?"  LipiiK  1713.  (^  Burchard  Gotthetf  Striitii  Kuitxer  Begfijf 
der  uai-verfal-Hiftorie.   Jense  1716.     See  Stollii  Introiluciio  in  Hij'foriam  Liierariam,  pag.  315-,  &t. 

''  For  the  Rules  of  writing  Hifiory,  and  the  ^Salifications  of  an  Hijlorian,  fee  VcJJms  de  yirta 
Bifiorica;  and  for  the  AlTiftances  required  in  the  Work,  fee  Morhof's  Polyhifior,  Tom.  III.  lib  a^ 
it  irudentU  CnUis  Scri^mibhs,  f^  Tom.  Ill,  lib. 4.  de  Hi/lorii  icri^torili^ni. 


54 


History.  Sed.  I. 


the  daily  Acts  of  the  Palace  recorded  ;  as  we  fee  in  the  cafe  o^  Ahajfuerus, 
King  of  Perfia.     And  the  Journals  of  Alexander  the  Great  contained  even 
trivial  Matters,     Yet  Journals  are  not  deftined  for  trivial  things  alone,  as 
Annals  are  for  ferious  ones ;  but  contain  all  things  promifcuoufly,  whether  of 
greater  or  of  lefs  concern. 
Civil  H'ljlory       31.  The  /rtV?  Drj//?;/;?  of  CiviL  Hi  STORY,  is  into^?/ri?and  wixV.     Of  the 
divijiblt  into    mix'd,  there  are  two  eminent  kinds  •,  the  one  principally  civile  and  the  other 
pure  and        principally  «rf/;/;77/;  for  a  kind  of  Writing  has  been  introduced,  that  does 
'"'^  '  not  give  particular  Narrations  in  the  continued  thread  of  a  H?/?(7ry,  but  where 

the  Writer  collefts  and  culls  them,  with  choice,  out  of  an  Author;  then 
reviewing,  and,  as  it  were,  ruminating  upon  them,  takes  occafion  to 
treat  of  political  SubjeHs:  And  this  kind  of  ruminated  Hiftory  we  highly 
cfteem,  provided  the  Writers  keep  clofc  to  it  profelTedly  :  for  'tis  both  unfea- 
fonable,  andirkfome,  to  hive  an  Author  profefs  he  will  writea;«y?  Hijlcry, 
yet  be  at  every  turn  introducing  Poiiticks,  and  thereby  breaking  the  thread 
of  his  Narration.  All  wife  Hijhry  is  indeed  pregnant  with  political  Rules 
and  Precepts  -,  but  the  Writer  is  not  to  take  all  opportunities  of  delivering 
himfelf  of  them. 
Cofmogra-  32.  CosMOGR  A  PHic  A  L  HisTORY   IS  alfo  mix' d  many  ways-,  as  taking 

phical  Hiftory  the  D.'fcriptions  of  Countries,  their  Situations  and  Fruits,  from  Natural  Hijlo- 
•varioiify        ^^  .^  j.|^g  Accounts  of  Citics,  Governments  and  Manners,  from  Civil  Hiftor-j  •, 
the  Climates,  and  agronomical  Phenomena,  from  Mathematicks :    In  which 
kind  of  Hi/lory,  the  prefcnt  Age  feems  to  excel,  as  having  a  full  view  of  the 
World  in  this  light.     The  Ancients  had  fome  knowledge  of  the  Zones  and 
Antipodes  ;  tho'  rather  by  abftraft  demonftration  than  faft:  but  that  little 
Vtffrls,  like  the  celeftial  Bodies,  fliould  fail  round  the  whole  Globe,  is  the 
happinefs  of  our  Times.     This  great  Improvement  of  Navigation,  may  give 
us  great  hopes  of  extending  and  improving  the  Sciences;  efpecially  as  it 
feems  agreeable  to  the  Divine  Will,  that  they  fhould  be  coeval.     Thus  the 
Prophet  Daniel  foretells,  that  "  many /hall  go  to  and  fro  on  the  Earth,  and 
"  Knowledge  Jhall  he  increafed;"    as  if  the  opennefs  and  thorough  pafllige  of 
the  World,  and  the  increafe  of  Knowledge,  were  allotted  to  the  lame  Age : 
which  indeed  we  find  already  true  in  part ;    for  the  Learning  of  thefe  Times, 
fcarce  yields  to  the  former  Periods  or  Returns  of  Learning  ;  the  one  among 
the  Greeks,  and  the  other  among  the  Romans ;  and  in  many  particulars  far 
exceeds  them  *. 
■Ecchjinfthal        23-  ECCLESIASTICAL  HiSTORY,  in  general,  has  nearly  the  fame  Diui- 
Hijlory  ili-      finns  with  Civil  Hijlory :  thus  there  are  Ecdeftajlical  Chronicles,  Lives  of  the 
lided into       Fathers,  Accounts  of  Synods,  and  other  Ecclefiaftical  Matters:   but  in  pro- 
^/^^"^^jj"^  priety,  it  may  be  farther  divided,  (i.)  into  the  general  Hijlory  of  the  Church  -, 
(2.)  the  Hijlory  of  Prophecy  ;  and  (3.)  the  Hijlory  of  Providence.     The  firjl 
defcribes  the  times  of  the  Church  militant,  whether  flu5luati7ig,  as  the  Ark  of 
Noah  ;  moveable,  as  the  Ark  in  the  Wildernefs  ;  or  at  rejl,  as  the  Ark  in  the 
Temple  ;  that  is,  in  the  Itates  of  Perfecution,  Migration,  and  Peace.    And  in 
this  part,  there  is  a  Redundancy  rather  than  a  Deficiency ;  but  it  were  to  be 
wilhed  the  goodnefs  and  fincerity  of  it  were  equal  to  the  bulk  ^ 

34- 

'  See  this  Matter  farther  profecuted  in  the  Novum  Orgemum,   Part  I. 
*>  See  Morhof'i  Polyhiftor,  de  Thtologic'u  Scri(toribus,To\nA\\.  lib.  j. 


Sedl.I.  History.  55 

34.  The  fecond  part,  viz.  the  History  of  Prophecy,  confifts  of  two  The  Hlflory  of 
Relatives  •,  the  Prophecy,  and  the  Accomphfiment :  whence  the  nature  of  it  re-  ^|^°^^^-^^* 
quires,  that  every  Scripture  Prophecy  be  compared  with  the  Evejit,  thro'  all  granting. 
the  Ages  of  the  World  ;  for  the  better  confirmation  of  the  Faith.,  and  the 

better  information  of  the  Church,  with  regard  to  the  viterpretation  of  Pro- 
phecies not  yet  fulfilled.  But  here  we  mull  allow  that  Latitude,  which  is  pe- 
culiar and  familiar  to  divine  Prophecies ;  which  have  their  completion  not  only 
at  ftated  times,  but  in  fuccelhon :  as  participating  of  the  nature  of  their 
Author,  "  wilh  whom  a  thoufand  years  are  but  as  one  day  ;"  and  therefore  are 
not  fulfilled  punftually  at  once  •,  but  have  a  growing  accomplijhment  thro* 
many  Ag;s:  tho'  the  height  or  fulnefs  of  them  may  refer  to  a  fingle  age,  or 
moment.  And  this  is  a  Work  whiih  I  find  deficient:  but  it  fhould  either 
be  undertaken  with  Wifdom,  Sobriety,  and  Reverence,  or  not  at  all  =>. 

35.  The  third  part,  the  History  of  Providence,  has  been  touched  Andtheuifl»- 
by  fome  pious  Pens-,    but  not  without  a  mixture  of  Party.     This  Hijlory  7"/^^°^^" 
is  employ'd  in  obferving  that  divive  a^r cement  which  there  fomelimes  is  betwixt 

the  revealed  and  fecrct  TFdl  of  God.  For  altho'  the  Counfels  and  Judgments 
of  God  are  fo  fecret,  as  to  be  abfolutely  unfearchable  to  Man  •,  yet  the  Di- 
vine Goodnefs  has  fometimes  thought  fit,  for  the  confirmarion  of  his  own 
People,  and  the  confutation  of  thofe  who  are  as  without  God  in  the  world, 
to  write  them  in  fuch  Capital  Letters,  as  ihev  who  run  may  read  them.  Such 
are  the  remarkable  Events  and  Examples  of  God's  Judgments,  tho'  late  and 
unexpefted  •,  fudden  and  unhoped  for  Deliverances  and  Bleffings ;  Divine 
Counfels  dark  and  doubtful,  at  length  opening  and  explaining  themfelves,''£5f'r. 
All  which  have  not  only  a  power  to  confirm  the  Minds  of  the  Faithful,  but 
to  awaken  and  convince  the  Confciences  of  the  Wicked. 

36.  And  not  only  the  Anions  of  Mankind,  but  alfo  their  Sayings  ought  J'^^  ^^tf'"- 
to  be  preferved :  and  may,  doubtlefs,  be  fometimes  inferted   in  FJijIorv,  (q  ^"Z^'ol ti'jio- 
far  as  they  decently  ferve  to  illuftrate  the  Narrations  of  Fafts.     But  Books 

of  Orations,  Epistles,  and  Apophthegms,  are  the  proper  Repo/i lories 
of  human  Difcourfe.  The  Speeches  of  wife  Men,  upon  matter  of  Bufinefs,  Speeclies. 
weighty  Caufes,  or  difficult  Points,  are  of  great  ufe,  not  only  for  Eloquence, 
but  for  the  knowledge  of  Things  themfelves''.  But  the  Letters  of  wife  Letters. 
Men  upon  ferious  Affairs,  are  yet  more  ferviceable  in  points  of' civil  Pru- 
dence ;  as  of  all  human  Speech,  nothing  is  more  iblid  or  excellent  than  fuch 
Epijlles :  for  they  contain  more  of  natural  Senfe  than  Orations,  and  more 
Ripcnefs  than  occafional  Difcourfes.      So  Letters  of  State-Affairs, 

written 

^  This  is  attempted  by  Grotlus,  in  his  Comment  ant  s  upon  the  B'Mt;  by  Father  Simon,  in  his 
Critical  Hijlory  of  the  Old  and  Nero  Teftament ;  Dr.  Hammond,  upon  the  Old  and  New  Tefiament i 
Dt.lfhitby,  on  the  Ne-a  Tefiament;  Mr.  H'hi/ion,  in  his  Accomplif^ment  of  Scripture  Vrophecies  i 
M.  Le  Clerc,  and  Bifhop  Sherlock,  in  his  Difcourfe  of  the  Ufe  and  Intent  of  Piophecy  in  the  feveral 
Ages  of  the  World. 

^  Dr.  HackweU's  Apology  for  Providence,  Dv.  Reynolds's  Cod's  Revenge  againfl  Murder,  Beard's 
Theatre  of  Goii's  Judgments,  Fuller's  Hiftory  of  Providence,  Le  Clerc's  Dcfenfe  de  la  Providence, 
and  Bayte's  Dictionary,  contain  many  Particulars  of  this  kind. 

•  Thus  the  Speeches  of  the  Author,  which  make  the  Fourth  Supplement  to  this  tVori; 
and  many  of  thofe  preferved  in  Ruflivoorth's  ColleBions,  arc  highly  valuable  and  inftruftive;  as 
opening  the  Scene  of  publick  Alfairsi  (hewing  the  Genius  and  free  Spirit  of  the  EngUfli  Nation i 
and  feeming  to  contain  the  Form  and  Matter  of  many  famous  publick  Speefhcs  of  later  Times. 


56 


Poetry.  Se£l.  II. 


written,  in  the  order  of  time,  by  thofe  that  manage  them,  with  their  Anfwers, 
afford  the  beft  Materials  for  Civil  Hifiory  *. 
^«iApoph-        27-  Nor  do  Afophtheoms  only  ferve  for  Ornament  and  Delight,  but  al- 
thegnjs.  fo  for  A6i:ion  and  civil  Ufe:  as  being  the  E-^ge-tools  of  Speech,  which  cut 

and  penetrate  the  Knots  of  Bufinefs  and  Affairs.  For  Occafions  have  their 
Revolutions ;  and  what  has  once  been  advantageoufly  ufed,  may  be  fo  again  j 
either  as  an  old  thing  or  a  new  one.  Nor  c.n  the  ufefulnefs  of  thefe  Say 
iiigi  m  Civil  Affairs  be  queftion'd,  when  Co-jur  himfelf  wrote  a  Book  upon 
the  Subjed  :  which  we  wifh  were  extant ;  for  ill  thofe  we  have  yet  feen  of 
the  kind,  appear  to  be  colledled  with  little  choice  and  judgment ''. 


SECT.    II. 
Of  Poetry. 

Poetry  jj  ima-  I.   i.TQOetry  is  a  kind  of  Learning  generally  confined  to  themeafureof 

ginary  Hifto-  J^  Words,  but  otherwife  extremely  licentious,  and  truly  belonging  to 

^^'  thelmaginalioii ;  which  being  unreftrained  by  Laws,  may  make  what  unnatural 

mixtures  and  feparations  it  pleafes.     'Tis  taken  in  two  Senfes  •,  or  with  refpedt 

to  IVords  and  Matter.     The  firft  is  but  a  Charadler  of  Style,    and  a  certain 

form  of  Speech,  not  relating  to  the  Subjeft  •,  for  a  true  Narration  may  be 

deliver'd  in  verfe,  and  a  feign'd  one  in  profe'^:  but  the  fecond  is  a  capital  Part 

of  Learning -,  and   no  other  xhzn  feigii'd  Hijlory.     And  here,  as  in  our  Di- 

vifions  we  endeavour  to  find  and  trace  the  true  Sources  of  Learning,  and  this 

frequently  without  giving  way  to  Cuftom,  or  the  eftablilhed  Order;  we  fhall 

take  no  particular  notice  of  Satyr,  Eleg-j,  E/igram,  OJt',  &c.   but  turn  them 

over  to  Philofophy,  and  the  Arts  of  Speech:  and  under  the  name  of  P(?^/r>', 

treat  nothing  more  than  imaginary  Hijlorv. 

Divided,  2.  The  julleft  Drv'f/7o;z  o/ Pof'/r)',  except   what  it  fiiares  in  common  with 

Hijlory,  (which  has  ks  feign'd  Chronicles,  feign'' d  Lives,    and  feign'd  Relations) 

is 

*  The  Advantages  to  be  reaped  from  Letters  are  largely  (hewn  in  Morhof'%  Volyh'tficr,  Tom.  I. 
Lib.l.  Cap.  23,  24,  ly-  de  Efiftolarum Serif toribtts  ;  and  the  judgment  here  made  of  them  con- 
firmed; and  extended  to  Fhilofofhical  as  well  as  Civil  Purpofes.  Thus,  as  the  Latirt  Letters  of 
Mr.  Milton  to  foreign  States,  beft  (hew  the  .Spirit  and  Conduft  of  Oliver  Cromwell ;  fo  the  pri- 
vate Letters  of  des  Curtes  and  lAt.  Locke,  are  the  beft  Explanation  of  the  Defigns  and  Views  of 
tYienFhilofofhicdH'ritings:  and  therefore  as  the  Letters  of  Ambafladors,  and  Secretaries  of  State, 
give  the  moft  authentic  and  fatisfaftory  Accounts  of  political  Tranfaftions;  fo  the  familiar  Let- 
ters of  learned  Men  difclof;  their  internal  Sentiments,  and  fecrct  Intentions,  better  than  their 
formal  Works,  which  are  drefs'd  out  for  the  Puilick.  And  hence  the  Letters  of  eminent  Men 
are  generally  read  with  great  pleafure,  and  advantage  j  as  thofe  of  Zr^jmus,  Grotius,  Patin, 
Sir  IVilliam  Temple,  Mr.  Ray,  and  even  the  fuppofcd  Letters  of  the  Tarkijh  Spy,  the  Spec- 
tator, Sic.  The  felc<ft  Letters  of  the  Lord  Bacon,  therefore,  defervedly  make  the  Fifth  Sup- 
plement to  this  Piece  of  the  de  Augmentis  Scientiarum. 

*  And  therefore  the  Authorbegan  a  new  Colle£tion  of  Apophthegms,  which  make  the  Sixth 
Supplement  to  the  de  Augmentis  Scientiarum. 

<^  Thus  Liican's  Fharfalia,  and  Blackmore's  Creation,  are  true  Hifto.ies  in  verfci  and  Tele- 
ftiitchus,  and  the  Travels  0/ Cyrus,  feigned  Hijiories  in  frefe. 


Sea.II.  Poetry.  57 

i${ I.)  into  Narrative,  (2,)  Dramatic,  and  (3.)  Allegorical  Narrative  Poetry 
is  fuch  an  exaft  imitation  of  Hiflors,  as  to  deceive,  did  it  not  often  carry 
things  beyond  probability.  Dramatic  Poetry  is  a  kind  of  vijible  Hijfoj  ; 
giving  the  Images  of  things  as  if  they  were  prefent ;  whilfl;  Hiftory  repre- 
fents  them  as  part.  Bwt  Allegorical  Poetry  h  Hijlory-  with  its  Tyje ;  which 
reprefents  intellectual  Things  to  the  Senfes. 

3.  NarrativePoetry,  otherwife  caWedHcroic Poetry,  feems,with  regard  i„i^  tjarm. 
to  its  matter,  not  the  verfification,  raifed  upon  a  noble  foundation  ;  as  having  we  Poetry. 
a  principal  regard  to  the  dignity  of  human  Nature  '.   For  as  the  adlive  World 

is  inferior  to  the  rational  Soul,  fo  Poetry  gives  that  to  mankind  which  Hi- 
ftory denies  ;  and  in  fome  meafure  f^tisfies  the  Mind  with  fliadows,  when  it 
cannot  en ioy  the  fubftance''.  For  upon  a  narrow  infpeclion,  PotV^j  ftrong- 
ly  fliews,  that  a  greater  grandeur  of  things,  a  more  perfedl  order,  and  a 
more  beautiful  variety  is  pleafing  to  the  Mind,  than  can  any  where  be 
found  in  Nature,  after  the  fall.  So  that  as  the  Actions  and  Events, 
which  are  the  S\i)oi]ed:%  oi  true  Hijlory,  have  not  that  grandeur  which  fatis- 
fi::s  the  Mind,  Poetry  fteps  in,  ar«.l  feigns  more  heroical  aftions.  And  as 
real  Hiftory  gives  us  not  the  fuccefs  of  things,  according  to  the  deferts  of 
virtue  and  vice  ;  Poetry  correfts  it,  and  prefents  us  with  the  Fates  and  For- 
tunes of  perfons  rewarded  or  puniflied  according  to  merit.  And  as  real  Hi- 
ftory difgufts  us  with  a  familiar  and  conftant  fimilitude  of  things  ;  Poetry 
relieves  us  by  unexpected  turns  and  changes  ;  and  thus  not  only  delights, 
but  inculcates  morality  and  noblenefs  of  Soul.  Whence  it  may  be  juftly 
efteemed  of  a  divine  nature  •,  as  it  raifes  the  Mind,  by  accommodating  the 
Images  of  things  to  ourDefires-,  and  not,  like  Hiftory  ^nd  Reafon,  fubjeft- 
ing  the  Mind  to  Things  ^  And  by  thefe  its  charms,  and  congruity  to  the 
Mind,  with  the  affiftance  alfo  of  Mufick,  which  conveys  it  the  fweeter,  it 
makes  its  own  way  -,  fo  as  to  have  been  in  high  efteem  in  the  moft 
ignorant  ages,  and  among  the  mofl  barbarous  people ;  whilft  other  kinds  of 
Learr.ing  were  utterly  excluded''. 

4.  Dramatic  Poetry,  which  has  the  Theatre  for  its  (Vorld,  would  hz  Br/imath 
■of  excellent  ufe,  if  it  were  found  :  for  the  difcipline  and  corruiiion  of  the  Thea-  Poetry. 
tre  is  of  very  great  confequence.     And  the  corruptions  of  this  kind  are  nu- 
merous in  our  times  ;  but  the  regulation  quite  neglefted  ■■.     The  Atftion  of 

the  Tiieatre,  tho'  modern  States  efteem  it  but  ludicrous,  unlefs  it  be  fatyrical 
and   biting,  was  carefully  watch'd  by  the  ancients,  that  it.  might  improve 

*  Upon  this  Head  confult  the  judicious  Trench  Critic,  BoJJit  du  Toeme  £pique. 

^  Hence  the  extreme  Pieafure  we  receive  in  reading  the  Origin  of  the  World,  the  Revolu- 
tions and  Tranfaftions  of  Heaven,  Earth  and  Hell;  the  Hiftory  and  Fate  of  our  firft  Parents; 
the  Deicription  of  Paradife,  Sec.  in  Milton's  Faradife  tofl. 

'  Which  intimates  another  Species  o\  Hiftorical  Vcetry,  viz.  the  J'hyfical ;  as  that  of  Lucre- 
tius, which  defrribcs  the  Syjlem  of  the  World,  upon  the  Princifle.<  of  Epicurus  i  and  that  of  Sir 
Richard  Blaclanore  upon  the  footing  of  the  modern  Vhilofofhy.  j 

*  Th'js  in  the  Origins  of  Nations,  we  find  the  firft  thing  ftudicJ  is  generally  language  and 
Foeir)  i  for  the  fake,  as  it  (hould  ftem,  of  their  great  influence  in  governing  the  uncultivated 
minds  of  men;  and  the  ufe  they  are  of,  in  tranfmittingdown  Hiftory  and  Antiquities  to  Pofterity. 

*  }At. Collier  has  endeavour'd  to  (liew  the  immoralities,  and  reftify  the  abufes  of  the  Stage, 
by  weeding  fcveral  of  our  modern  Plays.  But  the  due  profecution  of  this  fubjedf,  perhaps  re- 
quires more  Knowledge  of  human  Nature,  and  civil  Affairs,  than  ufually  conics  to  ooe  luan's 
(hare.     This  fubje<S  is  alfo  touch'd  upon  in  feveral  of  the  Stectai-ors.       " 

Vol.  I.  1  nian- 


P  o  E  T  R  V.  Sea.  II. 

innnkind  in  virtue :    and  indeed  many  wife  men  and   great    Philofophers 

have  thought  it  to  the  Mind  as  the  Bo"^  to    the  Fiddle^;  and  certain  it  is, 

tho'  a  great  Secret  in  Nature,  that//ji?  minds  of  men  in  company,  are  more  open 

to  affe^ior.s  and  imprejfiuns,  than  when  alone. 

AndAlUgori-     ^_  Bui  ALLEGORICAL  PoETR  V  excels  the  Others  •,  and  appears  a  folemu 

•     Poetry-     facred   thing,  which  Religion  itfelf  generally   makes  ufe  of,  to  preferve  an 

intercourfe  between  divine  and  human  Things.     Yet  this  alfo  is  corrupted, 

by  a  levity  and  indulgence  of  Genius  towards  Allegory,  Its  ufe  is  ambiguous, 

and  made  to  ferve  contrary  purpofcs;  for  it  envelopes  as  well  as  illiillrates: 

the  firft  feeming  to  endeavour  at  an  Art  of  Concealment-,  and  the  other  at  a 

The  tmXT/cs  of  Mel  bod  of  hijlrutluig,  much  ufed  by  the  Ancients.     For  when   the  Dilcove- 

Allegorical     j-j^g  3^,^  Conclufions  of  Reafon,tho'  now  common,  were  new,  and  firft  known, 

"  °^"^^'  the  human  Capacity  could  fcarce  admit  them  in  their  iabtile  ftate,  or  till  they 

were  brought  nearer  to  fcnfe,  by  fuch  kind  of  imagery  and  examples.  Whence 

ancient  times  are  full  of  their  Fables,  their  Allegories,    and  their  Similies.. 

Nay,  the  Apophthegms  of  the  ancient  Sages  were  ufually  demonftrated  by 

Similitudes.     And   as  Hieroglyi-hicks  preceded  Letters,  fo  Parables  preceded 

Arguments:  And  the  force  of  ParaUes  ever  was  and  will  he  great;   as  being 

clearer  than  Arguments,  a)id  more  appofite  than  real  Examples. 

6.  The  other  ufe  oi'  Allegorical  Poetry  is  to  envelope  things,  whofe  digni- 
ty deferves  a  Veil;  as  when  the  Secrets  and  Mrferies  of  Religion,  Policy 
and  Philofophy,  are  wrapp'd  up  in  Fables  and  Parables.  But  tho'  fome 
may  doubt  whether  there  be  any  myftical  Senfe  concealed  in  the  ancient  Fa- 
bles of  the  Poets  ;  we  cannot  but  think  there  is  a  latent  Myftery  intended  in 
Ibme  of  them :  for  we  do  not  therefore  judge  contemptibly  of  them,  be- 
caufe  they  are  commonly  left  to  Children  and  Grammarians  ;  but  as  the 
TFritings  that  relate  thefe  Fables,  are,  next  to  the  facred  ones,  the  tnofl  ancient -,. 
and  the  Fables  themfelves  much  olJer  ftill  ;  being  not  delivered  as  the  Inven- 
„,   ^, .,  ,  ,  lions  of  the  Writers,  but  as  things  before  believed  and  received  ;  they  ap- 

7i>e  Thilolophy  ...  .^         ,  . '  .  p     ^       ,.  .  ^  •,717.''^ 

of  the  ancient  P^^i"  ^'kc  a  Joft  wb'.Jper  from  the  Traditions  oj  more  ancient  JSations,  con- 
rablesdejicient  vey'dtMo'  the  Flurcs  oi  iht  Grecians.  But  all  hitherto  attempted  towards 
w  Poetry.  the  interpretation  of  thefe  Pi^r^^Vj  proving  unfati=fa6lory  to  us;  as  having 
proceeded  from  Men  of  but  common-place  learning  •,  we  fct  down  the 
Philosophy  of  ancient  Fables,  as  the  only  Deficiency  in  Poe- 
try''; and  fubjoin  three  Examples  of  the  Work,  fuch  as  we  defign  it  ;. 
one  in  Natural,  one  in  Political,  and  one  in  Moral  Philofophy, 

The 

'  That  is,  capable  of  working  upon  and  influencing  the  Fenphi  and  hence  we  have  in  Eng- 
land 3  variety  of  State  Vlays  i  and  certainly  the  Stage  has  its  ufe  in  Government  and  Morality,  as 
well  as  the  Pulpit  i  both  which  maybe  called  ihe  Schmli  of  «Country. 

^  How  far  this  Deficiency  is  fapplied  by  the  Author,  will  appear  in  his  Piece  ileTSapientia  Ve- 
terum  ;  which  makes  the  Seventh  Supplement  to  the  ile  Aitgmentis  Scientiarum:  and  hov/ 
far  the  Delign  has  fince  been  carried,  may  be  learnt  from  the  Opufcula  Mythologica,  publifh'd  by 
Cale;  Vojpus  de  Theologia  Gentili;  Spunheim,  in  his  Notes  upon  Callimachus ;  Boeclerus's  Meta- 
tnorphofis  Ovidiiina  i  fehan.  Conrad.  Diirritis,  de  recondita  Veterum  Sapientia  in  Poetis;  and 
ie  CLrc's  Bibliotheque  U/ii-uerfelle,  where  he  explains  the  Hiftories  of  Hercules,  AJcnis,  and  Ceres. 
See  more  to  this  purpofe  in  Morhof'i  Polyhiflor,  under  the  Chapters  de  Scriptorlbus  ad  Artem 
Toeticim  facientiius,  de  Vhilofophi^  Moralis  Scriptorihus,  (j>  de  Libris  Pljyficis  fcretioribus.  See 
ilCj  Stollii  Introductio  in  Hi,hriam  Literariam;  Cap.V.  de  Arte  Poeticx;  ^- Stru-vii  Eibtiothec» 
ThiUfophica,  Cap.  lil,  de  Scriptorlbus  fJiJloru  ihilo/olhiix;  (^(.^zj^.Wl.de  Scri^toriiHs  Fhilofo^hiA 


Se<fl.  ir,  P  o  E  T  R  V.  59 

TJ:)e  Fable  of  Pan  explained  of '^atu'^al  Philosophy. 

II.  7 ■''THE  Ancients  have.,  -with  great  exa^inefs^delineated  \xn\- rha  vabh  nf 
•*■    verfal  Nature,  under  the  perfon  of  Pan.     They  have  his'^^'^  "''*"''' 
Origin  doubtful :  fome  averting  him  the  fonof  }sizx.oxx'^^  and  others 
the  common  offspring  of  all  Penelope'j  Suitors  {a).      The  latter  flip' 
po fit  ion  doubt  lefs  occafion'd  fame  later  Writers  to  entitle  this  an- 
cient Fable,  Vcnclo'pc:  a  thing  frequently  pra&is'd,  when  the  ear- 
lier relations  are  applied  to  more  modern  characters  and  perfons  \ 
tho  fometimes  vjith  great  abfurdity  and  ignorance  >  as  in  the pre- 
fent  cafe :  for  Pan  was  one  of  the  ancicnteft  Gods,  and  long  before 
the  time  of  Ulyfles :  be  fides  ^  Penelope  was  venerated  by  antiquity 
for  her  matronal  chaftity.      A  third  fort  will  have  him  the  Ijfue 
tf/ Jupiter  ^;?^  Hybris,  that  is  Reproach  {b).     But  whatever  his 
origin  was,  the  Dcftinics  are  allowed  his  Sillers  (r). 

8.  He  is  defer  ibed  by  antiquity , with  pyramidal  horns  reachingup  to  «"  Portrait, 
heaven  {d).,  a  rough  and  frjaggy  body  {e),  a  very  long  beard  {f\  of  a. 
biform  fgure,    human  above,     half  brute   beloisu  {g)y    ending  in 

Goats  feet  {IS).  His  arms,  or  enfigns  of  power,  are,  a  Tipe  in  his 
left  hand,  compofed  of  fiven  Reeds  (;)  -,  in  his  right  a  Crook  (k)  j 
and  he  wore  for  his  mantle  a  leopards  skin  (I). 

9.  His  Attributes  <j«^  Titles,  were,  the  God  of  Hunters,  Shcp-Hh  office; 
herds,  and  all  the  rural  Inhabitants  {m)  ;  Trejident  of  the  Moun- 
tains {n);  and  after  Mercury  the  next  mcjfenger  of  the  Gods  {o). 

He  was  alfo  held  the  leader  and  ruler  of  the  Nymphs,  who  con- 
tinually danced  and  frisked  about  him,  attended  with  the  Satyrs, 
and  their  elders  the  Sileni  [p).  He  had  alfo  tl^  power  of  Jlri- 
king  terrors,  efpecially  fuch  as  were  vain  and  fuperfiitious ;  whence 
they  came  to  be  call'd  ?zx\\c  terrors  {q). 

10.  Few  actions  are  recorded  of  him,  only  a  principal  one  is,Hh  a^. 
that  he  challenged  Cupid  at  wrefiling,  and  was  worfted{r).     He 

alfo  catched  the  Giant  Typhon  in  a  net,  and  held  him  f aft  {s). 
They  relate  farther  of  him,  that  when  Ceres  growing  difconfolate 
for  the  Rape  of  VroCcipinc,  hid  her  felf,  and  all  the  Gods  took  thg 
utmoft  pains  to  find  her,  by  goi^ig  out  different  ways  for  that 
purpofe.  Pan  only  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  her,  as  he  was 
himting  ■■,  and  difcovered  her  to  the  reft  {t).  He  likewife  had  the 
djfurance  to  rival  Apollo  inMufick ;  and  in  the  judgment  of  Mi- 
das  was  prefer  d:  but  the  Judge  had,  tho  with  great  privacy  and, 
fecrecy,  a  pair  of  AJfes  Ears  f aft ned  on  him  for  his  fentenceiti). 

I  2  II.  There 


6o  P  a  E  T  R  V.  Sed.  11. 

Wi  Amoun:  j  i .  There  is  very  little  faid  of  his  kvc\o\xn ;  which  may  feem  grange 
among  fuch  a  multitude  of  Gods,  fo  profufely  amorous  (l').  He 
is  only  reported  to  have  been  'very  fond  of  Echo,  'oi'ho  "djas  alfo 
efleemed  his  'xife  (oy)  ;  and  one  Nymph  more  called  Syrinx,  -'dJith  the 
love  of  whom  Cn'^xA  inflamed  him  for  his  infolent  challenge. 

12.   Lajlly,  Pan  had  no  defcendant  •■>  which   alfo  is  a  wonder y 
when  thetnale  Gods  were  fo  extremely  prolifick--,   only  he  was  the 

'^iijpue.  repeated  father  of  a  fer-vant  Girl,  called  lambe,  who  ufedto  divert 
fir  angers  with  her  ridiculous  pratling  floriesi^x). 

theVMe  ex-  13.  This  Fable  is  perhaps  the  nobleft  of  all  Antiquity;  and  pregnant 
fUhied  in  the  ^\^]^  the  Myfterics  and  Secrets  of  Nature.  (;?)  Pan,  as  the  name  imports, 
i^Moj  s"- j.epi.pf(;pit;s  tlie  Univerfc,  about  whofe  origin  there  are  two  opinions  i  viz. 
that  it  either  fprung  from  Mercury,  that  is,  the  divine  Word,  according  to 
the  Scriptures,  and  Philofophica!  Divines  ;  or  from  the  cofifufed  feeds  of  Things. 
For  they  who  allow  only  one  beginning  of  all  things,  either  afcribe  it  to  God  ; 
or  if  they  fuppofe  a  7naterial  beginning,  acl<.nowledge  it  to  be  various  in  its 
powers  ;  fo  that  the  whole  difpute  comes  to  thefe  two  points,  viz.  either  that 
Nature  proceeds  from  Mercury,  or  from  confufed  mixture,  according  to  ths 
Fable  *. 

14.  (/<)  The  third  origin  of  Pan  ktm%  borrow'd  by  the   Greeks  from   the 
Hebrezu  Mxferies,  either  by  means  of  the  Egyptians,  or  otherwife  ;  for   it  re- 
lates to  the  ftate  of  the  world,  not  in   its  firft  creation,  but  as  made  fubjeA 
to  Death  and  Corruption  after  the  Fall  :  and  in  this  ftate  it  was,  and  remains 
the  offspring  of  God  and  Sin,  or  Jupiter  and  Reproach.     And  therefore  thefe 
three  feveral  Accounts  oi^  Pan's  birth  may  feem  true,  if  duly  diftinguilhed 
in  refpe<5t  of  things  and  times.  For  this  Pan,  or  the  univerfal  Nature  rf  things, 
which  we  view  and  contemplate,  had  its  origin  from   the  divine  IFord,  and 
confufed  Matter,  firil  created  by  God  himfelf ;    with   the    fubfcquent  lii- 
troduftion  of  Sin,  and  confequently  Corruption. 
UntheUefil-       15.  {c)ThQ  Deflinies,  or  the  Natures  and  Fates  of  things,  are  juftly  made 
Tties  iietnghls  Pa//'s  Sifters  i  as  the  chain  of  natural  Caufes  links  together  the  rife,  dura- 
sijiers.  i\ox\,  and  corruption  ;   tlie  exaltatign,  degeneration,  and  workings;  thcpro- 

cefles,  the  effedts,  and  changes,  of  all  that  can  any  way  happen  to  Things. 
Bis  Horns.  \6.  {d)  Horns  are  given  him,  broad  at  the  roots,    but  narrow  and  fharp 

a-top,  becaufe  the  nature  of  all  things  kems-pyramidal :  for  individuals  are 
infinite  ;  but  being  colledted  into  a  variety  of  fpecies,  they  rife  up  into  Kinds  ; 
and  thefe  again  afcend,  and  are  contrafled  into  Generals ;  till  at  length  Na- 
ture may  feem  colleded  to  a  point.  And  no  wonder  if  Pan's  horns  reach 
to  the  Heavens,  fmcethc  Sublimities  of  Nature,  or  abftraft  Ideas,  reach  in  a 
manner  to  Things  divine :  for  there  is  a  fhort  and  ready  paflage  from  Meta- 
jphvficks  to  Natural  Theology. 

'  Namque  canebat  uti  magnum  per  inanj.  coada 
Stmina    terrarumque  animxque   mari{que  fuilltntj 
Et  liquid!  fimul  ignis ;  Sc  bis  exordin  frimis 
Omnia,    5c  ipfe  tener  mundi  concreverit  orbis. 


Se(fl.II.  PoETRV.  6f 

17.  (f")  Pali's  bod)',  Or  the  body  oC  IVaturr.,  is,  with  great  propriety  nnd  tih  pmsgjf 
eK'gance,  painted  flip.ggy  and  hairy  -,  as  rcpre'.encing  the  ^^ir-^  vflhiiij^s:  for  ^"''y- 
Favs  are   as   the   /:air,  or  feece   of  Nature  ;    ::nd    more  or  lels  worn   by 

all  bodies.  This  evidently  appears  in  vifion  ■,  nnd  in  all  effects  or  opera- 
tions at  adidance  :  for  vvh..tcvcr  operates  thus,  may  be  properly  fiid  to  emit 
Rays'.  ((')But  particularly  the  heard  of  Pan  is  exceeding  long-,  bccaufe  ^'^  Ef'"'*'- 
the  Rays  of  the  celeftial  bodies  penetrate,  and  acfl  to  a  prodigious  dillance: 
and  the  Sun  himfelf,  when  clouded  on  its  upper  part,  appears  to  the  eye 
bearded. 

18.  (^^)  Again,  the  ^oiy  o/iVrt/wif  is  juflly  defcribed  ^//br?;?,  becaufe  of  the  H/i  ^//ir»»- 
difference  between  its  fuperior  and  inferior  parts  ;  as  the  former,  for  their  ^'"{>- 
beauty,  regularity  of  motion,  and  influence  over  the  earth,   may  be  properly 
repreiented  by  the  human  figure  ;  and  the  latter,  becaufe  of  their  diforder, 
irregularity,  and  lubjeiftion  to  the  celeftial  bodies,  are  by  the  bridal.     This 
biform  figure  alfo  rcpreknts  the  participation  of  one  fpecies  with  another  ; 

for  there  appear  to  be  no  fmple  Natures ;  but  all  participate  or  confift  of  two  : 
thus  Man  has  fomewhat  of  the  Brute,  the  5n^/f  fomev/hat  of  the  Plant,  the 
P/rt;;/ fomewhat  of  the  A//'«^;-(7/ i  fo  that  all  natural  bodies  have  really  two 
feces;  or  confift  of  a  fuperior  and  an  inferior  Species.  • 

19.  (/>)  There  lies  a  curious  Allegory  in  the  making  o^  Pan  goat  footed  •■,  HUGmfs 
on  account  of  the  motion  of  afcent  which  the  terreftrial  bodies  have  towards  ^"'• 
the  air  and  heavens  :  for  the  Gcal  is  a  clambering  creature,  that  delights  in 
climbing   up  rocks  and  precipices  :    and  in  the  fame  manner,   the  matters 
dcftined  to  this  lower  globe  ftrongly  affedt  to  rife  upwards ;  as  appears  from 

the  Clouds  and  Meteors. 

20.  PanH  Arms,  or  the  Enfigns  he  bears  in   his  hands,  are  of  two  kinds  ;  U'u  i.nfgnfi 
the  one  an  Emblem  of  Harmon'^,  the  other  of  Em  fire,     (i)  His  Pipe,  com-  viz..  ^/j  Pipe; 
pofed  of  feven  reeds,    plainly  denotes  the  confent  and  harmony,    or  the 
concords  and  difcords  of  things,  produced  by  the  motion  of  the  feven  Planets. 

(k)  His  Cro^^alfo  contains  a  fine  Reprefentation  of  the  ways  of  Nature;  which  AnJCrook, 
are  partly  ftrait,  and  partly  crooked:  thus  the  ftaff  having  an  extraordinary 
bend  towards  the  top,  denotes,  that  the  Works  of  divine  Providence  are  ge- 
nerally brought  about  by  remote  means,  or  in  a  circuit;  as  if  fomewhat 
elfe  were  intended,  rather  than  the  effeft  prodiKed,  as  in  the  fending  of  Jc- 
fepb  into  Egypt,  &c.  So  likewife  in  human  government,  they  who  fit  aC 
the  helm,  manage  and  wind  the  people  more  fticcefsfully,  by  Pretext  and 
oblique  Courfes,  than  they  could  by  fuch  as  are  direct  and  ftrait ;  fo  tha-c 
in  efteft  all  Scepters  are  crocked  a-t^p  ^ 

21.  (I)  Pan^i  Mantle,  or  Cloathing,  is  with  great  ingenuity  made  of  a  H/j  Mantle; 
Leopard's  Skin  ;  becaufe  of  the  fpots  it  has :  for,  in  like  manner,  the  hea- 
vens 

*'  This  is  always  fuppofed  the  Cafe  in  Vifon  ;  fo  that  the  Matheniatical  Detftonflrations  in 
Opticks,  proceed  upon  u.  Andhence  we  may  the  better  undcrftandthe  meaningof  the  Author, 
when  he  mentions,  as  he  frequently  docs,  the  Rays  of  Things. 

^  The  Reader  will  find  many  uncommon  Oblervations  of  thi;  kind,    with  regard    to  civil 
ToUcy,  in  the  third  Seiiion  of  the  Safientia  Veterum  j  as  if  the  Author  intended  to  deliver  the  Se- 
crets of  Government,  m  the  lead  exceptionable  way;  that  of  explaining  the  ^olidcul  Mjthtlogy  of; 
the  Ancients,    See  alio  the  following  Fable  of  TerfeHs,  exj^lain'tl  of  ff^r, 


^2.  Poetry.  Seca.II; 

vens  are  fprinkled  with  Stars,  the  Sea  with  Iflands,  the  Earth  with  Flowers, 
and  almoft  each  particular  thing,  is  variegated,  or  wears  a  mottled  coat. 
tfu  Office,  Hi       2  2.  {in)  The  Office  of  P^;z  could  not  be  more  livelily  exprefled,  than  by 
the  God  of     making  him  t\\t  God  of  Hunter s:  for  every  natural  aftion,  every  motion  and 
Himers.         procefs,  is  no  other  than  a  chace  :  thus  Arts  and  Sciences  hunt  out  their  works ; 
and  human  fchemes  and  counfels,  their  leveral  ends  :  and  all  living  creatures 
either  hunt  out  their  aliment,  purfue  their  prey,  or  feek  their  pleafures  ;  and 
this  in  a  skilful  and  fagacious  manner  *.     He  is  alfo  ftiled  the  God  of  the  rii- 
Eural  Inhah-  ral  hbahitants ;  becaufe  men  in  this  fituation  live  more  according  to  Nature, 
''"/■  than  they  do  m  Cities  and  Courts;  which  corrupt  them  with  effeininate  Arts. 

(«)  He  is  likewife  particularly  ftiled  Preftdent  of  the  Mountains,  becaufe  in 
mountains  and  lofty  places,  the  nature  of  things  lies  more  open  and  expofed 
to  the  eye  and  the  underftanding ''. 
AndMeffenger      23.  {o)  In  his  being  called  the  mejfenger  of  the  Gods,  T\fx.tz.^\.ir  Mercury, 
if  the  Gods.     Jies  a  divine  Allegory ;   as,  next  after  the  Word  vfGod,  theimage  of  the  World 
is  the  herald  of  the  divine  power  and  wifdom  ;  according  to  the  Expreffion  of 
the  Pfahnift :  The  Heavens  declare  the  Glory  of  God,  and  the  Firmament /ht.w.th 
his  handy-work. 
Jihr^llngthe      24.  {p)  Pan  is  delighted  with  the  company  of  the  Nymphs:  that  is,  the 
^SjiK^hs.         Souls  of  all  living  creatures  are  the  delight  of  the  ijvcrld  ;    and  he  is  properly 
called  their  Gcvtrncur,  becaufe  each  of  them  follows  its  ownNature  as  a  Leader; 
and  all  dance  about  their  own  refpeftive  Rings,  with  infinite  variety,  and 
never-ceafing  motion.     And  with  thefe  continually  join  ihtSatyrs  ■i.nd  Silent, 
that  is,  2'outh  and  Age  ;  for  all  things  have  a  kind  of  young,  chearful,  and 
dancing  time;   and  again  their  time  of  Jlownefs,  tottering,  and  creeping. 
And  whoever,  in  a  true  light,  confiders  the  motions  and  endeavours  of  both 
thefe  ages,  like  another  Democritus,  will  perhaps  Rnd  them  as  odd  and  ftrange, 
as  the  gefticulations  and  antick  motions  of  the  Satyrs  and  Silent. 
Uh  tower  of        25.  (q)  The  Power  he  had  ofjlriking  terrors,  contains  a  very  fcnfible  Doc- 
jlrikmg  Tet-    trine  •,  for  Nature  has  implanted/<fi^r  in  all  living  creatures  ;  as  well  to  keep 
lors.  them  from  rifquing  their  lives,    as  to  guard  againft  injuries    and   violence: 

and  yet  this  Nature,  or  Paffion,  keeps  not  its  bounds  •,  but  wkh  ji/Jl  and  pro- 
fitable fears  always  mixes  fuch  asaretvii;;  and  fenfelefs  ;  fo  that  all  things,  if 
we  could  fee  their  infides,  would  appear  full  of  panic  terrors.   Thus  mankind, 
particularly  the  vulgar,  labour  under  a  high  degree  of  Superftition;  which  is 
nothing  more  than  a  Panic  Dread  that  principally  reigns  in  unfettled   and 
troublefome  Times. 
tSsch^Ueng-       26.  (r)  The  PrefumptionofFd.n,  in  challenging  Cupid /0  the  conflin,  denotes 
w^  Cupid,      that  Matter  has  an  appetite,  and  tendency  to  a  diffolution  of  the  world  ; 
and  falling  back  to  its  firft  Chaos  again  •,  unlefs  this  depravity  and  inclina- 
tion were  reftrained  and  fubdued  by  a  more  powerful  concord  and  agree- 
ment of  things,  properly  exprelfedby  Love  or  Cupid:  'tis  therefore  well  for 

mankind, 

'  Torva  Le£nx  Ltipum  fequHur,  Lupus  ipfe  CapeUam  i 

Florentem  Cyiifum/equitur  Ittfcivn  Capella. 

See  hcreatrer  Sect.  XII.  of  Learned  Experience. 
••  Particularly  the  Meteors  and  Cclcfti.il  Bodies  i  wheace  Obfcrvatories  for  ylf-romm),  Metet» 
rdogy,  &c.    See  the  Author's  New  Atlantis. 


Sed.  II.  P  o  E  T  R  y.  63 

mankind,  and  the  ftate  of  all  things,  that  Ptf«  was  thrown,  and  conquered, 
in  the  (Iriigglj-''. 

27.  ())  His  catchhig  and  detaining  Typhon/«  the  net,  receives  a  fimilar  ex-W/V  catching 
planation  v  for  whatever  vaft  and  unufu.\l/iev?//j,  which  the  word  7>/i^»«  fig- ^,JP'"'°"""* 
nities,  may  fometimes  be  raifed  in  Nature,  as  in  the  fea,  the   clouds,  the 

earrh,  or  the  like;  yet  iVa/z/r?  catches,  entangles,  and  holds  all  fuch  Outra- 
ges and  Inrarre(5lions  in  her  inextricable  Net,  wove  as  it  were  of  adamant. 

28.  (/)  That  part  of  the  Fahle,  'which  attributes  the  dlfcovery  of  loft  Ceres  to  ^U  fading  of 
Pan,  -whilft  be  was  hu>;ting ;  a  happinefs  denied  the  other  Gods,  tho'  they  dili-^-'"' 
gently  and  exprefsly  fought  her,  contains  an  exceeding  juft  and  prudent  admo- 
nition; I'iz.  that  we  are  not  to  expedl  the  dilcovery  of  things  ufeful  in  common 

life,  as  that  of  Corn  denoted  by  Ceres,  from  abJlrnSi  Phtlofophies  ;  as  if  thefe 
were  the  GoJs  of  the  frjl  Order;  no,  not  tho'  weufed  our  utmoft  Endeavours 
this  way  •,  but  only  from  Pan,  that  is,  a  fagacisus  Experience,  and  general 
knowledge  of  Nature;  which  is  often  found,  even  by  accident,  to  ftumble  up- 
on fuch  Difcoveries,  whilft  the  Purfuit  was  dircfted  another  way  ^ 

29.  (?<)  The  Event  of  bis  contending  with  Apcllo  in  Mufick,  affords  \\s  zn^'iscont-mding 
ufeful  Infiruftion,  that  may  help  to  humble  the  human  Reafon  and  Judgment,  *"^  Apol;o 
which  is  too  apt  to  boafl,  and  glory  in  itfelf     There  feem  to  be  two  kinds'"    "■'"^  " 

of  Harmony,  the  one  of  divine  Providence,  the  other  of  buman  Reafon :  but 
the  government  of  the  world,  the  adminiflration  of  its  affairs,  and  the  more 
fecret  divi>:e  Judgmer.ts,  found  harfla  and  diffonant  to  human  Ears,  or 
human  Judgment  •,  and  tho'  this  ignorance  be  juftly  rewarded  with  AJfei 
Ears ;  yet  they  are  put  on  and  wore,  not  openly,  but  with  great  fecrecj  :  nor 
is  the  deformity  of  the  thing  feen  or  obferved  by  the  vulgar. 

30.  (v)  We  muftnot  find  it  ftrange  if  no  Amours  are  related  of  Pan,  \,z-^'ii  ■AmoHr}.. 
fides  his  marriage  with  £f/&(7 :  for  Nature  enjoys  itfelf,  and  in  itfelf  all  other 

things  :  he  that  loves,  defires  enjoyment ;  but  in  profufion  there  is 
no  room  for  defire  r  and  therefore  Pan,  remaining  content  with  himfelf,  has 
no  pafllon,  unlefs  it  be  for  Difccurfc,  which,  is  well  fhadow'd  out  by  Echo, 
or  Tidk;  or  when  it  is  more  accurate,  by  Syrinx,  or  Writing  ^  But 
Echo  makes  a  moft  excellent  Wife  for  Pan,  as  being  no  other  than  genuine 
Philofophy,  which  faithfully  repeats  his  words  ;  or  only  tranfcribes  exaftly 
AS  Nature  diHatcs ;  thus  reprefenting  the  true  image  and  refledion  of  the 
World,  without  adding  a  tittle''. 

31.  (w)  It  tends  alio  to  the  fupport  and  perfeiflion  of  Pan  or  Nature,  to  nii  of iprinr- 
be  without  offspring  ;  for  the  World  generates   in  its  parts,  and  not  in  the 

way  of  a  whole  ;  as  wanting  a  body  external  to  itfelf^  wherewith  to  generate. 

32. 

'  Thefe  kind  of  Explanations  may  appear  like  forced  Accommcdaticns,  toliafiy  and  juvenile 
minds:  but  perhaps  will  have  a  greater  effcft  upon  fober  and  philofophical  Natures,  verfed  in 
the  Knowledge  of  Men  and  Tilings.  It  certainly  requires  a  knov^-Icdge  of  Hiftory,  depth  in  Phi- 
lofophy, and  a  mature  Judgniient,  to  difcover  the  Origin,  the  Intention,  and  Ule of  the  ancien: 
hlythology.     See  the  Author's  Critique  upon  the  Subjcft,  prefix'd  to  the  Safitntin  Veteritm. 

*  See  hereafter  Se^.yill  of  Learned  Experience. 

'  Obfcrve  tha:  Syrir.x  iigL'fiesa  Reed,  or  the  ancient  Pm. 

*  The  Author  always  endeavours  to  place  himlejfin  this  Situation,  and  accordingly  calls  him- 
felf, and  is  called  by  others,  the  Secretary  cf  Hatitre,  See  Sir  henry  Hotton'i  Letter  to  the  Lord 
Encon,  in  the  Reli^itU  fi^ottOinmU. 


Poetry.  Seft.  II. 

Hii/uppofeJ        32.  (x)  Laftly,  foTthtfappofed  or  /purious  prattling  daughter  of  Pan,  'tis  an 
Di^ttghier.      excellent  addition  to  the  Fdhle  ;  and  aptly  reprefents  the  talkative  Philofophies 
that  have  at  all  times  been  ftirring,  and  filled  the  world  with  idle  Tales :  be- 
ing ever  barren,  empty  and  fervile  ;  tho'  Ibmetimes  indeed  diverting  and  en- 
tertaining J  and  fometimes  again,    troublefome  and  importunate '. 

The  Fable  of  Perseus  explai?ied  of  the  Preparation 
and ConduSi  necejfarj  to  War. 


The  ral>!e  of    HI.  3  3 

Pcrfeu 

duced. 


THE  Fable  relates,  that  Pcrfcus  was  difpatch'd  from  the 
Eaft  by  rallas(<2),  to  vut  off  McdufaV  Head;  r^'ho  had 
committed  ^reat  ravage  upon  theTeople  of  the  Weft  {b)  :  For  this  Me- 
dufa  IV  as  Jo  dire  a  Monjicr,  as  to  turn  into  ft  one  all  thofeivho  but 
looked  upon  her  (c).  She  ivas  a  Gorgon,  and  the  only  mortal  one 
of  the  three  •■,  the  other  tis^o  being  invulnerable  [d).  Pcrfeus  there- 
fore preparing  himfclf  for  this  grand  Enterprize,  had  Trefents 
made  him  from  three  of  the  Gods :  Mercury  gave  him  Wings  for 
his  Heels  s  Pluto,  a  Helmet ;  and  Pallas,  a  Shield  and  a  Mirror  {e). 
But  tho'  he  '•jvas  iwjj  fo  well  eqnipp'd,  he  pofted  npt  direBly  to 
Alcdufa,  but  firft  turned  afide  to  the  Grex,  vaho  were  Half-Sifters 
to  the  Gorgons  [f).  Thefe  Grca:  were  gray-headed,  and  like  old 
IV^omen  from  their  birth -^  having  among  them  all  three  but  one 
Eye,  and  one  Tooth  j  which,  as  they  had  occafton  to  go  out,  they 
each  wore  by  turns;  and  laid  them  down  again  upon  coming 
back  (g).  This  Eye  and  this  Tooth  the)'  lent  to  Pcrfcus  {h) ;  who 
now  judging  himfelf  fufticiently  furnijhed^  he,  without  farther  ftop, 
flies  fwi ft ly  away  to  Mcdufa;  and  finds  her  afteep  (/').  But  yiot 
'Venturing  his  Eyes,  for  fear  fhe  fhould  wake,  he  turned  his  head 
afide,  and  viewed  her  in  PallasV  Mirror  (k) :  and  thus  direEiing 
his  ftroke,  cut  off  her  Head:  when  immediately^  from  the  gufhing 
Blood,  there  darted  Pegafus  winged  (J.).  Pcrfcus  now  inferted^A.^- 
dufa'j  Head  into  Pallas'j"  Shield  [m) ;  which  thence  retained  the  fa- 
culty of  aftoniflnng  and  benumbing  all  who  look'd  on  it  {n}. 


War. 


jlforJs  three        3+.  This  Fable  feems  invented  to  fl-iew  the  prudent  Method  of  chufmg,  un- 
Vrece^ts fir    dertaking,  znA  condueiing  a  War;  and  accordingly  lays  down  three  ufefjl 
Prtcepts  about  it,  as  if  they  were  the  Precepts  of  P^//ijj- (^J. 

(i.)  The  firft  is,  that  no  Prince  fljould  he over-follicitous  to  fuhdue  a  neigh' 
houring  Nation :  for  the  method  of  enlarging  an  Empire,  is  very  different 

from 

*  After  reading  the  ExpUnathn,  it  may  be  proper  to  read  the  V.ible  again  ;  which  makes 
the  Conformity  appear  lb  great,  that  one  can  fcarce  help  believing,  or  at  lead  wifhing.the 
Tiiicgs  drawn  out  of  it  by  the  Author,  were  originally  intended  by  the  Contriver.  But  oi" 
this,  in  general,  fee  more  in  the  Critiaue  prefLx'd  to  the  Safientin  VeterHin, 


Se6V.II.  Poetry.  65 

from  chat  of  increafing  an  Eftate.     Regard  is  juftly  had  to  Contiguity,  or  ^xpUineJ  »f- 
Adjacency,  in  private  Lands  and  Poncffions  -,  but  in  the  extending  of  Em-  ""'^irtaking  « 
pire,  the  Occafion,  the  Facility,  and  Advantage  of  a  War,  are  to  be  re-  T"l!mt!'"'^ 
garded  inftead  of  Vicinity.     'Tis  certain  that  the  Romans,  at  the  time  they 
ftretched  but  little  beyond  Lsguria  to  the  Wfft,  had  by  their  Arms  fubdued 
the  Provinces  as  far  as  Mount  Taurus  to  the  Eajl  (b).     And  thus  Pcrfeus  rea- 
dily undercook  a  very  long  Expedition,  even  from  the  Eafi  to  the  extremi- 
ties of  the  IVeJl. 

(2.)  The  fecond  Precept  is,  that  the  Caufe  of  the  War  he  jujl  and  ho-  Jufi. 
rourable  ;  for  this  adds  Alacrity  both  to  the  Soldiers,  and  the  People  who 
find  the  Supplies ;  procures  Aids,  Alliances,  and  numerous  other  Conve- 
niences, [c)  Now  there  is  no  Caufe  of  IVar  morejuft  and  laudable,  than  the 
fupprcffing  of  Tyrami\  \  by  which  a  People  are  difpirited,  benumbed,  or 
left  without  Life  and  Vigour,  as  at  the  fight  of  MeJufa. 

(3.)  {d)  Laftly,   it  is  prudently  added,  that  as  there  were  three  of  the  AndfenfiiU. 
Gorgcns,  who  reprefent  War,  Perfeus  fingled  her  out  for  his  Expedition  that 
was  mortal :    which  affords  this  Precept,  that  fucb  kind  cf  Wars  fhould  be 
chcfe,    as  may  be  brought  to  a  conclufion,  uithout  ^urfutng  vafl  and  infinite 
Hopes. 

34.  [e)  Again,  Perfus's  fetting-out  is  extremely  well  adapted  to  his  Un-  PerCeus's fet- 
dertaking ;  and  in  a  manner  commands  fuccefs :    he  received  Difpatch  from  ting-'tt- 
Mercury,  Secrecy  from  Pluto,  and  Forefight  from  Pallas.     It  alfo  contains 

an  excellent  Allegory,  that  the  Wings  given  him  by  Mercury  were  for  his 
Heels,  not  for  his  Shoulders ;  becaufe  Expedition  is  not  fo  much  required  in 
the  firft  Preparations  for  War,  as  in  the  fubfequent  JVIatters,  that  adminifler 
to  the  firfl :  for  there  is  no  Error  more  frequent  in  War,  than,  after  brisk 
Preparations,  to  halt  for  fubfidiary  Forces,  and  effeftive  Supplies. 

35.  The  Allegory  of  Pluto's  Helmet,  rendering  Men  invifible  and  fe-  «isHelmt». 
cret,  is  fufBciently  evident  of  itfelf ;  but  the  My  fiery  of  the  Shield  and  the  ^^f''''-  """^ 
Mirror  lies  deeper:  and  denotes,  that  not  only  a  prudent  Caution  mufl  be       '""'• 
had  to  defend,  like  the  Shield  ■,  but  alfo  fuch  an  Addrefs  and  Penetration, 

as  may  difcover  the  Strength,  the  Motions,  the  Counfels,  and  Defigns  of 
the  Enemy  ;  like  the  Mirror  of  Pallas. 

36.  (/)  But  tho'  Perfeus  may  now  feem  extremely  well  prepared,  there  His  eonfitUvtz 
flill  remains  the  moft  important  thing  of  all :  before  he  enters  upon  the  War,  theGnx. 

he  mufl  of  necefTity  coniult  the  Greff'.  Thefe  Crete  a.Te  Treafons ;  half,  but 
degenerate  Siflers  of  the  Ccrgons ;  who  are  Reprefentatives  of  Wars :  for 
M^'ars  are  generous  and  noble  -,  but  Treafons  bafe  and  vile,  (g)  The  Crete 
are  elegantly  defcribed,  as  hoary-headed,  and  like  old  Women  from  their 
birth  •,  on  account  of  the  perpetual  Cares,  Fears,  and  Trepidations  attending 
Traitors.  Their  force  alio,  before  it  breaks  out  into  open  revolt,  confifls 
either  in  an  Eye  or  a  Tooth  ;  for  all  Fadtion  alienated  from  a  State,  is  both 
'watchful  and  biting:  and  this  Eye  and  Tooth  is,  as  it  were,  common  to  ali 
the  difaffefted  ;  becaufe  whatever  they  learn  and  know,  is  tranfmitted  from 
one  to  another,  as  by  the  hands  of  Fa^lion.  And  for  the  Tooth,  they  all 
bite  with  the  fame  -,  and  clamour  with  one  Throat  i  fo  that  each  of  them 
fingly  expreifes  the  Multitude. 
.  Vot.  I.  K  37, 


66  Poetry.  Sea.II. 

5  7,  (h)  Thefe  Gr^^,  therefore,  muft  be  prevail'd  upon  by  Perfeus,  to  fend 

him  their  Eye  and  their  Tooth ;  the  Eye  to  give  him  Indications,  and  make 

Difcoveries -,  t\\t  Tooth  for  fowing  Rumours,  raifing  Envy,  and  ftirring  up 

the  Minds  of  the  People.     And  when  all  thefe  things  arc  thus  difpofed  and 

prepared,  then  follows  xhe  J^ionof  the  War. 

Ris  finding  38.  (/)  He  Bnds  Medufa  zficcp ',  for  whoever  undertakes  a  War  with  pru- 

r^^'^^^^'P^-  dtnce,  generally  falls  upon  the  Enemy  unprepared,  and  nearly  in  a  ftate  of 

fecurity  ;  and  (k)  here  is  the  occafion  for  Pallas's  Mirror:  for  'tis  common 

enough,  before  the  Danger  prefents,  to  fee  exaftly  into  the  ftate  and  pofture 

His  ufe  of  the  of  the  Enemy  -,  but  the  principal  ufe  of  the  Glafs  is,  in  the  very  inftant  of 

Miner.  Danger,  to  difcover  the  manner  thereof,  and  prevent  Confternation ;  which 

is  the  thing  intended  by  Perfeia's  turning  his  Head  afide,   and  viewing  the 

Enemy  in  the  Glafs  ^. 

The  Origin  cf      ^9.  Two  Effefts  here  follow  the  Conqueft  :    (i.)  (/)  The  darting  forth  of 

»/!f  Gordon     P'^J^fi^^'  which  evidently  denotes  F<z;«(',   that  flies  abroad,  proclaiming  the 

Shield,  Viftory  far  and  near.     (2.)  (w)The  bearing  o'i  Medufa'^Wt^d  in  the  Shield  ; 

which  is  the  greateft  poffible  Defence  and  Safeguard  :  for  («)  one  grand  and 

memorable  Enterprize,  happily  accomplifhed,  bridles  all  the  Motions  and 

Attempts  of  the  Enemy,  ftupcfies  DifaffeiSlion,  and  quells  Commotions '\ 

7he   Fable  of  Dionysus,    or    Bacchus,   explamed 

of  the  Passions. 

7^,  -BMeof  iy_  ^o_  ^  ^^  p^bk  runs,  that  Semele,  Tupiter  j  MifireCs,  having 

Bacchus  htjto-  ^  B  j  1  1  ■  ,   t  1     A      1  -^      t 

ticMy  tie-  bound  him  by  an  inviolable  Oath  to  grayit  her  an  un- 

known Requcft,  defer  ed  he  -oaould  etnbrace  her  in  the  fame  form  and 
manner  he  tifed  to  embrace  ]\ino  (a)  :  and  the  Tromtfe  being  irrevo- 
cable %  p^e  "jvas  burnt  to  death  'with  Lightning  in  the  performance  [b). 
The  Embryo,  however,  was  fewed  up,  and  carried  in  Jupiter' j- 
Thigh;  till  the  compleat  time  of  its  birth :  but  the  burthen  thus 
rendering  the  Father  lame,  and  giving  him  pain,  the  Child  was 
thence  called  Dionyfus  (r)''.  When  born,  he  was  committed,  for 
fome  years,  to  be  ntirfed  by  Viofctpim;  and  when  grown  up,  ap- 
peared with  fuch  an  effeminate  Face,  that  his  Sex  feemed  fome- 
what  doubtful  {d).  He  alfo  died,  and  was  buried  for  a  time ;  but 
afterwards  revived  [e).     IVhen  a  J'outh,  he  ferjt  introduced  the 

culti- 

*  Thus  it  is  the  excellence  of  a  General,  tarly  to  difcover  what  turn  the  Battle  is  likely  to 
lake;  and  looking  prudently  behind,  as  well  as  before,  to  puriue  a  Vidtory  fo  as  not  to  be  un- 
provided for  a  Retreat. 

''  It  may,  be  obferved  of  the  Explanation  of  this P<ii/«,  and  of  moft  of  thoft  contained  in  the 
Sapientia  Veterum,  that  the  Author  does  not  explain  them  in  the  way  of  a  Reclufti  but  as  a  iMan 
who  had  been  converiant  in  Adlion,  and  knew  the  Nature,  Secrets,  and  Springs  of  publick, 
as  well  as  private  Tranfaftions. 

'  The  Word  has  fcveral  Significations,  according  to  its  different  Derivations  i  but  among  the 
left,  it  denotes  pungent  Pain. 

f  See  the  Bttiie  ofstj/x,  explained  in  the  Sufimtia  Vettrutrh 


diued. 


5e<ft.  II.  Poetry.  €j> 

cultivation  anddrejfing  of  Vines ;  the  method  of  preparing  Wine  {f) ; 
and  taught  the  ufe  thereof:  'whence  becoming  famous,  he  fubdued 
the  JVorld,  even  to  the  utmoft  bounds  of  the  Indies  {^.  He  rode 
in  a  Chariot  drawn  by  Tygers  {h).  There  danced  about  htm  cer- 
tain deformed  Demons  called  Cobali,  i^c.  (/').  The  Mufcs  alfo 
joined  in  his  Train  [k).  He  married  Kxizdnz,  who  was  deferted 
by  Thcftus  (/).  The  Ivy  was  facred  to  him  [m).  He  was  alfo  held 
the  Inventor  and  Infiitutor  of  religions  Rites  and  Ceremonies ;  but 
fuch  as  were  wild /frantic  k,  and  full  of  Corruption  and  Cruelty  {n). 
He  had  alfo  the  power  of /hiking  Men  with  Frenzies  [o).  Pen- 
tlicus  and  Orpheus  were  torn  to  pieces  by  the  frantick  Women  at 
his  Orgies  :  the  firfl  for  climbing  a  Tree,  to  behold  their  outrageous 
Ceremonies  \  and  the  other  for  the  Mufick  of  his  Harp{p).  But 
the  Afls  of  this  God  are  much  entangled^  and  confounded^  with 
thofe  ^Jupiter  {q), 

41.  Tiiis  FMe  feems  to  contain  a  little  Syftem  of  Morality  ;  fo  that  there  stts  forth  the 
is  fcarce  any  better  Invention  in  all  Etbicks.  (a)  Under  the  Hiftory  of  Bac-  «"'ure  ofun- 
chus  is  drawn  the  nature  of  unlawful  De/ire,  or  Affe£lion,  and  Diforder  -,  for  '"''/»'  ^f/re. 
the  appetite  and  thirft  of  apparent  Good,  is  the  Mother  of  all  unlawful  De-  The  Morale/ 
fires,  tho'  ever  fo  deftrudtive :  and  all  unlawful  Defires  are  conceived  in  un-  Semele'j  z^- 
lavvful  Wiflies,  or  Requefts,  rafhly  indulged,  or  granted,  before  they  are  ^"^J** 

well  underftood,  or  confidered.    (/;)  And  wlien  the  Affeftion  begins  to  grow 

warm,  the  Mother  of  it,  the  Nature  of  Good,  is  deftroyed  and  burnt  up  by 

the  heat,     (c)  And  whilft  an  unlawful  Be  fire  lies  in  the  Embryo,  or  unripen'd  Bacchus  «r^ 

in  the  Mind,  which  is  its  Father,  and  here  reprefented  hy  Jupiter,  'tis  che-  '■«^ '»  Jupi- 

rifli'd  and  conceal'd,  efpecially  in  the  hferiour  part  of  the  Mind,  correfpond-  '"'    "^  ' 

ing    to  the  Thi^h  of  the  Body ;    where  Pain  twitches  and  deprelTes  the 

Mind  fo  far,  as  to  render  its  Refolutions  and  Acftions  imperfect  and  Jame. 

(d)  And  even  after  this  Child  of  the  Mind  is  confirm'd,  and  gains  flrength 

by  confent  and  habit,  and  comes  forth  into  aftion  -,  it  muft  flill  benurfed  by  Kurfid  by 

Proferpina,  for  a  time :  that  is,  it  skulks  and  hides  its  head  in  a  clandeftine  Proierpina. 

manner,  as  it  were  under  ground^ ;  till  at  length,  when  the  checks  of  Shame 

and  Fear  are  removed,  and   the  requifite   Boldnefs  acquir'd,  it  either  af- 

fumes  the  pretext  of  fome  Virtue,    or  openly  defpifes  Infamy.     And  'tis  Histffemmait 

juftly  obferved,  that  every  vehement  Paffion  appears  of  a  doubtful  Sex;  as  Fact. 

having  the  Strength  of  a  Man  at  firft,  but  at  laft  the  Impotence  of  a  JVomaii.  * 

{e)  'Tis  alfo  excellently  added,  that  B.iccbus  died,  and  rofe  again  •,  for  the  j^i^  jj^^^^  * 

Affections  fometimes  feem  to  die,  and  be  no  more  ;  but  there  is  no  trufting  and  Kefurrec{ 

them,  even  tho'  they  were  buried  •,  being  always  apt  and  ready  to  rife  again,  '">"• 

whenever  the  Occafion,  or  Ohjeft,  offers. 

42.  (/)  That  Bacchus  fliould  be  the  Inventor  of  Wine,  carries  a  fine  Alle-  The  inventor 
gory  with  it-,  for  every  Affeftion  is  cunning,  and  fubtile,  in  difcovering  a  "fli'ii^- 
proper  Matter  to  nourilli  and  feed  it  -,  and  of  all  things  known  to  Mortals, 

K  2  ff^ine 

*  See  the  Faile  of  froferfiim,  explained  in  the  Sitfimt'm  Vettruta,  $ 


68 


Poetry. 


Sea.  II. 


H'n  Conquep 


His  Chariot 
drawn  by 
Tygers. 


The  Bimons 
about  his 

Chariot. 


The  Miifes  in 
his  Traill. 


HU  Amour 
«ith  Ariadne. 


Mis  Ivy. 


Mis  frantiih 
Mitef. 


Wine  is   the   moft   powerful,   and  effedual,    for  exciting   and    inflaming 
Paffions  of  all  kinds :  being,  indeed,  like  a  common  fewel  to  them  all. 

43.  (g-) 'Tis  again,  with  great  elegance,  obferved  of  5flcc/wj,  that  he  fub- 
dtted  Provinces.,  and  undertook  endlefs  Expeditions :  for  the  Affeftions  never 
reft  fatisfied  with  what  they  enjoy  -,  but,  with  an  endlefs  and  infatiable  Ap- 
petite, thirft  after  foraewhat  further.  And{b)  Tygers  are  prettily  feigned  to 
draw  the  Chariot ;  for  as  foon  as  any  Affeftion  fhall,  from  going  on  foot,  be 
advanced  to  ride  -,  it  triumphs  over  Reafon,  and  exerts  its  Cruelty,  Fiercenefs, 
and  Strength,  againft  all  that  oppofe  it. 

44.  (i)  'Tis  alfo  humoroufly  imagined,  that  ridiculous  Dirmons  Jhould  dance 
and  frisk  about  this  Chariot  -,  for  every  Paffion  produces  indecent,  diforderly, 
interchangeable,  and  deformed  Motions  in  the  Eyes,  Countenance,  and 
Gefture  i  io  that  the  Perfon  under  the  impulfe,  whether  of  Anger,  Infult, 
Love,  i^c.  tho'  to  himfelf  he  may  feem  grand,  lofty,  or  obliging  ;  yet  in 
the  eyes  of  others,  appears  mean,  contemptible,  or  ridiculous. 

45.  (k)  The  Mufes  alfo  are  found  in  the  Train  of  Bacchus;  for  there  is 
fcarce  any  PafTion  without  its  Art,  Science,  or  Dodlrine,  to  court  and  flatter 
it ;  but  in  this  refpcft,  the  indulgence  of  Men  of  Genius  has  greatly  detracted 
from  tiie  M.ajefly  of  the  Mules,  who  ought  to  be  the  Leaders  and  Con- 
ductors of  human  Life,  and  not  the  Hand-maids  of  the  Paffions. 

46.  (/)  The  Allegory  of  5.jfi:/6«j's  falling  in  love  with  a  cajl  Mijlrefs.,  is 
extremely  noble:  for  'tis  certain  that  the  Aftedtions  always  court  and  covet 
what  has  been  rejedled  upon  experience.  And  all  thofe  who  by  ferving  and 
indulging  their  Paffions,  immenfely  raife  the  value  of  Enjoyment,  fhould 
know,  that  wluitever  they  covet  and  purfue,  whether  Riches,  Pleafure,  Glory, 
Learning;,  or  any  tiling  clfe  •,  they  only  piirfue  thofe  things  that  have  been 
forfikcn,  and  caft  off  with  contempt,  by  great  numbers  in  all  ages,  after 
poflTcffion  and  experience  had  of  them. 

47.  (wz)  Nor  is  it  without  a  myftery,  that  the  Ivy  was /acred  to  Bacchus  -, 
and  this  for  two  reafons  :  firft,  becaufe  Ivy  is  an  ever-green,  or  flouriflics  in 
the  Winter-,  and  fecondly,  becaufe  it  winds  and  creeps  about  fo  many 
things  i  as  Trees,  Walls,  and  Buildings  •,  and  raifes  itfelf  above  them.  As 
to  the/;;/?,  every  Paffion  grows  frefli,  ftrong,  and  vigorous,  by  oppofition 
and  prohibition  ;  as  it  were  by  a  kind  of  Contraft,  ox  Anttperijlafis;  like  the 
Ivy  in  the  Winter.  And  for  the  fecond,  the  predominant  Paffion  of  the 
Mind  throwi  itfelf,  like  the  Ivy,  round  all  human  Adlions,  entwines  all  our 
Reiblurions,  and  perpetually  adheres  to,  and  mixes  itfelf  in  among,  or  even 
over- tops  them. 

48.  \n)  And  no  wonder,  thazfuper/litious  Riles  and  Ceremonies  are  attributed 
to  Bacchus,  when  almoft  every  ungovernable  Paffion  grows  wanton  and 
luxuriant  in  corrupt  Religions ;  nor  again,  that  (0)  Fury  and  Frenzy  fliould  be 
fent  and  dealt  out  by  him  •,  becauie  every  PiiJJlon  is  a  ffiort  Frenzy  ;  and  if 
it  be  vehement,  lifting,  and  take  deep  root,  it  terminates  in  Madnefi. 
(/))  And  heiKe  the  A^legcry  o/Pentheus  and  Orpheus  being  tire  to  pieces,  is  evi- 
dent ;  for  every  headftrong  Paffijn  is  extiemely  bitter,  itvere,  inveterate,  and 
revengful  upon  all  curioui  Enquiry,  wholefome  Admonition,  free  Coun- 
ic\  aad  Perfuafion, 

49^ 


Sed.III.  Philosophy.  69 

49.  (q)  Laftly,  the  Confufion  between  the  Perfons  p/ Jupiter  aW  Bacchus,  n^Confrfan 
will  juftly  admit  of  an  Allegory  -,  becaule  noble  and  meritorious  Actions  may  ^^,^'j^p|7cr'x. 
fometimes  proceed  from  Virtue,  found  Reafon,    and  Magnanimity  ;    and 
fometimes  again  from  a  conccal'd  Paffion,  and  fecret  defire  of  111  i  however, 
they  may  be  extoll'd  and  praifed  :  infomuch,  that  'tis  not  eafy  to  diftinguifh 
betwixt  the  Afts  of  Bacchus  and  the  Ad:s  of  Jupiter*. 

But  perhaps  we  remain  too  long  in  the  Theatre ;  'tis  time  we  (hould  advance 
to  the  Palace  of  the  Mind. 


SECT.    iir. 

Of  Philosophy. 

I.     ALL  Knowledge  may  be  divided  into  Philosophy,  and  Inspired  Phitofophy 
X\  Theology.     Philo/opby  has  three  Objects,    viz.    God,  Nature,  'ii^^ '''''' '"f 
and  Man  ;  as  alfo  three  kinds  of  Rays ;  for  (i.)  Nature  ftrikes  the  human  In-  [/ikeOeUy, 
tclkiSt  with  a  direct  Ray,  (2.)  God,  with  a  refraSed  Ray,  from  the  Inequa-  Nature.-'jn'i 
lity  of  the  Medium  betwixt  the  Creator  and  the  Creatures ;  and  (3.)  Man,  Man, 
as  exhibited  to  himfelf,  with  a  reflc^ed  Ray.     Whence  'tis  proper  to  divide 
Philofophy  into  the  Doctrine  of  the  Deity^  the  Doctrine  of  Nature,  and  the 
Doctrine  of  Man. 

2.  But  as  the  Divisions  of  the  Sciences  are  not  like  different  Lines  Primary  Phi- 
that  meet  in  one  Angle,  but  rather  like  the  Branches  of  Trees  that  join  in  '°l°'t''^ 'j,?. 
oneTrunk''-,  'tis  firft  neceffary  that  we  conftituteanUNivERSALSciENCE,  ^cffnt. 
as  a  Parent  to  the  reft,  and  making  a  part  of  the  common  Read  to  the  Sciences., 
before  the  ways  feparate.     And  this  Knowledge  we  call  Philofofhia  Prima, 
primitive  or  primary  Philofophy.     It  has  no  other  for  its  oppofue,  and  differs 
from  other  Sciences  rather  in  the  limits,  whereby  'tis  confined,  than  in  the 
Subject ;  as  treating  only  the  Summits  of  Thinz^s.    And  whether  this  fhould  be 
noted  as  wanting,  may  feem  doubtful  •,  tho'  I  rather  incline  to  note  it.     For 
I  find  a  certain  Rhapfody  of  Natural  Theology,  Logicks,  and  Phyficks,  delivered 
in  a  certain  fublimity  of  Difcourle,  by  fuch  as  aim  at  being  admired  for 
ftanding  on  the  Pinnacles  of  the  Sciences ;  but  what  we  mean  is,  without  am- 
bition, to  deftgn  fame  GzNZRAL  Science,  for  the  reception  of  Axioms,  not  pecu- 
liar to  any  one  Science  ;  but  common  to  a  number  of  them.. 

3' 

'  The  Author,  in  parfuance  of  his  Dejign  of  giving  Examples  and  Specimens  of  the  Works  he 
fets  down  as  deficient,  has  thus  deprived  his  Piece  Je  Safientia  Veterum  of  three  beautiful 
F,owers  ;  unleli  the  reader  fnall  pleale  to  fupply  them  in  tnat  t.-rtormance,  by  turning  hither 
for  them,  m  the  order  he  will  there  perceive  them  indicated  by  th»  Notes. 

This  Oi^fcivation  is  the  Foundation  of  Father  Cajiets  hcc  Piece  </c  MaihematiiiHe  uniier' 
fille,  wherein,  by  the  help  of  feiifible  Reprefentatiuns  and  Divilions,  he  propofcs  to  leach  the 
Si:tn:es  readily,  and  even  abftraiit  Mathematicki,  to  common  Capacities. 


70  Philosophy.  Sed.  III. 

jti  nature  3 .  Axioms  of  this  kind  are  numerous :  for  example,  {i.)  If  Equals  be  ad- 

gndUji.         j^,j  ig  Ufjequals,  the  wholes  will  be  unequal.    This  is  a  Rule  in  Mathematicks ; 
which  holds  alfo  in  Elhicks,  with  regard  to  dijlributii-.  Juftice.     (2.)  Things 
agreeing  to  the  fame  third,  agree  alfo  with  one  another.     This  jikewife  is  an 
Axiom  in  Mathematicks  \  and,  at  the  fame  time,  fo  ferviceable  in  Logick,  as  to 
be  the  Foundation  of  Syllogifn.     {:t,.)  Nature  fhews  herfelf  hejl  in  her  fmallejl 
f^^orks.     This  is  a  Rule  in  Philofophy,  that  produced  the  Atoms  of  Democri- 
tus  •,  and  was  juftly  employ'd  by  Arijlotle  in  Politicks,  when  he  begins  the 
Confidcration  of  a  Commonweath  in  a  Family.     (4.)  All  things  change,  but 
nothing  is  loft.     This  is  an  Axiom  in  Phyficks,  and  holds  in  Natural  Theology ; 
for  as  the  fum  of  Matter  neither  diminifhes  nor  increafes ;  fo  it  is  equally  the 
Work  of  Omnijotence  to  eremite,  or  to  annihilate  it.     (5.}  Things  are  preferved 
from  De/truHion,  by  bringing  them  back  to  their  Principles,     This  is  an  Axiom 
in  Phyfcks,  but  holds  equally  in  Politicks ;  for  the  prefcrvation  of  States,  as  is 
well  obferved  by  Aiachiavel,  depends  upon  little  more  than  reforming  and 
bringing  them  back  to  their  ancient  Cuftoms.     (6.)  A  Dfcord  ending  i?nme- 
diatdv  in  a  Concord,  fets  off  the  Harmony.     Tliis  is  a  Rule  in  Mufick,  that 
alfo  holds  true  in  Morals,     (y.)  A  trembling  Sound  in  Mufick  gives  the  fame 
pleafure  to  the  Ear,  as  the  Corufcation  of  Water,  or  the  fparkling  of  a  Diamond 
to  the  Eye.     (8.)  The  Organs  of  the  Senfes  refemble  the  Organs  of  Reflexion, 
as  we  fee  in  Opticks  and  Acaufticks ;  where  a  concave  Glafs  refembles  the  Eye, 
and  a  founding  Cavity  the  Ear.     And  of  thefe  Axioms  an  infinite  number 
might  be  collcded.     And  thus  the  celebrated  Perfian  Magickwas,  in  effeH, 
m  more  than  a  notation  of  the  correfpondence  in  the  Structure  and  Fabrick  of 
Things  natural  and  civil''.     Nor  let  any  one  underftand  all  this  of  mere  Simili- 
tudes, as  they  might  at  firft  appear  ;  for  they  really  are  one  and   the  fame 
Footfteps,  and  Impreffions  of  Nature,  made  upon  different  Matters  and  Sub- 
jects.    And  in  this  light  the  thing  has  not  hitherto  been  carefully  treated. 
A  few  of  thefe  Axioms  may  indeed  be  found  in  the  Writings  of  eminent  Men, 
here  and  there  iiuerfperfed  occafionally  ;  but  a  coUccfed  Body  of  them,  -u.-hich 
Jhotdd  have  a  primitive  and fianmary  tendency  to  /Z),- Sciences,  is  not  hitherto 
extant ;  tho'  a  thing  of  fo  great  moment,  as  reinarkably  to  Ihew  Nature  to 
be  one  and  the  fame :  which  is  fuppofed  the  Office  of  a  prvnary  Philofnphy  ^. 
'A ''teond  Fart      4.  There  is  another  part  of  this  Primary  Philosophy,  regarding  the 
of  primary      adventitious  OX  tranfcendcntal  Conditions  of  Things;  as  little,  much,  like,  diffe- 
Philorophy,     y^^i^  poflible,  impcfjihle,  entity,  non-entity,  &c.     For  as  thefe  things  do  not  pro- 
t^"tra"fccn-     perly  come  under  PZ7v//f^-;  •,  and  as  their  ^/civ/  Co;j//c/£>rrt/w«  rather  accommo- 
dental  Con-     dates  them  to  Argumentation,  than  Exiftence  ;  'tis  proper  that  this  Point  be 
duions.  not  quite  deferted,  as  being  of  confiderable  Dignity  and  Ufe  ;  fo  as  to  have 

fome  place  in  the  Arrangement  of  the  Sciences.  But  this  fliould  be  done  in  a 
iiianner  very  diiferent  from  the  common.  For  example  -,  no  Writer  who 
has  treated  of  much  and  little,  endeavours  to  affign  the  caufe  why  fome 

things 

*  The  Autlior  has  given  us  a  Sienmin  of  this  Magick  ;  which  we  place  as  the  Eighth  Slt- 
Pl.EMtNT  to  this  Piece,  de  Attprientis  Scientiartim. 

l»  I  am  not  ienllble  that  any  general  CoUecTion  of  this  kind  has  hitherto  teen  publifi.ed;  moll 
Writers  having  contented  theinlelves  with  fetting  down  the  Axioms  ferving  to  teach  the  fp.r- 
ticular  Scie.ices  they  treat  of.  Thus  many  of  them  are  found  in  Books  of  Law,  Malhemaiicki, 
and  Lo£ick.    And  a  capital  one  oi  this  kind  for  Logick,  is  that  of  Dan.  StM. 


Se(fl.  in.  Philosophy.'  7  i 

thino'S  in  nature  are  fo  numerous  and  large,  and  others  fo  rare  and  fmall : 
for,  doubdefs,  'tis  impolTible  in  (he  tjaiure  of  Things,  that  there  fliould  be  as 
p-reat  a  quantity  of  Gi  Was  of  Iron  ;  or  Roj'cs  as  plenty  as  Gr.;,^,  &c.  fo  Hke- 
wife  no  body  that  treats  of  like  and  different  has  fufficicntly  explained,  why 
betwixt  particular  Species  there  are  almoft  conftantly  interpofed  fome 
thino-s  that  partake  of  both ;  as  Mofs  betwixt  Corruption  and  a  Plant ;  mo-- 
tioyilefs  Fiflj  betwixt  a  Plant  and  an  Animal ;  Bats  betwixt  Birds  and  ^ta- 
drupeds,  &c.  Nor  has  any  one  hitherto  difcovered  why  Iron  does  not  at- 
tract Iron,  as  the  Loadftone  does ;  and  why  Gold  does  not  attraft  Gold,  as 
^ack/ilvcr  does,  U'c.  But  of  thefe  Particulars  we  find  no  mention  in  the 
Difcourfes  of  Tranfcendentals  :  for  Men  have  rather  pirfiied  the  ir^nrks  of 
IFords,  than  the  Subtilties  of  Things.  And  therefore  we  would  introduce  into 
primary  Philofophy,  a  real  and  folid  Enquiry  into  thefe  Tranfcendentals,  or  ad- 
ventitious Conditions  of  Beings,  according  to  the  Laws  of  Nature,  not  of  Speecli  ". 
And  thus  having  firft  feated  the  common  Parent  of  the  Sciences  ;  we  return  to 
our  Divifion  of  Philofophy,  into  divine,  natural,  and  human.  For  natural 
Theology  may  be  juftly  called  divine  Philofophy. 

5.  Divine  Philosophy  is  z  Science,  or  rather  the  Rudi?nents  of  a  Sci-  pivine  Philo» 
ence,  derivable  from  God  by  the  Lit^ht  of  Nature,  and  the  Contemplation  '"F"^'  "' 
ot  his  Creatures ;  lo  that  with  regard  to  its  Object,  tis  truly  divine ;  but  vfe, 
with  regard  to  its  Acquirement,  natural.  The  Bounds  of  this  Knowledge 
extend  to  the  confutation  of  Atheifm,  and  the  afcertaining  the  Laws  of  Na- 
ture j  but  not  to  the  eftabliihing  of  Religion:  And  therefore  Gcd  never 
wrought  a  Miracle  to  convert  an  Atheift,  becaufe  the  Light  of  Nature  is 
fufficient  to  demonftrate  a  Deity;  but  Miracles  were  defigned  for  the  Con- 
verfion  of  the  Idolatrous  and  Superftitious,  who  acknowledged  a  God,  but 
erred  in  their  woriliip  of  him  :  the  L:ght  of  Nature  being  unable  to  de- 
clare the  Will  of  God,  or  afTign  the  iufl  form  of  worfhipping  him,.  For  as 
the  Power  and  Skill  of  a  Workman  are  feen  in  his  Works,  but  not  his  Per- 
fon ;  fo  the  Works  of  God  exprefs  the  Wifdom  and  Omnipotence  of  the 
Creator,  without  the  leafl  reprefentation  of  his  Image.  And  in  this  parti- 
cular, the  Opinion  of  the  Heathens  differed  from  the  iacred  Verity  ;  as  fup- 
pofing  the  World  to  be  the  Image  of  God  ;  and  Man  a  little  Image  of  the 
World.  The  Scripture  never  gives  the  World  that  honour ;  but  calls  it  the 
Work  of  his  Hands ;  making  only  Man  the  Image  of  God.  And  therefore 
the  Being  of  a  God  ;  that  he  Governs  the  PF'orld  ;  that  he  is  All-powerful,  Wife, 
Prefcient,  Good,  a  jufi  Kcwarcier  and  Punifl.er,  and  to  he  adored,  may  he  fhsztni 
and  enforced  from  his  JForks :  and  many  other  wonderful  Secrets,  with  regard 

to 

»  This  Dtjideratum  is  not,  that  I  krtow  of,  fupplied  :  and  as  the  defign  is  no  lefs  than  to  fet 
down  the  Lawt  of  Sanire,  by  which  the  Univeife  and  its  Parts  are  govern'd  ,  it  can  only  be 
derived  from  Experiment,  Obfervation,  and  Enquiry;  in  which  light,  the  modem  experimental 


»r  more  Crafi  thx>.  Kcjh,  becaufe  Grafs  feeds  more  Animals  tlmn  Rofes ;  and  the  likci  is  only  to 
aflign  the  final  Caufe,  for  v.hich  fuch  things  were  apparently  created,  and  not  the  natural 
Caufes ;  or  by  what  phyfical  means,  or  Law  of  Nature,  it  happens  that  Gold  is  not  fo  com- 
mon as  Iron,  &c,  The  vhilofofhy  of  Becher,  as  explained  and  illullrated  by  SMhl,  gives  con- 
fiderable  Light  to  this  Subjeil. 


?« 


Phi 


L  o  s  o  p  H  y. 


Sea.  III. 


Tht  Doar'me 
ffSfirif}. 


to  his  Attributes,  and  much  more  as  to  his  Difpsrifition  and  Government 
over  the  Univerfe,  may  alfo  be  folidly  deduced,  and  made  appear,  from  the 
fame.     And  this  Subjeft  has  been  ufefuHy  treated  by  fcveral ». 

6.  But  from  the  Contemplation  of  Nature.,  and  the  Principles  of  human  Reajoft, 
to  difpute  or  urge  any  thing  with  vehemence,  as  to  the  Myjleries  of  Faith  ; 
or  over-curiouQy  to  examine  and  fift  them,  by  prying  into  the  manner  of 
ths  Myftery,  is  no  fafe  thi>:g:  "Give  unto  Faith  the  things  that  are  Faith^s.'" 
And  the  Heathens  grant  as  much,  in  that  excellent  and  divine  Fable  of  the 
Golden  Chain  ;  where  "  Men  and  Gods  are  reprefented  unable  to  draw  Jupiter 
"  to  Earth ;  but  Jupiter  able  to  draw  them  up  to  Heaven."  So  that  'tis  a 
vain  attempt  to  draw  down  the  fublime  Myfteries  of  Religion  to  our  Reafon  ; 
but  we  fhould  rather  raife  our  Minds  to  the  adorable  Throne  of  heavenly 
Truth.  And  in  this  part  of  Natural  Theology,  we  find  rather  an  excefs  than 
any  defect :  which  we  have  turned  a  little  afide  to  note,  on  account  of  the 
extreme  Prejudice  and  D.inger  which  both  Religion  and  Philofopbv  hence  in- 
cur ;  becaufe  a  mixture  of  thefe  makes  both  an  heretical  Religion,  and  wfan- 
tajlick  and  fuperflitious  Philofophy  *>. 

7.  'Tis  otherwife,  as  to  the  Nature  of  Spirits  and  Angels ;  this  being  nei- 
ther unfearchable  nor  forbid;  but  in  great  part  level  to  the  human  Mind,  on 
account  of  their  affinity.  We  are,  indeed,  forbid  in  Scripture  to  worfhip 
Angels,  or  to  entertain  fantaftical  Opinions  of  them  •,  fo  as  to  exalt  them 
above  the  degree  of  Creatures,  or  to  think  of  them  higher  than  we  have 
reafon  :  but  the  fober  Enquiry  about  them,  which  either  afcends  to  a 
knowledge  of  their  Nature,  by  the  Scale  of  corporeal  Beings ;  or  views 
them  in  the  Mind,  as  in  a  Glafs,  is  by  no  means  forbid.  The  fame  is  to  be 
undtrftood  of  revolted  or  unclean  Spirits:  Converfation  with  them,  or  ufing 
their  affiftance,  is  unlawful ;  and  much  more  in  any  manner  to  worfhip  or 
adore  them  :  but  the  Contemplation  and  Knowledge  of  their  Nature,  Power, 
and  Illufions,  appears  from  Scripture,  Reafon,  and  Experience,  to  be  no 
fmall  part  of  fpiritual  IVifdom.  And  thus  'tis  as  lawful  in  Natural  Theolog-j 
to  inveftigate  the  Nature  of  evil  Spirits,  as  the  Nature  of  Poifons  in  Phy- 
ficks,  or  the  Nature  of  Yict  in  Morality.  But  this  part  of  Knowledge  re- 
lating to  Angels  and  Spirits,  which  we  call  the  Appendage  to  Natu- 
ral Theology,  cannot  be  noted  for  deficient  ;  as  having  been  handled 
by  many :  but  we  may  juftly  tax  no  fmall  part  of  the  Writers  in  this  way, 
either  with  Levity,  Superjlition,  or  fruit  lefs  Speculation". 

8.  But  to  leave  Natural  Theology,  and  proceed  to  Natural 
lofofhy divided  PHILOSOPHY  :  as  it  was  well  fiid  by  Democritus,  that  "  the  Knowledge  of 
into/ptcuU-    ^^  ^aturc  lies  concealed  in  deep  Mines  and  Caves-,"   and  by  the  Chemiflst 

'  Vulcan  is  a  fecoud  Nature,  imitating  concifely  what  the  firjl  takes 

time 


Nuturitl  Vhl- 


tive  and  true-     , 

tical.  that 


"  And  more  particularly  fince,  hy  Cudroorih  in  hhlntelleclHulSyJlem  of  the  Uaiverje  ;  Mr.  Style, 
in  his  Chrijiian  Virtuofo,  &c.  Mr.  Ray,  in  his  l^'ifdom  of  the  Creation,  Dr.  Bentley,  in  his  Dif- 
courfe  of  the  Folly  and  XJnrenfonablenef!  of  Athiifm  ,  X^t.  Clarke,  in  bis  Demonfiration  tf  the  Being 
and  Attributes  of  God;  .Mr.  Dcrhum,  in  his  Phy/ico-Theology ,  Mr.  Raphfon.  de  Deo;  Dr.  Nertyntif, 
in  his  Religious  Philofopher ;   Wlr.lVhiJlon,  in  his  Ajircnomical  Principles  of  Religion,  Sec. 

^  See  above,  Prelimin.  Seft.  III.  8.  and  hereafter,  of  Theology.  Sr<ft.  uli. 

'  What  modern  Wiirers  have  treated  tirs  Doctrine  of  Spirits,  and  to  what  purpofe,  may  be 
feen,  at  one  view,  in  Stollii  IntroduH.  in  HiJIorium  Literarittm,  Cap.  III.  de  Pntumatologi». 


Se£l.III.  Philosophy.  73 

time  and  circuit  to  cfieft ;  fuppofe  Natural  Pbihfipby  were  divided,  as 
it  regards  the  Mine  and  the  Furnace :  thus  inftituting  two  Offices  of  Philo- 
fopbers,  Miners,  and  Smellers  ?  This,  indeed,  may  appear  jocular  ;  yet  fuch 
a  kind  of  Divifion  we  judge  extremely  ufeful,  when  propofcd  in  juft  and 
familiar  terms:  fo  that  the  D^^riw  of  Nature  be  d\w\6?d  mto  Steadative 
and  PraHical,  or  the  Search  after  Caufes,  and  the  Prodii^ion  cf  EfeBs: 
The  one  entrin^  into  the  Bowels  of  Nature,  and  the  other  forming  her  upon 
the  Ahi-il.  Nor  are  we  infenfible  of  the  lirid  union  betwixt  Caufes  and  Ef- 
fe51s ;  To  that  the  explanation  of  them  muft,  in  fome  mcafure,  be  coupled 
togeth-.T  :  but  as  all  folid  and  fruitful  Natural  Philofoph^j  hath  both  an 
afcending,  and  a  defcending  Scale  of  Parts,  leading  from  Experience  to  Axi- 
oms, and  fvom  Axioms  to  new  Dfoveries;  ic  feems  moft  advifeable  here,  in 
the  Divifion  cf  the  Sciences,  to  feparate  Speculation  irom  Operation.,  and  treat 
them  diftin(a\ 

9.  The  fpeculative  or  theoretical  Part  of  Natural  Philosophy,  vie  speculative 
divide  intoPnysicKS  and  Metaphysicks:  taking  the  word  Mett-phyficks  ^^flff^^/'' 
in  a  fenfe  different  from  that  received.  And  here  we  muft,  once  for  all,  de-  phyijcks-j*;-/ 
clare,  as  to  our  ufe  of  Words,  that  tho'  our  Conceptions  and  Notions  are  Metaphyficks. 
new,  and  different  from  the  common-,  yet  we  religioufly  retain  the  ancient 
Forms  of  Speech :  for  as  we  hope  that  the  Method,  and  clear  Explanation, 
we  endeavour  at,  will  free  us  from  any  mifconftruftion  that  might  arife 
from  an  ill  choice  of  Words ;  fo  in  every  thing  elfe,  'tis  our  define,  as  much 
as  poffible,  without  prejudice  to  Truth  and  the  Sciences,  not  to  deviate  from 
ancient  Opinions  and  Forms  of  Speech.  And  here  I  cannot  but  wonder  that 
Ariftotle  fhould  proceed  in  fuch  zffirit  of  Co7itradi£fion,  as  he  did  to  all  An- 
tiquity ;  not  only  coining  new  Terms  of  Science,  at  pleafure  ;  but  endea- 
vouring to  aboliih  all  the  Knowledge  of  the  Ancients  •,  fo  that  he  never 
mentions  any  ancient  Author  but  to  reprove  him,  nor  Opinion  but  to  confute 
it :  which  is  the  ready  way  to  procure  Fame  and  Followers.  For  certainly  it 
happens  in  philofophical,  as  it  does  in  divine  Truth  :  "  /  came  in  the  name  of 
"  my  Father,  and  ye  received  me  not  ;  hut  if  one  came  in  his  oivn  name,  ye 
"  would  receive  him."  Which  divine  Aphorifm,  as  applied  to  Anticbrifl,  the 
great  Deceiver,  plainly  fhews  us  that  a  Man's  coming  in  his  own  name,  without 
regard  to  Antiquity  or  Paternity,  is  no  good  fign  of  Truth  -,  tho'  joined  with 
the  fortune  and  fuccefs  of  beifig  received.  But  for  fo  excellent  and  fublime  a 
Genius  as  Ariftotle,  one  would  think  he  catch'd  this  Ambition  from  his  Scho- 
lar ;  and  affefted  to  fubdue  all  Opinions,  as  Alexander  did  all  Nations :  and 
thus  eredl  himfelf  a  Monarchy  in  his  own  Contemplation.  Tho'  for  this, 
perhaps,  he  may  not  efcape  the  lafli  of  fome  fevere  Pen,  no  more  than  his 
Pupil  •,  and  be  called  a  fuccefsful  Ravager  of  Learning,  as  the  other  was  of 
Countries.  But  on  the  other  hand,  defiring,  by  all  poffible  means,  to  culti- 
vate, and  eftablifti,  a  tree  Commerce  betwixt  ancient  and  >ncdern  Learning  ;  we 
judge  it  beft,  religioufly  to  fide  with  Antiquity ',  and  therefore  to  retain  the 
ancient  Terms,  tho'  we  frequently  alter  their  Senfe,  according  to  that  mo- 

*  They  are  hereafter  confider'd  together,  in  the  Novum  Organuin;  where  the  Author  comes 
to  apply  them  in  Bujinefs,  or  ^raHicnl  Thilofofhy. 

Vol.  I.  JL,  derate 


74  P  H  y  s  I  c  K  s.  Sed.  IV. 

derate  and  laudable  ufage  in  Politicks,  of  introducing  a  new  ftate  of  Things, 
without  changing  the  popular  Terms  of  Government. 
Metaphyfcks        lo.  Thus  then  we  diftinguifh  Metaphysicks,  as  may  appear  by  what 
difiinguiflied    ^^^  above  delivered,  from  pri?nary  Philofophy  '■,  which  has  hitherto  been  taken 
■pMofophr!'^^  for  it ;  making  this  the  common  Parent  of  the  Sciences,  and  thai  a  part  of 
arj  natural'     Natural  Philofophy.     But  to  affign  the  proper  Office  of  Metaphyficks,   as  con- 
Theology,       trauiftinguifh'd    from   primai-y  Philofophy,    and    natural  Theology,  we  muil: 
note,  that  as  Phyficks  regards  the  tilings  which  are  wholly  immerfed  in  Mat' 
ter,   and  moveable  •,  io  Metaphyficks  regards  what  is  more  abftrafted,  and 
fixed  :  that  Phyficks  fuppofes  only  Exiftence,  Motion,  and  natural  Neceflity  ; 
whilft  Melaphyjicks  fuppofes  alio  Mind  and  Idea.     But  to  be  more  exprefs  : 
as  we  have  divided  Natural  Philofophy  into  the  Inveftigation  of  Caufes,  and 
the  Produflion  of  Effects  ;  and  referred  the  Inveftigation  of  Caufes  to  Theory ^ 
which  we  again  divide  into  pb^fical  and  metaphyfcal ;  'tis  neceflary  that  the 
real  difference  of  thefe  two  be  drawn  from  the  nature  of  the  Caufes  they 
enquire  into:   and  therefore  plainly,  Physicks  enquires  into  the  Efficient, 
and  the  Matter;  and  Metaphysicks  into  the  For»?  and  the  End.     Phy- 
sicks, therefore,  is  vague  and  inftable,  z%  to  Caufes ;  and  treats  moveable 
Bodies  as  its  Subjefts,  without  difcovering  a  Conftancy  of  Caufes,  in  different 
Subjeds.     Thus  the  fame  Fire  gives  hardnefs  to  Clay,  and  foftnefs  to  Wax  ; 
tho'  it  be  no  conjiant  Caufe  either  of  hardnefs  or  foftnefs  ^ 


SECT.     IV. 

Of  Physicks. 

fhyftcksdivi-  ^'TT^/^  divide  Physicks  into  three  parts  -,  for  Nature  is  either  colle^ed 
de'd{i:}intothe  VV  into  one  Total,  or  J(/f;^/^,/,  and  dijlribu led.  Nature  is  colledled 
Doflrh.e  of  either  by  reaibn  of  the  common  Principles  of  all  things,  or  one  integral  Fa- 
^he'stLa'ure  ^'"''^  °^  ^^^  Univerfe.  Whence  this  uh-ion  of  Nature  produces  two  parts  of 
cftheUniverfe,  Ph^ficks  j  the  oue  relating  to  the  Principles  of  Things,  and  the  other  to  the 
and{i,.)  the  StruBure  of  the  Univerfe  '  •,  whilft  the  third  exhibits  all  th;  pofnble  varieties 
Variety  of  ^^^  leiTer  colleftions  of  Things.  And  this  latter  is  like  a  firit  Glofs,  or 
'"2'"         Paraphrafe  in  the  Interpretation  of  Nature  *.     None  of  the  three  are  deficient 

entirely  ;       / 

^  Concerning  Primary  Philofophy,  fee  above,  2,3,4- 

''  Phyficks,  therefore,  may  be  defined  that  part  of  univerfal  Philofophy  which  obferves  and 
conliviers  the  Procedure  of  Nature  in  Bodies,  Co  as  to  difcover  her  Laws,  Fovoers,  and  EffeSs  ; 
and  tlie  material  Orij;ins,  and  Caufes  thereof,  in  different  Subjefts;  and  thence  form  Rules 
for  itr.iraring,    controlling,  or  even  excelling  her  Worics,  in  the  Inllinces  it  confiders. 

•^  This  Diviiion  appears,  in  th".  juJgment  of  the  learned  Mof^c/'",  o  have  given  Mr.  Boyle  the 
occalion  of  conliJeiin^  thcCofmical  S)»alities  of  Things;  or  thof-  Properties  of  them  which 
rcfult  from  their  being  Parts  of  the  general  Frame  of  the  Univerfe.  See  Boyle,  Abridgm^ 
Vol  I.  pag.180 — 296. 

''  That  is,  the  confideration  of  Nature's  fmaller  Works,  every  where  diffafed  in  the  Univerfe, 
leads  to  an  Interpretation,  or  unravelling  of  the  general  Scheme  of  Things  :  for  iti  Philofophy 
we  proceed  from  particulars  to  generals,  as  from  the  reading  of  pafTages  to  the  uiiderilauding- 
e£a  Cook. 


Se<fl.  IV.  P  H  Y  S  I  C  K  s. 


75 


entirely  ;   but  how  jiiftly  and  folidly  they  have  been  treated,   is  another 
qucftion. 

2.  This  third  part  we  again  divide   into    two   others,     with   regard   to  The  DoSlrine 
Concrdes  and  Abjlraofs,  or  into  Physicks  of  Creatures  and  Physicks  "f  variety  di- 
OF  Natures:  the  one  enquiring  into  Subllances,  and  all   the  variety  of  phyfickrof 
their  Accedents ;  the  other  into  Accidents  thro'  all  the  variety  of  Subllan-  Creaiuresa^f/ 
ces.     Thus  if  enquiry  be  made  about  a  Lion  or  an  Oak  ;  thefe  fupport  many  Ph) licks  of 
different  Acciden':s:  fo  if  the  enquiry  were  about  Heat  or  G?-avi!y  ;  thefe  are  Natures. 
found  in  many  different  Subflances.     But  as  all  Physicks  lies  in  the  mid- 
dle, betwixt  Natural  Hijlory  and  Metaphyjkks  %  fo  the  former  part  approaches 

nearer  to  Natural  Hijlory,  and  the  latter  to  Mctaphyfich. 

3.  Concrete  Physicks  has  the  fame  divifion  with  Natural  H'.Jlorj  ;  CsncreteVhy- 
being  converfant  either  about  celeftial.  Appearances,  Meteors,  and  the  ttr- -I";'' ''■''''■''^^'^.'" 
reftrial  Globe:  or  about  the  larger  Aflemblages  of  Matter,  called  the  Ele-  ^^^[^  ^''• 
ments  -,  and  the  Icfler  or  particular  Bodies :  as  ajfo  about  Prastergenerations 

and  Mechanicks.  For  in  all  thefe.  Natural  Bificry  examines  and  relates 
the  matters  of  fa£t;  and  Phyficks  their  inftable,  or  material  and  efficient  cau- 
fes.  And  among  thefe  parts  of  Physicks,  that  is  abfdutely  lame  and  iacofn- 
fleat,  zchich  regards  the  ceiejhal  Bodies ;  tho'  for  the  dignity  of  the  fubjedl  it 
claims  the  higheft  regard,  ^^rcwowj,  indeed,  is  well  founded  in  Pbfeiwmenai 
yet  'tis  low  and  far  from  folid.  But  JJlrclogy  is  in  many  things  deftitute  of 
all  foundation,  / 

4.  And  to   fay  the  truth,  Aftronomy  itfelf  feems    to    offer  Prometheus*^  Phyfical 
facrifice  to  the  Underftanding  ;  for  as  he  would  have  impos'd  upon  Jupi-  Aftronomy 
ter  a  fair  large  Hide,  ftuff''d  with  Straw,  and  Leaves,  and  Twigs,  inftead  '''/"«"'• 
of  the  Ox  itfelf ;  fo  ^roKowv  gives  us  the  number,  fituation,  motion,  and 
periods  of  the  Stars,    as  a  beautiful  outfide   of  the   Heavens  ;    whilft  the 

Flefli  and  the  Entrails  are  wanting:  that  is,  a  well- fabricated  Syftem  -,  or 
the  phyfical  Reafons  and  Foundations  for  a  juft  Theory  •,  thatfhould  not  on- 
ly folve  Phasnomena-,  as  almoft  any  ingenious  Theory  may  do;  but  fljew  the 
fubjiance,  motions  and  influences  cf  the  heavenly  Bodies,  as  they  really  are.  But 
fcarce  any  one  has  enquired  into  the  phyfical  Caufes  of  the  fubflance  of  the 
Heavens,  ftellar  and  interftcllar  ;  the  different  velocities  of  the  celeftial  Bo- 
dies with  regard  to  one  another ;  the  different  accelerations  of  motion  in 
the  fame  Planet  •,  the  fequences  of  their  motion  from  Eaft  to  Weft  ;  the 
progreffions,  ftations  and  retrogradations  of  the  Planets  ;  the  ftoppage  and 
accidents  of  their  Motion,  by  the  Perige  and  Apoge  ;  the  obliquity  of  their 
Motions  •,  why  the  Poles  of  Rotation  are  principally  in  one  quarter  of  the 
Heavens  -,  why  certain  Planets  keep  a  fix'd  diftance  from  the  Sun,  i^r.  En- 
quiries of  this  kind  have  hitherto  been  fcarce  touched  upon  -,  but  the  pains 
has  been  chiefly  beftowed  in  Mathematical  Ohfervaiions  and  Demonftrations  : 
^hich  indeed  may  ffiew  how  to  account  for  all  thefe  things  ingenioi:fly  ;  but 
hot  how  they  acluajly  are  in  Nature  ;  how  to  reprefent  the  apparent  Mo- 
tions of  the  heavenly  Bodies,  and  machines  of  them,  made  according  to 
particular  fancies  •,  but  not  the  real  caufes  and  truth  of  things.  And  there-  - 
fore  AJlronomy,  as  it  now  ftands,  lofes  of  its  dignity,  by  being  reckon'd  a- 
mong  the  Mathematical  Arts ;  for  it  ought  in  juftice  to  make  the  moft  noble 

L  2  part 

3 


,6 


H  Y  s  I  c  K  s.  Sedl.  IV. 


pa.Tto( Phyjicks.  And  whoever  defpifes  the  imaginary  reparation  between 
terreftrial  and  celeftial  things  •,  and  well  underftands  the  more  general  appe- 
tites and  paffions  of  Matter,  which  are  powerful  in  both  ■■,  may  receive  a 
clear  information  of  what  happens  above,  from  that  which  happens  below: 
y  and  from  what  pafTes  in  the  heavens,  he  may  become  acquainted  with  fome 

inferior  motions  hitherto  undifcovered  •,  not  as  thefe  are  governed  by  thofe, 
but  as  they  both  have  the  fame  common  paffions.  We,  therefore,  report 
this  PHYSicAr.  PART  OT  Astronomy  as  wauling  ;  under  the  Title  ©/"ani- 
mated Astronomy  *. 
Adrolopy  to  5-  ^^^  for  AsTROLOGV,  'tis  fo  full  of  fuperftition,  that  fcarce  any  thing 
St  {urged,  found  can  be  difcovcred  in  it :  tho'  we  judge  it  fliould  rather  be  purged  than 
abfolutely  rejected.  But  if  any  one  fliall  pretend  that  t\\K  Science  is  founded, 
not  in  Reafon  and  phyfical  Conte7n]:lalions,  but  in  the  direft  Experience  and 
Obfervaticns  of  pafl:  ages,  and  therefore  not  to  be  examined  by  phyfical  Rea- 
fons,  as  the  Chaldeans  boaflcd  j  he  may  at  the  fame  time  bring  back  Z)i- 
vinativj,  Jttpuries,  Sooth-fa^ing,  and  give  into  all  kinds  of  Fables :  for 
thefe  alfowere  faid  to  defcend  from  long  Experience.  But  we  receive  y^ro- 
logy  as  a  part  of  Pbyficks,  without  attributing  more  to  it  than  Reafon  and 
the  Evidence  of  things  allows ;  and  ftrip  it  of  its  fuperftition  and  conceits. 
Thus  we  baniflithat  empty  notion  about  the  horary  reign  of  the  Planets  j 
as  if  each  refumed  the  throne  thrice  in  twenty  four  hours,  fo  as  to  leave 
three  hours  fupi;rnumerary  :  and  yet  this  Fiftion  produced  the  divificn  of 
the  JVeck,  a  thing  fo  ancient  and  fo  univerfally  receiv'd.  Thus  likewife  we  re- 
jeft,  as  an  idle  figment,  the  dodb^ine  of  Horofcofes,  and  the  diftribution  of 
the  Houfcs  %  tho*  thefe  are  the  darling  Inventions  of  Jjfrology,  which  have 
kept  Revel,  as  it  were,  in  the  Heavens.  And  we  are  furprized  that  fome  emi- 
nent Authors  in  JJlrology,  fhould  rell  upon  fo  fljnderan  argument  foreredt- 
ing  them  ;  as  becaufe  it  appears  by  experience,  that  the  Solftics,  the  Equi- 
noxes, the  new  and  fid!  Mvon,  &c.  have  a  manifeft  operation  upon  natural 
Bodies,  therefore  the  more  curious  and  fubtile  pofnions  of  the  Stars  muft 
produce  more  exquifite  and  fecret  eftefts:  whereas,  laying  afide  thofe  ope- 
rations of  the  Sun,  which  are  owing  to  manifeft  heat  ■,  and  a  certain  attrac- 
tive virtue  of  the  Moon,  which  cauils  the  fpring-tides -,  the  other  effcfts  of 
the  Planets  upon  natural  bodies,  are,  lb  fir  as  experience  reaches,  exceeding 
fmall,  weak  and  latent.  Therefore  the  Argument  fliould  run  thus  :  fince 
thefe  greater  revolutions  nreable  to  effedl  fo  little  ;  thofe  more  nice  and  tri- 
fling differences  of  pofitions  will  have  no  force  at  all.     And  laftly,  for  the 

Calculation 

"  The  Author  made  an  Attcmrt  to  fupply  this  Befideratum,  as  may  be  feen  in  the  Ninth 
SuPTLEMENT  to  this  V/ork.  His  D-fign  wis  to  icfcue  the  Science  from  the  ufjrpation  of  Ma- 
thematicks,  and  render  it  more  cxcenlive,  phi'ofaphical  and  fcrviceabie.  But  he  does  not  appear 
to  have  iiad  many  followers  in  this  way;  few  belides  Mathematicinns  thinking  thenifclves 
qualified  lo  \m<^rove  Afironomy  \  andihe  Alhonomical  M.uhe'iiuticians  ieldom  cu.tivating  more 
th^n  X.\\<:Mathemiitical  or  Syflematical  Part;  as  GetliUo.  Kefler,  H^aril,  Hevetiiis.  Ike.  except  Sir 
Jfaac Nervton  :  and  upon  his  Foundation,  Dr.  Gregory.  Dr.  Keit.  Mr.  Mh'Jicn,  ice.  have  in- 
troduced more  l^atural  ?.hilofofhy\\\XQ  Aflronomy.  However,  thc/i^y/r^/Par/ of  the  Science  has 
not  hithcrro  '.een  fL-duIoufly  cultivated,  and  kept  clear  oi  Syfleminii  Hyfolhefii.  according  to  the 
X>ireBio;»  and  Examfie  of  the  Loril  \i3.con.  S'c  Morhof's  Potyhijl.  hUtbcmut .  StolUlii  de  Difciplir 
nis  MAthemmicis  ,-,  and  H^oljii  Element il  Mat hejeas  Uni-verf*. 


Sed.  IV.  P  H  Y  S  I  C  K  S.  yy 

Calculation  of  Nt7tivi/ies,  Fortunes,  good  or  bnd  Hours  of  hufitiefs,  and  the  like 
Fatalities ;  they  are  mere  levities  that  have  little  in  them  of  certainty  and 
folidity,  and  m.iy  be  plainly  confuted  by  /-bx/ica!  reafcns. 
^  6.  And  here  we  judge  it  proper  to  lay  down  fome  Rules  for  the  exajni-  joules  for  its 
station  of  Apological  Matters  ;  in  order  to  retain  what  is  ufeful  therein,  and  amendmnt. 
rejeft  what  is  infignificant.  Thus  (r.)  L't  the  greater  Revolutions  be  retain'' d, 
hut  the  lejfer  of  Ho' of  opes  a>id  Houfes  be  reject:  d  ;  the  former  being  like  Ord- 
nance, which  llioot  to  a  great  diflance  ;  whilft  the  other  are  but  like  fmall 
Bows,  that  do  no  execution,  (i.)  The  ceUftial  Operations  affi£l  net  all  kinds 
of  bodies;  but  only  the  in  re  fen'ib'e.  Here  we  except  the  operations  of  the 
Sun's  heat -,  which  may  doubtlefs  penetrate  Metals,  and  other  fubterraneous 
Bodies:  and  confine  the  other  Operations  chiefly  to  the  Air,  the  Humours, 
and  the  Spirits  of  things.  (3,)  All  the  celeHial  Operations  rather  extend  to 
Maffes  cf  Things,  than  to  I'-.dividaals.  Tho'  they  may  obliquely  reach  fome 
Individuals  alfo  ;  which  are  more  fenfible  than  the  reft  :  as  a  peftilmt  con- 
ftitution  of  the  air  afFefts  thole  bodies  which  are  leaft  able  to  rtfifl:  it. 
(4.)  All  the  celejlial  Operations  produce  net  their  effecis  irjlantaneofjlx,  and  in  a 
narrow  compafs,  but  exert  them  in  large  portions  of  time  avdfpace.  Thus  Pre- 
di£iions  as  to  the  temperature  of  a  year,  may  hold  good  ;  but  not  with 
regard  to  fingle  days.  (5.)  There  is  no  fatal  Necejfity  in  the  Stars.  And  this 
the  more  prudent  y^rc/^ifi  have  conftantly  allowed.  (6.)  We  will  add  one 
thing  morr,  which,  if  amended  and  improved,  might  make  for  Alrology  ; 
viz.  that  we  are  certain.  The  Celflial  Bodies  haverither  Influences  beftdesHeat 
and  Light  * ;  but  thefe  Influences  adt  not  otherwife  than  by  the  foregoing  ^  j^^^  Aftro- 
Rulesj  tho'  they  lie  fo  deep  in  Ph\ficks,  as  to  require  a  fuller  explanation.  \og)- -KniMmgy 
So  that,  upon  the  whole,  we  muftrgilKr,  as  dtfedlive,  an  Ajirology  "wnte 
in  corf.rmUy  to  thtfe  Princi-'les  ;   under  the  name  of  Astrologi  A  sana  \ 

7.  Thi;  JUST  Astrology  fhould  contain,  (1.)  The  D'jElrine  of  the  Ccm-  Hevtcbtfuf-- 
mixtwe  'f  Ray,  viz.  the  Conjundion-,  Oppofitions  and  other  Situations,  or  t''"^- 
Afpecls  of  the  Planets,  with  c:gird  to  one  another  •,  their  Tranfus  thro'  the 
Signs  of  the  Zodiac;  and  their  Situation  in  the  lame  Signs  :  as  the  fituation  of 
Planets  in  a  Sit^n,  is  a  certain  conjunftion  thereof  with  the  Stars  of  that5.^^;;. 
And  as  the  Ccnjunblions,  fo  likewile  Ihould  the  Oppofitions,  and  other 
Afpefts  of  th"  Planets,  wich  regard  to  the  celeftial  Signs,  be  remark'd;  which 
has  not  hitherto  been  fully  done.     The  Commixtures  of  the  Rays  of  the  fix'd 

Stars, 

'  The  Author  might  prefume  he  hid  a  particular  Reafon  for  this  Olifervation,  more  than 
other  Men;  as  he  always  fjintcd  when  rh=  Mjon  wis  eclipled.  Mr.  Boyle  offers  feveral  Obfer- 
vations  for  the  fulk-r  pront  of  rhe  Proposition:,  anJ  fc-ems  to  have  taken  the  occafion  of  conil- 
derin?  the  diffc-ent  EffLcVs  of  Li^ht  m  different  Punets,  from  this  Hint.  See  AiriJgm.  of 
hit  fhilopophicaL  l^orkt.  Vol  III.  pj^.  34.,?,",  ;6.  S  e  a'lf)  Pl-icUus  tie  Tills,  in  his  Aflrologia, 
iiorinus  in  h\s  Ajirologia  Gallic»,  and  CamfanelU's  AjlroUgicornm  Libri  VII.  ^  deSidtrali  f*»- 
t»  t-itando. 

*"  This  Work  is  not  hitherto  extsnt;  nor  Vhyflcks  and  Aftronomy,  perhaps,  improved  far  enough 
to  afford  it  complear.  The  phiofophical  Labours  of  Mr.  Bcy/e,  DwHook,  Dt.Haltey,  &;c.  'he 
Obfervation;  of  H?i,f/;«j,  </» /«H/rc,  Mr.  Fhmjle/id,  and. many  other  Members  ofth.?  Ro)til  S3~ 
eiety  and  foreign  AcaJemies,  wirh  all  the  Difcovcries  of  Sir  Jfaac  Newton,  do  but  afford  fome. 
Materials  for  'he  Toundation  of  tins  Science;  which  was  folidly  begun  by  the  Author  in  his  N^tiir»L 
MifioryoftheWind.  The  great  ufefulnefs  of  the  Def^n  in  civil  and  aftive  Life,  may  require  \% 
tobcdilig^enily  profecuced.    See  Children's  ladago  ji^rologkoi  ^liaied  it  Londcn,  16/1, 


78 


P  H  Y  S  IC  K  s.  Sedl.  IV. 


Stars,  with  one  another,  are  of  ufe  in  contemplating  the  Fabrick  of  the 
World  V  and  the  nature  of  the  fubjacent  Regions  :  but  in  no  refpeft  for  Pre- 
didions,  becaufeatall  times  alike.  (2.)  This  Jfirology  Jhould  take  in  the  neareft 
approaches^  and  the  far  theft  removes  of  each  Planet^  to  and  from  the  Zenith  ^ 
according  to  the  Climate:  for  all  the  Planets  have  their  Summer  and  Winter  j- 
wherein  they  dart  their  rays  ftronger  or  weaker,  according  to  their  perpen- 
dicular or  oblique  diredion.     So  we  queftion  not   but  the  Moon  in  Leo, 
has,  in  the  fame  manner  as  rhe  Sun,  a  greater  efFeft  upon  natural  bodies  with 
us,  than  when  in  Pifces ;  by  reafon  of  her  greater  perpendicular  elevation, 
and  nearer  approach  to  the  larger  Stars.    (3.)  It  fhould  receive  yUt  Apogees 
and  Perigees  of  the  Planets ;  -with  a  proper  Enquiry  into  what  the  Vigour  of  the 
Planets  may  perform  ot  itfelf;  and  what  thro'  their  nearnefs  to  us :    for  a 
Planet  is  more  brisk,  in  its  Apoge,  but  more  communicative  in  its  Perige. 
(4.)  It  fhould  include  all  the  other  accidents  of  the  Planet's  Motions  ;  their  ac- 
celerations, retardations,  courfes,  ftations,  retrogradations,  diftances  from 
the  Sun,  increafe  and  diminutions   of  Light,  Eclipfes,   ^c.     For  all  thefe 
things  affe£l  the  rays  of  the  Planets-,  and  caufe  them  to  aft  either  weaker, 
ftronger,  or  in  a  different  manner.     (5.)  This  Aflrolog'j  ffjould  contain  all  that 
can  by  any  means  be  known  or  difcovered  of  the  nature  of  the  Stars,  both  erratic 
and  fix'd  ;  confidered  in  their  own  eflence  and  sftivity;  viz.  their  magnitude, 
colour,  afpeft,  fparklingand  vibrating  of  L,ight  •,  their  fituation  with  regard 
to  the  Poles  or  Equinoftial  :    the  Conftellations,    which  thicker  kx.,  and 
which  thinner ;  which  higher,  which  lower  ;    what  fix'd  Stars  are  in  the 
Zodiac,  and  what  out  of  it  -,  the  different  velocities  of  the  Planets ;  their 
different  latitudes ;  which  of  them  are  retrograde,  and  which  not ;  their  dif- 
ferent diftances  from  the  Sun  ;  which  movefwifteft  in  their  Apoge,  and  which 
in  their  Perige  •,  the  irregularities  of  Mars,  the  excurfions  of  Venus,  and  the 
extraordinary  phafes,  accidents,  and  appearances  obfervable  in  Venus  and  the 
Sun;  with  other  things  of  this  kind.     {6.).Laftly,  let  it  contain,  from  Tra- 
dition,  the  particular  natures  and  alterations  of  the  Planets  and  fix'd  Stars: 
for  as  thefe  are  delivered  with  general  confent,  they  are  not   lightly  to   be 
rejefted  ;  unlefs  they  direftly  contradift  phyfical  reafons.     AndoffuchOb- 
fervations  let  a  just  Astrology  be  formed  :  and  according  to  thefe  alone 
ihould  Schemes  of  the  Heavens  be  made  and  interpreted  *. 
Its  Ufes  in  g^  Such  an  Jftrology  fhould  beufed  with  greater  confidence  in  Predinio}u 

but  more  cautioufly  m  Ele£fion ;  and  in  both  cales  with  due  moderation. 
Thus  Predictions  may  be  made  oi Comets,  and  all  kinds  of  Meteors,  Inun- 
dations, Droughts,  Heats,  Frofts,  Earthquakes,  fiery  Erruptions,  Winds, 
great  Rains,  the  Seafons  of  the  Year,  Plagues,  Epidemic  Difeafes,  Plenty, 
Famine,  Wars,  Seditions,  Seds,  Tranfmigrations  of  People  ;  and  all  Coin- 
motions 

'  This  may  fliew  that  the  principal  vikof  Aflronomy  is  toferve  as  a  Balls  for  iju/l  Ajlrold^y, 
or  that  Afironomy  is  not  fo  much  to  be  cultivated  for  its  own  fake,  as  for  laying  the  (•"oonda- 
tions  of  a  more  ufefu)  Science,  that  of  prediding  the  Changes  of  the  Atmofpherc  ;  the  Winds, 
the  Weather,  the  Seafons,  and  the  grand  Commotions,  and  Contingencies  on  the  Earth;  with  a 
difcoi'ery  of  the  ways  of  preventing  or  guarding  againft  them.  See  the  Author';,  Hiftory  of  the 
Windi  and  Mr,  Boyle  on  the  new  ufe  of  Afironomy,  in  his  Memoirs  for  a  general  tiiftory  of 
the  Air. 


Prediction. 


Seel.  IV.  P  H  Y  s  I  c  K  s.  79 

motions  or  great  Innovations  of  things  Natural  and  Civil,  Fredinions  may 
polTibly  be  made  more  particular,  tho'  with  lefs  certainty ;  if  when  the 
general  tendencies  of  the  Times  are  found  ;  a  good  philofophical  or  po- 
litical judgment  applies  them  to  fuch  things  as  are  moft  liable  to  this  kind  of 
accidents.  For  example,  from  a  foreknowledge  of  the  Seafons  of  any  year, 
they  might  be  apprehended  more  deftrudlive  to  OHi'es  than  Grapes  ;  more 
hurtful  in  Diftempers  of  the  Limgs  than  the  Liver  ;  more  pernicious  to  the 
Inhabitants  of /////j  than  Falle-<s ;  and,  for  want  of  Provifions,  to  men  of  retire- 
ment, than  Courtiers.  &cc.  Or  if  any  one,  from  a  knowledge  of  the  Influence 
which  the  celeftial  bodies  have  upon  the  fpirits  of  mankind,  Ihould  find  it 
would  affeft  the  people  more  than  their  Rulers,  learned  and  inquifuive  men 
more  than  the  military,  &c.  For  there  are  innumerable  things  of  this  kind, 
that  require  not  only  a  general  knowledge,  gained  from  the  Scars,  which 
are  the  Agents,  but  alfo  a  particular  one  oi' the  pa/live  Subjeffs. 

9.  Nor  are  Ele5lions  to  be  wholly  rejected  ;  tho'  not  fo  much  to  be  truft-  And ^.U^lon, 
ed  as  Predidions :  for  we  find  in  Planting,  Sowing,  and  Grafting,  Obfer- 

vations  of  the  Moon  are  not  abfolutely  trifling  ;  and  there  are  many  parti- 
culars of  this  kind.  But  EleElions  are  more  to  be  curb'd  by  our  Rules,  than 
Predidlions.  And  this  muft  always  be  remembred,  that  Eleclion  only  hdlds 
in  fuch  cafes  where  the  virtue  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  the  adlion  of 
the  inferior  bodies  alfo,  is  not  tranfient  ■,  as  in  the  examples  jufl:  mentioned  : 
for  the  increafes  of  the  Moon  and  Planets  are  not  fudden  things.  But 
Pundtuality  of  time  fhould  here  be  abfolutely  rejedted.  And  perhaps  there 
•are  more  of  thefe  Inftances  to  be  found  in  Civil  Matters-,  than  fome  would 
imagine. 

10.  There  are  but  four  Ways  of  arriving  at  this  Science^  viz.  (i.)  by  future  The  vays  of 
Experiments.,  {2.) paft  Experiments,  {■^.) 'Traditions,  and   {^.)  Ph^tfical  Reafons.  arrMng  ap 
But  ( I.) 'tis  in  vain,  at  prefent,  to  think  oi  future  Exreyiments,  hi.C3.-^(c  miny  Aftrology. 
ages  are  required  to  procure  a  competent  ftoclc  of  them.     And  (2)  as   for 

the  pa/?,  'tis  true  they  are  within  our  reach-,  but  'tis  a  work  of  labour  and 
much  time  to  procure  them.  Thus  AJlrcl:gers  may,  if  they  pleafe,  draw  from 
real  Hifliory  all  greater  accidents,  as  Inundations,  Pl?.gues,  Wars,  Sedi- 
tions, Deaths  of  Kings,  &c.  as  alfo  the  pofirions  of  the  Celeflial  Bodies; 
not  according  to  fictitious  Horofcopes,  but  the  abovementionsd  rules  of  their 
Revolutions,  or  fuch  as  they  really  were,  at  the  time-,  and  where  the  event 
^confpires,  ered  a  probable  Rule  of  Prediclion.  (j.j  All  Traditions  fhould 
bejwell  fifted,  and  thofe  thrown  out  that  manifeflly  clafh  with  ph\fical  Rea- 
fot!\s ;  leaving  fuch  in  their  full  force  as  comport  well  therewith.  And 
(4.)  thofe  phyficalReafons  are  befl  fuited  to  this  Enquiry,  which  fearch  into  the 
univerfal  appetites  and  paffwns  of  Matter -,  and  the  fimple  genuine  motions  of 
the  heavenly  bodies.     And  this  we  take  for  the  furefl  Gtnde  to  Aflrology  \ 

1 1.. 

*  On  the" Foundations  here  laid  down,  Mr.  'Bojle  makes  a  defence  oi Aflrology;  and  repre- 
fents  it  as  one  of  the  tioH  ferviceable  parts  of  Aflronomy.  See  hi:  Memoin  for  a  generai  Hijlo- 
ryofthtAir.  Alfridgm.  Vol.  III.  pag.  5  5 — ;6.  Accordingly,  .4/ro«oOTy  ^nd  Aflrology  were 
a'nciently  reputed  the  fame  Thing.  In  which  Light  fee  alfo  the  Author's  Specimen  of  anima- 
ted or  /olid  Aflronomy;  in  the  Ninth  Supple.ment  to  this  Piece.  And  for  the  Hijlory  of  Ajlro- 
hgy,  fee  Sdmafiui  dt  Anuis  Clima3erid},  ^  mticjitn^Aftrologift, 


So  P  H  y  s  I  c  K  s.  Sedl.  IV. 

Celeftial  Ml-       u.  There  remains  another  piece  of  wiW  y^ro/o^y,  the'  ufually  fepirated 
g'^^'^J*/"'''"^  from  it,  and  transferred  to  Celeftial  Magick,  as  they  call  it.  'Tis  a  ftrange  fic- 
Aftiology       '■''-'"  of  the  human  brain,  the  receiving  the  benign  /Ifpe^of  the  Stars  upon  Seals 
and  Signets  of  Gems  or  Metal,  fuited  to  tlie  purpofc  ;  fo  as  to  detain  and  fix, 
as  it  were,  the  felicity  of  that  hoar  which  would  otherwile  be  volatile  and  fu- 
gitive.    Thus  to  treafure  up  tht  Relicks  of  Heaven,   in  order  to  revive  and 
preferve  the  fleeting,  and  now  dead  hour,  wherein  they  v/ere  taken,  is  a  fu- 
pcrftition  exceeding  that  of  the  CathoUcks  in  preferving  the  Relicks  of  Saints. 
Let  all  fuch  Dreams  therefore  be  baniHi'd  Philofophy. 
MJlraS  Phy-       12.  ABSTRACT  Physicks  may  be  jijftl/  divided  into  two  parts;  the 
jfichi  divided   Do^Kine  of  the  Schemes  of  Matter,  and  the  DoBrine  of  Appetites  and  Motions, 
into  the  Doc-  Xlie  5t7^f;«i?j  o/"  Mfl//fr  are  denfity,  rarity,  gravity,  levity,  heat,  cold,  tan- 
Schemcs'if    gibility,  intangibility,  volatile,fixed,  determinate,  fluid,  humid,  dry,  undluous. 
Matter.  crude,  hard,  foft,  fragile,  tenfile,  porous,   united,  fpirituous,  jejune,   fimple, 

compound,  abfolute,  imperfedlly  mix'd,  fibrous  and  veiny,  fimple  poficion,  or 
equable,  fimilar,  dilTimilar,  fpecificate,  unfpecificate,  organical,  inorganical, 
animate  and  inanimate  :  and  farther  than  this  we  proceed  not  -,  for  fenfible 
and  infenfible,  rational  and  irrational,  we  refer  to  the  DoBrine  of  Man. 
And  Appetites  13.  Jppetites  and  Motions  are.  of  tvfok':nds  ;  us  ht'ing  either  Jimple  Motions, 
and  Motions,  •wherein  the  fpring  of  all  natural  Aftions  is  contained,  that  is,  in  refpeft  of 
their  Scliemes  of  IMatter  ;  or  Motions  compounded  or  produced  :  and  with 
thefe  the  common  Philofophy,  which  enters  but  little  into  the  body  of  Nature, 
begins.  But  thefe  compound  Motions,  fuch  as  Generation,  Corruption,  i^c. 
fhould  be  efteemed  certain  Refults  or  Effects  of  fimple  Motions,  rather  xh-xrv  pri- 
mitive Motions  themfelves.  The  fimple  Amotions  are  ( i .)  motion  of  Refiftance,  or 
preventive  of  penetration  of  dimenfions  •,  (2.)motion  of  Connexion,  preventive  of  a 
Vacuum,  as  'tis  called;  (3.)motion  of  Liberty,preventive  of  preternatural  com- 
pre(rion,or  extenfion;  (4.)  motion  in  a  new  Orb,  with  regard  to  rarefaction  and 
condenfation;  (5.)  motion  of  the  fecond  Connexion,  or  preventive  of  folution  of 
continuity;  (6.)  motion  of  the  greater  Congregation, or  with  regard  to  mafles  of 
connatural  Bodies,  commonly  called  natural  Motion;  (7.)  motion  of  the  leflfer 
Congregation, vulgarly  term'd  motion  ofSympathy  andAntipathy;  (8.)difpo- 
nent  motion,with  regard  to  the  juft  placing  of  Pares  in  theWhole;  (9.)motion 
ofAfTimilationiOr  multiplicative  of  its  own  nature  upon  another  body;  (lo.)mo- 
tion  of  Excitation,  where  the  nobler  agent  excites  the  latent  and  benumb'd 
motion  in  another  thing  ;  (11.)  motion  of  the  Seal,  or  impreflion,  by  an  opera- 
tion without  communication  offubftance;  (12.)  regal  motion, or  the  reflraint  of 
other  motions  by  a  predominant  one;  (i  j,)end!efs  motion,  or  fpontaneous  rota- 
tion; (14.)  motion  of  Trepidation,  or  themotion  of  fyftole  and  diafl:ole,with  re- 
gard to  Bodies  placed  betwixt  things  advantageous  and  hurtful  ;(i5.)  and  laft- 
ly,  motion  couchant,  or  a  dread  of  motion,  whicli  is  thecaufe  of  many  effects. 
And  fuch  are  the  fimple  motions  that  really  proceed  out  of  the  inward  rccef- 
fts  of  Nature  ;  an  i  which  being  complicated,  continued,  ufcd  alternately, 
moderated,  rep:;'ated,  and  varioufly  combined,  produce  thofe  compound  Mo- 
tions or  Refults  of  Motion  we  call  Generation,  Corruption,  I icreaje.  Diminu- 
tion, Alteration,  "Tranfiation,  Mixtion,  Separation  and  Converfton''.  14. 

*  The  Dailrin:  ariling  from  this  f/^^fl^o/"  Mo/ipw,  is  largely  explained  towards  the  elofe  of 

the 


Sed.  IV.  P  H  Y  s  I  c  K  s.  8  r 

14.  The  Meafures  of  Motions  are  an  Attendant  on  Physicks;  as  fhew-  The  Meafures 
ing  the  effefts  of  quantity,   diftance,  or  the  fphere  of  adivity,    intenfion  "f^"'""' "" 
and  remifllon,    rtiort  and  long  continuance,   activity,  dulnefs,   and  incita-  phyUcks". 
tion.     And  thefe  are  the   genuine  parts  of  abstract  Phvsicks  ;  which 

wholly  conCiAs(i.)  in  the  Schemes  of  Matter,  (2.)  Simple  Motions,  (3.)  the 
Refults  or  Sums  of  Motions,  and  (4.)  the  Meafures  of  Motions.  As  for 
voluntary  motion  in  Animals  •,  the  motion  in  the  A6lion  of  the  Senfes ;  the 
motions  of  the  Imagination,  Appetite,  and  Will  ;  the  motion  of  Mind,  the 
Determination,  and  other  intelledual  Faculties  ;  they  have  their  own  proper 
Do£Irines,  under  which  we  range  them  -,  confining  the  whole  of  Physicks  to 
Matter  and  Efficient,  and  affigning  over  Forms  and  Ends  to  Met  a  physicks. 

15.  We  mull:  annex  two  remarkable  Appendages  to  Physicks,  with  TwoAppen- 
regard  rather  to  the  manner,  than  the  matter  of  Enquiry  -,  viz.  Natural  'i*|"  "*  ^'^^' 
Problems,  and  the  Opinions  of  the  ancient  Philofophers.     The  firft  is  an  Jp-  ('o^nauirai 
pendage  of  Nature  at  large ;  and  the  other  of  Nature  united  or  fummed  up :  Problems. 
both  relating  to  a  diligent  kind  of  doubting  ;  which  is  no  contemptible  part 

of  Knowledge.  Now,  Problems  contain  particular  Doubts ;  and  Opinions, 
general  ones,  as  to  Principles  and  Structure.  In  the  Books  of  Arijlotle  we 
have  a  noble  example  of  Problems ;  deferving  not  only  the  Praifes,  but  the 
Iinitation  of  Pofterity  :  fince  new  Doubts  are  daily  arifing.  But  the  utmoft 
caution  is  to  be  ufed  in  fuch  an  Undertaking.  The  recording  and  propofing 
of  Doubts  has  two  advantages ;  the  one,  as  it  defends  Philofophy  againft  Er- 
rors, when  that  which  is  not  clear,  is  neither  judged  nor  aflerted ;  left  Er- 
ror thus  fhould  multiply  Error ;  but  Judgment  is  fufpendcd  upon  it,  and 
not  made  pofitive :  the  other  is,  that  Doubts  once  regifter'd,  are  like  fb 
many  Sponges,  which  perpetually  fuck  and  draw  to  themfelves  the  increafes 
of  Knowledge  i  whence  thofe  things  which  would  have  been  flightly  pafled 
over,  unlefs  they  had  been  doubted  of  before,  come  now  from  this  very 
doubting  to  be  more  attentively  confider'd.  But  thefe  two  advantages  will 
fcarce  ballance  this  fingle  Inconvenience,  unlefs  well  provided  againft ;  viz. 
that  when  a  Doubt  is  once  admitted  for  juft,  and  becomes,  as  it  were,  au- 
thentick,  it  prefently  raifes  up  Difputants  on  both  fides,  who  tranfmit  to 
Pofterity  the  fame  liberty  of  doubting  ftill ;  fo  that  Men  feem  to  apply  their 
Wits  rather  to  nourifh  the  Doubt  than  folvc  it.  And  of  this  we  every 
where  meet  with  examples  in  Lawyers  and  Scholars ;  who,  when  a  Doubt 
once  gains  admittance,  would  have  it  remain  a  Doubt  for  ever  -,  and  engage 
themfelves  in  doubting,  as  well  asaflerting:  whereas  the  true  ufe  of  Wit  is 
to  render  doubtful  things  certain,  and  not  certain  ones  doubtful.  And 
therefore  I  fet  down  as  wanting  A  Calendar  of  Doubts,  or  PROBiEh?s  ACalend»r 
JN  Nature  ■,  and  recommend  it  to  be  undertaken,  with  care  to  blot  out  whereof  is 

deficient. 

theI»JoT«m  Org^num ;  tho'  it  feems  to  have  been  little  regarded  in  the  modern  mechantcal  Vhilofofhy, 
which  accounts  for  Phenomena,  without  fuch  an  exaft  analyfis  of  Motion,-  or  dividing  it  into 
Its  fcveral  fpecies:  how  juftly,  is  another  Queftion.  Whoever  converfcs  with  natural  and  artifi- 
cial Operations,  fuch  as  Fermentation,  VutrefaBion,  and  moft  chemical  Procefles,  will  perhaps 
find  the  ule  and  necclVuy  of  all  thefe  different  Species,  to  produce  different  eftcds,  as  they  ftiall 
be  differently  combined  j  and  give  the  true  Caufes  of  numerous  f^«MWM<»,  which  the' common, 
«e  little  attended  to. 

Vol.  I.  M  daily. 


82 


And(i.)  the 
Opinions  of 
the  ancicn: 
Philofophers, 


Which  is  a, 
Work  like- 
leife  dejicient. 


Phy  SICKS.  Sea.IV 

daily,  as  Knowledge  increafes,  thofe  that  are  clearly  difcuffed  and  fettled  *. 
And  this  Calendar  we  would  have  attended  with  another,  of  no  lefs  utility  j 
for  as  in  every  Enquiry  there  are  things  plainly  true,  things  doubtful,  and 
things  plainly  falle,  'twere  exceeding  proper  that  along  with  a  Calendar  of 
Doubts,  fliould  go  A  Calendar  of  Falsehoods  and  Vulgar  Errors, 
both  in  natural  Hijior'j  and  Opinions ;  that  they  may  no  longer  difturb  the 
Sciences  ^. 

1 6.  As  to  the  Opinions  of  the  ancient  Philofophers,  for  example  thofe  of 
Pythagoras,  Phtlolaiis,  Xenophanes,  Anaxagoras,  Parmenides,  Leucippis,  Demo- 
crittts,  and  others,  which  Men  ufually  pafs  (lightly  over ;  'tis  proper  to  caft 
a  modeft  eye  upon  them.  For  tho'  Arijlotle,  after  the  Ottoman  manner, 
thought  he  could  not  reign  fecure,  without  putting  all  his  Brethren  to  death  \ 
yet  thofe  who  do  not  affeft  Dominion  and  Rule,  but  the  Enquiry  and  II- 
luftration  of  Truth,  will  find  their  account  in  beholding,  at  one  view,  the 
different  Opinions  of  different  Philofophers,  as  to  the  Natures  of  Things. 
But  there  is  no  room  to  expeft  any  pure  Truth  from  thefe  or  the  like  Theo- 
ries :  for  as  the  celeflial  appearances  are  folved  both  upon  the  Suppofitions 
of  Ptolemy  and  Copernicus ;  fo  common  experience,  and  the  obvious  face  of 
things,  may  be  applied  to  many  different  Theories:  whilft  a  much  ftritter 
procedure  is  required  in  the  right  difcovery  of  Truth.  For  as  Children, 
when  they  firfl  begin  to  fpeak,  call  every  woman  Mother  •,  but  afterwards 
learn  to  diftinguifh  their  own  :  fo  a  childifli  Experience  calls  every  Philofo- 
phy  its  Mother  ;  but  when  grown  up,  will  cafily  diftinguifh  its  true  one. 
In  the  mean  time,  'tis  proper  to  read  the  difagreeing  Philofopbies,  as  fo  many  dif- 
ferent GlofTes  of  Nature.  We  could  therefore  wilh  there  were,  with  care  and 
judgment,  drawn  up  A  Work  OF  THE  Ancient  Philosophies^  from  the 

Lives 

*  This  Calendar  of  Doubts  is  not  propofed  as  a  temporary,  but  as  a  renewable  Thing,  to  be 
continued  down  to  After-ages;  with  an  Expunftion  of  fuch  Queries  as  are  fully  folved,  and  the 
inftrtion  of  new  ones,  as  they  arife,  till  Fhilofifhy  is  compleated.  But  I  do  not  find  any  fuch 
Calendar  extant  in  form  ;  as  it  might,  perhaps  to  advantage,  be  kept  in  all  Phitofaphical  So- 
cieties,  or  Meetings  oi  learned  Men.     Des  Cartes  made  Doubting  the  lirll  Principle  of  his  Philo- 

fofhy,  MT.Glanvil  wrote  his  Scepfis  Scientifica  to  (hew  that  all  dogmatical  Do£trine  is  vain,  and 
the  Mother  of  Ignorance.  The  Motto  of  the  Ryfal  Society  is  Nitllius  in  Verba:  many  iToubts  and 
Heads  of  Enquiries  are  contained  in  the  Philo/ophical  TranfaBions,  and  the  Works  of  Mr.  Boyle j 
^nd  Sir  Ifaac  Nervton,  at  the  End  of  his  Opticks,  has  left  afett  of  Queries  of  this  kind  that  might  be 
enlarged  to  Calendars,  by  a  judicious  Co/ZeSJo»  from  various  Authors.  And  with  this  view  may 
be  confulted  Alexandr.  T.tjfoni  Penjieri  diverfi  \  Am.  Sengverdii  Exercitationet  PlyficA,  the 
Works  of  la  Mothe  le  Vayer,  M.  Bayle,  8cc. 

^*  Dr.  Frimrofe  wrote  upon  the  vulgar  Errors  cf  Phyjick ;  but  Dr.  Brovn,  in  his  Pfeudodoxia 
Epidemica,  feems  to  have  expreffly  intended  to  fupply,  in  a  general  and  extenlive  way,  the 
De/ideratum  here  pointed  out.  To  thoie  who  would  continue  the  Delign,  the  learned  Morhof 
recommends  the  perufal  of  Meric  Cafaubon's  Treatife  of  Credulity  and  Incredulity:  and  adds, 
that  a  diligent  Enquiry  iliould  be  made  into  the  Caufe  and  Origin  of  Errors ;  upon  a  difcovery 
*vhereof,  our  Admiration  prefently  ceafes;  and  abfurd  Opinions  link,  that  might  otherwife  be 
fupported  by  fome  imaginary  Prodigy.  See  Morhof's  Polyhijior,  Tom.  II.  Lib.  II.  Part  I. 
Cap.  I.  Seft.  9. 

*  The  Work  here  propofed  is  of  vaft  extent,  and  a  fit  Undertaking  for  a  Society,  as  intended 
to  include  all  the  ancient  and  modern  Syftems  of  Philofophy;  or  the  Hillory  of  Knowledge  thro'  all 
Ages  and  Countries.  Conliderable  Progrefs  has,  however,  been  made  in  itj  particularly  by 
VojjMs  de  Philofophia,  (jf  Philofophorttm  SeBis;  continued  with  a  Supplement  by  Ruffeli  printed 
iXjena,  in  the  year  170/ ;  by  Paiicirollm  de  Rebus  Inventis  cc  Perditis  i  by  Pafchius  de  Novis 

invemis. 


Se(ft.  V.  M  E  T  A  p  H  y  s  I  c  K  s.  S^ 

Lives  of  the  old  Philofophers,  Plutarch's  Colleftion  of  their  Opinions,  the 
Citations  of  Plato,  the  Confutations  of  Arijlotle-,  and  the  fcatter'd  Relations 
of  other  Books,  whether  ecclcfiallical  or  heathen  ;  as  LaSfantius,  Pbilo,  Phi- 
lojlriitus,  &c.  For  fuch  a  Work  is  not  yet  extant :  and  we  would  advife  it 
to  be  done  diftinftly  ;  fo  that  each  Philofophy  be  drawn  out  and  continued 
feparate ;  and  not  ranged  under  Titles  and  Colledions,  as  Plutarch  has 
done.  Y or  Qvtry  Philofophy,  when  entire,  fupports  itfelf ;  and  its  Dodrines 
thus  add  Light  and  Strength  to  each  other:  which,  if  feparated,  found 
ftrange  and  harHi.  Thus,  when  we  read  in  Tacitus,  the  A6ls  of  7V>'o,  or 
Claudius,  clothed  with  the  circumftances  of  Times,  Perlons,  and  Occafions, 
every  thing  feenis  plaufible  ;  but  wlien  the  fame  are  read  in  Suetonius,  dif- 
tributed  under  Chapters  and  Common-places,  and  not  defcribed  in  the  order 
of  Time,  they  look  monftrous,  and  abfolutely  incredible.  And  the  cafe  is 
the  fame  with  Philofopbj  propofed  entire,  and  difmember'd,  or  cut  into  Ar- 
ticles. Nor  do  we  exclude  from  this  Calendar^  the  modern  Theories  and 
Opinions  •,  as  thofe  of  Paracelfus,  elegandy  reduced  by  Severinus  into  a 
Bod-j  and  Harmony  of  Philofophy;  or  of  Telefius,  who,  in  reftoring  the  PMo- 
fophv  of  Parmenides,  has  turned  their  own  weapons  againft  the  Peripateticks ; 
or  of  Giibert,  who  revived  the  Dodlrines  of  Philolaus ;  or  of  any  other,  pro- 
vided he  be  worthy.  But  as  there  are  whole  Volumes  of  thefe  Authors  ex- 
tant, we  would  only  have  the  Refult  drawn  out,  and  joined  to  the  reft*. 
And  fo  much  for  Phvsicks,  and  its  Appendages. 


SECT.    V. 

CyMETAPHYSICKS. 

i.rriO  Metaphys'icks  vtt  nKxgnxht  Enquiry  of  formal  and  final  Caufes.  Meraphyficki 

X     But  an  Opinion  has  prevailed,  as  if  the  effential  Forms^,  or  real  Dif-  '^'*  ^n^'Ary 
ferences  of  "Things^  -were  abfolutely  undifcoverable  by  human  means :  granting,  aiTfinal'"'' 

M   2  at  Caufes. 

Inventis,  qui&us  facem  frAtulit  Aniiquitai ;  by  Stanley,  in  his  Lives  of  the  Thilofophers;  by  Her- 
■telot,  in  his  Bibliotheque  Univerfeltei  by  Nl.  Bayle,  in  his  ViSionary,  Sec.  For  more  CoUeBiont, 
Hifieries,  and  Writings  to  this  purpofe,  fee  Struvii  Bibliothecu  Thilofo^hica,  Morhof'%  Potyhijlor, 
and  Stollii  IntroduBio  in  Hijloriam  Liter «riam. 

•  Many,  perhaps,  may  imagine  that  the  Ulefulnefs  of  fuch  a  Work  would  not  fufficiently  reward 
the  Labour  required  to  compile  it:  but  feveral  Advantages  would  attend  it.  Thus,  in  particu- 
lar, it  might  Ihew  how  Fhilofofbies  have  been,  through  all  Ages,  borrowed  from  one  another; 
fo  that  'tis  almoft  impofl'ible  to  find  or  invent  one  that  has  not  been  on  foot  before  j  that 
the  modern eleftlc Philofophy,  is  but  the  revival  of  an  old  one;  that  evea  when  notional  rhilofop./ty 
prevailed,  yet  Works  were  performed,  (^c.  and,  in  efteft,  prove  to  univerfal  Philofophy,  what 
literary  Hilary  is  to  Hi/lory  in  general^  that  is,  in  the  Language  of  our  Author,  'mLye. 

'•  Obferve,  that  by  Forms  the  Author  means  the  fpecifick  Differences  of  Things,  whatever 
they  be  at  the  laft  ;  or  that  which  fpecificallydiftinguifhes  one  Thing  from  another;  a  Man  from 
a  Horfe,  Rofemary  fiom  Thyme,  Cryllal  from  Diamond,  Light  from  Heat,  &c.  without 
ufing  the  Word  in  the  feemingly  definitive,  but  abftrufe  Senfe  of  Arifiotle  and  his  Followers; 
■who  make  a  Form  to  be  a  Suhftanci  feen  by  nobody;  but  a  Thing  cxifting  by  itfelf  in  a  fingle 
point )  fo  as  to  be  the  adive  Principle,  or  ib!e  Caufe  of  all  Adlions  and  Operations. 


Metaphysicks.  Sedl.  v. 

at  the  fame  time,  that  if  they  could  be  difcover'd  •,  this,  of  all  the  Parts  of 
Knowledge,  would  be  the  moft  worthy  of  Enquiry.  As  to  the  poffibility 
of  the  Thing-,  there  are  indolent  Difcoverers,  who  feeing  nothing  but  Sea 
and  Sky,  abfolutely  deny  there  can  be  any  Land  beyond  them.  But  'tis 
maniRft  tha.t  Pla!o,  a  Man  of  a  fublime  Genius,  who  took  a  view  of  every 
thing  as  from  a  high  Rock,  f.iw  in  his  DoSrine  of  Ideas,  that  "  Forms  were 
"  the  true  Object  of  Knowledge  •,"  tho'  he  loft  the  advantage  of  this  juft 
Opinion,  by  contemplating  and  grafping  at  Forms  totally  abftradted  from 
Matter,  and  not  as  determined  in  it*  :  whence  he  turned  afide  to  Theological 
Speculations,  and  therewith  infedted  all  his  Natural  Philofoj^/yy.  But  if  with 
diligence,  ferioufnefs,  and  fincerity,  we  turn  our  eyes  to  Aftion  and  Ufe, 
we  may  find,  and  become  acquainted  with  thofe  Forms.,  the  knowledge 
whereof  will  wonderfully  enrich  and  profper  human  Affairs. 
Simple  Forms  ^.  The  Forms  of  Subjlajtces,  indeed,  viz.  the  Species  of  Creatures^,  are  fo 
to  be  firft  en-  complicated,  and  interwoven,  that  the  Enquiry  into  them  is  either  vain, 
quired.  q^  fhould  be  laid  afide  for  a  time,  and  refumed  after  the  Forms  of  a  more 

fimple  nature  have  been  duly  fifted  and  difcover'd.  For  as  'twere  nehher 
eafy  nor  ufeful  to  difcover  the  Form  of  a  Sound  that  fhall  make  a  Word, 
fince  Words,  by  the  Compofition  and  Tranfpofition  of  Letters,  are  infinite  ; 
but  prafticable  and  eafy  to  difcover  the  Form  of  a  Sound,  expreffing  a  fingle 
Letter  ;  or  by  what  Collifion,  or  Application  of  the  Organs  of  the  Voice  it 
was  made;  and  as  thefe  Forms  of  Letters  being  known,  we  are  riience  di- 
redlly  led  to  enquire  the  Forms  of  Words :  So,  to  enquire  the  Form  of  an 
Oak,  a  Lion,  Gold,  Water,  or  Air,  were  at  prefcnt  vain  •,  but  to  enquire 
the  Form  of  Detifity,  Rarity,  Heat,  Cold,  Gravity,  Levity,  and  other  Schemes 
of  Matter  and  Motions;  which,  like  the  Letters,  of  tiie  Alphabet,  are  few 
in  number,  yet  make  and  fupport  the  EJfences  and  Forms  of  all  Subftances ; 
is  what  we  would  endeavour  after,  as  conftituting  and  determining  that  Part 
of  Metaphyftcks  we  are  now  upon. 
rhh  fart  of  Z-  Nor  does  this  hinder  Phyficks  from  confidering  the  fame  Natures,  \n 
Metaphylicks  their  fluxile  Caufes  only  :  Thus,  if  the  Caufe  of  IVhitenefs  in  Snow,  or  Froth, 
dyftUive.  yf^fQ  enquired  into  ;  'tis  judged  to  be  a  fubtile  intermixture  of  Air  with  Wa- 
ter: but  this  is  far  from  being  the  Form  of  IVhitenefs,  fince  Air  intermix'd 
with  powder'd  Glafs,  or  Cryftal,  is  alfo  judged  to  produce  Whitenefs,  no 
lefs  than  when  mix'd  with  Water :  This,  therefore,  is  only  the  efficient  Caufe, 
and  no  other  than  the  Vehicle  of  the  Form ".  But  if  the  Enquiry  be  made 
in  Metaphyfcks,  it  will  be  found  that  two  tranfparent  Bodies,  intermix'd  in 
their  optical  portions,  and  in  a  fimple  order,  make  Whitenefs.  This  part 
of  Met APHYSicKs  I  find  defe^ive:  and  no  wonder  •,  becaufe  in  the  method 
of  Enquiry  hitherto  ufed,  the  Forms  of  Things  can  never  appear.  The  mif- 
fortune  lies  here,  that  Men  have  accuftom'd  themfelves  to  hurry  away, 
and  abilrad;  their  Thoughts  too  haftily,  and  carry  them  too  remote  from 

Expe- 

*  As  Mr.  Boyle  has  excellently  (hewn,  by  a  large  Induiftion  of  Experiments,  and  Crucial  In- 
fiances,  wherewith  moft  of  his  fhyficul  Enquiries  are  enriched. 

''  As  Plants,  Animals,  Minerals;  the  Elements  Fire,  Air,  Water,  Earth,  (^c. 

*  That  is,  the  Forrv  is  contained  in  it ;  but  the  Analyfis  not  carried  far  enough,  to  fhew  the 
Torm  itfclfi  or   what  Whitenefs  is,  independent  of  the  Thing  wherein  ic  reftdes. 

1 


Sed-.V.  M  E  T  A  p  H  y  s  I  c  K  s.  85 

Experience  and  Particulars  ;  and  given  themfelves  wholly  up  to  their  own 
Meditations  and  Arguments  =. 

4.  The  ufe  of  this  Pare  of  Metaphyficks  is  recommended  by  two  princi-  its  vfe  t» 
pal  Things :  firfi,  as  'tis  the  Office  and  Excellence  of  all  Sciences  to  (hortcn  f'"^""  '*' 
the  long  turnings  and  windings  of  Experience,  fo  as  to  remove  the  ancient  JJJ° 
complaint  of  the  fcantinefs  of  Life,  and  the  tedioufnefs  of  Art  ;  this  is  bcft 
perform'd  by  colledling  and  uniting  the  Axioms  of  the  Sciences  into  more 
g;ieral  ones,,  that  fhall  fuit   the  Matter  of  all  Individuals.     For  the  Sci- 
ences are  like  Pyramids,  ereded  upon  the  fingle  Bafis  of  Hlftoyy  and  Exi^e- 

rience  ;  and  therefore  a  Hijhry  of  Nature  is  (i.)  the  Bafis  of  Natural  Pb'do- 
fophy;  and  (2.)  the  firft  Stage  from  the  Bafis  is  Physicks  •,  and  (3.)  that 
nearcft  the  Vertex  Metaphysicks  :  But  (4.)  for  the  Vertex  itfclf,  '■Uhe 
«  fFork  which  God  worketh  from  the  beginning  to  the  end"  or  the  funmary 
Law  of  Nature  ;  we  doubt  whether  human  Enquiry  can  reach  it.  But  for 
the  other  three,  they  are  the  true  Floorings  of  the  Scie/tces.  And  as  that  Sci- 
ence is  the  moll  excellent,  which  leaft  burthens  the  Underftanding  by 
its  multiplicity,  this  Property  is  found  in  Metaphyficks ;  as  it  contemplates 
thofcfimple  Forms  of  Things,  Denfity,  Rarity,  i^c.  which  we  call  Forms  of 
the  firfl  Clafs:  for  tho'  theie  are  few,  yet,  by  their  Commenfurations,  and 
Co-ordinations,  they  conftitute  all  Truth^. 

5.  The  fecond  Thing  that  ennobles  this  Part  of  Metaphyficks,  relating  to  "ffl^J^"' 
Forms,  is,  that  it  releafes  the  human  Power,  and  leads  it  into  an  immenfe  p^„/;./ 
and  open  Field  of  Work :    For  Pb\ficks  direfts  us  thro'  n.irrow  rugged 

Paths,  in  imitation  of  the  crooked  ways  of  ordinary  Nature  :  but  the  ways 
of  Wifdom  are  every  where  wide,  and  abounding  in  plenty,  and  variety  of 
means.  Phyfical  Caufes,  indeed,  by  means  of  new  Inventions,  afford  light 
and  direftion  in  a  like  cafe  again  :  but  he  that  underfiands  a  Form,  knows 
the  ultimate  pofiibility  of  fuperinducing  that  Nature  upon  all  kinds  of  Matter  ; 
and  is  therefore  the  lefs  reftrained,  or  tied  down  in  his  working  -,  eitlier  as 
to  the  B.ifis  of  the  Matter,  or  the  Condition  of  the  Efficients 

6.  The  fecond  Fan  of  Metaphvsicks,  is  the  Enquiry  of  final  Caufes:  Thefecond 
which,  we  note  not  as  wanting;  but  as  ill-placed  :  thefe  Caufes  being  ufually  phS,fi^f^//*" 
fought  in  Phyficks,  not  in  Metaphyficks  ;  to  the  great  prejudice  of  Philofophy :  ftnal  Caulis. 

for 

*  It  is  eal'y  ro  obferve,  chat  Mr.  Beyle'.,  Enquiries  into  the  Origin  ofVorms  and  ^alxties  hi 
Sidiei,  endeavour  to  I'upply  this  Deficienty,  proceed  upon  the  Direftions  here  laid  aown,  afid 
panicularly  keep  clofe  to  Experience.  See  the  Abridgment  of  his  Works,  Vol.  I.  f»g.  1S7,  to 
the  end  ox'  that  Volume.  He  Teems  alfo  to  have  chofe  for  his  Enquiry  the  very  Subje(Ss  pointed 
out  by  the  Lord  Bacon  i  viz.-  He»t,  Cold,  Gravity,  Levity,  Denjity,  Rarity,  See.  as  the  limpleft  and 
fittcft  to  lay  the  Foundation  for  difcovering  the  more  complex  Forms  of  Creatures,  farticnlar 
Natures,  or  fyftematical  Beings;  as  Plants,  Animals,  and  Minerals,  in  their  integral  Subdivifions 
jefpe£t:vely:  whence  we  are,  for  inftance,  to  derive  the  medicinal  Virtues  of  Herbs,  Roots, 
Flowers,  C'^.  For  thyfuks,  and  Metaphyficks,  have  not  obtained  their  End,  till  Forms  are  dif— 
covered  j  the  Knowledge  whereof  will  enable  Mankind  to  produce  Effe<n:s,  in  ail  pofl'ible  Cafes, 
equal  or  fuperior  to  thofe  of  Nature,  and  give  us  a  great  Command  of  her  Works;  as  more 
ftilly  appears  in  the  Nivum  Organum. 

*  That  is,  a  Knowledge  offimple  Forms,  or  the  fpecifick  Fjfences  of  general  ^alities  in  Mut- 
ter and  Motion,  will,  by  Involution  and  Evolution  (to  ufe  an  algebraical  Phrafe,)  conlhtute  and 
explain  all  the  Truths  of  Philofophy  ;  whofe  Perfeftion  refts  in  the  Knowledge  of  Forms. 

'  That  is,  a  Knowledge  of  Forms,  will  enable  Mankind  to  effeft  all  phylical  Poflibilitiesj  as 
is  hereafter  particularly  (hewn  and  illuftrated  by  Exaraples  in  the  Novum  Organum, 


86  Metaphysicks.  Sed.  Vi 

for  the  treating  offtiaJ  Caufes  in  Ph-jfich^  has  driven  out  the  Enquiry  of  phy- 
ftcal  ones ;  and  made  Men  reft  in  fpecious  and  Jhadoivy  Caufes  •,  without  ever 
fearching  in  earneft,  after  fuch  as  are  real,  and  truly  pbyfical.  And  this  was 
not  only  done  by  Plato,  who  conftantly  anchors  upon  this  ihore  -,  but  by 
Ariftotle.,  Galen,  and  others :  who  frequently  introduce  fuch  Caufes  as  thefe. 
"  The  Hairs  of  the  Eye-lids  are  for  a  Fence  to  the  Sight.  The  Bones  for  Pillars 
"  whereon  to  build  the  Bodies  of  Animals.  The  Leaves  of  Trees  are  to  defend 
*'  the  Fruit  from  the  Sun  and  Wind.  The  Clouds  are  defignedfor  watering  the 
"  Earth,  &c."  All  which  are  properly  alledg'd  in  Metaphyjicks ;  but  in 
Phyfcks  are  impertinent,  and  as  Remoras  to  the  Ship,  that  hinder  the 
Sciences  from  holding  on  their  courfe  of  Improvement ;  and  introducing  a 
negleft  of  fearching  after  phsfical  Caufes.  And  therefore  the  Natural  Philo- 
fophies  of  Z)t7;;ot77/«,f,  and  others,  who  allow  no  God  or  Mind  in  the  frame 
of  Things ;  but  attribute  the  Strufture  of  the  Univerfe  to  infinite  Eflays 
and  Trials  of  Nature,  or  what  they  call  Fate,  or  Fortune  ;  and  afTign'd  the 
Caufes  of  particular  things  to  the  neceflity  of  Matter,  without  any  inter- 
mixture o^  final  Caufes ;  feem,  fo  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  Remains  of 
"their  Philofophy,  mirch  more  folid,  and  to  have  gone  deeper  into  Nature, 
with  regard  to  pb\fical  Caufes,  than  the  Philofophy  of  Ariflotle  or  Plato:  and 
this  only  becaufe  they  never  meddled  with  final  Caufes ;  which  the  others 
were  perpetually  inculcating.  Tho'  in  this  refpeft,  Ariftotle  is  more  culpable 
than  Plato  ;  as  dropping  God,  the  Fountain  of  Final  Caufes,  and  fubfti- 
tuting  Nature  in  his  ftead  •,  and,  at  the  fame,  receiving /«a/  Caufes  thro'  his 
affeftion  to  Lrgick,  not  Theology. 
Their  oj^ce  7.  Thck  final  Caufes,  however,  are  not  falfe,  or  unworthy  of  Enquiry  in 
«ndufe.  Metaphyftcks;  but  their  excurfion  into   the  limits  o(  jbfical  Caufes,  hath 

made  a  great  devaftation  in  that  Province  •,  otherwife,  when  contain'd 
within  their  own  bounds,  they  are  not  repugnant  to  phyfical  Caufes :  for 
the  Caufe,  that  "  the  Hairs  of  the  Eye-lids  are  to  preferve  the  Sight,"  is  no 
way  contradictory  to  this,  that  "  Pilofity  is  incident  to  the  Orifices  of  Mcif- 
"  ture  i"  and  fo  of  the  reft  :  thefe  two  kinds  of  Caufes  agreeing  excellently 
together  -,  the  one  expreffing  the  Intention,  and  the  other  the  Confequence 
only. 

8.  Nor  does  this  call  Divine  Providence  in  queftion  ;  but  rather  highly 
confirms  and  exalts  it:  for  as  lie  is  a  greater  Politician,  who  can  make  others 
the  Inftruments  of  his  "Will,  without  acquainting  them  with  his  Defigns, 
than  he  who  difclofes  himfelf  to  thofe  he  employs ;  fo  the  Wifdom  of  God 
appears  more  wondrous,  when  Nature  intends  one  thing,  and  Providence 
draws  out  another  •,  than  if  the  Charafters  of  Providence  were  ftamped  upon 
all  the  Schemes  of  Matter,  and  natural  Motions.  So  Ariftotle  had  no  need  of 
a  God,  after  having  once  impregnated  Nature  with  final  Caufes ;  and  laid  it 
down,  that  "  Nature  does  nothing  in  vain  ;  always  obtains  her  Ends,  when 
*'  Obftacles  are  removed,  &c."  But  Democritus,  and  Epicurus,  when  they 
advanced  their  Atoms,  were  thus  far  tolerated  by  fome  ;  but  when  they  af- 
ferted  the  Fabrick  of  all  things  to  be  raifed  by  a  fortuitous  Concourfe  of 
thefe  Atoms,  without  the  help  of  Mind,  they  became  univerfally  ridiculous. 
So  far  are  phyfical  Caufes  from  drawing  Men  off  from  God,  and  Providence, 

that. 


Sedl.  VI.  Natural     Magic  K.  87 

that,  on  the  contrary,  the  Philofophers  employ'd  in  difcovering  them  can  find 
no  reft,  but  by  flying  to  God  or  Providence  at  laft  \ 


SECT.     VI. 

Of  Natural   Magic k.. 

r.  rnplHE  Practical  Doctrine  of  Nature    we  likewife  neceffari-7*f  praftical 
J_    ly  divide  into  two  Parts,  correfponding  to  thole  of  the  Speculative'*';  Doftnne  »/ 
for  Phyficks,    or  the  Enquiry  of  efficient    and  material  Caufes,  produces  ^^^^^^'■"^^^'j;^^ 
Mechanicks  ;  and  Metaphyficks,  the  Enquiry  ofFortns,  produces  Magick  "'.fpomlence  to 
whilft  the  Enquiry  of  final  Caufes  is  a  barren  thing,    or  as  a  Virgin  confe-  the  theoreti- 
crated  to  God.     We  here  underftand  that  Mechanicks,  which  is  coupled  with  '^^h  '°'^'["Z 
phyfical  Caufes;  {qt  he^id^s  thth^rt  effeclive  ox  empirical  Mechanicks,  which  ^.j^j^^^^j^^j^ 
has  no  dependance  on  Pbyficks,  and  belongs  to  Natural  Hiftory,  there  is  ano- 
ther not  abfolutely  operative^  and  yet   not  ftridlly  philofophical.       For  all' 
Difcoveries  of  Works,    either  had  their  rife  from  accident,  and  fo  were 
handed  down  from  age  to  age  ;  or  elfe  were  fought  by  defign  :  and  the  lat- 
ter were  either  difcovered  by  the  light  of  Caufes  and  Axioms ;  or  acquired  by 
extending,  transferring  or  compounding  fame  former  Inventions :  which  is  a  thing 
more  ingenious  and   fagacious  than  philofophical.      But  the  Mechanicks  here 
underftood  is  that  treated  by  Arijlotle  promifcuoufly  ;  by  Hero  in  his  Pneuma- 
ticks  ;  by  that  very  diligent  Writer  in   Metallicks,   George  Jgricola  ;  and  by 
numerous  others  in  particular   fubjedls'':   fo  that  we  have  no  omiffion  to 
note  in  this  point,  only  that  the  mifcellaneous  Mechanicks,  after  the  example 
of  Arijlotle,    fhould  have  been  more  carefully  continued  by  the  Moderns -, -^«^  Magick» 
efpecially  with  regard  to  fuch  Contrivances  whofe  Caufes  are  more  obfcure,  5"^         *' 
or  their  Effeds  more  noble  * :    whereas  the  Writers  upon  thefe  fubjedls  per--'  ' 
form  very  fuperficially.  And  it  appears  to  us,  thatfcarce  any  thing  in  Nature 
can  be  fundamentally  difcovered,  either  by  accident»  experimental  attempts, 
or  the  light  of  phyfical  Caufes ;  but  only  by  the  difcovery  of  Forms  ^     Since, 

there- 

*  This  Subjeft  is  profecuted  b^  Mr.  B^le,  iu  a  particular  Trentife,  entitled,  AnZnquiry  into 
the  final  Caufes  of  natural  Things. 

*  See  above  of  rhib[ophy,  Se£t.  III.  9. 

*  In  what  fenfe,  Magick  is  here  underftood,  fee  below,  §.  i. 

*  Who  deicribe  luch  Arts,  Experiments,  or  Inventions  as  arc  ufcd  in  ordinary  Life. 

*  Inftances  ot  this  kind  are,  perhaps,  the  artificiul  Stone  01"  tlie  ancients,  wherewith  thejr 
buik  their  Amphitheatres  and  Monuments  of  perpetity;  the  working  the  Asiejlus  into  incom- 
buftible  Cloth ;  the  making  of  a  foft  or  malUable  Cl.tfs,  See.  See  Vancirollus  tie  Reius  memo- 
ralnliius  five  deferditis. 

'  The  common  Method  of  Ittventien,  for  want  of  a  Knowledge  of  Forms,  proceeds  upon  a 
mixture  ct  ph-.fic.il  Rea/oning,  and  repeated  Trials  i  by  which  means  fevera!  Difcoveries  have 
been  made:  but  if  Farras  were  known,  that  is,  what  pjrticubrs  conftitute  things,  or  give 
them  their  feveral  Natures,  nothing  would  thea  be  lefi  to  accidentj  but  Men  might  proceed 


88  Natural   Magic  K.  Sed.  VI. 

therefore  we  have  fet  down  as  wanting  that  part  of  Metaphyficks  which  treats 
o^  Forms,  it  follows  that  Natural  Magick,  which  is  relative  to  it,  tniijl 
alfo  be  wanting. 
Magick,  in  2.  We  here  underftand  Magick  m  its  ancient  and  honourable  fenfe :  among 
what  fenfe  to  the  Perftans,  it  flood  for  a  fublimer  Wifdom  ;  or  a  knowledge  of  the  relations 
^e  «Wer/?i;ff(/.  Qf  univerfal  Nature:  and  we  would  have  it  fignify  that  Science,  which  leads 
to  the  knowledge  of  hidden  Forms,  for  producing  great  Effects  ;  and  h^  joining 
Agents  to  Patients,  felting  the  Capital  Works  of  Nature  to  view.  The  com- 
mon Natural  Magick  found  in  Books,  gives  us  only  forae  childifh  and  fuper- 
ftirious  traditions  and  obfervations  of  tlie  Sympathies  and  Antipathies  of 
Things }  or  occult  and  fpecific  Properties  •,  which  are  ufually  intermix'd 
with  many  trifling  Experiments,  admired  rather  for  their  difguife,  than  for 
themfelves :  but  as  to  the  truth  of  Nature,  this  differs  from  the  Science  we 
propofe,  as  much  as  the  Romances  oi  Arthur  of  Britain,  Hugh  of  Bourdeaux, 
or  other  imaginary  Heroes,  do  from  the  Commentaries  of  C/rfar,  in  truth  of 
narration.  Cf:far  in  rcahty  performed  greater  things,  tho'  not  by  Roman- 
tick  means,  than  fuch  fabulous  Heroes  are  feign'd  to  do.  This  kind  of  Lear- 
ning is  well  reprefented  by  the  Fable  of  Ixion  ;  who  thinking  to  enjoy  JunOf 
the  Goddefs  of  Power,  embraced  a  Cloud  -,  and  thence  produced  Centaurs 
and  ChimcBras :  for  fo  thofe  who,  with  a  hot  and  impotent dtfire,  are  car- 
ried to  fuch  things  as  they  fee  only  thro'  the  fumes  and  clouds  of  imagina- 
tion ;  inftead  of  producing  Works,  beget  nothing  but  vain  Hopes,  and  mon- 
flrous  Opinions.  This  degenerate  natural  Magick  has  alfo  an  effeft  like  cer- 
tain fleepy  Medicines,  which  procure  pleafing  Dreams :  for  fo  it  firft  lays 
the  Underftanding  afleep,  by  introducing  fpecifick  properties,  and  occult 
virtues;  whence  men  arc  no  longer  attentive  to  the  difcovery  of  real  Cau- 
fes  ;  but  reft  fatisfied  in  fuch  indolent  and  weak  Opinions :  and  thus  it  in- 
finuates  numberlefs  pleafing  Fiftions,  like  fo  many  Dreams. 
rhiwecikncfs  3-  And  here  we  may  properly  obferve  that  thofe  5«V«ti?;  which  depend 
^f  the  common  too  much  upon  Fancy  and  Faith,  as  this  degenerate  Magick,  Alchemy,  Aflro- 
Magick,  Al-  iggy_^  gj[-_  have  their  Means  and  their  theory  more  monftrous  than  their 
chemy,  and  ^.^^^  ^^^  Atlion.  The  converfion  of  ^dckfilver  into  Gtld  is  hard  to  con- 
ceive •,  tho'  it  may  much  more  probably  be  effefted  by  a  man  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  gravity,  colour,  malleability,  fixednefs,  volatility,  the 
principles  of  Metals  and  Menftruums,  l^c.  than  by  one  who  is  ignorant  of 
\.\\tk  Natures ;  by  the  bare  projeftion  of  a  few  grains  of  the  Elixir.  Un- 
derftand the  fame  of  the  prolongation  of  Youth,  or  retarding  of  old  Age  -, 
which  miy  more  rationally  be  expefted,  byobferving  a  fet  of  Rules,  well 
form'd  upon  the  Art  of  Medicine,  than  from  a  few  drops  of  any  precious 
Liquor  or  C^iincefTence*.     But  men  are  fo  headftrong  and  notional,  as  not 

only 

«Jireftly  from  this  Knowledge,  to  the  mod  capital  Worhs,  without  intermediate  Trials.  But 
this  is  anticipating  the  Dodtrineof  the  Novum  Orgitnum  ;  tho'  with  a  view  to  prepare  the  way 
to  it.  And  if  we  could  fuppolc  ourlelves  Speftators  of  the  Operation  that  pafles  in  the  Minds 
of  illuftrious  Inventors ;  fuch  as  Mr.  Boyl»,  or  Sir  Jfnnc  Newton,  for  inftance ;  furely  we  fhould 
perceive  Ibmething  like  this  Invefllgiition  of  Forms,  here  meant  by  the  Author;  or  a  train 
of  Thoughts,  that  af'er  due  exclufions  and  rejeftions,  lead  up  to  the  Invention. 

'  The  Author's  Enquiry  into  Life  and  Death,  proceeds  upon  no  fuch  weak  or  fuperftitious 
Hopes  i  but  in  the  folid  way  of  phyfical  Rcafon,  Experiment,  Obfervation,  laborious  Search, 
and  the  Inveftigation  of  Forms. 


I 


Se(a.VI.  '  Natural    Magic  K.  89 

only  to  promife  themfelves  Things  impoflible  ;  but  alio  hope  to  obtain  the 
mod  difficult  Ends,  without  labour  or  Iweat. 

4.  This  PraHkalDo5frwe  of  Nature  requires  two  Appendages,  of  very  Two  appenj*. 
great  confequence.     The /r/?  is,  that  An  Inventory  be  made  or  t h e  ^^' """'''' '* 
Stock  of  Mankind  ;  containing  their  whole  P(?/7J:/^5;.'j  and  ■fi?''/"«^-f»  whe- p^^"j,g'^f 
ther  proceeding  from  A'ij/«r(?  or  Art ;  with  the  addition  alfo  of  things  for- Nature. x'ii,. 
merly  known,  but  now  loft:    fo  that  he  who  goes  upon  new  Difcoveries, T'O^^lnven- 
may  have  a  knowledge  of  what  has  already  been  done  *.    This  Inventory  tory c/icnow- 
will  be  the  more  artificial  and  ufeful,  if  it  alio  contain  things  of  every ' 
kind,  which,  according  to  common  Opinion,  are  ?w/;<5//;Z'/<?;  aslikewife  fuch 
as  feem'd  next  to  impoflible,  yet  have  been  efFefted  -,  the  one  to  whet  the 
human  Invention.,  and  the  other  to  direft  it ;  fo  that  from  ihck  Ojitatives 
and  Potentials y  AHives  may  the  more  readily  be  deduced. 

r.  The  fecond  Thinzn  that  a  Calendar  be  made   of  such  Experi-;^'',''^^ )  * 

->  J  ■!^  ,  Calendar  of 

MENTS    A3     ARE    MOST     EXTENSIVELY     USEFUL;      AND     THAT    LEAD     TO  ^^.^j.^j,  £x, 

THE  Discovery  of  others.  For  example,  the  Experiment  of  artificial ^^znmiFXi. 
freezings  by  means  of  Ice  and  Bay-Salt,  is  of  infinite  extent;  and  difcovcrs 
a  fecrct  Method  of  Condenfation,  of  great  fervice  to  mankind  ^.  Fire  is 
ready  at  hand  for  rarefaiVion,  but  the  means  of  Condcnfation  are  wanted. 
And  it  would  greatly  fhorten  the  way  to  Difcoveries,  to  have  a  particular 
Catalogue  of  thefe  leadiho  Experiments^, 


"  This  is  amthei  of  the  grand  IPorlis,  conceived  in  tTie  Mind  of  the  Author,  that  requires 
the  united  Labours  of  many  to  execute.  The  Literary  Hi/lory,  the  Hijlory  of  Arts,  and  other 
'Difiderata,  above  fcc  down,  might,  if  extant,  aff  )rd  great  Ligiit  and  AlTidance  in  the  Collec- 
tion. Among  the  Books  of  principal  ufe  to  the  Defign,  may  be  reclcon'd  the  Natural  Hifto- 
ries  of  particular  Nations;  Travels,  Voyages,  Books  of  Arts,  Books  of  Inventions,  and  Unher- 
fal  Diciionaries;  for  inftance  Fifo's  H'ifiories  of  rhs  InJies,  Thevenot,  Taverni:r,  Dampier,  and 
xrachitr's  Voyages,  Keri's  Art  of  Glafs,  the  Marquis  of  U^orcefier's  Scantlings  of  Inventions, 
TanciroUnsdt  Reins  memorabilibui,  Pegelius'sThefnurus  Rerum  SeleBarum,de  tana's  Magifierium 
Xaturt  (^  Artis,  Vafchins  de  Invent'is  novis  ^  aritiqnis,  Becher's  Narrifche  Weifaljelt  i  but  par- 
ticularly Mr.  C/camaers's  Cyclopedia.  See  Morhof's  Folyhijlor.  Tom  I.  Cap.  xx.  de  FruHu  otnnis 
hi/lorit  Biiliothecarid. 

*  How  far  this  Experiment  has  been  applied  by  Mr.  Boyle,  appears  from  his  Hijlory  of  Cold  ; 
which  proceeds  almoft  wholly  upon  it:  tho'  it  ftill  remains  capable  of  infinite  applications  ^  as 
to  the  Concentration  of  Wines,  Vinegar,  Spirits,  iiic.  the  procuring  oi  frefli  Water  at  Sea  i  the 
niiking  of  Salt  out  of  Sea- Water,  ^c. 

*  This  Work,  fo  ixt  as  I  know,  remains  unattempted  ;  but  might  be  tct  about  to  good  ad- 
vantage, fince  the  experimcn  ai  Labours  of  Mr.  Boyle,  Dr.  Hook,  and  many  other  eminent  Mem- 
bers of  the  Rcy;i/  Society,  znA  French  Academy.  Gf  what  Ccrvice  leading  i:xperimeiits  zre  in  Phi- 
ioibphy,  may  appear  from  the  Difcoveries  of  Mr.  Bo)le,  and  Sir  I/aac  Hewton;  which  were  ge- 
nerally made  by  their  means. 


^'oL.I.  N  SECT. 


9^ 


Mathematicks.  Sedl.  VII. 


SECT.     VII. 

Of  Mathematicks. 

TiieO^rt  a«(/i.'rT~lWAS  well  obferved  by  Jrijlotle,  that  Phvsicks  and  Mathema- 
u/eo/Mathe-        ^     TICKS  produce  Practice,  or  Mechanicks:  therefore,  as  we  have 
mane  s,        treated  both  tht  fpeculaiive  and  praRkal  part  of  the  Doctrine  of  Na- 
ture •,  we  fhould  alfo  confider  Mathematicks,    as  an  auxiliary  Science 
to  both:  which  being  received  into  Philosophy,    comes  as  a  third  part 
after  Physicks  and  Metaphysicks.     But  upon  due  recolleftion,  ifwede- 
fign'd  it  as  a  fubftantial  and prificipal  Science ;  it  were  more  agreeable  to  Method 
and  the  Nature  of  the  thing,  to  make  it  a  part  o'i  Metapbyficks.    ¥or  ^an- 
tity,   the  Subject  of  Mathematicks,  applied   to  Matter,  is  as  the  Dofe  of  Na- 
ture, and  produibive  of  numerous  Effe6ts  in  Natural  Things  •,  and  therefore 
ought  to  be  reckon'd  among  effential  Forms.     And  {o  much  did  the  power  of 
Figures  3.ndNu//ibers  prevail  with  the  ancients,    that  Democritus  chiefly  placed 
the  Principles  of  the  Variety  of  Things  in  the  figures  of  their  Atoms:   and 
Pythagoras  alTerted  that  the  nature  of  things  confifted  of  numbers.      Thus- 
much  is  true,  that  of  natural  Forms,  fuch  as  we  underftand  them,    ^lantity 
is  the  moft  abllradled,  and  feparable  from  Matter :  and  for  this  reafon  it 
has  been  more  carefully  cultivated,  and  examin'd  into,  by  mankind,  than  any 
other  Forms ;  which  are  all  of  them  more  immerfed  in  Matter.     For,  as,  to 
the  great  difadvantage  of  the  Sciences,  'tis  natural  for  men's  minds  to  delighc 
more  in  the  open  Fields  of  Generals,  than  in   the  Inclofures  of  Particulars ; 
nothing  is  found  more  agreeable  than  Mathematicks,    which  fully  gratifies 
this  appetite  of  expatiating  and  ranging  at  large.     But  as  we  regard  not  only 
Truth  and  Order,  but  alfo  the  benefits  and  advantages  of  mankind;  itfeems 
beft,  fince  Matheinaticks  is  of  great  ufe  in  Phyficks,  Metaphxfich,  Mechanicks, 
and  Magicks,  to  make  it  an  Appendage,  or  Auxiliary  to  them  all.     And  this 
we  are  in  fome  meafure   obliged  to  do  ;  from  the  fondnefs,  and  towering 
notions  of  Mathematicians,  who  would   have  their  Science  prefide  over  P/jv- 
/!cks^.     'Tis  a  ftrange  fatality,  that  Mathemaiich  z.n<l  Logicks,  which  ought 

to 

^  The  learned  Morhof  xhas  confirms  the  juftnefs  of  this  Obfervation ;  "  To  fay  the  truth, 
"  the  modern  Philofopliy  has  ftill  the  lame  Defeftj  for  at  this  day  moft  of  our  pljilofep/iicsl 
"  DoBrim  is  vmac  Mathemmical  i  foas  to  appear  fubtile  in  the  dsmonltration  of  thofe  Proper- 
"  ties  which  come  chiefly  under  the  conlideration  oi  Mathematicians;  whilft  m  difcovering' 
"  thciiiternal  Caufes  of  Things,  ihe  l.Iathenjaticinns  prove  as  infufficient  as  the  Peripateticks;  who, 
"  inftead  ot  Mathematicks,  make  Logick  prefide  over  Phyficks.  The  middle  way  rtiould  be  chole 
"  betwixt  thcfe  two  extremes;  andthefenfe  and  meaning  of  Nature  difcovered."  See  Morhof's 
Polyhifl.  Tom.  II.  pag.  149.  If  this  Dotfrins,  fo  fully  laid  down  by  the  Lord  Bacon,  had  beea 
followed,  the  Moderns  might  probably  have  made  many  more  fubftantial  Difcoveries  in  Natural 
Thilofofhy,  Anatomy,  Chemijlry,  and  Medicine ;  tiian  by  a  rafli  application  of  Mathematifki, 
which,  inltead  of  promoting,  has  prejudiced  thefe  Sciences. 


Se<ft.  VIL  M  A  T  H  E  M  A  T  I  C  K  S.  91 

to  be  but  handmaids  to  Phyftcks,  fhould  boaft  their  certainty  before  it ;  and 
even  exercife  dominion  againft  it.  Bac  the  place  and  dignity  of  this  Science 
is  a  fecondary  confiJeration,  with  regard  to  the  thing  itftlf. 

2.  AIatheina!icks\s  e:\z\\tr  pure  or  7nix'd.     To  tlie /«ri?  belong  the  Sciences  DlvUcd  int» 
employ'd  about  Quantity,    wholly   abftra£led    from    Matter  and  pbyficalf*';^'^'^ 
Axioms.     This  has  t-ivo  parts.  Geometry,  and  Arithmelick  ;  the  one  regarding  ""^'  • 
continued,  and  the  other  difcrete  Sluaijtity.      Thefe  two  Sciences  have   been 
cultivated  with  very  great  fubtilty  and  application :  but  in  plain  Geometry 
there  has  nothing  confiderable   been  added  to  the  Labours  of  Euclid  ;  tho' 
he  lived  many  ages  fince.     The  BoSirine  of  Solids  has  not  been  profecuted 
and  extended,  equal  to  its  ufe  and  excellency,    neither  by  the  ancients  nor 
the  moderns  :  and  m  Arithtnetick  there  isftill  wanting  a  fufficient  Variety 

OF  SHORT     AND     COMMODIOUS     MeTHODS     OF     CALCULATION,    efpccially  ^'^'  ^/'^■"'/ 

with  regard  to  Progreffions  ;  whofe  ufe  in  Phy/icks  is  very  confiderable.  Nei- •'^"^j^ij.l^j^"^ 
ther  IS  Algebra  brought  to  perfection.  As  for  the  Pythagorical  and  Myfiical 
Arithmetick,  which  began  to  be  recovered  from  Proclus,  and  certain  Re- 
mains oi  Euclid,  'tis  afpeculative  Excurjion:  Tiie  Mind  having  this  misfor- 
tune, that  when  it  proves  unequal  to  folid  and  ufeful  things,  it  fpends  itfelf 
upon  fuch  as  are  unprofitable  =■. 

3.  Alix'd  Mathematicks  has  for  its  fubjedt  Axio?ns,  and  the  Parts  of  P by- The  Defects  ef 
ficks  i  and  confiders  Quantity  fo  far  as  may  be  alTifting  to  illuftrate,  demon-  mtX'lMa.the- 
ftrate,  and  actuate  thole;  for  without  the  \\z\^  of  Mathematicks,  many  parts  ^^^!-^  ^/pjjy^ 
of  Nature  could  neither  be  fufficiently  comprehended,  clearly  demonftrated,  ficks  im- 
nor  dexteroufly  fitted  for  ufe.       And  of  this  kind  are  PerfpeSlive,  Mufick,  frcves. 
Ajironomy,  Cofmograpby,  Architeclure,  M.echanicks,  &c.     In  mix'd  Mathema- 
ticks we  at  prefent  find  no  entire  Parts  deficient ;  but  foretell  there  will    be 
many  found  hereafter,  if  Men  are  not  wanting  to  themlelves  :  For  if  Phy- 
f.cks  be  daily  improving,  and  drawing  out  new  Axioms,    'twill  continually 
be  wanting  frefli  z^i?c?Lncts  from  Mathematicks ;  fo   that  the  Parts  of  mix' d 
Mathematicks,  muft  gradually  grow  more  numerous ''. 

N  2  SECT. 

*  No  part  of  Learning  has  perhaps  teen  more  cultivated  fince  this  Author  wrote  than  Ma- 
thtmaticks ;  \nhm\ic\i,  that  every  other  Science,  or  the  Body  of  Philolbphy  itfelf,  ftems  ren- 
dered Mathematical.  The  DoStrine  of  Solitls  has  been  improv'd  by  feveral;  the  fhorter  ways  of 
Calculation  here  noted  as  deficient,  are  in  good  meafure  fupplied  by  exaft  Tables  of  Xo^flr;V^OT/. 
uilgtbra  has  been  ib  far  improved  and  applied,  as  to  rival,  or  almoft  prejudice,  the  ancient 
Cecmetry.  Add  to  this,  the  new  Difcoveries  of  the  Method  of  Fluxions,  the  Method  of  Tangents, 
the  DoSrine  of  Infinites,  the  Squaring  of  Curves,  &c.  For  the  prefent  Syftem  of  Mathematical 
Learning,  fee  fVclfii  Eiementa  Mathefeos  univerfa,  in  two  Volumes 4r(;,  printed  at  Hall  in  the  year 
1711-.  or  for  a  more  curfory  View,  Father  Ca/lel's  MathematiqueUniverfelle,  publiflied  this  year 
173 1.  But  tor  the  Hiflory  of  Mathematicks,  fee  VoJ^us  de  itniierfs.  Mathefeos  Katitra  (^  Conjii- 
lutione,  the  Almageft  of  Kicciolus,  Morhof's  Fctyhifl.  Mathemat.  and  Woifius's  Commetitatio  de 
Scriftis  Mathematicis,  at  the  End  of  ihefecoijd  Volume  of  his  Eiementa  Mathefeos  tmi-verfi. 

'■  As  in  effeft  they  are  at  this  day,  by  the  modern  improvements  in  O^ticks,  Vhonicks,  Hydro- 
fiaticks,  Fneumaticks,  Fortification,  Cumery,  Surveying,  &c. 


92  7^^  Doctrine  ^  Man.         Seif^.VlIK 


SECT.    viir. 

'The   Doctrine   of   Man: 
And  Jirji,  of  the  Human  Person. 


TfjeiujlinunJi  i-T  TAv'ing  gone  thro' the   two  parts  of  Philosophy  that  relate  to  the 
andufeofDl-    XTl   Deit Y,  and  to  Nature,  we  comc  now  to  the  third,  or  the  Know- 
tjifan  in  the   LEDGE  OF  OUR  SELVES  ;  which  to  US  is  the  End  of  the  Sciences ;  tho'  buta  part 
Sciences.        ^^  Nature  ^    And  here  we  muft  admonifli  mankind,  that  all  Divifions  of  the 
Sciences  are  to  be  underftood,.  and  employ'd,  fo  as  only  to  mark   out  and 
diftinguifh ;  not  tear,  feparate,  or  make  any  Iblution  of  continuity  in  their 
body  :    the   contrary  praflice   having    render'd   particuLir    Sciences  barren, 
emily,  and  erroneous  ;  whilft  they  are  not  fed,  fupported  and  kept  right,  by 
their  common  parent.     Thus  we  find  Cicero  complaining  of  Socrates.,  that  he 
firft  disjoin'd  PMf//£>//;j  {rom  Rhdorick  ;  which  is  thence    become  a  fro^hy^ 
talkative  Aru    So  the  Art  of  Phyjick,  without  the  affiftance  of  Natural  Phi- 
lofophy,  differs  but  little  from  Empirictfm. 
TheVioStuna      2.  TheDocTRiNE  OF  Man  divides  itfelf  into  ftcs/^r//,  or  into  Human 
of  Man  divi-  and  CiviL  PHILOSOPHY  ;  as  it  confiders  Man  feparatCy  or  joined  in  Society. 
^''^  '"'"I"':    Human  Philosophy  confiftsin  the  5«Var(?j  that  regard  the  Body,  andthofe 
PhUoibphy^'  ^^^^  regard  the  Soul  of  Man.  But  before  we  defcend  to  a  mere  particular  diftri-i 
bution,  'tis  properto  make  one  general  Scixhce-,  of  the  Nature  and 
State  OF  Man;  whichcertainlydeferves  to  be  freed  from  the  reft,and  reduced 
to  a  Science  by  itftlf.     And  this  willconfift  of  fuch  Things  as  are  common, 
both  to  the  Body  and  the  Soul.    It  may  likewife  be  divided  into  two  parts  ;  viz. 
according  to  the  individual  Nature  of  Man  ;    and  the  Connexion  of  the  Soul 
and  Body..     The  former  we  call  the  Doctrine  of  the  Person  ofMs^n  ; 
and  the  other  the  Doctrine  of  Union.     All  which  being  common  and 
mix'd  matters,  cannot  te  fcparately  referr'd  to  the  Sciences  tha.t  regard  the 
Body,  nor  to  thofe  that  regard  the  SouL 
TheVoSh'me       3.  The  DocTRiNEOF  THE  HUMAN  Per SON  principally  confifts  in  two 
of  the  human  Things  ;  the  Confideration  of  the  miferies  of  mankind  ;  and  its  prerogatives  or 
Perlon.  excellencies.    There  are  many  Writings, both  Philofophical  and  Theological^ 

that  elegantly  and  copioufiy  bewail  the  human  Miferies:  and  it  is  an  agreeable 
and  wholefome  topic.  But  the  Prerogatives  of  tnankind  are  not  hitherto  de- 
fcribed.  Pindar  in  his  Praife  of  Hiero  fays,  with  his  ufual  elegance,  that 
he  cropt  the  Tops  of  every  Virtue :  and  methinks  it  would  greatly  contribute 
to  the  encouragement  and  honour  of  mankind,  to  have  thefe  Tops,  or  uimcji 
extents  of  human  Nature,  collecled  from- faithful  Hiftory:  I  mean  the  greatejl 
length  wh,reto  human  Nature  of  itfelf  has  ever  gone,  in  ibe  ftveral  KiiDovi- 
MENTs  of  Body-  and  M[ND^  Thus  'tis  faid  o(Cc?far,  that  he  could  dic- 
tate to  five  amanuenfcs  at  once.      We  read  aUo  of  the  ancient  Rhetoricians;. 

as 

*  See  above  Ssft.  III.  1. 

''■  The  Author  himlelfmight  fare!y  make  an  eminent  Inftance  ofthis  kind,  as  having  grafp'd 
the  whole  compifs  oF  ancient  Knuw.ed.;:*,  and  ftruck  out  new  iMe'hods  for  improving  aL  tJsa 
Sciences,  end  cx'.ending^  the  Empire  of  Ai«»  over  the  Works  of  Nature. 


Sed.VIII  77v  Doctrine  ^  Man.  93 

as  Protagoras,  and  Gorgiai ;  and  of  the  ancient  Phi'.ofophcr?,  as  CalHUhtmSt 
Pojpuhnius  and  Carneacles,  who  could,  with  eloquence  r.nd  copioufners,  difpute 
off  hand,  on  either  fide  of  an  argument :  which  fhews  the  powers  of  the 
Mind  to  advantage.  So  does  alio  what  Cicero  relates  of  his  mafter  Archies, 
I'iz.  that  he  could  make  extempore  a  large  number  ot  excellent  Verfes  upon 
the  common  tranllidtions  of  life.  'Tis  a  great  honour  to  the  Memory,  that 
C}ru5  or  Scipiy  could  call  fo  many  thoufands  of  men  by  their  names.  Nor 
are  the  victories  gain'd  in  the  moral  virtues  lefs  fignal  than  thofe  of  the  in- 
telledhial  faculties.  What  an  example  of  patience  is  that  oi  Anaxarcbus^ 
who  when  put  to  the  torture,  bit  off  his  own  tongue,  and  fpit  it  in  the  Ty- 
rant's face  ^  We  have  many  inftances  of  great  ferenity  and  compofure  of 
mind  at  the  time  of  Death ;  as  particularly  in  the  Centurion,  mention'd 
by  Tacitus,  who  being  bid  by  the  Soldier,  appointed  his  executioner,  to 
flretch  out  his  neck  llrongly,  replied,  '■'■  Iv^ijh you  may  firike  as  fircngly." 
Sir  Thcmas  More,  the  day  before  his  execution,  being  waited  upon  by  his 
Barber,  to  know  if  he  would  have  his  hair  off,  refub'd  it  ;  with  this  anfwer, 
thar  "  the  King  a>:d  he  bad  a  difpute  about  bis  Head,  atid  till  that  were  ended 
be  znotdd  bejlciv  no  ojt  upon  it.  And  even  when  he  had  laid  his  head  upon 
the  block,  he  raifed  himfelf  again  a  little,  and  gently  puctir.g  i:is  long  beard 
afide,  lixid,  this  fiirel-j  has  not  offended  the  Ki>:g.  By  thefe  examples  it  will 
appear  that  the  iVIiracles  of  human  Nature,  and  the  utmoft  Powers  and  Fa- 
culties, both  of  Mind  and  Body,  are  what  we  would  have  colledled  into  a; 
Volume,  that  Ihould  be  a  kind  of  Register  OF  HUMAN  Triumphs.  And 
with  regard  to  fuch  a  Work,  we  commend  the  Defign  of  Valerius  Maximus 
znd  Pliny;  but  not  their  care  and  choice*. 

4,  The  Doctrine  o.f  Union,  or  of  the  common  Tye  of  Sciil  and  Bods,  has^^  Tioclflnf 
/wo /i^r/f;  for  as,  in  all  alliances,  there  is  mutual   Intelligence,  ^nd  mutual  j-^^'"^"*'". 
Offices  i  fo  the  Union  of  the  Mind  and  Body  requires  a  defcription  of  theB„<A/. 
manner  wherein  they  difcover,  and  aft  upon,  each  other,  by  Notices,  or  In- 
dication and  hnpreff.on.     The  Defcription  by  Indication,  has  produced  two  Arts 
of  Prediction  ;  the  one  honoured  with  the  Enquiry   of  Arijioile,    and    the 
other  with  that  of  Hippocrates.     And  tho'  later  Ages  have  debafed  thefe 
Arts  with  fuperftitious  and  fantaftical  mixtures  ■,    yet,   when  purged,   and 
truly  reftored,  they  have  a  folid  foundation  in   Nature,,  and  ufe  in  Life. 
The  frji-  of  thefe   is  P hyfiognomy ;  v/hich,    by    the   Lineaments  of  the; 
Body,  difcovers  the  Difpoiitions  of  the  Mind.     The  fecond  is,  the  Interpre- 
tation of  Natural  Dreams;  which,  from    the  Agitations  of  the  Mind,   dif- 
covers the  State  and  Difpofitions  of  the  Body.     I  find  the  former  deficient  in 
one  part ;  for  x\\q^  Ariftotle  hzs,  with  great  ingenuity  and  diiig"nce,  treated  ^'^' ^'"^"''* 
the  Strufture  of  the  Body  at  reft'' ;  he  dropt  the  confldr-aii-.u  'f  it  in  MotioniP^^'^'^^''^ 
or  Gejlure;  which  is  no  lefs  fubjeft  to  the  Obfervations  of  Art,  and  more     *"'" 
afeful  than  the  other.     For  the  Lineaments  of  the  Pod,   fhew  the  general 
Inclinations  and  Difpofitions  of  the  Mind  j  whilft  the  Motions  of  the  Face, 

and 

*-}<\x.tVan}y'ilVonJen  b/ the  little  World,  was  a  Work  intended  tofupply,  in  fome  meafure- 
thi5  Depderatum.  as  himfelf  intinia  e;  in  the  Preface. 

i»  See  h:s  H.y/IogMmHn,  with  he  Hotei  of  d^millm  BMhs.  See  iKoBattiJla  Poru'i  Opuf 
lii^jicffioatctim.  '  ' 


^4-  7"^^ Doctrine  OF  Man.  Se<fl.VIII, 

and  the  Geftures  of  the  other  parts,  not  only  do  the  fame,  but  alfo  exprefs 
the  prefent  Difpofition  and  Inclination  :  for  as  the  Tongue  applies  to  the  Ear, 
fo  does  Gefture  to  the  Eye.     And  this  is  well  known  to  many  fubtile  and 
defigning  Perfons ;  who  watchfully  obferve  the  Countenance  and  Geftures 
of  .others  -,  and  value  themfelves  for  their  talent  of  turning  fuch  Difcoveries 
to  their  own  advantage  :    And  it  muft  be  acknowledged  an  excellent  way  of 
difcove  in:^  DilBinulacion  in  others  -,  and  of  admonifliing  Men  to  chufe  pro- 
per times  and  opportunities  for  their  Addrefles:  which  is  no  fmall  part  of 
civil  Prudence.     A  PVork  upon  this  Doclrine  of  Gejlure,  would  not  only  prove 
ufeful  in  particular  cafes,  but  ferve  as  a  general  Rule ;  for  all  Men  laugh, 
weep,  blufh,  frown,  ^c.  alike :  and  this  holds  of  nearly  all  the  more  fub- 
tile Motions '.     But  for  Chiromancy,  'tis  abfolutely  a  vain  thing,  and  unwor- 
thy to  be  mentioned  among  thofe  we  are  now  treating  ^ 
Interpretation     5.  The  INTERPRETATION  OF  Natural  Dreams  has  been  much  la- 
of  Dreams;    bour'd  ;  but  mix'd  with  numerous  Extravagancies.     We  Hiall  here  only  ob- 
its  befi  Foita-  f^yyQ  Qf  ij^  (-hjif  aj  prefent  it  ftands-  not  upon  its  beft  Foundation  •,  which  is, 
that  zvhere  the  faine  thing  happens  from  an  internal  Caufe,  as  alfo  ifually  hap-  \_ 
pens  from  an  external  one,  there  the  external  A^ion  paffes  into  a  Dream.     Thus  - 
the  Stomach  may  be  opprefs'd  by  a  grofs  internal  Vapour,  as  well  as  by 
an  external  Weight :  whence  thofe  who  have  the  Night-mare,  dream  that  a 
Weight  is  laid  upon  them  -,  with  a  great  concurrence  of  Circumftances.    So 
again,  the  Vifcera  being  equally  toffed  by  the  agitation  of  the  Waves  ac 
Sea;  as  by  a  collection  of  Wind  in  xht  Hypochondria:  hence  melancholy 
Perfons  frequently  dream  of  failing,  and  toffing  upon  the  Waters.     And 
Inftances  of  this  kind  are  numerous '. 
Iht VoUrine       6,  The  fecond  part  of  the  Doctrine  of  Union,  which  we  call  Lm- 
?C'yP''5^'°"pRESSioN,  is  not  yet  reduced  to  an  Art;  and  but  occafionally  mentioned 
X'J^'mj  ofby  Writers.     This  alfo  has  two  parts :  as  confidering  (i.)  how,  and  to  what 
the  Body  upon  degree,  the  Humours  and  Conjlitution  of  the  Body  may  affeSl  the  Soul,  or  aul 
the  Soul.        upon  it:  and  (2.)  bow,  and  to  what  degree,  the  Paffions  and  Apprehenfwns  of 
the  Soul  may  affe5l  and  work  upon  the  Body.     The  firft  of  thefe  we  fometimes 
'find  touched  in  Medicine  ;  but  it  has  ftrangely  infinuated  itfelf  into  Religion^ 
Phyficians  prefcribe  Remedies  for  the  Difeafes  of  the  Mind,  viz.  Madnefs, 
Melancholy,  l^c.    as  alfo  to  chear  the  Spirits,  firrengthen  the  Memory,  ^c, 
but  for  Diet,  choice  of  Meats  and  Drinks,  Wafliings,  and  other  Obfervances 

relating 

"  The  learned  Mor^o/ obferves,  that  this  Bocirine  cf  rehjing  the  Minds  of  Men  by  external 
Signs,  may  be  many  ways  ufeful  to  a  Politician ;  and  mentions  an  eminent  Inftance  thereof, 
from  the  Relation  of  a  certain  Venetian  Ambajfador,  concerning  the  Court  of  Rome,  who,  by 
this  means,  difcover'd  how  the  Pope  and  Cardinals  flood  affedted  to  the  State  of  Venice.  He 
afterwards  enumerates  thefeveral  Writers  upon  this  Subjeft.  Ste.\\\i  Polyhiflor,  Torn.  II.  Lib.  Ill, 
de  ArlibHsdivinaioriis  ^Magia.  See  alfo  an  anonymous  Tieatilc  of  the  different  iff  ills  of  Men, 
printed  at  London,  in  the  year  ififip. 

^  Of  the  Vanity  of  Chiromancy,  fee  Pafchiiis  de  novis  Inventis,  p.  604,  d^c.  and  for  other 
Authors,  who  have  iliewn  the  weaknefs  of  this  Art,  fee  Stollii  Introducl.  in  Hijloriam  Liter a- 
ri.im,  pag.41  3. 

=  Infomuch,  that  fome  will  adign  the  occafions  of  their  Dreams  from  a  recollcflion  of  what 
haspaffed,  in  relation  to  themfelves,  before-hand  ;  or  from  the  Traniaftions  of  the  preceding  Days. 
It  were  to  be  widicd  we  had  a  faithful  Hiflory  of  this  kind,  drawn  from  Obfervation,  and  Ex- 
perience, without  any  mixture  of  Hypotheju,  or  Tar.cy.  For  we  might  hence  be  led  into  s^ioie 
rational  and  philofopliical  Knowledge  of  the  Mmd  ind  iis  Open  t.ons. 


Sedl.VIII.         7^5  Doctrine  of  Man.  95 

relating  to  the  Body -,  they  are  found  immoderately  m'iht  Se^  of  the  Py- 
thagoreans,  the  Afanicbfan  HercJ}\  and  the  Law  of  Mahomet.  There  are 
alfo  numerous  and  drift  Ordinances  in  the  ceremonial  Law,  prohibiting  the 
eating  of  Blood  and  Fat-,  and  diftinguifhing  the  unclean  Animals  from  the 
clean,  for  Food.  Even  the  Chrijiian  Religion,  the'  it  has  thrown  off  the 
Veil  of  Ceremonies,  ftill  retains  the  ufe  of  falling,  abdinence,  and  other 
things  that  regard  the  fubjeftion  and  humiliation  of  the  Body  ;  as  things  not 
merely  ritual,  but  advantageous.  The  root  of  all  thefe  Ordinances,  be* 
fides  the  ceremony  and  exercife  of  Obedience,  is,  that  the  Soul  Jhould  fym- 
pathize  andfuffer  with  the  Body. 

■7.  The  other  part,  which  confiders  the  Operations  of  the  Soul  upon  the  Mil  the  jic~ 
Body  ;  has  likevvife  been  received  into  Medicine:  for  every  prudent  Phyfician  thm  of  the 
regards  the  Accidents  of  the  Mind,  as  a  principal  Thing  in  his  Cures ;  that  ■^""^'  "f"*  '** 
greatly  promotes  or  hinders  the  Effedls  of  all  other  Remedies.     But  one    "'■''' 
Particular  has  been  hitherto  {lightly  touch'd,  or  not  well  examin'd,  as  its 
uftfulnefs  and  abftrule  nature  require;  viz.  hctv  far  afix'd  and  rivelted  Ima- 
gination may  alter  the  B'.dy  of  the  Imaginart :    for  tho'  this  has  a  manifeft 
power  to  hurt,  it  does  not  follow,. it  has  the  fame  to  relieve:    no  more  than 
becaufe  an  Air  may  be  lb  peiliient,  as  fuddenly  to  deftroy  i  another  Air 
iliould  be  fo  wholefome,  as  fuddenly  to  recover.     This  would  be  an  En- 
quiry of  noble  ufe  ;  but  it  requires  a  Delian  Dii'er  ;  for  it  is  deep  plunged*. 

8.  But  among  thefe  Doctrines  of  Union,  or  Confent  of  Soul  and  Body,  ^lEnquIry 
there  is  none  more  neceiTary,  chan  an  Er.quiry  into  the  proper  Seat  and  Hahi-  "fi"!  'f ^  f^"* 

r  T      r^        7  r      I       n      ?    ■         ,     -^  r^    ]  ]     ■       r\  c-  •        of  the  Soul  rt' 

iatton  of  each  taculty  oj  the  ooul  in  the  Bod\,  and  its  Organs,  oome,  in-  commended.  ' 
deed,  have profecuted  this  Subjedl ;  but  all  ufually  delivered  upon  it  is  either 
controverted,  or  (lightly  examin'd  ;  fo  as  to  require  more  pains  and  accuracy. 
The  opinion  of  Plato,  which  feats  the  Under/landing  in  the  Brain,  Courage  in 
the  Heart,  and  Senfuality  in  the  Liver,  fhould  neither  be  totally  rejeded, 
nor  fondly  received ''. 

*  The  Author  bat  begun  this  "Enquiry  in  his  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Article  Imagina- 
tion; and  it  has  been  fince  profecuted  by  many  ;  particularly  with  a  view  to  the  Cure  tf  Dif- 
lafei.  See  tajchius  de  novii  Inventis,  &c.  Cap.  VI.  de  Jnventh  Medicis,  the  Art  of  cjring  by 
Expe&ation,  Medicinn  Mentii  ^  Corporis  Stahlii,  Cafrubon  of  Enthufiafm,  Maliranche's  Re- 
/ercht  de  In  Verite,  and  Morhofs  Volyhiftor,  Tom.  II.  pag.449,  &e. 

*"  This  particular  Enquiry,  ieeins  to  have  been  almoft  over-look'd  by  the  later  Thilofofhers  ; 
what  has  been  done  upon  it,  may,  in  fome  meafure,  appear  {lom Morhof'sFclyhiJlor,  Tom.il. 
Part  II.  Lib. II.  Cap.  48.  de  Homine,  f^  Cap.  29.  de  Senfibus  Animalium  ;  Le  Cterc's  fncumato- 
legia,^  Struvii  Bihliotheca  Philcfofhica,  Cap.  V.  Sedt.  10.  0-  Stotlii  IvtroduH.  in  Jiijitrium  ii« 
ttrnriam,  de  Vnentnuttlogia , 


SECT, 


96  77je  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Body.     Se£l.  IX. 


SECT.     IX. 
Of  the  Doctrine  i}f  the  Human  Body. 

TniT>)5nnt    I. '  ■  'HE  DocTRiKE  OF  theHumanBody   divides  icfelf  according 
of  the  Body  di.         J[      (q  the  PerfeEliatis  of  tlie  Body,  whereco   it  is  fubfervient.     Tiiefe 
Xtl'Si-  P^i^^-^°fi^  ^r-  fo^rv    Vi%.{.i.)  Health,    (2.)  Comelinefs,    (3.)  Strength,    and 
fying.Gym-     (40  Pkafure :  to  which  correfpond  as  Relatives,  (i.)  the  Arts  of  Medicine^ 
nnjliciij,  aij   (z.)  Beautifying,  [^,)  Gynn'jftlcks,  and  (4.)  the  Art  of  ^/c^gaKiTi-.    Medicine 
m  ^r/ e/      -J  a^  noble  Art,  and  honourably  defcended,  according  to  the  Poets;    who 
make  Apo'lo  the  primary  God,  and  his  Son  yE/culapius,  whom  they  alio  deify, 
the  firfl:  Profeffir  thereof:  for  as,  in  natural  'Things,  the  Sun  is  the  Author  and 
Fountain  of  Life  ;  fo  the  Phxfician,  who  preferves  Life,  feems  a  fecond  Ori- 
gin thereof.     Buc  Medicine  receives  far  greater  honour  from  the  Works  of 
our  Saviour  •,  who  was  Phyfician  both  to  Soul  and  Body :    and  made  the 
latter  the  ftanding  Sabjefl  of  his  Miracles;  as  the  Joz// was  the  conftant  Sub- 
jefb  of  his  Do^rine. 
Rea/ins  of  the       ^-  ^^  ^''  '^^''^  Things  that  Nature  has  created,  the  human  Body  is  moft 
Difficulties      Capable. of  P^elief;  tho'  this  Relief  be  the  mofl:  liable  to  Error.     For  as  thi 
and imperfec-  fubtilty  and  variety  of  the  Sabjedt  affords  many  opportunities  of  Cure  ;  fo 
cinV  ^^'^'*''  likewife  a  great  facility  of  Miftake.     And  therefore,  as  this  Art,  efpecially 
at.prefent,  ftands  among  the  mod  nnjeSiural  ones ;  fo  the  Enquiry  into  it 
is  to  be  placed  among  the  moft  fubtile  and  difficult.     For  of  all  natural 
Bodies,  we  find  none  fo  varioufly  compounded  as  the  human :  Vegetables  are 
nourilhed  by  Jiarth  and  Water  ;  Brutes  by  Herhs  and  Fruits  ;  but  JVIan  feeds 
upon  the  Flefh  of  living  Creatures,  Herbs,  Grain,  Fruits,  different  Juices 
and  Liquors  -,  and  thefe  all  prepared,  prefcrved,  dreffed,  and  mixed  in  end- 
lefs  variety.      Befides,  the  way  of  living  among  other   Creatures  is  more 
funple,  and  the  Affeftions  that  acl  upon  the  Body,  fewer,  and  more  uni- 
form :   but  Man  in  his  Habitation,   his  Exercifjs,   Pafllons,  i£c.  undergoes 
numberlefs  changes.     This  variable  and  fubtih  Compofition,  and  Fabricic 
of  the  human  Body,  makes   it,  like  a  kind  of  curious  mufical  Inflrument, 
eafily  difordered :  and  therefore  the  Poets  juftly  join'd  Mufick  and  Medicine 
in  Apollo  ;  becaufe  the  Office  of  Medicine  is  to  tune  the  curious  Organ  of  the 
human  Body,  and  reduce  it  to  Harmony. 
The  means  of       3-  The  SuhjeSl  being  fo  variable,  has  render'd  the  Art  more  conjeSIural; 
removing  the   and  left  the  more  room  for  bnpoflure.     Other  Arts  and  Sciences  are  judged 
Difficulties,  m  ^f  j^y  jj^j^j^  Power  and  Ability,   and  not  by  Succefs,  or  Events.     The  Lawyer 
Au.  ^  is  judged  by  the  Ability  of  his  Pleading  ;  not  the  IJfue  of  the  Caufe :  The  Pilot, 

by  directing  his  Courfe  ;  and  not  by  the  Fortune  of  the  Voyage :  whilft  the  Phy- 
fician has  no  particular  AcJ,  that  dearly  demonftrates  his  Ability  -,  but  is 

principally 


Se<^. IX.     7^^  Doctrine  of  theHuuMi  Bod\\  g» 

principally  cenfuredby  t\it  Event:  which  is  very  unjiift:  for  who  can  tellifa 
Patient  die  or  recover,  whether  it  were  by //r/,  or  hyAcddeJit?  'Wh^nczlmpojlure 
is  frequently  extoll'd,  and  Virtne  decried.  Nay,  the  Weaknefs  and  Credu- 
lity of  Men  is  luch,  that  they  often  prefer  a  Mountebatik,  or  a  Ctow.hig- 
fVoman,  to  a  learned  Phyfician.  The  Poets  were  clear-fighted  in  difcerning 
this  Folly,  when  they  made  yEfadapim  and  Circe  Brother  and  Sifter,  anti 
both  Children  of  Apollo.  For  in  all  times,  Witches,  old  Women,  and  Im- 
poftors,  have,  in  the  vulgar  opinion,  ftood  Competitors  with  Phyficians. 
And  hence  Phyficians  fay  to  themfelves,  in  the  words  of  Solomon,  If  it  befali 
to  me.,  as  befalL'tb  to  the  Fools,  why  JJmild  I  labour  to  be  more  wife  ?  And  there- 
fore one  cannot  greatly  blame  them,  that  they  commonly  ftudy  fome  other 
Arty  or  Science,  more  than  their  ProfelTion.  Hence,  we  find  among  them 
Poets,  Antiquaries,  Criticks,  Politicians,  Divines,  and  in  each  kind  more  know- 
ing than  in  Medicine  -,  no  doubt,  becaufc  they  find  that  mediocrity,  and 
excellency  in  their  own  Art,  makes  no  difference  in  Proft  or  Reputation  : 
for  Men's  Impatience  of  Dileafes,  the  Sollicitations  of  Friends,  the  Sweet- 
nefs  of  Life,  and  the  Inducement  of  Hope,  make  them  depend  upon  Phy- 
ficians, with  all  their  Defedts.  But  when  this  is  ferioufly  confider'd,  it  turns 
rather  to  the  reproach,  than  the  excufe  of  Phyficians:  who  ought  not  hence 
to  defpair,  but  to  ufe  greater  diligence.  For  we  fee  what  a  power  the  Sub- 
tilty  of  the  Underftanding  has  over  the  variety  both  of  the  Matter  and 
Form  of  Things.  There  is  nothing  more  variable  than  Men's  Faces  -,  yet 
we  can  remember  infinite  Diftinftions  of  them :  and  a  Painter,  with  a  few 
Colours,  the  praftice  of  the  Hand  and  Eye,  and  help  of  the  Imagination, 
could  imitate  thoufands,  if  brought  before  him.  As  variable  as  Voices  are, 
yet  we  can  eafily  diftinguifh  them  in  different  Perfons  •,  and  a  Mimick  will 
cxprefs  them  to  the  life.  Tho'  the  Sounds  of  Words  difi^er  fo  greatly,  yet 
Men  can  reduce  them  to  a  few  fimple  Letters.  And  certainly  'tis  not  the 
InfufRciency,  or  Incapacity  of  the  Mind ;  but  the  remotenefs  of  the 
Objedl,  that  caufes  thefe  Perplexities  and  Diftrufts  in  the  Sciences ;  for  as  the 
Senfe  is  apt  to  miftake  at  great  diftances,  but  not  near  at  hand ;  fo  is  the 
Underflandtng,  Men  commonly  take  a  view  of  Nature,  as  from  a  remote 
Eminence ;  and  are  too  much  amufed  with  Generalities :  whereas,  if  they 
would  defcend,  and  approach  nearer  to  Particulars ;  and  more  exaftly  and  con- 
iiderately  examine  into  things  themfelves  ;  they  might  make  more  folid  and 
ufeful  Difcoveries.  The  Remedy  of  this  Error,  therefore,  is  to  quicken  or 
ftrengthen  the  Organ,  and  thus  to  approach  the  Objed.  No  doubt,  there- 
fore, it  Phyficians,  leaving  Generalities  for  a  while,  and  fufpending  their  Af- 
fent,  would  advance  towards  Nature  ;  they  might  be  able  to  vary  their  Art 
as  Diftempers  vary.  They  fiiould  the  rather  endeavour  this,  becaufe  the 
Pbilofophies,  whereon  Phyficians,  whether  Methodifls  or  Chemifs,  depend,  are 
tfifling;  and  heci^uk  Medicine^  not  founded  on  Philofopby,  is  a  weak  thing. 
Therefore  as  too  extenfive  Generals,  tho'  true,  do  not  bring  Men  home  to 
aftion  ;  there  is  more  danger  in  fuch  Generals  as  ere  falfe  in  themfelves.  and 
feduce,  inftead  of  direding  the  Mind.  Medicine,  therefore,  has  been  rather 
frofefs'i,  th:m  laboured :  and  yet  more  labour'd  thin  advanced ;  as  the  pa: ns 
.^'o'-  !•  O  beftow'd 


98 


Medicine  </i- 
■videdinto  (i.) 
the  Preferva- 
tionofHealth, 
(i.)  »^eCure 
«f  Difeafes, 
and  (3.)  th» 
Prolongation 
e/Life. 


The  Prefcrva- 
tion  of  Health 
not  well  treat- 
ed of. 


The  Cure  of 
Difeafes  im- 
ferfeSLy 
hattdlea. 


The  Hippo- 
cratica   Mf- 
ihod  of  Medi- 
cinal Reports 
difcontinued. 


7^^  Doctrine  £/' //5^  Human  Body.     Sed.IX. 

beftow'd  thereon,  vsfere  rather  circular  than  progreffive :  fori  find  great  Repe- 
tition, and  but  little  new  Matter.,  in  the  JVriters  of  Phyfick. 

4.  We  divide  Medicine  into  three  parts,  or  Offices;  viz.  (i.)  the  Prefer- 
vation  of  Health,  (2.)  the  Cure  of  Difeafes,  and  (3.)  the  Prolongation  of  Life, 
For  this  laft  part,  Pbyficians  feem  to  think  it  no  capital  part  of  Medicine^ 
but  confound  it  with  the  other  two:  as  fuppofing,  that  ifDi/f^/i  be  prevented, 
or  cured  after  invafion,  long  Life  muft  follow  of  courfe.  But  then  they  do 
not  confider,  that  both  Prefervatlon  and  Cure  regard  only  Difeafes,  and  fuch 
Prolongation  of  Life  as  is  intercepted  by  them:  whence  the  means  of  fpinning 
out  the  full  Thread  of  Life,  or  preventing,  for  a  feafon,  that  kind  of  Death 
which  gradually  fteals  upon  the  Body  by  finiple  Refolution,  and  the  laafting 
of  Age,  is  a  Subjeft  that  no  Phyfician  has  treated  fuitably  to  its  Merit". 
Let  none  imagine  we  are  here  repealing  the  Decrees  of  Fate  and  Providence,  by 
eftablifhing  a  new  Office  of  Medicine  ;  for,  doubtlefs.  Providence  alike  dif- 
penfes  all  kinds  of  Deaths,  whether  they  proceed  from  Violence,  Difeafes,  or 
the  courfe  and  period  of  Age  ;  yet  without  excluding  the  uie  oi Remedies  and 
Preventions :  for  Art  and  Indufiry  do  not  here  over-rule,  but  adminifler  to  Nu' 
ture  and  Fate. 

5.  Many  have  unskilfully  written  upon  the  Preservation  of  Health  ; 
particularly  by  attributing  too  much  to  the  Choice,  and  too  little  to  the  S^uantity 
of  Meals.  As  to  ^tantity,  they,  like  the  Moral  Philofophers,  highly  com- 
mend Moderation  ;  whereas,  both  fafting  changed  to  cuftom,  and  full  feed- 
ing, where  a  Man  is  ufed  to  it,  are  better  Prefervatives  of  Health,  than 
thofe  Mediocrities  they  recommend  ;  which  commonly  difpirit  Nature,  and 
unfit  her  to  bear  excefs,  or  want,  upon  occafion.  And  for  the  feveral  Exer- 
ci/'es,  which  greatly  conduce  to  tlie  Prefervatlon  of  Health,  no.  Phyfician  has 
well  diftinguifhed,  or  nbferved  them*" ;  tho'  there  be  fcarce  any  tendency  to 
a  Difeafe,  that  may  not  be  corrected  by  fome  appropriated  Exercife.  Thus 
Bowling  is  fuited  to  the  Difeafes  of  the  Kidneys ;  Shooting  with  the  long  Bow, 
to  thofe  of  the  Lungs ;  Walking  and  Riding,  to  thofe  of  the  Stomach  %  &c. 

6.  Great  pains  have  been  beftow'd  upon  the  Cure  of  Diseases;  but 
to  fmall  purpofe.  This  part  comprehends  the  Knowledge  of  the  Difeafes  in- 
cident to  the  human  Body,  together  with  their  Caufes,  Syjnptoms,  and  Cures, 
In  this  fecond  Ojfice  of  Medicine,  there  are  many  Deficiencies.  And  firft,  we 
may  note  the  difcontinuance  of  that  ufefu!  Method  of  Hippocrates,  in  wri- 
ting Narratives  of  Particular  Cu  res  zuitb  diligence  and  exa^nefs ;  contain- 
ing the  Nature,  the  Cure,  and  Event  of  the  Dijlemper.  And  this  remarkable 
Precedent  of  one  accounted  the  Father  of  his  Art,  need  not  to  be  backed  with 
Examples  derived  from  other  Arts  ;  as  from  the  prudent  praftice  of  the 
Lawyers,  who  religioufly  enter  down  the  more  eminent  Cafes,  and  new  D-- 
cifions ;  the  better  to  prepare  and  direct  themfelves  i  -,  future.  This  Continuation, 
therefore,  c/" Medicinal  Reports,  we  find  deficient;  efpecially  in  form 

of 

'  The  Amhor,  therefore,  attetnpfd  it.  in  his  Ntttuml  Biflary  of  Life  end  Death. 
^  For  the  ancient  Cymaajiichs,  f.e  Vo£iuj  de  quataor  Artibus  fopuloriim  ;  Hleroa.  MercHriati) 
de  Arte  Cymnnftica .,  and  Fajchins  de  novis  Iniientis,  quiiiis  facem  frattdit  Antiq:iita}. 
f  Ds.fHlUr  has  lately  wrote  upon  this  Subjeft,  as  a  Vhyjician.     See  his  MsUicinnCymnitfiicf^ 


oed.IX.     7^^  Doctrine  o/" /-6^  Human  Body.  99 

of  an  entire  Body,  digefted  with  proper  care  and  judgment*.  But  we  do 
not  mean,  that  this  Work  fliould  extend  to  every  common  Cafe  that  hap- 
pens every  day  -,  which  were  an  infinite  Labour,  and  to  little  purpofe  ;  nor 
yet  to  exclude  all  but  Prodigies  and  Wonders,  as  feveral  have  done :  for 
many  things  are  new  in  their  manner  and  circumltances,  which  are  not  new 
in  their  kind  ;  and  he  who  looks  attentively,  will  find  many  Particulars 
worthy  of  abfervation,  in  what  feems  vulgar. 

7.  So  in  Anatomy,  the  general  parts  of  the  human  Body  are  diligently  compamtivt 
obierved,    and  even  to  nicenefs :    but  as  to  the  variety  found  in  different  Anatomy  dt- 
Bodies,  here  riie  Diligence  of  Phyficians  tails.     And  therefore  thd*  fimpkfi'""*- 
Anatomy  has  been  fully  and  clearly  handled;    yet  Comparative  Ana- 
tomy /;  deficient.      For  Anatomifts  have  carefully  examin'd  into  all  the 

Parts,  their  Confiftencies,  Figures,  and  Situations ;  ka  pafs  over  the  different 
Figure,  and  State  of  thofe  Parts  in  different  Perfins ''.  The  Reafon  of  this 
Defea,  I  take  to  be ;  that  the  former  Enquiry  may  terminate  upon  feeing 
two  or  three  Bodies  difiedted  •,  but  the  other  being  comparative,  and  cafuai, 
requires  attentive  and  ftrift  application  to  many  different  Difleftions :  Be- 
fides,  the  firft  is  a  Subje6t,  wherein  learned  yi?«<7/(pwf/?^  may  fhew  themfclves 
to  their  Audience  ;  but  the  other  a  rigorous  Knowledge,  to  be  acquired 
only  by  filent  and  long  Experience.  And  no  doubt  but  the  internal  Parts, 
for  variety  and  proportions,  are  little  inferior  to  the  external  -,  and  that 
Hearts,  Livers,  and  Stomachs  are  as  different  in  Men,  as  Foreheads,  Nofes, 
and  Ears.  And  in  thefe  differences  of  the  internal  Parts,  are  often  found  the 
immediate  Caufes  of  many  Difeafes ;  which  Phyficians  not  obferving,  fome- 
times  unjuftly  accufe  the  Humours,  when  the  fault  lies  only  in  the  mechanick 
Structure  of  a  Part.  And  in  fuch  Difeafes,  'tis  in  vain  to  ufe  Jl!eratii-es,  as 
the  cafe  admits  not  of  being  alter'd  by  them ;  but  muft  be  affeded,  accom- 
modated, or  palliated  by  a  Regimen,  a.nd  familiar  Medicines. 

8.  Again,  Comparative  Anatomy  requires  accurate  Obfervations 
upon  all  the  Humours,  and  the  Marks  and  Impreflions  of  Difeafes  in  diff^erent 
Bodies  upon  DifTedlion :  for  the  Humours  are  commonly  pafs'd  over,  in 
Anatomy,  as  loathfome  and  excre?nentitious  things ;  whereas  'tis  highly  ufeful 
and  neceflary,  to  note  their  nature,  and  the  various  kinds  that  may  fome- 
times  be  found  in  the  human  Body  ;  in  what  Cavities  they  principally  lodge  ; 
and  with  what  advantage,  difadvantage,  and  the  like.  So  the  Marks  and 
Impreffions  of  Difeafes,  and  the  Changes  and  Devaftations  they  bring  upon 
the  internal  Parts,  are  to  be  diligently  obferved  in  different  DilTedions ; 

O  2  viz. 

*  This  Continuntion  cfthe  Hlfiory  of  Cafes  in  Fhyfick,  is  not  hitherto  on  foot,  in  the  Form  here 
direfted;  and  perhaps  no  confiderable  Foundations  are  laid  for  it,  by  all  the  numerous  Writers  of 
06/ervAtions.  However,  the  thing  intended  feems  of  late  attempted  by  Baglivi,  in  the  way  of 
cloft  and  attentive  Clinical  Obfervation,  in  his  Treatife  de  Fraxi  Medica  ad  prifiam  Objervandi 
rationem  revocanda;  and  regiftring  the  Thmcmena  of  Difeafes:  from  which,  wlien  carried  to  a 
due  length,  and  properly  ranged  for  the  Underftanding  to  work  upon,  a  folid  Knowledge  of 
the  Nature,  Cntifes,  and  Cures  of  Dijlempers  may  probably  be  derived ;  in  the  fame  manner  as 
other  ufeful  Difcoverics  are  made  in  Arts,  and  the  Syftem  of  the  World;  according  to  theDi- 
re^iion  and  Example  of  the  Lord  Bacon,  in  his  i^atural  Enquiries  ;  and  particularly  his  Hiflory 
b/  Life  and  Death. 

^  One  would  expeft,  fo  diligently  as  Anatomy  has  been  cultivated  fince  the  Difcovery  of  the 
Circulation,  that  this  Bart  of  Medicine  fliould  not  flill  remain  deficient. 


100  7^^  Doctrine  o/ //5^  Human  Boon     Seel. IX. 

viz.  Impofthumes,  Ulcerations,  Solutions  of  Continuity,  Putrefadlions,  Cor- 
rofions,  Confurnpnons,    Contraftions,  Excenfions,   Convulfions,  Luxations, 
D  (locations,  Obftriftions,  Repletions,  Tumours;  and  preternatural  Excrc- 
fcencies,  as  Stones,  Carnofities,  Wens,  Worms,  ^c.  all  which  fliould  be  very 
carefully  examined,   and  orderly  digefted  in  the   Comparative    Ana- 
tomy we  fpeak  of;   and  the  Experiments  of  ftveral  Phyficians  be  here  col- 
lected and  compared  together.     But  this  variety  of  Accidents,  is  by  Atiato^ 
mifts,  either  flightly  touched,  or  elfe  paffed  over  In  filence  *. 
TheDefeBcf       9-  That  Defe^  in  Anatomy,  ov/ing  to  its   not  having  been  pradtifed. 
live  Anatomy,  upon  live  Bodies,  needs  not  be  fpoke  to  ;  the  thing  itfelf  being  odious,  cruel,. 
ho-i-o  to  be      and  juftly  condemned  by  Celjus :    yet  the  Obfeivation  of  the  Ancients  is 
P'tP  '^  ■         fru,',  that  many  fubtile  Pores,  ParfcAges,  and  Perforations  appear  not  upon 
Dilfedlion,  becaufe  they  are  clofed  and  concealed  in  dead  Bodies  \  that  might 
be  open   and  manifeft   in  live  ones.      Wherefore,  if  we  would  confult  the 
Good  of  Mankind,    without  being  guilty  of  Cruelty  ;  this  Anatomy  of  live 
Creatures  fhould  be  entirely  deferted,  or  left  to  the  cafual  lnfve£lion  of  Chi- 
rurgeons  ;  or  may  be  fufficiently  perform'd  upon  living  Brutes,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  diffimilitude  between  their  Parts  and  thofe  of  Men,-  fo  as  to  anfwer 
the  Defign  ;  provided  it  be  done  with  judgment. 
AU'orhitnint-       I o.  Phyficians,  likewife,  when  they  enquire  into  Difeafes,  find  fo  many. 
ing  upon  In-    which  they  judge  incurable,  either  from  their  firft  appearance,  or  after  a 
curable  Dd-     certain  Period  ;  that  the  Profcriptions  of  Seylla,  and  the  Triumvirate,  were 
trifling  to  th&Prcfcriptiofis  of  the  Phyficians ;  by  which,  with  an  unjuft  Sentence,, 
they  deliver  Men  over  to  Death  :    numbers  whereof,  however,  efcape  with 
lefs  difficulty,    than  under  the  Rotnan  Profcriptions.     A  Work  therefore  is. 
wanting  upon  the  Cures  of  reputed  Incurable  Diseases*";  that  Phy- 
ficians of  Eminence  and  Refolution,  may  be  encouraged  and  excited  to  pur- 
fue  this  matter,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  things  will  permit :  fince  to  pro- 
nounce Difeafes  incurable,  is  to  eflahlifh  Negligence,  and  Careleffnefs,  as  it  were 
by  a  Law  ;  and  fcreen  Ignorance  from  Reproach. 
The  office  of  a      ^ '  •  ^^^  farther,  we  efteem  it  the  Office  of  a  Phyfician,  to  mitigate  the  Pains 
ihyficinn  to     and  Tortures  of  Difeafes,  as  well  as  to  reftore  Health ;  and  this  not  only  when 
procure  eafy     fgch  a  Mitigation,  as  of  a  dangerous  Symptom,  may  conduce  to  Recovery  ; 
but  alfo,  when  there  being  no  farther  hopes  of  Recovery,  it  can  only  ferve 
to  make  the  paffage  out  of  life  more  calm  and  eafy.     For  that  complacency  in 
Death,  which  Augujlus  Cirfar  fo  much  defired,  is  no  fmall  Felicity.     This 
was  alfo  obferved  in  the  Dtath  of  Antoninus  Pius,,  who  feemed  not  fo  much 
to  die,  as  to  fall  into  a  deep  and  pleafing  Sleep.     And  'tis  deliver'd  of  Epi- 
curus, that  he  procured  himfelf  this  ealy  Departure ;  for  after  his  Difeafe 
was  judged  defperate,  he  intoxicated  himfelf  with  Wine,  and  died  in  that 

Condi- 

*  And  fo  it  continues,  in  the  general,  to  this  day:  e^ice'pt  fome  extraordinary  Cafes,  fuch  as  thofe 
pubiifhed  in  the  Philofofihicai  Tranfaciiont,  and  German  Efliemeriile} ;  which,  indeed,  afford  abun- 
dance of  Injiaiicei  fie  for  the  Comparative  Anatomy  here  sketch'd  out. 

*"  This  Work  has  not,  perhaps,  hitherto  appeared  in  ihat  extent  which  the  Subjeft  requiresj 
bur  niiny  Materials  may  be  coilcfted  for  it  from  the  Writings  of  Phyficians,  the  Hiftories  o{ 
extraoidinary  Cures,  by  Arcidcnr,  Nature,  Empirical  Remedies,  Mineral  Waters,  ^c.  particu- 
larly from  feveralot  Mr  Boy/#'s  Philofophical  Pieces,  the  Thilo/ophicalTraj)faciio)ii,lhe  German i^he.^^ 
mtridii,  &c.    See  alfj  a  imall  Treatije  of  IncHvable  Difeafe);  printed  at  Londen,  lyzj.- 


Heaths. 


Se(^.IX.     T/je  Doer RiK E  c/ i^eHv MAS  Body,  ioi 

Condition.     Biic  the  Phyficians  of  our  I'imes  make  a  fcruple  of  attending 
tlie  Patient  afcer  the  Difcafe  is  thought  pnft  cure  •,  tho',  in  my  judgment,  if 
tixcy  wfre  not  w.inting  to  their  own  Profcfilon,  and  to  Humanity  itfelf,  they  ^^  ^^  ^^. 
fhouU  here  give  their  attendance,  to  improve  their  Skill,  andmake  the  dying  i,,f",/f  Means 
Perfon  dep^irt  with  greater  Eafe  and  Tranquillity,     fp'e  tberefore  fet  dciun  as  of  proem  m^ 
defiac'fit.  An  Enquiry  after  a  Method   of  causing   an  Extkrnal  Compofmcj/» 
Composure  in  Dying'  :  calling  it  by  the  mme  of  external,  to  diftinguifh  ^^-^^^^  '^^' 
it  from  the  intenuil  Compofure,  procured  to  the  Soul  in  Death. 

1  2.  Again,  we  generally  find  this  Deficiency  in  the  Cures  of  Difiafes,  that  tho* 
the  prefenc  P/jv/;f/>y?j  tolerably  purfue  the gi/ieral  htsntions  of  Cures  ■■,  yet  they 
have  no  Particular  Medicines,  WHICH,  BY  a  Specifick.  Property 
REGARD  particular  Diseases  I  fot  they  lofe  the  benefit  ofTraditions, 
and  approved  Experience,  by  their  authoritative  Procedure  in  adding,  taking 
avray,  and  clianging  the  Ingredients  of  their  Receipts  at  pleafure  i  alter  the 
manner  of  Apothecaries,  fubftituting  one  thing  for  another  ;  and  thus  haugh- 
tily commanding  Medicine,  fo  that  Medicine  can  no  longer  command  the 
Difeafe.  For  except  Fenice-Treacle,  Mitbridate,  Diafcordntm,  the  Confeuiion 
cf  Aikermes,  and  a  few  more,  they  commonly  tie  themfelves  ftridly  to  no 
certain  Receipts :  the  other  ialeable  Preparations  of  the  Shops  being  in  readi- 
nefs,  rather  for  general  Purpofes,  than  accommodated  to  any  particular  Cures ; 
for  the-j  do  not  principally  regard  fame  one  Difeafe,  but  have  a  general  Virtue 
of  opening  Obftrudlions,  promoting  Concoftion,  i£c.  And  hence  it  chiefly 
proceeds,  that  Empiricks,  and  Women,  are  often  more  fuccefsful  in  their  Cures, 
than  learned  Phyficians ;  becaufe  the  former  keep  ftriftly  and  invariably  to 
the  ufe  of  experienced  Medicines,  without  altering  their  Compofitions ''.  I  re- 
member a  famous  Jew  Phyfician  in  England,  would  fay,  "  your  European 
*'  Phyficians  are  indeed  Men  of  Learning  ;  but  they  know  nothing  of /rtr/f- 
"  cular  Cures  for  Difeafes."  And  he  would  fometimesjeft  a  little  irreverently, 
and  lay,  "  our  Phyficians  were  like  Bifhops,  that  had  the  Keys  of  binding  and 
**  loafing  ;  but  no  more'."    Tobeferiousj  it  might  be  of  great  confequence, 

if 

"  Phyficians  feem  to  apprehend  fome  Danger,  or  unfavourable  Conftruftion,  in  purfuing  this 
Tiepgn;  for  I  have  mer  with  nothing  upon  the  Subjett:  and  all  that  they  venture  to  do  in 
Pradiice,  is  feldora  more  than  to  order  Opiates,  where  they  have  an  intention  to  render  Death 
more  calm  and  placid.  The  Author  had  certainly  no  defign  of  recommending  any  Method  for 
this  purpofe,  that  {hould  be  dangerous,  immoral,  or  contrary  to  the  Rules  of  Humanity,  Dc- 
«ency,  and  good  Senfe  i  as  may  appear  by  the  feveral  unexceptionable  Methods  he  propoles  for 
lengthening  Life,  in  his  Hi/lery  of  Life  and  Death.  If  he  had  been  more  explicit  upon  the  ways 
he  thought  of,  for  procuring  an  eafy  Death,  perhaps  he  would  not  have  confined  himfelf  to 
Internals  1  but  have  mentioned  alfo  fome  external  Contrivances  for  foothing  the  Mind,  lulling 
theSenfes.  and  introducing  Compofure;  as  by  grateful  Odours,  foft  and  folemn  MufUk,  fleafmg 
Sights,  refrefmng  Baths,  &c.  But  P^y/fJi  can  fcarce  bear  the  mention  of  fuch  things  as  thefe;  and 
therefore  whoever  would  write  an  ufeful  Treatife  on  this  Subjedl,  (hould  guard  it  with  Addrefs 
and  "Judgment. 

^  What  the  Author  here  recommends,  is  a  Difcovery  oi  Specifick  Medicines;  a  Subjeft  nobly 
treated  by  hlr. Boyle:  and  to  fay  the  Truth,  the  Improvement  of  Medicine  principally  depends 
on  the  Knowledge  and  Ufe  of  Specifcks ;  but  the  Art  of  difcovering  them,  without  leaving  the 
BuCnefs  to  Chance  and  Accident,  feems  very  little  known  in  our  time;  tho'  the  Author,  long 
fmce,  taught  and  praftifed  it :  I  mean,  he  taught  it  in  his  Novum  Organum,  and  pradifcd  it 
Jo  his  Hijlery  of  Life  and  Death. 

'  Thus  Dr.^Kin^  comp  ains,  that  the  (landing  Medicines  of  the  Shops  are  left  fo  coarfe  ia 
their  CompofitioD,  that  we  can  do  little  more  than  purge  oi  vomit  with  them;  whereas,  the 

removal 


102  2^^  Doctrine  o/' ^^^  Human  Body.     Se£t.  IX. 

if  fome  Phyficians,   eminent  for  Learning  and   Praftice,    would  compile 
'AU'ork  ofi^-  A  Work  of  approved  and  experienced  Medicines  in  particular 
proved  Re-     DISEASES.     For  tho'  one  might  fpecioufly  pretend,  that  a  learned  Phyfician 
medies  want-  ^^^^^  rather  fuit  his  Medicines  occafionally,  as  the  Conftitution  of  the  Pa- 
tient, his  Age,  Cuftoms,  the  Seafons,  is'c.  require,  than  reft  upon  any  cer- 
tain Prefcriptions ;  yet  this  is  a  fallacious  Opinion,  that  under-rates Experience, 
and  over-rates  human  Judgment.     And  as  thole  Perfons  in  the  Roman  State 
were  the  moft  ferviceable,  who  being  either  Confuls,  favoured  the  People,  or 
Tr'ibuneSt  and  inclined  to  the  Senate  ■,  fo  are  thofe  the  heft  Phyficians,  who 
being  either  learned,  duly  value  the  Traditions  of  Experience  ;  or  Men  of 
eminent  Praftice,  that  do  not  defpife  Methods,  and  the  general  Principles  of 
the  Art.     But  if  Medicines  require,  at  any  time,  to  be  qualified,  this  may 
rather  be  done  in  the  Fehkles,  than  in  the  Body  of  the  Medicine,  where 
nothing  fhould  be  alter'd  without  apparent  neceffity.     Therefore  this  part 
c/"Pkysick  which  treats  of  authentick  and  positive  Remedies^, 
we  mle  as  deficient:  but  the  bufinefs  of  fupplying  ir,  is  to  be  undertaken  with 
great  judgment  -,  and,  as  b'j  a  Committee  of  Physicians,  cbofe  for  that 
purpofe. 
Theimitiuhn      13.  And  for  the  Preparation  of  Medicines ;  it  feems  ftrange,  efpecially  as 
of  natural       jnineral  ones  have   been  fo  celebrated  by  Chemifts,    tho'  fafer  for  external 
Springs"/?/-    ^'"'^"  internal  ufe -,  that  no  body  hath  hitherto  attempted  any  artificial 
tUnt,  imitations  of  natural  Baths,   and  medicinal  Springs  -,  whilft 

'tis  acknowledged  that  thefe  receive  their  virtues  from  the  mineral  Veins  thro* 
which  they  pafs :  and  efpecially  fince  human  induftry  can,  by  certain 
reparations,  difcover  with  what  kind  of  Minerals  fuch  Waters  are  impreg- 
nated ;  as  whether  by  Sulphur,  Vitriol,  Iron,  &c.  And  if  thefe  natural  im- 
pregnations of  Waters  are  reducible  to  artificial  Compofitions,  it  would  then 
be  in  the  power  of  Art  to  make  more  kinds  of  them  occafionally  -,  and  ac 
the  fame  time  to  regulate  their  temperature  at  pleafure.  This  part,  there- 
fore, oi  Medicine,  concerning  the  artificial  imitation  of  natural 
Baths  and  Springs,  wefet  down  as  deficient ;  and  recommend  as  an  eafy 
as  well  as  ufcful  undertaking ''. 

14. 

removal  of  inveterate  Obftru£lions,  and  Difeafes  fcated  in  the  habit  of  the  Body,  require  fuch 
Remedies,  as  will  preferve  their  Virtues  to  the  fartheft  Stages  of  Circulation,  and  operate  there, 
without  affefting  the  firftPaflages.  See  his  Pharmaceutick  Lectures,  and  MecA<i»/Va/.4c««»f 
cf  the  Operations  of  Medicines  on  the  human  Body,  in  the  Appendix  to  them. 

*  Such  Medicines,  if  any  where  to  be  found,  might,  one  fliould  think,  appear  in  the  pub- 
lick  Fharmacopoeias  of  particular  Countries,  or  in  the  moft  approved,  or  beft  authorized  PraC' 
tices  of  every  Age;  v>;hich  have  ufually  been  made  publick  by'fome  Writer  or  other.  But  who- 
ever looks  attentively  into  fuch  Books,  will  not  find  what  might  be  expeftedj  or  what  the  na- 
ture of  Men  and  Tilings  is  certainly  capable  of  affording ;  as  if  there  were  fome  ftrange  Fatality 
attending  the  Art  whereon  the  Lives  and  Felicities  of  Mankind  depend.  Dr.  Sydenham,  how- 
ever, among  the  Zngliflj,  made  fome  praftical  Improvements  in  Medicine;  and  our  hier  Thy- 
jiciam  are  got  into  a  ready  and  commodious  Method  of  Practice  j  which  is,  in  fome  meafure, 
digefted  of  late  into  a  Body,  for  the  fcrvice  of  others,  under  the  Title  of  A  New  Practice  op 
PaysiCKi  the  third  Edition  whereof  is  the  more  corrcft,  and  fomewhat  enlarged. 

''  And  yet  it  has  not  been  hitherto  profecuted  to  that  length  the  Subjcdl  requires.  'Dr.  Lifter, 
however,  and  Mr.  Boyle,  fet  in  earned  about  it  ;  the  one  writing  de  For.tibus  Medicntis  Anglit, 
ard  the  other  Memoirs  for  the  Natural  Hiflory  of  Mineral  Waters:  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences 
-«t  f*rij,  aUb,  thought  it  an  Enquiry  worthy  of  their  illuftrious  Body,  as  appears  from  their 

Memoirs  ,• 


Se<a.  IX.     7^^  Doctrine  ^ //'^  Human  Bod V.  103 

14.  The  laft  Dif.cuncy  we  fhall  mention  feeins  to  us  of  great  importance  -,  Tl;!  Pliyfi- 
viz.  that  the  Methods  of  Cure  in  uje_  are  too  fmt  to  effeSl  any  Ihir.g  that_  J'^^"-f„,'','''^ 
difficulty  cr  zery  confuierabk.  For  it  is  rather  1'^/«  and  faltering,  than  juft 
and  rational,  to  expecl  that  any  Medicine  fliould  be  fo  effeftiial,  or  fo  futc- 
cdsful,  as  by  the  fole  ufe  thereof  to  work  any  great  Cure.  It  muft  be  afotv- 
trful  Difccurfe,  which  tho'  often  repeated,  fhould  correft  any  deep-rooted 
and  inveterate  vice  of  the  Mind.  Such  Miracles  are  not  to  be  expedled  : 
But  the  things  of  greareft  efficacy  in  Nature,  are  Order,  Perfeverancey 
and  an  artificia!  Change  cf  applications ;  which  tbo'  they  require  exaft 
judcfment  to  prefcribe,  and  precife  obfen'ance  to  follow  ;  yet  this  is  am- 
ply recompenced  by  the  great  effects  they  produce.  To  fee  the  daily 
Labours  of  Phyficians  in  their  Vifits,  Confultations,  and  Prefcripcions, 
one  would  think  that  they  diligently  purfued  the  Cure,  and  went  di- 
reftly  in  a  certain  beaten  Track  about  it :  but  whoever  looks  attentively 
into  their  Prefcriptions  and  Direftions,  will  find,  that  the  nroft  of  what  they 
do  is  full  of  uncertainty,  wavering,  and  irrefolution  ;  without  any  certain 
View,  or  Foreknowledge,  of  the  Courfe  oftheCur^.  Whereas  they  (hould 
from  the  firft,  after  having  fully  and  perfedly  difcovered  the  Difeafe,  chufe, 
and  refolve  upon,  feme  regular  Procefs  or  Series  of  Cure  ;  and  not  depart 
from  it  without  fufficient  reafon.  Thus  Phyficians  fhould  know,  for  ex- 
ample, that  perhaps  three  or  four  Remedies  rightly  prefcribed  in  an  invete- 
rate Difeafe,  and  taken  in  due  order,  and  at  due  diftances  of  rime,  may 
perform  a  Cure  •,  and  yet  the  fame  Remedies  taken  independently  of  each 
other,  in  an  inverted  order,  or  not  at  fi:ated  periods,  might  prove  abfo- 
lutely  prejudicial.  Tho'  we  mean  nor,  that  every  fcrupulous  and  fuperfiitious 
Method  of  Cure,  lliould  be  efteemed  the  beft  ;  but  that  the  Way  fliould 
be  as  exaft  as  'tis  confined  and  difficult.  And  this  part  of  Medicine  'xs  note 
tis  deficient,  under  thename  c/the  Physicians  Clue  or  Directory  ».  And^,,,  ^rinci- 
thefe  are  the  Things  wanting  in  the  Doifrine  of  Medicine,  for  the  cure  offally  n  Natu- 
Difeafes,  but  there  ftiil  remains  one  Thing  more,  and  of  greater  ufe,  than ''^' P^ilofo- 
all  the    reft,    viz.    a  genuine  and   active  natural  Philosophy, ^^y^^",^"^^j 

WHEREON  TO  BUILD  THE  Science  OF    PHYSICK^  ^rt. 

Memoirs;  and  the  Sieur  daClos,  and  many  others,  both  in  France, England  and  elfewhere,  have 
wrote  upon  the  Sub-eift;  but  none  perhaps  to  better  purpofe  than  T>x. Hoffman:  who  proceed- 
ing upon  d:reft  Experiment  and  Oifer-mtion  for  a  feries  of  years,  has  fhewn  that  Medicine  may 
receive  very  confiderab.e  improvements  in  this  Way.  Thefeijeral  Pieces  of  h\s  upon  this  fubjeft, 
lately  pubiifhed,  with  a  few  Notes,  under  th=  Title  of  Nero  Experiments  and  Obfervations  up- 
#n  Mineral  Waters,  may  perhaps  confirm  this  to  the  £n^/i/7;  Reader. 

*  This  FiLUM  Medicinale.  as  the  Author  terms  it.  or  Mettiod  of  prefcribing  Medicines  in 
their  6efl.  exacieft.  and  moji  direct  order,  for  effecting  a  Cure,  is  not,  that  I  know  of,  profcfledly 
wrote  upon,  fhyficians,  however,  ufually  obferve  lome  kind  of  ordei  in  their  Prefcriptions, 
Thus,  for  inftance,  they  begin  -he  Ctire  of  inflammatory  Difeafes  with  Bleeding,  then  proceed 
to  Emeticks,  next  to  Perfpiratives ,  or  Sudorifcks;  then,  near  the  Crifis,  to  Opiates,  Alteratives, 
and  Non-fignificants;  and  conclude  with  Purgatives  and  Stomachicks .  But  whether  this  order 
could  not  be  altered  for  the  better  in  fome  points,  or  improved  in  the  whole,  may  iekweEnquirf; 
at  lead  the  Phyjcal  Reafons  whereon  this  Order  depends,  have  not  hitherto  been  fatisfaftorily 
(hewn  J  fo  tha:  it  feems  rather  a  Mechanical  Procefs,  autKoriied  by  Cuilom,  than  a  rjcional 
Method  fcieotifically  deduced,  or  the  beft  that  poffibly  might  be  difcovered. 

*  The  modern  Phy  licians  have  not  been  wanting  i  n  their  endeavours  to  found  their  Art  upon  the 
eutrent  Phikfophies  of  their  Times.  Thus  Phyfick,  that  was  lately  C«r^e/7«», is  now  becoming 

Htmmi»»' 


104  2^^  Doctrine  ^//5^  Human  Body.     Sed.IX. 

The  third purt  i^.  We  make  the  third  Part  of  Medicine  regard  the  Prolongation  of  Life : 
fhfwlTor  '^^^^  '^^  "^"'  ^^''^'  ^"'^  deficient;  tho'  the  moft  noble  of  all :  for  if  it  may 
frolonging  tic  fupplied,  Medicyr.e  will  not  then  be  wholly  verfed  in  fordid  Cures  5  nor 
i//e,deficient.  Phyficians  be  honoured  only  fornecefTity  -,  but  as  Difpenfers  of  the  greateft 
earthly  Happlnefs,  that  could  well  be  confer'd  on  Mortals :  for  tho'  fhe 
World  be  but  as  a  wildernefs  to  a  Chriftian  travelling  thro'  it  to  the  pro- 
mii'd  Land ;  yet  it  would  be  an  Inftance  of  the  divine  Favour,  that  our 
clothing,  that  is,  our  bodies,  fiiould  be  little  worn  while  we  fojourn  here. 
And  as  this  is  a  capital  .part  of  Phyfick,  and  as  we  note  it  for  deficient.,  we  fhall 
lay  down  fome  Diredtions  about  it^, 
Admomiioni  1 6.  And  firfl,  no  Writer  extant  upon  this  Subje6b  has  made  any  great  or 
with  regard  to  ufcful  difcovery  therein.  Ariftotle  indeed  has  left  us  a  fhort  Memoir,  where- 
the  prolonga-  j^,  x!i\tK  are  fome  admonitions  after  his  manner,  which  he  fuppofes  to  be  all 
1  e.  j.|^^j.  ^^^  j^^  ^^ij  ^jr  j.j^^  matter  ;  but  the  moderns  have  here  wrote  fo  weak- 
ly and  fuperftitioufly,  that  the  Subjeft  itfelf,  thro*  their  vanity,  is  reputed 
vain  and  fenfelefs.  (2.)  The  very  Intentions  of  Phyficians  upon  this  head 
are  of  no  validity;  but  rather  lead  from  the  point  than  direft  to  it.  For 
they  talk  as  if  Death  confided  in  a  deftitution  of  heat  and  moifture  ;  and 
therefore  that  natural  heat  fhould  be  comforted,  and  radical  moifture  che- 
rifhsd:  as  if  the  Work  were  to  be  effedled  by  Broths,  Lettuce,  and  Mal- 
lows; or  again,  by  Spices,  generous  Wines,  Spirits,  or  chemical  Oils  ;  all 
■which  rather  do  hurt,  than  good.  (3.)  We  admonifh  mankind,  to  ceafe 
their  Trifling,  and  not  weakly  imagine  that  fuch  a  great  work  as  retard- 
ing the  Courfe  of  Nature  can  be  efFedled  by  a  morning's  draught,  the  ufe 
of  any  coftly  Medicines,  Pearls,  or  Aurum  Poiabile  itfelf;  but  be  aflared, 
that  the  prolongation  of  Life  is  a  laborious  work,  that  requires  many  kinds  of 
Remedies,  and  a  proper  continuation  and  intermixture  thereof:  for  it  were 
ftupidity  to  expedb,  that  what  was  never  yet  done,  fhould  be  effedled,  other- 
wife  than  by  means  hitherto  unattempted.  (4.)  Laftly,  we  admonifh  them 
rightly  to  obferve  and  diftinguifh  betwixt  what  conduces  to  Health,  and 
what  to  a  long  Life  :  for  fome  things,  tho'  they  exhilarate  the  Spirits, 
ftrengthen  the  Faculties,  and  prevent  Difeafes ;  are  yet  deftruftive  to 
Life,  and,  without  ficknefs,  bring  on  a  wafting  old  Age :  whilft  there  arc 
others  which  prolong  Life,  and  prevent  Decay  ;  tho'  not  to  be  ufed  with- 
out danger  to  Health:  fo  that  when  employed  for  l\\t  prolongation  of  Life, 
fuch  inconveniencies  muft  be  guarded  againft,  as  might  otherwife  happen  up- 
on ufing  them. 

17- 

Newtonian.  But  the  Natural  Vhilofofhy  here  noted  by  the  Author,  as  wanting,  for  this  pur- 
pofe,  fliould  not  be  derived  from  any  particular  Syftemsj  Luc  collefted  from  Nature  her  fclf. 
The  Experiments  and  Oblcrvationsof  Mr.  Boyle,  the  Pliilojiphical  TranfaHions,  and  trench  Me- 
moirs, afford  many  Materials  for  this  Work;  which,  upon  the  foundation  of  the  modern  nie- 
«chanical  Experience,  feems  begun  by  that  excellent  Phyficiaii  Dr.  Friderick  Hoffman,  in  his 
•Medicinal,  Chemical,   and  Philojophical  Vieces. 

'  The  Author  had  not,  at  ihis  time,  wiote  his  Hifiory  of  Life  and  Death;  which  proceeds 
exaftly  upon  the  following  Directions  ;  and  is  rhe  Execution  of  the  flan  here  laid  down  :  tho' 
offered  not  as  a  finiflied  Hifiory,  but  as  an  IntrodtiHion  to  farther  Enquiry  upon  this  interefling 
Subjedl  i  which  has  not  been  fince  profecuted  fuitably  to  its  Merit.  See  Morhof's  telyhijltr, 
Tom.  II.  Parti.   Lib.  11.  pag.  ipj. 


Sed.IX.    7^/5^  Doctrine  ^//5^HuMAN  Body.  105 

17.  Things  feem  to  us  prefervable  either  in  their  0«;«  Suhjlance,  or  by  Ti?>eIntentions 
Repair :  in  their  own  Subjiance,  as  a  Fly,  or  an  Ant,  in  Atnher  j  a  Flower,  an  *"'' '"^l,"^^^^, 
Apple,  &c.  in  CoKfervatories  of  Smw  ;  or  a  Corps  in  Balfam  :  by  Repair,  as  /|,^^i„^''i,,y*!" 
in  i'/rJOTif  and  mechanick  Engines.      He  who  attempts  to  prolong  Life,  muft 

pradife  both  thcfe  iVIethods  together  ;  for  feparate,  their  force  is  lefs.  The 
bumar.  Bnly  muft  be  preferved  as  Bodies  inanimate  are  ;  again,  as  FUme  •, 
and  laftly,  in  ibme  meafure  as  Machines  are  preferved.  There  are,  <:herefore, 
three  Ifitea/ic/is  for  the  prolongation  of  Life,  viz.  (i.)  to  hinder  v/afte,  (2.)  fe- 
cure  a  good  repair,  and  (3.)  to  renew  what  begins  to  decay.  I  Wafte  is 
caufcd  by  two  depredations  ;  viz.  that  of  the  internal  Spirit ;  and  that  of 
the  external  Air :  and  both  are  prevented  two  ways,  viz.  by  making  th^tic 
agents  lefs  predatory,  or  the  patientr,  that  is,  the  Juices  of  tlie  Bo 'y,  lefs 
apt  to  be  prey'd  on.  The  Spirit  is  rendered  lefs  pred^uory,  if  either  its 
fuoftance  be  condenfed  ;  as,  (i.)  by  theufe  of  Opiates,  Preparations  of  Ni- 
tre, and  in  Contriftation  -,  or  (2.)  if  ic  be  leflened  in  Quantity,  as  by  Parting 
and  Dieti  and  (3.}  if  it  be  moderated  in  its  motion,  as  by  reft  and  quiet.  The 
ambient  Air  becomes  lefs  predatory,  eitlier  when  'tis  lefs  heated  by  the 
Sun,  as  in  the  cold  countries,  caves,  hills  ;  or  kept  from  the  body,  as  by 
clofe  skins,  the  plumage  of  birds,  and  the  ufe  of  oil  and  ungu.^nts,  with- 
out fpices.  The  juices  of  the  body  are  rendred  lefs  fubjcdt  to  be  prey'd 
on,  if  made  more  hardy,  or  more  oleaginous,  as  by  a  rough  aft'-ingent  diet, 
living  in  the  cold,  robuft  exercifes,  the  ufe  of  certain  mineral  Baths,  fweec 
things,  and  abftaining  from  fuch  as  are  fait  or  acid  -,  but  efpecially  by  means 
offuch  Drinks  as  confift  of  fubtile  parts,  yet  without  acrimony  or  tartnels. 
II.  Repair  is  procured  by  Nourifhment ;  and  Nourifhmcnt  is  promoted  four 
ways  :  (i.)  by  forwarding  internal  concodtion,  which  drives  forth  the  Nourifh- 
mcnt ;  as  by  medicines  that  invigorate  the  principal  Vifcera  ;  (2.)  by  exciting 
the  external  parts  to  attradl  the  Nouriftiment;  as  by  exercife,  proper  Fridions, 
Undions  and  Baths ;  (3.)  by  preparing  the  Aliment  itfelf,  that  it  may  more 
eafily  infmuate,  and  require  lefs  digeftionj  as  in  many  artificial  ways  of 
preparing  meats,  drinks,  bread,  and  reducing  the  Effefts  of  thefe  three  to 
one*.  Again,  (4.)  by  thelaft  aft  of  afllmilation,  as  in  feafonable  fleep,  and  ex- 
ternal applications.  III.  The  Renovationof  parts  worn  out  is  perform'd  two 
ways ;  either  by  foftening  the  habit  of  the  body,  as  with  fuppling  applica- 
tions, in  the  way  of  Bath,  Plaifter,  or  Undtion,  offuch  qualities  as  to  infi- 
nuate  into  the  parts,  but  extradl  nothing  from  them  ;  or  by  difcharging 
the  old,  and  fubftituting  new  moifture,  as  in  feafonable  and  repeated  purg- 
ing, bleeding,  and  attenuating  Diets,  which  reftore  the  bloom  of  the  body. 

18.  Several  Rules  for  the  cottduii  of  the  Work  are  derivable  from  thefe  In-  Ruhs  fonhe 
dications ;  but  three  of  the  more  principal   arc  the  following.     And  firjl,  conduS  of  th* 
prolongation  of  Life  is  rather  to  be  expelled  from  flated  Diets,  than  from  any  com-  ^<"'*- 

mon  regimen  of  Food,  or  the  virtues  of  particular  Medicines :  for  thofe  things 
that  have  force  enough  to  turn  back  the  Courfe  of  Nature,  are  commonly 
too  violent  to  be  compounded  into  a  Medicine,  much  more  to  be  mix'd  with 
the  ordinary  food  :  and  muft  therefore  be  adminiftred  orderly,  regularly,  and 

*  See  the  Author's  Ne-o  AtUnth,  Supplement  I.  and  ihcSylv:tSylvarum,  under  the  Artifhs 
Foods  and  Nourishment. 

Vol.  I.  P  at 


io6  T^^DocTRiNE  (p/*  i'>^^  Human  Body.     Sedl.IX. 

at  fet  periods.     (2.)  We  next  lay  it  down  as  a  Rule,  that  the  'prolongation 
of  life  be  expelled,  rather  from  working  upon  the  Spirits,  and  mollifying  the  parts^ 
than  fro?n  the  manner  of  alimentation.  For  as  the  human  body,  and  the  internal 
ftrufture  thereof,  may  fuffer  from  three  things,  viz.  the  Spirits,  the  Parts, 
and  Aliments  ;  the  way  of  prolonging  life,  by  means  of  alimentation,  is  te- 
dious, indireft  and  winding  •,  but  the  ways  of  working  upon  the  Spirits  and 
the  Parts,   much  fhorter  :    for  the  Spirits  are  fuddenly  aflfefted,    both   by 
Effluvia  and  the  Paflions,  which  may  work  ftrangely  upon  them  -,  and  the 
Parts  alfo  by  Baths,  Unguents,  or  Plaifters,  which  will  likewife  have  fud- 
den  imprefllons.     (3.)   Our  laft  Precept  is,  that  the  foftening  of  the  external 
Parts    be   attempted  by  fuch   things  as    are  penetrating,    ajlrirgent,    and  of 
the  fame  nature  with  the  body :   the  latter  are   readily  received  and  enter- 
tained -,  and  properly  foften :  and  penetrating  things  are  as  vehicles  to  thofe 
that  mollify  -,  and  more  eafily  convey,  and  deeply  imprefs  the  virtue  thereof; 
whilft  themfelves  alfo,   in  fome  meafure,    operate   upon   the  Parts :    but 
Aftringents  keep  in   the  virtue  of  them  both,  and  fomewhat  fix  it,  and  al- 
fo ftop  Per-fpiration,  which  would  otherwife  be  contrary  to   mollifying,    as 
fending  out  the  moifture :  therefore  the  whole  affair  is  to  be  effefted  by  thefe 
three  means  ufed  in  order  and  fucceflion,  rather  than  together.  Obferve  only, 
that    tis  not  the  intention  of  mollifying  to  nourifh  the  parts  externally  •,  but 
only  to  render  them  more  capable  of  Nourifhment :  for  dry  things  are  lefs 
difpofed  to  affimilate.     And  fo  much  for  the  Prolongation  of  Life,  which  we 
make  the  Third,  or  a  new  Part  of  Mc-dicine  *. 
The  Arts  of        1 9.  The  yfr/  of  Decoration,  or  Beautifying,  has  two  Parts,   civil  and  effe- 
Becorntiondl-  ffiifj^(g_     For  cleanlilefs,  and  decency  of  the  body,  were  always  allow'd  to 
llund'cSe-'  proceed  from  moral  modefty  and  reverence  ;  f.rjl,  towards  God,  whofe  crea- 
minate.  tures  we  are  -,  next,  towards  Society,  wherein  we  live  ;  and  laftly,  towards 

ourfelves,  whom  we  ought  to  reverence  ftill  more  than  others.     But   falfe 
Decorations,  Fucus's  and  Pigments,  deferve  the  imperfcdlions  that  conftant- 
ly  attend  them  •,  being  neither  exquifite  enough  to  deceive,  nor  commodious 
in  application,    nor  wholefome  in  their  ufe.       And  'tis  much  that  this  de- 
praved cuftom  of  pail  ting  the  Face,  fhould  fo  long  efcape  the  penal  Laws, 
both  of  the  church  and  ftate  •,  which  have  been  very  fcvere  againft  Luxury 
in  apparel,  and  effeminate  trimming  of  the  hair.     We  read  oi  Jezabel,  that 
fhe  painted  her  Face;  but  not  fo  of  Eft  her  and  Judith. 
Gymnafticks       20.  We  take  Gvmnasticks,  in  a  large  fenfe,  to  fignify  whatever  relates  to 
divided  into     the  hability  whereto  the  human  body  may  be  brought,  whether  ofaffivity 
the  Arts  of    ^^  j-^^j^^j.ji^^^      ACTIVITY  has  two  parts,  Strength  and  Swiftnefs  ;    fo  has 
^the^'Ajts^c}     Endurance  or   Suffering,    viz.    with  regard   to  natural  Wants -,    and 
fufering.       Fortitude  under  Torture.      Of  all  thefe,  wc  have  many  remarkable  Inftan- 
ces,  in  the  Pradicts  of  Rope-dancers,  the  hardy  Lives  o'i  Savages,  i\irpr\z\n?r^ 

Strength 

*  This  Tun  of  Medicine  continues  new  ftill,  as  not  being  hitherto  received  and  cultivated 
by  Fhyficmns,  as  any  part  of  their  ProfeiTion;  tho'  perhaps  it  depends  upon  more  certain  Prin- 
ciples than  the  fare  of  Difeafes,  and  i<;,  in  its  nature,  capable  of  luperftding  the  other  Parts  of 
the  Profrjfion.  Ir'  the  Author's  Hijioy  of  Life  and  Death  were  to  be  contmued,  Mr.  Grawit's 
Natural  and  Political  Obfervations  upon  the  Bills  of  Mortality,  the  Philofiphical  Tranfaiiions, 
and  the  German  Ephemeridei,3Te  proper  Bi-oks  to  confult  for  the  puvpofc  See  alio  Morhofs 
iolyhiftor.  Cap.  deTempore,  and  tafchins  de Nwis  luventis,  &c.  Cap.  VI.  Je Inventis  Medicis. 


Sed.  IX.     Tlje  Doctrine  of  the\i\5i.\.\ n  Body.  107 

Srren2;th  of  Lunaticks,  and  the  ConfV.mcy  and  Reiblution  of  many  under  ex- 
quificc  Torments.  Any  other  Faculties  that  fall  not  within  the  former  Di- 
vifion,  as  Diving,  or  the  power  of  continuing  long  under  water  without 
refpiration,  and  die  like,  we  refer  them  alio  to  Gymnasticks.  And  here, 
the'  the  things  themfelves  arc  common  ;  yet  the  Philofophy  and  Caufes 
thereof  are  ufualiy  negledlcd -,  perhaps  becaufe  men  are  perfuaded  that  fuch 
mafteries  over  Nature,  are  only  obtainable,  either  from  a  peculiar  and  natural 
difpofition  in  fome  men,  which  comes  not  under  Rules  -,  or  by  a  conftant  cu- 
ftom  from  childhood,  which  is  rather  impofed  than  taught.  And  tho'  this 
be  not  altogether  true,  yet  'tis  here  of  fmall  confequence  to  note  any  Defi- 
ciency,  for  the  O'.ympick  Gam^s  are  long  fince  ceas'd  •,  and  a  mediocrity  in 
thefe  things  is  fufficient  for  ufe  ;  whilft  excellency  in  them,  ferves  common- 
ly but  ibr  mercenary  fliew. 

2  I.  The  Arts  of  Elegance  are  divided  with  refpeft  to  the  two  Senfes  ^^'  ■^'■tt  ef 
of  Si^hl  and  Hearing.     Pai>:tbi^  particularly  delights  the  Eye  ;  fo  do  nume-  ^'&y"^^_  ^i- 
rous  ok\\:v  tiugnificent  Arts,  relating  to  Buikiings,  Gardens,  Apparel, .Veflels,  lUoJ'tl thl' 
Gems,  &c.    Miifuk  pleafes  the  Ear,  with  great  variety  and   apparatus  of  Eye  and  tht 
Sounds,  Voices,  Strings,  and  Inftruments :  and  anciently  IV^Uer-orgaris  were  ^"' 
cfleemed  as  great  Mafter-pieces  in   this  Art.,  tho'    now  grown  into  difufe. 
The  Arts  which  relate  to  the  Ey  and  Ear,  are,  above  the  reft,  accounted 
liberal;  thefe  two  Senfes  being  the  more  pure  ;  and  the  ^S'aVw^j  thereof  more 
learned,  as  having  Mathematkks  to  attend  them.      The  one  alfo  has  fome 
relation  to  the  Memory  and  Detnonftrations ;    the  other,  to  Manners  and  the 
Pajfions  of  the  Mind.     The  Pleafures  of  the  other  Senfes,  and  the  Arts  em- 
ploy'd  about  them,  are  in  lefs  repute ;  as  approaching  nearer  to  fenfuality 
than   magnificence.      Unguents,  Perfumes,    the  Furniture  of  the  Table,   but 
principally  Incitements  to  Luft,  fhould  rather  be  cenfured  than  taught.    And 
it  has  been  well  obferved,  that  while  States  were  in  their  increafe,  military 
Arts  flourifhed-,  when  at  their  heights,  the  liberal  Arts  ;  but  when  upon  their 
decline,  the  Arts  of  Luxury.  With  the  Arts  ofPleafure,  we  join  alfo  xht  jocular 
Arts ;  for  the  Deception  of  the  Senfes  may  be  reckon'd  one  of  their  De- 
lights. 

22.  And  now,  as  fo  many  things  require  to  be  confidered  with  relation 
to  the  human  Body,  viz.  the  Parts,  Humors-,  FunSlions,  Faculties.,  Accidents^ 
&c.  fmce  we  ought  to  have  an  entire  Doclrine   of  the  Body  of  Man,  which 
fhould  comprehend  them  all  ;  yet  left  Arts  ftiould  be  thus  too  much  mul- 
tiplied, or  their  ancient  limits  too  much  diforder'd  ;  we  receive  into  the  Sy 
fiem  of  Medicine,    the  Doftrines  of  the  Parts,  Funftions,    and    Humors 
of  the  Body  •,  Refpiration,  Sleep,  Generation;  the  Foetus,  Geftation  in  the 
Womb;  Growth,  Puberty,  Baldnefs,  Fatnefs,   and  the  like  ;  tho'  thefe  do 
not  properly  belong  either  to  the  Prefervation  of  Health,    the  Cure  ofDifea- 
fes,    or  the  Prolongation  of  Life  ;  but  becaufe  the  human  body  is,  in  every  re- 
fpcd,  the  fubjsd:  of  iVIedicine.  But  for  voluntary  Motion  and  Senfe,  we  refer 
them  to  the  DoSfrine  of  the  Soul,  as  two  principal  parts  thereof.     And  thus 
we  conclude  the  Do5frine  of  the  Body,  which  is  but  as  a  Tabernacle  to  the 
Siul. 

P  2  5  E  C  T. 


lo8  *The  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Soul.     Sed.  X. 


SECT.     X. 

Of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Soul. 

■tk  r»  ^rxne  '•  \  y\7^  "°^  come  to  the  Doctrine  of  the  Human  Soul,  from  whofe 
«/r^«  human       VV     TreiTures  all  Other  I)5^n««  are  derived.      It  has  two  Parts,  the 
Soul  divided  one  treating  of  the  rational  Soul,  which  is  divine  ;  the  other,  of  the  irra- 
into  the  Doc-  ^g^^i  Sou!,  which  we  have  in  common  with  Brutes.     Two  different  Ema- 
7pked  Sat>-^' "^^^""^  u/6'o://j  are  manifeft  in   the  firft  Creation,    the  one  proceeding  from 
ftance  and    the  Breath  of  God  \  the  other  from  the  Elements '.      As  to  the  primitive 
that  e;  the    Emanation  of  the  rational  Soul;  the  Scripture  fays,  God  formed  Man  of  the 
kaiiuveSo\il.^.^^j}  ^j-  ^;,^  £a:tb,    and  breathed  into  hh  noflrils  the  breath  of  Life:  But  the 
Generation   of  the  irrational  and  brutal  Soul,  was  in  thefe  words  ;  Let  the 
TFater  bring  fotth;  Let  the  Earth  bring  forth.     And  this  irrational  Soul  in 
Man,  is  only  ;;.n  inftrument  to  the  rational  one  ;  and  has  the  fame  origin  in  us, 
-as  in  Brutes,  viz.  the  duji  of  the  Earth  ;  for  'tis  not  faid,  Godform'd  the  body  of 
M.in  of  the  duft  of  the  Earth  ;  but  God  formed  Man,  that  is,  the  whole  Man,  the 
Breath  of  Life  excepted,  of  the  dujlof  the  Earth.     We  will  therefore  ftile  the 
firjl  Part  oi  the  general  DoSlrineof  the  human  Soul,  the  Doctrine  of  the  infpired 
Subjlance  ;  and  the  other  Pa't,  the  Doctrine  of  the  fenfitive  or  produced  Soul. 
But  as  we  are  here  treating  wholly  of  Philfophy,  we  would  not  have  bor- 
rowed this  Divifton  from  Divinity,  had  it  not  alfo  agreed  with  the  Principles 
cf  Phihfophy,    For  there  are  many  excellencies  of  the  human  SjuI  above  the 
Souls  of  Brutes,  manifeft  even  to  thofe  who  philofophize  only  according  to 
fenfe.     And  wherever  fo  many,    and  fuch  great  excellencies  are  found,    a 
fpecifick  difference  fhould  always  be  made.     We  do  not,  therefore,  approve 
that  confufed  and  promifcuous  manner  of  the  Philofophers,  in  treating  the 
functions  of  the  Soul  i  as  if  the  Soul  cf  Man  d'x^^v'A   in  degree  rather  than 
^         fpecies,  from  the  Soul  of  Brutes  ;  as  the  Sun  diff  rs  from  the  Scars,  or  Gold 
from  other  Metals.      There  may  alfo  be  another  Divifton  of  the  general 
Doctrine  of  the  human  Soul,  into  the  Do^rine  of  the  Subjlance  and  Faculties  of 
the  Soul  i  and  that  of  the  Ufe  and  Objects  of  the  Faculties.     And  thefe  two 
Divifions  being  premifed,  we  come  to  particulars. 
The  Enquiry       2.  The  Doctrine  of  the  infpired  Subjlance,  as   alfo  of  the  Subflance  of  the 
ifuothe  SiJ-  rational  Soul,  comprehends  feveral  Enquiries,  with  relation  to  its  nature  j  as 
jlmce  of  the  whether  the  Soul  be  native,  or  adventitious  ;  feparahle,  or  infeparable  ;  mor- 
Tefir-'ftf'in-  '^^^  ^^  immortal;  how  f^^  'tisfubje^  to  the  Laws  of  Matter,  how  far  not,  and 
/rfr'i  Theo-  the  like.?  But  the  points  of  this  kiaJ,  tho'  they  might  be  more  thoroughly 
togy.  fifced  in  Philofophy  than  hitherto  th^^v  have  been  -,  yet  in  the  end  they  rnuil 

be  turned  over  to  Religion,  for  determination  and  decifion:  ocherwife  they 

will 

*  Thus  Man  is  divided  into  three  diftinft  Parts,  lAx,  Bod),  Soul,  and  Sfirit,  acco»ding  to  the 
Doftrineot' Pteip,  the  primicLvc  Chriluns,  and  Ibmi  ot'thj  Afji/er«;.  See  Fafchiits  dt  Novii 
Inx/mtiiipig.  ij-^,  j6o.     Sec  alfo  below,   §.  }. 


Secfl.X.    7^^  Doctrine  ^^/$<?HuMAN  Soul.  109 

will  lie  expofcd  to  various  Errors,  and  Illufions  of  Senfe.  For  as  the  Sul- 
flance  of  the  Soul  was  not,  in  its  creation,  extraded,  or  deduced  from  the 
mafs  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  but  immediately  infpired  by  God  -,  and  as  the 
Laws  of  Heaven  and  Earth  are  th;  proper  fubjefts  of  Philofophy  ;  no  know- 
ledge of  the  fubftance  of  the  rational  Soul  can  be  had  from  Philofophy, 
but  muft  be  derived  from  the  lame  divine  Lifpiration,  whence  the  Subftance 
thereof  originally  proceeded. 

3.  But  in  the  DoHrine  of  the  fenfitive  or  produced  Soul;  even  its  fubftance  T*«  l«^«»ry 
may  bejuftly  enquired  into-,  tho*  this  Enquiry  feems  hitherto  wanting^ :''f*^'^^^^'^' 
for  of  what  fignificancy  are  the  terms  of  Aufus  Ultimtts,  and  Forma  Corporis  ioicCted,      ' 
and  fuch  logical  trifles,  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Soul's  Subftance  ?    The 
fetifitiv  Soul  muft  be  allow'd  a  corporeal   Subftance,  attenuated  by  heat, 

and  rendered  invifible ;  as  a  fubtile  breath,  or  Aura,  of  a  flamy  and  airy 
nature,  having  the  foftnefs  of  air  in  receiving  imprefTions,  and  the  aftivity 
of  fire  in  exerting  its  adlion ;  nouriftiM  partly  by  an  oily  and  partly  by 
a  watry  fubftance  ;  and  diffufed  thro*  the  whole  body  :  but  in  perfed  crea- 
tures, refiding  chiefly  in  the  head  -,  and  thence  running  thro'  the  nerves ; 
being  fed  and  recruited  by  the  fpirituous  blood  of  the  Arteries ;  as  Tele- 
Jius,  and  his  Follower  Donius,  in  fome  meafure  have  ufefully  fliewn.  There- 
fore lei  this  Do^frine  he  mor^  diligently  enquired  infn  ^;  becaufe  the  ignorance 
of  it  has  produced  fuperftitious  and  very  corrupt  opinions,  that  greatly  lef- 
fen  the  dignity  of  the  human  Soul  ;  fuch  as  tlie  Tranf migration  and  LuJirH' 
tion  of  Souls  thro'  certain  periods  of  years ;  and  the  too  near  relation, 
in  all  refpefts,  of  the  human  Soul  to  the  Soul  of  Brutes.  For  this  Soul  in 
Brutes  is  a  principal  Soul,  whereof  their  Body  is  the  Organ  -,  but  in  Man 
'tis  itfelf  an  Organ  of  the  rational  Soul,  and  may  rather  be  called  by  the 
name  Spirit  than  Soul, 

4.  The  Faculties  of  the  Sold  are  well  known;  viz.  the  Underftanding,  Rea- Xi&e  Doftrine 
fon,  Imagination,  Memory,  Appetite,  Will,  and  all  thofe  wherewith  Logicks 'f 'f'f  Soul 
and  Elhicks    are    concern'd.     In  the  Do^rine  of  the  Soul,  the  Origin  of ^"J^J"  f*^^ 
thefe  Faculties  mud  be  phyfically  treated,  as  they  may  be  innate  and  ^d- f^e  origin  of 
hering  to  the  Soul :  But  their  ufes  and  obj^fts  are  referr'd  to  other  Arts,  in  VaoiltUs. 
And  in  this  part  nothing  extraordinary  has  hitherto  appear'd  ■=  -,  tho'  we  do 

not  indeed  report  it  as  wanting.  This  Part  of  the  Faculties  of  the  Soul  has 
alfo  two  Appendages,  which  as  they  have  yet  been  handled,  rather  prefent 
us  with  fmoak,  than  any  clear  flame  of  truth  ;  one  being  the  dodrine  of 
natural  Divination ;  the  other  of  Fafcination. 

5' 

*  See  Cordtmoy,  h  Vifcernment  du  Corps  &  de  I' Ante;  di  la  forge,  Truilte  d«  I'Effrit  dt 
it  iHomme  ;  (^  hUlhranche,  Referche  de  U  Verite. 

*'  This  Enquiry  lies  greatly  embroiled  by  the  Moderns ;  fome  feeking  the  Soul  all  over  the 
'Body,  fome  in  the  Blood,  fome  in  the  animal  Spirits,  fome  in  the  Heirt,  fome  in  the  Ventricles 
of  the  Brain,  and  fome,  with  Jpj  C«r«j,  in  the  Chndula  Pinealis.  If  the  Difcovery  bepoiTible» 
the  bcftway  of  making  it,  is  perhaps  that  o\  the  Author  laid  down  in  the  Novum  Org»num,ior 
the  condtUi of  Enquiries,  and  the  inveftigation  of  Forms;  as  without  fome  fuch  Method  tho 
M-nd  Iccmsbutto  f:arch  in  the  Dark.  [\\. Petit  wr  ire  a  curious  Piefe  relating  to  this  fubjeft, 
entitled,  de  Anima  Corfori  coextensa;  printed  at  Vnris  i66f.  See  zKoHobokenius  de  Sede  Aoi- 
tnt  in  Corpore  humano. 

'  Sec  Mr.  Lecke'i  EJfay  ttpon  human  Vhderfimding,  and  Father  Matbrmcbe's  Referche  dt  te 
Verite.  , 


no  7^5  Doctrine  <?/'/y6^  Human  Soul.     Sed.X. 

Tuvs  AffM-  5.  Divination  has  been  anciently,  and  properly,  divided  into  Artificial 
dages  of  this  2^nd  Naiural.  The  rtr//^«,3/ draws  its  Predidlions  by  reafoning  from  the  in- 
Tyiv{n"t\'oa  '  dication  of  figns  :  Bat  the  natural  predi<5ts  from  the  internal  forefight  of 
and  Fafcina-  the  mind  -,  without  the  afliftance  of  figns.  Artificial  Divination  is  of  two  kinds; 
'ioi'  one  arguing  from  Caufes ;'  the  other  only  from  Experiments,  conduced  by 

blind  authority.       The  latter  is  generally   fuperftitious.      Such    were   the 
heathen  Dodtrines  about  the  infpeftion  of   Entrails,    the  flight  of  Birds, 
i^c.     AnAt\\t^onr\3.\  Ajlrology  of  the  Chaldeans  \vsi^\\\x\the.ttt\\     Both  kinds 
oi  artificial  Divination  fpread  themfelves  into  various  5cjf«rd';.     The  Afirolo- 
ger  has  his  predidtions  from  the  Afpe^i  of  the  Stars.     The  Pbyftcian  too 
has  his  -,  as  to  death,  recovery,  and   the  fubfequent  fymptoms  of  difeafes ; 
from  the  Urine,  Pidfe,  Afpeii  of  the  Patient,  &c.     The  Politician  alfo  is  not 
without  his  prediftions ;  *  O  urbem  venalem,  £5?  cito  periluram,  fi  emptorem  in- 
venerlt !     The  Event  of  which  Prophecy    happened  foon  after  -,    and   was 
firft  accompliflied   in    Sylla,  and  again  in  Cafar.      But  the  Predidions  of 
this  kind,  being  not  to  our  prefent  purpole,  we  refer  them  to  their  proper 
Arts:  and  fiiall  here  only  imz  of  natural  Divination,  proceedingfrom  the  in- 
ternal power  of  the  Soul. 
Ts'i-v'inntion  6.  This  alfo  is  of  two  kinds ;  the  one  «a/ii;^,  the  other  by  z>_^2/.v.     The 

from  the  in-    native  fcfts  upon  this  fuppofition,  that  the  Mind  abftradbed  or  colle£led  in 
^Th  s'Tdi-  ^'•'^'^'  ^"^  "°^  diffufed  in  the   organs  of  the  body,  has   from  the  natural 
tided  intone-  power  of  its  own  eflTence,  fome  foreknowledge  of  future  things.     And  this 
five,  andthat  appears  chiefly  in  fleep,  extafies,  and  the  near  approach   of  Death  -,    but 
by  influx.       morc  rarely  in  waking,  or  when  the  body  is  in  health  and  fl:rength.     And  this 
ftate  of  the  mind  is  commonly  procured,  or  promoted,  by  abftinence  ;  and 
principally  fuch  things  as  withdraw  the  Mind  from  exercifing  the  fundlions 
of  the  Body  -,  that  it  may  thus  enjoy  its  own  nature,  without  any  exter- 
nal interruption.     But  Divination  by  influx,  is  grounded  upon  another  fup- 
pofition, viz.  that  the  Mind,  as  a  mirror,  may  receive  a  fecondary  illumination 
from  the  foreknowledge  of  God  and  Spirits  -,  whereto  likewife  the  above 
mention'd  ftate  and  regimen  of  the   Body  are  conducive.     For  the  fame 
abftraftion  of  the  Mind  caufes  it  more  powerfully  to  ufe  its  own  nature  ; 
and  renders  it  more  fufceptive  of  divine  influxes:  only  in  Divinations  by  in- 
flux, the  Soul  is  feized  with  a  kind  of  rapture,  and  as  it  were  impatience 
of  the  Deity's  prefence,  which  the  Ancients  called  by  the  name  o    [acred 
fury  ;  whereas  in  native  Divination  the  Soul  is  rather  at  its  eafe,  and  free. 
Fafcination  y^  FASCINATION  is  the  Power  and  intenfe  Aol  of  the  Imagination  ufon  the 

\mlfLation  ^"'^y  of  ^f other.  And  here  the  School  of  Paraceljus,  and  the  Pretenders  to 
Natural  Magick,  abufively  fo  called,  have  almoft  made  the  force  and  appre- 
henfion  of  the  Imagination  equai  to  the  Power  of  Faith,  and  capable  of 
working  Miracles.  Others,  keeping  nearer  to  Truth,  and  attentively  con- 
fidering  the  fecret  Energies  and  Impreflions  of  Things  ;  the  Irradiations  of 
the  Senfes  ;  the  Tranfmifllons  of  Thought  from  one  to  another  •,  the  Con- 
veyances of  magnetick  Virtues,  ^c. '  are  of  opinion,  that  Impreflions,  Con^ 
veyances,  and  Communications,  might  be  made  from  Spirit  to  Spirit ;  be- 

caufe 

•  O  Cityfetto  file,  whofe  deftruftion  is  at  hand,  if  it  find  a  purchafcr! 


Imagination. 


Sed:.X.     7^^  Doctrine  £/" //5^  Human  Soul.  hi 

caufe  Spirit  is,  of  all  things,  the  moft  powerful  in  operation,  and  eafieft  to 
work  on:  whence  many  Opinions  have  fpread  abroad  of  Mafter-Spirics;  of 
Men  ominous,  and  unlucky,  of  the  Strokes  of  Love,  Envy,  and  the  like. 
And  tliis  is  attended  with  the  Enquiry,  how  the  Imagination  ma-j  be  heiqhteti'd 
and  fortified?  For  if  a  ftrong  Imagination  has  fuch  power,  'tis  worth  know- 
ing by  what  means  to  exalt  and  raife  it ". 

8.  But  here  a  Palliative,  or  Defence,  of  a  great  part  of  Ceremonial  Magick,  Ceremonial 
would  flily,  and  indiredly,  infinuate  itfelf,  under  a  fpecious,  tho'  dangerous,  Magick  »»} 
Pretence,  that  Ceremonies,  Characters,  Charms,  Gefliculations,  Amulets,  and  "  ""*  '' 
the  like,  have  not  their  power  from  any  tacit,  or  binding,  Contraft  with  evil 
Spirits;  but  that  thefe  ferve  only  to  ftrengthen  and  raife  the  Imagination  of 

luch  as  ufe  them  •,  in  the  fame  manner  as  Images  have  prevail'd  in  Religion, 
for  fixing  Mens  Minds  in  the  Contemplation  of  Things,  and  raifing  the  De- 
votion in  Prayer.  But  allowing  the  Force  of  Imagination  to  be  great,  and 
that  Ceremonies  do  raife  and  ftrengthen  it  -,  allowing  alfo  that  Ceremonies 
may  be  fincerely  ufed  to  that  end,  as  a  phyfical  Remedy,  without  the  leaft  de- 
fign  of  thereby  procuring  the  affiftance  of  Spirits  •»  yet  ought  they  ftill  to  be 
held  unlawful :  becaufe  they  oppofe,  and  contradift,  that  divine  Sentence  pafs'd 
upon  Man  for  Sin  -,  In  the  Sweat  of  thy  Brov;  thou  Jhalt  eat  thy  Bread.  For 
this  kind  of  Magick  offers  thofe  excellent  Fruits,  which  God  hath  ordained 
fhould  be  procured  by  Labour,  at  the  price  of  a  few  eafy  and  flight  Ob- 
fervances. 

9.  There  are  two  other  Doolrines,  which  principally  regard  the  Faculties  ^n"  <"^^'' 
of  the  inferior  or  fenfttive  Soul,  as  chiefly  communicating  with  the  Organs  of  f^'e  feniJtne 
the  Body  ;  the  one  is,  of  "ooluntary  Mction  ;  the  other,  of  Senfe  and  Senfibility.  Soul,  liz.. 
The  former  has  been  but  fuperficially  enquired  into  ;  and  one  entire  Part  of  thatofwa\w 
it  is  almofl  wholly  neglefted.     The  Office  and  proper  Scrufture  of  the  "J^'^°,"°?' 
Nerves,  Mufcles,  i^c.    requifue  to  mufcular  Motion  -,    what  Parts  of  the  senrc/i»</ Sen- 
Body  reft  while  others  move  •,  and  how  the  Imagination  afts  as  Diredor  of  fibility. 
this  Motion,  To  far,  that  when  it  drops  the  Image  whereto  the  Motion  ten- 
ded, the  Motion  itfelf  prefently  ceafes  ;   as  in  walking,  if  another  ferious 
Thought  come  acrofs  our  Mind,  we  prefently  ftand  ftili ;  with  many  other 

fuch  Subtilties  ;  have  long  ago  been  obferved  and  fcrucinized  :  But  bow  the 
CompreJJions,  Dilatations,  and  Agitations  of  the  Spirit,  which,  doubtlefs,  is  the 
Spring  of  Motion,  ftiould  guide  and  rule  the  corporeal  and  grois  Mais  of 
the  Parts,  has  not  yet  been  diligently  fearched  into,  and  treated.  And  no 
wonder,  fince  the  fenfitive  Soul  itfelf  has  been  hitherto  taken  for  a  Principle 
of  Motion,  and  a  Function,  rather  than  a  Subftance.  But  as  'tis  now  known  TheDoBrint 
to  be  material  •,  it  becomes  neceflTary  to  enquire,  by  what  Efforts  fo  fubtile  and  «/m^fcuUr 
minute  a  Breaih  can  put  fuch  grofs  and  folid  Bodies  in  motion'^.  Therefore,  as  r^""^'"""^" 
this  part  is  deficient,  let  due  Enquiry  be  made  concerning  it. 

10. 


hcient. 


■  The  ways  of  working  upon,  or  with  the  Imagination,  are  touched  by  the  Author,  in  his 
SvLVA  Sylvarum,  under  the  Arude Imagination.  See  more  to  this  purpole  in  Det  Cartes  \i-pon 
the  fajjiont,  Cajauton  upon  Enttiufiajm,  Father  Malbramhe'%  Referche  Jt  la  Verite,  and  tha  Lord 
Shafttihury's  Le'.ter  upon  Enthujiafm. 

*  Mufcular  Motion  ftill  remains  a  kind  of  Myftery  in  Philofophy,  not  penetrated  to  fatisfaftion, 
ev«  by  the  modern  mechanical  and  mathematical  Learaing.    Tte  Exiftence,  or  Agency  of 

hniPiAi 


112  75^5  Doctrine  o/*/^^ Human  Soul.    Se<a.X. 

Ti&«Doarioe  lo.  Sense  and  SENSIBILITY  have  been  much  more  fully  and  diligently 
of  Senfe  and  enquired  into,  as  well  in  general  Treatifes  upon  the  Subjeft,  as  in  particular 
fidmhmo  ^'"'•f '  viz-  PerfpeStive,  Mufick,  &c.  but  how  juftly,  is  not  to  the  prefent  In- 
Parts.  tention.     And  therefore  we  cannot  note  them  as  deficient:  yet  there  zrt  two 

excellent  Paris  wanting  in  this  Do£irine  ;  one,  upon  the  difference  cf  Perception 
and  Senfe  ;  and  the  otlier,  upon  the  Form  of  Light.  In  treating  of  Senfe  and 
Senfibility,  Philofophers  fhould  have  premis'd  the  difference  between  Per- 
ception and  Senfe,  as  the  Foundation  of  the  whole :  for  we  find  there  is  a 
manifeft  Power  of  Perception  in  moft  natural  Bodies  •,  and  a  kind  of  appetite 
to  chufe  what  is  agreeable,  and  to  avoid  what  is  difagreeable  to  them. 
Nor  is  this  meant  of  the  more  fubtile  Perceptions  only  ;  as  when  the  Load- 
ftone  attrafts  Iron  ;  or  Flame  flies  to  Petreol;  or  one  drop  of  Water  runs  into 
another  •,  or  when  the  Rays  of  Light  are  reflefted  from  a  white  Objedl  -,  or 
when  animal  Bodies  aflimilate  what  is  proper  for  them,  and  rejedt  what  is  hurt- 
ful ;  or  when  a  Spunge  attradls  Water,  and  expels  Air,  ^c.  for  in  all  cafes,  no 
one  Body  placed  near  to  another,  can  change  that  other,  or  be  changed  by 
it,  unlefs  a  reciprocal  Perception  precede  the  Operation.  A  Body  always 
perceives  the  Paffages  by  which  it  infinuates ;  feels  the  Impulfe  of  another 
Body,  where  it  yields  thereto  ;  perceives  the  removal  of  any  Body  that 
with-held  it,  and  thereupon  recovers  itfelf ;  perceives  the  Separation  of  its 
Continuity,  and  for  a  time  refifh  it ;  in  fine.  Perception  is  diffiifed  thro*  all 
Nature  *.  But  Air  has  fuch  an  acute  Perception  of  Heat  and  Cold,  as  far 
exceeds  the  human  Touch ;  which  yet  paffes  for  the  meafure  of  Heat  and 
Cold.  This  Do^rine,  therefore,  has  two  Defe£is ;  one,  in  that  Men  have  gene- 
rally paffed  it  over  untouch'd,  tho'  a  noble  fubjedb :  the  other,  that  they 
who  did  attend  to  it,  have  gone  too  far,  attributed  Senfe  to  all  Bodies^  and 
made  it  almoft  a  fin  to  pluck  a  Twig  from  a  Tree,  left  the  Tree  fliould 
groan,  like  Polydorus  in  Virgil.  But  they  ought  carefully  to  have  fearch'd 
after  the  difference  betwixt  Perception  and  Senfe  ;  not  only  in  comparing  fen- 
fible  with  infenfible  Things,  in  the  entire  Bodies  thereof,  as  thofe  of  Plants 
and  Animals  ;  but  alfo  to  have  obferved  in  the  fenfible  Body  itfelf,  what  fhould 

be 

«»i»»«i  Spirits  is  difputed  i  the  introdu£lion  of  a  fubtile  elaftick  Medium  is  thought  hypothetical ; 
and  the  Arguments  produced  for  various  Hypothefes,  in  this  obfcure  Subjeft,  feem  inconclufive. 
Perhaps  we  have  not  proceeded  regularly  in  the  Enquiry,  or  patiently  obferved  and  regifter'd 
all  the  Phsenomena  relating  to  it ;  but  feen  a  little,  prefumed  a  great  deal,  and  fo  jump'd 
to  imperfeiS  and  contradiftory  Conclufions:  as  will  ever  be  the  cafe,  if  this  Author's  fober  and 
laborious  Method  of  Enquiring,  or  a  better,  if  a  better  be  difcoverable,  do  not  take  place  in 
Thllofofhical  SuijeSs.  See  Borelli  de  Motu  Animalium,Boerhaave's  Inflitutiones  Media,  Sir  Ifaac 
Hemon's  ^^eries  at  the  end  of  his  Opticks,  and  Dr.  Pemierton's  Preface  to  Comper's  Anatomy. 

"  This  form  of  Speech  may  appear  fomewhat  harlh  at  firft,  becaufc  Perception  is  generally 
ufed  for  Animal  Perception,  and  the  later  Philofophers  do  not  attribute  a  kind  of  animal  Senft- 
tion  to  Matter,  as  Campanella  and  Helmont  did  :  but  the  Expreflion  means  no  more,  than  the 
general  and  particular  ways  wherein  Bodies  afFeft  each  other.  Thus  the  power  of  AttraHio», 
or  Gravitation,  as  we  now  vulgarly  call  it,  is  common  to  all  Matter  j  and  may,  in  a  due  fenfc, 
be  termed  its  general  Perception.  And  fb  rtrfiftance  is  felt  by  Bodies  upon  contaft,  ^c.  This 
Dodtrine  is  more  fully  explained  in  the  Novum  Organum,  where  the  feveral  kinds  of  Motion 
are  confider'd;  and  requires  to  be  duly  profecuted  for  the  Improvement  of  Philofophy :  as  the 
Thing  whereon  all  the  Phenomena  and  Effedls  of  Nature  depend  ;  and  comprehending  all  the 
ways  whereby  Bodies  affeft,  alter,  and  a<ft  upon  each  other :  all  which  ways,  may  be  con- 
fider'd as  fo  many  Appetites,  or  original  Impreffions  in  Bodies;  or,  to  ufe  the  modern  Phraf», 
as  fb  many  Laws  of  Nature. 


Sed.  X.     7)5^  Doctrine  (j/'M^  Human  Soul.  113 

be  the  caufe  that  fo  many  Adlions  are  performed  without  any  Senfe  at  all. 
Why  the  Aliments  are  digcfted  and  difcharged ;  the  Humours  and  Juices 
carried  up  and  down  in  the  Body  ;  why  the  Heart  and  Pulle  beat  •,  why 
the  Vifccra  aft  as  fo  many  Work-lhops  i  and  each  perform  its  refpedlive  Of- 
fice V  yet  all  this,  and  much  more,  be  done  without  Senfe.  But  Men  have 
not  yet  fufficiently  found  of  what  nature  the  ASlion  of  Senfe  is ;  and  what  kind 
of  Body,  what  Continuance,  what  Repetitions  of  the  ImprelTion  are  required 
to  caufe  Pain  or  Pleafure.  Laftly,  they  fcem  totally  ignorant  of  the  diffe- 
rence between  fimj-le  Perception  and  Senfe  ;  and  how  far  Perception  may  be 
caufed  without  Senfe.  Nor  is  this  a  Controverfy  about  Words,  but  a  Mat- 
ter of  great  Importance.  Wherefore  let  this  Doctrine  be  better  examined,  as 
a  thing  of  capital,  and  very  extenfive,  Ufe.  For  the  Ignorance  of  foine  an- 
cient Philofophers  in  this  point,  fo  for  obfcured  the  Light  of  Reafon,  that 
they  thought  there  was  a  Soul  indifferently  infufed  into  all  Bodies ;  nor  did 
they  conceive  how  Motion  of  Election,  could  be  caufed  without  Senfe ;  or  Senfe 
exijj,  without  a  Soul. 

II.  That  the  Form  of  Light  fhould  not  have  been  duly  enquired  into,  j-^j  Enquiry 
appears  a  ftrange  over-fight ;  efpecially  as  Men  have  beftow'd  fo  much  pains  into  the  On- 
upon  Perfpe^ive:  for  neither  has  this  Art,  nor  others,  afforded  any  valuable  8'"  ««^Form 
Difcovery  in  the  fubjed  of  Light.  Its  Radiations,  indeed,  are  treated,  but  CjV„'f  '  '' 
not  its  Origin :  and  the  ranking  of  Perfpeofiz'e  with  Matbematicks,  has  pro- 
duced this  Defed,  with  others  of  the  like  nature  ;  becaufe  Philofopby  is  thus 
deferted  too  foon.  Again,  the  Doolrine  of  Light,  and  the  Caufes  thereof, 
have  been  almoll  fuperftitioufly  treated  in  Plnficks,  as  a  Subjedl  of  a  middle 
nature,  betwixt  natural  and  divine  ;  whence  certain  Platonijfs  would  have 
Light  prior  to  Matter  itfelf :  for  they  vainly  im.igin'd,  that  Space  was  firfb 
fill'd  with  Light  -,  and  afterwards  with  Body :  but  the  Scriptures  plainly  fay, 
that  the  Mafs  of  Heaven  and  Earth  ivas  dark,  before  the  Crccition  of  Light. 
And  as  for  what  is  phyfically  deliver'd  upon  this  Subjeft,  and  according  to 
Senfe,  it  prefently  defcends  to  Radiations ;  fo  that  very  little  Pbilofophical 
Enquiry  is  extant  about  it.  And  Men  ought  here  to  lower  their  Contem- 
plations a  little,  and  enquire  into  the  Properties  common  zo  all  lucid  Bodies ; 
as  this  relates  to  ihtForm  of  Light:  how  immenfely  foever  the  Bodies  concern'd 
may  differ  in  dignity,  as  the  Sun  does  from  rottenWood,  or  putrefied  Fifh '.  We 
fliould  likewife  enquire  the  caufe  why  fome  things  take  fire,  and  when  heated 
throw  out  Light,  and  others  not.  Iron,  Metals,  Stones,  Glafs,  Wood, 
Oil,  Tallow,  by  Fire  yield  either  a  Flame,  or  grow  red-hot.  But  Water 
and  Air,  expofed  to  the  moft  intenfe  Heat  they  are  capable  of,  afford  no 
Light,  nor  lb  much  as  fhine.  That  'tis  not  the  property  of  Fire  alone  to 
give  Light  ;  and  that  Water  and  Air  are  not  utter  Enemies  thereto,  ap- 
pears from  the  dafliing  of  Salt- Water  in  a  dark  Night,  and  a  hot  Seafon  -, 
when  the  fmall  Diopsof  the  Water,  ftruck  off  by  the  motion  of  the  Oars  in 
rowing,  feem  fparklingand  luminous.  We  have  the  fame  appearance  in  the 
agitated  Froth  of  the  Sea,  called  Sea-lungs.  And,  indeed,  it  Ihould  be  enquired 
what  Affinity  Flame  and  ignited  Bodies  have  with  G!ow-worms,  the  Luciola,  and 
the  Indian  Fly,  which  calls  a  Light  over  a  whole  Room  ;  the  Eyes  of  certain 
*  Which  have  a  remarkable  luminQHt  troferty. 

Vol.  I.  Q^  Creatures 


114  1'he    Doctrine     of  the  Sedl. XI. 

Creatures  in  the  dark  -,  Loaf-Sugar,  in  fcraping  or  breaking  -,  the  Sweat  of  a 
Horle  hard  ridden,  ^c.  Men  have  underltood  fo  little  of  this  matter,  that 
moft  imagine  the  Sparks  ftruck  b:t\vixt  a  Flint  and  Sleel,  to  be  Air  in  attrition. 
But  fixe  the  Air  ignites  not  with  Heat,  yet  apparently  conceives  Light,  whence 
Owls,  Cat=,  and  many  other  Creatures  fee  in  the  Night ;  (for  there  is  no  Vifion 
without  Lighc  -,)  there  mull  be  a  native  Light  in  Air ;  which,  tho'  weak  and 
feeble,  is  p.oportion'd  to  the  vifual  Organs  of  fuch  Creatures-,  fo  as  to  fuffice 
them  for  Sight.  The  Error,  as  in  moft  otlier  cafes,  lies  here,  that  Men  have 
not  deduced  the  common  Forms  of  Things  from  particular  Inftances  ;  which  is 
what  we  make  the  proper  bufinefs  of  Metaphyfuks.  Therefore  let  Enquiry  be 
made  into  the  Form  and  Ongins  of  Light ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  we  fet  it  down 
as  def.c'eJit  ^.  And  fo  much  for  the  Do£lrine  of  the  Su.hjlaiwe  of  the  Soul,  both 
rational  and  fenfitive,  with  its  Faculties ;  and  the  Appendages  of  this  Dotlrine. 


SECT.    XL 

The    Doctrine    of  the   Faculties    of  the 
Human  Mind. 

The  noBrine  \.f  ■  ^H  E  DoHrine  of  the  human  Underfanding,  and  of  the  human  IFlll, 
of  the  mental  J^  ^^g  ]j]^e  Twins  ;  for  the  Purity  of  Illumination,  and  the  Freedom  of 
'^"^"'wtoTo-  ^^^l->  began  and  fell  together  :  nor  is  there  in  the  Univerfe  fo  intimate  a  Sym- 
g'ck'l  and "  pathy,  as  that  betwixt  frutb  and  Goodnefs.  The  more  fhame  for  Men  of  Learn- 
Ethickt.  incr,  if  in  Knowledge  they  are  like  the  winged  Angels,  but  in  Affeftions  like  the 
crawling  Serpents;  having  their  Minds  indeed  like  a  Mirror;  but  a  Mirror 
foully  fpotted. 

2.  The  DoElrine  of  the  Ufe  and  OhjeSfs  of  the  mental  Faculties,  has  two  parts, 
well  "known,  and  generally  received;  viz.  Logicks  and  Elhicks.  Logicks 
treat  of  the  Underftanding  and  Reafon  ;  and  Et hicks  of  the  PFill,  Appelile, 
and  AffeSlions :  the  one  producing  Refolulions,  the  other  ABions.  The  Ima- 
gination, indeed,  on  both  fides,  performs  the  Office  of  Agent,  or  Erabaflfador  ; 
and  affills  alike  in  the  judicial  and  minifterial  Capacity.  Senfe  commits  all 
forts  of  Notions  to  the  hiagination ;  and  the  Reafon  afterwards  judges  of 
them.  In  like  manner  Reafon  tranfmits  feleft  and  approved  Notions  to  the 
Imagination,  before  the  Decree  is  executed :  for  Imagination  always  precedes 
and  excites  voluntary  Motion  ;  and  is  therefore  a  common  Inftrument  both 
to  the  Reafon  and  the  Will:  only  it  has  two  Faces;  that  turn'd  towards 
Reafon  bearing  the  Ejfgy  (f  Truth  ;  but  that  towards  Adion,  the  Effigy  of 
Goodnefs :  yet  lb  as  to  appear  the  Effigies  of  Sifters. 

3- 

*  This  Subjeft  has  been  nobly  profecuted,  and  the  Deficiency  here  noted,  in  good  meafure 
fupplied  by  the  Labours  and  Difcoveries  of  Mr.  ^oyU  and  Sir  Ifmc  Htxeton.  The  Author  in- 
deed carried  the  Enquiry  to  a  confiderable  length  himfclf,  by  means  of  the  Friftn,  and  other  Con- 
trivances ;  as  appears  by  the  large  Example  for  inveftigating  the  Form  of  Light  in  the  Novum 
Organum;  and  his  Table  of  Enquiry  for  the  particular  Hiftory  of  Light  and  Splendor,  in  the  en- 
trance of  the  Seal»  IntdleHus.    See  Mr.  Boyle  of  CtUurs,  and  Sir  Ifaac  Newton's  0}tifh. 


SecH:.  XI.      Faculties;?/' //5^  HumanMind.  115 

3.  But  the  Ivi  ginaiiu»  is  more  than  a  mere  MefTenger;  as  being  inveftedTif'»  Power  of 
with,  or,  at  1 -aft,  uuuping  no  imall  Authority,  btfides  delivering  the  Mef- 'f- ''"^-j"^' 
liige.    Thus,  AnJtotU  well  obferves,  that  the  Mind  has  the  fame  command  over  £J,Q_ 

the  Body,  as  the  M.ilcr  over  the  Slave;  but  Rcalbn  over  the  Imagination, 
the  lame  that  a  M^giftrate  has  over  a  free  Citizen  ;  who  may  come  to  rule 
in  his  turn.  For  in  Matters  of  Faith  an  J.  Religtoti,  the  Imagination 
jnounts  above  Reason.  Not  that  divine  Illumination  is  feated  in  the  Ima- 
gination -,  but,  as  in  divine  Virtues,  Grace  makes  ufe  of  the  Motions  of  the 
Will  ;  fo  in  Illumination,  it  makes  ufe  of  the  Motions  of  the  Ima^mation  : 
whence  Religion  follicits  accefs  to  the  Mind,  by  Similitudes,  Types,  Parables, 
Dreams,  and  Vifions^.  Again,  the  Imagination  has  a  confidercble  fway  in 
Pgrfuafion,  infinuated  by  the  power  of  Eloquence :  for  when  the  Mind  is 
footh'd,  enraged,  or  any  way  drawn  afide  by  the  artifice  of  Speech;  all  this 
is  done  by  raifing  the  Imagination:  which  now  growing  unruly,  not  only 
infults  over,  but,  in  a  manner,  offers  Violence  to  R.eafon  ;  partly  by  blind- 
ing, partly  by  incenfing  it.  Yet  there  appears  no  caufe  why  we  Ihould  quit 
our  former  Divi/icn :  for  in  general,  the  Imagination  does  not  make  the  Sci- 
ences ;  fince  even  Poetry^  which  has  been  always  attributed  to  the  Imagina- 
tion, fhould  be  efteem'd  rather  a  Play  of  Wit,  than  a  Science.  As  for  the 
Power  of  the  Imagination  in  natural  things,  we  have  already  ranged  it  under 
the  Dc5frine  of  the  Sottl^ ;  and  for  its  affinity  with  Rhetorick,  we  refer  it  to 
the  Art  of  Rhetorick". 

4.  This  part  of  human  Philofophy  which  regards  Logick,  is  difagreeable  toV0je»ee  the 
the  tafte  of  many  ;  as  appearing  to  them  no  other  than  a  Net,  and  a  Snare#'''f  "/'"""J' 
of  thorny  Subtil ty.     For  as  Knowledge  is  juftly    called  the  Food   of  the"    ^^"^  " 
Mind ;  lb  in  the  defire  and  choice  of  this  Food,  moft  Men  have  the  Appetite 

of  the  Ifraelites  in  the  Wildernef%;  who,  weary  of  Manna,  as  a  thin,  tho'  ce- 
leftial  Diet,  would  have  gladly  return'd  to  the  Flejh-pots :  thus,  generally 
thofe  Sciences  relifh  beft,  that  participate  of  fomewhat  more  filling,  and 
nearer  related  to  Flefli  and  Blood  •,  as  Civil  Hijlory,  Morality,  Politicks ; 
whereon  Mens  Affeftions,  Praifes,  and  Fortunes  turn,  and  are  employ 'd  : 
whilft  the  other  dry  Light  offends,  and  dries  up  the  foft  and  humid  Capacities  of 
moft  Men.  But  if  we  would  rate  things  according  to  their  real  worth,  the 
rational  Sciences  are  the  Keys  to  all  the  reft  •,  for  as  the  Hand  is  the  Inflru- 
ment  of  Inftruments,  and  the  Mind  the  Form  of  Forms  ;  fo  the  rational  Sci- 
ences are  to  be  efteemed  the  Arts  of  Arts.  Nor  do  they  dired:  only,  but 
alfo  ftrengthen  and  confirm  ;  as  the  ufe  and  habit  of  fhooting,  not  only  en- 
ables one  to  fhoot  nearer  the  Mark  ;  but  likewife  to  draw  a  ftronger  Bow. 

5.  The  Log-;Va/ -^r/i  are  four  •,  being  divided  according  to  the  Ends  they  The  four  u- 
lead  to:  for  in  rational  Knowledge,  Man  endeavours  (i.)  either  to  find  what^'*"*^  ^^''"• 
be  feeks ;  (2.)  to  judge  of  what  he  finds ;  (3.)  to  retain  what  he  has  approved^ 
or  (4.)  to  deliver  what  he  has  retained:  whence  there  are  as  many  Ra- 
tional Arts-,  I'iz.  (i.)  the  Art  of  Enquiry,  or  Invention  ;  (2.)  the 
Art  of  Examination,  or  Judging;  (3.)  the  Art  of  Custodv,  or 
Memory  ;  and  (4.)  the  Art  of  Elocution,  or  Delivery. 

0^2  6. 

*  See  hereafter,  5j5.XXVI1I.  of  InrpiredThtology. 
•>  See  above,  Secl.X.  "^ 

«  See  hereafter.  i^e<?.XVllL 


1 16  Ths   Doctrine    of  the  Sed.Xf. 

Invention  of  6.  INVENTION  IS  of  two  very  different  kinds ;  the  one  of  Arts  andSciences, 
tvoJnnds,re-^Yi^  otiier  of  Arguments  and  Difcourfe.  Tiie  former  I  fet  down  as  abfolutely 
md  k^m-  deficient.  And  this  Deficiency  appears  like  that,  when  in  taking  the  Inven- 
mcnts.  rory  of  an  Eftate,  there  is  fet  down,  in  Cajh,  nothing :  for  as  ready  Money 

will  purchafe  all  other  Commodities ;  fo  this  Art,  if  extant,  would  procure 
all  other  Arts.     And  as  the  immenle  Regions  of  the  Weft-Indies  had  never 
been  difcover'd,  if  the  ufe  of  the  Compafs  had  not  tirft  been  known  ;  'tis 
no  wonder,  that  the  Difcovery  and  Advancement  of  Arts  liath  made  no  greater 
progrefs,  when  the  Art  of  Inventing,  and  Difcovering,  the  Sciences  remains 
ihe  Art  e/    hitherto  unknown.    That  this  part  of  Knowledge  is  wanting,  feems  clear  : 
inventing \ttiioT  Logick  profeffes  not,  nor  pretends,  to  invent  either  mechanical  or  liberal 
deficient.        ^rts ;  nor  to  deduce  the  Operations  of  the  one,  or  the  Axioms  of  the  other  -, 
but  only  leaves  us  this  Inftrudion  in  paflage,  to  believe  every  Artift  in  his 
own  Art.     Celfus-,  a  wife  Man,  as  well  as  a  Phyfician,  fpeaking  of  the  em- 
pirical and  dogmatical  Sedls  of  Phyficians,  gravely  and  ingenuoufly  acknow- 
ledges, that  Medicines  and  Cures  were  firft  difcover'd,  and  the  Reafans  and 
Caufes  of  them  difcourfed  of  afterwards :    not  that  Cai/fes,  firfi  derived  from 
the  nature  of  things,  gave  light  to  the  Invention  of  Cures  and  Remedies.    And 
Plato,  more  than  once,  obferves,  that  Particulars  are  infinite  ;  that  the  higheft 
Generalities  give  no  certain  DirecJions ;  and  therefore,  that  the  Marrow  of  all 
Sciences,  whereby  the  Artift  is  difiinguifhed  from  the  unskilful  Workman,  confifti 
in  middle  Propofitions,  jvhicb  Experience  has  delivered  and  taught  in  each  par- 
ticular Science.     Hence  thofe  who  write  upon  the  firft  Inventors  of  things^ 
and  the  Origins  of  the  Sciences,  rather  celebrate  Chance  than  Art ;  and  bring  in 
Beafts,  Birds,  Fifhes,  and  Serpents,  rather  than  Men,  as  the  firft  Teachers  of 
Arts.     No  wonder,  therefore,  as  the  manner  of  Antiquity  was  to  confecrate 
the  Inventors  of  ufeful  things,  that  the  ASgyptians,  an  ancient  Nation,  to 
which  many  Arts  owe  their  rife,  had  their  Temples  fiU'd  with  the  Images  of 
Brutes,  and  but  a  few  human  Idols  amongft  them. 
Men  hitherto      y.  And  if  we  fhould,  according  to  the  Traditions  of  the  Greeks,  afcribe 
'"bT  tesr'/l»"-^^  ^^^  Invention  of  Arts  to  Men  ;  yet  we  cannot  fay  that  Prometheus  ftudied 
Realbn  for    ^hc  Invention  of  Fire ;  or  that  when  he  firft  ftruck  the  Flint,  he  expected 
Inventions.     Sparks  ;  but  that  he  fell  upon  it  by  accident ;  and,  as  the  Poets  fay,  ftole  it 
from  Jupiter.    So  that  as  to  the  Invention  of  Arts,  we  are  rather  beholden 
to  the  wild  Goat  for  Chirurgery  ;  to  the  Nighiingal  for  Mufick  •■,  to  the  Siork 
for  Glyfters ;  to  the  accidental  flying  off  of  a  Pot's  Cover,  for  Artillery  j  and, 
in  a  word,  to  Chance,  or  any  thing  elfe,  rather  than  to  Logick.     Nor  does  the 
manner  of  Invention,  defcribed  by  Virgil,  differ  much  from  the  former ;  viz. 
that  Practice  and  intent  Thought  by  degrees  ftruck  out  various  Arts^.    For  this 
is  no  other  than  what  Brutes  are  capable  of,  and  frequently  pradife  ;  viz.  an 
intent  Sollicitude  about  fome  one  thing,  and  a  perpetual  exerciie  thereof; 
which   the  neceffity  of  their  Prefervation   impofes  upon  them:    for  Ci- 
cero truly  obferved,   that  Pra£iice  applied  wholly  to  one  thing,  often  conquers 
both  Nature  and  Art^.     And  therefore,  if  it  may  be  faid,  with  regard  to. 
Men,  that  continued  Labour  and  cogent  Necejfity  mafters  every  thing ;  fo  it 

may 
=  Ut  larias  Ufus  mediiande  extunderet  jlrttt 

Paulatim. 
*  Ufus  mi  rei  deditHs,  &  i^suram  &  Atm  fill  viatifi  _   , 


Sed.XI.     Faculties  of  the  Human  Mind.  117 

may  be  asked,  with  regard  to  Brutes,  Who  taught  them  Inftindl?  Who 
taught  the  Rave/i,  in  a  Drought,  to  drop  Pebbles  into  a  iiollow  Tree,  where 
(he  chanced  to  fpy  Water,  that  the  Water  might  rife  for  her  to  drink? 
Who  taught  the  Bc'e  to  fail  thro'  the  vaft  Ocean  of  Air,  to  diltant  Fields, 
and  find  the  way  back  to  her  Hive  ?  Who  taught  the  Jta  to  gnaw  every 
Grain  of  Corn  that  fhe  hoards,  to  prevent  its  fprouting?  And  if  we  obferve 
in  Firgi/,  the  word  extundere,  wliich  implies  Difficulty  ;  and  the  word  pau- 
latim,  which  imports  Slownefs ;  this  brings  us  back  to  the  cafe  of  the  Egyp- 
tian Gods ;  fince  Men  have  hitherto  made  little  ufe  of  their  rational  Facul- 
ties, and  none  at  all  of  Art,  in  the  Invcftigation  of  Things. 

8.  And  this  Affcrtion,  if  carefully  attended  to,  is  proved  from  ^^'^^  Form  ji,gxjre  of  In- 
of  Lo^cal  Induction,  for  finding  and  examining  the  Principles  of  the  Sciences:  Anecmn  per. 
which  Form    being  abfolutely  defeftive  and  infufficient,   is  fo  far  from  per- '^'"■'^'^ "'"' 
feeling  Nature,  tliat  it  perverts  and  dillorts  her.     For  whoever  attentively"^'^  "^'' 
obferves  how  the  cEthereal  Dew  of  the  Sciences  is  gather'd,  (the  Sciences  being 
extrafled  from  particular  Examples,  whether  natural,  or  artificial,  as  from 

fo  many  Flowers,)  will  find  that  the  Mind  of  its  own  natural  Motion  makes 
a  better  hdu^ion,  than  that  defcrib'd  by  Logicians.  From  a  bare  enumera- 
tion of  Particulars,  in  the  logical  manner,  where  there  is  no  contradicJory  In- 
Jiance,  follows  a  falfe  Conclufion  ;  nor  does  fuch  an  Indu^ion  infer  any  thing 
more  than  probable  conjeflure.  For  who  will  undertake,  when  the  Parti- 
culars of  a  Man's  own  Knowledge,  or  Memory,  appear  only  on  one  fide  ; 
that  fomething  direiftly  oppofite  fliall  not  lie  concealed  on  the  other  ?  as 
if  Samuel  fhould  have  taken  up  with  the  Sons  of  JeJJe  brought  before  him, 
and  not  "have  fought  David,  who  was  in  the  field.  And  to  fay  the  truth,  as 
this  For?n  of  InduSion  is  fo  grofs  and  ftupid,  it  might  feem  incredible,  that 
fuch  acute  and  fubtile  Genius's  as  have  been  exercifed  this  way,  could  ever 
have  obtruded  it  upon  the  World ;  but  that  they  haded  to  Theories,  and 
Opinions ;  and,  as  it  were,  difdain'd  to  dwell  upon  Particulars :  For  they 
have  ufed  Exa?nples,  and  particular  Infances,  but  as  Wkifflers,  to  keep  the 
Croud  off,  and  make  room  for  their  own  Opinions ;  without  confuking  them 
from  the  beginning,  fo  as  to  make  a  juft  and  mature  Judgment  of  the  truth 
of  things.  And  this  Procedure  has,  indeed,  ftruck  me  with  an  aweful  and  re- 
ligious wonder,  to  fee  Men  tread  the  fame  Paths  of  Error,  both  in  divine 
and  human  Enquiries.  For  as  in  receiving  divine  Truths,  Men  are  averle  to 
become  as  little  Children ;  fo  in  the  apprehending  of  human  Truths,  for 
Men  to  begin  to  read,  and,  like  Children,  come  back  again  to  the  firft  Ele- 
ments of  IndidSlion,  is  reputed  a  low  and  contemptible  thing. 

9.  But,  allowing  the  Principles  of  the  Sciences  might  be  juftly  form'd  hy  jt ginnhii 
the  common  Indu^ion,  or  by  Senfe  and  Experience;  yet  'tis  certain  that  the  ami  correH 
hiver  Axioms  cannot,  in  natural  things,  be  with  certainty  deduced  by  S)llo-  Induftion  u 
gifm  from  them.    For  Syllogifin  reduces  Propo/itions  to  Principles,  by  inter-  *""'^' 
mediate  Propofitions.   And  this  Form,  whether  of  Inventionin  or  Prcof,  has  place 

in  the  popular  Sciences ;  as  Eihicks,  Politicks^  Law,  &c.  and  even  in  Divinity  j 
fince  God  has  been  pleafed  to  accommodate  himfelf  to  the  human  Capacity  : 
but  in  Phyficks,  where  Nature  is  to  be  caught  by  Works ;  and  not  the  Ad- 
verfary,  by  Arguments  ■>  Truth,  in  this  way,  flips  thro'  our  Fingers ;  be- 
I  cauft 


ii8  7^^  Faculties  ^/ /^^  Human  Mind.     Sed.  XL 

caufe  the  Subtiky  of  the  Operations  of  Nature,  far  exceeds  the  Subtiky  of 
Words*.     So  ihit Syllogif/n  thus  failing,  there  is  every  where  a  necefliry  for 
cmploving  a  genuine  and  fo?Tf(5?  Induction  ;  as  well   in  the  more  general 
Principles,  as  the  irierior  Propofitions.      For  Syllogifvis  confill  of    Propo- 
fitions,  Propofitions  of /^r^j  j  but  Words  ^a.re  the  Signs  of  Notions :  where- 
fore if  thefe  Notions,  which  are  the  Souls  of  PFcrds,  be  unjuftly  and  unfteadily 
abftrafted  from  things,  the  whole  StrutSture  muft  fall.     Nor  can  any  labo- 
rious fubfequent  Examination  of  the  Confequences  of  Arguments,  or  the 
Truth  of  Propofitions,  ever  repair  the  Ruin  :  for  the  Error  lies  in  the  firft 
D'ig'ftion  ;  which  cannot  be  redtified  by  the  fecondary  Funftions  of  Nature  **. 
The  •ami  of        ^^-  ^^  ^^^  ^'^^■>  therefore,  without  caufe,  that  many  of  the  ancient  Philo- 
<;e)s:ii»e  In-     fophers,  and  fome  of  them  eminent  in  their  way,  became  Acadejnicks  and 
daaion,  the    Scepticks ;  who  denied  all  certainty  of  human  Knowledge  :  and  held  that  the 
Cu«  eff/Scep-  Underftanding  went  no  further  than  Appearance  and  Probability.     'Tis  true, 
fome  arc  of  opinion,  that  Socrates-,  when  he  declared  himfelf  certain  of  no- 
thing, did  it  only  in   the  way  of  Irony,  and  put  on  the  Diffimulation  of 
Knowledge  •,   that  by  renouncing  what  he  certainly  knew,    he  might  be 
thought  to  know  what  he  was  ignorant  of     Nor  in  the  later  Academy,  which 
Cicero  follow'd,  was  this  Opinion  held  with  much  reality :  but  thofe  who 
exceird  in  Eloquence,  commonly  chofe  this  Se^,  as  the  fitteft  for  their  pur- 
pofe  ;  z'iz.  acquiring  the  Reputation  of  Difputing  copioufiy  on  both  fides  of 
the  Queftion  :   thus  leaving  the  high  Road  of  Truth,  for  private  Walks  of 
Pkafure,     Yet  'tis  certain  there  were  fome  few,   both  in  the  old  and  new 
Academies,    but  more  among  the   Scepticks,     who    held    this   Principle   of 
doubting,  in  Simplicity  and  Sincerity  of  Heart.     But  their  chief  Error  lay  in 
accufing  the  Perceptions  of  the  Senfes ;  and  thus  pluck'd  up  the  Sciences  b'j 
their  roots.     For  tho'  the  Senfes  often  deceive,  or  fail  us  ;    yet,  when  in- 
duftrioufly  affifted,  they  may  fuffice  for  the  Sciences :  and  this  not  fo  much 
by  the  help  of  Inftruments,  which  alfo  have  their  ufe,  as  of  fuch  Experi- 
ments, as  may  furnifli  more  fubtile  Objefts,  than  are  perceivable  by  Senfe. 
But  they  fhould  rather  have  charged  the  Defeds  of  this  kind  upon  the  Er- 
rors, and  Obftinacy  of  the  Mind,  which  refufes  to  obey  the  nature  of  things ; 
and  again,  upon  corrupt  Demonftrations,  and  wrong  ways  of  arguing  and 
concluding,  erroneoufly  infer'd  from  the  Perceptions  of  Senfe.     And  this  we 
fay,  not  to  detraft  from  the  human  Mind,  or  as  if  the  Work  were  to  be 
deferted  ;  but  that  proper  alTiftances  maybe  procured,  and  adminifter'd  to 
the  Underftanding,  whereby  to  conquer  the  Difficulties  of  Things,  and  the 
,    .      r-r     Obfcurities  of  Nature.     What  we  endeavour  is,  that  the  Mind,  by  the  help 
dication,  or"   "/  -^^^f  f"^y  become  equal  to  Things  j  and  to  find  a  certain  Art  of  Indication, 

Direftion,  Of 

va»  I  g.  J  .pj^.^  Obfervation  is  of  the  utraoft  importance:    infbmuch,  that  it  is  fcarce  poflible,  for 

want  of  a  Philojhphicai  Language,  to  exprefs,  with  Accuracy  and  Vrecifion,  the  Discoveries  al- 
ready made  in  Nature:  as  may  evidently  appear  in  the  Writings  of  that  fuccefsful  Philofopher 
Sir  Ifaac  Nevten. 

'•  To  iiluftrate  this  Doftrine  by  an  Example;  we  need  but  confider  the  general  Procedure  of 
Philolbphers  in  their  Refearches,  by  means  of  Reajoning,  Sufpofitions,  and  uncertain  £j[ays,  in- 
ftead  of  attentive  Obfervation,  careful  Experiment,  and  Cenfirmatien  by  repeated  Trial.  Thus  the 
Principles  oi Mineral  H'aters  have  long  been  reafon'd  about,  fuppoied  and  guefled  at;  and  but  of 
late  begin  to  be  deduced  by  clofe  Obfervation,  Experience,  the  Me'.hod  of  Rejeffion,  and  juft  Indue- 
tie».  And  the  fame  holds  true  proportionably  in  Ajlronomy,  Medkint,  and  other  Branches  of  Ffyjicki. 


Sed.XII.  Learned    Experience.  "9 

or  Direo'Jion,  to  difclofe,  and  bring  other  Jrts  to  light,  tog"ther  with  their 
Jxioms  nnd  Effe.ls.    And  this  Jri  we,  upon  juft  ground,  report  as  deficient. 

II.  This  Art   of  Ivdication  has  two  Parts :  for  Indicat'wjt  proceeds Tif  <wo f«rfi 
(i.)  {vom  Experbnent  to  Experiment;    or  (2.)  'irom  Experiments  to  Axioms  •■>''f''"'  ^'^■ 
which  may  again  point  out  new  Experiments.     The  former  we  call  Learned 
Experience  ;   and    the    latter    the    Interpr»etation    of    Nature, 
Novu/n  Organum,  or  new  Machine  for  the  Mi/ai.     The  firfi,  indeed,  as  was 
formerly  intimated,   is  not  properly  an  Jrt,  or  any  part  of  Philofophy  ;  but 
a  kind  of  Sagacity:  whence  we  fometimes  call  it  the  Chafe  of  Pan  \  borrow- 
ing the  Name  from  the  Fahle  of  that  God^     And  as  there  are  three  ways 
of°walking-,   viz.   (i.)  either  by  feeling  out  one's  way   in  the  dark-,  or 
(2.)  when  being  dim-fighted,  another  leads  one  by  the  hand  •,  and  (3.)bf 
dircding  one's  Steps  by  a  Light :  fo  when  a  Man  tries  all  kinds  of  Experiments^ 
without  Method,  or  Order,  this  is  mere  groping  in  the  dark;  but  when 
he  proceeds  with  feme  Diredion,  and  Order,  in  his  Experiments,  'tis  as  if 
he  were  led  by  the  hand  •,  and  this  we  underftand  by  learned  Experience  :  but 
*for  the  Light  itfelf,  which  is  the  third  way,  it  muft  be  derived  from  tlic 
Novum  Organum  ^. 


SECT.     XII. 

0/*  Learned    Experience. 

i.rTpHE  Defign  of  Learned  Experience,   or  the  Chafe  of  Pan^^TheDefignof 
X.     is  to  fliew  the  various  ways  of  making  Experiments :  and  as  we  note  Learned  Ex- 
it for  deficient;  and  the  thing  itfelf  is  none  of  the  cleareft  ;    we  will  here^"'^°"' 
give  fome  fhort  Sketch  of  the  JFork.     The   manner  of  Experimenting  chiefly 
confifts  in  the  Variation,  ProduStion,  Tranflalion,  Inverfion,  Compulfton,  Ap- 
plication, Conjun^ion,  or  any  other  manner  of  diverfifying,  or  making  Chance- 
Experiments.     And  all  this  lies  without  the  limits   of  any  Axio?n  of  Inven- 
tion :  but  the  Interpretation  of  Nature  takes  in  all  the  Tranfitions  of  Experi- 
ments into  Axioms,  and  of  Axioms  into  Experiments  ^. 

2.  Experiments  are  varied  firji  in  the  SubjeSf  ;  as  when  a  known  Experiment,  The  -ways  of 
having  rejled  in  one  certain  Subjlance,    is  tried  in  another  of  the  like  kind :  Z'"^I'"ff„f„t) 
Thus  the  making  of  Paper  is  hitherto  confin'd  to    Linen,  and  not  appl ied  (■,'_)  i„  j^« 
to  Silk,  unlefs  among  the  C/'/«f/^ -,  nor  to  Hair- Stuflfs  and  Camblets ;  nortoSubjeft. 
Cotton  and  Skins :  tho'  thefe  three  feem  to  be  more  unfit  for  the  purpofe, 
and  fo  fhould  be  tried  in  mixture,  rather  than  feparate.     Again,  Efigraft- 
ing  is  praftifed  in  Fruit-Trees,   but  rarely  in  wild  ones  •,  yet  an  Elm  grafted 
upon  an  Elin,  is  faid  to  produce  great  Foliage  for  fliade.     hifition  likewife 
in  Flowers,  is  very  rare,  tho'  now  the  Experiment  begins  to  be  made  upon 
Musk-Rofes ;  which  are  fuccefsfully  inoculated  upon  common  ones.     We  al- 
fo  place  the  Variations  on  the  fide  of  the  thing,  among  the  Variations  in  the 

I  Matter, 

*  See  the  Table  of  Pan  explain'd  above,  SeH.  II.  of  Poetry. 
*■  Vii..  The  fecond  fart  of  the  Instauration. 
'  f''*-  The  ftarting,  hunting,  and  purfuing  of  all  natural  Th'ingt. 
'  This  Subjeft  is  fully  profecuted  in  the  Novum  Organum. 


I20  Learned    Experience.  SeA.XII. 

Matter.  Thus  we  fee  a  Scion  grafted  upon  the  Trunk  of  a  Tree,  thrives 
better  than  if  fet  in  Earth :  and  why  fhould  not  Onion-feed,  fet  in  a 
green  Onion,  grow  better,  tlian  when  fown  in  the  Ground  by  irfelf  •,  a 
Root  being  here  fubftituted  for  the  Trunk,  fo  as  to  make  a  kind  of  Infition 
in  the  Root? 
(t..)  In  theEf-  3-  -^'^  Experiment  may  h  varied  in  the  Efficient.  Thus,  as  the  Sun's  Rays 
ficitnt.  are  fo  contrafted  by  a  Burning-glafs,  and  heighten'd  to  fuch  a  degree,  as 

to  fire  any  combuftible  Matter :  may  not  the  Rays  of  the  Moon,  by  the 
fime  means,  be  actuated  to  fome  fmall  degree  of  warmth  •,  fo  as  to  fhew 
whether  all  the  heavenly  Bodies  are  potentially  hot  ?  And  as  luminous 
Heats  are  thus  increafed  by  GJafTes :  may  not  opake  Heats,  as  of  Stones  and 
Metals,  before  ignition,  be  encreafed  likewife  ?  Or  is  there  not  fome  Pro- 
portion of  Light  here  alfo  ?  Amber  and  Jet,  chafed,  attraft  Straws  ;  whence 
^icere  if  they  will  not  do  the  fame  when  warmed  at  the  fire  ? 
(j.)  In  the  4.  An  Experiment  may  be  varied  in  ^antity,  wherein  very  great  care  is 

^lamity.  required,  as  being  fubjeft  to  various  Errors.  For  Men  imagine,  that  upon 
increafing  the  Quantity,  the  Virtue  fhould  increafe  proportionably :  and 
this  they  commonly  poftulate  as  a  mathematical  Certainty  ;  and  yet  'tis  utterly 
falfe.  Suppofe  a  Leaden-Ball,  of  a  pound  weight,  let  fall  from  a  Steeple, 
reaches  the  Earth  in  ten  feconds  •,  will  a  Ball  of  two  pounds,  where  the  Power 
of  natural  Motion,  as  they  call  it,  Ihould  be  double,  reach  it  in  five  ?  No, 
they  will  fall  almoft  in  equal  times  -,  and  not  be  accelerated  according  to 
Qiiantity.  Suppofe  a  Dram  of  Sulphur  would  flux  half  a  pound  of  Steel  j 
will  therefore  an  Ounce  of  Sulphur  flux  four  Pounds  of  Steel  ?  'Tis  no  con- 
fequence  -,  for  the  Stubbornnefs  of  the  Matter  in  the  Patient  is  more  increafed 
by  Quantity,  than  the  Aftivity  of  the  Agent.  Befides,  too  much,  as  well 
as  too  little,  may  fruflrate  the  Efi^e£t  :  thus  in  fmelting  and  refining  of  Me- 
tals, 'tis  a  common  Error  to  increafe  the  Heat  of  the  Furnace,  or  the 
Quantity  of  the  Flux  ;  but  if  thefe  exceed  a  due  Proportion,  they  prejudice 
the  Operation :  becaufe,  by  their  Force  and  Corrofivenefs,  they  turn  much 
of  the  pure  Metal  into  Fumes,  and  carry  itofi^-,  whence  there  en fues,  not 
only  a  lofs  in  the  Metal,  but  the  remaining  Mafs  becomes  more  fluggifli  and 
intradtable.  Men  fhould  therefore  remember  how  ^Efop's  Houfe-wife  was 
deceived,  who  expeded  that,  by  doubling  her  Feed,  her  Hen  fhould  lay 
two  Eggs  a  day  -,  but  the  Hen  grew  fat,  and  laid  none.  'Tis  abfolutely 
uniafe  to  rely  upon  any  natural  Experiment,  before  proof  be  made  of  it,  both 
in  a  lefs  and  a  larger  quantity. 
(^.)  By-Repe-  r.  An  Experiment  is  produced  two  v/2.ys,  viz.  hy  Repelition  and  Exten/wn; 
the  Experiment  being  either  repeated,  or  urged  to  a  more  fubtile  thing.  It 
may  ferve  for  an  Example  of  Repetition,  that  Spirit  of  Wine  is  made  of  Wine, 
by  one  diftillation  ;  and  thus  becomes  much  Itronger,  and  more  acrid,  than 
the  Wine  itfelf :  will  likewife  Spirit  of  Wine  proportionally  exceed  itfelf  in 
flrength  by  another  diffillation  ?  But  the  Repetition  alfo  of  Experiments  may 
deceive  •,  thus  here  the  fecond  Exaltation  does  not  equal  the  Excefs  of  the  firft  ; 
and  frequently,  by  repeating  an  Experiment,  after  a  certain  pitch  is  obtain'd. 
Nature  is  fo  far  from  going  farther,  that  fhe  rather  falls  back.  Judg- 
9ient,  therefore,  mufl:  be  ufed  in  this  afJitir.     So  Quickfilver  put  into  melt .d 

Lead, 


tutm. 


Se<ft.  XII.  LearnedExperience.  i2r 

Lead,  when  it  begins  to  grow  cold,  will  bearrefted,  and  remain  no  longer 
fluid:  but  will  the  fame  Quickfilver,  often  ferved  fo,  become  fix'd  and 
malleable  ? 

6.  For  an  Example  of  Extenfion  \  Water  made  pendulous  above,  by  means  (,-.)  By  £.v<f». 
of  a  long  Glafs-ftem,  and  dipp'd  into  a  mixture  of  Wine  and  Water;    will /<"'• 
feparate  the  Water  from  the  Wine  •,  tiie  Wine  gently  rifing  to  the  top,  and 

the  Water  defcending,  and  fettling  at  the  bottom.  Now  as  Wine  and  Water, 
being  two  different  Bodies,  are  feparable  by  this  contrivance  ;  may  likewife 
the  more  fubtile  parts  of  Wine,  which  is  an  entire  Body,  be  feparaced  from 
the  moregrofs,  by  this  kind  of  Diftillation,  perform'd,  as  it  were,  by  Gravity  i 
fo  as  to  have  floating  a-top,  a  Liquor  like  Spirit  of  Wine,  or  perhaps  more 
fubtile?  Again,  t\\Q  Loadjlom  draws  /ro«  in  fubftance  i  h\\tW\\\  Loadjlone, 
plunged  into  a  folution  of  Iron,  attract  the  Iron,  and  cover  itfelf  with  it  ? 
So  the  magnetick  Needle  applies  to  the  Poles  of  the  World  :  but  does  it  do 
this  after  the  fame  courfe  and  order  that  the  celeftial  Bodies  move  ?  Sup- 
pofe  the  Needle  held  at  the  South  Point,  and  then  let  go  -,  would  it  now  turn 
to  the  North  by  the  Weft  or  Eaft  ?  Thus  Gold  imbibes  Quickfilver  con- 
tiguous to  it  v  but  does  the  Gold  do  this  without  increafing  its  own  Bulk, 
fo  as  to  become  a  Mafs  fpecifically  heavier  than  Gold?  Thus  Men  help 
their  Memories  by  fetting  up  Pidures  of  Perfons  in  certain  places  •,  but 
would  they  obtain  the  fame  end,  if,  neglefting  their  Faces,  they  only  ima- 
gined the  Adlions  or  Habits  of  the  Perfons  ? 

7.  An  Experiment  may  be  iransfer'd  three  ways;  viz.  (i.)  by  Nature,  or  (<5) Bji Tnn(- 
Chance,  into  an  Art-,    (2.)  from  one  Art,  or  Pradice,  to  another;    and  ^a^^'l"' 
(3.)  from  one  part  of  an  Art  to  another.     There  are  innumerable  Examples /row  Wurc 
of  the  transferring  of  Experiments  from  Nature,  or  Chance,  to  Arts;  as  intoaoArt. 
nearly  all  the  mechanical  Arts  owe  their  Origins  to  flender  beginnings,  af- 
forded by  Nature,  or  Accident.     'Tis  authoriz'd  by  a  Proverb,  that  Grapes 

among  Grapes  ripen  fooner.  And  our  Cyder-Makers  obferve  the  rule  :  for 
they  do  not  ftamp  and  prefs  their  Apples,  without  laying  them  on  heaps,  for 
a  time,  to  ripen  by  mutual  Contad ;  whereby  the  Liquor  is  prevented  from 
being  too  tart.  So  the  making  of  artificial  Rainbows,  by  the  thick  fprink- 
ling  of  little  drops  of  Water,  is  an  eafy  Tranfiation  from  natural  Rainbows 
made  in  a  rainy  Cloud.  So  the  Art  of  Diftillation  might  be  taken,  either 
from  the  falling  of  Rain,  and  Dew,  or  that  homely  Experiment  of  boiling 
Water  ;  where  Drops  adhere  to  the  Cover  of  the  VeflTel.  Mankind  might 
have  been  afraid  to  imitate  Thunder  and  Lightning,  by  the  invention  of 
great  Guns;  had  not  the  chemical  Monk  received  the  firft  hint  of  it  by 
the  impetuous  Difcharge,  and  loud  Report,  of  the  Cover  of  his  Veflcl  \  But 
if  Mankind  were  defirous  to  fearch  after  ufeful  things,  they  ought  attentively, 
minutely,  and  on  fet  purpofe,  to  view  the  Workmanftiip  and  particular  Ope- 
rations of  Nature ;  and  be  continually  examining  and  cafting  about,  which 
of  them  may  be  transferred  to  yirts  ^ :  for  Nature  is  the  Mirror  of  Art.  . 

*  This  Accident  is  related  of  Barth.  Schwartz.,  a  Dmifj  Monk. 

•>  There  are  many  Inftances  of  .^rf;  copied  from  Nature  in  M.  Sertlls  Treatife  de  I»  Science 
univerftlle. 

Vol.  r.  3R.  S., 


122  Learned  Experience.        Sed.XII. 

Terom  one  Art  8.  Nor  are  there  fewer  Experiments  transferrahle  from  one  Arty  or  VraElicey 
to  tinother.  fg  another;  tho'  this  be  rarely  ufed.  For  Nature  lies  every  where  obvious  to 
us  all  •,  tho'  particular  Arts  are  only  known  to  particular  Artifts.  SprBacles 
were  invented  for  a  help  to  weak  Sights  -,  might  not,  therefore,  an  Inftru- 
ment  de  difcovered,  that  applied  to  the  Ears,  fliould  help  the  Hearing  ^  ? 
Embalming  preferves  dead  Bodies  ;  could  not  therefore  fomeihing  of  like 
kind  be  transferred  to  Medicine,  for  the  prefervation  of  live  ones  ?  So  the 
Praftice  of  fealing  in  IFax,  Cements  and  Lead,  is  ancient,  and  paved  the 
way  to  the  printing  on  Paper,  or  the  Art  of  the  Prefs.  So  in  Cookery,  Salt 
preferves  Mjats  better  in  Winter  than  in  Summer  :  might  not  this  be  ufe- 
tiilly  transferred  to  Baths,  and  the  occafional  Regulation  of  their  Tempera- 
ture? So  by  late  experience.  Salt  is  found  of  great  efficacy  in  condenfing, 
by  the  way  of  artificial  freezing:  might  not  this  be  transferred  to  the  con- 
denfing of  Metals  ;  fince  'tis  found  that  the  Aqua  fortes,  compos'd  of  Salts, 
dilTolve  Particles  of  Gold  out  of  fome  lighter  Metals  ?  So  Painting  re- 
freflies  the  Memory  by  the  Image  of  a  thing:  and  is  not  this  transferred  in 
what  they  call  the  Art  of  Memor'j  ?  And  let  it  be  obferv'd,  in  general,  that 
nothing  is  of  greater  Efficacy  in  procuring  a  ftock  of  new  and  ufefid  Inven- 
tions, than  to  have  the  Experiments  of  numerous  mechanick  Arts  known  to 
a  fingle  Perfon,  or  to  a  few,  who  might  mutually  improve  each  other  by  Con- 
verfation  :  fo  that  by  this  Tranjlation  of  Experiments,  Arts  might  mutually 
warm,  and  light  up  each  other,  as  it  were,  by  an  intermixture  of  Rays ''.  For 
altho'  the  rational  way,  by  means  of  a  new  Machine  for  the  Mind,  promifes 
much  greater  things  •,  yet  this  Sagacity,  or  learned  Experience,  will,  in  the 
mean  time,  fcatter  among  Mankind  many  Matters ;  which,  as  fo  many 
miffive  Donatives  among  the  Ancients,  are  near  at  hand. 
And  from  one  9.  The  transferring  of  Experiments  frorn  one  fart  of  an  Art  to  another,  dif- 
partofmArtfers  little  from  the  transferring  one  Art  to  another.  But  becaufe  fome  Arts  are 
fo  another.  ^^  extenfive,  as  to  allow  of  the  Tranflation  of  Experiments  within  them- 
felves,  'tis  proper  to  mention  this  kind  alfo  ;  efpecially  as  'tis  of  very  great 
moment  in  fome  particular  Arts.  Thus  it  greatly  contributes  to  enlarge  they/r/ 
of  Medicine,  to  have  the  Experiments  of  that  part  which  treats  of  the  Cures 
of  Difeafes,  transferred  to  thofe  parts  which  relate  to  the  Prefervation  of 
Health,  and  the  Prolongation  of  Life.  For  if  any  famous  Opiate  fhould, 
in  a  pefbilential  Diftemper,  fupprefs  the  violent  Inflammation  of  the  Spirits  ; 
it  might  thence  feem  probable,  that  fomething  of  the  fame  kind,  render'd 
familiar  by  a  due  Dofe,  might,  in  good  meafure,  check  that  wafting  Inflam- 
mation which  fteals  on  with  Age '. 

10. 

'  K'lrcher  claims  the  honour  of  an  Invention  of  this  kind,  in  his  Fhonottrgta  ;  tho'  perhaps 
the  Ear-Trumpet  was  ufed  in  England  before  his  time. 

*■  On  this  Foundation  was  built  that  noble  Defign  of  Mr.  Boyle,  for  putting  out  Apprentices 
to  particular  Trades  ;  chiefly  with  a  view  of  having  the  Knowledge  and  Praifices  of  fuch 
Trades  afterwards  communicated  to  hi mlelf,  or  others,  whom  he  (hould  depute  for  the  purpofe. 
And  whoever  would  confer  a  Angular  Benefit  upon  Mankind,  and  improve  Philojofly  in  earneft, 
could  not,  perhaps,  do  better,  than  by  putting  luch  a  Delign  in  execution. 

'  Viz.  That  kind  of  Heat,  or  Inflammation,  which  dries  the  Fi/>res,  turns  the  Cartilages  and 
Tendons  bony,  and  thus  ftops  the  Offices  and  Funftions  of  the  Body  j  whence  Decay  and  Death 
are  naturally  brought  on  by  old  Age. 


SeA. XII.         Learned   Experience.  123 

10.  An  Experiment  is  inverted,  when  the  contrary  of  ivhat  the^.x-iy-)  The  In- 
PERiMENT  J^jezc's,  ts  prcved :    for  example,  Heat  is  increafed  by  Burning- ^".'""^  "/^-^" 
Gl.ifles  :  but  may  Cold  be  fo  too?  So  Heat,  in  diffufing  itfelf,  rather  mounts  f^''""'""' 
upwards ;  but  Cold,  in  diffufing  itfelf,  rather  moves  downwards.     Thus,  if  an 

iron  Rod  be  heated  at  one  end,  then  eroded  upon  its  heated  end,  and  the  Hand 
be  applied  to  the  upper  part  of  the  Rod,  the  Hand  will  prefently  be  burnt;  but 
if  the  heated  end  be  placed  upwards,  and  the  Hand  applied  below,  it  will  be 
burnt  much  flower.  But  if  the  whole  Rod  were  heated,  and  one  end  of  ic 
wet  with  Snow,  or  a  Sponge  dipp'd  in  cold  Water :  would  the  Cold  be 
fooner  propagated  downwards,  than  upwards,  if  the  Sponge  Avcre  applied 
below  ?  Again,  the  Rays  of  the  Sun  are  reflefted  from  a  white  Body,  but 
abforbed  by  a  black  one :  are  Shadows  alfo  fcatter'd  by  black,  and  col- 
lected by  white  Bodies  ?  We  fee  in  a  d,;rk  place,  where  Light  comes  in  only 
at  a  fmall  Hole  ;  the  Images  of  external  Objedts  are  received  upon  white  Pa- 
per, but  not  upon  black. 

1 1.  An  Experiment  is  compell'd,  zvhere  'tis  urged  or  produced  to  the  (S.^TheCom- 
Annihihtion  or  Deftru8ion  of  the  Power  ;  the  Prey  being  onlv  catch'd  in  the  puliiono/£*- 
other  Chafes,    but  kill'd  in  this.     Thus  the  Loadftom  attradts  Iron  ;  urge  t^''""»''- 
therefore  the  Iron,  or  urg?  the  Loadftone,  till  they  attradtno  longer:  for 
example ;  if  the  Loadftone  were  burnt,  or  fteep'd  in  Aq^ua  forth,  would  ic 
entirely,  or  only  in  part,   lofe  its  Virtue.''     So  if  Iron  were  reduced  to  a 

Crocus,  or  made  into  prepared  Steel,  as  they  call  it,  or  diffolved  in  Aqua 
fortis  ;  would  the  Loadftone  ftili  attradl  it  ?  The  Magnet  draws  Iron  thro'  all 
known  Mediums,  Gold,  Silver,  Glafs,  ^c.  Urge  the  Medium,  therefore, 
and,  if  poflible,  find  out  one  that  intercepts  the  Virtue.  Thus  make  trial  of 
^dckfiher.  Oil,  Gums,  ignited  Gold,  and  fuch  things  as  have  not  yet  been 
tried.  Again,  M/f/-o/2o/d'j  have  been  lately  introduced,  which  ftrangely  mag- 
nify minute  Objedls :  urge  the  ufe  of  them  either  by  applying  them  to  Ob- 
jefts  fo  fmall,  that  their  power  is  loft ;  or  fo  large,  till  'tis  confounded. 
Thus,  for  example,  can  Microfcopes  clearly  difcover  thofe  things  in  Ui-ine, 
which  are  not  ocherwife  perceptible?  Can  they  difcover  any  Specks,  or 
Clouds,  in  Gems  that  are  perfeftly  clear  and  bright  to  appearance  ?  Can 
they  magnify  the  Motes  of  the  Sun,  which  Democritus  miftook  for  Atoms, 
and  the  Principles  of  Things  ?  Will  they  fhew  a  mix'd  Powder  of  Vermi- 
lion and  Cerufe  in  diftinft  Grains  of  Red  and  White  ?  Will  they  magnify 
larger  Objefls,  as  the  Face,  the  Eye,  ^c.  as  much  as  they  do  a  Gnat  or  a 
Mite  ?     Or  reprefent  a  Piece  of  fine  Linen  open  as  a  Net  ? 

12.  The  Application  of  an  Experiment,  is  no  more  than  an  inge-  (9.)  T&eAp- 
mous  Tranfation  of  it  to  fame  other  Experiment  of  ufe :  for  example,  all  Bodies  plication  of 
have  their  own  Dimenfions  and  Gravities.     Gold  has  more  Gravity  and  lefs  ^^^^ 
Bulk  than  Silver,  and  JVater  than  PFine  ;  hence  an  ufeful  Experiment  is  derived 
for  difcovering  what  proportion  of  Silver  is  mix'd  with  Gold  ;  or  of  fFater 
with  /^7w  ;    from  a  knowledge  of  their  Meafure  and  Weight ;  which  was 
the  grand  Difcovery   of  Archimedes.     Again,  as  Flefli  putrefies  fooner  in 
fome  Cellars  than  in  others,  'twere  ufeful  to  transfer  this  Experiment  to  the 
Examination  of  Airs^  as  to  their  being  more  or  lefs  wholefome  to  live  in ; 

R  2  bv 


periraencs. 


1 24  LearnedExperience,  Sedl.XII. 

by  finding  thofe  wherein  Flefh  remains  longeft  unputrefied  :  And  the  fame 
Experiment  is  applicable  to  difcover  the  more  wholefome  or  peftilential  Sea- 
fons  of  the  Year.    But  Examples  of  this  kind  are  endlefs ;  and  require  that 
Men  fhould  have  their  Eyes  continually  turn'd  one  while  to  the  Nature  of 
'Things.,  and  another  while  to  human  Ufes. 
(io.)Ti<Con-      13.  The  Conjunction  of  an  YLxpz^iMti^T,  is  a  ConneHion  andChain 
juniftion  of    of  Applications.,  when  thofe  things  which  were  not  ufcful  Jingle,  are  made  nfeful 
Experiments,  ^y  Connexion :  for  example,  to  have  Rofes  or  Fruits  come  late,  the  way  is 
to  pluck  off  the  early  Buds,  or  to  lay  bare  the  Roots,  and  cxpofe  them  to  the 
open  Air,  towards  the  middle  of  Spring;  but 'tis  much  better  to  do  both 
together.     So  Ice  and  Nitre  feparate,  have  a  great  power  of  cooling  ;  but 
a  much  greater,  whenmix'd  together.     But   there  may   be  a  Fallacy  in 
this  obvious  Affair,  as  in  all  cafes  where  Axioms  are  wanting  -,  if  the  CoJi- 
junffion  be  made  in  things  that  operate  by  different,  and,  as  it  were,  con- 
trary ways. 
(11.)  Chance-     i4>  As  for  Chance-Experiments,    thefe  are  plainly  an  irrational  and 
Experimcms.  wild  Procedure  -,  when  the  Mind  fuggefts  the  trial  of  a  thing,  not  becaufe  any 
Reafon  or  Experiment  perfuades  it,  but  only  becaufe  nothing  of  the  like  kind 
has  been  tried  before :  yet  even  here,  perhaps,  fome  confiderable  Myftery 
lies  concealed  j  provided  no  ftone  in  nature  were  left  unturn'd :  for  the  capital 
things  of  Nature  generally  lie  out  of  the  beaten  Paths  -,  fo  that  even  the 
abfurdnefs  of  a  thing,  fometimes  proves  ufeful.    But  if  Reafon  alfo  be  here 
join'd,  fo  as  to  fliew  that  the  like  Experiment  never  was  attempted,  and  yet 
that  there  is  great  caufe  why  it  fhould  be  ;  then  this  becomes  an  excellent 
Inftrument,  and  really  enters  the  Bofom  of  Nature.    For  example,  in  the 
Operation  of  Fire  upon  natural  Bodies,  it  hath  hitherto  always  happen'd, 
that  either  fomething  flies  off,  as  Flame  and  Smoke,  in  our  common  Fires, 
or  at  leaft,  that  the  parts  are  locally  feparated  to  fome  diftance,  as  in  Diftilla- 
tion ;  where  the  Vapour  rifes,  and  the  Fseces  are  left  behind  •,  but  no  Man  hath 
hitherto  tried  clofe  Diflillation  *.    Yet  it  feems  probable,  that  if  the  Force  of 
Heat  may  have  its  Aftion  confined  in  the  Cavities  of  a  Body,  without  any 
poflibility   of  lofs  or  efcape,    this  Proteus   of  Matter  will  be  manacled,  as 
it  were,  and  forced  to  undergo  numerous  Transformations ;  provided  only 
the  Heat  be  fo  moderated  and  changed,  as  not  to  break  the  containing  Vef- 
fel.     For  this  is  a  kind  of  natural  Matrix,  where  Heat  has  its  Effeft  without 
feparating,  or  throwing  off  the  Parts  of  a  Body.     In  a  true  Matrix,   in- 
deed, there  is  Nourifliraent  fupplied ;  but  in  point  of  Tranfmutation,  the 

cafe 

•  The  Thing  here  meant  is  not,  as  appears  from  other  Paflages  of  the  Authsr,  the  commoa 
<[Ufe  Dtgeftion,  Dijl'llation  vfithout  the  admiflion  of  Air,  or  clofe  Sublimatimi  as  in  making 
Mercury  precipitate  fer  fe;  hat  a  nea  Digejlien,  pradlifedby  means  of  the  Digestor,  or  hollow  me- 
talline £ngjne,  made  fo  ftrong  and  firm,  as  to  endure  a  great  Violence  of  Fire;  which  is  an  Ope- 
ration that  had  not,  perhaps,  been  pra£tiled  at  the  time  our  Author  wrote;  but  is  the  reputed 
Invention  of  M.  Pafin,  and  Mr.  Boylei  tho'  they  neither  of  them  carried  the  Difcovery  to  any 
great  length :  and  even  at  prefent  it  feems  to  reft  in  the  making  of  Soops,  or  foftening  of  a/is- 
mal  Bones,  tho'  applicable,  perhaps,  to  much  nobler  Purpofes. .  See  more  upon  this  head,  ia 
MQThof'ifBljhifior,T:<3ta.\l,^^g.iiisj, 


Se<?l.XIir.    The  Invention  <?/*  Arguments.  125 

cafe  is  the  fame '.  And  here  let  none  defpair  or  be  confounded,  if  the  Ex- 
periments they  attempt  Ihould  not  anfwer  their  Expedtation :  for  tho'  Succefs 
be  indeed  more /"/^d/r/Tf ;  yet FiSjVi^rc',  frequently,  is  no  lefs  informing:  and  it 
muft  ever  be  remembred,  that  Experiments  of  Light  are  more  to  be  defired, 
than  Experiments  of  Profit.  And  fo  much  for  Learned  Experience,  as 
we  call  it  -,  which  thus  appears  to  be  rather  a  Sagacity y  or  a.fcen(ing  of  Naturct 
as  in  hunting,  than  a  direft  Science  ^. 


SECT.     XIII. 

Of  the  Invention    of  Arguments:  and 
Topical    Invention. 

l.-fTPHE  Invention  of  Arguments  is  not  properly  an  Invention',  rhe  invmthn 
P     for  to  invent,  is  to  difcover  things  unknown  before  ;  and  not  to  re-  ofArgHmmti, 
colled,  or  admit,  fuch  as  are  known  already.     The  Office  and  Ufe  of  this  **'"* 
kind  of  Invention,  feems  to  be  no  more,  than  dextroufly  to  draw  out  from 
the  Stock  of  Knowledge  laid  up  in  the  Mind,  fuch  things  as  make  to  the 
prefent  purpofe :  for  one  who  knows  little  or  nothing  of  a  Subjeft  propofed, 
has  no  ufe  of  Topicks,  or  Places  of  Invention  ;  whilft  he  who  is  provided  of 
fuitable  Matter,  will  find  and  produce  Arguments,  without  the  help  of  Art, 
and  fuch  Places  of  Invention  ;  tho'  not  fo  readily  and  commodioufly :  whence 
this  kind  of  Invention,   is  rather  a  bare  calling  to  Memory,  or  a  Suggeftion 
with  Application,  than  a  real  Invention.  But  fince  the  Term  is  already  received, 
it  may  ftill  be  called  Invention  ;  as  the  hunting  in  a  Park  may  be  call'd  hunt- 
ing, no  lefs  than  that  in  the  open  Field.     But  not  to  infift  upon  the  Word, 
the  Scope  and  End  of  the  thing  itfelf,  is  a  quick  and  ready  ufe  of  our  Thoughts, 
rather  than  any  Enlargement  or  Increafe  of  them. 

2.  There  are  tisjo  Methods  of  procuring  a  Stock  of  Matter  for  Difcourfe ;  viz.  TwMethoJt 
(i.)  either  by  marking  out,  and  indicating  the  Parts  wherein  a  thing  is  to  be  ef  procuring 
fearch'd  after,  which  is  what  we  call  the  Topical  Way  ;  or  (2.)  by  laying  ^^»'"'  f»', 
up  Arguments  for  ufe,  that  were  compofed  before  hand,  relating  to  fuch  ,heToilcl"" 
things  as  frequently  happen,  and  come  in  difpute ;  and  this  we  call  the  and  tit 

PronTP-  promptuary.  ■ 

*  Much  Light  of  Direftion  for  producing  uncommon  Effefts,  may  be  derived  from  this 
Tajfage,  as  it  opens  the  way  for  an  exaft  and  powerful  Imitation  of  Nature,  in  her  clefe  Me- 
thods of  operating,  in  the  Formation  of  Animals  in  the  Uterus,  and  the  Egg;  the  Produ^ioa 
of  Metals  and  Minerals,  in  the  dofe  Caverns  of  the  Earth,  ^c.  See  Morhf,  in  the  placea  bove- 
quoted  ;  and  confult  Experience,  as  to  the  clefe  Operations  of  the  FMrnace. 

^  ThisSe<£tion  appears  to  have  beenHttle  underftood,  even  by  fome  eminent  Men  ;  whocen- 
fure  the  Scheme  of  the  Author,  and  think  that  Experiments  muft  needs  be  cafual,  and  the  human 
Underftanding  unable  to  direft  and  conduft  them  to  ufeful  purpofes,  unlefs  by  accident.  The 
Misfortune  feems  to  lie  here,  that  few  converfe  fo  familiarly  with  Nature,  as  to  judge  what 
may  be  done  in  this  v/ayj  or  how  the  numerous  Difcoveries  of  the  Lord  Bacon,  Mr.  Boyle, 
T):.  Hooi,  Sir  IfaacSewton,  itc.  were  made.  An  attentive  Perulal  of  the  Now. y.  Qrc'ano.m, 
where  this  Subjeft  is  largely  profecuted,  will  unravel  the  A^y?frv. 


126  T;??^  Invention  o/*  Arguments:     Sed.XIII. 

Promptuary  Way  :  but  the  latter  can  fcarce  be  called  a  part  of  Science., 
as  confifting  rather  in  diligence  than  any  artificial  Learning.  Arijtotle 
on  this  head  ingeniouQy  derides  the  Sophifts  of  his  time,  faying,  they  a^ed 
like  aprofefs'd  Shoemaker,  who  did  not  teach  the  Art  of  Shoeniaki>ig.,  butfet  out 
a  large  Jiock  of  /hoes,  of  different  fhapes  and  fixes.  But  it  might  be  replied, 
that  the  Shoanaker  who  fhould  have  no  fhoes  in  his  fhop,  and  only  make 
them  as  they  were  befpoke,  would  find  few  cuftomers.  Our  Saviour 
fpeaks  far  ocherwife  of  divine  Knowledge,  (zymg.  Therefore  every  Scribe  which 
is  inftruoled  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  is  like  unto  a  man  that  is  an  houjloolder, 
which  brings  forth  out  of  his  treafure  things  new  and  old. 

3.  We  find  alfo  that  the  ancient  Rhetoricians  gave  it  in  precept  to  the 
Orators,  to  be  always  provided  of  various  Comtnon  Places,  ready  furnifhed 
and  illuftrated  with  Arguments  on  both  fides;  as  for  the  intention  of  the 
Latv  againft  the  words  of  the  Law  ;  for  the  truth  of  Arguments  againft 
Teftimonies,  and  vice  verfa.  And  Cicero  himfelf  being  taught  by  long  expe- 
rience, roundly  aflerts,  that  a  diligent  and  experienced  Orator  ihould  have 
fuch  things  as  come  into 'difpute,  ready  laboured  and  prepared,  fo  as  that  in 
Pleading  there  fhould  be  no  neceffity  of  introducing  any  thing  new,  or  occafio- 
nal,  except  new  Names,  and  fome  particular  Circumflances.  But  as  the  firft 
o/)^K»/f  of  the  Caufe  has  a  great  efi'eft  in  preparing  the  minds  of  the  Audience, 
the  exadnefs  o'iI)emoflhenes]\iAotd^  it  proper  to  compofe  before-hand,  and 
have  in  readinefs,  feveral  Introduiflions  to  his  Harangues  and  Speeches:  and 
thefe  Examples,  and  Authorities,may  juftly  over-rule  the  opinion  of  Ariflotle, 
who  would  have  us  change  a  whole  IVardrobe  for  a  pair  of  Sheers.  This 
promptuary  Method,  therefore,  fhould  not  be  omitted,  but  as  it  relates  as  well 
to  Rhetorick  as  to  Logick,  we  fhall  here  touch  it  but  flightly ;  defigning  to 
confider  it  more  fully  under  Rhetorick  *. 

4.  We  divide  topical  Invention  into  general  and  particular.  The  general  h 
fo  copioufly  and  diligently  treated  in  the  common  Logicks,  that  we  need  not 

Topical  Tn.  dwell  upon  its  explanation :  we  only  obfer\'e  by  the  way,  that  this  topical 
■vention  divi-  Method  h  not  Only  ufed  in  Argumentation,  and  clofe  Conference,  but  alfo 
ral'and  iarti-  '"^(Contemplation,  when  we  meditate  or  revolve  anything  alone.  Nor  is  its 
cular.  office  only  confin'd  to  the  fuggefting,  or  admonifliing  us,  of  what  Ihould  be 

affirmed  or  afierted  -,  but  alfo  what  we  fhould  examine  or  queftion:  a  pru- 
dent queftioning  being  a  kind  of  haf-knowledge  ;  for,  as  P/s/o  juftly  obferves, 
a  Searcher  mufi  have  fome  general  notion  of  the  thing  he  fearches  after,  0- 
therwife  he  could  never  know  it  when  he  had  found  it ;  and  therefore  the 
more  comprehenfiveand  fure  o\i.x Anticipation  is,  the  moredired:  and  fhort  will 
be  the  Invejligation.  And  hence  the  fame  Topicks  wiiich  conduce  to  the  clofe 
examining  into  our  own  Underftandings,  and  colleding  the  Notices  there 
treafured  up,  are  Jikewife  affiftant  in  drawing  forth  our  Knowledge.  Thus, 
if  a  perfon,  skilful  in  the  point  under  queftion,  were  a:  hand,  as  we  might 
prudently  and  advantageoufly  confult  him  upon  it ;  in  like  manner,  we  may 
ufefuUy  feled  and  turn  over  Authors  and  Books,  to  inftrud  and  inform  our 
felves  about  thofe  things  we  are  in  queft  of. 

»  See  hereafter,  Seel.  XVIII. 


Sed.  XIII.        and  Topical   Invention.  127 

5.    But  the    PARTICULAR     TOPICAL    INVENTION     isiTlUch    morC    COTifllX-  The  particu- 

cive  to  the  fame  purpoles,  and  to  be  eftcemed  a  highly  fertile  thing.     Some  '"'■ 'f;'''i'/«- 
Writers  have  lately  mentioned  it ;  but  'tis  by  no  means  treated  accordino-  "^'"'""^  <^«'^- 
to  its  extent  and  merit.      Not  to  mention  the  Error  and  Haughtinefs  which 
have  too  long  reigned  in  the  Schools ;  and  their  piirliiing  with  infinite  iubtilty,' 
fuch  things  as  are  obvious,without  once  touching  upon  thofe  that  lie  remote  ; 
we  receive  this  Topical  hivefition  as  an  extremely  ufeful  thing  that  affords  cer- 
tain Heads  of  Enquiry  and  Iiivjfligation  appropriated  to  particular  Suhjet^s  and 
Sciences.     Thefe /'/rt^t'j  are  certain  mixiurci  oi  Logick,  and  the  peculiar  mat- 
ter of  each  Science.     'Tisan  idle  thing,  and  fhews  a  narrow  mind  to  think 
that  the  Art  of  difcovering  the  Sciences  may  be  invented  and  propofed  in  pcr- 
feftion  from    the  beginning  ;  fo  as  to    be  afterwards  only   exercifed   and 
brought  into  ufe :  for  men  Ihould  be  made  fenfible,   that  the  /olid  and  real 
Arts  of  Invention  grow  up  and  increafe  along  with  Inventions  themfelves :  fo 
that  when  any  one  firft  comes   to  the  thorough  examination  of  a  Science^ 
he  fhould  have  fome  ul'eful   Rules  of  Difcov-ery  ;  but  after  he  hath  made  a 
confiderable  progrefsin  the  Science  itfelf,  he  may,  and  ought,  to  find  out  new 
Rules  of  Invention  ;  the  better  to  lead  him  ftill  further.      The  way  here  is 
like  walking  on  a  Flat,  where  after  we  have  gone  fome  length,  we  not  only 
approach  nearer  the  End  of  our  journey  ;  but  alfo  have  a  clearer  view  of 
what  remains  to  be  gone  of  it:  fo  in  the  Sciences,  every  ftep  of  the  way,  as 
it  leaves  fome  things  behind,  alfo  gives   us  a  nearer   profpedt  of  thofe  that 
remain:  and  as  we  report  this  particular  topical  Invention  defcient  ;  we  think 
proper  to  give  an  Example  of  it,  in  the  Subjeft  of  Gravity  and  Levity. 

6.  (i.)  Let  Enquiries  be  tnade  what  kind  of  bodies  are fufceptihle  of  the  mo-  An  example 
tion  of  Gravity ;  what  of  Levity :  and  if  there  be  any  of  a  iniddle  or  neutral  "f  'be  t'"'ti- 
Nature.  '"'"''  t°pical 

7.  (2.)  After  thefwiple  Enquiry  of  Gravity  and  Levity,  proceed  to  a  cotnpa-  thT}uy^a'"f 
rative  Enquiry  ;  viz.  which  heavy  bodies  weigh  more,  and  which  lefs,  in  the  fame  Gravity  /,»i 
dimenfions  ;  and  of  like  ones,  which  mount  upwards  the  fwifter,    and  which  the  Levity. 
flower. 

8.  (3.)  Enquire  what  effetl  the  quantity  of  the  Body  has  in  the  tnotion  of  Gravi- 
ty. This  at  firft  fight  may  appear  a  needlefs  Enquiry,  becaufe  Motion  may 
feem  proportionable  to  Quancity,  but  the  cafe  is  otherwife.  For  altho'  in 
Scales,  Quantity  is  equal  to  the  Gravity,  yet  where  there  is  a  fmall  refiftance, 
as  in  the  falling  of  bodies  thro'  the  Air,  Quantity  has  but  little  force  to 
quicken  the  defcent :  for  twenty  pounds  of  lead,  and  a  fingle  pound,  fall 
nearly  in  the  fame  time. 

9.  (4.)  Enquire  whether  the  quantity  of  a  Body  may  be  fo  increafed,  as  that 
the  Motion  of  Gravity  fhallbe  entirely  lojl;  as  in  the  Globe  of  the  Earth,  which- 
hangs  pendulous  without  filling,  ^iccre,  therefore,  whether  other  maffes  may  be 
fo  large  as  to  fujlain  themfelves.  For  that  Bodies  fhould  move  to  the  centre 
of  the  Earth,  is  a  fidion :  and  every  mafs  of  matter  has  an  averfion  to 
local  motion,  till  this  be  overcome  by  fome  ftronger  impulfe  \ 

(50 

"  Hence  the  famous  Law  of  Motion,  that  Bodies  would  for  ever  continue  in  that  ftate  of 
Reft  or  Motion,  wherein  they  once  are,  if  fome  other  Caufe  did  not  put  them  ourofic.  Hence 

tbe 


128  7^^  Invention  (9/*Arguments:     Sed.XIIL 

10.  (5.)  Enquire  into  the  Eff'eols  and  Nature  of  refijling  Mediums,  as  to  their 
influencing  the  Motion  of  Gravity ;  for  a  falling  body  either  penetrates  and 
cuts  thro'  the  body  it  meets  in  its  way,  or  elfe  is  (topped  by  it.  If  it  pafs 
through,  there  is  a  penetration,  either  with  a  fmall  refiftance,  as  in  Air  j  or 
with  a  greater,  as  in  Water.  If  it  be  ftop'd,  'tis  ftop'd  by  an  unequal  re- 
fiftance, where  there  is  a  preponderancy;  as  when  Wood  is  laid  upon  Wax  •,  or 
by  an  equal  refiftance,  as  when  Water  is  laid  upon  Water,  or  Wood  upon 
Wood  of  the  fame  kind:  which  is  what  the  Schools  pretend,  when  they  idly 
imagine  that  bodies  do  not  gravitate  in  their  own  places.  And  all  thefe  circum- 
ftances  alter  the  motion  of  Gravity  ;  for  heavy  bodies  move  after  one  way  in 
the  ballance,  and  after  another  in  falling :  and,  which  may  feem  ftrange,  after 
one  way  in  a  ballance  fufpended  in  the  Air,  and  after  another  in  a  ballance 
plunged  in  Water ;  after  one  way  in  filling  thro'  Water,  and  after  another 
when  floating  upon  it. 

1 1.  (6.)  Enquire  into  the  EffeBs  of  the  Figure  of  the  defcending  Body,  in  direH- 
ing  the  Motion  of  Gravity:  Suppofe  of  a  figure  broad  and  thin,  cubical, 
oblong,  round,  pyramidal,  &c.  and  how  Bodies  turn  themfelves  whilft 
they  remain  in  the  fame  pofition  as  when  firft  let  go. 

1 2.  (7.)  Enquire  into  the  EffeSls  of  the  Continuation  and  Progrejfcn  of  the  Fall, 
or  Defcent  itfelfy  as  to  the  acquiring  a  greater  impulfe  or  velocity  ;  and  in  what 
proportion  and  to  what  length  this  velocity  is  increafed :  for  the  Ancients,  upon 
flender  confideration,  imagin'd,  that  this  Motion  being  Natural,  was  always 
upon  the  increafe. 

13.  (8.)  Enquire  into  the  EffeBs  of  Diflance,  or  the  near  Approach  of  a  Body 
defcending  to  the  Earth  *,  fo  as  to  fall  fwifter,  flower,  or  not  at  all ;  fuppoftng  it 
were  to  be  out  of  the  Earth's  fphere  of  activity,  according  to  Gilbert's  opinion ; 
as  alfo  the  Effects  of  plunging  the  falling  Body  deeper  into  the  Earth,  or  placing 
it  nearer  the  furface:  for  this  alfo  varies  the  Motion,  as  is  manifeft  to  thofe 
who  work  in  Mines. 

14.(9.)  Enquire  into  the  EffeHs  of  the  difference  of  Bodies,  thro*  which  the 
Motion  of  Gravity  is  diffufed  and  communicated  ;  and  whether  *tis  equally  cotnmu- 
nicated  thro*  [of t  and  porous  Bodies,  as  thro'  hard  and  folid  ones.  Thus  if  the 
beam  of  a  fcale  were  one  half  of  wood,  and  the  other  of  filver,  yet  of  the 
fame  weight;  enquire  whether  this  would  not  make  an  alteration  in  the 
fcales :  and  again,  whether  metal  laid  upon  wool,  or  a  blown  bladder, 
would  weigh  the  fame  as  in  the  naked  fcale. 

15.  (10.)  Enquire  into  the  Effects  of  the  diflance  of  a  lody  from  the  point  offuf- 
penfton  in  the  com?tiunicalion  of  the  Motion  of  Gravity  ;  that  is,  into  the  earlier 
or  later  perception  of  its  inclination  or  deprejji on  :  3.s  in  ic^iles,  where  one  fide 
of  the  beam  is  longer,  tho'  of  the  fame  weight  with  the  other,  whether  this 
inclines  the  beam ;  or  in  fyphons,  where  the  longer  leg  will  draw  the  water, 
tho'  the  Ihorter,  being  made  wider,  contains  a  greater  weight  of  water. 

16.  (11.)  Enquire  into  the  EffeHs  of  intermixing  or  coupling  a  light  Body  and  a 
heavy  one,  for  leffening  the  Gravity  of  Bodies;  as  in  the  weight  of  creatures  alive 
and  dead.  17.(12.) 

the  Km  InertU  of  Matter,  or  its  Indifpofition  to  Motion  or  Reft:  and  hence  the  Gravitation 
of  Matter,  and  the  Infignificance  of  Mashtmmcal  Ctntres  in  the  bufinefs  of  Attradipn. 


.Se<^.XIII.      17;;^  Topical  Invention.  129 

17.  (12.)  Enquire  into  the  Jfcaits  and  Defcents  of  the  ligther  and  heavier  parts 
of  one  entire  Body :  vjhence  curious  feparations  are  often  made;  as  in  the  feparation 
of  wine  and  water,  the  riftng  of  cream  from  vulk,  &c. 

18.  (13.)  Enquire  what  is  the  Line  and  Birebtion  of  the  Motion  of  Gravity, 
and  how  far  it  refpe^s  the  Earth's  centre,  that  is,  the  mafs  of  the  Earth  ;  or  the 
centre  of  its  own  Body,  that  is,  the  appetite  of  its  parts.  For  thefe  centres  are 
properly  fuppofed  in  Demondrations  •,  but  are  othcrwife  unfcrviceable  in 
Nature. 

19.  (14.)  Enquire  into  the  Comparative  Motion  of  Gravity,  with  other 
Motions,  or  to  what  Motions  it  yields,  and  what  it  exceeds.  Thus  in  the  Mo- 
tion they  call  violent,  the  Motion  of  Gravity  is  with-held  for  a  time ;  and 
fo  when  a  large  weight  of  Iron  is  railed  by  a  little  Loadftone,  the  Motion  ot 
Gravity  gives  way  to  the  Motion  of  Sympathy. 

20.(15.)  Enquire  concerning  the  Motion  of  the  ^ir,  whether  it  rifes  upwards^ 
«r  be  as  it  were  neutral;  which  is  not  eafy  to  be  difcovered  without  fome  ac- 
curate Experiments:  for  the  rifing  up  of  Air  at  the  bottom  of  Water,  ra- 
ther proceeds  from  a  refiftance  of  the  Water,  than  the  Motion  of  the  Air  •, 
fince  the  fame  alfo  happens  in  Wood  \  But  Air  mixed  with  Air  makes 
no  difcovery  ;  for  Air  in  Air  may  feem  as  light,  as  Water  in  Water  fecms 
heavy :  but  in  Bubbles,  which  are  Air  furrounded  with  a  thin  pellicle  of 
Water,  it  ftandsftill  for  a  time. 

21.(16.)  Let  the  Bounds  of  Levity  he  enquired  after  ;  for  tho'  Men  make  the 
Centre  of  the  Earth  the  Centre  of  Gravity,  they  will  perhaps  hardly  make 
the  ultimate  convexity  of  the  Heavens  the  boundary  of  Levity  •,  but  rathei-, 
perhaps,  as  heavy  bodies  feem  to  be  carried  fo  far,  that  they  reft,  and  grow  as 
it  were  immoveable  -,  light  bodies  are  carried  fo  far,  that  they  bejgin  a 
Rotation,   or  circular  Motion. 

22.  (17.)  Enquire  the  caufe  why  Vapours  and  Effluvia  are  carried  fo  high,  as 
that  called  the  middle  region  of  the  Air  ;  fince  the  matter  of  them  is  fomewhat 
grofs ;  and  the  rays  of  the  Sun  ceafe  alternately  by  night. 

23.  (18.)  Enquire  into  the  tendency  of  Flame  upwards ;  which  is  the  more  ah- 
ftrufe,  becaufe  Flame  perifhes  every  moment,  unlefs  perhaps  in  the  midfl  of  larger 
Flames :  for  Flames  broken  from  their  continuity,  are  of  fmall  duration. 

24.  (19.)  Enquire  into  the  motion  and  activity  of  Heat  upwards ;  as  when  Heat 
in  ignited  Iron  fooner  creeps  upwards  than  downwards.  And  thus  much  by 
way  of  Example  of  our  particular  Topical  Enquiry.  We  muft,  for  a  Conclu- 
fion,  admonifh  mankind,  to  alter  their  particular  Topicks  in  fuch  manner,  as 
after  fome  confiderable  progrefs  made  in  the  Enquiry,  to  raife  Topick  after 
Topick^,  if  they  defire  to  afcend  to  the  Pinnacle  of  the  Sciences.  For  my 
own  part,  I  attribute  fo  much  to  thefe  particular  Topicks,  that  I  defign  a  par- 
ticular Work  upon  their  Ufe,    in  the  more  eminent  and  obfcure  fubjefts 

'  As  when  a  Plate  of  Wood  is  prefs'd  with  the  Hand  againft  the  bottom  of  a  Pail  of  Waters 
for  if  the  Hand  be  now  taken  away,  the  Wood  is  thrown  up  by  the  Water  with  great 
Tiolence. 

*  The  Method  of  doing  this,  is  particularly  explained  fo  the  Novum  Organum. 

Vol.  I.  S  of 


130  7^5  Art  (?/*  Judgment.         Seft.XIV. 

of  Nature:  for  we  are  matters  of  queftions,  tho'  not  of  things».     And  here 
we  clofe  the  Subjeftof  Invention. 


SECT.     XIV. 

Of  the  h^T  0/*  Judgment. 

Tht  Art  of     I'TTITE  come  now  to  the  Art  of  Judgment,  which  treats  of  the  «<t- 

Judgment  by       \l\    ture  of  Proof  OT  Demon ftratioK      This  Jrt,  as  'tis  commonly  re- 

induaion,  di-  ^^■^y^^^    concludes  either  by  Induolion  or  Syllos-ifm  :   for  Enthvmemes  and  E)Cr 

ruft  and  ge-  aniples  are  only  abridgments  or  thele  two ".     As  to  judgment  by  Indu^ton,  we 

mme.  need  not  be  large  upon  it ;  becaufe  what  is  fought,  we  both  find  and  judge 

of,  by  the  fame  operation  of  the  Mind.     Nor  is  the  matter  here  tranfadled 

by  a  medium,  but  diredtly  -,  almoft  in  the  fame  manner  as  by  the  Senfe  : 

for  Senfe,  in  its  primary  objefts,  at  once  feizes  the  image  of  the  objeft,  and 

aflents  to  the  truth  of  if.     'Tis  ocherwife  in  Syllogifm,  whofe  proof  is  not 

direft,  but  mediate  ;  and  therefore  the  Invention  of  the  Medium,  is  one  thing  j 

and  Judgment,  as  to  the  confequence  of  an  argument,  another :     For  the 

Mind  firft  calls  about,  and  afterwards  acquiefces.    But  for  the  corrupt  Form 

of  InduSfion,  we  entirely  drop  it;  and  refer  the  genuine  one  to  our  Method  of 

interpreting  Nature  *.     And  thus  much  of  Judgment  by  InduSJion. 

The  Art  tf         2.  The  Other  by  Syllogifm  is  worn  by  the  File  of  many  a  fubtile  Genius, 

Judgment  by  ^^^  reduced  to  numerous  fragments  -,  as  having  a  great  fympathy  with  the 

Syllogifm,  hi    Yi^irazn  Underftanding:  for  the  Mind  is  wonderfully  bent  againft  fluftuating  ; 

"^'"'  and  endeavours  to  find  fomething  fix'd  and  unmoveable,  upon  which,  as  a 

firm  bafis,  to  reft  in  its  Enquiries.     And  as  Arijlotle  endeavours  to  prove, 

that  in  all  motion  of  bodies,  there  is  fomething  ftill  at  reft  -,  and  elegantly 

explains  the  ancient  Fable  of  Atlas,  fuftaining  the  Heavens  on  his  fhoulders, 

of  thePo/<?i  of  the  World,  about  which  the  revolutions  are  performed  :  fo  men 

have  a  ftrong  defire  to  retain  within  themfelves  an  Atlas,  or  Pole  for  their 

Thoughts,  in  fome  meafureto  govern  the  fluduations  and  revolutions  of  the 

Underftanding :  as  otherwife  fearing  their  Heaven  fhould  tumble.     And  hence 

it 

"  Tho'  no  exprefs  Work  of  thtf  Author  was  publifhed  with  this  Title,  yet  all  his  particulw 
imiuiries  proceed  in  this  Method;  as  the  Hiflery  of  Winds,  Life  and  Death,  &c.  and  the  fame 
was  carefully  followed  hy  the  Ry»l  Society,  for  a  confiderable  time;  by  drawing  up  Headsof  En- 
quiries upon  particular  Subjefts;  fending  them  abroad  j  and  publiftiing  them  in  their  f/ii/o/flf^/V/i/ 
TranfuHions.  The  fame  was  likcwife  obferved  by  Mr.  Boyle,  and  moft  other  fucccfsful  Enqui- 
rers into  Nature,  fince  the  Lord  Bacon.  See  more  to  this  purpofe  in  the  Novum  Organum, 
and  IntroduBions  to  the  third  and  fourth  Parts  of  the  Instauration. 

^  An  Enthymeme  is  no  other  than  a  Syllogifm  of  two  Propolirionj,  the  third  bein^  fupplied 
by  the  Mindj  as  the  word  itfelf  imports;  iadlnduclion  is  no  more  than  a  firing  of  Inflances,  or 
Examfles,  brought  upon  any  Head. 

'  M  leaft  the  Affent  is  given  fo  quick,  asfcsrce  tobediftinguilhed  fronj  the  Sen&tion  itA:lf- 

f  Vix,.  the  Novum  Organum.  2 


Se(ft.  XIV.  The  Art  «t/*  Judgment,  131 

it  is,  that  they  have  been  ever  ha  fly  in  laying  the  Principles  of  the  Sciences^ 
about  which  all  the  variety  of  Difputes  might  turn  without  danger  offal- 
ling  ;  not  at  all  regarding,  that  whoever  too  haftily  catches  at  Certainties, 
(hall  end  in  Doubts  ;  as  he  who  feafonably  with-holds  his  Judgment,  fhall 
arrive  at  Certainties. 

3.  'Tis  therefore  manifcft  that  this  Art  of  judging  bv  Syllogism  Its  ojjice. 
is   nothing  more  than  a  ReduHion  of  Propofitions  to  their  Principles,  by  middle 
Terms,     But  Principles  are  fuppofed  to  be  received  by  confent ;  and  exempt 

from  Queftion -,  whilft  x}[\&  Invention  of  middle  7>;-otj  is  freely  permitted  to 
the  fubtiky  and  inveftigation  of  the  Wit.  This  Redu£iion  is  of  two  kinds, 
direct  and  inverfe.  'Tis  dire^,  when  the.  Propofition  itself  is  reduced  to  the 
Principle  ;  and  this  is  called  ojlenfive  Proof:  'Tis  inverfe,  when  the  Contra- 
diftory  of  the  Propofition  is  reduced  to  the  Contradi6tory  of  the  Principle  ; 
which  they  call  Proof  by  abfurdity  :  but  the  number  or  fcale  of  the  rniddle 
Terms  is  diminifhed,  or  increafed,  according  to  the  remotenefs  of  the  Pro- 
pofition from  the  Principle. 

4.  Upon  this  foundation,    we  divide  the    Art   of   Judgment  nearly  The  Art  «f 
as  ufual,  into  Jnaly ticks,  znd  the  Doctrine  of  Blenches,  or  Confutations -,  the  J^fjS""_"f  <>'- 
firft  whereof  fupplies  Dire^ion,    and  the  other  Caution :   for  Anahticks  di-  Analyr^ck", 
refts  the  true  Forms  of  the  confequences  of  Argu?nenti,  from  which  if  we  vary,  we  and  the  Doc 
make  a  wrong  Conclufion.    And  this  itfelf  contains  a  kind  of  Elench,  or  redar-  trine  of  Coo.- 
gution  ;  for  what  is  right,  fhews  not  only  itfelf,  but  alfo  what  is  wrong.  Yet  f"^*"°°5- 
'tis  fafeft  to  employ  Eienches,  as  Monitors,  the  eafier  to  difcover  ftUacies  ; 

which  would  otherwife  enfnare  the  Judgment.  We  find  no  Deficiency  in 
Analsticks ;  for  'tis  rather  loaded  with  fuperfluities,  than  deficient'. 

5.  We  divide  the  Doolrine  of  Confutations  \nto  three  parts,    viz.  (i.)   the  TheDoHrine 
Confutation  of  Sophifins,    (2.)  the   Confutation  of  Interpretation,  and   (3.)  the  "/Conftiu- 
Confutation  of  Images  or  Idols.     The  Doctrine  of  /Z)^  Confutation   of  So-  "°"s  '/iWerf 
PHI  SMS,  is  extremely  ufeful:  for  altho'  a  grofs  kind  of  Fallacy  is  notim-  confutation  of 
properly  compared,  by  Seneca,  to  the  Tricks  of  Jugglers ;  where  we  know  Sofhifms. 
not  by  what  means  the  things  are  perform'd,  but  are  well  affur'd  they  are 

not  as  they  appear  to  be :  yet  the  more  fubtile  Sopbifms  not  only  fupply 
Occafions  of  Anfwer  ;  but  alfo  in  reality  confound  the  Judgment.  This  part 
concerning  the  Confutation  of  Sophifms  is,  in  Precept,  excellently  treated  by 
Arijiotle  ;  but  ftill  better  by  Plato,  in  Example  ;  not  only  in  the  Perfons  of 
the  ancient  Sophifts,  Gorgias,  Hippias,  Protagoras,  Euthydemus,  &c.  but  even 
in  the  perfon  oi  Socrates  h\mk\\ ;  who,  always  profefling  to  affirm  nothing, 
but  to  confute  what  was  produced  by  others,  has  ingenioufly  exprefs'd  the 
feveral  Forms  of  Objections,  Fallacies,  and  Redargutions.  Therefore  in  this 
part  we  find  no  Deficiency  ;  but  only  obferve  by  the  way,  that  tho'  we  place 
the  true  and  principal  Ufe  of  this  DoBrine  in  the  redargution  of  Sophifms  ;  yet 
'tis  plain,  that  its  degenerate  and  corrupt  ufe  tends  to  the  raifing  of  Cavils,  and 
Contradidionsjby  means  oithokSophifms  themfelves:  which  kind  of  Faculty  is 

S  2  highly 

•  Upon  theSubjeft  oi  Analpicks,  fee  Welgelius  in  his  Andyjis  Arijlotelica,   tx  Enclide  rejii- 
$Ht»,  and  Morhofm  his  iolyhtfior.  Tom.  I.  Lib.  II.  cap.  7.  dt  Methtdis  variU. 


132  the  Art   of  Judgment.         Se£t.XIV. 

highly  eflreemed,  and  has  no  fmall  ufes" :  Tho'  'tis  a  good  diflinftion  made 
between  the  Orator  and  the  Sophift,  that  the  former  excels  in  fwiftnefs,  as 
the  Grayhoundi  the  other  in  the  turn,  as  the  Hare. 
(i.)TheCen-  6.  Witli  regard  to  the  Confutations  of  Interpretation,  wemuft 
futation  of  here  repeat  what  was  formerly  faid  of  the  tranfcendental  and  adventitious 
Interpret^,  conditions  of  Beings,  fuch  as  Greater,  Lefs,  Whole,  Parts,  Motion,  Reft,  &c. 
'""*'  For  the  different  way  of  confidering  thefe  things,  which  is  either  Phy/tcallj 

or  Logically,  muft  be  remember'd.  The  Phyf.call'reatment  of  them  we  have  al- 
loted  to  primary  Pbilofophy  ;  but  their  Logical  Treatment  is  what  we  here  call 
the  Confutation  of  Interpretation.  And  this  we  take  for  a  found  and  ex- 
cellent part  of  Learning :  as  general  and  common  Notions,  unlefs  accurately  and 
judicioufly  diftinguilhed  from  their  Origin,  are  apt  to  mix  themfelves  in  all 
Difputes,  fo  as  ftrangely  to  cloud  and  darken  the  Light  of  the  Queftion  ;  and 
frequently  occafion  the  Controverfy  to  end  in  a  quarrel  about  Words  :  for 
Equivocations  and  wrong  Acceptations  of  Words,  efpecially  of  this  kind, 
are  the  Sophifms  of  Sophifms  :  wherefore  'tis  better  to  treat  of  them  feparate, 
than  either  to  receive  them  into  primary  Pbilofophy  or  Meiaphyficks ;  or  again 
to  make  them  a  part  of  Analyticks,  as  Ariftotle  has  confufedly  done.  We  give 
this  Do£lrine  a  name  from  its  Ufe  ;  becaufe  its  true  ufe  is  indeed  Redargution 
and  Caution,  about  the  employing  of  Words,  So  likewife  that  part  concerning 
Predicaments,  if  rightly  treated,  as  to  the  cautions  againft  confounding  or 
tranfpofing  the  terms  of  Definitions  and  Divifions,  is  of  principal  ufe  ;  and 
belongs  to  the  prefent  Article.  And  thus  much  for  the  Confutation  of  In- 
terpretation. 
(^)Andtht  7-  As  to  the  Confutations  of  Images,  or  Idols,  we  obferve  that 
CmfMation  of  Jdols  are  the  deepefb  Fallacies  of  the  human  Mind  •,  for  they  do  not  de- 
Idols,  or  falfe  ceive  in  particulars,  as  the  reft,  by  clouding  and  enfnaring  the  Judgment  ; 
Notions.  j^ij^  from  a  corrupt  predifpofition,  or  bad  complexion  of  the  Mind;  which 
diftorts  and  infefts  all  the  anticipations  of  the  Underftanding.  For  the 
Mind  darkened  by  its  Covering,  the  Body,  is  fas  from  being  a  flat,  equal 
and  clear  Mirror,  that  receives  and  refleds  the  rays  without  mixture  ;  but 
rather  a  Magical  Glafs,  full  of  Superftiiions  and  Apparitions.  Idols  are  im- 
, ,  ,.  . ,  ,  pos'd  upon  the  Underftanding,  either  (i.)  by  the  general  Nature  of  Mankind^ 
(2.)  the  Nature  of  each  particular  Man;  or  (3.)  by  Words,  or  communicative 
Nature.  Thefirft  kind  we  call  Idols  of  the  Tribe  -,  the  fecond  kind. 
Idols  of  the  Den  •,  and  the  third  kind.  Idols  of  the  Market  *•. 
There  is  alfo  a  fourth  kind,  which  we  call  Idols  of  the  Theatre  ;  be- 
ing fuperinduced  by  falfe  Theories,  or  Pbilofophies,  and  iht  perverted  Laws 
of  Demonftration.  This  laft  kind  we  are  not  at  prefent  concerned  with  ;  as 
it  may  be  rejected  and  laid  alide :    but  the  others  feize  the  Mind  ftrong- 

*  For  example,  by  giving  occafion  to  farther  Thought,  Enquiry,  and  Difpute,  which  may 
•nd  in  feme  new  Difcovery,  or  thefaller  clearing  up  and  confirming  fome Truth. 

''  The  Reader  (hould  not  be  (hocked  at  the  ufe  of  thcfe  »e»  Terms;  fince  the  Doctrine  of 
Idols  was  itfelf  new  at  the  Time  that  this  was  wrote  :  and  being  perhaps  never  togched  upon 
before,  the  Author  was  obliged,  for  clearnefs  and  diftinftion  fake,  to  givedifcriminating  Names 
to  the  feveral  Aflbrtmentt  of  thefe  //»//«  NofMW  j  the  DeHrlm  whereof  15  oiore  fully  explainsd 
and  illuftrated  ia  the  Novum  Orcahum* 


Sed.XIV.  The  Art  «/*  Judgment.  133 

ly,  and  cannot  be  totally  eradicated.  Therefore  no  Art  of  yfnalpiiks  can 
be  expeft^d  here  •,  but  the  Dc"nne  of  the  Confutanon  of  Idols  is  the  prmary 
DoiJh>:e  of  Idols.  Nor  indeed  can  the  Dol}rine  cf  Idols  be  reduced  to  an 
Art ;  but  can  only  be  employ'd,  by  means  of  a  certain  contemplative  Pru- 
dence, to  prevent  them. 

9.  For  Idols  OF  the  Tribe*-,  'tis  obfervable  that  the  nature  of  the  (lO/»'»^^^»^-» 
JJnderJianding  is  more  affedted  with  Affirmatives  3.nd  Aclives.,  than  with  Nega-  'f'^'  Tube, 
iives  and  Privatives  ;  tho'  in  juftnefs  it  fhould  be  equally  affedted  with  them 

both  :  but  if  things  fall  out  right,  or  keep  their  courfe,  the  Mind  receives  afronger 
imprejfion  of  this,  than  of  a  much  greater  number  oi  Failures,  or  contrary  Events : 
which  is  the  Root  of  all  Superflition  and  Credulity.  Hence  Diagoras,  being 
fhewed  in  Neptune's  Temple,  many  votive  Pictures  of  fuch  as  had  elcaped  Ship- 
wreck ;  and  thereupon  asked  by  his  Guide,  if  he  did  not  now  acknowledge  the 
divine  Power  ?  anfwered  wifely.  But  firjl  fhew  me  where  tkofe  are  painted  that 
were  fhipwrecked,  after  having  thus  paid  their  voivs.  And  the  cafe  is  the  fame,  in 
the  rimilar5«/)(fr/?i/;o«jof  aftrological  Predidlions,  Dreams,  Omens,  fe'c".  Again, 
the  Mind  being  of  itfelf  an  equal  and  uniform  fubjlance,  prefuppofes  a  greater 
unanimity  and  uniformity  in  the  nature  of  things,  than  there  really  is ;  whence 
our  thoughts  are  continually  drawing  parallels,  and  fuppofing  relations  in 
many  things  that  are  truly  different,  and  fingular.  Hence  the  Cbemijls  have 
fantaftically  imagined  their  four  Principles  correfponding  to  the  Heavens, 
Air,  Earth,  and  Water ;  and  the  Mathematicians  their  circular  Motions  of 
the  celcftial  bodies,  i^c.  And  again,  Men  make  themfelves,  as  it  ivere,  the 
Mirror  and  Rule  of  Nature.  'Tis  incredible  what  a  number  of  Idols  have 
been  introduced  into  Philofophy,  by  the  reduclion  of  Natural  Operations  to 
a^  corref^ondence  with  human  Actions  \  that  is,  by  imagining  Nature  adls  as 
Man  does  :  which  is  not  much  better  than  the  Heref^  of  the  Anthropomor- 
phites,  that  fprung  up  in  the  cells  and  folitude  of  ignorant  monks  ;  or  the 
opinion  of  Epicurus,  who  attributed  a  human  figure  to  the  Gods.  Velleius,  the 
Episurean,  need  not,  therefore,  have  asked,  -why  God  fhould  have  adorned  the 
Heavens  with  Stars  and  Lights.,  as  Majler  of  the  Works  ?  For  if  the  grand 
ArcbiteSi  had  aded  a  human  Part,  he  would  have  ranged  the  Stars  into 
fonre  beautiful  and  elegant  order ;  as  we  fee  in  the  vaulted  roofs  of  Palaces  ; 
whereas,  we  fcarcefind  among  fuch  an  infinite  multitude  of  Stars,  any  figure 
either  fquare,  triangular,  or  reftilinear  :  fo  great  a  difference  is  there  betwixt 
the  Spirit  of  Man,  a.nd  the  Spirit  of  the  Univerfe. 

10.  The  Idols  of  the  Den  have  their  Origin  from  the  peculiar  Na-  (i.)The  idoU 
ture,  both  of  Mind  and  Body,  in  each  perfon  ;  as  alfo  from  Education,  Cu-  "/  '^e^kn. 
ftom,  and  the  Accidents  of  particular  perfons.     'Tis  a  beautiful  Emblem  that 

of  Plato's  Den  ** ;  for,  to  drop  the  exquifite  fubtilty  of  the  parable,  if  any  one 
Ihould  be  educated  from  his  infancy  in  a  dark  cave,    till  he  were  of  full 

age, 

•  Thefe  might  otherwife  be  called  partial  Idols;  as  being  owing  to  the  pirtiility  or  ob- 
liquity of  the  MinJ;  which  his   its  particular  bent  ;    and  admits   of  ibme  things  more  readily 
than  others,  without  a  manifeft  Realbn  affign'd  for  it  to  the  Underftanding.     However  Uus  be, 
they  maoifeftiy  belong  to  the  Triie  of  munkinJ. 
_   *  Whence  the  Author  apjarently  wok  tue^  Appellation,  I^h  oftbi  Den, 


134- 


'The  Art  of  Judgment.         Sed.XIV» 


Ani{->,)  the 
Iilols  of  the 
^larket. 


The  DoHrint 
tf  Idols  defi- 
cient. 

An  Afpendtx 

to  the  Art  of 
Judgment  de- 
ficient. 


age,  and  fhould  then  of  a  fudden  be  brought  into  broad  day-light,  and  behold 
tliis  Apparatus  of  the  Heavens  and  of  Things  ;  no  doubt  but  many  ftrange 
and  abfurd  fancies  would  arife  in  his  Mind  :  and  cho'  men  live  indeed  in  the 
view  of  the  Heavens;  yet  our  Minds  are  confined  in  tiie  cavt-rns  of  our  Bo- 
dies •,  whence  of  neceflity  we  receive  infinite  Images  of  Errors  and  Falfaoodis 
if  the  Mind  does  but  feldom,  and  only  for  a  fliort  continu.Tnce,  leave  its 
Den  •,  and  not  conftantly  dwell  in  the  contemplation  of  I^^turt  ;  as  it  were 
in  the  open  day- light.  And  with  this  Emblem  of  P/iita's  Den,  agrees  the 
faying  of  Heraclitus ;  viz.  that  Menfeek  the  Sciences  in  their  oivn  narrow  Worlds, 
aJul  not  in  the  wide  one. 

11.  But  the  Idols  of  the  Market  give  the  greateft  liifturbance  5 
and  from  a  tacit  agreement  among  mankind,  with  regard  to  the  impofition 
of  Words  and  Names,  infinuate  themfelves  into  the  Underftanding :  for  Words 
are  generally  given  according  to  vulgar  conception  ;  and  divide  things  by 
fuch  differences  as  the  common  people  are  cap.ible  of  ^ :  but  when  a  more 
acute  Underftanding,  or  a  more  careful  Obfervation,  would  diif  inguifh  things 
better  ;  Words  murmur  againft  it.  The  remedy  of  this  lies  in  Definitions  ; 
but  thefe  themfelves  are  in  many  refpefts  irremediible  •,  as  confifting  of 
Words :  for  Words  generate  Words ;  however  men  may  imagine  they  have  a 
command  over  Words ;  and  can  eafily  fay  they  will  /peak  with  the  Fulgar, 
and  think  with  the  Wife.  Terms  of  Art  alfo,  which  prevail  only  among  the 
Skilful,  may  feem  to  remedy  the  mifchief -,  and  D'finitions  premifed  to  Arts 
in  the  prudent  mathematical  manner,  to  correft  the  wrong  acceptation  of 
Words:  yet  all  this  is  infufBcient  to  prevent  the  feducing  incantation  of 
Names,  in  numerous  refpefts,  their  doing  violence  to  the  Underftanding,  and 
recoiling  upon  it,  from  whence  they  proceeded.  This  evil  therefore  re- 
quires a  new  and  a  deeper  Remedy  ;  but  thefe  things  we  touch  lightly 
at  prefent ;  in  the  mean  time,  noting  this  Doctrine  of  grand  Confuta- 
tions; or  the  Doctrine  0/ //&!?  NATIVE  and  adventitious  Idols  of 
the  Mind,  for  deficient  ^. 

12.  There  is  alfo  wanting  a  confiderable  Appendix  to  the  AH  of  Judgment. 
Ariflotle  indeed  marks  out  the  thing,  but  has  no  where  delivered  the  manner 
of  effecting  it.  The  defign  is  to  fliew  what  Detnonflrations  JJjotdd  be  applied  to 
what  SubjeSls  ;  fo  that  this  Doftrine  fliould  contain  the  Judging  of  Judg- 
ments ".  For  Ariflotle  well  obferves,  that  we  fhould  not  require  Detnonflra- 
tions from  Orators,  nor  Perfua/wn  from  Mathematicians :  fo  that  if  we  err  ia 
the  kind  of  proof.  Judgment  itfelf  cannot  be  perfeft.  And  as  there  are 
four  kinds  of  Demonftration,  viz.  (i.)  by  immediate  Confent,  and  common 
Notions;  (2.)  by  InduHion;  (3.)  by  Syllogifm;  and  (4.)  by  Congruityy 
which  Ariflotle  juftly  calls  Demonftration  in  Circle ;  each  of  thefe  Demonftra- 
tions  has  its  peculiar  Subjeds,  and  Parts  of  the  Sciences,  wherein  they  are  of 
force ;  and  others  again  from  which  they  are  excluded :  for  infilling  upon 

too 

•  whence  we  have  the  Reafbn  of  thefe  Appellations ;  and  in  particular,  the  term  liolt  of 
the  Market. 

^  It  is  fupplied  m  the  Novum  Organum. 

'  What  has  been  done  towards  fupplying  this  Deficiency,  may  be  ften  in  Morhof's  Tolyhijlar, 
Tom.  I.  Lib. II.  cap. 4..  dt  Sttbftdiis  dirigendi  Judicii, 


Se<n:.XV.  71)&  Art  o/"  Memory.  135 

too  ftrift  proofs  in  fome  Cafes  -,  and  ftill  more,  the  facility  and  remiflhefs,  in 
refting  upon  Oight  proofs  in  others ;  is  what  has  greatly  prejudiced  and  ob- 
ftrudted  the  Sciences.     And  fo  much  for  the  Jrt  of  Judgment. 


SECT.     XV. 

Of  th&   Art   of  Memory. 

I,  W\  E  divide  the  Art  of  Memory,  or  the  keeping  and  retain-  7*«  Art  of 
V  V     ING  Of  Knowledge,  into  ivjo  Parts;  viz.  the  Dcnrir.e  of  Helps  Memory  di- 
for  the  Memory ;  and  the  Do5frme  of  the  Memory  itfelf     The  Help  for  the  ]!,^/JJ"'°f' 
Memory  is  Writing :  and  we  muft  obferve,  that  the  Memory,  without  this  uelfsfor  the 
affiftance,  is  unequal  to  things  of  Length  and  Accuracy  ;  and  ought  not  other-  Mmerj, 
wife  to  be  trufted.     And  this  holds  particularly  in  Indu£iive  Philofo^hy,  and 
in  the  Interpretation  of  Nature ;  for  one  might  as  well  undertake  to  make 
an  Almanack  by  the  Memory,  without  writing,  as  to  irterpret  Nature  by 
bare  Contemplation.     Scarce  any  thing  can  be  more  ufeful  in  the  ancient  and 
popular  Sciences,  than  a  true  ^ndflid  Help  for  the  Memory  ;  that  is,  zjujl  and 
learned  Digeji  of  Common-places.     Some,  indeed,  condemn  this  Method  of 
Common-placing  what  one  reads  or  learns,  as  prejudicial  to  Erudition,  hin- 
dering the  courfe  of  Reading,  and  rendring  the  Memory  indolent  •,  but  as 
it  is  a  wrong  Procedure  in  the  Sciences  to  be  over-hafty  and  quick,  we  judge 
it  of  great  fervice  in  Studi  s,  unlcfs  a  Man  be  folid,  and  compleatly  inftruc- 
ted,  to  beftow  Diligence  and  Labour  in  fetting  down  Common-places  ;  as  it 
afiords  Matter  to  Invention,    and  colledts  and  ftrengthens  the  Judgment. 
But  «mong  all  the  Methods  and  Comman-place  Books  we  have  hitherto  feen, 
there    is  i,ot  one  of  value  * ;    as  favouring  of  the  School  rather  than  the 
World,  and  ufing  rather  vulgar  and  pedantical  Divifions,  than  fuch  as  any 
way  penetrate  Things. 

2.  And  for  the  Memory  itfelf,  it  feems  hitherto  to  have  been  negligently  •^»''  '^'  ^**" 
and  faperficially  enquired  into.  There  is  indeed  fome  Arc  of  Me?nory  extant :  ^^"^iVufAf, 
bu.  I  know  that  much  better  Precepts  for  co-nfirmmg  and  enlarging  the  Memory 
mav  be  had,  than  this  Jrt  contains  ;  and  that  a  better  Pradtice  of  the  Art  it- 
fe'f  rriay  be  form'd,  than  what  is  at  prefent  received.  And  I  doubt  not,  if 
any  ;.e  were  ditpofed  to  make  an  oPientatious  fhew  of  this  Art,  that  many 
fjr^i./Jng  things  might  be  perform'd  by  if,  and  yet,  as  now  managed,  'tis 
but  barren  and  ufelefs.  We  do  not,  however,  pretend  that  it  fpoils,  or  fur- 
charges  tiie  natural  Memory,  which  is  the  common  Objeftion  ■,  but  that  'tis 
not  dexcroufly  applied  for  aflifting  the  Memory  in  real  Bufinefs,  and  fe- 

rious 

'  L  sen  the  Subjeft  of  C(!WWfl»-?i/»«,  confult  Morfeo/'s  P»/y^i/?or,  Tom. I.  Lib.  I.  Cap. zi, 
dc  r  ,  .- ,',  CjmiKunium  Serif (oriou)  i  and  Mt.Lt(keiCommm-Fla(e,  in  his  Difionrfe  of  the  Ctn' 
dniivj  ius  U'.utrjinniiing. 


136  'Ths  Art   of  Memory.  Sed.XV. 

rious  AfFairs.  But  this  turn,  perhaps,  I  may  receive  from  tht  political  Cour/e 
of  Life  I  have  led  •,  never  to  value  what  has  the  appearance  of  Art,  without 
any  ufe.  For  immediately  to  repeat  a  multitude  of  Names,  or  Words, 
once  repeated  before ;  or  off- hand  to  compofe  a  great  number  of  Verfes  up- 
on a  Subjeil  •,  or  to  touch  any  Matter  that  occafionally  turns  up  with  a  faty- 
rical  Comparilbn  ;  or  to  turn  ferious  things  into  jeft  ;  or  to  elude  any  thing 
by  Contradiftion,  or  Cavil,  &c.  of  all  which  Faculties  there  is  a  great  Fund 
in  the  Mind  •,  and  which  may,  by  a  proper  Capacity  and  Exercife,  be  carried 
almoft  to  a  miraculous  height  •,  yet  I  efteem  all  the  things  of  this  kind  no  more 
than  Rope-dancing,  Antick  Pofturcs,  and  Feats  of  Adtivity.  And  indeed 
they  are  nearly  the  fame  things  -,  the  one  being  an  abufe  of  the  bodily,  as 
the  other  is  of  the  mental  Powers :  and  tho'  they  may  caufe  admiration,  they 
cannot  be  highly  efteemed. 

Tmintentions     3.  This  A RT  OF  Memor Y  has  two  Inte}itioiis;  viz.  Prtsnotion,  and Em- 

ofthe  Art  of  Uem.     By  Pranotion,  we  underftand  the  breaking  off  of  an  endlefs  Search  ; 

Memory,  VIZ.  ^^^.  ^j^g^  one  endeavours  to  call  any  thing  to  mind,  without  fome  previous 
Notion,  or  Perception  of  what  is  fought  for,  the  Mind  ftrives  and  exertsitfelf, 
endeavours  and  calls  about,  in  an  endlefs  manner:  But  if  it  hath  any  certain 
Notion  before-hand,  the  Infinity  of  the  Search  is  prefently  cut  lliort  -,  and 
the  Mind  hunts  nearer  home,  as  in  an  Inclofure.  Order,  therefore,  is  a  ma- 
fiifeji  Help  to  Memory.  For  here  there  is  a  previous  Notion,  that  the  things  fought 
for  mujl  be  agreeable  to  Order.  And  thus  Ferfe  is  eafier  remembred  than 
Frofe  ;  becaufe  if  we  flick  at  any  word  in  Ferfe,  we  have  a  previous  Notion, 
that  'tis  fuch  a  word  as  muft  (land  in  the  Verfe:  and  this  Pr^enotion  is  tbefirft 
part  of  Artificial  Memory.  For  in  Artificial  Memory,  we  have  certain  places 
digefted,  and  propoled  beforehand  :  but  we  make  Images  extemporary,  as  they 
are  required  ;  wherein  we  have  a  previous  Notion,  that  the  Image  mull  be  fuch 
as  may,  in  fome  meafure,  correfpond  to  its  place  •,  which  thus  flimulates  the 
Memory,  and,  as  it  were,  ftrengthens  it,  to  find  out  t!ie  thing  fought  for. 

AndEmblitn.  4-  ^^t  Emblems  bringdown  intellcftual  to  fenfible  Things  ;  for  what  is 
fenfible,  always  ftrikes  the  Memory  ftronger,  and  fooner  imprefles  icfelf,  than 
what  is  intelle5iual.  Thus  the  Memory  of  Brutes  is  excited  by  fenfible,  but 
not  by  intelleftual  Things.  And  therefore  it  is  eafier  to  retain  the  Image 
of  a  Sportfman  hunting  the  Hare,  of  an  Apothecary  ranging  his  Boxes,  an 
Orator  making  a  Speech,  a  Boy  repeating  Verfes,  or  a  Player  ading  his 
Part  i  than  the  correfponding  Notions  of  Invention,  Difpofition,  Elocution^ 
Memory  ;  and  Atlion.  There  are  alfo  other  things  that  contribute  to  ajfift 
the  Memory,  but  the  Art  at  prefent  in  ufe,  confifts  of  the  two  above- 
mentioned  » :  and  to  treat  of  the  particular  Defeats  of  Arts,  is  foreign  to  our 
prefent  purpofe  ^  SECT. 

*  I  fuppofe,  that  the  ^rr  e/Mewory,  now  commonly  taught  by  Af«««7-ilf'«/f«>'.r,  is  little  more 
than  a  Lefture  upon  the  Foundations  here  laid  down;  and  perhaps  their  Secret  is  difcloied  in 
Sir  Hugh  Flat's  Jevel-Houfe  of  Art  and  Nature;   printed  at  London,  in  the  year  idj'j.     Se« 

pag-  7  7 80.  ot  that  Edition.     Confult  alfo,  upon  the  Means  of  improving  the  MemSfy,  Morhof's 

Felyhijior,  Tom.  I.  Lib.  II.  Cap.  4.  Je  Subfidiis  dirigendi  Judicii. 

'  The  Author  intended  a  Dtfcourfe  ttfon  the  Helps  of  the  intelleHual  Faculties  j  and  began  the 
firft  Draught  of  it,  as  wc  find  in  his  Letter  to  Sir  Henry  Suvilk:   but  the  Dcfign  was  left  un- 

compleatcd; 


Sedl.XVI.         75^  Doctrine  ^Delivery.  i^j 


SECT.     XVI. 

Cy* //5^  Doctrine  ^Delivery;  and  firji^  of  the 
Elements  of  Speech. 

I.  TTirE  next  proceed  to  the  Art  of  delivering^  uttering,   and  communl-  Traditive 

V  Y     eating  fuch  Things  as  are  difcover'd,  judg'd  of,  and  trealtr'J  ur>  tn  P^'^tr  ne  <ffi- 
the  Memory:  and  this  we  call  by  the  general  Name  of  Traditive  Doc-  '^'^^'^  ""<> 
TRINE  i  which  takes  in  all  the  Jrts  relating  to  ffords  and  Dlfcourfe.     For  MeXo'd.^w 
akho'  Reafon  be  as  the  Soul  of  Difcourfe ;  yet  they  ought  both  to  be  treated  Ornament  of 
feparate,  no  lefs  than  the  Soul  and  Body.     We    divide  this  Traditive  ^P^c^»- 
Doctrine  into  three  Parts  ;  viz.  with  regard  (i.)  to  the  Organ,    {2.)  the 
Method,  and  (3.)  the  lilujlration,  or  Ornament,  of  Speech  and  Difcourfe. 

2.  The.  vulgar  Dj^rine  of  the  Organ  of  Speech,  call'd  Grammar,  is  of  Grammar,  «f 
two  kinds  i  the  one  having  relation  to  Speaking,  the  other  to  Writing.     For,  J""!  '"'"''•  ''f' 
as  Arijlotle  well  obferved,  IFords  are  the  Marks  of  Thoughts',  and  Letters  of  Speaking  and 
Words :  and  we  refer  both  of  thefe  to  Grammar.    But  before  we  proceed  to  Writing. 
its  feveral  Parts,  'tis  necefTary  to  fay  fomething,  in  general,  of  the  Organ  of 
this  Traditive  Doctrine ;  becaufe  it  feems  to  have  more  Defcendants  befides 
Words  and  Letters.     And  here  we  obferve,  that  whatroer  may  be  fplit  into 
differences,  fiifficiently  numerous  for  explaining  the  variety  of  Notions,  provided 
thefe  differences  are  fenfihle,  may  he  a  means  of  conveying  the  Thoughts  from 
Man  to  Man  * :  for  we  find   that  Nations  of  different  Languages,   hold  a 
Commerce,  in  fome  tolerable  degree,  by  Geftures.     And  from  the  Praftice 
of  fome  Perfons  born  deaf  and  dumb,  but  otherwife  ingenious,  we  fee  Con- 
verfation  may  be  held  betwixt  them,  and  fuch  of  their  Friends  as  have  learn'd 
their  Geftures.     And  'tis  now  well  known,  that  in  Chi-na,  and  the  more 
Eajlern  Provinces,  they  ufe  at  this  day,  certain  real,  not  }iomlnal  CharaSfers, 
to  exprefs,  not  Letters  or  Words,  but  Things  and  Notions ;  infomuch,  that 
numerous  Nations,  tho' of  quite  different  Languages,  yet,    agreeing  in  the 
ufe  of  thefe  Characters,  hold  correfpondence  by  Writing  ^.    And  thus  a  Book 

corapleated ;  and  little  more  done  towards  it,  than  the  colledling  of  a  few  Hints,  which  fliew 
that  the  Author  delign'd  to  conllder  the  ■Knys  of  improving  the  Memory,  as  well  as  the  Judg- 
ment ;  and  intended,  principally,  to  recommend  Praliice,  and  the  acquiring  a  Habit. 

*  Hence,  perhaps,  feveral  ways  of  communicating  our  Thoughts  might  be  invented,  befides 
thoie  already  in  ufe^  -uiz..  by  applying,  after  a  different  manner,  to  the  Ser.fes;  as  by  different 
Colours,  Sounds,  Signs,  and  ToMf/;!?;,  differently  changed  and  combined.  Petr.  MontatMs.  FaSricius 
ai>  Acinapendente,  Dt.lVallis,  Di.  Holder,  Bi!hop  tf'ilkins,  Mr.  Falctner,  and  Joh. Conrad.  Am- 
man, have  fome  things  relating  to  this  Subjeft. 

^"  See  more  to  this  parpofe  mSpizeliusde  Re  UterariaChinenfitm,Ed.  Lugd.Bat.  1660;  JVeii's 
Hifiorical  EJfay  upon  the  Chincfe  Language,  printed  at  London,  in  1669^  Father  Befnitr's  Reunion 
atsLangues.  Father  U  Com^te,  and  other  oi  the  Mijfonariti  Lf.ters. 

^  oL.  I.  T  wrote 


ijS  7^^  Doctrine  (?/*  Delivery.         Se^l.XVL 

wrote  in  fuch  Charaolers,  may  be  read  and  interpreted,  by  each  Natio;i,  in 
its  own  refpeiStive  Language. 
The  Signs  of       "}.  The  Signs  of  Things,  fignificative  without  the  Help  or  Interpofition- 
Things  divided  of  [f^ordi,  are  therefore  of  two  kinds:  i\\z  one.  congruous,  x\\e  oxhzr  arblfar-j. 
into  con-        Qf  j.|^g  ^^^  kind,  are  Hicroglyphicks  and  G^-Jlures  ;  of  the  fecond,  real  Cba- 
arbitrary;       raofers.     The  ufe  of  Hieroglyphicksxs  of  great  antiquity  ;  being  held  in  vene- 
•viz..  (I  )  Hie- ration,  efpecially  among  that  moil  ancient  Nation  the  E^ypliaiis  ;  infomuch 
roglyphicks    fj^-jj  j;|iis  feems  to  have  been  an  early  kind  of  Writing  ;    prior  to  the  In- 
nmlGeHuies.  y^j^^i^^  of  Letters;  unlefs,  perhaps,  among  the  Jd'a'j  ^     And  Gejlures  are  a 
kind  of  tranfitory  Hieroglyphicb  :  for  as  IFords  are  fleeting  in  the  pronuncia- 
tion, but  permanent  when  wrote  down  ;  fo  Hieroglyphuks,  exprefs'd  by  Gef- 
ture,  are  momentary  ;  but  when  painted,  durable.     When  Periander,  being 
confulted  how   to  preferve  a  Tyranny  newly  ukirped,    bid    the  McfTinger 
report  what  he  fiw  ;  and  going  into  the  Garden,  cropt  all  the  talleft  Flowers  j., 
he  thus  ufed  as  ftrong  an  Hkrcglyphick^  as  if  he  had  drawn  it  upon  Paper. 
filReal  4-  Again,  'tis  plain  that  Hi  EROGLVPHicKsandGEsruRES,  have  always 

Charadcrs.  fome  fimilitude  with  the  things  fignified ;  and  are  in  reality  Emblems: 
whence  we  call  them  congruous  Alarks  of  Things :  but  real  Chara^ers  have 
nothing  of  the  Emblem  ;  as  being  no  lefs  mute  than  the  elementary  Letters 
themfelves;  and  invented  altogether  at  Difcretion,  tho'  received  by  Cuftom, 
as  by  a  tacit  Ag,reement.  Yet  'tis  manifeft,  that  a  great  number  of  them. 
is  required  in  writing  r  for  they  muft  be  as  numerous  as  the  radical  Words. 
This  Do^rine,  therefore,  concerning  the  Organ  of  Speech,  that  is,  the  Marks 
of  Things,  lae  fet  dozen  as  wantingT'  For  altho'  it  may  feem  a  matter  of  little 
ufe,  whilft  Words  and  Writing  with  Letters  are  much  more  commodiuos 
Organs  of  Delivery  ;  yet  we  think  proper  here  to  mention  it,  as  no  incon- 
fiderable  thing.  For  whilfl:  we  are  treating,  as  it  were,  of  the  Coin  of  in- 
telleilual  Matters ;  'tis  not  improper  to  oblerve,  that  as  Money  may  be  made 
of  other  Materials  befides  Gold  and  Silver  ;  fo  other  Marks  of  Things  may- 
be invented,  befides  IVords  and  Letters^. 
The  Office  ani  5-  Grammar  holds  the  place  of  a  Conduftor,  in  refpedl  of  the  other 
ir/e  of  Giixa-  Sciences ;  and  tho'  the  Office  be  not  noble,  'tis  extremely  necefTary -,  efpe- 
^*E:  cially  as  the  Sciences,  in  our  times,  are  chiefly  derived  from  the  learned  Lan- 

guages. Nor  fhould  this  Art  be  thought  of  fmall  Dignity,  fince  it  afts  as 
an  Antidote  againft  the  Curfe  of  Babel ;  the  Confufion  of  Tongues.  Indeed, 
human  Indufl:ry  ftrongly  endeavours  to  recover  thofe  Enjoyments  it  lofl: 
through  its  own  default.  Thus  it  guards  againfl  the  firfi  general  Curfe,  the 
Sterility  of  the  Eartli,  and  the  eoAing  our  Bread  in  the  Sweat  of  the  Brow,  by 

all 

*  See  Cutifmits'i  Tolyhifior  SymMicus,  and  SymBolica  Mgypiorum  Sapientla,  Ed.  Par.  i5iS. 
And  tor  oth';r  Writers  upon  this  Subjeift,  fee  Morhofs  Folyhijior,  Tom.  1.  Lib.  IV.  Cap.i.  </e 
■variis  Scripturs.  modis. 

^  On  his  Fouiiaanon,  Biiliop  Wilk'ms  undertook  his  laborious  Treatife  of  a  real  CharaBer,  or 
Philofophical  Language ;  tho'  Dalgarn  publifhed  a  Treatiie  on  the  fame  Subjeft  before  him; 
viz..  at  London,  m  me  Year  i66i.  In  rhe  fame  Year,  Becher  alfo  publifiied  another  to  the  lame 
purpife  at  Frankfort,  entitled.  Character  pro  Notitia  Lingiiarum  univerfali.  See  more  upon  this 
Subjeil  in  Joach.m  Friifchii  Lingun  Ltuhvicett,  Kircher's  tolygrn^bm,  Fafchiiis'i  Invents  Hova^^ 
^tiqita^  and  Meihof'i  Foijkijhr. 


Sedl.  XVL        The  Doctrine   of  Delivery.  139 

all  the  other  Arts;  as  againft  the /rc«^/,  the  Confufion  of  Languages,  it 
calls  in  the  afliftance  of  Gramvuv.  Tho'  this  Art  is  of  little  ufe  in  any  ma- 
terml  Language  ;  but  more  ferviceable  in  learning  the  foreign  ones  •,  and 
mofl  of  all  in  the  dead  ones,  whicli  now  ceafe  to  be  popular,  and  are  only 
prelerved  in  Books. 

6.  We  divide  Grammar  alfo,  into  two  Parts,  Literary  and  Philofophi-  Grammar  dl- 
cal ;  the  one  employed  fimply  about  Tongues  themfelves,  in  order  to  their  "'-"/'''^""''/«f- 
beingmore  cxpeditioufly  learned,  or  more  correftly  fpoke  ;  but  the  othei-is  /^W;";"^/"" 
in  fome  fort  fubfervitnt  to  Philofophy:  in  which  view  Cafar  wrote  his  Books  of 
jinalogy,  tho'  we  have  fome  doubt  whether  they  treated  of  the  Philofophi- 

cal  Grammar  now  under  confideration.  We  fufpedl,  however,  that  they 
contained  nothing  very  fubtile  or  fublime  •,  but  only  deliver'd  Precetts  of 
pure  andcorrcn  Difcourfe.,  neither  corrupted  by  any  vulgar,  depraved  Phrafes, 
and  Cuftoms  of  Speech,  nor  vitiated  by  Affedation  :  in  which  particular 
the  Author  himfelf  excell'd  *.  Admonifli'd  by  this  Procedure,  I  have  form'd 
in  my  Thoughts,  a  certain  Grammar,  not  upon  any  Analogy  which  Words 
bear  to  each  other  ;  but  fucb  asJJjould  diligently  examine  the  Analogy  or  Rela- 
tion betwixt  Words  and  Things  ;  yet  without  any  of  that  Hermeneulical  Doc- 
trine-, or  Douirine  of  Interpretation,  which  is  fuhfervient  to  Logick.  'Tis  cer- 
tain that  Words  are  the  Traces  or  ImprefTions  of  Reafon  -,  and  Impreffions 
afford  fome  Indication  of  the  Body  that  made  them.  I  will  therefore  here 
give  a  fmall  Sketch  of  the  Thing. 

7.  And  frfl,  we  cannot  approve  that  curious  Enquiry,  which  Plato,  hov/-  ^  Philorophi'. 
ever  gave  into,  about  the  impofition  and  original  Ety?nology  of  Names ;  as  fup-  '^^^  Grammar 
pofing  them  not  given  arbitrarily  at  firft,    but  rationally  and  fcientifically  "^fi'"'*^- 
drrived  and  deduced.     This  indeed  is  an  elegant,  and,  as  it  were,  a  waxen 

fubject  ;  which  may  handfomely  be  wrought  and  twifted  :  But  becaufe  it 
feems  to  fearch  the  very  Bowels  of  Antiquity,  it  has  an  awful  appearance  -, 
tho'  attended  with  but  little  Truth  and  Advantage  ^  But  it  would  be  a  DireHtonsfoi 
noble  kind  of  a  Grammar,  if  anyone,  well  vers'd  in  numerous  Languages,  fuffljmg  it, 
both  the  learned  and  vulgar,  fhould  treat  of  their  various  Properties-,  and 
fliew  wherein  each  of  them  excell'd,  and  fell  Ihort:  for  thus  Languages 
might  be  enriched  by  mutual  commerce  •,  and  one  beautiful  Image  nf  Speech,  or 
one  grand  Model  of  Language,  for  juftly  exprejfmg  the  Senfe  of  the  Mind,form'dy 
like  the  Fenus  oiApelles,  from  the  excellencies  of  feveral.  And  thus  we  fhould, 
at  the  fame  time,  have  fome  confiderable  Marks  of  the  Genius  and  Manners 
of  People,  and  Nations,  from  their  refpedive  Languages.  Cicero  agree- 
ably remarks,  that  the  Greeks  had  no  word  to  exprefs  the  Latin  ineptum  '^ ; 
becaufe,  fays  he,  the  fault  it  denotes  was  fo  f^miliar  among  them,  that  they 
could  not  fee  it  in  themfelves :  a  Cenfure  not  unbecoming  the  Roman  Gravity. 
And  as  the  Greeks  ufed  fo  grsat  a  Licentioufnefs  in  compounding  of  Words, 
-which  the  Romans  fo  religiouQy  abftained  from  ;  it  may  hence  be  collected, 

T  2  that 

*  Seethe  Account  of  C-Cj'ir's  Books  </«  ./ina/o^fM,  given  above  in  the  Preliminaries,  i'fiS.  Ill  6f. 
Thofe  who  are  carious  to  look  inco  this  Matter,  may  find  ir  fuccinitly  treated  iuMorhofi 
Tclyhi/ior,  Tom.  I.  Lib.  IV.  Cap.  j.  tie  Lingua  uni-verfali  (^  frim^tJ/i, 
5  in  Englijh,  unluitable,  cbildifb,  or  trifling  Behaviour, 


140 


The  Accidents 
9f  l^'onls  he- 
longing  to 
Grammar. 


"the  Mtufun 
jtftVords  the 
Origin  ofVer- 
fification  and 
Froibdia. 


T^e  Doctrine  0/ Delivery.         Se6l.XVI, 

that  the  Greeks  were  better  fitted  for  /irtSy  and  the  Romans  for  Exploits :  as 
variety  of  Jris  makes  compound  Words  in  a  manner  necefTary  ;  whiift  Civil 
Bufinefs,  and  the  Affairs  of  Nations,  require  a  greater  fimplicity  of  Expref- 
fion.  The  Jews  were  fo  averfc  to  thefe  Compofitions,  that  they  would 
rather  ftrain  a  Metaphor  than  introduce  them.  Nay,  they  ufed  fo  few  words 
and  fo  unmJx'd,  that  we  may  plainly  perceive  from  their  Language,  they 
were  a  Nazarite  People  ;  and  feparate  from  other  Nations.  'Tis  alfo  worth 
obferving,  tho'  it  may  feem  a  little  ungrateful  to  modern  Ears,  that  the 
atieient  Languages  are  full  of  Declenfions,  Cafes,  Conjugations,  Tenfes,  and 
the  like  •,  but  the  later  Languages,  being  almofl  deftitute  of  them,  flothful- 
ly  exprefs  many  things  by  Prepofitions  and  auxiliary  Verbs.  For  from  hence 
it  may  eafily  be  conjedlured,  that  the  Genius  of  former  Ages,  however  we 
may  flatter  ourfelves,  was  much  more  acute  than  our  own.  And  there  are 
things  enow  of  this  kind  to  make  a  Volume.  It  feems  reafonable,  therefore, 
to  diftinguifh  a  philosophical  Grammar  from  a  fimple //to-^r_y  ow,  and 
to  fet  it  down  as  deficient '. 

8.  Ail  the  Accidents  rfJVords.,  Z5  Sound,  Meafure,  Accent,  like  wife  belong 
to  Grammar.  But  the  primary  Elements  of  fimple Letters,  or  the  Enqui- 
ry with  what  PercufTion  of  the  Tongue,  Opening  of  the  Mouth,  Motion  of 
the  Lips,  and  Ufe  of  the  Throat,  the  Sound  of  each  Letter  is  produced,  ha,s 
no  relation  to  Grammar  ;  but  is  a  part  of  the  DoQrine  of  Sounds,  to  be  treated 
Mnditv  Ssnfe  and  fenjible  Objecfs^.  T\\t  Grammatical  Sound  we  fpeak  of,  re- 
gards only  Sweeinefs  and  Harjhnefs.  Some  harjh  a.ndfiveet  Sounds  are  general; 
for  there  is  no  Language  but  in  fome  degree  avoids  the  Chafms  of  concur- 
ring Vowels,  or  the  Roughnefs  of  concurring  Confonants.  There  are  others 
particular  or  refpeftive,  and  pleafing  or  dijpleafing  to  the  Ears  of  different 
Nations.  The  Greek  Language  abounds  in  Dipthongs,  which  the  Rotnan  ufes 
much  more  fparingly  -,  and  fo  of  the  reft. 

9,  But  the  Mea/ure  of  fFords  has  produced  a  large  body  of  Art ;  viz. 
Poetry,  confider'd  not  with  regard  to  its  Mia//«r,  which  was  confider'd 
above  %  but  ks  Style,  and  the  Strufture  of  Words;  that  is,  Verftfication :  which 
tho'  held  as  trivial,  is  honoured  with  great  and  mimerous  Examples.  Nor 
fhould  this  Art,  which  the  Grammarians  call  Profodia,  be  confined  only  to 
teaching  the  kinds  of  Verfe  and  Meafure  ;  but  Precepts  alfo  fhould  be  added, 
as  to  what  kind  cf  Verfe  is  agreeable  to  every  SubjeSf.  The  Ancients  applied 
Heroick  Verfe  to  Encomiutn,  Elegy  to  Complaint,  lambick  to  hive£iive,  and 
Lyrick  to  Ode  and  H)7nn  ;  and  the  fame  has  been  prudently  obferved  by 
the  modern  Poets,  each  in  his  own  Language  :  only  they  deferve  Cenfure 

in 

*  Confiderable  Pains  have  been  beftow'd  upon  this  Subjeft  by  various  Authors ;  an  accouat 
whereof  is  given  by  Morhof,  in  his  Tolyhiftor.  See  Tom.  I.  Lib.  IV.  Cap.  5,4,  j-.  or  more  par- 
ticularly, Abraham.  Mylii  de  Lingm  BelgicA,  cum  aliis  Linguii,  communitate;  Henrici  Schivii 
Dijfert mimes  Phitolpgic£  de  Origin»  Linguarum  £J>  quiiufdam  earnm  attributii ,  Thorn.  Hayne  de 
Linguis  in  genere,  0«  de  ■variarum  Linguarum  Harmonia,  in  the  jiffendix  to  his  Cramm/nie* 
Latins,  Compendium,  and  Dr.  IVallis's  Grammatica  Lingui  Anglicans. 

^  This  is  the  Subjeft  which  y.  Conrad.  Amman  has  profecuted  with  great  diligence,  in  his 
Surdus  loqnens,  ini  Dijfertatiode  Lt^utlui  the  firft  printed  AX.  uimjlirdam,  in  169»,  and  the 
Sift  in  1700. 

I  Sea.  II.  of  PoET»y. 


Se<fl.XVI.      7!5^  Doctrine  ^Delivery.  141 

in  this,  that  fome  of  them,  thro'  iSe£tiUon  of  Antiquity,  have  endeavoured 
to  fet  the  modern  Languages  to  ancient  Meafure ;  as  Sapphick,  E.'egiack,  Sec. 
which  is  both  difagreeable  to  the  Ear,  and  contrary  to  the  ftrudlure  of  fuch 
Languages.  And  in  thefe  cafes,  the  Judgment  of  the  Senfe  is  to  he  jreferred  to 
the  Precepts  of  Art.  Nor  is  this  an  Jrt,  but  the  abufe  of  Art  j  as  it  does 
not  perfect  Nature,  but  corrupt  her.  As  to  Poetry,  both  with  regard  to 
its  Fable  and  its  P'erfe,  'tis  like  a  luxuriant  Plant,  fprouting  not  from  a  Seed, 
but  by  the  mere  vigour  of  the  Soil :  whence  it  every  where  creeps  up,  and 
fpreads  itfelf  io  wide,  that  it  were  endlcfs  to  be  follicitous  about  its  De- 
fers. And  as  to  the  Accents  of  Words.,  there  is  no  neceluty  for  taking  notice 
of  fo  trivial  a  thing ;.  only  it  may  be  proper  to  intimate,  that  thefe  are  ob- 
ferved  with  great  exadnefs,  whilft  the  Accents  of  Sentences  are  ne- 
gleded  :  tho'  it  is  nearly  common  to  all  mankind,  to  fink  the  Voice  at  the 
end  of  a  Period  -,  to  raife  it  in  Interrogation,  and  the  like^  And  fo  much 
for  that  PartoiGraitiinar  which  regards  Speaking. 

ID.  Writing  is  pradifed  either  by  means  o^x\\t  common  Alphabet,  now  Nyriting^Mf-' 
vulgarly  received  ;  or  of  a  /?^;v/ and /■ricv^/d' o«r-,  agreed  upon  betwixt  parti- |^^^'^^'^'P|^^* 
cular  perfons,  and  called  by  the  name  of  Cypher.  But  here  a  Queftion 
arifes  about  the  common  Orthography  ;  viz.  whether  Words  JJjould  be  wrote 
as  they  are  pronounced,  or  after  the  co!n>non  manner  ?  Certainly  that  reformed 
kind  of  Writing,  according  to  the  Pronunciation,  is  but  an  ufelefs  Specula- 
tion ;  becaufe  Pronunciation  itfelf  is  continually  changing  ;  and  the  Deriva- 
tions of  Words,  efpecially  from  the  foreign  Languages,  are  very  obfcure.  And 
jaftly,  as  Writing  in  the  received  manner,  no  v/ay  obftruds  the  manner  of 
Pronunciation  >  but  leaves  it  free  -,  an  Innovation  in  it  is  to  no  purpofe. 

1 1.  There  ixc  fever al  kinds  c/ Cyphers  ;  as  thefimple  ;    thofe  tnixt  with  The  DoHrint 
Non-fignificants  •,  thofe  confiding  of  two  kinds  of  Charafters ;  Wheel-Cyphers,  "/Cyphers, 
Key-Cyphers,  Word-Cyphers,  &c.     There  are  three  Properties  required  in  Cy- 

jihers ;  viz.  (i.)  that  they  be  eafy  to  write  and  read  •,  (2.)  that  they  be 
trufty  and  undecypherable  ■,  and  (3.)  if  poflible,  clear  of  fufpicion.  For  if  a 
Letter  (hould  come  into  the  hands  of  fuch  as  have  a  power  over  the  Wri- 
ter, or  Receiver  ;  tho'  the  Cypher  itfelf  be  trufty,  and  impoffible  to  Decy- 
pher,  'tisftill  fubjeft  to  Examination  and  Queftion  junlefs  there  be  no  room 
to  fufpecfl  or  examine  it. 

12.  There  is  a  new  and  ufeful  Invention  to  elude  the  Examination  of  a  Cy-  a  Cjfhir  n 
pher  ;  viz.  to  have  two  Alphabets,  the  one  of  fignificant,  and  the  other  of  dnirt  l.x»-._ 
non-fignificant  Letters  •,  and  folding  up  two  Writings  together ;  the  one  con-  "'"""""'• 
veying  the  Secret,  whilft  the  other  is  fuch  as  the  Writer  might  probably 

fend  without  danger.  In  cafe  of  a  ftridl  Examination  about  the  Cypher,  the 
Bearer  is  to  produce  the  non-fignificant  Alphabet  for  the  true  ;  and  the  true 
for  the  non-fignificani  ;    by  which  means  the  Examiner  would  fall  upon  the 

out- 

■  The  Sta^e  having  culrivated  the  Acctnting  efSintmces  more  than  the  SchocU  the  Rules  of 
this  Art  might,  perhaps,  to  advantage  be  borrow'd  from  thence ,  in  order  to  foro»  an  early 
Habit  of  graceful  Speaking. 


142  2^d  Doctrine  of  Delivery.      Secfl.XVl. 

butward  Writing  ;  and  finding  it  probable,  fufpedt  nothing  of  the  in- 
ner '. 
ACyphervoid  13.  But  to  prevent  all  Sufpiciofi,  we  fhall  here  annex  a  Cv/'/j^r  of  oiir  own, 
pfsujficion.  ^hich  has  the  higheft  perfeftion  of  a  Cypher;  that  of  fignifying  Omnia 
PER  Omnia  •,  any  thing  by  every  tbin^^  ;  provided  only  the  matter  in- 
cluded be  five  times  lefs  than  that  which  includes  it ;  without  any  other 
condition  or  limitation.  The  Invention  is  this  •,  firfl:  let  all  the  Letters  of  the 
Alphabet  he  refolved  into  two  only-,  by  Repetition  and  Tranfpofition:  for  a 
Tranfpofition  of  two  Letters^  thro'  five  places^  or  different  arrangements, 
will  denote  two  and  thirty  differences ;  and  confequently  fewer,  or  four  and 
twenty.,  the  number  of  Letters  in  our  Alphabet ;  as  in  the  following 
Example. 

yf  BiLiTERAL  Alphabet,  confifttng  only  of  a  andh  changed  through 
Jive  'Places y  fo  as  to  reprefent  all  the  Letters  of  the  common 
Alphabet. 

Example  of  K,  A  =  aaaaa 

Biliteral  Al-  B  :z=  aaaab 

phabet.  C  =  aaaba 

D  =  aaabb 

E  =  aabaa 

F  =  aabab 

G  =  aabba 

H  =  aabbb 

I    =  abaaa 

K  =abaab 

Tyj ,    ,  I         f  Thus,  in  order  to  write  an  A,  you  write  five  a^s, 

■Kg-  ~^L,  <     or  aaaaa  •,  and  to  write  a  B,  you  write  four 

O  =  abbaf        ^    ^'^^  ^^'^  °"^  ^'  °^  aaaab  ;  and  fo  of  the  reft. 

P  =:abbba 

Q^=abbbb 

R  =baaaa 

S    =  baaab 

T  =  baaba 

V  =  baabb 
W=babaa 
X  =  babab 

Y  =babba 
Z  =  babbb 

14. 

■  The  publifhing  of  this  Secret  fruftrates  its  intention;  for  the  Ixaminer,  tho'  hefhould  find 
t'he  eutwxrd  Letter  proiAile;  would  doubtlefs,  when  thus  advertifed,  examine  the  jasfrjnot- 
withftanding  its  Alphabet  were  delivcr'd  him  for  Hon-Jignificants. 

J  For  this  Cyfhtr  is  prafticablc  ia  all  things  that  are  capable  of  two  differences. 


Se£l.XVI.        7;^^  Doctrine  <?/*  Delivery,  14.3 

14.  And  here,  by  the  way,  we  gain  no  fmall  advantage  ;  as  this  Contri-  Ani  cxfable 
vance  (hews  a  Method  of  expreffing,  and  fignifying   one's  Mind,  to  any  di-  "-^^"^f  '"'"'* 
ftancc,  by  objedts  that  are  either  vifible  or  audible;  provided  only  the   ob- 

jefts  are  but  capable  of  two  Differences  ;  as  Bells,  Speaking-trumpets,  Fire- 
works, Cannon,  ^c.  B.it  for  Periling,  let  the  included  Letter  be  refolvcd  into 
l\\\?,  bill! eral  Alphabet :  fuppofe  t\\d.t  Letter  were  the  word  Fly  ;  it  is  thus 
refolvcd  : 

F         L  Y. 

aabab    ababa     babba  ^. 

15.  Let  there  be  alfo  at  hand  t'ujo  other  common  Alphabets,  differing  only  An  Example 
from  each  other  in  the  make  of  their  Letters  ;  fo  that,  as  well  the  Capital  as  f'^J""^/')^  , 
the  Small  be  differently  fliaped,  or  cut,  at  every  one's  difcretion :    as   thus  ^^^^ 

for  Example,  in  Roman  and  Italick  ;  each  Roman  Letter  conftantly  reprefcnt- 
ing  A,  and  each  Italick  Letter  B. 

The  Jirfi,  or  Roman  Alphabet. 

A,  a. 

B,  b. 

C,  c. 

D,  d. 

E,  e. 

F,  f. 

G,  g- 
H,h. 

I,     i. 

K,  k. 

--'  ■  CAU  the  L-efters  of  this  Roman  Alphabet 
■»t'  ■  ^  are  read,  or  decyphered,  by  tranflating 
q'    '        ^    them  into  the  Letter  A,  only. 

P'  p.' 
Q,q. 
R,  r. 
S,  s. 
T,  t. 
V,  V. 

U,    XX. 

W,w. 
X,  X. 

Y,  y. 
Z,  z. 

The 

*■  *  Compare  thefe  dirferent  Combination;  of  a  and  b,  with  the  SiliterAl  Alphabet  above  j  and 
you  will  find  they  correfpond  to  the  Letters  F,  L,Y,  that  is,  denote  the  Word  Fly. 


144  7!5^  Doctrine  c/' Delivery.,       Sed.XVI, 

The  fecondt  o-r  Italick  Alphabet. 


A 

<:. 

B, 

^. 

c. 

c. 

B, 

d. 

£, 

e. 

F. 

f' 

G, 

I- 

//, 

h. 

/, 

i. 

K, 

h 

U 

I. 

M, 

m. 

N, 

n. 

0, 

0. 

P, 

P- 

^ 

?• 

R, 

r. 

s. 

s. 

^, 

t. 

K 

V. 

u. 

u. 

fr. 

w. 

X, 

X. 

r. 

y- 

2, 

2. 

'AH  the  Letters  of  this  Italic^  Alphabet  are 
read  by  tranflating  them  into  the  Letter 
B,  only. 


An^xitmflt        1 6-  Now  adjuft  or  Et  any  external  double-faced IVritwg,  letter  by  letter,  to  the 

ofttdjufiing     internal  Writing,  firll  made  biliterate;  and  afterwards  write  it  down  for  xhtLetter., 

tbttwout-    or  Epistle,  to  be  fent.  Suppofe  the^x/ifrW/F/i/w^gwereSTAY  tillIcome 

TO  YOU  5  and  the  internal  one  were  Fly  :  then,  as  we  faw  above,  the  word 

/7y,  refolvedbymeansofthe£i&.r«/^/f>^.His     J^^^     J^^^    ^Jj,^_ 

whereto  I  fit,  letter   by  letter,  the  Words,  Stay   till  I  come  to  you  j 
obferving  the  ufe  of  my  vno  Alphabets  of  differently  ihz^t<^  Letters :  thus 

aabab     ababa     babba 

Strty  t      i/  i  ^o    me  to  you. 
Having  now  adjufted  my  Writing,  according  to  ail  my  Alphabets,  I  fend  it  to 
my  Correfpondent ;  who  reads  the  fecret  IVIeaning,  by  tranflating  rhf  Roman 
Letters  into  a's^  and  the  Italick  ones  into  Vs.,  according  to  the  Roman  and 

Italick 


Se6l.  XVII.  7"/^^  Method  f?/*  Speech.  I45 

Italick  Alphabets  ;  and  comparing  each  combination  of  five  of  them  with  the 
Bili'.eral  Alfhabel*. 

17,  This  Doctrine  of  Cyphers  has  introduced  another,  relative  to  it  -,  The  Art  ef 
viz.  the  Art   of  Decvphering,  without  the  Alphab-l  of  the  Cipher,  or  ^7y«/w«5fi. 
knowing-  the  Rules  whereby   it  w.is  form'd.     This  indeed  is  a  Work  of  La-      •' 
bour  and  Ingenuity,  devoted,  as  well  as  the  former,  to  the  fecret  fervice  of 
Princes.  Yet  by  a  di/lge'it  Precaution  it  may  be  render' d  ufelrfs  ;  tho',  as  matters 
now  ftand,  'tis  highly  ferviceable.     For  if  thtCyphers  in  ufe  were  good  and 
trufty,  f^vcral  of  them  would  abfolutely  elude  the  Labour  of  the  Decypherer  j 
and  y  t  remiin  commo-Jiojs  enojgh,    fo  as  to  be  readily  wrote  and  read: 
But  through  the  ignorance  and  un^kiifulnefs  of  Secretaries  and  Cltrks,  in  the 
Courts  of  Princes,  the  mod  important  Affairs  are  generally  committed  to 
weak  and  treacherous  Cyphers  ^     And  thus  much  for  the  Organ  of  Speech. 


SECT.     XVII. 

Of  the  Methodo/'Speech. 

i.rriHE  Doctrine    concerning  the  Method   of  Speech,  h^s  The  Method  of 

\_     been  ufually  trea'ed  as  a  part  of  L^girk:  it  has  al  o  found  a  pl.ice  '^p'^'ch  con/,. 
in  RhHoruk,  under  the  nam^  of  D.foftiiofi ;  but  the  7I  cing  of  it  in  the  train  p^^,*',  'g/ 
of  cher  Art',  has  introduced  a  n-gleft  of  many   ufeful  things  relating  to  Tiaditive 
it.     We  therefore  think  proper  to   advance    a  /ubjlaniial  an  J  cifit  il  Doc-  Prudence. 
TRINE  0/ Method,  under  the  :^^wr:?/ A^iaw^  o'^traditive  Prudence '. 
But  as  the  kin  U  of  Mslhjd  are  various,  we  fhd!  rather  enumrate   thin  di- 
videx}TAxn.  \  but  for  omonly  Mdthod^  and  perpetual  Iplitting  and  lUbJividing, 

'  The  Cypher  here  dfcribed,  is  of  itf-lf  fomewhat  fjbtile,  till  it  comes  to  be  pra£lf.d  on 
laftr  ;  but  rendered  much  mive  difficult,  by  the  inaccurate  manner  wherein  it  has  been  print- 
ed through  all  the  Editions.  We  hope,  however  to  have  rend^r'd  the  Invention  intelligible; 
and  to  have  exprefs'd  the  Senfe  of  th-  Author;  tho"  not  direft'y  as  it  ftands  in  the  Original. 
Thofe  who  delire  a  fuller  Exp'anation  may  confult  BilTijp  IVilkins's  fecret  and  fmft  Meffenger  ; 
or  rather  Mr.  V^lconer'i  Cryptomenyji  PatefaBu,  or  Art  of  fecret  loformntion  difclofed,  without  A 
Key.  The  trujlinefs  of  th  s  Cypher  depends  upon  a  dsxrous  uie  of  two  Hands,  or  two  ditferent 
kinds  of  Letters,  in  the  fame  Writing  ;  which  the  skilful  Decypherer,  being  thus  advertiied  of, 
will  be  quickli^hted  enough  to  diicern;  and  conf^quently  be  able  to  decypher  :  tho'  a  Found»- 
tiort  fcems  here  laid  for  feveral  other  Cyphers,  thac  perhaps  could  neither  be  fufpefted  nor  de- 
cypher'd. 

*>  Trie  Art  of  Cyphering  is  doabtlefs  capable  of  great  improvement.  'Tis  faid  that  King 
Charles  the  fi:ft  had  a  Cypher  confilting  only  ofa  ftrait  Line,  differently  inclined  ;  and  there  are 
ways  of  Cyphering  by  the  mere  punftjation  of  a  Letter  ;  whilft  the  Words  of  the  Letter  (ha!! 
be  Non-lignificants ;  or  Senfe,  that  leaves  no  room  for  Sufpicion.  It  may  alfo  be  worth  con- 
iidenn^,  whether  the  Art  of  decyphering.  could  not  be  applied  to  Languages  ;  fo  as  to  tranlla"e, 
for  inllince,  a  Heirer»  Book  without  underftanding  Hebrew.  See  Morhof  de  variis  Serif  tun 
iittdis,  Polyhijt.  Tora.L  Lib.  IV.  cap.i.  and  Mr.  Falconer's  Cryptomemfis  Patefacia. 

*  Method,  in  general,  may  be  defined  the  O  der  wherein  the  Mmd  proceeds  from  known 
Principles  to  make  farther  Difcoveries,  in  all  the  Sciences. 

Vol.  I.  U  it 


146  '3the   Method   of  Speech.        Sedt.XVIL 

it  fcarce  need  be   mention'd  ■■,  as  being  no  more  than  a  li^l  Cloud  of  Doc- 
trine that  foon  blows  over  :  tho'  it  alfo  proves  deltru£iive  to  the  Sciences  ;  be- 
caufe  the  obfervers  thereof,  when  they  wreft  Things  by  the  Laws  of  their 
Method;  and  either  omit  all  that  do  not  juftly  fall  under  their  Diwyzowj ;  or 
bend  them  contrary  to  their  own  Nature  •,  fqueeze,  as  it  were,  the  Grain  out 
of  the  Sciences  ;  and  grafp  nothing  but  the  Chaff.     Whence  this  kind  of  Me- 
thod produces  empty  Compendiums,  and  lofes  the  foHd  Suhflance  of  the  Sciences  *. 
Method diftln-      2.  Let  l\\t  firjl  difference  of  Method  be,  therefore,  betwixt  the  Doc- 
guijlied  into     f/inial  and  Initiative.      By   this  we  do  not  mean,   that  the  initiative  Method 
Inktative."     ^^ould  treat  only  of  the  Entrance  into  the  Sciences ;  and  the  other  their  entire 
■     Doctrine:  but,  borrowing  the  word  from  Religion.,  we  call  that  Method 
initiative,  which  opens  and  reveals  the  Myfteries  of  the  Sciences ;  fo  that  as 
th.e Do^lrinal  M-E.Tiio-0  teaches.,  t)\t  Initiative  Mztuot)  ihcfiAdintimate :  the 
Do5irinal  Method  requiring  a  belief  of  what  is  deliver'd  •,  but  the  Initiative 
rather  that  it  fhould  be  examin'd.    The  one  deals  out  the  Sciences  to  vulgar 
Learners  -,  the  other  as  to  the  children  of  Wifdom  :  the  one  having  for  its 
End  the  Ufe  of  the  Sciences.,  as  they  now  ftand  •,  and  the  other  their  Pro- 
grefs  and  farther  Advancement.  But  this  latter  Method  fecms  deferted.  For 
the  Sciences  have  hitherto  been  delivered,    as  if  both  the  Teacher  and  the 
Learner  defired   to  receive  Errors  by   confent :    the  'Teacher  purfuing  that 
Method  which    procures   the    greateft   belief  to    his  DoElrine ;    not  thaC 
which  moft  commodioufly  fubmitsit  to  examination:  whilft  the  Learner  de- 
fires   prefent  Satibfaftion,  without  waiting  for  a  juft  Enquiry  ;    as  if  more 
concerned  not  to  doubt,  than  not  to  miftake.     Hence  the  Maftcr,  thro'  de- 
fire  of  Glory,  never  expofes  the  weaknefs  of  his  own  Science  ;  and  the  Scho- 
lar, thro'  his  averfion  to  Labour,  trys  not  his  own  Strength.    Whereas  Know- 
ledge, which  is  delivered  to  others  as  a  Web  to  be  further  wove,  fliould,    if 
poffible,  be  introduced  into  the  Mind  of  another,  in  the  manner  it  was  firfl: 
procured.    And  this  may  be  done  in  Knowledge  acquired  by  InduSiion  ;  buc 
for  that  anticipated  and  hafty  Knowledge  we  have  at  prefent,    'tis  not   eafy 
for  the  Pofleflbr  to  fay  by  what  road  he  came  at  it.     Yet  in  a  greater  or 
lefs  degree,  any  one  might  review  his  Knowledge  ;  trace  back  the  fteps  of 
his  own  Thoughts  •,  conient  afrefli ;  and  thus  tranfplant  his  Knowledge  in- 
to the  Mind  of  another,  as  it  grew  up  in   his  own.     For  'tis  in  Jrts  as  im 
Trees  •,  if  a  Tree  were  to  be  ufed,  no  matter  for  the  Root ;  but  if  it  were 
to  be  tranfplanted,  'tis  a  furer  way  to  take  the  Root,  than  the  Slips.     Sothe^ 
Tranfplantation  now   praftifed  of  the  Sciences,  makes   a  great  fhow,  aS  it 
were  of  Branches,  that,  without  the  Roots,  may  be  fit  indeed  for  the  Builder, 
The  Initiative  but  not  for  the  Planter.     He  who  would  promote  the  growth  of  the  Sciences^ 
Methoddeh-    fhould  be  lefs  follicitous  about  the  Trunk  or  Body  of  them  ;  and  bend  his 
cient.  care  to  preferve  the  Roots,  and  draw  them  out  with  fome  little  Earth  a- 

bout  them.     Of  this   kind  of  Tranfplantation  there   is  fome  refemblance  in 
the  Method  of  Mathematicians  ^  ;  but  in  general  we  do  not  fee  that  'tis  either 

ufed 

°  This  is  fpoke  with  particular  regard  to  R»w«j,  his/nj-wW  M«W,  and  D/fS/owifj  J  of  which. 
fee  more  below,  §.  S. 

^  To  this  purpafe  fee  l^olfius's  Brevis  Commentntio  de  Mtthodo  Mfthemtitka,  prcfix'd  to  his 
£lementitMatkefeoiUmverfiii  as  alfo  his  ic^if  A;  taiiMetn^hyfitki. 


Sed. XVII.        T^e-   Method   of  Speech.  14.7 

iifed  or  enquired  after :  We  therefore  pl.ice  it  among  the  Deficiencies,  under 
the  name  of  the  Traditive  Lamp,  or,  a  Method  for  Posterity  ». 

3.  There  is  another  ^/^(frt-Wd"  of  Method,  bearing  fome  relation  to  the  for-  r^e  concealed 
mer  Intention  ;  tho'  in  reality  almoft  oppofite  to  it :  both  of  them  have  this  Method. 
in  common,  that  they  feparate  the  vulgar  Audience  from  the  j'elcSl ;  but 
herein  they  are  oppofite,  that  the  former  introduces  a  more  open,  and  the 
other  a  more  fecrct  way  of  Inftrudtion,  than  the  common.  Hence  let  them 
be  diftinguifhed,  by  terming  rhe  former  plain  or  open,  and  the  latter  the 
learned  or  concealed  Method:  Thus  transferring  to  the  manner  of  De- 
livery the  difference  made  ufe  of  by  the  Ancients  -,  efpecially  in  publifhing  their 
Books.  This  concealed,  or  enigmatical  Method,  was  itfelf  alfo  em- 
ployed by  the  Ancients  with  prudence  and  judgment''  ;  but  is  of  late  dif- 
honoured  by  many,  who  ufe  it  as  a  falfe  light  to  fet  off  their  counterfeit 
wares.  The  Defign  of  it  feems  to  have  been,  by  the  Veil  of  Tradition  to 
keep  the  Vulgar  from  the  Secrets  of  the  Sciences  ;  and  to  admit  only  fuch  as 
had,  by  the  help  of  a  Mafter,  attained  to  the  interpretation  of  Jar^  5'.'Z)f«^j ; 
or  were  able,  by  the  ftrength  of  their  own  Genius,  to  enter  within  the 
Veil. 

4.  The  next  difference  of  Method  is  of  great  moment,  with  regard  to  Tin  AJva». 
t^t  Sciences;  as  thefe  are  delivered  either  in  the  vf3.y  of  /Iphorifm,  or  Met  ho-  W^fjo/Aphp. 
dically.     It  highly  deferves  to  be  noted,    that  the  general  cuftom    is,  for  "[""j^  f"*' 
men  to  raife,  as  it  were,  a  formal  and  folemn  Art,  from  a  few  Axioms  and     "  °  *' 
Obfervations  upon  any  fubjeft  ;  fwclling   it  out  with  their  own  witty  Inven- 
tions ;  illuftrating  it  by  Examples  -,  and  binding  the  whole  up  into  Method.  But 
that  other  way  of  DHivery,  by  Aphorifms,  has  numerous  Advantages  over  the 
Methodical.     And /r/?,  it  gives  us  a  proof  of  the  .^«/ifesr's   Abilities;    and 
fhews  whether  he  hath  entered  deep  into  his  SuljeSl  or  not.     Aphorifms  are 
ridiculous  things,  unlefs  wrought  from  the  central  parts  of  the  Sciences  ;  and 
here  all  Illuftraiion,    Elxcurfion,  Variety  of  Exampks,    Dedudion,  Con- 
nexion, and  particular  Defcription,  is  cut  off  •,  fothat  nothing  befides  an  ample 
Jlock  of  Obferva lions  is  kft  for  t':e  matter  of  Aphorifms.     And,  therefore,  no 
Perfon  is  equal  to  the  forming  of  Aphorifms,  nor  would  ever  think  of  them, 
if  he  did  not  find  himfelf  copioudy  and  folidly  inftru(5ted  for  writing  upon 
a  Subjedt.     But  in  Methods,  fo  great  a  power  have  Order,  Connexion,   and 
Choice  ^- ,  that  fnethodical  Productions  fometimes  make  a  fhow  of  I  know  not 
vfhit  fpecious  Art ;  which  if  they  were  taken  to  pieces,  feparated  and  undrefs'd, 
would  fall  back  again  almoft  to  nothing.     Secondly,  a  methodical  Delivery  has 

U  2  the 

*  Perhaps  M.  Tfchirnhtui's  Mtdicin»  Mentis,  five  Tentamen  genuim  togici,  in  qnn  Mjferitur 
dtMithodo  iitegtndi  incognitas  V'tritates,  may  pave  the  way  for  fupplying  this  De/ideratum ; 
as  proceeding  upon  a  Mathematical  3.adAlgehaical  Youndation,  to  rail'e  a  Method  ot  Dilcover- 
ing  unknown  Truths. 

*»  As  by  Pythagoras,  who  deliver'd  the  Myjleries  of  the  Sciences  in  the  way  of  Kumbers  and 
Symbols,  or  by  a  certain  Notation  inftead  of  Letters.  And  Ibmewhat  of  this  kind  has  long 
prevailed  among  the  Chinefe;  who  by  cem'm  Jigttr'd  Lines  exprefs  not  only  their  phyfical,  but 
their  moral  and  ftUtical  Dodrines.  See  Martini's  Hiftery  of  the  Chinefe  ;  and  Merhof's  idyhipi. 
Tom.  I.   Lib.  H.    cap.  ;.  de  Methodis  variis,  pag.  3514.,  jpf. 

*  Tantum  /eries  junciu-aque  follet  ; 

Tantum  de  medio  Cnmitis  accedit  hontris.     « 


148  7^^  Method  o/ Speech.         Sed.  XVIT. 

the  Power  of  enforcing  Belief  and  Confent,  but  diredts  not  much  to  praoiica^ 
Indications  ;  as  carrying  with  it  a  kind  o(  Demonftralion  in  Circle^    where  the 
parts  mutually  enlighten  each  other ;    and  fo  gratifies  the  Imagination  the 
more:     But  as  aclions   lie  fcattered   in  common  Life,  fcattered  Infiru5iions 
fuit  them  the  beft.      Lajll)',  as  Aphorifms  exhibit   only  certain  fcraps  and 
fragmentsof  the  5c-;tf;f^j  1  they  carry  with  them  an  Invitation  toothers  for 
adding  and  lending  their  Afiiftance :  whereas  Methods  drefs  up  the  Sciences 
into  Bodies  •,  and  make  men  imagine  they  have  them  compleat. 
The  Method        5.  Th;re  is  a  farther  Difference  0/ Method  ;  and  that  too  very  confide- 
h  ^'il'""    rable.     For  as  the  Sciences  are  delivered  either  by  Affertions,  with  their  Proofsy 
Teit'j'^ith''  °''  '^y  ^^J^'0"^y  with  their  Anfwers -,  if  the  latter  Method   be  purfued  too 
diferttitn.        f^T,    it   retards  the  Advancement  of  the  Sciences,    no  lefs  than  it  would  the 
march  of  an  Army,  to  be  fitting  down  againft  every  little  Fort  in  the  way  : 
whereas  if  the  better  of  the  Battle  be  gained,  and  the  fortune  of  the  War 
fteadily  purfued,  fuch  leffer  places  will  furrender  of  themfclves :  tho*  it  muft 
be  allowed  unfafe,  to  leave  any  large  and  fortified  place  at  the  back  of  the 
Army.     In  the  fame  manner.  Confutations  are  to  be  avoided,  or  fparingly 
ufed,  in  delivering  the  Sciences ;  fo  as  only  to  conquer  the  greater  Prejudices 
and  Prepoffeffions  of  the  Mind,  without  provoking  and  engaging  the  leffer 
Doubts  and  Scruples. 
ThiMethtdto      6.  Another  Difference  of  Method  lies  in  fuiting  it  to  the  Suhje5i ;   for 
fuit  tht  Sub-    ]\4a{bematicks,  the  moft  abftradt  and  fimple  of  the  Sciences,  is  deliver'd  one 
^'  '  way  ;  and  Politicks,  the  more  compound  and  perplexed,  another.     For  an  uni- 

form Method  cannot  be  commodioufiy  obferved,  in  a  variety  of  Matter.  And 
as  we  a.pprovt: of particu'ar  To/icksfor  Invention;  fo  we  muft,  in  fome  mea- 
fure,  allow  of  particular  Methods  for  Delivery*. 
The  Method         7-  There  is  another  Difference  0/ Method  to  be  ufed  with  judgment,   in^ 
af  conquering  delivering  the  Sciences ;  and  this  is  govern'd  by  the  Informations  and  Antici- 
Prejudice,      potions  of  the  Science  to  be  delivered,  that  are  before  infiifed,  and  imprcfled 
upon  the  Mind  of  the  Learner.      For  that  Science  which  comes  as  an  entire 
ftranger  to  the  mind,  is  to  be  delivered  one  way  ;  and  that  which  is  familia- 
rized by  Opinions  already   imbibed  and  received,  another.     And  therefore, 
Ariflotle,  when  he  thought  tochaftife,  really  commended  Demccritus,  in  fay- 
ing, if  we  would  difpuie  in  earnejl,  and  not  hunt  after  Comparifons,  &c.  as  if 
he  would  tax  Democritus  with  being  too  full  of  Comparifons  :    whereas  they 
whofe  InJlruSlicns  are  already  grounded  in  popular  Opinion,  have  nothing  left 
them  but  todifute  and  prove  %  whilft  others  have  a  double  Task,  whofe  Doc- 
'trines  tranfcend  the  vulgar  Opinions-,  viz-,   firjt^  to  render  what  they  deli- 
ver intelligibl- •,  and  then  to  prove  it.     Whence  they  muft  ofneceffity  have 
recourfe  to  Simily  and  Metaphor  -,  the    better   to  enter  the  human  capa- 
city *".     Hence  we  find  in  the  more  ignorant  Ages,  when  Learning  was  in 

its 

*  The  particutar  Topicks  for  Invention  were  treated  above  Sect.  XIII.  and  for  the  particular 
Method  of  Delivery,  which  the  Author  approves,  he  has  given  us  Inftanccs  of  it,  in  his  Novum 
Organttm,  Hiflory  of  Life  and  Death,  Winds,  Sec. 

*  The  Reader  will  all  along  bear  in  mind,  that  this  was  the  fituation  of  the  Author  in  his, 
time;  and  on  tha'  Icore  difpcnfe  with  his  Tiguratiie  Style:  tho'  it  may  not  be  altogether  fo, 
neceffiiy  at  prelencj  when  we  are  more  accutlom'd  to  think  Phiioibphically  and  Fjedy. 


Se<H:.XVII.         The  Method  <?/"  Speech.  149 

its  infancy,  and  thofc  Conception?,  which  are  now  trite  and  vulgar,  were  new, 
and  unheard  of;  everything  was  full  of  Parables  and  Simiiittules :  other- 
wife  the  things  then  propofed  would  either  have  been  pafTed  over  without 
due  notice  and  attention,  or  elfe  have  been  rejefled  as  Paradsxes.  For  'tis  a 
Rule  in  the  Doclrine  of  D^liver)\  that  every  Science  which  coinporis  not  "with 
y^nticipatiofti  and  Prtjuciices,  mujl  fuk  the  ajjijlance  of  Si?nilies  and  Alhifions. 
And  thus  much  for  the  different  kinds  of  Methods  ;  which  have  not  hither- 
to been  obferved  :  But  for  the  others,  as  the  Analytic,  Syflatic,  Diceretic, 
Cryptic,  Homeric,  &c.  they  are  already  juftly  difcovcred  and  ranged*. 

8.  iViETHOD  has  two  parts,  one  regzrd'mg  the  Difpcfitioii  of  a  whole  Work,  Method  Jivi- 
or  the  Subjedl  of  a  Book  ;  and  the  other,  the  Limitation  of  Propofitions.     For  ^j/,l"l'[lf^ 
Architcifure  not  only  regards  the  Fabrick.  of  the  whole  Building  •,  but  alfo  anU  the  limi- 
the  Figure  of  the  Columns,  Arches,  (^c.    for  Method  is,    as  it  were,  the  ration  ofir»* 
Architecture  cf  the  Sciences.    And  herein  Ramus  has  deferved  better,  by  reviv-  ffii'm- 
ing  the   ancient  Rules  of  Method,    than   by  obtruding  his  own  Dicotomies. 

But  I  know  not  by  what  fatality  it  happens,  that,  as  the  Poets  often  feign, 
the  moji  precious  things  have  the  mofi  pernicious  keepers.  Doubtlefs  the  endea- 
vours of  Ramus  about  the  reduftion  of  Propofitions  tlirew  him  upon  his 
Etitomes,  and  the  F^ats  and  Shallows  of  the  Sciences.  For  it  muft  be  a  fortu- 
nate and  well-dire<5lcd  Genius,  that  fhall  attempt  to  make  the  Axioms  of  the 
Sciences  convertible,  and  not  at  the  hme.  time  render  them  circular;  that  is, 
keep  them  from  returning  into  themfelves.  And  yet  the  Attempt  of  Ramus 
in  this  way  has  not  been,  ufelefs. 

9.  There  are  ftill  two  other  Limitations  of  Proportions,    befides  that  for  Three  timlta- 
making  them  convertible  ■,  the  one  for  extending,  and  the  other  for  producirg  tionsoftrt^o- 
them.     For  if  it  bejuft  that  the  Sciences  have  two  other  Dimenfions,  befides  ■'""""" 
Depth,  viz.  Length  and  Breadth,  their  Depth  bearing  relation  to  their  Truth 

and  Reality,  as  thefe  are  what  conftitutes  their  Solidity  -,  their  Breadth  may 
be  computed  from  one  Science  to  another  -,  and  their  Length  from  thehigheft 
Degree  to  the  lovveft,  in  the  f^me  Science :  the  one  comprehends  the  Ends 
and  true  Boundaries  of  the  Sciences  ;  whence  Propofitions  may  be  treated  di- 
ftinftly,  and  not  promifcuoufly  ;  and  all  Repetition,  Excursion  and  Confu- 
fion  avoided ;  the  other  prefcribes  a  Rule  how  far,  and  to  what  particular 
Degree  the  Propofitions  of  the  Sciences  are  to  be  reduced.  But  no  doubt 
fomething  muft  here  be  left  to  Pradtice  and  Experience  -,  for  men  ought  to 
avoid  the  extreme  oi  AntoninusPius,  and  not  mince  Cummin- feed  in  the  Sciences, 
nor  multiply  divifions  to  the  utmoft.  And  'tis  here  well  worth  the  enquiry, 
how  far  we  fhould  check  ourfelves  in  this  refpeft.  For  we  fee  that  too  extenfive 
Generals,  unlefs they  be  reduced,  afford  little  Information-,  but  rather  ex- 
pofe  the  Sciences  to  the  ridicule  o^ practical  Men  ;  as  being  no  more  fitted 
for  practice,  than  a  general  Map  of  the  World  to  ftiew  the  road  from. 
London  to  Tork.  The  beft  Rules  may  well  be  compared  to  a  metalline  Spe- 
culum, which  reprefents  the  images  of  things;  but  not  before  'tis  poll fh'd  : 
For  fo  Rules  and  Precepts  are  ufefiil,  after  having  undergone  the  File  of  Ex- 
perience.    But  if  thefe   Rules  could  be   made  exad  and  clear  from  the. 

firft 

*  See  Mirhof'i  Tolyhijlor,  Tom,  I.  Lib. II.  cap.  7.  ie  Mefhfdis  vHTih,  5, 


15a  RHETORiCKi  or  Oratory.      Sedt.XVIII. 

firft,  it  were  better;  becaufe  they  would  then  ftand  in  lefs  need   of  Expe- 
rience*. 
Superficial  10.  We  muft  not  omit  that  feme  men,  rather  oftentatious  than  learned. 

Methods.  y^^y^  hibour'd  about  a  certain  Method,  not  deferving  the  name  of  a  true  Me- 
thod ;  as  being  rather  a  kind  of  Imr>ofture :  which  may  neverthelefs  be  ac- 
ceptable to  fome  bufy  minds.  This  Art  fo  fcatters  the  drops  of  the  Scien- 
ces, that  any  pretender  may  mifapply  it  for  Oftentation  ;  with  fome  ap- 
pearance of  Learning.  Such  was  the  Art  of  Lull-j  *"  •,  and  fuch  the  Ty/;»- 
cofmia  cultivated  by  fome:  for  thefe  are  only  a  colledtion  o^  Terms  of  Art 
heaped  together,  to  the  end  that  thofe  who  have  them  in  readinefs,  may  feem 
to  underftand  the  Arts  whereto  the  Terms  belong.  Colledtions  of  this  kind 
are  like  a  Piece-broker's  Shop',  where  there  are  many  Slips,  but  nothing  of 
great  value.  And  thus  much  for  the  Science  which  we  call  Traditive 
Pritdence  ^ 


SECT.      XVIII. 

Of   Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 

TheMference  1. 1,  tTTTTE  next  proceed  to  the  Do^rwe  of  Ornament  in  Speech,  called  by  the 

AotaandEXo-  »  ▼     name  01  KHETORicK  or  Or  ATOR  Y,    This,  in  itfelf,  is  certainly 

quence.         an  excellent  Science  ;  and  has  been  laudably  cultivated  by  Writers.  But  to  form  a 

juft  Eftimate,  Eloquence  is  certainly  inferior  to  Wijdom.     The  great  difference 

between  them  appears  in  the  words  of  God  to  M/fes,  upon  his  refufing,   for 

want  of  Elocution,  the  Charge  affign'd  him  :  Aaron  Jhall  be  thy  Speaker  ;  and 

thou  Jh alt  be  to  him  as  God.     But  for  Advantage  and  popular  Efteem,  Wif- 

dom  gives  place  to  Eloquence.     The  wife  in  heart  Jloall  be  called  prudent  ;  hut 

the  fw-et  of  tongue /hall  find  greater  things,  {a.ys  Solomon  :  clearly  intimating, 

that  IVifdom  procures   a  Name  and  Admiration ;    but  that  Eloquence  is  of 

greater  efficacy  in  Bufinefs  and  civil  Life. 

•The  eultlvti-       2.  And  for  the  cultivation  of  this  Art ;  the  emulation  betwixt  Ariflotle  and 

*wence  car-   ^^^  Rhetoricians  of  his  time  i  the  earneft  ftudy  of  Cicero ;  his  long  practice. 

Tied  to  a  gre»t  and 

height. 

•  The  Author,  in  this  5«iS/tfn,  does  not  perhaps  proceed  altogether  with  his  ufual  Solidity  andDi- 
ftinftnefs;  as  having  not  yet  thoroughly  digeftcd  thcDefign  ot  his  Novum  O'ganum  iVf\i\c]\  may 
be  confidered  as  a  Treat'ife  upon  Method;  and  a  reduftion  of  this  more  \ook  Doclrine,  to  Rules. 

''  Viz..  the  tranfcendental  Art,  which  taught  a  Method  of  treating  all  Subjetts,  in  an  oftenta- 
tious, or  affeftedly  learned  manner. 

^  The  DoBrine  of  Method  was  diligently  cultivated  by  des  Cartes,  in  his  Book  de  Methodo ; 
who  endeavoured  to  reducK  the  whole  Bulinefs  of  it  to  four  Rules;  which  however  arc  found 
in  the  Precepts  oi  Arifiotle.  Jehart. Beyer  undertook  to  write  upon  this  Subjcdf,  in  his  Filum 
Lalyrinihi.  according  to  the  Dcfign  of  the  Lord  Bacon,  but  appears  not  to  have  underlfood  the 
Author;  and  has  rather  obfcured  his  Dodlnne  than  improved  it.  But  M.  Tfchirnhaui  feems  to 
have  treated  the  Subjecl  fuitably  to  its  merit,  in  his  Medicina  Mentis,  mentioned  above,  in  the 
Note  to  §.  I.  A  great  variety  oi' Methods  .have  been  advanced  by  different  Authors  ;  an  ample 
Catalogue  whereof  we  have  in  Morhofs  Volyhift.  Tom.  I.    Lib.II.   cap.  7.  de  Methodis  variis. 


Se6l.XVHI.     Rhetoric K,  cr  Oratory.  151 

and  ucmoft  endeavour,  every  way  todignify  Oratory,  hath  made  thefe  Au- 
thors even  exceed  themfclves,  in  their  books  upon  the  Subjeft.  Again,  the 
great  Examples  of  Eloquence  found  in  the  Oratiotis  of  Demo/thefies  and  Cf- 
cero  ;  added  to  the  perfcftion  and  exadnefs  of  their  Precepts,  have  doubled 
its  advancement.  And  therefore  the  Deficiencies  we  find  in  it,  rather  turn 
upon  certain  Collections  belonging  to  its  Traifi,  than  upon  the  Docirine  and 
Ufe  of  the  Art  itfelf. 

3.  But,  in  our  manner,  to  open  and  ftir  the  Earth  a  little  about  the  Roots  The  office  and 
of  this  Science  ;  certainly  Rhetorick  is  fubfervient  to  the  Imagination,  as  Logick  UfiofRhetO' 
is  to  the  Underjianding.  And  if  the  thing  be  well  confider'd,  the  Office  and  "''*• 
Ufe  of  this  Art,  is  but  to  apply  and  recommend  the  Dilates  of  Reafon  to 
the  Imagination,  in  order  to  excite  the  Affections  and  Will.  For  the  Admi- 
niftration  of  Reafon  is  difturb'd  three  ways;  viz.  (i.)  either  by  the  En- 
fnaring  of  Sophiftry,  which  belongs  to  Logick ;  (2.)  the  Delufion  of  Words, 
which  belongs  to  Rhetorick  -,  or  (3.)  by  the  Violence  of  the  AfFedtions,  which 
belongs  to  Ethicks.  For  as,  in  tranfliding  bufineis  with  others.  Men  are 
commonly  over-reach'd,  or  drawn  from  their  own  Purpofes,  either  by  Cun- 
ning,  I?nportufiity,  or  Vehemence ;  fo  in  the  inward  bufinefs  we  tranfadl  with 
ourfelves,  we  are  either,  (i.)  undermined  by  the  Fallacy  of  /Arguments i 
(2.)  difquieted  and  follicitcd  by  the  Affiduity  of  hipreffions  and  Ohfervations  ; 
or  {2,.)  Jfoaken  and  carried  away  by  the  Violence  of  the  Paffwns.  Nor  is  the 
State  of  human  Nature  fo  unequal,  that  thefe  Arts  and  Facilities  fliould  have 
power  to  difturb  the  Reafon.,  and  none  to  confirm  and  ftrengthen  it:  for  they 
do  this  in  a  much  greater  degree.  The  End  of  Logick  is  to  teach  the  Form 
of  Arguments,  for  defending,  and  not  for  enfnaring  the  Underjianding.  The 
End  of  Ethicks  is  fo  to  compofe  the  Affections ;  that  they  may  co-operate  with 
Reafon,  and  not  infult  it.  And  laftly,  the  End  of  Rhetorick  is  to  fill  the 
Imagination  with  fuch  Obfervations  and  Images,  as  may  affift  Reafon,  and 
not  over-throw  it.  For  the  Abufes  of  an  Art  come  in  obliquely  only  -,  and 
not  for  praftice,  but  caution.  It  was  therefore  great  injuftice  in  Plato,  tho'  it: 
proceeded  from  a  juft  Contempt  of  the  Rhetoricians  of  his  time,  to  place 
Rbdorick  among  the  voluptuary  Arts ;  and  refemble  it  to  Cookery,  which  cor- 
rupted wholefome  Meats,  and,  by  variety  of  Sauces,  made  unwholefome 
ones  more  palatable.  For  Speech  is,  doubtlefs,  more  employ'd  to  adorn 
Virtue,  than  to  colour  Vice,  This  Faculty  is  always  ready  •,  for  evoy  Man 
fpeaks  more  virtuoujly,  than  he  either  thinks  or  a^s.  And  'tis  excellently  ob- 
ferved  by  ^njwfjiif^w,  that  fomething  of  this  kind  was  ufually  objeded  tO' 
Clean ;  who,  as  he  always  defended  the  worft  fide  of  a  Caufe,  was  ever  in- 
veighing againft  Eloquence,  and  the  Grace  of  Speech ;  well  knowing  that 
no  Man  could  fpeak  gracefully  upon  a  bafe  Subjecl ;  tho'  every  Man  eafily 
might  upon  an  honourable  one.  For  Plato  elegantly  obferved,  tho'  the  Ex- 
preffion  is  now  grown  trite,  that  if  Virtue  could  be  beheld,  floe  would  have 
great  Admirers.  But  Rhetorick,  by  plainly  painting  Virtue  and  Gopdnefs,. 
renders  them,  as  it  were,  confpicuous :  for  as  they  cannot  be  feen  by  the 
corporeal  Eye  ;  the  next  degree  is  to  have  them  fet  before  us  as  lively  as 
poltible,  by  the  ornament  of  Words,  and  the  ftrength  of  Imagination.. 

The 


152  Rhetorick,  Of  Oratory.       Se£l.XVIII. 

The  Stoicks,  therefore,  were  defervedly  ridiculed  by  Cicero^  for  endeavouring 
to  inculcate  Virtue  upon  the  Mind,  by  fliort  and  fubtile  Sentences  and  Coit- 
clufions;  which  have  little  or  no  relation  to  ths /maginalion,  znd  the  IViH. 
Its  Fomr  and     4.  Again,  if  the  AffeSfinns  were  orderly,  and  obedient  to  Reafon,  there 
Efecfi.  would  be  no  great  u(e  of  Perfuafion  and  Infmuation,  to  gain  accefs  to  the 

Mind;  ic  would  then  be  fufficient,  that  Things  themfelves  were  nakedly  and 
fimply  propofed  and  proved :  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  AtFeftions  revolt 
fo  often,  and  raife  fuch  Difturbances  and  Seditions,  that  Reafon  would  per- 
fe<5lly  be  led  captive,  did  not  the  Perfuafion  of  Elquence  win  over  the  lt7ia- 
ghiation  from  the  fi  ie  of  the  Pafiions  ;  and  promote  an  Alliance  betwixt  it 
and  Reafon,  againft  the  Afe5lions.  For  we  muft  obferve,  that  the  Affeuliotn 
■themfelves  always  aim  at  an  apparent  Good  ;  and,  in  this  rcfpedl,  have  fome- 
thing  common  with  Reafon.  But  here  lies  the  dilference ;  that  the  AffeSlions 
principally  regard  a  prefenc  Good;  vf)\\\^  Reafon,  feeing  far  before  it,  chufes 
alfo  the  future  and  capital  G:)od.  And,  therefore,  as  prefent  Things  ftrike 
the  linaginatim  ftrongeft,  Reafon  is  generally  fubdued :  But  when  Eloquence, 
and  the  Power  of  Perfuafim,  raife  up  remote  and  future  Objeds,  andfet  them 
to  view  as  if  they  were  prefent ;  then  Im  igmation  goes  over  to  the  fide  of 
Reafon,  and  renders  it  viftorious.  Hence  we  conclude,  that  Rhetorick  can 
no  more  be  accufed  of  colouring  the  worjl  Part,  than  Logick  of  teaching  So- 
fhijtry.  For  we  know  that  the  DoEfrines  of  Contraries  are  the  fame ;  tho'  their 
\5k  be  oppofite  :  And  Logick  does  not  only  differ  from  Rhrtorick,  according 
to  the  vulgar  Notion,  as  the  firft  is  like  the  Hand  clench'd,  and  the  other 
like  the  Hand  open  ;  but  much  more  in  this,  that  Logick  confiders  Reafon 
in  its  natural  State;  and  Rhetorick,  as  it  ftands  in  vulgar  Opinion:  whence 
Ariftotle  prudently  places  Rhetoriik  between  Logick  and  E'hicks,  along  with 
Politicks,  as  partaking  of  them  both.  For  the  Proofs  and  Dimonftrations  of 
Logick,  are  common  to  all  Mmkind  ;  but  the  Proof  md  P-rfuifim  of  Rhe- 
torick, muft  be  varied  according  to  the  Audience ;  like  a  Mufician  fuiting 
himfeif  to  different  Ears.  And  this  Application  and  Vtriation  of  Speech^  fhould, 
if  we  defire  its  Perfedlion,  extend  fo  far,  that  if  the  fime  things  were  to  be 
deliver'd  to  different  Perfons ;  yet  a  different  Set  of  Words  fhojld  be  ufed 
to  each.  Tho'  'tis  certain  that  the  greateft  Orators,  generdiy,  have  not  this 
political  and  fociable  Eloquence  in  private  Difcourfe  :  for  whiUl  they  endeavour 
at  Orniiment,  and  elegant  Forms  of  Speech,  they  fall  not  upon  thit  ready 
Application,  and  familiar  Style  of  Difcourfe,  which  they  might  with  more 
advantage  ufe  to  Particulars.  And  ic  were  certainly  proper  to  begin  a  new 
Enquiry  into  this  Suhje^ :  we  therefore  place  it  among  the  D'Hriencies,  under 
the  title  of  Prudential  Conversation»  ;  which  the  more  attentively 

a 

*  This  Subjeft  has  not,  that  I  find,  been  profecuted  fuitably  to  its  Merit.  The  Author  him- 
feif touches  upon  rt  below,  i'fiSf.  XXIII.  oi  Civil  Dc5i'^ine;  as  alio  in  his  Ejfay  on  Difcourfe ;  and 
in  that  of  Negotiating :  but  the  Art  of  Coiverfation,  foundtd  upon  jujl  Principles,  and  reduced  to 
Rules,  feems  ftill  dtiicient.  The  Foundations  for  this  are.  in  lome  ineafure,  laid  by  the  learned 
Morhof.  iti  the  Sketch  of  his  Homiletice  Erudita.  See  Potyhiji.  Tom  I.  Lib.  I.  cap.  if.  See 
alfo  J'a.  Andr.  Bo[ii  de  Prudentia  cj>  Eloqiienti»  Civiti  comparanda,  Ed  Jenac,  1698,  &  Prudea- 
iie  tonfetltatorh  (n  ufuin  Auditorii  Thomajkni,  Ed.  Hais  Magdeburg.  1711. 


Seel.  XVIII.         Rhetorick,   or   Oratory.  153 

a  Man  confiders,  the  higher  Value  he  will  fet  upon  it :  but  whether  this  be 
placed  under  Rbetorick  or  PoUticks,  is  of  no  great  fignificance. 

II.   5.  We  have  already  obferved,  thit  the  Defi  de-rat  a  in  this  y^r/,  are  ra,- A  Colleamef 
ther  Appendages  than  Pa'ts  of  the  Art  itfelf^ :  and  all  of  them  belong  to  the^"?*!''^^  "'' 
Repcjiton  thereof;   for  the  furnifhing  of  Speech  and  Invention.     To  proceed /J^"'],'^^^"^^ 
in   this  View; /r/?,   we  find   no  Writer   that  hath    carefully  followed  ths and ZvU,ich- 
prudenc   Example   oi  Arijlotl,  who  began  to  colleJI  popular  Mark;  or  Co-cient;  aja» 
ioiirs,  of  apparent  Good  and  lE-viL,  as  ue.l  ftmple  as  comparative.    Thefe,  in  „^Pf"    ?^ '* 
reality,  are  but  Rhetorical  Sopbifms ;  tho'  of  excellent  ufe,  efpecially  in  Bufi-'  ""' 
nefs,  and  prlvat'  Difcourfe.     But  the  Labour  of  Ariftotle  about  thefe  Colours^ 
has  three  Defefts ;    for    (i.)   tho'  they  are  numerous,  he  recites  but  few;* 
(2.)  he  has  not  annexed  their  i^ffl':/rg;</fow ;    and  (3.)  he  feems  not  to  have 
underfl:ood  their  full  ufe :   for  they  I'crve  as  well  to  affeul  and  move^  as  to  de- 
monflrate.     There  are  many  Forms  of  Speech,  which,  tho'  fignificative  of  the 
fame  things,  yet  affeft  Men  differently  ;  as  a  fharp  Inftrument  penetrates 
more  than  a  blunt  one,  fjppofmg  bot:h  of  them  urged  with  equal  Force. 
There  is  nobody  but  would  be  more  affedled  by  hearing  this  Exprefflon, 
Hew  your  Enemiis  'Will  trmnph  upon  t':is'°  ?  than  if  it  were  fimply  faid,   ms 
"will  injure  your  Affairs:    therefore  chefe  Stings  and  Goadj  cf  Speech  are  not  to 
be  negledled.     And  fince  we  propofe  this  as  a  Dfileratum,  we  will,  after 
our  manner,  give  a  Sketch  of  it,  in  the  way  of  Exanij^  tes  ;  for  Precepts  will 
not  fo  well  illuftrate  the  Thing. 

6.  In  De'iberatives,  we  enq:<ire  what  is  Gocd,    what  Evil ;  and   of  Good,  Examples  of 
which  is  the  greater  ;  and  of  Evil,  which  the  lefs.     Whence  the  Perfuader's'^'  Metl^oJ  of 
Task,  is  to  make  things  appear  ^joi  or  e-vil,  and  that  in  a  higher  or  lower  'i^-  i,fL\'eln!  " 
gree ;  which  may  be  perform'd  by  true  ani  folid  Reafons,  or  reprefented 
by  Co'.ours,  popular  Glojfes,  and  Circu/nfiances,  of  fuch  force  as   to  f.vay  an 
ordinary  Judgment ;  or  even  a  wife  Man,  that  does  not  fully  and  confiie- 
rately  attend  to  the  Subjeft.     But  befides  this  Power  to  alter  tlie  nature  of 
the  Subject  in  appearance,  and  fo  lead  to  Error,   they  are  of  ufe  to  quicken 
and  ftrengthen  fiich  Opinions  and  Perfuaftons  as  are  true  ;  for  Reafons  nakedly 
d-liver'd,  and  always  after  one  manner,  enter  but  heavily,  efpecially  with  de- 
licate Minds :    whereas,  when  varied,  and  enliven'd   by  proper  Forms  and 
Infinuations,  they  caufe  a  ftronger  Apprehenfion,  and  often  fuddenly   win 
the  Mind  to  a  Refolution.     Laltly,  to  make  a  true  and  fafe  Judgment,  no- 
thing can  be  of  greater  Ufe,  and  Prefervation  to  the  Mind,  than  the  Dif- 
cove--j  and  Reprehenfion  of  thefe  Colours  \  fhewing  in  what  cafes  they  hold, 
and  in  what  not :  which  cannot  be  done  without  a  comprehenfive  Knowledge 
of  Things ;  but  when  perform'd,  it  clears  the  Judgment,  and  makes  it  lefs  apt 
to  flip  into  Errors 

'  See  above.  Sect.  XVIII.  i. 

•"  Hoe  Ithacus  velit,  &  magna  mercenntr  AtrU&. 

c  This  Paragraph  is  taken  from  the  Fragment  of  the  Colours  of  Good  and  Evn.,  ufually 
printed  as  %n  Appendix  to  the  Author's  Effays.  That  Fragment  was  reconCder'd, better  digefted, 
and  finiflied  by  the  Author,  in  order  to  fit  it  for  this  Place,  in  the  De  Augmentis  Scientia- 
RUM  J  to  which  himfcf  alTign'd  it  in  the  Latin  Edition.  The  reafon  of  its  being  called  a  Frag- 
ment, was,  that  the  Author  had  madealargeColledlionof  fuch  kind  oiSophifms  in  hi.,  youth  ;  but 
could  only  find  time  in  his  riper  y(ar5,  toacd  the  Fallacies  and  Confutations  ot  the  following  twelve. 

Vol.  I.  X  Sophism 


154  Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.  Sed.XVIII. 

Sophism    I. 

Sophifm  I     ''•  ^'^^^  ^^''^  praife  and  celebrate^  is  Good  j  what  they  difpraife 

and  cenfiire^  Evil. 

itsDetiB'ion.  '"T^  H  I S  Sophifm  deceives  four  ways -,  vl%.  either  thro'  Ignorance,  Deceit, 
Party,  ov  t\\Q  natural  Difpofition  of  the  Praifer  or  Difpraifer.  (i.)  Thro' 
Ignorance  ;  for  what  fignifies  the  Judgment  of  the  Rabble,  in  diftinguifhing 
Good  and  Evil  ?  Phocion  took  it  right ;  who  being  applauded  by  the  Mul- 
titude, asked,  JVI^at  he  had  done  atnifs '^  (2.)  Thro'  Deceit;  for  thofe  who 
praife  or  difpraife,  commonly  have  their  own  Views  in  it ;  and  fpeak  not 
their  real  Sentiments  *.  "Tis  naught,  'tis  naught,  /ays  the  Buyer  ;  but  when 
he  is  gone,  he  bcajttth.  (^.)  Thro'  Party  ;  for  Men  immoderately  extol 
thofe  of  their  own,  and  deprefs  thofe  of  the  oppofite  Party.  (4.)  Thro'  Dij'po- 
fithn ox  Temper ;  for  fome  Men  are  naturally  form'd  fervile  and  fawning-, 
and  others  captious  and  morofe :  fo  thnt  when  fuch  Perfons  praife  or  dif- 
praife, they  do  but  gratify  their  own  Humour  j  without  much  regard  to 
Truth. 

Sophism     II, 

Sophifm  1.    8.  What  ts  commended,  even  hy  an  Enemy ■,  is  a  great  Good,  but 
what  is  cenfiired,  even  by  a  Friend,  a  great  Evil. 

ItsToHndatUn  nnYi^  Fallacy  feems  to  lie  here ;  that  'tis  eafily  believ'd,  the  Force  of 
■■■     Truth  extorts  from  us  what  w?  fpeak  againft  our  Inclination. 

Its  Deteiiion.  This  Colour  deceives  thro'  the  Subtilty  both  of  Friends  and  Enemies.  For 
Praifes  of  Enemies  are  not  always  ngainft  their  Will,  nor  forced  from  them 
by  Truth;  but  they  chufe  to  bcRow  them  where  they  may  create  Envy,  or 
D inger,  to  their  Adverfary.  Again,  this  Colour  deceives,  becaufe  Enemies 
fometimes  ufe  Praifes,  like  Prefaces,  that  they  may  the  more  freely  calum- 
niate afterwards.  On  the  other  fide,  it  deceives  by  the  Craft  of  Friends  ; 
who  alfo  fometimes  acknowledge  our  Faults,  and  fpeak  of  them,  not  as 
compell'd  thereto  by  any  Force  of  Truth  •,  but  touch  only  fuch  as  may  do 
little  hurt,  and  make  us,  in  every  thing  elfe,  the  beft  Men  in  the  world. 
And  laflly,  it  deceives,  becaufe  Friends  alfo  ufe  their  Reproofs,  as  Enemies 
do  their  Commendations,  by  way  of  Preface,  that  they  may  afterwards 
launch  out  more  fully  in  our  Praifes. 

Sophism 

?  Laiidnt  venitUs,  qui  vhU  extrndere,  merces.  ^ 


Sed.  XVIII.         Rhetorick,  ^;' Oratorv.  155 

Sophism   III. 

9.  To  be  deprived  of  a  Good,  is  an  Evil  ■,  and  to  be  deprived  of  an  so^Mmi 

Evil,  a  Good. 

npHis  Colour  deceives  two  ways  -,  viz.  either  by  the  comparifon  of  Good  its  FalUciet. 
*■  and  Evi! ;  or  by  the  Succefllon  of  Good  to  Good,  or  Evil  to  Evil. 
(i.)  By  Comparifon:  thus  if  it  were  Good  for  Mankind  to  be  deprived  of 
Acorns,  it  follows  not  that  fuch  Food  was  bad  ;  but  that  Acorns  were 
good,  tho'  Bread  be  better.  Nor,  if  it  were  an  Evil  for  the  People  of  Si- 
cily to  be  deprived  of  Dionyfi'.is  the  elder,  does  it  follow  that  the  fame  Dio- 
nyfius  was  a  good  Prince  ;  but  that  he  was  lefsevil  than  Dionyfius  the  younger. 
(2.)  By  Succejfion:  for  the  Privation  of  a  Good  does  not  always  give 
place  to  an  Evil,  but  fometimes  to  a  greater  Good  \  as  when  the  BloJJom 
falls,  the  Fruit  fucceeds.  Nor  does  the  Privation  of  an  Evil  always  give 
place  to  a  Good  ;  but  fometimes  to  a  greater  Evil.  .For  Milo,  by  the  Death 
of  his  Enemy  Clodius,  loft  a  fair  Harveft  of  Glory, 

Sophism   IV. 

10.  fVhat  approaches  to  Good,  is  Good--,   and  ijsjhat  recedes  /rtf»/ Sophifm 4. 

Good,  is  Evil. 

"Tp  IS  almoft  univerfal,  that  Tubings  agreeing  in  Nature,  agree  alfo  in  Place ;  obfervnt'm, 

■*■  and  that  Things  difagreeing  in  Nature,  differ  as  widely  in  Situation :  for 
all  things  have  an  Appetite  of  aflbciating  with  what  is  agreeable  ;  and  of  re- 
pelling what  is  difagreeable  to  them. 

This  Colour  deceives  three  ways  ;  viz.  by  Depriving,  Oh/curing,  and  Pro-  its  Fallacies^ 
teeing,  (i.)  By  Depriving:  for  the  largeft  things,  and  moft  excellent  in 
their  kind,  atcraft  all  they  can  to  themfelves,  and  leave  what  is  next  them 
deftitute ;  thus  the  Under-wood  growing  near  a  large  Tree,  is  the  pooreft 
Wood  of  the  Field-,  becaufe  the  Tree  deprives  it  ofSap,  and  Nourifliment, 
Whence 'twas  well /aid,  that  the  Servants  of  the  Rich  are  the  greatefl  Slaves. 
And  it  was  witty  of  him,  who  compared  the  inferior  Attendants  in  the 
Courts  of  Princes,  to  the  Vigils  of  Feaft-days,  which,  tho'  neareft  to  Feaft- 
days,  are  themfelves  but  meagre.  (2.)  By  Obfcunng  :  for  'tis  alfo  the  Na- 
ture of  excellent  things  in  their  kind,  tho'  they  do  not  impoverifh  the  Sub- 
ftance  of  what  lies  near  them,  yet  to  overfhadow  and  chfcure  it.  Whence 
the  Aftrologers  fay,  that  tho'  in  all  the  Planets,  Conjundion  is  the  moft  per- 
fect Amity  •,  yet  the  Sun,  tho'  good  in  Afpedt,  is  evil  in  Conjunftion. 
(3.)  By  Proteiling:  for  things  come  together,  not  only  from  a  fimilitude 
of  Nature  ;  but  even  what  is  evil,  flies  to  that  which  is  good,  efpecially 
in  civil  Society,  for  Concealment  and  Proteftion.  Thus  Hypscrify  draws 
near  to  Religion  for  Shelter^:    So    San£fuary-Meny    who  were  commonly 

X  2  Male= 

•  Sife  latet  vUium  freximitaie  boni. 


156  Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.  Sedl.XVITI. 

Malefaftors,  ufed  to  be  nearefl:  the  Priejls  and  Prelates  :  for  the  Maji'fly  of 
good  Things  is  fuch,  that  the  Confines  of  ihern  are  Reverend.  On  the  other  fide, 
Good  draws  near  to  Evil.,  not  for  Society,  but  for  Converfition  and  Refor- 
mation. And  hence  Phyficians  vifit  the  Sick,  more  than  the  Sound :  and 
hence  it  was  objecfted  to  our  Saviour,  that  he  converfed  with  Publicans  and 
Sinners. 


Sophifra  f . 


Illujiration. 


VittHlon. 


Sophifm  6. 


DeteHkn. 


Sophism    V. 

11.  As  all  Tarties  challenge  the  firft  place ;  that-,  to  which  the 
reft  unanimoujly  give  the  fecond,  Jeems  the  beft  :  Each  taking 
the  firft  place  out  of  Ajfe£iion  to  itfelf\  but  giving  the  fticond., 
where  'tis  really  due. 

'TnH  U  S  Cicero  attempted  to  prove  the  Academicks  to  be  the  beft  Se5i  v. 
■*•  for,  faith  he,  ask  a  Stoick  which  Philofophy  is  beft,  and  he  will  pre- 
fer his  own :  then  ask  him,  which  is  next  beft,  and  he  will  confefs,  the 
Academicks.  Ask  an  Epicurean  the  fame  Qaeftion,  who  can  fcarce  endure 
the  Stoick  ;  and  as  foon  as  he  hath  placed  his  own  SeEl,  he  places  the  Acade- 
micks n  xt  him.  So  if  a  Prince  feparately  examined  feveral  Competitors 
for  a  Place  •,  perhaps  the  ableft,  and  moft  deferving  man  would  have  moft 
fecond  Voices. 

This  Colour  deceives  in  refpeft  of  Envy  ;  for  men  are  accuftom'd  next  af- 
ter themfelves,  and  their  own  Fadion,  to  prefer  thofe  that  are  fiftefi,  and 
moft  rliable  ;  with  intent  to  ex'  lode  fuch  as  would  obftruft  their  Meafures  : 
whence  tliis  Col  ur  of  Mijliorit-j  and  Preheminence,  becomes  a  Si^n  of  Ener- 
vation and  IVcahiefs. 

Sophism   VI. 

12.  That  is  abfohttely  beft^  the  Excellence  whereof  is  greateft^ 

TPH  I S  Colour  has  thefe  Forms :  let  us  not  wander  in  Generals :  let  us  compare 
*■  Particular  -with  Particular,  &c.  and  tho'  it  feem  ftrong,  and  rather  Lo- 
gical than  Rhetorical;  yet  it  is  fometimesa  Fallacy  :  (i.)  becaufe  many  things 
are  expofed  to  great  danger,,  but  if  they  efcape,  prove  more  excellent  than 
others:  whence  their  ICind  is  inferior,  as  being  fubjeft  to  Accident  and  Mifcar- 
riage  -,  tho'  more  noble  in  the  Individual.  Thus  to  inftance  in  tne  Bioffms  of 
March,  one  whereof,  according  to  the  French  Proverb,  is,  if  it  efcape  Accidents, 
worth  ten  Bloffoms  of  May  :  '  ;  fo  that  tho'  m  general,  the  Bloiroms  of  May  excel 
the  Bloflbms.of  Marc'j  ;  yet  in  Individuals  the  beftBloffoms  of  March  may  be 
prefer'd  to  the  beft  of  Alay.  (2.)  Becaufe  the  Nature  of  things  in  fome  Kinds», 
or  Species,  is  more  equal,  and  in  others  more  unequal.  Thus  warm  Cli- 
jnates  generally  produce  People  of  a  ftiarper  Genius  than  cold  ones  ;  yet  the 

extra^Qr». 

*  Bourgeon  de  M.trs,  Enfam  dt  Parifs 
Si  mi  efchafe,  bien  laut  dix.  5 


Secfl.XVIII.       Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.  157 

extraordinary  Genius's  of  cold  Countries  ufually  excel  the  extraordinary  Ge- 
nius's of  the  warmer.  So  in  the  cafe  of  Armies,  if  the  Caufe  were  tried  by 
fingle  Combat,  the  Vidory  might  often  go  on  tiie  on;  fide  ;  but  if  by  a 
pitclied  Battle,  on  the  other  :  for  Excellencies  and  Superiorities  are  rather  acci- 
dental Things  ;  whilft  Kinds  are  governed  by  Nature,  or  Difcipline.  (3.)  Laftly, 
manx  Kinds  have  much  Refufe  ;  which  countervails  what  they  have  of  ex- 
cellent: and  therefore  tho'  Metal  be  generally  more  precious  than  Stone,  yet 
a  Diamond  is  more  precious  than  Gold. 

Sqphism    VII. 

1 3 .  TVhat  keeps  a  Matter  fafe  and  entire,  is  Goodi  but  'what  leaves  Sophifm  7; 
no  Retreat,  is  bad :  for  Inability  to  retire,  is  a  kind  of  Impotency  -, 
but  To'uuer  is  a  Good. 

'TTHUS  jEjbp  feign'd,  that  two  Frogs  confuking  together,  in  a  time  of  illujlration.. 
■*•  Drought,  what  was  to  be  done ;  the  one  propofed  going  down  into  a 
deep  Well,  becaufe  probably  the  Water  would  not  fail  there:  but  the 
other  anfwer'd,  if  it  fhould  fail  there  too,  how  fhall  we  get  up  again  ?  And 
the  Foundation  of  the  Colour  lies  here,  that  human  Aftions  are  fo  uncertain,  FonnJation^ 
and  cxpob'd  to  D.nger,  that  the  beft  Condition  feems  to  be  that  which  has 
mo&i  Outlets.  And  zhh  Perfuafwn  turns  upon  fuch  Forw/j  as  thefe  :  ^'ou  Jhall 
engage  yourfdf:  y  u  /hall  net  be  your  own  Carver  :  you  Jhall  keep  the  matter  in 
your  own  bands,   &c. 

The  Fallacy  of  the  SothJfin  lies  here  -,  (i.)  Becaufe  Fortune  prefles  fo  clofe  DeteHion^ 
upon  human  Affairs,  that  fbme  Refolution  is  neceflary :  for  jwt  to  Refolve, 
is  to  Ref'lve  :  fo  that  Irrefolution  frequently  entangles  us  in  NecefTities  more 
than  refolving.  And  this  feems  to  be  a  Difeafe  ot  the  Mind,  like  to  that  of 
Covetoufnefs;  only  transf  rred  from  the  Define  of  pofleffing  Riches,  to  the 
Defire  of  pofTrffi-g  Free-will  and  Power  :  for  as  the  covetous  man  enjoys  no 
part  of  hi  PofTeflions,  for  fear  of  lefiening  them  ;  fo  the  unrefolved  Man 
executes  nothing  •,  that  he  may  not  abridge  his  Freedom,  and  Power  of  Afting. 
(2.)  Becaufe  Neccfllty,  and  the  Fortune  of  the  Throw,  adds  a  Spur  to  the 
Mind  ;  whence  that  Saying,  in  other  refpelts  equal,  hut  in  necejfity  ftipcrior. 

Sophism   VIII. 

i+.  That  Evil  we  bring  upon  oiirfelves,  is  Greater -^  and  that  pro-.  Sophifm&^ 
ceedtng  from  without  us,  Lefs. 

TDEcaufe  Remorfe  of  Conf.ience  doubles  Adverfiry  :    as  a  Concioufnefs  of- jUu/lratien. 

one's  own  Innocence  is  a  great  fupport  in  AfBidVion.  Whence  the  Poets 
exaggerate  thofe  Sufferings  moft,  and  paint  them  leading  to  Defpair,  where- 
in the  Perfon  accufes  and  tortures  himfelf^  On  the  other  fide,  Perfons  lef- 
fen,  and  almoft  annihilate  their  IVIisfortunes,  by  refleding  upon  their  own  In-, 

nocence 
^Sequt  unam  cl»mtt  caufrm^ue,  ca^uttjjut  mulorum. 


xs8 


Vttelim. 


Sophifm  9. 


Illujlrathn. 


The  Tallacies 
of  the  Jirft 
fart. 


Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.       Sec^l.XVIII. 

nocaice  and  Merit.  Befides,  when  the  Evil  comes  from  without,  it  leaves 
a  Man  to  the  full  liberty  of  Complaint  ;  whereby  he  fpends  his  Grief,  and 
cafes  his  Heart :  for  we  conceive  indignation  at  human  Injuries,  and  either  me- 
ditate Revenge  ourfelves,  or  implore  and  expett  it  from  the  Divine  Vengeance. 
Or  if  the  Injury  came  from  Fortune  itfelf  j  yet  this  leaves  us  to  an  Expoftula- 
tion  with  the  Divine  Powers*.  But  if  the  Evil  be  derived  from  ourfelves, 
the  Stings  of  Grief  ftrike  inwards  •,  and  flab  and  wound  the  Mind  the  deeper. 
This  Colour  deceives,  ( i .)  by  Hope  ;  which  is  the  greateft  Antidote  of  Evils: 
for  'tis  commonly  in  our  power  to  amend  oux  Faults  ;  but  not  our:  Fortunes. 
Whence  Demojlbenes  faid  frequently  to  the  Athenians,  "  fVhat  is  worjl  for 
"  th:!  pa/I,  is  bejl  for  thi  future  ;  fince  it  happens  by  NegleSt  and  MifconduSl,  that 
•*■  joJtr  Affairs  are  come  to  this  low  Ebb.  Had  you  indeed  a^fed  your  parts  to  the 
"  fey?,  and  yet  Matters  fhould  have  thus  gone  batkwa'dv  there  would  be  no 
"  hopes  of  Amendment :  hut  as  it  has  happened  principally  thro'  your  own  Er- 
"  rors,  if  thcfe  are  corre^ed,  all  may  be  recovered."  So  Epi5i€tus,  fpeaking  of 
the  degrees  of  the  Mind's  tranquillity,  afllgns  the  loweft  place  to  fuch  as  ac- 
cufe  others  •,  a  higher,  to  thofe  who  accufe  themfelves  -,  but  the  high'eft,  to 
thofe  who  neither  accufe  themfelves  nor  others.  (2.)  By  Pride,  which  fo 
cleaves  to  the  Mind,  that  it  will  fcarce  fuffer  men  to  acknowledge  their 
Errors.  And  to  avoid  any  fuch  Acknowledgment,  they  are  extremely 
patient  under  thofe  Misfortunes,  which  they  bring  upon  themfelves :  for  as, 
when  a  Fault  is  committed,  and  before  it  be  known  who  did  it,  a  great 
ftir  and  commotion  is  made  -,  but  if  at  length  it  appears  to  be  done  by  a 
Son,  or  a  Wife  ;  the  buftle  is  all  at  an  end :  and  thus  it  happens  when  one 
muft  take  a  Fault  to  one's  felf.  And  hence  we  frequently  fee  that  Women, 
when  they  do  any  thing  againft  their  Friend's  confent  ■,  whatever  Misfor- 
tune follows,  they  feldom  complain,  but  fet  a  good  face  on  it. 

Sophism    IX. 

15.  The  'Degree  of  Trivation  feetns  greater  than  that  of  Diminu- 
tion J  and  the  Degree  of  Inception  greater  than  that  of  Increafe. 

'T^IS  a  Pofition  in  Mathematicks,  that  there  is  no  proportion  between 
■*■  Something  and  Nothing  ;  and  therefore  the  degrees  of  Nullity  and 
^iddity  feem  larger  than  the  Degrees  of  Increafe  and  Decreafe :  as  'tis 
more  for  a  Monoculus  to  lofe  an  Eye,  than  for  a  Man  who  has  two.  So  if 
a  Man  has  loft  feveral  Children,  it  gives  him  more  grief  to  lofe  the  laft, 
than  all  the  reft  ■,  becaufe  this  was  the  Hopes  of  bis  Fa?nily.  Therefore,  the 
Sibyl,  when  fhe  had  burned  two  of  her  three  Books,  doubled  her  Price 
upon  the  third  -,  becaufe  the  lofs  of  this  would  only  have  been  a  degree  of 
Privation,  and  not  of  Diminution. 

This  Colour  deceives,  (i.)  in  things^  whofe  ufe  and  fervice  lie  in  a  Suffi- 
ciency, Competency,  or  determinate  Qiiantity:  Thus  if  a  Man  were  to 
pay  a  large  Sum  upon   a  Penalty,  it  might  be  harder  upon  him  to  want 

twenty 

?  At^iiU  Deos,  atque  .4jIra,v0CAt  crtiJelia,  Mxter. 


Sedl.XVIIL         Rhetoric K,  d?r  Oratory.  159 

twenty  Shillings  for  this,  than  ten  Pounds  for  another  occafion.  So  in  run- 
ning through  an  Ej}ate ;  the  firj}  ftep  towards  it,  viz.  breaking  in  upon 
the  Stock,  is  a  higher  degree  of  mifchief  than  xht  Lift  ;  viz.  fpending  the 
lift  Penny.  And  to  this  Colour  belong  thofe  common  Forms  ;  'tis  too  late 
to  pinch  at  the  bottom  of  the  Purfe  ;  as  good  never  a  ivbit,  as  fiever  the  bet- 
ter, &c.  (2.)  It  deceives  from  this  Principle  in  Nature,  that  the  Corruption 
of  one  thing  is  the  Generation  of  another;  whence  the  ultimate  Degree  of  Pri- 
vation itfelf,  is  often  lefs  felti  as  it  gives  occafion,  and  a  fpur,  to  fomenew 
Courfe,  So  when  Demoflhenes  rebuked  the  People,  for  hearkening  to  the 
diflionourable  and  unequ.U  Conditions  of  King  Philip,  be  called  thofe  Con- 
ditions the  Food  of  their  Sloth  and  Indolence,  which  they  had  better  be  with- 
out ;  becaufe  then  their  Induftry  would  be  excited  to  procure  other  Reme- 
dies. So  a  blunt  Phxjlcian,  whom  I  knew,  when  the  delicate  Ladies  com- 
plained to  him,  thej  were  they  could  not  tell  how,  yet  could  not  endure  to 
take  Phyfick,  he  would  tell  them,  their  ix;ay  iiuas  to  be  fick,  for  then  the-j  luould 
be  gLid  to  take  an^^  thing.  (3.)  Nay,  the  Degree  of  Privation  itfelf,  or  the 
extremeft  Indigence  may  be  ferviceable  -,  not  only  to  excite  our  Induftry,  but 
to  command  our  Patience. 

The  fecon.d  part  of  this  Sophifm  ftands  upon  the  fame  Foundation  ;  or  the  Thefecond 
Degrees  betwixt  Sotnethiig  and  Nothing  ;  whence  the   Commort-place  of  extol-  /'■"''  "f'^f 
hrig  the  beginnings  of  ever-j  thing:  -u; ell  begun  is  half  done,  &c.     And  hence  ^°]'^^'j'°       • 
the' Superftition  of  th&  ^Jlrolcgers,  who  judge  the  Difpofition  and   Fortune 
of  a,  Man,  from  the  inft.int  of  his  Nativity  or  Conception. 

This  C  lour  deceives,  (i.)  becaufe  many  Beginnings  are  but  imperfed  Of-  AnddeteBed. 
fers  and  Eflays,  which  vanifli  and  come  to  nothing,  without  Repetition  and 
farther  Advancement;  fo  that  here  the  fecond  Degree  feems  more  worthy 
and  powerful  than  the  firft  ;  as  the  Bod\-horfe  in  a  Team  draws  more  than 
the  Fore  horfe :  whence  'tis  not  ill  faid,  the pcond  JVord  makes  the  ^larrel; 
for  the //-y?  might  perhaps  have  proved  harmlefs,  if  it  had  not  been  retorted  : 
therefore  zhpfrjl  gives  the  occafion  indeed  ;  but  thefecond  makes  reconciliation 
more  difficult.  (2.)  This  55/>/^//ot  deceives  by  JFearinefs,  which  makes  Pf/^t- 
verance  of  greater  dignity  than  Inception:  for  Chance  or  Nature  may  give  a 
Beginning  ;  but  only  fettled  Affeftion,  and  Judgment,  can  give  Continu- 
ance. (3.)  It  deceives  in  things,  whofe  Nature  and  common  Courfe  car- 
ries them  contrary  to  the  firft  Attempt  ;  which  is  therefore  continually  fru- 
ftrated,  and  gets  no  ground,  unlefs  the  force  be  redoubled.  Hence  the 
common  Forms :  net  to  go  forwards,  is  to  go  backwards  ;  running  up  hill ;  reiving 
againfi  the  fr earn,  &c.  But  if  it  be  with  the  ftream,  or  with  the  hill,  then  the 
degree  of  Inception,  has  by  much  the  advantage.  (4.)  This  Colour  not 
only  reaches  to  the  degree  of  Inceition  from  Power  to  Adion,  compared, 
with  the  degree  from  Aftion  to  Increafe  ;  but  alfo  to  the  degree  from  WanCr 
of  Power  to  Power,  compared  with  the  Degree  from  Power  to  Aftion:? 
For  the  Degree  from  ivant  of  Power  to  Power,  feems,  greater  than  that/ro/»v 
Power  to  A^ion. 

Sophism/ 


i6o 


Rhetorick,  or   Oratory»        Sedl.XVIIL 


Sophiim  10, 


lUuJIrtttion. 


Veteciion. 


Sophism    X. 

1 6.  TVhat  relates  to  Truth,  is  greater  than  isi^hat  relates  to  Opi- 
nion :  hit  the  meafiire  and  trial  of  'what  relates  to  Opinion,  is 
'what  a  Alan  would  not  do,  if  he  thought  he  were  fecret. 

O  O  the  Epicureans  pronounce  of  the  Stoical  Felicity,  placed  in  Virtue,  that 
'^  it  is  the  Felicity  of  a  Player,  who,  left  by  his  Audience,  would  foon  fink 
in  his  Spirit-,  whence  they  in  ridicule  call  Virtue  a  Theatrical  Good:  But  'tis 
otherwife  in  Riches »  and  Pleafure  ^  which  are  felt  more    inwardly. 

The  Fallacy  of  this  Colour  is  fomewhat  fubtile  ;  tho'  the  Anfwer  to  the  Ex- 
ample be  eafy  •,  as  Virtue  is  not  chofen  for  the  fake  of  popular  Fame  ;  and  as 
every  one  ought  principally  to  reverence  himfelf :  fo  that  a  virtuous  man  will 
be  virtuous  in  a  Defart,  as  well  as  a  Theatre  ;  tho*  perhaps  Virtue  is  made  fome- 
what more  vigorous  by  Praife  ;  as  Heat  by  Refledlion.  But  this  only  de- 
nies the  Suppofition,  and  does  not  expofe  the  Fallacy.  Allowing  then,  that 
Virtue,  joined  with  Labour,  would  not  be  chofe,  but  for  the  Praife  and 
Fame  which  ufually  attend  it  ;  yet  it  is  no  Conftqufnce,  that  Virtue 
fhould  not  be  defired  principally  for  its  own  fake ;  fince  Fame  may  be  only 
an  impellent,  and  not  a  conjlituent  or  efficient  Caufe.  Thus,  if  when  two  Hor- 
fes  are  rode  without  the  Spur,  one  of  them  performs  better  than  the  other; 
but  with  the  Spur  the  other  far  exceeds  ;  this  will  be  judged  the  better 
Horfe.  And  to  fay  that  his  Mettle  lies  in  the  Spur,  is  not  making  a  true 
Judgment :  for  fince  the  Spur  is  a  common  Inftrument  in  Horfemanfiiip, 
and  no  Impediment  or  Burden  to  the  Horfe,  he  will  not  be  efteemed  the 
worfe  Horfe  that  wants  it  -,  but  the  going  well  without  it,  is  rather  a  point  of 
Delicacy  than  Perfeftion.  So  Glory  and  Honour  are  the  Spurs  to  Virtue  ; 
which  tho'  it  might  languifli  without  thtm;  yet  fince  they  are  always  at 
hand  unfought,  Virtue  is  not  the  lefs  to  be  chofen  for  itfelf,  becaufe  it 
needs  the  Spur  of  Fame  and  Reputation:  which  clearly  confutes  the  ^o- 
phifm. 

Sophism    XL 
Sophifm  II.   17.  JVhat  is  procured  by  our  own  Virtue  and Indujiry,  is  a  greater 
Good  5  and  what  by  another's^  or  by  the  Gift  of  Fortune,  a  lefs. 

Ulu/trathn.  'T~'HE  Reafons  are,  (i.)  Future  Hope  ;  becaufe  in  the  Favours  of  others,  or 
•*•  the  Gitts  of  Fortune,  there  is  no  great  certainty  ;  but  our  own  Virtue 
and  Abilities  are  always  with  us.  So  that  when  they  have  purchafed  us  one 
Good,  we  have  them  as  ready,  and  by  ufe  better  edged,  to  procure  us  ano- 
ther. (2.)  Becaufe,  what  we  enjoy  by  the  benefit  of  others,  carries  with  it 
an  obligation  to  them  for  it ;  whereas  what  is  derived  from  ourfelves,  comes 

without 

•  Fobulus  me  fibilat ;  at  mihi  pUudo. 

^  Grata  fnb  imo 

C»udiA  cfffde  fremeni.  vultu  fimtiUnte  pudortm. 


Se<^.  XVIII.     Rhetorick,   or  Oratory.  i6i 

without  clog  or  encumbrance.  Nay,  when  the  Divine  Providence  beftows 
Favours  upon  us,  they  require  Acknowledgment,  and  a  kind  of  Retribu- 
tion to  the  Supreme  Being  ;  but  in  the  other  kind.  Men  rejoice^  as  the  Prophet 
{peaks,  and  are  glad;  they  offer  to  their  Toils,  and  facrijice  to  their  Nets. 
(3.)  Becaufe,  what  comes  to  us  unprocured  by  our  own  Virtue,  yields  not 
that  Praile  and  Reputation  we  affedt  -,  for  Anions  of  great  Felicity  may 
produce  much  Wonder  ;  but  no  Praife.  So  Cicero  faid  to  Ccefar,  we  have 
enough  to  adrnire,  but  want  fomewhat  to  praife  '.  (4.)  Becaufe,  the  Purchafes 
of  our  own  Induftry  are  commonly  joined  with  Labour  and  Struggle  ;  which 
have  not  only  fome  Sweetnefs  in  themfelves,  but  give  an  Edge  and  Relifh 
to  Enjoyment,     yenifon  is  fweet  to  him  that  kills  it ''. 

There  are  four  Oppofites  or  Counter-Colours  to  this  Sophifm,  and  may  ferve  as  j, ,  counter- 
as  Confutations  to  the  four  preceding  Colours  refpeftively.  (i.)  Becaufe  Felicity  Colours  and 
feemstobea  work  of  the  Divine  Favour  -,  and  accordingly  begets  Confidence  Confutation. 
and  Alacrity  in  ourfelves,  as  well  as  Refpcft  and  Reverence  from  others.  And 
this  Felicity  extends  to  cafual  things i  which  human  Virtue  can  hardly  reach. 
So  when  C^sfar  faid  to  the  Mafter  of  the  Ship  in  a  ftorn^.  Thou  carrieft  Cte- 
far  and  his  Fortune ;  if  he  fhould  have  fiid,  thou  carrieft  Caefar  and  his  Vir- 
tue, it  had  been  but  a  fmall  fupport  againft  the  danger.  (2.)  Becaufe  thofc 
things  which  proceed  from  Virtue  and  Induftry  are  imitable,  and  lie  open 
to  others  -,  whereas  Felicity  is  inimitable,  and  the  Prerogative  of  a  fingular 
Perfon.  Whence  in  general.  Natural  things  are  prefer'd  to  Artificial ;  be- 
caufe incapable  of  imitation.  For  whatever  is  imitable,  feems  common,  and 
in  every  one's  power.  (3.)  The  things  that  proceed  from  Felicity,  feem  free 
Gifts,  unpurchafed  by  Induftry  •,  but  thofe  acquired  by  Virtue,  feem  bought : 
■whence  Plutarch  faid  elegantly  of  the  Succeffes  of  Timoleon,  (an  extremely 
fortunate  man)  compared  with  thofe  of  his  Contemporaries,  Agefilaus  and 
Kpaminondas,  that  they  were  like  HomerV  Verfes,  and  hefides  their  other  Ex- 
cellencies, ran  peculiarly  fmootb,  and  natural.  (4.)  Becaufe  what  happens 
unexpectedly,  is  more  acceptable,  and  enters  the  Mind  with  greater  pleafure : 
but  this  effetl  cannot  be  had  in  things  procured  by  our  own  Induftry. 

Sophism  XII. 
18.  What  conjijis  of  many  divijible  Tarts  is  greater,  and  more  One  Sophiim  i». 
than  iz'hat  conjijis  of  fewer  :  for  all  things  when  viewed  in  their 
Tarts,  ftem  greater;  whence  alfo a  plurality  of  Tarts  fhews 
bulky  :  but  a  plurality  of  Tarts  has  the  Jlronger  EjfeEi,  if  they 
lie  in  no  certain  order ;  for  thus  they  refemble  Infinity,  and  fre- 
'vent  Comprehenfion. 

T^HIS  Sophifm  appears  grofs  at  fiift  fight  •,  for  'tis  not  plurality  of  Parts  Explanation. 

alone,  without  majority,  that  makes theTotal  greater:  yet  the  Imagination 
is  often  carried  away,  and  theSenfe  deceived  with  this  Colour.  Thus  to  the 
Eye  the  Road  upon  a  naked  Plain  may  feem  fhorter,  than  where  there  are 
Trees,  Buildings,  or  other  Marks,  by  which  to  diftinguifh  and  divide  the 

»  ^t,  miremur  habemus ;  qut  lauitmus  txfiHamui. 

*  Suavis  cihui  k  vtnutH. 

Vot.  I.  Y  Diftance. 


i62  Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.     Secfl.XVIir. 

Diftance.  So  when  a  monied  Man  divides  iiis  C'lefts  and  Bgs,  he  ferns 
to  himfelf  richer  than  he  wis;  and  therefore  a  wiy  to  amphfy  any  thing, 
is  to  break  it  into  fevtral  p'lrcs,  and  examine  them  fepararely.  And  this 
makes  the  greater  Jh'rw,  if  done  without  Order;  for  Confifion  (hews  things 
more  numerous  thm  they  are.  But  Matters  ranged  and  fer  in  order,  ap- 
pear more  confined  ;  and  prove  that  nothing  is  omitted  :  whi'ft  fuch  as  are 
reprefented  in  Confufion,  not  only  appear  more  in  number,  but  leave  a  fuf- 
picion  of  many  more  behind. 
Confutation.  This  Q/oz/r  deceives,  (i.)  if  the  Mind  entertain  too  great  an  opinion  of 
any  thing-,  for  then  the  breaking  of  it  v/ill  deftroy  that  falfe  Notion,  and  (hew 
the  thing  really  as  it  is  •,  without  Amplification.  Thus  if  a  Man  be  fick,  or  in 
pain,  the  time  feems  longer  without  a  Clock  than  with  one  :  for  the'  rh:  irk- 
fomnefsof  Pain  makes  the  time  feem  longer  than  it  is  ;  yet  the  meafuring  of 
it  correfts  the  Error,  and  fliews  it  fhorter,  than  that  falfe  opinion  had  con- 
ceived it.  And  fo  in  a  naked  Plain,  contrary  to  what  was  juft  before  ob- 
ferved,  tho'  the  way,  to  the  Eye,  may  feem  fhorter  when  undivided ;  yet 
if  an  Opinion  hence  arifes,  that  'tis  much  fhorter  than  it  w  11  be  found  ; 
the_  fruftration  of  that  falfe  Expeftation  will  afterwards  caufe  it  to  appear 
longer  th?n  the  Truth.  Therefore,  if  a  Man  defign  to  encourage  the  falfe 
Opinion  of  another,  as  to  the  greatnefs  of  a  thing,  l:t  him  not  divide  and 
fplit  it,  but  extol  it  in  the  general.  This  Colour  deceives,  (2.)  if  the  Mat- 
.  ter  be  fo  fir  divided  and  difperled,  as  not  all  to  appear  at  one  view.  So 
Flowers  growing  in  feparate  Beds,  (hew  more  than  if  they  g-ow  in  one  Bed  ; 
provided  all  the  Beds  are  in  the  fame  Plot,  fo  as  to  be  viewed  at  once;  o- 
therwife  they  appear  more  numerous  when  brought  nearer,  than  when  fcat- 
ter'd  wider  :  and  hence  landed  EJlates,  that  lie  contiguous,  are  ulually  ac- 
counted greater  than  they  are  :  for  if  they  lie  in  di.fcren!;  Counties,  they 
could  not  lo  well  fall  within  Notice.  (3.)  Th's  ^r^y^r/w  deceive?,  thro'  the  ex- 
cellence of  Unity  above  Multitude:  for  all  Coiipofition  is  an  infdlible  fign 
of  deficiency  in  Particulars  *.  For  if  One  would  lerve  the  turn,  it  were  belt ; 
but  Djfefts  and  Imperfeftions  r  quire  to  be  pieced  and  helped  out.  So 
M.i'thi,  cumber'' d  about  many  ihiyigs,  was  tol.l  that  Owt- was  fufficient.  And 
upon  this  Foundation  Mfop  invented  the  Fable,  how  the  Fox  bragg'd  to 
the  Cat,  what  a  number  of  Devices  and  Stratagems  he  had  to  get  from  the 
Ilounds  ;  when  the  Cat  fiid  (he  had  but  one,  and  that  was  10  climb  a 
Tree  :  which  in  fait  was  better  than  all  the  Shifts  of  Reynard.  Whence 
the  Proverb,  Muha  novit  vtil/es,  fed  felis  um<m  magnum'^.  And  the  Moral 
of  the  Fable  is  this;  that  'tis  be'Atcr  reLlng  upon  an  able  and  trufly  Friend  in 
a  dijiculty,  thiin  upon  all  the  Fetches  and  Contrivances  of  one's  own  Wit. 

It  were  eafy  to  colleft  a  large  number  of  this  kind  of  Sophifins  ;  whereto 
if  their  Fallacies,  and  Deteciions  were  annexed,  it  might  be  a  work,  of  ccn- 
fiderible  (ervice  ;  as  launching  into  Primary  Pbilofopby,  and  Pclituks,  as  well 
?lS  Rhetorick'^.  And  fo  much  for  the  popular  tnarks,  or  Colours  of  apparent 
Good  and  Evil,  both  /nnij^znd  comparative.- 

III. 

^  Et  qu£  non  frofii-^t  fingi  l:i,  multa  juvunt. 
^  The  Fox  iiad  in.HiySn.tj,  but  1  he;  Cat  a  capital  one. 

^  One  Ktalbn  why  lituc  has  been  done  towards  I'upplying  t\i\i  Deficiency ,  is,  peihaps,  rhe 

difficulty 


in 

n 


SccT-.XVIII.     Rhetorick,    or  Op.atory.  163 

III.    19.  A  f'-cond  Colleol'.on  wanring  to  the  Apparatus  of  Rh.^lorkk,  h  tlut  ^  ColUr?ii»>- 
timated  by  Cicero,  when  he  d:rj(5ts  a  fet  of  Common-rAaces,  fuiced  to  both  "/''iJdi  <)  An- 
les  of  the  Qa?ftion,  to  be  had  in  readinefs.     But  we  extend  this  Precept  /^''-^bIT- 
farther  -,  fo  as  to  include,  not  only  judicial,   but  alfo  deliberative  and  demon-  r'uk. 
jlrative  Forms.     Our  meaning  is,  that  all  the  Places  of  common  ufe,  whether 
for  Proof,  Confutation,  Perfuafion,  Bijfuafion,  Praife,  or  Difpraife  ;  flinuld  he 
ready  fludied,  and  either  exaggerated,  or  degraded,  -with  the  utiw^ft  effort  cf  Ge- 
nius, or,  as  it  "ivre,  perve'p  Refolution,  b.-ryond  all  vieafv.re  of  Truth  '.     And 
the  beft  way  of  forming  this' Colle^ion,  both  for  Concifenefs   and  Ufe,  we 
judge  to   be  that   of  contrading,  and  winding   up  thcfe  Places  into  certain 
acute,  and  fhort  Sentences -,  as  into  fo  many  Clues,  which  mayoccafiond- 
ly  be  wound  off  into  larger  Difcourfes.     And  fomething  of  this  kind  we  find 
done  by  Seneca  ;  but  only  in  the  way  of  Sxpfofitions  or  Cafes.     The  follow- 
ing Examjies  will  more  fully  illuRrate  our  Intention. 


For. 


Beauty. 


20.  The  Djformed  endeavour,  by 
M-dice,  to  keep  themfclves  from 
Contempt. 

Deformed  Perfons  are  commonly 
revenged  of  Nature. 

Virtue  is  internal  Beauty  -,  and 
Beauty  external  Virtue. 

Beauty  makes  Virtue  fliine  ;  and 
Vice  blufh. 


Againll, 
^  Virtue,  like   a  Diamond,    is   beft  f^'^'"?'"/"'. 

Pl'^'n  iet.  Colte^ion, 

As  a  good  Drefs  to  a  deformed 

Perfon  ;  fo    is  Beauty   to   a  vicious 

Man. 

Thofe  adorned  with  Beauty,  and 

thofe  affefted  by  it, are  generally  fhal- 

low  alike. 


Y  2 


Boldness. 


difficulty  that  attends  it.  Numerous  Sophifm,  of  great  infljence,  might  indeed  be  colleded  from 
Boo\ii  of  Morality  Policy,  Phyficks,  Chemiftry,  and  many  other  paits  of  Ph  loliiphy,  as  well  as 
from  commjn  Converiation  ;  but  to  tbew  wherein  the  Fallacy  of  fuch  5o/>^i/>wj  ii«.  and  clearly 
.to  confu'c  them,  may  often  require  a  penetrating  Capicity,  and  a  coniiderable  Degree  of  At- 
tention Whence  a  Work  of  th.s  kmd  cannot  be  executed  upon  the  Phn  of  the  Author,  but 
by  men  of  general  Knowledge,  clear  D.fcernm^nt,  Mathematical  Sagacity,  and  ftrong  Judg. 
ment.  Bit  if  luch  a  Work  were  extant  in  if;  due  hti  ude,  it  mighr  afford  an  en'eriaining,  as 
well  as  ufefal  Pi£tare  of  human  Miture;  anH  fh^w,  that  nearly  all  the  Arguments  in  common 
uie  are  but  a  kind  oi  Safhifms:   and  thus  defend  the  Mind  againft  them. 

*  p.iferve  howe/er,  that  thefe  Places  are  l\ill  to  be  true  and  jull,  if  taken  in  a  loiver  or 
hightr  Key,  o-herwfe  they  would  be  but  mere  Sophiims  and  Irnpoflure.  Thus  the  two  lides 
of  the  Queftion,  may  by  moderation  be  made  lo  comport  j  for  inftance, 

For. 
Virtue,  like  a  Diamond,  is  befi  plain /et. 
Against. 
Virtue,  in  a  graceful  Perfon^  Jliews  to  greater  advantage. 
Thefe  are  Anrithets,    or  Opnouiesj  but  reconci.able  by  relaxing,   or  ibftening  the   Rigour  of 
each   Poli'ion:  fo  that  tho'  Virtue  fljevos  -well,  when  plain  fet ; yet  it  Jliews  i>etter,  when  accompa- 
nied with  graceful  Behaviour.     But  in  Pleading  and  Perfuading,  more  regard  is  had  to  Exaggera- 
tion and  ftrong  ExprciTi  in    than  to  Modera'ion  at^d  exaifl  Truth.     The  part  of  the  Judge  is  to 
moderate,  and  balance,  both  iides  of  the  Queftion, 


164 


Rhetoric K,  or  Oratory.      Sed. XVIII. 


Bold 

For. 

21.  A  bafhful  Suitor  fhews  the 
way  to  deny  him. 

Boldnefs  in  a  PoHtician  is  like  Ac- 
tion to  an  Orator  -,  the  firft,  fecond, 
and  third  Qualification. 

Love  the  Man,  who  confeffes  his 
Modefty ;  but  hate  him  who  accufes 
it. 

A  Confidence  in  carriage  fooneft  u- 
nites  Affedtions. 

Give  me  a  referved  Countenance, 
and  open  Converfation. 


NESS. 

Againjl. 

Boldnefs  is  the  Verger  to  Folly. 

Impudence  is  fit  for  nothing  but 
Impofture. 

Confidence  is  the  Fool's  Emprefs, 
and  the  Wife  Man's  Buffoon. 

Boldnefs  is  a  kind  of  Dulnefs,  jotn'd 
with  a  Perverfenels. 


Ce  R  E  M 


For. 


22.  A  graceful  Deportment  is  the 
true  Ornament  of  Virtue. 

If  we  follow  the  Vulgar  in  the  life 
of  Words,  why  not  in  Habit  and 
Gefture  ? 

He  who  obferves  not  Decorums 
in  fmaller  matters,  may  be  a  great 
Man  •,  but  is  unwife  at  times. 

Virtue  and  Wifdom^  without  all  Re- 
fpeft  and  Ceremony,  are,  like  foreign 
Languages,  unintelligible  to  the  Vul- 


gar, 


He,  who  knows  not  the  Senfe  of 
the  People,  neither  by  Congruity, 
nor  Obfervation,  is  fenfelefs. 

Ceremonies  are  the  tranflation  of  Vir- 
tue into  our  own  Language. 


0  N  I  E  S. 

j^gainft. 

What  can  be  more  difagreeable  than 
in  common  Life  to  copy  the  Stage  ? 

Ingenuous  Behaviour  procures  E- 
fteem  ;  but  Affedation  and  Cunning, 
Hatred, 

Better  a  painted  Face  and  curled 
Hair,  than  a  painted  and  curled  Beha- 
viour. 

He  is  incapable  of  great  Matters, 
who  breaks  his  Mind  with  trifling  Ob- 
fervations. 

Affectation  is  the  glofly  Corruption 
of  Ingenuity. 


Cons  t  a  n  c  y. 


For, 


23.  Conftancy  is  the  Foundation  of 
Virtue. 

He  is  miferable  who  has  no  Notion 
of  what  he  fhall  be. 

If  Human  Judgment  cannot  be  con- 
ftant  to  things ;  let  it  at  leaft  be  true 
to  itfelf 

Even  Vice  is  fet  off  by  Conftancy. 
Inconftancy 


Againft. 

Conftancy,  like  a  churlifh  Portrefs, 
turns  away  many  ufeful  Informations. 

'Tisjuft  that  Conftancy  fhould  en- 
dure Crofles  i  for  it  commonly  brings 
them. 

The  fiiorteft  Folly  is  the  beft. 


Sed.XVIII.       Rhetorick,  tiv  Oratory. 

Inconflancy  of  Fortune,with  Incon- 
ftancy  of  Mind,  makes  a  Dark  Scene. 

Fortune,  like  Proteus,  is  brought 
to  herfelf  by  perCftin 


no- 


For. 


24.  No  Virtue  is  fo  often  delinquent 
as  Clemency. 

Crueky,  proceeding  from  Revenge, 
isjuftice  ;  if  from  Danger,  Prudence. 

He  who  fhews  Mercy  to  his  Ene- 
my, denies  it  to  himfelf. 

Phlebotomy  is  as  neceflary  in  the  Bo- 
dy PDlitick,  as  in  the  Body  Natural. 


G  R  U  E  L  T  V. 

Againfl. 
He  who  delights  in  Blood,  is  either 
a  wild  Beaft,  or  a  Fury. 
To  a  good  Man,  Cruelty  feems  a 


mere  Tragical  Fidtion. 


For 


Del 


25.  Fortune  fells  many  things  to 
the  Hafty,  which  Ihe  gives  to  the 
Slow. 

Hurrying  to  catch  the  Beginnings 
of  things,  is  grafping  at  Shadows. 

When  things  hang  wavering,  mark 
them  ;  and  work,  when  they  incline. 

Commit  the  beginning  of  Adlions 
to  Argus,  with  his  hundred  Eyes ; 
the  end  to  Briareus,  with  his  hundred 
Hiinds. 


D  I  S  S  I  -M  u 


ror. 


26.Dinimulation  is  a  IhortWifdom. 

We  are  not  all  to  fay»  tho'  we  all 
intend,  the  fame  Thing. 

Nakednefs,  even  in  the  Mind,  is  un- 
comely. 

Diflimulation  is  both  a  Grace  and 
a  Guard. 

Diflimulation  is  the  Bulwark  of 
Counfels. 

Some  fall  a  Prey  to  Fair-Dealing. 

The  open  Dealer  deceives  as  wtli  as 
the  Diflembler :  for  many  either  do 
not  underftand  him,  or  not  believe  him. 

Open-dealing  is  a  Weaknefs  of 
Mind. 


A  Y. 

AgaJ'!'^. 

Opportunity  offers  the  Handle  of 
the  Bot.Io  firft,  then  the  Belly. 

Opportunity,  like  the  Sihl,  dimf- 
nifhes  the  Commodiry,  but  enhances 
the  Price, 

Difpatch  is  Pluto^s  Hilmet. 

Things  undertaken  fpeedily,  are  ea» 
fily  performed. 


L  A  T  I  O  N. 

Againft. 

If  we  cannot  think  juftly,  at  leafl; 
let  us  fpeak  as  we  think. 

In  Ihallow  Politicians,  Diflimula- 
tion goes  for  Wifdom. 

The  DiflJembler  lofes  a  principal  In- 
ftrument  of  Aftion,  Belief. 

Diflimulation  invites  Diflimulation, 

The  Diflembler  is  a  Slave. 


165 


Empiri. 


i66 


Rhetorick,  ot*  Orator?.      Secfl.XVIII. 


Empire. 


■"or. 


27.  To  enjoy  Hippinefs,  is  a  great 
Bkfiing  •,  but  to  confer  it,  a  g-ea^  r. 

Kings  are  more  like  .^tar?  r'^an  M  n  ; 
for  til  y  have  a  pOA-erf  il  Infliv^nce. 

To  refill  God's  Vicegerents,  is  to 
war  againil  Heaven. 


Aga'mfl. 

'Tis  a  mifprable  State,  to  have  few 
ihin  ,s  to  difire,  and  many  to  f-^ar. 

Princes,  like  the  ccleHial  Bodies, 
Vave  much  Veneration,   but  no  Reft. 

Mortals  are  admitted  to  Jupiter's 
Table,  only  for  fport. 


Envy. 


28. 


For. 
'Tis  natuial  to  hate  thofe  who 


reproach  us. 

Envy  in  a  State,  is  like  a  whole- 
fome  Severity. 


Aga'wfl. 

Envy  has  no  Holidays. 

Death  alone  reconciles  Envy  to 
Virtue. 

Envy  purs  Virtue  to  the  trial,  as 
Jum  did  Hercules. 


Evidence    agahift   Arguments. 


For. 


Againfi. 


29.  To  rely  upon  Arguments,    isi      If  Evidence  were  to  prevail  againfl: 
the  part  of  a  Pleader,  not  a  Judge.     'Aigamnts,  a  Jjdge  would  need  no 

He  who  is  fway'd  more  by   Argu-  Stnie  but  his  H  aring. 
inents  than  Teftimony,  truds  more  to       Argu  n  nis  are  an  Antidote  againft 
"Wit  than  Senfe.  'the  I'oiibn  of  Teltimonies. 

Arguments  might    b;  trufted,    if      Tliofe  Pioofs  are  fafcft  believed. 
Men  committed  no  Abfurdities.  Wuicii  feldomell  deceive. 

Arguments  agiinft  Teftimonies, 
make  the  Cafe  appear  fl range,  but 
not  true. 


Facility. 

For. 

30.  Give  me  the  lVI.in  who  con- 
plies  to  another's  Humour  widioui 
Flattery. 

The  flexible  Man  cjmes  neateft  to 
the  nature  of  Lold. 


Agaipjl. 

Facility  is  wanr  or  Judgment. 

The  good  Offices  of  eafy  Natures 
feem  Debts,  and  their  Denials,  Inju- 
ries. 

He  thanks  only  himfelf,  who  pre- 
vails upon  an  eafy  Man. 

All  Difficulties  opprefs  a  yielding 
Nature  ;  for  he  is  eng.ged  in  all. 

Eafy  Natures  feldoin  come  off  with 
credit. 


Flat- 


Sed.XVIII.     Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 


167 


Flattery. 


For, 


31.  Flattery  proceeds  from  Cuf- 
tom,  nithcr  than  ill  D.fign. 

To  convey  Inftrudtion  with  Praife, 
is  a  Form  due  to  the  Great. 


Againft. 

Flattery  is  the  Style  of  a  Slive. 

Flattery  is  the  Varni.'h  of  Vice. 

Flattery  is  fowling  with  a  Bird  Call. 

The  Deformity  of  Flattery  is  Co- 
medy ;   but  the  Injury,  Tragedy. 

To  convey  good  Counfelj  is  a  hard 
Task. 


Fortitude. 


For. 


32.  Nothing  is  terrible,  but  Fear 
itfclf 

Pleafure  and  Virtue  lofe  their  Na 
ture,  where  Fear  difquiet^. 

To  view  Danger,  is  looking  ou:  to 
avoid  ir. 

OtLer   Virtues   fibdu:^   Vice  j    but 
Fortitude  even  conquers  Fortune. 


Ayijnl. 

A  ftrar.ge  Virtue  t'laf,  to  defire  to 
deflroy,  ro  f-cure  D-ltri.6tion. 

A  gOD-il  '  Vi.  rur  truly,  which  even 
Drunkinmfs  can  caufe. 

A  Prodigal  of  his  own  Life,  threa- 
tens th  ■  Liv_s  of  oc  lers. 

Fortitude  is  a  Virtue  of  the  Iron- 
Age. 


Fortune. 


For. 


3  ■{.  Publick  Virrues  procure  Praife  i 
but  p  ivate  ones.  Fortune. 

Fona.'if,  like  the  Muk  -JVa\.,  is  a 
CIulKr  of  fmall,  twinkling,  namclcis 
Virrues. 

Forcune  is  to  b;  honouiM  and  re- 
fp  fted,  tho'  ir  were  but  tor  her 
Diughtcri^,  Confidence  and  Autho- 
rity. 


Jgmft. 

The  Folly  of  one  ivlan,  is  the  For- 
tune of  a  no  her. 

Tnis  my  be  commended  in  For- 
tune, that  if  fhe  makes  no  FLftion, 
(he  gives  ro  Pioeftion. 

The  G  e.t,  to  decliiie  Envy,  wor- 
fnip  Fortune. 


Friendship. 

Fcr.  Aminfl. 

To  contract  FriendHiip,  is  to  pro- 
cure Encumbrance. 

'Tis  a  weak  Spirit,  that  divides  For- 
cune with  anotner. 


34.  Friendfhip  does  the  fame  as 
Foiritude  -,  but  more  aiirerabl /. 

Friendrtiip  gives  the  Relilli  to  Hap- 
pinls. 

The  wcrft  Solitude,  is  'o  want 
Friends. 

'Tis  jaft  that  the  hollo'ft -hearted 
Ihould  not  find  Friindinip. 


Health, 


i68 


Rhetorick,  e>/*  Oratory.      Se<a.XVIII. 


Health, 


For. 


35.  The  Care  of  Health  fubjefts 
the  Mind  to  the  Body. 

An  healthy  Body  is  the  Tabernacle, 
but  a  fickly  one,  the  Prilbn  of  tlie 
Soul. 

A  found  Conftitution  forward- 
Bufinefs ;  but  a  fickly  one  makes  man) 
Holidays. 


Againft. 

Recovery  from  Sicknefs,  is  Reju- 
"enefcency. 

Pretence  of  Sicknefs,  is  a  good  Ex- 
cufe  for  the  Healthy. 

Health  too  llrongly  ce.Tients  the 
Soul  and  Body. 

The  Couch  has  govern'd  Empires ; 
and  the  Litter,  Armies, 


Honours. 


For. 


36.  Honours  are  the  Suffrages,  not 
of  Tyrants,  but  Divine  Providence. 

Honours  make  both  Virtue  and 
Vice  confpicuous. 

Honour  is  the  Touchftone  of  Vir- 
tue. 

The  Motion  of  Virtue  is  rapid  to 
its  place ;  but  calm  in  it :  but  the 
Place  of  Virtue  is  Honour. 


Agatnft. 

To  feek  Honour,  is  to  lofc  Li- 
berty. 

Honours  give  command  where  'tis 
beft  not  to  will ;  and  next,  not  to  be 
able. 

The  Steps  of  Honour  are  hard  to 
climb,  flippery  a-top,  and  dangerous 
to  go  down, 

M^n  in  great  Place  borrow  others 
Opinions,  to  think  themfelves  happy. 


Jests. 


For. 


37.  A  J?ft  is  the  Orator's  Altar. 

Humour  in  Converfation,  prefer ves 
Freedom. 

'Tis  highly  politick  to  pafs  fmooth- 
ly  from  Jeft  to  Earncft,  and  vice 
verfa. 

Witty  Conceits  are  Vehicles  to 
Truths,  that  could  not  be  otherwife 
agreeably  convey'd. 


Againji. 

Hunters  after  Deformities  and  Com- 
parifons,  are  defpicable  Creatures. 

To  divert  important  Bafinefs  w^ith 
a  J-:fft,  is  a  bafe  Trick, 

Judge  of  a  Jeft,  when  the  Laugh 
is  over. 

Wit  commonly  plays  on  the  Sur- 
face of  things :  for  Surface  is  the  Seat 
of  a  Jeft. 


Ingratitude, 


For. 


38.  Ingratitude  «is  but  perceiving 
the  Caufe  of  a  Benefit. 

The  defire  of  being  grateful,  nei- 
ther does  Juftice  to  others,  nor  leaves 
one's  felf  at  liberty. 

A 


Againjt, 
The  Sin  of  Ingratitude- is  not  made 
penal  here,  but  left  to  the  Furies. 

TheObligations  for  Benefits,  exceed 
the  Obligations  of  Duties;  whence  In- 
gratitude is  alfo  unjuft. 

No 


Scft.XVIII.       Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 


A  Benefit  of  an  uncertain  Value, 
merits  the  Icfs  thanks. 


No  publick  Fortune   can  exclude 
private  Favour. 


169 


In 


NOVATION. 


For. 


39.  Every  Remedy  is  an  Innova- 
tion. 

He  who  will  not  apply  new  Reme- 
dies, muil  expe<5t  new  Difeafes. 

Time  is  the  grcatcft  Innovator  ;  and 
why  may  we  not  imitate  Time  ? 

Ancient  Precedents  are  unfuitable, 
and  late  ones  corrupt  and  degenerate. 

Let  the  Ignorant  fquare  their  Ac- 
tions by  Example. 

As  they  who  firft  derive  Honour  to 
their  Family,  are  commonly  more 
worthy  than  thofe  who  fucceed  them  ; 
fo  Innovations  generally  excel  Imita- 
tions. 

An  obftinate  adherence  to  Cuftoms, 
is  as  turbulent  a  thing  as  Innovation. 

Since  things  of  their  own  courfe 
change  for  the  worfe,  if  they  are  not 
by  prudence  alter'd  for  the  better  •, 
what  End  can  there  be  of  the  111  i" 

The  Slaves  of  Cuftom  are  the  Sport 
of  Time. 


Agabifl. 

New  Births  are  deformed  thing». 

No  Author  is  accepted,  till  time 
has  authoriz'd  him. 

All  Novelty  is  Injury  -,  for  it  de- 
faces the  prefcnt  ftate  of  things. 

Things  authoriz'd  by  Cuftom,  if 
not  excellent,  are  yet  conformable ; 
and  fort  well  together. 

What  Innovator  follows  the  Ex- 
ample of  Time,  which  infinuates  new 
things  fo  quietly,  as  to  be  almoft  im- 
perceptible '  .^ 

Things  that  happen  unexpefted, 
are lefs agreeable  to  thofe  they  benefit; 
and  more  affliding  to  thofe  they  in- 
jure. 


Justice. 


For. 


40.  Power  and  Policy  are  but  the 
Appendages  of  Juftice  -,  for  if  Juftice 
could  be  otherwife  executed,  there 
were  no  need  of  them. 

'Tis  owing  to  Juftice,  that  Man  to 
Man  is  a  God  ;  not  a  Wolf 

Tho'  Juftice  cannot  extirpate  Vice, 
it  keeps  it  under. 


jigainfl. 

If  Juftice  confift  in  doing  to  another 
what  we  would  have  done  to  our- 
felves ;  then  Mercy  is  Juftice. 

If  every  one  muft  receive  his  due  ; 
then  furely  Mortals  muft  receive  Par- 
don. 

The  common  Juftice  of  a  Nation, 
like  a  Philofopher  at  Court,  renders 
Rulers  aweful. 


*  One  can  fcjrce  help  anfwering  to  this  Queftion;  the  Lord  Bacon  :  who  his  reformed  the 
S:ate  of  Learning  fo  quietly,  that  hisC  juntry-men  fcarce  perceive  how  or  by  whom  it  wascffefted. 


Vol.  I. 


Know- 


170 


Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 


Sea.  XVIII. 


Knowledge    and  Contemplation. 


For. 

41.  That  Pleafure  only  is  accor- 
ding to  Nature,  which  never  cloys. 

The  fweeteft  Profped:  is  that  be- 
low, into  the  Errors  of  others. 

'Tis  beft  to  have  the  Orbits  of  the 
Mind  concentrick  with  thofe  of  the 
Univerfe. 

Ail  depraved  Affeflions  are  falfe  Va- 
luations ;  butGoodnefs  and  Truth  are 
ever  the  fame. 

Law 


Againft. 

A  contemplative  Life  is  but  a  fpe- 
cious  Lazinefs. 

To  think  well  is  little  better  than 
to  dream  well. 

Divine  Providence  regards  the 
World ;  but  Man  regards  only  his 
Country. 

A  political  Man  fows  even  his 
Thoughts, 


tor. 

42.  'Tis  not  expounding,  but  di- 
vining, to  recede  from  the  Letter  of 
the  Law. 

To  leave  the  Letter  of  the  Law, 
makes  the  Judge  a  Legiflator. 


Againfl. 

Generals  are  to  be  conftrued  fo  as 
to  explain  Particulars. 

The  worft  Tyranny  is  Law  upon 
the  rack. 


Learning. 


For. 


4^.  To  write  Books  upon  minute 
Particulars,  were  to  render  Experience 
almoft  ufelefs. 

Reading  is  converfing  with  the 
Wife  -,  but  afting  is  generally  con- 
verfing with  Fools. 

Sciences  of  little  fignificance  in 
themfelves,  may  fharpen  the  Wit, 
and  marfhal  the  Thoughts. 


Agahiji. 

Men  in  Univerfities  are  taught  to 
believe. 

"What  Art  ever  taught  the  feafon- 
able  Ufeof  Art? 

To  be  wife  by  Precept,  and  wife 
by  Experience,  are  contrary  Habits  ; 
the  one  forts  not  witii  the  other. 

A  vain  ufe  is  made  of  Art ;  left  it 
fhould  otherwife  be  unemploy'd. 

'Tis  the  way  of  Scholars  to  fhew 
all  they  know ;  and  oppofe  farther  In- 
formation. 


Life. 


For. 


44.  'Tis  abfurd,  to  love  the  Acci- 
dents of  Life  above  Life  itfelf. 

A  long  Courfe  is  better  than  a  Ihort 
one,  even  for  Virtue. 

With- 


AgainJ}. 
The  Philofophers,  by  their  great 
Preparation   for    Death,     have    only 
render'd  Death  more  terrible. 

Men  fear  Death  thro'  Ignorance, 
as  Children  fear  the  Dark. 

I  There 


Sed.  XVIII.  RHETORiCK,    <9r   ORATORy. 


Without  a  Compafs  of  Life,  we 
can  neither  learn,  nor  repent,  nor 
perfeft. 


There  is  no  PafTion  fo  weak,  but, 
if  a  little  urged,  will  conquer  the  Fear 
of  Death. 

A  Man  would  widi  to  die,  even 
thro'  Wearinefs  of  doing  the  Cinne 
things  over  and  over  again. 


171 


L  O  <i.U  A  C  I   T   Y, 


For. 


fuf- 


but 


for 


45.  Silence  argues  a  Man  to 
pe6t  either  himfelf  or  others. 

All    Reftraints    are   irkfome, 
efpecially  that  of  the  Tongue. 

Silence  is  the  Virtue  of  Fools. 

Silence,  lil<.e  the  Night,  is  fit 
Treacheries. 

Thoughts,  like  Waters,  are  beft  in 
a  running  Stream. 

Silence  is  a  kind  of  Solitude. 

He  who  is  filent,  expofes  himfelf  to 
Genfure, 


Againji. 

To  fpeak  little,  gives  Grace  and 
Authority  to  what  is  deliver'd. 

Silence  is  like  Sleep  •,  it  refreflies 
Wifdom. 

Silence  is  the  Fermentation  of  the 
Thoughts. 

Silence  is  the  Style  of  Wifdom  j  and 
the  Candidate  for  Truth. 


Love. 


For. 


46.  Every  Man  feeks,  but  tlie  Lover 
only  finds,  himfelf. 

The  Mind  is  beft  regulated  by  the 
Predominancy  of  fome  powerful  Af- 
fedlion. 

He  who  is  wife,  will  purfue  fome 
one  Defire  -,  for  he  that  affefts  not 
one  thing  above  another,  finds  all  flat 
and  diftafteful. 

Why  fhould  not  one  Man  reft  in 
one  Individual  ? 


Againji. 

The  Stage  is  more  beholden  to 
Love,  than  civil  Life. 

I  like  not  fuch  Men  as  are  wholly 
taken  up  with  one  thing. 

Love  is  but  a  narrow  Contempla- 
tion. 


Magnanimity. 


For. 


47.  When  the  Mind  propofes  ho- 
nourable Ends ;  not  only  the  Virtues, 
but  the  Deiries  are  ready  to  affift. 

Virtues  proceeding  from  Habit,  or 
Precept,  are  vulgar ;  but  thofe  that 
proceed  from  the  End,  heroical. 


Againft. 
Magnanimity  is  a  poetical  Virtue, 


Z  2 


Nature. 


172 


Rhetorics,  or   Oratory.        Sedl.XVIII. 


Nature. 


For. 


48.  Cuftom  goes  in  Arithmetical, 
but  Nature  in  Geometrical  Progref- 
fion  *. 

As  Laws  are  to  Cuftom  in  States  •, 
fo  is  Nature  to  Cuftom  in  particular 
Perfons. 

Cuftom,  againft  Nature,  is  a  kind  of 
Tyranny  ;  but  eafily  fupprefl-id. 


Againfl. 

Men  think  according  to  Nature, 
fpeak  according  to  Precept,  but  aft 
according  to  Cuftom. 

Nature  is  a  kind  of  a  School- 
Mafter  •,  Cuftom,  a  Magiftrate. 


Nobility. 


For. 

49.  Where  Virtue  is  deeply  im- 
planted from  the  Stock  ;  there  can  be 
no  Vice. 

Nobility  is  a  Laurel  confer'd  by 
Time. 

If  we  reverence  Antiquity  in  dead 
Monuments  •,  we  fiiould  do  it  much 
more  in  living  ones. 

If  we  defpife  Nobility  in  Families, 
what  difference  is  there  betwixt  Men 
and  Brutes? 

Nobility  Ihelters  Virtue  from  Envy, 
and  recommends  it  to  Favour. 


Agamjl. 

Nobility  feldom  fprings  fromVirtue  •, 
and  Virtue  feldomer  from  Nobility. 

Nobles  oftener  plead  their  Ancef- 
tors  for  Pardon,  than  Promotion. 

New  rifing  Men  are  fo  induftrious, 
as  to  make  Nobles  feem  like  Statues. 

Nobles,  like  bad  Racers,  look  back 
too  often  in  the  Courfe. 


PoPULARiT  y. 


For. 

50.  Uniformity  commonly  pleafes 
wife  Men  ;  yet  'tis  a  Point  of  Wifdom 
to  humour  the  changeable  Nature  of 
Fools. 

To  honour  the  People,  is  the  way 
to  be  honour'd. 

Men  in  place  are  ufually  awed,  not 
by  one  Man,  but  the  Multitude. 


Againft. 

He  who  fuits  with  Fools,  may  hinv 
felf  be  fufpedted. 

He  who  pleales  the  Rabble,  is  com- 
monly turbulent. 

No  moderate  Counfels  take  witii 
the  Vulgar. 

To  fawH  on  the  People,  is  the  bafeft 
Flattery. 


For. 
51.  Praife  is  the  reflefted  Ray  of 
Virtue. 

Praife 

..^  Tjiat  is,  C-^om  gets  gfoiyid  flower  than  nature. 


Praise. 

Againft. 
Fame  makes   a  quick  Meflenger, 
but  a  rafh  Judge. 

What, 


Sec^. XVIII.  Rhetorick,    or   Oratory. 


173 


Praife  is  the  Honour  obtain'd  by- 
free  Voices. 

Many  Scates  confer  Honours  •,  but 
Praife  always  proceeds  from  Liberty. 

The  Voice  of  the  People  hath 
fomcthing  of  Divine  -,  elfe  how  fliould 
fo  many  become  of  one  mind.'' 

No  wonder  if  the  Commonalty 
fpeak  truer  than  the  Nobility  -,  be- 
caufe  they  fpeak  with  lefs  danger. 


What  has  a  good  Man  to  do  with 
the  Breath  of  the  Vulgar  ? 

Fame,  like  a  River,  buoys  up 
Things  light  and  fwoln  -,  but  drowns 
thofe  that  are  weighty. 

Low  Virtues  gain  the  Praife  of  the 
Vulgar  •,  ordinary  ones  aftonifh  them  : 
but  of  the  higheft,  they  have  no  feel- 
ing. 

Praife  is  got  by  Bravery  more  than 
Merit ;  and  given  rather  to  the  Vain 
and  Empty,  than  to  the  Worthy  and 
Subftantial. 


Preparation. 


For. 


52.  He  who  attempts  great  Mat- 
ters with  fmall  Means  -,  hopes  for 
Opportunity,  to  keep  him  in  Heart. 

Slender  Provifion  buys  Wit,  but 
not  Fortune. 


Againft. 

The  firft  Occafion  is  the  beft  Pre- 
paration. 

Fortune  is  not  to  be  fetter'd  in  the 
Chains  of  Preparation. 

The  interchange  of  Preparation  and 
Adtion,  are  politick  -,  but  the  fepara- 
tion  of  them  oftentatious,  and  unfuc- 
cefsful. 

Great  Preparation  is  a  Prodigalj 
both  of  Time  and  Bufinefs. 


Pride. 


For. 

5J.  Pride  is  inconfiftent  even  with 
Vice :  and  as  Poyfon  expels  Poyfon, 
fo  are  many  Vices  expell'd  by  Pride. 

An  eafy  Nature  is  fubje<5l  to  other 
Men's  Vices  -,  but  a  proud  one  only 
to  it's  own. 

Pride,  if  it  rife  from  a  contempt 
of  others,  to  a  contempt  of  itfelf,  at 
length  becomes  Pbilofojihy. 


Againft. 

Pride  is  the  Ivy  of  Virtue  *. 

Other  Vices  are  only  Oppofites  to 
Virtues  ;  but  Pride  is  even  contagious. 

Pride  wants  the  beft  Condition  of 
Vice,  Concealment. 

A  proud  man,  while  he  defpifes  o- 
thers,  negleds  himfelf. 


For. 


54.  That  is  unfeafonable  Wifdom, 
which  is  not  ready. 

He 


Readinbs», 

Jgainjl. 
ThatKnowledge  is  not  deep  fetch'd, 
which  lies  ready  at  hand. 

Wit 


Vixj,  On  account  of  creeping  and  twining  aboutit. 


174 


RhetoriCk,  or  Oratory. 


Sea.XVlII. 


He  who  errs  fuddenly,  fuddenly  re- 
forms his   Error. 

To  be  wife  upon  Deliberation,  and 
not  upon  prefent  Occafion,  is  no  great 

Matter. 


iight- 


Wifdom  is  like  a  Garment 
eft  when  readieft. 

They  whofe  Counfels  are  not  ri- 
pened by  Deliberation,  have  not  their 
Prudence  ripened  by  Age. 

What  is  fuddenly  invented,  fudden- 
ly vaniflies. 


For. 
Revenge 


Revenge. 


is   a  kind  of 


^^.  Private 
<vild  Juftice. 

He  who  returns  Injury  for  Injury, 
violates  the  Law,  not  the  Perfon. 

The  fear  of  private  Revenge  is  ufe- 
ful ;  for  Laws  are  often  afleep.  • 


Againfl. 

He  who  does  the  wrong,  is  the  Ag- 
greflbr  •,  but  he  who  returns  it,  the 
Protraftor. 

The  more  prone  men  are  to  Re- 
venge, the  more  it  fhould  be  weeded 
out. 

A  revengeful  Man  may  be  flow  in 
Time,  tho'  not  in  Will. 


Ri 


For. 


56.  They  defpife  Riches,  who  de- 
fpair  of  them. 

Envy  at  Riches  has  made  Virtue  a 
Goddefs. 

Whilft  Philofophers   difpute  whe 
ther  all  things  fhould  be  referr'd  to 
Virtue,  or  Pleafure  ;    let  us  be  col- 
lefting  the  Inftruments  of  both. 

Riches  turn  Virtue  into  a  common 
Good. 

The  Command  of  other  Advanta- 
ges are  particular  ;  but  that  of  Riches 
univerfal. 


H  E  S, 

Jgainft, 

Great  Riches  are  attended,  either 
with  Care,  Trouble,  or  Fame  ;  but 
no  Ufe. 

What  an  imaginary  Value  is  fet 
upon  Stones,  and  other  Curiofities, 
that  Riches  may  feem  to  be  of  fome 
Service  ? 

Many  who  imagine  all  things  may 
be  bought  by  their  Riches,  forget 
they  have  fold  themfelves. 

Riches  are  the  Baggage  of  Virtue  ; 
neceflary,  tho'  cumberfome. 

Riches  are  a  good  Servant,  but  a 
bad  Matter. 


Supers 
For. 
57.  They  who    err  out  of  Zeal, 
tho'   they  are   not  to  be    approved, 
fhould  yet  be  pitied. 

Mediocrity   belongs  to  Morality, 
Extremes  to  Divinity. 

A  fuperftitious  Man  is  a  religious 
Formalift. 
I  fliould  fooner  believe  all  the  Fa- 
bles, 


T  I  T  I  O  N. 

ylgainfl. 

As  an  Ape  appears  the  more  de- 
formed for  his  refemblance  to  Man  ; 
lb  the  fimilitude  of  Superftition  to 
Religion,  makes  it  the  more  odious. 

What  Affeftation  is  in  civil  Mat- 
ters, fuch  is  Superftition  in  divine. 

It  were  better  to  have  no  Belief 
of  a  God,  than  fuch  an  one  as  dilho- 
nours  him.  Ic 


SeA.XVIII.         Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 


blesand  Abfurdities  of  any  Religion  ; 
than  that  the  Univerfal  Frame  is  with- 
out a  Deity. 


It  was  not  the  School  of  Epicurus., 
but  the  Stokks,  that  difturbed  the 
States  of  old. 

The  real  Atheifts  are  Hypocrites  ; 
who  deal  continually  in  holy  things 
without  feeling. 


175 


Suspicion. 


For. 


58.  Diftruft  is  the  Sinew  of  Pru- 
dence; and  Sufpicion  a  Strengthner 
of  the  Underflanding. 

That  Sinceriw'  is  juftly  fufpefted, 
which  Sufpicion^eakens. 

Sufpicion  breaks  a  frail  Integrity, 
but  confirms  a  ftrong  one. 


/tgairtj}. 
breaks    the 


Bonds    of 


Sufpicion 
Truft. 

To  be  over-run  with  Sufpicion,  is  a 
kind  of  Political  Madnefs. 


Taciturnit  y. 


For. 

59.  Nothing  is  concealed  from  a 
filent  Man  ;  for  all  is  fafcly  depofited 
with  him. 

He  who  eafily  talks  what  he  knows, 
will  alfo  talk  what  he  knows  not. 

Myfleries  are  due  to  Secrets. 


T  E  M  P  E 


For. 


60.  To  abftain  and  fuflain,  are  near- 
ly the  fame  Virtu°. 

Uniformity,  Concords,  and  the 
Meafure  of  Motions,  are  things  Cele- 
ftial  •,  and  the  Ciiarafters  of  Eternity. 

Temperance,  like  wholefome  Cold, 
colkds  and  ftrengthens  the  Force  of 
the  Mind. 

When  the  Senfes  are  too  exquifite 
and  wandring,they  v/ant  Narcoticks  ; 
fo  likewife  do  wandring  Affedlions, 


j^gainji. 

From  a  filent  Man  all  things  arc 
concealed;  becaufe  he  returns  nothing 
but  Silence. 

Change  of  Cuftoms.  keeps  Men  fe- 
cret. 

Secrecy  is  the  Virtue  of  a  Confejjhr. 

A  clofe  Man  is  like  a  Man  un- 
known. 

RANGE, 

Againft. 

I  like  not  bare  negative  Virtues;  they 
argue  Innocence,  not  Merit. 

The  Mind  larkguifhes,  that  is  not 
fometimes  fpirited  up  by  excefs. 

I  like  the  Virtues,  which  produce 
the  Vivacity  of  Action,  not  the  Dul  - 
nefs  of  PalTion. 

The  Sayi/igs,  "  N'ci  to  ufe,  that  you 
"  may  not  dejire  "  "  Not  to  defire,  that 
'•'■you  may  not  fear.,  &c.  proceed  from 
pufiUanimous,  and  didrullful  Natures, 


Vain* 


iy6 


Rhetorick,  or  Oratory.         Sedl.XVIII. 


Va  I  n-Gl  o  r  y. 


For. 


6i.  He  who  fecks  his  own  Praife  •, 
at  the  fame  time  feeks  the  Advan- 
tage of  others. 

He  who  is  fo  ftrait-laced,  as  to  re- 
gard nothing  that  belongs  to  others, 
will  perhaps  account  publick  Affairs 
impertinent. 

Such  Difpofirions  as  have  a  mixture 
of  Levity,  more  eafily  undertake  a 
publick  Charge. 


Aga'injl. 

The  Vain-glorious  are  always  Fac- 
tious, Falfe,  Fickle,  and  upon  the 
Extreme. 

Thrafo  is  Gnatho'?,  Prey. 

'Tis  fhameful  in  a  Lover,  to  court 
the  Maid  inftead  of  the  Miftrefs  -,  but 
Praife  is  only  Virtue's  Hand-maid. 


Unchastity. 


For. 


62.  'Tis  Jealoufy  that  makesChafti- 
ty  a  Virtue. 

He  mult  be  a  melancholy  Mortal, 
that  thinks  Venui  a  grave  Lady. 

"Why  is  a  Part  of  Regimen,  pre- 
tended Cleannefs,  and  the  Daughter 
of  Pride,  placed  among  the  Virtues  ? 

In  Amours,  as  in  Wild-fowl,  there 
is  no  Property,  but  the  Right  is  tranf- 
ferred  with  Pofleffion. 


Againji. 

Incontinency  is  one  of  Cirri's  worft 
Transformations. 

The  unchafte  Liver  has  no  reverence 
for  himfelf ;  which  is  flackening  the 
Bridle  of  Vice. 

They  who,  with  Paris,  make  Beau- 
ty their  Wifh,  lofe,  as  he  did,  Wif- 
dom  and  Power. 

Alexander  fell  upon  no  popular 
Truth,  when  he  faid,  that  Sleep  and 
Lull  were  the  Eameft  of  Death. 


Watchfulness. 


For. 

63.  More  Dangers  deceive  by  Fraud, 
than  Force. 

'Tis  eafier  to  prevent  a  Danger, 
than  to  watch  its  approach. 

Danger  is  no  longer  light,  if  it 
once  feem  light. 


Wife   and 
For. 
64.  Charity  to  the  Common- wealth 
begins  with  private  Families, 

Wife  and  Children  are  a  kind  of 
Difcipline  -,  but  unmarried  Men  are 
niorofe  and  cruel. 

A 


Againfi. 

He  bids  Danger  advance,  who  buc- 
kles againft  it. 

Even  the  Remedies  of  Dangers  are 
dangerous. 

'Tis  better  to  ufe  a  few  approved 
Remedies,  than  to  venture  upon  many 
unexperienced  Particulars. 

Children. 

Againft. 
He  who  hath  Wife  and   Children, 
hath  given  Hoftages  to  Fortune. 

Generation  and  Ifiue,  are  human 
Adls ;  but  Creation,  and  its  Works, 
are  divine. 

IITue 


Sea.  XVIII. 


Rhetorick,  or  Oratory. 


177 


A  fingle  Life,  and  a  chilJlefs  State 
fit  men  for  nothing  but  Flight. 

He  I'acrifices  to  Death,  who  begets 
no  Children. 

The  happy  in  other  refpefts  are 
commonly  unfortunate  in  their  Chil- 
dren ;  left  the  human  State  fhould  too 
nearly  approacli  the  divine. 


iniie  is  the  Eternity  of  Brutes  ;  but 
Fame,  Merit,  and  Inftitutions,  the 
Eternity  of  Men. 

Private  Regards  generally  prevail 
over  publick. 

Some  affeft  the  Fortune  of  Priam, 
\n  furviving  his  Family. 


Youth. 


For. 

65.  The  firft  Thoughts  and  Coun- 
fels  of  Youth,  have  fomewhat  di- 
vine. 

Old  Men  are  wife  for  themfelves  •, 
but  lefs  for  others,  and  the  publick 
Good. 

If  it  were  vifible,  old  Age  deforms 
the  Mind  more  than  the  Body. 

Old  Men  fear  all  things,  but  the 
Gods. 


Againft. 

Youth  is  the  Field  of  Repentance. 

Youth  naturally  defpiles  the  Au- 
thority of  Age  ;  that  every  one  may 
grow  wife  at  his  peril. 

The  Counfels  whereat  Time  did 
not  aflift,  are  not  ratified  by  him. 

Old  Men  commute  Venm  for  the 
Gracsi  ^. 


()(>.  The  Examples  of  Ant'ithets.,  here  laid  down,  may  not  perhaps  deferve 
the  place  affign'd  them  :  but  as  they  were  colledled  in  my  youth  ;  and 
are  really  Seeds,  not  Fkia^crs,  I  was  unwilling  they  fhould  be  loft.  In 
this  they  plainly  fhew  a  juvenile  Warmth  ;  that  they  abound  in  the  moral 
and  demonjlrative  kind,  but  touch  fparingly  upon  the  deliberative  and  ju- 
dicial. 

IV.  67.  A  l\\\rdi.Colleclion\v^T\x.\v\g  to  the  Apparatus  of  Rhetorick.,  is  vihs-t  ^colleclioncf 
we  call  Lejfer  Forms.     And  thefe  are  a  kind  of  Portals.,  Pojlern-doors,  Outer-  lef^r  Terms, 
Rooms,  Back- Rooms,  and  Paffiges  of  Speech ;  which  may  ferve  indifferently  for  wanting  in 
all  Subjects:  i\ic\\:ii  Prefaces,  Ccticlufions,  Bigrejfions,  Tranfttions,  &c.     por '^"'^^°-''^ '• 
as  in  Building,  a  good  Diftribution  of  the  Frontifpiece,  Stair-cafes,  Doors, 
Windows,  Entries,  Paflages,  and  the  like,  is  not  only  agreeable,  but  ufeful : 
fo  in  Speech,  if  the  Acceflories,  and  Under-parts,  be  decently  and  skilfully 
contrived  and  placed,    they  are  of  great  Ornament  and  Service  to  the  whole 
Strufture  of  the  Difcourfe.     Of  thefe  Forms,  we  will  juft  propofe  one  Ex- 

'  The  Reader  will  find  confiderable  Ufe  made  of  this  Coileftion  by  the  Author,  in  his 
Essays;  and  other  pans  of  his  Works.  It  were  eafy  to  continue  llich  a  Collection,  in  the  way 
of  an  Alfhxbeticiil  Common-place :  and  the  Ufefulnefs  of  the  Thing  might  well  recommend  it; 
as  in  moft  parts  of  Lite,  and  both  in  writing    and  fpeaking,  we  have  frequent  Occalions  for  _ 

fhort  and  fenteotious  Arguments  j  as  well  to  defend  oarieives,  as  to  preva.l  upon  oihers.  There 
is  alfo  a  more  capital  Ufe  of  fuch  a  Colleciion;  viz.  that  of  afl'ifting  the  Underftanding,  and 
enabling  the  Mind  to  form  a  true  Judgment  of  Things;  when  both  fides  of  the  Qjeftion  are 
thus  pleaded  for  with  the  utmoft  Strength.  And  Ibme  Colledions of  this  kind,  we  find  in  federal 
School-Books,  ufed  by  the  younger  Scholars,  as  a  Helpin  making  their  Themes  or  Exercifei:  But 
the  Thing  in  its  full  extent,  according  to  the  View  of  the  Author,  is  perhaps  ftiU  wanting. 

Vol.  I.  A  a  ample 


lyS  Criticism,  fl;;2(^ School-Learning.  SecS.XIX 

ample  or  two  ^     For  tho'  they  are  Matters  of  no   fmxll  ufe  •,  yet  becaufe, 
here  we  add  nothing  of  our  own,  and  only  take  naked  Forms  from  Demojlhe- 
nes,  Cicero,  or  other  feled  Authors  ;  they  may  feem  of  too  trivial  a  nature, 
to  fpcnd  time  therein, 

'   68.  EXAMPLES  OF  LESSER  FORMS. 

A   Conclusion  in  the  Deliberative. 
So  ihe  paji  Fault  may  be  at  once  amended;  and  future  Inconvenience  prevented. 

Corollary  of  an  exact  Division. 

That  all  jna^  fee  I  would  conceal  nothing  by  Silence  ;  nor  cloud  any  thing  by 
TFords. 

A  Transition,  with  a  Caveat. 

But  let  us  leave  this  Subje5l  for  the  prefent  •,  Jlill  referving  to  ourfelves   the 
Liberty  of  a  Retrofpe5iion. 

A  Prepossession  against    an  inveterate  Opinion. 

I  will  let  you  underflandto  the  full,  what  fprungfrom  the  thing  itfelf;  what 
Error  has  tacFd  to  it ;  and  what  Envy  has  raifed  upon  it. 

And  thefe  few  Examples  may  ferve  to  Ihew  our  meaning  as  to  the  Lejfer 
Forms  of  Speech  ^ 


SECT.      XIX. 

Criticism,  «;^fl?  School-Learning.. 

^••v    -«J  i.r  I  ^Here  remain   xyio  general  Appendages  to  //6^  Doctrine  of  De- 
Critiafm  una  I  ,0  1  1  c 

School-Learn-        JL.    LIVERY;  the  One  relating  to  Criticism  ;  the  other  to  ochool- 

ing,  Apfen-    Lea  RNiNG.    For  as  the  principal  part  oitraditive  Prudence  S  turns  upon  the 

dxges  to  the  Writinv  r 

Doarine  of  ° 

Delivery.  a  gee  the  Lord  Shaftesiury's  Advice  to  an  Author. 

^  Tho"  the  Ancients  may  leem  to  have  perfefted  Rhetorlck  ;  yet  the  Moderns  have  given  it 
new  Light.  Gerhard  Vojjius  bcftow'd  incredible  Pains  upon  this  Art ;  as  appears  by  his  Book 
de  Natura  (°f  Conftitutione  Rhetorices ;  and  flill  more  by  his  Inftittitiones  Orator'u.  See  alio 
Wolfgang.  Schoenfieder'i  Apparatus  EloquentU  ;  Tefmarl  Exercitationes  Rhetorics.,  &c.  Several 
French  Authors  have  likewife  cultivated  this  Subjeft;  particularly  Unpin,  in  his  Reflexions  fur 
I'Eloquence  i  Bohours,  in  his  Maniere  de  bien  Tenfer  dans  les  Oiivrages  de  I'Efprit;  and  his  V en- 
fees  Ingenienfes;  Father  Lamy,  in  his  Art  de  Parler.  See  alio  M.  Cajfander's  French  Tranfation 
of  Arijiotie's  Rhetoricks ;  the  anonymous  Pieces,  entitled,  I'Art  de  Venfer,  and  I' An  de  Verfuader; 
Le  Clerc's  Hiftoria  Rhetorics,,  in  his  Afs  Crilicti;  and  Stoll'lHS  dt  Arte  Rhitoricn,  in  his  Irttre- 
duCiio  in  Hiftoriam  Liter ariam. 

5  See  above  Sect,  XV'IL    i,  1,  O'f. 


Se(n:.XIX.  Criticism,  ^7;?/^School-Learning.  179 

writing;  fo  its  relative  turns  upon  the  reading  cf  Books.  Now  Reading  is 
either  regulated  by  the  AfTiftance  of  a  Mafter  j  or  left  to  every  one's  pri- 
vate hulnjlry :  but  both  depend  upon  Criticism  and  School-Lear- 
ning. 

2.  Criticism  regards,  firjl,  the  exa^  correHing  and piihlijlnng  of  npprov-Crhkifm  di- 
ed Authors  ;  whereby  the  Honour  of  fuch  Authors  is  preferved  •,  and  the  ne- '^"""'^j'' "■ 
ceifary  Afliftance  afforded  to  the  Reader.      Yet  the  mifapplied  Labours  and  "fi^Urla 
Induftry  of  fome,  have  in  this  refpe<5t  proved  highly  prejudicial  to  Learning  :  fublifli'mg  cf 
for  many  CnV/V^i  have  a  way,  when  they  fall  upon  any  thing  they   do  not  ■^«'^'"'*- 
underftand,  of  immediately  fuppojing  a  Fault  in  the  Copy.     Thus,  in  that  Paf- 

fage  of  Tacitus,  where  a  certain  Co/i?;/)!  pleads  a  Right  of  Proteftion  in  the 
Senate,  Tacitus  tells  us,  they  were  not  favourably  heard  ;  fo  that  the  Am- 
baffadorsdiltrufting  their  Caufe,  endeavoured  to  procure  the  Favour  of  77- 
tus  Vinius  by  a  Prelent,  and  fucceeded  :  upon  which  Tacitus  has  thefe 
Words  •,  Turn  dignitas  (sf  anliquitas  Colonies  valuit :  Then  the  Honour  and  An- 
tiquity of  the  Colony  had  weight  ;  in  allufion  to  the  Sum  receiv'd.  But  a  con- 
fiderable  Critick,  here  expunges  Turn,  and  fubftitutes  Tantum  ;  which  quite 
corrupts  the  Scnfe.  And  from  this  ill  praftice  of  the  Criticks,  it  happens^ 
that  the  7noft  correSled  Copies  are  often  the  leafl  correal.  And  to  lay  the  truth, 
unlefs  a  Critick  is  well  acquainted  with  the  Sciences  treated  in  the  Books  he 
publifhes,  his  Diligence  will  be  attended  with  danger. 

3.  K  fecond  thing  belonging  to  Criticism,  is  the  Explanation  and  Illu-{r.)  The  illu- 
firation  of  Authors;    hy  Comments,   Notes,  Colleclions,  &c.     But  here  an  ill  A"'"'"''/ 
cuftom  has  prevailed  among  the  Criticks,  of  skipping  over  the  obfcure  Pai'-^J/^,  g^c. 
fages;  and  expatiating  upon  fuch  as  are  fufficiently  clear  :  as  if  their  Defign 

were  not  fo  much  to  illuftrate  their  Author,  as  to  take  all  occafions  of 
fhewing  their  own  Learning  and  Reading.  It  were  therefore  to  be  wifhed, 
that  every  original  Writer,  who  treats  an  obfcure  or  noble  Subjedl,  would 
add  his  own  Explanations  to  his  own  Work  •,  fo  as  to  keep  the  Text  conti- 
nued and  unbroken,  by  Digreffions  or  Illuftrations ;  and  thus  prevent  any 
wrong  Interpretation,  by  the  Notes  of  others '^, 

4.  Thirdly,  there  belongs  to  Criticifm  the  thing  from  whence  its  Name  is(j.)  ACen- 
derived  ;  viz,  a  certain  concife  Judgment,  or  Cenfure  of  the  Authors  puhliJJied  spurt  eftlnm. 
and  a  Comparifon  of  them  with  other  Writers,  who  have  treated  the  fame  Sub- 

je5l.  Whence  the  Student  may  be  directed  in  the  choice  of  his  Books  -,  and 
come  the  better  prepared  to  their  perufal :  and  this  feems  to  be  the  ultimate 
Office  of  the  Critick ;  and  has  indeed  been  honour'd  by  fome  greater  Men 
in  our  Age,  than  Criticks  are  ufually  thought ''. 

Aa    2  5. 

*  It  were  much  to  be  widied,  the  Author  had  fet  an  Example  of  this  in  his  own  Philofophical 
Works;  which  might  then  have  been  currently  underftood;  and  not  hive  continued  in  a  manner 
unknown,  as  they  have  done,  except  to  a  few.  But  the  Misfortune  may  lie  heie,  that  an 
Author  cannot  always  forefee  what  Parts  of  his  Works  will  be  lead  intelligible  to  his  Readers 
the  whole  being  generally  become  clear  and  ftrong  to  himfelf,  by  repeated  Thought  or  Experience. 

*  The  Author  iias  given  us  an  uncommon  Speczwra  of  this  partofCriiiny)»,  in  hisCenfuieof  the 
Works  of  the  more  eminent  Philopofhers  ;  which  makes  the  Tenth  Supplement  to  the  Augmentis 
Hcienti^rum.    But  the  Subjeft  of  Criticifm  itfelf  has  been  confiderably  changed,  and  improved, 

fine? 


i8o  Criticism,  ^W  School-Learning.  Sedl.XIX. 

School  u am-      5.  For  the  Doctrine  OF  School-Learning,  it  were  the  fliortcft  way  to 
ins  *o  <>':     ^  refer  to  ihejefuils  ;  who,  in  point  of  Ufefulnefs,  have  herein  excell'd  :  yet  we 
'i^"f,    "' ^°'' m\l  lay  down  a  few  Admonitions  about  it.     "We  highly  approve  the  Educa- 
^   '  tion  of  Youth  in  Colleges;  and   not  wholly  in  private  Houfes,  or  Schools^. 

For  in  Colleges,  there  is  not  only  a  greater  Emulation  of  the  Youth,  among 
their  Equals,  but  the  Teachers  have  a  venerable  Afpeft  and  Gravity  i  which 
greatly  conduces  towards  infinuating  a  modeft  Behaviour,  and  the  forming 
of  tender  Minds  from   the  firft,  according  to  fuch  Examples :  and  befides 
thefe,  there  are  many  other  Advantages  of  a  Collegiate  Education.    But  for  the 
Order  and  IVlanner  of  Difcipline,  'tis  of  capital  Ufe  to  avoid  too  concife  Me- 
thods, and  too  hafty  an  Opinion  of  Learning  v  which  give  a  Pertnefs  to  the 
Mind  ;    and  rather  make  a  fhow  of  Improvement,  than  procure  it.     But 
Excurfions  of  Genius  are  to  be  fomewhat  fivour'd  •,  fo  that  if  a  Scholar  per- 
form his  ufual  Exercifes,  he  may  be  fulTer'd  to  Ileal  tim.e  for  other  things, 
whereto  he  is  more  inclin'd. 
Two  WW  e/      6-  It  muft  alfo  be  carefully  noted,  tho'  it  has,  perhaps,  hitherto  efcaped 
preparing  the  Obfervation,  that  there  are  two  correfpondent  ways  of  enuring,  exercifing. 
Genius.  ^nd  preparing  the  Genius :  the  one,  beginning  with  the  eafier,  leads  gradually 

on  to  more  difficult  things  •,  and  the  other  commanding  and  impofing  fuch 
as  are  harder  at  firft  •,  fo  that  when  thefe  are  obtain'd,  the  eafier  may  be 
more  agreeably  difpatch'd.  For  'tis  one  Method  to  begin  Swimming  with 
Bladders  •,  and  another  to  begin  Dancing  with  loaded  Shoes.  Nor  is  it  eafy 
to  fee  how  much  a  prudent  Intermixture  of  thele  two  ways,  contributes  ta 
improve  the  Faculties  both  of  Body  and  Mind*". 
Studies  tofnit  7.  Again,  the  fuiting  of  Studies  to  the  Genius,  is  of  fingular  Ufe  :  which 
the  Genius.  Mafters  fnould  duly  attend  to  -,  that  the  Parent  may  thence  confider  what 
kind  of  Life  the  Child  is  fitteft  for.  And  further,  it  muft  be  carefully  ob- 
ferved,  not  only  that  every  one  makes  much  greater  Progrefs  in  thofe  things 
-  whereto  he  is  naturally  inclin'd  ;  but  alfo,  that  there  are  certain  Remedies 
in  a  proper  Choice  of  Studies,  for  particular  Indifpofuions  of  Mind.  For 
example  •,  Inattention,  and  a  Volatility  of  Genius,  may  be  remedied  by  Ma- 
fhematicks ;  wherein,  if  the  Mind  wander  ever  fo  little,  the  whole  Demon- 
ftration  muft  be  begun  a-new ". 

8. 

fincc  his  time;  infomuch  as  to  be  reduced  into  the  form  of  an  Art;  as  particularly  by  the 
learned  M.  le  Clerc,  in  his  Ars  Crilica,  who  defines  Criticifm  the  Art,  {i )  of  Interpreting  the 
ancient  Writers,  whether  profricul  or  poetical;  and  {1.)  iliflingtiijliing  their  genuine  Writings  from 
fiurious:  Thus  taking  m  a  part  omitted  by  the  Lord  Bacon.  To  which  might  aifo  be  added 
the  Difcovery  of  Impofitions,  Interpolations,  Prevarications,  Pyracies,  Mutilations,  and  Suppref- 
lions,  e^c  both  of  the  ancient  and  modern  Authors;  with  the  ways  of  reiSifying,  adjulling, 
and  fupplying  the  fame.  In  fhort,  Criticifm,  according  to  the  later  Acceptation,  is  the  Art  of 
Judging  of  Hijiorical  FaSs,  Monuments,  Books,  and  their  Authors.  And  to  take  Criticifm  in 
this  Light,  the  Books  that  have  been  written  upon  it,  in  the  laft,  and  the  prefent  Age,  might 
furnifh  out  a  Library.  Many  of  them  are  enumerated  by  Morhof,  Struvins.  Stollius,  and  other 
Writers  upon  Volymathy,  and  Literary  Hiflory. 

*  See  Osborn'i  Advice  to  a  Son. 

*  The  Author  intended  a  Difcourfe  upon  this  Subjeft,  as  appears  by  his  Letter  to  Sir  Keray 
Saville.     See  Supplement  V. 

^  See  the  Author's  Essay  v^onStiidies;  Supplement  XI. 


Sed.XIX.    Criticism,  ^?/</School-Learning.  i8i 

S.  Exercises,  alio,  are  of  great  Efficacy  in  teaching:  but  few  have  ob-  The  proper  ufs 
ferved,  that  thefe  fhould  not  only  be  prudently  appointed;  but  prudently "Z'^"''^"""'' 
changed.     For,  as  Cicero  well  remarks,  Faults^  as  zvsll as  FacuUies,  are  gene-^'''"'-^^'' 
rally  exenis'ti  in  Exercifes;  whence  a  bad  Habit  is  fometimes  acquired,  and 
infinuated  together  with  a  good  one.     'Tis  therefore  lafer,    that  Exercii'es 
fhould  be  intermitted,  and  now  and  then  repeated,  than  always  continued 
and  follow'd.     Thefe  things,  indeed,  may,  at  firft  fight,  appear  light  and 
trivial  •,  yet  they  are  highly  efFedual,   and  advantageous.     For  as  tlie  great 
increafe  of  the  Roman  Empire  has  been  juftly  attributed  to  the  Virtue  and 
Prudence  of  thofe  fix  Rulers,  who  had,  as  it  were,  the  Tuition  of  it  in  its 
Youth  ,  fo  proper  Difcipline,  in  tender  Years,  has  fuch  a  Power,  tho'  latent 
and  unobferved,  as  neither  Time,  nor  future  Labour,  can  any  way  fubdue  in 
our  riper  Age. 

9.  It  alfo  deferves  to  be  remarked,  that  even  ordinary  Talents  in  great  r/^c^,?;^,,  ;,/• 
Men,  ufed  on  great  Occafions,  may  fometimes  produce  remarkable  Effefts.  the  stage  re- 
And  of  this  we  will  give  an  eminent  Inftance  ;  the  rather  becaufe  the  Jefuils  ""^"""'^^^'l  as 
judicioufly  retain  the  Difcipline  among  them.  And  tho'  the"thing  itfelf  be^^v/J^'  "f  vij- 
difreputable  in  the  Profeflion  of  it,  yet  it  is  excellent  as  ^.  Difcipline :  we 
mean  the  Aolion  of  the  Theatre  ;  which  ftrengthens  the  Memory,  regulates  the 
Tone  of  the  Voice,  and  the  Efficacy  of  Pronunciation ;  gracefully  compofes  the 
Countenance  and  the  Gefture  ;  procures  a  becoming  degree  of  Afilirance  ;  and 
laftly,  accuftoms  Youth  to  the  Eye  of  Men.  The  Example  we  borrow  from 
Tacitus^  of  one  Vihdenus,  once  a  Player,  but  afterwards  a  Soldier  in  the  Panno- 
fiian  Army.  This  Fellow,  upon  the  death  of  Anguftus,  raifed  a  Mutiny  ;  fo 
that  Blefns,  the  Lieutenant,  committed  fome  of  the  Mutineers :  but  the  Sol- 
diers broke  open  the  Prifon,  and  releafed  them.  Upon  which,  Vibulenus  thus 
harangu'd  the  Army  :  "  I'ou,  fays  he,  have  rejlored  Light  and  Life  to  thefe 
"  foor  Innocents :  but  ivho  gives  back  Life  to  my  Brother  ;  or  my  Brother  to  me  ? 
"  He  was  fnt  to  you,  from  the  German  Army,  for  a  comnmi  Good  -,  and  that- 
*'  Man  tnurder'd  him  lajl  Night,  by  the  hands  of  his  Gladiators,  whom  he  al- 
"  ways  keeps  ready  to  murder  the  Soldiers.  /^/?/it'i?r,  Blefus,  where  hafl  thou 
"  thrown  his  Corpfe  ?  Even  Enemies  refufe  not  the  right  of  Burial.  When  I 
"  Jhall,  with  Tears  and  Embraces,  have  perform'' d  my  Duty  to  him,  command 
*'  me  alfo  to  Death  ;  but  let  our  Fellow-Soldiers  bury  us,  who  are  ?//urder'd 
"  only  for  our  Love  to  the  Legions."  With  which  Words,-' he  rais'd  fuch  a 
Storm  of  Confternation  and  Revenge  in  the  Army,  that  unlefs  the  thing  had 
prefendy  appear'd  to  be  all  a  Fidion,  and  that  the  Fellow  never  had  a 
Brother,  the  Soldiers  might  have  murder'd  their  Leader:  but  he  afted  the 
whole  as  a  Part  upon  the  Stage  \  And  thus  much  for  the  Logical 
ScIE^JCES  \  SECT. 

*  This  Example  is  evidently  produced,  not  for  Imitation;  but  only  to  (hew  the  Force  of 
ABion  and  Elocution,  and  what  confiderable  things  they  are  capable  of  effecting. 

>>  The  Subjeft  of  SchoUftick  Di/dflineis  the  more  lightly  touched  by  the  Author,  becaufe  he 
refers  us  to  the  Je[uits,  who  are  certainly  great  Mafters  in  the  Art  of  Education  ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  their  Example  is  confiderably  follow'd  in  England:  particularly  as  to  the  Thea- 
trical Exercifes  here  recommended.  Tis  true,  in  feveral  of  our  capital  Schools,  the  Scholars 
annually  ad  fome  ancient  or  modern  Comedy ;  but  this  they  ufually  do  after  a  childifii  manner  3 

without 


i82  Ethicks,  or  Morality.  Se<^. XX« 


SECT.     XX. 

Of    Ethicks,   or  Morality. 

The  subjea:     I-  \?\/^  ^,  next  proceed  to  Ethicks  -,  which  has  the  human  Will  for  its 
and  office  of         VV    Subje^.     ReafoH  governs  the  FAll;  but  apparent  Good  feduces  it. 
Ethich.         J1-5  Motives  are  the  AfFeftions  -,  and  its  IVIinifters,  the  Organs  and  voluntary- 
Motions.     'Tis  of  this  Doftrine  that  Solomon  fays,  Ke^p  ihy  Heart  with  all 
diligence  ;  for  out  of  it  are  the  Actions  cf  Life.     The  Writers  upon  this  Science^ 
appear  H!<.e  Writing-Majlers,  who  lay  before  their  Scholars  a  number  of  beau- 
tiful Copies ;  but  give  them  no  Diredlions  how  to  guide  thJr  Pen,  or  fhape 
their  Letters :  for  fo  the  Writers  upon  Ethicks  have  given  us  fhining  Draughts, 
Defcriptions,  and  exaft  Images  of  Goodnefs,  Virtue,  Duties,  Happincfs,  i^c. 
as  the  true  Objefts  and  Scope  of  the  human  Will  and  Defire  -,  but  for  ob- 
taining thefe  excellent  and  well-defcribed  Ends,  or  by  what  means  the  Mind 
may  be  broke  and  fafhion'd  for  obtaining  them,  they  either  touch  this  Sub- 
ject not  at  all,  or  (lightly  ^.     We  may  difputc  as  much  as  we  pleafe,  that 
moral  Virtues  are  in  the  human  Mind-,  by  Habit,  not  by  Nature  ;  that  generous 
Spirits  are  led  by  Reafon,  hut  the  Herd  ^y  Reward  and  PunifJjment  ;  that  the 
Mind  miijl  befetjiraight.,  like  a  crooked  Stick,  by  bending  it  the  contrary  way,  &c. 
But  nothing  of  this  kind  of  Glance  and  touch,  can  in  any  way  fupply  the 
want  of  the  thing  we  are  now  in  queft  of''. 
The  great  im-     2.  The  Caufe  of  this  Negleft  I  take  to  be,  that  latent  Rock  whereon  fo 
ferfeaion  of    niany  of  the  Sciences  have  fplit ;    viz.  the  Averfion  that  Writers  have  to 
t  li    0  rine.  ^^^_^^  ^^  ^^^^^  ^^^  vulgar  Matters,  which  are  neither  fubtile  enough  for  Dif- 
pute,  nor  eminent  enough  for  Ornament  "^.     'Tis  not  eafy  to  fee  how  great 

a 

without  having  been  broke  and  form'd  to  an  Audience,  by  a  previous  Courfe  of  Exerci/ei ;  fo 

as  to  give  them  the  graceful  Accent,  the  decent  Deportment,  and  the  ready  Addrefs,  which  re- 
commend a  Man  totheFavour  of  the  World,  and  fit  him  forBufinefs:  But  this  is  a  Point  which 
the7?/«i/jprincipally  labour  J  and  accordingly  their  Pupils  commonly  have  a  much  more  manly 
and  polite  Behaviour,  than  other  Pupils  of  equal  (landing;  without  that  flieepifh  Modefty  on  the 
one  fide,  and  that  pragmatical  Affurance  on  the  other,  fo  difudvantageous  and  difagreeable  in 
civil  Society.  See  this  Affair  more  fully  coniider'd  by  Morhof  in  his  Volyhiftor ;  de  Curricula 
Scholajlico ;  de  Curricula  Academic» ;  de  Vedagogia  regia;  &  de  Exercitationibus.  See  alfo  Mr.  Locke 
tf  Educntion. 

■'■  For  the  HiJIory  of  Morality,  conCult  Scheurlius'sBiiliograplfiaMoralis,  Ed.i6S6.  Placcius's 
Epitome  Bihliothtc&  Moratis,  Fafchius  de  -variis  Moraii;i  tradendi  modii  formifque,  1707.  Bar- 
teyrac's  Preface  to  his  French  Tranflation  oi  Puffendorf  de  Jure  Nature  ^  Gentium,  and  Stollii 
Jiitroditclio  in  Hijloriam  Literariam,  pag.  691 — 7j-i. 

*■  Viz..  The  Cultivation,  or  Regulation,  of  the  Mind,  (^e.   See  below,  3. 

'  This  is  laid  down  as  a  general,  or  fundamental  Caufe ;  from  whence  naturally  flow  many 
particular  ones,  as  Ignorance,  Negleft,  unruly  Paflions,  ^c.  which  Vincent.  Placcius  has  drawn 
out  into  a  Table;  as  imagining  them  omitted  by  the  Author.  See  Commentarium  de  Merali 
Scientia  augenda;  of  which,  more  in  the  fubfequent  Note^. 


Sed.XX.  Ethicks,  or  Morality.  iH-? 

a  Misfortune  hath  proceeded  hence  ;  that  Men,  thro'  natural  Pride  and  Vain- 
glory, fhould  chule  fuch  Subjefts  and  Methods  of  treating  them,  as  may 
rather  fhow  their  own  Capacities,  than  be  of  ufe  to  the  Reader.  Seneca 
fays  excellently.  Eloquence  is  hurtful  to  thofe  it  infpires  -uAth  a  d^'fire  of  ilfelf^ 
and  not  of  things  :  for  Writings  fliould  make  Men  in  love  with  the  Subjedt ; 
and  not  with  the  Writer.  They,  therefore,  take  the  juft  Courfe,  who  can 
fay  of  their  Counfels  as  Demojlbenes  did  -,  If  you  put  tbefe  things  in  execution, 
you  fhall  not  onl-j  jraife  the  Orator  for  the  prefent ;  but  yourfelves  alfo  foon  after, 
when  your  Affairs  arc  in  a  better  pofure.  But  in  Ethicks,  the  Philofophers 
have  culled  out  a  certain  fplendid  IVlafs  of  Matter,  wherein  they  might  prin- 
cipally fhow  their  Force  of  Genius,  or  Power  of  Eloquence:  but  for  other 
things,  that  chiefly  conduce  to  Pradtice  -,  as  they  could  not  be  fo  gracefully 
fet  off,  they  have  entirely  dropt  them.  Yet  fo  many  eminent  Men,  furely, 
ought  not  to  have  defpair'd  of  a  like  Succefs  with  Virgil  •,  who  procured  as 
much  Glory  for  Eloquence,  Ingenuity,  and  Learning,  by  explaining  the 
homely  Obft-rvations  of  Agriculture,  as  in  relating  the  heroick  Afts  of  JSneas. 
And  certainly  if  Men  were  bent,  twt  upon  writing  atleifure,  what  may  be  read 
at  leifure,  but  really  to  cultivate  and  improve  aflive  Life ;  the  Gcorgicks  of 
the  Mind  ought  to  be  as  highly  valued,  as  thofe  heroical  Portraits  of  Virtue, 
Goodnefs,  and  Happinefs,  wherein  fo  much  pains  have  been  taken. 

3.  We  divide  Ethicks  into   two  principal  Doilrines;  the  one  of  the  Ethicks 4- 
Model  or  Image  of  Good'',  the  other  of  the  Regulation  and  Culture  of  the  Mind;  '^'*''  '"'<>  '^* 
which  I  commonly  exprefs  by  the  word  Georgtcks'^.     The  firft  defcribes  the  J^"f 'i't^J 
Nature  of  Good ;  and  the  other  prefcribes  Rules  for  conforming  the  Mind  to  it.  and  the  Geor- 
The  Dohrine  of  the  Image  of  Good,  in  defcribing  the  nature  of  Good,  con- gicki  of  the 
fiders  it  either  as  fimple,  or  compounded ;  and  either  as  to  the  kinds  or  de-  ^^""^• 
grees  thereof    In  the  latter  of  thefe,  the  Chrijlian  Faith  has  at  length  abolifn'd 
thofe  infinite  Difputes  and  Speculations,  as  to  the  fupreme  degree  of  Good, 
call'd  Happinefs,  Bleflednefs,  or  the  Sunnnum  bonum;  which  was  a  kind  ofrheHeathe» 
heathen  Theology.     For,  as  Ariftotle  faid,  Touths  might  he  happy,  iho'  only  in  Summum 
Hope ;  fo,  according  to  the  Diredlion  of  Faith,  we  muft  put  ourfelves  in  the  ^'°Vf!w'^' 
ftate  of  Minors ;  and  think  of  no  other  Felicity,  but  that  founded  in  Hope,  chijlianity. 
Being  therefore  thus  deliver'd  from  this  oftentatious  Heaven  of  the  Heathens, 
we  may,  with  lefs  offence  to  Truth  and  Sobriety,  receive  much  of  what 
they  deliver  about  the  Image  of  Good.     As  for  the  nature  of  pofitive  and  fimple  j-he  Heathen 
Good,  they  ha%'e  certainly  drawn  it  beautifully,  and  according  to  the  ]^\'ie,Treatmint  of 
in  feveral  Pieces,  exadlly  reprcfenting  the  Forms  of  Virtue  and  Duty  •,  lY.^'xr  fofitive  and 
Order,  Kinds,  Relations,.  Parts,  Subjeds,  Provinces,  Anions,  and  Difpen-^"'^'* '^''''* 

fit  ions. 

*  For  the  Reafon  of  this  Appellation,   lee  5fc?.  XXI.  i. 

*  This  Divifion  of  Ethicks  is  thought  too  general  by  Vincent.  Flaccitts,  who  has  endeavour'd 
to  improve  the  Author's  Doctrine  of  Morality.  The  Title  of  the  Work  is  de  Morali  Scientia 
augenda  Commeiitariiim.  in  Franc.  B.tconi,  &c.  de  Dignitate  Q'  Augmentis  Scisntinrum  Librum 
feftimum ;  Ztbic&  Dochins,  Originem,  Incrementu,  Decrements,  FortnnaiKqiie  pfr  varias  gentes 
~jariam,  ai>  Orbe  candito,  hucufc^ue  fummatim  exhibms,  &C.  Francofurt.  16^77.  The  Divijion 
thisWriter  would  eftablifh,  is  that  hereafter  intimated,  5ec?.XXII.  i.  or  the  fame  as  iaMcdicine, 
whence  he  ufes  the  Terms  rhyflologia.  Moratis,  Nofologia  Moralis,  Semeiotica  Moralis,  Therapew 
tica  Moralis,  and  would  introduce  a  kind  of  Chirnrgin  MqtaUs  ;  thus  making  moral  Philofophers 
the  Pfyficiitas  of  the  Mind.  2. 


184  Ethicks,  (J/'  Morality.  Sed.XX. 

ficions.  And  all  this  rhey  have  recommended  and  infinuated  to  the  Mind, 
with  great  Vivacity  and  Siibtility  of  Argument,  as  well  as  Sweetnefs  of  Perfua- 
fion  :  at  the  fame  time  faithfully  guarding,  as  much  as  was  poflible  by  Words, 
againft  depraved  and  popular  Errors  and  Infults.  And  in  deducing  the  na- 
O' comparn-  ture  of  Comparative  Good,  they  have  not  been  wanting;  but  appointed  three 
tt-.e  Gcoil.  Orders  thereof;  they  have  compared  contemplative,  and  atStive  Life  together  ; 
diftinguifhed  between  Virtue  with  reludlance,  and  Virtue  fecured  and  confirmed; 
reprefented  the  Conflift  betwixt  Honour  and  Advantage  ;  ballanced  the  Vir- 
tues, to  fhew  which  over-weigh'd  ;  and  the  like :  fo  that  this  part  of  the 
Image  of  Good,  is  already  nobly  executed  ;  and  herein  the  Ancients  have 
fliown  wonderful  Abilities.  Yet  the  pious  and  ftrenuous Diligence  oftheDivijies, 
exercifed  in  weighing  and  determining  Studies,  moral  Virtues,  Cafes  of  Confcience, 
and  fixing  the  Bounds  of  Sin,  have  greatly  exceeded  them.  But  if  the  Phi- 
lofophers,  before  they  defcended  to  the  popular  and  received  Notions  of 
Virtue  and  Vice,  Pain  and  Pkafure,  &c.  had  dwelt  longer  upon  difcovering 
Thilr  failure. t\\z  Roots  and  Fibres  of  Good  and  Evil;  they  would,  doubtlefs,  have  thus 
gain'd  great  Light  to  their  fubfequent  Enquiries:  efpecially  if  they  had  con- 
i\i\ttdiX.]\t  nature  of  Things,  as  well  as  moral  Axioms,  they  would  have  fhorten'd 
their  Doctrines,  and  laid  them  deeper.  But  as  they  have  entirely  omitted 
this,  or  confufedly  touch'd  it,  we  will  here  briefly  touch  it  over  again  ;  and 
endeavour  to  open  and  cleanfe  the  Springs  of  Morality,  before  we  come  to 
the  Georgicks  ^  of  the  Mind  ;  which  we  fet  down  as  deficient. 
Tm  Appetites  4-  -^'^  things  are  endued  with  an  Appetite  to  two  kinds  of  Good  ;  the  one, 
inallihingi;  as  the  thing  is  a  Whole  in  itfelf ;  the  other,  as  'tis  a  Part  of  fome  greater 
viz.i'f//-Go(j</,  Whole  :  and  this  latter  is  more  worthy  and  more  powerful  than  the  other  ; 
and  Good  of  ^^  jj.  j-gj^jj  j-q  jhe  Confervation  of  a  more  ample  For7n.  The  firft  may  be 
called  Individual  or  Self -Good  ;  and  the  latter,  Good  of  Conwiunion.  Iron,  by 
a  particular  Property,  moves  to  the  Loadftone  ;  but  if  the  Iron  be  heavy, 
it  drops  its  Affection  to  the  Loadfbone,  and  tends  to  the  Earth  ;  which  is 
the  proper  Region  of  fuch  ponderous  Bodies.  Again,  tho'denfeand  heavy 
Bodies  tend  to  the  Earth,  yet  rather  than  Nature  will  fufi'er  a  Separation  in 
the  Continuity  of  Things,  and  leave  a  Vacuum,  as  they  fpeak  ;  thefe  heavy 
Bodies  will  be  carried  upwards,  and  forego  their  Affe6tion  to  the  Earth  ; 
to  perform  their  Office  to  theWorld.  And  thus  it  generally  happens,  that  the 
Confervation  of  the  more  general  Form,  reguhites  the  lefler  Appetites. 
But  this  Prerogative  of  the  Good  of  Communion  is  more  particularly  im- 
prefs'd  upon  Man,  if  he  be  not  degenerate,  according  to  that  remarkable 
Saying  of  Pompe-j  ;  who,  being  Governour  of  the  Ciiy-Purveyance,  at  a 
time  of  Famine  in  Rome,  and  entreated  by  his  Friends  not  to  venture  to 
Sea,  whilft  a  violent  Storm  was  impending  ;  anfwer'd,  7l/y  Going  is  necejfary, 
but  not  my  Life :  fo  that  the  defire  of  Life,  which  is  greateft  in  the  Indivi- 
dual, did  not  with  him  outweigh  his  Affedlion  and  Fidelity  to  the  State  ^. 

But 

*  For  the  Meaning  and  Rcafon  of  this  Expreflion,  fee  above,  1.  and  hereafter,  5ei?.  XXII. 
1,1,  ej>c. 

''  And  thus  Morality  feems  abfolutely  founded  in  the  Laws  of  Nature.  See  Bifhop  Cumber- 
land'%  Difquifitio  Philofophica  de  Legibus  Nutiini  the  Religion  of  Nature  delineated,  by  Mr.  H'ool- 
lajltn  i  and  the  Enquiry  into  our  Ideas  of  Beauty  nnd  Virtue,  by  Mr.  Hiitchitifon. 


Se<fl.XX.         Ethicks,  or  Morality.  185 

But  no  PhUofuphx,  Se£i,  Religion,  Lazv,  or  Difcipline,  in  any  Age,  l.as  fo 
highly  exalted  the  Good  of  Communion,  and  lb  flir  deprels'd  the  Good  of  In- 
dividuals,'as,  the  Chriftian  Faith.  "Whence  it  may  clearly  appear,  that  one 
and  the  fame  God  gave  thcfe  Laws  of  Nature  to  the  Creatures,  and  the  Chri- 
Jtian  Law  to  Men.  And  hence  we  read,  that  fome  of  the  eleft  and  holy 
Men,  in  an  Extafy  of  Charity,  and  impatient  Dcfire  of  the  Good  of  Com- 
munion, rather  wiflied  their  Names  blotted  out  of  the  Book  of  Life,  than  that 
their  Brethren  fhould  mifs  of  Salvation. 

5.   This  being  once  laid  down,  and  firmly  eftablifh'd,  will   put  an   end  Sevcral^ef- 
to  fome  of  the  fobereft    Controverfies  in   ?noral  Philofophy.     And  frjl,  it  J!^""''"*^"!'^^' 
determines  that   ^ejlion  about  the  preference  of  a  contemplative  to  an  aoiive  „/„  ^^^  p^^. 
Life,  againft  the  Opinion  of  yirifctle :  As  all  the  Reafons  iie  produces  for  a  ceMng  Voun- 
contemplative  Life,  regard  only  private  Good,  and  the  Pleafure  or  Dignity  of '''»"'''«;  viz. 
an  individual  Perfon  ;  in  which  refpefts  the  contemplative  Life  is,  doubtk-fs,  '^'^j-^'/'^'  ^^'^. 
beft  ■,  and  like  the  Comparifon  made  by  Pythagoras,   to  aiTert  the  Wononr  per  able  to  a 
and  Reputation  of  Philofophy  :  when  being  ask'd  by  Hiero,  who  he  was,  he  contemplative 
anfwer'd,  "  I  am  a  Looker-on  -,  for  as,  at  theOlyfnpick  Games,  fome  come  to  try  ^'fi- 
"  for  the  Prize;  others  to  fell;  others  to  meet    their  Friends,  and  be  merry  ; 
"■  hut  others  again  come  merely  as  SfeUators ;  J  am  one  of  the  latter."     But  Men 
ought  to  know,  that    in  the  Theatre  of  human  Life,  'tis  only  for  God  and 
Angels  to  be  Spe^ators.     Nor  could  any  doubt  about  this  matter  have  arifen 
in  the  Church,  if  a  monaflick   Life  had  been  merely  contemplative,  and  un- 
exercis'd  in  ecclefiafiical  Duties  ;  as  continual  Prayer,     the  Sacrifice  of  Vows, 
Oblations  to  God,  and  the  writing  of  Theological  Books,  for  propagating  the 
Divine  Law,  &c.     But  for  a  mere  contemplative  Life,  which  terminates  in  it- 
felf,  and  fends  out  no  Rays  either  of  Heat  or  Light  into  human  Society  ; 
Theology  knows  it  not. 

6.  It  alfo  determines  the  ^eftion,   that  has  been  fo  vehemently  contro-  (2.)  whether 
verted  between  the  Schools  of  Zeno  and  Socrates,  on  the  one  fide,  who  placed  ^f'"'J.''. 
Felicity  in  Virtue,  fimple  or  adorn'd  ;  and  many  other  Sedts  and  Schools  on  tue'or  'vlea- 
the  other;  as  particularly  the  Schools  of  the  Cyrenaics  and  Epicureans,  who /«re. 
placed  Felicity  in  Pleafure :  thus  making  Virtue  a  mere  Hand-maid  •,  without 
which,  Pleafure  could  not  be  well  ferved.      Of  the  fame  fide   is  alfo   that 
other  School  of  Epicurus,  as  on  the  reformed  Eftablifhment,  which  declared 
Felicity  to  be  nothing  but  Tranquillity  and  Serenity  of  Mind.     With  thelc  alfo 
join'd  the  exploded  School  of  Pyrrho  and  Herillus,  who  placed  Felicity  in  an 
abfolute  exemption  from  Scruples,  and  allowing  of  no  fix^d  and  conftant  nature 
of  Good  and  Evil ;  but  accounting  all  Aftions  virtuous  or  vicious,  as  they  pro- 
ceed from  the  Mind  by  a  pure  and  undifturbed   Motion,  or  with  Averfion 
and  Reluftance.     But  'tis  plain,  that  all  things  of  this  kind  relate  to  trivtite 
Tranquillity,  and  Complacency  of  Mind ;  and  by  no  means  to  the  Good  of 
Communion. 

7.  Again,  upon  the  Foundation  above  laid,  we  may  confute  the  Pbilnfo-  (j)  wliether 
phy  of  Epicfetus,  which  refts  upon  fuppofing  Felicity  placed  in  things  within  felicity  h 
our  power,  left  we  fhould  otherwife  be  expos' d  to  Fortune  and  Contingence :  as  \^ll'f,^"l,i,hi^ 
if  it  were  not  much  happier  to  fail  of  fuccefs  in  juft  and  honourable  De-  ^«V  )omr. 
Vol..  I.  Bb  fjgns, 


i86 


(4.)  whither 
the  Caufes 
of  Difqidet 
are  to  be 
avoided,  or 
the  Mind  pre- 
fared  againfi 
them. 


{<;.)  Methtr 
a  Moralift 
Jheidd  quit 
Society. 


Ethicks,  or  Morality.  Sect.XX. 

fjgns,  when  that  Failure  makes  for  the  publick  Good  ;  than  to  fecurean  un- 
interrupted Enjoyment  of  thofc  things,  which  make  only  for  our  private 
Fortune.  Thus  Gonfaho,  at  the  head  of  his  Army,  pointing  to  Naples., 
nobly  protefted,  he  had  much  rather,  by  advancing  a  ftep  meet  certain 
Djath,  than,  by  retiring  a  ftep  prolong  his  Life.  "And  to  this  agrees  the 
wife  King.,  who  pronounces  a  good  Coitfcience  to  be  a  continual  Feajl ;  thereby 
fignifying,  that  the  Confcioufnefs  of  good  Intentions,  however  unfuccefsful, 
affords  a  Joy  more  real,  pure,  and  agreeable  to  Nature,  than  all  the  other 
Means  that  can  be  furnifhed,  either  for  obtaining  one's  Defires,  or  quieting 
the  Mind. 

8.  It  likewife  cenfures  that  Abufe  which  prevail'd  about  the  time  of 
EtiSidus,  when  Philofophy  was  turn'd  into  a  certain  Art,  or  Profeffion  of 
Life ;  as  if  its  defign  were  not  to  compofe  and  quiet  Troubles,  but  to  avoid 
and  remove  the  Caufes  and  Occafions  thereof:  whence  a  particular  Regimen 
was  to  be  enter'd  into  for  obtaining  this  end,  by  introducing  fuch  a  kind  of 
Health  into  the  Mind.,  as  was  that  of  Herodicus  in  the  Body,  mention'd  by 
A'-i(lotle  ;  whilft  he  did  nothing  all  his  life  long,  but  take  care  of  his  Health ; 
and  therefore  abftain'd  from  numberlefs  things,  which  almoft  deprived  him 
of  the  ufe  of  his  Body :  whereas,  if  Men  were  determin'd  to  perform  the 
Duties  of  Society  ;  that  kind  of  bodily  Health  is  moft  defirable,  which  is  able 
to  fuffer  and  fupport  all  forts  of  Attacks  and  Alterations.  In  the  fame  man- 
ner, that  Mind  is  truly  found,  and  ftrong,  which  is  able  to  break  thro'  nu- 
merous and  great  Temptations  and  Diforders :  whence  Diogenes  feems  to 
have  juftly  commended  the  Habit  which  did  not  warily  ahftain,  but 
courageoufly  fuflain  ;  which  could  check  the  Sallies  of  the  Soul  on  the  fteepeft 
Precipice  ;  and  make  it,  like  a  well-broke  Horfe,  flop  and  turn  at  the 
fhorteft  warning. 

9.  Lajlly,  It  reproves  that  Delicacy  and  unfociable  Temper  obferved  in 
fome  of  the  moft  ancient  Philofophers,  of  great  repute-,  who  too  effeminate- 
ly withdrew  from  civil  Affairs,  in  order  to  prevent  Indignities  and  Trouble 
to  themfelves ;  and  live  the  more  free,  and  unfpotted  in  their  own  Opinions: 
as  to  which  point,  the  Refolution  of  a  true  Moralift  fhould  be  fuch  as  Gon- 
falvo  requir'd  of  a  Soldier ;  viz.  fiot  to  weave  his  Honour  fo  fine,  as  for  ever-j 
thing  to  catch  and  rend  it  *. 

•  It  may  be  added,  that  the  two  feemingly  oppofite  Syjlems  of  Morality,  at  prefent  on  foot, 
the  one  turning  upon  the  Principle  of  Self-Love,  the  other  upon  the  Principle  of  Benevolence,  are 
eafily  adjufted  upon  the  fame  Foundation.  The  modern  tVriters  upon  this  Subjefl  of  Morality, 
are  numerous;  an  account  of  which  maybe  found  in  Struvius'sBiiliolhecnPhilofopbica,  Cap.  VI. 
de  Script oril>us  Philofofhii  PraHia,  (^  figillatim  Ethicis,  pag.iof — 161.  And  again,  in  Stollius'i 
IntroJuHio  in  Hijloriam  Literariam,  de  Difciflina  Ethica,  pag.798 — S23. 


m 


SECT. 


Sea.  XXI.  Self-Good,   ^c,  1B7 


SECT.      XXI. 

0/"  Self-Good,  ant^  the  Good  of   Communion. 

I.  I.  TTirE  divide  Individual,  or  Self-Good,  into  ^6?rj^  and /),7/7?^r.  Self-Good  </i- 
V  V     This  difference  of  Good  is  alfo  found  imprefs'd  upon  the  Nature  '^/'/^'^ '»'"  ^^- 
of  all  Things;  but  principally  fhews  itfelf  in  two  Appetites  of  the  Creatures  ■•^^^^/'"  ^''■'' 
viz.  (i.)  tha.t  of  Self' Prefervation  and  Defence;  and  (2.)  that  of  Mk//2/ /)V«^ 
and  Propagating.     The  latter,  which  is  a^ive,  fecms  ftronger  and  more  wor- 
thy than  the  former,  which  is  paffroe.     For,  throughout  the  Univerfe,  the  ihe  aBive 
celeflial  Nature  is  the  principal  Agent  •,  and  the  terrejtrial,  the  Patient.     And  moft predomi'i 
in  the  Pleafures  of  Animals,    that  of  Generation   is  greater  than  that  of  """'• 
Feeding  •,  and   the  Scripture  fays,  'lis  more  blejfed  to  give,  than  to  receive. 
And  even  in  common  life,  no  Man  is  fo  foft  and  effeminate,  as  not  to  pre- 
fer the  performing  and  perfcfling  of  any  thing  he  had  fet  his  mind  upon, 
before  fenfual  Pleafures.     The  Preheminence  of  a^ive  Good,  is  alfo  highly 
exalted  from  the  confideration  of  the  State  of  Mankind ;  which  is  mortal, 
and  fubjedl  to  Fortune.     For  if  Perpetuity  and  Certainty  could  be  had  in 
human  Pleafures,  this  would  greatly  inhance  them  ;  but  as  the  cafe  now 
ftands,  when  "voe  count  it  a  Happinefs  to  die  late  ;  when  we  cannot  boafl  of  to- 
morrow ;  when  we  know  not  what  a  Day  may  bring  forth  j  no  wonder  if  we 
earneftly  endeavour  after  fuch  things,  as  elude  the  Injuries  of  Time :  And 
thefe  can  be  no  other  than  our  Works  ;   accordingly  in  Scripture  'tis  faid, 
ibeir  Works  follow  them. 

2.  Another  confiderable  Preheminence  of  a5live  Good  is  given  it,  and  fup- 
ported,  by  that  infeparable  Affecftion  of  human  Nature,  the  Love  of  Novelty, 
or  Variel'^.  But  this  Affeflion  is  greatly  limited  in  the  Pleafures  of  the  Sen- 
fes,  which  make  the  greateft  part  of  PaJJive  Good.  To  confider  how  of- 
ten the  fame  things  come  over  in  Life  ;  as  Meals,  Sleep,  and  Diverfion ; 
it  might  make  not  only  a  refolute,  a  wretched,  or  a  wife,  but  even  a  de- 
licate Perfon  wifh  to  die.  But  in  Adions,  Enterprizes,  and  Defires,  there 
is  a  remarkable  Variety,  which  we  perceive  with  great  Pleafure  ;  whilft  we 
begin,  advance,  reft,  go  back  to  recruit,  approach,  obtain,  6ff.  Whence 
'tis  truly  faid,  that  Life  without  Purfuit  is  a  vague  and  languid  thing :  and  this 
holds  true  both  of  the  wife  and  unwife  indifferently.  SoSolofnonla.ys,  even  a 
brainfick  Manfeeks  to  fatisfy  his  Dffire,  and  meddles  in  every  thing.  And  thus  tlie 
moft  potent  Princes,  who  have  all  things  at  command,  yet  fometimes  chufe 
to  purfue  low  and  empty  Dtfires  •,  which  they  prefer  to  the  greateft  af- 
fluence of  fenfual  Pleafures.     Thus  A^fro  delighted  in  the //^r/),  Commodus'm. 

Bb  2  Fencing, 


i88 


Individual 
aftivc  Good, 
Jiffen  from 
tioe  Good  of 
Communion. 


S  E  L  F-G  o  o  D,    and 


Sed.  XXI. 


Pa(Tive  Good 
i'w'idid  into 
feifedlivc. 


jftsf/Confer- 

wtive. 


Fencings  Antoninm  in  Racifig,  &c.     So  much  more  pleafing  is  it  to  be  aftive 
than  in  poflcflion  ! 

3.  It  muft  however  be  well  obferved,  that  acfive,  individual  Good,  differs 
entirely  from  the  Good  of  Communion  ;  notwithftanding  they  may  fometimes 
coincide.  For  altho'  this  individual  aHive  Good  often  produces  Works  of 
Beneficence,  which  is  a  Virtue  of  Commumon  •■,  yet  herein  they  differ,  that 
thefe  fForki  are  perform'd  by  moft  Men,  not  with  a  defign  to  aflift  or  be- 
nefit others,  but  wholly  for  their  own  Gratification  or  Honour  ;  as  plainly 
appears,  when  a5iive  Good  falls  upon  any  thing  contrary  to  the  Good  of  Com- 
tnunion.  For  that  gigantick  Paflion,  wherewith  the  great  Difturber  sof  the 
World  are  carried  away  ;  as  in  the  cafe  of  S-^lla,  and  others,  who  would  ren- 
der all  their  Friends  happy,  and  all  their  Enemies  miferable  ;  and  endeavour 
to  make  the  World  carry  their  Image  ;  which  is  really  warring  againft  Hea- 
ven :  this  Paflion,  I  fay,  afpires  to  an  a^five,  individual  Good,  at  leaft  in 
Appearance,  tho'  it  be  infinitely  different  from  the  Good  of  Communion. 

4.  We  divide  Passive  Good  into  Confervative  and  Perfective:  for  every 
thing  has  three  kinds  of  Appetite,  with  regard  to  its  own  individual  Good  ; 
the/r/?,  topreferveitfelf ;  tht  fecond,  to  perfeft  itfelf ;  and  the  ihird,  to  mul- 
tiply or  diffufe  itfelf.  The  laft  relates  to  a^ive  Good,  of  which  we  have 
fpoke  already  ;  and  of  the  other  two,  the  Perfetiive  is  the  moft  excellent. 
For  'tis  a  lefs  matter  to  preferve  a  thing  in  its  State,  and  a  greater  to  exalt 
it's  Nature.  But  throughout  the  Univerfe  are  found  fome  nobler  Natures,  to 
the  Dignity  and  Excellence  whereof  inferior  ones  afpire  ;  as  to  their  Origins: 
whence  the  Poet  faid  well  of  Mankmd,  that  they  have  an  ethereal  Vigour,  and 
a  celeftial  Origin  ^ :  for  the  Perfection  of  the  human  Form  confifts  in  ap- 
proaching the  Divine  or  Angelick  Nature.  The  corrupt  and  prepofterous 
Imitation  of  this  perfeofive  Good,  is  the  Peft  of  human  Life  i  and  the  Storm 
that  overturns  and  fweeps  away  all  things :  whilft  Men,  inftead  of  a  true 
and  effential  exaltation,  fly,  with  blind  Ambition,  only  to  a  local  one..  For 
as  Men  in  ficknefs  tofs  and  roll  from  place  to  place,  as  if  by  change  of  fi- 
tuation  they  could  get  away  from  themfelves,  or  fly  from  the  Difeafe  ;  fo  in 
Ambition,  Men  hurried  away  with  a  falfe  Imagination  of  exalting  their  own 
Nature,  obtain  no  more  than  change  of  Place,  or  eminence  of  Port. 

5.  Confervative  Good  is  the  receiving  and  enjoying  of  things  agreeable  to 
our  Nature.  And  this  Good,  tho'  it  be  the  moft  fimple  and  natural,  yet 
of  all  others  it  feems  the  loweft  and  moft  effeminate.  'Tis  alfo  attended  with 
a  Difference,  about  which  the  Judgment  of  Mankind  has  been  partly  un- 
fettled,  and  the  Enquiry  partly  negledted.  For  the  Dignity  and  Recom- 
mendation of  the  Good  of  Fruition  or  Pleafure,  as  'tis,  commonly  called,  con- 
fifts either  in  the  Reality  or  Strength  thereof :  the  one  being  procured  by 
Uniformity,  and  the  other  by  Variety.  The  one  has  a  lefs  mixture  of  Evil ;. 
the  other  a  ftronger  and  more  lively  imprefTion  of  Good:  which  of  thefe  is 
she  beft,  is  the  ^(eftion.  But  whether  human  Nature  be  not  capable  of 
both  at  once,  has  not  been  examined. 


( 


*  Jgneuseft  cllii  vigor  ^  cxhfiU  origo.    See  Virgil.  2S.mU.  Lib.  vi.  v,  730. 


Seel.  XXI.  the  Goon   i?/' Communion.  189 

6.  As  for  the  ^tejl'wn  ;  it  began  to  be  debated  between  Socrates  and  a  whether  reli- 
Sophlft.    Socrates  averted,  that  Felicity  lay  in  a  conftant  Peace  and  Tratiquilli-  '^/J'^-flJ." 
ty'ofMi>:d;  but  the  Sophift  placed  it  in  great  Jpfetiie  and  great  Fruition.  or'arMi/'I- 
From  reafoning  they  fell  to  railing-,  when   the  Sophifl  faid,   the  Felicity  of  m». 
Socrates  was  the  Felicity  of  a   Stock    or  a   Stone  :   Socrates,  on  the  other 

hand,  faid,  the  Felicity  of  the  Sophijl  was  the  Felicity  of  one  who  is  always 
itching,  and  always  fcratching  •-  and  boih  Opinions  have  their  Supporters. 
For  the  School  even  of  Epicurus,  which  allowed  that  Virtue  greatly  conduced 
to  Felicilv,  is  on  the  fide  of  5'(?rri7/f-.?.  And  if  this  be  the  cafe,  certainly  Vir- 
tue is  more  ufeful  in  appeafing  Dilbrders,  than  in  obtaining  Defires.  The 
Sopbiji's  Opinion  is  fomcwhat  favoured  by  the  Aflertion  above  mention'd  ; 
viz.  that  Perfe^i-ve  Good  is  fuperior  to  Con/ervative  Good ;  becaufe  every  ob- 
taining of  a  Dcfire  feems  gradually  toperfed  Nature:  which  tho'  not  tlrift- 
ly  true  ;  yet  a  circular  motion  has  fome  appearance  of  a  progreflive  one. 

7.  As  for  the  other  point,  whether  human  Nature  is  not  at  the  fame  time  i^rfj^ther  the 
capable  both  of  Tranquillity  and  Fruition;  a  juft  determination  of  it  will  render  Miulbe  at 
the  former  Queftion  unneceflary.    And  do  we  not  often  fee  the  Minds  of  Men  oiicecapaMeof 
fo  framed  and  difpofed,  as  to  be  greatly  affeded  with  preient  Pleafures,  and  '^'""^"'[^'fy 
yet  quietly  fuffer  the  lofs  of  them  .''     Whence  that  Philofophical  ProgrelTion,    ' 

Ufe  not,  that  you  may  not  wijh  •,  IViJJi  not,  that  you  may  not  fear  ;  feems  an 
Indication  of  a  weak,  diffident,  and  timorous  Mind.  And,  indeed,  moft 
Doflrines  of  the  Philofophers  appear  to  be  too  diifruftful  -,  and  to  take  more 
care  of  Mankind  than  the  Nature  of  the  thing  requires.  Thus  they  increafe 
the  fears  of  Death,  by  the  Remedies  they  bring  againft  ir.  For  whilit  they 
make  the  Life  of  Man  little  more  than  a  Preparation  and  Difcipline  for  Death; 
'cis  impo'ffible  but  the  Enemy  muft  appear  terrible,  when  there  is  no  end  of 
the  Defence  to  be  made  againft  him.  The  Poet  did  better  for  a  Heathen, 
who  placed  the  End  of  Life  among  the  Privileges  of  Nature  *.  Thus  the 
Philofophers,  in  all  cafes,  endeavour  to  render  the  Mind  too  uniform,  and 
harmonical ;  without  inuring  it  to  extreme  and  contrary  Motions.  And  the 
Reafon  feems  to  be,  that  they  give  themlelves  up  to  a  private  Life,  free 
from  difquiet  and  fubjeftion  to  others:  Whereas  Men  fhould  rather  imi- 
tate the  Prudence  of  a  Lapidary,  who  finding  a  Speck,  or  a  Cloud,  in  a 
Diamond,  that  may  be  ground  out  without  too  much  walle,  takes  it  away  ; 
or  otherwife  leaves  it  untouch'd  :  and  fo  the  Serenity  of  the  Mind  is  to 
be  confulted,  without  impairing  its  Greatnefs.  And  thus  much  for  the  Doc- 
trine of  Self-Good  ^ 

II.  8.  The  Good  of  Communion,  which  regards 5'ot-?>/v,  ufually  goesby  j.^^  Good  of- 
the  name  of  Duty  ;  a  word  that  feems  more  properly  ufed  of  a  Mind  well-  Communion, 
difpofed  towards  others:  whilft  the  Term  Virtue  is  ufed  of  a  Mind  well  hon» far treat- 
formed  and  compofed  within  irfelf     Duty,  indeed,  feems  at  firft  to  be  of  f^>  «■"''how 
political  Confideration ;  but  if  thoroughly  weighed,  it  truly  relates  to  the  ZJJT.'  ''' 

rule 

'  ^ui fpatiiim  iiit«  extremum  inter  munera  fonat 

*  This  Doctrine  of  Self-Good  feems  to  be  now  generally  confidered  under  the  Notion  of  prir 
fate,    and  the  Gooii  of  Communion,  under   tliat   of  fublick  Virtue.      See    the  Lord  Shafteiburfs> 
ChfitUeriJlicki ;  and  the  Enquiry  into  our  Iileat  of  Beauty  »nd  Virtue. 


I  go  Self-Good,  and  Sedl.XXI. 

rale  and  government  of  one's  felf,  not  others.  And  as  in  Archite^iire,  'tis 
one  thing  to  fafhion  the  Pillars,  Rafcers,  and  other  Parts  of  the  Building, 
and  prepare  them  for  the  Work  -,  and  another,  to  fit  and  join  them  together  :  fo 
theDodrine  of  uniting  Mankind  in  Society,  differs  from  that  which  renders 
them  conformable  and  well-affeded  to  the  Benefits  of  Society.  This  Part 
concerning  Duties,  is  likewife  divided  into  two  ;  the  one  treating  of  the 
Duties  of  Man  in  common,  and  the  other  of  Refpel^ive  Duties  -,  according  to 
tht  Profejfion,  Vocation,  State,  Per/on  and  Degree  of  Particulars^.  The  firfl 
of  thefe,  we  before  obferved  ^,  has  been  fufficiently  cultivated,  and  explained, 
by  the  ancient  and  later  Writers.  The  other  alfo  has  been  touched  here 
and  there  •,  tho'  not  digefted  and  reduced  into  any  Body  of  Science  "^.  We  do 
not,  however,  except  to  its  being  treated  piece-meal ;  as  judging  it  the  beft 
way  to  write  upon  this  Subjeft  in  feparate  parts  **.  For  who  will  pretend 
he  can  juflly  difcourfe,  and  define  upon  the  peculiar  and  relative  Duties  of 
all  Orders  and  Conditions  of  Men  ?  But  for  Treatifes  upon  this  Subjed, 
which  have  no  tinfture  of  Experience,  and  are  only  drawn  from  general 
and  Scholaflick  Knowledge -,  they  commonly  prove  empty  and  ufelefs  Per- 
formances. For  tho'  a  By-ftander  may  fometimes  fee  what  efcaped  the 
Player ;  and  altho'  it  be  a  kind  of  Proverb,  more  bold  than  true  with 
regard  to  Prince  and  People,  that  a  Spectator  in  the  Valley  takes  the  beft  view 
of  a  Mountain ;  yet  it  were  greatly  to  be  wiflied,  that  none  but  the  moil 
experienced  Men  would  write  upon  Subjects  of  this  kind.  For  the  Contempla- 
tions of  fpeculative  Men  in  aolive  Matters,  appear  no  better  to  thofe  who 
have  been  converfant  in  Bufinefs,  than  the  DifTertations  oi  Phormio  upon 
War  appeared  to  Hannibal ;  who  efleemed  them  but  as  Dreams  and  Dotage. 
One  Fault,  however,  dwells  with  fuch  as  write  upon  things  belonging  to 
their  own  Office  or  Jrt ;  viz.  that  they  hold  no  mean  in  recommending  and 
extolling  them. 
The  BoHr'm  9.  To  this  Part  of  the  refpeclive  Duties  of  Vocations,  and  particular  Profef- 
«f  Frauds  nnd  jiopj^  belongs  another,  as  a  Doctrine  xtlmve,  or  oppofite,  to  it ;  viz.  the 
Corruptions  j)oclrine  of  Cautions,  Frauds,  Impoftures,  and  their  Vices.  For  Corruptions 
Morally.  ^""^  Vices,  are  oppofite  to  Duties  and  Virtues :  not  but  fome  mention  is  al- 
ready made  of. them  in  Writings;  tho' commonly  butcurforily  and  fatyri- 
cally,  rather  than  ferioufly  and  gravely.  For  more  Labour  is  beftowed  in 
invidioufly  reprehending  many  good  and  ufeful  things  in  Arts,  and  expo- 
fing  them  to  ridicule  -,  than  in  feparating  what  is  corrupt  and  vicious  therein, 
from  what  is  found  and  ferviceable.  Solomon  fays  excellently,  a  Scorner 
feeks  fVifdofn,  and  finds  it  not ;  but  Knowledge  is  eafy  to  him  that  underflands.  For 
whoever  comes  to  a  Science,  with  an  intent  to  deride  and  defpife,  will  doubt- 

Icfs 

*  For  the  Modern  Writers  in  this  way,  fee  Morhof's  Volyhiflor.  Tom.  III.  Lib.  I.  de  fhilofofhi^ 
moralii  Scriptorlbui;  ^  StoUii  Introductio  in  HiJIoriam  Lherarum,  de  Vhitofophu  generatim  mo- 
rati:  in  particular,  confult  ^HJfendorf,  de  Officio  Homi/tis  Qf  Civjs. 

*>  See  above  Sea.  XX.  3. 

<=  This  appears  to  be  attempted  by  Grotius,  in  his  Book  de  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacts  i  and  by  Puf- 
fendorf  in  his  de  Jure  Nature  ©■  Gentium.  See  M.  Burbeymc's  Tranilation  pf  the  latter  into 
trench,   with  Annotations. 

*  Many  Inftances  whereof,  the  Author  has  given  us  in  his  ^Jftyi,  and  the  Sapieniia  Veternm. 


\ 


Se£l. XXI.       the  Good  of  Co u m union.  191 

lefs  find  things  enow  to  cavil  at  -,  and  few  to  improve  by.  But  the  ferious 
and  prudent  treatment  of  the  Suhje£l  we  fpeak  of,  may  be  reckoned  among 
the  ftrongeft  Bulwarks  of  Virtue  and  Probity.  For  as  'tis  fahuloufly 
related  of  the  Bcffilisk,  that  if  he  fees  a  Man  firft,  the  Man  prefenily  dies  j 
but  if  the  Man  has  the  firft  glance,  he  kills  the  Bafiluk:  fo  Frauds,  hnvo- 
ftures,  and  Tricks,  do  no  hurt,  if  firfl  difcovered  -,  but  if  they  flirike  firft, 
'tis  then  they  become  dangerous,  and  not  otherwife.  Plence  we  are  beholden 
to  AUchiavel,  and  Writers  of  that  kind,  who  openly  and  unmasked  declare 
what  Men  do  in  faft  ;  and  not  what  they  ought  to  do'.  For  'tis  impolTi- 
ble  to  join  the  J-Vtfdom  of  the  Serpent,  and  the  Innocence  of  the  Dove  ;  with- 
out a  previous  knowledge  of  the  Nature  of  Evil :  as  without  this,  Virtus 
lies  expofed  and  unguarded.  And  farther  •,  a  good  and  jujl  Man  cannot  corred 
and  amend  the  Vicious  and  the  IFickcd,  unlefs  he  has  firll  fearched  into  all  the 
Depths  and  Dungeons  of  Wickednefs.  For  Men  of  a  corrupt  and  depraved 
Judgment,  ever  fuppofe  that  Honefty  proceeds  from  Ignorance,  or  a  certain 
fimplicity  of  Manners  •,  and  is  rooted  only  in  a  Belief  of  our  Tutors,  In- 
ftruftors.  Books,  Moral  Precepts,  and  Vulgar  Difcourfe.  Whence  unlefs 
they  plainly  perceive,  that  their  perverfe  Opinions,  their  corrupt  and  di- 
ftorted  Principles,  are  throughly  known  to  thofe  who  exhort  and  admonilh 
them,  as  well  as  to  themfelves,  they  defpife  all  wholefome  Advice  ;  accor- 
ding to  that  admirable  Saying  of  Solomon :  A  Fool  receives  not  the  words  of  the 
Wife,  unlefs  thou  fpeakejt  the  very  things  that  are  in  his  heart.  And  this 
fart  of  Morality,  concerning  Cautions,  and  respective  Vices,  we 
fet  down  as  wanting;  under  the  Name  of  sober  Satyr,  or  the  Insidesof 
Things^ 

10.  To  the  Do5lrine  o/ respective  Duties,    belong  alfo  the  mutual  xhe mutual 
Duties  between  Husband  and  JVife,  Parent  and  Child,  Majler  and  Servant;  Duties  of  Men 
as  alfo  the  Laws  of  Friendfhip,  Gratitude,  and  the  Civil  Obligations  of  Frater-  ^^W  '"  ''«- 
nities.  Colleges,  Neighbourhoods,  and  the  like  ;  always  underftanding  that  thefe-^'^^^  '^^    "" 
things  are  to  be  treated,  not  as  Parts  of  Civil  Society,  in  which  View  they  be- 
long to  Politicks ;  but  fo  far  as  the  Minds  of  Particulars  ought  to  be  in- 
ftruded,  and  difpofed  to  preferve  thefe  Bonds  of  Society  "=. 

11.  The  Docfrine  of  the  Good  of  Communion,  as  well  as  of  Self-Good,  treats  Comparative 
Good  not  only  fitnply,  hut  comparatively  ;  and  thus  regards  the  balancing  of  *^'""'.''/'^'""" 
Duty  betivixt  Man  and  Man,  Cafe  and  Cafe,   Private  and  Piiblick,  Prefent 

and  Future,  &c.     So  in  the  Difcourfe  betwixt  Brutus,  Cafftus,  and  others, 
as  to  the  Confpiracy  againft  Ctsfar  ;    the  Queftion   was  artfully  introduced, 
whether  it  were  lawful  to  kill  a  Tyrant :  The  Company  divided  in  their  Opi- 
nions 

*  Perhaps  the  Trearife  of  H'teron.  Cardan  de  Arcanis  Vnulentii  Civilis,  is  a  capital  Perfor- 
mance in  this  way;  as  expofing  numerous  Tricks,  Frauds,  and  Stratagems  of  Government;  f* 
as  to  prevent  the  honeft-mindcd  from  being  impofed  upon  by  them. 

''  The  Author's  Essays,  in  their  Latin  Edition,  have  the  Title  of  Sermonei  fidcles,  fve  Inte- 
yiora  Rerum;  as  if  intended  to  fupply  this  Deficiency;  vvhich  in  feme  nieafurc  they  do:  but 
the  Defign  has  not,  perhaps,  been  duly  profecuted  fince.  See  the  Eleventh  Supplement,  to 
the    Je  AuGMENTis  Scientiarum. 

•  This  appears  to  be  the  Scheme  of  the  M4>ole  Duty  of  Mani  tho'  the  Author  there  proceeds 
upon  the  Footing  of  Revelation,  as  well  as  the  Lnw  of  Mature, 


192  Cultivation  of  the  Mind.     Sec^.XXII. 

nions  about  it  i  fome  faying  it  was  lawful,  and  that  Slavery  was  thegreateft 
of  Evils;  others  denying  it,  and  afferting  Tyranny  to  he  lefs  deftruflive 
than  Civil  War  ;  whilft  a  third  kind,  as  if  Followers  of  Epicurus,  made  it 
an  unworthy  thing,  that  wife  Men  (hould  endanger  themlelves  for  Fools. 
'&\xix.\\&Czk^oi  comparative  Dulles  are  numerous;  among  which  this  Que - 
(lion  frequently  occurs  ;  Whether  Juflice  may  be  ftrained  fir  the  fafety  of  one's 
Country,  or  the  like  confidcrable  good  in  future?  As  to  which,  Jafon  the  nef- 
falian  ufed  to  fay,  fhme  Things  iniifl  he  done  unjuflly,  that  many  ?nore  may 
he  done  jujily.  But  the  Anfwer  is  ready :  prefent  Juflice  is  in  our  power  ; 
but  of  future  Juflice  we  have  no  fecurity.  Let  Men  purfue  thofe  things 
which  are  good  and  juft  at  prefent ;  and  leave  Futurity  to  divine  Providence  *. 
And  thus  much  for  the  Doctrine  of  the  Image  of  Good. 


SECT.     XXII. 

Of  the  Cultivation  of  the  Mind. 

The  Doarine  ^Xl^J^  ncxt  proceed  to  the  Cultivation  of  the  Mind;  without  which 
of  the  Cure  of  V  V  the  preceding  Part  of  Morality  is  no  more  than  an  Image  or  beautiful 
the  Mind  de-  Statue,  without  Life  or  Motion.  Ariflotle  exprefsly  acknowledges  as  much  : 
pcient.  ^j  iq'^^  therefore  necejfary,  fays  he,  to  fpeak  of  l^irtue  ;  what  it  is,  and  whence 

"  it  proceeds:  for  it  were  in  a  manner  ufelefs,  to  know  Virtue,  and  yet  be  igno- 
"  rant  of  the  ways  to  acquire  her."      And  tho'  he  has  more  than  once  re- 
peated the  fame  thing  ;  yet  himfelf  does  not  purfue  it.     And  fo  Cicero  gives 
it  as  a  high  Commendation  to  Cato,  that  he  embraced  Philofophy,  not  for 
the  fake  of  difputing,  as  moft  do  ;  but  of  living  Philofophically.     And  tho' 
at  prefent  few  have  any  great  regard  to  the  Cultivation  and  DifcipUne  of  the 
Mind,    and  a  regular  Courfe  of  Life  ;  whence  this  part  may  appear  fuper- 
fluous ;  yet  we  cannot  be  perfuaded  to  leave  it  untouched  :  but  rather  conclude 
with  the  Aphorifm  of  Hippocrates^that  thofe  who  labour  under  a  violent Difeafe, 
yet  feeJn  infenfible  of  their  pain,  are  difirdercd  in  their  Mind.     And  Men  in  this 
cafe  want  not  only  a  Method  of  Cure,  but  a  particular  Remedy,  to  bring  them 
to  their  Senfes.  If  any  one  Ihall  objedt,  that  the  Cure  of  the  Mind  is  the  Office  of 
Divinity  ;  we  allow  it :  yet  nothing  excludes  Moral  Philofophy  from  the  train 
of  Theology;  whereto  it  is  as  a  prudent  and  feithful  Hand-maid,  attending  and 
adminiftring  to  all  its  wants.     But  tho',  as  the  Pfalmi/i  obferves,  the  Eyes  of 
the  Maid  are  perpetually  waiting  on  the  Hands   of  the  Miflrefs  ;   yet    doubr- 
lefs  many  things  muft  be  left  to  the  Care  and  Judgment  of  the  Servant.   So 
Ethicks  ought  to  be  entirely  fublervient  to   'Theology,    and   obedient  to  the 
Precepts  thereof;    tho'  it  may  (till  contain  many   wholefome   and  ufeful 

Inftruclions, 
■  See  the  Religion  of  Nature  delineated,  by  Mr.  Wotllajioa. 


I 


Se£l.  XXII.     The  C  u  l  t  i  v  a  r  i  o  n  of  the  M  i  n  d.  193 

InftruiSlions,  within  irs  own  Jimits.  And  therefore  when  weconfider  the  ex- 
cellence of  this  part  of  Morali'y,  we  cannot  bi!t  greatly  wonder  'cis  not  hi- 
therto reduced  to  a  BoJy  of  DoiTrine :  which  we  are  oblig'd  to  note  as  defi- 
cient ;  and  fliall  therefore  give  fome  Sketch  for  fupplying  it. 

2.  ArAfii-jl,  as  in  all    cafe   of  Prafcic^,    we  muft  here  diftinguifn  tn^The  tilings  in 
Things  in  our  power,  and  thofe  that  are  not :  for  the  one  may  be  altered, V^'J-'f^"  '^ 
whilll:  the  other  can  only  be  applied.     Thus  the  Farmer  has  no  command  j,^^'//^''^"'^/^ 
over  the  Nature  of  the  Soil,  or  the  Seafons  of  the  Year;  nor  the  Phyficianfo;/;;j<C/.rf. 
over  the  Conftitution  of  the  Patient,  or  the  Variety  of  Accidents.     In  the 
Cultivation  of  the  Mind,  and  the  Cure  of  its  Dfeafes.,  there  are  three  things  to 

be  confidered  ;  viz.  (i.)  the  different  Dffofiiions,  (2.)  the  Affeolicns,  and  (3.) 
the  Remedies:  anfwering  in  Phyfick  to  the  ConjHtntion.,  the  Diflemper,  and 
the  Medicines.  And  of  thefe  three,  only  the  laft  is  in  our  power.  Yet  we 
ought  as  carefully  to  enquire  into  the  things  that  are  not  in  our  power,  as 
into  thofe  that  are  ;  becaufe  a  clear  and  exa£h  Knowledge  thereof  is  to  be 
made  the  Foundation  of  the  Do5lrine  of  Remedies ;  in  order  to  their  more  com- 
modious and  fuccefsful  Application.  For  Clothes  cannot  be  made  to  fit,  un- 
Lfs  meafure  of  the  Body  be  firfb  taken. 

3.  The  fir  ft  Article  therefore  of  the  Culture  of  the  Mind,  will  regard  the  ^  rf^rto/ /A» 
diffrenr  Matures  or  Difpofitions  of  Men.      But  here  we  fpeak  not  of  i\\tChariiBer$,or 
Vi\^\r  Pro^enfities  to  Virtues  and  Vices;  or  Perturbations  and  Pafllons :  but '^'"/"■"' °/ 
ofluchasare  more  internal  and  radical.     And  I  cannot  fometin^.es  but  won- ^^-^[j'^^"'    . 
dtr,  that  this  Particular  fhould  be  fo  generally  neglefted  by  the  Writers  both 

ot  Morality  and  Politicks;  whereas  it  might  afford  great  Light  to  both  thofe 
Sciences.  In  Ajlrolo^ical 'Traditions,  the  Natures  and  Difpofiticns  of  Men  are 
tol  rably  difbinguifhed,  according  to  the  Influences  of  the  Planets  ;  whence 
fome  are  laid  to  be  by  Nature  form'd  for  Contcfutlation,  others  for  Politicks, 
others  for  IVar,  &c.  So  likewife  among  the  Poets  of  all  kinds,  we  every 
where  find  Cnaraftcrs  of  Natures ;  tho'  commonly  drawn  with  excefs,  and 
bigger  than  the  truth '.  And  this  Subjeft  of  the  different  Chambers  of 
Difpofitions,  is  one  of  thofe  things  wherein  the  common  Difcourfe  of  Men 
is  wifer  than  Books  :  a  thing  which  feldom  happens.  But  much  the  beft 
Matter  of  all  for  fuch  a  Treatife,  may  be  derived  from  the  more  prudent 
Hiftorians  ;  and  not  fo  well  from  Elogies  or  Panegyricks,  which  are  ufual- 
ly  wrote  foon  after  tiie  Death  of  an  illuftrious  Pcrfon ;  but  much  rather 
from  a  whole  Body  of  ILJlory  ;  as  often  as  fuch  a  Perfon  appears  :  for  fuch  an 
interwoven  Account  gives  a  better  Defcription  than  Panegyrick.  And  fuch 
Examples  we  have  \n  Livy,  of  African:'. s  and  Cato;  in  Tacitus,  of  Tiberi:is, 
Claudius,  and  Nero  ;  in  Herodian,  of  Sepirnius  Severus  ;  in  Pbdip  de  Conines, 
of  Lewis  the. Eleventh;  in  Cuicciardine,  of  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  the  E7nperor 
Maximiliar.,  Pope  Leo,  and  Pope  Clement.  For  thefe  Writers,  having  the 
Image  of  the  Perfon  to  be  described  conftantly  before  them,  fcarce  ever 
mention  any  of  their  A6Vs,  but  .it  the  fame  time  introduce  fomething  of  their 
Natures.     So,  likewife^fome  Relations  which  we  have  feen  of  the  Conclaves  at 

*  As  particularly  in  Homer,  the  Charadlers  of  Achilles,  Hedor,  Brifeii,  Helen,  Sec, 

^^o  L.  I.  ,  C  c  Rome, 


194  T'he  Cultivation  of  the  Mind.   Sed.  XXII. 

Rome,  give  very  exact  Characters  of  the  Cardinah  :  as  the  Letters  of 
Ambafladors  do  of  the  Counfellors  of  Princes.  Let,  therefore,  an  accurate 
and  full  Treacife  be  wrote  upon  this  fertile  and  copious  Subjed.  But  we  do 
not  mean,  that  thefe  Characters  fhould  be  received  in  Ethicks,  as  perfect  civil 
Images ;  but  rather  as  Out-lines,  and  firft  Draughts  of  the  Images  them- 
felves :  which  being  varioufly  compounded  and  mixed  one  among  another, 
afford  all  kinds  of  Portraits.  So  that  an  artificial  and  accurate  DifTettion 
iTiay  be  made  of  Mens  Minds  and  Natures,  and  the  fecret  Difpofition  of  each 
particular  Man  laid  open  ;  that  from  a  knowlegde  of  the  whole,  the  Precepts 
concerning  the  Cures  of  the  Mind,  may  be  more  rightly  form'd^'. 

4.  And  not  only  the  Characters  of  Difnofitions  itnjirefs'd  by  Nature,  fhould 
be  received  into  this  Treatife ;  but  thofe  alio  which  are  otherwife  impofed  up- 
on the  Mind  by  the  Sex,  Age,  Country,  State  of  Health,  Make  of  Body,  Sec, 
And  again,  thofe  which  proceed  from  Fortune  ;  as  in  Princes,  Nobles,  com- 
mon People,  the  Rich,  the  Poor,  Magifirates,  the  Ignorant,  the  Haipy,  the 
Miferahle,  &c.  Thus  we  fee  Plautus  makes  it  a  kind  of  Miracle  to  find 
an  old  Man  beneficent ''.  And  St.  Paul  commanding  a  Severity  of  Difcipline 
towards  the  Cretans,  accufes  the  Temper  of  that  Nation  from  the  Poet : 
^he  Cretans  are  always  Lyars,  evil  Beafts,  and  flow  Bellies.  Sallujl  notes  it 
of  the  Temper  of  Kings,  that  'tis  frequent  with  thetn  to  defire  Contradictories  '. 
'Tacitus  obferves,  that  Honours  and  Dignities  commonly  change  the  Temper  of 
Mankind  for  theworfe'^.  Pindar  remarks,  x!a3X.  a  fudden  Fluf)  of  good  For- 
tune generally  enervates  aytd  flackens  the  Mind''.  The  Pfalmiji  mtimsites,  that 
'tis  eafter  to  hold  a  7nean  in  the  height,  than  in  the  increafe  of  Fortune^.  'Tis 
true,  Ariftotle,  in  his  Rhetoricks,  curforily  mentions  fome  fuch  Obfervations  ; 
and  fo  do  others  up  and  down  in  their  Writings  :  but  they  were  never  yet 
incorporated  into  jnoral  Philofophy ;  whereto  they  principally  belong,  as 
much  as  Treatifes  of  the  difference  of  Soil  and  Glebe,  belong  to  Agriculture  ; 
or  Difcourfes  of  the  different  Complexions  or  Habits  of  the  Body,  to  Medi- 
cine. The  tiling  muft,  therefore,  be  now  procured  ;  unlefs  we  would  imitate 
the  Rafhnefs  of  Empiricks,  who  employ  the  fame  Remedies  in  all  Difeafes 
and  Coiijlitntions. 
,  _  -  .^^  5.  Next  to  this  Doolrine  of  Characters,  follows  the  Doctrine  of  Af- 
cfihe  Affec-  FECTiONS  AND  PERTURBATIONS;  which,  we  obfcrvcd  above,  are  xhtDif- 
iiom  depciem.  eafs  of  the  Mind.  For  as  the  ancient  Politicians  faid  of  Democracies,  that 
the  People    were  like  the  Sea,  and  the  Orators  like  the  Wind ;  fo  it  may  be 

truly 

»  With  this  view,  confuk  les  CharacJeres  ties  FaJJ^ans,  far  M.  de  In  Chamire,  Ed.  Amft.  16 fS. 
lil.Clnrmont  de  CoajeHandis  latentibui  Animi  affeSiiiusi  reprinted  by  Cmringim  ;  Neuheu/Hlhea- 
triim  Jngenii  hiimemi,  fm  de  Hominum  cogmfcenda  Indole  c?"  Animi  Secretis.iCn  ;  Mr.  Eve- 
Ijn's  DigreiTioa  concemng  Phyjiognomy,  in  his  Difcourfe  of  Medals;  les  Characleres  de  Theofhrajie, 
avec  les  Mceurs  de  ce  Steele,  far  M.  de  la.  Bruyere,  1700.  See  Stollii  IntrodnH'to  in  Hijloriam 
Literariam,  pi^.Sij.     See  alfo  more  to  th.s  purpofe  above,  SeH.lV. 

^  Benignuas  qu'ulem  hiijui  opfido  ut  adolejcentuli  eft. 

=  Flerumque  RegU  xolimtates,  ut  lehementes  funt  i  fic  mobiles,  fxfeque  iffr  fibi- (tdvBrfxi 

•1  Solus  Vefvajianus  mutatus  in  melius. 

'  Sunt  qui  maguam  felicitatem  concoquere  non  fojfunt. 

I  If  Riches  fly  to  thee,  fst  not  thy  Heart  upon  them. 


Sed.XXII.    The  Cultivation  of  the  Mind.  195 

truly  fiid,  that  the  nature  of  the  Mind  would  be  unruffled,  and  uniform, 
if  the  Affci5tions,  like  the  Winds,  did  not  dillurb  it.  And  here  again,  we 
cannot  but  remember  that  Anfiotle,  who  wrote  fo  many  Books  of  Ethicks, 
fhould  never  treat  of  the  Affections,  which  are  a  principal  Brancli  thereof-, 
and  yet  has  given  tliem  a  place  in  his  Rbeloricks,  wliere  they  come  to  be 
but  lecondarily  confider'd  :  for  his  Difcourfes  of  Pleafure  and  Pain,  by  no 
means  anfwer  the  end  of  fuch  a  Treatife  -,  no  more  than  a  Difcourjl-  of 
Lights  and  Splendor,  would  give  the  Doi^rine  of  particular  Colours.  For 
Pleafure  and  Pain  are  to  particular  AffeEllons,  as  Light  is  to  Colours.  The 
Stoicks,  fo  far  as  may  be  conjeftured  from  what  \wz  have  left  of  them, 
cultivated  this  Subjedl  better  ;  yet  they  rather  dwelt  upon  fubtile  Defini- 
tions., than  gave  any  full  and  copious  Treatife  upon  it.  We  alfo  find  a 
few  fhort  elegant  Pieces  upon  fome  of  the  Ajfe^ions ;  as  upon  Anger,  falfe 
Modeft-^,  and  two  or  three  more  :  But  to  fay  the  truth,  the  Poets  and  Hifto- 
rians  are  the  principal  Teachers  of  this  Science :  for  they  commonly  paint  to 
the  life  in  what  particular  manner  the  AfTeftions  are  to  be  rais'd  and  in- 
flamed ;  and  how  to  be  footh'd  and  laid  :  how  they  are  to  be  check'd  and 
reftrained  from  breaking  into  Action  •,  how  they  difcover  themfclvcs,  tho* 
fupprefs'd  and  fmother'd  -,  what  Operations  they  have ;  what  turns  they  take ; 
how  they  mutually  intermix  ;  and  how  they  oppofe  each  other,  i^c.  Among 
which,  the  latter  is  of  extenfivc  ufe  in  moral  and  civil  Affairs :  I  mean,  how 
far  one  PalTion  may  regulate  another ;  and  how  they  employ  each  other's 
afliftance  to  conquer  fome  one  ;  after  the  manner  of  Hunters  and  Fowlers, 
who  take  Beaft  with  Beaft,  and  Bird  with  Bird  -,  which  Man,  perhaps,  with- 
out fuch  Affiftance,  could  not  fo  eafily  do.  And  upon  this  Foundation  refts 
that  excellent  and  univerfal  Ufe  of  Rewards  and  Punifhments  in  civil  Life. 
For  thele  are  the  Supports  of  States  ;  and  fupprefs  all  the  other  noxious  Af- 
feEiions  by  thofe  two  predominant  ones.  Fear  and  Hope.  And,  as  in  civil  Go- 
vernment, one  Faftion  frequently  bridles  and  governs  another;  the  cafe  is 
the  fame  in  the  internal  Governinent  of  the  Mind*. 

6.  We  come  now  to  thofe  Things  which  are  within  our  own  power,  and^'^^'f-""^^ 
work  upon  the  Mind,  and  affeft  and  govern  theWill  and  the  Appetite :  whence  TJ^ferthZin- 
they  have  great  Efficacy  in  altering  the  Alanners.     And  here  Philofophersj^^enfe  the 
Ihould  diligently  enquire  into  the  Powers  and  Energy  of  Cufiom,  Exercife,  Ha-  Mind. 
hit.  Education,  Exainple,  Imitation,  Emulation,  Company,  Friendflnp,  Praife, 
Reproof,  Exhortation,  Reputation,  Laws,  Books,  Studies,  &c.  for  thefe  are  the 
things  which  reign  in  Mens  Morals.     By  thefe  Agents,  the  Mind  is  form'd 
and  fubdu'd  •,  and  of  thefe  Ingredients,  Reviedies  are  prepared ;  which,  lb 
far  as  human  Means  can  reach,  conduce  to  the  Prefervation  and  Recovery  of 
the  Health  of  the  Mind. 

Cc  2  7. 

•  Upon  this  Subje<fl,  confuk  Lilius  Peregrintis  de  nofcendis  ^  emendandis  Animi  affecHonibus, 

Ed.  Lipfix  17 14.     Placcius  de  Typo  Medicim  moralis ;  M.  Ferault  de  I'Ufa^e  des  Pajjions,  1668. 

Johnn.  Francifc.  Buddius  de  Morbis  mentis  humam,  de  Sanitate  mentis  humam,  &  de  Remediis 

moriorum,  quiins  mens  laiorat  i  in  his  Elements I'hilo/ophiti  Praclic£.     Lib.  de- Philofophia  raorali, 

•  Sett.  III.  Cap.  3,4,6.    See  Stollii  Intrtduci.  in  mjiQri/imLittraritim,  pag.Si},8i4. 


io6  7^7^  Cultivation  ^//6^  Mind.    Se£t.XXII. 

Examples  ^.  To  glvc  an  Inftiince  or  two  in  Ciijtom  and  Habit  ;   the  Opinion    of 

hcnof  in  Cuf- ja^-it^gllj  feems  narrow  and  carelefs,  which  aflerts  X.\\zt  Cuftom  has  no  potoer 
to^i  aotlHa-  ^^^^  ^^^^  Actions  which  are  natural;  'ufing  this  Example^  that  if  a  Stone  be  a 
thoufund  times  throivn  up  into  the  Air,  yet  it  -x-ill  acquire  no  tendency  to  afpon- 
taneous  Afcent.  And  again,  that  by  often  feeing  or  hearing,  we  fee  and  hear 
never  the  better.  For  tho'  this  may  hold  in  fome  things,  where  Nature  is  ab- 
foluce  •,  yet  'tis  ocherwife  in  things  where  Nature  admits  Intenfion  and  Re- 
miffwij  in  a  certain  latitude.  He  might  have  feen,  that  a  ftrait  Glove,  by 
being  often  drawn  upon  the  Hand,  will  become  eafy  •,  that  a  Stick,  by  ufe 
and  conrinuance,  w  U  acq' lire  and  retain  a  bend  contrary  to  its  natural  one  ; 
that  the  Voice,  by  Exercife,  becomes  ftronger  and  more  fonorous ;  that  Heat 
and  Cold  grow  more  tolerable  by  Cuftom,  i^c.  And  thefe  two  laft  Ex- 
am-iles  come  nearer  to  the  point,  than  thofe  he  has  produced.  Be  this  as  it 
will  ;  the  more  certain  he  had  found  it  that  Virtues  and  Vices  depended  upon 
Hibit,  the  more  he  fliould  have  endeavour'd  to  prefcribe  Rules  how  fuch 
FLibics  were  to  be  acquired,  or  left  off:  fince  numerous  Precepts  may  be 
form'd,  for  the  prudent  directing  of  Exercifes,  as  well  thofe  of  the  Mind, 
as  the  Body.  We  will  here  mention  a  few  of  them. 
(i.)  Tlnu  8.  And  thefrfi  ihall  be,  that  frotn  the  beginning  we  beware  of  impofng 

Tashi  be  My  Jjgth  more  difficult,    and  more  fuperficial  Tasks  than  the  thing  requires.     For 
froportioneJ.    jf  ^qq  g,,gjj-   a  Burden  be  laid  upon  a  middling  Genius,    it  blunts  the  chear- 
ful  Spirit  of  Hope  •,    and  if  upon  a  confident  one,    it  raifes  an  Opinion, 
from  which  he  promifes  himfelf  more  than  he   can  perform ;   which,  leads 
to  Indolence :    and    in   both  cafes  the  Experiment   will    not   anfwer    Ex- 
peftation.     And  this  always  dejefts  and  confounds  the  Mind.     But  if  the 
Tasks  are  too  light,  a  great  lofs  is  fuftain'd  in  the  amount  of  the  Progrefs. 
(1.)  That  the       p.  (2.)  To  procure  a  Habit  in  the  Exercife  of  any  Faculiy,  let  twoSeaJons  be 
"•ft '*"^J'°''fi  principally  obferved;  the  one  when  the  Mind  is  beft,  and  the  other  when'ti; 
I'folferveJ!'  "voorft  difpofed  for  Bufinefs :  that  by  the  former,  the  greater  difpatch  may  be 
made;  and  by  the  latter,  the  Obftruftions  of  the  Mind  may  be  wore  do%vn 
with  a  ftrenuous  Application :  whence  the  intermediate  times  will  flide  away 
the  more  eafily  and  agreeably.  < 

(J.)  To  e»Je.-i-  10.  (3.)  The  third  Example  fhall  be  the  Precept  which  Arifotle  tranfiently 
-uour  flrenu-  ^nentions  •,  viz.  to  endeavour  our  utmoft  againji  that  whereto  we  are  ftrongly 
"mature.         impfWdby  Nature;  thus,  as  it  were,  rowing  againft  the  Stream,  or  bending 

a  crooked  Stick  the  contrary  way,  in  order  to  bring  it  ftrait. 
(4.)  That  II.  (4.)  A  fourth  Precept  may  be  founded  on  this  fure  Principle;  that 

things  he  not  (f^g  Mind  is  eafier,  and  more  agreeably  drawn  on  to  thofe  things  which  are  not 
"l^P  2«j-  principally  intended  by  the  Operator,  but  conquer'' d  or  obtained  without  preme- 
ditated Bdfign ;  becaufe  our  Nature  is  fuch,  as  in  a  manner  hates  to  be  com- 
manded. There  are  many  other  ufeful  Precepts  for  the  regulating  of  Cuftom  ; 
and  if  Cufto'in  be  prudently  and  skilfully  introduced,  it  really  becomes  a 
fecond  Nature:  but  if  unskilfully  and  cafually  treated,  it  will  be  but  the  Ape 
of  Nature,  and  imitate  nothing  to  the  life ;  or  aukwardJy,  and  with  de- 
formity, %_ 

12, 


Sed.XXII.     75^  Cultivation  of  the  Minh.  197 

12.  So,  wich  regard  to  Books,  Studies,  and  Influence  over  our  Manners,  rA<  Co»</«<7 
there  are  numerous  ufcful  Rules  and  Diredtions.     One  of  the  Fathers,  in"?"!/'""» 
great  leverity,  call'd  Poetry  tlie  Dsvil's  JVine  ;  as  indeed  it   begets  mSffy^'"''"'' 
Temptations,  Dcfires,  and  vain  Opinions.     And  'tis  a  very  prudent  Sayin  J 
of  Jrijhde,  deferving  to  be  well  confider'd,  that  young  Men  are  improper 
Hi.irers  of  Moral  Philofophy  ;  becaufe  the  Heat  of  their  Paffions  is  not  yet 
alLiy'd,  and  temper'd,  by  time  and  experience.  And  to  (Iiy  the  truth,  the  rea- 
fon  why  the  excellent  JVnthigs  and  moral  Difcourfes  of  the  Ancients  have  fo 
little  elfeci:  upon  our  Lives  and  Manners,  feems  to  be,  tiiat  they  are  not 
ufually  read  by  Men  of  ripe  Age  and  Judgment  -,    but  wholly  left  to  un- 
experienced Youths  and  Children.     And  are  not  young  Men  much  lefs  fit 
for  Politicks  than  forEibicks ;  before  they  are  well  feafoned  with  Religion,  and 
the  Doflrines  of  Morality  and  Civility  ?     For  being,  perhaps,  depraved 
and  corrupted  in  their  Judgment,  they  are  apt  to  think  that  moral  Diffe- 
rences are  not  real  and  folid  ;    but  that  all   things  are  to  be  meafured  by 
Utility  and  Succefs,     Thus  the  Poet  fa  id,  fuccefsfid  Fillany  is  called  Virtue  \ 
The  Poets,  indeed,  fpeak   in  this  manner  fatyrically,  and  thro'  Indignation  j 
but  fome  Books  of  Politicks  fuppofe  the  f^mie  pofitively,  and  in  earneft. 
For  Alachiavel  is  pleafed  to  fay,   "  ifCcsfar  had  been  conquered,  he  would  have 
become  m-re  odious  than  Catiline-^*  as  if  there  was  no  difference,    except  in 
point  of  Fortune,  betwixt  a  Fury  made  up  of  Luft  and  Blood,  and  a  noble 
Soirit,    of  all  natural  Men  the  mcft  to  be  admired,  but  for  his  Ambition. 
And  hence  we  fee  how  neceffary  it  is  for   Men  to  be  fully  inltracled  in' 
moral  Doflrines,    and  religious   Djties,    before  they    proceed  to  Politicks. 
For  thofe   bred   up  from  their  youth   in   the  Courts  of  Princes,  and   the 
midft  of  Civil  Affairs,  can  fcarce  ever  obtain  a  fincere  and  internal  Probity 
of  Manners.     Again,  Caution  alfo  is  to  be  ufed  even  in  moral  Injlruclions^ 
or  at  leaft  in  fome  of  them,  left  Men  fhould  thence  become  ftubborn,  ar- 
rogant, and  unfociable.     So  Cicero  fayj   of  Cato  ;    the  divine  and  excellent 
^.alui?s  -due  fee  in  him  are  his  own  ;  but  the  things  he  fometlmes  falls  in,  are 
all  derived,  not  from  Nature,    but  his  hvjruBors.     There  are  many   other 
Axio  :is  and  DireSiions,  concerning  the  things  which  Studies  and  Books  beget 
in  the  Mindi  of  Men  ;  for  'tis  true,  that  Studies  enter  our  Manners  ;  and  fo 
do  Converfation,  Reputation,  the  Laws,  l^c. 

13.  Bat  there  is  another  Cure  cf  the  Mind,  which  feems  ftiil  more  accu-  TlnCureof 
rate,  and  ehborate  than  the  reft  •,  deperti-ling  upon  this  Foundation,  thai  the  ""  ^:''"'^ ''^' 
Minds  of  all  Men  are,  at  certain  ti'mes.  In  a  more  perfeEl,  and  at  others  in  a  f^''^','"^  ''f " j 
more  depraved  State.    The  defign  of  this  Cure  is  therefore  to  isr.prove  the  iefi  perfeS 
good  times,  and  expunge  the  bad.     There  are   two  practical  Methods  ofs'^t'- 
fixing   thz  good  times  i  viz.  (i.)   determined  Refolutions  ;  and  (2.)  Obfervances 
or  Exercyes :  which  are  not  of  fo   much  fignificancy  in  themfc  Ives,  as  be- 
caufe they  continually  keep  the  Mind  in  its  duty.     There  are  alfo  two  ways 
of  expunging  the  bad  times  ;  viz.   by  fcmie  kind  of  Rede??iPtion,  or  Extiation 
of  what  is  paft  ;  and  a  new  Regulation  of  Life  for  the  future.      But  this 

pare 

*  Vrofferum  0- felix  Scelus,  Virtus  vocatur. 
And  again, 
lUa  Crucetn  pretium  /ceteris  tulit,  hie  Diadema, 


igS  TIdb  Cultivation  of  the  Mind.  Sed-XXII. 

part  belongs  to  Religion  \  whereto  moral  Philofophy  is,  as  we  faid  before,  the 
^nuine  Hand-maid. 
Charity  the   ^14.  We  will,  therefore,  conclude  thefe  Georgicks  of  the  Mind\v\t\\  that  Re- 

mlSliY  "^  '"^^^'  '^'^''^^'  °^  "'^  °^'^^''^'  '^  ^*^^  ftorteft,  nobleft,  and  moft  effeftual  for 
forming  the  Mind  to  Virtue,  and  placing  it  near  a  ilate  of  Perfection  •,  viz. 
that  lue  chufe  and  propofe  to  ourfehcs  jujl  and  virtuous  Ends  of  our  Lives  and 
Ailions ;  yt  fiich  as  zue  have,  in  fome  degree,  the  Faculty  of  obtaining.  For  if 
the  Ends  of  our  Actions  are  good  and  virtuous,  and  the  Refolutions  of  our 
Mind  for  obtaining  them  fix'd  and  conftant,  the  Mind  will  direftly  mould 
and  form  itfelf,  at  once,  to  all  kinds  of  Virtue.  And  this  is  certainly  an  Ope- 
ration refembling  the  "Works  of  Nature  ;  whilft  the  others  above- mention'd 
feem  only  manual.  Thus  the  Statuary  finiihes  only  that  part  of  the  Figure 
upon  which  his  Hand  is  employ'd  ;  widiout  meddling  with  the  others  at  that 
time,  which  are  ftill  but  unfafliion'd  Marble :  Whereas  Nature,  on  the 
contrary,  when  flie  works  upon  a  Flower,  or  an  Animal,  forms  the  Rudi- 
ments of  all  the  Parts  at  once.  So  when  Virtues  are  acquir'd  by  Habit, 
whilft  we  endeavour  at  "Temperance,  we  make  but  little  advances  towards 
Fortitude,  or  the  other  Virtues ;  but  when  we  are  once  entirely  devoted  to 
juft  and  honourable  Ends,  whatever  the  l^irtue  be,  which  tiiofe  Ends  recom- 
mend and  direft,  we  fhall  find  ourfjlves  ready  difpos'd,  and  pofTefs'd  of 
fome  Propenfuy  to  obtain  and  exprefs  it.  And  this  may  be  that  State  of 
Mind  which  Anjlotle  excellently  defcribes,  not  as  virtuous,  but  divine.  So 
Pliny  propofes  the  Virtue  of  Trajan^  not  as  an  Imitation,  but  as  an  Example 
.  of  the  Divine  Virtue  ;  when  he  fays.  Men  need  make  no  other  Pravers  to  the 
Gods,  than  that  they  would  be  but  as  good  and  propitious  toMortais,  as  Tnja.n  z.vas. 
•  But  this  favours  of  the  prophane  Arrogance  of  the  Heathens ;  whografp'd 
at  Shadows  larger  than  the  Life.  The  Chrijlian  Religion  comes  to  the  point, 
by  imprefling  Charity  upon  the  Minds  of  Men :  which  is  moft  appofuely 
call'd  the  Bo>!d  of  PerfeSiion  ;  becaufe  it  ties  up,  and  faftens  all  the  Virtues 
together.  And  it  was  elegantly  fud  by  Mf«<7«i3?^r  di  fenfual  Love,  which 
is  a  bad  Imitation  of  the  divin^,  that  //  -was  a  better  Tutor  for  human  Life., 
than  a  left-handed  Sophijl :  intimating  that  the  Grace  of  Carriage  is  better 
form'd  by  Love,  than  by  an  auhiva'-d  Preceptor  ;  whom  he  calls  left-handedy 
as  he  cannot  by  all  his  operofe  Rules  and  Precepts,  form  a  Man  fo  dextroufly 
and  expeditioufly,  to  value  himfelfjuftiv,  and  behave  gracefully,  as  Love  can  do. 
So  without  doubt,  if  the  Mind  be  poflefs'd  with  the  Fervor  of  true  Charity^ 
he  will  rife  to  a  hi^:^her  degree  of  Perf.dlion,  than  by  all  the  Dotfrine  cf 
Ethicks  ;  which  is  but  a  Sophift  compar'd  to  Charity.  And  as  X^nophon 
well  obferved,  whilft  the  other  Paffions,  tho' they  raife  the  Mind,  yetdif- 
tort  and  diiconi^'of:-  it,  by  their  Extacies  and  ExceiTes  •,  whilft  Love  alone, 
at  the  fame  timo  compofes  and  dilates  it :  fo  all  other  human  Endow- 
ment?, which  we  admire ;  whilft  they  exalt  and  enlarge  our  Nature,  are 
yet  liable  to  Extravagance  :  but  of  Charity  alone,  there  is  no  Excefs.  The 
Angels  afpiring  to  be  like  God  in  power,  tranfgrefs'd  and  fell ;  J -will  afcendy 
and  be  l.':e  the  mojl  high :  and  Man  afpiring  to  be  like  God  in  Knowledge^ 
tranfgrefs'd  and  fell;  'je fhall  he  as  Gods,  knowing  Good  and  Evil :  But  in 

afpiring 


SecTt.XXIII.  Civil  Doctrine.  199 

afpiring  to  be  like  God  in  Goodnefs  or  Charity,  neither  Man  nor  Angel  can, 
or  fliall  tranfgrefs.  Nay,  we  are  invited  to  an  Imitation  of  it ;  love  yo^^ 
Enemies  ;  do  good  to  thofe  that  bate  you  ;  pray  for  thofe  that  defpitefully  ufe  ana 
perfecute  you  ;  that  ye  may  be  the  Cbildren  of  your  Father,  which  is  in  Heaven : 
for  he  maketh  his  Sun  to  rife  upon  the  Good  and  upon  the  Evil ;  and  fends  bis  Rain 
upon  the  Jujl  and  upon  the  Unjufl  *.  And  thus  we  conclude  this  part  of  Moral 
Do^rine,  relating  to  the  Georgicks  of  the  Mind. 

15.  There  might,  however,  be  added,  by  way  of  Appendix,  this  Obfer-  Appendix  to 
vation ;  that  there  is  a  certain  Relation  and  Congruity  found  between  the  Good  //«Georgicks 
of  the  Mind,  and  the  Good  of  the  Body.     For  as  the  Good  cf  the  Body  confifts  'f  ''•'«  ^'°'^- 
in  (i.)  Health,  (2.)  Comi  linefs,  (3.)  Strength,  and  (4.)  Pleafure:    fo  the 
Good  of  the  Mind,  confider'd  in  a  moral  light,  tends  to  render  it  (i.)  found 
and  calm,  (2.)  graceful,  (3.)  ftrong  and  agile  for  all  the  Offices  of  Life, 
and  (4.)  poflefs'd  of  a  conftant  quick  Senfe  of  Pleafure,  and  noble  Satif- 
fadtion.     Bat  as  the  four  former  Excellences  are  feldom  found  together  in 
the  Body  -,    fo  are  the   four  latter  feldom  found  together  in  the  Mind  ^. 
And  thus  we  have  finifhed  that  principal  Branch  of  human  Pkiofipby,  which 
confiders  Man,  out  of  Society,  and  as  confifting  of  a  Body  and  a  Soul. 


SECT.     XXIII. 

Of  Civil  Doctrine;  and  firji^  ^Conversation 

and  Decorum. 


T 


Here  goes  an  old  Tradition,  that  many  Grecian  Philofophers  had  a  rhe  An  cf 
folemn  Meeting  before  the  Ambaffador  of  a  foreign  Prince  ;  where  silenci. 


each  endeavoured  to  fhew  his  Parts,  that  the  Ambaflidor  might  have  fome- 
what  to  relate  of  the  Grecian  Wifdom  :  but  one  among  the  number  kept 
filence  •,  fo  that  the  Ambafliidor  turning  to  him,  ask'd.  But  what  have 
you  to  fay,  that  I  may  report  it  ?  he  anfvvered.  Tell  your  King,  that  you  have  found 
one-  among  the  Greeks  who  knew  how  to  be  ftlent.     Indeed  I  had  forgot  in  this 

Compendium 

•  The  Author,  in  making  Morality  terminate  in  theChriftian  Doftrine  of  Charity,  has  been 
followed  by  many,  and  thus  occafion'd  feveralSyftems  of  Chrijlian  Ethickii  among  the  princi- 
pal whereof,  are  the  Ethic»  Chrifiinnn  oi  Lambertus  Damns  i  the  Ethlca  Sacra  of  Dandinus^ 
Tlacciui  de  trucin  fncipuo  Vhilofopbn  moralh  genu'mo ;  Joannis  Cirelli  Ethica  Chrijiiann i  Dr. 
Henry  More,  in  his  Enchiridion  Ethicum;  Henricus  Ernefiius,  in  his  Introdnciio  ad  veram  Vitam ; 
and  feveral  more.  See  Struvius's  Biiliotheca  Vhilofofhica,  Cap.  6.  de  Scriptorihus  PhilcfophiA 
tracUcA,  ^^  Jigillatitn  Ethicis. 

*'  This  Doffrine  of  the  Georgicks  of  the  Mind,  is  exprefTly  endeavoured  -o  be  fupplied  by  Pro- 
feflbr  IVefnfeld,  in  the  Book  he  entitles  Arnoldi  Wefenjeld.  Georgicn  Animi  (y  Vits,  feu  Ftitholo- 
gia  pruBica,  moralis  nempe  &  ciuilis,  ex phyficis  tMque  fontihis  refetita.  Fran^ij'.  i6(>j-,  cj>  i  7  i  2. 
Some  Account  of  this  Work  is  given  in  xhe  Acta  Ernditoritm.  Men/.  Auguji.  1C96.  See  alio 
Jtan.  Irnnc.  BMd*Hs  de  Ciiltnrn  Ingeniorum,  Ed.  HaU  lopj. 


200  Civil    Doctrine:  Seca.XXIII. 

Compendium  of  Art:^  to  infert  the  Art  of  Silence.      For  as  we  fliall  now  foon 
fg|be  led  by  the   Courie  of  the  Work,    to  treat   the  Subjefc  of  Gov^ru- 
ine;U  \  we  cannot  have  a  better  occafion   for  putting   the  Art  of  Silence  in 
practice*.     C'cero  makes  mention  not  only  of  an  Art.,  but  even  of  an  Eh- 
qtience  to  be  found  in  Silence ;  and  relates  in  an  Epiftle  to  Atticus,  how  once 
in  Converfation  he  made  ufe  of  this  Art :    On  this  cccafion,  fiys  he,  /  af- 
fumed  a  part  of  yAir  Eloquence  ;  for  I faicl  nothing.     And  Pindar,  who  pecu- 
liarly ftrikes   the  Mind  unexpefted,  with  fome    fhort  furprizing  Sentence, 
has  this  among  the  refb;  Things  unfaid  have  fometimes  a  greater  EffeB  than 
fa'id.     And,  therefore,  I  have  determined  either  to  be  filent  upon  this  Siib- 
jedl,  or,  what  is  next  to  it,  very  concife. 
The  Bonrine       2.  CiviL  KNOWLEDGE  turns  upon  a  Subjc'dl  of  all  others  the  mofl  immerfed 
o/ Civil  Poll-    in  Matter-,   and  therefore  very  difficultly  reduced   to  Axioms.      And  yec 
V'^^fTiZ'  there  are  iome  things  that  eafe  the  Difficulty.     For  (i.)  as  Calo   laid,   that 
cult  th.in  E-    i"^  Romans  were  like  Sheep,  eafier  to  drive  in  the  tlock  than  Jingle  ;  \o  in 
thick].  this  refpefl  the  Office  of  Ethicks  is,  in  fome  degree,  more  difficult  than  that 

q\' Politicks'^.     (2,)  Again,  £;Z)zVyfj endeavours  to  tinge  and  farnifh  the  Mind 
with  internal  Goodnefs ;  whilft  civil  Dotirine  requires  no  more  than  external 
Goodnefs  ;  which  is  iufficient  for  Society  <^.     Whence  it  often  happens,    that  a 
Reign  may  be  good,  and  the  'Times  bad.     Thus  w^  fometimes  find  in  facred 
Hijlory,  when  mention  is  made  of  good,  and  pious  Kings,  that   the  People 
had  not  yet  turn'd  their  Hearts  to  the  Lord  God  of  their  Fcthrrs.     And  there- 
fore in  this  refpeft  alfo,  Ethicks  has  the  harder  task.    (3.)  States  are  moved 
flowly,  like  great  Machines  •,  and  with  difficulty  :  and  confequcncly  not  foon 
put  out  of  order.    For,  as  in  Egypt,  the  feven  years  of  Plenty  fupplied  the 
•^even  years  of  Famine  ;  fo  in  Governments,  the  gool  Regulation  of  former 
Times,  will  not  prefently  fufferthe  Errors  of  the  fucceeding,  to  prove  de- 
ftruftive.    But  the  Refolutions  and  Manners  of  particular  Perfons  are  more 
fuddenly  fubverted  :  and  this,  in  the  laft  place,  bears  hard  upon  Ethicks,  but 
favours  Politicks. 
Civil  Know-        3.  Civil  Knowledge  has  three  Parts ;  fuitable  to  the  three  principal  Adls  of 
fcffprilti  Society,  viz.  (i.)  Converfation,  (2.)  Biiftnefs,  and  (3.)  Government.     For  there 
(i.)o/c"»w-  '^'"'^  '^^'"'^^  kinds  of  Good,  that  Men  defire  to  procure  by  Civil  Society  ;  viz.  (i.) 
fttion,  (i.)     Refuge  from  Solitude  ;  (2.)  AJfiftancein  the  Affairs  of  Life  \  and  {'^.)PrcteBion 
Bufinefs,  ii.)  againft  Injuries.  And  thus  there  are  three  kinds  oi  Prudence,  very  different. 
Government,    and  frequently  feparated  from  each  Other ;  viz.  (1.)  Prudence  in  Conver- 
sation, (2.)  Prudence  IN  Business,  (3.) Prudence  in  Government'^. 

4- 
»  The  Author  here  makes  a  Complement  of  his  Silence  to  Kingj'AWf/,  as  if  he  would  not  pre- 
tend to  fpeak  of  the  ^rf  J  d/£ot;)Z>c,  to  one  who  knew  them  fo  well;  but  the  true  Reafon  appears 
to  be,  that  he  thought  it  improper  to  reveal  the  Myfterics  of  Si^Jfe.  See  below  Sect.  XXV.  i. 
''  Vix..  Harder  to  make  Men /ingly  virtuous,  than  ■conforma.bU  in  Society;  becaufe  as  the  Au- 
thor ellevvhere  obferves,  'tis  a  Principle  in  huma'  Nature,  to  be  more  affeded  in  publick  than 
in  private  i  as  any  one  may  be  fenfible,  who  has  iver  been  at  a  Kehearfal,  and  a  Play. 

*  Hence  there  ought  to  be  a  due  difference  preferved  betwixt  Ethicks  and  Foliticks,  tho'  ma- 
ny Writers  feem  to  mix  them  together  j  and  form  a  promilcuousDoftrineofthe  Lawof  Nflfwre, 
Morality,  Policy,  and  Religion  together  ;  as  particularly  certain  fcripcural  Cafuifts  and  political 
Divines. 

*  From  a  Mixture  of  thefe  three  parts  of  Civil  DoEtrine,  there  has  of  late  been  formed  a  new 

^  kind 


Sec^.XXIV.    0;^  Conversation  <7W  Decorum.  201 

4'.  Conversation,  as  it  ought  not  to  be  over-afFedted,  much  lefslhould  The  Efe(}  of 
it  be  flighted  :  fince  a  prudent  Conduft  therein,  not  only  exprefles  a  certain  ■D«("'«»'. 
Gracefulnels  in  Men'sMannersj  but  is  alfoof  greataiiulance  in  the  commodious 
Difpatch  both  of  publick.  and  private  Bufinefs.  For  as  Action,  tho'  an  ex- 
ternal Thing,  is  fo  efTrntial  to  an  Oratci\  as  to  be  preferred  before  the  other 
weighty,  and  more  internal  parts  of  that  Art ;  fo  CoaverfatioK,  tho'  it  con- 
fift  but  of  Externals,  is,  if  not  the  principal,  at  lead  a  capital  Thing  in  the 
Man  of  Bufinefs,  and  the  prudent  management  of  Affairs.  What  effc<5t 
the  Countenance  may  have,  appears  from  the  Precept  of  the  Poet ;  Con- 
tradi5l  not  your  Words  by  y^ur  Looks  ^.  For  a  Man  may  abfolutcly  cancel, 
and  betray  the  Force  of  Speech,  by  his  Countenance.  And  fo  may  Actions 
themfelves,  as  well  as  Words,  be  deftroyed  by  the  Look  -,  according  to 
Cicero,  who,  recommending  Affability  to  his  Brother  towards  the  Proven- 
cials,  tells  him,  it  did  not  wholly  confift  in  giving  eafy  accefs  to  them,  un- 
lefs  he  alfo  received  them  with  an  obliging  Carriage.  'Tis  doing  nothing,  fays 
he,  to  admit  them  ivith  an  open  Door,  and  a  lock'd  up  Countenance'^.  But  if 
the  management  of  the  Face  alone,  has  fo  great  an  Effcft  -,  how  much 
greater  is  that  oi familiar  Converfation,  with  all  its  Attendance?  Indeed  the 
whole  of  D(?^cr«w  and  Elegance  of  Manners,  feems  to  reft  in  weighing  and 
maintaining,  with  an  even  ballance,  the  dignity  betwixt  ourfelves  and  others  -, 
which  is  well  expreffed  by  Livy,  tho'  upon  a  different  occafion,  in  that  Cha- 
racter of  a  Perfon,  where  he  fays,  that  /  may  neither  feein  arrogant  nor  ob- 
noxious ;    that  is,  neither  forget  my  cwn  nor  others  Liberty. 

5.  On  the  other  fide  ;  a  Devotion  to  Urbanity,  and  external  Elegance,  ter-  -j-j^g  ■ruUso' 
minates  in  an  aukward  and  difagreeable  Affeftation.  For  what  is  more  pre-  Decency. 
pofterous  than  to  copy  the  Theatre  in  real  Life  ?  And  tho'  we  did  not  fill  into 
this  vicious  Extreme,  yet  we  fliould  wafte  time,  and  deprefs  the  Mind  too 
much,  by  attending  to  fuch  lighter  matters.  Therefore,  as  in  Univerfities, 
the  Students,  too  fond  of  Company,  are  ufually  told  by  their  Tutors,  that 
Friends  are  the  'Thieves  of  Time-,  fo  the  afTiduous  Application  to  the  Decorum 
of  Converfation,  fteals  from  weightier  Confiderations.  Again,  they  who  ftand 
in  the  firft  rank  for  Urbanity,  and  feem  born,   as  it  were,  for  this  alone  j 

kind  ofDodirine,  which  they  ca'lby  the  nime  of  Ci-i'i/  Vrudence.  This  Doftrine  has  been  prin- 
cipally cultivated  among  the  Germans-,  tho' hitherto  carried  to  no  great  length.  Yci  Hermannus 
Conrin^ius  performed  fomewhat  confiderable  in  this  way,  in  his  Book  de  Cizili  Trudentln,  pub- 
hfted  :n  'he  year  1 661 ;  and  Chriftian  Thomajius  has  treated  it  excellently  in  theiitt.e  Piece  enti- 
tled, Priw*  lineiyde  Jure- confultorum  Frudentia  Confultatoria,  Sec.  firft  pubiilTied  in  the  year  iTof, 
but  thtrth:rd  Edition,  with  Notes, in  1711.  The  Heads  it  confiders,  are,  (i.)ifePr«</c;2*i«i»^e«cr^i 
(i  )  de  Prndemiji  confultatorin  ;  (3.)  de  Trudentln  Juris  ccnfMltorum ;  (4)  de  Frudentia  confti- 
lertdi,  intuitu  aciionum  propriarumi  {f)de  Frudentia  dirigtndi  aBiones  proprixs  in  converfatione 
quoti.liaxa ,  (6.)  de  Frudentia  in  Con-uerfatione  felecia;  (7.)  de  Frudentix-intititu  Societatum  do- 
mefticarum ;  (8.)  de  Frudentia  inSocietate  Civili,  and  (9.)  de  Frudentia  alios  0-  aliis  confulendi. 
The  littie  Piece  alfo  of  Andr.  Softus,  de  Frudentia  Civili  comparand»,  deferves  the  perufal.  A 
few  more  German  Autho' ;  have  treated  this  Subjeft;  but  generally  in  their  own  Langjage. 
See  Morhof  de  Frudentia  Cizilis  Scriptoribus ;  Struvii  Biiliothecu  Fhilofopljica,  cap.  7.  and  StoUii 
Introduclio  in  Hi/loriam  Literariam,  de  Frudentia  Folitica. 

*  Sec  lultu  dejirue  verba  tuo. 

^  ail  ir.tereft  habere  oftiltm  afertum,  Vhltum  claufum, 

Vo  L.I.  D  d  feldom 


202  71^^  Doctrine  of  BiJsiness.     Sedl.XXIV» 

feldoni  take  pleafure  in  any  thing  elfe  -,  and  fcarce  ever  rife  to  the  higher 
and  more  folid  Virtues.  On  the  contrary,  the  confcioufnefs  of  a  defe6l  in 
this  particular,  makes  us  feek  a  Grace  from  good  Opinion  •,  which  renders 
all  things  elfe  becoming  :  but  where  this  is  wanting,  Men  endeavour  to  fupply 
it  by  Good  Breeding.  And  further  ;  there  is  fcarce  any  greater  or  more  fre- 
quent obftru6tion  to  Bufinefs,  than  an  over-curious  Obfervance  of  external 
hecorum,  with  its  attendant,  too  follicitous  and  fcrupulous  a  choice  of  Times 
and  Opportunities.  Solomon  admirably  fays,  he  that  regards  the  (Vinds,  Jhall 
not  [oiv  ;  and  be  that  regards  the  Clouds.,  Jhall  yiot  reap.  For  we  mud  make 
Opportunities  oftener  than  ive  find  them.  In  a  word  •,  Urbanity  is  like  z  Gar- 
ment  to  the  Mind;  and  therefore  ought  to  have  the  Conditions  of  a  Garment  •, 
that  is,  (i.)  it  fliouldbe  fafhionable;  (2.)  not  too  delicate  or  coftly  ;  (3.) 
it  fhould  be  fo  made,  as  principally  to  fhew  the  reigning  Virtue  of  the  Mind, 
and  to  fupply  or  conceal  Deformity  :  (4.)  and  laftly,  above  all  things, 
it  mud  not  be  too  flreight  •,  foas  to  cramp  the  Mind,  and  confine  its  Mo- 
tions in  B  ifinefs.  But  this  part  of  Civil  DoBrine,  relating  to  Coiiverfation, 
is  elegantly  treated  by  fome  Writers ;  and  can  by  no  means  be  reported' 
as  deficient  ". 


SECT.     XXIV. 

The  Doctrine  (j/"  Business. 

The  Vocirine  I.  TTtTE  divide  the  Doctrine  of  Business  into  the  Dft'Jnw  of  various 
cf  Bufinefs  di-  \j  \j  Occafions,  znd  ths  DoLirine  of  Rifii);g  in  Life.  The  firft  includes  all 
■viMintothat  ^.j^^  poffible  variety  of  Affiiirs  •,  and  is  as  the  Amanuenfis  to  common  Life  : 
ccfioZTmi  bi-it  the  odier  collecls,  and  fuggefts,  fuch  things  only,  as  regard  the  improve- 
Rj/iw^  i»Li/e.ment  of  a  Man's  private  Fortune  ;    and  may,  therefore,  ferve    each  perfon 

as  a  private  Regifier  of  his  Affairs. 
NoBooks  writ-      2,  No  One  hath  hitherto  treated  the  Do^rine  of  Bufinefs  fuitably  to  its  Me- 
ten  upon  the   j-jj.  .  ^q  j.],p  great  Prejudice  of  the  Char.ifter  both    oi  Learning  and  Learned 
Bufinefs.        ^^"  •  ^°^  ^''O"''  hence  proceeds  the  Mifchief,  which  has  fixed  it  as  a  Reproach 

upon 

*  It  fcems  of  late  more  cultivated  amoSg  the  Trench  andGermanf,  than  among  the  Engli/ii; 
the  Morale  tlu  Monde ;  the  Modeles  de  Converfations  i  the  Reflexions  fur  le  Ridicule,  ^  fur  les 
moyens  de  I'exiter ;  la  Politejfe  des  Moeurs  ;  I'Art  de  Vlaire  duns  la  Converfation ;  ^  Trid.  Gentz,- 
kenius's  DoBrina  de  Decora,  in  his  Syfiema  Fhilofophii,  may  defervethe  perufal.  This  laft  Work, 
which  is  lately  publifhed  in  Germany,  treats  (1.)  of  'he  nature  of  Decorum,  and  its  Foundationj 
(i.)  of  National  Decorum;  (3.)  of  Human  Decorum;  (4.)  the  Decorum  ofYi^jth  and  Age; 
(f.)  the  Decorum  of  iMen  and  Women;  (6.)  the  Decorum  of  Husband  and  Wife;  (7.)  the 
Decorum  of  the  Clergy;  (8.)  the  Decorum  of  Princes  ,  and  (9.)  the  Decorum  of  the  Nobi- 
lity, and  Men  of  Letters.  See  Stollii  IntroduHio  in  Uijloriam  Litertiri«m,  de  DoUrina  ejus  quod 
eji  Decorum,  pag.  795-,  796. 


Secft.XXrV.     7/?^  Doctrine  ^  Business.  203 

upon  Men  of  Letter s,  that  Learning  and  Civil  Prudence  are  feldom  found  to- 
gether. And  if  we  rightly  obferve  thofe  three  kinds  of  PrwJt'wrc',  which  we 
lately  faid  belong  to  CivH  Life^  ;  tliat  o^  Converfation  is  generally  dcfpifed  by 
Men  cf  Learning,  as  a  fervile  thing,  and  an  Enemy  to  Contemplation  ;  and 
for  the  Government  of  Stdtes,  tho'  learned  Men  acquit  themfelves  well  when 
advanced  to  the  Ht:lm,  yet  this  promotion  happens  to  few  of  them  :  but  for 
the  prefent  Subjecf,  the  Priidence  of  Bufirufs,  upon  which  our  Lives  princi- 
pally turn,  there  are  no  Books  extant  about  it  ;  except  a  few  Civil  Admoni- 
tions, collected  into  a  little  Volume  or  two,  by  no  means  adequate  to  the 
Copioufnefs  of  the  Subjcdl.  But  if  Books  were  written  upon  this  Subjeift, 
as  upon  others  ;  we  doubt  not  that  learned  Men,  furniflied  with  tolerable 
Experience,  would  far  excel  the  unlearned,  furniflied  with  vrwich  greater  Expe- 
rience;  and  outflioot  them  in  their  own  Bow  ^ 

3.  Nor  need  we  apprehend  that  the  Matter  of  this  Science  \s  x.oo  various,  This  DcBrlne 
to  fall  under  Precept  •,  for  'tis  much  kfs  extenfive  than  the  Dolfrine  of  '^"^'^'^  '* 
Government,  which  yet  we  find  very  well  cuhivated.  There  feem  to  have 
been  fome  ProfLfibrs  of  this  kind  of  Prudence  among  the  Romans,  in  their 
befl  days.  For  Cicero  declares  it  was  the  Cuftom,  a  little  before  his  time, 
among  the  Senators  mofl:  famous  for  knowledge  and  experience;  a.5  Corun- 
canius,  Curius,  Ltslius,  &c.  to  walk  the  Forum  at  certain  hours,  where  they 
offered  themfelves  to  be  confulted  by  the  People  ;  not  fo  much  upon  Law, 
but  upon  Bufinefs  of  all  kinds-,  as  the  Marriage  of  a  Daughter,  the  Educa- 
tion of  a  Son,  the  purchafing  of  an  Eftate,  and  other  occafions  of  common 
Life.  Whence  it  appears,  that  there  is  a  certain  Prudence  of  advifin<;  even 
in  private  Affairs ;  and  derivable  from  an  univerfal  Knowledge  of  Civil  Bu- 
finefs ;  Experience,  and  general  Obfervations  of  fimilar  Cafes.  So  we  find 
the  Book  which  i^  Cicero  wrote  to  his  Brother,  de  petltione  Covfulatus^ 
(the  only  Treatife,  fo  far  as  we  know,  extant  upon  any  particular  B..finefs  ;) 
tho'  it  regarded  chiefly  the  giving  of  Advice  upon  that  prefent  Occafion  ; 
yet  contains  many  particular  Axioms  of  Politicks,  which  were  not  only  of 
temporary  ufe,  but  prefcribe  a  certain  permanent  Rule  for  popular  Elec- 
tions. But  in  this  kind,  there  is  nothing  found  any  way  comparable  to  the 
Apborifms  of  Solomon  %  of  whom  the  Scripture  bears  Teftimony,  that  his 
Heart  zvas  as  the  Sands  of  the  S;a.  For  as  the  Sand  of  the  Sea  encompaffes 
the  extremities  of  the  whole  Earth,  fo  his  Wifdom  comprehended  all 
things,  both  human  and  divine.  And  in  thofe  Apborifms  are  found  ma- 
ny excellent  Civil  Precepts  and  Admonitions,  befides  things  of  a  more  theo- 
logical Nature,  flowing  from  the  depth  and  innermoft  Bofom  of  Wifdom  % 
and  running  out  into  a  moft  fpacious  field  of  Variety.  And  as  we  place 
the  Doiirine  of  various  Occafions  among  the  Defiderata  of  the  Sciences,  we  will 

D  d  2  here 

»  See  above  ^*^.  XXIII.  5. 

''  This  raiy  be  extended  to  Civil  Knowledge  in  general,  fo  as  to  comprehend  not  only  Poli- 
tick!, Converfrtion,  and  Bufmefs;  but  alio  Commerce,  and  the  particular  Arts  of  Agriculture,  W»- 
vi^ation,  Arcliitecfure,  I'P'xr,  Trades,  &c.  For  a  Man  of  general  Knowledge,  luch  as  the  Author, 
or  ^^r.  Boyle  for  inflance,  muft  needs  be  more  capable  of  improving  any  particular  Art  or 
Science,   than  a  perfon  wholly  bred  up  to,   and  employed  about  one  Bufmefs  only. 


204  ^^  Doctrine  of  Business.     Se(^.XXlV. 

here  dwell  upon  ic    a  little  -,  and  lay  down  an  Example  thereof,  in  the  way 
of  explaining  Ibme  of  thefe  /Ipborifms,  or  Proverbs,  of  Solomon. 

A  specimen  A  Specimen  of  the  Doctrine  of  various  Occasions,  in  the  com- 
"/'^-  mon  Bnjinefs  of  Lije  i  by  ivay  of  A'g\\on(w\  and  Explanation. 

Aphorism    I. 

4.    A  foft  Anfwer  appeafes  Anger. 

The  -way  of  jF  the  Anger  of  a  Prince,  or  Superior,  be  kindled  againft  you  ;  and  it  be 
Zxcufmg  n  ■■'  now  your  turn  to  fpeak  ;  Solomon  diredts,  (i.)  that  an  Anfwer  be  made  ; 
Jattlt.  and  C2.)  that  it  be  foft.     The  firft  Rule  contains  three  Precepts •,  wz.  (i.) 

To  guard  againft  a  melancholy  and  ftubborn  filence  :  for  this  either  turns  the 
fault  wholly  upon  you,  as  if  you  could  make  no  Anfwer  ;  or  fecretl'  im- 
peaches your  Superior,  as  if  his  Ears  were  not  open  to  a  juft  Defence.  (2.) 
To  beware  of  delaying  the  thing  ;  and  requiring  a  longer  day  for  your  De- 
fence :  which  either  accufes  your  Superior  of  Paffion  ;  or  fignifies  that  you 
are  preparing  fome  artificial  turn,  or  colour.  So  that  'tis  always  beft  direct- 
ly to  fay  fomething  for  the  prefent,  in  your  own  excufe,  as  the  occafion  re- 
quires. And  (3.)  To  make  a  real  Anfwer  ;  an  Anfwer  not  a  mere  Con- 
fejfion,  or  bare  Submiffion  ;  but  a  mixture  of  Apology  and  Excufe.  For 'tis 
unfafe  to  do  otherwife  ;  unlefs  with  very  generous  and  noble  Spirits,  which 
are  extremely  rare.  Then  follows  the  fecond  Rule  ;  that  the  Anfwer  he 
Villi  and  foft,  not  ftiff  and  irritating » 

Aphorism   II. 

5.  A  prudent  Servant  fhail  rule  over  a  foolifh  Son,  and  divide  the 
Inheritance  among  the  Brethren. 

The  ConduB  tN  every  jarring  Family  there  conftantly  rifes  up  fome  Servant,  or  humble 
of  a  vi/e  Ser-  A  friend,  of  fway,  who  takes  upon  him  to  compofe  their  Differences,  at  his 
'^'^"''  own  difcretion  -,  to  whom,  for  that  reafon,  the  whole  Family,. even  the  Ma- 

tter himfelf,  is  fubjeft.  If  this  Man  has  a  view  to  his  own  Ends,  he  foments 
and  aggravates  the  Differences  of  the  Family  ;  but  if  he  prove  juft  and  up- 
right, he  is  certainly  very  deferving.  So  that  he  may  be  reckoned  even  as 
one  of  the  Brethren  ;  or  at  leaft  have  the  diredion  of  the  Inheritance,  in 


trufl-. 


Aphorism 


•  How  the  Author  put  this  Dodlrine  in  pradtice,   appears  by  his  Anfwer  to  the  Houfe  of 
Peers.    See  the  Letter,  towards  the  End  of  the  Fifth  SufrLEWENx  to  this  Wr*. 


Sccfl.XXIV.     7^^  Doctrine  (t/*  Business.  205 

Aphorism  III. 

6.  If  a  "Ji'ife  Man  contends  iz'ith  a  Fool,  'xhethcr  he  be  in  anger, 

or  injefl,  there  is  no  quiet. 

"liyE  are  frequently  admonifhed  to  avoid  unequal  Conflids ;  that  is,  not  toT-/-?  Volly  of 
*^    itrive  with  the  Stronger  :    But  the  admonition  oF  Solomon  is  no  lefs  "^*^- ^"/^^"^"•^^aj. 
ful ;  that  we  fhould  not  ftrive  with  the  Worthlefs  :   for  here  the  Match  is„^f^_ 
very  unequal  -,  where  'tis  no  Vi6tory  to  conquer,  and  a  great  Difgrace  to  be 
conquer'd    Nor  does  it  fignify  if,  in  fuch  a  conteft,  we  fhould  fometimes  deal 
as  in  Jcft  ;  and  fometimes  in  the  way  of  Difdain  and  Contempt:  For  what 
courfc  foever  we  take,  we  are  lofers  %    and  can  never  come  handfomely  off". 
But  the  word  cafe  of  all  is,   if  our  Antagonift  have  fomething  of  the  Fool 
in  him  ;  that  is,  if  he  be  confident  and  headftrong. 

Aphorism   IV. 

7.  Lifi^n  not  to  all  that  is  /poke,  leji  thou  ^oiildfi  hear  thy  Ser- 

'vant  curfe  thee. 

*TrlS  fcarce  credible  what  Uneafinefs  is  created  in  Life,  by  anufelefs  Cu- The  Tread/try 
*■     riofuy,  about   the  things    that   concern  us  :      As  when  we  pry  into  "f  "f^¥*  ^'^ 
fuch  Secrets,  as  being  difcovered,  give  us  diftafte  •,  but  afford   no  affiftance 
or  relief.     For  (r.)  there  follows  Vexation  and  Difquiet  of  Mind  -,  as  all  hu- 
man things  are  full  of  Perfidioufnefs  and  Ingratitude.     So  that  tho' we  could 
procure  fome  Magick-Glafs,  wherein  to  view  the  Animofities,  and  all  that 
Malice  which  Is  any  way  at  work  againft  us  ;  it  were  better  for  us  to  break 
ic  direftly,  than  to  ufe  it.     Epr  thefe  things  are  but  as  the  ruftling  of  Leaves;- 
foon  over.     (2.)  This  Curiofity "always  loads  the  Mind  withSufpIcioni  which 
is  a  violent  Enemy  to  Counfels  ;  and  renders  them  unfteady  and  perplexed. 
(3.)  It  alfo  frequently  fixes  the  Evils  themfelves  ;  which  would  otherwife  have 
blown  over.     For  'tis  a  dangerous  thing  to  provoke  the  Confciences  of  Men, 
who  fo  long  as  they  think  themfelves  concealed,  are  eafily  changed  for  the 
better:  but  if  they  once  find  themfelves  difcovered,  drive  out  one  Evil  with, 
another.     It  was  therefore  juftly  efteemed  the  utmoft  Prudence  in  Pompey\. 
that  he  direftly  burnt  all  the  Papers  o^  Ser tortus,  unperufed  by  himfelf,  or 
others.. 

Aphorism    V. 
8.  Poverty  comes  as  a  Traveller,  but  Want  as  an  armed  Mam 

'T'H  IS  Aphorifm  elegantly  defcribes  how  Prodigals,  and  fuch  as  take  noT^sw^j.  offt- 
*-    care  of  their  Afi^airs,  make  fliipwreck  of  their  Fortunes.     For  Debt,  ^'^'J^  "* 
and  Diminution  of  the  Capital,  at  firft  fleals  on  gradually,  and  almoft  im- 
perceptibly, like  a  7raw//fr;  but  foon  after,  Want  invades,  as  an  armed  Man  •, 

that 


206 


The  danger  of 

reproving 

mckid. 


The  Doctrine  o/ Business.     Sea.XXIV» 

that  is,  with  a  hand  fo  ftrong  and  powerfjl,  as  can  no  longer  be  refifted  : 
for 'twas  juftly  fiiid  by  th;  Ancients,  that  Nect-fllcy  is  of  all  thino-s  the 
ftrongeft.  We  muft,  therefore,  prevent  the  Traveller,  and  guard  againft 
the  armed  Man. 

A  P  H  O  R  I  S  M     VI. 

9.  He  '■joho  inflrulis  a  Scoffer,  procures  to  himfelf  reproach ;  and  he 
'[vho  reproves  a  iz'icked  Man,  procures  to  himfelf  a  Stain. 

""  'f  "T"  H I  S  agrees  with  the  Precept  of  our  Saviour,  not  to  throw  Pearls  be- 
'  ^  ■'■  fore  Swine.  The  Aphorifm  diftinguiflies  betwixt  the  Aftions  of  Pre- 
cept and  Reproof;  and  again  betwixt  the  Perfons  of  the  Sco'-'ier  and  the 
IVicked :  and  laftly,  the  Reward  is  diftinguifhcd.  In  the  former  cafe.  Precept  is 
repaid  by  a  lols  of  Labour;,  and  in  the  latter,  of  R,^proof,  'tis  repaid  with  aStain 
alfo.  For  when  any  one  inftrufts  and  teaches  a  Scorner,  he  firft  lofes  his  tiiTie  ; 
in  the  next  place,  others  laugh  at  his  Labour,  as  fruitlefs  and  mifapplied; 
and  la/llv,  the  ^.rorwr  himfelf  difdains  the  Knowledge  delivered.  But  Acre 
is  more  Danger  in  reproving  a  wicked  Man  -,  who  not  only  lends  no  Ear, 
but  turns  again,  and  either  direflly  rails  at  his  Admonifher,  who  has  now 
made  himfelf  odious  to  him  ;  or  at  leall,  afterwards  traduces  him  to  others. 

Aphorism    VII. 

10.  A  wife  Son  rejoices  his  Father,  hut  a  foolijh  Son  is  a  Sorrow 

to  his  Mother. 

The  Virtues  "T"  H  E  Domeftick  Joys  andGriefs  of  Father  and  Mother  from  their  Children, 
and  Vices  of  "*  are  here  diftinguiflied  :  for  a  prudent  and  hopeful  Son  is  a  capital  plea- 
chiUren  Mf-  f^re  to  the  Father  ;  who  knows  the  value  of  Virtue  better  than  the  Mother, 
fll%l,ler  and  therefore  rejoices  more  at  his  Son's  difpofition  to  Virtue.  This  Joy  may 
from  the  Mo-  'ilfo  be  heightened,  perhaps,  from  feeing  the  good  Effeft  of  his  own  Manage- 
ment, in  the  Education  of  his  Son  ;  fo  as  to  form  good  Morals  in  him  by 
Precept  and  Example.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Mother  fuffers  and  par- 
takes the  moft,  in  the  Calamity  of  her^o?/;  becaufe  the  maternal  Affeftion 
is  the  more  foft  and  tender  :  And  again,  perhaps,  becaufe  fhe  is  confcious  that 
her  Indulgence  has  fpoil'd,  and  depraved  him. 


ther. 


II, 


Aphorism   VIII. 

The  Memory  of  the  Juf  is  bleffed  i  but  the  Name  of  the  wicked 

Jha/l  rot. 


The  difference 
Setrveert  the 


117E  have  here  that  diftinftion  between  the  Charafter  of  good  and  evil  Men, 
'  •  which  ufually  takes  place  after  Death.  For  in  the  cafe  of  good  Men, 
nnllfdMrn  ^'^^"  Envy,  that  purfues  them  whilft  alive,  is  extinguiflied,  their  Name  pre- 
<ifier  Death.    Gently  fiourifhes ;  and  their  Fame  increafes  every  day.     But  the  Fame  of  bad 

1  Men, 


Sed.XXlV.    7^^  Doctrine  «/"Business.  207 

Men,  tho'  it  may  remain  for  a  while,  thro'  the  Favour  of  Friends  and 
Faftion  •,  yet  foon  becomes  odious  ;  and  at  length  degenerates  into  Infamy, 
and  ends,  as  it  were,  in  a  loathfome  odour.  ^ 

Aphorism    IX. 

1 2 .  He  "ujbo  troubles  his  own  Houfe,  j]dall  inherit  the  Wind. 

'T'HIS  is  a  very  ufeful  Admonition,  as  to  Domefhick  Jars  and  DifFeren-^ni^FoW^»/ 
■*  ces.  For  many  promife  themfdves  great  matters  from  the  feparation^t''.''"?"'^^'"'' 
of  their  Wives  ;  the  difinheriting  of  their  Children  ■,  the  frequent  changing 
of  Servants,  i£c.  as  if  they  fliould  thence  procure  greater  Peace  of  Mind,  or 
a  more  fuccefsful  Adminiftration  of  their  Affairs :  But  fuch  hopes  common- 
ly turn  to  Wind  ;  thefe  Changes  being  feldom  for  the  better.  And  fuch 
Difturb^rs  of  their  Families,  often  meet  with  various  Croffes  and  Ingratitude, 
from '^hofe  they  afterwards  adopt  and  chufe.  They,  by  this  means  alfo, 
brhig  lil  Reports,  and  ambiguous  Rumours  upon  themfelves.  For  as  Ckero 
well  obferves,  all  Alen's  Cbaraofers  proceed  from  their  Domeflicks.  And  both 
rhefe  Mifchiefs  Solomon  elegantly  expreffes,  by  the  PcJJeJjlon  of  the  Wind: 
for  the  fruftration  of  Expectation,  and  the  raifing  of  Rumours,  are  juftly 
compared  to  the  Winds. 

Aphorism    X. 

13.  The  End  of  a  T^ifcoiirfe  is  better  than  the  Beginning. 

TPHIS  Aphori'm  corrects  1  common  Error,  prevailing  not  only  among x/^^  0»««- 
fuch  .as  principally  ftudy  Words,  but  alfo  the  more  prudent -, -j/2;.   xhzifioncfcon- 
Men  are  more  foUrcitous  about  the   Beginnings  and  Entrances  of  their  Dif-  "^M"'"""  *^ 
courfes,  than  about  the  Conclufions:  and  more  exadly  labour  their  Prefaces  *  "S'*''*  '' 
and  Introductions,  than  their  Clofes.      Whereas  they  ought   not   to  negleft 
the  former  ;  but  (hould  have  the  latter,  as  being  Things  of  far  the  greater 
Confequence,    ready   prepared  beforehand ;    cafting  about  with  themfelves, 
as  much  as  pofTible,  what  may  be  the  laft  IflTue  of  the  Difcourfe  •,    and  how 
Bufinefs  may  be  thence  forwarded  and  ripened.     They  ought  further,    not 
only  to  confider  the  windings  up  ofDrfcourfes  relating  to  Bufinefs;  but  to 
regard  alfo  fuch  turns  as  may  be  advantageoufly  and  gracefully  given   upon 
departure  ;  even  tho'  they  fhould  be  quite  foreign  to  the  matter  in  hand.     It 
w.as  the  conftant  practice  of  two  great  and  prudent  Privy -CounfeUors,  on  whom 
the  weight  of  the  Kingdom  chiefly  refted,  as  often  as  they  difcourfed  with 
their  Princes  upon  Matters  of  State,  never   to  end  the  Converfation  with 
what  regarded  the  principal  Subjedl  •,  but  always  to  go  off  with  a  Jeft,  or 
fbme  pleafant  Device  ;  and  as  the  Proverb  runs,  'Ujafhing  off  their  fall-water 
Difcourfei  withfrefh,  at  the  Conchifion.     And  this  was  one  of  the  principal 
Arts  they  had. 

Aphorism 


2o8  7^^  Doctrine  o/BusiNEss.    Sec^.XXIV- 

Aphorism   XL 

14-  As  dead  Flies  caufe  the  befi  Ointment  to  yield  an  ill  Odour; 
fo  does  a  little  Folly  to  a  Man  in  Refuiation  for  fVifdom  and 
Honour. 

Little  Faults  'TT'HE  Condition  of  Men  eminent  for  Virtue,  is,  as  this  Jphorifm  exceU 
readily  cen/ii-     '■     lently  obferves,  exceeding  hard  and  miferable  -,  becaufe  their  Errors,  tho' 
re^  in  wife     ^y^^  (q  fmall,  are  not  overlooked :  But,  as  in  a  clear  Diamond,  every  lit- 
^"^  tie  grain,  or  fpeck,  ftrikes  the  Eye  difagreeably,  tho'  it  would  fcarce  be  ob- 

ferved  in  a  duller  Stone;  fo  in  Men  of  eminent  Virtue,  their  fmalleft  Vices 
are  readily  fpied,  talk'd  of,  and  feverely  cenfured  ;  whilft  in  an  ordinary 
Man,  they  would  either  have  lain  concealed,  or  been  eafily  excufed.  VS^'hence 
a  little  Folly  in  a  very  wife  Man  -,  a  fmall  Slip  in  a  very  good  Man  ;  and 
a  little  Indecency  in  a  polite  and  elegant  Man  ;  greatly  diminilh  their  Cha- 
racters and  Reputations.  It  might,  therefore,  be  no  bad  Policy,  for  Men 
of  uncommon  Excellencies,  to  intermix  with  their  Aftions  a  few  Abfurdi- 
ties,  that  may  be  committed  without  Vice  ;  in  order  to  refcrve  a  Liberty, 
and  confound  the  Obfervation  of  little  Defefts. 

Aphorism    XII. 

1 5 .  Scornful  Men  enfnare  a  City  -,    but  wife  Men  prevent  Ca- 
lamity. 

The  Capable  yx  may  feem  ftrange,  that  in  the  Defcription  of  Men,  formed,  as  it  were, 
Thelf^ata-  ^'^  Nature,  for  the  Deftruftion  of  States,  Solomon  fhould  chufe  the  Cha- 
^/^_  rafter,  not  of  a  proud  and  haughty,  not  of  a  tyrannical  and  cruel,  not  of 

a  rafh  and  violent,  not  of  a  feditious  and  turbulent,  not  of  a  foolifh  or  un- 
capable  Man  ■,  but  the  Charafter  of  a  Scorner.  Yet  this  choice  is  becom- 
ing the  Wifdom  of  that  King  ;  who  well  knew  how  Governments  were  fub- 
verted,  and  how  preferved.  For  there  is  fcarce  fuch  another  deftrudive 
thing  to  Kingdoms,  and  Commonwealths,  as  that  the  Counfellors,  or  Sena- 
tors, who  fit  at  the  Helm,  fliould  be  naturally  Scorners  ;  who,  to  Ihew  them- 
felves  courageous  Advifers,  are  always  extenuating  the  greatnefs  of  Dan- 
gers j  infulting,  as  fearful  Wretches,  thofe  who  weigh  them  as  they  ought -, 
and  "ridiculing  the  ripening  Delays  of  Counfel  and  Debate,  as  tedious 
Matters  of  Oratory,  unferviceable  to  the  general  Ifllie  of  Bufmefs.  They  de- 
fpife  Rumours,  as  the  Breath  of  the  Rabble,  and  things  that  will  foon  pafs 
over  -,  tho'  the  Counfels  of  Princes  are  to  be  chiefly  directed  from  hence. 
They  account  the  Power  and  Authority  of  Laws,  but  as  Nets  unfit  to  hold 
great  Matters.  They  rejeft,  as  Dreams  and  melancholy  Notions,  thofe 
Counfels  and  Precautions,  that  regard  Futurity  at  a  difiance.  They  fatyrize 
and  banter  fuch  Men  as  are  really  prudent  and  knowing  in  Affairs  -,  or  fuch 
as  bear  noble  Minds,  and  arc  capable  of  advifing.  In  fhort,  they  fap  all 
the  Foundations  of  Political  Govermnent  at  once  :  a  thing  which  deferves  the 

greater 


SeA.XXIV.      7%e  Doctrine  (5/*  Business.  209 

greater  Attention,  as  'tis  not  effefted  by  open  Attack,  but  by  fecret  Uncler- 
minincr :  nor  is  it,  by  any  means,  fo  much  fufpeded  among  mankind  as  it 
deferves  *. 

Aphorism    XIII. 

16.  The 'Prince  "jvho  willingly  hearkens  to  Lyes  Jjas  all  his  Servants 

wicked. 


W 


'"HEN  a  Prince  is  irijuditioufly  difpofed  to  lend  a  credulous  Ear  to  CredulUyuer^i 
Whifperers  and  Flatterers  •,  peftilent  Breath  feems  to  proceed  from  {^rmchus  m 
him  i  corrupting  and  infeding  all  his  Servants:  and  now  fome  fearch  into 
his  Fears,  and  increafe  them  with  fiftitious  Rumours  •,  fome  raife  up  in  him 
the  Fury  of  Envy,  efpecially  againft  the  moft  deferving  -,  fome,  by  acciifing 
Ot  others,  walh  their  own  Stains  away  ;  fome  make  room  for  the  Prefer- 
ment and  Gratification  of  their  Friends,  by  calumniating  and  traducing  their 
Competitors,  ^c.  And  thefe  Agents  are  naturally  the  moft  vicious  Ser- 
vants of  the  Prince.  Thofe  again,  of  better  Principles  and  Difpofitions,  after 
finding  little  Security  in  their  Innocence  ;  their  Mafter  not  knowing  how 
to  diftinguifli  Truth  from  Failhood  •,  drop  their  moral  Honefty,  go  into  the! 
eddy  Winds  of  the  Court,  and  fervilely  lubmit  to  be  carried  about  with 
them.  For  as  Tacitus  fays  of  Claudius,  There  is  nofafety  with  that  Prince,  in- 
to whofe  Mind  all  things  are  infufed  and  direSled.  And  Comines  well  obferves, 
that  'tis  better  being  Servant  to  a  Prince  whofe  Sufpicions  are  endlefs,  th  a  whofe 
Credulity  is  great. 

Aphorism   XIV. 

17.  Ajujl  Man  is  merciful  to  the  Life  of  his  Beafl,  but  the  Mef^ 
cies  of  the  Wicked  are  crtieL 


N 


Ature  has  endowed  Man  with  a  noble  and  excellent  Principle  of  Com-  Compajfon  tt 
paffwn,  which  extends  itfelf  even  to  the  Brutes,  that  by  divine  Appoint-  *«  UmitU. 
ment  are  made  fubjedt  to  him.  Whence  this  Companion  has  fome  refem- 
blance  with  that  of  a  Prince  towards  his  Subjedls.  And  'tis  certain,  that 
the  nobleft  Souls  are  moft  extenfively  merciflil  :  For  narrow  and  de- 
generate Spirits  think  Compaflion  belongs  not  to  them  ;  but  a  great  Soul, 
the  nobleft  part  of  the  Creation,  is  ever  compaffionate.  Thus  under  the 
old  Law  there  were  numerous  Precepts  not  merely  ceremonial,  as  the  or- 
daining of  Mercy,  for  example,  the  not  eating  of  Flefh  with  the  Blood 
thereof  ;  t?r.  So  likewife  the  Sefts  of  the  Effenes  and  Pythagoreans  totally 
abftained  from  Flefh  •,  as  they  do  alfo  to  this  day,  with  an  inviolated  Su- 
perftition,  in  fome  parts  of  the  Empire  of  Mogul.  Nay  the  Turks,  tho'  a 
cruel  and  bloody  Nation,  both  in  their  Defcent  and  Difcipline,  give  Alms 
to  Brutes  ;    and  fuffer  them  not  to  be  tortured.      But  left  this  Principle 

*  The  Author,  perhaps,  bad  his  Eye  upon  publick  as  well  as  private  Aflemblies. 
Vol.  I.  E  e  might 


210  7^^  Doctrine  o/ Business.        Seft.XXIV. 

might  feem  to  countenance  all  kinds  of  Compaffion  •,  Solomon  wholefomely 
fiibjoins,  'That  the  Mercies  of  the  Wicked  are  cruel;  tliat  is,  when  fuch  great 
Offenders  are  fpared,  as  ought  to  be  cut  off  with  the  Sword  of  Juftice.  For 
this  kind  of  Mercy  is  the  greateft  of  all  Cruelties;  as  Cruelty  affefts  but 
particular  Perfons  •,  whilft  Impunity  lets  loofe  the  whole  Army  of  Evil- 
doers ;  and  drives  them  upon  the  Innocent. 

Aphorism  XV. 

1%.  A  Fool  [peaks  all  his  Mind  ;  but  a  wife  Man  referves  fome- 

thing  for  hereafter. 

trohen  Dif-  TT  H I S  ^/&or//wz  feems  principally  levell'd,  not  againft  the  flitility  of  light 
ccurfe  frefer'J  ^  Perfons,  who  fpcak  what  they  (hould  conceal  ;  nor  againft  the  pertnefs 
u  continued,  ^j^j,  which  they  indifcriminately,  and  injudicioufly,  fly  out  upon  Men 
and  Things  ;  nor  againft  the  talkative  humour  with  which  fome  Men 
difguft  their  hearers  ;  but  againft  a  more  latent  Failing,  viz.  a  very  im- 
prudent and  impolitick  management  of  Speech  ;  when  a  Man  in  private 
Converfarion  fo  dircfts  his  Difcourfe,  as,  in  a  continued  ftring  of  Words,  to 
deliver  all  he  can  fay,  that  any  way  relates  to  the  Subject :  which  is  a  great 
prejudice  to  Bufinefs.  For,  (i.)  Difcourfe  interrupted  and  infufed  by  par- 
cels, enters  deeper  than  if  it  were  continued,  and  unbroke  ;  in  which  cafe 
the  weight  of  things  is  not  diftinftly  and  particularly  felt,  as  having  not 
time  to  fix  themfelves  ;  but  one  Reafon  drives  out  another,  before  it  had  ta- 
ken root.  (2.)  Again,  no  one  is  fo  powerful  or  happy  in  Eloquence,  as 
at  firft  fetting  out  to  leave  the  Hearer  perfeftly  mute  and  filent  ;  but  he  will 
always  have  fomething  to  anfwer,  and  perhaps  to  objeft,  in  his  turn.  And 
here  it  happens,  that  thofe  things  which  were  to  be  referved  for  Confutation, 
or  Reply,  being  now  anticipated,  lofe  their  Strength  and  Beauty.  (3.)  Laft- 
ly,  if  a  Perfon  does  not  utter  all  his  Mind  at  once,  but  fpeaks  by  ftarts, 
firft  one  thing,  then  another,  he  will  perceive  from  the  Countenance  and 
Anfwer  of  the  Perfon  fpoke  to,  how  each  particular  affedts  him ;  and  in 
what  Senfe  he  takes  it :  and  thus  be  diredted,  more  cautioufly,  to  fupprefs 
or  employ  the  matter  ftill  in  referve. 

Aphorism   XVI. 

19.  Ifthe^ifpleafiireofgreat  Men  rife  up  againft  thee,  for  fake 
not  thy  Tlace  :  for  pliant  Behaviour  extenuates  great  Offences. 

■The  Methodof^J^^^^  '^^^°'''f^  ftiews  how  a  Perfon  ought  to  behave,  when  he  has  in- 
recovering  *  curred  the  Difpleafure  of  his  Prince.     The  Precept  hath  two  parts. 

Prince's F»-  (i.)  that  the  Pcrfon  quit  not  his  Poft  ;  and  (2.)  that  he,  with  Diligence 
■vour.  and  Caution,  apply  to  the  Cure ;  as  of  a  dangerous  Difeafe.     For  when  Men 

fee  their  Prince  incenfed  againft  them  ;  what  thro'  Impatience  of  Difgrace  ; 

Fear  of  renewing  their  Wounds  by  fight ;    and  partly  to  let   their  Prince 

behoFd 


Sed. XXIV.     The  Doctrine  (j/'Business.  211 

behold  their  Contrition  and  Humiliation  -,  'tis  ufual  with  them  to  retire 
from  their  Office  or  Employ  ;  and  fometinies  to  refign  their  Places  and  Dig- 
nities into  their  Prince's  hands.  But  Solomon  difapproves  this  Method,  as 
pernicious.  For,  (i.)ic  publifhesthe  Difgracc  too  much-,  whence  both  our 
Enemies  and  Enviers  are  more  emboldened  to  hurt  us-,  and  our  Friends 
the  more  intimidated  from  lending  their  alTiftance.  (2.)  By  this  means  the 
Anger  of  the  Prince,  which  perhaps  would  have  blown  over  of  itfelf,  had 
it  not  been  made  publick,  becomes  more  fixed  -,  and  having  now  begun  to 
difplace  the  Perfon,  ends  not  but  in  his  Downfall.  (3.)  This  refigning  car- 
ries fomething  of  Ill-will  with  it,  and  fhews  a  diflike  of  the  Times  -,  which 
adds  the  Evil  of  Indignation  to  that  of  Sufpicion.  The  following  Remedies 
regard  the  Cure:  (r.)  Let  him  above  all  things  beware  how  by  any  Infen- 
fibility,  or  Elation  of  Mind,  he  feems  regardlefs  of  his  Prince's  Difpleafure  ; 
or  not  affefted  as  he  ought.  He  fliould  not  compofe  his  Countenance  to  a 
ftubborn  Melancholly  ;  but  to  a  grave  and  decent  DejeSlion :  and  fhew  him- 
felf,  in  all  his  Aftions,  lefs  brisk  and  chearful  than  ufual.  It  may  alfo  be 
for  his  advantage  to  ufe  the  AfliRance  and  Mediation  of  a  Friend  with 
the  Prince  -,  fcafonably  to  infinuate,  with  how  great  a  Senfe  of  Grief  the 
Perfon  in  difgrace  is  inwardly  affected.  (2.)  Let  him  carefully  avoid 
even  the  leaft  occafions  of  reviving  the  thing  which  caufed  the  Difpleafure  ; 
or  of  giving  any  handle  to  frelh  Diftafte,  and  open  Rebuke.  (3.)  Let  him 
diligently  feek  all  occafions  wherein  his  fervice  may  be  acceptable  to  his 
Prince  ;  that  he  may  both  Ihew  a  ready  Defire  of  retrieving  his  paft  Offence, 
and  his  Prince  perceive  what  a  Servant  he  muft  lofe  if  he  quit  him.  (4.) 
Either  let  him  prudently  transfer  the  Blame  upon  others  ;  or  infinuate  that 
the  Offence  was  committed  with  no  ill  defign  •,  or  fhew  that  their  Malice,  who 
accufed  him  to  the  Prince,  aggravated  the  thing  above  meafure.  (5.)  Laft- 
ly,  let  him  in  every  refpedt  be  watchful  and  intent  upon  the  Cure. 

Aphorism    XVII. 

20.  The  fir  ft  in  his  own  Caufe,  isjuft :  then  comes  the  other  Tarty, 

and  enquires  into  him. 

T""  H  E  firft  Information  in  any  Caufe,  if  it  dwell  a  little  with  the  Judge,  mre  to  eon- 
takes  root,  tinges  and  poflelTes  him  fo,  as  hardly  to  be  removed  again  ;  ?«"■  frepof- 
unlefs  fome  manifeft  Falfity  be  found  in  the  matter  itfelf;  or  fome  Artifice  ■^"''^"'  * 
be  difcovered  in  delivering  it.    For  a  naked  and  fimple  Defence,  tho' juft  and  ■'"  ^'' 
prevalent,  can  fcarce  balance  the  prejudice  of  a  prior  Information  ;  or  of 
itfelf  reduce  to  an  equilibrium   the  Scale  of  Juftice  that  has  once  inclined. 
It  is,  therefore,  fafeft  for  the  Judge  to  hear  nothing  as  to  the  Merits  of  a 
Caufe,  before  both  Parties  are  convened  i  and  beft  for  the  Defendant,  if  he 
perceive  the  Judge  prepoflefled,  to  endeavour,  as  far  as  ever  the  Cafe  will 
allow,  principally  todeteft  fome  Artifice,  or  Trick,  made  ufe  of  by  the  Plain- 
tiff to  abufe  the  Judge. 

E  e  2  Aphorism 


212 


7^^  Doctrine  «j/"  Business.     Sed.XXIV. 


Aphorism   XVIII. 

21.  He  who  brings  up  his  Servant  delicately-,  foallfind  him  Jlubborn 

in  the  end. 


he  tcny  of     ■pRincesand  Mafters  are,  by  the  Advice  of  Solomon,  to  obferve  Modera- 
'nr.aging       A     j-jon  in  Conferring  Grace  and  Favour  upon  their  Servants.     This  Mode- 


The 

managing       —    j-,on  m  conferring  Urace  and  I'avour  upon 

Tervanti""  ration  confifts  in  three  things,  (i.)  In  promoting  them  gradually;  not  by 
fudden  ftarts.  (2.)  In  accuftoming  them  fometimes  to  Denial.  And,  (3.) 
as  is  well  obferved  by  Machiavel,  in  letting  them  always  have  fomething 
further  to  hops  for.  And  unlefs  thefe  particulars  be  obferved.  Princes 
in  the  end,  will  doubtlefs  find  from  their  Servants  Difrefpeft  and  Obftinacy, 
inftead  of  Gratitude  and  Duty.  For  from  fudden  Promotion  arifes  Infolence; 
from  a  perpetual  obtaining  one's  Defires,  impatience  of  Denial  ;  and  if  there 
be  nothing  further  to  wifli,  there's  an  end  of  Alacrity  and  Induftry. 

Aphorism    XIX. 

22.  yf  Man  diligent  in  his  Bujinefs  ^  all  ft  and  before  Kings  •■,  and 
not  be  ranked  among  the  Vulgar. 


Difpatch,  the 
®tialification 
mojl  required 
by  Prince  J. 


The  Folly  of 
yporfliipping 
the  next  Heir, 


r\F  all  the  Virtues  which  Kings  chiefly  regard  and  require,  in  the  Choice 
^^  of  Servants,  that  of  Expedition,  and  Refolution,  in  the  difpatch  of  Bufi- 
nefs,  is  the  mod  acceptable.  Men  of  depth  are  held  fufpeded  by  Princes  ; 
as  infpefting  them  too  clofe  ;  and  being  able  by  their  ftrength  of  Capacity, 
as  by  a  Machine,  to  turn  and  wind  them,  againft  their  Will,  and  without 
their  Knowledge.  Popular  Men  are  hated  >  as  (landing  in  the  light  of  Kings; 
and  drawing  the  Eyes  of  the  Multitude  upon  themfelves.  Men  of  Courage 
are  generally  efteemed  turbulent,  and  too  enterprizing.  Honeft  and  juft 
Men  are  accounted  morofe  •,  and  not  compilable  enough  to  the  Will  of 
their  Mafters.  Laftly,  there  is  no  Virtue  but  has  its  Shade,  wherewith  the 
Minds  of  Kings  are  offended  ;  but  Difpatch  alone  in  executing  their  Com- 
mands, has  nothing  difpleafing  to  them.  Befides,  the  Motions  of  the  Minds 
of  Kings  are  fwift,  and  impatient  of  delay  :  for  they  think  themfelves  able 
to  effeft  any  thing  •,  and  imagine  that  nothing  more  is  wanting,  but  to  have 
it  done  inftantly.  Whence  Difpatch  is  to  them  the  moft  grateful  of  all  Things, 

Aphorism   XX. 

23.  If  aw  all  the  living  which  walk  under  the  Sum  with  the 
fucceeding youngTrince^  that  fl)all  rife  up  in  his  ftead. 

nr  HIS  Aphorifm  points  out  the  Vanity  of  thofe  who  flock  about  the  next 

•■•    SucceflTors  of  Princeu.      The  Root  of  this,  is  the  Folly  naturally  im- 

'  planted  in  the  Minds  of  Men-,  w'z.  their  bei.ng  too  fond  of  their  own  Hopes. 

For  fcarce  any  one  but  is  more  delighted  with  Hope  than  with  Enjoyment. 

2  Again, 


Sed.XXIV.     7^^  Doctrine  ^  Business.  ^   213 

Again,  Novelty  is  pleafing,  and  greedily  coveted  by  human  Nature:  and 
thefe  two  things,  Hope  and  Novelly,  meet  in  the  Succeflor  of  a  Prince. 
The  Jphorif?n  hints  the  fame  that  was  formerly  faid  by  Pompey  to  Sylla,  and 
again  by  Trbeiiusof  Macro,  that  I  he  Sia:  has  more  Adorers  rifmg  than  fetting. 
Yet  Rulers  in  poiTeffion  are  not  much  afFedted  with  this,  or  efteem  ic  any 
great  matter  ;  as  neither  Sylla  nor  'Tiberius  did  :  but  rather  laugh  at  the 
Levity  of  Men  -,  and  encounter  not  with  Dreams :  for  Hope,  as  was  well 
faid,  is  but  a  waking  Dream. 

Aphorism    XXI. 

24.  T^ere  was  a  little  City,  mann'd  but  by  a  fe'ia\  and  a  mighty 
King  dreisj  his  Army  to  it,  ere6ied  Bulwarks  againjl  it,  and 
entrenched  it  round  :  now  there  was  found  within  the  JValls  a 
poor  wife  Man,  and  he  by  his  IVifdom  delivered  the  City  j  but 
none  remembred  the  fame  foot  Man. 

nr  HIS  Parable  defcribes  the  corrupt  and  malevolent  Namre  of  Men,  rhe  Reward 
who  in  Extremities  and    Difficulties  generally  fly   to  the  Prudent  and  of  the  more 
the  Courageous ;  tho'  they  before  defpifed  them  :  and  as  foon  as  the  Storm  ^'/"""'H- 
is  over,  they  rtiew  Ingratitude  to  their  Prefervers.     Machiavel  had  reafon 
to  put  the  Queftion,  '■'■  IVhich  is  the  more  ungrateful  towards  tht  well-defer- 
ving,   the  Prince  or  the  People  ?  tho'  he   accufes  both  of  Ingratitude.     The 
thing  does  not  proceed  wholly  from  the  Ingratitude   either  of  Princes  or 
People  -,   but  it  is  generally  attended  with  the  Envy  of  the  Nobility  ;  who 
fecretly  repine  at  the  Event,    tho'  happy  and  profperous  •,  becaufe  it  was 
not  procured  by  themfelves.     Whence  t4iey  leflen  the  Merit  of  the  Author, 
and  bear  him  down. 

Aphorism    XXII. 
25.  The  Way  of  the  Slothful  is  a  Hedge  of  Thorns. 

'T'HIS  y/p/&o>-//7»  elegantly  ftiews,    that  Sloth  is  laborious  in  the  end.  For  x*«  Wt/»»- 
•■■    diligent  and  cautious  Preparation  guards  the  foot  from  ftumbling,  and  tage  of  con- 
fmooths  the  way   before  'tis  trod;  but  he  who  is  fluggifh,   and  defers  all  'ri-vingBHfi- 
things  to  the  laft  Moment,  mull  of  neceffity   be  at  every  ftep  treading  as  "'^'^ 
upon  Brambles  and  Thorns  -,  which  frequently  detain  and  hind;r  him  :  and 
the  fame  may  be  obferved   in  the  Government  of  a  Family  :   where  if  due 
Care  and  Forethought  be  ufed,  all  things  go  on  calmly,  and,   as  it  were, 
fpontaneoully,  without  Noife  and  Buftle  :  but  if  this  Caution  be  negledled  ; 
when  any  great  Occafion  arifes,  numerous  Matters  croud  in  to  be  done  at 
orice  i  the  Servants  are  in  confufion  ;  and  the  Houfe  rings. 


Aphorism 


214  ^^  Doctrine  <?/ Business.      Sed.XXIV. 

Aphorism  XXIII. 

2  6.  He  liiho  nfpeEis  Terfons  in  Judgment,  does  ill i  andwill  for- 
fake  the  Truth, for  apiece  of  Bread. 

Tacility  of      T""HIS  Aphorifm  wifely  obferves,  thac  Facility  of  Temper  is  more  perni- 

Temper  ferni-    *-     cious  in  a  Judge  than  Bribery :  for  Bribes  are  not  ofFer'd  by  all ;  but 

cious  m  a,       there  is  no  Caufe  wherein  fomething  may  not  be  found  to  fway  the  Mind 

J"  S'-  Qf  j|.,e  Judge,  if  he  be  a  Refpefter  of  Perfons.     Thus,  one  fhall  ^be  refpefted 

tor  his  Country,  another  for  his  Riches i  another  for  being  recommended 

by  a  Friend,  l^c.    So  that  Iniquity  muft  abound  where  Refpeft  of  Perfons 

prevails  •,  and  Judgment  be  corrupted  for  a  very  trifling  thing,  as  it  were 

for  a  Morfcl  of  Bread. 

Aphorism    XXIV. 

27.  j4 poor  Man,  that   by  Extortion  opprejfes  the  'Poor,  is  like  a 

Land-flood  that  caufes  Famine. 

Rich  Cover-  'T'HIS  Parable  was  anciently  painted  by  the  Fable  of  the  Leech,  full 
tiouri  prefer  d  ^-  and  cmpt-j  ;  for  the  Oppreffion  of  a  poor  and  hungry  Wretch  is  much 
u  por  ones,  j^^^g  grievous  than  the  Oppreffion  of  one  who  is  rich  and  full  •,  as  he 
fearches  into  all  the  Corners  and  Arts  of  Exaftion,  and  Ways  of  raifing  Con- 
tributions. The  thing  has  been  alfo  ufually  refembled  to  a  Sponge  ;  which 
fucks  ftrorgly  when  dry,  but  lefs  when  moift.  And  it  contains  an  ufe- 
ful  Admonition  to  Princes,  that  they  commit  not  the  Government  of 
Provinces,  or  Places  of  Power,  to  indigent  Men,  or  fuch  as  are  in  debt ; 
and  again  to  the  People,  that  they  permit  not  their  Kings  to  ftruggle  with 
Want. 

Aphorism    XXV. 

28.  A  jufl  Man  falling  before  the  IVicked,  is  a  troubled  Fountain, 

and  a  corrupted  Spring. 

Unjufi  and     HT  HIS  is  a  Caution  to  States,  that  they  Ihould  have  a  Capital  Regard 

fiMick  Sen-      ^    to  the  paffing  an  unjuft  or  infamous  Sentence,  in  any  great  and  weigh- 

tencesvorfe     ty  Caufc  •,  where  not  only  the  Guilty  is  acquitted,    but  the  Innocent  con- 

'jn'urie^^'*''   demned.    To  countenance  private  Injuries,  indeed  difturbs  and  pollutes  the 

"^  ''  ''         clear  Streams  of  Juftice,    as  it  were,  in  the  Brook  5  but  unjuft  and  great 

publick  Sentences,  which  are  afterwards  drawn  into  Precedents,  infedl  and 

defile  the  very  Fountain  of  Juftice.     For  when   once  the  Court  goes  on  the 

fide  of  Injuftice  ;  the  Law  becomes  a  publick  Robber,  and  one  Man  really  a 

Wolf  to  another. 

Aphorism 


Secl.XXIV.       75^  Doctrine  (j/'BusiNESs.  215 

Aphorism   XXVI. 

29.  Contract  no  Friend^ip  'with  an  angry  Man ;  nor  ivalk  with  a 

furious  one. 

•Tp  H  E  more  religioudy  the  Laws  of  Friendlliip  are  to  be  obferved  amongft  The  Caution 
*■     good  Men,  the  more  Caution  fhould  be  ufed  in  making   a  prudent  '■f?""'^. '" 
Choice  of  Friends.    The  Nature  and  Humour  of  Friends,  fo  far  as  concerns  f^"f^%;/tf. 
ourfelves  alone,  fhould  be  abfolutely  tolerated  •,  but  when  they  lay  us  un- 
der a  Neceffity,  as  to  the  Charafter  we  fhould  put  on  towards  others ;  this 
becomes  an  exceeding  hard  and  unreafonable  Condition  of  Fiiendfliip.     'Tis 
therefore  of  great  moment  to  the  Peace  and  Security  of  Life,  according 
to  the  direftion  of  Solomon,  to   have    no  Friendfhip  jwith  pafTionate  Men  -, 
and  fuch  as  eafily  ftir  up  or  enter  into  Debates  and  Quarrels.      For  fuch 
Friends  will  be  perpetually  entangling  us  in  Strifes  and  Contentions  •,  fo  that 
we  muft  either  break  off  with  them,  or  have  no  regard  to  our  own  fafety. 

Aphorism    XXVII. 

5  o.  He  who  conceals  a  Fault,  feeks  Friendfhip  ;   but  he  who  re- 
peats a  Matter,  feparates  Friends. 

TpHERE  are  two  ways  of  compofing  Differences,  and  reconciling  the  The  way  of 
Minds  of  Men  -,    the  one  beginning  with   Oblivion  and  Forgivenefs  -,  pocuringKe- 
the  other  with  a  Recolkdion  of  the  Injuries  ;  interweaving  it  with  Apolo-  """  ""«"'• 
gies  and  Excufes.    1  remember  it  the  Opinion  of  a  very  wife  Politician, 
"  That  he  who  treats  of  Peace  without  repeating  the  Conditions  of  the  Dif- 
"  ference,  rather  deceives  the  Mind  with  the  fweetnefs  of  Reconciliation, 
"  than  equitably  makes  up  the  Matter."      But  Solomon,  a  flill  wifer  Man, 
is  of  a  contrary  Opinion  -,  and  approves  of  forgetting  ;  but  forbids  a  repe- 
tition of  the  Difference,  as  being  attended  with  thefe  Inconveniencies  :    (i.) 
that  it  rakes  into  the  old  Sore;  (2.)  that  it  may  caufe  a   new  Diff"erence; 
(3.) and  laftly,  that  it  brings  the  Matter  to  end  in  Excufes:  Whereas  both 
fides  had  rather  feem  to  forgive  the  Injury,  than  allow  of  an  Excufe. 

Aphorism    XXVIII. 

l\.  In  every  good  Work,   is  Tlenty i   but   where  Words   abound^ 
there  is  commonly  a  Want. 

oOlomon  here  diftinguifhes  the  Fruit  of  the  Labour  of  the  Tongue,   and  The  Mftrence 
*J  that  of  the  Labour  of  the  Hand;  as   if  from    the  one  came  "Want,  pfj^ixt  «yf- 
and  from    the  other  Abundance.     For,   it  al molt  conftantly  happens,  that  ('.J7i''rfr-'* 
they  who  fpeak   much,  boafl   much,  and   promife    largely,    are  but  ha.r- fin. 
ren  ;  and  receive  no  Fruit  from    the  things  they  talk  of:  being    feldom 

indu- 


2i6  The  Doctrine  </ Business.     Sedi.XXIV, 

induftrlous  or  diligent  in  Works,  but  feed  and  fatisfy  themfelves  with  Dif- 
courfe  alone,  as  with  Wind  :  whilft,  as  the  Poet  intimates,  He  who  is  confcious 
to  himfclf,  that  he  can  really  effcCl,  feels  the  Satisfaftion  inwardly,  and  keeps 
filent  ^  :  whereas,  he  who  knows  he  grafps  nothing  but  empty  Air,  is  full  of 
Talk  and  It  range  Stories. 

Aphorism    XXIX. 
32.  Open  Reproof  is  better  than  ficret  Affe^ion^ 

The  Keproof  'T^  HIS  Aphofifm  reprehends  the  Indulgence  of  thofe  who  ufe  not  the 
tine  to  Friends.  A  Privilege  of  Friendfliip,  freely  and  boldly  to  admonifli  their  Friends, 
as  well  of  their  Errors  as  their  Dangers.  "  What  fhall  I  do?  lays  an  eafy 
*'  good-natured  Friend,  or  what  courfe  fhall  I  take  ?  I  love  him  as  well  as 
"  Man  can  do  •,  and  would  willingly  fufFer  any  Misfortune  in  his  {lead  : 
"  but  I  know  his  Nature  -,  if  Ideal  freely  with  him,  I  fhall  offend  him: 
"  at  lead  chagreen  him  ;  and  yet  do  him  no  Service.  Nay,  I,  {hall  fooner 
•'  alienate  his  Friendniip  from  me,  than  win  him  over  from  thofe  things  he 
"  has  {ixed  his  Mind  upon."  Such  an  effeminate  and  ufelefs  Friend  as  this, 
Solomon  reprehends  ;  and  pronounces,  that  greater  advantage  may  be  recei- 
ved from  an  open  Enemy  :  as  a  Man  may  chance  to  hear  thofe  things 
from  an  Enemy,  by  way  of  reproach  ;  which  a  Friend,  thro'  too  much 
Indulgence,  will  not  fpeak  out. 

Aphorism  XXX. 
33.  A  prudent  Man  looks  well  to  his  Steps  i  but  a  Fool  turns  afide 

to  "Deceit. 

that  Honefly    TT  HERE  are  two  kinds  of  Prudence  ;  the  one  true  and  found  -,  the  other 
is  true  Folicy.  degenerate  and  falfe  :  the  latter  Solomon  calls   by    the  Name  of  Folly- 

The  Candidate  for  the  former  has  an  eye  to  his  Footings,  looking  out  for 
Dangers,  contriving  Remedies,  and  by  the  A{ri{tance  of  good  Men  defend- 
ing himfelf  againft  the  bad  :  he  is  wary  in  entring  upon  Bufinefs,  and  not 
unprovided  of  a  Retreat;  watchful  for  Opportunities  •,  powerful  againft  Oppo- 
fition,  t?f.  But  the  Follower  of  the  other  is  wholly  patch'd  up  of  Fallacy  and 
Cunning  -,  placing  all  his  hope  in  the  circumventing  of  others,  and  forming 
them  to  his  flmcy.  And  this  the  Aphorifm  juftly  rejedls,  as  a  vicious,  and  even 
a  weak  kind  of  Prudence.  For,  (i.)  'Tis  by  no  means  a  thing  in  our  own 
power  •,  nor  depending  upon  any  conftant  Rule :  but  is  daily  inventing  of  new 
Stratagems,  as  the  old  ones  fail  and  grow  ufelefs.  (2.)  He  who  has  once  the 
Charafter  of  a  crafty,  tricking  Man,  is  entirely  deprived  of  a  principal  In- 
ftrument  of  bufinefs,  Triift ;  whence  he  will  {ind  nothing  fucceed  to  his 
wiih.  Laftly,  however  fpecious  and  pleafing  thefe  Arts  may  feem,  yet  they 
are  often  frultrated  ;  as  was  well  obferved  by  Tacitus,  when  he  faid,  that  crafty 
and  bold  Counf lis,  tho'  pleafant  in  the  Ex^e^atmh  are  hard  to  execute;  and  un^ 
happy  in  the  Event. 

Aphorism 

'  ^i  filtt  tft  Tirmfti. 


Sc<^.XXIV.     75;^  Doctrine  o/"  Business.  217 

Aphorism  XXXI. 

34.  Be  not  over-righteous,  nor  make  thyfelf  over-wife;  for  why 
fljouldjl  thou  fuddenly  be  taken  off  ^ 

^11  ERE  are  times,  fays  'Tacitus ,  ivherein  great  Virtues  meet  with  certain  The  danger  tf 
•■  Ruin.      A  nd  this    happens  to   Men,  eminent  for  Virtue  and   Jtiftice,  f  ^"'^  ^''■'«« 
fometimes  fuddenly  ;  and  fometimes  after  it  was  long  forefeen.    But  if  Pru-  "'^''•'r/me^ 
dence  be  alfo  joined,  fo  as  to  make  fuch  Men  cautious,  and  watchful  of  their 
own  fafety  •,  then  they  gain  thus  much,    that  their  Ruin    fliall  come    fud- 
denly ;  and   entirely   from  fecret  and  dark   Councils:    whence  they  may 
efcape  Envy,  and  meet  Deftrudlion   unexpeded.      But  for  that  over-righ- 
teoufnefs  exprefled  in  the  Aphorifm  ;  'tis  not  underflood  of  Virtue  itfelf,  in 
which  there  is  no  Excefs,    but  of  a  vain  and   inviduous  Affedlation,    and 
Shew  thereof -,  like  yiViXX.  Tacitus  \ni\mit&9,  oi  Lepidus  ;    making  it  a  kind  of 
Miracle,  that  he  never  gave  any  fervile  Opinion,  and  yet  Hood  fafe  in  fe- 
vere  times. 

Aphorism   XXXII. 

3  5-  Give  occajion  to  a  wife  Man,   and  his  Wifdom  will  be  en- 

creafed. 

'~r*  ¥{IS  Aphorifm  diftinguiflies  between  that  Wifdom  which   has    graven  The  difference 
up  and  ripened  into  a  true  Habit,  and  that  which  only  floats  in  the  betwixt  Jlml- 
Bjain -,  oris  toft  upon  the  Tongue,  without  having  taken  root.     The  for-  '«w'""'/»"'"^ 
mer,  when  occafion  offers,  is   prefently  rouzed,  got  ready,  and  diftended,  •^''"'*^'^*- 
fo  as  to  appear  greater  than  itfelf  ;  whereas  the  latter,  which  was  pert  be- 
fore, (lands  amazed  and  confounded,  when  occafion  calls  for  it :    fo  that 
the  Perfon,  who  thought  himfelf  endowed   with   this  Wifdom,    begins  to 
queftion  whether  his  Prjeconceptions  about  it,  were  not  meer  Dreams,  and 
empty  Speculations. 

Aphorism  XXXIII, 

36.  To  praife  one's  Friend  aloud,  rifing  early,  has  the  fa^ie  effeSi 

as  curfing  him. 

■jyiOderate  and  feafonable  Praifes,  dropt  occafionally,  are  of  great  fervice  rh  r  j  7 
■••   ■*■  to  the  Reputation  and  Fortunes  of  Men  •,  whilfl:  immoderate,  noify  and  J  ll^J^f 
fijlfome  Praifes,  do  no  good,  but  rather  hurt,  as  the  Jphorfn  expreffes  k.  led  m  Fr/tife. 
For  (i.)  they  plainly  betray  themfelves  to  proceed  from  an  excefs  of  good- 
will ;  or  to  be  purpofely  defigned,  rather  to  gain  Favour  with  the  Perfon, 
by  falfe   Encomiums,  than  to  paint  him  juftly.     (2,)  Sparing  and  modtfl: 
Praifes  generally   invite  the  Company   fomewhat  to  improve  them  -,    but 
^'OL-I.  Ff  profufe 


2i8  The  Doctrine  o/ Business.     Sed-XXIV, 

profufe  and  immoderate  ones,  todetraft,  and  take  off  from  them  (3.)  The 
principal  thing  is,  that  immoderate  Praifes  procure  envy  to  the  Perfon 
praifed  -,  as  all  extravagant  Commendations  feem  to  reproach  others  that 
may  be  no  lefs  deferving. 

Aphorism   XXXIV. 

37.  As  the  Face  pjines  in  Water,  fo  are  Mens  Hearts  manifejl  to 

the  Wife. 

Tht»ivan-  nTHlS  Jpbonffn  diftinguifhes  between  the  Minds  of  prudent  Men,  and 
tage  of  Know-  ■'■  thofe  of  others ;  by  comparing  the  former  to  Water,  or  a  Mirror, 
ledge.  which  receives  the  forms  and  images  of  things  -,  whilft  the  latter  are  like 

Earth,  or  unpoliflied  Stone,  which  reflefts  Nothing.  And  the  Mind  of 
a  prudent  Man  is  the  more  aptly  compared  to  a  Glafs,  becaufe  therein 
one's  own  Image  may,  at  the  fame  time,  be  viewed  along  with  thofe  of  o- 
thers  •,  which  could  not  be  done  by  the  Eye,  without  afTiftance  :  but  if  the 
Mind  of  a  prudent  Man  be  fo  capacious,  as  to  obferve  and  diftinguifh  an 
infinite  diverfity  of  Natures  and  Manners  in  Men  ;  it  remains,  that  we  endea- 
vour to  render  it  as  various  in  the  Application  as  'tis  in  the  Reprefenta- 
tion  ». 

rarther  Dl-        3^-  And  fo  much  by  way  of  Example  of  the  Docfrine  of  various  Occa- 
riBlons  about  fions.  For  thus,  it  was  not  only  ufual  among  the  Jews,  but  very  common  al- 
ihe  Method  of  ^Q  among  the  wife  Men  of  other  ancient  Nations,  when  they  had,  by  obfer- 
ft<Te«^ '  "    vation,  hit  upon  any  thing  ufeful  in  common  Life,  to  reduce  and  contraft- 
it  into  fome  fhort  Sentence,  Parable,   or   Fable.      Fables  anciently  fup- 
plied  the  defeft  of  Examples  ;  but  now  that  times  abound  with  variety  of 
Hiftories,  'tis  better,  and  more  enlivening,  to  draw  from  real  Life.      But 
the  method  of  writing  beft  fuited  to  fo  various  and  intricate  a  Subjeft,  as 
the  different  Occafwm  of  Civil  Bufinefs,    is  that  which  Machiavel  chofe  for 
treating  Politicks ;    viz.  by  Obfervation,  or  Difcourfe,  upon  Hiftories  and 
Exa.nples.     For  the  Knowledge  which  is  newly  drawn,  and,  as  it  were,  un- 
der our  own  Eye,  f''om  Particulars,  beft  finds  the  way  to  Particulars  again. 
And  doubiljfs,  'tis  much  more  conducive  to  Praftice,  that  the  Difcourfe 
fol'iovv  the  Example,  than  that  the  Example  follow  the  Difjourfe.      And 
this  regards  not  only  the  Order,  but  the  Thing  itielf ;  for  when  an  Exam- 
ple is  propofed  as  the  B.ifis  of  a  Difcourfe,    'tis  ulli  Jiy  propofed  with  its 
whole  Apparatus  of  Circumftances  •,  which  may  fometimes  correft  and  fup- 
ply  it ;  whence  it  becomes  as  a  Model  for  Imitation  and  Praiflice:  whilft 
Examples,  produced  for  the  fake  of  the  Treatife,  arc  but  fuccinftly  and  naked- 
ly quoted  ;  and,  as  Slave..,  wholly  attend  the  Call  of  the  Difcourfe. 
rhetnoftcom-      39.  'Tis  worth  while  to  obferve  this  difference-,  that  as  the  Hiftories  of 
modioli!  Me-    Timcs  afford  the  beft  matter  for  Difcourfes  upon  Politicks,  fuch  as  thofe 

thoii  for  the  .  ^f 

fHrfofe. 

'  ^IfufitylmumerU  Moribus  apm  er'tt. 


SedV.  XXV.  Self-Policy.  219 

of  Machiavel^  ;  fo  the  Hiftories  of  Lives  are  mod  advantageonfly  iifed  for 
inftruftions  of  Bufinefs  :  becaufe  tliey  contain  all  the  poflible  variety  of  Oc- 
cafions  and  Affairs,  as  well  great  as  fniall.  Yet  a  more  commodious  Foun- 
dation may  be  had  for  the  Precepts  of  Bufinefs,  than  either  of  thefe  Hifto- 
ries ;  and  that  is,  the  difcourfing  upon  prudent  and  ferious  Epiftles,  fuch  as 
thofe  of  Cicero  to  Jtticus,  Sec.  For  Epiftles  reprefent  Bufinefs  nearer  and 
more  to  the  Life,  than  either  Ann  ds  or  Lives'".  And  thus  we  have  treated 
of  the  Matter  and  Form  of  the  firft  part  of  the  Do5lrine  of  Bufinefs,  which 
regards  Variet)  of  Occafiom ;  and  place  it  among  the  Defiderata". 


SECT.     XXV. 

Of  Self-Policy;  or   ^-6^  Doctrine  o/"  Rising  in 

Life. 

I.  i.'TpHERE   is  another  part  of  the  Doctrine  of  Business,  diffe-  PfivateTdh 

jL.    ring  as  much  from  the  former,  as  the  being  wife  in    the  general,  cy  diferent 
and  being  -ujijefor  one's  felf.     The  one  feems  to  move,  as  from  the  Centre  to  f''""*  Z"*^^'^*^' 
the  Circumference  ;  and  the  other  as  from  the  Circumference  to  the  Centre. 
For  there  is  a  certain  Prudence  of  giving  Counfel  to  others ;  and  another  of 
looking  to  one' s  fian  Affairs :  both  thefe  indeed  are  fometimes  found  united, 
but  ofteneft  feparate.     As  many  are  prudent  in  the  Manrigement  of  their  own 
private  Concerns ;  and  weak  in  publick  Adminiftration,  or  the  gi^irg  Ad- 
vice :  like  the  Ant,  which  is  a  wife  Creature   for  itfelf,  but  pernicious  in  a 
Garden.     This  Virtue  of  Self-Wifdom  was  not  unknown  even  to  the  Roman, 
thofe  great  Lovers  of  their  Country  :   Whence  fays  the  Comedian,  the  wife 
Man  forms  his  own  Fortune^;  and  they  had   it  proverbial  amongft  them, 
Ever-j  Man's  Fortune  lies  in  bis  own  hand'.    So  Livy  gives  this  Character  of 
the  elder  Cato,    ' '  Such  was  his  Force  of  Mind  and  Genius.,  that  where-ever 
he  had  been  born.,  he  feem'd  formed  for  making  his  own  Fortune.'* 

2.  But  if  any  one  publickly  profefs'd,  or  made  open  ftiow  of  this  kind  ts  not  to  Be 
of  Prudence,  'twas  always  accounted,  not  only  impolitick,  but  ominous  and  profejfeJ. 
unfortunate  ;  as  was  obferved  of  Timotheus  the  Athenian^  who  after  having 

F  f  2  performed 

•  Efpecially  his  Prmetpi,  with  the  Notes  oi  Conringius,  Ed.  1660. 
'See  above  e/ History,  Stti.l.  j6. 

'  The  Author's  Eflays,  or  Sermones  Fideles,  being  fhort  Difcourfes  upon  a  varietyof  Mora!, 
Political,  and  Oeconoroical  SubjeSs,  may  be  efteemed  a  farther  Attempt  to  fupply  this  Defi- 
ciency in  the  Dodirine  of  Various  Ocenfions.  See  Supplement  XI.  to  this  Piece  Je  Angmtntis 
Scientiarum. 

^  Nam  fol  fafitni  fingit  forttinam  Jiii. 

*  Water  iiuif^Me  fertH/i*  proprit. 


220 


S  E  L  F-Po  L  I  C  Y 


or. 


Sea.  XXV. 


The  DoBrine 
efrijing  in 
Life  deficient. 


An  Example 
tf  the  wily  to 
Juffly  it. 


performed  many  great  Exploits,  for  the  honour  and  advantage  of  his  Country, 
and  giving  an  account  of  his  Conduft  to  the  People,  as  the  manner  then 
was,  he  concluded  the  feveral  Particulars  thus ;  "  A?id  here  Fortune  bad  no 
*'  JJjare :"  after  which  time,  nothing  ever  fucceededin  his  hands.  This  was, 
indeed,  too  arrogant  and  haughty,  like  that  o^ Pharaoh  in  Ezekiel ;  "  Thou 
"  fayfi  ^^^^  River  is  7ni}ie,  and  I  made  m'^felf  "  or  that  oi  Habakkuck,  "  They 
"  rejoice,  and  facrifice  to  their  Net  \"  or  again,  xh-ii  oi  Mezenttus,  who  cal- 
led his  Hand  and  Javelin  his  God  ^  ;  or  laftly,  that  of  Julius  Ca-far,  the  on- 
ly time  that  we  find  him  betraying  his  inward  Sentiments :  for  when  the 
Arufpex  related  to  him,  that  the  Entrails  were  not  profperous,  he  mutter'd 
foftly,  "  They  jhall  he  letter  when  I  pleafe ,"  which  was  iliid  not  long  be- 
fore his  unfortunate  Death.  And  indeed  this  excefllve  confidence,  as  it  is  a 
prof-ine  thing ;  fo  it  is  always  unhappy.  Whence  great,  and  truly  wife  Men 
think  proper  to  attribute  all  their  Succefles  to  their  Felicity  -,  and  not  to  their 
Virtue  and  Induftry.  So  S\lla  ftyled  himMi  happy,  not  great ;  and  Qrfart 
at  another  time,  more  advifedly,  faid  to  the  Pilot,  "  Thou  carrieft  Cafar 
and  his  Fortune." 

3.  ButthefeExpreffions,  "  Every  one*s  Fortune  is  in  his  oicn  hand ;  A  wife 
"  Manjhall  controul  the  Stars;  Every -way  is  pajfable  to  Virtue,  &c."  ifun- 
derftood,  and  ufed,  rather  as  Spurs  to  Induftry,  than  as  Stirrups  to  Infolence; 
and  rather  to  beget  in  Men  a  Conftancy  and  Firmnefs  of  Refolution,  than 
Arrogance  and  Oftentation  ;  they  are  defervedly  eftecmed  found  and  whole- 
fome.  And  hence,  doubtlefs,  it  is,  that  they  find  reception  in  the  Breafts 
of  great  Men  ;  and  make  it  fometimes  difficult  for  them  to  diffemble  their 
Thoughts.  So  we  find  Auguflus  Cafar,  who  was  rather  different  from,  than 
inferior  to  his  Uncle,  tho'  doubtlefs  a  more  moderate  Man,  required  his 
Friends,  as  they  flood  about  his  Death-bed,  to  give  him  their  Applaufe  at 
his  Exit ;  as  if  confcious  to  himfelf,  that  he  had  afted  his  part  well  upon  the 
Stage  of  Life.  And  this  part  of  Dodtrine  alfo  is  to  be  reckoned  as  deficient  : 
not  but  that  it  has  been  much  ufed  and  beaten  in  Praftice  ;  tho'  not 
taken  notice  of  in  Books.  Wherefore,  according  to  our  Cuftom,  we  fhall 
here  fet  down  fome  Heads  upon  the  Subjedl ;  under  the  Title  of  the  Self- 
Politician,  or  the  Art  of  Rising  in  Life. 

4.  It  may  feem  a  new  and  odd  kind  of  thing,  to  teach  Men  how  to  make 
their  Fortui>es.  A  DyBrine  which  every  one  would  gladly  learn,  before  he 
finds  the  Difficulties  of  it.  For  the  things  required  to  procure  Fortune,  are 
not  fewer  or  lefs  difficult  than  thofe  to  procure  Virtue.  It  is  ns  rigid  and 
hard  a  thing  to  become  a  true  Politician,  as  a  true  Moraliji.  Yet  the  treat- 
ing of  this  Subieft  nearly  concerns  the  Credit,  and  Merit,  of  Learning. 
'Tis  of  great  importance  to  the  Honour  of  Learning,  that  Men  of  Bufinefs 
fhould  know.  Erudition  is  not  like  a  Lark,  which  flie .  high,  and  delights 
in  nothing  but  finging  •,  but  that  'tis  rather  like  a  Hawk,  which  loars  ;Joft 
indeed,  but  can  ftoop  when  fhe  finds  it  convenient,  and  feize  her  Prey. 
Again,  this  alfo  regards  the  Perfeftion  of  Learning  ;  for  the  true  Rule  of  a 

perfect 


*  Dextra  mihi  Dent,  ^  Telum^  quod  mij/ile  liirt. 
Nunc  adjint 


Sedl. XXV.  />5^  Doctrine  ^  Rising  IN  Life.  221 

perftdl  Enquiry,  is,  that  nothing  can  be  found  in  the  material  Globe  which 
hai  not  its  correfpcndent  in  the  Cryftalline  Globe,  the  Unde-rfianding  ;  or,  that 
there  is  Nothing  found  in  Pra^ice,  which  has  not  its  particular  Do8rim 
and  Theor-j ».  But  Learning  efteems  the  Building  of  a  private  Fortune,  as 
a  Work  of  an  inferior  kind.  For  no  Man's  private  Fortune  can  be  an  End 
any  way  worthy  of  his  Exiftence.  Nay,  it  frequenly  happens,  that  Men  of 
eminent  Virtues  renounce  their  Fortune,  to  purfue  the  Things  of  a  fubli- 
mer  Nature.  Yet  even  private  Fortune,  as  it  is  the  inftrument  of  Virtue, 
and  doing  good,  is  a  partiadar  DoBrviey  worthy  of  Confideration. 

II.  5.  T\\\%Do^rineh.'!i?,ifi  Precepts,  fome  whereof  are yaw/w^rj  or  collec-  ColUaiveVre- 
tive,  and  others fc altered  and  various.      The  collc5five  Precepts  are  founded  "/"'-  ^iz.^^t 
ina>7?  Knoidedge,  (i.)  of  ourfehes,  and  {2.)  of  others.     Let  this,  therefore,  f/l^ZTd'' 
be  the  firft,  whereon  the  Knowledge   of  the  reft  principally  turns-,  that  we  firft  of  others, 
procure  to  ourfelves,  as  far  as  poffiUe,    the  Windoijj  once  required  by  Momus  :  next  of  our 
who  feeing  lb  many  Corners  and  Recefles   in  the  Struflure  of   the  human  Z^''^"- 
Heart,  found  fault  that  it  fhould  want  a  Window  •,  thro'  which  tiiofe  dark 
and  crooked  turnings  might  be  viewed.     This  Window  may  be  procured 
by  diligently  informing  ourfelves  of  the  particular  Perfons  we  have  to  deal 
with  •,    their  Tempers,  Defires,  Views,  Cuftoms,  Habits  ;  the  Afliftances, 
Helps,  and  Aflurances,   whereon  they  principally  rely,  and  whence  they  re- 
ceive their  Power  -,  their  Defeftsand  Weaknefl'es,  whereat  they  chiefly  lie  open, 
and  are  accefTible  -,  their  Friends,  Factions,   Patrons,  Dependants,  Enemies, 
Enviers,  Rivals  ;  their  Times, and  Manner  of  Accefs;  their  Principles,  and  the 
Rules  they  prefcribe  themfelves,  tfff.     But  our  Information  Ihould  not  wholly 
reft  in  the  Perfons,  but  alio  extend  to  the  particular  Actions,  which  from  time 
to  time  come  upon  the  Anvil  ;  how  they  are  condufted  •,  with  what  Succefs ; 
by  whole  Afliftance  promoted  ;  by  whom  oppofcd  ;  of  what  Weight  and 
Moment  they  are  ;  what  their  Confequences,  (s!c.     For  a  Knowledge  ofpre- 
fent  Artions,    is  not  only  very   advantageous  in   itfelf ;  but  without  it  the 
Knowledge  of  Perfons  will  be  very  fallacious  and  uncertain.     For  Men  change 
along  with  their  Adions  ;  and  are  one  thing  whilft  entangled  and  furround- 
ed  with  Bufinefs  ;  and  another  when  they  return  to  themfelves.     And  thefe 
particular  Informations  with  regard  to  Perfons,  as  well  as  Actions.^  are  like 
the  minor  Propofitions  in  every  aftive  Syllogifm:  for  no  Truth,  nor  excel- 
lence of  Obfervations,   or  Axioms,    whence  the   mafr  political  Propofilions 
are  formed,  can  give  a  firm  Conclufion,  if  there  be   an  Error  in  the   minor 
Propoftion.     And  that  fuch  a  kind  of  Knowledge  is  procurable,  Solomon  af- 
fures  us-,  who  fays,  that  "  Counfel  in  the  Heart  of  Man  is  like  a  deep  Water-, 
but  a  wife  Man  will  draw  it  out :"  for  altho'  the  Knowledge  itfelf  does  not 
fall  under  Precept,  becaufe  it  regards  Individuals  -,  yet  Inftrudions  may  be 
given,  of  ufe  for  fetching  it  out. 

6,  Men  may  be  known  fix  different  ways  -,  viz.  (i.)  by  their  Countenance,  six  Ttap  of 
(2.)  ihe'ir  I  Fords,  (3.)  their  Actions,   (4.)  their  Tempen,    (5.)  their  Ends,  and  knowing  Men. 
(6.)  by  the  Relation  of  others,     ( i .)  As  to  the  Countenance,  there  is  no  2:reat  il  '^  ^^  '^' 

matter 

*  This  i=  more  fully  explained  and  illuRrated  in  the   Kovum  OrgxnHra,   where   Jhetry  aiid 
Praciice  are  treated  together,  as  conftitutiDg  one  infeparable  Dochme. 


222  Self-Policy;   or,  Sed.XXV, 

matter  in  that  old  Proverb,  Fronti  nulla  fides :  for  altho'  this  may  be  faid, 
with  fome  truth,  of  the  external  and  general  Compofure  of  the  Countenance 
and  Gcfture;  yet  there  lie  concealed  certain  more  fubtile  Motions,  and 
Aftions  of  the  Eyes,  Face,  Looks  and  Behaviour ;  by  v?hich  the  Gate,  as 
it  were,  of  the  Mind,  is  unlocked  and  thrown  open.  Who  was  more  clofe 
than  Tiberias  ?  yet  Tacitus,  on  feveral  occafions,  obferves  a  Difference  be- 
twixt his  Speech,  and  his  inward  Sentiments.  And  indeed  'tis  hard  to  find 
fo  great,  and  mafterly  a  DiiTembler  ;  or  a  Countenance,  fo  well  broke 
and  commanded,  as  to  carry  on  an  artful  and  counterfeit  Difcourfe,  v/ith- 
out  fome  way  or  other  betraying  it. 
(:.)  By  Words.  7-  (2.)  The  TFordso^  Men  are  full  of  Deceit :  but  this  is  well  detefted  two 
ways ;  viz.  either  when  Words  are  fpoke  on  the  fudden,  or  in  pajjion.  So 
Tiberius  being  fuddenly  furprized,  and  hurry'd  beyond  himfelf,  with  a  ding- 
ing Speecli  from  Jgrippina,  went  a  ftep  out  of  his  natural  Diffimulation. 
For,  fays  Tacitus,  iTie  thus  drew  an  uncommon  Expre£ion  from  his  fccret  Breaji; 
and  he  rebuked  her  as  being  offended,  becaufe  /he  did  not  rule.  Whence  the  Poet, 
not  uniuftly  calls  thefe  Perturbations,  Tortures ;  Mankind  being  compell'd 
by  them  to  betray  their  own  Secrets^.  And  Experience  fhews,  that  there 
are  very  few  fo  true  to  their  own  Secrets,  and  of  fo  clofe  a  temper,  as  not 
fometimes,  thro*  Anger,  Oftentation,  Love  to  a  Friend,  Impotence  of  Mind, 
or  fome  other  Affeftion,  to  reveal  their  inward  Thoughts.  But  nothing  fearches 
all  the  Corners  of  the  Mind  fo  much,  as  Difftmulation  frailifed  agamjl  Diffi- 
mulalion,  according  to  the  Spanip  Proverb  -,  tell  a  Lje,  and  find  a  Truth  ^ 
(3.)  By  Talis.  8.  (3.)  Even  /vz^^ithemfelves,  tho'  the  fureft  Pledges  of  the  human  Mind, 
are  nor  altogether  to  be  trufled  ;  unlefs  firlt  attentively  view'd  and  confider'd, 
as  to  their  Magnitude  and  Propriety.  For  'tis  certain,  that  Deceit  gets  it- 
fdf  a  credit  in  fmall  things,  that  it  may  praftife  to  moie  advantage  in 
larger.  And  the  Italian  thinks  himfelf  upon  the  Crofs  mth  the  Cryer,  or  put 
up  to  fale,  when,  without  manifeft  caufe,  he  is  treated  better  than  ufual. 
For  fmall  Favours  lull  Mankind,  and  difarm  them  both  of  Caution  and  In- 
duftry  •,  whence  they  are  properly  call'd  by  Demofihenes,  the  Baits  of  Sloth. 
Again,  we  may  clearly  fee  the  crafty  and  ambiguous  nature  of  fome 
AAions,  which  pafs  for  Benefits,  from  that  Trick  praftifedby  Mucianus  up- 
on Antony :  for  after  a  pretended  Reconciliation,  he  mofl  treacheroufly  ad- 
vanced many  of  Antony's  Friends  to  Lieutenancies,  Tribunefhips,  &c.  and,  by 
this  Cunning,  cjntirely  difarm'd  and  defeated  him,  thus  winning  over  Antony*s 
Friends  to  himfelf"^. 
(4.')  Byfftmg  9-  But  the  fureft  Key  for  unlocking  the  Minds  of  others,  turns  upon 
of  Tempers;  fearching  and  fifting,  either  their  Tempers  and  Natures,  or  their  Ends  and 
4tnd{s.)di(co-j)gjl^^^.  and  the  more  weak  and  fimple,  are  beft  judged  by  their  Temper  ; 
■virmgofEnds.^^^^  the  more  prudent  and  clofe,  by  their  Defigns.  It  was  prudently  and 
wittily,  tho',  in  my  judgment,  not  fubftantially,  advifed  by  the  Pope's  Nuncio, 
as  to  the  choice  of  another  to  fucceed  him,  in  his  refidence  at  a  foreign  Court  j 

that 


-Fi»»  tortus  ^  ira. 


•>  See  the  Author's  EJfay  upon  Simulation  and  Diflimulation,  Supplement  XL 
c  See  Tacit Hs  Hificr.  Lib.  IV.  cap.  39. 


Se£l.XXV.  //5i?DocTRiNE  ^  Rising  IN  Life.  223 

that  they  fhould  by  no  means  fend  one  remarkably,  but  rather  tolerably 
wile  ;  becaufe  a  Man  wifer  than  ordinary,  could  never  imagine  what  the 
People  of  that  Nation  wc^re  likely  to  do.  'Tis,  doubtlefs,  a  common  Error, 
particularly  in  prudent  Men,  to  meafure  others  by  the  Model  of  their  own 
Capacity.  Whence  chey  frequently  over-flioot  the  Mark  ;  by  fuppofing  that 
Men  projeft  and  form  greater  things  to  themfelves,  and  praftife  more  fubtil  ^ 

Arts,  than  ever  enter'd  their  Minds.  This  is  elegantly  intimated  by  the 
Italian  Proverb:  There  h  alwaxi  lej's  Mon),  lefslFifdom,  and lefi  Honejly,  than 
People  imagine.  And  therefore,  in  Men  of  fmall  Capacities,  who  commie 
many  Abfurdities  -,  a  Conjedlure  muft  rather  be  form'd  from  the  Propenfity 
of  their  Nature,  than  from  their  Ends  in  view.  Whence  Princes  alio,  tho* 
for  a  quite  different  reafon,  are  beft  judged  by  their  Tempers ;  as  private 
Perfons  are  by  their  Ends.  For  Princes,  who  are  at  the  top  of  human  De- 
fires,  have  feldom  any  Ends  to  afpire  after,  with  Ardor  and  Perfeverance  ;  by 
the  Situation  and  Diftance  whereof,  a  Diredion  and  Meafure  might  be  taken 
of  their  other  Aiftions.  And  this,  among  others,  is  a  principal  reafon  v/hy 
their  Hearts.,  as  the  Scripture  declares,  are  iinfearchable.  But  every  private 
Man  is  like  a  Traveller,  who  proceeds  intently  to  the  End  of  his  Journey,, 
where  he  fees  up.  Hence  one  may  tolerably  conjedlure  what  a  private  Man 
will,  or  will  not  do  •,  for  if  a  thing  be  conducive  to  his  Ends,  'tis  probable 
he  will  do  it ;  and  vice  verfa.  And  this  Information,  from  the  diverfiry  of 
the  Ends  and  Natures  of  Men,  may  be  taken  comparatively,  as  well  as 
fimply  ;  fo  as  to  difcover  what  Humour  or  Difpofition  over-rules  the  reft. 
Thus  Tigellinus,  when  he  found  himfelf  outdone  by  TurpiUanus,  in  admini- 
ftrbg  and  fuggefting  to  Nerd's  Pleafures,  fearch'd,  as  Tacitus  liiys,  into  the 
Fears  of  Nero ;  and  by  this  means  got  rid  of  his  Rival '. 

10.  As  for  that  fecond-hand  Knowledge  of  Mens  Minds,  which  is  had  (<>■)  b>  f/^e  R?- 
from  the  relation  of  others ;  it  will  be  fufficient  to  obferve  of  it,  that  De-  ^'Jl'^^"  "f "' 
feels  and  Vices  are  beft  learnt  from  Enemies ;  Virtues  and  Abilities,  from 

Friends ;  Manners  and  Times,  from  Servants ;  and  Opinions  and  Thoughts, 
from  intimate  Acquaintance :  for  popular  Fame  is  light ;  and  the  Judgment 
of  Superiors  uncertain  ;  before  whom  Men  walk  more  masked,  and  fecret. 
The  trueft  Charafler  comes  from  Domejiicks. 

11.  But  the  fhorteft  way  to  this  whole  Enquiry,  refts  upon  three  Parti- ■^/«"""'"'T 
culars ;  viz.  (i.)  in  procuring  numerous  Friendfhips,  with  fuch  as  have  ^n  ^^//'f '*"/; 
extenfive  and  general  Knowledge,  both  of  Men  and  Things ;  or,  at  leaft,  in  „^j„^  i^a/f;^ 
fecuring  a  Set  of  particular  Friends,   who,  according  to  the  diverfity  of  Oc- 
cafions,  may  be  always  ready  to  give  a  folid  Information  upon  any  point 

that  ftiall  turn  up.  (2.)  In  obferving  a  prudent  Mean,  and  Moderation,  be- 
tween the  freedom  of  Difcourfe  and  Silence  ;  ufing  Frankn^fs  of  Speech  moft  ' 
frequently:  but  when  rhe  thing  requires  it,  Taciturnity.  For  opennefs  of 
Speech  invites  and  excites  others  to  ufe  the  fame  towards  ourfelves ;  which 
brings  many  things  to  our  knowledge :  whilft  Taciturnity  procures  Truft, 
and  nukes  M:n  willing  to  depofite  their  Secrets  with  us,  as  in  their  own 
Bofom.    (3.)  In  gradually  acquiring  fuch  a  Habi;  of  Watchfubefs  and  In- 

teninels 

•  See  Taciiut  Aan»\.  Lib.  XVI.  Cap.  18, 19, 


224 


S  E  L  F-Po  L  I  C 


ory 


Sed.XXV. 


The  Knovi- 
ledge  to  be 
procured  of 
eurfelves  by 
Self-Exami- 
nutlm. 


tentnels  in  all  Dlfcourfe  and  Aftion,  as  at  once  to  promote  the  bufinefs  in 
hand  ;  yet  take  notice  of  incidental  matters.  For,  as  EpiSfetus  would  have 
a  Piiilofopher  lay  to  himfelf,  in  every  Adion,  "  [will  do  this,  yet  keep  to  my 
♦'  Rule:"  fo  a  Politician  (hould  refolve  with  himfelf  in  every  Bufinefs, 
"  /  will  drive  this  Point ;  and  yt  learn  fomewhat  of  future  life."  And  there- 
fore fuch  Tempers  as  are  wholly  intent  upon  a  prefent  Bufinefs,  without  at 
all  regarding  what  may  intervene,  which  Montaign  acknowledges  was  his 
own  Defed,  make  excellent  Minifters  of  State  ;  but  fail  in  advancing  their 
private  Fortunes.  A  principal  Caution  muft  alfo  be  had,  toreftrain  the  Im- 
petuoficy,  and  too  great  Alacrity  of  the  Mind  ;  left  much  Knowledge  fhould 
drive  us  on  to  meddle  in  many  M  itters :  for  nothing  is  more  unfortunate 
and  raili,  than  fuch  a  Procedure.  Therefore,  the  variety  of  Knowledge,  to 
be  here  procured  of  Men  and  Things,  comes  but  to  this  ;  that  we  make  a 
judicious  Choice  both  of  the  Matters  we  undertake,  and  of  the  Perfons 
whofe  AlTiftance  we  ufe  ;  that  we  may  thence  know  how  to  manage  and  dif- 
pofeall  things  with  the  greater  Dexterity  and  Safety. 

III.   12.  Next  to  the  Knowledge  of  others,  comes  the  Knowledge  of  our- 
felves .-  and  it  requires  no  lefs  diligence,  but  rather  more,  to  get  a  true  and 
exaft  Information  of  ourfelves,    than  of  others.      For   that  Oracle,  Know 
thvfelf,  is  not  only  a  Rule  of  general  Prudence  •,    but  has  alfo  a  principal 
place  in  Politicks.    And  St.  James  excellently  obfcrves  of  Mankind,  that  "  he 
"  who  views  his  Face  in  a  Glafs,  inflantly  forgets  bis  Features."     Whence  we 
had  need  be  often  looking.     And  this  alfo  holds  in  Politicks.     But  there  is  a 
difference  in  Glafles:  The  divine  one,  wherein  we  are  to  behold  ourfelves,  is 
the  IVord  of  God  ;  but  the  political  Glafs  is  no  other,  than  the  Slate  of  Things 
and  Times  wherein  we  live.     A  Man,  therefore,  muft  make  a  thorough  Ex- 
amination, not  partially  like  a  Self- Lover,  into  his  own  Faculties,  Powers, 
and  Abilities  •,  and  again,  into  his  Defeds,  Inabilities,  and  Obftacles :  fum- 
ming  up  the  account,  fo  as  to  make  the  latter  conftantly  appear  greater,  and 
the  former  rather  lefs  than  they  are.     And  upon  fuch  an  Examination,  the 
following  Particulars  may  come  to  be  confider'd. 
.  PT/tjs/^cr       ^3-  Let  the  firjt  Particular  be,  how  far  a  Man's  Manners  and  Temper 
the  Temper    fuit  with  the  Times  :  for  if  they  agree  in  all  refpefts,  he  may  ad  more  freely, 
and  at  large,  and  follow  the  bent  of  his  Genius  \  but  if  there  be  any  Con- 
trariety, then  he  muft  walk  more  cautiouQy  and  covertly  in  the  whole  Scene 
of  his  Life ;  and  appear  lefs  in  publick  :  as  Tiberius  did  j  who,  being  con- 
fcious  that  his  Temper  fuited  not  with  the  Age,  never  frequented  the  pub- 
lick  Shews  •,  and  for  the  Lift  twelve  Years  of  his  Life,  came  not  to  the  Se- 
nate.    Whereas,  Angufius  lived  continually  in  open  fight. 
(1.)  met  her       14.  Let  iht  facnd  Coiifideraiion  be,  how  a  Man  can  relifb  the  Profefjions , 
the  reptitaile  or  Kinds  of  Life  in  ufe,  and  repute ;  out  of  which  he  is  to  make  a  choice : 
kinds  of  Life  j^^  ^^^^  j^  j^j^''  Profeilion  be  not  already  enter'd  upon,  he  may  take  that 
are  ''^''"*^'^- ^j^i^-j^  js  „-,ofl;  fuitable  to  his  Genius:  But  if  he  be  already  got  into  a  kind 
of  Life,  for  which  he  ii  unfit ;  that  he  may,  upon  the  firft  opportunity,  quit 
it,  and  take  to  another.    As  Valentine  Borgia  did ;  who  being  educated  by 

his 


fuits  the 
Times. 


Sedl.XXV.  /-6^  Doctrine  (s/'RisiNG  in  Life.  225 

his  Father  for  the  Priefthood,  afterwards  renounced  it,  follow'd  his  own  In- 
clination, and  appear'd  in  a  military  Charadter. 

15.  Let  i.  thud  Conftderat'lon  be,  how  a  Man  flands,  compared  ivUh  his{i.)^'l>ciher 
Equals  and  Rivals^  who  may  alfo  probably  be  his  Competitors  in  his  For- '^Z*"' ^' "* 
tune-,  and  let  him  hole}  that  Courfe  of  Life,   in  which  there  is  the  greateft^'^"'" 
want  of  eminent  Men,  and  wherein  'tis  moft  likely  that  himfelf  may  rife 

the  highcft  :  as  Cefar  did  ;  who  was  firft  an  Orator,  a  Pleader,  and  fcarce 
any  thing  more  than  a  Gown-man  :  but  when  he  found  that  Cicero.,  Hor- 
tenfius,  and  Calulv.s  bore  away  the  Prize  of  Eloquence  ;  and  that  none  had 
greatly  fignaliz'd  themfelves  in  War,  except  Pompe'j,  he  quieted  the  Gown  ; 
and  taking  a  long  farewell  of  Civil  Power,  went  over  to  the  Arts  of  the 
General  and  the  Emperor ;  whereby  he  role  to  the  top  Pinnacle  of  So- 
vereignty. 

16.  Let  the  fourth  Conftderation  be,  to  regard  one's  own  Nature  and  Tem-(^^.)  Toregnrd 
per,  in  the  choice  of  Friends  and  Dependants.  For  different  Men  require  dti^-onesovinTem' 
ferent  kinds  of  Friends:  fome,  thofe  that  ar^;  grave  and  fecret:  others,  fuch^f^^.'"  '^* 

as  are  bold  and  oftentatious,  i^c.  'Tis  worth  obferving,  of  what  kind  ^^^'j°li^Jf 
Friends  of  Julius  Ce^far  were  ;  viz.  Antony,  Hirtius,  Batbus,  Dolobella,  Pol- 
lio.  Sec.  who  ufually  fwore  to  die,  that  he  might  live*  ;  thereby  expreffing  an 
infinite  AtFi.clion  for  Cafar,  but  an  Arrogance  and  Contempt  towards  every 
body  elfe.  And  they  were  all  Men  diligent  in  Bufinefs  5  but  of  no  great 
Fame  and  Reputation. 

17.  Let  a  fifth  Conftderation  be,    to  beware  of  Examples,  and  not  fondly  {<;.)  Not  tt. 
fquare  one's  felf  to  the  Imitation  of  others ;  as  if  what  was  atchieved  by  them,/"''""'  E^""»- 
muft  needs  be  atchieved  by  us  •,  without  confidering  the  difference  there  may  ?     f'*"]'- 
be  between  our  own  Difpofition  and   Manners,   compared  with   theirs  we 
propofe  to  imitate.     Pompey  manifeftly  fell  into  this  Error ;  who,  as  Cicero 

writes  of  him,  had  thefe  Words  often  in  his  Mouth  ;  Sy'la  could  do  this ;  why 
Jhd-  nt  I?  In  which  particular,  he  greatly  impos'd  upon  himfelf:  For 
Sylld's  Temper  and  Method  of  ading,  differ'd  infinitely  from  his ;  the  one's 
being  fierce,  violent,  and  prefTing  to  the  end  ;  the  other's  compos'd,  mindful 
of  the  Laws,  and  direfting  all  to  Majefty,  and  Reputation  :  whence  he  was 
greatly  curb'd,  and  reftrain'd,  in  executing  his  Defigns.  And  thefe  Confide- 
rations  may  ferve  as  a  Specimen  of  the  reft. 

18.  But  'tis  not  enough  for  a  Man  to  know  himfelf;  he  muft  alfo  confiderr^^'  *  a^^b 
how  he   may  moft  commodioufly  and   prudently,  {\.)  fhew,    (2.)  exprcf,'"''fi'^'"'^. 
(3.)  wind  and fajfjionh'imMf .     (i.)  As  for/j^ty -,  we  fee  nothing   more  fre-y-f//'»»  <„;. 
quent  in  Life,  than  for  the  lefs  capable  Man  to  make   the  greater  Bgure.  vantage. 
*Tis  therefore  no  fmall  excellence  of  Prudence,  by  means  of  a  certain  Art, 

and  Grace,  to  reprefent  one's  beft  fide  to  others  ;  by  fetting  out  our  own 
Virtues,  Merits,  and  Fortune,  to  advantage-,  which  may  be  done,  without 
Arrogance,  or  rendring  one's  felf  difigreeable :  And,  on  the  other  fide,  ar- 
tificially concealing  our  Vices,  Defedls,  Misfortunes,  and  Difgraces ;  dwel- 
ling upon  the  former,  and  turning  them,  as  it  were,  to  the  light ;  but  pal- 

•  Itg  viijente  Cijart  rsori»r. 

Vo  L.  I.  G  g  Hating 


226  S  E  L  F-P  o  L  I  c  V ;  or,  Sea.XXV. 

Hating  the  latter  •,  or  effacing  them  by  a  well-adapted  Conftrudion,  or  Inter- 
pretation, ^c.  Hence  Tacitus  fays  of  Mucianus,  the  mod  prudent  Man  of 
his  Time  •,  and  the  moft  indefatigable  in  Bufinefs;  that  *'  he  had  an  Art  of 
'■'■  jhewlng  the  fair  fide  of  whatever  he  f poke  or  aBcd^.^''  And  certainly  ic 
requires  feme  Art,  to  prevent  this  Condu6l  from  becoming  fulfoine,  and 
defpicable:  yet  Oltentation,  tho' to  the  firft  degree  of  Vanity,  is  a  Fault  in 
Ethicks,  rather  than  in  Politicks.  For  as  'tis  ufually  fiid  of  Calumny,  that 
if  laid  on  boldly,  fome  of  it  will  ftick  :  fo  it  may  be  faid  of  Oltentation» 
unlefs  perfeflly  monftrous  and  ridiculous  •,  '■'■paint  vourfefjlrongly,  and  fome 
"  of  it  will  lajt."  Doubtlefs  it  will  dwell  with  the  Croud,  tho'  the  wifer  fore 
fmile  at  it ;  fo  that  the  Reputation  procured  with  the  numbsr,  will  aburi- 
dantly  reward  the  Contempt  of  a  few.  But  if  this  Oftentation  be  managed 
with  Decency,  and  Difcretion,  it  may  greatly  contribute  to  raife  a  Man's 
Reputation  -,  as  particularly,  if  it  carry  the  appearance  of  native  Candour 
and  Ingenuity  ;  or  be  ufed  in  times  furrounded  with  Dangers,  as  among  the 
military  Men  in  time  of  war,  i^c.  Or  again,  if  our  own  Praifes  are  let 
fall,  at  it  were  by  accident  -,  and  be  not  too  ferioufly  or  largely  infifted  on  ; 
or  if  any  one,  in  praifing  himfelf,  at  the  fame  time  mixes  it  with  Cenfure  and 
Ridicule-,  or  la  ft  ly,  if  he  does  it  not  fpontaneoudy,  but  is  provoked  to  it  by 
the  Infolence  and  Reproach  of  others.  And  there  are  many  who,  being  by 
Nature  folid,  and  confequently  wanting  in  this  Art  of  fpreading  Canvas  to 
their  own  honour,  find  themfelves  punifhed  for  their  Modefty,  with  fome  di- 
minution of  their  Dignity. 
:&iep  tip-the  19.  But,  however  Perfons  of  weak  Judgment,  or  too  rigid  Morals,  may 
'Efteem  0/ Kir- difaljow  this  OJlentation  of  Virtue  ;  no  one  will  deny,  that  we  fhould  endea- 
'***'  vour  to  keep  Virtue  frotn  being  undervalued  thro'  our  negle£f ;  and  lels  efteem'd 

than  it  deferves.     This  Diminution,  in  the  Efteem  of  Virtue,  happens  three 
ways;  viz.  (i.)  when  a  Pcrfon  prefents,  and  thrufts  himfelf,  and  his  Service 
into  a  Bufinefs  unasked  :  for  fuch  Services  ar<;  thought  fufficiently  rewarded 
by  accepting  them.    (2.)  When  a  Man,  at  the  beginning  of  a  Bufinefs,  over- 
exerts himfelf,  and  performs  that  all  at  once,  which  fliould  have  been  done 
gradually  :  tho'  this,  indeed,  gains  early  Commendation,  where  Affiiirs  fuc- 
ceed  ;  but  in  the  end  it  produces  Satiety.    (3.)  When  a  Man  is  too  quick;> 
and  light,  in  receiving  the  Fruit  of  his  Virtue,  in  Praife,  Applaule,  and  Fa- 
vour ;  and  pleafes  himfelf  therewith :    againft  which,  there  is  this  prudent 
Admonition;  '■'■  beware  left  thou  feem  unaccufioni'd  to  great  things,  iffuchfmali 
"  ones  delight  thee.^' 
jind  conceal        20.  A  diligent  Concealment  of  Defers,  is  no  lefs  important,  than  a  pru- 
kis  own  De-   dent  and  artful  Manifcftation  of  Virtues.     Defers  arc  principally  conceal'd 
^''  and   cover'd   under    three    Cloaks,   viz.   (i.)    Caution,     (2.)  Pretext.,    and 

(3.)  Affurance.  (i.)  We  call  that  Caution.,  when  a  Man  prudently  keeps 
from  meddling  in  Matters,  to  which  he  is  unequal ;  whilft,  on  the  other 
hand,  daring  and  reftlefs  Spirits  are  injudicioufly  bufying  themfelves  in  things 
they  are  not  acquainted  with;  and  thereby  publilh  and  proclaim  their  own 
Defefts.  (2.)"Weca}lthatPrf^<>A'/,  when  a  Man,  with  Sagacity,  and  Prudence, 

paves 
*<See  Tteit.HiJier.  Lib.  il.  Cap.  80. 


Sed.XXV.     /i^^  Doctrine  (j/"  Rising  IN  Life.  227 

paves  and  prepares  himfelf  a  way,  for  fecuring  a  favourable  and  commodious 
Interpretation  of  his  Vices  and  Defers  ;  as  proceeding  from  different  Prin- 
ciples, or  having  a  different  Tendency,  than  is  generally  thought.  For  as 
to  the  Concedment  of  Vices ;  the  Poet  faid  well,  that  Vice  often  skulks  in  the 
Verge  of  Virtue*.  Therefore,  when  we  find  any  Defeof  in  ourfclves,  we 
mull  endeavour  to  borrow  the  Figure  and  Pretext  of  the  neighbouring  Vir- 
tue for  a  Shelter:  thus  the  Pretext  of  Dulnefs  is  Gravity,  that  of  Indolence^ 
Confideratenefs,  ^f.  And  'tis  of  fervice  to  give  out  fome  probable  Reafon 
for  not  exerting  our  utmoft  Strength;  and  fo  make  a  Neceffity  appear  a 
Virtue.  (3.)  Ajfwance.,  indeed,  is  a  daring,  but  a  very  certain  and  effedtual 
Remedy  ;  whereby  a  Man  profeffes  himfelf  abfolutely  to  flight,  and  defpife 
thofe  things  he  could  not  obtain  ;  like  crafty  Merchants,  who  ufually  raife  the 
Price  of  their  own  Commodities,  and  fink  the  Price  of  other  Mens.  The' 
there  is  another  kind  of  AJfiirance.,  more  impudent  than  this,  by  which  a 
Man  brazens  out  his  own  DsfeHsy  and  forces  them  upon  others  for  Excel- 
lencies ;  and  the  better  to  fecure  this  end,  he  will  feign  a  diftruft  of  him- 
felf, in  thofe  things  wherein  he  really  excels:  like  Poets,  who,  if  you  ex- 
cept to  any  particular  Verfe  in  their  Compofition,  will  prefently  tell  you, 
that  fmgle  Line  co'fl  them  more  pains  than  all  the  rejl  ;  and  then  produce  you 
another,  as  fufpefted  by  themfelves,  for  your  Opinion  ;  whilft,  of  all  the  num- 
ber, they  know  it  to  be  the  befl:,  and  leaft  liable  to  Exception.  But  above  all, 
nothing  conduces  more  to  the  well-reprefenting  a  Man's  felf,  and  fecuring  his 
own  Right,  than  not  to  difarm  one's  felf  by  too  much  Sweetnefsy  and  Giod- 
tiature ;  which  expofes  a  Man  to  Injuries,  and  Reproaches  -,  but  rather,  in  all 
cafes,  at  times,  to  dart  out  fome  Sparks  of  a  free  and  generous  Mind,  that 
have  no  lefs  of  the  Sting  than  the  Honey.  This  guarded  Behaviour,  at- 
tended with  a  ready  Difpofition  to  vindicate  themfelves,  fome  Men  have 
from  Accident  and  Neceflity,  by  means  of  fomewhat  inherent  in  their  Per- 
fon  or  Fortune ;  as  we  find  in  the  Deformed,  Illegitimate,  and  Difgraced ; 
who,  if  they  do  not  want  Virtue,  generally  prove  fortunate. 

21.  (2.)  The  exp-effing,  or  declaring  of  a  Man'' s  felf.,    is  a  very  different /7«  »,«yf 
thing  from  the  Jhe^ujing  himfelf;  as  not  relating  to  Virtue,  but  to  the  particu-  exprefs  him' 
lar  Adtions  of  Life.    And  here  nothing  is  more  politick,  than  to  obferve  a  fif- 
prudent  or  found  Moderation,  or  Medium,  in  difclofing  or  concealing  one's 
Mind,  as  to  particular  Ad:ions.     For  tho'  profound  Silence,  the  hiding  of 
Counfels,  and  managing  all  things  by  blind  and  deaf  Artifice,  is  an  ufeful 
and  extraordinary  thing;  yet,  it  often  happens,  that  Diffimulation  produces 
Errors,  which  prove  Snares.     And  we  fee,  that  the  Men  of  greateft  repute 
for  Politicks,  fcruple  not  openly,   and  generoufly,   to  declare  their  Ends, 
without  Diffimulation  :    thus  Sy!:a  openly  declared,  he  wifh'd  all  Mortak 
ha'p\,  or  unhappy,  as  they  were  his  Friends,  or  Enemies.     So  Cafar,  upon  his 
firft  Expedition  into  Gaul,  profefs'd  he  had  rather  he  the  firfi  Man  in  an  ch- 
fcure  village,  than  the  fecond  at  Rome.     And  when  the  War  was  begun,  he 
proved  no  Diffembler  ;  if  Cicero  fays  truly  of  him,  that  he  did  not  refufe  ; 
hit,  in  a  manner,  required  to  he  called  Tyant,  as  he  zi;as.     So  we  find,  in  an 

Gg  2  Epiftle 

*  Sift  latet  ■u'ltium  proximuate  Spui. 


228  Self-Policy;   or,  Sedl.  XXV. 

Epiftle  of  Cicero  to  Attkiis,  how  little  of  a  DifTembler  Angujlus  was  -,  who, 
athis  fiift  entrance  upon  Affairs,  wiiilft  he-  rcmain'd  the  Delight  of  the  Senate, 
ufed  to  fwear  in  this  form,  when  he  harangued  the  People  ;  ita  Parentis 
Honores  confeqiii  Uceat :  which  was  no  lels  than  Tyranny  itfelf.  'Tis 
true,  to  falve  the  matter  a  little,  he  would  at  thofe  times  ftretch  !iis  Hand 
towards  the  Statue  of  Julius  Ccefar,  eredted  in  the  place;  whilft  the  Au- 
dience fmiled,  applauded,  admired,  and  cried  out  among  themfejves,  What 
does  the  Toulh  mean  ?  &c.  but  never  fufpeded  him  of  any  ill  Dcfign,  who 
thus  candidly  and  ingenuoufly  fpoke  his  m.ind.  And  yet  all  thefe  we  have 
named,  were  profperous  Men.  Pompey,  on  the  other  hand,  who  endeavour'd 
at  the  fame  Ends,  by  more  dark  and  concealed  Methods,  wholly  bent  him- 
felf,  by  numberlefs  Stratagems,  to  cover  his  Dcfires  and  Ambition -,  wlilft 
he  brought  the  State  to  Confufion  -,  that  it  might  then  of  neceffity  fubmit 
to  him,  and  he  thus  procure  the  Sovereignty,  to  appearance  againft  his 
•will.  And  when  he  thought  he  had  gain'd  his  Point,  as  being  made  file 
Conful,  which  no  one  ever  was  before  him,  he  found  himfelf  never  the 
nearer  •,  becaufe  thofe  who  would,  doubtlefs,  have  affifted  him,  underftood 
not  his  Intentions:  fo  that  at  length  he  was  obliged  to  go  in  the  beaten 
Path;  and  under  pretence  of  oppofing  Cafar,  procured  himfelf  Arms,  and 
an  Army  :  fo  flow,  cafual,  and  generally  unfuccefsful,  are  the  Counfels  cover'd 
with  Diflimulation  !  And  Tacitus  feems  to  have  had  the  fame  Sentiment, 
when  he  makes  the  Artifice  of  Dijftmulalion  an  inferior  Prudence,  compared 
with  Policy ;  attributing  the  former  to  'Tiberius,  and  the  latter  to  Augujlus : 
for  fpeaking  of  Livia,  he  fays,  fie  lias  well  iefnper'd  -with  the  Aits  of  her 
Husband,  and  the  DiffimuUtion  of  her  Son. 
He  muft  bend  22.  (3.)  As  for  the  bending  and  forming  of  the  Mind,  we  fhould,  doubtlefs, 
mjform  his  ^q  q^^  utmoft  to  render  it  pliable,  and  by  no  means  ftiff  and  refracftory, 
^  to  Occafions  and  Opportunities  ;  for  to  continue  the  fame  Men,  whtn  we  ought 

not,  is  the  greateft  Obftacle  Buftnefi  can  meet  with :  that  is,  if  Men  remain  as 
they  did,  and  follow  their  own  Nature  after  the  Opportunities  are  changed. 
Whence  Livy,  introducing  the  elder  Cato  as  a  moft  skilful  Architeft  of  his 
own  Fortune,  adds,  that  he  was  of  a  pliant  Tetnp'^r :  and  hence  it  is,  that 
grave,  folemn,  and  unchangeable  Natures  generally  meet  with  more  Re- 
fpeft  than  Felicity.  This  Dcfcft  fome  M^n  have  implanted  in  them  by 
Nature,  as  being  in  themfelves  ftiff,  knotty,  and  unfit  for  bending ;  but  in 
others,  'tis  acquii'd  by  Cuftom,  which  is  a  fecond  Nature  •,  or  from  an  Opi- 
nion, which  eafily  fteals  into  Mens  Minds  -,  that  they  fhould  never  change 
the  method  of  afting,  they  had  once  found  good  and  profperous.  Thus 
Machiavel  prudently  obferves  of  Fabius  Maximus,  that  be  would  obfiinately 
retain  his  eld  inveterate  Cuftom  of  delaying  and  protrafling  the  War ;  when  now 
the  nature  of  it  was  changed,  and  required  brisker  Meafures.  In  others  again, 
the  f  une  Defeft  proceeds  from  want  of  Judgment  -,  when  Men  do  not 
feaioniibly  diftinguifh  the  Periods  of  Things  and  Adtions  ;  but  alter  too  late, 
after  the  Opportunity  is  flipt.  And  fomething  of  this  kind  Bemofthenes  re- 
prehended in  the  Athenians,  when  he  faid,  they  were  like  Ruftics  in  a  Fencing- 
Schooly  who  always,  after  a  Blow,  guard  the  part  that  was  hit,  and  not  be- 

fori 


Sccl. XXV.  /Zv  Doctrine  (j/'Ris IN G  in  Life.  229 

fore.  And  laft'y,  this  £)/fi5  happens  in  others,  becaufe  they  are  unwilling 
that  the  l.ibour  they  have  taken  in  the  way  once  entered,  fnould  be  loft  ;  and 
know  not  how  to  found  a  Retreat :  but  rather  truft  they  fhall  conquer  Oc- 
cafions  by  Perfeverance.  But  this  ftickage  and  reftivenefs  of  tlic  Mind, 
from  whatever  Root  it  proceeds,  is  higlily  prejudicial  to  Bufinefs,  and 
Mens  private  Fortunes:  on  the  contrary,  nothing  is  more  politick,  than  to 
make  the  Wheels  of  the  Mind  conccntrick  with  the  Wheels  of  Fortune  -,  and 
capable  of  turning  together  with  them.  And  thus  much  of  the  two  _/;</«- 
mar'j  or  colleSlive  Precejts,  for  advancing  one's  Fortune. 

V^'.   25.    The  fcjUer'd  Precepts  for    rifing    in  Life,    arc   numerous:    Vft inflames  of 
fliall  fingle  out  a  few  by   way   of  Example.      The  firft  is,  that  the  5af/- '"'/'"''«««'«i 
der  cf  his  Fortune  properly  ufe  and  apply  his  Rule;  that  is,   accuftom  his^.?"^^^-'^"!^  _ 
Mind  to  meafure  and  ellimate  the  Price  and  Value  of  Things,  as  they  con-  vj^,.   ,„  fp,j. ' 
duce  more  or  lefs  to  his  particular  Fortune  and  Ends  :  and  this  with  diligence,  mate  thingi 
not  by  halves.     'Tis  furprizing,  yet  very  true,  that  many  have  the  Logi-j'^fi^h 
cal  Part  of  their  Mind  fet  right,  and  the  Mathematical  wrong ;  and  judge 
truly  of  the  Confequences  of  things,  but  very  unskilfully  of  their  Value. 
Hence  fome  Men  are  fond  of  Accefs   to,  and  Familiarity  with  Princes  ; 
others,  of  popular  Fame  ;  and  fancy  thefe  to  be  great  Enjoyments:  whereas 
both   of  them    are    frequently  full  of  Envy  and  Dangers.     Others,  again, 
meafure  things   according  to  their  difficulty,  and   the   labour  beftowed  ia 
procuring  them  -,  imagining  themfelves  muft  needs  have  advanced  as  far  as 
they  have  moved.     So  Cafar,  to  defcribe  how  diligent  and  indefatigable  the 
younger  Cato  was  to  little  purpofe,  faid  in   the  way  of  Iron),  that  he  did 
all  things  with  great  labour.     And  hence  it  happens,  that  Men  frequently 
deceive  themfelves  •,  when  having  the  affiftance  of  fome  great  or  honourable 
Perfonage,  they  promife  themldves  all  manner  of  Succefs :  whilft  the  truth 
is,  they  are  not  the  great  eft,  but  the  fit  eft  Injlruments  that  per  for  7n  Bufinefs  beft 
and  quickefl.     For  improving  the  true  Mathematicki  of  the  Mind,  it  fhould  be 
principally  noted,  what  ought  to  come  firft,  what  fecond,  &c.  in  the  raifing 
and  promoting  a  Man's  Fortune.     And,  in  the  firft  place,  we  fet  down  the  j-,,  ^^^„^1  (^g 
Emendation  of  the  Mind :  for  by  removing  the  Obftacles,  and  levelling  theuind. 
Inequalities  of  the  Mind,  a  way  may   be  fooner  open'd  to  Fortune  •,   than 
the  Impediments  of  the  Mind  be  removed,   with  the  affiftance  ot  Fortune. 
And,  in  the  fecond  place,  we  fet  down  Riches ;  whereto  moft,  perhaps,  To  promr* 
would  have  affign'd  the  firft,   as  their  ufe  is  fo  cxtenfive.     But  we  condemn  ^"''^* 
this  Opinion,  for  a  reafon  like  that  of  Machiavel,  in  a  fimilar  cafe:  for  tho' 
it  was  an  eftabliffi'd  Notion,  that  Money  is  the  Sinews  of  War,  he  faid,  more 
juftly,  that  War  had  no  Sinews,  but  thofe  of  good  Soldiers.    In  the  fame  man- 
ner, it   may  be  truly  affirm'd,  that  the  Sinews  of  Fortune  are  not  Money,  but 
rather  the  Powers  of  the  Mind  ;  Addrefs,  Courage,  Refolution,  Intrepidity, 
Perfeverance,  Moderation,  Induftry,  iSc.     In  the  third  place,  come  Fame  and  ^amt. 
Reputation  ;  and  this  the  rather,  becaufe  they  have  certain  Tides  and  Seafons, 
wherein,  if  they  be   not  opportunely  ufed,  'twill    be   difficult  to  recover 
them  again.     For  'tis  a  hopelefs  Attempt,  to  recover  a  loft  Reputation.     In 
the  laft  placCj  we  fet  down  Honours,  which  are  eafier  acquir'd  by  any  oi Honour:^ 

the 


230 


E  L 


F-Po 


L  I  C  Y 


or. 


Sea.  XXV. 


the  former  three,  much  more  by  a  Conjunftion  of  them  all,  than  any  one 
of  them  can  be  procured  by  Honours.     Bur,  as  much  depends  upon  obferv- 
ing  the  Order  of  Things  ;  fo  likewife,  in  obferving  the  Order  of  Time  ;  in 
difturbing  of  which.  Men  frequently  err,  and  haften  to  the  End,   when  they 
fhould  only  have  confulted  the  Beginning  :  and  fuddenly  flying  at  the  greatell 
things  of  all,  rafhly  skip  over  thofe  in  the  middle  -,  thus  negledingthe  ufeful 
Precept,  Attend  to  what  is  immediately  before  you. 
Kot  ioeneoun-      24.  Onr  fee  Olid  Precept  is,  to  beware  of  being  carried  by  Greatnefs,  and  Pre- 
tsr great Dif- fumption  of  Mind,  to  things  too  difficult;  and  thus  of  Jlriving  againft the Jiream. 
ficidties.        «Yis  a  prudent  Advice,  in  the  raifing  of  one's  Fortune,  to  yield  to  Necef- 
fity*.     Let  us  look  all  round  us,  and  obferve  where  things  lie  open  ;  where 
they   are    inclofed,  and  blocked  up  ;   where  they  ftoop,  and   where   they 
mount  •,  and  not  mifemploy  our  Strength,  where   the  way  is  impaflable. 
In  doing  this,  we  fhall  prevent  Repulie  •,  not  ftick  too  long  in  Particulars  v 
win  a  Reputation  of  being    moderate  •,  give  little  offence  ;  and  laftly,  gain 
an  opinion  of  Felicity  :  whilft  the  things  that  would  probably  have  happen'd 
of  themfelves,  will  be  attributed  to  our  own  Induflry. 
TomaUOf-       25.  A  third  Precept,  which  feems  fomewhat  to  crofs  the  foi'mer,  tho'  not 
fortmittes.     ^]^^^  ^q\\  underftood,  is,  that  we  do  }iot  always  wait  for  Opportunities ;  but 
fometimes  excite  and  lead  them.     This,  Demojlhenes  intimates  in  a  high  Strain, 
when  he  fays,   "  that  as  *tis  a  Maxim  for  the  General  to  lead  his  Army;  fo  a 
"  wife  Man  ffjould  lead  things;  make  them  execute  his  Will;  and  not  himfelf 
"  be  obliged  to  follow  Events."     And  if  we  attend,  we  fhall  find  two  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  Men,  held  equal  to  the  management  of  Affairs :    for  fome 
know  how  to  make  an  advantageous  ufeof  Oportunities,  yet  contrive  or  pro- 
ject nothing  of  themfelves  •,  whilft  others  are  wholly  intent  upon  forming 
Schemes,  and   negleft  the   laying    hold    of  Opportunities,  as  they   offer : 
but  either  of  thefe  Faculties  is  quite  lame,  without  the  other. 
To  engage  in       26.  'Tis  a  fourth  Precept  to  undertake  nothing  that  necejfarily  requires  much 
no  long  Pur-  time  ;  but  conftantly  to  remember,  Tune  is  ever  on  the  IVing^.     And  the  only 
f**"'-  reafon  why  thofe  who  addift  themfelves  to  toilfome  Profeilions,    and  Em- 

ploys, 3.%  Lawyers,  Authors,  &c.  are  lefs  verfed  in  making  their  Fortune,  is 
the  want  of  time  from  their  other  Studies,  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  Particu- 
lars •,  wait  for  Opportunities  i  and  projeft  their  own  Rifing.  We  fee  in  the 
Courts  of  Princes,  the  moft  effeftual  Men  in  making  their  own  Fortunes,  and 
invading  the  Fortunes  of  others,  are  fuch  as  have  no  publick  Employ  ;  but  are 
continually  plotting  their  own  Rife  and  Advantage. 
To  aS  nothing  27.  A  fifth  Precept  is,  that  we^  in  fome  meafure,  imitate  Nature,  which  does 
in  vain.  nothing  in  vain  :  and  this  is  not  very  difficult,  if  we  skilfully  mix  and  inter- 
lace our  Affi\irs  of  all  kinds.  For,  in  every  Adion,  the  Mind  is  to  be  fo 
inftrufted  and  prepared  ;  and  our  Intentions  to  be  fo  dependant  upon,  and 
fubordinate  to  each  other  ;  that  if  we  cannot  gain  the  higheft  Step,  we  may 
contcr.re'ly  take  up  with  the  fecond,  or  even  the  third.  But  if  we  can  hx 
on  no  part  of  our  Profped: ;  then  we  fliould  direft  the  pains  we  have  been  at  to 
fome  other  End :  fo,  as  if  v/e  receive  no  benefit  for  the  prefent,  yet  at  leaft,  to 

'  Tatis  accede,  Deifc^ue.  o' 

y  Sedfugit  interea,  fugit  irreparaiile  tempus. 


Sed.XXV.     /.-^j  Doctrine  (?/*  Rising  in  Life.  231 

gain  ibmewhat  of  tiiture  advantage.  But  if  we  can  ohMin  no  folid  Good 
from  our  Endeavours,  neither  in  prefent  nor  in  hiture,  L:C  us  endeavour,  ac 
leaft,  to  gain  a  Reputation  by  it,  or  fome  one  thing  or  other :  always  com- 
puting w'.th  ourfelves,  that,  from  every  A6lion,  we  receive  fome  advantage 
moreorlefsi  and  by  no  means  fuffering  the  IVIind  to  defpond,  orbeafto- 
niTa'd,  when  we  fliil  of  our  principal  End.  For  there  is  nothing  more  con- 
trary to  political  Prudence,  than  to  be  wholly  intent  upon  any  fingle  thing  : 
as  he  who  is  fo,  muft  lofe  numberlefs  Opportunities,  which  come  fide-ways 
in  Bufinefs ;  and  which,  perhaps,  would  be  more  favourable  and  conducive 
to  the  things  that  Ihall  turn  up  hereafter;  than  to  thofe  that  were  before 
purfued.  Let  Men,  thsrefore,  well  underftand  the  Rule  •,  "  thefe  things  Jhould 
*'  be  done  ;  but  thofe  JJoould  not  be  omitted." 

28.  T\\<tfixtb  Precept  is,  that  tue  do  not  too  peremptorily  oblige  ourfelves  to^'!  '**/  '"*' 
any  thing ;    tho'   it    feem,  at  firft  fight,    not   liable   to   contingency :    but-'j^^^'''/^'^^ 
always  referve  a  Window  open  to  fly  out  ;  or  fome  fecret  back-door  i'or  thing. 
Retreat. 

29.  A  feventh  Precept  is,  that  old  one  of  Bias,    provided  it  be  ufed  not  t^of  to 6etc^ 
treacheroufly,  but  only  by  way  of  Caution  and  Moderation.     "  Love  as  iffl'''"'sb  '"^- 
"  you  tvere  once  to  Hate;  and  Hate  as  if  you  were  once  to  hove."     For  it  Cur-r^^j  *     "   *''" 
prizingly  betrays  and  corrupts  all  forts  of  Utility,  to  plunge  one's  felf  too 

far  in  unhappy  FricndHiips,  vexatious  and  turbulent  Quarrels,  or  childifli 
and  empty  Emulations.  And  fo  much,  by  way  of  Example,  upon  the 
Do^rine,  or  Art,  of  Rifing  in  Life. 

30.  We  are  well  aware,  that  good  Fortune  may  be  had  upon  eafier  Con-CWFur/w»» 
ditions   than   are  here  laid    down :    for  it  falls  almoft  fpontaneoufly  upon-'^"'""""^! 
fome  Men  ;  whilft  others  procure  it  only  by  diligence  and  AfTiduity,  with-    ""' 

out  much  Art,  tho*  ftill  with  fome  Caution.  But  as  Cicero,  when  he  draws 
the  perfect  Orator,  docs  not  mean  that  every  Pleader  either  could  or  fhould  be 
like  him  ;  and  as  in  defcribing  the  Prince,  or  the  Politician,  which  fome  have 
undertaken,  the  Model  is  form'd  to  the  perfed  Rules  of  Art -,  and  not  ac- 
cording to  common  Life  :  the  fime  Method  is  obferved  by  us,  in  this  Sketch 
of  the  Self-Politician. 

31.  It  muft  be  obfen'ed,  that  the  Precepts  we  have  laid  down  upon  x\\is  The  preceding 
Subjeft,  are  all  of  them  lawful;  and  not  fuch  immoral  Artifices,  as  Ma-^J"^^'' ^"^ 
chiavel  fpeaks  of;  who  diredts  Men  to  have  little  regard  for  Virtue  itfelf, ""'"'"'''  * 
but  only  for  the  fiiew,  and  publick  reputation  of  it:  "•  becaufe,  fays  he,  the 

' '  Credit  and  Opinion  of  Virtue,  are  a  Help  to  a  Man  ;  hut  Virtue  itfelf  a  Hin- 
"  drance."  He  alfo  direfts  his  Politician  to  ground  all  his  Prudence  on 
this  Suppofition,  that  Men  cannot  be  truly  and  fafcly  worked  to  his  purpofe, 
but  by  Fear  ;  and  therefore  advifes  him  to  endeavour,  by  all  poffible  means, 
to  fubjed  them  to  Dangers  and  Difficulties,  Whence  his  Politician  may 
feem  to  be  what  the  Italians  call  a  Sower  of  Thorns.  So  Cicero  cites  this 
Principle,  "  let  our  Friends  fall,  provided  our  Enemies  perijh  ;"  upon  which 
the  Triumvirs  adted,  in  purchafing  the  Death  of  their  Enemies,  by  the  De- 
ftruftion  of  their  neareft  Friends.  So  Catiline  became  a  Difturber  and  In- 
cendiary of  the  State,  that  he  might  the  better  filh  his  Fortune  in  troubled 

Waters  j 


232 


S  E  L  F-Po  L  I  C  Y 


or. 


Sea.  XXV. 


No  Immora- 
lities to  be 
fraciifed  in 
mijin^  a  For- 
(me. 


Tift  Gsods  cf 
the  Mind  to 
6e  firfl  fre- 
Kstred. 


Waters-,  declaring,  that  if  h'ls  Fortune  tvas  fet  on  fire^  he  would  quench  it,  not 
laitb  IVater^  but  Deftru^ion.  And  fo  Lvfander  would  fay,  that  Children  were 
to  be  decofd  with  Sweet-Meats;  and  Men  by  falfe  Oaths:  and  there  are  nu- 
merous other  corrupt  and  pernicious  Maxims  of  the  fime  kind  ;  more  in- 
deed, as  in  all  other  cafes,  than  of  fuch  as  are  juft  and  found.  Now  if  any 
Man  delight  in  this  corrupt  or  tainted  Prudence,  we  deny  not  but  he  may 
take  a  fhort  cut  to  Fortune  -,  as  being  thus  difentangled,  and  fct  at  large 
from  all  reftraint  of  Laws,  Good-nature  and  Virtue  ;  and  having  no  regard 
but  to  his  own  Promotion :  tho'  'tis  in  Lifi  as  in  a  Journey,  where  the 
Iliorteft  Road  is  the  dirtieft  -,  and  yet  the  better,  not  much  about. 

32.  But  if  Men  were  themfelves,  and  not  carry'd  away  with  the  Tem- 
pefl  of  Ambition,  they  would  be  fo  far  from  ftudying  thefe  wicked  Arts, 
as  rather  to  view  them,  not  only  in  that  general  Map  of  the  World,  which 
fliews  all  things  to  be  Vanity  and  Vexation  of  Spirit ;  but  alfb  in  that  more 
particular  one,  which  reprefents  a  Life  feparate  from  good  Aftions,  as 
a  Curfe  -,  that  the  more  eminent  this  Life,  the  greater  the  Curfe  ;  that 
the  nobleft  Reward  of  Virtue,  is  Virtue  itfelf ;  that  the  extremefl:  Pu- 
nifliment  of  Vice,  is  Vice  itfelf :  and  that,  as  Virgil  excellently  obferves, 
good  Actions  are  rewarded  -,  as  bad  ones  alfo  are  punirtied,  by  the  Con- 
Iciounefs  that  attends  them*.  And,  indeed,  whilfl  IVIen  are  projedling,  and 
every  way  racking  their  Thoughts,  to  provide  and  take  care  for  their 
Fortunes,  they  ought,  in  the  midft  of  all,  to  have  an  eye  to  the  Divine 
Providence  ;  which  frequently  over-turns,  and  brings  to  nojght,  the  Machi- 
nations and  deep  Devices  of  the  Wicked :  according  to  that  of  the  Scrip- 
ture, he  has  conceived  Iniquity,  and  Jhall  bring  forth  Vanity.  And  altho'  Men 
were  not  in  this  Purfuit  to  praftif^  Injuftice,  and  unlawful  Arts  •,  yet  a  con- 
tinual, and  reftlefs  fearch  and  ftriving  after  Fortune,  takes  up  too  much  of 
their  time,  who  have  nobler  things  to  regard.  Even  the  Heathens  obferved, 
that  Man  was  not  made  to  keep  his  Mind  always  grovelling  on  the  ground  ; 
and,  like  the  Serpent,  eating  the  Daft  ^ 

3^.  Some,  however,  may  flatter  themfelves,  that  by  what  finifler  means 
foevjr  their  Fortune  be  procured,  they  are  determined  to  ufe  it  well  when 
obtained  ;  whence  it  was  faid  of  Augnftus  Cafar,  and  Septimius  Sivsrus,  that 
"  they  ought  never  to  have  been  born,  or  never  to  have  died :"  fo  much  Evil 
they  committed  in  afpiring,  and  fo  much  Goo  1  thev  did  when  feat°d.  But 
let  fuch  Men  know,  that  this  recompenfing  of  Evil  with  Good,  tho'  it  may 
be  approved  after    the  Aftion ;  yet   is  juftly  condemned  in  the  Difign. 

Lafily, 

*    ®«<e  vobiu  tfut  dign»,  viri,  pro  lauJibus  iftis 
Praemia  po^e  rear  folvi?  Pulcherrima  frimutn 
Dii  raorefijuc  dubunt  veftri 

This  feems  to  be  the  Foundation  of  all  Morality,  Virtue,  and  true  Volicy,  and  well  deferves 
to  be  fully  explained,  deduced,  and  applied  in  Social,  Civil,  and  Political  Life.  See  the  Lord 
Shaftesbury  upon  Virtuf,  and  o\XT  Author  upon  Ethicks,  Se^.XX.XXI.  andinhis  Ellaysp^j^w. 

!"  Att^ue  nffgit  humo  Divina:  particulam  Aurse. 
Ajain^ 
Os  homini  fublime  dejit,  caelnmque  tiieri 
Jttffit;  Q>  erecios  ad  fider»  toUere  vultus. 


Sed.XXV.  /yJ^DocTRiNE  <9/'RisiN6  IN  Life.       -  233 

Lnjlh,  it  may  not  be  amifs,  in  this  eager  Purfuit  of  Fortune,  for  Men 
to  cool  thenilclves  a  little  with  the  Saying  of  Charles  the  Fifth  to  his  Son  j 
viz.  "  Fortune  is  like  the  Ladies,  who  generally  /corn  and  difcard  their  over- 
*'  earnefi  Admirers."  But  this  laft  Remedy  belongs  to  fuch,  as  have  their 
Tafte  vitiated  by  a  Difeafe  of  the  Mind.  Let  Mankind  rather  reil  upon 
the  Corner-ftone  ot  D.vlnit^  and  Philofophy  •,  both  which  nearly  agree  in 
the  thing  that  ought  firft  to  be  fought.  For  Divinity  fays,  Seek  yc  Jirft 
the  Kuigdcm  of  God,  and  aU  other  things  Jfjall  he  added  unto  you:  fo  Philo- 
fophy  diredts  us,  firft  to feek  the  Goods  of  the  Mind;  and  the  reft  will  either 
be  fupplied,  or  not  much  wanted.  For  altho'  this  Foundation,  laid  by 
human  Hand?,  is  fometimes  placed  upon  the  Sand;  as  in  the  cafe  of  Bru- 
tus, who,  at  his  death,  cried  out,  "  O  Virtue,  I  have  reverenced  thee  as  a 
•'  Being;  but  alas,  thcu  art  an  empty  Name!  yet  the  fame  Foundation  is 
ever,  by  the  Divine  Hand,  fixed  upon  a  Rock.  And  here  we  conclude 
the  DoHrine  of  Rif.ng  in  Life  i  and  the  general  Doolrine  of  Bufinefsy  to* 
gether  ^. 

■  The  general  DoBrhie  of  Bujinefs  has  been  but  fparingly  touched,  fince  the  time  of  our  Au« 
thor.  The  Germans,  however,  feem  to  have  purfued  it,  in  ibme  tolerable  degree,  under 
the  Title' ot  Oeconomicat  Prudence  ;  or  the  Art  of  improving  a  private  Fortune:  fo  as  to  bring  it 
under  a  kind  of  Rules.  Thole  who  have  applied  themfelves  to  the  Improvement  of  mecha- 
nical Arts,  Agriculture,  Navigation,  Trade,  Commerce,  &c.  may  alio  be  reckoned  in  this  num. 
ber.  Somewhat  of  the  fame  kind  feems  to  have  been  the  original  Defign  of  the  Royal  Society : 
and  the  Learned  Morhof  judges  it  expedient,  that  Profrjfors  of  this  Art  fhould  be  appointed  in 
Univerlities.  Doubtlcli,  the  Improvement  and  Introduftion  of  ufeful  and  neceflary  Arts,  is  a 
ready  and  laudable  way  of  advancing  one's  private  Fortune;  as  by  the  difcovery  of  new  Machines, 
toeale  the  Labour  of  the  Hand;  the  railing  of  Wa'er  by  Fire  j  the  fawing  of  Timber  by  Wind- 
mills; the  Invention  of  new  Methods  for  fliortening  Works;  the  Cultivatingand  Tranfplanting 
of  foreign  Vegetables ;  the  refining  of  Sugar  ;  the  making  of  Wines;  the  fweetening  of  Sea- Water, 
&c.  according  to  the  Defign  of  the  Author,  in  his  «en»  Atlantis,  Sylva  Sylvarum,  and  particular 
Hijlories.  For  the  other  Writers  in  this  way,  coaCalt Morhof  s Folyhijior  Oeconomicus,  Tom. III. 
Lib.  3.  Struvins's  Bi/>liotheca  Fhilofophica,  Ci^.g.  tie  Scriploritm  Oecommicii,  zai  Stollii  Intra^ 
iuSit  in  tiijloriam  Literariam,  de  Arte  Oeconomica. 


Vol.  I.  Hh  SECT. 


234-  ?^^  Doctrine  o/*  Government.  Sedl.XXVI. 


SECT.     XXVI. 

T^e  Doctrine  «^/'Government:  andfirji^  of  Extend- 
ing the  Bounds  of^  m  p  i  r  e. 

Thi  Art  ef     i.TXT  E  come  now  to  the  Art  of  Empire,  or  the  Do^rhie  of  Gover- 
£mfii-e,  V  V    f'if^g  ^  ^i^^^  i  which  includes  Oecomm'ich  ',  as  a  C'lly  includes  a 

Family  But  here,  according  to  my  former  Refolution  ^  I  impofe  Silence 
upon  myfelf  •,  how  well  qualified  foever  I  might  feem  to  treat  the  Subjedb, 
from  the  conftant  courfe  of  my  Life,  Studies,  Employs,  and  the  publick 
Polls  I  have,  for  a  long  feries  of  Years,  fuftained  ;  even  to  the  higheft  in 
the  Kingdom  ;  which,  thro'  his  Majefty's  Favour,  and  no  Merit  of  my 
own,  I  held  for  four  years.  And  this  I  fpeak  to  Pofterity,  not  out  of  often- 
tation  ;  but  becaufe  I  judge  it  may  fomewhat  import  the  Dignity  of  Lear- 
ning, to  have  a  Man,  born  for  Letters  rather  than  any  thing  elfe,  who 
Ihould,  by  a  certain  Fatality,  and  againft  the  bent  of  his  Genius,  be  com- 
pelled into  aftive  Life  ;  and  yet  be  raifed,  by  a  prudent  King,  to  the  great- 
eft  Pofts  of  Honour,  Truft,  and  Civil  Employ  '.  And  if  I  (hould  hereafter 
have  leifure  to  write  upon  GoverJtment ;  the  Work,  will  probably  either  be 
pofthumous  or  abortive ''.  But  in  the  mean  time,  having  now  feated  all 
the  Sciences,  each  in  its  proper  place  -,  left  fuch  a  high  Chair  as  that  of  Go- 
vernment., ftiould  remain  abfolutely  vacant  ;  we  here  obferve,  that  two  parts 
of  Ciz'il  DoSrine,  tho'  belonging  not  to  the  Secrets  of  State,  but  of  a  more 
open  and  vulgar  Nature',  are  deficient  ;  and  fliall  therefore,  in  our  man- 
ner, give  Siecimens  for  fupplying  them. 

2. 

*  The  Art  o^  Governing  it  Tamily. 

*  See  above,  SeH.  XXIII.  i. 

*  Tint  the  Author's  bent  of  Genius,  was  to  Study  and  Contemplation,  appears  from  feveral 
of  his  Letters  to  private  Friends.     See  SurpLEMENT;V. 

"*  It  appears  by  i'everal  Iniimations,  that  the  Author  frequently  revolved  the  Subjeft  of  Go- 
vernment inhis  Mind  j  as  if  he  wanted,  or  expcfted,  to  be  called  upon  to  treat  it.  See  his  Let- 
ters. And  for  a  Specimen  of  his  Abilities  in  this  way,  fee  the  Political  Mythology,  in  his  S»- 
fientiit  Veterum ,  his  Political  Ejjap  i  the  Prudent  Statefm»n,  iad  the  Difcourfe  of  a  IVar  with 
Spain.  But  for  any  diredl  Syftem,  or  profefTed  Difcourfe  of  Government,  there  was  none  pub- 
liftied  before  his  Death  or  after  j  whatever  he  might  have  written,  either  in  order  tofupply  the 
Deficiency  of  his  New  Atlantis,  or  the  general  Deficiency  of  mankind. 

*  Here  again  is  plainly  intimated  the  reafon  why  the  Author  does  not  treat  the  Subjedl  of 
Government,  as  he  has  done  the  reftj  viz..  for  fear  of  revealing  what  is  not  fit  to  be  generally 
known.  See  above  Se£i.  XXHL  i.  And  yet  an  attentive  Reader  of  his  feveral  Political  Pieces, 
as  that  oilVar,  the  Peace  of  the  Church,  the  Prudent  Statefman,  the  Political  Mythology  of  the 
Ancients,  &c.  will  perhaps  tiad  abundantly  more  of  this  kind,  than  after  fuch  an  Evalion  could 
well  be  expedcd. 


Sed.XXVI.  The  Doctrine  of  Government.  235 

2.  The  Art  of  G')vernme>:t\x\z\\At%  three  politica!  OJpcfs  ;  viz.  (i.)  the  Pre-  Hi-ii.lfd  xoUh 
SERVATiON  i  (2.)  the  Happin'ESj-,  and  {}.)  the  Enlargement  ^"  « ''f-^'"''^/'"' ' '^ 
State.  The  two  former  have,  in  good  meafure,  been  excellently  treated  tiotJiz'^tbe 
byfome*;  but  there  is  nothing  extant  upon  the  lad  :  wliich  we  therefore  H.>/';>iwy^,flK^ 
note  as  defcieal ;  and  propofe  tiie  following  Sketch,  by  way  of  Example,  for  (?) ''"  ■^"»- 
fupplvina;  it;  under  the  Title  of  the  Military  Statesman,    or  the  i*'-^''"'''"  "-f 

IJOCTRINE   OF  EXTENDING    THE  DOUNDS  OF  EMPIRE. 

THE  MILITARY    STATESMAN:  TheM'itarv 

Sratcfm;:ii,  or 
or,  Docirine  of  en- 

A   SPECIMEN    OF    THE     DOCTRINE    OF    EN-        iZ^L^'"' 


LARGING  THE  BOUNDS  OF  EMPIRE. 


pire,  deficient. 


3.  The  Saying  of  Thjmlftodes,    if  applied  to  himfelf,    was  indecent  and  The  different 
haughty,    but  if  meant  in  general,  contains  a  very  prudent  Obfervation,  Talents  of 
and  as  grave  a  Cenfure.    Being  asked,  at  a  Feaft,  to  touch  a  Lute  ;  he  an-  ^o'"^''""''- 
fwered,  ' '  H^  could  not  fiddle  ;  but  he  could  raife  a  fmall  Village  to  a  great  Ci/y." 
Which  Words,  if  taken  in  a  political  Seiife,  excellently  defcribe  and  diftin- 
guifh  two  very   different  Faculties  in  thole  who  are  at  the  Helm  of  States. 
For  upon  an  exacft  Survey,  we  fliall  find  fome,   tho'  but  very  few,  that  be- 
ing raifed  to  the  Council-board,  the  Senate,    or  other  publick  Office,  can 
enlarge  a  fmall  State,  or  City;    and  yet  have  little  Skill   in  Mufick:  but 
many  more,  who  having  a  good  hand  upon  the  Harp,  or  the  Lute,  that  is, 
at  the  Trifles  of  a  Court,  are  fo  far  from  enlarging  a  State,  that  they  rather 
feem  defigned  by  Nature  to  overturn  and  ruin  it  ;  tho'  ever  fo  happy  and 
flouridiing.      And  indeed  thofe  bafe  Arts,  and  Tricks,    by  which   many 
Counfellors,  and   Men  of  great  place,  procure  the  Favour  of  their  Sove- 
reign, and  a  popular  Charafter,  deferve  no  other  name  than  a  certain  knack 
of  Ftddlvig;  as  being  things  more  pleafing  for  the  prefent,  and  more  orna- 
mental to  the  Pradtitioner,  than  ufeful,  and  fuited  to  enlarge  the  Bounds, 
or  increafe  the  Riches  of  the  State,  whereof  they  are   Minifters.     Again, 
there  are,  doubtlefs,  Counfellors  and  Governours,  who  tho'  equal  to  Bufi- 
nefs,  and  of  no  contemptible  Abilities,  may  commodioufly  manage  Things 
fo  as  to  preferve  them  from  manifeft  Precipices  and  Inconveniences  ;  tho' 
they  by  no  means  have  the  creative  Power  of  building  and  extending  an  Em- 
pire.    But  whatever  the  Workmen  be,  let  us  regard  the  Work  itfelf ;  viz. 
what  is  to  be  deemed  the  true  Extent  of  Kingdoms  and  Republicks  ;  and 
by  what  means  this  may  be  procured  :  a  Subjedt  well  deferving  to  lie  con- 
tinually before  Princes,  for  their  diligent  Meditation  ;    left  by  over-rating 
their  own  Strength,  they  ftiould  rafhly  engage  in  too  difficult  and  vain  En- 
terprizes ;  or,  thinking  too  meanly  of  their  Power,  fubmit  to  timorous  and 
effeminate  Counfels. 

H  h  2  4. 

'  For  ^Account  of  thefe  Writers,  fee  Morhof's  Polyhijlon,    Tom.  III.    Je  Trudinti*  Civ'ilh 
Striporibus ;  and  Stollii  ImroduH.  in  Hijl.  Uternr.  Cap.  V.  dt  Vrnitntin  t>litm. 


236  7^^  Doctrine  <?/"  Government.   Sed.XXVI. 

The  difference     4.  The  Greatnefs  of  an  Empire,  in  point  of  Bulk  and  Territory,  is  fub- 
of  States.       je£|-  fo  Menfuration  ;  and  for  its  Revenue,  to  Calculation.      The  number  of 
Inhabitan;:s  may  be  known  by  Valuation  or  Tax;  and  the  number  and  extent 
of  Cities  and  Towns,  by  Survey  and  Maps :  yet  in  all  Civil  Affairs,  there 
is  not  a  thing  more  liable  to  Error,  than  the  making  a  true  and  intrinfick 
Eftimate  of  the  Strength  and  Riches  of  a  State.     The  Kingdom  of  Hea- 
ven is  compared,  not  to  an  Acorn,  or  any   large  Nut  ;  but  to  a  Grain  of 
Muftard-feed  -,  which  tho'  one  of  the  leaft  Grains,  has  in  it  a  certain  quick 
Property,  and  native  Spirit,  whereby  it  rifes  foon,  and  fpreads  itfelf  wide  : 
fo   fome  States  of  very  large   Compafs,  are  little  fuited  to  extend  their 
Limits,  or  procure  a  wider  Command  •■,  whilft  others  of  fmall  Dimenfion, 
prove  the  Foundations  of  the  greateft  Monarchies. 
The  Greatnefs     5-  Fortified  Towns,  well-ftored  Arfenals,  noble  Breeds  of  War-Horfe, 
•/s'Mm,/?oip  armed  Chariots,  Elephants,  Engines,  all  kindsof  Artillery,  Arms,  and  the 
'«^* «/'"""<■''•  like,  are  nothing  more  than  a  Sheep  in  a  Lion's  Skin  •,  unlefs  the  Nation  it 
felf  be,  from  its  Origin  and  Temper,  ftout  and  warlike.     Nor  is  number 
of  Troops  itfelf  of  any  great  fervice,  where  the  Soldiers  are  weak  and  ener- 
vate :  for,  as  Firgil  well  obferves,  tlae  Wolf  cares  not  how  large  the  Flock  is. 
The  Perjian  Army  in  the  Planes  of  Arhela,  appeared  to  the  Eyes  of  the 
Macedonians,  as  an  immenfe  Ocean   of  People ;  infomuch  that  Alexander's 
Leaders  being  ftruck  at  the  fight,  counfell'd  their  General  to  fall  upon  them 
by  night;  but  he  replied,  "  I  will  7iot  fteal  the  Vitlory:"  and  'twas  found 
an  eafier  Conqueft  than   he   expedled.       Tigranes,    encamped    upon  a  Hill, 
with    an  Army  of  four  hundred  thoufand  Men,  feeing  the  Roman  Army, 
confifting  but  of  fourteen  thoufand,  making  up  to  him  ;  he  jefted  at  it,  and 
faid,  "  Thofe  Men  are  loo  man\for  an  Emb.'^JJ'\:,but  much  too  few  for  a  Battle:'* 
yet   before  Sun-fct  he  found  them  enow   to  give  him  chafe,    with  infinite 
Slaughter.     And  we  have  abundant  Examples  of  the  great  inequality  betwixt 
Number  and  Strength.     This  therefore  may  he  frji  fet  down,  as  a  fure  and 
certain  Maxim,  and  the  capital  of  all  the  reft,  with   regard  to  the  greatnefs 
of  a  State,  that  the  People   be  of  a  Military  Race  ;  or  both  by  Origin  and 
Difpofition  warlike.     The  Sinews  of  War  are  not  Money,  if  the  Sinews  of 
Men's   Arms   be   wanting  ;    as  they  are  in  a  foft  and   effeminate  Nation. 
'Twas  a  juft  Anfwer  of  Solon  to  Crt^fus,  who  Ihewed  him  all  his  Treaiure : 
"  Tes,  Sir,  but  if  another  fhould  come  with   belter  Iron  than  ■jou,  he  would  be 
*'  Majler  of  all  this  Gold."     And  therefore,   all  Princes  whofe    native  Sub- 
jects are  not  hardy  and  military,  fliould  make  avery  modeft  eftimate  of  their 
Power  ;  as,  on  the  other  hand,  thofe  who  rule  a  ftout  and  martial  People, 
may  well  enough  know  their  own  Strength  ;  if  they  be  not  otherwife  want- 
ing to  themfelves.      As  to  hired  Forces,  which  is  the   ufual  Remedy  when 
native  Forces  are  wanting,  there  are  numerous  Examples,  which  clearly  fhew, 
that  whatever  State  depends  upon  them,  tho'  it  may  perhaps  for  a  time  ex- 
tend its  Feathers  beyond  its  Neft,  yet  they  will  mew  foon  after. 
A  People  op-       6.  The  Bleffing  of  Judah  and  IJfachar  can  never  meet;  fo  that  the  fame 
frefs'd  vith    Tribe,or  Nation,  fliould  be  both  the  Lion'sWhelp,  and  the  Jfs  under  the  Burden: 
ffr'^i^de       "°''  ^^"  *  People,  overburdened  with  Taxes,  ever  be  ftrong  and  warlike.    'Tis 


r 


Sc(n:.XXVI.   7!^^  Doctrine  ^Government.  237 

true,  that  Taxes  levied  by  publick  Confenr,  lefs  difpirit,  and  fink  the  Minds 
of  the  Subjed,  than  thole  impofed  in  abfolute  Governments ;  as  clearly  ap- 
pears by  what  is  called  Excife  in  the  Netherlands  -,  and  in  fome  meafure,  by 
the  Contributions  called  the  Subftdies  in  England.  We  are  now  fpeaking  of 
the  Miiuh  ;  and  not  of  the  Wealth  of  the  People  :  for  Tributes  by  confent,  tho' 
the  fame  thing  wich  Tributes  mpofed,  as  to  exhaufling  the  Riches  of  a  King- 
dom ;  yet  very  differently  affeft  the  Minds  of  the  Subjeft.  So  that  this 
alfo  muft  be  a  Maxim  of  State  ;  that  a  People  opprejffed  with  Taxes  is  unfit  to 
rule. 

7.  States  and  Kingdoms  that  afpire  to  Greatnefs,  mufl  be  very  careful  That  the  K»- 
that  their  Nobles  and  Gentry  increafenot  too  much  ;    otherwife    the  com-  *'^^  be  few. 
mon  People  will  be  difpirited,    reduced  to  an  abjeft  State  •,  and  become^^jg> 
little  better  than  Slaves  to  the  Nobility  :  As  we  fee  in  Coppices,  if  the  Stad- 

dles  are  left  too  numerous,  there  will  never  be  clean  Under- wood  ;  but  the 
greatefl:  part  degenerates  into  Shrubs  and  Bullies.  So  in  Nations,  where  the 
Nobility  is  too  numerous,  the  Commonalty  will  be  bafe  and  cowardly  •,  and 
at  length,  not  one  Head  in  a  hundred  among  them  prove  fit  for  a  Helmet  i 
efpecially  with  regard  to  the  Infantry,  which  is  generally  the  prime  Strength 
of  an  Army.  Whence,  tho'  a  Nation  be  full  peopled,  its  Force  may  be 
fmall.  We  need  no  clearer  Proof  of  this,  than  by  comparing  £;7^/rtW  and 
France.  For  tho'  England  be  far  inferior  in  extent,  and  number  of  Inhabi- 
tants; yet  it  has  almoft  conftantly  got  the  better  o?  France  in  War  :  for 
this  reafon,  that  the  Rufbicks,  and  lower  fort  of  People  in  Eiigland,  make 
better  Soldiers  than  the  Peafants  o^  France.  And  in  this  refpedt  'twas  a  ve- 
ry political  and  deep  forefight  of  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England,  to  confti- 
tute  lefler  fettled  Farms,  and  Houfes  of  Husbandry,  with  a  certain  fixed  and 
infeparable  Proportion  of  Land  annexed  ;  fufiicient  for  a  Life  of  Plenty  :  fo 
that  the  Proprietors  themfelves,  or  at  lead  the  Renters,  and  not  Hirelings, 
might  occupy  them.  For  thus  a  Nation  may  acquire  that  Charafter  which 
Virgil ^iwe.%  of  ancient  Italy,  "  a  Country  ftrong  in  Arms,  and  rich  cf  Soil^,  We 
mufb  not  here  pafs  over  a  fort  of  People,  almoft  peculiar  to  England,  viz. 
the  Servants  of  our  Nobles  and  Gentry  ;  as  the  loweft  of  this  kind  are  no 
way  inferior  to  the  Yeomanry  for  Foot-fervice.  And  'tis  certain  that  the  hof- 
pitable  Magnificence  and  Splendor,  the  Attendance  and  large  Train,  in  ufe 
among  the  Nobility  and  Gentry  of  England,  add  much  to  our  Military 
Strength;  as,  on  the  other  fide,  a  clofe,  retired  Life  among  the  Nobility, 
caufes  a  want  of  Forces. 

8.  It  muft  be  earneftly  endeavoured,  that    the  Tree  of  Monarchy,  like  the  That  the  n«- 
Tree  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  have   its  Trunk  fufficiently   large  and   ftrong,  to  "^"  ^*  "? 
fupport  its  Branches  and  Leaves  •,  or  that  the  Natives  be  enow  to  keep  tbefo-  'for'^tZvo- 
reign  Subjects  under  :  whence  thofe  States  beft  confult  their  Greatnefs,  which  reignm, 
are  liberal  of  Naturalization.     For  it  were  vain  to  think  a  handful  of  Men, 

how  excellent  foever  in  Spirit,   and  Counfel,  fliould  hold  large  and  fpacious 
Countries  under  the  yoke  of  Empire.     This  indeed  might  perhaps  be  done 
for  a  feafon  j  but  it  cannot  be  lafting.     The  Spartans  were  referved  and  dif- 
ficult 
•  Ttrra  puns  Arm'ti,  atque  ubere  Clti». 


<^T^S  7^^  Doctrine  ^/ Government.    Sed.XXVL 

ficult  in  receiving  Foreigners  among  them-,  and  therefore  fo  long   as  they 
ruled  within  their  ov/n  narrow  Bounds,  their  Affairs  Itood  firm  and  ftrong  : 
but  foon  after  they  began  to  widen  their  Borders,  and   extend  their  Domi- 
nion farther  than  the  Spnrlan  Race  could  well  command  the  foreign  Crowd-, 
their  Power  funk  of  a  fudden.     Never  did  Commonweijlth  receive  new  Ci- 
tizens fo  profalely  as  the  Reman  -,  whence  its  Fortune  was  equal  to  fo  pru- 
dent a  Conduft  :  and  thus  the  Romans  acquired  the   moft  extenfive  Empire 
on  the  Globe.     It  was  their  Ciiftom  to   give  a   fpeedy    Denization,  and  in 
the  higheft  degree  -,  that  is,  not  only  a  Right  of  Commerce,  of  Marriage, 
and  IniiTrlcance  -,  but  alfo  a  Right  of  Vote,  and  of  ftanding  Candidate  for  Pla- 
ces and  Honours.     And  this  not  only  to  particular  Perfons ;  but  they  con- 
<^..f"^errtd   it    upo.i   whole  Families,   Cities,  and   fometimes   whole  Nations  at 
once.     Add  to  this,  their  Cuftom  of  fettling  Colonies ;  whereby  Roman  Roots 
were  tranfplanted  in  foreign  Soil.     And  to  confider  thefe  two  Praftices  to- 
gether j  it  might  be  faid,  that  the  Romans  did   not  fpread    themfelves  over 
the  Globe,    but  that   the  Globe  Ipread  itfelf  over  the /?o;«i7«j.-  which  is  the 
fecurcft  Metiiod  of  extending  an  Empire.     I   have  often  wondered  how  the 
Spanifi  Government  could  with  fo  few  Natives  inclofe  and  curb  fo  many 
Kingdoms  and  Provinces.     But  Spain  may  be  efteemed  a  fufficiently  large 
Trunk  -,  as  it  contains  a  much  grearer   Tradl  of  Country  than  either  Ro7ne 
or  Sparta  did  at  firft.     And  altho'  the  Spaniards  are  very   fparing   of  Na- 
turalization, yet   they  do    what  comes   next  to  it;  promifcuoufly  receive 
the  Subjefts  of  all  Nations  into  their  Army  :  and  even  their  higheft  Milita- 
ry Office  is  often  conferred  upon  foreign  Leaders.     Nay,  it  appears  that  Spain 
at  length  begins  to  feel  their  want  of  Natives;  and  are  now  endeavouring 
to  fupply  it. 
The fofter me-      9.   'Tis  Certain,  that  the  fedentary  Mechanick   Arts,    pradis'd  within 
chanick  Arts  doors  ;  and  the  more  curious  Manufaftures,  which  require  the   Finger  ra-« 
tobeleftto     tlicr  than  the  Arm,  are  in  their  own  nature  oppofite  to  a  military   Spirit. 
*■  "Z"'-       jyjgj^  Q^  ^j^g  Sword,  univerfally  delight  in  exemption  from  Work  ;  and  dread 
Dangers  lefs  than  Labour,     And  in  this  Temper  they  muft  be  fomewhat 
indulged  ;  if  we  defire  to  keep  their  Minds  in  vigour.     'Twas,  therefore,  a 
great  Advantage  to  Sparta,   Athens,  Rome,  and  other  ancient  Republicks, 
that  they  had  the  ufe,  not  of  Freemen,  but  generally  of  Slaves,  for  this  kind 
of  domeftick  Arts.     But  after  the  Chriftian  Religion  gained  ground,'"the  ufe 
of  S^Aves  was  in  great  meafure  abolifhed.     What  comes  neareft  this  Cuftom, 
is  to  leave  fuch  Arts  chiefly  to  Strangers ;  who  for  that  purpofe  fhould  be 
invited  to  come  in  ;    or  at  Icaft  be  eafily  admitted.     The  Native  Vulgar 
fliould  confift  of  three  kinds ;  viz.   Husbandmen,  Free-fervants,  and  Handy- 
craftsmen,  ufed  to  the  ftrong  mafc  uline  Arts ;  fuch  as  Smithery,  Mafonry, 
Carpentry,  i^c.  without  including  the  Soldiery. 
Arms  to  be         ID.  But  above  all  'tis  moft  conducive  to  the  greatnefs  of  Empire,  for  a 
fludiedmd      ti^iUon  to  profefs  the  Skill  of  Arms,  as  its  principal  Glory,  and  mojl  honourable 
frofejfedbya,    £j„pigy  .  fgr  ji^g  things  hitherto  ipoke  of,  are  but  preparatory  to  the  ufe  of 
fiw.""^         -^rrns ;  and  to  what  end  this  Preparation,  if  the  thing  itfelf  be  not  reduced 
to  Aftion  ?     Romulus,  as  the  Story  goes,  left  it  in  charge  to  his  People  at 

his 


Se(ft:.XXVI.  7^^  Doctrine  ^Government.  239 

his  death,  that  of  all  things  they  fliould  cultivate  the  Art  of  War  ;  as 
that  which  would  make  their  City  the  head  of  the  World.  The  whole  Frame 
and  Structure  of  the  Spartan  Government,  tended,  with  more  Diligence  in- 
deed than  Prudence,  only  to  make  its  Inhabitants  Warriors.  Such  was  alfo 
the  Pradice  of  the  P erfi a !7s  and  Macedonians ;  tho'  not  fo  conftant  and  lad- 
ing. The  Britons,  Gauls,  Germ:2ns,  Goths,  Saxons,  Nor?nans,  &c.  for  fome 
time  alfo,  principally  cultivated  Military  Arts.  The  Turks  did  the  fame  ; 
being  not  a  litde  excited  thereto  by  their  Law  :  and  (till  continue  the  Difci- 
pline  ;  notwichftanding  their  Soldiery  be  now  on  its  decline.  Of  all 
Chrijlian  Europe,  the  only  Nation  that  ftill  retains  and  profefTcs  this  Difci- 
pline,  is  xheSpaniJh.  But  it  is  fo  plain,  that  every  one  advances  fartheft  in 
what  he  ftudies  moft,  as  to  require  no  enforcing.  'Tis  fufficient  to  intimate, 
that  unlefs  a  Nation  profefledly  ftudies  and  praftifes  Arms,  and  Military 
Difcipline,  fo  as  to  make  them  a  principal  Bufinefs,  it  muft  not  expcift 
that  any  remarkable  Greatnefs  of  Empire  will  come  of  its  own  accord.  On 
the  contrary,  'tis  the  moft  certain  Oracle  of  Time,  thp.t  thofe  Nations  which 
have  longeft  continued  in  the  Study  and  Profeffion  of  Arms,  as  the  Ro- 
mans and  the  Turks  have  principally  done,  make  the  moft  furprizing  Pro- 
grefs,  in  enlarging  the  Bounds  of  Empire.  And  again,  thofc  Nations  which 
have  flourifhed,  tho'  but  for  a  fingle  Age,  in  Military  Glory  -,  yet,  during 
that  time,  have  obtained  fuch  a  greatnefs  of  Empire,  as  has  remained  with 
them  long  after,  when  their  Martial  Difcipline  was  flackened. 

II.  It  bears  fome  relation  to  the  foregoing  Precept,  tha.t  a  Sl^te  JhouIdTdattheLam 
have  fuch  Laws  and  Cuftoms,  as  may  readily  adminifter  jujl  Cav.fes,  or  at  leaft  Xlw^'f^/i 
Pretexts,  of  taking  Arms.  For  there  is  fuch  a  natural  Notion  of  Juftice  \m.-  Qccafioni  of 
printed  in  Men's  Minds,  that  they  will  not  make  War,  whicli  is  attended  jflir. 
with  fo  many  Calamities,  unlefs  for  fome  weighty,  or  at  leaft  fome  fpecious 
Rcafon.  The  Turks  are  never  unprovided  of  a  Caufe  of  War  ;  viz.  the 
Propagation  of  their  Law  and  Religion.  The  Romans,  tho'  it  was  a  high 
Degree  of  Honour  for  their  Emperors,  to  extend  the  Borders  of  their  Em- 
pire, yet  never  undertook  a  War  for  that  fole  end.  L,et  it,  therefore,  be  a 
Rule  to  all  Nations  that  aim  at  Empire,  to  have  a  quick  and  lively  fenfi- 
bility  of  any  Injury,  done  to  tl\eir  frontier  SubjeiEts,  Merchants,  or  publick 
Minifters.  And  let  them  not  fit  too  long  quiet,  after  the  firft  Provoca- 
tion. Let  them  alfo  be  ready  and  chearful  in  fending  Auxiliaries  to  their 
Friends  and  Allies :  which  the  Romans  conftantly  obferved  -,  infomuch  that 
if  an  Invafion  were  made  upon  any  of  their  Allies,  who  alfo  had  a  defen- 
five  League  with  others,  and  the  former  begg'd  Affiftance  feveraliy, 
the  Remans  would  ever  be  the  fiift  to  give  it,  and  not  fuffer  the  Honour  of 
the  Benefit  to  be  fnatched  from  them  by  others.  As  for  the  Wars  anciently 
waged  from  a  certain  Conformity,  or  tacit  Correfpondence  of  States,  lean- 
not  fee  on  what  Law  they  ftood.  Such  were  the  Wars  undertaken  by  the 
Romans,  for  reftoring  Liberty  to  Greece;  fuch  were  thofe  of  the  Lacedemo- 
nians and  Athenians,  for  eftablifliing  or  overturning  Democracies,  or  Oligar- 
chies ;  and  fuch  fometimes  are  thofe  entered  into  by  Republicks  or  King- 
doms, under  pretext  of  protecting  the  Subjects  of  other  Nations ;  or  deli- 

I  vering 


240  21;^  Doctrine  <?/"  Government.    Sedi.XXVI 

vering  them  from  Tyranny.     Ic  may  fuffice  for  the  prefent  purpofe,  that  no 
State   expefl  any  Greatnefs  of  Empire,  unlefs  it  be  immediately  ready  to 
feize  any  juft  occafion  of  a  J'Far. 
Amtionto        12.  No  one  Body,  whether  Natural  or  Political,  can  preferve  its  Health 
healwAyina-  wiihout  Exetcife  •,  and  honourable  IVar  is  the  wholefome  Exercife  of  a  King- 
JiforlVar.      (ioiH  OX  Commonwealih.      Civil  fFan  indeed  are  like   the  Heat   of  a   Feverj 
hut  a  War   abroad  is  like  the   Heat  of  Motion,  wholefome:    for  Men's 
Minds  are  enervated,  and  their  Manners  corrupted  by  fluggifli,  and  unacftive 
Peace.      And  hov/ever  it  may  be  as  to  the  Happinefs  of  a  State  -,  'tis  doubt- 
lefs  befl  for  its  Greatnefs,  to  be,  as  it  were,  always  in  Arms.      A  veteran 
Arrnw    indeed,    kept   conftantly    ready   for   marching,    is  expenfive  •,    yet 
it   gives  a   State    the  difpofal   of  things    among    its  Neighbours;    or,  at 
leaft,  procures  it  a  great  Reputation  in  other  refped:s  :  as  may  be  clearly  feen 
in  the  Spaniard  \  who  has  now,  for  a  long  Succeffion  of  Years,  kept  a  land- 
ing Arm-j^  tho'  not  always  in  the  fame  part  of  the  Country. 
The  advun-         13.  The  Dcviinion  of  the  Sea   is  an   Etilc?ne  of  Monarchy.     Cicero,    in  a 
ta^e  of  being   Letter  to  Atticus,  writing  of  Pompey''s   Preparation  againft  Ccefar,  lays,  the 
mnjieriatsea.  £)gf,gp,s  Qf  Pgnipgy  are  like  thofe  of  nemijlocles  ;  for  be  thinks  theyivho  com- 
mand the  Sea,  command  (be  Empire.     And  doubtlefs  Pc?ntey  would  have  wea- 
ried C(?far  out,  and  brought  him   under,    had  he  not,  thro'   a  vain  Confi- 
dence, dropt  his  Defign.     'Tis  plain,  from  many  Examples,  of  how  great 
confequence  Sea-fights  are.     The   Fight  at  Allium  decided  the  Empire  of 
the  World  :  The  Fight  o(  Lepanto  ftruck  a  Hook  in  the  Nofeof  the  Turk  : 
And  it  has  frequently  happened,  that  Vidories,  or  Defeats  at  Sea  have  put  a  fi- 
nal end  to  the  War  ;  that  is,  when  the  whole  Fortune  of  it  has  been  committed 
to  them.     Doubtlefs  the  being  Majler  of  the  Sea,  leaves  a  Nation  at  great  li- 
berty to  aft  ;  and   to  take   as  much,  or  as  little  of  the  War  as  it   pleafes  : 
whilft  thofe  who  are  fuperior  in  Land  Forces,  have  yet  numerous  Difficulties 
to  ftruggle  with.     And  at  prefent,  amongft  the  European  Nations,  a  Naval 
Strength,  which  is  the  Portion  of  Great  Britain,  is  more  than  ever,  of  the 
greateft  importance  to  Sovereignty  ;   as  well   becaufe  moft  of  the  Kingdoms 
of  Europe  are  not  Continents,  but  in  good  mt^imt  furrounded  by  the  Sea  ;  as 
becaufe  the  Treafures  of  both  India  feem  but  an  AccefTory  to  the  Dominion 
of  the  Seas. 
The  Soldiers  to       '4-  The  TFars  of  later  times  feem  to   have  been  waged  in  the  dark, 
be  honourably  compared  with  the  variety  of  Glory  and  Honour  ufually  reflefted  upon  the 
rewarded.     ,   military  Men  of  former  Ages.     'Tis  true,  we  have  at  this  day,  certain  mi- 
litary Honours,  dcfigned  perhaps  as  Incentives  to  Courage  ;  tho'  common 
to  Men  of  the  Gown,  as  well  as  the  Sword :  we  have  alfo  fome  Coats  of  Arms, 
and  publick  Hofpitals,  for  Soldiers  worn  out,  and  difabled  in  the  Service :  but 
among  the  Ancients,  when  a  Vidtory  was  obtained,  there  were  Trophies,  Fu- 
neral Orations,  and  magnificent  Monuments,  for  fuch  as  died  in  the  Wars. 
Civick  Crowns,  and  Military  Garlands,  were  befl:owed  upon  all  the  Soldiers. 
The  very  name  of  Emiperor  was  afterwards  borrowed  by  the  greateft  Kings, 
from  Leaders  in  the  Wars.     They  had  folemn  Triumphs  for  their  fuccefs- 
tlil  Generals  :  They  had  Donatives  and  great  Largejfes  for  the  Soldiers  ;  when 

the 


Sed.XXVI.  The  Doctrine  ^Government.  24.1 

the  Army  was  disbanded  :  Thefe  are  fuch  great  and  dazzling  Things  in  the  eyes 
of  Mortals,  as  to  be  capable  of  firing  the  mod  frozen  Spirits,  and  enflaming 
them  for  War.  In  particular,  the  manner  of  Triumph  among  the  Romans 
was  not  a  thing  of  Ptigeantr'^,  or  empty  Show  ;  but  deferving  to  be  reckoned 
among  the  wifefl  and  moft  noble  of  their  Cuftoms :  as  being  attended  with 
thefe  three  Particulars-,  viz.  (i.)the  Glory  and  Honour  of  their  Leaders  ; 
(i.)  the  enriching  of  the  Treafury  with  the  Spoils  ;  and  (3.)  Donatives  to 
the  Army.  But  their  triumphal  Honours  were,  perhaps,  unfit  for  Monar- 
chies i  unlefs  in  the  Perfon  of  the  King  or  his  Son  :  which  alio  obtained  at 
Rome  in  the  times  of  its  Emperors ;  who  referved  the  honour  of  the  Triumph, 
as  peculiar  to  themfelves,  and  their  Sons,  upon  returning  from  the  Wars, 
whereat  they  were  prefent ;  and  had  brought  to  a  Conclufion  :  only  confer- 
ring their  Veftments,  and  Triumphal  Enfigns  upon  the  other  Leaders. 

15.  But  to  conclude,  tho'  no  Man,  as  the  Scripture  teftifies,  can,  by  ta-  !*«*  Et»pire> 
king  care,  add  one  Cubit  to  his  Stature,  that  is,  in  the  little  Model  of  the  hu-  '"p7/Vr«-'^" 
man  body  •,  yet  in  the  vail  Fabrick  of  Kingdoms  and  Commonwealths,  'tis  fence. 
in  the  power  of  Kings  and  Rulers  to  extend  and  enlarge  the  Bounds  of  Em- 
pire :  for  by  prudently  introducing  fuch  Laws,  Orders,  a.ndCuJloms  as  thofe 
above  mentioned,  and  the  like,  they  might  fow  the  Seeds  ofGreatnefs,  for 
Pofterity  and  future  Ages.      But  thefe  Counfels  feldom  reach  the  Ears  of 
Princes ;  who  generally  commit  the  whole  to  the  Direflion  and  Difpofal  of 
Fortune '. 

'  Finding  the  DoHrine  ef  Government  more  diretSIy  applied  to  War,  in  a  Piece  of  the  Au- 
thor's, infcribed  to  Prince  Charles,  in  the  year  1624,  on  occafion  of  a  War  with  Spain  i  it 
ieems  proper  to  make  it  Supplemental  to  this  of  the  Military  State/man,  under  the  Title  ot 
the  Twelfth  Supplement  to  this  general  Work.  And  oblerviag  alfo  the  gene:i\Do6lrine  of  Go- 
vernment, farther  extended,  and  enlarged  by  the  Author,  in  his  Advice  to  Sir  George  ViUierj; 
it  appeared  fuitable  to  the  Defign,  that  this  likewife  fhould  be  made  Supplemental  to  the  Doc- 
'Srine  of  Government ;  as  being  a  Sketch  of  (he  Prudent  Minijler,  correfponding  to  the  preceding  one 
of  the  Military  Statefman;  tho"  not  indeed  fo  well  digefted  by  the  Author.  See  the  Thirteenth 
Supplement  to  this  general  Work. 


Vo  L.  I.  I  i  SECT, 


242        735^  Doctrine  ©/"Universal  Justice  ;  o;^,   Sed.  XXVII. 


SECT.     XXVII. 

Ti^g  Doctrine  <?/"  Universal  Justice:   <?r,  the 
Fountains  of  Equity. 

Telithians  iefti.f  t  ""HE  Other  Defideratum  we  note  in  xh.&  Art  of  Government,  is  the 
qualified  to  j^    DocTRiNE  OF  UNIVERSAL  JusTicE,  or  the  Fountains  of  Law ^ 

ieiiefju/lke'  "^^^V  '^^^'^  ^^'^^  hitherto  wrote  upon  Laws,  write  either  as  PM5y2)//6(?rj  or 
'  Lawyers.  The  Philofophers  advance  many  things  that  appear  beautiful  in 
Difcourfe,  but  lie  out  of  the  road  ofUfe  :  whilft  the  Lazvyers,  being  bound 
and  fubjed  to  the  Decrees  of  the  Laws  prevailing  in  their  feveral  Countries, 
whether  Roman  or  Pontifical,  have  not  their  Judgment  free  -,  but  write  as  in 
Fetters.  This  Doolrinc,  doubtlefs,  properly  belongs  to  Slatefmen  -,  who  befl: 
underftand  Civil  Society,  the  Good  of  the  People,  Natural  Equity,  the 
Cuftoms  of  Nations,  and  the  diflerent  Forms  of  States.  Whence  they  are 
able  to  judge  of  Laws  by  the  Principles  and  Precepts,  as  well  of  natural 
Juftice,  as  of  Politicks.  The  prefent  view,  therefore,  is  to  difcover  the 
Fountains  of  Juftice  and  Puhlick  Good;  and,  in  all  the  parts  of  Equity,  to 
give  a  certain  Charafter  and  Idea  of  what  is  juft  ;  according  whereto,  thofe 
who  defire  it,  may  examine  the  Lau>s  of  particular  Kingdoms  and  States  ; 
and  thence  endeavour  to  amend  them.  And  of  this  Doflrine,  we  fhall,  in 
our  ufual  way,  give  an  Example  aphoriftically,  in  a  fingle  Title. 

A  SPECIMEN  OF  THE  METHOD  OF  TREATING 
UNIVERSAL   JUSTICE: 
or, 
THE     FOUNTAINS    OF    E  QJJ  I  T  Y ». 

INTRODUCTION. 

Aphorism   I. 

Three  Toiitt'        j.  Either  Law  or  Force  prevails  in  Civil  Society.     But  there  is  fome  Force- 

Xufiice^^'^'     '^'^^  refembles  La-vo  ;  and  feme  Lazv  that  refembles  Force,  more  than  Juftice. 

Whence  there  are  three  Fountains  of  Injaftice ;  viz.  (i.)  mere  Force,  (2.)  7na- 

licious  Enfnaring,  under  colour  of  Law ;   and   (3.)  the  Severity  of  the  Law 

itfelf 

Aphorism  II. 
The  FounJa-       3.  The  Ground  o^ private  Right  is  this.     He  who  does  an  Injury,  receives 
tion  of  private  Profit  or  Plealure  in  the  Action  ;  and  incurs  Danger  by  the  Example :  whilft: 
^i^'-  others 

"Whoever  would  continue,  or  improve  the  Work  here  begun,  may  confult  Morhof's  Polyhifior, 
Tom.  111.  Lib.VI.  itefurilpriuhntUuniverfaliiScriptoribui  ;  Strtivii  BMiothecVhilofofh.  Cap.  6,  7. 
de  Scrlptoribui  Politicit ;  and  SteUii  IntroduS.  in  Uifi.  Liter,  pag.  -JSi'  ^'^'   ^^J'"^  l^aturali. 


Sed. XXVII.       the  Fountains  of  Equity.  243 

orhers  partake  not  with  him  in  that  Profit  or  Pleafure  ;  but  think  the  Ex- 
ample concerns  them:  whence  they  eafily  agree  to  defend  themfelves  by 
Laws^  left  each  Particular  fliould  be  injured  in  his  turn.  But  if  it  Hiould 
happen,  from  the  Nature  of  the  Times,  and  a  Communion  of  Guilt,  that 
the  greater  or  more  powerful  Part  fhould  be  fubjedt  to  Danger,  rather  than 
defended  from  it,  by  Law  ;  Fadion  here  difannuls  the  Law :  and  this  cafe 
frequently  happens. 

Aphorism  III. 

4.  But  private  Right  lies  under  the  Protecftion  of  puhlick  Laws :  for  Law  Vrivitte  night 
guards  the  People,  and  Magiftrates  guard  the  Laws.     But  the  Authority  ^"  ^\^l\"f"^ 
of  the  Magiftrate  is   derived  from   the  Majefty  of  the  Government,   the  /^^" 
Form  of  the  Conftitution,  and  its  fundamental  Laws.     Whence,  if  the  po- 
litical Conftitution  be  juft  and  right,  the  Laws  will  be  of  excellent  ufe  ;  but 

if  otherwife,  of  little  Security. 

Aphorism   IV. 

5.  PubUck  Law  is  not  only  the  Preferver  of  private  Right,  (o  as  to  ^tt'^  vublkk  taws 
it  unviolated,  and  prevent  Injuries;  but  extends  alfo  to  Religion,  Arms,  extend  to  Re- 
Difcipline,  Ornaments,  fFeallh,  and  all  things  that  regard  the  Good  of  a ''/""'"^''""' 
btate. 

A  PH  0  R  I  s  M    V. 

6.  For  the  End  and  Scope  of  Laws,  whereto  all  their  Decrees  and  Sanc-x,&,  e„j  ^jc 
rions  ought  to  tend,  is  the  Happinefs  of  the  People:  which  is  procurable,  tawj. 
(i.)  by  rightly  inftrudling  them  in  Piety,  Religion,  and  th-  Duties  of  Mo- 
rality ;  (2.)  fecuring  them  by  Arms  againft  foreign  Enemies;  (3.)  guarding 

them  by  Laws  againft  Fadlion,  and  private  Injuries  ;  (4.)  rend  ring  them 
obedient  to  the  Government  and  Magiftracy  ;  and  (5.)  thus  caufing  them 
to  flourifli  in  Strength  and  Plenty.  But  Laws  are  the  Inftruments  and  Si- 
news for  procuring  all  this. 

Aphorism    VI. 

7.  The  hfi  Laws,  indeed,  fecure  this  good  End;  but  many  other  Laws r^e '/'iff «»« 
fail  of  it.     For  Laws  differ  furprizingly  from  one  another ;  infomuch,  that "/  ^'"^^• 
fome  are,  (i.)  excellent;   others,  (2.)  of  a  middle  nature;  and  (3.)  others 

again  abfolutely  corrupt.  We  fliall,  therefore,  here  offer,  according  to  the 
beft  of  our  Judgment,  certain  Laws,  as  it  were,  of  Laws' :  from  whence  an 
Information  may  be  derived,  as  to  what  is  well,  or  what  is  ill  laid  down, 
or  cftablifhed  by  particular  Laws. 

I  i  2  A  p  H  o- 

'  As  laying  down  the  juft  Foundations,  and  Rules  of  the  Law;  for  the  Law  itfelf  is  go- 
vern'd  by  Reafon,  Juftice,  and  good  Senfe.  But  perhaps  thefe  Aphorifms  of  the  Author  fol- 
low the  particular  Lutp  of  England  too  clofe,  to  be  allow'd,  by  other  Nations,  for  the  Foundalioas 
of  uni'.erfal  fiiftice ;  which  is  a  very  exrenfive  Subjeft.  See  Stmvit  BibUethsc.  Fhilofofh.  Cap.  8. 
Je  Scriporibus  Juris  Katnrx  ^  Gentium. 


244         '^^  Doctrine  <?/ Universal  Justice;  or,  Se(El.XXVIL 


A  goedlav, 
»knt. 


Certainty  ef- 
feitrial  to  n 
La». 


Aphorism    VII. 

8.  But  before  we  proceed  to  the  Body  oi particular  Laws',  we  will  briefly 
touch  upon  the  Excellencies  and  Dignities  of  Laws  in  general.  Now  that 
may  be  efteemed  a goo^  Law,  which  is,  (i.)  clear  and  certain  in  its  Senfe, 
(2.)  juft  in  its  Command,  (3.)  commodious  in  the  Execution,  (4.)  agreeabfe 
to  the  Form  of  Government,  and  (5.)  produdlive  of  Virtue  in  the  Subje(5l\ 

TITLE      1. 
OF  THAT  PRIMARY  DIGNITY  OF  THE  LAW,  CERTAINTY. 

Aphorism    VIII. 

9.  Certainty  is  fo  eflential  to  a  Law,  that  a  Law  without  it  cannot  be  juff. 

Vox  if  the  Trumpet  gives  an  uncertain  Sound,  iicho  ftiall  prepare  himfelf  to  the 
Batik  ?  So  if  the  Law  has  an  uncertain  Senfe,  who  (hall  obey  it  ?  A  Law, 
therefore,  ought  to  give  warning  before  it  ftrikes :  and  'tis  a  true  Maxim, 
that  the  heft  Law  leaves  leaft  to  the  Breaft  of  the  Judge ;  which  is  effected 
by  Certainty. 

Aphorism    IX. 

10.  Laws  have  two  Uncertainties;  the  one  where  no  Law  is  prefcribed  ; 
the  other  when  a  Law  is  ambiguous  and  obfcure  :  wherefore  we  muft  firft 
fpeak  of  Cafes  omitted  by  the  Law  ;  that  in  thefe  alio  may  be  found  fome 
Rules  of  Certainty. 

Aphorism  X. 
Three  Kerne-  jj.  The  narrownefs  of  human  Prudence  cannot  forefee  all  the  Cafes  that 
^'".  '"Fl^"',  Time  may  produce.  Whence  «fw  Cafes,  and  Cafes  omitted,  frequently  turn  up. 
*T1  '  "^  '  And  for  thd'e  there  arc  three  Reinedies,  or  Supplies ;  viz.  (i.)  by  proceeding 
upon  Analogy,  (2.)  by  the  ufe  of  Precedents,  tho'  not  yet  brought  into  a 
Law;  and  (3.)  by  Juries,  which  decree  according  to  Confcience  a.nd  Difcre.- 
tion ;  whether  in  the  Courts  of  Equity,  or  of  Common  Law. 


Tuo  XTneer- 
tainties  in 
Laws. 


Law. 


'K.eajon-  pre- 
fer'ii  to  Cuf- 
torn. 


Aphorism  XI. 
1 2.  ( I .)  In  Cafes  omitted,  the  Rule  of  Law  is  to  be  deduced  from  ftmilar  Cafes  j 
but  with  Caution  and  Judgment.  And  here  the  following  Rules  are  to  be 
obferved  :  Let  Reafon  he  efteemed  a  fruitful,  and  Cuftom  a  barren  thing  ; 
fo  as  to  breed  no  Cafes.  And  therefore  what  is  received  againft  the  Reafon 
of  a  Law,  or  where  its  Reafon  is  obfcure,  fhould  not  be  drawn  into  Pre- 
cedents. 

Aphorism   XII. 

Cafes  omitted       j^.    A   great  publick   Good,    fnuft  draw    to   itfelf  all  Cafes    omitted;    and 

ZuillickAd-'^^'^^^'^'^^^^^^  ^  '"^^  remarkably,  and  in  an  extraordinary  m.anner,  regards 

vintagi.         and  procures  the  Good  of  the  Publick,  let  its  Interpretation  be  full  and  ex- 

tenfive.  A  p  h  o- 

'  See  hereafter,  Seft.  XXVII.  9S. 

''  Thefe  are  fo  many  fcveral  Titles,  or  general  Heads,  laid  down  by  the  Author,  as  if  he  ia- 
teaded  a  full  Tieatife  upon  the  Subjeft  :  but  he  here  only  confiders  the  fiift  of  them. 


Secfl.  XXVII.         the  Fountaiks   of  Equity.  245 

Aphorism   XIII. 

14.  'Tis  a  cruel  thing  to  torture  the  Laws,  that  they  may  torture  «-f  taw  wof 
Men  :  whence  fenal  Laws,  much  lefs  capital  Laws,  fhould  not  be  extended'*  be  wrefied, 
to  new  Offences.     But  if  the  Offence  be  old,    and  known  to  the  Law,  and 

its  Profecution  fall  upon  a  new  Cafe,  not  provided  for  by  Law,   the  Law 
muft  rather  be  forfaken,  than  Offences  go  unpuniilaed. 

Aphorism    XIV. 

15.  Statutes  that    repeal  the  Cotnmon   Law,    efpecially  in  common  znA  statntet  of 
fettled  Cafes,  fliould  not  be  drawn  by  Analogy  to  Cafes  omitted:  For  when ^'"Z"^'''  ""f  "> 
the  Republick  has  long  been  without  an  entire  Law,  and  that  in  exprefs  Cafes,  cafeslmituk 
there  is  little   danger  if  Cafes  omitted   fhould   wait  their   remedy,  from  a 

new  Statute. 

Aphorism    XV. 

16.  'Tis  enough  for  fuch  Statutes  as  were  plainly  temporary  Laws,  en- 
acted upon  particular  urgent  Occafions  of  State,  to  contain  themfelves 
within  their  proper  Cafes,  after  thofe  Occafions  ceafe  ;  for  it  were  prepofte- 
rous  to  extend  them,  in  any  meafure,  to  Cafes  omitted. 

Aphorism    XVI. 

17.  There  is  no  Precedent  of  a  Precedent  ;    but  Extenfion  fhould  reft ^»  P''^«''f«^ 
in  immediate  Cafes :  otherwife  it  would  gradually  Aide  on  to  diffimilar  Cafes ; "/ *  ^'■^««'"^^ 
and  fo  the  Wit  of  Men  prevail  over  the  Authority  of  Laws, 

Aphorism   XVII. 

18.  In  fuch  Lazos  and  Statutes  as  are  concife,  ExtenHon   may   be  more  Extenfan 
freely  allow'd  ;  but  in   thofe  which  exprefs  particular  Cafes,  it  fhould  be '""''^ ."' '"'^" 
ufed  more  cautioufly.     For  as  Exception  ftrengthens  the  Force  of  a  Law  in  ^;<,L'^iwjl 
unaccepted  Cafes  j  fo  Enumeration  weakens  it  in  Cafes  not  enumerated. 

Aphorism   XVIII. 

19.  An  Explanatory  Statute  ftops  the  Current  of  a  precedent  Statute  ;  nor 
does  either  of  them  admit  Extenfion  afterwards.  Neither  Hiould  the  Judge 
make  a  Super-Extenfion,  where  the  Law  has  once  begun  one. 

Aphorism    XIX. 

20.  The  Solemnity  of  Forms  and   Aofs,    admits   not   of  Exieufion  to  R- Solemnity  aiT" 
milar  Cafes  :   for  'tis  lofing  the  nature  of  Solemnity,  to  go  from  Cuftom  to""'^  "^'  "f 
Opinion  ;  and  the  Introduclion  of  new  things,  takes  from  the  Majtfty  of  the   ^  ^"■''^  * 
old. 

Aphorism  XX. 

21.  The  Exteufion  of  Law    is   eafy  to  After-Cafes,    which  had  no  ex-'Extmfions» 
iftence  at  the  time  when  the  Law  was  made :    for  where  a  Cafe  could  not  -^fier-Oifes 
be  defcribed,  becaufe  not  then  in  being,  a  Cafe  omitted  is  deera'd  a  Cafe  ^"^^' 
exprefled,  if  there  be  the  fa.me  reafon  for  it. 

A  P  H  o- 


24-6       2^^  Doctrine /pfUNivERSAt  Justice;  or^   Sed, XXVII. 

Aphorism    XXI, 

By  Vncedents       2  2.  (2.)  We  come  next  to  Precedents  •■>  from  which  Jttjlice  may  be  derived, 

under  due  Rt-  where  the  Law  is  deficient :  but  referving  Cuftom,  which  is  a  kind  of  Law, 

gH  ations.       ^j^j  j.]^^  Precedents  which,  thro'  frequent  ufe,  are  pafled  into  Cuftom,  as  into 

a  tacit  Law  •,  we  fhall,  at  prefent,  fpeak  only  of  fuch  Precedents  as  happen 

but  rarely  -,  and  have  not  acquired  the  Force  of  a  Law :  with  a  view  to  fliew 

how,  and  with  what  Caution,  a  Rule  of  Jujlice  may  be  derived  from  them, 

when  the  Laiv  is  defedive. 

A  P  H  O  H  I  S  M    XXII. 

Trecedentsto  23,  Precedents  are  to  be  derived  from  good  and  moderate  Times;  and 
he  derived  ^^^  ^vovn  fuch  as  are  tyrannical,  fidtious,  or  diflblute  :  for  this  latter  kind  are 
Times!"        ^  fpurious  Birth  of  Time,  and  prove  more  prejudicial  than  inftrudlive. 

Aphorism   XXIII. 

Modern  Prece-  ^4*  Modern  Examples  are  to  beheld  the  fafeft.  For  why  may  not  what 
dents  the  was  lately  done,  without  any  inconvenience,  be  fafely  done  again  ?  Yet  recent 
/"M-  Examples  have  the  lefs  Authority  :  and,  where  things  require  a  Reftoration, 

participate  more  of  their  own  Times,  than  of  right  Reafon. 

Aphorism    XXIV. 

jinc'tent Frece-  25.  Ancient  Precedents  are  to  be  received  with  Caution  and  Choice:  for 
deus  to  be  j-^e  Courfe  of  Time  alters  many  things ;  fo  that  what  feems  ancient,  in  time 
mUted  '"^Y'  f'^'"  Difturbance  and  Unfuitablenefs,  be  new  at  the  prefent:  and  there- 

fore the  Precedents  of  intermediate  Times  are  the  beft,  or  thofe  of  fuch 
Times  as  have  moft  agreement  with  the  prefent  •,  which  ancient  Times  may 
happen  to  have,  more  than  later. 

Aphorism   XXV, 
Trecedentsto       26.  Let  the  Limits  oi  2i  Precedent  be  obferved,  and  rather  kept  within 
be  Limited,      than  exceeded  ;  for  where  there  is  no  Rtde  of  Law,  every  thing  fhould  be 
fufpefted :  and  therefore  as  this  is  a  dark  Road,  we  fliould  not  be  hafty  to 
follow. 

Aphorism    XXVI, 

Varti.il Vrece-      27.  Beware  of  Fragments,  and  Epitomes  of  Examples;  and  rather  confider 
dents  to  be     j.]^g  whole  of  the  Precedent,  with  all  its  Procefs  :  for  if  it  be  abfurd  to  judge 
^g^tnft.    "'     upon /Yi'/ 0/"  a  L-zic,  without  underftanding  x.\\^  whole;  this  fhould  be  much 
rather  obferved  in  Precedents ;  the  ufe  whereof  is  precarious,  without  an  evi- 
dent Correfpondence. 

Aphorism   XXVII. 

The  Tmnfmif-      28  'Tis  of  great  confequencc  thro'  what  hands  the  Precedents  pafs,  and  by 
/ion  of  Vrece-  whom  they  have  been  allow'd.    For  if  they  have  obtain'd  only  among  Ckt-ks 
f^^yj      ''"'and  Secretaries,  by  the  Ccurfi;  of  the  Court,  without  any  manifeft  Knowledge 
of  their  Superiors  -,  or  have  prevail'd  among  that  Source  of  Errors,  the  Popu- 
lace ;  they  are  to  be  rejeded,  or  lightly  efteem'd.  But  if  they  come  before  5^«^- 

tors. 


SeA.XXVII.       the  Fountains  of  EotjiTY.  247 

tors.  Judges,  or  py'uicipd  Courts ;  fo  that  of  neccfTity  tliey  mufl:  have  been 
ftrengthen'd,  at  lead  by  the  tacit  Approval  of  proper  Perfons,  their  Dig- 
nity is  the  greater. 

Aphorism   XXVIII. 

29.  More  Authority  is  to  be  allowed  to  thofe  Examj^les,  which,  tho'  lefs 
ufed,  have  been  publifh'd,  and  thoroughly  cinvals'd  -,  but  lefs  to  thofe  that 
have  lain  buried,  and  forgotten,  in  the  Clofet,  or  Archives :  for  Examples., 
like  Waters,  are  wholefomeft  in  the  running  Stream. 

Aphorism    XXIX, 

30.  Precedents  in  Law  fhoukl  not  be  derived  from  Hiflory ;  but  hom  ^''^"''""^  *"' 
publick  Afts  and  accurate  Traditions :  for  'cis  a  certain  Infelicity,  even  among  ° """  •'*'""■''■• 
■the  beft  Hiftorians,  that  they  dwell  not  fiifficiently  upon  Lavjs,  and  judicial 

Proceedings ;  or  if  they  happen  to  have  fome  regard  thereto,  yet  their  Ac- 
counts are  far  from  being  authentick. 

Aphorism   XXX. 

31.  An  Example  rejeSfed  in  the  fame,  or  next  fucceeding  Age,  fliould  not  shouU  not 
eafily  be  received  again,  when  the  fame  Cafe  recurs :  for  it  makes  not  fo  <"«/(?  ^^  ^*^- 
much  in  its  favour,  that  Men  fometimes  ufed  it ;  as  in  its  disfavour,  that  they  ^nl'/rekaed. 
dropt  it  upon  Experience. 

Aphorism   XXXI. 

32.  Examples  are  things  o^  DireBion  ^nd  Advice,  not  Rules  ov  Ordtrs  ; -precedents  are. 
and  therefore  fhould  be  fo  managed,  as  to  bend  the  Authority  of  former  timts  Matter  of  di- 
to  the  fervice  of  the  prefent.  "^j'"'  ""^ 

Aphorism    XXXII. 

33.  (3.)  There  fliould  be  both  Courts,  andjuries,  to  iudge  according  to(?)  Courts 
Cofjfcience  and  Difcretion  ;  where  the  Rule  of  the  Law  is  defcftive  :  for  Laws,  as"''*!  J"'?''.'' 
we  before  obferved,  cannot  provide  againft  all  Cafes  ;  but  are  fuited  only  to  ^^  ^'^^^^^^'^ 
fuch  as  frequently  happen:   Time,  the  wifefl:  of  all  things,  daily  introducing 

new  Cafes. 

Aphorism    XXXIII. 

34.  But  new  Cafes  happen  both  in  criminal  Matters,  which  require  Punifh-  The  Cenfirial 
ment ;  and  in  civil  Caufes,  which  require  Relief.     The  Courts  that  regard  ««'^■'''■'"'"■•'''^ 
the  former,  we  call  Cenfirial,  or  Courts  of  Juftice  ;  and  thofe  that  regard  the  ^'"*''"- 
latter,  Prcetorial,  or  Courts  of  Equit'j. 

Aphorism    XXXIV. 

35.  The  Courts  of  Jujlice  fhould  have  Jurifdidtion  and  Power,  not  only  Co'"''^''/7'C'^ 
to  punifli  new  Offences,  but  alfo  to  increafe  the  Penalties  appointed  by  j;he '""^^'''  ^*'^' 
Laws  for  old  ones,  where  the  Cafes  are  flagrant  and  notorious ;    yet  not  niMr.g  newt 
capital :  for  every  enormous  Crime  may  be  eltcemed  as  a  new  one.  opnces.. 

I  A  P  HO^ 


248         The  Doctrine  tf/UniviiRSAL  Justice*,  or,  Sedt. XXVII. 

Aphorism    XXXV, 
Courts  of  ■56.  In  like  manner,  the  Courts  of  Equity  fbould  have  Power,  as  well  of 

J'J^J"^^^^' abating  the  Rigour  of  the  Law,  as  of  fuppfying  its  Defeds :  for  if  a  Remedy 
flyi/js  the  ^^  afforded  to  a  Perfon  neglefted  by  the  Law  ;  much  more  to  him  who  is 
Law.  hurt  by  the  Law. 

Aphorism    XXXVL 

Jw/ltv;rl-     37-  ^°'^'''  ^^^  Cenforial,  and  Prcztorial  Courts,  lliould  abfolutely  confine 
erd'marycljh.  themfelves  to  enomious  and  extraordinary  Cafes  ;  without  invading  the  or- 
dinary JurifdiEfions :  left  otherwife  the  Law  fhould  rather    be   fupplanted, 
than  fupplied. 

Aphorism    XXXVIL 
Juriftlinhns        38.  Thefe  7«n/2/f(.7;o/75  fhould  refide  only  \n  fupreme  Courts  ;  and  not  be 
to  he  lodged    communicated  to  the  lower:  for  a  power  of  fupplying,  extending,  or  mo- 
^Couui""'      derating  the  Laws,  differs  but  little  from  a  power  of  making  them. 

Aphorism   XXXVIII. 

^^"f  !■" ""'',      39-  Thefe  Courts  of  Jurifdi5iion  flaould  not  be  committed  to  a  fingle  Per- 

■Bfjevera   ^^^  ^  ^^^  copfift  of  feveral :  and  let  not  their  Verdift  be  given  in  filence  ; 

but  let  the  Judges  produce  the  reafons  of  their  Sentence  openly,  and  in  full 

audience  of  the  Court  ;  fo  that  what  is  free  in  power,  may  yet  be  limited 

by  regard  to  Fame  and  Reputation. 

Aphorism   XXXIX. 

Sentence  of  40.  Let  there  be  no  Records  of  Blood,  nor  Sentence  of  capital  Crimes 
Life «nd Death  puffed  jn  any  Court,  but  upon  known  and  certain  Laws :  God  himfelf  firfb 
0»  Imwn  pronounced,  and  afterwards  inflidted  Death.  Nor  fliould  a  Man  lofe  his 
um.  Life,  without  firft  knowing  that  he  had  forfeited  it. 

Aphorism   XL. 

That  there  be     4-1 .  In  the  Courts  of  Juflice,  let  there  be  three  Returns  of  the  Jury  %  that 

*fT^""^"'  the  Judges  may  not  only  lie  under  no  neceffity  of  abfolving,  or  condemn - 

*/    «/»7-    jp)g  .^  {jm;  j]fQ  |^,^vg  ^  liberty  of  pronouncing  the  Cafe  not  clear :  And  let 

there  be,  befides  Penalty,  a  Note  of  Infamy,  or  Punifhment,  by  way  ofad- 

monifliing  others ;  and  chaftifing  Delinquents,  as  it  were,  by  putting  them  to 

the  blufh,  with  Shame  and  Scandal. 

Aphorism  XLI. 

Theprepara-  42-  I"  Courts  ofjujlice,  let  the  firft  Overtures,  and  intermediate  Parts  of 
five  Parts  of  all  great  Offences,  be  punifli'd ;  tho'  the  End  were  not  accomplifh'd.  And 
great  Crimes  this  fhoukl  be  the  principal  ufe  of  fuch  Courts:  for  'tis  the  part  of  Difci- 
"^"^""'■^^^''■pline,  to  punifh  the  firft  Buddings  of  Offences ;  and  the  part  of  Clemency, 
to  punifh  the  intermediate  Adions,  and  prevent  their  taking  effed. 

Ap  HO- 


Sedl. XXVII.        the  Fountains  of  Equitv.  249 

Aphorism    XLII. 

43.  Great  regard  muft  be  had  in  Courts  of  Equit-j,  not  to  afford  Rdxd  Citfei-aUlmgly 
in  thofe  Cafes,  which  the  Law  has  not  fo  much  omitted,  as  defpifed  for  °l'^l^lJf\^^ 
their  Levity  ;  or,  for  their  Odioufnefs,  judged  unworthy  of  a  Remedy.  ^^  relievid. 

Aphorism   XLIII. 

44.  But  above  all,  'tis  of  the  greateft  moment    to  tlie  Certainty  of  the  The  Court i  of 
Laws  we  now  fpeak  of,  that  Courls  of  Equiiy  keep  from  fwclling,  and  over-  f'^'"'^.'?.  ^" 
flowing  ;  left,   under  pretence  of  mitigating  the  Rigour  of  the  Law,  they  ^'/JJ''  '" 
ihould  cut  its  Sinews,  and  weaken  its  Strength,  by  wrefting  all  things  to 

their  own  difpofal. 

Aphorism    XLIV. 

45.  No  Court  of  Equity  Ihould  have  a  right  of  decreeing  againft  a  Statute,  No  Equliy- 
under  any  Pretext  of  Equity    whatever :    othcrwife    the  Judge  would  be-  f/"/^".^^'^ 
come  the  Legillator,  and  have  all  things  dependent  upon  his  "Will.  sutHte. 

A  p  ii  o  R  I  s  M   XLV. 

46.  Some  conceive  the  Jurifdiiiion  which  decrees  according  to  Equity  and  The  Courts  of 
Confcier.ce,  and  that  which  proceeds  according  to  ftri5l  Jujiice,  fhould  be  de-  |?«'.7  «»^^ 
puted  to  the  fame  Courts;  whilft  others  would  have  them  kept  diftinft  ■{f^tMJiina. 
which  feems  much  the  better  way.     There  will  be  no  diftindtion  of  Cafes, 

where  there  is  a  mixture  of  Jurifdidions :  but  Arbitration  will,  at  length,  fu- 
perfede  the  Law. 

Aphorism    XLVI. 

47.  The  ufe  of  the  Prcetor's  Table  ftood  upon  a  good  Foundation  among  Thejudges  in 
the  Romans,  as  that  wherein  he  fet  down,  and  publiflied,  in  what  manner  he  ^?"^|^?  ^^*J 
would  adminifter  Juftice.  According  to  which  Example,  the  Judges  in  r,///,/"^  *""* 
Courts  of  Equity,  fhould  propofe  to  themfelves  fome  certain  Rules  to  go  by, 

and  fix  them  up  to  publick  view :  for  as  that  Law  is  ever  the  beft,  which 
leaves  leaft  to  the  breaft  of  the  Judge  ;  fo  is  that  Judge  the  beft,  who  leaves 
leaft  to  himfelf  ^. 

Aphorism  XLVIL 

48.  There  isalfo  another  way  of  fupplying  Cafes  omitted;  viz.  when  one  Retfo/peaivt 
Law  is  made  upon  another,  and  brings  the  Cafes  oniitted  along  with  it.    This  „a"'„^^^  '^^r 
happens  in  thofe  Laws,  or  Statutes,  which,  according  to  the  common  Phrafe,  cretion. 
look  backwards.    But  Laws  of  this  kind  are  to  be  feldom  ufed  -,  and  with  great 

caution :  for  a  Janus-Face  is  not  to  be  admired  in  the  Law. 

Aphorism   XLVIII- 

49.  He  who  captioufly  and  fraudulently  eludes,  and  circumfcribes  the  i^^'f''f"'  '* 
Words  or  Intention  of  a  Law,  dcferves  to  be  hampered  by  a  fubfequent  ^^^'J  "^^^Le 

*  The  Author  made  a  Speech  to  this  Effe<ft,  upon  receiving  the  Seal,  and  taking  tis  Place 
m  Chancery.     See  Supplement  IV. 

Vol.  I.  Kk  Law. 


250 


And  for  cor- 
roborating 
and  confirm- 
ing. 


Laws  regard- 
.  Ing  Futurity, 
way  alfo  be 
tetroffeHive, 


7:^^ Doctrine  ^Universal  Justice;  or,  Se6t. XXVII, 

.Law.  Whence,  in  fraudulent  and  evafive  Cafes,  'tis  juft  for  Laws  to  carry 
a  Retrofpeftion  ;  and  prove  of  mutual  afliftance  to  each  other :  fo  that  he 
who  invents  Loop-holes,  and  plots  the  Subverfion  of  prefenS  Laws,  may,  at 
leaft,  be  awed  hy  future. 

Aphorism   XLIX. 

50.  Such  Laws  as  ftrengthen  and  confirm  the  true  Intentions  of  AHs 
and  InftrumentSy  againft  the  Defedts  of  Forms  and  Solemnities,  very  juftly  in- 
clude paft  Aftions :  for  the  principal  Fault  of  a  relrofpe8ive  Law,  is,  its 
caufing  difturbance  ;  but  thefe  confirming  Laws  regard  the  Peace  and  Settle- 
ment of  Tranfaftions.  Care,  however,  muft  be  had,  not  to  difturb  things 
once  adjudged. 

Aphorism    L. 

51.  It  fliould  be  carefully  obferved,  that  not  only  fuch  Laws  as  look  back 
to  what  is  paft,  invalidate  former  Tranfaftions ;  but  fuch  alfo  as  prohibit 
and  reftrain  things  future,  which  are  necelTarily  connected  with  things  paft  : 
fo,  if  any  L^to  fhould  prohibit  certain  Artificers  the  Sale  of  their  Wares  in 
future  ;  this  Law,  tho'  it  fpeaks  for  hereafter,  yet  operates  upon  times  paft  ; 
tho'  fuch  Artificers  had  then  no  other  lawful  means  of  fubfiftins;. 


Declaratory 
Lavs  to  be 
iriaSed  where 
RetrofpeBion 
is  juft. 


The  Obfcurity 
if  Lams  from 
four  Origins. 


Viz.    Ex- 
cejfive  Accu- 
mulation of 
Laws  which 
may  prove 
•very  perni- 
cious. 

Two  ways  of 
making  new 

'">Citutes. 


Aphorism   LI. 

52.  AW  Declaratory  Laws,  tho'  they  make  no  mention  of  time  paft,  yet 
are,  by  the  very  Declaration  itfelf,  entirely  to  regard  paft  Matters :  for  the 
Interpretation  does  not  b;gin  with  the  Declaration  ;  but,  as  it  were,  is  made 
contemporary  with  the  Law  itfelf  And  therefore  Declaratory  Laws  fliould 
not  be  enabled,  except  in  Cafes  where  the  Law  may  be  retrofpefted  with 
Juftice.  And  fo  much  for  the  Uncertainty  of  Laws,  where  the  Lavj  is  extant. 
We  proceed  to  the  other  part,  where  the  Laws,  tho'  extant,  are  perplex'd 
and  obfcure. 

Aphorism  LII. 

53.  The  Obfcurity  of  Laws  has  four  Sources  ;  viz.  (i.)  an  Accumulation 
of  Lazvs ;  efpecially,  if  mix'd  with  fuch  as  are  ohfolete.     (2.)  Jn  avihiguous  De- 

fcription,  or  want  of  clear  and  difiinU  Delivery.  (3.)  yi  Negleff,  or  Failure,  in 
inftituting  the  Method  of  interpreting  Juftice.  (4.)  And  laftly,  a  Clafhing  and 
Uncertainty  of  Judgments. 

Aphorism    LIII. 

54.  The  Prophet  fays,  "  It  floall  rain  Snares  upon  them ;"  but  there  are  no 
worfe  Snares,  than  the  Snares  of  Laws;  efpecially  the  penal :  which  growing 
excefTive  in  number,  and  ufelefs  thro'  time,  prove  not  a  Lanthorn,  but  Nets, 
to  the  Feet. 

Aphorism  LIV. 

55.  There  are  two  ways  in  ufe  of  making  7teiv  Statutes;  the  one  confirms 
and  ftrengthens  the  former  Statutes  in  the  like  Cafes,  at  the  fame  time  adding 
or  altering  fome  Particulars :  the  other  abrogates  and  cancels  all  that  was  en- 

aded 


Secfl. XXVII.         the  Fountains  of  Equity.  251 

afbed  before  •,  and  inftead  thereof,  fubftitutes  a'new  uniform  Lnw.  And  the 
latter  Method  is  the  beft.  For  in  the  former,  the  Decrees  become  compli- 
cate and  perplex'd  •,  and  tho'  the  Bufmsfs  be  perform'd,  yet  the  Body  of 
Laws,  in  the  mean  time,  becomes  cornipt :  but  in  the  latter,  greater  Dili- 
gence muft  be  ufed,  when  the  Law  itfelf  comes  to  be  weighed  a-new  ;  and 
what  was  before  enafted,  to  be  reconfider'd,  antecedent  to  its  paffing :  by 
which  means  the  future  Agreement,  and  Harmony  of  the  Laws,  is  well 
confulted. 

Aphorism   LV. 

56.  It  was  in  ufe  among  the  Athenians,  for  fix  Perfons  annually  to  ex-  rheContrx. 
amine  the  contradiHor)  27//(?i  of  their  Laws-,  and  propofe  to  the  People  fuch  diaorie$m 
of  them  as  could  not  be  reconciled  -,  that  fome  certain  Refolution  might  be  ^''"' '."  ^.^ 
taken  about  them.     According  to  which  Example,  the  Legiflators  of  every  flopr"inter' 
State  fhould  once  in  three,  or  five  Years,  as  it  fliall  feem  proper,  take  a  re-  lals. 
view  of  thcfe  Contrarieties  in  Law:  but  let  them  firft  be  infpedted,  and  pre- 
pared, by  Committees  appointed  for  the  Purpofe  -,  and  then  brought  in, 

for  the  general  Afiimbly  to  fix,  and  eftablifh  ;  what  fhall  be  approved  by 
Vote. 

Aphorism    LVI. 

57.  But  let  not  an  over-diligent  and  fcrupulous  Care  be  ufed  in  reconciling 
the  contradi^ory  Tides  of  Laws,  by  fubtile  and  far-fetched  Diftindtions :  for 
this  is  the  weaving  of  the  Wit.  And  whatever  appearance  it  may  have  of 
Modefty  and  Reverence,  'tis  to  be  deem'd  prejudicial ;  as  rendering  the 
whole  Body  of  the  Laws  difllmilar,  and  incoherent.  It  were  therefore  much 
better  to  fupprefs  the  worft ;  and  fuffer  the  beft  to  ftand  alone. 

Aphorism    LVII. 

58.  Obfolete  Laws,  that  are  grown  into  difufe,  fhould,  in  the  fame  manner,  oifohte  Laws 
be  cancel'd.  For  as  an  exprefs  Statute  is  not  regularly  abrogated  by  difufe  ;  '*  ^*  'i^nceld. 
it  happens  that,  from  a  Contempt  of  fuch  as  are  obfolete,  the  others  alfo 

lofe  part  of  their  Authority.  Whence  follows  that  Torture  of  Mezentius, 
whereby  the  living  Laws  are  kill'd  in  the  Embraces  of  the  dead  ones.  But 
above  all  things,  a  Gangreen  in  the  Laws  is  to  be  prevented. 

Aphorism   LVIII. 

59.  And  let  Courts  of  Equity  have  a  right  of  decreeing  contrary  to  ohfo-  Ceurts  of 
lete  Laws,  and  Statutes  not  newly  enafted  ;  for  al tho',  as  is  well  obferved,  ^^««j' '"/j'"* 
no  body  fhould  be  wifer  than  the  Laws ;  yet  this  fhould  be  underftood  of  *  J^f„^'  fj!' 
the  Laws  when  they  are  awake,  and  not  when  they  fleep.     But  let  it  be  the  trary  to  obfo- 
Privilege,  not  of  Judges  in  the  Courts  of  Equity,  but  of  Kings,  folemn  '«« ^'^'' 
Counfels,  and  the  higher  Powers,  to  over-rule  later  Statutes  found  prejudi- 
cial to  publick  Juftice ;   and  to  fufpend  the  Execution   thereof  by  Edidls, 

or  publick  Ads,  till  thofe  Meetings  are  held  which  have  the  true  power  of 
repealing  them ;  left,  otherwife,  the  Safety  of  the  People  Ihould  be  en- 
danger'd. 

Kk  2  Apho- 


252  The  Doctrine  of  Universal  Justice  ;  or^  Sed.  XXVII. 

Aphorism   LIX. 
New  Digefts       60.  But  if  Laws,  hcap'd  upon  Laws,  fhall  fwell  to  fuch  a  vaft  Bulk,  and 
ofha-wi  how  labour  under  fuch  Confufion,  as  renders  it  expedient  to  treat  them  a-new, 
to  be  undertu-  ^^^  reduce  tliem  into  one  found  and  ferviceable  Corps ;  it  becomes  a  Work 
of  the  utmoft  importance,  deferving  to  be  deem'd  heroical :  and  let  the  Au- 
thors of  it  be  ranked  among  Legiflators,  and  the  Reftorers  of  States  and 
Empires*. 

Aphorism  LX. 
jlnd  iffecled.  61.  Such  an  Expurgation,  and  new  Digeft  of  Laws,  is  to  be  effedled  by 
five  Particulars;  viz.  (i.)  by  omitting  all  the  obfolete  Laws,  which  Juftinian 
calls  ancient  Fables  ;  (2.)  by  receiving  the  mofi  approved  ContradiJIories,  and 
aboliJJnng  the  reft  ;  (3.)  hy  expunging  Laws  of  the  fame  purport,  and  retaining 
only  one,  or  the  moft  perfect;  (4.)  hy  throwing  out  fuch  Laws  as  determine  no- 
thing; only  propofe  Slueftions,  and  leave  them  undecided :  (5.)  and  laftly,hy 
contra£ling  and  abridging  thofe  that  are  too  verbofe  and  prolix. 

Aphorism  LXI. 
62.  And  it  would  be  very  ufeful  in  fuch  a  new  Digeft,  feparately  to  range 
and  bring  together  all  thofe  Laws,  received  for  common  La-uo,  which  have 
a  kind  of  immemorial  Origin  •,  and  on  the  other  fide,  the  Statutes  fuper- 
added  from  time  to  time  :  becaufe  in  numerous  Particulars  in  the  Prailice 
of  the  Law,  the  Interpretation  and  Adminiftration  of  the  cojnmon  Law  dif- 
fers from  the  Statute  Law.  And  this  Method  was  obferved  by  Trebonianus, 
in  his  Digeft  and  Code. 

Aphorism  LXII. 
6^.  But  in  fuch  a  fecond  Birth  of  the  Law,  and  fuch  a  Recompilement 
of  the  ancient  Books  and  Law?,  the  very  Words  and  Text  of  the  Law  it 
felf  fliould  be  retained  ;  and  tho'  it  were  neceflary  to  colleft  them  by  Frag- 
ments, and  fmall  Portions,  they  may  afterwards  be  regularly  wove  toge- 
ther. For  allowing  it  might  perhaps  be  more  commodious,  and  with  re- 
gard to  the  true  reafon  of  the  thing,  better  to  do  it  by  a  new  Text,  than 
by  fuch  kind  of  Patch-work  •,  yet  in  the  Law,  Style  and  Defcription  are 
not  fo  much  to  be  regarded  as  Authority,  and  its  Patron,  Antiquity :  other- 
wife  this  might  rather  feem  a  Work  of  mere  Scholar-fhip  and  Method,  than 
a  Corps  of  majeftick  Laws. 

Aphorism    LXIII. 
64.  'Twere  advifeable  in  making  this  new  Digeft,  not  utterly  to  abolifh 
the  ancient  Volumes,  and  give  them  up  to  Oblivion  -,  but  fufrer  them  atleaft 
to  remain  in  fome  Library,  tho'  with  a  Prohibition  of  their  common  ufe  : 
becaufe  in  weighty  cafes  it  might  be  proper  to  confult  and  infpeft  the  Re- 
volutions 

*  E'lfe  few  will  care  to  be  concerned  in  fo  difficult  and  laborious  an  Undertaking;  tho'  a 
thing  in  itfelf  of  imracnfc  utility.  See  Tmired's  IJfay  for  tt  general  Reguktw»  of  tht  La». 
Ed,  2.  1717. 


Sed:. XXVII.        the  Fountains  of  Equity.  253 

volutions  and  Series  of  ancient  Laws.  'Tis  alfo  a  folemn  thing  to  intermix 
Antiquity  with  things  prefent.  And  fuch  a  mw  Body  of  Laws,  ought  to  re- 
ceive the  Sandion  of  all  thofe  who  have  any  Legiflative  Power  in  the  State  ; 
left  under  a  pretence  of  digefting  the  old  Laws,  new  ones  fliould  be  fecretly 
obtruded. 

Aphorism  LXIV. 
6^.  'Twere  to  be  wifhed,  that  fuch  a  Recotnpikment  of  the  Laws  might 
be  undertaken  in  fuch  times  as  excel  the  ancient,  (whofe  Afts  and  Works 
they  model  a-new)  in  point  of  Learning  and  univerfi.l  Knowledge:  the  con- 
trary whereof  happened  in  the  Work  of  Jujlinian.  For  'tis  an  unfortunate 
thing,  to  have  the  Works  of  the  Ancients  mangled,  and  frt  together  again, 
at  the  difcretion  and  choice  of  a  lefs  prudent,  and  lefs  learned  Age.  But  it 
often  happens,  that  what  is  neceflary,  is  not  beft. 

Aphorism    LXV- 

66.  Laws  are  ohfcurely  defcrihed  either  ( i ,)   thro'  their  Loquacity  and  Super-  -^  po-plexed 
fluity  of  Words  ;    (2.)  through  Over-Concifenefs  ;    or  (3.)  through  their  Pre-  't"'^.''^'""'' 
ambles  contradtcling  the  Body  of  the  Law.  Laws'i 

A  P  H  O  R  ISM     LXVI. 

67.  We  at  prefent  treat  of  the  Ohfcur'U)  which  arifes  from  their  ill  De-  The  Verbofty 
fcription  \  and  approve  not  the  Loquacity  and  Prolixity  now  ufed  in  draw-  '>S  '^^  Law  te 
ing  up  the  Laws ;  which  in  no  degree  obtains  what  is  intended  by  it ;  but  '  ""'^""'f'^- 
rather  the  contrary  :    for  whilft  it  endeavours  to  comprehend  and  cxprefs 

all  particular  Cafes  in  appofitc  and  proper  Didlion,  (as  expe£ling  greater 
certainty  from  thence  -,)  it  raifes  numerous  Queftions  about  Terms :  which  ren-" 
ders  the  true  and  real  Defign  of  the  Law  more  difficult  to  come  at,  thro' 
a  huddle  of  Words. 

Aphorism  LXVII. 
6^.  Nor  yet  can  we  approve  of  a  too  concife  and  affedled  Brevity,  ufed  for 
the  fake  of  Majefty  and  Authority  -,  efpecially  in  this  age  •,  left  the  Laws 
fhould  become  like  the  Lesbian  Ride''.  A  mediocrity  therefore  is  to  be 
obferved,  and  a  well-defined  generality  of  Words  to  be  found  ;  which  tho* 
it  does  not  accurately  explain  the  Cales  it  comprehends,  yet  clearly  ex- 
cludes thofe  it  does  not  comprehend. 

Aphorism    LXVIII- 
69.  Yet  in  the  ordinary  political  Laws  and  Edicfs,    where  Lawyers  are 
feldom  confulted,  but  the  Politicians  truft  to  their  own  Judgment ;   things 
ought  to  be  largely  explained,  and  pointed  out  to  the  Capacity  of  the  Vul- 


gar. 


Apho- 

•  TheLesiians  are  faid  to  have  made  their  Rules  from  their  Buildings;  fo  that  if  the  Build- 
ings were  erroneous,  the  Rules  they  worked  by  became  fo  tooj  and  thus  propagated  the  Er- 
ror: fo  if  the  Laws  were  wrote  concife,  as  if  drawn  up  in  perfeft  Times,  or  with  an  af- 
feiftation  of  a  fententious  or  majeftick  Brevity,  they  might  propagate  Errors,  iaftead  of  cor* 
reding  them. 


254         7^^  Doctrine  o/ Universal  Justice;  or^  Seel.  XXVII. 

Aphorism     LXIX. 

^   -n.  "JO.  Nor  do  we  approve  of  tedious  Preambles  at  the  head  of  Laws :  thev 

ties  of  Lavs  to  werc  anciently  held  impertinent  •,  as  introducing  Laws  in  the  way  ot  DifpitCt 
befliort.  not  in  the  way  of  Command,  But  as  we  do  not  fuit  ourfelves  to  the  Man- 
ners of  the  Ancients  -,  thefe  Prefaces  are  now  generally  ufed  of  Neceffity  ; 
nor  only  as  Explanations,  but  as  Perfuafives  to  the  paffing  of  the  Law  in 
the  AiTemblies  of  States  -,  and  likewiie  to  fatisfy  the  People  :  yet,  as  much 
as  poflible,  let  Preambles  be  avoided  •,  and  the  Laitj  begin  wth  comman- 
ding. 

Aphorism    LXX. 

■jhtfullvur-       71.  Tho'  the  Intent  and  Mind  of  the  Law,  may  be  fometimes  drawn 

fort  of  the     from  thefc  Preambles  ;  yet  its  Latitude  and  Extent  fhould  by  no  means  be 

Li-w  not  al-   derived  from  them  :  for  the  Preamble  frequently  fixes  upon  a  few  of  the 

lufrom'the'  rnore  plaiifible  and  fpecious  Particulars,  by  way  of  Example •,  whilft  the 

preamble.       Law  itl'elf  contains  many  more  :  or,  on  the  contrary,  the  Law  reftrains  and 

limits  many  Things ;  the  rcafon  whereof  it  were  not  neceflary   to  infert  in 

the  Preamble :  wherefore  the  extent  of  the  Law  is  to  be  derived  from  the 

Body  of  the  Law  i    the  Preamble  often  exceeding,  or  falling   fhort  of  this 

Extent. 

Aphorism    LXXL 

A  f*uUy}.te-      ^2.  T\itxt  h  or\t  vtry  ixuliy  "b^ltxho'^  oi  dra-uing  lip  the  La'ivs ;  viz.  when 

'iZ^slp  tlT'  ^^^  ^^^^  ^  largely  fet  forth  in  the  Preamble,  and  then  by  the  force  of  the 

ila,;.  word  zibich,  or  fome  luch  relative,  the  Body  of  the  Law  is  refledted  back 

upon  the  Preamble,  and  the  Preamble  inferted  and   incorporated  in  the  Body 

of  the  Law ;  whence  proceeds  both   Obfcurity  and  Danger:    becaufe  the 

lame  Care  is  not  ufually  employed  in  weighing  and  examining  the  Words 

of  the  Preamble,  as  the  Words  of  the  La'uj  i'.felf. 

Aphorism  LXXIL 
The  «ays  <f  j^_  There  are  five  Was  s  of  interpreting  the  Law,  and  making  it  clear; 
^'hr^ws^inJ""'^-  (^0  ^y  R^^ording  of  Judgments;  (2.)  By  Injiitttting  Autbentick  Writers  ; 
tMngawij  (3.)  By  aitxiliary  Books  ;  (4.)  By  Readings;  and  (5.)  By  the  Anfwers,  or 
their  Ambi-  Counfel,  of  qualifed  Perfcns.  A  due  ufe  of  all  thefe  afford  a  great  and  ready 
««'O'-  Afliftance  in  clearing  the  Laws  of  their  Obfcurity. 

Aphorism    LXXIII. 
r/s.  by  74.  And  above  all,  let  the  Judgments  of  the  fupreme  and  principal  Courts 

recording        ]^^  diligently  and  faithfully  recorded  -,  efpecially  in  weighty  Caufes,  and  particu- 
Judgmenti.     j^^.j^  ^^^^^  ^  ^^^  doubtful,  or  attended  with  Difficulty  or  Novelty.  For  Judg- 
ments are  the  Anchors  of  the  Laws  ;  as  Laws  are  the  Anchors  of  States. 

Aphorism    LXXIV. 

75.  And  let  this  be  the  Method  of  taking  them  down,     (i.)  Write  the 

Cafe  precifely,  and  the  Judgments  exadly,  at  length.     (2.)  Add  the  Rea- 

fons  alledged  by  the  Judges  for  their  Judgment.    (3.)  Mix  not  the  Autho- 

I  rity 


Sc(fl. XXVII.         the  Fountains  of  Equity.  255 

rity  of  Cafes,  brought  by  way  of  Example,  with  the  principal  Cafe.  (4.) 
And  for  the  Pleadings^  unlefs  they  contain  any  thing  very  extraordinary, 
omit  them. 

Aphorism    LXXV. 

76.  Let  thofe  who  take  down  thefe  Judgments  be  of  the  moft  learned 
Coiinfel  in  the  Law  ;  and  have  a  liberal  Stipend  allowed  them  by  the  Pub- 
lick.  But  let  not  the  Judges  meddle  in  thefe  Reports;  left  favouring  their 
own  Opinions  too  much,  or  relying  upon  their  own  Authority,  they  ex- 
ceed the  Bounds  of  a  Recorder. 

Aphorism    LXXVL 

77.  Let  thefe  Judgments  bedigefted  in  the  Order  of  Time,  and  not  in  Me- 
thod and  Titles.  For  fuch  Writings  are  a  kind  of  Hiftories,  or  Narratives 
of  the  Laws:  and  not  only  the  Afts  themfelves,  butalfo  their  Times  aftbrd 
Light  to  a  prudent  Judge. 

Aphorism  LXX VII. 

78.  Let  a  Body  of  Law  be  wholly  compiled,  (i.)  of  the  Laws  that  con- Authmtlck 
ftitute  the  common  Lazv  ;  (2.)  of  the  Statutes  ;    and  (3.)  of  the  Judgments  f^"'^''^- 
on  Record :    and  befides  thefe,    let    nothing   be    deem'd  authentick  ;    or 

elfe  be  fparingly  received. 

Aphorism    LXXVIIL 

79.  Nothing  conduces  more  to  the  Certainty  of  Laws,  whereof  we  now 
fpeak,  than  that  the  authentick  PVritings  fhould  be  kept  within  moderate 
Bounds  •,  and  that  vaft  multitude  of  Authors,  and  learned  Men  in  the  Law 
excluded  ;  which  otherwife  rend  the  Mind  of  the  Laws,  diftraft  the  Judge, 
make  Law-fuits  endlefs:  and  the  Lawyer  himfelf,  finding  it  impoflible  to 
perufe  and  digeft  fo  many  books,  hence  takes  up  with  Compendiums.  Per- 
haps fome  good  Glojf.rr-j,  a  few  of  the  exafteft  Writers,  or  rather  a  very  few 
Portions  of  a  few  Autliors,  might  be  ufefully  received  for  Authentick.  But 
let  the  Books  be  ftill  referved  in  Libraries  ;  for  the  Judges  and  Counfel  to 
infped:  occafionally :  without  permitting  them  to  be  cited,  in  pleading  at  the 
Bar  -,  or  fufFering  them  to  pafs  into  Authority. 

Aphorism     LXXIX. 

80.  But  let  not  the  Knowledge  and  Pradlice  of  the  Law  want  its  auxiliary  AuxUhry 
Books ;  which  are  of  fix  kinds :  viz.  ( i .)  Injtitutes ;  (2 .)  Explanations  oflVords  5  ^*"*^- 
(3.)  the  Rules  of  Law  ;  (4.)  the  Antiquities  of  Lazv ;  (5.)  Su^nmaries,  or  Abridg- 
ments ;  and  (6.)  Forms  of  Pleading. 

Aphorism    LXXX- 

81.  Students  are  to  be  trained  up  to  the  Knowledge,  and  higher  Parts  ofwt.i>j/?/V««4 
the  Law,  by  Inftitutes ;  which  Ihould  be  wrote  in  a  clear  Method.    Let  the 

whole  of  private  Right,  or  the  Laws  of  Meum  and  Tuu?n,  be  gone  over  in 

theie 


256         "TJse  Doctrine  of  Universal  Justice  ;  or^  Seia.XXVII- 

thefe  Elements  ;  not  omitting  fome  things,  and  dwelling  too  much  upon 
others ;  but  giving  a  little  tafte  of  all  :  that  when  the  Student  comes  to  per- 
ufe  the  Cor^s  of  Law,  he  may  meet  with  nothing  entirely  new,  or  without 
having  received  fome  previous  Notion  thereof.  But  the  publick  Law  is  not 
to  be  touched  in  thefe  Inftitutes ;  this  being  to  be  drawn  from  the  Fountains 
themfelves*. 

Aphorism    LXXXI. 

Ixf  lanaiioni  82.  'L^t  :i  Commentary  be  7nade  of  the  Terms  of  the  Law,  without  endea- 
cfTermi.  vouring  too  curioufly  and  laborioudy  to  give  their  full  Senfe  and  Expla- 
nation :  the  purport  hereof  being  not  to  fearch  the  exaft  definitions  of 
Terms,  but  to  afford  fuch  Explanations  only,  as  may  open  an  eafy  way  to 
reading  the  Books  of  the  Law.  And  let  not  this  Treatife  be  digefted  Alpha- 
betically ;  rather  leave  that  to  the  Index :  but  place  all  thofe  Words  toge- 
ther which  relate  to  the  fame  thing  •,  fo  that  one  may  help  to  the  under- 
ftandin"  of  another. 


'O 


Aphorism    LXXXII. 
BmUs  of  the        83.  It  principally  conduces  to  the  Certainty  of  Laws,  to  have  ajuftand 
L»w.  exaft  Treat'ife  of  the  different  Rules  of  Law  ;   a  work  deferving  the  diligence 

of  the  moft  ingenious  and  prudent  Lawyers:  for  we  are  not  fatisfied  with 
what  is  already  extant  of  this  kind.  Not  only  the  known  and  common  Rules 
are  to  be  here  collefted ;  but  others  alfo,  more  fubtile  and  latent,  which 
may  be  drawn  from  the  Harmony  of  Laws,  and  adjudged  Cafes :  fuch  as  are 
fometimes  found  in  the  beft  Records.  And  thefe  Rules,  or  Maxims,  are  ge- 
neral Didtates  of  Reafon,  running  thro'  the  different  matters  of  Law  i  and 
make,  as  it  were,  its  Ballaft  \ 

Aphorism  LXXXIII. 
^  84.  But  let  not  the  Pofitions  or  Placits  of  Law  be  taken  for  Rules,  as  they 
ufually  are  very  injudicioufly  ;  for  if  this  were  received,  there  would  be  as 
many  Rules  as  there  are  Laws :  a  Law  being  no  other  than  a  commanding 
Rule.  But  let  thofe  be  held  for  Rules,  which  cleave  to  the  very  Form  of  Ju- 
ftice  :  Whence,  in  general,  the  fame  i?a/fj  are  found  thro'  the  Civil  Law  of 
different  States  ;  unlefs  they  fometimes  vary  with  regard  to  the  Form  of  Go- 
vernment. 

Aphorism    LXXXIV. 
85.  After  the  Rule  is  laid  down,  in  a  fhort  and  folid  expreflion,  let  Exam- 
ples and  clear  Decifions  of  Cafes  be  fubjoined,  by   way  of  Explanation  ; 
Diilinftions  and  Exceptions,  by  way  of  Limitation  ;  and   things  of  the  fame 
kind,  by  way  of  Amplification  to  the  Rule. 

Apho- 

»  See  above,  Aph.  I — V. 

*  Whar  the  Author  here  intends,  we  have  a  Specimen  of  in  the  Piece  he  entitles,  A  Collec- 
tion of  fome  principal  Rules  and  Maxims  of  the  Common  Limo,  tcith  their  Latitude  and  Extent : 
but  as  that  P  ece  wholly  regards  the  Practice  and  Frofe/Jion  of  the  Lays,  and  is  wrote  in  the  diredl 
Law-manner,  we  do  not  add  it  as  i  Supplement  to  this  Work,  tho' otherwifc  highly  deferving. 


Sed.XXVII.       the  Fountains  ^  Equitv.  257 

Aphorism    LXXXV. 

86.  'Tis  juftly  dircfliednoc  to  take  La'vos  from  Rules,  but  to  make  the 
Rules  from  the  Laws  in  being ;  neither  muft  the  Proof  be  derived  from  tlie 
Words  of  the  Rule,  as  if  that  were  the  Text  of  the  Law  •,  for  the  Rule,  like 
the  magnetic  Needle,  does  not  make,  but  indicate  the  Law. 

Aphorism    LXXXVI. 

87.  Befides  the  Body  of  the  Law,  'cis  proper  to  take  a  view  of  the  An-  jintiquUies  of 
tiquities  of  La-xs  ;  which  tho'   they  have  loft   their  Authority,  ftill   retain  ^''"''• 

their  Reverence.  Tfiofe  Writings  upon  Laws  and  Judgmenes,  whether 
publifhed  or  unpublifhed,  are  to  be  held  for  Antiquitiei  of  Lata,  which 
preceded  the  Body  of  the  Laws  in  point  of  time ;  for  thefe  Antiquities 
ihould  not  be  loft  ;  but  the  moft  ufeful  of  them  being  collected,  and 
fuch  as  are  frivolous  and  impertinent  rejedted,  they  fliould  be  brought  into 
one  Volume,  without  mixing  ancient  Fables,  as  Treboniaims  calls  them,  with  the 
Laws  themfelves. 

Aphorism    LXXXVIL 

88.  But  for    Praftice,    'tis  highly  proper  to  have    the  whole  Law  or-  Abridgments, 
derly  digefted  under  Heads  and  'Titles,  whereto  any  one  may  occafionally  turn 

on  a  fudden,  as  to  a  Store-houfe  furnifhed  for  prefent  ufe.  Thefe  Sumtna- 
ries  bring  into  order  what  lay  difperfcd  ;  and  abridge  what  was  dift'ufive  and 
prolix  in  the  Law.  But  care  muft  be  had,  left  thefe  Abridi^mettts  fliould 
make  men  ready  for  praftice,  and  indolent  in  the  Science  itfelf :  for  their 
Office  is  to  ferve  but  as  Remembrancers  ;  and  not  as  perfefl  Teachers  of  the 
Law.  And  they  are  to  be  made  with  great  Diligence,  Fidelity  and  Judo^- 
menc  j  that  they  may  fairly  reprefent,  and  not  fteal  from  the  Laws. 

Aphorism    LXXXVIIL 

89.  L,et  different  Forms  of  Pleading  be  collefted  in  every    kind  ;  for   this  Pleadings. 
tends  to  Praftice :    and  doubtlefs   they   lay  open  the   Oracles  and  Myfieries 

of  the  Law  ;  which  conceals  many  fuch.  And  thefe  are  better,  and 
more'  fully  difplayed  in  Forms  of  Pleading,  than  otherwife  ;  as  the  Hand  is 
better  feen  when  opened. 

Aphorism    LXXXIX. 

90.  Some  method  ought  to  be  taken  for  folving,  and  putting  an  end  to  Anfaers  and 
particular  Doubts,  which  arife  from  time  to  time:  for 'tis  a  hard  thing,  \{ Confultamns. 
they  who  defire  to  keep  clear  of  Error,  fliould  find  no  one  to  fet  them  right ; 

but  that  their  Aftions  muft  be  flill  endangered,  without  any  means  of 
knowing  the  Law,  before  the  Cafe  is  determined. 

Aphorism    XC. 

91.  But  we  approve  not  that  the  Anfwers  of  prudent  Men,  whether  Coun- 
fellors,  or  Proftflbrs  of  Law,  given  to  fuch  as  ask  their  Advice,    fliould 

Vo L.  L  LI  have 


258  The  Doctrine  <?/'Universal  Justice;  or,  Sed.  XXVII. 

have  lb  great  Authority,  as  that  the  Judge  might  not  lawfully  depart  from 
their  Opinion.     Let  Points  of  Law  be  taken  from  fworn  Judges. 

Aphorism  XCI. 
92.  We  approve  not  that  Judgments  fliould   be  tried  by  feigned  Caufes 
and  Perfons,  with  a  View  to  predetermine  what  will  be    the  Rule  of  Law : 
for  this  dilhonours  the  Majefty  of  Law>5  ;  and  fliould  be  judged  as  a  Preva- 
rication.    Befides,  'tis  monftrous  for  Judgmenli  to  copy  the  Stage. 

Aphorism  XCII. 
99,  Therefore  let  as  well  Judgments  as  Anfwers  and  Advice  proceed  from 
none  but  the  Judges  ;  the  former  in  Suits  depending  •,  and  the  latter  in  the 
way  of  Opinion  upon  difficult  Points  of  Law.  But  thefe  Notices,  whether 
in  private  or  publick  Affairs,  are  not  to  beexpedled  from  the  Judges  them- 
felves  •,  for  that  were  to  make  the  Judge  a  Pleader  •,  but  from  the  Prince  or 
State  :  and  let  them  recommend  it  to  the  Judges  ;  who,  inverted  with  fuch 
Authority,  are  to  hear  the  Arguments  on  both  fides  ;  and  the  Pleadings  of  the 
Couufel,  employed  either  by  thofe  whom  it  concerns,  or  appointed  by  the 
Judges  themfelves,  if  neceffary  -,  and  after  the  matter  is  weigh'd,  let  the 
Judges  dei  1  :re  the  Law,  and  give  their  Opinion:  and  fuch  kind  ofO- 
pinions  fhould  be  recorded,  and  publiflied  among  judged  Cafes  ;  and  be 
reckoned  of  equal  Authority  with  them. 

Aphorism  XCIII. 

HeaJingi  to  Be     94.  Let  the  Readings  upon  the  Law,  and  the  Exercifes  of  fuch  as  fludy 

dlreHedfo  as    it,  be  fo  inftituted  and  order'd,  that  all  things  may  tend  to    the  refolving 

to  terminate    ^^^  putting  an  end,  and  not  to  the  raifing  and  maintaining  of  Queftions  and 

^ej  tons.      Controverfies  in  the  Law.  But  at  prcfent  a  School  feems  every  where  opened 

for  multiplying  Difputes,  WrangJings,  and  Altercations,  about  the  Laws  ; 

in  the  way  of    fliewing  the  Wit  of  the   Difputants :     Tho'    this  is  alfo 

an  ancient  Evil  ;    for  it  was  efteemed  a  piece  of  Glory  of  old  to  fupport 

numerous  Queftions  of  Law,    as  it  were  by  S;(5l:s    and  Fadlions,   xather 

than  to  end  them.     But  this  ought  to  be  prevented. 

Aphorism     XCIV. 

The  XTncer-         95-  Judgments  prove  uncertain^  either  (i.)  thro'  an  untimely  and  hafty 
taintie!  of      pafTing  of  Sentence -,  (2.)  the  Emulation  of  Courts  ;  (3.)   a  wrong  and  un- 
Judgments      skilful  recording  of  Judgments  •,    or,  (4.)  thro'  a  too  eafy  and  ready  way 
tlmldi'e"      opened  for  their  Reverfion.     Therefore  let  Care  be  taken,    (i.)  that  Judg- 
ments proceed  upon  mature  deliberation  -,  (2.)  that  Courts  preferve  a  due 
Reverence  for  each  other.  ;  (3.)  that  Judgments  be  faithfully  and  prudently 
recorded  ;  and  (4.)  that  the  Way  for  Reverfing  of  Judgments  be  made  nar- 
row ^  craggy  and  thorny. 

Apho- 


Sedl. XXVII.         the  Fountains   of  Equity.  259 

Aphorism    XCV. 

q5.  If  Tiidsment   be  given  upon  a  Cafe,  in  any  principal   Court,  and  a  ''^'"",'!° h 
hkeC.ile  come  into   another  Court  -,  proceed  not  to  Judgment  before  ^/^^^-  solemnity. 
fuitation  be  lield  in  ibme  confiJenible  Afiembly  of  the  Judges.     For  if  De- 
crees are  of  neceffity   to  be  cut  off;    at   lead  let  them  be  honourably  in- 
terred. 

Aphorism  XCVI. 

97.  For  Courts  to  quarrel  and  contend  about  Jurifdiftion,  is  apiece  of  The  Courts  to 
human  Frailcy  -,  and  the  more,  becaufe  of  a  childifh  Opinion,  that  'tis  ^'^^'^'"//Zth 
Duty  of  a  good  and  able  Judge  to  enlarge  the  Jurifdidtion  of  his  Court :  ^„j^„(„^e;.. 
whence  this  Diforder  is  increafed,  and  the  Spur  made  ufe  of,  inftead  of  the 

Bridle.  But  that  Courts,  thro'  this  heat  of  Contention,  fliould,  on  all  fides 
uncontrollably  reverfe  each  other's  Decrees,  which  belong  not  to  Jurif- 
didtion,  is  an  intolerable  Evil,  and  by  all  means  to  be  fupprefs'd  by 
Kings,  the  Senate,  or  Government.  For  'tis  a  mod:  pernicious  Example 
that  Courts,  which  make  Peace  among  the  Subjects,  fliould  quarrel  among 
themfelves. 

Aphorism   XCVII. 

98.  Eet  not  too  eafy  a  PaiTage  be  opened  for  the  Repealing  of  Sentence, 
by  Appeal,  Writ  of  Error,  Re-hearing,  (^c.  Some  are  of  Opinion,  that 
a  Caufe  fliould  be  removed  to  a  higher  Court,  as  a  new  Caufe  ;  and  the 
Judgment  given  upon  it,  in  the  lower,  be  entirely  laid  afide,  and  fufpend- 
ed:  whilll  others  again  would  have  the  Judgment  remain  in  its  force, 
and  only  the  Execution  to  be  ftopt.  "We  approve  of  neither  ;  unlefs  the 
Court,  where  the  Sentence  pafs'd,  v;ere  of  a  very  inferior  nature :  but 
would  rather  have  both  the  Judgment  fl:and,  and  its  Execution  proceed ; 
provided  a  Caveat  be  put  in  by  the  Defendant,  for  Cofts  and  Damages,  if 
the  Sentence  fliould  be  reverfed. 

99.  Let  this  Title,  of  the  Certainty  of  Laws.,  ferve  for  a  Specimen  of  that 
Digejt  we  propofe  and  have  in  hand  ",  And  thus  we  conclude  the  Head  of 
Civil  Doctrine,  and  with  it  Hitman  Philofophy  ;  as  with  Human  Phitofopbyy 
Philofophy  in  general. 

100.  And  now  (landing  ftill  to  breathe,  and  look  back  upon  the  Way  vft  ^generalKc- 
have  paffed,  we  feem  all  along  to  have  been  but  turning  and  trying  the  /«- trofpedlion. 
ftruments  of  the  Mufes  ;  for  a  Confort  to  be  play'd   upon   them  by  other 

hands  :  or  to  have  been  grating  Mens  ears,  that  they  may  have  the  better 

L  1    2  Mufick 

'  The  Scheme  of  this  Vigeft,  offer'd  to  Queen  ^Elizabeth,  and  afterwards  to  King  James  the 
Fir,'?,  we  pbce  as  the  Fourteenth  Supplement  to  this  general  H'b'- k  i  tho' the  Delign  alclt  was 
not  executed  by  the  Author.  Some  Progrel's  however  was  made  in  the  Hiflory  of  the  Nature, 
V[e,  and  Proceedings  of  the  Lxtxs  ofEnglandi  which  make  the  Fifteenth  Supplement  to  the  prc- 
tnt  Work. 


26o  7^^  Doctrine  o/" Universal  Justice.    Se6t.XXVIL 

Mufick  hereafter  *.  And  indeed,  when  I  fee  before  me  rhe  prefent  State  of 
the  Times,  wherein  Learning  makes  her  third  Vifit  to  mankind  ^ ;  and 
carefjlly  reflect  how  well  fhe  finds  us  prepared,  and  furnifned  with  all  kinds 
of  Helps;  the  Sublimity  and  Penetration  of  many  Genius's  of  tlie  Age  ; 
thofe  excellent  Monuments  of  the  ancient  Writings,  which  fhine  as  fo  ma- 
ny great  Lights  before  us  •■,  the  Art  of  Printing,  which  largely  fupplies 
Men  of  all  Fortunes  with  Books  ;  the  open  Traffick  of  the  Globe,  both  by 
Sea  and  Land,  whence  we  receive  numerous  Experiments,  unknown  to  for- 
mer Ages,  and  a  large  Acceffion  to  the  mafs  of  Natural  Hijlcry  ;  the  lei- 
fure  which  the  greateft  Minds  in  the  Kingdoms  and  Provinces  of  Europe 
every  where  enjoy,  as  being  lefs  immerfed  in  Bufinefs  than  the  an- 
cient Gr^c'-('.f,  by  reafon  of  their  populous  States,  or  ihe  Ro?nafis,  thro' the 
extenfivenefs  of  their  Empire  •,  the  Peace  at  prefent  fpread  over  Britain,  Spain, 
Italy,  France,  and  many  other  Countries  -,  the  exhauftion  of  all  that  can  be 
invented  or  faid  in  Religious  Controverfies  %  which  have  fo  long  diverted 
many  of  the  befl:  Genius's  from  the  Study  of  other  Arts  ;  the  uncommon 
Learning  of  his  prefent  Britannic  Majejly  ^,  about  whom,  as  about  a  Phoenix, 
the  fine  Genius's  flock,  from  all  quarters  ;  and  laftly,  the  infeparable  Property 
of  Time,  which  is  daily  to  difclofe  Truth  :  When  all  thefe  things,  I  fay, 
are  confidered  by  us,  we  cannot  but  be  raifed  into  a  Perfuafion,  that  this 
third  Period  of  Learning  may  far  exceed  the  two  former  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans;  provided  only  that  Men  would  well  and  prudently  underftand 
their  own  Powers,  and  the  Defedls  thereof  -,  receive  from  each  other  the 
Lamps  of  Invention,  and  not  the  Firebrands  of  Contraditlion  ;  and  efteem  the 
fearch  after  Truth,  as  a  certain  noble  Entcrprize  •,  not  a  thing  of  Delight 
or  Ornament  •,  and  befliow  their  Wealth  and  Magnificence  upon  matters  of 
real  Worth  and  Excellence,  not  upon  fuch  as  are  vulgar  and  obvious  '. 
As  to  my  own  Labours,  if  any  one  ihall  pleafe  himfelf,  or  others,  in  repre- 
hending them,  let  him  do  it  to  the  full,  provided  he  but  weigh  and  con- 
fider  what  he  fays*'.  And  certainly  the  Appeal  is  jufl:,  tho'  the  thing  per- 
haps may  not  require  it,  from  Mens  firfl  Thoughts  to  their  fecond  j  and 
from  the  prefent  Age  to  Pofterity  ^. 

"  Obfcrve,  that  all  hitherto  done,  is  but  in  order  to  regulate  and  conduft  Enquiries  in  future. 
^  Alluding  only  to  the  two  famous  ones,  among  the  Greeks  ind  Romans. 

*  This  is  fpoke  like  one  who  was  verfed  in  kcclejiaflical  Hijlory,  and  polemical  Divinity; 
for  fcarce  any  Religious  Difpute  can  be  raifed,  that  has  not  been  upon  the  Carpet  before: 
but  many  have  found  the  Art,  by  heat  and  warmth,  to  revive  old  Doftrines,  Opinions,  and 
Herefies,  and  p.i{s  them  upon  the  Crowd  for  new;  as  if  Religious  Controverfies  were  to  be 
entailed  upon  Mankind,  and  defcend  from  one  Generation  to  another. 

**  Viz,.  King  James  I. 

*  See  the  way  of  doing  this,  pointed  out  in  the  Author's  New  Atlantis. 

*  Verbera  fed  audi. 

S  This  Appeal  of  the  Author  from  Mens  firft  Thoughts,  to  their  fecond  i  or  from  thenc* 
again  to  Pofteriry ;  may  v/ell  deferve  our  Attention ;  as  it  appears,  by  numerous  Inftances,  that 
he  does  not  give  us  his  own  firft  crude  immature  Thoughts,  upon  any  Subjcft  he  treats  ; 
but  delivers  the  Refulr  of  his  Enquiries,  after  long  Experience,  Meditation,  and  frequent  Re- 
jeftions  of  fuperficial  and  popular  Notions:  fo  that  if  heerii,   it  is  rather  his  Unhappinefs  thaa 

his 


Sed. XXVIII.  The  Doctrine  <?/"  Inspired  Theology.  261 

lor.  We  come,  laftly,  to  that  Science,  which  the  two  former  Periods  of 
Tims  were  not  bl'flcd  with  ;  viz.  [acred  and  infpired  Theology  :  the  Sab- 
bach  of  all  our  Labours  and  Peregrinations. 


SECT.     XXVIII. 

The    Doctrine     of    Inspired    Theology,     or 

Divinity. 

i.TTAving  now,  with  our  fmall  Bark  of  Knowledge,  failed  over,  ^n^^^y-TheHlvifio» 
j[  \_  rouni!Ied  the  Globe  of  the  Sciences,  as  well  tlie  old  World  as  the  new,  and  Cultiva- 
(let  Pofterity  judge  with  what  Succefs  ;)  we  fhould  pay  our  Vows  and  con-''<"»  of  dM- 
clude  ;  did   there  not  ftill  remain  another  part   to  be  viewed;  viz.  faired"'!^  j'"^'" 
or  infpired  Theology.     But  if  we  were  difpofed  to  furvey  it,  we  muft  quit  the 
fmall  Veffel   o^)?uman  Reafon,    and   put   ourfelves  on  board  the  5^?/)  o/ /7;^ 
Church;  which  alone  poffefles  the  Divine  Needle  forjuftly  fhaping  the  Courfe. 
Nor  will  the  Stars  of  Philofophy,  that  have  hitherto  principally  lent  their 
Light,  be  of  farther  fervice  to  us  :  and  therefore  'twere  not  improper  to  be 
filent  alfo  upon   this   Subject,    as  well  as  upon  that  of  Governfneat.     For 
which  reafon,  we  will  omit  the  juft  diftributions  of  it,  and  only  contribute, 
according  to  our  (lender  Ability,  a  few  Particulars  in  che  way  of  good  Wijhes. 
And  this   we  do  the  ratiier,  becaufe  we  find  no  Trafb  in  the  whole  Region 
of  Divinity,  that  is  abfolutely  deferted  or  uncultivated  :  fo  great   has   the 
Diligence  of  Men  been,  in  fowing  either  Wheat  or  Tares.     We  fhall  there- 
fore only  propofe  three  Appendages  of  Theology  ;  treating  not  of  the  Matter 
already   form'd,   or  to  be  form'd  by  Divinity,  but  only  of  the  Manner  of 
forming  it.     Neither  will  we  here,  as  we  have  hitherto  praflifed,   give  any 
Sketches,  annex  any  Specimens,  or  lay  down  any  Precepts  for  thefe  Trea- 
tifes  ;  but  leave  all  this  to  Divines  *. 

2.  The  Prerogative  of  God  extends  over  the  whole  Man,  and  reaches  ji,t  prerc^a- 
both  to  his  Will  and  his  Reafon;  fo  that  Man  muft  abfolutely  renounce  the  of  Reve- 
himfelf,  and  fubmit  to  God:  and  therefore,,  as  we  are  obliged  xo  obey  the ^''!'"""''^'^'' '''^ 
divine  Law,  tho'  our  Will  murmur  againft  it;  fo  are  we  obliged  to  believe  Y,ffi'  "^  ^^'' 
(he  Word  of  God,  tho'  our  Reafon  be  fhock'd  at  it.     For  if  we  fhould  be- 
lieve only  fuch  things  as  are  agreeable  to  our  Reafon -y  we  alTent  to  the  Mat.- 

ter 

his  Fault;  and  would  not  hai^e  his  Reader  err  along  with  him.  This  Conduft  in  an  Author, 
doubtlefs  requires,  that  the  Reader  (liould  not  be  hafty,  or  judge  off-hand  j  but  duly  weigh 
and  conlider,  before  he  p^fl'es  Cenfure. 

*  The  Addrefs  and  Coiiduft  of  the  Author,  in  this,  and  the  fucceeding  Paragraph,  will  be- 
miinifeft  to  thoie  who  are  converlant  in  Ecclefia/lictil  Hiflory  i  and  apprized  of  the  Mifchiefs  o£' 
liifiieUty. 


262  The  Doctrine  of  Inspired  Theology.  Sed.XXVIII. 

ter^  and  not  to  the  Author:  which  is  no  more  than  we  do  to  a  fufpedted 
Witnefs.     But  the  Faith  imputed,  to  Abraham /c>r  Right eoufnefs,  confifted  in  a 
Particular,  laugh'd  at  by  Sarah:  who,  in  that  refpeft,  was  an  Image  of  the 
natural  Reafon.     And  therefore,  the  more  abfurd  and  incredible  any  divine  My- 
Jierv  is,  the  greater  bojwur  we  do  to  God  in  believing  it ;  and  fo  much  the  more 
noble  the  Vi£fory  of  Faith  * ;  As  Sinners,  the  more  they  are  opprefs'd  in  Con- 
fcience,  yet  relying  upon  the  Mercy  of  God  for  Salvation,  honour  him  the 
more  •,  for  all  Defpair  is  a  kind  of  reproaching  the  Deity.     And,  if  well  con- 
fider'd.  Belief  is  more  worthy  than  Knowledge  ;  fuch  Knowledge,  I  mean,  as 
we  have  at  prefent :  for  in  Knowledge,  the  human  Mind  is  afted  upon  by 
Senfe,  which  refults  from  material  things :  but  in  Faith,  the  Spirit  is  affeSled 
by  Spirit  y -which  is  the  more  worthy  Agent.     'Tis  otherwife  in  the  State  of 
Glory  :  for  then  Faith  fhall  ceafe,  and  we  /Ijall  know  as  we  are  known.     Let 
us  therefore  conclude,  that  facred  Theology  muft  be  drawn  from  the  Word 
and  Oracles  of  God  ;  not  from  the  Light  of  Nature,  or  the  Didtates  of  Rea- 
fon.    'Tis  written,  that  the  Heavens  declare  the  Glory  of  God:  but  we  no 
where  find  it,  that  the  Heavens  declare  the  Will  of  God  ;  which  is  pronounced 
a  Law,  and  a  Tejlimony,  that  Men  flmdd  do  according  to  it,  &c.     Nor  does 
this  hold  only  in  the  great  Myfteries  of  the  Godhead,  of  the  Creation,  and  of 
the  Redemption  ;  but  belongs  alfo  to  the  true  Interpretation  of  the  vioral  Law. 
Love  your  Enemies,  do  good  to  them  that  hate  you,  &c.  that  ye  tnay  be  the  Children 
of  your  heavenly  Father,  ijobo  fends  his  Rain  upon  the  Jujl  and  the  Unjujl.     Which 
Words  are  more  than  human  ;  and  go  beyond  the  Light  of  Nature.    So  the 
heathen  Poets,  efpecially  when  they  fpeak  pathetically,  frequently  expoftu- 
late  with  Laws  and  moral  DoBrines,  (tho'   thefe  are  far  more  eafy  and  in- 
dulgent than  Divine  Laws-,)  as  if  they  had  a  kind  of  malignant  Oppofition 
to  the  freedom  of  Nature'' :  according  to  the  Exprcflion  of  Dendamis,  the 
Lidian,  to  the  Meflengers  oi  Alexander  ;  "  viz.  that  he  had  heard  indeed  fome- 
"  what  of  Pythagoras,  and  the  other  wife  Men  of  Greece,  and  believed  them 
"  to  have  been  great  Men  ;  but  that  they  held  a  certain  fantaftical  thing,  which 
"  they  called   Law  and  Morality,  in  too  great  veneration  and  efleeni."     We 
cannot  doubt,   therefore,  that  a  large  part  of  the  Moral  Law  is  too  fublime 
to  be  attained  by  the  Light  of  Nature  :    tho'  'tis  ftill   certain,   that  Men, 
even  from  the  Light  and   Law  of  Nature,  have  fome   Notions  of  Virtue, 
Vice,  Juftice,   Wrong,  Good,  and  Evil. 
Ttt>o  signijtca-     3.  We  muft  obferve,  that  the  Light  of  Nature  has  two  Significations; 
tions  of  the     (j.)  r^v,  it  arifes  from  Senfe,  Induftion,  Reafon  and  Argument ;  according  to 
Light  of  m-  ^^    Laws  of  Heaven  and  Earth:  and  (2.)  as  it  fhines  in  the  human  Mind, 
by  internal  Inftindl ;  according  to  the  Law  of  Confcience  :  which  is  a  certain 
Spark,  and,  as  it  were,  a  Relique  of  our  primitive' Purity.     And  in  this  latter 
fenfe  chiefly,  the  Soul  receives  fome  Light,  ior  beholding  and  difcerning 

the 

*  On  the  Foundation  here  laid  down,  it  cannot  nppeir  incredible,  that  tlie  Author  fliouid 
write  the  Churacieriflicki  of  a  believing  Chrijlian,  in  Parailoxes,  and  feein'mg  CoKtrruliBions  ; 
which  makes  the  Sixteenth  Supplement  to  this  general  l^ork;  for  he  is  here  cxpreis,  that 
Reafon  and  Faith  are  Oppofites :  and  it'  this  Poiition  be  allow'd,  Revelatioi  will  then,  perhaps, 
ftand  on  its  juft  Foundation. 

* Et  quod  natura  remittit 

Invida  jura  negant 


Cure. 


Sedt. XXVIII.  7^^  Doctrine  of  Inspired  Theology.  263 

the  Peifccbion  of  the  moral  Law  j  the'  this  Light  be  not  perfel^ly  clear,  but 
of  fuch  a  nature,  as  rather  to  reprehend  Vice,  than  give  a  full  Information 
of  Daty  :  whence  Religion,  both  with  regard  to  Myjleries  and  Moralily,  de- 
pends upon  divine  Revelation  ". 

4.  Yet  the  Ufe  of  human  Reafon  in  fpiritual  things,  is  various,  and  very  rljeVfe  of  hu- 
extenfive:  for  Religion  is  juftly  called  a  reafmahle  Service.     The  Types  and  man  Reafon 
Ceremonies  of  the  old  Lazv,  were  rational  and  fisnificative  ;  difFerins  widely  ''■tiomaote  m 
from  the  Ceremonies  of  Idolatry  and  Magick  :  which  are  a  kind  of  deaf  and 

dumb  Shew  ;  and  generally  uninftruftive,  even  by  innuendo.  But  the  Cbri- 
ftian  Faith,  as  in  all  things  elfe,  excels  in  this,  that  it  preferves  the  golden  Mean 
in  the  ufe  of  Reafon,  and  Difpute,  the  Child  of  Reafon  ;  b.^tween  the  Laws 
of  the  Heathens,  and  of  Mahomet,  which  go  into  extremes :  for  the  heathen 
Religion  had  no  conjlant  Belief,  or  ConfefTion  ;  and  the  Mahometan  forbids 
all  Difputes  in  Religion  :  whence  one  appears  with  the  face  of  manifold  Error  ; 
the  other  as  a  crafty  and  fubtile  Impofture  :  whilft  the  facred  Chrijltan  Faith, 
both  receives  and  rejeds  the  ufe  of  Reafon  and  Difpute,  under  due  limita- 
tion. 

5.  The  Ufe  of  human  Reafon  in  Matters  of  Religion,  is  of  two  kinds  -,  the  rhis  Vfe  of 
one  confifting  in  the  Explanation  of  Myfteries  •,  the  other  in  the  Deduclions  Reafon  h  of 
from  them.     As  to  the  Explan.ition  of  Myfleries,  we  find  that  God  himfelf  *^lf/"''',\''V 
condefcends  to  the  Weaknefs  of  our  Capacity  ;  and  opens  his  Myfleries,  lb  JZ' Exttana' 
as  they  may  be  beft  underftood  by  us  -,  inoculating,  as  it  were,  his  Revelations  thn  of  Uyfie- 
into  the  Notions  and  Comprehenfions  of  our  Reafon  :  and  accommodating  his  ries.     . 
Inlpirations  to  the  opening  of  our  Underftanding,  as  a  Key  is  fitted  to  open 

the  Lock.  Tho',  in  this  refpedl,  we  fliould  not  be  wanting  to  ourfelves  : 
for  as  God  makes  ufe  of  our  Reafon  in  his  Illuminations  •,  fo  ought  we  like- 
wife  to  exercife  it  every  way  •,  in  order  to  become  more  capable  of  receiving 
and  imbibing  Myfleries:  provided  the  Mind  be  enlarged,  according  to  its 
Capacity,  to  the  Greatnefs  of  the  Myfleries ;  and  not  the  Myfleries  con- 
tracted to  the  Narrovvnefs  of  the  Mind. 

6.  With  regard  to  Inferences;  we  muft  know,  that  we  have  a  certain  fe-  And(i.)lnfe- 
condary  and  refpeftive,  not  a  primitive  and  abfolute,  ufe  of  Reafon,  and  "'"■"J^»'» 
Arguing,  left  us  about  Myfleries.     For  after  the  Articles  and  Principles  of     '"' 
Religion  are  fo  feated,  as  to  be  entirely  removed  from  the  Examination  of 

Reafon  -,  we  are  then  permitted  to  draw  Inferences  from  them,  agreeable  to 
their  Analogy.  But  this  holds  not  in  natural  things,  where  Principles  them- 
felves  are  fubjefl  to  Examination  by  InduHion  %  the'  not  by  Syllogifm :  and 
have,  befides,  no  repugnancy  to  Reafon  ;  fo  that  both  the  firft  and  middle 
Propofitions,  are  derivable  from  the  fame  Fountain.  'Tis  otherwife  in  Re- 
ligion, where  the  firft  Propofitbns  are  felf-exiftent ;  and  fubfill  of  themfelves, 
uncontrolled  by  that  Reafon  which  deduces  the  fubfequent  Propofitions. 
Nor  is  this  the  cafe  in  Religion  alone,  but  likewife  in  other  Sciences,  as  well 
the  ferious  as  the  light,  where  the  primary  Propofitions  are  poftulated ;  as 
things  wherein  the  ufe  of  Reafon  cannot  be  abfolute.     Thus  in  Chefs,  or 

other 

*  Hence  Divines  have  juftly  applied  themfelves  to  the  Proof  and  Demonftratioa  of  a  Revel»' 
tion;  which  being  once  eftablifhed,  the  Dodtines  it  delivers  are  inconteftable. 

3 


264.  T'/^^  Doctrine  (j/Tnspired  Theology.    Sed. XXVIII. 

other  Games  of  the  like  nature,  the  firft  Rules  and  Laws  of  the  Play,  are 
merifly  pofitive  Poftulates ;  which  ought  to  be  entirely  received,  not  dif- 
pured:  but  the  skilful  playing  of  the  Game,  is  a  Matter  of  Art  and  Rea- 
fon.     So  in  human  Laws,  there  are  numerous  Maxims,  or  mere  Piacits  of 
Law  received,  which  depend  more  upon  Authority  than  Reafon  ;  and  come 
not  into  difpute:  But  then  for  the  Enquiry,  what  is  not  abfolutely,  but  rela- 
tively mod  jufi  herein  ;  viz.  in  conformity  with  thofe  Maxims :  this,  indeed, 
is  a  point  of  Reafon  ;  and  affords  a  large  Field  for  Difpute.     Such,  therefore, 
is  th-M  fecondan  Reafon  which  has  place  in  facred  Theology  •,  and  is  founded 
upon  the  good-pleafure  of  God. 
T-ioo  Zxceffes       7-  ■^^'^  ^^  ^^^  "''^  °^  human  Reafon,  in  things  divine,  is  of  two  kinds  ■, 
of  hnman      fo  is  it  attended  with  two  Exceffes :  (i.)  the  one,  when  it  too  curioufly  en- 
Reafin  inDi-  quires  into  the  manner  of  a  Myftery  ;  (2.)  the  other,  when  it  attributes  an 
-Mmty.  equal  Authority  to  the  Inference,  as  to  the  Principles.     For  he  may  feem  a 

Dilciple  ot  Nicodemus,  who  fliall  obftinately  enquire.  How  can  a  Man  be 
■born,  when  he  is  old?    But  he  can  be  efl:eemed  no  Difciple  of  St.  Paul,  who 
does  not  fometimes  infert  in  his  Dodrine,  /,  not  the  Lord,  or,  according  to 
my  Judgment  \  which  is  the  Stile  that  generally  fuits  with  Inferences.    Whence 
it  feems  a  thing  of  capital  Ufe  and  Benefit,  to  have  a  fober  and  diligent 
Treatise  wrote,  concerning  the  proper  Ufe   of  human  Reafon  in  Divinity, 
by  way  of  a  Divine  LooicK.     For  this  would  be  like  an  Opiate  in  Me- 
ThefirfiAp-  dicine ;    and  not  only   lay  aileep  thofe  empty   Speculations  which    fome- 
fendage  te      times  difturb  the  Schools;  but  alfo  allay  that   Fury  of  Controverfy  which 
Ti&co^jK »;»?>- raifes  fuch  Tumults  in  the  Church.     This  Treatise,  therefore,  we  place 
T^'Mod      ^rnong  t^he  things  that  are  wanted,  under  the  Name  of  the  Moderator  ; 
tor.  ov  the  true  Use  of  human  Reason  in  Theology*. 

8.  'Tis  of  the  utmoft  importance  to  the  Peace  of  the  Church,  to  have  the 
u^ntlTD  ^^''-'^"'^^^  "/  Cbrijlians,  prefcribed  by  our  Saviour  in  two  particulars,  that 
grees  ofUnity  ^^^^  fomewhat  contradidlory,  well  and  clearly  explained  :  the  one  whereof 
among  chri-  runs  thus  ;  he  who  is  not  with  us,  is  againji  us ;  and  the  other  thus  •,  he  who  is 
fiians,  defi-  ^g^  againfi  us,  is  for  us :  whence  it  plainly  appears,  that  there  are  feme  Points 
w!ierein  he  who  differs  is  to  be  excluded  the  Covenant ;  and  others  again, 
wherein  Chriftians  may  differ,  and  yet  keep  Terms.  The  Bonds  of  the  Chri- 
fiian  Conununion  are  one  Faith,  one  Baptifm,  &c.  not  one  Cerem^'n)',  one  Opi- 
nion, &c.  Our  Saviour's  Coat  was  feamlefs  -,  but  the  Garment  of  the  Church 
of  many  Colours.  The  Chaff  muft  be  feparated  from  the  Wheat;  but  the 
Tares  in  the  Field  are  not  to  be  haftily  plucked  up  from  the  Corn.  Mofes^ 
when  he  faw  the  Egyptian  contending  with  the  Ifaelite,  did  not  fay,  IVhy 
Jlrive  ye  ?  but  drew  his  Sword,  and  kill'd  the  Egyptian :  but  when  he  faw 
two  Ifraelltes  fighting  together,  tho'  the  Caufe  of  one  of  them  might  have 
been  unjuft  ;  yet  he  fays  to  them,  I'e  are  Brethren,  why  Jlrive  ye  ?  All  which 

being 

■  Many  of  the  modern  rathml  Divines  have  treated  this  Subjeci  ;  particularly  Dr.  Tillotfon, 
Dr.  CUrke,  Mr.  fVhi/ion,  8cc.  or  if  more  unexceptionable  Writers  are  required,  fee  Mr.  Beyle's 
Chriftian  Virtuo/o,  and  Things  above  Reafon  confider'di  and  Mr.  Locke  on  the  Reafomblenefs  of 
Chriftianity.  Buc  the  Point  does  not  appear  fettled  to  general  Satisfadion  i  nor  Divines  agreed 
upon  it  among  themfelves. 


cient. 


Scd.XXVIII.  7^^  Doctrine  ^  Inspired  Theology.  265 

being  well  confider'd,  it  fcems  a  thing  of  great  life  and  moment,  to  define 

what,  and  of  boiv  great  Latiti'.de  ibcfe  Matters  are^  zvhich  totally  cut  off  Men 

from  the  Body  of  the  Church  ;  and  exclude  them  the  Cotntnunion  of  the  Faithful. 

And  if  any  one  fl-jall  imagine  this  done  already,  we  advife  him  ferioufly  to 

refled",  with  what  Jullice  and  Moderation.     But  'tis  highly  probable,  that 

whoever  fpeaks  of  Peace,  will  meet  with  that  Anfwer  oi  Jehu  to  the  Mef- 

fcnger  ;  IVhat  has  Peace  to  do  ivUh  Jehu  ?    (Vhat  haft  thou  to  do  with  Peace  ?  rhefecondAp- 

TiiV'i,  andfollo-zv  ?ne.     For  the  Hearts  of  moft  Men  are  not  fet  upon  Peace,  pendnge to  vi- 

biit  Part).     And  yet  we  think  proper  to  place  among  the  things  wanting,  "^inityvitn-  _ 

A  Discourse  upon  the  Degrees  of  Unity  in  the  City  of  God,  '"otfr'felf  '"^" 

as  a  wholefome  and  ufeful  Undertaking  *,  Unity. 

9.  The  holy  Scriptures  having  fo  great  a  fliare  in  the  Conftitution  of  ^-^^         ,,/• 
Theology,  a  principal   regaid   muft  be  had  to  their  Interpretation.    We  interpreting 

■fpeak  not  of  the  Authority  of  interpreting,  efbablifh'd  by  the  Confent  of  the  Scripture  i  viz: 
Church  ;  but  of  the  manner  of  interpreting :  which  is  either  methodical,  or  '*^  methodt- 
loofe.     For  the  pure  Waters  of  Divinity  are  drawn,  and  employ'd,  nearly  in  igjg^ 
the  fame  manner  as  the  tiatural  IVdters  of  Springs ;  viz.  ( i .)  either  received 
in  Cillerns,  and  thence  derived  thro'  different  Pipes,  for  the  more  commo- 
dious Ufe  of  Men-,    or  (2.)  immediately  poured  into  Veflels   for  prefent 
Occafions.      The  former  methodical  wavhas  produced  the  fcbolaftick  Divinity  i 
whereby  the  D'>c^nne  of  Theology  is  collefted  into  an  Art,  as  in  a  Ciftern  •■, 
and  thence    diftributed   around,    by  the  conveyance  of  Axioms  and   Po- 
fitions, 

10.  But  the  loofe  way  of  interpreting  has  two  ExcefTes  ;  the  one  fuppofes  The  laofe  «ay 
fuch  a  Perfedtion  in  the  Scriptures,  that  all   Philofophy  fhould   be  der'weA.  fubjea  ta  two 
from  their  Fountains ;  as  if  every  other  Philofophy  were  a  profane  and  hea-  ■£•*«/"• 
thenifh  thing.     And   this  Diftemper  principally  reigned  in  the  School  of 
Paracelfus,  and  fome  others:  tho'  originally  derived  from  the  Rabbles  and 
Cabbaiifts.    But  thefe  Men  fail  of  their  End ;  for  they  do  not,  by  this  means, 

honour  the  Scriptures,  as  they  imagine ;  but  rather  debafe  and  pollute  them. 
For  they  who  feek  a  material  Heaven,  and  a  material  Earth,  in  the  Word  of 
God  ;  abfurdly  feek  for  tranfitor.y  things  among  eternal.  To  look  for  Theolog'j 
in  Philofophy,  is  looking  for  the  living  among  the  dead  ;  and  to  look  for  Phi- 
lofophy xnTheology,  is  to  look  for  the  dead  among  the  living. 

1 1 .  The  other  Excefs,  in  the  manner  of  Interpretation,  appears,  at  firfl:  fight, 
juft  and  fober;  yet  greatly  difhonours  the  Scriptures,  and  greatly  injures 
the  Church,  by  explaining  the  infpired  Writings  in  the  fame  manner  as  human 
Writings  are  explained.  For  we  muft  remember,  that  to  God,  the  Author 
of  the  Scriptures,  thofe  two  things  lie  open  which  are  concealed  from  Men  \ 
the  Secrets  of  the  Heart,  and  the  Succejfom  of  Time.  Therefore,  as  the  Dic- 
tates of  Scripture  are  direfted  to  the  Heart,  and  include  the  Viciffitudes  of 
all  Ages,  along  with  an  eternal  and  certain  Foreknowledge  of  all  Herefies, 
Contradictions,  and  the  mutable  States  of  the  Church,  as  well  in  general,  as 

■  This  DtfiJemtum  the  Author  himfelf  has  endeavour'd  to  fupply,  in  his  Difcourfe  of  the 
fence  of  the  Church,  which  makes  the  Seventeenth  and  lail  Supplement  to  this  General 
Arrxngement  of  Knowledge,  ttnd  Method  of  improving  the  Sciences. 

Vol.  I.  Mm  in 


266  T/j^  Doctrine  (j/*  Inspired  Theology.  Sedl.XXVIII. 

in  particulars ;  thefe  Scriptures  are  not  to  be  interpreted  barely  according  to 

the  obvious  Senfe  of  the  Place ;  or  with  regard  to  the  Occafion  upon  which  the 

TVords  were  ficken;  or  precifely  by  the  Context,  or  the  principal  Scope  of  the 

Pajfage  •,  but  upon  a  knowledge  of  their  containing,  not  only  in  grofs  or  colle£fivelyy 

but  alfo  dijlributively,  in  particular  IVords  and  Claufes,  mimberlefs  Rivulets  and 

Veins  ofDoclrine,  for  watering  all  the  j  arts  of  the  Church,  and  all  the  Miiuh  of  the 

Faithful.     For  'tis  excellently  obferved,  that  the  Anfwers  of  our  Saviour  are 

not  fuited  to  many  of  the  Queftions  propofed  to  him  ;  but  appear,  in  a 

manner,  impertinent :  and  this  for  two  Reafons,  (r.)  becaufe,  as  he  knew  the 

Thoughts  of  thofe  who  put  the  Queftion  ;  not  from  their  Words,  as  Men 

know  them  ;  but  immediately,  and  of  himfelf,  he  anfwer'd  to  their  Thoughts, 

and  not  to  their  Words :  and  (2.)  becaufe  he  fpokenot  to  thofe  alone  who 

were  prefent,  but  to  us  alfo  now  living,  and  to  the  Men  of  every  Age  and 

Place,  where  the  Gofpel  fhall  be  preached.     And  this  Obfervation  holds  in 

other  parts  of  Scripture  *. 

The  third  Ap-      12.  We   find,  among  Theological  Writings,   too  many  Books  of  Contro- 

fendage  to  Di-  verfy ;  a  vart  Mafs  of  that  we  call  pofitive  Theology  ;  Common-  Places ;  particular 

"vti'ty ^""'t^»' q-^gatifes  ;  Cafes  of  Confcience  ;  Sermons ;  Homilies;  and  numerous  prolix  Com- 

Notes  and     vients  upon  the  feveral  Books  of  the  Scriptures:  But  the  thing  we  want  and 

Obfervations  propofe,  as  our  third  Appendix  to  Theology,   is,  A  short,  sound,   and  ju- 

W/>a»  particu-  dICIOUS  COLLECTION    OF  NoTES,   AND  OBSERVATIONS,  UPON   PARTICU- 

ar  exts.  lar  Texts  or  Scripture  ;  without  running  into  Common-place,  pur- 
fuing  Controverfies,  or  reducing  thefe  Notes  to  artificial  Method  ;  but  lea- 
ving them  quite  loofe,  and  native :  a  thing  we  find  fometimes  done  in  the 
more  learned  kind  of  Sermons  %  which  are  feldom  of  long  duration  :  tho'  it 
has  not  hitherto  prevail'd  in  Books,  defign'd  for  PofVerity.  But  certainly^ 
as  thofe  Wines  which  flow  from  the  firft  treading  of  the  Grape,  are  fweeter 
and  better,  than  thofe  forced  out  by  the  Prefs,  which  gives  them  the  Rough- 
nefs  of  the  Husk  and  the  Stone  -,  fo  are  thofe  Doftrines  befl:  and  wholefomeft, 
which  flow  from  a  gentle  Crufli  of  the  Scripture  -,  and  are  not  wrung  into 
Controverfies  and  Common-place.  And  this  Treatife  we  fet  down  as  wanting,, 
under  the  Title  of  the  First  Flowings  of  the  Scriptures. 

Coaclu/ioa.  13.  And  now  we  have  finiflied  our  y5«a// Globe  of  the  intelleSiual  Worlds 

with  all  the  Exadtnefs  we  could ;  marking  out  and  defcribing  thofe  parts 
of  it,  which  we  find  either  not  conftantly  inhabited,  or  not  fufficiently  cul- 
tivated. And  if,  thro'  the  Courfe  of  the  Work,  we  fhould  any  where  feem 
to  depart  from  the  Opinion  of  the  Ancients,  we  would  have  it  remembred, 
that  this  is  not  done  for  the  fake  of  Novelty,  or  ftriking  into  different 
Paths  from  them  ;  but  with  a  defire  of  improving.  For  we  could  neither 
aft  confiftently  with  ourfelves,  nor  the  Defign,  without  refolving  to  add  all 
we  could  to  the  Inventions  of  others:  at  the  fame  time  wifliing  that  our  own 
Difcoveries  may  be  exceeded  by  thofe  of  Pofterity.     And  how  fairly  wt: 

have^ 

*  Hence  thofe  appear  not  to  aft  injudicioufly,  who  feek  for  an  allegorical,  and  fpiritual  Mean- 
ing in  the  Scriptures;  after  the  Example  of  Origen,  and  other  learned  Fathers  of  the  Church. 
Tho'  it  is  at  prefent  warmly  difputed,  whether  the  Scriptures  are  to  be  liurnlly  01  fpirittMlfy_ 

interpreted. 


Se^l.XXIX.     y^  Recapitulation,  ^c.  267 

have  dealt  in  this  matter,  may  appear  from  hence  •,  that  our  Opinions  arc 
every  where  propofed  naked  and  undefended  ;  without  endeavouring  to  bribe 
the  Liberty  of  others  by  Confutations.  For  where  the  things  advanced 
prove  jurt,  we  hope,  that  if  any  Scruple  or  Objeftion  arife  in  the  firit 
reading,  an  Anfwer  will  of  itfelf  be  made  in  the  fecond.  And  wherever 
we  have  erred,  we  are  certain  to  have  done  no  Violence  to  the  Truth  by 
litigious  Arguments  -,  the  efFcft  whereof,  is  the  procuring  Authority  to  Er- 
ror, and  detrafting  from  what  is  well  invented :  for  Error  receives  Honour, 
and  Truth  a  Repulfe  from  Contention. 

14.  And  here  I  cannot  but  refleft,  how  appofitely  that  Anfwer  of  The- 
miliocks  may  be  applied  to  myfelf,  which  he  made  to  the  Deputy  of  a  fmall 
Village,  haranguing  upon  great  things ;  "  Friendy  thy  fVords  require  a  Ci/y" 
For  fo  it  may  be  laid  of  my  Viezvs,  that  they  require  an  Age ;  perhaps  a 
•whole  Age  to  prove",  and  numerous  Ages  to  execute.  But  as  the  greatest 
Things  are  owing  to  their  Beginnings,  'twill  be  enough  for  me  to 
have  [own  for  Poflerity,  and  the  Honour  of  the  immortal  Being  ;  whom  I 
humbly  entreat,  thro'  his  Son,  our  Saviour,  favourably  to  accept  thefe,  and 
the  like  Sacrifices  of  the  human  Underflanding,  feafon'd  with  Religion,  and 
oifer'd  up  to  his  Glory ! 


SECT.     XXIX. 

77}e  Coast  of  i6e  New  Intellectual  Wo r l d :  or, 
a  Recapitulation  of  the  Deficiencies  of 
Knowledge  ;  pointed  out  in  the  preceding  Work, 
to  be  fupplied  by  Posterity. 

i.'T^HE  History  OF  Monsters-,    or  irregular  Produftions  of  Na- 
J.     ture  -,  in  all  the  three  Kingdoms,  Vegetable,  Animal,  and  Mineral. 

2.  The  History  of  Arts  j  or  Nature  form'd  and  wrought  by  human 
Induftry. 

3.  A  well-purged  History  of  Nature  in  her  extent  5  or  the  Pha:no- 
viena  of  the  Univerfe. 

M  m  2  4 

"  The  Age  is  now  paftj  and  in  what  ftate  do  we  find  ourfelves?  Certainly  fbmewhat  the 
more  advanced  in  Knowledge  by  thefe  Labours  of  the  Author  :  tho*  we  ftii)  corae  fit  (hon  of 
Perfeftion.  The  learned  A/orfco/ undertakes  to  (hew,  thac  all  the  modern  Improvcmenrs  made 
by  our  own  Nation,  in  Fhihfiphy,  are  owing  to  the  Lord  Bacon  ;  who,  as  that  Writer  ex- 
preffes  it,  every  where  aiauntls  with  the  Seed}  of  Things;  many  whereof,  we  may  add,  were  fown 
fo  deep,  as  not  yet  to  have  fprouted.    See  Morhof'i  Polyhijlor  faffm. 

2 


268  A  Recapitulation   of       Se(5l.XXIX. 

4.  Inductive  History  ;  ox  Hijlorical  Matters  confequentially  deduced 
from  Phaenomena,  Fafts,  Obfervations,  Experiments,  Arts,  and  the  aftive 
Sciences. 

5.  An  Universal  Literary  History;  or  the  Afflurs  relating  to 
Learning  and  Kncwledge^  in  all  Ages  and  Countries  of  the  World, 

6.  Biography;  or  the  Lives  of  all  eminent  Perfons. 

7.  The  History  of  Prophecy;  or  the  Acco7nplifi?nent  of  divine  Pre- 
di'cTwns  ;  to  fcrve  as  a  Guide  in  the  Interpretation  rf  Prophecies. 

8.  The  Philosophy  of  the  ancient  Fables  ;  or'  a  jufl:  Interpreta- 
tion of  the  Aljlhohgj  of  the  Ancients. 

9.  Primary  Philosophy;  or  a  CoUedtion  ol  general  Axioms.,  fubfer- 
vient  to  all  the  Sciences. 

10.  Physical  Astronomy  ;  or  a  Philofophical Hijlory  cf  the  Heavens. 

11.  A  Just  Astrology  ;  or  the  real  Effe^s  of  the  Celejlial  Bodies  upon 
the  Terrejlrial. 

12.  A  Calendar  of  Doubts;  or  Natural  Problems,  to  be  continued 
thro'  all  Ages  ;  along  with  a  Calendar  of  vulgar  Errors. 

13.  A  Collection  of  the  Opinions  of  the  ancient  Philo- 
sophers. 

14.  An  Enquiry  into  the  Simple  Forms  of  Things;  or  that  which  con- 
ftitutes  their  Effences,  and  Differences. 

15.  Natural  Magick  ;  rel.uive  to  xht  Boolrine  cf  Forms. 

16.  An  Inventory  OF  Knowledge  ;  or  ^in  Account  of  the  Stock  of  Learn- 
ing among  Mankind. 

17.  A  Calendar  of  leading  Experiments;  for  the  better  Inter- 
pretation of  Nature. 

18.  Short  and  commodious  Methods  of  Calculation,  in  Bufi- 
nefs,  Aftronomy,  l^c. 

19.  The  Doctrine  of  Gesture  ;  or  the  Motions  of  the  Body:  with 
a  View  to  their  Interpretation. 

20.  Comparative  Anatomy,  betwixt  different  human  Bodies. 

21.  AWorkiipon  Incurable  Diseases;  to  leflen  their  Number,  and 
fix  a  true  Notion  of  Incurable  in  Medicine. 

22.  The  Laudable  Means  OF  procuring  easy  Deaths. 

23.  A  Set  of  approved  and  effectual  Remedies, /or  Z)iy^'fl/^j. 

24.  The  Ways  OF  imitating  NATURAL  Springs,  and  Bath-Wa- 
ters. 

25.  The  Filum  Medicinale  ;  or  Physicians  Clue,  in  Prefcription. 

26.  A  Natural  Philosophy,  fundamental  to  Phyfick. 

27.  The  Ways  OF  prolonging  Life. 

28.  An  Enquiry  into  the  Nature  and  Substance  of  the  sensi- 
tive Soul. 

29.  The  Doctrine  of  Muscular  Motion;  or  the  Efficacy  of  the 
Spirits  in  moving  the  Body. 

30.  The  Doctrine  of  Sense  and  Sensibility;  or  the  Difference 
betwixt  Perception  and  Senfe. 


Se<fl.XXIX.   /y^^  Deficiencies  ^Knowledge.  269 

31.  An  Enquiry  into  the  Origin  and  Form  of  Light  ;  or  the 
Fciotdation  cf  Opticks. 

32.  The  Art  of  Inventing  Arts. 

33.  The  TRUE  Use  of  Induction  in  Pbilofophy. 

34.  The  Art  of  Indication,  or  Direction,  in  Philofiphy. 

35.  A  Learned  OR  Sagacious  Kind  of  Experience  ;  different  from 
the  Vulgar,  and  leading  to  the  direcSt  Improvement  of  Arts. 

36.  A  Particular  Topical  Invention-,  direfted  by  the  Light  of 
leading  ^iejUons,  or  proper  Heads  of  Enquiry. 

37.  The  Doctrine  of  Idols  ;  or  a  Detedion  and  Confutation  of  the 
Prejudices,  falfe  Conceptions-,  and  Errors  of  the  Mind. 

38.  A  New  Engine  ■,  or  Helps /c;r  the  Mind  corref/ionding  to  thofe  of  the 
Hand. 

39.  An  Appendix  to  the  Art  of  Judgment-,  affigning  the  Kinds 
of  Dcmonftration  propc-r  to  every  Subjed. 

40.  An  Interpretation  of  the  Marks,   Signatures,  or  Imprejfons  of 
Things. 

41.  A  Philosophical  Grammar  j  or  an  Account  of  the  various  Pro- 
perties of  different  Languages,  in  order  to  form  one  perfeH  Pattern  of  Speech. 

42.  The  Traditive  Lamp  ;    or  the  proper  Method  of  delivering  down 
the  Sciences  to  Poflerity. 

43.  The  Doctrine  of  Prudence  in  private  Discourse;   or  Co- 
lours of  Good  and  III. 

44.  A  Collection  OF  Sophisms;  ■^\\.\\  xhtir  Confutations. 

45.  A  Collection  of  studied  Antithets  •,  or  fhort  and f  rang  Sen- 
tences, on  both  fides  of  the  ^/eftion ;  i>:  a  variety  of  Subjecfs. 

46.  A  Collection  of  lesser  Forms  of  Speech;  for  all  theOccafions 
of  fVriting  and  Speaking. 

47.  Sober  Satyr  ;  or  the  Insides  of  Things. 

48.  The  Georcicks  of  the  Mind  ;  or  the  Means  o^  procuring  the  true 
moral  Habit  of  Virtue. 

49.  An  Account  of  the  Characters,  or  Natures  of  Persons. 

50.  The  Doctrine  of  the  Affections,  Passions,  or  Perturba- 
tions OF  the  Mind. 

51.  The  Secretary  to  the  Uses  of  Life;  or  the  Doolrine  of  va- 
rious Occafions, 

52.  The  Doctrine  of  Business;  or  Books  upon  all  Kinds  cf  Civil  Em- 
ployments, Arts,  Trades,  &c. 

'S'i.  Self-Policy  ;  the  DoElrine  cf  Riftng  in  Life  %  or  the  Means  of  ad- 
vancing a  Man's  private  Fortune. 

54.  The  Military  Statesman  ;  or  the  Political  Doclrine  of  enlarging 
the  Bounds  of  Empire. 

5^.  The  Doctrine    of    Universal    Justice;    or  t^  Fountains  of 

Equity. 

56.  The  Moderator  in  Divinity;  or  the  true  Ufe  of  human  i?^a- 
fon  in  the  Bufmefs  of  Revelation. 

57' 


270  ^  Recapitulation,  ^c.     Sed.XXIX. 

57,  The  DEoaEES  of  Unity  in  Religion,  adjufted;  with  a  View 
to  preferve  the  Peace  of  the  Church. 

58.  The  First  Flow  in  gs  of  the  Scripture  ;  or  a  Set  of  llioit, 
found,  and  judicious  Notes,  upon  particular  Texts-,  tending  to  life  and 
Practice  ^. 

*  when  thefe  TiefJeratx  of  Kmvledge  fliall  be  duly  fupplicd ;  may  we  not  reafonably  expeft 
a  more  ferviceable  Pniiolbphy,  and  a  happier  IVorlcl,  than  that  we  at  prefent  enjoy?  The  Mif- 
fortune  lies  here,  that  there  is  an  almoit  universal  Indolence  in -Mankind,  with  regard  to  thole 
Things  that  have  never  yet  been  eftedted.  And  'till  the  Inrellcft  be  thoroughly  convinced  of 
the  Uie  and  Prafticability  of  fuch  Things ;  and  the  Affcdions  be  won  over  to  the  lide  of 
Reafon ;  there  is  no  room  to  expeft  any  very  great  Improvements,  or  Enlargements,  in  the 
prefent  fcanty,  and  fuperficial  Set  of  Arts  and  Sciences.  This  were  a  large  Field  to  enter  upon; 
but  the  Author  has  contrafted  the  whole,  and  brought  it  to  a  tixed  Point  of  View,  in  his  Novum 
Organum,  or  Nov  Machine  for  the  Mindi  to  which  we  therefore  refer.  See,  in  particular. 
Part  I.   Sect.  VI.  of  that  Work. 


END     OF     THE 

DE  AUGMENTIS  SCIENTIARUM. 


A     GENERAL 

SUPPLEMENT 

T  O     T  H  E 

DEAUGMENTIS  SCIENTIMUM: 

OR,     THE 

Several  P i  e c  es  of  the  A  u  t  hor, 

Tending  to  Supply  the 

DEFICIENCIES    of  KNOWLEDGE, 

Pointed  out  in  that  WORK. 


(  273   ) 


PREFACE. 


THE  Dcfidcrata  of  Knoi^ledge,  pointed  out  in  the  de  Aug- 
mcntis    Scientiarum,  may   require  all  the  Ajjiftance  that 
can  any  ijoay  be  procured  to  fupply  them.     We.,  therefore, 
here  range  together  the  feveral  leffcr  Works  of  the  Author,  that 
have  a  Tendency  to  this  End ;  and  place  them  in  the  Order  they 
Jiand  indicated  by  that  general  and  leading  performance  :  which 
the    Author   appofitely  Juppofes   a   kind  of  Globe    of  the   Intcl- 
ledual  \^'^orld,    ijuhere   the  Sum   of  Knoiziledge  in   his   Time.,  is 
branched,    and  laid  doivn  from  jufi  Obfervation  and  Experience, 
under  the  feveral  Sciences.,  or  capital  Heads  of  Lcai-ning-  toge- 
ther rji'itb  the  Coafts  and  Roads  that  lead  to   the    hitherto  nyi- 
difcovered  'Tarts  ofThilofophy.     Some  of  thefe  Tarts  are  brought 
to  a  nearer  l^ie'-jj,   by  the  folio\Z!ing   Supplemental  Pieces  ;   ii-hich 
alfo  afford  particular  T)ireBions  and  Examples  for  enlarging  or 
extending  the  Empire  of  Alan  over  the  Works  of  Nature.     And 
tho   the  whole  of  this  Supplcmcnral  Part   may  appear    confidera- 
bly  large,  yet    it  falls   injinitely  fhort  of  executi;-ig    the  feveral 
Plans  laid  down  in  the  dc  Augmcntis  Scientiarum:  and  pojfibly  all 
the   modern   Improvements   and  'Difcoveries,    however  numerous 
they  may  be  thoiight,   would  not  go  far  in  filling  them  up.     The 
'Defigns  of  that  Work  are  fo  vaft,  that  perhaps  many  Aj^^es  are  fill 
required  to  execute  them.     If  the  prefent  Sum  of  Knowledge  were 
to  be  taken,  in  the   Aphoriftical  Manner  ;  that  is.,  be  nakedly  fet 
down,  without  Opinions ,  Uncertainties,  and  foreign  Ornaments-, 
how  much   more  bulky  a  Volume  would  it  make  than  the  de  Aug- 
mcntis Scientiarum  ?     It  is  riot.,  however.^  the  ^lantity,  but  the  ^la- 
VoL.  I.  N  n  //■// 


274 


PREFACE. 

lity  of  the  Materials,  that  chiefly  imports  the  Advancement  of 
Thilofophy.  But  let  any  Man  foberly  confider,  whether  the  thing 
we  commonly  call  by  the  name  of  Learning,  be  much  more  than 
the  Husk  or  Foliage  of  folid,  ferviceable  and  efFcftive  Philofophyi 
whofe  entire  Tlants  /^r^  Aphorifms  i  and  whofe  Seeds  are  hxiOMSy 
pregnant  with  IVorks.  To  fet  this  Truth  in  its  proper  Light,  is 
the  Author's  principal  'Defign,  in  mofl  of  the  following  At- 
tempts. 


SUPPLEMENT    I. 

THE 

NEW    ATLANTIS: 

O  R,  A 

PLAN  of  a  SOCIETY 

FOR    THE 

Promotion   of  Knowledge. 


(  ^11 ) 


^?-2- 


PREFACE. 


THE  prefent  Piece  has,  perhaps,  heen  efleemeda  greater  Fiftion  than  it  is: 
The  Form  of  the  Hiftory  is  purely  imaginary  ;  but  the  Things  mentioned 
in  it  feem  purely  Philofophical ;  and,  if  Men  would  exert  them/elves,  probably 
practical.  But  ivhilji  our  Minds  labour  under  a  kind  of  Defpondency  and  De- 
jedlion,  'Sjith  regard  to  operative  Pliilolbphy ;  and  refufe  to  put  forth  their  frengthi 
the  Wings  of  Hope  are  dipped,  vir.d,  in  this  Situation,  the  Mind  fee7ns  fcarce 
accejfible  but  by  Ficlion.  For  plain  Reafon  mil  here  prove  dull  and  languid  ; 
and  even  Works  themfelves  rather  ft  upefy  than  rouze  and  inform.  Whence  the 
prudent  and  feafonahle  ufe  of  Invention  and  Imagery,  is  a  great  Secret  for  win- 
ning over  the  JffeSlions  to  Philofophy.  We  have  here,  as  in  miniature,  a  Sum- 
mary of  Univerlal  Knowledge  •,  Examples,  Precepts  and  Models  for  improv- 
ing the  Mind  in  Hiftory,  Geography,  Chronology,  Military  Difcipline,  Ci- 
vU  Converfation,  Morality,  Policy,  Phyficks,  i^c.  whence  it  appears  like  a 
kind  of  Epitome,  and  farther  Improvement  of  the  Scheme  of  the  de  Augmentis 
Scientiarum.  The  dignity  and  utility  of  the  Defign  may  appear  from  hence ; 
that  not  only  Mr.  Cowley  endeavoured  to  imitate  it,  in  his  Plan  of  a  Philofo- 
phical Society  ;  but  even  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  and  the  Royal  Aca- 
demy o/ Paris,  have,  from  their  firft  InflitutioHi  employed  themfelves,  and  fill 
continue  employed,  in  its  execution. 


n 


oe 


278 


The  New  Atlantis;  or^  Sed.  !• 


The  New  Atlantis':  oraPlan  of  a  Society 
for  the  Promotion  0/ Knowledge. 

Delivered  in  the  Way  ofFiBion. 
S  E  C  T     L 

.  ra- ■         I-    A  Fter  a  twelvemonth's  ftay  at  Peru^,  we"  lailed  from  thence  for  C^iKa 
V(Jase,'inti-        J\  and  Japan.,  by  the  South-Sea  •,  and  had  fair  Winds  from  the  Elaft, 
mating  the      jho'  foft  and  gentle,  for  above  five  Months  :    then  the  Wind  changed  and 
Difcovery  of  a  f^^^\Q(\  \n  the  Weft,  for  feveral  days  •,  fo  that  we  made  little  way,  and  fome- 
nnaCmntry.    ^.^^^  purpofed   to  fail  back.    But  now  there  arofe  ftrong  Winds  from  the 
South,  one  point  to  the  Eaft,  which  carried  us  to  the  North :  by  which  time 
our  Provifions  tailed  us.     And  being  thus  amidft  the  greateft  wildemefs  of 
Waters  in  the  World,  we  gave  ourfelves  for  loft.     Yet  lifting  up  our  hearts 
to  God,  who  Jheweth  bis  wonders  in  the  Deep  \  we  befought  him,  that  as  in 
the  beginning  he  difclofed  the  face  of  the  Deep,  and  made  dry  Land  ap- 
pear •,  fo  we  mig.ht  now  difcover  Land,  andnot  perifh.    The  next  day  a- 
bout  Evening,  wefaw  before  us,  towards  the  North,  the  appearance  of  thick 
Clouds,  which  gave  us  fome  hopes  :  for  as  that  part  of  the  Souih-Sea  was 
utterly  unknown  -,  we  judged  it  might  have  IJlands  or  Continerds,  hitherto 
undifcovered.     We,  therefore,  fhaped  our  Courfe  towards  them-,  and  in  the 
dawn  of  the  next  day  plainly  difcerned  Land. 
The  shift  ar-       2.   After  failing  an  hour  longer,  we  entered  the  Port  of  a  fair  City  •,   not 
rival  to  an  wi'  large,  but  well  built,  and  affording  an  agreeable  Profpeft  from  the  Sea. 
knoTvnVort.     UpQ^  offering  to  go  on  fhore,  we   faw  People  with  Wands  in  their  hands, 
^e'cmion"'*"'  as  it   were  forbidding  us  ;  yet  without  any  Cry  or  Fiercenefs  ;  but  only 
warning  us  off  by  Signs.     Whereupon  we  advifed  among  ourfelves  what  to 
do  :  when  a  fmall  Boat  prefently  made  out  to  us,  with  about  eight  Perfons 
in  it  ■,  one  whereof  held  in   his  hand  a  Ihort,  yellow  Cane,    tipped  at  both 
ends  with  blue  ;  who  made  on  board  our  Ship,  without  any  fhew  of  diftruff. 
And  feeing  one  of  our  number  prefcnt  himlelf  Ibmewhat  at  the  head  of  the 
r^ft,  he  drew  out,  and  delivered  to  him,  a  little  Scroll  of  yellow  polifli'd 

Parch- 

*  The  Title  is  evidently  taken  from  Plato's  Account  of  the  Atlantis;  which  fome  will  have 
a  Fable,  and  others  a  real  Hiftory.  And  either  way,  the  thing  has  fomewhat  of  the  marvellous i 
fee  elatoi  Timaiis.     See  aifo  hereafter  §.  z6. 

^  The  Narration  may  be  fuppofed  delivered  by  a  Philofophical  Spaniard,  the  capital  Perfon, 
of  the  Ship's  Company.     See  hereafter,  §.  3,11.  ^c. 

3. 


Sc(fl.I.     Plan  of  a  Philosophical  Society.  279 

Parchment  °,  wherein  were  written  in  ancient  Hebrew.,  ancient  Greek, 
Latin  of  the  School,  and  in  Spanijh,  thefe  Words:  Land  ye  not,  and  pro- 
vide to  be  gone  within  fixteen  da^s  ;  except  ye  have  farther  time  given  you : 
but  if  ye  want  frejh  Water,  Provifion,  Help  for  your  Sick,  or  Repair  for  your 
Ship,  write  dnvn  your  IVants,  and  ■^le  fhall  have  what  belongs  to  Mercy.  The 
Scroll  was  fe.iled  with  Cherubims  Wings,  and  a  Crofs. 

3.  This  being  deli ver'd,  the  Officer  rerurn'd,  and  left  only  a  Servant  to  j-^j  cy&^^^ 
receive  our  Anfwer.     Oar  Anfwer  was,  in.  Spanijh,  That  our  Ship  wanted  roJl-e  «o  Fw. 
no  Repair  -,  for  we  had  rather  met  with  Calms  and  contrary  Winds,  than 
Tempefts:  but  our  Sick  were  many  ;  lb  that  if  not  permitted  to  land,  their 

Lives  were  in  danger.  Our  other  Wants  we  fet  down  in  particular  ;  adding, 
that  we  had  fome  little  ftore  of  Merchandize;  which,  if  they  pleafed  to 
traffick  for,  might  fupply  our  Wants,  without  being  burdenfome  to  them. 
We  offered  Money  to  the  Servant  •,  and  a  Piece  of  Crimfon  Velvet  to  be 
prefented  the  Officer :  but  the  Servant  took  them  not ;  and  would  fcarce 
look  upon  them :  fo  left  us,  and  return'd  in  another  little  Boat  that  was 
fent  for  him. 

4.  About  three  Hours  after  our  Anfwer  was  difpatch'd,  therecame  to  us, -^ /"P"''"'' of- 
a  Perfon  of  Figure.  He  had  on  a  Gown  with  wide  Sleeves,  a  kind  of  Water-f^'^^'^'"'''''" 
Camblet,  of  an  excellent  and  bright  Azure  ^  ;  his  under  Garment  was  green, 

fo  was  his  Hat,  being  in  the  form  of  a  Turban,  curioufly  made  -,  his  Hair 
hanging  below  the  Brims  of  it.  He  came  in  a  Boat,  fome  part  of  it  gilt, 
along  with  four  other  Perfons  ;  and  was  follow'd  by  another  Boat,  wherein 
were  twenty.  When  he  was  come  within  Bow-(hot  of  our  Ship,  Signals  were 
made  to  us,  that  we  fhould  fend  out  our  Boat  to  meet  him  ;  which  we  pre- 
fently  did,  manned  with  the  principal  Perfon  amongft  us  butone,  and  four 
of  our  number  with  him.  When  we  came  within  fix  Yards  of  their  Boar, 
they  bid  us  approach  no  farther :  we  obeyed  ;  and  thereupon  the  Perfon  of 
Figure,  before  defcribed,  ftood  up  ;  and,  with  a  loud  Voice,  in  Spanifh,  asked. 
Are  ye  Cbrijlians  ?  We  anfwered,  yes ;  fearing  the  lefs,  becaufe  of  the  Crofs 
we  had  feen  in  the  Signet.  At  which  Anfwer,  the  faid  Perfon  lift  up  his 
right  Hand  towards  Heaven,  and  drew  it  foftly  to  his  Mouth  ;  a  Gefture 
they  ufe  when  they  thank  God,  and  then  faid  -,  If  ye  will  fwear  by  the  Me- 
rits of  the  Saviour,  that  ye  are  no  Pirates ;  nor  have  fhed  Blood,  lawfully  or 
unlawfully,  within  forty  Days  pajl: ;  ye  have  Licence  to  corns  on  fhore..  We 
faid,  we  were  all  ready  to  take  the  Oath.  Whereupon,  one  of  thofe  that 
were  with  him,  being,  as  it  appear'd,  a  Notary,  made  an  entry  of  this  Aft. 
Which  done,  another  of  the  Attendants  in  the  fame  Boat,  after  his  Lord  had 
fpoke  to  him,  faid  aloud ;  My  Lord  would  have  ye  know,  that  it  is  not  out  of 
Pride,  or  Greatnefs,  that  be  does  not  come  on  board  your  Ship ;  hut  as  in  your 
Anfwer,  you  declare  you  have  many  fick  among  you,  he  was  warned  by  the 
City-Conservator  of  Health  to  keep  at  a  diftance.  We  bowed  our- 
fclves,  and  anfwered,  we  accounted  what  was  already  done  a  great  Honour, 

and 

*  They  have  a  Paper  of  this  kind  in  the  'Eafi-Ind'us. 

^  Obferve,  that  this  was  a  Colour,  till  of  late,  wanting  in  Europe  j  particularly  in  the  Art  of 
Cullico  Printing,  and  ftaining  of  Linen, 


28o  7^^  New  Atlantis;  (?r,  Secft.I. 

and  fingular  Humanity  ;  but  hoped,  that  the  Sicknefs  of  our  Men  was  not 
infeftious.     Then  he  returned. 
A  Notary  5.  A  while  after  came  the  Notary  on  board  our  Ship  •,   holding  in  his  lund 

comes  on  hard  ^  Fruit  of  that  Country,  like  an  Orange  ;  but  of  a  Colour  between  Orange- 
''"'"'  tawny  and  Scarier,  and  of  an  excellent  Odour.     This  he  ufed  as  a  Prefer- 

vative  againR  Infedion.     He  gave  us  our  Oath,  by  the  name  of  Je/us,  and 
his  Merits:    and  told  us,  that  the  next  day,  by   fix  in  the  Morning,  we 
fhould  be  brought  to  the  House  of  Strangers  ;  fo  he  call'd  it ;  and  be 
there  accommodated.     At  his  leaving  us,  we  offer'd  him  a  Prefent  ■,  but  he 
fmiling,  faid,   he  muft  not  be  twice  paid  for  one  Labour :  meaning,  that  he 
had  a  Salary  fufficient  from  the  State  for  his  Service.     For,  as  we  found  af- 
terwards, they  call  an  Officer  who  takes  Rewards,  twice  paid. 
Tart  of  their       6.  Next  Morning  early,  we  were  vifited  by  the  fame  Officer  as  at  firft, 
Nnml>er  go  on  ,^[i\^  ^jg  Cane;  who  faid,  he  came  to  conduft  us  to  the  House  of  Stran- 
■^'"^''  GERS  ;  and  that  he  had  prevented  the  Hour,  to  allow  us  the  whole  Day  for 

our  Bufinefs.     For,  faid  he,  if  you  will  follow  my  advice,  there  fhall  firft 
go  with  me  fome  few  of  you,  to  view  the  Place,  that  it  may  be  made  con- 
venient for  you  -,  and  then  you  may  fend  for  your  Sick,  and  the  reft  of  your 
number  intended  to  come  on  fliore.     We  thanked  him,  and  anfwer'd,  that 
this  care  he  took  of  defolate  Strangers,  God   would  reward.     So  fix  of  us 
went  with  him :  and  when  we  came  to  land,  he  walk'd  before  ;   firft  turning 
to  us,  and  faying  he  was  but  our  Servant,  and  our  Guide.     He  led  us  thro' 
three  fair  Streets  ;  and  all  the  way  we  went,  were  gather'd  People  on  both 
fides,  ftanding  in  a  row  ;  but  in  fo  civil  a  manner,  as  if  it  had  been,   not  to 
wonder  at,  but  to  welcome  us :  and  many  of  them,  as  we  paflied  by,  fpread 
their  Arms  a  little  ;  which  is  their  Gefture,  when  they  bid  welcome*. 
ADefcrlpion      7.  The  HousE  OF  STRANGERS  is  fiir  and  fpacious,  built  of  Brick,  of  a 
cfthe  Houfe    ^lugr  Colour  than  our  Brick  ^  •,  with  curious  Windows,  fome  of  Glafs,  fome 
ef  Strangers.  ^.  oiled  Cambrick ^     He  brought  us  firft  into  a  fiiir  Parlour,  above  ftairs  •, 
then  asked  us,  what  number  of  Perfons  we  were?    And  how  many  fick ? 
We  anfwered,  we   were  in  all   fifty  one  •,    whereof  our   Sick  were    feven- 
teen.     He  defired  us  to  have  patience,  and  ftay  till  he  returned ;  as  he  did 
about  an  hour  after  •,  then  led  us  to  fee   the   Chambers,  provided  for  us, 
which  were  nineteen  in  number  :    fo  contrived,    that  four  better  than  the 
reft,   might  receive  four  principal   Men  of  our  Company,   and  lodge  them 
feparate  ;  and  the  other   fifteen,   lodge  two  and  two  together.     The  Cham- 
bers were  handfome,  chearful,  and  decently  furnifned.     Then  he  led  us  to 
a  long  Gallery  ■,  where  he  fliew'd  us  on  one  fide  fevenceen  neat  Cells,  with 
Partitions  of  Cedar.     Thefe  Cells,  being  in   ail  torty,    were  defign'd  as 

an 

'  The  Good-breeding  confpicuous  in  this  Fable,  is  no  lefs  than  its  Morality,  Civil  Policy,  and 
Philolbphy  J  which  renders  it  an  excellent  Leflbn,  that  might  have  iisule  in  UisiverJ-ties  and 
Schools.  With  which  view,  perhaps,  it  was  that  the  Author  leems  to  have  intended  a  Latin  Edi- 
tion of  it  i  as  may  be  fuppokd  from  Dr.  Rawtey's  Freface :  and  'tis  pity  bur  a  more  ec;jnt  La- 
tin Verlion  were  given  of  it,  than  that  which  ufually  goes  along  with  the  Author's  Latin  Works. 

^  Blue  Bricks  might  prove  a  Curiolity  in  Buildjng;  and  feem  not  difficult  to  make.  If  £anli 
that  turns  blue  in  burning,  cannot  be  procured  i  tiie  Hue  Glaxang  is  common. 

.*  Which  makes  excellent  Blinds. 


Se(5l.I.     Plan  «^/^  Philosophical  Society.  281 

an  I>fFiRMARV.  He;  told  us  alfo,  that  as  any  of  our  Sick  recovered, 
they  might  be  removed  from  the  Cells  to  the  Chambers:  for  which  purpofe 
there  were  appointed  ten  fpare  Chambers,  befides  thofe  already  men- 
tioned. 

8.  He  then  brought  us  back  to  the  Parlour;  and  lifting  up  his  Cane  a.  The  strangers 
little,  as  they  do  when  they  give  any  Charge,  or  Command,  faid  to  us  ;  7'e  >"■<>'  *<>  S"  «- 
are  to  know,  the  Cuftom  of  the  Country  requires,  that  after  this  clay  and  ig.^^'J'^fo''''"''^ 
morroio,  tvhich  we  give  you  for  removing  your  People  from  your  Ship  ;  ye  are  to 

keep  within  doors  fur  three  Days.  But  let  it  not  trouble  you,  nor  think  yourfelves 
rejirain'd  ;  but  rather  left  to  your  reft  and  eafe.  I'ou  fljall  want  nothing  ;  and 
there  are  fix  of  our  People  appointed  to  attend  ynu  ;  for  any  Bufinefs  you  may  have 
abroad.  We  gave  him  thanks,  with  due  Affeftion,  and  Refpeft -,  and  faid, 
God  furely  is  manifefted  in  tjiis  Land.  We  alfo  offer'd  him  a  confiderable 
Prefent;  but  he  fmil'd,  and  only  faid,  What?  twice  paid!  And  fo  he 
left  us. 

9.  Soon  after  this,  our  Dinner  was  ferved  in;  which  we  thought  better  T/&fi>  Mm/^ 
than  any  collegiate  Diet  we  had  known  m  Europe.     We  had  alfo  Liquors ^^'^^^'^''"'*'*' 
of  three  forts,  all  wholefome  and  excellent  -,  viz.  Wine  of  the  Grape  -,  Drink  ov"' 
Grain,  or  a  Liquor  like  Ale  with  us,  but  finer'  -,  and  a  kind  of  Cyder,  made 

of  a  Fruit  of  that  Country  ;  an  extremely  pleafant  and  refrefliing  Liquor  ^*. 

10.  There  were  alfo  brought  us,  for  our  Sick,  plenty  of  thofe  fcarlet  x6«V M?</z- 
Oranges';  which,  they  faid,  were  an  aflured  Remedy  for  Sicknefs  taken  at  ""«J  "'«««si 
Sea"*.     They  gave  us  likewife  certain  fmall  grey,  or  whitifh  Pills,  whereof 

they  defired  our  Sick  would  take  one  every  Night,  before  fleep  -,  which  Medi- 
cine,  they  faid,  would  haften  their  Recovery  '. 

1 1.  The  next  Day,  after  the  trouble  of  removing  our  Men,  and  Goods,  The  speech  tf 
from  the  Ship,  was  fomswhat  over,  I  called  our  Company  together  •,  and  '^^  ^'''/"/'i, 
faid  to  them.  My  dear  Friends,  let  us  know  ourfelves,  and  how  it  ftands  with  gil^„„JJ 
t<j.     We  are  Men  caft  on  hand,  as  Jonas  was,  out  of  the  Whalers  Belly  \  when 

we  were  as  buried  in  the  deep :  and  now  we  are  on  fhore,  we  feem  to  be  but  be- 
tween Death  and  Life  ;  for  we  are  beyond  both  the  old  World  and  the  new :  and 
•whether  we  ffjall  ever  fee  Europe  again,  God  only  knows.  A  kind  of  Miracle  has 
brought  us  hither  ;  and  it  muft  belittle  lefs  that fJjall  bring  us  hence.  Therefore, 
in  regard  of  our  Deliverance  paft,  and  our  Danger  prefent,  and  to  come,  let  us 
look  up  to  God ;  and  every  Man  reform  his  own  ways.  Befides,  we  are  here  come 
among  a  Chriftian  People,  full  of  Piety  and  Humanity  :  let  us  not  bring  fitch  con- 
fufion  of  face  upon  ourfelves,  as  to  fhew  our  Vices,  or  Unworthinefs,  before  them. 
There  isftill  more:  for  they  have  by  Command,  tho^  inform  ofCurtefy,cloyfter'd 

'  See  the  Author's  Sylv*  Sylvurum,  under  the  Articles  Drinks,  Foods,  Clarification,  and 
Maturatiok. 

•"  The  Improvements  thit  may  ftill  be  made  in  potable  Licjuors,  are  very  confiderable.  This 
alfo  is  touched  upon  in  feveral  Parts  of  the  Sylv»  Sylvarnm.  See  in  particular  the  Articlt 
Sugar. 

*  See  above,  §.  j-. 

<•  'Tis  ufual  in  France,  and  other  Countries,  to  hold  a  Leramon  in  the  handj  and  frequently 
afp  y  it  to  the  Nofe,  when  Perfons  vifit  difagreeable  or  infeftious  Places. 

*  Thofe  who  would  Icnow  the  fimple  kind  of  Medicine  here  intimated,  may,  perhaps,  be  ' 
enab  d  lo  conjcdure  it  ftom  the  Author's  Hijlory  of  Life  and  Deaih. 

Vol.  1.  Oo  us 


282  IT^^  New  Atlantis;  or,  Se6l. I. 

»;  Within  thefe  Walls  for  three  Days :  Who  knows  whether  it  he  not  to  make  fame 
trial  of  our  Manners  ?    And  if  they  find  them  had,  to  banifJ:>  us  dire^ly  ;  if  good, 
to  give  us  farther  time.     For  the  Men  they  have  appointed  to  attend  us,  may 
have  an  e\e  upon  us.     Therefore,  let  us  fo  behave  ourfelves,  that  we  may  he  at 
peace  with  God ;  and  find  favour  in  the  escs  of  this  People. 
Th  ■  A  fxDer      '^*  ^^"^  Company,  with  one  Voice,  thanked  me  for  my  Admonition  -,  and 
"  promised  me  to  live  foberly  and  decently,  without  giving  any  the  leaft  occa- 
fion  of  offence.     So  we  fpent  our  three  Days  agreeably,  and  at  eafe  •,  in  ex- 
pcdtation  of  what  fhould  follow. 
The  Recovery       *3-  I^iJf'ng  this  time,  we  had  frefh  Joy  every  hour  from  the  Recovery  of 
of  their  Sick,  our  Sick  ;  who  thought  themfelves  caft  into  fome  divine  Pool  of  Healing ;  they 
mended  fo  favourably,  and  fo  faft*. 
,  14.  After  our  three  Days  were  expired,  there  came  to  us  a  Perfon  we  had 

•vifitiTlytFe  not  feen  before,  ctoathed  in  blue,  as  the  former  ;  only  his  Turban  was  white, 
Govermur  of  with  3.  fmall  red  Crofs  on  the  top.     He  had  alfo  a  Tippet  of  fine  Linen.    At 
the  Houfe  of  \{■^^  coming  in,  he  bended  to  us  a  little,  and  fpread  his  Arms.     We  faluted 
Stmngers.      j^j^^^  j^^  ^  ^^^^  fubmilTive  manner  -,  as  expedling  from  him  Sentence  of  Life  or 
Death.    He  defired  to  fpeak  with  fome  few  of  us :  whereupon  fix  only  ftay'd, 
HisDifiourfe  and  the  reft  quitted  the  Room.     He  fiid,  lam,  by  Office,  Governour  of  this 
to  them.         Houfe  of  Strangers ;  by  Vocation,  a  Chriftian  Priefi  ;  and  come  to  offer  you  my 
fervice  as  Strangers,  but  chiefly  as  Chrijlians.     The  State  has  given  you  leave  to 
flay  fix  Weeks  onfiiore:    and  lei  it  not  trouble  you,  if  your  Occafions  fJjould  require 
farther  time  ;  for  the  Law,  in  this  particular,  is  not  firiB :  and  I  myfelf  hope  to 
obtain  more  time  for  you,  if  it  be  convenient.     The  Houfe  of  Strangers  is  at  this 
time  rich  ;  for  it  has  laid  up  Revenue  thefe  thirty-feven  Tears  ;  it  being  fo  long 
fince  any  Stranger  arrived  in  this  part :  therefore  take  ye  no  care ;  the  State  will 
bear  your  Expence  during  your  Continuance  :  nor  Jhall  you  (lay  one  Day  the  lefs 
for  that.     As  for  any  Merchandize  ye  have  brought,  ye  jhall  be  fairly  dealt  with, 
and  have  your  return  either  in  Merchandize,  or  in  Gold  and  Silver :  for  to  us  it 
is  all  the  fame.     And  if  you  have  any  other  Requeft  to  make,  conceal  it  not.     For 
we  fiall  not  make  your  Countenance  fall  by  our  Anfwer.     Only  this  I  tell  you, 
that  none  of  you  mufi  go  above  a  Karan,  that  is,  a  Mile  and  an  half,  from  the 
Walls  of  the  City,  without  f pedal  Leave. 
Their  Anfwer.      15.  We  anfwered,  after  looking  a  while  upon  one  another,  admiring  this 
Civility,  that  we  could  not  well  tell  what  to  fay  •,  as  wanting  Words  to  ex- 
prefsour  Thanks ;  and  that  his  generous  Offers  left  us  nothing  to  ask  :  That 
we  feem'd  to  have  before  us  a  Pifture  of  our  Salvation  ;  as  we,  who  were 
but  lately  within  the  Jaws  of  Death,  were  now  brought  to  a  place,  where  we 
found  nothing  but  Confolations.     For  the  Command  laid  upon  us  -,  that  we 
would  not  fail  to  obey  it  -,   tho'  it  was  impoffible  but  our  Hearts  fhould  de- 
fire  to  tread  farther  upon  this  happy  Ground.     We  added,  that  our  Tongues 
fhould  firft  cleave  to  the  Roofs  of  our  Mouths,  e'er  we  fliould  forget,  either 
his  reverend  Perfon,  or  this  whole  Nation,  in  our  Prayers.     We  alfo  humbly 
befought  him  to  accept  of  us  as  his  true  Servants,  by  as  juft  a  right  as  ever 
Men  on  Earth  were  bound  j  laying  and  prefenting  both  our  Perfons,  and  all 

■we 

'  When  ftiall  this  be  the  happy  St«e  of  Phyfick  in  iMro^t  f     See  the  Author's  liijlory  ofLi^ 
und  Jienth.  % 


Sed.I.     Plan  o/"^  Philosophical  Society.  283 

we  had,  at  liis  feet.  He  faid  he  was  a  Prieft,  and  looked  for  a  Prieft's  Re- 
ward ;  which  was  our  brotherly  Love  j  and  the  Good  of  our  Souls  and  Bo- 
dies". So  he  went  from  us,  not  without  Tears  of  Tendernefs  in  his  Eyes  -, 
and  left  us  alfo  confufed  with  Joy  •,  faying  among  ourfelves,  that  we  were 
come  into  a  Land  of  Angels ;  who  appeared  to  us  daily,  and  prevented  us 
with  BlelTings  which  we  thought  not  of,  much  lefs  cxpefted. 

16.  Next  day,  about  ten,  the  Governour  came  to  us  again;  and,  a.ftcr  Thi  Company 
Salutations,  told  us  familiarly,  he  was  come  to  vifit  us  ;  and  calling  for  a  ''^/"/'^^'^  h 
Chair,  fat  him  down;  and  about  ten  of  us,  the  reft  being  either  of  the „/,^ ^,;,^^^^;^^' 
meaner  fort,  or  gone  abroad ",  fat  down  with  him,  when  he  began  thus,  thim  vUh  m 
We  of  this  IJland  of  Benfalem,  (fo  they  call  it  in  their  Language,)  have  this  *'"'*''">f  'f^* 
advantage,  by  means  of  our  foHtary  Situation,  the  Laws  of  Secrecy  ena^ed  for  our         ' 
'Travellers,  and  our  feldoin  admitting  of  Strangers  ;  that  we  know  moft  Parts  of 

the  habitable  World,  yet  remain  ourfelves  unknown.  Therefore,  becaufe  he  who 
knows  leajl  is  thefitteft  to  ask  ^leflions  \  itfeems  more  reafonable,  that  ye  ask  me., 
than  that  I  ask  you. 

17.  We  humbly  thanked  him  for  giving  us  the  leave,  as  conceiving,  by  ^'^  Converfen 
the  tafte  we  had  already,  there  was  no  worldly  thing  more  worthy  to  y^Q^foChri/iianny. 
known,  than  the  State  of  their  happy  Country.     But  above  all,  fince  we 

were  met  from  feveral  ends  of  the  Earth,  and  hoped  afluredly  to  meet  one 
day  in  Heaven,  we  defired  to  know  who  was  the  Apoftle  of  that  Nation  ; 
and  how  it  was  converted  to  the  Faith  ?  He  feem'd  to  be  well-pleafed  at 
the  Queftion ;  and  laid,  Te  knit  my  Heart  to  you,  by  asking  this  firjl ;  for  it 
fhews,  that  you  firjl  feek  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven :  and  I f&all  gladly  fatisfy  you. 

18.  y^bout  twenty  Tears  after  the  Afcenfion  of  our  Saviour,  there  was  feen"^^^ ^"*!^^^ 
in  the  night,  by  the  People  o/'Renfufa,  (a  City  upon  the  Eaflern  Coafi  "/ <?«^  ^^%^^J'^^ 
Ifland,)  in  appearance  fome  Miles  off  at  Sea,  a  great  Pillar  of  Light ;  not  conical, 

but  in  the  form  of  a  Cylinder  ■";  rifing  from  the  Sea,  a  great  height  tow.irds  Hea- 
ven :  on  the  top  of  it  was  a  large  Crofs  of  Light,  more  refplendent  thin  the  Body 
of  the  Pillar.  At  this  fir  ange  Sight,  the  People  of  the  City  flocked  together  upon 
the  Sands  %  then  put  themfelves  into  a  number  of  fmall  Beats,  in  order  to  ap- 
proach it  nearer.  But  when  the  Boats  were  come  within  fome  fmall  diflance  of  the 
Pillar,  they  could  row  no  farther.  Now,  there  was  in  one  of  the  Boats  a  wife 
Man  0/ Solomon's  College  *,  which  is  the  very  Eye  of  this  Kingdom  ;  who 
having  a  while  attentively  view'd,  and  devoutly  contemplated  this  Pillar  and  Crofs, 
fell  upon  his  face ;  then  raifing  himfelf  upon  his  knees,  and  lifting  up  his  hands  to 
Heaven,  he  prayed  in  this  manner. 

19.  Lord  God  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  thou  baft  vouchfafed  cf  thy  Grace  to  T^^^iVrayertf 
thofe  of  our  Order,  to  know  thy  Works  of  Creation,  and  the  Secrets  thereof;  and"  -'^^^'^^"f 
to  difcern  between  divine  Miracles,  the  Works  of  Nature,  the  Works  of  Art,  ';«^  c"/;eT°°/ t^e 

*  Is  it  not  in  the  nature  of  Things,  that  Men  might  imitate  this  Example?  Uirncle. 

^  Having  now  leave;  fee  above,  §.  14. 

«  Obferve  here  the  true  nature  of  a  Miracle:  all  Flame  naturally  rifes  pyramidal  from  the  Earth  j 
on  account  of  the  prelTure  of  the  Atmofpherci  fo  that  a  Cylindrical  Pillar  of  Light  is,  upon  Earth, 
fupernaiural.     See  below,  §.  19. 

■*  See  more  of  this  College  hereafter,  SeH.  II. 

O  0  2  im' 


284  ^^  New  Atlantis;    or^  Se<5l.I. 

Impojitires  and  Illiifions  of  all  forts  * :  I  do  here  acknowledge,  before  this  People, 
that  the  thing  wc  noza  fee  is  thy  Finger,  and  a  true  Miracle  :  And,  for  as 
much  as  we  learn  in  our  Books,  that  thou  never  workefl  Miracles,  hut  to  a  divine 
and  excellent  end  \  the  Lazvs  of  Nature  being  th)  oxvn  Laws,  which  thou  exceedefl 
fiot  but  upon  great  occafions  ;  we  mojl  humbly  befeech  thee  to  profper  this  great 
Sign  ;  to  give  us  the  Interpretation,  and  Ufe  thereof,  in  mercy  ;  which  thou 
doft,  in  part,  fecretly  fromife  by  fending  it  to  us. 
TheTroetfi  of     20.  His  Prayer  being  thus  ended,  he  prefently  found  the  Boat  he  was  in 
tht Miracle i    nioveable  again-,  whilft  the  reft  remained  flill  fiift:  and  taking  that  for  an 
fummationi   aflurance  of  leave  to  approach,  he  caufcd  the  Boat  to  be  gently,  and 
in  the  delivery  WITH  SILENCE,  rowcd  towards  the  Pillar^.     But  before  he  came  up  to  it, 
cf  a  Book  con- x}it  Pillar,  with  the  Crofs  of  Light,  burft,  and  diffufed  itfelf  abroad,  as  it 
ou'"^dN     ^^^^  '"'■°  ^  Firmament  of  Stars ;  which  alfo  vaniflied  foon  after:  and  there 
Tejlament.      was  nothing  left  but   a   fmall   Cheft  of  Cedar,   not  at  all  wet,  though  ic 
floated  •=.     In  the  fore  part  of  it,  which  was  next  him,  there  grew  a  fmall 
green  Branch  of  Palm.    "When  the  wife  Man  had  taken  it,  with  all  reve- 
rence, into  his  Boat,  it  opened  of  itfelf;  and  there  were  found  in  it  a  Book 
and  a  Letter;  both  written  on  fine  Parchment,  and  wrapped  in  fine  Linen. 
The  Book,  contained  all  the  Canonical  Books  of  the  Old  and  Nezv  'Tejlument,  as 
you  have  them  ;  (for  we  know  what  your  Churches  receive ;)  with  the  jipo- 
calylfe  ilfelf ;  and  fome  other  Books  of  the  New  Teftament,  which  were  not 
at  that  time  written'' :  and  for  the  Letter,  it  was  in  thefe  Words. 
The  Epijlle  of      21./  Bartholomew,  a  Servant  of  the  Higheft,  and  Apojtle  o/Jesus  Christ, 
St.  Bartholo-  ^^,^^  warned  by  an  Angel  in  a  Vifion  of  Glory,  that  I Jhould  co?nmit  this  Ark  to 
the  Sea.     'Therefore  I  tejlify  and  declare,  unto  that  People,  where  God  fljall  or- 
dain this  Ark  ti  come  ;  that  in  the  fame  day  comes  unto  them  Salvation,  and  Peace^ 
and  Good-will,  from  the  Father,  and  the  Lord  Jesvs. 
A  farther  Mi-     2  2.  There  was  alfo  a  great  Miracle  wrought  both  in  the  Book  and  the 
racle,bothin  Letter,  Conformable  to  that  in  the  G/// 0/ 'T'ow^z/f  J .-  For  not  only  the  Natives, 
the'&ookand  ]^^^  the  Hebrews,  Per/ians,  3.nd  Indians,  at   that   time   in   the   Ifland,   read 
*  "'  every  one  the  Book  and   Letter,  as  if  wrote  in  his  own  Language.     And 

thus  was  this  Land  faved    from  Infidelity,  by   an   Ark,    through   the    apo- 
ftolical  and  miraculous  annunciation  of  St.  Bartholomew.     Here  he  paufed, 
and  a  Meflenger  called  him  from  us. 
TheCsnverfa-      23.  Next  day  he  came  to  us  again,  foon  after  Dinner,  and  excufed  him- 
tiomvith  the  fgjf^  that  he  was  called  from  us  fo  abrupdy  ;  but  now  propofed  to  make 
Covernour     -^rnends,  if  we  held  his  Company  agreeable.     We  anfwer'd,  that  we  held  it 
fo  pleafing,  as  to  forget  both  Dangers  paft,  and  Fears  to  come,  v/hilft  we 
heard  him  j  and  that  an  Hour  fpent  with  him,  was  worth  Years  of  oar  former 

Life. 

*  The  Diftinftions  here  made,  cannot,  perhaps,  be  too  exaftly  obferved  by  Philofophers. 

•"  Obferve  how  Divine  Mysteries  are  to  be  approached. 

^  The  Miracle  feems  all  of  a  piece  j  not  Patch-work,  which  is  a  Charafteriftick  of  f»lft 
Miracles. 

<•  St.  Clement's  Epijlles  fuppofe,  thofeof  St.  Ignatius,  Polycarf,  and  fome  Parts  of  the  Conftittt' 
tions :  But  this  were  a  furprizing  Addition  to  the  Miracle,  and  an  inconteftible  Proof  of  its  being 
Divine,  that  Books  fhould  be  anticipated,  and  received  before  they  were  written;  or  the  human 
Authors  of  them,  perhaps,  in  being.  See  the  de  Aitgmtntis  Scientiaritm,  Se£t.  XXVIII.  ot  the 
Do^rine  of  Infpired  Theology,  or  Divinity. 


Se(?t.I.     Plan  of  a  Philosophical  Society.  285 

Life.     He  bowed  ;  and  after  we  were  feated  again,  he  (liid  ;  Well,  the  Que- 
ftions  are  on  your  part. 

24.  One  of  our  number,  after  a  fhort  Paufe,  obferved,  there  was  a  m-xt- The ^lejlion 

ter  we  were  no  lefs  dtTirous  to  know,  than  afraid  to  ask  ;  left  we  fliould  pre-^"''  ^"^'^" 
^         ,  jii-TT-  11  I  (land  became 

iumetoofar:  but,  encouraged  by  his  Humanity,  we  would  venture  to  ^'''o- acquainted 

pofe  it;  befeeching  him,  if  he  thought  not  fit  to  anfwer,  yet  to  pardon  wnd-aith  «11  fhe 
rejeft  it.     We  faid,  we  well  obferved,  what  he  wasp'eafed  to  relate,  that  this^'"'"''''  ""W 
happy  If.and,   tho'  known  to  few,  yet  was  itfelf  acquainted  with  moft  Na- ^^^^^^''*'"''' 
tions  of  the  World  ;  which  we  found  true,  confidering  they  had  the  Lan- 
guages of  Europe,  and  a  knowledge  of  our  State  and  Affairs  ;  whilft  we  in 
Europe  never  had  any  glimpfeof  thislfl.ind.     The  Governour  here  returned 
a  gracious  Smile,  and  faid  ;  we  did  well  to  poftulate  pardon  for  a  Qii;ftion, 
which   might   imply  we   thought  this  a   Country  of  Magicians,    that   fent 
out  Spirits  into  all  parts,    to   bring  them  Intelligence  of  other  Countries. 
We  anfwered  with  all  poffible  Humility,  yet  with  an  air  of  certainty  *,   that 
we  knew  he  fpoke  this  only  in  the  way  of  pleafantry  -,    that  we  were  apt 
enough  to  think  there  was  fomething  fupernatural  in  the  Ifland,   but  rather 
a>:ge!ical  ihan  magical :  yet  to  let  his  Lordfhip  truly  know,  what  made  us 
tender  in  asking  the  Queftion,  it  was  no  fuch  opinion  ;  but  only  becaufe  he  had 
before  intimated,  that  this  Country  had  certain  Laws  of  Secrecy,  with  regard 
to  Strangers ''.     He  anfwered,  you  remember  right ;  and  therefore,  in  refpecl     - 
of  what  I  fhall  now  fay,  I  muft  referve  fome  Particulars,  which  are  in ot -law-  ^^ 
ful  for  me  to  reveal  •,  but  there  will  enough  be  left  to  give  you  fitisfiftidn.'  ■. 

25.  About  three  thoufand  Years  ago,  the  Navigation  of  the  World,  forThe  Gever- 
remote  Voyages,  was  greater  than  at  this  day  "^:  nor  are  we  ignorant,   how  """'''^ '^'?^"'*''- 
much  it  is  of  late  increafed  with  you.     But  whether  the  Example  of  the  Ark, 

that  faved  the  Remnant  of  Men  from  the  urfiverfal  Deluge,  gave  them  Cou- 
rage to  venture  upon  the  Deep,  or  what  it  was,  fuch  is  the  Truth.  TheThe ancient 
Phceniciafis,  and  efpecially  the  Tyrians,  had  great  Fleets.  The  Carthaginia>n^^"P("'^- 
had  their  Colony,  which  is  ftill  farther  Weft.  Towards  the  £aft,  tlie  Ship- 
ping of  .^g\pt,  and  of  Palejline,  was  hkewife  great,  China  alfo,  and  the 
great  Atlantis,  which  you  call  America,  tho'  they  have  now  only  Junks  and 
Canoes,  abounded  then  with  tall  Ships.  This  Ijland,  as  appears  by  faithful 
Regifters,  had,  at  that  time,  fifteen  hundred  ftout  Ships  of  Burthen.  There 
is  little  Hiftory  of  all  this  with  you  ;  but  we  have  ample  knowledge  of  it  ^. 

26.  At  that  time,  this  Country  was  frequented  by  the  Ships  of  all  the  Na-  Benfalem./in. 
tions  above-mentioned ;  and  frequently  brought  hither  Men  of  other  Coun-  "ell'^^fl"% 

^^'^^^tailiiations. 

'  Here  is  a  great  Secret  in  Civil Converfation  exemplified. 

*  See  ibove,  §.  14. 

e  There  feem  to  be  fome  obfcure  Intimations  of  this  in  Hijlory.  and  the  Particulars  hereafter 
delivcr'd,  may  deierve  the  Confideration  of  thofe  that  are  beft  verfed  m  anc'ent  Hijlory.  Geo- 
grafliy,  and  Chronology.  For  a  more  particular  Knowledge  of  the  hiltorical  Fitls  here  inti- 
irated,  confult  the  Univerfal  Hijlory;  from  the  earlieji  Accounts  of  Ttmt,  to  the  frefent :  fome 
confiderable  Parts  whercot  are  already  publifhed. 

''  There  are  many  Hiftorical  PafTages  in  the  Turki(h  Spy,  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  other  Au- 
thors, that  may  give  fome  light  to  feveral  of  thefe  Intimations;  which  are  not  fo  far  &bu- 
lous,  as  to  be  dellitute  of  all  .'\uth.ority ;  or  a  confiderable  degree  of  Probability.  1 


286  7^^  New  Atlantis;  or,  Sedt.I. 

tries,  tint  were  no  Navigators  •,  viz.  Per/tans.,  Chaldeans,  and  Aralians  ;  fo 
that  nearly  all  the  Nations  of  Fame  reforted  to  us :    and  of  thefe  we  have 
fome  Remains,  and  little  Tribes  to  this  day.     And  for  our  own  Ships  •,  they 
made  many  Voyages,  as  well  to  your  Streigbts,  which  you  call  the  Pillars 
cf  Hercules,  as  to  other  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  and  Atla-nlick  ;  viz.  Peguin, 
or  Chambalaine,  and  ^dnzy,  up  the  Eajt  Seas,  as  far  as  the  Borders  ofEaJi- 
Tarlary. 
The  ancient         26.  At  the  fame  time,  and  for  an  age  after,  the  Peoph  of  the  great  At- 
state  of  Amc-  /rtw/fi  flourifhed.     For  tho' the  Defcription  made  ofit  by  a  great  Man  with  you  ^, 
""•  as  if  theD  fcendantsof  A^i?/)/^/»^  fettled  there,  be  all  poeti.al  and  fabulous; 

yet    fo  much  is  true,  that   the  great  Atlantis,  as  well    Peru,  then  called 
Coy  a,    as  Mexico,  then  called  Tyrambol,  were  potent  Klugdoms,  in  Arms, 
r-seo  grand      Shipping,  and  Riches:  fo  that  nearly  at  the  fune  time,  tiuy  both  made  two 
ExpeMtiom  of  great  Expeditions  -,  the  Mexicans  thro'  the  Allan  tick  to  the  Mediterranean, 
themwcMi   ^^^  (.]^g  Peruvians  thro'  the  South-Sea  upon  this  our  Ifland.     And  for  the  for- 
vians.     '       '^^''  Expedition,  which  was  into  Europe,  the  fame  Author  amongft  you,  feems 
to  have  had  fome  relation  of  it  from  the  /Egyptian  Prieft  he  introduces  :  for 
fuch  a  thing  there  affuredly  was.     But  whether  the  ancient  Athenians  had  the 
Glory  of  repelling,  and  deftroying  thofe  Forces,  I  can  fay  nothing:    but 
certain  it  is,  there  never  returned  Ship,  or  Man,  from  that  Voyage ''.     Nor 
would  the  Mexican  Expedition,  upon  ourfelves,  have  proved  more  luccefsful, 
if  they  had  not  met  with  Enemies  of  greater  Clemency.     For  the  King  of  this 
Ifland,  by  name  yf//rt^/;/,  a  wife  Man,  and  a  great  Warrior,  knowing  both  his 
own  Strength,  and  that  of  his  Enemies,  cut  off  their  Land-Forces  from  their 
Ships,  befet  their  Navy,  and  their  Camp,  with  a  greater  Force  than  theirs, 
and  compell'd  them  to   furrender,  without  ftriking  flroke:  and  after  they 
were  at  his  mercy,  contented  himfelf  with  their  Oath  only,  that  they  would 
no  more  bear  Arms  againft  him,  and  difmiis'd  them  in  lafety  ^ 
Tolkw'dbyan       27.  But  the  Divine  Vengeance  foon  over-took  thefe  afpiring  E  .terprizes. 
inundation  of   For  within  lefs  than  an  hundred  Years,  the  great  Atlantis  was  utterly  lofl 
ttieir  Coun-     ^nd  deftroy'd :  not  by  an  Earthquake,  as  fome  imagined  -,  for  that  wnole  Traft 
is  little  fubjedt  to  Earthquakes -,  but  by  a  particular  Dt'/ag'^,  or  I.:undation; 
thofe  Countries  having,  at  this  day,  much  greater  Rivers,  and  highei  Moun- 
tains to  pour  down  Waters,  than  any  part  of  the  old  World.     It  i'  rrue,  this 
Inundation  was  not  deep,  nor  above  forty  foot  in  moft  places ;  fo  that,  the' 
it  deftroy'd  Man  and  Beaft  in  general,  yet  fome  few  wild  Inhabitants  of  the 
Woods  efcaped.     Birds  alfo  were  faved,  by  flying  to  the  high  Trees. 

28. 

"  The  great  Man  here  meant,  I  fuppofe,  is  Plato ;  who,  in  his  Tirmus,  introduces  a  Difcourfc 
betwixt  Solon  and  an  JEgyptian  Prieft,  giving  Solon  an  account  of  the  Grecian  Antiquiiies,  of 
which  the  Creeks  themlelves  had  no  Tradition.  And  among  the  reft,  relates  the  Par:i  ^.ars  of 
t\\i  greM  Atlantis,  their  Kings,  Forces,  Inundations,  8cc.  which  here  feem  confiderably  imp  oved 
by  our  Author.     See  Plato's  Titmus. 

^  Thefcveral  Parts  of  the  fCillowing  Relation,  being  taken  together.  f;em  to  give  a  jufte-.  or 
more  rational  Account  of  the  ignorant  and  barbarous  State  of  America,  at  its  fiift  D'lcovcry  by 
the  Europeans,  than  we  generally  meet  with  in  Hiftories. 

5  Here  is  an  eminent  ExanJple  of  military  Prudence,  mixed  with  Chrifiian  Compaffion. 


tries  . 


Se<^.I.     Plan  o/"^  Philosophical  Society.  287 

28.  As  for  the  Inhabitants,  tho'  they  had  Buildings  in  many  places  higher  r/;?  Confe- 
than  the  Waters ;  yet  the  Inundation  continued  io  long  in  tlie  Vales,  that  V»'^^'  '^"-e* 
thofe  who  were  not  drown'd,  perilK'd  for  want  of  Food  and  Neccffiries.  ij'lil^''' 
Whence,  no  wonder  that  Amerlcii  fhould  be  thin  peopled,  and  the  Inhabitants 
rude  and  ignorant ;  as  being  younger  by  a  ihoufand  Tears,  than  the  reft  of  the 
TForld ;  the  diflance  between  the  univerfal  Deluge,  and  their  particular  In- 
undation *.  For  the  poor  Remnant  of  Men  left  in  the  Mounuins,  peopled 
the  Country  again  but  flowly  •,  and  being  fimple  and  fivage,  (not  like  Noah 
and  his  Sons,  the  chief  Family  of  the  Earth,)  they  were  unable  to  leave  Let- 
ters, Arts,  and  Civility  to  their  Poftericy  :  and  having  likewife,  in  their  moun- 
tainous Habitations,  been  ufed  to  clothe  themfelves  with  the  Skins  of  Beads ; 
when  they  afterwards  came  down  into  the  Valleys,  and  found  the  Heats  in- 
tolerable, and  knowing  no  lighter  Apparel,  they  were  obliged  to  go  naked. 
Only  they  greatly  delighted  in  the  Feathers  of  Birds  -,  a  Cuftom  they  alfo  re- 
ceived from  their  Anceftors  of  the  Mountains :  invited  to  it  by  the  infinite 
Flights  of  Birds,  that  came  up  to  the  high  Grounds,  while  the  Waters  re- 
main'd  below.  And  by  this  great  accident  of  time,  we  loft  our  Traffick 
with  the  Americans ;  among  whom,  as  lying  neareft  to  us,  we  had  moll 
Commerce  \ 

29.  For  the  other  Parts  of  the  World  ;  it  is  manifeft,  that  in  the  fucceed-  The  Decay  of 
ing  Ages,  Navigation  every  where  decay'd  ;  efpecially  remote  Voyages  were  •^"''''(ff^'w'» '» 
wholly  dropp'd.     Whence  People  of  other  Nations  came  not  to  us,  unlefs-'^"'""'''"^ 
by  accident  •,  as  you  have  done.     But  yet  as  our  Shipping,    for  Number,    ^"' 
Strength,  Mariners,  Pilots,  (^c.  is  as  great  as  ever  -,  you  will  wonder  why  we 

fliouid  fit  indolent  at  home :  whence  I  am  now  led  to  anfwer  your  princi- 
pal ^/eftion. 

30.  About  nineteen  hundred  Years  ago,  there  reign'd  in  this  iQand  a  Y,.ir\g,jvhytheinha. 
whofe  Memory,  of  all  others,  we  moft  adore  ;    not  fuperftitioudy,  but  as  ^'''''»'^<'/ Ben- 
being  a  divine  Inftrument,  tho'  a  mortal  Man.      His  Name  was  Solomona  j^^'^f"  ''""*'» 
and  we  efteem  him  the  Lazc/'-G/ivr  of  our  Nation.     This  King  had  a  large       """' 
Heart,  i^/cru  table  for  Gcodnefs  ;  and  was  wholly  bent  upon  making  his  ^^1^Z'  thelr"^n£ 
dom  flourifliing,  and  his  People  happy  ".     Taking  it  therefore  into  con fidera- Solomona. 
tion,   (i.)  how  Ibfficient  his  Country  was  to  maintain  itfelf,  without  any  fo- 
reign affiilance'' ;  being  five  thoufand   fix  hundred  Miles  in  Circuit,  and  of 

great  Fertility  :  (2.)  finding  alfo  that  his  Shipping  might  be  advantageoufly 
employ'd  in  Filliing,  Tranfportation,  and  trading  to  certain  fmall  Ifl.mds 
near  us,  and  under  our  own  Laws  :  and  (3.)  weighing  the  then   flouri*hinar 

Con- 

*  We  have  here  a  Specimen  of  the  Author's  Sagacity,  in  interpreting  the  Works  of  Nature 
from  Phjenomcna  :  and  where  only  ConjetSure  can  he  had,  it  might  be  proper  to  deHver  it  in 
the  way  of  Fiftion;  fo  as  to  preferve  certain  thilofophy  diftindt  fiom  conje^ural:  which  have 
too  ofen  been  difadvantageoufly  mixed  together. 

^  Does  not  this  Account  of  America  ieem,  in  fbme  refpefts,  confirm'd  by  the  Periplus,  or 
Circumnavigation  oi  Hannoi     See  Dr.  Hoot's  Difcoiirfe  of  Earthquakes,  pag.  J75 — jyj-. 

'  This  car :'c^  an  obl'que  Icftruftion  to  King  James  the  Fir/i ;  whom  the  Author  frequently 
ftiles  the  Bn^li/I>  Solomon  j  and  counlellcd  to  ^^ecome  the  Law-Giver  of  his  Country,  by  under- 
taking a  ]ujl  Recompilementofthe  Lams  0/ England;  and  many  other  noble  A^s  of  Beneficence, 
Glo-y,  and  Perpetuity. 

^  See  the  Thirteenth  Supplement  to  the  tft  Afgment'ti  Scientiarum, 


2SS 


The  Laws  he 

enacleJ  againjl 
the  entrance 
ofitrangers. 


The  Law  re- 
garding the 
travelling  of 
the  Natives. 


The  Xnflituthn 
o/Solomon's 
Houfe;  or,  a 
Philofophical 
Society. 


The  New  Atlantis;  or^  Sed.L 

Condition  of  his  Country,  which  might  be  a  thoufand  ways  altered  for  the 
^worfe  ;  but  fcarce  any  one  way  for  the  bet-ter :  he  judged  nothing  wanting  to 
his  noble  and  heroical  Intentions,  but  to  give  perpetuity  to  what  in  his  time 
was  fo  happily  ellabliflied  '. 

31.  Amongft  his  other  fundamental  Laws,  he  made  the  Prohibitions  we 
have  againft  the  entrance  of  Strangers  ;  at  that  time,  tho'  after  the  Calamity 
of  America,  trequent ;  in  order  to  prevent  Innovations,  and  mixtures  of  Man- 
ners. Indeed  the  like  Law,  againft  the  admiffion  of  Strangers,  without  Li- 
cence, is  ancient  in  China,  and  ftiU  continues  '' ;  but  it  is  there  a  trivial  thing  : 
our  Law-Giver  made  his  A6t  of  another  temper.  For,  firjl,  he  has  prefe'rved 
all  the  Points  of  Humanity  ;  in  providing  for  the  Relief  of  Strangers  di- 
itreffed.  Here  we  all  roj'e  up  and  bowed.  He  went  on.  Our  King  alio  ftill 
defiring  to  join  HiuHanity  znd  Policy  together  "^;  and  thinking  it  contrary  to 
Humanity,  that  Strangers  fliould  be  detained  againft  their  wills;  and  con- 
trary to  Policy,  that  they  fhould  return,  and  difcover  their  knowledge  of  our 
State  ;  he  ordain'd,  that  of  the  Strangers  permitted  to  land,  as  many  might, 
at  all  times,  depart  as  defired  it :  but  then  thofe  who  were  willing  to  ftay, 
fliould  have  fair  Conditions,  and  the  means  of  living  afforded  them  by  the 
State.  In  which  Particular  his  Fore-fight  reached  fo  far,  that  now,  fo 
many  Agesfince,  we  have  no  Records  of  any  one  Ship  that  ever  returned; 
and  but  of  thirteen  Perfons  only,  at  feveral  times,  who  chofe  to  return  in 
our  own  Bottoms.  What  thefe  few  may  have  reported  abroad,  I  know  not : 
but  you  muft  think,  whatever  they  have  faid,  could  be  taken  for  no  other 
than  a  Dream ''. 

32.  With  regard  to  our  own  vifiting  of  foreign  Countries,  our  Law-Giver 
thought  fit  wholly  to  reftrain  it.  But  it  is  not  fo  among  the  Chinefe,  who 
fail  where-ever  they  can  :  which  ftiews  that  their  Law  for  keeping  out  Strangers, 
is  a  Law  of  Pufillanimity  and  Fear.  But  this  Reftraint  of  ours,  has  only  one 
Exception,  which  is  admirable ;  as  preferving  the  Good  arifing  from  a 
Communication  with  Strangers,  and  avoiding  the  Inconvenience.  I  will  open 
it  to  you ;  tho'  I  ftiall  feem  a  little  to  digrefs ;  but  you  will  foon  find  it 
pertinent. 

33.  Among  the  excellent  Acts  of  our  King,  that  which  holds  the  prehe- 
minence,  was  the  Inftitution  of  an  Order.,  or  Society,  which  we  call 
Solomon's-House  ;  the  nobleft  Foundation  upon  Earth,  and  the  Luminary 
of  this  Kingdoms     It  is  dedicated  to  the  Contemplation  of  the  Works  and 

Creatures 

'  what  this  was,  will  foon  appear. 

'■  The  Jefuits  have  found  means  to  enter;  chiefly  under  the  Charafters  of  Thyfielarti,  Afiro- 
nomers.  Mathematicians.  &c. 

■^  We  have  here  an  admirable  Leflbn  for  Princes. 

^  One  can  here  fcarce  forbear  rcflefting  how?  eafy  it  is  for  a  Man  of  Genius,  to  give  the  moft 
improbable  Thing  an  Air  ot  Truth  j  and,  at  the  fame  time,  cut  otf  a!!  the  means  of  Deteftion. 
Whence  Fiftion  is  a  dangerous  thing  in  Philofbphy,  unlefs  it  be  ufed  frofejjedly.  If  it  had  been 
thus  ufed  hy  catkin  Philo/ophers,  Travellers,  &c.  Common  Sertfe  might  have  been  a  mote  common 
Thing,  than  we  find  it  at  this  day. 

'  The  whole  Fable  appears  to  have  been  principally  invented  for  the  fake  of  the  following 
Plan  of  a  Philofophical  Society ;  the  Defigmtion  whereof  (hews  a  moft  penetrating  and  compre- 
henfive  Genius.    See  hereafter,  StU.ll. 


Se£t.I.*  Plan  <?/"/3:  Philosophical  SociETr.  289 

Creatures  of  God.  Some  think  it  bears  the  Foundt^r's  Name,  a  little  corrup- 
ted ;  as  if  it  lliould  be  called  Solomona's  Houfe.  But  our  Records  write  it  as 
it  is  fpoken :  whence  it  feems  to  denote  the  wife  King  of  the  Hebrews,  who 
is  famous  with  you,  and  no  ftranger  to  us ;  for  wc  have  fome  parts  of  his 
Works  which  you  have  not,  particularly  the  Natural  Hi/iory  he  wrote  of  all 
the  Plants,  from  the  Cedar  to  the  Mofs ;  and  of  all  things  that  have  Life 
and  Motion.  This  leads  me  to  think,  that  our  King,  finding  himfelf,  in 
many  refpects,  like  that  wife  King  of  the  Hebreivs ;  honoured  him  with  the 
Title  of  this  Foundation.  And  I  the  rather  incline  to  this  Opinion,  becaufe 
I  find,  in  ancient  Records,  this  Order,  or  Society,  is  fometimes  called  by  the 
name  of  Solomon's  House,  and  fometimes  the  College  of  the  six 
Days  Works:  whence  I  am  fatisfied,  that  our  excellent  King  had  learned 
from  the  Hebrews,  that  God  created  the  World,  and  all  that  therein  is,  in 
the  fpace  of  fix  Days  ;  and  therefore  infticuting  this  Houfe  for  difcover- 
ing  the  true  Natures  of  all  things,  he  gave  it  alfo  that  fecond  Name.  But 
now  to  our  purpofe. 

34.  When  the  King  forbid  his  People  to  fail  to  any  part,  not  under  hhrheMiffiom  of 
own  Dominion,  he  ordained,  that  every  twelve  Years  two  Ships  fhould  be '^f  ^^'""'^^  "/ 
fent  on  different  Voyages,  each  Ship  having  on  board  a  Mtfpion  of  three'  "  """•^" 
Fellows  oi  Solomon' s  Houfe  ;  whofe  fole  Office  it  fhould  be  to  bring  back  ac- 
counts of  tlie  Affairs  and  State  of  thofe  Countries  to  which  they  were  appoin- 
ted ;  with  a  more  immediate  regard  to  the  Sciences,  Arts,  Manujaclnres,  and 
Inventions  of  the  World :  and  alio  to  procure  for  us  Books,  Inftriiments,  and 
Models  in  every  kind.  Thefe  Ships,  after  they  had  landed  the  Fellows,  were 
to  return  ;  and  the  Miffion  to  continue  abroad  till  the  new  one  was  fent  *, 
Thcfe  Ships,  befides  the  neceffary  Provifion,  are  only  freighted  with  Trea- 
fure,  to  remain  with  the  Fellows  for  purchafing  fuch  Things,  and  rewarding 
fuch  Perfons,  as  they  think  proper.  To  fay  how  the  ordinary  Sailors  are 
kept  undifcovered  at  land  ;  how  they  conceal  themfelves  under  the  Names  of 
different  Nations-,  to  what  places  thefe  Voyages  have  been  defigned  ;  the 
Rendezvous  appointed  for  the  new  Miffions,  i£c.  is  forbid  me.  But  thus, 
you  fee,  we  maintain  a  Traffick,  not  for  Gold,  Silver,  Jewels,  Silks,  or 
Spices ;  but  for  God's  firft  Creature  Light  -,  that  is,  to  procure  Light,  as  to 
the  Growth  and  Improvement  of  all  Parts  of  the  World  ^  And  when  he  had 
/aid  this,  he  zvasftlent :  fo  were  we  all ;  being  indeed  aftonifhcd  to  hear  fuch 
flrange  things  related  with  fuch  probability.  And  he  perceiving  that  we  were 
willing  to  fay  fomewhat,  but  had  it  not  ready,  courteoufly  prevented  us,  by 
Queftions  about  our  Voyage,  and  Succeffes  ;  and  in  the  end  concluded,  that 
we  might  do  well  to  confider  what  time  of  ftay  to  require  ;  dt firing  us  not  to 

*  Is  not  fomething  of  this  kind  pradlifed  by  the  Jefuits  ?  And  can  Philofophy  thrive  in  all  its 
Branches,  unlefs  the  fame  Courle  be  taken  by  Philolophical  Countries  ?  See  the  Preliminariet 
to  the  De  Augmemii  Scientiarjtm,  Sedl.  IV. 

•^  Here  lies,  perhaps,  the  greateft  Obftacle  to  the  Advancement  of  Knowledge;  the  predomi- 
nant Pillion  of  Gain:  to  be  ferious  upon  which  Head,  is  almoft  fufficient  to  render  a  Man's 
Senfe  fufpeded.  And  yet,  till  Gain  fhall  become  only  a  fecondary  Confideration,  theveis  reafon  to 
believe  that  the  greateft  Advantages  of  Philofophy  will  remain  unreaped.  See  the  Fable  of^a- 
lanta  explained  m  the  Sofienti*  VtterHm. 

Vol.  I.  Pp  ftinc 


290  7;^^  New  Atlantis;  or,  Sedl.  II. 

ftint  ourfelves  -,  for  that  he  would  procure  as  much  as  we  wiflied.     Upon 

which  we  all  rofe  up,  and  prefcnted  ourfelves  to  kifs  the  Skirt  of  his  Tippet ; 

but  he  would  not  permit  us  •,  fo  took  his  leave. 
TheEffeciof       35.  Our  People  being  now  informed,  that  the  State  ufed  to  offer  Condi- 
this  Nutkn's  tioHS  to  fuch  Strangers  as  would  continue  among  them,  we  could  fcarce  get 
"!'''■  ^n^ to""'  ^"y  ^^  '•'^"  Company  to  look  after  the  Ship  •,  or  prevent  them  from  going 
strangers.      direclly  to  the  Governour  to  crave  Conditions.     But,  with  much  difficulty, 

we  reftrained  them,  till  we  might  agree  among  ourfelves  what  Courfe  to 

take. 


SECT.     II. 

A  general      i.T^TE  now  took  ourfelves  to  be  free,  apprehending  no  danger,  and 
chamber  of         y  y     pafTed  the  time  delightfully  -,  viewing  what  was  to  be  feen  in  the 
f  e    anon.     Q\^y^  ^nd  Places  adjacent  -,  and  making  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  bet- 
ter fort  ;  in  whom  we  found  fuch  Humanity,  Freedom,  and  Affedion  to 
Strangers,  as  might  have  made  us  forget  all  that  was  dear  to  us  in  our  own 
Countries.     We  continually  met  with  Things  worthy  of  Obfervation  :  and 
indeed,  if  there  be  a  Mirror  in  the  world  to  detain  Mens  Eyes,    it   is  that 
Country  -,  which,  by  all  the  accounts  we  received,  is  not  to  be  equalled  for 
its  Laws,  CnJ}offss,  Policy,  Morality,  and  Philofojhy'^. 
ThtCompmy      ^-  O^^  thing  very  extraordinary  happen'd  whilft  we  continued  there  •, 
admittedmto  viz.  onc  of  the  Fathers  of  Solomon's  House,  for  fome  fecret  Reafon,  vi- 
/^f  Pre/cnce  p/ fided  the  City  -,  a  thing  that  had  not  been  feen  among  them  for  twelve  Years 
*  Father  (?/    |-,gfQrg_     f^g  entred  with  a  decent  and  folemn  Pomp  and  Ceremony  ;  and  in 
College.         three  days  after,  fent  us  word  he  would  admit  all  our  Company  into  his  Pre- 
fence -,  and  hold  a  private  Conference  with  one  of  us.     The  time  being  fix'd, 
Ave  were  introduced  •,  and  found  him  richly  and  gravely  clothed,  feated  upon 
a  lov/  Throne,    with  a  Cloth  of  State  over  his  Head,  of  blue  Sattin,  em- 
broider'd  :  attended  only  by  two  Pages  of  Honour,  richly  drefled,  in  v.'hite''. 
At  our  entrance  v/e  bowed  low,  as  we  Vv'cre  inflrufted  to  do  -,  and  as  we  ap- 
proached his  Chair,  he  Hood  up,  and  held  out  his  naked  Hand  in  a  Poilure 
of  Bleffing.     Each  of  us  ilooped,  and  kilfed  the  Hem  of  his  Tippet.     This 
being  over,  the  reft  departed  •,  and  I  remain'd,  as  was  intended'^:  then  or- 
dering 

*  PofTibly  the  Author  intended  to  have  enriched  this  Fable,  not  only  with  a  Body  of  Laws ; 
but  a  Set  of  Cujfoms,  and  moral  DoHrines  i  all  tending  to  render  a  Nation  happy,  and  politlcaily 
philofophical.  'Tis  fufliciently  evident,  that  the  whole  Defign  is  not  executed.  Perhaps  feveral 
Particulars  here  wanting  might  be  fupplied  from  Sir  Thomas  More's  Utopia.  With  regard  to  a 
Body  of  Laws  for  this  purpofe,  fee  A  Continuation  of  the  New  Atlantis;  printed  at  London,  in 
1660. 

•»  Obferve,  that  the  Author  all  along  makes  a  grave  and  decent  Ufe  of  Wealth,  to  be  an  Attendant 
upon  Knowledge;  in  whofe  power  it  certainly  is,  to  obtain  not  only  Riches,  but  every  other 
human  Bleffing. 

c  By  thus  making  the  reft  of  the  Company  depart,  the  Author  intimates,  that  the  follow- 
ing Account  is  not  i'uited  to  vulgar  Ears. 


StcH:.!!.     Plan  of  a  Philosophical  Societv.  291 

dering  the  Pages  out  of  the  Room,  he  caufed  me  to  fie  down  by  him,  and 
thus  ipoke  to  me  in  S^amJJj. 

3.  God  blefs  thee,  my  Son  :  I  will  give  ihee  the  greateft  Jewel  I  have,  and  r/se  Far/wV 
impart  to  thee,  for  the  Love  of  God  and  Men,  an  account  of  Solomon's ■D'/"«'yi '" 
House.    I  will  relate,  (r.)  the  End  of  our /«/i/w/wz  •,  (2 0  the  Apparatus  and ^^'^^^J-'g^^ 
Inftruments  for  our  Works;  (3.)  the  Funftions  and  Employments  or  our^any_ 
Fellows  •,  and  (4.)  the  Rites  and  Ordinances  we  obferve. 

4.  The  End  of  our  Foundation  is  the  Knowledge  of  Causes  ;  the  fecret^'''*^"'' "/'*' 
Motions  of  Things  •,  and  the  Enlargement  of  the  Empire  of  Man  ;  by  theg'^,^'^'^^'!^''-'. 
effeding  of  all  T Kings  pofTible ".  College. 

5.  Our  Apparatus  and  Inftruments  are  thefc.     ^^^^^  C'l^'^^-f»  of  different  ^^^  ^„^^^,„j 
depths :  fomc  of  them  fix  hundred  Fathom  ;  and  others  running  under  great  „yc4x/fj. 
Hills  and  Mountains,  three  Miles  together.     For  we  find  that  the  Height  ot 

a  Hill,  and  the  Depth  of  a  Cave  from  the  Flat,  is  the  fame  thing  ;  both 
being  defended  alike  from  the  Sun,  and  the  open  Air.  Thefe  Caves  we  call 
the  Lovjcr  Region  ;  and  we  ufe  them  for  all  forts  of  Coagulations,  Indurations, 
Refrigerations,  and  Confervalio7is  of  Bodies.  We  employ  them  likewife  for 
imitating  natural  Mines  ;  and  producing  new  artificial  Metals,  by  Compo- 
fitions,  and  certain  Materials,  which  we  fuffer  to  lie  in  them  for  many  Years. 
Sometimes  alio  we  ufe  them  for  curing  Difeafes ;  and  prolonging  Life  in  cer- 
tain Hermits,  who  voluntarily  chufe  to  live  in  them  -,  where  they  are  well 
accommodated  with  all  things  neceflTary  :  and  thus  they  not  only  lengthen 
their  Days,  but  give  us  Informations  of  many  confiderable  Particulars  *". 

6.  We  practife  Burials  in  different  kind  of  Earths,  where  we  lay  up  itvt-EurinU. 
ral  Cements ;   as  the  Chinefe  do  their  Porccllane  "^.    But  we  have  them  in 
greater  variety  than  they  ;  and  fome  that  are  much  finer.     We  have  alfo  a 
great  variety  of  Ccmpofts,  and  Soils,  for  making  the  Earth  fruitful ''. 

7.  We  have  tall  Towers ;  the  highefl:  about  half  a  Mile  tall :  fome  likewiferww  and 
fland  upon  very  high  Mountains -,  fo  as  to  reach  three  Miles  perpendicular  o^/^'"^"""'"'- 
from  the  Earth's  Surface.     And  thefe  Places  we  call  the  Upper  Region; 
accounting  the  Air  between  the  high  Places  and  the  low,  as  a  Middle 

P  p  2  Region. 

*  Let  this,  and  all  that  iucceeds,  be  well  compared  with  the  Author's  Doftrine  laid  down  ir» 
the  Novum  Ofganum  i  whereby  not  only  the  bare  Pofllbility,  but  the  Pradlicabiiity  of  the  whole 
Scheme  will,  in  great  meafure,  appear.  And  for  a  further  proof  hereof,  fee  the  De  Augmentis 
Scientiarum,  the  Sylva  Sylzurum,  the  Scala  IntelleHus :  and  remember  that  all  thefc  were  the 
Works  of  one  Man,  whofe  whole  Life  was  taken  up  with  civil  Buhnefs ;  except  the  five  lad  Years. 

*"  Is  not  Ibmething  of  this  kind,  tho'  inferior  in  its  Defign,  praftifcd  in  the  Salt-Mines  of 
Wilix.ca,  in  Poland;  where  a  whole  People  continue  to  live  under-ground?  But  the  Intimations 
here  given  by  the  Author,  go  beyond  the  common  Fhilcfofhy;  and  tend  to  effablifh  another  of  a 
much  nobler  and  more  ferviceable  kind.  The  Cave  at  the  Royal  Obfervatory  at  Paris  maVj  ia 
fome  meafure,  fl;e\v  the  nature  of  this  Deiign. 

^  See  the  Article  BkWa/j  in  the  Sylva  Sylvarum. 

^  Every  Article  here  is  fo  pregnant  with  grand  fhilofophical  Vietvs,  and  DireBions  for  farther 
Difcoveries,  that  a  large  Comment  were  rcquilite  to  unfold  and  draw  them  out  for  popular 
Ule.  As  they  here  lie  clofe  wedged,  in  the  afhoriftkal,  or  axiomatical  manner  i  they  will  pro- 
bably affeft  only  the  firft-rate  Phiiolophers.  It  fecms  a  juft  Obfervation,  that  the  generality  ot 
Readers,  like  the  generality  of  Game,  are  only  to  be  caught  by  Nets  wide  fpread ;  liz.  by  the 
A/iatick  Style,  rather  than  the  Laconic.  And  on  this  account,  ccncife  Hints  and  Intimations  are 
always  moft  acceptable  to  the  Intelligent  j  as  larger  Difcourfcs,  and  fliU  Explanations,  are  to  the 
kfs  knowing. 


292  'The  New  Atlantis;  ory  Se^.II, 

Region.  We  ufe  thefe  Totuijr;,  according  to  their  feveral  Heights  and  Situ- 
ations, for  Infolalion.,  Refngeral'ion^  Confeivatmi,  and  the  Obfervation  o'i  Me- 
teors ;  as  IViuds^  Rdin,  Snow,  Hail ;  and  fome  of  the  fier^  Meteors.  Upon 
feveral  of  thefe  Towers  are  Dwelling-places  for  Hermits,  whom  we  fometimes 
vifit,  and  inftruft  what  to  obfeive^. 
lakes.  ^-  ^^  '^^^^  great  Lakes,  both  fait  and  frefli,  for  Fifh  and  Fowl  *".     We 

ufe  them  alfo  for  the  Burials  of  fome  natural  Bodies :  for  we  find  a  difference 
betwixt  things  buried  in  Earth,  or  in  Air  below  the  Earth-,  and  thofe  that 
AndVxioh.      are  buried  in  Water.     We  have  alfo  Pools ;  fome  whereof  ftrain  frefh  Water 

out  of  Salt ;  and  others,  by  Art,  turn  frefh  Water  into  fait". 
^ch.  9-  We  have  likewife  Rocks  in  the  midft  of  the  Sea  •,  and  certain  Savj  up- 

on the  Shore,  for  particular  Works,  which  require  the  Air  and  Sea-Vapour ''. 
Contrivances       jq.  Again,  we  have  violent  Streams  and  Catarafts,  which  ferve  us  fornu- 
^ff'w^anrf  merous  Motions:  and  likewife  Engines  for  multiplying  and  increafing  the 

force  of  Winds  •,  to  fet  various  Machines  in  motion  ^. 
Artific'ml  II.  We  have  many  (7r/i/7aW  5'/)r/;?g-j  and  Fountains,  made  in  imitation   of 

springs.         j-j^g  natural  Sources  and  Baths,  impregnated  with  different  Minerals  ^ 
Wells  for  In-        12.  We  have  little  IVells,  for  making  Infufions  of  many  Things,  where  the 
fujions.  Waters  take  the  Virtue  quicker,  and  better,  than  in  Veffels  or  Bafins^.    And 

amongfl:  the  reil,  we  have  a  Water,  which  we  call  the  Water  of  Para- 
dise ;  being,  by  fomething  we  do  to  it,  made  fovereign  for  Health,  and  the 
prolongation  of  Life  ^. 
Meteor-Houfes.      13.  We  h3.ve  fpacious  Hou/es,  where  we  imitate,  and  exhibit  Meteors;  as 
Snow,  Hail,  Rain,  certain  artificial  Rains,  of  other  Bodies  befides  Water  '  j 
Thunders,  Lightenings,  ^c.  as  alfo  various  Generations  of  Bodies  in  Air-,  as 
Frogs,  Flies,  i^c. 
Chambers  of       14.  We  have  Certain  Chambers,  which  we  call  Chambers  of  Health; 
Health.         where  we  qualify  the  Air,  as  we  judge  proper,  for  the  Cure  of  many  Difeafes, 
and  the  Prefervation  of  Health*^. 

15- 

"  This  were  ufing  the  Humour  of  the  ancient  Hermits,  Siylites,  8cc.  to  foine  good  purpole. 
The  modern  obfervatories  feem,  in  a  confiderable  degree,  to  execute  this  part  of  the  Author's  Delign. 
*"  See  the  Sylva  Syl-variim,  under  the  Article  Fifl>. 
'  See  x.hc  Sylva  Sylvarumy  under  the  Article  Perf«/;j//o«. 

*  As  in  the  making  oi Bay-S.ilt,  for  example;  and  other  more  curious  Purpofes,  in  the  way 
of  Congelation.  Iiifpijfatioa.  Exhalation,  Impregnation,  &c. 

*  See  the  Author's  Hifory  oflVinds. 

^  To  this  purpofe,  fee  Netv Exferiments  andObfervations upon  Miner altVaters,  hy  Dr. Hoffman; 
printed  at  London,  1 7  5  i . 

6  See  the  Article  Inftifien,  in  the  SylvaSylvariim. 

''  See  the  Author's  Hijiory  of  Life  and  Death  ;  and  his  Methufalem  M^ater,  in  the  SylvA  Sylvn- 
rum,  under  the  Article  Medicine. 

'  Of  which  there  have  been  many  Inftances  in  Naturej  -viz..  Showers  of  Mud,  Fifh,  {^c. 
See  Mr.  Boyle's  ll'irks,  and  the  Philofophical  Tranfaclions. 

^  This  is  a  nobla  Intimation  for  Phylicians,  if  they  were  bent  upon  improving  their  Art. 
The  Air  is  a  general  Menftruum,  capable  of  receiving,  and  being  impregnated  with  the  Effluvia, 
Tumes,  and  Exhalations  ot  all  kinds  of  Drugs,  or  Simples;  and  of  thus  conveying  them  in  Re- 
fpiration  into  the  Lungs  and  Blood;  perhaps  to  better  advantage  than  any  other  way.  And  thus 
Death  and  Sicknefs  are  frequently  convey'd,  by  the  lame  way  that  Health  and  long  Life  pofTibly 
.  might  be.  But  what  Society  is  fet  a-part  for  making  Experiments  of  this  kind.'  Or  what  has 
all  Europe  done,  for  thefe  hundred  Years,  towards  executing  the  entire  Scheme  of  Solomon's 
College  .' 


Se<^.II.    Plan  (?/*<^  Philosophical  Society.  293 

15.  We  have  alfo  l-irge  and  elegant  Baths,  of  feveral  Mixtures,  for  the  Artificial 
Cure  of  Difeafts  ;  or  reftoring  the  Body  from  Drynefs  occifion'd  by  Age :  and  ^'"'"■ 
others  for  confirming  it,  in  its  vital  Parts,  and  recruiting  it  in  its  Strength, 
Juices,  and  Subftance*. 

1 6.  We  have  many  large  Orchards  and  Gardens,  wherein  we  do  not  fo  much  re-  Orchards  and 
gard  Beauty,  as  variety  of  Ground  and  Soil,  proper  for  different  Treesand  Plants.  Gardens  for 
Some  of  thefe  Places  are  very  extenfive,  and  planted  with  Vines,  Fruit-Trees,  «^^^  {w«a- 
and  Shrubs,  that  bear  Berries  for  making  feveral  kinds  of  Drinks,  befidesWine.  tion. 
Here  alfo  we  try  Experiments  of  grafting  and  inoculating,  as  well  of  Wild- 
Trees  as  Fruit-Trees  •,  which  produce  many  Effefts  *".    Here  likewife,  by  Art, 

we  make  Trees,  and  Flowers,  to  come  earlier  or  later  than  their  Seafons  ;  and 
to  fhoot  and  bear  abundantly  out  of  their  natural  Courfes.  By  Art  we  alfo 
render  them  larger,  and  their  Fruit  bigger,  fweeter,  and  more  different  in 
Tafte,  Smell,  Colour,  and  Figure,  than  Nature  alone  produces  them.  And 
others  we  fo  order,   that  they  become  of  fingular  medicinal  life  '=. 

17.  We  have  alfo  Methods  of  making  Plants  rife  by  Mixtures  of  Earths,  plants  groa- 
without  Seeds  ^ ;  and  likewife  of  making  new  Plants,  differing  from  tlie  vul-  '"i  wV^oaf 
gar-,  and  of  converting  one  Plant  into  another'^.  '■ 

18.  We  have  Parks  and  Enclofures  for  all  forts  o(  Beajls  and  Birds;  v/hich  Parks  and  En- 
•we  keep  not  only  for  Curiofity  and  Entertainment,  but  for  Diffedions  and '■'"/;<'■"•/'"' 
Experiments  -,  with  a  view  to  difcover  what  may  be  wrought  upon  the  human  ^^"'^^''J^^^^"^' 
Body.     And  by  thefe  means  we   become  Mafters  of  many  ftrange  Effects  •,fly„fn'S';>ec«j. 
fuch  as  the  continuing  of  Life,  tho'  feveral  Parts,  which  you  account  vital,  be 
perifhed,  and  cut  away  •,  the  recovering  of  fome  Creatures  after  they  feem 

dead,  and  the  like  •".  We  alfo  try  Poifons,  and  otiier  Medicines  upon  them  ; 
as  well  with  regard  to  Chirurgery,  as  Phyfick  ^.  By  Art,  likewife,  we  make 
Animals  larger,  or  taller,  than  their  kind  •,  and  contrariwife  flint  theirGrowth''. 
We  alfo  make  them  more  fruitful,  than  their  kind  ;  and  again  barren,  or  not 
generative.  We  likewife  make  them  differ  feveral  ways;  in  Colour,  Shape, 
and  Aftivity.  We  have  Methods  of  making  Commixtures,  and  Copulations 
of  different  forts  j  which  produce  many  new  kinds,  and  thofc  not  barren  •,  con- 
trary 

■  See  the  Article  Baths,  in  the  Sylva  Sylvarum :   fee  alfo  the  Hi/lory  of  Life  and  Deaths 

*  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Articles  Vegetables  and  Vegetation. 

'  Tho' Gardening,  and  the  Subjeft  of  Vegetacion,  in  general,  has  received  conliderable  Im- 
provements of  late  ;  )'et  there  fcsms  to  be  wanting  a  skilful  Sagacity  in  this  A't,  to  dircft  the 
proper  Experiments  both  of  Light  and  Profit.  This  Sagacity  might,  in  good  nieafure.  be  iearnt 
from  a  due  Knowledge  and  Profecution  of  the  Aut hoi's  D«7ri»e  of  Learned  Experience.  See 
De  Augmemis  Scientiarum,  Sett.  XI  I. 

"•  This  Particular  may  appear  ftrange  ;  but  it  is  countenanced  by  the  Growth  of  Mujlirooms, 
and  feveral  other  Experiments  in  the  French  Memoiri,  &c.  tending  to  flicw,  th.-it  the  Seeds  of 
all  material  Things,  are  every  where  diftjkd  in  the  Earth,  and  Atmofphere. 

'  Many  Experiments  of  this  kind  ftiil  remain  to  be  tried.  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the 
Article  Vegetables  and  Vegetation. 

f  This  kind  of  Anatomy  has  certainly  not  been  profecuted  as  it  deferves. 

8  Here  is  a  rational,  and  almoft  unexceptionable  Method  chalked  out  for  difcoveringtheCure.v- 
of  certain  Dilcafes,  vulgarly  accounted  incurable.  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Articles- 
Midicine,  Plague,  Sec. 

''  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum^  under  the  Articles  Animali,  Growth,  &c. 


294  ^^  New  Atlantis;  or,  SeA.II. 

tfciry  to  your  general  Opinion  ^  We  produce  numberlefs  kinds  of  Serpents, 
Worms,  Flies,  and  F"ifhes,  by  means  of  Putrefatlion  ;  feme  whereof  advance 
to  be  perfeft  Creatures,  like  Beafts  or  Birds  -,  and  propagate.  Neither  is  this 
the  Effecft  of  Chance  •,  but  we  know  before-hand,  from  what  Matter  and 
Commixture,  and  of  what  kind  thefe  Creatures  will  arife  *>. 
Ponds  for -Ex.  ip_  We  have  particular  Po«^/i,  where  we  make  Trials  upon  Fiflies ;  after 
on  Fifh.         "'^  ''^'"^  manner  as  I  faid  of  Beads  and  Birds ". 

Breeding-  2°-  We  have  Breeding-Places  for  thofc  kinds  of  Worms,  and  Flies,  which 

Vlaces  for  In-  are  of  particular  ufe  ;  fuch  as  your  Silk-worms,  and  Bees"^. 
f'^^-  2  I.  I  will  not  detain  you  by  recounting  our  Brevj-Houfes,  Bake-Houfes,  and 

FartictiUr  Kitchens ;  where  we  make  different  kinds  of  Drinks,  Breads,  and  Mea!s  of  ex- 
Bah-Houjii',  '^'■^io''d'"ary  Virtues.  Here  we  make,  not  only  Wines  of  the  Grape  -,  but 
gjc.  '   Drinks  of  other  Juices  of  Fruits,  Grains  and  Roots  •,  and  with  Mixtures  of 

Honey,  Sugar,  Manila^  and  Fruits  dry'd  and  preferved  -,  as  alfo  of  the  Tears 
Brinh  of  va- or  Tappings  of  Trees,  and  of  the  Pulp  of  Canes'.     And  thefe  Dn«/f'j  are 
rioiakmd,.     of  feveral  Ages  -,  fome  forty  Years  old.     We  alfo  brew  Drinks  with  feveral 
Herbs,  Roots,  and  Spices ;  and  again,  with  feveral  kinds  of  Flelh  and  White- 
Meats  :  and  fome  of  thefe  Drinks  are,   in  effeft,  both  Meal  and  Drink ;   fo 
that  many,  efpecially  the  aged,  defire  to  live  upon  them,  with  little  or  no 
ufe  of  Meat  or  Breads     And  above  all,  we  endeavour  to  prepare  Drinks  of 
extremely  thin  and  fluid  Parts-,  that  they  may  infinuate  into  the  Body  ;  yet 
without  all  fliarpnefs  or  fretting  :  for  fome  of  them  being  laid  upon  the  back  of 
the  Hand,  will  foon  pafs  thro'  to  the  Palm  ;  yet  taftc  mild  in  the  Mouth  «. 
We  have  alfo  Waters,  which  we  ripen  fo,  that  they  become  nourifhing  ;  and 
prove  fuch  excellent  Drink,  that  many  will  ufe  no  other. 
Bread  of  vn-        22,  We  have  alfo  5r^ai^  of  feveral  Grains,  Roots,  and  Kernels;  fome  of 
riom  kinds,     jried  Flefh,  and  Filh,  with  different  kinds  of  Seafonings.     Some  of  thefe 
Breads  greatly  provoke  the  Appetite  •,  and  others  nourifli :  fo  that  many  will 
live  upon  them,  without  any  other  Meat. 

23- 

Experiments  of  this  kind  have  been  extremely  rare  in  Europe:  on  account,  perhaps,  of  the 
prevalency  of  the  vulgar  Opinion  here  mentioned. 

''  Here  is  a  pitch  of  Perfeftion,  to  which,  in  the  general  Opinion,  Natural  Vhilofofhy  will 
never  arrive.  But  this,  perhaps,  is  a  greater  Argument  of  our  Indolence,  than  of  our  Know- 
ledge. 

'  See  the  Articles  FifJi,  FleJIt,  8cc.  in  the  Sylva  Sylvarum. 

^  See  the  Sylta Sylvarum,  under  the  Articles  Caterfillars,  Infelfs,  Futrefaciion,  &c. 

'  Thefe  are  very  ufefullntimations.  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Articles  C/ari/fMf;»», 
Drinks,  Manna,  Percolation,  Sugar,  and  Wims. 

^  See  the  Hijlory  of  Life  and  Death,  and  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Article  Toeds. 

*  This  will,  doubtlefs,  feem  incredible;  yet  there  are  Inftances  that  might  ferve  to  render 
it  probable.  We  fee  the  fame  thing  done  in  Metals,  where  a  Liquor  will  pafs  thro'  the  Subftance  of 
them,  without  corroding  their  Parts;  as  Oil  will  do  thro' Iron.  And  fo  fome  Medicines  are  ex- 
tremely penetrating,  and  aiftive  in  the  Body;  yet-  innocent,  and  without  any  corrofive  Virtue. 
But  for  a  fermented  Liquor  fo  fubtile  and  penetrating  as  that  here  intimated,  perhaps  it  has  not 
yet  been  made;  nor,  indeed,  can  it  well  be  expcfted,  till  Men  (hall  become  better  acquainted 
with  the  Nature  and  Management  of  Fermentation  ;  and  the  ways  of  applying  it  to  fermentable 
Matters  lefs  grofs  than  the  common.  It  is  worth  enquiring,  nhether  a  fermented  Liquor,  or 
Wine,  can  be  prepared,  which,  in/lead  of  fliooting  Tartar,  fljall  flrike  a  neutral,  or  alkaline  Salt 
to  the  Sides  of  the  containing  Veffel.  An  adlive,  penetrating  Wine,  of  this  kind,  might  poffibly, 
by  continued  ufe,  diflblve  the  Stone  in  the  BlaJder.  i 


SeA.It.    Plan  (p/"^  Philosophical  Society.  295 

23.  For  Meats ;  we  have  Tome  that  are  made  fo  foft  and  tender,  and  yetw^"'-'  "/i-'«- 
wichouc  any  Corruption,  chat  a  weak  Sromach  may  convert  them  into  good  ""*'       '' 
Juices;  as  well  as  a  ftrong  one  would  Meats  otherwil'j  prepared.      We  have 

alfo  certain  Foods,  and  likewife  Breads.,  and  Drinks,  which  enable  Men  to 
taft  long  after  ufing  them  -,  and  others  that  make  the  Flefh  of  the  Body 
more  hard  and  tough  ;  and  the  Strength  tar  greater  than  natural  *. 

24.  "Wthuve  Difpenfirics,  or  Shops  of  Medicines ;  wherein,  as  our  variety  5/;<i/>j  e/A/e- 
of  Plants  and  Animals  is  much  greater  than  with  you  in  Europe  ;  fo  our <''"»"• 
variety  of  Simples,  Drugs,  and  medicinal  Ingredients,  muft  confequently  be 
greater :  and  chefe  we  have  of  different  Ages,  and  long  Fermentations  ^   And, 

for  our  Preparations,  we  have  not  only  all  manner  ofexquifite  Dijiil'a.'icfts,  and 
Separations,  efpecially  rhofe  by  gentle  Heats,  and  Percolations  thro'  diffe- 
rent Strainers,  and  grofs  Subliances  i  but  alfo  Exact  Forms  of  CojM po- 
sit ion  ;  whereby  the  Ingredients  incorporate  almofl:  as  if  they  were  natural 
Simples '. 

25.  We  have  many  mechanic  Arts,  which  you  have  not  ;  and  a  variety  o^MmufaBures, 
Stuffs  made  by  their  Means  -,  fuch  as  Papers,  Liuens,  Silks,  'Tiffues ;  Works  in 
Feathers,  of  great  Beauty  and  Luftre,  excellent  Dyes'',  ifc.  We  have  likewife 

Shops,  as  well  for  fuch  Manufadures  and  Productions  as  are  not  brought 
into  vulgar  ufe  amongft  us,  as  for  thofe  that  are.  For  you  muft  know,  that 
tlio'  many  of  the  Things  before  enumerated  are  grown  into  common  ufe 
throughout  the  Kingdom  ;  yet,  when  they  were  of  our  own  I/ivention,  we  con- 
ftantly  retain  not  only  Samples,  Models,  or  Patterns  thereof,  but  aUb  Prin- 
cipals. 

26.  We  have  F«;«^f^j  of  great  diverfity,  and  for  different  Heats;    z%Turnacesand 
fierce  and  quick  ;  ftrong  and  conftant ;  foft  and  mild  ;  blown  ;  quiet  ;  dry  •//■'«''"<■;?/ ^f- 
moift  ;  and  the  like.     But  above  all,  we  have  Heats  in  imitation  of  the  Sun's*"'^'' '"' 
Heat,  that  operate  with  feveral  Inequalities;  and,  as  it  were,  periodically,  by 

way  of  progrefs  and  return ;  whereby  we  produce  extraordinary  Effeds  '. 
B;fiaes  thefe,  we  ha%'e  digeftingHeais,  by  means  of  Dunghills,  the  Bellies,  Sto- 
iTS-ichs,  Blood,  and  Bodies  of  living  Creatures  ;  and  again,  of  Hay,  and 
Herbs  laid  up  moift  ;  of  Quick-Lime,  i^c.  We  have  likewife  Inftruments 
that  generate  Heat  by  Motion  ;  Places  for  ftrong  lufolations ;  and  others 
under  the  Earth,  which  yield  us  Heats  either  by  Nature,  or  Art.  All  thefe 
different  Heats  we  ufe,  as  the  Nature  of  our  Operations  require  ^  27. 

*  Certainly  thefe  things  are  not  altogether  impracticable,  even  with  the  flender  degree  of  Knc.v- 
kdge  we  have  st  prefen:;  but  Mea  are  fo  enamour'd  with  the  talkative  Philofophy,  that  the 
aftive  one  finds  few  Votaries. 

*  By  mcansi  fuppofe,  of  particular  Methods  of  preferving  them  from  the  Air;  and  other  In- 
juries. 

'  The  Rule  here  intimated  feems  to  have  been  little  confider'd  in  Vharmncy ;  where  the  cu- 
ineroui  Mixtures  made,  are  generally  flight,  grofs.  and  imperfecSt. 

*  See  the  Catalogue  of  particular  Hiflories  required  for  the  Interpretation  of  Nature.  Intro- 
duciion  to  the  Syha  Syharum,  Seft.  II. 

'  This  Direction  for  imitating  the  Sun's  periodical  Heat  in  chemical  Operations,  is  more  fully 
jnfifted  on  by  the  .Author  in  other  places.  See  the  Novum  Organum,  Part  II.  Seft.  I.  &  alibi 
fajpm.     See  alfo  the  SyliaSylvarum,  under  the  Articles  Tlame  and  Heat. 

*  Here  are  excellent  Intimations  for  the  Improvement  of  Chemijlry  ;  which  has  hitherto  beer» 
confined  to  a  fmall  variety  of  Heats.    Whoever  would  imitate  Nature  in  her  various  Produc- 
tions, 


296  7^^  New  Atlantis;  or,  Sed.II. 

Ofthk-Honfes-     27.  We\\a.ve  Optick-HoiifeSy  where  we  make  Experiments  upon  Light  and 
Colours  -,  and  out  of  things,  in  themiclves  uncoloured  and  tranfparent,  re- 
prefent  diverfuies  of  Colours ;  not  barely  by  Refrafftions,  or  in  the  way  of 
Rainbows,  as  by  means  of  Gems  and  Prifms  of  Glafs ;  but  fingly  and  fimply  '. 
We  likewife  reprefentall  kinds  of  Multiplications  of  Light,  which  we  convey  to 
great  diftances  -,  and  thus  become  able  to  difcern  extremely  fmall  Points  and 
L-ines.     Here  we  exhibit  the  various  kinds  of  Light,  Delufions,  and  Decep- 
tions of  the  Sight,  in  Figures,  Magnitudes,  Motions,  Colours,  and  the  Phje- 
nomena  of  Shadows.    "We  have  alfo  feveral  ways,  yet  unknown  to  you,  of 
producing  Light,  originally  from  various  Bodies  \     We  are  able  to  feeOb- 
jefts  diftinftly  at  an  immenfe  Diftance,  both  in  the  Heavens,  and  upon  the 
Earth  ;  and  can  reprefent  all  things  near  us,  as  if  they  were  far  off;  and  things 
afar  off,  as  if  they  were  near  •,  thus  making  imaginary  Dillances.     We  have 
alfo  Helps  for  the  Sight-,  greatly  exceeding  the  Spectacles  and  Reading- Glaffes 
in  ufe  with  you"^.     We  have  means  of  leeing  extremely  minute  Bodies,  with 
great  diftindtnefs ;  as  the  fmalleft  Flies,  Mites,  ^c.  the  Grains  and  Flaws  in 
Gems,  ^c.  which  could  not  otherwife  be  difcovered :  and  thus  we  are  en- 
abled to  make  certain  Obfervacions  upon  Urine,  Blood,  ^c.  that  were  not 
practicable  without  this  affiftance"*.     We  have  artificial  Rainbows,  Halo's, 
and  Circles  about  Lights.  We  exhibit  all  manner  of  Refleftions,  Refractions, 
and  Multiplications  of  the  Rays  of  Light'. 
Colleciltm  of       28.  We  have  Precious  Stones  of  all  kinds  ;  many  of  great  Beauty,  and  to 
Gems  and      ygy  unknown  ;  Cryftals  likewife,  and  Glaffes  of  different  forts  -,  and  among 
^'•"  ^'  the  reft,  fome  of  vitrified  Metals,  and  other  Materials ;  befides  thofe   of 

which  you  make  your  Glafs  in  Europe.  We  have  likewife  great  numbers  of 
Fqjfjils,  and  imperfe<ft  Minerals  -,  which  you  have  not.  We  have  Load-ftones 
of  prodigious  Virtues  -,  and  other  I'carce  and  valuable  Stones,  both  natural 
and  artificial  ^ 
Sound- Hoii/es.  29.  We  have  alfo  Sound-Houfes,  where  we  pradtife  and  produce  all  kinds 
o^  Sounds.  We  have  Harmonies,  unknown  to  you,  of  quarter  Sounds,  and 
Jeffer  Slides  of  Sounds.  We  have  many  different  Alufual  hiftruments,  fome  of 
them  fweeter  than  any  of  yours  ;  and  alfo  curious  Bells,  and  Sets  or  Rings 

thereof. 

tions,  fliould,  as  near  as  pofTible,  ufe  the  fame  kind  of  Heats  and  Proceffes,  as  fhe  employs.    See 
the^  Article  Heat  m  the  Syl-vaSylvarum. 

*  Here  are  fome  Intimations  for  farther  Difcoveries  in  Opticks,  than  aoy  hitherto  made  5 
how  much  foever  this  Subjeft  may  have  been  cultivated. 

^  As  Glafs,  fuppofe,  by  Friftion,  Quickfilver  by  Agitation,  ^c. 

^  This  may,  perhaps,  be  thought  a  thing  fpoke  at  random  ;  but  certainly  the  beft  Methods 
of  helping  the  Sight  are  not  hitherto  generally  pratliled.  By  the  beft  Methods  1  mean  luch  as 
improve  and  ftrengthen  the  Organ;  and  enable  the  Eye  at  length  to  perform  its  Office,  with- 
out alfiftance.  And  in  this  view,  let  full  Trial,  and  due  Improvement,  be  made  oi  Jhort  Tubej, 
without  Glaffes  J  after  the  manner  recommended  in  the  Vhilofofhical  TranfaBions,  N°  37. 

*  We  have  here  a  general  Direftion  to  the  Microfcope;  but  fomething  farther  is  ftill  v/anted 
in  Philofophy. 

'  It  this  Fuble  had  been  wrote  fince  the  time  of  Mr.  Boyle,  Dr.  Hook,  and  Sir  Ifrac  Ntwton, 
its  phylkal  Part  would,  doubtlefs,  have  appeared  as  if  taken  from  them. 

^  Perhaps  the  Foundation  of  that  excellent  Colledion  of  tojjils,  and  other  natur»!  and  arti- 
ficial Curiolities,  belonging  to  the  Koyal  Society  of  Lomhn,  was  laid  ia  this  Paragraph. 


Se(^.II.      Plan  c/"^  Philosophical  Society.  297 

thereof.  We  can  rcprelent/w.T//  Sounds,  as  great  and  deep  ;  and  loud  ones, 
as  little  and  weak.  We  make  many  diticrent  Tremblings  and  Warblings  of 
Sounds,  which  are  entire  in  their  Origin.  We  reprefent  and  imitate  all  ar- 
ticulate Sounds,  Letters,  and  the  Voices  and  Notes  of  Beafts  and  Birds.  We 
have  certain  Helps,  which,  applied  to  the  Ear,  greatly  improve  the  Hearing. 
We  have  many  ilrange  and  artificial  Echoes,  that  refleft  the  Voice  a  great 
number  of  rimes  -,  and,  as  it  were,  tofs  it  from  one  part  to  another :  and  fome 
chat  give  back  the  Voice  louder  than  it  came  •,  fome  fliriller,  and  fome 
deeper  •,  and  fome  again  that  render  the  Voice  difi^erent  in  the  Letters,  or  ar- 
ticulate Sounds,  from  what  they  receive  it.  We  alfo  praftife  certain  ways  of 
conveying  Sounds  by  Trunks,  and  Pipes,  in  a  ftrange  variety  of  Lines,  to  fur- 
prizing  Diftances". 

30.  We  have  Perfume-Houfes,  wherein  we  alfo  purfue  the  Bufinefs  o^Tafle.  Perfume- 
We  multiply  Smells;  which  may  feem  ftrange''.     We  imitate  Odours,  and^""/'"''^"'^ 
make  them  breathe  out  of  other  Mixtures  than  thofe  that  naturally  yield  ^°"-'* 
them.     We  make  many  Imitations  of  Tajles,  fo  as  to  deceive  any  Man. 

And  in  this  Houfe  we  have  alfo  a  Confeolionarj  %  where  we  make  all  kinds  of 
Sweet-Meats,  dry  and  moift ;  feveral  pleafant  Wines,  Milks,  Broths,  and 
Sallads,  in  far  greater  variety  than  you  have  them  ^ 

31.  We  have  En^.ne-Houfes,  where  we  make  Engines  and  Inftruments  for'Engine- 
all  forts  of  Motions.  Here  we  employ  much  more  violent  Powers  than  any  ^"'fi^' 
you  have  ;  and  make,  and  multiply  them  more  eafily,  and  with  fmall  Force, 

by  the  means  of  Wheels,  and  other  Contrivances :  fo  as  to  exceed  the  Force 
of  your  largeft  Cannon  •'.  We  here  exhibit  Ordnance,  the  Inftruments  of 
War,  and  Engines  of  all  kinds.  Here  we  try  and  preferve  our  new  Mixtures 
and  Compofitions  of  Gun-Powder,  unquenchable  Fires,  and  Fire- Works  of 
infinite  variety,  both  forPleafure  andUfe*.  We  here  alfo  imitate  the  Flights 
of  Birds.  We  praftife  fome  degree  of  flying  in  the  Air*'.  We  have  Ships 
and  Boats  for  going  under  Water  ^,  and  living  at  Sea  ;  as  alfo  Swimming- 
Girdles,  and  Supporters.     We  have  divers  Clocks,  and  other  Machines  of 

•  The  Author  has,  with  confiderable  Diligence,  profecuted  this  whole  Enquiry,  in  his  Sylvn 
Sylvarum.  See  the  Article  Sounds.  But  to  bring  it  to  the  degree  of  Perfc£tion  here  intimated, 
may  require  a  confiderable  number  of  Hands,  and  a  length  ot  Time.  And  if  due  Application 
were  uled,  I  conceive  that  no  one  Particular  here  intimated  is  impraifticable. 

*"  Suppofe  by  Rtflcxion,  or  rather  by  the  Condenfatioa  of  Air;  which  is  the  Medium  or  Ve- 
hicle of  Odours,  as  well  as  Sounds. 

^  The  Particulars  in:ima-ed  in  this  Paragraph,  have  been  but  little  purfued  in  the  way  of  pure 
philofophical  Enquiry  ;  the'  capable  of  adding  greatly  to  the  innocetit  Pleafures  of  Life,  and  the 
laudable  Gratification  of  the  Senle  and  Appetite. 

^  The  Author  here  feems  to  intimate  certain  Combinations  of  the  mechanical  Powers;  as  the 
Lever,  the  Wedge,  the  Pulley,  and  the  Screw;  but  then  the  Effeift  will  be  flow.  Perhaps  he 
a)ib  had  in  view  certain  deftrucliije  Exflofions ;  of  which  we  have  fome  Examples  in  Chemiilry. 

"  This  Dirciftion  fcems  not  to  have  been  foUow'd  fo  far  as  it:  might,  both  in  the  way  of  En- 
tertainment, and  Service  in  Life.  Perhaps  it  were  prafticatle  to  imitate  the  Phxnomena  of  the 
Sun  and  Day-light,  and  of  the  Moon  and  Stars,  at  any  time,  in  a  fpacious  Room  ;  lb  as  to  re- 
quire no  other  Illumination. 

^  S:ie  the  Article  Flying,  in  the  Syl-u»  Sylvartim. 

t  Cornelius  Drebbd  is  laid  to  have  made  a  Vcflel  of  this  kind,  and  to  have  experienced  it  io 
the  River  Thames. 

Vol.  I.  Q_(q  return» 


298  The  New  Atlantis;  or,  Sed.II. 

return  ;  and  fome  kinds  of  -perpetual  Motioin  ^.     We  imitate  the  Motions  of 
Animals,  in  Images  of  Men,  Beafts,  Birds,  Fiflies  and  Serpents.    We  have 
ahb  great  numbers  of  other  different  Motions,  furprizing  for  their  Finenefs, 
Subtilty,  and  Uniformity  \ 
AMathemn-       32.  We  have  i.  Matbetnatical  Houfe,  where  we  exhibit  all  kinds  of  Inftru- 
ticulHotife.    ments,  exquifitely  made  ;  as  well  for  the  fervice  of  Geometry,  as  Aftronomy. 
HoufesofDe-      33-  ^e.\\^v^  Deception-Houfes,  for  impofing  upon  the  Senfes ;  where  we 
ceftkn.         exhibit  all  the  Feats  of  Juggling,  falfe  Apparitions,  Impofitions,  Illufions, 
and  their  Fallacies.     And  you  will  eafily  believe,  that  we    who  have   fo 
many  things  truly  natural,  which  raife  the  Admiration,   could,  in  abundance 
of  particulars,  deceive  the  Senfes  ;  if  we  were  difpofed  to  difguife  thofe  na- 
tural Things,  and  endeavour  to  make  them  appear  more  miraculous.     But 
we  abominate  Impofture  and  Falfhood  -,   infomuch,  that  all  our  Fellows 
are  ftridly  forbid,  under  pain  of  Ignominy  and  Fines,  to  fhew  any  natural 
Work,  or  Thing,  adorned  and  pompous,  or  otherwife  than  pure  and  fimple, 
as  it  is  in  itfelf ;  without  the  lead  Affeftation  of  Wonder  and  Strangenefs «. 
rhi  Employ-  Thcfe  are,  my  Son,  the  Riches  of  Solomon's  Houfe. 

7""'ofThe         3^"  ■^*^''  '■^^  feveral  Employments  and  Offices  of  our  Fellows;  we  have 
Fellows.        twelve,  who  fail  into  foreign  Countries,  under  the  Names  of  other  Nations ; 
Twelve  Mer-  ^n^  bring  US  the  Books,  Abftrads,  and  Models  of  Experiments  of  all  other 
chants  of       Parts  of  the  World.    Thefe  we  call  Merchants  of  Light  ''. 
Light.  2^   ■yYe  have  three  who  colledtthe  Experiments  contained  in  Books.  Thefe 

itl'r^'^"'  ^^  ^^^^  Depredators. 

■^6.  We  have  three  that  colleft  the  Experiments  of  all  mechanical  Arts, 
?^''"*^-'^"'-''' liberal  Sciences,  and  Pradices  not  yet  brought  into  Arts.     Thefe  we  call 

Mystery  Men  '. 
Three  Miners.      37.  We  have  three  that  try  new  Experiments;  fuch  as  themfelves  think 

proper.     Thefe  we  call  Pioneers,  or  Miners ^ 
Three Compi-      38.  We  have  three  that  draw  the  Experiments  of  the  former  Sets  into 
^^'''-  'Titles  and  Tables,  to  give  the  better  light  for  the  deduction  of  Obse  rva  tions 

and  Axioms  from  them  ^     Thefe  we  call  Compilers. 

39- 

'  Imperfe<ft  ones  fuppofe,  as  a  Piece  of  Clock- Work,  for  inftance,  that  might  be  wound  up 
by  the  fiowing  Tide,  8cc.  But  for  a  perfedily  {elf-moving  Engine,  the  Author  gives  no  Intima- 
tions about  it. 

''  The  Doftrine  of  Mechanicks  has  been  confiderably  cultivated  of  late;  but  ftill  comes  (hort 
of  Pcifedion. 

*  This  Injundlion  is  of  the  utmoft  Importance,  for  guarding  the  Underftanding,  and  pre- 
ferving  common  Senfe.  For  want  of  a  Check  of  this  kind,  many  Authors,  inftead  of  de- 
livering plain  natural  Truths,  have  utter 'd  ilrange  Doftrincs,  in  the  way  of  Miracle;  and  thus 
fometimes  infatuated  whole  Nations.  Doubtlefs,  if  it  were  prafticable,  it  fhould  be  made  penal, 
thus  to  corrupt  Mens  Minds,  and  ruin  common  Senfe,  by  impoling  falfc  Notions,  and  propa- 
gating Superftirion  and  Delufion  thro'  a  People. 

"*  The  great  Sagacity  and  Juftnefs,  fhewn  in  direding  the  following  Particulars,  and  their 
vaft  Utility,  will  fcarce  be  dilcerned;  unlefs  the  Reader  has  a  tolerable  Knowledge  of  the  Scheme 
and  Tendency  of  the  Author's  Novum  Organiim. 

*  See  the  De  Angmentis  Scientiarum,  Seft.IV. 

'  See  the  Ve  Augmentis  Scientiarum,  Sedt.  III.  8. 

*  See  the  Hovum  Orgnnum,  Part  II.  Sedt.l. 


Sed.n.     Plan  (t/*^  Philosophical  Society.  299 

39.  We  have  three  that  look  into  the  Experiments  of  their  Fellows,  and  '^''^^  Sent- 
caft  about,  how  to  draw  out  of  them  Things  of  praftical  Ufe  lor  Knowledge  j" 

and  the  fervice  of  Life  ;  that  is,  as  well  for  IForks,  as  for  the  plain  Demonjlra- 
tion  of  Canfes,  the  means  of  natural  Divinatms,  and  the  eafy  and  clear  dif- 
covery  of  the  Virtues  and  Powers  of  Bodies.  Thefe  we  call  Dowry-Men,  or 
Ben'efactors. 

40.  Then,  after  divers  Meetings  and  Cotifultatians  of  our  whole  Number,  Three  Lamfs. 
to  confider  of  the  former  Labours  and  Colleftions,  we  have  three,  whofe 

Care  and  Bufinefs  it  is,  to  direft  from  the  whole  Neia  Experiments  of  afub- 
limer  kind,  that  penetrate  farther  into  Nature  than  the  former.  Thefe 
we  call  Lamps. 

41.  We  have  three  others  that  perform  the  Experitnents  fo  directed;  and  Three inocuU^ 
report  them.     Thefe  we  call  Inoculators.  '"''• 

42.  We  have  three  that  raife  the  former  Difcoveries,  by  Experiments,  into  '^^''"  ^»'«■- 
larger  Obfervations,  Aphorifms,  and  Axioms.     Thefe  we  call  Interpreters  l'^'^'''  "J^'' 
OF  Nature  ^ 

43.  We  have  alfo,  as  you  will  eafily  imagine.  Pupils  and  Learners,  that  Pupils  «nj 
the  Succeflion  may  not  fail  ^ ;  befides  a  great  number  of  Servants  and  Atten-  ^''""'*'>^'- 
dants,  both  Men  and  Women. 

44.  We  likewife  hold  Confuhations,  as  to  which  of  our  new  Inventions  and  Confulutim. 
Experiments  fhould  be  publifhed,  and  which  not  •,    and  all  take  an  Oath  of 
Secrecy,  for  concealing  of  thofe  we  think  proper  to  keep  fecret :  tho'  part  of 

thefe  we  fometimes  reveal  to  the  State,  and  fometimes  not ". 

45.  For  our  Riles  and  Ordinances,  we  have  two  very  long  and  beautiful  '^'J'L^J"'  ■ 
Galleries;  in  one  whereof  we  place  Samples  and  Models  of  ail  the  more  ex-  ^^^.  ,■„  "' 
cellent  Inventions  ;  in  the  other,  the  Statues  of  all  principal  Inventors.     Here /erving  AfoJels 
we  have  the  Statue  of  Columbus,  who  difcovered  the  Weft-Indies ;  that  of  the  of  inventions. 
Inventor  of  Ships ;  your  Monk  that  invented  Ordnance  and  Gun-Powder  ;  the  "^^  S""i*es 
Inventor  of  Mufick ;  the  Inventor  of  Letters ;  the  Inventor  of  Printing ;  the 
Inventor  of  Aftronomical  Obfervations ;  the  Inventor  of  Works  in  Metal ;  the 
Inventor  of  Glafs ;  the  Inventor  of  Silk ;  the  Inventor  of  Wine  ;  the  Inventor  of 

Corn  and  Bread;  the  Inventor  of  Sugars :  and  all  thefe  by  more  certain  Tra- 
dition than  you  have  them.  We  have  likewife  the  Statues  of  many  Inven- 
tors among  ourfelves,  who  difcover'd  excellent  Works;  which,  fince  you 
have  not  feen,  it  were  too  tedious  to  defcribe  them :  befides,  you  might  eafily 
err  in  the  underftanding  of  my  Defcriptions.     In  fhort,  upon  every  Invention 

(^q  2  of 

*  We  have  here  a  inoft  ferviceable  Leflbn  in  Philofophy,  (hewing  the  way  wherein  Know- 
ledge is  to  be  gather'd,  like  Honey,  from  feveral  Flowers  j  and  treafured  up  for  ufc.  Without 
a  Metaphor,  the  whole  Procefs  of  the  Mind,  in  philofophical  Enquiries,  is  here  exaclly  de- 
fcribed. 

**  Thus  the  penfioniry  Members  of  the  'Rayal  Academy  ef  Sciences  at  Varis  have  their  Elevej. 

'  Perhaps  this  Referve  of  a  Power  of  with-holding  certain  Difcoveries  from  the  State,  tho' 
a  thing  in  itfelf  extremely  wife  and  prudent,  (becaufe  Governours  are  not  always  good  moral 
Philofophers,)  may  be  the  greateft  Objeftion  againft  the  founding  of  fuch  a  College  as  is  here 
modell'd  out.  Certainly,  as  the  Author  intimates  above,  it  requires  a  Prince  of  a  large  Heart, 
and  a  Ph;lofophical  People,  to  execute  this  Han  in  all  its  Parts.  It  has,  however,  been  executed 
to  advantage,  in  fome  of  its  Parts;  witnefs  the  Ryul  Society  of  London,  and  the  Royal  AcKinny 
of  Paris ;  and  pofllbly  may  in  more  hereafter. 


30O 


TIse  New  Atlantis. 


Sea.  II. 


Certmomei. 


Their  Vijita- 
tions. 


of  Value,  we  erefl:  a  Statue  to  th;  Inventor  •,  and  give  him  a  liberal  and  ho- 
nourable Reward ".  Thefe  Statues  are  fome  of  Brafs  -,  fome  of  Marble  ; 
feme  of  Cedar  gilt,  other  and  curious  gilt  Woods ;  fome  of  Iron;  fome  of 
Silver  -,  fome  of  Gold. 
TheirRelis'ions  46,  We  have  certain  Hymns  and  Services,  which  we  daily  repeat,  of  Praife 
and  Thanks  to  God  for  his  marvellous  Works:  and  Forms  of  Prayers, 
imploring  his  Aid  and  Bleffing  for  the  Illumination  of  our  Labours ;  and  the 
turning  of  them  to  good  and  pious  Ufes. 

47.  Laftly  •,  we  have  our  Progreffes,  or  Vifitations,  to  feveral  principal 
Cities  of  the  Kingdom  ;  where  we  publifh  fuch  new  profitable  Inventions,  as  we 
think  proper.  We  alfo  give  out  natural  Divinations  of  Difeafes,  Plagues, 
Swarms  of  hurtful  Creatures,  Scarcity,  Tempefts,  Earthquakes,  Inundations, 
Comets,  the  Temperature  of  the  Year,  i^c.  and  add  our  Advice  to  the  Peo- 
ple upon  thefe  Occafions ;  direfting  them  as  to  what  they  fhall  do,  either  by 
way  of  Prevention,  or  Remedy  \ 

48.  When  he  had  faid  this,  he  flood  up:  and  I,  as  I  had  been  taught, 
kneel'd  down  ;  then  he  laid  his  right  Hand  upon  my  Head,  and  faid;  God 
blefs  thee,  my  Son ;  and  God  blefs  this  Relation  which  I  have  made.  1  give  thee 
leave  to  publijh  it  for  the  good  of  other  Nations ;  being  ourfelves  a  happy  People, 
in  a  Land  unknown.  Here  he  left  me :  but  affign'd  a  noble  Bounty  to  our 
whole  Ship's  Company.  For  they  are  extremely  liberal  where-ever  they 
come  ^ 


Cotichijion 


•  Perhaps  there  could  be  no  greater  Spur  to  Inventions  of  all  kinds,  than  thus  to  have  the 
Inventor  honoured  and  rewarded.  This  Subject  is  touched  by  the  Author  on  feveral  other  Oc- 
cafions. 

''  Natural  Philofophy  muft  be  confiderably  improv'd,  beyond  what  it  is  at  prefent,  before  any 
fuch  Prediction  can  be  made,  and  fuch  Direftions  given.  See  the  Article  Divination,  in  the 
Sylva  Sylvarum. 

'  Here  again  we  have  a  fufficient  Intimation,  that  Wealth  might  eafily  be  made  the  Atten- 
dant of  Knowledge,  and  praftical  Philofbphy.  The  Author  appears  to  have  propofed  a  Scheme 
of  this  kind  to  King  fames  theFirfl ;  (hewing  him  a  way  of  becoming  immenfely  rich,  without  be- 
ing burdenfome  to  his  Subjefts.  This  way  was,  fo  far  as  I  can  difcover,  by  making  great  Improve- 
ments in  Mineral  Works,  and  the  Draining  of  Lands  and  Mines.  But  no  great  ftrefs  can  be 
laid  upon  Mr.  Ba/liell's  Account  of  this  Matter.  For  tho"  that  Gentleman  was  long  a  Domeftick 
to  the  Author,  and  probably  knew  many  of  his  Lord's  Defigns;  yet.  when  he  wrote  theAiriJg- 
ment  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  Bacon'j  Philofophical  Theory  in  Mineral  Frefecutions,  he  appears  not 
Lo  have  had  the  perfcdt  ule  of  his  Reafon  j  perhaps  on  account  of  his  Misfortunes  in  Life. 


!^* 
"^1^^^%  ' 


SUP- 


SUPPLEMENT   II. 


SPECIMEN 


O  F    T  H  E 


HISTORY 

O   F 

GREAT    BRITAIN. 


(  3<^3  ) 


THE 

Beginning  of  a  HISTORY 

O  F 

GREAT    BRITAIN\ 


I.  Tr%  Y  the  deceafe  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  IfTue  of  K\ng  Henry  ^I'^-'^'J""^^ 
|-^  failed;  being  fpent  in  one  Generation,  and  three  Succeffions.    For'^j^^^^^^^jg, 
1  J  that  King,  the'  one  of  the  goodlieft  Perfons  of  his  time,  yet  hkvolves  upon 
by  his  fix  Wives  but  three  Children  ;  who  reigning  fucceffively,  and  dying  James  Vl. «/ 
childlefs,  made  place  for  the  Line  of  Margaret,  his  eldeft  Siller,  married  ^'^°^'^'*' 
to  James  IV.   of  Scotland.     There  fuccceded,  therefore,  to  the  Kingdom  of 
England,  James  VI.  then  King  of  Scotland ;  defcended  of  the  fame  Margaret, 
both  by  Father  and  Mother  :  fo  that  by  an  extraordinary  Event  in  the  Pe- 
digree of  Kings,  it  feemed  as  if  the  Divine  Providence,  to  extinguifh  all 
Envy,  and  Note  of  a  Stranger,  had  doubled  upon  his  Perfon,  within  the 
Circle  of  one  Age,  the  Royal  Blood  of  England  by  both  Parents. 

2.  This  Succeflion  drew  the  Eyes  of  all  Men  towards  it ;  being  one  of  the  The  EffeS  of 
moft  memorable  Accidents  that  had  appear'd  for  a  long  time  in  the  Chri- '^"  •^«'^"#''"'' 
ftian  World,  For  the  Kingdom  of  France  having  been  reunited  the  Age  be-  ^l^"^^^^" 
fore,  in  all  the  Provinces  thereof,  which  were  formerly  difmembred ;  and  ■' 

the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  being  of  later  date  united,  and  made  entire,  by 
the  annexing  of  Portugal,  in  the  Perfon  of  Philipll.  there  remained  but  this 
third  and  laft  Union  for  balancing  the  Power  of  thefe  three  great  Monar- 
chies ;  and  difpofing  of  the  Affairs  of  Europe  to  a  more  afTured  and  univerfal 
Peace. 

3.  This  Event  was  the  more  admired,  becaufe  the  Ifland  of  Great  Britain,  England  and 
divided  from  the  reft  of  the  World,  was  never  before  united  in  itfelf  under  Scotlmd  ne- 

'  ler  umtedun- 

^^^  dir  one  Kini 

*  The  Defign  of  the  following  Specimen,  or  Beginning  of  the  Hiftory  of  Great  Britain,  ni»y    •' 
be  learnt  from  the  Author's  Letters  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  the  King  himfeif,  oa  this  Sub- 
jed.     See  Supplement  V.  Seft.  I.    See  siio  De  Augment.  Scientiar.  Seft.I.  16. 


304  T'he   Begt7t7ii7ig  of  a   History 

one  King;  notwichftanding  the  People  are  of  one  Language  ;  and  not  fe- 
p.irated  by  Mountains,  or  great  Waters :  and  notwitiiftanding  alio,  that  the 
uniting  of  them  had  been  in  former  times  induftrioufly  attempted,  both  by 
War  and  Treaty. 
AWorhofVra-     4.  It  therefore  feem'd  a  manifeft  Work  of  Providence,  referved  for  thefe 
■vidtnce  ac-    Ximes  ;  infomiich  that  the  Vulgar  conceived  there  was  now  an  end  to  fuper- 
ctrtninira-    ft'tious  Prophecies,  (the  Belief  of  Fools,    but  the  Talk  fometimes  of  wife 
fhecies.  Men;)  and  to  an  ancient  tacit  Expeftation,  which  had  by  tradition  been 

flrongly  infufed  into  Mens  Minds ".     But  as  the  befi  Divinations,  and  Predic- 
tions, are  the  probable  and  political  Conjc^iires,   and  Forefight  of  wife  Men  ;  fo 
the  Forefight  of  King  Hniry  VII.  was  now  in  all  Mens  mouths ;  who,  being 
one  of  the  deepeft,  and   mod  prudent  Princes  in  the  world,  had,  upon  the 
Deliberation  concerning  the  Marriage  of  his  eldeft  Daughter  into  Scotland  % 
fliewed  himfelf,  by  his  Difcourfe,  fenfible,  and  almoft  prefcient  of  this  Event. 
TheReputa-        5-  A  concurrence  likewife  of  feveral  uncommon,  external  Circumftances, 
tion  of  this     gave  great  Reputation  to  this  Succeflion.     A  King  in  the  ftrength  of  his 
Succeffionaus- Yezrs,  fupported  with  great  Alliances  abroad  ;  eftabliflied  with  royal  Iffue 
*ntam  extra-    ^^  home  ;  at  peace  with  all  the  World  ;  and  pradtifed  in  the  Government  of 
ordinary  cir-  iuch  a  Kingdom,  as  might  rather  afford  variety  of  Accidents   to  a  King, 
cumjlancei.     than  corrupt  him  with  Affluence,  or  Vain-Glory  ;  and  one  who,  befides  his 
univerfal  Capacity   and  Judgment,    was  thoroughly  verfed   in   Matters  of 
Religion,  and  the  Church  ;  which  in  thefe  tim;s,  by  the  confufed  ufe  of  both 
Swords,  are  become  fo  intermixed  with  Con  fide  rations  of  State,  that  moft 
Councils  of  fovereign  Princes,  or  Republiiks,  depend  upon  them. 
TheUnani-         6,  B^jt;  nothing  fiU'd  foreign  Nations  more  v.un  admiration,  and  expedla- 
Tr'J'n''"fr    /«/'•''°"  of  this  Succeflion,  than  the  wonderful  and  unexptfted  Confent  of  all 
the  King's  en-  the  Subjefts  ot  lingland,  to  receive  the  King  without  tlie  leaft  Scruple,  Paufe, 
irance.  or  Qu.'ilion.     For  it  had  been  generally  difpcifecl  by  the  Fugitives  beyond 

the  Seas,  that  after  Queen  Elizabeth's  deceafe,  there  n-.uft  follow  in  Eng- 
land noiKm^bwt  Confufions,  Interreigns,  and  Perturbations  of  State,  greater 
than  the  ancient  Calamities  of  the  Civil  IFa's  between  the  Houfes  of  Lan- 
cafler  and  Tork  ;  as  the  Diffenfiors  were  likely  to  be  more  mortal  and  bloody, 
when  foreign  Competition  fhould  be  added   to   dometlick  ;    and  Divifions 
in  Religion,  to  Matters  of  Title  to  the  Crown. 
The  feJitioui        7.   And  in  particular,  Parfons  the  Jefuit,  under  a  difguifed  Name,  had,. 
Book  of  Pir-  not  long  before,  publifhed  an  exprefs  Treatife  ;  wherein,  whether  his  Malice, 
ons  the  je-  ^^^^^  j^jj^^  believe  his  own  Fancies  ;  or  whether  he  thought  it  the  fittefl  way 
to  move  Sedition,  (like  evil  Spirits,  v/hich  fetm  to  foretel  the  Tempcft  they 
mean  to  raile ;)  he  laboured  to  difplay  and  colour  all  the  vain  Pretences 
and  Dreams  of  Succeflion  he  could  devife :  and  had  thus  poflTefs'd  many 
abroad,  who  knew  not  the  Affairs  at  home,  with  his  Vanities. 

8. 

»  The  Prophecy  here  meant,  feems   to  be  this  :     When  HEi^lPE  Is  f^im,  England'^»»*. 
See  the  Author's  Ejf^y  on  Prophecies,  Supplement  XI. 
*  Sec  above,  §.  1 . 


Sed.  11.  o/'GreatBritain.  305 

8.  There  were  alfo  within  tlie  Kingdom  divers  Perfons,  both  wile  And -^^ I  Difiour/e 
well-afteded,  who,    tho' they  queltion'd  not   the  Right,  yet  fetting  before  "/^^^.^"^^^''j^ 
theinfelves    the  Waves  of   Peoples  Hearts,  guided  no  lefs  by  ludden  and  ©  ^il/^jj^j^^ 
temporary  Winds,  than  by  the  natural  Courfe  and  Motion  of  the  Waters,  "^ 
dreaded  the  Event.     For  Queen  Elizabeth  being  a  Princefs  of  extreme  Cau- 
tion, and  yet  one  who  loved  Admiration  above  Safety  ;  and  knowing  the 
Declaration  of  a  Succeflbr  might,  in  point  of  Safety,   be  difputable,  but  in 

point  of  Admiration  and  Refpedl,  affuredly  to  her  diladvantage  ;  had  from  the 
beginning  fee  it  down  for  a  iVIaxim  of  State,  to  impofe  a  filence  as  to  the 
Succeffion  '.  Nay,  it  was  not  only  referved  as  a  Secret  of  S:ate,  but  reftrain'd 
by  fevere  Laws  ;  that  no  Perfon  Ihould  prefume  to  give  opinion,  or  argue 
about  the  fame  :  fo  that  tho'  the  evidence  of  the  Right  drew  all  the  Subjecls 
of  the  Land  to  think  one  thing  ;  yet  the  fear  of  the  Law,  made  no  Man 
privy  to  others  Thoughts.  It  therefore  rejoiced  all  Men  to  fee  fo  fair  a 
Morning  of  a  Kingdom,  and  to  be  thoroughly  fecured  againft  former  Ap- 
prehenfions  •,  as  when  a  Man  wakes  out  of  a  frightful  Dream. 

9.  And  thus  not  only  the  Confent,  but  the  Applaufe  and  Joy  was  infinite,  Thegrtat  and 
and  inexpreffible,  throughout  the  Kingdom,  upon  this  Succeffion.  The  Con  -  «"'^'ly^'  7<^ 
fent  may  be  truly  afcribed  to  the  clearnefs  of  the  Right  ;  but  the  general  5^^'*" '^""'-^ 
Joy,  Alacrity,  and  Gratulation,  were  the  Effeds  of  differing  Caufes.     For 

Qiieen  EHzaheth,  alcho'  Hie  had  many  Virtues,  and  ufed  many  Demon- 
ftrations,  that  might  draw  and  knit  the  Hearts  of  her  People  to  her  •,  yet 
carrying  a  clofe  hand  in  Gifts,  and  a  high  one  in  points  of  Prerogative,  did 
not  fully  content  either  her  Sei-vants  or  Subjects  •,  efpecially  in  her  later  days, 
when  the  continuance  of  her  Reign,  which  extended  to  five  and  forty  Years, 
might  dilcover  in  People  their  natural  defire  and  inclination  to  change :  fo 
that  a  new  Court,  and  a  new  Reign,  were  not  unwelcome  to  many.  Num- 
bers rejoiced,  and  efpecially  thofe  of  fettled  Eftates  and  Fortunes,  that  their 
Fears  and  Uncertainties  were  blown  over.  Others,  who  had  made  their  way 
with  the  King,  or  offered  their  fervice  in  the  Reign  of  the  Queen,  thought 
now  the  time  was  come  for  wiiich  they  had  prepared  :  and  generally  all  fuch 
as  had  any  dependance  upon  tlie  late  Earl  of  EJfex,  (who  had  mixed  the 
Service  &f  his  own  Ends,  with  the  popular  pretence  of  advancing  the  King's 
Title,)  thought  their  Caufe  better'd. 

ID.  Again,  fuch  as  might  fufped:  they  had  given  the  King  any  o<:c:i^\ox\  TheBehavhur 
of  diftafte,  endeavour'd  by  their  Forwardnefs  and  Confidence,  to  fliew  it  was  "f  '^*/*  *'" 
but  their  Firmnefs  to  the  former  Government;    and  that  thofe  Affsdions^^/^'^'^^';* 
ended  with  the  Time.     The  Papifts  fed  their  Hopes,  by  comparing  the  Cafe  ■vemment. 
of  the  Papifls  in  England,  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  with  that  of  the  Papifts  xhe  fafifti. 
in  Scotland,  under  the  King  ;  conftruing  their  Condition  in  Scotland  the  lefs 
grievous,  and  forming  Coniedures  of  the  King's  Government  here  according- 
ly :  befides  the  Comfort  they  miniftred  to  themielves,  from  the  Memory  of 
the  Queen  his  Mother.     The  Miniftcrs,  and  thofe  who  ftood  for  the  Pref  The  Treih- 
bytery,  thought  their  Caufe  fympathized  more  with  the  Difcipline  of  Scot-  tery. 

*  See  the  Charafter  of  this  Queen,  Supplement  III. 

Vol.  I,  Rr  land 


3o6  'The   Beginning  of  a  History,  ^c, 

land,  than  with  the  Hii-rarchy  of  Jlngland;  and  fo  took  themfelves  to  be  a 
degree  nearer  their  Defires.  Thus  all  Conditions  of  Perfons  promis'd 
themfelves  fome  future  Advantage  ;  which  they  might,  perhaps,  over-rate, 
according  to  the  nature  of  Hope  •,  yet  not  without  fome  probable  ground 
of  Conjecture. 
The  Khfs  u.  At  this  time  alfo  came  forth  in  print  the  King's  Book,  entitled 
frir' £«'!'"' ^*'''^'"^''  ^^-'P""'  containing  Matter  of  Inftrudtion  to  the  Prince  his  Son,  as 
trance.  '  ^^  ^^'^  Office  of  a  King  ;  which  Book  flilling  into  every  Man's  hand,  fill'd  the 
whole  Kingdom  as  with  a  good  Perfume,  or  Incenfe,  before  the  King's  com- 
ing in  :  for  being  excellently  written,  and  having  nothing  of  Affcdation, 
it  not  only  fatisfied  better  than  particular  Reports  of  the  King's  Difpofition -, 
but  far  exceeded  any  formal  or  curious  Edift,  or  Declaration,  which  could 
have  been  devifed,  of  that  nature  wherewith  Princes,  in  the  beginning  of 
their  Reigns,  ufually  grace  themfelves  ;  or  at  leaft,  exprefs  themfelves  gra- 
cious in  the  eyes  of  their  People ».  And  thus  much  for  the  general  State  and 
Conftitution  of  Mens  Minds  upon  this  Change  :  the  Adlions  tlicmfelves  paf- 
fed  in  the  following  manner  ^. 

'  The  Author  ieems  to  have  wrote  this  Specimen  to  oblige  the  King  j  to  whom  it  was  pre- 
fented. 
^"  For  the  continuatiQn  of  the  Hillory  here  begun,   fee  Burnet,  Herbert,  Thuanus,  Larrey,  &f . 


S  U  P- 


SUPPLEMENT   III. 

Containing  the 

L   I   V     E   S 

O  R, 

CIVIL  CHARACTERS 

O  F 

JULIUS  CESAR. 
AUGUSTUS  CJESAK. 
King  HENRY    VII.    and, 
Queen  ELIZABETH. 


Rr   2 


(  309  ) 


PREFACE. 


TH  E  Four  following  Pieces,  are  all  that  the  Author  appears  to  have  wrote 
in  the  ivay  of  Charafter  or  Biography.  The  Advantages  of  this  kind 
oflFriting  are  Jhewn,  and  the  PraHice  of  it  recommended,  in  the  de  Augmen- 
tis  Scientiarum  =•.  It  is  a  Practice  thai  nowfeems  to  obtain  pretty  generally  in 
Europe  ;  and  affords  us  the  Lives  of  many  eminent  Perfons,  both  publick  and 
private.  Whether  the  Author  had  any  particular  View  in  drawing  the  Civil 
Characfers  o/ Julius  and  Auguftus  Cceiar  ;  or  whether  he  intended  to  have  gone 
through  with  the  Twelve  Cjefars  in  the  fame  manner,  does  not  appear. 

The  Character  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh  is  taken  from  the  Recapitulation 
cf  the  Englidi  Hiftory  of  that  Prince  ;  collated  with  the  Author's  Latin  Ver- 
Jion  :  and  the  refi  are  new  tranflated  from  the  Latin  Originals. 

»  See  Se6t.  I.  17-  of  that  Piece. 


A 


(  310  ) 


I. 

ACmlCbaraBer  <  JULIUS  CAESAR. 


rheteneritl     I.  i^^  Ulius  C(Bfar,  at  the  firft  encountered  a  rugged  Fortune;    which 
rortmt  and  ~f    turned  to  his  advantage :  for  this  curbed  his  Pride,  and  fpurr'd 

Temper  of  ^       his  Induftry.     He  was  a  Man  of  unruly  Paflions,  and  Defires  i 

Caslar.  j^^j.  extremely  clear  and  fettled  in  his  Judgment  and  Underftanding  :  as  ap- 

pears by  his  ready  Addrefs,  to  extricate  himfelf  both  in  Adion  and  Dif- 
courfe  ;  for  no  Man  ever  refolved  quicker,  or  fpoke  clearer.  But  his  Will 
and  Appetite  were  reftlefs,  and  ever  launched  out  beyond  his  Acquifitions ; 
yet  the  Tranfitions  of  his  Aftions  were  not  rafh,  but  well  concerted:  for  he 
always  brought  his  Undertakings  tocompleat  and  perfeft  Periods.  Thus,  af- 
ter having  obtained  numerous  Vidtories,  and  procured  a  great  degree  of  Se- 
curity in  Sfahi  \  he  did  not  flight  the  Remains  of  the  Civil  War  in  that 
Country  ;  but  having,  in  Perfon,  feen  all  things  fully  compofed  and  fettled 
there,  he  immediately  went  upon  his  Expedition  againft  the  Parthians. 
Mil  vieits  2.  He  was,  without  difpute,  a  Man  of  a  great  and  noble  Soul ;  tho'  ra- 

feljijlr.  ther  bent  upon  procuring  his  own  private  advantage,  than  good  to  the  Pub- 

lick  :  for  he  referred  all  things  to  himfelf-,  and  was  the  trucft  Centre  of  his 
own  Aftions.  Whence  flowed  his  great  and  almoft  perpetual  Felicity  and 
Succefs:  for  neither  his  Country,  nor  Religion,  neither  good  Offices,  Re- 
lations, nor  Friends,  could  check  or  moderate  his  Defigns.  Again,  he  was 
not  greatly  bent  upon  prefciving  his  Memory  ■,  for  he  neither  eftabliflied  a 
State  of  things,  built  lafting  Monuments,  nor  enadted  Laws  of  perpetuity  ; 
but  worked  entirely  for  his  own  prefent  and  private  Ends  -,  thus  confining 
his  Thoughts  widiin  the  Limits  of  his  own  Times.  'Tis  true,  he  endea- 
voured after  Fame  and  Reputation,  as  he  judged  they  might  be  of  fervice 
to  his  Defigns ;  but  certainly,  in  his  Heart,  he  rather  aimed  at  Power,  than 
Dignity  -,  and  courted  Reputation  and  Honours  only  as  they  were  Inftru- 
ments  of  Power  and  Grandeur.  So  that  he  was  led,  not  by  any  laudable 
Courfe  of  Difcipline,  but  by  a  kind  of  natural  Impulfe,  to  the  Sovereign- 
ty ;  which  he  rather  afFeded  to  feize,  than  appear  to  deferve. 

3.  This 


f..  He  h:\d  the  perfcft  Secret  of  cxunguilliing  Envy  •,  and  thought  it  pro-  His  Thirjl  of 
in  his  Proceedings  lo  fecure  this  Effeft,  tho'  with  fome  diminution  of  J?«wfr. 


StOi.  II.      ^  Civil  CharaSier  of  ]  v  l  lu  s>   Cjbs  a  r.  311 

3.  This  Procedure  ingratiated  him  with  the  People,  who  had  no  Digni-  Favoured  &y 
ty  to   lofe ;  but,  among  the  Nobility  and    Gentry,  who  defircd  to  retain ''^'^^"^'Z'^"' 
their  Honours,  it  gained  him  the  Charadlerofa  bold,  afpiring  Man.    And  ^//^//^"^«//j' 
certainly  they  judged  right  •,  for  he  was  naturally  very  audacious,  and  never /;»?/<. 
put  on  the  Appearance  of  Modefty,  but  to  ferve  a  turn.     Yet  this  daring 
Spirit  of  his  was  fo   tempered,  that  it  neither  fubjcfted  him  to  the  Cenfure 
of  Rafhnefs,  or  intolerable  Haughtinefs ;  nor  rendered  his  Nature  fufpedted  : 
but  was  taken  to  proceed  from  a  certain  Simplicity,  and  Freedom  of  Bdm- 
viour,  joined  with  the  Nobility  of  his  Birth.     And  in  all  other  refpeits  he 
had  the  Reputation,  not  of  a  cunning  and  defigning,  but  of  an  open  and  fin- 
cere  Man.     And  tho'  he  was  a  perkd:  Mafter  of  Diffimulation,  and  wholly 
made  up  of  Art,  without  leaving  any  thing  to  Nature  but  what  Art  had 
approved-,  yet  nothing  of  Dcfign  or  Affcdlation  appeared  in  his  Carriage: 
fo  that  he  was  thought  to  follow  his  own  natural  Difpofition.     He  did  not, 
however,  fboop  to  any  mean  Artifices,  which  Men  unpraftifed  in  the  World, 
who  depend  not  upon  their  own  Strength,  but  the  Abilities  of  others,   em- 
ploy to  fupport  their  Authority  :  for   he  was  perfedlly  skilled  in  all  the  ways 
of  Men  -,  and  tranfifted  every  thing  of  confequence  in  his  own  Perfon,  with- 
out the  Interpofition  of  others. 

4- 
per 

his  Dignity.  For  being  wholly  bent  upon  real  Power,  he  almoll  conftant- 
ly  declined,  and  contentedly  poftponed  all  the  empty  Show,  and  gaudy  Ap- 
pearance of  Greatnefs -,  till  at  length,  whether  latiated  v.  ith  Enjoyment,  or 
corrupted  by  Flattery,  he  atfecSted  even  the  Enfigns  of  Royalty  -,  the  Style 
and  Diadem  of  a  King  :  which  proved  his  ruin.  He  entertained  the  thought  ■j-;,^  means 
of  Dominion  from  his  very  youth  :  and  this  was  eafily  fuggeftcd  to  him  by  whereiy  he 
the  Example  of  SyLi,  the  Affinity  oi  Marin s,  the  Emulation  of  Pumpey,  obmned  it. 
and  the  Corruption  and  Troubles  of  the  Times.  But  he  paved  his  way  to 
it  in  a  wonderful  manner  :  firft,  by  a  popular  and  feditious,  and  afterwards 
by  a  military  and  imperial  Force.  For  at  the  entrance  he  was  to  break 
thro'  the  Power  and  Authority  of  the  Senate  •,  which  remaining  entire,  there 
was  no  paffage  to  an  immoderate  and  extraordinary  Sovereignty.  Next,  the 
Power  of  Crajpis  a.nd  Poinpey  was  to  be  fubdued  ;  which  couid  not  be  but  by 
Arms.  And  therefore,  like  a  skilful  Architect  of  his  own  Fortune,  he  be- 
gun and  carried  on  his  firfl  Strufture  by  LargefTes  -,  by  corrupting  the  Courts 
of  Juftice  i  by  renewing  the  Memory  of  Caius  Marias,  and  his  Party  ; 
whiJft  moft  of  the  Senators  and  Nobility  were  oi'  Sylla's  Faftion  :  by  the 
jigrarian  L.aws  ;  by  feditious  Tribunes,  whom  he  inftigited  ;  by  tlic:  Fury 
of  Catiiine,  and  his  Confpirators,  whom  he  fecretly  favoured  ;  by  the  Ba- 
nifiiment  of  Cicero,  upon  whom  the  Authority  of  the  Senate  turned  ;  and 
other  the  like  Artifices  :  but  whar  finifhed  the  Affair,  was  the  Alliance  of 
Crajfus  and  Pompej,  joined  with  himfelf.  mrki  on  h 

5.  Having   thus  fecured  all  Matters  on  this  fide,  he  direflly  turned  to  I/"' 
the  oth  r  ;  he  was  now  made  Proconful  of  Gaul  for  five  years,  and  after-  "' 
wards  continued  for  five  more  ;  he  was  furniflied  with  Arms,  Legions,  :•-- 


2  comirr; 


o  1 2  A  Civil  CharaSier  <?/'JuliusC^sar.     Se£l.  II. 

commanded  a  warlike  Province,  adjacent  to  Italy.     For  lie  knew,  that  af- 
ter he  liad  (Irengchened  himfelf  with  Arms,  and  a  military  Power,  neither 
Crajfus  nor  Pompey  could  make  head  againft  him ;  the  one  trufting  to  his 
Riches,  the  other  to  his  Fame  and  Reputation  -,  the  one  decaying  in  Age, 
the  other  in  Authority  ;  and  neither  of  them  refting  upon  true  and  folid 
Foundations.     And  all  this  fuccceded  to   his  Wifli  ;  efpecially   as  he  had 
bound,  and  obliged  all  the  Senators,  Magiftrates,  and  thofe  who  had  any 
Power,  fofiiriily  to  himfelf,  by  private  Benefits,  that  he  feared  no  Confpi- 
racy,   or  Combination  againft  his  Defigns  -,  till  he  had  openly  invaded  the 
State.     And  tho'  this  was  ever  his  Scheme,  and  at  laft  put  in  execution,  yet 
he  did  not  unmask  ;  but  what  by  the  reafonablenefs  of  his  Demands,  his 
Pretf-nces  of  Peace,  and  moderating  hisSucceffes,  he  turned  the  whole  load 
of  Envy  upon  the  oppofue  Party  •,  and  appeared  to  take  Arms  of  neceffity, 
for  his  own  Prefervation  and  Safety.     The  Emptinefs  of  this  Pretence  ma- 
nifeltly  appeared,  when   the  Civil  Wars  were  ended  •,  all  his  Rivals,  that 
might  give  him  any  difturbance,  flain ;  and  he  poflefled  of  the  Regal  Pow- 
er :  for  now  he  never  once  thought  of  reftoring  the  Republick  5  nor  fo  much 
as  pretended  it.     Which  plainly  fliewed,    as  the  Event  confirmed,  that  his 
Defigns  were  all  along  upon  the  Sovereignty  •,  and  accordingly  he  never  fei- 
zed  Occafionsas  they  happened,  but  rais'd  and  worked  them  out  himfelf. 
_        6.  His  principal  Talent  lay  in  military  Matters  i  wherein  he  foexcell'd, 
le"/[nMili'  tha.t  he  could  not  only  lead,  but  mould   an  Army  to  his  Mind.     For  he 
tary Affairs,    was  as  skilful  in  governing  Men's  Paffions,  as  in  condufting  Affairs:    and 
this  he  did  not  by  any  ordinary  Difcipline,  that  taught   his  Soldiers  Obe- 
dience, flung  them  with  Shame,  or  awed  them  by  Severity  ;  but  in  fuch  a 
manner,  as  railed  a  furprizing  Ardour  and  Alacrity  in  them,  and  made  them 
confident  of  Viftory  and  Succefs  ;    thus  endearing  the  Soldiery  to  him,  more 
than  was  convenient  for   a  free  State.     And  as  he  was  well  verfed  in  War 
of  all   kinds,  and  as  he  joined   Civil  and  Military  Arts  together-,  nothing 
could  come  fo  fuddenly  upon  him,  but  he  had  an  Expedient  ready  for  it  ■, 
nothing  fo  adverfe,  but  he  drew  Ibme  advantage  from  it. 
}ji<ConJuciin     7-  He  had  a  due  regard  to  his  Perfon  ;  for  in  great  Battles  he  would  fit 
(Var.  •'  in  his  Pavilion,  and  manage  all  by  Adjutants.     Whence  he  received  a  dou- 

ble advantage  •,  as  thus  coming  the  feldomcr  in  Danger  •,  and  in  cafe  of 
an  unfortunate  turn,  could  animate  and  renew  the  Fight,  by  his  own  Pre- 
fence,  as  by  a  frefli  Supply.  In  all  his  Military  Preparations  he  did  not 
fquare  himfelf  to  Precedents  only  ;  but  ever  with  exquifite  Judgment,  took 
new  Meafures,  according  to  the  prefent  Exigence. 
Hh  rriend-  8.  He  was  conftant,  fingularly  beneficent,  and  indulgent  in  his  Friend- 
fl'ifi-  ihips  :  but  made  fuch  choice  of  Friends,  as  eafily  fhewed  that  he  fought  for 

thofe  who  might  forward,  and  not  obftrud  his  Defigns.  And  as  he  was  both 
by  Nature  and  Habit  led,  not  to  be  eminent  among  great  Men,  but  to  com- 
mand among  Inferiors,  he  made  Friends  of  mean  and  induftrious  Perfons,  to 
whom  he  alone  gave  Law.  As  for  the  Nobility,  and  his  equals,  he  contrafled 
Friendfliip  with  them  juft  as  they  might  ferve  his  turn ;  and  admitted  none 
to  his  Intimacies,  but  fuch  v/nofe  whole  Expedations  centered  upon  him. 

5.  He 


A  Civil  CharaBer  of  Augustus  C^ s a r.  313 

9.  He  was  tolerably  learned  ;  but  chiefly  in  what  related  to  Civil  Policy.  Hij  Unming,- 
For  he  was  well  verfed  in  Hiftory  -,    and    perfedlly  underftood  both  the 

Edge  and  Weight  of  Words  V  and  becaufe  he  attributed  much  to  his  good 
Stars,  he  aftefted  to  bethought  skilful  in  Aftronomy.  His  Eloquence  was 
natural  to  him,  and  pure. 

10.  He   was  given  to  Pleafures,  and  profufe  in  them  ;  which  fervcd  at  H'n  vliafurcs. 
hisfirft  fetting  out  as  a  Cloak  to  his  Ambition  :  for  no  Danger  was  appre- 
hended from  oneof  thiscaft.     Yet  he  fo  governed  his  Pleafures,  that   they 

were  no  prejudice  to  himfelf,  nor  bufinefs  ;  but  rather  whet  than  blunted  the 
Vigour  of  his  Mind.  He  was  temperate  in  Diet;  not  delicate  in  his  A- 
mours  •,  and  plcafant  and  magnificent  at  publick  Shews. 

11.  This  being  his  Charafter,  the  fime  thing  at  Lift  was  the  means  of  wi;  £«,f. 
his  Fall,  which  at  firft  was  a  ftep  to  his  Rile  ;   "oiz.  his  AfFeftation  of  Popu- 
larity :  for  nothing  is  more  popular  than  to  forgive  our  Enemies  ^    Thro* 
which  virtue,  or  cunning,  he  loft  his  Life. 

ir. 
ACivilChara&er  of  AUGUSTUS   CAESAR. 

T  F  ever  Mortal  had  a  great,  ferene,  well-regulated  Mind,  it  was  Au- 
^  gujlus  Cafar :  as  appears  by  the  heroical  Adlions  of  his  early  Youth. 
For  men  of  a  turbulent  nature  commonly  pafs  their  youth  in  various  Er- 
rors-,  and  in  their  middle  age,  firft  begin  to  fliew  themftlves :  but  thofe  of 
a  fedate  and  calm  Diipofition  may  fliine  even  in  the  bud.  And  as  the  per- 
feftion  of  the  Mind,  like  that  of  the  Body,  confifts  in  Health,  Gracefulnefs, 
and  Strength  •,  in  the  latter  he  was  inferior  to  his  Uncle  JtiHus  ;  bvit  in  Beau- 
ty and  Health  of  Mind  fuperior.  For  Julius  Cafar  being  of  a  reftlefs,  dif- 
co.mpofed  Spirit,  as  thofe  generally  prove  who  are  troubled  with  the  falling- 
ficknefs,  yet  cleared  the  way  to  his  own  Ends,  with  the  utmoft  Addrefs  and 
Prudence.  His  Error  was  the  not  rightly  fixing  his  Ends  -,  but  with  an  in- 
fatiable  and  unnatural  Appetite  ftill  purfuing  farther  Views.  Whereas  Au~ 
guftus,  fober  and  mindful  of  his  Mortality,  feemed  to  have  thoroughly  weigh'd 
his  Ends;  and  laid  them  down  in  admirable  order.  For  firft  he  defired 
to  have  the  Sovereign  Rule  ;  next  he  endeavoured  to  appear  worthy  of  it ; 
then  thought  it  but  reafonable,  as  a  Man,  to  enjoy  his  exalted  Fortune ; 
and  hftly,  he  turned  his  Thoughts  to  fuch  Adtions,  as  might  perpetuate  his 
Name,  and  tranfmit  fome  Image  and  Effeft  of  his  Government  to  Futurity. 
Hence  in  his  Youth  he  affefted  Power  ;  in  his  middle  Age,  Dignity  ;  in  his 
Decline  of  Life,  Pleafure  ;  and  in  his  old  Age,  Fame,  and  the  Good  of 
Pofterity. 

»  See  fome  of  his  Sayings  in  Supplement  VI.  under  the  Article  Cafar.     See  alfo  ihsdtulng- 
fuentii  Scie>.:iArum.     Prelim.  Seft.  III.  6f. 
^  See  the  Author's  EJfuy  ou  Charity.     Suri'i.KMENT  XI.   Scft.I. 

Vol.  I.  Sr  A 


314  .  A  Civil  CharaBer  of  King  Hzii  ay  Vlh 

m. 
A  Civil  CharaBer  of  King   HENRY   VII. 

This  King  a  i.^TPHIS  King  was  that  kind  of  Miracle,  which  affedls  wife  Men  ;  but 
Mirror  for  the  1  does  not  ftrike  the  ignorant.  There  are  numerous  Particulars,  both 
^^'^^'  in  his  Virtues  and  his  Fortune,  not  fo  fit  for  Common -place,  as  for  grave 

and  prudent  Obfervation. 
His  Religion        2.  He  was  Certainly  religious,  both  in  his  Temper  and  Behaviour.  And 
anilAascf    pg  j-je  could  fee  clearly,  for  thofe  times,  into  Superftition  ;  fo  he  would  be 
charity.        bonded  now  and  then  thro'  Policy.     He  promoted   Ecclefiafticks  ;  and  was 
tender  in  the   Privilege  of  Sanftuaries,  tho'  they  caufed  him  fo  much  mif- 
chief     He  built  and  endowed  many  Religious  Houfes,  befides  his  memora- 
ble Hofpital  of  the  Savoy:  yet  he  was  a  great  Alms-giver  in  fecret  ;  which 
fhews,  that  his  Works  in  publick,  were  dedicated  to    God's  Glory,    not 
his  own. 
His  love  of         3-  He  always  profefled  to  love  and  feek  Peace  ;  and  it  was  hisufual  Pre- 
Veace.  face  in  his  Treaties,    That  when  Chrift  came  into  the  World.,  Peace  was  fung  ; 

and  -ivben  he  went  out  of  it.  Peace  was  bequeathed.     This  could  not  be  im- 
puted to  fear,  or  foftnefs  in  him,  being  a  martial  and  adtive  Man  •,  but  was 
doubtlefs  a  truly  Chriftian  and  Moral  Virtue.  Yet  he  knew  the  way  to  Peace 
was  not  to  feem  too  defirous  of  it :  and  therefore  he  would  frequently  raife 
Reports,  and  feign  Preparations  for  War,  till  he  had  mended  the  Condi- 
tions of  Peace. 
His  great  Sue-      4.  It  was  alfo  remarkable,  that  being  fo  great  a  lover  of  Peace,  he  fliould 
cefs  in  iTar.    j^g  f^  fuccefsful  in  War.     For  both  his  foreign  and  domeftick  Wars  were  fo 
fortunate,  that  he  never  knew  a  Difafter.     The  War  at  his  coming  in,  and 
the  Rebellions  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  the  Lord  Jwdley,  he  terminated 
by  Vidory  :  the  Wars  of  France  and  S/ain  by  Peace,  fought  at  h's  Ivands  : 
the  Wm-  of  Britain,  by  the  accidental  Death  ofrhe  Duke:  the  Infurrcdiott- 
of  the  Lord  Lo^'(f/ i  a.nd  xhu  of  Perkin  dt  Exefer  ;  ^nd\n  Kent,  by  the  Flight 
of  the  Rebels,  before  they  came  to  blows:  fo  that  his  Felicity  in  Arms  was 
ftill  peculiar  and  inviolate  ;  perhaps  chiefly  becaufe  in  fupprefling  Rebellions 
be  ever  appeared  inperfon.    The  Firft  of  the  Battle  he  would  fometimes 
leave  to  his  Lieutenants ;  reierving  himfelf  to  fecond  the  Onfet ;  but  he  was 
ever  in  fome  part  of  the  Aftion.     Yet  this  proceeded  not  from  Warmth  or 
Bravery  in  him  ;  but  partly  from  a  Diftruft  of  others. 
His  regard  to     5-  He  always  greatly  countenanced  the  Laws  of  the  Kingdom,  and  would 
theUvs.       feem  to  maintain  them  by  his  own  Authority  •,  tho' this  he  did,  withoutany 
way  falling  fhort  of  his  Ends :  for  he  held  the  Reins  of  the  Laws  fo  com- 
modioufly,  as  to  lofe  no  part  either  of  his  Revenue  or  Prerogative.     And  yet, 
as  he  would  fometimes  wind  up  the  Laws  to  his  Prerogative ;  fo  he  would,  ac 
others,  purpofely  lower  his  Prerogative  to  his  Parliament.  For  tho'  the  Regu- 

latioa 


A  Civil  CharaBer  of  King  Henry  Vll.  315 

lation  of  the  Mint,  Treaties  of  Peace,  and  the  Affairs  of  the  Army,  are  mat- 
ters ofabfolute  Right,  yet  he  would  often  refer  thefe  to  Parliament. 

6.  Juftice  was  well  adminiflred  in  his  Time  ;  except  where  the  King  wasx/fee  Aimlni- 
Party;  and  excepting  alfo,  that  the  Privy-Council  intermeddled  too  much  A"'»""  «/7"' 
in  Cafes  of  Afc'am  and  Tuum.     For   ti\e  Council  was  then  a  mere  Court  of-^'f"    " 
Juftice;  efpecially  in  the  beginning  of  his  Reign.     But  in  that  part  of  Ju- 

llice  and  Policy,  which  is  durable,  and  carved,  as  it  were,  in  Brafs,  and  Mar- 
ble, viz.  The  making  of  good  Lau's,  he  greatly  excelled. 

7.  His  Juftice  alfo  was  mixed  with  Mercy  ;  for  in  his  Reign  but  three  ofnh  Mercy. 
the  Nobility  fuffered  capitally  ;  viz.  the  Earl  of  TVavjaick,  the  Lord  Cham- 
berlain, and  the  L.ord  Aivdley.     Tho'  the  two  former  were  as  numbers,  in 
refpeft  to  the  Virulence  and  Hatred  of  the  People.     But  never  were  fuch 

great  Rebellions  known  to  be  expiated  with  fo  little  Blood,  flied  by  the 
Sword  of  Juftice,  as  the  two  extraordinary  ones  of  Exeter  and  Blackheath. 
His  general  Pardons  to  the  Rebels  ever  went  both  before  and  after  his  Sword. 
But  then  he  had  a  ftrange  method  of  interchanging  ample,  and  unexpefted. 
Pardons  with  fevere  Executions.  Which,  confidering  his  Wifdom,  could 
not  be  attributed  to  any  Inconftancy,  or  Wavering  ;  but  either  to  fome  fecrec 
Reafon  ;  or  to  a  certain  Rule  he  had  prefcribed  himfelf,  to  Irs  both  Corro- 
Jives  and  Lenitives^   b\'  turns. 

8.  But  the  lef'^  Blood  he  drew,  the  more  Treafure  he  ufually  took  ;  and,  hU  dnietoHf- 
asfome  malicioufly  conilrued  it,  he  was  fparing  in  the  one,   that  he  might  »</J  «"''Of- 
fqueeze  the  more  in  the   other:  for  to  have  taken  both,  would  indeed  have  ^'''•^'""" 
been  intolerable.     Doubtlefs  he  was  naturally  inclined  to  hoarding  ;  and  ad- 
mired  Riches  too  much  for  one  in  fo  high  a  fphere.     And  indeed  he  was 
touched  with  Remorfe  at  his  death,  for  having   oppreffed  his  People,  and 
extorted  Money,  by  ways  of  all  kinds.     This  Excels  of  his  had,  at  that  time, 

many  Interpretations.  Some  were  of  opinion,  that  the  perpetual  Rebellions 
wherewith  he  had  been  harafs'd,  drove  him  to  hate  his  People  ;  fome,  that 
it  tended  to  abate  the  Fiercenefsof  his  Subjeds,  by  keeping  them  low  -,  others, 
that  he  intended  to  leave  a  Golden  Fleece  to  his  Son  ;  and  others,  in 
fine,  that  he  had  fome  fecret  defign  of  a  foreign  War.  But  thofe,  per- 
haps, come  neareft  the  Truth,  who  impute  it  to  Nature,  Years,  Peace,  and 
a  Mind  taken  up  with  no  other  Ambition,  or  Purfuit.  Whereto  may  be 
added,  that  having  frequent  occafion  to  obferve  the  Neceffities  and  Shifts 
which  other  Princes  were  drove  to  for  Money  ;  this  ftrongly  fhewed  him 
the  Felicity  that  attends  full  Coffers. 

9.  In    expending  of  Treafure,  he  kept    this  Rule,  never  to  fpare  any  Hh  Expencei. 
Charge  his  Affairs  required.     In  his  Buildings  he  was  magnificent;  in  his 
Rewards  clofe-handed :  fo  that  his  Liberality  extended  rather  to  what  re- 
garded himfelf,  and  his  own  Memory,    than  to  the  rewarding  of  Merit. 

10.  He  was  of  a  high  and  exalted  Mind  ;  a  lover  of  his  own  Opinion,  and  His  Temper 
his  own  Way  ;  as  one  that  revered  himfelf,  and  would  reign  alone.  Had  he*"''  '"^'■"^ 
been  a  private  Man,  doubtlefs  he  would  have  been  termed  proud.     But  in 

a  wife  Prince,  it  was  no  more  than  keeping  a  juft  and  due  diftance  between 
himfelf  and  his  Subjeds  ;  which  he  conftantly  did  towards  all  ;  not  admitting 
any  one  a  near  Approach,  either  to  his  Authority,  or  Secrets.     For  he  was 

S  f  2  governed 


316  A  Civil  CharaSier  of  King  Henry  VII. 

governed  by  none  about  him.     His  Confort,  the  Queen,  who  had  blefled 
him  with  feveral  Children,  and  with  a  Crown  alio,  tho'  he  would  not  ac- 
knowledge it,  could  do  little  with  him.     His  Mother  he  indeed   reveren- 
ced much  ;  but  feldom  admitted  her  to  a  fhare  of  his  Counfels.     He  had  no 
Perfon  agreeable  to  him  for  Converfation  -,  unlefs  we  fliould  account  for  fuch, 
Bifliop  Faxand  i?rayand  £/w/)/o;r,  becaule  they  were  frequently   with  him  : 
but  it  was  as   the  Tool   is    with  the  Workman.     He  had  as  little  Vain- 
glory as  any  other  Prince  ;    tho'  without  any  diminution  of  State  and 
Majefty,  which  he  ever  kept  up  to   the  height ;  being   fenfible,  that  the 
Reverence  of  Majefty  holds  the  People  in  Obedience:  vvhilft  Vain-glory, 
if  rightly  confidered,  proftitutes  Princes  to  popular  Breath. 
iiii  AMuncts.       II.  He  was  juft  and  conftant  to  his  Confederates,  but  clofe  and  cautious. 
He   fcarched  into  them  fo   much,  yet  kept   himfelf  fo  clofe,  and  referved, 
that  they  flood  as  it  were  in  the  Light  to  him,  and  he  in  the  Dark  to  them. 
*■    But  this  was  carried  without  any  appearance  of  Secrecy  -,    and  rather  with 
the  fliew  of  Franknefs  and  Familiarity,  as  one  who  communicated  his  own 
Affairs  to  others,  and  at  the  fame  time  enquired  into  theirs. 
HisBehaviour      jj.  As  for  the  little  Envies  and  Emulations,  which  ufually  pafs  between 
h'-Tch'^'alei  Pri"^^^,  to  the  detriment  of  their  Affairs  ;  he  had  nothing  of  them  •,  but  wtnt 
ahe»^.  earneftly  and  fubftantially  about  tranfading  his  Bufinefs.     His  Reputation, 

tho' great  at  home,  was  ftill  greater  abroad.  P'or  Foreigners,  who  could  not 
fee  the  Condufl,  and  particular  Paffagcs  of  his  Affairs,  but  only  the  Con- 
clufions  and  general  lifues  of  them,  oblerved  that  he  was  ever  in  ftrifc,  and 
ever  fuperior.  It  was  partly  occafioned  alfo  by  the  Letters  and  Relations  of 
foreign  Ambafladors,  who  attended  his  Court  in  great  numbers  -,  for  thefe 
he  not  only  pleafed  by  Courtefy,  Reward,  and  fimiliar  ConveriUrion  ;  but 
alfo  raifed  their  Admiration,  by  difcovering  an  univerfal  Knowledge  of  the 
Affairs  of  Europe.  Which,  tho'  he  had  chiefly  drawn  from  the  Ambafla- 
dors  themfclves,  and  their  Informations  ;  yet  what  he  had  gathered  from 
them  all,  feemed  extraordinary  to  every  particular.  So  that  they  always 
wrote  to  their  Superiors  in  high  Terms,  of  his  Wifdom,  and  Policy.  Nay, 
when  returned  to  their  feveral  Countries,  they  frequently  gave  him  Intelli- 
gence by  Letter,  of  all  Occurrences  that  happen'd  worthy  of  note  ;  fuch  a 
Talent  he  had,  at  ingratiating  himfelf  with  foreign  Minifters. 
His  intelli-  ^3-  He  was  foUicitous  to  procure,  by  all  Methods,  Intelligence  from  eve- 
£e»ee.  ry  quarter  ;  for  which  end,    he  not  only  ufed  the  Induftry  of  foreign  Mini- 

fters, refiding  here,  and  of  his  own  Penfioners,  which  he  kept  at  the  Court 
of  Rome,  and  the  Courts  of  other  Princes ;  but  the  Vigilance  likewife  of 
his  own  Ambalftdors  abroad.  And  with  this  view,  his  Inftrudtions  were 
exaft,  even  to  Curiofity,  and  orderly  digefted  into  Articles  ;  more  of  which 
generally  regarded  Enquiry  than  Negotiation  •,  and  required  diftinfl  and  par- 
ticular Anfwers. 
BlZmiprUs.  14»  As  for  his  Emiflaries,  which  he  fecretly  employed  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  to  difcover  what  Pradices  and  Confpiracies  were  on  foot  againft 
him  -,  they  feem,  in  his  cafe,  to  have  been  exceedingly  necefliiry :  he  had 
fo  many  Moles,  as  il  were,  perpetually  ac  work,  to  undermine  him.  Neither 

can 


A  Civil  CharaSier  of  King  H  e  n  r  ■i'  VII.  3 1 7 

can  this  be  accounted  unlawful.  For  if  Spies  are  approved  in  War,  againft 
lawful  Enemies,  much  more  againft  Confpirators  and  Traitors.  His  Indu- 
ftry,  in  thus  employing  Emiffaries,  had  this  good  EfFc-ft,  that  as  many 
Confpiracies  were  detected  by  their  means  ;  fo  the  Fame  and  Sufpicion  of 
his  Spies,  doubtlefs  kept  many  others  from  being  attempted. 

15.  He  was  no  uxorious  Husband,  nor  indulgent ;  yet  complaifanr,  com-  ^'^  Demejlick 
panionable,  and  free  from  J.Mloufy.     He  was   afirdionate  to  his  Children,  C'""'«'"'- 
and  careful  of  their  Education  ;  for  he  afpired  to  procure  their  Advance- 
ment :  he  was  careful  alfo,  that  all  the  Honour  and  Refpedl  becoming  their 
Quality,  fliould  be  paid  them  ;   but  not  greatly  defirous,  to  have  them  ex- 
alted in  the  eyes  of  the  People. 

16.  He  referred  moft  of  his  Bufinefs  to  his  Privy-Council,  and  often  prtfi-  Hl'Comluci 
ded  among  them  in  perfon  -,  well  knowing  this  to  be  the  right  and  folid  way  ^'-theCimnciL 
both  to  itrengthen  his  Authority,  and  inform  his  Judgment.     To  which 

end  alfo  he  was  patient  of  their  Liberty,  as  well  in  advifmg,  as  voting, 
till  he  had  declared  his  own  Opinion  ;  which  he  ufualiy  referved  to  the  end 
of  the  D 'bates. 

17.  He  kept  a  ftrict  hand  upon  the  Nobility  •,  and  chofe  rather  to  ad-  vromoted  thr 
vance  to  his  Service  fuch  Clergymen  and  Lawyers,  v/ho  were   more  obfe-  cUrgy  and 
quious  to  him,  and  lefs  gracious  with  the  People  •,  which  made  for  his  Au-  ^^^f^^ofr^/ 
thority,  but  not  for  his  Safety  :  infomuch  that  I  am  fully  perfuaded,   this  ^cibility. 
Method  of  his  was  a  principal  caufe  of  the  frequent  Commotions  that  hap- 
pened  in  his  Reign  •,    becaufe  the  Nobility,  tho'  loyal   and  obedient,  did 

not  chearfully  co-operate  with  him  ;  but  left  his  Defigns  rather  to  take  their 
Chance,  than  urged  their  Accomplifhment. 

18.  He  was  never  afraid  of  his  Servants  and  Minifters,  tho'  Men  of  the  fji;  choke  of 
brighteft  Parts  andgreateft  Abilities;  as  Lewis  XI.  was.  But  on  the  con-  able Minifien. 
trary,  made  ufeof  the  moft  eminent  of  his  time:  otherwife  his  Affairs  could 

not  have  profpered  as  they  did.  Neither  did  he  care  how  crafty  and  fubtile 
they  were,  for  he  thought  himfelf  even  here  their  fuperior. 

19.  And  as  he  ftiewed  great  Judgment  in  the  choice  of  his  Minifters,  he  Hh  Conftimy 
was  as  conftant  in  protecting  thofe  he  had  once   chofe.     It  is  ftrange,   that  ?'>  protecHng 
tho'  he  was  a  dark,  clofe    Prince,  exceffively  fufpicious,  his  Reign  turbu-  '-"^  ^^"^'^»^- 
lent,  and  full  of  Confpiracies  ;  yet  in  tv/enty  four  Years,  he  never  difplaced, 

or  difcompofed  Couniellor,  or  near  Servant,  except  Stanley.,  the  Lord- 
Chamberlain. 

20.  For  the  Difpofuion  of  his  Subjeds  towards  him  ;  as  there  are  three  ^^^,  roffsBei 
Affections,  which  naturally    tye  the  Hearts  of  the  People  to  their  Sove-  by  his  sub- 
reign;  viz.  Love,  Fear,  and  Reverence  ;  he  had  their  Reverence  in  a  highj'f^'- 
degree  ;  much  of  their  Fear  ;  but  fo  little  of  their  Love,  as  to  be  beholden 

to  the  other  two,  for  his  fecurity. 

21.  He  was  a  fober,  ferious,  thoughtful  Prince,  full  of  Cares  and  ^ccrtt  m^  ^^aa  and 
Obfervations ;  and  had  Notes  and  Memorandums  always  ready  by  him  ;  fcruj,itloHs  Di- 
written  with  his  own  hand;  particularly  relating  to  the  choice  of  Peribns  I's^r-cein  m- 
for  employ  ;  thofe  he  defigned  to  reward,  enquire   about,  or  beware  of ;  '^^_  ^"^" 

I  tholc '' 


3 1 8  A  Civil  CharaSier  of  King  Henry  VII. 

thofe  who  were  nearly  link'd  together,  either  by  Faftion,  or  good  Offices  > 
thofe  who  had  formed  into  Parties,  and  the  like  •,  thus  keeping  a  kind  of 
Diary  of  his  own  Thoughts.  There  goes  a  pleafant  Story,  that  his  Mon- 
key, provoked  to  it,  as  was  imagined,  by  one  of  the  Bed-chamber,  once 
tore  his  principal  Note-book  to  pieces,  as  it  lay  fomewhat  carieffly  ex* 
pofed  :  whereat  the  Court,  which  liked  not  that  fcrupulous  Diligence,  were 
ready  to  burft  with  Laughter. 
Hh Sufpicions.  22.  But  the'  he  abounded  in  Apprehenfions  and  Sufpicions,  yet  as  he 
eafily  took  them  up,  he  as  eafily  laid  them  down  -,  and  made  them  fubmit  to 
his  Judgment :  Whence  they  were  rather  troublefome  to  himfelf,  than  dan- 
gerous to  others.  Yet  it  muft  be  acknowledged,  that  his  Thoughts  were  lb 
numerous,  and  lb  complicated,  that  they  could  not  often  confift  together ; 
but  that  which  was  of  fervice  one  way,  proved  hurtful  another.  Neither 
was  it  poflTible  for  him  to  be  wife,  or  happy,  fo  much  beyond  the  Condi- 
tion of  Mortals,  as  always  to  weigh  things  truly,  in  their  exaft  Proportions. 
Certainly,  the  rumour  that  raifed  him  fo  many,  and  fo  great  Troubles, 
viz.  That  the  Duke  o(2^oik  was  faved,  and  ftill  alive,  did,  at  the  begin- 
ning, get  ftrength  and  credit  from  himfelf  -,  being  defirous  of  having  it 
believed,  in  hopes  of  foftening  the  Imputation  of  reigning  in  his  own  Right, 
and  not  in  the  Right  of  his  Wife. 
His  AJftiili-  23.  He  was  affable,  and  foothingly  eloquent ;  fo  as  to  ufe  ftrange  Sweet- 
ly ««</  Perfu»-  nefs  and  Infinuation  in  his  Speech  ;  where  he  would  perfuade,  or  effcdl  any 
fi'"-  thing  that  he  earneftly  defired. 

Learning.  24.  He  was  rather  ftudious  than  learned  ;    reading,  for  the  moft  part. 

Books  wrote  in  French.     Yet  he  underftood  Latin.,  as  appears  from  hence, 
that  Cardinal  Hadrian,  and  others  who  were  well  acquainted  with  French, 
yet  always  wrote  to  him  in  LcUin. 
Tkafures.  25.  For  his  Pleafures,  there  is  no  mention  found  of  them.     Yet   by  his 

Inftrudtions  to  Marfm  and  Stile,  with  regard  to  the  Queen  of  Naples,  it  ap- 
pears he  could  very  skilfully  interrogate  upon  Beauty,  and  the  Parts  there- 
of. He  did  by  Pleafures,  as  great  Princes  do  by  Banquets  of  Sweet-meats  •, 
look  upon  them  a  little,  and  go  away.  For  never  was  Prince  more  im- 
merfed  in  his  own  Affairs  •,  being  wholly  taken  up  with  them,  and  himfelf 
wholly  in  them  :  infomuch,  that  at  Jufts,  Tournaments,  or  other  Mock- 
fights,  Masks,  and  the  like  publick  AITemblies,  he  feemed  to  be  rather  a 
princely  and  grave  Spedtator,  than  much  delighted. 
Horn  affecied  26,  Doubtlefs,  as  in  all  Other  Men,  and  particularly  in  Kings,  his  Fortune 
6y  Royalty.  influenced  his  Nature  ;  and  his  Nature  again  influenced  his  Fortune.  He 
afcended  to  the  Throne,  not  only  from  a  private  Fortune,  which  might 
teach  him  Moderation  ;  but  alio  from  the  Fortune  of  an  exil'd  Man,  which 
had  given  him  the  Spurs  of  Indullry  and  Sagacity.  And  his  Government 
being  rather  profperous  than  calm,  had  raifed  his  Confidence  by  Succefs  -, 
but  in  the  mean  time  almoft  corrupted  his  Nature  by  perpetual  Vexations. 
This  Prudence,  by  his  frequent  Efcapes  from  Dangers  (which  had  taught 
him  to  rely  upon  extempore  Remedies)  was  turned  rather  into  a  Dexterity 
at  extricating  himfelf  from  Misfortunes,  when  they  prefled  him,  than  into 

2  a 


A  Civil  CharaEier  of  King  Henry  VII.  3 1 9 

a  Forefight  to  prevent  and  remove  them  at  a  diftance.  Thus,  the  Eyes  of 
his  Mind  were  not  unlike  the  corporeal  Eyes  of  chofe  who  fee  (trong  near 
at  hand,  but  weak,  at  a  diftance.  For  his  Prudence  was  faddenly  rouzed 
by  the  occafion  •,  and  the  more,  if  the  occafion  were  fharpened  by  Danger. 

27.  Thefe  Influences  his  Fortune  had  upon  his  Nature;  nor  were  there  ^""^  ^-"'^  ^'*- 
wanting,  on  the  other  hand,  certain  Influences,  which  his  Nature  had  upon  'fl^'hiifortune 
his  Fortune.     For  whether  it  were  the  Shortnefs  of  his  Forefight,  or  the  Ob- 

ftinacy  of  his  Will,  or  the  dazzling  of  his  Sufpicions,  or  what  ;  certain  it 
is,  that  the  perpetual  Troubles  in  his  Fortune,  could  not  have  arifen  with- 
out fome  great  Defecfts  in  his  Nature,  and  rivetted  Errors  in  the  radical 
Conftitution  of  his  Mind :  which  he  was  obliged  to  filve  and  corredl  by  a  thou- 
fand  little  Induftries,  and  Arts  ;  all  which  bell  appear  in  the  Hijlory 
itfelf. 

28.  But  to  take  him  with  all  his  defefts,    and  compare  him  with    the  CemfartJ 
Kings  of  Frame  and  Spain,    his   Contemporaries,  we  Ihall  find   him  more  ^"J^J^'^^'I*' 
politick  than  Lfa/j  XII.  of  France  }  and  more  faithful  and  fincere  than  Fer-  ,/,;  xin^j  of 
dinando  of  Spain.     But  to  change  Lewis  XII.  for  Lewis  XI.  who  reigned  a  France  ami 
little  before  •,  the  Comparifons  will  be   more   fuitable,    and  the   Parallels  Spiin. 
more  exadt.      For  thefe  three,  Lewis'Kl.  Henry,   and    Ferdinando,  may  be 
efteemed   as  the  three  M.igi  among  the  Kings  of  that  Age.     To  conclude, 

if  this  King  did  no  greater  matters,  it  was  his  own  fault ;  for  what  he 
undertook,  he  compafled. 

29.  He  was  comely  in  Perlon  ;  a  little  above  the  juft  Stature  ;  well  and  HhTerfen. 
ftrait  limbed  •,  but  flender.     His  Countenance  ftruck  a  Reverence,  fomewhat 
refembling  that  of  an  Ecclefiaftick.     And  as  it  was  not  gloomy  or  fuper- 
cilious,  lb  neither  was  it  winning   or  pleafing  •,    but  like  the  Face   of  one 
compoled  and  fedate  in  Mind  :    tho'  this  was  not  happy  for  the  Painter  •, 

as  being  befl:  when  he  fpoke. 

30.  He  had  the  Fortune  of  a  true  Chriftian,  as  well  as  of  a  great  King  ;  His  Death. 
in  living  exercifed,  and  dying  penitent.     So  that  he  triumphed  vidlorioufly, 

as  well  in  Spirituals  as  Temporals :  and  fucceeded  in  both  Conflidls,  that 
of  Sin,  and  that  of  the  Crcfs. 

3  I .  He  was  born  at  Pembroke  Caftle  -,  and  buried  at  PFeftminJler,   in  one  And  Tuntral. 
of  the  nobleft  Monuments    of  Europe,   both  for  the  Chapel,    and  the  Se- 
pulchre.    So  that  he  dwells  more  richly  dead,   in  the  Monument  of  his 
Tomb,  than  when  alive,  either  at  Richmond,  or  any  other  of  his  Palaces. 
1  could  wifh  he  might  do  the  like  in  this  Monumeni  of  his  Fame\ 

*  For  a  fuller  Account  of  thi«  extraordinary  Prince,  confult  the  Author's  Hijlory  efhiiReiga. 


o 


20  Felicities  attending  the  Life  and  Reign 


IV. 

So7m  Account  of  the  Felicities  attendmg  thehiFE  and 
Reign  of  ^een  ELIZABETH -^ 

This  Subjen    i.T)OTH  Nature  and  Fortune  confpired  to  render  Qiieen  Elizabeth  tht 
requires  an        U  A  nibition  of  her  Scx,  and  an  Ornament  to  Crown'd  Heads,     This  is 
"wantomite  not  a  Subject  for  the  Pen  of  a  Monk,  or  any  fuch  cloifter'd  Writer.     For 
upn  it.         f^Jch  Men,   tho'  keen   in  Style,    are  attach'd  to  their  Party  ;   and  tranfmit 
things  of  this  nature  unfaithfully  to  Pofterity.     Certainly  this  is  a  Province 
for  Men  of  the  firft  Rank  ;  or  fuch  as  have  fate  at  the  Helm  of  States  i 
and  been  acquainted  with  the  Depths  and  Secrets  of  Civil  Affairs. 
rhe Felicity  ef      2.  All  Ages  have efteemed  a  Female  Government  a  Rarity  ;  if  profperous, 
^Kitn  EUia-  a  Wonder-,  and  if  both  long  and  profperous,  almoft  a  Miracle.     But  this 
^ent^SuTfa'  ■^^''^y  reign'd  forty-four  Years  compleat ;  yet  did  not  out-live  her  Felicity. 
■^ '  ■    Of  this  Felicity  I  purpofe  to  fay  fomewhat  ;  without  running  into  Praifes : 
For  Praife  is  the  Tribute  of  Men,  but  Felicity  the  Gift  of  God. 
u'as  rarfed         j^  And  frjl,  I  account  it  a  part  of  her  Felicity,  that  flie  was  advanced  to 
■zlTe  life'te  a^^^^  Throne,  from  a  private  Fortune.     For  it  is  implanted  in  the  Nature  of 
Croms.  Men,  to  efteem  unexpcded  Siiccefs  an  additional  Felicity.     But  what  I  mean, 

is,  that  Princes  educated  in  Courts,  as  the  undoubted  Heirs  of  a  Crown,  are 
corrupted  by  Indulgence  ;  and  thence  generally  rendcr'd  lefs  capable,  and  lefs 
moderate  in  the  management  of  Affairs.  And  therefore  we  find  thofe  the 
belt  Rulers,  who  are  difciplin'd  by  both  Fortunes.  Such  was,  with  us.  King 
Henry  VII.  and  with  the  French,  Lewis  XII.  who  both  of  them  came  to 
the  Crown  almoft  at  the  fame  time  ;  not  only  from  a  private,  but  alfo  from 
an  adverfe  and  rugged  Fortune  :  and  the  former  proved  famous  for  his  Pru- 
dence ;  the  other  for  his  Jullice.  In  the  fame  manner  this  Princefs  alfo  had 
the  dawn  of  her  Fortune  chequered  -,  but  in  her  Reign  it  proved  unufually 
conftant  and  fteady.  From  her  Birth  fhe  was  entitled  to  the  Succeflion  ;  but 
afterwards  difinherited,  and  then  poftpon'd.  In  the  Reign  of  her  Brother, 
her  FortLine  was  more  favourable  and  ferene  -,  but  in  the  Reign  of  her  Silter, 
more  hazardous  and  tempeftuous.  Nor  was  fhe  advanced  on  a  fudden,  from 
a  Prifon  to  the  Throne  -,  which  might  have  made  her  haughty  and  vindidive  ; 
but  being  reftorcd  to  her  liberty,  and  ftill  growing  in  hopes,  at  l.ilt  in  a 
happy  Calm,  fhe  obtain'd  the  Crown  without  Oppofition  or  Competitor. 
And  this  I  mention  to  fliew,  that  Divine  Providence  intending  an  excellent 
Princefs,  prepared  and  advanced  her  by  fuch  degrees  of  Difcipline. 
Theiiifir-  4-  Nor  ought  the  Misfortunes  of  her  Mother  to  fully  the  Glory  of  her 
rune  of  J}cr  Birth  i  cfpecially  becaufe  'tis  evident  that  King  Henry  VIU.  was  engaged  in 
Moihsr  ao Re- ^  new  Amour  before  his  Rage  kindled  againft  Queen //««^  •,  and  becaufe 
her'lelf  "  ^'^^  Temper  of  that  King  is  cenfured  by  Pofterity,  as  exceedingly  prone 
both  to  Amours  and  Jealoufies,  and  violent  in  both,  even  to  the  etFufion  of 
Blood.     Add  to  this,  that  fhe  was  cut  off  thro'  an  Accufation  manifeltly 

improbable, 

*  For  the  Occafion  and  Dcfign  of  this  Piece,  Ice  the  Author's  Letter  to  Sir  George  Canv, 
Suri'LtMENT  V.    Sed.I. 


of  ^een  Elizabeth.  321 

improbable,  and  built  upon  flight  Conjedures,  as  wis  then  fecretly  whifper'd; 
and  Queen  Anne  herfelf  protefted  her  innocence,  with  an  undaunted  greatnefs 
of  mind,  at  the  time  of  her  death.  For  by  a  faithful  and  generous  Meflenger,  as 
fhe  fuppofed,  fhe,  juft  before  her  Execution,  fent  thisMeilige  to  the  King  ; 
That  his  Majefty  conjlantly  held  on  in  bis  purpofe  of  heaping  nezv  Honours  upon 
her ;  for  that  firjt  he  had  raifed  her  from  a  privati;  Gentkwojnan,  to  the  Ho- 
nour of  a  Marchionefs ;  next  advanced  her  into  a  PartnerflAp  of  his  Bed,  and 
Kingdom  ;  and  ivhen  now  there  remain' d  no  higher  earthly  Honour,  he  defign'd 
to  promote  her  an  Innocent  to  the  Croifn  of  Martyrdom.  But  the  MeflTenger  durft 
not  carry  this  to  the  King,  now  plunged  in  a  new  Amour  ;  tho'  Fame,  the 
Aflerter  of  Truth,  has  tranfmitted  it  to  Pofterity. 

5.  Again  ;  'tis  no  inconfiderable  part  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Felicity,  that*''^^'"*- 
the  courfe  of  her  Reign  was  not  only  long,  but  fell  within  that  Seafon  of ^J^  ^J^'^  ^ 
her  Life,  which  is  fitted:  for  governing.     Thus  fhe  begun   her   Reign  ai  her  Life. 
twenty-five  ;  and  continued  it  to  the  feventieth  Year  of  her  Age.    So  that 

Ihe  neither  felt  the  Harlhnefs  of  a  Minority,  the  Checks  of  a  Governour's 
Power,  nor  the  Inconveniencies  of  extreme  old  Age  ;  which  is  attended  with 
Miferies  enough  in  private  Men  •,  but  in  Crown'd  Heads,  befides  the  ordi- 
nary Miferies,  it  ufualiy  occafions  a  decay  of  the  Government,  and  ends 
with  an  inglorious  Exit.  For  fcarce  any  King  has  lived  to  extreme  old  Age, 
without  fufFering  fome  Diminution  in  Empire  and  Efteem.  Of  this  we 
have  an  eminent  Inftance  in  Philip  the  Second,  King  of  Spain ;  a  potent 
Prince,  and  admirably  verfed  in  the  Arts  of  Government ;  who,  in  the  de- 
cline of  Life,  was  throughly  fenfible  of  this  Misfortune  :  and  therefore  wifely 
fubmitted  to  the  neceflity  of  things ;  voluntarily  quitted  his  Acquifitions  in 
France,  eftablilh'd  a  firm  Peace  with  that  Kingdom,  and  attempted  the  like 
with  others  -,  that  fo  he  might  leave  all  quiet  and  compofed  to  his  Succefibr. 
Queen  £/!2fl^(?///s  Fortune,  on  the  contrary,  was  fo  conftant  and  fix'd,  that 
no  declenfion  of  Affairs  follow'd  her  lively,  tho'  declining  Age :  nay,  for 
an  aflured  Monument  of  her  Felicity,  fhe  died  not  till  the  Rebellion  of  Ire- 
land ended  in  a  Viftory,  left  her  Glory  Ihould  otherwife  have  appeared  any 
way  ruffled  or  incompleat. 

6.  It  Ihould  likewife  be  confider'd  over  what  kind  of  People  flie  reign'd.p'' "'^«i^» 
For  had  her  Empire  fallen  a.mong  the  Palmyrenians,  or  in  foft  unwarlikcp^^''^^^'"'"'''^' 
./ifta,  it  had  been  a  lefs  wonder  -,  fince  a  Female  in  the  Throne  would  have 

fuited  an  effeminate  People :  but  in  England,  a  hardy  military  Nation,  for 
all  things  to  be  direfted  and  govern'd  by  a  Woman,  is  a  matter  of  the 
higheft  Admiration. 

7.  Yet  this  Temper  of  her  People,  eager  for  War,  and  impatient  of  Peace,  HerEnjoy- 
did  not  prevent  her  from  maintaining  it  all  her  Reign.     And  this  peaceable  Dif-  ment  of  Peace. 
pofition  of  hers,  join'd  with  Succcls,   I  reckon  one  of  her  chieteft  Praifes  : 

as  being  happy  for  her  People,  becoming  of  her  Sex,  and  a  Satisfaftion  to 
her  Confcience.  Indeed  about  the  tenth  Year  of  her  Reign,  there  rofe  a 
fmall  Commotion  in  the  North  of  her  Kingdom  •,  but  it  was  prefently  fup- 
prefled.  The  reft  of  her  Reign  palTed  in  a  fecure  and  profound  Peace.  And 
Vol.  I.  T  t  I 


322  Felicities  attsnding  the  Life  and  Reign 

I  judge  it  a  glorious  Peace,  for  two  reafons  •,  which,  tho'  they  make  nothing 
to  its  Merit,  yet  contribute  much  to  its  Honour.     The  one,  that  it  was 
rendered  more  confpicuous  and  illuftrious,  by  the  Calamities  of  our  Neigh- 
bours, as  by  fo  many  Flames  about  us.     The  other,  that  the  Bleffings  of 
Peace  were  not  unattended  with  the  Glory  of  Arms  ■,  fince  fhs  not   only 
preferved,  but  advanced  the  honour  of  the  £;/§■/(/?;  Name  for  martial  Great- 
nefs.     For  what  by  the  Supplies  fhe  fent  into  the  Netherlands,  France,  and 
Scotland  ;  the  Expeditions  by  Sea  to  the  Indiei  ;  and  fome  of  them  round  the 
World  ;  the  Fleets  fent  to  infeft  Portugal,  and  the  Coafts  of  Spain  ;  and 
what  by  the  frequent  Conquefts  and  Reductions  of  the  IriJJj  Rebels  ■,  we  fuf- 
fered  no  decay  in  the  ancient  military  Fame  and  Virtue  of  our  Nation, 
rhe  Aids  flie       8.  It  is  likewife  a  juft  addition  to  her  Glory,  that  neighbouring  Princes 
ajforded  to  fo- fffere  fupported  in  their  Thrones  by  her  timely  Aids;  and  that  fupplianc 
reign  Vrinca.  §[^[^5,  which,  thro'  the  Mifcondudl  of  their  Kings,  were  abandoned,    de- 
voted to^  the  Cruelty  of  their  Minifters,  the  Fury  of  the  Multitude,  and 
all  manner  of  Defolations,  were  relieved  by  her. 
The  CoimfeU      9.  Nor  were  her  Counfels  lefs  beneficent  than  her  Supplies;  as  having  fo 
JJje  gave  them,  oken  interceded  with  the  King  of  Spain,  to  reconcile  him  to  his  Subjefts  in 
the  Netherlands,  and  reduce  them  to  obedience,  upon  fome  tolerable  Con- 
ditions.    And  fhe  with  great  Sincerity  importun'd  the  Kings  of  France,  by 
repeated  Admonitions,  to  obferve  their  own  Edifts,  that  promifed  Peace  to 
their  Subjefts.     'Tis  true,  her  Advice  proved  ineffeftual :  for  the  common 
Intereft  of  Europe  would  not  allow  the  firft ;  left  the  Ambition  of  Spain 
being  uncurbed,  fhouldfly  our,  as  Affiiirs  then  flood,  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  Kingdoms  and  States  of  Chriftendom  :  and  the  latter  was  prevented  by 
the  Maflacre  of  fo  many  innocent  Men,  who^  with  their  Wives  and  Children, 
were  butchered  in  their  own  Houfes,  by  the  Scum   of  the  People,  arm'd 
and  let  loofe,  like  fo  many  Beafls  of  Prey,  upon  them  by  publick  Authority. 
This  Blood-fhed  cry'd  aloud  for  Vengeance,  that   the  Kingdom  flain'd  by 
fo  horrible  an  Impiety,  might  be  expiated  by  intefline  Slaughter.     How- 
ever, by  interpofing,  fhe  perform'd  the  part  of  a  faithful,  prudent,  and 
generous  Ally. 
The  Peace  of       10.  There  is  alfo  another  reafon   for  admiring  this  peaceful  Reign,  fo 
her  Reign  o-w-  much  endeavout'd  and  maintain'd  by  the  Queen ;  viz,  that  it  did  not  pro- 
tng  to   erfef  ^^^^  ^^.^^  ^^^  Difpofition  of  the  Times,  but  from  her  own  prudent  and 
difcreet  Condud:.     For  as  fhe  flruggled  with  Faftion  at  home,  upon  account 
of  Religion  -,  and  as  the  Strength  and  Protedtion  of  this  Kingdom  was  a 
kind  of  Bulwark  to  all  Europe,  againft  the  extravagant  Ambition  and  for- 
midable Power  of  Spain ;  there  wanted  no  occafions  of  War  :  yet  with  her 
Force  and  Policy,  fhe  furmounted  thefe  Difficulties.     This  appeared  by  the 
moft  memorable  Event,  in  point  of  Felicity,  that  ever  happen'd  thro'  the 
whol  ,■  courfe  of  Affairs  in  our  time.     For  when  the  Spanijh  Armada  enter'd 
our  Seas,  to  the  Terror  of  all  Ejirope,  and  with  fuch  affurance  of  Viflory, 
they  took  not  a  fingle  Boat  of  ours,  nor  burnt  the  leafl  Cottage,  nor  touched 
our  Shore  ;  but  were  defeated  in  the  Engagement,  difperfed  by  a  miferable 

Flight, 


of  ilueen  Elizabetit.  323 

Flight,  afjd  frequent  Wrecks ;  and  fo  left  us  at  home  in  the  enjoyment  of  an 
undifturbed  Peace  *. 

11.  Nor  was  fhe  lefs  happy  in  difippointing  Confpiracies,  than  in  iwh-'^^Suut^rm 
duing  the  Forces  of  her  open  Enemies.     For  feveral  Plots  againft  her  Life '''^^"^'""•^ 
were  fortunately  difcovered,  and  defeated.     And  yet  upon  this  account,   ^""conffiracief. 
was  not  tlie  more  fearful  or  anxious  of  her  Perfon  -,  for  fhe  neither  doubled  her 
Guards,    nor  confined  herfelf  to  her  Palace ;    but  appeared  in  publick  as 

ufual ;  remembering  her  Deliverance,  but  forgetting  her  Danger. 

12.  The  nature  of  the  Times  wherein  fhe  flouriflied,  mull  alfo  be  con- k«/p(/ w  « 
fider'd.     For  fome  Ages  are  fo  barbarous  and  ignorant,  that  Men  may  be '^'"''"''', ^•^'' 
as  eafily  govern'd  as  Sheep.     But  this  Princefs  lived  in  a  learned  and  Y'^Wx.e  ing  Teotie.  ' 
Age ;  when  it  was  impoffible  to  be  eminent  without  great  Parts,  and  a  fingu- 

lar  Habit  of  Virtue. 

13.  Again,  Female  Reigns  are  ufually  eclipfed  by  MarrLige  ;  and  all  the  Ruhdrvlihout 
Praifes  thus  transfer'd  upon  the  Husband  :  whilft  thofe  who  live  fingle,  ap-^w/or/. 
propriate  the  whole  Glory  to  themfelves.     And  this  is  more  peculiarly  the 

cafe  of  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  becaufefhe  had  no  Supporters  of  her  Government, 
but  thofe  of  her  own  making  :  fhe  had  no  Brother,  no  Uncle,  nor  any  other 
of  the  Royal  Family  to  partake  her  Cares,  and  fhare  in  her  Adminiftration. 
And  for  thofe  fhe  advanced  to  Places  of  Trufl,  fhe  kept  fuch  a  tight  Rein 
upon  them,  and  fo  diftributed  her  Favours,  that  fhe  laid  each  of  them  un- 
der the  greateft  Obligation  and  Concern  to  pleafe  her  ;  whilft  fiie  always  re- 
mainM  Miftrefs  of  herfelf. 

14.  She  was  indeed  childlefs,  and  left  no  IlTue  behind  her :  which  has  been  ^^/' "»  cWZ- 
the  cafe  of  many  fortunate  Princes  ;  as  o?  Alexander  the  Great,  Julius  Co-far/""' 
Trajan,  &c.    and  is  a  difputed  point ;    fome  taking  it  for  a  diminution  of 
Felicity,  as  if  Men  could  not  be  compleatly  happy,  unlefs  blefi'd  both  in 

their  own  Perfons,  and  in  their  Children  ;  and  others  accounting  it  the  Per- 
fedlion  of  Felicity ;  which  then  alone  feems  to  be  compleat,  when  Fortune 
has  no  more  power  over  it :  which,  if  Children  are  left  behind,  can  never 
be  the  cafe. 

15.  She  had  likewife  her  outward  Embelifhments;  a  tall  Stature,  a  grace- ^''' ?«'/»'' 
ful  Shape  and  Make,  a  mod  majeftick  Afped,  mixed  with  Sweetnefs,  and£^"^^^'^^'"' 
a  happy  State  of  Health.     Befides  all  this,  fhe  was  ftrong  and  vigorous  to^^/j,, 

the  laft  -,  never  experienced  a  reverfe  of  Fortune,  nor  felt  the  Miferies  of  old 
Age ;  and  obtain'd  that  complacency  in  Death,  which  Augujlus  Co-far  fo  _; 

pafiionately  defired,  by  a  gentle  and  eafy  Exit.  This  is  alfo  recorded  of 
that  excellent  Emperor  Antoninus  Pius  ;  whofe  Death  refembled  a  fweet  and 
gentle  Slumber.  So  likewife  in  the  Diflemper  of  the  Queen,  there  was  no- 
thing fhocking,  nothing  prefaging,  nothing  unbecoming  of  human  Nature. 
She  was  not  defirous  of  Life,  nor  impatient  under  Sicknefs,  nor  racked  with 
Pain.  She  had  no  dire  or  difagreeable  Symptom  •,  but  all  things  were  of 
that  kind,  as  argued  rather  the  Frailty,  than  the  Corruption  or  Difgrace  of 
Nature.  Being  emaciated  by  an  extreme  drynefs  of  Body,  and  the  Cares 
that  attend  a  Crown,  and  never  refrefli'd  with  Wine,   or  with   a   full  and 

T  t  2  plenti- 

^  For  a  more  particular  Account  of  this  memorable  Event,  fee  Supplement  XII. 


324  Felicities  attending  the  Life  ajtd  Reign 

plentiful  Diet,  flie  was,  a  few  D.iys  before  her  Death,  ftriick  with  a  Dead- 
Palfy,  yet,  what  is  unufual  in   that  Diftemper,   retain'd,  in  fome  degree, 
her  Speech,  Memory,  and  Motion.     In  this  condition  fhe  continued  but  a 
little  while  -,  fo  that  it  did  not  feem  the  lafl  ASi  of  her  Z.i/>,  but  ihcfirft  Step 
to  her  Death.     For  to  live  long  after  our  Faculties  are  impair'd,  is  accoun.- 
ted  miferable  ;  but  for  Death  to  haften  on  with  a  gradual  lofs  of  the  Senfes,. 
is  a  gentle,  a  pleafing,  and  eafy  DifTolution. 
HerMlmJiers       1 6.  To  fill  up  the  meafure  of  her  Fdicity,  flie  was  exceeding  happy,  not 
aile  Men.      only  in  her  own  Perfon,  but  alfo  in  the  Abilities  and  Virtues  of  her  Mini- 
fters  of  State.     For  Ihe  had  the  fortune  to  meet  with  fuch,   as  perhaps  this 
Ifland  never  before  produced  atoneTime.  But  God,  when  he  favours  Princes, 
raifes  up,  and  adorns  the  Spirits  of  their  Minifters  alfo. 
Her  fofthu-         ij  ■  There  remain  two  poJlhn7nous  Felicities  ;  which  may  feem  more  noble 
mous  Felici-    and  auguft,  than  thofe  that  attended  her  living :  the  one  is  that  of  her  Suc- 
ties,  VIZ,,  her  f-gjj-^y^^  and  the  other  of  her  Memory.     For  llie  had  fuch  a  Succeflbr,  who, 
"'^"^^'"^'tho' he  may  exceed  and  eclipfe  her  Greatnefs,  by  his  mafculine  Virtues,  his 
IflTue,  and  a  new  Acceflion  of  Empire  ;  yet  is  zealous  of  her  Name  and 
Glory  •,  and  gives  a  kind  of  Perpetuity  to  her  Ads ;   having   made  little 
change  either  in  the  choice  of  Minifters,  or  the  method  of  Government : 
fo  that  a  Son  rarely  fucceeds  a  Father  with  lefs  Alteration  or  Difturbance. 
AniherTume.      18.  As  for  her  Memory,  'tis  fo  much  in  the  mouths,  and  fo  frefla  in  the 
minds  of  Men,  that  Envy  being  extinguifh'd,  and  her  Fame  light  up  by- 
Death,  the  Felicity  of  her  Memory  feems  to  vie  with  the  Felicity  of  her  Life. 
For  if  thro'  Party-Zeal,  or  difference  in  Religion,    a  fadlious  Report  be 
fpread  abroad  ;  it  is  neither  true,  nor  can  be  long-lived.     And  for  this  reafoa 
in  particular,  I  have  made  the  prefent  Colkcfion  of  her  Felicities,  and  the 
Marks  of  the  Divine  Favour  towards  her ;  that  no  malicious  Perfon  mighc 
dare  to  curfe,  where  God  has  fo  highly  bleffed. 
ThefeFelicities      19.  If  it  fhould  be  here  objeded,  as  Cicero  objefted  to  Ccgfaf,  we  have 
oviing  ti  her-  matter  enough  to  achnire,  but  would  gladly  fee  fomething  to  praife ;  I  anfwer, 
J'^f-  that  true  Admiration  is  a  fuperlative  degree  of  Praife.     Nor  could  that  F<?- 

licity  above-defcribed  be  the  Portion  of  any,  but  fuch  as  are  remarkably 
fupported  and  indulged  by  the  Divine  Favour  ;  and,  in  fome  meafure,  work- 
ed it  out  by  their  own  Morals  and  Virtues,  I  fhall,  however,  add  a  word  or 
two  as  to  the  Morals  of  the  Queen  j  but  only  in  fuch  Particulars,  as  have, 
occafion'd  fome  malicious  Tongues  to  traduce  her, 
HerKeligtm.  20.  A%  X.O  htr  Religion ;  fhe  was  pious,  moderate,  conftant,  and  an  Enemy 
to  Novelty.  And  for  her  Piety,  tho'  the  Marks  of  it  are  moft  confpicuous 
in  her  Afts  and  Adminiftrations  ;  yet  there  were  vifible  Marks  of  it,  both  in 
the  courfe  of  her  Life,  and  her  ordinary  Converfation.  She  was  feldom  ab- 
fent  from  divine  Service,  and  other  Duties  of  Religion,  either  in  her  Chapel, 
or  Clofet,  She  was  very  converfant  in  the  Scriptures,  and  Writings  of  the 
Fathers,  efpecially  St.  Auguftine.  Herfelf  compofed  certain  Prayers  upon 
fome  emergent  Occafions.  When  fhe  mention'd  the  name  of  God,  tho'  in 
ordinary  Difcourfe,  fhe  generally  added  the  Title  of  Crf/z/er  ;  and  compofed. 

both 


of  ^ueen  Elizabeth.  325 

both  her  Eyes  and  Coantenance  to  fome  fore  of  Humility  and  Reverence  ; 
which  I  have  myfelf  often  obfcrved. 

21.  As  to  what  fome  have  given  out,  that  flie  was  altogether  unmindfuKVi"'-?^'»';'/''^/* 
of  Mortality,  fo  as  not  to  bear  the  mention  of  Old- Age  or  Death  -,  it  is  ab-  "fMoruluy. 
fohitely  fille  :  for  feveral  Years  before  her    Death,  ifie  would  often  face- 

tioufly  call  herfelf  tbeoldlVuman  ;  and  difcourfe  about  what  kind  of  Epi- 
taph (he  liked  :  adding,  that  llie  was  no  lover  of  pompous  Titles  ;  but  on- 
ly defired  her  Name  might  be  recorded  in  a  Line  or  two,  which  fhould 
briefly  exprefs  her  Natne,  her  Ftrginily,  the  Time  of  ber  Reign,  the  Refortna- 
tion  of  Religion  under  it,  and  her  Prefervation  of  Peace.  'Tis  true,  in  the 
Flower  of  her  Age,  being  importuned  to  declare  her  Succeflbr,  fhe  anfwer- 
ed,  Tb.U  fhe  could  by  jto  means  endure  a  Shroud  to  he  held  before  her  Eyes,  while 
Jhe  tJvas  living.  Aiid  yet  fome  Years  before  her  Death,  at  a  time  w'aen  fhe 
was  thoughtful,  and  probably  meditating  upon  her  Mortality,  one  of  her 
Familiars  mentioning  in  Converfation,  that  ieveral  great  Offices  and  Places 
in  the  State  were  kept  vacant  too  long;  fl:ie  rofe  up  and  faid,  with  more 
than  ordinary  Warmth,  That  Jhe  zvas  fure  her  Place  would  -not  be  long 
vacant.- 

22.  As  to  her  Moderation  in  Religion,  it  may  require  fome  paufe  •,  he-i^ithir  fl,e 
caufe  of  the  feverity  of  the    Laws,  made  againft  her  Subje6ls  of  the  Ro-veremodernte- 
mijh  Perfuafion:  but  I  will  mention  fuch  things  as  were  well  known,  and '"  ^^''^""'• 
carefully  obferved  by  myfelf     'Tis  certain,  fhe  was,  in  her  Sentiments,  a- 

verfe  to  the  forcing  of  Confciences :  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  fhe  would  not 
fuffer  the  State  to  be  endangered,  under  the  pretence  of  Confcience  and 
Religion.  Hence  fhe  concluded,  that  to  allow  a  Liberty  and  Toleration 
of  two  Religions,  by  publick  Authority,  in  a  military,  and  high-mettled 
Nation,  that  might  eafily  fall  from  Difference  in  Judgment  to  Blows,  would 
be  certain  Deftruclion.  Thus  in  the  beginning  of  her  Reign,  when  all  things 
look'd  fufpicious,  fhe  kept  fome  of  the  Prelates,  who  were  of  a  more  tur- 
bulent and  fadious  Spirit,  Prifoners  at  large;  tho' not  without  the  warrant 
of  the  Law:  but  to  the  reft  of  both  Orders,  fhe  ufed  no  fevere  Inquifition, 
but  protected  them,  by  a  generous  Connivance.  And  this  was  the  Po- 
fture  of  Affairs  at  firfl.  Nor  did  fhe  abate  much  of  this  Clemency,  the' 
provoked  by  the  Excommunication  of  Pope  Pius  ^lintus;  which  might  have 
raifed  her  Indignation,  and  driven  her  to  new  Meafures ;  but  ftill  Ihe  re- 
tained her  own  generous  Temper,  For  this  prudent  and  couragious  Lady, 
was  not  moved  with  the  Noife  of  thofe  terrible  Threats  ;  being  iecure  of^ 
the  Fidelity  and  Affeftion  of  her  Subjeds,  and  of  the  Inability  of  the  Po<iJ}j 
Fadtion  within  the  Kingdom  to  hurt  her,,  unlefs  feconded  by  a  foreign 
Enemy. 

23.  But  about  the  three  and  twentieth  year  of  her  Reign,  the  Face  oiThe  Alttr»- 
Affairs  changed.     This  Difference  of  the  Times  is  not  artfully  feigned,  t^o^f^'aw^pa»^ 
ferveaturn;  but  ftands  expreffed  in  the  Publick  Records,  and  engraven,  ^^^  Spanilh 

as  it  were,  in  Leaves  of  Brafs.     For  before  that  year»  none  of  her  Subjedts,  imnjion. 
of  the  Rojnijfj  Religion,    had  been  punifhed,  with  any  Severity,    by  the 
I^ws  formerly   enaded.     But   now  the   ambitious  and  monftrous  Defigns 
of  S^ain^  to  conquer  this  Kingdom,  began  by  degrees,  to  open  themfelves. 

A. 


n,26  Felicities  attendwg  the  Life  ^«^ Reign 

A  principal  part  of  which  was,  by  all  publick  Ways  and  Means,  to  raife 
a  Faftion,  in  the  Heart  of  the  Kingdom,  of  llich  as  were  didafFefted,  and  de- 
firous  of  Innovation  •,  in  order  to  join  the  Enemy  upon  the  Invafion.  Their 
Hopes  of  effefling  this,  were  grounded  upon  the  Difference  there  was  a- 
mongft  us  in  Religion  •,  whence  they  refolved  to  labour  this  Point  effec- 
tually. And  the  Seminaries  at  that  time  budding,  Priefts  were  fent  into 
England,  to  fow  and  raife  up  an  Affedlion  for  the  Romijlj  Religion  ;  to 
teach  and  inculcate  the  Validity  of  the  Pope's  Excommunication,  in  releafing 
Subjefts  from  their  Allegiance  •,  and  to  awaken  and  prepare  Mens  Minds 
to  an  Expedlation  of  a  Change  in  the  Government. 
Anithe.  Irifh  24.  About  the  fame  time  Ireland  was  attempted  by  an  Invafion  ;  and  the 
Reiellioa.  Name  and  Government  of  Queen  Elizabeth  vilified  and  traduced  by  fcan- 
dalous  Libels :  in  fhort,  there  was  an  unufual  fwelling  in  the  State  ;  the 
Prognoftick  of  a  greater  Commotion.  Yet  I  will  not  affirm,  that  all  the 
Priefts  were  concerned  in  the  Plot ;  or  privy  to  the  Defigns  then  carrying  on  : 
but  only  that  they  were  corrupt  Inftruments  of  other  Men's  Malice.  'Tis 
however  attefted  by  the  Confeflion  of  many,  that  almoft  all  the  Priefts  fent 
into  this  Kingdom,  from  the  Year  abovementioned,  to  the  thirtieth  Year 
of  the  Queen,  wherein  the  Defign  of  Spain,  and  the  Pope,  was  put  in  execu- 
tion by  the  Armada,  had  it  in  their  Inftruftions,  among  other  Parts  of  their 
Function,  to  infinuate,  That  Affairs  could  not  poffibly  continue  long  as  they 
were  ;  that  they  "would  foon  put  on  a  new  face  ;  that  the  Pope  and  the  Catholick 
Princes  would  take  care  for  the  Englifh  State,  provided  the  Englifti  were  not 
their  own  hindrance.  Again,  fome  of  the  Priefts  had  manifeftly  engaged 
themfelves  in  Plots  and  Contrivances,  which  tended  to  the  undermining  and 
fubverting  of  the  Government :  and  what  was  the  ftrongeft  Proof,  the  whole 
Train  of  the  Plot  was  difcovered  by  Letters  intercepted  from  feveral  Parts ;, 
wherein  it  was  exprefsly  mentioned,  nat  the  Figilancy  of  the  ^leen  and  her 
Council,  in  refpeSl  of  the  Catholicks,  would  be  baffled ;  becaufe  the  ^leen  only 
watched,  that  no  Nobleman,  or  Perfon  of  Dijiin^ion,  fhoidd  rife  to  head  the  Ca- 
tholick FaHion :  whereas  the  Defign  they  laid  was,  that  all  things  fhould  be  dif- 
pofed  and  prepared  by  private  Men,  of  an  inferior  Rank,  without  their  confpiring 
or  confulling  together ;  but  wholly  in  the  fecret  way  of  Confeffion.  And  thefe 
were  the  Artifices  then  praftifed,  which  are  fo  fimiliar  and  cuftomary  to 
that  Order  of  Men. 
.  .  r^  25.  Infuchan  impending  Storm  of  Dangers,  the  Queen  was  obliged,  by 
cepptf  forbid  the  Law  of  Neceffity,  to  reftrainfuch  of  herSubjefts  as  were  dififfefted,  and 
the  Kingdom,  rendred  incurable  by  thefe  Poifons  •,  and  who  in  the  mean  time  began  to 
pain  of  grow  rich  by  Retirement,  and  Exemption  from  publick  OiBces  :  and  ac- 
cordingly fome  feverer  Laws  were  enafted.  But  the  Evil  daily  increafing,  and 
the  Origin  thereof  being  charged  upon  the  Seminary  Priejls,  bred  in  Fo- 
reign Parts,  and  fupported  by  the  Bounty  and  Benevolence  of  Foreign  Prin- 
ces, the  profcffed  Enemies  of  this  Kingdom  •,  which  Priefts  had  lived  in  Places, 
where  the  Name  of  Queen  Elizabeth  was  always  tacked  to  the  Titles  of  He- 
rc'tick.  Excommunicated,  and  Accurfed;  and  who,  tho' they  themfelves  were 
not  engaged  in  the  treafonable  Praftices,  yet  were  known  to  hz  the  intimate 
Friends  of  Inch  as  had  fet  their  han.ls  to  Villaniesof  that  kind  -,  and  who,  by 
clicir  Arts  and  poifonouj  Infinuations,  had  inftcfled  th:;    whole  Body  of  the 

C  icho- 


Death. 


of  ^een   E  l  i  z  a  b  fi  t  ii.  327 

Cathollcki,  wliich  before  was  lels  malignant  ;  there  could  no  other  Reme- 
dy be  found,  but  the  forbidding  fuch  Perfons  all  entrance  into  this  King- 
dom, upon  p;iiii  of  Death :  which  ac  lafc,  in  the  twenty  feventh  Year  of 
her  Rci2;n,  was  accordingly  enafted. 

26.  Yet  the  Event  iifelf,  which   followed  foon  after,  when  fo  violent  a  r/)«  t/tw  w/y 
Storm  fell  upon  this  Kingdom,  with    all   its  Weight,  did  not,  in  the  leall,  ««"'»«''''• 
abate  the  Envy  and  Hatred  of  theie  Men  •,  but  rather  increafed  it  ;  as  if  they 

had  diverted  themfelves  of  all  Aftcdion  to  their  Country.  And  afterwards, 
indeed,  tho'  our  Fears  of  Spai)!,  the  occafion  of  this  Severity,  were  abated  -,  yec 
becaufe  the  Memory  of  the  former  times  was  deeply  imprinted  in  Mens 
Minds ;  and  becaufe  it  would  have  looked  like  Inconrtancy,  to  have  abro- 
gated the  Laws  already  made  ;  or  Remiffnefs  to  have  neglefted  them;  the 
very  Conftitution  and  Nature  of  Affairs  fuggefted  to  the  Queen,  that  flie 
could  not  with  fafety  return  to  the  State  of  Things,  that  obtained  before 
the  three  and  twentieth  Year  of  her  Reign. 

27.  To  this  may  be  added,  the  Induftry  of  fome  to  increafe  the  Reve- Farr/^e»- Sm> 
nues  of  the  Exchequer  ;  and  the  Earneftnefs  of  the  Minifters  of  Juftice,  who/""**/"- 
ufually  regard  no  other  Safety  of  their  Country,  but  what  confifts  in  the 

Laws  ;  both  which  called  loudly  for  the  Laws  to  be  put  in  execution.  How- 
ever, the  Queen,  as  a  Specimen  of  her  Good-nature,  fo  far  took  off  the 
Edge  of  the  Law,  that  but  a  few  Priefts,  in  proportion,  were  put  to  death. 
And  this,  we  fay,  not  by  way  of  Defence,  for  the  Cafe  needs  none;  as  the 
Safety  of  the  Kingdom  turned  upon  it ;  and  as  the  Meafure  of  all  this  Seve- 
rity came  far  fliort  of  thofe  bloody  Maffacres,  that  are  icarce  fit  to 
be  named  among  Chriftians,  and  have  proceeded,  rather  from  Arrogance- 
and  Malice,  than  from  Neceffity,  in  the  Catholick  Countries.  And  thus 
we  think,  we  have  made  it  appear,  that  the  Queen  was  moderate  in  the 
Point  of  Religion  ;  and  that  the  Change  which  enfued,  was  not  owing 
to  her  Nature,  but  to  the  Neceffity  of  the  Times. 

28.  The  greateft  Proof  of  her   Conftancy  in   Religion,    and  Religious Proo/j  o/ /;«r 
Worfliip,  is,  that  notwithftanding  Popery,  which  in  her  Sifter's  Reign  h^-dfi"'^'' -^P^: 
been  ftrenuoufly  eftabliflied  by  publick  Authority,  and  the  utmoft  Diligence, '"^'^^"'^ 
began  now  to  take  deep  root,  and  was  confirmed  by  the  Confent  and  Zeal 
of  all  thofe  in  Office,  and  Places  of  Truft  ;  yet  becaufe  it  was  not  agree- 
able to  the  Word  of  God,  nor  to  the  primitive  Purity,  nor  to  her  own  Con- 
fcience,  ffie,  with  much  Courage,    and  with  very   few  Helps,  extirpated 
and  aboliffied  it.     Nor  did  ffie  do  this  precipitantly,  or  in  a  heat ;  but  pru- 
dently and  feafonably :  as  may  appear  from  many  Particulars  ;  and  among 
the  reft,  from  a  certain  Anfwer  flieoccafionally  made.     For  upon  her  firft 
Acceffion  to  the  Throne,  when  the  Prifoners,  according  to  Cuftom,  were^ 
releafed  ;  as  ffie  went  to  Chappel,  a  Courtier,  who  took  a  more  than  ordina- 
ry freedom,  whether  of  his  own  Motion,  or  fet  on  by  a  wifer  Head,  deli- 
vered a  petition  into  her  Hand;  and  in  a  great  Concourfe  of  People,  faid 
aloud  ;  "  That  there  were  ftill  four  or  five  Prifoners  unjuftly  detained  ;  that 
"-  he  came  to  petilioi:  for  their  Liberty  as  well  as  the  reft  ;   and  thefe  were     "^ 
"  the  four  Evangelifts,  and  the  Apoftle  St.  PauK  who  had  been  long  im- 
■    "  prifoned  in  an  unknown  Tongue,   and  not  fufitred  to  converfe  with  the 

"  People." 


328 


The  Vruileme 

/7'fw?;    in    ■ 
iringing  a- 
hout  the  Re- 
formation. 


Her  Levities. 


Her  moral 
Virtues. 


Her  Jefire  of 
appearing  e- 
tninent,   tho' 
flje  had  lived 
frivnte. 

Her  great  Ta- 
lent fir  Go- 
wrnment. 


Felicities  attending  ^ueen  Elizabeth. 

"  People."  The  Queen  anfwered,  with  great  Prudence,  T!hat  it  was  heft 
to  confult  them  f>'fi,  whether  they  -were  zvilling  to  he  releafed  or  no.  And  by 
thus  ilriking  a  lurprizing  Queftion,  with  a  wary,  doubtful  Anlwer,  fhe 
referved  the  whol»;  Matter  entirely  in  her  own  Breaft. 

29.  Nor  yet  did  flie  introduce  this  Alteration  timoroufly,  and  by  Fits 
and  Starts,  but  orderly,  gravely,  and  maturely  ;  after  a  Conference  betwixt 
the  Parties,  and  calling  a  Parliament:  and  thus  at  length,  within  the  Com- 
pafs  of  one  Year,  fhe  fo  ordered,  and  eftabliflied  all  things  belonging  to 
the  Church,  as  not  to  fuffer  the  leaft  Alteration  afterwards,  during  her 
Reign.  Nay,  almoft  every  Seflion  of  Parliament,  her  publick  Admonition 
was,  that  no  Innovation  might  be  made  in  the  Difcipline  or  Rites  of  the 
Church.     And  thus  much  for  her  Religion. 

30.  Some  of  the  graver  fort  may  perhapsaggravate  her  Levities ;  in  loving  to 
be  admired  and  courted,  nay,  and  to  have  Love- Poems  made  on  her;  and  con- 
tinuing this  Humour  longer  than  was  decent  for  her  Years:  yet  to  take  even 
thefe  Matters  in  a  milder  Senfe,  they  claim  a  due  Admiration  ;  being  of- 
ten found  in  fabulous  Narrations  i  as  that  of  "  a  certain  Queen  in  the  for- 
*'  tunate  Iflands,  in  whofe  Court  Love  was  allowed,  but  Lull  baniflied." 
Or  if  a  harfher  Conftruftion  can  be  put  upon  them,  they  are  ftill  to  be 
highly  admired  •,  as  thefe  Gaities  did  not  much  eclipfe  her  Fame,  nor  in  the 
leaft  obfcure  her  Grandeur,  nor  injure  her  Government,  nor  hinder  the 
Adminiftration  of  her  Affairs :  for  things  of  this  fort  are  rarely  fo  well 
tempered  and  regulated  in  Princes. 

31.  This  Queen  was  certainly  good  and  moral ;  and  as  fuch  fhe  defired 
to  appear.  She  hated  Vice,  and  ftudied  to  grow  famous  by  honourable 
Courfes.  Thus,  for  example,  having  once  ordered  an  Exprefs  to  be  written 
to  her  Ambaffador,  containing  certain  Inftrudions,  which  he  was  privately 
to  impart  to  the  Queen-Mother  of  France,  her  Secretary  inferted  a  Clauie 
for  the  AmbaflTador  to  ufe,  importing,  "  That  they  were  two  Queens, 
"  from  whofe  Experience,  and  Arts  of  Government,  no  lei's  was  expeded 
"  than  from  the  greateft  Kings."  She  could  not  bear  the  Comparifon  ; 
but  ordered  it  to  be  ftruck  out  ■,  faying,  "  She  ufed  quite  different  Arts 
"  and  Methods  of  Government,  from  the  Queen-Mother." 

32.  She  was  alfo  not  a  little  pleafed,  if  any  one  by  chance  had  dropt  fuch 
an  Exprefiion  as  this,  "  That  tho'  fhe  had  lived  in  a  private  Station,  her 
"  Excellencies  could  not  have  paflTed  unobferved  by  the  Eye  of  the  World." 
So  unwilling  was  flie,  that  any  of  her  Virtue,  or  Praife,  Ihould  be  owing  to 
the  height  of  her  Fortune. 

33.  But  if  I  fhould  enter  upon  her  Praifes,  whether  moral  or  political, 
I  muft  either  fall  into  a  Common-place  of  Virtues,  which  would  be  unwor- 
thy of  fo  extraordinary  a  Princefs  -,  or  if  I  would  give  them  their  proper 
Grace  and  Luftre,  I  muft  enter  into  a  Hijlory  a/  her  Life  ;  which  requires 
more  Leifure,  and  a  richer  Vein  than  mine.  To  fpeak  the  Truth,  the  on- 
ly proper  Encomiaft  of  this  Lady  is  Time  ;  which,  for  fo  many  Ages  as  it 
has  run,  never  produced  any  thing  like  her,  of  the  fame  Sex,  for  the  Go- 
vernment of  a  Kingdom. 


SUP- 


SUPPLEMENT   IV. 

SELECT 

SPEE  CH  E& 

O  N 

Particular  Occafions; 

Civil,  Judicial,  and  Moral'. 


*  See  the  if  Augmm'u  ScltntUrum,  Seft.  I.  35. 

Vol.  I.  Uu 


%r 


H'^ 


U-L 


(  33»  ) 


PREFACE. 


THE  Author's  CharaSler  as  a  Speaker,  is  no  lefs  extraordinary^  than  as 
a  Writer.  His  Contemporary  Mr.  Johnfon,  the  celebrated  Poett  tells 
us,  "  His  Hearer s  could  not  cough.,  or  look  afide  from  him  without  lofs\  that 
"  he  commanded  where  he  /poke  ;  and  had  bis  Judges  angrj  and  pleafed  at  bis 
"  devotion ;  that  the  Fear  of  every  Man,  who  heard  him  was,  left  he  Jhould 
"  make  an  end,  &c  *."  A  late  learned  Prelate,  thought  it  no  ftrained  Compk' 
ment  to  fay,  "  That  it  was  well  for  Cicero,  and  the  Honour  of  his  Orations, 
*'  that  the  Lord  Bacon  compofed  his  in  another  Language ''."  And  other  eminent 
Men  have  declared  as  much  '.  To  f peak  moderately  of  thefe  Speeches,  they  are 
Jludied  full,  ftrong  and  definitive  ;  no  way  fophifiical  \  hut  as  koneft  and  hear- 
ty, as  they  are  learned  and  political. 

The  Number  he  left  behind  him,  including  his  Charges,  is  conftderable.  They 
were publijhed  by  Dr.  Rawley,  after  the  Author's  death.  We  have  here  feleSted 
the  more  capital ;  ranged  them  in  fame  Order ;  and  left  them  nearly  in  their 
eld  Englifh  Drefs  ;  which  feems  to  fuit  them  better  than  a  new  one. 

"  SeeMT.yohnfin's  Difeovtritt,  pag.  loi. 

••  See  Archbifhop  Tennifon's  Account  of  all  the  Lord  Baton's  Works,  p2g.  6z. 

*  See  Tatler,  N"  167.  and  Sfeaatur  N°  /5-4. 


Uu  2  SECT. 


(  332  ) 


SECT.     I. 

Speeches  on  Civil  Occasio  ns. 

Speech   I. 

Upon  prefenting  a  Petition  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons^  to  his 
Majefiy\  for  regulating  the  Purveyors^. 

>rTri  I  S  well  known  to  your  Majefty,  that  the  Emperors  of  Rcme,  for 
\     their  better  Glory  and  Ornament,  ufed  in  their  Titles  the  additions 
of  the  Countries  and  Nations  where  they  had  obtained  Vicftories :  as  Ger- 
manicusy  Briianmcus,  and  the  like.     But  after  all  thofe  Names,  followed,  as 
in  the  higher  place,  the  Name  oi Pater  P atria ,  as  the  greateft  Title  of  all 
human  Honour,  immediately  preceding   the  Name  of  Auguftus  •,    whereby 
they  meant  to  exprefs  fome  affinity   they  had,    in  refpeft  of  their  Office, 
with  divine  Honour.     Your  Majefty  might,  with  good  reafon,  affume  many 
of  thofe"  other  Names ;  as  Germanicus,  Saxonicus,  Britanmais,  Francicus,  Da- 
nicus,  and  others,  as  appertaining  to  you,  not  by  Bloodfhed,  as  they  bore 
them  ;    but  by  Blood  :  your   Majedy's  Royal  Perfon  being  a  noble  con- 
fluence of  Streams  and  Veins,  wherein  the  Royal  Blood  of  many  Kingdoms 
of  Europe  are  met,  and  united.     But  no  Name  is  more  worthy  of  you,  nor 
may  more  truly  be  afcribed  to  you,  thin  that  of  Father  of  your  People ;  which 
you  may  bear  and  exprefs,  not  in  the  formality  of  your  Style;  but  in  the 
real  Courfe  of  your  Government.     We  ought  not  to  lay  to  you,  as  was  faid 
to  Julius  Cafar,  Th.U  we  have  already  for  what  to  admire  you,  and  that  now 
we  expeSi  fomevjhat  for  z:hicb  to  comjiiend  you :    for  we  may  juftly  acknow- 
ledge, that  we  have  fc-.d  in  your  Majefty,   great  caufe  both  of /Admira- 
tion and  Comm  :ia:[ion.     For  great  is  the  Admiration  wherewith  you  have 
pofleffed  us  fince  this  Pirliam-rnt  begar:,   in  thole  two   Cafes,  wherein  we 
have  hadaccefs  to  you  -,  that  ctthe  return  of  Sir  Francis  Goodwin,  and  that 
of  the  Union  ;  whereby  iz  feems  to  us,   that  one  of  thefe  being  fo  fubtile  a 
Queftion  of  Law,  and  the  other  fo  high  a  Caufe  of  State,  that,  as  the  Scrip- 
ture fays  of  the  wileft  of  Kings,  His  Heart  was  as  the  Sands  of  the  Sea ;  which 

tho» 

*  This  Speech  was  made,  and  the  Petition  prefcnted,  the  iirft  Seflion  of  Parliament  in  the 
Reign  of  King  Jumes  I. 


SccH:.!.  Speeches  on  Civil  Occajtons.  ^^Z 

tho'  it  be  one  of  the  largeft  Bodies,  yet  confifts  of  the  fmalleft  Portions : 
fo  in  thofc  two  Examples,  it  appears  to  us,  that  God  has  given  your 
Majefty  a  rare  fufficiency,  both  to  compafs  and  fathom  the  greateft  Mat- 
ters, and  to  difcern  the  lead.  And  for  matter  of  Praife  and  Commenda- 
tion, which  chiefly  belongs  to  Goodnefs,  we  cannot  but  with  great  thank- 
fulnefs  profefs,  that  your  Majefly,  within  the  Circle  of  one  year  of  your 
Reign,  has  endeavoured  to  unite  your  Church,  which  was  divided  ;  tofup- 
ply  your  Nobility,  which  was  diminifhed  ;  and  to  eafe  your  People,  where 
they  were  burdened  and  oppreflfed. 

Under  the  laft  of  thefe,  viz.  the  eafe  and  comfort  of  your  People,  falls 
the  Meflage  I  now  bring  to  your  Majefly,  concerning  the  great  Grievance 
arifing  by  the  manifold  abules  of  Purveyors ;  differing,  in  fome  degree,  from 
mofl  of  the  things  wherein  we  deal  and  confult.  For  'tis  true,  the 
Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgelles,  in  Parliament  aCTembled,  are  a  reprefen- 
tative  Body  of  your  Commons,  and  third  State  ;  and  in  many  Matters, 
altho'  we  apply  ourfelves  to  perform  the  Truft  of  thole  that  choofe  us ;  yet 
it  may  be,  we  fpeak  much  out  of  our  own  Senfe  and  Diicourfe.  But  in 
this  Grievance,  being  of  that  nature  whereto  the  poor  People  is  moft  ex- 
pofed,  and  Men  of  Quality  lefs  ;  we  moft  humbly  defire  your  Majefty  to 
conceive,  that  you  do  not  hear  our  Opinions  or  Senfes,  but  the  very  Groans 
and  Complaints  themfelves  of  your  Commons,  more  truly  and  lively  than 
by  Reprefentation.  For  there  is  no  Grievance  in  your  Kingdom  fo  gene- 
ral, fo  continual,  fo  fenlible,  and  fo  bitter  to  the  common  Subjed,  as  this 
whereof  we  now  fpeak;  wherein  it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty  to  vouchfafe 
me  leave,  firjl,  to  fet  forth  to  you  the  dutiful  and  refpeclful  carriage  of  our 
Proceeding  ;  next,  the  Subftance  of  our  Petition ;  and  thirdly.,  fome  Reafons 
and  Motives,  which  in  all  humblenefs  we  offer  to  your  Majefty's  Royal 
Confideration  •,  afTuring  ourfelves,  that  never  King  reigned  who  had  better 
Notions  of  Head,  and  Motions  of  Heart,  for  the  Good  and  Comfort  of  his 
loving  Subjefts.  For  the  Jirjl  •,  in  the  Courfe  of  Remedy  which  we  defire, 
we  intend  not  in  any  fort,  to  derogate  from  your  Majefty's  Prerogative ; 
nor  to  touch,  diminifh,  or  queftion  any  of  your  Majefty's  Regalities  or 
Rights.  For  we  feek  nothing  but  the  Reformation  of  Abufes,  and  the 
Execution  of  former  Laws,  whereto  we  are  born.  And  altho'  it  be  no 
ftrange  thing  in  Parliament,  for  new  Abufes  to  crave  new  Remedies ;  yet 
in  thofe  Abufes  we  content  ourfelves  with  the  old  Laws  :  only  defire  a  Con- 
firmation, and  quickening  of  them  in  their  Execution  ;  fo  far  are  we  from 
any  Humour  of  Innovation  or  Encroach nent. 

As  to  ti.:  Court  of  the  Green-doth,  ordained  for  the  provifion  of  your 
Majefty's  moft  honourable  Houfhcld,  we  hold  it  ancient  and  reverend. 
Otlior  Court:  refpe<5t  your  pclitica!  Perfon  ;  but  that  refpeds  your  natural 
Perfou.  Yet,  to  ufe  that  Fr^;edoir.,  which  to  Subjects  that  pour  out  their 
Griefs  before  fo  gracious  a  King,  is  allowable,  we  may  very  well  allcdge, 
a  Comparifon  ufed  by  one  of  th-  Fathers  in  another  Matter  ■,  and  not  unfit- 
ly reprefenting  our  Cafe,  in  this  Point:  viz.  that  of  the  Leaves  and  Roots 
of  Nettles ;  the  Leaves  are  venomous  and  ftinging,  where  they  touch  -,  the 

Root 


ry 


2^^  Speeches  (9;^  Civil  Occaftons.  Sed.I. 

Root  not  fo  ■,  but  without  Venom  or  Malignity  :    and  yet  'tis  the  Root 
that  bears  and  fuppoits  all  the  Leaves. 

As  to  the  Subllanceof  our  Petition  ;  'tis  no  other,  than  by  the  Benefit 
of  your  Majefty's  Laws  to  be  relieved  of  the  Abufes  of  Purveyors:  which 
Abufes  naturally  divide  themfelves  into  three  forts  :  the  firfl^  they  take  in 
kind  what  they  ought  not  to  take  \  the  fecoiuf,  they  take  in  quantity  a  far 
greater  Proportion  than  comes  to  your  Majefty's  ufe  ;  the  third,  theyuke 
in  an  unlawful  manner,  diredlly  and  exprefsly  prohibited  by  divers  Laws. 
For  the  firjl  of  thefe,  I  am  a  little  to  alter  their  Name  -,  for  inftead  of  Ta- 
kers, they  become  Tjxers  ;  inftead  of  taking  Provifion  for  your  Majefty's 
Service,  they  tax  your  People,  ad  redimendam  vexationem  :  impofing  up- 
on them  •,  and  extorting  from  them  Sums  of  Money,  fometimes  in  grofs, 
fometimes  in  the  nature  of  Stipends  annually  paid,  ne  noceant,  to  be 
freed  and  eafed  of  their  Opprefiion.  Again,  they  take  Trees,  which  by 
Law  they  cmnot  do ;  Timber-trees,  which  are  the  Beauty,  Countenance, 
and  Shelter  of  Men's  Houfes  ;  that  Men  have  long  fpared  from  their  own 
Purfe  and  Profit ;  that  Men  efteem,  for  their  Ufe  and  Delight,  above  ten 
times  the  "Value;  that  are  a  lofs,  which  Men  cannot  repair  or  recover. 
Thefe  they  take,  to  the  defacing  and  fpoiling  of  your  Subjects  Manfions  and 
Dwellings ;  except  they  may  be  compounded  with  to  their  own  Appetites. 
And  if  a  Gentleman  be  too  hard  for  them,  while  he  is  at  home,  they  will 
watch  their  time,  when  there  is  but  a  Bailiff" or  a  Servant  remaining;  and 
put  the  Ax  to  ihe  Root  of  the  Tree,  before  the  Mafter  can  ftop  it.  Again, 
they  ufe  a  ftrange  and  moft  unjuft  Exaftion,  in  caufing  the  Subjedts  to  pay 
a  Poundage  of  tneir  own  Debts,  due  from  your  Majefty  to  them  :  fo  that 
a  poor  Man,  when  he  has  had  his  Hay,  or  his  Wood,  or  his  Poultry, 
which  perhaps  he  was  loth  to  part  with,  and  referved  for  the  Provifion  of  his 
own  Family,  taken  from  him,  and  that  not  at  a  juft  Price,  but  under  the 
Value,  and  comes  to  receive  his  Money,  he  ftiall  have  after  the  rate  of  Twelve 
Pence  in  the  Pound  abated,  for  Poundage,  of  his  due  Payment,  upon  fo 
hard  Conditions.  Nay  farther,  they  are  grown  to  that  Extremity,  as  to 
take  double  Poundage;  once  when  the  Debenture  is  made,  and  again  when 
the  Money  is  paid. 

As  to  the  fecond  Point-,  viz.  that  the  quantity  they  take  is  far  above 
what  aiifwers  to  your  Majefty's  ufe  ;  they  are  the  greateft  Multiplyers  in 
the  world.  For 'tis  affirmed  tome,  by  Gentlemen  of  good  Report,  and 
Experience  in  thefe  Caufes,  as  a  Matter  which  I  may  fafely  avouch  before 
your  Majefty,  that  there  is  no  Pound  Profit  which  redounds  to  your  Ma- 
jefty in  this  Courfe,  but  induces  three  Pound  Damage  upon  your  Subjects, 
"befides  the  Difcontent.  And  to  the  end  they  may  make  their  Spoil  more 
fecurely;  whereas  divers  Statutes  ftridly  provide,  that  whatfoever  they  take, 
ftiall  be  regiftred  and  attefted  ;  that  by  making  a  Comparifon  of  what  is 
taken  from  the  Country,  and  what  is  anfwered  above,  their  Deceits  might 
appear  ;  tney,  to  obfcure  their  Deceit,  utterly  omit  the  Obfervation  of  this, 
which  the  Law  prefcribes. 

The 


Sc^. I.  Speeches  6K  Civil  Occaftons.  i^'}^^ 

The  third  Abufe,  "Siz.  the  unlawful  manner  of  their  taking,  is  fo  mani- 
fold, as  rather  requires  an   enumeration  of  fome  of  tlie  Particulars,  than  a 
Profecution  of  all.     For  the  Price  ;  by  Law,  they  ought   to  take  as  they 
can  agree  with  the  Subjeft  -,  but  by  Abufe  they  take  at  an  impofed  anJ 
enforced  Price :  by  Law   they  ought  to  make  but  one  Appraifement,  by 
Neighbours  in  the  Country  ;  by  Abufe  they  make  a   fecond  Appraifement 
at  the  Court-Gate  ;  and  when  the  Subjedis  Cattle  come  up  many  Miles, 
lean,  and  out  of  plight,  by  reafon  of  their  Travel,  then  they  rate  them  a- 
new  at  an  abated  Price.    By  Law  they  ought  to  take  between  Sun  and  Sun  •, 
by  Abufe  they  take  in  the  Twilight,  and  in  the  Night-time  ;  a  time   well 
chofen  for  Malefaftors :  by  Law  they  ought  not  to  take  in  the  Highways, 
a  Place  by  your  Majefty's  high  Prerogative  protedled,  and    by  Statute  in 
fpecial  Words  excepted  ■,  by  Abufe  they  take  in  the  Ways,  in  contempt  of 
your  Majefty's  Prerogative  and  Laws :  by  Law  they  ought  to  fhew  their 
Commiflion,  and  the  Form  of  Commiflion  is  by  Law  fet  down:  the  Com- 
miflions  they  bring,  are  againft  the  Law  -,  and  becaufe  they  know  fo  much, 
they  will  not  fhew  them.      A  number  of  other  Particulars  there  are,  where- 
of I  have  given  your  Majefty  a  taft e  ;  and  the  chief  of  them,  upon  delibe- 
rate Advice,  are  fet  down  in  Writing,  by  the  Labour  of  certain  Commit- 
tees, and  Approbation  of  the  whole  Houfe,  more  particularly  and  lively  than 
r  can  exprefs  them  •,  myfelf  having  them  at  the  fecond  hand,  by  reafon  of 
my  abode  in  London.     But  this  Writing  is  a  Colledtion  of  theirs  who  dwell 
among  the  Abufes  of  thefe  Offenders,  and  Complaints  of  the  People  ;  and 
fuch  muft  needs  have  a   more  perfect  underftanding  of  all  Circumftancesof 
them. 

It  remains  only  that  I  ufe  a  few  Words,  the  rather  to  move  your  Maje- 
fty  in  this  Caufe  :  and  a  very  few  will  fuffice;  for  fuch  great  Enormities  nei- 
ther require  any  aggravating  -,  nor  fo  great  Grace,  as  ufes  of  itfelf  to  flow 
from  your  Majefty's  Princely  Goodnefs,  any  artificial  Perfuading.  There 
are  two  things  only,  which  I  think  proper  to  fet  before  your  Majefty  ;  the 
one  the  Example  of  your  moft  noble  Progenitors,  Kings  of  this  Realm, 
who  from  the  firft  King  that  endowed  this  Kingdom  with  the  great  Char- 
ters of  their  Liberties  until  the  laft,  have  ordained  moft  of  them  in  their  feve- 
ral  Reigns,  fome  Laws  or  Law  againft  this  kind  of  Offenders ;  and  efpe- 
cially  the  Example  of  one  of  them,  that  King,  who  for  his  Greatnefs, 
Wifdom,  Glory,  and  Union  of  feveral  Kingdoms,  refembles  your  Majefty 
moft,  both  in  Virtue  and  Fortune,  King  Edward  III.  who  in  his  time  only, 
made  Ten  feveral  Laws  againft  this  Mifchief 

The  fecond  is  the  Example  of  God  himfelf  •,  who  faid  and  pronounced. 
That  he  uoiii  not  hold  them  guiltlep  that  take  his  Name  in  vain.  For  all  thofe 
great  Mifderaeanors  are  committed  in  and  under  your  Majefty's  Name  ;  and 
therefore  we  hope  your  Majefty  will  hold  them  twice  guilty,  that  commit 
thefe  Offences;  once  for  opprelTing  the  People,  and  again  for  doing  it  un- 
der the  Colour  and  Abufe  of  your  Majefty's  moft  dreaded,  and  beloved 
Name.  So  that  I  v/ill  conclude  with  the  Saying  of  Pindar.,  optima  res  Aqua ; 
not  for  the  excellency,  but  the  common  ufe  of  if,  and  fo  contrariwile  the 
2  Matter 


336  Sp^ECUES  on  Civil  Occajiom,  Seft.I. 

Matter  of  Abufe  in  the  Purveyance,  if  not  the  moft  heinous  Abufe,  yet  cer- 
tainly is  the  moft  common  and  general  Abufe  of  all  others  in  this  Kingdom. 
It  remains,  that  according  to  the  command  laid  upon  me,  I  do  in  all 
humility  prefent  this  Writing  to  your  Majefty's  royal  hands  -,  with  moft 
humble  Petition,  on  .behalf  of  the  Commons,  that  as  your  Majefty  has 
been  pleafed  to  vouchfafe  your  gracious  Ear  to  hear  me  ;  (o  you  would  be 
pleaded  to  enlarge  your  Patience  to  hear  this  Writing  read,  which  is  more 
material. 


Speech   II. 

Upon  the  gemral  Naturalization  of  the  Scotish 

Nation'. 


Mr.    SPEAKERi 


MY  Defign  is  to  anfwer  the  Inconveniencies  alledged,  if  we  fhoufd  give 
way  to  this  Naturalization  •,  which  I  fuppofe  you  will  not  find  fo 
great  as  they  are  made  j  but  that  much  Drofs  is  put  into  the  Balance  to 
help  the  Weight. 

I.  The  firfi  Inconvenience  is,  that  there  may  e»fue  from  this  Naturalization^ 
a  Surcharge  of  People  upon  England  ;  which  is  fuppofed  to  have  already  its  full 
Charge. 

A  grave  Objedion,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  dutiful ;  for  it  proceeds  not  from 
any  Unkindnefs  to  the  Scotifb  Nation,  but  from  a  Natural  Faftnefs  to  our 
felves:  for  that  Anfwer  of  the  Virgins,  ne  forte  non  fufficiat  vohis  i^  nobis, 
proceeds  not  out  of  any  Envy,  but  out  of  Providence,  and  the  original 
Charity  which  begins  with  ourfelves. 

To  this  fo  weighty  and  fo  principal  Objection,  I  fliall  offer  three  feveral 
Anfwers ;  every  one  of  them  being,  to  my  Underftanding,  of  itfelf  fuffi- 
cient. 

(i.)  Thtfirft  is,  that  the  Opinion  of  the  Number  of  the  Scotifh  Nation, 
likely  to  plant  themfelves  among  us,  will  be  found  a  thing  rather  in  Conceit 
than  Event ;  for,  you  will  find,  thofe  plaufible  Similitudes  of  a  Tree  thriving 
better,  if  removed  into  the  more  fruitful  Soil,  and  of  Sheep  or  Cattle  finding  a 
Pafiage  open,  will  leave  the  more  barren  Pafture,  and  get  into  a  better, 
to  be  but  fuperficial  Arguments,  that  have  no  found  Refemblance  with  the 
trAnfplanting  or  transferring  of  Families  :  for  the  Tree  we  know,  by  Na- 
ture, as  foon  as  'tis  fet  in  a  better  Ground,  can  faften  upon  it,  and  take 
Nutriment  from  it ;  and  a  Sheep,  as  foon  as  he  gets  into  a  better  Pafture, 
will  feed.  But  there  belongs  more  to  a  Family,  or  particular  Perfon,  that 
Ihall  remove  from  one  Nation  to  another :  for  if  they  have  not  Stock,  Means, 
Acquaintance,     Cuftoms,    Habitations,    Trades,    Countenance,    and    the 

like, 

*  This  Sfiech  was  made  in  the  Uonft  ofCemmm,  the  fifth  Year  of  K,mg  James  I. 


SeB:.  I.  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  w;  Ci'vi/  Occaftons.  337 

like,  they  will  ftarve  in  the  midft  of  the  rich  Pafture  -,  and  are  flir  from  gra- 
zing at  their  pleafure  :  therefore  in  this  point,  which  is  conjeftural,  Ex- 
perience is  the  beft  Guide  for  the  time  paft,  and  a  Pattern  of  the  time  to 
come.  I  think  no  Man  doubts,  but  his  Majefty's  firfl  coming  in,  was 
the  greateft  Spring-Tide  for  the  Confluence  and  Entrance  of  tliac  Nation, 
Now  I  would  fain  know,  in  thele  four  Years,  and  the  Fulnefs  and  Srrengtii 
of  the  Court  and  Tide,  how  many  Families  of  ^'ro ///«<'«  are  planted  in  th':* 
Cities,  Boroughs,  and  Towns  of  this  Kingdom  ;  fori  afTure  mylelf,  that 
more  than  fome  Perfons  of  Quality,  about  his  Majsfty's  Perfon  here  at 
Court,  and  in  London,  and  fome  other  inferior  Perfons,  that  have  a  depen- 
dance  upon  them,  the  Return  and  Certificate,  if  Rich  a  Survey  fhould  be 
made,  would  be  of  a  number  extremely  fmall.  I  apped  to  all  your  pri- 
vate Knowltxiges  of  the  Places  you  inl-uibit.  Now,  Mr,  Speaker,  I  am  fure, 
there  will  be  no  more  fuch  Spring-tides. 

But  you  will  tell  me  of  a  multitude  of  Families  of  the  Scotijh  Nation  in 
Polonid  -,  and  if  they  multiply  in  a  Country  fo  far  off,  how  much  more  at 
lund  ^     So  that  you  muft  of  necellity  impute  it  to  fome  fpecial  accident  of 
Time  and  Place,  that  draws  them  thither.      For  you  fee  plainly,   before 
your  Eyes,  cloat  in  Germany,  which   is  much  nearer,  and  in  France,  where 
they  are  invited  with   Privileges,  and  with  this  very  Privilege  of  Natura- 
lization,  yet  no  fuch  Number   can  be   found  •,  fo  that  neither  Nearnefs  of 
Place,  nor  Privilege  of  Perfon,  can   be  the  Caufe,     But  to  fpeak   what  I 
think,  of  all  Places  in  the  World,   they  will  never  take  that  Courfe  of  Life 
in  this  Kingdom,  which  they  content   themfelves  with   in  Poland  ;  for  the 
Nature  of  all  Men  is  rather   to  difcover  Poverty  abroad,    than  at  home. 
No  Gentleman,  who  has  over-reached  himfcif  in  Expences,  and  muft  there- 
fore abate  his  Countenance,  but  will  rather   travel,  and  do  it  abroad,  than 
at  home  -,  and  we  know  they    have  good  high    Stomactis  •,  and  have   ever 
ftood  in  fome  Terms  of  Emulation  with  us  :  and  therefore  they  will  never 
live  here,  except  they  can  live  in  good  Fafhion,     So  that  I  aflure  you,  Mr. 
Speaker,  I  am   of  opinion,    that  the  fear   we    now  have    to  admit  them, 
will  prove   like  that  Contention   between    the   Nobility   and    People  of 
Rome,  for  admitting  of  a  Plebeian  Conful ;  which  in  palTing  was  very  ve- 
hement, and  mightily  ftood  upon,   but  when  the  People   had  obtained  the 
Point,  they  never  made  any  Plebeian  Conful   for  fixty  Years  after  :  and  fo 
will  this  be  for  many  Years,  as  I  am   perfuaded,  rather  a  Matter  in  Opi- 
nion and  Reputation,  than  ic  Ufe  or  Effect.     And  this  is  my  firit  Anftver 
to  this  main  Inconvenience,  pretended  from  a  Surcharge  of  People. 

(2.)  Wiy  fecmd  Anfwer  to  the  Objection  is  this,  I  muft  have  leave  to 
doubt,  xh^i  England  is  not  yet  peopled  to  the  full  •,  for  certainly  the  Terri- 
tories oi  France,  Italy,  Flanders,  and  fome  great  part  of  Gerjaany,  do  in 
equal  fpace  of  Ground  bear  and  contain  a  far  greater  quantity  of  People, 
if  they  were  muftercd  by  the  Poll,  Neither  can  I  fee,  that  this  Kingdom  is 
fo  much  inferior  to  thofe  in  Fruitfulnels,  as  'tis  in  Population  :  which  makes 
me  conceive  we  luve  not  our  full  Charge.  Befides,  1  fee  manifeftly  among 
us,  the  Badges  and  Tokens  rather  of  a  Scarcity,  than  of  a  Prefs  of  People  ; 

Vol,  I,  Xx  as 


338  Speeches  on  Civil  Occajions.  Se£l. I. 

■^  as  drowned  Lands,  Commons,  Waftes,  and  the  like ;  which  is  a  plain  De- 
monftration,  that  however  there  may  be  an  over-fwelling  of  People  here 
about  London,  which  is  moft  in  our  Eye  -,  yet  the  Body  of  the  Kingdom 
is  but  thin  fown  with  them  :  and  whoever  fliall  compare  our  Ruins 
and  Decays  of  ancient  Towns,  with  the  Ereftions  and  Augmentations  of 
new,  cannot  but  judge  that  England  has  been  far  better  peopled  in  former^ 
Times  -,  it  may  be  in  the  Heptarchy,  or  otherwife  :  for  generally  it  holds 
a  Rule,  the  fmaller  the  State,  the  greater  the  Population  fro  rata.  And 
whether  this  be  true  or  no,  we  need  but  to  remember  how  many  of  us  ferve 
in  this  Houfe  for  defolafe  and  decayed  Boroughs. 

Again,  Mr.  Speaker,  whoever  looks  into  the  Principles  of  State,  muft 
hold,  that  they  are  the  Mediterranean  Countries,  and  not  the  Maritime, 
which  need  to  fear  Surcharge  of  People  -,  for  all  Sea-Provinces,  and  ef- 
pecially  Iflands,  have  another  Element  befides  the  Earth  and  Soil,  for  their 
Suftenance.  And  what  an  infinite  Number  of  People  are,  and  may  be  fu- 
ftained,  by  Fifhing,  Carriage  by  Sea,  and  Merchandizing  ?  Wherein  I  again 
difcover,  that  we  are  not  at  all  pinched  by  the  multitude  of  People  ;  other- 
wife  it  were  impoffible  we  fhould  relinquifhand  refign  fuch  an  infinite  Bene- 
fit of  Fifhing  to  the  Flemings,  as  'tis  well  known  we  do.  And  therefore  I 
fee  we  have  Waftes  by  Sea,  as  well  as  by  Land  ;  which  ftill  is  an  infallible 
Argument  that  our  Induftry  is  not  awakened  to  feek  Maintenance  by  any 
over-great  Charge,  or  Prefs  of  People.  And  laftly,  Mv.  Speaker,  there  was 
never  any  Kingdom,  in  the  Agesof  the  World,  had,  I  think,  fo  fair  and 
happy  means  to  iflue  and  dilcharge  the  multitude  of  their  People,  if  it  were 
too  great,  as  this  Kingdom,  in  regard  of  that  defolate  and  wafted  Kingdom 
of  Ireland  ;  which  being  a  Country  blefl*ed  with  almoft  all  the  Dowries 
of  Nature,  as  Rivers,  Havens,  Woods,  Quarries,  good  Soil,  a  temperate  Cli- 
mate, and  now  at  laft  bleft  alfo  under  his  Majefty  with  Obedience,  does,  as 
it  were,  continually  call  to  us  for  our  Colonies  and  Plantations.  And  thus 
1  conclude  my  fecond  Anfwer  to  this  pretended  Inconvenience  of  Surcharge 
of  People. 

(3.)  My  third  Anfwer  is  this.  I  demand,  Mr.  Speaker,  what  is  the  worft 
Effeft  that  can  follow  from  a  Surcharge  of  People  ?  Look  into  Hiftory, 
and  you  fhallfind  it  no  other  than  fome  honourable  War,  for  the  enlarge- 
ment of  their  pent  Borders  :  which  Inconvenience  in  a  valiant  and  warlike 
Nation,  I  know  not  whether  I  fhould  term  it  an  Inconvenience  ;  for  the  Say- 
ing is  moft  true,  tho'  in  another  Senfe,  cmnefolurnforti  patria.  It  was  fpo- 
ken  indeed  of  the  Patience  of  an  exiled  Man  •,  but  is  no  lefs  true  of  the  Va- 
lour of  a  warlike  Nation.  And  certainly  if  we  held  ourlelves  worthy,  when- 
ever a  juft  Caufe  fhould  be  given,  either  to  recover  our  ancient  Rights,  or 
to  revenge  our  late  Wrongs,  or  to  attain  the  Honour  of  our  Anceftors,  or 
to  enlarge  the  Patrimony  of  our  Pofterity  -,  we  would  never  in  this  manner 
forget  the  Confiderations  of  Amplitude  and  Greatnefs,  and  fall  at  va- 
riance about  Profit  and  Reckonings  ;  fitter  much  for  private  Perfons, 
than  for  Parliaments  and  Kingdoms.  And  thus,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  leave  this 
jirfi  Objeoiion  to  its  three  Anfwers. 

2  2.  The 


Scd.I.  Speeches  on  Civil  Occajions.  339 

2.  TZv  fecond  Objefiiion  «V,  that  the  fundamental  Laws  of  England  and 
Scotland  are  -^et  different  andfeveral ;  «^j,  that  Wis  declared  the]  JJjaU  continue 
fo,  and  that  there  is  no  intent  in  his  Majefty  to  make  an  Innovation  in  them  ; 
and  therefore  that  it  would  not  be  feafonahle  to  proceed  with  this  Naturaliza- 
tion, and  endow  them  with  our  Rights  and  Privileges,  except  they  JJjould  likewife 
receive  and  fubmit  themfelves  to  our  Laws.     And  this  Objcftion  likewife,  I  al- 
low to  be  a  weighty  Objedtion ;  and  worthy  to  be  well  anfwered  and  difcufl'ed. 
The  Anfwer  I  offer  is,  that  for  my  part,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  wilh  the  Scctijb 
Nation  governed  by  our  Laws ;    for  I  hold  our  Laws  with  fome  reduce- 
ments  worthy  to  govern,  tho'  it  were  the  World  :    but  this  is  what  I  fay, 
and  therein  defire  your  Attention  ;  that  according  to  true  Reafon  of  State, 
NaturaHzation   is  firft  in  Order,    and  precedent  to  Union  of  Laws;  in  de- 
gree alefs  matter  than  L^nion  of  Laws  ;  and  in  Nature    feparable,  not  infe- 
parable  from   Union  of   Laws :    for   Naturalization   only   takes    out    the 
Marks  of  a  Foreigner ;  but  Union  of  Laws  makes  them  entirely  as  our  felves. 
Naturalization  takes  away  Separation  •,  but  Union  of  Laws  takes  away  Di- 
ftinrtion.     Do  we  not  fee,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  in  the  Adminidration  of  the 
World,  under  the  great  Monarch  God  himfelf,  that  his  Laws  are  diverfe  ; 
.  one  Law  in  Spirits,  another  in  Bodies  ;  one  Law  in  Regions  celeftial  -,  ano- 
ther in  elementary  :  and  yet  the  Creatures  are  all  one  Mafs  or  Lump,  with- 
out any  Vacuum  or  Separation.     Do  we  not  likewife  fee  in   the  State  of  the 
Church,  that  among  People  of  all   Languages  and  Lineages,  there  is  one 
Communion  of  Saints,  and  that  we  are  Fellow-Citizens,  and  naturalized  of 
the  heavenly  Jerufalem  ;  and  yet  there  are  divers  and  feveral  Ecclefiaftical 
Laws,  Policies,  and  Hierarchies,  according  to  the  faying  of  that  worthy  Fa- 
ther ;  in  vejle  varietasfit,  fciffura  non  fit  ?    Therefore  certainly,  Mr.  Speaker, 
the  Bond  of  Law  is  the  more  fpecial  and  private  Bond,  and  the   Bond  of 
Naturalization  the  more  common  and  general ;  for  the  Laws  are  rather/_^a- 
ra  reipublucs  tha.n  forma  ;  and  rather  Bonds  of  Perfeftion  than  Bonds  of  En- 
tirenefs.    So  we  fee  in  the  Experience  of  our  own   Government,    that  in 
the  Kingdom  of  Ireland  all  our  Statute  Law!,  fince  Poynitig's  Law,  are  not 
in  force  ;  yet  we  deny  them  not  the  Benefit  of  Naturalization.     In  Guernfey 
and  Jerfey,  and  the  Ifle  of  Man,  our  common  Laws  are  not  in  force  -,  and 
yet  they  have  the  benefit  ofNaturalization.     Neither  need  any  Man  doubt 
but  that  our  Laws  and  Cuftoms  muft  in  fmall  time  gather,  and  win  upon 
theirs  ;  for  here  is  the  Seat  of  the  Kingdom,  whence  come  the  fupreme  Di- 
redlions  of  State  :    here  is  the  King's  Perfon  and  Example,    of  which  the 
Verfe  fays.  Regis  ad  exemplum  totus  componitur  Orbis.     And  therefore 'tis  im- 
polTible,  altho'  not  by  folemn  and  formal  Aft  of  States,  yet  by  the  fecret 
Operation  of  no  long  time,    but  they  mufl  come  under  the  Yoke  of  our 
Laws ;  and  fo  dulcis  tra£lus  parijugo.     And  this  is  the  Anfwer  I  give  to  the 
fecond  Objection. 

3.  The  third  Objection,  is  fome  Inequality  of  the  Fortunes  o/ England  and 
Scotland;  by  the  Commixture  whereof  there  ma'^  enfue  Advantage  to  them,  and 
Lofs  to  us. 

Xx  2  And 


240  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  0«  Civil  Occajjom.  Sedl.  I.. 

And  here,  Mr.  Speaker,  'tis  well  that  this  Difference  or  Difparity  confills 
but  in  the  external  Goods  of  Fortune  •,  for  indeed  it  muft  be  confefied,  that 
for  tiie  Goods  of  the  Mind,  and  the  Body,  they  are  alterinos,  fecond  felves  : 
for  to  do  them  right,  we  know  in  their  Capacities  and  Underftandings,  they 
area  People  ingenious,  in  Labour  induftrious,  in  Courage  valiant,  in  Body 
hard,  aftive  and  comely.  More  might  be  faid,  but  in  commending  them  we 
do  but  in  effeft  commend  ourfelves  i  for  they  are  of  one  Piece  and  Conti- 
nent with  us :  and  the  truth  is,  we  participate  both  of  their  Virtues  and 
Vices.  For  if  they  have  been  noted  to  be  a  People  not  fo  tradable  in  Go- 
vernment, we  cannot,  without  felf-flattery,  free  ourfelves  altogether  from  that 
Fault;  being  indeed  a  thing  incident  to  all  martial  People;  who,  as  we 
fee  it  evident  by  the  Example  of  the  Romans  and  others,  are  like  fierce 
Horfes,  which  tho'  better  for  Service  than  others,  yet  are  harder  to  break 
and,  manage. 

But  this  Objedion  I  propofe  to  anfwer  not  by  the  Authority  of  Scrip- 
tures, which  fay,  '//;  ?nore  blejpd  to  give  than  to  receive  ;  but  by  an  Autho- 
rity formed  and  derived  from  the  Judgment  of  ourfelves,  and  our  Anceftors 
in  the  fame  Cafe,  as  to  this  Point.  For,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  all  the  Line  of 
Gur  own  Kings,  none  carries  a  greater  Commendation,  than  his  Majefty's  noble 
Progenitor  King  EJa'rt/Y/ 1.  And  among  his  other  Commendations,  both  of 
"War  and  Policy,  none  is  more  celebrated  than  his  Enterprize  for  the  Conqueft 
of  Scotland;  as  not  bending  his  Defigns  to  glorious  Acquifuions  abroad, 
but  to  folid  Strength  at  home  -,  which  if  it  had  lucceeded,  could  not  but 
have  brought  in  all  thofe  Inconveniencies,  of  the  Commixture  of  a  more 
opulent  Kingdom  with  a  lefs,  that  are  now  alledged.  For  'tis  not  the 
Yoke  either  of  our  Laws  or  Arms,  that  can  alter  the  Naaire  of  the  CH- 
mate,  or  of  the  Soil  ;  neither  is  it  the  Manner  of  the  Commixture  that  can 
alter  the  Matter  of  Commixture:  and  therefore  if  it  were  good  for  us  then, 
*tis  good  for  us  now  ;  and  not  to  be  prized  the  lefs,  becaufc  we  paid  not  fo 
dear  for  it. 

4.  The  fourth  OhjeSlion,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  rather  a  Pre- occupation  of  an 
Obje(n"ion  on  the  other  fide ;  for  it  may  be  very  pertinently  asked,  about 
what  do  we  contend .''  The  Benefit  of  Naturalization  is  by  the  Law  al- 
ready fettled  and  inveftedi^  in  as  many  as  have  been,  or  Ihall  be  born,  fincc" 
his  Majefty's  coming  to  the  Crown.  There  needs  no  more  therefore,  but 
to  bring  the  ^/«/t'-/<<:J/i  into  the  Degree  of  the  Pojl-nati;  that  men  grown 
may  be  in  no  worfe  Cafe  than  Children  ;  and  elder  Brothers  in  no  worfe 
Cafe  than  younger  :  fo  that  we  Hand  but  upon  a  little  Difference  in  the^ 
time  of  one  Generation  from  another.  To  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  \i 
faid  by  fome,  that  the  Law  is  not  fo  ;  but  that  the  PoJl-nati  are  Aliens 
as  well  as  the  reft.  A  Point  that  I  mean  not  much  to  argue  ;  becaufe  I  de- 
fire  in  this  place  to  fpeak  rather  of  Convenience  than  of  Law  :  only  I  muft 
acknowledge,  to  me  the  Opinion  feems  contrary  to  the  Reafon  of  the  Law  ; 
contrary  to  the  Form  of  Pleading  in  the  Law  ;  and  contrary  to  Authority 
awd  Experience  of  Law.  For  Reafon  of  Law  •,  methinks  the  Wifdom  of 
the  common  Laws  of  England  is  admirable,  in  the  Diftribution  of  the  Bene- 
fit and  ProCeiSion  of  the  Laws,  according  to  the  four  feveral  Conditions  of 

2  Perfons, 


Sed .1.  Speeches  iw  Civ{l  Occajions.  ^ 4. i 

Perlbns,  in  an  excellent  Proportion.     The  D.^grees  are  four,  two  of  Aliens, 
and  two  of  Subjefts. 

(i.)  The/r,'?  Degree  is  of  an  Alien  born  under  a  King  or  State,  that  Is  an 
Enemy.  If  fiich  an  one  come  into  this  Kingdom  without  iafe-conduft,  'tis  at 
his  peril:  the  Law  gives  him  no  protedion,  neither  for  Body,  Lands,  nor 
Goods  ;  fo  that  if  he  be  flain,  there  is  no  remedy  by  any  Appeal  at  the  Par- 
ty's Suit ;  altho' the  Wife  were  an  £;/^////^  Woman  :  but  at  the  King's  Suit 
the  Cafe  may  be  otherwife,  in  regard  of  the  offence  to  the  Peace  and  Crown. 

(2.)  TWtfecond  Degree  is  of  an  Alien  born  under  the  Faith  and  Allegiance 
of  a  King  or  State,  that  is  a  Friend.  To  fuch  a  perfon  the  Law  imparts  a 
greater  benefit  and  proteflion  ;  that  is,  concerning  things  perfonal,  tranfi- 
tory,  and  moveable  ;  as  Goods  and  Chattels,  Contrads,  and  the  like  -,  but 
not  concerning  Freehold  and  Inheritance.  The  reafon  is,  becaufe  he  may  be 
an  Enemy,  tho'  he  is  not  ;  for  the  State,  under  the  obeifance  of  which  he  is, 
may  enter  into  a  quarrel  and  hoftility  :  and  therefore  as  the  Law  has  but  a 
tranfitory  AlTarance  of  him  •,  fo  it  rewards  him  but  with  tranfitory  Benefits, 

(3.)  T\\t  third  Degree  hoi  a  Subjed  who,  having  been  an  Alien,  is  made 
free  by  Charter  and  Denization,  To  fuch  an  one  the  Law  imparts  yet  a 
more  ample  benefit ;  for  it  gives  him  power  to  purchafe  Freehold  and  Inhe- 
ritance to  his  own  ufe  •,  and  likewife  enables  the  Children  born  after  his  Deni- 
zation to  inherit :  yet  he  cannot  make  Title,  or  convey  Pedegree  from  any 
Anccftor  paramount ;  for  the  Law  thinks  it  not  proper  to  make  him  in  the 
fame  degree  with  a  Subjed  born,  becaufe  he  was  once  an  Alien;  and  fo  mi^rht 
once  have  been  an  Enemy  :  and  Mens  Affedions  cannot  be  fo  fettled  by  any 
Benefit,  as  when  from  their  Nativity  they  are  inbred  and  inherent. 

(4.)  And  the  foitrtb,  which  is  the  perfed  Degree,  is  of  fuch  a  perfon  as  nei- 
ther is  an  Enemy,  nor  could  have  been  an  Enemy  in  time  paft,  nor  can  bean 
Enemy  in  time  to  come-,  and  therefore  the  Law  gives  him  the  full  benefit. 
Naturalization. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  if  thefe  are  the  true  Steps  and  Paces  of  the  Law,  no 
man  can  deny,  but  whoever  is  born  under  the  King's  Obedience,  never  could 
bean  Enemy  -,  a  Rebel  he  might,  but  no  Enemy  :  and  therefore,  in  Reafon 
of  Law,  is  naturalized.  Nay,  contrariwife,  he  is  hound  jure  nutivitatis  to 
defend  the  Kingdom  of  £«^/a«tf  againftall  Invaders  or  Rebels  :  and  therefore 
as  he  is  obliged  to  the  Protedion  of  Arms,  and  that  perpetually  and  univer- 
fally  ;  fo  he  is  to  have  the  perpetual  and  yBB&verfal  Benefit  and  Protedion  of 
Law,  which  is  Naturalization, 

For  Form  of  f  leading  ;  'tis  certain,  that  if  a  Man  would  plead  another  to 
be  an  Alien,  he  muft  not  only  fet  forth  negatively,  and  privatively,  that  he 
was  born  out  of  the  Obedience  of  our  fovereign  Lord  the  King-,  but  affirma- 
tively, under  the  Obedience  of  a  foreign  King,  or  State  in  particular :  which 
can  never  be  done  in  this  Cafe. 

As  for  Authority,  I  will  not  prefs  it ;  you  all  know  what  has  been  pub- 
lifhed  by  the  King's  Proclamation.  And  for  Experience  of  Law,  we  fee  it  in 
the  Subjeds  of  Ireland  ;  in  the  Subjeds  of  Guernfey,  and  Jerfey  ;  Parcels  of 
the  Dutchy  of  Normandy  ;  and  in  the  Subjeds  of  Calais^  when  it  wSiSEngliJl), 

But 


n 


42  Speeches  c«  Chi/  Occajions.  Sed.  I. 

But  to  drop  all  Argument  of  Law,  and  keep  to  Point  of  Convenience,  I  hold 
all  Pojl-nati  naturalized  ipfo  jure  ;  yet  am  far  from  Opinion,  that  it  fhould 
be  a  thing  fuperfluous,  to  have  done  it  by  Parliament ;  chiefly  in  refpedl:  of 
that  true  Principle  of  State,  PnncipU7n  a^liones  frcecipue  ad  fajnain  funt  coni- 
^onendes.  It  will  lift  up  a  Sign,  to  all  the  World,  of  our  Love  towards 
them  -,  and  a  good  Agreement  with  them. 

And  tliefe  are,  Mr.  Speaker.,  the  mateiial  Objeftions,  which  have  been 
made  on.tlie  other  fide  ;  whereto  you  have  heard  my  Anfwers  :  weigh  them 
in  your  Wifdoms  :  And  fo  I  conclude  the  general  Parr. 

II.  Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  muft  fill  the  other  Ballance,  in  exprefling  the 
conveniences  we  fliall  incur,  if  we  do  not  proceed  to  this  Naturalization.  And 
here,  the  Inconvenience  which  above  all  others  exceedingly  mo\'es  me,  and 
may  move  you,  is  a  Pofition  of  State,  colledted  out  of  the  Records  of  Time  ; 
viz.  That  wherever  feveral  Kingdoms,  or  States,  have  united  in  Sove- 
reignty, if  that  Union  has  not  been  fortified,  and  bound  in  with  a  fiirther 
Union,  that  of  Naturalization  ;  it  has  followed,  that  at  one  time  or  other, 
they  have  broke  again  -,  being,  upon  all  Occafions,  apt  to  relapfe,  and  revolt 
to  the  former  Separation. 

Of  this  AlTertion  the  firft  Example  I  fhall  kt  before  you,  is  of  that  me- 
morable Union  between  the  Romans  and  the  Latins ;  which  continued  from 
the  Battle  at  the  Lake  of  Regilla,  for  many  Years,  to  the  Confulfhips  of 
C.  Plautiiis,  and  L.  jEmilius  Mamercus.  At  which  time,  there  began,  about 
this  very  point  of  Naturalization,  a  War  call'd  Bellum  Sociale ;  being  the 
moft  bloody,  and  pernicious,  that  ever  the  Roman  State  endured  :  wherein, 
after  numbers  of  Battles,  and  infinite  Sieges,  and  Surprizes  of  Towns,  the 
Romans,  in  the  end,  prevailed,  and  maftered  the  Latins:  but  as  foon  as  ever 
they  had  the  Honour  of  the  War,  looking  back  to  what  Perdition  and  Con- 
fufion  they  were  near  being  brought,  they  prefently  naturalized  them  all. 

Again,  let  me  fet  before  you  the  Example  of  Sparta,  and  the  reft  of  the  Pelo- 
fontiefus,  their  Aflbciates.  The  State  oi  Sparta  wasa  nice  and  jealous  State,  in 
this  point  of  imparting  Naturalization  to  their  Confederates.  But  what  was  the 
iffue  of  it  ?  After  they  had  held  them  in  a  kind  of  Society,  and  Amity,  for  feve- 
ral Years;  upon  the  firft  Occafion  given,  which  was  no  more  than  the  Surprizal 
of  the  Caftle  oi  Thebes,  by  certain  Confpirators -,  there  immediately  enfued  a 
general  Revolt,  and  Defection  of  their  Aflbciates ;  which  was  the  ruin  of  their 
State,  never  afterwards  to  be  recovered. 

In  later  Times,  behold  the  like  Events  in  the  Kingdom  of  Aragon ;  which 
Kingdom  was  united  with  Caftile,  and  the  reft  of  Spain,  in  the  Perfons  of 
Ferdinando  and  Ifabella  ;  and  fo  continued  many  years :  tho'  it  yet  ftood  a 
Kingdom,  fever'd  and  divided  from  the  reft  of  the  Body  of  Spain  in  Pri- 
vileges-, and  direftly  in  this  point  of  Naturalization,  or  Capacity  of  In- 
heritance. What  came  of  this?  Thus  much,  that  now,  of  frefh  memory, 
not  above  twelve  years  fince,  only  upon  the  Voice  of  a  condemned  Man,  out 
of  the  Grate  of  a  Prifon  towards  the  Street,  who  cried,  Fueros  Libertad,  Li- 
*„  her  tad,  (which  is  as  much  as.  Liberties  or  Privileges-,)  there  was  raifed  a  dange- 

rous Rebellion ;  which  was  fupprefled,  with  great  difficulty,  by  i/i  Army 
Royal.    After  which  Vidtory,  neverthelefs,  to  avoid  farther  Inco.ivcnience, 

their 


Sed.  I.  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  ««   Civil  Occajions.  343 

their  Privileges  were  dilannull'd,  and  they  incorporated  with  Cajlile.,  and 
the  reft  of  5/)«/«.  Upon  fo  fmall  a  Spark,  notwithftanding  (b  long  a  Con- 
tinuance, were  they  ready  to  break,  and  fever  again  ! 

The  like  may  be  laid  of  the  States  of  Florence,  and  Pifn;  which  City  of 
Pifa  being  united  to  Florence,  but  not  endued  with  the  Benefit  of  Naturali- 
zation ;  upon  the  firft  fight  of  foreign  Affiftance,  by  the  Expedition  of 
CharlesVWl.  oi  France  into  Ilalj,  revolted;  the'  it  be  fince  again  reunited 
and  incorporated,  and  obtained  the  aforefuid  Benefit. 

The  iame  Effecbwe  fee  in  the  moft  barbarous  Governments ;  which  fliews  it 
rather  to  be  an  Effed  of  Nature :  for  it  was  thought  a  fit  Policy,  by  the  Council 
of  Conftantinople,  to  retain  the  three  Provinces  of  Tran/ylvafiia,  JVallachia, 
and  Moldavia  ;  which  were  as  the  very  Nurfes  of  Conjlanti/wple,  in  refpeft  of 
their  Provifions  ;  that  they  might  be  the  lefs  wafted,  only  under  Waywods, 
as  Vaflals  and  Homagers ;  and  not  under  Bafhaws,  as  Provinces  of  the  Turkijb 
Empire  :  which  Policy,  we  fee  by  late  experience,  proved  unfortunate ;  as 
appear'd  by  the  Revolt  of  the  fame  three  Provinces,  under  the  Arms  and 
Condudt  of  Sigifinond,  Prince  of  Tranfylvania  ;  a  Leader  very  famous  for  a 
time :  and  this  Revolt  is  not  yet  fully  recovered.  Whereas  we  feldom  or  never 
hear  of  Revolts  of  Provinces  incorporate  with  the  Turkijh  Empire, 

On  the  other  fide,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  fliall  find,  that  wherever  Kingdoms  and 
States  h-ave  been  united  -,  and  that  Union  incorporated  by  the  Bond  of  Natu- 
ralization mutually  ;  they  never  afterwards,  upon  any  occafion  of  trouble,  or 
otherwife,  are  found  to  break,  and  fever  again :  as  we  fee  moft  evidently  before 
our  eyes,  in  divers  Provinces  of  France,  that  is  to  fay,  Guienne,  Provencey 
Normandy,  Britain  ;  which,  notwithftanding  the  infinite  Troubles  of  that 
Kingdom,  never  offered  to  break  again.  We  fee  the  like  Effeft  in  all  the 
Kingdoms  of  Spain,  which  are  mutually  naturalized  -,  as  Leon,  Cajlile,  Va- 
hnlia,  Andalwzia,  Granada,  Murc'ia,  Toledo,  Catalonia,  and  the  reft :  except 
Aragon,  which  held  the  contrary  Courfe,  and  therefore  had  the  contrary  fuc- 
ceft -,  and  Portugal,  of  which  there  is  not  yet  fufficient  Trial. 

And  laftly,  we  fee  the  likeEfTecl  in  our  own  Nation, which  never  rent  afunder, 
after  it  was  once  united  ■,  lb  that  we  now  fcarce  know  whether  the  Heptarchy 
were  a  true  Story,  or  a  Fable.  Therefore,  Mr.  Speaker,  when  I  revolve  thefe 
Examples,  and  others,  lb  lively  exprelTing  the  necefTity  of  a  Naturalization, 
to  avoid  a  Relapfe  into  a  Separation  •,  I  greatly  apprehend,  that  unlefs  we 
proceed  with  this  Naturalization,  tho'  not  perhaps  in  his  Maiefty's  Time, 
who  has  fuch  Intereft  in  both  Nations  •,  yet,  in  the  Time  of  his  Defcendants  ; 
thele  Realms  will  be  in  continual  danger  to  divide  and  break  again. 

Now  if  any  Man  be  of  that  carelefs  Mind,  maneat  nojlros  ea  cura  nepotes ; 
or  of  chat  hard  Mind,  as  to  leave  things  to  be  tried  by  the  fharpeft  fword  : 
fure  I  am,  he  is  not  of  St.  Paul's  Opinion,  who  affirms,  that  wbofoever  ufes 
not  Forefight,  and  Provifion  for  his  Family,  is  worfe  than  an  Infidel ;  much 
more,  if  we  Ihall  not  ufe  Forefight  for  thefe  two  Kingdoms,  that  com- 
prehend, in  them,  fo  many  Families ;  but  leave  things  open  to  the  Dvngers 
of  future  Divifions.  And  thus  I  have  expreffed  to  you  the  Inconvenience, 
which,  of  all  others,  finks  deepeft  with  me,  as  the  moft  weighty. 

Neither 


244  Speeches  0«  Civil  Occaftom,  Sed.I, 

Neither  do  there  want  other  Inconveniences,  Mr.  Speaker  \  the  Effefts 
and  Influences  whereof,  I  fear,  will  not  be  adjourned  to  fo  long  a  day  as 
this  I  have  fpoke  of:  for  1  leave  it  to  your  Wifdom  to  confider,  whether, 
if  by  the  denial  of  this  Naturalization,  any  Pique,  Alienation,  or  Unkind- 
nefs,  fhould  be,  or  but  be  thought  to  be,  or  noifed  to  be,  between  thefc 
two  Nations,  whether  it  will  not  quicken  and  excite  all  the  concealed  envious 
and  malicious  Humours  againft  us,  either  foreign  or  at  home  •,  and  fo  open 
the  way  to  Praftices,  and  other  Engines,  and  Machinations,  to  the  di- 
fturbance  of  this  State  ?  As  for  that  other  Inconvenience  of  his  Maje- 
fty's  Engagement  in  this  Adion,  'tis  too  binding  and  too  preffing  to  be 
fpoke  of  ;  and  may  do  better  a  great  deal  in  your  Minds  than  in  my  Mouth, 
or  in  the  Mouth  of  any  Man  elfe  ;  becaufe  it  preifcsour  Liberty  too  far. 

III.  I  come  now  to  the  third  gemrd Part  of  my  Divifion,  concerning  th? 
Benefits  which  we  fhall  purchafe,  by  knitting  this  Knot  furer  and  flriiter  be- 
tween thefe  two  Kingdoms,  in  the  Commynicating  of  Naturalization. 

The  Benefits  may  appear  to  be  two  •,  Safety  and  Greatnsfi.  As  to  Safety, 
Mr.  Speaker,  it  was  well  faid  by  Tuus  ^rir.tius  of  the  State  of  Pelopomefus, 
that  the  Torlaife  is  fa^e  w:lbi?i  her  Shell ;  but  if  any  Parts  lie  open,  they  en- 
danger all  the  reft.  We  know  well,  that  altho'  the  State  at  this  time  enjoys 
a  happy  Peace  -,  yet  for  the  time  pafl  its  more  ancient  Enemy  has  been  the 
Frencb,3ind  a  more  late  the  Spaniard ;  and  both  thefe  had  as  it  were  their  feveral 
Poflern  Gates,  whereby  they  might  have  approach  and  entrance  to  annoy  us. 
France  had  Scotland,  and  Spain  had  Ireland;  for  thefe  were  the  two  accefTes 
which  encouraged  both  thefe  Enemies  to  affail  and  trouble  us.  We  fee  that 
oi  Scotland  is  cut  off  by  the  Union  of  thefe  two  Kingdoms,  if  it  fl-iall  be  now 
made  conftant  and  permanent ;  and  that  of  Ireland  is  cut  off  likewife  by  tl^ve 
convenient  Situation  of  the  Wefl  of  Scotland  towards  the  North  of  Ireland^ 
where  the  Sore  was  -,  which  being  fuddenly  clofed,  was  continued  cloild  by 
means  of  this  Salve  :  fo  that  now  there  are  no  parts  of  this  State  expofed  to 
Danger,  as  a  Temptation  to  the  Ambition  of  Foreigners  -,  but  their  Ap- 
proaches and  Avenues  are  taken  away.  And  doubtlefs,  Foreigners,  who  had 
fo  little  Succefs  with  thefe  Advantages,  will  have  muchlefs  Hopes  now  they 
are  taken  from  them.     And  fo  much  for  Safety. 

For  Greatnefe,  Mr.  Speaker  ;  I  think  a  Man  may  fpeak  it  foberly,  and 
without  Bravery,  that  this  Kingdom  oi'  England,  having  Scotland  united,  Ire- 
land reduced,  the  Sea-Provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  contrafted,  and  Ship- 
ping maintained,  is  one  of  the  grcateft  Monarchies,  in  Forces,  truly  efteem- 
,  ed,  that  has  been  in  the  World.     For  certainly  the  Kingdoms  here  on  Earth 

have  a  refemblance  with  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  ;  which  our  Saviour  com- 
.  pares  not  to  any  great  Kernel  or  Nut,  but  to  a  very  fma  11  Grain  ;  yet  fuch 
an  one,  as  is  apt  to  grow  and  fpread  :  and  fuch  do  I  take  the  Conflitution 
of  this  Kingdom  to  be  •,  if  we  fhall  bend  our  Counfels  to  Greatnefs  and  Power, 
and  not  quench  them  too  much  with  the  Confideration  of  Utility  and 
Wealth.  For,  Mr.  Speaker,  was  it  not  a  true  Anfwer  that  Solon  of  Greece 
made  to  the  rich  King  Crcefm  of  Lydia,  fhewing  him  a  greatquantity  of  Gold, 
which  he  had  amalTcd  together  in  Oitentation  of  his  Greatnefs  and  Might  ? 

But 


Seel. I.  Speeches  0»  Civil Occafions.  345 

But  5o/5«  faid  to  him,  contrary  to  hisExpeftation,  why.  Sir,  if  another  come 
that  has  better  Iron  than  you,  he  will  be  Lord  of  all  your  Gold.  Nciiiicr 
is  the  Authority  of  Machtavel  to  be  defpifed,  who  fcorns  that  Proverb  of 
State,  taken  firft  from  a  Speech  of  Mucianus ;  that  Monies  are  the  Sineivs  of 
War;  and  faid,  "There  are  no  true  Sinews  of  IVar^  but  the  Sinews  of  the  Arms 
of  valiant  Men. 

Nay  more,  Mr.  Speaker,  whoever  fhall  look  into  the  Seminaries  and  Begin- 
nings of  the  Monarchies  of  the  World,  will  find  them  founded  in  Poverty. 
Perfia  was  a  Country  barren  and  poor,  in  refped:  of  Media,  which  they  fub- 
dued.  Macedon  was  a  Kingdom  ignoble  and  mercenary,  till  the  time  o^  Philip, 
the  Son  of  Jmyntas.  Rome  had  poor  and  paflroral  Beginnings.  The  Turks,  a 
Band  ofSarmalhian  Scythes,  that  in  a  vagabond  manner  made  Incurfion  up- 
on that  part  of  ^^,  yet  called  Turcomania  ;  out  of  which,  after  much  va- 
riety of  Fortune,  fprungthe  0«««««  Family,  now  the  Terror  of  the  World, 
So  we  know,  the  Goths,  Vandals,  Alans,  Huns,  Lomlards,  Normans,  and 
the  reft  of  the  Northern  People,  in  one  Age  of  the  World  made  their  De- 
fcent  upon  the  Roman  Empire  ;  and  came  not  as  Rovers,  to  carry  away  a 
Prey  and  be  gone  again  ;  but  planted  themfelves  in  a  number  of  rich  and 
fruitful  Provinces,  where  not  only  their  Generations,  but  their  Names  re- 
main to  this  day  ;  witncfs  Lonib.irdy,  Catalonia,  a  Name  compounded  of 
Goth  s.nd  Alan,  Andalufia,  (a  Name  corrupted  from  ^(Z«itf ///?«,)  Hungarian 
Normandy,  &c. 

Nay,  the  late  Fortune  of  the  Switzers,  a  People  bred  in  a  barren  and  moun- 
tainous Country,  is  not  to  be  forgot ;  who  firft  aiined  the  Duke  of  Burgun- 
dy, who  had  almoft  ruined  the  Kingdom  of  France  :  when  after  the  Battle 
near  Gratifon,  the  rich  Jewel  of  Burgundy,  prized  at  many  thoufands,  was 
fold  for  a  few  Pence,  by  a  common  Swifs,  that  knew  no  more  what  a  Jewel 
meant  than  y^^/o//'s  Cock.  And  again,  the  fame  Nation,  in  revenge  of  a 
Scorn,  was  the  ruin  oi  x.\\t  French  King's  Affairs  in  Italy,  Lewis'^W.  For 
this  King,  when  he  prefTed  fomewhat  rudely,  by  an  Agent  of  the  ^w/z^rj,  to 
raife  their  Penfions,  broke  into  Words  of  Choler  •,  fVhat,  fays  he,  willthofe 
Villains  of  the  Mountains  put  a  Tax  upon  me  ?  Which  Words  loft  him  his 
Dutchy  oi  Milan,  and  chafed  him  out  of  Italy. 

All  thefe  Examples,  Mr.  Speaker,  well  prove  Solon's  Opinion  of  the  Au- 
thority and  Maftery,  that  Iron  has  over  Gold.  And  therefore  to  fpeak  my 
Heart,  methinks  we  fhould  a  little  difdain  that  Spain,  (which  however  of  late 
it  has  begun  to  rule,  yet  of  ancient  timeferved  many  Ages,  firft  under  C^r- 
thage,  then  under  Ro?ne,  a.fter  under  the  Saracens,  Go//;5,  and  others,)  fhould 
of  late  Years  take  the  Spirit  to  dream  of  a  Monarchy  in  the  Weft,  according 
to  that  Device,  video  Solemn  Orientem  in  Occidente,  only  becaufe  they  have  ra- 
vilhed  from  fome  wild  and  unarmed  People,  Mines,  and  Store  of  Gold; 
and  on  the  other  fide,  that  this  Ifland  of  Britain,  feated  and  manned  as  it  is, 
and  that  has,  I  make  no  queftion,  the  beft  Iron  in  the  World,  that  is, 
the  beft  Soldiers  of  the  World,  fhall  think  of  nothing,  but  Accounts  and 
Audits,  and  Meum  £ff  Tuum,  and  I  cannot  tell  what. 

Vol.  I.  Yv  Mr. 


246  Speeches  0«  Civil  Occaftons.  Se<ft. T. 

Mr.  Speahri  I  have  gone  thro'  the  Parts  I  propofed  to  myfelf  •,  wherein 
if  any  Man  fliall  think  I  have  fung  a  Placebo,  for  my  own  particular,  I 
would  have  him  know,  that  I  difcern  it  were  much  alike  for  my  private 
Fortune,  to  reft  a  Tacebo,  as  to  fing  a  Placebo  in  this  Bufinefs:  but  I  have 
fpoke  out  of  the  Fountain  of  my  Heart;  J  believed,  therefore  I /poke  i 
Co  that  my  Duty  is  performed :  the  Judgment  is  yours  j  God  dired  it  for 
the  bed. 


Speech    III. 

Upon  a  Motion  for  Uniting  the  Laws  of  England  and 

Scotland. 

Mr.  Speaker  i 

WERE  it  now  a  time  to  wifli,  as  'tis  to  advife,  no  Man  fhouki  be 
mor-r  forward,  or  more  earnefl.  than  myfelf  in  this  Wifh,  that  his 
Majefty's  Subjeils  of  England  and  Scotland  were  governed  by  one  Law  ; 
and  that  for  many  Reafons. 

Firft,  becaufe  it  will  be  an  infallible  Aflurance,  that  there  fliall  never  be 
a  Rclapfe  in  fucceeding  Ages  to  a  Separation. 

Secondly,  becaufe  'tis  bell  drawing  upon  an  equal  foot  ;  but  if  the  Draught 
lie  moftupon  us,  and  the  Yoke  lie  lead  on  them,orcontrariwife,  'tis  not  equal. 

'Thirdly,  the  Qualities  of  their  Laws  and  ours  are  fuch  as  promife  an  ex- 
cellent Temperature  in  the  compounded  Body  :  for  if  the  Prerogative  here 
be  too  indefinite,  it  may  be  the  Liberty  there  is  too  unbounded :  if  our 
Laws  and  Proceedings  are  too  prolix  and  formal,  it  may  be  theirs  are  too 
fummary  and  unformal. 

Fourthly,  I  difcern  no  great  Difficulty  in  this  Work  -,  for  their  Laws,  com- 
pared with  ours,  are  like  their  Language  compared  with  ours  :  for  as  their 
Language  has  the  fame  Roots  with  ours,  but  a  little  more  mixture  of  Lrt/w 
and  French  ;  fo  their  Laws  and  Cuftoms  have  the  like  Grounds  as  ours,  with 
a  little  more  mixture  of  the  Civil  Law,  and  French  Cndoms. 

Laftly,  the  Means  to  this  Work  feem  no  lefs  excellent  than  the  Work 
itfelf:  for  if  both  Laws  fliall  be  united,  'tis  neceflTary  for  a  Preparation  and 
Inducement  thereto,  that  our  own  Laws  may  be  reviewed  and  recompiled  ; 
which  I  think  fuch  a  Work,  that  his  Majefty  cannot,  in  thefe  his  times  of 
Peace,  undertake  one  that  is  more  Politick,  more  Honourable,  or  more  Be- 
neficial to  his  Subjefts,  for  all  Ages :  for  this  continual  heaping  up  of  Laws, 
without  digefting  them,  makes  but  a  Chaos  and  Confufion-,  and  often  turns 
the  Laws  into  Snares  to  the  People,  as  'tis  faid  in  Scripture  ;  it  fliall  rain 
Snares  upon  them  :  and  the  Snares  of  the  Law  are  the  worfl:  of  Snares.  And 
therefore  this  Work,  I  efteem  to  be  indeed  an  heroical  Work  •,  and  what  if 
I  might  live  to  fee,  I  would  not  defire  to  live  after.    So  that  for  this  good 

Wifli 


Seel. I.  Speeches  (?« Civil  OccaJio?ts.  347 

Wifli  of  the  Union  of  the  Laws,  I  confent  to  the  full :  and  I  think  you  may 
perceive  by  what  I  have  faid,  that  I  come  not  in  this,  to  the  Opinion  of 
others,  but  that  I  was  long  ago  fettled  in  it  myfelf.  Neverthelefsas  this  is 
moved  out  of  Zeal,  fo  I  take  it  to  be  moved  out  of  time,  as  commonly 
all  zealous  Motions  arc,  while  Men  move  fo  fafl.  on  to  the  End,  that  they 
give  no  attention  to  the  Means :  for  if  it  be  time  to  talk  of  this  now,  'tis  either 
(i.)  Becaufe  the  Bufmefs  in  hand  cannot  proceed  without  it  -,  or  (2.)  Becaufe 
in  Time  and  Order  this  Matter  ihould  proceed-,  or  (3.)  Becaufe  we  Ihall  lofe 
fome  Advantage  towards  thisEftecl,  fo  much  defired,  if  we  go  on  in  the  Courfe 
we  are  about.  But  not  one  of  thefe  three  is  in  my  Judgment  true  •,  and 
therefore  the  Motion  is  unfcafonable. 

(i.)  For  FirJ},  that  there  may  not  be  a  Naturalization  without  an  Union 
in  Laws,  cannot  be  maintained.  Look  into  the  Example  of  the  Church, 
and  the  Union  thereof,  you  fhall  fee  the  Original  Bonds  to  be  one  Faith, 
one  Baptifm-,  and  not  one  Policy,  one  Cuftom.  And  fo  in  the  Civil  State; 
the  main  Bonds  are  one  Allegiance,  one  Birth-right  or  Naturality  ;  and  not 
one  Law,  or  one  Adminiftration  of  Law  :  and  therefore  one  of  the  Fathers 
made  an  excellent  Obfervation  upon  the  two  Myfteries  ;  the  one  that  in 
the  Gofpel,  where  the  Garment  of  Chrift  is  fiid  to  have  been  without 
Seam  •,  the  other  that  in  the  Pfalm,  the  Garment  of  the  Qneen  reprefent- 
ing  the  Church  is  faid  to  have  been  of  divers  Colours  -,  whereupon  he  con- 
cludes well,  in  Vefte  varietas fit,  fcijfura  }:on  ft:  allowing  divert  Forms  of 
Ecclefiaftical  Laws  and  Ufages  ;  fo  as  there  be  no  Schifm  or  Separation. 
And  in  this  Cafe,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  are  now  about  to  make  this  Monarchy 
of  one  Piece,  and  not  of  one  Colour.  Look  again  into  the  Examples  of 
Foreign  Countries,  and  take  that  next  us  of  France,  and  there  you  fliall  find 
they  have  this  Diftribution,  Pais  du  droit  efcrit,  and  Pais  dtt  droit  Couftu- 
mier.  For  Gafccigne,  Languedoc,  Provence,  and  Dauphin)',  are  Countries 
governed  by  the  Letter,  or  Text  of  the  Civil  Law  :  but  the  Ifle  of  France^ 
^ourain.  Berry,  Anjou,  and  the  reft ;  and  moft  of  Britain  and  Normandy, 
are  governed  by  Cuftoms,  which  amount  to  a  municipal  Law  •,  and  ufe  the 
Civil  Law  only  for  Grounds,  and  the  Decifion  of  new  and  extraordinary 
Cafes  ;  yet  Naturalization  pafles  thro'  all, 

(2.)  Secondly,  that  this  Union  of  Laws  fhould  precede  the  Naturaliza- 
tion, or  that  it  fhould  go  hand  in  hand  therewith,  I  fuppofe  likewife  can 
hardly  be  maintained  ;  but  the  contrary,  that  Naturalization  fhould  pre- 
cede, and  that  not  in  the  precedence  of  an  Inftant,  but  in  diftance  of  Time. 
For  the  Union  of  Laws  will  ask  length  of  Time  to  perfeft,  both  for  the 
compiling  and  paffing  of  them  :  during  all  which,  if  this  Mark  of  Strangers 
fhould  not  be  taken  away,  I  fear  it  may  induce  fuch  a  Habit  of  Strangenefs, 
as  would  rather  be  an  impediment  than  a  Preparation  to  farther  Proceed- 
ing i  for  he  was  a  wife  Man  who  faid,  When  things  go  fmoothh,  they  prove 
favourable  to  grand  Attempts  ^  \  and  in  thefe  Cafes,  Not  to  advance,  is  to  run 
hackK     And  as  in  a  Table-Book,  you  muft  put  out  the  former  Writing 

Y  y  2  before 

•  Oppertuni  magnis  cenatiiits  trnnftns  rerum. 

*  Hon  progrtdi  ejl  regreJi. 


248  Speeches  on  Chil  Occajtons.  Sedl.  I. 

before  you  can  put  in  new  ;  and  again,  that  which  you  write  down,  you 
write  Letter  by  Letter  j  but  that  which  you  put  our,  you  put  out  at  once  : 
fo  we  have  now  to  deal  with  the  Tables  of  Men's  Hearts,  wherein  'tis  in 
vain  to  think  of  entring  the  willing  acceptance  of  our  Laws  and  Cuftoms, 
except  you  firft  rub  out  all  Marks  of  Hoftility  or  foreign  Condition  •,  and 
thefe  are  to  be  rubbed  off  at  once,  without  Gradations ;  whereas  the  other 
Points  are  to  be  imprinted  and  engraven  diftinftly  by  degrees. 

(3.)  Thirdly,  whereas  'tis  conceived  by  fome,  that  the  Communication  of 
our  Benefits  and  Privileges  is  a  good  hold  we  have  over  them,  to  draw  them 
to  fubmit  themfelves  to  our  Laws ;  'tis  an  Argument  of  fome  Probability, 
but  yet  to  be  anfwered  many  ways.  For  firft,  the  Intent  is  miftaken,  which 
is  not,  as  I  conceive  it,  to  draw  them  wholly  to  a  Subjedlion  to  our  Laws ; 
but  to  draw  both  Nations  to  one  Uniformity  of  L-aw. 

Again,  to  think  that  there  fliould  be  a  kind  of  articulate  and  indented 
Contraft,  that  they  fliould  receive  our  Laws  to  obtain  our  Privileges,  'tis 
a  Matter,  in  reafon  of  State,  not  to  be  expefted  -,  being  that  which  fcarcely 
a  private  Man  will  acknowledge,  if  it  come  to  what  Seneca  fpeaks  of,  Bene- 
ficmn  accipere  ejt  libertatem  vendere.  No,  but  Courfes  of  State  defcribe  and 
delineate  another  way,  which  is  to  win  them  either  by  Benefit  or  by  Cu- 
ftom ;  for  we  fee  in  all  Creatures,  that  Men  feed  them  firft,  and  reclaim 
them  after:  fo  in  the  firft  Inftitution  of  Kingdoms,  Kings  firft  won  People 
by  many  Benefits  and  Protedions,  before  they  preft  any  Yoke.  And  for 
Cuftom,  which  the  Poet  calls  tmponere  morem.,  who  doubts  but  the  Seat 
of  the  Kingdom,  and  the  Example  of  the  King  refting  here  with  us,  that 
our  Manners  will  quickly  be  there,  to  make  all  things  ready  for  our 
Laws .''  And  laftly,  the  Naturalization,  which  is  now  propofed,  is  quali- 
fied with  fuch  Reftridions,  that  there  will  be  enough  kept  back  to  be 
ufed  at  all  times,  for  an  adamant  of  drawing  them  further  on  towards  our 
Defires.  And  therefore,  to  conclude,'  I  hold  this  Motion  of  the  Union  of 
Laws  very  worthy  -,  and  arifing  from  very  good  Minds »  but  yet  not  pro- 
per for  this  Time. 


Speech 


Sed.  I.  Speeches  0«  Civil  Occafionu  349 


Speech   IV. 

For  perf adding  the  Houfe  of  Com7mns  to  receive  the  Kings 
Me^agesy  by  their  Speaker j  and  from  the  Body  of  the 
Council^  as  well  as  from  the  King  hi?nfelf''. 

»rTniS  my  Defire,  that  if  any  of  the  King's  Bufmefs,  either  of  Honour 
1  or  Profit,  ftiall  pafs  the  Houfe,  it  may  be  not  only  with  external 
prevailing,  but  with  Satisfi\dion  of  the  inward  Man.  For  in  confcnt,  where 
Tongue-rtrings,  not  Heart-ftrings,  make  the  Mufick,  the  Harmony  may 
end  in  Difcord.     To  this   I  fliall  always  bend  my  Endeavours. 

The  King's  Sovereignty,  and  the  Liberty  of  Parliament,  are  as  the  two 
Elements,  and  Principles  of  this  State  ;  which,  tho'  the  one  be  more  adive, 
the  other  more  pafTive,  yet  they  do  not  crofs,  or  dcftroy,  but  ftrengchen, 
and  maintain  one  another.  Take  away  Liberty  of  Parliament,  and  the 
Griefs  of  the  Subjeft  will  bleed  inwards.  Sharp  and  eager  Humours  will  not 
evaporate  •,  and  then  they  muft  exulcerate  •,  and  fo  rruiy  endanger  the  Sove- 
reignty itfelf  On  the  other  fide,  if  the  King's  Sovereignty  receive  Diminu- 
tion, or  any  degree  of  Contempt  with  us,  who  are  born  under  an  hereditary 
Monarchy  -,  fo  that  the  Motions  of  our  State  cannot  work  in  any  other  Frame 
or  Engine ;  it  muft  follow,  that  we  fhall  be  a  Meteor,  or  Body,  imperfeftly 
mix'd  :  which  kind  of  Bodies  come  fpeedily  to  Confufion,  and  Diflblution. 

And  herein 'tis  our  Happinefs,  to  make  the  fame  Judgment  of  the  King,  as 
Tacitus  made  of  Nerva :  Nerva  tempered  things^  that  before  "were  thought  incom- 
patible., Sovereignty  and  Liberty  "^.  And 'tis  not  amifs,  in  a  great  Council,  and 
a  great  Caufe,  to  put  the  other  part  of  the  Difference,  which  was  fignificantly 
cxprefled  by  the  Judgment  that  ApoUonius  made  of  Nero,  v/lien  Vrf/afian 
came  out  of  Judea  towards  Ilahy  to  receive  the  Empire  t  as  he  pafled  by 
Alexandria,  he  fpoke  with  ApoUonius,  a  Man  much  admired  ;  and  afked  him 
what  was  Nero'i  Fall,  or  Overthrow  ?  Apolloniirs  anfwered,  Nero  could  tune 
the  Harp  well ;  but  in  Government,  he  always  either  woundup  the  Pins  too  high, 
er  let  them  down  too  low.  Here,  we  fee  the  difference  between  a  regular  and 
an  able,  and  an  irregular  and  incapable  Prince,  Nerva,  and  Nero.  The 
one  wifely  tempers,  and  mingles  the  Sovereignty  with  the  Liberty  of  the 
Subjeft  ;  and  the  other  interchanges  it,  and  varies  it  unequally,  and  abfurdly. 
Since  therefore  we  have  a  Prince  of  fuch  excellent  Wifdom  and  Moderation, 
of  whofe  Authority  we  ought  to  be  tender,  as  he  is  likewife  of  our  Liberty, 
let  us  enter  into  a  true  and  indifferent  Confideration,  how  far  the  Cafe  in 
queftion  may  touch  his  Authority,  and  how  far  our  Liberty  :  and  to  fpeak 

clearly, 

'  This  Speech  was  made  when  the  Author  was  Sollicitor  Cenernl;    in  the  Seventh  Year  ot 
King  James  I. 
?  Di-uHs  Hervn  Bjs  clim  flijfoelnbiles  mifcitit  ;  Im^erium  ^  Lihrtatem. 


5P  Speeches  i»;?  Civil  Occafw7is.  Seel.  I. 

clearly,  in  my  Opinion,  it  concerns  his  Authority  much,  and  our  Liberty 
nothing  at  all. 

The  Quettions  are  two  :  the  one,  whether  our  Speaker  be  exempted  from 
delivering  a  IVIcffige  from  the  King  without  Licence  ?  The  ether,  if  it  be  not 
the  fame,  if  he  received  it  from  tlie  Body  of  the  Council,  as  immediately  from 
the  King  ?  And  I  will  fpeak  of  the  laft  firft  ;  becaufe  it  is  the  circumftance 
of  the  prefent  Cafe. 

Firft  then,  let  us  fee  how  it  concerns  the  King  ;  and  next,  how  it  concerns 
us.  For  the  King  •,  certainly  if  you  may  not  receive  his  Pleafure  by  his  re- 
prefentative  Body,  which  is  his  Council  of  State,  you  both  ftraiten  his  Ma- 
jefty  in  point  of  convenience,  and  weaken  the  Reputation  of  his  Council. 
All  Kings,  tho'  they  a.re  Gods  on  Earth,  yet  they  are  Gods  of  Earth:  they 
may  be  of  extreme  Age  ;  they  may  be  indifpofed  in  Health;  they  may  be 
ablent.  In  thefe  Cafes,  if  their  Council  may  not  fupply  their  Peribns,  to 
what  infinite  Accidents  do  you  expofe  them  ?  Nay  more,  fometimes  in  Po- 
licy, Kings  will  not  be  feen,  but  cover  themfelves  with  their  Council  ;  and  if 
this  be  taken  from  them,  great  part  of  their  Safety  is  taken  away. 

For  the  other  point,  of  weakening  the  Council,  you  know  they  are  nothing 
without  the  King:  they  are  no  Body  Politick :  they  have  no  Commiffion 
undor  Seal.  So  that  ifyou  begin  to  diftinguifli  and  disjoin  them  from  rhe 
King,  they  are  corpus  opacum  •,  for  they  have  lumen  de  lu?nine :  and  by  di- 
ftinguifliing  you  extinguifh  the  principal  Engine  of  the  State.  For  'tis 
truly  affirmed,  that  conftlitifii  non  habet  pcttjiiitem  delegatam,  fed  inharen- 
/f/-«  .- and 'cis  but  Rex  in  Cathedra:  the  King  in  his  Chair  or  Confiftory, 
where  his  Will  and  Decrees,  which  in  Privacy  are  more  changeable,  be- 
come fettled  and  fix'd. 

Now  to  what  concerns  ourfelves.  F^rfi,  for  Dignity  •,  no  Man  muft 
think  this  a  Difparagement  to  us  :  for  the  greateft  Kings  in  Europe,  by  their 
Ambafladors,  receive  Anfwers  and  Directions  from  the  Council  in  the 
King's  abfence  •,  and  if  that  Negotiation  be  fie  for  the  Fraternity  and 
Party  of  Kings,   it  may  much  lefs  be  excepted  to  by  Subjecfls. 

For  Ule  or  Benefit ;  no  Man  can  be  fo  raw  and  unacquainted  in  the  Af- 
fliirs  of  the  World,  as  to  conceive  there  fhould  be  any  Difadvantage  in  it ; 
as  if  fuch  Anfwers  were  leis  firm  and  certain.  For  it  cannot  be  fuppofed, 
that  Men  of  fo  great  Caution,  as  Couniellors  of  State  commonly  are,  will 
err,  or  adventure  fo  far  as  to  exceed  their  Warrant.  And  therefore  I 
conclude,  that  in  this  Point  there  can  be  to  us  neither  Difgrace  nor 
Difadvantage. 

For  the  Point  of  the  Speaker ;  Firfl,  on  the  King's  part,  it  may  have 
a  flirewd  illation  :  for  it  has  a  Shew,  as  if  there  could  be  a  ftronger  Duty, 
than  the  Duty  of  a  Subjedt  to  a  King.  We  fee  the  Dsgrees  and  Differen- 
ces of  Duties  in  Families  between  Father  and  Son,  Mafter  and  Servant ; 
in  Bodies  corporate,  between  Communities  and  their  Officers,  Recorders, 
Stewards  and  the  like  ;  yet  all  thefe  give  place  to  the  King's  Commands. 
The  Bonds  are  more  fpecial,  but  not  fo  forcible.  On  our  part  -,  it  con- 
cerns us  nothing.     For  firft,  'tis  but  of  the  Channel,  how  the  King's  Mef- 

I  fags 


Sed.  I.  .   Speeches*?;^  Civil  Occaflons.  351 

fage  (hall  be  conveyed  to  us,  and  not  of  the  Matter.  Neither  has  the 
Speaker  any  fuch  Dominion,  as  that  by  coming  out  of  his  Mouth,  it  fhould 
prefs  us  more  than  out  of  a  Privy  Counfellor's.  Nav,  it  fccms  to  be  a  great 
Truft  of  the  King  towards  the  Hojfe,  when  he  doubts  not  to  put  his 
Meflage  into  their  Mouth  ;  as  if  he  fhould  fpeak  to  the  City  hy  the  Re- 
corder :  therefore  methinks  we  fhould  not  entertain  this  unnecefiary  Scru- 
ple. It  is  one  Ufe  of  Wit  to  makecl-ar  things  doubtful  •,  but  'tis  a  much 
better  Ufe  of  it,  to  make  doubtful  things  clear  ;  and  to  that  I  would  have 
Men  bend  themfelves. 


Speech  V. 

Upon  Occajion  of  the  U?:dertah.ers  j  or  certain  Perfom  who 

'were /aid  to  have  u^idertakefi^  that  the  King's  Bufrnefs 

JJjould  pafs  in  the  Houfe  ofCom7?io7U^  to   his  Majcfiys 

mjh\. 

Mr.  Speaker, 

I  Have  been  hitherto  filent  in  this  Matter  of  Undertaking.,  wherein,  as  I 
perceive,  the  Houfe  is  much  enwrapped.  Firjl,  becaufe  to  be  plain  with 
you,  I  did  not  underftand  well  what  it  meant,  or  what  it  was  :  and  I  love 
not  to  offer  at  what  I  do  not  thoroughly  conceive.  That  private  Men 
fhould  undertake  for  the  Commons  of  England ;  Why  !  a  Man  might  as 
well  undertake  for  the  four  Elements.  'Tis  a  thing  fo  giddy,  and  fo  valt, 
as  cannot  enter  into  the  Brain  of  a  fober  Man  :  and  efpecially  in  a  New 
Parliament,  when  it  was  impofiible  to  know  who  fhould  be  of  the  Parlia- 
ment :  and  when  all  who  know  ever  fo  little  of  the  Conftitution  of  this  Houfe, 
know  it  to  be  fo  open  to  Reafon,  that  men  do  not  know,  when  they  enter 
ihefe  Doors,  what  Mind  themfelves  will  be  of,  till  they  hear  things  argued 
and  debated.  Much  lefs  can  any  Man  make  a  Policy  of  jiffurance,  what 
Ship  ftiall  come  fafe  home  to  the  Harbour  in  thefe  Seas. 

I  have  heard  of  Undertaking  in  feveral  kinds.  There  were  Undertakers 
for  the  Plantations  ofDerry  and  Colerain  in  Ireland,  the  better  to  command 
and  bridle  thofe  Parts.  There  were  not  long  ago  fome  Undertakers  for 
tlie  North-Wefl  Pafliige  -,  and  now  there  are  fome  Undertakers  for  the  Pro- 
;ieft  of  dyed  and  dreffed  Cloths  •,  and  in  fliort,  every  Novelty  ufes  to  be 
■ftrengthened  and  made  good  by  a  kind  of  Undertaking  :  but  for  the  ancient 
Parliament  of  £«^/fl«(i,  which  moves  in  a  certain  Manner  and  Sphere,  to 
be  undertaken  ;  it  paffes  my  reach  to  conceive  what  it  fhould  mean.  Mufl 
we  be  all  dyed  and  dreffed,  and  no  pure  Whites  amongft  us .''    Or  muft 

there 

•  This  speech  viis  made  when  the  Author  was  Attornt^-General,  in  the  Twelfth  Year  of  King 


252  Speeches  <?«  Civil  Occafions.  Se<9:. I. 

there  be  a  new  Paflage  found  for  the  King's  Bufinefs,  by  a  Point  of  tiie 
Compafs  that  was  never  failed  before  ?  Or  muft  there  be  fome  Forts  built 
in  this  Houfe,  that  may  command  the  reft?  Mr.  Speaker,  I  know  but  of 
two  Forts  in  this  Houfe  which  the  King  ever  has  -,  the  Fort  of  AfFeftion, 
and  the  Fort  of  Reafon :  the  one  commands  the  Hearts,  and  the  other  the 
Heads*,  others  I  know  none.  I  think  yffyo/)  was  a  wife  Man,  whodefcribed 
the  Fly  fitting  upon  the  Spoke  of  the  Chariot-  Wheel,  and  faying  to  herfelf. 
What  a  Duft  do  1  raife  ?  So,  for  my  part,  1  think  that  all  this  Duft  is  rai- 
fed  by  light  Rumours  and  Buzzes  -,  and  not  upon  any  folid  Ground. 

The  Second  Reafon  that  made  me  filent  was,  becaufe  this  Sufpicion  and 
Rumour  o'i  Undertaking,  fettles  upon  no  certain  Perfon.  It  is  lilie  the  Birds 
of  Paradife  in  the  Indies,  that  have  no  Feet  •,  and  therefore  they  never  light 
upon  any  Place  -,  but  the  Wind  carries  them  away  :  and  fuch  a  thing  I 
take  this  Rumour  to  be. 

And  lajlly,  when  the  King  had  in  his  two  feveral  Speeches  freed  us  from 
the  main  of  our  Fears,  by  affirming  diredlly,  that  there  was  no  Undertaking 
to  him  -,  and  that  he  would  hold  it  no  lefs  a  Derogation  to  his  own  Maje- 
fty,  than  to  our  Merits,  to  have  the  Afts  of  his  People  transferred  to  par- 
ticular Perfons  •,  it  qui-'ted  me  thus  fir,  that  thefe  Vapours  were  not 
gone  up  to  the  Head,  however  they  might  glow  and  heat  in  the  Body. 

Nevcrthclefs,  fincel  perceive,  that  this  Cloud  hangs  over  th^  Houfe,  and 
that  it  may  do  us  hurt,  as  well  in  Fame  abroad,  as  in  the  King's  Ear  ;  I 
refolved  with  myfelf,  to  do  the  part  of  an  honeft  Voice  in  the  Houfe,  and 
counfel  you  what  I  think  for  the  beft.  Wherein,  Firft,  I  will  fpeak  plain- 
ly of  the  pernicious  Effefts  of  the  Accidents  of  this  Bruit,  and  Opinion  of 
Undertaking  towards  Particulars,  towards  the  Houfe,  towards  the  King,  and 
towards  the  People. 

Secondly,  I  will  tell  you,  in  my  Opinion,  what  Undertaking  is  tolerable, 
and  how  tar  it  may  be  juftified  with  a  good  Mind  •,  and  on  the  other  fide,  this 
fame  ripping  up  of  the  Queftion  of  TJndertakers,  how  far  it  may  proceed 
from  a  good  JMind  ;  and  in  what  kind  it  may  be  thought  malicious  and 
dangerous. 

Thirdly,  I  will  fliew  you  my  poor  Advice,  what  means  there  are  to  put 

an  end  to  this  Qijeftion  of  Undertaking  ;  not  falling  for  the  prefent  upon  a 

precife  Opinion,  but  breaking  it,  how  many  ways  there  are,  by  which  you 

may  get  out  of  it ;  and  leaving  the  Choice  of  them  to  a  Debate  at  the 

^  Committee. 

And  laftly,  I  will  advife  you  how  things  are  to  be  managed  at  the  Com- 
mittee •,  to  avoid  Diftraflion,  and  Lofs  ot  Time. 

For  the  firft  of  thefe,  I  can  fay  to  you  but  as  the  Scripture  fays,  /  invi- 
cem  mordetis,  ah  invicem  confume?nini ;  if  you  fret  and  gall  one  another's  Re- 
putation, the  end  will  be,  that  every  Man  ftiall  go  hence,  like  Coin  cried 
down,  of  lefs  Price  than  he  came  hither.  If  fome  ihall  be  thought  to  fawn 
upon  the  King's  Bufinefs  openly,  and  others  to  crofs  it  fecretly,  fome  fhall  be 
thought  Praftifers  that  would  pack  the  Cards,  and  others  be  thought  Papifts 
.that  would  fhuffle  the  Cards;  what  a  Mifery  is  this,  that  we  fhould  come  to- 
gether to  fool  one  another,  inftead  of  procuring  the  Publick  Good  ? 

And 


Sedl. I.  Speeches  ^«  Civil  Occajions.  253 

And  this  ends  not  in  Particulars,  but  will  make  the  whole  Houfe  con- 
temptible :  for  now  I  hear  Men  lay,  that  the  Q^ieflion  of  Undertaking  is 
the  predominant  M.itter  of  the  Houfe.  So  that  we  are  now,  according  to 
the  Parable  o^Jctka?):,  in  the  Cafe  of  the  Trees  of  the  Fored: ;  that  when 
the  Qtieftion  was,  whether  the  Vine  fhould  reign  over  them,  that  might 
not  be ;  and  whether  the  Olive  lliould  reign  over  them,  that  might  not 
be:  but  we  have  accepted  the  Bramble  to  reign  over  us.  For  it  feems 
that  the  good  Vine  of  the  King's  Graces  is  not  fo  much  in  efteem  ; 
and  the  good  Oil,  whereby  we  fliould  falve  and  relieve  the  Wants  of  the 
State  and  Crown,  is  laid  afide  too :  and  this  Bramble  of  Contention 
and  Emulation  ;  this  Abi7nelech,  which  muft  reign  and  rule  amongft  us. 

Then  for  the  King,  nothing  can  be  more  diredtly  oppofite  to  his  Ends 
and  Hopes  than  this:  for  you  have  heard  him  profefs  like  a  King,  and  like 
a  gracious  King,  that  he  does  not  fo  much  refpeft  his  prefent  Supply,  as 
this  Demonflration,  that  the  Peoples  Hearts  are  more  knit  to  him  than  be- 
fore. Now  then  if  the  Iffue  (hall  be  this,  that  whatfoever  be  done  for  him, 
Ihall  be  thought  done  but  by  a  number  ofPerfons  laboured  and  packed  ; 
this  will  rather  be  a  fign  of  Diffidence  and  Alienation,  than  of  a  natural  Be- 
nevolence and  AfFeftion  in  his  People  at  home  •,  and  rather  Matter  of  Difre- 
pute,  than  of  Honour  abroad.  So  that,  to  fpeak  plainly,  the  King  had 
better  call  for  new  Cards,  than  play  with  thefe  if  they  are  packed. 

And  then  for  the  People  -,  'tis  my  manner  ever  to  look  as  well  beyond  a 
Parliament,  as  upon  a  Parliament :  and  if  they  without  fhall  think  them- 
felves  betrayed  by  thofe  that  are  their  Deputies,  and  Attorneys  here  ;  'tis 
true  we  may  bind  them,  and  conclude  them,  but  it  will  be  with  fuch  a 
Murmur  and  Dilfatisfafbion  as  I  would  be  loth  to  fee.  Thefe  things  might 
be  diflembled,  and  fo  Matters  left  to  bleed  inwards ;  but  that  is  not  the 
way  to  cure  them.  And  therefore  I  have  fearched  the  Sore,  in  hopes  that 
you  will  endeavour  the  Medicine.  But  to  do  this  more  thoroughly,  I  muft 
proceed  to  my  fecond  part,  and  tell  you  clearly  and  diftindlly,  what  is 
to  be  itt  on  the  right  hand,  and  what  on  the  left,   in  this  Bufinefs. 

Firft,  if  any  Man  has  done  good  Offices,  and  advifed  the  King  to  call 
a  Parliament,  to  increafe  the  good  Affedlion  and  Confidence  of  his  Maje- 
fty  towards  his  People  ;  I  fay  that  fuch  a  Perfon  rather  Merits  well  than 
commits  any  Error.  Nay  further,  if  any  Man  has,  out  of  his  own  good 
Mind,  given  any  Opinion  of  the  Minds  of  the  Parliament  in  general;  how 
'tis  probable,  they  will  be  found  ;  and  that  they  will  have  a  due  feeling 
of  the  King's  Wants,  and  not  deal  dryly,  or  illiberally  with  him;  this 
Man  who  thinks  of  other  Men's  Minds,  as  he  finds  his  own,  is  not  to  be 
blamed.  And  ftill  farther,  if  any  Man  has  coupled  this  with  good  Wifh- 
es  and  Propofitions,  that  the  King  comforts  the  Hearts  of  his  People,  and 
teftifies  his  own  Love  to  them,  by  filing  off  the  harfhnefs  of  his  Prerogative, 
retaining  the  Subftance  and  Strength  •,  and  to  that  purpofe,  like  the  good 
Houfholder  in  the  Scripture,  who  brought  forth  old  Store  and  new,  has 
revolved  the  Petitions  and  Propofitions  of  the  laft  Parliament,  and  added 
new,  I  fay  this  Man  has  fown  good  Seed ;  and  he  who  fiiall  draw  him 
into  Envy  for  it,  fows  Tares.  Thus  much  on  the  right  hand. 
Vol.  I.  Zz  But 


2S^  Speeches  <?;?  Civil  Occajtons.  Se<S. I. 

But  on  the  other  fide  ;  if  any  fhall  mediately  or  immediately  infufe  into 
his  Majerty,  that  tiie  Parliament  is,  as  Cato  faid  of  the  Romans,  like  Sheep, 
which  a  Man  had  better  drive  a  Flock  of  than  one  •,  and  that  tho'  they  may 
bewife  Men  feverally,  yet  in  this  AiTembly  they  are  guided  by  fome  few, 
which  if  made  and  allured,  the  reft  will  eafily  follow  :  this  is  a  plain  rob- 
bing the  King  of  Honour,  and  his  Subjefts  of  Thanks  -,  and  *tis  to  make 
the  Parliament  vile  andfervile  in  the  Eyes  of  their  Sovereign  :  and  I  account 
it  no  better  than  a  fupplanting  of  the  King  and  Kingdom.  Again,  if  a  Man 
fhould  make  this  ImprefTion,  that  it  would  be  enough  for  the  King  to  fend 
us  fome  things  of  Shew,  that  may  ferve  for  Colours,  and  let  fome  eloquent 
Tales  be  told  of  them,  and  that  will  ferve  ad  facimdum  populuin  ;  any  fuch 
.  Perfon  will  find,  that  this  Houfe  well  underftands  falfe  Lights  ;  and  that 
it  is  no  wooing  Tokens,  but  the  true  Love  already  planted  in  the  Breafts  of 
the  Subjefts,  that  will  make  them  do  for  the  King.  And  this  is  my  Opi- 
nion, as  to  thofe  who  may  have  perfuaded  a  Parliament. 

Take  it  on  the  other  fide  •,  for  I  mean  in  all  things  to  deal  plainly :  if  any 
Man  has  been  diffident  about  the  Call  of  a  Parliament  ;  thinking  that  the 
beft  means  were  firft  for  the  King  to  make  his  utmoft  Trial  to  fubfift  of  him- 
felf,  and  his  own  Means  •,  I  fay  an  honeft  and  faithful  Heart  might  con- 
fent  to  that  Opinion :  and  the  Event  it  fecms  does  not  greatly  difcredit  it 
hitherto.  Again,  if  any  Man  fhall  have  been  of  opinion,  that  "'tis  not  a 
particular  Party  that  can  bind  the  Houfe ;  or  that  it  is  not  Shews  or  Co- 
lours can  pleafe  the  Houfe  ;  I  fiy  that  Man,  tho'  his  Speech  tend  to  Dif- 
couragemenr,  yet  'tis  coupled  with  Providence.  But  by  your  leave,  if 
any  Man,  fince  the  Parliament  was  called,  or  when  it  was  in  Speech,  fliall 
have  laid  Plots,  to  crols  the  good  Will  of  the  Parliament  to  the  King  i 
by  poflTeffing  them,  that  a  few  fhall  have  the  Thanks  •,  and  that  they  are, 
as  it  were,  bought  and  fold,  and  betray'd  -,  and  what  the  King  offers  them 
are  but  Baits  prepared  by  particular  Perfons  ;  or  have  railed  Rumours 
that  'tis  a  packed  Parliament  -,  to  the  end  nothing  may  be  done,  but  that 
the  Parliament  may  be  diflblved  ;  as  Gamefters  call  for  new  Cards,  when 
they  fufpeft  a  Pack  r  I  fay  thefe  are  Engines  and  Devices,  naught,  malign, 
and  feditious. 

Now  forthe  Remedy  ;  I  fhall  rather  break  the  Matter,  as  I  faid  in  the 
beginning;  than  advife  pofitively.  I  know  but  three  ways :  (i.)Some  Mef- 
flige  of  Declaration  to  the  King;  (2.)  Some  Entry  or  Proteftation  among 
ourfelves  ;  Or  (3.)  fome  ftriiSt  and  punftual  Examination.  As  for  the  la  ft 
of  thefe,  I  afiure  you,  I  am  not  againft  it ;  if  I  could  tell  you  where 
to  begin,  or  where  to  end.  For  certainly  I  have  often  feen  it,  that  things 
when  they  are  in  fmother,  trouble  more  than  when  they  break  out.  Smoke 
blinds  the  Eyes ;  but  when  it  blazes  forth  into  Flame,  it  gives  light  to  the 
Eyes.  But  then  if  you  fall  to  an  Examination,  fome  Perfon  muft  be  charged  ; 
fome  Matter  muft  be  charged  ;  and  the  Manner  of  that  Matter  muft  likewife 
be  charged :  for  it  may  be  in  a  good  Fafhion,  and  it  may  be  in  a  bad,  in 
as  much  Difference  as  between  black  and  white  :  and  then  how  far  Men 
will  ingenuoufiy  confefs ;  how  far  they  will  politically  deny  ;  and  what  we 

I  can 


Sc(n:,I.  Speeches  on  Civil  Occajions.  355 

can  make  Out  upon  their  Confeffion  ;  and  how  we  fhall  prOve  againft 
their  Denial :  it  is  an  endlefs  piece  of  work ;  and  I  doubt  that  we  fliall 
grow  weary  of  it. 

A  Melfage  to  the  King,  is  the  Courfe  I  beft  like  ;  provided  it  be  care- 
fully and  confiderately  handled  :  for  if  we  fhall  reprefcnt  to  the  King,  the 
Nature  of  this  Body  as  it  is,  without  the  Veils  or  Shadows  that  have  been 
caft  upon  it,  1  think  we  fhall  do  him  Honour,  and  ouifelvcs  Right. 

For  any  thing  that  is  to  be  done  amongft  ourfclvcs  ;  I  do  not  fee  much 
gained  by  it,  becaufe  it  goes  no  farther  than  ourfelves  ;  yet  if  any  thing 
can  be  wifely  conceived  to  that  end,  I  fhall  not  be  againU  it:  but  I  think 
the  purpofe  of  it  is  fitted  to  be,  rather  that  the  Houfe  conceives  all  this 
to  be  but  Mifunderftanding,  than  to  take  Knowledge  that  there  is  indeed 
a  juft  Ground,  and  then  to  feek  by  Proteftation  to  give  it  a  Remedy.  For 
Proteftations,  and  Profeffions,  and  Apologies  •,  I  never  found  them  very 
fortunate  :  but  that  they  rather  increafe  Sufpicion  than  clear  it. 

Why  then,  the  laft  part  is,  that  thefe  things  be  handled  at  the  Commit- 
tee, ferioudy  and  temperately ;  wherein  I  wilh,  that  thefe  four  Degrees  of 
Queftions  were  canvafled  in  order. 

Firft^  whether  we  fhall  do  any  thing  at  all  in  it  ;  or  pafs  it  by,  and  let 
it  fleep. 

Secondly^  whether  we  fl)all  enter  into  a  particular  Examination  of  it. 

Thirdly,  whether  we  fhall  content  ourfelves  with  fome  Entry  or  Prote-  ^ 

ftation  amongft  ourfelves. 

And  Fourtb/y,  whether  we  fhall  proceed  to  a  MefTagc  to  the  King  ;  and 
what. 

Thus,  I  have  told  you  my  Opinion.  I  know  it  were  more  fafe  and 
politick  to  have  been  filent  ;  but  it  is,  perhaps,  more  honefl  and  loving  to 
i'peak.  The  old  Verfe  is.  Nam  nulli  tacuijfe  meet,  meet  ejfe  Iccutum :  but 
JDaz-'td  fiiys,  filui  a  hofiis,  &  dolor  7>ieus  remvatus  ejl.  When  a  Man  fpeaks 
he  may  be  wounded  by  others  ;  but  if  he  hold  his  peace  from  good  things, 
he  wounds  himfelf  So  I  have  done  my  part  j  and  leave  it  for  you  to  do 
"%vhat  you  fhall  judge  to  be  beft. 


^IVri53 


Z  z  2  Speech 


2^6  Speeches  0«  Civil  Occajions.  Se<5l, I. 


Speech    VI. 

Made  in  the  Star- Chamber,  before  the  Summer  Circuit ; 
the  King  being  i7i  Scotland'. 

THE  King,  by  his  perftdl  Declaration,  publifhed  in  this  Place,  con- 
cerning Judges  and  Juftices,  has  made  the  Speech  of  his  Chancel- 
lor, accuftomed  before  the  Circuits,  rather  of  Ceremony  than  of  Ufe.  For 
as  in  his  Book  to  his  Son  he  has  fet  forth  a  true  Charafter  and  Platform 
of  a  King  ;  fo  in  this  Speech  he  has  done  the  like  of  a  Judge  and  Juftice  : 
which  Ihews,  that  as  his  Majefty  is  excellently  able  to  govern  in  chief; 
fo  he  is  likevvife  well  feen  and  skilful  in  the  inferior  Offices  and  Stages  of 
Juftice  and  Government ;  which  is  a  thing  very  rare  in  Kings.  Yet, 
fomewhat  muft  be  faid,  to  fulfil  an  old  Obfervance  ;  but  upon  the  King's 
Grounds,  and  very  briefly  :  for  as  Solomon  fays,  in  another  Cafe,  in  fucb 
thinji^s,  who  is  he  that  can  come  after  the  King  ? 

Firjl,  you  that  are  the  Judges  of  Circuits,  are,  as  it  were,  the  Planets  of 
the  Kingdom  ;  and  no  doubt  you  have  a  great  Ihare  in  the  Frame  of  this 
Government,  as  the  other  have  in  the  great  Frame  of  the  World.  Do, 
therefore,  as  they  do  •,  move  always,  and  be  carried  with  the  Motion  of 
your  firft  Mover,  which  is  your  Sovereign.  A  popular  Judge  is  a  de- 
formed thing:  znd  Plaudits  nre  fitter  for  Players  than  for  Magiftrates.  Do 
good  to  the  People  -,  love  them,  and  give  them  Juftice  •,  but  let  it  be 
as  the  Pfalm  fays,  looking  for  nothing.,  neither  Praife  nor  Profit.  Yet  my 
meaning  is  not,  when  I  advife  you  to  beware  of  Popularity,  that  you 
fhould  be  imperious  and  ftrange  to  Gentlemen  of  the  Country.  You 
are  above  them  in  Power;  but  your  Rank  is  not  much  unequal:  and 
learn  this;  that  Power  is  ever  of  greateft  Strength,  when  it  is  civilly 
carried. 

Secondly,  you  muft  remember,  that  befides  your  ordinary  Adminiftration 
of  Juftice,  you  carry  the  two  Mirrors  of  State  :  for  it  is  your  Duty  in 
theie  your  Vifuations,  to  reprefent  to  the  People,  the  Graces  and  Care  of 
the  King  ;  and  again,  upon  your  return,  to  prefent  to  the  King,  the 
Diftaftes  and  Griefs  of  the  People. 

Mark  what  the  King  fays  in  his  Book  ;  procure  Reverence  to  the  King 
and  the  Law ;  inform  my  People  truly  of  me  ;  how  zealous  I  am  for 
Religion  ;  how  I  defire  Law  may  be  maintained,  and  flourifh  ;  that  eve- 
ry Court  fhould  have  its  Jurifdidtion  ;  that  every  Subjeft  fhould  fubmit 
himfelf  to  the  Law.  And  of  this  you  have  lately  had  no  fmall  occafion 
of  Notice,  by  the  great  and  ftridt  Charge  that  the  King  has  given  me, 

as 

•  This  Speech  was  made  when  the  Author  was  Lord  Chancelkr.    Ann.  1617. 


Sed. I.  Speeches  ^«  Civil  Occafans.  ^57 

as   Keeper  of  his   Seal,  for  governing  of  the  Chancery,  without  Tumour 
or  Excefs. 

As  for  the  other  GLifs,  of  reprefenting  to  the  King  the  Griefs  of  his 
People,  without  doubt  'lis  properly  your  parr  •,  for  the  King  oup-ht  to 
be  informed  of  any  thing  amifs  in  the  State  of  his  Countries,  from  Ob- 
fervations  and  Relations  of  the  Judges  •,  (who  indeed  know' the  Pulfe  of  the 
Country)  rather  than  from  Difcourfe.  But  for  this  Glals,  I  gladly  hear 
from  you  all,  that  there  was  never  greater  Peace,  Obedience,  and  Con- 
tent in  the  Country  •,  tho'  the  beft  Governments  are  always  like  the  fai- 
red Cryltals,  wherein  every  Ificle  or  Grain  is  feen,  which  in  a  fouler  Stone 
is  not  perceived. 

Now  to  fome  few  Particulars  -,  of  all  others  I  muft  begin  with  the 
Caufe  of  Religion,  and  efpccially  the  hollow  Church-Papift.  St.  Anjiin 
has  a  good  Comparifon  as  to  fuch  Men,  affirming  them  like  the  Roots  of 
Nettles,  which  themfelves  fting  not,  yet  bear  all  the  flinging  Leaves: 
let  me  know  of  fuch  Roots,  and  I  will  root  them  out  of  the  Country. 

Next,  for  the  Matter  of  Religion  ;  in  the  principal  place  I  recommend 
both  to  you,  and  to  the  Juftices,  the  countenancing  of  pious  and  zea- 
lous Preachers.  I  mean  not  Sedaries,  or  Novelifts,  but  thofe  who  are 
found,  and  conform,  and  are  yet  devout  and  reverend  :  for  there  will  be 
a  perpetual  Defeftion,  except  you  keep  Men  in  by  Preaching,  as  well  as 
the  Law  does  by  punifhing  -,  and  commonly  Spiritual  Difeafes  are  not  cu- 
red but  by  Spiritual  Remedies. 

Next,  let  me  recommend  to  you  the  repreffing  of  Faflion  in  the  Coun- 
tries ;  whence  enfue  infinite  Inconveniencies  and  Perturbations  of  all  good 
Order,  and  the  crofTing  of  all  good  Service  in  Court  and  Country.  Cicero^ 
when  he  was  Conful,  devifed  a  fine  Remedy,  being  both  mild  and  ef- 
feftual ;  for  he  fays,  eos  qui  otium  perturhant,  reddam  ctiofos.  Thofe  that 
trouble  others  quiet,  I  will  give  them  quiet  ;  they  fhall  have  nothino- 
to  do,  nor  no  Authority  fhall  be  put  into  their  hands.  If  I  may 
know  from  you,  of  any  in  the  Country  that  are  Heads  or  Hands  of  Fac- 
tion, or  Men  of  turbulent  Spirits,  I  fliali  give  them  Cicero' &  Reward,  as 
much  as  in  me  lies. 

And  you,  the  Juftices  of  Peace  in  particular,  let  me  fay  this  to  you, 
that  never  King  of  this  Kingdom  did  you  fo  much  Honour  as  the  Kinc 
has  done  you  in  his  Speech  ;  by  being  your  immediate  Direftor,  and  by 
forting  you  and  your  Service  with  the  Service  of  AmbafTadors,  and  of 
his  neareft  Attendants. 

Nay  more,  it  feems  his  Majefty  is  willing  to  do  the  State  o^Juftice  of 
Peace  Honour  aflively  alfo  •,  by  bringing  in,  with  Time,  the  like  Form 
of  Commiffion  into  the  Government  oi Scotland,  as  the  glorious  King  Ed- 
ward III.  planted  this  Commijfion  here  in  this  Kingdom,  And  therefore 
you  are  not  fit  to  be  Copies,  unlefs  you  be  fair  written,  without  Blots,  or 
any  thiqg  unworthy  of  your  Authority. 

Speech 


3  5  S  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  5  w/  Civil  Occajions,  Sed.  I. 

Speech   VII. 
Made  to  the  Speaker  s  Excufe  a7td  Oration '. 

Mr.  Serjeant  Richardson," 

TH  E  King  has  obferved  your  grave  and  decent  Speech  ;  tending  to  ex- 
cufe and  dilable  yourfelf  for  the  Place  of  Speaker.  In  anfwer  where- 
of his  Majefty  commands  me  to  fay,  that  he  in  no  fort  admits  of  the 
lame. 

Firfl,  becaufe  if  the  Party's  own  Judgment  fhould  be  admitted,  in  cafe  of 
Elections,  in  refpeft  of  himfelf,  it  would  follow  that  the  moft  confident  and 
conceited  Perfons  would  be  received  •,  and  the  moft  confiderate  Men,  and 
thofe  who  underftand  themfelv^s  beft,  be  rejefted. 

Secondly,  his  Majefty  fo  much  relies  upon  the  Wifdom  and  Difcretion  of 
the  Houie  of  Commons,  that  have  chofen  you  with  an  unanimous  Content, 
that  his  Majefty  thinks  not  proper  to  fwerve  from  their  Opinion  in  that 
wherein  themfelvesare  principally  interefted. 

Thirdlx,  you  have  difabled  your  felf  fo  well,  that  the  Manner  of  your 
Speech  has  deftroyed  the  Matter  of  it. 

And  therefore  the  King  allows  of  the  Election ;  and  admits  you  for 
Speaker, 

Ttf^y^^  Speaker's  ORATION. 

Mr.  Speaker, 

'T~'HE  King  has  attended  to  your   eloquent  Difcourfe,  containing  much 
good  Matter,  and  much  good  Will:  whereto  you  muft  expeft  from 
me  fach  an  Anfwer  only,  as  is  pertinent    to  the  Occafion  ;  and  limited  in 
refpefl  of  Time. 

I  may  divide  what  you  have  faid  into  four  parts:  (i.)  The  firft  was  a 
Commendation  of  Monarchy  ;  (z.)  The  fecond  was  a  large  Field,  containing 
a  thankful  Acknowledgment  of  his  Majefty's  Benefits  and  Afts  of  Govern- 
ment-, (3.)  The  third  contained  fome  Paftages  as  to  the  Inftitution  and  Ufe 
of  Parliaments -,  (4.)  The  fourth  and  laft,  confifted  of  certain  Petitions  to 
his  Majefty,  on  the  behalf  of  the  Houfe  and  yourfelf 

(i.)  For  your  Commendation  of  Monarchy,  and  preferring  it  toother 
States,  it  requires  no  Anfwer:  the  Schools  may  difpute  if,  but  time  has 
tried  it,  and  we  find  it  the  beft.  Other  States  have  curious  Frames,  foon 
put  out  of  order  -,  and  thofe  made  fie  to  laft  are  not  commonly  fit  to  grow 
or  fpread  :  contrariwife,  thofe  made  fit  to  fpread  and  enlarge,  are  unfit  to 
continue  and  endure.  But  Monarchy  is  like  a  Work  of  Nature  ;  well  com- 
pofed,    both  to  grow  and  continue. 

(2.)  For 

*  This  Speech  was  made  by  the  Author  as  Lord  ChunceUor. 


Se<ft.  I.  Speeches  ^;^   Civil  Occajtons.  359 

(2.)  For  the  fecond  Part  of  your  Speech,  wherein  with  no  lefs  Truth  than 
Affeftion,  you  acknowledge  the  great  Felicity  we  enjoy  by  his  Majefty's 
Government  ;  his  Majelty  commands  me  to  fay  to  you,  that  Praifcs  and 
Thankfgivings  he  knows  to  be  the  true  Oblations  of  Hearts,  and  loving 
Affeftions :  but  that  which  you  offer  him,  he  will  join  with  you  in  offering 
to  God.  But  for  my  part,  I  muft  fay  to  you,  as  the  Grecian  Orator  fixi 
in  the  like  Cafe  ;  Solus  digiius  harum  reruin  laudator  temfus  ;  time  is  the 
only  Encomiaft  worthy  of  his  Majefty  and  his  Government.  For  thro' 
the  Revolution  of  fo  many  Ages  as  have  paffed  over  this  Kingdom,  ma- 
ny noble  and  excellent  Effedts  were  never  produced  till  his  Majefty's  Days  -, 
but  have  been  referved,  as  proper,  and  peculiar  to  them.  And  becaufe 
this  is  no  part  of  a  Panegyrick,  but  mere  Hiilory -,  and  becaufe  they  are 
fo  many  Articles  of  Honour  fit  to  be  recorded,  I  will  mention  them  :  and 
they  are  eight. 

Fiift-,  his  Majefty  is  the  firft  that  has  laid  the  Corner-Scone  of  thefe  two 
mighty  Kingdoms  oi  England  diVid.  Scotland  \  and  taken  away  the  wall  of  Se- 
paration :  whereby  his  Majefty  is  become  the  Monarch  of  the  moft  puiffant 
and  military  Nations  of  the  World  :  and  if  one  of  the  ancient  Wifemen  was 
not  deceived.  Iron  commands  Gold. 

Secondly,  the  Plantation  and  Reduftion  of  Ireland  to  Civility,  did  by  God's 
Providence  wait  for  his  Majefty's  Times  ;  being  a  Work  refembling  in- 
deed the  Works  of  the  ancient  Heroes:  There  is  no  new  Piece  of  that  kind 
in  modern  times. 

Thirdly,  this  Kingdom  now  firft  in  his  Majefty's  Times  has  attamed  a 
later  Portion  in  the  new  World,  by  the  Plantation  of  Virginia  and  the  Sum- 
mer Iflands.  And  certainly  it  is  with  the  Kingdoms  on  Earth,  as  in  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven;  fometimes  a  Grain  of  Muftard-fced  proves  a  great 
Tree.     Who  can  tell .'' 

Fourthly,  his  Majefty  has  made  that  True,  which  was  before  Titular, 
and  verified  the  Style  of  Defender  of  the  Faith:  wherein  his  Majefty's 
Pen  has  been  fo  happy,  as  tho'  the  deaf  Adder  will  not  hear,  yet  he  is 
charmed  that  he  does  not  hifs :  I  meah,  in  the  graver  fort  of  thofe  that 
have  anfwered  his  Majefty's  Writings. 

Fifthly,  'tis  certain,  that  fince  the  Conqueft,  one  cannot  affign  twen- 
ty Years,  which-  is  the  time  that  his  Majefty's  Reign  now  draws  to,  of  in- 
ward and  outward  Peace.  Infomuch,  that  the  Time  of  Queen  Elizabetbr 
of  happy  Memory,  and  always  magnified  for  a  peaceable  Reign,  wasnevcr- 
thelefs  interrupted  the  firft  twenty  Years  with  a  Rebellion  in  Ef-^land;  and- 
both  the  firft  and  laft  twenty  Years  with  Rebellions  in  Ireland.  Yet  I  knovy,. 
that  his  Majefty  will  make  good  both  his  Words ;  as  well  that  oi  Nemo  me 
impune  laceffit,  as  the  other  of  Beati  pacifici. 

Sixthly,  that  true  and  primitive  Office  of  Kings,    which  is  to   ^t  in  the- 
Gate,  and  judge  the  People,  was  never  performed    in  like  Perfeftion,    by 
any  of  the  King's  Progenitors  :    whereby  his  Majefty   has  fhewn  himftlf  ta 
be  Lex  loquens,  and  to  fit  upon  the  Throne,  not  as  a  dumb  Statue,  but  as  a 
fpeaking  Oracle. 

Seventhly^ 


6o  Speeches  (?«  Civil  Occaftom.  Sed. I. 

Seventhly,  for  his  Majefty's  Mercy  ;  fliew  me  a  time,  wherein  a  King  of 
this  Realm  has  reigned  almoft  twenty  Years,  in  his  white  Robes ;  without 
the  Blood  of  any  Peer  of  this  Kingdom  :  the  Ax  turn'd  once  or  twice  to- 
wards a  Peer,  but  never  ftruck. 

La/lly,  the  flourifhing  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  refrefhedby  his  Majefty's 
Countenance  and  Bounty,  was  never  in  fuch  height ;  efpecially  that  Art  of 
Arts,  Divinity  :  for  we  may  truly  confefs,  that  fince  the  primitive  Times, 
t'.iere  were  never  fo  many  Stars  in  that  Firmament. 

Thefe  things,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  partly  chofen  out  of  your  Heap,  and 
are  fo  far  from  being  vulgar,  that  they  are  in  effedl  fingular,  and  proper  to 
his  Majefty,  and  his  Times.  So  that  I  have  made  good  my  firft  Aflertion  ; 
that  the  only  worthy  Commenderof  his  Majefty  is  Time  ;  which  has  fofet  off 
his  Majefty's  Merit,  by  the  Shadows  of  Comparifon,  that  it  furpaflesthe 
Luftre,  or  Commendation  of  Words. 

(3.)  As  to  the  third  point  concerning  P.trliaments,  I  need  fay  little:  for 
there  was  never  that  Honour  done  to  the  Inftitution  of  a  Parliament,  which 
his  Majefty  did  it,  in  his  laft  Speech  ;  making  it,  in  effeft,  the  Perfeftion 
of  Monarchy  :  for  altho'  Monarchy  be  the  more  ancient,  and  independent  j 
yet  by  the  Advice  and  Affiftance  of  Parliament,  it  is  the  ftronger,  and 
furer  built.  And  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  well  obferved,  that  when  the  King 
fits  in  Parliament,  and  his  Prelates,  Peers,  and  Commons  attend  him,  he 
is  in  the  Exaltation  of  his  Orb  :  I  wifli  things  may  be  fo  carried,  that  he 
may  be  then  in  the  greateft  Serenity  and  Benignity  of  Afpeft  -,  ftiining  up- 
on his  People  both  in  Glory  and  Grace.  Now  you  know,  that  the  fhi- 
ning  of  the  Sun,  whereby  all  things  exhilarate  and  frudlify,  is  either  hinde- 
red by  Clouds  above,  or  Mifts  below  -,  perhaps  by  Brambles  and  Briars, 
that  grow  upon  the  ground  icfelf.  All  which  I  hope,  at  this  time,  will 
be  difpelled  and  removed. 

(4.)  I  come  now  to  the  laft  Part  of  your  Speech,  concerning  the  Peti- 
tions: but  before  I  deliver  his  Majefty's  Anfwer  in  particular,  I  muftfpeak 
fomewhat  in  the  general.  And  what  can  be  here  pertinently  faid,  muft 
either  regard,  (i.)  the  Subjed  or  Matter  of  Parliament  Bufinefs ;  (2.)  the 
Manner  and  Carriage  of  the  fame  •,  or  (3.)  the  Time,  and  the  husbanding 
and  marftialling  thereof  (i.)  The  Matters  to  be  handled  in  Parliament 
are  either,  (i.)  of  Church,  (2.)  of  State,  (3.)  of  Laws,  or  (4.)  of  Grie- 
vances. 

For  the  two  firft.  Church  and  State,  ye  have  heard  the  King  himfelf 
fpeak  ;  and  as  the  Scripture  ftys,  f-Fho  is  he  that  in  fuch  things /hall  come  af- 
ter the  King?     For  the  other  two,  I  fnall  fay  fomewhat,  but  briefly. 

Laws  are  things  proper  for  your  own  Element :  and  therein  you  are  ra- 
ther to  lead  than  be  led.  Only  'cis  not  amifs  to  put  you  in  mind  of  two 
things:  the  one  that  you  do  not  multiply  or  accumulate  Laws  more  than 
need.  There  is  a  wife  and  learned  Civilian,  who  applies  the  Curfe  of  the  Pro- 
phet, Pltiet  fiipereos  laqueos,  to  multiplicity  of  Laws  :  for  they  do  but  enfnare 
and  entangle  the  People.  I  wifii  rather,  that  you  would  either  revive  good 
Laws,  that  are  difcontinued  j  or  provide  againft  the  flack  Execution  of  Laws 
3  already 


SeS:.  I.  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  ff;^  Civi/  Occafwm.  3  6 1 

already  in  force  ;  or  prevent  the  fubtile  Evafionsfrom  Laws,  which  Time 
and  Craft  have  undermined,  than  to  make  7iovas  crcaturas  Le^um,  Laws  up- 
on a  new  Mould. 

The  other  Point  relating  to  Laws  is,  that  ye  bufy  not  yourfclves  too 
much  in  private  Bills  ;  except  it  be  in  Cafes  wherein  the  Help  and  Arm  of 
ordinary  Juflice  is  too  Hiort. 

For  Grievances,  his  Majefty  has  with  great  Grace  opened  himfelf.  Nc- 
verthelefs  the  Limitations,  which  may  make  up  your  Grievances,  not  to 
beat  the  Air  only,  but  meet  a  defired  Effecfb,  are  principally  two.  The 
one,  that  ye  do  not  hunt  after  Grievances,  fuch  as  may  feem  rarher  ftirred 
here,  when  ye  are  met,  than  to  have  fprung  from  the  Defires  of  the 
Country :  ye  are  to   reprefent  the  People  ;  ye  are  not  to  perfonace  them. 

The  other,  that  you  do  not  heap  up  Grievances ;  as  if  Number  fhould 
make  a  Shew,  where  the  Weight  is  fmall ;  or  as  if  all  things  amifs,  like 
P/<7/(?'s  Common-wealch,  Hiould  be  remedied  at  once.  It  is  certain,  that  the 
befl  Governments,  yea,  and  the  beft  of  Men,  are  like  the  beft  precious 
Stones,  wherein  every  Flaw  or  Speck  is  feen  and  noted,  more  than  in  thofe 
that  are  generally  foul  and  corrupted. 

Therefore  contain  yourfelves  within  that  Moderation,  as  may  tend  rathef 
to  the  efFedlual  Eafe  of  the  People,  than  to  a  difcurfive  Envy  or  Scandal 
upon  the  State. 

As  for  the  manner  of  carrying  Parliament  Bufinefs,  ye  muft  know,  that 
ye  deal  with  a  King,  who  has  been  longer  King,  than  any  of  you  have  been 
Parliament  Men  ;  and  a  King  that  is  no  lefs  fenfible  of  Forms,  than  of 
Matter  -,  and  as  fir  from  induring  diminution  of  Majefty,  as  from  regar- 
ding Flattery,  or  Vain-glory  •,  and  a  King  that  underftands  as  well  the 
Pulfe  of  the  Peoples  Hearts,  as  his  own  Orb.  Therefore,  let  your  Grie- 
vances have  a  decent  and  reverend  Form  and  Style  •,  and  be  tanquam  ge7nitu5 
colu?fibiT,  without  Pique  or  Harfhnefs :  and  on  the  other  fide,  in  what  you 
do  for  the  King,  let  it  have  a  Mark  of  Unity,  Alacrity,  and  Affedlion  ; 
which  will  be  of  this  force,  that  whatever  you  do  in  Subftance,  will  be 
doubled  in  Reputation  abroad. 

For  the  Time ;  if  ever  Parliament  was  to  be  meafured  by  the  Hour- 
glafs,  it  is  this  ;  in  regard  of  the  inftant  Occafion  flying  away  irrecovera- 
bly. Therefore,  let  your  Speeches  in  the  Houfe  be  the  Speeches  of 
Counfellors,  and  not  of  Orators  :  let  your  Committees  tend  to  difpatch, 
not  to  difpute  ;  and  fo  marflial  the  Times,  that  the  publick  Bufinefs,  efpe- 
cially  the  proper  Bufinefs  of  the  Parliament,  be  put  firft  -,  and  the  private 
Bills  be  put  laft,  as  Time  fhail  give  leave,  or  within  the  Spaces  of  the 
publick. 

For  the  four  Petitions  •,  his  Majefty  is  pleafed  to  grant  them  all,  as  libe- 
rally, as  the  ancient  and  true  Cuftom  of  Parliament  warrants,  and  with 
the  Cautions  that  have  ever  gone  with  them  ;  viz.  that  the  Privilege  be 
not  ufed  for  defrauding  of  Creditors,  and  defeating  of  ordinary  Juftice  : 
that  Liberty  of  Speech  turn  not  into  Licence,  but  be  joined  with  that  Gra- 

VoL.I.  Aaa  vity 


^62  Speeches*?;^  Civil  Occajtons,  Sed.  I. 

vity  and  DIfcretion,  as  may  favour  of  Duty  and  Love  to  your  Sovereign> 
Reverence  to  your  own  Aflembly,  and  Refpeft  to  the  Matters  ye  handle: 
that  your  Accefs  be  at  fuch  fit  times,  as  may  ftand  beft  with  his  Ma- 
jefty's  Pleafure  and  Occafions ;  and  that  Miftakings  and  Mifunderftandings, 
be  rather  avoided  and  prevented,  than  folved  or  cleared. 


SECT. 


(36 


■■» 


SECT.     II. 

Speeches    in    Judicial 
Proceedings. 

Speech    I. 
The  Charge  agahiji  the  Zvor^  Sanquhar  for  Murther'', 

MY  Lord  Sanquhar,  your  Fault  is  great  •,  it  cannot  be  extenuated  -, 
and  it  need  not  be  aggravated  :  and  you  have  made  fc  full  an  A- 
natomy  of  it,  from  your  own  feeling,  as  cannot  be  matched  by  myfelf, 
or  any  Man  elfe  in  my  Opinion, 

This  Chriftian  and  Penitent  Courfe  of  yours  draws  me  to  agree,  that 
even  in  extreme  Evils  there  are  Degrees  •,  fo  that  your  Offence  is  not  of  the 
higheft  Strain  :  for  if  you  had  thought  to  take  away  a  Man's  Life  for  his 
Vineyard,  as  Ahah  did  ;  or  for  Envy,  as  Cain  did  ;  furely  the  Offence  had 
been  more  odious.  Your  Temptation  was  Revenge  ;  which  the  more  na- 
tural 'tis  in  Man,  the  more  have  Laws,  both  human  and  divine,  fought  to 
reprefs  it.  But  in  one  thing  you  and  I  fhall  never  agree  •,  viz,  that  gene- 
rous Spirits  are  hard  to  forgive :  no,  contrariwife,  generous  and  magnani- 
mous Minds  are  readiefl:  to  forgive  •/  and  'tis  a  weaknefs  and  impotency  of 
Mind  to  be  unable  to  forgive. 

But  though  Murther  may  arife  from  feveral  Motives,  more  or  lefs  o- 
dious ;  yet  the  Law,  both  of  God  and  Man,  involves  them  in  one  Degree  ; 
and  therefore  in  Joab'^  Cafe,  which  was  a  Muriher  upon  Revenge,  and 
correfponding  to  yours  -,  he  for  a  dear  Brother,  and  you  for  a  dear  part 
of  your  own  Blood  ;  yet  there  was  a  fevere  Charge  given,  that  it  fliould 
not  pafs  unpunilhed. 

Aaa  2  And 

'  The  Lord  Sanquhar,  a  Scotch  Nobleman,  having,  in  private  Revenge,  fuborned  Rohrt  Car- 
lijle  to  murther  JohnTurner,  Mafter  of  Defence,  thought  by  his  Greatnefsto  have  born  it  out; 
but  the  King  would  not  fufrer  Nobility  to  (belter  Villany  ;  and  according  to  Law,  on  the  29th 
of  ?;«»  1611,  the  Aid  Lord  Snnqiihar,  having  been  arraigned  and  condemned  by  the  Name 
of  Roiert  Creighton  Efij;  was  execarcd  before  Hiftminfier-haU-gate.  At  whofe  Arraignment 
the  Lord  Bacon,  then  Attorney  General,   made  this  Speech. 


364  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s   /;2  yudkial  Proceedings,      Sedl.  IL 

And  certainly  the  Circumftance  of  Time  is  heavy  upon  you  •,  it  is  now 
five  years  fince  this  unfortunate  Man  Turner.,  be  it  upon  Accident  or  De- 
fpight,  gave  the  Provocation  •,  which  was  the  Seed  of  your  Malice.  All 
Pafhons  are  affuaged  with  Time  •,  Love,  Hatred,  Grief,  i^c.  all  Fire, 
burns  out  with  Time,  if  no  new  Fewel  be  added  to  it:  but  for  you  to  have 
the  Gall  of  Bitternefs  fo  longj  and  to  have  been  in  a  reftlefs  Cafe  for  his 
Blood,  is  a  ftrange  Example,  And  I  muft  tell  you  plainly,  that  I  conceive 
you  have  rather  fuck'd  thofe  Affe6lions  of  dwelling  in  Malice,  out  oi Italy., 
and  outlandifh  Manners,  where  you  have  converfed,  than  out  of  any  pare 
of  this  Ifland  of  Emlaitd  or  Scotland. 

o 

But  farther,  my  Lord,  1  would  have  you  look  a  little  upon  this  Offence  in  the 
Glafs  of  God's  Judgment  -,  that  God  may  have  the  Glory.  You  have  Friends 
and  Entertainment  in  Foreign  Pai  t« :  it  had  been  in  eafy  thing  for  you  to 
have  iti  Carli/le,  or  feme  other  Blood-hound  at  work,  when  your  Perfon  had 
been  beyond  the  Seas  ;  and  fo  this  News  might  have  come  to  you  in  a  Pac- 
quet,  and  you  might  have  looked  on,  and  feen  how  the  Storm  would  pafs : 
but  God  bereft  you  of  this  Providence,  and  bound  you  here  under  the  hand 
of  a  King,  tho'  abundant  in  Clemency,  yet  no  lefs  zealous  of  Juftice. 

Again,  when  you  came  in  at  Lambeth,  you  might  have  perfifted  in  the  de- 
nial of  the  Procurement  of  the  Faft  ;  Cariijle,  a  refolute  Man,  might  have 
cleared  you :  for  they  that  are  refolute  in  Mifchief,  are  commonly  obfti- 
nate  in  concealing  their  Procurers  ;  and  fo  nothing  would  have  been  againft 
you  but  Prefumption.  But  then  God,  to  take  away  Obftruftion  of  Juftice, 
gave  you  the  Grace  to  make  a  clear  Confeffion  •,  which  ought  indeed  to 
move  true  Comfort  to  you,  more  than  any  Evafion,  or  Device  whereby  yoa 
might  have  efcaped.  There  were  many  other  Impediments,  which  might 
have  interrupted  this  Day's  Juftice  ;  had  not  God,  in  his  Providence,  removed 
them. 

But  now,  that  I  have  given  God  the  honour,  let  me  give  it  where  'tis 
next  due  ;  that  is,  to  the  King.  This  Murther  was  no  fooner  committed, 
and  brought  to  his  Majefty's  Ears,  but  his  juft  Indignation  caft  itfelf  pre- 
fently  into  a  deal  of  Care  and  Providence,  to  have  Juftice  done. 

Firft  came  forth  his  Proclamation,  fomewhat  of  a  rare  Form,  and  de- 
vifed,  and  in  effcdl  direfted  to  his  Majefty  himfelf;  fignifying  that  he 
profecuted  the  Offenders,  as  it  were  with  the  Breath  and  Blafts  of  his 
Mouth.  Then  did  his  Majefty  ftretch  forth  his  long  Arms,  for  Kings 
you  know  have  long  Arms,  one  of  them  to  the  Sea,  where  he  took  hold  of 
Grey  ftiipped  for  Sweden,  who  gave  the  firft  light  of  Teftimony  •,  the  other 
Arm  to  Scotland,  and  there  he  took  hold  of  Carlijle,  e'er  he  was  warm  in 
his  Houfe  ;  and  brought  him  the  length  of  this  Kingdom,  under  fuch  a  fafe 
Watch  and  Cuftody,  as  he  could  have  no  means  to  efcape  or  milchief  him- 
felf, nor  learn  any  Leffon  to  ftand  mute ;  in  which  Cafes  perhaps  this 
day's  Juftice  might  have  received  a  Stop  :  fo  that  I  conclude  his  Majefty 
has  iliewed  himfelf  God's  true  Lieutenant,  and  that  he  is  no  RefpeCler  of 
Perfons  •,  h\xtEngliJ}j,  Scoti,  Noblemen,  Fencer,  are  to  him  alike,  inrefped 
of  Juftice. 

.1  Nay, 


Se<n:.  n.      Speeches;//  yudicial  Proceedings.  365 

Nay,  I  mufl:  farther  fay,  that  his  Majefty  has  had  in  this  Matter  a  kind 
of  Prophetical  Spirit :  for  from  that  time  Carlifle  and  Gw,  and  you,  my 
Lord,  were  fled,  no  Man  knew  whither,  to  the  four  Winds  -,  the  King  ever 
fpoke  in  a  confident  and  undertaking  manner,  that  where-ever  the  Offen- 
ders were  in  Europe^  he  would  produce  them  to  Juftice. 

Laftly,  to  return  to  you,  my  Lord,  tho'  your  Offence  has  been  great, 
your  Confeffion  has  been  free,  and  your  Behaviour  and  Speech  full  of  Dif- 
cretion  -,  and  this  fliews,  that  altho'  you  could  not  refift  the  Temptation, 
yet  you  bear  a  generous  and  Chriftian  Mind,  anfwerable  to  the  noble  Fa- 
mily of  which  you  are  defcended.  This  I  commend  to  you,  and  take  it  for 
an  affured  Teftimony  of  God's  Mercy  and  Favour,  in  refpecfl  whereof  all 
worldly  things  are  butTrafli  ;  and  fo  'tis  fit  for  you,  as  your  State  now  is, 
to  account  them. 


Speech  II. 

'The  Charge  againji  William  Talbot,  Coiinfellor  at  Law^ 
upon  an  Information  in  the  Star-Chamber,  for  a  Wri- 
ting  under  his  Ha?id ;  whereby',  whe?!  bei72g  demanded 
whether  the  DoSirine  of  Suarez,  as  to  the  depofng  and 
killing  of  Kifigs  excoimniinicated,  'were  true  or  710  P 
he  anfwered.  That  he  referred  himfelf  to  what  the 
Church  of 'Rom.Qfhould  determine  thereof  ^^ 

My  Lords, 

WHAT  I  am  now  to  fpeak  to,  is  one  of  the  greatefl:  Caufes  of  the  Chrf- 
ftian  World  ;  the  Conflict  betwixt  the  lawful  Authority  of  Sove- 
reign Princes  ;  which  is  God's  Ordinance  for  the  Comfort  of  Human  So- 
ciety ;  and  the  fwelling  Pride  and  Ufurpation  of  the  See  of  Rome,  in  Tem- 
porals, tending  entirely  to  Anarchy  and  Confufion.  And  if  this  Pretence 
of  the  Pope  o^  R.o7ne,  by  Challenges  to  make  Kings  as  Banditti,  profcribe 
their  Lives,  and  expofe  their  Kingdoms  to  Prey  ;  and  if  all  Perfons  whO' 
fubmit  themfelves  to  this  Power  of  the  Pope,  be  not,  by  all  pofuble  Seve- 
rity repreffcd  and  punilhed  ;  the  State  of  Chriftian  Kings  will  be  like  the 
ancient  Torment  defcribed  by  the  Poets,  in  the  Hell  of  the  Heathens  j 
of  a  Man  fitting  richly  robed,  folemnly  attended,  delicious  Fare,  iifr.  with 
a  Sword  over  his  Head,  hanging  by  a  fmall  Thread,  ready  every  Moment  to 
be  cut  by  an  accurfing  and  accurfed  Hand.  Surely  thefe  are  the  Prerogatives 
of  God  alone  :    I  wUt  Icofen  the  Girdles  of  Kmgs  ;  or  again,  he  poiireth  Con- 

tempt 

*  This  was  delivered  by  the  Author  in  quality  of  Attorney -General,  in  the  Eleventh  Year  of 
King  Jamet. 


366  Speeches  zV^  yudicial Proceedings.       Sed:. II. 

tempi  upon  Princes;  or  I  will  give  a  King  in  my  Wrath,  and  take  him  awa-j 
in  my  Dij'pleafure  ;  and  the  like :  but  if  fuch  are  the  Claims  of  a  mor- 
tal Man,  certainly  they  are  the  Myfteries  of  the  Perfon  who  exalts  himfelf 
above  all  ibnt  is  called  God;  not  above  God,  but  above  all  that  is  called  God  y 
that  is,  lawful  Kings  and  Magiftrates, 

The  Offence  wherewith  I  charge  the  Prifoner  at  the  Bar,  is  this:  that 
he  has  maintained,  and  maintains  under  his  Hand,  a  Power  in  the  Pope  to 
depofe  and  murther  Kings.  In  what  fort  he  does  this,  I  will  deliver  in  his 
own  Words,  without  prefling  or  ilraining. 

But  I  cannot  proceed  to  the  particular  Charge  fo  coldly,  as  not  to  ex- 
prels  the  extreme  and  imminent  Danger,  wherein  our  dread  Sovereign 
is,  and  in  him  all  of  us  •,  nay,  and  all  Princes  of  both  Religions  ftand 
at  this  day,  by  the  fpreading  of  this  furious  and  pernicious  Opinion  of 
the  Pope's  Temporal  Power  ;  which  tho'  the  modeft  fort  would  blanch 
with  the  Diftinclion  of  in  ordine  ad  fpiritualia,  yet  that  is  but  an 
elufion  -,  for  he  who  makes  the  Diftindlion,  will  alfo  make  the  Cafe. 
This  Danger,  tho'  in  itfelf  notorious,  yet  becaufe  there  is  a  kind 
of  Duln.'fs,  and  alraoll  a  Lethargy  in  the  prefent  Age,  give  me 
leave  to  fet  before  you  two  Glaffes,  fuch  as  certainly  never  met  in 
one  Age  -,  that  of  France,  and  that  of  England.  In  that  of  France, 
the  Tragedies  afted  and  executed  in  two  immediate  Kings ;  in  the 
Glafs  of  England,  the  fame,  or  more  horrible,  attempted  likewife  in 
a  Queen  and  King  immediate  ;  but  ending  in  a  happy  deliverance.  In 
France,  Henry  III.  in  the  flice  of  his  Army,  before  the  Walls  of  Paris,  fbib'd 
by  a  wretched  Jacobin  Fryar.  Henry  IV.  a  Prince  whom  the  French  fur- 
name  the  Great,  one  that  had  been  a  Saviour  and  Redeemer  of  his  Coun- 
try from  infinite  Calamities,  and  a  Reftorer  of  that  Monarchy  to  the  an- 
cient State  and  Splendor,  and  a  Prince  almoft  heroical  ;  at  the  time  when 
he  was  at  the  point  of  mounting  his  Horfe  to  command  the  greatefl.  For- 
ces that  of  a  long  time  had  been  levied  in  France;  this  King  likewife  ftil- 
letto'd  by  a  rafcal  Votary,  who  had  been  enchanted  and  conjured  for  that 
purpofe. 

In  England,  Queen  EUzahelh  of  blefifed  Memory,  a  Queen  to  be  ranked 
with  the  grcatcil  Kings,  otten  attempted  by  like  Votaries  •,  Somjnervile„ 
Parry,  Savage,  and  others  •,  but  Itill  protcdled  by  the  IVatcbman  thatjlum- 
bers  not.  Again,  our  excellent  Sovereign  King  James,  the  Clemency  of 
whofe  Nature  was  enough  to  quench  all  Malignity  ;  and  a  King  fliielded 
and  fupported  by  Pofterity  -,  yet  this  King,  in  the  Chair  of  Majefty,  his 
Vine  and  Olive-Branches  about  him,  attended  by  his  Nobles  and  third 
State  in  Parliament,  ready,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  Eye,  to  have  been 
brougiit  to  Aflies,  and  dilperfed  to  the  four  Winds.  My  Lord  Chief  Ju- 
fticc,  I  obferved,  when  fpeaking  of  this  Powder  Treafon,  laboured  for 
Words  -,  and  tho'  they  came  from  him  with  great  Efficacy,  yet  he  truly 
confeflTtrd,  and  fo  mull  all  Men,  that  this  Treafon  is  above  the  Charge 
and  Report  of  Words. 

Now, 


Seel.  II.       S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  m  yudiclal  Proceedmgs,  367 

Now,  my  Lords,  in  thefe  GlalTes,  bcfides  the  Fads  themfelves,  and  the 
Danger,  I  muft  fhew  you  two  things ;  the  one  the  Ways  of  God,  which 
turn  the  Sword  of  Rotne  upon  the  Kings  that  are  the  VafTils  of  Rome  ;  but 
protect  thofe  Kings  which  have  not  accepted  the  Yoke  of  this  Tyranny  : 
the  other,  that  this  is  a  common  Caufe  of  Princes  -,  and  involves  Kings  of 
both  Religions  :  and  therefore  his  Majclly  did  moft  worthily  and  prudently 
ring  out  the  Alarm-Bell,  to  awaken  all  Princes  to  think  of  it  ferioufly, 
and  in  time. 

But  this  is  a  miferable  Cafe,  that  while  thefe  Rcnim  Soldiers  either  thruft 
the  Spear  into  die  Side  of  God's  Anointed,  or  at  leaft  crown  them  with 
Thorns,  or  piercing  and  pricking  Cares  and  Fears,  they  can  never  be 
fecure  of  their  Lives  or  States.  And  as  this  Dinger  is  common  to  Princes 
of  both  Religions,  fo  Princes  of  both  Religions  have  been  likewife  equally 
fenfible  of  every  Injury  that  touched  their  Temporals. 

Thuanus  reports  in  his  Hiftory,  that  when  the  Kingdom  o^ France  \\':x%  in- 
terdifted  by  the  violent  Proceedings  of  Pope  Julii'.st\\t  Second,  King  Leicis 
the  Twelfth,  otherwife  noted  for  a  moderate  Prince,  caufed  Coins  of  Gold 
to  be  ftamped  with  his  own  Image,  and  this  Superfcription,  Ferdam  nc- 
inen  Babylcnis  e  terra.  And  Thuanus  fays,  himfclf  has  fecn  divers  Pieces 
thereof.  Whence  this  Catholi:k  King  was  fo  much  incenfed  at  that  time, 
in  refpecl  of  the  Pope's  Ufurpation,  that  he  preceded  Luther,  in  apply- 
ing Baby.'o/i  to  Romf.  The  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  v/ho  was  accounted 
one  of  the  Pope's  bed  Sons,  yet  in  temporal  Affairs  proceeded  with  ftrange 
Rigour  towards  Fope  Clement  ;  never  regarding  the  Pontificality,  but  kept 
him  eighteen  Months  in  a  peftilent  Prifon  ;  and  was  hardly  dilfuaded  by 
his  Council  from  having  fent  him  Captive  into  Spain  ;  and  made  fport 
with  the  Threats  of  Frdsberg  the  German,  v.-ho  wore  a  filk  Rope  under  his 
Caflbck,  which  he  would  fhew  in  all  Companies  •,  telling  them,  that  he 
carried  it  to  ftrangle  the  Pope  with  his  own  hands.  As  for  Fhilip  the 
Fair,  'tis  well  known  how  he  brought  Pope  Boniface  the  Eighth  to  an  ig- 
nominious End,  that  of  dying  mad  and  enraged  ;  and  how  he  ftyled  his 
Refcript  to  the  Pope's  Bull,  whereby  he  challenged  his  Temporals,  Sci.rt 
Fatuitas  I'efira,  not  your  Beatitude,  but  your  Stuliitude  ;  a  Style  worthy  to 
be  continued  in  like  Cafes .- for  certainly  that  claim  is  mere  Folly  and 
Fury.  And  for  domeflick  Examples,  never  did  any  Kings  keep  up  the 
Partition-wall  between  Temporal  and  Spiritual,  better  than  ours,  in  times 
of  greateft  Superftition.  I  inftance  only  inKing  Edit'ardl.  who  fet  up  fo  ma- 
ny Crofies  ;  and  yet  oppofed  that  part  of  the  Pope's  Jurifdidion,  no  Mar» 
more  ftrongiy. 

Now  to  the  particular  Charge  of  this  Man  -,  I  muft  inform  your  Lord- 
fhips  the  Occafion  and  Nature  of  his  Offence.  There  has  been  lately  pub- 
lifhed  a  Work  of  Suarcz,  a  Portugueze,  and  a  Profeffor  in  the  Univerfity  of 
Co'imbra,  a  confident  and  daring  Writer,  fuch  an  one  as  Tully  defcribes,  in 
derifion  ;  nihil  tarn  verens,  quam  ne  duhitare,  allqua  de  re,  videretur  :  who  fears 
nothing  fo  much  as  that  he  fiould  feem  to  doubt  cf  any  thing.  A  Fellow, 
who  thinks  with  his   Magiftcriality  and  Goofe-quill,    to  give  Laws  and 

Menages 


368  Speeches  ?>^  yudicial Proceedings.       Se<3:.II. 

Mcnages  to  Crowns  and  Scepters.  In  this  Man's  Writing,  the  Doftrine  of 
depofi.ig  and  murdering  Kings  rifes  to  a  higher  Pitch,  and  is  more  art- 
fully and  pofuively  expreffcd  than  heretofore.  I  here  find  three  Affer- 
tions,  which  run  not  in  the  Vulgar  Track  ;  but  are  fuch  as  Men's  Ears  are 
not  much  acquainted  with.  The  firft  is,  T^bat  the  Pope  has  a  Superiority  over 
Kings,  as  SsibjeSs,  to  depofe  them  •■,  not  only  for  fpiritual  Crimes,  as  Herefy  and 
Schifm,  hut  for  Faults  of  a  tejnporal  nature  :  fince  a  tyrannical  Government 
ever  tends  to  the  Deftruftion  of  Souls.  So  that  by  this  Pofition,  Kings  of 
either  Religion  are  alike  comprehended,  and  none  exempted.  The  fecond 
is,  that  after  a  Sentence  given  by  the  Pope,  this  Writer  defines  of  a  feries, 
or  fuccelTion  of  Hangmen,  or  Sbirri,  left  an  Executioner  fhould  fail.  His 
Aflertion  is.  That  when  a  King  is  fentenced  by  the  Pope  to  deprivation  or 
death,  the  Executioner  firft  in  place,  is  he  to  whom  the  Pope  ftiall  com- 
mit the  Authority  •,  which  may  be  a  foreign  Prince,  it  may  be  a  particular 
Subjedt,  it  may  be,  in  general,  to  the  firft  Undertaker.  But  if  there  be 
no  Diredf  ion  or  Afiignation  in  the  Sentence,  fpecial  nor  general,  then  dejure, 
it  appertains  to  the  next  Succeflbr:  fo  that  the  Succeffor  be  apparent,  and 
a  Catholick  -,  but  if  he  be  doubtful,  or  no  Catholick,  then  it  devolves  to 
the  Commonalty  of  the  Kingdom  :  fo  that  he  will  be  fure  to  have  it  done 
by  one  Minifter  or  other.  In  the  third,  he  diftinguifties  two  kinds  of 
Tyrants,  a  Tyrant  in  Title,  and  a  Tyrant  in  Government  •,  the  Tyrant  in 
Government  cannot  be  rcfifted  or  killed,  without  a  precedent  Sentence  by 
the  Pope  ;  but  a  Tyrant  in  Tide  may  be  killed  by  any  private  Man  what- 
foever.  By  which  Dodrine  he  puts  the  Judgment  of  Kings  Titles,  (which 
are  never  fo  clear,  but  fome  vain  exception  may  be  made  to  them,)  upoa 
the  Fancy  of  every  private  Man  ;  and  alfo  couples  the  Judgment  and  Exe- 
cution together,  that  he  may  judge  by  a  Blow,  without  any  other  Sen- 
tence. Your  Lordftiips  fee  what  monftrous  Opinions  thefe  are ;  and  how 
both  the  Bcaft  with  ^cvtn  Heads,  and  the  Beaft  with  many  Heads,  Pope 
and  People,  are  at  once  let  in  upon  the  facred  Perfons  of  Kings. 

To  proceed  with  the  Narrative  -,  there  was  an  extraft  of  certain  Sentences 
and  Portions  of  this  Book,  to  the  Effedl  of  thofe  above  mentioned,  made  by  a 
great  Prelate  and  Counftllor  upon  a  juft  occafion  ;  and  there  being  fome 
Hollownefs  and  Hefitation  in  thefe  Matters  difcovered  and  perceived  in  'Tal- 
bot ;  he  was  asked  his  Opinion  concerning  them,  in  prefence  of  his  Majefty  : 
and  afterwards  they  were  delivered  to  him,  that  upon  Advice,  he  might  fe- 
dacely  declare  himfelf:  whereupon,  under  his  Hand,  he  fubfcribes  thus. 
"  Concerning  this  Doftrine  of  i'w^r^z,  I  perceive  by  what  I  have  read  in 
"  his  Book,  that  the  fame  concerns  Matter  of  Faith;  the  Controverfy 
"  growing  upon  Expoficion  of  Scriptures  and  Councils  ;  wherein  being  un- 
"  ftudied,  I  cannot  take  upon  me  to  judge  •,  but  I  fubmit  my  Opinion 
"  therein  to  the  Judgment  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Church,  as  in  all  Points 
"  concerning  Faith  I  do." 

Upon  thefe  words,  my  Lords,  I  charge  J-Villiam  Talbot  to  have  commit- 
ted a  great  Offence;  and  fuch,  as  if  he  had  entered  into  a  voluntary  and 
malicious  Publication  of  the  like  Writing,  would  have  been  too  great  an 

Offence 


StS:.  II.      Speeches?;^  yudicial  Procesdi?igs.  369 

Offence  for  the  Capacity  of  this  Court.  Bnt  becaufe  it  grew  frOni  si  que- 
ftion  asked  by  a  Council  of  State,  and  fo  rather  feems,  in  a  favourable  Con- 
ftrudlion,  to  proceed  from  a  kind  of  SubmilTion  to  anfwer,  than  from  any 
malicious  or  infolent  Will ;  it  was  fit,  according  to  the  Clemency  of  thefe 
Times,  to  proceed  in  this  manner  before  your  Lordfliips.  And  let  tlie 
Hearers  take  thefe  things  right;  for  certainly  if  a  Man  be  required  by  the 
Lords  of  the  Council,  to  deliver  his  Opinion,  whether  King  y^y/izw  be  King 
or  no  ?  and  he  delivers  his  Opinion  that  he  is  not  -,  this  is  High  Treafon  : 
but  I  do  not  fay  that  thefe  Words  amount  to  that ;  and  therefore  let  me 
open  them  truly,  and  therein  open  alio  the  Eyes  of  the  Offender  him- 
felf. 

My  Lords,  a  Man's  Allegiance  mull  be  independent,  not  provifional 
and  conditional.  Elizabeth  Barton,  called  the  holy  Maid  of  i^(?«^  affirmed, 
that  if  King  Henry  VIII.  did  not  take  Katherine  di  Spain  again  to  his  Wife, 
within  a  Twelve  Month,  he  Ihould  be  no  King  :  and  this  was  judged  Trea- 
fon, For  tho'  this  Aft  be  contingent  and  future,  yet  Treafon  of  compaf- 
fing  and  imagining  the  King's  Deftruftion  is  prefent. 

In  like  manner  if  a  Man  fhould  voluntarily  publifh  or  maintain,  that 
whenfoevera  Bull  or  Deprivation  fliall  come  forth  againft  the  King,  that  from 
thence  he  is  no  longer  King ;  this  is  of  like  nature  :  but  vvith  this  I  do  not 
charge  the  Offender  neither.  The  true  Latitude  of  his  Words  is,  that  if 
the  Doftrine,  as  to  the  killing  of  Kings,  be  matter  of  Faith  ;  he  fubmits 
himlclf  to  the  Judgment  of  the  Roman  CatholickChurch :  fo  that  his  allegiance 
depends  not  fimply  upon  the  Pope's  Sentence  of  Deprivation  againft  the 
King;  but  upon  another  Point  alfo,  viz.  if  thefe  Doftrines  are  already,  or 
Ihall  be  declared  Matter  of  Faith.  But  little  is  gained  by  this :  foraltho'  it 
may  make  feme  difference  as  to  the  Guilt  of  the  Party,  yet  little  as  to  the 
Danger  of  the  King.  For  the  fime  Pope  of  Ro7ne  may,  with  the  fame 
Breath,  declare  both.  So  that  ftill  upon  the  Matter,  the  King  is  made 
but  Tenant  at  Will,  of  his  Life  and  Kingdoms  •,  and  the  Allegiance  of  his 
Subjeds  is  pinn'd  upon  the  Pope's  Act.  And  certainly  'tis  time  to  flop 
the  current  of  this  Opinion  of  acknowledging  of  the  Pope's  Power  in 
Temporals ;  or  elfe  it  will  fupplant  the  Seat  of  Kings.  And  let  it  not 
be  miftaken  that  Mr.  Talbot's  Offence  fhould  be  no  more  than  the  refu- 
fing  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.  For  'tis  one  thing  to  be  filent,  and  another 
thing  to  affirm.  As  for  the  Point  of  Matter  of  Faith,  or  not  Faith,  to 
tell  your  L-ordfhips  plain,  it  would  aftonilh  a  Man  to  fee  the  Gulf  of  this 
implicit  Belief  If  a  Man  fhould  ask  Mr.  Talbct  whether  he  condemns 
Murderer  Adultery,  or  the  Doctrine  of  Mjy^ow^/,  or  of  J'ius,  inftead  of 
Suarez  ;  muft  he  anfwer  with  this  Exception,  that  iftheQucftion  concern 
Matter  of  Faith,  (as  it  does ;  for  the  moral  Law  is  matter  of  Faith)  that 
therein  he  lubmits  himfelf  to  what  the  Church  fhall  determine  ?  And,  no 
doubt,  ^le  Murder  of  Princes  is  more  than  fimple  Murder. 

Vol.  I.  Bbb  But 


>^ 


myo  Speeches  ;V^  judicial  Proceedings,     Seft.  IT. 

But  to  conclude,  'Talbot.,  I  will  do  you  this  right,  to  declare  that  you 
came  afterwards  to  a  better  Mind  i  w^herein,  if  you  had  been  conftant, 
the  King,  out  of  his  great  Goodnefs,  was  refolved  not  to  have  proceeded 
with  you  in  this  Courfe  of  Juftice  :  but  then  again  you  ftarted  afide  like  a 
broken  Bow.  So  that  by  your  Variety  and  Vacillation  you  loft  the  ac- 
ceptable time  of  the  firft  Grace  •,  which  was  not  to  have  convened  you. 

Nay,  I  will  go  farther,  your  laft  Submiflion  I  conceive  to  be  fatisfac- 
tory  and  complete  •,  but  then  it  was  too  late,  the  King's  Honour  was  up- 
on it,  it  was  publifhed,  and  a  day  appointed  for  hearing  •,  yet  what  Prepa- 
ration that  may  be  to  the  fecond  Grace  of  Pardon  I  know  not:  but  I  know 
my  Lords,  out  of  their  accuftomed  favour,  will  admit  you,  not  only  to 
your  Defence  concerning  what  has  been  charged  ;  but  to  extenuate  your 
Fault  by  any  Submiflion  that  God  fhall  now  put  into  your  Mind  to  make. 


Speech   III. 

77je  Charge  agai?ifi  Owen,   indiSied  for  High  'Treafon^ 

in  the  King's  Bench\ 

THE  Treafon  wherewith  this  Man  ftands  charged,  is  for  the  kind  and 
nature  of  it  ancient,  as  ancient  as  there  is  any  Law  of  England ;  but 
in  the  particular,  late  and  upftart  :  and  again,  in  the  manner  and  boldnefs 
of  it,  new  and  unheard  of  till  this  Man,  Of  what  mind  he  is  now,  I  know  not  v 
but  I  take  him  as  he  was,  and  as  he  ftands  charged.  For  High  Treafon  is  not 
written  in  Ice  -,  that  when  the  Body  relents,  thelmpreflion  fliould  go  away. 
I  fhall  by  way  of  Declaration  open  five  things.  The.  frji  is  the  Clemency  of 
the  King  ;  becaufe  'tis  a  kind  of  Rarity  to  have  a  Proceeding  in  this  place 
upon  Treafon  :  and  perhaps  it  may  be  wondered  at  by  feme,  why  after  fo 
long  an  Intermifllon,  it  fhould  light  upon  this  Fellow  -,  being  a  Perfonbut 
contemptible,  and  a  kind  of  venomous  Fly  of  the  Seminaries. 

The  Second  is,  the  Nature  of  this  Treafon  concerning  the  Facl,  which 
of  all  kinds  of  compafnng  the  King's  Death,  I  hold  to  be  the  moft  dange- 
rous-,  and  as  different  from  other  Confpiracie?,  as  the' lifting  up  of  a 
thoufand  hands  againft  the  King  differs  from  lifting  up  one. 

The  Third  Point  that  I  will  fpeak  to,  is  the  Doftrine  or  Ground  of  this 
Treafon  ;  wherein  I  fliall  not  argue  like  a  Divine  or  Scholar,  but  as  a  Man 
bred  in  CivilOfe  :  and  to  fpeak  plainly,  I  hold  the  Opinion  to  be  fuch  as 
deferves  rather  Deteftation  than  Conteft. 

The  Fourth  Point  is  the  Degree  of  this  Man's  Offence  -,  which  is  more 
prefumptuous  than  I  have  known  any  other  to  have  fallen  into  of  this 
kind,  and  has  a  greater  Overflow  of  Malice  and  Treafon. 

And 

•  Brought  by  the  Author  as  Attorney-General. 


Sed. II.     Speeches  m  yudlctal Proceedings.  371 

And  Fifthly,  I  will  remove  fomewhat  that  may  feem  to  extenuate  this  Man's 
Offence  i  as  he  has  not  affirmed  fimply,  that  'tis  lawful  to  kill  the  Kino-, 
but  conditionally,  that  if  the  King  be  excommunicate,  'tis  lawful  to  kill 
him  ;  which  makis  little  difference  either  in  Law  or  Danger. 

For  the  King's  Clemency  -,  I  fpeak  it  with  comfort,  that  I  have  now 
ferved  his  Majefty  as  Sollicitor  and  Attorney,  eight  years  ;  yet  this  is  the 
firft  time  that  ever  I  gave  in  Evidence  againft  a  Traytor,  at  this  Bar,  or 
any  other.  There  has  not  wanted  Matter,  in  that  Party  of  the  Subjedls, 
whence  this  kind  of  Offence  flows,  to  irritate  the  King:  he  was  irritated  by 
the  Powder  Treafon,  which  might  have  turned  Judgment  into  Fury.  He 
has  been  irritated  by  monftrous  and  wicked  Libels;  irritated  by  a  general 
Infolency  and  Prefumption  in  the  Papifts  throughout  the  Land  ;  and  yet 
his  Majefly  keeps  Ca^far's  Rule:  Nil  jnalo,  quam  eos  ejje fimiles  fui,  &  me 
mei.  He  leaves  them  to  be  like  themfelves  ;  whilft  he  remains  like  himfelf, 
and  ftrives  to  overcome  Evil  with  Good.  A  ftrange  thing  ;  bloody  Opi- 
nions, bloody  Doftrines,  bloody  Examples,  and  yet  the  Government  ft  ill 
unftained  with  Blood.  As  for  this  Owen,  tho'  his  Perfon  be,  in  his  Con- 
dition, contemptible  ;  yet  we  fee  by  miferable  Examples,  that  thefe  Wret- 
ches, which  are  but  the  Scum  of  the  Earth,  have  been  able  to  ftir  Earth- 
quakes, by  murdering  of  Princes:  and  if  it  were  in  cafe  of  Contagion  (as 
this  is  a  Contagion  of  the  Heart  and  Soul)  a  Beggar  may  bring  a  Plague 
into  the  City  as  well  as  a  great  Man :  fo  that  'tis  not  the  Perfon  but  the 
Matter  which  is  to  be  confidered. 

For  the  Treafon  itfelf,  which  is  the  Second  Point,  my  Defire  is  to  open 
it  in  the  Depth  thereof,  if  it  were  pofllble  ■,  but  'tis  bottomlefs  :  and  fo 
the  Civil  Law  fays,  Conjurationes  omnium  proditioniim  odiofiJJimcB  i£  perni- 
cioftjfwia.  Kings  can  arm  againft  hoftile  Invafions,  and  the  Adherence  of 
Subjefts  to  Enemies  ;  Rebellions  muft  go  over  the  Bodies  of  many  good 
Subjefts  before  they  can  hurt  the  King :  but  Confpiracies  againft  the  Perfons 
of  Kings  are  like  Thunder- Bolts,  that  ftrike  on  a  fudden  ;  and  are  hardly  to 
be  avoided.  Major  metus  a  fingulis  quam  ah  univerfis.  There  is  no  Prepa- 
ration againft  them  :  and  that  Preparation,  which  may  be  of  guard  or  cu- 
llody,  is  a  perpetual  Mifery.  And  therefore  they  who  have  written  of  the 
Privileges  of  Ambaftadors,  and  of  the  Amplitude  of  Safe-Condufts,  de- 
fine that  if  an  Ambaflador,  or  Man  who  comes  in  upon  the  higheft  Safe- 
Conduct,  praftife  a  Matter  of  Sedition  in  a  State,  yet  by  the  Law  of 
Nations  he  ought  to  be  remanded  ;  but  if  he  confpire  againft  the  Life  of 
a  Prince,  by  Violence  or  Poifon,  he  is  to  be  tried  :  i^da  odititn  ejl  omni 
Privilegio  majus.  Nay,  even  among  Enemies,  and  in  the  moft  deadly  Wars, 
Confpiracy,  and  the  Affaffination  of  Princes,  has  been  accounted  villanous 
and  execrable. 

The  Manners  of  confpiring  and  compaffing  the  King's  Death  are  many  : 
but  'tis  moft  apparent,  that  among  all  the  reft  this  furmounts.  Firjl,  be- 
Ciufe  'tis  grounded  upon  pretended  Religion  •,  which  is  a  Trumpet  that  in- 
flames the  Heart  and  Powers  of  a  Man  with  Daring  andRefolution,  more 
than  any  thing  elfe.     Secondly,  'tis  the  hardeft  to  be  avoided :  for  when  a 

B  b  b  2  particular 


/^ya  Speeches/;^  yudkial  Proceedings.       SecTr.II, 

particular  Confpiracy  is  plotted  or  attempted  againft  a  King  by  fome  one  or 
fome  few  Confpirators,  it  meets  with  a  Number  of  Impediments.  Commonly 
he  that  has  the  Head  to  devife  it,  has  not  the  Heart  to  undertake  it:  and 
the  Perfon  that  is  ufed,  fometimes  fails  in  Courage  -,  fometimes  fails  in  Op- 
portunity ;  fometimes  is  touched  with  Remorfe.  But  to  publifh  and  main- 
tain, that  it  may  be  lawful  for  any  Man  living  to  attempt  the  Life  of  a 
King  •,  this  Doftrine  is  a  venomous  Sop ;  or  as  a  Legion  of  malign  Spi- 
rits -,  or  an  univerfal  Temptation  that  enters  at  once  into  the  Hearts  of  all 
who  are  any  way  prepared,  or  have  any  predifpoficion  to  be  Traytors :  fo 
that  what  fails  in  any  one,  is  fupplied  in  many.  If  one  Man  faint,  ano- 
ther will  dare :  if  one  Man  has  not  the  Opportunity,  another  has  :  if  one 
Man  relent,  another  will  be  defperate.  And  thirdly,  particular  Confpira^ 
cies  have  their  Periods  of  Time,  within  which  if  they  be  not  taken,  they 
vanilh  -,  but  this  is  endleis,  and  imports  perpetuity  of  fpringing  Confpira- 
cies.     And  fo  much  concerning  the  Nature  of  the  Fad. 

For  the  third  Point ;  which  is  the  Doflrine,  that  upon  Excommunication 
of  the  Pope,  with  Sentence  of  Depofing,  a  King  may  be  flaughtered  by 
any  Son  oi  Adam,  and  that  'tis  Juflice  and  no  Murder-,  that  their  Sub- 
jeds  are  abfolved  of  their  Allegiance  ;  and  the  Kings  themfelves  expofed 
to  Spoil  and  Prey.  I  faid  before,  that  I  would  not  argue  the  Subtilty  of 
the  Queftion  :  'tis  rather  to  be  fpoken  to  by  way  of  Accufation  of  the  Opi- 
nion as  impious,  than  by  wayofdifpute  as  doubtful.  Nay,  I  (liy,  it  de- 
ferves  rather  ibme  Holy  War,  or  League  among  all  Chriftian  Princes  of  ei- 
ther Religion,  for  the  extirpating  and  razing  of  the  Opinion,  and  the  Authors 
thereof,  from  the  Face  of  the  Earth,  than  the  Style  of  Pen  or  Speech. 
Therefore  in  this  kind  I  will  fpeak  to  it  in  a  few  Words,  and  not  other- 
wife.  And,  I  proteft,  if  I  were  a  Papift  I  fhould  fay  as  much:  nay,  I 
fliould  fpeak  it  perhaps  with  more  Indignation  and  Feeling.  For  this  hor- 
rible Opinion  is  our  Advantage,  but  'tis  their  Reproach,  and  will  be  their 
Ruin. 

This  Monfter  of  Opinion  is  to  be  accufed  of  three  moft  evident  and  moft 
miferable  Slanders. 

Firft,  of  the  Slander  it  brings  to  the  Chriftian  Faith  ;  being  a  plain  Plan- 
tation of  Irreligion  and  Atheilm.. 

Seco/idl'j,  the  Subverfion  which  it  introduces  of  all  Policy  and  Go- 
vernment. 

thirdly,  the  great  Calamity  it  brings  upon  Papifts  themfelves  ;  of  which 
the  more  moderate  fort,  as  Men  mif-led,  are  to  be  pitied  *. 

For  thefrjh  if  a  Man  vifirs  the  foul  and  polluted  Opinions,  Cuftoms, 
or  Pradices  of  Heathenifm,  Mahometifm,  and  Herefy,  he  will  find  they 
attain  not  to  this  height.  Take  the  Examples  of  damnable  Memory  a- 
mong  the  Heathen.  The  Profcriptions  in  Rome  oi  Sylla  ;  and  afterwards  of 
the  TriiimvirSyV/ere  but  of  a  finite  number  of  Perfons,  and  thole  not  many, 
that  were  expofed  to  any  Man's  Sword  j  but  what  is  that  to  the  profcribing 

of 

"  This  Speech  is  iraperfcd,  and  breaks  off  abruptly,  before  the  lecond  Artide  is  gone 
through. 


Sed.  II.        S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  /«  judicial  Proceedings.  3  t^ 

of  a  King,  and  all  that  fhall  take  his  part  ?  And  what  was  the  Reward 
of  a  Soldier  that  among  them  killed  one  of  the  profcribed  ?  A  fmall  Piece 
of  Money.  Bjt  what  is  now  the  Reward  of  one  that  fhall  kill  a  King  ? 
The  Kingdom  of  Heaven.  The  moft  fcandaloiis  Cullom  among  the 
Heathen  was,  that  fometimes  the  PricfV  facrificed  ^ Men  ;  but  .we  do  not 
read  of  any    Priefthood  that  facrificed  Kings. 

The  Mahometans  make  it  a  part  of  their  Religion  to  propagate  their 
Secft  by  the  S»vord  -,  yet  by  honourable  Wars,  never  by  Vilhnies  and 
iecrec  Murders.  Nay,  I  find  that  the  Saracen  Prince,  from  whom  the 
Name  of  Adiffin  is  derived,  who  had  divers  Votaries  at  command, 
which  he  fent  and  employed  for  the  killing  of  feveral  Princes  in  the  Eafl, 
(by  one  of  whom  Amuratb  the  firll  was-fl.iin,  and  Edzvard  the  firft  of  £;/5- 
land  wounded,)  was  put  down,  and  rooted  out  by  the  common  Confent 
of  the  Mahometan  Princes. 

The  Anabaptifts,  'tis  true,  come  neareft.  For  they  profefi  the  pulling 
down  of  Magillrates  -,  and  they  can  chaunt  the  Pfalm,  To  bind  their  Kings  in 
Chains,  and  their  Nobles  in  Links  of  Iron.  This  is  the  Glory  of  the  Saints, 
much  like  the  temporal  Authority  which  the  Pope  challenges  over  Princes, 
But  here  lies  the  difference,  that  theirs  is  a  flinatica!  Fury,  and  the  Pope's 
a  grave  and  folemn  Mifchief:  be  imagines  Mifchiif  as  a  Law  •■,  a  Law-like 
Miichief. 

As  for  the  Defence  which  they  make,  it  aggravates  the  Sin,  and  turns 
it  from  a  Cruelty  towards  Men,  to  a  Blafphemy  towards  God.  For  to  fiy 
that  all  this  is  in  ordine  ad  fpirituale  ;  to  a  good  end,  and  for  the  Salva- 
tion of  Souls,  is  dirtftly  to  make  God  the  Author  of  Evil,  or  to  draw 
him  fnto  the  Likenefs  of  the  Prince  of  Darknefs  ;  and  to  fay  with  thofe  that 
Saint  Paid  fpeaks  of,  Let  us  do  Evil  that  Good  may  come  of  it.  Of  whon\ 
the  Apoftle  fays  definitively,   "That  their  Damnation  is  jtijl. 

For  the  deltroying  of  Government  univerfally  -,  'tis  moft  evident,  that 
this  is  not  the  Cafe  of  Proteftant  Princes  only,  but  of  Catholick  Princes  like- 
wife.  Nay,  'tis  not  the  Cafe  of  Princes  only,  but  of  all  Subjeds  and  pri- 
vate Perfons.  For  as  to  Princes,  let  Hiftory  be  perufed,  to  ihew  what  has 
been  the  Caufe  of  Excommunication,  and  this  Tumour  of  it,  the  depo- 
fing  of  Kings :  it  has  not  been  for  Herefy  and  Schifm  alone  •,  but  for  Col- 
lation and  Inveftitures  of  Bifhopricks  and  Benefices  j  intruding  upon  Ecclcfia- 
ftical  PoflelTions  ;  or  violating  of  any  ecclefiaftical  Perfon  or  Liberty. 
Nay,  generally  they  maintain,  that  it  may  be  for  any  Sin.  So  that  the 
Difference  between  their  Doctors,  fome  holding  that  the  Pope  has  his 
temporal  Power  immediately,  and  others  only  in  ordine  ad  fpirituale,  is  but 
Delufion,  and  an  Abufe.  For  all  comes  to  one.  What  is  there  that  may 
not  be  made  fpiritual  by  Confequence  -,  efpecially  when  he  who  gives  the 
Sentence  may  make  the  Cafe  ?  And  the  miferable  Experience  has  follow- 
ed accordingly.  For  this  murdering  of  Kings  has  been  put  in  praftife, 
as  well  againft  Papift  Kings  as  Proteftant  ;  fave  that  it  has  pleafed  God  fo 
to  guide  it  by  his  admirable  Providence,    as   the  Attempts  upon  Papift 

Princes 


374  Speeches/;^  yudk'ial  Proceedings,      Sed.  II. 

Princes  have  been  executed,  and  the  Attempts  upon  Proteftant  Princes 
have  failed,  except  in  the  Cafe  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  :  and  not  here  neither, 
until  he  had  joined  too  fift  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  and  the  Papifts. 

Speech  IV. 

7^^  Charge  againfl  M.  L.  S.W.  H.  J.  for  Scandal^  and 
traducing  the  Kings  Jujlice-i  in  the Proceedi:4's  againfi 
Wefton  in  the  Star-Chamber\ 

TH  E  Offence  wherewith  I  charge  the  three  Prifoners  at  the  Bar,  is  a 
Mifdemeanor  of  a  high  nature  ;  tending  to  the  defacing  and  fcandal  of 
Juftice  in  a  great  Caufe  capital.  The  particular  Charge  is  this.  The 
King,  among  other  his  princely  Virtues,  is  known  to  excel  in  that  proper 
one  of  the  imperial  Throne,  Juftice.  *Tis  a  Royal  Virtue,  which  employs 
the  other  three  Cardinal  Virtues  in  her  Service.  Wifdom  to  difcover,  and 
difcern  the  Guilty  and  Innocent :  Fortitude  to  profecute  and  execute :  Tem- 
perance, fo  to  Carry  Juftice  as  it  be  not  paflionate  in  the  purfuit  ;  nor  con- 
fulcd  in  involving  Perfons  upon  light  Sufpicion,  nor  precipitate  in  time. 
For  this  his  Majefty's  Virtue  of  Juftice,  God  has  of  late  railed  an  occafion, 
and  erefted  as  it  were  a  Stage,  or  Theatre,  for  him  to  fhew,  and  aft  it,  in  the 
purfuit  of  the  untimely  Death  of  Sir  'Thomas  Overhury,  and  therein  clean- 
ing the  Land  from  Blood.  For,  my  Lords,  if  Blood  fpilt  pure,  cries  to 
Heaven  in  God's  Ears,  much  more  Blood  defiled  with  Poifon. 

This  great  Work  of  his  Majefty's  Juftice,  the  more  excellent  it  is,  your 
Lordftiips  will  foon  conclude,  the  greater  the  Offence  of  any  that  have  fought 
to  affront  or  traduce  it.  And  therefore,  before  I  defcend  to  the  Charge  of 
thefe  Offenders,  I  will  fet  before  your  Lordftiips  the  Weight  of  what  they 
have  fought  to  impeach  ;  fpeaking  fomewhat  of  the  general  Crime  of 
impoifoning  ;  and  then,  of  the  particular  Circumftances  of  thjs  Fadl  upon 
Overbury  ;  and  thirdly,  of  the  King's  great  and  worthy  Care  and  Carriage  in 
the  Bufinefs. 

This  Offence  of  Impoifonment  is  truly  figured  in  the  Defcription  made 
of  the  Nature  of  one  of  the  Roman  Tyrants,  viz.  that  he  was  Lutiim  /anguine 
maceratum.  Mire  drench'' d  a>id  tempered  ivilb  Blood:  for  as  'tis  one  of  the 
higheft  Offences  in  Guilt,  fo  'tis  the  bafeft  of  all  others  in  the  Mind  of 
the  Offenders.  Treafons,  magnum  aliquid  Jjpe^ant :  they  aim  at  great  things  ; 
but  this  is  vile  and  bafe. 

I  tell  your  Lordfhips  what  I  have  noted,  that  in  the  Books  of  the  Old 
and  New  Teftament,  I  find  Examples  of  all  other  Offences  and  Offen- 
ders in  the  World  ;  but  not  one  of  an  impoifonment  or  an  impoifoner.  I 
find  a  fear  of  cafual  Impoifonment  ;  when  the  wild  Vine  being  fhred  into  the 
Pot,  they  came  complaining  in  a   fearful  manner  ;    Mafter,  mors  in  oUa. 

And 

*  Exhibited  br  the  Author  as  Atterney-eenerat,  Anno  i6ij: 


Sccfl.II.     Speeches  m  jfucilcial Proceedings.  373 

And  I  find  mention  of  Poifons  of  Beads  and  Serpents;  the  Poifon  of  Jfps  is 
under  tbeir  Lips :  but  I  find  no  Example  in  Scripture  of  Impoifonment.     1  have 
fometimes  thought  of  the  Words  in   the  Ffalm,  Le!  their  Table  be  a  Snare ; 
which  certainly  is  true  of  Impoifonment :    for  herein  the  Table,    the  dai- 
ly Bread  for  which  we  pray,   is  turned  to  a  deadly  Snare  :    but  I  think  rather 
this  was  meant  of  the  Treachery  of  Friends,  that  partook  of  the  fame  Tabic. 
Impoifonment  is  an  Offence,  my  Lords,  that  has  the  two  Spurs  of  o?ien- 
^'mg  ;  J}es  ferjidcf:di,  <^ /pes  celandi :  'tis  eafily  committed,  and  eafily  con- 
cealed.    'Tis  an  Offence  like  the  Arrow  that  flies  by  Night.      It  difcerns 
not  whom  it  hits :    for  many  times  the  Poifon  is  laid  for  one,  and  another 
takes  it :  as  in  Sanders's  Cafe,  where  the  poifoned  Apple  was  laid  for  the 
Mother,  and  was  taken  up  by  the  Child,  and  kilkd  the  Child  :  and  lb  in  that 
notorious   Cafe,  whereupon   the  Statute  of  22   Henry  VIII.   cap.   9.    was 
made,  where  the  Intent  being  to  poifon  but  one  or  two,  Poifon  was  put 
into   a  little   Velfel   of  Yeaft,  that    flood   in     the   Bifhop    of   Rochcjier's, 
Kitchen,  with  which  Yeaft,  Pottage  was  made,  wherewith  feventeen  of  the 
Bifliop's  Family  were   poilbned.     Nay,  divers  of  the  Poor  that  came  to 
the  Bifnop's  Gate,  and   had   the  broken  Pottage  in  Alms,  were   likewife 
poifoned.     And  therefore  if  any  Man  Ihould  comfort  himfclf  by    thinking 
thus  ;  here  is  a  great  talk  of  Impoifonment,    I  hope  I  am  fafe,  for  I  have 
no  Enemies  •,  nor  have  nothing  that  any  Perfon  fliould  long  for.     Why  ?  'tis 
all  one,  for  he  may  fit  at  Table  by  another  for  whom  the  Poifon  is  pre- 
pared, and  have  a  Drench  of  his  Cup,  or  of  his  Pottage.     And  fo,  as  the 
Poet  fays,  concidit  infelix  alieno  vulnere  ;  he  may  die  the  death  defigned  for 
another.  It  was  therefore  moft  gravely,  judicioufly,  and  properly  provided  by 
the  Statute  abovementioned,    that  Impoifonment  fhould  be  High  Treafon  ; 
becaufe  whatever  Offence  tends  to  the  utter  Subverfion  and   Diffolution  of 
human  Society,  is  in  the  Nature  of  High  Treafon. 

Laftly,  'tis  an  Offence  which  I  may  truly  fay  is    not  nojlri  generis,  nee 

fanguinis.     'Tis  rare  in  the  Ifle  of  Britain:  'tis  neither  of  our  Country,  nor 

of  our  Church:  you  may  find  it  in  Rome  or  Italy.     There   is  a  Region,  or 

perhaps  a  Religion  for  it :  and  if  it  fhould  come  among  us,  certainly  it  were 

better  living  in  a  Wildernefs  than  in  a  Court. 

For  the  particular  Fad:  upon  Ovjrbury  ;  I  knew  the  Gentleman.  'Tis 
true  his  Mind  was  great,  but  it  moved  not  in  any  good  Order  -,  yet  cer- 
tainly it  commonly  flew  at  good  things  -,  and  the  greateft  Fault  that 
ever  I  heard  of  him,  was,  that  he  made  his  Friend  his  Idol.  But  I  leave 
him  as  Sir  Thomas  Overbury ;  and  take  him  as  he  was  tlie  King's  Prifoner 
in  the  Tower ;  and  then  fee  how  the  Cafe  ftands. 

In  that  place  the  State  is,  as  it  were,  anfwerable  to  make  good  the  Body 
of  a  Prifoner.  And  if  any  thing  happen  to  him  there,  it  may,  tho' not  in 
this  Cafe,  yet  in  fome  others,  caft  an  Afperfion  and  Reflexion  upon  the 
State  it  felf.  For  the  Perfon  is  utterly  out  of  his  own  defence  :  his  own 
Care  and  Providence  can  ferve  him  in  no  ftead.  He  is  in  Cuftody  and 
Prefervation  of  the  Law  -,  and  we  have  a  Maxim  in  our  Law,  that  when  a  State 
is  in  Prefervation  of  the  Law,  nothing  can  dcftroy  or  hurt  it.  And  God 
J  forbid 


f 


76  Speeches  in  Judicial  Proceedings.      Sedl.  If. 

forbid  bat  the  like  fliould  be  for  the  Perfons  of  thofe  that  are  in  Cuftody  of 
the  Law  •,  and  therefore  this  was  a  Circumftance  of  great  Aggravation. 

Laftly,  to  have  a  Man  chafed  to  Death  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  appears 
now  upon  Record,  by  Foifon  after  Poifon,  firft  Rofeahr,  then  Arfenick^ 
then  Mercury  Suhliinate,  then  Sublimate  again  ;  is  a  thing  would  aftonifh  a 
Man's  Nature  to  hear  of  Tiie  Poets  feign,  that  tlie  Furies  had  Whips, 
corded  with  poifonous  Snakes  ;  and  one  would  think  this  were  the  very 
Cafe,  to  have  a  Man  tied  to  a  Poll:,  and  be  fcourged  to  death  with  Snakes : 
for  fo  diverfity  of  Poifons  may    truly  be  termed. 

I  will  now  come  to  what  is  the  Principal ;  viz.  his  Majefty's  princely  and 
facred  Proceeding  in  this  Cafe.  "Wherein  I  will  firft  fpeak  of  the  Tem- 
per of  his  Juftice,  and  then  of  the  Strength  thereof 

Firft,  it  pleafed  my  Lord  Chief  Juftice  to  let  me  know  the  Charge  his 
Majeily  gave  to  himfclf  firft,  and  afterwards  to  the  Commiflloners  in  this  Cafe; 
worthy  certainly  to  be  written  in  Letters  of  Gold  :  wherein  his  Majefty 
made  it  his  prime  Direftion,  that  it  fhould  be  carried  without  Touch  to 
any  that  was  innocent ;  nay  more,  not  only  without  Impeachment,  but 
without  Afperfion :  which  was  a  moft  noble  and  princely  Caution  ;  for 
Men's  Reputations  are  tender  things,  and  ought  to  be  like  Chrift's  Coat, 
without  Seam.  And  it  was  the  more  to  be  refpecled  in  this  Cafe,  becaufe 
it  met  with  two  great  Perfons :  a  Nobleman  that  his  Majefty  had  favoured 
and  advanced ;  and  his  Lady,  being  of  a  great  and  honourable  Houfe  :  tho' 
I  think  it  true,  what  the  Writers  fiy.  There  is  no  Pcvigranatefo  fair  or  fo 
found,  but  may  have  a  perijhed Kernel.  Nay,  I  fee  plainly  in  tliofe  excellent 
Papers  of  his  Majefty's  own  hand-writing,  being  as  fo  many  Beams  of  Ju- 
fl:ice,  ifluing  from  the  Virtue  that  ftiines  in  him  ;  that  it  was  fo  evenly  car- 
ried, without  Prejudice,  as  ftiewed,  that  his  Majefty's  Judgment  was  tan- 
quam  tabula  rafa,  as  a  fair  Table-Book,  and  his  Ear  tanqmmjanua  aperta,  as  a 
Gate,  not  fide  open,  but  wide  open  to  Truth,  as  it  fliould  be  by  degrees  difco- 
vered.  Nay,  1  ll-e  plainly,  that  in  the  beginning,  till  further  Light  appea- 
red, his  M.ajefty  was  little  moved  with  the  firft  Tale,  which  he^vouch- 
lafes  not  fo  much  as  the  name  of  a  Tale;  but  calls  it  a  Rumour,  which  is 
a  headlefs  Tale. 

For  the  Strength  or  Refolution  of  his  Majefty's  Juftice  ;  I  muft  tell 
your  Lordlhips  plainly,  I  do  not  wonder  to  fee  Kings  thunder  out  Juftice 
in  Cafes  ofTreafon,  when  they  are  touched  themfelves;  and  that  they  are 
I'liidices  doloris  proprii:  but  that  a  King  fliould  pro  amore  jujliti^  only,  con- 
trary to  the  Tide  of  his  own  Affedion,  for  the  Prefervation  of  his  People 
take  fuch  care  of  a  Caufe  of  Juftice ;  this  is  rare  and  worthy  to  be  cele- 
brated far  and  near.  For,  I  think,  I  may  truly  affirm,  there  was  never  in 
this  Kingdom,  nor  in  any  other,  the  Blood  of  a  private  Gentleman  vindi- 
cated ci'.m  tanto  motu  regni,  or  to  fiy  better  cum  tanto  plaufu  regni.  If  it 
had  concerned  the  King  or  Prince,  there  could  not  have  been  greater  nor 
better  Commiffioners  to  examine  it.  The  Term  has  been  almoft  turned 
into  a  Jufliiium  or  Vacation ;  the  People  themfelves  being  more  willing  to 

look 


Se cl. II.      Speeches/;^  yudkial Proceedings.  2,77 

look  on  in  this  Bufinefs  than  to  follow  their  own.  There  has  been  no  Care 
of  Difcovery  omitted,  no  Moment  of  Time  loft.  And  therefore  I  will  con- 
clude this  part  with  the  faying  of  Solomon^  Gloria  Ds'i  celare  rem,  i^  gloria 
Regis  fcrtitare  rem. 

Now  I  will  come  to  the  particular  Charge  of  thefe  Gentlemen,  whofc 
Qualities  and  Perfons  I  refpeft  and  love  ;  for  they  are  all  my  particular 
Friends  :  but  now  I  can  only  do  this  Duty  of  a  Friend  to  them  ;  make  them 
know  their  Fault  to  the  full.  And  therefore  I  will,  by  way  of  Narrative, 
declare  to  your  Lordfliips  the  Faft,  with  the  Occafion  of  it. 

That  wretched  Man  IFeiion,  the  Aftor,  or  mechanical  Party  in  this  Im- 
poifonment,  being  indided  by  a  very  fubftantial  Jury  of  i'elefted  Citizens, 
to  the  number  of  Nineteen,  who  found  Bllla  vera,  yet  he  at  firft  ftood  mute : 
but  after  fome  days  intermifllon,  it  pleafed  God  to  caft  out  the  dumb  De- 
vil, and  that  he  put  himfelf  upon  his  Trial  -,  and  was  by  a  Jury  alfo  of  great 
Value,  upon  his  Confeffion,  and  other  Teftimonies,  found  guilty  :  fo  that 
thirty  one  fufficient  Jurors  have  paffed  upon  him.  Whereupon  Judgment  and 
Execution  was  awarded  againft  him. 

After  this,  being  in  preparation  for  another  World,  he  fent  for  Sir  T'ho- 
tnas  Overburfs  Father  ;  and  falling  upon  his  Knees,  with  great  Remorfe 
and  Compundlion,  asked  him  forgivenefs.  Afterwards,  again,  of  his  own 
Motion,  he  defired  to  have  his  like  Prayer  of  forgivenefs  recommended  to 
Sir  'Thomas's  Mother,  who  was  abfent :  and  at  both  times,  out  of  the  a- 
bundance  of  his  Heart,  confefled  that  he  was  to  die  juftly.  And,  again, 
at  his  Execution,  which  is  a  kind  of  fealing-timeof  Confefllons,  even  at  the 
point  of  Death,  he  again  publickly  confirmed,  that  his  Examinations  were 
true  -,  and  that  he  had  been  juftly  and  honourably  dealt  with.  Here  is  the 
Narrative  which  induces  the  Charge.     The  Charge  itfelf  is  this. 

The  Offence  of  M.  L.  ftands  fingle,  but  that  of  the  other  two  is  in  con- 
fort  •,  yet  all  three  meet  in  their  Center,  v/hich  was  to  interrupt  or  defiice 
this  excellent  Piece  of  Juftice.  M.  L.  I  fiy,  between  Wefton's,  ftanding  mute 
and  his  Trial,  takes  upon  him  to  make  a  moft  falfe,  odious,  and  libellous 
Relation,  containing  as  many  Untruths  as  Lines  -,  and  fets  it  down  in  Wri- 
ting with  his  own  hand,  and  delivers  it  to  Mr.  Henr^  Gibb,  of  the  Bed- 
chamber, to  be  put  into  the  King's  hand  :  in  which  Writing  he  falfifies  and 
perverts  all  that  was  done  the  firft  day  at  the  Arraignment  of  We/ion  ;  turning 
the  Edgeand  Point  of  his  Imputations  principally  upon  my  Lord  Chief  Juftice 
of  England ;  whofe  Name  thus  occurring  I  cannot  pafs  by,  and  yet  I  cannot 
defcend  to  flatter :  but  this  I  will  lay  of  him,  and  I  would  fay  as  much  to 
Ages,  if  I  ftiould  writea  Hiftory  ;  that  never  Man's  Perfon,  and  his  Place, 
were  better  met  in  a  Bufinefs,  than  my  Lord  Coke,  and  my  Lord  Chief  Ju- 
ftice, in  the  Caufe  of  Overbury. 

Now,  my  Lords,  in  this  Offence  of  M.  L.  for  the  particulars  of  thefe 
flanderous  Articles,  I  will  obferve  them  when  the  Writings  and  Examina- 
tions are  read  ;  for  I  do  not  love  to  fet  the  Glofs  before  the  Text.  But  in 
general  I  note  to  your  Lordfhips,  firjl,  the  Perfon  o{  M.  L.  I  know  he  is 
a  Scots  Gentleman,  and  therefore  more  ignorant  of  our  Laws  and  Forms : 

Vol.  I.  Ccc  but 


378  Speeches /;?  yudkial  Proceedings.      Se<5l.II. 

but  I  cannot  tell  whether  this  extenuates  his  Fault  in  refpeft  of  Ignorance, 
or  aggravates  it  in  refpeft  of  Prefumption  -,  that  he  fhould  meddle  in  what 
he  underftood  not :  but  I  doubt,  it  comes  not  out  of  his  Quiver  i  feme 
other  Man's  Cunning  wrought  upon  this  Man's   Boldnefs. 

Secondl'j,  I  may  note  the  greatnefs  of  the  Caufe,  wherein  he,  being  a 
private,  mean  Gentleman,  prefumed  to  deal.  M.  L.  could  not  but  know 
to  what  great  and  grave  Commiffioners  the  King  had  committed  this  Caufe  ; 
and  that  his  Majefty,  in  his  Wifdom,  would  expeft  a  return  of  all  things 
from  them,  to  whofe  Truft  he  had  committed  this  Bufinefs.  For  'tis  the 
part  of  Commiffioners,  as  well  to  report  the  Bufinefs,  as  to  manage  the 
Bufinefs  ;  and  then  his  Majefty  might  be  fure  to  have  had  all  things 
well  weighed,  and  to  have  been  truly  informed  :  and  therefore  it  fhould 
have  been  far  from  M.  L.  to  have  prefumed  to  put  forth  his  Hand  to 
fo  high  and  tender  a  Bufinefs,  which  was  not  to  be  touched  but  by  the 
Hands  employed. 

Thirdly,  I  note,  that  this  Infufion  of  a  Slander  into  a  King's  Ears,  is  of 
all  Forms  of  Libels  and  Slanders,  the  worft.  'Tis  true,  that  Kings  may 
keep  fecret  their  Information  ;  and  then  no  Man  ought  to  enquire  after  them, 
while  they  are  fhrin'd  in  their  Breaft.  But  where  a  King  is  pleafed  that  a 
Man  fhall  anfwer  for  his  falfe  Information  ;  there,  the  falfe  Information  to 
a  King  exceeds  in  Offence  the  falfe  Information  of  any  other  kind;  being 
a  kind  of  Impoifonment  of  a  King's  Ear.  And  thus  much  for  the  Offence 
of  M.  L. 

The  Offence  of  5.  /F.  and  H.J.  was  this.  At  the  time  and  place  of  the 
Execution  of  ff^ejlon,  to  fupplant  his  Chriftian  Refolution,  and  to  fcandalize 
the  Juftics  already  paft,  and  perhaps  to  cut  off  the  Thread  of  that  which 
is  to  come  -,  thefe  Gentlemen,  with  others,  came  mounted  on  horfeback, 
and  in  a  ruffling  and  facing  manner,  put  themfelves  forward  to  re-examine 
Wefton,  upon  Queftions  direftly  crofs  to  what  had  been  tried  and  judged  ; 
for  the  Point  tried  was,  that  Wejlon  had  poifoned  Overbury.  And  S.  Ws 
Queftion  was,  whether  Wefton  did  poifon  Overbury  or  no.  A  Contradiftory 
direftly.  Wajion  anfvvered  only,  that  he  did  him  wrong  ;  and  turning  to 
the  Sheriff,  faid,  you  promifed  me  that  I  fhould  not  be  troubled  at  this 
time.  Neverthelefs  he  prefs'd  him  to  anfwer  ;  faying,  he  defired  to  know 
it,  that  he  might  pray  with  him.  I  know  not  that  S.  W.  is  an  Ecclefia- 
ftick,  that  he  fhould  cut  any  Man  from  the  Communion  of  Prayer.  And 
yet  for  all  this  vexing  the  Spirit  of  the  poor  Man,  now  in  the  Gates  of 
Death,  Wefion  neverthelefs  ftood  conftant,  and  faid,  I  die  not  unworthily  : 
My  Lord  Chief  Juftice  has  my  Mind  under  my  Hand  ;  and  he  is  an  honoura- 
ble and  juft  Judge.     This  is  S.  IV.  his  Offence. 

For  H.  J.  he  was  not  fo  much  a  Queftionift  ;  but  wrought  upon  the 
others  Qiieftions ;  and  like  a  kind  of  Confeffor,  wiHied  him  to  difcharge 
his  Confcience,  and  to  fatisfy  the  World.  What  World  ^  I  marvel !  It 
was  fure  the  World  at  Tyburn.  For  the  World  at  Guild-hall,  and  the  World 
zi  London,  was  fatisfied  before  ;  witnefs  the  Bells  that  rung.  But  Men  have 
got  a  falhion  now-a-days,  that  two  or  three  Bufy-bodies  will  take  upon 

2  them 


Se<^.  II.       Speeches?;^  yudicial  Proceedings.  379 

them  the  Name  of  the  World,  and  broach  their  own  Conceit,  as  if  it  were 
a  general  Opinion.  Well,  when  tiiey  could  not  work  upon  Wejion,  H.  J.  in 
Indignation  turned  about  his  Horfe,  when  the  other  was  turning  off  the 
Ladder,  and  f«id  he  was  forry  for  fuch  a  Conclufion  ;  that  was  to  have  the 
State  honoured  or  juftified. 

The  Offence  of //.  7.  had  another  Appendix,  before  this  in  time,  which 
was,  that  at  the  day  of  the  VerdicSt  given  by  the  Jury,  he  alfo  muft  needs 
give  his  Verdift  ;  laying  openly,  that  if  he  were  of  the  Jury,  he  fhould 
doubt  what  to  do.  But,  he  fiys,  he  cannot  well  tell  whether  he  fpoke  this 
before  the  Jury  had  given  their  Verdift,  or  after  -,  wherein  there  is  little 
gained.  For  whether  H.J.  were  a  Pre-juror  or  a  Poft-juror,  the  one  was  as 
to  prejudge  the  Jury,  the  other  as  to  taint  them. 

Of  the  Offence  of  thefe  two  Gentlemen  in  general,  your  Lordfhips  mufi: 
give  me  leave  to  fay,  that  'tis  an  Offence  greater  and  more  dangerous  than 
is  conceived.  I  know  well,  that  as  we  have  no  Spauifi  Inquifitions,  nor  Juftice 
in  a  Corner  -,  fo  we  have  no  gagging  of  Men's  Mouths  at  their  Death,  but 
that  they  may  fpeak  freely  at  the  laft  hour :  but  then  it  muft  come  from 
the  free  Motion  of  the  Party,  not  by  the  temptation  of  Queftions.  And 
then  thefe  Queftions  asked,  ought  to  tend  to  the  farther  Revealing  of  their 
own  or  others  Guilt  ;  but  to  ufe  a  Queftion  in  the  nature  of  a  falfe  In- 
terrogatory, to  falfify  that  which  is  ?-es  judicata,  is  intolerable:  for  that 
were  to  erecft  a  Court  or  CommifTion  of  Review  at  Tyburn,  againft  the 
Kinj^'s-Befich  at  Wejlminfter,  And  befides,  'tis  a  vain  and  idle  thing  :  for 
if  they  anfwer  according  to  the  Judgment  paft,  it  adds  no  Credit  i  or  if 
it  be  contrary,  it  derogates  nothing:  but  yet  it  fubjefts  the  Majefty  of  Ju- 
ftice to  popular  and  vulgar  Talk  and  Opinion. 

My  Lords,  thefe  are  great  and  dangerous  Offences  i   for  if  we   do  not 
maintain  Juftice,  Juftice  will  not  maintain  us. 


Ccc  2  Speecm 


380  Speeches  7/2  'Judicial  Proceedings.       Sed. II. 


S  P  E  E  c  H    V. 

The  Charge  againjl  Frances  Countefs  of  Somerfet,   upon 
the  poifoning  of  Sir  Thomas  Overbury\ 

May  it  f  leaf e  •jour  Grace,  my  Lord  High  Steward  0/ England,  and  you  my 
Lords  the  Peers. 

I  Am  very  glad  to  hear  this  unfortunate  Lady  takes  this  courfe,  to  con- 
fefs  fully  and  freely  ;  and  thereby  to  give  Glory  to  God,  and  to  Juftice. 
'Tis  the  Noblenefs  of  an  Offender  to  confefs  ;  and  therefore  thofe  meaner 
Perfons  upon  whom  Juftice  pafled  before,  confefled  not  •,  flic  does,  I  know 
your  Lordfhips  cannot  behold  her  without  Compaffion  :  many  things  may 
move  you-,  her  Youth,  her  Perfon,  her  Sex,  her  Noble  Family  •,  nay  her 
Provocations,  if  I  fliould  enter  the  Caufe  itfelf,  and  Furies  about  her  -,  but 
chiefly  her  Penitence  and  Confeflion.  But  Juftice  is  the  Work  of  this  day  ; 
the  Mercy-Seat  was  in  the  inner  part  of  the  Temple,  the  Throne  is  publick. 

But  fince  this  Lady  has,  by  her  Confeflion,  prevented  my  Evidence,  and 
your  Verdift,  and  that  this  day's  Labour  is  eafed,  there  remains  in  the  le- 
gal Proceeding,  only  for  me  to  pray  that  her  Confeflion  may  be  recorded» 
and  Judgment  thereupon.  But  becaufe  your  Lordfliips  are  met,  and  that 
this  day  and  to-morrow  are  the  days  that  crown  all  the  former  Juftice  ;  and 
that  in  thefe  great  Caufes  it  has  been  ever  the  manner  to  regard  Honour 
and  Satisfiiftion,  as  well  as  the  ordinary  Parts  and  Forms  of  Juftice  ;  the 
Occafion  itfelf  admoniflies  me  to  give  your  Lordfhips,  and  the  Hearers,  the 
Satisfafiion  of  declaring  the  Proceedings  of  this  excellent  Work  of  the 
King's  Juftice,  from  beginning  to  end. 

This  is  now  the  fecond  time,  within  the  compafs  of  thirteen  Years  Reign 
of  our  happy  Sovereign,  that  this  high  Tribunal  Seat  for  the  Trial  of 
Peers,  has  been  opened  and  erefted ;  and  that  with  a  rare  Event,  fupplied 
and  exercifed  by  one  and  the  fame  Perfon,  which  is  a  great  Honour  to  you 
my  Lord  High  Steward. 

In  all  this  time  the  King  has  reigned  in  his  white  Robe,  not  fprinkled. 
with  one  drop  of  Blood  of  any  of  his  Nobles  of  this  Kingdom,  Nay, 
fuch  have  been  the  Depths  of  his  Mercy,  that  even  thofe  Noblemens  Bloods 
Cohham  and  Gre-j,  were  attainted  and  corrupted,  but  not  fpilt  or  taken  away ; 
fo  that  they  remained  rather  Spectacles  of  Juftice  in  their  continual  Impri- 
fonment,  than  Monuments  of  Juftice  in  the  Memory  of  their  Suffering. 

'Tis  true,  that  the  Objedts  of  his  Juftice  then  and  now  were  very  dif- 
ferent :  for  then  it  was  the  Revenge  of  an  Offence  againft  his  own  Per- 
fon and  Crown,  and  upon  Perfons  that  were  Malecontents,  and  Contra- 
ries to  the  State  and  Government  ;    but  now  'tis  the  Revenge   of  the 

Blood 

'  Exhibited  by  the  Author,  in  quality  of  Atterntj-Gtnirnl,  before  the  Lord  Hi^h  Stewitrd: 
and  the  Houfe  of  Peers,  jinnt  i6i6> 


Sed:.  II.       Speeches  in  yudicial  Proceedings.  381 

Blood  and  Death  of  a  particular  Subject,  and  the  Cry  ofaPrifoner  :  'tis  upon 
Perfons  that  were  highly  in  his  favour  ;  whereby  his  Majefty,  to  his  great 
honour,  has  fhewed  to  the  World,  as  if  it  were  written  in  a  Sun-beam,  that 
he  is  truly  the  Lieutenant  of  him  with  whom  there  is  no  refped:  of  Perfons  ; 
that  his  Affedlions  royal  are  above  his  Affedlions  private  ;  that  his  Favours 
and  Nearnefs  about  him  are  not  like  Popifh  Sanfluaries,  to  privilege  Male- 
fadors  i  and  that  his  being  the  beft  Matter,  does  not  hinder  him  from  being 
the  beft  King  in  the  world.  His  People,  on  the  other  fide,  may  fay  to 
themfelves,  I  will  lay  me  down  in  Peace,  for  God,  the  King,  and  the  Law 
prott(5t  me  againft  great  and  fmall.  It  may  be  a  Dilcipline  alfo  to  greac 
Men,  efpecially  fuch  as  are  fwoln  in  their  Fortunes  from  fmall  Beginnings, 
that  the  King  is  as  well  able  to  level  Mountains,  as  to  fill  Valleys,  if  fuch  be 
their  Defer t. 

But  to  the  prefent  Cafe :  The  great  Frame  of  Juftice,  my  Lords,  in  this 
Aftion  has  a  Vault  and  a  Stage  -,  a  Vault  wherein  thefe  Works  of  darknefs 
were  contrived  •,  and  a  Stage  with  Steps,  by  which  it  was  brought  to  light. 
For  the  former  of  thefe,  I  will  not  lead  your  Lordfhips  into  it,  becaule  I 
will  aggravate  nothing  againft  a  Penitent  ;  neither  will  I  open  any  thing  a- 
gainft  him  that  is  abfent.  The  one  I  will  give  to  the  Laws  of  Humanity, 
and  the  other  to  the  Laws  of  Juftice.  I  will  therefore  referve  that  till  to- 
morrow, and  hold  myfelf  to  what  I  called  the  Stage  or  Thealrcy  whereto 
indeed  it  may  be  fitly  compared  •,  fince  things  were  firft  contai.ned  with- 
in the  invifible  Judgments  of  God,  as  within  a  Curtain;  but  afterwards  came 
forth,  and  were  acted  moft  worthily  by  the  King,  and  his  Minifters. 

Sir  Thomas  Overhury  was  murdered  by  Poifon,  Septefnber  15.  1613.  This 
foul  and  cruel  Murder  did  for  a  time  cry  fecretly  in  the  ears  of  God  •,  but 
God  gave  no  anfwer  to  it,  otherwife  than  by  that  Voice  he  fome times  ufes, 
which  is  Vex  Populi,  the  Speech  of  the  People :  for  there  went  then  a  mur- 
mur that  Overhury  was  poifoned  •,  and  yet  the  fame  fubmifs  and  low  Voice 
of  God,  the  Speech  of  the  Vulgar,  was  not  without  a  Counter-tenor,  or 
Counter-blaft  of  the  Devil,  who  is  the  common  Author  both  of  Murder  and 
Slander;  for  it  was  given  out  that  Overhury  was  dead  of  a  foui  Difeafe  ;  and 
his  Body,  which  they  had  made  a  Corpus  Judaimv.  with  th;:ir  Poifons,  fc  that 
it  had  no  v/hole  part,  muft  be  faid  to  be  leprofed  with  Vice;  and  thus  his 
Name  poifoned  as  well  as  his  Body.  For  as  to  DilTolutenefs,  I  have  not 
heard  the  Gentleman  charged  with  it:  his  Faults  were  Infolency,  Turbulency, 
and  the  like  of  that  kind. 

Mean  time  there  was  fome  Induftry  ufed  to  lull  alleep  thofe  that  were 
the  Revengers  of  the  Blood  ;  the  Father  and  the  Brother  of  the  Mur- 
dered. And  thus  things  ftood  for  the  fpace  of  two  years ;  during  which 
time  God  fo  blinded  the  two  great  Pro'.urers,  and  dazzled  them  with 
their  Greatnefs,  and  nailed  faft  the  Adors  and  Inftruments  with  Secu- 
rity upon  their  Proteftion,  that  neither  the  one  looked  about,  nor  the 
other  ftirred  or  fled,  or  were  conveyed  away,  but  remained  here  ftill,  as 
under  a  privy  Arreft  of  God's  J-dgment ;  infomuch,  that  Fraitklin,  who 
fhould  have  been  fent  over  to  the  Palfgrave  with  ftore  of  Money  was  by  God's 
Providence,  and  the  Accident  of  a  Marriage  of  his  diverted  and  ftay'd. 

But 


^82  Speeches/»  'Judicial  'Proceedings,      Sedl. II. 

But  about  the  beginning  of  the  Lift  Summer,  God's  Judgments  began  to 
come  out  of  their  depths  :  and  as  the  revealing  of  Murder  is  commonly  fuch 
as  appears  to  be  God' i  Work,  and  marvellous  in  our  Eyes :  {o  in  this  particu- 
lar it  was  moft  wonderful  i  for  it  came  forth  firft  by  a  Complement,  a  mat- 
ter of  Courtefy.  My  Lord  of  Shrewsbury  recommended  the  late  Lieutenant 
Hel'X'iff}  to  a  Counfellor  of  State,  only  for  Acquaintance,  as  an  honeft  wor- 
thy Gentleman.  The  Counfellor  of  State  anfwered  civilly,  that  my  Lord 
did  him  a  Favour  •,  that  he  fhould  embrace  it  willingly,  but  muft  let  his 
Lordfliip  know,  that  there  lay  a  heavy  Imputation  upon  that  Gentleman 
Helwijfe;  :i.5  S\t  Tbomas  Overburw  his  Prifoner,  was  thought  to  have  died  a 
violent  and  untimely  Death.  When  this  Speech  was  reported  back  by  my 
Lord  of  Shrewsbury  to  HelwiJJe,  percujfit  illico  aniimim  ;  he  was  ftruck  with 
it :  and  being  a  politick  Man,  and  probably  fufpefting  that  the  Matter 
would  break  out  at  one  time  or  other,  and  that  others  might  get  the  ftart 
of  him  ;  and  thinking  to  make  his  own  Cafe  by  his  own  Tale,  refolvedwith 
himfelf,  on  this  Occafion,  to  difcover  to  my  l.oxdi  of  Shrewsbury,  and  that 
Counfellor  of  State,  that  there  was  an  Attempt,  whereto  he  was  privy,  to 
have  poifoned  Overbury,  by  the  hands  of  his  Under-keeper  IVefton;  but 
that  he  checked  it,  put  it  by,  and  difluaded  it.  But  then  he  left  it  thus, 
that  it  was  but  as  an  Attempt,  or  an  untimely  Birth,  never  executed  ;  and 
as  if  his  own  Fault  had  been  no  more,  but  that  he  was  honeft  in  forbid- 
ding it,  but  fearful  of  revealing,  and  impeaching,  or  accufing,  great  Per- 
fons :  and  fo  with  this  fine  Point  he  thought  to  fave  himfelf. 

But  that  Counfellor  of  State  wifely  confidering,  from  the  Lieutenant's 
own  Tale,  that  it  could  not  be  fimply  a  Permiflion  or  Weaknefs,  becaufe 
TVefton  was  never  difplaced  by  the  Lieutenant,  notwithftanding  that  Attemptj 
and  comparing  the  fequel  with  the  beginning,  thought  it  a  fit  Matter  to  be 
brought  before  his  Majefty,  by  whofe  appointment  Helwijfe  fet  down  the 
like  Declaration  in  Writing. 

Upon  this  ground  the  King  played  Solomon's  part,  Gloria  Dei  celare  rem^ 
13  gloria  Regis  inveftigare  rem,  and  fets  down  certain  Papersof  his  own  hand, 
which  I  might  term  Keys  ofjujlice  ;  and  may  ferve  both  as  a  Precedent  for 
Princes  to  imitate,  and  a  Direction  for  Judges  to  follow.  And  his  Majefty 
carried  the  Balance  with  a  conftant  and  fteady  hand,  evenly,  and  without 
prejudice,  whether  it  were  a  true  Accufation  of  the  one  part,  or  a  Praftice 
and  faftious  Scandal  of  the  other. 

This  excellent  Foundation  of  Juftice,  being  laid  by  his  Majefty's  own 
hand,  was  referred  to  fome  Counfellors  to  examine  further,  who  gained 
fome  degrees  of  Light  from  Wejion,  but  yet  imperfeft.  It  was  after- 
wards referred  to  Sir  Edward  Coke,  Chief  Juftice  of  the  King's  Bench,  as  a 
Perfon  beft  praftifed  in  legal  Examinations  -,  who  took  indefatigable  pains 
in  it  without  intennilTion,  having,  as  I  have  heard  him  fay,  taken  at  leaft 
three  hundred  Examinations  in  this  Bufinefs. 

But  thefe  things  were  not  done  in  a  Comer  •,  I  need  not  fpeak  of  them. 
'Tis  true  that  my  Lord  Chief  Juftice,  in  the  dawning  of  the  Light,  finding 
the  Matter  touched  upon  thefe  great  Perfons,  very  difcreetly  became  fuitor 

to 


SeA.  II.     S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  /;rz  yudicial  Proceedhtgs.  3  8  _ 

to  the  King,  to  have  greater  Perfons  than  his  own  Rank  joined  with  him  ; 
whereupon  your  Lordfliips,  my  Lord  High  Steward  of  England-,  my  Lord 
Steward  of  the  King's  Houfe,  and  my  Lord  Zouch,  were  joined  with 
him. 

Neither  wanted  there  this  while  Prad^ice  to  fupprefs  Teftimony,  deface 
Writings,  weaken  the  King's  Refolution,  (lander  the  Juftices,  and  the  like. 
Nay,  when  ic  came  to  the  firft  folemn  Ad:  of  Juftice,  which  was  the  Ar- 
raignment o^  JVeJlon,  he  had  his  Lellbn  to  ftand  mute  ;  which  had  arretted 
the  whole  Wheel  of  Juftice,  but  that  this  dumb  Devil,  by  the  means  of 
fome  diicreet  Divines,  and  the  potent  Charm  of  Juftice  together,  was  caft 
out  •,  fo  that  this  poifonous  Adder  ftopt  not  liis  Ear  to  thefe  Charms,  but 
relented,  and  yielded  to  his  Trial, 

Then  followed  the  other  Proceedings  of  Juftice  againft  the  other  Offen- 
ders, Turner,  Hel'uiiJJe,  and  Franklin.  But  all  thefe  being  only  the  Organs 
and  Inftruments  of  this  Fa6t,  the  Adlors,  and  not  the  Authors,  Juftice 
could  not  have  been  crowned  without  this  laft  A(5t  againft  thefe  great  Per- 
fons; elfe  JVeJlon'sCtnkwe,  or  Prediftion,  might  have  been  verified,  when 
he  faid  he  hoped  the  fmall  Flies  ftiould  not  be  caught,  and  the  greater  e- 
fcape.  Wherein  the  King,  being  in  great  Straits,  between  the  defacing  of 
his  Honour,  and  of  his  Creature,  has  chofen  the  better  part ;  referving  always 
Mercy  to  himfclf. 

The  time  alfo  of  Juftice  has  had  its  true  Motions.  The  time  till  this 
Lady's  Deliverance  was  due  to  Honour,  Chriftianity  and  Humility,  in  re- 
Ipedt  of  her  Pregnancy.  The  time  fince  was  due  to  another  kind  of  Deli- 
verance too,  which  was,  that  fome  Caufes  of  State  that  were  in  the  Womb, 
might  likewife  be  brought  forth  ;  not  for  Matter  of  Juftice,  but  forRea- 
fon  of  State.  Likewife  this  procraftination  of  days  had  the  like  weighty 
Grounds  and  Caufes. 

Frances,  Countefs  of  Somerfett  has  been  indidled  and  arraigned,  as  Accefla- 
ry  before  the  Facl ;  for  the  Murder  and  Impoifonment  of  Sir  Thomas  Overbu- 
ry ;  and  has  pleaded  guilty,  and  confeffes  ths  Indictment :  I  pray  Judgment 
againft  the  Prifoner. 


Speech 


3  84  S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  /«  Judicial  Proceedings,      Sed.  IL 


Speech   VI. 

17)6  Charge  againji  Robert  Earl  of  Somerfet,  concerning 
the  poifoning  of  Sir  Thomas  Overbury. 

May  it  pkafe  your  Grace,  my  Lord  High  Steward  of  En^hnd,  and  you  my 
Lords  the  Peers. 

YO  U  have  here  before  you  Robert  Earl  of  Sotnerfet,  to  be  tried  for  his 
Life,  concerning  the  procuring  and  confsnting  to  the  Impoifonment  of 
Sir  Thomas  Overbury,  then  the  King's  Prifoner  in  the  Towsr  of  London,  as 
an  Accefliiry  before  the  Faft. 

I  know  your  Lordfhips  cannot  behold  this  Nobleman,  but  you  muft  re- 
member his  great  Favour  with  the  King,  and  the  great  Place  he  has  held 
and  born,  and  muft  be  fenfible  that  he  is  yet  of  your  number  and  body,  a 
Peer  as  you  are  ;  fothat  you  cannot  cut  him  from  your  Body  but  with  Grief: 
and  therefore  that  you  will  expedl  from  us,  who  give  in  the  King's  Evi- 
dence, found  and  fufficient  Matter  of  Proof,  to  fatisfy  your  Honours  and 
Confciences. 

And  for  the  manner  of  the  Evidence  alfo,  the  King  our  Mafter  com- 
manded us  not  to  expatiate,  nor  make'  Invedlives,  but  materially  to  pur- 
fue  the  Evidence,  as  it  conduces  to  the  Point  in  queftion  ;  a  IMatter,  that 
tho'  we  are  glad  of  fo  good  a  Warrant,  yet  we  Ihould  have  done  of  our- 
felves  j  for  far  be  it  from  us,  by  any  ftrains  of  Wit  or  Art  to  feek  to  play 
Prizes,  or  to  blazon  our  Names  in  Blood  -,  or  to  proceed  otherwife  than  up- 
on juft  Grounds.  We  fhall  carry  the  Lanthorn  of  Juftice,  which  is  the  E- 
vidence,  before  your  Eyes  upriglit,  and  be  able  to  fave  it  from  being  put 
out  by  any  Winds  of  Evafions,  or  vain  Defences :  this  is  our  part  •,  not 
doubting,  but  that  this  Evidence,  in  itfelf,  will  carry  that  Force,  as  it  fhall 
little  need  Advantages  or  Aggravations. 

My  Lords,  the  Courfe  I  fhall  hold  in  delivering  what  I  have  to  fay  is 
this.  Firjl,  I  will  fpeak  fomewhat  of  the  nature  and  greatnefs  of  the  Offence 
now  to  be  tried ;  and  that  the  King,  however  he  might  ule  this  Gentleman 
heretofore,  as  the  Signet  upon  his  Finger,  to  borrow  the  Scripture-Phrafe,  yet 
in  this  Cafe  could  not  but  put  him  off  j  and  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of 
Juftice. 

Secondly,  I  will  fpeak  to  the  Nature  of  the  Proofs,  which  in  fuch  a  Cafe 
are  competent. 

Thirdly,  I  will  ftate  the  Proofs. 

And  laftly,  I  will  produce  the  Proofs,  either  out  of  the  Examinations  and 
Matters  in  Writing,  or  Witneffes  viva  voce. 

2  ■  The 


Sed.  II.        Speeches/;^  yudkial  Proceedings.  385 

The  OfFence  it  felf  is  of  all  Crimes,  next  to  High-Trcafon,  thegrcateft» 
being  the  fouleft  of  Felonies.  And  take  this  Offence  with  the  Circumftiinces, 
it  has  three  Degrees-,  viz.  (i.)  Murder;  (2.)  Murder  by  Impoifonment ; 
And  (3.)  Murder  committed  upon  the  King's  Prifoner  in  the  'Tower:  I 
might  add,  that  'tis  a  Murder  under  the  colour  of  Friendfhip  -,  but  that  is 
a  moral  Circumllance  ;  which  I  leave  to  the  Evidence  it  felf. 

For  Murder,  my  Lords,  the  firfl  Record  of  Juftice  in  the  World  was  a 
Judgment  upon  it  in  the  Perfon  of  Cam  1  and  tho'  it  were  not  punifhed  by 
Death,  but  with  Banilhment,  and  a  Mark  of  Ignominy,  in  refped:  of  the 
Primogeniture,  or  Population  of  the  World,  or  other  Points  of  God's  fecret 
"Will  ;  yet  it  was  adjudged,  and  is  the  firft  Record  of  Juftice.  So  it  likewife 
appears  in  Scripture,  that  the  Murder  of  Ahner  by  Joah  ;  tho'  it  were  by 
David  refpited  in  refpeft  of  great  Services  paft,  or  Reafon  of  State,  yet  it 
was  not  forgot.  But  of  this  I  will  fay  no  more.  It  was  ever  admitted,  and 
fo  ranked  in  God's  own  Tables,  that  Murder  is  of  Offences  between  Man 
and  Man,  next  to  Treafon,  and  Difobedience  of  Authority,    the  greatefl. 

•For  Impoifonment  ;  I  am  lorry  it  fhould  be  heard  of  in  this  Kingdom  : 
■'tis  not  the  growth  of  our  own  Country  •,  'tis  an  Italian  Crime,  fit  for  the 
Cou\X  oi  Rome  ;  where  the  Perfon  that  intoxicates  the  Kings  of  the  Earth, 
with  his  Cup  of  Poifon,  in  heretical  Do<^rine,  is  often  really  and  materially 
intoxicated  and  impoifoned  himfelf. 

But  it  has  three  Circumftances,  which  make  it  grievous  beyond  other 
Murders :  whereof  the  firft  is,  that  it  takes  a  Man  in  full  Peace,  in  God's 
and  the  King's  Peace  1  he  thinks  no  harm,  but  is  comforting  Nature  with 
Refedion  and  Food :  fo  that,  as  the  Scripture  fays,  his  Table  is  made  a, 
fnare  to  him. 

The  fecond  is,  that  it  is  eafily  committed  and  eafily  concealed  •,  and,  on  the 
other  fide,  hardly  prevented,  and  hardly  difcovered  :  for  Murder  by  Violence 
Princes  have  Guards,  and  private  Men  have  Houfes,  Attendants,  and  Arms : 
neither  can  fuch  Murders  be  committed  but  cumfonitu,  and  with  fome  overt 
and  apparent  Ad:  that  may  difcover  and  trace  the  Offender.  But  for  Poifon, 
the  Cup  it  felf  of  Princes  will  fcarce  ferve,  in  regard  of  many  Poifons  that 
neither  difcoiour  nor  diftafl:e  -,  and  fo  pals  without  Noife  or  Obfervation. 

And  the  laft  is,  becaufe  it  contains,  not  only  the  deftrudion  of  the  maliced 
Man,  but  of  any  other  -,  Quis  modo  tutus  erit  ?  For  many  times  the  Poifon 
is  prepared  for  one,  and  is  taken  by  another ;  fo  that  Men  die  the  Death 
defigned  for  others :  concidit  infelix  alietio  vulnere :  and  it  is  as  the  Pfalm  calls 
it,  the  Arrow  that  flies  b'i  Night,  it  has  no  aim  or  certainty. 

The  third  Degree  of  this  particular  offence  is,  that  it  was  committed 
upon  the  King's  Prifoner,  who  was  out  of  his  own  Defence,  and  merely  in 
the  King's  Protedion  ;  and  for  whom  the  King  and  State  was  a  kind  of 
Refpondent :  this  is  a  thing  that  aggravates  the  Fault  much.  For  certainly, 
my  Lord  of  Somerfet,  let  me  tell  you,  that  Sir  Tl.  omas  Overbury  is  the  fii  ft  Man 
that  was  murdered  in  the  Tower  of  London^  fince  the  Murder  of  the  two 
young  Princes. 

.     Vol.  I.  Ddd  For 


d 


86  Speeches  /«  yudkial  Proceedings.      Se£l.IL 

For  the  nature  of  the  Proofs ;  your  Lordfhips  muft  confider,  that  Im- 
poifonment  of  all  Offences  is  the  moft  fecret  -,  fo  fecret,  that  if  in  all  Cafes 
of  Impoifonment  you  (hou'd  require  Teftimony,  you  were  as  good  proclaim 
Impunity.  I  will  put  Book-Examples :  Who  cou'd  have  impeached  Livia 
by  Teftimony,  of  impoifoning  the  Figs  upon  the  Tree,  which  her  Husband 
ufed  for  his  pleafure  to  gather  with  his  own  Hands  ?  Who  cou'd  have  im- 
peach'd  Parifath  for  poifoning  one  fide  of  the  Knife  that  fhe  carved  with, 
and  keeping  the  other  fide  clean  ;  fo  that  herfelf  eat  of  the  fame  Piece  of 
Meat  with  the  Lady  fhe  poifoned  ?  The  Cafes  are  infinite,  and  indeed  not 
fit  to  be  mentioned,  of  the  Secrecy  of  Impoifonments  •,  but  wife  Triers  muft 
take  upon  them,  in  thefe  fecret  Cafes,  Soloinon''?,  Spirit,  that  where  there 
cou'd  be  no  WitnefTes,  collefted  the  Aft  by  the  Affeftion.  But  we  are  not  now 
to  come  to  that  Cafe:  for  what  your  Lordfhips  are  to  try,  is  not  the  Aft  of 
Impoifonment,  this  being  done  to  your  hand  ;  all  the  World  by  Law  is  con- 
cluded to  fay,  that  Overbur)  was  poifoned  by  IFeJlon,  But  the  Queftion  be- 
fore you  is  of  the  procurement  only,  and  of  the  abetting,  as  the  Law  terms  it, 
as  acceflary  before  the  Faft  :  which  abetting  is  no  more  than  to  do  or  ufe  any 
aft  or  means,  which  may  aid  or  conduce  to  the  Impoifonment.  So  that 
'tis  not  the  buying  or  making  of  the  Poifon,  or  the  preparing,  or  confefting 
or  commixing  of  it,  or  the  giving  or  fending  or  laying  the  Poifon,  that  are  the 
only  Afts  which  amount  to  abetment.  But  if  there  be  any  other  aft  or 
means  done  or  ufed  to  give  the  opportunity  of  Impoifonment,  or  to  facilitate 
the  execution  of  it ;  or  to  ftop  or  divert  any  impediment  that  might  hinder  it  j. 
and  this  be  with  an  intention  to  accomplifh  and  atchieve  the  Impoifonment  -, 
all  thefe  are  abetments,  and  acceJTiries  before  the  Faft,  I  will  put  you  a  fami- 
liar Example.  Allow  there  be  a  Confpiracy  to  murder  a  Man  on  the  Road, 
and  it  be  one  Man's  part  to  draw  him  to  that  Journey  by  Invitation,  or  by- 
colour  of  fome  Bjfinefs  •,  and  another  takes  upon  him  tadifluade  fome  Friend 
of  his,  whom  he  had  purpofed  to  take  in  Company,  that  he  be  not  too 
ftrong  to  make  his  Defence  •,  and  another  goes  along  with  him,  and  holds 
iiim  in  talk  till  the  firft  blow  be  given  :  all  thefe,  my  Lords,  without  fcruple 
are  abettors  of  the  Murder,  tho'  none  of  them  give  the  blow,  nor  affift  to 
give  the  blow.  My  Lords,  he  is  not  the  Hunter  alone  that  lets  (lip  the 
Dog  upon  the  Deer  ;  but  he  that  lodges  the  Deer,  or  raifes  him,  or  puts 
him  out,  or  he  who  fets  a  Toil  that  he  cannot  efcape,  or  the  like.  But 
this,  my  Lords,  is  little  wanting  in  the  prefent  Cafe  ;  where  there  is  fuch  a 
Chain  of  Afts  of  Impoifonment  as  has  been  feldom  feen,  and  could  hardly 
have  been  expefted  ;  but  that  greatnefs  of  Fortune  commonly  makes  groff- 
Befs  in  offending. 

For  the  Proofs  themfelves,  I  fhall  hold  this  Courfe. 

Firft,  Make  a  Narrative  or  Declaration  of  the  Faft  it  felf. 

Secondly,  I  will  break  and  diftribute  the  Proofs,  as  they  concern  the  Prifoner. 

And  Thirdly,  According  to  that  Diftribution,  I  will  produce,  and  read, 
or  ufe  them. 

So  that  there  is  nothing,  I  fliall  fay,  but  you,  my  Lord  of  Somerfet,  fliall 

have  three  means  to  anfvver  it.     Firji^  When  I  open  it,  you  may  take  your 

J  Aim» 


SeA.  II.     S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  /';?  Judicial  Proceedings.  387 

Aim.  Secondly,  When  I  diftribute  it,  you  may  prepare  your  Anfwei^  with- 
out Confufion.  And  Lajlly,  when  I  produce  the  Witnefies  or  Examinations 
themleU'es,  you  may  again  ruminate  and  re-advife  how  to  make  your  Defence. 
And  this  I  do  the  rather,  becaufe  your  Memory  may  not  beopprefll-d  with 
Length  of  Evidence,  or  with  Confufion  of  Order,  Nay  more,  when  your 
Lorddiip  fhall  make  your  Anfwer  in  your  turn,  I  will  put  you  in  mind, 
when  caufe  (hall  be,  of  your  Omiflions. 

Firft,  therefore,  for  the  fimple  Narrative  of  the  Fafl.  Sir  "Thomas  Over- 
J^Kry,  for  a  time  was  known  to  have  had  great  Interefl:  and  Friendfhip  with 
my  hard  of  So?ncrjl'(,  both  in  his  meaner  Fortunes,  and  after :  infomuch, 
that  he  was  a  kind  of  Oracle  of  Direftion  to  him  ;  and  if  you  will  believe 
his  own  Vaunts,  (being  of  an  inlblenC  Tbrafonical  Difpofition,)  he  took 
upon  him,  that  the  Fortune,  Reputation,  and  Underftanding  of  this  Gen- 
tleman, who  is  well  known  to  have  had  a  better  Teacher,  proceeded  from 
his  Company  and  Counfel. 

And  this  Friendlhip  refted  not  only  in  Converfation  and  Bufinefs  of  Court, 
but  likewife  in  Communication  of  Secrets  of  State.     For  my  Lord  oi  Somcrfet^ 
at  that  time  exercifing   the  Office   of  Secretary  provifionally,  acquainted 
■Ovc-rbury  with   the   King's   Pacquets  of  Difpatches  from   all  Parts,  Spain^ 
France,  the  Loiv-Countrks,  &c.    And  this  not  by  glimpfes,  or  now  and  then, 
■whifpering  in  the  Ear  for  Favour,  but  in  a  fettled  manner  :     Pacquets  were 
fent,    fomctimes  open'd  by  my  Lord,    fometimes  unbroken  to  Overbury, 
who  peruk'd,  copied,  regiftred  them,  made  Tables  of  them  as  he  thought 
good  :  fo  that  I  will  undertake,  the  time  was  when  Overhury  knew  more  of 
ihe  Secrets  of  State  than   the  Council-Table,      Nay,  they  were  grown  to 
fuch  an  inwardnefs,  that  they  made  a  play  of  all  the  World  befides  them- 
felves  J  and  had  Cyphers  and  Jargons  for  the  King,  the  Queen,  and  all  the 
igreat  Men  •,    things  feldom  ufed,    but  either  by  Princes  and  their  Embaf- 
fadors,  and  Minifters,  or  by  fuch  as  work  and  praflife  againft,  or  at  leaft 
upon  Princes.     But  underftand  me,  my  Lord,  I  fliall  not  charge  you  this  day 
with  any  Difloyalty  ;   only  I  fay  this,  for  a  Foundation,  that  there  was  a 
great  Communication  of  Secrets  between  you  and  Overhury  ;  and  that  it  had 
relation  to  Matters  of  State,  and  the  greateft  Caufes  of  this  Kingdom. 

But,  my  Lords,  as  it  is  a  Principle  in  Nature,  that  the  beft  things  are  in 
their  Corruption  the  worll,  and  that  the  fweeteft  Wine  makes  the  fharpeft 
Vinegar  •,  fo  it  fell  out  with  them,  that  this  excels  of  Friendlhip,  as  I  may  fo 
term  it,  ended  in  mortal  hatred  on  my  Lord  Somerfei's  part.  For  it  fell 
out,  about  a  Year  before  Overbury'a  Imprifonment  in  the  Tower,  that  my 
Lord  of  Somerfet  was  entred  into  unlawful  Love  towards  his  unfortunate 
-Lady,  then  Countefs  of  EJfex  ;  which  went  fo  far,  that  it  was  then  fecretly 
projedled,  chiefly  between  my  Lord  Privy-Seal,  and  my  Lord  of  Somerfet,  to 
effedb  a  nullity  in  the  Marriage  with  my  Lord  of  Ejjex,  and  fo  proceed 
to  a  Marriage  with  Somerfet. 

This  Marriage  and  Purpofe  Overhury  ftrongly  oppofed,  under  pretence  of 
doing  the  true  part  of  a  Friend,  as  accounting  her  an  unworthy  Woman  ;  but 
the  truth  was,  ih'xtOverbury,  who,  to  fpeak  plainly,  had  little  that  was  folid 

Ddd  2  for 


388  Speeches   /V^  yudidal  Proceedings,      Se6:.  II. 

for  Religion,  or  Moral  Virtue  ;  but  as  a  Man  poffels'd  with  Ambition  and 
Vain-glory,  was  loth  to  have  any  Partners  in  the  Favour  of  my  Lord^ow^r- 
/t-r,  and  eipecially  not  the  Houfe  of  the  Howards,  againft  whom  he  had  always 
profefs'd  Hatred  and  Oppofition.  So  that  all  was  but  miferable  Bargains  of 
Ambition. 

And,  my  Lords,  that  this  is  no  finifter  Conftrudion  will  well  appear, 
when  you  fhall  hear  that  Overbur^  made  his  Brags  to  my  Lord  oiSomerfeU 
that  he  had  won  him  the  Love  of  the  Lady  by  his  Letters  and  Induftry  •,  fo 
far  was  he  from  Cafes  of  Confcience  in  this  Matter.  And  certainly,  my  Lords, 
however  the  Tragical  Mifery  of  that  poor  Gentleman  Oveibury  ought  fome- 
what  to  obliterate  his  Faults ;  yet  becaufe  we  are  not  now  upon  point  of 
Civility,  but  to  difcover  the  Face  of  Truth  to  the  Face  of  Juftice,  and  that 
'tis  material  to  the  true  Underftanding  of  the  State  of  this  Caufe  ;  Overbury 
was  naught  and  corrupt :  the  Ballcids  muft  be  mended  in  that  Point. 

But  when  Overbury  faw  he  was  here  likely  to  be  difpoffefred  of  my  Lord 
whom  he  had  pofTefs'd  fo  long,  and  by  whofcGreatnels  he  had  promifed  himfelf 
to  do  Wonders  •,  and  being  a  Man  of  an  unbounded  and  impetuous  Spirit ;  he 
began  not  only  to  difTuade,  but  todeter  him  from  that  Love  and  Marriage  -,  and 
finding  him  fix'd,  thought  to  try  ftronger  Remedies,  fuppofing  that  he  had 
my  Lord^s  Head  under  his  Girdle,  in  refpeft  of  Communication  of  Secrets  of 
State,  or,  as  himfelf  calls  them  in  his  Letters,  Secrets  of  all  natures  •,  and 
therefore  dealt  violently  with  him,  to  make  him  defift,  with  Menaces  cf 
difcovery  of  Secrets,  and  the  like. 

Hence  grew  two  Streams  of  Hatred  upon  Overbury ;  the  one  from  the 
Lady,  in  refpeft  that  he  croffed  her  Love,  and  abufed  her  Name,  which 
are  Furies  to  Women ;  the  other  of  a  deeper  and  more  mineral  nature, 
from  my  L,ord  of  Somerfet  himfelf;  who  was  afraid  of  Overburfs  Temper, 
and  that  if  he  did  break  from  him  and  fly  out,  he  would  mine  into  him,  and 
trouble  his  whole  Fortunes. 

I  might  add  a  third  Stream  from  the  Earl  of  Northampton's  Ambition, 
who  defired  to  be  firft  in  Favour  with  my  Lord  of  Somerfet ;  and  knowing 
Overbury's  Malice  to  himfelf  and  Houfe,  thought  that  Man  muft  be  removed 
and  cut  off.  So  it  was  refolved  and  decreed  amongft  them,  that  Overbury 
ihould  die. 

Hereupon,  they  had  variety  of  Devices.  To  fend  him  beyond  Sea,  upon 
occafion  of  Employment,  that  was  too  weak  ;  and  they  were  fo  far  from 
giving  way  to  it,  that  they  croft  it.  There  refted  but  two  ways,  Afilxult  and 
Poifon.  For  that  of  Afiault,  after  fome  Propofition  and  Attempt,  they 
defifted  ;  it  was  a  Thing  too  open,  and  fubjed  to  more  variety  of  Chances. 
That  of  Poifon  was  likewife  a  hazardous  Thing,  and  fubjedt  to  many  Pre- 
ventions and  Cautions-,  efpecially  to  fuch  a  jealous  and  working  Brain  as 
Overbury  had,  except  he  were  firft  fhft  in  their  hands. 

The  way,  therefore,  was  firft  to  get  him  into  a  Trap,  and  lay  him  up,  and 
then  they  cou'd  not  mifs  the  Mark.  Therefore,  in  Execution  of  this  Plot, 
it  was  devifed,  that  Overbury  fhould  be  defigned  to  fome  honourable  Em- 
ployment in  Foreign  Parts,  and  fliou'd  under-liand  hy  thchordoi Somerfet  he 

encouraged 


Se6l.  II.      S  p  E  E  c  H  E  s  /«  yudkial  Proceedings*  389 

encouraged  to  refufe  it;  and  fo  upon  that  Contempt  be  laid  Prifoner  in  the 
Tcvjcr  ;  and  then  they  wou'd  look  he  fhou'd  be  clofe  enough,  and  Death 
Ihou'd  be  his  Bail. 

Yet  were  they  not  at  their  end.  For  they  confidered,  that  if  there  was 
not  a  fit  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  for  their  Purpofe,  and  likewife  a  fit  Under- 
keeper  of  Ovcrhury :  Firjt,  They  fhou'd  meet  with  many  Impediments  in  ex- 
hibiting the  Poifon.  Secondly,  They  fhou'd  be  expos'd  to  Obfervation,  that 
might  difcover  them.  And  'Thirdly,  Overhiiry,  in  the  mean  time  might 
write  clamorous  Letters  to  his  Friends  ;  and  fo  all  might  be  difappointed. 
Therefore  the  next  Link  of  the  Chain  was  to  difplace  the  then  Lieutenant 
IVaadcy  and  to  place  Helwijfe,  a  principal  Abettor  in  the  Impoifonment : 
Again  to  difplace  Cary,  who  was  the  Under-keeper  in  IF'aadc'i  time,  and  to 
place  IVrjhn,  who  was  the  principal  Ador  in  the  Impoifonment :  And  this 
was  done  with  fuch  expedition,  that  there  were  but  fifteen  days  between  the 
Commitment  of  Overbury,  the  difplacing  of  IFaade,  the  placing  ot  Hel- 
"wijfe,  the  difplacing  of  Gary  the  Under-keeper,  the  placing  of  JVeJloTit  and 
the  firft  Poifon  giv^en  iwo  days  after. 

Now  when  they  had  this  poor  Gentleman  clofe  Prifoner  in  the  Towery 
where  he  cou'd  not  efcape  nor  ftir ;  where  hecou'dnot  feed  but  by  their 
Hands ;  where  he  cou'd  not  fpeak  nor  write  but  thro'  their  Trunks ;  then 
was  their  Ti  ne  to  execute  the  laft  Adt  of  this  Tragedy.  Then  mufl 
iT^«M«  be  Purveyor  of  the  Poifons,  and  procure  five,  fix,  feven,  feveral 
Potions,  to  be  fure  to  hit  his  Completion.  Then  muft  Mrs.  Turner  be  the 
Say-Miftrefs  of  the  Poifons,  to  try  upon  Beafts,  what's  prefent,  and  what 
works  at  diftance  of  Time.  Then  muft  Weftoti  be  the  Tormentor,  and  chafe 
him  with  Poifon  after  Poifon  -,  Poifon  in  Salts,  Poifon  in  Meats,  Poifon  in 
Sweetmeats,  Poilbn  in  Medicines  and  Vomits,  till  at  laft  his  Body  was  al- 
moft  come,  by  the  ufe  of  Poifons,  to  the  State  that  Mithridatei's  Body  was 
by  the  ufe  of  Prefcrvatives,  that  the  force  of  the  poifons  was  blunted  upon 
him  ;  IVejlon  confelTing,  when  he  was  chid  for  not  difpatching  him,  that  he  had 
given  him  enough  to  poifon  twenty  Men.  Z-fl/?/y,  Becaufe  ail  this  asked  time, 
courfes  were  taken  by  Somerfet,  both  to  divert  all  means  of  Overlury's  Deli- 
very, and  to  entertain  him  by  continual  Letters,  partly  of  Hopes  and  Pro- 
jefts  for  his  Delivery,  and  partly  of  other  Fables  and  Negotiations ;  forae- 
what  like  a  kind  of  Pcrfons,  who  keep  Men  in  talk  of  Fortune-telling, 
when  they  have  a/elonious  Intention.  And  this  is,  in  fliort,  the  true  Narra- 
tive of  this  Ad  of  Impoifonment. 

For  the  Diftributionof  the  Proofs ;  there  are  four  Heads  of  them  to  prove 
you  guilty,  my  Lord  of  Somerfet,  of  this  Impoifonment ;  whereof  two  are 
precedent  to  the  Impoifonment,  the  third  is  prefent,  and  the  fourth  is  fub- 
fequent.  For 'tis  in  Proofs,  as 'tis  in  Lights ;  there  is  a  direft  Light,  and 
there  is  a  Refledion  of  Light,    or  Back-light. 

The/r/?  Head,  or  Proof  is,  that  there  was  a  root  of  Bitternefs,  a  mortal 
Malice  or  Hatred,  mix'd  with  deep  and  bottomlefs  Fears,    that  you  had  to- 
-wards  Sir  Thomas  Overbury, 

The 


390  Speeches/;^  yudkial  Proceedings.      Seft .  I L 

The  feiond  is,  that  you  were  the  principal  Adlor,  and  had  your  hand  in 
all  thole  A<Sts,  which  conduced  to  the  Impoifonment,  and  which  gave  op- 
portunity and  means  to  effcdl  it ;  and  without  which,  the  Impoifonment 
could  never  have  been  ;  and  which  could  ferve  or  tend  to  no  other  end  but 
the  Impoifonment. 

The  third  is,  that  your  Hand  was  in  the  very  Impoifonment  it  felf,  which 
is  more  than  needs  to  be  proved  ;  and  that  you  dircfted  Poifon  -,  that  you 
delivered  Poifon  ;  that  you  continually  hearkened  to  the  fuccefs  of  the 
Impoifonment  •,  and  that  you  fpurred  it  on,  and  called  for  difpatch  when  you 
thought  it  lingred. 

And  lajilj.  That  you  did  all  the  things  after  the  Impoifonment,  which 
may  cietcdl  a  guilty  Confcience,  for  the  fmothering  of  it,  and  avoiding 
punifhment  for  it ;  which  can  be  but  of  three  kinds:  viz.  (i.)That  you  fup- 
prefTed,  as  much  as  in  you  was,  Teftimony.  (2.)  That  you  defaced  and  de- 
ilroyed,  and  dipt  and  mifdated  all  Writings  that  might  give  light  to  the 
Impoifonment.  And  (3.)  that  you  flew  to  the  Altar  of  Guilt,  which  is  a  Par- 
don, and  a  Pardon  of  Murder ;  and  a  Pardon  for  your  felf,  and  not  for 
your  Lady. 

In  this,  my  Lord,  I  direcSl  my  Speech  to  you,  becaufe  I  would  have  you 
attend  the  Points  of  your  Charge  ;  and  fo  of  your  Defence  the  better.  And 
two  of  thefe  heads  I  have  taken  to  my  felf-,  and  left  the  other  two  to  the 
King's  two  Serjeants. 

For  thcfrft  main  part,  which  is  the  mortal  Hatred  coupled  with  Fear, 
that  was  in  my  Lord  of  Somerfet  towards  Overbury,  altho'  he  palliated  it  with 
a  great  deal  of  Hypocrify  and  Diffimulation,  even  to  the  end  •,  I  fhall 
prove  it  manifeftly,  my  Lords,  by  matter  both  of  Oath  and  Writing.  The 
Root  of  this  hatred  was,  what  has  cofl  many  a  Man's  Life;  tliat  is.  Fear  of 
difcovering  Secrets :  Secrets,  I  fay,  of  a  high  and  dangerous  nature.  Wherein 
the  courfe  that  I  will  hold  fhall  be  this :  Firjl,  I  will  fhew,  that  fuch  a  Breach 
and  Malice  was  between  my  Lord  and  Overbur-j,  and  that  it  burft  out  into 
violent  menaces  and  threats  on  both  fides. 

Secondly.,  That  thefe  Secrets  were  not  light,  but  of  a  high  nature  -,  for  I 
•will  give  you  the  elevation  of  the  Pole.  They  were  fuch  as  my  Lord  of  Somer- 
fet,  for  his  part,  had  made  a  Vow,  that  Overlury  fhould  neither  live  in  Court 
nor  Country.  That  he  had  likewife  opened  himfelf  and  his  own  Fears  fo  fir, 
that  if  Overbury  ever  came  out  of  the  Tower,  either  Overbury  or  himfelf  muft 
die  for  it.  And  on  Overbury's  part,  he  had  thrcatned  my  Lord,  that  whetner 
he  lived  or  died,  my  Lord's  Shame  Ihould  never  die  ;  but  he  would  leave 
him  the  moft  odious  Man  of  the  World.  And  farther,  that  my  Lord  was 
likely  enough  to  repent  it,  in  the  place  where  Overbury  wrote  ;  whicli  was 
the  Tower  of  London.  He  was  a  true  Prophet  in  that  ;  fo  here  is  the  J^eighC 
of  the  Secrets. 

Thirdly,  I  will  fiiew  you,  that  all  the  King's  Bufinefs  was,  by  rny  Lord, 
put  into  Overhuryh  Hand  :  fo  that  there  is  work  enough  for  Secret:,  what- 
ever they  were.  And  like  Princea  Confederates,  they  had  their  Cyphers 
and  Jargons. 

Fourthly.i 


Se<5l.II.       S?i^ECi{'E%  in  ytidicial Prdceedings,  oni 

Fou'-'.hly,  I  will  fhew  you  it  is  but  a  Toy  to  iliy,  that  the  Malice  was  only 
In  refpeft  he  fpoke  dilhonourably  of  the  Lady  ;  or  for  fear  of  break  in  <t  the 
M..rriage  ;  becaufe  Overbury  was  a  Coadjutor  to  that  Love,  and  the  Lord  of 
Somerfit  was  as  deep  in  I'peaking  ill  of  the  Lady,  a.sOverburs.  Anda^ain, 
it  was  too  late  for  that  matter  ;  for  the  Match  was  then  made  and  paft. 
And  if  it  had  been  no  more  than  to  remove  Overbury  from  difturbing  of 
the  Match,  it  had  been  an  eafy  matter  to  have  banded  him  beyond  Seas, 
for  which  they  had  a  fair  way  ;  but  that  would  notferve  their  turn. 

And  laftly,  periculum  priculo  vincitur,  to  go  fo  far  as  an  Impoifonment, 
but  muft  have  a  deeper  Malice  than  Flaflies :  for  the  Caufe  mull  bear  a 
proportion  to  the  Effedl. 

For  the  next  general  Head  of  Proofs,  which  confift  in  Ads  preparatory  to 
the  middle  Adls ;  they  are  in  eight  feveral  Points  of  the  Compafs,  as  I 
may  term  it. 

Firj},  That  there  were  Devices  and  Projeds  to  difpatch  Overbury,  or  to 
overthrow  him,  plotted  between  the  Countefs  of  Somerjet,  the  Earl  o(  Somer- 
/e(,  and  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  before  they  fell  upon  the  Impoifonment  : 
for  always  before  Men  fix  upon  a  courfe  of  Mifchief,  there  are  fome  Rejec- 
tions ;  but  die  he  muft,  one  way  or  other. 

Secondly,  That  my  Lord  of  Somerfet  was  a  principal  Practlfer,  I  mufb 
fpeak  it,  in  a  moft  perfidious  manner,  to  fet  a  train  for  Overbury  to  gee 
him  into  the  To'^jcer ;  without  which,  they  never  durft  have  attempted  the 
Impoifonment. 

thirdly.  That  the  placing  of  Lieutenant  Hel-iv'tJJe  one  of  the  Impoifoners, 
and  the  difplacing  of  Waade,  was  by  the  means  of  my  \^oxd.of  Somerfet. 

Fourthly,  That  the  placing  oUVeJion,  the  Under- Keeper,  who  was  the  prin- 
cipal Impoifoner,  and  the  difplacing  of  Gary  ;  and  the  doing  of  all  this  with- 
in fifteen  days  after  Overbury's  Commitment,  was  by  the  means  and  counte- 
nance of  my  Lord  of  Somerfet.  And  thefe  two  were  the  aftive  inftruments 
of  the  Impoifonment :  and- this  was  a  Bufinefs  that  the  Lady's  Power  could 
no:  reach  to.  - 

Fifthly,  That  becaufe  there  muft  be  a  time  for  the  Tragedy  to  be  afled, 
and  chiefly,  becaufe  they  would  not  have  the  Poifons  work  on  the  fudden  ; 
and  becaufe  the  ftrength  of  Overbury' s  Nature,  or  the  very  Cuftom  of  re- 
reiving  Poifon  into  his  Body,  overcame  the  Poifon,  that  they  wrought  not 
\o  faft  -,  therefore  Overbury  muft  be  held  in  the  Tower.  And  as  my  Lord 
of  Somerfet  got  him  into  the  Trap,  fo  he  kept  him  in,  and  abufed  him 
with  continual  hopes  of  Liberty  -,  and  diverted  all  the  true  and  effedtual 
means  of  his  Releafe,  and  made  light  of  his  Sickncfs  and  Extremities. 

Sixthly,  That  not  only  the  Plot  of  getting  Overbury  into  the  Tower,  and 
■  the  Devices  to  keep  him  there  -,  but  the  ftrange  manner  of  his  clofc  keeping, 
being  in  but  for  a  Contempt,  was  by  the  Device  and  Means  of  my  Lord 
of  Somerfet  ;  who  denied  his  Father  to  fee  him  ;  denied  his  Servants  that  of- 
fered to  be  fhut  up  clofe  Prifoners  v/ith  him  -,  and,  in  effefl,  managed  it  fo, 
that  he  was  dole  Prifoner  to  all  his  Friends,  and  open  and  expdfed  to  all 
his  Enemies. 

Seveuthlyy 


Seve»ih!y,  That  the  Advices  which  my  Lady  received,  time  after  time», 
from  the  Lieutenant,  or  Wejlon^  as  to  Overburfs  State  of  Body,  were  ever 
fent  up  to  the  Court,  tho'  it  v/ere  in  progrefs,  and  that,  from  my  Lady: 
fuch  a   thirft  and  liftening  this  Lord  had  to  hear  he  was  difpatched. 

Lajlly,  There  was  a  continual  Negotiation  to  fet  Overbury\  Head  on 
work,  that  he  fliould  make  fome  recognition  to  clear  the  Honour  of  the 
Lady  ;  and  that  he  fhould  become  a  good  Inftrument  towards  her  and  her 
Friends :  all  which  was  but  Entertainment.  For  your  Lordfhips  (hall  plainly 
fee  divers  of  my  Lord  of  Northampton^  Letters,  whofe  Hand  was  deep  in 
this  Bufinefs,  written  in  dark  Words  and  Claufes  ;  that  there  was  one  thing 
pretended,  and  another  intended  ;  that  there  was  a  real  Charge,  and  fome- 
what  not  real,  a  main  Dcift  and  a  Diflimulation.  Nay,  farther,  there  arc 
fome  Paflliges,  which  the  Peers  in  their  Wifdom  will  difcern  to  point  di- 
reftly  at  the  Impoifonment. 

After  this  followed  the  Evidence  it  felf. 


SECT. 


(  393  ) 


SECT.     III. 

Speeches  on  Moral  Occasions. 

Speech    I. 
Agahijl    Duelling  ». 


My  Lords, 

1  Thought  it  fit  for  my  Place,  and  thefe  Times,  to  bring  before  your 
Lordfhips  the  Cafe  of  private  Duels  ;  to  fee  if  this  Court  can  reclaim 
fo  unbridled  an  Evil.  It  may  therefore  be  proper  to  confider  the  Na- 
ture, the  Caufes,  and  the  Remedies  of  Duelling  ■■,  which  the  Laws  of  England 
provided  in  this  refpeft. 

When  Revenge  is  extorted  out  of  the  Magiftrate's  hand,  and  every  Man 
fhall  bear  the  Sword,  not  to  defend,  but  to  aflault ;  and  private  Men  give 
Law  to  themfelves,  and  pretend  to  right  their  own  Wrongs ;  no  Mortal 
can  forcfce  the  Dangers  and  Inconveniencies,  that  may  arife  and  multiply 
thereon. 

It  may  caufe  fudden  Storms  in  Court  ;  to  the  difturbance  of  the  King, 
and  danger  of  his  Perfon;  it  may  grow  from  private  Quarrels  to  Tumult 
and  Commotion  •,  from  particular  Perfons  to  Diflenfions  of  Families  and 
Alliances ;  and  even  to  national  Quarrels  -,  according  to  the  infinite  variety  of 
Accidents,  which  fall  not  under  forefight;  fo  that  the  State  by  this  means 
is  like  a  diftempered  and  imperfed  Body,  continually  fubjeft  to  Inflamma- 
tions and  Convulfions. 

Befides,  both  in  Divinity  and  in  Policy,  Offences  of  Prefumption  are  the 
greateft.  Other  Oifences  yi^ld  to  the  Law,  not  daring  to  juftify  themfelves  ; 
but  this  Offence  exprefsly  affronts  the  Law,  as  if  there  were  two  Laws  ; 
one  a  kind  of  Gown  Law,   and  the  other  a  Law  of  Reputation,    as  they 

a  Delivered  in  the  way  of  Charge,  as  Attorney-General,  upon  an  loformacion  in  the  Siaf 
Chamber,  againft  Friefl  and  Wright. 

Vo  L,  I.  E  c  c  term 


394  Speeches  (9«   Moral  Occafotn.  Se<5l. IIL 

term  it :  fo  that  the  Pulpit  and  the  Courts  of  Juftice  muft  give  place  to 
the  Law  of  Tavern-Tables,  and  fuch  reverend  AfTemblies  •,  and  the 
Year-Books  and  Statute-Books  give  {jIicc  to  certain  French  and  Italian 
Pamphlets  upon   the  Doftrine  of  Z)«f/j. 

Again,  'tis  a  miferable  Effed  v/hcn  hopeful  young  Men,  fuch  as  the 
Poets  call  Sons  of  the  Mornir.g,  on  whom  the  Expcdlation  and  Comfort  of 
their  Friends  depends,  fhall  be  call  away  in  fuch  a  vain  manner  •,  but  much 
more  'tis  to  be  deplored,  when  fo  much  noble  and  genteel  Blood  fliall  be  fpilt 
upon  fuch  Follies;  when  if  it  ventured  in  the  Field,  in  Service  of  King  and 
Country,  it  might  turn  the  Fortune  of  a  Day,  and  fway  the  Fate  of  a 
Kingdom.  So  that  this  Spirit  of  Duelling  difturbs  Ptace,  disfurniflies  War, 
brings  Calamity  upon  private  Men,  Danger  upon  the  State,  and  Contempt 
upon  the  Law. 

As  to  the  Caufes  of  Duels ;  the  firft  Motive  no  doubt  is  a  falfe  and  erro- 
neous Notion  of  Honour  and  Reputation -,  whence  they  are  properly  call'd 
bezvltcbhig  Duels,  For  to  judge  truly,  'tis  no  better  than  a  Sorcery  that  en- 
chants the  Spirits  of  young  Men,  bearing  great  Minds,  with  a  falfe  Show, 
and  a  kind  of  Hitanical  Illufion  and  Apparition  of  Honour,  againfl  Religion» 
againft  Law,  againfl:  moral  Virtue,  and  againft  the  Precedents  and  Ex- 
amples of  the  beft  and  moil  valiant  Nations. 

This  being  the  Seed  of  the  Mifchief,  'tis  nourifh'd  by  vain  Difcourfes, 
raw  and  unripe  Conceits,  which  have  neverthelefs  fo  prev^il'd,  thattho'  a  Man 
were  ftaid  and  fober-minded,  and  rightly  conceived  the  Vanity  and  Unlawful- 
nefs  of  thefe  Duels ;  yet  the  Stream  of  vulgar  Opinion  impofes  a  Neceffity  up- 
on Men  of  Worth  and  Merit  to  conform  themfelves-,  or  elfe  there  is  no  living 
or  looking  upon  Mens  Faces:  whence  we  have  nor  to  do,  in  this  Cafe,  fo 
much  with  particular  Perfons,  as  with  unfound  and  depraved  Opinions ;  like 
the  Dominations  and  Spirits  of  the  Air,  which  the  Scripture  fpeaks  of. 

We  may  add,  that  Men  have  almoft  lofl  the  true  Notion  of  Fortitude 
and  Valour.  For  Fortitude  diftinguifhes  the  Grounds  of  Quarrels,  whether 
they  be  jull  and  worthy;  and  fets  a  better  Price  upon  Mens  Lives,  than  to^ 
befiiow  them  idly:  And  indeed 'tis  a  Weaknefs  and  Difefl;eem  of  a  Man's 
felf,  to  put  one's  Life  upon  fuch  childifh  Performances.  A  Man's  Life  is  not. 
to  be  trifled  away  ;  'tis  to  be  offered  up  and  facrificed  to  honourable  Services, 
publick  Merit,  good  Caufes,  and  noble  Adventures.  'Tis  in  Expence  of 
Blood,  as 'tis  in  Expence  of  Money  ;  to  make  a  Profufion  upon  every  vain 
and  idle  Occafion,  is  no  Liberality  :  nor  is  it  Fortitude  to  make  Effufion  of 
Blood,  unlefs  the  Caufe  be  worthy. 

There  are  four  Things  that  feem  very  effedlual  for  reprefTing  this  depraved 
Cuftom  of  particular  Combats. 

The//-/?  is,  that  there  appear,  and  be  declared,  a  conftant  and  fettled  Refo- 
lution  i;i  the  State  to  abolifh  it.  For  this  is  a  thing  that  mufl:  go  down  at  once,  or 
not  at  all;  when  every  particular  Man  will  think  hiinfelf  acquitted  in  his  Re- 
putation, finding  that  the  State  takes  it  as  an  Infult  againfl  the  King's  Power 
and  Authority,  and  thereupon  has  abfolutely  refolved  to  fupprefs  it.  So  it 
was  delivered  in  cxprefs   Words,  in  the,  Ediit  of  Cbarks  IX.  of  France,  con- 

3  cerning 


Se^.Iir.  Speexdhes  on  Moral  Occajtons.  39 


0V3 


cerning  Duels,  that  the  King  took  upon  himfclf  the  Honour  of  all  that 
thought  themklves  sirieved  or  intereftcd  for  not  having  fousiht  the  Dj  1. 
And  thus  muft  the  State  do  in  this  Bufinefs  -,  and  truft  them,  not  a  Man 
of  a  reafonable  and  fober  Difpofuion,  be  he  ever  fo  valiant,  but  v^ill  be 
glad  of  it  ;  when  he  fhall  fee  the  Law  and  Rule  of  State  take  off  his  hands 
a  vain  and  unnecefl;\y  Hazard. 

Secondhy  Caremufl:  be  taken  that  this  Evil  be  not  pampered  ;  nor  its  Hu- 
mour fed.  The  publick  compounding  of  Quarrels,  which  is  otherwife  in  ule 
by  prirate  Noblemen,  and  Gentlemen,appears  fo  puntftual  and  formal,  and  has 
fuch  Refpeft  and  Relation  to  the  received  Opinions,  what's  before-hand,  and 
what's  behind-hand,  as  without  all  queftion,  it  in  a  manner  countenances  and 
authorizes  this  Praftice  of  Duels ;  as  if  it  had  in  it  fomewhat  of  Law  and 
Right. 

Thirdly,  As  the  Offence  is  grounded  upon  a  falfe  Notion  of  Honour,  ic 
fhould  be  punifhed  in  the  fame  kind.  The  Fountain  of  ^Honour  is  the 
King  and  his  Countenance  :  the  Accefs  to  his  Perfon  continues  Honour  in 
Life  ;  and  to  be  banifli'd  his  Prefence,  is  one  of  the  greateft  pofTible 
Eclipfesof  Honour.  Now  if  the  King  fltould  be  pleafed,  when  any  of  thefe 
Offences  are  committed  by  Perfons  of  eminent  Quality,  to  banifh  or  exclude 
them  his  Court  for  certain  Years ;  I  think  there  i>  no  Man  of  good 
Blood  will  commit  an  Ad  that  fhall  caft  him  into  the  Darknefs  of  not  be- 
holding his  Sovereign's  Face. 

Lajlly,  The  Root  of  this  Offence  is  ftubborn  :  for  it  defpifes  Death,  the 
utmoft  of  Punifhments  •,  and  ic  were  a  jull,  but  a  miferable  Severity,  to 
execute  the  Law  without  all  Remiffion  or  Mercy,  where  the  Caufe  proves 
capital.  Yet  the  late  Severity  of  France  was  greater  ;  where,  by  a  kind  of 
martial  Law,  eftablifh'd  by  the  King  and  Parliament,  the  Perfon,  who  had 
flain  another,  was  prefently  had  to  the  Gibbet  ;  in  fo  much  that  Gentlemen 
of  great  Quality  were  hanged  with  their  Wounds  bleeding  ;  left  a  natural 
Death  fhould  prevent  the  Example  of  Juftice.  But  the  Gourfe  we  propofe 
is  of  greater  Lenity,  tho'  of  no  lefs  Efficacy  •,  which  is  to  punifh  all  the 
middle  Aifls  and  Proceedings  that  tend  to  the  Duel  ;  and  fo  to  hew  and  vex 
the  Root  in  the  Branches  :  which  no  doubt  in  the  end  will  kill  the  Root,  and 
yet  prevent  the  Extremity  of  the  Law. 

ThtL.'x^  oi  England  is  excepted  to,  asdeficientin  two  Points  with  regard 
to  Duels. 

The  one,  tliat  it  fhould  make  no  difference  between  an  infidious  and  foul 
Murder  ;  and  the  killing  of  a  Man  upon  fair  Terms,  as  they  now  call  it. 

The  other,  that  it  has  provided  no  fufficient  Pun ifhment,  and  Reparation 
for  contumelious  Words ;  as  the  Lye,  and  the  like. 

But  thefe  are  no  better  than  childifh  Novelties,  againft  the  divine  Law, 
againft  all  Laws  in  effect,  and  againft  the  Examples  of  all  the  braveft  and 
moft  virtuous  Nations  of  the  World. 

In  the  Law  of  God,  there  is  no  Difference  found,  but  between  Homicide 
voluntary  and  involuntary.  And  in  the  Cafe  of  Man-flaughter,  or  acci- 
dental Murder,  there  were  Cities  of  Refuge  ;  fo  that  the  Offender  was  put 
to  his  Flight,  and  that  Flight  was  fubjedt  to  Accident  •,  whether  the  Revenge 

Eee  2  of 


396  Speeches  <?;»^    Moral  Occajions.       Sedl.  Ill 

of  BIool  fhould  O'^ertake  him  before  he  had  got  Sanftuary  orno.  'Tis 
true,  our  Law  has  made  a  morefubtile  Diftindtion  between  the  Will  inflam:;ci, 
and  the  Will  advifed  -,  between  Manflaughter  in  Heat,  and  Murder  upon 
M.ilice  prcpcnfe,  or  cold  Blood,  as  the  Soldiers  call  it :  an  Indulgence  fui ted 
to  a  cholerick  and  warlike  Nation  •,  for  Rage  ii  a  JJoort  Fury,  and  a  Man  in 
Pdjfion  is  not  himfelf. 

This  Privilege  of  PafTion  the  ancient  RomanLaw  reftrain'd  to  the  Cafe 
of  the  Husband's  taking  the  Adulterer  in  the  Fa6t  ;  to  that  Rage  and 
Provocation  only  it  admitted  Homicide  as  juftifiable.  But  for  a  Diffe- 
rence in  the  cafe  of  killing  and  deftroying  a  Man,  upon  a  forethought  Purpofe, 
between  foul  and  fair,  'tis  a  monftrous  Child  of  this  latter  Age  ;  and  with- 
out all  Shadow  in  any  Law  divine  or  human.  Only  we  find  in  Scripture,  that 
Cain  inticed  his  Brother  into  the  Field,  and  flew  him  treacheroufly  -,  but  La- 
Kifch  vnunted  of  his  Manhood,  that  he  would  kill  a  young  Man,  tho'  it  were 
to  his  hurt :  fo  that  I  find  no  difference  between  an  infidious  and  a  braving 
or  prefumptuous  Murder,  but  the  Difference  between  Cain  and  Lamech. 

All  Hiftory  allows  that  Greece  and  Rome  were  the  moft  valiant  and  gene^_ 
rous  Nations  of  the  World-,  and  what  is  more  to  be  noted,  they  were  Free 
States,  and  not  under  a  Monarchy.  Whence  one  would  think  it  much  mor» 
reafonable,  that  particular  Perfons  fliould  have  righted  themfelves  ;  and  yet 
they  had  not  this  Praflice  of  Duels,  nor  any  thing  like  it  :  and  furely  they 
would  have  had  it,  if  there  had  been  any  Virtue  in  it.  'Tis  memorable,  that 
there  was  a  Combat  of  this  kind  between  two  Perfons  of  Quality  among 
the  I'urh  ;  when  one  of  them  being  flain,  the  other  was  convened  before  the 
Council  of  Bajhaws  ;  and  the  Manner  of  the  Reprehenfion  was  this.  "  How 
♦'  durfl:  you  fight .''  Are  there  not  Chriftians enough  to  kill!  Did  you  not  know 
"  that  whoever  was  flain,  the  lofs  would  be  the  Grand  Seignior's?"  So  that 
the  moft  warlike  Nations,  whether  generous  or  barbarous,  have  ever  defpifed 
this  Manner  of  Duelling,  wherein  Men  now  glory. 

'Tis  true,  two  Kinds  of  Combats  feem  authorized.  The  one,  when  upon  the 
Approach  of  Armies,  in  the  Face  of  one  another  •,  particular  Perfons  have 
made  Challenges  for  a  Trial  of  Valour  in  the  Field,  upon  a  publick  Quar- 
rel. This  the  RcmamciWd  Pugna  per  provocationem  ;  and  was  never,  but 
between  the  Generals  themfelves,  who  were  abfolute  ;  or  between  Particulars 
by  Licence  of  the  Generals  •,  and  not  upon  private  Authority.  So  David 
asked  leave  when  he  fought  with  Goliab  ;  and  Joab,  when  the  Armies  were 
met,  gave  leave,  and  faid.  Let  the  'joung  Men  fla)  before  us.  And  of  this 
kind  was  that  famous  Example  in  the  Wars  of  Naples,  between  twelve  Spa- 
tiiards  and  twelve  Italians ;  where  the  Italians  bore  away  the  Vidlory  ;  befides 
other  infinite  the  like  Examples  worthy  and  laudable,  fometimes  by  fingle 
Perfons,  and  fometimes  by  Numbers. 

The  fecondKind  of  Combat  is  a  judicial  Trial  of  Right,  when  the  Right 
is  obfcure,  introduced  by  the  Goths  and  the  Northern  Nations,  but  more  an- 
ciently entertain'd  in  Spain ;  and  this  yet  remains  in  fome  Cafes  as  a  divine  Lot 
of  Battle,  tho' controverted  by  Divines,  as  to  the  Lawfulnefs  of  it  :  fo  that, 
as  a  wife  Writer  fays,  "  They  who  engage  in   this  manner,  feem  to  tempt 

"  God,' 


Secfl.  III.       Speeches   on    Moral  Occajions.  397 

"  God,  as  expecting  he  flioulJ  fhew  and  work  a  Miracle,  and  make  him 
"  victorious  whole  Caule  is  the  jufteft  ;  whereas  che  contrary  often  happens." 
But  however  it  be,  this  Kind  of  Combat  has  its  Warrant  from  Law.  Nay, 
the  French  themfelves,  whence  this  folly  feems  chiefly  to  have  arifen,  never 
had  ic  but  in  Pradlice  and  Toleration,  not  authorized  by  Law  ;  and  yet  of 
late  they  have  been  obliged  to  purge  this  Folly  with  extreme  Rigour  ;  info- 
much  tl'.at  many  Gentlemen,  left  between  Death  and  Life  in  the  Duels,  were 
hurried  to  the  Gibbets  with  their  Wounds  bleeding.  For  the  State  found 
it  had  been  neglefted  fo  long,  that  nothing  could  be  thought  Cruelty,  which 
tended  to  fupprefs  ir. 

The  fecond  D  feft  pretended  in  our  Law,  that  it  has  provided  no  Remedy 
for  Lyes  and  Fillips,  may  receive  the  like  Anfwer.  It  would  have  been 
thought  Madnefs  amo.ngll:  the  ancient  Law-givers,  to  affign  a  Punifhmenc 
upon  the  Lye  given  •,  which  in  effcdl  is  but  a  Word  of  Denial,  a  Negative  of 
another's  Saying.  Any  Law-giver,  if  he  asked  the  Queftion,  would  have 
made  Solon's  Anfwer  ;  that  he  had  ordain'd  no  Punifhment  for  it,  becaufe  he 
never  imagined  the  World  would  have  been  fo  fantaftical  as  to  take  it  fo 
heinoufly.  The  CiviUdfis  difpute  whether  any  Adtion  of  Injury  lie  for  it  •, 
and  rather  rrfolve  the  contrary.  And  Frauds  tht  F'ui\i  of  France,  who  ori- 
ginally ftamped  this  Difgrace  lb  deep,  is  taxed  in  the  Judgment  of  all  wife 
Writers,  for  beginning  the  Vanitv  ;  as  it  was  he,  who  having  himfelf  given 
the  L  ye  and  Dt  fy  to  the  Empe.  or,  to  make  it  current  in  the  World,  faid  in  a 
folemn  Afiemhly,  that  no  honeft  Man  would  bear  the  Lye  :  which  was  the 
Fountain  of  this  new  Learning. 

As  for  Vv'ordb:  o^"  Reproach  and  Contumely»  whereof  the  Lye  was  never 
efteem'd  any,  itwereinrredibl^,  but  that  theO/ations  themfelves  are  extant, 
what  extreme  andcxquifite  Reproaches  were  toiVed  up  and  down  in  theScnate 
of  Rome,  the  Places  of  Afl;mbly,  and  the  like  in  Greece;  and  yet  no  Man  took 
himfelf  fouled  by  them,  but  held  them  for  Breath,  and  the  Style  of  an 
Enemy  ;  and  either  defpifed  them  or  returned  them  :  but  no  Blood  was  fpik 
upon  the  Occafion. 

So  every  Touch  or  light  Blow  of  the  Perfon,  are  not  in  themfelves  con- 
fide table  •,  only  they  have  got  upon  them  the  Stamp  of  a  Difgrace,  which 
makes  fuch  trifling  Things  pals  for  great  Matters.  The  Law  oi  England^ 
and  all  Laws,  hold  thefe  Degrees  of  Injury  to  the  Perfon,  Slander,  Battery, 
Maim,  and  Death  ;  and  if  there  be  extraordinary  Circumftances  of  Spighc 
and  Contumely,  as  in  cafe  of  Libels,  Baflinadoes,  and  the  like,  the  Law 
punifhes  them  cxemplarily.  But  for  this  Apprehcnfion  of  a  Difgrace,  that 
a  Fillip  fhould  be  a  mortal  Wound  to  the  Reputation  •,  Men  fhould  hearken 
to  the  faying  of  Gonfaho,  the  great  Commander,  who  always  faid,  a  Gentle- 
man's Honour  fhould  be  of  a  good  ftrong  Warp  or  Web,  that  every  little 
thing  fhould  not  catch  in  it:  whereas  now  they  fcem  Cob-web  Lawnv  which  cer- 
tainly is  Weaknefs,  and  not  true  Greatnefs  of  Mind,  but  like  a  fick  Man's 
Body,  fo  tender  as  to  feel  every  thing.  And  fo  much  to  fhew  the  Wiidom 
and  Jufticeof  the  Law  of  the  Land,  in  this  Particular. 

For 


398  Speeches  (?;?  Moral  Occajtons.         Se£t. III. 

For  the  Capacity  of  this  Court  ;  I  take  it  for  certain,  that  wherever  an 
Offence  is  Capital,  or  Matter  of  Felony,  tho'  it  be  not  afted,  the  Com- 
bination or  Praftice  tending  to  that  Offence,  is  punifhable  in  this  Court,  as  a 
high  Mifdemeanour,  Now  every  Appointment  of  the  Field, however  fpecioufly 
they  may  gild  it,  is  but  a  Combination  and  plotting  of  Murder.  Nor  fhall 
I  ever  account  it  otherwife,  in  a  Place  of  Juftice.  Whence  it  follows,  that 
the  Cafe  of  Duelling  is  a  Cafe  fit  for  the  Cenfure  of  this  Court.  And  of  this 
there  are  Precedents  in  the  very  Point  of  Challenge. 

Therefore,  to  come  to  the  Part  that  regards  my  felf,  I  fay,  that  by  the 
Favour  of  the  King  and  the  Court,  I  will  profecute  in  this  Court,  in  the 
following  Cafes. 

(i.)  If  any  Man  appoint  the  Field,  tho'  the  Fight  be  not  performed. 
(2.)  If  any  Man  fend  a  Challenge  in  Writing,  or  any  Meflage  of  Challenge. 
(■3.)  If  any  Man  carry  or  deliver  a  Writing,  or  Meflage  of  Challenge.  (4.)  If 
any  Man  fhall  accept  or  return  a  Challenge.  (5.)  If  any  Man  fhall  accept 
to  be  a  Second  in  a  Challenge,  on  either  Side.  (6.)  If  any  Man  fliall  depart 
the  Realm,  with  Intention  and  Agreement  to  fight  beyond  the  Seas.  And, 
(7.)  If  any  Man  fhall  revive  a  Quarrel  by  fcandalous  Reports  or  Writings, 
contrary  to  a  Proclamation  publiihed  in  that  Behalf.  And  this  Method  of 
nipping  Duels  in  the  Bud,  is  certainly  fuller  of  Clemency  and  Mercy,  than 
fuftering  them  to  go  on  -,  and  hanging  Men  with  their  Wounds  bleeding,  as 
they  did  in  France,  And  for  the  Support  of  Juftice,  true  Honour,  Reli- 
gion, and  the  Law,  againfl  this  empty  Difguife  or  Puppet-fhow  of  Honour, 
I  entreat  your  Lordfhip's  Countenance  and  Aflifl:ance  in  my  Profecutions  of 
this  Kind. 

Laftly,  I  have  a  Petition  to  the  Nobility  and  Gentry  of  England,  that  they 
would  efleem  themfelvcs  at  a  jufl  Price  ;  Non  bos  qutrfitufu  mumts  in  ufus  ; 
their  Blood  is  not  to  be  fpilt  like  Water  :  and  that  they  would  perfuadc  them- 
felves  there  can  be  no  Form  of  Honour,  but  upon  a  worthy  Subjed. 


Speech    II. 

Made  by  the  Author  upo?t  taking  of  his  Place  in  Chancery , 
^j  Lo  R  D-K  E  E  p  E  R  of  the  G  R  E  A  T-S  eal<?/'England; 
in  pe7'formance  of  the  Charge  His  Majesty  gave 
him,  when  he  received  the  Seal,  in  the  Tear  161 7. 

Tl  E  F  O  R  E  I  enter  into  the  Bufinefs  of  this  Court,  I  fhall  take  the  ad- 
§3  vantage  of  fo  many  honourable  Witnefl"es,  to  publifli  and  make  known 
lummarily,  what  Charge  the  King's  moft  excellent  Majeffy  gave  me,  when 
I  received  the  Seal  ;  and  what  Orders  and  Refolutions  I  my  ielf  have  taken  in 
Conformity  to  that  Charge  ■,  that  the  King  may  have  the  Honour  of  Di- 
rection, and  I  the  Part  of  Ob:dience  :  whereby  your  Lordfhips,  and  the  reft 

of 


Sed.III.  Speeches  on  Moral  Occajtons.  'rog- 

oK  the   Prefence,  fli:\]I  fee  the  whoh  time  of  my  fitting  in  Chancery  con- 
traifled  into  one  Hour.     And  this  I  do  for  three  Cuifes ; 

Firfl,  to  give  an  account  to  the  King  of  his  Command. 

Secondly,  that  I  may  be  a  Guard  and  Cultody  to  my  felf,  and  my  own 
Doings  ;  that  I  do  not  fwerve  or  recede  from  any  thing  that  1  haveprofclfed 
in  fo  noble  a  Company. 

And  tb:rd!\,  that  all  Men  who  have  to  do  with  the  Chancery,  or  the  Seal, 
may  know  what  they  fliall  expert ;  and  both  fet  their  Hearts  and  my  Ears 
at  reft  •,  not  moving  me  to  any  thing  againft  thefe  Rules,  knowing  that  an 
Anfwer  is  now  turn'd  from  a  columns,  into  a.  koh  fojjiimus.  It  is  no  more  I 
will  not,  but  I  cannot,  after  this  Declaration. 

Andthisldoalfo  under  three  Cautions. 

The  Jirjl  is,  that  there  are  fome  things  of  a  more  fecret  and  council-like 
nature,  which  are  rather  to  be  aded  than  publiflied.  But  the  Things  which 
Ifhall  fpeak  of  to-day,  ate  of  a  more  publick  nature. 

The  fccoud  is,  that  I  will  not  trouble  this  Prcfence  with  every  Particular, 
which  would  be  too  long  •,  but  felecfl  thofe  Things  which  are  of  greateft 
Efficacy  ;  and  conduce  moft  ad  fummas  rcrum  :  leaving  many  other  Parti- 
culars to  be  fet  down  ina  publick  Table,  according  to  the  good  Example  of 
my  laft  Predeceflbr,  in  his  beginning. 

And  lajlly,  that  thefe  Imperatives,  which  I  have  made  but  to  my  felf, 
and  my  times^  be  without  prejudice  to  the  Authority  of  the  Court,  or 
wifer  Men  that  may  fucceed  me;  and  chietly  that  they  are  wholly  fubmitted 
to  the  great  Wifdom  of  my  Sovereign,  the  abfolutell  Prince  in  Judicature 
that  has  been  in  the  Chriftian  World  :  for  if  any  of  thefe  things  which  I  in- 
tend to  be  fubordinate  to  his  Direftions,  fhallbe  thought  by  his  Majcfty  to 
be  inordinate,  I  fliall  be  moft  ready  to  reform  them.  Thefe  Things  are  but 
tanquam  Albuni  Pratoris;  for  fo  did  the  Roman  Prcetors,  (which  have  the 
greateft  Affinity  with  the  Jurifdidion  of  the  Chancellor  here,)  who  fet 
down  at  their  Entrance,  how  they  would  ufe  their  Jurifdiftion.  And  this 
I  ffialldo,  my  Lords,  in  -verbis  mafculis;  no  flourifbing  or  painted  Words, 
but  fuch  as  are  fit  to  go  before  Deeds. 

TheKing's  Charge,  which  is  my  Lanthorn,  refted  upon  four  Heads. 

The  firjl  was,  that  I  lliould  contain  the  Jurifdiiftion  of  the  Court  within 
its  true  and  due  Limits,  without  Swelling  or  Excefs. 

The  fecond,  that  I  fiiould  think  the  putting  of  the  great  Seal  to  Letters 
Patents,  was  not  a  Matter  of  Courfe,  after  precedent  Warrants  •,  but  that  I: 
fhould  take  it  to  be  the  Maturity  and  Fulnefs  of  the  King's  Intentions. 
And  therefore,  that  it  was  one  of  the  greateft  Parts  of  my  Truft,  if  I  fxw 
any  Scruple  or  Caufe  of  Stay,  that  I  fliould  acquaint  him  ;  concluding  with  a. 
quod  duhites  ne  fecerh. 

The  third  was,  that  I  fhould  retrench  all  unneceflary  Delays,  that  the 
Subject  might  find  he  enjoy'd  the  fame  Remedy  againft  the  fainting  of 
the  Seal,  and  againft  the  Confumption  of  the  Means  and  EftaCe  ;  which  was 
fpeedy  Jtiftice  ;  bis  dat,  qui  cito  dat. 

The 


4-00  Speeches    on   Moral   Occafions.        Sed:.  III. 

.,  The  fourth  was,  that  Juftice  might  pafs  with  as  eafy  a  Charge  as  might  be  ; 
and  that  thefe  fame  Brambles  that  grow  about  Juftice  ;  of  needlcfs  Charge  and 
Expence,  and  all  Manner  of  Exadions,  might  be  rooted  out  fo  far  as 
poniible. 

Thefe  Commands,  my  Lords,  are  righteous,  and,  as  I  may  term  them, 
facred  •,  and  therefore  to  ufe  a  facred  Form,  I  pray  God  blefs  the  King  for 
his  great  Care  over  the  Juftice  of  the  Land  ;  and  give  me  his  poor  Servant 
Grace  and  Power  to  obferve  his  Precepts. 

Now  for  a  beginning  towards  it,  I  have  fet  down  and  applied  particular 
Orders  to  every  one  of  thefe  four  general  Heads. 

For  the  Excefs  or  Tumour  of  this  Court  of  Chancery,  I  fliall  divide  it 
into  five  Natures. 

The /r/?  is,  when  the  Court  embraces  or  retains  Caufes,  both  in  Matter 
and  Circumftance,  merely  determinable,  and  fit  for  the  common  Law  :  for, 
my  Lords,  the  Chancery  isordain'd  to  fupply  the  Law  •,  and  not  to  fubvert 
the  Law.  Now  to  defcribe  to  you,  or  delineate  what  thofe  Caufes  are, 
and  upon  what  Differences,  that  are  fit  for  the  Court,  were  too  long  a  Lec- 
ture. But  I  will  tell  you  what  Remedy  1  have  prepared.  I  will  keep  the 
Keys  of  the  Court  my  felf ;  and  I  will  never  refer  any  Demurrer  or  Plea, 
tending  todifcharge  or  difmifs  the  Court  of  the  Caufe,  to  any  Mafter  of  the 
Chancery,  but  judge  of  it  my  fclf,  or  at  leaft  the  Mafter  of  the  Rolls.  Nay 
farther,  I  will  appoint  regularly,  on  Tuefday  weekly,  which  is  the  Day 
of  Orders,  firft  to  hear  all  Motions  of  that  nature  before  any  other ; 
that  the  Subje6l  may  have  his  Vale  at  firft,  without  farther  attending  •,  and 
that  the  Court  do  not  keep  and  accumulate  a  Mifcellany  and  Confufion  of 
Caufes  of  all  natures. 

The  fecond  Point  concerns  the  time  of  Complaint,  and  the  late  Comers 
into  Chancery,  which  ftay  till  a  Judgment  be  pafled  againft  them  at  the 
common  Law,  and  then  complain  ;  wherein  your  Lordftiips  may  have  heard 
a  great  Rattle  and  a  Noife  of  a  prirmunire,  and  I  cannot  tell  what.  But 
that  Queftion  the  King  has  fettled,  according  to  the  ancient  Precedents  in  all 
times  continued.  And  this  I  will  fay,  that  the  Opinion  not  to  relieve  any 
Cafe  after  Judgment,  would  be  a  guilty  Opinion  •,  guilty  of  the  Ruin,  and 
Naufrage,  and  perifhing  of  infinite  Subjefts :  and  as  the  King  found  it  well 
out,  why  (hould  a  Man  fly  into  the  Chancery,  before  he  be  hurt  ?  The 
IFbole  need  not  the  Phyfician,  but  the  Sick.  But,  my  Lords,  the  Power  would 
be  preferved,  but  then  the  Practice  would  be  moderate.  My  Rule  fhallbe 
therefore,  that  in  cafe  of  Complaints  after  Judgment,  (except  the  Judgments 
be  upon  nihil  dcit,  which  are  but  Difguifes  of  Judgment,  obtain'd  in  Con- 
tempt of  a  preceding  Order  of  this  Court  ;)  yea,  and  after  the  Vcrdiftsalfo, 
I  will  have  the  Party  complainant  enter  into  good  Bond  to  prove  his  Sug- 
geftion  ;  fo  that  if  he  will  be  relieved  againft  a  Judgment  at  common  Law, 
uoon  Matter  of  Equity,  he  ftiall  do  it,  tanquani  in  vinculis,  at  his  peril. 

The  third  Point  of  Ex:efs  may  be  the  over-frequent  and  ficile  granting 
of  Injundions  for  the  ftaying  of  the  common  Laws,  as  the  altering  Poflef- 
fjons  i  wherein  thefe  fhall  be  my  R  ules, 


Sed. Ill,       Speeches  o?i  Moral  Occafans.  40 1 

I  will  grant  no  Injuniftioa  merely  upon  Prioriry  of  i)uit  -,  that  is  to  fiy, 
becaufe  this  Court  was  firft  poflefiet.:  :  a  thii  g  that  was  wdl  reform'd  in  the 
late  Lord  Chancellor's  time,  but  ufed  in  Cnaucellor  Bromley's  time ;  info- 
much,  as  I  remember,  th.a  Mr.  D./.toii  the  Counfdlor  at  Law,  putaPaf- 
guil  upon  the  Court  in  nature  of  a  Bill  ;  for  fure  it  was  no  more  :  "  but,  my 
"  Lord,  the  Bill  came  in  on  Monday,  and  tiie  Arreft  at  <~ommon  Law  w.is  on 
"  Tuefday.  I  pray  the  Injunftion  upon  Priority  of  Suit  :"  he  caufed  his  C'ient 
that  had  a  loofe  Debtor,  to  prefer  a  Bill  in  Clwncery  before  the  Bond 
due  to  him  was  forfeited,  todefire  an  Order  that  he  might  have  his  Money 
at  the  day,  becaufe  he  would  be  fure  to  be  before  the  other.  I  do  not  mean 
to  make  it  a  Matter  of  an  Horfe-race,  or  pofting,  who  Ihall  be  firft  in  Chan- 
cery or  in  Courts  of  Law. 

Neither  will  I  grant  an  Injundion  upon  Matter  contain'd  in  the  Bill 
only,  be  it  never  fo  fmooth  and  fpecious  •,  but  upon  Matter  confefled  in  the 
Defendant's  Anfwer,  or  Matter  pregnant,  in  Writing,  or  of  Record  ;  or 
upon  Contempt  of  the  Defendant  in  not  appearing,  or  not  anfwering,  or 
trifling  with  the  Court  by  infufficient  anfwering.  For  then  it  may  be  thought 
the  Defendant  ftands  out  on  purpofe  to  get  the  ftart  at  the  common  Law  j 
and  fo  to  take  advantage  of  his  own  Contempt,  which  muft  not  be  fuffered. 

As  for  Injundions  for  PoflcfTion,  I  fhall  maintain  Poifeflions  as  they  were 
at  the  time  of  the  Bill  exhibited  ;  and  for  the  fpace  of  a  Year  before,  ex- 
cept the  Ponifllon  were  got  by  Force,  or  by  any  Trick. 

Neither  will  I  alter  Poflenion  upon  interlocutory  Orders,  until  a  Decree  ; 
except  upon  Matter  plainly  confefled  in  the  Defendant's  Anfwer,  joined 
with  a  plain  Difability  and  Infolvency  of  the  Defendants  to  anfwer  the 
Profits. 

As  for  taking  the  Poffeffion  away  in  refpefl  of  Contempts,  I  will  have  all 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Court  fpent  firft,  and  a  Sequeftration  of  the  Profits 
before  I  come  to  an  Injundion. 

The  fourth  Part  of  Excefs,  is  concerning  the  communicating  of  the  Au- 
thority of  the  Chancellor  too  far  •,  and  making,  upon  the  Matter,  too  many 
Chancellors,  by  relying  too  much  upon  the  Reports  of  the  Mafters  of  the 
Chancery  as  concludent.  I  know,  my  Lords,  the  Mafters  of  Chancery 
are  reverend  Men,  and  the  great  Mafs  of  Bufinefs  of  the  Court  cannot  be  for- 
warded without  them  ;  and  'tis  a  thing  the  Chancellor  may  foon  fall  into  for 
his  own  Eafc,  to  rely  too  much  upon  them.  But  the  Couife  that  I  will  take 
generally,  Ihall  be  this  j  that  I  will  make  no  binding  Order  upon  any  Report 
of  the  Mafters,  without  giving  a  feven-night's  Day  at  the  leaft,  to  fliew 
Caufe  againft  the  Report  ;  which  neverthelefs  I  will  have  done  modeftly, 
and  with  due  reverence  towards  them.  And  again,  I  muft  utterly  difcontinue 
die  making  of  any  hypothetical  or  conditional  Order;  that  if  a  Mafter 
of  the  Chancery  do  certify  thus,  that  then  it  is  ordered  without  farther  Mo- 
tion :  for  this  is  a  Surprize,  and  gives  no  time  for  Contradidion. 

The  laft  Point  of  Excefs  is,  if  a  Chancellor   ftiall  be  fo  fall  of  himfelf, 

as    to    negled:  the   Afliftance   of  reverend  Jjdges  in  Cafes  of  Difficulty, 

efpecially  if  they  touch  upon  Law  ;  or  calling  them,  ftiall  do  it,  hut  pro  forma 

V  o  L.  I.  F  f  f  tanlumy 


40  2  Speeches    on   Moral   Occafa?2s.        Se£l.  III. 

tantum^  and  give  no  due  Refpeft  to  their  Opinions :  here,  my  Lords, 
(preferving  the  Dignity  and  Majefty  of  the  Court,  which  I  count  rather  in- 
creafed  than  diminifhed  by  grave  and  due  AfTiftance  ;)  I  fhall  never  be  found 
fo  fovereign  or  abundant  in  my  own  Scnfe,  but  1  fliall  both  defire  and  make 
a  true  ufe  of  Afilftants.  Nay,  I  aflure  your  Lordfhips,  if  I  fliould  find  any 
main  Diverfity  of  Opinion  in  my  Aflillants  from  my  own  ;  tho'  I  know 
well  the  Judicature  wholly  refides  in  my  felf  •,  yet,  I  think,  I  fhould  have 
recourfc  to  the  Oracle  of  the  King's  own  Judgment,  before  I  fhould  pro- 
nounce. And  fo  much  for  the  temperate  ufe  of  the  Authority  of  this  Court, 
wherein  the  Health  of  the  Court  greatly  confifts,  as  that  of  the  Body  confifts 
in  Temperance. 

For  the  fecond  Command  of  his  Majefty,  as  to  the  flaying  of  Grants  at 
the  Great  Seal  -,  there  may  be  juft  caufe  of  flay,  either  in  the  matter  of  the 
Grant,  or  in  the  manner  of  pafTing  the  fame.  Out  of  both,  I  extrad; 
thefe  fix  principal  Cafes,  which  I  will  now  make  known  :  and  which,  never- 
thelefs,  I  underfland  to  be  wholly  fubmitted  to  his  Majefly's  Will  and  Plea- 
fure,  after  by  me  he  fhall  have  been  informed  -,  for  if  iteratum  mandatum 
come.  Obedience  is  better  than  Sacrifice. 

The  firji  Cafe  is,  where  any  Matter  of  Revenue,  or  Treafure,  or  Profit, 
palTes  from  his  Majefty  ;  my  firfl  Duty  fhall  be  to  examine,  whether  the 
Grant  has  pafTed  in  the  due  and  natural  courfe  by  the  great  Officers  of  the 
Revenue  •,  the  Lord  Treafurer  and  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  and  with 
their  privity :  which  if  I  find  it  not  to  be,  I  muft  prefume  it  to  have  pafTed 
in  the  dark  ;  and  by  a  kind  of  Surreption,  and  I  will  flop  it  'till  his  Ma- 
jefly's pleafure  fhall  be  farther  known. 

Secondly,  If  it  be  a  Grant  that  is  not  merely  vulgar,  and  has  not  of  courfe 
pafTed  at  the  Signet  by  3.  fac f.mile,  but  needs  Science;  my  Duty  fhall  be 
to  examine  whether  it  has  pafTed  by  the  learned  Counfel,  and  had  their 
Dockets  ;  which  is  that  which  his  Majefty  reads,  and  that  leads  him.  And 
if  I  find  it  otherwife,  altho'  the  matter  were  not  in  icfelf  inconvenient,  yet 
I  hold  it  jufl  caufe  of  flay,  for  Precedent's  fake,  to  keep  Men  in  the  right 
way. 

Thirdly,  If  it  be  a  Grant,  which  I  conceive,  out  of  my  little  Knowledge, 
to  be  againfl  the  Law,  of  which  nature  'Theodofivs  was  wont  to  fay,  when 
he  was  prefTed  •,  "Ifaidit,  but  I  granted  it  not,  if  it  be  unlawful :"  I  will 
call  the  learned  Counfel  to  it,  as  well  him  that  drew  the  Book,  as  the  i-eft, 
or  fome  of  them  ;  and  if  wc  find  caufe,  I  will  inform  his  Majefty  of  our  Opi- 
nion, either  by  myfclf  or  fome  of  them.  As  for  the  judges,  they  are 
Judges  of  Grants  paft,  but  not  of  Grants  to  come ;  except  the  King  call 
ihem. 

Fourthly,  If  the  Grants  be  againft  the  King's  Book  of  Bounty,  I  am  ex- 
prefsly  commanded  to  ftay  them,  until  the  King  either  revife  his  Book  in 
general,  or  give  direction  in  particular. 

Fifthly,  If  as  a  Counfellor  of  State,  I  forefee  Inconvenience  to  enfue  by 
the  Grant,  in  reafon  of  State,  in  refpeft  of  the  King's  Honour,  or  Difcon- 

tents 


Se^l.III.         Speeches  on  Moral  Occajtons.  403 

tents  or  Murmur  of  the  People ;  I  will  not  truft  my  own  Judgment,  but 
I  will  either  acquaint  his  Majcfly  wich  it,  or  the  Council-'rable,  or  fome 
fuch  of  my  Lords  as  I  Ihall  think  fit. 

Lajlhy  For  matter  of  Pardons ;  if  it  be  of  Treafon,  Mifprifionof  Treafon, 
Murder,  either  exprelTed  or  involute,  bv  a  »0«  ohjlant' ;  or  of  a  Piracy,  or 
Pmmunire,  or  of  Fines,  or  exemplary  PuniOnnent  in  theStar-Chamber,  or 
of  fome  other  natures-,  I  (hall  ftay  them  'till  his  Majefty  confidcrs  how  far 
Grace  fhall  abound,  or  fuperabound. 

And  if  it  be  of  Perfons  attainted  and  convi(flcd  of  Robbery,  Burglary, 
i^c.  then  I  will  examine  whether  the  Pardons  paiTcd  the  Hand  of  any  Juftice 
of  Affize,  or  other  Commiffioners,  before  wliom  the  Trial  was  made  ;  and 
if  not,  1  think  it  my  duty  alfo  to  ftay  them. 

Thus  your  Lordlhips  fee  iu  this  matter  of  the  Seal,  agreeable  to  the 
Command  I  have  received,  I  mean  to  walk  in  the  Light ;  fo  that  Men  may 
l<now  where  to  find  roe  :  and  this  publifhing  thereof  plainly,  I  hope  will 
fave  the  King  from  a  great  deal  of  Abufe,  and  me  from  a  great  deal  of  Envy  -, 
when  Men  fhall  fee  that  no  particular  turn  or  end  leads  me,  but  a  general 
Rule. 

For  the  third  general  head  of  his  Majelly's  Precepts  concerning  fpeedy 
Juftice,  I  am  refolved  that  my  Decree  fhall  come  fpeedily,  if  not  inftantly, 
after  the  Hearing,  and  my  figned  Decree  pionounced.  For  it  has  been  a 
manner  much  ufed  of  late,  in  my  laft  Lord's  time,  (of  whom  I  learn  much  to  « 
imitate,  and  with  due  Reverence  to  his  Memory  let  me  fpeak  it,  much  to 
avoid  ;)  that  upon  the  folemn  and  full  Hearing  of  a  Caufe  nothing  is  pro- 
nounced in  Court,  but  Breviates  are  required  to  be  made :  which  I  do  not 
diflike  in  itfelf  in  perplexed  Caufes.  For  I  confefs  I  haye  fomewhat  of  ^ 
the  Cunftative  -,  and  I  am  of  opinion,  that  whofocver  is  not  wifer  upon 
advice  than  upon  the  fudden,  is  no  wifer  at  fifty  Years  old  than  he  was 
at  thirty.  And  it  was  my  Father's  ordinary  Word,  Tou  mtift  give  me 
Time.  But  yet,  I  find,  that  when  fuch  Breviates  were  taken,  the  Caufe 
was  fometimes  forgotten  a  Term  or  two ;  and  then  fet  down  for  a  new  Hear- 
ing, or  a  Rehearing  three  or  four  Terms  after.  Of  which  kind  of  Intermif- 
lion  I  fee  no  ufe  ;  and  therefore  I  will  promife  regularly  to  pronounce  my 
Decree  within  few  days  after  my  Hearing  ;  and  to  fign  my  Decree  at  leaft 
in  the  Vacation  after  the  pronouncing.  For  frefh  Juftice  is  the  fweeteft. 
And  befides,  Juftice  ought  not  to  be  delay'd  -,  and  it  will  alfo  avoid  all 
means-making  or  labouring:  for  there  ought  to  be  no  labouring  in  Caufes, 
but  the  labouring  of  the  Counfel  at  the  Bar. 

Again,  becaufe  Juftice  is  a  facred  Thing,  and  for  which  end  I  am  called 
to  tliis  Place ;  I  ftiall  add  the  afternoon  to  the  forenoon,  and  fome  fourth 
Night  of  the  Vacation  to  the  Term,  for  expediting  and  clearing  of  the 
Caufes  of  the  Court  •,  only  the  depth  of  the  three  long  Vacations  I  would 
referve  in  fome  meafure  free  for  Bufinefs  of  State,  and  for  Studies  of  Arts 
and  Sciences,  to  which  in  my  nature  I  am  moft  inclined. 

There  is  another  point  of  true  Expedition,  which  refts  much  in  my- 
felf,  and  that  is  in  the  manner  of  giving  Orders.     For  I  have  feen  an  Af- 

F  f  f  2  fedation 


404  Speeches  <?«  Moral  Occaftom,         Se<^.III. 

feftation  of  Difpatch  turn  utterly  to  delay  and  length  :  for  the  manner  of 
it  is  to  take  the  tale  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  Counfellor  at  the  bar,  and  to  give 
a  curfory  Order,  nothing  tending  or  conducing  to  the  end  of  the  Bufmefs, 
It  makes  me  remember  what  I  heard  one  fay  of  a  Judge  that  fat  in  the  Chan- 
cery •,  that  he  would  make  eighty  Orders  in  a  Morning  out  of  the  way  :  and 
it  was  out  of  the  way  indeed ;  for  it  was  nothing  to  the  end  of  the  Bufinefs. 
And  this  is  that  which  makes  fixty,  eighty,  a  hundred  Orders  in  a  Caufe,  to 
and  fro,  begetting  one  another ;  and,  like  Penelope's  Web,  doing  and  un- 
doing. But  I  mean  not  to  purchafe  the  Praife  of  expeditive  in  that  kind  ; 
but  as  one  that  have  a  feeling  of  my  Duty,  and  of  the  cafe  of  others,  my 
endeavour  fhali  be  to  hear  patiently,  and  to  call  my  order  into  fuch  a  Mould, 
as  may  fooneft  bring  tlie  Subjed  to  the  end  of  his  Journey. 

As  for  fuch  Delays  as  may  concern  others,  the  great  abufe  is,  that  if  the 
Plaintiff  have  got  an  Injun^ion  to  ftay  Suits  at  common  Law,  then  he  will 
fpin  on  his  Caufe  at  length.  But  by  the  Grace  of  God,  I  will  make  Injunc- 
tions an  hard  Pillow  to  deep  on  ;  for  if  I  find  that  he  profecutes  not  with 
effed:,  he  may  chance,  when  he  is  awake,  to  find  not  only  his  Injundlion  dif- 
folved,  but  his  Caufe  difmiffed. 

There  are  other  particular  Orders,  I  mean  to  take  for  Non-profecution,  or 
faint  Profecution,  wherewith  I  will  not  trouble  you  now,  becaufe  fumma  fe- 
cuarfaftigia  Renm.     And  fo  much  for  matter  of  Expedition. 
^  Now  for  the  fourth  and  laft  point  of  the  King's  Command,  for  the  cut- 

ting off  of  unneceffary  Charge  to  the  Subjeft  ;  a  great  part  of  it  is  fulfilled 
in  the  preceding  Article,  touching  Expedition  ;  for  it  is  the  length  of  Suits 
that  multiplies  Charge  chiefly  ;  but  yet  there  are  fome  other  Remedies  that 
conduce  thereto. 

Ftrjl,  therefore,  I  fhali  maintain  ftridly,  and  with  feverity,  the  former 
Orders  which  I  find  made  by  my  Lord  Chancellor  for  the  immoderate  and 
needlefs  Prolixity,  and  length  of  Bills  and  Anfwers,  and  fo  forth  ;  as  well  in 
punifhing  the  Party,  as  fining  the  Counfel,  whofe  Hand  I  Ihall  find  at  fuch 
Bills,  Anfwers,  i^c. 

Secondly,  For  all  the  Examinations  taken  in  the  Court,  I  give  charge 
to  the  Examiners  (upon  peri?  of  their  Places)  that  they  do  not  ufe  idle  Re- 
petitions, or  needlefs  Circumftances,  in  fetting  down  the  Depofitions  taken 
by  them  ;  and  I  wifh  I  could  help  it  likewife  in  Commiffions  in  the 
Country,  but  that  is  almofl:  impoffible. 

Thirdly,  I  ihall  take  a  diligent  Survey  of  the  Copies  in  Chancery,  that 
they  have  their  juft  Number  of  Lines;  and  without  open  and  waftful  Writing. 

Fourthly,  I  fhali  be  careful  that  there  be  no  Exadion  of  any  new  Fees, 
but  according  as  they  have  been  heretofore  fet  and  tabled. 

As  for  Lawyers  Fees,  I  muft  leave  that  to  the  Confcience  and  Merit  of  the 
Lawyer  ■,  and  the  Eltimation  and  Gratitude  of  the  Client:  but  yet  this  I 
can  do.;  I  know  there  have  ufed  to  attend  this  Bar  a  number  of  Lawyers, 
that  have  not  been  heard  fometimes,  fcarce  once  or  twice  in  a  Term  ;  and 
that  make  the  Client  apply  to  great  Counfel  and  Favourites  (as  they  call 
them,  a  term  fitter  for  Kings  than  Judges)  and  that  for  every  Order  that  a 

meae 


ScSi.  III.       Speeches   <?;;    Morcd  Occafans.  405 

mean  Lawyer  might  difpatch,  and  as  well.  Therefore  to  help  the  genera- 
lity of  Lawyers,  and  therein  to  eafe  the  Client,  I  will  conftantiv  obferve 
that  every  Tuefday,  and  other  Days  of  Ordrrs,  after  nine  a-clock,  I  will 
hear  the  Bar  until  eleven,  or  half  an  hour  after  ten  at  the  leall.  And 
fince  we  are  upon  the  point  whom  I  will  hear,  your  Lon.lfhips  will  crive  me 
leave  to  tell  you  a  fancy.  It  falls  out,  that  tliere  are  three  of  us  the  Kino-'s 
Servants  in  great  place,  that  are  Lawyers  by  defrenti  Mr.  Attorney  Son  of  a 
Judge,  Mr.  Sollicitor  likewife  Son  of  a  Judge,  and  my  felf  a  Chancellor's  Son. 

Now  becaufe  the  Law  roots  fo  well  in  my  time,  I  will  water  it  at  the 
Root  thus  far,  as  befides  thefe  great  ones,  I  will  hear  any  Judge's  Son  be- 
fore a  Serjeant,  and  any  Serjeant's  Son  before  a  Reader. 

La/}h\  For  the  better  eafe  of  the  Subjefts,  and  the  bridling  of  conten- 
tious Suits,  1  fliall  give  better  (that  is,  greater)  Cofts  where  the  Suggeftions 
are  not  proved,  than  hath  been  hitherto  ufed. 

There  are  divers  other  Orders  for  the  better  Regulation  of  this  Court ; 
for  granting  of  Writs,  and  for  granting  of  Benefices  and  other  things  which 
I  fliall  fet  down  in  a  Table.  But  I  will  deal  with  no  other  to-day,  but  fuch 
as  have  a  proper  relation  to  his  Majefty's  Command  ,  it  being  my  com- 
fort that  I  ferve  fuch  a  Mailer,  that  I  fhall  need  to  be  but  a  Conduit  for 
the  conveying  only  of  his  Goodnefs  to  his  People.  And  it  is  true,  that  I 
afFedt  and  afpire  to  make  good  that  Saying,  optimus  Magijlratus  praflat 
optma:  Icgi ;  which  is  true  in  his  Majefty.  But  for  my  felf,  I  doubt  I  fhall 
not  attain  it.  But  yet  I  have  a  domeftic  Example  to  follow.  My  Lords, 
I  have  no  more  to  fay  ;  but  will  now  go  on  to  the  Bufinefs  of  the  Court. 


Speech    III. 

Mac^e  in  the  Exchequer  by  the  Author  ^  as'Lo-^  d-K  e  e  p  e  r, 
to  Sir  John  Denham,  calfd  to  be  o?ie  of  the  Barons 
of  the  Exchequer. 

iJ/r  J  o  H  N  Denham, 

TH  E  King  of  his  gracious  Favour  has  nrade  choice  of  you  for  one  of 
the  Barons  of  the  Exchequer,  to  fuccecd  one  of  the  graveft  and  moft 
reverend  Judges  of  this  Kingdom  ;  for  fo  I  hold  Baron  Altham  was.  The 
King  takes  you  not  upon  credit,  but  upon  proof,  and  great  proof  of  your 
former  Service  ;  and  that  in  both  the  kinds  wherein  you  are  now  to  ferve  r 
for  as  you  have  Ihew'd  yourfelf  a  good  Judge  between  Party  and  Party, 
foy  ou  have  fhewed  yourfelf  a  good  Minifter  of  the  Revenue  ;  both  when  you 
was  Chief  Baron,  and  fince  as  Counfellor  of  State  in  Ireland.,  where  the 
Counfel  in  great  meafurc  manage  and  mcffuage  the  Revenue, 

And 
3 


40 6  Speeches  d?«    Moral  Occajtons.       Sed.  III. 

And  to  both  thefe  parts  I  will  apply  fome  Admonitions,  not  vulgar  or 
difcurfive,  but  apt  for  the  Times,  and  in  few  Words  ;  for  they  are  beft  re- 
membred. 

Firft^  Therefore,  above  all,  you  ought  to  maintain  the  King's  Prerogative, 
and  to  fet  down  with  your  felf,  that  the  King's  Prerogative  and  the  Law 
are  not  two  things  ;  but  the  King's  Prerogative  is  Law,  and  the  principal 
Part  of  the  Lawj  the  firft-born  or  Pan  prvna  of  the  Law  :  and  therefore 
in  confemng  or  maintaining  that,  you  conferve  and  maintain  the  Law, 
There  is  not  in  the  Body  of  Man  one  Law  of  the  Head,  and  another  of  the 
Trunk,  but  all  is  one  entire  Law. 

The  next  point  I  would  advife  you,  is,  that  you  acquaint  yourfelf  dili- 
gently with  the  Revenue  -,  andalfo  with  the  ancient  Records  and  Precedents 
of  this  Court.  When  the  famous  Cafe  of  the  Copper-Mines  was  argued  in 
this  Court,  and  judged  for  the  King,  it  was  not  upon  the  fine  Reafons  of  Wit, 
as  that  the  King's  Prerogative  drew  to  it  the  chief  in  quaque  fpecie :  the  Lion 
is  the  chief  of  Beafts  ;  the  Eagle  the  chief  of  Birds  ;  the  Whale  the  chief  of 
Fifhes ;  and  fo  Copper  the  chief  of  Minerals ;  for  thefe  are  but  Dalliances  of 
Law,  and  Ornaments:  but  it  was  the  grave  Records  and  Precedents  that 
grounded  the  Judgment  of  that  Caufe  -,  and  therefore  I  would  have  you 
both  guide  and  arm  yourfelf  with  them  againft  thefe  Vapours  and  Fumes 
of  Law,  which  are  exrrafted  out  of  Men's  Inventions  and  Conceits. 

The  third  Advice  I  will  give  you,  has  a  large  Extent ;  it  is,  that  you  do 
your  endeavour  in  your  place  fo  to  manage  the  King's  Juftice  and  Reve- 
nue, that  the  King  may  have  moft  Profit,  and  the  Subjed:  leafl  Vexation. 
For  when  there  is  much  vexation  to  the  Subjed;,  and  little  Benefit  to  the 
King,  the  Exchequer  is  fick  :  and  when  there  is  much  Benefit  to  the  King, 
with  lefs  Trouble  and  Vexation  to  the  Subjed,  then  the  Exchequer  is  found. 
For  example,  if  there  Ihall  be  much  racking  for  the  King's  old  D^bts,  and 
the  freflier  and  later  Debts  fhall  be  either  more  negligently  called  in,  or 
over-eafily  difcharged,  or  over-indulgently  flailed  ;  or  if  the  number  of  In- 
formations be  many  •,  and  the  King's  Part  or  Fines  for  Compofi.ions  a 
trifle ;  or  if  there  be  much  ado  to  get  the  King  new  Land  upon  Conceal- 
ments, and  that  which  he  has  already  be  not  known  and  furvey'd,  nor  the 
Woods  preferved  •,  this  falls  within  what  I  term  the  fick  State  of  the  Fxche- 
quer,  and  makes  every  Man  ready  with  his  Undertakings  and  Projefts,  to 
difturb  the  ancient  Frame  of  the  Exchequer  :  this  being  the  burden  of  the 
Song,  that  much  goes  out  of  the  Subject's  Purfe,  and  little  comes  to  the 
King's.  Therefore  give  them  not  that  advantage.  Sure  I  am,  that  befides 
your  own  AlTociates,  the  Barons ;  you  ferve  with  two  fuperior  great  Offi- 
cers, that  have  honourable  and  true  Ends,  and  defire  to  ferve  the  King, 
and  right  the  Subject, 


Speech 


Sed.III.  Speeches   on  Moral  Occajtons,  407 


Speech    IV. 

Made  in  the  Common  Pleas  to  yujlice  H  u  t  t  o  n,  cal-- 
led  to  be  one  of  the  "Judges  of  the  Common  Pleas. 

Mr,  Serjeant  H  u  t  t  o  n, 

THE  King  being  duly  informed  of  your  Learning,  Integrity,  Difcre- 
tion,  Experience,  Means,  and  Reputation  in  your  Country,  has 
thought  fit  not  to  leave  you  thefe  Talents  to  be  employ'd  upon  your  felf 
only  -,  but  to  call  you  to  ferve  Him  and  his  People  in  the  place  of  one  of  his 
Juftices  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 

This  Court,  where  you  are  to  ferve,  is  the  local  center  and  heart  of  the 
Laws  of  this  Kingdom  :  here  the  Subjeft  has  his  AfTurance  by  Fines  and 
Recoveries  ;  here  he  has  his  fixed  and  invariable  Remedies  by  Pmcipes  and 
Writs  of  Right  -,  here  Juftice  opens  not  by  a  by-gate  of  Privilege,  but  by 
the  great  gate  of  the  King's  original  Writs  out  of  the  Chancery. 

Here  iflfues  Procefs  of  Out-lawry,  if  Men  will  not  anfwerLaw  in  this  Cen- 
ter of  the  Law,  they  fliall  be  call:  out.  And  therefore  'tis  proper  for  you, 
by  all  means,  with  your  Wifdom  and  Fortitude,  to  maintain  the  Laws  of  the 
Realm.  Wherein  neverthelcfs  I  would  not  have  you  head-ftrong,  but  heart- 
ftrong;  and  to  weigh  and  remember  that  the  twelve  Judges  of  the  Kingdom 
are  as  twelve  Lions  under  Solomon's  Throne :  they  muft  fhew  their  ftoutnels 
in  elevating  and  bearing  up  the  Throne.  To  reprefcnt  the  Portraiture  of  a 
good  Judge,  (i.)  You  fliould  draw  your  Learning  out  of  your  Boolcs,  not  out 
of  your  Brain  ;  (2.)  You  fhould  mix  well  the  Freedom  of  your  own  Opinion 
with  the  Reverence  of  the  Opinion  of  your  Fellows  •,  (3.)  You  fhould  con- 
tinue the  ftudying  of  your  Books,  and  not  fpend  on,  upon  the  old  Stock  -, 
(4.)  You  fhould  fear  no  Man's  Face  -,  and  yet  not  turn  Stoutnefs  into  Bra- 
very •,  (5.)  You  fhould  be  truly  impartial,  and  not  fo  as  that  Men  may  fee 
Affeftion  through  fine  Carriage  ;  (6.)  You  fliould  be  a  Light  to  Jurors,  to 
open  their  Eyes,  and  not  to  lead  them  by  the  Nofes  -,  (7.)  You  lliould  not 
affcdt  the  Opinion  of  Pregnancy  and  Expedition  by  an  impatient  and  catchino- 
hearing  of  the  Counfellors  of  the  Bar  ;  (8.)  Your  Speech  fliould  be  with 
Gravity,  as  one  of  the  Sages  of  the  Law  -,  and  not  talkative,  nor  with  im- 
pertinent flying  out,  to  fhew  Learning ;  (9.)  Your  Hands,  and  the  Hands  of 
your  Hands,  thofe  about  you,  fhould  be  clean,  and  uncorrupt  from  Gifts, 
meddling  in  Titles,  and  from  ferving  of  turns,  be  they  of  great  ones  or  fmall 
ones  -,  (to.)  You  fliould  contain  the  Jurifdiftion  of  the  Court  within  the  an- 
cient mere-fl:ones,  without  removing  the  Mark  •,  (n.)  And  laftly,  you  fhould 
carry  fuch  a  hand  over  your  Minifters  and  Clerks,  as  that  they  may  rather 
be  in  awe  of  you,  than  prefume  upon  you  *. 

Thefe 
a  See  Vol.11,  pag.  7J — 76. 


40 S  Speeches  c«  Moral  Occajtons.  SedlJII. 

Thefe  and  the  like  points  of  the  Duty  of  a  Judge,  I  forbear  to  enlarge 
\jpon  as  knowing  that  you  come  fo  furnifhed  and  prepared  with  thefe  good 
Virtues,   that  whatever  I  could  fay  cannot  be  new  to  you. 

Speech    V. 

Made  to  Sir  Wi lliam  Jones,    caWd  to  be  Lord  Chief 

Juflice  of  Ireland  *. 

Sir  William  Jones, 

TH  E  King  being  duly  inform'd  of  your  Sufficiency  every  way,  has  call'd 
you  to  the  ftate  and  degree  of  a  Serjeant  at  Law ;  tho'  not  to  ftay 
here,  but  to  ferve  him  as  Chief  Juftice  of  his  Bench  in  Ireland.  And 
therefore  what  I  fhall  fay  to  you,  muft  be  applied  not  to  your  Serjeant's 
place,  which  you  take  only  in  paflage  •,  but  to  that  great  place  where  you  arc 
to  fettle.  And  not  to  the  delay  of  the  bufinefs  of  the  Court,  I  will  lead  you 
the  fliort  Journey  by  Examples,  and  not  the  long  one  by  Precepts. 

The  place  you  fhall  now  ferve  in,  has  been  fortunate  to  be  well  ferved 
in  four  Succeffions  before  you.  Do  but  take  the  Conftancy  and  Integrity  of 
Sir  Robert  Gardiner  ;  the  Gravity,  Temper,  and  Diredion  of  Sir  James  Lea  i 
the  Quicknefs,  Induftry,  and  Uii^ztdn.  oi  Six  Humphry  Winch  ^  the  Care  and 
Affeftion  to  the  Commonwealth,  with  the  prudent  and  politick  Adminiftra- 
tion  of  Sir  John  Denham  ■■,  and  you  fhall  need  no  other  LefTons.  They  were 
all  Lincoln' s-Inn  Men,  as  you  are  \  you  have  known  them  as  well  in  their  Be- 
ginnings, as  in  their  Advancement. 

But  becaufe  you  are  there  to  be  not  only  Chief  Juftice,  but  a  Counfellor 
of  State,  I  will  put  you  in  mind  of  the  great  Work  now  in  hand  •,  that  you 
may  raife  your  Thoughts  according  to  it.  Ireland  is  the  laft  of  the  Sons  of 
Europe^  which  has  in  many  Parts  been  reclaimed  from  D.folarion  and  a  De- 
fart,  to  Population  and  Plantation  -,  and  from  favage  and  barbarous  Cuftoms 
to  Humanity  and  Civility.  This  is  the  King's  work  in  chief:  it  is  his  Gar- 
land of  heroical  Virtue  and  Felicity,  denied  to  his  Progenitors,  and  referved 
to  his  Times. 

The  Work  is  not  yet  conduced  to  Perfedion,  but  is  in  a  fair  Advance  ; 
and  this  I  will  confidently  fay,  that  if  God  blefs  this  Kingdom  with  Peace 
and  Juftice,  no  Ufurer  is  fo  fure  in  feventeen  Years  to  double  his  Principal 
with  Intereft,  and  Intereft  upon  Intereft,  as  that  Kingdom  is  within  the  fame 
time  to  double  the  Stock  both  of  Wealth  and  People.  So  that  the  Kingdom, 
which  within  thefe  twenty  Years,  wife  Men  doubted  whether  they  fhould 
wifh  a  Pool,  is  now  liktly  to  become  almoft  a  Garden,  and  younger 
Sifter  to  Great-Britain.     And  therefore  you  muft  fet  down  with  yourfelf  to 

be 

3  By  the  Author  as  Lord-Keeper,  anno  1617. 


Se£l.III.         Speeches  on  Moral  Occafiom.  409 

be  not  only  a  jufl:  Governour,  and  a  good  Chief-Jiiftice,  as  ic  were  in  England  ; 
but  under  the  King  and  the  Deputy  you  are  to  be  a  Mafter-Builder,  a  Mafter- 
Planter,  and  a  Reducer  of  Ireland.  To  which  end,  I  will  trouble  you  at 
this  time  but  with  three  Direftions. 

The  Firjl  is.  That  you  have  a  fpecial  care  of  the  three  Plantations.  That 
of  the  North,  which  is  in  part  effefted  ;  that  of  JVexford,  which  is  now  in 
Diftribution  ;  and  that  of  Longford  and  Letrini,  which  is  now  in  Survey. 
And  take  this  from  me.  That  the  Bane  of  a  Plantation  is,  when  the  Under- 
takers or  Planters  make  fuch  hafte  to  a  little  mechanical,  prefent  Profit,  as 
difturbs  the  whole  Frame  and  Noblenefs  of  the  Work  for  times  to  come  .- 
Therefore  hold  them  to  their  Covenants,  and  the  ftridt  Ordinances  of  Plantation. 

Thz  Second  \s.  That  you  be  careful  of  the  King's  Revenues  ;  and  by  little 
and  little  conftitute  him  a  good  Demefne,  ifpoflible,  which  hitherto  is  little 
or  none :  for  the  King's  Cafe  is  hard,  when  every  Man's  Land  fliall  be  im- 
proved in  value,  with  manifold  increafe,  and  the  King  fhall  be  tied  to  his  dry 
Rent, 

My  Lajl  Direflion,  tho'  firft  in  weight,  is.  That  you  do  at!  good  endea- 
vours to  proceed  refolutely  and  conftantly,  and  yet  with  due  Temperance 
and  Equality,  in  Matters  of  Religion  ;  left  Ireland  civ'd  become  more  dan- 
gerous to  us  than /r^/W  favage. 


Vol.  I.  Ggg  SUP- 


SUPPLEMENT   V 


S  E  L  E  C   1' 

LETTERS 

UPON 

VARIOUS    OCCASIONS: 

Relating  to  the 

A  u  T  H  o  r's  Life    and   Writings. 


G    gg    2 


(  4T2    ) 


PREFACE. 


T'IHE  following  Letters  are  not  all  that  the  Author  wrote  ;  hut  fele5fed  from 
a  larger  number,  as  containing  fomewhat  remarkable  either  with  regard  to 
bis  Life  or  Writings.    According  to  this  diJiinSfion,  they  are  here  divided  into 
two  SeSfions ;  the  firjl  whereof  contains  fame  Account  of  his  a^ive,  as  the  other 
does  of  his  contemplative  Life. 

'The-j  are  feverally  ranged  as  near  the  Order  of  Time,  as  could  well  be  difco' 
ver'd  by  their  Dates  or  otberwife.  The  Stile  of  thofe  originally  wrote  in  Englifh 
isfeldom  alter' d,  or  only  where  a  Word  or  Exprejfion  was  obfolete,  that  their  na' 
five  fimjlicity  might  be  the  better  preferv'd.  And  where  any  illufiration  is  want- 
ing, the  Notes  occafionally  fupply  it  chiefly  frorn  Mr.  Stephens's  excellent  Edi- 
tion of  the  Lord  Bacon'j  Letters. 


(413  ) 


S  E  C  T.     I. 

Letters  relating  /■<?  r^^  Author's  Life. 

I. 

lo  the  Lord  Treafurer   Burghley;    upon  determining 

his  Courfe  of  Life, 


WI  T  H  as  much  confidence  as  my  own  honeft  and  faithful  devotioa 
to  your  Service,  and  your  honourable  Afliftance  tome,  can  breed 
in  a  Man,  I  commend  my  felf  to  your  Lordfhip.    I  now  methinks 
grow  fomewhat  ancient ;    one  and  thirty  Tears  is  a  great  deal  of  Sand  in  the 
Hour-glafs.     My  Health,  I  thank  God,  I  find  confirm'd  •,    and  I  do  not 
fear  that  Adlion  will  impair  it ;  becaufe  I  efteem   my  ordinary  Courfe  ot 
Study  and  Meditation  to  be  more  laborious  than  moft  parts  of  Aftion.     I 
ever  bore  a  mind  to  ferve  her  Majefty  in  fome  middle  Place,  that  I  could 
difcharge,  not  as  a  Man  born  under  Sol,  that  loves  Honour  -,  nor  under  Ju- 
piier,  that  loves  Bufinefs,    (for  the  contemplative  Planet  carries  me  away 
wholly  ;)  but  as  a  Man  born  under  an  excellent  Sovereign,  that  deferves  the 
Dedication  of  all  Men's  Abilities.     Bcfides,  I  do  not  find  in   my  felf  fo  much 
Self-love,  but  that  the  greater  part  of  my  Thoughts  are  to  defcrve  well,  if 
I  were  able,  of  my  Friends,  and  particularly  of  your  Lordfhip  ;  who,  being 
the  Julias  of  this  Common-wealth,  the  Honour  of  my  Houfe,  and  the  fecond 
Founder  of  my  poor  Eftate,  I  am  tied  by  all  Duties,   both  of  a  good  Pa- 
triot,   of  an  unworthy  Kinfman,    and  of  an  obliged  Servant,  to  employ 
whatever  I  can,  to  do   you  fervice.     Again,  the  Meannefs  of   my  Eftate 
fomewhat  moves  me  -,   for  tho'   I  cannot  accufe  my  felf,  that  I  am  either 
prodigal   or  flothful,  yet  my  Health  is  not  to  fpend,  nor  my  Courfe  to  get. 
Laflly,  I  confefs,  that  I  have  as  vafl  contemplative  Ends,  as  I  have  moderate 
civil  Ends  :    for  I  have  taken  all    Knowledge  to  be  my   Province  -,  and  if  I 
could  purge  it  of  two  forts  of  Rovers,  whereof  the  one  with  frivolous  Dif- 
putes,  Confutations  and  Verbofities  j  the  other  with  blind  Experiments,  and 

auricular 


414  Letters  relathig  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sec^.  I. 

auricular  Traditions  and  Impoftares,  has  committed  fo  many  Spoils ;  I  iiope 
I  fhould  bring  in  induftrious  Obfervations,  grounded  Conclufions,  and  pro- 
fitable Inventions  and  Dilcoveries  ;  the  beft  State  of  that  Province.  This, 
wr.ether  it  be  Curiofity,  or  Vain-glory,  or  Nature,  or,  if"  one  take  it  favour- 
ably, the  Love  of  M.inkind  -,  is  lb  fix*d  in  my  Mind, that  it  cannot  be  removed  ^ 
And  I  eafily  fee,  that  a  Place  of  any  reafonable  countenance,  brings  Ccm- 
mand  of  more  Wits  than  of  a  Man's  own  ;  which  is  the  thing  I  greatly  afF,  ct. 
And  for  your  Lordfiiip,  perhaps  you  ftiall  not  find  more  Strength  and  iefs 
Encounter  in  any  other.  And  if  you  find  now,  or  at  any  time,  that  I  feek 
or  afFedl  a  Place,  whereto  any  who  are  nearer  to  your  Lordfiiip  lliall  lay 
claim  ;  fay  then  I  am  a  difhonefl  Man.  And  if  your  Lordfhip  will  not  carry 
me  on,  I  will  not  do  as  Anaxagoras  did,  who  reduced  himfelf,  with  Con- 
templation, to  voluntary  Poverty  :  but  this  I  will  do-,  I  will  fell  the  In- 
heritance I  have,  and  purchafe  a  Iefs  of  quicker  Revenue,  or  fome  Office 
of  Gain,  that  fhall  be  executed  by  a  Deputy  •,  and  fo  give  over  all  care  of 
Service,  and  become  fome  forry  Author,  or  a  true  Pioneer  in  that  Mine  of 
Truth,  wliich  (he  laid)  lay  fo  deep.  What  I  now  write  to  your  Lordfhip 
are  rather  Thoughts  than  Words-,  being  fet  down  without  Art,  Difguifeor 
Referve:  wherein  I  have  done  honour  both  to  your  Lordfhip's  Wifdom,  in 
judging  that  will  be  beft  believed  of  you  which  is  trueft  ;  and  to  your  Good- 
Nature,  in  keeping  nothing  from  you.  And  thus  I  wifh  your  Lordfhip  all 
Happinefs ;  and  for  my  felf  Means  and  Occafion,  to  my  faithful  Defire,  todo 
you  fervice. 

Grays- Inn,  Ann.  1591. 


II. 

To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley;    offering  Service. 

I  Know  I  may  comniit  an  Error  in  writing  this  Letter,  both  at  a  time 
of  great  and  weighty  Bufinefs,  and  alfo  when  I  am  not  induced  thereto 
by  any  new  particular  Occafion  -,  and  therefore  your  Lordfiiip  may  accufe  mc 
either  of  Levity,  or  Ignorance  of  Duty.  But  I  have  ever  noted  it  as  a  Part  of 
yourLordfliip's  Wifdom,  not  to  exclude  inferior  Matters  among  the  Cares  of 
great  ones:  and  I  thought  it  would  better  manifeif  what  I  defire  to  exprefs, 
if  I  wrote  out  of  a  deep  and  fettled  Confideration  of  my  own  Duty,  rather 
than  upon  the  Spur  of  a  particular  Occafion.  And  therefore,  my  fingular  good 
Lord,  ex  abundanlia  cordis,  I  mull  acknowledge  how  greatly  and  diverfly 
your  Lordfhip  has  vouchiafed  to  tie  me  to  you  by  many  Benefits.  The  Re- 
verfion  of  the  Office  which  your  Lordfhip  procured  me,  and  carried  thro' 
great  and  vehement  Oppofition,  tho'  it  bear  no  Fruit,  yet  is  one  of  the 
fairell  Flowers  of  my  poor  Eftate.     Your  Lordfhip's  conftant  and  ferious 

Endeavours 

*  See  the  Letter  to  Fither  Fiil^enth,  Seel.  II.  itdfinem. 


Sec^.  I.     Letters  relating  /<?  M^  Aut  hor*s  Life,  415 

Endeavours  to  have   me  Sollicicor  ;  yonr  hice   hononrabh  Wiflies  for  the 
Place  of  the  IVarcli  ;    together  with  your  Lordlliip's  Attempt  to  give  me 
way  by  the  Removof  Mr.  Soilicitar  ;  thefe  are  Matters  of  fingular  Obliga- 
tion :  bcfidcs  many  other  Favours,  as  well  by  your  Lorddiip's  Grants  fronr 
yo'ir  fcif,  as  by  your  Commendation  to  others,    which  I  have  had  for  my 
help  ;  and  may    juftiy  perfuade  my  felf,    out  of  the  few  Denials  I  have  re- 
ceived,   that  fewer  might  have  been,    if  my  own  induftry  and  good-fortune 
had  been  anfwerable  to  your  Lordlliip's  GooJnefs.     But  on  the  other  fide, 
I  mUil  humbly  beg   your  pardon,    if  1  fpeak  it  •,    the  Time  is  yet  to  come 
that  your  Lordlhip  is  to  ufe,   command  or  employ  me,  in   my  Profeflion, 
upon  any  Service  or  Occafion  of  your  own,  or  rchting  to  your  Lordfhip  : 
which  has  made  me  fear  fiynnetimes,  that  you  rather  honourably  affeft  me, 
than  thoroughly  difcern  cf  my  mod  humble  and  dutiful  Affedion  to  your 
Lordfhip  again  -,  which  if  it  were  not  in  me,   I  know  not  whether  I  were  un- 
natural, unthankful,  or  unwife.     This  caufes  me  mod  humbly  to  pray  you 
would  believe,  that  your  Lordfhip  is,  upon  juft  Title,  a  principal  Owner  and 
Proprietor  of  that,   I  cannot  call  Talent,  but  Mite,  which  God  has  given  me ;• 
which  I  ever  do,  and  fhall  devote  to  your  Service.     And  in  like  humble  man- 
ner, I  pray  your  Lordlhip  to  pardon  my  Errors,  and  not  to  impute   tome 
the  Errors  of  any  other  •,   but  to  conceive  ot  me  to  be  a  Man  that  daily  profit? 
in  Duty.     'Tistrue,  I  do  in  part  comfort  myfclf,  fuppofing 'tis  my  Weak- 
nefs  and  Infufficiency  that  moves  your  Lordfhip,  who  has  fo  genera!  a  Com- 
mand, to  ufe  others  more  able.  But  however  that  be,  for  Duty  and  Homage, 
I  will  undertake,  that  Nature  and  true   Thankfulnefs  flial!  never  give  place 
to  political  Depcndance.     Laftty,  I  moft  humbly  defire  you,  to  continue  to 
me  that  good  Favour,  Countenance  and  Encouragement,  in  the  Courfc  of  my 
poor  Labours,  whereof  I  have  had  fome  Tafte  and  Experience  ;  for  which  I 
return  your  Lordfhip  my  very   humble  Thanks.     And  thus  again,  craving 
your  pardon  for  fo  long  a  Letter,  that  carries  fo  empty  an  Offer  of  fo  mean' 
a  Service,  tho'  a  true  and  unfeigned  Signification  of  an  honeft  and  avowed 
Duty-  I  remain,  ^c.. 


III. 

To  the  Lord  'Treafurer  Bqrghley;   excuftng  a  SpescB- 

in  Parliame?2t. 

I  Was  forry  to  find,  by  your  Lordfhip  yeflerday,  that  my  lail  Speech 
in  Parliament,  delivered  in  difcharge  of  my  Confcience,  and  Duty  to- 
God,  herMajefly,  and  my  Country,  wasoffenfive.  If  it  were  mif-reported^ 
I  would  be  glad  to  attend  your  Lordfhip,  to  diiavow  anything  Ifaidnot; 
if  it  were  mil-conflrued,  I  would  be  glad  to  explain  my  felf,  to  exclude 
any  Senfe  I  meant  not.  If  my  Heart  be  mif  judged  by  Imputation  of  Po- 
pularity 


41 6  Letters  relating  to  the  h\JTU0Ks>  Life.     Sedl.  I. 

P'llarity  or  Oppofiiion,  by  any  envious  or  officious  Informer,  I  have  great 
wrong  ;  and  the  greater,  becaufe  the  manner  of  my  Speech  evidently  Ihew'd 
that  I  fpoke  finiply,  and  only  to  fatisfy  my  Confcience,  and  not  with  any 
advantage  or  policy  to  fway  the  Caufe  ;  and  my  Terms  carry'd  all  fignifica- 
tion  of  duty  and  zeal  towards  her  Majefty  and  her  fervice.  'Tis  true,  that 
from  the  beginning,  whatever  was  above  a  double  Suh/idy^,  I  wifli'd  might 
(for  precedent  fake)  appear  to  be  extraordinary,  and  (for  difcontent's  lake) 
not  have  been  levied  upon  the  poorer  fort  -,  tho'  I  otherwife  wifh'd  it  as 
rifing  as  I  think  this  will  prove,  and  more.  This  was  my  mind,  I  confefs  it ; 
and  therefore  I  mod  humbly  pray  your  Lord/hip,  firfl:  to  continue  me  in 
yoiT  good  Opinion  ;  and  then  to  perform  the  part  of  an  honourable  Friend 
towards  your  poor  Servant  and  Ally,  in  drawir>g  her  Majefty  to  accept  of 
the  fincerity  and  fimplicity  of  my  Heart,  and  ih  bear  with  the  reft,  and 
reftore  me  to  her  Majefty's  good  favour  ;  which  is  to  me  dearer  than  Life. 


IV. 

To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley  ;  craving  his  ajftjlance. 

I  Give  you  humble  Thanks  for  your  favourable  Opinion,  which,  by  Mr. 
Secretary's  Report,  I  find  you  conceive  of  me,  for  the  obtaining  of  a 
good  Place  ;  which  fome  of  my  honourable  Friends  have  wifh'd  to  me,  nee 
opinanti.  I  will  ufe  no  reafon  to  procure  your  Lordfhip's  mediation,  but 
that  your  Lorddiip  and  my  other  Friends  fhall  in  this  beg  my  Life  of  the 
Queen  ■,  for  I  fee  well  the  Bar  will  be  my  Bier ;  as  I  muft  and  will  ufe  it, 
rather  than  my  poor  Eftate  or  Reputation  fhall  decay.  But  I  fland  indif- 
ferent, whether  God  call  me  or  her  Majefty.  Had  I  that  in  pofTefTion, 
which  by  your  Lordfhip's  only  means,  againft  the  greateft  Oppofulon,  her 
Majefty  granted  me ;  I  wou'd  never  trouble  her  Majefty,  but  ferve  her  ftill 
a  Volunteer,  without  pay.  Neither  do  I  in  this  more  than  obey  the  advice 
of  my  Friends,  as  one  that  wou'd  not  be  wholly  wanting  to  my  felf  Your 
Lordfhip's  good  opinion  fomewhat  confirms  me,  as  that  I  take  comfort  in 
above  all  others  ;  affuring  your  Lordfhip,  that  1  never  thought  lb  well  of 
my  felf  for  any  one  thing,  as  that  I  have  found  a  fitnefs,  to  my  thinking,  in 
my  felf,  to  obferve  and  revere  your  Virtues,  ^c. 

"  See  the  Author's  Speech  upon  the  Motion  of  Subjidy,  in  Mr.  BlackioHrne's  Edition,  Vol.  IV. 
.pag.  300. 


Sedl.  I,    Letters  relating  to  th  AutuoksLi?e,  417 


V. 

To  the  Lord  Treafurer  Burghley  ;  recomjnendbig  his  firji 
Suit  for  the  Sollicitors  Place. 

THO'  I  know,  by  late  experience,  how,  mindful  your  Lordfhipvouch- 
lafes  to  be  of  me  and  my  poor  Fortunes,  fince  it  pleaied  you,  during 
your  Indifpofition,  wlien  her  Majefty  came  to  vifit  your  Lordfhip,  to  make 
mention  of  me  for  my  Employment  and  Preferment;  yet,  being  now  in  the 
Country,  I  prefume  your  Lordlhip,    who  of  your  felf  had  fo  honourable  a 
care  of  the  matter,  will  not  think  it  a  trouble  to  be  follicited  therein.     My 
hope  is,    that  whereas  your  Lordfliip  told  me  her  Majefty  was  fomewhat 
gravelled,    upon  the  offence  Ihe  took  at  my  Speech  in  Parliament ;    your 
Lordfnip's  favourable  word  (as  you  afl'ur'd  me,  that  for  your  own  part  you 
judg'd  Ifpoke  to  the  beft)  will  be  as  a  good  Tide  to  remove  her  from  that  Shelf, 
And  'tis  not  unknown  to  your  Lordfhip,  that  I  was  the  firft  of  the  ordinary 
fort,  in  the  lower  Houfe  of  Parliament,   that  fpoke  for  the  Subfidy  :  and  what 
I  faid  afterwards  in  difference,  was  but  in  circumftance  of  Time  and  Manner  ; 
which  methinks  fhou'd  be  no  greater  matter  ;  fince  there  is  a  variety  allow'd 
in  Counfel,  as  a  Difcord  in  Mufick,  to  make  it  more  perfedl.     But  I  may 
juftly  doubt,    not  fo  much  her  Majefty's  imprefllon  upon  this  particular,    as 
her  opinion  otherwife  of  my  Infufficiency  ;  which  tho'  I  acknowledge  to  be 
great,    yet  it  will  be  the  lefs,    becaufe  I  purpofe  not  to  divide  my  felf  be- 
tween her  Majefty  and  the  Caufes  of  other  Men,  but  to  attend  her  bufinefs 
only  •,  hoping  that  a  whole  Man  of  mean  abilities,  may  do  as  well  as  half  a 
Man  better  able.     And  if  her  Majefty  think  fhe  fhall  make  an  adventure  in 
ufing  one  who  is  rather  a  Man  of  ftudy,    than  of  pradtice  and  experience, 
furely  I  may  remember  to  have  heard  that  my  Father  was  made  Soiiicitor  of 
the  Augmentation,  (a  Court  of  much  bufinefs)  when  he  had  never  pradifed, 
and  was  but  feven  and  twenty  years  old  ;  and  Mr.  Brograve  was,  in  my  time, 
call'd  to  be  Attorney  of  the  Di'.ichy,    when  he  had  prattifed  little  or  nothing  ; 
and  yet  difcharged  his  Place  with  great  fLi.^ficiency.     But  thefe  things,  and 
the  like,  are  as  her  Majefty  fhall  be  made  capable  of  them:  wherein,  knowing 
what  Authority  your  Lordfliip's  Commend.uion    has  with  her   Majefty,  I 
conclude  that  the  Subftance  of  Strength,  which  I  may  receive,  will  be  from 
your  Lordftiip.     'Tis  true,    my  Life  has  been  fb  private,  that  I  have  had  no 
means  to  do  your  Lordfhip  fervice  ;  but  yet,  you  know,  I  have  made  offer 
of  fuch  as  I  could  yield  :    for  as  God  has  given  me  a  Mind  to  love  the  Pub- 
lick  ;  fo,  incidently,    I  have  ever  had  your  Lordfhip  in  fingular  admiration  ; 
whofe  happy  Ability  her  Majefty  has  fo  long  ulcd,   to  her  great  honour  and 
yiji.rs.     Bcfides,  that  amendment  of  ftate  or  countenance,    which  I  have  re- 
ceiv'd,   has  been  from  you.     And  therefore  if  your  Lordfhip  fliall  ftand  a 
Vol.  I.  H  h  h  good 


41 8  LeUers  relatbjg  to  the  Authors  Life.     Se<5l.  I, 

good  Friend  to  your  poor  Ally,   you  fha'l  but  tueri  Opus  proprium;  which 
you  have  begun.     And  your  Lordfhip  fhall  beftow  your  benefit  upon  one 
that  has  more  fenfe  of  obligation  than  of  felf-love. 
June  the  7th,  1595. 

VI. 

To  Sir  Robert  Cecil;  iniimaimg  Sufpicion  of  unfair 

PraBices. 

I  Forbear  not  to  write  as  much  as  I  thought  to  have  fiiid  to  your  Honour 
to-day,  if  1  cou'd  have  fVaid  ;  knowing  that  if  you  fhou'd  make  other 
ufe  of  it,  than  is  due  to  good  meaning  -,  and  than  I  am  perfuaded  you  will  -, 
yet  to  Perfons  of  judgment,  and  that  know  me  otherwife,  it  will  rather  ap- 
pear (as  it  is)  a  precife  honefty,  and  fnuni  cuique  tribuere-,  than  any  hollownels. 
'Tis  my  luck  itill  to  be  a-kin  to  fuch  things  as  I  neither  like  in  nature,  nor 
wou'd  willingly  meet  with  in  my  courfe  •,  yet  cannot  avoid,  without  Ihew 
of  bafe  timoroufnefs,  or  elfe  of  unkind  or  fufpicious  ftrangenefs.  I  am  of 
one  Spirit  ftiU  ;  I  ever  lik'd  the  Galenifts  that  deal  with  good  Compoficions, 
and  not  the  Paracelfijls  that  deal  with  fine  Separations.  And  in  Mufick,  I  ever 
loved  eafy  Airs,  that  go  full,  a!!  the  parts  together -,  and  not  thofe  ftrange 
points  of  Accord  and  Difcord.  This  I  write  not,  I  aflure  your  Honour,  offi- 
cioufly ;  except  it  be  according  to  faZ/j's  Offices,  that  is,  honeflly  and  mo- 
rally. For  tho',  I  thank  God,  I  reckon  upon  the  proceeding  in  the  Queen's 
fervice,  or  not  proceeding,  both  ways ;  and  therefore  neither  mean  to  fawn 
nor  retire  ;  yet  I  naturally  defire  the  good  opinion  of  any  Perfon,  who  for 
fortune  or  fpirit  is  to  be  regarded  -,  much  more  with  a  Secretary  of  the  Queen, 
and  a  Coufin-german  ;  and  one,  with  whom  I  ever  thought  my  felf  to  have 
fome  fympathy  of  nature  ;  tho'  accidents  have  not  fuffer'd  it  to  appear. 
Thus  not  doubting  of  your  honourable  interpretation,  and  udtge  of  what  I 
have  written  ;  I  commend  you  to  the  divine  prefervation, 
Grays-Inn. 

VII. 

To  Sir  Robert   Cecil;    expoflulating  upon  his  ConduSi 

towards  the  Author. 

YOUR  Honour  knows,  my  manner  is,  tho'  it  be  not  the  wifeft  way, 
yet  taking  it  for  the  honefteff,  to  do  as  Alexander  did  by  his  Phyfician, 
in  drinking  the  Medicine,  and  delivering  the  advertifement  of  fufpicion  ;  lo 
I  truft  on,  and  yet  do  not  fmother  what  I  hear.  I  aifure  you.  Sir,  that  by 
a  wife  Friend  of  mine,  and  not  fadlious  toward  you,  I  was  told  with  afleve- 

ration. 


Se(5l.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author'sLife.  419 

ration,  that  your  Honour  was  bought  by  Mr.  Coventry  for  two  thoufand  An- 
gels •,  and  that  you  wrought  in  a  contrary  fpirit  to  my  Lord  your  Father, 
And  he  faid  farther,  that  from  your  Servants,  from  your  Lady,  from  fome 
Counfellors  that  have  obferv'd  you  in  my  bufinefs,  he  knew  you  wrought 
underhand  againft  me:  the  truth  of  which  Tale  I  do  not  believe.  You  know 
the  event  will  Jhew ;  and  God  will  right.  But  as  I  rtjed  this  report,  (tho' 
the  ftrangenefs  of  my  cafe  might  make  me  credulous)  fo  I  admit  an  Opi- 
nion, that  the  laft  MelTenger  my  Lord  and  your  felf  ufed,  dealt  ill  with 
your  Honours ;  and  that  the  word  Speculation,  which  was  in  the  Queen's 
mouth,  rebounded  from  him,  as  a  Commendation  ;  for  I  am  not  ignorant 
ot  thofe  little  Arts.  "  Therefore,  I  pray,  truft  him  not  again  in  my  matter. 
This  was  much  to  write  ;  but  I  think  my  Fortune  will  fet  me  at  liberty, 
who  am  weary  of  fubjeding  my  felf  to  every  Man's  Charity. 

VIII. 

To  the  Ea?~l  of  Essex',  7'efni?jdi?ig  him  of  his  Suit. 

I  May  perceive,  by  my  Lord  Keeper,  that  your  Lordfhip,  as  the  time 
ferv'd,  fignify'd  to  him  an  intention  to  confer  with  his  Lordfhip  at  bet- 
ter opportunity  ;  which  in  regard  of  your  feveral  and  weighty  occafions,  I 
have  thought  good  to  put  you  in  remembrance  of,  that  now  at  his  coming 
to  Court  it  may  be  executed  -,  defiring  your  Lordfhip,  neverthelefs,  not  to 
conceive,  out  of  my  diligence  in  foUiciting  this  matter,  that  I  am  either  much 
in  Appetite  or  much  in  Hope.  As  for  Appetite,  the  Waters  of  Parnajfus  are 
not  like  the  Waters  of  the  Spaw,  that  give  a  ftomach  ;  but  rather  quench  de- 
fires.  And  for  Hope;  how  can  he  hope  much,  that  can  alledge  no  other 
reafon  than  that  of  a  bad  Debtor ;  who  wou'd  pcrfuade  his  Creditor  to  lend 
him  new  Sums,  and  enter  further  with  him,  to  make  him  fatisfy  the  old : 
and  to  her  Majefty,  no  other  reafon  than  that  of  a  Waterman ;  I  am  her 
firft  Man  of  thofe  who  ferve  in  Counfel  of  Law .'' 

IX. 

"To  the  Earl  of  Essex;  upon  the  ^ueejis  refufal  of  the 

Author  s  Service. 

I  Pray  God  her  Majefty's  weighing  be  not  like  the  Weight  of  a  Ballance  ; 
Grav'ui  deorfuin,  Levia  furfutn.  But  I  am  as  far  from  being  alter'din  De- 
votion towards  her,  as  I  am  from  diflruft  that  fhe  will  be  alter'd  in  Opinion 
towards  me,    when  fhe  knows  me  better.     For  my  felf,  I  have  loft  Ibme 

H  h  h  2  Opinion, 

"  It  fliou'd  feem  that  the  Author  had  been  reprefented  to  the  Queen,  as  a  Man  of  Specula- 
tion and  Study i  with  a  view  to  hinder  his  Preferment:  an  Artifice  often  practiied  againft  Men 
01  Learning.    See  above,  Letter  V. 


420  Letters  j'elating  to  the  Author  s  Life.     Sec^.  I. 

Opinion,  fome  Time,  and  fome  Means:  this  is  my  account.  But  then  for  O- 
pinion,  'tis  a  blaft  that  goes  and  comes  -,  for  Time,  'tis  true,  it  goes  and  comes 
not  •,  but  yet  I  have  learn'd  that  it  may  be  redeem'd  •,  for  Means,  I  value 
that  moft,  and  the  rather,  becaufe  I  am  purpofed,  not  to  follow  the  praftice 
of  the  Law  :  and  my  reafon  is  only,  becaufe  it  drinks  too  much  Time,  which 
I  have  dedicated  to  better  purpofes.  And  even  for  the  point  of  eftate  and 
means,  I  partly  incline  to  Thales's,  Opinion,  that  a  Philofopher  may  be  rich 
if  he  will.  Thus  your  Lordfhip  fees  how  I  comfort  my  felf  •,  to  the  increafe 
whereof,  I  wou'd  fain  pleafe  my  felf  to  believe  that  to  be  true  which  my 
Lord  Treafurer  writes ;  viz.  That  'tis  more  than  a  Philofopher  can  jnorally  di- 
gejl.  But  without  any  fuch  high  conceit,  I  efteem  it  like  the  pulling  out  of 
an  aching  Tooth  ;  which  I  remember,  when  I  was  a  Child,  and  had  little 
Philofophy,  I  was  glad  of  when  'twas  done.  For  your  Lordfliip,  I  think 
my  felf  more  beholden  to  you  than  to  any  Man  ;  and  I  fay  I  reckon  my 
felf  as  a  Common  ;  and  as  much  as  is  lawful  to  be  inclofed  of  a  Common,  fa 
much  your  Lordfhip  fliall  be  fare  to  have. 

X. 

To  the  Earl  of  Essex;  about  his  LordJJjip's  ConduSi  with 

the  ^ueen. 

I  Will  no  longer  diiTever  part  of  what  I  meant  to  have  faid  to  your  Lord- 
fhip at  Barn-Ehns^  from  the  Introduction  I  then  made;  only  I  humbly 
defire  your  Lordfhip,  before  you  hear  my  poor  advice,  to  confider,  firji, 
whether  I  have  not  reafon  to  think,  that  your  Fortune  comprehends  mine  ;  next^ 
whether  I  fhift  my  Counfel,  and  do  not  con/tare  mibi ;  for  I  am  perfuaded, 
there  are  fome  wou'd  give  you  the  fame  Counfel  as  I  fliall,  but  for  deroga- 
ting from  what  they  have  faid  heretofore:  thirdly,  whether  you  have  receiv'd 
injury  by  my  advice:  for  alrho*  you  once  told  me,  that  having  fubmitted 
upon  my  well-meant  Motion  at  Nonfuch,  (the  Place  where  you  renew'd 
a  Treaty  with  her  Majefty  of  obfeqiioiis  kindnefs,)  fhe  had  taken  advantage 
of  it  ;  yet,  I  fuppofe  you  do  fince  believe,  that  it  did  greatly  attemper  a 
cold  milignant  Humour  then  growing  upon  her,  towards  you  ;  and  has  done 
you  good  in  the  coniequence.  And  for  my  being  lately  ag.iinft  your  eftran- 
ging  your  felf-,  tho'  I  give  place  to  none  in  true  gratulation,  yet  I  do  not 
repent  of  fafe  Counftl ;  nor  judge  of  the  Play  by  the  firft  A(5t.  Bat  whether 
I  advife  you  t.ie  bell,  or  for  the  beft.  Duty  binds  me  to  offer  to  you  my 
wifhes, 

I  faid  to  your  Lordfhip  the  lafl  time,  Martha,  Martha,  atiendis  ad  pluri- 
ma,  unmn  fufficit;  win  the  Queen:  if  this  be  not  the  beginning,  I  fee  no  end 
of  another  courfe.  1  will  not  now  fpeak  of  fivour  of  aifeftion,  but  of  other 
corrcfpondence  and  agreeablenefs ;  which,  whenever  it  fhall  be  join'd  with 
the  otiier  of  AfFeftion,  I  durfl  wager  my  Life  (let  them  make  what  Profopo- 
»         ^  jf(sia's 


Sed.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.  421 

fxia's  they  will  of  her  Majefty's  nature,)  that  in  you  fhe  will  come  to  the 
Queftion  of,  ^'ui  fiet  homini,  quevi  Rex  viiH  honorare  ?  But  how  is  it  now  ? 
A  Man  of  a  nature  not  to  he  ruled  \  that  has  the  advantage  of  my  AjfcLlion^  and 
knows  it;  of  an  Ejlate  not  grounded  to  his  Greatnefs;  of  a  Popular  Reputation  i 
cf  a  Military  Depend-Jticc :  I  demand  whether  there  can  be  a  more  dangerous 
Image  than  this,  reprefented  to  any  Monarch  living  ;  much  more  to  a  La- 
dy, and  of  her  Majefty's  apprehenfion  ?  And  is  it  not  evident,  that  whilft 
this  imprefTon  continues  in  her  Majefty's  Breaft,  you  can  find  no  other  con- 
dition than  inventions  to  keep  your  Eftate  bare  and  low-,  crofTingand  dif- 
gracing  your  Aftions;  extenuating  and  blafting  your  Merit;  carping  with 
contempt  at  your  nature  and  fifhions ;  breeding,  nouridiing,  and  fortifying 
fuch  Inltruments  as  are  moll  faiflious  againft  you  ;  repulles  and  fcorns  of 
your  Friends,  and  Dependents,  that  are  true  and  ftedfaft ;  winning  and  in- 
veigling away  from  you  fuch  as  are  flexible  and  wavering ;  thrufting  you  inta 
odious  Employments  and  Offices,  to  fupplant  your  Reputation  ;  abufingyou, 
and  feeding  you  with  dalliances  and  demonftrations,  to  divert  you  from  de- 
fcending  into  the  ferious  confideration  of  your  own  cafe ;  and  perhaps  ven- 
turing you  in  dangerous  and  defperate  Enterprifes.  Herein  it  may  pleafe 
your  Eordfhip  to  underftand  me ;  for  I  mean  nothing  lefs,  than  that  thefe 
things  fhou'd  be  plotted  and  intended,  as  in  her  Majefty's  royal  Mind  to- 
wards you:  I  know  the  excellency  of  her  nature  too  well.  But  1  fay,  where- 
ever  the  above-mention'd  impreillon  is  taken  in  any  King's  Breaft  towards  a 
Subjeft,  the  recited  Inconveniences  muft  necefl"arily  follow,  of  political  con- 
fequence ;  in  refpeft  of  fuch  Inftruments  as  are  never  tailing  about  Princes: 
which  fpy  into  their  humours  and  defigns  ;  and  not  only  fecond  them,  but 
in  feconding  increafe  them ;  yes  and  often,  without  their  knowledge,  purfue 
them,  farther  than  rhemfelves  wou'd.  Your  Lordfliip  will  afk  the  Queftion, 
wherewith  the  Athenians  ufed  to  interrupt  their  Orators,  when  they  exagge- 
rated their  dangers  ;  ^dd  igitur  agendum  eji  ?  I  will  tell  your  Lordfliip, 
^<(e  fnibi  nunc  in  mentem  veniunt  ;  fuppofing  neverthelefs,  that  your  felf, 
out  of  your  own  wifdom  upon  the  Cafe,  with  this  plainnefs  and  liberty  re- 
prefented to  you,  will  find  out  better  expedients  and  remedies.  I  wifti  a 
cure  apply'd  to  each  of  the  five  above-mention'd  ImprefTions  ;  which  I  will 
take  not  in  order,  but  as  I  think  they  are  of  weight. 

And  firft,  for  removing  that  Impreffion  of  your  Nature  to  be  opiniatre, 
and  not  manageable ;  above  all  things  I  wifh,  that  all  matters  paft, 
which  cannot  be  revoked,  your  Lordftiip  wou'd  turn  altogether  upon  difla- 
tistadlion,  and  not  upon  your  Nature  or  proper  Difpofition.  This  String  you- 
cannot,  upon  every  apt  occafion,  harp  upon  too  much.  Next,  whereas  I 
have  noted  you  to  fly  and  avoid  the  refemblance  or  imitation  of  my  Lord  of 
Leicejler,  and  Lord  Chancellor  Hatton ;  yet  I  am  perfuaded  it  will  do  you 
much  good,  between  the  Queen  and  you,  to  alledge  them  (as  oft  as  you  find 
occafion)  for  Authors  and  Patterns ;  for  I  know  no  readier  means  to  make 
her  Majefty  think  you  are  in  your  right  way.  Thirdly,  when  at  any  time 
your  Lordftiip  happens  in  Speeches  to  do  her  Majefty  right,  (for  there  is  no 
fuch  thing  as  Flattery  amongft  you  all^  I  fear  you  handle  it,    magis  in  fpe- 

ciem,. 


42  2  Letters  relating  /<?  /^i?  Author's  Life.     Sedl.  I. 

c'lem^  adornatis  verbis,  quam  ut  /entire  videaris :  So  that  a  Man  may  read 
Formality  in  your  Countenance  •,  whereas  your  Lordfhip  fhou'd  do  it  fami- 
liarly, ^  oratione  fida.  Fourthly,  you  fhou'd  never  be  without  feme  Parti- 
culars on  foot,  which  you  fhou'd  feem  to  purfue  with  earneftnefs  and  affec- 
tion ;  and  then  let  them  fall,  upon  taking  knowledge  of  her  Majefly's 
oppofition  and  diflike.  Of  which,  the  weightieft  fort  may  be,  if  your 
Lordfhip  offer  to  labour  in  behalf  of  fuch  as  you  favour,  for  fome  of  the 
Places  now  void;  chufing  thofe  Subjefts  you  think  her  Majefty  is  likely  to 
oppofe:  and  if  you  fiy  this  is  conjuntJum  cum  aliena  injuria  ;  I  will  not  an- 
fwer,  hruc  non  al'iter  conjlabunt  •■,  but  I  fay,  commendation  from  fo  good  a 
Mouth  does  not  hurt  a  Man,  tho'  you  prevail  not,  A  lefs  weighty  Ibrt  of 
Particulars  may  be  the  pretence  of  fome  Journeys,  which,  at  her  Majefty's 
requefl,  your  l.ordihip  might  relinquifli  -,  as  if  you  wou'd  pretend  a  Journey 
to  fee  your  Eftate  towards  IVales,  or  the  like  :  for  as  to  great  foreign  Jour- 
neys of  employ  and  fervice,  it  flands  not  with  your  gravity  to  play  or  ftrata- 
gem  with  them.  And  the  lightefl  fort  of  particulars,  tho'  not  to  be  neg- 
lefted,  are  in  your  Habit,  Apparel,  Geflurcs,  and  the  like. 

The  fecotjd  ImprefTion  of  greateft  prejudice,  is  that  of  a  Military  Depen- 
dence ;  wherein  I  cannot  fufficiently  wonder  at  your  procedure.  You  fay 
War  is  your  occupation,  and  go  on  in  that  courfe  ;  whereas,  if  I  might  have 
advifed  your  Lordfhip,  you  fliou'd  have  left  that  charafler  at  Plyinouth  ;  any 
more  than  when  in  Council,  or  in  recommending  fit  Perfons  for  military 
Service,  where  it  was  feafonable.  And  here,  my  Lord,  I  pray  miflake  me 
not ;  I  am  not  now  to  play  the  part  of  a  Gown-Man,  that  wou'd  frame  you 
befl  to  my  own  turn.  I  know  what  I  owe  you.  I  am  infinitely  glad  of 
this  laft  Journey,  now  'tis  pafl ;  the  rather,  becaufe  you  may  make  fo  ho- 
nourable a  full  Point  for  a  time.  You  have  Property  good  enough  in  that 
greatnefs :  there  is  none  can,  for  many  years,  afcend  near  you  in  competition. 
Befides,  thedifpofing  of  the  Places  and  Affairs,  both  concerning  the  Wars, 
(while  you  increafe  in  other  greatnefs)  will  of  themfelves  flow  to  you ; 
•which  will  preferve  that  Dependence  in  full  meafure.  'Tis  a  thing  of  all  o- 
thers  I  wou'd  have  you  retain,  the  Times  confider'd,  and  the  necefTity  of 
the  Service  -,  for  other  reafon  I  know  none:  yet  I  fay,  keep  it  in  fubftance, 
but  aboliili  it  in  fiicw  to  the  Queen  ;  for  her  Majefly  loves  Peace.  Next,  fhe 
loves  not  Charge.  'Thirdly,  tiiat  kind  of  Dependence  makes  a  fulpedled  great- 
nefs. Therefore,  quod  iiifiat  agamus.  Let  that  be  a  fleeping  Honour  awhile  i 
and  cure  the  Queen's  Mind  in  that  point. 

Therefore  again,  as  I  heard  your  Lordfhip  defigning  to  your  felf  the  Earl 
Marjhal's  Place,  or  the  Place  of  Mafler  of  the  Ordnance ;  I  did  not  fo  well 
like  of  either,  becaufe  of  their  afiinity  with  a  martial  Greatnefs.  But  for 
the  Places  now  vacant ;  in  my  judgment,  I  wou'd  name  you  to  the  Place  of 
Lord  Privy-Seal.  For  'tis  the  third  Perfon  of  the  great  Officers  of  the 
Crown.  Next,  it  has  a  kind  of  luperintendence  over  the  Secretary.  It  has 
alfo  an  affinity  with  the  Court  of  Wards,  in  regard  of  the  Fees  from  the  Li- 
veries ;  and  'tis  a  great  Honour,  a  quiet  Place,  and  worth  a  thoufand  Pounds 
a  Year :  my  Lord  Admiral's  Father  had  it,  who  was  a  martial  Man ;  and 

it 


Se<5t.  I.     Letters  relating  to  tie  Authors  Life.  423 

it  fits  a  Favourite  to  carry  her  Majefty's  Image  in  Seal,  who  bears  it  befl 
exprcffed  in  Hcirr.  But  my  chief  reafon  is,  tha:  which  I  firft  alledg'd,  to 
divert  her  IVIajefty  from  this  ImprefTion  of  martial  Greatnefs.  In  concurrence 
whereof,  if  your  Lordlhip  fhall  not  remit  any  thing  of  your  former  Diligence 
at  the  Star-Chamber  ;  if  you  fhall  continue  fuch  Intelligences  as  are  worth 
the  cherifhing  •,  if  you  fhall  pretend  to  be  as  bookiili  and  contemplative  as 
ever;  all  thefe  Courfes  have  both  their  Advantages  and  Ufes  inthemfelves 
otherwife,  and  ferve  exceeding  aptly  to  this  Purpofe.  Whereto  I  add  one  Ex- 
pedient more,  ftronger  than  all  the  reft  ;  and  for  my  own  confident.  Opinion, 
void  of  any  Prejudice  or  Danger  of  Diminution  to  your  Greatnefs  •,  and  that 
is,  the  bringing  of  fome  martial  Man  to  be  of  the  Coiaidl  ;  dealing  direftly 
with  her  Majefty  in  if,  as  for  her  Service,  and  your  better  Afllftance:  chufing, 
neverthelefs,  fome  Perfon  that  may  be  known  not  to  come  in  againft  you 
by  any  former  Divifion.  I  judge  the  fitteft  to  be  my  Lord  Mottnljoy,  or  my 
Lord  IVilloughby.  And  if  your  Lordfhip  fee  deeper  into  it  than  I  do,  that 
you  wou'ci  nor  have  it  done  in  efied: ;  yet  in  my  Opinion,  you  may  ferve 
your  turn  by  the  pretence  of  it,  and  ftay  it  neverthelefs. 

Tht  :hird  Impreffion  is  of  a  Popular  Reputation  ;  which,  becaufe  'tis  a 
thing  good  in  icfelf,  being  obtained  as  your  Lordfhip  obtains  it,  that  is, 
bonis  artibus ;  and  becaufe,  well  governed,  'tis  one  of  the  Flowers  of  your 
Greatnefs,  both  prefent  and  to  come,  it  lliould  be  handled  tenderly.  The 
only  way  is  to  quench  it  verbis,  not  rebus:  and  therefore  to  take  all  occafions 
with  the  Queen,  to  fpe;ik  againft  Popularity  and  popular  Courfes  vehemently  ; 
and  to  tax  it  in  all  others  •,  bur,  neverthelefs,  to  go  on  in  your  honourable 
common-wealth  Courfes  as  you  do.  And  therefore  I  will  not  advile  you  to 
cure  this,  by  dealing  in  Monopolies,  or  any  Opprefiions ;  only,  if  in  Par- 
liament your  Lordfhip  be  forward  for  Treafure,  in  refpeft  of  the  Wars,  it 
becomes  your  Perfon  well :  and  if  her  Majefty  object  Popularity  to  you  at 
any  time,  I  would  fay  to  her,  a  Parliament  ivillJJjeiv  that  ;  and  fo  feed  her 
with  Expeftation. 

The  fourth  Impreffion,  that  of  the  Inequality  between  your  Eftate  of 
Means  and  your  Greatnefs  of  Refpedls,  is  not  to  be  ntglefted.  For  believe 
it,  my  Lord,  till  her  Majefty  find  you  careful  of  your  Eftate,  (he  will 
not  only  think  you  more  likely  to  continue  chargeable  to  iier  -,  but  fuppofe 
you  have  higher  Imaginations.  The  Remedies  are,  firft,  to  profels  it  in  all 
fpeeches  to  her  :  next,  in  fuch  Suits  wherein  both  Honour,  Gift  and  Profit 
may  be  taken,  to  communicate  freely  with  her  Majefty,  by  way  of  inducing. 
her  to  grant  that  it  will  be  this  benefit  to  you.  Laftly,  to  be  plain  witii 
your  Lordfhip,  nothing  can  make  the  Queen  or  the  World  think  fo  much 
that  you  are  come  to  a  provident  care  of  your  Eftate,  as  the  altering  ot  fome 
of  your  Officers ;  who,  tho*  they  are  as  true  to  you  as  one  hand  to  tne  other  •, 
yet  opinio  veritate  major :  but  if,  in  relpedt  of  the  Bonds  they  may  be  entered 
into  for  your  Lordfhip,  you  cannot  fo  WlH  difmifi  them  ;  this  cannot  be 
done  but  with  Time. 

For  the////' and  laft,  which  is  of  the  Advantage  of  a  Favourite  ;  as»  feve^'d 
from  the  reft,  it  cannot  hurt  •,  fo,  join'd  with  them,ic  makes  her  Majtfty  more 

fearfui 


424-  Letters  relating  to  tl)3  An r hors  Liv e.     Se5:.  I. 

fearful  and  apprehenfive  -,  as  not  knowing  her  own  Strength.  The  only  Remedy 
for  this  is,  to  give  way  to  fome  other  Favourite,  as  in  particular  you  fhali 
find  her  Majefty  inclined  -,  fo  that  the  Subjeft  has  no  dangerous  afpeft  towards 
yourfeir.  For  otherwife,  whofoever  fhall  tell  me,  that  you  may  not  have 
fingular  ufe  of  a  Favourite  at  your  devotion  ;  I  will  fay  he  underftands  not 
the  Queen's  Affeftion,  nor  your  Lordlhip's  Condition. 
Oifober  4.  1596. 


XI. 

To  the  Earl  of  Essex',  dejiring  he  would  ex  c  ufe  the  Author  s 
Defgn  to  the  ^een,    of  going  abroad-^  after  his  Refufal. 

I  Am  forry  her  Majefty  fhould  take  my  motion  of  Travelling  in  offence. 
But  furely,  under  her  Majefty's  royal  Corredion,  'tis  fuch  an  Offence  as  it 
would  be  to  the  Sun,  when  a  Man,  to  avoid  the  fcorching  Heat  thereof, 
flies  into  the  Shade.  And  your  Lordfhip  may  eafily  think,  that  having  now, 
thefe  twenty  Years  (for  fo  long 'tis  fince  I  went  with  Sir  ^?nyas  Panlet  into 
France^,  from  her  Majefty's  royal  Hand)  made  her  Service  the  Scope  of  my 
Life  -,  I  fliall  never  find  a  greater  grief  than  this,  relinquere  amorem  primum. 
But  fince  frincifia  atfionum funt  tanlum  in  nojlra  potejlate  ;  I  hope  her  Majefty 
of  her  Clemency,  and  Juftice,  will  pardon  me,  and  not  force  me  to  pine  here 
■with  melancholy.  For,  tho'  my  Heart  be  good,  yet  my  Eyes  will  before; 
fo  that  I  fhall  have  no  pleafure  to  look  abroad.  And  if  I  ffiould  otherwife 
be  affe<5ted,her  Majefty,  in  her  Wifdom,  will  but  think  mean  impudent  Man, 
that  would  face  out  a  Difgrace.  Therefore,  as  I  have  ever  found  you  my 
good  Lord  and  true  Friend,  I  pray  fo  open  the  matter  to  her  Majefty,  as 
fhe  may  difcern  the  Neceffity  of  it  -,  without  adding  hard  Thoughts  CO  her 
Rejedtion  ;  of  which,  I  am  fure,  the  latter  I  never  deferved. 
An.  1598. 


XII. 

TotheEarlofEs^Ex;  upon  the  EarfsExpedition  into 

Ireland. 

YOUR  late  Obfervance  of  my  Silence,  in  your  Occafions,  makes  me 
fet  down  a  few  wandring  Lines,  as  one  that  would  fay  fomewhat, 
and  can  fay  nothing,  upon  your  Lordfhip's  intended  Charge  for  Ireland!. 
My   Endeavour  I  know  you  will  accept  graciojfly  and  well  >  whether  you 

take 
*  The  Author  being  then  about  eighteen. 


Sed.  I.     Letters  relating  /(?  />5^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  L  i  f  e.  425 

take  it  by  the  handle  of  the  Occafion,   minifter'd  from  yourfelf,  or  of  the 
AfFedion  from  whence  it  proceeds. 

Your  LordlTiip  is  defigned  to  a  Service  of  great  Merit  and  Danger  :  and 
as  the  Greatnefsof  the  Danger  muft  needs  include  a  Jilce  proportion  of  Merit  ■■> 
io  theGreatnefs  of  tiie  Merit  may  include  no  fmall  confequence  of  Danger  ; 
if  it  be  not  temperately  governed.  Vor  all  immoderate  Succefs  extinguifhes 
Merit,  and  ftirs  up  Dilfaile  and  Envy  ;  the  affured  Fore-runnt^rs  of  whole 
Cliarg-s  of  Danger.  But  I  am  at  the  lail  Point  firfl: ;  fome  good  Spirit  lea.ling 
my  Pen  to  prefage  Succefs  to  your  LordiTiip:  wherein,  'tis  true,  I  am  not 
without  my  Oracles  and  Divinations-,  none  of  them  fuperftitious,  and  yet  not 
all  natural.  For  firll,  looking  into  the  Courfe  of  God's  Provilenre,  in 
things  now  depending  ;  and  calling  to  mind,  how  great  things  God  has  done 
by  her  Majefty  and  for  her ;  I  collect  he  has  difpofed  of  this  great  Defeflion 
in  Irelandy  thereby  to  give  an  urgent  occafion  to  the  Reduftion  of  thar  whole 
Kingdom  ;  as  upon  the  Rebellion  of  Dejmond  there  enfued  the  Reduftion  of 
that  whole  Province. 

Secondly,  Your  Lordiliip  goes  againft  three  of  the  unluckiefl:  Vices  of  all 
others  -,  Difloyalty,  Ingratitude  and  Inlblence  -,  which  three  Offences,  in  all 
Examples,  have  ieldom  their  Doom  adjourn'd  to  the  next  World. 

Lajlly,  He  that  fliail  have  had  the  honour  to  know  yourLordfhip  in- 
wardly, as  I  have  had,  fhall  find  l>o>2a  Extii  ;  whereby  he  may  better  ground 
a  Divination  of  Good,  than  upon  the  Dilfedion  of  a  Sacrifice.  But  that  part 
I  leave  ;  as  'tis  fit  for  others  to  be  confident  upon  you,  and  you  to  be  confi- 
dent upon  the  Caufe  -,  the  Goodnefsand  Juftice  whereof  is  fuch,  as  can  hardly- 
be  matched  in  any  Example  :  it  being  no  ambitious  War  againft  Foreigners, 
but  a  Recovery  of  Subjjds  ;  and  that  after  Leniry  of  Conditions  often  tried  ; 
and  a  Recovery  of  them  not  only  to  Obedience,  but  to  Humanity  and  Policy 
from  more  than  Indian  Barbarifm. 

There  is  yet  another  kind  of  Divination,  familiar  to  matters  of  State  j 
being  that  which  Detnojlbenes  \o  often  relied  upon,  when  he  faid,  what  for 
the  Time  pnft  is  worft  of  all,  is  for  the  Time  to  come  the  beft  :  which  is,  that 
things  go  ill,  not  by  Accident,  but  by  Errors  ;  wherein,  if  your  Lordfhip 
has  been  herctofo'e  an  awaking  Cenfor  ;  yet  you  muft  look  for  no  other 
now,  but  Mt'dice,  ciira  leUjiim.  And  tho'  you  fhall  not  be  the  happy  Phyfi-ian 
that  comes  in  the  Decline  of  the  Difeafc  •,  yet  you  embrace  that  condition 
which  many  noble  Spirits  have  accepted  for  Advantage  i  which  is,  that  you 
go  upon  the  greater  danger  of  your  Fortune,  and  the  lefs  of  your  Reputarion; 
and  fo  the  Honour  countervails  the  Adventure :  of  which  Honour  your  Lord- 
fhip is  in  no  fmall  pofllffion,  when  her  Majefty  (known  to  be  one  of  the  moft 
judicious  Princes  in  difcerningoi  Spirits  that  ever  governed)  has  made  choice 
of  you,  merely  out  of  her  royal  judgment,  (her  Affe<5tion  inclining  rather 
to  continue  your  Attendance  ;)  into  whofe  Hand  andTruft  to  put  the  Com- 
mand and  Condudl  of  fo  great  Forces  •,  the  gathering  the  Fruir  of  fo  great 
Charge  ■,  the  Execution  of  fo  many  Counfels ;  the  redeeming  of  the 
Defaults  of  fo  many  former  Governors ;  and  the  clearing  of  the  Glory  of  her 
io  many  happy  Years  Reign,  only  in  this  part  eclipfed.  Nuy  more,  how 
V  o  L.  I.  I  i  i  far 


V 


426  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

far  the  Danger  of  the  State  is  interl.iced  with  the  Danger  of  England,  and 
therefore  how  great  the  Honour  is,  to  keep  and  defend  the  Approaches  or 
Avenues  of  this  Kingdom,  I  hear  many  difcourfe  ;  and  there  is  a  great  dif- 
ference, whether  the  Toitoife  gathers  herfeif  within  lier  Shell  hurt  or  unhurt. 

And  if  any  Man  be  of  opinion,  that  the  Nature  of  the  Enemy  extenuates 
the  Honour  of  the  Service,  being  but  a  Rebel  and  a  Savage  ;  I  differ  from 
him  :  for  I  fee  the  jufteft  Triumphs  that  the  Romans  in  their  Greatnefs  ob- 
tain'd,  and  thofe  from  whence  the  Emperors  in  their  Titles  received  Addition 
and  Denomination,  were  of  fuch  an  Enemy  as  this ;  that  is.  People  barba- 
rous, and  not  reduced  to  Civility,  magnifying  a  kind  of  lawlefs  Liberty,  and 
prodigal  of  Life  •,  harden'd  in  Body,  fortified  in  Woods  and  Bogs,  and  placing 
both  Juftice  and  Felicity  in  theSharpnefsof  their  Swords  :  fuch  were  the  Ger- 
mans, ancient  Britons,  and  divers  others.  Upon  which  kind  of  People,  whether 
the  Viftory  were  a  Conqucft  or  a  Re-conqueft,  upon  a  Rebellion  or  a  Re- 
volt, it  made  no  difference  in  Honour  ;  and  therefore  'tis  not  the  enriching  pre- 
datory War  that  has  the  Pre-eminence  in  Honour;  elfe  would  it  be  more  honour 
to  bring  in  a  Carrack  of  rich  Burden,  than  one  of  the  twelve  Spawjh  Apoflles  ^ 
But  then  this  Nature  of  the  People  yields  a  higher  Point  of  Honour,  confi- 
dered  in  Truth  and  Subftance,  than  any  War  can  yield,  which  fhould  be 
atchieved  againft  a  civil  Enemy  ;  if  the  end  may  be,  pacifque  imponere  7norem^ 
to  replant  and  refound  the  Policy  of  that  Nation  ;  to  which  nothing  is  want- 
ing, but  a  juft  and  civil  Government :  which  Defign,  as  it  defcends  to  you 
from  your  noble  Father,  who  loft  his  Life  in  that  Aftion,  (tho'  he  paid  tribute 
to  Nature  and  not  to  Fortune  •,)  lb  I  hope  your  Lordfhip  fhall  be  as  fatal  a 
Captain  to  this  War,  as  Africanus  was  to  the  War  of  Carthage  ;  after  both  his 
Uncle  and  Father  had  loft  their  Lives  in  Spain,  in  the  fame  War.  Now  tho' 
all  this  be  not  much  to  the  purpofe  of  Advice,  yet  'tis  what  I  have  left  me  -, 
being  no  military  Man,  and  ignorant  in  the  Particulars  of  State.  For  a 
Man  may,  by  the  Eye,  fetup  the  White  in  the  midll  of  the  Butt,  tho'  he  be 
no  Archer. 

Therefore  I  will  only  add  this  Wifh,  according  to  the  Englijh  Phrafe,  which 
terms  a  well-meant  Advice,  a  Wifli ;  that  your  Lordfhip  in  the  whole 
Adtion,  looking  forward,  would  let  it  down,  that  Merit  is  worthier  than 
Fame  ;  and  looking  back  hither,  remember,  That  Obedience  is  better  than 
Sacrifice.  For  endeavouring  at  Fame  and  Glory,  may  make  your  Lordfhip, 
in  the  Adventure  of  your  Perfon,  to  be  valiant  as  a  private  Soldier,  rather 
than  as  a  General :  it  may  make  you  in  your  Commands  rather  to  be  gra- 
cious than  dilciplinary  ;  it  may  make  you  prefs  a£lion  rather  hallily  than 
feafonably  and  f^ifely  ;  it  may  make  you  leek  rather  toatchieve  the  War  by 
force,  than  by  intermixture  of  Pradlice  -,  it  may  make  you,  if  God  Ihall 
fend  profperous  Beginnings,  rather  feek  the  Fruition  of  that  Honour,  than 
the  Perfeftion  of  the  Work  in  hand.  And  for  the  other  Point,  that  is,  the 
proceeding  like  a  good  Proteftant,  upon  exprefs  Warrant,  and  not  upon  good 
Intention  ;  your  Lordfhip  in  your  Wifdom  knows,  that  as  'tis  moll  fit  for 

you 

»  Alluding  to  the SpmiJJj  Armada;  wherein  were  twelve  Ships,  called  by  theNamesof  the 
twelve  Apoftles. 


Se<ft.  I.     Letters  relating  to  tl)e  Authors  Life.  427 

you  to  defire  convenient  liberty   of  Inftriiflions,  fo  'tis  no  lefs  fit  for   you 
to  obferve  the  due  limits  of  them  ;  remcmbring  that  the  exceeding  of  them 
may  not  only  procure,  in  cafe  of  adverfe  accidents,  a  dangerous  difavow ; 
but  alfo,  (in  cafe  of  profperous  fuccefs)  be  fubjedl  to  interpretation  ;  as  if  all       ^ 
were  not  referred  to  the  right  end. 

Thus  I  have  prefum'd  to  write  to  your  Lordfiiip,  in  meihodo  ignorantice ; 
which  is,  when  a  Man  fpcaks  of  any  Subjeft,  not  according  to  its  merits, 
but  according  to  the  model  of  his  own  Knowledge:  and  mod  humbly  de- 
fire that  the  weaknefs  thereof  may  be  fupply'd  in  your  Lordfhip,  by  a  kind 
reception  ;  as  'tis  in  me  by  my  beft  wifhcs. 
Ah.  1599. 


XIII. 

To  the  Lord  Henry  Howard;  clearifig  himfelf  of  Afper-- 
Jion  i?i  the  Cafe  of  the  Earl  of  Essex. 

THERE  are  very  few  befiJes  your  felf,  to  whom  I  wou'd  perform  this 
refpecl ;  for  I  contemn  Meiidacia  FamcB,  as  it  walks  among  inferiors ; 
tho'  I  negledl  it  not,  as  it  may  have  entrance  into  fome  Ears.  For  your 
Lordfliip's  love,  rooted  upon  good  Opinion,  I  efteem  it  highly  ;  becaufe  I 
have  tafted  the  Fruits  of  it  •,  and  we  have  both  tafted  of  the  beft  Waters,  in 
my  account,  to  knit  Minds  together.  There  is  fhaped  a  tale  in  Lo?idon''s 
Forge,  which  beats  apace  at  this  time,  that  I  fhou'd  deliver  Opinion  to  the 
Queen,  in  my  Lord  of  EJfex^s  Caufe  ;  firft,  that  'twas  Pramunire ;  and  now 
laft,  that  twas  High  Treafon  ;  and  this  Opinion  to  be  in  oppofition  and  en- 
counter of  the  Lord  Chief  Juftice's  Opinion,  and  the  Attorney -General's.  My 
Lord,  I  thank  God,  my  Wit  ferves  me  not  to  deliver  any  Opinion  to  the 
Queen,  which  my  Heart  ferves  me  not  to  maintain  •,  one  and  the  fame  Con- 
fcience  of  Duty  guiding  and  fortifying  me.  But  the  untruth  of  this  Fable, 
God  and  my  Sovereign  can  vvitnefs  •,  and  there  I  leave  it:  knowing  no  more 
remedy  againft  Lyes,  tlian  others  do  againft  Libels. 

The  Root,  no  queflion,  of  it  is,  partly,  fome  light-headed  Envy  at  my 
Accefles  to  her  Majefty  ;  which  being  begun  and  continu'd  fince  my  Child- 
hood, as  long  as  her  Majefty  fliall  think  me  worthy  of  them,  I  fcorn  thofc 
that  {hall  think  the  contrary.  And  another  reafon  is,  the  afperfion  of  this 
Tale,  and  the  Envy  thereof,  upon  fome  greater  Man,  in  regard  of  my 
nearnefs.  And  therefore,  my  Lord,  I  pray  you  anfwer  for  me,  to  any  Per- 
fon  that  you  think  worthy  your  own  Reply,  and  my  Defence.  As  for  my 
Lord  of  Ejfex,  I  am  not  fervile  to  him  ;  having  regard  to  my  Superior's  D  ity. 
I  have  been  much  obliged  to  him.  And,  on  the  other  fide,  I  have  fpenC 
more  Time,  and  more  Thoughts,  about  his  well  doing,  than  ever  I  did  about 
my  own.  I  pray  God  that  you,  his  Friends  amongft  you,  be  in  the  ri^ht. 
Nulla  retnedia  tarn  faciunt  dolorem.,  quam  qii&  funt  falutaria.    For  my  part,  I 

I i  i  2  have 


428  Letters  relating  to  the  A  u  T  h  o  r  s  L  i  f  e.      Sed.  I. 

have  deferv'd  better,  than  to  have  my  Name  obiedled  to  Envy  ;  or  my  Life 
to  a  Ruffian's  violence.  '  But  I  have  the  Privy-Coat  of  a  good  Confcience.  I 
am  fure  thefe  Courfes  and  Rumours  hurt  my  Lord  more  than  all.  So  ha- 
ving open'd  my  lelf  to  your  Lordfhip,  I  defire  exceedingly  to  be  prefer'd 
n  your  good  Opinion  and  Love. 


XIV. 

To  Sir  FuLKE  Greville'';    complaining  of  his  difap- 
pointfne?tt  in  Preferment, 

IUnderftand  of  your  pains  to  have  vificed  me  -,  for  which  I  thank  you. 
My  matter  is  an  endlefs  queftion.  I  aflure  you  I  had  faid,  requiefce  ani- 
tna  mea:  but  now  I  am  otherwife  put  to  my  Pfalter  ;  nolite  confidere.  I 
dare  go  no  farther.  Her  Majefty  had,  by  fet  Speech,  more  than  once  aflTured 
me  of  her  intention  to  call  ms  to  her  Service ;  which  I  cou'd  not  underftand 
but  of  the  Place  I  had  been  named  to.  And  now,  whether  invidus  homo  hoc 
fecit  ;  or  whether  niy  matter  mud  be  an  Appendix  to  my  Lord  of  EJfex^s 
Suit  -,  or  whether  her  Majefty,  pretending  to  prove  my  Ability,  means  but 
to  take  advantage  of  fome  Errors,  which,  like  enough,  at  one  time  or  other 
I  may  commit,  or  what  it  is  ;  but  her  Majefty  is  not  ready  to  difpatch 
it.  And  what  tho'  the  Majler  of  the  Rolls-,  and  my  Lord  of  EJf:x,  your  felf 
and  others,  think  my  Cafe  certain  -,  yet  in  the  mean  time,  I  have  a  hard 
condition  to  ftand  fo,  that  whatever  Service  I  do  to  her  Majefty,  it  ftiall  be 
thought  to  be  but  S;rvitium  vifcatum  ;  Lime-twigs,  and  Fetches  to  place  my 
felf:  and  fo  I  fhall  have  Envy,  not  Thanks.  This  is  a  Courfe  to  quench  all 
good  Spirits,  and  to  corrupt  every  Man's  Nature  -,  which  will,  I  fear, 
much  hurt  her  Majefty's  Service  in  the  end.  I  have  been  like  a  Piece  of'"- 
Scuff  befpoken  in  the  Shop  ;  and  if  her  Majefty  will  not  take  me,  perhaps 
the  felling  by  Parcels  will  be  more  gainful.  For  to  be,  as  1  told  you,  like  a 
Child  following  a  Bird,  which  when  he  is  neareft  flies  away,  and  lights  a 
little  before,  and  then  the  Child  after  it  again,  and  fo  on  in  infinitum  ;  I  am 
weary  of  it;  as  alfo  of  wearying  my  good  Friends  -,  of  whom,  neverthelefs, 
I  hope  in  one  Courfe  or  other  gratefully  to  deferve.  And  fo  not  forgetting 
your  Bafinefs,  I  ceafe  to  trouble  you  farther  with  this  jujla  y  moderata  ^e- 
rimonia :  for  indeed,,  I  confefs,  primus  amor  will  not  be  eafily  caft  ofiv 

XV. 

*  To  the  (ame  purpofi,  the  Author  writes  another  Letter,  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  in  the  year 
1600,  concluding  thus,  "  As  to  any  Violence  to  be  offer'd  me,  wherewith  my  Friends  tell  me^. 
•'  with  no  fmall  Terror,  I  am  threaten'dj  I  thank  God  I  have  the  Privy-Coat  of  a  good  Con« 
"  fcience;  and  have  long  iince  put  off  any  tearful  care  of  Life,  or  the  accidents  of  Life.  " 

*■  Afterwards  Lojd  Brooki  i  ^nd  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  to  King  Jamts. 


Se<fl.  I.     Letterr relating  to  the  K\]rno^\  hi? t,  429 

XV. 

To  the  Queen  ;  upo?i  his  keepijjg  from  Court, 

IMofl  humbly  intreat  your  Majefty,  not  ro  impute  my  abfence  to  any 
Weaknefs  of  Mind  or  Unworchinefs :  But  I  afTure  your  Majefty,  I  find  En- 
vy beating  ib  ftrongly  upon  me,  that  it  were  not  ftrength  of  Mind,  but 
ftupidity,  if  I  (hou'd  not  decline  the  occafions  ;  except  I  couM  do  your  Ma- 
jefty more  fervice  than  I  can  any  ways  difcern  I  am  able  to  do.  My  Courfe 
towards  your  Majefty,  (God  is  my  witnels)  has  been  pure,  and  unhavened: 
and  never  poor  Gentleman,  I  am  perfuaded,  had  a  deeper  and  truer  defire 
and  care  of  your  Glory,  your  Safety,  your  Repofe  of  Mind,  your  Service  ; 
wherein,  if  I  have  exceeded  my  outward  Vocation,  I  moft  humbly  crav^e 
your  Majefty's  pardon  for  my  prefumption.  On  the  other  fide,  if  I  have 
«ome  fhort  of  my  inward  Vocation  -,  I  moft  humbly  crave  God's  pardon  for 
quenching  the  Spirit.  But  in  this  mind  I  find  much  folitude,  and  want  of 
comfort ;  which  I  judge  to  be,  becaufe  I  take  Duty  too  exactly,  and  not  ac- 
cording to  the  Dregs  of  this  Age  ;  wherein  the  old  Anthem  might  never  be 
more  truly  fung -,  tctus  mundus  in  maligno  pofitus  eft.  My  Life  has  been 
threatened,  and  my  Name  libelled  ;  which  1  count  an  honour.  But  thefe 
are  the  Praftices  of  thofe  whofe  Defpairs  are  dangerous ;  yet  not  lb  dangerous 
as  their  Hopes ;  or  elfe  the  Devices  of  fome,  that  wou'd  put  out  all  your 
Majefty's  Lights,  and  fall  to  reckoning  how  many  years  you  have  reign'd : 
which  I  bcfeech  our  blefted  Saviour  may  be  doubled  ;  and  that  I  may  never 
live  to  fee  any  eclipfe  of  your  Glory,  interruption  of  Safety,  or  indifpofition 
of  your  Perfon  J  which  I  recommend  to  the  divine  Majefty. 
An.  i6co. 


XVL 

To  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  ;  tendrifig  Service, 

AS  the  Time  of  fowing  the  Seed  is  known,  but  the  Time  of  Its  coming 
up  and  difclofing,  is  cafual,  or  according  to  the  Seafon :  fo,  I 
am  a  witnefs  to  my  felf,  that  there  has  been  long  cover'd  in  my  Mind,  a 
Seed  of  Affection  and  Zeal  towards  your  Lordfhip  ;  fown  by  the  efteem  of 
your  Virtues,  and  your  particular  honours  and  favours  to  my  Brother  de- 
ceafed,  and  my  felf;  which  Seed  ftill  fpringing,  now  burfts  forth  into  this 
Profeffion.  And  to  be  plain  with  your  Lordftiip,  'tis  very  true,  (and  no 
Wind  of  Civil  Matters  can  blow  this  out  of  my  Head  or  Heart ;)  that  your 
great  capacity,  and  love  towards  Studies  and  Contemplations  of  a  higher  and 

worthier 


430  Letters  relatmg  to  th  Autuoks  Life.     Se£l.  I. 

worthier  Nature  than  popular,  (a  Nature  rare  in  the  World,  and  in  a  Perfon 
of  your  Lordfhip's  quality  almoft  fmgular  ;)  is  to  me  a  great  and  chief  mo- 
tive to  draw  my  Affeftion,  and  Admiration,  towards  you.  And  therefore, 
my  Lord,  if  I  may  be  of  any  ufe  to  your  Lordfliip,  by  my  Head,  Tongue 
or  Pen,  Means  or  Friends,  I  humbly  pray  you  to  hold  me  your  own  ;  and 
herewithal,  not  to  do  fo  much  wrong  to  my  good  intention,  nor  partly  to 
your  own  worth,  as  to  conceive  that  this  recommendation  of  my  Service  pro- 
ceeds out  of  any  ftraits  of  my  Occafions  •,  but  merely  out  of  an  Eledion,  and 
indeed  the  Fulnefs  of  my  Heart. 
j^f!.  1603. 


XVII. 

7^  t/je  Earl  ^Devonshire,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland; 
apologizing  for  his  ConduEi-,  with  relation  to  the  Earl 
of  Essex. 

I  Cannot  be  ignorant,  and  ought  to  be  fenfible  of  the  Wrong  I  fuftain  in 
common  Difcourfe,  as  if  I  had  been  falfe  or  ungrateful  to  the  noble,  but 
unfortunate  Earl  of  EjJ'ex.  For  fatisfying  the  vulgar  fort,  I  do  not  fo  much 
regard  it :  tho'  I  love  a  good  Name,  'tis  yet  but  as  a  Handmaid,  and  Atten- 
dant of  Honefty  and  Virtue.  For  I  am  of  his  opinion  who  faid  pleafantly, 
it  was  a  fhime  that  a  Suitor  to  the  Miftrefs  fhou'd  make  love  to  the 
Maid;  and  therefore  to  court  common  Fame,  otherwife  than  it  follows 
on  honeft  Courfes,  I  find  my  felfno  way  fit  or  difpofed.  On  the  other  fide, 
there  is  no  worldly  thing  that  concerns  my  felf,  which  I  hold  more  dear,  than 
the  good  Opinion  of  certain  Perfons  •,  amonglt  whom,  there  is  none  I  wou'd 
more  willingly  fatisfy  than  your  Lordfhip.  Firft,  becaufe  you  loved  my 
Lord  of  E^c-x,  and  therefore  will  not  be  partial  to  me  -,  which  is  part  of 
what  I  defire.  Next,  becaufe  it  has  ever  pleafed  you  to  (hew  your  felf  to  me 
an  honourable  Friend  ;  and  fo  no  bafenefs  in  me  to  endeavour  to  fatisfy  you. 
And  laftly,  becaufe  I  know  your  Lardlhip  is  excellently  grounded  in  the 
true  rules  and  habits  of  Duties  and  Moralities  ;  which  are  what  muft  decide 
this  matter.  And  here  my  defence  needs  be  but  fimple  and  brief;  for  what- 
ever I  did  in  that  aiSlion  and  proceeding,  was  done  in  my  Duty  and  Service 
to  the  Queen  and  the  State  -,  in  which  I  wou'd  not  fhew  my  felf  falfe-heart- 
ed,  nor  taint-hearted,  for  any  Man's  fake  living.  For  every  honeft  Man 
that  has  his  Heart  well  planted,  will  forlake  his  King  rather  than  forfake 
God  ;  and  forlake  his  Friend  rather  than  forfake  his  King  -,  and  yet  will  for- 
fake any  earthly  Commodity,  yea,  and  his  own  Life  in  fome  cafes,  rather 
than  forfake  his  Friend.  I  hope  the  World  has  not  forgot  thefe  degrees  •, 
elfe  the  Heathen  faying,  Amuus  ufque  ad  aras ;  A  Friend  as  far  as  Con- 
fcience  will  reach  ;  fhall  iudge  them. 

■^     "  And 


Seft. I.     Letters  relatijig  to  t/je  Authors  Life.  43 x'^ 

And  if  any  Man  (hall  fay,  I  did  officioudy  intrude  my  felf  into  that  Bufi- 
nefs,  becaufe  I  had  no  ordinary  Place  -,  the  like  may  be  faid,  in  effcft,  of  all 
the  Bufinefs  that  paffed  the  Hands  of  the  learned  Counfel,  either  of  State  or 
Revenues  thefe  many  years,  wherein  I  was  continually  ufed.  For,  the  Queen 
knew  her  ftrength  fo  well,  that  fhe  expected  her  Word  fhou'd  be  a  Warrant ; 
and  after  the  manner  of  the  beft  Princes  before  her,  did  not  always  tye  her 
Truft  to  Place  ■,  but  fometimes  divided  private  Favour  from  Office.  And  for 
my  part,  tho'  I  was  not  fo  unpraflifed  in  the  World,  but  I  knew  the  Condition 
was  fubject  to  Envy  and  Danger :  yet  becaufe  I  knew  again  flie  was  conllant 
in  her  Favours  ;  and  made  an  end  where  fhe  began  -,  and  efpeciallv  becaufe 
file  upheld  me  with  extraordinary  Accefs,  and  other  Dcmonftrations  of  Con- 
fidence and  Grace,  I  refolved  to  endure  it  in  expeftation  of  better. 

But  my  Scope  and  Defire  is,  that  your  Lordfhip  would  have  patience  to 
know  the  trutii,  with  fome  particularity,  of  all  that  has  pafled  in  this  Caufe, 
wherein  I  had  any  part  -,  that  you  may  perceive  how  honeft  a  Heart  I  ever 
bore  to  my  Sovereign,  to  my  Country,  and  to  that  Nobleman,  who  had  fa 
well  deferred  of  me,  and  fo  well  accepted  of  my  defervings  -,  and  whofe  fortune 
I  cannot  remember  without  much  Grief.  But  for  any  aftion  of  mine  towards 
him,  there  is  nothing  that  pafled  me  in  my  Life,  that  comes  to  my  remem- 
brance with  more  clearnefs,  and  lefs  check  of  Confcience  :  for  it  will  appear, 
that  I  was  not  only  not  oppofite  ?o  my  Lord  of  EJpx,  but  that  I  employed 
the  utmoll  of  my  Wits,  and  adventur'd  my  Fortune  with  tlie  Queen,  to  have 
rc-infl:ated  him  ;  and  fo  continued  fliithfully  and  induftrioufly,  till  his  laft 
fatal  Impatience  :  after  whidi  day,  there  was  no  time  to  work  for  him  v  tho' 
the  fame  AfieAion  in  me,  when  it  could  not  work  on  the  proper  Subjeft,  went 
to  the  next;  with  no  ill  effedl  towards  fome  others,  who,  I  think,  do  rather 
not  know  it,  than  not  acknowledge  it.  And  this  I  will  affure  your  Lordfhip, 
I  (hall  leave  nothing  untold,  that  is  Trutii,  for  any  enemy  that  I  have,  to 
add  :  and  on  the  other  fide,  I  muit  referve  much  thai  makes  for  me,  in  many 
refpefts  of  Duty  ;  which  I  efteem  above  my  Credit :  and  what  I  have  here  fet 
down,  I  protcft,  as  I  hope  to  have  any  part  in  God's  favour,  is  true. 

'Tis  well  known,  how  I,  many  years  fince  dedicated  my  Labours  and  Studies 
to  the  Ufe  and  Service  of  my  Lord  oi EJfex;  which  I  protell:  I  did  not,as  makin<y 
choice  of  him  for  the  likeliefl  means  of  my  ownAdvancement;  bucout  of  the  hu- 
mour of  a  Man  that  ever,  from  the  time  I  had  any  ufe  of  Reafon,  whether  it 
were  from  reading  good  Books,  or  the  example  of  a  good  Father,  or  by 
Nature,  loved  his  Country  more  than  was  anfwerable  to  his  Fortune.  And 
I  held,  at  that  time,  my  Lord  to  be  the  fitteft  inftrument  of  doing  good  to  the 
State  •,  and  therefore  applied  myfelf  to  him  in  a  manner  which  I  think  rarely 
happens  among  Men :  for  I  did  not  only  labour  carefully  and  induftrioufly 
in  what  he  fet  me  about,  whether  matter  of  advice  or  otherwife  •,  but  neg- 
lefting  the  Queen's  Service,  my  own  Fortune,  and  in  a  fort  my  Vocation,  I 
did  nothing  but  advife  and  ruminate  with  my  felf,  to  the  beft  of  my  Under- 
ftanding,  Propofals  and  Memorials  of  any  thing  that  might  concern  his 
Lordlhip's  Honour,  Fortune  or  Service.  And  when,  not  long  after  I  enter'd 
into  this  courfe,    my  Brother,  Mr.  Anthon-j  Bacon^  came  from  beyond  the 

Seas, 


432  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

Seas  ;  being  a  Gentleman  whole  Abilities  the  World  takes  notice  of  for  matters 
ofState,  efpecially  foreign;  I  likewife  knit  his  Service  to  my  Lord's  difpcfing. 
And  on  the  other  fide,  I  muft  and  will  ever  acknowledge  my  Lord's  Love, 
Truft,and  Favour,  towards  me  -,  and  laft  of  all,  his  Liberality  :  having  pofieffed 
me  of  Land,  to  the  value  of  eighteen  hundred  Pounds  -,  and  this  at  fuch  a 
time,  and  with   fo  kind  and  noble  Circumftances,  that  the  Manner  was  as 
much  as  the  Matter.     And  the  Manner  of  it  was  this.     After  the  Queen  had 
denied  me  the  Sollicitor's  Place,  for  which  his  Lordfhip  had  been  a  long  and 
earned  fuitor  on  my  behalf,  it  pleafed  him  to  come  to  me  from  Richmond  to 
Iwkknatn-Park,  and  fay,   "  Mr.  Bacon,  the  Queen  has  denied  me  the  Place 
*'  for  you,  and  has  placed  another  :  I  know  you  are  the  leaft  part  of  your 
*'  own  matter  ;  but  you  fare  ill  becaufe  you  have  chofen  me  for  your  Mean 
"  and  Dependence :  you  have  fpent  your  time  and  thoughts  in  my  matters ; 
*'  I  die,  (thofe  were  his  very  Words,)  if  I  do  not  fomewhat  towards  your 
•'  Fortune  ;  you  fhall  not  deny  to  accept  a  piece  of  Land,  which  I  will  beftow 
*'  upon  you."     I  anfwered,  that  for  my  Fortune  it  was  no  great  matter:  but 
that  his  Lordfhip's  offer  made  me  call  to  mind  what  ufed  to  be  faid,when  I  was 
in  France,  of  the  Duke  of  Guife  ;  that  he  was  the  greateft  Ufurer  in  France, 
becaufe  he  had  turned  all  his  Eftate  into  Obligations  ;  meaning,  that  he  had 
left  himfelfnothing,  but  only  had  bound  numbers  of  Perfons  to  him.     Now, 
my  Lord,  faid  I,  I  would  not  have  you  imitate  his  Courfe,   nor  turn  your 
Eftate  thus,    by  great  Gifts,  into  Obligations -,  for   you  will  find  many   bad 
Debtors.     He  bid  me  take  no  care  for  that ;  and  prefTed   it :    whereupon  I 
faid,  my  Lord,    I  fee  I  muft  be  your  Homager,  and  hold  Land  of  your 
Gift;  but  do  you  know  the  manner  of  doing  homage  in  Law?  'lis  always 
with  a  faving  of  his  Faith  to  the  King,    and  his  other  Lords  ;  and  therefore, 
my  Lord,  faid  I,  I  can  be  no  more  yours  than  I  was ;  and  it   muft  be  with 
the  ancient  Savings ;    and  if  I  grow  to  be  a  rich  Man,  you  will  allow  me 
to  give  it  back  again,  to  fomeof  your  unrewarded  Followers. 

But  to  return  ;  fure  I  am,  that  while  I  hadmoft  credit  with  him,  his  For- 
tune went  on  beft  :  and  yet  in  two  main  points  we  always  direftly  and  con- 
tradidtorily  differed  ;  which  I  will  mention,  becaufe  it  gives  light  to  all  that 
followed.  The  one  was  ;  I  ever  fet  this  down,  that  the  only  courfe  to  be 
held  with  the  Queen,  was  by  Obfequioufnel'sand  Obfervance  :  and  I  remem- 
ber I  would  ufually  engage  confidently  ;  chat  if  he  would  take  that  courfe 
conft..n[ly,  and  with  choice  of  good  particulars  to  expreis  it  ;  the  Qjeen 
would  be  brought  in  time  to  Ahnfuerus'&  Queftion,  What  fiould  be  done  to  the 
Man  that  the  King  would  honour  ?  Meaning  that  her  Goodn:;fs  was  without 
limit,  where  there  was  a  true  Concurrence  ;  which  I  knew  in  her  Nature  to  be 
true.  My  Lord,  on  the  other  fide,  had  a  fettled  Opinion,  that  the  Queen 
could  be  brought  to  nothing  but  by  a  kind  of  NecefTity  and  Authority  ; 
and  I  well  remember,  when  by  violent  courfcs  at  any  time  he  had  got  his 
will,  he  would  afk  me.  Now,  Sir,  whofe  Principles  are  true?  And  I  would 
again  fay  to  him  •,  my  Lord,  thefe  courfes  are  like  hot  Waters  ;  they  will 
help  at  a  pang,  but  if  you  ufe  them,  you  will  fpoil  the  Stomach  ;  and 
be  obliged    (till   to    make  them   ftronger  and  flronger ;    and  yet   in  the 

end 


Se(^.  I.     Letters  relati?ig  to  t/je  Authors  Lite.  433 

end  they  will  \e(^cn  their  operation  i    with  much  other  variety,  wherewith 
I  ufed  to  touch  that  firing. 

Another  point  was,  that  I  always  vehemently  difTuaded  him  from  feelang 
Greatnefs  by  a  military,  or  f>opuiar  Dependence;  as  what  would  breed  Jealoiify 
in  the  Queen,  Preliimption  in  himlelf,  and  Perturbation  in  the  State:  and  I 
ulually  compared  thcle  two  Dependencies  to  Icarus'^  two  Wings,  which  w;-re 
join'd  on  with  Wax,  and  would  make  him  venture  to  foar  too  high  •,  then  tail 
him  at  the  height.  And  I  would  farther  fay  to  him  •,  My  Lord,  ft  in-i  upon  two 
Feet,  and  fly  not  upon  two  Wings.  The  two  Feet  are  the  two  kinds  of  Juftice, 
commutative  and  diftributive  :  ufe  your  Greatnefs  for  the  advancing  of  Merit 
and  Virtue,  and  relieving  Wrongs  and  Burdens ;  you  fliall  need  no  other 
Art  or  Finejfe.  But  he  would  tell  me,  that  Opinion  came  not  from  my  Mind  ; 
but  from  my  Robe. 

It  is  very  true,  that  I,  who  never  meant  to  enthral  my  feif  to  my  I  ord  of 
EJfex,  nor  any  other  Man,  more  than  Hood  with  the  Fublick  Good,  did, 
tho'  I  cou'd  prevail  little,  divert  him  by  all  means  poiTible  from  Courfes  of 
the  Wars  and  Popularity :  fori  faw  plainly  the  Queen  muft  either  live  or 
die  i  if  flie  lived,  the  Times  would  be  as  in  the  Decline  of  an  old  Prince  ; 
if  flie  died,  the  Times  would  be  as  in  the  Beginning  of  a  new  one  ;  and 
that  if  his  Lordfliip  rofe  too  fall  in  thefe  Courfes,  the  Times  muft  be  dan- 
gerous for  him,  and  he  for  them.  Nay,  I  remember,  I  was  thus  plain  with 
him  upon  his  Voyage  to  thcIQands,  when  I  law  every  Spring  put  forth  fuch 
aclions  of  Charge  and  Provocation  ■,  and  told  him.  My  Lord,  when  I  came 
firft  to  you,  I  took  you  for  a  Phyfician,  that  defined  to  cure  the  Difeafes  of 
the  State  ;  but  now  1  doubt  you  will  be  like  thofe  Phyficians  who  can  be  con- 
tent to  keep  their  Patients  low,  bccaufc  themfclves  would  always  be  inrequeft. 
Which  plainnefs  he,  neverthelefs,  took  very  well  ;  as  he  had  an  excellent  Ear, 
and  was  patientijflmusveyi  ;  and  alfured  me,  the  cafe  of  the  Realm  rcquir'd  it : 
and  I  think  this  Speech  of  mine,  and  the  like  renewed  afterwards,  pricked 
him  to  write  that  Apology   which  is  in  many  Men's  hands. 

But  this  difference  in  two  points,  fo  capital,  and  fo  material,  bred  in 
procels  of  time  a  difcontinuance  of  Privacy,  (as  the  manner  of  Men  is  f.  1  iom 
to  communicate  where  they  think  their  Courfes  not  approved,)  between  his 
Lordlhip  and  my  felf;  fo  that  I  was  not,  as  before,  cail'd  noradvifed  with, 
tor  a  Year  and  a  half  before  his  going  \nr.o  Ireland :  yet  as  to  his  going, 
it  plea  fed  him  exprefsly,  and  in  a  fet  manner,  to  defire  my  Opinion  and 
Counlcl.  At  which  time,  I  did  not  only  diffuade,  but  proteft  againft  his 
going  ;  telling  him,  with  as  much  Vehemence  and  Aftev^ration  as  1  could, 
that  Abfence  in  that  kind  would  cxulcerate  the  Queen's  Mind  -,  whereby  it 
would  not  be  pofllble  for  him  to  carry  himfelf  fo,  as  to  give  her  fufficient 
Content ;  nor  for  her  to  carry  herfelf  ib,  as  to  give  him  fufficient  Countenance : 
wliich  would  be  ill  for  her,  ill  for  him,  and  ill  for  the  State.  And  becaufe 
I  would  omit  no  Argument,  I  remember  I  ftood  alio  upon  the  D:fficultv  o*"  the 
Aftion  ;  firtting  before  him  out  of  Hiftory,  that  the /=;/?»  was  fuch  an  Enemy 
as  the  ancient  Gauls,  or  Britom,  or  Germans  were  :  and  that  we  fiw  how  the 
Romans,  who  had  fuch  Difcipline  to  govern  their  Soldiers,  and  fuch  Dona- 
tives to  encourage  them,  and  the  whole  World  in  a  manner  to  levy  tbem  ; 
Vol.  I.  Kk  k  =  yet 


4"!^  Letters  relating  to  the  Au-thor's  Lit-e.      Se<^.  I. 

yet  when  they  came  to  deal  with  Enemies,  that  placed  their  FdKcky  only  iti 
Liberty,  and  the  Sharpnefs  of  their  Sword  -,  and  ha-d  the  natural  elemental 
Advantages  of  Woods  and  Bogs,  and  Hardnefs  of  Bodies,  they  ever  found 
they  iha<ll  itheir  hands  full  of  tliem  ;  and  therefore  concluded,  that  going  over 
with  fuch  expectation  as  he  did,  and  the  churlininefs  of  the  Enterprize 
not  likely  to  anfwer  it,  would  mightily  diminifh  hi^  Reputation.  And  many 
other Reafons  I  ufed-,  fo  that  I  never,in  my  life-time,  dealt  with  him  foearneilly 
both  by  Speech,  by  Writing,  and  all  the  means  I  could  devife.  For,  Idid,  as 
plainly  fee  his  overthrow  chain'd,  as  it  were  by  Deftiny,  to  that  Journey  •,  as 
'tis  poflible  for  any  Man  to  ground  a  Judgment  upon  future  Contingents. 
But  however  his  Ear  was  open,  yet  his  Heart  and  Refolution  were  fliut  againft 
that  Advice  ;  whereby  his  Ruin  might  have  been  prevented  *. 

After  my  Lord's  going,  I  faw  how  true  a  Prophet  I  was,  in  regard  of  the 
evident  Alteration  that  naturally  fucceeded  in  the  Queen's  Mind  -,  and  there- 
upon I  was  ftill  in  watch,  to  find  the  beft  occafion  that  I  cou'd  either  take  or 
tninifter,  to  pluck  him  out  of  the  fire  •,  if  it  had  been  pofiibie.  And  not  long 
after,  m«thought  I  i.iw  fome  Overture  thereof,  which  I  apprehended  readily  ; 
a  Particular  known  to  very  few.  And  I  the  rather  relate  it,  becaufe  I  hear  it  is 
laid,  that  while  my  Lord  was  in  Ireland,  I  revealed  fome  things  againft  him, 
or  I  cannot  tell  what  ;  which  if  it  were  not  a  mere  Slander,  as  the  reft  is,  but 
kad  any,  tho' ever  fo  little  colour,  was  lure ly  upon  this  occafion. 

The  Queen,  one  day  at  Nonfuch,  (a  little  before  Cujfe's  coming  over,) 
where  I  attended  her,  Ihew'd  a  palTionate  diftafte  of  my  Lord's  proceedings  in 
Ireland;  as  if  they  were  unfortunate,  rafh,  contemptuous,  and  not  without 
fome  private  End  of  his  own,  and  ail  that  might  be  ;  and  was  pleafed,  as  ftie 
fpoke  of  it  to  many  whom  (he  trufted  leaft,  fo  to  fall  into  the  like  Difcourfe 
with  me  :  whereupon  I,  who  was  ftill  awake,  and  true  to  my  grounds,  which 
I  thought  fureft  for  my  Lord's  good,  faid  to  this  effedl :  "  Madam,  I  know 
♦«  not  the  Particulars  of  State  ;  but  I  know  this,  that  Prince's  Adrons 
*' muft  have  no  abrupt  Periods  or  Conclufions -,  otherwife  I  fhould  think, 
*■•  that  if  you  had  my  Lord  of  Effex  here,  with  a  white  Staff  in  his  hand,  as 
"  my  Lord  of  Leicejler  had  -,  and  continued  him  ftill  about  you,  for  Society 
♦' to  your  felf,  and  for  an  Honour  and  Ornament  to  your  Attendance  and 
"  Court,  in  the  Eyes  of  your  People,  and  in  the  Eyes  of  foreign  AmbaflTa- 
•*  dors,  then  were  he  in  his  proper  Element ;  for  to  difcontent  him  as  you 
"  do,  and  yet  to  put  Arms  and  Power  in  his  hands,  may  be  a  kind  of  Temp- 
station  to  make  him  prove  cumberfome  and  unruly.  And,  therefore,  if  you 
"  would  imponere  bonam  claufulam,  and  fend  for  him  ;  and  liuisfy  him  with 
"  Honour  here  near  you,  if  your  Affairs,  which  I  am  not  acquainted  with, 
♦'  will  permit  it,  I  think  were  the  beft  way."  Which  Courfe,  your  Lordftiip 
knows,  if  it  had  been  taken,  all  had  been  well  ;  and  tio  Contempt  in  my 
Lord's  coming  over,  nor  continuance  of  thefe  J.-aloufies,  which  that  Em- 
ployment of  Ireland  bred  ;  and  my  Lord  here  m  his  former  Greatnefs. 

The  next  news  I  heard  was,  that  my  Lord  was  come  over  •,  and  committed 
to  his  Chamber,  for  leaving /r^/a«^  without  the  Queen's  Licence.     This  was 

at 

*  If  i«f«rXn. preceding,  does  not  appear  to  anfwer  this  Charafter  fully  j  wemuftconfiderit 
wrote,  as  it  was,  imroediately  before  the  £«r/'4  Departure,  iwlreUnd;  when  theExpeditioa  was 
reiblyed  upon. 


Sed.  I.     Letters  relating  to  //$^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  L  i  f  e.  ^;^^ 

nc  Nonfiich  ;  where  I  came  to  his  Lordfliip,  and  talked  with  him  privately 
about  a  quarter  of  an  hour:  and  he  afked  my  opinion  of  the  courfe  chat  was 
taken  with  him.  I  told  him,  "  My  Lord,  Nubecula  ejU  cito  tranfiha  ;  it  is 
"  but  a  Mill.  But  1  fliall  tell  your  Lorddiip,  it  is  as  Mifts  are  ;  if  it  go 
"  upwards,  it  may  perhaps  caufe  a  fhower  -,  if  downwards,  it  will  clear  up. 
"  And  therefore,  my  good  Lord,  carry  itfo,  as  to  take  away,  by  all  means, 
*'  all  Umbrage  andDiftafte  from  the  Queen  ;  and  efpecially,  if  I  were  wor- 
"  thy  to  advife  you,  obferve  three  Points :  Firfl,  make  not  this  Ccfllition  or 
"  Peace,  concluded  with  Tyrone,  as  a  Service  wherein  you  glory  ;  but  as  a 
"  fhufHing  up  of  a  Profecution  which  was  not  very  fortunate.  Nex!.,  reprefenC 
"  not  to  the  Queen  any  necefTity  of  State,  whereby,  as  by  a  Cotrcion  or 
"  Wrench,  Ihc  fliould  think  her fe If  enforced  to  fend  you  back  into  Ireland  ; 
"  but  leave  it  to  her.  Thirjly,  feek  accefs  importune,  opportune,  ftrioufly, 
"  fportingly,  every  way."  I  remember  my  Lord  was  willing  to  hear  me, 
but  fpoke  little,  and  fliook  his  Head  fomecimes,as  if  he  had  thought  I  was  in  the 
wrong  -,  but  lure  I  am,  he  did  juft  contrary  in  every  one  of  thefe  three  points; 

After  this,  during  the  time  my  Lord  was  committed  to  the  Lord-Keeper's, 
I  often  came  to  the  Queen,  as  I  ufed  to  do  about  Caufes  of  her  Revenue  and 
Law-Bufinefs,  as  is  well  known  ;  by  reafon  of  which  Accefs,  according  to 
the  ordinary  Charities  of  Court,  it  was  given  out,  that  I  was  one  of  them 
that  incenfed  the  Queen  againft  my  Lord  of  Effex.  I  will  not  think  that 
thefe  Speeches  grew  any  way  from  her  Majefty's  own  Speeches,  whofe  Me- 
mory I  fhall  ever  honour  ;  if  they  did,  flie  is  with  God  :  and  Miferum  ejb 
ab  illis  ladi,  de  quibus  nonpojfis  qua-ri.  But  I  mu  ft  give  this  Teftimony  ttf 
my  Lord  Cecil,  that  once,  in  his  Houfe  at  the  Savoy,  he  dealf  with  me  diredtly,. 
and  faid  to  me,  "  Coufin,  I  hear  it,  but  I  believe  it  not,  that  you  (hould  do 
"  fome  ill  office  to  my  Lord  of  EJfex  :  for  my  part  I  am  merely  paffive,  andt 
"  notaftive  in  this  Adlion  -,  I  follow  the  Queen,  and  that  heavily,  for  I  lead 
"  her  not.  My  Lord  of  EJfex  is  one  that  in  Nature  I  could  confent  with,  as  well 
"  as  with  any  one  living  ;  the  Queen  indeed  is  my  Sovereign,  and  I  am» 
"  her  Creature  :  I  may  not  lofe  her  :  and  the  fiime  courfe  I  would  wilh  you! 
"  to  take."  Whereupon  I  fatisfied  him  how  ftr  I  was  from  any  fuch  mind. 

And  as  fometimes  it  happens,  that  Men's  Inclinations  are  open'd  more  in' 
a  Toy,  than  in  a  ferious  matter ;  a  little  before,  about  the  middle  of  Mic^ac'/- 
mas  Term,  her  Majefty  propofed  to  dine  at  iny  Lodge,  at  Twicknam  Park  ; 
againft  which  I  had  prepared  a  Sonnet,  diredtly  tending  to  draw  on  her  Ma- 
jefty's Reconcilement  to  my  Lord  •,  which  I  alfo  ftiewed  to  a  great  Perfon,^ 
and  one  of  my  Lord's  neareft  Friends,  who  commended  it.  This,  tho'  ic 
be  but  a  Toy,  yet  plainly  fhewed  in  what  Spirit  I  proceeded  •,  and  that  t 
was  ready,  not  only  to  do  my  Lord  good  Offices,  but  to  publifli  and  declare 
myfelf  for  him. 

And  never  was  I  fo  ambitious  of  any  thing  in  my  life,  as  to  have  caiTied 
fome  Token  or  Favour  from  her  Majefty  to  my  Lord ;  ufing  all  the  Art  I 
had,  both  to  procure  her  Majefty  to  fend,  and  myfelf  to  be  the  Melfenger^.- 
For  I  feared  not  to  alledge,  that  this  Proceeding  towards  my  Lord,  was  a* 
thing  in  the  People's  eyes  very  ungracious  ;  and  therefore  wifli'd  her  Majefty, 
whatever  fhe  did,  to  difcharge   herfelf  of  it,  and  lay  it  upon  others  -,  and' 

K  k  k  2  therefore 


436  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sedl.  I. 

therefore,  that  fiie  fhould  intermix  her  Proceedings  with  fome  immediate 
Graces  from  herfelf,  that  the  "World  might  take  knowledge  of  her  princely 
Nature  and  Goodnefs  -,  left  it  fliould  alienate  the  Hearts  of  her  People  from 
her:  which  I  ftood  upon  ;  knowing  well,  that  if  Ihe  once  relented,  to  fend 
or  vifit,  thofe  D-monftrations  would  prove  matter  of  fuhftance  for  my  Lord's 
Good.  And  to  draw  that  Employment  upon  myfclf,  I  advifed  her  Majefty, 
that  whenever  God  fhould  move  her  to  turn  the  light  of  her  Favours  towards 
my  Lord,  to  make  fignification  to  him  thereof  i  that  her  Majefty,  if  lliedid 
it  not  in  Perfon,  would  at  leaft  u^e  lome  iuch  mean?,  as  might  not  entitle 
themfelves  to  any  part  of  the  Thanks,  as  Perfons  that  were  thought  power- 
ful with  her  to  work  her,  or  to  bring  her  about;  but  to  ufeone  that  could 
not  be  thought  more  than  a  mere  Conduit  of  her  own  Goodnefs.  But  I 
could  never  prevail  with  her-,  rho'  I  am  pjrfuad-d  flie  law  plainly  whereat 
I  levelled  ;  and  held  me  in  jealoufy,  that  I  was  not  hers  entirely,  but  ftill 
had  inward  and  deep  Refptrfts  towards  my  Lord,  more  than  then  ftood  with 
her  Will  and  Pleafure. 

About  the  fame  time,  I  remember  an  Anfw  r  of  mine  in  a  matter  that 
had  fome  affinity  with  my  Lord's  Caufe  •,  and  tho'  it  grew  from  me,  yet 
went  about  in  other's  Names.  For  her  Majefty  was  highly  incenfed  with 
a  Book,  dedicated  to  my  Lord  of  E[feX  ;  being  a  Hiftory  of  the  firft 
Year  of  Y^mgHemy  IV.  as  thinking  it  afeditious  Prelude,  to  put  Boldnefs 
and  Fadion  into  the  People's  head  v  and  laid,  Jhe  had  an  opinion,  there 
was  Treafon  in  it  ;  andallied  me,  if  I  could  find  no  Paflagesin  it  that  might 
be  drawn  within  the  Cafe  of  Treafon.  Whereto  I  anfwcred,  for  Treafon  I 
found  none;  but  for  Felony  very  much.  And  when  her  Majefty  haftily  afl<ed 
me  wherein  -,  I  told  her,  the  Author  had  committed  very  apparent  Theft  ; 
for  he  had  taken  moft  of  the  Sentences  of  'Tacitus,  tranflated  them  into 
EngUJh,  and  put  them  into  his  Text.  And  another  time,  when  the  Queen 
would  not  be  perfuaded,  that  it  was  his  writing  whofeName  was  to  it  ;  but 
that  it  had  fome  more  milchievous  Author  j  and  faid,  with  great  indignation, 
that  fhe  would  have  him  racked  to  produce  his  Author:  I  replied.  Nay, 
Madam,  he  is  a  Dodor  ;  never  rack  his  Perfon,  but  rack  his  Style  ;  let  him 
have  Pen,  Ink,  Paper,  and  help  of  Books,  and  be  enjoined  to  continue  the 
Hiftory  where  it  breaks  off;  and  I  will  undertake,  by  collating  the  Styles,  to 
judge  whether  he  were  the  Author  or  no. 

But  for  the  main  Matter,  lure  I  am,  when  the  Qiieen  at  any  time  afked 
my  Opinion  of  my  Lord's  Cafe,  lever  in  one  tenor  faid  to  her-,  that  they 
were  Faults  which  the  Law  might  term  Contempts',  becaufe  they  were  the 
Tranfgreffion  of  her  particular  Direftions  and  Inftrucrions :  but  then,  what 
defence  might  be  made  tor  them,  in  regard  ot  the  great  Intereft  the  Perfon 
had  in  her  Majefty's  Favour  ;  in  regard  of  theGreatnels  ofhis  Place,  and  the 
Largenefs  of  his  Commiflion  -,  in  regard  ot  the  Nature  of  the  Bufinefs,  being 
Adlion  of  War,  which  in  common  Cafes  cannot  be  tied  to  Striftnefs  of  In- 
ftruftions  ;  in  regard  to  diftance  of  the  Place,  having  alfo  a  Sea  between, 
that  his  Demands  and  her  Commands  muft  be  fubjeft  to  Wind  and  Weather  ; 
in  regard  of  a  Council  of  State  in  Ireland,  which  he  had  at  his  Back  to  avow 
his  Adions  upon  ;    and  laltly,  in  regard  of  a  good  Intention,  that  he  would 

alledge 


ScS:.  I.     Letters  relatwg  to  the  AvtuokW^ite.  437 

alledge  for  himfclf ;  which  I  told  her  in  fome  Religions  was  held  a  fufficlint 
DilpenQtion  for  God's  Commandments-,  much  more  for  Princes.  In  all 
thefe  regards,  I  befought  her  Majefty  to  be  advifcd  again  and  again,  how 
fhe  brought  the  Gmre  into  any  piiblick  Queftion. 

Nay,  I  went  farther -,  for  I  told  her,  my  Lord  was  an  eloquent  and  weU- 
fpoken  Man ;  and  befides  his  Eloquence  of  Nature  or  Art,  he  had  an  Elo- 
quence of  Accident,  that  furpaflrd  them  both,  which  was  the  Pity  and 
Benevolence  of  his  Hearer'.  And  therefore,  that  when  he  flipujdcome  toan- 
fwer  lor  himfelf,  I  believed  his  Words  would  have  fuch  unequal  Pjffige 
above  theirs  that  fliouki  charge  him,  as  would  not  be  for  her  Majcfty's 
Honour  ;  and  therefore  widu-d  the  Conclufion  might  be,  to  wrap  it  up  pri- 
vately betwjen  themfelves ;  and  that  Ihc  would  reftore  my  Lord  to  his  former 
Attendance,  with  fome  addition  of  Honour,  to  take  away  difcontenr. 

But  this  I  will  never  deny, that  I  lluw'd  noApprobation  generally  of  his  being 
fent  back  into /r(?.''c7;,v/ ;  both  becaufe  it  would  have  can  ied  a  Repugnancy  to 
my  former  Difcourfe  ;  and  becaufe  I  was,  in  my  own  Heart,  fully  perfuaded, 
it  was  not  good  either  for  the  Queen,  for  the  State,  or  for  himlelf:  and  yec 
I  did  not  dilfuade  it,  but  left  it  ever  as  L'iCtis  luhricus.  For  this  particular,  I 
well  remember,  that  after  your  Lordfliip  was  named  for  the  Place  in  Irdafid, 
and  not  long  before  your  going,  it  pleafed  her  Majefty  at  IVlAlehaU  to  fpeak 
to  me  of  that  Nomination  :  at  which  time  I  laid  to  her  ;  "  Surely,  Madam,  if 
"•  you  mean  nottoempluv  my  V.ordo\  Ejj'ex  thither  again,  your  Majefty  can- 
"  not  make  a  better  choice :"  and  was  going  on  to  fhcw  fome  reafon,  but 
her  Majefty  interrupted  me  with  great  Paftion.  "  KJpx!  faid  fhe  ;  whenever 
*'  I  fend  FJJ'ex  back  again  into  lydauJ,  I  will  marry  you  ;  claim  it  of  me." 
Whereto  I  faid  j  "  Well,  Madam,  I  will  releafe  that  Contraft,  if  his  going 
"  be  for  the  good  of  your  State." 

Immediately  after,theQueen  thought  of  a  Courfe  to  have  Somewhat  publiftied 
in  the  Siar-Cbamber,  for  the  fatisfaction  of  the  World,  about  my  Lord  of 
EJ/ex  his  Reftraint^  and  my  Lord  not  to  be  called  to  it ;  but  the  occafion  to  be 
taken  by  reafon  of  fume  Libels  then  difperfed.  Which  when  her  Majefty 
propofed  tome,  I  was  utterly  againft  it  ;  and  told  her  plainly,  that  the  People 
would  fay,  my  Lord  was  wounded  in  his  Back  ;  and  that  Juftice  had  her 
Ballance  taken  from  her  •,  which  ever  confifted  of  an  Accufation  and  Defence  ; 
with  many  other  quick  and  fignificant  Terms  to  that  purpofe:  infomuch, 
that  I  remember  I  faid,  my  Lord  in  Foro  Fames  was  too  hard  for  her  ;  and 
therefore  I  wilhetl  her,  as  I  had  done  before,  to  wrap  it  up  privately.  And 
certainly  I  oftendtd  her  at  that  time  ;  which  was  rare  with  me:  for  I  call  to 
mind,  that  both  x.\\c  Cbrijlmas.,  Le>:l,  ^nd  Eajier  Term  following,  tho'Icame 
divers  times  to  her,  upon  Law  Bufinefs  -,  yet  methought  her  Face  and  Manner 
was  not  fo  clear  and  open  to  me  as  at  the  firft.  And  fhedireftly  charged  me, 
that  I  was  abfent  that  day  at  the  S'ar-Cbamber  ;  which  was  very  true  :  but  I 
alledged  fome  Indifpofuion  of  Body  to  excufe  it :  and  during  all  the  time 
aforelaid,  there  was  a.'lurn  Silentium  from  her  to  me,  as  to  my  Lord  of  EJ/ex*&- 
Caufes. 

But 


43« 


Letters  relating  to  M^  Author's  Life.     Se<Sl.  I. 

But  towards  the  end  of  Eajler  Term,  her  Majefty  told  me,  that  fhe  had 
found  my  Words  true  -,  for  the  Proceeding  in  the  Star-Chamber  had  done  no  good, 
but  rather  kindled  fadlious  Bruits,  as  flie  term'd  them,  than  quenched  them  •, 
and  therefore  that  flie  was  determined  now,  for  the  Satisfaftion  of  the  World, 
to  proceed  againll  my  Lord  in  the  S tar-Chamber,  by  an  Information  Ore  tenus\ 
and  to  have  my  Lord  brought  to  his  Anfwer.  However,  fhe  faid,  fhe  would 
afllire  me,  that  whatever  (he  did  fhould  be  towards  my  hord  ad  cajligatiofiemy 
tf  non  ad  dejlniBionem  ;  as  indeed  fhe  had  often  repeated  the  fame  Phrafe  be- 
fore. Whereto  I  faid  ;  utterly  to  divert  her  -,  "  Madam,  if  you  will  have 
"  me  fpeak  to  you  in  this  Argument,  I  muft  fpeak  to  you  as  Friar  Bacon's 
"  Head  fpoke -,  that  faid  firft,  'Time  is;  and  then.  Time  was;  and  Time  "will 
*'  never  be  :  for  certainly  'tis  now  too  late  -,  the  Matter  is  cold,  and  has  taken 
"  too  much  Wind."  Whereat  fhe  feem'd  again  offended,  and  rofc  from  me  ; 
and  that  refolution  for  a  while  continued  :  and  after,  in  the  Beginning  of  Mid- 
fummer  Term,  I  attending  her  ;  and  finding  her  fettled  in  that  Refolution, 
flie  falling  upon  the  like  Speech  •,  'tis  true,  that  feeing  no  other  Remedy,  I 
faid  to  her  (liglitly,  "  Why,  Madam,  if  you  will  needs  have  a  Proceeding, 
"  you  were  bill  have  it  in  fome  fuch  fort  as  Ovid  fpoke  of  his  Miftrefs  ; 
"  eji  aliquid  Lt'ce  patenle  minus ;  to  make  a  Council-table  Matter  of  it ;  and 
"  there  an  ei.d."  Which  again  flie  feem'd  to  take  ill :  but  yet  I  think  it  did 
good  at  that  time  ;  and  help'd  to  divert  the  Courfe  of  Proceeding  by  Infor- 
mation in  the  Star-Chamber. 

Neverthelcfs,  it  pleafed  her  to  make  a  morefolemn  matter  of  the  Proceeding; 
and  a  few  days  after.  Order  was  given  that  the  Caufe  fhould  be  heard" 
at  Tork-houfe,  before  an  Affembly  of  Counftllors,  Peers,  and  Judges ;  and 
fome  Audience  of  Men  of  Quality  to  be  admitted  :  and  then  did  fome  prin- 
cipal Counfellors  fend  for  us  of  the  learned  Counfil,  and  notified  herMajefty's 
Pleafure  to  us  ;  only  it  was  laid  to  me  openly,  by  one  of  them,  that  her  Ma- 
jefty w.is  not  yet  rcfolved,  whether  fhe  would  have  me  forborn  in  theBufinefs 
or  not.  And  hereupon  might  ariie  that  other  finiiter  and  untrue  Report,  that 
I  hear  is  raifed  of  me,  that  I  was  a  Suitor  to  be  ufed  againft  my  Lord  of 
EJfex  at  that  time  :  for  'tis  very  true,  that  I  who  knew  well  what  had  paffed 
between  the  Queen  and  me  •,  and  what  occafion  I  had  given  her  both  of  Dif- 
tafte  and  Diftruft,  in  crolTing  her  Difpofition,  by  ftanding  ftedfaft  for  my 
Lord  of  EJpx  ;  and  fufpefting  italfo  to  be  a  Stratagem,  arifing  from  fome 
particular  Emulation  •,  I  writ  to  her  two  or  three  Words  of  Complement,  fig- 
nifying  to  her  Majefty,  that  if  fhe  would  be  pleaied  to  fpare  me  in  my  Lord  of 
Ejjex's  Caufe,  out  of  the  Confideration  flie  took  of  my  Obligation  towards 
himjiftiould  efteem  it  one  of  her  greateft  Favours:  but  otherwife,  defiring  her 
Majefty  to  think  that  I  knew  the  degrees  of  Duties  ;  and  that  no  particular 
Obligation  whatever,  to  any  Subjed,  could  fupplant  or  weaken  that  Entirenefs 
of  Duty  that  I  owed,  and  bore,  to  her  and  her  Service.  And  this  was  the 
goodly  Suit  I  made-,  being  a  refpedl  that  no  Man  in  his  Wits  could  have  omitted. 
But  neverthelefs,  I  had  a  farther  reach  in  it  j  for  I  judged  that  day's  work 
would  be  a  full  Period  ofany  Bitternefs  or  Harfhnefs,  between  the  Queen  and 
my  Lord:  and  therefore,  if  I  declared  myfelf  fully,  according  to  her  Mind 

at 


Se<5t.  I.      Letters  relating  to  the  A  u  t  h  o r's  L  i  f  e.  439 

at  that  time,  which  could  not  do  my  Lord  any  manner  of  prejudice,  I 
fliould  keep  my  credit  with  her  for  ever  after,  whereby  to  do  my  Lord  fer- 
vice.  Hereupon,  the  next  news  that  I  heard,  was,  that  we  were  all  fcnt  for 
again;  and  that  her  Majefty's  Pleafure  was,  we  all  fhould  have  parts  in  the 
Bufinefs  :  and  the  Lords  falling  into  Diftribution  of  our  Parts,  i:  was  allotted 
mc,  that  I  fliould  fet  forth  fome  undutiful  Carriage  in  my  Lord  -,  in  giving 
occafion  and  countenance  to  a y£'^///oHjPflM/)/j/i?/,  as  it  was  term'd,  which  was 
dedicated  to  him  -,  this  being  the  Book  before  mentioned  of  King  Trlcnr-^  IV. 
Whereupon,  I  replied  to  their  Lordthips,  that  it  was  an  old  Matter  ;  and  had 
no  manner  of  Coherence  with  the  reft  of  the  Charge,  being  Matters  of 
Ireland;  and  therefore  that  I  having  been  wronged  by  Bruits  before,  this 
would  expofe  me  the  more  to  them :  and  it  would  be  laid  I  gave  in  my 
own  Tales  in  evidence.  It  was  anfwered  again,  with  good  fliew,  that 
confidering  how  I  ftood  tied  to  my  Lord  of  Ejfex.,  that  part  v/as  thought 
fitteft  for  me,  which  did  him  leaft  hurt :  for  whereas  ail  the  reft  was  Matter 
of  Charge  and  Acculation  ;  this  only  was  Matter  of  Caveat  and  Admonition, 
Wherewith,  tho'  I  was  in  my  own  Mind  little  fatisfied  ;  be:aufe  I  knew  well 
a  Man  were  better  to  be  charged  with  fome  Faults,  thanadmoridied  of  others  i 
yet  the  Conclufion  binding  upon  tlie  Queen's  Pleafure  dir  dlly,  I  could  not 
avoid  the  Part  laid  upon  me.  And  if  in  the  Delivery  I  did  not  handle  this 
Part  tenderly,  (tho'  no  Man  before  me,  in  fo  clear  terms,  freed  my  Lord  of 
all  Diftovalty  -,)  that  muft  be  afcribed  to  the  fuperior  Duty  I  owed  to  the 
Queen's  Fame  and  Honour,  in  a  publick  Proceeding ;  and  partly  to  the  Inten- 
tion 1  had  of  upholding  myfelf  in  credit  and  ftrength  with  the  Queen,  the 
better  to  do  my  Lord  good   Offices  afterwards. 

For  as  loon  as  this  day  was  paft,  I  loft  no  time  •,  but  diredTtly  attended  her 
Majefty,  fully  refolvcd  to  try  and  ufe  my  urmoft  endeavours  to  bring  my  Lord 
again  fpeedily  into  Court  and  Favour.  And  knowing  how  the  Queen  was  to 
beufed  ;  I  thought,  that  to  make  her  conceive  the  Matter  went  wt.ll  then, 
was  the  way  to  make  her  leave  off  there  :  and  I  remember,  I  faid  to  her^ 
*'  You  have  now.  Madam,  obtain'd  vidlory  over  two  things,  which  the 
"  greateft  Princes  in  the  World  cannot  at  their  Wills  fubdue  ;  the  one  is  over  , 
"  Fame  ;  the  other  is  over  a  great  Mind  :  for  fufely  the  World  is  now  reafon-  ', 
"  ably  well  fatisfied  :  and  for  my  Lord,  hefhewedfuch  Humiliation  towards 
"  your  Majefty,  that  I  am  perfuaded  he  was  never  in  his  Life  more  fit  for 
"  your  Majefty's  Favour  than  now  :  therefore,  if  your  Majefty  will  not  fpoil 
"  it  by  lingring,  but  give  over  at  the  beft,  and,  when  you  have  made  fo  good 
"  a  full-point,  receive  him  again  with  Tendernefs  •,  I  Ihall  then  think  that  all 
"  paft  is  for  the  beft."  Whereat,  I  remember,  fhe  took  exceeding  great 
content  v  and  often  repeated  and  put  me  in  mind,  that  fhe  had  ever  faid,  her 
Proceedings  fhould  be  adreparalionemy  and  not  aA  ruhctin  ;  a.s  Tntimating  that 
now  was  the  time  I  fhould  well  perceive,  that  faying  of  hers  fhould  prove 
true.  And  farther,  fhe  ordered  me  to  fet  down  in  writing  all  that  paft  that 
day.  I  obty'd  her  Command;  and  within  a  few  days  after,  brought  her 
again  the  Narration  ;  which  I  read  to  her  in  tW'o  feveral  Afternoons. 
And  when  I  came  to  the  Part  that  fet  forth  my  Lord's  own  Anfwer,  which 

was 


440  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

was  my  principal  Care-,  I  well  remember  fhe  was  extraordinarily  moved  with 
ic,  in  kinJnefs  and  relenting  towards  my  Lor.1  ■,  and  told  me  afterwards, 
Tpeaking  how  wel!  I  had  exprefTed  niy  Lord's  Part,  that  fhe  perceived  old 
Love  would  not  eafily  be  forgot  :  whereto  I  anfwered  fu;1denly,  that  fhe 
meant  that  of  her  fulf.  In  conclufion  I  advifed  her,  that  now  fhe  had 
taken  a  Reprefentation  of  the  Matter  to  her  felf,  fne  would  let  it  go  no  far- 
ther; for.  Madam,  faid  I,  the  Fire  blizeswL-ll  already  ;  why  fhould  you  ftir 
it?  And  befides,  icmay  pleafe  you  to  keep  a  Conveniince  with  your  felf  in 
this  cafe  :  for  fince  your  exprels  Direction  was,  there  fliould  be  no  Regifler 
nor  Clerk  to  take  this  Sentence  ;  nor  no  Record  or  Memorial  made  of  the 
Proceeding ;  why  fhould  you  now  do  that  popularly,  which  you  would 
not  admit  to  be  done  judicially  ?  Whereupon  flie  agreed,  that  Writing 
fhould  be  fupprelTed  i  and  1  think  there  were  not  five  Perfons  that  ever 
faw  it. 

But  from  this  time,  during  the  whole  latter  end  of  that  Summer,  while 
the  Court  was  at  Nonfucb  and  OalLniih,  I  made  it  my  Tafk  and  Scope  to 
take  and  giveoccafion  for  my  Lord's  Re-inftatem:-nt  in  his  Fortunes  :  which 
Intention  I  alio  fignified  to  my  Lord,  as  foon  a>  ever  he  was  at  his  liberty  -, 
fo  that  I  might  without  danger  of  the  Queen's  Indignation,  write  to  him. 
And  having  received  from  his  Lordfhip,  a  courteous  and  loving  Acceptation 
of  my  Good-will  and  Endeavours,  I  applied  it  in  all  my  accefTes  to  the  Queen, 
which  were  very  many  at  chat  time  ■,  and  purpofely  fought  and  wrought  upon 
other  variable  Pretences,  but  only  and  chiefly  for  that  purpofe.  On  the 
other  fide,  I  did  not  forbear  to  give  my  Lord,  from  time  to  time,  the  faithful 
notice  of  what  I  found  -,  and  what  I  wilhed.  And  I  drew  for  him,  by  his 
Appointment,  fome  Letters  to  her  Majefty  ;  wdiich  tho'  I  knew  well  his  Lord- 
fliip's  Gift  and  Style  was  better  than  my  own  ;  yet,  becaufe  he  required  it, 
alledgipg,  that  by  his  long  reflraint  he  was  grown  almoll  a  Stranger  to  the 
Qiiecn's  prelent  Conceits,  I  was  ready  to  perform  it.  And  fure  I  am,  that 
for  the  Ipace  of  fix  Weeeks,  or  two  Months,  it  profpcred  fo  well,  that  I  ex- 
pefted  continually  his  being  reflored  to  his  Attendance.  And  I  was  never 
more  welcome  to  the  Queen,  nor  more  made  of,  than  when  I  fpoke  fullefb 
and  boldeft  for  him -,  in  which  kind  the  particulars  were  exceeding  many  : 
whereof,  for  an  Example,  I  will  relate  one  or  two.  Her  Majefty  once  fpeak- 
ing  of  a  Fellow  that  undertook  to  cure,  oreafe  my  Brother  of  his  Gout  -,  fhe 
afked  me  how  it  went  forward  :  I  told  her  Majelly,  that  at  the  firft  he  re- 
ceived good  by  it;  but  after,  in  the  courfe  of  his  Cure,  he  found  himlelf 
rather  worfe.  The  Queen  fiiid  again,  "  I  will  tell  you,  Bacon.,  the  Error  of 
"  it:  the  manner  of  thefe  Phyficians,  and  efpecially  thefe  Empiricks,  is  to 
"  continue  one  kind  of  Medicine  ;  which  at  firft  is  proper  •,  being  to  draw 
"  out  the  ill  humour  ;  but  after  they  have  not  the  difcretion  to  change  their 
"Medicine;  but  ftill  apply  drawing  Medicines,  when  they  fhould  rather  in- 
"  tend  to  cure  and  corroborate  the  Parts."  "  Good  Lord,  Madam,  fiid  I, 
"  how  wifely  and  aptly  you  can  fpeak,  and  difcern,  of  Phyfick  minifter'd  to 
"  the  Body  ;  and  confider  not  that  there  is  the  like  occafiun  of  Phyfick  mi- 
"  niLler'd  to  the  Mind :    as  now  in  the  Cafe  of  my   Lord  of  EJfex,    your 

"  princely 


Sedt.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.  4^^'. 

"  Princely  Word  ever  was,  that  you  intended  to  reform  lii.^  Mind,  and  not  to 
"  ruin  his  Fortune  :  I  know  well  you  cannot  but  think,  you  have  drawn  the 
"  Humour  UifficienUy  ;  and  therefore  it  is  more  than  time,  if  it  were 
"  but  for  fear  of  mortifying,  or  exulcerating,  that  you  apply';!  and  jni- 
"  nillcr'd  Strength  and  Comfort  to  him  ;  for  thefe  Gradations  of  yours  are 
"  fitter  to  corrupt  than  correft  any  Mind  of  greatnefs."  Another  time  T 
remember  llie  told  me  for  News,  that  my  Lord  had  wrote  her  fome  very 
dutiful  Letters;  and  that  flie  had  been  mov'd  by  th^m  •,  and  when  fhe  toolc 
it  to  i)e  the  abundance  of  his  Heart,  flie  found  it  to  be  bur  a  preparative  tc 
a  Siii't  for  renewing  his  Farm  of  fweet  Wines.  Whereto  lrep!y'd,'"0 
"  MaiJam,  how  your  Majefty  conftrues  thefe  things!  as  if  thefe  two  / 
"  cou'd  not  well  Hand  together-,  which  indeed  Nature  has  planted  in  all 
"  Creatures!  For  there  are  but  two  Sympathies;  the  one  towa:'ds  Perfection, 
*'  the  other  towards  Prefervation  •,  that  to  Perfection,  as  the  Iron  tends  to 
"  the  Loadftone  -,  that  to  Prefervation,  as  the  Vine  creeps  towards  a  Stake 
*'  or  Prop  that  ftands  by  it :  not  for  any  love  to  the  Stake,  but  to  uphold  it 
"  felf.  And  therefore,  Maciam,  you  roay  diftinguifli  my  Lord's  defiretodo 
"  you  fervice  is  as  to  his  Perfection  -,  and  that  which  he  thinks  himfelf  born 
"  for:  whereas  his  defire  to  obtain  this  thing  of  you,  is  but  for  a  Suftenta- 
•^'  tion." 

And  not  to  trouble  your  Lordiliip  with  many  other  particulars  like  thefe, 
it  was  at  the  fame  time  that  I  drew,  with  my  Lord's  privity,  and  by  his  ap- 
pointment, two  Letters  ;  the  one  written  as  from  my  Brother  ;  the  other  as 
an  Anfwer  return'd  from  my  Lord  -,  both  to  be  by  me,  in  fecret,  fhew'd  to 
the  Queen :  which  it  pleafed  my  Lord  very  ftrangely  to  mention  at  the  Bar. 
The  fcope  of  them  was  but  to  reprefent  and  picfture  to  her  Majefty,  my 
Lord's  mind  to  be  fuch,  as  I  knew  her  Majefty  wou'd  moft  have  had  it. 
Which  Letters,  whoever  fliall  fee,  (for  they  cannot  now  be  retrafted  or  al- 
ter'd,  being  by  reafon  of  my  Brother's,  or  his  Lordftiip's  Servants  delivery, 
long  fince  come  into  feveral  hands  •,)  let  him  judge,  efpecially  if  he  knew 
the  Queen,  and  remember  thofe  Times,  whether  they  were  not  the  labours 
of  one  that  fought  to  bring  the  Queen  about,  for  my  Lord  of  EJJ'ex  his 
good. 

The  truth  is,  the  ifTue  of  all  his  dealing  grew  to  this,  that  the  Queen  had 
by  fome  il.tcknefs  of  my  Lord's,  as  I  imagine,  lik'd  him  worfe  and  worfe  •,  and 
grew  more  incenlld  towardshim.  Then  fhe  remembring,  probably,  the  con- 
tinual, inceilint,  and  confident  Speeches  and  Courfes,  that  I  had  held  on  my 
Lord's  fide,  became  utterly  alienated  from  me  ;  and  for  the  fpace  of  three 
months,  which  was  between  Miihuehnas  and  New-year's-tide  following,  wou'd 
not  fo  much  as  look  on  me;  but  turned  away  from  me,  with  exprefs  and  pur- 
pofed  Difcountenance,  wherever  fhe  faw  me  ;  and  at  fuch  time  as  I  dcfired 
to  i'peak  with  her  about  Law-bufinefs,  ever  fent  me  very  flight  refufals:  in- 
fomuch  that  immediately  after  Nezv-years-lUe,  I  defir'd  to  fpeak  with  her  ; 
and  being  admitted  to  her,  I  dealt  plainly  vrith  her  ;  and  faid,  "  Madam, 
"  I  fee  you  withdraw  your  Favour  from  me  ;  and  now  I  have  loft  many 
"  Friends  for  your  fake,  I  fliall  lofe  you  too  ;  you  have  put  me,  like  one  of 

Vol.  I.  Lll  *'  thofe 


442  Letters  relating  to  toe  h.\3 two tCs  Life.     Seel.  I. 

"  thofe  the  French  call  Erifans  per^us,  that  ferve  on  foot  before  the  Horfe  ; 
"  fo  have  you  put  me  into  matters  of  Envy  without  Place,  or  without 
**  Strength;  and  I  know  at  Chefs  a  Pawn  before  the  King  is  ever  much 
•■*  plaid  upon.  A  great  many  love  me  not,  becaufe  they  think  I  have  been  a- 
"  gainft  my  Lord  of  EjJ x\  and  you  love  me  not,  becaufe  you  know  I  have 
"  been  for  him:  yet  it  will  never  repent  me,  that  I  have  dealt  in  fimplicity 
"  of  Heart  towards  you  both,  without  refpcft  of  Cautions  to  my  felf  •,  and 
•'  therefore  vivus,  I'ideufqtte  pereo.  If  I  do  break  my  Neck,  I  fhall  do  it  as 
*'  Dorrington  did,  who  walked  on  the  Battlements  of  the  Church  many  days, 
"  and  took  a  view  and  furvey  where  he  fliou'd  tall  :  and  fo,  Madam,  I  am 
*'  not  fo  fimple,  but  that  I  have  a  profpcd  of  my  Overthrow,  only  I 
*'  thought  I  wou'd  tell  you  fo  much,  that  you  m:.y  know  it  was  Faith,  and  not 
*'  Folly,  that  brought  me  to  it;  and  fo  I  will  pr.iy  for  you."  Upon  which 
Speech  of  mine,  uttered  with  fome  pifTion,  her  Majefty  was  exceedingly 
moved  ;  and  accumulated  a  number  of  kind  and  gracious  Words  upon  me  ; 
and  will'd  me  to  reft  upon  this,  ^(ralia  mea  fuji'icit ;  and  a  number  of  other 
fenfible  and  tender  Words  and  Demonffrations ;  fuch  as  greater  cou'd  not  be: 
but  as  to  my  Lord  of  EJJex,  ne  verbuni  qnide??i.  Whereupon  I  departed, 
refting  then  determin'd  to  meddle  no  more  in  the  matter  -,  as  what  I  faw 
wou'd  overthrow  me,  and  not  do  him  any  good.  And  thus  I  then  madtf 
my  own  Peace,  with  my  ownConlidence. 

And  this  was  the  laft  time  I  law  her  Majefty,  before  th«  eighth  of  Februa- 
ry,  the  day  of  my  Lord  of  Ej[fex\  misfortune  ;  after  which,  what  I  perform'd 
«t  the  Bar,  in  my  publick  Service,  your  Lordfhip  knows,  by  the  rules  of 
Duty,  I  was  to  do  it  honeftly,  and  without  prevarication  :  but  for  putting 
my  felf  mto  ir,  I  proteft  before  God,  I  never  mov'd  either  the  Queen,  or 
any  Perfon  living,  concerning  my  being  uied  in  the  Service,  either  of  Evi- 
dence or  Examination  ;  but  it  was  merely  laid  upon  me,  with  the  reft  of 
my  Fellows.  And  for  the  time  that  pafTed  between  the  Arraignment  and 
my  Lord's  fufFering,  I  well  remember  I  was  but  once  with  the  Queen;  when, 
tho'  I  durft  not  deal  direftly  for  my  Lord  as  things  then  ftood  ;  yet  generally 
I  both  commended  her  Majefty's  Mercy,  terming  it  to  her  as  an  excellent 
Balm,  that  continually  diftilldh'om  her  fovereign  Hands,  and  made  an  ex- 
y^  cellent  Odour  in  the  Senfes  of  her  People :  and  not  only  fo,  but  I  took  the 
hardinefs  to  extenuate,  not  the  Faft,  for  that  I  durft  not,  but  the  Danger; 
telling  her,  that  if  fome  bafe  or  cruel-minded  Perfons  had  enter'd  into  fuch  an 
Aftion,  it  might  have  caufed  much  Blood  and  Combuftion:  but  it  well  ap- 
pear'd,  they  were  fuch  as  knew  not  how  to  play  the  Malefaftors  ;  and  fome 
other  Words,  which  I  now  omit. 

And  for  the  reft  of  my  carriage  in  that  Service,  I  have  honourable  Wit- 
neftTes;  who  can  tell,  that  the  next  day  after  my  Lord's  Arraignment,  by  my 
diligence  and  information,  touching  the  Quality  and  Nature  of  the  Offenders, 
fix  of  nine  were  ftaid,  which  otherwife  had  been  attainted  ;  I  bringing 
their  Lordfhip's  Letter  for  their  ftay,  after  the  Jury  was  fworn  to  pafs  up- 
on them  ;  fo  near  it  went:  and  how  careful  1  was,  and  made  it  my  part, 
that  wholbever  was  in  trouble  about  that  matter,    as  loon  as  ever  his  Cafe 

wa& 


Sedl. I.     Letters  relathig  to  the  Author 'sLife«  44-^ 

was  fufficiently  known  and  defined  of,  miglic  not  continue  in  reftraint,  but 
be  fei  at  liberty  i  and  many  other  Parts,  which,  I  am  well  aflur'd  of,  flood 
with  the  Duty  of  an  honeft  M.in. 

But  for  the  Cafe  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  I  will  not  deny  that  the  Queen  de- 
manding my  Opinion  of  it,  I  told  her,  I  thought  it  was  as  hard  as  many  of 
the  reft;  but  what  was  the  reafon?  Becaufe  at  that  time  I  had  feen  only  his 
Accufation,  and  had  never  been  prefent  at  any  Examination  of  his  ;  and  the 
matter  fo  ftanding,  I  had  been  very  untrue  to  my  Service,  if  I  had  not  deli- 
ver'd  that  Opinion.  But  afterwards,  upon  Re-eximination  of  fome  that 
charged  him,  and  wcaken'd  their  own  Teftimony;  and  efpecially  hearing 
himfelf  t;k'fl  voce;  I  went  inftantly  to  the  Queen,  out  of  the  foundnefs  of 
my  Confcience,  not  regarding  what  Opinion  I  had  formerly  deliver'd  ;  and 
told  her  Majcfty,  I  was  latisfy'd  and  refolv'd  in  my :  Confcience,  that,  for 
the  reputation  of  the  Adtion,  the  Plot  was  to  countenance  the  Aftion  farther 
by  him,  in  refpedt  of  his  Place,  than  they  had  indeed  any  intereft  or  intelli- 
gence with  him. 

It  is  very  true  alfo,  about  that  time  her  Majefty  taking  a  liking  to  my 
Pen,  upon  what  I  had  formerly  done  concerning  the  Proceeding  at  2'^irk- 
Houfe,  and  likewife  upon  fome  other  Declarations,  which  in  former  times 
by  her  appointment  I  put  in  writing  •,  commanded  me  to  write  that  Book, 
which  was  publifhed,  for  the  better  faiisfaftion  of  the  World:  which  I  did, 
but  fo,  as  never  Secretary  had  more  particular  and  exprefs  Directions  and 
Inftrudions,  in  every  Point,  how  to  guide  my  Hand  in  it.   And  not  only  this, 
but  after  I  had  made  a  firft  draught  thereof,    and  propofcd  it  to  certain 
principal  Counfellors,  by  her  Majelly's  appointment,  it  was  perufed,  weigh- 
ed, cenfurec},  and  made  almoft  a  new  Writing,    according  to  their  Lord- 
fhips    better^xpnfidcration ;    wherein   their   Lordfhips    and    my  felf  were 
as  religious  and  curious  of  Truth,  as  defirous  of  Satisfadion  :   and  my  felf 
indeed  gave  only  words,  and  form  of  ftyle,  in  purfuing  their  direction.     And 
after  it  had  paffed  thtir  allowance,    it  was  again  exadtly  perufed  by  the 
Queen  her  felf;  and  fome  alterations  made  again  by  her  appointment:  nay, 
and  after  it  was  fent  to  the  Prefs,  the  Queen,  who,  as  fhe  was  excellent  in 
great  matters,  fo  fne  was   exquifite  in  fmal! ;    noted  that  I  could  not   for- 
get my  ancient  refpeft  to  my  Lord  of  EJfcX,  in  terming  him  ever  my  Lord 
of  Epx,  almoft  in  every  Page  of  the  Book  ;  which  fhe  thought  not  fit,  but 
v/ould  have  ic  made  Ejfix,    or  the  late  Earl  of  EJJex  ;    whereupon  ic  was 
printed  de  novo  ;  and  the  firft  Copies  fupprefled  by  her  peremptory  com- 
mand. 

And  this,  my  Lord,  to  my  beft  remembrance,  is  all  that  paffed  wherein 
I  had  a  part ;  which  I  have  fet  down,  as  near  as  I  could,  in  the  very  Words 
and  Speeches  that  were  ufed  ;  not  becaufe  they  are  worthy  the  repetition,  I 
mean,  thofe  of  my  own  -,  but  to  the  end  your  Lordfhip  may  lively  and  plain- 
ly difcern  between  the  Face  of  Truth,  and  a  fmooth  Tale  :  and  the  rather 
alfo,  becaufe  in  thfngs  that  paffed  a  good  while  fince,  the  very  Words  and 
Phrafes  did  fometimes  bring  to  my  remembrance  the  Matters;  wherein  I 
appeal  to  your  honourable  Judgment,  whether  you  do  not  fee  the  traces  of 

L  1 1  2  -an 


444  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sec^.  L 

an  honeft  Man:  and  had  I  been  as  well  btlieved  either  by  the  Queen  or  by 
my  Lord,  as  I  was  well  heard  by  them,  both  my  Lord  had  b^en  fortunate, 
and  fo  had  my  felf",  in  his  fortune. 

To  conclude  therefore,  I  humbly  pray  your  LordOiip  to  hold  me  in  your 
good  opinion,  till  you  know  I  have  dcferved,  or  find  that  I  lliall  defcrve 
the  contrary. 

XVIII.  ^ 

To  Mr  Robert  Kempe;  icpon  the  Death  of  the  ^een. 

THIS  alteration  is  fo  great,  that  you  might  jaftly  conceive  fome  coldnefs 
of  my  AfFeftion  towards  you,  if  you  Ihou'd  hear  nothing  from  me ;  I 
living  in  this  place.  'Tis  in  vain  to  tell  you  with  what  a  wonderful  ftill, 
and  calm  this  Wheel  is  turn'd  round  ;  which,  whether  it  be  a  Remnant  of 
her  Felicity  *  that  is  gone,  or  a  Fruit  of  his  R-putation  that  is  coming,  I 
will  not  determine.  For  1  cannot  but  divide  my  felf  between  her  Memory 
and  his  Name.  Yet  we  accoumut-but  a  fair  Morn,  before  Sun-rifing,  till  his 
Majefty's  prefence  ;  tho'  for  my  part  I  fee  not  whence  any  Weather  fhould 
arife.  The  Papifirs  are  contained  with  Fear  enough,  and  Hope  too  much. 
The  French  is  thought  to  turn  his  Praftice  upon  procuring  fome  difturbance 
in  Scotland ;  where  Crowns  may  do  wonders  :  But  this  Day  is  fo  welcome  to 
the  Nation,  and  the  time  fo  Ihort,  that  I  do  not  fear  the  Effetft.  There  is 
a  continual  polling  by  Men  of  good  quality  towards  the  King  ;  the  rather, 
I  think,  becaufe  this  Spring-time  'cis  bu^a  kind  of  fport,  Tis  hoped  that 
as  the  State  here  has  performed  the  part  of  good  Attorneys,  to  deliver  the 
King  quiet  poffelTion  of  his  Kingdoms ;  fo  the  King  will  redeliver  them  quiet 
poffeffion  of  their  Places ;  rather  fillmg  Places  void,  than  removing  Mes 
placed. 

An.  1603. 

XIX. 

To  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner\  in  Scotland,  before  the  Kings 
Entrafjce'y  defiritig  recommendatioft  to  his  Majejij. 

FO R  our  Money-matters,  I  am  aflured  you  received  no  diffatisfaffion  ; 
for  you  know  my  Mind,  and  you  know  my  Means;  which  now  the 
opennefs  of  the  time,  caufed  by  this  blefled  Confent,  and  Peace,  will  in- 
creale  -,  and  fo  our  Agreement,  according  to  your  time,  be  obferved.  For 
the  prefent,  according  to  the  Roman  Adage,  that  one  Clujier  of  Grapes  ri'ens 
lejl  ieftde  another  ;     I  know  you  hold  me  not  unworthy,    whofe  mutual 

friendfhip 

'  'Seethe  Author's  Account  of  her  Teliclty,  Vol.  I.  Sufplement  III. 

*  Preceptor  to  Prince  Henry,  and  the  tiill  Difcoverer  ot  Aidiu-JVliaes  in  England. 


Sed:.  r.      Letters  relating  /i^ />5^  Author's  Life.  44.5 

friendfhip  you  fliould  cherifli :  and  I,  for  my  part,  conceive  good  hope,  that 
you  arc  likely  to  become  an  acceptable  Servant  to  the  King  our  Mafter:  not 
lb  much  for  any  Way  made  heretofore,  (which,  in  my  judgment,  will 
make  no  great  difference)  as  for  the  Stuft" and  Sufficiency  which  I  know  to  be 
in  you ;  and  whereof,  I  know,  his  M.ijefty  may  reap  great  fcrvice.  And 
therefore,  my  general  requell  is,  that  according  to  that  induftrious  Vivaci- 
ty, which  you  ufe  towards  your  Friends,  you  will  further  his  Majefty's 
good  Opinion  and  Inclination  towards  me  ;  to  whom  Words  cannot  make  me 
known-,  neither  my  own,  nor  others  ;  but  Time  will,  to  no  difadvantage  of 
any  that  ihall  fore-run  his  Majedy's  experience,  by  their  Teftimony  and 
Commendation.  And  tho'  occafion  s^ive  you  the  precedence  of  doing  me 
this  fpecial  good  Office  -,  yet  I  hope  fliortly  to  have  means  of  requiting  your 
Favour.  More  particularlv,  having  thought  good  to  make  oblation  of  my 
moft  humble  Service  to  his  Majefly  by  a  tew  Lines;  I  defire  your  loving 
care,  and  help,  by  your  felf,  or  fuch  means  as  I  refer  to  your  difcretion,  to 
deliver  and  prefent  the  fame  to  his  M.ijelly's  hands.  Of  which  Letter  I 
fend  you  a  Copy,  that  you  may  know  what  you  carry  ;  and  may  receive  of 
Mr.  Malthcin-iX^wt  Letter  it  felf,  if  you  be  pleai<;d  to  undertake  the  delivery. 
Laltly,  I  commend  to  your  felf,  and  fuch  your  Courtefies,  as  occafion  may 
require,  this  Gentleman  Mr.  Mr,ttbc'ws,  eldeft  Son  to  my  Lord  Bifhop  of 
Durham,  and  my  very  good  Friend  ;  affuring  you,  that  any  Courtefy  you 
fhall  ufe  towards  him,  you  (hall  ufe  to  a  very  worthy  young  Gentleman, 
and  one,  I  know,  whole  acquaintance  you  will  much  efteem. 
An.  1603. 


XX. 

To  the  King;  offering  Service  upon  his  Majejiys  coming  in^ 

'A  I  MS  obfcrved  by  fome,  upon  a  place  in  the  Canlicles,  egofiimfos  campi, 
\  i^  lUiiim  convaliuiiii,  that,  a  difpari,  'tis  not  faid,  ego  fum  flos  horti 
(s  lilium  7no}itwm  ;  bccaufe  the  Majefty  of  that  Perfon  is  not  inclofed  for  s. 
few,  nor  appropriated  to  the  great.  And  yet,  notwithftanding  this  royal 
virtue  of  Accefs,  which  both  Nature  and  Judgment  have  planted  in  your 
Majefty's  Mind,  as  the  Portal  of  all  the  reft  ;  could  not  alone,  my  Imper- 
fcdions  confidered,  have  animated  me  to  make  oblation  of  my  felf  immedi- 
ately to  your  Majefty,  had  it  not  been  join'd  with  a  habit  of  the  like  Liber- 
ty, which  I  enjoy'd  with  my  late  dear  iovereign  Miftrefs ;  a  Princefs  happy 
in  all  things,  but  moft  happy  in  fuch  a  Succeflbr.  And  yet  farther,  and 
more  nearly,  I  was  not  a  little  encouraged  upon  a  fuppofil,  that  to  your 
Majefty's  facred  Ear,  there  might  perhaps  have  come  fome  notice  of  the 
g'^od  Memory  of  my  Father  %  lb  long  a  principal  Counfellor  in  this  your 

King- 

*  viz..  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon ;  Lord  Keeper  of  tlje  Great-Seal  for  twenty  Years,    under  Queea 
Elisjahtb. 


446  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

Kingdom  •,  as  alfo  a  more  particular  knowledge  of  the  infinite  Devotion  and 
jnceffant  Endeavours,  beyond  the  Strength  of  his  Body,  and  the  Nature  of  the 
Times,  which  appeared  in  my  good  Brother,  IVIr.  Anthony  Ba^on,  towards 
your  IVTajefty's  Service  ;  and  were,  on  your  Majefty's  part,  thro'  your  fingular 
Benignity,  by  many  moft  gracious  and  lively  Significations  and  Favours,  ac- 
cepted and  acknowledged,  beyond  the  merit  of  any  thing  he  could  effe<ft  : 
which  Endeavours  and  Duties,  for  the  moft  part,  were  common  to  myfelf 
with  him;  tho' by  defign,  as  between  Brethren,  diffembled.  And  therefore, 
moil  high  and  mighty  King,  my  moft  dear  and  dread  fovereign  Lord,  fincc 
BOW  theCorner-ftone  is  laid  of  the  mightieft  Monarchy  in  Europe  \  and  that 
God  above,  who  has  ever  a  hand  in  bridling  the  Floods  and  Motions  both  of 
the  Seas,  and  of  People's  Hearts,  has,  by  the  miraculous  and  univerfal  Con- 
ient,  in  your  coming  in,  given  a  fign  and  token  of  great  Happinefs,  by  the 
Continuance  of  your  Reign  -,  I  think  there  is  noSubjeifb  of  your  Majefty's, 
who  loves  thislfland,  and  is  not  hollow  or  unworthy,  whole  Heart  is  not  fee 
on  fire,  not  only  to  bring  you  Peace-offerings,  to  make  you  propitious  ; 
but  to  ficrifice  himfelf  a  Burnt-off>Ming  to  your  Majefty's  Service  :  amonoft 
which  number,  no  Man's  fire  Ihall  be  more  pure  and  fervent  than  mine  ;  but 
how  far  it  ftiali  blaze  out,  refts  in  your  Majefty's  Pleafure.  So  thirfting  after 
theHappinefs  of  kiffing  your  royal  Hand,  I  continue  ever,  Off. 
An.  1603. 


XXI. 

To  the  Earl  of  Northumberland;  recommejjding  a 
Proclamation  to  be  made  by  the  King  at  his  Entrance. 

I  Hold  it  a  thing  formal  and  neceftliry,  for  the  King  to  forerun  his  coming, 
(be  it  ever  fo  fpecdy,)  with  fome  gracious  Declaration  -,  for  the  cherifhing, 
entertaining,  and  preparing  of  Men's  Afieftions.  For  which  purpofe,  I  have 
conceived  a  Draught  •,  it  being  a  thing  fxmiliar  in  my  Miftrefs's  Times,  to 
have  my  Pen  ufed  in  publick  Writings  of  Satisfaflion.  Theufe  of  this  may- 
be in  two  forts:  Firft,  properly,  if  your  Lordfhip  think  it  convenient  to 
fhew  the  King  any  fuch  Draught ;  becaufe  the  Veins  and  Pulfes  of  this  State 
cannot  but  be  beft  known  here:  which,  if  your  Lordfhip  fhould  do,  thtn  I 
would  defire  you  to  withdraw  my  Name  •,  and  only  fignify,  that  you  gave 
fome  Heads  of  Diredion,  of  fuch  a  Matter  to  one,  of  whole  Style  and  Pen 
you  had  fome  opinion.  The  other  is  collateral  ;  that  tho'  your  Lordfhip 
make  no  other  ufe  of  it,  yet 'tis  a  kind  of  Portraiture  of  that,  which  1  think 
worthy  to  be  advifed,  by  your  Lordfhip,  to  the  King;  and  perhaps  mor« 
compendious  and  fignificant,  than  if  I  had  fet  them  down  in  Articles  '■. 
An.  1603.  XXII, 

*  This  Proclamation  was  fuperfeded  by  the  Publication  of  the  King's  Book  ie  Officio  Kegis. 
See  Vol.  I.  Supplem.  II. 


Se(5l.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author'^  Life»  44.7 


XXII. 

To  the  Earl  of  Northumberland;  giving  fome 
CharaSier  of  the  Ki?jg  at  his  Arrival. 

IWoiiKi  not  have  loft  this  Journey  ;  and  yet  I  have  not  what  I  went  for  :  for 
I  have  hid   no  private    Conference,    to    purpofe,  with  the  King.     No 
more   has  almoft  any  other  Englijh  :  for  the  Speech  his  Majefty  admits  with 
fome  Noblemen,   is  rather  Matter  of  Grace  than  Bufinefs.     He  fpoke  with 
the  Attorney,  urged  by  the  Treafurer  of  Scolland  ;  but  no  more  than  needs 
muft.     After  I  had  received   his  Majefty's  firft  Welcome,  I  waspromifed 
private  Accefs  •,    yet  not  knowing  what  Matter  of  Service   your  Lordfhip's  ' 
Letter  carried  •,  and  well  knowing,  that  Primeneft  in  advertifementismuch  j 
I  chofe  rather  to  deliver  it  to  Sir  Tbo.  Heski>ii,  than  to  cool  it  in  my  own  hands, 
upon  expectation  of  Accefs.     Your  Lordlhip  fliall  find  a  Prince  the  fartheft 
from  Vain-glory  that  may  be  ;  and  rather  like  a  Prince  of  the  ancient  form, 
than  of  the   later  time.     His  Speech  is    fvvift  and  curfory,    and  in  the  full 
Dialeft  of  his  Country -,  in  Speech  of  Bufinefs,  fhort ;  in  Speech  of  Difcourfe» 
large.     He  affefts  Popularity,  by  gracing  fuch  as  he  has  heard  to  be  popular, 
and  not  by  any  fafliions  of  his  own.     He  is  thought  fomewhat  general  in 
his  Favours  ;  and  his  Virtue  of  Accefs  is  rather,  becaufe  he  is  much  abroad 
and  in  prefs,  th.in  that  he  gives  eafy  audience.     Hehaftens  to  a  Mixture  of 
both  Kingdoms  and  Occafions,  falter,  perhaps,  than  Policy  will  well  bear. 
I  told  your  Lordfhip  once  before,  that  his  Majefly  rather  feemed  to  afk 
counfel  of  the  time  palt,  than  of  the  time  to  come  :  but  'tis  yet  early  to 
ground  any  fettled  opinion.     The  Particulars  I  refer  to  Conference ;  having 
in  tliefe  Generals  gone  farther  in  fo  tender  an  Argument,  than  I  would  have 
done,  were  not  the  Bearer  hereof  fo  aflured. 
jiii.  1603. 


XXIII. 

To  Mr.  Matthews;  fg^ifying  the  Proceedings  of  the 
King-i    ^i  his  jirfi  E?itrance. 

MY  aim  was  right  in  my  Addrefs  of  Letters  to  thofe  Perfons  in  the 
Court  of  Scotland,  who  were  likelieft  to  be  ufed  for  the  Afl'airs  of 
England :  but  the  pace  they  held  was  too  fwift ;  for  the  Men  were  come  away 
before  my  Letters  could  reach  theni.     With  che  Erfl:  I  have  renewed  Acquain- 


tance 


44^  Letten^relat'mg  to  the  Authors  Life.     Sed.  I, 

■  «  '  tance  :  and  'twas  like  a  Bill  cf  Reiivor,  by  way  of  Crofs-fuits  ;  for  he  was  as 
ready  to  have  begun  with  me.  The  fecond  arrived  this  day,  and  grew  ac- 
quainted with  me  inftantly  in  the  Council-chamber  j  and  was  wilhng  to  en- 
tertain me  with  farther  Demonftiations  of  Confidence,  tlian  I  was  willing,  at 
that  time,  to  admit.  But  I  have  had  no  ferious  Speech  with  him  :  nor  do  I 
yet  know  whether  any  of  the  Duplicates  ol  my  Lecrer  have  been  delivered 
to  the  King.     It  may,  perhaps,  have  proved   your  luck  to  be  the  firft. 

Things  are  here  in  good  Quiet.  The  King  afts  excellently  well  ;  for  he 
puts  in  Chufes  of  Referve  to  every  Provifo.  He  fays,  he  would  be  forry  to 
have  juft  caufe  to  remove  any.  He  fays,  he  will  difplace  none,  who  have 
ferved  the  Queen  and  State  fincerely,  &c.  The  truth  is,here  are  two  extremes : 
fome  few  would  have  no  Change,  no  not  Reformation  -,  and  many  would  have 
much  Change,  even  with  Perturbation.  God,  I  hope,  will  diredt  this  wife 
King  to  hold  a  mean  between  Reputation  enough,  and  no  Terrors.  In  my 
particular,  I  have  many  Comforts  and  Afllirances  ;  but  in  my  own  Opinion 
the  chief  is,  that  the  canvaffing  World  is  gone  -,  and  the  deferving  World  is 
come.  And  withal,  Ifindmyfelf  as  one  awaked  out  of  fleep  ;  which  I  have 
not  been  this  long  time  :  nor  could,  I  think,  have  been  now,  without  fuch  a 
great  noife  as  this  ;  which  yet  is  in  aura  leni.  I  write  this  to  you  in  hafte  ; 
my  End  being  no  more,  than  to  make  you  know,  thati  will  ever  continue 
the  fcime  ;  and  ftill  be  fure  to  wifli  you  as  heartily  well  as  to  myfelf. 
All.  1603. 


XXIV. 

To  the  Earl  of  Salisbury;  fuing  for  the  Sollicitors 

Place. 

I  Am  not  privy  to  myfcif  of  any  fuch  ill  deferving  towards  your  Lordfliip, 
as  that  I  fhould  think  it  an  impudent  thing  to  be  a  Suitor  for  your  favour 
in  a  reafonable  matter  ;  your  Lordfhip  being  to  me  as  you  cannot  ceafe  to 
be  :  but  rather   it  were  a  fimple  and  arrogant  part  in  me  to  forbear  it. 

'Tis  thought  Mr.  Attorney  fliall  be  Chief-Juftice  of  the  Common-Pleas  ; 
and  in  cafe  Mr.  Sollicitor  rife,  I  would  be  glad,  now  at  laft,  to  be  SoUicitor ; 
chiefly  becaufe  I  think  it  will  increafe  my  Praftice  ;  wherein,  God  blefTing 
me  a  few  Years,  I  may  mend  my  Eftate  •,  and  fo  after  fall  to  my  Studies  and 
Eafe  ;  whereof 'one  is  requifite  for  my  Body,  and  the  other  for  my  Mind  : 
wherein,  if  I  fliall  find  yourLordfliip's  favour,  1  ihall  be  more  happy  than 
I  have  been  ;  which  may  make  me  alfo  more  wife.  I  have  fmall  ftore  of 
means  about  the  King  ;  and  to  fue  myfelf,  'tis  not  fit  -,  and  therefore  I  fhall 
leave  it  to  God,  hisMajefly,  and  your  Lordfliip  ;  for  I  mufl:  flill  be  next  the 
door.  I  thank  God,  in  thefe  tranfitory  things  I  am  well  refolved.  So  be- 
fecching  your  Lordfliip  not  to  think  this  Letter  the  lefs  humble,  becaufe  'tis 
plain,  I  refl:,  ^c.  XXV. 


SeA.  I.     Letters  reiatwg  to  th  \vrnoKs  Life.  449 


XXV. 

Jo  the  Earl  of  Salisbury;    agam  fuing  for   the 
Sollicitors  Place. 

I  Am  not  ignorant  how  mean  a  thing  I  (land  for,  in  defiring  to  come  into 
the  Sollidtor\  Place :  for  I  know  well  'tis  not  the  thing  it  has  been  ;  time 
having  wrought  an  alteration  both  in  the  ProfefTion,  and  in  that  particular 
Place.  Yet  becaufe,  I  think,  it  will  increafc  my  Praftice,  and  fatisfy  my 
Friends ;  and  becaufe  I  have  been  voiced  to  it  ;  I  would  be  glad  it  were  done. 
Wherein  I  may  fay  to  your  Lordlhip,  in  the  confidence  of  your  poorKinf- 
man,  and  of  a  Man  by  you  advanced  ;  tu  ideinfer  opem,  qui  fpem  dedijH  :  for, 
I  am  fure,  'twas  not  poffible  for  a  Man  living  to  have  received  from  another, 
more  fignificant  and  comfortable  Words  of  Hope  ;  your  Lordlhip  being 
pleafed  to  tell  me,  during  the  Courfe  of  my  laft  Service,  that  you  would 
raife  me  ;  and  that,  when  you  had  refolved  to  raife  a  Man,  you  were  more 
careful  of  him  than  himfelf ;  and  that  what  you  had  done  for  me  in  my 
Marriage,  was  a  benefit  to  me,  but  of  no  ufe  to  your  Lordfhip  ;  and  there- 
fore I  might  aflure  myfelf,  you  would  not  leave  me  there  :  with  many  like 
Speeches,  which,  I  know  my  Duty  too  well,  to  take  any  other  hold  of,  than 
the  hold  of  a  thankful  Remembrance.  And  I  acknowledge,  that  all  the 
World  knows,  your  Lordfhip  is  no  dealer  of  holy  Water,  but  noble 
and  real  ;  and  on  my  part,  I  am,  of  a  fure  ground,  that  I  have  committed 
nothing  that  may  deferve  alteration.  And  therefore  my  hope  is,  your  Lord- 
fhip will  finifh  a  good  work  -,  and  confider,  that  time  grows  precious  with 
me  ;  and  that  I  am  now  in  vergenlihus  Anms.  And  altho'  I  know  that  your 
Fortune  is  not  to  need  an  hundred  fuch  as  I  am,  yet  I  fhall  be  ever  ready  to 
give  you  my  firft  and  beft  Fruits ;  and  to  fupply,  as  much  as  in  me  lies, 
Worthinefs  by  Thankfulnefs. 


XXVI. 

To   the  Lord  Chancellor;  fuing  for  the  Sollicitors 

Place. 

As  I  conceived  it  to   be  a   refolution,    both  with  his  Majefty,    and 
among  your  Lordfhips  of  his  Council,  that  I  Ihould  be  placed  SoUici- 
tor,  and  the  Sollicitor  be  removed  to  be  the  King's  Serjeant;  fo  I  moll  thank- 
fully acknowledge  your  furtherance  therein  -,  your  Lordfliip  being  the  Man, 
V  o  L.  L  M  m  m  who 


45©  Letters  relating  to  //^^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  Life.      Sedl.  I. 

who  firfl  devifed  the  Means.  Wherefore  my  humble  reqiieft  to  your  I>nrd- 
ftiip  is,  that  you  would  let  in  withfome  ftrength  to  finifh  this  Work  ;  which 
I  affure  your  Lordfhip,  I  defire  the  rather,  becaufe,  when  placed,  I  hope, 
for  many  favours,  at  laft  to  be  able  to  do  you  fome  better  fcrvice.  For  as  I 
am,  your  Lordfhip  cannot  ufe  me  •,  nor  fcarcely,  indeed,  know  me.  Not 
that  I  vainly  think,  I  fhall  be  able  to  do  any  great  matters  •,  but  certainly 
it  will  frame  me  to  ufe  a  more  induftrious  Obfervance,  and  Application  to 
fuch  as  I  honour  fo  much  as  I  do  your  Lordiliip  ;  and  not,  I  hope,  without 
fome  good  offices,  which  may,  now  and  then,  deferve  your  thanks.  And 
herewithal,  I  humbly  pray  your  Lordfhip  to  confider,  that  time  grows  pre- 
cious with  me  ;  and  that  a  married  Man  is  feven  Years  older  in  his  Thoughts 
the  firft  day.  And  therefore,  what  an  uncomfortable  thing  is  it  for  me  to 
be  unfettled  ftill  ?  Certainly,  were  it  nor,  that  I  think  my  felf  born  to  do  my 
Sovereign  fervice,  and  therefore  in  thatSration  I  will  live  and  die  ;  otherwife, 
for  my  own  private  Comfort,  'twere  better  for  me,  that  the  King  fhould  blot 
me  out  of  his  Book  •,  or  that  I  fhould  turn  my  Courfe  to  ferve  in  fome  other 
kind,  than  for  me  to  ftand  thus  at  a  flop  >  and  to  have  that  little  Reputation, 
which,  by  my  Induftry,  I  gather,  to  be  fcatter'd  and  taken  away  by  con- 
tinual Difgraces;  every  new  Man  coming  above  me.  Sure  lam,  I  fliall 
never  have  fliirer  Promifes  and  Words  from  all  your  Lordfhips.  For  I  know 
not  what  my  Services  are,  faving  that  your  Lordfliips  told  me  tJiey  were  good  ; 
and  I  would  believe  you  in  a  much  greater  matter.  Were  it  nothing  elfe,  I 
hope  the  Modefty  of  my  Suit  deferves  fomewhat ;  fori  know  well,  theSolli- 
citor's  Place  is  not  as  your  Lordfhip  left  it  ;  time  working  alteration,  fome- 
what in  the  ProfefTion,  much  more  in  that  particular  Place.  And  were  it 
not  to  fatisfy  my  "Wife's  Friends,  and  to  get  myfclf  out  of  being  a  common 
Gaze  and  a  Speech,  I  proteft,  before  God,  I  would  never  fpeak  a  word  of 
it.  But,  to  conclude,  as  my  honourable  Lady,  your  Wife,  wasfomemeans 
to  make  me  change  the  Name  of  another  ;  fo  if  it  pleafe  you  to  help  me  to 
change  my  own  Name,  I  can  be  but  more  and  more  bound  to  you:,  and 
I  am  much  deceived,  if  your  Lordfliip  find  the  King  not  well  inclined;  and 
my  Lord  of  Salisbury  forward  and  affedlionate. 


XXVII. 

To  the    King  ;  petitioning  for  the  Sollicitors  Place. 

Ho  W  honeftly  ready  I  have  been,  to  do  your  Majefty  humble  fervice, 
to  the  beft  of  my  power,  and  in  a  manner  beyond  my  power,  as  I 
now  ftand  -,  I  am  not  fo  unfortunate,  but  your  Majefty  knows.  For  both  in 
the  Cotnm'JJi  n  of  Union  (the  labour  whereof,  for  Men  of  my  ProfefTion,  refted 
moft  upon  my  hand;)  and  this  laft  Parliament,  in  the  Bill  of  the  Subfidy, 
boih  Body  and  Preamble  ;  in  the  Bill  of  Attainders  ;  in  the  Matter  of  Pur- 
veyance i  In  the  Ecclefiaftical  Petitions  i   in  the  Grievances,  and  the  like  i 

as 


Se6l.  I.     Letters  relathig  to  the  A  u  t  k  o  r's  L  i  f  e.  451 

as  I  was  ever  careful,  fometimes  to  put  forward  that  which  was  good  -,  fome- 
timcs  to  keep  back  that  which  was  not  fo  good  ;  fo  your  Majclly  was 
pleafed,  kindly  to  accept  of  my  Services,  and  to  lay  to  me,  fuch  Conflicls 
were  the  Wars  of  Peace  i  and  fuch  Vidtories  the  Vidories  of  Peace :  and 
therefore  fuch  Servants  as  obtained  them,  were  by  Kings,  that  reign  in 
Peace,  no  lefs  to  be  efteemed,  than  Services  of  Commanders  in  the  Wars. 
In  all  which,  neverthelefs,  I  can  challenge  tomyfelf  no  Sufficiency  ;  but  that 
I  was  diligent,  and  reafonably  happy,  to  execute  thofe  Direftions,  which  I 
received  immediately,  either  from  your  royal  Mouth,  or  from  my  Lord  of 
Salisbury.  At  which  time,  it  pleafed  your  Majefty  alfo,  to  promife  and 
affure  me,  that  upon  the  Remove  of  the  then  Attorney,  I  fhould  not  be 
forgotten  •,  but  brought  into  ordinary  Place.  This  was  after  confirm'd 
to  me,  by  many  of  my  Lords  -,  and  towards  the  End  of  the  laft  Term,  the 
manner  alfo  in  particular  was  fpoke  of  ;  viz.  that  Mr.  Sollicitor  fhould  be 
made  your  Majefty's  Serjeant,  and  I  Sollicitor  :  fo  'twas  thought  beft  to 
fort  with  both  our  Gifts  and  Faculties,  for  the  good  of  your  S  rvice.  And 
of  this  Refolution  both  Court  and  Country  took  notice.  Neither  was  this  any 
Invention  or  Project  of  my  own  •,  but  moved  from  my  Lords  •,  and  I  think 
firft  from  my  Lord  Chancellor :  whereupon  refling,  your  Majefty  well  knows 
I  never  open'd  my  mouth  for  the  greater  Place  •,  tho',  I  am  fure,  I  had 
two  Circumftances,  which  Mr.  Attorney,  that  now  is,  could  not  alledge : 
the  one,  nine  Years  Service  of  the  Crown  -,  the  other,  the  being  Coufin-german 
to  the  Lord  of  Salisbury,  whom  your  Majefty  efteems  and  trufts  fo  much. 
But  for  the  lefs  Place,  I  conceiv'd  'twas  meant  me.  But  after  Mr.  At- 
torney Hobari  was  placed,  I  heard  no  more  of  my  Preferment  -,  and  it 
feem'd  to  be  at  a  ftop  ;  to  my  great  difgrace  and  difcouragement. 
For,  gracious  Sovereign,  if  ftill,  when  the  Waters  are  ftirred,  another 
fhall  be  put  in  before  me  ;  your  Majefty  had  need  work  a  Miracle,  orelfe  I 
Ihall  be  ftill  a  lame  Man,  to  do  your  Majefty  fervice.  And,  therefore,  my 
moft  humble  Suit  to  your  Majefty,  is  ;  that  this,  which  feemed  to  me  in- 
tended, may  fpeedilv  be  performed.  And,  I  hope,  my  former  Service  fliall 
be  but  as  Beginnings  to  better;  when  I  am  better  ftrengthened.  For  fure  I  am, 
no  Man's  Heart  is  fuller  of  Love  and  Duty  towards  your  Majefty  and  your 
Children  •,  as,  I  hope,  time  will  manifeft,  againft  Envy  and  Detraflion,  if  any 
be.  To  conclude,  I  moft  humbly  crave  pardon  for  my  Boldnefs,  and  reft,  l^c. 

XXVIIl. 

To  Sir  Edward  Cokej  expojlidat'mg  upon  Sir  EdwardV 

Behaviour, 

I  Thought  beft,  once  for  all,  to  let  you  know  in  Plainnefs  what  I  find  of 
you,  and  what  you  ftiall  find  of  me.     You  take  to  yourfelf  a  liberty  of 
dilgracing  and  dilabling  my  Law,  my  Experience,  my  Difcretion :  what  it 

M  m  ra  2  pleafes 


45  2  Letters  relating  to  the  A  u  t  h  o  r's  L  i  f  e.     Sed.  I. 

pleafes  you,  I  pray  think  of  me.  I  am  one  that  know  my  own  wants,  and 
other  Mens ;  and  ic  may  be,  perhaps,  that  mine  mend,  when  others  (land 
at  aftay.  And  furely  I  fhall  not  endure,  inpublick,  to  be  wronged,  with- 
out repelling  the  fame,  to  right  myfelf.  You  are  great,  and  therefore  have 
the  more  Enviers,  who  would  be  glad  to  have  you  paid  at  another's  coft. 
Since  the  time  1  mifs'd  the  Sollicitor's  Place  -,  the  rather,  I  think,  by  your 
means ;  I  cannot  expedl  that  you  and  I  (hall  ever  ferve  as  Attorney  andSolli- 
citor  together  •,  but  either  to  ferve  with  another,  upon  your  Remove,  or  to 
ftep  into  fome  other  Courfe  :  fo  that  I  am  more  free  than  ever  from  any  oc- 
cafion  of  unworthy  conforming  myfelf  to  you,  more  than  general  good- 
manners,  or  your  particular  good  ufage  fhall  require.  And  if  you  had  not 
been  fhort-fighted  in  your  own  fortune,  1  think  you  might  have  had  more 
ufe  of  me.  But  that  Tide  ispafl:.  I  write  not  this  to  fhew  my  Friends  what 
a  brave  Letter  I  have  fent  to  Mr.  Attorney  ;  I  have  none  of  thofe  humours : 
but  what  I  have  written,  is  to  a  good  end  ;  the  more  decent  carriage  of  my 
Mafter's  Service  -,  and  our  particular  better  underftanding  of  one  another. 
This  Letter,  if  anfwered  by  you  in  Deed,  and  not  in  Word,  I  fuppofe  it  will 
not  be  worfe  for  us  both  •,  elfe  'tis  but  a  few  Lines  loft,  which,  for  a  much 
fmaller  matter,  I  would  have  adventured.  So  this  being  to  yourfelfj  I  for 
my  part  reft,  i^c. 

XXIX. 

To  the  King  ;  upon  occajioji  of  Mr.  Sutton'j  Rjlate^. 

I  Find  it  a  pofitive  Precept  of  the  old  Law,  that  there  fhould  be  no  Sacri- 
fice without  Salt :  the  Moral  whereof  may  be,  that  God  is  not  pleafed 
with  a  good  Intention,  unlefs  feafoned  with  fuch  Judgment  and  Difcretion, 
as  may  render  it  not  eafily  fubjeftto  corrupt  j  for  Salt,  in  the  Scripture,  is 
an  Emblem  both  of  Wifdom  and  Duration.  But  many  charitable  Defigns, 
are  Sacrifices  without  Salt ;  having  indeed  the  Materials  of  a  good  Intention, 
but  not  feafon'd  with  fuch  Condu6t  and  Regulations,  as  may  preferve  them 
found  and  ufeful.  For  tho'  the  choice  of  Direftors  and  Managers,  may 
for  the  prefentbe  excellent,  yet  they  cannot  long  furvive:  and  the  very  na- 
ture of  large  Adts  of  Charity  and  Beneficence,  being  apt  to  provoke  a  m\{- 
employment  -,  no  diligence  of  theirs  can  well  prevent  it  from  running  the 
fame  way,  as  great  Donations  of  the  like  kind  have  done.  And  to 
defign  a  Building  fit  for  a  Prince's  Palace,  to  the  ufes  of  an  Hofpital,  is  all 
one  as  to  give  an  embroidered  Cloak  to  a  Beggar.  And  certainly  'tis  eafy 
to  forefee,  that  if  fuch  an  Edifice,  with  a  very  liberal  Endowment,  be  erect- 
ed into  one  Hofpital,  it  muft  foon  degenerate,  and  become  a  Place  of  Pre- 
ferment for  fome  great  Perlon,  to  be  its  Mailer,  and  he  to  take  all  the  Sweet, 

and 

'  Left  for  founding  the  Charter-Houfe.    This  Advice  was  given  the  King  whilftthe  Author 
was  Soilicitor-Gcneral. 


Sec^.  I.     LeUers  re/afing  to  t^e  Authors  Life.  453 

and  the  poor  Penfioncrs  be  ftinted,  and  receive  but  tlie  Crumbs:  which  is 
the  cafe  of  many  Holpitals  in  this  Kingdom  •,  that  have  only  the  Names 
of  Holpitals ;  and  really  are  rich  Pofts  in  refpeft  of  the  Mafterfliip  ;  whilft 
the  Poor,  which  is  the  propter  quid,  are  little  relieved.  And  many  Cha- 
rities of  the  Rovii/^j  Religion,  in  their  great  Foundations,  have  fliared  the 
fame  Fate  :  which  being  begun  in  Oftentation,  and  Vain-glory,  have  en- 
ded in  Corruption  and  Abuie. 

But  if  this  Foundation  of  Mr.  Sutton*s,  fuch  as  it  is,  be  perfed  and  good  in 
Law,  I  am  too  well  acquainted  with  your  Majefty's  Difpofuion,  to  advife  any 
Courfe  of  Power,  or  Profit,  not  grounded  upon  a  Right.  Nay  farther,  if  the 
Defers  be  fuch  as  a  Court  of  Equity  may  remedy,  I  wifh  that  as  St.  Peter's 
Shadow  cured  Difeafes -,  To  the  very  Shadow  of  a  good  Intention  may  cure 
Defeats  of  that  nature.  But  if  there  be  a  Right,  and  Birth-right  planted  in  the 
Heir,  and  not  remediable  by  Courts  of  Equity  •,  and  that  Right  be  fubmitted 
to  your  iVlajefty  ;  whereby  'tis  both  in  your  Power  and  Grace,  what  to  do: 
then  I  wifh  that  this  rude  Mafs  and  Chaos  of  a  good  Deed,  were  direfted  ra- 
ther to  a  folid  Merit,  and  durable  Charity  ;  than  to  a  Blaze  of  Glory,  that  will 
but  crackle  a  little  in  Talk,  and  quickly  be  extinguifhed.  And  this  may  be 
done,  ftill  obferving  the  Nature  of  Mr.  Sutton's  Intent  -,  tho'  varying  in  indi- 
viduo :  for  it  appears  he  had  in  Notion  a  triple  good  •,  an  Hofpital,  a  School, 
and  maintaining  of  a  Preacher  :  which  Individuals  refer  to  thefe  three  general 
Heads  -,  Relief  of  the  Poor,  Advancement  ofLearning,and  the  Propagation  of 
Religion.  Now  then,  if  I  fhall  fet  before  your  Majefty,  in  every  of  thefe 
three  kinds,  what  is  moft  wanting  in  your  Kingdom  -,  and  what  is  likely  to  be 
the  moft  fruitful,  and  effeftual  Ufe  of  fuch  a  Beneficence,  and  leaft  likely  to 
be  perverted  •,  this  I  think  will  be  no  ill  fcope,  how  meanly  foever  per- 
formed :  for  out  of  Variety  reprefented.  Choice  may  be  bcft  grounded. 

As  to  the  Relief  of  the   Poor;  I  judge  that  fome  Number  of  Hofpitals, 
with  competent  Endowments,  will  do  far  more  good  than  one  Hofpital  of 
an  exorbitant  greatnefs :  for  tho'  the  one  will  be  more  feen,  yet  the  other  will 
be  the  more  felt.     For  if  your  Majefty  ered:  many,  befides  obferving  the  or- 
dinary Maxim,  Boiium  quo  commumces.,  eo  melius.  Choice  may  be  m.ade  of  thofe 
Towns  and  Places  where  there  is  moft  need  •,  and  fo  the  Remedy  may  be 
dittributed  as  the  Difcafe  is  difperfed.     Again,  greatnefs  of  Relief  accumu- 
lated in  one  Piace,  rather  invites  a  Swarm,  and  a  Surcharge  of  Poor,  than 
relieves  thofe  naturally  bred  in  the  Places-,  like  ill-tempered  Medicines,  that 
draw  more  Humour  to  the  Part,  than  they  evacuate  from  it.     But  chiefly, 
I  rely  upon  thisReafon,  that  in  great  Hofpitals  the  Revenues  will  draw  the 
Ufe,  and  not  the  Ufe  the  Revenues  •,  and  fo  thro'  the  Mafs  of  the  Wealth, 
they  will  fwiftly  tumble  down  to  a  Mif-employment.     And  if  any  Man  fay, 
that  in  the  two  Hofpitals  of  London,  there  is  a  Precedent  of  Greatnefs  con- 
curring with  good  Employment  -,  let  him  confider,  that  thofe  Hofpitals  have 
annual  Governors ;  that  they  are  under  the  fuperior  Care  and  Policy  of  fuch 
a  State,  as  the  City  of  London  ;  and  chiefly,  that  their  Revenues  confift  not 
upon  Certainties,  but  upon  Cafualties,   and  free  Gifts:  which  Gifts  wou'd 
be  withheld,  if  they  appeared  once  to  be  perverted  j  fo  that  it  keeps  them  in 


^54  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sedl.  I. 

a  continual  good  Behrivioiir,  and  Awe,  to  employ   them    aright :  none  of 
which  Points  do  match  with  the  prtfcnt   Cafe. 

The  next  Confideration  may  be,  whether  this  intended  Hofpital,  as  it 
has  a  more  ample  Endowment  than  others,  fhou'd  not  likewife  work  upon 
a  better  Subjecl,  or  be  converted  to  the  Reli'^f  of  maim'd  Soldiers,  decay'd 
Merchants,  aged  Houfe-kcepers,  d;ftitute  Church-men,  and  the  like ; 
whole  Condition  being  of  a  better  Sort,  than  loofe  People,  and  Beggars, 
deferves  both  a  more  liberal  Stipend,  and  fome  proper  Place  of  Relief,  not 
intermixed  with  the  bafer  Sort  of  Poor :  which  Projed,  tho'  fpecious,  yet, 
in  my  judgment,  will  not  anfwer  the  Defign  in  thefe  times.  For  cer- 
tainly, few  Men  in  any  Vocation,  who  have  been  fome-body,  and  bear  a 
Mind  fomcwhat  according  to  the  Confcienceand  Remembrance  of  what  they 
have  been,  will  ever  defcend  to  that  Condition,  as  to  profefs  to  live  upon 
Alms,  and  become  a  Corporation  of  declared  Beggars;  but  will  rather  chufe 
to  live  obfcurely  ;  and,  as  it  were,  hide  themfelves  with  fome  private  Friends  : 
whence  the  end  of  fuch  an  Inftitution  will  be,  to  make  the  Place  a  Re- 
ceptacle of  the  worft,  idleft,  and  moft  diflblute  Perfons  of  every  Profeffion  ; 
and  to  become  a  Cell  of  Loiterers,  caft  Serving-men  and  Drunkards  ;  with 
Scandal  rath.T  than  Fruit  to  the  Commonwealth.  And  of  this  kind  I  can 
find  but  one  Example  with  ufe,  viz.  the  Alms- Knights  of  Wind/or :  which  par- 
ticular wou'd  give  a  Man  fmall  Encouragement,  to  follow  that  Precedent. 

Therefore  the  bcft  effect  of  Hofpitals,  is  to  make  the  Kingdom,    if  it 
were   po.T.ble,    capable  of  that  Law,  that  there  fliou'd  be  no  Beggar   in 
Jfrael:  for  'tis  fuch  People  that  are  a  Burden,  an  Eye-ibre,  a  Scandal,  and  a 
Seed  of  Danger  and  Tumult  in  the  State.     But  chiefly  'twere  to  be  wilh'd, 
that  fuch  a  Beneficence  towards    the    Relief  of  the    Poor,     were  fo  be- 
ftowed,  as   that  not  only  the  mere  and  naked  Poor  fhou'd  be  fuftained  ; 
but  alfo,  that  the  honeft  Pcrfon, which  has  hard  mean's  to  live,  and  upon  whom 
the  Poor  are  now  charged,   fhou'd  be  in  fome  fort  eafed  :    for  that  were 
a  work  generally  acceptable  to  the  Kingdom,  if  thepublick  hand  of  Alms 
might  fpare  the  private  hand    of  Tax.    And  therefore,   of  all  other  Em- 
ployments of  that  kind,  I  mod  commend  Houl'es  of  Relief,  and  Correc- 
tion ;  which  are  mix'd  Hofpitals,  where  the  impotent  Perfon   is  relieved  ; 
the  fturdy  Beggar  buckled  to  work  ;  and  the  unable  Perfon  alfo  not  main- 
tain'd  to  be  idle  •,  but  is  fuited  with  fuch  Work,  as    he  can  manage  and 
perform:  and  v.'here  the  Ufcs  are  not  difl^inguifli'd,  as  in  other  Hofpitals; 
whereof  fome  are  foraged  and  impotent,  and  fome  for  Children,  and  fome 
for  Correction  oi  Vagabonds-,  but  are  general  and  promifcuous :  fo  that  they 
may  take  off  Poor  of  every  ibrt  from  the  Country,  as  the  Country  breeds 
them :  and  thus  the   Poor  themfelves  fliall  find  the  Provifion  ;  and  other 
People  the  fweetnefs  of  the  Abatement  of  the  Tax.     Now  if  it  be  objefted, 
that  Houfes  of  Correftion,  in  all  Places,  have  not  done  the  Good  expected ; 
tho'  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  in  moft  Places  they   have  done  much :  it 
muft  be  remembred,  there  is  a  great  difference  between  what   is  done,  by 
the  diftrafted  Government  of  Jurtices  of  Peace  ;  and  what  may  be  done  by 
a  fettled  Ordinance,  fubjeft  to  a  regular  Vifitation,  as  this  may  be.     And 

befides. 


Sedl.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.  455 

befi  Jes,  the  want  in  Houfes  of  Corretflion,  has  been  commonly  of  a  compe- 
tent and  certain  flock,  for  the  Materials  of  the  Labour :  which  in  this  cafe 
may  likewifc  befupplicd. 

As  to  the  Advancement  of  Learning  •,  I  fubfcribe  to  the  Opinion,  that 
for  Grammar-Schools,  there  are  already  too  many  i  and  therefore  no  Pro- 
vidence to  add  where  there  is  Excefs  :  for  the  great  number  of  Schools  in  the 
Realm,  caufes  a  Want,  and  an  Overflow  •,  both  of  them  inconvenient,  and  one 
of  them  dangerous.  For  by  means  thereof  they  find  want,  in  the  Country 
Towns,  both  of  Servants  for  Hufbandry,  and  Apprentices  for  Trade :  and 
on  the  other  fide,  there  being  more  Scholars  bred,  than  the  State  can  prefer 
and  employ  ■■,  and  the  aftive  part  of  that  Life  not  bearing  a  proportion  to  the 
preparative,  it  mufl:  needs  fall  out,  that  many  Perfons  will  be  bred  unfit  for 
other  Vocations  ;  and  unprofitable  for  that  wherein  they  are  brought  up: 
which  fills  the  Kingdom  with  indigent,  idle,  and  wanton  People. 

In  this  Point  therefore,  I  wilh  IVIr.  SiUlon^  Intention  were  exalted  a  degree  j 
that  what  he  meant  for  Teachers  of  Children,  your  Majefty  would  make  for 
Teachers  of  Men  ;  wherein  it  has  been  my  ancient  Opinion  and  Obfervation, 
that  in  the  Univerfities  of  this  Realm,  there  is  nothing  more  wanting,  to- 
wards the  flourilhing  State  of  Learning,  than  honourable  and  plentiful  Sala- 
ries of  Readers  in  Arts  and  ProfefTions.  In  which  Points,  as  your  Majefly's 
Bounty  has  already  made  a  Beginning  ;  fo  this  occafion  is  offered  of  God  to 
make  a  Proceeding.  Surely,  Readers  in  the  Chair  are  as  the  Parents  in  Sciences-, 
and  deferve  to  enjoy  a  Condition  not  inferior  to  their  Children,  who  embrace 
the  praftical  part;  elfe  no  Man  will  fit  longer  in  the  Chair,  than  till  he  can 
walk  to  a  betttr  Preferment.  For  if  the  principal  Readers,  thro'  the  Mean- 
nefs  of  their  Entertainment,  be  but  Men  of  fuperficial  Learning  •,  and 
Ihall  take  their  place  but  in  pafllige  ;  it  will  make  the  Mafs  of  Sciences 
want  the  chief  and  folid  Dimenfion,  which  is  D^-pth  ;  and  to  become  but  petty 
and  compendious  Habits  of  Pradtice.  Therefore  I  could  wifh,  that  in  both 
the  Univerfities,the  Ledures  as  well  of  the  three  Profeffions, Divinity,  Law,  and 
Phyfick  ;  as  of  the  three  Heads  of  Science,  Philofophy,  Oratory,  and  the  Ma- 
thematicks,  were  raifedin  their  Penfionsto  a  hundred  Founds  pa-Jfinum  each  i 
which,  tho'  not  near  fo  great  as  they  are  in  Ibme  other  Places,  where  the 
high  Reward  whiftles  for  the  ablefl  Men,  out  of  all  foreign  Parts,  to  fupply 
the  Chair  ;  yet  it  may  be  a  Portion  to  content  a  worthy  and  able  Man  -,  if 
he  be  likewife  contemplative  in  Nature;  as  thole  Spilfts  are  that  are  fiaeft 
for  Lectures. 

As  to  the  Propagation  of  Religion,  I  fhall  fet  before  your  Majefty  three 
Propofals;  none  of  them  Devices  of  my  own,  otherwife,  than  that  I  ever 
approved  them.  The  Firji  is,  a  College  for  Controverf.es.,  whereby  we  fhall 
not  Hill  proceed  fingle  ;  but  fhall,  as  it  were,  double  our  Files:  which  cer- 
tainly will  be  found  in  the  Encounter. 

T\\t  Second  IS.,  d.  Receptacle  for  Conve^is  to  the  Reformed  Religion;  p!t'>T-f  '-'^ 
Youth  or  otherwife  :  for  I  doubt  not  but  there  are  in  Spain,   Ital^,   '■ 
Countri-s  of  the  Papifts,  many  whofe  Hearts  are  touched  wi 
thofe  Corruptions,  and  an  Acknowledgement  of  a  better  Way  ; 

:3 


456  Letters  relating  to  the  Authors  Life.     Se<5l.  I. 

is  many  times  fmother'd  and  choaked,  thro'  a  worldly  Confideration  of  Ne- 
ccfTity  and  Want  •,  Men  not  knowing  where  to  have  Succour  and  Refuge, 
This,  likewife,  I  hold  a  Work  of  great  Piety  ;  and  a  Work  of  great  Confe- 
quence  •,  that  we  alfo  may  be  wife  in  our  Generation  ;  and  that  the  watch- 
ful and  filent  Night  may  be  ufed  as  well  for  fowing  of  good  Seed,  as  of  Tares. 

The  Third  is,  the  Imitation  of  a  memorable  and  religious  Aft  of  Qusen 
Elizabeth  •,  who  finding  a  part  o^ Lancajhire  to  be  extremely  backward  in  Reli- 
gion, and  the  Benefices  fwallowed  up  in  Impropriations,  did,  by  decree,  in  the 
Dutchy,  ered:  four  Stipends,  of  a  hundred  Pounds  per  Annum  each,  for 
Preachers  well  chofen,  to  help  the  Harveft  •,  who  have  done  a  great  deal 
of  good,  in  the  parts  where  they  have  laboured.  Neither  do  there  want 
other  Corners  in  the  Realm,  that  would  require,  for  a  time,  the  likeextra- 
ordinary  help. 

Thus  I  have  briefly  delivered  to  your  Ma;efty  my  Opinion,  as  to  the  Em- 
ployment of  this  Charity  -,  whereby  chatMafsof  Wealth,  which  was,  in  the 
Owner,  little  better  than  a  Heap  of  Muck,  may  be  fpread  over  your  King- 
dom, to  many  fruitful  Purpofes  ;  your  Majefty  planting  and  watering,  and 
God  giving  the  increafe. 


XXX. 

to  the  King;  petitioning  for  Promife  of  the  Attorney  s  Place. 

YOUR  great  and  princely  Favours  towards  me,  in  advancing  me  to  a 
Place  -,  and,  what  is  more  to  me,  your  Majefty's  kind  and  gracious 
Acceptance,  from  time  to  time,  of  my  poor  Services,  much  above  their  me- 
rit and  value  ;  has  almoft  perfuaded  me,  that  I  may  fooner  be  wanting  to 
myfelfin  notafking,  than  find  your  Majefty's  Goodnefs  wanting  to  me,  in 
any  reafonable  and  modeft  Defires.  Therefore,  perceiving  at  this  time,  how 
Preferments  of  Law  fly  about  my  ears,  to  fome  above  me,  and  to  fome  be- 
low me  ;  I  conceived  your  Majefty  might  rather  think  it  a  kind  of  Dulnefs, 
or  want  of  Faith,  than  Modeftv,  if  I  ftiould  not  come  with  my  Pitcher  to 
Jacobs  Well,  as  others  do.  Wherein  I  fhall  propofe  to  your  Majefty,  what 
tends  more  to  the  fettling  of  my  Mind,  than  the  raifing  of  my  Fortune  ; 
being  fometimes  attacked  with  this  Thought,  that  by  reafon  of  my  flownefs  to 
apprehend  fudden  Occafions,  keeping  on  in  one  plain  courfe  of  painful  fervice  ; 
I  may,  in  fine  dieritm,  be  in  danger  to  be  neglefted  and  forgotten :  and  if 
that  fliould  be,  then  were  it  much  better  for  me,  now,  while  I  ftand  in 
your  Majefty's  good  Opinion,  and  have  fome  little  Reputation  in  the  World, 
to  give  over  the  courfe  I  am  in,  and  try  to  do  you  fome  honour  by  my  Pen  j 
either  by  writing  fome  faithful  Narrative  of  your  happy  Times ;  or  by  re- 
compiling your  Laws ;  which,  I  perceive  your  Majefty  labours  with  ;  or 
fome  other  the  like  Work  -,  than  to  fpend  my  time  in  the  laborious  Place 
where  I  now  ferve  ;    if  it  fhall  be  deprived  of  thofe  outward  Ornaments  it 

ufed 


Sec^.  T.     Letters  relating  /<?  /^^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  L  i  f  e.  457 

ufed  to  have,  in  refpeft  of  iin  aflured  Succefiion,  to  fome  Place  of  more  Dig- 
nicy  and  Reft  •,  whicli  now  leL-ms  a  Hope  altogether  cafual,  if  not  wholly  in- 
tercepted. Wherefore  my  humble  Suit  to  your  Majefty  is,  that  I  may  obtain 
your  royal  Promife  of  the  yi'/Zorwc-y's  Place,  when  itfliall  be  vacant  -,  it  being 
but  the  natural  and  immediate  Step  and  Rife,  which  the  Place  I  now  hold 
has  ever  claim'd;  and  almoft  never  fail'd  of.  In  this  Suit  I  make  no  Friends, 
but  to  your  Majefty  -,  rely  upon  no  other  Motive  but  your  Grace  ;  nor  any 
other  Affiirance  but  your  Word :  whereof  I  had  good  Experience,  when  I 
came  to  the  Sollicitor's  Place  ;  that  it  was  like  to  the  two  great  Lights,  which 
in  their  motions  are  never  retrograde. 


D* 


XXXI. 

Tc»  /-^^  K I N  G  \petitioning  for  the  Place  ofAttorney-GeneraV 

IUnderftand,  by  fome  of  my  good  Friends,  to  my  great  Comfort,  thac 
yOLir  Majefty  has  in  mind  your  royal  Promife,  which  is  to  me  An- 
cbora  Sfe',  as  to  the  Attorney's  Place.  1  hope  Mr.  Attorney  ftiall  do  well. 
I  thank  God,  I  wifh  no  Man's  Death;  nor  much  my  own  Life,  more  than  to 
do  your  Majefty  fervice.  For  I  account  my  Life  the  Accident,  and  my  Duty 
the  Subftance.  But  this  I  will  be  bold  to  fay  ;  if  it  pleafe  God  that  ever  I 
ferve  your  Majefty  in  the  Attoriiefs  Place,  I  have  known  an  Attorney  Coke^ 
and  an  Attorney  Hobart,  both  worthy  Men,  and  fir  above  myfelf :  but  if  I 
fhould  not  find  a  middle  way,  between  their  two  Difpofitions  and  Carriages, 
I  ftiould  not  fatisfy  myfelf.  But  thefe  things  are  far  or  near,  as  it  ftiall  pleafe 
God.  Meanwhile,  I  moft  humbly  pray  your  Majefty  to  accept  my  Sacri- 
fice of  Thankfgiving,  for  your  gracious  Favour. 

xxxir. 

To  theVii^ G  y  upon  the  Lord  Chancellor  s Sicknefs. 

I  Am  glad  to  underftand,  by  Murray.,  that  your  Majefty  accepts  of  my 
poor  Endeavours,  in  opening  to  you  the  Paflages  of  your  Service  ;  thac 
Biifinefs  may  come  the  more  prepared  to  your  royal  Judgment :  the  Per- 
fecftion  whereof,  as  I  cannot  expeft  they  fhould  fatisfy  in  every  Particular ;  yet 
I  hope,  thro'  my  Aftlduity,  there  may  refulta  good  Total. 

My  Lord  Chancellor's  Sicknefs  falls  cut  duro  tempore.  I  have  always 
known  him  a  wife  Man,  and  of  juft  Elevation  for  Monarchy  :  but  your 
Majefty's  Service  muft  not  be  mortal.  And  if  you  lofe  him,  as  your  Ma- 
jefty has  now  of  late  purchafed  many  Hearts  by  depreffing  the  Wicked  ;  fo 
God  minifter  to  you  a  Counterpart,  to  do  the  like,  by  raifing  the  Honeft. 
F^b.  9.  1 61 5. 

Vol.  I.  Nnn  XXXIII. 


45 8  Letters  relating  to  the  AuT HO K^Livt.,     Sed.  I. 

XXXIII.     / 

To  the  King;  relating  to  the  Chancellor  s  Place. 

YOUR  worthy  Chancellor  *,  I  fear,  goes  his  laft  day.  God  has  hi- 
therto ufed  to  weed  out  i'uch  Servants  as  grew  unfit  for  your  Majefty  \ 
bat  now  he  has  gather'd  tohimfelfoneof  the  choicer  Plints,  a  true  Sage,  out 
of  your  Garden  :  but  your  Majefty's  Service  muft  not  be  mortal. 

Upon  this  heavy  accident,  I  pray  your  Majefty,  in  all  humblenefs  and  fin- 
ccrity,  to  give  me  leave  to  ufe  a  few  Words.  I  mufV  never  forget,  when  I 
moved  your  Majefty  for  the  Attorney's  Place,  that  'twas  your  own  fole  Aft, 
and  not  my  Lord  of  Snmerfei'^  ;  who,  when  he  knew  your  Majefty  had  re- 
folved  it,  thruft  himfelf  into  tlie  bufinefs  to  gain  thanks :  and  therefore  I  have 
no  reafon  to  pray  to  Saints. 

I  (hall  now  again  make  oblation  to  your  Majefty,  firft  of  my  Heart ; 
then  of  my  Service  -,  thirdly,  of  my  Place  of  Attorney,  which,  I  think,  is 
honeftly  worth  6000/.  fer  Aivmm:  and  fourthly,  of  my  Place  in  the  Star- 
chamber,  which  is  worth  1600/.  per  Annum  \  and  with  the  Favour  and 
Countenance  of  a  Chancellor,  much  more,  I  hope  I  may  be  acquitted  of 
Prefumption,  if  I  think  of  it;  both  bccaufemy  Father  had  the  Place,  which 
is  fome  civil  Inducement  to  my  defire -,  and  chiefly,  becaufe  the  Chancellor's 
Place,  after  it  went  to  the  Law,  was  ever  conferred  upon  fome  of  the  learned 
Counfef,  and  never  upon  a  Judge.  ¥ov  Audeley  was  raifed  from  King's  Ser- 
jeant -,  my  Father  from  Attorney  of  the  Wards  ;  Bromle-j  from  Sollicitor  ; 
Puckering  from  Queen's  Serjeant;  and  Egerton  from  Mafter  of  the  Rolls, 
having  newly  Icfc  the  Attorney's  Place.  Now,  I  befeech  your  Majefty, 
let  me  put  to  vou  the  prefent  Cafe  truly.  If  you  take  my  Lord  Coke,  this 
will  follow;  firft,  your  Majefty  fhall  put  an  over-ruling  Nature,  into  an. 
over  ruling  Place,  which  may  breed  an  extreme  ;  next,  you  fhall  blunt  his 
Induftry  in  matter  of  Finances,  which  feems  to  aim  at  another  Place  ;  and 
laftly,  popular  Men  are  no  fure  Mounters  for  your  Majefty's  Saddle.  If  you; 
tike  my  Lord  Hnbart ;  you  fhall  have  a  Judge  at  the  upper  end  of  your 
Council-board,  and  another  at  the  lower  end  ;  whereby  your  Majefty  will 
find  your  Prerogative  pent :  for  tho'  there  fhould  be  Emulation  between 
them,  yet,  as  Legifts,  they  will  agree  in  magnifying  that  wherein  they  are 
beft.  Hi'  is  no  Statefman,  but  an  Oeconomift,  wholly  for  himfelf;  fo  that 
your  M  jefty  will  find  little  help  in  him  for  the  Bufinefs.  .  If  you  take  my 
Lord  o'Canlerbury  ;I  will  fiy  no  more,but  that  the  Chancellor's  Place  requires 
a  whole  Man:  and  to  have  both  JurifdiiSlions,  fpiritual  and  temporal,  in  that 
height,  is  fit  but  for  a  King.  Formyfcif,  I  can  only  nrefent  your  Majefty 
wiih  G/ori,i  in  obfequio;  yet  I  dare  promife,  that  if  I  fit  in  that  Place,  your 
Bufinefs  fh.dl  not  nuke  fuch  fhort  turns  upon  you,  as  it  does ;  bur  when  a 

Di  red;  ion. 

•  Chancellor  Egerton. 


Secfl.  I.     Letters  relating  to  t&e  Author's  Life.  459 

Direflion  is  once  given,  it  fliall  be  purfued  and  performed;  and  your  Ma- 
jefty  fliall  only  be  troubled  with  the  true  Care  of  a  King  -,  which  is,  ro  chink 
what  you  would  have  done  in  Chief,  and  not  how  it  fhould  be  effedl.^d. 

I  prefume  alfo,  in  refpedt  of  my  Father's  Memory,  and  h.iving  been 
always  gracious  in  the  Lower  Houfe,  I  have  intereft  in  the  Gentlemen  of 
England  ;  and  fliall  be  able  to  do  fomegood,  in  reftifying  that  Body  of 
Parliament-men,  which  is  Cardo  rerum.  For  let  me  tell  your  Majefty,  that 
Part  of  the  Chancellor's  Place,  which  is  to  judge  in  Equity,  between  Parry 
and  Party  ;  that  Wimc.  Regnum  judiciale,  which,  fince  my  Father's  time,  is 
but  too  much  enlarged,  concerns  your  Majefty  leaft  ;  farther  than  the  ac- 
quitting of  your  Confcience  for  Juftice  :  but  'tis  th.e  other  Parts  of  a  Mode- 
rator among  your  Council,  of  an  Overfeer  over  your  Judges,  of  ;'  PI  mter 
of  fit  Juftices  and  Governors  in  theCountry,  that  imports  your  Affairs,  and 
thefe  Times  moft. 

I  will  add  alio,  that  I  hope,  by  my  Care,  the  inventive  part  of  your  Coun- 
cil will  be  fl:rengthcned,  who  now  commonly  exercife  rather  thtii  J  K'gmt- nts, 
than  their  Inventions  ;  and  the  inventive  part  comes  from  Proj  6lors,  and 
private  Men,  which  cannot  be  fo  well:  in  which  kind,  my  LocdSal.ib.iry 
had  a  good  Method,  if  his  Ends  had  been  upright. 

To  conclude,  if  I  were  the  Man  I  would  be,  I  fliould  hope,  that  as  your 
Majefly  has  of  late  won  Hearts  by  deprefllng  -,  you  fliould  in  this  lole  no 
Hearts  by  advancing :  for  I  fef-  your  People  can  better  fl<ill  of  Conrretum  than 
Abftra£lu7n  ;  and  that  the  Waves  of  their  Affeftions  flow  rather  after  Perfons 
than  Things:  fo  that  Afts  of  this  nature,  (if  this  were  one)  do  more  good 
than  twenty  Bills  of  Grace.  If  God  call  my  Lord  Chancellor ;  the  War- 
rants and  Commiflions  requifite  for  taking  off  the  Seal ;  the  working  with  it ; 
and  for  reviving  of  Warrants  under  his  hand, which  die  with  him,  and  the  like, 
fhall  be  in  readinefs.  And  in  this.  Time  preffes  more,  becaufe  'tis  the  End 
of  a  Term  ;  and  almofl:  the  Beginning  of  the  Circuits  ;  fo  that  the  Seal  cannot 
ftand  ftill :  but  this  may  be  done  as  heretofore,  by  Conimiflion,  till  your 
Majefty  has  refolved  on  an  Officer. 


Feb.  12.  1615. 


XXXIV. 


To  Sir  George  Villiers;  folli citing  to  be  fw$rn  of 

the  Privy-Council. 

I  Humbly  pray  you,  not  to  think  meover-hafty,  or  much  in  appetir^  if!  put 
you  in  remembrance  of  my  motion,  of  ftrengthening  me  WiththeO.th  and 
Truft  of  a  Pnvy-Counfellor  ;  not  for  my  own  Strength,  but  for  the  S'ren  -th 
of  my  Sei-vice.  The  Times  I  fubmit  to  you,  who  know  them  befl.  Bu^  fure 
I  am,  never  Times  more  required  a  King's  Attorney  to  be  well  armed  ;  and 

N  n  n  2  to 


460  Letters  relating  to  the  h\5T no ks  Life.     Sedt.  I. 

to  wear  a  Gauntlet,  not  a  Glove.  The  Arraignments  when  they  proceed  ; 
the  Contention  between  the  Chancery  and  King's-Bjnch  ;  the  great  Caufe 
of  the  Rege  inconfitUo,  which  is  fo  precious  to  the  King's  Prerogative  ;  and 
divers  other  Services  that  concern  the  King's  Revenue,  and  the  Repair  of  his 
Eftate.  Befides,  it  pleafes  his  Majeily  to  accept  well  of  my  Relations,  as  to 
his  Bufinefs;  which  may  feem  a  kind  of  interloping  for  one,  that  is  no  Privy- 
Counfellor  :  but  I  leave  all  to  you;  thinking  myfelf  infinitely  bound  to  you 
for  your  great  favours ;  the  Beams  whereof,  I  fee  plainly,  refledl  upon  me, 
even  from  others:  fo  that  now  I  have  no  greater  Ambition  than  this,  that 
as  the  King  fhews  himfelf  to  you  the  beft  Mafter,  fo  I  might  be  found 
your  beft  Servant. 
Feb.  27.  1616. 

XXXV. 

To  Sir  George  ViLLiERs;  upon  accepting  a  Place 

in  Council. 

TH  E  King  gives  me  a  noble  Choice :  and  you  are  the  Man  my  Heart 
ever  told  me  you  were.  Ambition  would  draw  me  to  the  latter 
pare  of  the  Choice  -,  but  in  refpeft  of  my  hearty  Wifhes,  that  my  Lord 
Chancellor  may  live  long  ;  and  the  fmall  hopes  I  have  that  I  fhall  live  long 
my  felf ;  and  above  all,  becaufe  I  fee  his  Majcfty's  Service  daily  and  inftantly 
bleeds;  towards  which,  I  perfuade  myfelf,  that  I  fhall  give,  when  I  am  of 
the  Table,  ibme  effeftual  furtherance  ;  I  accept  of  the  former  ;  to  be 
Counfellor  for  the  prcfent,  and  to  give  over  pleading  at  the  B.ir  :  let  the  other 
matter  reft  upon  my  Proof,  and  his  Majefty'sPleafure,  and  the  Accidents 
of  Time.  For,  to  fpeak  plainly,  I  (hould  be  loth  that  my  Lord  Chancellor, 
to  whom  I  owe  inoft,  after  the  King  and  yourfelf,  fhould  be  locked  to  hij 
Succcflbr,  for  any  advancement,  or  gracing  of  me. 
June  ^.   1616. 

XXXVI. 

To  the  Ki  N  G  J  propojingto  regulate  his  Majejlys  Finances, 

1  Often,  with  gladnefs,  and  for  a  remedy  of  my  other  Labours,  revolve  in 
my  Mind  the  great  Happinefs  which  God  has  accumulated  upon  your 
Majefty,  every  way ;  and  how  compleat  the  fame  would  be,  if  the  State  of 
your  Means  were  once  rcftified,  and  well  ordered  ;  your  People  military 
and  obedient,  fit  for  War,  ufed  to  Peace  :  your  Church  enlightened  with 
good  Preachers,  as  an  Heaven  of  Stars  j  your  Judges  learned,  and  learning 

from 


Se<5l.  I.     Letters  relating  to  i/je  Avthoks  Life,  461 

from  you  -,  juft.and  jaft  by  your  Example :  yourNobility  in  a  right  diftance  be- 
tween Crown  and  People  ;  no  Oppreflbrs  of  the  People  ;  no  Over-fliadowers  of 
the  Crown  .-your  Council  full  of  the  Tributes  of  Care, Faith, and  Freedom;  your 
Gentlemen,  and  Juftices  of  the  Peace,  willing  to  apply  your  royal  Mandates  to 
theNature  of  their  Ln-eral  Counties  -,  but  ready  to  obey  :  your  Servants  in  awe 
ofyourWifdom-,  in  hope  of  your  Goodnefs:  the  Fields  growing  every  day,  by 
the  Improvement  and  Recovery  of  Grounds.from  the  Defart  to  the  Garden ;  the 
City  grown  from  Wood  to  Brick;  yourSea-wjlls,  or  Pomcerium  of  your  Ifland, 
furveyed,  and  improving;  your  Merchants  embracing  the  whole  Compafs 
of  the  World,  Eaft,  VVeft:,  North  and  South ;  the  Times  give  you 
Peace  ;  and  yet  offer  you  Opportunities  of  Aftion  abroad :  and  laflly,  your 
exccllc-nt  royal  IlTue  entails  thefe  Blefllngsof  God  to  all  Poftericy.  It  remains 
therefore,  God  having  done  fo  great  things  for  your  Majefty,  and  you  for 
others  ;  that  you  would  do  fo  much  for  your  felf,  as  to  go  thro'  with  the 
redtifying  and  fettling  of  your  Eftate  and  Means:  which  only  is  wanting  i 
hoc  rebus  defuit  umm.  I  therefore,  whom  only  Love  and  Duty  to  your  Ma- 
jefty, and  your  royal  Line,  has  made  a  Financier,  intend  to  prefent  your 
Majefty  a  pcrfedl  Book  of  your  Eftate,  like  a  Perfpedtivc-Glafs,  to  draw 
your  Eftate  nearer  to  your  Sight ;  befeeching  your  Majefty  to  conceive,  that 
if  I  have  not  attain'd  to  what  I  would  do,  in  that  which  is  not  proper  for  me  j 
in  my  Element;  I  Oiall  make  your  Majefty  amends  in  fome  other  thing,  in 
which  I  am  better  verfed. 

Jan.  2.  1 61 8. 


XXXVII. 

To   Mr.  Matthews  ;  believing  his  Danger  lefs  than 

he  found  it, 

I  Say  to  you,  upon  the  occafion  you  gave  me  in  your  laft,  yiociica;  Ftdeiy 
quare  ditbitajli  ?  I  would  not  have  my  Friends  too  apprehenfive  either  of 
me,  or  for  me  ;  for,  I  thank  God,  my  Ways  are  found  and  good  :  and  I  hope 
God  will  blefsme  in  them.  When  once  my  Mafter,  and  afterwards  myfe!^ 
were  in  extremity  of  Sicknels,  (which  was  no  time  to  diflemble)  I  never  had 
fo  great  Pledges  and  Certainties  of  his  Love  and  Fav"our  :  and  what  I  knew 
then  ;  fuch  as  took  a  little  poor  advantage  of  thefe  later  times,  know  fince. 
As  for  the  Nobleman  who  pafied  that  way  by  you,  I  think  he  is  fain  out 
with  me  for  his  pleafure  ;  or  clfe,  perhaps,  to  make  good  fome  of  his  own 
miftakings.  For  he  cannot,  in  his  heart,  but  think  worthily  of  my  Affedion, 
and  Well-deferving  towards  him  j  and  as  for  me,  I  am  very  fure  that  I  love 
his  Nature  and  Farts, 

XXXVHI, 


46 2  Letters  relating  to  t^e  AuruoKs  Lite.     Sed.  I. 


XXXVIII. 

To  Mr.  Matthews;    intimating  his Apprehenjion  of 

fome  Danger. 

*F%  "MS  not  for  nothing,  that  I  have  deferred  my  Eflay  Be  amiciiia  % 
X  whereby  it  has  expeded  the  Proof  of  your  great  Friendfhip  to- 
wards me.  Whatfoever  the  Event  be,  (wherein  I  depend  upon  God,  who 
ordains  the  Effefts,  the  Inftrumenr,  alJ,)  yet  your  incelTant  thinking  of 
me,  without  lofs  of  a  Moment  of  Time,  or  a  Hint  of  Occafion,  or  a  Cir- 
cumftance  of  Endeavour,  or  the  Stroke  of  a  Pulfe,  in  Demonflration  of 
your  AfFeftion  to  me,  infinitely  ties  me  to  you.  Secrecy  I  need  not  re« 
commend-,  otherwife  than  that  you  may  recommend  it  over  to  your  Friend  -, 
both  becaufe  it  prevents  Oppoficion  ;  and  becaufe  'tis  the  King's  and  my 
Lord  Marquifs's  nature,  to  do  things  unexpeded. 

XXXIX. 

To  Mr.  Matthews. 

THE  Report  of  this  Afl,  which  I  hope  will  prove  the  lafl-  of  this  Bu- 
finefs,  will  probably,  by  the  Weight  it  carries,  fall  and  feize  on  me. 
And,  therefore,  not  now  at  will,  but  upon  necelTity,  it  becomes  me  to  call 
to  mind  what  pafied  •,  and  (my  Head  being  then  wholly  employed  about 
Invention)  I  may  the  worfe  put  things,  upon  account  of  my  own  Me- 
mory. I  fliall  take  Phyfick  to-day  upon  this  change  of  Weather,  and 
advantage  of  Leifure  ;  and  I  pray  you  not  to  allow  your  fclffo  much  Bu- 
finefs,  but  that  you  may  have  time  to  bring  me  your  friendly  Aid  before 
Night,   (^c. 

XL. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
porali  in  theUpper  Houfe  of  Parliament  aj[embled\ 

I  Humbly  pray  your  Lordfliips  all,  to  make  a  favourable  and  true  Con- 
ftruftion  of  my  Abfence,  'Tis  no  feigning  or  fainting,  but  Sicknefs 
both  of  my  Heart  and  of  my  Back  ;  tho'  join'd  with  that  Comfort  of 
Mind,  which  perfuades  me,  I  am  not  far  from  Heaven,  whereof  I  feel 
the  firft  Fruits. 

And 

•  Seethe  Author's  Eflay  on  Friendfliip,  Vol.  II.  Pag.  70. 

*  Taken  from  the  Journal  of  the  Houfe  of  Lords. 


Secfl.  I.     Letten  relafhg  id  i^e  A\3Ti{0v.\'Li'Pf..  463 

And  becaufe,  whether  I  live  or  die,  I  wou'd  be  glad  to  preferve  my 
Honour  and  F.ime,  fo  far  as  I  am  worthy  ;  hearing  that  fome  Complaints 
of  bafe  Brib.ry  are  coming  before  your  LorJihipi  ;  my  Requsfts  unco 
your  Lordfliips  are: 

F.rJ},  That  you  will  maintain  me  in  your  good  Opinion,  without  Prc- 
ju'!i;e,  uniii  my   Caufe  be    heard. 

Secondly,  That  in  regard  I  have  fequeftred  my  Mind  at  this  time,  in 
great  part,  from  worldly  matters  •,  thini<ing  of  my  Account  and  Anfwers 
in  a  higher  Court  ;  your  Lordlhips  will  give  me  convenient  time,  accor- 
ding to  the  Courfe  of  other  Courts,  to  advife  with  my  Counfel,  and  to 
make  my  Anfwer  •,  wherein,  neverthelcfs,  my  Counfel's  part  will  be  the 
lead  :  for  I  fhall  not,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  trick  up  an  Innocency  with 
Cavils ;  but  plainly  and  ingenuoufly  (as  your  Lordlhips  know  my  man- 
ner is)  declare   what  I  know   or   remember. 

Thirdly,  That  according  to  the  Co'irfe  of  Juftice,  I  may  be  allowed  to- 
except  to  the  Witnefles  brought  againft  me  -,  and  to  move  Queftions  to  your 
Lordfhips  for  their  crofs  Examinations ;  and  likewife  to  produce  my  own 
Wicneffes,  for  the  Difcovery  of  the  Truth. 

And  laftly;  That  if  there  be  any  more  Petitions  of  the  like  nature,  that 
your  Lordfhips  wou'd  be  pleafed,  not  to  take  any  Prejudice  or  Appre- 
henfion  of  any  number  or  mufter  of  them  •,  efpecially  againft  a  Judge 
that  makes  2000  Orders  and  Decrees  in  a  Year:  not  to  fpeak  of  the 
courfes  that  have  been  taken  for  hunting  out  Complaints  againft  me ;  but 
that  I  may  anfwer  them,  according  to  the  Rules  of  Juftice,  feverally  and 
reff)ed:ive]y. 

Thefe  Requefts,  I  hope,  appear  to  your  Lordfhips  no  other  than  juft. 
And  fo  thinking  myfelf  happy,  to  have  fuch  noble  Peers,  and  reverend 
Prelates,  to  difcern  of  my  Caufe ;  and  defiring  no  privilege  of  Greatnefs, 
for  fubterfuge  of  Guilt  -,  but  meaning  to  deal  fairly  and  plainly  with  your 
Lordfliips,  and  to  put  myfelf  upon  your  Honours  and  Favours  ;I  pray  God 
to  blefs  your  Counfels  and  Perfons. 

March  19,   162a 


XLI. 

7^  //6^  K I N  G ;  imploring  Remittance  of  his  Sentence^ 

IT  has  pleas'd  God,  for  thefe  three  Days,  to  vific  me  with  fuch  ex- 
tremity of  Head-ach,  upon  the  hinder  part  of  my  Head,  fixed  in  one 
pjacp,  that  1  ti  ought  veriiy  it  had  been  fome  Impoftumation.  And  then 
th-  little  Phyfick  I  have,  told  me,  that  either  it  muft  grow  to  a  Con- 
gelation, and  fo  to  a  Lethargy  -,  or  break,  and  fo  to  a  mortal  Fever  and 
fudden  Death :  which  Apprehenfion,  and  chiefly  the  Anguifh  of  the  Pain, 

made 


/ 


464.  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

made  me  unable  to  think  of  any  Bufinefs.  But  now  the  Pain  itfelf  is 
affuaged;  I  refume  the  Care  of  my  Bufinefs;  and  therein  proftrate  myfelf 
again,  by  my  Letter,  at  your  Majefty's  Feet. 

Your  Majefty  can  bear  me  witnefs,  that  at  my  laft  fo  comfortable  ac- 
cefs,  I  did  not  fo  much  as  move  your  Majedy,  by  your  abfolute  Power  of 
Pardon,  or  otherwife,  to  take  my  Caufe  into  your  hands;  and  to  interpofe 
between  the  Sentence  of  the  Houfe:  and,  according  to  my  owndefire,  your 
Majefty  left  it  to  the  Sentence  of  the  Houfe;  and  it  was  reported  by  my 
Lord  Treafurer. 

But  now,  \i' not  per  omnipotenlidvi,  as  the  Divines  fpeak,  hut  per pr te/i atem 
fuaviter  difponefitfm,  your  Majefty  will  gracioufly  fave  me  from  a  Sentence, 
with  the  good  liking  of  the  Houfe  ;  and  that  the  Cup  may  pafs  from  me,  is 
the  utmoft  of  my   defires. 

This  I  move  with  the  more  belief,  becaufe  I  afl'ure  my  felf,  that  if  it  be 
Reformation  which  is  fought,  the  very  taking  away  of  the  Seal,  upon  my  ge- 
neral SubmilTion,  will  be  as  much  in  example,  for  thefe  four  hundred  years, 
as  any  farther  Severities. 

The  means  of  this,  I  moft  humbly  leave  to  your  M;\jefty.  But 
furely,  I  conceive,  that  your  Majefty  opening  your  felf  in  this  kind  to  the 
Lords  Counfeilors,  and  a  Motion  from  the  Prince,  after  my  fubm.ilTion,  and 
my  Lord  Marquis  ufing  his  intereft  with  his  Friends  in  the  Houfe,  may  effect 
the  fparing  of  a  Sentence  ;  I  making  my  humble  Suit  to  the  Houfe  for  that 
purpofe,  join'd  with  the  D.-livery  of  the  Seal  into  your  Majelty's  hands. 

This  is  the  laftSuitlfhall  make  to  your  Majefty  in  this  Bufinefs  ;  pro- 
ftrating  my  felf  at  your  Mercy-feat,  after  fifteen  Years  Service  ;  wherein  I 
have  ferved  your  Majefty,  in  my  poor  Endeavours,  with  an  entire  Heart ;  and 
as  I  prefumed  to  lay  to  your  Majefty,  am  ftill  a  Virgin,  for  Matters  which 
concern  yourPcrfon  or  Crown:  and  now  only  craving,  that  after  eight  fteps 
of  Honour,  I  be  not  precipitated  all  at  once.  But  becaufe  he  that  has  taken 
Bribes,  is  apt  to  give  them  ;  I  will  go  farther,  and  prefent  your  Majefty 
with  a  Bribe.  For  if  your  Majefty  give  me  Peace  and  Leifure,  and  God 
give  me  Life,  I  will  prefent  your  Majefty  with  a  good  Hiftory  of  England  i 
and  a  better  Digeft  of  your  Laws. 

March  21.  162 1. 

XLII. 

7*0  the'K.iiiG  ',    imploring  Favour. 

TIME  has  been,  when  I  have  brought  you  G  niitum  Columbis  from 
others ;  now  I  bring  it  from  my  felf  I  fly  to  your  Majefty  with 
the  Wings  of  a  Dove;  which  once  within  thefe  feven  days  I  thought  would 
have  carried  me  a  higher  flight  *.  When  I  enter  into  my  felf,  I  find  not 
the  Materials  of  fuch  a  Tempcft  as  is  come  upon  me :    I  have  been,  as 

your 
•  See  the  preceding  Letter. 


Se6t.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  KvTuOK^  hiv-E.  465 

your  Majefty  knows  beft,  never  Author  of  any  immoderate  Counfel ;  but 
always  defined  to  have  things  carried  fuavibus  modis.  I  have  been  no  ava- 
ricious OpprefTor  of  the  People.  I  have  been  no  haughty,  intolerable,  or 
hateful  Man,  in  my  Convcrfation  or  Carriage.  I  have  inherited  no  Hatred 
from  my  Father-,  but  am  a  good  Patriot  born.  Whence  fhould  this  be  ?  For 
thefe  are  the  things  that  ufe  to  raife  diflikes  abroad. 

For  the  Houfe  of  Commons  ;  I  began  my  credit  there;  and  now  it  mud 
be  the  Place  of  the  Sepulture  thereof:  and  yet  in  this  Parliament,  upon 
the  MeflTage  touching  Religion,  the  old  Love  revived-,  and  they  laid,  I  was 
the  fame  Man  (lilU  only  Honefty  was  turned  into  Honour. 

For  the  Upper-Houfe,  even  within  thefe  days,  before  thefe  Troubles, 
they  feem'd  as  to  take  me  into  their  Arms,  finding  in  me  Ingenuity ;  which 
they  took  to  be  the  true  ftrait  Line  ofNoblenefs,  without  any  Crooks  or 
Angles. 

And  for  the  Briberies  and  Gifts,  wherewith  I  am  charged  ;  when  the 
Books  of  Llearts  fhall  be  opened,  I  hope  I  fhail  not  be  found  to  have  the 
troubled  Fountain  of  a  corrupt  Heart,  in  a  depraved  Habit  of  taking  Rewards 
to  pervert  Juftice  :  however,  I  may  be  frail,  and  partake  of  the  Abufes  of 
the  Times, 

Therefore,  I  am  refolved,  when  I  come  to  my  Anfwer,  not  to  trick  up  my 
Innocence  by  Cavils  or  Voidances  ;  but  to  fpeak  to  them  the  Language  that 
my  Heart  fpeaks  to  me,  in  excufing,  extenuating,  or  ingenuoudy  confefling  ; 
praying  to  God  to  give  me  Grace  to  fee  the  bottom  of  my  Faults ;  and 
that  no  Hardnefs  of  Heart  may  Ileal  upon  me,  under  fhew  of  more  Neat- 
nefs  of  Confcience,  than  is  caufe.  But  not  to  trouble  your  Majefty  any 
longer,  craving  pardon  for  this  long  mourning  Letter  ;  what  I  thirft  alter, 
as  the  Hart  after  the  Streams,  is,  that  I  may  know,  by  my  matchlefs  Friend 
that  prefents  you  this  Letter  *,  your  Majefty's  Heart,  (which  isa.nMyfs  of 
Goodnefs,  as  I  am  an  ^byfs  of  Mifery)  towards  me.  I  have  been  ever  your 
Man,  and  counted  my  felf  but  an  Ufufrudtuary  of  myfelf-,  the  Property 
being  yours.  And  now  make  my  felf  an  Oblation,  to  do  with  me  as  may 
beft  conduce  to  the  Honour  of  your  Juftice,  the  Honour  of  your  Mercy, 
and  the  Ufe  of  yourService ;  refting  as  Clay  in  your  Majefty 's  gracious  Hands. 
March  25.   1621. 

XLIII. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  the  "Lords  of  Parliafmnt-,  in 
the  Upper-Houfe  affembled ;  the  humble  Submijft07t  and 
Supplication  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  ^ 

I  Humbly  crave,  at  vourLordftiips  hands,  a  benign  Interpretation  of  what 
I  now  write  :  for  Words  that  come  from  wafted  Spirits,  and  an  oppreffed 
Mind,  are  fafer  depofited  in  a  noble  Conftruftion,  than  circled  with  any  re- 
ferved  Caution. 

V  o  L.  I.  O  o  o  This 

'  Viz..  The  Marquis  of  Buckingham. 

^  From  the  Journal  of  the  Houfe  of  Lords, 


/ 


466  Zyctiers  relating  to  tlje  Aur  no vJs  Life.     Sed.  L 

This  being  moved,  and,  as  I  hope,  obtain'd,  in  the  nature  of  a  Protec- 
tion for  all  that  I  fhallfay  -,  I  make  into  the  reft  of  that,  wherewith  I  fhall 
at  this  time  trouble  your  Lordfhips,  a  very  flrange  Entrance!  for  in  the 
midft  of  a  State  of  as  great  Affliftion  as  I  think  a  mortal  Man  can  endure  •, 
(Honour  being  above  Life)  I  begin  with  the  profefllngof  Gladnefs  in  fome 
Particular;. 

The  Firjl  is,  That  hereafter  the  Greatnefs  of  a  Judge  or  Magiftrate,  fliall 
be  no  Sancluary  or  Protection  of  Guilt ;  which,  in  few  words,  is  the  Begin- 
ning of  a  golden  World. 

The  tiiXt,  That  after  this  Example,  perhaps  J'jdges  will  fly  from  every 
thing  like  Corruption,  tho'  it  were  at  a  great  diftance,  as  from  a  Serpent  v 
which  tends  to  the  purging  of  the  Courts  of  Juftice,  and  the  reducing  them; 
to  their  true  Honour  and  Splendor. 

And  in  thefe  two  Points,  God  is  my  Witnefs,  that  tho*"  it  be  my  Fortune 
to  be  the  Anvil,  whereon  thofe  good  EtfecTts  are  beaten  and  wrought,  I  take 
no  fmall  comfort. 

But  to  pxfs  from  the  Motions  of  my  Heart,  whereof  God  only  is 
J  i%e,  to  the  Merits  of  my  Caufe,  whereof  your  LordOiips  are  Judges, 
under  God,  and  his  Lieutenant ;  I  underftand  there  has  been  heretofore  ex- 
pected from  me  fome  Juftification  :  and  therefore  I  have  chofen  one  only 
Juftificarion  inftead  of  all  others,  out  of  the  Juftification  of  Job.  For  after 
the  clear  SubmifTion,  and  Confefllon,wh'ch  I  fhall  now  make  to  your  Lordlhips, 
I 'hope  I  may  fay,  and  juflify,  with  Job  in  thefe  Words,  I  have  net  hid  mySirj^ 
ai  Adam  i-Ay/,  mr  concealed  my  Faults  in  ??iy  Bofom.  This  is  the  only  Juftification 
which  I  will  ufe. 

It  remains  therefore,  that,  without  Fig-leaves,  I  ingenuoufly  confefs  and  ac- 
knowledge, that  having  underftood  the  Particulars  of  this  Charge,not  formally 
from  the  Houfe,  but  enough  to  inform  my  Confcience  and  Memory  ;  I  find 
Martera  fufEcient  and  full,  both  to  move  me  to  defert  my  Defence  ;  and  tO' 
movf  your  Lordftiips  to  condemn  and  cenfure  me. 

Neither  will  I  trouble  your  LordOiips  by  fingling  thofe  Particulars  which 
I  think  might  fall  off:  ^lid  te  exetnpta juvat fpinii  de  plttribus  una  ?  Neither 
will  I  prompt  your  Lordfhips  to  obferve  upon  the  Proofs,  where  they  come 
not  home;  or  the  Scruple  touching  the  Credit  of  the  WitnefTes.  Neither  will 
Ireprefent  to  your  Lordfhips,  how  far  a  Defence  in  divers  things  might  ex- 
tenuate the  Offence,  in  refpedl:  of  the  Time  and  Manner  of  the  Gift,  or  the 
like  Circumftances:  But  only  leave  thefe  things  to  fpring  out  of  your  own- 
noble  Thoughts,  and  Obfervations,  of  the  Evidence  and  Examinations  them- 
felves  ;  and  charitably  to  wind  about  the  Particulars  of  the  Charge,  here  and 
there,  a'-:  God  fhall  put  into  your  Minds,  and  fo  fubmit  my  felf  wholly  to 
your  Piety  and  Grace. 

And  now  I  have  fpoken  to  your  Lordfhips  as  Judges,  I  fhall  fay  a  few 
Words  to  you  as  Peers  and  Prelates  ;  humbly  commending  my  Caule  to  your 
noMe  Minds,  and  magnanimous  AfFedtions. 

Your  Lordfhips  are  not  fimply  Judges,  but  Parliamentary  Judges  •,  you 
have  a  farther  extent  of  arbitrary  Power  than  other  Courts :  and  if  your  Lord- 
fhips 


Se<fl.  I.     Letters  relatwg  to  the  A  u  t  h o  r's  L  i  f  e.  467 

fhips  be  not  tied  by  ordinary  Courfes  of  Courts,  or  Precedents,  in  Point  of 
Stridnefs  and  Severity  -,   much  more  in  Points  of  Mercy  and  Mitigation. 

And  yet,  if  anything  I  fhall  move  fliou'd  be  contrary  to  your  worthy  Ends 
of  irtrodiicing  a  Reformation,  I  would  not  feek  it  ;  but  herein  I  befeechyour 
LordOiips  leave  to  tell  you  a  Piece  of  Hiftory.  'Thus  Alanlim  took  his  Son's  Life 
for  giving  battle  againft  the  Prohibition  of  his  General :  not  many  Years  after, 
the  lii<e  Severity  waspurfued  by  Pafiiius  Curfor,  the  Diftator,  againft  ^^tnlus 
Maximus  ;  who  being  upon  the  point  to  be  fentenccd-,  by  the  IntercefTion  of 
fome  principal  Perfons  of  the  Senate,  wasfpared:  whereupon  Livy  makes  this 
grave  and  gracious  Obfervation  ;  Neque  tnviusfrm^ia  ejl  difcipliiia  miliiaris  Pe- 
riciilo  ^linti  iVlaximi.qiam  mif-rabili  Supplied  Titi  Manlii;  the  Difcipline  of  War 
was  no  Icfs  eftabliflied  by  the  queftioning  of  ^intiis  Alaximus;  than  by  the  pu- 
nifhing  o\' Titus  Manlius.  And  there  is  the  lame  reafon  in  the  Reformation  of 
Juftice  -,  for  the  queftioning  of  Men  of  eminent  Places  has  the  fame  Terror, 
tho'  not  of  the  fame  Rigor  with  the  Punifhment. 

But  my  Cafe  ftands  not  there  •,  for  my  humble  Defire  is,  that  his  Majefty 
would  take  the  Seal  into  his  hands:  which  is  a  great  Downfal ;  and  may  ferve, 
I  hope,  in  itfelf  for  an  Expiation  of  my  Faults. 

Therefore,  if  Mercy  and  Mitigation  be  in  your  power,  and  do  no  way  crofs 
your  noble  Ends  ;  why  fliould  not  I  hope  for  your  Lordfliips  Favour  and 
Commiferation? 

Your  Lordfhips  will  be  pleafed  to  behold  your  chief  Pattern,  the  King,  our 
Sovereign;  a  King  of  incomparable  Clemency  ;  and  whofe  Heart  is  infcrutable 
for  Wifdom  and  Goodnefs.  Your  Lordfhips  will  remember,  that  there  fat 
not  thefe  hundred  Years  before,  a  Prince  in  your  Houfe;  and  never  fuch  a 
Prince;  whole  Prefence  deferves  to  be  made  memorable  by  Records  and  Adls 
mixedof  Mercy  and  Juftice.  Your  Lordfhips  are  either  Nobles,  (and  Com- 
paflion  ever  beats  in  the  Veins  of  noble  Blood  ;)  or  reverend  Prelates,  who  are 
the  Servants  of  him,  that  would  not  break  the  bniifed  Reed,  nor  quench  the 
fmckirig  Flax.  You  all  fit  upon  one  high  Stage;  and  therefore  cannot  but  be 
morefenfible  of  the  Changes  of  the  World,and  of  the  Fall  of  any  of  high  Place. 

Neither  will  your  Lordfhips  forget,  that  there  are  ^i/w  T'cwz/or/j,  as  well  as 
Villa  Hctninis ;  and  that  the  Beginning  of  Reformations  has  the  contrary  Power 
to  thePool  of  Belhrfda  ;  which  had  Strength  to  cure  him  only  that  was  firft  caft 
in ;  whereas  this  has  commonly  Strength  to  hurt  him  only  that  is  firft  caft  in. 
And  for  my  part,  I  vvifh  it  may  ftay  there  ;  and  go  no  farther  *. 

Laftjy,  I  alfure  my  feif,  your  Lordfhips  have  a  noble  feeling  of  me  ;  as  a 
Member  of  your  own  Body ;  and  one,  that,  in  this  very  SelTion,  had  fome 
tafte  of  your  loving  Affedions  ;  which,  I  hope,  was  not  a  Lightning  before 
the  Death  of  them ;  but  rather  a  Spark  of  that  Grace,  which  now,  in  the 
conclufion,  will  more  appear. 

Therefore,  my  humble  Suit  to  your  Lordfliips  is,  that  my  penitent  Submif- 
lion  may  be  my  Sentence;  and  the  Lois  of  the  Seal  my  Puniftiment ;  and  that 

•  It  is  plain,  that  the  Author  looked  upon  himfelf  as  a  kind  of  Sacrifice  ;  and  in  Speech  to  the 
Kingwifhed,  that  as  he  was  thefirjl,  (o  he  might  be  the  /«/{Sacrifice  in  that  Reign.  See  the 
Accmnt  tf  his  Life,  prefixed  to  this  Volume. 

O  0  0  2  your 


^68  Letters  relating  to  the  Authors  Life.     Sedl.  I. 

your  Lordfhips  will  fpare  any  farther  Sentence;  bur  recommend  me  to  his  Ma- 
jefty's  Grace  and  Pardon  for  all  that  is  p.ift.  God's  holy  Spirit  be  among  you, 
A^ril  2  2.   1 62 1, 

XLIV. 

To  the    King;  imploring  Ajftjlance. 

IN  the  midft  ofmy  Mifery,  which  is  rather  affuaged  by  Remembrance,  than 
by  Hope  ;  my  chiefefi:  worldly  Comfort  is,  to  think,  that  fince  the  time  I 
had  the  firft  Vote  of  the  Commons  Houfe  of  Parliament,for  Commiffioner  of 
the  Union,  till  the  time  I  was  this  laft  Parliament  chofen,   by  both  Houfes, 
their  MelTenger  to  your  Majcfly  in  the  Petition  of  Religion,  (which  two  were 
my  firft  and  laft  Services  -,)  I  was  evermore  fo  happy,  as  to  have  my  poor  Ser- 
vices gracioufly  accepted  by  your  IVIajefty  •,  and  likewife  not  to  have  had  any 
of  them  mifcarry  in  my  hands.     Neither  of  which  Points  I  can  any  way  take 
to  my  felf,  but  afcribe  the  former  to  your  Majefty's  Goodnefs,  and  the  latter 
to  your  prudent  Direflions  ;    which  I  was  ever  careful   to  have  and  keep. 
For,  as  1  have  often  f.iid  to  your  Maj-fty,  I  was  towards  you  but  as  a  Bucket 
and  Ciftern,  to  draw  forth  and  conferve  •,    whilft  your  felf  was  the  Fountain. 
To  this  Comfort  of  nineteen  Years  Profperiry,   there  fucceeded  a  Comfort  in 
my  greateft  Adverfuy,  fomewhatof  the  fame  nature  ;  which  is,  that  in  thofe 
Offences  wherewith  I  was  charged,  there  was  not  one  that  had  fpecial  rela- 
tion to  your  Majefty  •,  or  any  of  your  particular  Commands.  For  as  towards 
Almighty  God,  there  are  Offences  againft  the  firft   and  fecond  Table,  and 
yet  all  againft  God  -,  fo  with  the  S>;rvants  of  Kings,  there  are  Offences  more 
immediate  againft  the  Sovereign  •,  tho'  all   Offences  againft  Law,  are  alfo 
againft  the  King.     To  which  Comfort  there  is  added  this  Circumftance,  that 
as  my  Faults  were  not  againft  your  Majefty,  otherwife  than  as  all  Faults 
are  •,  fo  my  Fall  was  not  your  Majefty's  Aft,  otherwile  than  as  all  Afts  of 
Juftice  are  yours.     This  I  write  not  to  infinuate  with  your  Majefty,  but  as  a 
moft  humble  Appeal  to  your  Majefty's  gracious  Remembrance,   how  honcft 
and  direft  you  have  ever  found  me  in  your  Service  :  whereby  I  have  an  affured 
Belief,  that  there  is  in  your  Majefty's  own  princely  Thoughts,  a  great  deal  of 
Serenity  and  CL^arnefs  towards  me,  your  Majefty's  now  proftrate  and  caft 
down  Servant.     Neither,  my  moft  gracious  Sovereign,  do  I  by  this  mention  of 
my  Services,  lay  claim  to  your  princely  Grace  and  Bounty,  tho'  the  Privilege 
of  Calamity  doth  bear  that  Form  of  Petition.     I  know  well,  had  they  been 
much  more,  they  had  been  but  my  bounden  Duty.     Nay,  I  muft  alfo  confefs, 
they  were,  from  time  to  time,  far  above  my  Merit  over  and  fuper-rewarded 
by  your  Majefty's  Benefits  heaped  upon  me.     Your  Majefty  was,  and  is  that 
Mafter  to  me,  who  raifed  and  advanced  me  nine  times  •,  tlirice  in   Dignity» 
and  fix  times  in  Office.     The  Places  indeed  were  the  painfulleft  of  all  your 
Services  ;  but  then  they  had  both  Honour  and  Profits.     And  the  then  Profits 
might  have   maintain'd  my  now  Honour,  if  I  had  been  wife.  Neither  was 
your  Majefty's  immediate  Liberality  wanting  towards  me  in  fome  Gifts ;  if 
I  may  hold  them.     All  this  I  do  moft  thankfully  acknowledge-,  and  herewitfi 
conclude,  that  for  any  thing  arifing  from  my  felf  to  move  your  Eye  of  Pity 

towards 


Se(5l.  I.     Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.  469 

towards  me,  there  is  much  more  in  my  prefent  Mifery,  than  in  my  paft 
Servictrs  ;  lave  chat  the  fame,  your  Majefty'sGoodnefs,  which  may  give  relief 
to  the  one,  may  give  value  to  the  other. 

And  indeed,  if  it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty,  this  Theme  of  my  Mifery  is 
fo  plentiful,  as  it  need  not  be  coupled  with  any  thing  elfe.  I  have  been  fome 
Body,  by  your  Majefty's  fingularand  undeferved  Favour-,  even  the  prime 
Officer  of  your  Kingdom  :  your  Maiefty's  Arm  has  been  often  laid  over  mine 
in  Council,  wiien  you  prefided  at  the  Table:  fo  near  I  was.  I  have  born  your 
Majclly's  Image  in  Metal;  much  more  in  Heart.  I  was  never,  in  nine- 
teen Years  Service,  chidden  by  your  Majefty,  but  contrarywife,  often  over- 
joyed, when  your  Majefty  would  fometimes  fay,  I  wis  a  good  Huftj.ind  for 
you,  tho'  none  for  my  felf:  fometimes,  that  I  had  a  way  to  deal  in  Bufinefs, 
fuavibus  ?>wdis;  which  was  the  way  moft  according  to  your  own  Heart:  and 
other  moft  gracious  Speeches  of  Affeition  and  Truft,  which  I  feed  on  to  this 
day.  But  why  fhould  Ifpeak  of  chefe  things,  which  are  now  vanifh'd;  only 
the  bectt  r  to  exprefs  the  t)ov%mfal  ? 

For  now  'tis  thus  with  me  ;  I  am  a  Year  and  a  half  old  in  Mifery,  tho', 
I  muft  ever  acknowledge,  not  without  fonie  Mixture  of  your  Majefty's  Grace 
and  Mercy  :  for  I  do  not  think  it  pofiible,  chat  any  one  whom  you  once 
loved,  Ihould  be  totally  miferable.  My  own  Means,  thro'  my  own  Impro- 
vidence, are  poor  and  weak;  little  better  than  my  Father  left  me.  The  poor 
things  that  I  have  had  from  your  Majefty,  are  either  in  queftion  or  at  cour- 
tefy.  My  Dignities  remain  Marks  of  your  paft  Favour,  but  Burdens  of  my 
prefent  Fortune,  The  poor  Remnants  I  had  of  my  former  Fortunes,  in  Plate 
or  Jewels,  I  have  fpread  upon  poor  Men,  to  whom  I  owed  ;  fcarce  leaving 
my  felf  a  convenient  Subfiftence.  So  that,  to  conclude,  I  muft  pour  out  my 
Mifery  before  your  Majefty;  and  fay,  fi  deferis  tu,  perimus. 

But  as  I  can  offer  to  your  Majefty's  Compaffion  little  arifing  from  myfelf  to 
move  you,  except  it  be  my  extreme  Mifery,  which  I  havetruiy  laid  open  ;  fo 
looking  up  to  your  Majefty's  own  felf,I  fhouldtiiink  1  committed  Cain's  Fault, 
if  1  fl:ould  defpair.  Your  Majefty  is  a  King,Vhofe  Heart  is  as  infcrutabk  for 
fecret  Motions  of  Goodnefs,  as  for  Depth  of  Wifdom.  You  are  Creator- 
like, faftive,  and  not  deftruftive.  You  are  the  Prince,  in  whom  has  ever  been 
noted  an  Averfion  to  any  thing  that  favoured  of  a  hard  Heart ;  as,  on  the 
other  fide,  your  princely  Eye  was  wont  to  meet  with  any  Motion  that  was 
made  on  the  relieving  part.  Therefore,  as  one  that  had  the  happinefs  to 
know  your  Majefty  near  hand,  I  have,  moft  gracious  Sovereign,  Faith  enough 
for  a  Miracle,  and  much  more  for  a  Grace,  that  your  Majefty  will  not  fuffer 
your  poor  Creature  to  be  utterly  defaced;  nor  blot  that  Name  quite  out  of 
your  Book,  upon  which  your  facred  Hand  has  been  fb  oft,  for  the  giving  him 
new  Ornaments  and  Additions. 

To  tiiis  degree  of  Compaffion,  I  hope  God  will  dilpofe  your  princely  Heart, 
already  prepared  to  all  Piety.  And  why  ftiould  I  not  think,  but  that  the 
thrice  noble  Prince,  who  would  have  pull'd  me  out  of  the  Fire  of  a  Sentence, 
will  help  to  pull  me  out  of  an  abje6t  and  fordid  Condition  in  my  laft  Days? 
And  that  excellent  Favourite  of  yours,  the  Goodnefs  of  whofe  Nature  con- 
tend* 


47©  Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Life.     Sed.  I. 

tends  with  the  Greatnsfs  of  his  Fortune  ;  will  kifs  your  hands  with  Joy  for 
any  work  of  Piety  you  fliall  do  for  me.  And  as  all  commirerable  Perfons, 
efpecially  fuch  as  find  their  Hearts  void  of  all  Malice,  are  apt  to  think  all 
Men  pity  them  •,  fo  I  aflure  myfelf,  that  the  Lords  of  your  Council,  who,  out 
of  their  Wifdom  and  Noblenefs,  cannot  but  be  fenfible  of  human  Events, 
will,  in  this  way  which  I  go,  for  the  relief  of  my  Eftate,  further  and  advance 
your  Majefty's  Goodnefs  towards  me.  For  there  is,  as  I  conceive,  a  kind  of 
Fraternity  between  great  Men  that  are,  and  thofe  that  have  been  ;  being 
but  the  feveral  Tenfes  of  one  Verb.  Nay,  I  further  prefume,  that  bothHoufes 
of  Parliament  will  love  their  Juftice  the  better,  if  it  end  not  in  my  ruin  : 
for  I  have  been  often  told,  by  many  of  my  Lords,  as  it  were  in  the  way  of  ex- 
cufing  the  Severity  of  the  Sentence,  that  they  kn?w  they  left  me  in  good  hands. 
And  your  Majefty  knows  well,  I  have  been  all  my  Life  long  acceptable  to 
thofe  Afiembliesj  not  by  Flattery,  but  by  Moderation,  and  by  the  honeft 
exprelTingof  a  defire  to  have  all  things  go  fairly  and  well. 

But,  if  it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty  (for  Saints,  I  {hall  give  them  Reverence, 
but  no  Adoration ;  my  Addrefs  is  to  your  Majefty,  the  Fountain  of  Goodnefs,) 
your  Majefty  lliall,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  not  feel  that  in  Gift,  whichlftiall 
extremely  feel  in  Help:  for  my  Defires  are  moderate;  and  my  Courfes  mea- 
fured  to  a  Life  orderly  and  refer ved;  hoping  ftil!  to  do  your  M.yefty  honour 
in  my  way.  Only  I  moft  humbly  befeech  your  Majefty  to  give  me  leave  to 
conclude  with  thofe  Words  which  Neceflicy  fpeaks :  Help  me,  dear  Sovereign 
Lord  and  Mafter;  and  pity  me  fo  far,  as  that  I,  who  have  born  a  Bag,  be  not 
now  in  my  Age,  forced,  in  effeft,  to  bear  a  Wallet  ;  nor  that  I,  who  defire  to 
live  to  ftudy,  may  not  be  driven  to  ftudy  to  live.  I  moft  humbly  crave  par- 
don for  along  Letter,  after  a  long  filence.  God  of  Heaven  ever  blefs,  pre- 
ferve,  and  profper  your  Majefty. 

Ann.  1622. 

XLV. 

To  the  Marquis  ©/"Buckingham;  recommending 

Mr.  Matthews. 

TH  O'  I  have  troubled  your  Lordfliip  with  many  Letters,  oftener  than 
I  think  I  fliould,  fave  that  Aff^edion  keeps  no  account  -,  yet  upon  the 
repair  of  Mr.  Ma'.tbews,  a  Gentleman  fo  much  your  Lordfhip's  Servant, 
and  to  me  another  felf,  as  your  Lordftiip  beft  knows,  you  would  not 
have  thought  me  a  Man  alive,  except  I  had  put  a  Letter  into  his  hand;  and 
withal  by  fo  faithful  and  approved  a  mean,  commended  my  Fortunes  afrelh 
to  your  Lordftiip. 

To  fp;ak  my  Heart  to  your  Lordfhip,!  never  felt  my  Misfortunes  fo  much  as 
now:  not  for  that  part  which  may  concern  my  felf;  who  profit  both  in  Patience, 
and  fettling  my  own  Courfes ;   but  when  I  look  abroad,  and  fee  the  Times 

fo 


Sed.  I.     Letters  ?-elaling  to  the  AuruoK^hwE,  471 

foflining,  fo  much  DifTimulation  and  Falfliood,  Bafenefs  and  Envy  in  the 
Worl-i,  and  fo  many  idle  Clocks  going  in  Men's  Heads  ;  then  it  grieves  me 
much,  that  I  am  not  fometimes  at  yourLordOiip's  Elbow,  that  I  might  give 
you  ibme  of  the  Fruits  of  the  careful  Advice,  modjfl:  Libercy,  and  true  In- 
formation of  a  Friend,  that  loves  your  Lordfhip  as  I  do:  Ibrtho'  yourLord- 
fliip's  Fortunes  be  above  the  Thunders  and  Storms  of  inferior  Regions  -,  ne- 
verthelefs,  to  hear  the  Wind,  and  not  to  teel  it,  will  make  one  fleep  the  better. 

My  good  Lord;  fomewhat  I  have  been,  and  much  have  I  read;  fo  that  few 
things,  which  concern  States,  or  Greatnefs,  are  new  Cafes  tome  :  and  there- 
fore, I  hope,  I  may  be  no  unprofitable  Servant  to  your  Lordfhip.  I  remem- 
ber, the  King  ufcd  to  make  a  Charafter  of  me,  far  above  my  worth,  that  I 
was  not  made  for  fmall  matters:  and  your  Lordfliip  would  fometimes  bring 
me  from  his  Majefty,  that  Latin  Sentence,  De  ininhnis  non  curat  Lex.  And  it 
has  fo  fallen  our,  ihat  fince  my  retiring.  Times  have  been  fuller  of  great 
matters  than  before  ;  wherein,  perhaps,  if  I  had  continued  near  his  Majefty, 
he  might  have  found  more  ufe  of  my  Service;  if  my  Gift  lay  that  way.  But 
that  is  but  a  vain  Imagination  of  mine.  True  it  is,  that  as  I  do  not  afpire  to 
ufe  my  Talent  in  the  King's  great  Affairs;  yet  for  what  may  concern^ 
your  Lordfhip,  and  your  Fortune,  no  Man  living  fhall  give  you  a  better  ac- 
count of  Faith,  Induliry  and  Affedlion,  than  1  fhall.  I  muft  conclude  with' 
that  which  gave  me  theoccafion  of  this  Letter;  which  is,  Mr.  Matthewi's  Em- 
ployment, to  yourLordfliip,  in  thofe  parts  wherein  lam  verily  perfuaded  your 
Lordfhip  will  find  him  a  wife  and  able  Gentleman;  and  one  that  will  bend- 
his  Knowledge  of  the  World,  to  ferve  his  Majefty  and  the  Prince  •,  and  elpe- 
cially  your  Lordfhip. 

Crays-Li/iy  Apr.  i8.   162J. 


XLVI. 

To  the  King  J  petitioning  for  a  total  Remijfmt  of  his 

Sentence. 

BEFORE  I  make  my  Petition  to  your  Majefty,  I  make  my 
Prayers  to  God  above,  pehore  ab  imo;  that  if  I  have  held  any  thing  ^o- 
dear  as  your  Majefty's  Service  ;  nay,  your  Heart's  Eafe,  and  your  Honour's, 
I  may  be  repulfed  with  a  Denial :  but  if  that  has  been  the  Principal  with  me  j 
then  that  God,  who  knows  my  Heart,  would  move  your  Majefty's  royal 
Heart  to  take  CompafTionof  me,  and  to  grant  my  defire. 

I  proftrate  my  felf  at  your  Majefty's  Feet;  I,  your  ancient  Servant,  now 
fixtyfour  Years  old  in  Age,and  three  Yearsfive  Months  old  in  Mifery.  I  defire 
not  from  your  Majefty,  Means, nor  Place, nor  Employment  ;  but  only  after  fo 
long  a  time  of  Expiation,  a  compleat,  and  total  RemifTion  of  the  Sentence  of 
the  Upper-Houfe;  to  the  end,  that  Blot  of  Ignominy  may  be  removed  from 

me  V 


^-»2  Letters  relating  to  the  A u  t  h o r's  L  i  f  e.     Secft,  I. 

me  •,  and  from  my  Memory  with  Pofterity  •,  that  I  die  not  a  condemned  Man, 
but  may  be  to  your  Majefty,  as  I  am  to  God,  nova  Creatura.  Your  Majefty 
has  pardoned  the  Hke  to  Sir  John  Bennet  ';  between  whofc;  Cafe  and  mine,  not 
being  partial  to  my  felf,  but  fpeakingout  of  the  general  Opinion,  there  was 
as  much  difference,  I  will  not  lay,  as  between  black  and  white;  bur  as  be- 
tween black  and  grey.  Look  therefore  down,  dear  Sovereign,  upon  me  alfo 
in  pity.  I  know  your  Majefty's  Heart  is  infcrutable  for  Goodnefs  -,  and  my 
"LorAoi  Buckingham  ukdio  itW  me,  you  were  the  bsft-natured  Man  in  the 
World  :  and  its  God's  Property,  that  thofe  he  has  loved,  he  loves  to  the 
end.  Let  your  Majefty's  Grace,  in  this  my  Defire,  ftream  down  upon  me; 
and  let  it  be  out  ot  the  Fountain  and  Spring-head,  and  ex  mero  mom  ;  that 
living  or  dying,  the  Print  of  the  Goodnefs  of  King  James  may  be  in  my 
Heart;  and  his  Praifes  in  my  Mouth.  This,  my  moft  humble  requcft,  granted, 
may  make  me  live  a  Year  or  two  happily  ;  and  denied,  will  kill  me  quickly. 
But  yet  the  laft  thing  that  will  die  in  me,  will  be  the  Heart  and  Affedion  of,  i£c. 
July  so.   1624. 


XLVII. 

To  the  Earl  of  Arundel  and  Surrey. 

I  Was  likely  to  have  the  Fortune  of  the  Elder  P//«v,  who  loft  his  Life  by 
trying  an  Experiment  about  the  burning  of  the  Mount  Vefuvius  ;  fori 
was  alio  defirous  to  try  an  Experiment  or  two,  upon  the  Confervation  and 
Induration  of  Bodies.  For  the  Experiment  itfelf,  it  fucceeded  excellently  ; 
but  in  the  Journey  between  ZLw^/ow  and  Hi^bgdte,  I  was  taken  with  luch  a  Fit 
of  Vomiting,  as  I  knew  not  whether  'twere  the  Stone,  or  fome  Surfeit,  or 
Cold  ;  or  indeed  a  touch  of  them  all  three.  But  when  I  came  to  your  Lord- 
fhip's  Houfe,  I  was  not  able  to  go  back;  and  therefore  was  forced  to  take  up 
my  Lodging  here;  where  your  Houfe-keeper  is  very  careful  and  diligent 
about  me;  which,!  aflure  my  felf,  your  Lordlhip  will  not  only  pardon  towards 
him, but  think  the  better  of  him  for  it.  For  indeed  yourLordlhip's  Houfe  was 
happy  to  me  ;  and  I  kifs  your  noble  Hands  for  the  Welcome,  which,  I 
am  fure,  you  give  me  to  it,    (3'c. 

I  know  how  unfit  it  is  for  me  to  write  to  your  Lordfliip  with  any  other 
Hand  than  my  own  ;    but  my  Fingers  are  fo  dif-jointed   with  this  Fit  of 
Sicknefs,    that  I  cannot  fteadily  hold  a  Pen  b. 
Jn.  1626. 

iSix  John  Btnnet,  ]\2igc  of  the  Prerogative  Court,  was  in  the  Year  i<5ii,  accufed,  convifted, 
and  cenfured  in  Parliament,  for  taking  Bribes;  and  committing  fcveral  Mifdemcanors  relating 
to  his  Office. 

^  The  Author  died  a  few  Days  after  this  Letter  was  wrote. 

SECT. 


(  473  ) 


SECT.      II. 

Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Writings, 


I. 

7^  his  Brother -i  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon^;  dedicating  the 
jirji  Edition  of  his  EfTays  to  him. 

INow  aft  like  one  that  has  an  Orchard  ill-neighboured,  and  gathers  his 
Fruit,  before  'tis  ripe,  to  prevent  ftealing.  Thefe  Fragments  ot  my  Con- 
ceits were  going  to  the  Prefs :  to  endeavour  their  ftay  had  been  trouble- 
fome,  and  fubjedl  to  interpretation  ;  to  let  them  pafs,  had  been  to  venture  the 
wrong  they  might  receive  by  untrue  Copies,  or  fome  garnifhment,  which  it 
might  pleafe  any  one  to  beftow  upon  them.  I  therefore  held  it  beft  to  publifii 
them  myfelf,  as  they  pafs'd  long  ago  from  my  Pen ;  without  any  farther 
difgrace  than  the  weaknefs  of  the  Author.  And  as  I  ever  thought  there  might 
be  as  great  a  vanity  in  with-holding  men's  Conceits  from  the  World,  as  in 
obtruding  them  ;  fo  in  thefe  Particulars  I  haveplay'd  my  felf  the  Inquifitor; 
and  find  nothing,  to  my  underftanding,  in  them,  contrary  or  infedious 
to  theftate  of  Religion,  or  Manners  •,  but  rather  medicinal.  Only  Idifliked 
now  to  publifh  them,  becaufe  they  will  be  like  the  late  new  half-pence  ; 
which  tho'  the  Silver  were  good,  yet  the  Pieces  were  fmall.  But  fince  they 
would  not  ftay  with  their  Mafter,  but  would  needs  go  abroad,  I  have  pre- 
ferr'd  them  to  you,  who  are  next  my  felf;  dedicating  them,  fuch  as  they 
are,  to  our  love  •,  in  the  depth  whereof,  I  fometimes  wifli  your  ''  Infirmities 
tranflated  upon  my  felt  \  that  her  Majefty  might  have  the  fervice  of  fo  ac- 
tive and  able  a  Mind  -,  and  I  might  be,  with  excufe,  confin'd  to  thefe  Con- 
templations and  Studies,  for  which  I  am  fitteft. 
Gray's-If!77,  Jafi.^o.  IS97- 

11. 

'■  Elder  and  only  Brother  to  the  Author,  faid  to  have  been  his  equal  in  Genius ;  but  inferior 
in  Learning  and  Knowledge. 
*  The  Gentleman  was  lame  in  his  Feer;  and  troubled  with  the  Gout, 
V  O  L.  I.  P  P  P 


474        Letters  relating  to  //^^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.  Se^fl.II. 


II. 

To  the  Earl  ^Northampton  ^ ;    dejtring  him  to  pre- 
fent  the  Advancement  of  Learning  to  the  K  i  n  c 

xi     /■['  D  u  ? 

HAving  finifh'd  a 'work  upon  the  /fdvancemefJtoflLearnwg,  and  dedicated 
it  to, his  Majefty,  whom  I.dare  avouch,  if  the  Records  of  Time  err 
jiot,  to  be  tHe,  moft  lekWed  Kiag  t'hat  ha^s'^  Veigh'd  j  I  AVas  deSrOiis*  in  a 
kind  of  congruity,  to  prefent  it  by  the  moft  learned  Counfellor  in  this  King- 
dom ;  to  the  end  that  fo  good  an  Argument,  lighting  upon  fo  bad  an  Au- 
thor, might  receive  fome  reputation  by  the  hands  into  which,  and  by 
which,  it  fhould  be  delivered.  And,  therefore,  I  make  it  my  humble 
Suit  to  your  Lordfliip,  tq  prefent  this  mean,  but  weli-meant  Writing  to  his 
Majefty;  and  with  tt  my  humble  and  zealous  Duty ;  andalfo,  my  flke  hum- 
ble Requeft  of  pardon,  if  I  haive  too  often  taken  His  nattie  in  vain  ;  not  only 
in  the  Dedication,  but  alfo  in  vouching  the  authority  of  his  Speeches  and 
Writings.  _^,. 

yf««.  1605.  ■     lii 

III. 

To  Sir  Tkdir'AS  ^BoE^LEY-;    upon  prefintwg  Bftfi-^4hB 
Advancement  of  Learning. 

IThink-nbrta-H  iti^y  AVore'^ful]^  Uy'^^itTi' theWatfn,  kutlum'incola  fuii 
^nthfameat  than  my  felf ;  fOr  I  confefs,  fince  Iwasofany  underftariding, 
'my  Mind  has,  in  effect,  been  abfent  from  what  IHavedohe  :  and  in  abfence 
are  many  Errors,  which  I  willingly  acknowledge  ;  and  among  the  reft,  this 
gi-eat  one,  which  led  the  reft  ;  that  knowing  my  felf,  by  inward  calling,  'to 
be  fitter  to  hold  a  Book  than  to  play  a  Part,  I  haVe  led  my  life  in  civil 
Caufesi  for  which  I  was  not  very  fit  by  Nature,  and  more  unfit  by  the  pre- 
'occupaffon  of  my  Mind.  Therefore  calling  my  felf  home,  I  have  now,  for 
a  time,  enjoy'd  my  felf-,  whereof  likewife  I  defire  to  make  the  World  parta- 
ker. My  Labours,  (if  I  may  fo  term  that,  which  was  the  comfort  of  my 
other  Labours)  I  have  dedicated  to  the  King  -,  defirous,  if  there  be  any  good 
in  them,  it  may  be  as  the  Fat  of  a  Sacrifice,  incenfed  to  his  honour.  And 
the  lecond  Copy  I  have  fent  to  you ;  not  only  in  good  Afi'eflion,  but  in  a 

kind 

"  Author  of  a  Book  againjl  the  Voijon  of  fuppofed  trofhecki ;  dedicated  to  Sir  francis  W»l- 
fingham,   Ann.  iJ'Sj. 

"  The  Founder  ot  the  Bodlem  Library  at  Oxford. 


SeA.II.  LeUen  relatifjg  to  the  h\:riiOK\ 'Writings.       475 

kind  of  Congruity,  in  regard  of  your  great  and  rare  Defert  of  Learning. 
For  Books  are  the  Shrines  where  the  Saint  is,  or  is  believed  to  be.  And 
you  having  built  an  Ark  to  fave  Learning  from  Deluge,  deferve  propriety 
in  a  new  Inftrument  or  Engine,  whereby  Learning  fliould  be  improved  or 
advanced. 
An».  1605. 

IV. 

7J  the  Earl  of  Salisbury";    upon  prejenting  him  the 
Advancement  of  Learning. 

IPrefcnt  your  Lordfhip  with  a  Work  of  my  vacant  time;  which  if  it  had 
been  more,  the  Work  had  been  better.  It  appertains  to  your  Lordfhip, 
(befides  my  particular  refped's)  in  fome  propriety  ;  in  regard  you  are  a  great 
Governor  in  a  Province  of  Learning.  And,  what  is  more,  you  have  added 
to  your  place  AfFedlion  towards  Learning ;  and  to  your  Affeftion,  Judgment: 
the  latter  whereof,  I  could  be  content  v^rere  lefs  for  the  time  ;  that  you  might 
the  lefs  exquifitely  cenfure  what  I  offer  you.  But  fure  I  am,  the  Argument 
is  good,  if  it  Ivid  lighted  upon  a  good  Author.  But  I  fhall  content  my 
felf  to  awake  better  SpiritSj  like  a  Bell-ringer,  who  is  firft  up  to  call  others 
to  Church.  So  wichjny  humble  defire  of  your  Lordfhip's  good  acceptation, 
I  remain,  (^c. 
1  Ana.  1605. 

V. 

To  the  Univerjity  of  Cambridge;  upon  prefenting  hit 
Advancement  of  Learning  to  their  Public  Library. 

I  Would,  to  my  ability,  hereby  difcharge  the  Duties  of  a  Son ;  and  exhort 
you  all  to  purfue  the  fame  method  ;  and,  with  a  becoming  Moderation, 
yet  a  freedom  of  the  Underftanding,  in  .earnefl:,  endeavour  x!as.  Advancement 
of  the  Sciences:  not  burying  in  a  napkin  the  Talent  lent  you  by  the  Ancients. 
Queflionlefs  the  divine  Light  will  favour  and  fhine  upon  you,  if  you  do  but 
humble  and  fubmit  Philofophy  toReligion;  dextroufly  make  a  right  ufe  of 
the  Keys  of  ihe  Senfes ;  and,  dropping  all  eagernefs  of  oppofition,  each  of  you 
calmly  difpute .  witii  his  fellow,  as  it  were  with  himfelf. 

P  p  p  2  VI. 

•  Viz.  Sit  Robert  Cecil,  Son  to  the  Lord,  Burghley ;  he  was  long  Secretary  of  State,  and  for 
fome  years  Lord  Trcafurer,  and  Chancellor,  ot  the  VmverlKyoi  Cam Mtl^e. 
I 


47 6        Letters  relating  to  theKvivio^^  Writing s.    Sed.IL 


VI. 

To  T R I N I T Y-Co L LEGE,  CAMBRIDGE;  upQH prefentwg 
them  the  Advancement  of  Learning. 

TH  E  ftate  and  progrefs  of  all  things  is  owing  to  their  Origins :  and 
therefore  as  I  drew  the  Origins  of  the  Sciences  from  your  Fountains  ;  I 
judge  it  proper  to  return  you  their  increafe.  I  have  alfo  hopes  that  thefe 
Plants  of  mine  may  thrive  and  flourifh  with  you,  as  in  their  native  Soil. 
Let  me  therefore  exhort  you  to  promote  the  growth  of  the  Sciences,  fo  far 
as  may  confift  with  Difcretion  ;  and  the  Refpeft  due  to  the  Ancients :  and 
next  after  the  facred  Volume  of  God's  Word,  the  Scriptures,  to  ftudy  dili- 
gently that  great  Volume  of  his  Works ;  to  which  all  other  Books  krvt  but 
as  Comments. 

VII. 

To  the  Univerjity  ^Oxford;  upon  prefenting  them  the 
Advancement  of  Learning. 

As  I  have  wrote  to  the  Univerfity  of  Cambridge,  whofe  Pupil  I  am,  I 
fhould  be  wanting  in  my  Duty,  not  to  prefent  her  Sifter  the  fame  to- 
ken of  my  Affedion.  And  as  I  have  exhorted  them,  fo  likewife  I  exhort 
you,  ftrenuoufly  to  endeavour  x)^t  Advancement  of  the  Sciences;  not  eftceming 
the  Labours  of  the  Ancients  as  nothing,  nor  as  every  thing :  but  difcreetly 
confidering  your  own  proper  flrength,  fometimes  to  prove  and  try  it.  No 
doubt  of  a  happy  iflue,  if  you  do  not  take  arms  againft  one  another  ;  but, 
with  united  force,  make  your  attack  upon  the  Nature  of  Things:  which  alone 
will  afford  fufficient  matter  of  Vidory  and  Glory. 


VIIL 

To  Mr.  Matthews  *;  with  the  Advancement  of  Learning. 

I  Perceive  you  have  fome  time  when  you  can  be  content  to  think  of  your 
Friends  -,  from  whom,  fince  you  have  borrow'd  yourfirlf,  you  do  well, 
not  paying  the  Principal,  to  fend  the  Intereft,  at  fix  month's  uay. 

I 

'  Son  to  Dr.  Toby  Matihe^as,  Bifhop  of  Di'hurm,   and   afterwards  of  tork.      He  wrote  aa 
JE«/c^y  on  the  Duke  o/ Florence'j  Felicity.   See  Sect.  I.  Letter  19.  ad  fnem. 


Sed.II.    Letters  relating  to  the  A u tm o  r's  W r it  i n  g s.        477 

I  h;u'L-  nowet  laft  taught  tliat  Child  to  go,  at  the  fwadlitig  whereof  you 
were.  My  Work  upon  the  Proficiency  and  Advancement  of  Learning,  I  have 
put  into  two  Books  ;  whereof  the  former  ^,  which  you  faw,  I  can't  but  account 
as  a  Page  to  the  latter  \  I  have  now  publifli'd  them  both  j  whereof  I 
thought  it  a  fmall  Adventure  to  fend  you  a  Copy,  who  have  more  right 
to  it  than  any  Man,  except  Bifhop  Andrews.,  who  was  my  Inquifitor. 

I  write  this,  in  anfwer  to  your  good  Wifhes  ;  which  I  return,  not  as 
Flowers  of  Florence^  but  as  you  mean  them  :  whom,  I  conceive.  Place  can't 
alter,  no  more  than  Time  fliall  me,  except  it  be  for  the  better. 

Ann.  1605. 

IX. 

To  the  Lord Cha?icellor  E g e r t o n  ' ;   prefent'wg  him  the 
Advancement  of  Learning. 

I  Humbly  prefcnt  your  Lordfliip  with  a  Work,  wherein,  as  you  have 
much  Command  over  the  Author  -,  fo  you  have  great  Intereft  in  the  Ar- 
gument:  for,  to  fpeak  without  flattery,  few  have  fuch  Ufe  of  Learning,  or 
luch  Judgment  in  Learning,  as  I  have  obfcrved  in  your  Lordfhip.  And, 
again,  your  Lordfliip  has  been  a  great  Planter  of  Learning,  not  only  in 
thofe  places  in  the  Church,  which  have  been  in  your  own  Gift  -,  but  alfo  in 
your  commendatory  Vote,  no  Man  has  more  conftantly  held,  detur  digniori. 
And  therefore,  both  your  Lordfhip  is  beholden  to  Learning,  and  Learning 
to  your  Lordfhip  :  which  makes  me  prcfume  that  you  will  accept  of  thefe 
my  Labours ;  the  rather,  becaufe  your  Lorclfhip,  in  private  Speech,  has  often 
begun  to  me  in  exprefTing  your  admiration  of  his  Majefty's  Learning,  to 
whom  I  have  dedicated  this  Work  ;  and  whofe  Virtue  and  Perfcftion  in> 
that  kind,  chiefly  moved  me  to  a  Work  of  this  nature. 
Ann.  1605. 

X. 

Vo  the  Lord  Trea/urer  BucKHURST  ^;  upon  pre/entwg  him 
the  Advancement  of  Learning. 

I  Have    finifhed   a  Work    upon  the   Advancement    sr  fitting  forzvard  of 
Learning,  which  I  have  dedicated  to  his  Maiefl:y,  the  moft  learned  of  a 
Sovereign,  or  Temporal  Prince,  that  Time  has  known  ;    and  upon  reafon, 

net 

"  Ue  DignitMe  Scientiarum. 
^  De  Au^me>,:is  Scientiarum. 
'   Lord  ElUfmere. 

■*  Chancelio.  of  th-;  Umverfity  of  0*/or<^  Lord  Treafarer,  aod  Earl  of  Der/f/,   celebrated  as 
a  Poet,  an  Orator,  and  a  Writer. 


47  S        Letters  relating  to  the  KuTViO-sC^W  Kir  I'^G^,  Sedl.IL 

not  unlike,  I  humbly  prefent  one  of  the  Books  to  your  Lordfhip  ;  not 
only,  as  a  Chancellor  of  an  Univerfil^^  but  as  one  that  was  excellently  bred 
in  all  Learning  -,  which  I  have  ever  noted  to  fliine  in  all  your  Speeches 
and  Behaviour:  and  therefore  your  Lordfliip  will  yield  a  gracious  afpeft  to 
your  firlt  Love  ;  and  take  pleafure  in  the  adorning  of  that  wherewith  your 
felf  are  fo  much  adorned.  And  fo  humbly  defiring  your  favourable  ac- 
ceptance thereof,  I  remain,  i^e. 


Ann,  1 60 


O' 


XL 

1*0  Dr.  Playfer  * ;   defiring  him  to  tranflate  the  Advance- 
ment into  Latin. 


A  Great  Defire    will   take  a    fmall   occafion    to    hope,    and    put  in 
tryal,  that  which  is  defired.     It  pleafed  you,  a  good  while  (ince,  to 
exprefs  to  me  the  liking  you  conceived  of  my  Book  of  the  Advan^eme"'  of 
Learning  ;  and  that  more  fignificantly,  as  it  feem'd  to  me,    than  out  of 
Courtefy  or  civil  Refpeft.     As  I  then  took  content  in  your  Approbation, 
thereof ;    fo  I   fhould  efteem  and  acknowledge,  not  only  my  Content  in- 
creafed,  but  my  Labours  advanced,  if  I  might  obtain  your  good  Help  in 
that  nature  which  I  defire :     wherein,  before  I  fet  down  in  plain  terms  my 
Requeft,  I  will  open  my  felf,  what  'twas  I  chiefly  fought,  and  propofed  in 
that  Work  ;    that  you  may  perceive  what  I  now  defire,   to  be  purfuant 
thereupon.     If  I  do  not  much  err  (for  any  Judgment  that  a  Man  makes  of 
his  own  doings,    had  need  be  fpoken  with  a  Ji  nunqtiam  fallat  imago,,)   I 
have  this  Opinion,  that  if  I  had  fought  my  own  Reputation,  it  h^d  been 
a  much  fitter  Courfe  for  me    to  have  done  asGardeners  ufe  to  do,  by  taking 
their  Seed  and  Slips,  and  rearing  them   firft  into  Plants,  and  fo  uttering 
them  in  Pots,  when  they  are  in  Flower,  and  in  their  beft  State.     But  as  my 
end  was  Merit  of  the  State  of  Learning,  and  not  Glory  ;  and  as  my  Pur- 
pofe  was  rather    to  excite  other  Mens  Wits,    than  to  magnify  my  own, 
I  was  defirous  to  prevent  the   uncertainty  of  my  own  Life  and  Times,  by 
uttering  rather  Seeds  than  Plants :    nay,  and  farther,  as  the  Proverb  is,  by 
fowing  with  the  Basket,  rather  than  with  the  Hand.     Wherefore,  fince  I 
have  only  taken  upon  me  to  ring  a  Bdl,  to  call  other  Wits   together, 
which  is  the  meaneft  Office  ;  it  cannot  but  be  agreeable  to  my  defire,  to 
have  that  Bell  heard  as  far  as  pofllble.     And  fince  they   are  but  as  Sparks 
which  can  work  only  upon  Matter  prepared,    I  iiave   the   more  reafon  to 
wifli,  that  thofe  Sparks  may  fly  abroad  -,  that  they  may  the  better  find  and 
light  upon  fuch  Minds  and  Spirits  as  are  apt  to  be  kindled.     And  there- 
tore,  the  Privacy  of  the  Language  confidered,  wherein  it  is  written,  exclu- 
ding 
*  Profeflbr  of  Divinity  in  the  Univerfity  of  Cambt'idse. 


Sedl.II.  Letters  relatbig  to  tbe  A  u  t  h  o  rj  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.         47 1^ 

ding  fo  many  Readers  ;  as,  on  the  other  fule,  the  obfcuriry  of  the  Argument, 
in  many  parts  of  it,  excludes  many  others  ;  I  mud  account  ic  a  Iccond 
Birth  of  that  Work,  if  it  might  be  tranflated  into  Latin  •,  wicliout  manifell 
lofs  of  the  Senfe  and  Matter.  For  this  purpofe,  I  could  not  reprefent  to 
my  felf  any  Man,  info  whofe  hands  I  do  more  earneftly  defire  that  Work 
fliould  fall,  dian  your  itM \  for  by  what  Ihave  heard  and  read,  I  know  no  Man 
a  greater  Mafter  in  commanding  Words  to  ferve  Matter.  Neverthclcfs,  I 
am  not  ignorant  of  the  Worth  of  your  Labours  -,  whether  fuch  as  your  Place 
and  Proftffion  impofes,  or  fuch  as  your  own  Virtue  may,  upon  your  volun- 
tary Ekdbion,  take  in  hand.  But  I  can  lay  before  you  no  other  perfuafions, 
than  either  the  Work  it  felf  may  aftedt  you  with  ;  or  the  Honour  of  his 
Majefty  to  whom  'tis  dedicated  ;  or  your  particular  Inclination  to  my  felf: 
who,  as  I  never  took  fuch  comfort  in  any  Labours  of  my  ov.n ;  fo  I 
Ihall  never  acknowledge  my  felf  more  obliged  in  any  thing  to  the  Labours 
of  another,  than  in  that  which  fhall  affift  it :  which  your  Labour,  if  I  can, 
by  my  Place,  Profeflion,  Means,  Friends,  Travel,  Work,  Deed,  requite 
to  you,  I  fhall  efteem  my  felf  fo  itridly  bound  thereto,  as  I  fhall  be  ever 
moft  ready  both  to  take  and  feek  occafion  of  thankfulnefs.  So  leaving  it 
neverthelefe,  falva  amickxa,  as  reafon  is,    to  your  good  liking,  1  remain ^ 

7J  the  Kingi  with  the  Difcourfe  of  the  Plantation    of 

Ireland. 


I  Know  not  better  how  to  exprefs  my  good  Wifhes  of  a  new  Year  tO' 
your  Majefty,  than  by  this  little  Book,  which  in  all  humblenefs  I  fend 
you.  The  Stile  is  a  Stile  of  Bufinefs,  rather  than  curious  or  elaborate. 
And  herein  I  was  encouraged  by  my  Experience  of  your  Majefty's  former 
Grace,  in  accepting  of  the  like  poor  Field-fruits  upon  the  Union.  And 
certainly  I  reckon  this  Adion  as  a  fecond  Brother  to  the  Union.  Fori 
aflure  my  felf,  that  England,  Scotland  and  Ireland  well  united,  is  fuch  a 
Trefoil,  as  no  Prince,  except  your  felf,  wears  in  his  Crown  ;  fi  potentia  re- 
ducatur  in  a^um.  I  well  know,  that  for  me  to  beat  my  Brains  about  thefe 
things,  is,  Majora  quatn  pro  forfuna  ;■  but  yet.  Minora  quam  }ro  ftudio  ac 
voluntate.  For  as  I  ftill  bear  an  extreme  Zeal  to  the  Memory  of  my  old 
Miltrefs,  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  to  whom  I  was  rather  bound  for  her  Trulf ,  tiian 
her  Favour ;    fo  I  mull   acknowledge  my  felf  more  bound  to  your  Ma- 

jefly, 

a  The  Do(fJor  eagerly  embraced  the  Propofa!,  and  returned  a  Specimen  of  a  Tianfla'ion,  the 
tutiniiy  whereof  was  found  too  exquifitej  ib  that  the  Author,  who  required  ftrong  and  mal- 
culine  Exprclfion,  did  not  eacouiige  hira  to  proceed.  See  Eicon's  Ri/nains,  by  Temiifcn,.. 
pag.  16. 


480         Letters  relating  to  the  KxjrnoKs  Writings.  Sedl.II. 

jefty,  both  for  Trufl:  and  Favour  :  whereof  I  will  never  deceive  the  one,  as 
I  can  never  deferve  the  other, 
Jnn.  1606. 

Of  the  Plantation   of  Ireland. 

IT  feems  God  has  referved  to  your  Majefty's  times  two  PTorks,  which 
among  the  Works  of  Kings  have  the  fupreme  Preheminence -,  viz.   the 
uniting,  and  planting   of  Kingdoms.      For  tho'  it  be  great  fortune  f  >r  a 
King  to  deliver  his  Kingdom  from  long  Calamities ;  yet  in  the  Judgment  of 
thofe  who  have  diftinguifh'd   the  Degrees  of  Sovereign  Honour,  to  be  a 
Founder  of  States  excels  all  the  reft.     For  as  in  Arts  and  Sciences,  to  be 
the  firll  Inventor,  is  more  than  to  illuftrate  or  amplify  ;   as  in  the  Works 
of  God,  the  Creation  is  greater  than  the  Prefervation  ;  and  as  in  the  Works 
of  Nature,    the  Birth  and  Nativity  is  more  than  the  Continuance :    fo  in 
Kingdoms,  the  firft  Foundation,  or  Plantation,  is   of  nobler  Dignity  and 
Merit  than  all  that  follows,     Thefe  Foundations  are  but  of  two  kinds ;  the 
firft,  that  which  makes  one   of  more ;    and  the  fecond,  that  which  makes 
one  of  none  ;  the  latter  refembling  the  Creation  of  the  World  out  of  nothing, 
and  the  former  the  Edification  of  the  Church  to  Simplicity  and  Unity.    And 
it  has  pleafed  the  divine  Providence  to  put  both  thefe  Foundations  into  your 
hands  -,  the  one,  in  the  Union  of  Britain  ;    the  other,    in  the  Plantation  of 
great  parts  of  Ireland.    Which  Enterprizes  being  once  happily  accomplifhed, 
you  may  juftly  be  faid  to  have  given   new  Birth   to  Britain   and  Ireland. 
For  Unions  and  Plantations  are  the  very  Nativities  or  Birth-days  of  King- 
doms.    And  herein  likewife  your  Majefty  has  yet  a  Fortune  extraordinary, 
and  differing  from  former  Examples  in  the  fame  kind.     For  moft  Unions 
and  Plantations  of  Kingdoms  have   been  founded  in  the  effufion  of  Blood  j 
but  your  Majefty  builds  in  folo  puro,   £5?  in  area  pura,    tint  needs  no  ex- 
piatory Sacrifice  for  Blood  ;  and  therefore,  no  doubt,  this  is  under  a  liigher 
and  more  aflured  Bleffing. 

I  fhall  firft  fpeak  of  the  Excellency  of  the  Work  -,  and  then  of  the 
Means  to  compafs  and  effedl  it.  For  the  Excellence  of  the  Work,  I  will 
divide  it  into  four  noble  and  worthy  Confequences,  that  will  follow  there- 
upon. 

The  fr/l  is  Honour  ;  whereof  I  have  iiiid  enough  already,  were  it  not 
that  the  Harp  of  Ireland  reminds  ms  of  that  glorious  Emblem,  or  Allegory, 
wherein  the  Wifdom  of  Antiquity  fliadowed  out  Works  of  this  nature. 
For  the  Poets  feigned,  that  Orpheus,  by  the  virtue  and  fweetnefsof  his  Harp, 
affeniblcd  the  Beafts  and  Birds,  of  their  nature  wild  and  favage,  to  ftand 
about  him,  as  in  a  Theatre  ;  forgetting  their  Affections  of  Fiercencfs,  of 
Lull,  and  of  Prey  ;  and  liftening  to  the  Tunes  and  Harmonies  of  the  Harp  : 
and  foon  after,  called  likewife  the  Stones  and  the  Woods  to  remove,  and 

ftand 


Sedl.ll.   Letters  relati7tg  /<?  /^^  A  u  t  h  o r's  W r  i  t  i  n  g  s,        4.8 1 

ftand  in  order  about  him.  Which  Fable  was  anciently  interpreted  of  the 
reducing  and  planting  of  Kingdoms  ;  when  People  of  barbarous  Manners 
are  brought  to  give  over  their  Cuftoms  of  Revenge  and  Blood,  and  of 
dilTolute  Life,  Theft,  and  Rapine  -,  and  to  give  ear  to  the  Wifdom 
of  Laws  and  Governments  :  whereupon  immediately  follows  the  calling 
of  Stones  for  Building  and  Habitation  ;  and  of  Trees,  for  the  Seats  of 
Houfcs,  Orchards,  Enclofures,  and  the  like.  This  Work  therefore,  of 
all  others,  the  mofl;  memorable  and  honourable,  your  Majefty  has  now  in 
hand  ;  and  may  the  better  effed:,  by  joining  the  Harp  of  DavU^  in  cafting 
out  the  evil  Spirit  of  Superfliition,  with  the  Harp  of  Orpheia,  in  the  cafting 
out  Defolation  and  Barbarifm. 

The  fecend  Confequence  of  this  Enterprize,  is  the  avoiding  of  an  Incon- 
venietice,  which  commonly  attends  upon  happy  Times ;  and  is  a  bad  effeft 
of  a  good  Caufe.  The  prefent  Age  feems  generally  inclined  to  Peace  in 
thefe  Parts  ;  and  your  Majefty's  moft  Chriftian  Temper  promifes  the  fame  ; 
more  efpecially  to  thefe  your  Kingdoms.  But  the  effefl  of  Peace  in  a 
fruitful  Kingdom,  where  the  Stock  of  People,  receiving  no  diminution  by 
War,  muft  continually  multiply  and  increafe,  will  in  the  end  be  a  Surcharge 
or  Overflow  of  People,  more  than  the  Territory  can  well  maintain  ;  which 
often  infinuating  a  general  Neceflity  and  want  of  Means  into  States,  turns 
external  Peace  into  internal  Troubles  and  Seditions.  Now,  what  an  excel- 
lent Diverfion  of  this  Inconvenience  is  miniftred  to  your  Majefty  in  this 
Plantation  of /r^/d» J .''  Wherein  fo  many  Families  may  receive  Suftenance 
and  Fortunes:  and  the  Difcharge  of  them  alfoout  of  England  and  Scotlandy 
may  prevent  many  Seeds  of  future  Perturbations.  So  that,  the  IlTue  will  be, 
as  if  a  Man  were  at  a  lofs  to  difcharge  a  Flood  of  Waters  from  the  place 
where  he  has  built  his  Houfe,  and  fhould  afterwards  turn  them  into  fair  Ponds 
or  Streams,  for  Pleafure,  Provifion,  or  Ufe.  For  thus  your  Majefly  will 
have  a  double  Convenience,  in  difcharging  of  People  here  ;  and  in  making 
ufe  of  them  there. 

The  third  Confequence  is,  the  great  Safety  likely  to  enfue  to  your  Ma- 
jefly's  State,  in  general,  by  this  Aft  ;  in  difcomfiting  all  hoftile  Attempts  of 
Foreigners,  which  the  Weaknefs  of  that  Kingdom  has  heretofore  invited.  A 
general  Reafon  is,  becaufe,  as  one  of  the  Romans  faid  of  Peloponnefus.,  ^be 
Torioife  is  fafe  zvilhin  her  Shell  *  i  but  if  fhe  put  forth  any  part  of  her 
Body,  it  endangers,  not  only  the  part  fo  put  forth,  but  all  the  reft : 
and  in  the  human  Body,  if  there  be  any  weak  or  aftetted  Part,  this  is  fuf- 
ficient  to  draw  Rheums  or  Humours  to  if,  to  the  difturbance  of  the 
Health  of  the  whole  Body.  And  for  Particulars  i  the  example  is  too  frelh, 
that  the  Indifpofition  of  that  Kingdom  has  been  a  continual  Attractive  of  . 
Troubles  and  Infcftations  upon  this  State  :  and  tho'  your  Majefty's  Great- 
nefs  in  fome  meafure  difcharges  this  Fear;  yet  without  your  increafe  of 
Power,  Envy  muft  likewife  increafe. 

The  fourth  and  bft  Confequence  is,  the  great  Profit  and  Strength  likely  to 
redound  to  your  Crown,  by  working  upon  this  unpolifhed  part  thereof: 

Vol.  I.  Qjqq  whence 

»  Tejlndo  intra  tigumen  tut»  efi. 


482        Letters  relati7ig  to  the  K\]T no •R^'W KITING z.  Sed:.II. 

whence  your  Majefliy,  being  in  the  Prime  of  Life,  is  likely  to  receive  more 
than  the  Firft-Fruics  ;  and  your  Pofterity,  a  growing  and  fpringing  Vein  of 
Riches  and  Power.  For  this  Idand  being  another  B?-itaif2,  as  Brit  am  was 
fiaid  to  be  another  World,  has  fo  many  Dowries  of  Nature  •,  the  Fruitfulnefs 
of  the  Soil,  the  Ports,  the  Rivers,  the  Fifhing,  the  Quarries,  the  Woods  1 
and  efpccially  its  Race  of  v.iliant,  hardy,  and  adtive  Men  ;  that  it  is  not  ealy, 
even  upon  the  Continent,  to  find  fuch  a  Conflux  of  Commodities  ;  if  the 
hand  of  Man  did  but  join  with  the  hand  of  Nature.  And  fo  much  for 
the  Excellence  of  the  Work,  in  point  of  Honour,  Policy,  Safety,  and 
Utility. 

For  the  Means  to  efFeft  this  Work,  your  Majeflry  will  not  want  the  Infor- 
mation of  expert  and  induftrious  Perfons,  who  have  ferved  you  there,  and 
know  the  Country  •,  nor  the  Advice  of  a  grave  and  prudent  Council  here, 
which  knows  the  Pulfes  of  the  Hearts  of  People  •,  and  the  ways  and  paflages 
of  conducing  great  Aftions:  befides  that  Fountain  of  Wifdom  and  Univer- 
fality,  which  is  in  your  felf.  Yet  in  a  thing  of  fo  publick  a  nature,  it  is  not 
amifs  for  your  Majefty  to  hear  variety  of  Opinions  :  for  as  Demojihencs  fays 
well ;  "  the  good  Fortune  of  a  Prince  or  State,  fometimes  puts  a  good 
*'  Motion  into  a  Fool's  mouth." 

I  think,  therefore,  the  Means  of  accomplifhing  this  Work,  confifts  of 
two  principal  Parts.  Thefrft,  the  Invitation  and^Encouragement  of  Under- 
takers :  the  fecond,  the  Order  and  Policy  of  the  Projeft  it  felf.  For  as  in 
all  Engines  of  the  Hand,  there  is  fomewhat  that  gives  the  Motion  and 
Force,  and  the  reft  ferves  to  guide  and  govern  it ;  the  Cafe  is  the  fame  in 
thefe  Enterprizes  or  Engines  of  State.  For  the  former  ;  no  doubt,  but  next 
to  the  Providence  and  Finger  of  God,  which  writes  thefe  excellent  Defires 
in  the  Tables  of  your  Majefty's  Heart  -,  your  Authority  and  your  Affeftion 
is  the  fir  ft  Mover  in  this  Caufe:  and  therefore,  the  more  ftrongly  and  fully 
your  Majefty  ftiall  declare  your  felf  in  it,  the  more  fhall  you  quicken  and 
animate  the  whole  Proceeding.  For  this  is  an  Adtion,  which,  as  its  wor- 
thinefs  fupports  it,  fo  its  Nature  requires  it  to  be  carried  in  fome  height 
of  Reputation  :  and  'tis  fit,  in  my  Opinion,  for  Pulpits  and  Parliaments, 
and  all  Places  to  ring  and  refound  of  it.  For  what  may  feem  Vanity,  in 
fome  things,  I  mean  matter  of  Fame,  is  of  great  efficacy  in  this. 

But  now  to  d'  fcend  to  the  inferior  Spheres ;  and  fpeak  of  what  Co-ope- 
ration in  the  Subjefts  or  Undertakers  may  be  raifed,  and  by  what  means. 
And  to  take  plain  Grounds,  which  are  the  fureft  -,  all  Men  are  drawn  into 
Ad-ions  by  three  things;  viz.  {\.)  Pleafure,  (2.)  Honour,  and  (3.)  Profit. 
But  before  I  purfue  thefe  three  Motives,  it  is  fit  to  interlace  a  word  or  two, 
as  to  the  quality  of  the  Undertakers  •,  wherein  my  Opinion  is  fimply  this, 
that  if  your  Majefty  iliall  make  thefe  Portions  of  Land  to  be  planted,  but 
as  Rewards,  or  as  Suits,  or  as  Fortunes  for  thofe  in  want,  and  are  likelieft 
to  feek  moft  after  them  ;  they  will  not  be  able  to  go  through  with  the 
Charge  of  good  fubftantial  Plantations;  but  will,  deficere  in  Opere  medio  ; 
and  then  this  Work  will  fucceed,  as  TaaVaj  fays,  acribus  Iniliii  Fine  inciiriofo. 
So  that,  this  muft  rather  be  an  Adventure  for  fuch  as  are  full,  than  a  fet- 

ting 


Seft.'II.  Letters  relathtg  /<?  //5^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.       48 

ting  up  of  thofe  that  arc  low  of  Means:  for  fiich  Men  are  fit  to  perform 
thefe  Undertakings,  as  are  fit  to  purchafe  dry  Reverfions  after  Lives  or 
Years  ;  or  fuch  as  are  fit  to  put  out  Money  upon  long  Returns.  So  that 
the  Undertakers  themfelves  fhould  be  Men  of  Eftates  and  Pl..'nty. 

(i.)  To  come  now  to  the  Motives.  Firfl^  for  Pleafure.  In  tliis  traftof 
Soil,  there  are  no  warm  Winters,  nor  Orange-Trees,  nor  ftrange  Bcafts,  nor 
Birds,  or  other  Points  of  Curiofity  and  Diverfion,  as  there  are  in  the  Indies^ 
and  the  like :  fo  that  there  can  be  no  Foundation  made  upon  matter  of  Plea- 
fure, otherwife,  than  that  the  very  defire  of  Novelty  and  Experiment  in 
fome  ftirring  Natures  may  work  fomewhat ;  and  therefore,  'cis  the  other  two 
Points  of  Honour  and  Profit,  whereon  we  are  wholly  to  reft. 

(2.)  For  Honour  or  Caoiteimnce,  if  I  mention  to  your  Majefty,  whether 
in  Wifdom  you  fhall  think  convenient,  the  better  to  exprefs  your  Af- 
feftion  to  the  Enterprize,  and  for  a  Pledge  thereof,  to  add  the  Earldom 
of  Uljier  to  the  Prince's  Titles  ;  I  fhall  but  learn  it  out  of  the  Praftice  of 
King  Edi^ard  I.  who  ufed  the  like  Courfe,  as  a  m.eans  the  better  to  reftrain 
the  Country  of  IVales.  And  I  take  it,  the  Prince  of  Spain  has  the  addition 
of  a  Province  in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples ;  and  other  Precedents,  I  think 
there  are  :  and  'tis  likely  to  put  more  Life  and  Encouragement  in  the  Un- 
dertakers. 

Again,  confidering  the  large  Territories  to  be  planted,  it  is  not  im- 
probable your  Majefty  will  think  of  raifing  fome  Nobility  there  ;  which  if 
done,  merely  upon  new  Titles  of  Dignity,  without  any  reference  to  the  old  ; 
and  if  done,  alio,  without  putting  too  many  Portions  into  one  hand;  and 
laftly,  without  any  great  Franchifes  or  Commands,  I  do  not  fee  any  Danger 
can  enfue :  as,  on  the  other  fide,  it  may  draw  fome  Perfons  of  great  Eftate 
and  Means  into  the  Aftion  ;  to  the  great  furtherance  and  fupply  of  the 
Charges  thereof 

And  for  Knighthood  -,  to  fuch  Perfons  as  have  not  attained  it ;  or  other- 
wife  Knighthood,  with  fome  new  Difference  and  Precedence,  may  no  doubt 
work  with  many.  And  if  any  Man  think  that  thefe  things  are  aliquid 
nimh,  for  the  Proportion  of  this  Aftion  ;  I  confefs,  plainly,  that  if  your 
Majefty  will  have  it  really  and  efi'eftually  performed,  my  Opinion  is,  you 
cannot  beftow  too  much  Sun-fhine  upon  it.  For  Liince  radih  non  viaturefcit 
lolrus.     Thus  much  for  Honour. 

(3.)  For  Prpjit  ;  it  will  confift  in  three  Parts  •,  "viz.  Firft,  the  eafy  Rates 
that  your  Majefty  fliall  be  pleafed  to  give  the  Undertakers  of  the  Land, 
they  receive. 

Secondly,  The  Liberties  you  may  be  pleafed  to  confer  upon  them.  I 
mean  not  Liberties  of  Jurifdiction  ;  as  Counties  Palatine,  or  the  like  ; 
which  has  been  the  Error  of  the  ancient  Donations  and  Plantations  in  that 
Country:  but  only  Liberties  tending  to  Convenience  -,  as  of  tranfporting  any 
of  the  Commodities  growing  upon  the  Country  new  planted  ;  or  importing 
from  hence  all  things  appertaining  to  their  neceffu-y  ufe,  Cuftom-free  •,  and 
liberty  of  taking  Timber,  or  other  Materials,  in  your  Majefty's  Woods  there, 
and  the  like. 

Q^q  q  2  The 


•^ 


484        Letters  relati?ig  to  //5^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  Writings.  Sed.II. 

The  third  Part  is,  Eafe  of  Charges ;  that  the  whole  mafs  of  the  Charge 
do  not  reft  upon  the  private  Purfe  of  the  Undertakers. 

The  two  former  of  thefe  Parts,  I  pafs  over  ;  becaufe  in  that  Projed,  which 
with  good  diligence  and  providence  has  been  prefented  to  your  Majefty, 
by  your  Minifters  of  that  Kingdom,  they  are,  in  my  opinion,  welL 
handled. 

For  the  third  ;  I  defpair  not,  but  that  the  Parliament  of  England.,  if  it 
perceive,  that  this  Adion  is  not  a  flafli,  but  a  folid  and  fettled  Purfuit, 
will  give  aid  to  a  Work  fo  Religious,  fo  Politick,  and  fo  Profitable.  And 
the  diftribution  of  the  Charge  falls  naturally  into  three  kinds  ;  each  whereof 
refpedlively  ought  to  have  its  proper  Fountain  and  IlTue.  For  as  there 
proceeds  from  your  Majefty's  Royal  Bounty,  and  Munificence,  the  Gift  of 
the  Land,  and  other  Materials,  together  with  the  Endowment  of  Liberties ; 
and  as  the  Charge,  v/hich  is  private,  viz.  the  building  of  Houfes,  (lock- 
ing of  Grounds,  Provifions,  idc.  is  to  reft  upon  the  particular  Undertakers : 
fo  whatever  is  publick,  as  the  building  cf  Churches,  walling  of  Towns 
Tovvn-houfes,  Bridges,  Caufe-ways,  or  Higli  ways,  and  the  like,  ought 
not  properly  to  be  upon  particular  Perfons,  but  to  come  from  the  publick 
State  of  this  Kingdom  ;  to  which  the  Work  is  likely  to  return  fo  great  an 
addition  of  Glory,   Strength,  and  Commodity. 

Of  the  Projeft  it  felf,  I  Ihall  need  to  Ipeak  the  lefs,  in  regard  'tis  fo 
confiderately  digefted  already  for  the  County  of  T'yone :  and  therefore  my 
Labour  fhall  be  but  in  thofe  things,  wherein  I  fliall  either  add  to,  or  diffenc 
from  what  is  fet  down  •,  which  will  include  five  Points  or  Articles. 

And  Firfi,  They  mention  a  CommifTion  for  this  Plantation  ;  which  of 
all  things  is  moft  necefiary,  both  to  dired  and  appeafe  Controverfies,  and 
the  like. 

To  this  I  add  two  Propof ds :  the  one.,  that  the  CommifTioners  fhould, 
for  certain  tin  e  ,  ri  fide  and  abide  in  fome  habitable  Town  of  Ireland.,  near 
the  new-planted  Country  •,  to  the  end,  that  they  may  be  more  at  hand,  for 
the  Execution  of  the  Parts  of  their  Commifiion.  And  probably,  by  draw- 
ing a  concourfe  of  People  and  Tradefmen  to  fuch  Towns,  it  will  be  fome 
Help  and  Commoc  it/  to  the  Undertakers,  for  the  things  they  fliall  ftand  in 
need  of.  And  likewife,  it  will  be  a  more  fafe  Place  of  Receipt  and  Store, 
wherein  to  unlade  and  depofite  fuch  Provifions,  as  are  afterwards  to  be 
employ'd. 

The  fecond  is,  that  your  Majefty  would  make  a  Correfpondence  between 
the  Commijfwn  there,  and  a  Council  of  Piantalion  here ;  according  to  the 
Precedent  of  the  like  Council  of  Plantation  for  Virginia :  an  Enterprize,  in 
my  opinion,  differing  as  much  from  this,  as  Amadis  de  Gaul  differs  from 
C(Efa>''%  Commentaries.  By  a  Council  of  Plantation,  I  mean  fome  Perfons 
chofen  by  way  of  Reference,  upon  whom  the  Labour  may  reft,  to  prepare 
and  report  things  to  the  Council  of  State  here,  concerning  that  Bufinefs.  For 
altho*  your  Majefty  has  a  grave  and  fufficient  Council  in  Ireland,  from 
whom,  and  upon  whom,  the  Commiffioners  are  to  have  Afliftance  and 
Dependance  j    yet  that  anfwers  not  the  purpofe  I  intend.    For  as,  upon 

I  the 


Sed.II.   Letters  relating  /<?  //^^  A  u t  h  o  r's  W  r  it  i  n  g  s.       afi^ 

the  Advice  borh  of  CommifTioners,  and  the  Council  of /n'/^;;,'/ itfeJf,  there 
will  be  many  Occafions  to  crave  Diredtions  from  your  Majefty,  and  your 
Privy  Council  here,  which  are  bufied  with  a  world  of  Aftairs  ;  it  cannot  but 
give  a  greater  Expedition,  and  better  Perfeftion  to  fome  Directions  and 
Refolutions,  if  the  matters  m-ay  be  confiJered  of  before-hand,  by  fuch,  as. 
may  have  a  continual  Care  of  the  Caufe.  And  it  will  be  likewife  a  Com- 
fort and  Sitisfiftion  to  fome  principal  Undertakers,  if  they  may  be  admitted 
of  that  Council. 

Secondly,  There  is  a  Claufe,  wherein  the  Undertakers  are  reflrain'd,  that 
they  fhall  execute  the  Plantation  in  Pcrfon  ;  from  which  I  mufl:  diflent,  upon 
the  Grounds  I  have  already  taken.  For  'tis  not  probable  that  Men  of  great 
Means  and  plentiflil  Eftates  will  endure  the  Fatigue,  Diforders,  and  Adven- 
tures of  going  thither  in  Perfon  •,  but  rather,  I  fuppofe,  many  will  undertake 
Portions,  as  an  Advancement  for  their  younger  Children  or  Relations;  or  for 
the  Sweetnefs  of  the  Expedtation  of  a  great  Purchafe  in  the  end.  And 
therefore,  'tis  likely,  they  will  employ  Sons,  Kinsfolks,  Servants,  or  Te- 
nants ;  and  yet  be  glad  to  have  the  Eftate  in  themfelves.  And  perhaps  fome 
again  will  join  their  Purfes  together,  and  make,  as  it  were,  a  Partnerfhip, 
or  Joint- Adventure;  and  yet  lend  fome  one  Perfon  by  Confent,  for  executing 
the  Plantation. 

Thirdly,  There  is  a  main  Point,  wherein  I  fear  the  Projeft  form'd  has  too 
much  of  the  Line  and  Compafs ;  and  will  not  be  fo  natural  and  eafy  to  ex- 
ecute ;  nor  yet  fo  political  and  convenient:  viz.  that  the  Buildings  fliould  be 
fcatter'd  upon  every  Portion  ;  and  the  Caftle  or  principal  Houfe  draw  the 
Tenements  and  Farms  about  it,  as  it  were,  into  Villages  and  Hamlets ;  and 
that  there  fhould  be  four  corporate  Towns,  for  the  Artificers  and  Tradefmen. 

My  Opinion  is,  that  the  Building  be  altogether  in  Towns;  tobecompofed 
as  well  of  Husbandries  as  of  Arts.  My  Reafonsare,  Firjl,  when  Men  come 
into  a  Country  wafte,  and  void  of  all  things  necefiary  for  the  ufe  of  Man  ; 
if  they  fet  up  together  in  a  place,  one  of  them  will  better  fupply  the  wants 
of  the  other.  Workmen  of  all  forts  will  be  the  more  continually  at  work, 
without  lofs  of  time  ;  when,  if  Work  fail  in  one  place,  they  may  have  it 
near  hand.  The  Ways  will  be  more  paflable  for  Carriage  to  thofe  Seats  or 
Towns,  than  they  can  be  to  a  number  of  difperfed  folitary  Places:  and  infi- 
nite other  Helps  and  Eafements,  fcarcely  to  be  comprehended  in  Thought, 
will  enfue  from  a  Vicinity  and  Society  of  People.  Whereas,  if  they  build 
fcattered,  every  Man  muft  have  a  Cornu-Copla  in  h'imfelf,  for  all  things  he 
fhall  ufe  ;  which  cannot  but  caufe  much  Difficulty  and  Wiille.  Secondly,  It 
will  draw  Provifions  and  Neceiliiries  out  of  the  inhabited  Country,  becaufe 
they  will  be  fare  of  vent ;  whereas  in  difperfed  Habitations,  every  Man  mull 
reckon  only  upon  what  he  brings  with  him,  as  they  do  in  the  ftoring  of 
Ships.  Thirdly,  The  Charge  of  Baivnes,  as  they  call  them,  to  be  made 
about  every  Caftle  or  Houfe,  may  be  fpared  ;  when  the  Habitations  (hall 
be  congregated  only  into  Towns.  And  laflly,  it  will  be  a  means  to  fecure 
the  Country  againft  future  Dangers  ;  in  cafe  of  any  Revolt  and  Defedlion : 
for  by  a  flight  Fortification  of  no  great  charge,  the  Danger  of  any  Attempts 

of 


486       Letters  relating  to  the  Author's  Writings.  Se<3:.II. 

of  Kierns  and  Sword-men  may  be  prev  ented  :  the  OmilTion  of  which  Point, 
in  the  laft  Plantation  of  Mtinjhr,  made  the  Work,  of  Years  to  be  but  the 
Spoil  of  Days.  And  if  any  Man  think  it  will  draw  People  too  far  off  from 
the  Grounds  they  are  to  labour  -,  'tis  to  be  underftood,  that  the  number  of  the 
Towns  be  increafed  accordingly  j  and  likewife,  that  the  Situation  of  them  be 
as  in  a  Center,  with  refpe<5t  to  the  Portions  afiigned  them  :  for  in  the  cham- 
paign Countries  of  England,  where  the  Habitation  is  in  Towns,  and  not 
difperfed,  'tis  no  new  thing  to  go  two  Miles  to  plough  part  of  their  Grounds ; 
and  two  Miles  compafs  will  take  up  a  good  deal  of  Country. 

The  foiirib  Point,  is  a  Point  wherein  I  fhall  differ  from  the  Projeft,    ra- 
ther in  Quantity  and  Proportion,  than  in  Matter.     It  is  allowed  the  Under- 
taker, within  the  five  Years  of  Reftraint,  to  alien  a  third  part  in  Fee-Farm, 
and  to  demife  another  for  forty  Years  ;  which  I  fear  will  mangle  the  Por- 
tions, and  be  but  a  fliift  to  make  Money  of  two  Parts :  whereas  I  am  of 
Opinion,  the  more  the  firft  Undertaker  is  forced  to  keep  in  his  own  hands, 
the  more  the  Work  is  likely  to  profper.     For,  FirJ},  the  Perfon  liable  to 
the  State  here  to  perform  the  Plantation,    is  the  immediate  Undertaker. 
Secofidly,    The   more   his  Profit  depends  upon  the   annual    and  fpringing 
Commodity,  the  more  fweetnefs  he  will  find  in  putting  forward  the  husband- 
ing of  Grounds ;  and  therefore  is  likely  to  take  more  care  of  it.     Thirdly y 
Since  the  Natives  are  excluded,  I  do  not  fee  that  any  Perfons  are  likely  to 
be  drawn  over  of  that  condition,  as  to  give  Fines,  and  undertake  the  Charge 
of  Building  :  for  I  am  perfuaded,  that  the  People  tranfported  will  confift  of 
Gentlemen  and  their  Servants,    and  of  Labourers  and  Hinds ;    and  not  of 
wealthy  Yeomen:  and  therefore  the  charge  of  building,  as  well  of  the  Te- 
nements and  Farms,  as  of  the  capital  Houfes  themfelves,  will  probably  reft 
upon  the  Undertakers ;  which  may  be  recompenfed  in  the  end  to  the  full, 
if  they  make  no  long  Eftates  or  Leafes :  and  therefore  this  Article  is  to  re- 
ceive fome  Qualification.     Fifthly.,  I  chink  it  requifite  that  Men  of  Experi- 
ence in  that  Kingdom,   fhould  enter  into  fome  particular  Confideration  of 
the  Charges  and  Provifions,  of  all  kinds,  that  will  be  incident  to  the  Plan- 
tations -,  that  thereupon  fome  Advice  may  be  taken  for  the  turnifhing  and 
accommodating  them  moft  conveniently:  thus  aHifting  private  Induftry,  with 
publick  Care  and  Order. 

XIII. 

To  Sir  Thomas  Bodley;    dejiring  him  to  return  the 
Author  s  Cogitata  &;  Vifa. 

AS  I  am  going  to  my  Houfe  in  the  Country,  I  fhall  want  my  Papers  ; 
which  I  beg  you,  therefore,  to  return.  You  are,  I  bear  you  witnefs, 
llothtul  -,  and  you  help  me  nothing  •,  fo  that  I  am  half  in  conceit  you  affedt 
not  the  Argument :  for  my  felf,  I  know  well  you  love  and  affeft.     I  can  lay 

no 


Se(fl.II.   Letters relati?tg  to  the  Authors  Writings.         487 

no  more  to  you  •,  but  Non  canhnus  furdis,  refpondenl  omnia  Sylva:.  If  you  be 
not  of  the  Lodgings  chalked  up,  whereof  I  fpeak  in  my  Preface'^,  I  am  but  to 
pafs  by  your  Door.  But  if  I  h.id  you  a  fortnight  at  Gorbambury,  I  wou'd 
make  you  tell  me  another  tale  ;  or  elfe  I  svou'd  add  a  Cogitation  againft  Li- 
braries, and  be  revenged  on  you  that  way. 

XIV. 

"  There  is  no  Preface  of  the  Author  to  the  Cogitata.  ej>  V'lfr,  as  pubh'flied  by  Gruter;  and 
that  whole  Piece  appears  no  more  than  a  very  imperfedt  Sketch  of  the  firfl:  Part  of  the  Novicm 
Or^anum,  and  never  intended  to  be  pubHflied.  Yet  as  the  Sentiments,  fo  far  as  they  go,  are 
generally  the  fame  with  thoie  of  ihe  SovumOrganum  ■,  it  may  not  hcamifs  to  know  the  Opinion 
entertain'd  of  them,  by  that  very  learned  Gentleman  Sir  Thomas  Bodley.  We  will,  therefore, 
here  annex  his  Letter  in  Anfwer,  as  it  ftiould  feem,  to  the  Author  upon  that  Subjedt. 

"  I  think  you  know  I  have  read  your  Cogitata  ^  Vifa  j  which  I  proteft  I  have  done  with 
•'  great  dellre  ;  reputing  it  a  Token  of  your  lingular  Love,  that  you  joined  me  with  thofe  of 
"  your  chicfeft  Friends,  to  whom  you  would  commend  the  fitft  perulal  of  your  Draught  :  for 
"  which  1  pray  give  me  leave  to  fay  but  this  to  you. 

"  Firjl,  That  if  the  Depth  of  my  Affeftion  to  your  Peribn  and  Spirit,-  to  your  Work  and 
"  your  Words;  and  to  all  your  Abilities;  were  as  highly  to  be  valued  as  your  Affcftion  is  to 
"  me,  it  roigh*  walk  with  yours  arm  in  arm,  and  claim  your  Love  by  juft  Djfert.  But  there 
♦'  can  be  no  comparifon,  where  our  States  are  fo  uneven  ;  and  our  Means  to  demonrtrate  our 
"  Affcftions  lb  different:  infomuch  that  for  my  own.  1  mud  leav;  it  to  be  prized  in  the  Na- 
"  ture  that  it  is;  and  you  fhall  ever  find  it  moft  addifted  to  your  worth. 

"  .'Vs  touching  the  Subjetl  of  your  Book,  you  have  fet  on  foot  fo  many  rare  and  noble  Spe- 
"  culations,  as  I  cannot  chufe  but  wonder  (and  I  fhall  wonder  at  it  ever)  that,  your  Expence 
"  of  time  conliJered,  in  your  publick  ProtciVion,  which  hath,  in  a  manner,  no  acquaintance 
"  with  Scholar  (hip  or  Learning,  you  (hould  have  culled  out  the  Quinteflencc,  and  lucked  up 
"  the  Sap  of  the  chiefeft  kind  of  Learning. 

"  For  however,  in  fome  Points,  you  vary  altogether  from  that  which  is,  and  has  been  ever, 
"  the  received  Doiftrine  of  our  Schools;  and  was  always  by  the  wileft,  as  (till  they  have  been 
"  deemed,  of  all  Nations  and  Ages,  adjudged  the  truelt :  yet  it  is  apparent,  that  in  thofe  very 
"  Points,  and  in  all  your  Propolals  and  Plots  in  that  Book,  you  fhew  yourfelf  a  Mifter-Work- 
_"  rnan. 

"  For  my  felf,  I  muft  confefs,    and  I  fpeak  it  ingenue,  that   for  the  matter   of  Learning,  I 

"  am  not  worthy  to  be  reckoned  in  the  number  of  Smatterers.    AnJ  yet  becaufe  it  may  feem, 

"  that  being  willing  to  communicate  your  Treatife  with  your  Friends,   you  are  likewife  wil- 

"  ling  to  liften  to  whatever  I,  or  others  can,  except  againft  it ;  I  muft  deliver  to  you,   for  my 

•■  private  opinion,    that  I  am  one  of  the  Crew,  that  fay  there  is,  and  we  profcfs,  a  far  greater 

"  Hold-faft  of  Certainty  in  the  Sciences,  than  you  by  your  Difcourfe  will  feem  to  acknowledge. 

"  For  whereas,  Jlrjl,  you  ohjeft  the  ill  Succefs  and  Errors  of  Praftiiioners  in  Phyfick  ;  you 

"  know  as  well  they  proceed  from  the  Patient's  Unruhnefs:    for   not  one  of  a  hundred  obeys 

''  his  Phylkian,  in  oblerving  his  Cautions;  or  by  Milinformationsof  their  own  Indifpolirions, 

*'  for  few  are  able  in  this  kind  to  explain  themfelves;  or  becaufe  their  Difeafcs  are  by  Nature 

"  incurable;  which  is  incident,  you  know,   to  many  forts  ot  Maladies;  or  for  Ibme  other  hid- 

"  den  ciufe,  which  cannot  be  difcovered  by  Courfe  of  Conjefture:    tho"  I   am  full  of  this  Be- 

"  lief,    that  as  Phylick  is  adminiftred  now-a-days  by  Phylicians,    it  is  much  to  be  aforibed  to 

"  their  Negligence,    or  Ignorance,  or  other  touch  of  Impertcftion,  that  they  fucceed  no  bet- 

"  ter  in  their  Praftice:  for  few  are  found  of  that  ProfelTion,    fo  well  inftrufted   in  their  Art, 

"  as  they  might  be,  by  the  Precepts  which  their  Art  affords :  which  tho'  it  be  defeitive  in  re- 

"  gard  of  fuch  Perfeftion;  yet  for  certain  it  flourilhes  with  admirable  Remedies,    llich  as  traft 

"  of  time  has  taught  by  experimental  Events,   and  are  the  open  Highway   to  that  principal 

"  Knowledge  you  recommend. 

"  As  for  Alchymy  and  Magick;  fome  Conclufions  they  have  that  are  worthy  the  preferving  j 
"  but  all  their  Skill  is  fo  accompanied  with  Subtleties  and  Guiles,  as  both  the  Crafts  and  Craft- 
"  mafters  are  not  only  delpifed,  but  named  with  Derifion :  whereupon,  to  make  good  your 
••  principal  Aflertion,  methinks  you  Ihould  have  drawn  your  Examples  firom  that,  which  is 
"  taught  in  the  liberal  Sciences  j  not  by  picking  out  Cafes  that  happen  very  feldom,  and  may 


48  8         Letters  relating  /i>  //5^  A  u  t  h  o  rs  W  r  rn  n  g  s.  Sed.II, 

XIV. 

%  the  Bipop  o/Ely';  along  with  the  Cogitata  &  Vifa, 

NO W  your  Lordfhip  has  been  fo  long  in  the  Church  and  Palace, 
difputing  between  Kings  and  Popes  *>  •,  mechinks  you  Ihould  take 
pleafure  to  look  into  the  Field  ;  and  refrefh  your  Mind,  with  fome  mat- 
ter of  Philofophy :  the'  that  Science  be  now,  thro'  Age,  grown  a  Child 

again, 

"  by  all  ConfetTion  be  fubjeifl  to  Reproof;  but  by  controlling  the  Generals  and  Grounds,  and 
"  eminent  Politions,  and  Aphorifms,  which  the  greateft  Artifts  and  Philofophers  have  from 
"  time  to  time  defended.  For  it  goes  for  current  among  Men  of  Learning,  that  thofe  kind  of 
"  Arts,  which  the  Ancients  term'd  ^»drh'iales,  confirm  their  Propofitions  by  infallible  De- 
"  monftrations. 

"  And  likewife  in  the  Triviales,  fach  Leflbns  and  Diredlicns  are  delivered  us,  as  will  effcft 
"  very  near,  or  as  much  altogether,  as  every  Faculty  promifes.  Now  in  cafe  we  (hould  con- 
"  cur  to  do  as  you  advife;  which  is  to  renounce  our  common  Notions;  and  cancel  all  our 
"  Theorems,  Axioms,  Rules  and  Tenets;  and  fo  to  come  Babes  ad  Regnum  Nature,  as  we  are 
"  willed  by  Scriptures  to  come  ad  Regnum  Coelorumi  there  is  nothing  more  certain,  in  my 
*'  Underftanding,  than  that  it  would  inflantly  bring  us  to  Barbarifm  ;  and  after  many  thoufand 
"  Years,  leave  us  more  unprovided  of  theorical  Furniture  than  we  are  at  this  prefent ;  for  that 
"  were  indeed  to  become  very  Babes,  or  Tabula  rafa,  when  we  fhall  leave  no  Impreflion  of 
"  any  former  Principles,  but  be  driven  to  begin  the  World  again,  and  to  travel  by  trials  of 
"  Axioms  and  Senfe  (which  are  your  Proofs  by  Particulars)  what  to  place  inlntelUBu,  for  our 
"  general  Conceptions;  it  being  a  Maxim  of  all  Men's  approving,  inlntelleliu  nihil  ejfe  qnodnoa 
'•  prim  fuit  in  Senftt :  and  fo,  in  appearance,  it  would  betall  us,  that  'till  Plato's  Year  be  come 
"  abour,  our  Infight  in  Learning  would  be  of  lefs  Reckoning  than  now  it  is  accounted. 

"  As  for  that  which  you  inculcate,  of  a  Knowledge  more  excellent  than  now  is  among  us, 
"  which  Experience  might  produce;  if  we  would  but  effay  to  extradV  it  out  of  Nature  by 
'■  particular  Probations:  it  is  no  more,  upon  the  matter,  but  to  incite  us  unto  that,  which, 
"  without  Inftigation,  by  a  natural  Inftind:,  Men  will  pradife  of  themfelves.  For  it  cannot  in 
"  reafon  be  otherwife  thought,  but  that  there  are  infinite  Numbers  in  all  parts  of  the  World  ; 
"  ("for  we  may  not  in  this  Cafe  confine  our  Cogitations  within  the  Bounds  of  Europe,)  which 
"  embrace  the  courfe  that  you  propofe,  with  all  the  Diligence  and  Care,  that  Ability  can  perform  : 
"  for  every  Man  is  born  with  an  Appetite  of  Knowledge;  wherewith  he  cannot  be  fo  glutted, 
"  but  ftill,  as  in  a  Dropfy,  thirft  after  more.  But  yet  why  they  (hould  hearken  to  any  fuch 
"  Perfuafions,  as  wholly  to  abolifh  thefe  fettled  Opinions  and  general  Theorems,  to  which  they  . 
"  attained  by  tlieir  own  and  their  Anceftor's  Experience;  I  fee  nothing  yet  alledged,  to  induce 
"  me  to  think  it. 

"  Moreover,  I  may  fpeak,  as  I  (hould  fuppofe,  with  good  Probability,  that  if  we  fhould 
"  make  a  mental  Survey,  what  is  likely  to  be  effcfted  all  the  World  over,  thofe  five  or  fix  In- 
"  ventions,  which  you  have  fclefted  *,  and  imagine  to  be  but  of  modern  (landing,  would  make 
"  but  a  (lender  (hew  amongft  fo  many  hundreds  of  all  kinds,  and  which  are  daily  brought  to 
"  light  by  the  Entorccment  of  Wit,  or  cafual  Events,  and  may  be  compared,  or  partly  pre- 
"    ferred,   above  thofe  that  you  have  named. 

"  But  were  it  fo  here,  that  all  were  admitted  that  you  can  require,  for  the  Augmentation  of 
"  our  Knowledge;    and  that  all  our  Theorems  and  general  Pofiiions  were  utterly  extingaillied 

"  with 
*  Suppofe  Printing,  the  Sea-Compafe,  Gunpowder,  Ordnance,  Silk,  Sugar,  Paper,  &c. 

^  Viz..  Dr.  Andrews,   afterwards  Bilbop  of  Wincheller. 

^  He  was  conceraed  in  the  Difpuce  betwixt  King  fames,  Bdlarmine,  and  Baroniut. 


I 


Secft  .II.   Letters  relating  /(?//$(?  A  u  t  h  o  r'  s  W  r  r  t  i  n  g  s.        489 

again,  and  left  to  Boys  and  young  Men.     And  becaufe  you  ufed  to  make 

me  believe  you  took  u  liking  to  my  Writings,  1  fend  you  feme  of  this  \''a- 

cation's  Fruits ;  and  thus  much  more  of  my  Mind  and  Purpofe.     I  hafteri 

not  topublifh  ;  perifliing  I  would  prevent ;  and  I  am  forced  to  refpeft,  as 

well  my  times,  as  the  nutter.     For  with  me,   'tis  thus  ;  and  I  think,  with 

all  Men  in  my  Cafe  :  if  I  bind  my  fclf  to  an  Argument,  it  loads  my  Mind  ; 

but 

"  with  a  new  Subditution  of  others  in  their  places;  what  hope  may  we  have  of  any  Benefit 
_"  of  Learning  by  this  AUeration? 

"  Ailurcdly  as  foon  as  the  new  are  brought,  v/ith  their  Additions,  to  Perfeftion,  by  the  In- 
"  ventors  and  their  Followers,  by  an  interchangeable  Courle  of  natural  things,  tlieyw:Il  fall  by 
"  degrees  to  be  buried  in  oblivion,  and  fo  on  Continuance  to  perifh  out-right;  and  that  per- 
••  chance  upon  the  like  to  your  prefcnt  Pretences,  by  piopofal  of  fome  means  to  advance  our 
"  Knowledge  to  an  higher  pitch  of  Perfei£lion  ;  for  ftili  tiie  fame  Defects,  that  Antiquity  found, 
"  will  refide  in  Mankind.  And  thcrefoie,  other  Iffues  of  their  Anions,  Devices,  and  Studies, 
f'  are  not  to  be  expefted,  than,  is  appaient  by  Records,  were  in  foimer  times  obferved. 

"  I  remember  here  a  Note,  which  Patercultn  nude  of  the  incomparable  Wits  of  the Grm- 
"  »ns  and  Romans  in  their  flourifhing  State ;  that  there  might  be  this  Reafon  of  theiF  notable 
"  Downfal  in  their  IfTue  that  came  after  j  bjcaufe  by  Nature,  J^ioJ  fummo  ftudio  peti.'.'im  efi 
"  afcindit  in  fummiim,  difficilijcjue  iti  fnfelh  mora  eft  i  infomuch  that  Men,  perceiving 
"  they  could  go  no  further ;  being  come  to  the  top  ;  they  tu.ned  back  again  of  their  own  ac- 
"  cord  5  forfaking  thofe  Studies  that  are  molt  in  Rcquelt,  and  betaking  thcmielves  to  new  En- 
"  deavours;  as  it  the  thing  that  they  fought  had  been  by  prevention  furpriied  by  others. 

"  So  it  fared  in  particular  with  the  E.oquence  of  that  Age,  when  their  Succelfors  found, 
"  they  couLd  hardly  equal,  by  no  means  excel  their  Predeceffors ;  they  began  to  neglect  the 
"  Study  thereof,-  and  both  to  write  and  fpeak  for  many  hundred  Years  in  a  ruftical  Manner  j 
"  'till  this  later  Revolution  brought  the  Wheel  about  again,  by  inflaming  gallan'  Spirits  to  give 
'*  the  Onlet  afrefhi  with  flraining  and  ftriving  to  ciimb  to  the  top  and  height  of  Perfe£lion, 
"  not  in  that  Gift  only,  but  in  every  other  Skill  in  any  part  of  Learning. 

"  For  I  do  not  hold  it  an  erroneous  Conceit  to  think  of  every  Science,  that  as  now  they 
"  are  protefled,  fo  they  have  been  before  in  all  precedent  Ages ;  tho'  not  aiike  in  all  places, 
"  nor  at  all  times  alike  in  one  and  the  fame  place ;  but  according  to  the  Changings  and  Twi- 
"  nings  of  Times,  with  a  more  exaft  and  plain,  or  with  a  more  rude  and  obfcure  kind  of 
"  teaching.  And  if  the  Queftion  fhould  be  asked,  what  proof  I  have  of  it;  1  have  the  Doc- 
"  trine  of  Ariftotie,  and  of  moft  of  the  learned  Men,  of  whom  we  have  any  Means  to  take 
*'  any  notice;  that  as  there  is  of  other  things,  fo  there  is  of  Sciences,  orttis  (^mteritus;  which 
"  is  alfo  the  Meaning,  if  I  (hould  expound  it,  of  »/^;7  ncvum  fiib  Sole :  audit  is  as  well  to  be  ap« 
«'  p;ied  adfuB^,  as  aii  diSa,  ut  nihil  neqite  dictum,  nique  facium,  quod  non  fit  diHum  Q>  f»c- 
"  turn  frius.  I  have  farther  for  my  Warrant,  that  famous  Complaint  oi Solomon  to  his  Son, 
"  againil  tne  infinite  making  of  Books  in  his  time ;  of  which  in  all  Congruity,  it  rauft  needs 
"  be  underftood,  that  a  great  part  were  Obfervations  and  Inftrudiions  in  all  kind  of  Literature ; 
"  and  of  thofe  there  is  not  now  fo  much  as  one  petty  Pamphlet,  only  fome  part  of  the  Bible 
"  excepted,  remaining  to  Pofterity. 

"  As  then  there  was  nor,  in  like  manner,  any  footing  to  be  found  of  millions  of  Authors,  that 
"  were  long  before  Sohmon;  and  yet  we  mull  give  credit  to  what  he  affirmed,  thai: 
"  wharfoever  was  then,  or  had  been  before,  it  could  never  be  truly  pronounced  of  it,  Behold 
*'  this  is  new. 

"  Whereupon  I  muft,  for  my  final  Conclufion,  infer,  feeing  all  the  Endeavours,  Study,  and 
"  Knowledge  of  Mankind,  in  whatfoever  Art  or  Science,  have  ever  been  the  fime,  as  fhey  are 
"  at  this  prefent,  tho"  full  of  Mutabilities,  according  to  the  Changes  and  accidental  Occafions 
•'  of  Ages  and  Countries,  and  learned  Men's  Difpofitions  j  which  can  never  but  be  fubjeft  to 
"  Intention  and  Remiffion,  both  in  their  Devices  and  Pradticesof  their  Knowledge  i  if  now  we 
•'  fliould  accord  in  Opinion  with  you:  FirJ},  To  condemn  our  prefent  Knowledge  of  Doubts 
■'  and  L^certitudes,  which  you  confirm  but  by  Averment,  without  other  fo'-ce  of  Argum.ent; 
«'  and  then  to  dilclaim  all  our  Axioms  and  Maxims,  and  general  Aflertions,  that  are  lefc  by 

Vol.  I.  R  rr  ♦'  Tra- 


490        ^Letters  relating  to  /^^  A u T h o  r's  W r i t i n g  s.  Se^l.II. 

but  if  I  rid  my  Mind  of  the  prefent  Thought,  'tis  rather  a  Recreation. 
This  has  put  me  upon  thefe  M'fcellames  ^  ;  which  I  purpofe  to  fupprefs,  if 
God  give  me  leave  to  write  a  juft  and  perfedl  Volume  of  Philofophy  ^  : 
which  I  go  on  with,  tho'  flowly.  I  fend  not  your  Lordfhip  too  much  •,  left 
it  fhould  glut  you.  Now  let  me  tell  you  what  my  defire  is.  If  your  Lord- 
fhip be  ftill  fo  good,  as  when  you  were  the  good  Dean  of  IVeJltninJier  ; 
my  requeft  is,  that  not  by  Points,  but  by  Notes,  you  would  mark  to  me 
whatever  fhall  feem,  either  not  current  in  the  Stile,  harfh  to  Credit  and 
Opinion,  or  inconvenient  for  the  Perfon  of  the  Writer ;  for  no  Man  can 
be  Judge  and  Party:  and  when  our  Minds  judge  by  Reflexion  on  our  felves, 
they  are  more  fubjed  to  Error.      And  tho',    for  the  matter  it  felf,  my 

Judgment 

"  Tradition  from  our  Elders  to  us ;  which  (for  fo  it  is  to  be  pretended)  have  pafled  all  Probations 
"  of  the  {harpeft  Wits  that  ever  were  :  And  lajlly,  to  imagine,  being  now  become  again,  as 
"  it  were,  ^beceJarii,  by  the  trequenc  fpelling  ot  Particulars,  to  come  to  tiie  notice  of  the 
"  true  Generals  i  and  lb  afrefh  to  create  new  Principles  of  Sciences;  the  end  of  all  would  be, 
"  that  when  we  fliall  be  dilpoflelTed  of  the  Learning,  which  we  have,  all  our  confequent  Tra- 
"  vails  will  but  help  us,  in  a  Circle,  to  conduit  us  to  the  Place  from  whence  we  let  forward; 
"  and  bring  us  to  the  Happineis  to  be  reftored  in  integrum  :  which  will  require  as  many  Ages 
"  as  have  marched  before  us  to  be  atchieved. 

"  And  this  I  write  with  no  Diilike  of  increafing  our  ICnowkdge  with  new-found  Devices.; 
"  which  is  undoubtedly  a  Pradlice  of  high  Commendation,  in  regard  of  the  Benefit  they  will 
"  yield  for  the  prefent;  that  the  World  has  ever  been,  and  will  alfuredly  forever  continue,  full  "^ 
"  of  luch  Devilbrs,  whofc  Induftry  has  been  very  obftinate  and  eminent  that  Way  ;  and  has 
"  produced  ftrange  Etfefts  above  the  reach,  and  the  hope  of  Men's  common  Capacities;  and 
"  yet  our  Notions  and  Theorems  have  always  kept  in  Grace,  both  with  them,  and  with  the 
'•  rareft  that  ever  were  named  among  the  Learned. 

"  By  this  you  lee  to  what  Boldnefs  I  am  brought  by  your  Kindnefs;  that  if  I  feem  to  be 
"  too  faucy  in  this  Contradidlion,  it  is  the  Opinion  that  I  hold  of  your  noble  Dilpofition;  and 
"  of  the  Freedom  in  thefe  Cafes  that  you  will  afford  your  fpecial  Friend,  that  hath  induced  me 
"  to  do  ir.  And  although  I  my  fclf,  like  a  Carrier's  Horfe,  cannot  balk  the  beaten  Way,  in 
"  which  I  have  been  trained;  yet  fuch  is  my  Cenfure  of  your  Cogitata,  that  I  muft  tell  yon, 
"  to  be  plain,  you  have  very  much  wronged  your  felf  and  the  World  to  fmother  fuch  a  Trea- 
"  fure  fo  long  in  your  Coffer  ;  for  though  I  ftand  well  affured,  for  the  tenor  and  fubjeft  of 
"  your  main  Difcourlc,  you  are  not  able  to  impannel  a  fubftantial  Jury  in  zny  Uaiver/ity,  that 
*'  will  give  a  Verdi£t  to  acquit  you  of  Error:  yet  it  cannot  be  gain-laid,  but  all  your  Treatile 
»'  does  ovcrabound  with  choice  Conceits  of  the  prefent  State  of  Learning;  and  with  lb  worthy 
"  Contemplations  of  the  Means  to  procure  it,  as  may  perfuade  any  Student  to  look  morcnar- 
"  rowly  to  his  Bufincfs ;  not  only  by  afpiring  to  the  greateft  Perfection  of  that,  which  is  now- 
"  a-days  divulged  in  the  Sciences;  but  by  diving  yet  deeper  into  (as  it  were)  the  Bowels  and 
"  Secrets  of  Nature;  and  by  enforcing  of  the  Powers  of  his  Judgment  and  Wit,  to  learn  of 
"  St,  P.J«/.  confecfari  meliora  Dotia  :  which  Courfe,  would  to  God  (to  whilper  fomuch  in  your 
"  Ear)  you  had  followed  at  the  firft;  when  you  fell  into  the  ftudy  of  fuch  a  Study,  as  was 
"  not  worthy  fuch  a  Student.  Neverthelefs,  being  lb  as  it  is,  that  you  are  therein  fettled,  and 
"  your  Country  foundly  ferved ;  1  cannot  but  wifb,  with  all  my  Heart,  as  I  do  very  often,  that 
'«  you  may  gain  a  fit  Reward  to  the  full  of  your  Delerts  :  which  I  hope  wiil  come  with  heaps 
"  of  Happinefs  and  Honour  *. 

Fulh.vn,  Feb.  19.    1607. 

*  F«r  Aafver  to  the  Doctrinal  Voints  oft^is  Letter,    See  Nov.  Organ.  Parti.  Aph.gi — uf. 

*  Via.  The  Cogitata  ^  Vifr,  which  are  mifcellaneous,  but  reduced  to  order  in  the  Novum 
O-g.ininn. 

•>  Viz..  Not  only  the  Novum  Orgsmum,  but  the  whole  Injlauration,  See  the  Author's  Lctte? 
to  F-ither  FulgenttOy  at  the  end  or"  this  Sedian. 


Se(fl.ir.   Letters  relating  to  the  A  l'  T  HO r's  W r  i  t  i  n  g  s.        4(^1 

Judgment  be  in  fome  things  fixed,  ;ind  not  accefTible  by  any  Man'.>  Judg- 
ment that  goes  not  my  way  ;  yet  even  in  thofe  things,  the  Admonition  of  a 
Friend  may  make  me  exprefs  my  iclf  differently  '. 


XV. 

'To  Sir  George  Carew*";   prefenting  htm  tha  Memoir 
in  felicem  Memoriam  Elizabeths. 


BEing  asked  a  Qiieftion  by  this  Bearer,  an  old  Servant  of  my  Brother 
Anthony  Bacon'' s,  whether  I  would  command  him  any  thing  into  France  > 
and  being  at  better  leifure  than  I  would,    in  regard  of  Sicknefs;  I  began 
to  remember,  that  neither  your  Bufinefs  nor  mine,  tho'  great  and  continual, 
can  be,   upon  an  exadl  Account,  any  juft  Occafion,  why  fo  much  good- 
will as  has  pafled  between  us,    fnould  be  fo   much  difcontinued  as  it  has 
been.     And  therefore,  becaufe  one  muft  begin,    I  thought  to  provoke  your 
Remembrance  of  me,  by  a  Letter  :    and  thinking  to  fill  it  with  fomewhat 
befides  Salutations ;  it  came  to  my  mind,  that  this  laft  Summer's  Vacation, 
upon  occafion  of  a  faftious  Book,  that  endeavoured  to  verify,  Mi/era  Fez- 
rnina,  (the  Addition  of  the  Pope's  Bull,)  upon  Queen  Elizabeth ;  I  wrote  a  few 
Lines  in  her  Memorial  %    which  I  thought  you  would  be  pleafed  to  read  i 
both  for  the  Argument,  and  becaufe  you  ufed  to  bear  Affeftion  to  my  Pen. 
Verum,  lit  aliud  ex  alio,  if  it  came  handfomely  to  pafs,  I  would  be  glad  the 
Preftdent  de  Thou,  who  has  wrote  a  Hiftory  of  that  Fame  and  Diligence, 
faw  iti  chiefly  becaufe  it  may  perhaps  ferve  him  for  fome  ufe  in  his  Hiltory  ; 
wherein  I  fliould  be  glad  he  did  right  to  the  Truth,  and  to  the  Memory  of 
that  Lady  ;    as  I  perceive,  by  what  he  has  already  written,  he  is  well  in- 
clined to  do,     I  Ihould    be   glad  alfo,    it    were    fome  Occafion,    fuch  as 
Abfence  may  permit,  of  fome  Acquaintance,  or  mutual  Notice  between  us. 
For   tho'  he  has   many  ways  the  precedence  ;  yet  this  is  common   to  us 
both,    that    we  ferve    our  Sovereigns   in    eminent  places  of    Lav/  •,    and 
not  our  felves  only,  but  that  our  Fathers  did  fo  before  us.     And  laftly,  thac 
both  of  us  love  Learning,  and  the  liberal  Sciences  ;  which  was  ever  a  Bond 
of  Fnendfhip  in  the  greateft  diftance  of  Places.     But  of  this  I  m.ake  no  far- 
ther  Requeft,   than  your  own  Occafions    and   Refpedts    may  advance  or 
limit  i  my  principal  purpofe  being  to  falute  you  and  fend  you  this  Token. 

R  r  r  2  XVI. 

'  The  Author  appears  to  have  taken  deliberate  Advice  coneeruing  his  lHovum  Organum,  and 
has  endeavoured  to  remove  all  the  confiderable  Objcdiions  he  could  any  way  learn  were  made 
to  it.     See  Vurt  I.  Seft.  IV.  V.  VI.    (y^e.  of  that  Work. 

•>  Sent  Embaffador  to  Poland,  in  the  Year  i/pjj  and  Embaflador  to  France,  in  the  Year 
i6o6. 

•^  See  Pag.  jio,  of  the  prefent  Volume. 
I 


49 2        Letters  relating  totheAvrnoKs  Writings.  Sed.IL 

XVI. 

To  Mr. Matthews;  along  with  a  ^art  of  the  Inftau- 

ration '. 


I  Plainly  perceive  by  your  affe<5lionate  Writing,  as  to  my  Work,  that 
one  and  the  fame  thing  affefts  us  both  ;  viz.  the  good  end  whereto  'tis 
dedicated :  for  as  to  any  Abihty  of  mine,  it  cannot  merit  that  Degree  of 
Approbation.  As  for  your  Caution  about  Church-men,  and  Church-Matters ; 
for  any  impediment  it  might  be  to.  the  Reputation  of  my  Work  ;  it  moves  me 
not  ;  but  as  it  may  hinder  the  Fruit  and  Good  which  might  come  of  a  quiet 
and  calm  Paflage  to  the  good  Port  whereto  'tis  bound,  I  hold  it  a  juft  Re- 
fpetfl ;  provided,  that  to  fetch  a  fair  Wind,  I  go  not  too  far  about.  But 
the  truth  is,  that  I  have  no  occafion  to  meet  them  in  my  way  ;  uniefs,  as 
they  will  needs  confederate  themfclves  with  Arifiotle ;  who,  you  know,  is 
intemperately  magnified  by  the  School-men  •>  and  is  alfo  allied,  as  I  take  it, 
to  the  Jefuits,  by  Faher,  who  was  a  Companion  of  Loyola,  and  a  great 
yirijlotelian,  I  fend  you  at  this  time  the  only  part  which  has  any  harfti- 
nefs*»  ;  and  yet  I  framed  to  my  felf  an  Opinion,  that  whofoever  allowed 
well  of  that  Preface '  you  fo  much  commend,  will  not  diflike,  or  at  lead 
ought  not  to  diflike  this  other  Speech  of  Preparation  ;  for  'tis  written  out 
of  the  fame  Spirit,  and  out  of  the  fame  NecelTity  :  nay,  it  does  more  fully 
lay  open,  that  the  Queftion  between  mc  and  the  Antients,  is  not  of  the 
Virtue  of  the  Race,  but  as  to  the  Rightnefs  of  the  Way.  And  co  fpeak  truth, 
'tis  to  the  other  but  as  palma  to  fugnus  -,  part  of  the  fame  thing,  more  at 
large.  You  conceive  right,  that  in  this,  and  the  other,  you  have  Commif- 
fion  to  impart  and  communicate  them  to  others  ;  according  to  your  Difcre- 
tion.  Other  Matters  I  write  not  of.  For  my  felf,  I  am  like  the  Miller  of 
Granchefler,  who  ufed  to  pray  for  Peace  among  the  Willows  •,  for  while  the 
Winds  blew,  the  Wind-MiiJs  wrought,  ?nd  the  Warer-Mill  was  lefs  cuf- 
tomed.  So  I  fee  that  Controverfies  of  Religion  muft  hinder  the  Advance- 
ment of  the  Sciences.  Let  me  conclude,  with  my  perpetual  Wifh  towards 
your  felf,  that  the  Approbation  of  your  felf,  by  your  difcreet  and  tempe- 
rate Carriage,  may  reftorc  you  to  your  Country,  and  your  Fiends  to  your 
Society  •*. 

Cra'js-Inn,  O^ob.  lO.  1609. 

XVIL 

a  Viz..  the  Novum  Orgamtm ;    or  rather,  perhaps,  the  Co^hata  £3"  Vifa;  which  was   the 
Foundation  of  the  Novum  O-^anum. 

*  See  Novum  O'ga/ium.     '.nt  I.  Se£l.  l,   j,  4.,  (^C. 

*  See  the  Inrodudion  co  th?  Nov  Organ,  whica  probably  is  of  the  iamc  Tenour  with  the 
lanpublifhcd  Preface  to  the  Cogitata  (^-  Vifa. 

i  Jhit  perhaps  relates  to  Mr.  Mattkem'i  having  turned  Papift, 


Se^.II.  Letters  relating  /t?  //5^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.       49  3 


XVII. 

To  the  Lord  Chancellor  ;  isoith  a  Propofal  for  a  compkat 

.      Britilh  Hiftory. 

SOME  hte  A£t  of  his  Majefty,  referred  to  fome  former  Dlfcoiirfe  I 
have  heard  from  your  Lor.ifhip,  bred  in  me  a  great  Defire,  and  the 
ftrcngth  of  a  Dtfire,  a  Boldnt-fs  ro  make  an  humble  Propofal  to  your  Lord- 
fhip,  fuch  as  in  me  can  be  no  bet:er  than  a  Wifh  •,  buc  which  if  your  Lord- 
Ihip  Ihould  apprehend  it,  may  take  fome  good  and  worthy  Effed.  The 
A6t  I  Ip^ak  of,  is  the  Order  given  by  his  IVIajefty  for  erecting  a  Monu- 
ment for  our  late  Sovereign  Queen  Elizabeth  :  wherein  I  obferve,  that  as 
her  M.ijefty  did  always  right  to  his  Maiefty's  Hopes ;  fo  he  does  in  all 
things  right  to  her  Memory :  a  very  jufi  and  princely  Retribution.  But 
from  this  Occafion,  by  a  very  eafy  Afcent,  I  have  paffed  farther,  from  the 
Reprefentative  of  her  Perfon,  to  the  more  true  and  feeling  Reprefentation 
of  her  Life  and  Government :  for  as  Statues  and  Piftures  are  dumb  Hiftories, 
fo  Hiftories  are  fpeaking  Piftures ;  wherein,  if  my  Affcftion  be  not  too 
great,  or  my  Reading  too  fmall,  I  am  of  opinion,  that  if  Plutarch  were 
alive  to  write  Lives  by  Parallels,  it  would  gravel  him,  both  for  Virtue  and 
Fortune,  to  find  her  Parallel  among  Women.  And  tho'  Ihe  was  of  the 
paflive  Sex,  yet  her  Government  was  fo  aftive,  as,  in  my  fimple  Opinion, 
it  made  more  Impreffion  upon  the  feveral  States  of  Europe,  than  it  received 
from  thence.  Bat  I  confefs  to  your  Lordflip,  I  could  not  ftay  here,  buc 
went  a  little  farther  into  the  Confideration  of  Times,  which  have  pafled 
fmce  King  Henry  VIII ;  wherein  I  find  the  ftrangeft  Variety,  that  in  fo  little 
number  of  Succefllons  of  any  Hereditary  Monarchy,  has  ever  b.-en  known. 
The  Reign  of  a  Child  -,  the  Offer  of  an  Ufurpation,  tho'  it  were  l)Ut  as  a 
quotidian  Ague  ;  the  Reign  of  a  Lady  married  to  a  Foreigner ;  and  the 
Reign  of  a  Lady  folitary  and  unmarried :  fo  that,  as  it  comes  to  pafs  in 
maffy  Bodies,  that  they  have  certain  trepidations  and  waverings  before  they 
fix  and  fettle  i  it  fcems,  that  by  the  Providence  of  God,  this  Monarchy, 
before  'twas  to  fettle  in  his  Majefty,  and  his  Generations,  has  had  its  pre- 
Jufive  Changes  in  thefe  barren  Princes.  Neither  could  I  contain  my  felf 
here  ;  but  calling  to  remembrance  the  Unworthinefs  of  the  Hiftory  of 
England  ',  in  the  grand  Continuance  thereof -,  and  the  Partiality  and  Obli- 
quity of  that  of  Scotland,  in  the  lateft  and  largcft  Author  that  I  have  feen  j 
I  conceived  it  would  be  Honour  for  his  Majefty,  and  a  Work  very  me- 
morable, if  this  IQand  of  Greri  Britain,  as  'tis  now  join'd  in  Monarchy 
for  the  Ages  to  come  ;  fo  it  were  join'd  in  Hiftory  for  the  Times  paft  ;  and 
that  one  juft  and  compleat  Hiftory  were  compiled  of  both  Nations,    And  if 

any 

J-  Sec  Pag,  j-9,  and  j-i,  of  this  VoUtmi,  C 


4c 4       Letters  relating  to  the  A  u  t h  o  r's  Writings.  Sedl.II 

any  M;m  fhould  think  it  may  refrefli  the  Memory  of  former  Difcords  ;  he 
m,"iy  iatisfy  himfclf  with  this  Verfe,  olhn  hcEC  7nemintjje  juvabit :  for  the  Cafe 


being  now  altered,   'tis  a  Matter  of  Comfort  and  Gratulation  to  remember 
former  Troubles.     Thus  much,  if  it  may  pleafe  your  Lordfhip,  is  in  the  op- 
tative Mood  i  and  'tis  time  that  I  look'd  a  little  into  the  Potential ;  •wherein 
the  hope  I  conceived  was  grounded  upon  three  Obfervations,     Firji^  The 
nature  of  thefe  times,  flourifhing  in  Learning,  both  of  Art  and  Language  •, 
which  gives  hope,  not  only  that  it  may  be  done,  but  that  it  may  be  well  done. 
Secondly,  I  fee  that  which  all  the  World  fees  in  his  Majcfty,  both  a  wonder- 
ful Judgment  in  Learning,  and  a  Angular AfFeftion  towards  Learning;  and 
Woiks  which  are  of  the  Mind,  more  than  of  the  Hand.    For  there  cannot  be 
the  like  Honour  fought  and  found,  in  building  of  Galleries,    and  planting 
of  Elms  along  Highways,  and  in  fuch  outward  Ornaments,    wherein  France 
is  now  fo  bufy  •,  as  there  is  in  the  uniting  of  States,  fettling  of  Controverfies, 
nourilhing  and  augmenting  of  Learning  and  Arts,  and  the  particular  Ac- 
tions appertaining  to  thefe  -,  of  which  kind  CiV^ro  judged  truly,  when  he  faid 
;to  Ccsfar^  quantum  opeiibus  tuts  detraket  vetujtas,  tantiim  addet  laudibus.     And 
lajlly^  I  call  to  mind,  that  your  Lord/hip,  at  fome  times,    has  exprefs'd  to 
me  a  great  defire,  that  fomething  of  this  nature  fhould  be  perform'd  ;    an- 
fwerable    indeed  to  your  other  noble  and  worthy   Courfes  and  Actions  i 
ioining  and  adding  to  the  great  Services  towards  his  Majefty,    other  great 
Defervings,  both  of  the  Church,  Commonwealth,  and  particular  Men  :    fo 
that  the  opinion  of  fo  great  and  wife  a  Man,  feems  to  me  a  good  Warrant, 
both  of  the  Pofiibillty  and  Worth  of  this  matter.     But  all  this  while,  I  af- 
fure  my  felf,  I  cannot  be  fo  far  miftaken  by  your  Lordfhip,  as  if  I  fought 
an  Office  or  Employment  for  my  felf:  for  no  Man  knows  better  than  your 
Lordfhip,  that  if  there  were  in  me  any  Faculty  thereto  ;  yet  neither  my 
Courfe  of  Life,  nor  ProfefTion,  would  permit  it.    But  as  there  are  fo  many 
good  Painters,  both  for  Hand  and  Colours,    it  needs  only  Encouragement 
and  Inftruftions  to  give  life  to  it.    Thus  in  all  Humblenefs  I  conclude,  pre- 
fenting  to  your  Lordfhip  this  Wiih  ;    which,  if  it  perilh,  'tis  but  a  lofs  of 
that  which  is  not. 


XVIII. 

To  the  King  ;  relating  to  the  Hiftory  of  his  Majejlys 

Times. 

H  Earing  your  Majefly  is  at  leifure  to  perufe  Hiflory,  a  defire  took  me 
to  make  an  experiment  what  I  cou'd  do  in  your  Majefly's  Times  -, 
which  being  but  a  leaf  or  two,  I  beg  your  pardon,  if  I  fend  it  for  your  Re- 
creation ;  confidering  that  Love  muft  creep,  where  it  cannot  go.  But  to  this 
I  add  thefe  Petitions:  Firjl,  That  if  your  Majefty  diflike  any  thing,  you 
wou'd  conceive  I  can  amend  it  upon  the  leaft  beck.  iVa/,  That  if  I  have 
©  not 


Secl.II.    Letters  relating  to  the  Author'j' Writings.         495 

not  fpoken  of  your  Majefty  encomiaftically,  you  would  be  pleas'd  only 
to  afcribe  it  to  the  Law  of  a  Hiftory  ;  which  does  not  clutter  together 
Praifes  upon  the  firft  mention  of  a  Name  ;  but  rather  difperfes,  and  weaves 
them  through  the  whole  Narrative,  And  as  for  the  proper  place  of  Com- 
memoration, which  is  in  the  Period  of  Life,  I  pray  God  I  may  not  live  to 
•write  it.  Thirdly,  That  the  reafon  why  I  prefum'd  to  think  of  this  Oblation, 
was  becaufe,  whatever  my  inability  be,  yet  I  fhafi  have  that  advantage,  which 
almofl:  no  Writer  of  Hiftory  has  had  ;  for  I  fliall  write  of  Times,  not  only 
fince  I  cou'd  remember,  but  fince  I  cou*d  obferve.  And  laftljt  that  'tis  only 
for  your  Majefty's  reading*. 

XIX. 

To  the  U?nverjtty  ^Cambridge;  upon prefe?2tmg  them 
his  Book  De  Sapientia  Veterum. 

AS  I  would  not  wifh  to  live  without  the  Helps  and  Comforts  of  Philo- 
fophy  ;  I  muft  have  the  higheft  value  for  the  place  that  derived  them 
to  me.  And  as,  on  this  account,  I  profefs  both  my  felf,  and  all  that  is 
mine,  owing  to  you  ;  'tis  the  lefs  wonder  if  I  reftore  you  what  is  your  own  ; 
that  it  may  return,  by  a  natural  motion,  to  its  Origin.  And  yet  I  know  not 
how,  there  are  but  few  things  reiurn'd  to  you  ;  tho' numberlefs  have  pro- 
ceeded from  you. 

It  may  not,  perhaps,  be  too  afluming  if  I  fliould  hope,  that  by  a  moderate 
Converfation  with  things,  which  my  Courfe  and  Manner  of  Life  has  neceffarily 
brought  along  with  it,    I  have  made  fome  addition  to  the  Difcoveries  of 
learned  Men.    I  am  well  perfuaded  that  Contemplations,  transferr'd  to  aftive 
Life,  acquire  fomewhat  of  new  Grace  and  Vigour:  and  perhaps  where  a  plerv 
tiful  ftock  of  matter  is  fupplied,  they  take  deeper  root  •,    or  at  lead  grow 
taller  and  more  leafy.     Neither,  poffibly,  may  you  yourfelvesbe  aware,  how 
extenfive  your  own  Learning  is  ;  or  to  how  many  things  it  may  be  applied. 
'Tis  however  but  juftice  to  attribute  the  whole  to  you  ;  as  all  increafe  is  prin- 
cipally owing  to  the  firft  Beginnings.      From  a  Man  of  full  employ  you  will 
not  expert  any  thing  finifh'd  ;  or  a  prodigy  of  time  and  leifure :  but  attribute 
it  to  my  affeftion  for  you,  that  among  the  Thorns  of  civil  Bufinefs,  thefe 
Seeds  have  not  quite  been  choak'd  ■■,  but  that  your  own  has  been  preferv'd 
for  you  \ 

XX. 

-  See  the  Sketch  here  mention'd,  pag.  303.  of  this  Volurtw. 
^  See  Supplement  VII. 


496        Letters  relathtg  /<?  2^/5^  A  u  t  h  0  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.  Sed.II. 

XX. 

To  the  Eciti  of  Salisbury^;    prefe7Uing  him  the  Book 

De  Sapientia  Veterum. 

WHatever  is  dedicated  to  the  Univerfity  of  Cambridge,  belongs  to  you 
ofcourfe,  by  your  right  of  Chancellorfhip  ;  but  all,  that  I  can  give, 
is  due  to  you  in  your  own  particular.  The  thing  moft  to  be  confidered  is, 
whether  what  I  here  prefent,  as  your  due,  be  worthy  of  you :  and  if  the 
leall  thing  therein,  the  Genius  of  the  Author,  prove,  through  your  good 
opinion  of  me,  no  Obftacle  -,  the  reft  will  be  no  Difhonour  to  you.  For 
if  the  Time  be  weigh'd,  primitive  Antiquity  has  the  highcft  Veneration  ;  if 
the  Form  of  teaching.  Parable  is  like  the  Ark,  wherein  the  richeft  Treafures 
of  the  Sciences  are  preferved  ;  if  the  Matter  of  the  Work,  'tis  Philofophy  ; 
the  fecond  Ornament  of  Life,  and  of  the  human  Soul.  For  altho'  Philofo- 
phy, now  as  in  its  old  x^ge,  growing  childifh  again,  is  with  us  given  up  to 
young  Men  and  Children }  yet,  next  to  Religion,  I  judge  it  of  all  things 
the  moft  momentous,  and  moft  worthy  of  human  Nature.  Nay,  civil  Policy, 
in  which  you  are  fo  great  a  Mafter,  flows  from  this  Fountain ;  and  makes 
no  fmall  part  of  it. 

But  if  any  one  fliall  think  the  matters  here  treated  are  trite  and  vulgar ;  I 
do  not  take  upon  me  to  judge  of  my  own  Performance  ;  but  have  endeavoured 
to  go  deeper  than  firft  Appearances,  beaten  Paths,  or  the  Roads  of  Com- 
mon-Place i  and  to  produce  fomewhat  towards  the  higher  parts  of  Life, 
and  the  Secrets  of  the  Sciences.  The  Fables  may  indeed  be  vulgar  things 
TO  vulgar  Capacities  ;  but  they  perhaps  require,  and  I  hope  will  find,  fub- 
iimer  Underftandings  to  fathom  them.  But  whilft  I  endeavour  to  rcfledt 
fo-ne  Dignity  upon  the  Work,  becaufe  'tis  dedicated  to  you  ;  I  run  the  rilque 
of  pnfling  the  Bounds  of  Modefty,  as  I  am  the  Author.  Be  it  as  it  will,  I 
defire  you  wou'd  receive  it  as  a  Token  of  the  AflFedion,  and  high  Pvcvcrencc 
I  bear  you  •>  and  afford  it  the  fhelter  of  your  Name. 

XXI. 

%  Mr.  Matt  HEWS ;   along  with  the  Book  De  Sapientia 

Veterum. 

I  Heartily  thank  you  for  your  Letter,  of  the  24th  of /^^^«/?,  from^^/«- 
manca  \  and,  in  recompence,  fend  you  a  little  Work  uf  mine,  that  has 
begun  to  pafi  the  World.      They  tell  me  my  Latin  is  turned  into  Silver, 

and 
?  Loid  High  Trcafurer  of  England,  and  Chancellor  of  the  Univerfity  oiCumirUge. 


SeA.II.   Letters  relating  to  the  A  u  t  ii  o  r's  Writings.        497 

and  become  current-.  Had  you  been  here,  you  fhou'd  have  been  my  Inquifi- 
tor,  before  ic  came  forth  :  but  I  think  the  greateft  Inquifuor  in  Spam  will 
allow  it.  One  thing  you  mull  pardon  me,  if  I  make  no  hade  to  believe,  that 
the  World  lliould  be  grown  to  fuch  an  Ecilafy,  as  to  rejeifi:  Truth  in  Phi- 
lofophy,  becaufe  the  Author  diflcnts  in  Religion  ;  no  more  than  they  do  by 
Arijiotle  or  Averrces.  My  great  Work  goes  forward  ;  and  after  my  man- 
ner, I  always  alter  when  I  add :  So  that  nothing  is  finifh'd  'till  all  is  Hnifh'd. 
This  I  have  wrote  in  the  midll  of  a  Term  and  Parliament  •,  thinking  no  time 
fo  poflefs'd,  but  that  I  fhould  talk  of  thefe  Matters  with  fo  good  and  dear 
a  Friend. 

Gray's-Im,  Feb.  27,  1610. 

XXII. 

To  his  Brother^  Sir  John  Constable;  dedicating  a 
7iew  Edition  of  his  Eilays. 

MY  laft  EJfays  I  dedicated  \o  my  dear  Brother,  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon''^ 
who  is  with  God.  Looking  amongft  my  Papers  this  Vacation,  I 
tound  others  of  the  fame  Nature  :  which,  if  I  my  felf  fhall  not  fufFer  to  be 
loft,  it  feems  the  World  will  not ;  by  the  often  printing  of  the  former. 
Miffing  my  Brother,  I  have  found  you  next,  in  refped  of  Bond,  both  of 
near' Alliance,  and  of  ftrift  Friendfhip  and  Society;  and  particularly  of 
Communication  in  Studies:  wherein  I  muft  acknowledge  my  felf  beholden 
to  you.  For  as  my  Bufinefs  found  reft  in  my  Contemplations;  fo  my  Con- 
templations ever  found  reft  in  your  loving  Conference  and  Judgment. 
1612. 

XXIII. 

To  Mr.  Matthews;  upon  the  SubjeEi  of  his  Writings^ 

1  Heartily  thank  you  for  your  Letter,  of  the  tenth  o^Fehruary ;  and  I  am  glad 
to  receive  from  you  Matter  of  Encouragement  and  Advertilemenc  about 
my  Writings.  For  my  part,  I  wifli,  that  fince  there  is  no  Lumen  ficcum 
in  the  World ;  but  all  madidum,  and  maceratum^  infufed  in  AfFeftions,  and 
Bloods  or  Humours ;  that  thefe  Things  of  mine  had  fuch  Separations  as  might 
make  them  more  acceptable :  provided  they  claim'd  not  fo  much  acquain- 
tance with  the  prefent  Times,  as  to  be  thereby  lefs  apt  to  laft.  And  to  fhew 
you  that  I  purpofe  to  new  mould  them,  I  fend  you  a  Leaf  or  two  of  the 
Preface,  carrying  fome  Figure  of  the  whole  Work  j    wherein  I  propofe  to 

take 

*  See  above  Lttttr  I. 

Vol.  I.  S  f  f 


49 8        Letters  relating  io  ihe  Autho-r^  Writings.  Sedl.II. 

take  what  I  count  real  and  efFedtual  of  both  Writings  ^.  And  chiefly,  to  add 
a  Pledge,  if  not  Payment,  to  my  Promifes ;  I  fend  you  alfo  a  Memorial 
of  Queen  Elizabeth  *",  to  requite  your  Eulogy  of  the  late  Duke  of  Florence's 
Felicity.  Of  this,  when  you  were  here,  I  fhew'd  you  a  Model ;  when  I  thought, 
you  feem'd  more  willing  to  hear  Julius  Cttfar  commended  than  Queen  Eliza- 
beth. But  this  I  now  fend  you  is  more  full ;  and  has  more  of  the  Narrative :  and 
befides  has  one  part  which,  I  think,  will  not  be  difigreeable  either  to  you, 
or  that  place  •,  being  the  true  Trad:  of  her  Proceedings  towards  the  Catho- 
licks :  which  are  infinitely  miflaken.  And  tho'  I  do  not  imagine  they  will 
pafs  there,  yet  they  will  gain  upon  excufe.  I  find  Mr.  h  Zure  to  ule  you 
well,  I  mean  his  Tongue  of  you  -,  which  fhews  you  either  honeft,  or  wife  : 
but  this  I  fpeak  merrily.  For  in  truth,  1  conceive  hope,  you  will  fo  go- 
vern yourfelf,  that  we  may  take  you  as  affuredly  for  a  good  Subjed:  and 
Patriot,  as  you  take  yourfelf  for  a  good  Chriftian  -,  and  fo  we  again  enjoy 
your  Company,  and  you  your  Confcience;  if  it  may  no  otherways  be.  For 
my  part,  affure  yourfelf,  as  we  fay  in  the  Law,  ?nu(atis  mutandis,  my  Love 
and  good  Wifhes  to  you  are  not  diminifh'd  S 

XXIV. 

To  Mr.  Matthews;  upon  the  Memorial  of  the  Felicities 
of  ^een  Elizabeth,  and  the  Inftauration. 

I  Thank  you  for  your  laft  ;  and  beg  you  would  believe,  that  your  Kberty 
in  giving  opinion  of  thofe  Writings  I  fent  you,  is  what  I  fought,  expec- 
ted, and  take  in  exceeding  good  part  r  fo  that  it  makes  me  continue  my 
hearty  Wifhes  for  your  Company  here ;  to  ufe  the  fame  liberty  upon  my 
Aftions,  as  you  now  exercife  upon  my  Writings.  For  that  of  Queen  Eli- 
zabeth ;  your  Judgment,  of  the  Temper  and  Truth  of  the  Part  which  con- 
cerns fome  of  her  foreign  Proceedings,  concurs  fully  with  the  Judgment  of 
fome  others ;  and  as  Things  go,  I  fuppofe  they  are  likely  to  be  more  and  more 
juftified  and  allov/^ed.  And,  as  you  fiy,  for  another  Part,  that  it  opens  a 
broad  Way  to  a  Field  of  Contradidion  •,  on  the  other  fide,  'tis  written  me  from 
the  Leiger  at  Paris,  and  fome  others,  that  it  carries  a  ?namfeji  Imprejfion  of 
Truth  ;  and  even  convinces  as  it  goes.  Thefe  are  their  very  Words ;  which  I 
write  not  for  my  own  Glory,  but  to  fhew  what  variety  of  opinion  rifes  from 
the  difpofition  of  feveral  Readers.  And  I  mufh  confefs  my  defire  to  be, 
tha;  my  Writings  fhould  not  court  the  prefent  Time,  or  fome  few  Places  ; 
fo  as  to  m„ke  them  either  lefs  general,  or  lefs  permanent  in  future  Ages, 

For 

^  I  conceive  this  relates  to  the  hnthoi'sCogitiita  c^  Fi/i,  whereof  there  were  feveral  Copies, 
in  different  Forms;  'till  at  length  the  whole  was  pubiiflied  by  the  Author,  ia  the  form  of  the 
Jirft  or  preliminary  Part  of  his  Hirvum  Organum. 

*'  Seepag.  jio,  of  the  prefent  V'olume. 

5  See  above  Letter  XIII. 


Se(f^.II.  Letters  relating  to  /i^  A  u  t  h o  r's  Writing  s.        499 

For  the  hftauralion^ ;  I  read  your  full  Approbation  thereof,  with  much 
Pleafure  -,  as  my  Heart  is  much  more  upon  it  ;  and  as  I  lefs  cxpefted  your 
Concurrence  in  a  Matter  fo  obfcure.  Of  this  I  can  affure  you,  that  though 
many  Things  of  great  hope  decay  with  Youth  ;  and  tho'  Multiplicity  of 
Civil  Bifinefs  uTes  to  diminil}!  the  price  of  Contemplations  ;  yet  the  pro- 
t^eeding  in  that  Work  gains  upon  my  Alllftion  and  Defire,  both  by  Ye;\rs 
and  Bufinefs.  And  therefore  I  hope,  even  by  this,  that  'tis  well-pleafing 
to  God  i  Jrom  whom,  and  to  whom,  all  Good  moves'". 

XXV. 

To  Sir  Henry  Saville';  concerning  a  Difcourfe  upon 
the  Intellectual  Powers. 

REturning  from  your  Invitation  at  EaWu    where  I  had  refrefh'd  my  felf 
with  Company  I  loved,  I  fell  into  a  Confideration  of  that  part  of  Po- 
licy, whereof  Philofophy  fpeaks  too  much,  and  Laws  too  little  ;   lix.  the 
Education  of  Youth.     Whereupon  fixing  my  Mind  a  while,  I  foon  found  and 
noted  in  the  Difcourfes  of  Philofophers,    which  are  fo  large  on  this  Subjeft, 
a  ftrange  Silence  concerning  one  principal  Part,  as  to  the  framing  and  fea- 
foning  of  Youth  to  moral  Virtues.    They  handle  it  indeed  ;  but  as  to  the  Im- 
provement and  Help  oftheintelledlual  Powers  j  for  inftance  the  Imagination, 
Memory,  and  Judgment ;  they  fay  nothing:  whether  they  thought  it  a  raat- 
ter,  wherein  Nature  only  prevail'd  ;  or  referred  it  to  the  feveral  Arts,  which 
te;K;h  the  ufe  of  Reafon  and  Speech.   But  for  the  former,  however  they  diftin- 
guifh  betwixt  Habits  and  Powers,  it  is  manifeft  by  Experience,  that  the  Mo- 
tions and  Faculties  of  the  Wit  and  Memory  may  not  only  be  governed  and 
guided  i  but  alfo  confirm'd  and  enlarged  by  Cuftom,  and  Pradlice  duly  ap- 
plied i  as  a  Man,  by  the  practice  of  iTiooting,    will  not  only  learn  to  come 
nearer  the  Mark  ;  but  alfo  to  draw  a  ftronger  Bow.    And  for  comprehending 
thefe  Precepts  within  the  Arts  of  LogUk  and  Rhetorick  ;  if  it  be  rightly  con- 
fidered,  their  Office  is  altogether  diftind;  from  this  point:  for  'tis  no  part  of 
the  Doctrine  of  the  ufe  of  an  Inftrument,  to  teach  how  to  whet  or  grind  it; 
how  to  quench  it,  or  give  it  a  ftronger  Temper.     Wherefore,  finding  this  part 
of  Knowledge  not  broken,  I  have,  but  tanquam  cJ.ind  agens,  entered  into  it ; 
and  falute  you  with  it:  dedicating  it,   after  the  ancient  manner,    firfl  to  a 
dear  Friend,  and  next  to  a  proper  Perfon;  as  you  have  both  Place  to  prac- 
tife  it ;  and  Judgment  and  Lcifure  to  look  deeper  into  it.     Herein  .1  mufl 
call  you  to  mind,  "Ag^ij-or  [jiiv  tSuip:    For  though  the  Argument  be  not 
of  great  Depth  and  Dignity,  'tis  of  great  and  univerfal  ufe.    Nor  do  I  fee 
why,  to  c-onfider  it  rightly,  that  fhou'd  not  be  a  Learning  of  Dignity,  which 

S  f  f  2  teaches 

*  F/i.  The  Sozum  Organum. 

^  See  the  Letrer  to  Father  Fulgentio,  at  the  end  of  this  Seclion. 

'  The  Founder  of  a  Geometry  and  Aftrcnomy  Profeffoifliip  at  Oxford i  and   the  Editor  of 
Sz  ChryfoJIom's  Vforks,  crc. 


500         Letters  relating  to  ^^^  A  u  t  n  o  r's  Writings.  Sedl.II. 

teaches  to  raife  and  ennoble  the  higheft  and  worthieft  part  of  the  Mind.  But 
however  that  be,  if  the  World  receives  any  Benefit  from  this  Writing;  leC 
the  Thanks  be  to  the  good  Friendfhip  and  Acquaintance  between  us. 

The  firj}  Draught  of  a  Difcourfe  upon  Helps  for  the  In- 

TELLECTUAL    P0VVERS\ 

I  Ever  held  it  for  an  infolent  and  unlucky  Saying,  Faher  qitifque  Fortuna; 
fuft  i  except  it  be  meant  only  as  a  Hortative,  or  Spur,  to  correft  Sloth  : 
otherwife,  if  it  be  taken  as  it  founds  ;  and  a  Man  enters  into  a  high  Imagi- 
nation, that  he  can  compafs  and  fathom  all  Accidents ;  and  afcribes  all  Suc- 
cefies  to  his  Drifts  and  Reaches  ;  and  the  contrary,  to  his  Slips  and  Errors: 
'tis  commonly  feen,  that  the  evening  Fortune  of  that  Man  is  not  fo  profperous, 
as  of  him, who,  without  flacking  his  Induftry,  attributes  much  to  Felicity  and 
Providence  above  him.  But  if  the  Sentence  run  thus,  Faher  quifciiie  Ingenii 
fnU  it  were  fomewhat  true  -,  and  much  more  profitable.  Becaufe  it  would 
teach  Men  to  bend  themfelves,  to  reform  thofe  Imperfeftions  they  now 
feek  but  to  cover  ;  and  to  attain  thofe  Virtues,  which  they  now  feek  to  have 
only  in  appearance  and  fliew.  Yet  every  Man  attempts  to  be  of  the /r/?  Trade 
of  Carpenters;  and  few  bind  themfelves  to  thefecomi :  tho'  the  rifing  in  For- 
tune feldom  mends  the  Mind.  On  the  other  hand,  the  removing  of  the  Stands 
and  Impediments  of  the  Mind,  often  clears  the  Paffage  and  Current  to  a  Man's 
Fortune.  But  *tis  certain,  that  as  the  moft  excellent  of  Metals,  Gold,  is  of 
all  others  the  fofteft,  and  moft  dudile  ;  i'o  the  perfefteft  of  breathing  Sub- 
ftances,  Man,  is  the  moft  fufceptible  of  Help,  Improvement,  Impreflion, 
and  Alteration  ;  not  only  in  his  Body,  but  in  his  Mind  and  Spirit:  and 
there  again,  not  only  in  his  Appetite  and  AfFeftions  ;  but  in  his  Faculties  of 
Wit  and  Reafon. 

As  to  the  human  Body  ;  we  find  many  ftrange  Inftances,  how  Nature  is 
mafter'd  by  Cuftom  ;  even  in  Aftions  that  feem  of  the  greateft  Diffi- 
culty, and  leaft  Pofiibility,  Thus  in  the  Improvement  of  voluntary  Mo- 
tions, what  furprifing  things  are  effefted  by  the  Application  and  Praftice 
of  Tumblers  and  Rope-dancers  ;  as  to  feats  of  Aftivity  and  Agility  ?  And 
.^.g.iin  in  fuffering  Pain,  which  is  thought  fo  contrary  to  the  Nature  of  Man, 
there  are  many  Examples  of  Penances,  in  ftridt  Orders  of  Superftitions,  thac 
may  well  verify  the  Report  of  the  Spartan  Boys,  fcourged  upon  the  Altar  fo 
cruelly,  that  they  fometimes  died  thereof;  and  yet  were  never  heard  to  com- 
plain. And,  for  thofe  Faculties,  reckoned  more  involuntary,  as  Fafting,  and 
Abftinence,  Voracity,  great  Drinking,  living  without  Drink,  enduring  vehe- 
ment Cold,  (jfc.  there  are  various  Examples  of  ftrange  Vidtories  over  the  Body. 

Nay,  as  to  Refpiration,  fome  by  the  continual  Ufe  of  Diving  and  Working 
under  the  Water,  have  brought  themfelves  to  hold  their  Breath  an  incredible 
while ;  and  others  been  able,  without  Suffocation,  to  endure  the  ftifling  Breath 

of 

*  Doth  the  preceding  Letter,  and  the  follbwing  Draught,  feem  put  down  rather  in  the  way 
ot  Hi/iti,  for  farther  Corrcdtion,  Improveineac,  and  Enlargement,  than  as  any  thing  finifhed  i 
cr  fitted  for  the  Prefs. 


Sc6l.II.   Letter's  relating  to  the  A  u  t  i-i  o  r's  VV  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.        ^ o  t 

of  an  Oven  or  Furnace.  Some  Imporiors  and  Counterfeits,  likewife,  have 
been  able  to  wreath  and  turn  their  Bodies  into  ftrange  Forms  and  Poftures  ; 
and  others  to  bring  themfelves  into  Trances,  i£c.  all  which  demonftrate  how 
varioufly,  and  to  what  a  high  pitch,  the  Body  of  Man  may  be  moulded  and 
wrought. 

If  it  be  objected  that  it  is  fome  fecret  Property  of  Nature  in  thefe  Perfons, 
whereby  they  have  atcain'd  to  thofe  Points  ;  and  that  'tis  not  for  every  Man  to 
do  the  like,  tho'  he  had  been  put  to  it ;  whence  fuch  things  come  but  rarely 
topafs :  'Tis  true,  fome  Perfons  are  apter  than  others  ;  but  tho'  the  greater 
Aptnefs  caufes  Perfeclion,  yet  the  lefs  does  not  difable  :  fo  that  the  more  apt 
Child,  taken  to  be  made  a  Rope-dancer,  will  prove  more  excellent  ;  but 
the  lefs  apt  will  be  a  Rope-dancer  too,  tho'  of  the  fecond  Rank.  And  doubc- 
lefs  thefe  Abilities  wou'd  have  been  more  common  ;  and  others  of  the  fame 
kind  have  been  likewife  brought  upon  the  Stage,  but  for  two  Reafons :  the 
one,  becaufe  of  Men's  diffidence  in  prejudging  them  as  Impofilbilities  v  for 
it  holds  in  thefe  things,  as  the  Poet  fays,  pojjimt  quia  pojfe  vidcutur  ;  for  no 
Man  will  know  how  much  may  be  done,  unlcfs  he  believe  that  a  great 
deai  may  be  done.  The  other  Reafon  is,  becaufe  they  are  Pradtices  ignoble 
and  inglorious,  of  no  great  ufe,  and  therefore  excluded  from  the  Reward 
of  Value  :  and,  on  the  other  fide,  they  are  painful ;  fo  that  the  Recompence 
balances  not  the  Labour. 

And  for  the  Will  of  Man  ;  this  is  of  all  things  mod  manageable  and 
obedient  i  or  admits  many  Medicines  to  cure  and  alter  it.  The  moft  fo- 
verelgn  of  all  is  Religion  ;  which  proves  able  to  change  and  transform  the 
Will  in  the  deepeft  and  moft  inward  Inclinations  and  Motions.  Ne:<t 
to  this  is  Opinion  and  Apprehenfion^  whether  infufed  by  Tradition  and  Teach- 
ing, or  wrought  in  by  Difpute  and  Perfuafion.  The  third  is  Example^ 
wiuch  transforms  the  Will  into  the  Similitude  of  what  is  moft  familiar 
to  it.  The  fourth  is,  when  one  Affeftion  heals  and  corrects  another  ; 
as  when  Cowardice  is  cured  by  Shame  and  Difhonour  -,  or  Sluggifhnefs  and 
Backwardncfs,  by  Indignation  and  Emulation  j  and  fo  of  the  like.  And 
/.'J/?/}',  when  all  thefe  Means,  or  any  of  them,  have  new  formed  the  human 
Will,  then  Cuftom  and  Habit  corroborates  and  confirms  the  reft.  No 
wonder,  therefore,  if  this  Faculty  of  the  Will,  which  inclines  the  AfFeftion 
and  Appetite,  as  being  but  the  Beginnings  and  Rudiments  of  the  Will ;  may  ^ 
befo  well  managed  -,  fince  it  admits  accefs  to  fuch  various  Remedies.  The 
EfFefts  hereof  are  fo  numerous,  and  fo  well  known,  as  to  require  no 
Enumeration  •,  but  generally  they  proceed  as  Medicines :  which  are  of  two 
kinds.  Curative  and  Palliative :  for  either  the  intention  is  really  and  truly 
to  reform  the  Afiedlions,  reftrain  them  if  too  violent ;  and  raife  them 
if  too  foft  and  weak  ;  or  elfe  to  cover  them  ;  or,  if  occafion  be,  to  aft 
and  reprefent  them.  Of  the  former  fort.  Examples  are  plentiful  in 
the  Schools  of  Philofophers,  and  all  other  Inftitutions  ot  moral  Virtue  v 
and  of  the  other  fort.  Examples  are  more  plentiful  in  the  Courts  of  Princes, 
and  all  political  Traffick  :  where  'tis  ordinary  to  find,  not  only  deep  Di!- 
fimulations,  which  fo  fuftocate  the  Aftedions,  that  no  Mark  appears  of  them 

out.- 


50  2        Leiriers  relathig  to  the  Author's  Writings.  Sedl.II. 

outw.irdly  ;  but  aifo  lively  Simulations  and  AfFeftations,  carrying  the  tokens 
of  P-iffions  which  are  not  real ;  as  Laughter,   Tears,  i^c  *. 


XXVI. 

'To   Mr.  M A T T H E w s  ;     e7itreati7Jg  yudgment  upon   h'n 

Writhigi. 

BEcaufe  you  fhould  not  lofe  your  Labour  this  Afternoon,  which  I  mufl: 
needs  fpend  with  my  Lord  Chancellor  ^  I  defire  you  will  not  leave  the 
Writing,  I  left  you  laft,  with  any  Man,  fo  long,  as  that  he  may  take  a  Copy 
of  it  •,  becaufe,  firft,  it  muft  be  cenfured  by  you,  and  then  confidered 
again  by  me.  The  thing  I  moft  expeft  from  you  is,  that  you  would  read 
it  carefully  over  by  your  felf ;  and  make  fome  little  Note  in  Writing,  where 
you  think,  that  I  do,  perhaps  mdorm'tfcere  ;  or  where  I  do  hidulgere  Genio  ;  or 
where,  in  fine,  I  give  any  manner  of  Difadvantage  to  my  felf.  This,  fu}'er 
totam  fnaleriam,  you  muft  not  fail  to  note  ;  befides,  all  fuch  Words  and 
Phrafes  as  you  cannot  like  :  for  you  know  in  how  highEfteem  I  have  your 
Judgment. 

XXVII. 

Dedication  of  the  Novum  Organum/o  King  James. 

YOUR  Majefty  may  perhaps  accufe  me  of  Theft  •,  in  ftealing  from  your 
Aflliirs  fo  much  Time,  as  is  neceflary  for  a  Work  of  this  nature  «. 
I  have  no  Excufe  to  plead  :  for  there  is  no  making  a  Reftitution  of  Time; 
unlefs,  poffibly,  if  the  Things  I  here  offer,  fhou'd  prove  of  value  •,  the  Time, 
that  was  taken  from  your  Bufinefs,  may  be  paid  back  to  the  Memory  of 
your  Name,  and  the  Honour  of  your  Reign.  This  I  may  fiy  of  them, 
they  are  every  way  new  ;  tho'  copied  from  a  very  old  Original  i  the  World 
itfelf,  and  the  Nature  of  the  Mind  and  of  Things.  And  to  declare  my 
Thoughts  freely  j  I  ufually  efteem  this  Work  more  as  the  Birth  of  Time  than 
of  Genius.  The  only  ftrange  part  is,  how  the  Seeds  of  the  Matter,  and 
fuch  ftrong  Sufpicions  of  the  Weaknefs  of  the  Things  that  have  fo  long 
prevail'djcould  come  into  any  one's  Mind:  for  all  the  reft  will  eafily  follow. 
And,  without  difpute,  there  is  fomewhat  fortuitous,  or  cafu.il,  in  the 
Thoughts   of  Men,  as  well  as  in  their  Adtions  and  Difcourfe.     But  for  this 

Cafu- 

*  This  Piece  was  left  very  impcrfcdt :  and  only  a  few  loofe  Hints  farther  added,    in  order  to 
its  beingcontinued.     See  de  ylugm.  Scie»:.   Pag.    19^. —  '97>  ty- 

b  This  feems  pleafantly  meant  of  himfelf;    being  perhaps  at  this  time  Chancellor  ;   and  the 
'Letter  regarding  lome  part  of  the  Novum  Organum. 
^  This  Piece  was  pabliih'd  whilft  the  Author  was  Chancellor. 


Scvft.II.    Letters relaiing  /<? //5^  Author V  Writings,         503 

Cafualty  ;  if  there  be  any  Good  in  what  is  here  produced,  I  owe  it,  f.rfl, 
to  the  boundlefs  Mercy  and  Goodnels  of  God  ;  and  next,  to  the  Felicity  of 
your  Times:  that  as,  whilft  living,  I  have  ferved  your  Majefty  with  the 
finccreft  AfFefbion,  I  may  perhaps,  when  I  am  dead,  hold  out  a  Light  to 
Poflerity,  by  this  new  Torcb,  fet  up  in  the  Obfcurity  of  Philofoph-j  *.  And 
doubtlcfs,  the  Reftoration  and  new  Building  up  of  the  Sciences,  is  a  Work 
well  befitting  the  Times  of  the  wifefl:  and  moft  learned  of  our  Kings. 

And  liere  I  have  a  Petition  to  offer,  no  way  unworthy  of  your  IMajefly  \ 
but  of  the  utmoft  importance  to  the  Work  in  view.  'Tis  this  -,  that  fince  in 
many  Inftances  you  refemble  Solomon  -,  as  in  your  difcerning  Judgment  ;  the 
Peaceof  your  Kingdom  •,  the  Largenefs  of  your  Heart;  and  the  noble  Variety 
of  the- Books  you  have  compofed  -,  you  would  go  on  to  imitate  that  King  ; 
and,  after  his  Example,  procure  fuch  a  juft  and  fcrupulous  hlaiural  and  Ex- 
ferimental  Hiftory  to  be  coUefted,  as  may  fupply  Materials  for  a  found  and 
ferviceabla  Philofophy  '• :  that  at  laft,  after  fo  many  Ages  of  the  World 
are  run,  Philofophy  and  the  Sciences  may  no  longer  remain  pendant  and 
airy ;  but  be  fettled  upon  the  folid  Foundations  of  an  univerfal  and 
thoroughly  weighed  Experience.  I  have  fupplied  the  Crane  " ;  but  the  Ma- 
terials for  the  Building  muft  be  fetched  from  Things  themfelves. 


XXVIII. 

To   the  Univerjity  (t/'Cambridge;   upon  prefenting  the. 
Novum  Organum  to  their  Public  Lil?ra?y, 

AS  I  am  your  Son  and  Pupil,  it  will  be  a  Pleafure  for  me  to  give  into 
your  Bofom,  the  Birth  I  am  lately  delivered  of-,  and  (hould  other- 
wife  efteem  as  a  Child  expofed.  Be  not  concerned,  that  the  Way  I  tread 
is  new ;  for  fuch  Things  muft  neceflarily  happen  thro'  the  Revolutions  of 
Times  and  of  Ages.  The  Ancients  are  ftill  left  in  poflefTion  of  their  Glory  ; 
the  Glory  of  Genius  and  fine  Parts  r  but  for  Faith  ;  that  is  only  due  to 
the  Word  of  God,  and  to  Experience.  To  bring  the  Sciences  back  to  Expe- 
rience is  impoflible ;  but  to  build  them  up  a-new- from  Experience,  thoMt 
be  a  Work  of  diiRculty,  is  ftill  pradticable. 

Tark'Houfe,  Oiiob.  3.  1620. 

^  XXiX. 

'  The  Author    feems  once  to    have  defigned   Nsvum  Lumen   ScientiarHm,  for  his  Thle, 

jnftead  of  Novum  Organum. 

^  See  the  Method  of  compiling  this  Hiftory,  Vol.  III.  pag.  S, — 1 6.  _    ^ 

*  OrganHm   fr&bui.    This  may  fliew  that  the  Title  Novum   Organum,  has  a   Metaphoric». 

Senfc.    See  the  Author's  Introdudtion  to  the  Piece.  Vol.11,  pag.  jj8. 


■504        zLeiters  relating  to  the  A u t h o r's  W r i tin g s.  SetT:.!!. 


XXIX. 

To  the  King  ;  prefenting  the  HiftoTy  (?/"  H  e  n  RV  VII.  and  a 
Propofal  for  a  new  Digeji  of  the  Laws  of  England. 

I  Acknowledge  my  felt,  in  all  humility,  infinitely  obliged  to  yOurMa- 
jefty's  Grace  and  Goodnels  ;  for  that,  at  the  Interceflion  of  my  noble 
and  conltant  Friend,  my  Lord  Marquis,  your  Majefty  has  been  pleafed  to 
grant  me,  that  which  the  Civilians  fay  is  res  intejlimahilis,  my  Liberty.  So 
■  that  now,  whenever  God  calls  me,  I  fhall  not  die  a  Prifoner.  Nay,  far- 
ther, your  Majefty  has  vouchfafed  to  caft  a  fecond  and  iterate  Afpeft  of 
your  Eye  of  Companion  upon  me  ;  in  referring  the  Confideration  of  my 
broken  Eftate  to  my  good  l,ord  the  Treafurer :  which,  as  it  is  a  Angular 
■Bounty  in  your  Majefty  -,  fo  I  have  yet  fo  much  left  of  a  late  Commiffioner 
of  your  Treafury,  that  I  would  be  forry  to  fue  for  any  thing,  that  might 
feem  immodcft.  Thefe  your  Majefty's  great  Benefits,  in  cajiing  your  Bread 
upon  the  Waters,  becaufe  my  Thanks  cannot  any  ways  be  fufficientto  attain  5 
I  have  raifed  your  Progenitor,  of  famous  Memory,  and  now,  I  hope,  of 
more  famous  Memory  than  before.  King  Henry  VII.  to  give  your  Majefty 
thanks  for  me  :  which  Work,  moft  humbly  kifling  your  Majefty's  Hands, 
I  do  prefent.  And  becaufe  in  the  beginning  of  my  Trouble,  when  in  the  midft 
of  the  Tempeft,  I  had  a  kenning  of  the  Harbour,  which  I  hope  now  by  your 
Majefty's  Favour  I  amentring  into ;  I  made  a  tender  to  your  Majefty  of  two 
Works,  a  Hiftory  of  England,  and  a  D'lgejl  of  your  Laws :  as  I  have  per- 
formed a  Part  of  the  one  ;  fo  I  have  herewith  fent  your  Majefty,  by  way  of  an 
Epiftle,  a  new  Offer  of  the  other  ^  But  my  defire  is  farther,  if  it'ftand 
with  your  Majefty's  good  Pleafure,  fince  now  my  Study  is  my  Exchange, 
and  my  Pen  my  Fadtor,  for  the  ufe  of  my  Talent  ;  that  your  Majefty, 
who  is  a  great  Mafter  in  thefe  things,  would  be  pleafed  to  appoint  me 
fome  Tafk  to  write-,  and  that  I  fhall  take  for  an  Oracle.  And  becaufe  my 
Injiauration,  which  I  efteem  my  great  Work,  and  do  ftill  go  on  with  in 
filence,  was  dedicated  to  your  Majefty  -,  and  this  Hiftory  of  King  Henry  VII. 
to  your  lively  and  excellent  Image,  the  Prince  :  if  now  your  Majefty  will 
be  pleafed  to  give  me  a  Theme,  to  dedicate  to  my  Lord  of  Buckingham^ 
whom  I  have  fo  much  reafon  to  honour  ;  I  ftiould  with  more  Alacrity  em- 
brace your  Majefty's  Diredlion  than  my  own  Choice.  Your  Majefty  will 
pardon  me  for  troubling  you  thus  long. 
Gorhambury,  March  20.  1621. 

XXX. 

•  See  Supplement  XIV. 


Sed.n.  Letters  relating  /<?  /y$^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  r  n  g  s.        505 


XXX. 

Dedication  of  /-^^  History   of  Winds  to  Prince 

CHARLES. 


THE  Firft-Fruic  of  my  Natural  Hijlovj  »,  is  here  moft  humbly  of- 
fered to  your  Highnefs :  and  tho'  it  be  a  thing  very  fmall  in  bulk, 
like  a  Grain  of  Mujlard-Seed,  'tis  ftill  an  Earneft  of  what,  God  willing, 
fhall  follow.  For  I  have  obliged  my  felf,  as  it  were  by  a  Vow,  every 
Month  of  my  Life,  to  publifh  one  or  more  Parts  thereof  •,  according  as 
the  Subjedt  fhall  prove  more  or  lefs  difficult  or  copious.  And,  perhaps, 
others  may,  by  my  Example,  beftirred  up  to  the  likelnduflry  ;  efpecially 
after  they  fhall  thoroughly  underftand  the  Nature  of  the  Biifinefs  on  foot : 
for  in  a  juftand  well-appointed  Natural  Hijlory,  are  lodged  the  Keys  both 
of  the  Sciences,  and  of  Works. 

XXXI. 

To  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,    Lord  High  Admiral  of 
En  gland;    dedicating  the  lafl  Edition  of  his  EJfays. 

SOlotnon  fays,  a  good  Name  is  as  precious  Ointment ;  and  I  afllire  my  felf, 
fuch  will  your  Grace's  Name  be  with  Pofterity.  For  your  Fortune 
and  Merit  have  both  been  eminent  •,  and  you  have  planted  Things  that  are 
likely  to  laft.  I  now  publilh  my  Efays ;  which  of  all  my  Works  have 
been  mofb  current :  becaufe,  as  it  feems,  they  come  home  to  Mens  Bufinefs 
and  Bofoms.  I  have  enlarged  them,  both  in  Number  and  Weight ;  fo  that 
they  are,  indeed,  a  new  Work.  I  thought  it,  therefore,  agreeable  to  my  Af- 
feftion  and  Obligation  to  your  Grace,  to  prefix  your  Name  to  them,  both 
in  Euglijh  and  Latin:  for  I  conceive,  that  the  Latin  Volume  of  them,  being 
in  the  univerfal  Language,  may  laft  as  long  as  Books  laft.  My  Inftaura- 
tion  *■  I  have  dedicated  to  the  King  ;  my  Hiftory  o^  Henry  the  Seventh,  and 
my  Portions  of  Natural  Hiftory,  to  the  Prince  ;  and  thefe  I  dedicate  to 
your  Grace  -,  being  the  beft  Fruits,  that,  by  the  good  increafe  which  God 
gives  to  my  Pen  and  Labours,  I  could  yield. 

Vol.  I.  Ttt  XXXII. 

»  See  Vol.  III.  pag.  8—16. 
*'  Viz..  The  Novum  Organutn. 


5 o6       Letters  relating  /(?  /^^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  G  s.  Seft.II, 


XXXIL 

To  the  Bipop  ©/"Winchester';  concerning  the  Authors 
publijhed  a?id  intended  Writings. 

REprefenting  to  one's  felf  like  Examples  of  Calamity  in  others,  is  no 
fmall  Confolation.  For  Examples  have  a  quicker  Impreflion  than 
Arguments  •,  and  at  the  fame  time  certify  us,  that  no  new  'Thing  has  happened, 
to  us.  This  they  do  the  better,  the  more  the  Examples  are  alike  in  Circum- 
fiances  to  our  own  ;  efpecially,  if  they  happen  in  Perfons  greater  and  wor- 
thier than  our  felves.  For  as  it  favours  of  Vanity,  to  match  our  felves 
highly  in  our  own  Conceit;  'tis,  on  the  other  hand,  a  found  Conclufion, 
that  if  our  Betters  have  felt  the  like  Misfortunes,  we  have  the  lefs  caufe  to 
be  grieved. 

In  this  kind  of  Confolation,  I  have  not  been  wanting  to  my  felf:  tho* 
as  a  Chriftian,  I  have  tafted,  thro'  God's  Goodnefs,  of  higher  Remedies. 
Having  therefore,  thro'  the  Variety  of  my  Reading,  let  before  me  many 
Examples,  both  of  ancient  and  later  times,  my  thoughts  have  chiefly 
refted  upon  three  Particulars,  as  the  mod  eminent  and  the  moft  refembling. 
All  three  were  Perfons  that  had  held  high  place  of  Authority  in  their 
Countries  \  all  three  ruined,  not  by  War,  or  other  DIfafter,  but  by  Juftice 
and  Sentence,  as  Delinquents  and  Criminals  ;  all  three  famous  Writers,  in- 
fomuch,  that  the  remembrance  of  their  Calamities  is  now  to  Pofterity,  but 
as  a  little  Pi<Slure  of  Night-work,  remaining  among  the  fair  and  excellent 
Tables  of  their  Afts  and  Works  :  and  all  three  fit  Examples  to  quench 
any  Man's  Ambition  of  rifing  again  -,  for  they  were  every  one  of  them 
reltored  with  great  Glory,  only  to  their  farther  Ruin  and  Deftruftion,  end- 
ing in  a  violent  Death.  The  Men  were  Demojlhenes.,  Cicero.,  and  Seneca  ; 
Perfons  that  I  durft  not  claim  affinity  with,  if  the  fimilitude  of  our  For- 
tunes had  not  contracted  it.  When  I  had  confidered  thefe  Examples,  I  was 
carried  on  farther  to  obferve,  how  they  bore  their  Fortunes  •,  and  princi- 
pally how  they  employ'd  their  Time,  when  banifhed,  and  difabled  for  pub- 
lick  Bufmsfs :  that  I  might  learn  by  them  ;  and  they  be  as  well  my  Coun- 
fellors  as  my  Comforters.  And  here  I  noted  how  differently  their  Fortur^es 
wrought  upon  them  ;  efpecially  as  to  employing  their  Time  and  Pen» 
Ckerc,  during  his  Banifhment,  which  laltedalmoft  two  Years,  was  fo  foftened 
and  dejeded,  that  he  wrote  nothing  but  a  few  womanifh  Epiftles.  Yet,  in 
m-y  opinion,  he  had  leaft  reafon  of  the  three  to  be  difcouraged:  for  altho' 
k  was  judged  by  the  higheft  kind  of  Judgment,  in  form  of  a  Statute,  or 
Law,    that  he   Ihould  be  banifhed  ;    his   whole    Eftate   confifcated    and 

feized  j. 

*  Viz.  Dr.  Lancelot  Andrews. 


Se<^.II.  Letters  relatwg  /■«?  //5^  A  u  t h  o  r's  Wr i  t  i  n  g  s.        507 

feized ;  his  Hoiifes  pulled  down ;  and  that  it  /hould  be  highly  penal  for  any 
Man  to  propofe  a  Repeal ;  yet  his  Cafe,  even  then,  had  no  great  blot  of 
Ignominy  ;  for  it  was  thought  but  a  Tempeft  of  Popularity  that  overthrew 
him.  Demoflbenes,  on  the  contrary,  tho*  his  Cafe  was  black,  being  con- 
demned for  Bribery  ;  and  not  fimple  Bribery,  but  Bribery  in  the  nature  of 
Treafon,  and  Dilloyalty  ;  yet  took  fo  little  notice  of  his  Fortune,  that 
during  his  Banifhment,  he  intermeddled  confiderably  with  political  Matters  -, 
and  took  upon  him  to  counfel  the  State,  as  if  he  had  been  flilj  at  the 
Helm  ;  as  appears  from  fome  Epiftles  of  his,  which  are  extant.  Seneca, 
indeed,  who  was  condemned  for  many  Corruptions  and  Crimes,  and 
banifhed  into  a  folitary  Ifland,  kept  a  mean  ;  and  tho'  his  Pen  did  not  freeze, 
yet  he  abftained  from  intruding  into  Matters  of  Bufincfs ;  but  fpent  his  time 
in  writing  upon  excellent  Subjects,  of  ufe  for  all  Ages. 

Thefe  Examples  confirmed  me  in  my  Refolution,  whereto  I  was  other- 
wife  inclined,  oi^  employing  my  time  wholly  in  Writing  ;  and  to  put  that 
Talent,  or  Half-Talent,  that  God  has  given  me,  not  as  before,  to  particular 
Exchanges,  but  to  Banks  or  Mounts  of  Perpetuity,  which  will  not  break. 
Therefore,  having  lately  publifhed  a  part  of  my  Injlauration,  which  is  the 
"Work,  that  in  my  own  Judgment  I  moft  efteem  =■  ;  I  think  to  proceed  in 
fome  new  Parts  thereof.  And  tho'  I  have  received  from  many  places 
abroad,  fuch  Teftimonies,  with  relation  to  that  Work,  as  I  could  not  expeft 
at  firft,  in  fo  abftrufe  an  Argument  i  yet  I  have  juft  caufe  to  doubt,  that 
it  flies  too  high  over  Mens  Heads :  I  therefore  purpofe,  tho'  I  break  the 
Order  of  Time,  to  draw  it  down  to  the  Senfe,  by  fome  Examples  of  Natural 
Hiftory  and  Enquiry. 

And  as  my  Book  of  the  Advance?nerit  of  Learning,  may  be  fome  Prepa- 
rative, or  Key,  for  the  better  opening  of  the  Inftauration  ;  becaufe  it  ex- 
hibits a  Mixture  of  new  and  old  Thoughts  ;  whereas  the  Novum  Orgamim 
gives  the  new  unmixed,  otherwife  than  with  fome  little  fprinkling  of  the 
old  for  the  Tafle's  fake  ;  I  have  thought  proper  to  procure  a  Tranflation 
of  that  Book  into  the  general  Language,  with  great  and  ample  Additions 
and  Enrichments,  efpecially  in  the  fecond  Part,  which  treats  of  the  Divifion 
of  the  Sciences  ;  infomuch,  as  to  ferve  for  the  tirft  part  of  the  Inftauration  ; 
and  acquit  my  promife  in  that  part. 

Again,  becaufe  I  cannot  altogether  defert  the  civil  Character  I  have 
born  ;  which  if  I  fhould  forget,  enow  would  remember  -,  I  have  alfo  entered 
into  a  Work  of  Laivs,  propofing  a  Character  of  Juftice  in  a  middle  Term, 
between  the  fpeculative  and  grave  Difcourfes  of  Philofophers,  and  the 
Writings  of  Lawyers  ;  which  are  tied  and  obnoxious  to  their  particular 
Laws  ^  And  akho'  I  purpofed  to  make  a  particular  Digeft,  or  Recom- 
pilement  of  the  Laws  of  my  own  Nation  •,  yet,  as  'tis  a  Work  of  Aflif- 
tance,  and  what  I  cannot  mafter  by  my  own  Forces  and  Pen,  I  have  laid 


it  afide. 


*  The  Sevum  Organum. 

*■  Sec  Vo:.  I.   Pag  i+i— 161, 


T  1 1  2  Now 


5 o 8        Letters  relating  to  the  Avru o r's  Writings.  Sed.II. 

Now  having  in  the  Work  of  my  Injlaural'wn  had  a  View  to  the  general 
good  of  Men,  in  their  very  Being,  and  the  Dowries  of  Nature  •,  and  in  my 
Work  of  Laws,  to  the  general  Good  of  Men  in  Society,  and  the  Dowries  of 
Government ;  I  thought  that  in  Duty  I  owed  fomewhat  to  my  own  Country, 
which  I  ever  loved  :  infomuch,  that  altho'  my  Place  has  been  far  above 
my  Defert ;  yet  my  Thoughts  and  Cares  concerning  the  Good  thereof,  were 
beyond,  and  over  and  above  my  Place.  So  now  being,  as  I  am,  no  more 
able  to  do  my  Country  Service  •,  it  remains  that  I  do  it  Honour  :  which  I 
have  endeavoured  in  my  Work  of  the  Reign  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh. 

As  for  my  Effays,  and  fome  other  Particulars  of  that  nature  -,  I  count 
them  but  as  the  Recreations  of  my  other  Studies ;  and  in  that  manner 
purpofe  to  continue  them  :  tho'  I  am  not  ignorant  that  thofe  kind  of 
Writings  would,  with  lefs  pains  and  affiduity,  perhaps,  yield  more  Luftre 
and  Reputation  to  my  Name,  than  the  others  I  have  in  hand.  But  I  judge 
the  ufe  a  Man  fhould  leek  in  publifliing  his  Writings  before  his  Death,  to 
be  but  an  untimely  Anticipation  of  that  which  is  proper  to  follow,  and 
not  to  go  along  with  him. 


Jnn.  1622. 


XXXIII. 


To  Dr-  Williams,    Bijhop    of   Lincoln ;     concerning 
the  Author  s  Letters  a7id  Speeches. 

I  Find  that  the  Antients,  as  Cicero,  'Demofihenes,  the  younger  P/my,  and 
others,  have  preferved  both  their  Orations  and  Epijlles :  In  imitation  of 
whom,  I  have  done  the  like  by  my  own  ;  which  neverthelefs  I  will  not 
publifli  while  I  live:  but  I  have  been  bold  to  bequeath  them  to  your 
Lordfhip,  and  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the  Dutchy.  My  Speeches,  perhaps,  you 
will  think  fit  to  publifh:  the  Letters,  many  of  them,  touch  too  much 
upon  late  Matters  of  State,  to  be  publifhed  ;  yet  I  was  willing  they  fhould- 
not  be  loft.  I  have  alfo,  by  my  Will,  eredled  two  Ledtures  in  Perpetuity, 
in  each  Univerfity  one,  with  an  Endowment  of  200  /.  per  Annum  feverally. 
They  are  to  be  for  Natural  Philojophy,  and  the  Sciences  thereupon  depend- 
ing :  which  Foundations  I  have  required  my  Executors  to  order,  by  the 
Advice  and  Diredlion  of  your  Lordfhip,  and  my  Lord  Biftiop  of  Coventry 
and  Litchfield.     Thefe  are  my  prefent  Thoughts  ». 

XXXIV. 

•  Sec  the  Life  of  the  Author, 


Sed.  II.  Letters  relating  /^  /i^  A  u  t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.        509 


XXXIV. 

To  Father  Fulgentio  ';  giving  fome  Account  of  his 
Vie'ws  and  Dejigns  in  his  Writings. 

I  Acknowledge   my   felf  a  Letter  in  your  debt:    but  my  Excufe   is  too 
juft  ;    being  no  other  than  a  fevere  Illnefs,   from  which  I  am  not  yet 
recovered. 

'Tis  my  defire  you  fhould  know  the  Views  I  have  in  the  Works  whereon 
my  Thoughts  are  bent  •,  not  with  any  Hopes  of  perfeding,  but  thro'  a 
Spirit  of  attempting,  and  ferving  After-Ages,  which  may  be  riper  for  thefe 
Matters. 

I  judge   it  beft  to   have  them  all    in  Latin  ^,    and  to  divide  them  intO' 
Volumes;  tlie  firft  whereof  to   conlift  of  the  Books  Je  ^ngmenlis  Scienlia- 
rum  ;    which  are  already  perfected  and  publifhed  ;    as  the  firft  part  of  my 
Injiauration. 

The  Novum  Organum  fhould  immediately  follow;  but  my  Moral  and 
Political  PFritings  ftep  in  between,  as  being  more  finifhed.  Thefe  are  the 
Hiftory  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh  ;  and  the  fmall  Book  which  in  your 
Language  you  have  called  Saggi  Morali  ;  but  I  give  it  a  graver  Title, 
that  of  Sermones  Fideles ',  or  Irderiora  Rerum  ■'.  And  thefe  Effays  will  not 
only  be  enlarged  in  Number,  but  ftill  more  in  Subftance  ^  Along 
with  them  goes  alfo  the  little  Piece  de  Sapientia  Veterum.  Bu:  this  Volume, 
as  I  faid,  comes  in  between  j  not  in  the  order  of  the  Injiauration  ^ 

Then  fhall  follow  the  Novum  Organum  ;  whereto  a  fecond  Part  is  ftill  to 
be  added  ;  tho'  I  have  already  conceived,  and  meafured  it  out  in  my  Mind  ^. 
And  thus  the  fecond  P^n  of  the  Injiauration  will  be  perfected. 

As  to  the  thirdVxn,  viz.  The  Hiftory  of  Nature  ;  'tis  a  Work  worthy  of 
fome  King,  or  Pope,  College,  or  Order;  and  can  never  be  laboured,  as 
it  requires,  by  a  private  Hand.  And  for  thofe  Parts  of  it  already  publiftied,- 
viz.  o^  Winds,  and  of  Life  and  Death;  they  are  not  purely  Hiftorical, 
becaufe  of  the  Axioms  and  larger  Obfervations  interfperfed  ;  but  a  mix'd 
kind  of  Writing,  confifting  of  Natural  Hiftory,  and  a  rude  imperfe(5i: 
Machinery    of    the  Underftanding  ^,    defigned    for    the   jourth  Part   of 

the 

*  A  Learned  Jefuitat  Venice,  who  wrote  the  Life  of  Father  Vaul. 

*  The  Author  in  putting  his  Works  into  Latin,  feetns  to  have  confiderably  improved  them. 

*  Faithful  Counfels. 

*  Iniide  of  Things. 

*  The  Author  appears  to  have  wrote  feveral  Eflays  originally  in  iJittn,  which  were  not  for« 
merly  printed  along  with  the  'EngliJJi. 

*  The  Latin  Edition  feems  to  obferve  this  intended  Order. 

8  But  i\\'\i  Second  Furt  was  never  publifhed  i    tho'  the  Heads  for  it  are  laid  down  in  the - 
Stvum  Orgaaum  i  Part  IL  Aph.  ii. 
f»  See  the  Novum  Ori»nHm,  Par;  II.  Seft.  Land  II.  See  alfo  Vol.  I.  pag.  i/. 


5 1  o        Ltturs  r slating  i?d  i?^^  A  u t  h  o  r's  W  r  i  t  i  n  g  s.  Sedt.II. 

the  Infiaitration  :  Vfhich  fourth  Part  is  therefore  to  follow  •,  and  will  contain 
numerous  Examples  of  our  new  Machine  »,  more  cxadlly  fuited  to  the  Rules 
of  Indudlion  \ 

In  the  fflh  place  is  to  come  the  Book  I  call  the  IntroduBion  to  Secondary 
Fhilofophy,  containing  my  Difcoveries  about  New  Axioms  raifed  from  Ex- 
periments, fo  as  to  fet  up  the  Pillars  of  the  Fabrick,  which  before  lay  at 
length.     And  this  we  make  ^  fifth  Part  of  the  Inftaiiration. 

In  ihtfixth  and  laft  place  comes  the  Secondary  Philofophy  it  felf,  which  I 
abfolutely  defpair  of ;  but  perhaps  it  may  grow  up  with  Pofterity :  as  there 
are  fome  confiderable  Foundations  laid  for  it,  in  fuch  of  our  Preliminaries, 
as  reach  almoft  to  the  Univerfalities  of  Nature  "=. 

Thus  you  fee,  my  Weaknefs  is  attempting  great  Things  -,  with  this  only 
Hope,  that  they  feem  to  proceed  from  the  Providence  and  abundant  Good- 
nefs  of  God  •,  becaufe  the  Conftancy  of  my  Mind,  has  hitherto  neither 
flackened  in  the  Defign,  nor  my  Ardor  cool'd  after  all  this  time.  For  'tis  now 
forty  Years  fince  I  wrote  a  Juvenile  Treatife  upon  the  very  fame  Subjeft  -,  and 
with  great  affurance  gave  it  the  pompous  Title  of  Temporis  Partus  maxi- 
mus  ^  And  another  Reafon  is,  that,  for  its  extreme  Utility,  this  my  Labour 
feems  already  blefled  with  the  Divine  Earnefi  of  future  Succefs  =. 

■  Vix..  The  Novum  Organum. 
»>  See  Pag.  ij-.  Vol.  I. 

'  This  feems  to  require  the  utmoft  Attention  of  Philofophers;  and  all  the  Afllftance  they 
can  give  to  finifh  it. 

<>  The  Great  Birth  of  Time. 

*  See  abo^e  Letttr  XXXII.  pag.  707. 


SUP- 


SUPPLEMENT    VI. 


COLLECTION 


O    F 


APOPHTHEGMS 


Serving  as  a  Help  to  DiscourseV 


*  Seethe  de  dingmtnt,  SdfntMr.  pag.  yfi. 


The  Authors  Preface. 


JUlius  Ci^sAR  wrote  a  Colle^ion  of  Apophthegms,  as  appears  hy 
an  Epiftle  to  Cicero  ;  fo  did  Macrobius,  a  confular  Man.  'Tis  pity 
Casfar'j  Book  Jfjould  be  loft  ;  for  I  iinagine  it  was  colleHed  with  Judgment : 
whereas  thofe  of  Plutarch,  Stobseus,  and  efpecially  the  Moderns,  draw  tnuch 
of  the  Dregs.  Certainly,  Apophthegms  are  of  excellent  7/fe.  They  are  pointed 
Speeches :  the  Words  of  the  Wife  are  as  Goads,  fays  Solomon.  Cicero  pret- 
tily calls  them  Salt-pits  -,  out  of  which  you  may  take  Salt,  andfprinkle  it  where 
you  pleafe.  Tbe^  ferve  to  interlace  in' continued  Difcourfe  ;  they  ferve  totecite 
upon  occafion,  of  them/elves:  and  they  may  ferve.,  if  you  take  out  their  Kirnely 
as  your  own.  I  have,  for  my  Recreation,  amidft  more  ferious  Studies,  colle£led 
a  few  ;  7iot  negle£ling  the  common  ones ;  many  of  that  kind  being  excellent  >  and 
added  fame  new  ones,  which  might  otherwife  have  been  loft  *. 

•  This  Colleiftion  of  Apophthegms  is  no  way  perfeft ;  or  fuch  as  had  paflcd  the  Judgment  of 
the  Author.  We  have  therefore  rejefted  many  of  the  lefs  confiderable  fort  }  and  thrown  the 
reft  into  Alphabetical  Order ;  that  Additions  and  Improvements  may  the  more  readily  be  made 
to  them.  Several  of  thofe  omitted  turned  either  upon  Pun;  or  a  particular  kind  of  Pleafantry, 
which  has  been  cenfured,  as  unbecoming  the  Gravity  of  the  Author.  Indeed  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  put  to  the  Prefs  by  himfclf.  It  fliould  rather  feem  that  fome  of  his  Do- 
metlicks  publiflied  them  j  for  we  find  feveral  of  his  ov7n  Sayings  among  them,  deKrered  as  of 
a  fecond  Perfon,  under  his  name.  What  Dr.  Terfnlfon  thought  of  them,  may  appear  from  hi* 
jicctunl  of  the  Author'i  tiirki,  Vag.  fg. 


(  SI3  ) 


COLLECTION 


O    F 


APOPHTHEGMS. 


1,      AG  AT  HO  C  LES,  after  taking  Syracufe,  the  Inhabitants  where-  Agathodes; 
/\      of,  during  the  Siege,  had  fpoke  all  manner  of  ill  of  him,  fold 
X^L  them  for  Slaves,  and  then  faid   to  them  i    Nezu,   if  )0U  ufe  fucb 
Words  again,  1  ivill  tell  -joiir  Mafters  of  ■^oti. 

2.  Alcibiades  vifiting  Pericles,  ftay'd  a  while  before  he  was  admitted.  When  Alcibiadw;! 
he  came  in,  Pericles  civilly  excufed  it,   and  faid  ;  I  was  ftudying  how  to 

give  my  Account:    But  AUibiades  replied,  if  you  will  be  ruled   by  me, 
Jlud-j  rather  how  to  give  m  Account. 

3.  C^far  Borgia,  after  a  long  Divifion  between  him  and  the  Lords  of  i?o- Alejtander; 
magna.,  came  to  agree  with  them.     In  this  Agreement,  there  was  an  Ar- '^*  ■?"?*! 
tide,  that  he  (hould  not  at  any  time  call  them  all  together  in  Perfon.     The 
meaning  was,  that  knowing  his  dangerous  Nature,  if  he  meant  them  Trea- 

fon,  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  opprefs  them  all  at  once.  Yet  he 
ufed  fjch  a  fine  Art,  and  fair  Carriage,  that  he  won  their  Confidence  to 
meet  all  together  in  Council  at  Cinigaglia,  where  he  murdered  them  all. 
This  Aft,  when  related  to  Pope  Alexander,  his  Father,  by  a  Cardinal,  as  a 
happy  thing,  but  very  perfidious  -,  the  Pope  faid,  it  was  they  that  broke 
their  Covenant  firjl,  by  coming  together. 

4.  It  being  reprefented  to  Alexander.,  to  the  advantage  of  Antipatery  a  ftem  Alexander  tbt 
and  imperious  Man  •,    that  he  only  of  all  his  Lieutenants  wore  no  Purple,  GrM». 

but  kept  the  Macedonian  Habit  of  Black  j  Alexander  faid,  TeSt  hut  Antipater 
U  all  Purple  within. 

Vol.  I.  Uuu  5. 


e  I  ^  A  ColUBlOn  of  A?0?HTHEGM5. 

5.  Jkxan^cr  ufed  to  fay,  of  his  two  Friends,  Craterus  and  HepbcEjim ;  that 
Hephaftion  loved  Alexander^  and  Craterus  loved  the  King. 

6.  Alexander,  after  the  Battle  of  Granicum,  had  very  great  offers  made  him 
by  Darius  %  but  confulting  with  his  Captains  concerning  them,  Parmenio 
fliid,  Sure  I  would  accept  of  thcfe  Offers,  if  I  were  Alexander.  Alexander 
anfwered  •,  So  would  /,  if  I  were  Parmenio. 

7.  Alexander,  ufed  to  fay,  he  knew  himfelf  to  be  mortal,  chiefly  by  two 
things-,  Lufl,  and  Sleep. 

8.  When  Alexander  paffed  into  Afia,\\e  gave  large  Donatives  to  his  Captains, 
and  other  principal  Men  of  Virtue  ;  inibmuch,  that  Parmenio  asked  him  ; 
Sir,  what  do  you  keep  for  your  felf?  He  anfwered,   Hope. 

9.  Alexander,  when  his  Father  wiflied  him  to  run  for  the  Prize,  at  the 
Olympick  Games ;  for  he  was  very  fwift ;  anfwered,  he  would,  if  he  might 
run  with  Kings. 

Alonfo.  10.  Aloiifo  oi  Ar agon  Mkd  to  fay,  in  commendation  of  Age,  that  Age  ap- 

peared bell  in  four  things:    old  Wood  beft  to  burn  ;  old  Wine  to  drink  •, 
old  Friends  to  truft ;  and  old  Authors  to  read. 

1 1.  Alonfo  Cartilio  being  informed,  by  his  Steward,  that  his  Income  would 
not  hold  way  with  his  Expence  :  the  Bifhop  asked  him,  whence  it  chrefly 
arofe?  The  Steward  told  him,  from  the  Multitude  of  his  Servants.  Tl-ie 
Bifhop  bid  him  make  a  Lift  of  fuch  as  were  neceffary,  and  fuch  as  might 
be  fpared :  which  he  did  ;  and  the  Bifliop  taking  occafion  to  read  it  before 
moft  of  his  Servants,  faid  to  his  Steward;  Well,  let  thefe remain,  becaufe 
I  have  need  of  them  ;  and  thefe  alfo,  becaufe  they  have  need  of  me. 

'Anacharfis.  12.  Anacharfis  would  fay,  concerning  the  popular  States  of  Greece ^  that  he 
wondered  how,  at  Athens,  wife  Men  propofed,  and  Fools  difpofed. 

Anaxagoras.  13.  When  it  was  told  Anaxagcras,  that  t\)A  Athenians  had  condemned  him 
to  die  ;  he  faid  again  -,  And  Nature  them. 

km  Bullen.  1 4.  Queen  Ann  BuUen,  as  fbe  was  led  to  the  Block,  call'd  one  of  the 
Kind's  Privy  Chamber,  and  faid  to  him  ;  Commend  me  to  the  King,  and 
tell  him,  he  has  been  ever  conflant  in  his  courfe  of  advancing  me  :  from  a  pri- 
vate Gentlewoman,  he  made  me  a  Marchionefs  ;  from  a  Marchionefs,  a 
Queen  ;  and  now  having  left  me  no  higher  Degree  of  earthly  Honour,  he 
crowns  my  Innocence  with  Martyrdom. 

•Anonymous.  15.  A  French  Gentleman,  difcourfing  with  an  EngVifh  one,  of  the  Salique 
Law,  that  excludes  Women  from  inheriting  the  Crown  of  France  ;  the 
Engliffj  Gentleman  faid,  that  it  was  meant  of  Women  themfelves  ;  not  of  fuch 
Males  as  claim'd  by  Women.  The  French  Gentleman  asked,  where  do 
you  find  that  Glofs?  The  EngJiflj  one,  replied.  Sir,  look  on  the  backfide 
of  the  Salique  Law,  and  there  you  will  find  it  indorfed  ;  implying,  that 
the  Salique  Law  is  but  a  mere  Fiftion. 

16.  A  Nobleman,  upon  the  complaint  of  his  Servant,  kid  a  Citizen  by  the 
heels,  thinking  to  bend  him  to  his  Servant's  bow  ;  but  the  Fellow  being  flub- 
born,  the  Servant  came  to  his  Lord,  and  told  him.  Your  Lordfhip  I 
know  has  gone  as  flir  as  you  well  may,  but  it  works  not  ;  for  the  Fellow  is 

more 


y^ CoU^Siion  of  A? o?iirK'^GU^.  ^i^ 

more  perverfe  than  before.     Said  my  Lord,  Lei' i  forget  hurt  a  while,   and 
then  he  ivtll  reme?nber  hifnjelf. 

17.  One  cime  to  a  Cardinal  in  Rome,  and  told  him,  he  had  brought  his 
Eminence  a  curious  white  Palfry  ;  but  that  he  fell  lame  by  the  way.  Says 
the  Cardinal  to  him,  I'll  tell  thee  what  thou  flialt  do  •,  go  to  fuch  a  Car- 
dinal, and  fuch  a  Cardinal,  naming  him  half  a  dozen  of  Cardinals,  and  tell 
them  as  much  ;  and  thus,  tho'  by  thy  Horfe,  if  he  had  been  found,  thou 
coud'ft  have  obliged  but  one  ;  with  thy  lame  Horfe  thou  may'ft  plcafc 
half  a  dozen. 

1 8.  A  Captain  being  fent  upon  an  Enterprize,  by  his  General,  with  Forces 
unlikely  to  atchieve  it  ;  the  Captain  fiid  to  him.  Sir,  appoint  but  half  fo 
many.  Why,  fays  the  General  ?  Tlie  Captain  anfwered  j  bccaufe  'tii  better 
that  few  die  than  many. 

19.  A  parcel  of  Scholars  going  a  Rabbit-hunting,  carried  a  Scholar  with 
them,  who  had  not  much  more  Wit  than  he  was  born  with  -,  and  gave  him 
in  charge,  that  if  he  faw  any,  he  fliould  be  filent,  for  fear  of  fearing  them  j 
but  he  no  fooner  efpied  Rabbits  before  the  reft,  but  he  cried  aloud,  Ecce 
TKulti  cuniculi !  which  he  had  no  fooner  faid,  but  the  Rabbits  fled  to  their 
Burrows:  and  he  being  rebuked  by  them  for  it,  cry'd,  who  the  Dcvil 
would  have  thought,  that  Rabbits  underllood  Latin  ? 

20.  Itwasfaidofy-/«g«/Zz«,  and  afterwards  of  Sejiimiiis  Severus,  both  doing 
infinite  Mifchief  in  their  beginnings,  and  infinite  good  towards  their  end  j 
that  they  Ihould  either  never  have  been  born,  or  never  died. 

2  I,  A  great  Officer  in  France  was  in  danger  of  lofing  his  Place,  but  his 
Wife,  by  her  fuit,  made  his  Peace  -,  whereupon  a  pleafant  Fellow  faid,  the 
Officer  had  been  crufh'd,  but  that  he  fived  himfelf  upon  his  Horns. 

22.  There  was  a  Conference  in  Parliament,  between  the  Lords  and  Com- 
mons, about  a  Bill  of  Accountants,  which  came  down  from  the  Lords, 
praying,  that  the  Lands  of  Accountants,  whereof  they  were  feized,  when 
they  entred  upon  their  Office,  might  be  liable  for  their  Arrears  to  the 
Queen.  The  Commons  defired,  that  the  Bill  might  not  look  back  to  former 
Accountants,  but  extend  only  to  the  future.  Upon  this,  the  Lord  Trea- 
furer  faid  ;  Why,  if  you  had  loft  your  Purfe  by  the  way,  would  you  look 
forwards  for  it,  or  backwards  ?   The  ^(een  has  loft  her  Purfe. 

23.  The  Deputies  of  the  Reformed  Religion,  after  the  Maflacre  at  Paris 
upon  St.  Bartholome'uj'%  Day,  treating  with  the  King  and  Queen -Mother  for  a 
Peace  ;  both  fides  agreed  upon  the  Articles  :  the  Queftion  was,  about  Secu- 
rity for  the  Performance.  After  feme  particulars  propofed  and  rejefted, 
the  Queen-Mother  faid,  Why  is  not  the  Word  of  a  King  fufficienc?  One  of 
the  Deputies  anfwered.  No,  by  St.  Barlholofneiv,  Madam. 

24.  A  Friar  of  France,  in  earneft  difpute  about  the  Salique  Law, would  needi 
prove  it  by  Scripture ;   citing  that  Verfe  of  the  Gofpel,  The  Lillies  of  the 
Field  do  neither  labour,  nor  fpin:    applying  it  thus  -,    that  the  Flower-df 
Luces  of  France  cannot  defcend,    neither  to  the  DiftafF,  nor  to  the  Spade  i       .^ 
tliat  is,  neither  10  Women,  nor  to  Peafants. 

U  u  u  «  25, 


5i6  AColieSiion  of  KvovHTH'gcu^. 

25.  A  Minifter  being  deprived  for  Nonconformity,  fa  id  to  fome  People, 
it  Ihould  coft  a  hundred  Men  their  Lives:  fome  who  underftood  this,  as  to  his 
being  a  turbulent  Fellow,  that  would  have  moved  Sedition,  complained  of 
him  •,  whereupon  being  examined,  he  faid,  his  meaning  was,  that  be  would 
pra^ife  Phyfick. 

26.  Many  Men,  efpecially  fuch  as  affeft  Gravity,  have  a  manner  after  other 
Men's  Speech  to  fhake  their  Heads.  A  great  Officer  of  this  Country  would 
Jay,  it  was  as  Men  Ihake  a  Bottle  ;  to  fee  if  there  be  any  Wit  in  their 
Heads  or  no. 

27.  A  Man  being  very  jealous  of  his  Wife,'infomuch,  that  which  way  fo- 
evcr  ftie  went,  he  would  be  prying  at  her  heels ;  and  fhe  being  of- 
fended thereat,  told  him  in  plain  Terms,  that  if  he  did  not  leave  off  his 
Proceedings,  in  that  nature,  fhe  would  graft  fuch  a  pair  of  Horns  upon 
his  Head,  as  fhould  hinder  him  from  coming  out  of  any  Door  in  the 
Houfe. 

28.  A  Lady  of  the  Weft  Country  gave  great  Entertainment  to  moft  of  the 
polite  Gentlemen  thereabouts  ;  and  amongft  others.  Sir  ff  alter  Raleigh  was 
one.  This  Lady,  tho*  otherwife  a  ftately  Dame,  was  a  notable  Houfe- 
wife  ;  and  in  the  Morning  early,  flie  called  to  one  of  her  Maids,  and  asked. 
Are  the  Pigs  ferved  ?  Sir  IValler  Raleigh's  Chamber  joined  to  the  Lady's, 
fo  that  he  heard  her :  a  little  before  Dinner,  the  Lady  coming  down  in 
great  State  into  a  Room  full  of  Gentlemen  ;  as  foon  as  Sir  fValter  Raleigh 
fet  eyes  upon  her ;  Madam,  faid  he,  are  the  Pigs  ferved  ?  The  Lady  an- 
fwered,  you  know  left,  whether  you  have  had  your  Break/aft. 

29.  A  Matter  of  Requefts  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  had  often  moved  for  Audience, 
and  been  put  off ;  at  laft  he  came  to  the  Queen  in  Progrefs ;  and  had  a 
new  Pair  of  Boots  on.  The  Queen,  who  hated  the  fmell  of  new  Leather,  faid 
to  him,  Fie,  Sloven,  thy  new  Boots  ftink.  Madam,  faid  he,  'tis  not  my  tiew 
Boots  that  ftink  ;  but  the  ft  ale  Bills  I  have  kept  fo  long. 

30.  A  King  of  Hungary  took  a  Bifhop  in  Battle,  and  kept  him  Prifoner : 
whereupon  the  Pope  writ  a  Monitory  to  him,  as  having  broke  the  Privi- 
lege of  Holy  Church,  and  taken  his  Son.  The  King  fent  an  Em ba fly  to 
him,  and  withal  the  Armour  wherein  the  Bifhop  was  taken,  with  this 
Infcription ;  Vide  num.  bcec  fit  veftis  Jilii  tui !  fee  now  whether  this  be  thy 
Son's  Coat ! 

31.  A  Merchant  dying  greatly  in  debt,  his  Goods  were  fet  fo  Sale ;  a 
Stranger  would  needs  buy  a  Pillow  there  -,  faying,  this  Pillow  fure  is  good  to 
fleep  on  •,  fince  he  could  fleep,  upon  it,  who  owed  fo  much  Money. 

32.  A  Lover  met  his  Lady  in  a  clofe  Chair  ;  fhe  thinking  to  have  gone 
unknown,  he  came  and  fpoke  to  her :  fhe  asked  him,  how  did  you  know  me? 
He  faid,  becaufe  my  Wounds  bleed  at  the  approach  of  my  Murdrefs. 

33.  A  Gentleman  brought  Mufick  to  his  Lady's  Window.  She  hated  him, 
and  had  warned  him  often  away  •,  and  when  he  would  not  dcfift,  fhe  threw 
Stones  at  him :  whereupon,  one  in  Company,  faid  to  him.  What  greater 
Honour  can  your  Mufick  have,  than  that  S;ones  come  about  you,  as  they 
did  about  Orpheus  ? 

34 


A Co/IeS^i'ofi  of  A?  O^HTR-EGMi,  fjl-^ 

54.  A  Painter  turning  Phyfician  ;  one  fiiid  to  him,  You  have  done  well : 
for  before,  the  Faults  of  your  Work  were  fcen  ;  but  now  they  are  hid. 

35.  There  was  a  Gentleman  canne  to  the  Tile,  all  in  Orange-Tawny,  and 
ran  very  ill.  The  next  Day,  he  came  again,  all  in  Green,  and  ran  worfe. 
One  of  the  Lookers-on  asked  another,  the  Reafon  why  this  Gentleman 
changed  his  Colours.  The  other  anfwered,  furely,  becaufe  it  may  be  re- 
ported,   chat  he  in  Green,  ran  worfe  than  he  in  the  Orange-Tawny. 

36.  It  was  faid,  amongft  fome  of  the  grave  Prelates  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
where  the  School-Divines  bore  the  fway  ;  that  the  School-Men  were  like  the 
Aftronomers,  who,  to  I'olve  the  Ph^rnomenaf  fuppofed  Eccentricks,  and  Epi- 
cycles, and  a  wonderful  Engine  of  Orbs ;  tho'  no  fuch  Things  exifted  : 
fo  they,  to  folve  the  pradlicc  of  the  Church,  had  devifed  a  great  number  of 
ftransie  Pofitions. 

37.  They  faid  of  Henry  Duke  of  Guife  ;  that  he  was  the  greateft  Ufurer 
of  France  ;  becaufe  he  had  turned  all  his  Eftate  into  Obligations:  meaning, 
that  he  had  fold  and  mortgaged  all  his  Patrimony,  to  give  large  Donatives 
to  other  Men. 

38.  A  Philofopher  difpuring  with  Adrian  the  Emperor,  did  it  but  weakly  j 
one  of  his  Friends  that  flood  by,  afterwards  faid  to  him  ;  methinks  you 
were  not  like  your  felf  yefterday,  in  Argument  with  the  Emperor  ;  I  could 
have  anfwered  better  my  felf.  "Why,  faid  the  Philofopher,  would  you 
have  me  contend  with  a  Man  that  commands  thirty  Legions? 

^g.Nerva  the  Emperor  fucceedcd  D^mttian,  who  had  been  tyrannical ;  and 
in  his  time  many  noble  Houfes  were  over-thrown  by  falfe  Accufations  ;  the 
Inftruments  whereof  were  chiefly,  Marcelhs  and  Regulus.  Nerva  one  night 
fupped  privately  with  fix  or  feven  ;  amongft  whom,  there  was  one,  a  dan- 
gerous Man  ;  who  began  to  take  the  like  courfes  as  Marcellus  and  Regulus 
had  done.  The  Emperor  fell  into  difcourfe  of  the  Injuftice  and  Tyranny 
of  the  former  time  ;  and  particularly  of  the  two  Accufers,  and  faid,  what 
fhould  we  do  with  them,  if  we  had  them  now.^  One  of  them  that  was  at 
Supper,  and  a  free-fpoken  Senator,  fliid.  Marry,  they  fhould  fup  with  us. 

40.  One  having  found  a  great  Treafure  hid  under  ground,  in  his  Grandfa- 
ther's Houfe  ;  being  fomewhatdoubtful  of  the  Cafe,  fignified  his  Difcovery  to 
the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  made  a  Refcript  thus,  Ufe  it.  He  writ  back 
again,  that  the  Sum  was  greater  than  his  Condition  could  ufe.  The  Em- 
peror -writ  a  new  Refcript  thus,  Abufe  it. 

41.  At  a  Banquet,  where  thofe  call'd  the  feven  Wife  Men  of  Greece,  were 
invited  by  the  Embaflador  of  a  Foreign  King  ;  the  EmbalTador  related, 
that  there  was  a  Neighbour  mightier  than  his  Mafler,  picked  Quarrels  with 
him,  by  making  impofTible  Demands,  otherwife  threatning  War  ;  and  now 
at  prefent  demanded  of  him,  to  drink  up  the  Sea.  To  which  one  of  the 
wife  Men  faid,  I  would  have  him  undertake  it.  Why,  faith  the  EmbafTa- 
dor,  how  fhall  he  come  off.?  Thus  fiiid  the  Sage,  Let  the  King  firfl  ftop 
the  Rivers  which  run  into  the  Sea,  and  are  no  pari  of  the  Bargain  i  and  then 
your  Matter  will  perform  it.  2 

42. 


rji8  ^ CcIleBion  of  Aio^ mi:  11 G US. 

42.  At  the  fame  Banquet,  the  Embafiadordefired  the  feven,  and  fome  other 
wife  Men,  to  deliver  each  fome  Sentence,  or  Parable,  that  he  might  Report 
to  his  King  the  Wifdom  of  Greece^  This  they  did  ;  only  one  wa%  filent : 
v/hich  the  EmbafHidor  perceiving,  faid  to  him.  Sir,  why  do  not  you  fay 
fomewhat,  that  I  miy  report?  He  anfwered,  report  to  your  Lord,  thaC 
ibere  are  fome  of  the  Grecians  who  can  hold  their  tongue. 

43.  Oneof  the  Philofophers  was  asked,  how  a  Wife-Man  differed  from  a 
Fool  ?  He  anfwered,  fend  them  both  naked  to  a  Stranger,  and  you  will  fee. 

44.  An  Epicurean  vaunted,  that  many  other  Sefts  of  Philofophers  turned 
Epicureans ;  but  never  any  Epicureans  turned  of  another  Scft :  whereupon 
a  Philofopher  of  another  Sedl,  faid,  the  Rcifon  was  plain  ;  for  Cocks  might 
be  made  Capons,  but  Capons  could  never  be  made  Cocks. 

45.  The  J'l'.rks  made  an  Expedition  into  Perfia  •,  and  becaufe  of  the  ftrait 
Jaws  of  the  Mountains  of  Armenia,  the  Bafhaws  confulted  which  way  they 
fhould  get  in.  One  who  heard  the  debate,  faid,  here's  a  deal  to  do  how  you 
Ihould  get  in  -,  but  no  care  is  taken  how  you  fi:ould  get  out. 

46.  Pbilip,  King  o^ Macedon,  maintaining  an  Argument  with  a  Mufician,  in 
points  of  his  Art,  fomewhat  peremptorily  •■,  the  Mufician  faid  to  him,  God 
forbid.  Sir,  your  Fortune  were  fo  bard,  that  -jou  fhould  know  thefe  things  better 
than  me. 

47.  There  was  a  Confpiracy  againft  the  Emperor  Claudius,  by  Scribonianus, 
examined  in  the  Senate,  where  Claudius  fat  in  his  Chair  ;  and  one  of  his 
freed  Servants  ftood  at  the  back  of  it.  In  the  Examination,  that  freed 
Servant,  who  had  much  power  with  Claudius,  very  faucily  had  almofl:  all 
the  Words ;  and  amongft  other  things,  asked  in  fcorn,  one  of  the  examined, 
who  was  alfo  a  freed  Servant  of  Scribonianus  ;  I  pray,  if  Scribonianus  had 
been  Emperor,  what  would  you  have  done."*  He  anfwered,  I  would  have 
ftood  behind  his  Chair,  and  held  my  peace. 

48.  One  was  faying,that  his  Great-Grandfather,and  Grandf;ither,and  Father 
died  at  Sea.  Quorh  another,  who  heard  him,  If  I  were  you,  I  would  never 
go  to  Sea.  Why,  faid  the  other,  where  did  your  Great-Grandfather,  and 
Grandfather,  and  Father  die  ?  He  anfwered,  in  their  Beds .''  Then  faid  the 
firft.  And  if  I  were  you,  I  would  never  go  to  Bed. 

49.  One  of  the  Fathers  faid,  there  is  but  this  difference,  between  the  death 
of  old  Men,  and  young  ones  -,  that  old  Men  go  to  Death,  and  D^ath  comes 
to  young  Men. 

50.  The  Ambafladors  o(Jfia  Minor  czme  to  A»tonius,^fKr  he  had  impofed 
a  double  Tax  upon  them,  and  faid  plainly  to  him  ;  that  if  he  would  have  two 
Tributes  in  one  Year,  he  muft  give  them  two  Seed-times,  and  two  Harvefts. 

51.  A  Nobleman  faid  to  a  great  Counfellor  ;  that  he  would  have  made  the 
worft  Farrier  in  the  World  ;  becaufe  he  never  fhod  a  Horfe,  but  he  pricked 
him  :  for  he  never  commended  any  Man  to  the  King,  but  he  would  come 
in  the  end  with  a  But  ;    and  drive  a  Nail  to  his  difadvantage. 

52.  A  Gentleman  fell  rick,and  a  Friend  of  his  faid  to  him  -,  Surely,  you  are 
in  danger  ;  pray  fend  for  a  Phyfician,  The  fick  Man  anfwered  j  'tis  ns 
matter  :  for  if  I  die^  I  will  die  at  leifure. 

2  53- 


A CcIle&ioJt  of  Apophthegms.  ^io 

5^.  One  of  the  Seven  ufed  to  fay,  that  Laws  were  like  Cobwebs,  which 
cacched  the  fmall  Flies,  but  let  the  great  ones  break  through. 

54.  A  cowardly  Spa>i!/b  Soldier,  in  a  Defeat  gi\'enby  the  Moors,  ran  away 
with  the  foremoft:  afterwards,  when  the  Army  in  general  fled,  this  Soldier 
was  mifling  ;  whereupon,  it  was  faid  by  fome,  that  he  was  flain :  No  fure, 
fays  another,  he  is  alive  ;  for  the  il/ccn  cat  no  Hare's  Flefh. 

SS-  A  Gentleman,  who  was  pundual  of  his  Word,  and  loved  the  fame  in 
others ;  when  he  heard,  that  two  Perfons  had  agreed  upon  a  meeting  about  fe- 
rious  Afiairs,  at  a  certain  time  and  place  ;  and  that  the  one  failed  in  the  per- 
formance, or  negledled  his  Hour  ;  would  ufually  fay  of  him,  he  is  a  )omg 
Man  then. 

56.  Philip,  /^c-^aW^r's  Father,  gave  Sentence  againft  a  Prifoner,  at  a  time 
he  was  drowfy,  and  feemed  to  give  little  Attention.  The  Prifoner,  after 
Sentence  was  pronounced,  faid,  /  appeal.  The  King  fomewhat  moved, 
faid,  to  whom  do  you  appeal  ?  The  Prifoner  anfwered  ;  from  Philips  when 
he  gave  no  ear,  to  Philip,  when  he  fhall  give  ear. 

SJ.  Antadidus,  wh&n  zn  Athenian  ^-.ud  tohim,  the  6"/^;-/^;;; are  unlearned;  Antaclida«. 
faid  again,  true,  for  -we  have  leanied  no  Vice  of  you. 

58.  Aaligonus,  being  told  that  the  Enemy  had  fuch  Volleys  of  Arrows,  Antigonut. 
that  they  hid  the  Sun;  faid,  it  falls  out  well,  for  'tis  warm  Weather,  and 

fo  we  fhall  fight  in  the  Shade. 

59.  Antigcnus  ufed  often  to  go  difguifed,  and  to  liften  at  the  Tents  of  his 
Soldiers  ;  and  at  one  time  heard  fome  fpeak  very  ill  of  him.  Whereupon 
he  opened  the  Tent  a  little,  and  laid  to  them  ;  ;/  -jou  would  fpeak  ill  of  me, 
ycu  Jhould  go  farther  off- 

60.  Deniades  the  Orator,  in  his  old  Age  was  talkative,  and  would  eat  Antfpater. 
hard :  Antipater  would  fay  of  him,  that  he  was  like  a  Sacrifice  ;  whereof 
nothing;  was  left,  but  the  Tongue  and  the  Paunch. 

61.  Aniifiheues  being  asked,  what  Learning  was  moft  neceflary  in  human  Amifthencs. 
Life  ;  anfwered,  to  unlearn  that  which  is  bad. 

62.  Vefpafian  asked  Apoilonius,  what  was  the  Caufe  of  Nero's  Ruin.?  HeApollonius. 
anfwered,  Nero  could  tune  the  Harp  well  ;  but  in  Government,  he  always 
wound  up  the  Strings  too  high,  or  let  them  down  too  low. 

63.  Ariftippus  was  an  earneft  Suitor  for  fome  Grant  to  Dictiyfnn,  who  giving  Ariftippus, 
no  ear  to  his  Suit,  Arifiippus  fell  at  his  Feet,  and  then  Dionyfius  granted  it. 

One  who  flood  by,  faid  afterwards  to  Ariftippus  ;  You  a  Philofopher,  and 
fb  bafe  as  to  throw  your  fcif  at  a  Tyrant's  Feet  to  obtain  a  Favour  ! 
Arifiippus  anfwered  ;  the  Fault  is  not  mine,  but  Diot!)f!Us's,  that  carries  his 
Ears  in  his  Feet. 

64.  One  faid  to  Ari'iippus ;  'Tis  a  ftrange  thing,  that  Men  fhould  rather 
give  to  the  Poor,  than  to  Philofophers :  he  anfvvered,  'Tis  becaufe  they 
think  themfelves  may  Iboner  come  to  be  poor,  than  to  be  Philofophers. 

6g.  Arijlippus  being  reproached  of  Luxury,  by  one  that  was  not  rich,  for 
giving  fix  Crowns  for  a  fmall  Fifh  ;  anfwered.  Why,  what  would  you  have 
given  ?  The  other  faid,  twelve  Pence.  Arifiippus  replied  j  and  fix  Crowns 
liS  no  more  with  me, 


^20  A CoIIeS^iofi  of  A?o?HTiiZGUs. 

66.  Arijlippus  failing  in  a  Temped,  fhewed  figns  of  Fear.  One  of  the  Seamen 
faid  to  him,  in  an  infulting  manner  •,  We  Plebeians  are  under  no  concern ; 
but  you,  a  Philofopher,  are  afraid.  Arijlippus  anfwered  j  It  is  not  an  equal 
Wager,  whether  you  fhould  perifh  or  me. 

67.  There  was  an  Orator,who  defended  a  Caufe  of  Anjiippiis, and  prevailed : 
afterwards  he  asked  Arijlippus ;  Now,  in  your  Diflrefs,  what  good  did 
Socrates  do  you  ?  Arijlippus  anfwered  •,  in  making  what  you  faid  of  me, 
to  be  true. 

68.  Arijlippusf^id,  thok  who  ftudied  particular  Sciences,  and  neglefted  Phi- 
lofophy,  were  like  Penelope's  Suitors  ;  that  made  love  to  the  Waiting-Woman. 

Bacon.  69.  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  her  Progrefs,  coming  to  the  Houfeof  Sir  Nicholas 

Bacon,  then  Keeper  of  the  Great-Seal,  faid  to  him  ;  my  Lord,  what  a  little 
Houfe  you  have  got?  He  anfwered.  Madam,  mj  Houj'e  is  well  encughy 
only  you  have  made  me  too  great  for  it. 

70.  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  being  appointed  a  Judge  for  the  Northern  Circuit, 
and  coming  to  pafs  Sentence  on  the  Malefaftors,  one  of  them  mightily  im- 
portuned him  to  fave  his  Life  ;  but  when  nothing  he  faid  could  avail,  he 
at  length  defired  his  Mercy  on  account  of  Kindred.  Prithee,  faid  my 
Lord,  how  came  that  in  ?  Why,  if  it  pleafe  you,  my  Lord,  your  Name 
is  Bacon,  and  mine  is  Hog  ;  and  in  all  Ages  Hog  and  Bacon  have  been  a-kin. 
Nay,  but  replied  the  Judge  ;  you  and  I  cannot  be  kindred,  unlefs  you  be 
hanged  ;  for  a  Hog  is  not  Bacon  until  it  be  hanged. 

71.  Sk  Nicholas  Bacon,  when  a  certain  nimble-wittedCounfelloratthe  Bar, 
interrupted  him  often  ;  replied,  there  is  a  great  ditference  betwixt  you  and 
me  :  a  pain  to  me  to  [peak,  and  a  pain  to  you  to  hold  your  tongue. 

72.  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  upon  Bills  exhibited  to  difcover  where  Lands  lay, 
upon  proof,  that  they  had  a  certain  quantity  of  Land,  but  could  not  fet  it 
forth,  ufed  to  fay  ;  and  if  you  cannot  find  your  Land  in  the  Country,  bow 
will  you  have  me  find  it  in  the  Chancery  ? 

73.  When  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  the  Lord-Keeper,  lived,  every  Room  in  Gor- 
hambury  was  ferved  with  a  Pipe  of  Water  from  the  Ponds,  diftant  about  a 
Mile  off.  In  the  Life-time  of  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon,  the  Water  ceafed  :  after 
whofe  death  his  Lordfhip  coming  to  the  Inheritance,  could  not  recover 
the  Water  without  infinite  Charge.  When  he  was  Lord-Chancellor,  he 
built  Verulam  Houfe,  clofe  by  the  Pond-yard  •,  for  a  place  of  Privacy, 
when  called  upon  to  difpatch  any  uig'-nt  Bufinefs.  And  being  allied,  why 
he  built  that  Houfe  there,  his  LordHiip  anfwered,  that  fince  he  could  not 
carry  the  Water  to  his  Houle,  he  would  carry  his  Houfe  to  the  Water. 

74.  When  my  Lord-Prefident  of  the  Council  came  firft  to  be  Lord- 
Treafurer,  he  complained  to  my  Lord-Chancellor  of  the  troublefomnefs  of 
the  Place,  becaufe  the  Exchequer  was  empty.  The  Lord  Chancellor  an- 
fwered •,  my  Lord,  be  of  good  cheer,  for  noio  you  fh  all  fee  the  bottom  of 
your  Bufinefs  at  firjl. 

75.  A  Lady  walking  with  yix.Bacon  *  in  Grays-Inn  Walks,asked  him, whofe 
was  that  Piece  of  Ground  that  lay  next  under  the  Walls  ?  He  anfwered,  theirs. 

Then 

'  vix..  The  Author:  as  the  Afofhthegms  above  were  thofc  of  his  Father.  See  the  Note  q» 
the  Preface  of  this  Piece. 


A  Colle&ion  (t/'Apophthegms.  521 

Then  ftie  asked  him,  if  thofe  Fields  beyond  the  Walks  were  theirs  too  ?    He 
anfwered.  Yes,  Madam,  as  you  are  ours,  to  look  on,  and  no  more. 

76.  One  day.  Queen  Elizabeth  told  Mr.  Bacon,  that  my  Lord  of  EJfsx,  after 
ft  great  Proteftation  of  Penitence  and  Affeftion,  fell  in  the  end  only  upon 
the  fuitof  renewing  his  Farm  of  fvveet  Wines:  he  anfwered,  I  read  that  in 
Nature,  there  are  two  kinds  of  fympathetic  Motions  or  Appetites  ;  the  one, 
as  of  Iron,  to  the  Load-ftone,  for  Perfeftion  ;  the  other,  as  of  the  young 
Vine  to  the  Stake,  for  Support;  and, that  her  Majefty  was  the  one,  and  the 
Earl's  Suit  the  other. 

77.  The  Book  of  depofing  King  Richard  t\\t  Second,  and  the  coming  in 
of  King  Henry  the  Fourth,  fuppofed  to  be  written  by  Dr.  Hayward^  who 
was  committed  to  the  Towfr  for  it,  having  much  incenfed  Queen  Elizabeth; 
/he  aflced  Mr.  Bacon,  then  of  her  learned  Counfel,  whether  there  were  any 
Treafon  contained  in  it  ?  Who  intending  to  takeoffthe  Queen's  Bitternefs, 
anfwered  -,  No,  Madam,  for  Treafon  I  cannot  fay  there  is  any,  but  very  much 
Felony.  The  Queen  apprehending  it  gladly,  asked,  how  ?  and  wherein  ?  Mr. 
Bcuon  anfwered  ;  becaufe  he  had  ftolen  many  things  out  of  Tacitus. 

78.  There  were  Fifhermen  drawing  the  River  at  Chelfea:  Mr.  Bacon  came 
thither  by  chance  in  the  Afternoon,  and  offered  to  buy  their  Draught: 
they  were  willing  for  thirty  Shillings,  Mr.  Bacon  o?tcrtd  ten.  They  refufed 
it.  Why  then,  fays  Mr.  fi^^ow,  I  will  be  only  a  Looker-on.  They  drew, 
and  catched  nothing.  Says  Mr.  Bacon,  are  not  you  mad  Fellows  now, 
that  might  have  had  an  Angel  in  your  Purfe,  to  have  made  merry  wiihal, 
and  now  you  muft  go  home  with  nothing  ?  Ay  but,  fay  the  Filh.rm  n, 
we  had  hope  to  make  a  better  gain  of  it.  Says  Mr.  Bacon,  WtU  then,  I'll 
tell  you  •,  Ho{^e  is  a  good  Breakfujl,  hut  a  bad  Supper. 

79.  Mr.  Bacon,  having  been  vehement  in  Parliament  againfl  Depopulation 
and  Inclofures-,  the  Queen  foon  after  told  him,  fhe  had  referred  the  hearing 
of  Mr.  Mills's  Caufe  to  certain  Counfellors  and  Judges  ;  an-l  afk'ng  him  how 
he  liked  if,  he  anfwered.  Oh  Madam  !  my  Mind  ib  known  ;  I  an.  agai.  ft  all 
Inclofures,  and  efpecially  againft  inclofed  Jjftice. 

80.  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  newly  made  Lord  Keeper, being  in  Grab's-  Tnn  Walks, 
with  SxxlValter  Raleigh;  one  came  and  told  him,  that  the  Ei;l  of  E-x  ter 
was  above.  He  continued,  upon  the  occi.fion,  ftill  walking  a  (ioid  while. 
At  laft,  when  he  came  up,  my  Lord  of  Exeter  met  hirr. ,  and  faiJ  ;  My 
Lord,  I  have  made  a  great  venture,  to  come  up  fo  liigii  Stairs,  b.ing  a 
gouty  Man.  His  Lort'fhip  anfwered  ;  Pardon  me,  my  Lord,  I  h..ve 
made  the  greateft  venture  cf  all  •,  for  I  have  ventured  upon  )0ur  Patience. 

8  I.  When  Sir  Francis  Bacon  was  made  the  King's  Attorney,  Sir  Edward 
Coke  was  advanced  from  Lord  Chief  Juftice  of  the  CommoK-Pteas,  to  Lord 
Chief  Juftice  of  the  Ki'ig\-Bench  ;  which  is  a  Place  ot  greater  Honour,  but  Kfs 
Profit  •,  and  withal  was  made  Privy  Counfellor.  A  few  day^  after,  ihc  Lord 
Coke  meeting  the  King's  Attorney,  faid  to  him  •,  Mr.  Attorney,  this  is  all 
your  doing.  'Tis  you  that  have  made  this  ftir.  Mr.  yf/Z'^rw)  ..niw.'red.  Ah, 
my  Lord  !  Your  Lordfhip  all  thi^  while  has  grown  in  breadth  ;  yuu  mult  iiow 
grow  in  height,  or  elfe  you  would  be  a  Moi.fter, 

Vol.  I.  Xxx  82. 


£ 2 2  A  ColleEiion  <?/ Apophthegms. 

82.  In  Eighty-eight,  when  the  Queen  went  from  'Temple-Bar  i\ongFleet- 
ftreet,  the  Lawyers  were  rank'd  on  one  Side,  and  the  Companies  of  the  City  on 
the  other  :  faid  Mr.  Bacon  to  a  Lawyer  who  ftood  next  him.  Now  obierve 
the  Courtiers  •■,  if  they  bow  firft  to  the  Citizens,  they  are  in  Debt ;  if  firft  to 
us,  they  are  in  Law. 

83.  When  iVIr.  Attorney  Coke,  in  the  Exchequer,  gave  high  Words  to  Sir 
Frauds  Baco-fi,  and  ftood  much  upon  his  higher  Place  •,  Sir  Francis  faid  to 
him,  Mr.  Attorney,  the  lefs  you  fpeak  of  your  Greatnefs,  the  more  I  fhall 
think  of  it ;  and  the  more,  the  lefs. 

84.  Sir  Francis  B.iccn  ufed  to  fay  of  an  angry  Man  who  fupprefs'd  his  Pa- 
flion,  that  he  thought  worfe  than  he  fpoke  j  and  of  an  angry  Man  who  would 
chide,   that  he  fpoke  worfe  than  he  thought. 

85.  He  ufed  to  fay,  that  Power  in  an  ill  Man,  was  like  the  Power  of  a  black 
Witch,  that  did  hurt,  but  no  good.  He  would  add,  that  the  Magicians 
could  turn  Water  into  Blood  ;    but  could  not  turn  the  Blood  again  to  Water. 

8  6.  Sir  Francis  Bacon  coming  into  the  Earl  o^  ArundePs  Garden,  where  there 
were  a  great  Number  of  antient  Statues  of  naked  Men  and  Women,  made  a 
Stand  ;  and  as  aftonifh'd,  cried  out.  The  Refurredion  ! 

87.  Sir  Francis  Bacon.,  who  was  always  for  moderate  Counfels,  when  one 
was  fpeaking  for  fuch  a  Reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  would 
in  effed:  make  it  no  Church,  faid  thus  to  him  •,  Sir,  the  Subjed:  we  now 
talk  of  is  the  Eye  of  England,  and  if  there  be  a  Speck  or  two  in  the  Eye, 
we  endeavour  to  take  them  off;  but  he  were  a  ftrange  Oculift,  who  would 
pull  out  the  E^'e. 

8  8 .  Sir  Franci (  Bacon  ufed  to  fiy,  that  thofe  who  left  ufeful  Studies  for  fcho- 
lafti'  Specufirions,  were  like  the  O'.ymDtck  Gamefteis;  who  abftain'd  from 
necffTirv  Labours^  that  they  might  be  fit  for  fuch  as  were  unnecefTary. 

89.  He  alfo  frequently  ufed  tliis  Comparifon  ;  the  Empirical  Philofophers 
are  like  Ants  ;  tiiey  only  lay  up  ind  ufc  their  Store  -,  the  Rationaliftsare  like 
SpiJers  •,  thrv  '"pin  all  out  of  their  own  Bowels :  But  give  me  a  Philpfopher, 
who,  like  the  Bee,  has  a  middle  Faculty,  gathering  from  abroad,  but  di- 
o-cfiing  what  is  gathered  by  his  own  Virtue. 

90.  The  Lord  Bacon  ufed  to  commend  the  Advice  of  a  plain  old  Man  at 
Buxton,  who  fold  Brooms.  A  proud  bzy  young  Fellow  came  to  him  for  a 
Broom  upon  truft,  to  whom  the  old  Man  faid  ;  Friend,  haft  ihoti  no  Money? 
borrow  of  thy  Back,  and  borrow  of  thy  Belly,  thefll  ne'er  ask  thee  again  ;  / 
fhall  be  dunning  thee  every  day, 

91.  The  Lord  St.  Albans,  who  was  not  over-hafty  to  raife  Theories,  but  pro- 
ceeded (lowly  by  Experiments,  ufed  to  fay  to  fome  Philofophers  who  would 
not  go  his  pAce  ;  Gentlemen,  Nature  is  a  Labyrinth,  in  which  the  very  hafte 
you  move  with,  will  make  you  lofe  your  Way. 

92.  The  fime  Lord  fpeaking  of  the  Dutch,  ufed  to  fay,  that  we  could  not 
abandon  them,  for  our  Safety  -,  nor  keep  them,  to  our  Profit:  and  fometimes 
cxprcfled  the  fame  Senfe  by  faying.  We  hold  the  Belgic  Lion  by  the  Ears. 

93- 


A  ColleSih?!  of  A  popmthegms.  523 

93.  The  fame  Lord,  whena  Gentleman  Teemed  not  much  to  approve  of  kis 
Liberality  to  his  Retinue,  faid  to  him  -,  Sir,  I  am  all  of  a  piece  ;  if  the  Head 
be  lifted  up,  the  inferior  Parts  of  the  Body  muft  rife  too. 

94.  Mr.  Bcltenham,  Reader  oi' Grays-Inn,  ufcd  to  fay,  That  Riches  were  like  Bettenham. 
Muck,  which  when  it  lay  in  a  Heap,    gave  but  an  ill  Odour ;  but  when 

fpread  upon  the  Ground,  it  was  the  Caufe  of  much  Fruit. 

95.  Mr.  Beitenh.wi  faid,  virtuous  Men  were  like  fome  Herbs  and  Spices, 
that  give  not  out  their  fweet  Smell  till  they  are  broken  or  crufh'd, 

96.  Bias  gives  in  Precept,  Love  as  if  you  fhould  hereafter  hate ;  and  hate  as  if  Bias, 
you  Qiould  hereafter  love. 

97.  Bio'i,  an  Atheifl,  being  fhewed  at  a  Port-City,  in  a  Temple  of  7V>/)/««f,  jjion. 
many  Piftures  of  fuch  as  had  in  Tempeft  made  their  Vows  to  Neptune,  and 
efcaped  Shipwreck  •,    was  ask'd,    liow    fay  you  now  ?     Do   you  not   ac- 
knowledge the  Power  of  the  Gods?  Nay,  but  fays  he,  where  are  they  painted 
who  were  drowned  after  their  Vows? 

98.  B'ton  ask'd  an  envious  Man,  who  was  very  fad,  What  harm  had  befallen 
him  -,  or  what  Good  had  befallen  another  ? 

99.  Bion  was  failing,  and  there  happen'd  a  great  Tempefl,  when  the  Mari- 
ners, that  were  wicked  and  dilToIute  Fellows,  call'd  upon  the  Gods  ;  but  Bion 
faid  to  them.  Peace,  let  them  not  know  you  are  here. 

100.  Brefquet.,]c^tr  to  Francis  the  Firft  oi France,  kept  a  Calendar  of  Fools,  Brefqaet. 
wherein  he  ufed  to  make  the  King  fport  -,     telling  him  always  the  Reaion 

why  he  put  any  one  into  his  Calendar.  When  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth, 
upon  Confidence  of  the  noble  Nature  o^  Francis,  pafs'd  thro'  France,  for 
appeafing  the  Rebellion  of  Gaunt  ;  Brefquet  put  him  into  his  Calen- 
dar. The  King  asked  him  the  Caufe  ;  he  anfwer'd,  Becaufe  you  having 
fuffer'd  from  Charles  the  greateft  Bitternefs  that  ever  one  Prince  did  from 
another,  he  would  neverthelefs  truft  his  Perfon  in  your  hands.  \Vhy, 
Brefquet,  cries  the  King,  what  wilt  thou  fay,  to  fee  him  pafs  back  in  as 
great  fafety  as  if  he  marched  through  the  midfl  of  Spain  ?  Says  Brefquet, 
Why  then  I  will  put  him  out,  and  put  you  in. 

loi.  Sir  Edward  Dyer,  ?i  grave  and  wife  Gentleman,  believed  in  Kelley  the  Brown. 
Alchemifl,  that  he  did  indeed  the  Work,  and  made  Gold  ;  infomuch  that  he 
went  into  Germany,  where  Kelley  then  was,  to  inform  himfelf  fully  thereof. 
After  his  Return,  he  dined  with  my  Lord  of  Canterbury  ;  when  Dr.  Brown 
the  Phyfician  was  at  Table.  They  fell  in  talk  of  Kelley  :  Sir  Edward  Dyer 
turning  to  the  Archbilhop,  faid,  1  do  afTure  your  Grace  that  what  I  fhall  tell 
you  is  truth-,  I  am  an  Eye-witnefs  thereof,  and  if  I  had  notfeenir,  I  fhould 
not  have  believed  it.  I  faw  Mr.  Kelley  put  of  the  bafe  Metal  into  the  Cru- 
cible, and  after  it  was  fet  a  little  upon  the  Fire,  and  a  very  fmall  quantity 
of  the  Medicine  put  in,  and  flirred  with  a  Stick,  it  came  forth  in  great  pro- 
portion perfect  Gold  •,  to  the  Touch,  to  the  Hammer,  and  to  the  Tell. 
My  Lord  Archbifhop  faid  •,  You  had  need  take  care  what  you  Hiy,  Sir 
Edward,  for  here  is  an  Infidel  at  the  Board.  Sir  Edward  Dyer  replied  plea 
fantly,  I  fhould  have  looked  for  an  Infidel  fooner  in  any  Place  than  at  yom 
Grace's  Table.  What  fay  you,  Dr.  Brown,  cried  the  Archbilhop  ?  Dr. 
I  Xxx  2  Brown 


524  A Co/kBion  of  Apoththegus. 

Brown  anfwer'd,  after  his  blunt  and  huddling  manner  •,  The  Gentleman  has 
fpoken  enough  for  me.  Why,  fays  the  Archbtfhop,  what  has  he  faid  ? 
Marry,  quoth  Dr.  Brown,  he  faid  he  would  not  have  believed  it,  except  he 
had  feen  it  ;    no  more  will  I, 

Burleigh.  I02.  Qneen  Elizabeth  was  naturally  dilatory  in  Suits;  and  the  LordTreafurer 

Burleigh,  being  a  wife  Man,  and  willing  to  feed  her  humour,  wou'd  fay  to  her. 
Madam,  you  do  well  to  let  Suitors  wait:  for,  bis  dal,  qui  cito  dat  ;  if  you 
grant  them  fpeedily,  they  will  come  again  the  fooner. 

C«Iar.  103.  The  Romans,  when  they  fpoke  to  the  People,  ufed  to  ftyle  them  -^e 

Romans :  But  when  Commanders  in  "War  fpoke  to  their  Army,  they  ftyled 
them  my  Soldiers.  There  was  a  Mutiny  in  Ccsfar's  Army  •,  for  fomewhat 
the  Soldiers  wou'd  have,  yet  did  not  declare  themfelves  in  it ;  but  only  de- 
manded a  Difcharge,  tlio'  with  no  intent  it  (liould  begranted  .-  but  knowing 
Cafar  had  now  great  need  of  their  Service,  thought  by  that  means  to 
wreft  him  to  their  Views;  whereupon  with  one  Cry  they  asked  Difmiffion. 
Csfar,  after  Silence  made,  faid,  For  my  part,  ye  Romans ;  which  Title 
adually  fpoke  them  difmifled  ;  when  immediately  they  mutinied  again,  and 
would  not  fuffer  him  to  go  on  with  his  Speech,  till  he  had  called  them  by  the 
Name  of  his  Soldiers  :   and  fo  with  one  Word  he  appeas*d  the  Sedition. 

104.  There  was  a  Soldier  who  vaunted  before  Julius  Cafar,  of  the  hurts  he 
had  rt;ceived  in  his  Face.  Julius  C<sfarknow'mg  him  to  be  but  a  Coward,  told 
him,  you  had  bed  take  heed  the  next  time  you  run  away,  how  you  look  back. 

105.  Julius  Ctrfar  as  he  paffcd  by,  was  by  acclamation  of  fome  that  flood  in 
the  way,  termed  King  -,  to  try  how  the  People  would  take  it.  The  People 
fhewM  great  Diftafte  at  it.  Cfffar  finding  where  the  Wind  flood,  flighted  it ; 
and  faid,  I  am  not  King,  but  Cafar  ;  as  if  they  had  miftaken  his  Name. 
For  R(X  was  a  Sirname  amongfl  the  Romans,  as  King  is  with  us. 

106.  C(Ffar,  when  he  firfl  got  pofTcfTion  of  Rcme,  after  Pompefs  flight, 
offered  to  enter  the  facred  Treafjjry  to  feize  the  Money  :  But 
Metellus,  Tribune  of  the  People,  forbid  him  -,  and  when  Metellus  was  vio- 
lent in  it,  and  would  not  defift,  Cafar  turn'd  to  him  and  faid,  Pcefume  no 
farther,  or  I  will  lay  you  dead.  And  when  Metellus  with  thofe  Words  was 
fjmewhat  aftonifh'd  -,  C^cfar  zddtA,  Young  Man,  it  had  been  eafier  for  me 
to  do  it,   than  to  fpeak  it. 

107.  Aug-ijlus  Ccefar  would  fay.  He  ■viondtr^d Alexander  fhould  fear  to 
want  Work,  having  no  more  Worlds  to  conquer ;  as  if  it  were  not  as  hard 
to  keep,  as  to  conquer. 

108.  Ctef'ir,  in  the  Book  he  wrote  againfl  Cato,  (which  is  loft)  to  fh.fW  the 
force  of  Opinion  and  Reverence  of  a  Man  that  had  once  obtain'd  a  popular 
Reputation,  fliys.  That  fome  Perfons  finding  Cato  drunk,  were  afhamed. 
inflead  of  Cato^ 

1 09.  Atigiiftus  Cafar,  out  of  great  Indignationagainft  his  two  Daughters,  and 
Pojlbumus  Ag'  i^fa,  his  Grand-child  ;  whereof  the  two  firft  were  inf.imous,  and 
the  Lift  othtnwile  unworthy  -,  would  fay.  That  they  were  not  his  Seed,  hut 
fo;ii£  Impofthumes,  that  had  bi  oke  from  him. 


y^ Co//eS^io/i  oy  Apopht HEG MS.  525 

I  10.  Francis  Carvyal,  the  great  Captain  of  the  Rebels  of  Peru,  had  often  Carvajal. 
given  chafe  to  Diego  Centeno,  a  principal  Commander  of  the  Emperor's 
Party  :  He  was  afterwards  tal<.en  by  the  Emperor's  Lieutenant  Gafdi,  and 
committed  to  the  CuIfoJy  of  Diego  Cenleno,  who  ufcd  him  with  all  poffibic 
Courtefy  -,  infomuch  ilnt  Carvajal Mktd  him,  I  pray  Sir,  who  are  you  chat 
ufe  me  with  this  Courtefy  ?  Centeno  faid.  Do  you  not  know  Di'go  Cenleno  ? 
Carvajal  anfwer'd  ;  Truly  Sir,  1  have  been  fo  ufed  to  fee  your  B.ick.,  that  I 
know  not  your  Face. 

111.  CnJIiis,  after  the  Defeat  ofCraJf.is  by  the  Parthians,  whofe  Weapons  CalTius. 
were  chiefly  Arrows,  fled  to  the  Ciy  oi  Charras  ;   where  he  durft  nat  ftay 

any  time,  fearing  to  bepurfued  and  beficged  :  He  had  with  him  an  Afl:ro- 
Loger,  who  ftiid  to  him.  Sir,  I  would  not  have  you  go  hence  while  the  Moon 
is  m  Scorpio.    C -^w  anfwered,  I  am  more  afraid  of  5<zf '//^rm. 

1 1 2.  The  elder  Cato  ufed  to  fay, The  Romans  were  like  Sheep ;  a  Man  could  Cato.' 
better  drive  a  Flock  of  them  than  one. 

113.  The  eLlcr  Cato  buried  his  Wife,  and  married  a  young  Woman  in  his  old 
Age  :  His  Son  came  to  him  and  faid.  Sir,  wherein  have  I  offended,  that 
you  have  brought  a  Step-mother  into  your  Houfc.'  The  old  Man  anfwer'd. 
Nay,  Son,  thou  pleafell  me  fo  well,  that  I  would  be  glad  to  have  more 
fuch. 

114.  Cat  ^  would  fay,  That  wife  Men-  learn'd  more  by  Fools,  than 
Fools  by  wife  Men. 

115.  Cat]  at  a  time  that  many  of  the  Romans  had  Statues  erefted  to 
their  honour,  was  asked  by  one  in  a  kind  of  wonder,  why  he  had  none  ? 
He  anfwtr'd.  He  had  much  rather  that-  Men  (hould  wonder  why  he  had  no 
Statue,  than  why  he  had.. 

\  16.  cud  us  was  acquitted  by  a  corrupt  J.iry,  that  had  palpably  taken  Catulus. 
Mon;y,  before  they  gave  their  Verdift  ;  but  asked  of  the  Senate  a  Guard, 
that  they  might  go  acco-^  i'ng  co  their  Confciences  •,  becaufe  ClcdUis  was  a  fedi- 
tious  young  Nobleman.  Whereupon,  all  the  World  gave  him  for  condemned  ; 
but  he  was  acquitted.  Calulusiht  next  day  feeing  feme  of  them-  together  thaC 
had  acquitted  him,,  fud  to  them.  What  made  you  ask  us  for  a  Guard? 
Were  you  afraid  your  Money  fhould  ]:ave  been  taken  from  you  ? 

117.  Cbaties,  King  oi  Sweden,  a  great  Enemy  to  the  Jefuits,  when  he  took  Charles 
any  of  their  Colleg?";,  would  hmgthe  old  Jefjits,  and  fend  the  young  ones  to 

his  Mines  ;  faying.  Since  they  wrought  fo  hard  above  ground,   he  would 
try  how  they  could  work  under  ground. 

118.  C-()?7o«  would  fay,  That  Gold  was  try'd  by  the.Touch-ftone  ;  and  Men  Chilon.^ 
by  G  )ld. 

1 19.  Cineas,  an  excellent  Orator,Scatefman,  and  principal  Friend  loPyrrhus,  Cineas. 
falling  into  intimate  DJcourfe  with  that  King,  diiccrn'd  his  endlefs  Am- 
bition ,    and  when  Pyrhus  told  him  in  confid  n;e,    how  he  intended  firfl: 

a  W.if  upon  Italy,  and  hoped  to  fucceed  •,  Cineas  asked.  What  will  you  do 
then  ?  Then  ftys  he,  We  will  attempt  Sicily.  Cineas  replies,  Well  Sir, 
what  then  ?  Said  Pyrrhus,  if  the  Gais  f.ivour  us-,  we  m.;y  conquer  Africa 
and  Carlbaie.     Wiiat  then,  Sir,  fays  Cineas  ?  Why  then,  fays  Pyrrbiis,  we 


526 


A  ColleSiion  (?/'Apophthegms. 


may   take  our  Reft,    and  facrifice  and  feaft  every  day,  and  make  merry 
wich  our  Friends.  Alas,  Sir,  faid  Cineas,  we  may  do  that  now  ;  without  all 
this  ado. 
Cicsro.  *  20.  Cice^'o  giving  evidence  upon  Oath,  and  the  Jury,  which  confided  of  fif- 

ty feven,  having  determined  againft  it  -,  when  after  in  the  Senate  OV^ro  and 
Clodius  being  in  difpute,  C/c^^/fa  upbraided  him  and  faid,  the  Jury  gave  him  no 
credit :  Cicero  anl'wered.  Five  and  twenty  gave  me  credit,  but  there  were 
two  and  thirty  that  gave  you  none ;  tor  they  had  their  Money  before-hand. 

121.  Cicero  Wis  at  dinner  where  an  antient  Lady  fpoke  of  her  Years,  and 
faid.  She  was  but  forty.  One  who  fat  by  Cicero,  whifper'd  him  in  the 
ear,  and  faid,  She  talks  of  old,  but  flie  muft  be  much  more.  Cicero 
anfwer'd  him  again,  I  mull  believe  her  -,  for  I  have  heard  her  fay  fo  any  time 
thefe  ten  Years. 

122.  There  was  a  Law  made  by  the  Romans,  againft  the  Bribery  and  Extor- 
tion of  the  Governors  of  Provinces  -,  whereupon  Cicero  faid  in  a  Speech  to  the 
People  ;  That  he  thought  the  Provinces  would  petition  the  State  of  Rome, 
to  have  that  Law  repeated  :  For,  faid  he,  the  Governours  bribed  and  ex- 
torted before,  as  much  as  was  fufficient  for  themfelves;  but  now  they  bribe 
and  extort  not  only  for  themfelves,  but  for  the  Judges,  and  Jurors,  and  Ma- 
giftrates. 

Clearchus.  123.  After  the  Defeat  of  the  younger  Cyrus,  Falims  was  fent  by  the  King  to 

the  Grecians,  who  had  rather  the  Vidtory  than  otherwife,  to  command  them 
to  yield  their  Arms  •,  which  being  denied,  Falims  faid  to  Clearchus^  Well 
then,  the  King  lets  you  know,  that  if  you  remove  from  the  Place  where 
■you  are  now  encamped,  'tis  War  •,  if  you  ftay,  a  Truce  :  Which  fliall  I 
fay  you  will  do  ?  Clearchus  anfwer'd,  It  pleafes  us  as  it  pleafes  the  King. 
How  is  that,  h\6.Falinus?  Clearchus  anfwer'd.  If  we  remove,  'tis  War  ;  if 
we  ftay,  a  Truce  :    and  fo  would  not  difclofe  his  Purpofe. 

Clement.  1 24.  Michael  AngeJo,  painting  in  the  Pope's  Chapel,  a  Piece  of  Hell  and  the 

damned  Souls,  made  one  of  the  damned  Souls  fo  like  a  Cardinal  who  was 
his  Enemy,  that  every  body  at  firft  fight  knew  him  -,  whereupon  the  Car- 
dinal complained  to  Pope  Clement,  humbly  praying  it  might  be  defaced. 
The  Pope  faid  to  him,  Why,  'tis  true,  I  have  power  to  deliver  a  Soul  out 
of  Purgatory  ;  but  not  out  of  Hell. 

CratTus.  125.  Craffus  the  Orator  had  a  Fifh,  by  the  Romans  called  Mumna,  which 

he  made  very  tame,  and  fond  of  him  :  The  Fifh  died,  and  Croffus  wept  for 
it.  One  day  falling  in  a  Contention  with  Domitius  in  the  Senate,  Domitius 
faid,  Fooliih  Craffus,  you  wept  for  your  Murctna  :  Crajfus  replied,  That's 
more  than  you  did  for  both  your  Wives. 

Demofthenes      1 26.  Demojlhenes  fled  fromBattle  •,  being  afterwards  reproached  with  ir,faid. 
He  that  flies,  might  fght  again. 

1 27.  An  Orator  zi Athens  faid  to  Demojlhenes,  The  Athenians  will  kill  you  if 
they  grow  mad  :  Demojlhenes  replied.  And  they  will  kill  you,  if  they  are  in 
their  Senfes. 

Dijgenes.  128.  Z)/o^?««  begging,  as  many  Philofophers  then  ufed  ;  begg'd  more  of  a 

prodigal  Man  than  of  the  reft  who  were  prefent  :    whereupon  one  faid  to 

him, 


A  CoIleSiion  ^Apophthegms.  527 

him.  See  your  Bafenefs,  that  when  you  find  a  liberal  Mind,  you  take  moft 
of  him.     No,  Hiid  Dw^enet  ;  for  I  mean  to  beg  of  the  reft  again. 

1 29.  Diogenes,  when  Mice  came  about  him  as  he  was  eating,  faid,  I  fee  that 
even  Diogenes  feeds  Parafites. 

1 50.  Diogenes  call'd  an  ill  Phyfician,  Cock  ;  Why  fo,  fays  he  ?  Diogenes  an- 
fwer'd,  Becaufe  when  you  crow,  Men  rife. 

131.  Di'genes  having  feen  the  Kingdom  ofMacedo»,  which  before  was  con- 
temptible and  low,  begin  to  rife  alofc  before  he  died  ;  and  being  asked  how 
he  would  be  buried  ?  He  anfwer'd.  With  my  Face  downwards  :  for  within 
a  while  the  W^orld  will  be  turn'd  upfide  down  ;  and  then  I  fhall  lie  right. 

132.  Dionyfius  the  Tyrant,  after  he  was  depofed  and  brought  to  Ccrinlh,£)ionyfmi.- 
kept  a  School,  where  many  ufed  to  vifit  him  ;  and  amongft  others,  one,  who 

when  he  came  in,  opcn'd  his  Mantle,  and  (hook  his  Clothes,  thinking  to 
give  Dion^fius  a  gentle  Scorn  ;  becaufe  it  was  the  manner  to  do  fo  at  coming 
in  to  fee  him  while  he  was  Tyrant  :  But  Dionyfius  faid  to  him,  I  prithee 
do  fo  rather  when  thou  goeft  out  •,    that  we  may  fee  thou  ftealeft  nothing. 

133.  When  King  £flWr<f  the  Second  was  among  his  Torturers,  whohurri-K.  Edward; 
ed  him  to  and  fro,  that  no  Man  ftiould  know  where  he  was,  they  once  fet  him 

down  upon  a  Bank  -,  and  the  more  to  difguife  his  Face,  (haved  him,  and 
wafhed  him  with  cold  Water  our  of  the  Ditch.  The  King  faid,  Well,  yet 
I  will  h  we  warm  Water  for  my  B  :ard  ;  and  fo  flied  tears  in  abundance. 

134.  It  being  tlie  Cuftom  to  releafe  Prifoners  at   the  Inauguration   of  a  ^ Elizabeth,. 
Prince;  asQje-^n  ii/zza^if/^  went  to  the  Chap;!,  theday  after  her  Coronation, 

a  Courtier,  well  known  to  her,  either  of  his  own  head,  or  by  the  inftiguion 
of  awifer  Man,  pref;ntedher  a  Petition  ;  and  before  a  great  Audience,  be- 
fought  her  with  a  loud  Voice,  that  now  this  good  Time  there  might  be  four 
or  five  principal  Prifoners  more  rcleafed  ;  which  were  the  four  Evangelifts 
and  the  Apoftle  PauU  who  had  been  long  Ihut  up  in  an  unknown  Tongue, 
The  Qyeen  anfwer'd  gravely,  It  were  beft  to  enquire  of  them  firft,  whether 
they  would  be  releafed  or  no. 

i-^^.  The  Lord  of  F.Jpx,zt  the  Succour  of /?oa«,  made  twenty  four  Knights  -, 
a  great  Number  for  that  Time  :  And  feveral  of  them  being  Gentlemen  of 
fmall  Fortunes,  Queen  Elizabeth  faid  upon  it,  that  my  Lord  might  have 
done  well  to  have  built  his  Alms-houfes,  before  he  made  his  Knights. 

'  3  6.  Queen  Elizabeth  feeing  Sir  Edward in  her  Garden,  look'd  out  at 

her  Window,  and  asked  him  ;  What  does  a  Man  think  of,  when  he  thinks  of 
nothing  ?  Sir  Edivard,  who  had  not  felt  the  E.tefts  of  fome  of  tlie  Queen's 
Grants  fo  foon  as  he  hoped,  anfwer'e'  •,  Madam,  he  thinks  of  a  Woman's 
Promife.  The  Queen  fhrunk  in  her  Head,  but  was  heard  to  fay -,  Well,  Sir 
Edward,  I  muft  not  confute  you  :  Anger  makes  dull  Men  witty,  but  it 
keeps  them  poor. 

137.  When  any  great  Officer,  ecclefiaftical  or  civil,  was  to  be  made,  Queen 
Elizabeth  would  enquire  after  the  Piety,  Integrity,  and  Learning  of  the 
Man  -,  and  when  fxtisfied  in  thefe  Qualifications,  fhe  confidered  of  his  Per- 
fonage  :    And  upon  fuch  an  Occafion,  fhe  was  once  pkafed  to  fay  to  me  ;  • 


528 


j^ ColleEiion  o/'Apophthegms. 


Baco)\  How  can  the  Magiftrate  maintain  his  Authority,  when  the  Man  is 
defpifed? 

Elclfmere.  1 3  8,  My  Lord  Chancellor  EVefmere,  when  he  had  read  a  Petition  which  he 

diflik'd,  would  fay  ;  What,  you  would  have  my  Hand  to  this  now  ?  And 
the  Party  anfwering,  yes -,  he  would  fay  farther.  Well,  fo  you  fhall :  nay, 
you  fhall  have  both  my  Hands  to  it  -,  and  fo  would  tear  it  to  pieces. 

Epaminondas  I  cjg.  The  Lacedemonians  had  a  Cuftom  of  fpeaking  very  fhort,  which  being 
an  Empire,  they  might  do  at  pleafure  :  But  after  their  Defeat  at  Levetra^ 
in  an  Affcmbly  of  the  Grecians.,  they  made  a  long  Inveftive  againft  Epa- 
m'lnoniias,  who  ftood  up  and  faid  no  more  than  this  i  /  am  glad  we  have 
brought  you  to  your  Speech. 

Epidietus.  '40.  Ei'iEletus  ufed  to  fay  ;    that  the  Vulgar,  in  any  ill  that  befell  them, 

blame  others  ;  Novices  in  Philofophy  blame  themfclves  ;  but  Philofophers 
■blame  neither  themfelves  nor  others. 

Ethelwold.  1 41 .  Ethelwold^  Bifhop  of  IVificheJier,  in  a  Famine,  fold  all  the  rich  Veflels 
and  Ornaments  of  the  Church,  to  relieve  the  Poor  with  Bread,  and  faid; 
there  was  no  reafon  that  the  dead  Temples  of  God  fhould  be  fumptuoufly 
furniflied,  and  the  living  Temples  fufFer  want. 

.Girdiner.  1 42.  Stephen  Gardiner,B'i{hop  oflVtncbeJler,  a  great  Champion  for  thePopifh 

Religion,  ufed  to  fay  of  the  Proteftants  who  ground  upon  the  Scripture  ; 
that  they  were  like  Pofts,  who  bring  Truth  in  their  Letters,  and  Lyes  in  their 
Mouths. 

Gondoniar.  143.  When  hlsLordfliip  »  was  newly  advanced  to  the  great  Seal,  Gondomar 
came  to  vifit  him.  My  Lord  faid,  he  was  to  thank  God  and  the  King  for 
that  Honour  ;  but  yet,  fo  he  might  be  rid  of  the  Burthen,  he  could  very 
willingly  forego  the  Honour  :  And  that  he  formerly  dcfired,  and  the  fame 
continued  with  him  ftill,  to  lead  a  private  Life.  Gondomar  anfwered  ;  he 
would  tell  him  a  Tale  of  an  old  Rat,  that  would  needs  leave  the  World  ; 
and  acquainted  the  young  Rats  that  he  would  retire  into  his  Hole,  and  fpend 
his  Days  folitary,  and  enjoy  no  more  Comfort  ;  and  commanded  thenn 
upon  his  high  Difpleafure,  not  to  offer  to  come  to  him.  They  forbore 
two  or  three  D.iys  :  At  laft,  one  more  hardy  than  the  reft,  incited  fome  of 
Jiis  Fellows  to  go  along  with  him,  and  he  would  venture  to  fee  how  his  Fa- 
ther did  ;  for  he  might  be  dead.  They  went  in,  and  found  the  old  Rat  fit- 
ting in  the  midft  of  a  rich  Partnezan  Cheefe. 

Gonfalvo.  '44-  Gonfa'.vo  would  fay.  The  Honour  of  a  Soldier  ought  to  be  of  aftrong 

Web  -,  meaning,  it  fhould  not  be  fo  fine  and  curious,  that  every  little  Difgrace 
fhould  catch  and  flick  in  it. 

Grevil.  145-  Sir  Fulk  Grevil,  afterwards  Lord  Brook,  in  Parliament, when  the  Houfe 

Commons,  in  a  great  Bufinefs,  ftood  much  upon  Precedents,  faid  to  them  ; 
Why  do  you  ftand  fo  much  upon  Preced^nrs  ?  The  Times  hereafter  will  be 
good  or  bad.  If  good.  Precedents  will  do  harm  ;  if  bad,  Power  will  make 
a  way  where  it  finds  none. 

Hannibal.  1 46.  Hannibal  faid  ofFabius  Maximus,  and  of  Marcellus,  the  former  whereof 

waited  upon  him,  fo  as  he  could  make  no  Progiefs,  and  the  latter  had  many 

iharp 
■  See   the    Treface. 


A  CoUeSiio7t  ^Apophthegms.  529 

lliarp  fights  with  him  ;  that  he  feared  Fahm  like  a  Tu:.or,  and  ^d.irceUrs 
like  an  Enemy. 

147.  Fahius  Masimus  being  refolvcd  to  fpin  out  the  War,  flill  waited  upon 
Han>.ihal's  Progrtfs  to  curb  him  -,  and  for  thatpurpoie  encamped  upon  the 
high  Ground :  but  T^rentius,  his  Colleague,  ioiight  with  HanmbaU  and 
was  in  great  danger  of  an  over-throw  •.  but  then  Fabhis  caiiic  down  from  the 
high  Grounds,  and  won  the  day.  Whereupon  Hannibal  faid,  he  always 
thought  the  Cloud  which  hung  upon  the  Hills,  would  at  o.ie  time  or  other 
caufe  a  Tempcft. 

148.  Hanm  the  Carlhagiman,  was  fent  Commiffioner  by  theState,  after  thcHanno. 
fecond  Cartbagir.ian  War,  to  fupplicate  for  Peace;  and  in  the  end  obtained 

it  :  but  one  of  the  fharper  Senators  faid  ;  As  you  have  often  broke  the 
Peace,  whereto  you  had  fworn,  pray  by  what  God  will  you  now  fwear? 
Hanno  anfwered  ;  By  the  fame  Gods  that  have  fo  feverely  punifhed  us  for 
forfwearing  our  fives. 

149.  In  Chancery,  once  whtn  the  Coi  nfel  of  the  Parties  fet  forth  the  Boun-Hatton. 
daries  of  the  Land  in  qu  llion,  by  the  Plot;    and  the  Counfel  of  one  part 
faid,  we  l:e  on   this  Gde,    my    Lord  ;    and  the  Counfel    of  the   other  part 
faid,    we   lie  on  this    fule:    the  Lord   Chancellor  Hatton  flood    up,    and 

faid  ;  If  you  lie  on  both  fides,  whom  will   you  have  me  to  btlieve  i* 

150.  Heradituix\\ti  ohkure  h\d  •■,  the  dry  Light  is  the  beft  Soul:    meaning,  Heraclitu». 
wh.n  the  intclltftual  Faculties  are  in  vigour,  not  drenched,  or  as  it  were, 
blooded  by  the  Atfcdions. 

151.  Mr.  Howland,  arguinga  Cafe,  with  a  young  Student,  happened  to  fay,Howland. 
I  would  afk  you  but  this  Queftion.     The  Student  prefently  interrupted  him, 

to  give  him  an  Anfwer;  whereupon,  Mr.  Hozvlan^  gravely  faid  ;  Nay,  tho' 
I  alk  you  a  Qu.ftion,  I  did  no:  defign  you  fliould  anfwer  me  ;  I  mean  to 
anfwer  my  felf. 

152.  King  James,    having  made  a  full  Declaration   to  his  Parliament, KJ«^ Jama, 
concluded  thus ;  I  have  now  given  you  a  Mirror  of  my  Mind  ;  ufe  it  there- 
fore like  a  Mirror,    and  beware  how  you  let  it  fall,  or  foil  it  with  your 
Breath. 

153.  His  Majefty  faid  to  his  Parliament  another  time,  finding fome  caufelefs 
Jealoufies  among  them ;  that  the  King  and  his  People,  were  as  Hufband 
and  Wife  j  and  therefore,  of  all  things,  Jealoufy  between  them  was  moil 
pernicious. 

154.  His  Majefty,  if  he  apprehended  his  Council  might  think  he  varied  in 
Bufinefs,  tho'  he  remained  conftant  -,  would  fay,  that  the  Sun  often  fhines 
watery  -,  but  that  this  is  not  owing  to  the  Sun,  but  to  fome  Cloud,  which 
being  diffipated,  the  Sun  receives  its  ufual  brightnefs. 

155.  Cardinal  Evereux,  having,  in  a  grave  fubjedl  of  Divinity,  fprinkled 
many  witty  Ornaments  of  Learning  -,  his  Majefty  faid,  they  were  like  the  blue, 
and  yellow,  and  red  Flowers  in  Corn  ;  which  make  a  pleafant  ft^ew,  bur 
hurt  the  Corn. 

156.  His  Majefty  ufcd  to  be  very  earneft  with  the  Country  Gentlemen  to  go 
from  London  to  their  Seats:  and  fometimes  he  would  fay  thus  to  them  ;  Gen- 
tlemen, z.t  London  yoM  are  like  Ships  in  the  Sea,  which  ftitw  like  nothing, 

Vo  L.I.  Y  y  y  but 


530  A ColleSiion  of  Atophthegms. 

but  in  your  own  Country  Villages,  you  are  like  Ships  in  a  River,  which 
look  like  great  things. 

157.  Soon  after  the  Death  of  a  great  Officer,  who  was  judged  no  Advancer 
of  the  King's  Matters-,  the  King  faid  to  his  SoUicitor  5wot  v  Now  tell  me 
truly,  what  fay  you  of  your  Coufin  that  is  gone?  M.r.  Bacon  anfwered. 
Sir,  fince  your  Majefty  charges  me,  I'll  e'en  deal  plainly  with  you ;  and 
give  you  fuch  a  Charadler  of  him,  as  if  I  were  to  write  his  Hiftory.  I  do 
think  he  was  no  fit  Counfellor  to  make  your  Affairs  better  ;  but  yet  he  was 
fit  to  have  kept  them  from  growing  worfe.  The  King  faid.  On  my  So*l, 
Man,  in  the  firft  place,  thou  fpeakeft  like  a  true  Man  ;  and  in  the  latter, 
like  a  Kinfman. 

158.  His  Majefty,  as  he  was  a  Prince  of  Judgment,  fo  he  was  a  Prince  of 
a  pleafiint  Humour,  As  he  was  going  thro'  LewiJIjatn  to  Greenwich  ;  he 
afked  what  Town  it  was  ?  They  faid  Lezvijham.  He  afked  a  good  while 
after,  what  Town  is  this  we  are  now  in  ?  They  faid  ftill  it  was  LeiviJJjam. 
On  my  So'l,  faid  the  King,  I  will  be  King  of  Lewi/ham. 

159.  In  fome  other  of  his  ProgrefTes,  he  afked  how  far  'twas  to  a  certain 
Town-,  they  faid,  fix  Miles.  Half  an  hour  after,[he  afked  again.  One  faid,  fix 
Miles  and  an  half.  The  King  alighted  out  of  his  Coach,  and  crept  under 
the  Shoulder  of  his  led  Horfe.  And  when  fome  aflced  his  Majefiy  what 
he  meant  ?     I  muft  ftalk,  faid  he,   for  yonder  Town  is  fhy,  and  flies  me. 

Jafon.  1 60.  Jafon,  the  TheJfaUaKy  ufed  to  fay  •,  fome  things  muft  be  done  unjufljy, 

and  many  others  may  be  donejuftly. 

]ohnfon.  161.  Dr.  John/on  faid,    that  in  Sicknefs  there  were  three  things  material ; 

the  Phyfician,  the  Difeafe,  and  the  Patient :  and  if  any  two  of  thefe  joined, 
then  tliey  get  the  Vidory.  If  the  Phyfician  and  the  Patient  join,  down 
goes  the  Difeafe ;  if  the  Phyfician  and  the  Difeafe  join,  down  goes  the 
Patient ;  but  if  the  Patient  and  the  Difeafe  join,  then  down  goes  the 
Phyfician. 

IfabelU.  J  62 .  Queen  Ifahella,  of  Spain,  ufed  to  fay,  '.Whoever  has  a  good  Prefence, 

and  a  good  Addrefs,  carries  continual  Letters  of  Recommendation. 

ludsEus.  1 63 .  Philo  Judisus  fays,  that  the  Senfe  is  like  the  Sun  ;  for  the  Sun  feals  up 

the  Globe  of  Heaven,  and  opens  the  Globe  of  Earth :  fb  the  Senfe  obfcures 
heavenly  Things,  and  reveals  the  Earthly. 

Latimer.  1 64,  Bifliop  Latimer  faid,  in  a  Sermon  at  Court,  that  he  heard  great  Speech 

how  the  King  was  poor ;  and  many  ways  were  propounded  to  make  him 
rich  :  for  his  part,  he  thought  of  one  way,  which  was,  that  they  fboold 
help  the  King  to  fome  good  Office  ;  for  all  his  Officers  were  rich. 

Lewi».  165.  LfTwj  the  Eleventh  of  France^  having  much  abated  the  greatnefs  and 

power  of  the  Peers,  Nobility,  and  Court  of  Parliament,  would  fay,  that 
he  had  brought  the  Crown  out  of  Ward. 

iJwa.  ^  ^^-  ^^  Livia  went  abroad  in  Rome,  there  met  her  naked  young  Men  fport- 

ing  in  the  Streets,  whom  Augujlm  going  about  to  punifh  feverely  :  Livia 
fpoke  for  them,  and  faid,  'twas  no  more  to  chafte  Wumen,  than  fo  many 
Statues. 


167. 


y^Co//eS?io/!  of  Apophthegms.  531 

167.  PsJUj'cy  finifhed  the  War  againft  Serlorius,  v,'hcn  Metellus  had  brought  Lucullus 
the  Enemy  low.  He  alio  ended  the  War  againll  the  Fugitives  ;  whom 
Crajfus  had  before  defeated  in  a  great  Battel.  So  when  Lucullus  had  at- 
tained great  and  glorious  Viftories  over  Mithridates  and  'Tigrancs  ;  yet 
Pompc-y,  by  the  means  his  Friends  made,  was  fent  to  put  an  end  to  that 
War.     Whereat  L.',f.'///«j  taking  indignation,  as  at  a  Difgrace  offered  to  him, 

faid,  Pompey  was  a  Carrion-Crow  •,  becaufe  when  others  had  ftruck  down  the 
Bodies,  then  Pompey  came  and  prey'd  upon  them. 

168.  When  Lycurgus  was  to  reform  and  alter  the  State  of  Sparta  ;  one  ad-  Lycurgus. 
vifed  in  Confultation,  thacitfliould  be  reduced  to  an  abfolute  popular  Equa- 
lity :    but  Lycurgus  laid  to  him  ;  Sir,  begin  it  in  your  own  Houfe. 

169.  Mr.  Marbury,  the  Preacher,  would  fay,  that  God  was  fain  to  do  with  Marbury. 
wicked  Men,  as  Men  do  with  frifky  Jades  in  a  Pafture,  who  cannot  catch 
them,  till  they  get  them  at  a  Gate :   fo  wicked  Men  will  not  be  taken  till 

the  hour  of  Death. 

170.  Caius  Marius,  was  General  among  xht  Romans  againft  the  Ciw^^rj,  Ma.ius. 
who  came  with  fuch  a  deluge  of  People  upon  Italy.    In  the  fight,  a  band 

of  the  Cadurcians,  of  a  thoufand,  did  notable  Service ;  wherefore,  after  the 
fight,  Man//;  denifon'd  them  all  for  Citizens  of  Rome,  tho'  there  was  no 
Law  to  warrant  it.  One  of  his  Friends  reprefented  to  him,  tliat  he  had 
tranfgrefled  the  Law ;  becaufe  that  Privilege  was  not  to  be  granted,  but 
to  the  People :  whereto  Marius  anfwered  ;  that  he  could  not  hear  the  Laws 
for  the  din  of  Arms. 

lyi.  Mendoza,  the  Vice-Roy  of  Pff^-ft,  ufed  to  fay,  that  the  Government  Meodoza. 
oi  Peru  was  the  beft  place  the  King  of  Spain  gave  ;  only  it  was  fomewhat  too 
near  Madrid. 

172.  Sir  Thomas  More  had  only  Daughters  at  the  firft  ;  and  his  Wife  ever  More, 
pray'd  for  a  Boy  •,  who  being  come  to  Man's  Eftate,  proved  but  fimple. 

Sir  Thomas  faid  to  his  Wife,  Thou  prayedft  fo  long  for  a  Boy,  that  he  will 
be  a  Boy  as  long  as  he  lives, 

173.  Sir  Thomas  More,  on  the  day  that  he  was  beheaded,  had  a  Barber  fent 
to  him,  becaufe  his  Hair  was  long  -,  which  'twas  thought,  would  make  him 
more  commiferated  by  the  People.  The  Barber  afkcd  him,  whether  he 
would  pjeafe  to  be  trim'd.?  In  good  Faith,  honed  Fellow,  faid  S\r  Thomas, 
the  King  and  I  have  a  fuit  for  my  Head  j  and  till  the  Title  be  cleared,  I 
will  beflow  no  Coft  upon  it. 

1 74.  Sir  Thomas  More  had  fent  him  by  a  Suitor  in  Chancery,  two  Silver  Flao-- 
gons  :  when  they  were  prefented  by  the  Gentleman's  Servant,  he  bid  one  of  his 
Men,  take  him  to  the  Cellar,  and  let  him  have  of  the  beft  Wine :  and 
turning  to  the  Servant,  faid,  Tell  thy  Mafter,  if  he  like  it,  let  him  not 
fpare  it. 

175.  Sir  Thomas  More,  when  the  Counfel  of  the  Party  prefled  him  for  a 
longer  D-iy  to  perform  the  Decree,  faid,  Take  Saint  Earnabf^  Day,  which 
is  the  longeft  Day  of  the  Year.  Now  Saint  Barnaby's  Day  was  within  a  few 
Days  following. 

Yy  y  2  176. 


Nero. 


Pace. 


532  A CclIeB'ion  o/'Apophthe^m.sI 

I  j6.  A  Friend  of  Sir  'Thomas  Moral's  taking  great  pains  about  a  Book  he  in- 
tended to  publifli,  being  better  conceited  of  his  own  Wit  than  any  Man 
L'lfe,  brought  it  firft  to  Sir  Thomas  for  his  Judgnnent  ;  who  finding  nothing 
therein  worthy  the  Prefs,  faid  to  him  gravely  ;  that  if  it  were  in  Verfe,  ic 
would  be  more  worthy.  Upon  which  the  Author  went  immediately  and 
turned  it  into  Verfe,  then  brought  it  to  Sir  Tlhomas  again  ;  who  looking 
thereon,  faid  fobcrly  j  Yes  marry,  nov/  'tis  fomewhat  ;  for  now 'tis  rhime, 
but  before  it  was  neither  rhime  nor  reafon. 

177.  Nero  ufcd  to  fay  of  his  Mafter  Seneca,  that  his  Style  was  like  Mortar 
without  Lime. 

178.  Pace,  the  fevere  Fool,  was  not  fuffered  to  come  at  Queen  Elizabeth^ 
becaufe  of  his  bitter  Humour  ;  yet  at  one  time  fome  perluaded  the  Queen 
to  let  him  come  to  her,  undertaking  for  him,  that  he  fhould  keep  within 
compafs.  So  he  was  brought,  ar  '  the  Queen  faid.  Come  on  Pace;  now 
we  fhall  hear  of  our  Faults  :  Says  Pace,  I  do  not  ufe  to  talk  of  that 
which  all  the  Town  t.ilks  of. 

179.  Sir  Amy  a;.  Pazdet,  when  he  faw  too  much  hafte  made  in  any  matter, 
ufed  to  fay ;    ftay  a  while,  that  we  may  make  an  end  the  fooner. 

1 80.  Pi';7//;ofyl-f^i;f^o«was  wifhed  to  banifli  one  for  fpeaking  ill  of  him;  but 
Philip  anfwered,  'tis  better  he  fliould  fpeak  where  we  are  both  known, 
than  where  we  are  both  unknown. 

1 8  r .  A!exatider  fent  Phocion  a  great  Prefent  of  Money  :  Phocion  faid  to  the 
Meffenger,  Why  does  the  King  fend  to  me,  and  to  none  elfe  ?  The  Mef- 
fenger  anfwered,  becaufe  he  takes  you  for  the  only  good  Man  in  Athens. 
Phocion  replied,    if  he  think  fo,  pray  let  him  fuffer  me  to  be  fo  ftill. 

182.  Diogenes,  one  terrible  frolty  Morning,  came  into  the  Market-Placeand 
flood  nikcd,  lliivering,  to  fliew  his  tolerance:  Many  came  about  him,  pi- 
tying him  -,  but  Plato  paffing  by,  and  kmiwing  he  did  it  to  be  feen,  faid 
to  the  People  •,    if  you  pity   h'm  indeed,  teave  him  to  himfelf. 

183.  Platokvcre\y  r;  pr.'h-nded  a  young  Man  for  entering  into  a  diflolute 
Houfe  :  The  young  Mm  faid,  why  do  you  reprehend  fo  Iharply  for  fo 
fmall  a  matter  ?   Plato  replied.  Bat  Cuitom  is  no  fmall  matter. 

Plutarch.  184.  Plutarch  faid  well,  'tis  otherwife  in  a  Commonwealth  of  Men  than  of 

Bees  :    The  Hive  of  a  Kingdom  is  in  beft  Condition,  when  there  is  leaft  of 

Noife  or  Buz  in  it. 

1 85.  Plularcb  faid,  of  Men  of  weak  Abilities  put  in  great  Places ;  that  they 

were  like  little  Statues  fet  on  great  Bafes  ;    made  to  appear  the  lefs  by  their 

Advancement. 

1 36.  Plutarch  faid.  Good  Fame  is  like  a  Fire  :  when  once  you  have  kindled 

it,  you  may  eafily  prefcrve  it  :    but  if  once  extinguifhed,  you  will  not  fo 

eafiiy  kindle  it  again. 
Pomcy.  '^7-  Pompe-j  being  CommilTioner  for  fending  Grain  to  Rome  in  a  time  of 

Dearth,  when  he  came  to  Sea,    found  it  very  tempeftuous  and  dangerous  ; 

infomuch  that  thofe  about  him  advifed  him  not  to  embark  ;    but  Pompe-j 

laid,  'tis  of  N:ceffity  that  I  fhould  go,  not  that  I  fhould  live. 


Pawlet. 


Philip. 


Phocion. 


Ptato. 


j88. 


A  CoUeSiion  <?/ Apophthegms.  533 

188.  Mr.Pop>^<jw,afcerwards  Lord  Chief  JufticePo/i^jOT,  when  he  Wiis Speak- Popham. 
er,  and  the  Houfe  of  Commons  had  iate  long,  and   done   in   efFcft  rorhing; 
coming  one  day  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  flie  faid  to  him  ;    Now  Mr.  Speaker, 

what  has  pafs'd  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  ?  He  anfwer'd,  if  it  pleafe  your 
Majefty,  feven  Weeks. 

189.  Hiero  being  vifited  by  Pythagoras,  ask'd  him,  of  what  Condition  he  Pythagoras,- ■ 
was."*  Pythagoras  anfwered  ;  Sir,  you  have  been  at  ihtOlyvipian  Games.    Yes, 

faid  Hiero.  Thither,  faid  Pythagoras,  fome  come  to  win  Prizes  ;  fome 
to  fell  their  Merchandize  -,  fome  to  meet  their  Friends,  and  to  make  merry  ; 
and  others  only  to  look  on.  I  am  one  of  the  Lookers  on  ;  meaning  it  of 
Philofophy,  and  a  contemplative  Life. 

1 90.  T-Jus  ^Ih/in^ius  was  in  the  Council  of  the  Acbaians,   when  they  delibe-Quin^i'JS-- 
rated,  whether  in  the  enfuing  War,   between  the  Romans  and  K\ng  /tutiocbus, 

they  (hould  confederate  with  the  Romans  or  with  YimgAntiochus.  In  that  Coun- 
cil the  yEtolianSy  who  incited  the  Achaians  againfl:  the  Romans,  to  difable  their 
Forces,  gave  greatWords,  as  if  the  late  Viftory  which  the  Romans  had  obtained 
againft  Philip  YJm^of  Macedon,  had  been  chiefly  by  the  Strength  and  Forces  of 
xhtjEtolians  themfelves :  And  on  the  other  fide,  the  EmbafiTador  of  Antiochus 
extol'd  the  Forces  of  his  Matter  ;  founding  what  an  innumerable  Company  he 
had  brought  in  his  Army,  and  gave  the  Nations  flrange  Names,  as  Elymaans, 
Caducians,  and  others.  After  both  their  Harangues,  Titus  ^nn£iit(s  rofe  up 
and  faid  -,  'twas  an  eafy  matter  to  perceive  what  had  join'd  Antiochus  and  the 
^■Etoliars  together  ;  viz.  the  reciprocal  lying  of  each  as  to  the  other's  Forces 

ig  I.  When  Rabelais,  the  great  Jefl:er  of  Fra«fi?,  ky  on  his  Death-bed,  they  Rabelais. 
gave  him  the  extreme  Unftion  •,    and  a  familiar  Friend  of  his  coming  to 
him  afterwards,  asked  him  how  he  did.     Rabelais  anfv/ered,  juft  going  my 
Journey  -,    they  have  greas'd  my  Boots  already. 

192.  Rabelais  tells  a  Tale  of  one  who  was  very  fortunate  in  compounding 
Differences.  His  Son  undertook  the  fiid  Courfe,  but  could  never  compound 
any :  Whereupon  he  came  to  his  Father,  and  asked  him  ;  what  Art  he 
had  to  reconcile  Differences  ?  He  anfwered,  he  had  no  other  but  this ; 
to  watch  when  the  two  Parties  were  wearied,  and  their  Hearts  too  great  to 
i(:ek  Reconcilement  at  each  other's  hands  ;  then  to  mediate  betwixt  them  : 
and  upon  no  other  Terms.  After  which,  the  Son  went  home,  and  pro- 
fpered  in  the  fame  Undertaking. 

19:;.  A  cowardly  Fellow  in  O.v/or^  who  was  a  very  good  Archer,  being  Riicigh. 
grofTiy  abufed  by  another,  applied  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  then  a  Scholar  ;  and 
afked  what   he  fhould  do  to  repair  the  Wrong  he  had    fuffered  ?    Raleigh 
anfwered  ;    why  challenge  him  at  a  match  of  Shooting. 

194.  Sir  Heysry  Savil  being  afked  his  Opinion  of  the  Poets,  by  my  Lord  Savil. 
Ejpx  ;  he  anfwer'd,  that  he  thought  them  the  belt  Writers,  next  to  thofe  that 
wrote  Profe. 

195.  FopeAdrian  was  talking  with  the  Duke  of%j,that  Pafquin  gnve  great  Se-^a. 
Scandal  ;  and  that  he  would  have  him  thrown  into  the  River  :    But  Sefa 
anfwered  ;  do  it  rot,  holy  Father,  for  then  he  will  turn  Frog  ;  and  whereas 
now  he  charts  but  by  dav,  he  will  then  chant  both  day  and  night. 

I  196. 


534  -^  ColleSiion  (j/'Apophthegms. 

Simonides.  196.  6'i//J«'«W«  being  afked  by//itTO,whathe  thought  of  God  ?  afked  aWeek's 
time  to  confider  of  it  •■,  and  at  the  Week's  end  he  asked  a  Fortnight's  time  -, 
at  the  Fortnight's  end,  a  Month.  At  which  Hiero  wondering  :  Simonides 
anfwered,  that  the  longer  he  thought  upon  the  matter,  the  more  difficult  he 
found  it. 

Sixtus.  ^97'  Pope  Sixtiis  the  fifth, who  was  a  very  poor  Man's  Son,  and  his  Father's 

Houfe  ill  thatched  •,  fo  that  the  Sun  flione  through  it  in  many  Places  ;  would 
fport  with  his  Ignobility,  and  fay;  he  v/^  Na(o  di  Cafa  illujiret  Son  of  an 
illuflrious  Houfe. 

198.  They  feign  a  Tale  ofSixtus  ^nntus,  whom  they  called  Size-Ace ;  that 
after  his  Death  he  went  to  Hell,  and  the  Porter  of  Hell  faid  to  him  ;  You 
have  fome  reafon  to  offer  your  felfhere,  becaufe  you  were  a  wicked  Man  ; 
yet  becaufe  you  were  a  Pope,  I  have  Orders  not  to  receive  you  :  But  there 
is  your  own  Place,  Purgatory,  you  may  go  thither.  So  he  went  and  fought 
about  a  great  while  for  Purgatory  ;  but  could  find  no  fuch  Place.  Upon 
that  he  took  heart,  and  went  to  Heaven  and  knocked  :  Saint  Peter  afked 
who  was  there  ?  He  anfwered.  Pope  Sixtiis.  Peter  faid,  why  do  you 
knock  ?  you  have  the  Keys.  Sixtus  anfwered,  'tis  true  ;  but  'tis  fo  long 
fince  they  were  given,  that  I  doubt  the  Wards  of  the  Lock  are  altered. 

Socrates.  199.  Socrates  w^is  pronounced    by     the  Oracle   of   Delpbos    to    be    the 

wifeft  Man  of  Greece,  which  he  would  evade  ironically  ;  faying,  there 
could  be  nothing  in  him  to  verify  the  Oracle  but  this  ;  that  he  was  unwife, 
and  knew  it  -,    and  others  unwife,  and  knew  it  not. 

200.  Socrates  being  fliewed  the  Book  ofHeracliius  the  obfcure,  and  afked  his 
Opinion  of  it,  anfwered  ;  thofe  Things  which  I  underftood  of  it  are  ex- 
cellent, fo  I  imagine  are  the  reft,  but  they  require  a  Delian  Diver. 

S^lon.  201 .  Solon  compared  the  People  to  the  Sea,  and  Orators  and  Counfellors  to 

the  Winds  ;  becaufe  the  Sea  would  be  calm  and  quiet,  if  the  Winds  did  not 
trouble  it. 

202.  Solon,  when  he  wept  for  his  Son's  Death,  and  one  faid  to  him ;  weeping 
will  do  no  good  ;    anfwer'd,  'tis  therefore  I  weep. 

203.  Solon  being  afked,  whether  he  had  given  the  Athenians  the  beft  Laws, 
anfwered  ;    the  beft  of  thofe  they  will  receive. 

204.  When  Cr^j,outof  his  Glory, {h&yftdSolon  hisgreatTreafuresof  Gold, 
Solon  faid  to  him  •,  if  another  King  come  that  has  better  Iron  than  you,  he 
will  be  Mafter  of  all  this  Gold. 

Stilpo.  2  05.  A  Croud  gathering  about  Stilpbo  the  Philofopher,  one  faid  to  him  •,  the 

People  come  wondering  about  you,  as  to  fee  fome  ftrange  Beaft  ;  no,  fays 
he,  'tis  to  fee  a  Man,  which  Diogenes  fought  with  his  Lanthorn  at  Noon-day. 

Sylvius.  206.  ^neas  Sylvius,  who  was  Pope  Pius  Secundus,  ufed  to  fay  ;  that  the  for- 

mer Popes  did  wifely  to  fet  Lawyers  to  debate,  whether  the  Donation  ofCon- 
fiantir.e  the  Great  to  Syhejler,  of  St.  Peter's  Patrimo^^y,  were  good  in  Law 
or  no  ;  the  better  to  fkip  over  the  Matter  of  Fad,  whether  there  was  ever 
any  fuch  Thing  or  no*. 

»07. 


A ColleSiion  ^Apophthegms.  535 

207.  Themijiodes,  when  an  AmbafTidor  from  a  mean  SDite  fpoke  great  Themif- 
Matters,  faid  to  him  ;    Friend,  thy  Words  would  require  a  City.  tocles. 

208.  Theodofmsy  when  he  was  preflcd  by  a  Suitor,  and  denied  him,    the Theodofius. 
Suitor  faid  •,  Why  Sir,  you  promis'd  it.  Heanfwer'd,  I  faid  it  ;  but  I  did  not 
promifeit,  ifitbeunjuft. 

209.  "Trajan  would  fay  of  the  vain  Jealoufy  of  Princes,  who  feek  to  make  Trajan, 
away  fuch  as  afpire  to  the  Succeflion  j    that  there  never  was  a  King  who 

put  his  SucccfTor  to  death. 

2  lo.  A  Suitor  to  Vefpafian,  to  lay  his  Suit  the  fairer,  faid,  'twas  for  his  Bro-  Vefpafian. 
thcr  -,  the'  indeed  'twas  for  a  Piece  of  Money.  The  Emperor  was  informed  of 
the  falfc  Pretence,  fent  for  the  Party  interelled,  and  afked  him  -,  whether  his 
Agent  was  his  Brother  or  no  ?  He  durft  not  tell  the  Emperor  an  untruth, 
and  confcfs'd  'twas  not  his  Brother.  Whereupon  the  Emperor  faid,  fetch 
me  the  Money,  and  you  fliall  have  your  Suit  difpatched  ;  which  he  did. 
Tiie  Courtier,  who  was  Agent,  follicited  Vefpafian  foon  after  about  this 
Suit :    Why,  faid  Vefpafian,    I  gave  it  t'other  day  to  a  Brother  of  mine. 

211.  Vefpafi.an  fet  a  Tax  upon  Urine  j  Titus  his  Son  undertook  to  fpeak  of  it 
to  his  Father,  and  reprefented  it  as  a  fordid  thing.  Vefpafian  faid  nothing 
for  that  time  •,  but  a  while  after,  when  'twas  forgotten,  fent  for  a  Piece  of 
Silver  out  of  the  Money  fo  raifed  ;  and  calling  his  Son,  bid  him  fmell  to  it  , 
and  a(ked  him  whether  he  found  any  Oftcnce  ?  who  faid,  no.  Yet,  fays 
Vefpafian,  this  comes  out  of  Urine. 

212.  YfhtnVefpafian  paffed  iromjewry  to  take  upon  him  theEmpire,he  went 
by  Alexandria,  where  were  two  famous  Philofophers,  Apollonius  and 
Euphrates.  The  Emperor  heard  their  Difcourfe,  as  to  Matter  of  State,  in 
the  prefence  of  many  ;  andwhen  he  was  weary  of  them,  he  broke  off,  and  in  a 
fecret  Derifion,  finding  their  Difcourfes  but  fpeculacive,  and  not  to  be  put 
in  praftice,  faid  ;  Oh  that  I  might  govern  wife  Men  ;  and  wife  Men  go- 
vern me  ! 

213.  Jack  Weeks  faid  of  a  great  Man,  juft  then  dead, who  pretended  to  fome  Weeks. 
Religion,  but  was  none  of  the  beft  Livers  ;  IVell,  I  hope  he  is  in  Heaven  : 
Every  Man  thinks  as  he  laifhes  \  hut  if  he  he  in  Heaven,  'twere  pity  it  fhotdd 

be  known. 

2 14.  A  Welchman  being  at  the  Seflions-houfe,  and  feeing  the  Prifoners  hold  Wdchman. 
up  their  Hands  at  the  Bar,  faid  to  fome  of  his  Acquaintance  there  ;    that 

the  Judges  were  excellent  Fortune-tellers  :  for  if  they  did  but  look  upon  a 
Man's  Hand,  they  would  certainly  tell  whether  he  fliould  live  or  die. 

215.  Wh:tf:bead,  a  grave  Divine,of  a  blunt  ftoical  Nature, was  much  efteem-  Whitehead. 
ed  by  Queen  Elizabeth  ;    but  not  preferred,    becaufe    he  was   againft  Epif- 

copal  Government.  He  came  one  day  to  the  Queen,  and  the  Qiieen  hap- 
pen'.i  to  fay  to  him  ;  I  like  th'.e  better,  fVhitebem,  becaufe  thou  liveft  un- 
married :    He  anfwcred,   in  troth  I  like  you  the  worfe,  for  the  fame  Rcafon.  Wotcon. 

2 1 6.  Sir  Henry  JVotton  ufed  to  fay  that  Criticks  were  like  the  Brufliers  of 
Noblemen's  Clothes. 

217- 


536  A  ColleB'ion  ^Apophthegms. 

Ximenes.  2  1  7.  Cardinal  Xtmenti,  upon  a  Mufter  taken  againft  the  Aloon,  was  dtfircd 

by  a  Servant  of  his  to  (land  a  little  out  of  the  fmoak.  of  the  Fire- Arms  ; 

but  he  fi^id  again,  that  was  his  In  :enfe. 
Zdim.  2 1 8.  Z  •/;■/«  was  the  firfl:  of  the  Otiomansth&t  fliaved  his  Beard  ;  whereas  his 

Predeceflbrs  wore  it  long.     One  of  his  Bafliaws  afked  him,  why  he  altered 

the  Cuftom  of  his  PredecelTors  ?     He  anfwered,  becaufe  you  Bafliaws  fliall 

not  lead  me  by  the  Beard,  as  you  did  them. 

219.  The  Lord   Bucon  faid    of  Apophthegms;    he  is  no  wife  Man  who 

will  lofe  his  Friend  for  his  Wit  •,    but  he    is  lefs  wife,  who  will  lofe  his 

Friend  for  another  Man's  Wit. 


APPENDIX. 

Containi?igport  Sentences,  and  certain  Rules  for  Difcourfe. 


I.    A    Gamefter,  the  greater  Matter  he  is  of  his  Art,  the  worfe  Man. 
jl^\^       2.  Much  bending,  breaks  the  Bow  ;  much  unbending,  the  Mind. 

3.  He  conquers  twice,  who  upon  Viftory  overcomes  himfelf. 

4.  If  Vices  were  profitable  upon  the  whole,  the  virtuous  Man  would  be  a 
Sinner. 

5.  He  fleeps  well,  who  feels  not  that  he  fleeps  ill. 

6.  To  deliberate  upon  ufcful  Things,  is  the  fafeft  Delay. 

7.  Grief  decreafes,  when  it  can  fwell  no  higher. 

8.  Pain  makes  even  the  innocent  Men  Lyars. 

9.  In  Defire,  Expedition  it  felf  is  Delay. 

10.  The  fmallefl:  Hair  has  its  Shadow. 

1 1.  He  who  has  loft  his  Faith,  what  has  he  left  to  live  on  ? 

12.  Fortune  makes  her  Favourites  Fools. 

13.  Fortune  is  not  content  to  do  a  Man  but  one  ill  Turn. 

14.  'Tis  invifible  Fortune  that  makes  a  Man  happy,  and  unenvied. 

15.  A  beautiful  Face  is  a  filent  Commendation. 

1 6.  'Tis  a  miferable  Thing  to  be  injured  by  one  'tis  in  vain  to  complain  of. 

1 7.  A  Man  dies  as  often  as  he  lofes  his  Friends. 

18.  The  Tears  of  an  Heir  are  Laughter  under  a  Vizard. 

19.  Nothing  is  pleafant  without  a  mixture  of  Variety. 

20.  He  bears  Envy  beft,  who  is  either  couragious  or  happy. 

21.  None  but  a  virtuous  Man  can  hope  well  in  bad  Circumftan:«j. 

22.  In  taking  Revenge,  Hafte  is  criminal, 

23.  When  Men  are  in  Calamity,  'tis  ofFenfive  even  to  laugh. 

24.  He  accufcs  Neptune  unjuftly,  who  has  been  twice  fliip- wreck'd. 

25.  He  who  injures  one,   threatens  an  hundred. 

26.  All  Delay  is  ungrateful  ;  but  we  are  not  wife  without  it. 

27. 


A CoIIeBion  of  A? ovHTHEGUS.  537 

27.  Happy  is  he  who  dies  before  he  calls  for  Death. 

28.  A  bad  Man,  when  he  pretends  to  be  a  Saint,  is  then  the  worfl:  of  all. 

29.  Lock  and  Key  will  fcarce  fecure  what  pleafes  every  body. 

30.  They  live  ill,  who  think  of  living  always. 

31.  That  Sick  Man  is  unwifc,  who  makes  his  Phyfician  his  Heir. 

32.  He  of  whom  many  are  afraid,  has  himfelf  many  to  fear. 

33.  There's  no  Fortune  fogood,  but  it  bates  an  Ace. 

34.  'Tis  part  of  the  Gift  to  deny  genteelly. 

35.  The  Coward  calls  himfelf  cautious :  And  the  Mifer  calls  himfelf  frugal. 
26.  Life  is  an  Age  to  the  Miferable  ;  but  to  the  Happy  a  Moment. 

S^ort  Rules  for  Converfation. 

I.  f  W\0  deceive  Men's  Expeftations,  generally  argues  a  fettled  Mind,  and 
j      unexpected  Conftancy  ;    as   in  matter   of  Fear,  Anger,    fudden 
Joy,  Grief,  and  all  Things  that  may  afFeft  or  alter  the  Mind,  on  pub- 
lick  or  fudden  Accidents. 

2.  'Tis  necefiary  toufe  a  ftedfaft  Countenance,  not  wavering  with  Aftion, 
as  in  moving  the  Head  or  Hand  too  much  -,  which  fhews  a  fantaftical, 
light,  and  fickle  Operation  of  the  Mind :  It  is  fufficient,  with  leifure,  to  ufe  a 
modeft  Aftion  of  either. 

3.  In  all  kinds  of  Speech,  'tis  proper  to  fpeak  leifurely,  and  rather  draw- 
ingly,  thanhaftily,  becaufe  hafty  Speech  confounds  the  Memory,  and  often 
drives  a  Man  to  a  Non-^lm^  or  an  unfeemly  ftammering  :  whereas  flow 
Speech  confirms  the  Memory,  and  begets  an  Opinion  of  Wifdom  in  the 
Hearers. 

4.  To  defire  in  Difcourfe  to  hold  all  Arguments,  is  ridiculous,  and  a 
want  of  true  Judgment  ;  for  no  Man  can  be  exquifite  in  all  Things. 

5.  To  have  common-Places  of  Difcourfe,  and  to  want  variety,  is 
odious  to  the  Hearers,  and  fhews  a  Shallownefs  of  Thought:  'tis  therefore 
good  to  vary,  and  fuit  Speeches  to  the  prefent  occafion  •,  as  alfo  to  hold  a 
Moderation  in  all  Difcourfe,  efpecially  of  Religion,  the  State,  great  Perfons, 
important  Bufinefs,  Poverty,  or  any  'thing  deferving  Pity. 

6.  A  long  continued  Difcourfe,  without  a  good  Speech  of  Interlocution, 
fhews  Slownefs  :  and  a  good  Reply,  without  a  good  Set  of  Speech,  fliews 
Shallownefs  and  Weaknefs. 

7.  To  ufe  many  Circumflances,  before  you  come  to  the  Matter,  is  weari- 
fome  ;   and  to  ufe  none  at  all,  is  blunt. 

8.  Bafhfulnefs  is  a  great  hindrance  to  a  Man,  both  in  uttering  his  Senti- 
ments, and  underftanding  what  is  propos'd  to  him  ;  'tis  therefore  good  to 
prefs  forwards,  witn  Difcretion,  both  in  Difcourfe  and  Company  of  the 
better  Sort. 

Vol.  I.  Zzz  SUP- 


SUPPLE  MEN  T    VII. 

De  Sapientia  Veteriim: 

THE 

MYTHOLOGY 

o  R 
CONCEALED  KNOWLEDGE 

O  F    T  H  E 

ANCIENTS. 

Decyphered  and  Explained; 

In  Natural  Philofophy^  Morality  and  Civil  Policy  \ 


Z  ZZ    2 

*  See  the  Je  Augmtnt.  Scientiar.  pag.  5-8. 


(54») 


P    R   E   F  A    C   E. 


'~pHE  prefent  Tiece  appears  like  a  rich  Cabinet  of  Antiques,  opened 
*■  and  Jet  to  View.  The  happyTalent,  which  the  Author^  in  his 
Thyjical  Works ^  employs  to  interpret  Nature  j  is  here  employed  to  in' 
terpret  the  dark  Oracles  ofhAtn.  And  to  fay  the  Truth,  he  feems 
to  have  ufed  the  like  Artifice  in  both  ;  proceeding  according  to 
the  Indudive  Method,  delivered  in  the  fecond  Tart  of  the  Novum 
Organum  :  without  which,  or  fomething  of  the  kind,  it  would  not 
be  eafy  to  derive  fuch  'Depths  of  Knowledge  from  the  Enigmas, 
or  dark  parables  of  Antiquity.  For  Example^  he  firfl  culls  out 
^/V  Fable,  with  Choice  and  Judgment  i  then  trims  or  prunes  it  i 
rejeHing  what  is  fuperfluous  or  fpurious ;  next  turns  and  views  it  in 
different  Lights  i  and  at  length  finds  out  the  Key  for  'De cyphering 
it^  in  the  moji  natural  and  advantageous  Manner  :  and  thus 
having  got  the  right  End  of  the  Thready  the  Interpretation 
follows  as  it  were  fpontaneoufly.  Tho^  the  whole  fill  remains  to 
be  coolly  fate  upon  and  revifed;  in  order  to  difcover^  if  the  Ima- 
gination  has  not  been  too  bufy  in  working  off  the  Interpretation  -, 
or  if  no  Levity,  misbecoming  the  Ancient  Sages^  has  crept  in. 
And  as  the  Author  certainly  beftowed  this,  or  perhaps  much 
greater,  'Diligence  and  Application^  in  trimming  thefe  ancient 
fables,  and  fitting  them   with  fuitable  Interpretations  ^^  it  feems 

but 


542 


PREFACE. 

but  a  piecs  of  Jujlice  in  the  Reader,  that  he  be  not  over-hafty 
to  pronounce  upon  the  Performance.  This  is  mentioned  the  ra- 
ther, becaiife  fame  have  thought,  that  the  Author  here  employed 
his  Imagination  more  than  his  Judgment.  But  the  Appeal  from 
Men's  fir  ft  Thoughts  to  their  fecond^  is  the  ^Privilege  of  every 
careful  Writer. 


^^'s^4 


THE 


THE 

MYTHOLOGY 

O    R 

CONCEALED  KNOWLEDGE 

O  F    T  H  E 

ANCIENTS, 

Decyphered  and  Explained. 


(  545  ) 


INTRODUCTION: 

Containing  a  JJjOft  Critique  upon  the  Mythology  of 

the  Ancients. 


x.f'  d  A H E  earlieft  Antiquity  lies  buried   in  Silence  and  OhX\' uythahgy 
I       vion  ;  excepting  the  Remains  we  have  of  it  in  facred  Writ. """'"''  '*** 
•*•      This  Silence  was  fucceeded   by   Toetical  Fables)    andH/y?»^.  * 
thefe,  at  length,  by  the  Writings  we  now  enjoy ;    io  that  the  con- 
cealed and  lecret  Learning  of  the  Ancients,   leems  feparated   from 
the  Hillory  and  Knowledge  of  the  following  Ages,   by  a  P^eil^    or 
Partition-Wall  of  Fables,  interpofing  between  the  Things  that  are 
loft,  and  thofe  that  remain  ^ 

2.  Many  may  imagine  that  I  am  here  entring  upon  a  Work  of  Fancy,  Hi«;  htm 
or  Amui'ement  •    and  defign  to  ule  a  Poetical  Liberty,  in  explaining  "'"/"^ "'"' 
Poetical  Fables.     'Tis  true,  Fables  in  general  are  compofcd  of  due-"  ""^^  " 
tile  Matter,  that  may  be  drawn  into  great  Variety,  by  a  witty  Talent, 

or  an  inventive  Genius ;  and  be  delivered  of  plaufible  Meanings  which 
they  never  containd.  But  this  Procedure  has  already  been  carried 
to  excels :  and  great  numbers,  to  procure  the  Sandion  of  Antiquity 
to  their  own  Notions  and  Inventions,  have  miferably  wrefted  and 
abufed  the  Fables  of  the  Ancients. 

3.  Nor  is  this  only  a  late  or  unfrequent  Practice ;  but  of  ancient  B«f  «of /**«- 
date,  and  common,  even  to  this  day.  Thus  Chryjippus,  like  an  In-f"''  '9  *' "'' 
terpreter  of  Dreams,    attributed  the  Opinions  of  the  Stoicks  to  the-*" 

Poets  of  old :  and  the  Chemifts,  at  prefent,  more  childifhly  apply  the 
Toetical  Transformations   to   their  Experiments  of  the  Furnace. 

*  Vurr»  diftriliutes  the  Ages  of  the  World  into  three  Periods;  viz..  iheUnkrunvn,  the  Faiu- 
Uus,  and  the  Hijlorical.  Of  the  former  we  have  no  Accounts  but  in  S/rlpture ;  for  the 
ffcond,  we  muft  confult  the  Ancient  Poeti ,  iuch  as  Hefiod.  Homer,  or  thofe  who  wrote  ftlU 
earlier  j  and  then  again  come  back  xoOvitl,  whoiti  his  Metamorphofes,  feems  in  imitation,  per- 
haps, of  I'ome  ancient  Gretk  Poet,  to  have  intended  a  compleat  Colledlion,  or  a  kind  of  continued 
and  connriled  Hiftory  oi  the  fabulous  Age;  elpecially  with  regard  to  Changes,  Reiclntions,  or 
lyaniformatians. 

Vol.  L  Aa  a  a  And 


546  INTRODUCTION. 

And  tho'  1  have  well  weighed  and  confidered  all  this ;  and  throughly 
feen  into  the  Levity  which  the  Mind  indulges  for  Allegories  and 
Allufions  j  yet  I  cannot  but  retain  a  high  Value  for  the  ancient  My- 
thology.    And  certainly,  it  were  very  injudicious  to  fuffer  the  fond- 
nefs  and  licentioufnefs  of  a  few,  to  detradt  from  the  honour  of  Al- 
legory and  Parable  in  general.   This  would  be  rafln,  and  almoft  prc- 
phane  :    for,  fince  Religion  delights  in  fuch  Shadows  and  Difguifes ; 
to  abolifti  them  were,  in  a  manner,  to  prohibit  all  Intercourfe  betwixt 
Things  divine  and  human. 
That  certain      4,  Upon  deliberate  Confideration,   my  Judgment  is,   that  <?  con- 
Tabies  are  Je- (-g^ig^  lnJlru5iion  and  Allegory  w^s  originally  intended  /«  many  of 
£orkJ.      "'  t^^  ancient  Fables.     This  Opinion  may,   in  Ibme  refpedt,  be  owing 
to  the  Veneration  I  have  for  Antiquity  -,  but  more  to  obferving,  that 
fome  Fables  difcover  a  great  and  evident  Similitude,   Relation  and 
»•,^.M-^v.«rJGonne£^:ion  with  thcl'hing  they  fignify,-  as  well  in  the  ftrudure  of 
''^■^''"      the  Fable,  as  in  the  propriety  of  the  Names,  whereby  the  Perfons 
or  Actors  are  chara£lerized  :  infomuch,  that  no  one  could  pofitively 
deny  a  Senfe  and  Meaning,  to  be  from  the  rtrft  intended,   and  pur- 
shewn  by  the  pofcly  fliadowed  out  in  them.     For  who  can  hear,  that  Fame  after 
%fl7b\e^  ?^^  Giants  were  deftroyed.,  fpriing  up  as  their  po ft  humous  Sifter ; 
and  not  apply  it  to  the  Clamour  of  Parties,  and  the  {editions  Rumours 
which  commonly  fly  about  for  a  time,  upon  the  quelling  of  Infurrec- 
tions  ^  ?   Or  who  can  read,  how  the  Giant  Typhon  cut  out  and  carried 
away  JupiterV  Sinews ;  which  Mercury  afterwards  ftole,  and  again 
reft  or  ed  to  Jupiter  ;  and  not  prefently  obferve,  that  this  Allegory  de- 
notes ftrong  and  powerful  Rebellions ;  which  cut  away  from  Kings 
their  Sinews,  both  of  Money  and  Authority :    and  that  the  way  to 
have  them  reftored,  is  by   Lenity,  Affability,  and   prudent  Edifts; 
which  loon  reconcile,  and  as  it  were  Ileal  upon  the  AfTcftions  of  the 
Subject  ^  ?     Or  who,  upon  hearing  that  memorable  Expedition  of 
the  Gods  againft  the  Giants.,  when  the  Braying  of  Silenus'j  Afs 
greatly   contributed  in  putting  the  Giants  to  pght\    does    not 
clearly  conceive,    that  this  direftly  points  at  the  monftrous  Enter- 
prizes  of  rebellious  Subjeds ;    which  are  frequently  fruftrated  and 
difappointed  by  vain  Fears  and  empty  Rumours  ? 
TheConfor-        5.  Again,   the  Conformity  and  Purport  of  the  Names,    is   fre- 
NaLfsm-    q^iently   manifeft,    and   felf-evident.     Thus  Metis,    the    Wife   of 
fofd.  Jupiter,  plainly  fignifies  Counfel  •■>    Typhon,  Swelling ;  ^an,  Uni- 

verfality  i  Nemefis,  Revenge,  &c.  Nor  is  it  a  wonder,  if  fometimes 

a 

»  See  hereafter,  Seft.  HI.  Fab.  7 . 
*  See  hereafter,  Seft.  III.  Fab.  8. 


f» 


INTRODUCTION.  547^ 

a  piece  of  Hiftory,  or  other  things  are  introduced,  by  way  of  Orna- 
ment }  or  if  the  Times  of  the  Action  are  confounded  ;  or  if  part  of 
one  Falf/e  be  tacked  to  another ;  or  if  the  Allegory  be  new  turned : 
for  all  this  mnft  neceflarily  happen;  as  the.  Fables  were  the  Inven- 
tions of  Men  who  lived  in  different  Ages,  and  had  different  Views; 
fome  of  them  being  ancient,  others  more  modern  ;  fome  ha\nng  an 
Eye  to  Natural  Thilofophy  ^  j  and  others,  to  Morality,  or  Ci-vil 
TolicY. 

6.  It  may  pafs  for  a  farther  Indication  of  a  concealed  and  {ccxeirlpe Abfurdity 
Meaning,   that  fome  of  thefe  Fables  are  fo  abfurd,    and  idle,    jn»//''"^^'/'" 

^  _  ^  ^  Of  toUeti  of 

their  Narration,  as  to  Inew  and  proclaim  an  Allegory,  even  afar  off  thih  beixg 
A  Fable  that  carries  probability  with  it,  maybe  fuppofed  invented ^''''^'"'"^'''■ 
for  pleafure,  or  in  imitation  of  Hiflory  j  but  thofe  that  could  never 
be  conceived,  or  related  in  this  way,  mufl  furely  have  a  different 
ule.  For  example,  what  a  monftrous  Fiction  is  this,  that  Jupiter 
fhould  take  Metis  to  IVtfe  \  and  as  foon  as  he  found  her  pregnant^ 
eat  her  up  -,  "jahereby  he  alfo  conceived,  and  out  of  his  Head  brought 
forth  Pallas  armed?  Certainly  no  Mortal  could,  but  for  the  lake 
of  the  Moral  it  couches,  invent  fuch  an  abfurd  Dream  as  this  i 
fo  much  out  of  the  Road  of  Thought ! 

7.  But  the  Argument  of  moil  weight  with  me  is  this;  that  many r^?  tMa 
of  thele  Fables,  by  no  means  appear  to  have  been  invented  by  xhs^"'^'^  '^^'* 
Perlbns  who  relate  and  divulge  them ;  whether  Homer,  Hefiod,  or 
others :    for   if  I  were  affured    they   firft   flowed  from  thofe  later 
Times  and  Authors  that  tranfmit  them  to  us,  I  fhould  never  expedl 

any  Thing  Angularly  great  or  noble  from  fuch  an  Origin.  But 
whoever  attentively  confiders  the  Thing,  will  find  that  xht^Q  Fables 
are  delivered  down,  and  related  by  thofe  Writers,  not  as  Matters  then 
firft  invented  and  pro  poled  ;  but  as  Things  received  and  embraced 
in  earlier  Ages.  Befldes,  as  they  are  differently  related  by  Writers 
nearly  of  the  fame  Ages,  'tis  eafily  perceived,  that  the  Relators 
drew  from  the  common  Stock  of  ancient  Tradition  ;  and  varied  but 
in  point  of  Embelifhment,  which  is  their  own.  And  this  prin- 
cipally raifes  my  Efteem  of  thefe  Fables  ,  which  I  receive,  not  as 
the  Product  of  the  Age,  or  Invention,  of  the  Poets  ;  but  as  facred 
Reliques,  gentle  Whifpers,  and  the  Breath  of  better  Times ;  that 
from  the  Traditions  of  more  ancient  Nations  came,  at  length,  into 
the  Flutes  and  Trumpets  of  the  Greeks.  But,  if  any  one  fhall,  not- 
withftanding  this,  contend  that  Allegories  are  always  adventitious,  or 

A  a  a  a   2  impoled 

*  See  with  regard  to  IsMnrd  Hifiory  and  Ph^fuks,  Dr.  Hcie:t's  Difcourfe  of  £;trih^uakei. 


54» 


INTRODUCTION. 


impofed  upon  the  ancient  Fables,   and  no  way  native,  or  genuinely 
contained  in  them;    we  might  here  leave  him  undithirbed    in  that 
gravity  of  Judgment  he  affeds;  (tho'  we  cannot  help  accounting  it 
lomewhat   dull  and  phlegmatic)  and  if  it  were  worth  the  trouble, 
proceed  to  another  kind  of  Argument. 
^ioubieufe       8.  Men  havc  propofed  to  anfwer  two    different,    and  contrary 
of?arMei^   Euds,  by  the  ufe  of  Parable  ,•    for  Parables  ferve,  as  well  to  inftrudt 
in?  «««^  Con- or  illuftrate,  as  to   wrap  up  and  envelope:    fo    that   tho',   for  the 
celling.        prcfent,    we    drop   the   concealed  ulej    and   Ibppole    the    ancient 
Faules  to  be  vague,  undeterminate  Things,  formed  for  Amufement ; 
ftill  the  other  ule  muft  remain,    and  can  never  be  given  up.     And 
every  Man,  of  any  Learning,  muft  readily  allow,  that  this  Method 
of  inftrucling  is  grave,  lober,  or  exceedingly  ufeful ;  and  fometimes 
neceflary  in  the  Sciences :  as  it  opens  an  eafy  and  familiar  Paflfage  to 
the  human  Underftanding,  in  all  new  Difcoveries  that  are  abftrufe, 
and  out  of  the  road  of  vulgar  Opinions.     Hence,  in  the  firft  Ages, 
when  fuch  Inventions  and  Conclufions  of  the  human  Reafon,  as  are 
now  trite   and  common,    were   new  and  little  known ;    all  things 
abounded  with  Fables,  Parables,  Similes,  Comparilbns,  and  Allufions ; 
which  were  not  intended  to  conceal,  but  to  inform  and  teach  :  whilft 
the  Minds  of  Men  continued  rude  and  unpradifed  in  Matters  of  Sub- 
tilty  and  Speculation  ;  or  even  impatient,  and  in  a  manner  uncapa- 
ble  of  receiving  fuch  things  as  did  not  direftly  fall  under  and  ftrike 
the  Senfes.      For  as   Htcroglyphicks  were  in  ufe  before  Writing  •, 
fo  "-jvere  'Parables  in  ufe   before  Arguments.      And  even,  to  this 
day,    if  any  Man  would  let  new  Light  in  upon  the  human  Under- 
ftanding ;  and  conquer  Prejudice,    without  raifmg  Contefts,  Animo- 
fities,  Oppofition,  or  Difturbance,  he  muft  ftill  go  in  the  lame  Path  j 
and  have   recourfe  to  the  like  Method  of  Allegory;    Metaphor, 
and  Allufion  '. 
•xheMythohgy      9.  To  concludc,    the  Knowledge  of  the  early  Ages  was  either 
oftheAncUms gj.p^f  ot  happy  j    great,  if  they  by  Defign  made   this  ule  of  Trope 
greK.  ar    w- ^^^  Figure;  happy,  if  whilft  they  had  other  Views,  they  afforded 
Matter  and  Occafton  to  llich  noble  Contemplations.     Let  either  be 
the  Cafe,  our  Pains,    perhaps,   will  not  be  mileraploy'd  j    whether 
we  illuftrate  Antiquity,  or  Things  themfelves. 

lO. 

*  what  uC:  the  Author  has  made  of  this  Art,  will  appear  to  a  careful  Reader  of  his  de  Au^- 
mentis  Scientiarii.m  and  Hs-vtim  Orgxnnm.  And  tho'  lome  arc  of  Opinion  that  Knowledge  IJ 
io  far  improved  ot  late,  and  Men's  Minds  £o  opened  and  prepared,  that  new  Difcovciies.  and 
the  naked  Truth  will  be  bell  received,  when  deivered  in  plain  and  finiple  Language,  witho-t 
foreign  Art  or  Ornamct;  yet  he,  who  afts  upon  fuch  a  Su-ppo.ition,  w;li  perhaps  find  it 
erroneous  j  even  tho'  the  Subjcdt  be  hux  of  a  Phylicai,  and  not  of  a  Moral,  Political,  or  Reli- 
gious Nature. 


INTRODUCTION. 


549 


10.  The  like  indeed  has  been  attempted  by  others ;  buttofpeak  in-^'^  i>.piina. 
genuoully,  their  great  and  voluminous  Labours  have  almoft  ac-bjothen. 
ftroy'd  the  Energy,  the  Efficacy  and  Grace  of  the  Thing;  whilft  be- 
ing unskilled  in  Nature,  and  their  Learning  no  more  than  that  of 
Common-Place,  they  have  applied  the  Senle  of  the  Parables  to 
certain  general  and  vulgar  Matters ;  without  reaching  to  their  real 
Purport,  genuine  Interpretation,  and  full  Depth.  For  my  felf,  there- 
fore, I  exped  to  appear  new  in  thcfe  common  Things ;  bccaufe, 
leaving  untouched  fuch  as  are  fufficiently  plain,  and  open,  I  Ihali 
drive  only  at  thofe  that  are  either  deep  or  rich  '. 

•  In  effedt,  the  Author  appears  to  have  judicioufly  choft  his  Fables,  as  they  were  pregnant 
with  ufetul  Matter;  yet  not  of  the  eafieft  kind  fj  interpret:  thus,  in  his  iifua!  Way,  letting 
others  an  Example  for  proiecuting  the  Thing  farther;  as  not  having  himfelf  exhaufted  this 
fruitful  Subjeft.     See  4e  Augment.  Scienimr.  pag.  j-6 — 69. 


t 


SECT, 


(  55<3  > 


SECT.    I. 

The  concealed  Phyfical  Knowledge  of 
the  Ancients  decyphered. 


I. 

'The  Fable  ^  Coelum;  explained  of  the  Creation,    or 
Origin  of  all  Things. 

The   Fable. 

Ca'um,  hh  I  ^  f-Tr^  HE  Toets  relate,  that  Ccelum  {a)  ijsas  the  mo  ft  ancient  of 

I       all  the  Gods  •■,  that  his  Tarts  of  Generation  'is:  ere  cut  off  by 

•*-      his  Son  Saturn  j  that  Saturn  {h)  had  a  numerous  Offspring  ; 

jupner  ufurps  but  deiioiired  all  his  Sons^  as  foon  as  theyu'ere  born  {c) ;   that  Jupiter, 

the  Kingdom,  ^f  lengthy  efcaped  the  common  Fate--,  and  ivhen  gro-jun  up,   drove 

his  Father  Sztnxn  into  Tartarus;  ufurped  the  Kingdom  \  cut  off  his 

Father's  Genitals,    '■j^ith  the  fame  Knife  ij:)here'-j:jith  Saturn  had 

difmembred  Coelum  {d)  ;  and  thro'-joing  them  into  the  Sea^  thence 

fprung  Venus  (^). 

TwoPT/in  on      2.  Before  Jupiter  iiaas    'well  eftablijhed  in    his  Empire^    t-^o 

Jupiter.        memorable  Wars  'were  made  upon  him ;  the  firft  by  the  Titans,  in 

fubduing  of  whom  Sol,  the  only  one  of  the  Titans  laho  favoured 

Jupiter,  performed  himfngular  Service  :   The  fecond  by  /^^  Giants; 

•who  being  deftroyed  and  fubdued  by  the  Thunder  and  Arms  of 

Jupiter,  he  now  reigned  fecure  (/"). 

* 

The  Explanation. 

The^Me  g.f  I'^HIS  FaUe  appears  to  bean  enigmatical  Account  of  tlie  Origin  of  all 
lount  ofthe'  JL  things;  not  greatly  differing  from  the  Philofophy  afterwards  em- 
originoftbe  braccd  by  Democrilus,  who  exprefsly  afferts  the  Eternity  of  Matter;  but 
iVerU.  denies 


Se(^.  I.  Phvsical   MyTHOLocr.  551 

denies  the  Eternity  of  the  World  :  thereby  approaching  to  the  Truth  of 
facred  Writ,  which  makes  Chaos,  or  un-informed  Matter  to  exift  before 
the  fix  Days  Works. 

4.  The  meaning  of  the  Fable  feems  to  be  this,     (a)  Caelum  denotes  the  con-  Ccelum  Jif- 
cave  Space,  or  vaulted  Roof  that  inclofes  all  Matter ;    and  (b)  Saturn  the  memired. 
Matter  it  felf  •,    which  cuts  off  all  Power   of  Generation  from  his  Father  ; 

as  one   and   the  fame  quantity  of  Matter  remains  invariable  in  Nature, 
without  Addition  or  Diminution  =".     (c)  But  the  Agitations  and  ftruggling  satum  de- 
Motions  of  Matter,  firfl  produced  certain  imperfefl  and  ill-join'd  Compo-w«W«^  i>/i 
fitions  of  Things,  as  it  were  fo  many  firft  Rudiments,  or  Efiays  of  Worlds ;  children. 
till,  in  proccfs  of  Time,    there  arofe  a  Fabrick  capable  of  preferving  its 
Form  and  Strudlure.     ( J)  Whence  the  firft  ylge  was  fhadowed  out  by  the 
Reign  o^  Saturn  ;  who,  on  account  of  the  frequent  Difiblutions,  and  ikortxhe  Rei^nof 
Durations  of  Things,    was  fliid  to  devour  his  Children.    And  the  fecond  Jge  Satum. 
was  denoted  by  the  Reign  ofjupter;  who  thruft,  or  drove  thole  frequent  and  The  Reign  of 
tranficory  Changes  into  Tartarus;    a  place  expreffive   of  Diforder.     This  Jupiter. 
Place  feems  to  be  the  middle  Space,  between  the  lower  Heavens,    and  the 
internal  Parts   of  the  Earth  ;    wherein  Diforder,  Imperfeftion,  Mutation, 
Mortality,  Defl:ruction,  and  Corruption  are  principally  found. 

5.  (e)  Vefius  was  not  born  during  the  former  Generation  of  Things,  under  ^y^^  ^j^,^  ^,/- 
the  Reign  of  Saturn:    for  whilft  Difcord  and  Jar  had  the  upper  hand  ofvcnus. 
Concord  and  Uniformity  in  the  Matter  of  the  Univerfe,  a  change  of  the 

entire  Strudure  was  neceflfary.  And  in  this  manner.  Things  were  generated 
and  deftroy'd,  before  Saturn  was  difmembered.  But  when  this  manner  of 
Generation  ceafed  ^,  there  immediately  followed  another,  brought  about 
by  Venus,  or  a  perfeft  and  efl:ablifhed  Harmony  of  Things  ;  whereby 
Changes  were  wrought  in  the  Parts,  whilft  the  univerfal  Fabrick  remained 
entire  and  undifturbed.  Saturn,  however,  is  faid  to  be  thruft  out  and  de- Situm,  why 
throned,  not  killed,  and  become  extinft ;  becaufe  agreeably  to  the  Op'i- not  hilled. 
nion  of  Democritus,  the  World  might  relapfe  into  its  old  Confufion  and 
Diforder  :  which  Lucretius  hoped  would  not  happen  in  his  Time  "=. 

6.  (/)  But  now,  when  the  World  was  compact,  and  held  together  by  itssol  ajr;fm^ 
own  bulk  and  energy  ;  yet  there  was  no  Reft  from  the  beginning:  for  firft,  Jupiter, 
there  followed  confiderable  Motions  and  Difturbances  in  the  Celeftial  Re- 
gions ;  tho'  fo  regulated  and  moderated  by  the  Power  of  the  Sun,  prevailing 

over  the  Heavenly  Bodies,  as  to  continue  the  World  in  its  State.  Afterwards 
there  followed  the  like  in  the  lower  Parts,  by  Inundations,  Storms,  J-Finds^ 
general  Earthqttakes,  (^c.  which,  however,  being  fubdued  and  kept  under, 
there  enfued  a  more  peaceable  and  lafting  Harmony  and  Confent  of 
Things. 

7.  It 

*  See  the  IntroduBion  to  the  Author's  Hiftory  of  RarifaBion  and  Condenfrtion,  Vol.  III.  The 
original  Quantity  of  Matter  remaining  invariably  the  fame,  explains  that  Circumftance  in  the 
Jable,  of  the  fame  Knife  being  ufed  for  the  difraembring  of  Saturn,  as  had  before  been  ufed 
for  the  difmembring  of  Caelum. 

^  Viz..  \iheajufiter  pofTeffed  the  Throne;  or  after  a  durable  World  was  formed.  Let  the 
figurative  or  perfbnifying  Manner  of  ExprefTion,  ufual  among  the  Poets,  be  all  along  confider'd, 

.'  ^lod  frocul  a.  nobii fleiiat  Fortuna  gubernum  j 
£t  Rutio  ^otitis,  quttm  Ret  ^erfuadeat  i^*, 


552  Physical  Mythology,  Se(^. I. 

The  Fable  in-      7.  It  may  be  faid  of  this  Fable,  that  it  includes  Philofophj  ;  and  again,  that 

■volves  vhilo'  Philofophy  includes  ths  Fable :  for  we  know,  by  Faith,  that  all  thefe  Things 

Mh-  are  but  the  Oracles  of  Sen/e,  long  fince  ceafed  and  decayed  ;  both  the  Matter 

and  Fabrick  of  the  World  being  juftly  attributed  to  a  Creator  S 

II. 

71)6  Fable  of  Prometheus;    explained  of  an   over- 
rulifig  Providence^  and  of  Human  Nature. 

The   Fable. 

Prometheus   ^  • '  ■  ^*  H  E  Ancients  relate  that  Man  was  the  Work  of  Prome- 
createi  Man,         J^      thcus,  and  formed  of  Clay  {a) ;  only  the  Artificer  mixed 
.from Heave'"  ^f^  With  the  Mufs^   ^articles  taken  from  different  Animals  {b). 
And  being  defirous  to  improve  his  Workmanships  and  endow  as  well 
as  create  the  Human  Race  i  he  fiole  up  to  Heaven  with  a  bundle  of 
Birch  Rods  -,  and  kindling  them  at  the  Chariot  of  the  Sun^  thence 
brought  down  Fire  to  the  Earthy  for  the  Service  of  Men  if). 
Accufeitothe      2.  They  add^  that  for  this  meritorious  A£f,    Prometheus  was 
^°  '^  repay  d  iz'ith  ingratitude  by  Mankind  •■>   fo  that^  forming  a  Con- 

fpiracy,  they  accufed  both  him  and  his  Invention  to  Jtipiter.    But 
the  matter  was  otherwife  received,  than  they  imagined:  for  the 
Terpetuai      Accufation  provcd  extremely  grateful  to  Jupiter,  arid  the  Gods  i  in- 
'^""^^^P'^^^fomuch^  that  delighted  with  the  A^ ion  (V),  they  not  only  indulged 
Mankind  the  life  of  Fire  ;  but  moreover  conferred  upon  them  a  mofi 
acceptable  and  defir able 'Pre fent,  viz.  'Perpetual  Tout h  {e). 
The  Gift  laid      3 .   But  Men,  foolifhly  overjoyed  hereat^  laid  this  Trefent  of  the 
ufon  <j»  ji/i,  Qg^^  j^pgjj  ^^ ^p  .  ^jjfjg^  iYi  return'mg  back  with  it^  being  extremely 
tbirfly^  and  coming  to  a  Fountain  -,  the  Serpent,   who  was  Guar- 
dian thereof  would  not  fuffer  him  to  drijik,  but  upon  Condition  of 
receiving  the  Burden  he  carried,  '■ji-hatever  it  fhould  be.     'The  filly 
Anil  trx-if-    yjf^  compUcd  i  andthus  the  perpetual  Renewal  of  Touth  -mas,  for  a 
unt'°  ^^"^"  *5"«/  of  Water,  transferred  from  Men  to  the  Race  of  Serpents  {f). 
4.  Prometheus,  not  defifting  from  his  imwarrantable  Tra^ices^ 
thd  now  reconciled  to  Mankind,  after  they  were  thus  tricked  of 
of^s^lmck  t^^eir  Trefent  [g);   but  fill  continuing  inveterate  againf  Jupkct  i 
sacrijice.       had  the  boldiicfs   to  attempt  'Deceit,  even  in  a  Sacrifice  ;  and  is 

faid 

»  Next  (hould  follow  the  Table  of  Van,  explained  in  the  de  Angmenth  Sclentiarum ;  for 
that  Faile  Icems  na:ur^ly  ro  fjccecd  the  prefent  -.  as  the  Phinomena  ot  the  Univerfe,  come  to 
be  confidsrcd  immediately  after  its  Origin.     See  de  Aug»>ent.  Scientiar.  pag.  /9,  &c. 


Scdl.  I.  Fpiysical   Mythology.  553 

faid  to  hai'e  once  offered  up  t'no  Bulls  to  Jupiter;  vi*tp,  »;  ;;;  irr 
Hide  of  one  of  them^  to  iirap  all  the  llejh  and  Fat  of  both  •■>  and 
fluffing  out  the  other  Hide  only  Vui:  h  the  Bones  ■■,  then  in  a  religious 
and  devout  Alanner,  gave  Jnpiter  his  choice  of  the  tijva,  Jupiter 
detefling  this  fly  Fraud  and  Hypocrify^  but  having  thus  an  opportu- 
nity of  punip}tng  the  Offender ^  pnrpofely  chofe  the  Alock-Bvll  {h). 

5 .  And  non'  giving  v:ay  to  Revenge,  but  finding  he  could  not  f^-ndora 
chaftife  the  infolence  of  Promctheii5,  vuithout  affli^ing  the  human'^"^'^^^^^"" 
Race,    {in  the  Trodutiion  vuherco*  Prometheus  had  flraiigely  and 
infufferably  prided  himfelf })  he  commanded  Vulcan  to  form  a  beau- 
tiful and  graceful  Woman  •■,  to  whom  every  God  prefeuted  a  certain 

Gift ;  vohence  fhe  was  called  Pandora  \  They  put  into  her  Hands 
an  elegant  Box,  containing  all  forts  of  Miferies  and  Misfortunes  -, 
but  Hope  was  placed  at  the  bottom  of  it.  With  this  Box  [he  frf I 
goes  to  Prometheus,  to  try  if  fhe  could  prevail  upon  him  to  receive 
and  open  it  -,  but  he  being  upon  his  Guard.,  warily  refufed  the  offer. 
Upon  this  refufal,  f\)e  comes  to  his  Brother  Epimetheus,  a  Man  ofarhe  eox 
very  different  Temper,  who  rajhly  and  inconfiderately  opens  the  Box.  "f"''^- 
(i)  Whht  finding  all  kinds  of  Miferies  and  Misfortunes  iffued  out 
of  it,  he  grew  Wife  too  late-,  and  with  great  hurry  andftruggle  en- 
deavoured to  clap  the  Cover  on  again :  but  with  all  his  Endeavour, 
could  fear  ce  keep  in'Vio^c,  which  lay  at  the  Bottom  {k). 

6.  Ziaflly,  Jupiter  ^rr^/^wf"!^  Prometheus  of  many  heinous  Crimes;  prometheus 
as  that  he  formerly  flole  Fire  from  Heaven ;    that  he  contemp-'^''^'''S'-i'^  ^y 
tuoufly,  and  deceitfully  mocked  him  by  a  Sacrifice  of  Bones  i  that  ^«'■'"^'^"' 
defpifed  his  Trefent  ^ ;    adding  withal  a  new  Crime,  that  he  at- 
tempted to  ravif]  Pallas :  for  ail  which  he  was  fentenced  to  be  bound  condemned, 
in  Chains  ;   and  doomed  to  perpetual  Torments.      yJccordingly,  by 
Jupiter" J"  Command,  he  was  brought  to  Mount  Caucafus ;  and  t here  Fafiened  ta 
fajlned  to  a  Tillar.,  fo  firmly,  that  he  could  no  way  ftir.     A  ^/^/- Caucai'us. 
ture,  or  Eagle  flood  by  him,    which  in  the  day-time  gnawed  and 
confumed  his  Liver ;  but  in  the  night  the  wafted  Tarts  were  fup- 

p lied  again  :  whence  Matter  for  his  Tain  was  never  wanting  (I). 

7.  They  relate^  however,  that  hisTunifhment  had  an  Eiid-.,  forKeU^^ui 
Hercules  failing  the  Ocean,  in  a  Cup.,  orTitcher,  prefented  him  by 

the  Sun,  came  at  length  to  Caucafus  5  fhot  the  Eagle  with  his  Ar- 
rows-, and  fetVxomtthexis  free  [m).     In  certain  Nations  alfo  there 
were  inflituted  particular  Games  of  the  Torch,  to  the  honour  of 
Prometheus ;  in  which  they,  who  rnnfortheTrize,  carried  lighted  t/;;  Prome- 
Torches ;  and  as  any  one  of  thefe  Torches  happened  to  go  out,  the^^-^  o^mer, 

*•  As  i(  K  were  Alt- Gift.  '•  {-'/«,.  that  by   inndora. 

Vol.  1.  Bbbb  Bearer 


354  Physical    MyxHOLony.  Sea.I. 

£>t:uit,  ^....^..^'junjeij,  ana  gave  way  to  the  next i  and  that 
^erfon  was  allowed  to  win  the  Trize,  who  firji  brought  in  his 
lighted  Torch  to  the  Goal  [n). 

The   Explanation. 

Prometheus  8.  {a)  f  |  Mil  S  Fable  contains  and  enforces  many  juft  and  ferious  Confide- 
iimtes  Pro-  J[_     rations  -,    fome  whereof  have  been,  long  fince,  well  obferved  ; 

vidence.        ^yj-  fome  again  remain  perfedly  untouched.      Prometheus  clearly  and  ex- 
prefsly  fignifies  Providence  -,  for  of  all  the  Things  in  Nature,  the  formation 
and  endowment  of  Man  was  fingled  out  by  the  Ancients,  and  efteemed 
UanthtWor)t^'^  peculiar  Work  of  Providence.     The  Reafon  hereof  feems,    (r.)  That 
cf  providence,  ^^^  Nature  of  Man  includes  a  Mind  and  Underftanding,  which  is  the  Seat 
of  Providence  ;  (2.)  That  it  is  harfh  and  incredible,  to  fuppofe  Reafon  and 
Mind  fhould   be  raifed,  and  drawn  out  of  fenfelefs  and  irrational  Princi- 
ples •,  whence  it  becomes  almoft  inevitable,  that  Providence  is  implanted  in 
the  human  Mind  ;  in  Conformity  with,  and  by  the  Direflion  and  the  De- 
tn  Account  of  ^^Z"^  of  the  greater  over-ruling  Providence.     But,  (3.)  The  principal  Caufe 
Cofmical       is  this ;  that  Man  feems  to  be  the  Thing,  in  which  the  whole  World  centers, 
Zndi.     ~      with  refpedl  to  fml  Caufes  ;    fo  that  if  he  were  away,  all   other  Things 
would   ftray  and   fluctuate,    without  End   or  Intention ;  or   become  per- 
feft^y  disjointed,  and  out  of  frame.     For  all  Things  are  made  fubfervienc 
to  Man  •,  and  he  receives  ufe  and  benefit  from  them  all.     Thus  the  Revo- 
lutions, Places,  and  Periods  of  the  cekftial  Bodies,    ferve  him  for  diftin- 
guifhing  Times  and  Seafons  •,    and  for  dividing  the  World  into  different 
Regions:    the  Meteors  afford  him    Prognoftications  of  the  Weather  ;  the 
Winds  fail  our  Ships,  drive  our  Mills,  and  move  other  Machines  ;  and  the 
Vegetables  and  Animals  of  all  kinds,  either  afford  us  Matter   for  Houfes 
and  Habitations,  Cloathing,  Food,  Phyfick,    or  tend  to  eafe,  or  delight, 
fupport,  or  refrefii  us :  fo  that  every  Thing  in  Nature  feems  not  made  for 
it  fclf,  but  for  Man, 

9.  (/')  And  'tis  not  without  Reafon  added,  that  the  Mafs  of  Matter, 
Man  a  mix-  vvhereof  Man  was  formed,  fliould  be  mixed  up  with  Particles  taken  from 
wXp^rri- different  Animals,  and  wrought  in  with  the  Clay,  becaufe,  'tis  cer- 
clesofiillA)ti-ia.m,  that  of  all  Things  in  the  Univerfe,  Man  is  the  moft  compounded,  and 
malt.  recompounded  Body  ;    fo  that  the  Ancients  not  improperly  ftyled  him  a 

Microcofm,  or  little  World  within  himfclf  For  altho'  the  Chemifts  have 
abfurdly,  and  too  literally,  wrefted  and  perverted  the  Elegance  of  the  Term 
Microcofm,  whilft  they  pretend  to  find  all  kind  of  mhieral  and  vegetable 
Matters,  or  fomething  correfponding  to  them,  in  Man  ;  yet  it  remains 
firm  and  unfhaken,  that  the  human  Body  is  of  all  Subftances  the  moft  mixed, 
and  organical :  whence  it  has  furprizing  Powers  and  Faculties.  For  the 
Powers  of  fimple  Bodies  are  but  few,  tho'  certain  and  quick  •,  as  being 
little  broken,  or  weakened;  and  not  counterballanced  by  Mixture:  But 
Excellence,  and  ^(antity  of  Energ'j  refide  m  Mixture  and  Compofition  ^.  1  o. 
■  Thelnftancesof  thisPo/lr/s»  dcferve  to  becolleflcd.  Confider  of  the  Mechanical  Powers,  Me- 
dicines, Poifons,  Plants,  Companies,  Government,  Arts,  the  advancement  of  Philolbphy,  i^c. 


Sejfl.I.  Phvsical  Mythology.  555 

10.  Man,  however,  in  his  firft  Origin,  fee ms  to  be  a  dcfencelefs,  nukcdTfje  invmien 
Creature  •,  flow  in  afiifting  himi'tlf,  and  ftanding  in  need  of  numerous  Things."/^"''- 
Prometheus,  therefore,    haftened  to  the  Invention  of  Fire,  which   fupplies 

and  adminifters  to  nearly  all  human  Ufes  and  Neceffities ;  infomuch,  that 
if  the  Soul  may  be  called  the  Form  of  Forms  ;  if  the  Hand  may  be  called 
the  JnjJrumcfii  of  Inftruments  ;  Fire  may,  as  properly,  be  cabled  tht/^jfijlant 
of  /IffJlaKts,  or  the  Helper  of  Helps,  For  hence  proceed  numberlefs  Opera- 
tions J  hence  all  the  Mechanic  Arts ;  and  hence  infinite  Affiftances  are  afforded 
to  the  Sciences  themfelves. 

11.  (r)  The  manner  wherein  Prometheus  ftole  this  Fire,is  properly  defcribed  «"<""  fl'^'  h 
from  the  Nature  of  the  Thing  ;  he  being  faid  to  have  done  it  by  applying  a"""^""^"'* 
Rod  of  Birch,  to  the  Chariot  of  the  Sun :  for  Birch  is  ufed  in  itriking  and 
beating  ;  which  clearly  denotes  the  Generation  of  Fire  to  be  from  the  vio- 
lent Percuffions,  and  CoUifions  of  Bodies  ;  whereby  the  Matters  (truck  are 
fubtilized,    rarified,    put   into    Motion,     and    fo  prepared    to  receive   the 

Heat  of  the  Celcftial  Bodies ;  whence  they,  in  a  clandeftine  and  fecrct 
manner,  collect  and  fnatch  Fire,  as  it  were  by  ftealth,  from  the  Chariot 
of  the  Sun  •. 

12.  id)  The  next  is  a  remarkable  part  of  the  Fable;  which  reprefents,  that  Jupiterf /f«i'</ 
Men,  infteadof  Gratitude  and  Thanks,  fell  into  Indignation  and  Expoftula-''^^^-'^^^^''^ 
tion  -,  accufing  both  Prometheus  and  his  Fire  to  Jupiter  :    and  yet  the  Ac-  ,;,„^j  of  Me» 
cufxtion  proved  highly  pleafing   to  Jupiter -,    fo  that  he,  for  this  Reafon,»*?  Prome- 
crowned  thefe  Benefits  of  Mankind,  with  a  new  Bounty.     Here  it  may  feem  theus.  • 
ftrange,  that  the  Sin  of  Ingratitude  to  a  Creator  and  Benefadtor  ;  a  Sin  fo 

heinous  as  to  include  almoft  all  others  •,  fhould  meet  with  Approbation  and 
Reward.    But  the  Allegory  has  another  View;  and  denotes,that  the  Accufation  zxphlned  of 
and  Arraignment  both  of  human  Nature,  and  human  Art,  among  Mankind,  «^^^''"i^  ^^"* 
proceeds  from  a  moft  noble  and  laudable  Temper  of  the  Mind  ;  and  tends       '^''"'''* 

'^  J  r  ^  1  T-  -J'  I       ">  account. 

to  a  very  good  purpole :  whereas  the  contrary  1  emper  is  odious  to  the 
Gods  ;  and  unbeneficial  in  it  felf.  For  they  who  break  into  extravagant 
Praifes  of  human  Nature,  and  the  Arts  in  vogue ;  lay  themfelves  out 
in  admiring  the  Things  they  already  poflefs  ;  and  will  needs  have  the 
Sciences  cultivated  among  them,  to  be  thought  abfolutely  perfecft  and  com- 
pleat  J  in  the /r/?  place,  fliow  little  Regard  to  r.\it  Divine  Nature:  whilft 
they  extol  their  own  Inventions,  almoft  as  high  as  his  Perfedlion.  In  the 
next  place.  Men  of  this  Temper  are  unferviceable  and  prejudicial  in  Life  ; 
whilft  chey  imagine  themfelves  already  got  to  the  Top  of  Things,  and  there 
reft,  without  farther  Enquiry.  On  the  contrary  •,  they  v/ho  arraign  and  ac- 
cufe  both  Nature  and  Arts,  and  are  always  full  of  Complaints  againft 
them,  not  only  preferve  a  more  juft  and  modeft  Senfe  of  Mind  ;  but  are 
alfo  perpetually  ftirred  up  to  frefh  Induftry,  and  new  Difcoveries.  Is  not 
then  the  Ignorance  and  Fatality  of  Mankind  to  be  extremely  pitied,  whilft 
they  remain  Slaves  to  the  Arrogance  of  a  few  of  their  own  Fellows  ;  and  are 
doatingly  fond  of  that  Scrap  of  Grecian  Knowledge,  the  Peripatetic  Philo- 

B  b  b  b  2  fophy  ; 

*  See  the  Author's  Example  of  an  Enquiry  into  the  form  cf  Heat,  in  the  UovHta  Or^anum. 
Part  II.  Sed.  I.    See  alfo  the  Chapter  of  Fire  in  Boerhaave's  Chemijlry. 


556 


Physical    Mythology. 


Sea.  I. 


Terpetunl 
Touth  the  re- 
Vfircl  of  »c- 
eu'ing  Pro- 
metheus. 


fophy  *,  and  this  to  fuch  a  Degree,  as  not  only  to  think  all  Accufation  or 
Arraignment  thereof  ufelefs-,  but  even  hold  it  fufpeft  and  dangerous  ?  Cer- 
tainly, the  Procedure  of  Empedocles,  tho'  furious-,  but  efpecially  that  of 
Democrilus  (who  with  great  Modefty  complained,  that  all  Things  were 
abftrufe  ;  that  we  know  nothing  •,  that  Truth  lies  hid  in  deep  Pits  •,  that 
Falfliood  is  ftrangely  joined  and  twifted  along  with  Truth,  i^c.)  is  to  be 
preferred  before  the  confident,  afluming  and  dogmatical  School  of  Arijlo- 
ile  ".  Mankind  are,  therefore,  to  be  admonifhed,  that  the  Arraignment  of 
Nature  and  of  Art,  is  pleafing  to  the  Gods  ;  and  that  a  fharp  and  vehe- 
ment Accufation  of  Prct?tetheus,  tho'  a  Creator,  a  Founder,  and  a  Mafter, 
obtained  new  BlefTiiigs  and  Prefents  from  the  Divine  Bounty ;  and  proved 
more  found  and  ferviceable  than  a  diffufive  Harangue  of  Praife  and  Gratu- 
lation.  And  let  Men  be  afllired,  that  a  fond  Opinion  they  have  already 
acquired  enough,  is  a  principal  Reafon  tvhy  they  have  acquired  fo  Utile  *". 

13.  {e)  That  the  perpetual  Flower  of  Youth  fhould  be  the  Prefent  which 
•  Mankind  received  as  a  Reward  for  their  Accufation,  carries  this  Moral  j 
that  the  Ancients  feem  not  to  have  defpaired  of  difcovering  Methods,  and 
Remedies,  for  retarding  old  Age,  and  prolonging  the  Period  of  Hunian 
Life  ;  but  rather  reckoned  it  among  thofe  things  which,  thro'  floth  and 
want  of  diligent  Enquiry,  perirti  and  come  to  nothing,  after  having  been 
once  undertaken  ;  than  among  fuch  as  are  abfolutely  impofTible,  or  not 
placed  within  the  reach  of  the  human  Power.  For  they  fignify,  and  inti- 
mate, from  the  true  ufe  of  Fire,  and  the  j-itt  and  ftrenuous  Accufation,  and 
Conviftion  of  th  '  Errors  of  Art ;  that  the  divine  Bounty  is  not  wanting  to 
Men  in  fuch  kind  of  Prefnts;  but  that  Men  indeed  are  wanting  to 
themfelves  ;  and  lay  fuch  an  ineftimable  Gift  upon  the  back  of  :i  flaw-paced 
Afs  :  that  is,  upon  the  back  of  the  heavy,  dull,  lingring  Thing,  Experience  ; 
from  whofe  fluggifh  and  tortoife  Pace  proceeds  that  ancient  Complaint  of 
the  fhortnefs  of  Life,  and  the  flow  advancement  of  Arts  "=.  And  certainly 
it  may  well  feem,  that  the  two  Faculties  of  Reafoning  and  Experience,  are 
not  hitherto  properly  joined,  and  coupled  together  ;  but  to  beftill  new  Gifts 
of  the  Gods,  feparately  laid,  the  one  upon  the  back  of  a  light  Bird,  or 
nbjlra^Philcfl)phy  ;  and  the  other  upon  an  Afs, or  flow-paced  Pradiceand  Trial. 
And  yet  good  Hopes  might  be  conceived  of  this  Afs ;  if  it  were  not  for  his 
Thirfi,  and  the  Accidents  of  the  Way.     For  we  judge,  that  if  any  one 

would 

"  The  Addrefs  of  the  Author  may  here  dsferve  to  I>e  obferved.  What  he  is  forced  on 
many  occafions  to  ftifle,  or  at  moft  to  fpeak  only  by  halves,  for  fear  of  offending;  he  here 
•pcniy  avouches,  in  a  manner  that  is  fcarcc  liable  to  exception.  Indeed,  he  appears  to  have 
chofc  the  prefent  Subje'J,  the  rather  becaufe  the  Courfe  and  Nature  of  ilecyphering  the  My- 
thology of  the  ^indents,  v/ould  give  him  an  opportunity  of  freely,  or  lefs  ofFenfively  expreffing 
his  Sentimsuts,  tor  the  improvement  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  the  general  Advantage  ot 
Maokitjd. 

^  Certainly,  few  appear  fenfible,  what  a  number  of  great  Things  are  ftill  wanting  in  Philo- 
fophy,  for  the  Accommodation  of  Human  Life;  or  even  to  prevent  dreadful  Calamities;  fuch 
as  happen  by  Fire,  Water,  Storms,  ^c.  Things  wherein  Men  feem  either  quite  regard- 
lefs.  or  confounded ;  as  if  tbey  had  no  Faculties  for  procuring  a  Command  over  Nature  in 
thefe  Particulars.  And  to  e.vamine  it  clofely,  we  fhall  perhaps  find  the  moral  and  poliliinl 
Hidd  fubjeft  to  their  Calamities,  no  lefs  than  the phyfical.     See  Vol.  II.  pag.  (5i. 

*  See  the  Introduftion  to  the  Hi/lorj  of  Life  and  Death.  Vol.  III.  f.  335-. 


motjieus  te 

Mn. 


Se<5l.  I.  Physical    Mythology.  557 

would  confl.mtlv  proceed,  by  a  certain  Law  and  Method,  in  the  Road  of 
Experience  -,  and  not  by  the  way,  thirfl  after  fuch  Experiments  as  make 
for  Proft  or  Ojlentrj'wn  ^  ;  nor  exchange  his  Burden,  or  q.nc  the  original 
Drfign,  for  the  Hike  of  thofe  '';  he  migiit  be  an  ufeful  Bearer  of  a  new  and 
accumulated  divine  Bounty  to  Mankind  ^ 

14.  (/)  Tliat  this  Gift  of  perpetual  Youth  fhould   pafs  from  Men   torheCiftof 
Serpents,  Teems  added  by  way  of  Ornament,  and  Illuftration  to  the  Fable  '^  -fp'rpttuul 
gerhaps  intimating,  at  the  fame  time,  the  fliame  it  is  for  Men,    that  fhey,  T°'^'^  """"''" 
with  their  Fire,  and  numerous  Ats,    cannot  procure   to  thcmfelves  thofe^,,;;;;. 
Things  which  Nature  has  beftowed  upon  many  other  Creatures  ^ 

15.  (g)  The  fudden  Reconciliation  of  Promelbeus  zo  Mankind,  after  being  rif  Rerwri- 
dlfappointed  of  their  Hopes,    contains  a  prudent  and  ufeful  Admonition. ''"••"''' "/P'"- 
It  points  out  the  Levity  and  Temerity  of  Men  in  new  Experiments  ;  which, 
not   prefently  fucceeding,  or  anfwering  to  Expectation,    Men  precipitantly ' 
quit  their  new  Undertakings,    hurry    back  to  their  old   ones,    and  grow 
reconciled  thereto  ^ 

1 6.  (/))  After  the  Fable  has  defcribed  the  State  of  Man,    with  regard  to "^^'  Mocksa. 
^ris  and  iutelle^ual  Matters,  it  paffes  on  to  Religion:  for  after  the  inventing '■'■'^"• 

and  fettling  of  Arts,  follows  the  eftablifhment  of  divine  Worfhip  ;  which 
Hypocrify  preiently  enters  into,  and  corrupts.  So  that  by  the  two  Sacrifices 
we  have  elegantly  painted  the  Perfon  of  a  Man  truly  Religious,  and  of  an  Hy- 
pocrite. One  of  theie  Sacrifices  contained  the  Fat,  or  the  Portion  of  God, 
ufed  for  burning  and  incenfing  ;  thereby  denoting  Affedion  and  Zeal,  in- 
cenfed  up  to  his  Glory.  It  likew  ife  contained  the  Bowels,  which  are  expref- 
five  of  Charity  •,  along  with  the  good  and  ufeful  Flefh.  But  the  other 
contained  nothing  more  than  dry  Bones ;  which  neverthelefs  fluffed  out  the 
Hide,  fo  as  to  make  it  refemble  a  fair,  beautiful,  and  magnificent  Sacri- 
fice ;  hereby  finely  denoting  the  external  and  empty  Rites  and  barren  Cere- 
monies, wherewith  Men  burden  and  fluff  out  the  divine  Worfliip  :  Things 
rather  intended  for  Show  and  Oftentation,  than  conducing  to  Piety.  Nor 
are  Mankind  fimply  content  with  this  Mock-WorlTiip  of  God  ;  but  alfo 
impofe  and  father  it  upon  him,  as  if  he  had  chofe  and  ordained  it.  Cer- 
tainly the  Prophet,  in  the  Perfon  of  God,  has  a  fine  Expoftulation,  as  to  this 
Matter  of  Choice.  Is  this  the  fafting  ii-hich  I  have  chofen,  that  a  Man 
fhould  affli£l  his  Soul  for  a  Day  \  and  how  do'von  his  Head  like  a  Bulrufi  ? 

17.  \i)  After  thus  touching  the  State  of  Religion,  the  Fable  next  turns  Vulcan/«ra- 
to  Man?!ersy  and  the  Conditions  of  human  Life.     And  tho'  it  be  a  v^ry  com-  '"^  ^■'"'^on. 
mon,  yet  is  it  a  juft  Interpretation,  that  P^«iora  denotes  the  Pleafures  and 
l.icenrioufnefs,  which  the  Cultivation  and  l,uxury  of  the  Arts  of  civil  Life 
introduce,  as  it  were,   by   the  iniVrumental  EfHcacy    of  Fire:    whence  the 

Works  of  the  voluptuary  Arts  are  properly  attributed  to  Vulcan,  the  God 

of 

'  See  the  Table  of  uitalavta,  FaK  V.   hclow. 

''  As  a'.moft  the  who'.e  Body  of  Mankind,  both  Philofophers  and  others,  feem  to  have  done. 

*  See  the  Author's  Method  of  Learned  Experience;    de  Augment.  Scientiar.  Scft.  XIL 

<•  See  lilt rcduci'i Oil,  §  )-.  ^c. 

'  See  the  Author's  Hijlory  of  Life  and  Death, 

f  Which  is  one  principal  Reafon  of  the  flow  Advancement  of  Arts, 


55^ 


That  of  Pro. 
metheus. 


Physical    Mythology.  Se(ft.  I. 

of  Fire.  And  hence  infinite  Miferies  and  Calamities  have  proceeded  to 
the  Minds,  the  Bodies,  and  the  Fortunes  of  Men,  together  with  a  late 
Repentance  ;  and  this  not  only  in  each  Man's  particular,  but  alfo  in  Kingdom3 
and  States:  for  Wars  and  Tumalcs,  and  Tyrannies,  have  all  arifen  from  this 
fame  Fountain,  or  Box  of  Panaora. 
TheBehaviour  1 8.  {k)  'Tis  worth  obferving  how  beautifully,  and  elegantly,  the  Fable 
of  Epime-  has  drawn  two  reigning  Characters  in  human  Life  ;  and  given  two  Exam- 
theus  to  Pan-p]g3^  ^^  Tablatures  of  them,  under  the  Perfons  of  Prometheus  and  Epime- 
theus.  The  Followers  of  Epimetbeits  are  improvident ;  fee  not  far  before 
them  •,  and  prefer  fuch  Things  as  are  agreeable  for  the  prefent ;  whence  they 
are  opprefled  with  numerous  Straits,  Difficulties,  and  Calamities  ;  with 
which  they  almoft  continually  ftruggle  :  but  in  the  mean  time  gratify  their 
own  Temper  ;  and,  for  want  of  a  better  Knowledge  of  Things,  feed  their 
Minds  with  many  vain  Hopes :  and  as  with  fo  many  pleafing  Dreams,  delight 
themfelves ;  and  fweeten  the  Mileries  of  Life. 

19.  (/)  But  the  Followers  o^  Prometheus  zv&  the  prudent,  wary  Men,  that 
look  into  Futurity  ;  and  cautioufly  guard  againft,  prevent,  and  undermine 
many  Calamities  and  Misfortunes.  But  this  watchful,  provident  Temper  is 
attended  with  a  deprivation  of  numerous  Pleafures,  and  the  lofs  of  various 
Delights  ;  whilft  fuch  Men  debar  themfelves  the  ufe  even  of  innocent  Things: 
and  what  is  ftill  worfe,  rack  and  torture  themfelves  with  Cares,  Fears,  and 
Difquiets ;  being  bound  faft  to  the  Pillar  of  Neceffity  -,  and  tormented 
with  numberlefs  Thoughts  (which  for  their  fwiftnefs  are  well  compared  to 
an  Eagle)  that  continually  wound,  tear,  and  gnaw  their  Liver,  or  Mind  ; 
unlefs,  perhaps  they  find  fome  fmall  Remiffion  by  Intervals,  or  as  it  were  at 
Nights :  but  then  new  Anxieties,  Dreads,  and  F'ears,  foon  return  again,  as 
it  were  in  the  Morning.  And  therefore,  very  few  Men,  of  either  Temper, 
have  fecured  to  themfelves  the  Advantages  of  Providence  ;  and  kept  clear 
of  Difquiets,    Troubles,  and  Misfortunes. 

20.  (w)  Nor  indeed  can  any  Man  obtain  this  End,  without  the  Affiftance 
of  Hercules  ;  that  is,  of  fuch  Fortitude  and  Conftancy  of  Mind,  as  flands 
prepared  againft  every  Event  •,  and  remains  indifferent  to  every  Change  ; 
looking  forward  without  being  daunted  -,  enjoying  the  Good  without  dif- 
dain  5  and  enduring  the  Bad  without  impatience.  And  it  muft  be  obferved, 
that  even  Prometheus  had  not  the  Power  to  free  himfelf ;  but  owed  his 
Deliverance  to  another  :  for  no  natural,  inbred  Force  and  Fortitude  could 
prove  equal  to  fuch  a  Task.  The  Power  of  releafing  him  came  from  the 
utmoft  Confines  of  the  Ocean^  and  from  the  Sun  ;  that  is,  from  Apollo^ 
or  Knowledge ;  and  again,  from  a  due  Confideration  of  the  uncertainty, 
inftability,  and  fluctuating  State  of  human  Life  -,  which  is  aptly  reprefented 
by  fiiling  the  Ocean.  Accordingly  Virgtl  has  prudently  joined  theft  two 
together  ;  accounting  him  happy  who  knoiios  the  Caufes  of  Things  ;  and  has 
conquered  all  his  Fears,  Apprehenfions,  and  Superjlitions  *. 

21. 


Hercules. 


■  Fetix  qui  potuit  rerum  eognofctre  Citufai, 
S)tiique  melits  omnes  ^  inexorahile  Fatum 
Hubjecit  fediius,  Jlrepitum^ue  Achirontis  avari. 


SeS:.  I.  Physical  Mythology.  559 

21.  'Tis  added,    with  great  Elegance,    for  fupporting   and   confirming  ^'^5"j" 
the  human  Mind,  that  the  great  Hero  who  thus  delivered  him,  fai]'d  the  Ocean  oJ^^fi»  X 
in  a  Cup  or  Pitcher;  to  prevent  the  Fear,  or  Complaint,  as  if,  through  thepitchn.  ' 
Narrownefs  of  our  Nature,  or  a  too  great  Fragility  thereof,  we  were  a'ofo- 

lutely  incapable  of  that  Fortitude  and  Conftancy,  to  which  Seneca  finely 
alludes,  when  he  fays,  'Tis  a  noble  Thing,  al  once  to  participate  the  Frailty  of 
Man.,  and  the  Security  of  a  God. 

22.  ^We  have  hitherto,  that  we  might  not  break  the  connexion  of  Things,  pro^jgchcue 
defignedly  omitted  the  laft  Crime  of  Prcmetbcus,    that  of  attempting  iht  attemfting 
Challity  of  Minerva  ;  which  heinous  Offence,  it  doubtlefs  was,  that  caufcd^^^*'- 

the  Punifliment  of  having  his  Liver  gnaw'd  by  the  Vulture.  The  Mean- 
ing feems  to  be  this  ;  that  when  Men  are  puffed  up  with  Arts  and  Know- 
ledge, they  often  try  to  fubdue  even  the  divine  Wifdom  ;  and  bring  it 
under  the  Dominion  of  Senfe  and  Reafon  :  whence  inevitably  follows  a 
perpetual,  and  reftlefs  rending  and  tearing  of  the  Mind.  A  fober  and  hum- 
ble Diftinction  muft,  therefore,  be  made  betwixt  ^rj/wand  /jwot^/;  Things  •, 
and  betwixt  the  Oracles  of  Senfe  and  Faith  -,  unlefs  Mankind  had  rather 
chufe  an  heretical  Religion,  and  &fi5fitious  and  romantic  Pbilofophy  *. 

23.  («j  The  laft  Particular  in  the  Fable  is  the  Games  of  the  Torch,  inftitutedT^e  Cames 
to  Prometheus  ;    which  again  relates  to  /Irts  and  Sciences,  as  well  as  the  In-'/'**  Torch. 
vcncion  of  Fire,  for  the  Commemoration  and  Celebration  whereof,  thefe  Games 

were  held.  And  here  we  have  an  extremely  prudent  Admonition,  direfting  us 
to  expeO.  the  Perfellioncf  the  SciencesfrcmSucceJion;  and  not  from  the  Swift- 
nefs  and  Abilities  of  any  fingle  Perfon :  for  he  who  is  fleetefi:  and  ftrongcft  in 
the  Courfe,  may  perhaps  be  lefs  fit  to  keep  his  Torch  alight,  fince  there  is 
danger  of  its  going  out  from  too  rapid,  as  well  as  from  too  flow  a  motion  '". 
But  this  kind  of  conteft  with  the  Torch  feems  to  have  been  long  dropt, 
and  neglected  ;  the  Sciences  appearing  to  have  flourifhed  principally  in  their 
fir  ft  Authors,  as  Arijtotle,  Galen,  Euclid,  Ptolemy,  &c.  whilft  their  Succef- 
fors  have  done  very  little,  or  fcarcc  made  any  attempts.  But  it  were  highly 
to  be  wifhed,  that  thefe  Games  might  be  renewed,  to  the  honour  of  Prometheus^ 
or  human  Nature  ;  and  that  they  might  excite  Conteft,  Emulation  and 
laudable  Endeavours  ;  and  the  Defign  meet  with  fuch  Succefs,  as  not  to 
hang  tottering,  tremulous,  and  hazarded  upon  the  Torch  of  any  fingle 
Perfon  =.  Mankind,  therefore,  fhould  be  admonifhed  to  rouze  themfelvts, 
and  try  and  exert  their  own  Strength  and  Chance  ;  and  not  place  all 
their  Dependance  upon  a  fe%v  Men,  whofe  Abilities  and  Capacities,  perhaps, 
are  not  greater  than  their  own. 

24.  Thefe  are  the  Particulars  which  appear  to  us  fhadowed  out  by  this  trite  Tht  Fable 
and  vulgar  Fable  ;   tho'  without  denying  that  there  may  be  contained  in  li'-na-/  allmit  t» 
feveral  Intimations  that  have  a  furprizing  Co rrefpondence  with  the  Cbriftian'^'"^     "^' 

I  AhjleriiS, 

"   See  the  T)!  Augment.  Scient'mr.  S<r£t.  XXVIII.  and  Suppkm.  XV. 

*  This  Matter  is  abundantly  explained  in  the  Je  Augmcntis,  and  Kavum  Organnm. 

*  The  Author  here  leems  to  have  had  him  felt  in  view  j  as  being  the  only  Refiorer  cr 
Promoter  of  thefe  Gaines,  in  his  Time.  See  the  Do:trine  of  the  Traditive  L»m^,  in  the  de 
Augment.  ScimtiKr.     Vol.  I.  fug.  i+6,  147. 


560  Physical    Mythologv.  Se£l.  I. 

Ms!^enes.  In  particular,  the  Voyage  o'^  Hercules,  made  in  a  Pitcher,  to  re- 
]t*;iTe  Pro7netbeu5,  bears  an  allufion  to  the  Word  of  God,  coming  in  the  frail 
Veffil  of  the  FleOi  to  redeem  Mankind.  But  we  indulge  our  felves  no  fuch 
Liberties  as  thefe  ;  for  fear  of  ufmg  jlrange  Fire  at  the  Altar  of  the  Lord  >. 


III.       • 

Hoe  F  ABL'E  of  Or?  REUS  explamed;  of  1>^  at  vral  and 
MoralPhilosophy. 

Introduction. 

7heFai>ii  of  I.'  ■  ^HE  FdMe  of  Orphcus^  tho'  trite  and  common,  has  never 
Orpheus  hoto  J[_  bccn  Well  interpreted  j  and  fecms  to  hold  out  a  Pifture 
explain^,  q^  jimverfal  Thilofophj  :  for  to  this  Senfe  may  be  eafily  transferr'd 
what  is  faid  of  his  being  a  wonderful  and  perfedly  divine  Perfbn, 
skill'd  in  all  kinds  of  Harmony,  fubduing  and  drawing  all  Things 
after  him  by  Iweet  and  gentle  Methods  and  Modulations.  For  the 
Labours  of  Orpheus  exceed  the  Labours  of  Hercules^  both  in  power 
and  dignity  •  as  the  Works  of  Knowledge  exceed  the  Works  of 
Strength. 

T*he    Fable. 

2.  /'"XRpheus  having  his  beloved  Wife  fnatched  from  him  by 
r««Lr«i.  v^y  fiidden  *T)eath,    refolved  upon  defceytdmg  to  the  Infernal 

Regions  •-,  to  try^  if  by  the  Tovoer  of  his  Harp  he  could  re-obtain 
her.  And  in  effect.,  he  fo  appeafed  and  foothed  the  Infernal  Towers 
by  the  Melody  and  Sweetnefs  of  his  Harp  and  Foice.,  that  they  in- 
dulged him  the  Liberty  of  taking  her  back  -,  on  condition  that  fhe 
fhould  follow  him  behind.,  and  he  not  turn  t»  look  upon  her 
'till  they  came  into  open  "Day  {a) :  But  he.,  thro  the  impatience  of  his 
Care  and  Affe^iion.,  and  thinking  himfelf  almofl  paji  danger,  at 
And  '»ji  length  looked  behind  him  ;  whereby  the  Condition  was  violatedy 
H*m-         arid  f\ic  again  precipitated  to  PlutoV  Regions.      From  this  time 

Orpheus 


a  ThisFiJi/f.  and  it«  Fxplanstion  may  defcrve  to  be  reid  again  and  again,  as  a  little  Syflem 
a^  ?hy(ics.  Morality.  Religion,  and  all  kinds  of  Learning.  And  pjrhap";  the  full  Interpretation 
and  Elegance  of  the  while  cm  fcarce  be  p"rce:vd,  without  having  fiequent  "—"■"'"''  ^•""■^ 
the  Parts  of  the  Explanation  to  the  coirtfponding  Parts  of  the  tAhle. 


Recourfe  from 


Sedl.  I.  Physic  a  l  M  v  t  it  o  l  o  g  v.  5  6  r 

0'i^\\Q\^s  gre-j:j  penjive  and  fad ^  a  Hater  of  the  Six,  and  "xent  into 

Solitude  [h)  i    "Sphere  by  the  fame  S-jueetnefs  of  his  Harp  and  Voice 

he  fir  ft  dre-JJ  the  "juild  Beajls  of  all  forts  about  him  j   fo  that,  for-  Orpheus  hy 

getting  their  Natures,  they  -^sjere  neither  aBuated   by    RevengeJ'^l^lf^l^ 

Cruelty,  Luft,  Hunger,   or  the  IDefire  of  Trey  ;    but  food  gazing'seaji'.'' 

about  him,  in  a  tame  and  gentle  manner  -,  liftening  attentively  to  his 

Mujic.     Nay,  fo  great  was  the  To:sjer  and  Efficacy  of  his  Har-  , 

mony,  that  it  e-ven  caufed  the  Trees  and  St-ones  to  remove,    andft'J"''  "''^ 

place  themfelves,  in  a  regular  Manner,  about  him.     JVhen  he  had 

for  a  time,    and  with  great  admiration,  continued  to  do  this ;    at 

length  the  Thracian  Women,  raifed  by  the  Inftigation  ^Bacchus, 

nrft  blew  a  deep  and  hoar fe- founding  Horn,  in  fuch  an  outrazeous  ""  '^"'"'^ 

manner,  that  it  quite  arowned  the  Mnfc  of  Orpheus.     And  thus 

the    Tower,     which,    as    the    Link  of  their   Society,   held   all 

Things  in  order,  being  diffolved  ;  "Difturbance  reign  d  anew  ;    each  Things  return 

Creature  returned  to  its  own  Nature;  and  purfued  and  prey' d  tipon*^  '^""'  """ 

its  Fellow,  as  before.     The  Rocks  and  JVoods  alfo  ftarted  back  to^*"^"' 

their  former  T  laces  i    and  even  Orpheus  him felf  was  at  laft  torn  Orphcus 

to  pieces  by  thefe  female  Furies;  and  his  Limbs  fcattered  all  over""'"  •'"/'"'■"• 

the  "Defart.      But,  in  Sorrow  and  Revenge  for  his  T}eath,  /^^  Helicon  /«-/-i 

River  Helicon,  facred  to  the  Mufes,  hid  its  IVaters  under  Ground  h"'"^  j'f'' 

and  rofe  again  in  other  T laces  [c).  ''■^''"'• 


The   Explanation. 

3.(a)^T^HE  Fahle  receives  this  Explanation.      The  Muftc  of  Orpbeus^rphtus's 

^      is  of  two  kinds  ;    one  that  appeafes  the  infernal  Powers;  and *^"^'^  "/"*'* 
the  other  that  draws    together  the  wild  Beads  and  Trees.      The  former 
properly  relates  to  natural,  and  the  latter  to  jnornl  Philo/'ophy,  or  civil  So-  ^^S^'f'"? 
ciety.     The  Re-inftatement  and  Reftoration  of  corruptible  Things,  is  thepZ^/^"'' 
noblcft  Work  oi  natural  Philojophy  ;    and,  in  a  lefs  degree,  the  Prekivation 
of  Bodies  in  their  own  State,  or  a  prevention  of  their  DiflTolution  and  Cor- 
ruption.    And  if  this  be  poflible,    it  can  certainly  be  effedled  no  other  way 
than  by  proper  and  exquifite  Attemperations  of  Nature;  as  it  were  by  the 
Harmony  and  fine  touching  of  the  Harp  *.     But  as  this  is  a  Thing  of  exceed- 
ing great  Difficulty,  the  End  is  feldom  obtained ;  and  that,  probably,  for 

*  Without  an  Allegory,  by  difcovering  and  afting  according  to  the  Laws  of  Nuturej  as  thofe 
of  Attr/tnion,  Graritatitn,  Motion,  Sefaration,  Mixture,  Frefervation,  Pnirefiiliion,Regenertlti$n,  &c. 
See  the  Sylija  Sylvarum  fojpm,  and  the  Hifiory  of  Life  and  De/tth. 

V  o  L.  I.  C  c  c  c  no 


^52  Physical    Mythology.  Sed.  L 

no  reafon   more   than  a  curious  and  unfeafonable    Impattence  and  Solli- 
citude*. 
philofiphy         4.  (b)  And  therefore  Philofophy  being  alinoft  unequal  to  theTafk,  has  caufe 
tramferreJ  /0  [q  grow  lad  ;  and  hence  betakes  it  fell'  to  human  Jffain;  infinuating  into 
(ivil  jiff^in.y^^^y^  minds  the  love  of  Virtue,  Equity  and  Peace,  by  means  of  Eloquence 
and  Perfuafion  :   thus  forming  Men  into  Societies;  bringing   them   under 
Laws  and  Regulations  -,  and  making  them  forget  their  unbridled  Paffionsand 
Affedions  ;  fo  long  as  they  hearken  to  Precepts,  and  fubmit  to  Difcipline. 
And  thus  they  foon  after  build  themfelves  Habitations,  form  Cities,  cul- 
tivate Lands,    plant    Orchards,  Gardens,    {jfc.     So    that    they    may    not 
improperly  be  faid  to  remove  and  call  the  Trees  and  Stones  together. 
dmlin       5'  -^""^  '■'^'^  regard  to  Civil  Affairs,    is  juftly  and  regularly  placed  after 
^{uriMz/rf  diligent  Trial    made    for   reftoring  the  mortal  Bo ch^  ;  the  Attempt  being 
umvoiMU.  frultrateti  in  the  end  :    becaufe  the  unavoidable  NecefTity  of  Death,  thus  evi- 
dently laid  before  Mankind,  animates  them  to  feek  a  kind  of  Eternity  by 
Works  of  Perpetuity,  Charafter  and  Fame. 
Orpheus  6.  'Tis  alfo  prudently  added,  that  Orpheus  was  afterwards  averfe  to  Wo- 

itverfe  to      men  and  Wedlock  -,  becaufe  the  Indulgence  of  a  married  State,    and  the 
Women  and    ^latural  Affcftions  which  Men  have  for  their  Children,    often  prevent  them 
^'  "  '        from  entring  upon  any  grand,  noble,  or  meritorious  Enterpnze  for  the  pub- 
lic Good  "  ;    as  thinking  it  fufficient  to  obtain  Immortality  by  their  Defcen- 
dants,  without  endeavouring  at  great  Aflions. 

7.  (c)  And  even  the  Works  of  Knowledge,  tho'  the  mofl  excellent 
^«JHehcon"'  among  humanThings,  have  their  Periods :  for  after  Kingdoms  and  Common- 
tid.  wealths  havi  flourifhed  for  a  time  ;  Difturbances,  Seditions  and  Wars  often 

arife :  in  the  Din  whereof,  firft  the  Laws  are  filent,  and  not  heard ''  -,  and 
then  Mf:n  return  to  their  own  depraved  Natures  :  whence  cultivated  Lands 
and  Cities  foon  become  defolate  and  wafte.  And  if  this  Diforder  continues. 
Learning  and  Philofophy  is  infallibly  torn  to  pieces  ;  fo  that  only  fome 
fcattercd  Fragments  thereof  can  afterwards  be  found  up  and  down,  in  a  few 
places,  like  Planks  after  a  Shipwreck.  And  barbarous  Times  fucceeding, 
the  River  Helicon  dips  under  Ground  ;  that  is.  Letters  are  buried,  till  Things 
having  undergone  their  due  Courfe  of  Changes,  Learning  rifes  again,  and 
Ihtws  Its  Head  ;  tho'  feldom  in  the  fame  Place,  but  in  fome  other  Na- 
tion ".  I  V. 

*  Men  being  eager  to  fee  the  end  of  natural  Thilofophy,  without  having  Patience  to  purfue 
the  means  :  for  the  Laws  of  Nature  are  not  eafily  toand  ;  cfpecially  in  that  prepofterous  and 
abfu^d  manner,  by  Reafoning  and  SptcttUtion,  without  proper  Tryuls,  and  Exferimtntal  £»- 
quiries. 

"  See  above  §.    j. 

*  See  the  Eliay  on  Marriage  and  Single  Life.     Vol  II.  pag.  loi. 

*  Hr-re  lies  the  Allegory  of  the  deef-foundmg  Horn,  mentioned  in  the  Faile. 
.*  Thm  wc  fee  that 

Orpheus  denore»  Learning, 

Jurjdice,  Things,  or  the  Subje£l  of  Learning, 

the?w1L;'-iomen  J  ^"^"'^  ungovern'd  PatHonsand  Appeti-es,  &c. 
And  in  t.;e  fame  i-.iamn.r,  ihcie  Vables  might  be  familiarly  illuftrared,  and  brought  down  to  the 
Capacities  ot  Children ;  who  ufually  learn  them  in  an  unfcientifical  manner  at  Sehool. 


Se6l.  I.  Physical    Mythology.  ^6-? 

V. 

The  Fable    (?/'Atalanta    and  Hippo  menes; 
explained  of  the  Contejl  betwixt  Art  and  Nature. 

The  Fable. 

I.    A    Talanta,  who  was  exceeding  fleet,  contended  with  Hippo- Ataianta  ««. 

XjL  menes  in  the  Courfe  j  on  condition,  that  //Hippcmenes  won^XllZi  ? 
he  jhonld  efpoufe  her  ;  or  forfeit  his  Life,  if  he  loft.     The  Match  '"*"'^""'- 
was  very  unequal  -,  for  Atalanta  had  conquered  Numbers,  to  their 
deftruEiion.      Hippomenes,   therefore,   had  recourfe  to    Stratagem. 
He  procured  three  golden  Apples  ;  and  purpofely  carried  them  with 
him  :    they  farted  ;  Atalanta  out-ftripped  him  foon  ;  then  Hippo- 
menes bowled  one  of  his  Apples  before  her,  a-crofs  the  Courf,  m 
order,  not  only  to  make  her  ftoop ;  but  to  draw  her  out  of  the  'Tath. 
She,  prompted  by  female  Curiofity,   and  the  Beauty  of  the  goldefi 
Fruit,  farts  from  the  Courfe  to  take  up  the  Apple.     Hippomenes, 
m  the  mean  time,  holds  on  his  way,  and  fleps  before  her  ;  but  fhe, 
by  her  natural  Swiftnefs,  foon  fetches  up  her  loft  Ground;  and  leaves 
him  again  behind.     Hippomenes  however,    by  rightly  timing  his 
fecond  and  third  Throw,   at  length,  won  the  Race  j   not  by  his 
Swiftnefs,  but  his  Cunning. 


The   Explanation. 

2.rTr^His  Fable  feems  to  contain  a  noble  Allegory  of  the  Conteft  betwixt^^^j^ 

j|_     Art  and  Nature.     For  Art,  here  denoted  by  Atalanta,    is  m\ich denotes  ^a- 
fwitt!jr,  or  more  expeditious,  in  its  Operations  than  Nature,  when  all  OhWd-ture. 
cles  and  ImpeJiments  are  removed;  and  fooner  arrives  at  if^  End.     This 
appears  almoft  in  every  Inftance.     Thus  Fruit  comes  (lowly  from  the  Ker- 
nel, but  foon  by  Inoculation  or  Infition  :  Clay,  left  to  it  felf,  is  a  long  time 
in  acquiring  a  llony  Hardnefs  ;  but  is  prefently   burnt  by  Fire  into  Biick  ^.  ^«^H'ppo- 
So  again  in  human  Lite,  Nature  is  a  long  while  in  alleviating  and  abol.fli-  menes  Art. 
ing  the  remembrance  of  Pain,  and  affuaging  the  Troubles  of  the  IVIiiui  ; 
but  moral  Philofophy,  which  is  the  Art  of  living,    performs  it  prefently. 

Cccc2  Yet 

'  A  proper  Coikaion  of  thefe /n/?«««j  fliould  be  made  for  the  Encouragement  of  Men  in  their 
Endeavours  to  advance  Aits,  and  pioduce  conliderable  Effects. 


5^4  Physical    Mythology.  Secfl.  I. 

Yet  this  Prerogative  and  fingular  Efficacy  of  Art,  is  ftopt  and  retarded,  to 
the  infinite  detriment  of  human  Life,  by  certain  golden  Apples  :  for  there 
is  no  one  Science,  or  Art,  that  conftantly  holds  on  its  true  and  proper  Courfe 
to  the  end  -,  but  they  are  all  continually  flopping  fhort,  forfaking  the 
track,  and  turning  afide  to  Profit  and  Convenience  ;  exadlly  like  Jtalanta. 
Whence,  'tis  no  wonder  that  Art  gets  not  the  Vidtory  over  Nature  ;  nor, 
according  to  the  Condition  of  the  Conteft,  brings  her  under  Subjeftion  : 
but,  on  the  contrary,  remains  fubje(5t  to  her,  as  a  Wife  to  a  Husband  *, 

VI. 

7li)e  Fable  (s/'Ericthonius;   explained  of  the  im- 
proper Ufe  of  Force  ?>^  Natural  Philosop  h  y., 

T^e   F  A  B  L  E.. 

THE  Toets  feign  that  Vulcan  attempted  the  Chajlity  of  Mir- 
nerva;  and  impatient  of  Refufal,  had  recourfe  to  Force: 
but  in  tl:  e  Struggle,  his  Semen  fell  upon  the  Ground^  and  produced 
Eridhonius  ;  ijuhofe  Body  from  the  Middle  upwards  was  comely^  and 
•well propo-ttoned ;  but  hi'.  'Thighs  and  Legs^  fmally  fbrunk^  and 
di formed^  like  an  Eel.  Confcious  of  this  'Defeat,  he  became  the  In- 
-vent or  of  Chariots  -,  fo  as  to  fbew  the  graceful,  but  conceal  the  de^ 
formed  'Fart  of  his  Body. 

The   Explanation» 

THis  ftrange  and  monftrous  Fable  feems  to  carry  this  Meaning.  Art 
is  here  reprefented  under  the  Perfon  of  Vulcan  ;  by  reafon  of  the  va- 
rious Ui'es  it  makes  of  Fire  :  and  Nature  under  the  Perfon  oi  Minerva;  by 
reafon  of  the  Induftry  employed  in  her  Works.    Art,  therefore,  whenever 

h 

"  The  Author  in  all  his  phyfical  Works,  proceeds  upon  this  Foundation  j  that  it  is  pofTible, 
and  prafticable,  for  Art  to  obtain  the  V]ftory  over  Narure;  that  is,  for  human  Induftry  and 
Power  to  procure,  by  the  means  of  proper  Knowledge,  fuch  things  as  are  neceflary  to  ren- 
der Life  as  happy  and  commodious  as  its  mortal  State  will  allow  :  For  inftance,  that  it  is 
poffible  to  lengthen  the  prefent  Period  of  human  Life  ;  bring  the  Winds  more  under  Com- 
mand, and  every  way  extend  and  enlarge  the  Dominion,  or  Empire,  of  Man  over  the  Works 
of  Nature.  And  let  no  one  fearfully  apprehend,  that  there  is  danger  in  thus  endeavouring  to 
take  the  Reins  of  Government  out  of  Nature's  hands,  and  putting  them  into  the  weak  hands 
of  Men  :  for  the  DiftindVion  betwixt  Men  and  Narure,  is  imaginary,  and  only  made  to  help 
the  Underftanding  ;  Man  himfelf  being  neceffarily  fubjeft  to  the  Lnros  of  Nttture  :  tho'  within 
the  Compafs  of  thefc  Laws  he  has  a  very  extenfive  Power,  that  will  always  be  commecfurate 


to  Knowledge, 


Sedl.  I.  Physical    Mythology.  ^  6  r 

it  offers  violence  to  NatLire,  in  order  to  conquer,  fubdue,  and  bend  her  to 
its  Purpofe,  by  Tortures  and  Force  of  all  kinds  ;  feldom  obtains  tlie  End 
propofed»  :  Yet  upon  great  Struggle  and  Application,  there  proceed  cer- 
tain imperfcdt  Births  •,  or  lame  abortive  Works  ;  fpecious  in  appearance, 
but  weak  and  unftabls  in  ufe  :  which  are,  neverthelefs,  with  great  Pomp, 
and  deceitful  Appearances,  triumphantly  carried  about,  and  fliewn  by  Im- 
poftors.  A  Procedure  very  familiar,  and  remarkable,  in  chemical  Produclmis^ 
and  new  mechanical  Inventions  ;  efpecially  when  the  Inventors  rather  hug 
their  Errors,  than  improve  upon  them  ;  and  go  on  Jlntggling  -with  Nature, 
not  courting  her,  in  the  proper  obfequious  manner,  for  an  intimate  Em- 
brace '". 

vn. 

The  Fable  <?/*  Icarus,  a?id  that  of  S  cy  ll  a  and 
Charybdis;  explained  of  Mediocrity  in  Natural 
<3!;^M(JRAL  Philosophy. 

The  Fable. 

r.  TV  /TEdiocrlty,  or  the  holding  of  a  middle  Courfe^  has  been  highly  Me  Jhcrity 

J_V J[_  extolled  in  JSlorality  ;  but  little  in  matters  of  Science  -,  tho'  "M"'- '"  '^' 
no  lefs  ufeful  and  proper  here :  whil/i  in  Politicks  'tis  heldfnfpe^ed^  or  ^'"""'' 
to  be  employ' d  with  Judgment.     The  Ancients  defer ibed  Mediocrity 
in  Manners,  by  the  Cotirfe  prefcribed  to  Icarus ;  and  in  matters  of 
the  Underjlanding,  by  the  Steeringbetwixt  Scylla  ^«^ Charybdis  ;  on 
account  of  the  great  difficulty  and  danger  in  pulling  th  of e  St  r  eights. 
"2.  Icarus,  being  to  fly  crofs  the  Sea,  was  ordered  by  his  Father 
neither  to  foar  too  high,  nor  fy  too  low  •-,  for  as  his  JVings  were'ic:iTus'sFi;gh7- 
faftened  together  with  JVax,  there  was  danger  of  its  melting  by  the""^^'*^'" 
Sun's  heat  in  too  high  a  fight ;  and  of  its  becoming  lefs  tenacious  by 
the  moifure,  if  he  kept  too  near  the ''capeur  of  the  Sea.     But  he, 
with  aiiroenile  Confidence,  foar  s  aloft;  and  fell  down  headlong. 

The 

»  See  below,  r««f  VIH. 

^  'Tis  a  fundamental  Pofition  with  the  Author,  that  Kaitre,    like  the  Ladies,    can  only  be 
won  bv  Submiffion.      See  the  Horiim  Organum  paflim. 


566 


Physical   Mythology.  Sed.  I. 


The   Explanation. 


The  Dife-      2-  ^  I  '^  H  E  Fable  IS  vulgar,  and  eafily  interpreted  •,    for  the  Path  of  Vir- 
reace  betwixt        J^      tue  lies  ftrait,  between  Excefs  on  the  one  fide,    and   Defedt  on  the 
^^7/2  ""''     other.     And  no  wonder  th.it  Excels  (hould  prove  the  bane  of  Icarus,  exult- 
'  ing  in  iuvenile  Strength  and  Vigour  :  for  Excefs  is  the  natural  Vice  of  Youth  ; 

as  D.^feft  is  that  of  old  Age,  And  if  a  Man  muft  perifli  by  either,  Icarus 
chof."  the  better  of  the  two  ;  for  all  DeTedls  are  juftly  efteemed  more  de- 
praved chanExcefles.  There  is  fomeMaf.nanimity  inExcefs,  that,  like  a  Bird, 
claims  kindred  with  the  Heavens  :  butDt-fedt  is  a  Reptile,  thatbafely  crawls 
upon  the  Eirth.  'Twas  excel'ently  faid  by  Heraclitus  ;  a  dry  Light  makes 
the  beft  Soul:  for  if  the  Soul  contracts  moiftu  re  from  the  Earth,  it  perfeftly 
degenerates  and  finks.  On  the  other  hand,  Moderation  muft  be  obferved, 
to  prevent  this  fine  Light  from  burning,  by  its  too  great  Subtiky  and 
Drynefs.  But  thefe  Obfervations  are  common. 
The  Allegory  4.  In  Matters  of  the  Underftanding  it  requires  great  Skill,  and  a  particu- 
e/Scylla  ««*/]ai-  Felicity,  to  ftccr  clear  ot'Scylla  and  Chjryhdis.  If  the  Ship  ftrikes  upon 
Charybdis.  g^yH^^  'tis  clafbed  in  pieces  againft  the  Rocks :  if  upon  Chanbdis,  it  is  fwal- 
lowed  outright.  This  Allegory  is  pregnant  with  matter  -,  but  we  fliall  only 
obferve  the  Force  of  it  lies  here,  that  a  Mean  be  obferved  in  evt  ry  Doftrine 
nnd  Science,  and  in  the  Rules  and  Axioms  thereof,  between  the  Rocks  of 
Dijlinnions,  and  the  Whirl-pools  of  UniverfaHlies :  for  thefe  two  are  the  Bane 
and  Shipwreck  of  fine  Genius's  and  Arts  ^ 


VIII. 

7%e  Fable  of  Proteus;   explained  of  Matter  and 

its  Changes, 

'The  Fable» 

Proteus.Nep- 1 .  T^Rotcus,  accorditig  to  the  ToetSy  was  Neptune's  Herdfman  5 
*  M»  ^^r»^  jL  ^'^  ^^'^  ^^^^  (^*)'  '^"^  ^  ^^-fl  extraordinary'Propk  et  i  ivho  under- 
Profhet.      Jiood  Things  paji  and  prefent  as  well  as  future  s   fo  that  i^efides 

the 

*  For  Arts  are  founded  on  Particulars,  as  we  fee  in  the  Arts  of  Paper,  Sugar,  Gunpowder, 
^c.  fo  that  Generals  let  Arts  flip  thro'  them  :  and  fubtile  Diftindlions  and  Divifions  Ipltr  and 
grind  Nature  fo  far,  as  to  render  the  Ohjefts  unfit  for  the  Hand,  the  Scnle,  or  <  .en  the 
Underftanding  to  work  with,  to  advantage.  Hence  thofe  fruitiefs  and  bai.cn  Specuiati.ns  ot 
the  Schoolmen;  the  infinite  Divifibility  of  Matter  j  and  mathematical  Notions,  and  metaphytical 
Powers  introduced  into  Phyficks. 


SecH:.  I.  Physical    Mythology.  ^67 

the  bnfinefs  of  'Divinatiofiy  he  'H'ns  the  Revealer  and  Interpreter 
of  all  Antiquity^  and  Secret s  of  every  kind.  He  lived  in  a  vaji 
Cave ;  where  his  Cuflom  'xas  to  tell  over  his  Herd  of  Sea-Calves 
at  Noon^  and  then  to  fleep  {b).  Whoever  confulted  him,  had  no 
other  vaay  of  obtaminp  an  Anfvi'er,  but  by  bindnip  htm  ■with  Mana-^"  T'^"^' 
cles  and  tetters  5  when  he.,  endeavouring  to  free  hitnflf  would 
change  into  all  kinds  of  Shapes  and  miraculous  Forms  -,  as  of  Fire, 
Wat^r,  wild Beafls.,  SCc.  'till  at  length  he  refimed  his  own  Shape 
again  {c). 

The    Explanation. 

2.  {a)  /T^His  Fable  feems  to  poinr  at  the  Secrets  of  Nature  ;  and  the  States  „  ,  ^ 

J_      of  Matter.     For  the  Perfon  of  Proteus  denotes  Matter,    the „w°/ ^«,7,^. 
oldeft  oi     !l  T:  ings,  after  God  himfclf*;  that  refules,  as  in  a  Cave,  under 
the  vull  Concavi:y  of  the  Heavens.      He  is  rcprefented  as  the  Servant  of 
Nefttirr  ;  bL-caufe  the  various  Operations  and  Modifications  of  Matter,  are 
principallv   wrought   in   a  fluid  State.     Tlie    H  rd,  or  Flock  of  Pr.t.us, 
feems  to  be  no  otner  than  the  fevcral  kinds  of  Animals,  Plants  and  Mine-    . 
rals,    in   which  Matter  appears  to  difi\ife  and  fp  nd  it  felf;    fo   that  after ^^^f,"^  '\ 
having  formed  thtfe  fevcril  Species,    and  as  it  were  finifhed  its  Task,    it 
feems  to  fl  f  p  and  repofe  •,    without  otherwife  attempting  to  produce  any 
new  on.s.     And  ihis  is  the  Moral  oi'  Proteus' s  counting  his  Herd,  then  going 
to  fie'  p 

3.  '^;  This  is  faid  to  be  done  at  Noon,  not  in  the  Morning  or  Evening  ;„      . 
by  which  is  meant  the   rime  bell  fitted  and  difpofed  for  the  Produdion  of  them  at 
Species ;  from  a  Matter  duly  prepKired,  and  made  ready  before-hand  ;  and  ^^oon. 
now  lying  in  a  mid.  le  State   between  its  firft  Rudim  n:s  and  Decline  :  which, 

we  learn  from  facrt  H'ilory,  was  the  Cfe  at  the  time  of  the  Creation  ; 
when,  by  the  efficacy  of  the  divine  Command,  Matter  dirt  <flly  came  together, 
without  any  transfo  :'p.  tion  or  inrcrmedii  re  Changes,  which  it  affefts  ;  in- 
rtantly  obeyed  the  Gri-r  •,   and  a^p-^artd  in  the  form  of  Creatures. 

4.  (<•)  And  thus  far  the  Fable  reaches  of  Proteus,  and   his  Flock,  at  liber-  Proteus 
ty  and  unreftrain -d.     For  the  Univerfe,    with  the  common  Structures  a.nd  6pHnJ. 
Fabricks  of  th- Creatures,  is  tht  Face  of  Matter,  not  under  conftr.iint ;  or 

as  the  Flock  wrouglit  upon,  and  tortured,  by  human  means.  But  if  any  skill- 
ful Minijler  of  N'Jiure  Ihall  apply  Force  to  Matter  ;  and  by  defign  torture 
and  vex  it,  in  order  to  its  Annihilation  ;  it,  on  the  contrary,  being  brought 
under  this  NecelTirv,  changes  and  transforms  it  felfinto  a  ftrange  Variety 
of  Shap  b  and  Aope.  ranees  ;  for  nothing  but  the  Power  of  the  Creator 
Can  annihilate,  ')r  truly  deftroy  it  :  fo  ch.it  at  length,  running  thro'  the 
whole  Circle  of  Tran:.formations,  and  complcating  its  Period,  it  in  fome  de- 
gree 

'  Froteus  properly  figr.ifies  primary,  oldeft,  or  firfl. 


568  Physical    Mythology.  Sed.  I. 

grce  reflores  it  feif,  if  the  Force  be  continued.  And  that  Method  of  bind- 
ing, torturing,  or  detaining,  will  prove  the  moft  effedual  and  expeditious, 
which  makes  ufe  of  Manacles  and  Fetters  ;  that  is,  lays  hold  and  works  upon 
Matter  in  the  extremeft  Degrees  ^. 
H-i  Vrophe-  5.  The  addition  in  the  Fable  that  makes  Proteus  a  Prophet,  who  had  the 
fie  Gift.  Knowledge  of  Things  paft,  prefent  and  future,  excellently  agrees  with  the 
nature  of  Matter  -,  as  he  who  knows  the  Properties,  the  Changes,  and  the 
Proceffes  of  Matter,  muft,  of  neceffity,  underftand  the  EfFedts  and  Sum  of 
what  it  does,  has  done,  or  can  do  •,  the'  his  Knowledge  extends  not  to  all 
the  Parts  and  Particulars  thereof*. 


IX. 

7'he  Fable  o/"  Cupid;   explained  of  the  Corpufcular 

Philofophy. 

7'he  Fable. 

I . '   I  ^  HE  Particulars  related  by  the  T*oets  o/ Cupid,  (?>•  Love, 
rhe  fidtr  Jl^      ^^  ^gj;  properly  agree  to  the  fame  Terfon }  yet  they  differ 

only  Jo  far ^  that  if  the  Confujion  of'Terfons  be  reje^ied^  the  Cor~ 
refpondence  may  hold.  They  fay^  that  Love  ivas  the  moft  ancient 
of  all  the  Gods  \  and  exijled  before  every  thing  elfe^  except  Chaos, 
which  is  held  coeval  therewith  {a).  But  for  Chaos,  th£  Ancients 
never  paid  divine  Honours,  nor  gave  the  Title  of  a  God  thereto. 
Love  is  reprefented  abfolutely  without  Progenitor  (b)  ;  except- 
ing only  that  he  is  faid  to  have  proceeded  from  the  Egg  of  Nox  j 
bttt  that  himfelf  begot  the  Gods ,  and  all  Things  elfe,  on  Chaos  {c). 
His  Attributes  are  four  ;  viz.  i.  Perpetual  Infancy  (</),  z.  Blind- 
nefs  (f),  3.  Nakednefs  (/),  and  4-  Archery  (f). 
a*e  youngtr.  2.  There  was  alfo  another  Cupid,  <?r  Love,  the  yonngeft  Son  of 
the  Gods,  bornofNerms  ;  and  upon  him  the  Attributes  of  the  elder 
are  transferred^  with  fame  degree  of  Cor  refpondence  {h). 

The 

*  The  Author  has  propofed  a  certain  Method  of  working  in  this  manner,  by  means  of  a  new 
Engine,  or  particular  Digeftor  applied  to  the  Fire.  See  Sylva  Sylvarum,  P^g-PS-  and  the  Hi' 
.lory  of  Rarity  and   Denfity,  SeSt.  V.  7,  8,  9. 

■>  See  above  table  V.  adfinem.    See  alfo  the  Kov.  Organ,  Part  II.  Aph.  i,  i,  3,  4,  j,  (^c. 


Sedl.  I.  Phvsical  Mythology.  569 

The  Explanation. 

3.  (a)  f'  jTAHis  Fable  points  at,  and  enters,  the  Cradle  of  Nature.  Love  {ecmsrhe  moung 
J|_      to  be  the  yj^/itf/iVf,  or /«r^«//i't',  of  the  primitive  Matter  v   or,  loVrhciple  of 
fpeak  more  dillinclly,  t\\Q  natural  Mctiou,  or  moving  Priiicifli;,  of  the  origi-^^'""'': ''■'^_ 
nal  Corpurdes,  or  Atoms :   this  being  the  moft  ancient,  and  only  Power  that 
made  and  wrought  all  Things  out  of  Matter.     (Z^)  *Tis  abfolutely  without 
Parent,   that  is,  wkhoutCauJi  ;  for  Caufcs  arc  as  F^rents  to  EJJ'e^s :  but  this 
Power  or  Efficacy  could  have  no  natural  Caiife  ;   for,  excepringGod,  nothing 
was  before  it :  and  therefore  it  could  have  no  Efficient  in  Nature.     And  as 
nothing  is  more  inward  with  Nature,  it  can  neither  be  a  Gemts  nor  a  Fcr. 


m 


and  therefore,  whatever  it  is,  it  mull  be  fomewhat  pofitive,  tho'  inexpreffi- 
ble.  ((•)  And  if  it  were  poffible  to  conceive  its  Modus  and  Proce[i\  yet  it 
could  not  be  known  from  its  Cauf:  ;  as  being,  next  to  God,  tht  Caiifeof 
Caufes,  and  it  felf  without  a  Caufe.  And  perhaps  we  are  not  to  hope  that 
the  Modus  of  it  fhould  fall,  or  be  comprehended  ;  under  human  Enquiry. 
Whence  'tis  properly  feigned  to  be  the  Egg  oi' Nox  ;  or  laid  in  the  dark*, 

4.  The  divine  Phllofopher  declares,  that  God  has  made  every  Thing  beautif id  confirmed 
in  its  Seafon  ;  and  has  given  over  the  IForld  to  our  Dij'^utes  and  Enq^uiries :  butf""  Solo*  _ 
that  Mm  cannot  find  out  the  Work  which  God  has  "brought,  frotn  its  Beginnijig^°^- 

up  to  its  End.  Thus  the  fummary  or  colleftive  Law  of  Nature,  or  the  Prin- 
ciple of  Love,  imprefled  by  God  upon  the  original  Particles  of  all  Things,  fo 
as  to  make  them  attradt  each  other  and  come  together  ;  by  the  repetition 
and  multiplication  whereof,  all  the  variety  in  the  Univerfe  is  produced  ;  can 
fcarce  poflibly  find  full  admittance  into  the  Thoughts  of  Men  -,  tho'  fome 
faint  Notion  may  be  had  thereof.  The  Greek  Philofophy  is  fubtile,  and 
bufied  in  difcovcring  the  material  Principles  of  Things ;  but  negligent  and 
languid  in  difcovering  the  Principles  of  Motion ;  in  which  the  Energy  and  Effi- 
cacy of  every  Operation  conGfts.  And  here  the  Greek  Philofophers  feem  T^f  Greek  . 
perfeflly  blind  and  childiHi  :  for  the  Opinion  of  the  Peripatelicks,  as  loVhllofo^hers, 
the  Stimulus  of  Matter,  by  Privation,  is  little  more  than  Words  -,  or 
rather  Sound  than  Signification.  And  they  who  refer  it  to  God,  tho'  they 
do  well  therein,  yet  they  do  it  by  a  Start ;  and  not  by  proper  Degrees  of  Af- 
fent  :  for  doubtlefs  there  is  one  fummary  or  capital  Law  in  which  Nature 
meets,  fubordinate  to  God ;  viz.  the  Law  mentioned  in  the  Paflage  above 
quoted  from  Solomon  ;  or  the  Work  which  God  has  zvrought  from  its  Begin- 
ning up  to  its  End  ^. 

5.  Demo£ritus,  who  farther  confidered  this  Subjedt,  having  firft  fuppofedDemocrkus. 
an  Atom,  or  Corpufcle,  of  fome  dimenfion  or  figure,    attributed  thereto 

*  Let  it  be  examined  whit  Approximations  have  been  made  by  the  modern  Philofophers  to 
the  Inveftigationof  this  Principle;  in  ihnr  D'oSriaes,  Calcultttions,  and  Attemftj  to  alTign  the 
Caufe  ot  Gr.i-:;//^. 

•"  yU.  The  Chain  of  Caufes  and  Effects,  traced  gradually  up  to  its  lad  Link;  where  Philo- 
fophy ends :   but  not  before  it  has  difcovered  every  intermediate  Link. 

Vol.  I.  Dddd  one 


570 


Physical   Mythology. 


And  Epicu- 
rus. 

Cupid  draien 


Sea  I. 

one  Appetite,  Defire,  or  firft  Motion  fimply  ;  and  another  comparatively : 
imagining  that  all  Things  properly  tended  to  the  Centre  of  the  World  ;  thofe 
containing  more  Matter  falling  fafter  to  the  Center,  and  thereby  removing, 
and  in  the  Shock  driving  away,  fuch  as  held  lefs.  But  this  is  a  flender 
Conceit,  and  regards  too  few  Particulars ;  for  neither  the  Revolutions  of 
the  celeftial  Bodies,  nor  the  Contraftions  and  Expanfions  of  Things,  can 
be  reduced  to  this  Principle.  And  for  the  Opinion  of  Epicurus,  as  to  the 
declination  and  fortuitous  agitation  of  Atoms  ;  this  only  brings  the  Matter 
back  again  to  a  Trifle,  and  wraps  it  up  in  Ignorance  and  Night '. 

6.{d)  Cupid  is  elegantly  drawn  a  perpetual  Child  :  for  Compounds  are 


^chiU.        larger  Things, 

Atoms  of  Bodies  are  fmall. 


of  Age 


but  the  firft  Seeds  or 


BlinJ. 


Jin  Archer. 


The  younger 
Cupid. 


and  have  their  Periods 

and  remain  in  a  perpetual  infant  State ''. 

7.(e)  He  is  again  juftly  reprefented  7taked  ;  as  all  Compounds  may  pro- 
perly be  fliid  to  be  dreffed  and  cloathed,  or  to  affume  a  Perfonage  ;  whence 
nothing  remains  truely  naked,  but  the  original  Particles  of  Things. 

8.(/)  TheBlindnefs  of  Ck/'/J  contains  a  deep  Allegory  •,  for  this  fame 
Cupid,  Love,  or  Appetite  of  the  World,  feems  to  have  very  little  Forefight ; 
but  direds  his  Seeps  and  Motions  conformably  to  what  he  finds  next  him  •, 
as  blind  Men  do  when  they  feel  out  their  way  :  which  renders  the  divine 
and  over-ruling  Providence  and  Forefight  the  more  furprizing  -,  as  by  a 
certain  fteadyLaw,  it  brings  fuch  a  beautiful  Order,  and  Regularity,  of  Things 
out  of  what  feems  extremely  cafual,  void  of  Defign,  and  as  it  were  really 
blind. 

9.  (g)  The  laft  Attribute  of  Cupid  is  Archery  ;  viz,  a  Virtue  or  Power 
operating  at  a  diftance  :  for  every  thing  that  operates  at  a  diftance,  may 
fecm,  as  it  were,  to  dart,  or  fhoot  with  Arrows.  And  whoever  allows  of  Atoms 
and  Vacuity,  necefl'arily  fuppofes  that  the  Virtue  of  Atoms  operates  at  a 
diftance  •,  for  without  this  Operation,  no  Motion  could  be  excited,  on  ac- 
count of  the  Vacuum  interpofing  ;  but  all  Things  would  remain  (luggifliand 
unmoved. 

10.  {h)  As  to  the  other  Cupid,  he  is  properly  faid  to  be  the  youngeft  Son 
of  the  Gods ;  as  his  Power  could  not  take  place  before  the  formation  of 
Species,  or  particular  Bodies.  The  Defcription  given  us  of  him  transfers 
the  Allegory  to  Morality  ;  tho'  he  ftill  retains  fome  refemblance  with  the 
ancient  Cupid:  for  as  Venus  univerfally  excites  the  Affeftion  of  Affociation, 
and  the  defire  of  Procreation  ;  her  Son  Cupid  applies  the  Affeftion  to  Indi- 
viduals :  fo  that  the  general  Difpofition  proceeds  from  Venus,  but  the  more 
clofe  Sympathy  from  Cupid.  The  former  depends  upon  a  near  Approxima- 
tion of  Caufes  -,  but  the  latter  upon  deeper,  more  neceffitating  and  uncon- 
trolable  Principles  ;  as  if  they  proceeded  from  the  antient  Cupid,  on  whom 
all  exquifite  Sympathies  depend  "=. 

X.  Tie 

*  See  above  §.  3. 

*  See  Sir  JftKic  Newton  of  the  Or'tgiml  Particles  cf  Matter,  in  the  Queries  at  the  End  of  his 
Ofticki. 

*  See  this  FaiU  farther  jiluftrated  at  the  Beginuingoftheffth  Fart  of  the  Author's  /»/?<»«« 
raitm.  Vol.  III. 


Sed.  L  Physical  Mythology.  571 

X. 

7^e  Fable  (p/'Deucalion;   explained  of  an  ufeful 
Hint  in  Natural  Philofophy. 

Hhe  Fable. 

I  /  I  ^HE  Toets  tell  lis  ^  that  thelnhabitants  of  the  old  World  being  rf,e  oracU  of 

I  totally  deflroyedby  the  univerfall^elupe,  excepting  Deuca-  Deucalion 
Lon  and  Vyxmz.  i  thefe  tiuo,  dejirtng  with  zealous  and  fervent 
'Devotion,  to  reflore  Mankind,  received  this  Oracle  for  Anp-jjer ; 
that  they  fhould  fucceed  by  throwing  their  Mother's  Bones  behind 
them.  This  at  firjl  caft  them  into  great  forro'-jj  and  defpair  ;  be- 
caufey  as  all  Things  were  levelled  by  the  'Deluge,  it  vjas  in  vain 
to  feek  their  Mother's  Tomb  :  but  at  length,  they  underfiood  the 
Exprefflon  of  the  Oracle  tojignify  the  Stones  of  the  Earth,  "juhich  is 
ejieemedthe  Mother  of  allThings. 

The   Explanation. 

2.f  I  \His  Fable  feems  to  reveal  a  Secret  of  Nature,  and  correal  an  "Error  RtveaU 

JL  familiar  to  the  Mind  -,  for  Men's  Ignorance  leads  them  to  expedl»  •S'^''''"  "/ 
the  Renovation  or  Reftauration  of  Things,  from  their  Corruption  and  Re-^"""^^' 
mains  ;  as  the  Phoenix  is  faid  to  be  reftored  out  of  its  Afhes :  which  is  a 
very  improper  Procedure  -,  becaufe  fuch  kind  of  Materials  have  finiflied  their 
Courfe  •,  and  are  become  abfolutely  unfit  to  fupply  the  firft  Rudiments  of  the 
lame  Things  again  :  whence,  in  Cafes  of  Renovation,  recourfe  fhould  be 
had  to  more  common  Principles  *. 

*  Sec  tlw  Sjlx»  Sjlvarum,  and  the  Hiftory  of  Life  and  Death,  fajpm. 


Dddd  2  XL 


^-72  Physical    Mythology.  Se£t.'I/ 

XI, 

'The  Fable   «t/"  Sphinx;   explained  of  the  Sciences. 

Tide   Fable. 

^p^'■«  ''«-    inr^Hey  relate  that  Sphinx  was  a  Monfter^  •varioujly  formed \ 
jtn  ( .  j^      having  the  Face  and  Voice  of  a  Virgin  (^),  the  Wings  of  a 

Bird  (^),  and  the  Talons  of  a  Gryphin  {c).  She  rejided  on  the 
Top  of  a  Mountain^  near  the  City  Thebes  {d)  ;  and  alfo  befet  the 
High'iSjays  {e).  Her  manner  laas  to  lie  in  ambujh,  and feize  on 
Travellers  -,  and  having  them  in  her  power ^  propofed  to  them  cer- 
tain dark  and  perplexed  Riddles  {f),  which  it  was  thought  Jhe  re- 
ceived from  the  Mtifes  [g) :  And  if  her  wretched  Captives  could  not 
folve^  and  interpret^  thefe  Riddles^  fhe  with  great  Cruelty  fell  upon 
them\,  in  their  Hefitation  and  Confufion\  and  tore  them  to  pieces  {h). 
This  "Plague  having  reigned  a  long  time,  the  Thebans  at  length 
offered  their  Kingdom  to  the  Man  who  could  interpret  her  Riddles ; 
there  being  no  other  way  to  fubdue  her  (/').  Oedipus,  a  penetrating 
and  prudent  Man,  tho  lame  in  his  Feet,  excited  by  fo  great  a  Re- 
ward, accepted  the  Condition  {k) ;  and  with  a  good  Affurance  of 
Mind,  chear fully  prefented  himfelf  before  the  Monfler  ;  who  di- 
Her  Kiddle.  TcEily  asked  him.  What  Creature  that  was,  which  being  born  four- 
footed,  afterwards  became  two-footed,  then  three  footed,  and  laftly 
four-footed  again  ?  Oedipus,  with  a  prefence  of  mind,  replied  it 
Solved  by  ''^'^^  ^^^"  j  who,  upoH  his  firjl  birth,  and  infant  State,  crawld 
Oedipus.  upon  all  four,  in  endeavouring  to  walk  i  but  not  long  after  thaty 
went  upright  upon  his  two  natural  Feet ;  again,  in  old  Age  walk- 
ed three-footed,  with  a  Stick  ;  and  at  laji  growing  decrepid,  lay 
four-footed  confined  to  his  Bed.  And  having  by  this  exati  Solu- 
tion obtained  the  Vi^iory,  he  flew  the  Monfler  ;  and  laying  the 
Carcafs  upon  an  Afs  (/;,  led  her  away  as  in  triumph.  And  upon 
this  he  was,  according  to  the  Agreement,  made  King  ^Thebes. 


The 


Se<3:.I.  PHysiCAL  "MyTHOLocy.  573 

The    Explanation. 

2. (a)  t  I  AHis  is  an  elegant,  inftruftive  Fable  ;  and  feems  invented  to  repre- Sphinx  it 
X     ient  Science,  efpecialiy  as  join'd  with  PrfliJ7?Vc".    For  ^aVwir^' may,  ^*^'^""- 
without  abfurdity,    be  called  a  Aloujler  ;    being   ftrangcly  gazed   at,  zndA  Monfier. 
admired,  by  the  ignorant  and  unskilful.     Her  Figure  and  Form  is  various  •,  Uer  various 
by  reafon  of  the  vaft  variety  of  Subjefts  that  Science  confiders.     Her  Voice  Jf"""- 
and  Countenance  are  rcprefented  female  •,  by  reafon  of  her  gay  Appearance  ^^''/^""'f'. 
and  Volubility  of  Speech  ».     (Z»)  Wings  are  added,  becaufe  the  Sciences  and  f."""'  ""' 
their  Inventions  run,  and  fly  about,   in  a  moment  ;  for  Knowledge,  like    '"^^' 
Light  communicated  from  one  Torch  to  another,  is  prefently  catch'd,  and 
copiouQy  difi'ufed.     (c)  Sharp  and  hooked  Talons  are  elegantly  attributed  to  Talons. 
her  ;  becaufe  the  Axioms  and  Arguments  of  Science  enter  the  Mind,    lay 
hold  of  it,  fix  it  down,  and  keep  it  from  moving  or  flipping  away.     This 
the  facred  Philofopher  oblerved,  when  he  laid,    T'he  PFords  of  the  Wife  are 
like  Goadi,  or  Nails,  driven  far  in.     (d)  Again,  all  Science  feems   placed 
on  high,    as  it  were  on  the  tops  of  Mountains,    that  are  hard  to  climb: ^C/"''"^  "" 
for  Science  is  juRly  imagined  a  fublime  and  lofty  Thing,    looking  down    '^■'" 
upon  Ignorance  from  an  Eminence  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  taking  an  exten- 
five  View  on  all  fides,    as  is  ufual  on  the  Tops  of  Mountains.     (")  Science.^   . 
is  fiid  to  befet  the  Highways;  becaufe  thro'  all  the  Journey  and  Peregri- ,y^^'^^;!f„;,j,j_ 
nation  of  human  Life,    there  is  Matter  and  Occafion  offered  of  Contem- 
plation, 

3.  {f )  Sphinx  is  faid  to  propofe  various  difficult  Q^ieftions,  and  Riddles,  Vropcjing 
to  Men,  which  flie  received  from  the  Mufes  ;  and  thefe  Qiieftions,  fo  long  R''''""- 
as  they  remain  with  the  Mufes,  may  very  well  be  unaccompanied  with  Se- 
verity :  for  while  there  is  no  other  End  of  Contemplation  and  Enquiry  but 
that  of  Knowledge  alone  ;  the  Underftanding  is  not  opprefled,  or  driven  to 
Straits  and  Difficulties  ;  but  expatiates  and  ranges  at  large  ;  and  even  re- 
ceives a  degree  of  Pleafure  from  Doubt  and  Variety,  [g]  But  after  the  Mu- 
fes have  given  over[their  Riddles  to  Sphinx  ;  that  is,  to  Praifice  (h),  which 
urges  and  impels  to  Adtion,  Choice  and  Determination  ;  then  it  is  that  they 
becom^e  torturing,  fevere,  and  trying  :  and  unlets  folved  and  interpreted, 
ftrangely  perplex  and  harafs  the  human  Mind  ;  rend  it  every  way,  and  per- 
feftly  tear  it  to  pieces  ^     All  the  Riddles  of  Sphinx,    therefore,  have  two 

Conditions 

■  For  Science  or  Philoibphy  has,  in  the  general,  rather  been  a  fhewy  and  talkative  Thing, 
than  folid,  ftrviceable,  and  effedlive. 

■•  To  gain  the  clearer  Notion  of  this,  we  need  only  confider  the  Neceffities  and  Inconveni- 
ences, under  which  the  Inhabitants,  even  of  civiliz'd  Countries,  frequently  labour,  from  In- 
undations, Conflagrations,  Dearths,  Storms,  Lightning,  Wars,  Devarta:ions,  Tyrannical  Go- 
vernments, blind  and  furious  Zeal,  Superftition,  want  of  Commerce  and  certain  Com- 
modities ;  all  which  Particulars,  when  they  come  to  be  practically  confidered,  in  order  to 
their  being  remedied,  removed  or  prevented,  diftraft  and  perplex  the  Mind  ;  efpecially  when 
the  Caulcs  of  thefe  Eftedts  remain  unknown,  fo  as  not  to  be  governable  by  human  Means. 


574  Physical    Mythology.  Se£t.  I. 

Conditions  annexed  •,  viz.  Dilaceration  to  thofe  who  do  not  folve  them  ;  and 
Empire  to  thofe  that  do.  For  he  who  underftands  the  Thing  propofed,  obtain» 
his  End:  and  every  Artificer  rules  over  his  Work». 
oftvo  kinds.  4.  {i)  Sphinx  has  no  more  than  two  kinds  of  Riddles  ;  one  relating  to  the 
Nature  of  Things  i  the  other  to  the  Nature  of  Man :  and  correfpondent 
to  thefe,  the  Prizes  of  the  Solution  are  two  kinds  of  Empire;  the  E?npre 
over  Nature,  and  the  Empire  over  Ma».  For  the  true  and  ultimate  End  of 
natural  Pbilo'oph\\  is  Dominion  overnatural  Things,  natural  Bodies,  Reme- 
dies, Machines,  and  numbcrlels  other  Particulars :  tho'  the  Schools,  contented 
with  what  fpontaneoully  offers,  and  fwollen  with  their  own  Difcourfes, 
negleft,  and  in  a  manner  defpile,  both  Things  and  Works'". 
Oedipus  5.  {k)  But  the  Riddle  propofed  to  Oedipus,  the  Solution  whereof  acquired 

fcLves  the       him  the  Thebnn  Kingdom,  regarded  the  Nature  of  Man  ;   for  he  who  has 
BjMe  reU-    jhoroughly  looked  into  and  examined  human  Nature,  may,  in  a  manner, 
tmg  to    at.  j,Qjj^j^,^jjj  j^J5  Q^j^  Fortune  -,  and  feems  born  to  acquire  Dominion  and  Rule '. 
Accordingly,  Firgil  properly  makes  the  Arts  of  Government  to  be  the  Arts  of 
the  Romaui ''.     It  was,  therefore,  extremely  appofite  in  Auguftus  Ccsfar,  to  ufe 
the  Image  o( Sphinx  in  his  Signet  •,  whether  this  happened  by  accident  or  by 
defign  •,  for  he  of  all  Men  was  deeply  verfed  in  Politics ;  and  through  the  courfe 
of  his  Life  very  happily  folved  abundance  of  new  Riddles,  with  regard  to  the 
Nature  of  Man  :  and  unlefs  he  had  done  this  with  great  Dexterity  and  ready 
Addrefs,  he  would  frequently  have  been  involved  in  imminent  Danger,  if 
not  DefVruftion. 
Sphinx's  6.  (/)  'Tis,    with  the  utmofl  elegance,   added  in  the  Fable,    that  when 

Circafs         sphinx  was  conquered,  her  Carcafs  was  laid  upon  an  Afs  -,  for  there  is  nothing 
Uid  ufoa  ""j-Q  fybtjje  and  abftrufe,  but  after  being  once  made  plain,    intelligible  and 

common,  it  may  be  received  by  the  flowefl:  Capacity. 
The  Lumenefs  7.  C^O  We  muft  not  omit,  that  5//^/«^  was  conquered  by  a  lame  Man, 
o/Oedipus.  and  impotent  in  his  Feet  ;  for  Men  ufually  make  too  much  hafte  to  the  So- 
lution of  Sphinxes  Riddles:  whence  it  happens,  that  fhe  prevailing,  their 
Minds  are  rather  racked  and  torn  by  Difputes,  than  an  Empire  gained  by 
mrks  and  Effe^s  \ 

XII. 

2  This  is  what  the  Author  fo  freqaencty  inculcates  in  his  Novum  Orgitnum,  viz.  that 
Knowledge  and  Power  are  reciprocal;  io  that  to  improve  in  Knowledge,  is  to  improve  in 
the  Power  of  Commanding  Nature,  by  introducing  new  Arts,  and  producing  Works  and 
Effefts. 

^  This  is  largely  profecuted  in  the  Novum  Organum. 

«  See  the  tie  Augment.  Sclent'mr.  Seft.  XKV.  of  Self-Folicy,  tr  the  Vocir'mt  efRifiag  in 
Ufe. 

*•  Tit  regere  Jmperio  Vofulos,  Romane,  memento: 
H^  titi  erunt  Artes. 

*  See  the  firft  Part  of  the  Novum  Organum,  pidim. 


Se(3:.  L  Physical    Mythology.  c-tp 


XII. 

!}}&  FABLEfp/'PROSERPiNE;  explained  of  the  Spirit 
mcluded  m  ?iatural  Bodies. 


The  Fable. 


ro  car  net 


I . '  I  ^Hey  tell  «j,  Pluto  having,  upon  that  memorable  T>ivifion  riu 

J[      of  Empire  among  the  Gods^  received  the  infernal  Regions  "■y"^'^.  ^''°' 
for  his  Share,  defp  aired  of  winning  any  one  of  the  Goddeffes  in  Mar-  "^'"^' 
riage^  by  an  obfequious  Court fliip  -,  and  therefore,  through  NeceJJity, 
refolved  upon  a  Rape  {a)  :    And  watching  his  Opportimity,    he 
fudde7ily  feizesuponVxoicx^mQ,  a  moji  beautiful  Virgin,  thel^augh- 
ter  of  Ceres,    as  fje  was  gathering  Narciflus  Flowers  (b)  in  the  Gutherhs 
Meads  of  Sicily  ;    and  hurrying  her  to  his  Chariot,   carried  her  ^^f<^'^"=- 
with  him  to  the  fubterraneal  Regions ;  where  ^oe  was  treated  with 
the  highefl  Reverence^  and Jly led  the  Lady  of"D\s{c).     But  Ceres 
miffing  her  only  daughter,  whom  Jhe  extremely  loved,  grew  pen- 
five  and  anxious,  beyond  meafure  {d)  ;  and  taking  a  lighted  Torch  (e)  Ccres  goes 
in  her  Hand,  wandered  the  World  over  in  quefi  of  her  'Daughter : ""'  '"/"^ 
but  all  to  no  purpofe  -,    'till  fufpeEiing  fhe  might  be  carried  to  the 
infernal  Regions,  fhe  with  great  lamentation,  and  abundance  of  tears, 
importuned  Jupiter  to  reflore  her ;  and  with  much  ado  prevailed, 
fo  far  as  to  recover  and  bring  her  away,  if  fhe  had  tafied  nothing -Recovers  her, 
there.     This  proved  a  hard  Condition  upon  the  Mother  ;  for  Pro-  "/""»  ^'>"^'- 
ferpine  was  found  to  have  eaten  three  Kernels  of  a  Tomgranate  (f). '""' 
Ceres,  however,  defijied  not,   but  fell  to  her  entreaties  and  lamen- 
tations afrepo  ;  infonmch  that,  at  lafl,  it  was  indulged  her,    that 
Proferpine  fhould  divide  the  Tear  betwixt  her  Husband  and  her 
Mother  \  and  live  fix  Months  with  the  one,  and  as  many  with  the 
other  (g).     After  this,    Theleus  <2«<^  Perithous,    with  ^mcommon -^^^^^^^  ^„j 
audacity,   attempted  to  force  Vxo^cx^me  away  from  Pluto's  ^,?^  5  Perithous«f- 
but  happening  to  grow  tired  in  their  Journey,   and  reftmg  them- ^'"t' "■  ^''"* 
felves  upon  a  Stone,  in  the  Realms  below,  they  could  never  rife  from  flomn^^o. 
it  again;  but  remain  fitting  there  for  ever  {h).     Proferpine,  there- ■^rokv^mt 
fore,  fiill  continued  ^leen  of  the  lower  Regions  -,    in  honour  of''''^'"'"  '^f 
whom  there  was  alfo  added  this  grand Trivilege,  that  tho'  it  had]''/ MoTer* 

never  ""ti  hifiianJ, 


576 


Physical   Mythology.  Se(^. I. 

never  been  permitted  any  one  to  return,  after  having  once  defc  ended 
Recehjes  the  thither,  a  particular  exceptiofi  izias  made,  that  he  ivho  brought  a 
lluenzL'Xi'^^^^^  Bought  as  a  Trefent  to  Proferpinc,  might  on  that  condition 
defcend  and  return-  This  ivas  an  only  Bought  that  grew  in  a  large 
dark  Grove^  not  from  a  Tree  of  its  own,  but,  like  the  Mi^zioc,  from 
another  ;  and  when  plucked  away,  a  freJJj  one  always  fijot  out  in 
its  (lead  {i). 


The    Explanation. 


Proftrpine, 
or  JEthir'ml 
Spirit. 


RaviJJjtd. 


Whllfigather- 
ing-Narcillus. 

Made  theLaJy 
ofDis. 


Ceres,  cr  the 
Ejficacy  of  the 
celeflial 
Bodies. 


2.  {a)  ^TT^His  Fahk  feems  to  regard  natural  Philofophy  ;  and  fearches  deep 
J_  into  that  rich  and  fruitful  Virtue  and  Supply,  in  fubterraneous 
Bodies,  from  whence  all  the  Things  upon  tlie  Earth's  Surface  fpring,  and 
into  which  they  again  refolve  and  return.  By  Proferjnne  the  Ancients  de- 
noted that  yEtherial  Spirit  Ihut  up  and  detained  within  the  Earth,  here 
reprel'cnted  by  Pluto ;  the  Spiiit  being  feparated  from  the  luperior  Globe, 
according  to  the  ExprelTion  of  the  Poet  ^.  This  Spirit  is  conceived  as  ra- 
vifhed,  or  Inatched  up  by  the  Earth  ;  becaufe  it  can  no  way  be  detained, 
when  it  has  time  and  opportunity  to  fly  off  ;  but  is  only  wrought  together 
and  fixed  by  fudden  Intermixture  and  Comminution,  in  the  fame  manner  as 
if  one  fhould  endeavour  to  mix  Air  with  Water  -,  which  cannot  otherwife 
be  done,  than  by  a  quick  and  rapid  agitation,  that  joins  them  together  in 
Froth  -,  whilft  the  Air  is  thus  catched  up  by  the  Water  (/;_).  And  it  is  ele- 
gantly added,  that  Proferpine  was  ravifhed  whilll  flie  gathered  Narcijfus 
Flowers  •,  which  have  their  Name  from  Numbednefs  or  Stupefadion  ;  for 
the  Spirit  we  fpeak  of,  is  in  the  fittefl:  difpofirion  to  be  catched  up  by  terref- 
trial  Matter,  when  it  begins  to  coagulate,  or  grow  torpid,  as  it  were. 

3.  {c)  'Tis  an  Honour  juftly  attributed  to  Proferpine,  and  not  to  any 
other  Wife  of  the  Gods,  that  of  being  the  Lady,  or  Miftrefs,  of  her  Huf- 
band  ;  becaufe  this  Spirit  performs  all  the  Operations  in  the  fubterraneal 
Regions ;  whilft  Pluto,  or  the  Earth,  remains  Itupid,  or  as  it  were  ignorant 
of  them  ^. 

4.  [A)  The  ^ther,  or  the  EfEcacy  of  the  heavenly  Bodies,  denoted  by 
Cera,  endeavours  with  infinite  diligence,  to  force  out  this  Spirit;  and  re- 
ftore  it  to  its  priftine  State  {e).  And  by  the  Torch  in  the  Hand  of  Ceres,  or 
tlie^ther,  is  doubtlefs  meant  the  Sun,  which  difperfes  Light  over  the  whole 
Globe  of  the  Earth  ;  and  if  the  Thing  were  poffible,  mufthave  the  greateft 

fhare 


*  size  recens  Tellus,  feduBaqm  nuper  tib  alte 
Mthere,  cognati  retiiieiat  femina  Coeli. 
*  Seethe  Sylva  Sylvurum,  under   the  Articles    Imagi/iatiort,   iJature,   Spirit  tin  J  Sympathy  , 
See  a'fotbe  Axifim  at  the  End  of  the  iiijlery  of  Life  ami  Death. 


SeS:.  I.  Physical     Mythology.  c"-? 

Ihare  in  recovering  Proferpine,  or  re- inflating  the  ftibterraneal  Spint.  (f)  Yet 
Proferpine  ftill  continues   and  dwells  below  ;  after  the  manner  excellently 
defcribed  in  the  Condition  betwixt  Jupiter  and  Ceres.    For  firft,  'tis  certain 
that  there  are  two  ways  of  detaining  the  Spirit,  in  folid  and  terreftrial  Mat- 
ter ;   the  one  by  Co>tdenfation  or  Obftru^io}2,    which  is  mere  violence  and 
Imprifonment :    the  other,  by  adminijlring  a  proper  Ali?nent  ;    which  is  fpon- 
taneous  and  free.     For  after  the  included  Spirit  begins  to  feed  and  nourifh 
it  felf,  'tis  not  in  a  hurry  to  fly  off;  but  remains  as  it  were  fixed  in  its  own 
Earth.     And  this   is   the  Moral   of  Proferpine' s  tafting  the  Pomgranate:  7^,,^ /A« 
and  were  it  not  for  this,  fhe  muft  long  ago  have  been  carried  up  by  Ceres,  Vomgrmate. 
who  with  her  Torch  wandered  the  World  over  ;  and  fo  the  Earth  have  been 
left  without  its  Spirit.     For  tho'  the  Spirit,  in  Metals  and  Minerals,   may 
perhaps  be,  after  a  particular  manner,  wrought  in  by  the  Solidity  of  the 
Mafs  i    yet  the  Spirit  of  Vegetables  and  Animals  has  open  Paflages  to  ef- 
cape  at  •,    unlefs  it  be  willingly  detained,   in  the  way  of  fipping  and  tafting 
them '. 

5.  (^)  The  fecond  Article  of  Agreement,  that  of  Proferpine' s  remaining  i/Vro^yTA- 
fix  Months  with    her   Mother,  and  fix  with   her  Husband,  is  an  elegant  ^^onths  witi* 
Defcription  of  the  divifion  of  the  Year  :    for  the  Spirit  diifufed  thro'   the  '''''  ^'"^«y. 
Earth,  lives  above  Ground  in  the  vegetable  World,  during  the  Summer  Tetmtl'er 
Months  •,  but  in  the  Winter  returns  under  Ground  again. 

6.  (b)  The  Attempt  of  Thefeus  and  Peritbous  to  bring  Proferpine  away,  rhe  Attempt 
denotes  that  the  more  fubtile  Spirits,  which  defcend  in  many  Bodies  to  the »/ Thefeus  • 
Earth,   may  frequently  be  unable  to  drink  in,    unite   with  themfelves,  and  ""'^  P"'- 
carry  off  the  fubterraneous  Spirit  5  but,  on  the  contrary,  be  coagulated  by  it,    °"'' 

and  rife  no  more  ;    fo  as  to  increafe  the  Inhabitants,    and  add  to  the   Do- 
minion of  Proferpine^. 

7.  (i)  The  Alchemifts  will  be  apt  to  fall  in  with  our  Interpretation  of  the  The  giihn 
golden  Bough,  whether  we  will  or  no  ;  becaufe  they  promife  golden  Moun-^""^*- 
tains,  and  the  Reftoration  of  natural  Bodies  from  their  Stone  ;   as  from  the 

Gates  oi Pluto :  but  we  are  well  aflured,  that  their  Theory  has  no  juft  Founda- 
tion ;  and  fufpedl  they  have  no  very  encouraging  pradtical  Proofs  of  its 
Soundnefs.  Leaving,  therefore,  their  Conceits  to  themfelves  -,  we  fhall  freely 
declare  our  own  Sentiments  upon  this  laft  Part  of  the  Fable.  We  are  certain 
fi-om  numerous  Figures  and  Exprefl"ions  of  the  Ancients,  that  theyjuJged 

the 

•  This  Point  is  largely  explained  in  the  Author's  Hijlory  of  Life  and  Death;  but  ftill  defervcs 
to  be  fee  in  a  more  full  and  general  Light,  by  new  Inftanccs  and  Enfo-cemenrs ;  as  a  Particular, 
which,  tho'  neglefted,  or  almoft  overlooked,  infinitely  regards  the  iniproviment  of  natural 
Philolbphy.  See  the  Sylva  Sylvarum,  under  the  Articles  Imtglnation,  Nature,  Spirits:  SyiKpathy,  &c. 

'  Many  Philolbphers  have  certain  Speculations  to  this  Purpol'e.  Sir  Iff.f.c  Ne-wton,  in  particular, 
fufpefts  that  the  Earth  receives  its  vivifying  Spirit  from  the  Comets.  And  the  Philofoohical 
Chemifls  and  Jfirologers  have  Ipun  the  Thoughc  into  many  phantaftical  Diftmiiions  and  Varieties. 
Ste  St-aton.  Princip.  Lib.  III.   p-47  3>  &c.     See  3,\io  Sylva  Syl-varum,  p.  ill,  c^f. 

Vol.  I.  Eeee 


578 


Physical    Mythology. 


Sea.  I. 


the  Confervation,  and  in  fome  degree,  the  Renovation  of  natural  Bodies,  to 
be  no  defperate  or  impofTible  Thing  ;  but  rather  abftrufe,  and  out  of  the 
common  Road,  than  wholly  imprafticable^  And  this  feems  to  be  theirOpi- 
nion  in  the  prefent  Cafe  ;  as  they  have  placed  this  Bou^h  among  an  infinite 
number  of  Shrubs,  in  a  fpacious  and  thick  Wood.  They  fuppofed  it  of 
Gold,  becaufe  Gold  is  the  Emblem  of  Duration.  They  feign'd  it  adventi- 
tious, not  native,  becaufe  fuch  an  elFeft  is  to  be  expedecj  from  Art ;  and  not 
from  any  Medicine,  or  any  fimple  or  mere  natural  Way  6f  working  \ 

"  See  above,  pag.  ffy.  §14. 

*  The  Author's  Hifton  of  life  and  Death  is  i  Comment  upon  this  Text. 


S  E  C  T. 


(  579  ) 


SECT.    II. 

The  concealed  Moral  Philofophy  of  the 

Ancients. 


I. 

'The    Fable     of  Memnon;    explained  of  the  fatal 
Precipitancy  of  Youth. 

The  Fable. 

I.'  I  ^  HE  Toets  make  Memnon  the  Son  of  Aurora;  and  bring Memnon'j 

X  him  to  the  Trojan  War  in  beautiful  Armour^  and  flu^ed^"''' 
liiith  popular  Traife  •■,  ivhere^  thirfting  after  farther  Glory ^  and 
rajhly  hurrying  on  to  the  great  eft  Enterprizes,  he  engages  the  brave  ft 
IVar  r  tor  of  aU  the  Greeks,  AchWlcs  r,  and  falls  by  his  Hand,  infingle 
Combat.  Jupiter,  in  commiferation  of  his  'Death^  fent  Birds  to 
grace  his  Funeral.,  that  perpetually  chanted  certain  mournful  and  be- 
wailing 'Dirges.  'Tis  alfo  reported,  that  the  Rays  of  the  rifing  Sun 
ftriking  his  Statue,  ufed  to  give  a  lamenting  Sound. 

The   Explanation. 

2.rT^His  Fahle  regards  the  unfortunate  End  of  thofe  promifing  Youths,  who',  ^«  •^'f  "/'^* 

JL     like  Sons  of  the  Morning.,  elate  with  empty  Hopes  and  glittering ^^^'"'"^" 
Outfides,    attempt  things   beyond   their  ftrength  -,     challenge   the  braveft 
Heroes  •,    provoke    them  to   the  Combat ;  and    proving   unequal,  die   in 
their  high  Attempts. 

E  e  e  e  2  q.  The 


580  Moral   Mythology.  Sed.  IL 

Did  ietffail'd.  3.  The  Death  of  fuch  Youths  feldom  fails  to  meet  with  infinite  Pity  v 
as  no  mortal  Calamity  is  more  moving  and  afBifting,  than  to  fee  the  Flower 
of  Virtue  cropt  before  its  time  *.  Nay,  the  Prime  of  Life  enjoyed  to  the 
full,  or  even  to  a  degree  of  Envy,  does  not  aflliage  or  moderate  the  Grief 
occafioned  by  the  untimely  Death  of  fuch  hopeful  Youths :  But  Lamen- 
tations and  Bewailings  fly,  like  mournful  Birds,  about  their  Tombs,  for  a 
long  while  after:  efpecially  upon  all  frefh  Occafions,  new  Commotions, 
and  the  beginning  of  great  Aftions,  the  paflionate  Defxre  of  them  is  renewed, 
as  by  the  Sun's  Morning  Rays. 

11. 

T/je  Fable  (j/'Tythonus;  explained  of  predominant 

PaJJions. 

7'he  Fable. 

Tythonus      I .  '^*  |  ^IS  elegantly  fabled  o/'Tythonus,  that  being  exceedingly 
made  immor-         J^      beloved  by  Aurora,  ^e  petitioned  Jupiter  that  he  might 
prove  immortal -y  thereby  to  fe cure  herfelf  the  everlafting  Enjoyment 
of  his  Company :  but  through  Female  Inadvertence  ^e  forgot  to  addy 
that  he  might  never  grow  old:  fo,  that  though  he  proved  immor- 
But  at  length  fal^  he  became  miferably  worn  and  confumed  with  Age ;   infomuch^ 
cZjiippet    ^^^^  Jupiter,   out  of  pity^  at  length  transformed  him  to  a  Graf- 
hopper. 


The     EXPLANATI  ON. 

xt'fcnhes       2.t'TW\\s  Fable  fecms  to  contain  an  ingenious  Defcription  of  PJeafure  ; 

Steafure.  \_     which  at  firft,  as  it  were  in  the  Morning  of  the  Day,    is  fo  welcome, 

that  Men  pray  to  have  it  everlafting  :  but  forget  that  Satiety  and  Weari- 
nefs  of  it  will,  like  old  Age,  overtake  them  •,  tho'  they  think  not  of  it : 
fo  that  at  length,  when  their  Appetite  for  pleafurable  Acftions  is  gone,   their 

Arid  Satiety.  Defires  and  Affedtions  often  continue  :  whence  we  commonly  find  that 
aged  Perfons  delight  themfelves  with  the  Difcourfe  and  Remembrance  of 
the  things  agreeable  to  them  in  their  better  days.  This  is  very  remark- 
able in  Men  of  a  loofe,    and  Men  of  a  military  Life:    the  former  whereof 

In  old  Age.  are  always  talking  over  their  Amours  -,  and  the  latter  the  Exploits  of  their 
Youth  ;   like  Graflioppers,  that  fhow  their  Vigour  only  by  their  chirping*". 

in.  The 

*  See  the  Author';  Speecti  again/l  Duelling,  Vol.  I.  pag.  39;. 

*  See  the  Hiftory  oi  Life  and  Dinth,  Vol.  IlL  pag.  41.5,  4.17, 


SecH:.  11.  Moral  MvTH  o  LOG  V.  581 

III. 

The   Fable    0/"  Narcissus;    explained  of  Self- 
Love. 

T^e  Fable. 

I.  T^TArciflus  is /aid  to  have  been  extremely  beautiful  and  comely^  Narciflus 

1^    but  intolerably  proud  and  difdainful  -^  fit  hat,  p  leafed  with  fj"''  ^  ^** 
hitnfelf  and  fcorning  the  JForld,  he  ledafolitary  Life  in  the  Woods  j 
hunting  only  "Ji'ith  a  fe'w  Follo'-juers,  -joho  "were  his  profefsd  Admi- 
rers :  and  amongfl  the  refl,  the  Nymph  Echo  'luas  his  conflant  At- 
tendant.    In  this  Method  of  Life  'ti£.'as  once  his  fate  to  approach  a 
clear  Fountain  •■,  ivhere  he  laid  himfelf  do'wn  to  reft,  in  the  noon-day 
Heat:,  'H'hen,  beholding  his  Image  in  the  Water,  he  fell  into  fuch  a  a  self- Ad- 
Rapture  and  Admiration  of  himfelf  that  he  could  by  no  means  be  mirer. 
got  away,  but  remain  d  continually  fixed  and  gazing -■,  till  at  length 
he  was  turn'd  into  a  Flower,  of  his  own  Name,  which  appears  early  And  turned 
in  the  Spring,  and  is  confer  at  ed  to  the  infernal  "DeitieSy  Pluto,  '""> "  slower. 
Proferpine  and  the  Furies. 

The    E  xplanation. 

2.^  I  tHis  Fable  feems  to  paint  the  Behaviour  and  Fortune  of  thofe,  v;\\o, -Reprefenti 

^  for  their  Beauty,  or  other  Endowments,  wherewith  Nature,  (with-^cZ/io-^cr». 
out  any  Indullry  of  their  own,)  has  graced  and  adorned  them,  are  extra- 
vagantly fond  of  themfelves.  For  Men  of  fuch  a  Difpofition  generally 
affe6t  retirement,  and  abfence  from  publick.  Affairs  -,  as  a  Life  of  Bufinefs 
muft  neceffarily  fubjecl  them  to  many  Neglefts  and  Contempts,  which  might 
difturb  and  ruffle  their  Minds  :  whence  fuch  Perfons  commonly  lead 
a  folitary,  private  and  fhadowy  Life  ;  fee  little  Company  ;  and  thofe 
only  fuch  as  highly  admire  and  reverence  them  -,  or,  like  an  Echo,  aflent  to 
all  they  (xy. 

3.  And  they  who  are  depraved,  and  rendered  flill  fonder  of  themfelves  by  p;^,  p^tn 
this  Cuftom,  grow  ftrangely  indolent,  un:i6tive,  and  perfeftly  ftupid.     ThtimloltHt. 
Narciffu!,  a  Spring-flower,    is  an  elegant  Emblem  of  this  Temper  -,  which 
at  firft  flouriflies,  and  is  talked  of  j    but  when  ripe,  fruftrates  the  Expec- 
tation conceived  of  it. 

4.  And  that  this  Flower  fliould  be  facred  to  the  infernal  Powers,  carries  on  ^„^  become 
the  Allufion  ftill  farther  -,    becaufe  Men  of  this  humour  are  perfediy  wk-as  FLmn  ef 


prove 


5^2  M  O  R  :^  L     M  V  T  H  O  L  O  G  Y.  Scdi,  II. 

kk  in  all  refpefts :  for  whatever  yields  no  Fruit,  but  pafles,  and  is  no  more, 
like  the  Way  of  a  Ship  in  the  Sea,  was  by  che  Ancients  confecrated  to  the 
infernal  Shades  and  Powers. 

IV. 

77)e   Fable    of  Juno's   Courtship;    explained  of 
Submi£iont  arid  AbjeElion. 

T'he  Fable. 

Trtnirma.  I-  T^^^^  ^Po^^^  ^^^^  «-^j  /^/2^  JupIter,  to  cany  on  his  Love-In- 

jajiijorma-         ^     frigues^  aJfuMcd  many  different  Shapes  i  as  of  a  Bull^  an 

Eagle ^  aSwan-t  a  Golden  Shower,  t^c.  but  whenhe  attempted^xno^ 

he  turned  himfelf  into  the  moft  ignoble  and  ridiculous  Creature ; 

even  that  of  a  wretched,  wet,  weather-beaten,  affrighted,  trembling, 

J";**^"'-    and  half-ftarved  Cuckow. 

The    Explanation. 

Tie  Moral.  2.^  |  "VHis  is  a  wife  Fable  ;  and  drawn  from  the  very  Entrails  of  Morality. 
X  The  Moral  is,  that  Men  fliould  not  be  conceited  of  tbemfelves ;  and 
imagine  that  a  Difcovery  of  their  Excellencies  will  always  render  them  ac- 
ceptable :  for  this  can  only  Jucceed  according  to  the  feature  and  Manners  of  the 
Perfon  they  court,  or  follicit ;  who,  if  he  be  a  Man  not  of  the  fame  Gifts  and 
Endowments,  but  altogether  of  a  haughty  and  contemptuous  Behaviour, 
here  reprefented  by  the  Perfon  of  Juno  ;  they  muft  entirely  drop  the 
Charafter  that  carries  the  leafi  Show  of  fForth,  or  Gracefulnefs  :  If  they  pro- 
ceed upon  any  other  footing,  'tis  downright  Folly.  Nor  is  it  fufficient  to  aft  the 
Deformity  of  Ohfequioufnefs,  unlefs  they  really  change  themfelves ;  and  be- 
come abje(5l  and  contemptible  in  their  Perfons "". 

N.The 

^  Thofe,  who,  upon  a  fuperficial  reading  of  the  Author's  fubmiflive  Letters  to  King  James, 
have  been  forward  to  cenfure  them,  as  indecently  mean,  fordid  and  begging;  may  here  be  taught 
to  correct  their  Judgment. 


Seel.  II.  MoralMythologv.  ^P^^ 


V. 

T^e  Fable  (j/'Cassandra;     explained  of  too  free 
and  UNSEASONABLE  Advice. 

The    Fable. 

I . ' "  I  *^H.E  Toets  relate,  that  A^oWo  falling  m  Love  ^;^^'///^  Caf- CafTandra  </f. 
X  liiidra,  '■j:jas  ft  ill  deluded  and  put  off  by  her  -,  yet  fed  rsjith  ""  "  ^P""° 
Hopes,  till  p^e  had  got  from  him  the  Gift  of'Trophecy:  and  having 
now  obtain  d  her  End,  fje  flatly  rejected  his  Suit.  Apollo,  unable 
to  recall  his  rap?  Gifts  yet  enraged  to  be  out-vjitted  by  a  Girl;  an- 
nex d  this  'Penalty  to  it ;  that  though  phe  phoud  always  prophefy 
true,  fl)e  fjou'd  never  be  believed:  -whence  her  Divinations  were 
always  flighted  i  even  whenp^e  again  and  again  predi^ed  the. Rum  of 
her  Country. 

The   Explanation. 

2.  fTT^His  FaUe^ttm%  invented  to  exprefs  the  Infignificance  of  unftafon- j.^^  2if#ra^ 

Jl  able  Advice.  For  they  who  are  conceited,  ftubborn,  or  intradable  ; 
and  liften  not  to  the  Inftrudions  of  Apollo.,  the  God  of  Harmony ;  io  as  to 
learn  and  obferve  the  Modulations  and  Meafures  of  Affairs,  the  Sharps  and 
Flats  ofDifcourfe,  the  difference  betwixt  judicious  and  vulgar  Ears,  and 
the  proper  Times  of  Speech  and  Silence  -,  let  them  be  ever  fo  intelligent,  and 
ever  fo  frank  of  their  Advice  ;  or  their  Counfels  ever  fo  good  and  juft  •,  yet  all 
their  Endeavours,  either  of  Perfualion  or  Force,  are  of  little  fignincance  ;  and 
rather  haften  the  Ruin  of  thofe  they  advjfe.  But  at  laft,  when  the  calami- 
tous Event  has  made  the  Sufferers  feel  the  effedl  of  their  neglecl:  •,  they  too 
late  rcvf^rence  their  Advifers,  as  deep,  forefeeing  and  faithful  Propb.ets. 

3.  Of  this  we  have  a  remarkable  Inftance  in  Cato  of  Utica,  who  difcovered  . 

afar  off,  and  long  foretold,  the  approaching  Ruin  of  his  Country  ;  both  in  the  "J''"'"'-  - 
firfl:  Confpiracy,and  as  it  was  profecuted  in  the  civil  War  between  Caifar  and 
Pompey;  yet  did  no  good  the  while  ;  h.t  rather  hurt  the  Commonweulth,  and 
hurried  on  itsdeftrudtion:  which  Cice'  wifely  obferved  in  thefe Words.  "  Cato, 
•'•  indeed,  judges exceller.lly  ibui  prejuj.jes  the  State :  Jor  he  I'peaki  as  in  the  Com- 
•'  mon-xvealth  cf  Plato  i  and  not  as  in  the  Dregs  o/"Romulus "." 

vr.  rhe 

•  Th.-f^We  of  Dh^yfus,  or  Bacchus,  explainej  cf  the  human  Tajfom,  fl'iouy  have  come  nex* 
afcer  this,  lb  as  immediately  :o  precede  the  ¥abie  of  the  iirer.s;  had  it  not  been  already  m-dc 
ufe  of,    by  way  of  ixum^le,    in  the  de  ^ugmeniis  Scieutianim.    See  Vol.  I,  pag.  66. 


sH 


Moral   Mythology. 


Sea.  II. 


VI. 


77je  Fable  of  f/je  Sirens;  explained  of  Mens  PaJ/ion 

for  Pleafures. 

Introduction. 


The  Sirens 
who. 


I.'  |"^HE  Fable  of  the  Sirens  is,  in  a  vulgar  Senfe,  juftly  enough 
J^  explained  of  the  pernicious  Incentives  to  Pleafure :  but  the 
Ancient  Mythology  feems  to  us  like  a  Vintage  ill  prefs'd  and  trod : 
for  though  Ibmething  has  been  drawn  from  it ;  yet  all  the  more 
excellent  Parts  remain  behind,  in  the  Grapes  that  are  untouched. 

'The  Fable. 

2/  I  ^HE  Sirens  are  f aid  to  be  the  T) aught ers  «j/'Achelous,  and 
\_  Terpfichore  one  of  the  Mufes  {a).  In  their  early  days  they 
had  Wings  \  but  loft  them  upon  being  conquered  by  the  Mufes  j  with 
whom  they  ra^ly  contended  (J)).  And  with  the  Feathers  ofthefe 
Wings y  the  Mufes  made  themfelves  Crowns;  fo  that  from  this  time 
the  Mufes  wore  Wings  on  their  Heads ;  excepting  only  the  Mother  to 
the  Sirens  [c). 
Their  Fiace  of  3-  Thefe  Sircus  refided  in  certain  pleafant  1  [lands  •■,  and  when^ 
K,tjijence.  from  their  Watch-tower,  they  faw  any  Ship  approaching  \  theyfirji 
detained  the  Sailors  by  their  Mufic  i  then  int icing  them  to  ShorCy 
dejiroyed  them  {d). 

4.  Their  Singing  was  not  of  one  and  the  fame  kind:,  but  they 
adapted  their  Tunes  exaElly  to  the  Nature  of  each  Terfon  j  in  order 
to  captivate  and  fecure  him.  And  fo  defiruHive  had  they  been, 
that  thefe  Inlands  of  the  Sirens  appeared,^  to  a  very  great  diftanccy 
white  with  the  Bones  of  their  unburied  Captives  {e). 

5.  Two  different  Remedies  were  invented  to  proteEi  'Perfons 
againfl  them-,  the  one  by  Ulyfles,  the  other  by  Orpheus.  U- 
lyfles  commanded  his  Afjociates  to  flop  their  Ears  clofe  with 
Wax :    afid  he  determining  to  make  the  Trial  s  and  yet  avoid 

I  the 


Their  Mufic. 


'Remedies 
agtiinfl  thei 
deludiii? 
Vomer. 


Se(fl.  II.  M  O  R  A  L      M  Y  T  H  O  L  O  G  V.  "  585 

the  "Danger  ;  ordered  himfelf  to  be  tied  f aft  to  a  Maft  of  the  Ship ; 
giving  a  jiriEi  Charge  not  to  be  unbound,  even  tho  himfelf  pion'd 
entreat  it  if).  But  Orpheus,  "ji'ithout  any  binding  at  all,  efcaped 
the  T> anger ^  by  loudly  chant mg  to  his  Harp  the  Traifesofthe  Gcds\ 
'■ji.'hereby  he  dro-j^ned  the  Voices  of  the  Sirens  {g) . 

The   Explanation. 

6,  (cj)  V  I  AHis  ¥ahle  is  of  the  moral  kind  •,    and  appears  no  lefs  elegant,  T/;e  sirens,  or 
J_      than  eafy  to  inrrepret.     For  Pieafures  proceed  from  Plenty  and  Pj'"/'"'"'  «'>' 
Affluence;  attended  with  Adivicy  or  Exultation  of  the  Mind',    Anciently/'*''''-'' "''"^''' 
their  firft  Incentives  were  quick.  -,  and  feiz'd  upon  Men,  as  if  they  had  been 
winged  :  but  Learning  and  Philofophy  afterwards  prevailing,   had,  at  leafl:, 
the  Power  to  lay  the  Mind  under  iome  reltraint,  and  make  it  confider  the 
Iflue  of  Things  -,  and  thus  deprived  Pieafures  of  their  Wings. 

7.  [b)  This  Conqueft  redounded  greatly  to  the  Honour  and  Ornament  o{Thelofs  ofti» 
the  Mufes  ;  for  after  it  appeared,  by  the  Example  of  a  few,  that  Philofophy  ^''■^"'  ^'"^^ 
cou'd  introduce  a  Contempt  of  Pieafures  ;  it  immediately  feem'd  to  be  ^"fijg ^ff/" 
fublime  Thing  that  cou'd  raife  and  elevate  the  Soul,    fix'd  in  a  manner 

down  to  Earth ;  and  thus  render  Men's  Thoughts,  which  refide  in  the  Head, 
winged  as  it  were,  or  fublime. 

8.  [c)  Only  the  Mother  of  the  Sirens  was  not  thus  plumed  on  the  Head :  Terpfichore 
which  doubtlefs  denotes fuperfcial  Learning  ;  invented  and  ufcd  for  Delight,"'" ^'""'^''*'? 
and  Levity.     An  eminent  Example  whereof  we  have  in  Petronius,  who,'""'' 
after  receiving  Sentence  of  Death,  ftill  continued  his  gay  frothy  Humour  ; 

and,  as  Tacitus  obferves,  ufed  his  Learning  to  folate  or  divert  himfelf;  and 
inftead  of  fuch  Difcourfes  as  give  a  firmnefs  and  conftancy  of  Mind,  read 
nothing  but  loofe  Poems  and  Verfes*'.  Such  Learning  as  this  feems  to 
pluck  the  Crowns  again  from  the  Mufes  Heads,  and  reftore  them  to  the 
Sirens. 

9.  {d)  The  ^.w;;  are  faid  to  inhabit  certain  Iflands,  becaufe  Pieafures  ge- tAi^  Sirens  £«- 
nerally  feek  Retirement,   and  often  fhun  Society.     And  for  their  Songs,*'»^'^ ^,'?^''^'- 
with  the  manifold  Artifice  and  Deftrudivenefs  thereof;  this  is  too  obvious, 

and  common,  to  need  any  Explanation,     {e)  But  that  particular,   of  the  n^hite  with 

Bones  ftretching  like  white  Clifts,  along  the  Shores,  and  appearing  afar  off,the Bones rf 

contains  a  more  fubtile  Allegory  ;  and  denotes,  that  the  Examples  of  others '^"''''^f" 

*■  i;ie!. 

*  The  ore  denoted  by  the  River  Achtloui ;  and  the  Other  by  Terf/ichtre,  the  Mufc  that  in- 
vented the  Cithura,  and  delighted  in  Dancing. 
^  Vivamus,  tne»  Lesiia,  atque  amemus  j 
Rumorefque  Senum  ftveriorum 
Omnts  unius  tftimtmus  Ajfis. 

And  again. 
yura  Senei  ntrint,  ^  quod  fit  Fafque  Nefafyut 
Inquirant  trijitii  Legtimque  txtuninn  fervent. 

Vol.  L  Ffff  Calamity 


586 


The  RemiMes 
againfi  the 
Sirens. 


ThefirflRe- 
mtiljf. 


ThefecQtid. 


Moral    Mythology. 


Sea.  II. 


Calamity  and  Misfortunes,  tho'  ever  fo  manifeft  and  apparent,  have  yet  but 
little  force  to  deter  the  corrupt  Nature  of  Man  from  Pleafures. 

(/)  The  Allegory  of  the  Remedies  againft  the  Sirens  is  not  difficult-. 


Jhi  third. 


10.  _ 

but  very  wife  and  noble.  It  propoles,  in  effecfl:,  three  Remedies,  as  well  againft 
fubtile  as  violent  Mifchiefs ;  two  drawn  from  Philofophy,  and  one  from 
Religion. 

11.  (i)  The  firft  means  of  efcaping,  is  to  refill  the  earlieft  Temptation 
in  the  beginning  ;  and  diligently  avoid  and  cut  off  all  occafions  that  may 
follicit  or  fway  the  Mind-,  and  this  is  well  reprefented,  by  flopping  of  the 
Ears :  a  kind  of  Remedy  to  be  neceffarily  ufed  with  mean  and  vulgar  Minds, 
fuch  as  the  Retinue  of  IJ^jJes. 

12.  (2)  But  nobler  Spirits  may  converfe,  even  in  the  midfl  of  Pleafures  ; 
if  the  Mind  be  well  guarded  with  Conftancy  and  Refolution,  And  thus 
fome  delight  to  make  a  fevere  Trial  of  their  own  Virtue  ;  and  thoroughly 
acquaint  themfelves  with  the  folly  and  madnefs  of  Pleafures,  without  com- 
plying, or  being  wholly  given  up  to  them  :  which  is  what  Solomon  profeffes 
of  himfelf,  when  he  clofes  the  account  of  all  the  numerous  Pleafures  he 
gave  a  loofe  to,  with  this  Expreffion,  hut  IVifdotn  ftill  continued  with  me. 
Such  Heroes  in  Virtue  may,  therefore,  remain  unmov'd  by  the  greateft  In- 
centives to  Pleafure  ;  and  flop  themfelves  on  the  very  precipice  of  Danger ; 
if,  according  to  the  Example  of  UlyJJeSy  they  interdidl  themfelves  all  perni- 
cious Counfel,  and  Obfequioufnefs  of  their  Friends  and  Companions ;  which, 
have  the  greateft  power  to  fhake  and  unfettle  the  Mind. 

13.  {£)  (3)  But  the  moft  excellent  Remedy,  in  every  Temptation,  is  that 
of  Orpheus  \  who,  by  loudly  chanting  and  refounding  the  Praifes  of  the 
Gods,  confounded  the  Voices,  and  kept  himfelf  from  hearing  the  Mufick  of 
the  Sirens :  for  divine  Contemplations  exceed  the  Pleafures  of  Senfe  j  not  only 
in  Power,  but  alfo  in  ^eelnefs. 


VIIL 


7%e  Fable  of  Diomed;  explained  of  Perfecution,  or 

Zeal  for  Religion. 

The   Fable. 


Diomed  I 


DTomed  acquired  great  Glory  and  Honour^  at  the  Trojan  TVar^ 
and  was  highly  favoured  by  Pallas,  who  encouraged  and 
excited  him^  by  no  means  to  fpare  Venus  j  if  he  fhould  cafually  meet 
her  in  Fight.  He  followed  the  Advice  with  too  much  Eagemefs 
and  Intrepidity  j   and  accordingly  woundud  that  Goddefs  m  her 

Hand 


ScS:.  IT.  M  o  R  A  L   M  y  T  H  0  L  o  G  r.  5  8  7 

Hari^  (a).      This  prefumptuous  Action  remained  utipirnifhed  for  a 
time :  and  "-jDhen  the  JVar  was  ended ^  he  returned^  -ii^ith  great  glory 
and  rriwji^n^  to  his  oivn  Country ;  '■jjhere  finding  himfelf  embroiled 
'izith  domejiick  Affairs,  he  retired  into  Italy.     Here  alfo^  at  firfl 
he  was  well  received^  and  nobly  entertained  by  King  Dauniis ;  who,^'  h»nourat,fy 
befides    other   Gifts  and  Honours,  ere^ed  Statues  for  him  o'uer^^f^^^^  '^  - 
all  his  T)ominiotis.     But  upon  the  firfi  Calamity  that  ajJliBed  the 
'People  after  the  Stranger's  Arrival,  Daunus  immediately  refeBed, 
that  he  entertained  a  devoted  Per  [on  in  his  Palace^  an  Enemy  to 
the  Gods^  and  one  who  had  facrilegioufiy  wounded  a  Goddefs  with 
his  Swordy  whom  it  was  impious  but  to  touch.     To  expiate,  there- 
fore, his  Country's  Guilt ;  he  without  regard  to  the  Laws  of  Hof-  Aniimui^ 
pitality,  which  were  lefs  regarded  by  him  than  the  Law  of  Re-  ""^' 
ligion,  dire^ly  few  his  Guejt  -,  and  commanded  his  Statues,  and  all 
his  Honours  to  be  rafed andaboliflied  {b).     Nor  was  it  fafe  for  others 
to  commiferate^or  bewail^fo  cruel  a'Deftiny  ;  but  even  his  Companions  HiiCompa- 
in  Arms,    whilft  they  lamented  the  'Death  of  their  Leader,  and"''"'/"^^!'''* 
filled  all  Places  with  their  complaints,  were  turned  into  a  kind  of^Titih. 
Swans ;  which  are  faid,  at  the  approach  of  their  own  'Death,  to 
chaunt  fweet  melancholy  Dirges  ^r). 

The   Explanation. 

2.  (a)rT^HIS   FaUe  intimates  an   extraordinary   and    almoft  lingular Diy^/i^^'.'* 

J_  Thing.  For  no  Hero,  befides  Dw/zW,  is  recorded  to  have?*"  "-/^" 
wounded  any  of  the  Gods.  Doubtlefs,  we  have  here  defcribed  the  Nature  ^^L'/ji/ 
and  Fate  of  a  Man,  who  profeffedly  makes  any  divine  Worfhip,  or  Sedt  of 
Religion,  tho'  in  it  felf  vain  and  light,  the  only  fcope  of  his  Actions ;  and 
refolves  to  propagate  it  by  Fire  and  Sword.  For  although  the  bloody 
Diffentions  and  Differences  about  Religion  were  unknown  to  the  Ancients  ; 
yet  fo  copious  and  diffufive  was  their  Knowledge,  that  what  they  knew  not 
by  Experience,  they  comprehended  in  Thought  and  Reprefentation.  Thofe, 
therefore,  who  endeavour  to  reform,  or  eftablifh,  any  Seft  of  Religion,  tho' 
vain,  corrupt,  and  infamous,  (which  is  here  denoted  under  the  Perfon  of 
Venus)  not  by  the  force  of  Reafon,  Learning,  Sandlity  of  Manners,  the 
weight  of  Arguments,  and  Examples ;  but  would  fpread  or  extirpate  it  by 
Perfecution,  Pains,  Penalties,  Tortures,  Fire  and  Sword;  may,  perhaps,  be 
inftigated  hereto  by  Pallai ;  that  is,  by  a  certain  rigid,  prudential  Confide- 
ration,  and  a  Severity  of  Judgment  ;  by  the  Vigour  and  Efficacy  whereof, 
they  fee  throughly  into  the  Fallacies  and  Fictions  of  the  Delufions  of  this 
kind :  and  thro'  averfion  to  depravity  and  a  well-meant  Zeal,  thefe  Men  ufual- 
ly,  for  a  time,  acquire  great  Fame  and  Glory  •,  and  are,  by  the  Vulgar,  to 
whom  no    moderate  Meafures  can  be  acceptable,   extolled,   and  almoft 

Ffffz  adored 


588 


Moral    Mythology.  Se6t.  II. 


adored,  as  the  only  Patrons  and  Proteftors  of  Truth  and  Religion ;  Men 
of  any  other  Difpofition  feeming,  in  comparifon  with  thefe,  to  be  lukewarm, 
mean-fpirited,ind  cowardly.  ThisFame  and Felicity,however,feldom endures 
to  the  end  ;  but  all  Violence,  unlefs  it  efcape  the  Reverfes  and  Changes  of 
Things  by  untimely  Death,  is  commonly  unprofperous  in  the  iflue.  And  if 
a  change  of  Affairs  happens,  and  that  Sedt  of  Religion,  which  was  perfe- 
cuted  and  opprefs'd,  gains  ftrength,  and  rifes  again ;  then  the  Zeal  and  warm 
Endeavours  of  this  fort  of  Men  are  condemned  •,  their  very  name  becomes 
odious ;  and  all  their  Honours  terminate  in  Difgrace. 

3 .  (i)  As  to  the  point  that  Dmned  fhould  be  flain  by  his  hofpitable  Enter- 
- '^")  ^/J^"  tainer  •,  this  denotes  that  religious  Diflentions  may  caufe  Treachery,  bloody 
turner          Animofities  and  Deceit,  even  between  the  neareft  Friends. 

4,  (f)  That  Complaining  or  Bewailing  fliould  not,  in  fo  enormous  a  Cafe, 
be  permitted  to  Friends  affe£ted  by  the  Catajlrophe,  without  Punifhment, 
includes  this  prudent  Admonition  •,  that  almoft  in  all  kinds  of  Wickednefs 
and  Depravity,  Men  have  ftill  room  left  for  Commiferation ;  fo  that  they 
who  hate  the  Crime,  may  yet  pity  the  Perfon,  and  bewail  his  Calamity, 
from  a  Principle  of  Humanity  and  Good-Nature  :  and  to  forbid  the  Over- 
flowings and  Intercourfes  of  Pity  upon  fuch  occafions,  were  the  extremeft  of 
Evils:  yet  in  xht  Caufe  of  Religion  and  Impiety.,  the  veryCommiferations  of  Men 
are  noted  and  fufpefted.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Lamentations  and  Com- 
plainings of  the  Followers  and  Attendants  of  Diomed,  that  is,  of  Men  of 
the  fame  Seft,  or  Perfuafion,  are  ufually  very  fweet,  agreeable,  and  moving, 
like  the  dying  Notes  of  Swans  ;  or  the  Birds  of  Diomed.  This  alfo  is  a 
noble  and  remarkable  part  of  the  Allegory,  denoting,  that  the  laft  Words 
of  thofe  who  fuffer  for  the  fake  of  Religion,  flrongly  affeft  and  fway  Mens 
Minds  ;  and  leave  a  lafting  Imprefiion  upon  the  Senfe  and  Memory*. 

a  Seethe  tie  Augment.  Scientm.    Vol.L  Seft.  XXVIIL  pag.  z6i.  and  Vol.  II.  pag...i<x; 


S.E  C  T. 


( 589 ) 


SECT.    III. 

The  fecret  Political  Knowledge  of  the 

Ancients. 


r.  * 

"The  Fables  ^AcTEON  and  Pentheus;  explained  of 
Curiofity,  or  Prying  into  the  Secrets,  of  Princes^  and 
Divi?ie  Myfieries. 

"The  Fable.- 

I.  ^  i  ^  HE  Ancients  a  ford  us  two  Examples,  for  fuppreljing  the 
\_     impertinent  Cui  iofity  of  Mankind,  in  diving  into  Secrets  5 
and  imprudently  longing  and  endeavouring  to  difcover  them.  The  one 
of  thefe^  IS  in  tht  Terfon  «j/Acteon;  and  the  other.,  in  that  of  Tcn- 
theus.     Afteon  undefignedly    chancing  to  fee  Diana   naked.,    was  Aaeou's 
turned  into  a  Stag:,  and  torn  to  pieces  by  his  own  Hounds  (a).'^""»*' 
jlnd  Pentheus  defiring  to  pry  into  the  hidden  Myfteries  of  Bacchus'^ 
Sacrifice;  and  climbing  a  Tree  for  that  purpofe  ;  was  Jiruck  with  aThato/Tenl 
'Phrenzy.     This  Threnzy  of  Pentheus  caufed  him  to  fee  Things^'^^'^h 
double  i  particularly  the  Sun,  and  his  own  City  Thebes ;  fo  that 
running  homewards,   and  immediately  efpying  another  Thebes,  he 
runs  towards  that ;  and  thus  continues  inceffantly  tending  fir  (I  to 
the  one,  and  then  to  the  other,  without  coming  at  either  {b). 


The 


19©  PoLITrCAL     MVTHOLOGY.  Se£l:.  III. 

The  Explanation. 


Aaeon'j  re-   2.  (a)  /'  ■  ^  H  E  firft  of  thefe  Fables  may  relate  to  the  Secrets  of  Princes ; 
lates  to  dijco-  j^     ^^^  j-|^g  fccond  to  dtvim  Myfteries.  For  they  who  are  not  intimate 

Secrets 'of     with  a  Prince  ;  yet  againft  his  will  have  a  Knowledge  of  his  Secrets ;  in- 


Princcs.         evitably  incur  his  Difpleafure :   and  therefore,  being  aware  that  they  are 
fmgled  out,    and   all  opportunities  watched  againft  them,    they  lead   the 
Life  of  a  Stag,  full  of  Fears  and  Sufpicions.     It  likewife  frequently  happens, 
that  their  Servants  and  Domefticks  accufe  them,  and  plot  their  Overthrow  ; 
in  order  to  procure  Favour  with  the  Prince:  for  whenever  the  King  mani- 
fefts  his  Difpleafure,  the  Perfon  it  falls  upon  muft  expeft  his  Servants  to 
beCray  him,  and  worry  him  down,  as  Acleon  was  worried  by  his  own  Dogs, 
rhattfVtn-       3.  {h)  The  Punifhment  of  Pentheus  is  of  another  kind  :    for  they  who, 
theus  to  Di-  unmindful  of  their  mortal  State,  rafhly  afpire  to  divine  Myjleries,  by  climb- 
vine  Myfte-    ing  the  Heights  of  Nature  and  Philofophy,  here  reprefen ted  by  climbing  a 
""■  Tree;    their  Fate  is  perpetual  Inconftancy,  Perplexity  and  Inftability  of 

Judgment.  For  as  there  is  one  Light  of  Nature,  and  another  Light  that  is 
divine  -,  they  fee,  as  it  were,  two  Suns.  And  as  the  Actions  of  Life,  and 
the  Determinations  of  the  Will,  depend  upon  the  Underftanding ;  they 
are  diftrafted  as  much  in  Opinion,  as  in  Will :  and  therefore  judge  very  incon- 
fiftently,or  contradiftorily ;  and  fee  as  it  were  Thebes  double:  for  Thebes  being 
the  Refuge  and  Habitation  of  Pentheus,  here  denotes  the  Ends  of  yl£iions : 
whence  they  know  not  what  courfe  to  take  ;  but  remaining  undetermined 
and  unrefolved  in  their  Views  and  Defigns,  they  are  merely  driven  about  by 
every  fudden  Guft,  andlmpulfe  of  the  Mind". 


11. 

"The  Fable  of  the  Go  h^ /wearing  by  the  Kiy^^  Sty  x-, 
explained  of  NecefTity,  in  the  Oaths  or  folemn  Leagues 
of  Princes. 


The  Fa  B  L  E. 


ThtOMh  of  i.fT^HE  only  folemn  Oath,  by  which  the  Gods  irrevocably  ob- 

styjf-  JH^     liged  themfelves^  is  a  well-known  Thing  j  and  makes  apart 

of  many  ancient  Fables.    To  this  Oath  they  did  not  invoke  any 

celejiial 

*  See  the  dt  Augment.  Semtlar,  Seft.  XXVI^. 


Sedt.  in.  PoLITrCAL      MVTHOLOGV.  rgi 

celejlial  Divmitj^  or  divine  Attribute  -,  but  only  called  to  "j^itnefs 

the  River  Styx ,  iz'hich^  rsjith  many  Meanders^  furrounds  the  infer- 

7ial  Court  of  Di's.     For  this  Form  alone ^   and  none  but  this^  was  The  vmijl,- 

held  inviolable  and  obligatory :    and  the  Tuni^inent  of  falfifying'"""  ^f ''' 

it  ivas,  that  dreaded  one  of  being  excluded,  for  a  certain  number  ^''''""'"• 

of  Tears y  r^f  Table  of  the  Gods. 

The  Explanation. 

a.fT^HIS  Fable  feems  invented  to  flicw  the  Nature  of  the  Qom^'\6k.% This  Oath 

M.  and  Confederacies  of  Princes  5  which,  tho'  ever  fo  folemnly  and-/^''"'"^'.^''»- 
religioufly  fworn  to,  prove  but  little  the  more  binding  for  it:  fo  that '^"r^^""'^" 
Oaths  in  this  Cafe  feem  ufed,  rather  for  Decorum,  Reputation,  and  Cere- 
mony ;  than  for  Fidelity,  Security,  and  Effeftuating.  And  tho'  thefe 
Oaths  were  ftrengthened  with  the  Bonds  of  Affinity,  which  are  the  Links 
and  Ties  of  Nature  -,  and  again,  by  mutual  Services  and  good  Offices;  yet 
we  fee  all  this  will  generally  give  way  to  Ambition,  Convenience,  and  the 
Third  of  Power:  the  rather,  becaufe  'tis  eafy  for  Princes,  under  various, 
fpecious  Pretences,  to  defend,  difguife,  and  conceal  their  ambitious  De- 
fires,  and  Infincerity ;  having  no  Judge  to  call  them  to  account.  There 
is,  however,  one  true  and  proper  Confirmation  of  their  Faith,  tho'  no  celef- 
tial  Divinity;  but,  that  great  Divinity  of  Princes,  Necejfit'j  ;  or,  i\\t  Danger 
of  the  State  ;  and  the  Securing  of  Advantugi', 

3.  This  NeceJ/ity  is  elegantly  reprefcnted  by  St)X,    the  fatal  River,  xhit  Kecejpty  tht 
can  never  be  croffed  back.     And  this  Deity  it  was,  which  Iphicrates,  thtfl'',°"S'fl  f"''*" 
Athenian,  invoked  in  making  a  League  :  and  becaufe  he  roundly  and  openly  q^'^^-' ■''''"'"' 
avows  what  moft  others  ftudioufly  conceal,  it  may  be  proper  to  give  his  own         * 
Words.     Obferving,  that  the  Lacedemonians  were  inventing  and  propofing  a 
variety  of  Securities,  Sanations  and  Bonds  of  Alliance  ;  he  interrupted  them 
thus :    ^bere  may  indeed,  my  Friends,  be  one  Bond  and  Means  of  Security  be- 
tween us ',  and  that  is,  for  you  to  demonjlrate  you  have  delivered  into  our  hands, 
fucb  things  as  that  if  you  had  the  greatejl  defire  to  hurt  us,    you   could  not  be 
able.     Therefore,   if  the   Power  of  offending   be  taken  away  ;  or  if  by  a 
Breach  of  Compadl  there  be  danger  of  Deftrudtion  or  Diminution  to  the 
State,  or  Tribute,  then  it  is  that  Covenants  will  be  ratified,  and  confirmed, 
as  it  were  by  the  Stygian  Oath  ;  whilft  there  remains  an  impending  Danger 
of  being  prohibited  and  excluded   the  Banquet  of  the  Gods  :  by  which  Ex- 
preffion  the  Ancients  denoted  the  Rights  and  Prerogatives,  the  Affluence 
and  the  Felicities  of  Empire  and  Dominion  '. 

*  Sec  de  /iii^ment.  Scienter,  pag.  234,  S(c. 


III. 


592 


Political  Mythology. 


Sta.  III. 


ir 


X. 


The  Fable  (?/'Jupiter  and  Metis;    explained  of 
Princes  and  their  CounciL 


fupitvT  mitr-  I 

r'lti  Metis, 


And  brings 
forth  Pallas. 


Tiie   Fable. 

THE  ancient  Toets  relate  that  Jupiter  took  Metis  to  TVife, 
whofe  name  plainly  denotes  Counfel;  and  that  fhe  being 
pregnant  by  him,  and  he  perceiving  it,  ivould  by  no  means  'ixjait 
the  time  of  her  'Delivery  \  but  direBly  devoured  her :  whence 
himfelf  alfo  became  pregnant,  and  ivas  delivered  in  a  wonderful 
manner}  for  he,  from  his  Head  or  Brainy  brought  forth  Pallas 
armed. 


60  Xlngi 
marry  their 
■Council. 


Tlie  Explanation. 

2.  /'I  tmS  Fable,  which  in  its  literal  Senfe  appears  monftroufly  abfurd, 
^  feems  to  contain  a  Slate  Secret ;  and  fhews  with  what  Art  Kings 
iifually  carry  themfelves  towards  their  Council  ;  in  order  to  preferve  their  own 
Authority  and  Majefty,  not  only  inviolate  ;  but  fo  as  to  have  it  magnified 
and  heightened  among  the  People.  For  Kings  commonly  link  themfelves, 
as  it  were  in  a  nuptial  Bond,  to  their  Council,  and  deliberate  and  com- 
municate with  them  after  a  prudent  and  laudable  Cuftom,  upon  Matters 
of  the  greateft  importance  ;  at  the  fame  lime,  juftly  conceiving  this  no 
diminution  of  their  Majefty :  but  when  the  Matter  once  ripens  to  a  Decree 
.gtnd  Decree  c  Order,  which  is  a  kind  of  Birth  ;  the  King  then  fuffers  the  Council  to  go 
on  no  further ;  left  the  Aft  ftiould  feem  to  depend  upon  their  Plcafure. 
Now  therefore,  the  King  ufually  aflumes  to  himlelfwhatever  was  wrought, 
elaborated,  or  formed,  as  it  were,  in  the  Womb  of  the  Council,  (unlefs  it 
be  a  Matter  of  an  invidious  nature,  which  he  is  fure  to  put  from  him) 
fo  that  the  Decree  and  the  Execution  fhall  feem  to  flow  from  himfelf.  And 
as  this  Decree,  or  Execution,  proceeds  with  Prudence,  and  Power,  fo  as  to 
imply  Necefiity,  'tis  elegantly  wrapt  up  under  the  Figure  of  Pallas  armed. 
Mfromthem-  3-  ^*^^  ^*"^  Kings  content  to  have  this  feem  the  effeft  of  their  own  Au- 
felves.  thority,  Free- Will,    and  uncontrolable  Choice  -,    unlefs  they  alfo  take  the 

whole  Honour  to  themfelves ;  and  make  the  People  imagine  that  all  good 
and  wholefome  Decrees  proceed   entirely  from  iheir  own  Head ;    that  is, 
their  own  fole  Prudence  and  Judgment  *. 
*  See  the  Eflay  on  State  Counfel,  Vol.  U.  pag.  137;  IV.  Tbe 


Seft. III.  Political   MyTHOLocv. 


IV. 

'The  Fable   of   Endymion;    explaiiud  of  Court- 
Favourites. 


llje  Fable. 


593 


I. 


THE  Goddefs  Luna  is  /aid  to  have  fallen  in  Love  '■^^ith^^^^''-^'""^ 
the  Shepherd  YjadLymion -^   and  to  have  carried  on   >^^rmionS«^, 
Amours  iziith  him^  in  a  ncj:;  and  Jingiilar  manner  :   it  being  her 
Cujiom^    Viihiljl  he   lay  repojing  in  a  native  Cave,    under  Mount 
Latmns,  to  defcend  frequently  from  her  Sphere  -,  enjoy  his  Company 
vvhilft  he  flept ;  and  then  go  up  to  Heaven  again.    And  all  this 
v^hile^  EndymionV  Fortune  v:as  no  'isj ay  prejudiced  by  his  unaBive  Turns  to  his 
and  f.epy   Life  ;    the  Goddefs  caujing  his  Flocks  to  thrive,   and^''^'*"'''^''- 
grovn  fo   exceeding  numerous,    that   none  of  the  other  Shepherds 
could  compare  with  him. 

The   Explanation. 

2.f  I  AH  IS  Fable    feems  to  defcribe  the  Tempers  and   Difpofitions  of  So  Kings  make 
J       Princes,  who  being  thoughtful  and  fufpicious,  do  not  eafily  admit  f*"'"  "//"/'- 
to  their  Privacies  fuch  Men  as  are  prying,  curious,  and  vigilant,  or  as  jt'".?  ^'''^'"'- 
viert  Jlicplffs  ;  but  rather  fuch  as  arc  of  an  eafy,  obliging  Nature ;  and  indul-^e 
them   in  their  Pleafurcs,  without  feeking   any   thing  farther:  but  feeming 
igno'-ant,    infcnfible,    or  as   it   were   lulled   afleep    before   them.     Princes 
ufually  treat    fuch   Perfons    familiarly  ;    and   quitting   their  Throne    like 
Luv.a,    think   they    may    with   fafety    unbofom    to   them.     This  Temptr 
was  very  rtmarkable  in  Tibenus,  a  Prince  exceeding  difficult  to  pleafe  ;  and 
•who  had  no  Favourites  but  thofe  that  perfedly  underftood  his  Ways  ;    and 
at  the  fame  time,  obftinately  diiTembled  their  fi[nowledge,  almoll  to  a  de- 
gree of  Stupidi :y. 

3.  The  Cavf  is  nor  improperly  mentioned  in  the  Fab'e;  it  being  a  ^*^^^- -gaiymioa't 
mon  thi  g  for  the  Favourites  ot  a  Prince  to  have  their  pleafant  Retreats  jCare. 
whither  to  invite  him,  by  way  of  Relaxation  ;  tho'    without  Prejudice  to 
their  own  Fortunes :  thefe  Favourites  ulually  making  a  good  Provifion  for 
themrelves.  For  tho'  their  Prince  Ihoul  J  not,  perhaps,  promote  them  to  Dig- 

Vo  L.  I,  G  g  g  g  nities  i 


^g^  Political  Mythology.  Sed.  III. 

nicies;  yet  ouc  of  real  Affedtion,  and  not  only  for  Convenience,  they  gene- 
rally feel  the  enriching  Influence  of  his  Bounty. 


V. 

77je   Fable    of  Nemesis;    explained  of  the  Reverfes 

of  Fortune. 

*The  Fable. 

Nemefis//'?  ^*  T^TEtncfis  is  reprefented  as  a  Goddefs  venerated  by  all i  but 
Daughter  of  j_^  feared  by  the  powerful  and  the  Fortunate  (a).  She  is 
Nox  and  y^^^  ^^  ^^  ffjg  daughter  of  Nox  and  Oceanus  {b).  She  is  drawn 
HerEttiJni    "^'^^  Wings  (f),  and  a  Crown  {d)\  a  Javelin  of  A^  in  her  right 

Hand  {e)  ■■>    a  Glafs  containing  Ethiopians  m  her  left    (/)  i  and 

riding  upon  a  Stag   (g). 


The    Explanation. 

Nemcfis  </f-  2.(a)fTr^HE  FiiJ.V  receives  this  Explanation.     The  word  Neme/is  ma.- 
notes  Retriiic  J[_      nifefHy  fignifies  Revenge,  or  Retribution  :  for  the  Office  of  this 

thn.  Goddefs  confifted  in   interpofing,  like  the  Roman  Tribunes,  with  an  I  for- 

bid it,  in  all  Courfes  of  conftant  and  perpetual  Felicity  :  fo  as  not  only  to 
chaftife  Haughtinefs  ;  but  alfo  to  repay,  even  innocent  and  moderate  Hap- 
pinefs  with  Adverfity :  as  if  it  were  decreed,  that  none  of  human  Race 
fhould  be  admitted  to  the  Banquet  of  the  Gods,  but  for  Sport  *.  And,  in- 
deed, to  read  over  that  Chapter  of  Plin-j,  wherein  he  has  collected  the  Mi- 
feries  and  Misfortunes  of  Juguftus  Ccefar,  whom  of  all  Mankind  one  would 
judge  moft  fortunate  •,  as  he  had  a  certain  Arc  of  ufing  and  enjoying 
Profpericy,  with  a  Mind  no  way  tumid,  light,  effeminate,  confufed,  or 
melancholic  ;  one  cannot  but  think  this  a  very  great  and  powerful  Goddefs, 
who  could  bring  fuch  a  Vidtim  to  her  Altar  ^ 
Her  Farents.  ^.  (b)  The  Parents  of  this  Goddefs  were  Oceatms  SiTid  Nox;  that  is,  the 
fludu.'.ting  Change  of  Things,  and  the  obfcure  and  fecret  divine  Decrees. 
The  Changes  of  Things  are  aptly  reprefented  by  the  Ocean,  on  account  of 
its  perpetual  ebbing  and  flowing  ;  and  fecret  Providence  is  juftly  exprefled 

by 

•  See  above,  pag.  ^91.  §.  j. 

^"  As  (he  alfo  brought  the  Author  himfelf.     For  the  Charafter  of  Augujlfn,    &&  pag.  515, 
of  the  preicnt  Volume. 


Sedl.  III.  Political    Mythology.  59^ 

by  Night.     Even  the  Heathens  have  obferved  this  Secret  Nemefis  of  the  Night; 
or  the  difference  betwixt  divine  and  human  Judgment  '. 

4.  {c)  Wings  are  given  to  Nemefis.,  bccaule  of  the  fudden  and  unforefeen  H*»- «!^»^j. 
changes  of  things ;    for,  from  the  earHeft  Account  of  Time,  it  has  been 
common  for  great  and  prudent  Men  to  fall   by  the  Dangers  they  mofl: 
defpifed.     Thus  Ciceio,  when  admoniflied  by  Brutus  of  the  Infidelity  and 
Rancour  of  OUavius,  coolly  wrote  back,  "  I  cannot,  however,  but  be  ob- 

"  Jiged  to  you,    Brutus,    as  I  ought,    for  informing  me,  tho'  of  fuch  a 
*«  trifle." 

5.  (^j  Neniffts  alfo  has  her  Crown,  by  reafon  of  the  invidious  and  mzWg- Htr  Crown. 
nant  Nature  of  the  Vulgar,  who  generally  rejoice,    triumph,  and  crown 

her,  at  the  fall  of  the  Fortunate,  and  the  Powerful,     [e)  And  for  the  Javelin  j^4*e/;«. 
in  her  right  Hand  ;  it  has  regard  to  thofe  whom  fhe  has  ad:ually  (truck 
and  transfixed.    (/)  But  whoever  efcapes  her  Stroke,    or  feels  not  aftual 
Calamity  or  Misfortune,    fhe  afi^rights  with  a   black  and  difmal  Sight  in 
her  left  Hand :    for  doubtlefs.   Mortals  on  the  higheft  Pinacle  of  Felicity, 
have  a  profpeft  of  Death,  Difeafes,  Calamities,  perfidious  Friends,  under- 
mining Enemies,  Reverfcs  of  Fortune,  ^c.    reprefented  by  the  Ethiopians  Bottle  of 
in  her  Glafs.     T\\\.\%  Virgil,  with  great  Elegance;  defcribing  the  Battle  of  Ethiopians. 
Aofium,  fays  of  Cleopatra,  that  fhe  did  not  yet  perceive  the  two  Afpt   behind 
her  *  ;    but  foon  after,  which  way  foever  fhe  turned,  Ihe  faw  whole  Troops 
of  Ethiopians  ftill  before  her. 

6.  [g)  Laftly,  'tis  fignificantly  added,  that  Ne?nef!s  rides   upon  a  Stag,  r,v;„^  ^^^«  ^ 
which  is  a  very  long-lived  Creature  ;  for  tho',  perhaps,  fomeby  an  untimely  «»^. 
Death  in  Yoith,  may  prevent  or  efcape  this  Goddefs -,  yet  they  who  enjoy 

a  long  flow  of  Happinefs  and  Power,  doubtlefs,  become  fubje(5t  to  her  at 
length ;  and  are  brought  to  yield. 


VI. 

T/je  Fable    0/  the  Cyclops  Death;    explaified   of 
bafe   C  o  u  R  t-O  f  f  i  c  e  r  s. 

The  Fable. 

i.TTT^/j"  related  that  the  Cyclops,  for  their  Sa'vagenefs  andThe  Cych^s 

J_      Cruelty,  iSDere  by  Jupiter  firjt  thrown  into  Tartarus  -,  and""^"^""''*» 
there  condemned  to  perpetual  Impnfonment   {a) :  hut  that  afer- 

G  g  g  g  2  wards 

*  CailitRiphe\is,ju/liJJ7mus  unus, 

<3)uifuit  ex  Teucris,  Cr  Jer'V'intfJJimus  tqui; 

U.iS  aliter  vifum. 
t"  Regina  in  mediis  pxtrio  vocat  Jgmma  ffiro; 

Hecdum  eti»m  gentinos  k  terg»  rejftcit  anguet. 


59^ 


Political    Mythology.       Sed.  III. 


Amirehnfejr^^ards  TcUus  pcrfuaded  Jnpiter  it  ivould  be  for  his  Service  to  re- 

Icafe  them  ;  and  employ  them  in  forgingThimder-bolts.    {J)  This  he 

Torgerhtm.  accordingly  did  i    and  they, '■jvith  iin-diCeiried  Tains  and 'Diligence, 

dtr%itf.      hammered  out  his  Bolts^    and  other   Inftruments  of  Terror,  with 

a  jrightfnl  and  continual  T>in  of  the  Anvil  (c). 
^fcuiapiu.         2.  It  happened  long  after,    that   Jupiter   was  difpleafed  with 
rf/?<.m  «JM^/^f^-uiapius,  the  Son  of  Apollo, /or  having,   hy  the  Art  of  Medi- 
^^''"'  cine,  reftored  a  dead  Man  to  Life   (d):    but  concealing  his  Indig- 

nation ;   becaiife   the  A^iion  in  it  felf  was  pious  and  illujirious ; 
he  fecretly  incenfed  the  Cyclops  againfl  htm ;    who,   without  re- 
Aniujifimbymorfe^  pr efent ly  flew  him  with  their  Thunder-bolts :  in  Revenge 
theCyAops,  li^hcreof,  Apollo,  w/V^  JupiterV  connivance,  fhot  them  all  dead  with 
t'.^lxt'kis  Arrows  {ey 

The    Explanation. 

«.«Cyclops  3.  (rt)rT^HIS  Fable  feems  to  point  at  the  Behaviour  of  Princes ;  who 

are  the  Cruel  J^      having  cruel,  bloody,  and  opprefTive  iVIinifters -,  firft  punifhand 

Mwij'.ers  of    djfplace  ihem  :  but  afterwards,  by  the  Advice  of  Telliis  (b),  that  is,    fome 

eZ""''  ""'  earthly-minded  and  ignoble  Perfon,  employ  them  again,  to  ferve  a  turn; 

Releafed  ti     when  there  is  occafion  for  Cruelty  in  Execution,  or  Severity  in  Exaftion  : 

firveaTurm  (c)  but  thefe  Minifters  being  bafe  in  their  Nature,  whet  by  their  fcr.ner  DiG 

grace,  and  well  aware  of  what  is  expedted  from  them,  ufe  double  Diligence 

in  their  Office  ;  till  proceeding  unwarily,  and  over-eager  togain  Favour,  they, 

fomctimcs  (d)  from  the  private  Nods,  and  ambiguous  Orders  of  their  Prince, 

perform  fome  odious  or  execrable  A6tion  :  (e)  When  Princes  to  decline  the 

Envy  themfelves ;  and  knowing  they  (hall  never  want  fuchTools  at  their  beck  j 

drop  them,  and  give   them  up  to  the  Friends  and  Followers  of  the  injured 

jnJ atlengih^-'^^on  ;  thus  expofing  them,  as  Sacrifices  to  revenge  and  popular  Odium  : 

facrijiced.       whence  with  great  Applaufe,  Acclamations,  and  good  Wilhes  to  the  Prince^ 

thefe  Mifcreants  a^  laft  meet  with  their  defert. 


VII.  The 


Sed.  III.        Political    Mythology.  597 


VII. 

Tl^e    Fable    of  the  Q\  k^T  ^  Sifter ;     explained    of 

Publick  Detraction. 


'The    Fable. 

I . '  1"^  HE  Toets  relate^  that  the  Giants,  produced  from  the  The  GUnts 
J_      Earth  (a),  made  JVar  upon  Jupiter,  and  the  other  Gods  (b)  ;  ^'^rth-hm. 
but   were  repulfed  and  conquered  by  Thunder  {c)  :    whereat  the 
Earth,  provoked^  brought  forth  Fame  (^),  the  yoimgefi  Sifter  of  the 
Giants,  /»  Revenge  for  the  'Death  of  her  Sons  {e). 


The    Explanation. 

2.  ft  \  H  E  Meaning  of  the  Fahle  feems  to  be  this,    {a)  The  Earth  denotes  T>m,fe  tht 
J_      the  Nature  of  the  Vulgar;  who  are  always  fwelling,  and  uC\ngVulgar,  aft 
againll  their  Rulers  i   and  endeavouring  at  Changes,     (b)  This  Difpofuion  """'^*'- 
getting  a  fit  opportunity,  breeds  Rebels  and  Traitors ;  who,  with  impetuous 
Rage,  threaten  and  contrive  the  overthrow  and  deftruftion  of  Princes. 

3.  (c)  And  when  brought  under  and  fubdued,  the  fame  vih  and  red^efs  jnd  fpreaJ 
Nature  of  the  People,  impatient  of  Peace,    (d)  produces    Rumours,  De-Ri<mours  anJ 
tradtions.  Slanders,  Libels,  ^c.  to  blacken  thofe  in  Authority  :  (c)  fo  that  -0'/«»"»»«"«. 
rebellious  /i£lion5,  zndfediticus  Rumours  differ  not  in  Origin  and  Stock,  but 
only  as  it  were  in  Sex ;  Treafons.,  and  Rebellions,  being  the  Brothers »  and 
Scandal,  or  Detra^io»,  the  Sijier  ». 


Vin.  Thg 

See  the  TJpty  upon  Seditions  and  Troubles,  Vol.  II.  pag.  «j'fi. 


598  PotiTicAL  Mythology,        Sedl.  III. 

VIII. 

'The   Fable  of  Typhon;  explained  of  Rebellion. 

The  Fable. 

juno/>w</«M  I. '   I  ^  HE  Fable  runs,  that  Juno,  enraged  at  Jupiter'j  bringing 

iJnulS'"        A      f^''^^  ^Mzs  without  her  AJJiftance,  incejjantly  follicited all 

the  Gods  and  Goddejfes^    that  fhe  might  produce  ivithout  Jupiter  : 

and  having  by  violence  and  importunity  obtained  the  Grants  fhe 

Jiruck  the  Earthy    and  thence  immediately  fpriing  tip  Typhon ;   a 

huge  and  dreadful  Monfler--,  iv horn  fhe  committed  to  the  nurjing  of 

a  Serpent.     As  foon  as  he  was  grownup,  this  Monfter  waged  fVar 

"Vy^hoauUiOn  Jupiter  i    and  taking  him  Trifoner  in  the  Battel^    carried  him 

Jupiter  Pri/a-^^^^  0fi  fjjs  Shoulders^  into  a  remote  and  obfcure  garter :    and 

""^'  there  cutting  out  the  Sinews  of  his  Hands  and  Feet,  he  bore  them 

off'^  leaving  Jupiter  behind  miferably  maimed  and  mangled  {a), 
steals  hit  ^-  ^^t  Mercury  afterwards  ftole  thefe  Sinews  from  Typhon  ; 

nervti.  and refiored  them  toy\YX^x.  Hence.,  recovering  his  Strength,  Jupi- 
rhefe  Nerves  ^gj-  again purfues  the  Monfler  -,  firfl  wounds  him  with  a  Stroke  of 
his  Thunder ;  when  Serpents  arofefrom  the-  Blood  of  the  Wound:  and 
And  Typhon  now  the  Monfler  being  difmayd.,  and  taking  to  flight.,  Jupiter  next 
jubdued.       darted  Mount  JEXm  upon  him  i  and  erupted  him  with  the  Weight  {b] . 


The   Explanation. 

3.  (rt)  rr^H  IS  Fable  feems  defigned  to  exprefs  the  various  Fates  of  Kings ; 
rJttofKhg!.  JL     ^^^  "^'^^  '^"■'"^  ^^'-^^  Rebellions  fometimes  take,    in  Kingdoms. 

For  Princes  may  be  juftly  efteemed  married  to  their  States,  -a.^  Jupiter  to  Jufio  : 
but  it  fometimes  happens,  that  being  depraved    by  long    wielding  of  the 
Scepter ;  and  growing  tyrannical  ;  they   would  engrofs  all  to  themfelves  j 
and  flighting  the  Counfel  of  their  Senators  and  Nobles,  conceive  by  them- 
felves -,  that  is,  govern  according  to  their  own  arbitrary  Will  and  Pleafure, 
JtiJ  the  Re-  This  inflames  the  People  ;  and  makes  them  endeavour  to  create  and  fet  up 
Mlhni  of     fome  Head  of  their  own.     Such  Defigns  are  generally  fet  on  foot  by  the 
their Suijeils.  fecret  Motion  and  Inftigation  of  the  Peers  and  Nobles ;   under  whofe  con- 
nivance the  common  fort  are  prepared  for  rifing :  whence  proceeds  a  Swell 

in 


SecH:.   III.  Po  1.  IT  IC  AL    MVTHOLOG  Y.  55^ 

in  the  State,  which  is  appofitely  denoted  by  the  nurfing  of  T-^phon.  This 
growing  Pofture  of  Affairs  is  fjd  by  the  natural  Fravicy,  and  malignant 
Difpofnion  of  the  Vulgar-,  which  to  Kings  is  an  envenomed  Serpent.  And 
now  the  Difaff^ftcd  uniting  thtir  Force,  at  length  break  out  into  open 
Rebellion  ;  which,  producing  infinite  Mifchiefs,  both  to  Prince  and  People, 
is  reprefented  by  the  horrid  and  mukiplied  Deformity  of  Tspkon,  with  his 
hundred  Heads,  denoting  the  divided  Powers-,  his  flaming  Mouths,  denoting 
Fire  and  Dcvaftation  ;  his  Girdles  of  Snakes  denoting  Sieges  and  D.ftruc- 
tion  ;  his  Iron  Hands,  Slaughter  and  Cruelty  ;  his  Eagles  Talons,  Rapine 
and  Plunder;  his  plumed  Bo  ly,  perpetual  Rumours,  contradiftory  Ac- 
counts, &'c.  And  fometimes  thefe  Rebellions  grow  fo  high,  thac  Kings 
are  obliged,  as  if  carri-'d  on  the  backs  of  the  Rebels,  to  quit  the  Throne  ; 
and  retire  to  fome  remote  and  obfcure  part  of  their  Dominion;  ;  with 
the  lofs  of  their  Sinews,  both  of  Money  and  Majefty. 

4.  {b)  But  if  now  they  prudently  bear  this  Reverfe  of  Fortune,  they  How  alla/J 
may,  m  a  fhort  time,  by  the  afllftance  of  Mercury,  recover  zhdr  Siitezv^'"^'Mf'''Jf"^: 
again  ;  that  is,  by  becoming  moderate  and  affable  j  reconciling  the  Minds 
and  Affedlions  of  the  People  to  them,  by  gracious  Speeches,  and  prudent 
Prcdcimafions  ;  which  will  win  over  theSubjeft  chearfully  to  afibrd  new 
Aids  and  Supplies  -,  and  add  frefh  Vigour  to  Authority.  But  prudent  and 
wary  Princes  here  felJom  incline  to  try  their  Fortune  by  a  War  ;  yet  do 
their  utmoft,  by  fome  grand  Exploit,  to  crufh  the  Reputation  of  the  Rebels: 
and  if  the  Attempt  fucceeds,  the  Rebels,  confcious  of  the  Wound  received, 
and  diftruftful  of  their  Caufe,  firfl  betake  themfelves  to  broken  and  empty 
Threats,  like  the  bijjings  of  Serpents ;  and  next,  when  m.atters  are  grown 
defperate,  to  flight.  And  now,  when  they  thus  begin  to  fhrink,  'tis  fafe 
and  feafonable  for  Kings  to  purfue  them  with  their  Forces,  and  the  whole 
Strength  of  the  Kingdom  -,  thus  effedually  quafhing  and  fupprefling  them, 
as  it  were  by  the  weight  of  a  Mountain  *. 


IX, 

The    Fable     o/^Achelous;    explained  of  Wa r, 

by  Invajion, 


The  Fable. 

I.  '  W'^H E  Ancients  relate,  that  Hercules  /z«^  Achelous  being'rf'f  ctmin 

_£      Rivals  in  the  Court p^ip  o/Deianirai  the  Matter  was  ^o'^-'^^^  '^^^^ 
tejled  by  Jingle  Combat :  '■jjhen  Achelous  having  transformed  him^ 

Mr 

I  SeeZJftiyj,  Vol.  IL  pag.  iJ-J-— 1^0, 


6oo  Political    Mythology.  Sed:.  III. 

felf,  as  he  had  Tower  to  do,  into  various  Shapes ,  by  way  of  Trial'-) 
at  length,  in  the  form  of  a  fierce  wild  Bull,  prepares  himfelf  for 
the  Fight  (a) :  But  Hercules  /?/7/  retains  his  human  Shape,  engages 
fmrply  with  him,  and  in  the  ifjiie  broke  off  one  of  the  Bulls  Horns; 
and  now  Achelous  in  great  Tain  and  Fright,  to  redeem  his 
Horn,  prefents  Hercules  with  the  Cornu-copia  {b). 


The    Explanation. 

Ret  •rents       ^•(«j'Tn^HIS  Fable    relates    to    military   Expeditions    and    Prepara- 
pp»r  on  the  X.      "^'""s  •  f*^''  ^^'^  Preparation  of  War  on  the  defenfive  fide,  here 

Dejeifive,  denoted  by  Achelous.,  appears  in  various  Shapes  ;  whilft  the  invading  fide 
has  but  one  fimple  Form  ;  confiding  either  in  an  Army,  or  pe--haps  a  Fleet. 
But  the  Country  that  expeds  the  Invafion,  is  employed  infinite  ways ;  in 
fortifying  Towns,  blockading  Paffes,  Rivers,  and  Ports  ;  raifing  Soldiers  ; 
difpofing  Garrifons  ;  building  and  breaking  down  Bridges  •,  procuring  Aids; 
fecuring  Provifions,  Arms,  Ammunition,  Uc.  So  that  there  appears  a 
new  hct  of  things  every  day  -,  and  at  length  when  the  Country  is  fuffi- 
ciently  fortified  and  prepared,  itreprefents  to  the  Life,  the  Form,  and  Threats 
of  a  fierce,  fighting  Bull. 
'JnctOffenfive.  3-  (^)  On  the  other  fide ;  the  Invader  pren"c;s  on  to  the  Fight  •,  fearing  to 
be  diftrefled  in  an  Enemy's  Country.  And  if  after  the  Bittd  he  remains 
Mafter  of  the  Field,  and  has  now  broke,  as  it  wsre,  the  Horn  of  his  Enemy; 
the  Befieged,  of  courfe,  retire  inglorious,  affrighted,  and  difmay'd,  to  their 
Strong-holds  •,  there  endeavouring  to  fecure  themfclves,  and  repair  their 
Strength  -,  leaving  at  the  fame  time  their  Country  a  Prey  to  the  Conqueror : 
wjiich  is  well  exprefied  by  the  Ainalthean  Horn,  or  Cornu-cofia  *. 


X  rbe 


•  The  Fable  of  Terfeui,  exflnintd  nf  War,  (hould  immediately  follow  this  of  Achthusj  but 
that  it  already  ioferted  in  the  de  AugmentU  Scientmam,  pag.  64.. 


Sed.III.        Political  MvTMOLOcv.  6oi 


X. 

72)e  Fable  of  Djedalvs*,  explained  of  Arts  and  Artijis ; 
7«  K I N  G  D  o  M  s  and  S ta t es. 


The   Fable. 

I.'  I  ^  HE  Ancients  have  left   us    a  'Defcriptien   of  n>echa-'^>x&i\^i%miiT. 
X      nical   Hkillj    Indujiry^    and  curious  Arts    conx.rKd  /^Xr  Xl^!" 
ill  UfeSy   in   the  Terfon  of  Daedalus  ;   a  tnr.Jl  ingenious  but  txe- 
crable  Artifl,     TT'/'j  Dsedalus  was  banijhed  for  the  iMurdtr  of  his 
brother  Art  if  y  and  Rival  {a)  i  yet  found  a   kind  kiception   in 
his  Banifhmenty   from  the  Kings  ar.d  States  'n here  he  came  ib'.i,  bamfyiJ. 
He  raifed  many  incomparable  Edifices  to  the  Honour  of  th  Gods, 
and  invented  many  new  Contrivances  for  the  beauttfying   and 
ennobling    of  Cities  and  publick  T laces  \    but  fill  he  'n-as  moji 
famous  for  'wicked  Inventions.     Among  the  reji  he  contrived  /^^/„r«//w/j« 
Engine  for  fat  is fyiyjg  the  monfirous  Luji  oj  Pafiphae  ii:ith  a  Bull  -ymtcknriciti 
wherein,  by  his  ahommable  Indufry  and  defiruiiiie  Cenius.  he  af-  ^""' 
fifed  to  the  fatal  and  infamous  Trodii£lton  of  tkeMonfer  Minotaur ; 
that  devour er  of  promifing  Youths  (c).  And  then,  to  cover  one  Mi  f-  ,.,,., 
chief  vjith  another  y  and  provide  for  the  decuritv  of  this  MonJtcr,he  in-  tmiibiClue. 
vented  and  built  a  Labyrinth ;  a  IVork  infamous  for  its  Erid  and  'De- 
fign,  but  admirable  a%d  prodigious  for  Art  and  Wtrkrnanfkip  {d).  Af- 
ter this^  that  he  might  not  only  be  celebrated  for  izucked  Inventions  ; 
but  be  fought  after  ^  as  'jcellfor  Trevention  as  for  Infiruments  ofMif- 
ebief\    he  formed  that    ingenious  ^Device  of  his  Llue^    which  led 
4ire£lly  thro'  all  the  '■findings  of  the  Labyrinth  {e).      This  DxAdi- f,rr,eutei  tj 
lus  was  prrfecuted  by  Minos,  with  the  utmoji  Severity^  'Diligence^  Minos 
and  Enquiry ;   but  he  always  found  Refuge  and  means  of  efca- 
ping  if).     Lafh,  endeavouring  to  teach  his  Son   Icarus  the  Art  -j-fn^ij^^i^^^^ 
of  flying'-,  the  Novire  trufiitg  too  much  to  his  Wings,  fell  fromto  fly. 
his  towering  fight  and  was  drowned  in  the  Sea  {g). 


Vol.  I.  H  h  h  h  The 


6o2  Political  Mythology.  Sed.IIL 

The   Explanation. 

rhh  Ihewsthei-rT^llE  Senfe  of    the  Fable  runs  thus,     {a)    It  firft  denotes  Envy  j 
tnvj  of  Ar-  J[     which  is  continually  upon  the  watch,  and  ftrangely  prevails  among 

"/'■  excellent  Aitifirers  ;    for  no  kind  of  People  are  obferved  to  be  more  im- 

placably and  deftruftively  envious  to  one  another  than  thefe. 
rhatyfrtilis        3-  i^)  '"  ^^^  ^^^^  plicc,  it  obferves  an  impolitick  and  improvident  kind 
tireimpolnick'Of    PunilTiment   inflicted   upon  Dadalus,    that  of  Banijhment ,    for    good 
lybunijhed.      Workmen  are  gladly  received  every  where:    fo  that  Banifliment  to  an  ex- 
cellent Artificer,  is  fcarce  any  Punifhment  at  all  •,  whereas  other  Conditions 
of  Life  cannot  eafily  flourifh   from  home.     For  the  admiration  of  Artifts 
is  propagated  and  incr^afed  among   Foreigners  and  Strangers  ;    it  being  a 
Principle  in  the  Minds  of  Men,  to  flight  and  defpife  the  mechanical  Ope- 
rators of  their  own  Nation. 
UfeefArPs.        4-  (^'^The  fucceeding  Part  of  the  Fable  is  plain,  concerning  the  ufe  of  me- 
chanick  Arts,  whcreco  human  Life  rtands  gre.itly   indebted  ;  as   receiving 
from  this  Treafury  numerous  Particulars  for   the   Service  of  Religion,  the 
Ornament  of  civil  Society,  and  the  whole  Provifion  and  Apparatus  of  Life: 
but  then  the  fame  Magazine  fupplies  Inftruments  of  Luft,    Cruelty,  and 
Death.     For,  not  to  mention    the  Arts  of  Luxury  and   Debauchery,    we 
plainly  fee  how  far  the  Bafinefs  of  exquifite  Poifons,   Guns,  Engines  o\  War, 
and  fuch  kind  of  deflruftive  Inventions,    exceeds  the  Cruelty  and  Baibarity 
of  the  Minotaur  himfelf. 
TheUhrinth.      5-  i^)  '^'^^  Addition  of  the  Labyrinth   contains  a  beautiful   Allegory, 
reprefenting  the  nature  of  mechanick  Arts  in  general :  for  all  ingenious  and 
accurate  mechanical  Inventions  may  be  conceived  as  a  Labyrinth,  which,  by 
rcafon  of  their  fubtilty,  intricacy,  crofling,  and  interfering  with  one  another, 
and  the  apparent  refemblances  they  have   among  themfelves,    fcarce   any 
Power   of    the  Judgment  can  unravel  and  diflinguifh  ;    fo  that  they  are 
only  to  be  underltood  and  traced  by  the  Clue  of  Experience  *. 
rhtclue  ^-  ^^)  '^'^  "°  ^^^^  prudently  added,  that  he  who  invented  the  windings 

of  the  Labyrinth,  fhould  alfo  fliew  the  Ufe  and  Management  of  the  Clue : 
for  mechanical  Arts  have  an  ambiguous  or  double  Ufe  ;  and  ferve  as  well  to 
produce  as  to  prevent  Mifchief  and  Deftruclion  -,  fo  that  their  Virtue  almoft 
deftroys  or  unwinds  it  fcif 
Jrts  perfi.  7-  (/j  Unlawful  Arts,  and  indeed  freqtiently  Arts  themfelves,  are  perfecuted 
eutiil.  by  Minos  ;  that  is,  by  Laws,  which  prohibit  and  forbid  their  Ufe  among 

the  People :    but  notwithftanding  this,  they   are  hid,  concealed,  retained, 
and  every  where  find  reception  and  fculking-places ;  a  thing  well  obferved 

by 

'  In  this  light  we  ve  to  conQder  all  the  Furoiture  and  Apparatus  of  Shops,  Warehoufts  and 
Magazines. 


Sea.  III. 


Political    MyTHoiocY. 


603 


by  Tacitus  of  the  AJlrologers  and  Fortune-tellers  of  his  Time.  Thefe,  fayS 
he,  are  a  kind  of  Men  that  will  always  be  prohibited,  and  yet  will  alwayi  be 
retained  in  our  Citx. 

8.  (g)  But  laftly,  all  unlawful  and  vain  Arts,  of  what  kind  foevcr,  lofe u„iavful  »r 
their  Reputation  in  traft  of  time  ;  grow  contemptible  and  perifh,   thro'  their  t-ain  Arti, 
over-confidence,    like  Icarus;    being   commonly  unable   to  perform   v/hat^°^J''fi.f'*t'. 
they  boafted.     And  to  fay  the   truth,  fuch  Arts   are  better  fupprcfied  by^'^^'^ 
their  own  vain   Pretenfions,    than  checked  or  retrained  by   the  bridle  of 
Laws  *. 

»  The  Author's  EJfaj/s  are  Writings  nearly  of  the  fame  kind  with  the  prefent;  tho*  tnore 
refervel  and  guarded.  Indeed,  he  icarce  leems  any  where  to  fpeak  his  Scniimenrs  with  Co 
grea'  Freedom  and  Perfpicuity,  ai  under  the  Pretext,  or  Intention,  ot  expaining  thcfe  ancient 
rubles:  For  which  Reafon,  this  Piece  may  deferve  to  be  the  more  read,  by  fuch  at  deiirc  to 
uaderftand  the  reft  of  bis  Works. 


He  End  of  the  Firfl  Volume, 


■Y  O  O  J  0  H  T  Y  M     J»A  0  1 T  IJ  0"i  JiJ  So^ 


^^ 


^frs! 


.'S* 


.ife*&*-'1-i-' 


l*» 


mm 


■.'•■■■;f.: 


?-;.