Pietism and Methodism ; or, the significance of German pietism in the origin and early development of Methodism

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(A

PIETISM AND METHODISM

PIETISM AND
METHODISM

OR

The Significance of German

Pietism in the Origin and

Early Development

of Methodism

B27

ARTHUR WILFORD NAGLER

Instructor in Church History. Garrett
Biblical Institute, Evanston, III.

NASHVILLE, TENN.

DALLAS, TEX. ; RICHMOND, VA.

PUBLISHING HOUSE M. E. CHURCH, SOUTH

SMITH & LAMAR, AGENTS

1918

?K

S

--s-or.\xrj^-'

T1L,DE.M FOO

COPYRIGHT, 1918

BY
SMITH & LAMAR

FREDERICK CARL EISELEN

Intelleetuat Mentor ancl Friend
This Volume Is Grate-
fully Inscribed

fir-

PREFACE

The seventeenth century was the age of Louis
XIV. The eighteenth century was the age of the
benevolent despots. The seventeenth century was
the age of the devastations of the Thirty Years* War
and of the hard-and-dry scholasticism into which
the Protestant movement hardened. The eighteenth
century was the age of the tremendous struggle be-
tween England and France for colonial power in
the Old World and the New and of that belief in an
absent God and a self-sufficient man which we call
Deism. The cool logic and the hard externalism of
each age felt the quickening power of a vital reli-
gious movement. The seventeenth century saw
Pietism in Germany. The eighteenth century saw
Methodism in England.

The comparative study of these two movements
suggests fascinating possibilities to the trained his-
torical investigator. There are technical questions
which bristle with interest and sometimes with diffi-
culty. And the practical result of such a study
should be a profounder knowledge of each move-
ment as seen in the light of the other and n fuller

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4 Pietism and Methodism

appreciation of the place of vital piety in the life
of the world.

Dr. A. W. Nagler has made a careful and ade-
quate analysis of the sources, he has classified his
material with skill, and he has drawn his conclu-
sions with caution and insight. Of course in an
investigation covering so many details of historical
scholarship there are sure to be differences of opin-
ion among those best qualified to judge. Even at
such points Dr. Nagler's patient research and the
care with which he marshals his evidence will com-
mand the respect of those who do not agree with
him. It is not too much to say that his book is a
definite contribution to our knowledge of the con-
nections between the two movements.

Lynn Harold Hough.

CONTENTS

Chapter I Pagb

Introduction 7

Chapter II
The Background of Pietism i8

Chapter III
The Doctrinal Position of Spener 29

Chapter IV
The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener 43

Chapter V
Francke and Halle Pietism 57

Chapter VI
The Background of Methodism 71

Chapter VII
The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 82

Chapter VIII
The Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 104

Chapter IX
Pietism and Methodism: A Comparative Study 120

Chapter X
The Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 142

Chapter XI
Methodism Independent of Pietism 160

(5)

6 Pietism and Methodism

Chapter XII P^gk

General Conclusion 176

Appendix

Mysticism 181

Bibliography 186

Abbreviations 200

Pietism and Methodism

CHAPTER I
Introduction

The present treatise is an attempt to furnish ad-
ditional data to a better appreciation of the position
of Methodism in the history of Christian thought
and life by viewing it from the standpoint of anoth-
er movement to which it presents the most similari-
ties. The significance of Pietism in the origin and
development of Methodism may be viewed, in the
first place, from the standpoint of these resem-
blances. This will present the problem to what ex-
tent they were due to mere coincidence and to what
extent due to influence exerted by the earlier upon
the later movement. Each movement has been ex-
haustively treated by hostile and by sympathetic his-
torians, but little has been written about the bearing
of one upon the other. A few scattered statements
comprise the extent of the discussion.^ A study of

^Compare Loofs's article in Realency, XII., p. 75of. ; McGif-
fert, Prot. Thought before Kant, chapter on Pietism ; same au-
thor, Rise of Modern Religious Ideas, p. iSoff. ; Overton, Evan-
gelical Revival, last pages; Allen, Continuity of Christian
Thought ; Dorner, Prot. Theol., parts dealing with Pietism and
Methodism.

(7)

8 Pietism and Methodism

one movement in the light of the other is, therefore,
justified, a view which the following considerations
will serve to corroborate.

The numerous revivals and reformations in Chris-
tianity afford one proof for the continuity of Chris-
tian thought and life. In every age there have lived
those who have sought for something better in reli-
gion, something deeper and truer to life, than the of-
ficial organs of the Church commonly offered. This
was nothing more than the longing to get back of
the external and the stereotyped into the inner
source of truth and life. The externals — symbols,
formulas, rites, and ceremonies — originated in the
noble purpose adequately to express and visualize
Christian truth and life, and in this capacity they
served as means to an end. But the danger has al-
ways been to transmute the means into an end.
When Christianity is viewed as the correct state-
ment of truth, or when identified with the Church,
with the Bible, or with the creeds, it may be sepa-
rated from the life which it seeks to express and so
become lifeless. A means which is useful when
properly employed thus stifles what it was originally
created to express. Instead of man*s being brought
into direct relations with God, he is told that his
salvation depends upon his right relations to exter-
nal media. A protest invariably arises among those
who are seeking something more vital and personal
in religion, and this fact offers a partial explanation
for the rise of such movements as Montanism, Mys-

Introduction 9

ticism, Protestantism, Puritanism, Pietism, and
Methodism. A study of any one of these in the
light of one or more of the others will undoubted-
ly furnish a truer perspective of its historical set-
ting than could be obtained by studying it entirely
alone.

On the other hand, an extensive investigation of
only one of these great movements is apt to produce
an exaggerated idea of its importance. It would be
easy to conceive an enthusiastic devotee of Hasidism
proclaiming that the most important movement in
modern religious life was the great Jewish revival
of the eighteenth century In Poland. An overesti-
mation of the relative importance of movements in
the general history of religion often leads to the
erroneous assumption that such movements were
quite unique and unlike anything which happened
elsewhere. As a knowledge of non-Christian reli-
gions is conducive to a better understanding of
Christianity, so a knowledge of the various move-
ments within the Church Itself affords the Investi-
gator a more just appreciation of each.

An investigation of this kind will also cast light
upon elements otherwise uncertain. Doubtful ques-
tions might receive their solution as a result of sim-
ple comparison. Some so-called original contribu-
tions might find themselves relegated to the rubbish
heap, a loss to some interests, perhaps, but with cor-
responding gains to historical truth. Moreover, a
historical criticism will be less apt to degenerate into

lO Pietism and Methodism

dogmatism/ It is difficult for the investigator to
be both impartial and sympathetic, and the danger
grows when the interest is centered in a narrow field
to the exclusion of all else. A student of one phase
of religious life will thus find it practicable and
profitable to relate his results to one or more similar
or dissimilar tendencies, or, in other words, to study
one upon the background of another.

To keep the present subject within a definite com-
pass certain restrictions are necessary. Methodism
is by no means a historical magnitude concerning
the meaning of which all agree. High churchmen
who stand on the ground of the apostolic succession
generally deny it the right of being called a Church.^
W. H. Frere finds the essential mission of the evan-
gelical revival in its work as a pioneer for the Cath-
olic revival of the followiing century, designating
the whole "Catholic-Evangelicalism."^ The word
"Methodistic" is sometimes applied to certain char-
acteristics of sects which had their origin in the
Methodist revival or were merely allied to it in prin-

^Ritschl's masterly work on Pietism has been objected to
because of its alleged faulty interpretation of facts in the inter-
est of dogmatism; and one is inclined to suggest that if he
had investigated Methodism exhaustively, as Loofs has done,
there would have been less cause for adverse criticism. On
the other hand, some writers on Methodism dogmatically ex-
aggerate the importance of that great revival, while others
correspondingly minimize it, an error which might have been
avoided had other similar movements been considered.

=1. Taylor, Wes. and Meth., 28sff. 'Eng. Ch. Ways, ygff.

Introduction It

ciple. In this treatise the term "Methodism'* will
serve as the designation of that religious revival in
England which justly claims John Wesley as its
founder and which eventually developed into a sep-
arate Church. The Evangelical party in the Angli-
can Church, the Welsh revival and kindred phe-
nomena, and so-called Calvinistic Methodism will
not be considered, or, at most, will receive only brief
mention.

Just what constitutes Pietism is still a matter of
dispute and will probably always remain so. The
term is used in a narrow and in a broad sense.
Sometimes it is applied to specific historical move-
ments, at other times to all those tendencies which
exalt feeling in religion and its practical phase to
the depreciation of its intellectual content and its
expression in ecclesiasticism. But differences of
opinion arise when the narrow sense of the term
alone is meant. This is due to a threefold cause:
(i) The lack of any official pronouncements upon
its doctrine and practice;^ (2) the differences in Pie-
tism itself at various stages of its development ; and
(3) the subjectivism which each writer brings to
bear upon the subject. Under the general term Pie-
tism, McGiffert'' treats German Pietism, English
Evangelicalism, and the New England Theology.

^Tn 1683, however, some Pietist theologians published a con-
fession of nine articles. Cf. Ritschl, II., igof.
''Prot. Thought before Kant, Ch. IX.

12 Pietism and Methodism

Loofs^ contends that it is an international phenom-
enon. Troeltsch" appHes the common designation
"Pietism" to all modern movements and sects which
emphasize a personal reUgious experience and which
generally go under the name "evangelical." He
even refers to Methodism as a wave of Pietism;"
althcugh he, with Mirbt, Gruenberg, and others,
also limits the term historically to that movement
which is essentially German and Protestant.* Gen-
eralizations can only roughly approximate the truth ;
but if a general term is sought to include all the
religious revivals of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, Pietism may serve as well as any. Even
the word Hasidism, literally translated, means Pie-
tism f and the Roman Catholic Church had its own
form of Pietism in the Jansenist and Quietist prop-
agandas. A reform wave under Ricci and Liguori
deeply affected Italy. Even Spain reported ecclesi-
astical purification.*

In this book the term "Pietism" will be used in
its narrower sense to preserve its strict historical
import and will be confined to that reaction against
the orthodoxy of the Lutheran Church which is
generally connected with the work of Spener and

^Grundl. d. Kirchenges, p. 210. He also asserts that Ger-
man Pietism was genetically connected with the Puritan and
Independent movement of England.

"Prot. Christentum und Kirche d. Neuzeit. ^Ibid., p. 416 .

*Cf. Gruenberg, Spener, III., p. 159.

''The Jewish Ency., Vol. VI., article Hasidism.

"W. H. Hutton, The Age of Revolution, p. 102.

Introduction 13

his coadjutors/ The nature of that work has been
variously estimated. Some contend that Pietism
was nothing more than an attempted *'Calvinizing"
of the Lutheran Church by the introduction of a
spirit of monkish piety.^ This view, grounded in
an attitude of hostility to Mysticism in general, ob-
viously rests upon the dogmatic assumption that
Mysticism, as well as Pietism, is alien to true Lu-
theranism. This position is also influenced by the
notion that the piety of Protestantism must be dia-
metrically opposed to the piety found in the Catholic
Church, as if it were impossible to find a common
foundation for both in human nature/ It is possi-
ble to find praxis pietatis wherever there is a zeal
for subjective piety. Our interest lies with the form
which that zeal took in the Lutheran Church in the
latter part of the seventeenth and the first part of
the eighteenth century, commonly called the Pietism
of Spener and of Halle. The reaction in Dutch
Calvinism and in the Calvinistic Churches of Ger-
many will not fall within the scope of the present
discussion. Neither will the Wiirttemberg phase
of the Pietistic protest be included, however impor-
tant it was as possibly the sanest expression of the

*Thus Sachsse, Ursp. u. Wesen d. Piet., Gruenberg, I., 122.

'Kliefoth ; and RitschI, I., 192, II., 417. Though R. admits
that Pietism acquired a right to a place in the Lutheran
Church because of its insistence upon the Reformation princi-
ple that faith could be grounded only in personal experience.

'Cf. Gruenberg, III., i4off.

14 Pietism and Methodism

whole reaction against externalized Churchism.
The Moravian Church cannot be omitted, because
it served as the main channel by which some ele-
ments of Pietism were carried over into Method-
ism.

Emerson says somewhere that an institution may
be regarded as the lengthened shadow of one man,
as the Reformation of Luther, the Quakerism of
Fox, the Methodism of Wesley, and, we might add,
the Pietism of Spener. Our chief interest will cen-
ter in two outstanding personalities — Spener, the
protagonist of the German movement, and John
Wesley, the author of the British revival. Their
voluminous works will form the basis for the great-
er part of the thesis. These remarks are grounded
In the assumption that Spener was a Pietist ;^ not so
much the originator or the founder as the exponent
of the movement. For later Pietism in the main
followed the suggestions originally given by Spener'
after he himself had gathered the scattered threads
of a widely extending protest and had given this uni-
fied product new life and momentum.'' Wesley may

^Against Ritschl, II., 163, who asserts that in his own per-
son Spener cannot be regarded as a Pietist according to the
meaning which that term afterwards received.

"In some respects later Pietism was more extreme.

'Pietism was not the arbitrary creation of one man nor
even of a group of them, for innumerable agencies were at
work as before the Reformation. But it is also true that at
the psychological moment a prophet was needed to breathe life
into it.

Introduction 15

well be regarded as the founder of Methodism, for
that movement was largely the result of his theolog-
ical ideas, practical suggestions, and organizing abil-
ity. To say that the conditions in England would
have brought forth a similar revival even if Wesley
had never appeared on the scene is an assertion eas-
ily made and of plausible sound when pre-Method-
istic conditions are considered,^ but historically be-
yond the possibility of proof.

While the main current of Methodism had the
impress of one commanding personality indelibly
stamped upon it. Pietism had two prominent leaders,
without whom it would be difficult to conceive the
movement to have developed as it did. Spener was
the prophet, the "father-confessor'' of the move-
ment, but he lacked those qualities which Wesley
possessed in a preeminent degree — energy, aggres-
siveness, and administrative talent. These deficien-
cies in Spener's character found extraordinary ex-
pression in the personality of Francke. With cer-
tain reservations in mind pertaining to differences
incident to the personal character of the men them-
selves and to their respective environments, the
conclusion may justly be drawn that Spener and
Francke together were to Pietism what Wesley was
to Methodism.

The radical tendencies and outgrowths generally
connected with new movements and from which

^See below, Chapter XI.

i6 Pietism and Methodism

neither Pietism nor Methodism was free, need not
concern us/ A great movement ought to be judged
mainly by its success in accomplishing that which it
sets out to do. The accessories of a more or less
visionary and fanatical character which strive to af-
filiate themselves with the main current or even to
supplant it must be judged on their own merits.
Whatever judgment is passed upon the ecstatical
accompaniments of Pietism and Methodism, they
must in any case be regarded as mere by-products.
Radical spirits are always present and take the first
opportunity presented to join any new movement
which seems to strike out in the general direction in
which they are going. Such phenomena, though
important in a general treatment, will not be includ-
ed here, for that would carry us too far afield. The
aim is not to give a detailed chronological account
of the rise and growth of each movement, but to
group and relate those factors — background, per-
sonalities, events, doctrines, and practices — which
seem to have a bearing upon the thesis as stated.
Elements otherwise important will, therefore, be
merely touched upon or entirely omitted.

Some interesting phenomena connected with re-
vivals in general and with Pietism and Methodism
in particular would present a mass of material for

^Cf. Abbey and Overton, Eng. Ch. in Eighteenth Cent., II.,
602 : "Any form of religion once eagerly accepted by the multi-
tude is sure to contract some grosser properties, although they
may not impair to any extent its vital essence."

Introduction 17

psychological investigation and interpretation; but
since this lies wholly outside our purpose, the reli-
gious experiences will be accepted simply as histor-
ical facts, however they may be explained. Sachsse'
goes into the precise meaning of the new-birth expe-
rience and offers an explanation of the phenomenon.
Similar attempts have been made by historians of
Methodism. Recent books on the psychology of
religious experience will be found helpful."

^Ursprung u. Wesen d. Pietismus, pp. I25ff.

^H. C. McComas, The Psychology of Religious Sects, offers
interesting suggestions in his attempt to explain the rise of
sects. Cf. James, Varieties of Rel. Exper. ; Starbuck, The Psy.
of Religion; Ames, The Psy. of Rel. Exper.; Coe, The Spir-
itual Life, The Psychology of Religion ; Bowne, The Christian
Life, etc.
2

CHAPTER II
The Background of Pietism

Spener based the justification of his efforts for
reform on the plea that the Reformation had not
been completed; that many evils had consequently
crept into the Church; that the emphasis had been
placed too much upon purity of doctrine and not
suf^ciently upon purity of life, which had led many
people who were living in conscious sin to depend
upon the merits of Christ for salvation/ His work
can thus be understood only upon the background
of the Lutheran orthodoxy of the seventeenth cen-
tury in connection with the social, economic, and
political conditions of the times.

In times past the Reformation generally has
been represented as a great break between the me-
dieval and the modern world. To-day the pendu-
lum has swung to the opposite extreme, the tenden-
cy being to regard it as merely a crisis, the new
conception of religion not having been ushered in till
the Aufklaerung in connection with the Anabaptist
and spiritualistic contributions." Much of Medie-
valism was undoubtedly brought over into the Prot-

^Spener, Bed., 2, 668.

"Cf. Troeltsch, Prot. Christentum u. Kirche, pp. 254^., 265^.
Also McGiffert, Prot. Thought, pp. i86ff.
(18)

The Background of Pietism 19

estant Church ; but it is also true that the Protestant
life principle was present in the beginning, only to
find its fuller expression in a later age, after the
new scholasticism had suffered shipwreck upon the
rocks of Pietism and the Aufklaerung/

Whatever the essence of the Reformation may
have been, the verdict of historians upon the charac-
ter of the following periods has been practically
unanimous. As an inheritance from Melanchthon
the Church was regarded as a school where pure

'When Hastie (The Theol. of the Ref. Ch., pp. 26ff.) de-
clares that the Reformation was not the assertion of private
judgment, not subjectivity in religion, not the assertion of the
practical reason or conscience, etc., on the ground that these
elements had found expression in certain men previous to the
Reformation, he forgets that no new movement is the expres-
sion of that which before has never been thought of, but that
it simply makes predominant what formerly had been merely
the opinion of isolated individuals. Hastie's conclusion em-
phasizes only one phase of the Reformation — namely, that it
was a "Church-reforming principle exercising its function
within the historical development of the Christian Church."
Protestantism makes the relation of the individual to the
Church depend upon his relation to Christ and emphasizes the
immediacy of the religious relation between God and the soul,
thus leading to the emancipation from human authority and
human mediation in religion. With Luther faith was a per-
sonal experience by which the soul discovered God through
Christ. Though we find mystical elements here, Luther's later
development was more nonmystical, in which the Scriptures
played a greater role. Harnack (in D. G., IIL, 86i) concludes
that Luther's main work was the setting up of faith and the
destruction of dogma, while Pfleidercr (In Phil, of Religion,
pp. loff.) states that the greatest contribution of Luther to the
Reformation was the mystical.

20 Pietism and Methodism

doctrine was taught, and a correct attitude toward
this doctrine soon came to be regarded as the es-
sence of Christianity. Because Luther's teaching
concerning good works had been ambiguous, the im-
practical distinctions made in order to keep clear of
the Catholic principle had resulted in a loss of the
practical values in religion/ Feeling in religion was
practically ignored after Luther's day/ The at-
tempt to renew the Church so that it might become
a free religious Institution, the insistence upon a
living faith grounded in personal conviction, the
right of the people to regulate their own Church
affairs, w^as all gradually displaced by the theory of
the Church as a sort of external police force, while
the people received recognition as Christians by
their outward adherence to pure doctrine and their
observance of the true sacraments.

Assurance of the truth of doctrine took the place
of the assurance of personal salvation. Man was in
a period of probation,^ for his eternal fate was not
decided till the judgment day. This led to an arbi-
trary separation of religion from the affairs of the
present life. The extreme transcendental idea of
God accentuated the evil; for he was regarded as
having no direct vital relationship with man, his
power and grace having been deposited once for all
In the means of grace. The Church had received

'O. Ritschl, D. G. d. Prot., II., p. 5. "Ibid., L, p. 92.
^This was similar to the medieval conception, "conjectura
moralis," Allen, Cont. of C. Th., 277f.

The Background of Pietism 21

her final form, theology was completed, and both
were to be kept intact and defended against all ene-
mies/ With this mechanical intellectualistic com-
prehension of doctrine reaching its height in the
demand that no deviation be made even "in phrasi-
bus" from the accepted teaching as presented in the
Concordise Formula, there arose a new scholasti-
cism within the Lutheran Church/

In place of the infallible Church was placed the
infallible Scripture. The "Scripture priest" took
the place of the "sacrament priest/'^ The symbol-
ical books threatened to usurp the throne upon
which the Bible had been placed, for it was asserted
that they contained all that was necessary to salva-
tion. In this atmosphere of an objective dogmatism
hair-splitting controversies arose, syllogisms were
fought with syllogisms, and preaching itself became
infected with the polemic virus. It is needless to
enter upon a discussion of the controversies. Suf-
fice it to say that the spiritual life of the Church
suffered in the rise of a separate order of teachers
(ecclesia representativa) j the members of which re-
garded themselves as being on a higher plane than
the common people and possessed of a certain law-
ful authority in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters.*
The gulf between the clergy and the laity was con-

^Especlally the Jesuits and the Calvinists.

"Cf. Baur, Ges. d. Chr. Kirche, IV., 345-

'Troeltsch, Prot. Christentum, p. 320.

*Ci. Dorner, Prot. Th., II., 166; Baur, Ges. d. Chr. K., 346.

22 Pietism and Methodism

stantly becoming wider, and the congregation took
practically no active part in Church government and
in public v;^orship.

The economy of the Church was bound up with
the doctrine that the Holy Spirit worked only in and
through the Church and the means of grace. The
Roman Catholic theory of an official grace inherent
in the ministry and the ministrations of the Church
thus came back to full power, and this was followed
by a superstitious dependence upon the "accom-
plished work." With the increase of an external
Churchism came a corresponding decrease in the
emphasis upon the inner elements of religion. Al-
though the Lord's Supper was attended and baptism
was highly esteemed, the common people looked for
a secret magical influence from the outward per-
formance of the rites.^ The practice of exorcism in
the baptismal ceremony was retained.^ The reten-
tion of the confessional, with its attendant evils, led
many to think more of the disciplinary act of the
Church than of any real inward repentance. Exclu-
sion from holy communion as a form of discipline
not only degraded the service, but worked harm by
bestowing upon those who were allowed to partake
a recognition of civil and ecclesiastical good stand-
ing irrespective of Inner heart attitude.

*Cf. Spener, L. Bed., 3, 724.

^Gruenberg (L, 31, Spener's Life) states that the common
man probably believed that the devil in the child's nature was
driven out through baptism.

The Background of Pietism 23

The appeal of Luther to the secular powers had
introduced into Lutheranism a "Csesareopapie'*
(secular domination) hardly less odious than the
former papal domination. The government of the
numerous "Landeskirchen" (territorial Churches)
was virtually in the hands of the territorial lords,
Vi^ho often interfered arbitrarily in the affairs of the
Church, setting up and deposing clergy almost at
will and censoring the religious press. In the con-
sistories secular power united with clerical influence
in wielding a sort of despotism, which left the third
class entirely unrepresented. The presence of nu-
merous territorial Churches prevented harmonious
action and allowed the princes greater freedom of
action. Absolutism was in the air and applied to
Church government, drowning any expression for
greater liberty which the people might have had.
Protests were of little avail.^

The onward march of democracy had begun in
England ; but the common people of Germany knew
little, if anything, about it. They were kept in a
state of servitude by both upper classes. They lived
in the State in order to obey and in the Church in
order to be instructed. The clergy must be held
partly responsible for the low condition of morals."
Pastoral duties, catechetical instruction, and Church
discipline were neglected.'' The school system must

^Cf. Hoszbach, Andrea, p. 202f.

"Ihid., Andrea in Menippus, Gespraech, 82, declares that the
clergy were guilty of the common vices. 'Sachsse, 141.

24 Pietism and Methodism

also receive its share of condemnation; for charac-
ter-training was disregarded, and life at the univer-
sities was of such a nature that ennobling influences
were the exception. Belief in witchcraft was quite
prevalent among all classes and was responsible for
cruel persecutions/ The awful Thirty Years' War
simply made matters worse/ Many of the clergy
suffered moral shipwreck, and the brutalizing effect
of the war upon the people can hardly be exagger-
ated/ Tholuck gives many examples which go to
prove that exceptionally large numbers lived to sat-
isfy their lowest passions. The Sabbath was gener-
ally employed for the greatest license.* Among the
prominent characteristics of the age were lawless-
ness, luxury, drinking, and a pleasure-madness
which knew no bounds. Vicious influences emanat-
ing from the court of the grand monarch cast a
blight upon the petty German courts.*^ As a result,
skeptical and atheistic tendencies became more pro-
nounced/

It is not difificult to imagine what the economic
situation must have been. Countless numbers lost

'Janssen, Hist, of Ger. People, XVI., pp. 477^-

=Cf. Freytag, Bilder aus d. deut. Verg., III., ch. 3. From
two-thirds to three-fourths of the people perished during the
war.

^Ibid., ch. 2, tells about the life of the soldiers and the man-
ner in which they spread misery, disease, famine, and death
(pp. 230ff.).

*Kir. Leben d., 17 Jahrh., I., 2i8ff.; II., 108; I., I20f.

^Gruenberg, Spener, L, 35. "Spener, L. Bed., I., 209, 336.

The Background of Pietism 25

everything they had. With the disappearance of
many villages went also a decrease in the independ-
ence of the small farmer and the tenant. Feudal
conditions still remained, and various forms of trib-
ute were demanded by the sovereign lords/ The
economic hardships produced in the hearts of the
people a soil favorable to an intense religious ap-
peal.

Long before the time of Spener, ^md even before
the devastation wrought by the religious war had
cast its blight upon the land, isolated trumpet calls
had summoned the people to a more spiritual life
and had warned the Church of the dangers to which
manifold abuses were leading her. The strict ortho-
dox party felt that the possession of a pure doctrine
would insure safety and that the forces within the
Church would always provide adequate remedies
when they were needed. Some of these men saw
the need of reform, but deemed the stated agencies
of the Church sufficient to meet all emergencies.
Others approached the great problem from different
standpoints, feeling that the Church as then consti-
tuted was unable to save the situation. Arndt may
be taken as the representative of the mystical reac-
tion, Andrea of the practical, and Calixtus of the
theological protest.

The latter based his hopes upon the reshaping of
theology, the primitive Church to serve as model.''

*Freytag, Bilder, . . . 429ff. "Gruenberg, Spener, I., ggff.

26 . Pietism and Methodism

His aim was similar to that of the Latitudinarians
of England in his attempt to pare down the essen-
tials to the smallest compass after all nonessentials
had been discarded. However, his syncretistical
plans to simplify and remedy the dogmatic system
came to naught.

The mystical reaction included speculative and
practical elements ; the former advocated by Weigel,
Boehme, and others, the latter mainly by Arndt.
Pretorius, who had anticipated Spener's doctrine of
present salvation, held to the historical importance
of mediation through Christ ; but Weigel, disregard-
ing the latter element, emphasized immediate union
with God. The Mystics in general protested against
the prevailing extemalism in their assertion that
faith implied the indwelling of Christ. This pro-
duced a total change in the soul. The most influen-
tial practical contribution was Arndt's book, *'True
Christianity," in which he emphasized union with
God through Christ, the necessity of the new birth,
and the need of combining religious mysticism with
practical ethical elements.^ God reveals himself in
four "books": (i) Holy Scriptures; (2) the living
example of Jesus Christ; (3) In man himself, in
his own heart and conscience; (4) In the great
world book of nature.* Although he strongly as-
serted his agreement with orthodoxy, he differed

^Spener's Predigten ueber. Arndt, pp. 5ff.
"Arndt's True Christianity.

The Background of Pietism 2y

radically from it in his accentuation of mystical
piety/ Before the great war there was present,
therefore, the peculiar form of piety found in Pie-
tism itself;' and though temporarily interrupted, it
sprang forth again in him who claimed that he was
simply following in the footsteps of Luther and
Arndt.

Before leaving this phase of the subject a word
ought to be said about the influence of Bernard's
"Jesus Mysticism" and its relation to the poetical
productions of the time.^ Emphasis was placed
upon the love of the individual for Jesus. Union
with him, often of an ecstatical nature, was the
deepest experience that the soul could seek. Rela-
tionship with him was frequently expressed in terms
of bridegroom and bride, as in Arndt's book, "Para-
dies Gaertlein." The poet, Paul Gerhardt, gave
expression to these mystical elements in numerous
hymns.

In general, the mystical tendency led toward in-
dividualism and anti-ecclesiasticism. In some it
produced a monasticism of the heart which was

*Cf. Ritschl, Piet, II., 42 : "Arndt was the first among Lu-
therans to represent this specific element of medieval devotion
as the mainspring of living faith."

^Cf. Koepp, Arndt, p. 9. It seems that Ritschl did not suf-
ficiently recognize the close relationship which existed between
these two expressions of piety within Lutheranism and was
consequently led to seek the beginning of German Pietism in
the Dutch Calvinistic movement.

^Ritschl, Piet., IL, Art. 29, Jesus-liebe in Poesie u. Prosa.

28 Pietism and Methodism

based upon a negative ethics, a renunciation of the
world and Its pleasures.

The representative of the second group of re-
formers, Andrea, placed the emphasis upon con-
structive religious work, probably influenced by the
Geneva plan of Calvin/ Besides deploring the pre-
vailing decay in religion and the barrenness of scho-
lastic theology," he tried to remedy conditions by
uniting with purity of faith a religion of feeling and
practical plety.^ People were brought into associa-
tions, children were educated, poor students helped,
plans made for the benefit of the working classes,
and reHef measures attempted for the poor and the
sick. In the matter of Church discipline, he sug-
gested that judges be appointed to oversee the mor-
als of the people.* After the clergy had experienced
regeneration in their own hearts, they were to lead
the reform propaganda.^

For various reasons all these attempts failed.
They were, however, of the greatest Importance in
preparing the ground for the time when circum-
stances were more opportune. Pietism thus sprang
out of the religious needs of the people, which In
turn were intensified by the social, economic, and
political conditions of the age.

^Ritschl, Piet., II., 131.

-Menippiis, Gespraech, 33, in Hoszbach.

'Cf. Hoszbach, Andrea, p. 129. *Ibid., 224.

^From excerpts, Andrea, Appendix, Hoszbach, 239-295.
Other men interested in these reforms were Gesenius, Gross-
gebaur, Count August, Ernst the Pious, etc.

CHAPTER III

The Doctrinal Position of Spener

Spener repeatedly affirmed that his theological
position was identical with Luther's and with that
of the primitive Church/ He assumed that these
were in perfect agreement, because true doctrine
could not be changed. It was the truth and in har-
mony with Scripture/ The traditional doctrines of
the Church — ^trinity, divinity of Christ and his vi-
carious sacrifice, the fall, and original sin — were
accepted by him without reserve/ The doctrine of
God's immanence stood forth more clearly in his
system, while the incarnation seemed to him a rec-
ognition of the worth of human nature.* As re-
gards the importance of the means of grace, Spener
did not wish to deviate from the strict orthodox
teaching, although he allows that God could save
without them,^ as in the case of unbaptized children
dying in infancy. We shall see, however, that bap-
tism lost its significance in the emphasis which he

*Bed., 3, 952ff. Prel., Art. VI., 100-126, in Aiif. Ueb. Aug.
Conf.

"Bed., 4, I48£

''Bed., I, 78; Gl. L., iioSff.; E. G. S., I., 32, 83.

*G1. L., 417, ii32f.

^Ibid., 325.

(29)

30 Pietism and Methodism

placed upon the new birth/ In the eucharist (more
than a mere memorial or a spiritual participation)*
the whole body of Christ is partaken of by each
communicant^ The preaching of the Word is also
essential, because it is God's means of bringing the
knowledge of saving faith to the people ; and since
children were incapable of receiving it, infant bap-
tism was regarded as essential/ The confessional
caused Spener a good deal of trouble. If it had
not been for his fear of the consequences, he would
have discarded it/ The distinction between the
visible and the invisible Church is retained. The
purity of the former is made dependent upon the
relative number of "invisible Church" members it
contained^ and membership in the latter rather than
in the former regarded as essential to salvation. In
harmony with the Arminians, Spener taught the
universality and resistibility of grace.*^ Eschatolog-
ical doctrines occupied a prominent place in his sys-
tem. Interesting in this connection was his admis-
sion that it was natural to have doubts about the
eternity of hell.^

Whether Spener succeeded in his desire to remain
orthodox may be an open question ; but that he de-

^See below pp. 29f. In Pia des. 37 Spener calls baptism "the
actual bath of the new birth and regeneration of the Holy
Ghost." -Gl. L., 430f . ; Cons., 3, 139-

•"'Bed., 4, 494f. ; cf, Bed., 4, 72of. ''Bed., ib, 125^.

'Gl. L., 516. «Bed., 4, 688ff. ; Gl. L., 1261.

■'Gl. L., Ill, 134, 327. «L. Bed., i, 75.

The Doctrinal Position of Spener. 31

viated from the Lutheran position in his general
attitude toward doctrine will be made clear, we
hope, in the following discussion.

In the first place, he distinguished between eso-
teric and exoteric theology, asserting his right to
private opinions which might not be quite in harmo-
ny with the traditional faith,^ though he constantly
strove to accommodate himself to orthodox belief
for the good of the Church/ In the second place,
his recommendation that doctrine be simplified car-
ried with it a demand that essentials be separated
from nonessentials, the former alone to be em-
phasized/ He strenuously opposed superfluous
scholasticism, with its "hair-splitting sophistries."*
Thirdly, the very citadel of orthodoxy was attacked
in the assertion that correctness of belief was not so
essential as was generally maintained. For it was
absurd to believe, he declared, that every error in
which a man might become involved would result in
his damnation.* And, finally, Spener contended
that all parts of the doctrinal system were not of
equal value, for the articles of faith were to be
judged according to their close or remote relation-
ship with the central fact of salvation. Those arti-
cles, therefore, which could be grounded in experi-

^Cons., 2, i5f. "Bed., i, 198, 692.

"Bed., 3, 181 f. Some things must be left in the dark — con-
ditions in heaven, etc.
'Pia des., 2Sff.
■"L. Bed., 3, 407.

32 Pietisin and Methodism

ence — as justification, new birth, and sanctification
— were the most important/

Spener's radical attitude toward doctrine thus
brought about a real transformation in its meaning
and an emphasis upon the relative importance of its
component parts. And the accusation of his ene-
rjiies that he cast aside the systemata et compendia
theologica was not altogether unjust/ It will now
be necessary to dwell more at length upon some of
the more important doctrines which, in the hands
of Spener, received the significance of new doc-
trines because of the supreme importance he at-
tached to them.

Over against orthodoxy Spener maintained that
the Bible alone was supremely authoritative, the
symbolical books being authoritative only so far as
they were in harmony with the Scriptures and as
the individual conscience approved. And calling
forth a doubt as to their perfect agreement with
Scripture was in reality dealing them a death blow.*
Although inspired, the Bible was not to be regarded
as a product of mechanical dictation. But since the
translations were somewhat imperfect, the original
alone was God's Word.* We notice the beginnings
of the historical view in Spener's statement that the
New Testament contained a higher revelation than

^Bed., 2, 897ff. "Gruenberg, Spener, I., 401.
"Gruenberg, Spener, I., 434; Bed., la, 369f. ; Auf. Ueb., 67f.;
Gl. L., 493f.
*Bed., 3, 753f.

The Doctrinal Position of Spener. 33

the Old Testament/ The Bible did not act mechan-
ically when applied, as a medicine would act, but
only when the Spirit worked through it and, in fact,
could be truly understood only by the Spirit/ The
ultimate authority of Scripture was thus grounded
in the inner testimony of the Spirit/ This fact is
very important, because it shows that Spener, al-
though a literalist, was unwilling to place himself
under the bondage of the "dead letter" of Scripture.

But Spener's most important contribution was his
insistence upon the importance of those doctrines
which were grounded in experience and, as a conse-
quence, were of vital concern to the individual/
Here we deal with such terms as repentance, justi-
fication, conversion, illumination, sanctification, as-
surance, and perfection/

Repentance is the first step on the way of salva-
tion;* and though frequently accompanied by pain
and anguish, feeling was not really essential to the
experience/ The Buszkampf (penitential conflict),
so important in later Pietism, thus finds little sup-

^Bed., 4, 23f. ; cf . Bed., i, 331. ^E. G. S., 2, 122, 410.

'Allg. Gottesgelehrtheit, 2, 64ff.

*See above, p. 27; cf. Bed., 2, 897ff.

''The order given has no significance, except that repentance
and justification may be thought of as having priority in the
mind.

®GI. L., gSiflf., presents the following elements: Meditatio
peccati; agnitio irae divinae; dolor de peccatis; odium pecca-
tis ; deprecatio ; propositum non amplius peccandi.

'Bed., 3, 588; la, 195.

3

34 Pietism and MetJwdism

port in Spener/ He would not, however, deny the
reality and worth of certain experiences to which he
lay no claim himself, such as visions, special revela-
tions, and extraordinary states of emotion/

After faith is produced in the repentant heart
through the Spirit, and the grace of God in Christ is
received, justification and adoption result. Man is
born a new creature/ Spener, like Wesley, distin-
guished between the momentary change in the be-
ginning and the development of the life process.*
In the first spark of divine life there was contained
everything that developed later.'' Although this
conversion experience was not necessary for the in-
dividual who remained steadfast in baptismal grace,
Spener inferred that practically all fell from that
grace during life, and consequently he felt justified
in sharply dividing people into twice-born and once-
born.* The former experienced a change in body
and soul, in mind and will, and in the affections,
and in this respect the new birth might be called
perfect/ Its imperfection was implied in the proc-
ess of growth which followed.^ In the emphasis
which Spener placed upon this sanctification as an
essential element in faith he diverged widely from

*A few statements seem to favor it — Bed., la, i62f ; 2, 681 f.

=Bed., I, 319^-; 2, 634ff-

'Gl. L., 707ff . ; E. G. S., i, loirff.

*Bed., I, 209. Not necessary to know exact time. Bed., i, 197

'L. Bed., I, I30f. 'Bed., 3, 23of.

•Gl. L., 705f.; L. Bed., i, 130. «G1. L., 712.

The Doctrinal Position of Spener. 35

the strict orthodox standpoint/ He even went so
far as to declare that justification received its guar-
antee only when followed by sanctification," inas-
much as faith was more than mere intellectual as-
sent. Also it included personal conviction issuing
in a desire to crucify the flesh and lead a righteous
life/ The latter elements were vitally connected
with the doctrine of good works and the doctrine of
perfection. The former doctrine he placed next to
faith,* contending that they were really phases of
the same thing. Works were not, however, instru-
mental in our salvation and had no merit in them-
selves.^

The doctrine of perfection, enunciated in connec-
tion with hoHness of Hfe, separated Spener still
more widely from orthodoxy. He had a logical
place for it in his system and refused to allow that
it was significant only for the future world. This
perfection is not "absolute,*' for we are still in the
flesh ; and even when we have accomplished as much
as possible, we have not attained to the real perfec-
tion.* But in a relative sense some people have at-
tained to perfection because they do not sin inten-

"Bed., I, 692.

''Bed, I, 693; 3, 355ff.; E. G. S., i, 143.

'Bed, I, 692f.

*Auf. Ueb, 302.

^Gl. L, 829, 1043. Spener declared that in his doctrine of
good works he was in closer agreement with Luther than his
opponents were. (Wittenberg theo.) Auf. Ueb, 209.

"Bed, la, 305f.; L. Bed, 3, 335.

36 Pietism and Methodism

tionally and do keep God's commandments/ He
felt that moral laxity was promoted by giving coun-
tenance to the doctrine that perfection was unattain-
able and consequently that it was useless to make
any efforts at all. Spener does not seem to have
clear ideas in his own mind about the Scriptural
statements concerning a perfection to be attained
and an imperfection in which we live. He therefore
argues that we have sin because of sinful flesh.
Pecadillos ("Schwachheitssuenden") may be pres-
ent ; but because they are not sins unto death, sav-
ing faith remains.* Perfection cannot be ascribed
to deeds, to knowledge, but to good will and honest
striving and to a whole-hearted seeking after God.
It is, therefore, a gradual process,' the completion
of which occurs in the next world.*

Spener attempted to rehabilitate Luther's doc-
trine of assurance in the emphasis he placed upon
present salvation. The conversion experience pro-
duced an immediate feeling in the heart of the seal-
ing of the Spirit, and this meant that God did not
leave himself without witness in those who loved

^Bed., 4, 13. After being sanctified it is possible in a meas-
ure perfectly to obey the law. Gl. L., 788, 1070.

^Bed., la, 156, I58f. ; cf. Bed., 3, 49. This is holiness in
which sin's domination has ended. Erkl. d. kl. Katechismus, p.
235.

"^Gl. L., 1071 ; S. Pred. ueb. Arndt, II., 49. The phrase
"more and more" ("mehr und mehr") is frequently used

*rbid., II., 36; cf. Pia des., 53.

The Doctrinal Position of Spener. 37

him/ Fuller treatment will be reserved for the
section dealing with Spener's Mysticism/

The doctrine of the new birth caused Spener to
distinguish between theologia naturalis and theo-
logia revelata, for he believed that only the twice-
born could understand spiritual things.' His appel-
lation, "theology of the regenerated," implied that
it could be understood only in the light of God, be-
cause it dealt with things which were above natural
human reason.* He often stated that those of the
clergy and theologians who lived in willful sin could
discern the letter only and not the spirit, because
they lacked divine illumination.^ Through this the-
ory of divine illumination Spener was led to state
that there were two senses in Scripture^ — the one
apprehended in the natural way ; the other, the deep
and mysterious meaning, only by the aid of the
Spirit, which enlightens the mind.* —

A final consideration to be noted in connection
with the new birth is Spener's peculiar doctrine,
terminus gratiaeJ To each man is allotted a cer-
tain time of grace, which may even be limited in
this life, and a failure to respond in the allotted
time meant spiritual death/ This did not imply

'Bed, I, 324, 36; 3, 579.

''See below, pp. 34ff.

'Bed., I, 32f. ; Allg. Gottesgelehrtheit, I., iSsff.

*Ibid., I., I4ff.; Bed., la, 422.

•'Allg. Gottesg., I., i38ff., isiff.

*Bed., la, 159!. ; Allg. Gottesg., 298ff.

'L. Bed., 3, 388f. 'Ibid,, 374^.

38 Pietism and Methodism

that one who had fallen from his spiritual estate
was hopelessly lost; for due repentance^ would
again lead to conversion," provided the terminus
gratiae had not been passed.

Pietism cannot be understood without a recogni-
tion of its relation to Mysticism/ Although mys-
tical elements do not assume a primary position in
Spener's system, they are important in our study,
because their presence in Methodism reveals at least
one source common to both movements. Spener's
Mysticism also sets him off sharply from ortho-
doxy. Without mentioning the numerous influ-
ences which were exerted upon him by Boehme,*
Jane Leade,^ the Anabaptists,' the Quietists,^ the
Quakers,^ Weigel, and others,** we shall present in

^Bed., 2, 720. Deathbed repentance, he feared, was seldom
of the right kind.

^Bed., 3, I39f.

^See "Appendix" for an extended discussion on Mysticism.

*Bed., 3, 234f., i84ff. Spener does not deny that Boehme
had visions or that God gave him special revelation?^ Bed., 3,
944f.

^Spener read some of Jane Leade, who in 1696 founded a
Philadelphian Society in London. Gruenberg, I., 272.

"Bed., la, 309. Spener claimed to know little about them.

'He was attracted to the French Quietists and to Molinos.
Cf. Bed., I a, 302ff.

'Quakers came to Germany, and Spener opposed them be-
cause they identified Christ and the Word and because they
made the inner light natural to man. Allg. Gottesg., I., 36iflf.
(The inner light was not natural to man, according to Fox,
Journal, 167, 241.) Spener deprecated the tendency which

The Doctrinal Position of Spener. 39

brief compass the mystical part of his system. As
the avowed successor of Arndt, we find him em-
ploying mystical phraseology, emphasizing Christ
in us as well as Christ for us, the supematurally
wrought inner light, and the mystical union with
God/ His sermon on "The Spiritual Union with
God"^ dwells upon the mystical union, the union of
God's nature through Christ with our nature. He
admits, however, that he himself had not attained
to that supreme union with God referred to in John
xvii. 23, not denying, but that others might experi-
ence the celestial sweetness of it.' After the proper
means had been employed, Christ unites himself,
not in essence, but in fact "mystice and mysterious-
ly" with the believer.* Spener was rather noncom-
mittal in regard to personal revelations when he saw
instances where strong human suggestions were
identified with divine inspirations.^ Some might be

scented heresy in all statements about enlightenment, inward
Spirit. Allg. Gottesg., loi.

"Allg. Gottesg., 357ff. Here also Spener opposed the doc-
trine of a natural inner light. He reproves the teaching of
the inner hght, silent Sabbath, and passiveness, as presented
by the spiritualists, Schwenkfelder, and others.

"-Ibid., 364ff-; Gl. L., iiQgf.; Bed., la, 191; S. Pred. Ueb.
Arndt, i, 2.

^Gl. L., 657ff. Union is called indwelling of God or Christ,
marriage \vith Christ. Man is permeated with God. P. 670.

''Cf. Allg. Gottesg., 353. This union does not make God
man nor man God ; two distinct persons in the union.

*Allg. Gottesg., 35of.

^Ibid., 338; Bed., la, 216. False light, perhaps. L. Bed., 3,

40 ' Pietism and Methodism

due to Satanic impression or to psychological prin-
ciples not clearly known/ The possibility of God
revealing himself in dreams seemed certain, in view
of an experience which he had/ His general attitude
was well expressed in the statement that if he did
not receive satisfaction sufficient to convince the
conscience he would at least suspend judgment.'

According to Spener's dictum, Chiliasm had noth-
ing to do with Pietism, but there are indications
that he believed in the immediate approach of the
millennium.* He was influenced by certain pas-
sages in Revelation and Romans xi. which led him
to believe in the conversion of the Jews and in the
final downfall of papal Rome^ before the end of the
world. This doctrine, he thought, would incite
Christians to work toward the conversion of the
Jews, the spiritual weakening of Rome, and the
reformation of their own Church.*

Spener was more tolerant than most of his con-
temporaries, insisting that those who were born of
God were brothers. It was a higher honor to be a
Christian than a Lutheran.' He was more liberal
toward Calvinism than his orthodox opponents

^L. Bed., 3, 591; I., iisff.; Gl. L., 342!. The imagination
might be responsible. Bed., 2, 775.

'Bed., la, 236!. A double dream while sick vouched for his
recovery.

'Bed., la, 32a

*Pia des., Ch. VI. He did not condemn Chiliasm. Bed., 3,
939- ^Ibid., p. 49f.

*Ibid., 5off. 'Auf. Ueb., loiff., 225.

The Doctrinal Position of Spener, 41

thought wise and shocked many of them by affirm-
ing that true believers were to be found in the Ro-
man Catholic Church/ His demand for greater lib-
erty of thought in theological questions and his plea
for peace among theologians were grounded upon
the maxim, "In necessariis Veritas (unitas), in non
necessariis libertas, in omnibus charitas" ("In
things essential, truth [unity] ; in nonessentials, lib-
erty; in all things, charity").* This broadminded-
ness led him to place the mantle of charity over
those who could not accept the doctrine of the Trin-
ity.' In the main, he sought t© find a golden mean
between dogmatic indifferentism and fanaticism.*

When passing judgment upon Spener it must not
be forgotten that he was a man of his times. Al-
though he asserted that miracles were not a proof
of faith, decried superstitions connected with the
appearance of comets,^ and deplored the current
tendency of placing so much faith in signs and
omens,* he was guilty of certain superstitions.^

*Bed., 4, 67, 494f. Though Labadie's act was condemned,
Spener found good devotional material in his works. Bed., la,
274.

*Cons., 3, 794; I, 9of. Gruenberg, Spener, i, 80, N. i, states
that Spener substituted Veritas for unitas, originally used by
Melden in the seventeenth century.

»L. Bed., 3, ZZr, cf. Bed., 4, 114,

*Bed., 3, 201 ; cf. Allg. Gottesg., II., 64.

"Bed., 4, 83f.

•Cons., I, II. He felt that atheists could not be convinced
with this proof.

^Such as bibliomancy, Bed., 3, 682 ; dreams. Bed., 3» 6o9ff.

42 Pietism and Methodism

A brief summary of Spener's doctrinal position
might be stated as follows : Over against orthodoxy
he emphasized sanctification rather than justifica-
tion, communion with God rather than reconcilia-
tion with him, Christ in us rather than Christ for
us/ He regarded religion as natural to man, not
foreign to his nature, coming to him from without.
It is true that Spener kept some of the old phrases
which tended to keep this thought in the back-
ground, but the trend of his teaching pointed per-
ceptibly in the opposite direction.

*Cf. Gruenberg, Spener, L, p. 469. On p. 5i3f. he states
that orthodoxy emphasized the deductive process, in having
faith, as something completed, come down from without and
from above through the mediation of the Church and theology,
into a man's heart, where it would find more or less vital ex-
pression; while Spener, more inductively, had the individual
ascend to a true knowledge of God after the initial impulse
and strength had been imparted by the grace of God.

CHAPTER IV
The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener

The significance of Spcner's work lies primarily
in the realm of practical religion. Although he real-
ized his own limitations, denying that he possessed
the qualities necessary in a reformer, he, neverthe-
less, felt in duty bound to start some much-needed
reforms in the Church/ He not only protested
against obvious evils in Church and State, but of-
fered a positive contribution by suggesting numer-
ous constructive plans.

Spener differed from the ordinary "calamity
howlers" by his moderation and balance and in his
constant practice of offering some remedy for the
evils he castigated/ Caustic protests issued from
his pen against all manner of evils. He was one of
the first to fight the traffic in intoxicating liquors.
Neither the rich nor the great were spared, for he
saw corruption in all professions.^ He complains*
that the Church and State abuses were becoming
unbearable and that the corruptions existing in the
two upper classes (Staende) had a baneful influ-
ence upon the masses. He thundered against the

^Bed., 4, 204f.; Pia des., 6of. =Pia dcs., Part II.
'Ibid., 33ff. *Ibid., Ch. 2 and 3.

(43)

44 Pietism and Methodism

Caesar eo-papatus,^ which he considered as harmful
to the Church as the former Papo-Caesareatus*
(priestly domination). Through the domination of
the first estate the clergy were hindered in their
work, and the third estate was entirely ignored, while
the result could be nothing less than the promotion
of a worldly Christianity/ A free, spontaneous re-
ligious life was out of the question ; since so many
ministers were corrupt, worldly-minded, and selfish,*
and so many people were taught to seek religion in
the opus operatum (accomplish work) of an exter-
nal worship and in civic respectability/ Because of
the general decadence of religion, Spener declared
that some efficient remedy was to be sought." This
leads us to the constructive part of his work.

He considered the Reformation to have been a
purification of doctrine and a salvation from the
yoke of the Antichrist, Rome; and though he al-
lowed that much good had been accomplished, he
also felt that it had never been sufficiently complet-
ed.'' Although he respected Luther, he did not re-
gard him as the thirteenth apostle, as some of his op-
ponents were inclined to do.* He sought his model

^This was secular domination in ecclesiastical affairs. It
had taken the place of dominatus cleri Pia des., Ch. 2,

-Bed., 4, 417. In Cons., 2, 9Sf., Spener states that this Cae-
saropapie was a "monster which could be vanquished by no
one but God alone."

'Bed., 3, 4iif. *Pia des., Ch. 3 and 4.

•L. Bed., I, 478. 'Pia des., 47f.

'Gl. L., I403f. Bed., 3, lygi. 'Gruenberg, Spener, I., S22f.

The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener 45

In the primitive Church/ while his inspiration came
from the hope that the Church faced a brighter
future.*

The means by which Spener sought to reaUze the
main ambition of his Hfe included, in the first place,
a radical reformation of the three estates. Not-
withstanding his opposition to the "monster" Cae-
saropapie and his deprecation of the arbitrary in-
terference of the secular powers in the Church, he
made frequent use of these authorities. Inconsist-
ency here found its justification in the plea that it
was done for the good of the cause. ^ Important in
this connection is his assertion that rulers were to
govern for the benefit of the governed.* His main
recommendation^ was to the effect that an increase
in the authority of the common people in the gov-
erning bodies of the Church was to be made at the
expense of the secular authorities. Spener present-
ed an elaborate program for the reformation of the
clergy, because he deemed that phase of his work
of vital importance. Though the Word did not
receive its divine power from the character of the
person who preached it, a godless ministry surely
could not lead the people into the way of salvation.*
A thoroughly converted clergy was, therefore, the
first prerequisite/ But Spener did not wish to be

'Gl. L., 516. 'Pia des., VI.

^L. Bed., 3, Qif. ; Bed., 4, 202. *G1. L., I3i6ff.

''Bed., I, 642f. 'Allg. Gottesg., I., 132, 366ff.

'Pia des., 20.

46 Pietism and Methodism

numbered among those who set erudition over
against piety. Both were necessary/ The study of
compendia theologica systemata was helpful; but
true theology had its foundation in Scripture,^ and
experimental knowledge took precedence of mere
speculation/ Because theology dealt with revela-
tion it stood at the head of all the sciences.* All
this necessitated greater emphasis upon practical
training, whereby the student might acquire definite
knowledge about his future life work. The details
of this incipient laboratory included training in
teaching, preaching, visiting and comforting the
sick, etc., all under the critical oversight of compe-
tent instructors.^ Besides, he advocated that greater
heed be given to the cultivation of piety by means of
profitable table talk, religious conversation, and the
reading of devotional literature.*

Numerous suggestions given to the clergy dealt
with all phases of their work. They were urged to
adopt a plain and simple style of preaching, to
speak as they felt, with varying emotions and in
harmony with Scripture and with the practical ap-
plication of the sermon always in view. Controver-
sy, artificiality, and the display of oratorical powers

^But in Pia des., p. 91, he avers that an ordinary individual,
with a heart full of love and God's honor in view, will accom-
plish more for the Church than "a double-doctored, vainglo-
rious fool of the world, full of scientific knowledge, perchance,
but totally ignorant of God."

''Bed., la, 403, 406. ^Ibid., i, 232I *Ibid., p. 235.

'Pia des., 98f. 'Ibid., gsf.

The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener 47

and book learning were to be avoided/ Efficient
pastoral work he deemed a great desideratum; and
consequently he recommended house visitation, de-
spite the opposition of the authorities/

Spener's interest was primarily with the individ-
ual, with the personal rather than the institutional.
He did not conceive the visible Church as a separate
magnitude through whose purification the individ-
ual members were to be purified, but sought the ref-
ormation of the institution through the united ef-
forts of those who belonged to the "righteous nu-
cleus." This insistence upon the personal, individ-
ualistic, subjective elements in religion constitutes
the only just criterion by which to judge Spener's
work. At times he lingered on by-paths ; but inva-
riably he returned to take up the main issue, the
reinvigorator of personal piety. His efforts cen-
tered about one book, the Bible, and about one main
form of organization, the collegia pietatis (pietistic
society).

The Bible was held in high esteem by the reli-
gious leaders of the time, but Spener gave it a sig-
nificance in the general life of the people which it
did not have before. He regarded it not only as
the standard of correct doctrine, but also as the
norm of correct life/ Naturally, the first recom-

^Bed., la, 412, 738ff. ; Pia des., ggff.
=Bed., lb, 7of.; 4, 225ff., 305.

^Gl. L., 487ff., 496f. Spener opposed the proof-text method,
though see N. 7, p. 38.

48 Pietism and Methodism

mendation in the Pia Desideria dwelt upon the ne-
cessity of bringing the Bible, closer to the people.
Mere preaching of the word was insufficient; conse-
quently daily Scripture readings were to be included
in family prayers. Bible readings without explana-
tions were also to be given in public for devotional
purposes, likewise in other meetings, where those
with gifts (i Corinthians xiv.) had an opportunity
to take part/

Spener undoubtedly aimed to stimulate the gener-
al Church services. The confessional was retained^
in spite of abuses, to be used as a means of teaching,
disciplining, and comforting/ Baptism and the eu-
charist were both essential.' As edification was the
main purpose of the Church service, a change in the
ceremony was occasionally permissible to retain its
flexibility and to meet changing demands.* Because
of its social character, Spener regarded congrega-
tional singing as helpful.^ He was one of the first
to emphasize extemporaneous prayer.* The aesthet-
ic in worship and the artistic in decoration received
scant notice, because they did not seem to be in har-
mony with true simplicity.^

'Pia des., 63, 66ff.

"In Bed., 2, i6iff., he asserts that the confessional was un-
known to the primitive Church.

'Gl. L., 437 ; cf. Bed., i, 601. *Bed., la, 654ff.

"Bed., 4, 320. "Gl. L., 610.

'Bed., la, 109. In Bed., 2, I78ff., he states that a private
house, a cave, the forest might be as useful for worship as a
Church edifice.

The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener 49

With the establishment and practice of the spir-
itual priesthood, we come to the most distinctive
phase of Spener's work. Luther's idea of the
priesthood of all believers signified that the individ-
ual had free access to God without priestly or
Church mediation; but with Spener it included the
privilege of each Christian to help, serve, and edify
his neighbor/ A special call to the ministry was
not excluded by this doctrine, although it gave the
laymen an opportunity to assert their spiritual inde-
pendence and their right to all spiritual offices/
But where there was no regular ministry the call
of love and service might take the place of the call
of the Church. In cases of necessity a layman
might even baptize and declare absolution/ In har-
mony with the spirit of his age, the reformer re-
fused woman the right of active participation in
Church affairs/

Pietism did not favor the strict congregational
Church system, though the following statements
seem to imply it: That the congregation had the
right to choose and call its minister / that it had the
privilege to make certain changes in the ceremony /
that it ought to have more authority in matters of
discipline/ Each Church was to have a board of
presbyters, the members of which constituted a sort

^Bed, la, S9Sf. 'Pia des., 7iff. "Gl. L, 527, SH-
*Among themselves, however, some might teach. L. Bed.,
3. 147.

'Gl. L., 528f. ; L. Bed., i, 601. 'Bed., 3, 378. 'Bed., 2, 496ff.

4

50 Pietism and Methodism

of tribunal to which the pastor might appeal in
doubtful cases/ Through this part of Spener's
teaching the value of lay assistance received a rec-
ognition it had practically lost after the time of
Luther.

The establishment of the spiritual priesthood
found its best expression in the famous collegia
pietatis." Because the much-needed reform of the
Lutheran Church could not issue from those in au-
thority/ because the great majority in the Church
were unconverted while the converted easily went
astray, and because conditions in general were so
bad that something radical had to be done, Spener
recommended that the clergy form ecclesiolas (little
Churches) of those who were in earnest about their
souls' salvation.* These were to be established
wherever possible, and from the more spiritual fields
he hoped the good leaven would gradually spread
throughout the Church.^ Eschatological hopes made
him place his faith in the saving power of these
spiritual nuclei in the general destruction which
seemed imminent.^

'Bed., I, 85; Bed., 4, 309-

'Where Spener got the idea is immaterial, whether from
friends (Bed., 3, 107; Cons., 3, 543^-), from Holland (Bed., 3,
162), or original (Bed., 4, 326f.). As early as 1600 there were
house meetings in Goerlitz, in which Boehme participated.
Rit, II., 137.

''See p. 39f. for Spener's reasons.

*Bed., 3, 2i8f. ; 4, 489; ib, 122; Cf. Wesley's band meeting.

^Bed., 3, 514. 'Bed., 3, 485^.

The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener 51

These private meetings for mutual edification and
spiritual communication were to avoid all appear-
ance of false teaching and extravagance. They were
to be instituted to supplement, not to supplant, the
regular Church service/ Spener opposed the cele-
bration of the Lord's Supper in these meetings.*
The main exercises consisted of discussions on
Scripture passages — exegetical, critical, and horta-
tory— in which all present took part.^ Because this
was done under the direction of the pastor (provided
he was sympathetic), it was hoped that he would be
brought into closer touch with his members and learn
to understand and appreciate their needs better. It
is quite needless to say that the clergy generally op-
posed these meetings springing up spontaneously in
their parishes. Spener himself admitted that the col-
legia was not really essential to the exercise of the
spiritual priesthood* and later in life became more
skeptical about its usefulness.^ He, however, always
adhered to his original program in seeking the salva-
tion of the Church by means of the ecclesiolce in
ecclesia/ the righteous nucleus within the Church.

Spener, as well as contemporary writers, com-
plained of the separatistical tendencies promoted by
these conventicles/ Whatever his private opinions

^Bed., la, 741 f. Spener contended that in this respect his
conventicles differed from those of Labadie, Bed., 3, 293.
"Bed, 2, 67ff. 'Pia Des, 66ff.

*Bed, 3, 546f. 'Bed., ib, 73^.

"L. Bed., 3, 588, written in 1701. 'Cf. Bed., la, 73ff.

52 Pietism and Methodism

may have been in regard to the justification of sepa-
ration, the reformer publicly deplored it as a mis-
fortune, claiming that it acted like a medicine which
was more dangerous than the disease it was supposed
to cure/ The policy of wisdom demanded construc-
tive, not destructive, work within the Church/ Spe-
ner exhibits noble qualities of heart and mind when
he demands that no one who still had a desire to
remain be expelled for entertaining scruples regard-
ing certain doctrines.*

Through the Pia Desideria the conventicles be-
came known far and wide and seem partly to have
accomplished the immediate result for which they
were instituted. Much of the evil reported against
them must be ascribed to conventional accusation
against all innovation.* Catechetical instruction was
again brought back to life and a deeply felt want
supplied. Although Spener saw the value of em-
ploying those methods in the education of children
which corresponded to their temperaments, he failed
to understand the imagination of the child.^ He
taught that they were to be led into a state of re-
pentance, into a recognition of their depravity,* and

^Bed., 2, 46; lb, 137; Preface to Bed., 3.

=Bed., I, 353ff ; Bed., 2, 61. 'Bed., 4, 661 ; 2, 49!.

^Ritschl, II., Art. 32, goes too far when he declares the fol-
lowing three factors essential to the collegia: Striving for bliss-
ful emotions, quietlstic; precise self-testing of the moral life,
legalistic; tendency toward separation.

'Bed., lb, 3of ; Gl. L., 103. "Bed., 4, 266.

The Practical Religions Reforms of Spener 53

mentions with approval that certain girls, eleven to
thirteen years old, were able to pray fifteen minutes
at a time/ This religious educator of the seven-
teenth century: did not have a knowledge of modern
psychology in its newest phases appertaining to the
child and to religious experience, but in spite of this
lack we must give him credit for having been a
forerunner of Pestalozzi in demanding more than
mere acquisition of intellectual facts/ His whole
educational program rested upon the demand that
knowledge should become a part of the learner and
influence his character.

In the sphere of asceticism we notice negative and
quietistic elements. Although Spener recognized as
sacred the performance of secular tasks, he feared
that a man's social activities and life work would
stand in the way of spiritual meditation and quiet
religious contemplation/ A morbid tendency is no-
ticeable in some of his requirements inasmuch as
they promoted a constant feeling of the spiritual
pulse/ He was moderate in his demands regarding
fasting and self-denial ; and though he inculcated in
his followers hatred of the world and all its works,
he did not teach, like later Pietism, that things ethi-
cally indifferent did not exist/ All play, for in-
stance, was not from the devil, though allowable

*L. Bed., 3, 392. *Cf. Bed., 4, 6o2ff. ; L. Bed., i, 489-

"Bed., 2, 423ff. ; 4, 386ff. *Bed., 2, 692.

"Bed,, 2, I2f., 472f.; GI, L., 41a

54 Pietism and Methodism

only when conducive to health. Neither the dance
nor the theater was indiscriminately condemned;
the latter, indeed, might even be made into an instru-
ment of good/ But he virtually advocated that
these be eschewed because of the abuses connected
with them. This attitude received additional sup-
port from his general principle that all appearance
of evil be avoided, that nothing be done which would
not tend to the glory of God.' His attitude toward
dress and luxury was sane, and his sesthetical tastes
received faint expression in the assertion that the
beautiful in itself was not to be despised.'' In his
insistence upon a Puritanical observance of the
Sabbath he approached the Calvinistic position.
Though the whole Sabbath was meant for spiritual
edification, its joys were not to be banished by mak-
ing its observance into a burden.* Marriage was
regarded as a normal relation, notwithstanding a
few statements which implied the contrary.^

Spener was interested in social and political prog-
ress. He seemed to have been influenced by his re-
gard for those in authority and consequently al-
lowed them privileges which he would not accord
the commons. The different classes were ordained

^Bed., 2, 392ff. ; L. Bed., 3, 6o5f. ; Cons., 2, 94, De Comoediis.

=Bed., 2, 496ff., 550. *Bed., la, 28f. ; 2, 2i8f. ; Gl. L., logsf.

'Bed., I, 682; L. Bed., i, 476f.; Gl. L., 1171, ii79ff.

^Bed., 2, 3i3ff. In his own home Spener furnished the finan-
cial help and led daily prayers. His wife attended to every-
thing else. Eleven children came to his home.

The Practical Religious Reforms of Spener. 55

by God, and the authorities were to be obeyed so far
as their demands were not obviously against God's
commandments/ In matters of Church discipHne
Spener was willing to work with the authorities."
Dueling he regarded as an evil. War as such was
not necessarily against God.^ In the economic life
of the nation Spener was not much at home and has
comparatively little to say about avarice, unscrupu-
lous methods in obtaining wealth, etc.* Although
he expressed an active interest in the welfare and
help of orphans, the poor, sick, and needy, he never
went much farther than to offer suggestions, togeth-
er with his support.^

His international interests included those ques-
tions only which involved projects for union. His
plans did not include the Catholic Church, because
he thought that the differences were too fundamen-
tal, besides feeling that the institution itself was
rotten to the core.' Starting with the assumption
that all true believers were brothers and that the
majority of these were in the Protestant Churches,
he proposed that England make the beginning in
connection with the Scandinavian countries. He

^Bed, 2, 81, i82ff. ; la, 763^. 'Bed., 3, 82ff.

'Bed., I., 7off., 727. *Griienberg, Spener, II., 2igt

''Bed., 4, 407ff. ; P. Des., 35. Gruenberg, Sp., I., 196, states
that as early as 1679 Spener was directly interested in and pro-
moted the erection of homes for orphans, the poor, and the
laboring classes. Francke translated these pious wishes into
deeds.

•Bed., 4, 141, 35 if., 366.

56 Pietism and Methodism

hoped that much might be done in a conference of
theologians toward coming to some agreement and
then promptly expressed his fears that nothing of a
permanent nature would result/

Eschatological considerations impelled Spener' to
lay stress upon the conversion of the Jews, but his
many personal attempts to reach them failed to make
an abiding impression.' Foreign missions also
claimed his attention. He had no definite ideas,
however, about the prosecution of the work.* Al-
though no immediate results came from his own
efforts in this field, he was instrumental in keeping
the missionary ideals before the Church and to that
extent helped to lay the foundations upon which
future efforts might build.

*Bed., I, 288; L. Bed., i, 115, 605. 'See page 35.
•Bed., 3, 440f.; 4, 87ff. *Bed., i, 585,

CHAPTER V

Francke and Halle Pietism

The second great leader, the pedagogue of Pie-
tism, must be included in this discussion on account
of his important practical reforms, in which he far
surpassed Spener. Besides, it was largely due to
him that the movement did not develop into separa-
tism and evaporate into mystical radicalism. Like
Spener, he assumed that he, rather than the ortho-
dox, stood upon Luther's platform, because they did
not sympathize with the latter 's teaching of an inti-
mate personal communion with God/ To avoid
needless repetition only that phase of his doctrinal
standpoint wherein he differed from Spener will be
presented/ This difference lay not so much in the
originality of his contribution as in the emphasis
which he placed upon certain doctrines. He was
more radical than Spener and raised some of the
latter's opinions to a position of fundamental im-
portance. He has been called the prophet of the
"Buszkampf"* (penitential struggle). This could

Xf. Guerike, Francke, p. I34f.

*Gratia et veritate shows substantial agreement with Spener.
Also confession statements in Sancta et tuta via Fidei, pp. 121-
126.

"Troeltsch.

(57)

58 Pietism and Methodism

never have been said of his forerunner. Because of
the importance of this conversion experience, about
v^hich and upon v^hich Francke organized Halle
Pietism, it will be necessary to dwell upon it at some
length. His own experience became the norm which
made the penitential conflict (Buszkampf), preced-
ing and necessary to a real conversion, of vital im-
portance to the movement as it developed under his
leadership.

In his own account of this inner revolution he
states^ that he knew of no external means which had
influenced him, except, perchance, theological and
Biblical studies. He complained" that for twenty-
four years he had been an unfruitful tree. But one
day while preparing a sermon on faith he suddenly
realized that the faith which he was about to demand
of his hearers was no possession of his. In his de-
spair he appealed to God, in whose existence he
scarcely believed, and after a season of conflict and
misery God suddenly manifested himself to him.
"At one time I was crying, at another pacing the
floor in great unrest, then falling upon my knees,
imploring Him whom I knew not. ... In this
deep despair and anguish" he prayed, and God
heard and answered his prayer "suddenly."'' From
this account we see that the important elements
were the two contrasting states, despair and doubt

'Christian Biography, pp. pff. Richter, Francke, pp. 6ff.
"Richter, Francke, Intro.
''Guerike, p. 35f.

Francke and Halle Pietism 59

on the one hand, assurance and joy on the other, and
a sudden transition from one to the other/ Francke
makes this penitential conflict the beginning of the
true Christian life, whereas Spener did not place it
in such vital relationship with conversion, insisting
that the new birth was already present when the test
took place.^ Francke was influenced by the doctrine
of man's natural depravity, of the reality of which
doubt, self-love, and love of the world were evi-
dences.' Man was represented as being under the
curse of the law and the judgment of death, at en-
mity against God, incapable of good, and sinking
deeper and deeper into destruction. He is unclean
and unholy, "not a child of God by nature."* The
preparation for conversion consists in testing the
heart affections and recognizing the utter depravity
of the soul. Hunger for God must be accompanied
by hatred of sin° and a recognition of its awfulness.
The heart must become "broken and contrite"" be-
fore it is fit for the reception of the gospel.' But

^Guerike, pp. 3off.

"Breithaupt, an associate of Francke, taught that the believ-
er received assurance after he had passed from "contritio ex
lege" to "agnitio passiva." Rit., II., p. 403.

^Sancta et tuta via Fidei, p. 121. Cf. Ueber Moral u. Glau-
ben, Richter, ii3f.

^Philanthropia Dei, Kramer, p. g6i.; Philotheia, ibid., p. 100.

■^"So long as no hatred of sin is present, hatred of Christ
prevails." Ritschl, II., p. 257.

"Guerike, Extracts, p. 63.

'Ibid., p. 88.

6o Pietism and Methodism

Francke expressly denied that this experience would
merit the grace of faith. He Hkewise deprecates the
tendency to increase the intensity of this feeling by
self-imposed means under the false impression that
sufficient depth of despair had not been attained.'
Although he taught that salvation was always near,
that simple faith in Christ the Redeemer was alone
necessary to obtain it, he was unable to see how nat-
urally depraved man could be born into the new life
without having first experienced the ''Buszkampf " ;
for, as he said, true faith could spring only from a
true sense of sin." Faith is more than opinion about
the merits of Christ. It is a heavenly light shining
in the heart, transforming the inner affections and
nature as well as justifying man before God."* In
his tract, "Sie bekehren sich, aber nicht recht,"
which might be translated, "They become convert-
ed> but wrongly so," he included those who sought
conversion in the performance of external things,
who based it upon morality, who relied upon the
amount of their religious talk, who repented because
of temporary advantages or because of a fear of
hell, who sought to grasp the grace of God without
a contrite heart, who relied upon their own powers.*
Negative and positive effects resulted from the
conversion experience — a denial of the world with

^Sermon, Guerike, pp. 88, 68.

'Sermon, Saving Faith, ibid., p. 74. He warns against mak-
ing this an artificial, sinful self-torture (p. 88).
'Ibid., pp. 75ff. *Guerike, p. I73f.

Francke and Halle Pietism 6i

all its pleasures and an abiding, active love of God,
comprising in its expression constant obedience to
the demands of righteousness, together with resig-
nation and patience in times of suffering. This,
Francke demanded, ought to displace dependence
upon "sweet emotions" which might be felt only at
certain times/ In regard to good works, relative
and "absolute*' perfection, and assurances of present
salvation he simply repeated Spener's doctrines/
Like the latter, he also indirectly encouraged Mys-
ticism by regarding Arndt as a forerunner. He not
only translated Molinos, but affirmed the intrinsic
worth of the latter 's book. And mystical tendencies
are seen in his teaching that the believer became
united with God so that God himself lived in him.
Prayer brought man into the closest union with the
Father, and one result of the new birth was the bliss
which the convert might experience as the bride of
the Lord Jesus."

Francke made a rather sharp distinction between
the converted and the imconverted, claiming that
the latter were not Christians in the strict sense of
the term.* This was the innovation which Pietism

^Philothesis, Kramer, p. 104. There was the ever-present
danger, as Ritschl, IL, p. 262, observed, "that growth in holi-
ness would consist principally in the ceremonial-legalistic dis-
carding of pleasure."

^Sermon, Guerike, pp. yyi., 82f. ^Ibid., p. 8of.

* Sermon, Most Useful Way of Preaching, Piet. Hallensis,
p. 7of.

62 Pietism and Methodism

brought into Lutheranism, due to Francke rather
than to Spener; for what the latter advocated as a
necessary means to an end the former made into the
desired end. Theology, for instance, had conver-
sion for its object, while the various meetings, col-
legia, and prayer services had their justification in
the fact that they strengthened that experience.

Francke's chief claim to distinction lies, however,
in the realm of practical religious activity. As this
work was done primarily through the institutions at
Halle, a short account of their origin will not be
irrelevant. Francke could have wished for no better
field for the application of his talents and for the
expression of his superabundant zeal than the parish
at Glaucha, near Halle. The Church affairs were
in a chaotic condition, the Sabbath was habitually
desecrated, and the people were depending upon the
magical effect of absolution and the external per-
formance of the sacraments."^ Thirty-seven of the
two hundred houses in the place were drinking dens.
The people in general were coarse, brutal, and irre-
ligious.^ Francke met these needs with his charac-
teristic energy. He did away with exorcism in bap-
tism, but retained the confessional, refusing, how-
ever, to declare absolution until the penitent ex-
pressed his sincere willingness to forsake sin. He

^Sachsse, Pietismiis, p. 26of. Richter, Francke, p. iif.
'Ibid., Guerike, p. 63. Francke's predecessor had been de-
posed because of adultery.

Francke and Halle Pietism 63

preached frequently and with great effect, his own
popular style even surpassing that of his forerunner.
An innovation, which already had been recommend-
ed by Spener, was the introduction of systematic
pastoral visitation. Notice of the intended visit
having previously been given, the whole household
was assembled, examined, and exhorted, the unique
service concluding with prayer.^ Another means
continually employed was the social prayer service
(Erbauungsstunden), in which prayer alternated
with song. Scripture-reading and interpretation, and
examination in the catechism." The people received
further training by reading the ntmierous tracts on
a great variety of practical religious subjects which
Francke wrote and published.^

But the greatest monument to his organizing gen-
ius was the establishment of the orphan home and
its affiliated institutions.* The school had its hum-
ble origin in the attempt to relieve the temporal
needs of the poor. Francke then conceived the idea
of giving practical religious instruction to their chil-
dren, who were gradually persuaded to remain for
stated periods. Thus arose the large so-called "hos-
pital," for the erection and maintenance of which
Francke depended entirely upon voluntary subscrip-

^Sachsse, p. 268.
"Guerike, pp. i3of, I36f.

^Excerpts of fifteen given in Guerike, pp. I48ff.
*The account here given will follow Francke's outline, Pie-
tas Hallensis.

64 Pietism and Methodism

tions/ Much assistance was given to the deserving
poor who otherwise would never have obtained an
education nor received religious instruction.' This
small school soon became the center of a vast under-
taking which embraced many lines of activity.' In
a letter to Cotton Mather,* Francke stated that schol-
ars came from many foreign lands and that the in-
fluence of Halle was felt even in Siberia.^ A very
important part of the work was the publication of
Bibles, which were sold everywhere at exceptionally
low prices. Inspired by the accounts of Francke's
marvelous success, similar undertakings sprang up
in numerous places.*

It was largely due to Francke that the theology
of Lutheranism was led from scholasticism and po-
lemics into a closer dependence upon Scripture.^
His pedagogical principles and practical educational
regulations were, therefore, of great importance to
Pietism. About the time that Locke emphasized
the development of the natural powers of the child
Francke placed his emphasis upon the principle that
Christian education must be kept in the closest re-

^Francke gives a truly wonderful account of these in Pietas
Hallensis, Chapters I. and II.

'Ibid., pp. 36fiF.

^These are given in Pietas Hallensis, p. 41 f., and in Kramer,
Anhang, p. 446f., twenty-three departments being mentioned.

*In Piet. Hal, written in 1714.

'Ibid., pp. 3Sfr.

"Cf. ibid., p. 45 f.,

'Cf. Guerike, Francke, p. 216.

Francke and Halle Pietism 65

lationship with God/ Because the will as well as
the mind was to be trained, he saw the first step to-
ward the development of the Christian life in the
breaking of natural self-will. The three great vir-
tues— love of truth, obedience, and diligence — could
then be inculcated/ Prayer was considered of
greater importance as a means than instruction and
self-examination; for a true study of theology it
was positively essential/

The numerous regulations* of Francke's schools
seem quite severe to the modern student, and their
severity can be understood only by keeping two con-
siderations in mind. It was due to Francke's doc-
trine of human depravity and to his earnest attempt
to stem the tide of license and laxity which was
threatening to overwhelm the German schools. His
regulations, though springing from a noble heart,
show that he understood the child mind even less
than Spener. The children were to be under con-
stant supervision, even during play hours. But play,
as we understand it, was not for a moment consid-
ered. Children were not allowed to act as they
pleased, but were to find recreation in change of
occupation, doing something that was useful.
Walks could be taken (with the ubiquitous "infor-

*Cf. Kramer, Francke, Einleitung, p. 5.
^Von d. Anfuehrung zur Gottseligkeit, RIchter, pp. 65ff.
"Idea Studiosi Theologlae, Kramer, pp. 391 ff.
*Anfuehr. z. Gottseligkeit, Richter, pp. 45^-, Kramer, pp.
Ii4ff.

5

66 Pietism attd Methodism

mator") ; and as a relief from other work mathe-
matics, astronomy, and geography might be stud-
ied/ Older students were not exempt from these
regulations, which went into the most minute affairs
of their personal interests. Advice, whether sought
or not, was frequently given."

Francke might be called an educational pragma-
tist, for he constantly kept the practical end in view
and emphasized that part of education which would
show results in the building of character. This led
him to train workmen for all trades. And it was his
ardent wish that this training might serve as an
effectual help in leavening the whole nation.' He
made a distinct advance in establishing a laboratory,
or clinic, for the training of those who expected to
teach. There was abundant opportunity at Halle
for young men to "experiment" in the art of teach-
ing and for prospective pastors to attempt actual
catechization.* Francke also recognized the value of
higher education and advised his students to get a
thorough knowledge of theological science, since
piety alone was not sufficient/ But the basis of all

^Anfuehrung z. Gottesligkeit, Richter, p. 70,

"Cf. Ordnung und Lehrart der Waisenhaus-Schulen, Kra-
mer, pp. ii4ff. ; Leges welche die Scholaren observiren sollen,
ibid., pp. 241 ff.

"Tietas Hal., p. 38; Von. d. Anfuehr. z. Klugheit, Richter,
pp. 84fif.

^Appendix to Idea, Kramer, p. 428f. ; cf. Guerike, p. 279.

"Erinnerungen an Stud. d. Theologie, Richter, p. 6o5f.

Francke and Halle Pietism 67

true knowledge rested upon a living faith in Christ,
the main reason for acquiring a higher education
being to glorify God's name and to become a fit in-
strument in his hands in the service of mankind/

Theology, the main field of study, v^as based upon
Scripture, but both could be understood in their es-
sence only by the converted/ Francke goes to the
extreme in his statement that the carnal mind could
hardly penetrate into the sense of the letter of Scrip-
ture/ When the mere letter of the Bible was under
consideration he advocated a critical study in which
he distinguished a grammatical, historical, and a
logical reading/ Because the practical application
was constantly kept in the foreground, little effort
was made to get at the exact historical sense of the
passages/ Beginnings were made for a better Bible
text, however, because of the changes which were
recommended in the translations. As a fitting close
to this account of Francke's educational efforts
might be placed his own expressed relation to the
liberal arts. He repelled the charge that he neg-
lected "studia humaniora & elegantiora," with the
denial that these studies were better taught any-
where else/

^Erinnerungen an Stud. d. Theologie, Richter, p. 609; Idea
Studiosi Theol., Kramer, p. 403.

"Idea St. Theol., p. 391 ; A Guide to Holy Scripture, Ch. II.

'A Guide, p. 157. *Ibid., First Part.

^Idea St. Theol., p. 392.

'Idea St. Theol. Anhang., Kramer, p. 429.

"68 Pietism and Methodism

Francke went farther than Spener in the direc-
of asceticism, frequently insisting where the latter
had merely suggested. Although he was a man of
cheerful temperament, his teaching was apt to in-
culcate an almost morbid fear of showing even an
appearance of evil/ Like Wesley, he constantly
warned against extravagant spiritual claims and en-
thusiasm," but it cannot be doubted that some of his
own doctrines tended to bring people to a condition
where they would naturally make those claims,
Francke's conception of the Christian life brought
about his imreserved condemnation of the theater
and all theatrical plays and the dance/ Music re-
ceived a qualified condemnation because of its fre-
quent abuse; it was to be permitted only when of
a certain nature and under special direction.* Use-
less laughter and extravagant stories were to be
eschewed.^ Obviously this opposition toward the
world threatened to create a dependence upon a new
external opus operatum. But Francke, as well as
Spener, constantly asserted that the externals would
vanish with the renewal of the heart, for only those
elements pertaining to the honor of God would flow

*De Christiana fillorum Dei Simpllcitate, p. 119.

^Programmata, p. 32f.

^Tract, On the Dance, Guerike, pp. I74ff; tract, Kurze An-
leitung zum Christenthum, ibid., pp. i52ff.

*Verbesserte Methode des Paedagogiums, Part I., Ch. III.,
Kramer, pp. 347ff., 357.

^Tract, Schriftmaeszige Lebensregeln, Guerike, p. 168.

Franc ke and Halle Pietism 69

out as an expression of the inner life/ And to keep
this inner life pure and holy was only possible, as he
thought, by refraining from indulging in anything
that might lead to sin. The proper outward ex-
pression of that renewed inner life was the impor-
tant thing to be considered. Francke consequently
sought to draw a line beyond which a true Christian
would not allow himself to go, and that line he drew
very tight and in places where other Christians
would not approve." In his tract on the dance he
admitted that in itself a thing might be indifferent,
but contended that it immediately changed character
when brought into vital relationship with a person.
Man should not seek to escape from the world be-
cause of the ever-present evils, but should seek to
separate himself from the evil while remaining in
the world and congregating with others.^ He
showed his sympathy, however, for those who sep-
arated themselves from the "spoiled masses" in the
sincere desire to avoid contamination.*

That the Moravian Brethren accomplished the
most in the early days of foreign missions ought
not to detract from the pioneer work with which

^Tract, On the Dance, Guerike, pp. 174S.

^For instance, when he states that an earnest Christian
would no more think of dancing "than a sane man would
think of playing with boys on the street."

"Zweifache schiftliche Ansprache, Guerike, pp. i85ff.

^Francke's i4te paranaetische Lection, Guerike, p. 248. Cf.
Idea Stud. Theo., Kramer, p. 400.

70 Pietism and Methodism

Francke was connected. The King of Denmark
applied to him for missionaries to send to his colony
in the East Indies in 1705. Ziegenbalg and Pluet-
schau were sent, and others followed. Francke kept
up a correspondence with these missionaries, pub-
lished missionary news, and thus increased the in-
terest in this field of labor.^ Baron Canstein had
established a Bible publishing house intimately re-
lated to the Halle Orphan Home, and this was di-
rected by Francke after the death of its founder.*
And, like Spener, he also attempted the conversion
of the Jews, but with little success.

^In a letter to Cotton Mather, in Pietas Hallensis, Francke
refers to his relations with foreign missionaries.
*Guerike, p. 437f.

CHAPTER VI
The Background of Methodism

The English Reformation was not so much a
change in the doctrines and in the constitution of the
Church as it was a change of head. Much of the
medieval Church was retained, though the apolo-
gists of the establishment contended that the "via
media" implied a continuation of the true Catholic
Church minus the pre-Ref ormation abuses. The at-
titude of the individual toward the Church remained
practically the same, for his relation to God was
made dependent upon his relation to the Church.
After a checkered career through a succession of
reigns, the semi-Catholicism of Henry VHI. gradu-
ally merged into a semi-Protestantism in the time of
Queen Elizabeth and thereafter remained a sort of
compromise between the two, notwithstanding the
"purging" efforts of the Puritans/ The religious
life of the Church gained little, if at all, and it is
only from the standpoint of statecraft that the in-
stitution may be said to have progressed. But as a
department of the State the Church was governed
in the interests of the State.

The various sects which arose in the seventeenth

^Cf. Act of Uniformity, Robinson Readings in European
History, II., pp. 256ff.

(71)

*J2 Pietism and Methodism

century promised much, but accomplished little be-
cause they suffered systematic repression/ The
ejection of the Puritans after the restoration and
the withdrawal of the nonjurors after the "glorious
revolution"^ was in each case a distinct loss to the
Church. Owing to the peculiar nature of the Eng-
lish Reformation, heresy took the form of opposi-
tion to the institution instead of divergence from the
accepted doctrines. Submission to ecclesiastical au-
thority covered a multitude of heretical opinions.
In this respect the Anglican Church resembled Ca-
tholicism more than Lutheranism.

The wide latitude allowed to doctrinal expression
becomes explicable when the Anglican Church is
regarded as the resultant of numerous compromises.
The orthodox position varied from time to time.
Arianism gradually gained control of the High
Church party, v;hile Calvinism found its stanchest
exponents among the Dissenters. "^ The Latitudina-
rian spirit arose, reacting against the sacerdotal the-
ory of ecclesiasticism and the Puritanical theory of
doctrinal exclusiveness.* Although the Cambridge
Platonists recognized a sense in man corresponding

^Cf. Act against Dissenters, Robinson Readings, II., p. 258f.

"The nonjurors stood for the immutability of the order of
succession to the crown. ]\Iakower, Const. Hist., p. 95.

^The cathoHcity of the Ang. Church has been called a het-
erogeneous combination and toleration of Popish liturgy, a
Calvinistic creed, and an Armlnian clergy. Cf. Hastie, Theol.
of Ref. Church, p. 95.

*Cam. Mod. Hist. Lat. and Pietism, V., p. 742.

The Background of Methodism 73

with the Deity ^ and stood for a true cathoHcity of
spirit, lesser minds lowered the position of religion
by identifying it with refinement and decorotisness
of life. Christianity was held up for respect on the
ground that it was the religion of the civilized
world. A deep desire to do away with all religious
controversy led many to affirm that, since love was
the main thing, doctrinal error was not so bad, after
all. Intellectual activity, however, found expression
in several important controversies, the Bangorian
and Trinitarian within the Church and the Deistic
with outside opponents. The latter alone concerns
us because of its relation to Methodism. The gen-
eral aim of the Deists was to do away with revela-
tion in religion by basing all upon natural religion.
But with some, the former was accepted simply as
an aid to the latter. The immanence of God was
lost in his transcendence. In general, the Christian
religion was regarded as a system of opinion which
admitted of external proof, ^ while the inner experi-
ence of the individual, his immediate vision of spir-
itual realities, was overlooked. Jesus still kept his
place as the revealer of divine truth ; and Christian-

^Pattison, Essay, II., p. 79.

^Cr. Dorner, Prot. Theol., II., p. 91. The great question of
the time was whether Christianity was conformable to reason.
Wesley was willing to put his teaching upon that basis, but he
differed from others in the assertion that Christianity was not
so much a rational system to be demonstrated as a life to be
lived.

74 Pietism and Methodism

ity, purged from all ecclesiasticism and traditional-
ism/ was still regarded as true and useful. Utili-
tarianism came to the point where the admission
was made that it might be safest to be a Christian/
Although a rational supranaturalism finally won the
field/ it must be admitted that the apologists did
little more than bring the matter to a crisis. They
imconsciously sliowed that a nex; basis of religious
faith was to be sought besides that of external ra-
tional demonstration. The main diHefcnce between
the opponents was a difference of attitude toward
ecclesiastical authorities and traditional institutions/
The logical outcome of the controversy was the
skepticism of Hume. Atheism began to spread.^
Since the external evidence failed to give sufficient
proof of Christianity, religious men began to look
elsewhere.

Although his intellectual defense of religion dealt
less with the speculative than with the ethical and
practical considerations of life, it did not bring a
corresponding activity in practical religion. On the

^Cf. Bury, Naked Gospel. He demanded that all additions
after apostolic days be discarded. Pp. 78ff., Qoff.

^Pattison, Essays, II., p. 85.

'Troeltsch, Deismus, Real-ency, IV., p. 546.

*McGiffert, Prot. Thought, pp. 229ff. Butler's Analogy was
the last "trench" of defense, from which retreat led to the po-
sition that both Christianity and natural religion might be
equally irrational. P. 237.

^Tholuck, Kirch. Leben d. 17 Jahr., II., p. 25, mentions a
"Society of Hell Fire."

The Background of Methodism 75

contrary, we find that in this, as well as in the pe-
riod immediately following, the Church was brought
to its nadir/ A brief survey of the religious situa-
tion will be sufficient to substantiate this statement.
A colorless moderation lacking in energizing power
was the result of the attempt to steer safely between

^There has been substantial agreement among historians
that the Enghsh Church was in a most deplorable condition.
But recently this position has been attacked by J. Wickham
Legg, English Church Life, London, 1914. In the preface he
argues that the nineteenth-century historians endeavored to
enhance the luster of their own age by depicting the previous
one in dark colors (page viii). But he forgets that the darkest
picture we have comes from the eighteenth-century writers
themselves, not only from the satirists, from enemies of the
Church, from sensation writers, from reformers and evangel-
ists, but also from churchmen who loved the Established
Church. The author supports his position by marshaling nu-
merous statistics before the reader. From the long array the
most important are the following: Daily services; frequent
celebration of the Eucharist; the establishment of guilds, reli-
gious societies, societies for the reformation of manners, char-
ity schools, the S. P. C. K., the S. P. G. F. P., etc. He also
states that good literature found a ready market. The main
facts thus given seem quite conclusive, and a doubt might be
raised in some minds whether the somber accounts invariably
given are not overdrawn. But the heaping up of all evidence
on one side of the question does not make a fair proof. In
comparison with the evidence on the other side the author's
argument is weak. Even the religious societies worked in the
narrow sphere of the conventicle. And the interest of people
in the external affairs of the Church does not prove their
interest in spiritual religion. All that the author proves is that
there were some redeeming features in an otherwise excep-
tionally decadent age.

"](> Pietism and Methodism

the Charybdis of Romanism and the Scylla of Puri-
tanism. Sermons were generally dry moral disser-
tations on disputed subjects for which the people
had little concern and less understanding/ The
pulpit was often used for the display of polemical
tirades and sometimes for political purposes. ReH-
gious toi- ration was, indeed, the virtue of the eight-
eenth century, but it acted as a deterrent rather
than as a promoter of religious zeal. Nonresidence
and pluralities and the abuse of ecclesiastical patron-
age in the interests of politics were widely prevalent.
The gulf between the higher and the lower clergy
became deeper. The former were rich and power-
ful, the latter generally poverty-stricken and almost
invariably controlled by the landowners on whose
estates they lived. Younger sons of the nobility
were often given bishoprics, while many of the
clergy spent their time in preferment-hunting.^ The
country parson had some redeeming features, but as
a rule he lacked spiritual vision and was often given
to profanity and sometimes to immorality.^ Amid
this general decay the poor were neglected, their

^Cf. Goldsmith, Essays, III., 207. Sermons were "dry,
methodical, and unaffecting, delivered with the most insipid
calmness."

"Cf. Overton, chapter on Church Abuses, in Abbey and
Overton, Eng. Church in Eighteenth Century.

'This was not one of the main charges. Woodward, Soc.
for the Ref. of Manners, p. 4, refers to the people in general :
"It was reckoned breeding to swear, gallantry to be lewd, good
humor to be drunk, and wit to despise sacred things."

The Background of Methodism 77

children seldom catechized, and Church discipline
as seldom enforced. The seeming outward pros-
perity of the Church' covered an interior which
presented a true reflection of the Zeitgeist, for it
was a listless calm with scarcely more life than the
stagnant pool/

The political situation increased the number and
the intensity of the evils. The spirit of Jacobitism
had not died out and was an ever-threatening source
of ferment; for the Whig bishop, who was in har-
mony with the government, was inclined to assume
that his Tory clergy were Jacobites.^ Partisan pol-
itics thus often decided ecclesiastical questions.*
Erastian principles caused religion to be regarded as
simply one phase of civil life.^ Since the reins of
ecclesiastical control were in the hands of the gov-
ernment, the Dissenters not being free from this
jurisdiction, the corruption in politics^ passed over
into the Church. Walpole's political policy cast a
blighting atmosphere over the whole Church. He
opposed all religious activity on the ground that it
was inimical to the tranquil condition of the State.

The majority of the people, though seemingly at-

^Especially true from 1700 to 1715.

^Cf. Diocesan Histories. Wesley, Works, V., I23flf.; VII.,

496f.

^Wakeman, Hist, of Eng., 412^.

*Cf. Sachererell trial, nonjuror. Bangorian controversy.

^Church wardens were supposed to be spiritual policemen
taking note of absentees from Church, J. Wedgwood, 137.

°Lecky, Hist, of Eng. in Eighteenth Century, I., 47oflf.

78 Pietism and Methodism

tached to the outward establishment/ refused the
obedience of their lives to its teaching. They loved
the Church, scouted the clergy, and obeyed neither.
The religious situation among the Dissenters was
almost equally bad. Presbyterian congregations
lapsed into a sort of Arianism, and the religious life
among the Baptists and Independents was in a la-
mentable condition.

So far we have dealt mainly with the upper and
ruling classes; and if we were to judge the masses
only by the standard set by the former, their condi-
tion would have been deplorable indeed. But the
lower classes have left little information about
themselves, and it is quite likely that their home
life was not so bad as the accounts would lead us to
believe. These people were left practically un-
touched by the prevailing spirit of skepticism, for
the disintegrating influences of Deism were felt
chiefly in the fashionable circles." These reserva-
tions must be kept in mind in the following charac-
terization of the masses.^ Drunkenness, gambling,
and immorality are found in every age, but they
seem to have been prevalent to an extraordinary ex-
tent in the period under discussion.* Some defended

^ Abbey and Overton, Eng. Ch. in Eighteenth Cent., I., 27.

^Pattison Essays, II., I02f.

^Sidney, Eng. and the English in the Eighteenth Century;
Lecky, XL, Ch. IX. ; Green, Macaulay, etc.

*Besides the evidence mentioned on page 71 (note), we have
Hogarth's pictures and the unconscious evidence which may be

The Backgromid of Methodism 79

vice on the score that it would be profitable to the
State/ The nature of a people's amusements may
be taken as a fair index to its character, and at this
time they were cruel and brutal.^ The criminal law
of the age likewise reveals its character. Gallows
were seen everywhere, and they were needed in view
of the numerous crimes that were punishable with
death. It is easy to imagine the effect of these spec-
tacles upon a people who made public executions the
occasion of hilarious celebration.' The brutalized
masses were so numerous that they often rose en
masse and terrified the authorities, breaking into
prisons, burning houses, and spreading consternation
far and wide.* The infamous Mohocks, a club of
wealthy young men of London, often terrorized that
city at night.^ Superstition still flourished, the death
penalty for witchcraft not being abolished till 1736.*
As a last item we mention the disgraceful fleet mar-
riages, a real traffic in matrimony/

Another element of primary importance was the
great industrial revolution which began to transf onn

found in the laws, diaries of business and professional men,
and records of various institutions.

^Tyerman, Wesley, I., p. 217.

^Lecky, I., 552; IL, 49off., Sigff.; Ashton, Social Life, I., 296.

'Twenty were strung up one morning. Cf. Hurst, Ch. Hist.,
n., 811.

*Lecky, I., 523!, 529.

^Lecky, I., 522; Ashton, II., I79ff.

"Terry, Hist, of England, p. 880.

^Sydney, Eng. and the English, H., Ch, XX.

8o Pietism and Methodism

England about the middle of the centur}-. After the
death of William, manufacturing industries had be-
gun to attract large numbers of the rural population
to the cities. The inventions of Hargreaves, Watt,
Cartwright, and others rapidly changed the indus-
trial situation, transforming farming and trading
England into a nation of artisans and capitalists/
Outwardly the change promised much, and England
soon felt the thrill of a new energy. But the eco-
nomic change caused suffering and hardship, and
the new problems with which nobody seemed able
to cope were not even considered by the Anglican
Church. The masses were hoarded together in new
congested districts. They were without schools and
churches and were as wax in the hands of dema-
gogues. Labor organizations were unknown, and
so these poor, illiterate human machines were at the
mercy of unscrupulous capitalists.'' Wesley's por-
traiture of the colliers of Kingswood applied with
equal force to these new elements, "so ignorant of
the things of God that they seemed but one removed
from the beasts that perish."^ An agrarian revolu-
tion of almost equal importance added more misery.
In spite of the general increase in wealth, pauperism
spread, because unjust laws enabled landowners to
reap all the profits.* The establishment did prac-
tically nothing to supply the material and spiritual

^Terry, Hist, of Eng., pp. puff. ""Ibid., gj6t

'Journal, November 27, 1739. ''Terry, Hist, of Eng., p. 918.

The Background of Methodism 8i

needs of a vast number of virtual heathen who lived
within the pale of the Church. The spirit of prac-
tical materialism and cold rationalism kept the lead-
ers of the nation in a state of enervating self-com-
placency, and the common people were left to shift
for themselves. Idealism and self-sacrifice were
swallowed up by an extremely sordid individualism,
each man for himself. Conditions in England were
rapidly approaching those which deluged France in
blood toward the close of the century, and Lecky
affirms that the new religious enthusiasm enabled
England to escape the contagion by enlisting the
turbulent spirits in its service.^

Sporadic and isolated attempts to stem the tide
of irreligion were ineffectual because of improper
methods, incapable leaders, and unripeness of con-
ditions.^ The driving power of the master spirit
was needed to concentrate the scattered efforts.

^Hist. of Eng. in Eighteenth Century, II., 691 f.
"See Chapter XI. for an extended discussion of these ef-
forts.

6

CHAPTER VII
The Doctrinal Position of Wesley

Wesley, like Spener, claimed that he was teach-
ing nothing new, but merely emphasizing those fun-
damental truths which were found in the Scriptures.
Although he made light of the importance of having
certain set opinions about the various dogmas of
the Church, we find that he constantly emphasized
those doctrines which he deemed essential. And
these, he argued, were identical with the orthodox
teaching of the Liturgy, Articles, and Homilies/

Because of rationalistic opposition, Wesley made
much of the doctrines of the Godhead of Christ and
the atonement." The doctrine of the Trinity was
considered necessary to vital religion,^ while God
himself was regarded both immanent and transcend-
ent. This immanence, however, pertained more to
the regenerate than to life and nature in general.*
Man's fall and total depravity assumed great impor-
tance in Wesley's system.^ All humanity was in
Adam's loins, became corrupt and helpless through

^Farther Appeal, Works, V., 38ff. ; Journal, II., 274ff., Sept
13, 1739.

= Works, II., 24, 178; VI., '7'77.

^Ihxd., II., 20ff., sermon on the Trinity.

*See below on doctrine of the witness of the Spirit.

^Deism had denied these doctrines.

(82)

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 83

original sin, for the atonement of which the death
of the second Adam was necessary/ And yet,
though the natural man was regarded as asleep,
unable to discern the spiritual good, ignorant of
God and under the guilt and power of sin, a meas-
ure of his natural free will was supernaturally re-
stored by means of prevenient grace given in lieu of
Christ's atonement.^ This enabled him to work to-
gether with God for his own salvation.

The sacraments were simply means of grace and
possessed no inherent power/ Wesley's statements
about baptism are not entirely consistent; for he
wished to retain its regenerative significance, as in
the case of infant baptism, which implied new birth
while virtually denying it in the case of adults.* He
w^as more consistent in his remarks about the Lord's
Supper. It was an outward means by which God
conveyed to our souls spiritual grace purchased for
us by Christ, and the mystical relation which the
bread by consecration had to Christ's body was suf-
ficient to give it the name of his body.^ The reading
of Scripture was another means of grace, because it
was the self-sufficient rule of faith.* Scripture was

^Works, L, 401; IL, 3iff., 532f.; sermon, Orig. Sin, II., 398.

^Works, I, 76ff.; VI., 42. Vhid., I., 138.

*Ib{d., I., 160, 403; treatise on Baptism, VI., I2ff. In a ser-
mon, Works, I., i6t : "Who denies that ye were then made
children of God? But ye are now children of the devil."

nVorks, L, 142; II., 35of ; V., 788; Journal, IL, 36if.

"Works, I., 102. Since the Bihle was not the work of either
good or bad men or angels, it was the work of God (VI., 554).

84 Pietism and Methodism

to be interpreted through Scripture by the help of
reason, which in turn needed the assistance of the
Spirit.'

Wesley believed in an invisible Church, to which
all true believers belonged, in all ages and among all
nations/ He feared that the Nineteenth Article on
the Church was too inclusive and recommended that
the phrase "congregation of faithful men" be
changed to "m.en endued with living faith. "^ True
members of the Anglican Church would, therefore,
include those inhabitants of England only who were
members of the invisible Church. Membership in
the invisible Church alone was regarded as essential,
because external adherence to an}^ special visible
form of it availed nothing.* It is easily seen how
this Donatist view of Wesley's would tend to lead
him away from institutionalism.

Eschatological considerations did not seem to
make much impression upon Wesley. Though he
felt that the current evils in the Church would be
overcome, he did not consider her glorious era as
imminent.^ He accepted the doctrines of the
Church concerning immortality, resurrection of the
dead, the general judgment, and the eternity of
hell.'

In his attitude toward doctrine Wesley ap-

^Works, IL, 128; v., 769ff. "'Ibid., II., iS4ff-; V., 763.
''Ibid., II., 157. *Ib{d., II, 160.

^Ibid., II., 8if. ""Ibid., I., 454; 11., 16.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 85

proached the Latitudinarian position in the empha-
sis he placed upon Hfe at the expense of correct be-
Hef. He stated that his work was not to bring men
to a belief in a specified set of opinions, but to bring
them "to a calm love of God and one another, to a
uniform practice of justice, mercy, and truth."^
Orthodoxy and true religion were not necessarily
convertible terms ; for men of true religion, though
bound up with erroneous opinions, were to be found
in the Catholic Church." He refused to believe that
the current notions of heresy and schism were found
In the Bible/ And yet he constantly insisted that
those truths which were more important than others
because of their close relationship with vital reli-
gion were to be emphasized. Though opinion did
not constitute religion, he always opposed wrong
opinions with all his might, because they seemed to
him to retard the promotion of practical religion.*
Creeds were not opposed when used as helpful sum-
maries of Christian thought, but were never to be
made obligatory.^ In an age which glorified reason
we find Wesley placing a high value upon its useful-
ness and power within certain well-defined limits.

^Works, v., 174. Cf. Journal, April 5, 1768, V., 253f., where
Wesley felt that he had to speak "strongly and explicitly" on
what he deemed vital to religion.

'Works, VII, 287. ^Ihid., 286. "Cf. Works, V, I72f.

"^The General Rules do not contain a single dogmatic condi-
tion of admission to the Societies. These rules are found in
the Methodist Discipline, Portraiture of Meth., p. 2o6ff, etc.

86 Pietism and Methodism

In his sermon on ^'Reason'" he granted that it en^
abled man to understand God's providential leadings
and the importance of repentance, faith, and holi-
ness, but insisted, on the other hand, that it was
helpless when placed before eternal verities, that it
was imable to produce faith, hope, or love. Intri-
cate reasonings, extravagances, and mysterious
teachings were to be avoided, in place of which he
would have the plain unvarnished truth taught and
preached. Philosophy had little in common with
religion, but its study was not to be discredited on
that account.^

The way of salvation and everything connected
with it was at the very center of Wesley's system.
Consequently those doctrines received most empha-
sis which had a bearing upon the personal religious
life. Wesley himself narrowed them^ down to
three — repentance, the porch of religion; faith, the
door ; and holiness, religion Itself.*

In true repentance man recognized his Inbred
corruption and felt that God's wrath was deserved.
In addition to this conviction of sin came sorrow of
heart and an earnest desire to cease from evil and
do good.'' This conviction was often attended by
extraordinary circumstances, anguish, convulsions,

'Works, II., I26ff. 'Ibid., V., 670; VL, 219.
^Repentance, justification, faith, regeneration, sanctification
or perfection, assurance or witness of the Spirit.

^Principles of a Meth. Farther Explained, Works, V., 333-
"Works, I., 64ff.; V., 35-

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 87

and conflicts, which Wesley seemed to have viewed
with favor/ more at first, however, than later in
life. He contended that both Scripture and reason
offered explanations for the varying degrees of an-
guish and bodily symptoms accompanying a deep
conviction of sin." In his sermon, "Spirit of Bond-
age and Adoption,"^ he describes with graphic
touches the sudden or gradual opening of the sin-
ner's eyes as he beholds the horrors of his condition
and contemplates death and hell as the manifest end
of his sinfulness, with the righteous God, terrible
as a consuming fire, constantly before his vision.
Boasted reason merely increases his guilt, and his
freedom of will is hardly more than freedom to
wander farther from God. The verdict of the
Third Conference, 1746, was to the effect that peo-
ple were to be made inconsolable ; for "the stronger
the conviction, the speedier the deliverance."*

After the Holy Spirit had enlightened and in-
clined the sinner to repent of his sins, he received
the forgiveness of his sins the moment he believed
that Christ died for him.^ This act is instantaneous,
for it must have a beginning; but here Wesley in-
sists on substance, and not on circumstance. Clear
conceptions on the doctrine were not necessary to

^Farther Appeal, Works, V., 93ff.

^Principles of a Methodist Farther Explained, V., 334.

''Works, L, 78ff.

*Ib{d., v., 203. Wesley was the Conference.

'Ibid., v., 35.

88 Pietism and Methodism

salvation." Man is thus said to be justified by faith
because of what Christ had done for him, a faith
which was to be considered the immediate and di-
rect condition of salvation.^ Justification does not
mean that man is actually made just, and it was to
be distinguished from trusting in the merits of
Christ which alone (against Luther) could be called
articiilus stantis vet cadentis Ecclesice.^ Wesley
felt that Luther's teaching went too far in the di-
rection of solifidianism. Faith itself he called a
supernatural evidence or conviction that God recon-
ciles this world unto himself through Christ* and
then made it intensely individualistic by asserting
that it included a confidence on "my part that Christ
died for my sins, that he loved me and gave himself
for me/'^

Justification by faith was generally believed, but
practically forgotten, as is shown by the treatment
it received when Wesley first preached it.*^ The
people were shocked when they heard from his lips
that a man had no good thing in him until he was
justified and that all his so-called good works before
that time amounted to nothing/ But this justifica-
tion was still only the door. ]\Ian entered into the
heart of religion when he experienced the new birth.

journal, Dec. i, 1767, V., 243f. ''Works, I., 388; V., 41-
'Remarks on Mr. Hill's Farrago Double-Distilled, Works,
VI., 184. Cf. p. 86, n. 5.

*Works, I., 5of. ; VII., ic8. 'Ibid., I., 50.
«Cf. Journal, II. 'Ibid.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 89

After God had done something for him, he now
does something in him/ Justifying faith restored
man to the favor, sanctifying faith to the image, of
God. The former took away the guilt, the latter
took away the power, of sin." When man received
pardon he at the same time became a new creature
m Christ. Justification and regeneration were thus
considered as simultaneous acts, both occurring '*in
a short time, if not in a moment."^ The new birth
produced a radical change in the whole being of
man, transforming his earthly mind into that which
was in Christ.* Its immediate effects were peace in
God, rejoicing in hope, and the beginning of sancti-
fication.^ The Spirit of God working upon the un-
derstanding, the will, and the affections was the
author of faith and salvation ; but that did not imply
that God saved man without the latter's cooperation.
No man was without "preventing grace." This
gave him some measure of light and enabled him to
work together with God.* Over against Calvinism
and Antinomianism, Wesley taught a modified doc-
trine of good works in his endeavor to show that
the Christian life consisted in doing good, fearing
God, and working righteousness. Man was to work

*Works, I., 162; v., 35- 'Ihid., I., 319.

^Ihid., L, 385, 406. 'Ibid., v., 479.

^Works, I., 385; v., 201. Here, as elsewhere, Wesley refers
to the order in which these experiences are supposed to take
place in thought rather than in time.

"Works, II., 235ff.; V.. 36, 478.

90 Pietism and Methodism

for life as well as from it. But these works were
never to be considered the meritorious cause of sal-
vation, being only the condition of it/ They were,
therefore, necessary to the continuance of faith,
though true faith, while producing both good works
and holiness, included neither essentially." Wesley
feared that too much reliance might be placed upon
a work that was done in a moment and consequently
felt constrained to emphasize the inward tempers
and the outward behavior of the individual after his
conversion.^ In his system sanctifying faith was
placed on a level with justifying faith.*

There were two additional experiences which
Wesley claimed might be the privilege of all Chris-
tians and not simply the enjoyment of a few rare
souls, the witness of the Spirit and entire sanctifica-
tion, or perfection.^ Although he would not deny
the possibility of saving faith (faith of a servant)
in which the element of assurance was lacking,* he
felt that the higher gift, the inward assurance of the
Holy Spirit to the fact of present pardon and adop-
tion,' was freely given to all who sought it.^ He

HVorks, I., 48, 152; v., 239. "Ibid., V., 195, 592; VII., 167.

""Ibid., v., 239.

'Wesley praised Luther for his clear conceptions and able
defense of justification, but condemned him for his ignorance
concerning sanctification (Works, I., 389).

^Character of a Methodist, Works, V., 24off. ; VI., 647.

•Works, II, 385ff. ; VII., 107.

'Not final perseverance, Journal, II., 83!, Oct. 6, 1738.

^Letter to Miss Roe, Works, VII, 193.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 91

claimed that Methodism was especially commis-
sioned to preach this doctrine, which "had been
practically lost."* This witness was more than
God*s standing testimony in Scripture, more than
the testimony of a man's own spirit to the fact of
his conversion." It was a direct testimony of God's
Spirit producing an inward impression upon the
soul. Wesley admitted that it might be termed im-
mediate revelation and did not deny that he, like the
Quakers, taught sensible communications supernat-
urally given.^ And false pretenders to the witness
of the Spirit did not invalidate it any more than
pretenders to the love of God made that of no ac-
count.* The necessity of distinguishing the divine
testimony from false testimonies produced by hu-
man presumption led Wesley to state that the wit-
ness was to be tested by Scripture and by experi-
ence. The fruits of the Spirit would bear testimony
to the believer that he was not deceived.^ But en-
tirely clear conceptions as to the nature of the ex-
perience are strangely wanting. A miraculous ap-
pearance was out of the question, the attestation of
the Spirit was not to be considered infallible, neither
could the manner of the operations of the Spirit be
known, as he stated • in his letters to Mr. John

^Sermon, Witness of the Spirit, Works, L, 93. In J., IV.,
423!, Dec. 20, 1760, he quotes the Homily in support of the
doctrine.

= Works, VI.. 649; I., 87. ^nd., VI., 654; I., 99.

*Ihid., VI., 649f. ^Ihid., I., 100, 92.

92 Pietism and Methodism

Smith/ As a last resort the exponent of assurance
fell back on the Scriptures. The doctrine was to be
held because it was in Scripture."

The doctrine of perfection needs careful and de-
tailed restatement because of its importance in Wes-
ley*s system and because of its frequent misrepre-
sentation. Our theologian himself opposed the
phrase "sinless perfection," denying that this life
contained a perfection which excluded all involun-
tary transgressions arising from infirmities and ig-
norance. But these he objects to having called sins.^
Sin he defined as voluntary transgression of a
known law and not as all transgression of the law ;
and, according to this definition of sin, he denied
that all Christians must and do commit sin "as long
as they live."* Salvation from all sin was, how-
ever, only the negative phase of perfection. Its
positive expression in inward and outward right-
eousness, in the whole-hearted love of God and man,
was the most important part of it.^ Although this
state might be attained gradually or in a moment,
its attainment did not preclude growth. That was
possible and even necessary, for a stationary perfec-
tion was not to be thought of." After a Christian
had attained to entire sanctification through faith by

nVorks, VI., 622-655,

'Ibid. Cf. Bowne, The Christian Life, ygf.
"Works, VI., SOI, 138; I., Ill; II., 215.
*Ibid., II., 172; I., 36of. ""Ibid., I., 170, i67ff.
'Ibid., I., 356ff., 424; v., 573; VII., 553.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 93

the grace of God, it was possible for him to lose it.'
This demanded constant effort on his part to retain
the experiences he had and likewise prevented him
from placing a false dependence upon his attain-
ments. Wesley realized the dangers connected with
the doctrine in its tendency to bring man into bond-
age or fear at the thought of not having attained it
and, therefore, advised that it be not harshly
preached to the quenching of joy and hope/ Anx-
ious cares were not to stand in the way of striving
for perfection, for an increase in love implied that
there should also be an increase in joy. Pe'-fection
was thus considered as a relative attainment which
did not free man from temptation, nor from the
need of the mediation of Christ, nor from the pos-
sibility of error, wrong judgments, and a "thousand
other infirmities."^ The soul could not be free from
these until the corruptible body was laid down.* Al-
though Wesley did not doubt that others attained
entire sanctification, he hesitated to affirm the same
of himself.^

The founder of Methodism has probably never
been included among the Mystics. He himself con-

^Journal, July 25, 1774.

"Conference Minutes, 1747; Works, V., 2iof. Wesley in-
sisted that the doctrine be not placed too high. (Works, VII.,
552.) The Scriptural basis is never to be lost sight of. (Min-
utes, 1747; Works, v., 2o8fif.) ,

'Works, II., i68f., 215; VI., 501. *Ibid., VI., 741.

^Journal, III., 154, Dec. 2, 1744,

94 Pietism and Methodism

stantly denied that he ever was in the "way of Mys-
ticism/'* A careful study of his writings, however,
will reveal pronounced mystical elements. Accord-
ing to Wesley's own definition of Mysticism, he was
no Mystic, but his definition is open to criticism.* If
a Mystic is one who denied justification by faith;*
who denied the imputation of Christ's righteous-
ness ;* who taught that God was insusceptible of an-
ger^ and that the work of God in the soul was best
promoted by anguish and by spiritual martyrdoms
by occasional absences of God;* that joy in the
Spirit was not to be indulged in nor God to be self-
ishly loved;' who was guided solely by inward im-
pressions and not by the written Word f who advised
retirement and entire seclusion from men;* who
strove to fulfill the law by passivity, Quietism, and
contemplation rather than by outward works ;*° who
taught that we were to be justified for the sake of
our inward righteousness ;" who slighted the means
of grace" — then Wesley's assertion that he was not
to be numbered among them must be accepted. But
we must likewise rule out of the way of Mysticism
some who are commonly called Mystics. A Mystic

^Works, VL, 163, 187.

"See Appendix for extended discussion on Mysticism.
'Journal, V., 243, Dec. i, 1767. *Works, I., 175.
^Works, VL, 723. This was a "fundamental error."
*Ibid., I., 416. 'Journal, II., 494. 'Works, VII., 562.
'Ibid., 592. ^'Ibid. "-'Ibid., 591.

"/feiU, VL, 602.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 95

like Arndt, for instance, would have been in sympa-
thy with practically everything that Wesley taught.
Wesley's opposition was directed mainly against
speculative Mysticism, and with that form of it he
really had very little in common,* but his affinity to
the practical form was more intimate than he
thought. Since the new birth took the place of the
mystical union in his system, it will serve as a suit-
able starting point, with the emphasis on those ele-
ments which have a mystical color. Wesley was a
trichotomist, arguing that the spirit in man was the
highest principle, the soul being its immediate cloth-
ing.^ This immortal spirit could come into direct
relation with the eternal world by means of a sense
in man called faith, and living faith was the only
immediate essential means of uniting man with
God.^ Though Wesley as a churchman made much
of the ordinary means of grace, he deprecated a
slavish dependence upon them and reproved every-
thing which smacked of the opus operatiim. In
describing Mystics and others who refrained from
using the ordinary means of grace because of their
''horrid profanation" he states that they experienced
the grace of God without them because they were in
a position where they could not use them. He thus

^Wesley's practical mind abhorred the blending of philoso-
phy with religion. (Works, V., 66gi.) Cf. his verdict on
Boehme (J., III., lyi., June 4, 1742) : "Sublime nonsense; in-
imitable bombast ; fustian not to be paralleled."

-"Works, VL, 532f. ''Ihid., VI., 723.

g6 Pietism and Methodism

implied that God might send his Spirit directly and
immediately into the soul of man/ Wesley repre-
sented the new birth as being the result, not of ac-
quired, but of infused, habits or principles/ A par-
ticular, immediate inspiration is given by the Holy
Spirit which is not to be identified with the "motions
of our own nature.'"' A special assistance of God's
Spirit is needed aside from that furnished by the
Scriptures, for the Scriptures cannot save the soul.
How this Spirit works on the soul is inexplicable,
but he thinks that it might be an "inspiring" (breath-
ing) good thoughts into man/ And this perceptible
inspiration came not only in prayer and special reli-
gious exercises, but in every phase of a man's life/
Wesley continually strove to retain the means, how-
ever mechanical the inclusion may appear to us in
the light of his assertion that immediacy did not
exclude the means/ Moreover, he hesitated to make
the means a matter of vital concern so long as love,
the end of the Christian dispensation, was attained/
Not only did God's grace come from without and
from above ; but when the soul was "hid with Christ
in God," man breathed unto God, and this spiritual

^Sermon, Means of Grace, Works, I., I36f., 138.

^Works, v., 634; v., 424. Notes on New Test., 477, Gal.
2:20.

^Works, v., 426. Notes on New Test, 382, Rom. 8: 16; 450,
2 Cor. 1 : 22.

*Works, v., 36. 'Ibid., V., 133; VI., 631.

*Ibid., v., 77. ■'Letter to John Smith, VI., 637.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley 97

respiration sustained the life of God in the soul/ In
his notes on John 15, concerning the vine and the
branches, we find no comments excluding the notion
of an organic union of man with God C but we look
in vain for his comment on John 17:23, which
speaks of supreme union with God/ Wesley may
have omitted this because of an aversion to the use
of mystical language, and this aversion accounts for
much of his opposition to the Mystics. In reading
his letter to William Law* the fact stands out that
the differences which he emphasized lay as much in
divergent terminology as in different content of
thought. Wesley admits this, for he complains not
so much of the falsity of thought as of the "amazing
queerness of language."^ Where Law refers to the
highest union with God, Wesley prefers to designate
it as yielding the whole heart to God. This would
result in such extreme resignation that all self-will
would be abolished.^ Both agreed that man pos-
sessed a sense through which the spiritual world
communicated with his soul after the inspiration of
the Holy Spirit had aroused it to activity. Wesley
acquiesced in Law's statement concerning the appre-

^Works, L, 216, 403.

^Notes on New Test., p. 258. A similar thought is expressed
in a comment on Philippians 3:8, 9, p. 511, Christ is gained
only after the utter loss of all things, then the believer is "in-
grafted" in God.

''Notes on New Test., p. 264. *Works, V., 669ff.

^Ihid., 690. ""Jhid., 691.

98 Pietism and Methodism

hension of the all of God together with our own
nothingness/ Their ideas about the witness of the
Spirit and the new birth are practically identical.

One explanation for the reformer's opposition to
Mysticism was the feeling that it was inevitably
bound up with obscurity and irrationality. Boehme,
for instance, was given credit for having written
many truths ; but his "crude, indigested" philosophy
was too much for the logical and practical reformer/
He insists that the essence of Boehme's teaching,
that which dealt with vital religion, had all been
taught before and with better phraseology/

Another mystical element in connection with the
new birth was the doctrine that illumination came
through conversion, after the heart had been circum-
cised and the old Adam purged/ This was similar
to the Mystical via purgativa preceding the via illn-
minativa. An entry in the Journal^ gives the re-

^Works, 695. At the close of the letter Law is advised to re-
ject "high-flown bombast, unintelligible jargon."

"In Works, V., 703^., Wesley gives a specimen of Boehme's
unique and absurd explanation of the Lord's Prayer, with the
observation that such a distorter of the Bible ought to have
been called a demonosopher. In the Journal, IL, 365, July 16,
1740, the Mystic divinity of Dionysius is called "superessential
darkness."

^Works, v., 701. Cf. Journal, IV., 409, Sept. 16, 1760, where
he concludes that Scripture and Mystical writers were mutually
exclusive. The use of metaphysical terms in religion was con-
demned. (Works, I., 152.)

^Sermon, Circumcision of the Heart, Works, I., 153.

'Aug. 9, 1750, III., 489.

TJie Doctrinal Position of Wesley 99

markable experience of an old woman who would
have been highly praised by the classical Mystics
because she had reached the stage of illumination,
for months seeing the "unclouded face of God,"
after having passed through a severe purgative
trial. Because she wrote no book full of unintel-
ligible phrases, Wesley has nothing but praise for
her.

Wesley's doctrine of "preventing grace" corre-
sponded to the inner light of the Mystics, though he
tried to minimize its importance by calling it a faint
twilight/ It was man's duty to stir up that "spark
of grace" which was within him. In harmony with
the Mystics, Wesley also taught that without holi-
ness no man could see God ; that the inward power
was the main essential, for without it the under-
standing and the outward means were of no avail.''
His statements about disinterested love, though
somewhat, ambiguous, tended toward the Mystical
standpoint.^ Mosheim's history was criticized by
him on the ground that it condemned the Mystics in
a lump, and Wesley inferred that it was done be-
cause of the author's own lack of inward religion.*

^Works, IL, 238, 424f. Christ, who is the true Light, re-
veals himself \n us. (Works, I., 2gl.)

"Works, v., 572. Knowledge of God cannot be attained
through the natural faculties. (Works, I., 394.)

^All right affections have their origin in disinterested love.
(Works, v., 753.) Cf. VI., 721, where the doctrine of pure
love was opposed as unscriptural. Cf. V., 384.

^Preface to A Concise Eccles. Hist., Works, VTT., 577.

SHI i:<-

100 Pietism and Methodism

He felt himself in perfect harmony with a Kempis^
and expressed high regard for Madame Bouringon,"
Madame Guyon/ and Fenelon.*

The foregoing account proves that Wesley con-
sciously opposed a Mysticism which he failed to
understand. He judged the Mystical spirit by a
criterion which he would not have had applied to
his own system, for he magnified too many of the
incidental by-products of Mysticism to the dispar-
agement of the essentials. He identified the inner
essence of the teaching too much with its external
clothing and consequently was unable to see the
close affinity which some of his own doctrines had
with the Mystical way. In this regard he failed to
follow the judgment expressed in his own words:
"Different persons may use different expressions
and yet mean the same thing.'" Wesley was un-
doubtedly sincere in his opposition and, from his
own standpoint, justified ; but that does not preclude

^Wesley abridged and published the Imitation, Works, VII.,
581. He commends the author's emphasis upon the fact that
the Christian was to become "one spirit with God," so that he
might become a partaker of the divine nature. (Works, VII.,

513.)

^Journal, Feb. 14, 1774-

^Wesley published an extract of her life. (Works, VII.,
56if.) Though he condemns some of her teachings, he con-
cedes that she was often favored with uncommon communica-
tions of God's Spirit. (Works, 562f.)

^Madame Guyon and Fenelon were not to be styled "dis-
tracted enthusiasts." (Jour., Aug. 31, I770, V., 382!?.)

''Works, I., 171.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley. loi

the possibility of our judgment that his system con-
tained some Mystical elements. These may be sum-
marized as follows:

1. Immediacy of first-hand religious experience;^
immediate and perceptible inspiration.

2. Man possessed a sense other than reason by
which he came into direct relation with the Infinite.

3. The new birth reestablished vital union of the
soul with God which sin had dissolved ; man's per-
sonalit}^ became unified.

4. Illumination after purgation.

5. The Inner Light universal.

6. Without holiness no man shall see God.
Other elements found among the Mystical writers

he strenuously opposed — the Quietistic, Antinomian,
and passive elements; likewise the emphasis placed
upon seclusion, upon solitary and unsocial forms of
religious expression.'

Wesley's ideas regarding the supernatural assume
an important position in his doctrinal system. Al-
though he taught that dreams, visions, revelations,
etc., were not to be trusted,^ he would not discard
them indiscriminately and felt that they might be

^In Works, I., 61, he states that religion could subsist with-
out means. True religion is no outward thing. Due adminis-
tration of the sacraments he regarded as requisite to the well-
being (rather than being) of the Church. (Works, V., 25.)

-Works, I, 2i2f. ; VI., 721 ; VII., i65ff. ; Jour., V., 46, Feb. 5,
1764; ihid.. III., 258f., Sept. 8, 1746.

'Jour., II., 3811, Sept. 3, 1740.

I02 Pietism and Methodism

of value if properly tested by Scripture/ There
were many instances in his own life when he thought
he had private revelations. His practice of sortilege
and bibliomancy was only another side of it.^ He
was true to his Puritan ancestry in his interpretation
of peculiar occurrences as special interpositions of
Providence/ God could, and often did, suspend the
ordinary action of the laws of nature.* Witchcraft
and apparitions were considered valuable proofs of
the reality of the invisible world/ That the physi-
cal phenomena, often connected with the penitential
conflict, were of supernatural origin seemed plausi-
ble to him who was raised in an atmosphere which
was conducive to such a belief. His conclusion
given in the Journal' was to the effect that these
phenomena came at first from God, but were later
mimicked by Satan. He felt that it would be irra-
tional and unchristian to condemn them in to to, but
denied that they were essential to the inward work.

A few words remain to be said about Wesley*s
attitude toward doctrinal toleration. He refused to
be liberal in the sense of the Latitudinarianism of
his day, which he deemed to be an indifference to all

^Jour., II., 226, June 22, 1739; Minutes of 1745, Works, V.,
200.

nVorks, v., 318, 371.

'Works, VI., 562ff. Cases of illness cured by direct inter-
position of God. Works, V., 322ff.

*Ibid., II., i04ff.

°Ibid., VII., 571 ; Jour., July 4, i770, V., 374^.

*IV., 359f., Nov. 25, 1759.

The Doctrinal Position of Wesley. 103

opinions. On the contrary, it was his aim to exhibit
a catholic spirit in perfect harmony with settled
principles/ Compulsion was never to be employed
in matters of conscience.'' He advocated that Cath-
olics be granted civil and religious liberty In Eng-
land, provided they were peacefully restrained from
injuring or undermining the liberty of Protestants.^
Although the heathen were woefully Ignorant, they
were not left in total darkness.* Neither they nor
the Mohammedans were to be consigned to damna-
tion.^

^Works, I., 353f.; VII., 321. 'Ibid., I., 349-

^Ihid., v., 8i7ff.; 826f. Hbid., XL, 424!.

"•Ihid., II., 485: "For God hateth nothing that he harh
made."

CHAPTER VIII

The Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley

Wesley felt that political interests had little in
common with his religious aims and therefore did
not concern himself much about thenx He accepted
the fact that he owed allegiance to the "powers that
be** and deemed it as religious to "honor the king"
as to fear God/ On numerous occasions he gave
proof of his loyalty to the existing government/
In the various addresses to the inhabitants of Eng-
land Wesley urged that obedience be rendered to
the government, in spite of evils that might be pres-
ent/ He realized that corruption was widespread,
but did not seek the remedy so much in external
changes of the government as in the revolution of
the inward man. In a few instances, however, he
sounded no uncertain note because moral issues
were involved. He censured the practice of smug-
gling* and protested vehemently against the gov-
ernment's connection with the slave trade. ^

^Works, VII., 84. In VI., 247, he affirms: "Politics lie
quite out of my province."

"Cf. Calm Address to Our American Colonies, Works. VI.,
293ff.

nVorks, VI., 32iff.

*Journal, IV., 220, June 16, 1757.

^Ibid., v., 445 f., Feb. 12, 1772.
(104)

Practical Religions Reforms of V/esley 105

Wesley affirmed that he had nothing to do with
the relation of Church and State. Although he
regarded the Anglican Church more as a legal in-
stitution than a spiritual organization, he swore his
allegiance despite the fact that he deplored the in-
troduction of conditions similar to those existing in
the time of Constantine/ He claimed that the Church
of England was nearer the Scriptural plan than any
of the other Churches." But with all of his love for
the Church, Wesley could not close his eyes to the
evils bound up with the establishment. Consequent-
ly he mourns that there were few real Christians in
the Church, that she was in a fallen state, that disci-
pline was neglected, that the parishioners co,nstituted
a rope of sand, that the "putrid and dead" were too
often retained when they ought to have been exclud-
ed.^ This pastor of many parishes believed that the
majority of the clergy did not preach pure doctrine,
that they were in a fallen state, and that they fell
far short of performing the duties of Christian
pastors.* His denunciation of the common vices of
the people need not detain us, as his whole life was
an expression of protest. His numerous descrip-
tions of their low moral condition are of value, be-

^Works, II., 63, 266, 361. Wesley restricted the political
preaching of the minister to a defense of the government and
of its officials against slander. VI., 346.

nVorks, v., 798ff.; VII., 233. ^Ihid., V., 104, 143, I59, 474-
*Ibid., VII., 497f.; Farther Appeal, V., I23ff.; Jour., XL,
274ff.

io6 Pietism and Methodism

cause he knew their life better, probably, than any
man In England/ However, the energetic protests
of Wesley might have availed little if he had not
followed them up with constructive work.

The positive contribution of Wesley can be just-
ly appreciated only by keeping his main aim in
mind. He cannot be condemned for not accom-
plishing what was entirely outside his purpose. His
object was, as he often stated it himself, "to spread
Scriptural holiness over the land." It was not to
set up a new Church establishment in opposition to
the Anglican, not to teach a new set of doctrines,
but to promote the power of godliness where only
the mere form of it was present.^ While the Dis-
senters strove to show how fallen the Established
Church was, Wesley and his preachers constantly
insisted on the fallen state of their hearers.^ As
late as 1756 he even refutes the charge that his aim
was to enhance the reputation of Methodism, as-
serting, on the contrary, that it was to promote vital,
practical religion.* The EngHsh reformer did not
have a high opinion of the Protestant Reformation,
though he granted that Luther had accomplished a
great and necessary work. Its results, however, had
not been commensurate with the efforts put forth.

*He was, however, given to exaggeration.

nVorks, v., 190. Vbid., V., 227.

^Letter to Walker, Works, VIL, 276. In Farther Thoughts
on Separation, Works, VIL, 325, he states that his aim was "to
enliven our neighbors, those of the Ginrch in particular."

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 107

He held that the English Reformation, though a
visitation of God, had accomplished little more.
Decay soon set in on account of the Church's ac-
quisition of wealth and power, and the deterioration
was accentuated by the relapse at the Restoration/
To restore the Church to a condition approaching
the model found in the New Testament and to spir-
itualize her members and those beyond her pale was
the ideal to the realization of which Wesley devoted
all his talents and energies.^ Because the various
methods which he employed to reach his goal will
not be given in strict chronological sequence, certain
reservations must be kept in mind. He did not be-
gin his great work with a well-thought-out, compre-
hensive plan, and in this respect differed from Riche-
lieu, with whom he has been compared. According
to his own admission,' methods were chosen when
the need for them arose. Sometimes a chance cir-
cumstance presented a method ready for use; at
other times they were adopted only after lengthy
consultation. Wesley himself never intentionally
swerved from his principal aim, but this did not
keep him from setting forces in motion which de-
feated some of his cherished plans.

Wesley frequently expressed his opposition to
schismatical tendencies and labored faithfully to

'Works, II., iiof.

'Ibid., VII., 325.

'A Plain Account of the People Called Methodists, Works,

v., 176.

io8 Pietism and Methodism

keep his movement within the Church/ though as
early as tlie First Conference, 1744, a quahfied ad-
herence to the Church was already asserted. In a
short tract of 1758 he gave twelve reasons why sep-
aration was to be considered inexpedient (his broth-
er Charles insisted that the word "unlawful" be
used) .^ Later he admitted that a kind of separation
was going on against which he would not remon-
strate, which involved a temporary separation from
those who neither lived nor preached the gospel.*
The numerous utterances and acts of the man prove
that there was an increasing tendency away from
sacramentarianism, which manifested itself espe-
cially in his ordination of ministers and "superin-
tendents,"* the institution of the lay ministry, and
the deed of declaration.^ He gradually deviated
from the High Church position in doctrinal matters,
as when he affirmed that the uninterrupted succes-
sion from the apostles was incapable of proof.^ In
harmony with this was the assertion that bishops
and presbyters were originally of one order, which
gave the latter as much right to ordain as the for-
mer. This he gave as the justification of his ordi-
nations for America. In this master stroke of poli-

^ Works, V, i66f, 178; VII., 132. "Jbid., VII., 293ff.

mid., VII., 319, 326. *Jhid., 311.

^Ibid., 3ogi. Cf. Faulkner, Wesley as a Churchman, who
proves conclusively that the whole tendency of Wesley's life
was away from sacramentarianism.

''Journal, Feb. 19, 1761. IV., 438.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 109

cy he cast his scruples to the winds/ Sacramenta-
rianism also received a setback not only in the em-
phasis which he placed upon conversion," but also in
his assertion that lay preaching was more essential
than the administration of sacraments, because souls
were saved by the former rather than by the latter/
Despite these tendencies in his life, Wesley's imme-
diate aim was bound up with the general stimulation
of Church life. His general rule prescribed that the
regular Church service take precedence over the meet-
ings at the chapels, owing to the fact that the latter
seldom had all the essential parts of public prayer.*
Only when the parish minister was notoriously
wicked or taught pernicious doctrines were the
services to be allowed in Church hours/ Since
these revival efforts were grounded upon the Bible,
the revivalist would have nothing to do with any
doctrines or any Church system which seemed to
him contrary to the explicit statements of Scripture.
The Bible was his constant authority and inspira-
tion— the oracles of God, as he called it — by whose
guidance he sought to lead the people to a deeper
religious experience.^

^Works, VII., 187, 284, 286, 311.

"Though the influence of rituaHstIc enthusiasm of his pre-
conversion days persisted in ascetical prescriptions. Cf.
Faulkner, Wesley as a Churchman, i66f.

^Ibid., 176. "Works, v., 227f. ^Ihid., VII., 315.

''Works, I., 102; v., 769f. In Jour., V., 522f., Aug. 8, 1773,
he assorts that he had no sympathy for the so-called "menders
of the Bible," who endangered the cause of religion more than
Hume or Voltaire.

no Pietism and Methodism

Guided by his master passion, Wesley gradually
built up a marvelous ecclesiastical structure, the
component parts of which demand attention com-
mensurate to their importance. We have from his
own pen an account of the spontaneous rise of the
society/ When he saw that those who were not
closely united with others soon fell away from
their awakened condition, he felt the need of joining
them into some order or connection. The principle
that solitary religion was a "device of Satan" may
also have influenced him, for he considered the so-
cial kind the only religion worthy of the name.''
That he had primitive Church examples for his
organization came to him only upon reflection. He
repelled the charge that this was merely "gathering
Churches out of Churches," stating that it was no
more than an association of those who wished to
help each other in working out their salvation.'

The most significant and original element was the
class meeting. This, as the smaller nucleus, was
often formed before the society and in such cases
normally developed into the other in its process of
growth.* Its original financial purpose soon devel-
oped into a more comprehensive scheme whereby

\A. Plain Account of the Methodists, Works, V., I77ff.

^Works, I., 211, 216; Jour., Aug. 25, 1763, V., 26.

'Works, v., 178.

''These had their origin in the fiscal policy which was
adopted by Wesley at the suggestion of another. Works, V.,
179.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 1 1 1

Wesley made effective use of the class leaders as
watchers "over the souls of their brethren."^ This
prudential regulation v^as followed by another, the
band meeting, in which married or single men or
women met separately in smaller companies, allow-
ing greater freedom in the discussion of per-
sonal religious experiences/ The select societies
were still more exclusive, comprising those only
who seemingly had reached a higher stage of Chris-
tian experience. A good share of the time in all of
these meetings was devoted to mutual exhortation
and confession.

Another feature peculiar to Methodism was the
issuance of quarterly tickets to members who were
in good standing.^ An obstinate offender was easily
dealt with by this arrangement, for the retention of
his ticket meant exclusion from the society.* By
this method, as well as through the various band
and class meetings, the Methodist leader was en-
abled to exercise a strict moral and religious control
over his followers. The watch night services and
the love feasts were early instituted for the purpose
of bringing about a closer union.^ This was only
another instance which, with the other so-called in-

^Works, VII., 316.
""Ibid.

^Works, v., 182; Jour., Feb. 24, 1741 ; IL, 429ff. These also
served as traveling certificates.

^Jour., April 7, 1741 ; II., 442. Some were kept "on trial."
^Works, v., 418; Jour., Dec. 9, i7S9; IV., 361.

112 Pietism and Methodism

novations, illustrates Wesley's aim of cementing the
bonds of Christian fellowship firmer than the "rope-
of-sand" arrangement in the Anglican Church.

It will be unnecessary to set forth in detail the
other elements in the intricate system which enabled
this organizing genius, by means of his assistants,^
to direct every phase of the rapidly expanding move-
ment with an authority in his own sphere equal to
that of the Pope in his. The utilization of lay help
and the development of an itinerant lay ministry
cannot be omitted, however, for they proved to be
one of the greatest dynamic forces of Methodism.
Since Wesley had few ordained clergymen to assist
him, he was forced to rely upon the assistance of
men from the rank and file of life. Their duties
were similar to those of their spiritual commander,
with the exception of administering the sacraments.
Their right to preach was defended on the score of
their being evangelists and not priests.'' Although
expedient, it was not necessary that a man have an
outward as well as an inward call.^ Though unlet-
tered in the main, the lay helpers were not wanting
in matters pertaining to "substantial, practical, ex-
perimental divinity/'* The lack of trained helpers
soon forced him to institute the itinerancy, which
was probably the only method, because of the rapid

^Assistants, stewards, trustees, visitors of the sick, etc.
=The Ministerial Office, Works, II., 539ff.
"Works, I., 344 ; VIL, 277.
'fbid., v., i56ff.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 113

increase in the number of societies, by which pas-
toral supervision could have been maintained/ That
Wesley was unable to see all the good which pains-
taking parish labor might accomplish through a se-
ries of years must be attributed partly to his own
experiences at Epworth and partly to the abuses of
the system which were so prevalent in his day/
These itinerants met annually to confer with their
general superintendent, and thus arose the Confer-
ence.

Serious efforts were made in the field of educa-
tional training. Wesley commended catechetical
instruction, because he saw its importance in the
religious training of children and in this instance
deplored the unfitness of the books used by the
clergy in England.* But in spite of his love for
children and his earnest attempts tO' train those who
came to his school in Kingswood, he made little
progress because of his failure to understand the
child mind.* Wesley knew the value of an educated
ministry and did all that was in his power to train

^Works, VII., 329^., 275f. In Cornwall were thirty-four so-
cieties and only four preachers in 1756.

^His own active nature demanded movement. Cf. Works,
VII., 7Z-

''Works, VII., 170; Journal, April 11, 1756, IV., 157.

*The rigid monastic rule at Kingswood granted no vacation
days and prohibited all play. Much time was to be given to
devotional exercises, and the children were kept under con-
stant supervision. Works, VII., 333f., Short Account of the
School in Kingswood.

8

114 Pietism and Methodism

his own, even to the extent of demanding that his
lay helpers contract a taste for reading or return to
their old trades/ The members of the United So-
cieties were not overlooked, and for their benefit
numerous tracts were written and published. This
prolific writer also abridged, purged, and published
many works for the benefit of those who were un-
able to buy the originals. The results of this unique
educational propaganda cannot be ascertained, but
they must have been profitable to the people con-
cerned as well as to Methodism in general.'

The ascetical tendencies in Wesley's life were
probably intimately related to his early ritualistic
enthusiasm/ but they were also due to his theology.
Love of the world was regarded as a disease of
human nature produced by the Fall.* Although he
would have Christians avoid intimacy with unholy
men, he had no sympathy for the monastic ideal of
escape from the world.^ But it is true that his em-
phasis upon the second creation (new birth) caused
him to think little of the value inherent in the first
creation. He granted that the natural man had his
earthly pleasures, but contended that they were
nothing but pleasing dreams and fumes of opiates
which were entirely dispelled when the anguish of
the conviction of sin overtook him.^ Joy and pleas-

nVorks, v., 223. -Journal, Dec. 18, 1745, III, 228.

'See page 105, Note 2. ''Works, I., 103; H., 198, 3ioff.
'Ibid., II., 113, 374. 'Ibid., I., 77f{.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 115

ure were, therefore, justifiable only when they were
the expression of the grace of God manifested in
the heart. Diversion and recreation were regarded
as necessary for mind and body, but allowable only
when of a useful nature/ His general principle of
strict self-denial and of keeping the glory of God
constantly in view led him to adopt a philosophy of
life in which there was no room for certain innocent
pleasures like play and the reading of novels and
newspapers.'' Although this serious man had a sense
of humor and knew how to regale friends with
pleasant tales, he objected to all idle talk and im-
moderate laughter.^ The low moral tone of the
plays of his day goes far to explain his hostility to
the theater.* The dance and cards were not proper-
ly evil in themselves, but were to be eschewed be-
cause of their evil associations and consequences.''
Wesley would not go to the extreme of prescribing
hair shirts and bodily austerities, but his injunctions
against costly dress and luxurious living were nu-
merous/ In harmony with these positions was his
Puritanical notion concerning the proper observance

^Works, II., 271 f., such as work in the open air, visiting,
doing good, reading elevating books, prayer.

'Ibid., VII., 333f. Cf. I., 105, 416.

''Ibid., v., 454 381. Cf. II., 266ff., sermon, The More Ex-
cellent Way.

*Ibid., II., 271 ; VI., 667. 'Ibid., II., 272; VIL, 244.

""Ibid., II., 259; v., 184; VI., 581 f. In Conference Minnies,
v., 217, wearing "calashes, high heads, or enormous bonnets"
was sufficient to cause expulsion from the society.

ii6 Pietism and Methodism

of the Sabbath. The day was to be spent in reli-
gious worship and Scripture-reading, in devotions
and meditation, and not in going to the fields or to
the public houses, nor in any kind of diversion/ An
appreciation of the aesthetical in worship as well as
in nature was not one of the reformer's strong
points. Very seldom does he describe a scene that
is "inexpressibly beautiful," though he must have
seen many in his travels.^ His master passion sim-
ply dv/arfed everything and every instinct that may
have longed for expression.

The social and economic life of the nation inter-
ested Wesley because of its bearing upon religion.
He frequently spoke of the essentially social nature
of religion and sought to sanctify the social rela-
tionships.^ Though he deplored w^ar and its attend-
ant evils as destructive of God's w^ork, he did not
condemn the soldier's life.* He not only abhorred
dueling, but deprecated contention and fighting of
any kind, asserting that peaceful means were always
to be employed.^ The religious authorities were to
be obeyed so far as their demands were consistent
with the word of God.* He advocated that all
classes have equal rights before the law, but in the
General Rules' he admonished his followers not to

^Works, VL, 352ff., 464; VIL, 235^
'^Journal, Aug. 21, 1787. ^Works, I., 21 if.; II., 164.
*Ibid., VIL, 10; Journal, Nov. 16, 1746, III., 267!.
^Works, VL, 564; Journal, July 19, 1749, III., 409.
"Works, v., 86, 198. 'Ibid., V., 117, 191; VIL, 132.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 117

go to law at all. The economic concerns of the na-
tion also received his attention. Besides preaching
and writing against the evils connected with avarice
and unscrupulous methods of obtaining and spend-
ing money, he had suggestions to give to the govern-
ment in regard to its financial policy.^ Political and
religious liberty found a stanch defender in him,
though he opposed Locke's original compact idea in
his contention that government did not have its ori-
gin in the people, but in God.^

Under the direction of Wesley and his helpers
Methodism planned and executed large charitable
undertakings. A special class of officials appointed
to visit the sick seem to have had much success.*
Provision was likewise made for the poor, especially
the widows; while the children of the poor were
taken care of and given free instruction, except in
cases where parents were able to pay.* A system of
poor relief was begun for the temporary assistance
of those in need of work.^ A similar organization
was the Strangers' Society for "poor, sick, friend-
less strangers/'* Wesley made personal efforts to

^Works, I., 445; IL, 188, 197; Journal, Oct. 19, 1763, V., 3of.
Free Thoughts on Public Affairs, Works, VI., 247ff.

"Thoughts upon Liberty, VI., 261 ff.; VI., 30off. ; Thoughts
Concerning the Origin of Power, VL, 269ff.

'Works, v., i86f.

*Ihid,, i88f.

^Two hundred and fifty helped in a year. Works, V., 189;
Journal, May 7, 1741, II., 453f. ; Feb. 27, 1744, III., 122.

"Journal, March 4, 1890.

Ti8 Pietism and Methodism

raise funds and gave liberally from his own in-
come/

If toleration was the virtue of eighteenth-century
England, the founder of Methodism may lay claim
to the honor of having been one of her most virtu-
ous sons. Although he always cherished the Angli-
can Church, he became less and less interested in
maintaining a narrow conf essionalism, insisting that
members of the invisible Church were to be found in
every visible form of it/ He took exception to the
definition of the Church given in the Articles, for
he felt that the exclusion of those Churches which
did not have the preaching of the pure word of God
nor the due administration of the sacraments was
unjust. He even expressed a willingness to receive
them into his own Church.^ He constantly strug-
gled against the increase of bigotry and narrowness
of spirit among his followers and consequently often
presented to them the work that other Churches
were doing to advance religion." It seems that he
formulated no plan for an outward union of the
different confessions, deeming the union of heart
and purpose sufficient.

^Journal, Jan. 4, Feb. 20, 1785. Cf. North, Early Methodist
Philanthropy.

'Aside from its politico-ecclesiastical organization, he de-
fined the Church of England as the company of those subjects
of England who were believers, for the pretenders to its forms
were not real members. Journal, Jan. 5, 1761, IV., 428f.

'Works, II., 158. *Ibid., v., 182.

Practical Religious Reforms of Wesley 119

Methodism gradually developed into a great home
and foreign missionary movement, and this phase of
the work her founder always kept in the foreground.
His well-known statement — "1 look upon all the
world as my parish ; thus far, I mean, that, in what-
ever part of it I am, I judge it meet, right, and my
bounden duty to declare unto all that are willing to
hear the glad tidings of salvation"^ — found its ideal
expression in one of his sermons,^ which was pro-
phetic of much that was to follow in the missionary
v-^fforts of the next century. Wesley had no set
opinions about the millennium,'' but he felt that the
Church had a bright futare. He actively encour-
aged Dr. Coke in his missionary propaganda and
seriously considered the proposition of sending mis-
sionaries to the East Indies.*

*The Heart of John Wesley's Journal, edited by Parker, p.

55f.

-General Spread of the Gospel, Works, II., 74ff.
^Works, VII., 86.
*Journal, Feb. 14, 1784.

CHAPTER IX
Pietism and Methodism: A Comparative Study

A PERUSAL of the foregoing chapters reveals
many analogies between the Pietism of Spener and
Francke and the Methodism of Wesley. An at-
tempt will be made to place them in juxtaposition, so
that the elements common to both may stand forth
in bolder relief. The points of difference will also
be noted as they appear.

A comparison of the background of both move-
ments shows that the social, economic, and religious
conditions were pointing toward an impending crisis.
That this crisis was met in the form of a religious
revival instead of a social upheaval was largely due
to the men under consideration. Each leader
claimed to be an advocate of the form which the
Reformation took in his own land ; but while Wes-
ley, with less appreciation for it, sought to supple-
ment it, Spener aimed merely to complete it. The
alleged goal in both cases was the reestablishment
of religion which had fallen into decay. The reli-
gious conditions of primitive Christianity serv^ed as
a model and an inspiration.

Pietists and Methodists stood in perfect agree-
ment in regard to the old doctrines of the Church,
upon some of \vhich, however, they placed a differ-
(120)

A Comparative Study 121

ent emphasis. The doctrine of the divinity of
Christ in connection with the doctrine of the Trin-
ity was emphasized more by Wesley over against
his rationahstic foes. An effort was made by both
movements to bring God into closer relationship
with his creation, for both German orthodoxy and
English Deism had virtually placed him in a posi-
tion of lofty transcendence. The latter movement
considered the teaching that he came into direct
relations to man as a form of fanaticism. But, it
must be conceded, the religious revivals practically
limited the immanence of God to spiritual-minded
Christians. The current ideas about man's fall,
original sin, and human depravity were retained;
and here again Methodism laid greater stress be-
cause of the doubts cast upon these dogmas by the
Deists, who stood for man's natural worth and abil-
ity.* Wesley gave the human element of free choice
more assertive power than Spener, who still adhered
to Luther's definition that man was free only in the
external things of life.' Through his doctrine of
prevenlent grace the English reformer taught that
man received a certain measure of free will, so
that his salvation depended upon his own free

^Wesley went so far in his opposition to the Deists as to
assert that these were the cardinal doctrines of Christianity
which differentiated it from heathenism. Cf. sermon, Original
Sin, Works, II., 398.

^Atif. Ueb., 296f., in moralibus, naturalihus man may choose
the good or the evil.

122 Pietism and Methodism

choice of the remedy which God graciously offered
to him.

The means of grace were interpreted similarly,
though receiving less emphasis than the orthodox
teaching upon the subject. Theoretically, however,
both stood for baptismal regeneration and the neces-
sity of participation in the Lord's Supper. We have
seen that the doctrine of the new birth really implied
that baptismal regeneration, however essential and
efficacious in the case of children dying in infancy,
had to be supplemented by a new and conscious vital
religious experience. It thus lost its position of pri-
mary importance. The w^ords which were used in
support of the orthodox teaching of the Church
should not obscure the trend which the doctrinal
emphasis of the revivalists really took. Their ideas
about the other sacrament diverged considerably.
Spener adhered to Luther's position in regarding
the Eucharist as a real participation of the body and
blood of Christ/ while Wesley agreed with Calvin's
idea of a spiritual reception.^

The Lutheran confessional was an eyesore to
Spener, who desired its abolishment,^ wherein Wes-
ley would have gladly followed him, notwithstand-
ing his own introduction of a sort of confessional in
which members confessed their faults one to anoth-

'Cf. Bed., 4, 494^.
nVorks, v., 689.

Trancke favored its retention, but did away with the
Beichtgeld (confessional fee).

A Comparative Study 123

er/ In its defense he argued that it was not like the
Popish confessional, where a single person con-
fessed to a priest.

There was no disagreement among them concern-
ing the doctrine of the Church. Membership in the
invisible rather than in the visible Church was re-
garded as essential to salvation. Each identified the
purest expression of that invisible Church with his
own denomination. Self-evidencing Scripture was
raised to a high position of authority. Its virtual
infallibility, however, was neutralized by the doc-
trine of the Spirit. Of each of the leaders it could
be said that he was a man of one book, but Spener's
and Francke's position was in greater harmony with
the modern historical attitude in its recognition of
the different values of diverse portions of Scripture.
Wesley's doctrine of inspiration forced him to ac-
cept the Bible as being of about equal value in all its
parts. But he, on the other hand, allowed more
room for man's rational faculties in the interpreta-
tion of Scripture.

The Calvinistic doctrine of limited grace was op-
posed, the Pietists agreeing with the Methodists
(the Wesleyan branch) that grace was actually of-
fered to all men. In eschatological matters there
was substantial agreement, with the one exception
that Wesley taught that judgment did not take place
immediately after death. The reality and eternity

^Works, v., 184.

124 Pietism and Methodism

of hell received greater emphasis among the Meth-
odists because of rationalistic opposition.

Though Pietism and Methodism both contended
for purity of doctrine, they did not make it the main
issue, insisting that the acceptance of no article of
faith was to be made necessary to salvation. The
fundamentals (Wesley disliked the term) were to
be emphasized. In this class were included those
doctrines which were vitally related to the Inner re-
ligious life, the others assuming merely a secondary
position. Each doctrine was to be tested in a two-
fold manner — (i) its derivation from, and harmo-
ny with. Scripture; (2) jts value to correspond to
its close or remote relationship with saving faith.^
The practical value of a doctrine was thus to be a
test of Its Importance. In this assertion both sys-
tems approached the rationalistic declaration that
whatever could not be used for the betterment of
mankind was mere speculative rubbish. The ethical
had more value than the dogmatic, and the subjective
factor more than the objective, In the demand that
theology be grounded In experience. And the Pie-
tists went farther than the Methodists In asserting
that only the twice-born were really able to under-
stand It. In this field the former also restricted the
use of natural reason more than the latter would
have deemed necessary. The most essential likeness
between the two systems is found In the general

'Bed., 3, 420f. ; Works, II., 20.

A Comparative Study 125

principle that correctness of life was always to be
placed above correctness of doctrine. Wesley would
have found himself in perfect sympathy with Spe-
ner's averment that the main thing was the "faith
which believes," not the "faith which is believed.'"
Because of the vital importance of this faith to life,
its speculative involutions were to be resolved into a
plain and simple expression readily imderstood by
all. A study of religious (or other) truth for the
sake of truth alone was quite foreign to their inter-
ests, still more so to those of their followers. We
do not wish to suggest that the value of learning
was not appreciated, for the leaders themselves were
learned men, though they did, it must be admitted,
depreciate the importance of some fields of knowl-
edge.'' Methodism was more at fault than Pietism
and consequently failed to make a similar impres-
sion upon the educated classes.^ The search for
truth was made a means to a practical end, the de-
velopment of a Christian character.

The way of salvation w^as the very center about
which all other doctrines and Interests revolved.
This salvation was conceived not merely as a deliv-

^Cf. Works, I., 62, where Wesley states that a man might
be as "orthodox as the devil" and yet have no more religion
than a Turk or pagan.

^For instance, philosophy, aesthetics, etc.

'Cf. Moore, Christian Thought Since Kant, 31. It must be
said, however, that early Methodism made very little conscious
effort to reach the educated classes.

126 Pietism and Methodism

erance from hell nor as the assurance of a place in
heaven, but as a present change in the soul, tanta-
mount to a present deliverance from sin and a re-
newal of God's image in the heart/ Starting with
the doctrine of man's inbred corruption, sincere re-
pentance, including the penitential conflict, was re-
garded as the first step toward salvation. Because
of their own experiences, we find Francke and Wes-
ley insisting upon the importance of penitential pains
with greater emphasis than the mild Spener, who
even professed that they were not necessary/
Though repentance was necessary because it pro-
duced the death of the old Adam, and through it
man realized his ow^n utter worthlessness, faith
alone was viewed as the essential condition of salva-
tion. We thus come to the new-birth experience
upon which as a foundation both Pietism and Meth-
odism built the whole superstructure of their sys-
tems. In the order of thinking, justification was
regarded as coming before the new birth (regener-
ation), but from the standpoint of time this was
not true. Francke placed the most emphasis upon
knowing the exact time of conversion. All agreed
that baptism created in the child what corresponded
to the new birth in the adult, but they hesitated to
identify the two. Wesley affirmed that the baptis-
mal rite was nothing more than the outward sign of

^Cf. Farther Appeal, Works, V., 35 ; Gl. L., 707^.
^Bed., I., 323 f. ; Gl. L., 990.

A Comparative Study 127

the inward grace, while Spener declared that it was
only the ''bath of the new birth."^

After a man had truly repented, turned away
from sin, crucified the flesh, and turned to God in
faith, he was justified — not actually made just
(sanctification), but pardoned by God. This act
was regarded as instantaneous in so far as it had a
beginning. But where the distinctive emphasis of
the two movements became significant for their
times lay in the tenet that faith included sanctifica-
tion as well as justification. Sanctification was gen-
erally regarded as a process starting with justifica-
tion, though Wesley looked with favor upon the no-
tion of an instantaneous sanctification as an experi-
ence coming with or after the conversion experience.

Because of their insistence upon holiness of life,
these revivalists gave their opponents the impression
that they were reviving the old doctrine of justifica-
tion by works. Their emphatic denial took the form
of the assertion that good works were of no avail
before justification, but were to be regarded only as
the fruits of the new life. Though necessary to the
continuance of faith, they were not a part of the
meritorious cause of salvation. Against a false
dependence upon Christ's atonement, which threat-
ened to reduce Luther's doctrine of justification by
faith to solifidianism" and against the Calvinistic

^ Works, I., 404f-; Gl. L., 714^-

"This was especially true in Germany.

128 Pietism and Methodisfu

doctrine of irresistible grace, they placed the empha-
sis upon man's cooperation with God, insisting that
his good works were the legitimate expression of a
holy life. Wesley quotes the statement of Augus-
tine, '^Qid fecit nos sine nobis, non salvahit nos sine
nobis," to support his position/

Although both movements denied the possibility
of a quantitative perfection in the fulfillment of the
law, they claimed that a relative perfection was not
only possible, but a requirement in the life of the
true Christian. As the opponents of Pietism con-
sidered this the common ground upon which the
various Pietistic groups stood,' so the opponents of
Methodism agreed that the doctrine of perfection
was the folly of the new enthusiasm. But in neither
case was indefectibility claimed. Instead it was
regarded as a state in which sin did not reign in spite
of its presence.'' It was a perfection of love, not
of knowledge nor of attainment.

Luther's doctrine of assurance had been practical-
ly forgotten in England as well as in Germany, and
its rehabilitation was begun in earnest by Spener and
by Wesley. They agreed that the convert was to be
sensible (inwardly persuaded) of present pardon

^Works, II., 235ff., "He who has made us without ourselves
will not save us without ourselves," literally translated. Cf.
Gl. L., 964ff.

"Professor Alberti's accusation, in Ritschl IL, 213.

^Works, I., III. In Spener's words, though "having" sin,
"doing" it was out of the question. Gl. L., 1070.

A Comparative Study 129

(not ultimate salvation). This did not mean sal-
vation by "feeling/* for these men hesitated to place
much reliance upon man's varying moods. The ex-
perience, on the contrary, stood for a clear conviction
of acceptance by God produced in the heart by the
Spirit. The witness of the Spirit was the privilege
of each believer, though he might have justifying
faith without it. Spener did not feel so sure about
the sealing of the Spirit, admitting that joy and
peace, the usual concomitants of a regenerated heart,
were not always present.^ Wesley was more insistent
in his emphasis, though he made a distinction be-
tween a clear assurance, which admitted the possibil-
ity of doubt and fear, and the full assurance, or ple-
rophory, which excluded them.^ Neither gave a sat-
isfactory explanation of the manner of this divine
testimony, but simply accepted it as a fact. They
claimed that the fruits which necessarily followed
the witness of the Spirit would prove its genuine-
ness.* Both movements thus stood for a position
quite distinct from that of their respective Churches,
which taught that man had sufficient assurance of
salvation when he accepted the correct doctrines of
the Church and obediently received her ministrations.
With all this insistence upon the inner life, it was
perfectly natural that tendencies toward a hypo-
chondriacal introspection should appear. This was,

^Bed., I, 324. ^Answer to Rev. Church, Works, V., 277.
'Works, I., 89, 100; Bed., ib, 197.

9

130 Pietism and Metlwdism

however, more a passing phase in the development
of Methodism, for the note of joy was certainly one
of its most pronounced characteristics. Pietism can-
not escape the accusation so easily, notwithstanding
the cheering influences which must have radiated
from Francke's genial personality.

Any religious emphasis which dwells largely upon
the inner life exhibits tendencies which are in har-
mony with Mysticism, and we have found that Pie-
tism and Methodism were no exceptions to this rule.
Though Spener hesitated to express his open appre-
ciation for the Mystics, and Francke energetically
opposed their extravagances, both were more in
harmony with this religious attitude than they
thought.^ Wesley's attitude was very much like that
of Francke's. The main element of Methodism was
individualism, notwithstanding its social emphasis;
and, in harmony with Mysticism, the religious feel-
ings were made immediate. It is easy to be led
astray in a general estimate by dwelling too much
upon those statements of the revivalists which were
ostensibly made to show their agreement with the
orthodox teaching of the Church and thus lose sight
of an unmistakable trend in the direction of anti-
ecclesiasticism and anti-sacerdotalism. The leaders
of both movements aimed to be orthodox and suc-
ceeded, but only according to their own definitions
of orthodoxy. These considerations will help to

^Ci. Francke, Sancta et tuta vita fidei, 122.

A Comparative Study 13 1

explain the presence of mystical elements in the sys-
tems under discussion. In addition to what has
been given in previous chapters, the conclusion may
here be drawn that in the use of phrases common to
the Mystics Spener far outstripped Wesley, the lat-
ter studiously avoiding them. With both immediacy
was a cardinal doctrine in spite of the reservations
made to retain the means of grace. Both expressed
the idea that man possessed a sense other than ( above )
reason with which he apprehended the spiritual
world. Wesley favored the notion of an infusion
of something supernatural (in new birth), which
corresponded to Spener's idea of a direct divine illu-
mination of the soul.^ The more passive Pietism
favored certain elements in Mysticism for which
Methodism, temperamentally active, had little sym-
pathy. Wesley abhorred a "solitary" religion and
had no use for the extravagant form of Quietism
with which he came in contact. While Francke had
similar predilections, Spener was more inclined to
view "stillness" with favor." But all agreed that
the constituted means of grace were not to be neg-
lected, though contending that God was not slavishly
bound to them. Another element common to both
found expression in their opposition to the authori-
tative teaching of the Church that the Holy Spirit
was present only with the Church in general and,

*G1. L., 648. Wesley argued that God could confirm a man
immutably good by an instantaneous act. Works, VL, 721.
-E. G. S. I., 1097.

132 Pietism and Methodism

though given in extraordinary measure in the apos-
tolic age, was then lodged in the Scriptures once for
all to work through them and through the Church
upon man's heart. Pietists and Methodists taught
that the Spirit was present personally in the indi-
vidual believer. But when special revelations from
God were claimed, they were to be tested by Scrip-
ture and by experience.^

Mystical was also the thought that the being one
with Christ — amazing union, as Wesley called it'' —
resulted in the unification of man's personality. In
the system of the revivalists the new-birth experi-
ence assumed the chief place, corresponding to the
importance which the mystical union had with the
Mystics.

Spener was more in harmony with the Mystics in
teaching the liability of extreme changes in religious
feelings, grounding it upon the thought that God
sometimes allowed us to experience absence of joy
in order to increase our hunger for him.^ Wesley,
on the other hand, expressly denied that such expe-
riences were conducive to spirituality, contending
that God did not arbitrarily send heaviness and
darkness by withdrawing himself from the soul in
order to purify it." Notwithstanding numerous as-
sertions to the contrary. Pietism and Methodism,

^Bed., la, 236f.; Gl. L., iigpf.; Works, I., 146; V., 466ff.
'Notes on N. T., 231. Cf. Bed., 3-, 303 ; Gl. L., 674
''Bed., la, 328!.
*Scrmon on Wilderness State, Works, I., 416!., 423f.

A Comparative Study 133

through their chief exponents, showed marked affin-
ities to the Mystical attitude in connection with the
doctrine of the new birth, the emphasis upon the
supersensual, the principle of unity, direct percepti-
ble inspiration, the inner light, and individualism.

Much of Wesley's teaching was in harmony with
Spener's doctrine of a theology of the regenerate,
but he did not make so much of it. Though he also
demanded that theology be grounded in a living ex-
perience and claimed that the natural faculties could
not teach a man true religion, he nevertheless as-
cribed greater powers to natural reason."^

The doctrine of the millennium exerted a greater
influence upon Pietism than upon Methodism. Spe-
ner received constant inspiration from the thought
of the better times which were imminent. Wesley
and, to a lesser degree, Francke were more active
in their practical endeavors to hasten the coming of
the kingdom.

In the realm of religious toleration Spener and
Wesley were shining examples, the latter, it is true,
having greater support from the Zeitgeist. Confes-
sionalism and rigid religious opinions were not to
stand in the way of Christian fellowship, provided
the motives were sincere and the heart was right.**
They granted that the heathen had sufficient light
to know about the reality of Providence and asserted

^Works, v., 464.

"Works, V, 245; Bed, i, 2>m.) 3, 183.

134 Pietism and Methodism

that their condemnation could result only from sin
consciously committed/

A final similarity in the doctrinal realm was a
mixture of superstition and religion in the matter of
sortilege, bibliomancy, vague beliefs in witchcraft
and in apparitions, and, with Spener, even a faint
belief in magic and demonology.^ But this unim-
portant phase of their thought life simply indicated
that they were not in this particular ahead of their
times.

The practical systems which the evangelists reared
upon a similar doctrinal foundation also reveal
marked points of likeness. If Wesley evinced great-
er interest in the political movements of the day,"
Spener was more energetic in denouncing the evils
resulting from the union of Church and State. But
they were much alike in their vehement protests
against the common public and private vices and in
the methods suggested and employed to do away
with the evils and to promote the good.

The primitive Church was both model and inspi-
ration, because the Bible was regarded as the divine
book of instruction and guidance. In general, the
attempt was made to reform the institution through
the individual rather than the individual by means
of a purified institution. All the elements of life*

nVorks, IL, 99f.;Bed., 4, 53f.

^Cf. E. G. S. L, 262f.

'England was ahead of Germany In political progress.

*A11 elements were, however, not included.

A Comparative Study 135

were to contribute, provided they could legitimately
be used in the cause of religion. This thought is
very important for a correct understanding of both
systems, because it will prevent an undue exaggera-
tion of their incidental defects. Since the aim was
religious rather than purely theological, and dealt
with the will and the emotions rather than with the
intellect, and was concerned with the promotion of
godliness rather than the establishment of a new in-
stitution, we can readily see how certain elements
would receive a one-sided emphasis at the expense
of others equally important. Practical interests
threatened to drive legitimate speculative elements
from the field. The supremely intellectual some-
times received scant notice. The spirit of individ-
ualism likewise tended to obscure the idea of soli-
darity. With these reservations in mind, we can
now proceed to a comparison of the concrete re-
forms attempted by both movements.

Besides general recommendations involving the
reformation of the clergy, a change in the methods
and content of preaching, and greater diligence in
pastoral work, much was made of the avowed pur-
pose of stimulating Church service and Church life.
There was to be a reformation of religion within,
and by means of, the Church, not through separa-
tion. But the stated agencies of the Church were
regarded as insufficient. This led to the adoption
(gradually in the case of Wesley, more premeditat-
edly in the case of the German reformers) of meth-

136 Pietism and Methodism

ods which were generally regarded as innovations
and opposed as such.

Because the Established Churches failed to bring
their members into a close bond of religious union/
the collegia societatis in Germany and the class
meeting in England sought to remedy this deficien-
cy. Wesley was influenced by his oft-repeated prin-
ciple regarding the necessity of nourishing the spirit
of Christian fellowship.^ Spener's attempt had its
origin in the doctrine of the priesthood of all believ-
ers and in a feeling of despair of making any im-
pression upon the masses or of reforming the
Church by simply training the young. ^ The same
doctrine, though differently interpreted, influenced
the English evangelist, who likewise differed from
Spener by asserting and demonstrating that the
masses could be reached.* Pietism placed its hope
in the leavening power of the collegia, trusting that
it would gradually spiritualize the Church through
the influence of Christian example f while Method-
ism had bolder and larger hopes, trusting not so
much in the power of example as in the active, ag-
gressive proclamation of the gospel to all who would

\\t least those who were in earnest about their souls' sal-
vation.

''Works, v., 178.

"Bed., 3, 397f. Cf. Bed, la, 625.

*This objective really arose later, after an impression had
been made upon the masses.

'Bed., I, 697ff.

A Comparative Study 137

and to some who would not hear. This fact par-
tially explains the difference in the development of
the two movements, for even Francke's administra-
tive genius failed to accomplish the extensive results
achieved by Methodism. While the Methodist "so-
ciety'* gradually became more inclusive, the Pietist
conventicle developed an esoteric character. The
latter soon came to be regarded as the special con-
gregation of the saints and in this respect resembled
the "select societies'* of Methodism.

The spiritual exercises w^ere much alike, with
the exception that the confessing of brother to
brother in the various Methodist meetings received
a different expression in Pietism, which had fall-
en heir to the Lutheran confessional. The pub-
lic lay prayer meetings of Wesley^ differed from
those forms of social prayer which were under
the direct leading of the clergy, as was the case
with Spener's meetings. The latter failed to use
lay help to any great extent, though his theory
of the priesthood of believers demanded it, while
Wesley was exceptionally successful in that depart-
ment of his work. It must be admitted, however,
that he allowed his laymen little authority in Church
government,^ though they w^ere given exceptional
liberty in everything that pertained to worship and
the exercise of their reli2:ious natures. In the for-

^Works, v., 232.

'Wesley had practically all control in his own hands.

138 Pietism and Methodism

mer sphere Spener theoretically was more advanced,
because he advocated greater congregational author-
ity and a fuller recognition of the rights of the
common people in Church government/ In both
movements there was contemplated the shifting of
the center of gravity from the clergy and the estab-
lished Church to the laity and the congregation. Al-
though deliberate separation was repudiated, there
were strong tendencies in that direction, for which
the leaders were partly responsible. A glance at
the two movements from the standpoint of organi-
zation will show that the well-developed, though in-
tricate, Methodist organization was better adapted
to a separate career than that of Pietism.*

The principles which governed the educational
efforts of both movements were identical. What-
ever differences occurred were merely incidental and
need not be considered. They practically agreed
that the ultimate aim of education was to build up
Christian character after the student had been led
to experience living faith. Catechetical instruction
was, therefore, of the utmost importance. It was
probably more strenuously pursued in Germany than
in England. In an age when the child was ignored
these faint and faulty attempts did credit to the

^L. Bed., 3, 92. Spener recommended the form as found in
the French Reformed Church.

"The Methodist organization was Presbyterian in the main,
with Congregational and Episcopal elements. Pietism leaned
more toward Congregationalism.

A Comparative Study 139

hearts of these meiL It is true they failed to under-
stand the child mind, ignored or suppressed his play
instincts, and expected too much of the reflective
powers of the child ;* but their attempts in some re-
spects were in advance of current methods of in-
struction and, taken as imperfect methods, were a
start in the right direction.

So far from being ignored, learning was deemed
of great value; yet none of these leaders made
education the highest requirement for the ministry.
The primary object was never lost sight of, and that
was education of the will rather than of the mind.
Men were to be made pious rather than learned.
This was even true of Francke's work, in spite of
the fact that he made great advances in vocational
studies and in the use of the laboratory method.
The publication and distribution of tracts, written
in a popular style, was characteristic of both move-
ments and proved to be an educational asset of in-
estimable value.

Philanthropy, with its emphasis upon poor relief,
was also a striking characteristic of each movement.
The sick were not forgotten, however, and the first
weak attempts toward their systematic relief were
made. This was especially true of Methodism."

^Cf. Bed., 4, 262ff., where model questions are given; Kra-
mer, Ordnung und Lehrart der Waisenhaus Schulen, 1 14-175;
Works, VT., 4i7ff., which contains Wesley's prayers for chil-
dren.

"Wesley is said to have instituted what was probably the
first dispensary. With the help of a surgeon and an apothe-

140 Pietism and Methodism

Ascetical tendencies were quite pronounced in
both movements. Though the leaders did not go to
the extreme of inculcating escape from the world/
nature and grace were regarded by them as almost
irreconcilable opposites. A sharp distinction was
made between the sacred and the secular, the latter
being relegated to a subordinate position. Differing
slightly in details, they agreed in the main conten-
tion that all forms of recreation and pleasure which
were not directly useful and did not tend to godli-
ness^ could find no place in the life of a sincere
Christian. Natural man was lightly esteemed be-
cause the world was regarded as lying under the
curse of Adam's fall. His natural wants and de-
sires, his worldly ambitions and interests were,
therefore, depreciated. The things of this world
had value, not in themselves, but as they served a
purpose in the great plan of salvation. With the
extreme emphasis upon self-denial went hand in
hand a puritanical observance of the Sabbath. This
ascetical spirit in the revivalists was due, not merely
to their theology, but also to a reaction on their part
against extreme and widespread worldliness.'*

cary, about five hundred people were treated in five months.
Works, v., iSyi., Plain Account of the Methodists. Cf. Eric
North, Early Methodist Philanthropy; D. D. Thompson, Wes-
ley as a Social Reformer.

^Spener seemed to favor it at times.

"Their own interpretation was put upon what could and
what could not be done to the glory of God.

^Spener's attitude was less extreme.

A Comparative Study 141

Pietism and Methodism alike made an advance in
discarding a narrow confessionalism, for confes-
sional bonds were broken in the United Societies as
well as in the collegia pietatis.^ Spener even made
definite suggestions in regard to some outward form
of union, but this does not seem to have entered
Wesley's mind. Instead he looked forward to the
time when the revival of religion with which he
was connected would spread to all parts of the
world, bringing in its train a general unity of spirit.''

The emphasis upon missions was strong. With
Spener it was hardly more than an idealistic vision
connected with his eschatological doctrine. Wesley
was more in harmony with Francke in attempting
actual Christian conquest of the foreign field. If
little was accomplished, it must be remembered that
these efforts were among the first made in the realm
of Protestant missions.

This short comparison shows that Spener and
Francke anticipated Wesley in the most important
parts of his theological message, the ethical empha-
sis, and the emphasis upon individualism, empiri-
cism, and subjectivism; that most of the principles
at the basis of Methodism had their analogies in
Pietism ; and that many of Methodism's institutions
and practices found a precedent in the German re-
vival.

^Bed., 3, 261.

^Works, II., 78f., Sermon, General Spread of the Gospel.

CHAPTER X
The Influence of Pietism upon Methodism

Since Methodism arose in England shortly after
the rise and triumph of Pietism in Germany, the
most natural inference would be that their similar-
ities were due to influences exerted by the latter upon
the former movement. But a thorough examination
often dispels results apparently grounded in fact.
It will probably be impossible to state with complete
accuracy to what extent and in what particulars
Wesley was directly or indirectly influenced by Pie-
tism, because we are thrown upon slender and often
precarious resources. Where we have definite state-
ments we can be tolerably certain, but it is possible
that some influences were exerted of which no rec-
ord has been left. The attempt will be made in this
chapter to show how far and in what respects Pie-
tism may have been directly or indirectly responsible
for certain elements which developed in Methodism.
If they are not so numerous as a superficial glance
at the two systems would suggest, the negative re-
sults obtained will be of value, provided they are
true to history.

We know that Spener corresponded with scholars
in various countries and that his influence conse-
(142)

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 143

quently went beyond the borders of Germany, but
just how much he may have affected men in Eng-
land cannot be ascertained. It is true that Pietistical
literature from the Independents in England^ was
read by Spener; but whether any of his works were
read in England is not so certain, however plausible
it might seem/ Translations were not numerous,
and the number of those who could have read his
works in the original, even if they had had the op-
portunity, was not large, for the German language
did not have the importance in the intellectual world
which it since has acquired.^ But the book which
was the most significant forerunner of Pietism,
Arndt's "True Christianity," was also known to
England as early as 1648.* Wesley felt its benefi-
cent influence, for he made an extract from it for
his Christian library/ Francke made a greater im-
pression upon England than Spener, due partly to
his more heroic character and partly to the fame of
his orphan house. His "Segensvolle Fuszstapfen"
was translated and given the title "Pietas Hallensis,"
published in the second edition in 1707. Josiah

^Bailey's Praxis Pietatis, etc.

^A. W. Boehm, in his account of Pietism in Pietas Hallcnsis,
refers to the success which Spener had in catechizing the chil-
dren of Dresden.

^His Latin works would have been more accessible.

^ Boehm, Pietas Hallensis, 6. In 1708 Boehm published a
Latin edition of Arndt.

^Journal, March 3, 1749, ITL, 391.

144 Pietism and Methodism

Woodward^ wrote a preface to it in which he re-
ferred to the noble work which had already been ac-
complished through the efforts of the Pietists at
Halle. Wesley w^as acquainted with this "Pietas
Hallensis," though how early in life is unknown/
Woodward's preface must have impressed him with
its glowing account of Francke's efforts toward the
suppression of scandalous impiety and vice, the
religious instruction of youth and the ignorant, the
cultivation of religion by pious conferences, and
the propagation of religion among the heathen.
Francke's own account would have influenced him
because it was so clearly in line with his own sym-
pathies.^ In his Journal Wesley expresses the
highest regard for the German Pietist. This was at
the time of his visit to Germany, and it seems
strange that he should not have received informa-
tion regarding the connection of Francke with the
revival of piety till a much later date.* That Halle

^Known as the writer on the Religious Societies and the
Societies for the Reformation of Manners.

^Journal, Dec. i, 1764, V., 102. Cf. Note 4 below.

®If Wesley read the second edition, his eye would have
noted the short history of Pietism by a certain A, W. Boehm,
who was probably the same person frequently mentioned by
him and whose sermons and life he commended. Cf. Journal,
March I, 1778; Works, VI., 785; VII., 93-

^Journal, July 24, 1738, II., 16. Wesley wrote about
Francke, "whose name is indeed as precious ointment. O may
I follow him as he did Christ !" But, April 20, 1748, III., 347,
he states that he then learned that the revival in Germany was
due to Francke.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 145

Pietism made an impression upon England is evi-
dent from the Preface of Part III., "Pietas Hallen-
sis." Contributions to the Orphan House were sent
from England, and an account of the work was
published in English in 1705/ In his letter to Cot-
ton Mather, Francke stated that twelve students
were provided for with the aid sent from England
and that a special house was at the disposal of those
who came from that country.^ The first missiona-
ries sent by Francke became corresponding members
of the London Society for the Propagation of Chris-
tian Knowledge.'

The publisher of "Pietas Hallensis" also issued an
account of the children of Silesia which contained
the religious experiences of children under the influ-
ence of Pietism. And J. Lange's works* found their
way into England, issued by the same press. An-
other evidence of the relation of Pietism to England
is found in the order against Pietism given by
George II. for his German realm.^ How far Wes-
ley himself was influenced by the literary connec-
tions of an earlier day cannot be computed, but that
it was perceptible can hardly be disputed. The Ger-
man language did not stand in the way as a barrier
after the Georgia trip, and Latin was a familiar
tongue.

^Pietas Hallensis, 22, 25. ^Page 16. Written in 1714.
'Pietas Hallensis, 53.

*Cf. published advertisement in Pietas Hallensis.
■^Ritschl, n., 281, Note 3. Halle is mentioned. In 1733.
10

146 Pietism and Methodism

Another significant relation was brought about
through similar influences received by both move-
ments from a common source, Mysticism. This
was more pronounced in Spener than in Wesley, as
we have seen,^ but the latter was not so hostile to
the Mystical attitude as his constant assertions to
that effect seem to indicate/ Boehm influenced
Arndt, Spener, and Francke, and through the latter,
Zinzendorf and the Moravians. Wesley was influ-
enced to a less degree through Law, who in turn had
received his inspiration from Boehm/ The Mys-
ticism of Arndt cast its influence upon both move-
ments. It was, however, very slight in the case of
the English revival. Fenelon was influential in both
lands, his "Telemachus'' being especially revered in
England.* Ideas about the inner light filtered into
Britain through the books of Madame Guyon,
Madame Bourignon, and other Mystics. The
Friends not only influenced English life, but also
came in contact with the Pietists in Germany.

The practical expression of Mysticism in its em-

^See above, i26ff.

^Just as Manichaeism, though repudiated, influenced Augus-
tine through life, so did Mysticism, which Wesley failed to
understand, leave its mark upon his mind.

^Wesley received his greatest contribution from Law before
the latter came under the sway of Boehm's spirit. But Wes-
ley later admitted that his criticism of Boehm had been too
harsh. Cf. Tyerman, III., 389.

*Abbey and Overon, Eng. Ch. Hist., Eighteenth Cent., II.,
568fr.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 147

phasis upon the inner religious life and Its energetic
ethical tone impressed both English and German
evangelists. The contemplative form, however, with
its tendency toward antinomianism and spiritual-
istic Pantheism was foreign tO' their practical na-
tures. One important fact in connection with this
part of the study is that Mysticism had more to do
with the origin of revivals than is commonly admit-
ted. The Mysticism In Pietism was one cause of
the violent opposition of Lutheran Orthodoxy. The
elements of Mysticism imbedded In Methodism
brought forth a similar opposition on the part of the
immystical Churchmen of the eighteenth century,
to whom the notion of a direct personal communi-
cation between God and man was a "very horrid
thing."^ They limited the inspiration of God to a
book, but denied it tO' the soul.

Wesley came personally In contact with the work
of Pietism before he made his trip to Germany.
This came about through the organization of the
religious societies about 1678, In which a Pietist
from Germany, Dr. Horneck, was one of the prime
movers. Because of the Importance of these socie-
ties In the formation of Wesleyanism, the life of at
least one of the founders becomes significant. Pie
anticipated Wesley in many particulars, both in doc-
trine and in practice.'' His aim was similar, for he

^Words used by Bishop Butler to Wesley.

^Cf. Horaeck's Law of Consideration. Life, by R. B. Hone.

148 Pietism and Methodism

strove to fill men's hearts with fire rather than their
heads with opinions/ His daily life was almost a
counterpart of Wesley's with its introspection, as-
cetical elements, methodical habits, etc.^ The rules of
Horneck's societies corresponded very closely with
those adopted by Wesley.* Uncertainty prevails as
regards the proper number of these societies which
can be traced directly back to Homeck, for imita-
tions were numerous.* But aside from this uncer-
tainty, the fact stands plainly before us that Pietism
influenced Methodism in the person of Horneck
through his religious societies. About the middle of
the eighteenth century Steinmetz, a Pietist in Eng-
land, gave expression to his astonishment at seeing
a movement (Methodism) which in so many re-
spects was similar to his own/ Before closing this
paragraph reference ought to be made to Wesley's
indebtedness to Bengel, "that great light of the
Christian world,"* for the basis of his "Explanatory
Notes on the New Testament."

Through the Moravians, Pietism entered into in-
timate relationship with Methodism and was instru-

^Law of Consideration, Preface.

^Hone, Life, 348ff. He was more mystical, less joyous.

^Cf. Rules given in Legg, Eng. Ch. Life, Appendix. One is
inclined to believe that Wesley copied some of them.

*Cf. Curnock, IL, 71, Note i.

^Closterbergische Sammlung, 5 Band, 401, fr. Ritschl, IL,
507.

^Wesley's Notes, Preface, 4. Wesley acknowledges his in-
debtedness.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 149

mental In permanently Influencing some of Its Insti-
tutions/

Wesley's trip to Georgia'' first brought him Into
direct contact with the Moravians. Their calmness
during a violent storm led him to the conviction that

^This is based upon the assumption that the Renewed
Church of the Bohemian-Moravian Brethren with the found-
ing of Herrnhut, 1722, was an offshoot of Pietism. Spener
stood sponsor at Zinzendorfs baptism. The latter had a tutor
from Francke's school at Halle before he went to Halle itself
at the age of ten. (Cranz, 164.) In Francke's home he met
returned missionaries, which undoubtedly gave rise to his zeal
for foreign missions. When he studied at Wittenberg he
gained the reputation of being a rigid Pietist. (Hutton, A
Short History of the Moravian Church, no.) August G.
Spangenberg received impressions from Pietism while at school
in Jena, where he was also attracted to Zinzendorf. (Journal,
Wesley, Feb. 9, 1738; Aug. 21, 1739.) Later he taught at Halle
and then became a Moravian. Boehler also received influences
from Spener, for he read one of his pamphlets which had
been recommended by Spangenberg. (McTyeire, History of
Methodism, in.) And Christian David, influenced by the
Pietist Schaefer, resuscitated the Brethren in Moravia, and
through Zinzendorfs permission and help they migrated to
Berthelsdorf. The Unitas Fratrum, with Herrnhut as their
New Jerusalem, were recognized as an independent Church in
1747, although Zinzendorf had been ordained bishop by the
Lutherans and had opposed the estabHshment of a separate
sect. (Thompson, 52; Hutton, 178.) Though the Moravians
separated from the Church, they were free from the sectarian
spirit. Their aim was to edify and build up rather than to
proselytize. Their interests were narrower than those of
Halle Pietism, with the "Buszkampf" virtually omitted. Im-
mediacy of religious feeling was with them closely allied to
the spirit of fellowship,

^Account from Wesley's Journal, Jan. 25, 1736, and after.

150 Pietism and Methodism

they possessed something which he lacked. He went
to America to save his own soul, and the attitude of
these Germans convinced him that he was afraid of
death and consequently unsaved. After receiving
further impressions from them, notably from Span-
genberg and Bishop Nitschman/ he returned to
England with the "inward feeling" that he was still
unconverted.^ Because a man who experiences the
pangs of a severe spiritual struggle is apt to under-
value his previous experiences, we must take Wes-
ley's verdict that his heart was "corrupt and abom-
inable'* with a grain of salt.' His religious experi-
ence In London after his well-known conversations
with Peter Boehler* does not, consequently, mark
such a sudden transition as the new convert would
have us believe. Whatever theory Is suggested as
an explanation of the experience, the fact remains
that this experience did play a very important role
in Wesley's subsequent career. And what Is of spe-*
clal interest in our study Is the other fact that the
Moravian, Boehler, was at least partly responsible
for the change.*

^Journal, Feb. 7, 9, 1736; also Feb. 24.

'^Ibid., Jan. 8, 1738. Later qualified "faith of a servant."

'Ibid., Feb. I, 1738, I., 423-

*Feb. 7, 1738 to May 4. Hutton's Memoirs, 27, state that
Boehler's "exposition of saving faith was new even to the
London Moravians." From Tyerman, L, 181.

^Though compare the letter found in the Archives at Herrn-
hut, Wesley to Zinzendorf, stating that his meeting with Boeh-
ler did not make him a better Christian. Hutton, 191, note.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 151

As early as 1728 there was a Moravian mission-
ary colony in London, but the organized propaganda
began at a later date. Even the Fetter Lane Society
of 1738-39 was really a new religious society of the
Anglican Church/ But this society did adopt rules
suggested by Boehler, and Wesley's connection with
it must have given him ideas for his own societies."
Moravian influence upon Wesley reached its climax
with his visit to Germany, which was undertaken
with the express purpose of ''conversing with those
holy men who were themselves living witnesses of
the full power of faith/'^ Pietism was at its height
in the generation ending about 1750, and yet one
scans the pages of Wesley's Journal in vain to find
any references indicating that he knew much about
the significance of the revival." In several places,
on the other hand, he mentions the need of Germa-
ny for reform.^ In his sermons he likewise main-
tained that the land of Luther needed the gospel.^
We get the impression from the Journal that Wes-
ley returned to England without thinking of giving
to his native land what Pietism had given to Ger-
many.

^Curnock, II., 129, Note 2. 'Cf. Tyerman, I., 194-21 1.

"Journal, June 7, 1738, II., 483.

*Not till April 20. 1748, does he seem to have been informed
of the extent to which the influence of Pietism had spread and
of Francke's relation to that work. III., 347.

^Journal, July 30, 1738, II., i8f.

•Works. II., 78, 360.

152 Pietism and Methodism

The English scholar sat at the feet of uneducated
Herrnhuters and listened intently to their stories of
life experiences, of instantaneous conversion, and of
an additional blessing, the witness of the Spirit,
which banished all doubt and fear/ At Jena and at
Halle Wesley was impressed with the extensive
work carried on along educational and charitable
lines/ He seems to have studied the institutions
carefully, for he gives us a minute description, to-
gether with a short historical sketch/

That Wesley was influenced by his contact with
Halle Pietism and with the Moravians goes without
saying. Some instances already have been referred
to, and it remains to discuss in general the extent
and the significance of that influence. It is obvious
that caution must be exercised throughout to avoid
placing reliance upon the deceptive post hoc, ergo
propter hoc.^ With the exception of a few cases
where definite statements suggest that borrowing
has taken place, we must content ourselves with the
more or less probable.

The molding of Wesley's religious opinions by the
Moravians is not such a clear case of influence as
many historians assume. Boehler has been repre-
sented as the human agent who brought Wesley to

^Journal, IL, 25ff.

^Ihid., IL, 58. He was received by the son of A. H.
Francke.

^Ibid., IL, 17, 58ff.

*"After this, therefore on account of it."

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 153

his conversion experience;' but Spangenberg had
probably as much to do with it, and Toeltschig can-
not be omitted." And Wesley's previous experiences
must always be taken into account despite the fact
that he constantly minimized their importance. But
the notion of an instantaneous conversion Wesley
seems to have received from the Moravians.'' And
their insistence upon assurance may have been in-
strumental in turning his attention to the emphasis
which might be placed upon that phase of religious
experience.* The idea of a penitential conflict came
from Halle Pietism,^ not from the Moravians, for
the latter had no place in their system for anything
that tended toward legalism.^ And in general doc-
trinal matters Wesley was more in sympathy with
the energetic and active Halle Pietism than with the
passive Moravian interpretation of the gospel, not-
withstanding the fact that the direct influences from
the latter were more pronounced. That Wesley

^Journal, March 4, 1738. Wesley states that Boehler con-
vinced him that he lacked saving faith. May 24 he had the
new-birth experience, but Dec. 16 and Jan. 4, the next year, he
is still unsatisfied. And cf. page 147, Note 5, where Wesley
denied that Boehler had influenced him very much.

^Cf. Curnock, 59, Note 2; also Journal, May 26, 1738, and
Curnock, I., 478, Note 2.

•"'Journal, April 22, 1738, I., 454!.

*Cf. Wesley's account in the Journal, Visit to Herrnhut.

^Halle Pietism opposed Zinzendorf because he had not ex-
perienced the spasmodic form of conversion. Hutton, 148.

*Cf. C David's semion which Wesley heard at Herrnhut,
Aug., 1738.

154 Pietism and Methodism

later found practically all these new (?) doctrines
formally expressed in the homilies of his Church
does not militate against the fact that he may have
received first suggestions elsewhere/ The conclu-
sion may thus be drawn that Pietism, notably
through Moravianism, was partly responsible for
the emphasis which Methodism placed upon certain
doctrines. And those influences which led to his
conversion were especially significant because that
experience gave him a central fact about which to
group his whole system. His legalism and ritualism
began to wane.^

The Moravians were more prolific In the realm
of hymnody than the Pietists proper. Zinzendorf
was their most noted author, and his hymns reflect
his practice of sesthetlcal joy In the love of Jesus/
If there Is any truth In the statement that "Charles
Wesley's hymns were simply Moravian hymns re-
sung,"* then Methodism owes a great debt to Herrn-
hut. But granting that Charles Wesley had his in-
spiration kindled from a knowledge of the Moravian
hymns, which cannot be demonstrated, he certainly
did not receive his poetic gift from that quarter.
Given a deep religious experience combined with

^Cf. Journal, Nov. 12, 1738, IL, loi.

^Use of free prayer was the first break. Journal, April i,
1738. Presbyterian Highlanders of Darlen had influenced him.
Curnock, I., 448, Note I.

^Cf. Ritschl, II., 485ff., for examples of some which were
gruesome in their references to the wounds of Jesus; others
contained tasteless expressions, etc. ^Hutton, 262.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 155

emotional warmth in the heart of a poetic genius,
the result will not be hard to compute. Charles
Wesley's religious experience and poetic gift will
explain his hymns, but only so far as that experience
was brought about through Moravian influence can
the quoted statement given above hold good. A
more direct influence upon Methodist hymnody was
exerted through John Wesley, who had sufficient
knowledge of the German language to enable him
to translate some of the best German hymns/
Freylinghausen-Gesangbuch was used by Wesley,
and his own hymn book contained his translations of
German hymns sung according to the psalm tunes of
the Moravians/ His source ia the Georgia hymn
translations was ''Das Gesang-Buch der Gemeine in
Herrnhut."^ The Moravians were not the cause of
the introduction of congregational singing, because
it had already become common among the sects be-
fore their advent.* But hymn-singing had reached
a low ebb just before the rise of Methodism, and
the Moravians may be given some credit for its re-
invigoration.^

Wesley's educational efforts at Kingswood" were
so much like those made by the Pietists and Mora-

^Telford, The Methodist Hymn Book, Illustrated, 2.
'Ctirnock, I., 299, note. "Singing" was one of the most
prominent words in Wesley's diary. Curnock II., 71, Note 2.
"Curnock, II., 6, Note 2. ^Barclay. Rel. Soc, 4S8ff.
"Cf. Appendix in New Hist, of Meth., II., 557-562.
•His own Account, Works, VII., 332ff.

156 Pietism and Methodism

vians that a direct borrowing seems to have taken
place/ He probably adopted more "circumstances'*
from Germany than the one he definitely mentions'
in reference to the constant presence of the instruc-
tor. He adopted the same stringent rules regarding
discipline, devotions, and play, and, like the Pietists,
treated the child as if he were an adult.'' When we
consider that Wesley's mind was directed toward
the practical and that he was always ready to re-
ceive suggestions, the origin of some of these pe-
culiar regulations may be explained by referring
them to the first experiments in that field made by
Halle Pietism. Most of them, however, may be
explained by a recognition of Wesley's intensely
practical religious aim, his stern, methodical habits,
and his natural inability to understand the child.

Wesley also had his Orphan House (at Newcas-
tle), built on a less pretentious scale than its proto-
type at Halle, but probably inspired by it.* The
extensive missionary operations of the Moravian
Church, with its "Warrior Band," ready to "pro-

^Curnock, II., 51, Note i, states that Kingswood was mod-
eled larg.ly after the Brethren.

^Plain Account of Kingswood School, Works, VII., 340.

^This largely explains his lack of success, admitted by him-
self. Cf. Remarks on the State of Kingswood School, Works,
VII., 344!. A general training of children was not attempted
except possibly among the Moravians, who sought to organize
Christian schools in every congregation. Their boarding
schools emphasized religion. Hutton, 242.

*Cf. Tyerman, I., 392ff.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 1 57

claim the Saviour to the world,"' could not fail to
leave a mark on him who asserted that the world
was his parish. But the expansive instinct was in-
herent in Methodism, an essentially missionary
movement f and its gradual extension over the globe
cannot, therefore, be ascribed to extraneous influ-
ences.

Into various old forms which Wesley had before
him he put new life and some new elements, but it
is difficult to state just what these were. At Herrn-
hut he saw models for his love feasts, watch night
services, band and class meetings, hh schools, the
elaborate system of Church government which left
no individual out of consideration, etc.'' How much
of this Wesley received directly from the Moravians
cannot be ascertained, for he had models for much
of his ecclesiastical organization closer at home.*
He commended their organization, conferences, and
bands,^ but ascribes the origin of similar Method-
istic institutions to spontaneous needs arising in
his own societies.* But he invariably followed the

^Hutton, 166.

^Stevens, History of Methodism, II., 486f.

'Compare Account in Hutton, I34ff., with Wesley's Journal
describing the Herrnhut visit, II., 49flf.

*See Chapter XI.

^It is sometimes stated that the band was borrowed from
the Moravians (Hiitton, 191), but the band society was started
in London before Wesley left for Gennany. Works, V., 268,
Note 2.

*Plain Account of Methodists, Works, V., 177S.

158 Pietism and Methodism

Moravian plan in regard to the bands^ and was ad-
vised by Boehler in the formation of his first socie-
ty/ It is quite possible, as Tyerman suggested,'
that the notion of putting inquisitorial questions to
the converts had a Moravian source. According to
Wesley's own statement, he received the suggestion
of the love feast from the practice of the ancient
Christians;* but it is barely possible that his atten-
tion was first directed to this celebration by his con-
tact with the Moravians, and then, after the custom
had been adopted, it would have been natural for the
reverer of primitive Christianity to seek the sanc-
tion of the "ancient Church."^ The origin of the
watch night service was explained in a similar way,
while the origin of the class meeting he ascribed to
an accidental regulation connected with the financial
needs of the Bristol society.^ The spectacle of Mo-
ravian lay preachers may have influenced Wesley in
the adoption of a similar institution,^ and the sight

*Cf . Curnock, II., 53, and Note 3 ; page 94, Note 2.

^May I, 1738. But it was originally neither strictly Meth-
odistic nor Moravian, but a Religious Society of the Anglican
Church. Cf. Curnock, IL, 121, Note i.

'Volume I., 464. But cf. page 165, Note J.

*Plain Account, Works, V., 183.

^Ibid., 184. Here Wesley also states that some of these
customs were followed "unawares" — that is, dividing the be-
lievers from the rest and these again from the penitents.

"Plain Account, Works, V., 179, 181. Journal, Feb. 15, 1741.

'Though the Independents employed them according to Bar-
clay (Rel. Soc, i5off.), it is doubtful whether Wesley knew it
or was in any way influenced by them.

Influence of Pietism upon Methodism 1 59

of women active In Church life probably explains
the sympathy of early Methodism for this phase of
practical religion/

The break with the Moravians" did not destroy
the influences which had been exerted upon Wesley
previous to that event. In a letter to his brother^ he
mentioned five errors of the Moravians, which he
later placed under three heads — Quietism, Universal
Salvation, and Antinomianism.* Zinzendorf, on
his part, referred to the erroneous doctrines and
practices of the Wesleys.^ Ignoring the question
concerning the justice of the respective accusations,
it will be sufficient to state that the complete separa-
tion which followed the controversy precluded fur-
ther opportunities for influence from the Moravians.

^Cf. Curnock, IT., 25, Note i.

^Professor Francke (Journal, Aug. 19, 1738) probably influ-
enced Wesley against the Moravians. Cf. Curnock, II., 58,
Note 2.

^Journal, April 21, 1741, II., 448f.

^Answer to Church, Works, V., 267. Wesley thought Lu-
ther was partly to be blamed for these errors. June 15, 1741,

II., 467.

^Cranz, 370. Cf. Latin conversation between Wesley and
Zinzendorf. Journal, Sept. 3, 1741, H-, 488fl.

CHAPTER XI
Methodism Independent of Pietism

In this chapter we shall consider those develop-
ments in and previous to Methodism which were in-
dependent of Pietism. Pietism had practically noth-
ing to do either with the background of Methodism,
w^hich was given by the English Reformation, or
with the subsequent religious., political, economic,
and social conditions. Methodism arose in the An-
glican Church and, therefore, had much of the ma-
terial with which it worked ready at hand.

In the second place, the conditions in England
before the rise of Methodism were ripe for such an
outburst.^ Reason had been unduly glorified. The
demands of the head had been satisfied at the ex-
pense of the heart, and the protest was simply the
pendulum swinging in the opposite direction. Va-
rious tendencies were at work in spheres other than
the religious to reestablish a balance. But the great
occasion for the rise of Methodism was the inelas-
ticity of the Anglican Church, which rendered it in-
capable of meeting conditions brought about mainly
through the industrial revolution. The national
Church was unable to meet a great national need.

'See Chapter VI.

(i6o)

Methodism Independent of Pietism i6i

Pre-Methodist forces in England, working silent-
ly, spasmodically, and sometimes inefficiently, were,
on the whole, independent of German Pietism. As
precursors of the Methodist revival they assume
more than ordinary importance.

Although Puritanism as a political force or an
organized system was practically dead in the eight-
eenth century, its spirit had not altogether died out.
Wesley esteemed the Puritans highly^ and was in
perfect accord with their insistence upon individ-
ualism and the authority of conscience, though he
deprecated their controversial spirit and political
aspirations. The Puritan contribution was especial-
ly significant in furnishing at least part of the back-
ground which proved receptive to the new evangel-
ism.^ Wesley was regarded by some of his oppo-
nents as simply an old Puritan "writ large." The
Puritans had favored the idea of "gathered Church-
es" or congregations as distinct from parishes" and
in this way indirectly prepared the ground for Wes-
ley. And the spirit of Puritanism went over into
the sects which in turn came into direct contact with
Methodism.

^Journal, March 13, 1747; Works, VL, 643f. Wesley had a
Puritan ancestry. His grandfather was a Dissenter.

^Not all Puritans were Calvinists. One prominent Puritan,
John Goodwin, upheld the Arminian doctrine, with the empha-
sis upon faith, conversion, and sanctification. Cf. Sheldon,
History of the Christian Church, HI., 557.

•''Henson, 171.
II

1 62 Pietism and Methodism

Barclay refers to various institutions, existing
before the rise of Methodism, which at least pre-
pared the ground for the later movement. He
states that the Dissenters had a traveling ministry
in which women were allowed to participate/ min-
isters' meetings conducted by means of the question-
and-answer method," watch night services,^ lay
preaching,* field preaching with effects similar to
those of Wesley's day,^ and love feasts.® But the
assistance of the lay element was gradually aban-
doned in the desire to keep on peaceful relations
with the Established Church.' It is interesting to
note in this connection that the Independents prac-
ticed infant baptism, but demanded a definite deci-
sion from the individual in later years, thus empha-
sizing conversion rather than birthright member-
ship.^ From this brief survey we see that Wesley's
innovations were not so much innovations, after all,
except in their relation to the Establishment. Wes-
ley's institutions may have arisen without any direct
connection with these just mentioned,^ but it is of
interest to know that the minds of the people were
prepared for some of the "innovations" when they
occurred.

^The Inner Life of the Rel. Soc, 379ff. "Ibid., sSoff.

^Ihid., 3831 ^Ihid., isofif. ^Ibid., 3iif.

^Ibid., 374ff. 'Ibid., 59if. ^Ibid., 680.

^In Works, VII., 330, Wesley states that there were itiner-
ant preachers in the time of Elizabeth. But he seldom refers
to any outside influences when referring to the origin of his
own institutions. Works, V., 176-190.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 163

One element of Puritanism found a new lease of
life in the Mysticism of the Friends. George Fox
was a precursor of Wesley in preaching a spiritual
Christianity.^ Wesley had his own doctrine of the
inner light and would have agreed with much that
Fox wrote about the spiritual Hght from Christ,""
the continued agency of the Holy Spirit/ and that
"Christ died for us, rose for our justification, and
is now in us."* Wesley expressed his highest praise
for a follower of Fox,^ though in general he avoid-
ed the Friends. Vaughan asserts^ that spirituality
of belief and the emphasis upon the inner Christian
life was more widespread in the early eighteenth
century than is commonly supposed. That there
should have been some influences exerted upon a
movement in many respects so similar can hardly
be disputed. Wesley's opposition to the Friends
was based upon superficial differences. He agreed
with them that "the Spirit is our first and principal
leader," but opposed their passiveness and disregard
for the externals.^ The universal light of the
Friends was taught in a different form by Wesley

^A comparison of their Journals proves this.

^Fox, Journal, 167, 241. ^Ihid., 79, 253, 504f.

'Ibid., 481. 'July 17, 1765, v., I36f.

^Hours with the Mystics, II., 391.

'Works, VI., 5. Letter to a Quaker. VL, 637. The
Friends would not have objected to Wesley's assertion that
true religion did not consist in outward things, but in the life
of God in the soul of man.

164 Pietism and Methodism

in his doctrine of the supernatural light, which was
given to fallen man through the atonement of
Christ, including in its effectual saving power both
infants and heathen. With both the supreme test
was the presence and the power of the Holy Spirit.
The Friends anticipated Wesley not only in doctri-
nal matters, but in the field of Church practice as
well, for in 1727 they introduced "ruling elders"
(laymen), who were to encourage and to assist
young ministers/

Another protest against the externalism of the
times was the Philadelphian Society of Jane Leade,
who was a theosophist influenced by Boehme.^ An
interesting phenomenon appeared in England about
this time in the persons of French prophets. Their
extravagances cast discredit upon Wesley's efforts
when similar bodily effects were occasioned by his
preaching.^ Other influences from the Continent
came through the Ouletists.* Wesley seems to have
known something concerning Pietro Martire Ver-
migli (d. 1562)."

The Religious Societies deserve additional con-
sideration besides that which has been given them,"
because they furnished the form into which Wesley

'Barclay, Rel. Soc, 523, 533.

^Nouvelle, Biog. Generale, XIII.. 50.

'Journal, April 3, 1786.

*Journal, Aug. 30, 1770; Works, VII., 95, 56iff.

'Works, VI., 66.

*See above, 144!.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 165

placed the "new enthusiasm."^ Their importance
in the beginnings of Methodism has always been
recognized, but additional evidence from Wesley's
diary recently discovered has emphasized it still
more." Abortive attempts were made in 1659 and
1670 to organize Church societies, the main aim of
which was devotion to quiet and seclusion/ The
most significant attempt produced the famous Reli-
gious Societies, which Wesley found of such great
value when the parish Churches were closed to him.
The design of these societies was to promote holi-
ness of heart and life. Efforts were also made to
catechize the young, relieve the poor, and minister
to prisoners. Pre-Methodist class meetings were
held which branched out into charitable institutions.*
But the spirit of these societies was that against
which the great revivalist reacted, the spirit of
Churchism and traditionalism. The primary aim of
these societies was mutual edification. The saving
of one's own soul was thought of even in the per-
formance of works of charity.'' This difference,
however, must not detract from their importance in
Wesley's work, for they not only exalted religious

^Cf. Rigg, The Living Wesley, 157. "The Religious Socie-
ties supplied only the body to Methodism ; the Moravians gave
it a soul."

"Cf. Curnock, II., Note on 71. 72. Wesley's diary has but
recently been deciphered.

'Legg, English Church Life. 28iff.

'Ibid., 3o8f.

^Cf. Woodward, Hist, of Soc. for Rcf. of Manners, isflf.

1 66 Pietism and Methodism

ideals in a barren age, but also provided the reform-
er with suggestions/ Wesley's father had been in-
terested in these societies, and the encouragement
he had given them was probably known to the son.

Societies with a different aim were those for the
Reformation of Manners." Magistrates were ex-
pected to cooperate in the attempt to legislate virtue
into the people.^ Religion and virtue, it was hoped,
would supplant their opposites, become fashionable
in turn, and the reformation thus be completed.*
But very little of abiding value seems to have been
accomplished.^

Other efforts to promote religion found concrete
expression in the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1698-99, and the Society for Propagat-
ing the Gospel In Foreign Parts, 1701. But the
nobility of the aim did not produce corresponding
results. The period of religious activity during the
reign of Queen Anne, 1702-14, promised much, to
mention only the increase in the number of charity
schools and the enactment of a scheme in 1710 by
which fifty-two new churches were to be built. The
interest died out, however, with the death of the
Queen.*

^Cf. Rules of Society of St. Giles's Cripplegate, in Legg,
309ff., with those of Wesley's societies. Cf. Journal, April i,
1738, Oct. 21, 1738. etc.

"Woodward, 22ff. ; Works. L, 459. ^Woodward, 35ff.

*Ibid., 52, 62. ''Journal. Feb. 2, 1766, V., 154.

"Overton, The Church in England, II., 2o8ff.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 167

The intellectual activities of the following period
helped to prepare the way for the revival, though
not to such a great extent as is sometimes claimed/
In their failure to vanquish the Rationalists the
Apologists furnished merely a negative contribution
for the revival, for they virtually undermined the
common religious platform of the day and compelled
men to seek a new basis of religious faith." The
position of Methodism was foreshadowed by Henry
Dodwell the Younger, who emphasized the neces-
sity of proving religion, not by demonstration, but
by an inner spiritual experience.^ Deists and Meth-
odists wxre so far in harmony that they asserted the
insufficiency of the external evidence. Wesley sug-
gested that God probably permitted the external
evidence to become more or less clogged that the
importance of the light shining in the heart might
be better appreciated.* He strongly commended
Lockers "Essay on Human Understanding" and felt
that the doctrine that there were no innate ideas
was in harmony with his own position. Because the

^Cf. Overton and Relton, History of England, Introduction,
4fif. Historians of the English Church generally assume that
the Apologists were completely victorious.

"See page 70.

^McGiffert, Protestant Thought, 24of.

* Works, v., 759f. Wesley bids the Deists go on and rout
those who depended upon empty forms and "then He whom
neither they nor you know now shall rise and gird Himself
with strength, and go forth in His almighty love, and sweetly
conquer you all together."

i68 Pietism and Methodism

natural senses were Insufficient, a spiritual sense,
faith, was necessary in order to apprehend spiritual
things/

In the Journal Wesley makes a lengthy preface to
his conversion experience of May 24," which demon-
strates that his awakening began long before he met
the Moravians. He refers not only to devotional
books, Taylor's "Holy Living and Dying/* a Kem-
pls's "Imitation of Christ," Law's "Serious Call'*
and "Christian Perfection," but also to a "religious
friend" who seems to have been the first person to
direct his serious attention toward religion. On the
basis of unpublished diaries Curnock proves' that
all the circumstantial evidence points to Miss Betty
Kirkham, whom Wesley called "Varanese." He
also shows that Wesley's mother was not the person
who first kindled in his heart a longing for devo-
tional works. This personal influence (previous to
his meeting with the Moravians) must be duly con-
sidered in any attempt to fathom the events leading
up to his conversion/ A similar influence came
through a "contemplative man"^ w4io instructed him
to pursue inward holiness ; while another friend, "a

^Works, VII., 445.

"Curnock, L, 465ff.

"Volume L, I3ff. The influence of Wesley's mother was
powerful and must not be overlooked, but it was not so signifi-
cant in that which made Methodism as is commonly supposed.
In a limited sense only was she the mother of Methodism.

^Curnock, L, 16, igf.

^Wesley's Account, Curnock, T., 468! Probably Mr. Law.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 169

serious man,"^ soon afterwards warned him against
solitary religion, giving him the sensible advice that
he must find companions or make them. To all ap-
pearances this was the first suggestion that Wesley
received regarding the value and the importance of
Christian fellowship/ and to Taylor's "Holy Liv-
ing" he was indebted in framing the "Rules" which
he adopted for his own life.^

William Law did notable preparatory work for
the revival. He was a promoter of the Religious
Societies of the Anglican Church and published
books which exhaled the spirit of monastic religios-
ity. Many people were led Into a deeper religious
life, and Wesley once confessed that the "Serious
Call" was the spark which started the revival.
There the young disciple* read about the need of a
change of heart and renunciation of the world. He
was led to see that legalistic traditionalism, with its
dependence upon forms and rites, was insufficient.
Although we cannot agree with Warburton^ that
Law was the father of Methodism, his great influ-
ence at the beginning of Wesley's career is patent
from numerous references in the Journal. John

^Curnock, L, Note, 468, 469. This was probably Mr. Hoole,
Samuel Wesley's friend and nearest neighbor, whom John
Wesley frequently visited.

^Ihid.

^Cnrnock, I., 51. The suggestion is also made that Wesley
probably received his first impressions of the band meeting,
with inquisitorial questions, from the same source.

'Law was his "oracle." 'Works, 1788, IV., 626.

170 Pietism and Methodism

Byrom, who was the poetic echo of Law's prose
writings, was highly commended by Wesley/

One of the beginnings of Methodism was the
Holy Club at Oxford.^ Although Wesley was still
the ritualist at Oxford,^ using the punctilious ob-
servance of outward forms and charitable work for
others as a means to save his own soul and thus
working toward salvation instead of from it, Ox-
ford Methodism helped to save him from religious
selfishness/ The life of the small group at Oxford
foreshadowed in faint outlines the greater work that
was to be attempted. At this time Mystical writers
exerted the greatest influence upon the future re-
former. Wesley's diaries give the best commentary
on this period of his life, and they show that this
awakening began even before the founding of the
Holy Club.'

While Wesley was still a child sporadic attempts
toward a revival of religion were made in different
parts of Great Britain. Griffith Jones, with his "cir-
culating schools," and Howell Harris, with his so-
cieties, spread the revival interest throughout the
principality of Wales/ An increased interest in

^Journal, July 12, 1773; Works, VIL, 569.

^Tyerman, The Oxford Methodists, i.

^Ibid., 60. In this respect closely allied to the Catholic re-
vival of the following century.

*Curnock, I., 35.

^Ci. above pages i63ff. ; Curnock. I., 12, 33f. ; diaries in
Vol. I.

^Stevens, History of ^Methodism, I., ii8ff.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 171

experimental religion was also manifested in West
Cornwall and in some parts of Scotland. These
awakenings, together with those in New England
and other places, prove that a reaction against for-
malism was in progress even before the rise of the
united societies.

Sufficient material has been presented to show the
significance of pre-Methodist forces and influences
in the origin of the great revival itself; and this
goes far toward proving that these elements (Ger-
man Pietism not included) not only contributed to
the formation of a foundation, but were likewise
instrumental in erecting a part of the Methodist
superstructure. We are also forced to the conclu-
sion that much in Methodism may be explained
without taking Pietism into consideration. This
position will find further support through a recog-
nition of those elements which may be regarded as
distinctively Methodistic.

The class meeting is the most important original
contribution of Methodism. Its ultimate rise can be
traced back to the time preceding the founding of
the united societies. In his Journal Wesley sub-
joins several letters from converts,^ which reveal
the beginnings of that social expression of edifica-
tion in which accounts of personal experiences were
used for mutual encouragement, later so much in
vogue in the class meetings. After Wesley had

^Journal, Dec, 1738; Curnock, IL, io8ff.

172 Pietism and Methodism

written an account of his own conversion he advised
others to do the same, and this practice gradually
changed the order of the Oxford Methodist Society
meetings into "the joyful experience of the Meth-
odist class meeting/" The immediate Occasion of
their institution has been noted.

Another feature which may lay claim to original-
ity was the method of purification adopted/ This
was accomplished by issuing quarterly membership
tickets to those who were in good standing. A
refusal to renew it on the part of the preacher
would thus disqualify a member.'' By this method
Wesley was enabled to exert strict religious and
moral control over the societies.* In addition, he
had a probationers' class, or group, comprising pro-
fessed sinners who were seeking salvation. They
were "on trial," but were to be instructed and ex-
horted in special penitent meetings.

In doctrinal matters some elements might be
styled original, but only because of the new empha-
sis they received. Those generally mentioned are:^
(i) Divine grace universally offered ; (2) assurance
of present salvation based upon subjective experi-

^Curnock, II., 113, note.

^Cf. Loofs, Realency, Methodismus, 770.

'Journal, Feb. 24, 1741.

*Ihid., April 7, 1741 ; Cumock, II., 442. Cf. Plain Account,
Works, v.. 184.

''Cf. Schaff, Creeds, I., 896!?.; Curtiss, History of Creeds,
332f.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 173

ence rather than upon the promises of God; (3) a
relative Christian perfection as a possibility. Al-
though Spener had taught the same doctrines, his
emphasis upon them had been less insistent.

Before we proceed to our general conclusions, a
short explanation of the similarities and the differ-
ences between Pietism and Methodism will be in
order. Direct and indirect influences may explain
a few of the similarities, while others were due to
the fact that both were Protestant movements. The
similarity of the conditions and needs which called
forth both revivals will serve as an explanation for
others. The almost identical aims in both move-
ments would account for some likenesses, and the
characters of the men at the head of both propagan-
das were suf^ciently alike to lead them to adopt
similar methods when confronted by analogous sit-
uations.

The differences may be variously interpreted. In
the first place, national characteristics^ played an
important part in the development of both move-
ments. The expansive activity of the Englishman
would lead to different results from those due to the
intensive activity of the German.^

^Cf. suggestive article by Paul Sorge in Zeits. f. Theol. u.
Kirche, Jan., 1914. Wie ist deutsche Unkirchlichkeit im
Verhaeltnis zu englischer Kirchlichkeit zu erklaeren, which
may be translated, "What explanations may be given for the
fact that the English are a more churchgoing people than the
Germans ?"

^Ihid., 36ff. The German is more "Innenmensch."

174 Pietism and Methodism

The personal equation can never be ignored.
Methodism was to a great extent simply an- enlarge-
ment or extension of John Wesley, who impressed
his own practical, common-sense, logical character
upon the organization. To a lesser degree Spener
bore the same relation to Pietism. The movements
differed because the leaders, with all their resem-
blances, nevertheless left somewhat dissimilar
stamps upon their respective systems/

The relations that both movements had to another
interesting phenomenon brought about a difference
in emphasis which otherwise might not have oc-
curred. The English revival arose after Deism, re-
acted against it, and consequently made much of cer-
tain doctrines which the rationalists had repudiated.
Pietism, on the other hand, flourished before the
Aufklaerung in Germany and simply took for grant-
ed what was not opposed. According to some au-
thorities, Pietism was partly responsible for the out-
break of rationalism in Germany, but the disinte-
grating forces of the latter caused the former even-
tually to fall into a condition resembling the old
sterile orthodoxy. Methodism, instead, was instru-
mental in hastening the downfall of rationalism in
England and, after that event, continued to expand
and prosper.

Moreover, the industrial situation, creating con-

^Curnock, II., 115, Note 2. Cf. Influence of Whitefield in
regard to field preaching. Journal, March 31, 1739.

Methodism Independent of Pietism 175

ditions in England which were wholly lacking in
Germany, was largely responsible for the fact that
Methodism worked outward among the masses,
while Pietism retained throughout more of an eso-
teric character/

And, finally, since Pietism was an affair of the
theologians to a greater degree than that could be
predicated of Methodism, it failed to become a popu-
lar movement in the sense that the latter did. This
fact offers another reason for the rapid decline of
the one and the continued growth of the other.

^A German revival corresponding more closely to the Meth-
odist movement in this respect was the home mission propa-
ganda beginning about the second decade in the nineteenth
century.

CHAPTER XII
General Conclusion

The present investigation, we hope, has demon-
strated the justification of our thesis that Pietism
was significant in the origin and development of
Methodism. The German movement anticipated the
theological message of the English revival in many
of its most important characteristics.

Religious empiricism was the most important
contribution of either system. Spiritual phenomena
were regarded as possessing a reality of their own.
In both movements we find the desire to possess the
power as well as the form of religion. It might
be expressed as a manifestation through life rather
than through doctrine, through doing rather than
through knowing. Religious subjectivism, with its
emphasis upon the relation of the individual to God,
was opposed to ecclesiastical objectivism, with its
affinity to externalism and dogmatism. Both move-
ments were against a thoroughgoing sacerdotalism,
though neither cast aside the corporate experience
of the Church. Sympathy was expressed for the
Donatlst position that the religious life of the min-
ister was a matter of vital importance to the efficacy
of his official work.

(176)

General Conclusion 177

Present salvation, rather than Its postponement
to a future blissful state, was the constant theme in
the preaching of the German as well as the English
revivalists. Insistence upon the necessity of the
new birth was closely related to the doctrine that
grace was actually and universally offered. And
this salvation received its abiding guarantee only
when justification by faith was intimately connected
with sanctification of life, which in itself was re-
garded as both negative and positive. The former
element resulted in a denial of the pleasures of the
world and tended toward asceticism. The positive
element demanded an active participation in the
work of increasing the kingdom of the regenerate
in this world.^ Entire sanctification (a relative per-
fection) was set forth as an attainable goal in this
life. This doctrine, as well as the doctrine of as-
surance, was emphasized with greater persistence
by the Methodists than by the Pietists. The latter
over against orthodoxy, the former over against the
Deists and the Churchmen, asserted the direct, con-
tinuous influence of the Holy Spirit on the believer.
Mystical elements were essentially a part of both
movements. Of the four elements of religious au-
thority— self-evidencing Scripture, the inward light
(witness of the Spirit), reason, and Church author-

*Cf. Dorner, Prot. Theol, 217. Pietism was the first great
movement to call the mind from tlie exclusively transcenden-
tal to moral efforts here in this world.
12

178 Pietism and Methodism

ity — Methodism and Pietism emphasized the former
two more than the latter two.

The mission of these revivalists was not the ref-
ormation of theology nor the presentation of new
theories of Church polity, though changes were
made in both spheres, but it was, instead, the rein-
vigoration of the Church. In the case of the Meth-
odists it included the saving of those whom the
Church did not reach. A closer fellowship for
those already converted was likewise a powerful
motive in the work, and this deficiency in the Estab-
lished Churches was met by the Collegia of Spener
and the Society of Wesley. Both movements caused
a strict differentiation to be made between the con-
verted and the unconverted. Along educational and
philanthropic lines Pietism anticipated nearly all the
essential features of Methodism. The chief aims of
both movements are thus seen to have been virtually
identical, the greatest variations arising from the
methods employed to attain the end.

The revivals were, moreover, strikingly alike in
their defects. All spheres of life were not included.
Whatever was not directly conducive to religion was
relegated to a subordinate position and sometimes
disregarded (arts, sciences, sesthetical, philosophi-
cal). With the emphasis placed upon the will and
the emotions, the intellectual often receded into the
background. There was lacking that phase of the
modern spirit which demands a positive spiritual
impact upon all spheres of life with a view to their

General Conclusion 179

transformation. In place of this both movements
emphasized the withdrawal from that part of the
world conceived as evil. Pietism was more self-
centered than Methodism, occasionally employing
service in behalf of others as a means to its own
salvation, while the later movement placed more
emphasis upon self-forgetting love and service to
others.

Pietism was not only anticipatory in the content
of its message, but exerted perceptible influences
upon Methodism, faintly, through literary connec-
tions and through Horneck's work in the founding
of the Religious Societies, more pronouncedly and
immediately through Wesley's personal contact with
Pietism and with Moravianism. But definite and
exact knowledge in regard to any direct borrowing
which may have taken place is exceedingly meager
and often grounded in evidence which must be con-
sidered too insufiicient to make it conclusive. On
the whole, therefore, Methodism may be regarded
as a distinct English movement slightly modified
rather than caused by extraneous influences. It
had its ultimate source in the religious needs of the
English people. Wesley, like Luther and Spener,
was able to accomplish what he did because he pro-
claimed with prophetic clearness and insight what
was already being dimly sensed in the depths of the
nation's heart. This was sometimes done uncon-
sciously on the part of the people ; but in those cases,
as with the brutalized colliers of Kingswood, Wes-

i8o Pietism and Methodism

ley struck a sympathetic chord which quickly re-
sponded to the message of him who understood
them and their needs. Whether Wesley would have
experienced the new birth, the most significant part
of his connection with Pietism, if he had not met
the Moravians lies without the realm of knowable
facts, but that he did experience it under their tute-
lage will always remain a monument tO' their devo-
tion and faithfulness. They were largely Instru-
mental In helping him break away from the legal-
istic type of piety, and this break was necessary to
the transformation of sacramentarian Oxford Meth-
odism Into the great evangelical revival.

APPENDIX

Mysticism

It is next to impossible to give a satisfactory
definition of Mysticism. It is apt to be too exclu-
sive, as Hall's definition (in "Essays in Modern
Theology and Related Subjects," page 262), which
limits it to a metaphysical union with the Source of
all being; or too comprehensive, as the statement
that it is nothing more than the simple religious
longing for union with God; or it may be too
vague, as Harnack's "Generally speaking. Mysti-
cism is rationalism warmed up, and rationalism is
Mysticism cooled off" (in editorial, Methodist Re-
view, January, 191 5, page 148) ; or "all religiosity
apart from the historical revelation in the person
of Jesus Christ" (ibid., page 148). Mysticism (the
German "Mysticismus" as distinct from "Mystik")
may be regarded as a distinct religion, a separate
historic magnitude ("die mystische Sonderreligion,"
as Koepp, Arndt, page 293, calls it) standing over
against Christianity and having no concern what-
ever about the person of the historical Founder of
Christianity, seeking direct union with God and
regarding all means as well as historical facts in
religion as burdensome. An adherent of this form
would regard it as the very essence of religion.

(181)

1 82 Pietism and Methodism

There might have been some Mystics who would
have stood upon this platform. But there certainly
were others, commonly called Mystics, who cannot
claim that appellation if Mysticism is not made to
include more. As with Pietism, the difficulty of
obtaining a satisfactory definition is due to the fact
that we have no official statement from those desig-
nated Mystics as to what Mysticism really is. The
Mystics also differ so much from each other (Wes-
ley noted this when writing against them) that it
is extremely difficult to find elements which are
common to all. Each definition which has been
attempted (Inge, "Christian Mysticism," Appendix,
gives many definitions by leading scholars) reveals
the subjective attitude of the writer. And when
we add to all these facts the other, that Mysticism
is an attitude rather than a system, the difficulties
loom up still greater.

Without attempting to define the term as such
and then arbitrarily "placing" the Mystics, let us
attempt to find those elements which are common
to most of those, if not to all, who are commonly
accepted as Mystics.

Complete union (not necessarily metaphysical)
with God (Christ) seems to be the goal. The
manner of the manifestation of that union in life
(physical phenomena, visions, ecstasies, etc.) must
be considered as merely incidental and not of the
essence of Mysticism. Immediacy of this union
was emphasized. (Immediacy of religious feeling

J

Appendix 183

was the main thing, including a desire to get away
from the sensible, finite world.) This did not nec-
essarily imply that all means were discarded, for
we find Mystics (Bernard, Tauler, Arndt, etc.)
who emphasized and employed the ordinary means
of grace. The Bible and Christ were retained and
even deemed necessary. Not the manner, but the
fact of union, was the essential. There was, how-
ever, a strong tendency present to discard the means
of grace and everything else that was regarded as
external.

As an individual personal experience this union
implied that man possessed a sense through which
he might communicate with the spiritual world.
To know God there must be something divine in
man. This sense was sometimes called the inner
light (other than, but not opposed to, the rational
faculty), the light which light eth every man that
Cometh into the world. Through a personal expe-
rience above the common experiences of everyday
life (new birth with Boehme), brought about in
various ways, man becomes convinced, he knows
(not through reason, but through a ^'seeing"; cf.
Jones's "Spiritual Reformers," page xxv) that he
is in union with God. His personality becomes
unified, where before there had been discord. The
"old man" dies with the birth of the new life. The
result is generally represented as an inrush of ec-
static feelings, joy, and peace. Man is sanctified
and full of a new energy. He is raised above him-

184 Pietism and Methodism

self. Three stages in this development are some-
times given — the purgative, illuminative, and uni-
tive — but need not be regarded as essential. The
last stage and goal brings the Mystic into such a
lofty spiritual state that words fail him when he
attempts to describe his experience. This accounts
for his frequent use of language which is merely
symbolic of the indescribable experience.

The unio mystice may be brought intO' the clos-
est connection with Christology. (Cf. Bernard and
"Jesus Mysticism.") The supreme revelation of
God through Christ seems to have been of the ut-
most importance, for it enabled the Mystic tO' in-
terpret his own revelation by means of the historical
revelation. (Jones, "Studies in Mystical Religion,"
page XXXV.) Various expressions have been used
by the Mystics, as "union with Christ," "love of the
soul for the Bridegroom," "languishing love of
God," "Christ in us," etc. Mysticism is extremely
individualistic. The soul's welfare is the main in-
terest ; and an external organization like the Church
is, therefore, not deemed essential, though it might
be helpful as an aid. There was manifested a strong
tendency to quietude and aloofness, and we seldom
find the Mystics in groups (but compare the
Friends). An element of negation is present in the
Mystical attitude. The Ouietists even went so far
as to demand negation of self. Mysticism may
easily go over into extravagances and fanaticism,
but these outgrowths will not be dwelt upon, be-

Appendix 185

cause they do not constitute the essence of the Mys-
tical attitude.

Various kinds of Mysticism have been distin-
guished. J. F. Clarke (''Events and Epochs," page
276f.) made a distinction between the religious,
philosophical, and thaumaturgic Mysticism. But
the emphasis is generally placed on two phases, the
speculative (theoretical) and the practical. In the
former phase, metaphysical expressions and ideas
are common. (The flight of the alone to the Alone ;
God must be worshiped as the not God, not Spirit,
etc., in whom "we must sink from nothingness to
nothingness." Cf. Jones, "Spiritual Reformers,"
page xxvii.) As a religious philosophy Mysticism
may be opposed to Christianity, though the specu-
lative Mysticism of Eckhart served concrete reli-
gion. In this, as well as in the practical form, there
is present a phenomenal dualism which is to be over-
come. So-called practical Mysticism does not con-
cern itself so much with the metaphysical elements
(Spanish Mystics were generally nonmetaphysical ;
cf. James, "Varieties," page 425) as with the con-
crete forms of life. Some of the Mystics were
intensely interested in the practical religious con-
cerns of man. Tauler asserted that making shoes
was a gift of the Holy Ghost. And it was he who
said: "Works of love are more acceptable to God
than lofty contemplation." ( VV. R. Inge, "Christian
Mysticism," page 188.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY*
I. Sources

I. PIETISM

Spener^s Works

AuFRiCHTiGE Ueberstimmung niit der Angsburgischen Con-
fession. Frankfurt, 1695.

Predigten ueber des seeligen Johann Arnds Geistreiche
Buecher vom wahren Christenthum. Frankfurt, 1711.

Die Evangelische Glaubenslehre. Frankfurt, edition of
1741. Spener wrote it in 1687. A good summary of Spener's
theological position.

Theologische Bedenken. Halle. Books I. and II., 1712;
Books II. and IV., 1715. Two large volumes. These contain
practically all of Spener's doctrinal views which he intro-
duced into his correspondence during the years 1666-1701.
These works have been used most extensively in the present
treatise.

Letzte Theologische Bedenken. Halle, 1711. A continua-
tion of the preceding and containing Spener's correspondence
from 1667 to 1705.

Consilia et judicia Theologica Latina. Frankfurt, 1709. In
three parts and material similar to the preceding work, 1667-
1704.

Deutsche und lateinische Bedenken, Halle, 1838. A selec-
tion made from Spener's Bedenken by F. A. T. Hennicke.

Pia Desideria. Preface to J. Arnd's Postilla. Leipzig.
Edition of 1841, with notes. This is the most famous of
Spener's books, written in 1675, and practically started Pietism.

Natura et Gratia. Frankfurt, 1715.

^This bibliography does not pretend to be exhaustive. All
the books given in this list were used bv the author.

(186) ■ ,

Bibliography X87

Erste Geistliche Schriften. Frankfurt, 1699. Material sim-
ilar to the Bedenken.

Der Evangelische Glaubenstrost. Frankfurt, 171 1. Another
edition in 1715. Similar content to his Glaubesnlehre.

P. J. Spener's Erklaerung der Christlichen Lehre nach der
Ordnung d. kleinen Katech. Dr. Martin Luthers, Berlin. Edi-
tion of 1846.

*" Die Allgemeine Gottesgelahrheit aller glaeubigen Christen
und rechstchaffenen Theologen. Frankfurt, 1680. General
Theological.

Der Evangelischen Rettung von falscher Beschuldigung
der trennung und gemeinschaft mit alten ketzereien. Frank-
furt, 1695.

Freudigen Gewissens Frucht. Berhn, 1695.

Anhang an Dr. P. J. Spener's Aufr. Uebereinstimmung
mit d. Augs. Confession (see first book above) gegen die
Wittenberg. Theol. Facultet, 1695; 7i pages.

Johannis Erste Epistel. Halle, 1699.

Spener's works are full of countless repetitions; and a
study of his Bedenken, Pia Desideria, Glaubenslehre, and
Erste Geistliche Schriften will give the student a complete
knowledge of his whole theological system and practical pro-
gram.

(Also to be included:)

Arndt's Sechs Buecher vom wahren Cristenthum. Edited
by G. A. Francke. Halle, 1830.

Francke's Works.

Segensvolle Fuszstapfen. Halle, 1709, Contains corre-
spondence with Canstein, also several elaborate statements of
defense.

Pietas Hallensis. Part I., 1707; H- and HI., 1716. English
translation of Seg. Fuszstapfen. This and the preceding book
contain a historical sketch of the growth of the famous Or-
phan House. This, the second edition, has a preface by J.
Woodward. Also contains a letter by Francke to Cotton
Mather, 1714.

Three Practical Discourses. Translation. London, 1716.

A Guide to the Reading and Study of the Holy Scripture.

1 88 Pietism and Methodism

Translated and edited by William Jaques. London, 1813.
Contains Life of Francke, Treatise on the Afifections, etc.

A Letter to a Friend Concerning the Most Useful Way of
Preaching. Translated from the Latin by D. Jennings. Bos-
ton, 1740.

A. H. Francke's Paedagogische Schriften. Second edition
by D. G. Kramer. Langensalza, 1885. Appendix has Francke's
Idea Studiosi Theologia.

A. H. Francke, Schriften ueber Erziehung imd Unterricht.
Edited by Karl Richter. Leipzig, 1871-72. This and the pre-
ceding book contain all the important material dealing with
Francke's educational work.

A. H. Francke, Fine Denkschrift, by H. E. F. Guerike,
Halle, 1827, is given here because it contains a mass of orig-
inal material, tracts, sermons, etc.

Meditatio de Gratia et Veritate. Translated from the Ger-
man. Halle, 1733.

Programmata in Academia Hallensi. Halle, 1714.

2. METHODISM

Wesley's Works

The Journal of John Wesley. Standard edition. Eight
volumes. London, 1909-1916. This work is essential to any
study dealing with Wesley, because it is the old Journal en-
larged from original manuscripts, with material from unpub-
lished diaries, annotations, maps, and illustrations. It throws
light on some disputed questions.

Wesley's Hymns. Methodist Hymn Book. Cf. J. Telford,
complete eHilion. Edited by John Emory. New York, 1835.
First two volumes contain his most important sermons. Vol-
umes III. and IV. contain his Journal. (See above.) The
last three volumes contain his larger and short tracts, letters,
histories, notices, defenses, regulations, prefaces to abridged
works, grammars, thoughts on various subjects, criticisms, etc.
All of Wesley's important v/ritings are here included, illus-
trating every phase of his thought life and practical reforms.

Letters of John Wesley. Edited by George Eayrs. London,
1915.

Bibliography 189

Explanatory Notes upon the New Testament. Eleventh
edition. New York. His commentary reveals his own theo-
logical position.

Wesley's Hymns. Methodist Hymn Book. Cf. J. Telford,
The Methodist Hymn Book, Illustrated.

John Fletcher, Checks to Antinomianism. Two volumes.
New York, 1846. Agreeing with Wesley in the main and a
good work to use in a supplementary way. Fletcher and
Wesley were the first two theologians of Methodism.

Minutes of the Methodist Conference. Volume I. Lon-
don, 1812.

Journal of Charles Wesley. Two volumes. Edited by
Thomas Jackson. London, 1849.

Works of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Arthur Bury, The Naked Gospel. London, 1690.

Joseph Butler, The Analogy of Religion. London, 1824.
New edition by Samuel Halifax, to which is appended his
famous Charge to the Clergy of Durham, 175 1.

The British Essayists Series. Boston, 1856.

Memoirs of Edward Gibbon. Written by himself. Edited
by Henry Morley. London, 1891.

The Works of Oliver Goldsmith. Four volumes. Boston,
1854. Edited by Peter Cunningham.

Anthony Horneck, The Great Law of Consideration. Eighth
edition. London, 1704.

Alexander Knox, Remains. London, 1844.

William Law, Serious Call. New edition. Boston, 1835.

Josiah Woodward, An Account of the Societies for the
Reformation of Manners. London, 1699.

Samuel Rutherford, A Survey of the Spiritual Antichrist.
London, 1648.

John Toland, Christianity Not Mysterious. London, 1696.

Matthew Tindal, Christianity as Old as Creation. London,
1730. This and the preceding work are two of the most
prominent on the Deistical side.

John Leland, A View of the Principal Deistical Writers.
Two volumes. London, 1798. Against the Deists.

190 Pietism and Methodism

J. H. Robinson, Readings in European History, II. Bos-
ton, 1906.

S. R. Maitland, The Reformation in England. London,
1906. Contains original extracts.

Duncan Forbes, Some Thoughts Concerning Religion, Nat-
ural and Revealed. Second edition. London, 1736.

Journal of George Fox. Philadelphia.

II. Secondary Material

I. PIETISM

(i) Special Works on Pietism Proper

Albrecht Ritschl, Geschichte des Pietismus. Two volumes.
Bonn, 1880-84. This is generally considered to be the greatest
work on Pietism. But a spirit of dogmatism is woven into it
by a master mind, and to that extent it deteriorates in value
as a strictly historical work. The present treatise is, however,
greatly indebted to this work.

Eugen Sachsse, Ursprung und Wessen des Pietismus.
Wiesbaden, 1884. More historical than the preceding. Neither
is in sympathy with Pietism, the former less than the latter.

Karl Mirbt, article Pietismus, in Realency fuer prtt. The-
ologie u. Kirche. Leipzig, 1904. A very comprehensive and
fair treatment. A safer guide than the two just mentioned.

A. W. Boehm, A Short Account of Pietism. London, 1707.
Appended to Pietas Hallensis.

H. Schmid, Die Geschichte des Pietismus. Nordlingen,
1863.

(2) Works on Spener, Etc.

Paul Gruenberg, Philip J. Spener. Three volumes. Goet-
tingen. Volume I., 1893; IL, 1905; HI., 1906. By far the
best and most complete biography of Spener. The last volume
contains the most complete Spener bibliography to be found.
Many valuable suggestions were obtained from these volumes.

Paul Tschackert, Spener, in AUg. deutschen Biog. Bd. 35.
1892.

Bibliography 191

Wilhelm Hoszbach, Philip J. Spener und seine Zeit. Two
volumes. Berlin, 1828. An old standard work. (Third edi-
tion, 1861.)

Friedrich Pfannenberg, Philip J. Spener, der Kirchen-
Vater des evangelischen Deutschlands. Berlin, 1832.

Canstein, Das Muster eines rechtschaffenen Lehrers. Pub-
lished by J. Lange, Halle, 1740. Appended is a valuable cata-
logue of Spener's works.

A. H. Francke, Life, in Realency f. prot. Theol. u. K., VI.,
iSoff.

Life of the Rev. Augustus Hermann Francke, in The
Christian Biography. London.

Johann Arndt, Fine Untersuchung ueber die Mystik im
Luthertum. By Wilhelm Koepp. Berlin, 1912. The relation
of Arndt to Pietism is well brought out, as well as the rela-
tion of Mysticism to Lutheranism.

Johann Valentin Andrea und sein Zeitalter. By Wilhelm
Hoszbach. Berlin, 1819. Valuable as a treatise of the times
and conditions between Arndt and Spener. The Thirty Years'
War.

2. METHODISM

(i) Special Works

A New History of Methodism. Edited by W. J. Townsend,
H. B. Workman, and George Eayrs. Two volumes. London,
1909. The latest and best history of Methodism, written on
the plan of the Cambridge Modern History. Lack of unity is
the main defect. The introductory chapter by Workman on
The General Position of Methodism is the best of its kind.
Volume H. contains an extensive bibliography.

Abel Stevens, The History of Methodism. Three volumes.
New York, 1859, 1861. Second volume, eleventh thousand.
Has been called the best denominational history ever written.
From a denominational standpoint it is valuable, true to his-
tory, with a tendenc3% however, toward favoritism.

J, A. Faulkner, The Methodists. (Series, The Stor>' of the
Churches.) New York, 1903. Concise and readable.

H. B. Workman, Methodism. New York, 191 2.

192 Pietism and Methodism

Loofs, Methodismus, in Realency f. prot. Theol. u. Kirche.
Volume XII., 75off. Written by a Lutheran, but sympathetic
and true to the facts. One of the best of the shorter treat-
ments.

H. N. McTyeire, A History of Methodism. Nashville, 1884.

A. B. Hyde, The Story of Methodism. New York, 1898.
Revised edition.

J. M. Buckley, A History of the Methodists. New York,
1896.

W. F. Warren, System. Theologie (Meth.). Bremen, 1865.

John Telford, The Methodist Hymn Book, Illustrated.
Second edition. London, 1909.

M. Simpson, A Hundred Years of Methodism. New York,
1881.

Jonathan Crowther, A True and Complete Portraiture of
Methodism. New York, 1813.

N. A. Weber, Methodism, in Catholic Encyclopedia. New
York, 191 1.

J. Robinson Gregory, A History of Methodism. Two vol-
umes. London, 191 1.

R. Green, The Mission of Methodism. London, 1890.

J. F. Hurst, The History of Methodism. Two volumes.
New York, 1902,

W. B. Duncan, Studies in Methodist Literature. Nashville,

1914-

W. Myles, A Chronological History of the Methodists.
London, 1813.

(^J Works on Wesley, Etc.

J. Tyerman, The Life and Times of the Rev. John Wesley.
Three volumes. London, 1871-72. Classic biography; impar-
tial.

Southey, Life of Wesley. New York, 1820; London, 1890.

J. H. Overton, John Wesley. New York, 1891.

Julia Wedgwood, John Wesley and the Evangelical Reac-
tion of the Eighteenth Century. London, 1870. Suggestive.

J. H. Rigg, The Living Wesley. Second edition. London,
1891. From a different standpoint than most biographies and
therefore valuable.

Bibliography 193

F. J. Snell, Wesley and Methodism. New York, 1900.
Isaac Taylor, Wesley and Methodism. London, 1851. A

philosophy of the history of Methodism from the standpoint
of the High Church. Partial.

J. A. Faulkner, Wesley as a Churchman. Reprinted from
Volume VIII. American Society of Church History. 1897.

John Wesley, the Methodist. New York, 1903. Printed
anonymously.

G. H. Pike, John Wesley: The Man and His Mission.
London, 1904.

Life of the Rev. John Wesley, in The Christian Biography.
London.

L. Tyerman, The Oxford Methodists. London, 1873.

G. L. Stevenson, Memorials of the Wesley Family. Includ-
ing biographical and historical sketches. London, 1876.

J. H. Moulton, Methodism and CathoHc Unity, in Com-
structive Quarterly, June, 1913.

Waterfield, The Lost John Wesley, in Methodist Review
of M. E. Church, South, October, 1913.

Wesley as a Social Reformer, in Methodist Review of M.
E. Church, South, April, 1914.

James Mudge, John Wesley, in Bible Magazine, September,
1914.

Augustus Leger, Wesley's Place in Catholic Thought, in
Constructive Quarterly, June, 1914. New York.

W. H. Meredith, The Real John Wesley. New York, 1903.

D. D. Thompson, John Wesley as a Social Reformer. New
York, 1898.

E. M. North, Early Methodist Philanthropy. New York,
1914.

E. B. Chappell, Studies in the Life of John Wesley, Nash-
ville, 191 1.

3. SPECIAL WORKS ON THE PERIOD — PIETISM AND METHODISM

(i) Germany

E. B. Pusey, Das Aufkommen und Sinken des Rationalis-
mus in Deutschland.

13

194 Pietism and Methodism

A. Tholuck, Das Kirschliche Leben des 17 Jahrhunderts.
Two volumes. Berlin, 1861-62. Gives a detailed picture of
the times.

G. Freytag, Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit.
Third volume, 1600- 1700. Leipzig, 1867. Fifth edition.
Graphic descriptions. Very useful.

A. Tholuck, Lebenszeugen der Lutherischen Kirche. Ber-
lin, 1859.

J. Jannsen, History of the German People. XVI. Good
for the period leading up to Pietism. From the Roman Cath-
olic point of view.

(2) England

G. R. Balleine, A History of the Evangelical Party in the
Church of England. London, 1908.

Charles J. Abbey and J. H. Overton, The English Church
in the Eighteenth Century. Two volumes. London, 1878.
From the Anglican standpoint, but impartial and trustworthy.

Robert Barclay, The Inner Life of the Religious Societies
of the Commonwealth. Second edition. London, 1877. This
book shows that many of Methodism's characteristic features
had found a place among the Dissenters of the preceding cen-
tury.

Charles Beard, The Reformation. London, 1883.

W. H. Frere, English Church Ways. Milwaukee, 1914.

Mark Pattison, Tendencies of Religious Thought in Eng-
land, 1688-1750. (Written in i860; in Essays, Oxford, 1889.)

J. H. Overton, The Evangelical Revival in the Eighteenth
Century. London, 1886.

J. Wickham Legg, English Church Life, London, 1914.

W. B. Selble, English Sects: A History of Nonconformity.
New York; no date (received at Harvard 1914).

John Hunt, Religious Thought in England from the Refor-
mation to the End of the Last [Eighteenth] Century. Three
volumes. 1870-73.

J. H. Overton, The Church in England. Volume II. Lon-
don, 1901.

Bibliography 195

John Stoughton, Religion in England under Queen Anne
and the Four Georges. Two volumes. London, 1878.

W. H. Hutton, A Short History of the Church in Great
Britain. London, 1900.

J. F. Hunt, Religious Thought in England in the Nineteenth
Century. London, 1896.

O. P. Fisher, Outlines of English Church History. Chester,
1900.

W. B. Carpenter, A Popular History of the Church in
England. New York, 1900.

Felix Makower, The Constitutional History and Constitu-
tion of the Church of England. (Translated from the Ger-
man of F. M.) London, 1895.

Edward Marshall, Oxford, in Diocesan Histories. London,
1882.

M. Kaufman, Latitudinarianism and Pietism. Cambridge
Modern History, V., Chapter XXIV. New York, 1908.

A. W. Ward, Great Britain under George L Cambridge
Modern History, VL, Chapter L New York, 1909.

H. W. V. Temperley, The Age of Walpole and the Pelhams.
Cambridge Modern History, VL, Chapter H.

C. E. Vaughan, The Romantic Movement. Cambridge
Modern History, VL, Chapter XXIV.

William Hastie, The Theology of the Reformed Church in
Its Fundamental Principles. Edinburgh, 1904.

W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth
Century. Volume 11. New York, 1878.

John Ashton, Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne.
Two volumes. London, 1882.

Sir Leslie Stephens, History of English Thought in the
Eighteenth Century. Two volumes. London, 1902.

H. O. Wakeman, An Introduction to the History of the
Church of England. Eighth edition. Revised by S. L. Ollard.
London, 1914.

B. Terry, A History of England. Chicago, 1901.

John Waddington, Congregational History, 1700-1800. Lon-
don, 1876.

H. D. M. Spence, A History of the English Church. Lon-
don, 1900.

196 Pietism and Methodism

S. Baring-Gould, The Church Revival. London, 1914,
H. H. Hanson, Puritanism in England. London, 1912.
J. H. Allen, Three Phases of Modern Theology. Boston,
1880.

4. GENERAL WORKS

Alzog's Universal Church History, Cincinnati, 1874-78.

Hergenroether, Kirchengeschichte. Third volume. Frei-
burg i. B., 1884-86. Good Catholic authority.

J. H. Kurtz, Church History. Third volume. New York,
1889-90.

F. C. Baur, Geschichte der Christlichen Kirche. Volume
IV. Tuebingen, 1863. Old but suggestive.

J. W. Moncrief, A Short History of the Christian Church.
New York, 1902.

A. H. Newman, A Manual of Church History. Volume H.
Philadelphia, 1900.

W. H. Hutton, The Age of Revolution. (The Church
Universal Series.) London, 1908.

W. S. Bevan, Church History, Medieval and Modern. Se-
wanee, Tenn., 1914.

Funk, A Manual of Church History. London, 1910.

J. F. Hurst, History of the Christian Church. New York,
1897.

G. P. Fisher, History of the Christian Church. New York,
1904.

Cheetham, Modern Church History. London, 1907.

F. Schwill, History of Modern Europe. New York, 1904.

Ashley Carus- Wilson, The Expansion of Christendom.
New and revised edition. London, 1913.

H. C. Sheldon, History of the Christian Church. Volume
HL 1894.

F. Loofs, Grundlinien der Kirchengeschichte. Halle, 1901.

J. C. S. Gieseler, A Textbook of Church History. Trans-
lated and edited by H. B. Smith. Completed by May A. Rob-
inson. Volume V. New York, 1880.

Hans von Schubert, Outlines of Church History. New
York, 1907.

Bibliography 197

R. Sohm, Outlines of Church History. London, 1909.

E. Troeltsch, Prot. Christentum u. Kirche d. Neuzeit (in
Kultur der Gegenwart, I., 4). Leipzig, 1906. A masterly and
comprehensive grasp of the subject.

R. K. Rowe, Landmarks of Christian History. New York,
1911.

Karl Hase, A History of the Christian Church. Translated
and edited by Charles E. Blumenthal and Conway P. Wing.
New York, 1855.

K. R. Hagenbach, German Rationalism. Translated and
edited by Leonard Gage and J. H. W. Stuckenberg. Edin-
burgh, 1865.

Ernst Kalb, Kirchen und Seckten der Gegenwart. Stutt-
gart, 1905.

A. McGiffert, Protestant Thought Before Kant. New York,
1911.

E. C. Moore, History of Christian Thought Since Kant.
New York, 1912.

A. V. G. Allen, The Continuity of Christian Thought.
Boston, 1884.

A History of Creeds and Confessions of Faith, by William
Curtis. Edinburgh, 191 1.

G. P. Fisher, History of Christian Doctrine. New York,
1896.

O. Pfleiderer, The Development of Christianity. Trans-
lated by D. A. Dubsch. London, 1910.

O. Kirn, Rationalismus und Supranaturalismus, in Realency
f. prot. Theol. u. K. XVL, 447^.

Otto Ritschl, Dogmengeschichte des Protestantismus. Leip-
zig, 1908, 1912. Two volumes. Good books to supplement
Harnack's D. G.

A. Harnack, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte. Fourth edi-
tion. Tuebingen, 191 0. Volume IH. The main work of its
kind.

Philip SchafF, Creeds of Christendom. New York, 1877-
Volumes L and H.

Walter Hobhouse, The Church and the World, in Idea and
in History. London, 1910.

Deismns, by Troeltsch, in Realency f. prot. Theol. u. Kirche.

198 Pietism and Methodism

G. E. Horr, Sacerdotalism. (Harvard Theological Re-
view.) July, 19 10.

Paul Sorge, Wie ist deutsche Unkirchlichkeit im Verhaelt-
nis zu englischer Kirchlichkeit zu erklaeren. (In Zeits. fuer
Theol. u. Kirche. Tuebingen, January, 1914.)

William Hirsch, Religion und Civilisation vom Stand-
punkte des Psychiaters. Muenchen, 1910.

J. A. Dorner, History of Protestant Theology. Trans.
Two volumes. Edinburgh, 1871.

III. Other Material Consulted

I. MYSTICISM AND PSYCHOLOGY

William R. Inge, Christian Myticism. London, 1899.

William R. Inge, Studies of English Mystics. London, 1906.

Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries. London, 1914.

Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion. London,
1909.

W. K. Fleming, Mysticism in Christianity. New York, 1913.

Paul Mehlhorn, Die Bluetezeit der deutschen Mystik. Tue-
bingen, 1907.

C. F. E. Spurgeon, Mysticism in English Literature. Cam-
bridge, N. Y., 1913.

Thomas C. Hall, A Definition of Mysticism. (In Essays in
Modern Theology and Related Subjects.) New York, 191 1.

F. Loofs, Solo Verbo, Lutheranism and Mysticism, in Con-
structive Quarterly, December, 1914.

Ibid., John Tauler, by Bishop Boyd Carpenter.

Baron Huegel on Troeltsch, in Constructive Quarterly, De-
cember, 1914. (On the Specific Genius and Capacities of
Christianity. Good discussion on Mysticism.)

Henry C. McComas, The Psychology of Religious Sects.
New York, 1912.

Shailer Mathews, Generic Christianity, in Constructive
Quarterly, December, 1914.

William James, Varieties of Religious Experience. New
York, 1903.

Bibliography 199

Borden P. Bowne, The Christian Life. New York, 1899.

George Coe, The Spiritual Life. New York, 1900.

George Coe, Psychology of Religion. Chicago, 1916.

E. D. Starbuck, The Psychology of Religion. New York,
1900.

E. S. Ames, The Psychology of Religious Experience.
Second edition. Boston, 1910.

Dr. P. T. Forsyth, EvangeHcal Experience, in Methodist
Review, January, 1915.

A. C. McGiffert, The Rise of Modern Religious Ideas.
New York, 1915.

2. MORAVIANISM, ETC.

A. C. Thompson, Moravian Missions. New York, 1882.
Hutton, A Short History of the Moravian Church. (Mo-
ravian Publishing Company.) London, 1895.

Unity of Brethren, Schaff-Herzog, XL, J. T. Hamilton.
Cranz, Neue Brueder Historie. Barby, 1771,

3

J. F. Clarke, Events and Epochs in Religious History.
Boston, 1881. Interesting discussion in regard to Wesley's po-
sition in the Church. Pages 38off.

O. Pfleiderer, The Philosophy of Religion. Translated and
edited by A. Stevant and Allan Menzies. London, 1886.

Bruno-Bauch, Geschichte der Philosophic, IV. Neuere Phil,
bis Kant. Berlin, 1913.

Nouvelle Biographic Generale. Various articles.

Encyclopedic des Sciences Religieuses, Lichtenberger.

Dictionary of National Biography. London, 1885-1901.

New International Encyclopedia.

Encyclopedia Britannica.

Schaff-Herzog, Catholic and Jewish Encyclopedias.

ABBREVIATIONS

Because a few authorities have been frequently referred to
they are designated by abbreviations.

Spener

Auf. Ueh. — Aufrichtige Uebereinstimmung mit der . . .

GL L. — Die Evangelische Glaubenslehre.

Bed. — Theologische Bedenken. This is divided into four
books. The first book contains two parts, designated la and
lb; others as 2, 3, 4.

L. Bed. — Letzte Theologische Bedenken. The three parts
are designated i, 2, 3.

Cons. — Consilia et judicia Theologica Latina. The three
parts are designated, each as i, 2, 3.

Pred. u. Arndt. — Predigten ueber des seeligen J. Arndt's
Geistreiche Buecher vom Wahren Christentum.

Pia Des. — Pia Desideria.

Allg. Gottesg. — Allegemeine Gottesgelahrtheit aller glaeu-
bigen Christen und . . .

Francke

Educational works designated by works in which they are
found, as Kramer, Richter, Guerike.

Wesley

Works, I., II., stand for his sermons. V., VI., VII. stand
for his miscellaneous writings.

Jour, or J. stands for Curnock's standard edition.

Ritschl, I. or II., without title, stands for A. Ritschl, Ges-
chichte des Pietismus.

Other references are sufficiently designated to be plain.
(200)