The pilgrimage of grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter conspiracy, 1538

THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE

1536-1537

AND

THE EXETER CONSPIRACY

1538

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
EontiOtt: FETTEB LANE, E.G.
100 PEINCES STREET

£efo gorfc : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Bomfmp, Calcutta an* fltotoraa: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.

SToronto: J. M. DENT AND SONS, LTD.
Eofego: THE MAEUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

All right* reserved

THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE

1 S36-1 5 37

AND

THE EXETER CONSPIRACY

1538

BY
MADELEINE HOPE DODDS

(Historical Tripos, Cambridge)

AND
RUTH DODDS

VOLUME

Cambridge :
at the University Press

FEINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVEBSITY PRESS

IN

CONTENTS

PAGE

XV THE SECOND APPOINTMENT AT DONCASTER . . i

XVI THE KING'S POLICY 24

XVII HALLAM AND BIGOD .... .55

XVIII THE DUKE OF NORFOLK'S MISSION .... 99

XIX THE KING'S PEACE ...... 141

XX THE END OF THE PILGRIMAGE .... 182

XXI THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH . . . 226

XXII THE WHITE ROSE PARTY . . 277

XXIII THE EXETER CONSPIRACY ... 297

XXIV CONCLUSION . . . 329

BIBLIOGRAPHY 335

INDEX .... 340

ADDITIONS AND CORKECTIONS

PAGE

80 The Eichmondshire articles are printed in full in " Eichmondshire Wills,"

preface, p. xvii (Surtees Society).
126 Hutton of Snaith. Perhaps he was the bailiff of Snaith mentioned in connection

with Hallam's rising, see pp. 49 and 64 ; but in that case it is odd that

anything could be found against him in Durham. Norfolk calls him " one

of the chief captains of the first rebellion." (L. and P. xn (1), 416 (2).)
130 For William Bowyer read Eichard Bowyer.
151 On 22 February 1536-7 it was reported in Norfolk that seven of the Lincolnshire

rebels had been executed by the Duke of Suffolk's orders. (L. and P. xn (1),

424; printed in full, Furnivall, "Ballads from MSS," vol. i, pt 2, p. 311

[Ballad Society].)
176 For another political play which probably dealt with the Pilgrimage of Grace, see

"The Date of Albion, Knight," by M. H. Dodds in " The Library," April

1913.
189 Cromwell's name is used rather loosely throughout the passages relating to the

evidence. As he was the moving spirit in the prosecution he is described as

making all the notes and drawing all the conclusions found among the

documents relating to the trials.
217 Delete Lord Cobham's name, as no expression of his opinions is recorded in the

preceding pages.
219 Sir Ingram Percy's will is printed in "North Country Wills " (Surtees Society),

i, 156.

CHAPTER XV

THE SECOND APPOINTMENT AT DONCASTER

The position and objects of the rebels having been set forth, it
is now time to consider the situation from the King's point of view.

The Pilgrims had stated their grievances definitely, and begged
the King to tell them what redress he was prepared to give. In
order to discover what answer he would make, it is necessary to go
back to the mission of Bowes and Ellerker at the beginning of
November. On their first arrival Henry had himself drawn up a
reply to the five articles1, very much on the lines of his reply to
Lincolnshire2, but on the whole milder in tone. The King con-
descended almost to argument, as for instance in the recital of the
names of his Privy Council, now full of noblemen, whereas at the
beginning of his reign there had been but two nobles of the old
blood, "others, as the Lords Marney and Darcy, scant well-born
gentlemen." Also he demanded the surrender of only ten ringleaders,
instead of a hundred, as in Lincolnshire3. It is not necessary to go
into the details of the reply, however, for in essence it was simply a
refusal to listen to any of the rebels' remonstrances, and it had no
external result because it was never sent.

When he wrote it Henry seems to have been under the im-
pression that the Pilgrims were already scattered, and that the
affair would be over almost as quickly as the Lincolnshire rising.
By the time the reply was received the rebels might be expected to
be in a properly submissive frame of mind. As he gradually became
convinced that the truce was merely a truce, and not a capitulation,
the dreadful suspicion may have dawned in his mind that these
traitors might not accept his gracious answer, written with his own
hand, in the proper spirit. They might hesitate, argue, even reject
it. The very idea of such a humiliation was too terrible to be enter-
tained. The King would not run such a risk. Instead of issuing

1 L. and P. zi, 957 ; printed in full, Speed, op. cit. bk. ix, ch. 21.

2 L. and P. xi, 780 (2). 3 Ibid. 957.

D. II. 1

2 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

his reply to the Yorkshiremen, he caused his reply to Lincolnshire
to be printed, thus returning an indirect answer to the rebels,
without exposing himself. But his labour was not wasted, for he let
it be known among the Pilgrims that he had answered their petition,
but that he would not as yet allow them to see his reply. His letter
to Ellerker and Bowes supplied this omission to some extent, and
once the Pilgrims had made a full list of their grievances, as a
substitute for their first general petition, the King's answer became
quite insufficient. The stages by which Henry was reluctantly
forced to acknowledge that he was obliged to treat formally with
the Pilgrims have already been traced. On 14 November he had
resolved to send Norfolk and Fitzwilliam to negotiate with them1,
and the first set of instructions was drawn up for their direction.
They were to be provided with a safe-conduct under the Great Seal,
" a proclamation implying a pardon," and the King's original answer.
On their arrival at Doncaster they were permitted to arrange an
interview with Darcy and three hundred others. They were to
induce this company to come to them merely on their own promise
of safety if possible, but if they could not be persuaded that this was
sufficient security they might be given the safe-conduct. On this
point of the safe-conduct the King was extremely sensitive. He
seems to have felt that to grant one was a kind of recognition of
belligerency ; also it hurt his pride to acknowledge that any of his
subjects were not wholly at his mercy. Apart from this we perhaps
may see here one of the extraordinary freaks of his conscience. He
would have had no hesitation in ordering Suffolk to seize the Pilgrims
who had come to negotiate with Norfolk on the security of Norfolk's
word, but he would prefer not to violate his own safe-conduct. Except
for this matter there is not much of importance in these first instruc-
tions to Norfolk. Henry was not going to give way on any point.
Darcy and his company must be persuaded and exhorted by the
Duke to submit themselves entirely to the King, to make no further
question concerning their petitions, and to accept the pardon which
the King was willing to extend to all but a few persons specially
named. If the rebels would conform themselves absolutely and
surrender the aforesaid ringleaders they might be permitted to
receive the King's answer "in a much more certain sort than the
articles were proponed so that all indifferent men must be content."2
If they would submit, Norfolk was to administer to them the oath of
the Lincolnshire men ; if they refused he was to gain as much time
1 L. and P. xi, 1065. » Ibid. 1064.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 3

as possible by discussion, and at the first favourable opportunity he
must break off the negotiations and straightway attack the rebels1.

With these instructions Norfolk and Fitzwilliam set out. On
27 November the King wrote to them at Leicester. The rebels'
attitude was still very threatening, and he seems to have thought
that there was little prospect of peace, but he was still determined
not to yield a single point ; he would not give hostages for Aske ; he
would not grant fourteen days' truce for the appointment, "our
instructions treat of a time to be won by policy, and not of an
abstinence by pact, which would give them time to fortify them-
selves."2

These letters and instructions must have been very painful
reading for Norfolk and the Admiral. It was abundantly evident
by this time that there was no chance of winning over Darcy,
and as far as could be discovered the other leaders were equally
unapproachable. For a short while the royalists entertained some
hope of winning over Aske, owing to the report of a spy. This man
was called Knight, and was a servant of Sir Francis Brian3. Knight
went into the rebels' country about 14 November4, to learn what he
could about their strength. When he was in York, his appearance
aroused suspicion, but he escaped by saying that he was a servant
of Sir Peter Vavasour. On 15 November, however, he was recog-
nised as Brian's servant and taken before Aske. With great presence
of mind and some humour Knight told the captain that Sir Francis
had sent him in pursuit of his chaplain who was a thief5. Aske sent
Knight back to his master with a letter to request a description of
the missing chaplain, as he was determined not to protect bad
characters6. It was Knight who told Sir Francis that Aske had
only one eye. He had returned to his master by 18 November7.
Apparently Knight had had some communication with Sir Peter
Vavasour, whose name he had used as a protection, although
Sir Peter was with the Pilgrims8. Knight told Sir Francis Brian
that, according to Sir Peter, Aske had been heard to say that some
men who were not suspected were worse than he, and that he would
gladly accept the King's pardon. Brian repeated this to Sir Anthony
Browne, who sent the report on to Norfolk and Fitzwilliam. The
King's deputies reached Nottingham on Wednesday 29 November,

i L. and P. xi, 1064. * Ibid. 1174. 3 Ibi(L 1103.

4 Ibid. 1079. 8 Ibid. 1103.

6 Ibid. 1079. 7 Ibid. 1103.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 340.

1—2

4 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

and there they wrote to Sir Peter Vavasour1. They stated that it
had been represented to them that Aske was wavering. If he would,
he could do more service than a greater man, and Sir Peter must
urge him to throw himself on the King's mercy. In token of his
goodwill, let him come to the meeting at Doncaster without hostages,
bringing with him this letter, which should be his safeguard3. This
application to the supposed originator of the roundabout story
demolished it altogether. Vavasour wrote back to say that there
was no truth in the report that Aske was wavering. He himself
dared not sign his letter, lest it should be intercepted. Thus all
hope from this quarter vanished3. The reports from the north
showed no signs of giving way on the part of the rebels. On the
contrary, it was doubtful whether they would consent to treat at all.
If they were really so much excited and so confident it was quite
evident that they would not humbly accept any answer which the
King might choose to make.

It may be asked why the royalists should fear the prospect of
battle, when they had at their backs London, the King's treasure and
the King's fleet. Norfolk and the nobles with him were honestly on
Henry's side, but the particular sting lay in the fact that they would
be fighting for Cromwell. They would be actually the protectors and
maintainers of the man whom they most detested. While they were
risking their lives and spending their money in his hated cause, he
would be at the King's side, enjoying the King's favour, and probably
poisoning the King's mind against them. In the circumstances it
is not surprising that Norfolk, in particular, was ready to do almost
anything rather than fight. The state of his feelings may be judged
by the fact that between 24 November and 2 December he found
courage to write to the King laying before him the situation at its very
worst4. The letter seems to have been carried by Sir John Russell.
It is lost, but there was a passage in it very irritating to Henry, in
which Norfolk declared that everything depended on the weather ; the
waters of the river were falling and he could trust neither to Trent
nor to Don5 ; moreover he enclosed the evidence of sixty gentlemen
that "other parties were not to be trusted unto."6 These other
parties were probably the leaders of the Pilgrimage, Darcy, Latimer
and the rest, and the report was that they would not be persuaded
to betray their cause and come over to the King, as he hoped.

1 L. and P. xi, 1196. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 1242.

4 Ibid. 1237, printed in full, Hardwicke, Miscellaneous State Papers, i, 30.

5 See note A at end of chapter. 6 L. and P. xi, 1241.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 5

Henry was furiously angry at the contents of this letter. His
situation with regard to Norfolk was indeed peculiarly galling to a
man of his pride and temper. Norfolk for the moment was in-
dispensable ; he might not be a very good general, but he was the
only one Henry possessed. Until the rebellion was suppressed the
King could not afford to quarrel with him. But, while conscious of
his own helplessness, Henry did not trust Norfolk in the least. He
did not believe that the desperate letter contained a true account of
the rebels' position; in his eyes it was all a trick to frighten him
into coming to terms. Yet Norfolk could not be superseded, because
there was no one to take his place, and he could not be forced to
insist that the rebels should either fight or accept Henry's terms,
because if Henry threatened him too boldly it was very probable
that he would join the rebels himself. In the replies which were
drawn up on 2 December, the King put a great restraint upon
himself. Nevertheless the private letter which he sent to Norfolk
was sufficiently alarming. Henry complained that Norfolk's desperate
reports agreed neither with the information of spies nor with each
other. In the first campaign he had particularly declared that he
could hold the line of the Trent, and had attributed all his ill success
to Shrewsbury's advance to the Don. Now he said that he could
hold neither Don nor Trent, and yet it was evident that Shrews-
bury's advance had saved a large district for the King1. From
Newark he had written that he would esteem no promise made to
the rebels nor think his honour touched in the breach of it2, but
nevertheless he had come to terms with them, disbanded his army
without any exploit, and favoured their petitions at court. " We
have now declared to you our whole stomach, as to him that we love
and trust, which if you take as it is meant we doubt not but you will
thank us, and by your deeds cause us eftsoons to thank you."3 This
was on the whole a temperate letter, but there is an undercurrent of
restrained fury running through it which must have been very
alarming to Norfolk. Such a rebuke might have goaded a loyal man
into fighting immediately, or might have frightened a cautious man
into going straight over to the rebels; but Henry knew Norfolk's
character. The only emotion which it aroused in him was an intense
desire to dispose of this tiresome business and return to court, where
his "back-friends" must be intriguing against him.

1 L. and P. xi, 1226; printed in full, State Papers, x, 518.

2 L. and P. xi, 864; see above.

3 L. and P. xi, 1226 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 518.

6 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

At the same time the Privy Council received news that, according
to letters from Sir William Musgrave, Tynedale and Reedsdale were
loyal, Cumberland and Westmorland not ill-disposed, Lord Clifford
was holding Carlisle and the Earl of Cumberland Skipton1. They
thought therefore that Norfolk had only to deal with Yorkshire.
They wrote to him to engage the rebels in conference while Suffolk
prepared to attack them from the east, and Shrewsbury and Derby
on the west. If the rebels could not be persuaded to accept the
limited pardon and give up their ringleaders, he was to attack at
once, for the King would on no account grant a general pardon.
They enclosed the King's letter, but assured Norfolk that whatever
it might contain the King was as gracious to him as ever he was in
his life, from which it appears that they were rather nervous about
the effect that Henry's remonstrance might have2. Sir John Russell
also carried back a secret letter from the King to Shrewsbury. It
is a high tribute to the old Earl's character that all parties trusted
him ; even the King placed more reliance on him than on Norfolk,
although he now showed his confidence by asking him to do a dirty
piece of work. In his reports Shrewsbury, whenever possible, had
spoken a good word for his old friend Darcy. Henry now com-
missioned him to enter into secret negotiations with Darcy and
Aske. He was not to allow the rest of the Council to know any-
thing about it, but if he could by any means persuade them to come
over to the King, he might give them the pardons, made out, one
for Darcy, and the other for Aske, which Russell had in his pos-
session. " The dates which are left blank you have power to fill up,
but you must do so in such sort that there appear no diversity of
hands." Was forgery one of the ordinary accomplishments of a
Tudor nobleman ? Russell also took a set of articles which Shrews-
bury was empowered to declare if no terms were made with the
rebels, but no copy of these articles has survived3.

On the very day that these letters were despatched, Saturday
2 December, Norfolk wrote again to the King from Welbeck, still
more emphatically setting forth the impossibility of inducing the
rebels to submit unconditionally4. Sir Francis Brian carried this
letter, and Suffolk also sent his opinion, which agreed with Norfolk's,
that if the King would not grant a free parliament and a general

1 L. and P. xi, 1207, 1208.

2 Ibid. 1228 ; printed in full, Hardwicke, op. cit. i, 27.

3 L. and P. xi, 1225 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 519.

4 L. and P. xi, 1237 ; printed in full, Hardwicke, op. cit. i, 30.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 7

pardon there was no hope of coming to terms1. Sir Francis reached
the court, at Richmond, on the night of Sunday 3 December2.
After he had made his report the King could no longer doubt the
gravity of the position. It was possible to believe that Norfolk was
exaggerating, but Suffolk and Sir Francis himself were entirely loyal
and their information must be taken seriously. Although he had
urged both Suffolk and Norfolk to fight, Henry did not want to
provoke actual warfare unless he could be quite certain of winning.
Since there was no alternative between concession and battle he
reluctantly gave directions for a new set of instructions to be drawn
up3. In the beginning of this document he again complained of
the desperate contents of Norfolk's letters. He reproached all the
council of his army for neglecting to seize and fortify the Don, and
for allowing the rebels to muster in such force at Pontefract without
making corresponding levies. They were on no account to treat
unless the numbers were equal on both sides, — either the Pilgrims
must disband, or the King's troops must be increased. If this
matter could be adjusted Norfolk, Fitzwilliam and the others were
empowered to hold the conference. As usual the King held forth at
great length on the reproaches that they must heap on the rebels
for their disloyalty, ingratitude, etc., but if all their eloquence did
not avail to make the Pilgrims accept the limited pardon, Norfolk
was to say that his commission extended no further, but that if they
would state clearly what they wanted he would venture to prolong
the truce and himself lay their petition before the King. He was to
persuade them that they only wanted a general pardon and a free
parliament ; they must be made to sign these articles and to under-
take not to molest the King on any other point. Then Norfolk
might make a truce for six or seven days, as if to send to the King,
and at the end of this time he might present to them the general
pardon which Sir John Russell would carry with him when he
delivered these instructions. At the same time Norfolk might give
them the King's promise that a parliament should be held, beginning
on the last day of September 1537 at any place the King might
appoint. If they insisted on any other articles, besides the pardon
and the parliament, Norfolk was to make a truce for twenty days, to
let the King know all particulars, and to send secretly to Derby
to summon all the forces of Cheshire and Lancashire, to Suffolk to

1 L. and P. xi, 1236 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 521.

2 L. and P. xi, 1237 ; printed in full, Hardwicke, op. cit. I, 30.

3 See note B at end of chapter.

8 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

prepare Lincolnshire, while he himself got ready to seize all the fords
of the Don until the King could make his preparations for advancing
against the rebels in person1. The idea of prolonging the truce
while secretly levying forces seems to have been suggested in the
first place by Norfolk in a letter from Newark that has not been
preserved. In a postscript the King replied to Norfolk's suggestion
and to another letter from Nottingham. Although he approved of
the general scheme, he would give no definite orders for further
levies, as it would be so expensive. He promised to send three more
safe-conducts, in addition to the one drawn up on 30 November
which Norfolk had already received2; the new ones were made out for
sixteen, twenty and forty days respectively, as he did not know what
length of time might be agreed upon, and if a blank safe-conduct were
sent, it would be visible that the date had been filled in by another
hand3. Commissions of lieutenancy were also sent, made out to
Norfolk and Shrewsbury, and to Norfolk and the Council. The King
concluded by complaining again of their desperate letters. If they
must send him so much bad news, he said, they might send some
good news to balance it, or at least suggest some " honest remedy "
for the evil. There is one other small but significant point : in the
original draft orders are given for the payment of the men now
with Norfolk, namely the " bands " of Sir John Russell, Sir Francis
Brian, Sir Anthony Browne and Richard Cromwell, but the names of
Sir Francis Brian and Richard Cromwell are struck out. Sir Francis
had just brought up letters from Norfolk, and the rebels had refused
to treat while Richard Cromwell was in Norfolk's company. The
King silently yielded this point without any argument or blus-
tering4.

With these instructions Henry sent a letter to Suffolk5. After
briefly telling him that he was prepared, in case of extremity, to
grant a free pardon and a parliament to the rebels, "although we
thought the granting of such a pardon would only encourage others,"
he gave orders that Suffolk must make up his companies to eight
thousand men, and prepare to attack at once on receiving the word
from Norfolk. The first plan was that on the alarm he should seize
Hull and advance on York, sending word to Lord Clifford to set
out from Carlisle and meet him. But this scheme was completely

1 L. and P. xi, 1227 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 511.

2 L. and P. xi, 1205, 1206. 3 See note C at end of chapter.

4 L. and P. xi, 1227 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 511.

5 L. and P. xi, 1236 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 521.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 9

cancelled and he was ordered not to attempt to take Hull, but to
await further advice. Letters and proclamations were enclosed to
be sent by sea to Berwick and thence distributed to Lord Clifford,
Sir William Musgrave, Edward Aglionby (of Carlisle), Sir Thomas
Clifford, Sir Reynold Carnaby and the towns of Berwick and Carlisle.
Suffolk received a commission of lieutenancy joining him with
Norfolk and Shrewsbury1, and a pardon and oath to be proclaimed
and administered in Marshland and Holderness2.

The Privy Council wrote to Norfolk at the same time, but their
letter only hints at the King's change of attitude3. These Privy
Council letters seem to have been composed to sweeten the King's
more outspoken despatches. This one begins with warm praises
of Norfolk and his colleagues. The King was making plans in
case of war, but the Privy Council contemplated peace. If, as
they did not doubt, Norfolk brought the affair to a satisfactory
conclusion, the King was pleased with the Duke's plan that he
should immediately advance into Yorkshire, with a good train of
noblemen and gentlemen, to administer the oath ; but Norfolk must
send further particulars, as the King's charges had been great, and
expenses must be kept down. They sent the Ten Articles and copies
of the circular to the bishops4, to be declared to the people. " There
remains one thing to be considered which the King has much to
heart and we all no less desire — the preservation of his Grace's
honour, which will be much touched if no man be reserved to punish-
ment." There is a certain humour in the earnestness with which
the Council beseech Norfolk to " reserve " some vile persons, even if
only a very few, and among them, if possible, Sir Robert Constable5.
Sir Robert had offended the King mortally by saying that the truce
had been broken when Edward Waters was sent to Scarborough.
Henry, in his usual daring fashion, had retorted the reproach on the
rebels in his instructions ; Norfolk was to complain of the taking of
Edward Waters as an innovation during the truce6.

The Council also mentioned that the King had written to the
Earl of Northumberland to come up to London " if nothing chance
to him in the mean season,'"7 rather a sinister reservation. The Earl
had sent a ring as a token to the King at the beginning of the
month, through Suffolk's hands8. They added that Norfolk would

L. and P. xi, 1236. l Ibid. 1235; cf. 1197.

Ibid. 1237 ; printed in full, Hardwicke, op. cit. i, 30.

See above, chap. xm. & L. and P. xi, 1237.

Ibid. 1227. 7 Ibid. 1237.

Ibid. 1221.

10 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

doubtless see that the Earl's brethren did no displeasure, a task
somewhat beyond his power1.

Such were the final instructions despatched to Norfolk before the
conference. They did not arrive till Wednesday 6 December, and
would have been too late if the meeting had not been deferred for
a day.

On Saturday 2 December Norfolk was at Welbeck writing
desperate letters to the King. On Sunday 3 December he was at
Hatfield, and with him were his half-brother Lord William Howard,
Sir William Fitzwilliam and Sir Anthony Browne2. He had sum-
moned Shrewsbury to join them, but Shrewsbury that day sent word
that he was so ill that it would be impossible for him to reach Don-
caster before Wednesday3. Probably Lancaster Herald arranged to
defer the meeting when he went to Pontefract that eventful Sunday.
Shrewsbury's letter was written in the morning, and after dinner
Norfolk mentioned in a letter to the King that the meeting would
not be till Wednesday. The principal object of the letter was to
give warning that William Steward of Scotland was on his way to
France and had passed right through the rebel country. It would
therefore be well to stop him, as he might be carrying messages
from the rebels to the King of Scotland. Norfolk reported that the
nobles at Pontefract were in half captivity to the commons, who
were very numerous and wild, but he was not without hopes of
winning over some of the gentlemen4. This no doubt is an allusion
to the Archbishop's sermon and the tumult in the church. Norfolk
must have written on the report of Lancaster Herald. It is rather
difficult to discover exactly what arrangements the Herald made
for the first meeting on Monday. Robert Aske said afterwards that
he delivered the King's safe-conduct for ten knights and esquires,
each accompanied by three servants5. On the other hand Fitzwilliam,
writing on Monday 4 December, told the King that the gentlemen
were coming with only two servants each and "upon our honours
without your Grace's safe-conduct."6 Fitzwilliam would be the
better authority, as Aske may easily have forgotten the exact par-
ticulars, if it were not possible that Fitzwilliam was trying to soothe
the King, whose angry letters of 2 December had just been received.
They seem to have arrived early on Monday morning before the
meeting, and Norfolk and Fitzwilliam answered them at 8 A.M. In

1 L. and P. xi, 1237 ; printed in full, Hardwicke, op. cit. i, 30.

2 L. and P. xi, 1234. * Ibid. 1233. 4 Ibid. 1234.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 6; printed Eng. Hist. Bev. v, 340. 6 L. and P. xi, 1243.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 11

these replies therefore there is no record of what passed. Norfolk
wrote to the King and to the Council. Both his letters are full of
protestations of loyalty; he insisted that he had only spoken the
plain truth all through, as it was his duty to warn the King of the
danger in which he stood. Doubtless he had mismanaged affairs,
but that was due to his old age and feebleness, unfit as he was for
the great duties which the King had forced upon him. He hoped
now that they would not send him north, as he had suggested,
because he wanted to go home1. The letters are very picturesque
but they contain no information about the negotiations with the
rebels.

After despatching these letters from Hatfield, Norfolk must have
gone to Doncaster to meet the Pilgrims' representatives. Sir Thomas
Hilton and his companions had received full instructions from the
Pilgrims' council. They were (1) " to declare to the Duke of Norfolk
and other lords that our meeting of our part is meant of assured
truth without any manner of deceit or 'male ingyne' : (2) to receive
the King's safe-conduct, and to deliver our safe-conduct for the
assurance of the lords there : (3) to entreat of our general pardon,
including all persons who in heart, word or deed aided the federation
in this our quarrel, and that we be not mentioned in the pardon, nor
in any records as rebels and traitors : (4) that Richard Cromwell nor
none of his kind nor sort be at our meeting at Doncaster: (5) to
receive the King's answer by the declaration of the lords, and to
certify the very intent thereof to us here : (6) to know what authority
the lords have to promise : (7) to demand what pledge they would
deliver for the captain : (8) if the particulars are required, then to
descend to divers particulars."2

To all this Norfolk had no very truthful reply, particularly if it
is correct to suppose that he did not receive the King's final instruc-
tions until Wednesday. He could not honestly answer to (1) that
he came to the meeting "without any manner of deceit or 'male
ingyne,' " seeing that he knew his object was to gain time until the
King's troops were ready to make an attack. On that very day
Suffolk was writing to ask for guns, gunners, arrows, etc., saying
that he was making musters and every day expected the King's two
ships3. With regard to (2) Norfolk's orders were if possible to
withhold the King's safe-conduct and to persuade the Pilgrims to

1 L. and P. xi, 1241, 1242.

2 Ibid. 1246; printed ki full, Speed, op. cit. (3rd ed.), bk. ix, ch. 21.

3 L. and P. xi, 1239, 1240.

12 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

come to the meeting on no security but his own word. He was not
authorised to promise a general pardon, as the King in his last
letters1 had insisted that some of the rebels must be reserved for
punishment2. He could indeed satisfy them with regard to (4) as
Richard Cromwell had already withdrawn. But as to (5) he had
particular instructions not to reveal the King's reply until the
rebels had submitted ; and though he was to assure them that it was
quite satisfactory he must have known that this was far from being
the case. As to (6) he had no authority to promise anything but
the limited pardon, while he had been particularly forbidden to give
a pledge for Aske. Though he was permitted to go into particulars,
it was only that he might persuade the Pilgrims not to trouble the
King with them, the one point on which his orders were most
emphatic being that he should take every means to detach the
gentlemen from the commons3.

At this point there comes a complete break in the contemporary
letters and reports. No account of these first negotiations at
Doncaster survives. Aske alluded to the meeting once or twice, but
always said that as he was not there he could not be certain of what
passed. He knew, however, that Robert Bowes delivered a copy of
the articles to the Duke. The principal business of the meeting was
probably to arrange for the final conference. It was decided that
the appointed three hundred should come to Doncaster next day,
and there choose forty of their number, twenty gentlemen and
twenty commons, to treat with the Duke4. The King's safe-conduct
seems to have been sent, although there is no absolute statement to
that effect, but it does not appear that any hostage was given for
Aske6. Perhaps the matter of the safe-conduct was compromised on
those terms. When this had been decided the ten gentlemen returned
to Pontefract.

However Norfolk may have endeavoured to gloze the matter
over, it could not be denied that the preliminaries had been very
discouraging. The commons realised this, and on Tuesday they
were uproarious. They threw the blame on Archbishop Lee, rightly
thinking that his wavering had encouraged the royalists, and there
was another tumult in the church, where the Archbishop was per-
forming service6. In order to prevent a breach of the truce, it was

1 L. and P. xi, 1241.

2 Ibid. 1228 ; printed in full, Papers of the Earl of Hardwicke, i, 27.

3 L. and P. xi, 1226, 1228.

•» L. and P. xn (1), 6; printed Eng. Hist. Kev. v, 340, 341.

6 See note D at end of chapter. 6 L. and P. xn (1), 786 (ii, 2).

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 13

agreed that Lord Neville, Lord Lumley and Lord Conyers should
remain at Pontefract to control the commons, while Lord Scrope,
Lord Latimer, Lord Darcy and Aske, with the three hundred knights,
esquires, gentlemen and commons, rode to Doncaster1. During these
two days the clergy had been drawing up their articles, which were
not completed and accepted until Tuesday afternoon2, and it must
have been after the close of the short December day that the three
hundred rode across the bridge to the Grey Friars' house in Doncaster.
Next morning, Wednesday 6 December, they chose ten knights, ten
esquires and twenty commons to go to the conference with Norfolk.
Robert Aske was their leader, and was empowered to speak in the
name of all. This being determined, the forty set out for the house
of the White Friars, where Norfolk and his council were prepared
to receive them. By this time the King's last instructions must
have arrived, which gave Norfolk something to base the treaty upon.

When the Pilgrims came into the presence of the council, Aske
made three low obeisances. Then he and all his companions fell
on their knees and humbly begged for the King's free pardon and
gracious favour, notwithstanding anything which they might have
done contrary to the laws of the land. These respectful preliminaries
might have satisfied Henry, but the subsequent proceedings did not
follow the lines which he had laid down, for without any repre-
sentation of the King's grievances they passed immediately to the
discussion of the articles. Here again Norfolk seems to have dis-
regarded the King's desire for repeated delays. He had obtained
authority to grant a full and free pardon to all, and to promise that
the King would hold a free parliament ; he thought, very reasonably,
that no good would result from disguising the fact, as the more the
negotiations were prolonged the wilder and more suspicious the
commons would become3.

On this basis, therefore, the representatives of the King and of
the Pilgrims argued the particulars of the petition. About the first
article, for the suppression of heresy, no difficulty could be made4.
The King was as anxious for this as his subjects, and the arrest of
several heretics had already created a good impression5. Norfolk at
this point could use with some effect a passage in the King's answer
to the men of Yorkshire in which he promised to punish any

1 L. and P. xn (1), 6 ; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Kev. v, 341.

2 See above, chap. xiv.

8 L. and P. xn (1) 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 340-2.
* L. and P. xi, 1246. » Ibid. 1250.

14 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

members of his council or others, who could be proved to be sub-
verters of the law, and he would be free to suppress the King's
addition that nobody would be able to prove such a thing1. The
King's circular to the bishops was well received. In it the bishops
were ordered " to commend all the honest ceremonies of the Church
in such wise that they be not contemned," and were forbidden
to retain in their service any person who spoke of the ceremonies
" contentiously or contemptuously."2 They were to watch the preachers
vigilantly, and silence any who were indiscreet, even if they had the
King's licence, and they were to seek out and apprehend any priests
'who have presumed to marry.'" Darcy afterwards forwarded a copy
of this letter to Lee, saying that in it " all true Catholics may joy."3
The rest of the articles dealing with religion might all be referred to
the coming parliament. The royal supremacy, the tenths and first-
fruits, and the rest had all been granted by act of parliament. It
would be highly unconstitutional for the King to annul them merely
on his own authority, but what one parliament had done another
could undo. It seems that the Pilgrims assented to this, in all but
one point. They insisted, however, that the suppressed abbeys must
be allowed to stand until their case had been brought before parlia-
ment again. Norfolk had no power to grant this, but the Pilgrims
firmly refused to give it up.

Leaving that aside for the moment, the other articles may be
considered. With regard to constitutional reforms, the repeal of the
various statutes included under that head might be left to the coming
parliament, and it will be observed that by this device Norfolk would
be able to avoid the discussion of such dangerous topics as the treason
laws and Mary's legitimacy. Even the punishment of Cromwell,
Audley and Rich might possibly take the form of an impeachment,
and here Norfolk's obvious sincerity must have helped him. It must
have been evident that he wished for Cromwell's downfall as much
as the Pilgrims did. He would be able to make the most of the
withdrawal of Richard Cromwell, and he might represent that the
King's eyes had been opened by this insurrection to Cromwell's
enormities. It was, however, impossible to defer the consideration
of when and where the parliament should meet and how it should
be composed. With regard to the date, Henry had at first proposed

1 L. and P. xi, 957; cf. 1410 (4).

2 Ibid. 1110 ; printed in full, Burnet, History of the Reformation, iv, 396 ;
Wilkins, Concilia, in, 825.

3 L. and P. xi, 1336.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 15

next Michaelmas1, which was too far distant to satisfy the Pilgrims,
but in the end he left the matter open, which enabled Norfolk to
pretend that a near date would be appointed, while it gratified Henry
to feel that it really rested entirely with him. As to the place, he
was determined to name that himself. The question of additional
representation for Yorkshire and kindred subjects were fully argued
at Doncaster; but no definite promise was made2. Finally Norfolk
was able to show them a full and free pardon without exceptions.
All the other grievances, legal and economic, might safely be referred
to the parliament.

In all this conference it is evident that the greatest importance
attached to Norfolk's representation of the King's attitude. If he
had spoken the strict truth, he would have said that Henry was very
angry, that the few concessions which he had made had been forced
from him by sheer necessity, that he was absolutely determined not
to yield an inch more, that in particular he would not give up the
monasteries or the supremacy, and that he was extremely anxious to
punish the leaders of the rising. There is no reason to believe that
Norfolk was so tactless as to reveal any of this. He probably
encouraged the Pilgrims' idea that Henry had been so far misled, by
Cromwell and that witch Anne Boleyn that he did not realise what
he had been doing. The Pilgrimage had opened his eyes, and for
this he was grateful. But it would be undignified in him to grant
petitions which were backed by force. Only let the Pilgrims submit
and disperse, and the King, now restored to his right mind, would
do all they desired, if they would proceed by entreaty and constitu-
tional means. As the Pilgrims regarded Norfolk as almost one of
themselves, his words would have all the more weight. But on the
one point they were still unpersuadable; the monasteries must be
allowed to stand. Norfolk knew perfectly well that the King would
never agree to this, but he had received a significant hint from his
master as to how he should act in these circumstances. In his letter
of 2 December Henry had reminded him : " you said you would
esteem no promise you should make to the rebels nor think your
honour touched in the breach of it."3 The implication is clear : —
" Why do you trouble me about making concessions to the rebels ?
Promise anything they demand for yourself, but leave me free to
repudiate it afterwards/' Finding that there was no other way of

1 L. and P. xi, 1227; see note E at end of chapter.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 901 (57) ; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 553, 567.

3 L. and P. xi, 1226 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 518.

16 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

dealing with the problem of the monasteries, Norfolk and the Pilgrims
finally agreed upon a compromise. The abbots must surrender their
houses to the King's commissioners, but they should then be restored
by the King's authority until the next parliament, which was to
settle their fate1. At the end of the day Aske and his companions
returned to the rest of the three hundred at the Grey Friars with
these terms : a free pardon, the promise of a free parliament, and the
provisional restoration of the abbeys. After laying the proposed
treaty before them, Aske, at Norfolk's request, rode back to Ponte-
fract the same night to communicate the terms to the assembly
there3.

Meanwhile Norfolk and the rest of his council wrote to the King,
stating the terms they had made, and honestly declaring that they
did not believe there would be any possibility of peace unless the
King would give up the abbeys, at any rate temporarily3.

Early next morning, Thursday 7 December, Aske sent the
bellman about Pontefract to summon the commons to hear the
result of the negotiations4. There were about three thousand in all,
who gathered at the market cross, where Aske announced the terms
that had been made. When they heard of the King's most liberal
and free pardon, all raised a shout of joy. Under the impression
that the terms were ratified by acclamation, Aske set out for Don-
caster again, accompanied by Lord Neville. As soon as they reached
the town they went again to Norfolk, but while Aske was declaring
the result of his mission a letter came from Lord Lumley, who was
in command at Pontefract, to warn them that affairs there had
changed for the worse. Now that they had had time to discuss the
terms, the commons were not so well pleased with them, and the
leaders of their own rank, such as Hallam and Pulleyn, who were
always suspicious of the gentlemen, were encouraging them to give
the alarm and raise all Yorkshire again, if they were not shown the
King's pardon under seal, and if the lords would not agree to the
continuance of religious houses and promise that the parliament
should be held at York. This news plunged the negotiations into
confusion again. After some debate, Aske suggested that he should
return to Pontefract and lay the proceedings before the commons
once more. His offer was accepted. When he arrived at Pontefract
his eloquence was effective and by night he had persuaded everyone

1 L. and P. xn (1), 787.

2 Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Bev. v, 341. 3 L. and P. xi, 1271.
4 L. and P. xn (1), 6.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 17

that the terms were perfectly satisfactory1. To complete the work
he sent back to Doncaster a request that Lancaster Herald would
bring the King's pardon. Norfolk wrote gleefully to Suffolk that all
was going well at Pontefract2. The herald arrived with the pardon
the same night3. Possibly he was accompanied by the three hundred
lords and gentlemen, for next day, Friday 8 December, they all
assembled on St Thomas' Hill and heard the pardon read. Then
the commons dispersed to their houses, and the gentlemen rode to
Doncaster once more. When they again presented themselves before
Norfolk, Aske gave an account of all that had happened, and Norfolk
then proceeded to rehearse the King's grievances, which in Henry's
opinion ought to have come first. Norfolk required to know how
the King's rents were to be collected, to which it was replied that
they were ready for him. He also demanded the restoration of
Edward Waters and his ship. The Pilgrims were prepared to
redeliver everything that had been taken except the money, which
had been divided among the captors. Several other small points
were similarly adjusted. After this Aske knelt down and humbly
besought the whole assembly that he should no longer hold the
office or be called by the name of captain. When they had assented
to this he tore off the badge of the Five Wounds which he was
wearing, and all the other Pilgrims did the same, crying " We will
all wear no badge nor sign but the badge of our sovereign lord."
Finally Norfolk gave orders for the restoration of the grantees of the
monasteries, and the conference broke up4.

It is an interesting point to consider whether the Pilgrims
believed that the prisoners in Lincolnshire would be included in this
pardon. They had so far prevented any executions from taking place
there, but although they probably hoped that they might be able to
obtain mercy for the Lincolnshire men the Pilgrims were not in a
position to treat on their behalf. They had deserted Yorkshire and
made terms for themselves ; now they must abide by these. Darcy,
however, made a daring effort for them. On 15 December he wrote
to Suffolk that he would not allow Waters' ship to be delivered unless
the appointment at Doncaster was observed in Lincolnshire, and his
intervention had the effect of preventing any executions for the time5.

The end of the second conference at Doncaster is the end of the
Pilgrims' success. They had allowed the issue to be changed from a

1 L. and P. xn (1), 6, printed in full, Eng. Hist. Bev. v, 341 ; of. L. and P. xn (1), 29.

2 L. and P. xi, 1271. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 6; printed Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 341-2.
4 Ibid. « L. and P. xn (1), 848 (i, 4).

D. II. 2

18 The Pilgrimage of Grace [en.

trial of strength to a trial of diplomacy, and though Henry might
have been overcome by force, he had not his match as a diplomat.
The leaders, who were on the whole rather old-fashioned and simple-
minded, were baffled without the slightest difficulty and Henry's
triumph was almost ridiculously easy and complete.

There is one peculiarity of the conference at Doncaster which
strikes the modern reader instantly, namely, that the terms do not
appear to have been written down. It was later a part of Henry's
plan of action to slur over the second conference as much as possible.
Not a single interrogation about it was addressed to any of the
prisoners, and the only information on the subject is derived from a
few chance remarks, and from the brief account which Aske drew up
for the King while he still believed that the terms would be observed.
In these references there is absolutely nothing to show that the
Pilgrims either signed any document themselves, or demanded any
written copy of the terms from Norfolk. Henry had suggested that
the leaders of the Pilgrimage should be required to sign a document
pledging themselves to demand nothing from the King except a free
pardon and a free parliament, but it seems that this paper was never
drawn up.

The omission was not quite so surprising at that date as it would
be now, for Yorkshire gentlemen were still accustomed to transact
most of their business by word of mouth, and writing was un-
familiar to their ideas. But Darcy and Aske must have known how
important it was to have the King's terms in black and white. We
can only conclude that the absence of a written agreement was due
to Norfolk's skill and prudence. It seems to have been agreed on
both sides that the terms were only provisional. Norfolk might
explain that he would go and represent to the King what he had
promised and what the Pilgrims had demanded, and that he would
bring back the King's answer in full legal form under the Great Seal.
That would be the real treaty. Until that was drawn up there was
no need for writing. It will be shown in the next chapter that
Norfolk's speedy return with the King's confirmation of the terms
was fully expected by gentlemen and commons alike, and that his
delay produced fresh agitation. At present the only one of the
King's concessions which the Pilgrims actually saw in writing was
the pardon. They did not see the promise of the parliament, which
the King offered to concede in his instructions to Norfolk; neither
did they see any written promise concerning the monasteries, for
which Norfolk had no authority.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 19

The only report of the proceedings at the time occurs in a letter
to Lady Lisle, wife of the Governor of Calais, from her agent in
England, John Husee. With the delightful inconsequence of a
contemporary he writes " news has just come that the Northern men
have obeyed the King's proclamation, and submitted to mercy. The
wine and herrings are come, and will be delivered to Mr Sulyard."1
This, it will be observed, was the report circulated in London by the
King on Monday 11 December. Needless to say, it was not true.
The northern men had not submitted to mercy, but had made terms.
The difficulty lies in discovering what those terms were. In order
that the narrative should not be interrupted, we have stated above as
an actual fact the terms which we believe were made, but it is now
necessary to give the grounds for this belief. There is no doubt
about the pardon and the parliament. The problem lies in the
agreement as to the monasteries. About this the evidence is con-
flicting. In the first place, on Wednesday night, when Aske returned
to Pontefract to communicate the terms to the commons, Norfolk
wrote to the King that it would not be possible "to appease the
commons unless the King consented to the standing of the abbeys in
those parts which are to be suppressed by act of parliament."2 This
looks as though he had made some provisional promise, which he was
trying to persuade the King to ratify, but unfortunately his letter
has not been preserved. The quotation is from the King's reply.
Before Norfolk's return to the north, "the King examined him in the
gallery of his opinion in causes of religion," and Norfolk promised
that no default should be found in him, " in the suppression of the
Abbeys and treatment of the traitors therein."3 There would have
been no reason for the King to examine Norfolk if he had not made
some unwelcome concession on the subject, which he repudiated " in
the gallery " before the King.

Secondly, there is Aske's narrative drawn up for the King. In
this account he described only his individual acts ; as the progress of
the negotiations must have been reported to the King by Norfolk,
Aske says hardly anything about them4.

His statements are (a) that on Thursday morning he proclaimed
at the market cross at Pontefract "the said order (taken at Doncaster)
and. . . the knowledge of the King's most liberal and free pardon." The
commons received the news joyfully.

(6) After he had set out for Doncaster again the commons

1 L. and P. xi, 1282. 2 Ibid> 127i.

3 L. and P. XH (1), 416. 4 Ibid. 6; printed Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 341.

20 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

became dissatisfied and demanded to see the King's pardon and also
" that the abbots, new put in of houses suppressed, should not avoid
their possession to (until) the parliament time," and that the
parliament must be at York.

(c) When the news of this reached Doncaster, Aske, after
consulting with Norfolk, went back to Pontefract and persuaded the
commons " to abide the said order at Doncaster."1 He seems to have
had a good deal of difficulty, for Marmaduke Nevill reported that the
commons were so much excited that the gentlemen thought " we
should be fain to divide, calling all them that were disposed to take
the King's most gracious pardon to come to a side."2 This may
mean that they thought of putting the treaty to the vote. In the
end on Friday morning all formally accepted the terms3.

(d) The last business transacted by Norfolk on Friday was to
"take order for the putting in of the King's farmers."4

(e) After the conference Aske took part with Sir Ralph Ellerker
and Sir Robert Constable in " the putting in of the King's farmers
into the abbeys of Haltemprice and Feriby."5

In all this there is no definite statement of what was the order
taken at Doncaster, but the general impression which the narrative
gives is that the monks were to be turned out and the farmers
restored. The third witness in the matter is John Dakyn, and he
makes a definite statement, the only definite statement, be it observed,
that exists. Dakyn, it will be remembered, was one of the eccle-
siastics at Pontefract. He was an elderly, cautious man, very anxious
to avoid committing himself. During the conference William Collins,
the bailiff and one of the representatives of Kendal6, came to him
and asked his advice concerning the monastery of Cartmell. All the
monks had been restored by the commons, but the prior would not
go backr. Dakyn promised to write to him on the subject. On
Saturday 9 December, after the conference was over, Dakyn left
Pontefract for York. He did not write to Cartmell as yet, because
he wished to have definite information as to what had been deter-
mined. As he had been at Pontefract all the time, he might have
been expected to know, but probably he had had no opportunity of
learning the details from any of the leaders and he wanted to be
quite certain. Collins came to him at York for the letter, and Dakyn,
having no real doubt on the subject, wrote on Sunday 10 December

1 L. and P. xn (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 341.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 29, 3 Ibid. 6; printed Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 312.

* Ibid. 6 Ibid. • L. and P. xn (1), 914. 7 Ibid. 787.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 21

to the priors of Cartmell and Conishead1 that by the King's consent
all religious persons should re-enter suppressed houses again till
further direction was taken by parliament2. Collins sent these letters
to the monasteries3. Dakyn went home to his own parish of Kirkby
Ravensworth4. Within a week of his arrival Robert Bowes and Sir
Henry Gascoigne requested him to go and explain to the canons of
St Agatha's at Richmond that they must " be put forth by the King's
authority and taken in again by the same authority until the next
parliament." The prior agreed and it was done. " This manner of
putting out and taking in again was commonly spoken of to be true,
after our return from Pontefract, in all those parts as well with
gentlemen «,s others."5 Robert Bowes was one of the principal men
at Doncaster, and must certainly have known all that passed, and
Dakyn's evidence shows decisively that he believed that the monas-
teries were to make a formal surrender, but were to be allowed to stand.

In the fourth place there is the evidence of William Collins.
Clarencieux King-of-Arms arrived at Kendal on 22 December,
bringing the King's pardon. The farmers of the priory of Cartmell
and the restored monks were quarrelling over the rents and corn, and
when they heard of the herald's arrival two of the monks came to
him and begged him to write an order for them. The herald would
not write himself, but he directed Collins to write, which he did,
in the herald's presence, to the following effect : " Neighbours of
Cartmell, so it is that the King's herald hath made proclamation
here that every man, pain of high treason, should suffer everything,
as farms, tithes, and such other, to be in like stay and order concern-
ing possessions as they were in time of the last meeting at Doncaster,
except ye will of your charity help the brethren there somewhat
towards their boards, till my lord of Norfolk come again and take
further order therein."6 All the monasteries of the north had been
restored before the last conference at Doncaster, and putting together
Dakyn's and Collins' statements it appears that the monks were to
be left unmolested, but that the rents, etc., were to remain in the
hands of the farmers and grantees of the monasteries, who should,
however, make an allowance to the monks.

Finally it appears that as soon as he returned home Sir Thomas
Hilton, who, like Bowes, had been prominent at Doncaster, insisted
on restoring the Friars Observant of Newcastle7.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 787. 2 L. and P. xi, 1279. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 914.

4 Ibid. 787. 5 Ibid.

« Ibid. 914. 7 L. and P. xi, 1372.

22 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

From the evidence of all these persons, the majority of them

being men who had every opportunity of knowing the truth, it seems

certain that Norfolk promised at Doncaster that the monasteries

\ should be allowed to stand, subject to an agreement with the formers

of them, until the promised parliament met.

Norfolk had no authority for making any such promise, and in the
absence of any proof of his actual words, it is not fair to accuse him
of treachery. It is not likely that he pretended to have the power
which he did not possess. In all probability he only promised to
make suit to the King that the monasteries should stand, although
he may have held out strong hopes that the King would grant his
suit, while he knew very well that the King would do nothing of
the sort.

The first news of the terms made Henry exceedingly angry1.
A letter was at once drawn up addressed to Fitzwilliam and Russell,
in which he scolded them roundly. He was amazed that they could
not achieve the thing that the King most desired, namely, the
reservation of certain persons for punishment. As for the monasteries,
so long as he wore the crown of England he would never give them
up. Various persons from the north had been interrogated by the
King2, in particular Steward, the Scot of whom Norfolk had given
warning3, and they all reported that the commons of the north were
weary of the rebellion, penitent and ready to submit unconditionally.
He would have been a brave man who dared to say otherwise, when
face to face with Henry. The King desired Russell and Fitzwilliam
to send a detailed account of all the negotiations. It is very much to
be wished that they had done so, but in all probability the King's
letter was never sent. It is undated and endorsed by Wriothesley
" The minute that was devised to have been sent to my lord Admiral
and Master Russell," which implies that it never was despatched4.
When it was drawn up Henry must have expected that the
negotiations would last at least a week, as he had suggested in
his instructions. The minute cannot have been written before
8 December, as it alludes to a letter from Norfolk to Suffolk dated
Thursday 7 December and forwarded to the King5. The despatch
of the King's letter may have been prevented by further letters from
Doncaster, announcing that the conference was over, or it may be
simply that the King had changed his mind. As soon as his first
outburst of rage was over, he must have become aware of the great

1 L. and P. xi, 1271. 2 Ibid. * Ibid. 1234, 1238.

4 Ibid. 1271. r< Cf. ibid. 1267.

xv] The Second Appointment at Doncaster 23

advantage which he had gained. He had been thwarted for the
moment, which his passionate self-will could hardly bear, but cunning
was really more in accordance with his tastes than violence. A very
little reflection would show him that it only required time, patience
and diplomacy for him to recover everything that he had yielded for
the moment, and to recover it, moreover, without the risk and expense
of war. Therefore his angry letter was cancelled, and the King gave
no sign as to his opinion of the terms made at Doncaster. He did
not ratify them, but on the other hand he did not repudiate them.
One of the heralds who was sent to the north with the pardons, as we
have seen, encouraged the people to believe that the monks were to
remain in their houses for the present. It is here that a charge of
treachery will fairly lie. Henry had no intention of keeping the
unauthorised promise which Norfolk as his representative had made,
but he did not repudiate it. He permitted and encouraged those
whom it most concerned to believe that he regarded the promise
as binding, until he found a favourable opportunity for denying it
altogether, and punishing those who had trusted him.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV

Note A. In the Letters and Papers this passage runs " if we shall trust
either to treat or do, we shall be deceived," but in the State Papers it is printed
" either to Trent or to Don " and a reference to the original shows this to be
correct.

Note B. These instructions are undated and are printed among the letters
of 2 December1. They seem, however, to belong to 4 December. Possibly they
were first drawn up on the 2nd but held back and modified after Norfolk's letter
from Welbeck was received.

Note C. Henry attached great importance to the point that there should be
no diversity of handwriting in the pardons and safe-conducts ; the reason for
this anxiety is not apparent.

Note D. The question of the hostages aroused a great deal of interest at the
time. The Spanish Chronicler says2 that the King sent as hostages for Aske
the Earl of Surrey, Lord Darcy, the Earl of Rutland, Lord William Howard
Norfolk's brother, the Marquis of Exeter and Lord Thomas Howard Norfolk's
second son. This account of the insurrection is interesting as showing the
rumours current in London, but it is quite without authority as evidence of
what occurred.

Note E. This date is written and then cancelled. In his letter to Suffolk3
the King mentions Michaelmas as the date of the parliament, but in the end the
date was left open.

1 L. and P. xi, 1227. 2 Spanish Chron. ed. Hume, chap. xvn.

3 L. and P. xi, 1236.

CHAPTER XVI

THE KING'S POLICY

After the conference at Doncaster had concluded on Saturday
9 December 1536 there was a general dispersal of the gentlemen and
nobles who had been together for so long. The commons had already
gone home, rather disappointed that there had been no fighting, and
^.half-suspicious that they had been betrayed after all. Norfolk and
his colleagues set off for London to make their report to the King1.
Shrewsbury returned to Sheffield to keep an eye on the disaffected
region2. Suffolk, who had been petitioning for some time to be
recalled to court, dismissed all his men but five hundred to guard the
ordnance and prisoners, and went up to London3. The northern
gentlemen departed to their homes, where they endeavoured to keep
order and to adjust the disputes between the monks and the farmers
of the monasteries.

Some of the gentlemen, however, went south with Norfolk.
Marmaduke Nevill4 asked the Duke's leave before starting, and
was told that no leave was required5. These gentlemen rode south
in great spirits, telling everybody that they had obtained a pardon
and a parliament, and that they had set up all the abbeys again in
their country. In the parliament the pardon would be confirmed
and the Act of Uses repealed, for younger brothers would not have
it. Marmaduke Nevill visited the Abbot of St John's at Colchester
on Saturday 16 December. The justices of the peace were dining
there, and one of them asked, " How do the traitors of the north ? "
Nevill retorted with a catch phrase of the time, " No traitors, for if
ye call us traitors, we will call you heretics." He said that the
answer of the King's Council had been known at Pontefract before
Norfolk declared it at Doncaster, and that all the south had been
with the plain fellows of the north, but dared not speak their minds6.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 29. 2 L. and P. xi, 1320.

8 Ibid. 1283, 1288. 4 See note A at end of chapter.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 29. « L. and P. xi, 1319.

xvi] The King's Policy 25

His boasting was quickly put to silence. The justices reported his
words to Cromwell and on Twelfth Day [6 January 1536-7] he was
arrested by the Earl of Oxford and thrown into the Tower1. His
name is still to be seen there, the first of many such sorrowful
memorials which were to find place on its walls in the next few
months, but his fate is unknown.

On receiving a full account of the conference at Doncaster, the
King's first care was to conceal the fact that he had received a check.
A report spread that the northern men had submitted uncondition-
ally2. On Friday 22 December the King, accompanied by the Queen
and the Imperial Ambassador, made a magnificent progress through
London to Greenwich, where he intended to keep a particularly
festive Christmas. " Such a sight has not been seen since the
Emperor was here. The streets were hanged with arras and cloth of
gold. Priests in their copes with crosses and censers stood on one
side, and the citizens on the other. It rejoiced every man wondrously."8
The weather was so severe that the Thames was frozen, and the
procession went down to Greenwich on the ice4. The King's daughters
had preceded him and were already established there5.

Cromwell wrote to the English ambassadors in France on 24
December that it was false that the nobles had been forced to come
to terms with the northern men because they distrusted their own
levies. The King's soldiers were entirely loyal. The King had
consented to treat with the rebels only because of his merciful
disposition and kindly wish to avoid bloodshed. The rebellion was
now completely at an end. It was true that the rebels had at first
attempted to make conditions, but finally " they submitted entirely
to the King's pleasure with the greatest repentance."6 On Christmas
Eve Latimer preached at Paul's Cross, "moving to unity without
any special note of any man's folly."7

When he came to review the situation, Henry found that it was
not very bad, but required caution. With regard to the monasteries,
he did not consider himself as bound in any way, but he wished to
create a good impression. Since March 1536, when the act for the
suppression was passed, exemptions from its operation had been
granted from time to time. From June to December 1536 eighteen

1 L. and P. xn (1), 16, 27-29. 2 L. and P. xi, 1282.

3 Ibid. 1358, 1369; and all the Chronicles under 1536.

4 Hall, Chronicle, ann. 1536. 6 L. and P. xi, 1291.

6 Ibid. 1363; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. n, no. 174; extracts in Tierney,
op. cit. i, 432.

7 L. and P. xi, 1374; printed in full, Latimer's Remains (Parker Soc.), p. 375.

26 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

monasteries had been permitted to stand, the greatest number
exempted in any one month being six in August. It must be due
to something more than a coincidence that in January 1536-7 the
number of exemptions was seventeen1, only one less than the total
previously exempted in the course of seven months. There is an
undated list of 123 monasteries which were to be allowed to stand.
Of these twenty-four are in Yorkshire, twenty-four in Lincolnshire,
and not more than six in any other one county2. So great was
the uncertainty as to the King's real intentions with regard to the
monasteries that in Norfolk and Somerset the commissioners for the
suppression suspended their work until they received further orders3.

Although he was angry at being forced to make a definite promise,
Henry had no objection to holding a parliament. It was characteristic
of him that he was not in the least afraid of his parliaments, and
never doubted that he could do anything he liked with them. In
this case he was prepared to be even better than his word, for though
he had not promised to do so, he intended to hold the parliament
at York4.

After Norfolk's report had been laid before the King, a minute
was drawn up, containing suggestions for the settlement of the north.
It is undated, but probably belongs to the last days of 1536. There
was every intention of holding a parliament in the north, but as
" there remain persons who desire, either by Parliament or else by
another rebellion, to compass a change from their present state...
means ought therefore to be devised for the maintenance of perfect
quiet in the future." When the King went north, loyal noblemen
must be put in authority to keep the southern counties in order,
especially in certain counties where there was much disaffection6.
A mass of treasure must be raised, " as money is necessary for the
enterprises of princes and adds heart and courage in danger to all
men." Garrisons must be planted in the disaffected regions, but " so
ordered as not to offend the people." The King's ordnance must be
reviewed and properly bestowed, and a supply of weapons of all sorts
must be laid in6. These were not very encouraging preparations for
holding a free parliament where every man should speak his mind
openly, though of course the King was justified in taking precautions
for his own safety and he can hardly be blamed for trusting the north
less than he pretended.

1 Gasquet, op. cit. n, append. 1. 2 Stevens, Monasticon, n, append. 17-19.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 32. 4 L. and P. xi, 1410 (1) ; xn (1), 103.

5 See coloured map. 6 L. and P, xi, 1410 (1).

xvi] The King's Policy 27

Henry soon hit upon a very ingenious scheme for introducing a
sufficient force into the north without exciting suspicion. He had
originally intended that Queen Jane should be crowned at West-
minster on the Sunday before the feast of All Hallows 1536, but
when the day came round the northern rebellion was at an acute
stage, and the King had neither money nor men to waste over
pageants. A convenient excuse for postponing the coronation was
supplied by the prevalence of the plague in London during the
autumn1. At Christmas, however, the King's policy was to make
a lavish display of splendour and security, and he allowed it to be
known that not only would he himself travel to York to hold his
parliament, but the Queen would accompany him to be crowned in
York minster2. No one could object to such an honour being
conferred upon the city of York, while at the same time it gave
a good excuse for extensive military preparations, and for filling
the city with the King's own men.

The only one of the concessions made at Doncaster which Henry
could not tolerate was the general pardon. The rising had been a
stain upon his honour which blood must cleanse. He had brought
himself to consent to certain limitations ; he would be content with
a specified number of victims, and that number should be a small
one ; if he could not have the leaders, he would be satisfied with vile
persons ; but executions there must be, and he would not feel he had
done his duty as a king until someone had suffered.

His council advised that he should allure the northern gentlemen
into obedience by affability, and thereby " by little and little find out
the root of this matter"; also that those whose goods had been
spoiled should be encouraged to prosecute the robbers, "whereby
some offenders may yet be punished, and the beginners of the rebel-
lion detected."3 In the meanwhile there was no help for the general
pardon, and the heralds were accordingly sent out to proclaim it.

An inclusive pardon for all the rebellious districts, provided that
the inhabitants made submission to the Duke of Norfolk or the Earl
of Shrewsbury, was issued on 9 December, and an order was given
for separate pardons to be granted to applicants from the various
counties4. Suffolk had already received the pardon for Hull, Marshland,
Howden, Holderness, Beverley and the East Riding5. It was at first

1 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 55-6 ; L. and P. xn (1), 47 (4), (11).

2 Ibid. 20. s L. and P. xi, 1410 (1).

4 Ibid. 1276; printed in full, Speed, op. cit. bk. 9, cb. 21.

5 L. and P. xi, 1235.

28 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

proposed that Thomas Hawley, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, should
carry the pardon to the North Riding, Richmond, Durham and
Northumberland, while Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, should take
it to the West Riding, Lancashire, Westmorland and Cumberland.
But as the former was considered the more dangerous mission, it was
finally assigned to Lancaster Herald, who had acquitted himself so
well before among the rebels. This was a slight which Clarencieux
King-of-Arms never forgave1, and the effect of his resentment will
be apparent later2.

Clarencieux King-of-Arms proclaimed the pardon at Wakefield
on Tuesday3 12 December, at Halifax on Wednesday 13 December,
at Bradford on Thursday 14th, at Leeds on Friday 15th, at Skipton
on Saturday 16th, at Kendal on Tuesday 19th. His doings at
Kendal have already been described. He was at Appleby on
Wednesday 20 December, at Penrith on Thursday 21st, at Carlisle
on Saturday 23rd, and Cockermouth on Tuesday 26th, and at
Lancaster on Sunday 31st, whence he sent back his report4.

Lancaster Herald wrote from Berwick on Tuesday 26 December
that he had proclaimed the pardon at York, Ripon, Middleham,
Barnard Castle, Richmond, Durham, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Morpeth,
Alnwick and Berwick. He found the commons everywhere very
repentant and eager for the coming of the Duke of Norfolk, but the
spiritualty were most corrupted and malicious, and the originators of
all the mischief5.

It was no wonder that the spiritualty were offended by the
pardon, which ran as follows:

"Albeit that you the King's Highness' subjects and commons dwelling and
inhabiting in the shires of York, Cumberland, Westmorland, Northumberland,
the Bishopric of Durham, the city of York and the shire of the same, the town of
Kingston-upon-Hull and the shire of the same, the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne
and the shire of the same, and in other shires, towns, dales, places privileged, the
franchises and liberties within the limits of the said shires, cities, towns, or any
of them or being reputed or taken for any part, parcel or number of any of them
and such other the King's said subjects inhabited in the town of Lancaster or
elsewhere by north in the shire of Lancaster have now of late attempted and
committed a manifest and open rebellion against his most royal majesty, whereby
was like to have ensued the utter ruin and destruction of these whole countries,
to the great comfort and advancement of your ancient enemies the Scots, which
as his Highness is credibly informed do with a great readiness watch upon the
same, and to the high displeasure of God, Who straitly commandeth you to obey
your sovereign lord and king in all things and not with violence to resist his will

1 L. and P. xm (1), 1313. 2 See below, chap. xxin.

3 See note B at end of chapter. 4 L. and P. xi, 1392. 5 Ibid. 1371.

xvi] The King's Policy 29

or commandment for any cause whatsoever it be : Nevertheless the King's royal
majesty perceiving as well by the articles of your pretences sent to his Highness
as also duly informed by credible reports your said offences proceeded of ignorance
and by occasion of sundry false tales never minded or intended by his Highness
or any of his council but most craftily contrived and most spitefully set abroad
amongst you by certain malicious and perverse persons, and thereupon his
Highness inclined to extend his most gracious pity and mercy towards you,
having the chief charge of you under God both of your souls and bodies, and
desiring rather the preservation of the same and your reconciliation by his
merciful means than by the order and rigour of justice to punish you according
to your demerits, of his inestimable goodness, benignance, mercy, and pity, and
at your most humble petitions and submissions made unto his Highness, he is
contented and pleased to give and grant and by this present proclamation doth
give and grant unto you all and to all and every your confederates wheresoever
they dwell, of whatsoever estate, degree, or condition so ever you or they be, or
by what name or names so ever they or you be or may be called, his general and
free pardon for all manner treason, rebellions, insurrections, misprisions of treason,
murders, robberies, felons, and of all accessories of the same and of every of
them, unlawful assemblies, unlawful conventicles, unlawful speaking of words,
confederacies, riots, routs, and all other trespasses, offences and contempts done
and committed by you or any of you against the King's Majesty, his crown or
dignity royal, within and from the time of the beginning of the said rebellion
whensoever it was unto the present day of proclaiming of this proclamation, and
of all pains, judgments, executions of death and all other penalties, forfeitures,
fines and forfeitures of lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods or chattels, by any
of your forfeitures incurred by reason of the premisses or any of them ; which
fines, forfeitures, lands, tenements, hereditaments, goods and chattels, the King's
said Highness of his special grace and mere motion by these presents giveth to
such of you as have or should have forfeited or lost the same by occasion of the
premisses or any of them : And also his Highness is pleased and contented that
you and every of you from time to time shall and may have upon your suits to
be made hereafter in his Chancery his said most gracious and free pardon under
his Great Seal concerning the premisses, without any further bill or warrant
to be obtained for the same, and without paying any thing for the Great Seal
thereof : And that you and every of you, from time to time, may freely and
liberally sue for his said pardon when and as often as it shall like you, without
any trouble, vexation or impeachment for the premisses or any of them by his
heirs or by any his officiaries, ministers, or subjects, by any manner of means or
in any manner of wise. Provided always that you and every of you in token of
a perfect declaration and knowledge that ye do heartily lament and be sorry for
your said offences, shall make your humble submission unto his Highness in the
presence of his right trusty and right entirely beloved cousins and councillors
the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Shrewsbury, his Lieutenants General, or
any of them, or to their deputy or deputies of them, or any of them, or such
other person or persons as the King's Highness shall appoint for the same :
Furthermore, the King's most royal Majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth
that you and every of you shall from henceforth like true and faithful subjects
use yourselves, in God's peace and his, according to the duties of allegiance, and
that you shall in no wise hereafter attempt to make or procure any such rebellion,

30 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

intent, unlawful assemblies, riots, routs and conspirations, nor at the command-
ment nor by the authority of any person of what estate or degree or for what
cause so ever it be, shall arise in any forcible manner and array, unless it be at
the special commandment of the King's Highness or his Lieutenant sufficiently
authorised for the same.

In witness whereof the King's most royal Majesty hath caused this his
proclamation to be made patent and sealed with his Great Seal at Richmond the
IX day of December in the XXVIII year of his reign."1

Henry was so much accustomed to scolding his subjects and
praising himself in his public documents that the pardon would
appear, to those who were used to his ways, to be rather a moderate
production, but it was very aggravating to the independent spirit of
the northern men, and in addition to its irritating tone there were
special points in it which must have been deliberately provocative.
The King referred once more to the "false tales" as the causes of the
insurrection, in spite of the Pilgrims' repeated endeavours to set him
right on that point. He insisted that he had " the chief charge of
you under God, both of your souls and bodies," although that was the
main point at issue. Finally the proclamation was not an actual
pardon, but merely the promise of a pardon when each individual
Pilgrim had first made his submission to the King's lieutenants,
who had not yet even set out for the north, and had secondly sued
out his private pardon in Chancery. It is difficult to know how far
this phraseology is to be taken literally. The King cannot have
expected all the inhabitants of the north to make a journey up to
London for their private pardons. For the greater number the
proclamation would have to be sufficient; but its wording was so
vague as to throw a disagreeable doubt upon its validity. Consequently
while the King thought the pardon far too liberal, the commons were
by no means satisfied with it. Lancaster Herald did not dare to read
the proclamation as it stood at Durham. He was reported to have
read the pardon one way in the city of Durham and another way in
the loyal town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. When this was known in
Durham the citizens were so angry that they attacked the Herald on
his return, and he had great difficulty in escaping from them2.

On Sunday 31 December the parishioners of Kendal declared
that the priest must bid the beads in the old way, praying for the
Pope and the cardinals. Collins brought the King's pardon to show
them, and Bricket, one of the King's servants, warned them that if

1 L. and P. xi, 1276 (1); printed in full, Speed, op. cit. bk. 9, ch. 21, from which
this is copied with corrections from the original.

2 L. and P. xii (1), 50, 201 (p. 101).

xvi] The King's Policy 31

they were to enjoy the pardon they must keep the peace, but they
cried, " Down, carle, thou art false to the commons," and one of them,
William Harrison, declared that he cared for no pardons. Collins
was obliged to retreat, and left the pardons in the vestry. Parson
Layborne persuaded the congregation to let the priest bid the beads
as he would until the coming of the Duke of Norfolk. Collins
summoned two justices of the peace to punish the ringleaders, but
one magistrate was out of the country, and the other could only do
his best with words1.

In the East Riding the pardon was also received grudgingly.
Hallam said that they had liever have had some of their petitions
granted2.

The division between the commons and the gentlemen became
greater, because the gentlemen based their hopes on the coming
parliament, but the commons, having no concern in the parliament,
did not feel much interest in it. They did not care about the
constitutional point, and wanted the King to reverse the statutes
which they disliked on his own authority. All were united, however,
in an eager expectation of the Duke of Norfolk's coming. In spite of
their experience in the case of Ellerker and Bowes, they still hoped
that he would come very soon, perhaps immediately after Christmas,
to bring the King's reply to their petitions and to announce the date
and place of the new parliament3. But now that Norfolk had returned
to court, he was in no hurry to set out again, and Henry was in no
hurry to despatch him. The King had begun a very difficult game.
Nothing would suit him better than a slight rising among the
commons, one which could easily be suppressed and yet would give
him an excuse for repudiating the terms granted at Doncaster. Yet
if he went too far, and allowed distrust to grow too rapidly, the next
rising might be as formidable as the last had been, and in that case
it would be much less easily suppressed. Henry quickly discovered
the solution of the problem. The lower classes without leaders were
not formidable. The insurrections which they raised by themselves
collapsed at the first opposition. The King's plan, therefore, was
to detach the gentlemen, to win them over to his side, if possible, or
at any rate to entertain them with hope and fair words until the
commons were provoked into calling them traitors and rose without
them.

The best opportunity for this policy was immediately after the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 7, 914, 671 (iii). 2 Ibid. 201 (p. 91).

3 L. and P. xi, 1337; HI (1), 171.

32 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

conference at Doncaster, as from 9 December until the beginning
of January, in spite of some grumbling and rioting, the north was
fairly quiet in the expectation of the Duke's coming. But the
departure of the gentlemen who travelled south to sue their pardons
alarmed the commons and caused rumours and threats of a new
rising1.

On Friday 15 December Henry made his most skilful move.
Peter Mewtas, a gentleman of the Privy Chamber, was despatched
to Robert Aske, with a letter from the King. Henry wrote that, as
he had granted a free pardon to Aske, he had conceived a great
desire to speak with him, and therefore summoned him to come up
to court, where he trusted that by frankness Aske would deserve
reward. A safe-conduct was enclosed, from the date until Twelfth
Day, 6 January 1536-7. Aske was instructed not to inform anyone
of the summons0. The King's object in enjoining that the visit
to court must be secret was to inspire the other leaders of rebellion
with fear and suspicion of Aske. If he disappeared from the north
and was next heard of in London, everyone would conclude that he
had gone up to turn King's evidence. His credit would be destroyed,
and the other gentlemen, trembling for their lives, might be induced
to turn traitors in fact. Simple-minded as he was, Aske was not
quite so foolish as to fall into this trap. He had been living in his
old home at Aughton since the conference at Doncaster3, and did not
receive the King's messenger until after 18 December4, for travelling
must have been slow in that bitter winter. When the letter arrived
Aske sent his brother-in-law William Monketon to Lord Darcy with
a copy of it, and a message that he intended to go, and that he
begged Darcy to keep the country in order while he was away.
After despatching the messenger he set out for London, accompanied
by six servants, without waiting for an answer from Darcy. When
Aske returned to the North, Monketon told him that Darcy said " he
did well to venture, seeing that he had the King's letter therefor." 5
Darcy was afterwards accused of having counselled Aske to take six
servants and to leave one at Lincoln, another at Huntingdon, another
at Ware, and to lodge the rest in different parts of London, so that if
the King attempted any treachery they might bring back news to
Darcy, who would come to his rescue6. Aske never received any

1 L. and P. xi, 1294.

2 Ibid. 1306 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 523.

3 L. and P. xn (1) 6 ; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 342.

4 L. and P. xi, 1343. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 1175. 6 Ibid. 1119, 1206.

xvi] The King's Policy 33

such message1, and the story in its elaborated form must be untrue2,
but it sounds as if it might have had some foundation in Darcy's
impetuous form of humour. If Monketon hinted that he feared Aske
was really on his way to the Tower, Darcy may have exclaimed, " If
he is in any doubt, let him lay posts along the road to bring me early
news, and I will come and fetch him out myself," — or words to that
effect. He might easily make a hasty remark of that nature, with-
out the smallest idea that anyone would take it seriously, but
Henry, like all despots, was extremely suspicious of a joke. Without
any such precautions, therefore, Aske rode up to London about
Christmas time.

Henry summoned Sir Thomas Wharton to court, but he excused
himself3. Bishop Tunstall, who was still at Norham, was also
summoned. The letter, despatched on 24 December, did not reach
him until 4 January, and he replied that he dared not attempt
the journey through the disaffected region4. Sir George Darcy and
Sir Nicholas Fairfax went up on their own account at Christmas,
the former carrying messages from the Earl of Northumberland5.
Archdeacon Magnus, who had been with Archbishop Lee since the
beginning of the rising, went to the Earl of Shrewsbury and thence to
London as early as 13 December6. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope and
Sir Ralph Ellerker had gone up to London, as well as Sir Ralph
Evers, who held Scarborough so long7 ; Lord Latimer set out, but was
turned back by an order from the King8.

The news that so many had gone up to court gave rise to
rumours. The commons said that the only object of the conference
at Doncaster and the " counselling above " was to betray them, and
that they would trust the gentlemen no more9. This was the result
which the King wished to obtain, and he took no trouble to conciliate
the lower ranks of the Pilgrims.

His Council had determined that a mass of treasure must be
accumulated. To achieve this, the King's rents and taxes must be
collected10. The collection was not contrary to the agreement at
Doncaster. The gentlemen had declared there, perhaps over hastily,
that the King's money was ready for his Highness11. But considering
the state of the country it would have been wiser to defer the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1175. 2 See note C at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xi, 1339. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 22.

* L. and P. xi, 1337, 1368. 6 Ibid. 1293.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 7, 66. 8 Ibid. 131, 173.

» L. and P. xi, 1294. 10 Ibid. 1410 (1).
11 L. and P. xn (1)^6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Bev. v, 342,
D. n. 3

34 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

collection for a time, if the King's object had really been peace. The
servants of John Gostwick, the treasurer of the tenths and first
fruits, went north to collect the King's rents immediately after the
conference at Doncaster1. They were accompanied by Sir George
Lawson the treasurer of Berwick, who had himself been involved in
the rebellion2. At Templehurst, Doncaster, Wakefield, and Sheriff-
hutton the rents were paid quietly, but as the King's servants went
further north they began to encounter opposition3. On Christmas
Eve Lawson reported to Gostwick from Barnard Castle that it was
impossible to induce anyone to pay at present in those parts. They all
said that they had been ruined by the late disturbances. At Barnard
Castle the tenants had demanded respite until twenty days after
Christmas, and at Bishop Middleham until a week before Candlemas
(2 February), and he could make no better terms. He himself and
some other friends were advancing the money to pay the garrison
at Berwick, whither he was going, while Gostwick's servants were
returning to Lawson's house at York to wait until the appointed time
for the new collection4. One of the servants, Thomas Ley, wrote
to Gostwick from York, confirming Lawson's report. He added that
at Middleham Lord Conyers had rather hindered than helped them5.
Lawson on the contrary said that Lord Conyers had done his best for
them6.

The tenth from the clergy fell due at Christmas. The thought of
it had been weighing on Archbishop Lee's mind for some time; he
requested that Norfolk should be consulted about it at Doncaster7.
About 31 December he received orders from the King that the tenth
must be collected. As Lee felt sure that this would create dis-
turbances he wrote on 5 January 1536-7 to consult Darcy8, who
advised him to lay the matter before Shrewsbury. Darcy warned
Shrewsbury on 7 January that it would be very dangerous to levy
the tenth north of Doncaster and begged him to make the King
understand this9. Shrewsbury forwarded the letters to Henry on
9 January, with his own advice that the collection should be foreborne
for the time10, but he wrote to Lee on the same day that he dared not
counsel him to delay, as he had had express commands to begin
it, and if the King changed his mind he would soon be informed11.

1 L. and P. xi, 1365. * See above, chap. vm.

3 L. and P. xi, 1337, 1380. 4 Ibid. 1365.

5 Ibid. 1380. 6 Ibid. 1365.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 1022. » Ibid. 20.

9 Ibid. 39. 10 Ibid. 50, 51. " Ibid. 52.

xvi] The King's Policy 35

Henry's reply was to have been a peremptory order to carry on the
collection ; but though there is an undated draft of it, the order was
probably never sent, as before it could be despatched the situation
had changed1.

Other measures were taken which increased the irritation of the
lower classes. Preachers were sent to the north to expound the
King's orthodoxy and to represent the enormity of rebellion to their
congregations, and tracts on the same subjects were circulated2.
The King's reply to the first five articles3 was printed and sent to
the north. This step may have been due partly to the King's
natural partiality for his own writing, partly to a deliberate intention
of exasperating the people. The reply was extremely provocative.
Even at the present day the reader of it longs to argue with the
King. The Council had seen how unsuitable it was for publication
when it was first written, and with great difficulty had persuaded
the King to withhold it. When it was at length issued, the
effect was even more aggravating than it would originally have
been, for the circumstances in which the reply had been drawn up
had all changed, and the reply was no longer applicable to the
situation. Both the beginning and the end of the reply referred to
the earlier state of affairs. It was absurd to complain that the terms
of the articles were " so general that hard they be to be answered,"
when a detailed list of grievances had been drawn up and sent to the
King, and it was very alarming to find the King still insisting that the
ringleaders must be given up before he would think of a pardon, when
a general pardon had just been proclaimed4.

The Pilgrims believed that they had won their object ; the King's
reply showed that they had lost it. In the very first clause the
King spoke once again of the " light tales " ; this always annoyed his
opponents. They might ask, was it a light tale that the monasteries
were being suppressed ? Was it a light tale that the Pope's name
was omitted from the service and the King's substituted ? The
King proceeded to outrage the feelings of the conservatives still
further by asking, when they spoke of the maintenance of the Church,
what Church they meant ? The very idea that there could be more
than one Church was a horrible innovation. The King went on to
talk about his own Church, of which he was the Supreme Head, and
to declare that this was an affair in which the commons had no
right to interfere. He implies that as they had nothing to do with

i L. and P. xn (1), 21. 2 L. and P. xi, 1410 (1), 1459, 1481-2; HI (1), 5.

3 See above, chap. xn. * L. and P. xn (1), 67.

3—2

36 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the government of the Church in the Pope's days, so they had
nothing to do with it now. Their part was to believe its doctrines
and bow to its authority, whoever wielded it. But if a layman
might be Supreme Head of the Church, it seemed only reasonable
that other laymen might express their opinion on the subject,
especially as many of them believed the choice between King and
Pope so vital as to affect their eternal welfare.

The King's defence of his Council was mere quibbling. Norfolk,
Exeter and Sandys might be nominal members of the Privy Council,
but their advice was never followed, and the King's policy was
determined by their chief enemy, Thomas Cromwell. Although the
King boasted that the rest of his realm was loyal, the northern
men had good reason to believe that a great part of the south
sympathised with them. This was afterwards admitted by Henry's
panegyrist William Thomas, who said that the King was forced to
treat with the rebels because he had such difficulty in mustering
troops1.

While the King was goading the commons to further rebellion, he
was drugging the gentlemen with gracious promises. Aske was most
flatteringly received at court. The Spanish Chronicler gives an
account of his reception which, though unreliable in details, repre-
sents the King's general attitude in a picturesque manner : —

" When he [Aske] arrived where the King was, as soon as the King saw him
he rose up, and throwing his arms around him said aloud that all might hear :
' Be ye welcome, my good Aske ; it is my wish that here, before my Council, you
ask what you desire and I will grant it.' Aske answered, 'Sir, your Majesty
allows yourself to be governed by a tyrant named Cromwell. Everyone knows if
it had not been for him the seven thousand poor priests I have in my company
would not be ruined wanderers as they are now. They must have enough to
live upon, for they have no handicraft.' Then the King with a smiling face and
words full of falseness, took from his neck a great chain of gold, which he had put
on for the purpose, and threw it round Aske's neck, saying to him : ' I promise
thee, thou art wiser than anyone thinks, and from this day forward I make thee
one of my Council.' And then on the spot he ordered a thousand pounds sterling
to be given to him, and promised him the same amount every year as long as he
lived.

" The unhappy Aske, carried away with the chain and the thousand pounds
and grant of annual income, was quite won over, and the King said to him,
* Now return to the north, and get your people to disperse and go to their houses,
and I will grant a general pardon for all. In order that the priests may have
enough to live upon I will divide them among the parish churches and give them
an allowance. Let them come at once, that this may be done. I order that

l William Thomas, The Pilgrim, ed. J. A. Froude.

xvi] The King's Policy 37

in York each of the parishes shall take two of these priests, and give them £10 a
year to live upon, but the others I will divide amongst all the towns and villages.'
When Aske saw the good tidings he had to take back he determined to return at
once ; and the King ordered that after all was pacified he should come to court,
and he promised to make him one of his Council." 1

It will be noticed that the Spaniard misses the point with respect
to the monks, and greatly exaggerates the King's gifts. Yet he
preserves correctly the spirit of the interview. The King gave Aske
" a jacket of crimson satin/'2 and requested him to write an account
of his part in the Pilgrimage. Aske drew up a full narrative of all
that he had done since. the beginning of October. This narrative, to
which we have so often referred, is the first and best history of the
Pilgrimage. In it we see clearly mirrored Aske's character and
views, and it also shows the King's flattering attitude towards him
while he was at Court. Aske evidently believed that he could speak
very plainly to the King without giving offence, and, with the
standing explanation that he was " only declaring the hearts of the
people," he spoke out with a bluntness which must have been an
unusual experience to Henry. He did not hesitate to say that if
Cromwell remained in favour there would be danger of more rebel-
lions " which will be very dangerous to your Grace's person."3 The
King professed himself to be so much pleased by this frankness that
he gave him " a token of pardon for confessing the truth."

There was no difficulty in persuading Aske that the King had not
known the real state of affairs in the north, and that now his eyes
were opened all would go well. Cromwell, indeed, either could not
win Aske over, or did not consider him worth winning. He said that
all northern men were traitors, which Aske resented, and his hostility
to Norfolk was very evident4. Henry, however, convinced Aske of
-his gcKxLwill, He declared that he fully pardoned all the north, that
he intended to hold the parliament at York, where the Queen should
be crowned, that there should be complete freedom of election, and
that convocation should be held at the same time, at which the
spiritualty should " have liberty to declare their learning."6 The free
parliament was the chief object for which Aske had been labouring,
and it seemed as if that object was now within reach.

On one point, however, he was disillusioned. He discovered that

Spanish Chron. ed. Hume, chap. xvn.

L. and P. xii (1), 1224.

Ibid. 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 331.

L. and P. xn (2), 292 (iii) ; printed, State Papers, i, 558.

L. and P. xn (1), 43.

38 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the King did not mean to give his consent to the temporary restora-
tion of the monasteries. The only evidence on this point is very
slight. When Aske was arrested a letter was found in his possession
written to him by his sister Dorothy Green. According to his
accusers it appeared from this letter that Aske had written to
Dorothy's husband Richard Green that the King would not be as
good as he promised concerning the Church and the abbeys. Dorothy
Green's letter has not been found, and Aske's alleged letter to Richard
Green was never produced ; consequently it is impossible to know
how much Aske really learned about the King's intentions1. His
first impulse, on learning some part of the truth, must have been
to send north the news that the King would not confirm the order
for the monks which had been made at Doncaster; but he was
convinced by the King's professions of good- will, and believed that
if only there were peace in the north until the parliament met, the
Pilgrims might still be successful without bloodshed. Nothing was
more likely to provoke a serious outbreak than the repudiation of the
terms made for the monasteries, and it may be assumed that these
considerations weighed with Aske so much that he was silent about
the King's determination.

The situation of the monks was a very uneasy one, even without
knowledge of the King's intentions. They were apt to be bullied by
their own champions. William Aclom had carried off " two trussing
bedsteads" at the sack of Leonard Beckwith's house, and had de-
posited them at the Priory of the Holy Trinity at York. He wrote to
the Prior on 12 December : "Mr Prior, I marvel at your doubleness,
which is a great vice in a religious man, touching a bed of Beckwith's
you promised to send to me. I think you reckon our journey in
vain. Send it or I will do you further displeasure."2 The Abbot of
Jervaux lost thirty wethers during the rebellion and appealed to one
of the rebels named Edward Middleton, a hunter, to " find " them.
It was probably a case of " no questions asked, upon my honour."'

The monastery of Tynemouth was harried ; the mutilation of a
letter leaves it doubtful by whom4 ; but perhaps the loyal burgesses
of Newcastle had some hand in it, for they had long been at feud
with the Priory5. The monks had no prior at the time. They
appealed for protection to Darcy, who recommended them to Sir
Thomas Hilton6.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 848 (ii), (4). 2 Ibid. 536.

8 Ibid. 1035. 4 L. and P. xi, 1293.

6 Leadam, Select Cases in the Court of Star Chamber (Selden Soc.), n, p. 68.

« L. and P. xi, 1293.

xvi] The King's Policy 39

Some monks suspected that after Doncaster there was little hope
for the success of the Pilgrimage. Dan Ralph Swensune, a monk
of Lenton Abbey, Notts., said at Christmas time,

" In the misericorde while sitting by the fire on a form...' I hear say that the
King has taken peace with the commonty till after Christmas, but if they have
done so it is alms to hang them up, for they may well know that he that will not
keep no promise with God Himself but pulls down His churches, he will not keep
promise with them ; but if they had gone forth onward up and stricken off his
head then had they done well, for I warrant them if he can overcome them he will
do so by them.' ' Peace,' said the sub-prior, ' you rail you wot not whereof.'
' Nay,' said he, * I say as it will be.' ' Peace,' said the sub-prior, ' In the virtue
of obedience I command you speak no more at this time.' ni

A certain Dan Robert Castelforth had begged Aske to help him
to the priorship of Blyth in Nottingham. On 12 December he wrote
to ask for his letters back again, which was a very prudent measure,
unfortunately defeated by the fact that this letter was preserved2.
The Abbot of St Mary's, York, on 18 January, did his best to
make his peace with Cromwell by sending him a gift and abject
apologies for the part that he had taken in the rising, which, as
he said, had been forced upon him by the commons3.

The less cautious religious were induced to go back to their houses.
Reference has already been made to the cases of Conishead, Cartmell,
and the Friars Observant of Newcastle-upon-Tyne4. The Abbot and
monks of Sawley had been restored and were living on the alms of
their neighbours. Nicholas Tempest sent them a fat ox, a mutton
and two or three geese, and others also contributed3. A little before
Christmas the Abbot sent a request to Sir Stephen Hamerton that
he would write to Robert Aske to know what should become of the
house. The first messenger returned without an answer, Aske being
in London. A second man, George Shuttleworth, was sent, and
returned with the required letter. The Abbot despatched him with
it to Aughton, as Aske had now returned. Aske knew by this time
that the King was not going to allow the monasteries to stand and
therefore advised the Abbot to submit to any man who came to him
in the King's name and to keep the commons quiet6.

Several of the greater monasteries, though not yet dissolved, had
been thrown into confusion by the fact that the abbot or prior had
been deprived, and the house was left either without a head, or with

1 L. and P. xn (1), 892. a L. and P. xi, 1287.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 132, 133. 4 See above, chap. xv.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 1014; printed, Yorks. Arch. Journ. xi, 254.
• L. and P. xn (1), 491.

40 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

one who was a mere creature of Cromwell's. Tynemouth was without
a prior. The Prior of Watton had fled to London, greatly to the
indignation of the monks and the neighbouring commons1. In
February 1535-6 the visitors of the monasteries had induced James
Cockerell, the Prior of Guisborough, to resign2. They appointed
in his place Robert Sylvester alias Pursglove, who was " meet and
apt both for the King's honour and the discharge of your [Cromwell's]
conscience, and also profitable." James Cockerell, however, had
provision made for him on his retirement, including a mansion called
"the Bishop's Place" in Guisborough3. With a new prior of this
temper and with the old prior still living in the neighbourhood it
was not surprising that the internal affairs of the monastery did not
go smoothly, and twice in the course of the rebellion Sir John Bulmer,
as steward of the Priory, was called in to mediate. The second time
it was the new prior who appealed to him, from which it may be
inferred that Sir John strove to keep the peace and did not favour
the monks unduly4.

Although the Pilgrimage had been undertaken on behalf of the
monks, the secular clergy had been the moving spirits in it, and their
ardour had not yet cooled. On 12 December 1536 Dakyn wrote to
William Tristram, the chantry priest of Lartington, to rebuke him
for being over-zealous in bearing arms, collecting money, and urging
his parishioners to fight5. Lancaster Herald reported on 26 December
that the spiritualty of the north were " most corrupted and malicious. . .
inward and part outward,"6 and on 22 January 1536-7 Sir William
Fairfax wrote to Cromwell accusing all the clergy of the north, both
regular and secular : —

" The houses of religion not suppressed make friends and wag the poor to
stick hard in this opinion, and the monks who were suppressed inhabit the
villages round their houses and daily wag the people to put them in again. These
two sorts hath no small number in their favours, arguing and speaking. The
head tenants of abbots, bishops and prebendaries have greater familiarity with
their landlords than they used to have. None are more busy to stir the people
than the chief tenants of commandry lands of Saint John of Jerusalem. Where
the archbishop, bishops, abbots and spiritual persons have rule the people are
most ready at a call. The insurrection in Lincolnshire began at Louth, the
Bishop of Lincoln's town, next at Howden, Yorks, the Bishop of Durham's town,
Sir Robert Constable, a virtuous pilgrim of grace, there being steward, and then
at Beverley, the Archbishop of York's town, York being worst of all.... The King

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 102), 370 (p. 169) ; see above, chap. xn.

2 L. and P. x, 271. 3 Ibid. 927.
* L. and P. xi, 1135 (2), 1295. 5 Ibid. 1284.
6 Ibid. 1371.

xvi] The King's Policy 41

should command his lord deputy to put out the rulers made by spiritual men,
for their bailiffs are brought up from childhood with priests, and are malicious
in their quarrels."1

The dean and canons of York were supposed to be laying in a store
of weapons2. At Kendal on 28 January there was a tumult in the
church at the bidding of beads ; Sir Walter Brown " second curate,"
said, "Commons, I will bid the beads as ye will have me," and
prayed for the Pope and the cardinals3.

It was very difficult for Darcy and the other gentlemen to control
this ferment, and the difficulty was increased by the behaviour of
some of the gentlemen.

Since Sir Thomas Percy had gone to Northumberland, the whole
country had been plunged in disorder. " The Percys and their friends
and the Grays and their friends take contrary parts and make contrary
proclamations who shall be sheriff."4 Thomas Gray, Darcy 's nephew,
who represented him at Bamborough, sent word to him that twenty-
four score ploughs were laid down in Northumberland on account
of the raids made by the mosstroopers of Tynedale and Reedsdale ;
" the most part of Northumberland is broken amongst themselves, and
open forays made by Sir Ingram Percy and others against the Grays."5
Darcy sent this news to Norfolk on 15 December 15366.

Before the appointment Sir Thomas Percy was living at his castle
of Prudhoe on the Tyne, " where the most noted offenders of Tynedale
and Hexhamshire resorted to him, especially John Heron of Chipchase,
Edward Charleton, Cuddy Charleton, Geffray Robson, Anthony
Errington and others." Sir Thomas, however, was not very often
at Prudhoe, as he was continually riding about the country. He
acted as lieutenant of the Middle Marches, although he had received
no authority, and in this capacity summoned a great meeting at
Rothbury for the redress of spoils and the establishment of Tynedale
and Reedsdale. The aggrieved royalists complained that nothing was
done except the proclamation of a peace for twenty days, which was
not observed, and the administration of the Pilgrims' oath to all the
gentlemen who had not taken it before at Alnwick. In addition
to this Sir Thomas proclaimed that anyone who captured a Carnaby
or a follower of the Carnabys should have the prisoner's goods. At
Hexham market he demanded of the people " what help he might
have in the quarrel of the commons." As lieutenant of the Middle
Marches he attempted to hold the "warden's day " with the Scots, but

1 L. and P. xn (1), 192. » Ibid. 532-3. » Ibid. 914.

< L. and P. xi, 1294. « Ibid. 1293. • Ibid. 1307.

42 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

they refused to meet him as he had no authority. On this occasion he
spent the night with John Heron at Harbottle Castle, and then rode
to join his brother Sir Ingram at Alnwick. Sir Ingram was very
anxious as to the result of the conference at Doncaster, for it was
only too clear that the private interests of the brothers were a matter
of very little concern to the commons, while their removal was a great
object with the King. " In the chapel at Alnwick " he confided his
fears to Sir Thomas. If the King came to an agreement with the
commons it could do the Percys no good. Sir Thomas reassured him
as well as he could. The leaders had promised to grant nothing
without sending him information, and they would never consent
to any terms but a general pardon, — " wherefore let us do that we
think to do whiles we may, and that betimes."1

In Cumberland the feud between the Dacres and the Cliffords
broke out again, though affairs were not so bad as in Northumberland.
Lord Clifford, Cumberland's eldest son, was still in Carlisle, but Lord
Dacre had gone up to London some time before. On Saturday
9 December, the last day of the conference at Doncaster, Richard
Dacre, coming to Carlisle with a company of Lord Dacre's tenants,
met Lord Clifford at the church door " and looked upon him with
a haut and proud countenance, not moving his bonnet/' In the
churchyard he encountered Sir William Musgrave. " Without speak-
ing one word," Dacre attacked Musgrave with his dagger, and would
have killed him but for " a son of the laird Featherstonhaugh," who
snatched out his dagger and leapt between the two. Dacre and
Featherstonhaugh drew their swords, but Musgrave's men separated
them. Dacre cried through the town " A Dacre ! A Dacre ! " and a
great company assembled in the market-place. Lord Clifford took
refuge in the Castle. The mayor and Edward Aglionby, a prominent
citizen, " commanded Richard Dacre to avoid the market-place," but
he refused to stir until the mayor summoned the townsmen to arms
and joined Clifford in the Castle. In spite of the preparations that
were being made to attack him Dacre " went to his lodging and dined
and departed at his leisure." Next Sunday, 17 December, Dacre
appeared at Carlisle again, accompanied by twenty men of Gilsland
" in harness for some unlawful purpose." By Clifford's orders the
mayor and Aglionby went out to stop him from entering the town,
but he would not be stayed and entered the market-place. However
he found that Clifford was in possession this time ; " he perceived the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1090; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, Append, lii,
and Baine, Priory of Hexham (Surtees Soc.), i, Append, p. cxxx et seq.

xvi] The King's Policy 43

lord Clifford, well accompanied, come to the market cross and make a
proclamation. . ." He probably announced the terms made at Doncaster,
but the account breaks off at this point1.

The zeal of the loyalists was almost as embarrassing to those who
were trying to keep the peace as the lawlessness of the Percys and
Dacres. Shrewsbury demanded the restitution of cabtle which had
been driven away during the disturbances2. Derby kept a great
Christmas at Lathom and strengthened the Castle, proceedings
which the commons watched with a jealous eye3. The Earl of
Cumberland was ill about Christmas time, but he summoned several
of the gentlemen who had taken part in the Pilgrimage to come and
see him. Sir Richard Tempest excused himself on the grounds that
he was as " sore a crasyd " as the Earl4. Sir Stephen Hamerton did
not dare to go5. On 14 December Cumberland reported that since
the appointment at Doncaster, bills had been set on the church
doors of Gargrave, Rylston, Lynton and Burnsall in Craven. These
bills bade the priest order the constable of the parish to charge the
parishioners to be at Rylston on Tuesday [12 December] to kill all the
deer they could find6. Cumberland's retainers had been in the habit
of hunting at Rylston, which belonged to John Norton, whenever
they felt inclined7, and the commons were following their example ;
but, as Cumberland observed, the insurrection had begun with bills
set on the church doors, though the contents of the bills had been
different. The Earl declared his intention of arresting the instigators
of the bills ; he suspected that they were " gentlemen, some of them
the King's servants," but he had as yet no certain information8. He
was evidently hinting at Sir Richard Tempest. Before Christmas
the Earl imprisoned in Skipton Castle " one of Harry Amarton's sons,
a man of law, and also one Thomas Porter." They must have been
Ribblesdale men, as Lord Clifford was nearly captured in Christmas
week when he went to mass at Giggleswick ; the commons declared
that they would take and hold him until his father released the
prisoners'. Shortly after Christmas the travellers assembled in an
alehouse at Kettlewell talked of " how gently my lord of Cumberland
had treated such prisoners as had been a-hunting in his chaces,
and Tenande, who had been with them in gaol for the said matter,
affirmed the same."10 It does not appear whether they were speaking

1 L. and P. xi, 1331. 2 Ibi(L 1320.

* L. and P. xn (1), 7. « L. and P. xi, 1401.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 7. « L. and P. xi, 1299 (ii).

7 See above, chap. in. 8 L. an(j p XIj 1299.

» L. and P. xn (1), 7. w Ibid. 491.

44 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

sarcastically, or whether Cumberland was really a model gaoler, whose
praises were sounded by his ex-prisoners. The arrests were injudicious,
considering the unsettled state of Westmorland, and Darcy wrote
on 17 January that the Earl of Cumberland was "likely to have
business for two prisoners he keeps."1

About Christmas time it was reported that Robert Pulleyn,
who had been a leader in the Pilgrimage, had paid the detested levy
of the neat geld and had taken bribes and put men into possession of
lands. His neighbours of Kirkby Stephen attacked him, and " would
have spoiled his goods, but upon sureties and entreaty of certain men
they delivered him again." " Shortly after the goods of one Mr Rose
were taken away by night of thieves and the country was afraid of
burning."2 On Saturday 29 December the tenants of Broughton and
Talentire turned the threshers out of the tithe barns and locked
the barn-doors ; the movement against the tithes threatened to
spread to the neighbouring villages3. On 12 January the Earl of
Cumberland wrote to the King that there had been musters about
Cockermouth since the pardon and that the Westmorland men were
turning against their captains in the late rising " for such money
as they had gathered among them." Also bills were being set on
-the church doors in Yorkshire, The Earl urged emphatically that
Carlisle must be strengthened, as the fortifications were in a state of
decay and the commons would certainly attack the town if they rose
again4.

In Richmond a new insurrection was talked of soon after Christmas,
and Dakyn, who preached against the Pope, was saved from being
pulled out of the church only by the intervention of " Ralph Gowre
and other honest men."5 Lancaster Herald was attacked in Durham
after Christmas, and on 2 January the Earl of Westmorland was
warned that there were stirrings about Auckland6. When Lawson
and Gostwick's servants returned to Barnard Castle to collect the
King's rents at the time appointed they found that there was still no
money and no prospect of it7.

The burden of all the letters from Darcy, Cumberland, and Lawson,
is the same ; the Duke of Norfolk must be sent at once. If he came
and brought a satisfactory answer from the King the commons would
be pacified. It did not suit Henry, however, to do anything in a

1 L. and P. xn (1), 115.

2 Ibid. 687 (2); printed in full, Wilson, op. cit., no. xxii.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 18. 4 Ibid. 71-2. 6 Ibid. 788.

e Ibid. 11. ' Ibid. 116.

xvi] The King's Policy 45

hurry. The gentlemen could scarcely expect Norfolk to return before
Christmas, but Christmas passed, and the new year came, and January
was slipping away, and still there was no news of his approach.
Meanwhile so far from soothing the commons and making the task of
the gentlemen easier, all the reports that came from " above " were of
an alarming nature. The King's answer to the first five articles put
the commons in doubt of their pardon1. It became known that the
King was demanding the tenth, and the commons were quite clever
enough to see that any money sent out of the north weakened them
and strengthened the King2. It was said that their harness was
to be taken from them and stored at York3; that the appointment
was not observed in Lincolnshire4 but that the prisoners there were
already being brought to execution5 ; that the monasteries were not
to be allowed to stand ; and that the King intended to fortify Hull
and Scarborough6. These rumours described very accurately the
King's real intentions. The gentlemen tried not to believe them
and tried to persuade the commons that they were false, but there
was all the more difficulty in doing this as the promise of a parlia-
ment did not pacify the commons at all. They murmured among
themselves that " the Parliament men would not get them what
they rose for."7 As they never even thought of being represented
in the new parliament, they were much more inclined to pin their
faith on the arbitrary power of the King, and all their hopes centred
in the coming of the Duke of Norfolk.

The hero of Flodden was very popular in the north — " no man...
would withstand the Duke of Norfolk, but as for Suffolk they would
hold him herehence the best they could."8 The gentlemen therefore
found it easiest to keep order by exhorting the commons to hold over
their grievances until the Duke of Norfolk came. Yet still there
was no news that he had set out. The commons grew more and
more uneasy. Another matter troubled them, Aske had ridden up to
London before Christmas, and since then nothing had been heard
of him. The gentlemen suspected him of betraying them. The
commons were more faithful to their leader. They did indeed
suspect treachery, but it was on the King's part. The rumour ran
that Aske had been beheaded in London9 and that Norfolk was in the

i L. and P. xii (1), 67. « Ibid. 201 (p. 88).

» Ibid. 192, 201 (p. 91). « Ibid. 64.

5 Ibid. 1036. « Ibid. 64, 201 (p. 85).

7 Ibid. 201 (p. 88). » Ibid. 201 (p. 92) ; see above, chap, xi, note A

9 L. and P. xii (1), 56.

46 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Tower. The story of Norfolk's arrest is a spirited narrative, which
shows the pathetic confidence that the northern men had in the Duke,
and also how entirely baseless a most circumstantial story may be : —

" My Lord Cromwell came to the King and said, ' Sir, and please your Grace,
ye are minded to send the Duke of Norfolk northward shortly ? ' And the King
said 'Yea.5 And my lord said again, 'Sir, as far as I can perceive, my lord
of Norfolk hath granted the commonty all their demands or else he would take
their part, and as far as I perceive he will lose no part of his honour.' Then
the King sent for my lord of Norfolk and asked him whether he would do so.
And he answered the King that he would be loath but that the commons should
have their demands, and would be loath to lose any part of his honour. Then
the King commanded him to the Tower. And thereupon my lord William
[Howard] went to the lieutenant of the Tower and desired that he might speak
with my lord of Norfolk, and could not ; and returned again toward the Rolls to
speak with my Lord Privy Seal, and he was gone and had taken his barge to go
to the Court. Then as rny Lord William came along Chancery Lane he met with
Richard Cromwell ; and there (said) my lord : ' By God's blood I will be revenged
of one of you/ and took out his dagger and did stick him therewith, and turned
him with his hand and so killed him."

This story was told " in Johnson's house at Minstergate in York "
on Saturday 13 January1, but it had probably been travelling
about the country before that date. When Sir Robert Constable
heard it he said, " As in the chronicles of the Romans there was
a gentleman who, having killed the Emperor's secretary in mistake
for the Emperor, ran unto a pan of coals and burnt off the hand that
missed the Emperor ; so the said lord William may burn his hand for
missing of killing my lord Cromwell."2

In the East Riding the agitation was strongest. The commons
feared that Hull and Scarborough were to be fortified and held by
the Duke of Suffolk, to become a refuge for the gentlemen and a
menace to the commons if the King resolved to deny their petition.
The leader of this agitation was John Hallam3. His position with
regard to the gentlemen leaders of the Pilgrimage was rather similar
to that of a Labour member towards members of a Liberal government
at the present day. Having no responsibility himself, he was always
ready to urge on the most sweeping measures and the most dangerous
enterprises. He was quite shrewd enough to see through the King's
moves, but not wise enough to realise that policy must be met by
policy, and that to resort to violence was to play into his opponent's
hand. It was not without reason that he distrusted the gentlemen,
and he had not sufficient tact to conceal his suspicions and strive
at all costs to preserve unity among the Pilgrims. The fatal cleavage

i L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 89). 2 Ibid. 891. » Ibid. 201.

xvi] The King's Policy 47

between class and class was broadening rapidly ; as always happens
in the many causes which it has wrecked, each party had a certain
amount of reason, the gentlemen to fear the commons, the com-
mons to distrust the gentlemen; but to quarrel among themselves
merely increased the danger. Their only chance of obtaining their
purpose and securing their pardon lay in strict co-operation. Neither
party could understand this. The commons could not be patient, and
raised a cry of treachery at each delay. The gentlemen grew more
and more alarmed by their turbulence, and were continually tempted
to throw over the cause and make themselves safe individually.

Hallam made his headquarters at Watton parish church. As
early as Christmas, before the appointment was a month old, he was
whispering to its frequenters that Hull was false to the commons,
and that the men of Holderness were ready to rise again. He saw as
plainly as did the King that if Hull and Scarborough were fortified
and garrisoned " they were able to destroy the whole country about."1
Twelfth Day, the feast of Epiphany, 6 January, fell this year on
a Saturday. The following Monday, 8 January, was called Plough
Monday, and was a festival and holiday2. Hallam and his friends
celebrated it by drinking at John Bell's tavern in Watton, and after
the festivity was over, Hallam, Hugh Langdale, Philip Uty, Thomas
Lunde, William Horskey and the vicar of Watton returned home
together. When they came to the church they turned in to say
a paternoster; the vicar left the laymen, who went to Our Lady's
altar, a chantry in the church. Hallam remarked that Langdale had
come into the country recently and had never taken the commons'
oath. He brought out a copy of the oath and asked Langdale
whether he thought there was anything unlawful in it. Langdale
said no, and took the oath willingly3. Then Halkm said to the
others, " Sirs, I fear me lest Hull do deceive us the commons, for
there is ordnance daily carried in thither by ships, and they make
prie yates [privy gates] and Scarborough shall be better fortified,
and the gentlemen will deceive us the commons, and the King's
Grace intends to perform nothing of our petitions. Wherefore I think
best to take Hull and Scarborough ourselves betimes ; and to the
intent that we may do that the better, I think best that ye, Hugh
Langdale, do go forth to William Levening and Robert Bulmer
or William Constable whether [whichever] he would ; you, Horskey,

1 L. and .P. xn (1), 201 (p. 85).

2 Cox, Churchwardens' Accounts (the Antiquary's Books), chap. xvm.
a L. and P. xn. (1), 201 (p. 87).

48 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

to Sir Robert Constable, and I will go to Hull to inquire what tidings
goeth abroad in those parts and how they are minded there, and after
that let us meet all in this place together again upon Wednesday
next, then to take further counsel what is to be done in this matter."
The other two promised to take their messages, but next morning,
when they were already mounted and about to start, Hallam met them
with a letter from Robert Aske, announcing that he had returned
to the north and was about to hold a great meeting next day, Tuesday
9 January at Beverley. He asked Hallam to met him first at Arras
and to ride with him to the meeting. On receiving this great news
they all agreed that they must go to Beverley instead of performing
their errands1.

Aske left London on Friday 5 January, riding north secretly and
• " with most haste."2 It was an amazingly clever stroke of policy
on Henry's part to send back the leader of the Pilgrims to pacify the
disturbance that the King himself had fomented, and to prevent it
from passing beyond control. Aske rode swiftly and reached home
on 8 January, the very day when Hallam was plotting in Watton
church.

As soon as Aske arrived he wrote to Darcy, repeating the King's
gracious promises, and saying that he intended to visit Templehurst
next day. He was already busy quieting his own neighbourhood*,
and scarcely had he arrived when appeals for assistance came pouring
in from all quarters. Hallam's agitation was known to Sir Marmaduke
Constable, who wrote to welcome Aske home and to beg him to pacify
Beverley, which was ready to rise in consequence of a rumour that the
King was secretly sending ordnance to Hull. Sir Marmaduke said
that Hallam would not listen to him, but Aske might have more
influence4.

In consequence of this message Aske appointed the meeting at
Beverley next day. Two manifestos containing the King's reply were
issued to pacify the country. They are undated, but must have been
issued immediately after Aske's return. One was by Aske himself,
and announced the King's promise of a general pardon, and that
"your reasonable petitions shall be ordered by Parliament." The King
himself was coming to hold the parliament at York, the Queen was
to be crowned there, and the arrival of the Duke of Norfolk might
soon be expected5. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, who had perhaps ridden

i L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 86). 2 Ibid. 23.

» Ibid. 43. 4 Ibid. 46.

• Ibid. 44.

xvi] The King's Policy 49

north with Aske, in another manifesto repeated and amplified these
statements. Norfolk was to bring the particulars concerning the
parliament. He would come " with a mean company and after a
quiet manner." The parliament, the convocation and the coronation
were all to be held in York at Whitsuntide ; until then the commons
had only to keep the peace and refuse to listen to any who bid them
make new disturbances1.

On Tuesday 9 January, instead of going to Templehurst, Aske
rode to Beverley. The Twelve Men and the whole town had
assembled, besides many people from the neighbourhood, among
them Horskey, Langdale and Hallam. Aske addressed the assembly,
beginning : " The King's Highness is good and gracious unto us the
commons all, and he hath granted us all our desires and petitions, and
he will keep a Parliament shortly at York, and there also for the
more favour and goodwill that he beareth to this country he purposeth
to have the Queen's Grace crowned..." "adding many other good
words on the King's behalf." He went on to declare that the Duke
of Norfolk was coming shortly, and would bring " a better report unto
them from the King's Grace under the Great Seal."2 After Aske's
speech, questions were asked, as at a modern meeting. Hallam
wanted to know why, if the King's intentions were so favourable,
he had given orders for the collection of the tenth and of his rents
before the parliament time. Aske had not heard of these orders, and
the news must have been a disagreeable shock to him, but he put
the best face he could on the matter, and said that the King had
probably sent only for the money that had already been collected and
was in Archbishop Lee's hands3; in any case the clergy had freely
granted the tenth4, and the Pilgrims had decided that " it might
be borne well enough."6

After the meeting Aske and all the principal men who attended it
were invited by Mr Crake and the Twelve Men to dinner at Christopher
Sanderson's house. When Hallam and Horskey entered the room
Crake drew them aside to a window and said, " Mr Hallam, I pray you
stay the country about you. Ye see how good and gracious the King's
highness is to us and will be undoubtedly. There be certain lewd
fellows abroad in the country that would stir the people to naughtiness
again, as Nicholson of Preston in Holderness and the bailiff of Snaith.
I pray you stay them and be not counselled by them." The appeal was

1 L. and P. xn (1), 45. 2 Ibid. 201 (p. 86) ; see note D at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xii (1), 201 (p. 88). * Ibid. 201 (p. 86).

6 See above, chap. xiv.

D. II. 4

50 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

judicious, and Hallam was reassured and pacified. He promised that
he would not stir. For the moment this danger seemed to be averted1.

Aske rode back to Aughton, but next day Wednesday 10 January
Sir Marmaduke Constable appealed to him again. He congratulated
him on quieting Beverley, but a rising was now threatened at Ripon
and there was mustering on a moor near Fountains. The commons
said that Aske had been beheaded in London, and his presence was
urgently needed2. Next day, 11 January, Sir Marmaduke wrote to
Cromwell to report that Aske had pacified Beverley and the East
Riding, but that the North Riding was still dangerous, and Norfolk
was very much wanted3.

Aske received Sir Marmaduke's letter on Thursday 11 January,
and at the same time he was summoned by Darcy to come and help
to stay the parts round Templehurst4. He sent news of his return
and of the King's goodwill to Ripon and rode to Templehurst5.
Darcy had received on 10 January a summons from the King to
go up to court " in order that the King may show he retains no
displeasure against him."6 Sir Robert Constable, who was also at
Templehurst, had received a similar summons. Aske described to
them his encouraging interviews with the King, and, as he had kept
a copy of it, he showed them his narrative of his own doings during
the rising. Darcy asked how the King had spoken of him. Aske
replied that the King had referred to him and others as " offenders
before the pardon," but he had not otherwise mentioned him. They
consulted together over the King's summons, and decided that as the
country was " in a floughter and a readiness to rise," it would be very
unwise for Darcy and Constable to alarm the commons by going up
to court. Aske advised Sir Robert to go back to Holme and Darcy to
stay where he was, and promised to write to the King to explain
their delay and to beg him to excuse them7.

On Friday 12 January Aske had returned to Aughton once more,
and sent the King a report of all that had happened and all that
he had done since his return home. The frank and outspoken tone
of his letter is a great contrast to that of Norfolk's reports. He
described how he had pacified Beverley. The people were very
joyous to hear that the King himself proposed to visit them, and
that Norfolk was coming, and the gentlemen were anxious to keep

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 86). 2 Ibid. 56. 3 Ibid. 64.

4 Ibid. 1175; see note E at end of chapter.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 67; extracts in Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xm.

« L. and P. xn (1), 26. 7 Ibid. 1175.

xvi] The Kings Policy 51

order ; but the commons were still very wild, bills were posted on the
church doors, and unless Norfolk came soon, accompanied by the
worshipful men now with the King, another rising was to be feared.
The points which caused the most uneasiness were as follows : —

(1) The people suspected that the parliament would be delayed.

(2) The King had summoned the leading gentlemen to London.

(3) The answer to the first five articles made the people doubt
whether the King would confirm the pardon.

(4) They were afraid of the cities being fortified, especially in
the case of Hull.

(5) The tenths were being demanded.

(6) Cromwell (my lord Privy Seal) was in as great favour as ever.
Aske concluded :

" Finally, I could not perceive in all the shires, as I came from your Grace's
homewards, but your Grace's subjects be wildly minded in their hearts towards
commotions or assistance thereof, by whose abetment yet I know not ; wherefore,
Sir, I beseech your Grace to pardon me in this my rude letter and plainness
of the same, for I do utter my poor heart to your Grace to the intent your
Highness may perceive the danger that may ensue ; for on my faith I do greatly
fear the end to be only by battle."1

He proposed to ride to Ripon on Saturday 13 January to pacify
the North Riding. Darcy seconded Aske's efforts by issuing a pro-
clamation against rebellious assemblies2. On Saturday 13 January
Dorothy Darcy, Sir George Darcy's wife, wrote to her husband from
Gateforth, begging him to come home and protect his poor children
and herself, as the wildness of the country filled her with terror.
She had heard that the disturbance at Beverley was due to the
arrival of some ships at Hull laden with wine, corn, and Lenten
stores. Although Beverley was pacified, the country all round Lady
Darcy's home was very much disturbed. In Kirkbyshire captains
had been appointed and at Leeds bills had been set on the church
doors3. One of these bills has been preserved and runs:

"Commons, keep well your harness. Trust you no gentlemen. Rise all at
once. God shall be your governor and I shall be your captain."4

Darcy wrote to the King on Sunday 14 January to excuse himself
for not obeying the summons to court. He did not speak of the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 67 ; extracts printed by Froude, op. cit. chap. xin.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 68.

3 Ibid. 81; printed in full, Everett- Green, Letters of Eoyal and Illustrious Ladies,
n, no. cxliv.

* L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 89).

4—2

l\

52 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

unsettled state of the country, which made his presence in the north
desirable, but described his illness. Since the meeting at Doncaster
he had not thrice left his chamber. Nevertheless he was ready to
come if his health would mend a little and if the King would give
him leave to come by water1. This may have been merely an excuse,
but the journey to London from Templehurst in mid-winter must
really have been a dangerous undertaking for a man of Darcy's age
in a bad state of health.

On the news of the disturbance in Beverley the northern gentlemen
at court were sent home. Sir Ralph Evers wrote to Sir John Bulmer
that the Duke was to be at Doncaster on the last day of January, and
Sir John was appointed to attend him with ten men2. Sir Ralph
Ellerker was despatched on Monday 15 January with instructions to
be delivered to the corporation of Hull3. On 16 January the King
sent to Sir Robert Constable a countermand of the summons to come
up to London4.

Henry was satisfied with the result of his manoeuvres. The
/ disturbance at Beverley, although it had been checked before it came
to anything, gave him an excuse for disregarding the general pardon.
A competent number of victims could now be sacrificed to the
cleansing of the King's honour. Norfolk was to be sent north at
last. A device was made by the King and his Council " for the
perfect establishment of the North parts." Not only was Norfolk to
be sent into Yorkshire with a council of " personages of honour,
worship and learning," but Suffolk was to return to Lincolnshire
" and put the men of substance there ready at an hour's warning
to enter Yorkshire in aid of my lord of Norfolk," while Sussex went
to assist the Earl of Derby to " put the parts [of Lancashire] not
corrupted with the late rebellion ready to serve the King at an hour's
warning." Cheshire was also to be prepared to muster, and " certain
discreet and learned personages " were to be sent into all these parts
" to preach and teach the word of God that the people may the better
know their duties." The Lord Admiral was to take over Pontefract
from Lord Darcy, and to garrison the castle. Sandall Castle was to
be delivered by Sir Richard Tempest to Sir Henry Saville, who
would command a garrison there, and Ellerker and Evers would place
garrisons in Hull and Scarborough. The other nobles, Shrewsbury,
Rutland and the rest, and the gentlemen who had held command

1 L. and P. xn (1), 84; printed in full, State Papers, i, 524.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 66, 3 Ibid. 90.
4 Ibid. 96.

xvi] The King's Policy 53

in the King's army, such as Sir Francis Brian and Sir William Parr,
were to call out their men, ready to march to Norfolk's assistance.
Provision was made for Norfolk's train and salary, for levying the
tenth and so forth. This was the end, or almost the end, of the idea
that Norfolk would bear a conciliatory reply from the King. The
Council, which always favoured moderate measures, drew up a list of
suggestions which were not quite so drastic ; they proposed that the
more favourable parts of the King's reply should be embodied in
proclamations to be issued in the north, and that the people should
" be given hope of pardon, for despair might cause them to reassemble,"
but the King would temporise no more1. A minute was drawn up of
a letter which directed the gentlemen of the north to have their
servants ready to assist Norfolk in the punishment of those who had
offended since the proclamation of the pardon. The King trusted
that this might be effected without difficulty, but although the most
part of his subjects were sincerely repentant, " there may remain
some desperate persons who might move further sedition."2

The King was determined to have his executions, even if they
provoked a new rising; but he was to be more fortunate than he
as yet dared to hope.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI

Note A. Froude adds to the complication of the huge Constable family by
calling Marmaduke Nevill Sir Marmaduke Constable. The historians of the
Tower have assigned the inscription of Marmaduke Nevill to some unknown
relation of the last Earl of Westmorland who may have taken part in the Rising
of the North3, but it is more likely to have been cut by the Marmaduke Nevill
who is known to have existed in 1537.

Note B. The herald says Monday 12 November, but this must be a mistake.

Note C. The evidence is that George Lassells said that Thomas Estoft said
that Thomas Saltmarsh said that Darcy had said this4. Thomas Estoft was
interrogated and deposed that Thomas Saltmarsh had told him that Darcy
advised Aske to lay post horses and if he sent bad news Darcy would rescue him,
but without the details, which seem to have sprung from Lassells' imagination6.
11 One Saltmarsh " had quarrelled with Aske at the beginning of the rebellion
"disdaining that he should be above him"; possibly this was the Thomas
Saltmarsh who spread the story6.

1 L. and P. xi, 1410 (1) and (3). 2 L. and P. HI (1), 97.

3 Gower, The Tower of London, i, chap. i.

* L. and P. xn (1), 1119. 5 n^a. 1206.

« Ibid. 392.

54 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xvi

Note D. The Spanish Chronicle gives a confused account of this speech :
" When [Aske] arrived to where his people were he made them a speech after
this fashion : ' Oh, my brothers and gentlemen, what a wise and virtuous prince
we have ! He recognised the justice of our cause, has given us a general pardon,
and to you, the priests, he will give enough to live upon. Here is an order
for York, providing for many of you in the parishes there, and you are to go
thither at once to be apportioned to various places.' When the people heard this
they all cried with one voice, * Long live our good King ! ' and the hostages were
sent back to the Duke's quarters, and, in short, in a few hours all the people
were on their way home, for they were already tired of it, and had wasted a good
deal of their cattle."1 The Spaniard confuses Aske's return from London with
his return to Pontefract after the second conference at Doncaster.

Note E. In his letter of 12 January Aske says that he has already gone
to Lord Darcy2. Afterwards, in his examination, he said that he received Darcy's
letter four or five days after he was at Beverley3, but it was natural that his
memory of such hurrying days should be rather confused.

1 Spanish Chron. ed. Hume, chap. xvn. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 67.

3 Ibid. 1175.

CHAPTER XVII

HALLAM AND BIGOD

The leaders of the Pilgrimage undertook an impossible task when
they promised at Doncaster to keep the north quiet until Norfolk's
return. When a large region has been in open insurrection for three
months, it cannot be restored to order at a word. It is true that the
gentlemen did not realise then what they were required to do. They
expected Norfolk to return within a month, and they expected that
the King would make allowance for the difficulties of ^their position.
They were mistaken in both points. Norfolk's return was delayed,
and Henry was prepared to exact from the north a state of immaculate
order to which few counties in England ever attained, even in times
of peace. As soon as the Pilgrims allowed themselves to be put
off by vague promises their cause was lost. Even if they had
exacted a definite agreement with proper guarantees at Doncaster, it
would probably have made no difference in the end. Nothing but
force could have induced Henry to observe such a treaty. Even
if the parliament which they desired had met, it is unlikely that
it would have achieved anything. Henry was no Charles I. With
Cromwell's help he knew how to manage parliaments. The Pilgrims'
one chance of success had lain in battle. The two parties were very
evenly balanced. Henry had a better general and on the whole
better supplies, but the Pilgrims had the advantage in numbers and
enthusiasm, and were on their own ground. They did not choose to
push the matter to fighting, and they failed.

It is impossible to regret their failure now. If England had been
rent by a religious civil war at the very outset of modern history, as
the Reformation has rightly been called, she must have been seriously,
perhaps fatally, crippled, and prevented from taking her place among
the greater European powers. No country which had undergone the
strain of the Hundred Years War, followed by the Wars of the Roses,
could have borne in succession a third war more terrible than either

56 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

of these. The Pilgrims cannot be accused of weakness when their
decision was so truly patriotic, but it was fatal to themselves and
their cause. Once that decision was taken the result was inevitable.
Henry would observe no treaty with rebels when he could safely
repudiate it. The rising of Hallam and Bigod gave him a good
excuse, but before that excuse was offered he had already found
others. The disturbance at Beverley, the deer-stealing at Rylston,
the tithe riots in Cumberland, the restoration of the monks at
Sawley — anything was a sufficient pretext for declaring that the King
was no longer bound by the terms, and for bringing the champions
of the old faith to trial and execution ; but the catastrophe was
precipitated by an ally of the most fatal kind, a political theorist.

During the progress of the first rising a glimpse has been caught
from time to time of Sir Francis Bigod. As might have been
expected from his previous history, he was by no means in sympathy
with the Pilgrims. His attempted flight and capture have already
been described1. The band of commons who took him all un-
consciously did their cause a great disservice. Once involved in the
rising Sir Francis quickly grew interested. The movement gave
him plenty of scope to indulge in his chief passion, which was to
reform monasteries. He was far from acting in the spirit of Cromwell's
commissioners. The welfare of the abbeys was his real object, and he
made no profit for himself, but his views were in every way peculiar.
His activities began about Martinmas (11 November 1536) at the
monastery of Guisborough2.

The resignation of James Cockerell, Prior of Guisborough, and
the appointment of a new prior by the visitors have been mentioned
above3. As usually happened in these cases, the new prior accused
the old one of having embezzled some of the revenue of the monastery4.
Sir Francis Bigod acted in this matter on behalf of Cockerell, who is
always called the Quondam of Guisborough5. Having thus a footing
in the affairs of the monastery, he made up his mind that the new
prior had not been chosen formally according to the laws of God and
the old custom, and that the house ought to be reformed. He wrote
to consult the Earl of Westmorland on the subject, pointing out that
the new prior had been put in only by Cromwell's authority and that
the people did not consider him a true prior. His proposal was that
to quiet the country the new prior's accounts should be made up and

1 See above, chap. ix. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p.

3 See above, chap. xvi. 4 L. and P. xi, 1438.

» L. and P. xn (1), 534.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 57

the prior himself expelled. Then another prior might be chosen
" by virtue of the holy comentie and by the assent of all the religious
brethren belonging to their chapter."1 In consequence of these dis-
turbances Sir John Bulmer was ordered by the council of York to
regulate the affairs of Guisborough, but the prior was not deposed2.

Bigod himself was not at the council of York, but before it met
his brother Ralph told him that the clergy were to assemble and
decide " what they judged to be reformed concerning the faith and
for heresy." After the council was over Aske sent Sir Francis as
a captain to Scarborough, probably to look into the affair of Edward
Waters. Hallam came from York to Scarborough and reported what
the council had resolved upon3. Sir Francis attended the great
meeting at Pontefract4, and like several of the other gentlemen, he
wrote down his opinion on the various questions which were under
discussion, " the title of Supreme Head, the statute of suppression,
and the taking away the liberties of the Church."5 His " book " made
no particular impression at Pontefract. It is never mentioned by the
leaders, while the commons looked upon him as one of Cromwell's
agents, and he was even in danger of his life6. Sir Francis, however,
had naturally an author's pride in his own work. It seems to have
been much longer and more elaborate than the books of the other
gentlemen. The views which it expressed were entirely individual
and did not conform to the standards either of Rome or of the
government. The author attempted to define " what authority
belonged to the Pope, what to a bishop, and what to a king, saying
that the head of the Church of England might be a spiritual man, as
the archbishop of Canterbury or such, but in no wise the King, for
he should with the sword defend all spiritual men in their right."7

The Quondam of Guisborough read the book, and, by Sir Francis'
account, praised it highly, " saying no man could mend it, and he
durst die in the quarrel with Bigod," and when the author promised
him a copy, he said that " he would make as much thereof as of
a piece of St Augustine's works." The Quondam admitted that he
had seen the book, but he denied that he had commended it. He
took exception to one passage, at any rate, in which Bigod asserted
that the King held his sword immediately from God. The Quondam
pointed out that " we hold opinion that the King has his sword

1 L. and P. xii (1), 1087 (p. 499). 2 See above, chap. xm.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 533. * Ibid. 145.

6 Ibid. 1087 (p. 499). « Ibid. 145.

7 Ibid. 201 (p. 92).

58 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

by permission and delivery of the Church into his hands and not
otherwise." Bigod seems to have accepted the correction1.

The Quondam of Guisborough was not Bigod's only literary friend
among the regular clergy. Sir Francis was also a frequent visitor at
the monastery of Malton in Rydale, where he was told of a prophesy
by the Prior, William Todde2. It was at the Prior's table that he
first heard the rumour that Cromwell was plotting to marry Lady
Margaret Douglas and to become the King's heir3.

Sir Francis also lent a hand in the disordered affairs of the
monastery of Watton, which was, like Malton, a Gilbert ine priory4,
containing both monks and nuns to the number of between three
and four score5. The flight of the Prior appointed by Cromwell and
Aske's intervention to help the deserted religious have already been
mentioned6. The absconding Prior had previously held the same
office at St Katherine's, Lincoln7. During his brief term at Watton
he had made himself universally disliked ; " while he was there he
was good to no man and took of Hallam 20 marks where he should
have been paid in corn when God should send it ; and he gives many
unkind words to his tenants in his court, more like a judge than
a religious man."8 The monks afterwards declared that it was only
the commons who were discontented with the Prior. He had put
Hallam out of a farm, and Hallam in revenge during the insurrection
brought a number of his soldiers to the monastery, j ust as the brothers
were sitting down to dinner, and ordered them to elect a new prior9.
The priors of Ellerton and St Andrew's, York, were both present, and
Hallam advised the canons to nominate the former, Dan James
Lawrence10 ; if they did not obey him, Hallam threatened to plunder
their house and make a new prior himself. Thereupon the canons
nominated the Prior of Ellerton, but only as a form to satisfy Hallam11.
Lawrence never acted as prior, and the canons wrote to Aske to beg
him to appoint a new one for them12. By his advice they accepted
the sub-prior as the prior's deputy13.

Hugh Langdale, Hallam's friend, attended his new master the Prior
on his flight to London, leaving his wife behind him14. A little before

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 499). 2 Ibid. 534, 1087 (p. 499).

3 Ibid. 533. 4 Tonge, op. cit. 71.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 6; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 339.
6 See above, chap. xni. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 65.

8 Ibid. 201 (p. 92) ; cf. Tawney, op. cit. pp. 197-8.

9 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 100). 10 Ibid. 201 (p. 102).
" Ibid. 201 (p. 100). u ibid. 849 (p. 382).

13 Ibid. 6; printed Eng. Hist. Kev. v, 339. u L. and P. xii (1), 201 (p. 87).

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 59

Christmas she wrote to tell him how much she had suffered during
the rising and to beg him to come back to her. Her letter was
carried by Thomas Lownde of Watton Carre, who returned about
26 December. Lownde met Hallam in a house by the Priory gates
at Watton and Hallam asked him for the London news. Lownde
said that " my lord prior was merry," to which Hallam rejoined, " no
more of that, for an ye call him lord any more thou shalt lose thy
head." He wanted to know what was the opinion of the south about
the insurrection. Lownde answered that some Nottingham men with
whom he had ridden from London to Stamford, told him that they
wished the northern men had come forward, " for then they should
have had me to take their parts." Also when he was in London at
a " corser's " [calcearius, shoemaker] house between Cow Cross and
Smithfield, the good man said to him, "Because ye are a northern
man ye shall pay but Qd. for your shoes, for ye have done very well
there of late : and would to God ye had come to an end, for we were
in the same mind that ye were."1

The sub-prior of Watton, the confessor of the nuns, the vicar
of Watton, and Anthony one of the canons, were all heard to say that
there would be no real restoration of religion so long as the King
held the title of Supreme Head, and that the only way to force him
to lay it down was by a new insurrection2.

In this hot-bed Hallam's plans had been flourishing, but at the
Beverley meeting on Tuesday 9 January 1536-7 he received a check,
and he returned to Watton with the intention of waiting at least
until he saw the King's next move.

While Hallam was being persuaded to trust the King, Bigod was
becoming more and more convinced that it would be folly to do
so. On the same Tuesday 9 January he set out from Mulgrave
to ride to York " for a matter between the Treasury and the old
prior of Guisborough." He had with him a copy of the King's
pardon, which he had been considering very seriously. In discussing
it with his friend the Prior of Mai ton, whom he visited on his journey,
he remarked that the pardon would enrage the Scots, who were called
" our old ancient enemies." The Prior, in return for the pardon,
showed him a copy of the Pilgrims' articles, and Sir Francis gave the
Prior's servant two groats to copy it and send the copy after him3.
He left Malton for Settrington, where he expected to meet his
brother Ralph. Next day, Wednesday 10 January, he arrived at

i L. and P. xii (1), 201 (p. 95). « Ibid. 2Q1 (p. 87).

3 Ibid. 534.

60 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Watton, still on his way to York, and went to Hallam's house. They
visited the Priory together, and once more urged the canons to elect
a new prior1. Bigod drew up a form for them, in which the present
Prior was referred to as " the late prior of St Katherine's, Lincoln." 2
The canons thought that this was not respectful ; they sent to
Beverley for a notary and had another document drawn up, which
appointed James Lawrence to be their prior3. The canons gave this
paper to Wade a bachelor of divinity dwelling near by, in order that
they might show the new nomination to the commons if there were
a fresh insurrection ; but they protested that they did this through
fear of the commons, and not with any serious idea of deposing their
prior4.

Hallam and Bigod both supped at the Priory. Bigod produced
the King's pardon and explained his doubts about it. He pointed
out that it did not run in the King's name, but " began as another
man's tale, ' Albeit the King's Highness,' " and that it was in the
third person throughout, from which he judged that it was really the
work of Cromwell5 who was higher in favour than ever6. In Bigod's
opinion a pardon in that form would not prevent a sheriff from
imprisoning a man and seizing his lands and goods ; besides it was
dated two days after it had been read7. He also objected to the
statement in the pardon that the King had charge of his subjects
both body and soul. Sir Francis declared that the King should have
no cure of his soul. Hallam, the sub-prior Harry Gill, and two
of the canons sat together over the fire while Sir Francis expounded
his views to them, but at this point he drew Hallam aside into a
window and they talked privately together for a long time8.

Sir Francis read to Hallam his book concerning the supreme
head of the Church. From that they passed to the question of Hull
and Scarborough. Everyone in the countryside, said Bigod, was
convinced that the towns ought to be held by the commons until
the meeting of the parliament. Moreover he did not believe that
the Duke of Norfolk would do any good when he came. It would be
better and safer either to drive out of the north any general sent by
the King, or to capture Norfolk as he ascended from the plain of
York into the hills about Newborough and Byland, and to make him
take their oath. Hallam, by his own account, hesitated to attack

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 86). 2 Ibid. 65.

3 Ibid. 201 (pp. 100, 101). * Ibid. 201 (pp. 99, 100).

. B Ibid. 201 (p. 91). 6 Ibid. 201 (p. 99).

7 Ibid. 201 (p. 102). » Ibid. 201 (p. 99).

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 61

Norfolk1. Others, however, said that they had heard him threaten, if
the Duke were captured, to strike off his head2. Leaving Norfolk
out of the question, Hallam was soon persuaded to revive his former
scheme of capturing Hull and Scarborough. Bigod told him that all
the Dales, Swaledale, Wensleydale and the rest, were rising, that
Sir Thomas Percy was coming forward from Northumberland, and
that the East Riding had no choice but to rise as well3. It is
impossible to say how much of this Sir Francis believed himself, but
there had been disturbances and bills posted on the church doors in
the Dales, and Northumberland had never been quiet since the last
insurrection.

Sir Francis Bigod stayed at the Priory of Watton that night,
but Hallam went home. Next day, Thursday 11 January, Hallam
took William Horskey into his confidence. After repeating to him
all that Sir Francis had said, he laid before him their plan of
campaign. Hallam was to surprise Hull, while Sir Francis seized
Scarborough ; they would then meet at Beverley and march to take
Pontefract. The day for the attempt was not yet appointed4.

Bigod left Watton on Friday 12 January and rode to Settrington.
On Saturday 13 January he sent a servant to bid Hallam come to
Settrington. Hallam arrived on Sunday 14 January, and found
that Ralph Fenton of Ganton and "the friar of St Robert's" were
also there. Bigod told them that he had news of a rising in Durham
and another in the west country. Lord Latimer had fled, and the
commons had spoiled the property of Archdeacon Franklin and Robert
Bowes, whom they accused of betraying them 5. Dr John Pickering
had sent news of the attack on Lancaster Herald at Durham6. Fenton
and Hallam both agreed that Yorkshire must rise too7.

Hallam returned to Watton on Monday 15 January. That day
he was visited by three Beverley men, Richard Wilson, Roger Kitchen,
and John Francis a baker. Francis was a quiet man with dangerous
friends. The day before, Wilson and Kitchen had asked him to
go with them " as it were a-mumming," to break up an assembly
of " the most ancient men " of Beverley, who were making merry
at Catherell's house, " because they were of a contrary faction in a
dispute concerning the privilege of the town." Francis refused to go
with them, and when on Monday they invited him to accompany
them to Calkhill he was suspicious, but they assured him that their

1 L. and P. xii (1), 201 (p. 92). 2 Ibid. 1087 (p. 495). 3 Ibid. 201 (p. 86).

4 Ibid. 201 (p. 86). » Ibid. 201 (p. 92).

8 Ibid. 1087 (p. 500). * Ibid. 201 (p. 92).

62 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

only object was to make merry with Hallam, and Francis agreed
to go with them. They met Hallam at Hutton Cranswick, and all
drank together at Mr Wade's1 house. Francis observed that Wilson
and Hallam talked together privately for some time. When the
Beverley men went out to get their horses, Hallam came with them.
On the way to the stable he told them that Sir Francis Bigod had
sent the friar of St Robert's to Durham to find out whether there was
a new rising. Francis did not like this conversation, and to change
the subject he asked Hallam to sell him " half a score of wheat."
Hallam replied that he would pass through Beverley on his way
to Hull next day, and they could talk over the bargain then. After
Francis had mounted, the other three went into the stable together
and talked for a long time, until Francis called to them to come.
Wilson and Hallam in the stable revealed their plans to Kitchen.
Wilson promised to bring " a great sort out of Beverley " as soon
as he heard that Hallam had set out to take Hull. Hallam asked
Kitchen to be ready on receiving his message to go to Holderness and
desire Richard Wharton, John Thomson, the bailiff of Brandsburton,
William Barker and William Nicholson to meet Hallam in Hull and
drink a quart of wine with him. At last the Beverley men set out
for home with the impatient Francis2.

While Hallam was drinking and plotting in Mr Wade's house at
Hutton Cranswick two messengers sent by Sir Francis Bigod had
arrived at Hallam's home. Not finding him there, they went to the
Priory, where they gave a man 2d. to bring Hallam to them. The
messengers represented themselves as Bigod's servants, but one of
them was Friar John Pickering in disguise3. Before long Hallam
came to the Priory and they delivered to him a letter from Sir
Francis. He sent news that Durham and Richmondshire were up,
that he would attempt to seize Scarborough next day, and that
Hallam must take Hull at the same time and meet him at Beverley
on Wednesday4.

All this was read aloud and supplemented by the messengers in
the presence of the sub-prior, the Prior of Ellerton, Dr Swinburne
and other canons of Watton assembled in a chamber called the
" Hal sied " [Hall Side]. After the reading of the letter, Hallam
picked out two of the convent servants, Anthony Wright or West
and Lancelot Wilkinson, to accompany him to Hull next day, and
directed the sub-prior to send them and a third, Clement Hudson, and

1 See above, chap. xiv. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 97).

» Ibid. 1087 (p. 500). 4 Ibid. 201 (p. 99).

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 63

to provide them with money, but they were not to bring horses or
harness. His men were to enter the town in small groups of two or
three, like market folks ; they were to go to the market, and begin
bargaining for goods until they heard Hallam cry, " Come hither
to me all good commons ! " whereupon they must join him and take
the town. After making these arrangements Hallam left the Priory.
The canons were naturally somewhat fluttered, but either from fear
or from sympathy they obeyed Hallam1, and the cellarer, Thomas
Lather, delivered to the chosen men 3s. 4td. to last them for two
days2.

There was no time to be lost if Hull was to be taken next day, for
it was already nearly 7 o'clock at night3. Taking up his station at
the Priory gates, Hallam began to despatch messengers. He sent
Andrew Cante and John Lowrey, labourers of Watton, to Kitchen
at Beverley to bid him deliver the message that he knew of in
Holderness. John Prowde was despatched to bid William Horskey,
Philip Uty and Thomas Lownde to be at Beverley next day by
sunrise. All were directed to meet Hallam at Beverley next day
as soon as they had done their errands4.

Early next morning, Tuesday 16 January, the little band set
out from Watton in the dark in order to be at Beverley by sunrise.
Hallam wore " a privy coat of fence made with many folds of linen
cloth rosined, and a privy skull on his head, a sword and a buckler."5

At William Cooper's house in Beverley Hallam met Uty,
Horskey and Langdale; he read Bigod's letter to them and sent
them on to Hull to open communications with some friends in the
town6. Although these men were Hallam's chosen confederates, they
were not very reliable. Langdale said that " what he did was for fear
of his life, for Hallam was so cruel and fierce a man amongst his
neighbours that no man durst disobey him."7 Both Langdale and
Horskey distrusted Sir Francis Bigod, while Uty knew Hallam but
slightly. As they rode to Hull together their hearts failed them, and
they resolved to betray Hallam to the magistrates. After some
discussion they decided to warn William Crockey, Robert Grey and
Stephen Clare of Hallam's plot8 ; they would ask them to inform the
mayor without mentioning who had given the warning.

The first person whom they visited was Crockey, the deputy-

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (pp. 99, 101, 102). 2 Ibid. 201 (p. 96).

3 Ibid. 201 (p. 95). 4 Ibid. 201 (p. 96).

5 Ibid. 201 (p. 94). « ibid. 201 (p. 87).

7 Ibid. 201 (p. 88). » Ibid. 201 (p. 87).

64 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

customer. Their pretext was that they wanted to buy a tun of wine,
which had been ordered by the sub-prior of Watton1. It was now
about 11 o'clock, and as Hallam had intended to be in Hull by 92, the
informers knew that they must make haste. Langdale and Uty put
Horskey forward, and he, " abashed and trembling," took Crockey
apart. Their embarrassment alarmed the deputy-customer so much
that he exclaimed, " What news ? How do ye all in your parts ? "
Horskey answered, " Naught3, for we were commanded yesternight
about midnight, pain of death, to be here this day, and for to take
the town, as I suppose."4

Crockey at once went and told Robert Grey, who said " he trowed
all would be nought, wherefore let every man do his best." Not
finding much support in this enigmatic remark, Crockey went next
to Mr Johnson, an alderman, who took him to the mayor's house.
There they found that they had been forestalled, as " one Fowbery "
was already laying the matter before the mayor5. This man was
John Fowbery of Newbold, a servant of the Earl of Surrey6. He
had taken part in the first insurrection7, and was in Hallam's
confidence8. By the time Crockey arrived, Fowbery had disclosed
everything to the mayor and aldermen9; and they all went to their
houses to arm and prepare to take Hallam10.

Meanwhile the plot was going badly. On entering Hull Hallam
met William Nicholson of Preston, who had often promised, in the
case of a fresh rising, to join him with 100 or 200 men from Holder-
ness. It was Nicholson who had suggested the plan of smuggling
men into Hull on market-day as if to attend the market, and Hallam
had sent Kitchen to warn him of the attempt the night before11.
By ill-luck Nicholson had set out for Hull before Kitchen arrived12.
He had not received the message and therefore had brought no men.
Hallam told him to see what friends he had in the town who could be
trusted in the matter13. The bailiff of Snaith had sent to Hallam
after Christmas to let him know that if he made any fresh attempt all
the commons of that part would join him, and it would seem that
Hallam had sent a message to Snaith which also miscarried, but this
is not certain.

i L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 88). 2 Ibid. 201 (p. 95).

3 See note A at end of chapter. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 88).

s Ibid. 201 (p. 89). « Ibid. 141.

7 Ibid. 466. 8 Ibid. 201 (p. 93).

9 Ibid. 141. 10 Ibid. 201 (p. 89).

" Ibid. 201 (p. 93). 12 Ibid. 201 (p. 97).
is Ibid. 201 (p. 95).

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 65

Thus Hallam found himself with no support but his own small
band. The attitude of the commons in the town was hostile, and he
resolved to' abandon the enterprise. He told the men who were with
him to go home, mounted his horse, and rode out of the Beverley
Gate to a watering-place beside a windmill. Looking back, he saw
the town gates were " a-sparring " [being fastened]. At the watering-
place he met Marshall, clerk of Beswick, and John Fowbery the traitor.
Marshall, who really sympathised with Hallam, exclaimed, " Fie ! will
ye go your ways and leave your men behind you1 ? " The situation
was a very tempting one. Hallam was mounted and free to join
Bigod, or, if all else failed, to make his way to Scotland. He had
warned his men, and the town gates were on the point of being shut.
To go back was certain death. This history contains many examples
of weakness and betrayal, but from time to time they are redeemed
by some act of high courage and faith, such as that which Hallam now
achieved. He turned and rode back to Hull.

The traitor Fowbery played his part to the last ; exclaiming,
" And I will turn again to seek for some of my neighbours that be
there too," he rode ahead of Hallam to the gates, where two of the
aldermen, William Knolles and John Eland, were giving orders2.
These were the aldermen who had surrendered Hull to the rebels3.
Fowbery called out, " An you look not shortly of your man Hallam,
he will subdue you all." Eland answered, " I know him not," and
Fowbery said, " Yon is he that is on horseback in the yeatts [gates]
and ye may see the people assemble hastily till him." Eland grasped
Knolles by the arm, crying, " Go way, for we will have him," and
they went up to Hallam together4. He, from outside, asked them to
let his neighbours come out before they barred the gates5. The two
aldermen came out and asked him his name ; he answered, " My
name is Hallam/' Knolles said, "Then thou art the false traitor
that I look for."6 The aldermen were standing one on each side
of his horse, and at the word they both attacked him with their
daggers, but his coat of fence saved him. There was a general struggle.
Hallam's neighbours and the city guard both ran out to help their
respective champions. Knolles was knocked down, but rescued by
his men, and seized Hallam's companions. Eland clung to Hallam,
and, striking at him, cut his bridle rein. He was afraid that Hallam
would escape, but the horse fell into the Busse ditch, and Hallam was

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (p. 93). 2 Ibid. 141, 142.

3 See above, chap. vm. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 142.

5 Ibid. 201 (p. 93). « Ibid. 141.
D. II. R

66 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

forced to dismount. He drew his sword and " many stripes were
taken among them." They " bickered together " until they were
both badly wounded and Hallam was at length captured1. There
were only two men with him, Thomas Water and John Prowde2. As
the prisoners were being led through the streets, William Nicholson
attempted to create a diversion in their favour. He cried to the
guards, " Jesus ! What mean ye ? Will ye murder me now ? " and
there was another fray, in which Nicholson was wounded and captured3.
So ended the disastrous attempt to recover Hull.

Bigod's letter declared that he had received positive news that the
commons of Durham and Richmond intended to rise on 16 January,
the day on which the simultaneous attempts on Hull and Scar-
borough were made. These messages have not been preserved, but
Sir Francis acted on them at once, and on Monday 15 January his
servants were despatched in every direction to call out men for the
new rising. Besides the two who went to Watton, one was sent
to Bigod's friend the Prior of Malton, to order a muster there next
day4. Another was sent to Durham with letters for Auckland,
Staindrop, Richmond and the city of Durham, enclosing a new oath5.
This man arrived at Brancepeth on Wednesday 17 January6. On the
same Monday Bigod summoned to him William Levening of Acklam,
and caused him to take the new oath. He told him the news from
Durham and Richmond, and ordered him to send a summons to
a muster at Borough next day to all the neighbouring constables7.
At night the beacon at Settrington was lighted8.

The nearest gentleman was George Lumley of Thwing, who was
just recovering from an illness. Richard Simpson, the constable of
Thwing, came to him as he lay in bed on Tuesday morning,
16 January, with news of the summons and the beacon. Lumley,
his wife, and the constable, were all thrown into great perplexity, as
they did not know whether this was a muster on behalf of the King
or against him. At first Lumley thought of sending a servant to
make inquiries, but in the end he decided to go himself, " for an if
the assembly were for the King,... it was his duty to be there. And
if it were about any new business of commotion, then he thought
it was best for him to go thither also for to stay them, or else it

1 L. and P. xn (1), 142. 2 ibid. 201 (p. 93).

3 Ibid. 201 (p. 95). 4 Ibid. 1023, cf. 139, 532.

8 See below.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 148 ; printed in full, Longstaff, A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of
Grace, p. 9 n. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 730 (2).

8 Ibid. 369 ; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

xvu] Hallam and Bigod 67

might be laid to his charge afterward that seeing there were few
gentlemen else in that quarter that he did not endeavour himself to
stay them.... Thinking at the least way, if he could do no good among
them, he would do no harm." He set out, therefore, taking with him
two servants1.

At Borough they met a body of men, who conducted them to an
assembly of about thirty or forty persons on a little " howe " [hill].
These men had no idea why they were summoned, but had come in
response to the beacon. Presently Sir Francis Bigod appeared at the
head of about a hundred horsemen. George Lumley tried to draw
him aside to question him, but Bigod said that " he would commune
with no man of any thing but that the whole company should be
privy unto." Thereupon he mounted the hillock and addressed those
who had assembled. George Lumley afterwards gave the substance
of his speech in a medley of oratio recta and oratio obliqua : —

" He declared to the people that there were many causes that they had need
to look upon, or else they should be all shortly destroyed ; for the gentlemen of
the country (said he) had deceived the commons. And said that the Bishopric
and Cleveland were up already and would go forward to have their articles
fulfilled, trusting that you will not now leave them in the dust seeing they took
your part afore, and it is in the defence of all your weals. For my Lord of
Norfolk is coming down with twenty thousand men to take Hull and Scarborough
and other haven towns, which shall be our destruction unless we prevent him
therein and take them before. And so I and my fellow Hallam purpose to do, for
we are both appointed to meet at Beverley this night and so to raise the country
and go forward to Hull2. And I think it necessary that you command Mr Lumley
here to go with you to Scarborough to take the Castle and town and keep the
port and haven from any such as should come in there to be your destruction, as
I have written a letter to the bailiffs of Scarborough that they should help thus
to do with the aid of you the commons that I shall send unto them."3

Sir Francis then brought out two letters, which he gave to Lumley,
charging him on pain of death to deliver them. One was to the
bailiffs of Scarborough, and the other was to the dowager countess
of Northumberland to request her to summon Sir Thomas Percy
to come forward with all his men, with the promise that Bigod
and the commons would restore his lands to him. Lumley opened
and read the second letter, and then despatched one of his servants
with it.

1 L. and P. xn (1) 369 ; cf. Ibid. 730 (2).

2 See note B at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v. See
note C at end of chapter.

5—2

68 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

After giving him the letters, Bigod continued his speech :

" Also ye are deceived by a colour of a pardon, for it is called a pardon that
ye have and it is none but a proclamation."

At this point he read aloud a copy of the pardon, and then went on :

" It is no more but as if I would say unto you, the King's grace will give you a
pardon, and bade you go to the Chancery and fetch it. And yet the same is
no pardon. Also here ye are called rebells, by the which ye shall knowledge
yourselves to have done against the King, which is contrary to your oath."

The commons, who had always been suspicious of the pardon,
were very much moved by this. One cried out, " The King hath
sent us the fawcet and keepeth the spigot himself ! " while another
said that " as for the pardon it makes no matter whether they had
any or not, for they never offended the King nor his laws, wherefore
they should need to have any pardon." After the clamour had died
down, Bigod proceeded :

" A parliament is appointed as they say, but neither the place where nor the
time when it should be kept is appointed. And also here is that the King should
have cure both of your body and soul, which is plain false, for it is against the
Gospel of Christ, and that will I justify even to my death. And therefore if
ye will take my part in this and defend it, I will not fail you so long as I live to
the uttermost of my power ; and who will so do assure me by your hands and
hold them up."

Thereupon all present held up their hands with a great shout and
cried that they would strike off the head of any man who did not do
as they did. A tall man dressed like a priest, who had come with
Bigod, said that " if they went not forward, all was lost that they had
done before, for all was but falsehood that was wrought against them."
He was probably one of the ever-zealous friars of Kriaresborough.
Bigod promised the commons that " the fat priests' benefices of the
south that were not resident upon the same and money of the
suppressed abbeys should find the poor soldiers that were not able
to bear their own charges." He told Lurnley and the commons who
were to remain with him that he had already summoned the wapentake
of Dickering to join them1.

Then Sir Francis rode away with his horsemen in the direction of
Hull, and Lumley was left to occupy Scarborough with about forty
men. His position was a very awkward one. Bigod's speech must
have made a great impression even on Lumley, as he was able to

1 L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap, v;
L. and P. xii (1), 578.

xvu] Hallam and Bigod 69

repeat so much of it three weeks afterwards, and it had roused
intense enthusiasm among the commons. As Sir Francis disappeared
they exclaimed, " Blessed was the day that Sir Francis Bigod, Ralph
Fenton, John Hallam and the friar of St Robert's met together,
for an if they had not set their heads together this matter had
never been bolted out." They were ready to be led on any enterprise,
but unfortunately George Lumley was far from being ready to lead
them. In character he bore a marked resemblance to one of Sir
Walter Scott's weaker-minded heroes, such as Edward Waverley ;
he was a well-meaning but ordinary young man, quite unequal to
the task of making up his mind, or assuming a grave responsibility.
He had hesitated before setting out, and his vague hopes that it
might prove to be a muster for the King, or that he might induce the
commons to disperse, were now at an end. In all the previous course
of the rebellion he had never done anything on his own initiative.
At the present moment, although his intentions were loyal to the
King, he found himself with a single servant surrounded by forty
excited and resolute countrymen. The number was not great for
taking a fortress, but it was too many for him to persuade or command
to depart. Accordingly he submitted to circumstances and set out
for Scarborough. On the way, at a place called Monyhouse, he found
a muster of the Dickering men, as Sir Francis had expected. They
were all ready to march to Scarborough, but Lurnley would take with
him only two men from each township, and dismissed the rest to
their homes. Even with this limitation his force was raised to six or
seven score, too many for Lumley's comfort, but too few to please his
followers, who insisted on summoning Pickering Lythe to muster
next day at Spittels to give them aid if they should need it1.

At the same time they sent to the Priory of Bridlington for help.
The prior asserted that he ordered his men not to obey the summons
and armed them in order that they might resist the rebels if they
came that way, but he was accused of arming them for and not
against Lumley2.

Lumley's company entered Scarborough without encountering the
least opposition. Lumley issued a proclamation that no one should
take anything without paying for it, and that no revenge should
be attempted against the men who had defended the castle during
the last rebellion. By this time it must have been evening, and
he went to his lodging for the night, but the commons were not yet

1 L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.
a L. and P. xn (1), 1019, 1020 (ii).

70 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

satisfied. They were afraid that forces might make their way into
the castle, which was unoccupied. In order to secure it, they wished
to take up their quarters in it. Lumley would not permit this. He
replied that " he would not be of their counsel to enter into the
castle, for it was the King's house, and there had they nor he
nothing to do. And their oath was to do no thing against the
King." In the face of this argument the commons did not insist
upon entering the castle, but they set a watch round it, in order that
no one should surprise it. Lumley went back to his lodging, where
he found some more of his servants. About midnight he sent one of
them to old Sir Ralph Evers to warn him that the castle was guarded,
and to assure him that Lumley would do his best to persuade the
commons to go home quietly, and that he hoped in a short time
young Sir Ralph would be able to occupy the castle without any
opposition.

Next morning, Wednesday 17 January, Lumley and the commons
met the bailiffs of the town at the Grey Friars. The town officers
took the oath to be true to the commons according to a new form
prescribed by Sir Francis Bigod, " the effect whereof was in all things
like the former oath with this addition, that no man should give
counsel to any man to sit still until such time as they had obtained
their former wishes."1 Bigod seems to have drawn up several
forms of the oath ; another draft enjoined the commons to keep their
former oath, "and not urging any to join them, to prepare them-
selves to battle against the undoers of Christ's Church and the
common wealth."2

After administering the oath the commons demanded that three
of Sir Ralph Evers' servants should be surrendered to them. These
were Guy Fishe, Lancelot Lacy and one Lockwood. The commons
had resolved to put them to death on account of their part in the
defence of the castle. Lockwood and probably the other two also
were present at the Grey Friars. By "fervent request and long
entreaty " George Lumley prevailed upon his men to spare them.

The commons next resolved to enter the castle, but here again
the exhortations of Lumley and the bailiffs of the town induced
them to give up their purpose for the present.

By this time Lumley and his followers must have been heartily
tired of one another, and accordingly he met with no opposition
when he said that he must go home and attend to his own business.

1 L. and P. xii (1), 369 ; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 147.

xvu] Hallam and Bigod 71

John Wyvell was chosen captain in his place, and Lumley prepared
to depart. He said that Wyvell had enough men to keep the town,
and ordered his own company to return with him ; he also took
Lancelot Lacy, one of the threatened men. Wyvell complained that
he would be "left very sklender," and that men from the neigh-
bouring villages must be summoned to supply the place of Lumley 's
men. Lumley promised to send him aid next day and rode off.

Lumley went first to Spittels, the place appointed for the muster
of Pickering Lythe. On the way he met small bands of commons
going to or returning from the muster. He told them that their
fellows had resolved to hold Scarborough, and ordered them to go to
its defence that night and to return home next day, as he would
then send more men. By the time he reached Spittels those who
had attended the muster had all gone home, for he had purposely
delayed his arrival. He felt himself now in a position to dismiss his
own men, and therefore ordered them all to depart to their houses
and not to rise in response to any summons or beacon unless he sent
for them in his own name. In the meanwhile he promised to lay
their doubts before the Duke of Norfolk and "know his pleasure
therein." They said that they would not rise at the summons of
any man but Lumley himself or Sir Thomas Percy. Lumley urged
them to make no exceptions — "if ye should rise at his calling or any
other man's then were I in a sore case, for then should I be left
alone." But they still persisted that if Sir Thomas summoned them
they must rise ; on this understanding they disbanded, and George
Lumley went home1.

Sir Francis Bigod was sufficiently clear-sighted to see that Hull
was the point on which his energies must be concentrated. With
Hull in his possession, the King could overawe all the East Riding,
where disaffection was most active, but if the town were in the hands
of the commons, it would be a substantial guarantee for the forth-
coming parliament. Accordingly on the first day of the rising he
set out to support Hallam 's attack on Hull, which was of vital
importance to his success, leaving only a small party to occupy
Scarborough, which was a point of much less value, as the experience
of the last insurrection had proved. In all his movements his charac-
teristic qualities appear. He had very good ideas, but he was quite
incapable of carrying them out. He could see what might be done,
and what ought to be done, but he had no power of organisation.
Having decided that Scarborough ought to be taken, he despatched

1 L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

72 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the first gentleman whom he encountered to take it, without stopping
to consider whether his agent was capable of performing the task.

After Sir Francis left Borough on Tuesday morning, his move-
ments cannot be definitely traced for the next two days, but he had
given orders for a muster at Bainton, a place within a few miles of
Beverley, on Wednesday 17 January1. During these two days there
was great activity among the responsible leaders of the Pilgrimage.
The news of the attempt on Hull spread quickly. On the very day,
Tuesday 16 January, the mayor of Hull sent to the Ellerkers for
help, and they passed on the news to Darcy. Bigod's letter had
been found on Hallam, and thus they learnt of the attack on Scar-
borough2. Sir Robert Constable received warning of what had taken
place the same day, and wrote about it to Aske from his house at
Holme in Spalding Moor. He attributed the rising to the alarm
caused by the printed answer to the first petition, and suggested
that Aske should come to him and that they might ride to Hull
together to declare the King's true answer3. At the same time he
sent out several manifestoes to the disaffected parts of the country,
assuring all men that the parliament, coronation and convocation
were to be held at Whitsuntide in York; "wherefore, good and
loving neighbours, let us stay ourselves and resist those who are
disposed to spoil."4 He explained that he was prevented by illness
from coming in person to reassure them, as he was suffering from
a severe attack of gout5.

One of these manifestoes was sent to his son Sir Marmaduke
Constable, who despatched it to Thwing. George Lumley sent it
on to Scarborough on Thursday 18 January, with orders that the
commons there must all depart to their homes, after receiving such
a favourable answer6.

Aske was at Osgodby on Wednesday 17 January, where he
received Constable's letter. He was very much distressed by the
news, as he saw that it threatened to destroy the hopes of success
which he still entertained. He obeyed Sir Robert's summons and
set out for Holme, after forwarding the letter to Darcy with a
request for advice and an exhortation that Darcy would maintain
order in his own quarter7. Darcy replied immediately that although

1 L. and P. xn (1), 730 (2). 2 Ibid. 104. 3 Ibid. 102.

4 Ibid. 103 ; printed in full, Longstaff, A Leaf from the Pilgrimage of Grace, and
by Fronde, op. cit. n, chap. xiv.
* L. and P. xn (1), 146.

6 Ibid. 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 112.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 73

he heard very dreadful rumours he was able to keep his own parts
quiet, in spite of the fact that he was confined to his bed1. Darcy
also sent congratulations to Hull on the capture of the rebels2.

On the morning of Thursday 18 January Sir Francis Bigod
reached Bainton, and held a muster there3. By this time he had of
course received news of Hallam's' failure, and his first object was to
rescue the prisoners in Hull. From Bainton he wrote to Sir Robert
Constable, enclosing the new oath. He stated the reasons for the
new rebellion, and begged Constable to send him advice as there
was no man whom the commons trusted so much4. He despatched
three men to Hull to demand the release of Hallam and the other
prisoners, and awaited the replies to both messages at Bainton5.

Sir Robert Constable's answer was soon brought. Aske was with
him at Holme and they both sent remonstrances. Their position
was a very difficult one. If they disowned the new movement un-
compromisingly, they would forfeit their influence over the commons,
with the result that they would be regarded as traitors and their
words would have no effect. As they were sincerely opposed to
Bigod's rising, they wished to check it and prevent ill consequences,
not merely to demonstrate their own loyalty. Accordingly the gist
of their letters was an assurance that the King's pardon was genuine, | '*#
that the parliament and the coronation were to be held in York, and
that the Duke of Norfolk was coming with only a small train.

"Aske's letter was addressed to the commons, and warned them \
I that "Bigod intended to have destroyed the effects of our petitions";
and that they had done very foolishly in listening to him. However,
Aske would represent to the King that they had acted through
ignorance and fear, and if they dispersed quietly he did not doubt
that the King would pardon them6. Sir Robert Constable wrote to
Bigod. He repeated the assurances of the King's good intentions.
He could not come himself because he had gout, but Aske was
willing to come to them and tell them what he had heard from the
King's own lips. The commons ought to be satisfied with this and
remain quiet until Norfolk's coming. The present rising was con-
trary to the appointment at Doncaster, and it was a bad time of
year for fighting. The best thing that Bigod could do would be to
send the commons home again7.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 115. 2 Ibid. 135; see note D at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 730 (2), 4 Ibid. 145.

5 Ibid. 174. 6 Ibid. 137 ; see note E at end of chapter.
7 L. and P. xn (1), 146.

74 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

These letters were received by Sir Francis Bigod at Bainton and
when they were read aloud it was agreed that a safe-conduct should
be sent to Aske, in order that he might come and speak to them.
Just then Woodmancey came to Bigod with a private message from
Beverley, and orders were given that the host should enter the
town1. Old Sir Ralph Ellerker had taken up his quarters there at
the first alarm2, but he was not able to offer any resistance, and
Bigod entered Beverley at about four o'clock on Thursday afternoon
with between three and four hundred men3.

There he received a letter from Sir Oswald Wolsthrope com-
manding the commons to disperse4. Bigod replied that the commons
would not trust Sir Oswald, because he and the other gentlemen had
deceived them before5. With this reply he sent a letter to the Dean
and Chapter of York6, to whom he announced that the commons
assembled at Beverley demanded their support7. This letter shows
once more Bigod's extraordinary mixture of insight and stupidity.
The commons are represented as saying that " all will be undone if
they do not go forward whilst they yet have pledges for the per-
formance of their petitions and are not in captivity like the men of
Lincolnshire and even of Hull. It behoves the clergy to prevent the
danger, for the King understands from the gentlemen that the
Church began the last assembly." No warning could have been
more true, yet no attempt to avert the danger could have been more
futile than Bigod's. When he wrote these letters his plans were all
in confusion, for the one to the Dean and Chapter indicates that he
intended to advance on York, while in the other to Sir Oswald
Wolsthrope he said that his forces would withdraw into Richmond-
shire, there to draw up a petition to the King8. His bewilderment
was natural, for his prospects were becoming more and more gloomy.

Young Sir Ralph Ellerker, who was in Hull, made two of Bigod's
messengers prisoners, on the ground that they were traitors and had
no safe-conduct, and sent the third back with an answer which he
thought was enough to terrify Sir Francis out of Beverley. Old
Sir Ralph sent to his son for help ; the latter promised to be with
him next day at noon and gave orders for the mustering of Holder-
ness9. Bigod had written to Rudston, who had been the captain of
Holderness in the last rising, but Rudston replied that he was

i L. and P. xii (1), 730 (2). 2 Ibid. 174.

3 Ibid. 161. 4 Ibid. 177.

5 Ibid. 143. 6 Ibid. 177.

7 Ibid. 144. 8 Ibid. 143.
» Ibid. 174.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 75

pledged to the King and went to join Ellerker. Sir Robert Constable
also wrote to Rudston, as soon as he heard that Rudston was going
to Hull. He commissioned him to ask Ellerker to come to Holme
with a copy of " the King's letter," in order to pacify the commons.
Sir Robert was keeping a watch upon Bigod's movements and had
his men in readiness, but he had just written to Bigod and would
not stir until he had received an answer. His advice was that
Ellerker should set free Bigod's messengers, as they had only done
their master's bidding1.

As nothing but messages of disapproval and news of hostile
musters poured in upon Sir Francis at Beverley that night, he and
his followers entirely lost heart, while old Sir Ralph Ellerker and
the loyalists of the town were much encouraged. Young Sir Ralph
was to arrive next morning, Friday 19 January, but long before he
was expected his father decided that the forces in the town were
strong enough to attack without further delay. No details of the
fray have been preserved, but before the late winter dawn had
broken, old Sir Ralph and his men had chased the rebels out of
Beverley and made sixty-two prisoners2.

Young Sir Ralph, who had sent to Lincolnshire for reinforce-
ments and to the King for ammunition, mustered the men of
Cottingham and Holderness within two miles of the town before
8 o'clock in the morning, and arrived at Beverley too late to do any-
thing but congratulate the victors and carry off the prisoners to Hull.
Gratifying as the victory was, young Sir Ralph, in his report to
the King, criticised some of the proceedings. He was disappointed
that no one had been killed ; if he had been there no quarter should
have been given. It was also a great blemish that Sir Francis
Bigod had been able to make his escape ; no one knew whither he
had fled3. Nevertheless, in spite of these drawbacks, the danger in
the East Riding was at an end, and it remained only to spread the
news up and down the country4.

After Sir Francis Bigod's flight the papers which he left in his
room at Beverley were seized by Matthew Boynton5, son-in-law of
Sir John Bulmer6. Among them was the " book " containing his
opinion on the supremacy and on other points of church government,
which Sir Francis had read to Hallam7, and some letters directed to

1 L. and P. xn (1), 113. 2 Ibid. 174.

* Ibid. 140, 174, 179. " Ibid. 154-162.

5 Ibid. 174, 369; see note F at end of chapter. « Tonge, op. cit. 25.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benhara, op. cit. chap. v.

76 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

the Lord Mayor of York, which were forwarded by the town officers of
Beverley with the news that Bigod had " left early in the morning,"
and a warning that the city and neighbourhood of York must be
kept in order1.

Boynton wrote to his father-in-law to warn him that Bigod was
thought to have fled to Cleveland with the intention of raising the
commons there. It would be a most acceptable piece of service to
the King if Sir John could capture him2. Boynton did not know
the painful situation in which Sir John was placed. It is tolerably
certain that Sir Francis Bigod had revealed his intentions to
Bulmer, who was his uncle by marriage. Margaret, Sir John's
second wife, William Staynhus his chaplain, and Ralph his eldest
son by his first marriage, also knew of the scheme. His wife and
the chaplain urged him to join his nephew, saying that the commons
wanted but a head, that if one rose all would, and that if the
other gentlemen rose he must do the like3. Sir John himself had
no inclination for rising. He was the lessee of the suppressed
nunnery of Rosedale4, and had been taken by the commons with
violence in the first insurrection5, in which he had played no
particular part. He was a nervous, excitable man, very unfit for
any dangerous enterprise. Yet in consequence of his temperament
Sir Francis' doubts about the validity of the pardon made a great
impression upon him. He would not join his nephew's hopeless
attempt, but he sent his son Ralph up to London in order to
discover the King's real purpose. When he received Boynton 's
message he was anxiously expecting news from Ralph6. In the
circumstances it is not surprising that he did not take Sir Francis.

The King was well informed as to the progress of events. On
Thursday 18 January Aske sent news of Hallam's attempt, Bigod's
musters, and the agitation in the north and west. He reported that
the commons of the north and west "repaired to no worshipful
men," but made their fellows captains. All the gentlemen were
doing their best to quiet the people, and he begged the King to
send Norfolk immediately7. On the same day the mayor of Hull
sent the King a full report of Hallam's attempt and the arrival of
Bigod's messengers, enclosing the first examinations of six of Hallam's
men and John Eland's own account of Hallam's capture8. Since its

i L. and P. xn (1), 161. 2 Ibid. 164.

3 Ibid. 1087 (pp. 494-5). 4 Ibid. 543, 1277 (iii).

5 Ibid. 1011. « Ibid. 1087 (pp. 494-5).

7 Ibid. 136. 8 Ibid. 141, 142.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 77

capitulation to the Pilgrims, the town of Hull had been in disgrace
with the King, and trade had been interrupted1. Consequently the
burgesses were delighted to have this opportunity of re-establishing
their credit with the government. Other letters spread the tidings
of the rebels' defeat2.

The news from Scarborough was equally favourable to the King.
George Lumley, anxious to prove his ignorance of Bigod's plot,
resolved to surrender to the Duke of Norfolk. He has been com-
pared to a hero of Sir Walter Scott's, but unfortunately real life
does not show the happy turns of a romance ; there was no quick-
witted outlaw or faithful gipsy to spirit him away to Scotland and
safety in spite of himself, and in the innocence of his heart he went
straight to his death3.

The leaders of the commons at Scarborough were Ralph Fenton
and John Wy veil. They must have heard of Bigod's flight after they
were abandoned by Lumley, and finding themselves completely
deserted by their leaders and without support, they offered no resist-
ance when young Sir Ralph Evers occupied the town. The date of
this is not certain, but he probably set out as soon as Lumley sur-
rendered himself. Sir Ralph imprisoned Wyvell and Fenton, but
used no further severity. He "gave the people comfortable words,"
and induced them to promise obedience and " to wear a cross of St
George." The wearing of these crosses was a sign that they thank-
fully accepted the pardon and meant to be as loyal as before the
insurrection4. Gregory Conyers, who seems to have been at court
about Twelfth Night, on his return to the north spread the story
that "the King himself of Sunday after Twelfthtide... openly in the
presence of all noblemen and worshipful men of the country and
many other... laid his hand of his breast and swore by the faith that
he did bear to God and St George he had not only forgiven and
pardoned all his subjects of the north by his writing under seal,
but also freely in his heart."5 The neighbourhood of Scarborough
appeared to be quiet, but for fear of disturbances in other parts
Evers garrisoned and prepared the castle6.

Sir Ralph Evers had prudently taken only two prisoners, but at
Hull there were over seventy, and the first question which confronted
the gentlemen there was how to deal with them. All those who

1 L. and P. xi, 1285.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 159, 169, 170, 171, 177, 178.

3 Ibid. 369 ; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 234. « Ibid. 271.
« Ibid. 234-235.

78 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

had come to the defence of Hull met on Saturday 20 January to
consider the matter. There were now in prison at Hull Hallam,
Kitchen and six of their company, Bigod's two messengers, and the
sixty-two prisoners who had been taken at Beverley ; it must have
been difficult to find room in the town to keep so many safely. It
was impossible to release Hallam and his fellows, but while some of
the gentlemen advised that all the prisoners should be kept in ward,
others wished to keep only the leaders of the Beverley captives,
while others again thought that all might be released on bail.
Monketon, who was sent by Robert Aske, strongly urged the last-
named course upon them, and it was finally adopted, partly because
it was the most convenient, partly because there were no prisoners
of importance and all declared that they had come against their
wills, and partly because the responsibility for it could be laid upon
Aske1.

The result of the attempt on Hull was to bring about the very
I thing that the commons had feared, namely, the fortification of the
i^town by the King. When the prisoners had been disposed of, young
Sir Ralph Ellerker made a full report to Henry, with a request that
gunners and gunpowder might be sent to him, and that he might be
allowed a body of two hundred horsemen until the country was in
better order2. The request was justified by the fact that Bigod's
agitation had spread much further than the East Riding. Bigod
believed that Durham, Richmondshire and the west were on the
point of rising; when the immediate danger had been averted at
Hull and Scarborough it still remained to be seen whether there
might not be a more formidable host coming from the north.

On Wednesday 17 January two of Bigod's messengers to the
north were taken. Sir William Mallory discovered one of them near
Northallerton, and sent to the Duke of Norfolk a letter from Bigod,
which was found in the man's possession, urging the commons of
Swaledale to rise3. The other messenger took a letter and a copy
of the new oath to Durham, and delivered them to the bailiff and
Cuthbert Richardson. The officers of the town returned answer
that the men of Durham had sworn to rise for no one but the Earl
of Westmorland or the King, and that they would "stick to the
King's pardon." As the Bishop of Durham was still at Norham,
they sent the letter and the messenger to the Earl of Westmorland
at Brancepeth4. The Earl was rather an incapable character, but at

i L. and P. xn (1), 174. 2 Ibid. * Ibid. 139, 217.

4 Ibid. 148; printed in full, Longstaff, op. cit.

xvu] Hallam and Bigod 79

least he had the wisdom to know his own weakness. Having heard
a rumour that he was to be made warden of one of the Marches, he
had hurried south to his uncle Lord Sandys, in order, if possible, to
prevent the dreaded appointment1. He left an efficient deputy in
the person of his wife Katharine, daughter of the late Duke of
Buckingham, who "rather playeth the part of a knight than of
a lady."2 When the bailiff of Durham brought Bigod's letter and
messenger to the countess on Thursday 18 January, she gave orders
for the apprehension of any others who might come, thanked the
bailiff, and sent a copy of the letter to her husband, directing him
to show it to the Lord Privy Seal. Her conclusion was, " I and all
honest men long for your coming home." The letter was laid before
the Privy Council3, but in spite of the Countess' vigour, when the
townsfolk of Durham heard what their bailiff had done, they seized
him and threatened to strike off his head if the messenger was not
released, and the bailiff was obliged to contrive that the prisoner
should be set free4.

It was not Bigod's letters, however, which were the real danger
in the north, but a secret agitation going on among the commons.
Its originators are unknown. Proclamations and manifestos appeared
and passed from hand to hand, or were fastened on church doors, no
one knowing whence they came. Several of these manifestos were
seized and sent to the King. They were all of a popular character,
and show no trace of Bigod's influence. One of them was headed,
" These be articles that men may perceive that this entreaty is but
feigned policy to subdue the commons withal," and proceeded to show
that the terms made at Doncaster had not been kept. The abbeys
had been restored only by the commons, and many of the farmers had
sold the abbey lands and fled out of the country. A parliament had
been promised in York "on the twentieth day," but it had never been
held. Cromwell was as high in favour as ever. No man was pardoned
unless he would acknowledge the King to be Supreme Head of the
Church. Aske had received great rewards in London for betraying
the commons. Hull was being fortified. Therefore if the commons
would save themselves, they must rise at once and make their own
leaders, trusting the gentlemen no more5. This may have been the bill
sent up to Norfolk by Lord Scrope from Bolton on 27 January6.

On Friday 19 January a bill appeared in Richmond ordering the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 151. 2 Ibid. 345.

3 Ibid. 148. 4 Ibid. 362.

5 Ibid. 138. « Ibid. 253.

80 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

commons of every township to rise on pain of death, to seize the
gentlemen and to make them swear upon the mass-book to maintain
the profit of Holy Church, to take nothing of their tenants but the
rent, to put down Cromwell and all heretics, and to prevent all lords
and gentlemen from going up to London. If any gentlemen refused
to take the oath he was to be put to death and his heir seized and
sworn in his stead. This bill was taken by Sir Thomas Wharton
on Sunday 21 January1.

The fact that this agitation was going on further north was
known at Hull, and it was feared that Sir Francis Bigod had fled
only to raise Cleveland2. On Saturday 20 January Darcy informed
Shrewsbury that the commons of the north were coming forward,
and that they entered the houses of Lord Latimer, the Earl of West-
morland, and other gentlemen who had gone up to the King, and
made inventories of their goods with the intention of seizing them
if their owners did not return at once3. Lord Latimer heard on the
same day that the commons of Kichmondshire had seized his house
at Snape. He was on his way to London, but had been ordered to
turn back and wait on Norfolk in York4. The property of the
detested Beckwith at Stillingfleet was plundered again on Friday
19 January5.

In addition to the disturbances in Richmond and Durham, no
one knew what might be happening in Northumberland. When
the first news of Bigod 's rising spread to Lincolnshire, it was said
that Sir Thomas Percy had seized Scarborough6. The suspicion
against him increased when George Lumley came to York on Satur-
day 20 January, and laid before Sir Oswald Wolsthrope his connection
with the rising7. It is true that he was able to state definitely that
Sir Thomas Percy had not been at Scarborough, but he represented
that the commons of the neighbourhood were so deeply attached to
Sir Thomas that he was the " lock, key and ward of this matter."
When examined, Lumley denied that, to his knowledge, Sir Thomas
had had any complicity in the rising ; he used these words to indicate
Sir Thomas' popularity8.

The parson of Leckonfield, Sir Thomas' chaplain, was at Beverley
during Hallam's attempt. Bigod asked him whether his master was
prepared to take part in another insurrection, and he replied that

1 L. and P. xii (1), 163. 2 Ibid. 164.

3 Ibid. 169. 4 Ibid. 173.

5 Ibid. 176; Star Chamber Proceedings, Hen. VIII, bdle. xix, no. 393.

6 L. and P. xii (1), 140. 7 Ibid. 176.

8 Ibid. 369 ; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

xvu] Hallam and Bigod 81

Sir Thomas would rise for no man1. As soon as Hallam's failure was
known, the chaplain hurried off to Northumberland with the news2.
He travelled so fast that he arrived before Bigod's own letter to
Sir Thomas, which was sent to the dowager countess of Northumber-
land and forwarded by her with a message that Sir Thomas " should
take a substantial way in that matter upon her blessing." Sir Thomas
declared that he understood this to mean that he should have
nothing to do with Bigod, and that he was prevented from sending
the letter and the messenger who brought it up to the King only by
his respect for his mother3. Whatever the countess may really have
meant, for her words scarcely seem to bear her son's interpretation,
he was not likely to make any move after he had heard of Hallam's
ill-success, but he was already compromised in more ways than one.
On Wednesday 17 January he had proclaimed a county meeting at
Morpeth. Sir John Widdrington and Lord Ogle prohibited it. The
Percys, contrary to their wont, took this prohibition very well. The
coincidence of the proposed meeting with Bigod's rising is suspicious,
but as Sir Thomas acquiesced in its abandonment, it was probably
no more than an unfortunate chance. On Monday 22 January the
common people swore that they would burn all Tynedale and Reedsdale,
but as the reivers were Percy's friends, this was a movement against,
rather than for, him. Lord Ogle succeeded in quieting the people4.

The threat of a Northumberland rising was hanging over the
heads of the gentlemen at Hull when on Tuesday 23 January they
examined Hallam and his accomplices. In consequence of this Aske
warned them not to proceed to execution as yet, for fear of provoking
the north5, and his advice was so far followed that some of the
prisoners were sent to York to await Norfolk's arrival*.

The special commissioners who examined them on 23 January
were William Rogers the mayor, Sir Ralph Ellerker the younger,
Sir John Constable of Holderness, Sir William Constable, Sir Chris-
topher Hillyard, and Richard Smytheley. The chief informer, John
Fowbery, was not examined, or at least his evidence has not been
preserved. The justices heard Horskey and Langdale, who had
turned King's evidence and had accused the sub-prior and several of

1 L. and P. xn (1), 393; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, chap. ix.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 467 ; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, Append, no. liv.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 393 ; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, chap. ix.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 220 ; printed in full, Eaine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees
Soc.) i, Append, p. cxlvi.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497).

6 Ibid. 410.

D. II. 6

82 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

the canons of Watton1. Hallam was carefully examined on the 24th
and 26th, but said nothing to implicate the monks of Watton2 ; in
fact he did not accuse anyone but those who were already prisoners3.
On 25 January William Nicholson of Holderness, who had tried
to rescue Hallam, Roger Kitchen and John Francis of Beverley
were examined. William Crockey the deputy-customer to whom
Horskey and Langdale revealed the plot gave his evidence on Friday
26 January. The rest of the prisoners were servants and labourers
who were examined on Friday and Saturday4.

The case against all these men was perfectly clear. They had
risen in open rebellion since the pardon. The extenuating circum-
stance that the King had deliberately provoked the rising could not
be pleaded by them, and the only question was how far the King
would be inclined to show mercy. On this point the gentlemen
were still in some doubt, and accordingly only Hallam and two others,
probably Nicholson and Kitchen, were condemned to death6. The
rest were remanded to await the coming of the Duke of Norfolk6.
The three were executed before 4 February 1 536-7 7, but probably
not until Norfolk had been consulted about their fate.

On the information of Horskey and Langdale three of the canons
of Watton were arrested before Tuesday 30 January8. These were
Dan Harry Gyll the sub-prior, Thomas Lather the cellarer and
granator, and Richard Wilkinson the cellarer of the kitchen. When
examined they all three confessed that they had taken part in the
election of a new prior, but all declared that it had been done through
fear of the commons. They also confessed that it was the general
opinion of the monastery that the King could not be Supreme Head
of the Church, that they had heard Sir Francis Bigod express doubts
as to the validity of the pardon, and that they had sent three men
with money to take part in Hallam's enterprise. The two cellarers
professed to have opposed the sending of the men ; they said that
they were unpopular in the monastery because they were the servants
of the prior appointed by Cromwell. Gyll did not attempt to defend
himself. The canons were reserved for Norfolk's judgment9.

Another instance of a monastery becoming implicated, justly or
unjustly, in the rebellion occurred at this time. Thomas Hungate,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (pp. 87-88). 2 See note G at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 201 (pp. 88-94). 4 Ibid. 201.

5 Ibid. 338. 6 Ibid. 410.

7 Ibid. 338. 8 Ibid. 292.
9 Ibid. 201 (pp. 98-102).

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 83

a servant of Sir Arthur Darcy, informed Sir Oswald Wolsthrope that
George Shuttleworth, a servant of Sawley Abbey, had been in
Durham when the herald was attacked (on or before 9 January)1
and had given out that he was going to Sir Thomas Percy for
counsel2. Shuttleworth was arrested about Wednesday 24 January.
As suspicion had been so strongly excited against Sir Thomas, this
information was naturally believed to be very important. When
it became known that Shuttleworth had been in company with
William Leache, one of the Lincolnshire refugees, the case against
Sir Thomas and the Abbot of Sawley seemed to be almost proved3.
Yet when the matter is as far as possible unravelled, with the help
of Shuttleworth's deposition, their guilt still remains dubious.

The Abbot of Sawley's letter to Aske has already been mentioned.
Sir Thomas Percy was regarded as the founder of Sawley, that is,
as the representative of William, Lord Percy, who founded and en-
dowed the monastery4. The living founder of a monastery was the
person to whom the monks usually appealed in any secular difficulty.
After writing to Aske, the Abbot of Sawley decided to apply to his
founder also, and wrote a supplication to Sir Thomas Percy5. He took
counsel in this matter with no one but three monks of the house, his
chaplain Estgate, Bradforde and Parishe.

Estgate took this letter to Sir Stephen Hamerton whom he found
hunting at Settle Spring. Estgate offered him for nothing a wood
which he had wished to buy from the Abbey two years ago, but
Sir Stephen refused such a dangerous gift. The chaplain told him
of the letter to Sir Thomas Percy, and repeated the most important
part of its contents, — that the commons had restored the monks to
their abbey, and that the monks begged for Sir Thomas' favour.
Hamerton said that he did not see what Sir Thomas could do for
them " but they might do as they list," and Estgate left him without
any further conversation upon the subject6.

When Shuttleworth returned with Robert Aske's letter, the
Abbot straightway despatched him to Sir Thomas Percy with the
supplication. At this point a serious difficulty in chronology arises.
Shuttleworth said that he set out at once and reached Richmond on
Innocents' Day, 28 December 15367. Sir Thomas Percy supported
this statement by saying that he received the Abbot's letter a month

1 See above, chap. xvi. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 218.

3 Ibid. 247. « Harland, The Monastery of Sawley, p. 3.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 491. 6 Ibid. 1034.

7 Ibid. 491.

6—2

84 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

or six weeks before Bigod's rising1. Against this is to be set the
fact that Shuttleworth was accused of having been in Durham on his
way to Sir Thomas, on or before 9 January 1 536-7 2, and that he
himself said that he had been with Robert Aske at Aughton at a
time when Aske must have been in London3. William Maunsell,
who took part in arresting Shuttleworth on 24 January, implied that
the latter had just returned from his errand4. The only deduction
from all this conflicting evidence is that it is impossible to determine
exactly when Shuttleworth's errand was performed ; more is known
about the way in which he performed it.

The Abbot delivered to him 10s. for his expenses, "a bent royal
of gold for a token to Sir Thomas Percy," and the supplication, the
contents of which Shuttleworth did not know. After receiving these
articles, Shuttleworth went to Richard Broderton's inn near the
Abbey gates, to have a drink before setting out on his new journey.
A friend asked him to come next day to "an ale," and he was obliged
to refuse the invitation because he had an errand to Sir Thomas Percy.
Another man heard this, and offered to accompany Shuttleworth,
saying that he also had an errand to Sir Thomas. They set out
together, and Shuttleworth soon discovered that his companion was
William Leache, a Lincolnshire rebel who had been excepted from
the King's pardon.

Leache told Shuttleworth that he had received a letter signed by
Lord Darcy, Robert Aske and Sir Thomas Percy summoning Lincoln-
shire to rise again. He had sent this letter into Lincolnshire with
one of his own to the same effect, but before any answer came " they
in Yorkshire took another way with them." The letter had fallen
into the King's hands and consequently Leache had been excluded
from the pardon. Now he was going to Sir Thomas Percy to ask for
his intercession with the Duke of Norfolk. He showed Shuttleworth
one of the letters, but it is not clear whether this was his own letter,
or the one alleged to have been signed by Darcy, Aske and Percy8.
This letter to Lincolnshire must have been written before the second
appointment at Doncaster, when they " took another way," if it was
ever written at all, but the whole story is improbable, for Darcy,
Aske and Percy were never together, except for a few days before
the first appointment at Doncaster, and Leache had been excepted

1 L. and P. xn (1), 393 ; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. chap. ix.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 247, 490. * Ibid. 491.
* Ibid. 490. 5 Ibid. 491.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 85

out of the Lincolnshire pardons from the beginning, before the King
was even aware that Yorkshire had risen1.

Leache and Shuttleworth spent the first night of their journey at
Kettlewell, and the next at Ralph Gower's house in Richmond,
where they fell in with a party of five priests and two or three
laymen. On hearing that Shuttleworth came from Sawley the
laymen said, " Fye on them that dwell nigh about that house, that
ever they would suffer the monks to be put out of it. And that was
the first house that was put down in this country. But rather than
our house of Saint Agatha should go down, we shall all die ; and if
any insurrection should happen here again, where there was but one
in the same before, now there would be three."

Next night the travellers were in Durham, but Shuttleworth
said nothing about their adventures there. On the following day
they reached Prudhoe, but Sir Thomas Percy was out hunting, and
Shuttleworth did not see him until 9 o'clock on the morning after he
arrived. Shuttleworth presented the letter and the token, and
Sir Thomas told him he should receive his answer in the afternoon.
When Shuttleworth came again, Sir Thomas gave him a verbal
message that the Abbot should "make no resistance if any com-
mission came down from the King, but speak fair to such as should
come withal, for the Abbot had as many friends as any man, and if
any house should stand, his was like to do so." Sir Thomas also
told him to desire Sir Stephen Hamerton's best counsel for the
Abbot and the house, and as a token that the message came from
Sir Thomas he was to say "that I [Sir Thomas] spake to him at
our last being together that he should be good unto my lady my
mother."'

Leache had not yet accomplished his ambiguous errand. After
Shuttleworth left Sir Thomas, Leache had an interview with the
latter, but what passed between them Shuttleworth did not know8.
The two men went back to Sawley together, but when the Abbot
was told who Leache was, he ordered him to " avoid that quarter,"
lest he should bring trouble upon the house4.

The supplication which aroused so much curiosity in Sir Thomas
Percy's enemies afterwards fell into Norfolk's hands5. It appears
to be a very harmless document. The monks of Sawley begged
Sir Thomas to consider their present need, and to let them know his

1 See above, chap. vn.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 491. 3 Ibid. 490.

4 Ibid. 491. 5 See below, chap. xvm.

86 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

pleasure for the succour of their house. They feared their "most
sinister back friend Sir Arthur Darcy," and wished to know whether
Sir Thomas would advise them to follow the counsel of the neigh-
bouring commons and remain in their house. Sir Stephen Hamerton
and Nicholas Tempest had been true friends, and the monks begged
Sir Thomas to give them some reward, as they themselves could
requite them only by their prayers. The one passage to which any
seditious meaning could be attached ran as follows : — " The whole
noise and bruit in these parts is, the captain should have left and
discharged himself of the captainship, but also is judged and sup-
posed an order to be taken for religious houses suppressed, the farmers
or other to enter and occupy, and the abbot or prior and brethren
to have and taken at their delivery their necessaries, and so to be
avoided of possession unto the Parliament, whereof not only the place
but also the time is as yet not perceived to be; wherefore men's
hearts hath no little suspect, vexation, and great disdain, in doubting
the great enormities and danger that may ensue and come to them."1
Even this, which is the most incriminating part of the letter, is too
vague to bear any genuinely treasonable interpretation. The unfor-
tunate monks, in fact, only begged to be told what they ought to do,
as they were quite ready to submit to any orders which they might
receive from a competent authority ; but no one was in a position to
relieve their perplexity. The Abbot was accused of being the author
of the bills which were posted on the church doors in the neighbour-
hood, but no evidence of this was produced2.

The most suspicious circumstance in the communications between
Sir Thomas Percy and the Abbot was the presence of William Leache.
He was a man of a savage, determined character. On this occasion
he made his escape to Scotland, but in 1541 he and another fugitive
murdered Somerset Herald near Dunbar, as he was returning from
a mission to James V. For this barbarous deed they were both
surrendered to the English government and executed3. It can have
been with no very peaceful object that such a man appeared at
Sawley, visited Sir Thomas Percy, and returned to Sawley again; but
the nature of his errand was never discovered.

The gentlemen had accomplished a good deal in the week which
followed Bigod's rising. They had arrested and examined most of
his accomplices, they were accumulating evidence against Sir Thomas

1 L. and P. xi, 785 ; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, Append, li ; see note
H at end of chapter.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 490, 1034. 3 Archaeological Journal, xiv, 331.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 87

Percy, and George Lumley was a prisoner in York. The only
remaining task was the capture of Bigod himself. This did not
appear to be a very difficult affair, as everyone had turned against
him. The gentlemen were trying to arrest him as a rebel against
the King, and the commons were ready to put him to death as a
traitor to the commons.

The particulars of Sir Francis' flight from Beverley on Friday
19 January are not known, but the commons declared that he had
deserted them. His only idea was to go home again, and as he
neared Settrington he sent forward his horsekeeper Harry Soulay
to discover how he would be received. At Yeddingham Bridge
Soulay heard the threats of the disappointed rebels, and came back
to warn his master to go no further. Bigod took refuge at William
Middlewood's house in Ebberston, and sent Soulay on again, with
orders to go right to Settrington for news and to return to Ebber-
ston the same night. Before Soulay 's return Middlewood's brother-
in-law came in and reported some of the angry sayings against
Sir Francis which he had heard by the way. Sir Francis was so
much alarmed that he set out again and rode all night for his castle
at Mulgrave. On the morning of Saturday 20 January he reached
Sandsend, a little village on the coast a couple of miles east of Mul-
grave. Soulay, on returning to Ebberston to find his master, was
seized by the commons and would have been beheaded if he had not
been rescued by Sir George Conyers.

The feeling against Sir Francis was so strong that his inveterate
enemy Gregory Conyers for the moment took up the popular cause.
His one object was to be on the opposite side to Sir Francis, and
consequently when the latter changed sides, and again when both
sides turned against him, Gregory's position was a complicated one.
On Saturday 20 January he proclaimed to the fishermen all along
the coast that Sir Francis Bigod was a traitor to the King and to
the commons, and ordered them to keep watch that he did not escape
by sea1. This formula linking the King and the commons was
the usual one, which occurs in the Lincolnshire oath and elsewhere.
It does not imply that Gregory was commissioned to act for the
King. William Neville, brother of Lord Latimer, and Serjeant Roger
Middlewood went to Mulgrave to seize Bigod's goods2. Gregory
Conyers arrived there shortly afterwards ; hearing of the previous
seizure, he said to Bigod's wife, " Madame, and here are twain come

1 L. and P. xn (1), 533.

2 Ibid. 234.

88 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

for the commons," and seized what remained in the commons' name,
on the grounds that Sir Francis had betrayed them1.

While this was going on Bigod was in hiding somewhere near his
despoiled castle. On Sunday 21 January Gregory Conyers went
to Hinderwell in search of him, warning all the country to give the
fugitive no aid, but at this point Gregory seems to have abandoned
his alliance with the commons, as he joined the King's representatives,
Neville and Middle wood2. They were so close upon Bigod 's track
that they surprised him in his hiding-place, and Gregory seized him
by his sleeveless coat, but Bigod slipped off the loose garment and
fled into the woods on foot. His assailants had to be satisfied with
the capture of his servants and horses3. Dismounted as he was,
Bigod eluded pursuit for nearly three weeks 4.

On Thursday 25 January young Sir Ralph Evers reported to the
the retaking of Scarborough and Bigod's flight5. He petitioned
[Cromwell to further his suit for Sir Francis' lands6. Next day he
wrote again enclosing the names of those who had been rulers of
the commons in the last insurrection but had served the King well
on this occasion. He hoped that the King would acknowledge
their services, and particularly praised Sir John Bulmer's son-in-
,law Matthew Boynton7.

The King must have been pleased to find that his policy had

! produced such excellent results. The breach between the gentlemen

and the commons was now complete. The former had been busy

quieting the latter, while Henry felt himself absolved by the rising

from any obligation to keep his promises.

On receiving young Sir Ralph Ellerker's report dated 20 January,
the King sent letters to both the writer and his father. He thanked
them for their services, sent money and ammunition, and gave
permission for 100 horsemen to be retained in Hull, but he was dis-
pleased that the prisoners had been admitted to bail. He ordered
that they should be re-arrested and tried, and as many as possible
executed ; for this purpose he sent a commission to the Ellerkers.
These letters are undated, but probably reached Hull before 24
January, the day of Hallam's trial8. John Eland was thanked and
rewarded for his service in taking Hallam9.

Sir Arthur Darcy wrote to his father from court on 23 January

1 L. and P. xn (1), 533. 2 Ibid. 234.

3 Ibid. 810, 870. 4 Ibid. 234, 810, 870.

0 Ibid. 234. 6 Ibid. 235.

7 Ibid. 248. 8 Ibid. 227, 228.

s Ibid. 279.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 89

that the King had received Lord Darcy's letters very graciously1,
and next day Henry wrote himself to Darcy to thank him for his
services and to order him to victual Pontefract Castle secretly, so
that he and his sons might hold it if the people rose again2.
On Thursday 25 January Henry thanked Shrewsbury for his
" discreet proceedings " in the " new tragedy moved by that false
traitor Bigod."3 The old Earl had written to his master that he was
very ill and feared he should " not long be here."4 The King in reply
sent him his own physician Dr Butts, and expressed the hope that he
would see and thank Shrewsbury in person on " his repair into those
parts, which, God willing, shall be shortly." The King repeated the
contents of his letter to Darcy, and declared that so long as Darcy did
his duty, he would regard him with as much favour as if the rebellion
had never occurred5. Darcy's pardon was made out on 18 January6.

The King wrote to Robert Aske on 24 January thanking him forli
his letter and goodwill. Henry concluded by saying that he " would
be glad to hear of some special deed in answer to our expectations."7
The meaning of this was clear. Aske was already regarded with ~
suspicion in Yorkshire on account of his intercourse with the King. If
he took a leading part in the capture and execution of the new rebels,
his influence over the commons would be completely destroyed. Then
Henry, if he pleased, might safely execute the discredited captain, or
extend to him a contemptuous pardon if he seemed likely to become
a useful tool. Aske did not take the hint. Throughout the rebellion
he had been acting not for himself but for his cause. He was entirely
opposed to Bigod's attempt, because he saw that it was foolish, useless,
and dangerous. As he held this opinion he did his best to suppress
the movement, but he was full of pity for the unfortunate men who
had taken part in it. His voice was always on the side of mercy.
He advised that Bigod's messengers should be released from Hull,
that the prisoners should be bailed, and that Hallam's execution should
be delayed in the hope of a pardon. Several of those who had been
with Bigod threw themselves upon Aske's mercy, and he promised to
try to procure their pardon8.

Perhaps Aske still believed in the King's humane intentions, but
it is scarcely possible that he should have kept this illusion after

1 L. and P. xn (1), 169, 170, 183, 197. 2 Ibid. 208.

3 Ibid. 226. 4 Ibid. 169.

° Ibid. 226. « Ibid. 134.

7 Ibid. 209 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 529, and Longstaff, A Leaf from the
Pilgrimage of Grace.

s L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497).

90 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Henry's letter, particularly in face of the opposite conduct of the
other gentlemen. They for the most part realised that they had
made their choice between the King and the cause, and that it
remained for them to make themselves secure with the King by
denouncing others. ! Beneath the steady stream of gracious messages
which still flowed down from the court, there is an eddy in the
opposite direction of messages vaguely or definitely hostile to the
former leaders of the Pilgrimage, sent up by their former comrades.

Eland and Knolles had taken an active part in the surrender of
Hull to the insurgents, but they had now redeemed their characters by
capturing Hallam. Sir Ralph Ellerker had been one of the messengers
to the King, and Nicholas Rudston had been the chief captain of
Holderness, but they were now anxious to retrieve themselves by
implicating Sir Robert Constable in the new rising. They discovered
a means by which this might be done in the letter which Aske and
Constable had written to Rudston before Bigod's flight from Beverley ;
it contained the advice that Bigod's messengers should be released, as
they had only done their master's errand1. The letter was delivered to
Rudston on the morning of Friday 19 January, just before the advance
on Beverley ; after the gentlemen had entered the town Rudston
showed the letter to young Sir Ralph Ellerker whom he met on
Westwood Green. Rudston read it aloud in the presence of two of
Sir Robert's servants, who perceived that it was considered treason-
able2.

On Saturday 20 January at Hull Sir Ralph Ellerker caused his
chaplain to make a copy of the letter to be sent up to the King,
while Rudston went to dine with Sir Robert Constable on Sunday
21 January. Constable's servants must have warned him that the
letter was being used against him, for he asked Rudston to show
it to him, and inquired what fault he found with it. Rudston seems
to have implied that it was a very faulty performance in every respect,
but he said, " The greatest fault that Sir Ralph Ellerker and I do
find is against the messengers that ye write for." Sir Robert unwisely
attempted a prevarication, saying that there was no harm in that,
for he meant Langdale and Horskey, who went to Hull to buy their
Lenten store. Rudston answered that Sir Ralph Ellerker thought
that he had meant Bigod's messengers. Sir Robert retorted with an
oath, " And if so, what harm ? " and gave back the letter. Later in
the day he asked Rudston to show the letter to Dr Waldby.
Rudston handed it over, and Sir Robert stood talking about it beside
1 L. and P. xn (1), 113. 2 Ibid. 1130.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 91

the Doctor. Presently he took it out of Waldby's hands " and con-
veyed it into his bosom or sleeve." Rudston saw this, but pretended
to notice nothing. Happening to find Waldby by himself, Rudston
asked him whom Sir Robert had really meant, and Waldby admitted
that the allusion was to Bigod's messengers. The conclusion is rather
humorous :

" Within a while I [Rudston] put my hand into my bosom and said, as if
speaking to myself, * What have I done with the letter ? ' adding, * Marry,
Mr Constable hath it himself.' The Doctor said, « Even so hath he.' And
forasmuch as I did somewhat mistrust the said Sir Robert, and perceived indeed
that he had conveyed the letter, I durst not ask the letter of the said Sir Robert,
and specially because I was sure of a copy." 1

Rudston might well be afraid of Sir Robert ; it is a matter for
wonder that he had sufficient impudence to go and dine at his house,
when he was doing his best to ruin him. It was unfortunate for his
case that Sir Robert tried to prevaricate about the persons mentioned
in his letter, as he was afterwards accused of having asked Rudston
to deliver Hallam2. Constable could never have imagined that he
could procure Hallam's release by letter; such an attempt would
have been both treasonable and useless, but the ambiguity of his
phrase enabled his accusers to read that meaning into the words.

For some reason, both Aske and Constable were firmly convinced
that Sir Ralph Ellerker had brought north a letter from the King.
Constable asked to be allowed to read it in his letter about the
messengers3. On Sunday 21 January Aske, who had returned
from Holme to Aughton, wrote to ask Ellerker to send him a
copy of the mythical letter from the King. Aske's request has
not been preserved. Sir Ralph Ellerker replied that he had no
such letter ; his conclusion is curious : " I will be glad to confer
with you at Ellerker if you will send me word, for I am not so
good a clerk as to read your letter perfectly."4 Aske's letter was
probably the one in which he recommended Ellerker not to execute
Hallam while the north was still so much disturbed, and this passage
in Ellerker 's reply must be an allusion to the same dangerous subject.
Ellerker was collecting evidence against Constable ; he may have
wished to entrap Aske also, but it is possible to give him the
benefit of the doubt. The Ellerkers had an old feud with Sir Robert
Constable, which revived as soon as the enforced truce of the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1130. 2 Ibid. 848 (ii) (10).

3 Ibid. 113. * Ibid. 191.

92 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Pilgrimage ended, but the Ellerkers and the Askes were friends and
related by marriage. Young Sir Ralph never produced Aske's letter
as evidence against him, and his comment on the letter which he
could not read perfectly may have been meant as a warning that
there was something in the letter which ought not to have been
written. In response to this invitation Aske set out for Ellerker.
On the way he met William Levening and one Fulthorp, who appealed
to him to help them, as they had been forced to take part in Bigod's
rising against their will. Levening said that he had already been to
Sir Robert Constable and to Lord Darcy, in order to enlist their
sympathy. Both he and Fulthorp promised, if Aske would take
their names, to be ready to appear before Norfolk whenever he
summoned them. Aske undertook to do his best for them, and
afterwards requested William Babthorpe to lay their case before the
Duke1.

The gentlemen who had been loyal throughout the insurrection
/were now busily accumulating evidence against the late leaders.
Sir Henry Saville on 29 January sent to Cromwell a letter from
the Vicar of Brayton which showed that the Vicar had acted by
Aske's orders. Sir Henry mentioned a summons which Darcy had
sent out to the gentlemen of the Honour of Pontefract, calling them
to assemble at Pontefract Castle. Before they came he had sur-
rendered the castle, and on their arrival they all took the Pilgrims'
oath. Sir Henry Saville reported that there had been riots between
the servants of the Abbot of Kirkstall and those of Sir Christopher
Danby. His advice was that the abbot should be deposed, and
he suggested that the real movers in the last insurrection had never
appeared, but " had set light persons on to prove the country."2

The easiest way for anyone to prove his loyalty was by accusing
someone else, and Sir George Darcy reported that there were
" great exclamations against Aske." The King's orders to Darcy
to hold Pontefract Castle with his two sons, though put in the
form of a compliment, were really a source of strife, for Lord Darcy
found it impossible to work with Sir George Darcy, who did his
best to obtain evidence against his father. Through Shrewsbury's
mediation, Sir George had a fairly amicable meeting with his father
on Friday 26 January3, but as soon as the King's orders concerning
Pontefract arrived, about Monday 29 January, trouble followed.
On receipt of the King's letter, Sir George wrote to his father

i L. and P. xn (1), 698 (3). 2 Ibid. 281.

8 Ibid. 247.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 93

to ask him what he meant to do. Darcy replied that he did not
wish to make preparations until Sir George came in person to
see the letter which he had received, and that as Norfolk was
expected on Saturday 3 February, and as the country was quiet,
he thought that there would be no harm in waiting until Norfolk
arrived before doing anything1. In fact this cunningly framed
compliment placed Darcy in such a position that whatever he did
could be used as evidence against him. If he set to work
energetically to provision Pontefract Castle, he would be accused
of preparing for a new insurrection, but when he chose the other
course of doing nothing without express orders, he was represented
as being slack and reluctant in the King's service.

As soon as Lord Darcy had declared his opinion, Sir George took
the opposite side. He wrote back on Tuesday 30 January that the
country was far from quiet and that he dared not wait the three days
which must elapse before Norfolk arrived without beginning to prepare
the castle ; neither did he dare to leave the castle even for the few
hours which were required for a visit to Templehurst, and he therefore
refused to come to his father to see the King's letter. This was the
point at which matters stood when Norfolk arrived at Doncaster.

Before the Duke reached the north, Cromwell sent an agent of his
own, Sir Ralph Sadler, to see how the land lay. Sir Ralph's ostensible
mission was to go to Scotland and to demand from the government
the surrender of the Lincolnshire fugitives2, but with this he combined
the duty of writing careful reports on the state of the disaffected
districts. On Tuesday 23 January he reached York. He heard
many rumours on the road of fresh risings further north, and found
that there were bills on all the church doors between Doncaster and
York, urging the commons to stick together as the gentlemen had
deceived them. All the country through which he had passed was
quiet, but if there were a new insurrection, the people would take the
part of the army which arrived first, to save their goods.

Sadler talked with many of the " honest householders," who
declared that Aske had caused the first rising by spreading bills that
the parish churches should be pulled down, and that taxes were to be
levied on marriages, burials, and christenings. They were also positive
that the gentlemen had been willing enough to take part in the
rising. " Why," quoth Sadler, " the gentlemen were taken by the
commons and compelled to be their captains." " Yea, yea," was
the reply, " an the gentlemen had been as they should be they might
1 L. and P. xn (1), 280. 2 State Papers, i, 526 n.

94 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

have stayed them well enough at the first ; but when the gentlemen
took their parts, then such poor men as we be could do no less
than do as they did or else have been spoiled of all that we have."
Sadler was particularly intimate with the hosts of the various inns
at which he stayed. The host of the village inn has always been
an oracle of almost equal authority with the village priest. At
Tadcaster Sadler's host, a merry fellow, said to him, " Why, how
say ye to my lord Darcy ? Did he not turn to the commons as soon
as they came to Pontefract and took their part ? And yet being
within the castle he might have resisted them if they had been ten
times as many as they were."1 When the King was receiving such
reports, it was not very likely that he would keep his promise to take
the first insurrection " but for a dream."2

Sadler wrote again on 28 January from Newcastle. A day or two
before he set out on his journey, there had been great danger of a new
rising in Cleveland, owing to bills which were scattered abroad to
warn the people that the Duke of Norfolk was coming with a great
army " to hang and draw from Doncaster to Berwick," so that the
north would be " brought in worse case than the Lincolnshire men."
The rising had been prevented by Robert Bowes, who was travelling
all over the district to quiet the people. Sadler remarked that as
the gentlemen had been able to repress the present attempt, they
could have dealt with the first rebellion just as easily if they had
wished. In spite of the recent disturbance, all the country through
which he had passed was quiet except Darlington, where he had spent
a night and found the people very " tickle." He alighted at his inn
at about 6 o'clock, and saw not more than three or four people in the
street, but he had scarcely mounted the stairs to his room, when thirty
or forty armed men had gathered round the inn door, " and stood
together in a plompe whispering and rounding together." Sadler,
as usual, had recourse to the host, " who seemed to be an honest
man." He said that the townsfolk always assembled when any
traveller came from the south, because they wanted to hear the
news. Sadler admonished him that the town authorities ought not
to permit such unlawful assemblies. The host replied that the heads
of the town dared not for their lives interfere, but that no harm
would come of it. " Quoth he, ' Ye shall see that I shall cause them
to scatter abroad, and every man to go to his home by and by.'
4 Mary,' quoth I, ' if ye do well, ye should set some of them by the

1 L. and P. xii (1), 200; printed in full, State Papers, i, 526.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 66.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 95

heels.' ' No,' quoth he, ' God defend, for so might we bring a
thousand in our tops within an hour : but ye shall see me order
them well enough with fair words.' " Then he went down into the
street with his cap in his hand, and assured them that the new-comer
was one of the King's servants on an embassy to Scotland. The
crowd replied that this could not be true, because the King of
Scotland was in France, which indicates a very low state of political
knowledge. The host, however, persuaded them that his story was
true, and they all with one voice asked when the Duke of Norfolk was
coming and with what company. The host came back to Sadler to ask
his opinion on this subject. Sadler by this time was converted to
the host's policy of fair words, and replied that Norfolk would be at
Doncaster on Candlemas Eve, with none but his household servants.
This contented the people and they dispersed, but the occurrence
had impressed Sadler : " I assure your lordship the people be very
tickle, and methinks in a marvellous strange case and perplexity;
for they stare and look for things, and fain would have they cannot
tell what." From Darlington Sadler went to Durham, where he met
Bowes, and thence to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, where the mayor and
aldermen maintained very good order ; they showed him how strong
the town was, and he remained there waiting for a safe-conduct from
Scotland1.

On his way through Cleveland, Sadler had stayed at Wilton
Castle, where Sir William, brother of Sir John Bulmer, was constable.
Soon after Sadler left, another traveller from London arrived. This
was Thomas Fulthorp, a servant of young Ralph Bulmer, who was
bringing a letter from his master to Sir John. Fulthorp told Sir
William that the Duke of Norfolk " was not in so good favour
with the King as the north country took him to be " ; in other words,
the Duke's influence was not sufficient to make the King observe the
appointment at Doncaster. Sir William did not believe this, because
Sadler had told him the contrary2.

Fulthorp then went on to Lastingham, where Sir John Bulmer
was living. Soon after he reached home, one of Sir John's servants
brought a terrified letter to Wilton. Ralph, who had gone up to
London to discover the King's real intentions, sent word that thirty
ships were being prepared to sail against the north, that Aske and
Sir George Darcy had accused several people, including Lord Darcy

1 L. and P. xn (1), 259; printed in full, State Papers, i, 259, and in part by
Surtees, Hist, of Dur. sub Darlington, and Longstaff, Hist, of Darlington (misdated
1538). 2 L. and P. xm (1), 568.

96 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

and Sir Robert Constable, and that Norfolk was coming with the
worst intentions. Sir John begged his brother to lay a watch along
the coasts and to prepare beacons, and warned him not to leave his
house " for no fair letters nor words."1 Sir William may have been
used to his brother's panics, for he paid so little attention to the
letter that he did not even trouble to destroy it3.

Although Sir John was afraid of fair letters and words, he was
also alarmed because he had not been summoned to meet the Duke
of Norfolk. He wrote to Sir Ralph Evers to inquire the meaning
of this, and received a comforting reply. The Duke meant to send
for him ; the arrangement at London was that either Sir John should
attend the Duke with ten servants or his brother Sir William
with six3. Somewhat relieved, Sir John agreed that his brother
should go4.

Until he could make up his mind what to do, Sir John had been
trying to keep the commons quiet, but his servants attended their
musters, and he had made quite a collection of their treasonable bills,
with the intention of using them in any way that would serve his
own interest. One of these bills originated at Kendal. It was a
semi-rhyming production, which urged the commons to insist upon
having their old customs and tenant right, " to take your farms by a
God's penny, all gressoms and heightenings to be laid down." It
expressed the general idea that the lords and gentlemen had under-
taken a pilgrimage to protect Holy Church, and that the commons
would support them if they would grant the commons' demands
concerning rent and ingressum5. It was shown to Sir John by
Priestman, a fugitive from Lincolnshire, who asked him how he
liked it. Sir John replied, "Marry, very well, for when two dogs
fight for a bone the third will take it up; for this will make the
gentlemen and the commons fall forth, and the King shall take up
the matter." A second bill came from the south and began, " Good
Northern men, stick to your matter, for the lord of Norfolk comes
to beguile you " ; it continued with a repetition of Norfolk's promises,
which he had not performed. A third bill ordered the men of
Cleveland to take Sir William Bulmer and Sir James Strangways,
and the men of the Bishopric to take the Earl of Westmorland,
Lord Lumley and Lord Neville, while the men of Pickering and
Blackmoor would seize Sir John Bulmer, and all the bands would

1 L. and P. xi, 1408. 2 L. and P. xin (1), 568.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 66. 4 Ibid. 1083.

5 Ibid. 163 (2) ; see above, chap, xn, note F.

xvn] Hallam and Bigod 97

advance to capture the Duke and force him to keep the promises
which he made at Doncaster1.

This scheme had a particular fascination for Sir John. It had
originally been devised by Sir Francis Bigod. The plan seems to
have been that Richmondshire should rise as soon as Norfolk reached
Doncaster. He would probably hurry forward with no troops but his
escort, and might be attacked by the men of Cleveland as he went up
from the plain of York into the Hambleton Hills about Byland2.
Two men of Bilsdale came to Sir John to propose this plot. They
brought a list of articles similar to those which were circulating
in Richmond " for the swearing of all lords and gentlemen or their
sons or else to strike off their heads." Sir John was to take up
his abode at Wilton Castle, when the commons of Guisborough
would capture him by arrangement, and he would then go with
them to seize the Duke. His wife knew of this plot and did not
advocate lenient measures. " She said divers times that if the Duke's
head were off, Sir Ralph Evers' and Sir Ralph Ellerker's men might
go where they would."3 Before any steps were taken to put this plot
into practice, Sir William Bulmer visited Lastingham on his way to
Doncaster, and convinced his brother that so long as they remained
quiet they had nothing to fear. Sir John handed over to him his
collection of bills, in order that they might be laid before the Duke.
He reversed his tactics, suppressed the musters of the commons, and
for a short time lived in comparative security4.

Sir John Bulmer's is an extreme case of the uneasiness which
filled all the northern gentlemen, as they awaited the Duke of
Norfolk. They felt that, like the knight of the legend, they had
blown the horn without drawing the sword, and they were now un-
armed at the mercy of an opponent whose next move was incalculable.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII

Note A. " Naught " in Henry VIII's reign usually meant " evil," as it does
here ; similarly " naughty " has a much stronger meaning than at the present
day and is equivalent to " wicked," not to " mischievous."

Note B. This was not really inconsistent with the fact that Hallam was
to attempt to take Hull before Bigod arrived, for after securing the town he
intended to advance to meet Bigod at Beverley.

Note C. The original of Sir Francis Bigod's letter to the bailiffs of Scarborough
has disappeared, but it is printed in Speed's " Great Britain," book ix, chapter 21,
as follows :

1 L. and P. xit (1), 1083. 2 Ibid. 201 (p. 92).

3 Ibid. 1087 (pp. 494-5). 4 Ibid. 1083.

D. n. 7

98 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xvn

" To the Bailiffs and Commons of the Town of Scarborough.

Wellbeloved, we Francis Bigod, Knight, and John Hallam, Yeoman, in the
name of all the commons, command and charge you that ye assemble yourselves
together immediately upon receipt hereof, and so take this oath which we here
send unto you, and then after in all haste possible to assist and aid these our
brethren whom we send to you to keep and make sure the Castle, Town and Port
of Scarborough, that no man enter into the same Castle that belongs unto Ralph
Evers the younger, Knight, nor any other which did not take full part with the
commons at our first and last assembling, in whose name, authority or attorney
soever they come, unless they have licence of all the commons ; in like manner
ye shall truly keep all such ordnance and ship[s] to the use of the commons, with
which we charged you at our last being here, and this not to fail, upon pain
of your lives. Ye shall refer credence unto these messengers, thus in haste :
Fare you well.

From Setterington this Monday Saint Maurus' day1. Francis Bigod Knight,
in the name and by commandment of all the commons."

Note D. This letter is dated 18 January, but endorsed 17 January, and the
latter appears to be the more probable date.

Note E. It was afterwards alleged that Aske had written to Bigod promising
that Hallam should be released, but no trace of this letter remains2. The two
letters upon which the prosecution based the charge are both fully discussed in the
text ; they were ( 1 ) Sir Robert Constable's letter for the release of Bigod's messengers,
and (2) Aske's lost letter for the delay of Hallam's execution. The prosecution,
which was not at all scrupulous in its methods, combined these two letters and
asserted that Aske had written either to request or to promise that Hallam
should be released, thus producing a charge of treason out of two harmless
documents.

Note F. Sir Ralph Ellerker reported that Boynton arrived on the 20th3, but
he signed a letter at Beverley on the 19th4.

Note G. In the summary of the evidence and in Norfolk's letter it is said
that " Hallam " accused the monks of Watton*, but this is a mistake ; it was the
prisoners who were examined at the same time as Hallam who accused them.
It is perhaps scarcely necessary to say that the leader of a rebellion is often
mentioned loosely as having done actions for which his followers were really
responsible. A well-known name is attached by rumour to the deeds or words of
obscure persons, and instances have already been given in which Robert A ske was
supposed to have written letters or issued manifestoes with which, in fact, he had
nothing to do. Hallam's is a similar case.

Note H. The supplication of the abbot and monks of Sawley is printed
among the Letters and Papers of October 1536, but this is evidently too early, as
its real date was either the end of December 1536 or the beginning of January
1536-7. The reference in it to the fact that the captain had laid down his
office shows that it was written after the second appointment at Doncaster and
that it is, in fact, the same document which was carried by Shuttleworth to Sir
Thomas Percy. The summary in the Letters and Papers is a good deal more
definite than the vague rambling clauses of the original.

1 15 January. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497).

3 Ibid. 174. 4 Ibid. 161. 5 Ibid. 202, 292.

CHAPTER XVIII

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK'S MISSION

While these things were happening in the north, the Duke of
Norfolk, so urgently needed and so long expected, was living quietly
at Kenninghall in his own county. His orders directed him to go
northwards at Candlemas, and he had no intention of stirring before
that time. On 6 January 1536-7 he wrote to Cromwell ; as the
quarter sessions were about to be held at Norwich, he suggested that
the commissioners of the subsidy and of the suppression who
attended them should be ordered to proceed with their work, which
had been suspended during the rebellion. The religious living in the
houses which ought to be suppressed were a great cost to the King,
and if they were allowed to remain and the subsidy was not levied,
it " might put folly into the light northern heads."1

On 16 January Norfolk was with the King at Greenwich, receiving
instructions for his mission to the north. Considering that the news
of Hallam's attempt had not yet reached the King, these instructions
were severe, and showed little prospect that the King would fulfil
the promises which he had made to Robert Aske a few days before.
Norfolk was to go to the counties recently disturbed, accompanied by
a council, and there to take such steps as the King thought necessary
for their final settlement. His first stopping-place was at Doncaster,
where the most trustworthy of the northern gentlemen would meet
him. He was to administer to them the King's oath, and then to
summon the gentlemen of the district, and, when they had taken the
oath, the commons. Everyone must take the oath in turn, and this
procedure must be followed at every place where the Duke halted.

After Doncaster the Duke would proceed to Pontefract, and, when
the West Riding had taken the oath, to York, where he was to be
met by the remaining leaders of the Pilgrimage and all other
gentlemen of importance. Thence he would travel through all the

i L. and P. xn (1), 32.

7—3

100 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

country that had risen, administering the oath and enlarging upon
the King's wonderful clemency and goodness to his disobedient
subjects. He was to reproach the justices of the peace with their
lack of vigilance, and to let them see that they were blamed for the
disturbances. Any loyal subjects suing for restitution of goods taken
during the period covered by the pardon were to be put off with fair
answers, and asked to wait until the coming of the King; neither
they nor the present holders of the goods must be driven to despair.

The Duke was to make every effort to search out the beginners of
the insurrections, the devisers of the articles, and the real reasons
of the outbreak. Any man who refused to take the oath must be
executed if Norfolk dared to proceed to extremes. If the attitude of
the people forbade severity, " he shall pretend to make light of such
a fool and proceed to swearing the rest till a better opportunity."

When the whole country was sworn, the next step was to turn out
the monks, nuns, and canons who still occupied suppressed houses,
and to put the farmers in possession. As the Duke himself had
promised to make suit to the King that they might remain till the
next parliament, he was to explain to the people " how far they vary
from true religious men, yea, from true subjects."

Norfolk must see that the King's rents were collected and order
other men's tenants to pay their landlords ; but he must also inquire
into the matter of enclosures and fines, hear complaints about them,
and mediate between gentlemen and tenants, in order that they
" may live together as they be joined in one body politic." This
clause in the instructions had a double object ; " the King's instruc-
tions to Norfolk, under their fair show of conciliatory words, by
enjoining the reception of complaints against enclosures, were deftly
intended to widen the breach between the confederated classes of the
north."1

As it was through ignorance that the north had been seduced
into horrible treason, the King intended " to send thither certain
grave, discreet and learned personages to teach and preach the truth "
and the Duke must recommend them to the people.

Finally Norfolk was to sit on cases of common justice, and all
offenders since the pardon were to be sought out and executed, " if it
may be done without danger, especially if they have been ringleaders."
If there was danger, he must simply " look through his fingers at
their offences, and free them to continue till the King's Majesty's
arrival in those parts," taking care that they did not fly the country2.
1 Koyal Hist. Soc. Trans. (New Ser.) xvm, p. 197. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 98.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 101

The government seems to have felt the difficulty of finding a form
of words suitable for the oath which was to alter all the feelings,
aims and ideals of the Pilgrims, to make them forget their vow
to God and the Commonwealth, and to induce them to concentrate
their allegiance upon the King. The form must be as sweeping as the
King dared to make it, and yet must not go too far. The drafts of the
oath remain1, and the last, which is the simplest, was probably the
one used. " You shall swear to be true liegeman to the King our
sovereign lord, Henry VIII King of England and of France, etc,"2 ....
it began, sliding over the obnoxious title of Supreme Head of
the Church, which is inserted in another draft. Those who took the
oath swore to do no treason, murder or felony, but to discover the
doers of such crimes ; to renounce the oaths taken during the insur-
rection, and in future to resist such movements ; to be obedient to
the King, his lieutenant, and all his laws. Several irritating items
in the other drafts are omitted in this, such as expressions of con-
trition and desire of forgiveness for the rising, and a declaration
of willingness to assist the commissioners in the suppression of the
abbeys. With these drafts for the oath is a set of instructions for its
administration. Every man was required to " confess and knowledge "
his traitorous demeanour and submit himself to the King's mercy :
he was then to declare the names of the rebel leaders, and to give up
his arms in token of complete submission ; finally he was to take the
King's oath and to hold all others vain3. It is, however, practically
certain that these instructions were not carried out, as the Duke
of Norfolk did not disarm the north, and could not have done so
without the greatest danger.

On 16 January 1536-7 the King sent out letters to various
gentlemen ordering them to be in readiness to attend the Duke on his
northern progress4. One was addressed to Sir Robert Constable, who
was to meet Norfolk in York ; another to Lord Darcy, who was to
await him at Pontefract5. Norfolk summoned Sir William Fairfax
and Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, who were trusted by the government, to
meet him at Doncaster on Candlemas Eve (1 February) with all
their servants, unharnessed6.

After his visit to court, Norfolk returned to Kenninghall to prepare
for his journey at leisure. He was there when the news of Bigod's
rebellion reached him. All accounts agreed in attributing the new

1 L. and P. xn (1), 98 (4) (6) (7). 2 Ibid. 98 (8).

3 Ibid. 98 (3). 4 Ibid. 97.

6 Ibid. 96, 99, 100. 6 Ibid. 101.

ca

it;

102 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

outbreak to his long delay1, but the Duke was not disturbed on that
account ; he had his orders and he was obeying them. It is probable
that he was expecting some such news.

On 28 January old Sir Marmaduke Constable's eldest son was
with him, bringing from the north a full account of all that had taken
place. He showed Norfolk a copy of the manifesto sent out by his
uncle Sir Robert Constable and Aske to stay the parts about Beverley.
" He has written more than I can perform," said Norfolk in a letter
to Cromwell, " and his large sayings might be for a scant good purpose
about the coronation and parliament, etc." Yet they were given
on the authority of the King's own words. Norfolk congratulated
Cromwell on the news. If the country were settled before he
reached the north he would grudge no man the praise ; if some-
thing were left to be done he would show his good-will. " This
young man [Constable's nephew] cannot speak too much good of my
lord Darcy and his uncle ; sickness now hath kept them both at
home, which could not do so at the first business at Doncaster."2
Norfolk was in bad health, " but desire to serve my master and
anger mine enemies will, I trust, make me shortly strong and lusty."3
By way of precaution he sent to Cromwell his will and the details of
a whole string of suits which he hoped Cromwell would forward in
his absence. Fortunately we have no concern with the family affairs
of the wicked old Duke. A proverb which he quoted, " God shall
send a shrewd cow short horns," unhappily was not true in his own
case4.

On 30 January Norfolk was in Lincoln on his way to Doncaster.
ere he met messengers with letters for the King from Hull,
which he opened to see if they contained anything urgent ; but
all was going well. Several canons of Watton and others im-
plicated in Hal lam's rebellion had been captured. Norfolk wrote
to ask the King if the prisoners should be executed in York, and
how many the King desired him to "justify." He had also received
letters from the Bishop of Durham, Lord Scrope, and the Earl of
Cumberland. Norfolk thought that the timid bishop was over-
anxious about the state of the country, but to satisfy him he promised
to go to Newcastle-upon-Tyne after he had settled Yorkshire5.
Cumberland and Scrope both enclosed seditious bills, and the latter
reported from Bolton that the country was much stirred by such

1 L. and P. xn (1), 200; printed in full, State Papers, i, 526.
a L. and P. xn (1), 198. 3 Ibid. 252.

* Ibid. 216, 252. 6 Ibid. 292.

xvni] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 103

writings, which " misdeedy " persons sent about, though the honest
men were content to wait for the parliament1.

Norfolk was puzzled by learning on the road that Sir Anthony
Browne had just ridden northwards on a mission from the King.
The Duke had been told nothing of this, and as he was the King's
Lieutenant in the north, he marvelled that the matter had not been
laid before him. The Privy Council were writing to him on the
subject that same day, 30 January2. The office of Warden of the
Marches was vacant, owing to the ill-health of the Earl of Northumber-
land. The King had proposed to bestow it on the Earl of Westmorland,
but the Earl was exceedingly anxious to escape from such a difficult
and dangerous post. Henry had no intention of increasing the Earl
of Cumberland's power, for it was already too great for the peace
of his neighbours. Therefore he determined to adopt some old
advice of Norfolk's, and, keeping the office of warden in his own
hands, to appoint meaner men as his deputies. He had chosen
Sir William Evers and Sir John Widderington ; Sir Anthony Browne
had been sent down post to receive their oaths and give them their
instructions. A later chapter will be devoted to the government of
the Borders and relations with Scotland3, but Sir Anthony Browne's
mission is mentioned here in order to emphasise the double nature of
Norfolk's task. The King had entrusted to him the subjection of
the rebellious counties and the punishment of the men with whom he
was supposed to sympathise. This is the part of his duty which
concerns us at present. The King did not trust to Norfolk alone the
establishment of order on the Marches. He had not even explained
to him the new arrangements before the Duke set out, but none the
less Henry expected Norfolk to help the matter forward. He could
not do without his lieutenant, although he did not trust him. Norfolk
knew how extremely dangerous this position was. The King asked
his advice, and did not take it ; the King needed his presence on the
Borders for the furtherance of his plans, but he did not confide those
plans to the Duke. In Yorkshire Norfolk knew what was expected of
him and intended to do it ; in Northumberland he was to do nothing
without explicit orders.

Norfolk reached Doncaster punctually on Candlemas Eve, 1

[^February -1&36-7. He was met there by the gentlemen whom he

could best trust with their servants. Among those who welcomed

him were Sir Marmaduke Constable the younger, Sir Robert's son,

i L. and P. xn (1), 253. * Ibid. 291.

* See below, chap. xxi.

104 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

and William Babthorpe, Aske's kinsman. They brought a message
to the Duke from Aske, who wished to know if Norfolk desired his
presence. Babthorpe wrote that night to Aske that the Duke expected
to meet him in York, but not sooner. He was not to be disheartened
if the Duke showed him " no very friendly countenance." It would
be for certain reasons which would be opened to him in secret. Old
Sir Marmaduke Constable, who had lately been at court, was assured
that Aske possessed Norfolk's favour and that the King and Council
esteemed his services1.

Aske was only too anxious to believe such assurances. He had
spoken to the King, and had been convinced of his graciousness and
good faith. He had returned to the north to find the whole country
equally convinced that they had been beguiled. He was not unmoved
by this ; his letters to the King himself show that he was sometimes
beset by doubts, but the belief of a man like Aske in one who has
secured his loyalty and trust is very hard to shake. When Aske
used every means to quiet the agitation, when he declared Bigod's
attempt disloyal not only to the King but to the Pilgrims' cause, he
was pledging his honour to his followers that the King was true.
On that he staked everything, including his life. He clung to his
belief and went on hoping against hope until the very end. Yet
there was no lack of warning ; the matter was plain bo all who
could look on unconcerned. For example, Ralph Sadler had carried
special orders by word of mouth to Sir Thomas Clifford, the captain
of Berwick, concerning the Percys. Clifford was first to send them
letters from the King which summoned them to his presence ; if
they did not immediately obey he was to arrest them and send them
by sea from Berwick to Grimsby, to avoid the danger of rescue if
they passed through the northern shires as prisoners2.

Sir Thomas Clifford met Sadler at Newcastle-upon-Tyne on
28 January, and was more worried than surprised by these secret
instructions. The matter had leaked out, in spite of precautions,
and Sir Thomas Hilton had told him a week before that he would be
commanded to arrest the Percys. The rumour was bruited abroad in
the country, and Clifford knew that if it came to the ears of those
most nearly concerned he would be in danger of his life. As he
heard that the Percys were preparing to go to meet Norfolk at
Doncaster, he sent them the King's letters. They had already set
out before the letters arrived, and Clifford was spared further

1 L. and P. xn (1), 315.

2 Ibid. 259, 294; the former printed in full, State Papers, i, 533.

xvni] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 105

embarrassment, and was able to declare that he would have risked
everything to carry out the King's commands. The royal letters
reached the Percys at Doncaster1, and with the recklessness of their
race Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram obeyed the summons to London.
They scarcely needed the Duke's wily encouragement, though he
provided them with a letter recommending them to the Council,
which, as he was careful to explain in another despatch, was not
to be taken seriously2. Before the week was out the two brothers
were in the Tower. The other leaders of the Pilgrimage did not
take alarm. The Percys had behaved with utter lawlessness, and
many of their actions could not be connected with forwarding the
Pilgrims' demands; moreover the King had special private reasons for
wishing them out of the way. Thus, no doubt, Aske and Darcy
explained the omen.

Norfolk found the north in no very settled condition when he
reached Doncaster. Even in the country round him there was much
sedition. He sent Cromwell the rhyming prophecy about " a crumb
well set in a man's throat."3 Bills were posted on the church doors,
but they were all of the type described above which called upon the
commons to stick together and choose their own leaders, as the
gentlemen had betrayed them. The King's policy was a complete
success ; he had broken up the alliance of rich and poor which had
brought him into danger. Norfolk found that he could trust almost
all the gentlemen and rich yeomen "which without doubt is most
principally for their own safeguards, being in the greatest fear of
the people that ever I saw."4 They forgot all grievances in anxiety
for their property, and welcomed Norfolk as a saviour from general
anarchy. The Duke was satisfied that all would go well. News of
abortive risings came from Cleveland, Sheriff button, and Middleham,
but in each case the gentlemen had dispersed the rebels without
difficulty5. The only serious news was from the north and west.
Northumberland was a prey to the Border thieves, but they were a
separate problem. Cumberland and Westmorland were in commotion ;
the tithe barns were seized and enclosures were pulled down. A great
muster had been ordered at Richmond by the secret leaders of the
commons.

Every sort of rumour agitated the country. At Cockermouth the
people said that the Duke of Norfolk would never be sent to them,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 319. 2 Ibid. 319, 321. 3 Ibid. 318; see above, chap. iv.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 337; printed in full, State Papers, i, 534.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 319.

106 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

for he was in disgrace with the King1. In Cleveland it was rumoured
that he " came down with a great army and power to do execution,
to hang and draw from Doncaster to Berwick... notwithstanding the
King's pardon."2 Norfolk tried to inspire confidence by issuing a
proclamation, as Lieutenant-General from Trent northwards, pro-
hibiting all assemblies, ringing of alarm bells, lighting of beacons and
setting up of bills on posts and church doors without the King's
authority ; he set forth that Bigod and other traitors had falsely
declared the King's pardon void, assured all men, by the King's
express command, that the pardon held good, and offered £40 for the
capture of Bigod and £20 each for that of Leache, of Horncastle,
Morland of Louth Park, and the friar of St Robert's of Knares-
borough3. He thought that this proclamation would prevent the
threatened disturbances in Richmondshire4.

Very little can be discovered about the musters at Richmond.
The depositions which remain are not so illuminating as they might
be, since the government persisted, for its own reasons, in regarding
Jervaux Abbey as the headquarters of the agitation. The monks
played their part, but the real plotters were shadowy characters who
haunted the boundaries of Yorkshire, moving from Richmond to
Kirkby Stephen. Nicholas Musgrave and Thomas Tibbey were two of
these leaders on the Westmorland side. Lobley, Servant and Hutton
sent out the bills from Richmond5.

On Saturday 3 February the bills and letters which were
constantly passing about the country took a more definite tone.
These letters came from Richmond and were passed from bailiff to
bailiff; they bade every parish send two representatives to meet
at the Grey Friars' at Richmond on Monday 5 February, to consult
" for the common wealth," and particularly to decide how they should
treat with the Duke of Norfolk in the matter of tithes. Collins, the
bailiff of Kendal, was very earnest in setting forward the matter
in his part of the country, and sent on the summons to Beetham,
Windermere, and other parts. The meeting was held, but Norfolk's
proclamation had reached Richmond, and the townsfolk refused to
have anything to do with the men from other districts. The
gentlemen had all gone to meet the Duke, and in consequence
there was no one in authority. \ The leaders of the commons proved

1 L. and P. xn (1), 185; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xix.

a L. and P. xn (1), 259 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 530.

* L. and P. xn (1), 322.

4 Ibid. 337 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 534.

» L. and P. xii (1), 1012.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 107

incompetent at the last. No conclusion was reached, and the assembly
soon dispersed1.

There are more details about the rising at Jervaux. The Abbot
had lost some sheep during the insurrection, and asked Edward
Middleton, who had been one of the rebel leaders, to seek for them,
" because he was a hunter." About the middle of January he met
Middleton in the abbey church and asked for news of the sheep.
Middleton said that he had done his best, but he could not find
them. "Ye have taken pains, although ye could do no good," said
the Abbot, and told his " storer " to give the man some drink money.
The storer had no money, and the Abbot sent Middleton to the
cellarer, or the quondam Abbot of Fountains who was staying in the
house, to ask one of them to pay him 2. A servant led Middleton and
Ninian Staveley, who was with him, to the quondam Abbot's room,
and delivered the Abbot's message that the quondam was to give the
men forty pence. William Thirsk the quondam abbot took out an
angel noble and asked Middleton to change it. Staveley snatched it
and said it was cracked. The quondam gave him another and bade
him change that ; but Staveley calmly put the two nobles in his
purse, saying, " Ye churls monks, ye have too much and we have
nothing, and neither of these thou gettest again." " Ye shall not
have my money so," cried the quondam, " If ye be true men ye will
not take my money away, and ye should have but forty pence of me."
Middleton interfered, whispering that Staveley was mad and that
he would see the quondam's money restored, and so they left him*.
According to Staveley the quondam Abbot offered them twenty
nobles to restore him to Fountains if there was a new insurrection.
This may be true or it may not. Staveley 's excuse for his violence
was that two of the monks of Jervaux, Roger Hartlepool and John
Stainton, had been urging both himself and Middleton to raise a
company, fall upon the Duke of Norfolk, and slay him, for they said
that if Norfolk were allowed to come peaceably " their abbey would
be put down and they would go a-begging." The stories about the
two nobles and the thirty sheep point to the conclusion that Staveley
and his friend were the men to entrust with such a desperate scheme,
and that they probably knew all the bad characters in the Dales.

In January the Abbot of Jervaux had sent a servant to gather the
Abbey's rents in Lincolnshire ; the man was also to tarry about
Newark until the Duke came and bring back word as to how large a
force he brought with him. The servant did not wait long enough to

1 L. and P. xn (1), 914, 959, 965. 3 Ibid. 1035. 3 Ibid. 1023 (ii).

108 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

see the Duke's train, but he returned with the news " that the
Lincolnshire men were busily hanged, and their charter stood them
in no stead," and that Norfolk was coming to do the same in the
north. This spread dismay in the country1. Lord Latimer left his
house at Snape and with Sir Christopher Danby set out for the
court, which alarmed the commons, who were always ready to listen
to the cry that the gentlemen were betraying them, and at the same
time removed the men best able to keep order. The people were so
angry that they were ready to plunder the houses of the absentees2.

When the news came that Norfolk had reached Doncaster,
Staveley and his accomplices determined to take action. On Sunday
4 February they set up bills, provided by the two monks, on every
church door in Richmondshire, commanding every man between the
ages of 16 and 20 to be at Middleham Moor in harness on Tuesday
next (6 February). On Monday the leaders quarrelled among them-
selves, and the whole matter would have fallen through, if the two
monks had not come to Staveley 's bed at midnight, in harness with
battle-axes in their hands, and called upon him to rise and go forward
or else they would all be destroyed3. Staveley sent to Middleton and
they called together their friends and went to Jervaux Abbey about
midday. They bade the Abbot come forth with all his brethren and
go with them to the muster ; but " the Abbot said and desired them
to be contented to leave his brethren at home and to take his servants
with them, and said further that he and all his brethren would come
unto them next day. And then he gave the company such meat
and drink as he had." The muster at Middleham Moor was poorly
attended. Staveley and his band, the Abbot's servants, and a few of
the Abbot's tenants of Witton were the only companies mentioned as
being present. The leaders stayed there two or three hours, but
when news came of the failure of the meeting at Richmond on the
day before they all went home4. The Abbot of Jervaux fled next
day to Lord Scrope at Bolton Castle ; there is no proof that he knew
of the plans of his monks. Middleton and Roger Hartlepool the
monk fled to Scotland, thereby showing more prudence than the
majority of the captains5.

On Sunday 4 February Norfolk was at Pontefract. In spite of
the unruly state of the north-west he was in good spirits, and trusted
soon to have it in more quietness. As long as the gentlemen were so
thoroughly afraid of their own tenants there was no chance of serious

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1012. 2 Ibid. 173. 3 Ibid. 1012.

4 Ibid. 1035; see not A at end of chapter. •"> L. and P. xn (1), 1012.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 109

rebellion1. Lord Latimer had been appointed to meet Norfolk in
York, " but he liked so ill his being at home " that he came to meet
the Duke at Doncaster. Lord Conyers was in doubt as to whether
his people would let him leave home at all. None of the gentlemen
dared attempt to turn the religious out of the restored abbeys ;
Norfolk could hardly persuade them to pursue the leaders of the late
commotions, not because they sympathised with them, but because
they were afraid the people would attack them2.

All the country about Pontefract was in good order when Norfolk
arrived3. Darcy took some pride in this, but really it told against
him. If he could keep his country quiet when he liked, why had he
failed on the first rising ? When Norfolk reached the castle, he found
himself in the middle of a family quarrel. Lord Darcy had come up
from Templehurst to meet him, and had joined issue with Sir George
Darcy, whom he found in possession. Lord Darcy refused to share
his authority with his son ; he would be the sole keeper of the castle
or not at all. Sir George had the King's orders and would not give
way unless the Duke commanded him to do so. In the end Norfolk
decided in favour of Darcy, who undertook to lie in the castle himself
and put the King to no expense ; but Sir George was to be ready to
come in with all his power at an hour's warning. Norfolk trusted Sir
George, who would serve the King against his father and all the
world. " I pray God the father be as good in heart as the son, which
by the proof only I shall believe."4

Norfolk went on to York, probably on ^Monday 5 February. Here
he was met by almost all the gentlemen of Yorkshire, the very men
who had held the council there as leaders of the Pilgrimage two
months before. The oath was administered in the Duke's presence
to the head men of the city and of all the three Ridings ; it was
taken without the least dissent or opposition. The gentlemen were
to carry back the oath to the districts which Norfolk did not intend
to visit, but it was by no means certain that the business would
be accomplished so quietly in those parts. He wrote to the King on
7 February from York, where he was to sit on the indictments of
eighteen persons, spiritual and temporal, on Saturday 10 February ;
he thought that many would be found guilty and trusted shortly to
have more5. On Friday the 9th, in the midst of his session work, he
found time to answer a letter from Cromwell. He was glad to receive
Cromwell's assurances of friendship, and begged that he might soon

1 L. and P. xn (1), 336. 2 Ibid. 337; printed in full, State Papers, i, 534.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 349. 4 Ibid. 362. « Ibid.

110 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

hear good news of his various suits and causes. In order to show
that the friendship was not all on one side, he narrated how he had
" caused one of the sheriffs officers to be set in the pillory and for
ever put out of office for speaking ill of Cromwell. If the matter
would have served by law he should, on Tuesday next, have stretched
a halter with others."1

On Saturday 10 February Sir Francis Bigod was taken by Sir
John Lamplough and a party which Norfolk had sent out to capture
him on information received from Sir Thomas Curwen2. Bigod was
seized in " a chapel in Cumberland " with two servants3, and was
taken to Carlisle Castle to await Norfolk's orders, as his captors did
not dare to bring him through Westmorland. The circumstances
of his pursuit and arrest are unknown, as they were reported to the
King by word of mouth4.

On Monday 12 February nine prisoners were arraigned before
Norfolk in York for treason. There was not yet enough evidence to
convict the rest, who remained in prison. Of the nine who were
condemned, one named Graystoke was " reprieved by desire of all
the gentlemen." Norfolk sent Cromwell a list of the others, with
the places where they were to be executed. There were three
religious, two canons of Warter who were hanged in chains in York,
and the sub-prior of Watton, who suffered at Watton. Wyvell was
hanged at Scarborough, and Fenton and Cante in York. A
yeoman called Otterburn had been the leader of an obscure rising
at Sheriffhutton some days before, and was hanged on Yersley
Moor five miles from Sheriffhutton6. Another man, not named on
Norfolk's list, seems to have been executed at the same time. He
was one Stokton who had brought treasonable bills to Guisborough,
" but would not say how he came by them when he was hanged."6
Finally, as Staveley, Middleton and the other Richmond leaders
were not yet caught, Anthony Peacock was hanged in chains on
Richmond Moor as a warning to the district. He had been stirring
the people about Barnard Castle7.

On Thursday 15 February Peacock was in Richmond waiting for
his death. That night half-a-dozen boon companions met at John of
Blade's alehouse in the little village of Grinton in Swaledale. Among
them was Harry Wycliff, Sir Ralph Bulmer's servant and brother-in-
law. While they were drinking he turned to the others and exclaimed,

i L. and P. xii (1), 381. 2 Ibid. 401.

3 Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 401.

8 Ibid. 416 (2). • Ibid. 1083. 7 Ibid. 416 (2).

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 111

" Sirs, what mean ye ? Is your hearts done ? Let me have 200 men
and I shall give the Duke of Norfolk an onset, and I shall either save
Peacock's life or have the Duke's chain (meaning to have slain him)
...with many other such seditious words, meaning to make a new
commotion." No one was ready to aid him in such a desperate
attempt, though the men of Swaledale were Sir Francis Bigod's
tenants and no doubt sympathised with the rebels. Peacock was
hanged next morning and no hand was raised to save him1.

Norfolk intended to turn his attention next to the restored abbeys.
He mentioned, in a letter to the Earl of Sussex, that the gentlemen
did not dare to meddle with them. When Sussex showed the letter
to the King, Henry was especially interested in this point. He said
that the gentlemen had undertaken at Doncaster to restore his farmers
to the abbeys ; " he saw not but if the gentlemen had broken promise
with him, he might much better break promise with them." He left
the matter vague, however, saying that if all went forward satisfactorily
he would not " take any advantage thereof."2

Cromwell spurred Norfolk on by hinting that he was thought to
be too warm a supporter of the old faith to deal sternly with the
abbeys and " the traitors therein." Norfolk indignantly repudiated
the accusation ; he was no " papist nor favourer of naughty religious
persons." In the north his feelings were now so well known that
he had been warned not to eat or drink in monasteries3. He was
going to Leeds on Tuesday 20 February, thence to Sawley Abbey,
and then to Ripon4. As he would be very busy, he suggested that
the ordinary justices of assize, whose arrival was almost due, should be
joined in a commission with the Earls of Cumberland and Westmorland.
He thought it very necessary to have someone to help him with
the law work, for his health was bad, and it would be a pity if the
" dreadful execution " begun at York were not carried out in other
places. Norfolk was constantly expecting news of the arrest of more
ringleaders. " As concerning the monks of Sawley and other abbeys
I cannot yet speak of their offences but ere Sunday I doubt not to
do so." The leaders in Westmorland were Nicholas Musgrave and
Thomas Tibbey, " whom I trust be taken by this time."5

These two men upset Norfolk's plans. Ever since Christmas there
had been trouble in Westmorland6. On Twelfth Day, 6 January
1536-7, the deputy captain of Carlisle, Thomas Clifford the bastard,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 775. a Ibid. 378.

s Ibid. 416. * Ibid. 408.

5 Ibid. 416. « See above, chap. xvn.

112 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

came to Kirkby Stephen to arrest Nicholas Musgrave. Musgrave
was warned and with Thomas Tibbey he took refuge in the church
steeple, so defensible a position that Clifford was obliged to withdraw
without his prisoners, " which thing stirred the country greatly. And
they sent abroad word to keep watches in every town." The men of
Kirkby Stephen plucked down all the enclosures in their parish, and
sent orders to the surrounding parishes to follow their example1.

In Cumberland things were no better. The west parts " from
Plumland to Muncaster is all on floughter," wrote Sir Thomas
Curwen2. The chief reason for the agitation was the departure of so
many gentlemen to court. The commons distrusted the King, who
might have the gentlemen beheaded, and they distrusted the gentle-
men, who might betray them to the King. When the gentlemen
were away, the bailiffs and other officers found it impossible to keep
order3. As soon as he knew the state of affairs, Norfolk urged Cromwell
to send home the Cumberland gentlemen. Sir Thomas Curwen told
a story which showed the feelings of the commons. On Saturday
13 January a servant of Dr Legh came to Muncaster. The whole
country rose and made him prisoner. He was carried to Egremont
and thence to Cockermouth. A great crowd filled the market-place,
crying, " Strike off his head ! " and " Stick him ! " He was searched
for letters from the King, but all that were found on him were from
his master about private matters. Nevertheless he would have been
put to death ; but young John Swinburn saved him, by advising the
people to spare him for a week, during which inquiries should be
made about his conduct. At the end of the week twenty-four men
might try him in open market, and if it could be proved that he had
carried letters from the King to the gentlemen, he might be put
to death. The people agreed and sent through all the countryside to
inquire if he had delivered letters. Whether he was brought to trial
or not he must have escaped death, as nothing more is heard of
him. On 18 January all the tithe barns on the south bank of the
Derwent were plundered. Private feuds were pursued as vigorously
as public grievances. Sir Thomas Curwen fled to Yorkshire because
the commons had determined to take him and force him to take the
oath or die. He went first to Sheriffhutton, then to Richmond and
finally to York, meeting with many seditious bills on the way4.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 687 (2) ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xxii.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 185 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xix.
8 L. and P. xn (1), 336.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 185 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xix.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 113

Norfolk sent orders to Carlisle for the apprehension of Musgrave
and Tibbey1, and accordingly Thomas Clifford set out again for
Kirkby Stephen in search of them with a troop of horse. His
followers were mosstroopers from the waters of Esk and Line,
" strong thieves of the westlands." Musgrave and Tibbey fled to
their old fastness in the steeple, and there defied their pursuers.
The townsfolk took no part either for or against the rebels, but while
Clifford and some of his men were debating how to take their quarry,
the rest of the riders, following their inbred vocation, fell to plundering.
This was more than flesh and blood could bear. The burgesses
caught up their weapons and fell upon the spoilers, causing a timely
diversion in favour of the men in the steeple. Scattered about the
narrow streets of the town, the horsemen were at a disadvantage and
soon showed that their prowess was not equal to their thievishness.
Two of the townsmen were killed in the skirmish, but their enraged
fellows drove the borderers from the town and followed up their
retreat until they were forced to take refuge in Brougham Castle3.

The commons saw that they were committed to a new rebellion,
although they had risen in defence of their property ; indeed, a panic (
seems to have spread through the countryside that they would all be f
treated like the people of Kirkby Stephen. The two captains raised
all the surrounding country and sent the following summons to the
bailiff of Kendal, whom they knew to be on their side :

To the Constable of Mellynge

Be yt knowen unto you Welbelovyd bretheren in god this same xii day of
februarii at morn was unbelapped on every syde with our enimys the Captayne
of Carlylle and gentylmen of our Cuntrie of Westmerlonde and haithe destrowed
and slayn many our bretheren and neghtbers. Wherfore we desyre you for ayde
and helpe accordyng to your othes and as ye wyll have helpe of us if your cause
requyre, as god forbede. this tuysday, We comande you every one to be at
Kendall afore Eight of the clok or els we ar lykly to be destrowed.

Ever more gentyll brether unto your helpyng bonds.

Captayn of Povertie.

[Note at the top of the sheet.] the like letter was sent to bethom by colyns which
we sent in our letters to the kinges highnes from preston xxi march*.

William Collins, the bailiff of Kendal, had just returned from
York, where he and other men from the town had met Norfolk4.
The whole country was stirring. Atkinson, Musgrave, Leache and
Staveley were issuing such bills as the one given above, urging the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 416 (2). » Ibid. 419, 439, 687 (2).

3 Ibid. 411, from original at P. B. 0. * Ibid. 914.

D. ii. 8

114 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

people " that they should come and take their neighbours of West-
morland's part." Collins forwarded such letters to the surrounding
.townships.

Nothing is known of the musters and counsels of the Westmorland
rebels. No gentlemen joined their ranks and very few priests.
Their plans were simple. They had long before decided that the
- first step in case of a new rebellion was to seize Carlisle1. A new
motive for this was added by the fact that Bigod was a prisoner
in the castle2. The idea of a rescue always appeals to the human
heart, and though a week before everyone had been cursing Bigod,
now that he was captured and his fate assured there was a reaction
in his favour. After all, everything that he had prophesied had come
to pass. Here was the Duke " busily hanging " at York ; here were
loyal subjects robbed and slain in spite of the pardon.

The town of Carlisle was little prepared to stand a siege. The
walls were out of repair and the garrison, though loyal, was not
strong8. The gentlemen coming in with their own servants, how-
ever, soon formed a force of five hundred or so within the city, and
these troops were much superior in arms and equipment to the
r"~six thousand commons who presently assembled outside the walls.
The rebels carried a cross as " their banner principal."4 There
was not a single gentleman amongst them, but though their leaders
were poor yeomen, they did not lack determination, and were for the
most part men already outlawed for their share in earlier risings.
They were in hopes of capturing men of position, and it was said
that one of the Percys would join them with a strong company. The
rumours of taxes on christenings and burials were repeated among
them and had perhaps only now reached these shires, the most remote
in the kingdom6.

Norfolk was at Fountains when the news of the outbreak reached
him on Wednesday 14 February. He wrote to the King, and set to
work to raise a sufficient force to march against the rebels6. He
thought that he would be ready to set out on Saturday. On Thursday
and Friday he was at Richmond, calling in to him all the nobles and
gentlemen, but not daring to muster the commons. He was deter-
mined not to risk defeat, and laid several plans. He sent Sir Thomas
Wharton, Sir Thomas Curwen and other Westmorland gentlemen

1 L. and P. xn (1), 185 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xix.

2 Wilfred Holme, The Downfall of Rebellion. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 71, 72.
4 Wilfred Holme, op. cit. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 520.

6 Ibid. 419.

xvin] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 115

back to their own estates to persuade their tenants, if possible, to take
the King's part. They were to be joined by two or three hundred
light horse when Norfolk could spare the men, and were to burn and
plunder the rebels' houses, in the hope of making them abandon
Carlisle and return to defend their own goods. Norfolk was not a
little pleased at the prospect of fighting, even under the difficulties
which burdened him. It was true that " this journey will pluck the
bottom out of my purse," but he trusted to bring the realm to better
quiet. " Now shall appear whether for favour of these countrymen
I forbare to fight with them at Doncaster."1

The success or failure of the new insurrection depended upon the /
part taken by Lord Dacre's tenants. They had not yet risen for the~^
commons ; the Dacres, if they chose, could raise them for the King.
Lord Dacre was in the south, but his uncle Sir Christopher Dacre was
at Gilsland and wielded authority in his nephew's absence. During
the first insurrection the Dacres had remained loyal, but had not
taken an active part. Their conduct had been most circumspect,
for they lay under suspicion of treason. Their one offence had been
an outbreak of the feud with the Cliffords and Musgraves. Was Sir
Christopher's loyalty strong enough to urge him to rescue his blood-
foes now pent by the commons within Carlisle ? The Earl of
Cumberland had been ordered by the King to reconcile himself with
Dacre, but these official hand-shakings went for nothing.

Norfolk showed his fears in a letter to Sir Christopher dated
15 February. The commons were about to assault Carlisle, and
Norfolk conjured him by their old friendship, by his hopes of the
King's favour, by his care for his nephew's safety to come to the
relief of the city. " I will not instruct you what ye shall do, for
ye know better than I. Spare for no reasonable wages, for I will pay
all." Let him but prove the Duke's saying that " Sir Christopher
Dacre is a true knight to his sovereign lord, an hardy knight, and a
man of war. Pinch now no courtesy to shed blood of false traitors ;
and be ye busy on the one side, and ye may be sure the Duke of
Norfolk will come on the other. Finally now, Sir Christopher, or
never." He signed it " your loving cousin if ye do well now, or else
enemy for ever."2 Two copies of this letter were sent by different
hands to insure its safe delivery3.

On the same day, 15 February, the captains of Carlisle were also

1 L. and P. xn (1), 439.

2 Ibid. 426; printed in full, Raine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.), i,
Append, p. cxlix. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 439.

8—2

116 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

writing to Sir Christopher, but their letter was much calmer than
Norfolk's. Men in a desperate strait do not let their enemy know
that he alone can save them. They commanded Dacre, in the King's
name, to join them at Carlisle Castle with all the men he could trust
" in goodly haste." If he could trust " the prickers of Gilsland," he
was to leave " the landserjeant " with them to attack the rebels, but
if the prickers would not fight for the King, he must bring the land-
serjeant with him, and in any case he must come to Carlisle himself.
This was signed by Sir John Lowther, Thomas Clifford, and John
Barnfield1.

Unfortunately there is no account of the rising written from the
commons' point of view, nor, indeed, any full contemporary account at
all. It is extremely difficult to form a coherent idea of the fighting
round Carlisle from the scattered references which remain. The first
move of the commons is clear. On Friday 16 February they mustered
on Broadfield Moor to the number of about 6000 men, more or less
effectively armed and mounted ; thence they marched to Carlisle.

A wanderer came to the Abbey of Holm Cultram, and the Abbot
asked him " What news ? " " There was never such a gathering
to the Broadfield as there was that day afore," said the other.
" Almighty God prosper them, for if they speed not, this abbey is
lost," said the Abbot. He sent his servants out in haste to summon
his tenants to the Abbey church, and called the subprior to him,
" and commanded him to cause the brethren to go daily with
procession to speed the commons' journey." All the men of the
lordship of Holm assembled in the church. The Abbot came to
them and in the commons' name bade Cuthbert Musgrave, his deputy
officer, ride to Broadfield at the head of the tenants and join the
host there. Musgrave refused to go, and argued the point with the
Abbot. The tenants declared that they would not go unless the
Abbot went with them. " And so they departed and none went."
The Abbot had enemies among his own brethren ; he had com-
promised himself past hope before them, and he had not even helped
the cause2.

On Saturday 17 February the commons prepared for the assault
on Carlisle. It does not seem to have been such a vigorous attack as
the word now implies. They approached within bow-shot; and showered
arrows on the defenders who appeared on the city walls. This went
on until they exhausted their supply of arrows, when they retired

1 L. and P. xii (1), 427.

2 Ibid. 1259 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. nos. xxiv-xxvii.

XVIIT] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 117

a little way to consider what to do next. Perhaps they had actually
advanced to the attack when Sir Christopher Dacre unexpectedly
appeared with five hundred border spearmen. The commons broke
and turned to fly ; whereupon Thomas Clifford issued from the castle
and fell upon them, pressing on the pursuit for twelve miles or more.
His mosstroopers were in no mood to spare the countryfolk who had
beaten them so ignominiously on Monday1.

Several heroes on the King's side distinguished themselves. One
Roger Middlewood, who had been in the Kirkby Stephen skirmish
and there was taken prisoner and stripped, " was the first man out of
the town and slew one with his own hand."2 But his honour was
challenged by Robin Grame, a noted spy in Scotland, who, with only
two other men, had been skirmishing with the commons before the
assault, and " continued crying and shouting at them more than one
hour before any man came to help him." He was one of the last to
turn back from the pursuit3. Others of his name won no less praise.
The Grahams of Esk, four brothers, " proper men," had come in with
half their grayne to serve in the castle without wages. " Whosoever
take the thank, these were the first that break spear on the rebels
after the assault."4 They were foremost in the chase, captured seven
score rebels and one of the captains, who seems to have been Thomas
Tibbey himself. On the strength of these services they afterwards
petitioned the King that they might hold their lands on the Esk
rent-free, as their father did before them5.

On Saturday 17 February Norfolk was at Barnard Castle, where
the gentlemen of his train had mustered their servants and head
tenants — everyone, in short, whom they could trust. The Duke was
overjoyed with the army which had assembled ; there were about
4000 men, all well tried, harnessed, and mounted on " the best
geldings he ever saw." Their only anxiety was to atone for their
former fault ; such a band would be fearful for the King's enemies to
look upon. Hardly was this splendid little army in array, when news
came from Carlisle which showed that it would not be needed. Before
9 o'clock in the morning messengers rode in who had seen the assault
upon Carlisle and the rout of the commons. The chase was not ended
when the messengers set out. Norfolk wrote to Henry : " Your
Highness hath as much cause to thank God as ever had prince. Sir

1 Wilfred Holme, op. cit.; L. and P. xn (1), 448, 478-9, 520 ; see note B at end of
chapter. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 992.

3 Ibid. 1216. * Ibid. 1215.

6 Ibid. 1217 (1) and (2) ; (2) printed in full, Eaine, op. cit. i, Append, p. clx.

118 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

Christopher Dacre has shown himself a noble knight." Seven or
eight hundred prisoners were taken and the Duke was about to travel
in all haste to Carlisle to see execution done1. The rejoicings in
London were great. Sir Christopher Dacre was the hero of the hour.
It was said that he had slain 700 rebels or more and taken the rest
prisoners, hanging them up on every bush. Cromwell declared at
court that "if it lay in him he would make him an earl."2

This magnificent victory was won over the wretched, desperate
commons of the poorest shire in the realm, fighting in defence of
their property and lives. There is no means of knowing how many
were killed, as the number reported in London, 700, seems to be too
large. Wilfred Holme estimated that 300 prisoners were taken, and
this seems a more likely figure than the 800 reported to Norfolk.
The victory was certainly decisive ; in defeat more than at any other
time strong captains are needed ; the leaderless commons of West-
morland and Cumberland were utterly broken.

Norfolk was in Carlisle on Monday 19 February. There were so
many prisoners in the town that he found great difficulty in providing
for their safe-keeping. He wrote that night to the Council to promise
that if he might go his own way for a month he would order things to
the King's satisfaction. It would take some time, because he must
himself be present at all the convictions and proceed by martial law,
and there were many places to punish. Not a lord or gentleman in
Cumberland and Westmorland could claim that his servants and
tenants had not joined in the insurrection. " And, good Mr Comp-
troller3, provide you of a new bailiff at Embleton, for John Jackson
your bailiff will be hanged Thursday or Friday at the furthest."4

Norfolk wrote to Cromwell with assurances that if he did not
at once proceed to "sore justice" it was for no love he bore the
traitors, but for reasons evident to anyone on the spot, but too long
to be explained. Nevertheless more should suffer " than should do
if I would believe so many were compelled to rebellion as is showed
me.... I was never so well-beloved here as I shall be feared if I live
another month." No doubt Norfolk trusted by the last suggestion to
please the King, who was always jealous of popular noblemen5.

Amidst all his business Norfolk found time to examine Sir Francis
Bigod and " communed with him at great leisure." Bigod said very
little, and Norfolk sent up his first confession to Cromwell, promising

1 L. and P. xn (1), 448. 2 Ibid. 492.

s Sir Wm. Paulet. * L. and P. xn (1), 468.

5 Ibid. 469.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 119

that the prisoner should be strictly interrogated from time to time1.
Sir Francis' examinations are not now extant, but there is a summary
of his evidence2. He said nothing against Darcy, Constable, and
Aske, which must have vexed the authorities.

Norfolk issued proclamations which commanded all who had been
in rebellion to come to Carlisle and submit themselves humbly to the
King's mercy. Accordingly on Tuesday 20 February the country-
people began to straggle into the city in scattered, dejected bands.
They had lost their horses, harness, and weapons in the chase; they were
in instant fear of a traitor's death for themselves, and of fire, plunder,
and outrage for their homes and families. Norfolk imprisoned seventy
of the " chief misdoers," that is of the braver and more determined of
them, and turned the rest away without even a promise of pardon ;
but he dared not proceed to execution until all the country had
submitted. He sent orders to the Earl of Derby and Lord Mounteagle
in Lancashire to apprehend all who might flee in that direction; in
Durham the Earl of Westmorland had made thirteen prisoners, not
fugitives, but men who favoured the rebels ; thus there was no
encouragement to try to escape eastward8.

Norfolk's strategy was successful. Every day more and more of the
" poor caitiffs " came in from all districts of Westmorland and Cumber-
land, even Cockermouth, the wildest part of all. They were contrite
enough to satisfy any tyrant, " and if sufficient number of ropes might
have been found would have come with the same about their necks."
Seventy-four out of six thousand who submitted were selected for
trial. A Cumberland jury had not then attained the bad name
which it earned long afterwards, and Norfolk, though a master of the
art of choosing juries, dared not trust one with the work in hand,
lest " many a great offender " were acquitted. He appointed Sir
Ralph Ellerker as marshal and Robert Bowes King's attorney to
prosecute. This must have been a sufficient humiliation for the
Pilgrims' ambassadors to the King.

All the prisoners were condemned to die by law martial, the
King's banner being displayed. Not the fifth part would have been
convicted by a jury. Some protested that they had been dragged
into rebellion against their will. The most part had only one plea,
saying, " I came out for fear of my life, and I came forth for fear
of loss of all my goods, and I came forth for fear of burning of
my house and destroying of my wife and children."4 They had not,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 473. 2 Ibid. 532. 3 Ibid. 478.

4 Ibid. 498; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xx.

120 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

in fact, turned against the law, they had risen to defend all that
th.e law should have defended for them from Clifford's police, the
thieves of the Black Lands1. " A small excuse will be well believed
here, where much affection and pity of neighbours doth reign. And,
sir, though the number be nothing so great as their deserts did
require to have suffered, yet I think the like number hath not been
heard of put to execution at one time." Thus Norfolk wrote to the
King ; his chief anxiety was lest it should be thought that he had
not put a sufficient number to death. He assured his master that
every man who had taken a forward part in the rising was to suffer.
He had done his best, helped by Sir Christopher Dacre, Sir Thomas
Wharton, Sir Thomas Curwen, Sir John Lamplough and the other
gentlemen, to try out sufficient matter against more of the prisoners ;
little as was needed, he had failed, though he still hoped to swell his
numbers with some who had fled or were in hiding2.

No time was lost over the executions, as Norfolk was in haste
to be in Northumberland, where Tynedale and Reedsdale were giving
trouble. The rebels were hanged in their own villages, " in trees in
their gardens to record for memorial " the end of the rebellion8.
Twelve were hanged in chains in Carlisle for the assault on the city,
eleven at Appleby, eight at Penrith, five at Cockermouth and Kirkby
Stephen, and so on ; scarcely a moorland parish but could show one
or two such memorials. Some were hanged in ropes, for iron was
" marvellous scarce," and the chain-makers of Carlisle were unable to
meet the demand. The victims were all poor men, farm hands from
the fields and artisans of the little towns ; probably the bailiff of
Embleton was the highest man among them. Only one priest
suffered with them, a chaplain of Penrith. The government's con-
viction that the clergy were at the bottom of the new rising was
mistaken ; Norfolk, with the best will in the world, could only implicate
one priest, but he made the vicar of Brough-under-Stainmore prisoner,
although he had done nothing unlawful since the pardon, except that
he had prayed for the Pope. Norfolk wished to know the King's
pleasure as to whether he must suffer or not4.

Later times have seen assizes more bloody than Norfolk's in
Carlisle — Sussex' in York after the Rising of the North — Jeffreys'
in the west country after Monmouth's rebellion. The horror of the
Carlisle assizes lies less in their cruelty than in their injustice. Those

i L. and P. xn (1), 439. 2 Ibid. 498.

3 Wilfred Holme, op. cit.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 498; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xx.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 121

who take up arms for a political cause must look to be punished for
political reasons, but what principle can condemn men miserably poor
for defending the little they have ? The judges knew well that they
were doing an indefensible act, and they spared the people as far
as they dared. This is the final indictment of Henry's government,
that his greatest nobleman hanged men whom he knew to be guilty
only of having turned against intolerable oppression. Norfolk wrote
to Cromwell : " What with the spoiling of them now and the gressing
of them so marvellously sore in time past and with increasing of
lords' rents by enclosing, and for lack of the persons of such as shall
suffer, this border is sore weaked and especially Westmorland; the
more pity they should so deserve, and also that they have been
so sore handled in times past, which, as I and all other here think,
was the only cause of the rebellion."1 Perhaps Norfolk told his
conscience (if it ever troubled him) that another man would have
made more sure of the King's favour by greater severity.

When the news of the rebels' defeat reached the King, he sent
orders for the harshest measures to be enforced. His instructions
have been quoted so often that a summary of them is sufficient here.
First the King thanked all who had served him, especially Norfolk
and Sir Christopher Dacre ; " you shall have good cause to rejoice
of your doing in that behalf." He heartily approved of Norfolk's
declaration of martial law, and his banner was not to be closed until
the country was in such fear as would insure better behaviour.

Bigod, the Friar of Knaresborough, Leache, " the vicar of Penrith,"
Chancellor Towneley and Pickering of Bridlington or as many of
them as were in Norfolk's hands, were to be sent to the King. The
lands and goods of these and any other traitors who owned such were
to be seized, and the King would consider the question of rewarding
faithful subjects with them.

Finally Norfolk was to proceed to Sawley, Hexham, Newminster,
Lanercost, St Agatha's at Richmond, and such other monasteries as had
" made any manner of resistance," and to cause the monks or canons
found faulty " to be tied up, without further delay or ceremony,
to the terrible example of others ; wherein we think you shall do us
high service."2 This is one of the most famous commands King
Henry ever gave, and nobody knows whether it was obeyed. This
ignorance is due to the fact that from 24 February to 5 March
there is a blank in Norfolk's correspondence with the King. The

1 L. and P. xn (1), 478.

* Ibid. 479; printed in full, State Papers, i, 537, and Raine, op. cit. i, Append, p. cl.

122 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Duke intended to ride from Carlisle to Hexham, there to suppress
the Abbey, take order for Tynedale and Reedsdale, hear any cases of
sedition in Northumberland, and take the oaths of the gentlemen.
From Hexham he meant to go to Durham and thence to York, " sitting
in execution " at both cities1.

His own account of this expedition is lost. He did not go to
Newminster in Northumberland, for it was not suppressed until
August 1537, when all the monks received pensions2. It is not
known why the King named it as a centre of sedition. Nothing
is known about the fate of Lanercost Priory and its inmates, nor
about that of St Agatha's at Richmond. Sawley was suppressed by
Norfolk's orders, though not by the Duke in person, and the Abbot
and some of the monks were executed3. Norfolk went to Hexham,
but in his next letters, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, there is no account
of what he did there. A letter to Cromwell about the suppression of
Hexham Priory exists, however, and as there is no mention in it
of the " tying up " of any monks, it is probable that Henry's orders
arrived too late, that Norfolk had already closed the King's banner in
token that martial law was ended, and that he therefore had a sufficient
excuse for sparing the canons.

A fragment of Norfolk's reply to the King's famous letter has been
preserved by a Cumberland historian, although the original is lost.
No doubt if it still existed the problem of the monks' fate would
be solved, for if martial law was no longer in force Norfolk would have
no power of summary execution. The remains of the letter are as
follows :

" Aglionby, I doubt not, or now hath shewed you highness what was done at
Carlisle. And though none were quartered because I knew not your pleasure
therein before : yet all the threescore and fourteen be hanged in chains or ropes
upon gallows or trees, in all such towns as they did dwell in. And whereas your
Majesty would have sent the vicar of Penrith to you ; it is not of Penrith, but of
Brough that your grace doth mean, for there is none such ; for whom I have sent
to my lord of Cumberland, for I left him in his keeping. And also I have
for Doctor Towneley, and doubt not within three days to have them both with
me, and so shall send them up."4

In order to conclude the matter of the rebellion in Cumberland, it
is necessary to look forward for some weeks. Sir Thomas Curwen, the
sheriff of Cumberland, received anonymous letters accusing the Abbot

1 L. and P. xn (1), 498 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xx.

2 Gasquet, op. cit. n, chap. iv. 3 See below.

4 Nicolson and Burn, op. cit. i, p. 569 ; see Wilson, op. cit. p. 14 n.

xvm] The DuJce of Norfolk's Mission 123

of Holm Cultram of treason. With Sir Thomas Wharton and others
he paid a secret visit to the Abbey on 22 May 1537, collected enough
evidence to hang the Abbot, and forwarded it to Norfolk. As usual
the Abbot's fate is uncertain1.

The Cumberland magistrates were no doubt trying to regain
Norfolk's favour by their zeal in the case of the Abbot, because they
had incurred his displeasure in another matter. Two months after
the Duke's session in Carlisle, he heard that the bodies of all the
rebels who were executed had been cut down and buried. He rebuked
the magistrates with " quick messages," and ordered them to search
out the ill-doers. They sent him nine or ten confessions in reply, but
he did not consider these nearly enough. " It is a small number
concerning seventy-four that hath been taken down, wherein I think
your Majesty hath not been well served." Norfolk asked the King
on 8 May how these offenders were to be punished ; they were all
women — the widows, mothers and daughters of the dead men. Of all
the records these brief confessions are the most heart-breaking and
can least bear description. The widows and their neighbours helped
each other. Seven or eight women together would wind the corpse
and bury it in the nearest churchyard, secretly, at nightfall or day-
break. Sometimes they were turned from their purpose by the
frightened priest, and then the husband's body must be buried by a
dyke-side out of sanctified ground, or else brought again more
secretly than ever and laid in the churchyard under cover of night.
All was done by women, save in two cases when the brother and
cousin of two of the dead men were said to have died from the
"corruption" of the bodies they had cut down2. The Earl of
Cumberland was blamed by Norfolk for the loss of the bodies, and it
must be counted to the Earl's credit that he was ashamed to look
too closely into so pitiful a story. Norfolk wrote to Cromwell :

" I do perceive by your letter that ye would know whether such persons
as were put to execution in Westmorland and Cumberland were taken down and
buried by my commandment or not: undoubtedly, my good lord, if I had
consented thereunto, I would I had hanged by them ; but on my troth, it is
8 or 9 days past sith I heard first thereof, and then was here with me a servant
of my lord of Cumberland's called Swalowfield dwelling about Penrith, by whom
I sent such a quick message to my said lord, because he hath the rule in
Cumberland as warden, and is sheriff of Westmorland and hath neither advertised
me thereof, nor hath not made search who hath so highly offended his Majesty,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1259; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. nos. xxiv-xxvii, and
Kaine, op. cit. i, Append, p. cliv ; see note C at end of chapter.
L. and P. xn (1), 1214 (2), 1246.

124 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

and also commanding him to search for the same with all diligence, that I doubt
not it shall evidently appear it was done against my will."1

The Duke was anxious to shift the blame on to someone else's
shoulders, as the King was very angry at this defiance of his authority.
He remarked characteristically that he did not believe it " had come
of women's heads only," although the depositions do not mention the
names of any living men concerned in it. On 22 May Cromwell
insinuated that Norfolk must have countenanced the offenders, and
sent most positive orders that somebody must be punished, but the
fate of the women is unknown2.

To return to the main course of our narrative, Norfolk was at
Hexham on Monday 26 February. There he met Sir Reynold
Carnaby, the farmer of the Priory, and put him in possession. The
canons were turned out " with very good exhortation to the in-
habitants " of Hexham uttered by Norfolk. With the Duke and
his train in their midst they were "very tractable and sorry for
what they had done amiss." They professed themselves ready to
obey Carnaby "as their officer," when they saw Cromwell's orders
to that effect, though without these he was likely to have been
" discouraged." Norfolk asked him if the canons had done anything
contrary to their allegiance since the pardon. Carnaby answered,
" No, otherwise I would have been an untrue man to conceal it."3
Sir Reynold was already held in evil report among his neighbours,
and if he had informed against the canons his life would not have
been safe. The people of the neighbourhood loved their Priory, and
to this day Carnaby is spoken of with hatred in the countryside.

From Hexham Norfolk went to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, where he
stayed for some time, chiefly engaged in his second task of bringing
the Borders into comparative peace4. He visited Prudhoe Castle,
Sir Thomas Percy's home, and gave it into the keeping of the Percys'
deadly foe Sir Reynold Carnaby ; but he first had an inventory made
of the goods in the castle, and redelivered them to Lady Percy
by bill indented. He seems to have been touched by the desolation
of Lady Percy, " a good woman " who obeyed him in all things. She
gave him the Abbot of Sawley's supplication, which seemed to the
casual reader so innocent but proved in the end evidence sufficient to
take five men's lives. Lady Percy sent it to Norfolk, no doubt in
obedience to a demand for papers; if she had read it she could

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1156 ; printed in full, Baine, op. cit. i, Append, p. clxi.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 1257. 3 Ibid. 546.
4 See below, chap. xxi.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 125

scarcely have guessed that it was worth her husband's head. Norfolk
thought it would " touch the Abbot very sore " but does not seem to
have considered it compromising to Percy. Lady Percy was setting
out for London, to be near Sir Thomas, who was in the Tower. She
herself carried Norfolk's letters1.

The Earl of Northumberland was preparing to surrender his
estates into the King's hands. He was stricken by his last illness.
To Norfolk's great indignation he had sent down servants to sell the
woods on his lands in Yorkshire, probably in a last attempt to raise
money to satisfy some of his creditors. " As good to pull down the
houses as destroy the woods,"2 wrote the Duke, and sent peremptory
orders to Topcliff that nothing of the sort was to be attempted3.

On 3 March the Privy Council sent Norfolk special orders con-
cerning Sir Robert Constable. The King had despatched letters
which bade him repair to court ; the messenger found him at
Flamborough and "he made no satisfactory answer to the letters."
Norfolk was ordered to send word to Sir Ralph Ellerker at Hull and
Sir Ralph Evers at Scarborough to watch the ports so that Sir Robert
might not escape by sea ; at the same time the Duke was to advise
him to obey the King, and if he did not at once address himself
to the journey, he must be sent up by a serjeant-at-arms4. Norfolk
did not think that Sir Robert was likely to fly, though if he intended
to do so, he could take ship from Flamborough, which was his own
town, without anyone being the wiser. Constable seems to have
gone up on receiving Norfolk's letters, as nothing is ever said about
his arrest, and it was not likely to pass off quietly in the midst of his
own country. The King also desired that Dr Pickering should be
sent up, and Norfolk promised to arrest him at once5.

After suppressing the lesser monasteries within his commission
Norfolk had about three hundred religious persons on his hands
wanting capacities, which he had no power to give ; neither had
he a commission for levying the subsidy. These were mere hitches,
however, and he was soon to find himself face to face with a serious
difficulty6. On Thursday 8 March he rode to the city of Durham, and
next day sat on the indictments of about twenty offenders ; but before
the beginning of the session he discovered that the Bishopric of
Durham was not included in his commission. All the country had
come in, everything was ready for the trial, and Norfolk had no legal

1 L. and P. xn (1), 577. 2 Ibid. 609. * Ibid. 617.

4 Ibid. 558; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of Hardwicke),
i, p. 38.

« L. and P. xn (1), 609. • Ibid. 594.

126 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

power to proceed with it. He decided, with the advice of his council,
to keep secret his lack of authority, and accordingly the jury was
charged and the indictments were found1. Thirteen offenders,
including the Priory porter and two of the Priory cooks2, would
have been condemned next day in the ordinary course of justice,
but Norfolk graciously respited them until after Low Sunday [7 April
1537], as he was too busy to wait in Durham for an answer to the
letters which he despatched to the King and Cromwell.

In these letters Norfolk humbly asked pardon for not having perused
his commission more carefully; in future he would have such documents
read by counsel. He was about to return to Newcastle-upon-Tyne
for a brief visit devoted to Border affairs, and after that he proposed
to ride to York by way of Beverley and Hull, taking with him
from those towns the offenders whom Ellerker had admitted to bail
after Bigod's rising3. Norfolk was very anxious to know how many
the King wished him to arraign ; his own inclination was to be
sparing of executions. " Folks think the last justice at Carlisle great,
and if more than twenty suffer at Durham and York it will be talked
about."4

The King received these letters on 17 March ; in his reply he
thanked Norfolk for his proceedings, sent him a complete commission,
and assured him that he did not consider him to blame for the
omission in the last one. The King particularly desired the con-
viction of Hutton of Snaith, against whom, as he understood, new
matter had been found ; " we and our Council thought his assembly
on pretence of making a supplication no less than high treason, even
if this matter had not turned up." Nothing is known of Button's
"assembly." The man is something of a mystery, as no account
remains of the rising round Snaith, which was part of Darcy's
country. Hutton, along with Aske and Constable, was excepted
by name out of the intended Yorkshire pardons in November5. A
theory that seems to meet the circumstances is that Snaith rose at
the beginning of the rebellion, perhaps earlier than the East Riding,
and sent a private supplication to the King, as the people of Louth
did. This petition, the first to come from Yorkshire, might have
especially angered Henry. If this were the case, Hutton's assembly
must have occurred during the period covered by the pardon, yet the
King thought it enough to hang him without further evidence, a
clear sign of the way things were going. It is of course possible that

1 L. and P. xn (1), 615. 2 Ibid. 478 (2). 3 Ibid. 615-6.

4 Ibid. 609. 5 See above, chap. xn.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 127

his offence was committed after the pardon, but in that case Norfolk
need not have waited for fresh evidence before acting against him.

The King's further orders were that Norfolk must bring to trial
the Abbot of Jervaux1 and the quondam Abbot of Fountains, for
whose apprehension he was heartily thanked. If enough matter
could be found against the Abbot of Sawley, as the King did not
doubt, remembering his supplication to Sir Thomas Percy, he was to
be disposed of with the others. The men let out on bail by Sir
Ralph Ellerker were left to Norfolk's discretion. The King perceived
from the evidence before him that the Friars Observant were
" disciples of the Bishop of Rome and sowers of sedition " ; therefore
the Duke must arrest the friars of that order and imprison them
in the houses of other friars, strictly forbidding any man to converse
with them until the King's pleasure towards them was known.
Finally the King was about to send for Lord Darcy, as Norfolk
himself had advised in a lost letter2.

Lord Darcy lay quietly at Pontefract Castle, victualling and
garrisoning it at his own cost. He sent Sir Arthur Darcy to Norfolk
with instructions to show him that all was quiet round Pontefract,
the castle prepared, and Darcy ready at his command. Sir Arthur
was to ask for a copy of the King's oath, which Darcy and his friends
and retainers had taken in Pontefract Priory, and he must consult
the Duke about Thomas Strangways, Darcy 's steward3, who had
carried to Aske in York Darcy's messages — and some of his own,
too4. Strangways' cousin, Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, had warned him
that Cromwell bore him no goodwill, and he had gone to Whitby
Abbey and the parts about Guisborough in order that Darcy and his
friends might not be troubled on his account, although he still trusted
to the King's pardon. He had offered to leave Darcy's service, but
his master was loth to part with him unless Norfolk advised him to
do so.

Sir Arthur Darcy was with the Duke in York on 9 February.
Norfolk intended to go to Sawley in person to expel the monks, and
as Sir Arthur was the farmer, he was expected to attend the Duke
with a company of friends and kinsmen suitable to the occasion. He
wrote to his father, requesting him to send such a company to join
him on Wednesday at Leeds8. Darcy asked for further particulars.
Were the men to be harnessed, and were they to be paid, and how

1 See note E at end of chapter. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 666.

3 Ibid. 350, 371. 4 See above, chap. vm.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 383.

128 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

many must there be1 ? On 10 February, the day after he received
Sir Arthur's letter, Lord Darcy wrote to Robert Aske, desiring him to
deliver secretly to the bearer, Darcy 's constable, all the arrows, bows
and spears which had been taken from the castle during the insur-
rection2. It must have occurred to Darcy that this action might be
misinterpreted, when he asked for secrecy ; or perhaps he was afraid
of provoking the commons, who were still on the alert when they saw
a royal castle being put into a state of defence ; for this took place
while Richmond was still in a state of turmoil and before the rising
in Cumberland. These considerations might make secrecy desirable,
although otherwise it was unnecessary. It was perfectly natural that
Aske should take arms from a captured fortress, and equally natural
that Darcy should want them back again after the insurrection when
he was suddenly called upon to equip an armed force. The King had
laid great stress on the refortification of Pontefract, and Darcy was
carrying out these orders as well as he could, knowing that any delay
or inefficiency would be turned against him and reported as proof of
a traitorous disposition.

Sir Arthur Darcy answered his father's questions on 12 February.
He wanted thirty or forty " clean fellows " besides his own servants ;
the well-horsed men must be provided with spears and the worse
with bows, and he was willing to pay their costs. Norfolk sent Darcy
thanks for his good offers ; he advised him to put away Strangways,
but if the man had not offended since the pardon he might live where
he chose without fear3.

Darcy sent the men, but the Duke's plans were altered by the
rising in Cumberland, and Sir Arthur rode with him to the musters
at Barnard Castle. " I beg you to be no less nigh to his person than
ye would be to me," wrote his father to him4. When news was
received at Barnard Castle of the rebels' defeat, Norfolk gave Sir
Arthur his choice of riding with him to Cumberland or departing
with his own men to Sawley. Sir Richard Tempest had been sent
to Sawley, where he turned out the monks and put three of his
servants into possession. Sir Arthur prudently decided to look after
his goods. He came to Sawley none too soon, for he found Tempest's
servants wasting the Abbey stuff and collecting his rents. The
abbot had been allowed to depart, and at first Sir Arthur could
not learn where he was. Before he left, however, secret informa-
tion was brought and twelve of his servants hunted down the

i L. and P. xn (1), 391. 2 Ibid. 390.

3 Ibid. 408. 4 Ibid. 470.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 129

abbot and made him prisoner ; the poor man protested that he
was fit neither to ride nor walk, and had done no wrong, for the
commons had forced him to re-enter the Abbey against his will. Sir
Arthur took depositions from some of the abbot's tenants which, he
said, showed that the religious were the stirrers of all this pestilent
sedition " and not only that but would have eftsoons quickened and
revived the same." When Sir Arthur was leaving the Abbey, he
heard that Leache of Lincolnshire " and others of his like " were
hiding in Lonsdale. He sent out his men in search of them, and
rode himself to Kettlewell, where they were said to be hidden, but
did not find them.

On 25 February he returned to Pontefract and sent a report
to Cromwell. The country was quiet, thanks to Norfolk's severities.
His father was in the castle, ready at the King's command, " but his
disease grows upon him and he desires licence to withdraw and live
with a small company till he be out of debt." He had dismissed
Strangways1. On 22 March Darcy wrote to the King, suggesting that
as the country was in such quiet it was no longer necessary to keep a
full garrison at Pontefract. He wished to come up to the King at
Easter, even though he were able to travel " but six miles a day."2
Shortly afterwards he was commanded to repair to the King's presence.
It may have been on this occasion, or perhaps earlier, that Darcy
wrote down a number of memoranda, in which mention is made of
his journey up to court. The notes are disjointed, not always
intelligible, and chiefly connected with his public life. Among them
this passage occurs :

" Item, to counsel with Sir Arthur for bestowing of my servants or helping
[them] with fees, annuities or [other] ways : and himself. For I peremptor feel
my broken heart, and great diseases, without remedy, to the death of [my] body,
which God not offended I most desire, after His high pleasure and my soul's
health : and He be my judge never lost King a truer servant and subject without
any cause but lack of furniture and by false reports and pick-thanks. God save
the King: though I be without recovery."3

Towards the end of March 1537, Lord Darcy set out for London.

On the 22nd Norfolk was in York, resting a little after all his
riding, but otherwise as busy as ever. As he was staying for two
or three days in the same place " about execution," he thought it a
good opportunity to hunt out the devisers of the articles of the
spirituality, which the divines at Pontefract had drawn up and
submitted to him at Doncaster. About this matter he thought that

1 L. and P. xn (1), 506. 2 Ibid. 699. 3 Ibid. 303.

D. ii. 9

130 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Dr Dakyn, William Bowyer the alderman of York, and Friar Pickering
could disclose most, and he sent them up to London. Dakyn had
written out the articles for the council of divines, and he could tell
" what sort the Archbishop was of," but Kobert Bowes and other
gentlemen bore witness that Dakyn had stood firmly to the King's
part in the first insurrection, and had endangered his life in consequence
of his loyalty. Bowyer could tell much if he chose, for he had been in
Lord Darcy's favour and was " as naughty a knave as any." Norfolk
advised Cromwell that Pickering should be gently handled and given
fair words. He would be able to give information about the prior
of Bridlington and Sir Robert Constable, who was a close friend of
the prior. By this means Cromwell ought to be able to discover
any offences of Darcy or Constable since the pardon1.

Norfolk had taken Aske with him when he rode north, though he
regarded him with less suspicion than scorn. It must have been
a terrible journey for Aske. Did he at last abandon all belief in
Henry's faith ? Or did he still hope that a northern parliament would
be called and that it might carry the King and the nobles along with
it in a violent reaction ? Whatever the thoughts of his heart, with
Norfolk he assumed confidence. " The man is marvellous glorious,
often time boasting to me that he hath such sure espial that nothing
can be done nor imagined against the King's Highness, but he will
shortly give me warning thereof," wrote the Duke scoffingly. He did
not believe a word of this; fear in his mind was the instrument
of power, never love. Aske might boast of his influence over the
commons, but the gentlemen were never tired of telling Norfolk how
much they hated him and that he was the only cause and head of the
insurrection, the most guilty of all : —

" I have by policy brought him to desire me to give him licence to ride
to London, and have promised to write a letter to your Lordship for him ; which
letter I pray you take of like sort as ye did the other I wrote for Sir Thomas
Percy. If neither of them both come never in this country again I think neither
true nor honest men would be sorry thereof, nor in likewise for my lord Darcy nor
Sir Robert Constable. Hemlock is no worse in a good salad than I think the
remaining of any of them in these parts should be ill to the common wealth."

Norfolk believed that the articles were Aske's work and that Sir
Robert Constable and Lord Darcy were the most earnest maintainers
of them. For both these men Aske had a great love, and the King
would do well to give him secret interviews, " and wade with him with
fair words, as though he had great trust in him. This would make

1 L. and P. XH (1), 698.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 131

him cough out as much as he knows concerning " them. Nevertheless
the Duke could not find the slightest sign that they had stirred
sedition since the pardon ; on the contrary they did their best to
prevent and put down Bigod's rising1. Norfolk caused Aske to
draw up several written statements concerning the rising. One was
a list of the spoils in which he had shared, though he had never
plundered anyone himself2. Another concerned his correspondence
with his brother Christopher, the articles of the clergy, his intercourse
with the Earl of Northumberland, and his promise to Levening8. The
third was about the taking of Pontefract4. On 24 March Aske left York
for London, with Norfolk's letter of recommendation to Cromwell
and another to the King, which Cromwell was to see " weighed
accordingly."5

On the same day the Duke was at York sitting in justice on
those who had been concerned in Bigod's rising. It may be presumed
that some were condemned, but this is not certain, and two at least
were acquitted on the ground that they had been dragged into the
business against their wills. One of these was called Lutton ; the
other was William Levening of Acklam, the gentleman who had
appealed to Aske, Darcy and Constable to help him6. Norfolk saw
at once that there would be trouble about this acquittal. It was
difficult to find anything incriminating against the leaders of the
Pilgrimage since the pardon ; it could be proved, not only by
Levening's confession but by Aske's own statement that they had
promised to help Levening. If he was a traitor, the three leaders
were guilty of misprision of treason and there was a sufficient case
for the crown. It is true that they had not in fact concealed the
matter, for Aske had reported it to the Duke, but such a fine
point could easily be overlooked in the sweeping measures of Tudor
justice7. Levening's acquittal was therefore very inconvenient, and the
King demanded the names of the offending jurors. Norfolk replied
that he would find them out ; he advised the King not to summon
them to London or it would be said " that men should be compelled
to pass otherwise than their conscience should lead them."8 No
doubt he was thinking of the scandal and indignation which Wycliffs
case had caused9. If the King would let Norfolk come himself, he
would bring with him "the greatest stickers in the King's part to

1 L. and P. xn (1), 698 (1). 2 Ibid. 698 (2).

8 Ibid. 698 (3). * Ibid. 852 ; see note D at end of chapter.
5 L. and P. xu (1), 698, 710, 712. • Ibid. 730-1.

7 Ibid. 847 (12) ; 698 (3). 8 Ibid. 777.

9 See above, chap. HI.

9—2

132 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

have the indictments pass," who would explain the matter. " Some
that were acquit was not without good grounds," and if Lutton
had been condemned the Duke would have reprieved him. Sir
Ralph Ellerker, who was the only witness against him, said that if
he had been on the jury " he would not for all his lands have cast
him."1

The Council sent in reply strict orders that the Levening affair
should be "boulted out." The King thought Levening's treason
manifest; therefore the jurors must be examined2. As to this
intimidating others, as long as the King gained by that, he seems to
have cared little what justice lost. Norfolk, who was very busy,
delayed to send the names8, and probably contrived never to show a
full list, for he saw clearly that the north was not yet ready for a full
revelation of the King's methods ; but Thomas Delariver, one of the
gentlemen on the jury, went up to the King. He had not been
named by the sheriff, but Norfolk trusted him and Sir Henry
Gascoigne so much that he put them on the jury in spite of this,
and they were the principal " stickers " on the King's behalf4. In a
deposition which he made concerning Levening's trial he displayed
the secret deliberations of the jurors and the inside of the case.
Sir Ralph Ellerker was the chief witness against Levening;
Delariver, Sir Henry Gascoigne, Thwaites of Maston and two other
jurors thought that his evidence was enough, and were ready to find
the prisoner guilty of death. John Donnyngton, Henry Rasshall,
Wentworth and four more held the contrary. Some of them were
Levening's neighbours, and they believed that the evidence was given
maliciously, because the King had granted Ellerker some of Levening's
lands. Delariver urged that it was impossible the King should have
disposed of a man's lands before he was attainted, and pressed them to
give a verdict of guilty. They debated the point from 9 o'clock
on Friday morning until Saturday night. The majority said that if
Levening was guilty, so were all Bigod's company, and yet Lutton
had been acquitted. The others replied that Lutton was less guilty
than Levening, for he had gone with Bigod against his will, and had
substantiated his plea by flying to the Ellerkers. Finally Delariver
declared that an acquittal would be " the destruction of us all."
Between 12 and 1 o'clock on Saturday an usher came from the
Duke to ask if they had yet agreed on their verdict. The majority

1 L. and P. xn (1), 777, 1172.

* Ibid. 864 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. Hardwicke), i, p. 46.

* L. and P. xn (1), 916. < Ibid. 942.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 133

answered that they had, and the rest, for very weariness, let silence
assent. The Duke of Norfolk came to the Castle, and just as they
were going before him Delariver heard Rasshall say to Thwaites that
old Sir Marmaduke Constable would rather lose a hundred pounds
than that Levening should be condemned. On hearing this Delariver
exclaimed that he would die rather than find Levening not guilty : —

" The Duke then rose up and went to his lodging, appointing his men Scarlit
and Brigham to keep the jury more straitly ; who took away from them all that
might keep them warm. At night the Duke sent Leonard Beckwith and
Mansfield to them and they fell all to prayer and rose up and agreed to acquit
Levening; for some of them would not have agreed to the contrary to have died
in the cause."1

The jury may have escaped the King's anger ; at least no record
of their punishment remains.

Norfolk had further trouble in the matter of sending prisoners up
to London. Cromwell had sent for sixteen, and later the King added
five more. The Duke explained that he would have to send a guard
of at least thirty horsemen with them, and he could not spare so
many before his second visit to Durham and Newcastle2. By way of
economising escorts, he suggested that letters under the privy seal
might be sent to summon some of the intended prisoners to court ;
this would be quite safe in the cases of Sir Stephen Hamerton,
Nicholas Tempest and the Prior of Bridlington, who were in no fear
of arrest3. Norfolk was surprised that Gregory Conyers was named
among the proposed arrests ; no man had done better service than he
at the taking of Bigod, and it would be a mistake to send him up in
custody " unless there be pregnant matter against him."4 Conyers
was probably sent for on the accusation of Sir Francis Bigod. The
Bang was quite willing that as many as could be trusted should
come up to London as free men6. Sir Thomas Tempest was to have
charge of the prisoners, among whom was Sir John Bulmer6.

Norfolk was at Newborough during the first days of April7. He
rode thence to Newcastle-upon-Tyne about Border affairs, and was
at Durham on the llth8. There he received letters from the King,
dated the 8th, which contained the news that Lord Darcy, Sir
Robert Constable and Robert Aske had been arrested, and ordered
Norfolk to take inventories of their goods, and seize all their rents
and evidences, " so that they may be forthcoming to our use if" the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 731. 2 Ibid. 809.

8 Ibid. 777. * Ibid. 810.

5 Ibid. 864 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. Hardwicke), i, 46.

« L. and P. xn (1), 917-8. 7 Ibid. 810. 8 Ibid. 902, 916.

134 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

prisoners " shall not be purged of the treasons whereof they be now
accused." In a postscript the King added that this was an additional
reason for prolonging Norfolk's stay in the north, as, in his own
elliptical phrase, " Lord Darcy, Sir Robert Constable and Robert
Aske...we doubt not will by their confessions detect such matter
touching those parts as we would trust no man there so well with the
execution of as yourself."1

On 12 April Norfolk was busy with the trials of the prisoners

whom he had been obliged to leave alive at Durham on his first

visit. The Earl of Westmorland had arrested thirteen men for some

unidentified disturbance, perhaps for " ungoodly handling " Lancaster

Herald, or for threatening to hang Westmorland's bailiff. One of

these prisoners had escaped or had been acquitted. Norfolk had

picked up two prisoners in Cumberland, John Follansby, gentleman,

and Henry Brasse ; their offences are never mentioned. Another

prisoner, Michael Swayne, appeared in the interval between the first

and the second assize2. The Sheriff of Yorkshire sent Hutton of

Snaith to Durham by Norfolk's command, as no sufficient matter could

be found against him in his own county ; " nor would have been here,"

wrote Norfolk, " unless great diligence and circumspection had been

used." Of these sixteen prisoners there was " not one acquit," as the

Duke triumphantly noted, and they were hanged in chains near their

homes. Norfolk boasted to the King that people were in such fear

that no one now alive was likely to see another insurrection. The

King's visit to the north would establish its loyalty for ever. He

need not stay for more than six or eight days, and there would be no

lack of food " after the fashion of the country " nor of forage, if he did

not come until late in July. Many full-grown people had never seen

the King, and the King of Scots, "your scant kind nephew," was

shortly to return "into his proud populous realm." Those who

thought that the King could not come in safety without a very large

company had only to see the state of the country to be undeceived3.

After finishing the assizes at Durham by attending to the restitution

of spoils, Norfolk went to Sheriffhutton and took up his abode in

the King's castle there4. He was very much occupied with Border

affairs, which will be dealt with later, but he did not forget the King's

order to seize the goods of the Pilgrimage leaders8.

On 24 April William Blytheman wrote to Dr Legh from York.
He confirmed Norfolk's account of the peaceful state of the country.

1 L. and P. xii (1), 863. 2 Ibid. 478 (ii), 918. » Ibid. 918.

^ Ibid. 942. 5 Ibid. 991.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 135

Every malefactor was afraid ; the spirit of the people had changed
much since the insurrection. Complaints were no longer heard
against the visitation of the monasteries : " I dare well say there
is no religious man that will avouch any grief for that matter."
By midsummer another visitation might be instituted without any
danger of opposition. The gentlemen whom Norfolk was sending as
prisoners to London in the charge of Sir Thomas Tempest and Robert
Bowes had just passed through York1.

On Monday 7 May Norfolk received letters from the King and
Cromwell2 accompanied by the indictments charging Lord Darcy,
Robert Aske, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Francis
Bigod, Sir John Bulmer and Margaret his wife, Sir Stephen Hamerton,
George Lumley, Ralph Bulmer, Nicholas Tempest, James Cockerell,
quondam prior of Guisborough, William Wood, Prior of Bridlington,
Adam Sedbar, Abbot of Jervaux, and William Thirsk, quondam abbot
of Fountains, with treason and conspiracy against the King8. According
to the usual procedure, these indictments must be found a true bill
by a Yorkshire jury before the offenders could be tried in London.
At first Norfolk was puzzled by the fact that there were two
indictments exactly the same, but after consulting his council, he
concluded that he was intended " to have two divers inquests ; which,
if ye do so I think ye do well, for they being so kept that one of them
shall not know what an other doth, shall make them the more quick to
find the matter." This was a method of guiding the hands of justice
which entirely recommended itself to the Duke's ingenious mind. So
many gentlemen from all parts of the shire were with him on their
own business that he was able to hold the assize at once, and he
expected " to have the greatest appearance that was seen at York of
many years, on Tuesday at night and Wednesday in the morning."
He was careful to provide for as many juries as might be needed—
" we shall lack no number, if I should have four inquests.... My good
lord, I will not spare to put the best friends these men have upon one of
the inquests, to prove their affections whether they will rather serve
his majesty truly and frankly in this matter, or else to favour their
friends. And if they will not find then they may have thanks according
to their cankered hearts. And, as for the other inquest, I will appoint
such that I shall no more doubt than of myself." Everything was
being done in the greatest haste ; Cromwell need not doubt that the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1025. 2 jbid. 1156.

3 Ibid. 1207 ; printed in full, Deputy Keeper's Eeport, in, Append, n, p. 247. The
Yorkshire indictment is printed by De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, Append. LV.

136 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

matter would be found " according to the King's pleasure," and the
result would be in his hands by Friday night1.

Accordingly on Wednesday 9 May the Duke was at York amidst
the fullest assembly of gentlemen that had been seen there for forty
years ; no one who was still able to sit his horse was missing. Norfolk
selected his two juries, one of twenty-one and the other of twenty men.
The first was composed chiefly of kinsmen of the Pilgrimage leaders.
Sir Christopher Danby, " cousin german removed to the lord Darcy "
was the foreman ; Sir Edward Gower and Sir Roger Chambley,
Constable's sons-in-law, five more gentlemen related or allied to
Darcy, and John Aske, Robert's brother, were all on the " quest," and
their kinship to the accused was carefully noted by Norfolk himself.

As to the other jury, the foreman was Sir James Strangways, and
it included Darcy 's enemy Sir Henry Saville, Thomas Delariver who
distinguished himself at Levening's trial, Nicholas Rudston who had
been as deep as any man in the first rising and later turned King's
evidence, and Gregory Conyers, who ran Bigod down. It will be
observed that Rudston was one of the principal witnesses for the
prosecution in Constable's case, yet he sat on the grand jury. All the
others were men whom Norfolk could trust, though two or three were
related to Bigod or the Bulmers2.

The position must have been clear to everyone present. If the
first jury dared to differ from the second, who were certain to find the
prisoners guilty, their decision would be declared a traitorous favouring
of their kinsmen and another jury would be called from among the
j " __gentlemen whom Norfolk had in readiness. The jurors might com-
promise themselves, while they could not save their friends. It seems
almost incredible that such a thing should have been done in England.
It is true that juries were easily bribed or intimidated, and Levening's
case shows how much family politics had to do with a gentleman's
sense of justice, but WyclifFs case and Sir Thomas More's charming
story of the juror who would not agree with the rest for the sake
of good company indicate that men were not devoid of conscience
then any more than they are now, and that there was a standard
of true justice, however much below it the actual practice might
fall. It must have attracted notice that so many kinsmen of the
accused were on one jury ; but Darcy and Constable between them
were related to most of the gentry of the north, and the selection
might almost have happened by chance, if Norfolk's letter did not

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1156; printed in full, Eaine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees
Soc.) i, Append, p. clxi. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 1172.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 137

prove that it was purposely done. John Aske's appointment was
a different matter. In the days when even distant relationship was a
binding tie, it must have appeared still more monstrous than it does
now that one brother should be forced to pass sentence on another.
John was probably too weak and too much frightened to protest, but
why did Norfolk venture upon such an outrage ? He had warned the
King against the scandal that would follow any public punishment of
the jury which had acquitted Levening. Yet little more than a
month later he did not hesitate to commit this far greater abuse of
power. It is hard for us to-day to imagine an adequate motive for
such an action. No doubt Norfolk wished to be able to say " The
prisoners must have been guilty : their own friends convicted them" ; ~J
and he seems to have been moved partly by vanity, wishing to show
the King and Cromwell that he could do anything with the northern
gentlemen. He boasted that if he had known them before as he did
now Levening would not still be alive1.

The juries were sworn, the Duke addressed them, and they retired
separately. Shortly they returned and found the indictments " billa
vera." The fate of the Pilgrims was soon decided, for if the chance of
acquittal by their own friends was small, with a London jury it would
be smaller still.

The business of the court was not yet done. After the indictments
of the Pilgrims the case was taken of two Carthusian monks who
denied the King's supremacy. These were John Rochester and James
Whalworth of the London Charterhouse, who had been sent to the
Charterhouse at Hull. Rochester had written to Norfolk in March,
offering to explain before the Duke and his council how much the
King was deceived by those who persuaded him to assume the title
of Supreme Head of the Church of England ; he begged Norfolk
to help him to the King's presence, for he would rather die than
hide the truth2. Norfolk forwarded the letter to Cromwell, remarking
rather peevishly that the monk should never have been sent north, as
he had always expressed his opinions openly, and that he certainly
ought to be "justified " in the south3. Norfolk, however, was obliged
to see to both of them himself. They might have recanted at their
trial, but they both stood firm. " Two more wilful religious men in
manner unlearned I think never suffered," wrote Norfolk. They were
condemned to be executed on Friday 11 May4.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1172; see note F at end of chapter.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 778. s Ibid. 777.
* Ibid. 1172.

138 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

The indictments were despatched to London, where they were
received in plenty of time for the trials, which began on Tuesday
15 May 1537.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVIII

Note A. Staveley's dates are entirely incomprehensible. We have done our
best to construct a reasonable chronology from the facts.

Note B. It is not clear from the accounts whether Sir Christopher Dacre
came up and attacked the commons in the rear, or whether he was already
in the town. Wilfred Holme says that five hundred horse " came forth " from
the city ; as he does not give the names of the leaders, he may have been thinking
of Thomas Clifford's troop, which certainly came out of the castle. On the
whole it seems most probable that Dacre was not in Carlisle but came upon the
rebels while riding to the relief of the town.

Note C. The problem of the fate of Holm Cultram Abbey is rather curious.
Abbot Carter had undoubtedly taken part in the second insurrection. Yet he
was never attainted, for on the attainder of an abbot the King seized the abbey,
as in the cases of Whalley and Barlings, but Holm Cultram was surrendered by
the Abbot and monks on 6 March 1 537-8 J. The Abbot who conducted this
surrender was Gawen Borrodale, a monk of the house who had been accused of
poisoning a former abbot, Abbot Ireby2. Borrodale had been appointed before
23 January 1 537-8 3. It is possible that Abbot Carter escaped attainder by a
natural death. Gasquet suggests this, but confuses Carter with his predecessor,
Ireby4.

Note D. The third of Aske's papers is entered separately in the Letters and
Papers, but it was obviously written before his imprisonment, and should probably
be placed with the other two.

Note E. On 13 May 1537 the King desired the Duke of Norfolk to go in
person to suppress the Priory of Bridlington and the Abbey of Jervaux5, as the
Duke had offered to perform the work, if it was the King's pleasure, in a letter of
10 May: — "I think I should be at the suppressing because the neighbouring
country is populous and the houses greatly beloved by the people, and also well
stored with cattle and other things that will not come all to light so well if
I be absent." He suggested that he should take with him Mr Magnus, Sir
George Lawson, Leonard Beckwith, Blytheman and his own two servants Uvedale
and Rous, to survey the lands. He remarked frankly, " these men look for none
of the farms, and therefore will see to your profit."

Jervaux was " well covered with lead," and as to Bridlington, Norfolk went
into raptures over the roofs there. " It has a barn all covered with lead, the

i V. C. H. Cumberland, n, p. 171. * Ibid. p. 170.

3 Ibid. p. 171.

4 Gasquet, op. cit. n, chap, v; cf. V. C. H. Cumberland, 11, p. 170.
c L, and P. xn (1), 1192.

xvm] The Duke of Norfolk's Mission 139

largest, widest, and deepest roofed that ever I saw." Altogether there must be
at least three or four thousand pounds' worth of lead, and that so near the
sea that it could be easily taken away1. Norfolk was at Bridlington from 16 to
18 May. Inventories were made of all the goods and the best part were sent to
Sheriffhutton. The priory church of Bridlington was also the parish church
for 1500 " houseling people " [communicants] ; Norfolk suggested that part of
the land might be granted to the parishioners, to keep up the church and the
shrine of St John, and to repair the harbour, which was a dangerous place2.

Even in the matter of the monasteries, Norfolk was not entirely trusted.
Cromwell wrote that commissioners would be sent down from court to survey the
lands, estimate the value of the lead, and so forth. If £20 would repair the haven,
it might be done. The King did not intend to make grants of the land till
Michaelmas, when he would put in substantial men to comfort the tenants
and stay the country. As to the shrine, it was to be taken down, in order that
the people might not be seduced into offering money there ; all the jewels and
plate were to be sent direct to London, except such as Norfolk chose to buy. The
cattle and corn might be sold at once3. These orders were executed before 5 June,
when Tristram Teshe carried to London the tenths and two chests full of the
gold and jewels taken from the Bridlington shrine. Among them were three
"wrought tablets" of which Norfolk wrote to the King "if I durst... be a thief
I would have stolen them to have sent them to the Queen's Grace, but now your
Highness having them may give them unto her without offence." There was
also " a proper thing of radix Jesse to be set upon an altar." There remained
the silver plate ; Norfolk said contemptuously that it was very old and had better
be broken up4, and no doubt it was destroyed according to his advice. The
church itself is said to have been demolished5.

Jervaux was disposed of in as short a time ; the monks had been dispossessed
by Norfolk before 31 May, and Sir George Lawson, Robert Bowes, Blytheman
and others were left in charge. The abbey church was covered with lead, half
of which belonged to the parishioners. Norfolk made a choice selection from the
spoils, including a ring, a silver cross and censers. Beckwith, who carried letters
to London, was charged to give the King "this stone called the best stone."
" Item, after this manner all men will be desirous to see dissolution."6 It is
a matter for conjecture whether the defrauded parishioners were so well satisfied,
or whether they received their own part of the lead and preferred that to their
parish church. Sir Arthur Darcy, in a letter to Cromwell of 8 June, commended
Jervaux as " one of the fairest churches I have seen, fair meadows and the river
running by it and a great demesne." He thought that Jervaux would be a
better place for the King's stud of mares than Thornbury7. If this arrangement
would have saved the abbey it is a pity it was not carried out.

When Richard Pollard surveyed Bridlington in June, it is satisfactory to
learn that he found most of the movables had been stolen by the poor folk
of the neighbourhood8.

i L. and P. xn (1), 1172. 2 Ibid. 1307.

3 Ibid. 1257. * L. and P. xn (2), 34.

5 Gasquet, op. cit. n, chap. v. « L. and P. xii (1), 1307 (2).

' L. and P. xii (2), 59; printed in full, Wright, Three Chapters of Letters relating
to the Suppression of the Monasteries (Camden Soc.), p. 158.
8 L. and P. xii (2), 92.

140 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xvm

Note F. It has been suggested to us that if we are neither satisfied with the
jury of enemies nor with the jury of friends, it is because whatever the govern-
ment did is wrong in our eyes. The third possibility, a jury of indifferent men,
does not seem to have occurred to our critic. Norfolk had all the gentlemen of
the north to choose from ; and if it be urged that indifferent men would be
difficult to find at such a time of political excitement, still he could easily have
avoided the Pilgrims' near relatives, and enemies who had actually given
evidence against them on the charge that was being tried. (For Rudston's
evidence against Constable see L. and P. xn (1), 1130; for Saville's evidence
against Darcy see L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497).) It is true that to appoint an
indifferent jury is a counsel of perfection which in similar circumstances would
very likely not be followed in our own age. If Norfolk had merely named two
juries of loyalists, we should not have called it justice, but it would have been so
natural and indeed inevitable as to merit no special comment. It appears to us
that Norfolk's actual proceedings, as set forth in his own letters, were very far
from natural, and were deliberately calculated to give the greatest possible pain
both to the accused and to those jurors who were forced either to condemn their
relatives or to show " their cankered hearts" to a jealous government. And we
believe that "outrage" would not be considered too strong a word for his
conduct by most honest men either in that age or our own.

CHAPTER XIX

THE KING'S PEACE

The Act for the Suppression of the Monasteries may be compared
to a stone flung into a pool, where its fall causes first a wave, then
circle beyond circle of ripples, each one fainter than the last. After
the wave of revolt had passed, there followed a succession of
conspiracies, none showing any promise of success, and each giving
the King an excuse for further bloodshed.

Lancashire was not included in Norfolk's commission, but dis-
turbances had taken place there which the King was not inclined to
overlook. Towards the end of February 1536-7 he sent down Robert p^J
Ratcliff, Earl of Sussex, as his lieutenant in those parts, jointly with
the Earl of Derby1. In January Sussex had married for a second
time ; the lady was Mary daughter of Sir John Arundel. " Some
are glad of it, and some sorry, for the gentlewoman's sake," wrote
John Husee2.

On 18 February Sussex was preparing to set out for Lancashire*.
The instructions provided for himself and his fellow lieutenant
were similar to Norfolk's. They must administer the oath, first to
the gentlemen, then to the commons. They must seek out the
beginners of the insurrection, and punish all offenders since the
pardon. The monks were to be expelled, their evil lives exposed, and
the article in their favour which had been promised at Doncaster
must be explained away. The Lieutenants were also to reform any
pressing grievances as to enclosures and fines, and to discover the full
strength of Lancashire and Cheshire when mustered4.

Sussex, with Sir Anthony Fitzherbert, reached Warrington on
Monday 26 February. Next day the Earl of Derby and the gentle-
men appointed to form the Lieutenants' council joined them, together
with most of those who were on the commission of oyer and terminer.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 302. 2 Ibid. 86.

3 Ibid. 457. 4 Ibid. 302.

142 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

The meeting was held at the Friary, where the new oath was taken,
and proclamation was made that all complaints would be heard.
Next day the commons took the oath with great good will, and on
Thursday the Lieutenants went on the same business to Manchester,
whence they would proceed to Preston and Lancaster. A refugee
from Carlisle, who was spreading the rumour about a tax on
ploughs, christenings, and burials, was brought before them. They
were anxious to execute him, but were obliged to postpone the matter,
as the offence had been committed in another county1.

Sussex was at Lancaster during the first weeks of March, very
busy with the assizes. His expedition was particularly aimed against
the religious ; he boasted to Cromwell that he was keeping his promise
" for the punishment of such traitorous monks."2 Whalley was the
first house to be attacked. No documents concerning its fall remain,
except some examinations of monks about the sale of the abbey plate*,
but the accusations against the abbot were bound up with the affairs
of Sawley. It has been shown that Sir Arthur Darcy occupied Sawley
and arrested the abbot. He took some depositions against the house,
but these are lost. There was evidence against the abbot without
them ; his supplication had been found among Sir Thomas Percy's
papers, and his servant Shuttleworth had made his confession4.

Shuttleworth was sent up to London and examined there on 23
February, when he told all the details of his mission to Percy5. At
the same time Sir Arthur Darcy arrested the abbot. No doubt this
alarmed the scattered brethren, and Richard Estgate, the abbot's
chaplain6 who had been in his confidence, fled to Whalley Abbey,
where his brother John Estgate was a monk. According to Sanders
the fugitive reached Whalley while the brethren were at supper, and
was sheltered by the monks unknown to the abbot, yet for this offence
alone the abbot of Whalley was hanged7. This story receives some
confirmation from the fact that Richard Estgate, a monk of Sawley,
was hanged at Whalley the day after the abbot's execution, in
company with William Heydock, a monk of Whalley, ten laymen and
some of the canons of Cartmell8.

The indictment of the abbot has not been discovered among the
records of riots, thefts and so forth which were tried at the spring

1 L. and P. xn (1), 520.

2 Ibid. 630; printed in full, Beck, Annales Furnesienses, p. 343.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 621. 4 Ibid. 218, 490.
* Ibid. 491. 6 Ibid. 1034.

7 Sanders, De Origine ao Progressu Schism. Angl., lib. i, p. 129 (ed. 1588).
s L. and P. xn (1), 632.

xix] The King's Peace 143

assizes in Lancaster that year, but it is known that John Paslew,
twenty-fifth and last abbot of Whalley, was convicted of high treason
before the Earls of Sussex and Derby and was executed at Whalley on
10 March 1536-7, " in a field opposite his birth-place."1 Stow says
that John Estgate was executed with the abbot2, but this is a
mistake, as John Estgate went to the monastery of his order at Nethe
on the dispersal of the brethren3. Stow must have confused John
with his brother Richard Estgate, the monk of Sawley. Sussex
believed that the abbot of Whalley 's conviction was brought about by
a special providence, because he had so many friends that it might have
proved difficult ; " it will be a terror to corrupt minds hereafter."4

It is not known when the abbot of Sawley suffered or whether any
of his brethren were with him. He was within Norfolk's not Sussex'
jurisdiction, and the King sent special orders that matter must be
found against him5. There is only one reference to his death. Sir
Stephen Hamerton, examined in the Tower on 25 April 1537, related
that " the abbot [of Sawley] when condemned to die, sent to ask his
forgiveness for having named him in the said letter [the supplication]. . .
this Sir Arthur Darcy can himself show."6 The abbot's " most sinister
back-friend " was with him at the last. In the end of the Coucher
Book of Sawley Abbey are written some latin verses which have been
regarded as a lament for the death of the last abbot. Examination
shows, however, that they cannot be interpreted as referring to him,
for the writing is of too early a character, and is probably not later
than the beginning of the sixteenth century. The verses are, in
fact, a short poem on the Crucifixion, but Whitaker, who printed an
incorrect copy of them, thought they contained an allusion to the
death of the last abbot, and Harland, the historian of the abbey,
accepted Whitaker's conjecture. The version printed by both these
antiquaries is unintelligible ; a new transcript is given below7.

According to some accounts the abbot of Sawley was executed at
Lancaster but this must be a mistake arising from a confusion between
the two abbots of Whalley and Sawley. It is said that the prior of
Sawley was executed with the abbot8. There is no proof of this, but
it is not improbable.

1 Whitaker, Whalley and the Honour of Clitheroe, i, 108-9 (ed. Nichols and Lyons).

2 Stow, Chronicle, ann. 1537.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 706, 896; 706 printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 541.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 630 ; printed in full, Beck, op. cit., p. 343.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 666. 6 Ibid. 1034.

7 Harleian MS. no. 112, B.M.; see note A at end of chapter.

8 Harland, The Monastery of Salley, p. 48.

144 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

However many Sussex executed, there were still some who escaped
him. These included the sub-prior and two brethren of Cartmell,
Captain Atkinson, the bailiffs of Dent, Milnthorpe and Kendal, and
four or five more1. Atkinson and the bailiff of Kendal, however, were
afterwards captured by Norfolk. Atkinson was betrayed by " his own
sister's son."2

Sussex wrote to Norfolk that Sir Richard Tempest " was neither
good first nor last " ; his brother Nicholas and his servants were the
first men who stirred Lancashire. As for the present state of the
country, "as long as the world standeth this will be a dreadful
example " ; the commons were sorrowful for their offences and meekly
made submission3.

In a letter to the King written on 11 March 1536-7, but now lost,
Sussex told the story of an old man, who, on being condemned as
a traitor, made lamentation at the bar, crying out that he had thrice
served the King against the Scots. The Lieutenants, whether from
pity or policy, respited him and referred the matter to their master.
Henry replied that he took their action in good part, but none was
more worthy to suffer than a man who had so often taken the King's
wages. In this letter, dated 17 March, the King heartily thanked the
Earls for their diligence in redressing the grievances of true subjects
and in punishing corrupt ones. He was especially pleased with their
seizure of the goods of Whalley Abbey, and the execution of the
abbot. As the house had been so evil, he thought it would be better
in his own hands ; the crown was entitled to it, as he explained, by
the attainder of the abbot. The Earls were to persuade the monks
to enter other houses, as they would be safer there than wandering
about the country. If some would not consent to this, they might be
given capacities. Above all the Earls must take care that the abbey
goods were not embezzled4.

On 21 March 1536-7 Sussex wrote to Cromwell from Preston. He
had been very busy with the assize work, but expected to have finished
it in five or six days. He needed the King's letters for bestowing
the monks of Whalley ; after that was arranged, there would be no
longer any need of his presence in Lancashire. He did not believe
horse meat and man's meat could be so hard to get in any other
shire in England. He would leave the people in very good obedience,
but he thought the monks of Furness had been concerned in the
insurrection. Cromwell had asked for Richard Estgate's confession,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 632. a Ibid. 825, 863 (3).

3 Ibid. 632. 4 Ibid. 668 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 540.

xix] The King's Peace 145

but neither before nor after his condemnation could the Earl bring
him to accuse anyone, save that he once said Nicholas Tempest was a
great favourer of the house of Sawley1. Henry's nobles always hated
being sent to the north, which they naturally regarded as " the last
place God made," in a phrase of the time. Sussex did his best to
earn a speedy recall and a sunny welcome to court, and the monks
suffered in consequence.

Furness was the next house to which the Earl turned his attention.
On 14 March 1536-7 Alexander Richardson, the bailiff of Dalton,
deposed what he knew against the monks. His evidence as to the
first rebellion was all hearsay; he was told that their tenants had
been summoned to come out with horse and harness, that the abbot
had " taken a way to be sure both of King and commons," and that
money had been sent to the rebel host. About a fortnight before he
made his deposition a friar told him that one of the monks named
Henry Sawley had said, " there should be no lay knave head of
the Church." Meeting the same friar on 13 March, just after the
execution of the abbot and monks of Whalley, the bailiff asked what
was likely to happen to Dan Henry Sawley " now at my lords' being
here ? " The friar answered, " Nothing, I will say nothing."2 This
friar was Robert Legate, who had been "put into that monastery
of Furness to read and preach to the brethren," and also, probably, to
act as one of Cromwell's spies3. Sussex received orders from the
King to " search out the whole truth " about the disloyalty of the
Furness monks and to imprison them till further orders were sent.
The King enclosed letters for the brethren of Whalley to go to other
houses, but those who wished to go to Jervaux must choose another
place, as that abbey was likely to be suppressed for the same offence
as their own. Those who had chosen capacities might be given
" bedding, chamber stuff and some money." Richard Estgate must
be sent to London, for Sir Arthur Darcy knew such matter against
him as might lead him to confess4 ; but the monk was already hanged.
The affairs of Whalley were soon despatched, and an inventory of
the plate and goods was taken on 24 March5. The prior, a man of
eighty, who had been fifty years a monk, begged that he might be
appointed to the parish church; Sussex thought this would be
charitable, and the prior was not likely to live long6.

1 L. and P. xii (1), 695 ; printed in full, Beck, op. cit. p. 344.
a L. and P. xn (1), 652. 3 Ibid. 841-2.

4 Ibid. 706 j printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 541.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 716.

6 Ibid. 840; printed in full, Beck, op. cit. p. 347.

D. II. 10

146 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

Sussex attended to this suppression, while Derby was still at
Preston sitting in justice. The Abbot of Furness was ordered to
attend at Whalley, and beheld the ruin that was soon to overtake his
own house. The commissioners made every effort, but they could find
only two out of his thirty-three brethren who had offended since the
pardon. A good deal of evidence was produced by Robert Legate, the
vicar of Dalton, and the abbot himself. The monks had repeated
prophecies which were supposed to foretell the King's death1. They
had favoured the Pilgrims and one of them had spoken against the
supremacy since the pardon. Dan Henry Sawley, who used to speak
slanderously against the King when overcome with ale, was committed
to Lancaster Castle, with another of the monks. Robert Legate did
not say " nothing," but accused him of traitorous words, and related
that when he, Legate, preached a sermon commending the King's just
laws, Sawley said " it was a marvel that God did not take vengeance
of us both, of him for his preaching and of us for hearing him."
Legate accused the abbot of ordering the monks to make no com-
plaints to the King's commissioners ; another charge was that he
concealed Sawley 's traitorous words about the " lay knave " who was
head of the Church3.

The abbot had boasted that he had made himself safe both with
King and commons ; but now he was in the gravest peril, while
a brother abbot was not a fortnight dead. He must have gone
to Whalley full of the darkest fears and eager to clutch at any chance
of escape. Those who had anything to give and were weak enough to
give it could often buy a pardon from the King. The abbot was
again examined before Sussex, more straitly than ever. Still nothing
could be found that would " serve the purpose," and the Earl wrote to
the King quite frankly that, one way failing, he sought out another
to dispose of the monks, that the abbey " might be at your gracious
pleasure." Sussex suggested to the abbot that he might surrender the
house of his own free will. The abbot was " very facile," and wrote
out a form of surrender immediately in the presence of Sussex and
his council3. He said that with their aid the brethren might be
brought to ratify it under the convent seal. Three knights were
sent off to take charge of the house, and to see that nothing was
embezzled. Sussex proposed to follow them shortly4. Henry was
entirely satisfied with this prudent conduct of the affairs of Furness ;

1 See above, chap. iv.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 841-2 ; 841 (4) printed in full, Beck, op. cit. p. 342.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 832; facsimile in Beck, op. cit. pp. 346-7.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 840 ; printed in full, Beck, op. cit. p. 347.

xix]- The King's Peace 147

he ordered inventories to be taken of the goods and jewels of the
house, and arrangements to be made for the confiscation of the lands.
The monks were to be dealt with as in the case of Whalley ; the
Earl might allow them apparel and " other things as be of no great
value," considering the King's profit, " and yet rid the said monks
in such honest sort as all parties shall be therewith contented."1 So
anxious were Sussex and his council to make no blunders about the
King's claim that no less than three forms of surrender were drawn up2.
The final suppression of Furness Abbey did not take place until July3.

Besides the trial of offenders and the suppression of monasteries,
Sussex had a third duty to perform, the collection of evidence against
the leaders of the Pilgrimage. A clue was provided when a copy
of Norfolk's letter to Darcy about the second meeting at Doncaster4
was discovered in the chamber of Randolph Lynney, the vicar of
Blackburn3. Lynney was imprisoned in Lancaster Castle. While
Sussex was at Whalley he sent for the vicar and examined him as to
how he obtained the letter. This examination is lost, but there
is one still extant which was taken at the same time. This second
prisoner was William Talbot, one of Darcy 's servants6. Before the
second appointment at Doncaster Talbot had been sent from Temple-
hurst into Lancashire with letters to the Abbot of Whalley. Among
them he brought the copy of Norfolk's letter, which had been given
to him by one of Aske's servants. It must have been sent as definite
proof that Norfolk had consented to a meeting, and the vicar of
Blackburn must have received it from the abbot.

Talbot was a Lancashire man, and had Darcy 's orders to raise the
country, but not, probably, unless the negotiations fell through. The
vicar of Blackburn was ready to help him, and said that if the commons
rose again " he would bear the cross afore them and said God speed
them well in their journey," but, receiving no further orders, Talbot
remained quietly in Lancashire until Sussex sought him out. He
recalled a number of anecdotes and sayings of Darcy 's, but they
all related to the period covered by the pardon, as Talbot had never
seen his master since the second appointment. Nevertheless they
are endorsed " Talbot 's Confession against Lord Darcy, traitor."7
On 8 April 1537 Sussex sent to Cromwell this document and the

1 L. and P. xii (1), 896.

2 Ibid. 832, 880, 903 ; the two first in full, Beck, op. cit. pp. 346, 350.
8 L. and P. xii (2), 205-6; printed in full, Beck, op. cit. p. 356.

4 L. and P. xi, 1014, 1065.

5 L. and P. xii (1), 706; printed in full, State Papers, i, 541.

e L. and P. xii (1), 878. * Ibid. 853>

10—2

148 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

vicar of Blackburn's lost confession1, together with the depositions of
the monks of Whalley about the sale of plate3, some evidence against
William Colyns bailiff of Kendal8, and Dr Dakyn's letter to the Prior
of Cartmell4. Information was also required against the Tempests5,
whom Sussex believed to be very blameworthy.

The King was delighted with all this evidence, and particularly
with Dakyn's letter, by which another monastery might be brought
into his hands. Sussex received gracious permission to return to
court when the affairs of Furness were settled, and the King promised
that the abbey lands should not be bestowed without the Earl's
advice6. Sussex set out for London about 18 April. Sir Anthony
Fitzherbert, his companion, sent Cromwell a eulogistic account of
the wisdom and diligence by which he had brought Lancashire into
perfect obedience7.

At the same time as the Lancashire assizes the prisoners at
Lincoln were being tried and put to death. The insurgents there
may have shown weakness at the crisis of their attempt, but the
expiation of their failure was very terrible. The swift execution
that the King had designed for them would have been more merciful
than the long winter of captivity during which their fortune swung
between life and death. In order to understand the circumstances
it is necessary to go back to 12 October 1536, when Suffolk sent
up to the King the names of the gentlemen who had surrendered
themselves at his camp. They were all the principal commissioners
who had been taken by the commons, Tyrwhit, Skipwith, the
Dymmokes and the rest8.

The King's lieutenants, the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of
Shrewsbury, were anxious to treat the matter as an ordinary riot.
A certain number of the commons might be executed, and the whole
affair forgotten. They both assured the King of the gentlemen's
loyalty9. Henry was not so easily satisfied. The inclination of the
gentlemen to join the rebels was the most dangerous feature of the
situation, and on 15 October he sent orders that they were all to be
examined. Those whose conduct had been suspicious must be sent
up to London ; the rest might be " dismissed with good words," but
they were to remain in Suffolk's custody until the commons had
surrendered their weapons. Hudswell and Cutler must be sent up to

i L. and P. xn (1), 878. 2 Ibid. 621.

3 Ibid. 411. 4 Ibid. 878; see above, chap. xv.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 785. 6 Ibid. 896.

7 Ibid. 970. 8 L. and P. xi, 672.

» Ibid. 673, 728.

xix] The King's Peace 149

London, and the Lieutenant might keep for execution four captains
of Louth, three of Horncastle and two of Caistor as a beginning1.

Suffolk reported that the sheriff, Edward Dymmoke, had already
presented to him " an arrant traitor," who was in ward at Stamford
and would be executed in two or three days2, but this did not satisfy
Henry. He suspected that the gentlemen would persuade Suffolk to
execute out of hand the commons who could bear evidence against
them. He therefore instructed his Lieutenant to be cautious as to
whom he hanged. Also he was not to execute one alone, but to
proceed as instructed at Louth, Horncastle and elsewhere with " as
many of the common traitors as shall seem requisite." No gentlemen
need be executed there. Any who had notably offended must be
sent up to London3. Henry despatched his answer to the Lincoln-
shire petition on 19 October. In it the number of victims necessary
to satisfy the royal vengeance was appointed at a hundred4.

Hitherto the King had felt no serious doubt that he could do
as he liked in Lincolnshire, and he seems to have reproached
Suffolk with slackness, in that not a single execution had yet taken
place. But at this point the effect of the rising in Yorkshire began
to be experienced. Suffolk dared not hang men ; he dared not even
" take them cruelly," or Lincolnshire would join Yorkshire5. Never-
theless he proceeded slowly with the examinations. Cutler, Hudswell,
and Lord Hussey were sent up to London on 18 October8. The
confession of Abbot Mackerell of Barlings was taken on 20 October7,
and numbers of others followed8.

On 22 October it was known at court that two hundred men
of Louth had taken the oath to the King and surrendered fifteen
of their ringleaders, including Nicholas Melton, otherwise Captain
Cobbler9. On the same day Horncastle submitted. Suffolk prepared
books of the examinations to be sent to the King and apologised for
the delay in the executions. " We have so much to do that we cannot
possibly provide for all things," but he promised that the traitors
should receive their full deserts in time10, and sent lists of the
gentlemen who had taken the King's oath and of the rebels whom
he held prisoner11. The King sent back a list of the points on which
the prisoners must be interrogated in order to reveal the complicity

1 L. and P. xn (1), 717. 2 Ibid. 728. * Ibid. 764.

* Ibid. 780 (2) ; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 463.

5 L. and P. xi, 789. 6 Ibid. 772.

7 Ibid. 805. 8 Ibid. 828.

a Ibid. 834 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 471.

10 L. and P. xi, 838. " Ibid. 842 (3), (4).

150 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

of the gentlemen1. Wriothesley was disgusted that they were not to
be sent up to London for examination2, but the King did not wish to
alarm the gentlemen, who might still escape to Yorkshire. George
Hudswell, however, who had already been sent up, was examined3,
and, probably on his accusation, Thomas Moigne was arrested and
sent to London on 26 October. Richard Cromwell informed his uncle
of Moigne's arrest. His letter contains one of those minor mysteries
which cannot be explained. " This night, by my Lord's command
I have, with much business, taken George Wyndessor."4 Perhaps
the business involved the wounding of the captive so severely that
he did not survive ; at any rate his name is never mentioned again,
although Richard Cromwell attached so much importance to his
arrest.

The council at Lincoln still used the gentlemen very gently.
Cromwell's servants looked forward to more rigorous measures6,
when the first appointment at Doncaster stopped the proceedings
altogether. Norfolk's letter, which announced the truce to the Privy
Council, concluded " for God's sake help that his Highness cause not
my lord of Suffolk put any man to death unto my coming."6 The
prisoners were kept in the castle at Lincoln7. Only one man is
known to have been executed8, but it is probable that some others
suffered at this time, just before the first appointment. There
were rumours to that effect9, and it is significant that the names
of Nicholas Melton (Captain Cobbler) and Thomas Foster the
singing-man of Louth never occur after their examination on 21
October. It is not likely that they were spared. The probability is
that they and perhaps others were executed without any record of
their death. The Abbot of Barlings was saved from execution by the
truce10. After the truce the examination of the prisoners continued11.

On 14 November 1536 the King sent a pardon to be proclaimed
in Lincolnshire for all except the prisoners12, of whom there were
at this time about 140 in Lincoln Castle and more in the town13. After
this nothing more is heard of them, except that they were safely
guarded14, until 12 January 1536-7. By that time twelve, including

1 L. and P. xn (1), 843.

2 Ibid. 842 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 490. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 853.
4 Ibid. 880. 6 Ibid. 888.

e Ibid. 909. 7 Ibid. 938 (2).

8 Ibid. 1086. 9 See above, chap. xin.

1° L. and P. xi, 1155 (5) (ii). " Ibid. 967-75.

12 Ibid. 1061, 1224 (2). 13 Ibid. 1155 (5) (ii).

" Ibid. 1267, 1283.

xix] The King's Peace 151

the Abbot of Barlings, had been removed from Lincoln to the Tower,
where they were examined again1.

There was still a party in Lincolnshire eager for a new rising.
Aske was told " that if any power had come [from Yorkshire] into
Lincolnshire before the agreement at Doncaster, the commons of
Lincolnshire would have taken their part."2 There are traces of a
plot for a new rebellion in January 1 536-7 3. The leader of the
project was William Leache, who, though he had been excepted from
the pardon, had never been captured. A man who carried messages
from him was taken and sent to the Duke of Norfolk before 14
February4. Leache's two brothers, Nicholas vicar of Belchford, and
Robert, were among the prisoners, and the long delay, during which
it seemed sometimes that the prisoners would be freed, sometimes
that they must die, could not but produce an attempt in their favour,
but it came to nothing.

On Monday 5 March Sir William Parre arrived at Lincoln to
try the rebels. After him came Sir Walter Luke, Serjeant Hinde,
William Horwood the King's Solicitor, and the gentlemen of the
county who were royal commissioners ; they were all royalists. The
trials were not disgraced by the unnatural proceedings which had
characterised Norfolk's assizes at York".

There were now a hundred prisoners in the charge of the sheriff6,
exactly the number which the King had named7. Yet in November
1536 there had been Over 140. It is unknown what became of the
rest. Perhaps they were discharged ; perhaps they died in the over-
crowded and insanitary prisons ; perhaps some of them were executed,
for it was reported in Yorkshire in February that " they were busily
hanged " in Lincolnshire8.

Thirty-four prisoners were brought to trial on the morning of
Tuesday 6 March 1536-7. In spite of the King's efforts to discover
the guilt of the gentlemen, only one of them appeared among the
prisoners, Thomas Moigne the lawyer, who served as a scape-goat
for the rest. His execution was desirable, from Henry's point of view,
as he was a very able man, but in one way it would have been safer to
select a less capable victim, as he " for three hours held plea with such
subtle allegations, that if Sergeant Hinde and the Solicitor had not
acquitted themselves like true servants to the King and profound

1 L. and P. xn (1), 70. 2 Ibid. 946 (3).

3 Ibid. 420, 490, 491. 4 Ibid. 420.

5 Ibid. 590. 6 Ibid. 591.

7 L. and P. xi, 780 (2) ; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 463.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 1036 (iv).

152 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

learned men, he had troubled and in a manner evict all the rest."1
Moigne's labour, however, was thrown away, as all the prisoners
were condemned2.

The sentence cannot be described as unjust. Not only according
to Tudor laws, but by any law, it is treason to bear arms against the
government, or to give aid to rebels. The prisoner may plead that
he acted from fear, or in the hope that he might acquire sufficient
influence over the rebels to make them alter their intentions, but
if the judge does not choose to listen to the plea, he may be blamed
for harshness but not for injustice. The lives of the Lincolnshire
men were forfeit, for they had made no terms. When they had
weapons in their hands they had not tried to save themselves, and
now they paid the penalty.

Among the condemned were fourteen laymen, including Moigne
and Guy Kyme3, who acted as an intermediary between Yorkshire and
Lincolnshire, six parish priests, including Thomas Yoell a native of
Louth but priest of Sotby, who was aged and blind4, four monks
of Barlings, six monks of Bardney, three monks of Kirkstead and
Richard Harrison the Abbot of Kirkstead. All the monks of Kirk-
stead had been with the host, and the abbot sent money and food,
though he excused himself as he was ill. The monks said in their
defence that the commons had threatened to burn the house if they
did not come, and that the abbot rejoiced when they came back and
thanked God that there had been no business5.

Moigne, Kyme and the abbot were executed at Lincoln on
Wednesday 7 March 1536-7. Moigne suffered the full penalty,
but the other two were only hanged6.

Meanwhile on Tuesday afternoon and Wednesday morning the
other sixty-four prisoners were tried. They were found guilty and
condemned, but apparently it was understood that they were not to
be executed, and the court presented a formal petition that the
King would show them mercy7. They were all laymen8, and among
them may be noticed Robert Horncliff and Anthony Curtis, whose
adventures have already been related9. Curtis was indicted but
not arraigned, " because it is thought he is within the compass of the
pardon and would plead it."10 The other two prisoners who made up

i L. and P. xii (1), 590. 2 Ibid. 581 (ii).

3 See note B at end of chapter. 4 L. and P. xi, 973.

6 Ibid. 828 (viii) (ix) (x).

6 L. and P. xn (1), 590, 591; Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 61.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 590, 591. 8 Ibid. 581 (i).

y See above, chaps, iv and xni. 10 L. and P. xii (1), 591.

xix] The King's Peace 153

the hundred were Roger New of Horncastle, who was in the Tower1,
and Robert Carre of Sleaford, who had been discharged by Cromwell's
orders2. The goods of all the prisoners were forfeited to the King by
their attainder. Sir William Tyrwhit, the new sheriff, petitioned for
the property of Guy Kyme in recompense for his expenses over the
prisoners3.

Those who had been pardoned were set at liberty upon sureties.
The rest of the condemned were executed on Friday 9 March at
Horncastle and on Saturday 10 March at Louth, before all the people
assembled for the market4. The country was then reported to be in
perfect quiet, and Parre proceeded to take inventories of the lands
and goods of Kirkstead and Barlings. A monk had been discovered
at Bardney who had not been tried at the last assize, and Parre wished
to know what was to be done with him5.

The first business of the court at Lincoln of 5 March had been to
find a true bill for high treason against the twelve prisoners in the
Tower, Matthew Mackerell Abbot of Barlings, Thomas Kendall vicar of
Louth6, Thomas Ratford vicar of Snelland7, Robert Southbye8, George
Hudswell9, Roger New10, Bernard Fletcher11, Brian Staines12, Philip
Trotter13, Nicholas Leache14, Robert Leache15, and William Burreby
alias Morland the monk of Louth Park16. The prisoners were brought
up for trial at the Guildhall on Monday 26 March 1537. The charge
was that they

"did on Monday 2 October [1536] 28 Henry VIII at Louth riotously assemble
with others in great numbers, compassing and imagining the death of the King ;
and for that intent held a discourse amongst themselves that they with a great
multitude and power would rule and govern the King against his will and deprive
him of his royal liberty and power, and subvert and annul divers statutes
ordained in the reign of the said King for the common weal and government
of England ; and for such purpose did levy war against the King. And that they
with arms, etc., levied war against the King, and slew divers of the lieges who

I L. and P. xn (1), 70 (vii). 2 ibid. 591.
3 Ibid. 608. 4 Ibid. 639.

5 Ibid. 676, 677, 700.

6 L. and P. xi, 843, 970; xii (1), 19, 69, 70 (1).

7 L. and P. xi, 827 (2), 828 (xi), 971, 975 (fo. 3) ; xn (1), 70 (ii).

8 L. and P. xi, 842 (4), 967 (i); xn (1), 70 (iii).

9 L. and P. xi, 747, 772, 853; xn (1), 70 (vi).

10 L. and P. xi, 827 (ii), 967 (viii); xn (1), 70 (vii).

II L. and P. xi, 842 (4) ; xn (1), 70 (viii).

12 L. and P. xi, 568, 975 (fo. 2) ; xn (1), 70 (ix).

18 L. and P. XT, 828 (2), 842 (4) ; xn (1), 70 (x), A, B.

14 L. and P. xi, 828 (i, 2), 975 (fo. 1) ; xn (1), 70 (xi), C.

15 L. and P. xi, 8-13, 967 (ii), 975 (fo. 1), 1224 (2); xn (1), 70 (xii).
18 L. and P. xr, 975 (fo. 8) ; xii (1), 380, 481.

154 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

refused to fulfil their traitorous intent; and made proclamations, and rang the
common bells and so assembled 4000 persons until Wednesday 4 October, when,
having chosen captains and assembled 6000 persons, they proceeded to Caistor
and compelled Sir Robert Tyrwhit and his fellow justices, then holding sessions
there, to fly, and took certain of the said justices. Further, that the said Leache,
etc., continued in arms, etc., at Louth, Caistor, Legbourne and elsewhere from
that Wednesday until the Thursday following, when they assembled at Towys to
the number of 10,000 persons, and thence on the following Friday, to the number
of 12,000 with banners displayed, went towards Lincoln and continued the same
day in a field at Netlam, called Netlam Field, at war against the King. And
thus the said Leache, etc., compassed and imagined the King's death, etc."1

The prisoners pleaded " not guilty " but were all found guilty and
condemned to death. The sentence was carried out with the usual
barbarities at Tyburn on 29 March 1537, and the bodies were buried
at Pardon Churchyard by the Charterhouse2.

These were all the prisoners from Lincolnshire who are known
to have been executed. There were a few others whose fate is
unknown. William Longbottom was examined in the Tower on 12
January 1536-7, but he was not among those tried at the Guildhall8.
A canon of Barlings was in the Tower on 18 March 1 536-7 4, but he
has no further history, and no directions concerning the monk of
Bardney, about whom Parre wrote, have been preserved.

The most interesting of the sufferers is Matthew Mackerell Bishop
of Chalcedon and Abbot of Barlings. He is described as a man of
remarkable eloquence. In 1524 he preached the funeral sermon of
the old Duke of Norfolk, and so moving was his discourse on death
and the Resurrection that the whole congregation was seized with a
dread that the dead duke was about to rise from his coffin, and all
rushed tumultuously from the church6. It is singular that priestly
eloquence played so small a part in the rebellion. Several of the
laymen could sway multitudes by their speech, but the only two
instances of priests using this their chosen weapon were the " collation "
of Thomas Kendall the vicar of Louth and Archbishop Lee's un-
fortunate sermon at Pontefract. Abbot Mackerell might have been
a powerful ally and his gift must have made him a special object
of dread to the King. According to all the historians before and
including Froude, the Abbot played a distinguished part in the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 734 (3) ; printed in full, Deputy-Keeper's Report, in, Append.
ii, p. 245.

2 Grey Friars' Chron. (Camden Soc.), p. 39.

a L. and P. xn (1), 70 (iv). 4 Ibid. 677.

6 Brenan and Statham, op. cit. i, chap, in; Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton,
A Defensative against the Poison of Supposed Prophecies (1583).

xix] The King's Peace 155

rising, although he was not, as some chroniclers imagined, Captain
Cobbler. Recently, however, it has been pointed out that his activity
was much less than had been supposed. As his is in a sense a test
case, it may be as well to go into it in detail.

The Abbot of Barlings was accused of having had foreknowledge
of the rebellion, because about a month before it broke out he had
sent away much of the plate and ornaments of the monastery to
be hidden in the houses of laymen1. To this charge he replied that
when the King's surveyors were seizing the goods of the lesser
monasteries, it was reported that after Michaelmas they would return
and take those of the greater houses, beginning at Barlings. When
he heard this he called the brethren together and advised them to
make provision for themselves by selling their plate and vestments,
as the government pension was only 40s. a-piece. The monks agreed
and he proceeded to sell the plate2. This was not very honest dealing,
as the possessions of the monastery did not, of course, belong to the
individual monks. On the other hand, neither did they belong to the
King, who had received the lesser monasteries, but not the greater,
by Act of Parliament. It was easy for the monks to persuade
themselves that they had a better right to the valuables than the
King. Nevertheless the abbot can be acquitted of treason only by
acknowledging embezzlement.

Second, he was charged with inciting the commons to plunder the
house of John Freeman, one of the surveyors, and to murder Freeman
himself3. This charge rested only on Freeman's own assertion, and
therefore is not worthy of consideration.

Third, he was accused of having aided and encouraged the rebels.
He confessed that he had aided them by the gift of provisions and
money, but he protested that he acted through fear, weeping and
trembling in a far from encouraging manner. The main charge
was that when he brought the provisions to the rebel host, he urged
the captains to proclaim what he had brought. He defended this by
saying that he hoped the proclamation would appease the commons
and prevent them from demanding more4. His words were, " Masters,
I have according to your commandment brought you victual, beseech-
ing you to be good unto me and preserve my house from spoil, and if
ye will let me have a passport I will go to a lordship of mine called
Sweton, where, against your coming to Ancaster Heath, I will prepare

1 L. and P. xii (1), 677. » Ibid. 702.

3 L. and P. xi, 725. * Ibid. 805.

156 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

for you as much more victual "*; but it was reported that he said,
" Go forward and stick to this matter," and the messengers to Beverley
told the Yorkshire men of the abbot's great present and his com-
fortable words2.

The case of Abbot Mackerell is typical of those of the other abbots
and religious men who were involved in the rebellion. It is curious
that their most ardent apologists dwell particularly on the small
share that the monks took in it, as this does not at first sight appear
to be to their credit. The Pilgrims were putting themselves, " lives,
wives, children, lands, goods and chattels... to the utter adventure
of total destruction," on behalf of the monks. In return they were
received with terror, helped grudgingly, and dismissed as soon as
possible. Their champions might risk their all, but the monks would
risk nothing in return if they could help it. They were ready to
share the fruits of victory, but they had no mind to suffer for a
possible defeat. The attitude of the Abbot of Furness was only too
common — they wanted to be safe with both sides.

In extenuation it may be urged that the arrival of a band of rebels
at a monastery was often indistinguishable from the arrival of a gang
of marauders. At the beginning of the rebellion, moreover, the
commons often compelled the monks to serve in their ranks, which
was contrary to the monastic vow; it is not suggested that the
religious should have borne arms, but that they might have been
more liberal of money, encouragement and prayers.

Then too the monks were landowners, sharing all the interests and
terrors of the propertied class. They might on the whole be better
landlords than laymen were, but in individual cases they had aroused
hatred, and they feared the consequences. The Abbot of Jervaux's
tenants were ready to murder him. Mackerell said that many of the
commons were his mortal enemies3. The poor were groping towards
a policy of their own, that they would defend the monasteries if the
landlords would remedy their grievances. The religious were not
farsighted enough to understand and adopt this policy. They would
not take part with the commons ; they were merely afraid of them
and thought that somebody ought to keep them in order. They did
not see that by their own faith they might convert a disorderly rabble
into a body of crusaders. It was not impossible; the miracle had
been wrought before and would be again, but the English religious
of that age were not the men to perform it. They were in the main

1 L. and P. xi, 805; xn (1), 70 (v), (viii).

2 Ibid. 392 ; printed in full, Cox, op. cit. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 70 (viii).

xix] The King's Peace 157

worthy creatures enough, but incapable of either a martyr's complete
self-abnegation or a rebel's courage and decision :

" The life of the monastery was cut off from the life of the nation. Narrow-
ness of sympathy was the most serious fault of the monk. He had little interest
in what went on outside the abbey close. He had nothing to care for or to work
for, except the maintenance of the wealth and position of his house. His whole
life was spent in its corridors and gardens, except when he was sent out in
company with another brother to gather the rents of its distant estates, or to
accompany the abbot on his occasional visit to London. He spent all his waking
hours in company with several score of other men, as singly devoted as he was
himself to the interests of the place — It is not wonderful that he developed a
narrowness of mind which made him, in questions of local or national interest, a
dead weight on society."1

When the order came for the monks to go, they lamented — and
accepted the King's pension. There were among them some martyrs
and some rebels, but even out of those who were executed many would
have submitted to the King on any terms if he would have accepted
their submission.

Henry was not inclined to be lenient, and he had no difficulty in
satisfying his anger against the clergy, regular and secular, but that
was not enough ; he wanted also to punish the gentlemen, whom he
suspected of great negligence and probable disloyalty, because they
had not prevented the rebellion at the first signs of disturbance. In
this he was partially baffled by the strong class spirit of the gentlemen.
His lieutenants were reluctant to gather evidence against men of
their own order. They were quite willing to sacrifice the commons,
and they could not save the monks, but as far as possible they
protected the gentlemen and even the higher of the secular clergy3.

This reluctance could not be more than a temporary check to the
King. If he could not trust his agents, he would act himself. There
is reason to suppose that he did not intend to permit some of the
northern gentlemen who rode up to court at Christmas 1536 to return
to the north again, but if this were so the outcry of the commons in
the north temporarily saved their lords, and convinced the King that
the time for the blow had not come. The commons were inspired
more by fear than by love. They were not so much anxious lest
their masters should be put to death as suspicious that they were
plotting with the King against the commons. As it turned out the
effect of the gentlemen's return was greatly in the King's favour, as
it encouraged those whom he summoned later to come up to him

1 Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wycliff, chap. v.

2 L. and P. xi, 728, 764, 1043, 1084; cf. xn (1), 697.

158 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

without fear. In this way the Percys, Sir Robert Constable, and
Lord Darcy went unsuspiciously up to London.

The proceedings of Norfolk and Sussex and the executions in
Lincolnshire shook the confidence of the gentlemen who remained in
the north. They could not help seeing that the King's oblivion of
the past extended only to the appointment of Doncaster. He had
forgotten his own promises, but he was not inclined to forget the
behaviour of the gentlemen, and he was prepared to strain the law to
the utmost in order to evade the observation of the pardon. As this
came to be realised in Yorkshire the uneasiness which it produced
was the cause of the last Yorkshire plot, devised by that particularly
unsuitable conspirator, Sir John Bulmer.

About the middle of March the Bulmers' peace was suddenly
disturbed by the delivery of a royal citation summoning both Sir
John and Margaret his wife to go up to London1. This part of the
affair is difficult to follow, but it is probable that information had
been laid against them by Gregory Conyers, who played so mysterious
a part in Bigod's rising2. Norfolk must have sent his accusations to
London, but the letter containing them is lost.

On receiving the summons the unfortunate couple realised that it
was probably their death warrant, but Sir John resolved to make sure.
He obtained licence from Norfolk to delay his journey until Easter,
and wrote privately to his son Ralph, who was still in London, to ask
whether he might safely obey the summons3. Ralph sent back a
servant named Lasingham with the message that Sir John " should
look well to himself, for, as far as he could perceive, all was falsehood
that they were dealt withal,"4 a true but dangerous message. The
gentlemen who were summoned to London at that time were all
wanted for trial, and the Bulmers, conscious of their secret, were
driven desperate by fear.

Lady Bulmer was terrified lest she should be parted from her
husband. Their connection had been irregular, and she knew that
there was no hope of mercy if her conduct were called in question.
Sir John Watts, the parish priest of Easington, Yorks, said, " She is
feared that she will be departed from him for ever. ..she peradventure
will say, ' Mr Bulmer for my sake break a spear/ and then he like
a dow will [say], ' Pretty Peg, I will never forsake thee.' " His
servants heard him say that " he had liever be racked than part from
his wife,"5 and she for her part declared that " she would liever be

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1084. 2 Ibid. 870. 3 Ibid. 1084.

4 Ibid. 1087 (p. 495). 5 Ibid. 1084.

xix] The King's Peace 159

torn in pieces than go to London." Apart from other considerations,
her baby son was not three months old, and it would be equally hard
to take or to leave him. In spite of the priest's assertion that Margaret
encouraged her husband to plan a new insurrection sooner than obey
the royal summons, it seems that she really used her influence to
persuade him to escape by sea either to Ireland or to Scotland1 ; but
it was very difficult to induce a man to leave his father's home and
his native land in those days. In almost every case a suspected man
preferred the probability of death to the certainty of exile. Sir John
would not fly, but neither would he go to London. He preferred the
desperate expedient of an attempt to raise a new insurrection, saying,
" As good be slain and die in the field as be martyred as many other
were above."2 The exact date when Ralph Bulmer's warning was
received is not known, but it was about Palm Sunday 25 March 1537.
In " Palm Sunday week " Margaret begged Sir John to fly, but he
resolved to stay and make a last effort to revive the Pilgrimage.

On Thursday 29 March Sir John Bulmer's chaplain, William
Staynhus, set out from Lastingham, where Sir John was living, on a
tour among the neighbouring parish priests " to inquire if the commons
would rise again, which they should know by men's confessions."
Margaret suggested that he should go to Bartholomew Cottam and
Parson Franke, rector of Lofbhouse, who had been a captain in the
first insurrection8. The chaplain was also to visit John Watts the
parson of Easington, the parson of Hinderwell and, perhaps, Gregory
Conyers. His message seems to have been that an attempt should be
made to seize Scarborough on Easter Day4, though if this is correct
Bulmer was allowing very little time for preparation as it was already
Thursday and Easter was the following Sunday.

Other messengers were sent out besides the chaplain. Robert
Hugill went to the vicar of Kirkby in Cleveland, and Sir John Bulmer
wrote to Lord Lumley " to come and live with him till they might
provide some way for themselves."5 With the letter he sent a copy
of a treasonable bill which had been brought to him by his servant
Blenkinsop8. Lord Lumley 's son was in the Tower, with very little
hope of obtaining mercy from the King. Staynhus told Sir John
that Lumley had said, " If he were commanded to come up [to London],
he would bring 10,000 at his tail." Sir John replied that it was
impossible for both himself and Lord Lumley together to raise

1 L. and P. xii (1), 1087 (p. 494). 2 Ibid.

3 Ibid. 1087 (p. 495). 4 Ibid. 1084.

5 Ibid. 1087 (p. 494). * See note C at end of chapter.

160 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

enough men to save them from the King. Staynhus did not press
the point and merely said, " Nay, that is truth, but thus speak they
there."1 Shortly before Good Friday Sir John visited Lord Lumley,
who was living at Kilton near Guisborough ; although Lumley had
intended to spend Whitsuntide at Kilton, after Sir John's visit he left
the place hurriedly, " which things causeth a great murmur to be
here in the country."2

Bulmer was counting on the help of Lord Latimer, who had also
been summoned to London, and of Sir James Strangways, an old
friend of his, but it does not appear that he sent them any messages*.
When he received his son's warning, however, he sent it on to Lord
Darcy and perhaps to Sir Robert Constable4, but they probably had
set out for London before the message arrived ; at any rate they paid
no attention to it.

After despatching his messengers Sir John went to Rosedale, where
he was the lessee of a suppressed monastery5. The parish priest,
Sir James Otterburn, said to him on Good Friday, " Here is great
destruction of people since my Lord Norfolk came," and hinted that
the country was ready to rise again6. Sir John received further
encouragement from a very unexpected quarter. Young Sir Ralph
Evers had occasion to write to him about the presentation to the
living of Settrington, and in his letter he sharply criticised both
Norfolk and Cromwell. It is true that Evers afterwards denied that
he had written this part of the letter, and asserted that it had been
forged by his enemies, but Norfolk, who investigated the affair, came
to the conclusion that Evers was really responsible for the words *.
As he, next to the Earl of Cumberland, had been the chief supporter
of the King's cause in the north, the fact that even he was turning
against the King's measures is highly significant, and must have been
very encouraging to the Bulmers. This, however, was the end of
their success, for William Staynhus' mission was a failure.

Staynhus went first to see John Watts, parson of Easington, and
revealed his master's purpose to him in the presence of Bartholomew
Cottam. Watts, a garrulous but harmless old man, entered into a
long discourse about " the chronicles." Probably, like Wilfrid Holme,
he proved from history to his own satisfaction that " treason can never

i L. and P. xn (1), 1083. 2 L. and P. XII (2), 12 (1).

» L. and P. xn (1), 1084.

4 Ibid. 1087 (p. 497) ; the passage is partly obliterated.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 543. 6 Ibid. 1083.

7 L. and P. xn (2), 248, 741, 828, 850 ; 828 printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 109.

xix] The King's Peace 161

prosper." By his account his arguments completely baffled Staynhus,
who could not of course complete the rhyme. " He gave no answer,
but I answered that," " he answered no word" — are Watts' report
of Staynhus' share in the conversation. He managed to say that
he was on his way to Parson Franke at Lofthouse, and Watts
determined to forestall him ; " my purpose was that he [Franke]
being a marvellous witted man as we have in all our country might
have his answer surely."

Although Watts said service before he set out, he arrived at
Lofthouse before Staynhus, whose horse was weary. Watts repeated
the chaplain's message . to Franke, " he hearing me patiently," and
then suggested that he had better go home again before Staynhus
arrived, so that his errand should not be suspected. The two priests
set out together, but they met Staynhus on the road. Staynhus
said, " I have a message to show you from my master and my lady."
Franke answered, " If ye have any message to say to me, my brother
parson shall hear and the bailiff and the constable both, because
your master was with my Lord Lumley within these two days, saying
he had both brewed and baked and slain his beefs, and suddenly my
Lord Lumley is gone." As Franke was angry, Staynhus gave him a
harmless message : " My master and my lady commended them to
you, desiring you to show them whether they may make a proctor to
excuse them. They are sent for to London."1 Franke exclaimed,
" Twisshe, straws ! I can neither thee neither thy master thanks
for sending to me for any such counsel... If thy master be sent for to
London let him go as he is commanded. I can give him none other
counsel."8

Watts, " hearing that cloaked matter contrary to his [Staynhus']
saying before Bartholomew Cottam," cried out, " ' Parson, these be not
the matters he said he would show to you, but if ye will hear I will
rehearse them before you.' " Franke had no desire to assist at so
dangerous a rehearsal, and replied hastily that he would hear nothing,
and that Watts was " frantic." Watts, angry in his turn, said " he
should hear them whether he would or no," but Franke went away
and summoned the bailiff to hear Staynhus' message, and in the
interval Watts cooled. When the bailiff came Franke repeated the
" cloaked " message, and asked if there were any harm in it. The
bailiff said none that he could perceive, and went home. Watts and
Staynhus followed him3. The chaplain had a letter for Franke from
Sir John Bulrner, but " finding the parson did not favour his master,"

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1084. 2 L. and P. xn (2), 12 (1). 3 L. and P. xii (1), 1084.
D. II. 11

162 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

he tore up the letter and threw the pieces " into a water between the
bailiffs house and the church."1

The two priests talked together as they went along. Staynhus
asked Watts what he thought would happen to the gentlemen whom
the King had sent for ; Watts replied vigorously but discouragingly,
" All false harlots should be hanged by the neck." He asked how
Sir John hoped to resist the summons, and Staynhus said that Lord
Lumley had promised to succour him to his power. Watts had no
confidence in Lumley, and said he would forsake Sir John. He also
declared that he was sure the whole plot was devised by that wicked
woman Margaret, Sir John's pretended wife. He gave as his reason
for this the story of one of Bulmer's tenants at Rosedale, who had
heard a servant of Sir John's say that his master had said that he
would rather be racked than parted from his wife. This was merely
a fourth-hand report, and Watts' conviction was based on his dis-
approval of Margaret's past life rather than anything in her present
conduct.

Staynhus said nothing to confirm Watts' opinion that Margaret
was at the bottom of the plot. When Watts went so far as to say,
" Sir William, take heed of yourself, an ye are a wanton priest,
beware ye fall not in love with her, for if ye do ye will be made as
wise as your master and both will be hanged then," he was moved to
protest, " Of a truth I never wist she loved me but of late," i.e. I was
never on friendly terms with her until lately.

Watts reported the conclusion of the conversation as follows :

" Then at last of all I said, * Sir, ye are a priest, counsel your master to take
heed of himself, and also take ye heed, for surely ye must be first hanged ; for
surely, Sir William, there is not one man in all England will take your master's
part.' Then said Sir William, ' Parson, I dare show my mind to you.'

* What else ? ' said I, ' I am sure enough, and that know ye well enough.'

* Thus it is, if my master mistrusted that the commons would not be up at
a wipe, surely he will flee to Ireland, and he trusts to get his lands again within
a year.'

Last word that ever I said to the said Sir William, I said : ' Fare well Sir
William, for of a truth thou wilt be hanged by the neck.' "

With this encouragement Staynhus departed. Watts passed the
night at the bailiff's house at Lofthouse, and next day went home to
serve mass on Easter Even. He confessed himself to be " marvellously
'commeryd ' in the mind how I should do in this matter which passed
greatly my wit... I knowing all this, some men would think I had no

1 L. and P. xii (2), 12 (1).

xix] The King's Peace 163

cause to be very merry at my heart. . .1 could not compass in my mind
how I should disclose this hideous and parlous case which passeth my
rude understanding."1

If the worthy parson was troubled and frightened, the situation of
Sir John and his fellow conspirators was still more " hideous and
parlous." The chaplain's visit to Lofthouse was on Good Friday,
30 March, and by 8 April they were all under arrest. The matter
came to light through Gregory Conyers, who must have laid informa-
tion very soon after Staynhus parted from Sir John Watts, as Norfolk
had time to collect some confessions, which probably included that of
Watts, before he sent up to London on 8 April Nicholas Rudston,
Gregory Conyers, William Staynhus and Margaret Bulmer2. Already
the husband and wife were parted, for Sir John was to be sent up later,
and did not reach London until 21 April3. Sir William Bulmer, on
hearing of his brother's arrest, went to Norfolk to find out whether
anything was laid to his charge, but after examination Norfolk
acquitted him and sent him up to London, not as a prisoner but as a
messenger4.

As Staynhus, Rudston and Conyers were making their weary
journey up to London, Rudston asked the chaplain who were his
accusers5. Staynhus replied that they were the vicar of Easington
and the rector of Lofthouse. Rudston, sympathising with him,
remarked that Franke had done much worse than the acts with
which he charged Staynhus, as he was a head captain in Howdenshire.
and caused Sir Thomas Percy to rise ; " he [Rudston] could say
more if he list,... he [Franke] was the unknownest fellow in York-
shire."6 Rudston's accusation was correct ; Franke is mentioned as
a captain in one of the earliest of Aske's manifestos7.

It is not certain where Lady Bulmer was imprisoned at first, but
when Sir John was sent up they were reunited in the Tower8.
Staynhus was confined in the Marshalsea, and found there another
prisoner, John Pickering the priest — not the friar — who was an old
friend of his. They were not harshly treated, and after they had
heard each other's confession and dined, Staynhus told his friend why
he was committed. His story was that Sir John Bulmer had sent
him to Parson Franke with the letter of citation to London, because
Bulmer wanted Franke's advice about it. Staynhus had called upon

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1084. 2 jbid. 870.

3 Ibid. 918. * Ibid. 902.

6 L. and P. xn (2) 12 (1). « L. and P. xn (1), 1085.

7 L. and P. xi, 622.

8 L. and P. xn (2), 181 ; printed in full, Archaeologia, xvn, 294.

11—2

164 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the priest of Easington on the way about his private affairs, and the
priest, when he heard that Sir John was cited to London, said that he
would lose his head. Franke had been angry at Sir John's message,
and consequently Staynhus had never delivered his master's letter.
He repeated to Pickering Rudston's accusation of Franke, and said
that Gregory Conyers was a witness to the words. Pickering thought
the matter so important that he repeated it to another prisoner and
also to the keeper of the Marshalsea. Staynhus was a vindictive
man. He declared that if he were hanged he would cause Parson
Franke to hang Rudston or Rudston Parson Franke1.

Thus by the beginning of May 1536 all the principal leaders of
the Pilgrimage were in the Tower, and the last hope that the
appointment of Doncaster would be observed had vanished. The
humiliation of the north was completed by the mock trial of the
prisoners before a jury of their own relations ; no further resistance
was possible when men had been reduced to this infamy. In the
south, however, the failure of the insurrection caused keen dis-
appointment in some quarters, while the people had not the evidence
of the King's severity before their eyes to restrain the expression of
their grievances. It is true that the south could not be induced
to rise simultaneously and complete the work of the Pilgrims. The
southern sympathisers were less warlike and less enthusiastic than the
northerners. They hoped that the northern rebels could do all that
was required, and that they would enjoy the result without sharing in
the risk.

After the second appointment of Doncaster, there was an outburst
of activity among the conservative priests which the government
suppressed as far as possible. On 23 December 1536, Richard
Southwell announced that he had arrested two priests who were
circulating copies of the rebels' oath2. His brother Robert Southwell
reported about Easter 1537 the execution of two priests who were
taken in Sussex and were perhaps the same men3.

On 31 December 1536 another priest was charged with sowing
abroad slanderous bills against Cromwell in Cambridgeshire, where
many such bills passed about4. Richard Jackson, the parson of
Witnesham, Suffolk, was reported on the same day to have brought
into the pulpit the King's Book of Articles, and said, " shaking the
book in his hand, ' Beware, my friends, of the English books. . .he

1 L. and P. xn (2), 12 (1). 2 L. and P. xi, 1356.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 725 ; printed in full, Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd Ser. m. 95.

« L. and P. xi, 1375.

xix] The King's Peace 165

that was the first and chief setter forward of them shall be the first
that shall repent him ' " ; besides other speeches in favour of the Pope's
supremacy1. Hugh Payne, the curate of Hadley in Suffolk, taught
that one paternoster said by a priest's commandment was worth 1000
said voluntarily. Archbishop Cranmer enjoined penance upon him,
but he continued to preach at Stoke Nayland in Suffolk, and Cranmer
reported to Cromwell on 28 January that he was a " wolfish Pharisee."2
Payne was imprisoned in the Marshalsea, where he " was like to die of
sickness and the weight of his irons."3 Robert Canell was accused
of preaching a seditious sermon at Windsor on Advent Sunday
1 December 15364, and John Woodward was committed to Stafford
gaol for the same offence at Christmas5.

Early in January 1536-7 the rumours began to spread again. It
was said in London that the King had levied a tax on christenings in
the north6 ; another story told at Rochester was that the Earl of
Cumberland had refused to obey the King's summons to court and
was holding a castle against him7, while in Buckingham it was said
that the churches would be pulled down and their jewels sold. A
barber's boy of Aylesbury was examined about this tale ; he said
he heard it from his dame, and she in her turn had heard it " at the
common bakehouse, where they were to set their bread."8 The same
rumour was discussed in the ale-houses of Shrewsbury early in
March9. It had probably spread from Wales, where there had never
been more rioting than there was that spring10. The Bishop of
St Asaph banished one priest from his diocese "for not rasing the
Bishop of Rome's name and for other crimes."11 Another priest was
accused of repeating a rumour that the King would pull down parish
churches. He had also said " that if the men of Holy Church would
rise with one assent that they would not give a point for the King's
Grace," and other words against the King. Although he denied
the words the Council of Wales were satisfied of his guilt by the
evidence12. The Abbot of Wigmore was accused of having in his
service a suspected northern rebel13.

There was very little heresy in Wales, " for their language does
not agree to the advancement thereof," but on 15 January 1536-7

1 L. and P. xi, 1393.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 256 ; printed in full, Cranmer's Works (Parker Soc.), p. 333.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 257. 4 L. and P. xi, 1404.
5 L. and P. xn (1), 193. « Ibid. 62.

7 Ibid. 63. 8 Ibid. 456.

9 Ibid. 808. 10 Ibid. 1148, 1271, 1272.

11 L. and P. xi, 1446. 12 L. and P. xn (1), 1202.
13 Ibid. 742 (3).

166 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the Bishop of Coventry sent up to London articles against a heretic
who had been preaching in the diocese of St David during November
1536. One effect of his doctrine was that the Prior of Woodhouse in
Cleobury Mortimer (Cleeland) "without authority despatched the goods
of his monastery and changed his vesture in this ruffling time."1

The only article of the second appointment of Doncaster which
the King was inclined to observe was the promise that he would
summon a council of divines to show their learning on religious
questions. They were not, of course, permitted to discuss the royal
supremacy or the other most important points which the rebels wished
to lay before them, but they were entrusted with the revision of the
Ten Articles. By 18 February 1536-7 " most part of the bishops
have come [to London], but no one knows what is to be done."8
The tendency of the assembly was on the whole reactionary. The
four sacraments which had been omitted from the Ten Articles were
" found again,"3 and it was rumoured, incorrectly, that " Our Lady
is now found again, thanked be God, that was lost before."4

Another sign of conservatism was the renewed prosecution of
heretics which occurred in the early part of 15375. The northern
rebels had a saying, " If you call us traitors we will call you heretics."
The reverse of this was literally true in the heresy cases, for the
accused always retorted that his accuser had used treasonable words
during the rebellion ; all the preacher's friends swore to the treason,
and all the accuser's friends to the heresy, and the whole countryside
was filled with quarrelling and counter-accusations.

An instance of this occurred in the neighbourhood of Ipswich.
John Bale, formerly Prior of the White Friars there, gave up his
office on account of his changed opinions, and became vicar of
Thorndon. He was constantly in trouble for his preaching, and in
return accused his parishioners of sympathy with the Lincolnshire
rebels6. While he was accused of heresy, the Prior of Butley, who
was also Suffragan of Ipswich, was accused of treason, as he was
inconveniently reluctant to surrender his house7.

Bishop Latimer's diocese of Worcester was torn by dissensions,
some of the clergy supporting their bishop, others calling him a false

1 L. and P. xn (1), 93; printed in full, Strype, op. cit. I (2), 271.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 457.

Ibid. 708, 789 (ii), 790; xi, 60, which is misdated, see note in xn (2), p. vi.

L. and P. xn (1), 1147 (iii, 6).

L. and P. xi, 1424; xn (1) 93 ; printed in full, Strype, op. cit. i (2), 271.

L. and P. xi, 1111 ; xn (1), 40, 307.

L. and P. xi, 1357, 1377.

xix] The King's Peace 167

harlot and a " horesone " heretic1. John Kene parson of Christchurch,
Bristol, despised the new preachers and condemned their doctrines.
Most of his parishioners were offended because he " prayed not for
the King four Sundays together in his chief wars against the
rebellious and traitors/' but a few were on his side, and William
Glaskeryon said at the time of the rising, " We may bless the time
that we were born; they rise to strengthen our Faith." Another
man, when he heard the rebels had fallen, hoped that they would rise
again, and said that he would join them himself. About Candlemas
seditious bills appeared on the steps of Christchurch, Bristol, and
during Lent the warden of the Grey Friars, who was of the old way
of thinking, and the Prior of the Friars Preachers, who was of the
new, preached one against the other2.

The hopes of the reactionaries were dashed by a proclamation
issued by the King about the middle of Lent which permitted the
eating of white meats, milk, eggs, etc., during the fast3. This was
a new source of strife. A mariner of Brighton was accused of saying
that " he could not judge how the King should be Pope and have
power to license people to eat butter, cheese and milk in Lent " ; but
the justices decided that the accusation was malicious and false4.

The diocese of Salisbury was in much the same condition as that
of Worcester. Bishop Shaxton was a reformer, but his people were
conservative, and when the King's dispensation was posted up in the
city of Salisbury it was immediately torn down. The Bishop's
chaplain, John Madowell, urged the mayor to investigate the
matter, and was promptly thrown into prison5. He complained to
Cromwell both on his own behalf and on that of another man, who
had posted a bill against the seditious preaching of a certain friar
and had been imprisoned for it6. On Cromwell's remonstrance the
prisoners were reluctantly set at liberty under surety, but the mayor
defended his conduct on the grounds that Madowell was a Scot and had
used himself uncharitably and slanderously against the corporation7.

There was a similar breach in Kent between the Archbishop
and the lower clergy8. At the time of the insurrection "one Sir
Davy, a priest " quarrelled with a man called John Drewry in a
tavern. The priest said that the King was " a tyrant more cruel than
Nero ; for Nero destroyed but a part of Rome but this tyrant

1 L. and P. xn (1), 308, 1147. 2 Ibid. 508, 1147.

3 Ibid. 679. 4 Ibid. 927, 941.

5 Ibid. 824, 868. 6 Ibid. 746, 755-6.

i Ibid. 838. • Ibid. 256.

168 The Pilgrimage of Grace [cH.

destroyeth his whole realm." Drewry called him a traitor, whereupon
the priest drew his dagger and chased Drewry into the kitchen, " where
my host and hostess were, he grinding of malt and she dressing her
child by the fire." Davy wounded Drewry and fled, thinking he had
killed him. The fugitive was protected by the commissary of Maidstone
and by the curate of Headcorn1. In April certain of the curate's
parishioners brought charges against him, but the rest of the parish
were so much enraged that they said " there would be no peace till
five or six of these new fellows were killed," and kept the accusers
in terror of their lives2.

The complete failure of the insurrection was generally known in the
south by Easter. The executions in the north and in Lincolnshire,
the King's Lenten proclamation, and the absence of any preparations
for a parliament, showed that there was no further hope. The result
of this was two-fold, for while the timid ceased to murmur against the
government, the bolder spirits dreamed of a last effort which might
snatch a victory when all seemed lost. There were certain districts
where the disaffection was so strong that definite ideas of resistance
were entertained. It often happened that these were the places where
there was also a good deal of heresy. Sedition and heresy in fact went
hand in hand, for where one party was strong, the other was provoked
into violence.

Particular efforts were made to force the acceptance of the King's
reforms upon the two universities. Not much is known about the
attitude of Cambridge during this period, except that the vicar of
All Hallows, who was a chaplain of the Bishop of Ely, caused much
offence by the manner in which he ministered the Sacrament, and
the vicar of Caxton was accused of giving his parishioners ale instead
of wine at the mass on Easter day3.

There is more information about Oxford, where several royal
preachers spoke against the primacy of Rome and in favour of
justification, without obtaining much acceptance4. A certain John
Parkyns laid information against the Abbots of Oseney and Eynsham
and against Serls, vicar of St Peter's in the East, Oxford, but the man
seems to have been a lunatic, as even Cromwell admitted, for he
endorsed one of Parkyns' letters " a fool of Oxford or thereabouts."5
Although Parkyns' tales cannot be credited, there are other signs
that there was disaffection both in the country and in the university.

- i L. and P. xii (2), 908. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 957.

3 Ibid. 876, 877, 1182 ; printed in full, Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, i, 387.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 212, 757-8, 1325. 6 Ibid. 79, 127, 182, 211, 264.

Xix] The King's Peace 169

The people of Thame insisted upon celebrating the day of St Thomas
a Becket [29 December 1536]. Thomas Strebilhill said to the
vicar, " Master Doctor, ye have kept a solemn feast this day,
where had ye such authority ? " The vicar replied that the people
would have it so. Strebilhill persisted that within a mile and a half
there were men at work, whereupon another man said, that " he
wished their horses' necks had been to-braste and their carts fired."
Strebilhill remonstrated, " I think thou art one of the northern sect ;
thou wouldst rule the King's Highness and not be ruled." In May
there was a rumour at Thame that the King would take away the
church jewels1. An Oxford scholar was heard to say on 19 January
1536-7 that " if the northern men should continue rebellious his
Grace would be in great danger of his life or avoid his realm before
the end of March."2

About the beginning of February the Abbot of Whalley sent a
letter to " his scholar at Oxford " and to the Abbot of Hailes, of whom
he said in his message : " I would be glad to see him once more ere
I departed out of this world, seeing I brought him up here of a child."
The proctor of Blackburn sent a letter to the scholar by the same
messenger, William Rede, a baker of Oxford. On his journey Rede
spent the night at his usual halting-place, the house of Richard
Oldfelden, a schoolmaster at Knutsford3. In order to be a successful
schoolmaster it was necessary to be a conservative in religion; all
parents like to think that their children are being taught what they
themselves learnt when they were young. The failure of Gervase
Tyndale, the reformer, in the profession has already been recorded4.
Robert Richardin, another reformer and would-be schoolmaster, was
driven out of Lincolnshire by the insurrection5. Oldfelden, however,
was a conservative and must have prospered, as he had a son Philip
at Oriel College, Oxford, and was thinking of sending another son
there, if he could get him a place as a butler6. Oldfelden asked Rede
to carry a letter to Philip, and especially charged him not to show it
to any man, and to deliver it into Philip's own hands7. In this letter,
among various items of family interest, Oldfelden told his son that he
would send him " a hundred verses and more made by Roger Vernon
in your brother John's name, concerning the insurrection in the north.
Cave dicas resurrection [beware lest thou say resurrection]." Philip
might show these verses and others which his father was sending to

1 L. and P. xn (2), 357 (2) and (3). 2 L. and P. xn (1), 298.

3 Ibid. 389. 4 See above, chap. iv.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 5. « L. and P. xi, 1403.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 389.

170 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

his master. At the end of the letter Oldfelden was seized with caution
and added that he would not send the verses, lest the poor man who
carried the letter should show them to anyone or be searched1. This
omission is a pity ; it would have been interesting to see the verses,
which might have been preserved with the letter, and Oldfelden's
danger could not have been increased, as they had been mentioned.
The schoolmaster's fears were justified; Rede spent the next night
in the constable's house at Wotton. He told the constable that he
was ill and would be glad to go back to Lancashire if he could find
anyone to deliver his Oxford letters. The constable took the letters,
opened and read them, and laid them before a magistrate at Kenilworth
Castle. He promptly imprisoned Rede who was examined on 10
February 1 536-7 2. As he had been solemnly warned not to part
with the letters, he deserved his misfortune.

Thomas Reynton, another north country man at Oxford, corre-
sponded with his friends at Durham in no loyal terms. He told them
that the most part of the King's levies were but boys, and that the
people of Oxfordshire were so weary of being summoned to musters
and then countermanded " that they say ere they rise again the King
shall as soon hang them up at their own doors."3 The King's levies,
and particularly the pressing of horses, caused complaints in several
places4.

At Oxford there was opposition to the new opinions, but in the
more remote parts of England there was an obstinate adherence to
the old customs. In September 1536 John Tregonwell reported to
Cromwell that the people of Cornwall were as quiet and true to the
King as any in the realm, and rejoiced greatly " that the King has
allowed the festum loci of every church to be kept holy, at Cromwell's
intercession."6 Either a special indulgence had been granted to
Cornwall for a limited time, or Tregonwell had misunderstood
Cromwell's injunctions, as not all the church holy days were
permitted. One of those which were prohibited was the day of
St Keverne [St Kevin's day, 3 June], who was the patron saint
of a large and unruly parish in Cornwall, the first to rise in the
insurrection of 1497 6.

It is probable that the discontent which the suppression of the
local feast caused was encouraged by a copy of the Pilgrims' oath and
articles which some Cornish soldiers had obtained at King's Lynn,

1 L. and P. xi, 1403. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 389.

* Ibid. 798. * Ibid. 126, 152.

8 L. and P. xi, 405. * L. and P. xn (1), 1001.

Xix] The King's Peace 171

when Norfolk disbanded his troops1. Early in April 1537 two
fishermen of St Keverne's, named Carpyssacke and Treglosacke, when
selling their fish at Hamell beside Southampton, met two men who
were evidently agents of the rebellious party. They asked the Cornish
men why they had not risen with the north, and the fishermen were
so much moved by their words that they " swore upon a book to help
them," and began their preparations by buying 200 jerkins.

When the fishermen went home they directed a local painter
to make a banner for the parish of St Keverne, " in the which banner
they would have first the picture of Christ with his wounds abroad
and a banner in his hand, Our Lady on the one side holding her
breast in her hand, St John a Baptist on the other side, the King's
Grace and the Queen kneeling, and all the commonalty kneeling, with
scripture above their heads, making their petition to the picture
of Christ that it would please the King's Grace that they might have
their holidays." Carpyssacke intended to display this banner on
Pardon Monday, and he expected that the people would follow it2.
In consequence prophecies of the Bang's death and rumours of
musters arose in the neighbouring county of Devonshire3. The plot,
however, was a very ingenuous one, and was quickly discovered. The
painter was alarmed at so dangerous a commission, and reported the
matter to a local magistrate, who wrote on 22 April to Cromwell
for orders, with assurances that the whole county was quiet and well-
disposed, and that Carpyssacke was the only traitor ; nevertheless he
begged that the King would permit the people to " hold the day
of the head saint of their church."4 He was commanded to arrest
the two fishermen and send them to London, but they had gone back
to Southampton and Treglosacke seems to have escaped altogether5.
Carpyssacke was eventually taken and imprisoned in Cornwall.
He was not sent up to London, and there must have been some
powerful influence at work in his favour, for the justices of assize
said that they had no authority to inquire for high treason and
refused to try him6 ; he is last heard of on 28 August 1537, still
uncondemned7. In July it was reported that the people of Exeter
were " half afraid of a privy insurrection of Cornishmen."8

These mutterings and plots are all connected with the reli-
gious discontent, but the failure of the rebellion was also a severe

1 See above, chap. xm. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 1001 ; see note D at end of chapter.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 685, 1000. 4 Ibid. 1001.

6 Ibid. 1126. « Ibid. 1127.

' L. and P. xn (2), 595. » Ibid. 182 and n.

172 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

disappointment to the commons who had hoped for social reforms,
and the methods in which they vented their baffled feelings were
more dangerous than the feeble efforts of the religious.

In Somerset, although the suppression of the monastery of Clyffe1
caused much lamentation2, social grievances were uppermost. The
levying of the subsidy had been stopped in several counties during the
insurrection. In April 1537 it began again, and the commissioners
inquired " whether we shall stand to the old taxation or attempt
higher sums."3 As the King was badly in need of money after the
expenses of the insurrection, they were probably ordered to get as
much as they could, but the exaction which provoked the rising was
not the subsidy. The outbreak was caused by a " certain commission. . .
to take up corn," apparently an exercise of the hated royal right
of purveyance, due to the King's poverty. The commons tried
to rise against the commissioners, but were repressed by " young
Mr Paulet and other great men." Sixty rebels were imprisoned,
of whom fourteen were executed for treason, one being a woman.
The rest were pardoned4.

It is curious that there is no reference to this attempt among
the " Letters and Papers of Henry VIII " until 13 May, after the
prisoners had been executed at Taunton. There was a rumour in
the county that the King was displeased with Thomas Horner for
" his taking the men imprisoned at Nonye "B and causing them to be
executed at Taunton. It was said that Horner's life had been saved
only by the intercession of Sir John St Low and that the King
said that " he had liever have given Sir John 1000 marks a year."6
Sir John St Low wrote to Cromwell to request that the rumour
might be contradicted and its authors punished, as it was greatly
to Horner's detriment7. It is unlikely that Henry took any active
measures to suppress the story, as he encouraged the popular view of
his character, upon which it was based, that he was a good-natured
but careless man, who left too much to his agents, but was shocked
and grieved when his attention was called to their severity.

It is interesting to notice the previous history of Somerset. The
peasants of the shire had risen in the great revolt of 1381. In the
fifteenth century lollardy was widely diffused there. Without entering
into the vexed question as to how long lollardy survived as a creed8,

i Cleeve. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 4.

* Ibid. 152, 1070 ; see note F, chap. iv.

4 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 61. 6 Nunney.

« L. and P. xn (1), 1194. 7 Ibid. 1195.

8 Trevelyan, op. cit. chap, ix ; Gairdner, Lollardy and the Keformation, i, chap. i.

xix] The King's Peace 173

it may be remarked that the lollards of 1447 were nearer in point of
time to the men of 1537 than John Wesley is to our own time,
and it is possible that their influence may have lasted as his has
done.

It is still more interesting to trace the history of revolt in Norfolk
and Suffolk. In 1381, under the vigorous rule of Bishop Spencer,
these counties were considered the most orthodox in England1.
Nevertheless the peasants' revolt there in that year was exceedingly
violent and unusually well organised. Its objects were purely social,
and many parish priests and chaplains were with the insurgents, still
the monasteries were savagely attacked, not on religious grounds, but
because their tenants felt themselves oppressed2. The hatred of the
monks was so strong that it is surprising that their fall 150 years
later should have excited any regret, but the changed feeling of the
people is accounted for by the changed social conditions. The monas-
teries were above everything conservative. In 1381, after the great
catastrophe of the Black Death, they insisted on exacting the old
dues, which had become oppressive, and in paying the old wages,
which were inadequate. The peasants in consequence wanted to
force their lords to move with the times. In Henry VIII's reign,
on the contrary, it was the lords who were moving faster than the
peasants liked. The monasteries became popular because they still
practised the old hospitality, and to some extent cultivated the land
in the old way.

After the death of fighting Bishop Spencer, lollardy spread rapidly
through East Anglia ; the large lollard communities there underwent
vigorous persecution in 14283. Social discontent, more than religious
conservatism, caused the commons of this region to meditate a rising
in 1537, and the rebels of 1549 definitely professed themselves to be
protestants4. Yet the first suggestion of a revolt was connected with
the suppression of Buckenham Priory. As three men were riding
home from Stone Fair on 1 August 1536 [Lammas Day], one of them,
Hugh Wilkinson, said to the other two : " Let us go home, for now
are the visitors in putting down of our house. And if ye will do after
me, I have here an angel noble in my purse that never did me good,
and that shall ye have between you, if ye will come in the evening
and kill them in their beds, for I know the gates of every door,
so that I shall let you into every chamber. And when ye have done
ye may soon be out of the way for the wood is at hand. And when

1 Trevelyan, loc. cit. 3 Powell, The Kising in East Anglia.

3 Trevelyan, loc. cit. 4 Eussell, op. cit. Introduction.

174 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

they be in their beds ye shall be sure that they have no weapon
at hand to defend themselves withal. And if I had no more to lose
than one of you hath, it should be the first deed I should do." But
the two others refused the rather inadequate bribe1.

Later in the year 1536 there were disturbances in Norfolk which
were suppressed by the Duke of Norfolk2. When the Lincolnshire
rebellion broke out there was much anxiety lest it should spread to
Norfolk, and this was prevented only by prompt and severe measures3.

In November copies of the Yorkshire oath and manifesto appeared
at King's Lynn and Walsingham4 and murmurs were heard of an
intended rising5. The great shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham was
naturally a centre for all the rumours of the country. One of the
priests, Henry Manser, was accused of having discussed the rebellion
with some Lincolnshire pilgrims to the shrine on 7 December 1536 ;
in the course of the conversation they had regretted that Norfolk and
Suffolk had not risen at the same time as Lincolnshire, for then the
rebels " would have gone through the kingdom." The way in which
the conversation was revealed is rather suspicious. In June 1537
the priest caused " a sore and a diseased " beggar to be turned out of
Our Lady's Chapel and set in the stocks. The beggar in revenge
accused the priest of the treasonable conversation which he asserted
that he had overheard6.

Information was laid on 15 February against John Hogon,
a fiddler, who went about Norfolk and the neighbouring counties
singing seditious songs7. During Lent Harry Jervyse of Fincham
said that he wished the Yorkshire men had prospered, for then " the
holydays that were put down should be restored again," and after
Easter he rebuked some of his friends, saying that if they had been
ruled by him he would have cried " Fire ! " at mass time at the house
of John Fincham, the principal gentleman ; when he ran out they
might have taken him, and if he would not be ruled by them " they
would make a cart way betwixt his head and his shoulder." Jervyse
also urged his friends to ring the bells in every town to raise the
commons8.

The suppression of the monasteries and the levying of the subsidy
were suspended in Norfolk during the rebellion, but on 6 January
1536-7 the Duke of Norfolk recommended that the commissioners

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1268 ; printed in part, Bussell, op. cit. Introduction.

2 See above, chap. iv. 3 See above, chap. vi.
4 See above, chap. xm. 5 L. and P. xn (2), 56.

o Ibid. 21. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 424.

8 L. and P. xn (2), 150 ; printed in part, Russell, op. cit. Introduction.

xix] The King's Peace 175

should begin their work again1. One of the collectors went to
John Cokke, a worsted weaver of Norwich, for his payment during
Lent. Cokke was accused of saying, in reply to the collector's demand :
" I cannot pay for I can sell no worsted, wherefore I see no remedy
without poor men do rise." Cokke denied having said the words,
unless he was drunk at the time2.

After Easter a plot for a rising began to be discussed at Walsing-
ham Priory. The chief mover was Ralph Rogerson, a singing man of
the Priory. Nicholas Myleham the sub-prior was also accused of taking
part in the conspiracy, but there was little evidence against him3.
About the middle of April Rogerson discussed the state of the nation
with his friend George Guisborough. Guisborough said that " he
thought it very evil done for the suppressing of so many religious
houses, where God was well served and many other good deeds of
charity done." Rogerson agreed and said that the living of poor
men went away with the abbeys, for now the gentlemen had all the
farms and cattle of the country in their hands. They decided that
" some men must step to and resist them," and they resolved that
they would raise a company by firing some beacon and go to the
King to complain. They appointed St Helen's Day, 21 May, as the
date on which to proclaim their intentions ; the mustering place was
to be Shepcotes Heath, and meanwhile they sounded their friends on
the subject4.

It is difficult to judge of their success, as Guisborough was
honourably reluctant to accuse others, and Rogerson 's confession has
not been preserved, but the conspirators held several meetings. On
one occasion they made use of the opportunity offered " at a game of
shooting of the flyte and standard " at Benham, where they held
a consultation5. Their fully developed plan was to assemble the
people in the night, fire the beacons on the coast, and cause the head
constables and under constables of the hundreds to summon the
musters. Then the rebels would kill and plunder all who resisted
them, seize Brandon Ferry and Brandon Bridge in order to cut off
communications with London, and march to help the northern men.

Unfortunately for themselves, they admitted into their secret
John Galant, a servant of Sir John Heydon. In spite of their
threats that they would kill anyone who betrayed them, this man
informed his master of the plot on 26 April. Sir John immediately

i L. and P. xii (1), 32. 2 L. and P. xn (2), 13 (3).

3 L. and P. xii (1), 1125, 1300.

4 Ibid. 1056 ; printed in part, Bussell, op. cit. Introduction.
6 L. and P. xii (1), 1125.

176 The Pilgrimage of Grace [on.

sent the news to London and arrested George Guisborough and his
son William, who was in the plot1. The rest of the conspirators were
taken on 30 April2, and orders were sent down on 8 May that the
offenders were to be executed without sparing3.

The social discontent was strong in Suffolk, although it did not
culminate in an organised conspiracy. On May day there was a May
game at some place in Suffolk, " which play was of a king how he
should rule his realm, in which one played Husbandry and said many
things against gentlemen more than was in the book of the play."*
After the games Husbandry prudently disappeared and could not be
found6.

On 11 May Richard Bushop of Bungay had a long conversation
with Robert Seyman in Tyndale Wood, Suffolk. Bushop asked, " What
tidings hear you ? Have you any musters about you ? " Seyman
replied no, and asked if there were any at Bungay. Bushop complained
that it was a hard world for poor men, and when Seyman agreed, he
went on : " Methinketh ye seem to be an honest man, such a one as
a man may trust to open his mind unto. We are used under such
fashion now a days as it hath not been seen, for if three or four of
us be communing together the constables will examine what com-
munication [we have] and stock us if we will not tell them : good
fellows would not be so used long if one would be true to another.
And as I have heard, now lately at Walsingham the people had risen
if one person had not been ; and as I hear some of them now be in
Norwich Castle, and other be sent to London.... If two men have
communication together, a man may go back on his word as long
as no third man is there; three may keep counsel if two be away."6
Bushop offered to show Seyman a prophecy " which one man had
watched in the night to copy." In it the King was called a mole
who should be put down this year or never7 ; also " There should
land at Walborne Hope the proudest prince in all Christendom, and
so shall come to Mousehold Heath, and there should meet with two
other kings and shall fight and shall be put down, and the white lion
should obtain." Bushop had been told that the Earl of Derby had
rebelled, and that the Duke of Norfolk was so beset in the north that
he could not escape8. The man must have been drunk to run on like
this to a stranger. He paid a heavy price for his folly. Seyman

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1045, 1046. 2 Ibid. 1063, 1125. 3 Ibid. 1171.

4 Ibid. 1212. 8 Ibid. 1284.

6 See note E at end of chapter. 7 See above, chap. iv.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 1212 ; printed in part by Kussell, op. cit. Introduction.

xix]. The King's Peace 177

informed against him, and Bushop was forced, probably by torture, to
confess his words, and was then executed. It seems that Seyman
shared his fate1. It is rather surprising that Cromwell was able to
find such a number of informers, considering that they were occasion-
ally imprisoned and hanged with the guilty person.

The disaffection in East Anglia was due to the subsidy, the bad
state of the cloth trade, the government espionage, and particularly
to the aggressions of the gentlemen. In spite of its connection with
Walsingham Priory the religious motive was not strong. The con-
spirators objected to the suppression of the monasteries partly because
their almsgiving ceased, but chiefly because the confiscated lands
went to increase the wealth and influence of their chief enemies,
the country gentlemen. The prisoners at Norwich were heard to say
that " if any great man had two dishes on his table, they would have
had the one if they had gone forward with their business." 2

The evidence from Aylesham is still more clear. This town was
quite a centre of heresy, but it was also a centre of sedition. About
the beginning of May seven persons were accused of heretical speeches.
One case was very singular. Thomas Rooper " set up in the town of
Aylesham a cross of wood whereon was made the image of the Pope
with his three crowns, gilded, and a cardinal, which was gilded by
John Swan of Aylesham and Simon Cressy the carver and setter up
thereof." It is difficult to deduce the religious belief of the designer
of this curious symbol. Two persons said that they knew a hundred
traitors in Aylesham, which is perhaps partly explained by the
conduct of four other men who " reported that there was an Act of
Parliament made that if their church lands were not sold before
May Day the King would have it ; whereupon they sold it to defeat
the King thereof, and have converted the money coming of the sale
thereof to their own use." They tried to get hold of the church
jewels also, but the churchwardens refused to give them up, saying
" if the King wished to have it he was most worthy." Again the
thieves' religious convictions cannot be deduced from their action ;
the devout stole church property to prevent the sacrilege of its
falling into the King's hands, the reformers did the same to prevent
idolatry3.

There can be no doubt about the opinions of Elizabeth Wood of
Aylesham, who on 12 May said to John Dix, tailor, as she was leaning
upon his shop window, " It is pity that these Walsingham men were

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1284. » L. and P. xn (2), 56.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 1316,

D. II. 12

178 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

discovered, for we shall have never good world till we fall together by
the ears :

And with clubs and clouted shoon

Shall the deed be done,

For we had never good world

Since this King reigned.

It is pity that he 'filed

Any clouts more than one."1

She was singing or saying an old rhyme which played its part in the
later Norfolk rising2.

Twenty-five men were imprisoned at Norwich for the Walsingham
plot3. According to the report of some prisoners, Rogerson and
George Guisborough thought of accusing several others who had
known their plans, especially " a rich gentleman " who had promised
them six or seven score sheep, and had said they should not lack
sheep as long as he had any. They had even written out their
accusation, when William Guisborough, George's son, remonstrated
with them, saying, " Father, there is no remedy but death with us,
and for us to put any more in danger, it were pity." His gentleness
touched the others and they tore up the paper. Several of the
prisoners gave evidence that they had seen pieces of paper " as small
as pence or two pence " flying about ; one had seen a fragment
"about the breadth of a groat... stamped in the water by James
Biggis, his fellow that he was coupled unto."4 Five prisoners were
prepared to give the names of those whom they had heard Rogerson
mention as his fellow-conspirators, but others whom they named as
witnesses declared that they had never heard Rogerson speak in the
prison. They were in a different house from him, and saw the other
prisoners only occasionally from a distance in the chapel. All
the accused denied absolutely that they knew anything about the
plot5.

The conspirators were tried on Friday 25 May 153*7. Twelve
were condemned to execution, three to perpetual imprisonment, two
were remanded to prison without judgment, and the other eight were
pardoned. Rogerson and four others were executed at Norwich next
day. On the scaffold a most unusual incident occurred; Rogerson
attempted to address to the crowd a justification of his conduct. He
was cut short by the executioner6. This gives one reason why the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1301. 2 Russell, op. cit. Introduction.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 1300. 4 L. and P. xn (2), 56.

•"' Ibid. 68. 6 L. and P. xn (1), 1300.

xix] The King's Peace 179

last words of the condemned at this period are nearly always said to
have been a confession of the crime, an acknowledgment of the
impartiality of their trial, and a humble apology. If the criminal
attempted to say anything inconvenient he was promptly silenced
for ever. Two more of the prisoners were executed at Yarmouth on
Monday 28 May, George Guisborough and Nicholas Mileham suffered
at Walsingham on 30 May, and William Guisborough and another
at Lynn on Friday 1 June. The twelfth man seems to have been
spared1.

After the executions at Norwich two men of Houghton juxta
Harpley were discussing the news. One of them, Thomas Westwood,
had been sent to ask the other, Thomas Wright a carpenter, to come
and work for his master. Westwood remarked that the wife of one of
the traitors fell down in a swoon when her husband was executed, and
lay so for an hour, but her husband had as he deserved. Wright was
accused of answering, " They that did for the commonwealth were
hanged up."2

The state of England cannot be considered healthy or happy when
such an unscrupulous watch was exercised over every careless word
and every expression of ordinary humanity, but it is a good sign that
this spying was deeply resented by the people themselves. The
monks of Lenton Abbey, Notts, talking together at Easter, said :
" It is a marvellous world, for the King will hang a man for a word
speaking nowadays," to which another replied, " Yea, but the King of
Heaven will not do so, and He is King of all kings ; but he that hangs
a man in this world for a word speaking, he shall be hanged in another
world his self." 3 These sentiments were very natural, but they provoke
the reflection that it was the Church which had taught the King that
a man otherwise blameless might be put to death " for a word speak-
ing" or for holding heretical opinions. For centuries Church and
State had played into one another's hands. So long as the clergy
felt certain that the heretics whom they condemned and " relaxed to
the secular arm " would be burnt, they were ready to teach that
obedience to the King was a duty second only to obedience to the
Church, and they blessed with their approval and imitation the bar-
barous penalties for treason. Now that .the age-long alliance was
broken, they were shocked and indignant to find themselves suffering
the fate that they had complacently inflicted on others.

1 L. and P. xii (1), 1300 (3).

2 L. and P. xii (2), 13 (2).

s L. and P. xn (1), 892 (ii).

12—2

180 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX

Note A. Pacem emit armorum precio

0 quam letus dolor in tristi gaudio
Grex respirat pastore mortuo
Plangens plaudit mater in filio
Quia vivit victor sub gladio.

Then follow rubrics with the beginnings of versicles : —
Versus — Justus igitur...
Collecta — Deus per cujus...
Capitulum ( ?) — gloriosus pontifex . . .

Note B. It is interesting to observe that Anne Askew, the protestant martyr
of 1545, was the daughter of Sir William Askew, one of the commissioners who
helped to check the Lincolnshire rebellion. She became the wife of Thomas
Kyme of Kelsey, whom she was forced to marry although he was devoted to the
old religion1. He must have belonged to the same family as Guy Kyme, which
would make his relations with his wife still more difficult.

Note C. One of Sir John Bulmer's papers, seized after his arrest, was a letter
from his sister-in-law Anne, the wife of Sir Ralph Bulmer*. The writer referred
to a message which she had sent to Sir John by his servant Blenkinsop. She
mentioned her " brothers " Richard Bowes and Harry Wycliff, but as she was one
of the two daughters and co-heirs of Roger Aske of Aske, she had no brothers by
blood3. Richard Bowes was her brother-in-law, the husband of her sister
Elizabeth. Harry Wycliff may have been her step-brother or even her foster-
brother. He was accused on 30 March 1537 of inciting the commons to rescue
Anthony Peacock, the Richmondshire rebel4. The letter from Anne Bulmer
is dated Easter day, but without the year. She says that she has received letters
from Sir John on Good Friday, and that she and her two "brothers" have
arranged that her husband Sir Ralph shall meet Sir John at Northallerton on
Easter Tuesday in order to arrange some business over which, apparently, Sir
John and Sir Ralph had quarrelled. The nature of the business is not stated.

This may be the treasonable letter that Blenkinsop brought, but it does not
bear any outward trace of treason. In fact, if its date was Easter 1537, it is rather
evidence for than against Sir John, as it indicates that, so far from plotting a
rising, he was busy with private affairs. But the government lawyers were quite
unscrupulous in their use of documents, as for instance in the case of the Abbot
of Sawley's supplication. They may have forced a treasonable interpretation
upon the innocent letter, or it is possible that the business alluded to may not
have been as harmless as it appears. In the absence of a date it is impossible to
discover the true importance of the letter. It may have been written at some
other Easter years before.

Note D. Fronde made up his mind that the Marquis of Exeter must have
encouraged the Cornish rising, and in consequence of this preconceived opinion
he jumbled together several documents without any regard for their dates. First

i Diet. Nat. Biog. art. Askew, Anne. 2 L. and P. xn (2), 189.

3 See above, chap. HI, * See above, chap. xvm.

xix] The King's Peace 181

he described the ordering of the banner by the Cornish fishermen, but assigned
the intended display of it to the year 1538. In a note he admitted that this date
was inconsistent with the fact that " the queen " was to be painted on the banner,
as Henry in 1538 was a widower, but Froude explained this by saying that the
banner was ordered in the summer of 1537, but the painter delayed his informa-
tion until 1538 ; in order to fit in with his theory the insurgents must have
ordered their banner a year before they meant to use it.

The passage continues, " At length particular information was given in, which
connected itself with the affair at St Kevern. It was stated distinctly that two
Cornish gentlemen named Kendall and Quyntrell had for some time past been
secretly employed in engaging men who were to be ready to rise at an hour's
warning." The implication is that the machinations of the two gentlemen were
discovered in 1538, in consequence of the exposure of the Cornish plot; yet the
evidence quoted in a foot-note sufficiently contradicts this, for it was a report
addressed to Cromwell that Kendall and Quyntrell had told many people that
"Henry Marquis of Exeter... would be king, if the King's Highness proceeded
to marry the Lady Anne Boleyn, or else it should cost a thousand men's lives."
This discrepancy passed unnoticed by Froude1.

The conspiracy of Kendall and Quyntrell, in fact, took place and was discovered
in 1531, when Exeter was banished from court for some time on account of its
discovery2. It had nothing to do with the present agitation in Cornwall, and
there is not the smallest reason to connect the Marquis of Exeter with this later
movement.

Note E. This was a favourite proverb of the King's : " * Well then,' quoth
the King, ' Let me alone, and keep this gear secret between yourself and me, and
let no man be privy thereof : for if I hear any more of it, then I know by whom
it came to knowledge. Three may,' quoth he, ' keep counsel, if two be away ;
and if I thought that my cap knew my counsel I would cast it into the fire and
burn it.' "3

1 Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xv. 2 See below, chap. xxm.

3 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey (ed. Singer, 2nd ed.), p. 399.

CHAPTER XX

THE END OF THE PILGRIMAGE

It is not likely that any tidings of the new attempts at insurrection
reached the prisoners in the Tower. They were cut off from the world
and forgotten ; the conspirators who still maintained their cause did
not even plan a rescue.

The champions of the old faith lay at the mercy of the reformers,
but even this was not perhaps the most deadly feature of the prisoners'
position. Their plight was rendered still worse by the fact that they
were the upholders of the common law, but they had fallen into the
hands of the civilians. There was a new influence at work in the law
courts, inimical to the ancient free customs of England : —

" In 1535, the year in which More was done to death, the Year Books come to
an end : in other words, the great stream of law reports that has been flowing for
near two centuries and a half, ever since the days of Edward I, becomes dis-
continuous and then runs dry. The exact significance of this ominous event has
never yet been duly explored, but ominous it surely is. Some words that once
fell from Edmund Burke occur to us : 'To put an end to reports is to put an end
to the law of England.' '3l

One sign of this new influence was very significant, namely, the
interrogation of the prisoner before trial. This practice, which was
closely connected with the use of torture, was contrary to the usages
of English common law, but it was so freely employed in Henry
VIII's reign that "in criminal causes that were of any political
importance an examination by two or three doctors of the civil law
threatened to become a normal part of our procedure."2 Every one
of the prisoners after the Pilgrimage of Grace was repeatedly inter-
rogated and their answers were used as the chief evidence against
themselves and each other.

Norfolk expected the last batch of prisoners from the north to
arrive in London on 21 April 1537. Sir John Bulmer and Margaret

1 Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance.

2 Ibid. ; for the form of criminal trial at this period see Holdsworth, Hist, of Eng.
Law, n, 160, 164.

OH. xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 183

were reunited in the Tower, never to be " departed " again, except for
a few hours1.

The King was not satisfied with such a small number of prospective
executions, and several of the gentlemen had narrow escapes. It was
characteristic of the royal gratitude that two of the three noblemen
who had served him most faithfully in the north were among those in
danger. The Earl of Cumberland paid no penalty for his loyalty, but
the Earl of Northumberland, who had refused the rebels' oath at the
risk of his life, was threatened with a prosecution for treason. He
had made the King his heir, but he was " an unconscionable time
a-dying." Henry wanted to settle the north, and entertained the
idea of sweeping away all the three Percy brothers at once. The
Earl was charged with the surrender of Wressell Castle to Aske,
although this event was undoubtedly covered by the pardon2. The
accusation was made about the end of April, and on 29 April the
unfortunate man wrote to declare his unswerving loyalty8. It was
probably not so much his innocence as the state of his health which
saved him from a traitor's death. On 3 June he sent word that
although he had made the King his heir on condition that certain
articles of his devising were performed, he now withdrew all conditions
and submitted everything wholly to the King4. Perhaps the threat
of a prosecution had been made in order to secure this submission.
On 29 June 1537 the Earl died and the King at last entered upon
the inheritance that he had coveted so long6.

Young Sir Ralph Evers, who had defended Scarborough Castle
against the rebels, must have appeared to be perfectly secure of the
King's favour, yet he also fell under suspicion. He had been ordered
to seize the goods of the quondam prior of Guisborough and of
Dr John Pickering, and he was charged with embezzling some of the
money6. The charge was very likely true, but his gains cannot have
been great, and at a time when pickings were so plentiful his conduct
was hardly worthy of remark.

A more serious matter against him was his alleged letter to Sir
John Bulmer, which contained disrespectful comments on Norfolk
and Cromwell7. Norfolk examined him about it on 11 July and was

L. and P. xn (2), 181 ; printed in full, Archaeologia, xvm, 294.
L. and P. xn (1), 849 (53) ; printed in full, De Fonblanque, op. cit. i, append, liii.
L. and P. xn (1), 1062.

L. and P. xn (2), 19 ; printed in full, de Fonblanque, op. cit. i, chap. ix.
L. and P. xn (2), 165 ; printed in full, de Fonblanque, op. cit. i, chap. ix.
L. and P. xn (1), 535, 979, 1296; xn (2), 12 (2).
7 See above, chap. xix.

184 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

favourably impressed by his answers. The Duke advised that Evers
should be summoned to London, although he was in very bad health,
suffering apparently from a serious abscess in his ear. Norfolk did
not think he could live long, and suggested that the letter had
been forged against him by his enemy Sir Roger Cholmeley1. Evers
insisted that he had not written the treasonable passages, on the very
good grounds that he could neither read nor write more than his own
name2. Sir Ralph was at Windsor in July3, but returned safely to the
north in August4. His summons to London at such a time naturally
caused his family the greatest anxiety. His wife was reported to
have said, " There is twenty of the best in Yorkshire hath sent me
word that if my husband were in any danger, that they would rise
and fetch him out or else die therefore," and also that if her husband
were in any danger above, it would turn to a worse business than the
death of any man that died in Yorkshire. Two servants who tried to
lay information against her were imprisoned by John Evers, Sir Ralph's
brother, in the parsonage of Lythe, near Whitby. They contrived to
escape to Sir Ralph's enemy Sir Roger Cholmeley, and laid their
accusations against Lady Evers5 and her brother-in-law, but Norfolk
treated the matter lightly, perhaps because her words were true and
he dared not meddle with her8. Norfolk came to the conclusion that
the incriminating letter had been written by one of Evers' servants,
but he was satisfied with the punishment of the servant, and over-
looked the offence of the master7.

The King's auditors on 28 December 1536 accused Lord Conyers
of hindering them in their collection of the royal rents, " for some
said if he commanded [the tenants] they would pay, insomuch that
Mr Fulthorpe, constable of the Castle [of Middleham] urged him
to further the audit."8 This was duly noted, and as soon as the King
could act with safety Lord Conyers was sent for and put in ward.
By Norfolk's advice, however, he was released instead of being brought
to trial. Lord Conyers returned home and incurred the King's further
displeasure by breaking " his promise at his departure from Windsor,"
whatever that may have been9. Nevertheless he escaped further
trouble.

Lord Latimer's danger was even greater. He was vaguely im-
plicated in the Bulmer conspiracy, and it was known that he had

i L. and P. xn (2), 248, 583, Append. 1. 2 Ibid. 291. 3 Ibid. 356.

4 Ibid. 519. » Ibid. 733.

8 Ibid. 828 ; printed in full, State Papers, v. p. 109.

7 L. and P. xn (2), 828, 850. 8 L. and P. xi, 1380.

11 L. and P xn (2), 14.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 185

suggested at Pontefract that the clergy should be asked whether
it was ever lawful for subjects to rebel. He was also connected
with Sir Francis Bigod, whose baby son Ralph was pledged to Lord
Latimer's daughter Margaret1. Latimer was summoned to London
at the same time as Sir John Bulmer, but he never obeyed the
summons2. At length, about the middle of June, Norfolk induced
him to go up to London as a suitor on his own affairs ; the Duke was
not scrupulous in such matters, but perhaps it was as a salve to his
conscience that he wrote to Cromwell that he could find no evidence
against Latimer3.

Lord Latimer had been proposed as a member of the Council
of the North, but his name was struck off the list4. He arrived
in London about 29 June5, and his friends gave him up for lost. His
brother Thomas Nevill, hearing of his journey, exclaimed to his wife,
" Alas, Mary, my brother is cast away. By God's Blood, if I had the
King here I would make him that he should never take man into the
Tower." Hearing a poor woman lamenting that the parson of Aldham,
Essex, who had been arrested for treason, " should be put to death
upon a false wretch's saying," Nevill replied, " No, Margaret, he shall
not be put to death, for he hath no lands nor goods to lose ; but if he
were either a knight or a lord that had lands or goods to lose, then he
should lose his life."6 Yet lands and goods might save a life as well
as destroy it. Lord Latimer escaped for the time by means of a
bribe to Cromwell in the form of his house within the Charterhouse
churchyard, the lease of which had cost Latimer 100 marks, besides
his expenses on many improvements7.

Lord Lumley came up to London with Lord Latimer, and saved
himself in the same way. The evidence which connected him with
the Bulmer conspiracy was fairly clear, but he sent a substantial
bribe to Cromwell, with the hint that, in consequence of his son's
attainder, he could make whomsoever he pleased his heir8. By these
means he was enabled to die in his bed.

It is not likely that Latimer and Lumley would have been able to
buy themselves off if the King had really determined upon their
death, but in the case of Lumley the royal vengeance was satisfied by
the execution of his son George Lumley, and after the trials of Darcy
and Hussey Henry must have realised that it would not be easy
to secure a conviction on the very slender evidence which was all that

1 L. and P. xii (2), append. 28. 2 Ibid. 14. » Ibid. 101.

4 Ibid. 102 (3). 6 Ibid. 166. « Ibid. 665.

7 Ibid. 784. 8 Ibid. 3.

186 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

could be produced against Latimer. Barons and lesser nobles were
the only men whose trials gave Henry any difficulty. The great
nobles, Buckingham, Exeter, Norfolk, made so many enemies, that it
was easy to accomplish their fall. Knights, country gentlemen, and
common people were at the King's mercy. But barons must be tried
by their peers, who were collectively too powerful to be intimidated ;
and these judges were led by a strong class spirit to sympathise with
their unfortunate fellow-peer who stood before them. Before this
Lord Dacre had been acquitted1; later the King found it impossible
to bring Lord Delaware to trial2, and even at the present crisis the
peers made an effort to save Lord Darcy. Lord Hussey excited less
sympathy, being comparatively an upstart.

Darcy was committed to the Tower on 7 April 15373, and on the
8th the King sent orders to Norfolk to seize his lands, papers, etc.4
There was some apprehension at court that his arrest might provoke
a fresh rising, but Norfolk had taken his precautions, and assured
Cromwell that there was no danger6, while he seized the goods in
accordance with his orders6.

Darcy was examined at the Lord Chancellor's house about 16
April7. He did not make a patient subject for cross-examination;
he knew that his doom was fixed and, like Macbeth, he turned upon
his enemies :

"They have tied me to a stake; I cannot fly,
But bear-like I must fight the course ."

He greeted his examiners with the words : " I am here now at your
pleasure ; ye may do your pleasure with me. I have read that men
that have been in cases like with their prince as ye be now have come
at the last to the same end that ye would now bring me unto. And
so may ye come to the same."8 He accused Surrey ; he most probably
accused Norfolk9 ; he defied Cromwell with the famous challenge :
" Cromwell, it is thou that art the very original and chief causer of
all this rebellion and mischief, and art likewise causer of the appre-
hension of us that be noble men and dost daily earnestly travail to
bring us to our end and to strike off our heads, and I trust that or
thou die, though thou wouldst procure all the noblemen's heads within

1 See above, chap. n. 2 See below, chap. xxm.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 835, 846 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the
Earl of Hardwicke), i. 43.

* L. and P. xn (1), 863. 6 Ibid. 967.

6 Ibid. 991. 7 Ibid. 981.

s ibid. 1120. 9 See above, chap. xi.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 187

the realm to be stricken off, yet shall there one head remain that
shall strike off thy head."1

Darcy was examined again in the Tower before his trial2, but the
fragments of his answers on the first occasion show plainly the reason
why the full record of them has not been preserved. It must have
been a very spirited document, but too many people were interested
in its destruction for it to survive, while there was no motive for
keeping it, as it incriminated none of the other Pilgrims. This is
proved by the summaries of the evidence against the different
prisoners, and the memoranda for the prosecution. In these the
names of the witnesses against each prisoner are given, with references
to the examinations and depositions containing the evidence. Not
a single person was accused by Darcy ; not a single charge was
strengthened by his evidence. He made good his vaunt that " Old
Tom has not one traitor's tooth in his head."

All Darcy 's papers were seized and sent to London ; they were
very numerous, for he kept copies of almost every letter that he ever
received or wrote8. His method of writing was to make a rough copy
of the letter himself in his large, bold, uncouth hand-writing with
individualistic spelling ; this was given to one of his secretaries who
made one fair copy, or perhaps several if the matter was important.
Out of this correspondence the Crown lawyers proceeded to pick
treason, and their notes show the kind of evidence which must have
been given at the trial as proof of the charges in the indictment4.

This evidence falls into three classes, (1) the treasonable acts
which he was accused of committing since the King's pardon; (2) those
which he committed during the rebellion; (3) those which he had
committed before the period covered by the pardon which extended
from 10 October to 10 December 15366.

(1) The principal evidence in the first category was that Darcy
in his letters about Bigod's rising had repeatedly stated that Norfolk
was coming down to confirm the general pardon and to appoint the
time for the new parliament and convocation, that he came with but
a small company, and that the commons must remain quiet until he
arrived6. This was twisted into treason on the grounds that it implied,
if the terms were not confirmed, according to the rebels' unreasonable
requests, " they will revive their traitors' hearts ; meanwhile they are

i L. and P. xii (1), 976. 2 Ibid. 1079.

3 L. and P. xi, 929 ; L. and P. xii (1), 1088.

4 L. and P. xii (2), 186. » L. and P. xii (1), 1207 (8).

6 Darcy's Letters : L. and P. xii (1), 115, 135, 155, 162, 184. Evidence : ibid.
847 (5), 848 (2) (5) (15) (16), 1087 (pp. 497-8).

188 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

to stay but upon the Duke's coming." This charge is obviously
nonsense. Darcy believed the King's solemn and repeated assurances
that he pardoned everybody, and that he would hold a free parliament.
Now that the King did not mean to keep his promises, it was
suggested that Darcy 's faith in the royal word was treason. Darcy
believed that Norfolk brought from the King conciliatory messages
which would satisfy the commons, and take away their wish to rebel
again. In this mistaken belief he pacified the country, and this was
also considered a proof of treason.

Another piece of evidence on which stress was laid was that
Levening, "one of the principal traitors with Bigod," had asked
Darcy to speak to Norfolk on his behalf, and that Darcy had never
reported his application1. This shows the King's superb command
over circumstances. Levening was not a traitor. He had been
tried and acquitted ; legally he was an innocent man, and it could
not possibly be treason to help him to clear his character. But in
spite of the verdict of the jury the King had made up his mind that
Levening was a traitor, and as a traitor he was to appear in all other
trials.

More evidence against Darcy was gleaned from Parker's letter
which described the state of Lancashire at Christmas time2. It
was a report of muttered discontent and threatening preparations.
Cromwell commented on it that Parker would not have written this
if it had not been Lord Darcy's pleasure3, which shows the kind of
report that he expected from his own spies ; but it appears from the
letter itself that Parker was far from sure that Darcy would be
pleased, for he said, " My lord, I beseech your lord[ship] be not
miscontent with me if [I show your] lordship what their communing
is in all this country." Cromwell's other objection, that Darcy never
reported Parker's warning to the royal lieutenants, was absolutely
false. Darcy wrote to Shrewsbury about it on 7 January4.

Further evidence related to Darcy's alleged message to Aske
before the latter went up to London at Christmas. This has already
been discussed and disproved5.

Sir John Bulmer's statement that he sent Darcy warning not to
go to London was mentioned, but this point was not dwelt upon, as
even Cromwell must have realised that there was no proof that

1 Levening: L. and P. xn (1), 730, 731. Evidence: ibid. 848 (10), 1087
(p. 497).

2 Ibid. 7. Evidence: ibid. 848 (ii) (13), 849 (6) (37), 1087 (p. 498).

3 Ibid. 847 (13). 4 Ibid. 39.

5 Ibid. 849 (33), 974, 1087 (p. 498), 1175. See above, chap. xvn.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 189

Darcy had received the message, and he certainly had not acted
upon it1.

Darcy 's recent stewardship of Pontefract Castle was called in
question, and it was considered equally treasonable that he had
suggested the delay of its re-equipment for a few days2, and that,
when Sir George Darcy insisted on speed, he had applied to Aske for
the weapons which had been carried off by the rebels3.

One of the notes deals with an interesting point in the second
negotiations at Doncaster. It was alleged that Darcy wrote to
Suffolk and Shrewsbury to require that the appointment should
be observed in Lincolnshire, and that no prisoners should be executed.
As none is known to have been put to death until March this
probably was in fact part of the appointment4.

The last accusation of this class was that Darcy, in a letter which
has not been preserved, invited Aske to meet Chaloner, Grice and
Sir Robert Constable at Templehurst, ending " I trust in our being
together shall stay many things, and all good men I find well-minded
thereunto, your faithful, Thomas Darcy." Against this it was objected
that the meeting was suspicious, and that " by the words ' your faith-
ful' it appears there is great fidelity betwixt the Lord Darcy and
Robert Aske, being but a mean person."5

A puzzling note in the evidence states that Darcy, in Lent, sent
a copy of one of Norfolk's letters to "the prior of Whalley now
attainted "; this showed that he favoured a traitor8. There is some
mistake here, for the prior of Whalley was not a traitor ; it was the
abbot who was condemned for treason7. Talbot deposed that one
of Aske's servants gave him a copy of a letter from Norfolk to Darcy,
which he delivered to the abbot of Whalley, but the witness did not
state when this happened8. It is by no means improbable that Cromwell
simply invented the date, " in Lent," and that the letter referred to
was really the one found in the vicar of Blackburn's house, which
had been sent out in November with the summons to the council at
Pontefract9. Aske's letter about the same council is also mis-endorsed
"since the appointment."10

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497).

2 Delay : ibid. 280, 295. Evidence: ibid. 849 (32), 1087 (p. 498).

3 Application : ibid. 390. Evidence : ibid. 848 (1), 1087 (p. 497).

« Evidence : ibid. 848 (4), 1087 (p. 497). Letter: L. and P. xi, 1293, illegible in the
essential passage. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 848 (8).

6 Ibid. 847 (10), 848 (ii) (12), 1087 (p. 498).

7 Ibid. 840 ; printed in full, Beck, op. cit. 347.

8 L. and P. xn (1), 853. » Ibid. 878.
10 L. and P. xi, 1128; xn (1), 849 (7).

190 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

(2) The second class of evidence against Darcy ought not to have
been brought into the case, as the events were covered by his pardon.
It was no longer a matter of importance whether the surrender of
Pontefract Castle was collusive1, whether Darcy took the rebels'
oath2, what he said to Somerset Herald3, or whether he proposed
to send a message to Flanders4. All this should have been obliterated
by his pardon of 18 January 1 536-7 6. Nevertheless minute inquiries
were made on all these points in order to blacken the case against him.

Owing to his high office and influential position there were
naturally a great many papers relating to different periods of the
rising in Darcy's possession. Some had been sent to him before
the siege of Pontefract by the King's lieutenants, while he was
still acting for the King6; others had been intercepted during the
rebellion or had been sent to him by the rebels7; while others
again were later than the pardon, when he was once more acting for
the King8. The possession of these letters was the necessary con-
sequence of the position which Darcy had filled for many years, yet
it was considered highly suspicious, and was magnified into treason.

Other accusations which fall under this head had more point.
By investigating the problem of the Pilgrims' badges it might have
been possible to prove that Darcy had foreknowledge of the insurrec-
tion, although as a matter of fact nothing incriminating was dis-
covered9. The government was naturally anxious to learn who were
the Pilgrims' southern friends, as although Darcy's share of the
correspondence was covered by the pardon, the other parties' share
was not; but Darcy accused no one10. On this subject a story was
sent to Cromwell that a certain beggar "said he had a letter from
Lord Darcy to my lord of Exeter in his cape." The cape was cut to
pieces, and the remains of a letter, also cut up, were discovered. The
finder, Sir Walter Stonor, sent the fragments to Cromwell, but he did
not put much faith in the tale, as both the beggar and his accuser
were " very simple men."11 In an age of such universal suspicion
there was an immense temptation to half-witted people to acquire

1 L. and P. xn (1), 852 (iii), 853, 900 (56) (60-64), 1022.

2 Ibid. 900 (65-72). 3 ibia. 944 ; cf. L. and P. xi, 1086.
* L. and P. xii (1), 1079, 1080. 5 Ibid. 134.

« Ibid. 848 (3), 849 (11) (12) (19) (20), 1087 (p. 498).

7 Ibid. 849 (15) (45) (47) ; 849 (2) (p. 382) ; 849 (18), and L. and P. xi, 1080 ;
L. and P. xn (1), 848 (7), 849 (46), 1087 (p. 498), 849 (5), and L. and P. xi, 1051.
s L. and P. xn (1), 849 (44) and 350 ; 849 (48) and 144.
» Ibid. 900 (73-87); printed in full, Eng. Hist. Eev. v. 554-5.

10 L. and P. xn (1), 849 (3) and xi, 1128; xn (1), 852 and 852 (iv).

11 Ibid. 797.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 191

a dangerous importance by making accusations and professing to
know secrets. Instances of this tendency have been given already,
and this must have been another case, for although Cromwell was
eager to implicate southern noblemen in the rebellion, nothing more
is heard of the story.

(3) Finally comes evidence that Darcy had committed treason
before the beginning of the insurrection. Here the prosecution was
really on firmer ground. They suspected as much, but they had
even less real proof than in other parts of the case. At this point a
curious problem arises. There was no substantial evidence that Darcy
had committed treason since the pardon ; but from Chapuys' cor-
respondence we know now that he had been guilty of treason two
years before. The government suspected the earlier plot, but had
never been able to prove it. Can it be said that justice was done
when Darcy was executed ?

So many innocent persons were put to death in Henry's reign
that historians are apt to dwell with relief on any defects in the
character of the condemned, no matter how irrelevant they may be
to the charge on which he suffered. Darcy was tried and executed
for a crime which he had not committed, but he had committed a
crime for which, if his guilt could have been proved, he would have
been executed. Unless the principle is adopted that the wickedness
of some people is such that it is right to shoot them at sight, this
is not a satisfactory way of administering justice. Even a criminal
is entitled to a fair trial, and to acquittal when he is not guilty of
the particular crime with which he is charged.

To return to the evidence against Darcy, — nothing could be
proved, but a few rash speeches were brought up against him, which
did not amount to treason. He had said that he would be no heretic1,
and that it was better to rule than to be ruled, but the utmost
severity was needed to construe this into a plot against the King's
title or life2. A witness was found in the person of a chantry priest,
who deposed that he had been told that Darcy said, on hearing of
the rebellion in Lincolnshire, " Ah, are they up in Lincolnshire ? If
they had done this three years ago it had been a much better world
than it is now." The same deponent had also been told of another
speech of Darcy's, apparently after the pardon, "By God's blessed
mother, if the commons should happen to rise again, where there
were then two shaven crowns that did take their parts, there will

1 L. and P. xn (1), 900 (45-49), 945 (48) ; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Kev. v, 553, 572.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 848 (11), 974.

192 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

now be four."1 These speeches are reported on no authority but
that of hearsay, and were repeated eight and four months after they
were alleged to have been uttered. They would not be admitted as
evidence in any law-court now, but no such nice scruples were enter-
tained in Henry VIII's reign.

There may have been an attempt to accuse Darcy of plotting to
murder Wolsey. The following notes are in the " articles against
Lord Darcy " : — " First, the destruction of the Cardinal in the
Chancery"; "For the gunpowder to burn my Lord Cardinal."3
Apparently the charge broke down. Norfolk tried to support it by
sending Darcy's " book " against Wolsey. Darcy had taken the chief
part in the Cardinal's prosecution and this " book " probably contained
the charges brought against the latter with the consent of the King.
Norfolk, however, said it showed that " the said lord has been long
dissatisfied with the King's affairs, and the King may by his great
wisdom pick out some matters long since imagined."3 "The book
that the Lord Darcy made against the Cardinal " was entered among
the evidence against Darcy4.

Other pieces of evidence were picked out of Darcy's old papers, —
an indenture with a servant of quite an ordinary type5, an order
dated June 1536 for a statute book, which Cromwell thought "might
be conspiracy before the insurrection."6 But these points, and perhaps
some of the others, must probably have appeared even to the King's
lawyers too slight to be brought up at the trial.

It is difficult to know what to say about such pieces of evidence
as these, so trivial, so disingenuous, and yet treated as of sufficient
weight to cost a man his life. When the morality of another age is
strikingly unlike our own, we are apt to excuse it on the grounds
that it was the custom of the time, and that people knew no better.
But this will not serve to excuse the treason trials of Henry VIII.
People did know better. All intelligent and honourable men knew
that the King was not doing justice. There is abundant proof in
the preceding pages of this book that no class of society believed
it to be just or right or necessary for the common safety to put men
to death " for a word speaking," particularly when the evidence
that the word had been spoken was only hearsay or was supplied
by those who had an interest in the death of the accused. The
treason laws, and trials such as those of More, Fisher and the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 497), 1200.

2 Ibid. 848, 850 (2) ; see note A at end of chapter.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 1064 ; see L. and P. iv (1), Introduction, p, dlv ; (3), 5749-50.
* L. and P. xn (1), 848. » Ibid. 849 (49), • Ibid. 849 (50).

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 193

Carthusian monks, in the previous year, excited so much horror as
to provoke the rebellion. The rising was at first successful ; it was
overcome not by force, nor by the rally of any considerable party
round the throne, but by treachery. The King in the moment of
victory was able to do as he pleased, for the defeated opposition was
bewildered, terrified and helpless. But laws and legal proceedings of
the kind which in part caused the revolt cannot reasonably be called
a bulwark of national safety, nor is it altogether just to say that they
were willingly accepted and supported by the nation.

On 15 May 1537 Lord Darcy was brought to trial in Westminster
Hall on the indictment which had been found at York. The Marquis
of Exeter was appointed Lord High Steward for the trial, and the
panel of peers was composed of the Marquis of Dorset, the Earls
of Oxford, Shrewsbury, Essex, Cumberland, Wiltshire and Sussex,
Viscount Beauchamp, and Lords Delaware, Cobham, Maltravers,
Powes, Morley, Clinton, Dacre of the South, Mountjoy, Windsor,
Bray, Mordaunt, Borough and Cromwell1. It will be observed that
Cromwell, who took the chief part in drawing up the indictment,
was also one of the judges.

Darcy pleaded not guilty, and his peers were by no means willing
to convict him according to a friend of Delaware, who said that
Delaware, on coming from the trial, had told him he trusted Darcy
would lose neither life nor goods, as Cromwell had promised to do
his best for him2. Darcy could have told them the folly of listening
to such a promise, — "he that will lay his head on the block may
have it soon stricken off,"3 but the tale served its purpose. The
lords found him guilty, and if Cromwell intervened his petition was
useless. The trial was on Tuesday, and it was at first intended that the
execution should take place on Saturday. Darcy faced the prospect
with great firmness ; " Lord Darcy is a very bold man," wrote Husee4.
On Friday Darcy sent for his confessor to be with him early next
morning ; he asked for either Doctor Aglabe of the Black Friars nigh
Ludgate, or " the Doctor of Our Lady Friars in Fleet Street, a big,
gross, old man."5 His death, however, was postponed. The King
could not make up his mind whether it would have a better effect to
execute Darcy in London or in his own country, and until this point
was settled he remained in the Tower.

On 3 June Norfolk sent up to London Thomas Strangways, Darcy 's

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1207 (16-21) ; printed in full, Deputy-Keeper's Report m,
append, n, p. 247. 2 L. and P. xm (2), 803.

8 L. and P. xi, 1086. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 1239. 5 Ibid. 1234.

D. II. 13

194 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

steward, who had just been arrested at Beverley1. He had in his
possession letters to Darcy from Norfolk, Bowes and Ellerker, and
the King's letter to Bowes and Ellerker2. Norfolk said that the
discovery of these letters showed that the Pilgrims had had spies
in the royal camp, but it is not clear why he thought this, for all
these were public documents which would naturally be circulated in
the north. Strangways was " sore crazed " and could travel only very
slowly3. When he reached London it was supposed that he would
"open many matters,"4 but "like master, like man." Strangways
showed all Darcy 's resolution, and made the King very angry by
" labouring to excuse wholly Lord Darcy and Constable and that with
such advancement of the fame of the country towards them as though
our subjects there do much repine at their punishments, saying also
plainly that they be more meet to rule there than you [Norfolk] be
and much better beloved than you be, amongst the people of those
parties." These words give an impressive picture of the faithful old
servant, sick and helpless, yet daring to speak out before the terrible
King.

The effect of Strangways' words was to make Henry almost
determined to send down all the prisoners for execution in the north.
He wrote to Norfolk :

" Considering that this matter of the insurrection hath been attempted there,
and thinking that as well for the example as to see who would groan at their execu-
tion, it should be meet to have them executed at Doncaster and thereabouts ;
minding, upon their sufferance, to knit up this tragedy, we think it should not
be amiss that we should send the said Darcy, Constable and Aske down for that
purpose ; requiring you, with diligence, to advertise us of your opinion in that
behalf."6

Norfolk's reply has not been preserved, but he dared not risk the
effect of Darcy's execution in the north ; the idea was given up, and
the old lord's life was prolonged again.

Darcy never entertained any hope of mercy. In June he sent
a petition to the King, asking, not for pardon, but " that the strait-
ness of the judgment may be mitigated at the King's pleasure." He
had been condemned to the usual death for treason, but he was
allowed the privilege of his rank and was beheaded. He also
requested " to have confession and, at mass, to receive my Maker " ;
and begged that his whole body might be buried by that of his
second wife Lady Nevill in the Friary at Greenwich. He sent in

1 L. and P. xn (2), 22, 23. 2 Ibid. 43 ; xi, 1009, 1064 (2), 1065.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 30. 4 Ibid. 105.

6 Ibid. 77 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 551.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 195

a list of his debts, which were small, begging that they might be paid;
" the premises served is great merit in, and to me a singular comfort,
and to his Grace a small matter." He added that he forgave the
King a debt of £4400 which the Treasury owed him, and therefore
trusted that his Grace " will the rather command the within-written
debts to be paid."1 On June 30 1537 Lord Darcy was beheaded on
Tower Hill2. His last wishes were not observed, for his head was
exposed on London Bridge, and his body was buried " at the Crossed
Friars beside the Tower of London."8 On 22 July Darcy was post-
humously degraded from his rank as Knight of the Garter, and his
vacant stall was bestowed upon Cromwell4. The overthrow of the
old by the new could not be more emphatically marked.

During Darcy 's imprisonment his sons were in the north,
scrambling for a share in the monastic lands. But there is perhaps
a touch of natural feeling in a letter dated 3 May to the King from
Sir Arthur, Darcy's younger and favourite son, in which he requested
that if his father was condemned, he might be allowed to change his
lands for others in the south, because he would never again " rejoice
to abide here."5

Lord Hussey's wavering fortunes since the insurrection have
already been traced. He had been accused, but never brought to
trial ; the accusation had been allowed to fall into abeyance, but he
had never been pardoned. His trial was in one sense fairer than
Darcy's, but in another even less fair. Darcy had openly committed
treason, and borne arms against the King, but he had been pardoned.
Hussey had never received a pardon, and consequently he was liable
at any time to be brought to judgment for his behaviour during the
rising in Lincolnshire, but on the other hand he had never committed
any definitely treasonable act.

Hussey was arrested at about the same time as Darcy, and was
imprisoned in the Tower6. He was present at Darcy's first examina-
tion7. His wife, who was living at Limehouse, was allowed to visit
him, and he repeated to her such of Darcy's answers as are given
above. All her misfortunes had not taught Lady Hussey discretion.
She repeated the words to her servant Katharine Cresswell, the wife
of Percival Cresswell, and the story soon spread abroad8.

1 L. and P. xii (2), 1. 2 Ibid> i66>

8 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 65.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 1078 ; xn (2), 313, 445 ; the last printed in full, Anstis, The
Order of the Garter, n, 407. B L. and P. xn(l), 1129.

• Ibid. 905; L. and P. xn (2), 181 ; printed in full, Archaeologia, xvm, 294.
7 L. and P. xn (1), 981. * Ibid. 976, 981.

13—2

196 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

The evidence against Hussey was much less bulky than that
against Darcy, and it falls into two classes. The first was that
relating to his conduct during the Lincolnshire insurrection. This
has been fully discussed above1. His acts all showed him to be
loyal; he sent out warnings, he tried to raise men, he kept his
district quiet, and when resistance was hopeless he fled to the royal
camp. Against the evidence of such conduct there was nothing to
oppose but spiteful gossip, conjectures and perversions of evidence.
It was said that though he received warning of the revolt on Monday,
he did nothing until Wednesday2, a statement which was contradicted
by the Mayor of Lincoln's evidence that Hussey ordered him to
prepare to resist the rebels on Tuesday8. It was brought up against
Hussey that his servant Cutler, when in the power of the rebels,
had told them that his master was at their commandment4, but as
the rebels had two days before killed Lord Borough's servant because
his master opposed them, Cutler's words were clearly an attempt to
save his own life, and no weight could attach to them. Finally
Hussey was said to have ordered his servants to hide his weapons,
but the witness admitted that this was probably to keep them out of
the rebels' hands5.

In Hussey's case, as in Darcy's, there was a second set of accusa-
tions which really had more foundation in fact. He had been in
communication with the Imperial ambassador in 1534, although he
had only sent him a single message of no importance6. His prose-
cutors laboured hard to prove his earlier offence. On his arrest he
had uttered some imprudent words about the supper party with
Darcy and Constable which had happened so long ago7, but he gave
a perfectly clear and simple account of what had passed there8. One
witness was found who deposed that Hussey had said two years
before that heresy would never be mended " without we fight,"9 but
even the crown lawyers could not consider this sufficient to condemn
him, and in the end he was indicted only for his share in the Lincoln-
shire rising.

Lord Hussey was tried with Darcy, pleaded not guilty, and was
condemned10. No one seems to have made any effort to obtain the

1 See above, chap. vi. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 1012 (4) ; 1087 (p. 500).

a Ibid. 964. 4 Ibid. 1087 (p. 501). 5 Ibid. 1213.

6 See above, chap. n. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 973.

8 Ibid. 899 ; printed by Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xiv.

9 L. and P. xn (1), 576.

w> Ibid. 1207 (5), (7), (11-21) ; printed in full, Deputy-Keeper's Report, in, Append, n,
p. 247.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 197

King's mercy on his behalf. If Norfolk had been in London he
might have done something. His connection with Hussey was not
very creditable to either, being based on the relationship which
Norfolk's mistress bore to Hussey, but it was useful, as he had
interceded for Hussey before1. Norfolk went so far as to say that
he was sorry for the sentence, though no doubt it was deserved2; the
Duke suggested that Hussey might have sent the rebels information
during the insurrection3.

Hussey sent a petition to the King praying that his debts might
be paid, and earnestly asserting his innocence, but he made no useless
appeal for mercy4. He .remained in the Tower until late in June,
when the King resolved that he should be executed at Lincoln6. On
28 June he left the Tower on his last journey, in the custody of Sir
Thomas Went worth6. The King sent orders that he was to be
beheaded and that the Duke of Suffolk must supervise his death,
" which we desire may be done notably, with a declaration that of
our clemency we have pardoned all the rest of the judgment."7 The
exact date of his death is not known, but it did not have altogether
the required effect of striking awe into the hearts of the people, as
it was followed by a riot in the city, about which unfortunately no
details are preserved8.

Hussey 's fate was more sordidly tragic than Darcy's. Darcy died
a martyr to the faith which he loved ; he desired nothing better than
"so high perfection," and to pity him would be an impertinence.
But Hussey was killed merely to satisfy the causeless suspicion of
the King and the malice of his enemies. There is even reason to
suppose that his religious views had undergone some modification
since he said he would be no heretic. No religious rites are men-
tioned in his last petition to the King9, and a friend had shortly
before promised to send him " a fair Bible."10 The evidence is slender,
and the point is not of much importance ; if we are right it serves to
emphasise the needless cruelty of his death.

The trial of the other Pilgrims followed immediately after that
of the two lords. On Wednesday 16 May 1537 at eight o'clock in
the morning11 Sir Francis Bigod, George Lumley, Sir John Bulmer,

1 L. and P. xn (2), 143 ; printed in full, Nott, Lives of the Earl of Surrey and
Sir T. Wyatt, Append, xxvm ; L. and P. xn (2), 1049 ; printed in full, Everett-Green,
op. cit. n, no. CXLIX.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 1252. 3 L. and P. xn (2), 43.
* Ibid. 2. • Ibid. 156 (2).

s Ibid. 926. 7 ibid. 156 (2).

8 Ibid. Append. 31. 8 L. and P. xn (2), 2.

10 Ibid. 187 (2). 11 L. and P. xn (1), 1199 (4).

198 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Margaret Cheyne alias Lady Bulmer, Ralph Bulmer, Sir Thomas
Percy, Sir Stephen Hamerton, Sir Robert Constable and Robert
Aske were tried in Westminster Hall1 upon the indictment which
had been returned as a true bill at York and ran as follows: —

"That [the prisoners] did, 10 October 28 Henry VIII [1536] as false traitors,
with other traitors, at Sherburn, Yorks., conspire to deprive the King of his title
of Supreme Head of the English Church, and to compel him to hold a certain
Parliament and convocation of the clergy of the realm, and did commit divers
insurrections etc. at Pontefract, divers days and times before the said 10
October. And at Doncaster, 20 October 28 Henry VIII, traitorously assembled
to levy war, and so continued a long time. And although the King in his
great mercy pardoned the said [prisoners] their offences committed before 10
December 28 Henry VIII ; nevertheless they, persevering in their treasons, on
17 January 28 Henry VIII [1536-7] at Settrington, Templehurst, Flamborough,
Beverley and elsewhere, after the same pardon, again falsely conspired for the
above said purposes and to annul divers wholesome laws made for the common
weal, and to depose the King ; and to that end sent divers letters and messengers
to each other, 18 January 28 Henry VIII, and at other days and times after the
said pardon. And that Sir Francis Bigod and George Lumley, 21 January 28
Henry VIII, and divers days and times after the said pardon, at Settrington,
Beverley, and Scarborough, and elsewhere, with a great multitude in arms, did
make divers traitorous proclamations to call men to them to make war against
the King, and having thereby assembled 500 persons, did, 22 January 28
Henry VIII, levy war against the King.

And thus the said jury say that Bigod and Lumley conspired to levy cruel
war against the King. And moreover the said jury say that the others above
named, 22 January 28 Henry VIII etc. falsely and traitorously abetted the said
Bigod and Lumley in their said treasons."2

The clumsy practice of including so many people accused of
different offences under one vague indictment makes it necessary
to disentangle each case in detail and in the order named above.

The Grey Friars' Chronicler records that "On 13 March 1536-7
Sir Francis Bigod was brought out of the North to the Tower
through Smithfield and in at Newgate, riding so through Cheapside
and so to the Tower, and Sir Ralph Ellerker leading him by the
hand with that he was bound withal."3 Bigod was in the Tower
for a little less than three months, but the government was scandal-
ously overcharged for his maintenance, as the Lieutenant put his
charges down for six months at 10s. a week4.

Before Sir Francis was sent up to London, he had been examined

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1227 (13).

2 Ibid. 1207 (8) ; printed in full, Deputy-Keeper's Report, m, Append, n, p. 247;
de Fonblanque, op. cit. i, app. p. Iv.

s Grey Friars' Chron. (Camden Soc.), p. 40.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 181; printed in full, Archaeologia, xvm, 294.

xx] The End of tJie Pilgrimage 199

repeatedly by Norfolk, who was rather annoyed that, though Bigod
did not disguise his own offence, he would not accuse anyone else
except Gregory Conyers1. In his confession he was obliged to
mention the names of his brother Ralph and a friend Thomas Went-
worth, but he was careful to add, " and whereas I take testimony at
[call to witness] my brother and Mr Wentworth, I trust you will
bear them no displeasure, and if you send for them, do not say why,
else the country and they will fear I have accused them as councillors
in this naughty matter of Hallam's and mine, of which [so] help me
the blessed Body of God which yesterday I received, an they are
any [sic] more guilty than the child unborn ; so far as I know ; and
my mother, having no more children but us twain, would be too full
of sorrow." Bigod's confession ended with a petition that, whatever his
own fate might be, Norfolk would help two preachers, Mr Jherom, who
had not his fellow for preaching, and one Cervington, " who in my
country dare not come because he is a true favourer of God's word ;
he is a proper gentleman and honest, and can do good service at a
table among other qualities."2 So Sir Francis concluded, enigmatical
to the last. He was about to die for the old religion, and his last
written words are a commendation of the new. His former friend
Latimer overlooked his backsliding and protected his widow and
children3.

Bigod's accomplice George Lumley had been in the Tower since
the beginning of February. He was examined there on 8 Feb. by
Cromwell and Drs Tregonwell, Layton and Legh4. Nothing is known
about the details of his imprisonment.

Sir Christopher Hailes, the Master of the Rolls, appeared against
Bigod and Lumley at their trial5. They both pleaded not guilty,
and were both condemned6. There can be no doubt as to the justice
of their sentence ; their offences were apparent and openly confessed
by themselves. The simplicity of George Lumley 's conduct might
have pleaded for him in more favourable circumstances, but where
there was little hope of justice there was none at all of mercy. The
King had a particular reason for his death. It had seemingly been
decided that the government dared not attempt to arrest Lord
Lumley, but he could be made to suffer for his offences through
his son.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 473, 533.

2 Ibid. 533. 3 L. and P. xn (2), 194.

* L. and P. xn (1), 369; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.
6 L. and P. xn (1), 1199 (3) (ii).
6 Ibid. 1227 (13).

200 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

After his trial George Lumley wrote to his wife to beg her to
pay his debts, of which he enclosed a list. His letter continued :

" Be good mother and natural to my three children to whom I give God's
blessing and mine, desiring you further always to instruct my son to honour God
and be obedient to His laws, and next God to give his diligent attendance to do
his duty in loving, dreading and fearing his presence (? prince), observing his laws
and to be obedient to them, and so doing I trust I shall pray in Heaven for you." 1

The Bulmers were not long in the Tower, as Sir John and his
wife had been placed there on or after 21 April. Ralph Bulmer had
been committed to the Fleet, whence he wrote to Sir Oswald Wols-
thrope on 6 May that he doubted not but that the truth would justify
the declaration of his allegiance to his sovereign2. Before the trial
he was sent to join his father in the Tower3. Humphrey Browne
serjeant-at-law conducted the prosecution against Sir John and Lady
Bulmer, and John Baker the attorney-general against Ralph Bulmer4.

The case against Sir John was fairly clear, although the most
incriminating piece of evidence, his letter to his brother Sir William
Bulmer, was not discovered until nine months after his death, when
it came to light in consequence of a family quarrel. On 23 February
1537-8 Sir William visited his wife and had a violent dispute with
her over some of her title deeds. After he had left her, she imagined
that he might have taken possession of some valuable documents,
and proceeded with the help of a servant and a friar to go through
her husband's papers. Among them she discovered Sir John's letter,
and seeing that it was treasonable, she laid it before the Council of
the North, " as in duty bound," said Bishop Tunstall 5. Sir William
was arrested and imprisoned in Pontefract Castle in consequence of
her information, and from his examination some particulars of Sir
John's conduct appear, which were not known at his trial in 15376.
Nevertheless enough was proved by the evidence of his chaplain
William Staynhus, who seems to have saved his life by turning King's
evidence against his master and mistress. He was corroborated to
some extent by Lord Lumley, John Watts, and Ralph Bulmer's
confession7.

Just before the trial Norfolk sent up to London some papers
which he had seized at Sir John Bulmer's house. He admitted that
these letters had been written before the pardon, but said that they
showed that " no man had a more cankered heart " than Sir John, for

1 L. and P. xu (1), 1324 ; printed in full, Milner and Benham, op. cit. chap. v.

a L. and P. xu (1), 1142. ' Ibid. 1227 (13).

4 Ibid. 1199 (3) (ii). 5 L. and P. xin (1), 365.

6 Ibid. 568, 706-7. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 494).

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 201

" I think ye never read more lewd nor more malicious letters which I,
Babthorpe, Thirleby and Uvedale every of us have perused his part
for haste."1 No letters which correspond with this description have
been preserved. They must have been written to Sir John, unless
he, like Darcy, kept copies of his own letters, of which there is no
proof. Most of the letters to Sir John which are still extant were
written after the pardon and are very loyal in tone2. There is also
a collection of deeds relating to the Bulmer estates3, and one family
letter4. The only papers which could be turned against Sir John
Bulmer relate to the monastery of Guisborough ; one was the order sent
by the Pilgrims' council of York, which directed Sir John to maintain
the Prior of Guisborough in the enjoyment of his office, and the other
was an appeal sent by the Prior to Sir John for help in the manage-
ment of his unruly monks5. As the Prior had been put in by Cromwell,
this appeal is evidence rather in favour of Sir John, but it was very
dangerous for any gentleman to meddle in the affairs of a monastery,-
and an equally innocent document was sufficient to cost the lives of
Percy, Hamerton and Tempest. It may be, therefore, that these were
the lewd letters to which Norfolk referred.

Sir John Bulmer had not borne arms against the King since the
pardon, but he had become involved in a succession of plots, none
of them sufficiently well-contrived for success, but each enough to cost
him his life. His case shows the danger which the over-severity of
the law brought upon the government. Sir John had been drawn
into treason by accident. There is no proof that he desired Sir Francis
Bigod's confidence, or that he wished to help him. His original crime
was a natural reluctance to hand his nephew over to the executioner.
Knowing that the government would refuse to take this into con-
sideration, he was driven by terror and despair from plot to plot,
whereas if he could have expected mercy, he would probably have
committed himself no further.

The charges against Margaret and Ralph Bulmer rested only on
the evidence of William Staynhus and Sir John himself, the two men
whom above all others they must have believed to be most trust-
worthy6. It is not just to blame Sir John too much for this. In his
written confession he neither admitted his own guilt nor accused
anyone else. He offered to find a hidden treasure for the King, which
was perhaps as good a defence as any7. But a weak-willed, impetuous

i L. and P. xn (1), 1184. 2 Ibid. 66, 164, 236, 271.

3 L. and P. xiv (1), 976. 4 L. and P. xn (2), 189.

5 L. and P. xi, 1135 (2), 1295. 6 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 495).

' Ibid. 1083.

202 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

man of his type must have been helpless under cross-examination.
He was brought to confess his own offences, and those of his family,
although against the will of his judges he persisted in calling
Margaret his wife to the last1. Their union may have been irregular,
but it was founded on sincere affection. Margaret knew all his plans ;
she hoped for success while success was possible, and when all had
failed she counselled him to fly and save both their lives. Sir William
Bulmer's lawful wife dutifully betrayed him. Margaret was faithful to
the last. She seems to have given no evidence and made no confession.

Ralph Bulmer was accused both of foreknowledge of Bigod's
rising and of sending treasonable messages from London. The only
witness against him who is named is his father2.

At the trial Sir John and Margaret pleaded not guilty, but
Ralph's plea is not recorded. After the jury had retired, however,
they withdrew their plea and substituted guilty. In consequence of
this the jury was exonerated from giving a verdict and they were
both condemned, Sir John to the usual penalty for treason, Margaret
to be burnt. The jury was also exonerated from giving a verdict in
Ralph's case, and he was re-committed to the Tower3. His name
remains carved on the wall in the Beauchamp Tower. He was still
imprisoned there in the following year and it is not certain when, if
ever, he was released4.

Sir Thomas Percy and his brother Sir Ingram had come up to
London immediately after Norfolk's arrival in the north. As they
were perfectly well aware that the King was anxious to get rid of
them, the very fact of their coming shows a strong conviction of
innocence. There are two points in Sir Thomas' behaviour since
the pardon which are suspicious, but it is a remarkable circumstance
that neither of these is mentioned in the notes for the proceedings
against him. The first was his interview with William Leache, the
Lincolnshire fugitive, as deposed by George Shuttleworth. The
second was the meeting at Rothbury in January, at which he was
alleged to have forced some gentlemen to take the Pilgrims' oath.
As neither of these charges was brought forward, it must be con-
cluded that the evidence was insufficient to support them. There
was in fact nothing to show what passed between Sir Thomas and
Leache ; it is not even certain that he knew who Leache was, as the
fugitive may have concealed his name. The evidence with regard
to the Rothbury meeting rests on an unsigned paper which was

i L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 494). 2 Ibid. 1087 (p. 495).

* Ibid. 1227 (13). 4 L. and P. xm (1), 568.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 203

probably drawn up by Sir Reynold Carnaby, the Percys' mortal
enemy.

The charges which were brought against Sir Thomas might be
substantiated by evidence, but they were of a very trivial character
in themselves, as they rested merely upon letters which had been
sent to him, for which he could not justly be considered responsible.
The prosecution laid great stress on the Abbot of Sawley's suppli-
cation, yet it was not only harmless in itself, but Sir Thomas could
not possibly have prevented the Abbot from writing and sending it.
Sir Thomas' reply was non-committal, and the only accusation which
could be founded upon it was that he had not arrested the messenger,
a step for which there was no apparent reason1.

The second incriminating document was Bigod's letter, which
was forwarded to Sir Thomas by his mother. To this he had
returned no answer, and he declared that it was respect for his
mother which had prevented him from arresting the messenger, her
servant2.

The third alleged letter was a very mysterious one, connected
with the rising in Richmondshire. Ninian Staveley deposed that
the Abbot of Jervaux and the quondam Abbot of Fountains ordered
himself, Middleton, Lobley and Servant to send a message to Sir
Thomas Percy, bidding him come forward. They sent a servant
to Northumberland, after Twelfth Day [6 January 1536-7], and the
man told them on his return that Sir Thomas had written down
their names and had said that he would send for them when
he came to the country. Both the abbots denied that they had
sent any such message*. Sir Thomas never referred to the matter
in his deposition, and the supposed messenger was never named or
produced. Staveley was quite untrustworthy, and it is probable that
the story was a mere invention.

Sir Thomas was further charged with his disorderly behaviour in
Northumberland4, and with George Lumley's statement that he was
the " lock, key and ward of this matter."5 There were some grounds
for the first of these two charges, although it rested on the testimony
of his enemy. As for the second, Lumley had been careful to explain
that he was describing Sir Thomas' influence in Yorkshire, and did
not mean that he had any particular knowledge of the new insurrection.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1087 (p. 496), 1088.

2 Ibid. 393 ; printed in full, de Fonblanque, op. cit. i, chap. ix.

3 L. and P. xii (1), 1012 (1), 1023 (ii), 1035 (1), (iv).

4 Ibid. 1086. 6 Ibid. 1087 (p. 496).

204 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Sir Stephen Hamerton came up to London as unsuspiciously as
Sir Thomas Percy. He was examined in the Tower on 25 April by
Tregonwell, Lay ton and Legh1. The only points alleged against him
were the occurrence of his name in the Abbot of Sawley's suppli-
cation and his meeting with the Abbot's messenger2. Even the
prosecution admitted that in this there was no matter against him
except before the pardon3, but as usual it was laid to his charge that
he had not arrested the messenger4. A modern lawyer might as well
accuse a man of failing to arrest the postman who delivered a letter
containing a forged cheque. There was a general feeling in the
north that messengers ought to have something of the privilege of
heralds ; their exemption from responsibility was both convenient
and just, as they were servants who were obliged to obey their
masters' orders, and did not necessarily know the contents of the
letters that they carried. The government was doing its best to
destroy this privileged position.

John Hynde, King's serjeant-at-law, who had been so successful
in Lincolnshire, conducted the prosecution of Sir Thomas Percy
and Sir Stephen Hamerton5. Like the Bulmers they first pleaded
not guilty, and then withdrew the plea and substituted guilty6.
There is something suspicious in this change. The King was always
anxious to obtain a confession of guilt from those whom he intended
to execute, and he did not care what means were employed to attain
his object. It is possible that the prisoners were induced to plead
guilty by the promise of a mitigated sentence.

Sir Stephen Hamerton was probably a victim to his feud with the
Stanleys7. No other reason can be found for his condemnation, as the
extant evidence against him is trifling and he had not distinguished
himself during the insurrection. The Earl of Derby had done Henry
good service ; he probably interested himself in his cousin's quarrel,
and if he asked for any favour from the King, such as the life of
a man, he was not likely to be refused. Sir Stephen's son Henry
Hamerton died about two months after his father ; it was said that
his death was caused by grief at his father's execution8.

Sir Robert Constable was arrested about the same time as Lord
Darcy9. He was examined, but his answers have not been preserved10.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1034. 2 Ibid. 1087 (p. 496). s Ibid. 1088.

* Ibid. 1086. 5 Ibid. 1199 (3) (ii)f

« Ibid. 1227 (13). 7 Ibid. 1321 ; see above, chap. m.

8 Yorks. Arch, and Top. Journ. viu, 404.

9 L. and P. xii (2), 181 ; printed in full, Archaeologia, XYIII, 294.

10 L. and P. xn (1), 900 (47) ; printed in full, Eng. Hist. Rev. v, 553.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 205

The evidence against him was of the slightest description. He had
been present at the famous dinner party when Darcy, Hussey, and he
declared themselves no heretics1, but there was and is nothing to
show that he knew of Darcy's communications with Chapuys.

At the beginning of the Lincolnshire rising he " took Philips,
a captain of the commons of Lincolnshire, servant to Lord Hussey,
and brought him to the lords at Nottingham." They sent Sir Robert
to pacify the East Riding, with orders to join Darcy at Pontefract
"if the commons were in great number." He was in the Castle
when it was surrendered, but he could not be considered responsible
for the act of the commander2.

The principal evidence against him was based on the letters
which he had received from and sent to Bigod3. In particular Bigod
had said that there was no man whom the commons trusted so much
as Constable4. In his reply Sir Robert urged Bigod to give up his
purpose. The concluding words of his letter, in the original draft
which is in Aske's handwriting, were " Thus in all your worshipful
affairs our Lord be your governor."5 It is very much to be wished
that the history of this draft could be traced. Perhaps after writing
it Aske handed it over to a servant to be copied. This was Lord
Darcy's method of letter- writing. The copy would be sent to Bigod,
and the original would remain in the possession of Sir Robert
Constable, at whose house it was written. The copy might fall into
the hands of the government when Bigod's, and the draft when
Constable's, papers were seized6. But the copy, if it ever existed,
has not been preserved.

There is a reason for this theorising. At Constable's trial a
certified copy of the letter was produced, but it does not tally with
the draft. The most important difference is in the conclusion, which,
in the certified copy, runs " Thus in your worshipful affair, our Lord
be your governor."7 The prosecution, of course, insisted that Bigod's
" worshipful affair " was the insurrection, and that Constable was
praying for its success. The phrase "all your worshipful affairs " has
much less significance. Unless the theory outlined above is accepted
as the history of the letter, the certified copy must have been delibe-
rately altered from the original draft to strengthen the case against
Sir Robert. On the other hand, if a copy of the original draft
was sent to Bigod, it may have contained whether by accident or

i L. and P. xn (1), 899, 973. 2 Ibid. 1225.

a Ibid. 847 (1) (2) (11), 848 (ii), (7) (17) (18).

4 Ibid. 145. 5 Ibid. 146 (3).

6 See above, chap. xvm. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 146 (1) (2).

206 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

intention, the slight but important variation in the conclusion. Yet
if such a version were in the possession of the government there
seems no necessity for a certified copy.

Constable was accused, like Darcy, of saying that the King had
promised a general pardon and a free parliament. He had also told
the commons to stay only until the Duke of Norfolk came1. To this
he replied that such were the King's orders : " The King's letters to
me were to stay the country till the Duke of Norfolk's coming, and
so I did."2 But it was useless to plead his own orders to Henry
when he did not choose to acknowledge them.

Constable's letter which requested Rudston to liberate Bigod's
messengers was brought forward, and also the mythical letter to the
mayor of Hull for the deliverance of Hallam3. These letters have
been discussed above4.

Finally Constable was one of the leaders to whom Levening had
appealed, and in his case, as in the others, Levening's acquittal was
overlooked6.

When the prisoners were brought out of the Tower for trial, a
mistake was made in the destination of Sir Robert Constable and
Lady Bulmer, who were sent first to the Guild Hall. The trial took
place in Westminster Hall, and the two mis-sent prisoners were
despatched thither8. At the trial Sir Thomas Willoughby, serjeant-
at-law, appeared against both Constable and Aske7. Sir Robert
pleaded not guilty and maintained the plea, whatever inducements
may have been used to make him withdraw it. The jury returned
a verdict of guilty8.

Sir Marmaduke Constable the younger was honourably free from
the fear or coldness which kept the relations of the other prisoners
from exertions on their behalf. He was now in London doing what
he could for his father, who wrote to tell him how to use in his favour
all the influence at court which the Constable family possessed.
Sir Robert had hopes of obtaining the intercession of Lord Beauchamp,
the Earl of Rutland, and the Queen, to whom he was distantly re-
lated. If all were in vain he charged his son to see that his debts
were paid9. Sir Robert petitioned Cromwell, not for his life, but for
the payment of these debts. He had no money himself; it had all been

1 L. and P. xn (1), 847 (5) (6) (9), 848 (ii) (8) (9).

2 Ibid. 1225. 3 Ibid. 847 (3), 848 (ii) (10), 1088, 1130.
4 See above, chap, xvn, note E. 6 L. and P. xn (1), 730, 1087 (p. 497).

6 Grey Friars' Chron. (Camden Soc.), 40.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 1199 (3) (ii). « Ibid. 1227 (13).
» Ibid. 1225.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 207

spent during his imprisonment, for prisoners had to maintain them-
selves in the Tower, as the government allowance went into the
Lieutenant's pocket. Four gentlemen had lately been Sir Robert's
sureties for a payment to the King, and he particularly desired that
they should not be allowed to lose by their bond ; " Alas, that these
poor gentlemen that were so lately bound for me and never had profit
by me should be undone I"1 The matter weighed upon his mind, and
before his death he sent in another list of his debts2.

Robert Aske went up to London on 24 March8. He knew that
he was going into danger, and left a horse at Buntingford in order
that he might send back a message as to how he fared4. It need
hardly be explained that this cannot have been with any idea of
a fresh rising, as all the other leaders came up to London at the same
time ; it was simply a private means of communication with his friends.
On 7 April 1537 he was arrested and committed to the Tower5.
He was repeatedly examined and both the interrogatories and the
replies have fortunately been preserved8. It is easy to see why this
happened. Darcy's and Constable's examinations can have been only
of personal interest, but Aske's were of real value to the government.
They describe the state of the north and the whole course of the
rebellion as seen by a very thoughtful and able man. In writing his
long, careful answers to the interrogatories Aske perhaps cherished
to the last a desperate hope that he might do some good to his
country. His cause had failed, his life was forfeit, but his words
might still be carried to the King's ear and might have some
effect. His most elaborate replies were begun on 11 April, almost
immediately after his arrest and imprisonment, and were continued on
the 15th. His next set, undated, but written later, concluded with
a partly illegible petition to his examiners :

" I most humbly beseech you all to be so good unto me... measures or by your
favor to my lord privey....yt mr.... tenant myght discherg my comyns to myn
hostes as... might know.... whether I might send for my rentes or fees or not
without any....disples....to any man for onles the kinges highnes and my lord
privey seall be mercifull and gracius unto me.... I am not able to lyf for non of
my frendes will not do nothing for me, and I have ned to have a payre of hous a

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1226.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 160. s L. and P. xn (1), 712.
4 Ibid. 1082 ; printed in part, Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xrv.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 846 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl
of Hardwicke), i, 43.

6 L. and P. xii (1), 852, 900, 901, 945, 946, 1175; 900, 901 and 945 are printed in
full, Eng. Hist. Rev, v, 550-573.

208 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

dublet of fusthean a shirt for I have but one shirt her and a pare of showes I
beseech you hertely that I may know your mynd herin and how I shalbe ordered
yt I may trust to the same for the luf of god.''1

No attention was paid to this pitiful appeal. On 11 May Aske
was examined for the last time by Dr Legh and John ap Rice. At
the end of his replies is another petition :

" Good mr doctor I beseech you to send me mony and my stuf as a shirt
a paire of hous a dublite and a paire of shown for nether I have mony nor ger to
were as ye sawe yourself for the reverence of god send me the same or els I
know not how to do nor lyf and that mr pollerd be remembred for the same."2

Aske had now been more than a month in the Tower without
the common necessities of life. He remained there about two months
longer, and some sort of allowance must have been made to him, as
the King wanted him to be kept alive for the royal purposes.

There was one charge against Aske which, if it could have been
proved, would have warranted his condemnation, but it was not
discovered until after his execution and was never properly investi-
gated. On 2 August 1537 the Bishop of Rochester informed Cromwell
that he had arrested at Bromley a priest called Matthew Fisher,
who confessed that he had fled from the north at Whitsuntide.
This priest stated that on Midlent Sunday, 11 March 1536-7, the
captains of "his country" had received letters from Aske which
ordered them to rise again, and 400 men had mustered, he himself
being among them. The Bishop added that he believed there were
other fugitives in his diocese who had fled from the north when
Aske was arrested8. There seems to be no foundation for this vague
story. The Bishop never mentioned the name of Fisher's " country/'
but it is certain that in Midlent Aske was riding in Norfolk's train
under close surveillance4. The reports from the north on and after
11 March are full, and not a word is said of any stirring5, while the
royal lieutenants were so anxiously watchful that it was impossible
for 400 men to muster without some report reaching one of them.
The Bishop, who may not have been very well informed about
northern affairs, probably misunderstood Fisher, who was perhaps
concerned in the Cumberland or the Richmond rising ; or possibly
Fisher was one of the half-insane informers who appear from time
to time.

Apart from this, the evidence against Aske is the same which
has been repeated with wearisome regularity in the cases of Darcy

1 L. and P. xn (1), 946. 2 Ibid. 1175 (3). 3 L. and P. xn (2), 420.

* L. and P. xn (1), 698. 6 Ibid. 629, 630-1, 641, 651.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 209

and Constable. There is a certain probability that Aske knew about
the intended rebellion before it broke out, but there was no proof of
this foreknowledge then and there is none now. Aske had taken a
small part in the Lincolnshire rebellion, but for that the King had
expressly pardoned him1. It was objected against him that during
the insurrection he made himself the chief rebel and that at the
same time he had " a proud and traitorous heart/'2 but for this also
the King had pardoned him.

By Norfolk's advice Aske was questioned as to what had become
of his money, " for he received no small sums in these countries of
abbots, priors and others .during the insurrection."3 It was highly
characteristic that Norfolk should imagine Aske to have been quietly
feathering his own nest by extortions from the religious houses
which he was nominally defending, but an insurrection is a costly
affair and Aske had spent all the money he could obtain as fast as
he received it on necessary expenses. He had made a declaration of
the spoils that he had shared in when he was at Court, and the King
was then " gracious to him therein."4

As Aske's replies are preserved, some of the evidence which was
brought against both himself and Darcy is discredited. He had
received no message from Darcy on going up to London for the first
time5, and he had informed Norfolk of Levening's petition6. Like
Constable he was charged with an attempt to secure the liberation
of Hallam and of Bigod's messengers7, and with bidding the commons
stay only till the Duke of Norfolk's coming8.

The chief point against him, as against the others, was that in
the middle of January he still expected that there would be a parlia-
ment, convocation and a general pardon ; thereby showing that if his
"unreasonable requests" were not granted, he would "revive his
traitor's heart."9 He had written to Darcy on 8 January 1536-7
that the King had granted free election of knights and burgesses,
and free speech in convocation. He concluded, "Trusting your
Lordship shall perceive I have done my duty as well to the King's
grace, under his favour, as also to my country, and have played my
part, and thereby I trust all England shall rejoice." This was held
to prove that "he continues in his traitor's heart and rejoices in his
treasons, and it is to be noted that he, by writing of the same letter,

1 L. and P. xn (2), 292 (iii). * L. and P. xn (1), 849 (51) (52).

3 Ibid. 847 (8), 848 (ii, 11), 849 (3), 991.

4 Ibid. 698 (2). » Ibicl< 8.i9 (33^ 974) 1119> 1175) 12oc.

tf Ibid. 847 (12), 848 (ii, 14), C98 (3). 7 Ibid. 847 (3), 848 (ii, 10), 1087 (p. 497).
8 Ibid. 847 (4) (5) (9). » Ibid. 848 (ii, 15), 1087 (p. 497).

D. ii. 14

210 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

committeth a new treason."1. He also committed a new treason by
saying to the commons " your reasonable petitions shall be ordered
in parliament."2

Although it was plainly treason that Aske should believe the
King's promise, it was also treason to write that "it was reported the
King would not be as good as he promised concerning the church
lands."3 This lost letter of Aske's has already been discussed4.

These accusations were based chiefly on the papers which had
been seized at Aske's lodgings in London when he was arrested5.
He does not seem to have kept copies of the letters which he wrote,
except in the case of one manifesto6. There are only thirteen letters
preserved which were written to him and of these seven are copies
which were in the possession of other people7. The remaining six
must have been found in his rooms8. The leader of a prolonged
insurrection must have had many more documents than this meagre
number. When he was interrogated about them his reply was, " To
his remembrance they [the papers] be in his chamber in his brother's
house and in the chamber in Wressell Castle where he lay; albeit he
thinks there be few at Wressell, but they be all in his said chamber
or else in some other place in his brother's house, where his servants
left them. Also he thinks there be some in a little coffer which
his niece keeps, which is plated with silver [?]... there unlocked in
his brother's house at Augh ton.... Also there be bills of complaint
betwixt party and party during that time in a little trussing coffer
in his said niece's chamber, albeit to his remembrance they be but of
small effect touching any article of the petitions or requirements,
and if he can remember there be any writings in any other place, he
shall always declare the same as it cometh to his remembrance."9

With these ample directions Norfolk caused the papers at
Aughton to be seized, but a certain mystery envelopes their fate.
On the day of the trial, 17 May, Cromwell wrote to Norfolk for the
papers, which he had expected to receive long before. Norfolk's
reply was curiously shuffling. He expressed deep regret that they
had not been sent earlier. He had devoted all one night to reading
them, with two helpers, and he had believed that they were sent up
to London long ago. The bearer of the letter would explain how

1 L. and P. xn (1), 43, 848 (i, 13). 2 Ibid. 848 (ii, 3).

3 Ibid. 848 (ii, 4). 4 See above, chap. xvn.

5 L. and P. xir (1), 848 (ii). ° Ibid. 44.

7 L. and P. xi, 945, 1107, 1306; xn (1), 46, 102, 115, 390.

8 L. and P. xi, 1211, 1287 ; xn (1), 56, 191, 209, 315.

9 Ibid, xn (1), 901 (2) (58); printed iu full, Eng. Hist. Eev. v, 565-6.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 211

they had been forgotten. Amid all these apologies Norfolk never
said that he was now sending or that he would send the papers1.
They have never been discovered, and it is probable that they never
left the north. A great many people there must have been interested
in their suppression, and Norfolk may have been bribed to destroy
them, or they may even have been stolen. In any case they certainly
were not produced at the trial.

Aske, like Constable, pleaded not guilty; both were found guilty
and condemned to death2.

The other prisoners, James Cockerell, quondam Prior of Guis-
borough, Nicholas Tempest of Bashall, William Wood, Prior of Brid-
lington, John Pickering of Ly the, clerk, John Pickering of Bridlington,
friar, Adam Sedbar, Abbot of Jervaux, and William Thirsk, quondam
Abbot of Fountains, were brought up for trial on the same indict-
ment, but were remanded until the next day, Thursday 17 May3.

James Cockerell, the quondam Prior of Guisborough, was arrested
shortly after Easter by Sir Ralph Evers4, and was on his way up to
London as a prisoner on 19 April5.

The case against him was, first, that about Martinmas Sir Francis
Bigod had attempted to restore him to his house6; this was covered
by the pardon.

Second, he had read and praised Sir Francis' book about the
royal supremacy since the pardon. He confessed that he had read
the book, but denied that he had praised it7.

Third, he had heard Sir Francis throw doubts upon the King's
pardon8.

The only witness against him who is mentioned was Sir Francis
Bigod ; the prosecution was conducted by John Baker, the attorney-
general9. Cockerell pleaded not guilty, but was found guilty by the
jury10. Under the new law of treason the fact that he listened to
Sir Francis' book without arresting the author was sufficient to
constitute his guilt.

Orders were sent to Norfolk for the arrest of Nicholas Tempest,
to which he replied on 31 March that if Tempest were summoned to
London he would go without hesitation, as he was in no fear11.
Accordingly he was summoned, together with Sir Stephen Hamerton

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1252. 2 Ibid. 1227 (13).

3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 532, 535, 1296.

6 Ibid. 979. ° Ibid. 1087 (p. 499).

7 Ibid. 1012 (4, v); 1087 (p. 4i)9). 8 Ibid. 1087 (p. 499).
9 Ibid. 1199 (3) (ii). 10 Ibid. 1227 (13).

11 Ibid. 777.

14—2

212 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

and the Prior of Bridlington, on 7 April \ It was no wonder that he
went without fear, as the sole charge against him was that he had
been mentioned in the Abbot of Sawley's supplication to Sir Thomas
Percy, which even the prosecution admitted was " no apparent matter
against " him2. It was stated in general terms that he was a
"principal doer in the second insurrection," but of this there was
absolutely no evidence3. He was accused of maintaining the Abbot
of Sawley, and in particular it was said that he had sent provisions to
the monastery, but this was during the first insurrection and ought
to have been covered by the pardon4. William Whorwood, the
solicitor-general, appeared against him at the trial8. Tempest pleaded
not guilty, but was condemned6. It is probable that he owed his
death to the feud between his family and the Savilles. Sir Henry
Saville had been loyal during the insurrection, and he was now
reaping his reward. He had the ear of the Government, and was
able to dispose of his enemies who had joined the rebels7. There
does not appear to have been any other reason for Nicholas Tempest's
death, as he was both innocent and inconspicuous.

William Wood, the Prior of Bridlington, came unsuspiciously up
to London with Nicholas Tempest. There was, however, a little
more evidence against him than against his companion. He was
accused of giving aid to Lumley during his occupation of Scar-
borough in the second insurrection. The Prior's defence was that
on hearing the first news of the rising he had warned Matthew
Boynton ; that he agreed with the neighbouring gentlemen to defend
Bridlington against the rebels, that he had called out his own men
for this purpose, and that he had endeavoured to prevent them from
joining the rebels8. Matthew Boynton did not altogether bear out
this story. He said that he had sent to the Prior for help to take
Bigod and that the Prior had refused it to him. The Prior replied
that he had needed all his men for his own protection9.

The Prior's chief offence had been committed during the Pil-
grimage. He had read and praised Friar Pickering's rhyme begin-
ning " O faithful people," and had given money to the insurgents10.
The King was exceedingly sensitive to ballad criticism, and the
Prior's conduct during Bigod's rising was sufficiently suspicious to

1 L. and P. xii (1), 846 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of
Hardwicke), i, 43. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 1088.

3 Ibid. 1020. 4 Ibid. 1020, 1087 (p. 501).

5 Ibid. 1199 (3, ii). 6 Ibid. 1227 (13).

7 Ibid. 632, cf. 783-4. 8 Ibid. 1019.

9 Ibid. 1020 (ii). 10 Ibid. 1021 (3), 1087 (p. 499).

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 213

give an excuse for bringing him to the scaffold. The solicitor-
general conducted the case against the Prior1, who pleaded not
guilty, but was condemned2.

John Pickering of Pickering Lythe, clerk, seems to have been
arrested solely because he was Sir Francis Bigod's chaplain3. He
was imprisoned in the Marshalsea, where on 2 June he made a
deposition against the Bulmers, although they had been executed
the week before4. No evidence against him has been preserved.
He pleaded not guilty, and was condemned6, but eventually he was
pardoned6.

Friar John Pickering,, his namesake, was a prominent Pilgrim,
and the author of the popular rhyme just referred to. He had
attended the council of divines at Pontefract, and had argued against
the royal supremacy7. From the first it was known that he had
taken part in Bigod's insurrection, and the King ordered his
arrest on 22 February8. For a short while he evaded pursuit9, but
he was captured and despatched to London before 22 March10. He
confessed to carrying messages from Bigod to Hallam, and to
informing Bigod about the state of Durham11. In his case, at any
rate, there was no miscarriage of justice. He had worked for his
cause until the last, and had failed.

Adam Sedbar, the Abbot of Jervaux, was arrested early in
March12 and sent up to the Tower, where his name may still be seen
inscribed on the wall. He was not a popular landlord, and had
taken part in the Pilgrimage to some extent against his will. He
was examined twice, first on 25 April and again on 24 May, just
before his execution. He maintained his innocence to the last, and
declared that the insurrection had little to do with religion, but was
the work of the discontented commons13.

The case against him was as follows : —

(1) About Christmas he had sent a servant into Lincolnshire to
report on the state of the country. The servant brought back word
that the Lincolnshire men were " busily hanged," and on this news
the Abbot began to plot a new insurrection.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1199. 2 Ibid. 1227 (13).

3 Ibid. 1239. 4 L. and P. xn (2), 12.

5 Ibid. 1227 (13). 6 Ibid. 192.

7 L. and P. in (1), 1021.

8 Ibid. 479 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 537.

9 L. and P. xn (1), 609. 10 Ibid. 698.
» Ibid. 1087 (p. 500). 12 Ibid. 666.
I* Ibid. 1035, 1269.

214 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

(2) He gave money to Ninian Staveley and others for the
purpose of inducing them to rebel.

(3) He ordered Staveley to send a message to Sir Thomas
Percy that he must come forward to help the Abbot in the new
rising.

(4) When the men of Richmondshire rose, the Abbot sent his
servants to join them, and promised them further help1.

The Abbot's defence was : —

(1) He had sent the servant to Lincolnshire only to collect the
rents belonging to the Abbey and for no other purpose.

(2) He had ordered money to be given to Staveley and his
companion by way of a tip, because they had been trying to find
some lost sheep belonging to the Abbey.

(3) He had never sent or ordered a message to Sir Thomas
Percy.

(4) He knew nothing about the Richmondshire insurrection
until the commons surrounded the Abbey and insisted upon carrying
off his servants. As soon as they had gone, the Abbot fled to Bolton
Castle, where he remained with Lord Scrope until the tumult was
over2.

Staveley and Middleton, the witnesses against the Abbot, were
men of bad character, and on the whole it is probable that the
Abbot's defence was true and that his only crime was his office.

William Thirsk, the quondam Abbot of Fountains, lived at Jervaux,
and was involved in the same charges as Sedbar8. His defence was
the same and was equally sound. Both were found guilty and con-
demned to death4.

On Friday 25 May 1537 Sir John Bulmer, Sir Stephen Hamerton,
Nicholas Tempest, James Cockerell, the quondam Prior of Guis-
borough, William Thirsk, the quondam Abbot of Fountains, and
Pickering were executed at Tyburn. Bulmer and Hamerton enjoyed
the privilege of their knighthood and " were but hanged and headed."
The others suffered the full penalty of the law. Their heads were
set on London Bridge and the gates of London6.

These executions had, on the whole, a settling effect on the
country. The reformers were delighted. The large and powerful class
who desired peace above everything were reassured. Most of the

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1012, 1023 (ii), 1087 (p. 500). 2 Ibid. 1035.

a Ibid. 1012, 1023 (ii), 1035, 1036, 1087 (p. 500).

* Ibid. 1227 (13). «> Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 63.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 215

conservatives were frightened into silence. But one Yorkshire man
called William Moke, who was present at the executions, felt such
indignation that when he heard Sir Richard Tempest and Thomas
Grice were summoned to London he set out at once to warn them
not to come. He foolishly mentioned his object at an inn in Lincoln-
shire, and as innkeepers were among the best of Cromwell's sources
of information, Moke was at once arrested and brought back to
London \

On the day when Sir John Bulmer died, 25 May, another
execution took place. Lady Bulmer, or Margaret Cheyne as she
was called, was drawn after the other prisoners from the Tower
to Smithfield and there burnt. Burning was the ancient penalty
for treason in the case of a woman, but it was seldom exacted. The
poor women in Somersetshire, for instance, suffered the same fate as
the men. The death of Margaret caused some sensation at the time.
There is a touch of pathos even in the dry record of Wriothesley's
Chronicle; she was burnt, he says, "according to her judgment, God
pardon her soul, being the Friday in Whitsun week : she was a very
fair creature and a beautiful."2 At Thame in Oxfordshire her fate
was discussed on the Sunday before she died. Robert Jons said that
it was a pity she should suffer. John Strebilhill, the informer,
answered, " It is no pity, if she be a traitor to her prince, but that
she should have after her deserving." This warned Jons to be careful,
and he merely replied, "Let us speak no more of this matter, for men
may be blamed for speaking the truth."3

Froude says, "Lady Bulmer seems from the depositions to have
deserved as serious punishment as any woman for the crime of high
treason can be said to have deserved." The depositions show only
that she believed the commons were ready to rebel again, and that
the Duke of Norfolk alone could prevent the new rebellion. In
addition to this she kept her husband's secrets and tried to save his
life. She committed no overt act of treason; her offences were
merely words and silence. The reason for her execution does not
lie in the heinous nature of her offence, but Henry was not gra-
tuitously cruel, and her punishment had an object. It was intended
as an example to others. There can be no doubt that many women
were ardent supporters of the Pilgrimage. Lady Hussey and the
dowager Countess of Northumberland were both more guilty than
Lady Bulmer. Other names have occurred from time to time, Mistress

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1319. 2 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 64.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 357; printed in part, Froude, op. cit. u, chap. xiv.

216 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

Stapleton, old Sir Marmaduke Constable's wife, who sheltered
Levelling1, and young Lady Evers. But these were all ladies of
blameless character and of respectable, sometimes powerful, families.
Henry knew that in the excited state of public opinion it would be
dangerous to meddle with them. His reign was not by any means
an age of chivalry, but there still remained a good deal of the old
tribal feeling about women, that they were the most valuable posses-
sions of the clan, and that if any stranger, even the King, touched
them all the men of the clan were disgraced. An illustration of this
occurred in Scotland during the same year (1537). James V brought
to trial, condemned, and burnt Lady Glamis on a charge of high
treason2. She was a lady of great family and James brought upon him-
self and his descendants a feud which lasted for more than sixty years3.

James' uncle Henry VIII was more politic. He selected as the
demonstration of his object-lesson to husbands, which should teach
them to distrust their wives, and to wives, which should teach them
to dread their husbands' confidence, a woman of no family and
irregular life, dependent on the head of a falling house. This
insignificance, which might have saved a man, was in her case an
additional danger. She had no avenger but her baby son, and we
only hear of one friendly voice raised to pity her death. The King's
object-lesson was most satisfactorily accomplished.

On Saturday 2 June 1537 Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Francis Bigod,
George Lumley, Adam Sedbar the Abbot of Jervaux, and William
Wood the Prior of Bridlington were executed at Tyburn. Sir Thomas
Percy was beheaded, and was buried at the church of the Crutched
Friars on Tower Hill4 ; the others suffered the full penalty and their
heads were exposed on London Bridge and elsewhere5.

Darcy, Hussey, Aske and Constable were still in the Tower, but
with these exceptions the end of the treason trials and executions
had been reached.

It is customary at this point to comment on the stolid indifference
of the general public to such events, but a study of contemporary
depositions shows that this placidity has been rather over-rated.
Short of another insurrection, there was no way in which sympathy
could be expressed with the sufferers ; the lightest words laid a man
at the mercy of any chance informer. Yet a perceptible murmur
followed the death of the northern men. Thomas Strangways,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 730.

2 L. and P. xii (2), 346; printed in full, State Papers v, 94.

3 Lang, James VI and the Gowrie Mystery.

4 Grey Friars' Chron. (Camden Soc.), 41. B Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 05.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 217

Thomas Neville, William Moke, Robert Jons, Lord Delaware, Lord
Cobham and Lord Montague each in his way uttered a protest which
must have voiced the feelings of many others who dared not speak
or who escaped detection. The feeling of Scotland was probably
expressed by the Bishop of Aberdeen. "Ye have put down many
good Christian men," he said to an English pursuivant, and when the
latter protested, added, " ye that are poor men are good, but the heads
are the worst."1 The Spanish Chronicler, who seems to have come to
England a few years later and depended for his information entirely on
hearsay, never even mentions the second insurrection. His story is
that the people were pacified by the King's promises, that as soon as
there was no danger of any further rising Aske was persuaded by
fair words to reveal the names of those who had helped him, and
that the King then threw off the mask and caused all the leaders to
be executed2.

The attitude of the King's apologists is also very significant.
Knowing that Henry's conduct was always severely criticised in
France, Cromwell wrote to Sir Thomas Wyatt, the English am-
bassador there, that he must affirm that, although it was true Darcy
and the others had been pardoned, yet they had all most ungratefully
offended again and were justly sentenced to death. If it had not
been for their second treason, the King would never have remem-
bered their former crime3. In 1546 William Thomas wrote a pane-
gyric of Henry VIII in the form of a dialogue between an Englishman
and an Italian. The Italian objects against Henry, "After the
Insurrection in the North, when he had pardoned the first rebellers
against him, contrary unto his promise did he not cause a number of
the most noble of them, by divers torments to be put to death ? "
Thomas of course makes the usual answer, that they had offended a
second time4; but the objection shows that the executions were not
accepted as just, and were not forgotten, or Thomas would have had
no occasion to allude to them. Finally the Yorkshire Chronicler,
Wilfred Holme, begins by stating that the pardon was not universal: —

"And to the Duke of Norfolk's intercession
There was granted a pardon and that general,
From Don to Tweed for their whole transgression
Of all contempts and trespasses as well as things vital
Nine only reserved."

1 Hamilton Paper?!, Vol. i, p. 44 ; see below, chap. xxi.

2 Spanish Chron. (ed. Hume), chap. xvn.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 41; printed in full, Nott, Lives of Surrey and Wyatt, p. 321,
and Merrimau, op. cit. n, no. 189. * Thomas, The Pilgrim, p. 11 (ed. Froude).

218 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

But he presently adds that later these nine were also pardoned at
Norfolk's intercession1.

Considering the conditions of the period it may be said that this
was quite a powerful body of criticism to be directed against Henry.
He was exceedingly sensitive to public opinion, and although he
had still a number of prisoners on his hands the executions ceased.
There was a simpler way of disposing of the prisoners which attracted
less attention. The plague was raging in London, and a few months
in one of the prisons were enough to prevent anyone obnoxious to
the King from troubling his Majesty again.

Sir Richard Tempest's case illustrates this point. On 11 March
1536-7 the Earl of Sussex reported to Norfolk that Sir Richard " was
neither good first nor last."2 He was accused of having called out
the men of Halifax before 10 October 15363, which was the date
of the beginning of the insurrection for the purposes of the pardon.
A letter of his to Sir George Darcy was discovered in which he
declared .that he would take Lord Darcy 's part against any lord in
England4. Sir Richard Tempest was summoned to appear in London
during Trinity term to answer these charges, or others6. William
Moke's warning never reached him6, and on 2 June 1537 Norfolk
thanked Cromwell for telling him that the King "did not much
favour " Sir Richard7. Tempest came up to London and was thrown
into the Fleet. He petitioned Cromwell to be released on bail, because
he was in jeopardy of his life, " the weather is so hot and contagious
and the plague so sore in the city."8 His petition was disregarded
and on 25 August he died. " He willed his heart to be taken out of
his body and carried to his own country, to be buried in the place he
had prepared for his corpse and his wife's to lie in."9

Some prisoners fared better than this. William Aclom's name is
mentioned among those who were accused of treason10, but he was not
included in the indictment. Leonard JBeckwith summoned him before
the Court of Star Chamber for robberies committed during the
insurrection11 and Aclom was imprisoned in the Fleet until his case
should be tried. He made himself comfortable there by marrying

1 Holme : The Downfall of Eebellion.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 632. » u^ 784.

4 Ibid. 849 (9). » Ibid. 1178.

u Ibid. 1319. 7 L. and P. xn (2), 14.

a Ibid. 179. » Ibid. 57G.

™ L. and P. xii (1), 1087 (p. 501).

11 Star Chamber Proc. Bdle. xix, 393 ; Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Torks. Arch.
Soc. Bee. Ser.) n, no. XLIX, misdated 1535.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 219

the sister of the keeper, with the result that Beckwith complained
Aclom had "a very small imprisonment."1

Aclom's case was exceptional and several of the other prisoners
must have died. Thomas Strangways was sick at the time of his
arrest, and did not long survive2. Robert Thompson the vicar of
Brough-under-Stainmoor was arrested before 24 February. Norfolk
proposed that he should be tried and executed at Carlisle, although
there was no proof that he had taken any part in the second insurrec-
tion, except that he had once prayed for the Pope3. Thompson was
sent up to London on 8 March4, and was examined in the Tower
on 20 March5. He was never brought to trial, but from the Tower
he was transferred to the King's Bench Prison where he found " his
body... what with years, what with corrupt and stinking smells, what
with cold and hunger, so sore pricked " that he earnestly petitioned
Cromwell for mercy. The petition is endorsed " no " and the vicar
was left to die in his miserable prison6. Sir Ingram Percy was
imprisoned in the Tower at the same time as his brother Sir Thomas.
There was no evidence of any kind that he had offended since the
pardon, but he was kept a prisoner in the Tower for about a year.
There he carved his name and motto

"Ingram Percy. Sara fidele." [I will be faithful.}

He was probably released in November 15387, when there was a
rumour that he had fled to Scotland, but this was unfounded. His
health must have been completely broken, for he never returned to
the north and died in a few months. His will, dated 7 June 1538,
was proved at Canterbury on 21 March 1 538-9 8.

The fate of the other prisoners is unknown. Some must have
saved themselves by turning King's evidence, as for instance Staynhus
and Staveley. Richard Bowier did so well in this respect that although
in March Norfolk had called him " as naughty a knave as any,"9 in
the summer he was petitioning Cromwell for a grant of monastic
lands10. There were others who probably shared the fate of Robert
Thompson in prison. A case was carefully made out against William

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1163 ; xn (2), Append. 16, 17.

2 L. and P. xm (1), 706.

8 L. and P. xii (1), 498 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xx.
4 L. and P. xn (1), 609.

6 Ibid. 687 (2) ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xxn.

« L. and P. xn (2), 1339 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit. no. xxxi.

7 L. and P. xm (2), 996.

8 Information supplied by Mr J. Crawford Hodgson.

9 L. and P. xn (1), 698. '<> L. and P. xu (2), 400.

220 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Collins, the bailiff of Kendal, who was certainly guilty1. He was
examined in the Tower on 12 April 15372, but after that nothing
more is heard of him, saving that in a list of Cromwell's memoranda,
probably drawn up in July 1537, there occurs the item, " for Collins,
bailiff of Kendal."3

It remains, in Henry's words, " to knit up this tragedy," and to
conclude with the fate of the two principals, Sir Robert Constable and
Robert Aske. They remained in the Tower after the trial on 16 May
for more than a month. The King made up his mind on 12 June
that they should be executed in the north4; Constable, who had held
Hull, was to be hanged there in chains, and Aske was to be executed
at York " where he was in his greatest and most frantic glory." It
was decided that they should be sent with Lord Hussey to Lincolnshire,
in order that their appearance might be a warning to the rebellious
people there5. On 28 June the three prisoners left the Tower under
the escort of Sir Thomas Wentworth6. At Huntingdon they were
delivered to Sir William Parr, who conveyed them to Lincoln, where
Hussey was handed over to the Duke of Suffolk. Parr conveyed
Constable and Aske to Hull, where they were transferred to the
custody of the Duke of Norfolk7.

Sir Robert Constable was kept in Hull until the next market
day, in order that his end should have all possible publicity. He
was asked whether his written confession contained all that he
knew about the insurrection. He answered that he had omitted
some "naughty words and high cracks which my lord Darcy had
blown out," because he did not wish to repeat them while Darcy was
alive. " He was in doubt whether he had offended God in receiving
the Sacrament concealing this " ; but now he was able to free his
mind, " saying that they could hurt no man now my lord Darcy was
dead."8

On Friday 6 July 1537 Sir Robert Constable was brought out to
the Beverley Gate for execution. The government chaplain could
not bring him to confess that he had committed treason since the
pardon, " howbeit his open confession was right good." The passivity
with which prisoners submitted to death in Tudor times is somewhat
repugnant to modern ideas. When a man knows that his cause has
been overthrown by treachery and his life forfeited by the most cruel

i L. and P. xii (1), 671, 849 (27) (29) (30), 878, 959, 965.

* Ibid. 914. 3 L. and P. xn (2), 192.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 77; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 551.

6 L. and P. xn (2), 156. 6 Ibid. 166.

7 Ibid. Append. 31. 8 Ibid. 178.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 221

injustice, we feel that he ought to make some protest at his death'
that his warfare on behalf of right and justice, as he conceives it,
ought to be carried on up to the very last breath. Any submission
appears like a compromise with evil. In Henry VIII's reign public
opinion was very different. In the first place, as we have seen, the
officials who conducted the execution took summary measures to
prevent the prisoner from saying anything in his own justification.
In the second place an execution was a public amusement, and the
people did not want to be made uncomfortable by it. They guarded
against mental uneasiness in a very simple manner. If the prisoner
submitted to his sentence and acknowledged that he had received a
fair trial, they applauded him. There was no need to trouble about
a man who was quite satisfied with his own fate. If, on the other
hand, he did by any chance protest, they said that he must be a
bad man because he died "uncharitably"; therefore he must have
deserved his fate, and again there was no need to pity him. The
prisoner had usually no power to resist the weight of public opinion,
broken as he was in body by most rigorous imprisonment, and in spirit
by his long conflict with the most paralysing human vices, injustice,
cruelty and selfishness. He was worn out —

" Let the long contention cease,
Geese are swans and swans are geese.
Let them have it as they will,
Thou art tired, best be still."

There is something noble in this quiet resignation, — something
which makes the protests of the modern martyr sound petty and
shrill.

In the strength of this resignation died Sir Robert Constable.
Norfolk reported that his body " doth hang above the highest gate of
the town, so trimmed in chains... that I think his bones will hang
there this hundred year."1 The Beverley Gate was the scene of
Hallam's sacrifice, when he turned his back on safety and chose to
share the fate of his comrades. It was fitting that Sir Robert should
die there, he who worthily fulfilled his motto :

"As to the ship is anchor and cable,
So to thy friend be thou, Constable."2

A very different scene of friendship was enacted at his execution.
Norfolk entered into conversation with Sir William Parr, saying that
he was as much bound to Cromwell as ever nobleman could be to

L. and P. xn (2), 229; printed in full, State Papers, v, 91,
Tong, op. cit. Append, p. i.

222 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

another. Parr replied that he had heard and partly knew how willing
Cromwell was to further Norfolk's interests. The Duke exclaimed,
" Sir William, no man can report more than I know already, for I
have found such assured goodness in him to me, that I never proved
the like in any friend before ; and therefore myself and all mine shall
be, as long as I live, as ready to do him pleasure as any kinsman he
hath." Parr, as was expected of him, repeated all this to Cromwell1.
Such were the professions of the man who afterwards arrested
Cromwell in the Council Chamber and " snatched off the order of
St George which he wore in his neck."2

As the plague was raging in Hull, Norfolk left the town
immediately after the execution, and conveyed Aske to York, where
he was to suffer on the next market day8.

Ever since he had assumed his perilous office as grand captain
of the Pilgrimage, Aske had been haunted by the nightmare of an
execution for treason, from which he had not even the protection of
knighthood. His was not that unhealthy type of mind which despises
life and seeks for death in any form. He had none of the hysterical
enthusiasm which carries some martyrs through their sufferings in a
state of happy insensibility. He saw that the death which threatened
him was horrible and shameful, but he had the supreme courage to
face it, not because he drugged himself with the thought of future
bliss, but because it was necessary for the sake of his cause.

Aske was prepared to suffer martyrdom if it must be so, but he
did not pretend to desire it. During the rebellion he was heard to
say that " he had rather die in the field than be judged like a traitor."4
On his last journey up to London he was accompanied by Robert
Wall his foster brother and constant companion. When Wall heard
of Aske's arrest, he cast himself upon his bed, and cried, " Oh my
master ! Oh my master ! They will draw him and hang him and
quarter him." A few days afterwards the faithful servant died of
sorrow5.

After his trial Aske sent a petition to the King, and another to
an unnamed lord, probably Cromwell. He begged that his debts
might be paid, and that his lands in Hampshire might revert to the
right heirs, as he held them only for life. He solemnly declared that
none of his kinsmen took any part in the insurrection, and begged
that the King would be gracious to them, and not visit his offences

1 L. and P. xn (2), Append. 31. 2 L. and P. xv, 804.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 203. * L. and P. xti (1), 853.

5 Ibid. 1082 ; printed in part by Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xiv.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 223

upon them. He requested that " other men's evidences," which had
been in his charge at Gray's Inn and were seized with his papers,
might be restored to the rightful owners. Finally he begged that his
sentence might be commuted to perpetual imprisonment " or else let
me be full dead ere I be dismembered."1 On this point the King
showed mercy. Aske was allowed to hang " until he died."2

The day appointed for Aske's execution was Thursday 12 July,
which was market day in York3. Richard Coren, the government
chaplain, was with him on the last morning, and received from him a
list of the spoils which he had taken and not restored ; he begged
they might be discharged by the King. As with Constable, the
chaplain tried hard to draw fresh details of the rising out of him, and
noted, with some annoyance, that both men " thought a religion to
keep secret between God and them certain things rather than open
their whole stomach ; from the which opinion I could not abduce
them." The secret which the chaplain was so anxious to discover must
have been the identity of the Pilgrims' friends in the south. The
evidence that they had such friends has already been discussed4.
When interrogated on the subject in the Tower Aske replied, " the
common report of all that travelled in the south parts was then that
if the north parts would come forwards that the countries as they
came would take their part and join with them,... he never received
letter nor special message with any promise of help from the South.
The gentlemen of Yorkshire adjoining Lincolnshire told him that if
any power had come into Lincolnshire before the agreement at
Doncaster the commons of Lincolnshire would have taken their part.
By such reports the said Aske knew the minds of the countries and
none otherwise."5 When this statement is compared with Aske's
letter to Darcy in November 15366, it is evident that he was lying to
his examiners. He probably confessed the falsehood to the chaplain,
but still refused to betray the names of his allies. He stated, out of
confession, that Darcy had told him during the Pilgrimage of his
communications with the Imperial ambassador in 1535, which though
suspected had not been known to the government before, and he
also mentioned Darcy 's intention of sending to Flanders, which had
been discovered during the trial.

Two things troubled Aske because they had " somewhat aggrieved "

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1223, 1224. 2 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, 65.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 229 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 91.

* See above, chap. xm.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 946 (3). « L. and P. xi, 1128.

224 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

him. One was a speech of Cromwell's, who " spake a sore word and
affirmed it with a stomach/' that all the northern men were but
traitors. The other was the fact that Cromwell had several times
promised him a pardon, and the King had given him a token of
pardon for confessing the truth, yet he was now to die. He said that
he had kept these matters secret, and of course the chaplain, in his
report to Cromwell, promised never to repeat them. Another secret
which Aske had learnt was that Cromwell "did not bear so great
a favour to my lord of Norfolk as he thought he did."1 These blunt
statements of facts that no one in diplomatic circles ever mentioned
caused a slight flutter among those concerned. Norfolk and Cromwell
were obliged to exchange more assurances of perpetual amity2 and
the English ambassador in Brussels wrote on 22 January 1539-40 that
Chapuys " professeth with great oaths the King's good service and
true intent in the place he was in, wherein he showed me of the
accusation that Aske had made against him, and of his innocence
therein."3

After his confession Aske was brought out of the prison and
openly confessed he had offended God, the King, and the world.
" God he had offended in breaking of his commandments, many ways ;
the King's Majesty, he said, he had greatly offended in breaking his
laws whereunto every true subject is bounden by the commandment
of God, as he did openly affirm, and the world he had offended, for so
much as he was the occasion that many one had lost their lives, lands
and goods. After this he declared openly that the King's Highness
was so gracious lord unto all his subjects in these parts that no man
should be troubled for any offence comprised within the compass of
his gracious pardon." He was then laid upon a hurdle and drawn
through the main streets of York, " desiring the people ever, as he
passed by, to pray for him."

On reaching the Clifford Tower, Aske was made to repeat his
confession, and then taken into the Tower to await the coming of the
Duke4. All the principal gentlemen of the West Marches had been
summoned to attend the execution, and others of Yorkshire including
Aske's brother John, who afterwards had a severe illness5.

When Norfolk arrived he pronounced an exhortation6. Aske was
brought out upon the scaffold on the top of the tower, and there

1 L. and P. xn (2), 292; printed in full, State Papers, i, 557.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 291. 3 L. and P. xv, 97.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 292 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 557.

5 L. and P. xn (2), 203, 261. 6 Ibid. 203.

xx] The End of the Pilgrimage 225

repeated his confession, "asking divers times the King's Highness'
forgiveness, my Lord Chancellor, my Lord of Norfolk, my Lord Privy
Seal, my Lord of Sussex and all the world, and thus, after certain
orisons, commended his soul to God."1 So died Robert Aske, begging
the forgiveness of the men who had done him to death. " And all the
trumpets sounded for him on the other side."

NOTE TO CHAPTER XX

Note A. There are three long papers (L. and P. xn (1), 847, 848, 849) filled
with notes on the evidence against Darcy and Aske. We have taken these to be
notes for the prosecution, showing the material for the various charges brought
against the prisoners. It has been suggested that our view is mistaken, and
that these are really notes for the interrogation of the prisoners, but this seems
improbable for the following reasons : —

(1) Against some of the items a note is made that a question is to be asked
about that particular point, but if they were all intended for questions, there
would be no reason to mark a few in this way. So far as the notes were used
as interrogatories, it was chiefly in the matter of the dates of various letters
mentioned in them, such dates being added in the margin.

(2) Against some of the items are written such comments as " this shows
him a traitor," "thereby he committed a new treason." There could be no
reason for such notes on a mere list of questions.

For these reasons therefore we take the notes to be the general outline of the
case for the crown against Darcy and Aske.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 292 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 557.

15

CHAPTER XXI

THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH

There is documentary evidence that 185 persons were executed
in the north for their share in the risings between October 1536 and
March 1537, and that 31 were executed in the south, making a total
of 216. In addition to this there is reason to believe that some
executions took place of which no record remains, and there were
a certain number of prisoners who died in prison without trial. The
slaughter at the assault on Carlisle was considerable, but there is no
means of discovering how many fell there, as the only number
mentioned, 700, seems to be much too great. Making allowance for
these omissions, however, the death-roll, although much longer than
historians have acknowledged, is short considering the standard of
the period. It is said that 100,000 peasants were slaughtered in
Germany after the revolt of 1525. In comparison with this Henry's
modest total of little over 200 looks like humanity itself. If he won
the victory by treachery, he is entitled to the praise of having used it
with moderation, although this mercy was forced upon him by circum-
stances and was not much to his taste.

It may be doubted whether this punishment would have been
sufficient to overpower the opposition to Henry's policy, if the King
had not found an effective ally in the plague. The fatal disease
which had raged in the south during 1536 spread northward in the
summer of 1537, and continued its ravages in the northern counties
during the next four or five years. Men had no time to trouble
about the wrongs of the Church with that terrible spectre at the door.
According to the King's servants it was the direct work of God on
behalf of the King. At any rate it had a great deal to do with the
peaceful close of Henry's reign.

The north of England at the beginning of the sixteenth century
was the poorest and most backward part of the kingdom, the part,
therefore, which required most attention and care at the hands of

CH. xxi] The Council of the North 227

a competent ruler. So far Henry had not done well by it. He found
the north poor, and he robbed it of the only treasure it possessed in the
wealth of the abbeys. He found it backward, and he nearly destroyed
the only civilising influence at work there, the Church. He found
that the people cherished, among many faults, a few rude virtues,
truthfulness, personal honour, fidelity to family and friends. He made
no serious effort to reform their faults, but he did his best to eradicate
their virtues. By his system of justice oaths were made so common
that it was impossible they should be respected. Treacherous and
false witnesses were encouraged. The brother was forced to condemn
the brother, and the wife was tempted to betray her husband. It was
impossible that the gentlemen should preserve the same standard
and feel the same self-respect after they had been half bribed, half
frightened into taking part in the arrest and condemnation of their
kinsmen and friends. In short, the north was impoverished and
degraded by Norfolk and the King.

Nevertheless Henry VIII was a statesman, and he had long in-
tended to reform the north. His experimental councils are one sign
of this. His intrigues against the Percys are another. The Pilgrimage
of Grace afforded a very suitable opportunity to put his ideas into
practice. By its means he at last laid hands on the whole of the
Percy inheritance, and destroyed a power which had menaced the
throne for two hundred years. This dangerous power had been
delegated to the Earls of Northumberland in the hope that it would
enable them to control the Borders, but time had proved the folly
of the measure. The Percys could plunge the kingdom in turmoil
whenever they chose, but they could not maintain any appreciable
amount of good government on the Borders. At length Henry VIII
destroyed the family by violence and treachery. The means were bad,
but the end was worth attaining, and the King was firmly determined
that no act of his should confer similar power on another great family,
which his son or grandson would in turn be obliged to destroy.

Henry had determined to try a new plan of government on the
Borders. No satisfactory way to hold the moss-troopers in check
had ever been devised. The councils were in a perpetual state of
reorganisation. The wardens of the Marches were often in trouble
for treason and at other times pursued spirited blood-feuds among
themselves or with the Scots wardens. It was no wonder that the
King took the wardenships into his own hands and secretly resolved
that no nobleman should hold them again.

The East Marches were offered to the Earl of Westmorland, but

15—2

228 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

he was allowed to refuse the office1, which would not have been the
case if the King had really wanted him. Henry intended that the
work should be done by knights and gentlemen appointed as his
deputies and dependent on his own orders. They were to be assisted
by the Council of the Marches. This body, which had been in
existence for a long time, was composed of all the principal Border
gentlemen, and the King decided to grant them pensions in con-
sideration of the services which he hoped they would perform. The
powers of the council were confined to the Borders ; its members
were officials such as Sir Thomas Clifford the captain of Berwick,
Lionel Grey porter of Berwick, and Northumbrian gentlemen such
as the Forsters, the Ogles, the Carrs and the Fenwicks. It was now
proposed to include the headmen of the principal surnames of Tyne-
dale and Reedsdale, the Charltons, Robsons, Dods, Halls and others.
The presidents of the council were the deputy wardens, and its
business was confined to Scots and English raids, outrages in Tynedale
and Reedsdale, the safe-keeping of Border castles, and dealings with
the English spies who infested the Lowlands of Scotland.

This council must not be confused with the Council of the North,
as it was a totally distinct body. It was a makeshift means of dealing
with the problem of the Borders. While England and Scotland were
hostile, it was impossible to rule these districts justly and firmly. The
reivers were not to blame for their situation. There is no real moral
distinction between deliberately laying waste a fair country in time of
war, and carrying off a neighbour's cattle under cover of night, except
that the first is wanton destruction and the second is sometimes a work
of necessity. The mosstrooper naturally lost all respect for the law
which praised and rewarded the first and hanged him for the second.
The King did his best to deal fairly by the Borders. It was not his
fault that all plans failed ; or at least it was his fault only in so far
as he stirred up tumult and encouraged the terrible Warden raids
which so often set the Scots fields ablaze just before harvest time.
He had let a lawless genie out of the pot, which he could by no
means conjure back again.

In January 1536-7 the Earl of Northumberland was dying. He
made no difficulty about the surrender of the wardenships of the
East and Middle Marches into the King's hands. The younger
Percys were soon to be disposed of in the most definite way possible.
There remained the West Marches, of which the Earl of Cumberland
was the warden. On 24 January the King commanded the Earl
i L. and P. xn (1), 291.

xxi] The Council of the North 229

to reconcile himself with Lord Dacre. Shortly afterwards the Privy
Council desired the Earl to resign his office as warden, and announced
at the same time that it was the King's pleasure to advance him to
the Order of the Garter1.

The King decided to appoint Sir William Evers to the East and
Sir John Widdrington to the Middle Marches as his deputies, with
Koger Fenwick as Keeper of Tynedale and George Fenwick Keeper
of Reedsdale'.

It might have been expected that the King would consult the
Duke of Norfolk before making these appointments, as he was just
about to start for the north. But perhaps he wished to show
Norfolk that he was not entirely trusted. At any rate Sir Anthony-
Browne set out secretly with the commissions for the new deputy
wardens several days before Norfolk, and the Duke was much surprised
to find himself following in the steps of a royal messenger about
whom he knew nothing3. Norfolk's authority was limited also in
another way. From the first it had been determined that he should
be accompanied by a council of " personages of honour, worship and
learning," appointed by the Privy Council4. Their commission set
forth the powers of the council " whose advice the Duke shall in all
things use, and for whose entertainment he shall have allowance, as
in a book, wherein the Duke and every councillor is rated at a certain
ordinary, is contained." Some of these councillors accompanied the
Duke to the north, the rest were gentlemen already resident there5.
On 14 January " the Earl of Westmorland and Bowes were sworn of
the King's Council in the North."6 Sir Marmaduke Constable was
vice-president, and William Babthorpe was a councillor7.

The Council of the North was thus constituted in 1537, but as
yet it had no independent authority. The members did not even
sign Norfolk's despatches, and the Duke quoted their advice only
when he was suggesting measures which would be disagreeable to
the King8.

When Norfolk was at Doncaster on 2 February he received from
the Privy Council an explanation of Browne's errand. Besides the
appointment of the new deputies9, he carried letters patent to all the
headmen of Tynedale and Reedsdale granting them fees as the King's

L. and P. xn (1), 372-3; 372 printed in full, State Papers, v, 64.

L. and P. xn (1), 222-5. 3 Ibid. 293.

L. and P. xi, 1410 (3). 5 L. and P. xn (1), 98.

Ibid. 86. 7 Drake, Eboracum, Bk i, chap. Tin.

L. and P. xn (1), 594 ; xn (2), 291, 369.

L. and P. xn (1), 319.

230 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

servants1. At first Norfolk was not opposed to the general outlines
of the plan, but he strongly objected to some of the King's pensioners.
Edward and Cuthbert Charleton, Henry and Geoffrey Robson,
Christopher and David Milburn, John Hall of Otterburn, and Sandy
and Anthony Hall were all either thieves themselves or maintainers
of thieves2. They had been involved in the murder of two gentlemen.
" Light persons will say that the King is obliged to hire the worst
malefactors and overlook their offences." Norfolk ventured to send
after Sir Anthony Browne the advice that he should not deliver the
patents to these men without further orders3.

The Duke was snubbed by the Privy Council for his pains. " The
King marvelled he should be more earnest against retaining such as
have been murderers and thieves than such as have been traitors.
These men rather did good in the late trouble, though they did it for
their own lucre, and if they can be now made good men the King's
money will be well spent." To grant them fees was not the same
thing as to grant them pardons; if they were murderers they
could still be punished for that. Norfolk must write at once to
Sir Anthony and tell him to carry out his original orders without
modification4. Henry always believed that the mosstroopers might
be turned to good use if he could but manage them. On the
approach of war with Scotland they became a valuable asset.

Sir Anthony Browne arrived at Berwick on Saturday 3 February.
Besides the delivery of their commissions to the deputy-wardens,
he was instructed to arrange a general pacification, to demand
restitution from Tynedale and Reedsdale for the raids they had
made in Northumberland during the rising, to appoint certain
persons to advise the deputies, and to put Ford Castle into safe-
keeping. In addition to these tasks, some of them not easy, he had
still more delicate work to do. He must warn the Borderers against
all breaches of the peace with Scotland ; he must inform Sir Thomas
Clifford that the Earl of Cumberland had been reconciled to Lord
Dacre, and he must order Sir Thomas to "cast away his ancient
grudges"; he must persuade the Northumbrian gentlemen "to live
more in the heart of the Marches than they do now " ; finally he was
not to leave the north until the two younger Percys were safely in
London by dint of force or strategy, and with them their henchman
little John Heron of Chipchase5.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 291. 2 Ibid. Append. 2. 3 Ibid. 319.

4 Ibid. 332 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of Hardwicke),
i, 33. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 225.

xxi] The Council of the North 231

Sir Anthony Browne sent for the gentlemen of Northumberland
to meet him at Berwick on Tuesday 6 February. There were some
who failed to answer his summons — Cuthbert and Edward Charleton,
Henry Robson, Christopher and David Milburn, and Sandy Hall —
all names on Norfolk's black list. The Bishop of Durham, who was
making himself very useful, explained that they were noted free-
booters who would not come in " for fear of their evil deeds ; " l the
deputy wardens confirmed this opinion2. The absentees would have
received a pleasant surprise if they had plucked up heart to come ;
against all likelihood it was gold, not halters, that the King had
sent them.

All the gentlemen who assembled at Berwick took the new oath
to the King and received their patents. They took "not a little
comfort " in being the King's servants, and would " think long" until
they had earned their pensions by some deed. The Greys were at
feud with the Carrs, the Forsters and Ogles with the Halls ; indeed
it is safe to say that there was not a family in Northumberland
without a blood enemy and a sworn ally. Sir Anthony Browne com-
manded them in the King's name to forget their hatreds, and in the
fullness of their new-found loyalty they all replied that the King
should be obeyed in everything, " and each agreed to set his Hand to
an instrument."

They were heartily agreed on one point. Tynedale and Reedsdale
had spoiled the plains " so sore that many are weary of their lives " ;
the reivers must be forced to make restitution, or if that was im-
possible at least some revenge must be taken. Sir Anthony Browne
promised redress and sent to the hill graynes to demand pledges for
their good behaviour3. Reedsdale made no difficulty, but sent in
seven or eight of these hostages at once. There was likely to be
more trouble over the Tynedale pledges, and the dalesmen had an
excuse for their lawlessness ready. They said that they would never
have " broken " if Sir Reynold Carnaby had not called upon them in
the King's name to rise against the rebels of Northumberland. Of
course everyone in Northumberland swore that he had no thoughts
against the King and took up arms only to protect his goods from
the reivers4. It is difficult to discover who was responsible for the
raising of the two dales, the Percy or the Carnaby faction. The

1 L. and P. xn (1), 351.

2 Ibid. 421; printed in full, Eaine, Mem. of Hexham Priory (Surtees Soc.), i,
Append, p. cxlvii.

3 See note A at end of chapter. 4 L. and P. xn (1), 351.

232 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Carnabys laid the mustering of Tynedale to the charge of little John
Heron, Sir Thomas Percy's man, and supported their story by many
circumstantial details1. This still leaves Reedsdale unaccounted for,
and the mosstroopers themselves said that they rose for Sir Reynold.
In the King's opinion, though they acted for their own gain, they did
more good than harm. He must have meant by spoiling their neigh-
bours, for they did nothing else. It may have been that when John
Heron raised Tynedale, the Carnabys raised Reedsdale against him,
and that both dales thought it more profitable to spoil the lowlands
than to fight each other. It was in nobody's interest to defend the
falling house of Percy, and it may be suspected that a list of spoils
nearly as long as those attributed to the Percys might have been
made against the Carnaby faction.

The members of the Council of the Marches assembled at Ber-
wick. They were Sir Thomas Clifford, Sir William Evers, Sir John
Widdrington, Robert Collingwood, Lionel Grey, Cuthbert Radcliff
and John Horsley. On 14 February they wrote to the King to
inform him that it had been necessary to modify some of the orders
brought by Sir Anthony Browne. First they had requested him not
to deliver the King's letters patent which granted the keeping of
Reedsdale to George Fenwick, because a change at such an un-
settled time would be sure to cause disorder, and the deputy warden
of the Middle Marches, Sir John Widdrington, felt himself hampered
in his duties if Reedsdale were not under his direct control.

Further, after much debate, they had determined to advise the
King humbly against enlisting as pensioners in his service Cuthbert
and Edward Charleton. These two men were leaders of the Tynedale
thieves. They had resorted to Sir Thomas Percy during the insur-
rection. They had busily devoted themselves to stirring up the
disorder so favourable to the practice of their calling. The feeling
was general that in asking these reivers to assist their natural
enemies the wardens, the King was obeying too implicitly the old
saw about catching thieves. Moreover, the Charletons had not been
loyal since the end of the rising. The greater number of the dales-
men had been ready to take the King's oath, but the Charletons had
refused to swear to be true to the King, unless they might make a
special reservation in favour of Hexham Priory, which they had
sworn to maintain against all the world, receiving 20 nobles a year
from the canons in guerdon of their allegiance. This is some proof

1 See above, chap. ix.

xxi] The Council of the North 233

that the marchman's respect for his oath was more than a chivalrous
fiction of the Border minstrels.

The Charletons would not agree to send in pledges for restitution
of the cattle and gear they had plundered. They had plenty of
friends on the Marches, and being in league with the reivers of
Liddesdale, Jedworth Forest, Harlaw Woods and Esk Water, they
could defy the King's officers with impunity. The Council of the
Marches suggested that it would be better to catch and hang them
than to enrich them with the nation's gold. They were so formidable
that it would take a force of 300 men to penetrate Tynedale and run
them to earth.

Finally the King had commanded that John Heron of Chipchase
should be arrested and sent up to London by water ; but the Council
of the Marches thought that his arrest would alarm the Reedsdale
men, who were so far fairly quiet, and found it expedient merely
to bind him over for 200 marks to appear before the King when
summoned1.

Some of these arrangements did not please Henry. From a frag-
ment of a despatch to the Council of the Marches, it appears that he
marvelled at the demand for 300 soldiers, considering that North-
umberland was quiet ; he expected the Council to arrest and send up
the Charletons without any such aid. He saw no reason against
employing the Charletons in Norfolk's objection that they were
murderers, but it was a very different matter if they had refused to
take his oath. The draft breaks off, and it is impossible to say what
further orders were in the completed letter2.

On Monday 26 February the Duke of Norfolk dissolved Hexham
Priory. All passed quietly. Edward and Cuthbert Charleton were
safe in the fastnesses of North Tynedale, and did not consider that
their oath bound them to attack the King's Lieutenant when he had
superior forces3.

On Tuesday 27 February Sir Anthony Browne received the last
of the Reedsdale pledges, and the Tynedale men agreed to send in
theirs on Monday 5 March. Well pleased at seeing the end of this
difficult task, Sir Anthony left Berwick for Newcastle-upon-Tyne4.
At Morpeth he was met by 300 of the King's subjects who had been
" sore harried and spoiled " and begged for redress against the moss-
troopers. Browne replied to their petition that he had taken order

1 L. and P. xn (1), 421; printed in full, Eaine, op. cit. i, Append, p. cxlvii.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 422. 3 See above, chap. xix.
* L. and P. xn (1), 552.

234 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

for the restitution of their lost goods, " whereat they are right joyous
and glad." Browne wrote that all went well, and that he expected
to be at court again in a fortnight1. If he had had more experience
of the Borders, this very look of peace would have made him uneasy.

On Saturday 3 March Sir Anthony Browne was complacently
sure that no part of the realm was in better stay than the Middle
Marches. That very day Roger Fenwick, the Keeper of Tynedale,
went to Bellingham to receive the pledges of his dale. At midnight
he was set upon and murdered " for old grudges, by three naughty
persons " ; the murderers were John of Charleton, Rynny Charleton
and John Dod2.

Norfolk was at Newcastle-upon-Tyne at the time. Feeling his
position strengthened by the early failure of the King's new policy,
he drew up, with the assistance of his council, an alternative scheme
for the government of the north. Henry was determined to be
served no more on the Marches by noblemen, who were as lawless as
the reivers and might use their isolation to become too powerful.
Norfolk, on the other hand,, was convinced that only a nobleman,
wielding such powers as any king might fear to entrust to a subject,
could keep order on the Marches3. According to Norfolk's scheme,
this nobleman ought to be a member of the King's Privy Council.
He should be the King's Lieutenant, president of the proposed
Council of the North, and the ultimate authority in Cumberland,
Westmorland, Northumberland, Durham and Yorkshire. He was to
have power to levy forces whenever he saw need. He must be chief
warden of all the Marches, with deputies under him. He was to
spend most of the year in the north and to sit two or three times at
Newcastle-upon-Tyne to administer justice in Northumberland, in
such cases as murders, felonies and debts, as the wardens had no
authority to judge between Englishman and Englishman except in
cases of March treason4, but only between Englishman and Scot.

In this proposal Norfolk showed his hand. During the following
months there was a continuous subterranean struggle between the
opposite schemes of Henry and Norfolk for the government of the
north. Although little is to be found as yet about the Council of
the North, there can be no doubt that that was the form of govern-
ment which Henry had in his mind from the first. Against it
Norfolk set up his scheme of a northern dictator, with himself
holding the dictatorship. It was a tempting but a dangerous dream,

i L. and P. xn (1), 553. 2 Ibid. 594, 596, 859.

s Ibid. 594-5. 4 See note B at end of chapter.

xxi] The Council of the North 235

and Norfolk dared not allow it to appear except by hints and glimpses
such as this.

To strengthen the hands of the dictator of the north the Duke
and his council made a number of suggestions less open to criticism
than the main proposal :

(1) Reedsdale belonged to Lord Tailboys, but it "is wholly
inhabited by thieves and has always been used as a lord marcher's
liberty and is not geldable." Harbottle Castle, where the Keeper of
Reedsdale ought to dwell, was so ruinous that it was fit neither for
a dwelling-place nor a prison. The King ought either to compel
Tailboys to repair Harbottle, or take the whole valley into his own
hands, giving Tailboys compensation.

(2) Some fortress ought to be built in Tynedale, or else Simon-
burn Castle, belonging to Heron of Ford, must be put into repair
and made over to the Keeper of Tynedale.

(3) "Some true and hardy gentleman" was needed as Keeper
of Tynedale, which was to include Hexhamshire, Corbridge and the
Barony of Langley. All the gentlemen of the South Tyne valley
should be ordered to rise at his word in case of raiding or Scots
invasions.

(4) The Earl of Northumberland's castles and lands should be
taken into the King's hands, and the tenants instead of paying
ingressum and such charges should be commanded to be ready with
horse and harness at short notice.

(5) Lord Dacre must be ordered to keep his tenants, the prickers
of Gillsland, in good rule, and they must be ready to attend the
King's officers at the Border meetings.

(6) The pensions granted to the gentlemen and headmen of
Northumberland, designed to encourage them in the King's service,
were not likely to have that effect. The money would be better
spent in rewarding good service already done, or in making the
castles defensible.

(7) Finally the laws of the Marches ought to be fixed and
written down, as at present they worked with all the uncertainty of
traditional custom.

These suggestions, headed "A remembrance for order and good
rule to be had and kept in the north parts," were sent up to
London1. In his letter to the Privy Council dated 7 March Norfolk
again urged that a nobleman should be appointed warden, at least of

1 L. and P. xn (1), 595.

236 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the West Marches. " Every man of wit " about him was agreed that
no " mean person " could curb the Marches. This was the moral he
drew from the murder of Roger Fenwick1.

The Privy Council answered this letter on 12 March. They
pointed out that the King had offered the wardenship of the East
and Middle Marches to two noblemen, who had both been reluctant
to accept the office ; instead of reluctant servants he had taken the
best men who would serve him willingly. Norfolk had expressed
approval of the scheme at first, only objecting to a few of the
pensioners, whose unfitness the Privy Council now acknowledged.
The King had been badly served on the West Marches because of
the Clifford feud; it would become still more bitter if he ap-
pointed Lord Dacre to an office which the Earl of Cumberland had
just given up. Was not the King's authority enough to make the
meanest man respected ? " The King retaining all the gentlemen
and headmen as he doth shall not be ill served ; at least it shall not
be ill to assay it." They asked for the names of the " wise men "
who had advised with Norfolk3.

The Privy Council remained blandly unconscious of Norfolk's
very broad hint that there was one nobleman who would not refuse
to be warden of all the Marches. Their reply also shows why Norfolk
resented so much the pensions which the King had granted. The
recipients received the money direct from the King ; a special mes-
senger had brought them their patents, and it was made very plain
that the Duke had nothing to do with the gift. This struck a blow
at Norfolk's power of buying adherents by a promise of court
patronage, and when all the gentlemen and headmen were the King's
servants, it became much more difficult for anyone else to gather a
strong band of retainers and allies.

When Norfolk's proposal was laid before the King, he replied
in no uncertain terms. On 17 March the Privy Council report to
Norfolk the following speech which the King himself had deigned to
make. Henry marvelled that Norfolk seemed so resolved that only
noblemen should serve him on the Marches :

"When I would," quoth his Highness, "have preferred to the
wardenry of the East and Middle Marches my lord of Westmorland,
like as he did utterly refuse it, so my lord of Norfolk noted him a
man of such heat and hastiness of nature that he could not think

1 L. and P. xn (1), 594.

2 Ibid. 636 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of Hardwicke),
i, p. 39.

xxi] The Coumil of the North 237

him meet for it. When we would," quoth his Grace, " have conferred
it to my lord of Rutland, he refused it also ; and my lord of Norfolk
noted him a man of too much pusillanimity to have done us good
service in it, if he would have embraced an overture in it. And we
think," quoth his Highness, " he would not advise us to continue in
it my lord of Northumberland. Now if we shall prefer none of these
three to that room, we would be glad," quoth his Grace, " that my
lord of Norfolk shall name a nobleman that he thinketh meet for
that office. For gladly we would have such a one in store to appoint
it unto, if we should hereafter alter our device, which we be not yet
determined to do, nor shall apply to that sentence, till we have better
experiment what should enforce us unto."1

Norfolk could not, of course, name the "nobleman that he thinketh
meet for that office." He had indicated the identity of that desirable
personage as plainly as possible. The King's snub revealed to him
his mistake, and he remained silent for a considerable time, deep in
his multifarious duties in the north2.

On 11 March Norfolk was at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, making the
final arrangements, as he thought, for bringing in the Border pledges3.
Sir Anthony Browne, who was about to ride south, thought that
there would be little more trouble with Tynedale as certain men " of
good estimation" had undertaken to send pledges for all the in-
habitants except the murderers4. Norfolk intended to return in
Easter week to see that his orders had been executed and to " hear
many poor men's causes."5

All that is known of the terms of Norfolk's treaty with the men
of Tynedale may be gathered from the following letter, apparently
addressed to the Council of the Marches by the heads of the four
graynes6 :

" Worshipful master, this is our answers being the heads men of Tynedale, it
is so that we were called before the Duke of Norfolk's grace for such misorder as
we have done in the late rebellion within our sovereign lord's realm, and there
was commanded to make restitution of the third part of all such goods as we had
by our oaths, arid to find our felons given forth by the commissioners, and that
[what] we have not done we shall do. Also the said commissioners hath given
forth another decree, the which we may not bide marvelling what is the cause
thereof. This bill made the xvii day of March. Also all conditions made before
the Duke of Norfolk we will fulfil and do to the uttermost. Also if they be any

1 L. and P. xn (1), 667 ; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of
Hardwicke), i, p. 41.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 651. 8 Ibid. 594.
4 Ibid. 596. 5 Ibid. 594.
6 See uote C at end of chapter.

238 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

that be obstacle to do the same, we bind us by this our writing to had [hold]
him and forcify him. By us —

Thomas Charlton John Robson of the Pawston

Gylbert Charlton Jaffray Robson

Gerret Charlton of Wark Arche Robson.

Gerre Charlton of the Boure.

Umfray Mylborn Henry Dode

Rynyone Charlton Arche Dode

Henry Yarro

John Wilkinson"1

There was no trouble, at present, between England and Scotland.
The deputy wardens, who had nothing to do with internal justice,
could send in satisfactory reports. The East Marches were quiet.
On the Middle Marches Sir John Widdrington and the Scots officers
arranged for redress between Liddesdale, Tynedale and Reedsdale
according to the agreement made at the last Border meeting. The
King of Scots had sent special orders that this should be observed on
his side. Nevertheless there was a general feeling that war would
follow on James' return from France2.

At Easter Norfolk returned to Northumberland, as he had in-
tended. He made a tour of inspection round the Border castles and
held a meeting with the Scots warden of the Middle Marches.
Norfolk was convinced by his demeanour that there was no imme-
diate intention of war3.

The Duke was at Newcastle-upon-Tyne on 5 April, where he was
met by Sir John Widdrington, Sir William Evers, the Council of the
Marches and most of the gentlemen. He was much displeased with
the state of affairs. Tynedale and Reedsdale had made no restitution,
and were not likely to do so unless they could be constrained by
more effectual means than keeping their kinsmen in prison4. Neither
dale would begin to make restitution before the other. In spite of
their thievings the borderers were miserably poor, and in some cases
they were in fact unable to restore even a part of what they had
stolen, for the cattle often went to supply a pressing lack of meat.

Some of the Reedsdale men had j ust raided Tynedale and harried
one of the Milburns. This was no doubt a surprise expedition, for
Tynedale could muster more spears than Reedsdale. The inhabitants
of the two valleys might fairly be said to eke out a precarious exist-
ence by driving away each other's cattle. A servant of the Carnabys
had been attacked. The mosstroopers scorned the garrison left

1 Baine, op. cit. i, Append, p. civil. - L. and P. xn (1), 839.

3 Ibid. 804. 4 Ibid. 857.

xxi] The Council of the North 239

to protect him and burned his house to the ground. Sir John
Widdrington had nowhere to bestow the nine Reedsdale pledges
except in the decayed tower of Harbottle where "they cannot be
kept strong, ne yet hath any victual for them."

Sir William Evers had held two meetings with the Scots on the
East Marches, but no meeting had been held by the deputies of
either the Middle or the West Marches. If nothing more than this
were done, Norfolk thought the disorders would increase. He re-
ported the unsatisfactory state of affairs to the King on 7 April1.
He did not mention his earlier scheme in the letter, but he sent a
verbal message that only a nobleman, armed with sufficient powers,
could hope to keep order ; as for the name of anyone fit for the post,
" the King knows his nobles."2

Perhaps Norfolk was a little afraid of the effect which his sullen
message might produce, for on 12 April he wrote a hedging letter to
Cromwell. He thought that the Earl of Rutland would be the best
warden of the East and Middle Marches. Rutland was allied to all
the gentlemen of Northumberland, and also to the Earl of West-
morland. He was a man who would listen to counsel, and as war
was threatened "it is perilous for a hasty, heady man to have the
rule of such people, for the Scots can train men to ambushments as
well as any man living." This remark was aimed at Westmorland ;
but nevertheless the Duke considered him the best man for the
wardenship, failing Rutland.

Norfolk had inquired of both my lord and my lady of Westmor-
land why the Earl had refused the office, and found that it was for
the following reasons, — that the Earl's servants had refused to serve
the King during the Pilgrimage, and he was busy dismissing them
by degrees ; the Earl was not assured of the friendship of Robert
Bowes, whose influence was so great among Westmorland's kinsmen
and allies that he feared it would outweigh his own; during the
rebellion the Earl had defended Sir Reynold Carnaby, and thereby
attracted to himself some of the hatred felt on all hands for North-
umberland's favourite. Norfolk thought that these reasons were
good. As to Bowes he "is not only very much esteemed but is a
wise, hardy man and dare well enterprise a great matter." The
King could not do better than attach him to his service by a valuable
grant. "Though I dare not speak assuredly of a man so lately
reconciled, yet if he may be assured he may be very useful."

On the West Marches Norfolk put no faith in Sir Thomas
1 L. and P. xn (1), 857-8. 2 Ibid. 858, 973.

240 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Wharton, who was suggested for the post of deputy warden. No
one could do such good service as Lord Dacre, but as he had
been heavily fined so lately it would not look well to restore his
office; people would say that the King was simply making every-
thing he could out of him. The Earl of Cumberland was the only
suitable person left; "but he must be brought to change his con-
ditions and not be so greedy to get money of his tenants." Norfolk
declared that this was his final opinion, and begged the King to
keep it secret1. Needless to say, the King did not change his plans,
nor was he deceived as to Norfolk's real ambition.

About this time, the middle of April 1537, the rumours of an
approaching war with Scotland became alarming. In order to under-
stand their origin, it is necessary to trace the relations of England,
France and Scotland during the last five months.

James V, King of Scotland, was at Tournelles near Paris in
December 1536, preparing for his wedding with Francis I's daughter
Madeleine2. The French were pleased with his gentleness and Faenza,
the Papal Nuncio, with his devotion to the Holy See*. To the English
ambassadors he was cold and distant, and Wallop described him, not
without malice, as a countrified youth. " His manner of using
himself by that we do perceive is after the northern fashion, as the
lords of those parts doth use themselves when they come first to
court, now looking over one shoulder, now over the other, with a
beck to one and a beck to another, and unto us nothing. He is a
right proper man after the northern fashion. His being here shall
do him much good, and to us little profit ; for here he shall learn
many things." 4 It seems to have been the fashion at the English court
to talk of the Scots as if they were barbarians, but James probably
had his own reasons for seeming shy to the English ambassadors.

He spent much of his time practising for the jousts which
were to be held at his wedding5. Francis showed him every
courtesy and when he entered Paris in state on 31 December
1536 the Court of Parliament went before him clad in red cloaks,
an honour not usually accorded to any but the King of France6.
The marriage took place on New Year's Day, with great mag-
nificence, and a proper display of sumptuous apparel, cloth of gold,
and precious stones. After the wedding was a banquet, and after
the banquet a mask and dancing. Next day there was jousting at
Tournelles. The King of Scots was a true sportsman, and appeared

1 L. and P. xii (1), 919. * L. and P. xi, 1305. 3 L. and P. xn (1), 88.

^ L. and P. xi, 1305. * Ibid. 1315. « Ibid. 1352, 1395.

xxi] The Council of the North 241

at his wedding with a wound caused by " a great stroke with a spear
upon the left side of his head... being a sore blemish in his face all
this triumphing time."1

On 19 January 1536-7 Faenza wrote that there was good hope of
English affairs going well. The people stood firmly to their demands.
The King had received ambassadors from them graciously, which
showed that he must be aware of his own weakness. No doubt some
report of Aske's reception at court had reached France. The Nuncio
suggested that Pole should be sent to England and that the Censures
should be published at once2, but as soon as he received definite
orders to publish them he hung back3. This made little difference,
however, as the time when they would have been useful had passed.

James V desired to return home through England, but he felt
some difficulty about requesting Henry's hospitality. The King of
England had always opposed the French marriage, and James, to
avoid his remonstrances, had not consulted him on the subject.
Henry professed himself grieved and offended by this neglect4.
Nevertheless James did not wish to take the long voyage home with
his young bride in the stormy season of the year, and as he was
anxious to return to Scotland, he ventured to make his request
through the French ambassador in England.

Henry was by no means inclined to do his nephew a favour. He
considered it very strange that the King of Scots should not make
the request in his own name. On 4 February the Privy Council
asked Norfolk's advice on the subject5. The Duke's position was a
delicate one. James was possibly the future King of England. His
friendship would in any case be very valuable to the dictator of the
north. In spite of Henry's obvious wishes Norfolk ventured to
consult his own future interests, and replied that it would do no
harm for James to pass through England, except on the score of
expense. It was probably Scots pride which prevented him from
writing to the King himself, and the peace and riches of England
could cause nothing but wholesome humiliation to one wTith " a very
enemy's heart in his body."6 But Henry determined to show his
nephew no courtesy. " The King's honour is not to receive the King
of Scots into his realm unless he will come as his Grace's vassal.
For there came never King of Scots into England in peaceable

1 L. and P. xn (1), 12, 53. 2 Ibid. 165.

3 Ibid. 326. •» Ibid. 397.

6 Ibid. 333; printed in full, Miscellaneous State Papers (ed. the Earl of Hardwicke),
i, p. 35. « L. and P. xn (1), 398 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 68.

D. ii. 16

242 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

manner but after that sort." Henry enumerated all his grievances
against James, and concluded with the argument that the country
must appear peaceful and loyal to an enemy who was passing through
it, and to secure this appearance it might be necessary to make
concessions to the disaffected which would afterwards cause trouble.
James' overtures met with no response, and he was obliged to face
the sea voyage1.

This affair did not improve the relations between the two countries.
James became more gracious than ever to the Papal Nuncio at
Paris. He was ready to further the Pope's plan of reconciling
Francis and Charles, and he cherished the splendid dream of all
young kings, that he would go in person to fight against the
infidels. The Scots disliked Henry's policy and his person. They
saw that his growing despotism was a menace to Scotland. David
Beaton, the Abbot of Arbroath and Keeper of the Privy Seal, was
willing, if the Pope desired it, to send the Censures secretly into
England and cause them to be published suddenly when Henry VIII
was in the north2. It is impossible to say what the effect of this
bold scheme would have been, but the Papal court had not sufficient
energy to take it up, and Henry did not travel north after all at this
time.

The Pope sent James V a consecrated cap and sword, as a special
token of his favour, together with an exhortation against heresy8.
The King of Scots was pleased and stirred by the symbol. " With
as many words as he can say in French, [he] again thanks his Holi-
ness for the sword. I know it has touched his heart and tomorrow
morning the ceremony [of presentation] shall be," wrote the Papal
Nuncio on 18 February4.

On 8 March the King and Queen of Scots took leave of Francis
at Compiegne and went to Rouen, whence they were to sail6. They
waited there for nearly two months before they embarked. The
young Queen was consumptive and could not well bear the voyage,
which was therefore delayed until a more favourable time of year.
James distrusted Henry's intentions. The English ships held com-
mand of the sea and before now a King of Scotland had been captured
on his voyage and carried prisoner to London. Rumour said that
there were ten armed English ships on the coast and ten more in
Flanders, and though James had fourteen ships of his own and eight

1 L. and P. xn (1), 399 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 535.

2 L. and P. xn (1),*463. 3 Ibid. 166.
4 Ibid. 463. 6 Ibid. 600.

xxi] The Council of the North 243

lent for the voyage by Francis, he feared that Henry might begin
hostilities by an attack on his fleet.

Henry, however, was not on such good terms with the Emperor
as Francis imagined, and was not disposed for war. Though relations
were strained between France and England, neither was prepared to
fight1. The war with the Emperor kept Francis busy, and Henry
needed time to recover after the late crisis in England. James had
no intention of attacking England without his father-in-law's support.
Nevertheless the news that he was bringing home his French bride
raised a general expectation of war with Scotland.

At a friend's house in West Mailing, Kent, James Fredewell
a priest, was playing at tables with Adam Lewes, the schoolmaster,
one day in April 1537. The priest asked a man who was going to
London to buy him a book. Lewes asked if he would buy the New
Testament, but Fredewell replied he wished all the Testaments in
English were burnt.

" What ! will ye burn the Gospel of Christ and the word of God?"
said the schoolmaster.

"Tush !" quoth the priest, "I will buy me a portresse to say my
service on, as I was wont to do."

They finished their game and went to John Doomright's shop,
where a pile of Acts of Parliament lay, concerning artillery, dress
and unlawful games. Lewes remarked that he hoped they would be
better enforced when the King had finished with the work in hand.

"Yea," said Fredewell, "the King is like to have more to do yet."

"Why so?" said the shop-keeper, "his Grace hath overcome his
enemies of the north, for they hang at their own doors."

"What then?" returned the priest, "there is another bird abreed-
ing that came not forth yet which will come forth before midsummer,
that the King had never such since he was King of England."

Being asked what he meant, he told them that the Emperor had
given the King Flanders, but if Henry took the Emperor's part, both
the King of France and the King of Scots would be on his neck, and
Francis had made James Admiral of the sea. The schoolmaster
declared that they could do little hurt ; but if the King made war
beyond the sea he would do well to cut off the priests' heads first or
they would betray him. Fredewell retorted that that was easier
said than done. Lewes went away and another priest called Cuthbert
came into the shop. He picked up an English Testament and said
he was an evil man who translated it, or the Emperor would not have
1 L. and P. xii (1), 760-2 ; 760 printed in full, State Papers, v, 72.

16—2

244 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

burnt him. The shop-keeper asked if no good men were ever put to
death by the Bishop of Rome. " Yes," said Fredewell, " there were
some put to death within this two year that was as good livers and
as faithful as be now alive." Cuthbert said that the Bishop of Rome
never put good men to death, and the two priests left the shop
discussing whether it were lawful for priests to marry1. Fredewell
probably meant the Pilgrims when he spoke of the faithful who were
put to death.

At Whitsuntide a citizen of Leicester, who had been making a
circuit of pilgrimages in the north of England and Scotland, reported
the rumours which he had heard by the way. In Edinburgh it was
said that King James would make war on England for " the Seven
Sheriffdoms " unless the King of England would give them to him
freely, and that James had proclaimed himself Duke of York and
Prince of Wales. There were said to be 15,000 Englishmen in Scot-
land, fugitives who had fled from Norfolk. Two of them were pointed
out to the pilgrim in Edinburgh ; one was a gentleman wearing a
black velvet coat, and yet it was said that he had been but a poor
man in England. The other, a priest, was now a canon in a house of
religion near Holyrood. These Englishmen had promised to be in
the van of an invasion of England, and to raise all Northumberland2.

Scots rhymes, prophecies and ballads aimed against Henry spread
into England from time to time. An instance of this came to light
at Royston, Hertford. The story is painful and rather perplexing.
Robert Daly veil of Royston went to Scotland " to learn the cunning
in the craft of a saddler " about April 1535. He lived in Edinburgh
with a saddler for about eight weeks and heard many Scots, both
light persons and. men of reputation, say that their king should be
crowned King of England in London before midsummer three years
later, i.e. 1538. They had read this in books of prophecy. Daly veil
returned to England and wandered about the north, working for a
few weeks at York, Gateshead and Chester-le-Street ; at the last
place he heard several Scots say that their king was worthy to be
king of England, and next in blood. He told them they were false
traitors and their master rebuked them. Dalyvell went back to
Edinburgh and " the Scots that railed before read the prophecies of
Merlin in his hearing." He returned home to Royston in 1537 and
" on Tuesday night after Palm Sunday at midnight, his wife being
asleep" an angel appeared to him, saying, "Arise, and show your

1 L. and P. xii (1), 990.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 6.

xxi] The Council of the North 245

prince that the Scots would never be true to him." The next night
he had the same vision, but he did not obey it.

On 11 June 1537 Daly veil told a serving-man in the stable of
the Greyhound, Royston, some of the prophecies which he had heard
from the Scots, that if the King did not amend he should not live a
month after the feast of the Nativity of St John the Baptist 1538,
and that before that day a horse worth 10^. "shall be able to bear all
the noble blood of England."1 Whether the serving-man reported the
matter, or whether Dalyvell himself confessed in a panic does not
appear, but he was examined by seven magistrates and admitted the
words3. He was sent to London and made a fuller statement next
day. It is difficult to see why so much importance was attached to the
story of a poor man who seems to have been half-witted. Perhaps
Cromwell hoped to get hold of some Scots spies by his means ; and
he endeavoured to make Dalyvell accuse priests. Though he was
racked and cross-examined the prisoner had only one story to tell,
and declared that of all the religious men he had known not one had
spoken of prophecies even in confession3.

That Henry himself was anxious about James' intentions is shown
by the matters treated in the Privy Council on 3 April 1537. It
was decided that Calais, Carlisle, and Berwick must be victualled
and prepared for defence. The English navy must be in readiness
for immediate service. The commission of the peace must be purged
of all but " men of worship and wisdom meet for the same " ; and
letters must be sent to all justices to keep special watch for seditious
persons; as a further precaution certain of the nobles would be
ordered to live in their own counties for a time.
» The Pope was trying to reconcile the Emperor and Francis in
order that all three might attack England ; the King must contrive
to have one friend at least, and as alliances were generally concluded
by a marriage, the King's two daughters, though illegitimate, must
have such provision made for them that their hands would be ac-
cepted by foreign princes. The Queen was pregnant, but still it was
expedient that one of the King's daughters should be declared legiti-
mate " to take away the remainder hanging upon the King of Scots,"
who might be tempted by the French to bring forward his claim4.

Meanwhile the Border was alive with rumours of war. No one
had yet been appointed deputy warden of the West Marches, but
Sir John Lowther, the Earl of Cumberland's deputy captain at

1 L. and P. MI (2), 80. 2 Ibid. 74. » Ibid. 80.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 815-6; 816 printed in full, State Papers, i, 545.

246 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Carlisle, was doing the work. Hearing a rumour on Easter Eve
[31 March 1537] that the Scots were mustering, Lowther sent
Edward Story the warden-serjeant with a letter to Lord Maxwell
the Scots warden, in order that Story might pick up news by the
way. Story talked for a long time with Maxwell, who told him that
general musters had been proclaimed in every borough town in
Scotland. Each man was expected to appear with " a jack of plate,
a steel bonnet and splints, and a spear six ells long, and all who can,
a horse." The King of Scots was expected at any time ; he was
waiting for a fair wind and he hoped " to escape the ships of the
sea." Maxwell declared that if the King had been at home during
the rebellion he would " have kept his house in Carlisle before this."

Lowther forwarded this news to the Earl of Cumberland on
6 April, and reminded him that Maxwell's boast might well be true,
for neither the city nor the castle was strong, and he lacked ord-
nance, powder and gunners1. The Earl received the letter at Skipton,
and sent on the warning to the King. He thought that a Scots
general would attack either Berwick or Carlisle, and he dwelt upon
the weakness of the latter2.

In February Henry had sent a request to the Regents of Scotland
by Ralph Sadler that rebels flying from the Duke of Norfolk's justice
might be carefully returned to England. He received a flowery
answer from the Scots Council, promising all that he asked3; but
though the Scots wardens were charged not to harbour English
fugitives4, they were not expected to take their orders seriously, and
such of the Pilgrims as escaped across the Border were safe.

On 7 April Norfolk at Newcastle-upon-Tyne wrote to inform the
Regents that John Charleton, Rinian Charleton and John Dod, the
slayers of Roger Fenwick, were being sheltered at Jedburgh Abbey.
He demanded that they should be arrested and delivered to the
English wardens5. Henry Ray, Berwick Pursuivant, a very im-
portant personage on the Borders, carried the letter. He was given
no credence, but he was instructed to enlarge upon the peace, con-
tentment, prosperity and riches of England to the Regents and all
other Scots. On his way he was to find out all he could as to whether
the people wished for war, how the new taxes were taken, and why
some of the lords had gone with a large company into Fife.

On 9 April Berwick Pursuivant arrived at Edinburgh and dined

1 L. and P. xn (1), 843. s Ibid. 882.

8 L. and P. xn (2), Append. 12 ; printed in full, Hamilton Papers, i, p. 41, no. 38.

4 L. and P. xn (2), p. xviii n. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 859.

xxi] The Council of the North 247

with the Bishop of Aberdeen, who was Treasurer of Scotland. The
Bishop made enquiries about the insurrection in England. Ray
replied that the realm was never in better order than it was at
present. The Treasurer said, "That is very well, but ye have put
down many good Christian men." Ray admitted that they were
Christian men, but if they had been good men they would not have
been put down, — " I trow, my lord, we are as good Christian men as
any in the world." The Treasurer replied, " Ye that are poor men
are good, but the heads are worst ; for if ye English men be so good,
then is France, Italy and many other countries clearly deceived."
Adam Otterburn, a member of the Scots Council who was dining
with them, asked what ships were set on the sea. Ray answered
that he knew of none. He gave them the English news according
to his instructions. The Treasurer said that he was very glad to
hear of so much peace and rejoicing, and that he would pray for the
King of England and all the realm, "that ye may be good men."
Ray retorted, " Ye can not, my lord, so soon begin your prayer, but
it is had, for we are good already." He asked why the Scots Bor-
derers were so sure that there would be war when their King came
home. The Treasurer merely said that it would not be Scotland's
fault if there were a war.

This humourous hostility, half hidden by a jest, was one sign of
the national feeling which watched Henry's despotism with such
jealousy. On his return Ray reported that the commons of Scotland
were greatly roused against England, because they believed that
English ships had been sent to take their King on his homeward
voyage, and that Henry and the Emperor were in league to attack
France. If that happened, they said, they would take the French
King's part. They called the English heretics, and were more
inclined to war than peace. The new money was paid already,
without any rebellion. Lord Maxwell was the only lord who had
gone beyond Fife, but for what purpose Ray could not find out.
When Ray spoke of the King of England's power and riches " they
say (and in my judgment verily think) they are able to withstand
us or any other. And they marvel that my lord of Norfolk lieth
in the north parts so long, fearing that his delay and the sailing of
the King's ships means some mischief to them."1

Ray brought back a letter, dated at Glasgow 11 April, from the
Chancellor of Scotland to Norfolk. The Chancellor acknowledged
Norfolk's letter in the name of the Regents. He could scarcely

1 L. and P. xn (2), Append. 19; printed in full, Hamilton Papers, i, p. 44, no. 41.

248 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

believe that their strict orders against the receipt of fugitives had
been disobeyed, but if Norfolk would give them time to make
inquiries, anyone found in fault should be sharply punished1. The
pursuivant reached Sheriffhutton Castle, where Norfolk had taken
up his residence, on 17 April. The Chancellor's letter and the
report were forwarded to Cromwell. Norfolk sent Ray back to
Scotland to pick up some more news2. It was generally believed
that there would be war. For example, Sir Thomas Clifford, the
captain of Berwick, was in London. One of his servants wrote from
Berwick to tell him that the Mayor and townsmen begged him to
show their needs to the King and the Privy Council, as war appeared
to be imminent and they were not prepared for a siege3.

The urgent reminders of the Border captains were not unheeded.
The King was as anxious as they to secure his frontiers. On 13 April
lists were drawn up of the northern fortresses, classified according to
whether they required repair or were defensible. Sir George Lawson,
the Treasurer of Berwick, received orders to victual the town. On
18 April he wrote to Cromwell to ask for more explicit instructions,
and for more money, as he had not nearly so much as Cromwell
expected4. Norfolk gave Cumberland similar orders for the victualling
of Carlisle, and the Earl sent a similar plaint to head-quarters. The
country was almost desolated by the recent risings, and food of all
sorts was very difficult to procure. At Carlisle there was the old
stoiy of lack, of guns and men, which he had repeated times out of
number5.

Norfolk had now taken up his quarters at Sheriffhutton Castle,
which he left only to hold assizes or suppress a monastery. He had
the chief pledges of Tynedale and Reedsdale in his hands, and hoped
by their means to be able to extort restitution from their kinsfolk.
He was troubled about the matter, for the honest subjects who had
been harried demanded a great deal, and the raiders possessed very
little8. The ravages of the Scots did not improve the honest men's
chances of compensation. In April there were several Scots raids on
both the East and the West Marches, and Lord Maxwell would not
appoint a date for redress. In point of fact both the English and the
Scots wardens were convinced that war would break out in a few
weeks; and they thought it useless to make appointments that

1 L. and P. xn (2), Append. 18 ; printed in full, Hamilton Papers, i, p. 43, no. 40.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 967. 3 Ibid. 952.
* Ibid. 968. 6 Ibid. 993.
e Ibid. 967.

xxi] The Council of the North 249

would not be kept and to administer law in a district which might
any day be plunged into anarchy1.

Lowther's spies brought him word that James V was expected
daily. All the ships on the west coast had gone out to meet him2.
In all Scotland the common bruit was that there would be war when
the King came home*. Great preparations were made for his recep-
tion. He was expected on May Day, for at length the wind was in
his favour. Lowther wrote to Cumberland that provision could
hardly be made for Carlisle in time, " for either now war of Scotland
when the King's purse is full of the French gold, or never." He
cheerfully added that if corn were sent to Carlisle there was no mill
in the castle to grind it, and if they obtained good ordnance, there
was no one who could shoot guns. He had sent a spy to Edinburgh
to bring news of James' arrival. This letter was sent on St Mark's
Day, 25 April4.

Amid the rising excitement Norfolk was calm. He understood
the situation better than the gentlemen of the Marches, who were
soldiers, but not statesmen. He knew that peace or war depended
on Francis I, and that England was not on such terms with France
as to cause immediate alarm. Still, he thought it well to be pre-
pared. He had such good espial in Scotland that no move could be
made without his knowledge. Berwick Pursuivant reached Edin-
burgh on his second mission on 23 April. He carried to the
Chancellor another letter which demanded the delivery of English
rebels. The Scots Council was heartily tired of these demands. When
Ray appeared before them he was asked, "What is the cause ye send
your friars to us ? " He replied, " We send none, we had liever keep
them ourself."

" If they tarried with you, ye had made martyrs of them." " Nay,"
interposed the Chancellor, " but patriarchs."

On 25 April Ray waited on the Bishop of Aberdeen to give him
Norfolk's thanks for a present of hawks. In answer to the Bishop's
promise that he would pray that the King and all England might be
made good men, Norfolk sent the message that in no country was
God better served, and that the Bishop of Rome had no authority
out of his own diocese. The Treasurer replied that he felt no grudge
towards England for that matter, " but for the cruelness of you that
put down your own poor commons."5 Ray brought back to Norfolk

1 L. and P. MI (1), 982, 991, 994, 1030, 1050, 1060.

2 Ibid. 1026. 3 Ibid. 1058. •» Ibid. 1038.
8 Ibid. 1094 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 75-7.

250 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

a reply from the Chancellor which again promised that the cases
which he mentioned should be investigated1, and a secret message
from the Queen Mother that no lord in Scotland would give the
King her son counsel friendly to England2.

On 2 May Henry sent a gracious letter of thanks to Norfolk for
his services in the north. The King still intended to make a royal
progress to York, where he would declare a general pardon, with
only a few exceptions. He would see about paying Norfolk's expenses,
though " to be plain with you we think that divers of the gentlemen
...might well have served us better cheap, for some part of a recom-
pense of their former offences — We do accept in good part the
declaration of your opinion touching the Marches. Nevertheless we
doubt not but you will both conform your own mind to find out the
good of that order which we have therein determined, and cause
other by your good mean to perceive the same." Finally money had
been sent for the victualling of Berwick and Carlisle*. Berwick was
now in process of being put into a thoroughly defensible condition4.
The other Border fortresses were constantly in the King's mind, and
suggestions on the subject were often laid before the Privy Council,
but they seem to have had no immediate effect6.

At this time Norfolk was vainly petitioning the King for leave to
come to court. On 9 May he excused his repeated requests. He
explained that his character was being attacked in his absence. He
mentioned the rumours that he had encouraged the rebels6. It was
said that he had sent for his son, the Earl of Surrey, to instruct him
in northern affairs in order that he might presently take his father's
place. Norfolk protested that all these tales were false. He had
never encouraged the rebels. He had sent for his son partly because
he had hoped the King would give him leave to come south for a
short time, and he could not have kept his retinue in the north
without Surrey; and partly because "in truth I love him better
than all my children, and would have gladly had him here to hunt,
shoot, play cards, and entertain my servants, so that they should be
less desirous of leave to go home to their wives." Norfolk besought
the King, if he thought him a true man, to allow him to come up
and answer his enemies7. He protested that if he had not been on
the King's service not all the Earl of Northumberland's lands would

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1043.

1 Ibid. 1094 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 75-7.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 1118 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 547.

4 L. and P. xn (1), 1024. 6 Ibid. 1091-2.

({ See above, chap. xi. 7 L. and P. xn (1), 11C2.

xxi] The Council of the North 251

have kept him so long in the north1. If he stayed much after
Michaelmas, he thought it would cost him his life. He had also
many private reasons to justify his wish to return to London2.

Henry replied on 13 May that he had heard none of the slanders
to which Norfolk referred ; if he had, he would have mentioned them
to the Duke. " You know our nature is too frank to retain any
such thing from him that we love and trust." Norfolk must not
credit all the light tales that reached his ears. He could not be
spared from the north until after the King's progress, which would
shortly take place. Henry hoped that the Duke would settle all
disputes, so that he might not be troubled with petitions. The tone
of the King's letter was friendly, but, though he declared himself
assured that Norfolk had not sent for Surrey for " any purpose not
to our good contentment," yet he pointed out that as the Duke had
summoned his son without consulting the King, it gave an occasion
for people to think evil, which might have been avoided3.

In fact Norfolk protested too much about Surrey. The cautious
old nobleman believed that he had recovered after his first false step,
and was beginning once more to feel his way towards the object of
his ambition, the dictatorship of the north. It was the dream of
many powerful men to hold the place there which the Percys alone

had held. Norfolk had declared that a nobleman must rule there

that this man must have the joint powers of Warden of all the
Marches and Lieutenant of the North. Then he held off and sug-
gested that the Earl of Cumberland should have the West Marches
and the Earl of Rutland the Middle and East. Norfolk did not
suggest anyone to fill the great office his imagination had summoned
up ; he intimated that it would not become him to suggest the obvious
man. In fact all his letters were full of his hatred of the north,
and his fear that the climate would be the death of him. " For
all the lands the Earl of Northumberland hath and had " he would
not tarry there after Michaelmas4. " All the Earl of Northumber-
land's land," — at that time they become a refrain in Norfolk's letters,
the refrain of his ambition. He kept a careful eye on the dying
Earl's extravagances. If the Earl wished to sell wood, Norfolk
saved the Percy forests from the axe5. Northumberland was giving
away his goods and houses, even the bricks of Wressell Castle,
perhaps in a vindictive effort to save something from the King.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1157. 2 Ibid. 1162.

3 Ibid. 1192. * Ibid. 1157, 1162.

5 See above, chap. xvnr.

252 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

Norfolk reported this to Cromwell and declared that it must be
stopped x.

At the same time the Duke suggested that the household stuff of
Jervaux and Bridlington, and of Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, and
Sir John Bulmer, should be stored in the King's wardrobe at Sheriff-
button Castle, for the use of the Council of the North, or of any
nobleman whom the King might send to those parts. If the goods
were sold he said that the King would not receive a third of their
value2. This is another sign of the way his thoughts were tending.
Later he wrote that Cromwell would marvel if he knew how often
Norfolk had been urged by the northern gentlemen to ask for some
of Northumberland's lands and to settle down among them. But he
was determined never again to cross the Trent northwards, unless he
were with the King, or marching against the King's enemies8.

Clearer hints were never dropped. Norfolk loathed the north, —
but if the King made it worth his while, very well worth his while,
he was the nobleman who would be lieutenant and warden at once.
Henry must have laughed with Cromwell over Norfolk's palpable
ambition. The King had fairly rid himself of the Percys, and he
would never put a Howard or any other nobleman in their place.
Without a considerable grant of land, Norfolk could not turn to
advantage the influence which he thought he possessed in the north;
nor was his fear or favour there so great as to enable him to take the
Percys' place, even though he held their lands. He had deceived
the northern men, and they were not likely to forget all that they
owed to " this false duke."

The Howards had no ancient connection with the north; their
influence began at Flodden and might well have ended at Doncaster,
if fate had not been contrary. The Percys had been surrounded by
all the splendour of hereditary right and traditional leadership ; they
had made the north famous, and a hundred tales gave them a place
in the hearts of the people. Now the great house was represented
by the old Countess who outlived all her sons, and by Sir Thomas
Percy's two little boys. Fallen though it seemed, the house of
Howard could not take its place ; nor did the White Lion ever put
down the Blue. The Dacres might have filled the place of the greatest
lords in the north, but after years of true service on the Borders the
King and the Clifford feud had left Lord Dacre a ruined man. Henry
had little to fear from the Earl of Cumberland, because of his many

i L. and P. xn (1), 1173. 2 Ibid. 1172.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 291.

xxi] The Council of the North 253

feuds and the hatred of his own tenants. As to the Earl of Westmor-
land, he was one of the few noblemen who cared less for place and
power than for a quiet life and a safe head. Norfolk was allowed to
imagine that he was winning the north for himself when he was really
buying service for the King. No doubt Henry thought that the
illusion did no harm and might make him work better.

James V of Scotland had at last embarked on his homeward
voyage. It was a long and slow one. About six o'clock on the
evening of Tuesday 15 May his ships lay at anchor off Scarborough.
Norfolk wrote to Cromwell : " If God would have sent such good
fortune, that he might have landed in these parts, I would so honestly
have handled him that he should have drunk of my wine at Sheriff-
button, and the Queen also, before his return to Scotland."1 There
is a sinister ring in the words. Kings of Scotland were not so often
guests as prisoners in the King of England's castles.

If Norfolk had tried the experiment, he might have found
unexpected difficulty in taking James. A party went ashore from
the King's fleet to buy victuals in Scarborough, and several boats
put out to James' ship. To one Englishman James said: "Ye
Englishmen have let me of my return; an if ye had not been,
I had been at home forty days past. But now I am here and will be
shortly at home, whoso saith nay."

A party of twelve English fishermen came to speak with the
King of Scots. On coming into his presence, they fell on their
knees and " thanked God of his healthful and sound repair, showing
how they had long looked for him, and how they were oppressed,
slain and murdered, desiring him for God's sake to come in, and he
should have all." To this pass had Norfolk's pacification brought
the northern men, who had hitherto hated the Scots worse than the
devil. James was a good deal troubled by this offer from his uncle's
subjects. He refused to speak to a gentleman who came aboard,
lest the man should say the same thing.

Presently the fleet sailed from Scarborough with so light a wind
that Norfolk thought they might make Aberdeen, but not the Forth.
At Whitburn, near Tynemouth, James cast anchor again, and ten
Englishmen came to him with the same complaints, " promising
plainly that if the said King of Scots would take upon him to come
in all should be his."2 One or two boats went ashore and a party of
Frenchmen and Scots landed. With them was an Englishman,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1237 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 78.

2 L. and P. xii (1), 1280 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 79.

254 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

James Crane, who was in the service of the French Vice- Admiral.
He was really one of Cromwell's spies, but he probably passed as a
refugee. With his companions he met the priest of the parish, and
asked what news there was in England. The priest replied, "111
news, for they kill and hang up men in this country." Crane seems
to have abused the King of England, to lead the unsuspecting
priest into further conversation. He asked where the Duke of
Norfolk lay, and the priest said either at Sheriffhutton or at York ;
he added that the Duke dealt so cruelly with the north parts that
he wished Norfolk were hanged on one side of a tree and Cromwell
on the other. If the King of Scots had come home five months
sooner and had entered England, the priest declared that he would
have helped to carry him in triumph to London. As they talked
by the seaside, he pointed out the lie of the coast : " Lo, here is as
good and as ready landing for men as any place in England/'1

On 18 May eleven of James' ships were sighted from Berwick.
They lay becalmed in sight of the town from noon that day until the
morning of the 19th. A party from one of the vessels landed at
Alnmouth, and the Queen's gentleman usher rode on to Edinburgh
to prepare for the royal reception. Sir Thomas Clifford kept good
watch while the King of Scots lay so near, and sent out horsemen
during the night to see if any man came ashore2. James must have
been moved by the petition of the English fishermen. When his
ship drew to the northwards of Berwick, he looked back upon the
town and said to the gentlemen in attendance on him, " if he lived
one year he should himself break a spear on one Englishman's
breast."

Berwick Pursuivant was again on mission to Scotland. He saw
the King and Queen land at Leith haven at ten o'clock on Whitsun
Eve, 19 May 1537. The Vice-Admiral of France and the Bishop of
Limoges were the only great men with him. His fleet consisted of
ten great ships of France and four Scots ships. On Whit Monday
the King and Queen made their entry into Edinburgh "and took
their lodging in the Abbey of Holyrood House."

In Edinburgh Berwick Pursuivant met James Crane, the English
spy in the French Vice-Admiral's service. Crane, seeing by the
arms of England "in a box upon his breast" that Ray was an
Englishman, took him aside to talk to him. He asked Ray to carry
credence to Ralph Sadler " upon a token that when the said Ralph

* L. aud P. xn (2), 422 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 96.
2 L. and P. xn (1), 1256.

xxi] The Council of the North 255

Sadler was in France, he did inquire for the said James at his own
house in Rouen." The credence was an account of the voyage,
especially of the two embassies of English fishermen and peasants
who had spoken with James. All the French ships were going home,
except the Salamander, which was a present from Francis to his
son-in-law. Crane was obliged to go with his master, though he
would have "given £20 on the condition that he might himself
come through your Highness' realm to show further his mind in the
premisses."

Ray reported this to Sir Thomas Clifford at Berwick, and on
26 May the account was sent on to the King1. By this time all the
French ships had passed Berwick on their homeward voyage2.
Norfolk called Crane's story " some lies out of Scotland," and assured
Cromwell that it was totally false, for he himself had been at Brid-
lington the day after James passed, and had examined the only
Englishman on the coast who had spoken to the Scots King3.
Norfolk was anxious to discredit the report, as he had been insisting
for some time past that the north was reduced to perfect obedience
and loyalty. Sir John Neville wrote that all the people rejoiced that
the King and Cromwell were coming to the north. It was a pity
that Richard Cromwell was not there to hear them talk; no men
ever repented so sorely as they did4.

With his usual prudence Cromwell paid more heed to the foul
than the fair reports. In spite of Norfolk's scepticism Crane was
summoned from France, and sent on 20 July to Norfolk at Sheriff-
hutton8. The Duke still made light of his story, as his geography
had been much confused by the long voyage. He described a place
which he said lay to the south of Scarborough, but no one could
recognise it, and he could not give the names of the " false knaves "
who had spoken to James6. To settle the matter Norfolk sent him
with a sure, wise and secret gentleman to ride all along the north
coast from Flamborough to Tynemouth in order to see if Crane could
recognise the place. His description of it was that the church
steeple was a sea-mark, that the church was dedicated to St Andrew,
and that the vicar was one of the King's chaplains ; it was with his
parish priest that Crane had held the seditious conversation. When
Crane and his companion came in sight of Whitburn, Crane declared
that that was the steeple. On inquiry the wise gentleman learned

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1286, printed in full, State Papers, v, 79.

2 L. and P. xn (1), 1287. 3 Ibid. 1307. 4 Ibid. 1317.
& L. and P. xn (2), 122, 236, 269, 270. 6 Ibid. 291.

256 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

that the church was dedicated to St Andrew and that the vicar was
Dr Marshall, one of the King's chaplains. Norfolk was obliged to
admit that there might be truth in Crane's story1.

Crane could not say where the fishermen lived, and he did not
know their names, but he described the leader of the party as a
mariner with black hair and a weather-beaten countenance2. The
priest of Whitburn, Robert Hodge, was examined by Norfolk and
his council. He confessed his words, but declared that Dr Marshall
had never spoken sedition and often preached against the Pope8.
Norfolk sent Sir Thomas Hilton, the sheriff of Durham, to discover
those who had been aboard the French Admiral's ship, and to arrest
the leader of the party, if he had not gone to Shetland for the fishing*.
James Crane was given a pardon and leave to return to France5.
On 22 September Robert Hodge and two unnamed mariners, one of
whom was the leader of the fishermen, were hanged in chains at
Newcastle-upon-Tyne*.

In order to prevent James' interviews with the discontented
peasants from raising false hopes in Scotland, Henry sent Ralph
Sadler as ambassador to James with professions of friendship and
instructions to urge the King of Scots to follow his lead by throwing
off the Pope and confiscating Church property7.

All this while the Duke of Norfolk had been gradually going
through an immense amount of law-work. A great many people had
been plundered or had lost their goods during the rebellion. Most
of them must have been poor men, for little or nothing can be learnt
about their wrongs. If any full account of Norfolk's proceedings for
redress remained, it would contain many local details of the Pil-
grimage. On 18 May he wrote to Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian, who
were on an embassy in France, with some natural self-satisfaction : —

" This country, thanked be God, is, I think, at this hour in as good obedience
as any part of the realm and of such sort that of late at my coming hither I had
not thought possible it should of long time have been brought to so good pass.
There was marvellous spoils at the time of the insurrection through all these
countries and divided in thousands of men's hands ; and yet such restitution
made that at this day there is very few that is not agreed withal, and the parties
satisfied. It should be a very unreasonable thing that I would command to be
done here that should not be shortly accomplished in all my Lieutenancy ; save

i L. and P. xn (2), 340. - Ibid. 431.

3 Ibid. 422; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 96.

* L. and P. xn (2), 431. • Ibid. 796 (1). « Ibid. 479, 732.

7 L. and P. xn (1), 1313; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 81.

xxi] The Council of the North 257

only in Tynedale and Reedsdale, of whom I have ten pledges at Sheriffhutton
which lie upon their lives if their country men do not well. Finally I pray God
send us three grace merrily to meet this winter at London." J

There are details of two cases of spoil and restitution, but as they
both concern rich men, they are probably not characteristic of the
rest. The first concerned the plundering of Blythman's house at
York, and has already been described2. The second was the case of
Robert Holdsworth, vicar of Halifax ; his vicarage was appropriated
by the rebels, his goods carried off by his enemies the Tempests, and
his hidden pot of gold was found by Thomas Lacy8.

During the first week- of Lent 1536-7 Thomas Lacy went to con-
fession. He told his ghostly father how he had found the money
and asked what he should do with it. The confessor advised him to
keep it until after Low Sunday [8 April]. Two or three days after
the appointed date, Lacy brought the money to his ghostly father's
room in a canvas pepper poke, and from there carried it to the
vicarage, dropped it over the wall into the court, and left it. With
an impulse as natural as dishonest, he kept £67 for himself; but
presently he repented again and gave it up to Sir Alexander Emmet,
Holdsworth's parish priest. Out of the whole sum Lacy had spent
only 26s. 6d. " about his seeding."4

The Vicar returned to Halifax from London "after Mid-Lent
Sunday" [11 March]. He had been urging his own cause with
Cromwell, while Sir Henry Saville petitioned the Duke of Norfolk
on his behalf. When he reached home and found the treasure gone,
he did not complain to Norfolk and mentioned his loss only to the
friends who knew of its hiding-place, Sir Henry Saville, Alexander
Emmet, his sister and her son5.

While Holdsworth was in London he had obtained writs of
attachment against the Lacys and others who had plundered his
vicarage. During Easter Week he went to York and begged Norfolk's
favour in the matter. The Duke promised that he should have
restitution or the writs should be executed. Holdsworth was still
too prudent to mention the great sum that he had lost.

About a week later Alexander Emmet delivered £789. 8s. 9d. to
Holdsworth in gold, simply saying that it came to him in confession.

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1238; printed in full, State Papers, i, 549.

2 See above, chap. vin.

3 See above, chaps, in and xn.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 369 (4).

5 L. and P. xn (1), 425 ; xn (2), 369 (3).

D. II. 17

258 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

The priest must have been waiting in the vicarage court for the
heavy bag that came over the wall1.

The matter might have ended there to the satisfaction of everyone
concerned, but too many people were in the secret. The Vicar had
subpoenas against Lacy and his servants, but they did not appear.
Lacy said contemptuously, " If they will have my head they shall
fetch it." He had nicknamed one of his servants Audley and another
Cromwell, and said he could not fail to do well having both the Lord
Chancellor and the Lord Privy Seal with him. He admitted that he
had robbed the Vicar, but he said that the money was treasure- trove ;
apparently he argued from this that he had as good a right to it as
any man2. By this means the rumour of " treasure-trove " reached
the ears of the Duke of Norfolk, and he determined that the govern-
ment should be no loser.

On 12 July Norfolk sent for all the parties to appear before him3.
On 20 July the Vicar was a close prisoner, allowed to speak only to
those whom Norfolk appointed. The Duke had consulted Chaloner
and Babthorpe about the law of treasure-trove, and they agreed that
unless the Vicar could prove the money to be his, it was the King's.
Before examining the witnesses Norfolk proposed to send the money
to the King, and then, if Holdsworth had too strong a claim to be
denied, the Duke would give him licence to sue for its restoration4.
It was easy to guess the result of such an application.

The witnesses proved quite conclusively that the money was the
Vicar's, and that he had hidden it himself. There was no evidence
that any part of it had ever been treasure-trove. Norfolk's council
believed that the money was really the Vicar's because there were
many crowns of five shillings among the coins found in the pot, and
this coin had come into use very recently5. Norfolk was vexed at
this turn of the case, and asked Cromwell for instructions. He
collected all the Vicar's money that he could lay hands on and
accused Holdsworth of cheating the revenue, " living covetously like
a man of £40 promotions," when he could well spend £200 a year6.

On 25 July Sir Henry Saville wrote to Cromwell on the Vicar's
behalf7. Holdsworth brought an action in the Court of Star
Chamber against Lacy, but the result is unknown8. It is possible
that the government obtained for Holdsworth restitution of his

1 L. and P. xn (2), 369 (3). 2 Ibid. 339. 3 Ibid. 248.

4 Ibid. 291. s ibid. 316, 369.

6 Ibid. 369. » Ibid. 339.

8 Yorks. Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Eec. Ser.), 11, no. Ixxi.

I

xxi] The Council of the North 259

plundered goods, and at the same time robbed him of his fortune,
but if this were so, the Vicar was not ruined. On the contrary, he
retained too much money for his own safety, as in May 1556 he was
murdered by thieves in the night-time in the vicarage house1.

Norfolk was empowered to attend to the doctrine of the north as
well as its peace. He encouraged the various anti-papal preachers
who were sent there, such as Dr Lay ton and Dr Addison2, and
suggested that the Archbishop of York arid the other principal
ecclesiastics might not only promote "such well-learned and also
well-willed priests," but also " find others at their own charges con-
tinually to go about and preach." If this had been done before he
thought "no such follies had been attempted as hath been."3

About the beginning of June Norfolk sent round circulars to all
justices of the peace and to the remaining monasteries, forbidding
them to give any relief to sturdy vagabonds. He said that the alms
of the religious houses had encouraged beggars, and that the justices
were slack, but now he intended so to deal with them that Cromwell
would probably hear of great numbers coming southward4.

On 3 June the good news of the Queen's pregnancy was con-
firmed. Norfolk was in York and gave orders for general rejoicings.
The Te Deum was sung in the afternoon and at night bonfires were
lighted all through the city. To increase the merrymaking Norfolk
gave four hogsheads of wine from his own cellar to be broached in
different parts of the city for all passers-by.

York was in a ferment of preparation for the King's visit; the
country-side had to prepare lodging and stabling for a large and
magnificent company. Two or three hundred extra beds were being
made. Fortunately the hay-harvest was good, or it would have
been hard to provide for the horses in the royal train5. But all
the preparations were in vain. The King changed his mind. It is
clear from Norfolk's letters that he had never really believed that
Henry would come, and had been only partly convinced by his
repeated assurances. On 12 June the King sent the Duke his
reasons for delaying his visit to the north until another year. The
reasons were many and ingenious, such as his reluctance to leave the
Queen at this critical period, and the delicate state of foreign affairs;
but the real motive for delay, which Norfolk was to keep strictly to

1 T. Wright, Hist, of Halifax (ed. 1834), p. 21.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 9.

3 L. and P. xn (1), 1158 ; printed in full, Wilson, op. cit., no. xxiii.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 14. 5 Ibid. 22.

17—2

260 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

himself, was the King's physical condition. His legs were worse,
and his physicians advised him not to travel in the heat of the year.
As he could not come to pardon the north in person, he would
shortly send down " a personage of honour " with a general pardon ;
Norfolk might announce this. The King graciously said that he
could not be better served than he was at present, but as the Duke
desired his recall so earnestly, he should soon receive it. The King
intended to establish a standing council and desired the Duke's
advice as to its composition1.

This was the first explicit statement of the King's intentions for
the future government of the north, but it was so vaguely worded
that it did not seriously clash with Norfolk's ambition. The north
might be ruled by a council, but the council might be ruled by the
King's lieutenant. Norfolk was still cautious. In his next letters,
dated 16 June, he thanked the King for the promise of release. If
his master knew how ill he had been he would not wonder at
his desire "to be out of this cold country, where hath been two
days this week great frosts in the morning, with the most cold
weather that ever I saw in such a time of year." For the Council of
the North he thought the King should either send down a lieutenant
or make the Bishop of Durham president ; he did not recommend
either of the northern earls. For the councillors he recommended
Sir Thomas Tempest, Sir Marmaduke Constable, Sir William Evers,
Sir Ralph Ellerker, and Sir Brian Hastings. Dr Magnus was grow-
ing old and "less able every day." Norfolk spoke very highly of
Babthorpe, Chaloner and Bowes, but they were badly paid. The
Duke was heartily glad to hear that the King was sending a pardon
to put despair out of " foolish, fearful heads." He asked that ten
or twelve pardons might be sent him, with blank schedules attached,
in which he could insert, with the advice of his council, the names of
those to be excepted from the pardon2.

At this time Border affairs loom large in Cromwell's memoranda
and in the proceedings of the Privy Council, filling the place pre-
viously occupied by the northern insurgents. Lists of members
proposed for the Council of the North, and of officers and pensioners
on the Borders were drawn up, and amended, and drawn up again,
until it is hard to say which is merely a " device " and which a final
order3.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 77 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, p. 551.
- L. and P. xn (2), 100 ; printed in full, A Collection of Letters of Princes (ed.
Howard), p. 272. 3 L. and P. xn (2), 102, 249, 250.

xxi] The Council of the North 261

The repairs of Berwick and Sheriffhutton were proceeding as
fast as lack of money would allow1. Sir Thomas Clifford was at feud
with Lionel Grey, the porter of Berwick2. Norfolk wished the King
to have them reconciled, as Grey was a man whom Sir William
Evers, the deputy warden of the East Marches, could not spare3.

On the Middle Marches Sir Reynold Carnaby had succeeded the
murdered Roger Fenwick in the dangerous office of Keeper of Tyne-
dale. Norfolk disliked Carnaby, who was a creature of Cromwell's,
and said sneeringly " that by hearing say he is more than half weary
of his being in these parts." On 26 June Norfolk expected the
Council of the Marches to wait on him at Sheriffhutton. He intended
to " lay it sore to them " that their country was no stronger against
the Scots raiders of Liddesdale, "which weekly doth run upon
Carnaby's offices."4

The Duke was investigating the circumstances of Roger Fenwick's
murder. The three murderers, John Charleton, Rinian Charleton and
John Dod, fled to Scotland and were never captured. Lionel Grey
accused Edward Charleton, Cuthbert Charleton, John Heron of Chip-
chase, George Heron his son and John Heron of the Hall Barns his
kinsman, as instigators of the murder5. This accusation was very
satisfactory to Norfolk, as the Charletons and Little John Heron of
Chipchase were already wanted by the government for their share in
the rebellion, but it would be safer and less awkward to punish them
nominally for the murder. Little John Heron was captured and
sent to London, where he was imprisoned in the Fleet. Heron of
the Hall Barns fled to Scotland. George Heron appeared before
Norfolk, but he established his innocence so clearly that the Duke
wrote to Grey to require proof of the Herons' guilt6. On 7 July
Lionel Grey brought to the Duke " one of the men that hath de-
tected " the part played by the Herons in Fenwick's murder7. This
sounds as if there were other witnesses, but later Jerry Charleton
alias Topping is described as " the only accuser of the Herons,"8 and
his character was so bad that in the end his evidence was discredited9.
At present, however, it was considered sufficient, but the Charletons
could not be captured by force or stratagem10.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 10, 69. 2 See above, chap. ix.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 332. 4 Ibid. 142.

6 Ibid. 142, 203. c Ibid. 142.

7 Ibid. 229 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 91.

8 L. and P. xin (2), 1010.

9 State Papers, v, 203; L. and P. xvn, 219.

10 L. and P. xn (2), 280; printed in full, Eaine, op. cit. i, App. p. clix.

262 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Cromwell suggested that John Heron of Chipchase might be
sent north to stand his trial for Fenwick's murder. Norfolk replied
on 20 July that he must not be sent north until the time was
ripe. If he did not know that he was accused of the murder, he
must be led to believe that he would soon be set free. If he had
already been charged with it, he must be so closely imprisoned that
he could send no word of warning to his son George or his son-in-law
Cuthbert Charleton. It was important to lull the suspicions of the
Charletons, for it was quite impossible to capture them while they
were on the alert. Their own country was almost impenetrable, and
if they were attacked with fire and sword they had only to cross the
hills to Liddesdale1.

On 27 August Norfolk was still hoping to apprehend Edward
and Cuthbert Charleton and George Heron. As to Little John
Heron, Norfolk directed Cromwell as follows :

" Which John I require your good lordship may be secretly conveyed hither
and so delivered to the officers of my house, to be by them conveyed to me at
Newcastle, to be ordered according to justice. I would he should be here on
20 September, and conveyed with a hood on his head, and so secretly kept by
the way that no man should know him unto [until] his deliverance ; which
would also be in the night because I have many pledges of Tynedale and
Eeedsdale here. For an it were known he were here, I should neither take his
son nor the others that I would have. And if it be not known in the Fleet
whither he shall go, but conveyed in the night, the better."2

On 17 September Norfolk held an assize at Newcastle-upon-
Tyne. He made George Heron foreman of the inquest, and the
three murderers were condemned in their absence. George Heron
did his part, not suspecting that Norfolk, who showed him such a
fair countenance, was planning to convict himself and his father of
the same crime. George offered to go home to Tynedale and arrest
an arrant traitor. Norfolk sent him off with the comment, " If he
do I shall have in my hands two false harlots." The Duke intended
to arrest George Heron on his return, and to seize his father's house,
goods and lands for the King's use. The news from Tynedale was
that Cuthbert Charleton was dead8.

At the next assizes, on 26 September, John Heron and Edward
Charleton were indicted in their absence as accessories to the murder
of Roger Fenwick. John Heron had not been sent north, and there
was no evidence against George Heron, but nevertheless the latter

1 L. and P. xn (2), 291.

2 Ibid. 588; printed in full, State Papers, v, 101.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 741.

xxi] The Council of the North 263

was arrested and imprisoned1. The Charletons were outlawed, and
the Keeper of Tynedale carried on a long guerilla war against them,
in which the Charletons, having allies in Scotland, were on the
whole successful2.

Little John Heron of Chipchase was never sent north with a
hood over his face to be hanged. He was called before the Privy
Council and convinced the King of his loyalty and worth. In 1539
he rode home in triumph as Constable of Harbottle, with a pension
in his pocket3. Edward Charleton was pardoned in 1539 ; even John
Heron of the Hall Barns received mercy and was employed in carry-
ing letters of importance to the north4. At length, in August 1540,
Little John Heron was offered the post of Keeper of Tynedale. He
refused, unless he were given Reedsdale as well, and he was given
both5. Thus he completely superseded his old enemy Sir Reynold
Carnaby. Sir Thomas Percy was avenged so far as vengeance lay in
Little John Heron's power. The wily mosstrooper was one of the
few men who discovered the length of Henry VIII's foot.

After this digression it is necessary to return to Norfolk at
Sheriffhutton Castle. On 2 July 1537 Sir Cuthbert Radcliff, Thomas
Carnaby, Cuthbert Shaftoe and George Heron waited on the Duke,
and declared the true state of Northumberland. The raiding was
chiefly the work of Liddesdale, reinforced by English outlaws. Norfolk
daily expected an answer from the King of Scots to his repeated
complaints of the protection which English outlaws received in
Scotland. Sir John Widdrington was trying to capture certain
Scots thieves in England who would be useful as exchanges. The
Northumbrians convinced Norfolk that Tynedale had not done
nearly as much harm as was reported, but no restitution had been
made as yet6.

The West Marches were reorganised about the beginning of
July. Sir Thomas Wharton was made deputy warden, in spite of
Norfolk's advice to the contrary. He was also made steward of the
abbey of Holm Cultram and the priories of Carlisle and Wetherall.
Under him there were four commissioners. Sir Thomas Wentworth
became captain of Carlisle, and thirty-three gentlemen of those parts
received patents as the King's pensioners. All these commissions
and patents, with the oaths for the different officials, were dated

1 L. and P. xn (2), 772. 2 Ibid. 823, 878, 978, 979, 1076, 1242.

3 L. and P. xiv (2), 431. * Ibid. 781, f. 85 b.

e L. and P. xv, 570, 618, 987 ; Nicolas, Proc. and Ord. of the Privy Council (Kec.
Com.), vn, pp. 6, 7.

« L. and P. xn (2), 229 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 91.

264 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

28 June1. They were first sent to Norfolk, who forwarded them on
3 July to Wentworth, together with a summons to all the gentlemen
to meet him at York, where he was going to witness Aske's execution
on 12 July2.

Norfolk thought that the arrangements for the West March
were better than those for the other two. He wished to call Lord
Dacre and Wharton before him and " knit them in amity." Dacre's
friendship was far more important to the new Warden than that of
the Earl of Cumberland, who had little influence with the marchmen.
The prickers of Gilsland were always ready at Dacre's word. Unruly
though they were, he kept them in awe, and he was respected even
in Tynedale and Reedsdale3. When Dacre was Warden he had been
both cruel and partial, sending word to his favourite ill-doers to fly
when he intended to make a raid ; yet he was very popular among
the marchmen.

In spite of his general approbation, Norfolk as usual criticised
the King's appointments4. The Duke constantly endeavoured to
draw all the patronage of the north into his own hands. The
dictatorship of the north would be within reach if every Border
officer were the Duke's man, and owed his appointment to his
master. Norfolk, being on the spot, could often choose better men
than the King, who was guided only by report. Nevertheless, so
long as the Duke remained in the north, the King would not
reverse his decisions. After Norfolk's departure, the inefficient
were replaced by more capable officers, but in the meanwhile he
grumbled in vain. The King would not allow him to make any
promotions on his own authority.

Norfolk was still urgently petitioning for leave to ride south.
He was ailing and described all his symptoms to Cromwell at great
length. Cromwell advised him to offer to stay longer in the north ;
the King had promised that he should come home at Michaelmas.
Norfolk replied from Leckonfield on 8 July that if he stayed in the
north until the cold weather began he would die. He was ready
to serve the King to the death anywhere else; "but undoubtedly
if I should know his pleasure to be to command me to remain
here, I am sure I should never have one merry day in my life, and
would incontinent determine myself for another world....! may well
perceive I have some back friends that thinketh long to hear that
I am out of this world." The north was now in such good order,

1 L. and P. xn (2), 154-5, 254. 2 Ibid. 203.

3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 248.

xxi] The Council of the North 265

that he considered there was no need for his presence ; a lieutenant
with a good council would be enough1.

Sir Thomas Tempest, who had been attending' on Norfolk,
throughout his northern progress2, wrote to Cromwell on 10 July.
He said that Norfolk had shown him Cromwell's letter which
advised him to remain in the north. To obey would certainly
endanger Norfolk's life during the winter; nevertheless the Duke
ought not to be recalled at once, because he was so much loved
and feared throughout the north. "Although these parts be now
well stayed, their late perversity should be noted, and, as many
men of blood and well befriended have justly suffered, it is to be
feared their friends are not well contented." Tempest suggested
that Norfolk should stay until the end of October, and then leave
a council with a good president to carry on the work until Easter,
when the Duke could return for the summer3. Tempest wrote to
Bishop Tunstall, who was then in London, to the same effect.
Tunstall was the proposed president of the new council. Tempest
urged that the Bishop knew well the need there was for Norfolk in
the north4.

These two letters were obviously inspired by Norfolk, and yet
they were very different in effect from his own. Norfolk never
wishes to see the north again; yet Tempest suggests that the
Duke should return in the spring. Norfolk says that the country
is quiet and can do without him; Tempest, that "the country is
not so clearly reduced to all goodness that he should be taken from
these parts." All this was the next move in Norfolk's game. He
did not wish to bring the country into such order that the King
could do without him. He hoped, on his return to the south, to
be followed by a stream of petitions to the King that he might
be sent back; even a minor disturbance would not be amiss. If
Norfolk could prove to Henry that he was indispensable, he would
be in a position to make terms. He had declared that he would
not live in the north for all Northumberland's lands, but the King
could test this by experiment. Henry, on the other hand, meant to
keep the Duke in the north until it was reduced to order, but not a
minute longer. When he did recall Norfolk, he had no intention of
sending him back. Norfolk was told that he should be recalled before
the cold weather set in. No word was said of a new mission in the
spring, but he protested that he was immensely grateful.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 229 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, p. 91.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 152. 3 Ibid. 238. « Ibid. 239.

266 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

The Earl of Wiltshire's minstrel had composed a song about
Norfolk, which he said had received the Duke's approval. The
inference is that the song was in praise of true noble blood and
predicted its triumph over upstarts. Norfolk promised Cromwell
so to punish the minstrel that he would be afraid to sing such
songs again1.

Norfolk was impatient for the arrival of a general pardon. He
advised that it should not extend beyond 20 February 1536-7.
The murder of Fenwick and the welcome of the King of Scots
both took place after that date, and consequently those who were
involved in either would not be able to claim the benefit of the
pardon thus limited. Norfolk sent about fifteen names to be
excepted, and asked that room should be left for himself and his
council to insert a few more. Those whom he mentioned were :
Wilson and Woodmancy of Beverley, Marshall parish clerk of
Beswick, Waflin and Leache of Lincolnshire, Bradford and Paris
monks of Sawley, Roger Hartlepool monk of Jervaux, Helaigh
canon of Coverham, Edward Middleton, Henry King and Simon
Marshal of Masham, Esch friar of St Robert's of Knaresborough,
Nicholas Musgrave, a friar of Appleby, John Priestman of Lilies-
dale Hall, John Priestman son of William Priestman of Helnesley
[Helmsley ?], Dr Marmaduke Walby, Towneley chancellor of the
Bishop of Carlisle, and the Prior of the White Friars of Doncaster2.
Most of these men had fled to Scotland, but the three last-named
were prisoners in the Tower.

In Scotland James pursued an anti-English policy without actually
provoking a breach of the peace. Norfolk wrote of him on 3 July
" he doth keep so small an house that there is but only six messes
of meat allowed in his house, and the Queen his wife not like to
escape without death, and that not long unto as I am informed
by divers ways."3 The poor young Queen died before 24 July4
of consumption, not, as might be supposed from Norfolk's letter,
of starvation.

Sir Thomas Clifford's spies reported that James "doth not use
nor give himself to any princely pleasure, like as he heretofore
hath been accustomed, but continually yet doth go about framing
his ordnance in most secret wise." He had paid several midnight
visits to Dunbar, and Tantallon was prepared for war. Clifford
contrasted with these preparations the destitute condition of

1 L. and P. xn (2), 291. 2 Ibid. 291 (ii).

* Ibid. 203. 4 Ibid. 332.

xxi] The Council of the North 267

Berwick1, but as a matter of fact the town was being provisioned
and the fortifications repaired.

It was thought possible that James might change his policy on
the death of his French wife. It was reported that he was hesitating
between a renewal of the matrimonial alliance with France and an
application to England for the hand of Mary2. On 2 August James
came as far as Dunbar with David Beaton, Abbot of Arbroath, whom
he was about to despatch on a diplomatic mission first to Henry and
then to Francis. Henry was making a short progress to Ampthill,
and intended to receive the ambassador there3.

Norfolk prepared to join the King at Ampthill to assist in the
negotiations with Scotland, but on 7 August he received definite
orders that he was not to leave Yorkshire. He replied with the
bitterest complaints of his treatment, and indeed he had a right
to expect better usage4. Henry must have felt that he might
slight the Duke too much as he tardily consented, and Norfolk
joined him at Grafton on 15 August, to give his advice upon the
Scots negotiations and on the appointment of the Council of the
North5. The Abbot of Arbroath promised that all the English fugitives
in Scotland should be exchanged for Scots rebels in England, but
his mission did not otherwise give satisfaction, as he was going to
France to arrange a new French marriage for James, who was in
perfect accord with Francis6.

Norfolk and Henry together determined that the president of
the Council of the North should be Bishop Tunstall of Durham7.
Tunstall was very unwilling to undertake the arduous task. He pro-
tested that he was too old to be fit for anything but teaching and
preaching. The people hated him, and whatever punishment he
inflicted would be imputed to private malice, which would bring
discredit on the King's justice. He was neither powerful enough
to punish disobedience nor rich enough to keep up the hospitality
which would be expected of him, ana this would lead evil-doers to
despise and mock the King's authority8. His objections went for
nothing. Henry had decided that he was the most suitable man for
the post, and Norfolk probably hoped that Tunstall would prove so

1 L. and P. xn (2), 346 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 94, and Scott's History
of Berwick, p. 127.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 332, 370.

3 Ibid. 422, 430 ; 422 printed in full, State Papers, v, 96.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 479; printed in full, State Papers, v, 99.

5 L. and P. xn (2), 590. 6 Ibid. 566, 590.

7 Ibid. 568; printed in full, State Papers, v, 101. 8 L. and P. xn (2), 651.

268 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

complete a failure that he himself would have to be reappointed.
Tunstall was ordered to prepare himself and to forget his displeasure
against Robert Bowes1, who had plundered his palace at Bishop
Auckland during the rebellion2.

Norfolk's visit to the south was a short one3. He was back at
Sheriffhutton on 27 August. Now that the Council of the North
was an established fact he was impatient to be gone. It remained
to be seen whether he could ever compass his return. On 27 August
he wrote "I am... very desirous to bring Tynedale, before my de-
parting hence, in better order than it is,"4 but the task proved too
long and he left it unaccomplished.

On the West Marches Sir Thomas Wharton was on the whole
a successful warden, and under his rule there was at least a very
fair appearance of regular justice, both on the Marches and in
Cumberland, although this did not mean that there was any lack
of such incidents as inspired the Border ballads5.

The Middle Marches were a very different affair. Norfolk was
longing to make his name terrible in the district which had treated
his authority with such light-hearted contempt. He wished to
arrange that James V should make a descent on Liddesdale at
the same time as he attacked Tynedale. The Abbot of Arbroath
held out some hope that his master would consent to this, but on
8 September James replied to Norfolk that he would give his
wardens such charge that a simultaneous raid of this sort would
be quite unnecessary6. Consequently the Duke was obliged to
undertake the Borders without James' help.

While Norfolk awaited James' answer at Sheriffhutton he busied
himself in reconciling the feuds of various Yorkshire gentlemen.
Among others Sir Henry Saville came to an agreement with "all
his neighbours and sisters" and might prove a good servant. On
5 September Norfolk was suffering from a cold in the head. He
wrote to Cromwell, and after regaling him with his symptoms in great
detail, proceeded to ease his temper by abuse of his subordinates.
According to his account the whole of the north was in a state of
Utopian peace except Tynedale and Reedsdale, for which the Keeper

i L. and P. xn (2), 589. 2 See above, chap. ix. 3 L. and P. xn (2), 547.

4 Ibid. 588 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 101.

s L. and P. xn (2), 422 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 96; L. and P. xn(2), 537;
604, 642, 732 ; 828-9, printed in full, State Papers, v, 109-11 ; L. and P. xn (2), 836,

865, 990.

e L. and P. xn (2), 588; printed in full, State Papers, v, 102; L. and P. xn (2),
590, 666; printed in full, State Papers, v, 106.

xxi] The Council of the North 269

and the warden were responsible. " Widdrington would fain do well,
but surely it is not in him. Carnaby is so feared of his person that
he doth nothing but keep the house. Men doth much doubt of his
hardiness having yet shown no part of manhood since his coming
hither. I would they were both in Paradise, so other good were in
their rooms ; for by their defaults I shall be enforced, as soon as I
shall be able to travel, to ride to those cold parts which I fear shall
not be without some danger. And yet had I rather to adventure the
same, than to have the continual crying out of the poor people
that I have to come thither."1

Norfolk rode to Newcastle-upon-Tyne on 14 September, and
found that no restitution had been made for plunder taken during
the rebellion, and that there were under a dozen offenders to be tried.
In fact all the Border was very reluctant to deliver thieves to
the law2, not from mercy nor even from fellow-feeling, although the
gentlemen of the country were not much more honest than the
reivers, but because when a man was hanged his kinsmen would
never forget the feud. The blood feud was the weapon which
enabled the mosstrooper to keep up his war against the world ;
it was his last and best protection. The King's deputy warden
might take a thief red-handed. If he brought him to the gallows
many things would follow. The deputy warden's cattle would
never be safe at the pride of the moon ; his hay-stacks and barns
would mysteriously take fire; wherever he went he would never
ride safely, for on the open moors an arrow might fly from a whin-
bush, and in the streets of a town a man might lurch against him
with a knife in his hand. It generally happened that the warden
let the thief go free.

Norfolk was very angry at this state of affairs. The blood
feud made no difference to him, as he was leaving the north so
soon. He made further complaints to the King of Carnaby and
Widdrington, and proposed others to be promoted in their places.
If Tynedale and Reedsdale refused to make restitution on the 20th
and 21st September, "I will be busy with them." Reedsdale was
not expected to give trouble, and if the men of Tynedale proved
more obstinate Norfolk would make a descent upon their houses,
burn them to the ground, set their standing corn ablaze, and when
the people were driven into the hills, he would lay garrisons "to defend
their malice," whenever they wickedly tried to get something to eat3.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 650 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 104.

« L. and P. xn (2), 695, 732. 3 Ibid. 696 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 107.

270 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

The King answered on 18 September in one of those letters
which must have been such a trial to his servants. He remained
blandly determined that " whosoever kick against it " he would
be served by the men of his own choice and no others. As
to Tynedale, he sent orders very unlike his usual instructions.
Clemency was to be shown. He expected Norfolk to reform, not
to destroy1. It must be put to Henry's credit that if he had
raised, for his own purposes, a breed of mosstroopers more savage
than their fathers, he did not like them to be slaughtered whole-
sale, though it is doubtful whether this was due to some faint sense
of his own responsibility or merely to an anticipation of the next
war with Scotland.

Norfolk held two sessions at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, one on
Monday 17 September, the other on Wednesday 26 September.
Only nine thieves were executed altogether, but both Tynedale
and Reedsdale were at last induced to make restitution or to put
in sufficient pledges for it2. Norfolk said with natural pride that he
had redressed above a hundred wrongs since he came to Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, and that he would leave the country better contented3.
He had " swept the houses so clean " that the Bishop of Durham and
his Council would find little to do4. The King fully approved of all
his proceedings and sent him a letter of thanks5.

On 28 September 1537 Norfolk left Newcastle-upon-Tyne6. He
was at Sheriffhutton on 4 October7. On 6 October he started on
his journey southward8. His long mission was over. The govern-
ment of the north passed into other hands.

Instead of the old expedient by which the supreme authority
was conferred on a powerful nobleman, Henry had resolved that
the north should be governed by a council. Although Cromwell
was a warm advocate of this system, he cannot be given the credit
for its invention. Government by council was a favourite Tudor
device from the days of Henry VII onwards. It was said that in
1640 over a third of England was ruled by various councils, offshoots
of the Privy Council9.

Sufficient evidence has already been given to prove that the
north required a better system of government than it had hitherto
enjoyed. The Pilgrims at Pontefract had proposed that it should

1 L. and P. xn (2), 712 ; printed in full, State Papers, i, 565.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 732, 741. 3 Ibid. 772.

4 Ibid. 741. 5 Ibid. 746. « Ibid. 823.

7 Ibid. 828 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 109. . 8 L. and P. xn (2), 839.

' Dicey, The Privy Council, pt. in, sect, in, 2, c.

xxi] The Council of the North 271

have adequate parliamentary representation, that parliaments should
sometimes be held there, that law courts should be established at
York competent to deal with all but the most important cases, and
that in general the interests and welfare of the north should be
treated as of equal importance with those of the south.

Instead of this, the King resolved to treat the north as a
conquered province. It was placed under a form of government
in which there was no representation and from which there was
no appeal. If the Council of the North was to work at all, its
decisions, however unjust, must be upheld by the central govern-
ment. The north had already undergone an experimental foretaste
of this method of rule, and had hated and protested against it1,
but the country was to groan under the Council of the North for
another hundred years, until released by the Great Civil War. Yet
the Council was not more autocratic than the Privy Council itself,
and such partial success as it had in enforcing law and order was
some compensation for the fact that it was entirely opposed to the
independent spirit of the people.

Most of the new council's members had been leaders in the
Pilgrimage ; such were Sir Ralph Ellerker, Sir Thomas Tempest,
Robert Bowes, William Babthorpe and Robert Chaloner. They were
capable, ambitious men, bound to make their way upwards. They
were not insincere Pilgrims, but the rising failed and they turned
their energies to the King's service as the only course left open to
them. Norfolk's business was to conciliate them and win them over,
and he had succeeded : " all these men have their price." They had
been willing to risk their lives for a cause, but having escaped, they
would not sacrifice their careers. As members of the Council of
the North, they helped to keep in subjection the country whose
liberties they had so lately borne arms to defend.

Norfolk and his council in 1537 may be regarded as the fore-
runners of the new council, and the King's lieutenant, when there
was one, was always the president of the Council of the North.

The advantages which the King derived from the establishment
of the Council were obvious. It was small and could work easily
and effectively, for although a large number of members were
sometimes appointed, there were only five salaried members, who,
with the president and vice-president, were obliged to attend and
were competent to transact business2. Its members were chosen

1 See above, chap. in.

2 Prothero, Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 1559-1625, Introduction, v.

272 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

and dismissed by the King; there was no danger that the office
would become hereditary or that individual members might be
too powerful. It was therefore safe to trust them with very
extensive powers.

The Council of the North had jurisdiction over the whole of
the five northern counties, Northumberland, Durham, Westmorland,
Cumberland and Yorkshire. Privileged districts such as the Palatinate
of Durham were entirely abolished. The Council was authorised
to hear and determine all offences connected with unlawful assem-
blies and breaches of the peace, and all actions concerning property
and debts1. Its duties were to aid the ecclesiastical authorities in
the repression of papists and heretics, to maintain uniformity and
good morals, to protect agriculture, to defend the poor against the
rich, to supervise the justices of the peace2, and to provide for the
defence of the Border. "It was empowered to inflict almost any
penalty short of death," and although in cases of difficulty it might
appeal for advice to the Privy Council, there was no appeal for
suitors from its decisions3. It administered justice according to
either the law of the land or the discretion of its members4. The
Council also held sessions, oyer and gaol delivery, heard indictments
for murder and felony, and executed felons. " In this respect their
powers exceeded even those of the Star Chamber."5 In short, the
Council exercised all the powers previously held by Norfolk.

Before 15 October 1537 the Council of the North held its first
meeting at York8. It was composed of Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop
of Durham, the president; Sir Thomas Tempest; Sir Ralph
Ellerker ; Sir Marmaduke Constable the elder ; Robert Bowes ;
William Babthorpe ; Richard Bellasis ; Robert Chaloner ; John
Uvedale; Sir William Evers; and Thomas Fairfax, the King's
serjeant-at-law7. Robert Holgate, Bishop of Llandaff and prior
of Watton, also took part in its deliberations8. The officers of
the court consisted of the Lord President, the Vice-President, four
or more learned Councillors, the Secretary, the King's Attorney,
two Examiners, one Registrar, fourteen Attornies, one Clerk of the

1 Lapsley, op. cit. chap, vi, sect. 35.

2 West Biding Sessions Bolls and Proc. in the Council of the North (Yorks. Arch.
Ass. Bee. Ser.), in, pp. i-vi, 1-22.

3 Prothero, op. cit., Intro, v, and Documents, Beign of James I, IT, no. 3.

4 Lapsley, loc. cit. 5 Prothero, op. cit., Intro, v.

6 L. and P. xn (2), 915; printed in full, State Papers, v, 116.

7 L. and P. xn (2), 913, 914 ; 913 printed in full, State Papers, v, 112.

8 L. and P. xn (2), 102 (3) ; see above, chaps, xn and xvn, and Baildon, Monastic
Notes (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Bee. Ser.), i, p. 215.

xxi] The Council of the North 273

Attachments, two Clerks of the Seal, one Clerk of the Tickets, one
Serjeant-at-Arms, one Pursuivant, ten Collectors of Fines, two
Tipstaves1.

The first report of the Council of the North has not been
preserved, but a letter from Tunstall to Cromwell, written at the
same time (15 October), probably gives the information which was
contained in it. Wide as the powers of the Council were, the
members were not satisfied. They found that they had no power to
levy men in order to enforce their precepts ; the gentlemen had all
sworn to levy none save at the King's command. The Council
referred the matter to the King, "considering therewith that fire
is more easily quenched in the spark than in the flame." They
also referred two minor points to the King ; they wished to know
what seal they should use, and they requested that the decrees of
the Duke of Richmond's late council might be sent to help them
in their decisions2.

Finally they wished for instructions concerning the little heirs
of the house of Percy3. It was now represented by Sir Ingram Percy,
who was dying by inches in the Tower, and Sir Thomas Percy's two
sons. The Dowager Countess had been arrested by Sir Brian Hastings
in February 1536-7. Her goods were seized and inventoried, but they
were worth little, even the plate being valued at " an hundred pounds
or very easy more." She had few jewels and robes for a lady of her
position. Hastings good-naturedly wrote to Cromwell in her favour4.
Before the beginning of October she had been released, her lands
and goods were restored to her, and she was living at Catton in
Yorkshire5.

The Percy estates were viewed by the King's surveyor Robert
Southwell in August6. The government kept a careful eye on the
natural heirs of all this wealth, Sir Thomas Percy's sons Thomas
and Henry. On 8 July Norfolk wrote : "As to Sir Thomas Percy's
children, I have entreated good Sir Thomas Tempest to take them
into his custody ; they being at this time in the Bishopric within
two miles of his house ; and have promised him to have their costs
paid for."7 Sir Thomas soon grew weary of his charge. Tunstall

1 Drake, Eboracum, bk i, chap. vm.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 915; printed in full, State Papers, v, 116. See Brown,
Yorkshire Star Chamber Proc. (Yorks. Arch. Soc. Kec. Ser.), i, p. vii n. and no. xxxix.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 915.

* L. and P. xii (1), 517. 5 L. and P. xn (2), 955. * Ibid. 548.

7 Ibid. 229 ; printed in part, De Fonblanque, op. cit. n, chap, x, and State Papers,
v, 91.

D. n. 18

•274 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

wrote on 15 October that Sir Thomas still kept the children at
Norfolk's command ; but " his house is not strong but very weak, and
within sixteen mile of Tynedale, no town betwixt, nor other obstacle
than the river of Tyne when the water is risen : for at low waters
there be two fords that every man may pass, by which the thieves
do much annoy our country. I know this to be true by experience,
for I have ridden the same way. He desireth much to be rid of
the custody of them, and demandeth of me licence to be absent for
the keeping of them ; which reasonably I cannot deny and yet his
presence were very necessary. Some other place more within the
country were more meet than his house, and the children be young
and must be among women."1 The Council must have feared that
Sir Thomas Percy's old friends the reivers of Tynedale might carry
off his children. Permission was given to place them wherever it
was thought best2.

With the fall of the house of Percy the old order of things
ended. The new began with the Council of the North. There is
this excuse for Bowes and the other Pilgrims who served on the
Council ; they probably believed that they were saving the country
from the Duke of Norfolk's despotism. Norfolk never realised his
dream of a northern dictatorship. It was improbable from the first
that he would ever be able to force Henry to concede him such
a position, and it is quite incredible that the King would have
made such a grant willingly; but the northern gentlemen did not
know that. Norfolk's pose was that of a faithful old servant who
reluctantly performed a disagreeable duty laid upon him by his
master. Partly because he needed Norfolk, and partly to gratify
his love of playing with a man's hopes and fears, the King gave
the Duke sufficient public countenance to make this pose appear
plausible. Bad as the Council of the North might be, the gentle-
men supported it, because they believed it to be the lesser of two
evils. Its tyranny was not so unendurable as that of "this false
Duke."

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI

Note A. The Border pledges were hostages. When the reivers were in
trouble they delivered up one of every surname or elan, in earnest of their
better behaviour. The object of the government was to obtain a pledge who
was sufficiently important to make his loss a matter of anxiety to his surname.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 915 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 116; De Fonblanque,
loo. cit.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 1016; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. n, no. 227.

xxi] The Council of the North 275

The object of the reivers was to induce the government to accept as a pledge
some man whom his friends did not mind losing. Theoretically the life of the
pledge was forfeit if his people committed fresh offences, but the penalty seems
very seldom to have been exacted in full. The pledges were not usually
kept in strict confinement and were relieved by new comers every month or so.
In the case of disorders, however, the pledges were more strictly imprisoned,
and cases even occurred when they were half-starved until their kinsmen were
reduced to obedience.

An example of the chaffering over pledges occurred on Tuesday, 17 July,
1537. Sir Cuthbert Radcliff and Sir Reynold Carnaby called the men of
Tynedale to a meeting at Hexham for the restitution of spoil. Edward and
Cuthbert Charleton came in " under assurance," and said that they were willing
to follow any order taken by the meeting. Edward Charleton was anxious for
the release of his pledge ; he offered one of his tenants in exchange, but Carnaby
did not consider a tenant sufficient. The other Charletons would neither pledge
for nor with Edward ; they proposed to lay a separate hostage for themselves
when the first had returned. In this extremity Edward Charleton offered his
son, a boy of thirteen, whom Carnaby was ready to accept, as he thought that
his father would be loth to lose him1.

When Norfolk left the north the eight Border pledges whom he had kept
at Sheriffhutton Castle were removed to York, as no sufficient guard remained
»t Sheriffhutton. In York the marchmen boarded at a Serjeant's house and
showed themselves every day to the sheriffs2. The Council of the North
dared not imprison them for fear "there would never more come in to be
pledges." Bishop Tunstall, the president of the Council, objected to the
presence of the pledges in York. He was also annoyed because " two of the
most active men of all Tynedale " had come as pledges " to change and loose
the others for a season as has always been accustomed." These two had
promised Norfolk to resist the inroads of the outlawed Charletons, and Tunstall
thought that they had come as pledges just before the full moon, when they
were most needed at home, to be "honestly... quit of their promise." The
Council of the North decided to move the pledges to Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
because "it is within eighteen miles of their country, and coming thither
they should learn no new ways, whereas now coming hither [to York] so far
from home, by exchange, they learn all the byways of all countries adjoining
unto them, which makes them more bold to steal, when they know which way
to escape with their prey."3

The system of hostages is very characteristic of the age. Fundamentally
unjust, it was a survival of primitive barbarism. It was clear that the pledges
at Newcastle-upon-Tyne or York could not be guilty of outrages on the Border,
but if the guilty could not be made to suffer, the innocent must be punished.
This system was peculiarly congenial to Henry. He openly looked upon the
mother and brothers ,of Reginald Pole, for instance, as hostages for his good
behaviour. When he defied the King, it was only Henry's extreme benignity
which prevented him from ordering the Cardinal's relations to instant execution.

1 L. and P. xn (2), 280; printed in full, Raiue, op. cit. i, Append, p. clix.

2 L. and P. xn (2), 915, 1077; printed in full, State Papers, v, 116, 122.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 1077 ; printed in full, State Papers, v, 123.

18—2

276 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xxi

They were in the end put to death almost avowedly as a means of making
the Cardinal suffer.

Note B. March treason was committed when an Englishman allied himself
with a Scot to attack another Englishman. Such crimes were investigated and
punished in the Wardens' Courts. The penalty was decapitation. Such a case
was tried in October 1537 at Carlisle before Sir Thomas Wharton, the King's
deputy warden1.

Note C. This letter is not included among the Letters and Papers of
Henry VIII. Raine's reference is MSS Cotton. Caligula B iii, 241.

1 L. and P. in (2), 829, 836, 865.

CHAPTEE XXII

THE WHITE ROSE PARTY

With the leaders of the Pilgrimage died the spirit of active
resistance to Henry. The gentlemen and commons had struck their
blow and failed. There still remained the White Rose party at court.
Its members had done nothing during the rebellion. They only
whispered together and exchanged tokens and dreamed of better
days. They were all under suspicion and constantly watched by
royal spies, warned against consorting together, often in disgrace
and banished from court. It was impossible that they could be
dangerous to Henry. The proof of this has already been given. The
Pilgrimage was the one good opportunity to carry out their long-
cherished plans. If the Marquis of Exeter had raised the west and
Lord Montague had raised Hampshire, the south would have been
plunged into turmoil and the northern Pilgrims would have been
able to march on London at leisure. Henry might have been forced
to fly, and Mary proclaimed queen. But, as a matter of fact, Exeter
marched to join Norfolk with all the force he could make ; not one
of the conservative nobles raised a man to second the Pilgrims ; and
Cardinal Pole, in spite of the Pope's encouragement, made not the
slightest effort to improve the occasion. Their one chance slipped
from the listless hands of the White Rose party. They did not even
know that it was lost.

Why was Henry so bent upon the ruin of these very inefficient
conspirators that he actually told the French ambassador that he
meant to exterminate the house of Pole1 ? It is true that he was
very angry with Reginald Pole; he regarded with jealousy all who
could lay claim to the blood royal ; and he may have believed them
to be more dangerous than they were. He was already troubled by
a disease so painful as partly to account for the savage hatred of
opposition which became little less than madness towards the end of

1 L. and P. xm (2), 753.

278 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

his life. But all this is merely to say that he was a blood-thirsty
tyrant, and that, however useful as abuse, is not a really satisfactory
explanation of any human being's actions.

The answer to the problem is to be found in Henry's superb
belief in his own divine right to rule. His admirers have tried to
slur over the ferocity of his treason laws by vague talk of " compelled
severity " and " temporary necessity." It may be modestly suggested
that there is another explanation. There was no very pressing need
for these laws, as the old treason law was quite sufficiently severe,
but Hemy honestly believed that they were just. To him treason
was the blackest of all crimes, not a mere political offence which
might be committed by a virtuous person with the highest motives,
but a crime worse than murder or perjury against the innocent. The
man .who dared to criticise the title of Supreme Head of the Church
was as -guilty and as worthy of death as those who resisted him in
arms ; he made no distinctions between those who opposed him in
thought, deed, or word. The catholic martyrs died for their opinions.
The Pilgrims died for maintaining their opinions with their swords.
The " Exeter Conspirators " died for a few careless words — for a wish
— for a dream of majesty.

It is surprising that Pole's family remained in England. They
might have fled to him at Rome, where their lives at least would
have been safe. They considered flight, — they often talked of it, but
apparently they could not bring themselves to face the results. The
thought of becoming a landless exile was intolerable to most English
gentlemen. Lord Montague might have chosen it rather than death,
but he would not leave the country until the danger was imminent,
and then it was too late for flight, for Henry struck swiftly. Sir
Geoffrey Pole, with less to lose, often planned to join Reginald, but
Montague and other friends dissuaded him, on the grounds that it
would put the family in a worse position than ever. The Poles were
always expecting a change of policy and a reconciliation with Rome.
If this opinion was treasonable the King would have had to execute
half the nobility to root it out. So the doomed family awaited the
event, if not in security, at least with surprising calmness, as they
were not by any means unwarned.

When Reginald Pole sent his book De Unitate Ecclesiastica to

Henry in 15361, it was carried by an English servant who had

followed his fortunes, a man named Michael Throgmorton2. He was

of good family, and a suitable person to be intrusted with such a

1 See above, chap. n. - Haile, op. cit. chap. ix.

xxn] The White Rose Party 279

delicate mission, as he was both faithful and quick-witted. He did
not undertake his errand very willingly, for he had a natural fear
that it would end in the Tower rather than in his return to Italy.
His apprehension was well founded. Henry was furiously angry at
Pole's opinions and Throgmorton was detained in London, in great
danger, until January 1536-7. The country was in open rebellion
throughout the autumn, and his brother, Sir George Throgmorton
was in the Tower on a charge of spreading Aske's manifestos1.

In January came the news that Pole had been created a Cardinal2.
Before he set out on his journey Throgmorton had begged that if this
promotion took place it might be kept secret until he had made his
escape from England3, but no attempt was made at secrecy, and
Throgmorton might well feel his head unsteady on his shoulders.
Nevertheless he lived to be one of the few men who could boast of
outwitting Cromwell4. He played his cards well, declaring himself
completely out of sympathy with Pole and the King's most loyal
subject. He spoke of his influence over his master, and undertook
to use every means to bring Pole back to England and his allegiance.
He even consented to enlist in Cromwell's secret service, and became
officially the King's chief spy on the traitor Pole. At the cost of
such " crafty and subtle conveyance " he obtained leave to return to
Rome, and by 26 January 1536-7 he was on his way thither with a
light heart5. He had completely "bleared " Cromwell's eyes, for he
never had the least intention of playing his master false.

Throgmorton arrived at Rome on 13 February. He carried
letters for the Cardinal from the Privy Council, who professed them-
selves unspeakably shocked at Pole's ingratitude. But they offered
to send certain wise men to meet him in Flanders in order to argue
him into a better frame of mind, always provided that he came as a
private person, without a commission from the Pope6.

Throgmorton found his master dressed in his cardinal's robes, and
delivered the letters together with credence to the same effect. He
admitted in his first report to Cromwell that his persuasions had as
yet been useless; "great men are not lightly persuaded and he
especially." The writing of these reports must have been a great joy
to Throgmorton7.

Pole had been created a papal legate on 7 February, and he was
about to set out for Flanders8, in spite of the fact that the King had

1 See above, chap. xm. 2 L. and P. xn (1), 105.

3 Ibid. 88. 4 L. and P. xm (2), 507.

5 L. and P. xn (1), 249. 6 Ibid. 125, 429.

7 Ibid. 429. 8 Ibid. 367.

280 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

refused, in such a case, to send anyone to meet him1. Throgmorton
represented him in this as the well-meaning tool of the scheming
court of Rome ; " let them mean as they will, he means all for the
best, and to the honour of God and his Church, without dissimula-
tion, cove tousness or ambition."2 Throgmorton hoped that Cromwell
would not object to his going with his master, for although he was
the King's man, he was loth to leave Pole on account of his rare
virtues and good life. He referred the question to Cromwell, as no
man could give better counsel in such a case, because no man had
more proved the profit and comfort of true fidelity3. One of Crom-
well's genuine spies recorded that Michael Throgmorton had an open
and simple-minded manner4. It must have been a very simple
manner to carry off remarks of that sort. But for some time Crom-
well did not suspect that there was anything wrong.

Cardinal Pole was about to move at last. The avowed purpose
of his legation was an attempt to help forward a general pacification,
to inquire into the spread of heresy, and to announce a general
council. Its real purpose was to arrange the affairs of England5.
According to the news then current in Rome, Henry had given way
to the Pilgrims, and intended to hold a northern parliament in the
spring. It was taken for granted that this parliament would restore
the Pope's authority in England, and it was essential that a papal
legate should be present to see that everything was done in the
right way. Also it was only proper that his Holiness should show
his approval of " the manly and Christian demonstration those people
are making." Pole never reproached himself for his delay at the
time of the insurrection. His one anxiety was to be in time for the
parliament. It was doubtful whether he would accomplish this, as
he was a very bad traveller. It occurred to him that the King
might be deceiving the Pilgrims, that he might intend no reform,
but sought only to quiet them and then to dispose of their leaders ;
in fact that Henry might be doing the very thing that he was doing.
Pole suggested that if this were the case, someone, not himself,
should be sent to England to exhort the people, in the Pope's name,
to stand firm, and that large sums of money should be ready in
Flanders in case of need6.

One of Pole's last acts before starting was to answer the letter of
the Privy Council7. He stated his case well, but the matter had

i L. and P. xn (1), 429. 2 Ibid. 430.

* Ibid. 429. 4 L. and P. xm (2), 507.

6 L. and P. xn (1), 368. * Ibid. ' Ibid. 444.

xxn] The White Rose Party 281

gone far beyond the reach of argument. Pole's only justification was
that he was convinced he was right, and Henry's only reply was that
Pole was hopelessly wrong. A meeting with Henry's agents in
Flanders could have led to nothing more satisfactory, and perhaps
Pole realised this when in reply to the Council's proposal he said
that he would receive emissaries only if they were sent to him as to
a cardinal and a legate.

At length Pole set out, but he was a long time on the journey.
About 16 April 1537 he was at Cambrai1, but he would not have
reached even that point so soon if all had gone as he hoped on the
way. There was a clause in the treaties between England and
France that neither King should receive or assist the rebel subjects
of the other ; in marked contrast to the modern custom by which
political offenders are especially exempted from extradition treaties,
this clause was held to mean that a proscribed traitor who sought
refuge in the other country must be seized and given up to his own
government. Francis I sent word to Henry that Pole had entered
his kingdom as legate2. The French King regarded the Pope as
the Emperor's ally, and was ready to conciliate Henry at his expense,
if he could do so without danger to himself. Henry commanded his
ambassador in France, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, to desire
Francis to apprehend Pole and send him to England. Gardiner
obeyed, and Francis replied that Pole had entered his dominions
under safe-conduct, and that he could not arrest him, but he would
send him word to depart within ten days3.

Henry was not satisfied. He despatched Sir Francis Brian on
8 April to demand Pole again and to remind Francis I that the
treaty did not recognise safe-conducts4. The French King did not
dare to quarrel with Henry, but to apprehend Pole would have
brought about an open breach with the Pope. The King was with
the army, and when on 10 April Pole made his state entry as legate
into Paris, he was met by a gentleman of the King's chamber, who
informed him that he must press on to Cambrai without seeing
Francis6.

Henry was enraged at Pole's escape. He blamed Gardiner and
Brian for lack of zeal and care. He bade them reproach Francis I
with the legate's honourable reception6, and at the same time he
sent by the hands of John Hutton, his agent in the Netherlands,

1 L. and P. xn (1), 949. 2 Ibid. 817.

? Ibid. 865. 4 Ibid.

6 Ibid. 931. 6 Ibid. 939.

282 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

letters to the Regent of the Netherlands, which adjured her on pain
of breaking solemn treaties to prevent Pole's entry into the Emperor's
dominions. If he were already over the borders, she must send him
injunctions to leave within the time specified by treaty1.

Pole took refuge in the independent archbishopric of Cambrai.
He was obliged to stay there all through May, though he was in con-
siderable danger. Henry, who had not forgiven Gardiner and Brian
for the first failure, wrote to them on 25 April : " And for as much
as we would be very glad to have the said Pole trussed up and
conveyed to Calais, we desire and pray you to consult and devise
between you thereupon." Could not Brian secretly get together
some men capable of such an enterprise ? Francis I himself sug-
gested that his Italians might "snap up" the legate some time
when he was beyond the walls of the town2. Pole was careful to
keep within the gates, for skirmishing parties were constantly about,
and he soon discovered that, in obedience to their orders, Henry's
agents had surrounded him with "spies and betrayers."3

The days at Cambrai must have been very bitter to Pole. The
French King had ignominiously turned him out ; the Regent of the
Netherlands, though more truly his friend, dared not ignore Henry's
protests4. All hope of a peaceful and honourable return to England
had vanished. The Pilgrims were in the Tower awaiting death, and
Pole was within measurable distance of joining them. He was told
that 100,000 pieces of English gold would be given to any man who
brought him to England alive or dead5.

Sir Francis Brian had undertaken the mission, and that one-eyed
" minion " declared that if the Cardinal returned to France he would
kill him with his own hand6. All around Cambrai was the turmoil
of a great European war. The Emperor's host was encamped round
the city. The brave Queen of Hungary, Regent of the Netherlands,
who wore over her kirtle "a jerkin of black leather with eyelet holes
to wear harness upon," vowed that if Francis would await her forces
but fifteen days she would show him " what God may strength
a woman to do."7 Pole, who had been sent to urge peace upon
the combatants, was an embarrassment to all parties. The Regent
peevishly exclaimed that her enemy had sent him simply to
trouble her8. Evil days had fallen on the ambassador of the Holy
See.

i L. and P. xn (1), 940. 2 Ibid. 1032. 3 Ibid. 1052.

•» Ibid. 1061. c Ibid. 1053, 1242, 1243.

6 Ibid. 996. 7 Ibid. 1220.
s Ibid. 1135.

xxn] The White Rose Party 283

It does Pole much honour that he was willing and even anxious
to persevere against all these discouragements. His chief hope was
that he might keep up the hearts of " these poor, good men " the
commons of England. He imagined that his presence near at hand
might encourage them to new endeavour. But he was too late, and
the people of the north had other and nearer sorrows to mourn than
the decay of the Pope's authority.

At last the Cardinal's friends in Flanders determined to help him
to a place of safety, although they were hampered by the English
King's constant threats that if Pole crossed the borders and were not
arrested, he would consider that the treaties were broken1. They
replied at length that a legate was outside such treaties, and that
they had gone as far as possible to please Henry when the Regent
refused to receive the Cardinal. The Pope had especially recom-
mended Pole to the care of his fellow-cardinal Erarde de la Marck,
the Prince Bishop of Lie"ge, who was the head of the Regent's
Council2. The Bishop secretly offered Pole a safe harbour in his
own see, but he suggested that Pole should travel in disguise, to
which the legate, feeling that in his person the dignity of the
Apostolic See would be compromised, could not bring himself to
consent3. During the last days of May an escort was sent, which
conducted him honourably, but without all the state that was his
due, through Flanders to Liege. Here he was received with ponti-
fical honours, provided with money, and lodged in " the old palace."4
" They take him there for a young god," wrote Button scornfully to
Cromwell.

One day a starving Englishman came to John Hutton and begged
for alms. His name was William Vaughan, and he had fled from
England accused of manslaughter. He told Hutton that he had begged
for help from Henry Phillips, an English student at Louvain who had
betrayed Tyndale. Phillips had offered to introduce Vaughan into
Cardinal Pole's service, or rather into the service of Michael Throg-
morton. Phillips said that Throgmorton was about to sail secretly
for England, carrying letters to Pole's friends hidden in a loaf of
bread. Hutton seized this opportunity. He gave Vaughan money,
and promised him a pardon and further reward if he would contrive
to sail with Throgmorton ; as soon as they reached England Vaughan
must see that Throgmorton was arrested6.

Vaughan set out for Lie"ge with an uneasy conscience, but beggars

1 L. and P. xn (1), 1220. 2 Ibid. 1293. 3 Ibid. 1242.

4 L. and P. xn (2), 26. 5 L. and P. xn (1), 1293.

284 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

cannot be choosers1. He went to Throgmorton, who regarded him
with suspicion. It was so common, however, for one English exile
to ask help of another that Pole consented to speak to him. When
Vaughan came into his presence, the Cardinal said, "As I am in-
formed, you be banished out of your native country as well as I " ; he
added that he liked to meet a Welshman, as his grandfather came out
of Wales. Vaughan asked to be taken into the Cardinal's service,
saying that he was destitute. Pole answered that he had all the
servants that he needed while travelling, but if Vaughan would come
to him again in Italy, he should have a place. He gave the man a
crown, and bade him go back to gather news2. These newsbearers
must often have been puzzled to know whose spies they were.

On 10 June Pole wrote to Italy, still in good hopes that his
mission might prosper, although his life was in danger. He had
discovered to whom he was indebted for Vaughan's visit3. Other
spies were sent by Sir Thomas Palmer, the porter of Calais, and Pole
heard that special assassins had been despatched from England4.
Michael Throgmorton's expedition to England was abandoned, prob-
ably because the Cardinal received news from his family about this
time. The messenger was Hugh Holland, who had formerly been in
the service of Sir Geoffrey Pole, but was now a merchant in the trade
with Flanders. Some years before Holland had secretly smuggled
into France John Heliar, the vicar of East Meon and rector of
Warblington, a dependent of the Poles, who fled partly because he
wanted to study in Paris, but chiefly because he disliked the King's
proceedings5. Holland was still in communication with Heliar and
conveyed his correspondence6.

"After Easter" 1537 Holland heard that wheat was selling well
in Flanders, and arranged to carry a cargo across. Before he
embarked Sir Geoffrey Pole sent for him and said, " I hear say you
intend to go into Flanders. My brother, I hear say, is in those parts.
Will you do me an errand unto him ? "

Holland was quite willing, and Sir Geoffrey gave him the following
message :

" I pray you commend me to my brother and show him I would
I were with him, and will come to him if he will have me ; for show
him the world in England waxeth all crooked, God's law is turned
upso-down, abbeys and churches overthrown, and he is taken for a

1 L. and P. xn (2), 128. 2 Ibid. 107.

3 Ibid. 71-3. 4 Ibid. 108.

5 L. and P. xin (2), 797. G See above, chap. xin.

xxn] The White Rose Party 285

traitor ; and I think they will cast down parish churches and all at
the last. And because he shall trust you, show him this token, and
show him also that Mr Wilson and Powell be in the Tower yet, and
show him further that there be sent from England daily to destroy
him, and that much money would be given for his head ; and that
the Lord Privy Seal said openty in the court that he, speaking of the
said Cardinal, should destroy himself well enough ; and that Mr Brian
and Peter Mewtas was sent into France to kill him with a hand-gun
or otherwise as they should see best."

The day before Holland sailed Sir Geoffrey sent for him again and
said, " How sayest thou, Hugh, if I go over with thee myself and see
that good fellow ? "

Hugh replied, " Nay, sir, my ship is fully loaded, and the mariners
be not meet for this purpose."

"Well then, I pray you remember what I have said unto you,
and fare you well."

Holland sailed to Nieuport, sold his wheat, and went on to Cam-
brai, where he expected to find the Cardinal, but Pole had already
set out for Lie'ge. Holland overtook him at Alne Abbey. Throg-
morton received the messenger and questioned him. Hearing that
he came from Sir Geoffrey, Throgmorton went and told the Cardinal.
After mass Holland was sent for and found the Cardinal in the
church. He delivered his message. Pole said, "And would my
Lord Privy Seal so fain kill me ? Well, I trust it shall not lie in his
power. The King is not contented to bear me malice himself, but
provoketh other against me, and hath written to the French king
that he should not receive me as Cardinal or legate ; but yet I was
received into Paris better than some men would."1

They talked for a little while about English matters, and then
the Cardinal gave Holland the following messages :

" Commend me to my lady my mother by the same token that
she and I looking upon a wall together read this, ' Spes mea in Deo
est,'2 and desire her blessing for me. I trust she will be glad of mine
also ; and if I wist that she were of the opinion that other be there,
mother as she is mine, I would tread upon her with my feet. Com-
mend me to my lord my brother by this token, ' In domino Confido,'
and to my brother Sir Geoffrey, and bid him meddle little and let all
things alone."3 The Cardinal did not consider it expedient that

1 L. and P. xm (2), 797. 2 See note A at end of chapter.

» L. and P. xm (2), 797.

286 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

either of his brothers should join him. He bade them both tarry in
England " and hold up yea and nay." J

It is impossible to avoid the thought that if the Cardinal had
encouraged Geoffrey in his proposed flight, instead of snubbing
him, the coming tragedy must have been, in part prevented. Lord
Montague would probably have been put to death in any case, but
England would have been spared the worst insult to humanity, — the
degradation of the miserable Sir Geoffrey, the horror of a brother's
betrayal by a brother, the agony of their mother. Unluckily
Sir Geoffrey Pole was not a very desirable inmate for a Cardinal's
household. He was stupid and extravagant, timid and untrust-
worthy. The Cardinal acted with his usual gentle selfishness. He
refused to undertake the disagreeable responsibility, and left Lord
Montague, in addition to all his other perils, to cope with this un-
satisfactory younger brother.

Holland delivered all the messages to Sir Geoffrey Pole when he
returned to England. Sir Geoffrey forbade him to repeat them to
the Countess of Salisbury or to Lord Montague, because Montague
" was out of his mind and would show all to the Lord Privy Seal."2
He did not mean that Montague would betray the matter on purpose,
but he was such a reckless speaker that his tongue was sure to
endanger the secret. This was all the communication that Reginald
Pole had with his brothers while he was in Flanders, and it cannot
be said to have seriously threatened the throne of England.

The Cardinal stayed quietly at Liege until the Pope summoned
him back to Rome3. His Holiness needed him and his present
position was doing no good, nor was it very dignified. In August
Pole prepared to set out for Rome4. In all his correspondence during
his stay in Flanders there is strangely little reference to the Pilgrims.
The months during which he was so near England were the very
months of the King's vengeance. Pole must have known the English
news, for Henry was eager to spread reports of the terrible justice
that he was doing. Yet in all Pole's letters not one of the northern
leaders is mentioned by name. Their effort for the Faith is spoken
of only in the most general terms, and though there are vague
allusions to the King's cruelty there is no word of their trial and
death6.

This silence effectually disposes of the idea that Pole had any

i L. and P. xni (2), 804 (p. 315). - Ibid. 797.

8 L. and P. xu (2), 174. 4 Ibid. 559.

a L. and P. xu (1), 1242, 1243 ; L. and P. xu (2), 71-3, 1(59, 310, 499, 559.

xxn] The White Rose Party 287

share in encouraging the rebellion, but when it is contrasted with
the wide-spread horror at the martyrdom of More and Fisher, and
with the admiration expressed for their constancy, the feeling arises
that the Papal court and the catholic clergy generally were guilty
of a snobbish callousness to the fate of less renowned but not less
worthy upholders of their cause. The King's faithlessness to the
insurgents was perfectly well known abroad. Laymen were not so
absorbed in his attack on the Church as to overlook his treatment of
his subjects1, but the court of Rome would calmly have watched
Henry grind Englishmen to powder so long as he did not interfere
with the Pope's power and dignity. The Pope considered only his
relations with the King and ignored the people, while his one chance
of triumph lay in keeping his hold upon the nation, as was done in
Ireland. There were two reasons for this indifference on the part of
the Roman Church. In the first place, many of its supporters, Pole
among them, shrank from the charge of encouraging rebellion. In
the second, European statesmen in the spring of 1537 had little
thought to spare on the internal state of England. The war absorbed
the western states ; in the south the Turks were threatening Rome
itself.

Nevertheless Pole, an Englishman sent especially to watch English
affairs, might have shown more interest in the fate of the Pilgrims.
On 21 July, 1537, a week after Aske was hanged at York, the Car-
dinal wrote to the Pope to mention the suggestion of an English
student at Louvain that all the Church should fast and pray for the
return of England to the fold, and that certain days should be
appointed for the fast. Pole was much pleased with the thought,
and believed that it would do more good than any " censures or
curses."2 It would certainly be safer.

The Cardinal left Liege on 22 August, " riding solemnly through
the city, giving his benediction to the people, with a cross borne
before him and other ceremonies."3 Two days before Michael
Throgmorton had written his second and last report to Cromwell.
Cromwell had commanded him to return to England, and much of
the letter was filled with explanations as to why Throgmorton did
not obey the summons. He protested that he could serve the King
much better if he stayed at Rome with his master. He described
the intended prayers for the unity of the Church, and added that if
the King did not shortly repent Pole would publish his book as a
defence against the charge of treason. Throgmorton insisted that

1 See above, chap. xx. 2 L. and P. xii (2), 310. 3 Ibid. 598.

288 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

his master sought the King's honour and wealth, and that everyone
about him marvelled that the King did nothing but try to procure
his ruin1.

Cromwell's first impulse on receiving this letter was to prevent
Pole's return to Rome. A letter to Throgmorton was drafted which
contained an offer that, though the King felt nothing but contempt
for all that the Bishop of Rome could do against him, yet " to save
him whom he hath from his cradle nourished and brought up in
learning," he would send Dr Wilson and another of his own chaplains
to confer with Pole in Flanders3. Instructions for the chaplains were
drawn up3, but they never started on their mission. There is nothing
to show the reason which made Cromwell change his mind. Perhaps
some fresh news came, or perhaps he merely decided on second
thoughts that it was impossible to conciliate Pole, and the wider the
breach with him became the better. Dropping his mask, he for once
wrote his real mind and sent the letter after Throgmorton. It is too
long to quote in full, and no mere extract can do it justice4.

Cromwell began by denouncing the treasons of Pole and the
treachery of Throgmorton, whom he had taken for a faithful subject.
" I might better have judged that so dishonest a master could have
but even such servants as you are.... You could not all this time have
been a spy for the King, but at some time your countenance should
have declared your heart to be loyal. No ! you and your master
have both well declared how little fear of God resteth in you, which,
led by vain promise of promotion, thus against his laws works treason
towards your natural prince and country, to serve an enemy of God,
an enemy of all honesty, an enemy of right religion, a defender of
iniquity, a merchant and occupier of all deceits." How foolish was
Throgmorton to try to defend this " silly cardinal " from the name of
traitor. All the world knew how well he deserved it. " Now if those
that have made him thus mad can also persuade him to print his
detestable book, where one. lie leapeth in every line on another's
neck, he shall be then as much bound to them for their good counsel
as his family to him for his wise dealing. He will, I trow, have as
little joy thereof as his friends and kinsfolk are like to take profit of
it. Pity it is that the folly of one brainsick Pole, or, to say better,
of one witless fool, should be the ruin of so great a family. Let him

1 L. and P. xii (2), 552.

2 Ibid. 619 ; printed in full, Merriman, op. cit. u, 82.

3 L. and P. xn (2), 620; printed in full, Merriman. op. cit. u, 84.

4 See note B at end of chapter.

xxn] The White Rose Party 289

follow ambition as fast as he can, these that little have offended
(saving that he is of their kin) were it not for the great mercy and
benignity of the prince, should and might feel what it is to have such
a traitor to their kinsman." Let him bring forth his book. He is
not out of reach of the King's "justice" even in Italy. "Amongst
all your pretty news these are very pleasant, that the Bishop of
Rome intendeth to make lamentation to the world and to desire
every man to pray that his old gains may return home again....! have
done what I may to save you. I must, I think, do what I can to see
you condignly punished. God send you both to fare as ye deserve —
either shortly to come to your allegiance, or else to a shameful
death."1 With this blessing hard on his heels Pole began his journey
back to Rome. His first legation was ended.

The White Rose party in England had done nothing to help the
Pilgrims. It would have been well for them if they had said as
little ; and yet the words that were afterwards objected against them
were sometimes clearly innocent, sometimes just touched with dis-
affection to the government, — very seldom coming even under the
most stringent treason law ever enforced in England. At the time
of the rebellion a friend went to see Sir Geoffrey Pole at his house at
Lordington, and found him mustering men who were to march with
him against the insurgents.

" I must go northwards," said Sir Geoffrey, " but I will shift for
one well enough, if they come to fighting — I will save one."

" Well, if you intend so," returned his friend, " you were best to
have a good horse under you."2

It seems almost incredible that this old, old soldier's joke about
running away at the first shot should have been interpreted by
Froude as an avowed " intention of deserting in action, if an action
was fought — real, bad, black treason."8

The Marquis of Exeter had gone northward to join Norfolk
against the Pilgrims. One day when his wife was sitting alone, Sir
Edward Neville came to her. He was an intimate friend of the
family, and Lord Montague's brother-in-law. He greeted her with
" Madam, how do you ? Be you merry ? "

She answered, " How can I be merry ? My lord is gone to battle
and he will be one of the foremost."

" Madam, be not afeared of this," said Sir Edward, " nor of the
second, but beware of the third."

1 L. and P. xn (2), 795. 2 L. and p. Xm (2), 822.

3 Froude, op. cit. n, chap, xv ; see note C at end of chapter.
D. ii. 19

290 The Pilgrimage of Grace [on.

"Ah, Mr Neville, you will never leave your Welsh prophecies,"
replied the Lady Marquis, "but one day this will turn you to dis-
pleasure."1

Sir Edward's mysterious words may have been treason, but
they are even more unintelligible now than they were to the Lady
Marquis. Sir Edward was much given to singing " merry songs" ; in
the Lady Marquis's garden at Horsley, where both Neville and Lord
Montague were welcome guests, he would sometimes add political
stanzas to his songs, such as that he " trusted knaves should be put
down, and lords should reign one day."2 Perhaps it was on the same
occasions that he used to abuse the King " saying his Highness was a
beast and worse than a beast." 3

One day at court Sir Edward drew Sir Geoffrey Pole aside and
said, " God's Blood ! I am made a fool amongst them, but I laugh
and make merry to drive forth the time. The King keepeth a sort
of knaves here that we dare neither look nor speak ; and if I were
able to live, I would rather live any life in the world than tarry in
the Privy Chamber." Another time he said, " Master Pole, let us not
be seen to speak together; we be had in suspicion; but it forceth
not, we shall do well enough one day."

The little group of friends were constantly being warned against
each other. The King himself bade Sir Edward avoid the Marquis
of Exeter. Sir Edward told his friend, " I may no longer keep you
company " ; and the Marquis quietly answered, " I pray Our Lord be
with you," and no more4. Every act of friendship among the suspected
nobles was used against them by Cromwell. A certain bearward of
the Marquis was in trouble about the end of the year 15375. He
was " in prison for treason " in the west country. His offence does
not appear, but it cannot have compromised the Marquis, as the
affair was not mentioned at his trial. The bearward was executed at
Gloucester in February 1 537-8 6. Sir Edward Neville heard of his
arrest and very naturally told the Marquis " to look to it, as it was
much against his honour."7 Exeter sent to Cromwell to inquire
about the matter. The result was unexpected. Cromwell told the
King and a royal messenger was sent to Exeter to charge him on his
allegiance to declare who had told him of the bearward's apprehension.
Exeter was astonished and alarmed that so simple a matter should

1 L. and P. xm (2), 765. 2 Ibid.

3 Ibid. 804 (p. 318). 4 Ibid. (p. 319).

5 Ibid. 771 (iii). « L. and P. xm (1), 358, 371.

? L. and P. xin (2), 804 (p. 319).

xxn] The White Rose Party 291

be taken so seriously. The messenger found him " the most appalled
man that ever he saw." The Marquis answered at first that he would
" liever die than to disclose his friend, for it did not touch the King."
Afterwards he tried to smooth the matter over by producing a
servant who said that he had heard about the bearward " in Paul's,
but of whom 'he could not tell."1

Exeter was a loyal friend. On another occasion, when Montague
was in trouble, he defended him in the Privy Council, and offered to
be bound "body for body" for him2. The Marquis disliked the
King's policy, but there is no proof that he ever engaged in treason-
able practices. He contented himself with grumbling occasionally
to his friends, and for the rest took things as they came. One day
when Sir Geoffrey Pole was riding to London he met the Marquis
and turned back a little way to talk to him. Exeter said that he
had been compelled to give up his wardenship of Windsor and to
take abbey lands instead.

" What ! " cried Sir Geoffrey, " be you come to this point to take
abbey lands now ? "

"Yea," said the Marquis, "good enough for a time; they must
have all again one day."

Exeter had on one occasion been obliged to receive Cromwell at
Horsley; he gave his guest "a summer coat and a wood knife." At
the first opportunity he winked at Sir Geoffrey Pole and said,
"Peace! knaves rule about the King," and then holding up and
shaking his fist, " I trust to give them a buffet one day." 3 It was
very distasteful to a nobleman of the blood royal to play host to the
lowborn favourite, who was also his personal enemy.

A fortnight before Christmas 1536 a story was told at Stoke in
Somerset of a quarrel between the Lord Privy Seal and the Marquis
of Exeter. It was said that the Marquis had drawn his dagger on
Cromwell, whose life was saved only by his coat of fence. Cromwell
ordered the Marquis to the Tower, "but if he had been put there...
he would have been fetched out again though the best of the realm
had said nay."4 There is no reason to believe that this rumour had
any foundation in fact ; it bears a marked resemblance to the story
that Lord William Howard had assassinated Richard Cromwell6.
Nevertheless it illustrates the affection which the people of the west
felt for Exeter.

1 L. and P. xm (2), 961 (2). 2 Ibid. 772.

3 Ibid. 804 (p. 317). 4 L. and P. xn (2), 51.

5 See above, chap. xvu.

19—2

292 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

The Marquis hated the new learning and his servants sometimes
quoted their master's opinions indiscreetly. His "yeoman of the
horse " used to go to a certain goldsmith in London for the gar-
nishing of horse harness. Protestantism was now spreading rapidly
in London, especially among the shop-keepers, and one day the
yeoman of the horse found the goldsmith's wife reading the New
Testament in English.

" What do you with these new books of heresy in English ? " he
said to her. "Well, well, there will a day come that will pay
for all."

She asked what day that might be, and he answered, " The day
will come there shall be no more wood spent upon you heretics, but
you will be tied together, sacked, and thrown into Thames."

When she asked him who should do so, he said the Bishop of
London [Stokesley].

" We care not for the Bishop of London," she cried, " thanked be
God and our gracious King ; but would to God my lord your master
would read the Gospel in English, and suffer his servants to do the
same."

On this the man affirmed with an oath, " If my Lord know any
of his servants either to have any of these books in English or to
read any of the same, they shall never do him any longer service."1

Lord Montague was as little inclined to conspire as his friends,
but he was a careless talker. The cautious Lord Stafford, his brother-
in-law, said, "I like him not, he dare speak so largely."2 It is
evident from his recorded sayings that he could not refrain from
sallies against Henry and his favourites. He was a man of boldness
and wit and took great pleasure in Sir Thomas More's books3. He
thought that the Pilgrimage had been mismanaged : " Twishe,
Geoffrey. . .the Lord Darcy played the fool ; he went about to pluck
away the council. He should first have begun with the head ; but
I beshrew them for leaving off so soon."4 He was indignant that
the commons had been quieted with false promises. "Time hath
been when nothing was more surer to reckon upon than the promise
of a prince but now they count it no promise, but a policy to blind
the people, wherefore if the commons do rise again they will trust to
no fair promise nor words."5 In happier circumstances Montague
thought his party might have helped the Pilgrims: "If my lord

1 L. and P. xm (2), 820. 2 Ibid. 804 (p. 319).

3 Ibid. 702 (p. 269). * Ibid. 804 (p. 317).

5 Ibid. 702, 876, 960 ; see note D at end of chapter.

xxn] The White Rose Party 293

Abergavenny (his father-in-law) were alive, he were able to make a
great number of men in Kent and Sussex."1

Others of Montague's sayings were that " Wolsey had been an
honest man had he had an honest master"2; "the King and
Cromwell were both of one nature and what became of the nobility
of the whole realm they cared not so they might live themselves
at their own pleasure"; "the King gloried with the title to be
Supreme Head next God, yet he had a sore leg that no poor man
would be glad of, and that he should not live long for all his
authority next God's"; and that "the King and his whole issue
stand accursed."8

These words and many others of the same sort were treason
under the new act. Montague " grudged " at this act, and thought
that the Council should devise a "charitable punishment" for treason
" so that men should not die therefore." He had " seen more gentle-
ness and benignity in times past at the King's hands than he doth
nowadays." Nor was it merely because the new laws pressed hardly
on his own party that he disliked them. If he lived to see a better
world, he hoped that Cromwell and the other "knaves" should "have
punishment for their offences without cruelty."4

Montague lived on intimate terms with his brother Sir Geoffrey,
but they had one estrangement when Sir Geoffrey entered the
King's service against the advice of his brother and the Marquis.
Montague tried to dissuade him by the argument that the King
" would go so far that all the world would mislike him." He himself
had never loved the King from childhood, and believed that Henry
would some day go mad5. Moreover nothing was so dangerous as
court favour; "the King never made man but he destroyed him
again, either by displeasure or with the sword."6 Nevertheless
Sir Geoffrey made suit to the King and was received into his service.
Lord Montague told him bluntly that "they were flatterers who
followed the court and none served the King but knaves."7 For
a time Sir Geoffrey saw little of his friends, who no longer talked
openly before him but treated him as if he had turned his back on
his own party8.

The news of Reginald Pole's arrival in Flanders and the attempts
on his life put the whole court and especially the White Rose party
in a flutter. A lady named Elizabeth Darrell, who was certainly a
1 L. and P. xin (2), 702. 2 Ibid. 960.

3 Ibid. 800. 4 Ibid. 702, 875.

6 Ibid. 804 (p. 318). • Ibid. 960 (12).

7 Ibid. 804 (p. 316). 8 Ibid. (pp. 316-7).

294 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

great gossip, told Sir Geoffrey that Peter Mewtas had gone to
Flanders to get rid of the Cardinal1. It was on this occasion that
Sir Geoffrey sent the Cardinal the above-mentioned warning by
Hugh Holland2. Later, forgetting their differences, he went to
Lord Montague, whom he found in his garden.

" I hear our brother beyond the sea shall be slain," he said.

"No," replied Montague, "he is escaped. I have letters."3 These
letters must have contained news of the Cardinal's safe retreat to
Liege. They were from someone who heard the court news, Mistress
Darrell or the Lady Marquis of Exeter.

" By God's blood," swore Sir Geoffrey later to Mistress Darrell,
"and if he [Mewtas] had slain him [the Cardinal] I would have
thrust my dagger in him although he had been at the King's heels."4
He was not as yet on his old terms with Montague, or he would
surely have told him of the message from the Cardinal, however
much he feared his brother's lack of discretion. Hugh Holland's
errand was the only definite act of treason committed by any of the
Poles, and Sir Geoffrey alone was responsible for it. The Cardinal's
danger was discussed in Lord Montague's household, where the
servants believed that the Cardinal "should do them all good one
day," and that " it were a [meet] marriage betwixt my Lady Mary
and the Cardinal Pole."5 One of the servants, named Morgan Wells,
said openly that he " would kill with a hand-gun Peter Mewtas or
any other whom he should know to kill the Cardinal Pole, and that
he was going overseas for that purpose." When he told this to
Lord Montague's chaplain, John Collins, he was bidden to "be of
good mind and make a cross in his forehead."6

In October 1537 Sir Geoffrey Pole went to court, " but the King
would not suffer him to come in."7 Thus banished he went down to
Bockmore, his brother's place in Buckinghamshire, and was received
again into Montague's confidence. " Geoffrey, God loveth us well,"
was Montague's greeting, " that will not suffer us to be amongst
them; for none rule about the court but knaves."8

One night Montague told Sir Geoffrey "lying in bed" that he
had just dreamt that the King was dead. " And now," quoth he,
" we shall see some ruffling arid bid Mr Cromwell good deane with
all his devises."9 Later he said, " The King is not dead, but he will

1 L. and P. xra (2), 804 (p. 315). 2 Ibid. 797.

3 Ibid. 804 (p. 316). 4 Ibid. 766.

5 Ibid. 702, 828 (2). « Ibid. 828.

7 L. and P. xn (2), 921. 8 L. and P. xm (2), 804 (p. 317).

» Ibid. 800.

xxn] The White Rose Party 295

one day die suddenly ; his leg will kill him and then we shall have
jolly stirring."1 It must have been hope of this day that kept them
in England, for they were well aware of their danger. Starkey, the
King's chaplain, who had formerly been a great friend of Reginald's,
warned the brothers that " if the King were not of a good nature,"
Cromwell "for one Pole's sake would destroy all Poles."2 "The
King, to be revenged of Reynold, I fear will kill us all," Montague
told his brother, and added that he wished they were both with
the Bishop of St Luke [Luik i.e. Liege], who was an honest man
and a friend of the Cardinal. " Marry," said Sir Geoffrey, " an you
fear such jeopardy, let us be walking hence quickly."3 But Montague
could by no means make up his mind to fly, though Geoffrey often
urged it upon him. Reginald, when Geoffrey wished to join him, had
advised them both to " tarry in England and hold up yea and nay
there."4 A non-committal attitude was impossible to Montague, but
he determined to await the issue at home.

Sir Geoffrey was anxious to leave the realm for other besides
political reasons. He often urged Hugh Holland to contrive his
escape, with promises of ample reward when he reached Reginald's
friends, but Holland was afraid to do more than he had already done
and always refused5. Sir Geoffrey lacked ready money, and his debts
were " a great occasion for him to flee." In this extremity he turned
for help to George Croftes, the chancellor of Chichester Cathedral.
Croftes was an ecclesiastic of the old school. When the Supremacy
Act was passed he prepared to leave the country rather than take
the oath, but Lord Delaware, his intimate friend, persuaded him to
conform6. Sir Geoffrey told Croftes that he was determined to leave
England with the next fair wind, for safe-guard of his life. Croftes
lent him twenty nobles to help him on his journey.

Next morning Croftes wrote to Sir Geoffrey advising him to stay
in England, for " he had the most marvellous dream that night that
ever he had in his life, and that he thought Our Lady did appear
unto him and she wed [i.e. pledged] him that it should be the
destruction of the said Sir Geoffrey and of all his kin if he departed
the realm."7 The dream must have impressed Sir Geoffrey, for he
gave up his plan and returned the twenty nobles8. Croftes went
to John Collins, Montague's chaplain, and told him the whole matter,

1 L. and P. xra (2), 804 (p. 317). 2 Ibid. (p. 316).

3 Ibid. 800. 4 Ibid. 804 (p. 315).

6 Ibid. 797. 6 Ibid. 829 (iii).

7 Ibid. 829 (i). 8 Ibid. 804 (p. 319).

296 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xxn

begging him to ask his master to pay Sir Geoffrey's debts. " Where-
upon there was a way taken by the said Lord Montague that all his
said debts amounting to a great sum were paid."1

It is sad that this good-hearted old priest should have all un-
wittingly brought their fate on the heads of the house of Pole.
Dreams were the curse of the White Rose party.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII

Note A. " Spes mea in Deo est " was a motto much used in the decoration
of the Countess's house at Warblington2.

Note B. The letter is printed in full by Froude, op. cit. n, chap, xiv, and
by Merriman, op. cit. u, no. 218. It has so often been quoted and is so deservedly
well known that it is necessary to include only a few quotations which are very
much to the point.

Note C. Early in August 1914 a civilian was travelling in a carriage full of
young miners just embodied in their Territorial unit and in the wildest spirits.
" I suppose you're longing to meet a German ?" he asked one of them. " By !
If I meets a Garman, I'm off," said the lad. He was certainly avowing an
intention to desert in action ; but I wonder if he did ? Froude was too hard
upon the unfortunate Sir Geoffrey Pole in several respects. This was partly
owing to the fact that he had not the full evidence, arranged and dated, before
him.

Note D. This speech is pieced together from three different reports of the
same words.

1 L. and P. xm (2), 829 (i). 2 Ibid. 818.

CHAPTER XXIII

THE EXETER CONSPIRACY

On 12 October 1537, Queen Jane gave birth to a son. Froude
enthusiastically describes the public rejoicings: "The crown had an
undoubted heir. The succession was sure. The King, who was
supposed to be under a curse which refused him male posterity,
was relieved from the bane. Providence had borne witness for him
and had rewarded his policy. No revolution need be looked for on
his death. The Catholics could not hope for their 'jolly stirring.' —
The insurrection was crushed. A prince was born. England was
saved."1 No doubt the birth of the prince greatly strengthened the
King's position. But perhaps the rejoicings of the people were not
quite so heart-felt nor so universal as appeared outwardly. At least
the following story shows that the hidden hatred of the King
extended itself to his innocent baby son.

Some months after the birth of the prince a group of idlers were
watching the funeral of a child in a London church-yard. For some
reason the priest became suspicious, and, opening the shroud, found
no child but a waxen image with two pins stuck through it. One of
the bystanders went to a friend, a scrivener, said to be skilled in
conjuring, and asked what this might mean. "Marry," said the
scrivener, "it was made to waste one. But," quoth he, "he that
made it was not his craft's master, for he should have put it either
in horse-dung or in a dunghill." " Why, may one kill a man after
this sort ? " cried the other. " Yea, that may be done well enough,"
said the man skilled in magic2. The story of the wax child was
rumoured through the country3, and it was said that the life so
uncannily attacked was that of the baby Prince. On the death of
Queen Jane rumours had been blown abroad that both the King
and the Prince were dead as well4.

1 Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xiv. 2 L. and P. xm (1), 41.

3 L. and P. xm (2), 1200. 4 L. and P. xn (2), 1185, 1205, 1208, 1256, 1282, 1298.

298 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

Any discussion of the general state of Europe would be out of
place here, but a rough sketch of the situation is necessary.
Henry was virtually at war with the Pope and though he was at
peace with all the other powers he was on bad terms with his
nephew James V of Scotland, his relations with the Emperor were
strained, and his friendship with Francis far from cordial. His only
real allies were the Protestant States of Germany. In these cir-
cumstances the Pope was naturally making every effort to obtain
an ally who would fight for him against Henry. James would not
invade England without French help; and Francis could not afford
to have a second war on his hands. The Pope's scheme was therefore
to reconcile Francis and Charles, and then publish his censures on
the understanding that they would refuse to continue their treaties
with Henry unless he returned to the pale of the Church. If this
had not the desired effect they were to forbid all trade whatsoever
between their dominions and England. This, as the court of Rome
thought, could not fail to end in a complete and bloodless victory.
It was a beautiful plan; wiser men in later ages have believed it
possible to stop the trade of nations by a word. On account of her
isolation both in place and policy, England has often been the
intended victim of such interdicts. Once, long afterwards, one was
really attempted ; there is no reason to believe that the Pope would
have been more successful than Napoleon.

The first step was to reconcile Francis and Charles; one bond
between them was their common dislike of the King of England.
On becoming a widower Henry proposed to use his hand as a prize
in the game of international politics. To his intense annoyance he
found it was a prize which no one very much coveted. It was in
vain he tried to strengthen himself by proposing to the Emperor a
marriage with the Dowager Duchess of Milan and hinting to Francis
that he was anxious to bestow his hand on a French Princess. He
even made overtures for Mary of Guise when she was already
betrothed to the King of Scots. In December peace was concluded
between Francis and the Emperor; Henry hoped that by a skilful
use of all opportunities to inflame their jealousy it might be a short
and disturbed one, but for once the Pope decidedly had the ad-
vantage. In May 1538, Charles and Francis met at Nice : the Pope
joined them there, with Pole among his attendant Cardinals. The
two princes agreed on a ten years' truce and parted the best of
Mends. They did not pledge themselves to anything with regard
to England, though they listened politely to the Pope's schemes and

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 299

made no definite refusal. They were firm in their temporary friend-
ship and Henry in vain tried to make Francis distrust his new ally
by sending reports that Mary was to be betrothed to Don Luis of
Portugal and the Duchy of Milan settled upon them. Moreover he
had deeply offended the whole French Court by suggesting that
several of the princesses might meet him at Calais and he would
choose a bride among them.

If Henry was no nearer his re-marriage in August 1538 than
he had been nine months before, neither was the Pope nearer his
dream of the submission of England. Charles was preoccupied with
the Turks and his own Protestants in Germany, and had no time to
look for infidels and heretics in other countries. As to Francis, all
his ambitions were fixed on strengthening his position on the con-
tinent, nor did he care in the least about the unity of the Faith, for
which Charles had some regard. Neither of them would take the
risk and expense of invading England without the other's help ; but
a joint expedition was out of the question, for Charles would only
have undertaken it on behalf of Mary, and Francis only in hopes of
establishing James V on the thrones of both kingdoms. The appear-
ance of a legitimate male heir to Henry was equally embarrassing to
the rival schemers; and no doubt they determined to wait for a
better time. The Prince might die in infancy, as all Katharine's
sons had done, or in youth, like the Duke of Richmond. As to the
Pope's plan of stopping England's trade, it would mean considerable
loss and no particular profit for both, and that matter was tacitly
dropped. In spite of the truce and the meeting at Nice, Henry was
in little more danger than before, and in much less than he appeared
to be. The fate of the Poles was hastened because Henry feared an
invasion by the Emperor at the Pope's instigation — and feared it
more than he need have done. But in them he was punishing if not
exactly the innocent, at least the helpless. No European monarch
had Exeter's claim to the crown at heart : quite the contrary. If
Charles relied on the Pole faction to raise a popular commotion in
his favour (as Froude suggests), he was leaning on a very feeble
reed1.

Meanwhile in England itself the King's policy was triumphant.
The destruction of the shrines, the surrenders of the great monas-
teries went merrily forward. Our Lady's images and the bones of
St Thomas were burnt in company with numerous " heretics," who

1 Gairdner, Introductions to Vols. xn and xm of Letters and Papers; Froude,
Reign of Henry VIII, chaps, xiv, xv and xvi.

300 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

denied orthodox doctrines, and Friar Forest, who denied the King's
Supremacy1. More commonplace executions for treason made a little
variety. One of these was a sequel to the Pilgrimage, and the victim
was no other than Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald. He had been
zealous for the King if ever man was : he had gone fearlessly to and
fro between the rebels and the King's troops, respected by all; he
had turned the course of the Archbishop's famous sermon at Ponte-
fract ; he had been " ungoodly handled " when he carried the King's
pardon to Durham ; and all to end in his sharing the Pilgrims' fate.
In the summer of 1538 the following charges were brought against
him: —

(1) He encouraged the rebels by kneeling before Robert Aske
in Pontefract Castle.

(2) He promised the rebels that Cromwell should be delivered
to them and their demands granted.

(3) He discouraged the King's troops by saying the rebels had
ten thousand horsemen, each with twenty angels in his pocket.

(4) He showed the King's plans to the rebels.

(5) He defamed Cromwell and spread lying rumours against
him, which chiefly made the northern men hate him.

(6) He answered, when asked how the northern men could be
brought together seeing they had but two flags and no trumpets,
drumslades, tabors or other instruments, that "it was marvel, but
such was God," by which he traitorously implied that God could
help rebels3.

All these accusations, except the first and the last, were based on
the unsupported evidence of two of the other heralds, who were his
personal enemies, and could not possibly know what he had said
while in the rebel host3. Lancaster had knelt to Robert Aske, but
from anything rather than disloyal motives ; the remark in the last
articles might have been made without any treasonable intent ; all
the rest look much like pure inventions. It was very easy in Tudor
times to swear an enemy's life away; if he had no near kinsfolk,
there was nothing to trouble the perjurer afterwards but his own
conscience.

Thomas Miller was hanged at York on 1 August, and the judge
"devised that Lancaster's head should be set up by the body of
Aske."4 It was not two years since Aske had greeted the herald so

1 Froude, op. cit., chaps, xiv and xv. 2 L. and P. xni (1), 1311.

* Ibid. 1312-13; see note A at end of chapter. 4 L. and P. xm (2), 20.

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 301

proudly in Pontefract Castle Hall. Two others, the vicar of Newark
and a monk of Fountains, died for treason at the same time1.

At most of the northern assizes at this time one or two priests
were executed for preaching against the Supremacy, or kindred
offences. John Dobson, who dealt so largely in prophecies2, paid a
heavy penalty for his string of rhymes, and another priest suffered
with him. A third offender was a woman accused of witchcraft3.
Her name was Mabel Brigg, and she was a widow and farm-servant
in Holderness. She was condemned for keeping the " Black Fast "
or " St Trynian's Fast " against the King and the Duke of Norfolk.
It was said that she had once before fasted in the same way " for a
man, and he brake his neck or it were all fasted, and so she trusted
that they should do that had made all this business, and that was the
King and this false Duke." The witnesses did not agree as to how
the fast was kept. It seems to have lasted six weeks, one day in
each week being kept a fast day, and each week a day later than the
last. This method of fasting was also used when money had been
lost, in hopes of bringing about its recovery. It seems possible that
Mabel Brigg was really fasting for this end and not for the King's
death, for the evidence is not very satisfactory, and the whole case is
complicated by blackmail and private malice4.

These stories are told for the sake of such light as they may throw
on the state of England during 1538. The outstanding events of the
year, especially the universal destruction of the abbeys, are too well
known to need any description5. The Protestants, in spite of the
burning of heretics, were rapidly increasing. The Papists, still vastly
more powerful in numbers, were crushed in spirit. Everyone, from
the greatest noble to the poorest commoner, could if he tried make
something out of the fall of the monasteries ; this fact influenced all
classes, but especially the gentlemen, who sold, if not their souls, at
least their honour, for a parcel of abbey lands. Only a few of the
commons had enough intelligence to see that the King was killing
the goose that laid his subjects golden eggs. Even if the worst
accusations against the monks were true, if they all lived in idle
luxury, careless of their old-time hospitality, spending on themselves
the alms due to the poor; still as long as the abbeys remained in
their hands they were not wholly lost to the people. The lands were
still there; a religious revival might return them to their original

1 L. and P. xni (2), 142. 2 See chap. iv.

* L. and P. xm (1), 533, 705. 4 Ibid. 487.

6 See Froude, chaps, xiv and xv.

302 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

uses; wise legislation might convert the abbeys into schools and
hospitals. But when all the dedicated wealth of the religious passed
through the King's hands into those of extravagant favourites and
grasping landlords, then, indeed, they were lost for ever to the poor of
England. Whether the Reformation was good or bad it is useless to
consider ; that it was inevitable is quite clear ; but that it was most
grossly mismanaged and caused endless misery and injustice it is
surely impossible to deny.

When Cardinal Pole returned to Rome from his first legation he
found that the Pope had caused his book, De Unitate, to be printed.
Characteristically he objected to this decided step, and had the
entire edition bought up1. Concluding too much from the King's
anger on reading it, he believed it was a good weapon to hold over
Henry's head. It seems almost pitiful that any man should expect
to frighten Henry into better behaviour with a book. After the
meeting at Nice, Pole retired to Venice for the summer of 1538.
Theobald, an English student in Italy, and also a member of
Cromwell's secret service, sent amusing accounts of his way of life
to the English Government2. He got his news from Michael
Throgmorton, who may have been unsuspicious, or may have sent
through him such reports as he thought would do good in England.
Cromwell heard of the Cardinal's fear of assassination, and the
precautions taken against it, which Theobald rather humorously
imputed to his evil conscience3. Pole lived quietly in Venice, and
it was there that he heard in September of Sir Geoffrey's arrest.

During 1538 the conduct of the White Rose party was neither
better nor worse than before. They were still out of favour, and still
grumbled among themselves, but they were becoming more indifferent
to the King's proceedings4. They contented themselves with showing
their dislike to the religious changes by dismissing any servants who
favoured the new learning, and keeping conservative priests about
them. Montague and Exeter assumed a fictitious "strangeness"
towards each other on account of the suspicion in which they were
held. By the court they were slighted and insulted. In the summer
of 1538 Henry made a progress through the south, and stayed near
Warblington where the Countess of Salisbury lived, but he passed by
and did not come to visit her, although she was his kinswoman, and
in the days of Queen Katharine's power he had loved and venerated

1 Haile, op. cit. chap. xn.

2 L. and P. xm (2), 117, 337, 507-9, 813, 1034.

3 Ibid. 507. 4 Ibid. 695 (2).

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 303

her. " Well, let it pass," said Montague, speaking of this slight, " we
shall thank them one day. This world will turn upso-down, and
I fear me we shall have no lack but of honest men." A little while
before this Geoffrey had told Montague of the messages he had
received from Reginald a year before.

About the same time Cromwell sent his nephew Richard to
Exeter to beg him " to be frank in opening certain things." This
seems to mean that the Marquis was offered safety and pardon if he
would accuse his friends. He refused1. The King set about finding
other witnesses.

The first that presented himself was Gervaise Tyndale, late a
schoolmaster at Grantham2, a " new-fangled fellow " of " heretic "
opinions. Three or four years before, the friars had driven away his
pupils. In the spring of 1538 he came to Warblington in bad health
and took up his quarters with Richard Eyre, a surgeon, who ad-
ministered a kind of hospital kept up by the Countess of Salisbury's
bounty. Here he heard all the whispering and gossiping of her
household and was filled with the true Protestant horror of her
Papist bigotry. She dismissed any servants who favoured the new
learning, or as Tyndale said " God's word " ; she openly forbade her
tenants to read the New Testament in English and other books
which the King had licensed ; nothing passed in all the country-side
but the Lady presently knew it, for the priests learnt everything in
confession and then told her. No wonder this was resented, though
people admitted that the Countess used her power kindly ; her servants
blamed the chaplains rather than their mistress. "There were a
company of priests in my lady's house which did her much harm and
kept her from the true knowledge of God's word."

Tyndale was discovered to be a heretic and asked to depart. He
refused stoutly; "I would not depart neither for lord nor lady till
I were better amended." The Countess then ordered the surgeon to
send away all his patients. Tyndale did not leave the neighbourhood
until he had picked up a good deal of information. Eyre told him
"very secretly" that "there is a knave which dwelleth by, whose
name is Hugh Holland, and he beginneth now of late to act the
merchant man and the broker, for he goeth over sea and conveys
letters to Master Heliar...and he playeth the knave of the other
hand and conveyeth letters to Master Pole the Cardinal, and all the
secrets of the realm of England is known to the Bishop of Rome."

As far as can be made out (for the document we quote is mutilated
1 L. and P. xra (2), 804 (p. 316). 2 See chap. iv.

304 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

in parts) Tyndale wished to open a school in the neighbourhood and
was opposed by all the priests. In a quarrel with one of them he
called him a knave and accused him of " scarcely " being the King's
friend. The constable, standing by " in a great fume," defended the
priest saying, " It was merry in this country before such fellows
came, which findeth such faults with our honest priests " ; but he
was rather frightened by the turn the conversation had taken,
and told the whole matter to Sir Geoffrey Pole1. Sir Geoffrey was
troubled on finding that Hugh Holland's voyages were so much
talked about. He took Holland and Eyre, who was a gossip and a
grumbler but not really ill-disposed to his mistress, and rode to the
Lord Privy Seal. He had an explanation with Cromwell about
his correspondence with Heliar2 "and made such shift that the
matter was cloaked." Heliar's goods had been seized on the
report that he had fled after speaking traitorous words; they
were now restored, and no doubt Sir Geoffrey thought the affair
settled, probably by a bribe to Cromwell. But the little group of
heretics at Warblington were very ill satisfied : they believed that if
only they could get word with the Lord Privy Seal they could " so
discover the matter that they should no longer blind him in it as
they have done." At length they drew up a long and rambling
statement of everything suspicious they had seen or heard in the
Countess' household and despatched it to Cromwell. It is undated
but probably belongs to May or June 15383.

The only serious accusation was that Hugh Holland had carried
treasonable letters to the Cardinal, and the first result was his arrest.
He was taken at Lord Montague's house at Bockmore and there was
a "ruffle" with the King's officers4. As he was being carried prisoner
"with his hands bound behind him and his legs bound under his
horse's belly," along the London road, he met Sir Geoffrey who asked
him where he was " bound to go." Hugh answered he could not tell,
but he bade Sir Geoffrey " keep on his way, for he should not be long
after."5 This was the popular story, spread through the country by
a certain harper of Havant, and there is something rather ballad-
like about it, though that is no reason for supposing it untrue.

Sir Geoffrey kept on his way to Bockmore, where he was living
at the time, and toek counsel with his brother6. He suggested "that
the keeping of letters might turn a man's friends to hurt." Montague

1 L. and P. xm (2), 817. 2 Ibid. 875 (1).

3 Ibid. 817. 4 Ibid. 804 (p. 316).

» Ibid. 392. « Ibid. 804 (p. 316).

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 305

answered, " Nay, they shall hurt no friend of mine, for I have burnt
all my letters."1 Sir Geoffrey had not been so prudent, and he at
once despatched John Collins, the chaplain, to his house at Lord-
ington2. He gave him a ring as a token to his wife, Dame Constance,
and on receiving this she took the priest to her husband's closet, and
there he burnt all the letters he could find3.

This burning of letters was afterwards made much of by the
Government prosecution, which said that they must have contained
treasonable matter. The circumstances were certainly suspicious,
but not a single treasonable paper was proved to have existed,
though the papers of both brothers were remembered and described
by servants and friends. Among Geoffrey's there was an old letter
to Heliar, which may have contained treason, but seems to have
been quite harmless4. There was also a bundle of letters from John
Stokesley, the Bishop of London, who was a friend of Sir Geoffrey5.
He was reported to be one of the few honest bishops6, and though
heretics might preach at Paul's cross it was with none of his good-
will7 ; he may have been the friend Sir Geoffrey feared bringing to
harm. There was a copy of a letter from Sir Geoffrey to the Imperial
Ambassador ; Collins loyally declared that it merely begged favour for
Heliar, but of all described this is the most likely to have contained
treason. Finally he burnt a letter or letters concerning Latimer ; when
told of this last, Sir Geoffrey said, " What, you have burnt that also ?
Those letters were shown before the Council, and my lord of Norfolk
told me I might keep those letters well enough." Collins rode back
to Bockmore and told Montague his errand was done. His master
asked him how Dame Constance did, and he replied " as a woman in
her case might, meaning that she was in heaviness for such news as
was of her husband... and opening of Hugh Holland's going overseas."8

Montague had been in the habit of burning all his letters shortly
after receiving them ; a habit perhaps not common in the days when
letters were scarcer than they are now. Among them had been
copies of three letters from Reginald Pole to the King, Cromwell,
and the Bishop of Durham respectively. These were the letters
brought by Michael Throgmorton in 15369; Starkey must have given
Montague the copies; and as both he and his mother had been
required to write and reprove Reginald for sending them there seems

1 L. and P. xm (2), 772. 2 Ibid. 829 (2).

3 Ibid. 796. 4 Ibid. 829 (2).

5 Ibid. 803. 8 Ibid. 797.

7 Ibid. 695. 8 Ibid. 829 (2).
» Ibid. 804 (p. 316).
D. II. 20

306 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

nothing very strange in that. Montague had showed them to Collins
with some triumph ; the chaplain said his brother " wrote somewhat
roughly to the Lord Privy Seal." "Marry, I warrant you," cried
Montague, " he ut-tereth his mind plainly."1 There were two other
letters from Reginald to his mother and brother ; but they had been
written before the quarrel with the King and were about family
affairs ; in the one to his brother, Reginald advised that his nephew
Henry, Montague's only son, should be brought up at home to live
an active life2. Montague had also burnt letters from Exeter and his
wife — at least he had received such letters several times during the
last three years, and they were not found on his arrest : none of
their contents was discovered except the most ordinary enquiries and
answers about health8. They may very well have contained nothing
else, for they seem to have passed only when one or other of the
friends was ill.

After Collins's return from Lordington, Montague and Sir Geoffrey
rode together to London4, determined to face the matter out as well
as they might. All these things, from Hugh Holland's arrest onward,
happened " between Whitsuntide and Midsummer," or about " the
feast of Corpus Christi" (10 June). They spent many weeks of
uncertainty before Sir Geoffrey was committed to the Tower on
29 August5.

Some time before Lord Montague had told his brother to disclose
nothing if ever he were examined "for if he opened one all must
needs come out."6 This was very sound advice. A study of various
confessions shows that a prisoner often began by intending to say very
little, and ended by blurting out everything he knew, and sometimes
even more. At first Sir Geoffrey tried to do his brother's bidding, but
he lacked the strength of body and mind which can carry a man silent
through two months in the Tower. His wife was allowed to visit
him and she presently told Montague that her husband " was in a
frenzy and might utter rash things." Montague replied, " It forceth
not what a madman speaketh."7 On 26 October Sir Geoffrey made
his first answers to the interrogatories administered. They did not
satisfy the examiners, for he accused hardly anyone but himself.
Montague, Exeter, and Delaware, he said, had once disliked the
King's proceedings but of late years their minds had changed. At
the end he beseeches the King " that he may have good keeping and

i L. and P. xm (2), 829 (p. 339). 2 Ibid. 702 (2).

8 Ibid. 779. 4 Ibid. 796. 6 Ibid. 232 (p. 91).

• Ibid. 804 (p. 317). 7 Ibid. 796.

xxm} The Exeter Conspiracy 307

cherishing, and thereby somewhat comfort himself, and have better
stay of himself/' and he will then tell all he knows even though it
touch his own mother or brother1.

In the first days of November his friends heard that, knowing his
steadfastness gone, he had made one last effort to save their lives
and his own honour, and had "almost slain himself."2 He must
have made the attempt immediately after the first examination, for
it was known in London on 28 October, when John Hussee wrote to
Lord Lisle, " Sir Geoffrey Pole was examined in the Tower by my
Lord Admiral. They say he was so in despair that he would have
murdered hinself, and has hurt himself sore. Please keep this secret
as yet."3 There is a contemporary account of the matter though it
really throws less light on poor Geoffrey's character than on the
religious ideas of the court party. It tells how for a long time the
prisoner would reveal nothing though " conscience and God " worked
in his mind against "blood and nature," urging him to tell all.
" This motion ran oft in his head, but the devil, continual adversary
to God's honour and man's wealth, put in his foot, and so tossed this
wretched soul, that out of many evils he chose even the worst of all,
which was a full purpose to slay himself. The commodities of his
death were many, as the devil made them to show: his brother
should live still, their family continue in honour, the Lord Marquis
should have great cause to love all his blood, which had killed
himself to save him ; with many such fantasies as desperate men
find to help them to their end.... His keeper being absent, a knife
at hand upon the table, he riseth out of his bed, and taketh the
knife, and with full intent to die, gave himself a stab with the knife
upon the breast. The devil lacketh strength, when God has anything
to do, and can better begin things than bring them to effect." The
knife was blunt and the wound not mortal. But in great fear of
death and hell he began to think it better his friends should lose
their heads than he his soul. He sent for the Lieutenant of the
Tower and certain of the Privy Council and disclosed everything
then and there. Thus the devil's subtle provision of the knife was
turned against himself4.

The last part of this account is more or less untrue. Sir Geoffrey
did not reveal everything in instant fear of death ; he was examined
seven times in all at intervals of a day or two5. But of course the

1 L. and P. xra (2), 695 (2). 2 Ibid. 772. * Ibid. 703.

4 Moryson, An Invective against Treason.

5 L. and P. xm (2), 695 (2), 804.

20—2

308 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

examiners made the most of the state of moral collapse likely to
follow a weak man's attempted suicide.

Chance played into their hands. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Admiral,
who had lately been created Earl of Southampton, was at Cowdray,
his seat in Sussex, during September. On the 17th he was out
hawking with Lord Delaware when a poor man came to beg favour
of him. His wife, he said, had been committed to Chichester prison
by John Gunter, J.P., for saying that Sir Geoffrey Pole would have
sent a band of men oversea to the Cardinal if he had not been sent
to the Tower. Southampton seized upon the clue like a modern
sleuth hound, and brought to light a great deal of country gossip
about the Poles, who were the great family of the neighbourhood1.
Going abroad to the Emperor's wars was a recognised career for
adventurous young men, as the following story shows. In May 1538,
a serving-man of Chichester said : " Master, I can have no living
here. I will go beyond sea : for I know one John Stappill hath been
there in the Emperor's wars, and is now come home like a jolly
fellow apparelled in scarlet, and a hundred crowns in his purse " ; this
friend would get the King's licence for him to go abroad, and also
" for half-a-score more of my Lady of Salisbury's servants." If they
could not get service under the Emperor they would go to Cardinal
Pole, "and there we shall be sure to be retained."2 According to
popular rumour Sir Geoffrey had intended to despatch this band to
his brother in March. It was also whispered that the King and his
Council would have burnt my Lady of Salisbury when they were in
Sussex if she had been a young woman. The reports were traced to
Lawrence Taylor, the harper of Havant, who confessed he had heard
of the matter from the surgeon Richard Eyre, the tattler who was at
the bottom of all the trouble. After examining him, John Gunter
had released Taylor, who went off to a wedding. When Southampton
heard this he turned on the unfortunate magistrate, accusing him of
negligence and saying he had acted " like an untrue man. He
waxed pale and with tears and sobbing besought me (Southampton)
to be good to him ; he had not seen the importance of the matter at
the beginning, but would make amends by his diligent search for
the said Lawrence."3 He delivered the harper to Southampton next
day4, and was so worked upon by his fears that he himself reported to
Southampton some private conversations he had had with Sir Geoffrey
Pole. Two years afterwards Sir Geoffrey " did sore hurt and wound "

1 L. and P. xra (2), 392. a Ibid. 592.

3 Ibid. 392. * Ibid. 393.

xxra] The Exeter Conspiracy 309

John Gunter, because " he had dealt unkindly with him in his trouble
by uttering things they had communed of in secret."1

Primed with so much information, Southampton rode to London
to conduct Sir Geoffrey's examination. He knew quite enough to
make it appear that he knew everything; he had only to perform
the common lawyer's trick of making a desperate man believe it is
useless to conceal what he knows, that he may save himself by
confession but can save no one else by silence. It is easy for a
man like Froude, who was a weak sentimentalist and so unable to
sympathise with weakness in others, to condemn Sir Geoffrey as a
traitor. But the prisoners of those days had to undergo something
far worse than the most savage modern cross-examination. To begin
with, a man charged with treason was in a hopeless case : no jury
would acquit him. His one chance was the King's mercy, and that
could only be gained by accusing others.

A man who does not fear death (Sir Geoffrey had tried to destroy
himself) may fear torture. There is nothing to prove that Pole was
threatened with the rack, and it seems to have been the custom to
spare men of noble birth. Popular rumour said he was so threatened2,
and Richard Moryson denied it with much elaboration3 : both asser-
tions are quite untrustworthy. An openly spoken threat was not
needed ; a prisoner worn out with two months of close confinement
and low living does not need any reminder; the fact that he is in
the Tower, helpless before men who wield the powers of life and
death and pain is threat enough. We can understand this only too
clearly when we read this letter to the King, added in Sir Geoffrey's
hand to his second examination, taken on 2 November4 : —

" Sir, I beseech your noble Grace to pardon my wretchedness that I have
not done my bounden duty unto your Grace heretofore as I ought to have
done, but, Sir, grace coming to me to consider your nobleness always to me,
and now especially in my extreme necessity, as I perceive by my Lord
Admiral and Mr Comptroller (the examiners), your goodness shall not be
lost on me, but surely as I found your Grace always faithful unto me, so
I refuse all creature living to be faithful to you. Your humble slave,
Geffrey Pole."

When this letter was written he had as yet accused no one but
himself and Hugh Holland of serious offences5. But his confessions
became rapidly more and more compromising to his friends8. He

1 L. and P. xvi, 19. 2 Spanish Chronicle, chap. LX.

3 Moryson, op. cit. 4 L. and P. xin (2), 743.

8 Ibid. 695 (2). B Ibid. 804.

310 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

told the details of many political conversations with Exeter, with
Sir Edward Neville, with Croftes the chancellor of Chichester
Cathedral, but chiefly with his own brother. Jerome Ragland, a
confidential servant of Montague "who was as it were his right
hand/'1 made a long confession against his master on 28 (?) October2.
Perhaps Sir Geoffrey was confronted with this. The most pitiful
record of all is a statement in Sir Geoffrey's own hand telling of
Montague's words against the King3. It seems to have been written
in a frenzy of hysterical rage against the man who had chosen to
stay in England when they might have escaped safely across the
seas. Everything came out, as Montague had foreseen ; and not only
through Sir Geoffrey, but, as more and more of the little faction were
brought to the Tower, many others made equally long and unwilling
confessions.

Montague and Exeter were committed on 4 November. The
French Ambassador wrote to the Constable of France, in cypher, the
following account of the King's intentions : —

"En escrivant ceste lettre ce matin, este adverty que le Roy d'Angleterre
fit mettre hier au soir en la Tour de Londres Monsieur le Marquis d'Exestre...,
qui est apres les enfans du Roy le plus proche de ceste couronne, et milort
de Montagu.... II y a bien longtemps que ce Roy m'avoit diet qu'il vooloit
exterminer ceste maison de Montagu, qui est encore de la Rose Blanche, et
de la maison de Polle dont est le Cardinal. Je ne scay encore qu'on veult
faire dudit Marquis ; par le premier je vous en advertiray. II semble qu'il
cherche toutes les occasions qu'on peult penser pour se ruyner et destruyre.
Je croy que peu de seigneurs sont asseures en ce pays; je ne croy pas qu'il
n'en advienne quelque miquemaque. Je vous advertiray en diligence de ce
que j'en entendray."4

Sir Edward Neville, George Croftes of Chichester, John Collins,
and several servants were all arrested shortly after the two lords5.
Gertrude, the Lady Marquis of Exeter, followed her husband to the
Tower before 21 November6, with her little son Edward Courtenay. It
is not certain whether Henry Pole, Montague's heir, went at this time
with his father, or later with his grandmother. Of the evidence given in
their examinations little need be said; the most important consists of
reports of conversations which came within the new treason act, and
several of these have been mentioned already. The evidence is
singularly full and we probably have more before us than was read at
the trials, for there are two copies of many of the papers, and a great

i L. and P. xni (2), 828 (2). » ibid. 702.

3 Ibid. 800. 4 Ibid. 753.

5 Ibid. 822, 827, 828-9. 6 Ibid. 884.

xxiii] The Exeter Conspiracy 311

many repetitions in successive examinations. The only paper which
may possibly be missing is the answer of the Marquis of Exeter to
a set of interrogatories1 ; but as no statement of the Marquis is
mentioned in Cromwell's notes and summaries or in the indictments,
he may never have answered, and if he did his evidence must have
been unimportant.

There is absolutely no proof of a conspiracy : the White Rose
party were working on no sort of plan and had come to no definite
agreement among themselves. We have once or twice spoken of
their dreams of Cardinal Pole's marriage with Mary, after an invasion
in her favour by the Emperor2. But a careful study of their state-
ments shows that we have put these aims in a much more definite
form than they ever did themselves. Even Froude, who finds no
difficulty in believing in an organised plot just about to take effect,
was puzzled by the fact that their schemes must have included two
pretenders to the throne, Mary and Exeter8. The explanation is
that they never thought the matter out. They were less a political
party than a group of friends, who loved the old Faith, hated
Cromwell, and longed for a change of policy. They met and talked
treason and sang political songs in the Marquis's garden at Horsley,
and in the woods at Bockmore. They did not trouble themselves
about anything so strenuous and intellectual as a plot. The King's
version of the matter, that Exeter meant to seize the Crown and
slay the entire royal family, was simply ridiculous, considering that
he had no one to help him but Mary's especial friends4.

Montague and the rest were guilty of treason under the new laws
but not under the old5. The case against them rested on nothing
but words. They had not done anything treasonable with the
exception of Sir Geoffrey Pole and Hugh Holland who had sent
warning to a traitor beyond the seas. They had not compassed or
purposed the King's death : they had only said they would be glad
if he died. They had not levied war against him : they had only
wished someone else would. There must have been some feeling
against the new treason law, for Henry himself was troubled at
putting it into execution and did his very best to make the world
believe that the " conspirators " were guilty of more serious offences
than those for which they were indicted.

Under the Act of 1534 there was no difficulty in convicting

1 L. and P. xm (2), 771 (iii). 2 See chap. n.

3 Froude, op. cit. n, chap. xv. * L. and P. xiv (1), 233, 280.

5 Stubbs, op. cit. in, sectioD 463.

312 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

Montague and Sir Edward Neville ; quick and careless of tongue,
they had both fallen under the law "that if any person... do ma-
liciously wish, will or desire, by words or writing or by craft, imagine
any bodily harm to be done or committed to the King's most royal
person" he is guilty of high treason1. Against both of them
Sir Geoffrey was the chief witness ; both made short confessions in
the Tower, in which there was nothing that could be used against
their friends2. " I have lived in prison all these six years," Montague
told his examiners ; he thought it better to lie in the Tower than to
go abroad in suspicion, and he had never felt free since Reginald
had o Tended the King3.

The two priests, Collins and Croftes, both confessed their secret
attachment to the Pope4. Croftes had said, "The King is not
Supreme Head of the Church of England but the Bishop of Rome is
Supreme Head of the Church," and also "There was none act or
thing that ever he did more grieved his conscience than the oath
which he took to renounce the bishop of Rome's authority " ; Lord
Delaware had persuaded him to receive it after he had determined
rather to fly abroad5. Collins said " the King will hang in hell one
day for the plucking down of abbeys " ; and when talking with
Montague of the fall of monasteries : " I fear that within a while they
will pull down the parish churches also."6 He had instructed a friend
to burn his sermons if he was sent to the Tower 7 ; the burning of
papers was in the King's eyes quite sufficient proof that they con-
tained treason.

It was against Exeter that the Government had most difficulty
in making out a case. Neither Montague nor Neville would accuse
him, and in none of his conversations with Sir Geoffrey had he
spoken against the King. In 1531 he had been banished the court
and perhaps put under arrest for a short time, on account of the
gossiping of his servants8, who had gone about saying "My Lord
Marquis would be King and they lords," and " our master shall wear
the garland at the last."9 But if this charge was not thought
serious in 1531, there was no reason why it should be seven years
later ; nevertheless the King's lawyers thought it worth reviving.

Another charge, this time against the Lady Marquis, was equally
out of date. As her gentlewoman confessed, she had gone in disguise

Gee and Hardy, op. cit. no. Ivii. 2 L. and P. xm (2), 772, 804 (p. 319).

Ibid. 827 (3). 4 Ibid. 829 (iii).

Ibid. 6 Ibid. 830 (p. 341).

Ibid. 829 (p. 339). 8 L. and P. v, 340, 416.

L. and P. xm (2), 961 (1) ; see above chap, xix, note D.

Xxmj The Exeter Conspiracy

to speak with the Nun of Kent, and had afterwards received her at
Horsley1. It was not about political hopes she had consulted the
Holy Maid; all her babies had died at birth, and she desired the
Nun's prayers for the child she was then expecting2 ; there was no
proof that they had conversed treasonably. If the King knew of
the Lady Marquis's correspondence with Chapuys a really grave
charge might have been brought against her3. But the Marquis was
not implicated in either of these mysterious expeditions. The straits
to which Cromwell was put to make out a rational case against him
is shown by this passage in one of the depositions : —

"About three years past when lord Montague began to recover from his
sickness he sent examinate (his servant Jerome Ragland] to Horsley to show
the lord Marquis of his recovery: the lord Marquis said he was glad thereof";

This is solemnly noted in the margin " Against the Lord Marquis."4
In the end the Crown lawyers were obliged to be contented with
two scraps of conversation — " I trust once to have a fair day upon
these knaves which rule about the King, and I trust to see a merry
world one day " ; and " Knaves rule about the King ; I trust to give
them a buffet one day." Also the general declaration " I like well
the proceedings of Cardinal Pole, but I like not the proceedings of
this realm,"5 which is not to be found in the evidence, and was a
kind of profession of faith attributed to all the prisoners. To one
who is no lawyer these sayings do not appear to bring the Marquis
under the .Act of 1534. There is no wish or thought expressed
against the King's person ; at the worst they are against the King's
ministers and policy, and these are not mentioned in the Act; no
doubt by an oversight.

Exeter was to be tried by his peers on 3 December, Montague
on 2 December6. On this last date Thomas West, Lord Delaware,
was committed to the Tower7. It was whispered that he had dared
to refuse to take a place in the jury of peers8. This rumour may
have been true, for on 1 December the Council wrote to Henry
humbly apologising for not having sent Delaware to the Tower;
they had done their best, they assured the King, but as yet they
had found nothing sufficient against him. They had commanded
him to keep to his house, and to make a full confession9. It may

1 L. and P. xm (2), 802.

2 Trans, of the Eoyal Historical Society, New Series, Vol. xvm (1904) ; D. A. Cheney,
Holy Maid of Kent, pp. 117-8 (n.). 3 See above, chap. n.

4 L. and P. xm (2), 702. 5 Ibid. 979 (15).

6 Ibid. 979. 7 ibi(j. 982.

8 Ibid. 1062. » Ibid. 968.

314 The Pilgrimage of Or ace [CH.

have been merely through Henry's impatience that he was sent to
the Tower next day; or perhaps he had determined after Darcy's
trial to pass no more of the King's sentences. It would be good to
think there was one nobleman in England who was capable of so
acting.

Montague was brought to trial on 2 December1, indicted of
speaking against the King, approving Cardinal Pole's doings, and
dreaming that the King was dead2. He pleaded not guilty and was
condemned to death.

Exeter was brought to the bar on the 3rd, and the same judg-
ment was pronounced against him3. There is an account of a strange
scene which took place at his trial, given by a contemporary but not
by an eye-witness. Exeter, Montague and Neville

"all the time of their arraignment stood stiff, with a casting up of eyes and
hands, as though those things had been never heard of before that then were
laid to their charge. The Marquis of all the rest stuck hardest, and made as
though he had been very clear in many points, yet in some he staggered, and
was very sorry so to do, now challenging the King's pardon, now taking benefit
of the act, and when all would not serve he began to charge Geoffrey Pole with
frenzy, with folly, and madness. It is much to be noted what answer Geoffrey
made to the Marquis in this point. Some men, saith Geoffrey (as I hear),
lay to my charge that I should be out of my wit and in a frenzy. Truth it is,
I was out of my wit, and iri a great frenzy when I fell with them in conference
to be a traitor, disobedient to God, false to my prince, and enemy to my native
country. I was also out of my wit and stricken with a sore kind of madness
when I chose rather to kill myself than to charge them with such treasons, as
I knew would cost them their lives, if I did utter them. But Our Lord be
thanked, God wrought better with me than I thought to have done with
myself. He hath saved my soul at the last, the knife went not so far as I
would have had it gone: His goodness it is that I have not slain myself :... His
work that I have declared myself, my brother, the Marquis, with the rest to
be traitors. And where I thought, said Geoffrey, rather to have put my soul
in hazard for the saving of these men, God, I thank Him, so wrought in me and
so changed my mind, that if I had ten brethren, yea, ten sons, I would rather
bring them all to this peril of death than leave my country, my sovereign lord,
and mine own soul in such danger as they all stood in if I had kept these
treasons secret. Let us, let us die, we be but a few, better we have according
to our deserts than our whole country be brought to ruin....

"Geoffrey hath never been taken for any pleasant or sage talker, his wit
was wont to serve his tongue but so so. I dare say, they that were the
wisest of the King's most honourable council did much wonder that day, to
hear him tell his tale, and looked for nothing less than that he should have
so handled himself. God is a marvellous God, He can make both when Him
list and whom He will eloquent, wise, pithy ; He can make the tongues of the

1 L. and P. xm (2), 979 (3). 2 Ibid. 979 (7). * Ibid. 979 (19).

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 315

dumb serve His elect, when His will is. The Marquis was stiff at the bar, and
stood fast in denial of most things laid to his charge, yet in some he failed and
staggered in such sort that all men might see his countenance to avouch that,
that his tongue could not without much faltering deny."1

Sir Geoffrey Pole with Sir Edward Neville, George Croftes, John
Collins, and Hugh Holland, were brought to trial on 4^ December.
All pleaded guilty but Neville, who maintained his innocence to the
last. All were found guilty2.

Exeter, Montague and Sir Edward Neville were beheaded on
Tower Hill on 9 December and buried within the Tower. The same
day Croftes, Holland and Collins were executed at Tyburn, and
"their heads set on London Bridge."3 Sir Geoffrey Pole remained
in the Tower4 ; the state of mind in which he had borne evidence
against the others can hardly have outlasted their deaths. On
28 December he again attempted suicide by suffocating himself
with a cushion5.

Meanwhile the Countess of Salisbury had not been left to mourn
her sorrows in quiet. She had been plunged into anxiety by Geoffrey's
arrest in August. About the beginning of November the news of
his first attempted suicide found its way to Warblington. " I pray
God, madame, he do you no hurt one day," said her frightened
steward. "I trow he is not so unhappy that he will hurt his
mother," she answered, " and yet I care neither for him, nor for any
other, for I am true to my Prince."8 It must have been at this time
that she wrote to her eldest son : —

" Son Montague I send you heretely goddes blessing and myne.
This is the gretist gift that I can send you for to desire god of his
helpe wich I perceave is great need to pray for, And as to the case
as I ame informed that you stand in myne advise is to refer you to
god principally and upon that ground so to ordre you both in word
and deed to serve your prince not disobeyeng goddys commandment
as far as your power and lief woll serve you for of to doo above all
ordre for... hath brought you upe and maynteyned you... but his
highnes who if you woll... with your lerning serve to the content... of
his mynd as your bounden due tie is... that you may so serve his
highness... day lie pray to god...orelles to take you to his mercy." It
appears that he did not receive it until he was in the Tower7.

1 Moryson, An Invective against Treason.

2 L. and P. xin (2), 986, 987.

3 Wriothesley, op. cit. i, p. 92; L. and P. xm (2), 1056. 4 Ibid. 1163.
« L. and P. xiv (1), 37 (p. 19). e L. and P. xm (2), 875 (1).

7 Ibid. 855 (2) ; copied from original at the K. O.

316 The Pilgrimage of Grace [cH.

On 12 November, Southampton and the Bishop of Ely were
sent down to Warblington to interrogate the Countess. She had
spoken truly of Sir Geoffrey ; in all his confessions there is no word
that could be twisted into an accusation against her. Nor had the
other prisoners laid anything to her charge; she strongly disliked
heretics, but no one accused her of speaking against the Royal
Supremacy. Nevertheless Southampton had no doubt that he could
soon make her commit herself. He was an experienced examiner
and had just come from questioning her sons in the Tower. He was
much disappointed with his first results. The Countess answered
every question in the most straightforward way. She had had, she
said, no secret confidences with, nor any letter from, her son Reginald
and the Vicar of East Meon. She knew nothing of Holland's voyage.
She had never heard Montague or Sir Geoffrey wish they were
abroad or propose to go ; she solemnly denied that they ever uttered
treasonable words in her presence. She had never burnt letters
concerning the King, nor was there any agreement between herself
and her sons to conceal anything. This was the substance of
Margaret Pole's confession1.

The examiners wrote to Cromwell — "Yesterday, 13 Nov., as
we wrote we would do, we travailed with the Lady of Salisbury all
day, both before and after noon till almost night ; but for all we
could do she would confess nothing more than the first day." On
the 14th they went to her again, as they were ordered; first they
called all her men-servants before them and arrested one called
Standish. " We then entreated her with both sorts, sometimes with
douce and mild words, now roughly and asperly, by traitoring her
and her sons to the ninth degree, yet will she nothing utter, but
maketh herself clear." They thought such a woman had never been
heard of, she was so earnest and precise and "manlike in continuance."
Everything was so " sincere, pure, and upright on her part that we
have conceived and needs must deem and think the one of two
things in her: that either her sons have not made her privy nor
participant of the bottom and pit of their stomachs, or else she is
the most arrant traitress that ever lived."

They seized her goods and told her that it was the King's
pleasure that she should leave her home at once. "She seemeth
thereat to be somewhat appalled. And therefore we deem that if it
may be so, she will then utter somewhat when she is removed, which
we intend shall be tomorrow." They spoke with the neighbouring

1 L. and P. xra (2), 818.

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 317

gentlemen and bade them "to have vigilant eye to repress any
stirring that may arise."1 They examined Thomas Standish, the
clerk of the kitchen, but he confessed nothing2 ; the Protestants
who lodged the first information against the Countess had named
him as a crafty fellow from whom it would be hard to get information3.
Hugh Holland had told him of his visit to the Cardinal, and if the
Countess knew of it, it would probably be through him4.

On 15 November the Countess was taken from her home to
Cowdray, Southampton's house. It was no wonder that the thought
of being left in the keeping of such a man appalled even so brave a
lady. Southampton and the Bishop of Ely wrote again to Cromwell
on 16 November. They were rather better pleased with themselves.
They had got something out of Standish, whose confession is lost,
though apparently nothing against his mistress. They despaired of
making the Countess accuse herself. "We assure your Lordship
we have dealt with such a one as men have not dealt withal to
fore us ; we may call her rather a strong and constant man than a
woman."

Their hopes revived when some papers were found at Warblington :
two or three old bulls in Standish's room, and a copy of the
Countess's letter to Montague in a gentlewoman's chest. "Travailing
sundry times and after sundry sorts with her," the examiners thought
she had at last admitted something of importance5. She did not
deny the letter was hers; she had caused it to be written before
Montague was in the Tower but after Sir Geoffrey was taken6.
She described a conversation with the comptroller of her house-
hold who said he was afraid Sir Geoffrey would " slip away."7 The
servant himself gave a different account of the matter, and if he
used these words he must have meant Sir Geoffrey was likely to die,
for he had just injured himself in the Tower8. Finally the Countess
was asked whether Sir Geoffrey had not told her that the King
went about to cause Reginald to be slain ; she answered that he had
"and she prayed God heartily to change the King's mind." Both
her other sons told her that he had escaped " and for motherly pity
she could not but rejoice."9 These were "the principal points" of
her confession. Southampton, "putting her in such order [and]
surety here as the King's pleasure is she should be left in," hastened

L. and P. xm (2), 835. 2 Ibid. 835, 838 (iii).

Ibid. 817 (p. 326). 4 Ibid. 797 (ii).

Ibid. 855. • Ibid. 818 (21).

Ibid. 818 (19). 8 Ibid. 875.
Ibid. 818 (5).

318 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

back to court1, and two weeks later took his part in the con-
demnation of her eldest son2.

The fate of the White Rose party caused more stir in court
circles than in the country. Except for the disturbance that South-
ampton feared at Warblington, there is no sign that the sympathy
of the lower orders was roused on their behalf. On the other hand
the only people really pleased were the favourers of the New
Learning; Exeter and Montague had been too long out of favour
to be much disliked by the nobility. Latimer's congratulations to
Cromwell on their fate and the Cardinal's terrible position have
been too often quoted to need inclusion here3. The Londoners, who
every year inclined more towards Protestant opinions, were distinctly
against Exeter and the Poles. A goldsmith was chatting with two
men in a boat at Paul's Wharf on 13 November. One of these was
"a servant of the King's within the Tower"; said he, "We have
great pain in watching of these naughty men lately brought into the
Tower. Would to God every man would know their duties to God
and their Prince." The goldsmith asked if Sir Geoffrey Pole were
dead or alive, and what was the news " of that naughty fellow Pole,
his brother beyond sea." The King's servant said he was made
Bishop of Rome.

" How know you that ? " asked the goldsmith.

" I have heard it of great men."

" Of whom ? "

" Of some of my Lord Privy Seal's house."

The third man broke in, " I have heard as much as this comes to,
for the council doth know this thing well enough."

"I pray you," said the goldsmith, "how do you know they
know it?"

" By the ambassadors and others."

" There was one in our house (i.e. the Tower) prisoner," said the
King's servant, " who being delivered by the King's favour and sent
to the said Pole beyond sea, to show unto him the King's pleasure,
doth yet there remain, and now is one of the greatest in favour with
him." The goldsmith asked his name, and was told "Throgmorton."4

A Protestant community sending the London news to friends
abroad referred to the executions, not without triumph : — " The
principal supporters of Popery among us have been cut off."5

i L. and P. mi (2), 855. 2 Ibid. 979 (5).

3 Ibid. 1036 ; see note B at end of chapter.

* L. and P. xm (2), 820 (iii). 5 L. and P. xiv (1), 466.

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 319

Strangely enough most indignation was aroused abroad, especially
in France, where the nobility had long regarded Henry with aversion.
In a letter to Montmorency, the French ambassador urged that
such an opportunity for a successful invasion of England had never
before been offered to a Constable of France. What glory he might
gain by avenging at length all the wrongs that England had done
their country in times past1! In another letter he related how
Henry complained to him of the way he was spoken of in France,
and wished to know if Francis could not prevent his subjects from
using such unseemly railing against his (Henry's) heresy and in-
humanity. For the first, they should rather praise him ; for the
second, the Exeter party had been most justly punished. The
ambassador replied that in France people had so much greater
liberty of speech than in England that it was very difficult to
prevent talking; Francis allowed his people "to say many things"
of himself2.

Lord Delaware was set free on 21 December3. Nothing had been
deposed against him as far as is known except that he disliked
the New Learning and certain new laws, such as the Act of Uses ;
also that he was intimate with Exeter and Croftes and had heard the
latter deny the royal supremacy without informing against him4.
This was little enough, but it might have cost him his head. He
was, however, released on heavy securities and went back to his
quiet life as an undistinguished baron3.

On the last day of December the last man to suffer for this
visionary conspiracy was sent to the Tower. This was Sir Nicholas
Carew, the Master of the Horse6, and a certain mystery surrounds
his fate. For years he had been high in the King's favour7. The
only explanation of his sudden fall is given by Chapuys, who, writing
on 9 January, tells all the court gossip about this arrest and the late
executions. Cromwell himself explained to the ambassador that
Exeter had been plotting to destroy the King and the Prince, seize
the throne himself and marry his little son to Mary. He added that
" their treasons had been fully proved since their deaths." It was
true they had burnt the incriminating letters, but fortunately a
number of copies of them had been found in a coffer belonging to
the Lady Marquis8. There is no evidence beyond this bare statement

1 L. and P. xm (2), 1162. 2 Ibid. 1163.

3 Ibid. 1112. 4 Ibid. 821, 822, 829.

» Ibid. 1117. 6 L. and P. xiv (1), 37 (p. 18).

7 Ibid. Introduction, pp. i-iv. 8 Ibid. 37.

320 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

that these letters ever existed except in Cromwell's brain. One of
them, however, was supposed to implicate Carew1. "The testimony
of young Pole is not sufficient," wrote Chapuys, " these men... want to
form the process after the execution."

At court it was said that Carew was especially urged to accuse
Exeter, and that he had confessed that when he told the Marquis of
the Prince's birth he seemed sad ; " which," wrote Chapuys, "I believe
was only on account of the love he bears to the Princess, in whose
service he would willingly, as he had often sent to tell me, shed his
blood."2 Exeter had never made any secret of his attachment to
Queen Katharine and her daughter3. Chapuys thought that if Carew
had written to the Lady Marquis it must have been about Mary, for he
too had always shown himself her devoted servant. " It would seem
they wish to leave her as few such as possible." Carew had looked
for help rather from France than from the Emperor, " for which he
has been frequently reproached by good Edward Neville."

Cromwell hinted that some compromising letter from Chapuys
himself might be found in the Lady Marquis's collection; but the
ambassador felt safe, for he had written no private letters except to
Mary and Katharine, and he was sure that these had been destroyed.
But as burning letters was now as dangerous as keeping them, he
wrote the Princess half a dozen which she could show to anyone if
commanded; he lived in hopes that Henry would discover them4.

Sir Nicholas Carew was brought to trial on 14 February, 1539.
The charge against him contained the following clauses : — That he
knew Exeter to be a traitor and falsely encouraged him ; that he
talked to him of the state of the world ; that they exchanged letters
which they afterwards burnt. Carew was on the Surrey jury which
sat on Exeter's indictment, and had indiscreetly said, "I marvel
greatly that the indictment against the Lord Marquis was so secretly
handled and for what purpose, for the like was never seen."5

Very little of the evidence against him has been preserved. He
was Mary's friend. He was one of the guests who frequented the
Marquis's garden at Horsley. He seems to have tried to intercede
for the Lady Marquis when she was sent to the Tower6. But the
slightness of the indictment points to the flimsiest of evidence. He
pleaded not guilty and was sentenced as usual7.

1 L. and P. xiv (1), 280. 2 Ibid. 37. 3 L. and P. v, 238, 340.

* L. and P. xiv (1), 37. 5 Ibid. 290.

6 L. and P. xm (2), 830 ; see note C at end of chapter.

7 L. and P. xiv (1), 290.

XXIII]

The Exeter Conspiracy

321

He was beheaded on Tower Hill, 3 March, 15391, "where he
made a goodly confession, both of his folly and superstitious faith,
giving God most hearty thanks that ever he came in the prison of
the Tower, where he first savoured the life and sweetness of God's
most holy word, meaning the Bible in English, which there he read
by the means of one Thomas Philips then Keeper."2

Chapuys remarked that when confiscating Sir Nicholas' goods
the King would do well to remember " the most beautiful diamonds
and pearls and innumerable jewels " which he formerly gave to Lady
Carew, and which once had been Queen Katherine's3. No doubt
Henry did remember, for Lady Carew was soon begging for some
provision for herself and her daughters4. As to the offices held by
the late Master of the Horse, they had been promised to others even
before his arrest5.

* Though there was little popular feeling about the death of the
Exeter conspirators, it must have alarmed all but the most secure
of the nobility. Some men must have been revolted by the severity of
the new treason laws ; the story of the Lady Marquis's letters, found
after the trial, was meant to reconcile these malcontents. Henry
made another attempt to persuade public opinion to take his view
of the case. Richard Moryson, one of those quick-witted, talented,
heartless, faithless "knaves" of Cromwell's, was commissioned to
write a book setting forth the heinousness of treason with special
reference to the White Rose party. This was the tract called "An
invective against the great and detestable vice, treason, wherein the
secret practices, and traitorous workings of them that suffered of
late are disclosed," which was published in London during 1539.

In defiance of the title the book contains no coherent account of
Exeter's alleged plot. We have twice quoted from it at some length,
but it is really more remarkable for its blood-curdling theology and
spirited abuse than for serious historical worth. The letters of the
Lady Marquis are never even mentioned and no proofs of treason are
produced at all. Montague and the rest were detestable traitors;
their guilt is assumed and they are abused for it with abundance of
classical and scriptural illustrations. There is only one belated
allusion to their possible motives for being so gratuitously wicked.
It was because they were Papists ; anyone who believes the Pope to
be Supreme Head of the Church " may well lack power or stomach

1 Wriothesley, op. cit. i (p. 93).
3 L. and P. xiv (1), 37.
5 Ibid. 37.

P. II.

2 Hall's Chronicle, Ann. 1539.
4 Ibid. 498.

21

322 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

to utter treason, but he can not lack a traitorous heart."1 Henry
was pleased with the book. He wrote to Hutton, for circulation in
the Netherlands, his own account of the conspiracy, " whereupon of
late there is a pretty book printed in this our realm which ye shall
receive herewith."2

As an example of Mory son's style we may quote a part of his
invective relating to Cardinal Pole : " To come at the last, to the
arch traitor, and to speak somewhat of him whom God hateth, nature
refuseth, all men detest, yea and all beasts too would abhore, if they
could perceive how much viler he is than is even the worst of them :
what man would ever have thought that Reynold Pole could have
been by any gifts, by any promotion, by any means in this world
brought from the love which for so many the King's high benefits
of all men he ought (owed) his grace the most ? " His true friends
are those who wish him dead, for only by death can he escape " the
gripes, the wounds, the tossing and turmoiling, the heaving and
shoving that traitors feel in their stomachs." Probably God leaves
him alive "only because thy life hath many more torments, much
more shame in it, than any cruel death can have.... What greater
shame can come to thee than to be the dishonour of all thy kin,
a comfort to all thine enemies, a death to all thy friends ? " "0 Pole,
0 whirl pole, full of poison, that wouldest have drowned thy country
in blood.... God be thanked thou art now a Pole of little water, and
that at a wonderful low ebb." Moryson in fact is quite unable to
keep off the subject of the Cardinal, and always strays back to him.
In another place he says : "Pole came somewhat too late into France,
at the last commotion. If he had come in season, he would have
played an hardier part than Aske did, he would surely have jeopardied
both his eyes, where Aske ventured but one. He would have had
not only a foot in their boat but in spite of Aske and his company
would have ruled the stern."

As an example of Moryson's theology his remarks on the end of
the Pilgrimage are instructive. He is never tired of bidding England
praise God's goodness in sending so wise and beneficent a Prince to
reign over her. She must also give praise for the ending of the
rebellion without bloodshed ; God's goodness was still further shown
by His causing the " rank captains " and deceivers of the people to
commit further treason and " testify upon the gallows that traitors
must come to shameful death." And though the King in his mercy
pardoned the common people, " God hath this last summer by a

1 Moryson, " Au Invective against treason.'' 2 L. and P. xiv (1), 280.

xxm] The Exeter Conspiracy 323

strange kind of sickness well declared unto the commons of the
north that he was not contented so few were punished where so
many offended." Also the plague had been in other parts of the
country, which, as God knew " had hearts evil enough, though their
deeds were unknown."1 This is a particularly revolting form of the
ancient superstition that any great calamity is a punishment from
God, especially if it befalls an enemy. Men who sincerely love God
have striven against this relic of devil-worship ever since Euripides
wrote : —

" This land of murderers to its god hath given
Its own lust ; evil dwelleth not in heaven " ;

but the superstition is not yet dead.

Of the surviving members of the White Rose party, Sir Geoffrey
was pardoned early in the New Year2. The Lady Marquis of Exeter
remained in the Tower, with the two boys, her son Edward
Courtenay, who was twelve years old, and Henry Pole " a child, the
remaining hope of our race," as the Cardinal called him with a touch
of human feeling3. Courtenay must have been a spirited boy even
in his childhood. Some months before, his schoolmaster had fled the
Marquis' household because certain of the young gentlemen had
threatened him for administering correction to the young lord4.
The Countess of Salisbury was still at Cowdray5.

Parliament met in April 1539 and sat until 28 June. During
May it passed an Act of Attainder including all who had suffered
after the Pilgrimage, Exeter and his friends, Cardinal Pole and other
Englishmen who had fled abroad ; Gertrude Courtenay, Marchioness
of Exeter, and Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury6. It has com-
monly been said that the two boys were also attainted ; but it can
have been only by implication as an examination of the Parliament
Roll shows that they were not named7. An account of the passing of
the Act was sent by a correspondent in London to Lord Lisle : —

"Pleaseth your lordship, so it is that there was a coat armour found in
the Duchess of Salisbury's coffer, and by the one side of the coat there was
the King's Grace his arms of England, that is the lions without the flower
de lys, and about the whole arms was made pansies for Pole, and marygolds
for my lady Mary. This was about the coat armour. And betwixt the mary-
gold and the pansy was made a tree to rise in the midst, and on the tree
a coat of purple hanging on a bough, in token of the coat of Christ, and on

1 Moryson, op. cit. 2 L. and P. xiv (1), 191 (3).

3 L. and P. xiv (2), 212. •» L. and P. xm (2), 217.

5 L. and P. xiv (1), 520. 6 L. and P. xiv (1), 867 (15).

7 Parl. Boll 1539, It. 0. ; see note D at end of chapter.

21—2

324 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

the other side of the coat all the Passion of Christ. Pole intended to have
married my lady Mary and betwixt them both should again arise the old
doctrine of Christ. This was the intent that the coat was made, as it is openly
known in the Parliament house, as Master Sir George Speke showed me. And
thus my lady Marquis, my lady Salisbury, Sir Adrian Fortescue, Sir Thomas
Dingley, with divers other are attainted to die by act of Parliament. Other news
here is none. ...At London the xviiith day of May" (1539)1.

Froude gives the following account :

"A remarkable scene took place in the house of Lords on the last reading
of the act. As soon as it was passed Cromwell rose in his place, and displayed
in profound silence, a tunic of white silk which had been discovered by Lord
Southampton concealed amidst the Countess' linen. ...It was shown, and it was
doubtless understood, as conclusive evidence of the disposition of the daughter
of the Duke of Clarence and the mother of Reginald Pole."2

Of course such a piece of evidence cannot be conclusive. The
work might have been done years before, when a match between
Mary and Reginald Pole was proposed by Queen Katherine. The
symbol of the Five Wounds was far too common to fix the date as
the time of the Pilgrimage. The Countess may have been innocent ;
but we may prefer to believe she was guilty. It is pleasant to
think of her setting her maids to work when the first news came
from the north, and of all the prayers for the faith and the hopes for
her banished son that must have gone to the embroidering. The
bill was passed on 12 May and shortly after she was removed from
Cowdray to the Tower. This change must have been very welcome,
for Southampton and his lady had treated her with all discourtesy,
and in the Tower she would be near her grandson3.

She spent two years in the Tower. Her experience there and
that of the Lady Marquis may be gathered from a petition presented
on their behalf to a Privy Councillor by the kind-hearted warder,
Thomas Philips, who had given Sir Nicholas Carew the English
Testament4. " By reason that I am daily conversant with them that
are pensive," he wrote, " (/) can no less do but utter the same to
your honourable lordship." The Lady Marquis begs favour and " saith
she wanteth raiment, and hath no change but only that that
your lordship commanded to be provided." Her gentlewoman,
Mistress Constance Bontane, " hath no manner of change and that
that she hath is sore worn. Another gentlewoman she hath, that is
Master Comptroller's maid, and hath been with her one whole year

1 L. and P. xiv (1), 980. M Fronde, op. oit. chap. xvi.

3 L. and P. xiv (2), 287, 554. « See above.

xxin] The Exeter Conspiracy 325

and more, and very sorry is she that she hath not to recompense
them, at the least their wages." Finally, " the Lady Salisbury maketh
great moan for that she wanteth necessary apparel both for to change
and also to keep her warm."1

This petition must have been presented before April 1540, when
the Lady Marquis was released2; it was expected at the time that the
old Countess would be pardoned shortly. But she remained alone,
except for her waiting woman and the two boys, who were not kept
very close and would probably be allowed to see her.

On 1 March, 1541, the Council sent an order to the Queen's
tailor for certain apparel and necessaries for the Countess3. All
thanks be to Thomas Philips who has left one kindly story to adorn
the Tower ; he had been himself a prisoner there some years before4.
In April the clothes were delivered : — " a night-gown furred, a kirtle
of worsted and petticoat furred, another gown of the fashion of
night-gown of saye, lined with satin of Cyprus and faced with satin,
a bonnet with a frontlet, four pairs of hose, four pairs of shoes and a
pair of slippers." But the Countess did not long enjoy this ample
provision5.

In May 1541 Henry was about to set out on his gorgeous progress
through the north6. Before he left London the Tower was cleared
of traitors7. The Countess was the first to suffer, at seven o'clock on
the morning of May 27. Chapuys briefly records the event : —

"About the same time took place the lamentable execution of the Countess
of Salisbury at the Tower, in the presence of the Lord Mayor and about one
hundred and fifty persons. When informed of her sentence, she found it very
strange, not knowing her crime ; but she walked to the space in front of the
Tower, where there was no scaffold, but only a small block. There she com-
mended her soul to God, and desired those present to pray for the King, Queen,
Prince and Princess." 8

The Lady Marquis of Exeter had been pardoned a year before9,
and her son, who was still a prisoner, lived to be set free by Queen
Mary10. The Countess suffered under the Act of Attainder with-
out any trial; the two boys were not even included in the Act11;

1 Everett Wood, op. cit. m, no. xlii. 2 L. and P. xv, 487.

3 Everett Wood, op. cit. in, no. xlii. 4 Hall's Chronicle.

5 Everett Wood, op. cit. in, no. xlii.

6 L. and P. xvi, 941 ; printed in part, Correspondance de Castillon (ed. Kaulek),
no. 350.

7 L. and P. xvi, 868. 8 Ibid. 897.

9 L. and P. xv, 487. 10 Haile, op. cit. chap. xiv.

11 See note D at end of chapter.

326 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

and were simply held by a sovereign power that no one dared to
question. Henry Pole had been allowed to go about inside the
Tower before his grandmother's death ; after it he was more strictly
guarded. "It is to be supposed that he will follow his father and
grandmother," wrote Chapuys1. Edward Courtenay had a tutor, but
Henry Pole was " poorly and strictly kept, and not allowed to know
anything."2 He is last mentioned in 15423. Nothing more is
known of him. The Tower must have been an unhealthy place for
any child, and this one was an orphan without friends. He had,
indeed, two uncles living. The Cardinal was helpless, for if he had
attempted interference through the Emperor it would certainly have
had an unhappy effect. Perhaps Sir Geoffrey did all he dared and
lost touch with the boy on his closer confinement. He was, besides,
hardly responsible for his actions.

Southampton, of all people least inclined to mercy, advised that
Pole's assault on John Gunter should be overlooked " considering the
ill and frantic furious nature of the unhappy man."4 An account of
his subsequent life is given in the Spanish Chronicle. Although the
greater part of this work is entirely untrustworthy, particular passages
may be accepted when the writer describes facts which he had
himself witnessed, and his account of Sir Geoffrey Pole is fairly
reliable because there is reason to believe that the Chronicle was
written at Liege while Geoffrey was living there5. The Chronicler
gives the following story of how Sir Geoffrey crossed the seas at last6.
After he was pardoned " he went about for two years like one terror-
stricken, and, as he lived four miles from Chichester, he saw one day
in Chichester a Flemish ship into which he resolved to get and with
her he passed over to Flanders, leaving his wife and children. Thence
he found his way to Rome, and throwing himself at the feet of his
brother the Cardinal, he said, " My lord, I do not deserve to call myself
your brother for I have been the cause of our brother's death." The
Cardinal, seeing he had sinned through ignorance, pardoned him,
and brought him to the feet of the Pope, and procured forgiveness
and absolution for his sin. Then the Cardinal sent him back to
Flanders, with letters to the Bishop of Liege, who has him with him

1 L. and P. xvi, 897.

2 Ibid. 1011 ; printed in part, Correspondance de Castillon (ed. Kaulek), no. 351.

3 L. and P. xvn, 880, f. 23 b, f. 29, f. 43 b.

4 L. and P. xvi, 19.

6 Spanish Chron. (ed. Hume), preface.
6 See note E at end of chapter.

xxni] The Exeter Conspiracy 327

to this day, treating him with all honour, and allowing him a ducat
a day, and food for himself, two attendants and a horse."1

It was quite right of the Cardinal to forgive Sir Geoffrey ; but
should all the forgiveness have been on one side ? Geoffrey, yielding
to circumstances, had endured all that Reginald had escaped by
taking his own path. Reginald had been in safety while Geoffrey
had seen imprisonment and despair. Did the man whose uprightness
had brought ruin on all he loved never for a moment accuse himself ?
When the Cardinal first heard the news of his mother's death, he
spoke of it in these words : "Until now I had thought God had given
me the grace of being the son of one of the best and most honoured
ladies in England, and I gloried in it, returning thanks to His Divine
Majesty; but now He has vouchsafed to honour me still more by
making me the son of a martyr.... Let us rejoice for we have
another advocate in Heaven."2 Perhaps it is because this speech has
an appearance of having been thought out beforehand that it sounds
cold and even heartless. The Cardinal seems more human in a letter
written to one of Montague's daughters, who, after Mary's accession,
sent him good news of herself and her children, the first he had
received from his kinsfolk for many years : — " Albeit as I say all this
did comfort me greatly, yet I ensure you I could not read your whole
letter through, though it were not long, at all one time, for the
sorrowful remembrance it brought me of the loss of those which I
left in good state at my departing, to whom you were most dearest.
But when I consider even what servants of God they were and so
died, this ever doth comfort me with that certain hope of their good
estate in all felicity to the which all we trust to come when it shall
be God's pleasure to call us."3

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIII

Note A. The internal dissensions of the College of Heralds are described
at length in Lancaster Herald's statement, L. and P. xm (1), 1313. The details
are intimate and rather sordid.

Note B. L. and P. xm (2), preface ; Haile's Life of Cardinal Pole, chap. xn.
The Romanist writers do not generally add that the same letter contains a kindly
appeal for a well-famed priory, the head of which "is old and feedeth many....
Alas! my good lord, shall we not see two or three in each shire changed to
such remedy?"4

1 Spanish Chron. (ed. Hume), chap. LX. 2 Haile, op. cit. chap. xiv.

3 English Hist. Eev. xxvm, 528. 4 L. and P. xm (2), 1036.

328 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xxm

Note C. This is founded on a half-intelligible note, L. and P. xiu (2), 830,
at the bottom of page 342. For such evidence as remains see L. and P. xiv (1),
189 and 190.

Note D. Henry Pole and Edward Courtenay were, however, excepted by
name from a general pardon confirmed by Parliament 16 July 15401. The latter
appears to have been liberated for a time in 15472.

Note E. Sir Geoffrey Pole probably fled from England after his assault on
Gunter in 1540. He was amnestied and returned to England in 1551 3. He
died in 15584.

i L. and P. xv, 498 n. 2 Spanish Cal. 1547-9, p. 188.

3 Hume, op. cit. preface. 4 D.N.B.

CHAPTER XXIV

CONCLUSION

The Pilgrimage of Grace failed completely. Its only result was
to hasten the very events wEIcE the Pilgrims dreaded. The greater
monasteries were suppressed, the north was bridled by the Council
of the North, the Poles were all but exterminated. It is not a
sufficient explanation of this failure to say that the Pilgrims were
contending against the spirit of the age. Although certain revo-
lutions in thought are broadly speaking inevitable, a reaction may
have a temporary success, and may delay or modify the operation of
the changes. The immediate causes of the Pilgrims' failure have
appeared in the course of this history and may be summarised
here : —

(1) The niost striking was the Pilgrims' fundamental miscon-
ception of Henry's character. They believed him to be a weak, \ *""
good-tempered sensualist, always the tool of some favourite. Con-
sequently they thought that if only the King could be given
ministers who shared their own views of public matters, they would

be able to guide his policy without difficulty. Henry himself took
some pains to hide his despotic temper and his iron will under a
mask of careless good humour, and with his northern subjects the
deception was completely successful. The Pilgrims never realised
that to change the King's policy they must change the King ; on the
contrary they professed loyalty to the King's person and would not
countenance pretenders. They saw that it would be more convenient
to be able to change the policy of the government by changing the
chief ministers, than by the old method of deposing or killing the
King, as in the case of Richard II, Henry VI, and Richard III, but
the theory of ministerial responsibility had not yet developed, and it
did not accord with the facts of the case.

(2) Closely connected with this first blunder is a marked
weakness in the opposition to Henry. It had no leader of genius.

330 The Pilgrimage of Grace [OH.

The leaders of the Pilgrimage were honest men and men of ability,
| but they were nothing more. They had not the unconquerable energy
needed to withstand Henry's determination and the sinister power
of Thomas Cromwell. They were brave, they were unselfish, they
were lovable, but all that counts for nothing. Henry possessed none
of these qualities, but he had that force of character which alone is
able to carry through great designs. He stamped himself upon the
memory of the nation, while the names of the Pilgrims are forgotten.

(3) These reasons for failure may seem too personal to suit
scientific history, but there were other weaknesses in the Pilgrims'
movement of a more general nature. The chief of these was the
conflict between the interests of the gentlemen and of the commofia,-.

The gentlemen wanted certain parliamentary reforms. If they
could obtain them, they would be able to redress their own grievances.
The commons wanted certain social reforms, which they were much
more likely to obtain from the King than from Parliament. Briefly the
gentlemen wanted higher rents and lower wages, while the commons
wanted lower rents and higher wages. It seemed impossible that
anything could reconcile these discordant aims.

(4) There was one power strong enough to bring the gentlemen
and the commons together, a power which might have so united and
inspired them as to carry them through to victory. This was the
power of the Church. Yet though the force of religion accomplished
much, the clergy of England, as a body, gave little countenance to
the Pilgrims. The lower clergy, both regular and secular, devoted
themselves to the cause, but the higher ecclesiastics were supine.
The bishops who really opposed the King's innovations, such as
Tunstall, fled from the rebels. The Archbishop of York and most
of the abbots who were forced to join them were reluctant to share
their danger, and gave them no encouragement. The Papacy was
inert. Cardinal Pole refused to stir. The Pope was anxious to help
the movement, but he was baffled by the passive indifference of the
men through whom he might have acted. This inaction to a great
extent caused the failure of the most promising attempt to preserve
the Church of Rome which was ever made in England.

The reluctance of the higher clergy to take part in the Pilgrimage
was due to the principles in which they had been brought up. The
Church had always taught that obedience to the King was a duty
second only in importance to obedience to the Church. In return
the King had protected the Church against heresy. Henry VIII
had suddenly broken the old alliance in the most startling manner,

xxiv] Conclusion 331

but ecclesiastics could not all at once throw over their old political
theories. The Church of Rome was the church of tradition and
authority ; her priests preached law and order and submission to the
appointed governors temporal and spiritual. They could not suddenly
take up the opposite watch- words, and ally themselves with the
partisans of freedom and reform. They were dazed and terrified by
the overthrow of the old order, and in their bewilderment they stood
aside while the Pilgrims marched to death, without attempting to
add the weight of the Church to her champions' cause.

The Papacy ignored the Pilgrims while they lived and forgot
them after their death ; they were not sufficiently well-born to do
her credit. To this day those who are curious in such matters may
find recorded in Roman Catholic calendars the death of Bishop
Tunstall and of the Blessed Thomas Percy, Sir Thomas' son, the
seventh Earl of Northumberland, but there is not a word concerning
Robert Aske, who was more steadfast in his faith than the first, more
nearly successful than the second, and morally a better man than
either.

The points enumerated were the sources of the Pilgrims' two
great errors, over-confidence in themselves and over-trust in the / ,
King. They were over-confident because they had been taught that
the Church was irresistible. Hence they had no doubt that their
cause must triumph, and they imagined that the victory was theirs
when the struggle had scarcely begun. They trusted the King too
much because they misconceived his character. They believed him
to be weak but well-meaning, whereas he was strong but un-
scrupulous.

Among the causes of their failure need not be reckoned the lack
of foreign assistance. It was an advantage to the Pilgrims that
interference from abroad did not arouse national feeling in Henry's
favour., This abstinence on the part of the continental powers was
due to accident, not policy. Francis I and Charles V fully intended
some time to settle English affairs each in his own way, but the
time never arrived. At every crisis in England it happened to be
inconvenient for either of the great rivals to stir in the matter, but
on every occasion, particularly after the Pilgrimage, they excused
their inaction to the Pope by saying that the movement had been
premature, but that there would be no difficulty in rousing a fresh
revolt at a more suitable opportunity.

Henry knew better than that. He was thoroughly aware that
a king is never so powerful as when he has crushed a rebellion. The

332 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH.

leaders of the opposition are dead, the rank and file are frightened
into silence, the waverers are confirmed in their allegiance. Henry
took advantage of this interval to put in force all the measures
against the Church upon which he had resolved, but when the
attempt at revolt was almost forgotten on the continent, Henry
began to remember it.

Many influences united to bring about Cromwell's fall and -the
religious reaction at the end of the reign. Among these influences
should probably be reckoned the numerical strength of the religious
conservatives revealed by the Pilgrimage. After the blow which
they had received had spent its first effect, they might once more be
dangerous. Henry had escaped the first time, but he might not be
so successful the second. The memory of his treachery would be
against him. Therefore he forestalled opposition by bringing about
a small reaction of his own, which he could control. By this means
he satisfied all but a few extremists, whom he did not fear. This is
not put forward as the sole cause of Henry's change of policy, but it
was probably one of the causes.

After Henry's death the moderate reaction was swept away by
violent religious changes, which oscillated from extreme to extreme.
The only effect of the Pilgrimage disappeared, and from that day to
this the movement has been regarded as a picturesque episode having
no real bearing on national history. Yet if not noteworthy in its
effects, it had a political significance, which Henry VIII was the first
to perceive. The important feature of the rising was the union
between the gentlemen and the commons.

For the previous two hundred years revolts in England had been
in character either feudal, that is, led by some great lord for his
personal aggrandisement and supported by his relations and de-
pendents, or social, blind outbreaks of the common people, due to
general discontent, leaderless and without any definite purpose.
Against risings of these types the King's best ally had been the
middle class, the country gentlemen, the burgesses, the professional
men, priests and lawyers. The middle class hated equally the
tyranny of the nobles and the anarchy of the commons. In return
for their constant support the King shared with them the greater
part of the executive government. The gentlemen passed laws in
parliament and administered them in the country as magistrates ;
they voted the taxes and assessed them ; they called out the musters
and commanded them. They were the chief support of the throne,
and if they were alienated from the King the royal power would totter.

xxiv] Conclusion 333

The interests of the middle class were so closely bound up with
those of a strong central government, and so much opposed to those
of the labouring classes, that it seemed impossible for the alliance
between King and gentlemen to be weakened. The Pilgrimage of
Grace was the first indication of the manner in which this alliance
was to be broken. A difference in creed was powerful enough to
divide the gentlemen from the King ; a similarity in creed was
powerful enough to unite a very large proportion of the gentlemen
and commons in spite of their previous antagonism. So long as
practically everyone in England belonged to the same Church, the
common creed was not felt as a bond of union, but now that religious
dissensions had inevitably arisen, the aspect of the political world
was altered.

Henry quickly grasped the significance of the alliance between
the gentlemen and commons, and used all his arts to destroy it. At
the time he was successful. The wrongs which the commons had
suffered were too recent and bitter for the new-found allies to be
able to resist so skilful an opponent as the King. Dissension and
suspicion awoke, and the power which might have held them together,
the power of the Church, was not employed to help them. The
Pilgrimage fell to pieces and ended in disunion. The revolts in
Edward VI's reign, though led by minor country gentlemen, were
chiefly social, those in the reigns of his sisters were feudal, and it was
more than a century before the gentlemen and commons again united
to oppose the King.

In Charles I's reign the whole face of the nation had changed,
but the same forces were at work as those which had produced the
Pilgrimage of Grace. Religion was no longer hampered by timidity
and tradition. The new creed in which the puritans opposed the
throne gave its whole strength to the union and support of its
champions. Many of the men who opposed Charles I were lineal
descendants of the Pilgrims. Philip and Brian Stapleton, the great-
great-grandsons of Christopher Stapleton, both distinguished them-
selves in the cause of the Parliament. Richard Aske, the great-
great-grandson of young Robert Aske, the nephew and namesake of
the grand captain, was one of the lawyers who drew up the indict-
ment of Charles I. The great Lord Fairfax was descended on his
father's side from Sir Nicholas Fairfax, an enthusiastic Pilgrim, and
on his mother's from young Robert Aske. Sir William Constable,
who signed the death-warrant of Charles I, was the great-great-
grandson of Sir Robert Constable. These are not mere genealogical

334 The Pilgrimage of Grace [CH. xxiv

freaks. The spirit which had defied Henry VIII overwhelmed
Charles I.

Finally, in estimating the value of the Pilgrimage of Grace, its
moral importance must be taken into account. The following judg-
ment has been passed upon England in the reign of Henry VIII : —

" The nation purchased political salvation at the price of moral debasement ;
the individual was sacrificed on the altar of the State ; and popular subservience
proved the impossibility of saving a people from itself. Constitutional guarantees
are worthless without the national will to maintain them ; men lightly abandon
what they lightly hold ; and, in Henry's reign, the English spirit of independence
burned low in its socket, and love of freedom grew cold. The indifference of his
subjects to political issues tempted Henry along the path to tyranny."1

The Pilgrimage of Grace removes a part of this responsibility
from the shoulders of the nation. It was a matter of the utmost
moment to her future regeneration that, in an age of selfish cruelty
and materialism, there were men who willingly died for justice and
freedom, who still cherished the ideal of " England's ancient liberties,"
which were not less inspiring because they had never existed. If
the flame of independence burned low, at least their hands were
ready to pass on the torch, still unextinguished, and England is not
yet last in the race.

1 Pollard, op. cit. chap. xvi.

LIST OF WORKS CITED

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*ANSTIS, J. The Order of the Garter (1724).

*The Antiquary (1880).

* Archaeologia, vol. xvi (1812).

Archaeologia Aeliana (new series), vols. in (1859), xvi (1894).
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BAX, E. B. The Peasants' War in Germany 1524-5 (1899).
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BERENS, L. H. The Digger Movement (1906).

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22—2

INDEX

Aberdeen n, 253

Aberdeen, the Bishop of. See Stewart,

William
Abergavenny, George Neville, Lord i, 14,

15; n, 293

Acclom, John i, 186
Acclom (Aclom), William i, 186, 278-9,

312, 345; n, 38,218-9
Acklam n, 66, 131
Acomb i, 231
Adderstone i, 199
Addison, Dr n, 259
Admiral, the Lord. See Fitzwilliam, Sir

William

Aglabe, Dr n, 193
Aglionby, Edward n, 9, 42, 122
Ainstey of York i, 168, 174-5, 181, 262
Aire, the river i, 234, 282, 300
Aldham, the parson of n, 185
Alford i, 100
Allerton, — i, 345
Alne Abbey, Flanders n, 285
Alnrnouth n, 254
Alnwick i, 198, 199, 200, 201; n, 28,

41, 42

Castle i, 198, 199
the Abbot of i, 198
Amarton (Hamerton?), Harry n, 43
Ambrogio (Ambrosius de Becalcatis),

papal secretary i, 336
America i, 2
Amersham i, 244
Ampthill i, 117, 118, 119, 123, 241-7,

324, 330; n, 267
Anabaptists, the i, 346
Ancaster i, 109, 111, 114, 119, 129;

n, 155

Ancrain Moor i, 211-2
Angoule'me, the Duke of. See Orleans,

the Duke of

Annan, the Earl of i, 211
Annates. See First Fruits
Anne, St i, 43

Anthony, a canon of Watton n, 59
Antwerp i, 336
Appleby n, 28, 120

a friar of n, 266
Appleby, Alexander i, 299
Applegarth, Thomas i, 58
Appointment at Doncaster, the First.

See Truce of Doncaster

Appointment at Doncaster, the Second.
See Pilgrimage of Grace, the Se-
cond Appointment at Doncaster
Arbroath, the Abbot of. See Beaton,

David
Army, the Royal

character of the forces i, 123 ; n, 55,

170
disaffection in i, 134, 219, 233, 264,

265, 269, 302-3, 326, 327, 329, 330;
n, 36

disbands i, 270, 327

discipline i, 305

its condition at Doncaster i, 257,

260, 268
finances i, 134, 206, 244, 245, 246-7,

248, 251, 279, 294, 296, 320, 330,

331; n, 8
at Flodden i, 272
in Lines, i, 122-3, 128-30, 168, 281-2,

299, 319; n, 8, 11, 24
musters i, 108, 113, 119, 132-3, 134,

140, 148, 241-2, 243, 244-5, 247,

273, 326; n, 7-8, 52-3, 170, 289
numbers i, 257
ordnance i, 119, 122, 128, 129, 130,

134, 135, 136, 241, 247, 250, 259,

324, 327; n, 11, 24, 26, 48
in touch with the Pilgrims i, 251,

255-6

spies from i, 119, 287, 289, 324 ; n, 3
uniform. See Badge, St George's Cross
its weakness i, 122, 249, 250, 253,

254, 257, 278, 279
its position during the rebels' advance

on York i, 174

advance to Yorkshire i, 244-50
reference i, 153, 166
Arras, Yorks. n, 48
Array, Statute of i, 65; H, 243
Arthur, Prince, son of Henry VII i, 14
Articles of the rebels. See Demands of

the rebels
Articles of Religion, the Ten i, 9, 10,

266, 324, 343, 352, 353, 374, 379,
380, 388; n, 9, 164, 166

Arundel, Sir John n, 141

Asheton, Thomas i, 344

Ashton (Esch), Robert i, 151, 153,163;

n, 266
Aske, Yorks. i, 36, 39, 49; n, 180

Index

341

Aske, family of i, 49, 80; n, 92
Aske, Christopher i, 49, 51-54, 61, 72,

141, 144, 145, 150, 208, 209, 210,

295, 312, 313, 316; n, 131
Aske, Eleanor, wife of John i, 51
Aske, Elizabeth, wife of Sir John i,

40, 49
Aske, Elizabeth, wife of Sir Eobert i,

49

Aske, Sir John i, 40, 49
Aske, John i, 49, 50, 51, 54, 72, 105,

141, 144, 145, 149, 150, 151; n,

136, 137, 210, 224
Aske, Bichard, of Aughton i, 49
Aske, Richard, brother of Kobert i, 61
Aske, Richard n, 333
Aske, Sir Robert n, 49-51, 54, 61
Aske, Robert

his account of the Pilgrimage of Grace

i, 191; n, 18, 19, 37, 50
his appearance i, 55; u, 3, 322
announces the second appointment at

Doncaster to the Pilgrims n, 16-

17, 19, 20, 54
his arrest n, 38, 133, 207
his articles. See Demands of the

rebels
his authority i, 149, 185-6, 227, 262;

n, 53, 322
and Sir Francis Bigod n, 57, 72-4,

89, 98, 102, 119, 131, 205
his character i, 54; n, 331
and his brother Christopher i, 210-1,

312-3
his questions for the clergy i, 342-3,

348, 352-3, 359-60, 362, 377-8,

382, 386-7

his council i, 158, 181
his criticism of the Government i,

351, 364-6. See also Cromwell,

Thos, and Robt Aske
and Lord Darcy i, 168, 170, 186-7,

189, 291, 301, 312, 327; n, 32-3,

48, 50, 53-4, 128, 188-9, 209, 223,

360
and the Earl of Derby i, 214-5,

227-8
and the first conference at Doncaster

i, 252-4, 258-9, 265
at the second conference at Doncaster

n, 13, 16-9

his part in the East Riding insur-
rection i, 141-2, 145-6, 148-9,

155-7
his examinations i, 387; n, 134,

207-8, 223
excepted from the first Yorkshire

pardon i, 273; n, 126
his execution i, 267; n, 194, 208,

220, 222-5, 264, 287
evidence against n, 92-3, 208-10,

225
his family and relatives i, 40, 49-55,

80, 141, 218, 289, 305-6; n, 222,

333

Aske, Robert

and the Pilgrims' finances i, 286;

n, 209
hostages demanded for him i, 317;

ir, 3-4, 11-2, 23

and the siege of Hull i, 159-60, 164
garrisons Hull i, 285, 286
his imprisonment n, 207-8, 216
attempts to kidnap him i, 142, 168,

170, 204, 267, 289, 291, 292, 294-8,

301, 304, 309, 311
interview with Lancaster Herald i,

228-30, 240; n, 300-1
lays down his office n, 17, 86, 98
and Archbishop Lee. See Lee, Arch-
bishop, and Robert Aske
letters attributed to him i, 145-6,

289; n, 84, 208

and the Lines. Articles i, 156, 174
in the Lines. Rebellion i, 105-7, 139,

141, 142, 143, 289 ; n, 209
and the messengers to the King i,

291, 308-9

his moderation i, 257, 258, 315
and the monasteries i, 51, 233, 251,

285, 286, 287, 317, 348-9; n, 20,

38, 39, 58, 83, 84, 209
and the Duke of Norfolk i, 267,

289-91, 312; n, 102, 104, 130,

131, 138, 147, 208, 209, 211, 220,

224-5
and the Earl of Northumberland i,

283-5; n, 183
pacifies the north n, 48, 49, 50, 51,

104

his papers n, 38, 210, 211
his pardon n, 32, 209, 224
his petitions n, 207, 208, 222-3
calls the rebellion the Pilgrimage of

Grace i, 157
composes the Pilgrims' oath. See

Oath of the Pilgrimage of Grace
his company of pilgrims i, 262
at the musters at Pontefract i, 233,

237, 238-9
and the surrender of Pontefract i,

181, 185-91, 302 ; 11, 127
at the council at Pontefract i, 344-6,

353, 361, 384, 385, 387; n, 10, 12
his proclamations. See Proclamations,

Rebel
promises of help from Lines, n, 151,

223
promises of help from the West

Marches i, 304
his property and early career i, 54-5 ;

n, 222
his protection of Bigod's followers n,

78, 81, 89-92, 98, 131, 209
his protection to loyalists i, 232, 234,

278, 283, 306
his reception at court n, 32-3, 36-8,

45, 50, 217, 241
reports of his agents i, 256, 257;

n, 151

342

Index

Aske, Robert

and the rumours of new laws i, 78

correspondence with southern sym-
pathisers i, 327-8, 332, 333; n,
223

his reported secession to the King n,
3, 4, 45, 79, 89, 95

his servants i, 50; n, 32, 78, 210,
222

and William Stapleton i, 58, 157-9,

167, 235

his trial n, 135, 136, 140, 198, 206,

211
announces the truce i, 211, 220, 269,

279, 283
and the alleged breaches of the truce

i, 292, 293, 314
and the muster at Wighton Hill i,

154, 157
his headquarters at Wressell Castle

i, 285, 288, 293; n, 210
and the council at York i, 293, 312,

318
the taking of York i, 158, 160, 163,

174-5, 176, 178, 180
reference i, 36, 48, 61, 72, 79, 110,

168, 190, 216, 226, 230, 236, 255,
264, 271, 310, 311, 347,357; n, 105

Aske, Robert, the younger i, 51, 105,

148-9, 235; n, 333
Aske, Roger i, 36, 39; n, 180
Askew, Anne n, 180
Askew, Christopher i, 111, 116, 234, 244
Askew, Sir Christopher i, 112-3, 116,

124

Askew Robert i, 106
Askew, Sir William i, 97-100, 110, 126 ;

n, 180

Aslaby, James i, 163, 203
Atkinson, James i, 140
Atkinson, John i, 71, 213, 216, 217,

218; n, 113, 144

Attainder, Acts of i, 318 ; n, 153, 323-5
Auckland. See Bishop Auckland
Audley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor

i, 26, 352, 353, 357, 358, 366-7;

n, 14, 186, 225, 258
Aughton i, 40, 49, 51, 141, 142, 144,

150; n, 32, 39, 50, 84, 91, 210

Church i, 49, 54, 61

manor-house i, 49, 55

Augustine, St n, 57

Axholme, the Isle of i, 100, 148-9, 282
Aylesbury n, 165
Aylesham n, 177
Ayrey, John i, 345
Ay ton i, 84

Babthorpe, William i, 144, 145, 148,
150, 186, 238, 308, 309, 312, 314,
316, 342, 345, 346, 357; n, 92,
104, 201, 229, 258, 260, 271-2

Bachelor, Mr i, 388

Badge

of Sir Robert Constable i, 240

Badge

of the Five Wounds of Christ i, 19,
238-9, 240, 255, 261, 274; n, 17,
190, 324
St George's Cross i, 175, 245, 256;

ii, 77

of the Howards i, 245; n, 252
of LH.S. i, 255
of the Princess Mary n, 323
of the northern families i, 83
of the Percys i, 84, 232; n, 252
of the Poles i, 23 ; n, 323
Tudor i, 84-5
Bainton n, 72-4
Baker, John, attorney-general n, 200,

211

Bale, John i, 43, 324; n, 166
Balliol, family of i, 36
Balderstone, William i, 101
Bamborough i, 199; n, 41
Banister, Simon i, 47
Bankes, Robert i, 306
Banner

the church cross used as i, 156, 175,

221,236, 330; n, 114, 147
of Sir Robert Constable i, 336
of the Cornish rebels n, 171, 181
of St Cuthbert i, 205, 238, 261
of the Five Wounds of Christ i, 139,

238, 261, 344; n, 300
the King's i, 119, 122; n, 119, 121,

122
of the Lines, rebels i, 106, 114, 124,

129, 130, 139 ; n, 154
Bapst, M. ' Deux Gentilshommes Poetes
de la Cour de Henry VIII' i,
272
Bardney Abbey i, 104, 114; n, 152, 153,

154

Bardon i, 211

Barker, William i, 155, 160; n, 62
Barlings Abbey i, 104, 107, 128; n, 138,

152, 153-5
Barlings, Abbot of. See Mackerell,

Matthew

Barlings Grange i, 107
Barlow, William, Bishop of St David's
i, 67, 353. See also Demands of
the rebels

Barnard Castle i, 36, 190, 202, 207,
237, 239; n, 28, 34, 44, 110,
117, 128

Barnes, Robert i, 68, 324, 346, 353
Barnesdale i, 208, 252
Barnfield, John 11, 116
Barnsley i, 208
Barton-on-Humber i, 78, 104, 105, 282,

289, 301, 319

Barton, the bailiff of i, 130
Barton, — i, 345
Bashall in Bolland i, 210; n, 211
Bateman, Harry i, 345
Bath i, 326
Bawne, George i, 157
Bayriton, Mary i, 87

Index

343

Bay n ton, Thomas i, 87

Bax, E. B. 'The Peasants' War' i, 78,

139-40, 225
Beacons i, 104, 128, 143, 145, 148,

151, 153, 300, 318; n, 66, U6,

106, 175

Beaeonstield i, 247
Beamish i, 33
Beaton, David, Privy Seal of Scotland,

Abbot of Arbroath n, 242, 267,

268

Beauchamp, Viscount n, 193, 206
Beck, John i, 221
Becket, Thomas a i, 64; n, 169
Beckwith, Leonard i, 154, 234, 243,

278; n, 38, 80, 133, 138, 139,

218, 219

Beckwith, Mrs i, 234-5, 279
Bedall i, 202
Bede, St i, 83, 84, 86
Beetham n, 106, 113
Belchford i, 101, 124
Belchford, the vicar of. See Leache,

Nicholas

Bell, John n, 47
Bellasis, Eichard n, 272
Bellay, John du, Cardinal i, 333, 334
Bellingham, n, 234
Bellingham, Sir Bobert i, 50, 218
Bellingham, Margaret, wife of Sir Kobert

i, 50, 218

Bellowe, John i, 95, 112, 126, 135, 165
Benefit of Clergy, Act limiting i, 8, 355
Benham n, 175
Bentham Moor i, 218
Berlichingen, Gotz von i, 140
Berwick upon Tweed i, 35, 174, 187,

190, 192, 200, 201, 223, 225, 239,

286; n, 9, 28, 34, 94, 104, 106,

228, 230, 231-3, 245, 246, 248, 250,

254, 255, 261, 267

the mayor of n, 248

Berwick pursuivant. See Bay, Henry

Berwick, Thomas i, 221

Beswick, the parish clerk of. See

Marshall, Dr
Beverley

and the Archbishop of York i, 48, 143,

150
Bigod's appointed meeting-place n,

61-3, 67, 80, 97
Bigod at n, 74-6, 78, 90
the Grey Friars i, 57, 146, 147
rivalry with Hull i, 159, 161, 282
communications with the Lines, rebels

i, 104, 115, 130, 145 ; n, 156
its liberties i, 61, 355; n, 61
meeting at, after the Pilgrimage n,

48-51, 54, 59
the Minster i, 45
outbreak of the rebellion at i, 58,

115, 144-8, 151-60, 168, 201, 208
pardon proclaimed at n, 27
parliamentary representation of i,

359, 388

Beverley

printing press at i, 252

sedition at i, 78, 83, 144; n, 49, 51,

52, 56, 62

the Tabard inn i, 145
the town hall i, 145
the town seal i, 115, 146, 152
West Wood Green i, 145, 146, 147,

151, 152, 160; n, 90
reference i, 57, 79, 150, 164, 192,
235, 270, 273, 288, 2U8, 314 ; n, 60,
72, 82, 87, 98, 102, 126, 194, 198,
266

Bewley, Bichard i, 222
Biggis, James n, 178
Bigod, family of i, 40
Bigod, Agnes, wife of Sir Balph i, 40
Bigod, Dorothy i, 41
Bigod, Elizabeth, wife of Sir John i, 40
Bigod, Sir Francis

his arrest n, 106, 110, 133, 136
his book on the King's supremacy

i, 347; n, 57, 58, 60, 75, 211
his chaplain. See Pickering, John,

priest
his character and opinions i, 22,

43^4; n, 56, 71-2, 199
his confession • n, 198-9
early life and family i, 40-41; n,

136, 185, 199
his execution n, 216
his flight n, 75-7, 80, 87, 88, 90
and John Hallam n, 57, 60-3, 65,

67, 72, 75, 213

his insurrection n, chap, xvii, pp. 55-

98, 101, 104, 114, 126, 131, 132,

158, 187, 188, 198, 199, 201-3,

205, 211-3

and the monasteries i, 42-3; n, 56,

58, 59, 60, 211
his papers IT, 75, 205
his share in the Pilgrimage of Grace

i, 205-6; n, 56-7

a prisoner n, 114, 118-9, 121, 198
his speech to the rebels 11, 67-9
his trial n, 135, 136, 197-9
reference i, 214; n, 97, 111
Bigod, Joan, wife of Sir John i, 40
Bigod, Sir John, the elder i, 40
Bigod, Sir John, the younger i, 40
Bigod, Katherine, wife of Sir Francis

i, 41-2; n, 87, 199

Bigod, Margaret, wife of Sir Balph i, 40
Bigod, Sir Balph i, 38, 40, 49
Bigod, Balph i, 40; n, 57, 59, 199
Bigod, Balph, son of Sir Francis n, 185
Bilborough i, 180, 231
Bilsby, Sir Andrew i, 100
Bilsdale n, 97
Bird, John i, 86
Bishop Auckland i, 203, 204, 205, 206 ;

n, 44, 66, 268
Bishop Burton i, 159
Bishopdale i, 210
Blackborne, Thomas i, 53

344

Index

Blackborne, William, vicar of Skipton

i, 53, 210

Blackburn, the proctor of n, 169
Blackburn, the vicar of. See Lynney,

Eandolph

Black Death, the i, 369; n, 173
Black Fast n, 301

Black Lands, the i, 196, 223; n, 120
Blackheath, the battle of i, 45
Blackley i, 56
Blackmoor i, 41; n, 96
Blades, John of n, 110
Blaunde, Christopher i, 288
Blenkhow, Richard i, 223
Blenkinsop, — n, 159, 180
Blenkinsop, Christopher i, 221
Bletsoe i, 34
Blyth Priory n, 39
Blythe i, 234
Blythe Law i, 233
Blytheman, William i, 183, 184, 206,

207; n, 134-5, 138, 139, 257
Bockmore n, 294, 304, 311
Boleyn, Anne i, 1, 5, 7, 10, 16, 25, 2G,
31, 56, 67, 69, 72, 76, 81, 82, 108,
149, 271; n, 15, 181
Bolingbroke i, 89, 91, 92, 96, 101
Bolton i, 40, 201
Bolton Castle n, 79, 102, 108, 214
Bolton Priory i, 210
Bonaventure. See Johnson, Thomas
Bonner, Edmund i, 367
Bontane, Constance n, 324
Booth, Mr i, 97
Borders, the, between England and

Scotland
their characteristics i, 29, 35, 89,

193; n, 269
jurisdiction of the Council of the

North on n, 272
exempted from the Statute of Hand-
guns i, 364
fortresses i, 190; 11, 228, 235, 238,

248, 250

the King's plan for their government
11, 227-9, 234 236, 237, 240, 250,
270-1
Council of the Marches n, 228, 232-3,

237, 238, 261
the East Marches n, 227-9, 236, 238,

239, 248, 251, 261
law of the Marches n, 235
the Middle Marches n, 41, 228-9,
232, 234, 236, 238, 239, 251, 261,
268

March treason u, 234, 276
the West Marches n, 224, 228, 229,
236, 239, 245, 248, 251, 263, 268
officers and pensioners i, 18-9, 30-2,
198-9, 284, 285 ; n, 79, 103, 227-8,
' 229, 230-1, 232, 233-4, 235-6,
238-9, 240, 248, 260-1, 263-4,
268-9

influence of the Percys on i, 32;
n, 227

Borders

the Pilgrims ready to defend i, 199,

221, 253, 304-5
raids i, 29, 31, 33, 190, 192-3; n,

228, 248, 261, 263

expected war with Scotland. See
Scotland, expected war with Eng-
land

reference i, 19, 45, 190, 272; n, 246,
252. See also Norfolk, the Duke
of, and the Borders
Borough n, 66, 67, 72
Borough, Thomas, Lord i, 93, 97, 98,
99, 100, 101, 103, 106, 108, 110,
112, 132, 319; n, 193, 196
Borough-under-Stainmore i, 220

the vicar of. See Thompson, Robert
Borrodale, Gawen n, 138
Boston i, 87, 111, 121
Bowes, family of i, 36
Bowes, Alice, wife of Robert i, 36
Bowes, Elizabeth, wife of Richard i, 36 ;

n, 180

Bowes, George i, 202
Bowes, Margaret, wife of Sir Ralph i,

36

Bowes, Sir Ralph i, 36
Bowes, Richard i, 36, 39, 202, 345;

n, 180
Bowes, Robert

King's attorney n, 119
his character i, 37; n, 239, 260
the commons attack him n, 61
his company of Pilgrims i, 202-5,

237, 239, 252, 255, 261, 262
at the first conference at Doncaster

i, 259, 262, 263, 265
and the second conference at Doncaster

n, 12, 21
at the council at Pontefract i, 345,

346
at the council at York i, 312, 313,

316, 318

his influence in Durham n, 239
his mission to the King i, 267, 270,
274, 278-80, 289, 290, 292, 293,
296, 297, 298, 308, 311-3, 320,
326, 330, 331, 333, 339; n, 1,
31, 119, 194
on the Council of the North i, 37;

n, 271, 272, 274
on the Duke of Norfolk's council

n, 229

pacifies the North Riding n, 94
his servant i, 377
and the spiritual articles i, 342, 378
and the suppression of the monasteries

n, 21

his feud with Tunstall n, 268
reference i, 36, 55, 231, 238; n, 95,

130, 135, 139
Bowgham, George i, 90
Bowyer (Bowier), Richard i, 174, 175,
176, 344, 346, 353, 378, 382; n,
130, 219

Index

345

Boynton, Matthew n, 75, 76, 88, 98,

212

Brabson, — i, 368
Brackenbury, Anthony i, 253
Bradford n, 28
Bradford, Brian i, 310
Bradford, Edward i, 200
Bradforde, — , monk of Sawley n, 83,

266

Brancepeth i, 204, 207; n, 66, 78
Brandling, Eobert, mayor of Newcastle-

upon-Tyne i, 206, 207
Brandon Bridge n, 175

Ferry n, 175

Brandsburton, the bailiff of u, 62
Brandsby, Dr John i, 377, 378, 382,

383

Brantingham i 154
Brasse, Henry n, 134
Bray, Lord n, 193
Brayton, the vicar of. See Maunsell,

Thomas

Breamore Priory i, 330
Brenan and Statham, 'The History of

the House of Howard' i, 61
Breyar, William i, 78, 145, 150, 207
Brian, Sir Francis i, 55, 122, 123, 135,

136, 246, 289, 293, 305, 319, 320,

358; n, 3, 6, 7, 8, 53, 256, 281,

282, 285

Bricket, — n, 30
Bridewell i, 303
Bridgewater i, 87
Bridlington i, 87, 281; n, 211, 255
Bridlington Priory i, 233, 280; n, 69,

121, 138, 139, 212, 252

the shrine of St John n, 139

Bridlington, the Prior of. See Wood,

William

Brigg, Mabel n, 301

Brigham, — n, 133

Brighton n, 167

Bristol i, 65, 80

Christchurch 11, 167
the Grey Friars n, 167
the Friars Preachers n, 167

Broadfield Moor n, 116

Brocke, Edmund i, 70

Broderton, Richard n, 84

Brodly, Nicholas i, 61

Bromley n, 208

Bromsgrove, i, 328

Brougham Castle n, 113

Broughton i, 67; n, 44

Brown, — i, 156, 345

Browne, Sir Anthony i, 136, 247, 248,
289, 319, 327, 344, 377; n, 3, 8,
10, 103, 229-34, 237

Browne, George, Bishop of Dublin i, 98,
353

Browne, Humphry n, 200

Browne, John i, 95

Browne, Kobert i, 95, 126

Browne, Walter, curate of Kendal u, 41

Bruchsal i, 370

Brussels i, 335; n, 224
Bucer (Bucerus), Martin i, 346
Buckenham Priory 11, 173
Buckingham town i, 246
Buckingham county r, 69, 264 ; n, 165,

294
Buckingham, Henry Stafford, second

Duke of i, 15

Buckingham, Edward Stafford, third
Duke of i, 14, 15, 18, 37-8, 39,
332; n, 79, 186
Bug, — i, 109

Bulmer, family of i, 37-8, 40, 287
Bulmer, Anne, wife of Sir John i,

38-40

Bulmer, Anne, wife of Ralph i, 38
Bulmer, Anne, wife of Sir Ralph i, 39 ;

n, 180

Bulmer, Elizabeth, wife of Sir William
the younger i, 39-40; n, 200,
202

Bulmer, John of Pinchinthorpe i, 39, 61
Bulmer, Sir John

his arrest n, 133, 163

at the first conference at Doncaster

i, 265
his connection with Bigod's rising

n, 76

his confession n, 201-2
his correspondence n, 52, 96, 160,

180, 183, 200-1

his early life i, 37, 38, 39, 40
evidence against n, 200-1, 213
his execution n, 214-5
his household goods n, 252
and Guisborough Priory i, 317 ; n,

40, 57

his imprisonment n, 182-3, 200
his suspicion of the King n, 95-6,

158-9
summoned to London n, 158-9,

161-3, 164, 185
his preparations for a new rising

n, 96-7, 159-62, 184-5, 201
his trial n, 135-6, 197-8, 200-2, 204
reference i, 237 ; n, 75, 88, 95
Bulmer, Margaret, wife of Sir John
i, 39, 61; n, 76, 97, 135, 158-9,
161-3, 182, 198, 200-2, 204, 206,
215-6

Bulmer, Margery i, 37
Bulmer, Ralph i, 38, 345; n, 76, 95,

135, 158-60, 198, 200-2
Bulmer, Sir Ralph i, 37, 38, 39, 205,

345, 346; n, 110, 180
Bulmer, Robert n, 47
Bulmer, Sir William, the elder i, 37-8
Bulmer, Sir William, the younger i,
37-40, 237, 345; n, 95, 96, 97,
163, 200, 202
Bungay n, 176
Buntingford n, 207
Burbeck, Thomas i, 221
Burford (Brunfelde) Oak i, 223, 224
Burgh, Leonard i, 203

346

Index

Burn i, 248
Burnley i, 219
Burnsall in Craven n, 43
Burscough Priory i, 316
Burton-upon-Stather i, 142, 145
Burton-on-Trent i, 282, 294, 299
Burwell, Eichard i, 131
Bushell, James i, 217
Bushop, Eichard n, 176, 177
Butley, the Prior of n, 166
Butts, Dr ii, 89
Byland Abbey i, 233; n, 60, 97

Cadiz i, 19

Caistor i, 96-9, 113, 116, 124, 135, 347 ;

n, 149, 154

Caistor Hill i, 96, 97
Calais i, 72, 335; n, 19, 245, 282, 284,

299

Caldbeck i, 222
Calkhill, i, 152; n, 61
Cambrai n, 281, 282, 285
Cambridge i, 63, 241, 242, 244-5, 246,

247, 249, 260, 266
All Hallows n, 168
university 11, 168
Cambridge county n, 164
Canell, Eobert n, 165
Cante, Andrew n, 63, 110
Canterbury i, 64, 65, 326; n, 219
Canterbury, the Archbishop of
general reference i, 348; n, 57
See Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of

Canterbury
Captain Cobbler (Nicholas Melton) i,

92-96, 116, 133, 138, 140; n, 149,

150, 155
Captain Poverty i, 199, 220, 221, 226;

11, 113

Carleton i, 211
Carew, Elizabeth, wife of Sir Nicholas

n, 321

Carew, Sir Nicholas n, 319-21, 324
Carlisle i, 27, 35, 190, 208, 211, 223,

224, 225, 239, 305, 312, 382 ; n, 6,

8, 9, 28, 42, 44, 111, 113-20, 122,

123, 126, 138, 142, 219, 226, 245,

246, 248, 250, 263, 276
the Captain of. See Cumberland, the

Earl of, and Wentworth, Sir

Thomas

the Bishop of. See Kite, John
Castle i, 223; n, 42, 110, 114, 116,

117, 138, 246, 249
the mayor of i, 224; n, 42
Priory i, 222; n, 263
Carlisle Herald i, 270
Carlton i, 124
Carnaby, family of i, 195, 199, 285, 299 ;

n, 4], 231-2, 238
Carnaby, Sir Eeynold i, 31-3, 193-4,

195, 199, 200 ; n, 9, 124, 203, 231-2,

239, 261, 263, 269, 275
Carnaby, Thomas i, 197; n, 263
Carnaby, William i, 194-7

Carpyssacke, — n, 171

Carr, family of n, 228, 231

Carr, Ealph i, 59

Carr, Mrs, wife of Ealph i, 59-60

Carre, Eobert i, 113, 127, 131-2; n 153

Carter, Thomas, abbot of Holm Cultram

i, 222-5, 312; n, 116, 122-3, 138
Carthusians

of London i, 23, 62, 63, 75, 80, 189,

271 ; n, 137, 193
of Hull i, 62, 163, 164; n, 137
Cartlogan Thorns i, 222
Cartmell Priory n, 20, 39, 142, 144

the Prior of i, 218; n, 21, 148

Castelforth, Eobert n, 39

Castillon, Louis de Perreau, Sieur de,

French ambassador n, 241, 277,

310, 319

Catherell, — n, 61
Catherick, — i, 211
Catton n, 273
Cavendish, John i, 299
Cawood i, 143, 150, 151, 170, 380
Cawood, Gervase i, 48, 148, 181
Caxton n, 168
Cervington, — n, 199
Chalcedon, the Bishop of. See Mackerell,

Matthew, abbot of Barlings
Chaloner (Challoner), Eobert i, 238, 262,

312, 345, 346, 353, 357, 383 ; n, 189,
258, 260, 271, 272

Chamber, Dr i, 244

Chamley. See Cholmley

Chancellor of the Augmentations. See
Eiche, Eichard

Chancery i, 45, 273, 360, 366-7; n,
29-30, 68, 192

Chapuys, Eustace, Imperial ambassador
in England i, 8, 22-3, 24-8, 55,
117, 144, 310, 325, 330-3, 335-6,
338; n, 25, 191, 205, 223-4, 305,

313, 319-21, 325-6

Chapuys, Eustace, nephew of the Imperial

ambassador i, 133, 336
Charles I of England n, 55, 333, 334
Charles V, the Emperor i, 2, 11, 16, 17,
18, 24, 83, 87, 117, 134, 287, 310,
325, 333-4, 336, 340, 356-7 ; n, 25,
176, 243, 245, 247, 281, 282, 298-9,
308, 320, 326, 331

Charleton, family of n, 228, 275
Charleton, Cuthbert i, 195; n 41, 230-3,

261-3, 275
Charleton, Edward i, 195 ; n, 41, 230-3,

261, 262, 263, 275

Charleton, Gerrard, of Wark n, 238
Charleton, Gerry, of the Bourne n, 238,

261

Charleton, Gilbert n, 238
Charleton, John n, 234, 246, 261
Charleton, Einian n, 234, 238, 246, 261
Charleton, Thomas n, 238
Cheshire i, 213, 215, 219, 282, 294, 314,

382; n, 7, 52, 141
Chester Castle i, 214

Index

347

Chester Herald i, 270

Chester-le- Street n, 244

Cheyne, Margaret. See Bulmer, Margaret

Cheyne, William i, 39

Chichester i, 70; n, 308, 326

Chichester, the Bishop of. See Sampson,

Bichard
Chichester Cathedral, the Chancellor of.

See Croftes, George
Chideock i, 80
Chillingham Castle i, 199-201, 225,

239
Chipchase i, 195-7; n, 41, 230, 233,

261-3

Cholmley, — i, 231
Cholmley (Chamley), Sir Eoger n, 136,

184

Chorley i, 319

Church of Home i, 6, 9, 15, 16, 25, 28,
44, 48, 55, 60, 64, 70, 81, 82, 114,
178, 218, 225-6, 229, 263, 294, 337,
341-3, 347-8, 352-3, 355, 360, 370,
383-7; n, 57, 179, 287, 330-3
Cifuentes, Fernando de Silva, Count of,
Imperial ambassador at Eome i,
335, 338
Civil Code of Justinian. See Common Law

v. Civil Law
Civil War in England, the Great i, 388 ;

n, 271, 333-4

Clapham, the vicar of i, 217
Clare, Stephen n, 63
Clarence, the Duke of i, 14; n, 324
Clarke, Sir John i, 328-9
Cleeve Abbey n, 172
Clement VII, Pope i, 20-1
Clementhorpe nunnery i, 244
Cleobury Mortimer (Cleeland) n, 166
Clergy of England

Act regulating the i, 5
commission to inquire into their con-
dition i, 91, 96
the council of divines n, 166
and the Cumberland rebels i, 225,

370, 372

and the Act of First Fruits i, 351
and Henry VIII i, 5-10, 67-9, 244,

326, 383, 385; n, 164-5
their influence i, 56-8
and the New Learning i, 66
and the Statute of Praernunire i, 6,

385

their allegiance to the Pope i, 342-3
punishment of, without degradation

i, 9, 355, 384

their part in the rebellion i, 58, 79,
96, 134, 203, 217, 221, 261, 342,
343, 386; n, 28, 40-41, 74, 159,
330-31

submission of the i, 6
taxation of the i, 351-2, 371-2, 384
reference n, 68
Cleveland i, 202, 262; n, 67, 76, 80,

94-7, 105-6
Cliff, Dr William i, 382-4, 386

Clifford, family of i, 34-5, 224; n, 42,

115, 252

Clifford, Anne, wife of Henry, Lord i, 34
Clifford, Lady Eleanor i, 35, 210
Clifford, Henry, Lord, the ' Shepherd Lord '

i, 34, 49
Clifford, Henry, Lord, son and heir of the

first Earl of Cumberland i, 35,

208, 223-4; n, 6, 8, 9, 42, 43
Clifford, John, Lord i, 49
Clifford, Sir Thomas i, 35, 200-1, 223 ;

n, 9, 104, 228, 230, 232, 248, 254,

255, 261, 266
Clifford, Thomas i, 35; n, 111-3, 116,

117, 120, 138
Clifton, -- i, 155
Clifton, Walter i, 155
Clinton, Lord i, 96, 118, 128, 132;

n, 193

Clitheroe, Hugh i, 154
Clyfton, Gervis i, 306
Cobham, Lord 11, 193
Cockerell, James, quondam prior of Guis-

borough n, 40, 56-9, 135, 183,

211, 214
Cockermouth i, 223; n, 28, 44, 105, 112,

119, 120

Coinage, the i, 2
Coke, Henry i, 273
Cokke, John n, 175
Colchester i, 241

St John's Abbey n, 24

Colins, Lancelot, treasurer of York Minster

i, 178, 183-4, 232
Collingwood, Kobert i, 194, 198, 199;

n, 232
Collins, John n, 294-5, 305-6, 310, 312,

315
Collins, William i, 213, 216, 345 ; n, 20,

21, 30, 31, 106, 113, 114, 144, 148,

219, 220
Colne i, 219
Colsell, John i, 65
Colwick i, 109, 113
Commission of the Peace n, 245
Commission, the King's. See Letters

Boyal
Common Law v. Civil Law i, 366-8;

n, 182

Comperta, the i, 350
Compiegne n, 242

Confessa Germaniae (the Augsburg Con-
fession) i, 346
Conishead Priory i, 213; n, 39

the prior of 11, 21

Conisholm, the parson of i, 91
Constable, family of i, 44, 47, 48 ; n, 53,

206

Constable, Christopher i, 47
Constable, Eleanor i, 45
Constable, Elizabeth, wife of Marmaduke

i, 46

Constable, James, of the Cliff i, 157
Constable, Jane, wife of Sir Robert i,

45

348

Index

Constable, John, brother of Sir Eobert

i, 45
Constable, Sir John of Holderness i,

46-7, 155, 158, 164, 345; n, 81
Constable, Joyse, wife of Sir Marmaduke

the little i, 45
Constable, Leonard i, 58
Constable, Sir Marmaduke the little I,

45, 46
Constable, Sir Marmaduke, brother of Sir

Eobert i, 45-6, 109, 110, 116, 278,

283, 292; n 48, 50, 53, 102, 104,

133, 216, 229, 260, 272

his wife n, 216

Constable, Marmaduke, son of Sir William

i, 163
Constable, Marmaduke, eldest son of Sir

Eobert i, 46; n 72, 103, 206
Constable, Ealph i, 155
Constable, Sir Eobert

with the royal army at Nottingham

i, 170; n, 205
his arrest n, 125, 133, 204
his conduct during Bigod's rising n,

72-3, 75, 90-2, 98, 102, 119, 131,

205-6

warned by Buhner n, 160
his classical allusion n, 46
his early life and character i, 45-6,

48, 61
evidence against n, 130-1, 140, 205-6,

209

his examination n, 134, 204, 207
his execution n, 194, 220-1, 223
his family i, 40, 45; n, 333
his feuds i, 46-8; n, 91
his friendship with Darcy i, 19, 21,

45-6; n, 189, 205, 220
and the first conference at Doncaster

i, 259, 264-5, 269
his household goods n, 252
his name used by Hallam n, 48
governor of Hull i, 286, 288, 293,

336

his imprisonment n, 207, 216, 220
and Archbishop Lee i, 342, 380
in command of the middle ward i,

252, 256, 261-2
his motto i, 48 ; n, 221
his papers n, 205
his petitions n, 206-7
becomes a leader of the Pilgrimage of

Grace i, 227
at Pontefract i, 171, 186, 228, 233,

238; n, 205
at the council at Pontefract i, 345,

347, 353

steward of Howden n, 40
summoned to London 11, 50, 52,

158
and the suppression of the monasteries

n, 20

at Templehurst i, 308
his trial n, 135, 136, 140, 198, 205,

206, 211

Constable, Sir Eobert

at the council at York i, 312-4, 316 ;

n, 9
reference i, 27, 116, 280, 310-1, 323,

325, 351; n, 96, 101, 103, 126
Constable, Sir Eobert (grandfather of

above) i, 40
Constable, Thomas i, 47
Constable, Thomas, of Settrington i, 40
Constable, Sir William, brother of Sir

Eobert i, 45, 46, 155, 163, 239,

286, 345, 346; n, 47, 81
Constable, Sir William, the regicide n,

333

Constable, William i, 325
Constable, William, of Settrington i, 40
Convocation

general reference i, 9, 360, 371, 383,

385; n, 37, 49, 72, 187, 198, 209

the Northern i, 6, 7, 9, 351, 384, 388

the Southern i, 6-7, 9, 10, 353

Conyers of Hornby, family of i, 36, 42

Conyers, Sir George i, 60, 157; n, 87

Conyers, Gregory i, 42-3; n, 77, 87-8,

133, 136/158, 159, 163, 164, 199
Conyers, James i, 43
Conyers, Sir John i, 37
Conyers, John i, 42
Conyers, Sir Eichard i, 36
Conyers, William, Lord i, 38, 41, 345;

n, 13, 34, 109, 184
Conyers, Sir William i, 37
Conyers, William i, 211
Cook, Lawrence, Prior of the White Friars

of Doncaster i, 251; n, 266
Cooper, William n, 63
Copindale, Edmund i, 157, 286
Copledike, Sir John i, 101, 102
Corbridge i, 33; n, 235
Coren, Eichard n, 223-4
Cornage. See Neat geld
Corney, George i, 221
Cornwall i, 88; n, 170, 171, 180, 181
Corthrop, Thomas i, 68
Cottam, Bartholomew n, 159, 160, 161
Cottingham i, 151, 153, 159, 160, 161;

n, 75

Cotton, Eichard i, 248
Council, the King's

its composition i, 136, 229, 263, 276,

290, 331, 357; n, 1, 36
examinations before i, 26, 118, 244
Exeter and Fitzwilliam excluded from

i, 25-6

and Lord Delaware n, 313
its deliberations n, 245, 248, 263,

291, 305, 325

and the King's reply to the Pilgrims

i, 278; n, 24, 85

and Mary's marriage i, 325; n, 245
correspondence with Norfolk i, 121,

244-5, 247, 268, 295 ; n, 6, 9, 11,

103, 105, 118, 125, 132, 150, 229,

230, 235-6, 241
negotiations with Pole n, 279-80

Index

349

Council, the King's

its offshoots n, 229, 270-2
proposals for the settlement of the

North n, 26-7, 33, 52-3
reference i, 5, 13, 20, 86, 99, 131,
143, 180, 181, 186, 274, 285, 290,
313, 329 ; n, 79, 104, 126, 234, 260,
293, 307, 308, 318
Council of the North

established n, chap, xxi, pD. 226 et

seq., 260, 267-8, 270-3, 329
its first meeting n, 272-3
its members and officers n, 260,

272-3

its origin i, 30-1
and the Border pledges n, 275
its powers 11, 272-3
president of. See Tunsta'll, Bishop
and seditious prophecies i, 82-4
reference n, 185, 200, 228, 234, 252
Court of Arches i, 383
Courtenay, Edward n, 310, 319, 323,

325, 326, 328
Coventry i, 70

Coventry, the Bishop of. See Lee, Roland
Coverham Abbey i, 201; n, 266
Cow Cross, London n, 59
Cowdray n, 308, 317, 323, 324
Cowper, James i, 217
Cox, J. C., ' William Stapleton and the

Pilgrimage of Grace ' i, 62
Crake, Eobert i, 143, 150; n, 49
Crane, James n, 254-6
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canter-
bury i, 8, 14, 98, 111, 114, 133,
236, 353-4, 356; n, 165, 167
Craven i, 73, 150, 207-8, 237, 316;

n, 43

Crawford, the Earl of i, 272
Cresswell, Katherine n, 195
Cresswell, Percival i, 289-94, 326; n,

195

Cressy, Simon n, 177
Crockey, William n, 63-4, 82
Croftes, George, Chancellor of Chichester
Cathedral n, 295, 310, 312, 315,
319

Croftormount i, 371
Cromwell, Richard i, 108, 117, 119, 120,
122-3, 128, 135, 164-6, 293, 319,
377; n, 8, 11, 12, 14, 46, 150, 255,
291, 303
Cromwell, Thomas, Lord Privy Seal,

afterwards Earl of Essex
his arrest n, 222, 332
and Eobert Aske i, 60, 291 ; n, 207,

224-5

and Sir Francis Bigod i, 41, 43-4
his character i, 4; n, 330
and Darcy i, 20, 266, 304, 305 ; n,

186-9, 192-3
the rebels demand his head. See

Demands of the rebels
and Lady Margaret Douglas i, 317-3 ;
ii,58

Cromwell, Thomas

his letter to young Sir Ealph Evers
i, 313-4, 317

examinations before i, 73; n, 199

and the Marquis of Exeter n, 290-1,
303, 313, 319, 320

his extortions i, 352, 357; n, 185

Knight of the Garter u, 195, 222

and the King i, 244, 326-7, 374;
n, 4, 36

supposed to be the King's heir i,
317-8, 361, 363; n, 58

scapegoat for the King i, 21, 189,
358; n, 15, 36, 60

and the Lines. Eebellion i, 117

and Mary i, 26, 317

his commission for the Visitation of
the Monasteries. See Visitation of
the Monasteries

and the monasteries i, 4, 43, 75,
208-9, 213-4, 285; n, 39, 40, 56,
58, 82, 124, 139, 201

his correspondence with the Duke of
Norfolk i, 5, 241-2, 244-5, 272;
n, 99, 102, 105, 109, 110-2, 118,
121, 123, 124, 126, 130-1, 133, 135,
137, 139, 185-6, 210, 218, 221, 224,
239-40, 252-3, 258-9, 262, 264-5,
266, 268-9

and the Earl of Northumberland i,
31-2

and Parliament i, 3, 4; n, 55

petitions to

from Eobert Aske n, 222
from Eichard Bowyer n, 219
from Sir Eobert Constable n, 206-7
from Sir Arthur Darcy i, 74
from young Sir Ealph Evers n, 88
from Archbishop Lee i, 193
from John Madowell n, 167
from Sir Thomas Percy i, 33
from Edward Stanley i, 53
from Sir Eichard Tempest i, 56;

n, 218
from Eobert Thompson IT, 219

his account of the Pilgrimage n, 25,
217

and Sir Geoffrey Pole n, 304

and Eeginald Pole n, 285, 288, 295,
305-6, 318

his policy i, 4, 10, 57, 63-4, 378

and prisoners n, 153, 220, 245, 311

see also above, petitions to

prophecies about. See Prophecies

and the rebels i, 303, 314, 358; n,
37, 118, 127, 224

and the reformers i, 66, 370

reports of his agents i, 64-7, 71, 87,
109, 111-2, 118, 123, 128, 165, 190,
214, 220, 248, 329, 335; n, 25,
40-1, 50, 92-5, 122, 129, 145-6,
148, 150, 165, 168, 170-2, 177,
181, 190-1, 208, 215, 224, 248,
254-5, 265, 273, 279, 280, 283,
287, 302, 316, 317

350

Index

Cromwell, Thomas

rhymes against. See Sedition, rhymes

his servants i, 248, 352, 3G8

his correspondence with Shrewsbury

i, 109, 116, 294
his correspondence with the Earl of

Sussex n, 142, 144, 147
his unpopularity i, 1, 59-60, 69, 79,

103, 111, 120, 139, 183, 207, 214,

235, 236, 263, 266, 271, 281, 285,

290, 292, 307, 315, 323, 326-7, 357,

368, 377; n, 4, 14, 37, 51, 57, 79,

80, 110, 160, 164, 183, 254, 293-4,

300
reference i, 13, 24, 54, 66, 72, 86,

95, 108, 122, 126, 131, 140, 173,

194, 206, 215, 234, 267, 278, 284,

336, 343, 353, 381; n, 79, 137,

257, 270, 286, 321, 324
Crossthwaite i, 307
Crow, John i, 153
Crowle, the vicar of i, 70, 79
Crowley, Eichard i, 67
Crummock Water i, 307
Cumberland county

arrest of Sir Francis Bigod in n,

110
character of the rising in i, 192, 225,

226, 370
commons and the clergy i, 222, 224,

354; n, 120
the commons' rising n, 114-8, 122,

208. See also Westmorland county,

the commons' rising
disturbances there after the rebellion

n, 105, 112
the rebels' grievances i, 217, 220,

226, 369; n, 112, 119-20
parliamentary representation of i,

388

the Pilgrimage in i, 221-6
the second appointment at Doncaster

proclaimed in n, 43
the pardon proclaimed in n, 28
riots there i, 78, 220; n, 42, 56
the sheriff of. See Curwen, Sir

Thomas

escapes taxation i, 192, 372
the truce i, 224, 279, 283, 292, 298,

299, 304, 331
reference i, 29, 50, 70, 196, 305, 318,

364 ; n, 6, 134, 234, 268, 272
Cumberland, Henry Clifford, first Earl

of
captain of Carlisle i, 35; n, 245-6,

248-9

his character i, 34
and the commons' rising n, 122,

123
his feud with the Dacres i, 35 ; n,

42, 115, 229, 230, 236, 252-3
at Darcy's trial n, 193
his family i, 49, 51, 150, 200, 210,

223
Knight of the Garter n, 229

Cumberland, the Earl of

and the King i, 35; n, 43-4, 183,

246
ordered to dissolve Hexham Priory

i, 194-5, 208
his influence i, 29
and the Duke of Norfolk n, 102, 240
his feud with John Norton i, 52,

209; n, 43
and the outbreak of the Pilgrimage

i, 201, 207-10
his proceedings after the second

appointment at Doncaster n, 43-4
his defence of Skipton Castle i, 208-

11, 312, 316 ; n, 6
his correspondence with Suffolk i,

301, 312
his unpopularity i, 35, 52-3, 73, 192,

305; n, 103, 252-3, 264
Warden of the West Marches i, 35 ;

n, 123, 228-9, 251
sheriff of Westmorland n, 123
reference i, 50, 53-4, 185, 238, 313 ;

n, 111, 160, 165
Cumberland, Margaret, Countess of i,

34, 51, 54
Curtis, Anthony i, 79-80, 152-3, 155,

156, 162, 288-9; n, 152
Curtis, Leonard i, 105
Curwen, Sir Thomas i, 74 ; n, 110, 112,

114, 120, 122
Cuthbert, St i, 36, 238

his banner. See Banner, of St Cuth-
bert

Cuthbert, a priest n, 243-4
Cutler, George i, 110, 112-3, 131; n,
148, 149, 196

Dachant, Eoger i, 207

Dacre, family of i, 35, 84; n, 42-3,

115, 252

Dacre, Sir Christopher i, 224 ; n, 115-8,

120-1, 138

Dacre, Eichard i, 299 ; n, 42
Dacre, William, Lord (Lord Dacre of the

North) i, 22, 30, 35, 224, 250,

299; n, 42, 115, 186, 229-30,

235-6, 240, 252, 264
Dacre, Thomas Fiennes, Lord (Dacre of

the South) n, 193
Dakyn, John, vicar-general of the diocese

of York i, 201-3, 206, 211, 283,

377-8, 382-4, 386, 388; n, 20-1,

40, 44, 130, 148

Dakyns (Cromwell's servant) i, 368
Dalison, Mr i, 97
Dalston i, 224
Dalston, Thomas i, 223
Dalton, the vicar of n, 146

the bailiff of n, 145

Daly veil, Eobert n, 244-5

Danby, Sir Christopher i, 201-3, 205,

211, 212, 228, 231, 262, 269, 345 ;

n, 92, 108, 136
Dantzig i, 42

Index

351

Darcy, Sir Arthur i, 18, 74, 118-9, 121,

143, 171-2, 184, 259, 269, 293, 297;

n, 83, 86, 88, 127-9, 139, 142-3,

145, 195

Darcy, Dorothy, wife of Sir George n, 51
Darcy, Dousabella, first wife of Lord

Darcy i, 18, 27
Darcy, Edith, second wife of Lord Darcy

i, 18, 27
Darcy, Euphemia, mother of Lord Darcy

i, 18
Darcy, Sir George i, 18, 142, 168, 170,

186, 188-9, 269, 294, 297-8, 345 ;

n, 33, 51, 92-3, 95, 109, 189, 195,

218

Darcy, Richard i, 18
Darcy, Thomas, Lord

and the divorce of Katherine of

Arragon i, 20

his arrest n, 133, 186, 195, 204
and Eobert Aske. See Aske, Bobert,

and Lord Darcy
and the plan to kidnap Aske i, 267,

290-6, 304
his attempts to keep order after the

rebellion n, 38, 41, 44, 50, 51-2,

72-3, 109, 187-8
and the Badge of the Five Wounds

i, 239; n, 190
his services on the Borders i, 18-19,

30
and the mission of Bowes and Ellerker

i, 292, 308

warned by Buhner n, 160, 188-9
his correspondence with Chapuys i,

22-3, 27, 310; 11, 191, 223
his character and opinions i, 20, 24,

304, 353 ; n, 14, 187, 191, 194, 197
a member of the King's Council i,

276; "ii, 1
and Thomas Cromwell. See Cromwell,

Thomas, and Lord Darcy
and the first appointment at Doncaster

i, 253-4, 258-9, 264-6, 269, 283,

302

and the second appointment at Don-
caster i, 309, 314; n, 2, 13, 18
his message to the Emperor. See

Waldby, Marmaduke
evidence against i, 190; n, 92-3, 95,

119, 130, 147-8, 187-92, 196, 206,

208, 209, 225
his examination i, 267 ; n, 134, 186-

7,207

his execution i, 380; n, 193-5, 217
his 'expedition to Spain i, 19, 45,

239

his family i, 18, 46
in France i, 19
correspondence with Sir Brian Hastings

i, 169, 308, 321, 344
his household goods n, 252
and the House of Lords i, 20, 360-1
and Lord Hussey i, 21-2, 290-2
his imprisonment n, 194-5, 216

Darcy, Thomas, Lord

and the King i, 20, 118, 121-2, 143-4,

169, 171, 173-4, 184-5, 189-90,

207, 208, 212, 243-4, 276, 292,

301-5 ; n, 50-2, 89, 92-3, 101, 109,

129, 190, 194-5

and Levening's case n, 92, 131, 188
his alleged letter to Lines, n, 84
and the Lines, prisoners n, 17, 189
aud the Lines, rebellion i, 99, 172;

n, 191
and the Duke of Norfolk i, 267, 269,

290-2, 296, 297, 302, 306, 309,

311, 321; n, 41, 102, 127, 128,

186, 188-9, 194

his return to the North in 1536 i, 24
his papers n, 186-90, 192, 194, 201,

205

his pardon i, 305 ; n, 89, 190, 195, 217
becomes a leader of the Pilgrimage of

Grace i, 227-8, 230, 233, 238-9
his company of Pilgrims i, 239, 261-2
and the council at Pontefract i, 315,

344-6
his responsibility for Pontefract Castle

i, 190 ; n, 92-3, 109, 127-9, 189
his surrender of Pontefract Castle i,

188-90 ; 11, 92, 94, 190, 205
his position at the beginning of the

rebellion i, 144, 168-71, 180-1,

185, 188
reports of his agents i, 169-70, 173,

213-4, 216, 233, 269
his servants i, 156, 180
and the Earl of Shrewsbury i, 130,

169, 172-4, 185, 188, 245, 252-3,

256-7, 266, 270, 297-8, 302, 310,

316, 344, 345; n, 6, 34, 80, 92,

188-9, 193
his interview with Somerset Herald

i, 299-306, 331-2
his stewards. See Strangeways,

Thomas, and Grice, Thomas
summoned to London n, 50-2, 127,

129, 158

accuses the Earl of Surrey i, 267
suspected i, 20, 22-3, 144, 190, 244,

250
and Sir Eichard Tempest i, 172 ; 11,

218
his trial n, 135-6, 140, 185-7, 193,

195-6, 314

his anxiety during the truce i, 296-8
letter to, from the commons of West-
morland i, 299

and Cardinal Wolsey i, 19-20 ; n, 192
absent from the council at York i,

311, 314-6
reference i, 32, 40, 50, 74, 203, 215,

226, 254, 256, 280, 288, 293, 330,

351; n, 23, 52, 105, 126, 292
Darcy, Sir William i, 18
Darcy, William i, 18
Darlington i, 202; n, 94-5
Darrell, Elizabeth n, 293-4

352

Index

Dartnell, Jacques i, 313

Davy, — ii, 167-8

Dawnye, Sir John i, 186, 238, 345

Delariver, — i, 345

Delariver, Kobert i, 253

Delariver (Delaryver), Thomas i, 74;

ii, 132-3, 136

Delaware, Thomas West, Lord n, 186,
193, 217, 295, 306, 308, 312-3, 319
Demands of the rebels

the articles of St Thomas i, 64
of Cornwall n, 171
of Durham i, 197
of Lancashire i, 216
of Lincolnshire

general i, 109, 156

at Boston i, 111

at Caistor i, 98

the Horncastle articles i, 102-4,

111, 124
the first petition to the King i,

98-9, 107, 109, 118
the second petition to the King

i, 114-5, 123, 136-7, 142
as reported in London i, 134
sent to Yorkshire i, 78, 115, 152
their influence in Yorkshire i,

153, 156, 174, 176, 352-3, 364
in Northumberland i, 199
of Yorkshire

Aske's speech upon, at Pontefract

i, 186-7

distributed during the truce i, 298
the terms of the second appoint-
ment at Doncaster n, 15-24, 27
the first Yorkshire articles i,

176-8, 180-1, 191

the five articles i, 229, 263-5, 267,

271, 275, 291, 315, 328, 331-3;

n, 1, 29, 35, 45, 51, 170, 174, 279

the articles drawn up at Hunsley

i, 166-7

a free pardon and a free parliament
i, 293 ; n, 6-7, 8, 13-18. See
also Pardon and Parliament
proposal to print the five articles

i, 252

the twenty-four articles of Ponte-
fract i, 191, 264, 315, 332, 344,
346-374, 384, 387 ; n, 1, 2, 12,
13-15, 35, 59, 130, 270-1
the Eichmondshire articles n,

80, 97

the restoration of the monasteries
n, 14-6, 18-26, 38, 45, 86, 100,
111, 141

the spiritual articles i, 315, 318,
342-3, 353, 377, 383-8 ; n, 13,
14, 57, 129-31, 166. See also
Aske, Robert, his questions for
the clergy

reference i, 253, 258, 295; n,
100, 105. See also Proclama-
tions, Bebel
Denmark i, 334

Dent i, 143, 207, 216-8, 298, 316, 369
the bailiff of n, 144

Derby county i, 113, 282, 314

Derby, Edward Stanley, third Earl of i,
169-70, 210, 214-20, 227-8, 269-
70, 282, 287, 294-6, 298, 306, 316,
376; n, 6, 7, 43, 52, 119, 141-4,
146, 176, 204

Derby town i, 294, 296, 311, 319
the bridge i, 282

Derwent, the river, Cumb. n, 112

Derwent, the river, Yorks. i, 49, 144, 174

Devon county i, 78, 88 ; n, 171

Dewsbury i, 288

Diamond, — i, 344

Dickering wapentake n, 68-9

Dickson, Isaac i, 307

Dighton Mr i, 101, 124

Dilston i, 193

Dingley, Sir Thomas ii, 324

Disney, — i, 114

Dispensations from the Pope, Act de-
claring them void i, 8, 385

Dissolution of the monasteries. See Sup-
pression of the monasteries

Dix, John n, 177

Dobsone, John i, 82-4; ii, 301

Dockwray, Thomas i, 216

Dod, family of ii, 228

Dod, Archie ii, 238

Dod, John n, 234, 246, 261

Dod, Henry ii, 238

Don, the river i, 91, 149, 227, 238, 239,
249, 255-7, 260, 282, 300, 344 ; ii,
4, 5, 7, 8, 23, 217

Doncaster i, 169, 180, 184-5, 205, 227,
234-5, 238-9, 245-6, 249-52, 255-7,
259-60, 262, 266-7, 270, 283, 290,
293-5, 297, 305-6, 308-9, 313, 319-
21, 323, 327, 346, 377, 388 ; n, 2,
4, 10-13, 15-17, 19, 20, 22, 34, 52, <
93-5, 97, 99, 101-6, 108-9, 166,
194, 198, 223, 229, 252
bridge i, 235, 265, 268, 327, 344
the first appointment at i, chap, xi,
pp. 241-272. See also Truce of
Doncaster

the second appointment at. See Pil-
grimage of Grace, the second
appointment at Doncaster
the Grey Friars' house n, 13, 16
the White Friars' house n, 13, 266
the Prior of the White Friars of. See
Cook, Lawrence

Donne, Thomas i, 115, 152-3, 155-7

Donnyngton, John n, 132

Doomright, John n, 243

Dorset county i, 80, 326

Dorset, Henry Grey, Marquis of n, 193

Douglas, Lady Margaret i, 317-8, 363 ;
n, 58

Dover i, 134

Downes, Dr Geoffrey, chancellor of York
i, 382

Drewy, John ii, 167-8

Index

353

Driffield i, 47, 157
Duckett, — i, 345
Dudley, -- i, 221
Dudley, Edmund i, 21
Duke, Thomas i, 74, 86
Dunbar n, 86

Castle n, 266-7

Dunholm Heath (Lings) i, 106, 110
Duns Scotus i, 65

Durham, the Bishop's Chancery i, 205
Durham Cathedral i, 205
Durham city i, 205, 207, 239, 273 ; n,
28, 30, 44, 61, 66, 78-9, 83-5, 95,
122, 125-6, 133-4, 170
the mint i, 288
Durham county

arrests there n, 119

its liberties i, 8, 30, 35-6, 144, 355 ;

n, 125, 272

pardon proclaimed in n, 28, 30
not represented in parliament i, 355,

388
Pilgrims from i, 237-8, 251-2, 256,

262
the rebellion in i, 173, 192, 197, 199,

201, 205, 207

sheriff of. See Hilton, Sir Thomas
escapes taxation i, 192
tenure in i, 369

unrest there during the truce i, 304

unrest there after the rebellion n,

30, 44, 61-2, 66-7, 78-80, 94-6,

213, 300

reference i, 29, 182, 210, 227, 239,

349, 364; n, 234, 272-3
Durham Priory i, 205, 238; n, 126
Dymmoke, family of i, 130; n, 148
Dymmoke, Arthur i, 124
Dymmoke, Sir Edward, sheriff of Lin-
colnshire i, 101-2, 106, 111, 124,
127; n, 149

Dymmoke, Sir Kobert i, 101
Dymmoke, Thomas i, 124

Eamont Bridge i, 221
Easington, Yorks. n, 158

the parson of. See Watts, John
East Anglia n, 173, 177
Eastbourne, the vicar of i, 69
Easterford i, 120

East Meon, the vicar of. See Heliar, John
Ebberstone n, 87
Eden, the river i, 221-2
Edenhall, the vicar of i, 222
Edinburgh n, 244, 246, 249, 254
Edmund, a priest i, 107
Edward I i, 359 ; n, 182
Edward III i, 18, 359
Edward IV i, 15, 21, 30, 362
Edward, son of Henry VIII, afterwards

Edward VI i, 77, 240, 349, 374;

n, 297, 299, 319-20, 325, 333
Egremont n, 112
Eland, John i, 164, 166; n, 65-6, 76,

88, 90

D. II.

Eleyn, William i, 95

Elicampadus (Oecolampadius), John i,

346
Elizabeth, afterwards Queen i, 1, 7, 10,

81, 108, 374; 11, 25, 245, 333
Ellerker, Yorks. i, 105; n, 91-2
Ellerker, family of i, 48, 49, 287; n, 72,

91-2

Ellerker, — i, 244
Ellerker, Agnes i, 50, 105
Ellerker, Sir Ralph, the elder i, 48, 50,

151-2; n, 74-5, 88
Ellerker, Sir Ealph, the younger
his warning to Aske n, 91-2
and the Beverley rebels i, 147, 159,

163-4, 167
suppresses Bigod's rising n, 74-5,

81, 88, 90-1, 98, 126-7, 132
his feud with Sir Eobert Constable

i, 46; n, 91
at the first conference at Doncaster

i, 262
captain of Hull i, 48, 165, 318; n,

52, 74, 78, 125
King's marshal n, 119
his mission to the King. See Bowes,

Eobert, his mission to the King
and Archbishop Lee i, 342
his company of Pilgrims i, 239, 261
at the council at Pontefract i, 345-6
a commissioner of the Subsidy i, 105,

141

at the council at York i, 312
reference i, 143, 155, 235, 238; n,

20, 33, 97, 198, 260, 271-2
Ellerker, Ealph i, 159
Ellerker, Sir Eobert i, 199-201
Ellerker, Thomas i, 159, 161
Ellerker, William i, 50, 105, 141
Ellerton Priory i, 51
Ellerton, the Prior of. See Lawrence,

James

Elmedon i, 39
Elmedon, William i, 39
Embleton, Cumb., the bailiff of. See

Jackson, John

Emett, Alexander i, 57; n, 257-8
Empress, the. See Isabella
Empshot i, 54
Empson, Eichard i, 21
Enclosures

acts regulating i, 12-3, 89, 372

of the common land i, 373

in Cumberland and Westmorland i,

220, 371-2; n, 112, 121
the King's instructions about 11, 100,

141

in Lincolnshire i, 89
their progress and effect i, 73, 349, 369
rising directed against i, 225-6, 318,

372
England

Clergy of. See Clergy
communications with the Continent
closed, j, 333-4, 336, 340, 356

23

354

Index

England

dangers of a renewed civil war i, 123,

253 ; ii, 55-6
espionage in n, 179
the Established Church of i, 374, 376
feudal dues in i, 371-2
relations with France i, 11, 333-4,
340; n, 240, 243, 249, 281, 319
government by council n, 270
the law of inheritance in i, 362-3
proposed invasion of i, 16-7, 23, 134;

n, 298-9, 311, 319, 331
its isolation i, 17, 72; n, 298
land tenure in i, 369-70
and the Netherlands i, 335-6; n,

282-3
its political condition i, chap, i,

pp. 1-13, 361; n, 334
and the Pope i, 7, 8, 271, 339, 341;

n, 280, 287, 298-9, 301, 330
prophecies about i, 82-3
the rebellion in, compared to the
German Peasant Kevolt i, 139-40,
226, 364

character of rebellions in n, 332-3
the Keformation in i, 51, 59, 75, 340,

347-8; n, 287, 299-302
state of religion in i, 9
expected war with Scotland i, 334-5;

n, 238, 243-5, 247
Scots outlaws in n, 263, 267
Supreme Head of the Church of. See
Henry VIII, Supreme Head of the
Church of England
forms of trial in n, 182
weapons used in i, 364
reference i, 15, 19, 26, 36, 63, 81,
85, 270, 310, 333, 336-7; n, 19,
22, 55, 136, 144, 162, 170, 173,
217-8, 228, 241-2, 246, 250, 254,
278-9, 284, 286, 289, 295, 303,
322, 327-8
Ennesmore i, 217
Erasmus, Desiderius i, 379
Errington, Anthony n, 41
Errington, Arthur i, 197
Esch, Robert. See Ashton, Eobert
Escheators i, 368
Esk, the river i, 35, 196, 223; n, 113,

117, 233

Essex county i, 68, 70, 74, 248; n, 185
Essex, Henry Bourchier, Earl of n, 193
Essex, Sir William i, 328-9
Estgate, John n, 142-3
Estgate, Richard n, 83, 142-5
Estoft, Thomas n, 53
Eton, George i, 100
Everingham i, 240
Everingham, Sir Henry i, 186
Evers, family of i, 37, 44
Evers, John n, 184
Evers, Sir Ralph, the elder n, 70
Evers, Sir Ralph, the younger i, 40, 44,
157, 211, 313, 323; n, 33, 52, 70,
77, 88, 96-8, 125, 160, 183-4, 211

Evers, Ralph i, 157

Evers, — , wife of Sir Ralph the younger

n, 184, 216
Evers, Sir William n, 103, 229, 232,

238-9, 260-1, 272
Exeter city n, 171
Exeter, Henry Courtenay, Marquis of
accusations against n, 190
his arrest n, 310
attainted n, 323

his royal blood i, 15; n, 299, 311
in command against the rebels i, 243,
245-7, 249, 257, 259-60, 269, 329-
30; n, 277,289
unconnected with the Cornish plot

n, 180-1
and Cromwell. See Cromwell, Thomas,

and Exeter
a member of the King's Council i,

276; n, 36

expelled from the Council i, 25-6
banished from court n, 181, 312
evidence against n, 310-3, 319-21
his execution n, 315, 318-9, 321
his friends n, 290-1, 303, 306, 319
receives a grant of monastic lands

i, 330; n, 291
his opinions 11, 292
a plot in his favour n, 180-1
his popularity n, 291
Lord High Steward at Darcy's trial

n, 193

his trial n, 314-5
reference i, 18, 247; n, 23, 186, 293,

307

Exeter, Gertrude Courtenay, Marchioness
of (the Lady Marquis) i, 15, 24-5,
330; n, 289-90, 294, 306, 310,
312-3, 319-21, 323-5
Eynesham, the Abbot of n, 168
Eyre, Richard n, 303-4, 308

Faenza, Ridolfo Pio, Bishop of, papal

nuncio at Paris i, 333-4, 336,

339; n, 240-2
Fairfax, Sir Nicholas i, 231-2, 312, 345;

n, 33, 333
Fairfax, Thomas, King's serjeant at law

11, 272
Fairfax, Sir William i, 162, 237-8, 345 ;

n, 40, 101

Fairfax, Thomas, Lord n, 333
Farforth i, 91
Farrore, Harry i, 236
Fawcett, — , i, 209

Featherstonhaugh, the laird of n, 42
Felton i, 31
Fendale i, 262

Fenton, Ralph n, 61, 69, 77, 110
Fenwick i, 49
Fenwick, family of n, 228
Fenwick, George n, 229, 232
Fenwick, Roger n, 229, 234, 236, 246,

261-2
Ferdinand, King of Spain i, 19

Index

355

Fermor, — , i, 327

Fermor, Sir Henry i, 327

Fermour, Adam i, 69

Ferriby i, 105, 162

Ferriby Priory i, 154, 162, 237; n, 20
the Prior of i, 162

Ferrybridge (Ferrybridges) i, 181, 234,
270, 327

Feversham i, 79

Fewaryn (Fitzwarren), Lord i, 87

Field, John i, 324

Fife n, 246-7

Fifteenth, the i, 11, 137, 372-3

Fincham n, 174

Fincham, John n, 174

First Fruits (Annates), Act of i, 6, 56,
91, 98, 137, 187, 347, 349, 351-2,
384-5; n, 14, 34

Fishe, Guy n, 70

Fisher, John, Cardinal, Bishop of Ro-
chester i, 11, 23, 63, 68-9, 271,
354, 384; n, 192, 287

Fisher, Matthew n, 208

Fittleworth i, 326

Fitzgerald, Thomas, Earl of Desmond
i, 302

Fitzherbert, Sir Anthony n, 141, 148

Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Lord Admiral
i, 26, 117, 119, 123, 128, 131, 133,
135, 169, 245-6, 274, 276, 278,
290, 295-6, 306, 309, 311, 316,
319, 321-2, 331; n, 2, 3, 7, 10,
22, 52, 308-9, 316-8, 324, 326

Five Wounds of Christ. See Badge and
Banner

Flamborough i, 40, 44, 46, 116, 186;
n, 125, 198, 255

Flanders i, 83, 286, 357; n, 190, 223,
242-3, 279-84, 286, 288, 293-4,
326

Fletcher, Bernard n, 153

Fletcher, Richard i, 327

Flodden, the battle of i, 19, 37, 40, 46,
53, 250, 265, 272; n, 45, 252

Follansby, John n, 134

Ford Castle n, 230, 235

Forest, Friar n, 300

Forsett, Edward i, 100

Forster, family of n, 228, 231

Forster, Thomas i, 199

Fortescue, Sir Adrian n, 324

Forth, the frith of n, 253

Foster, Thomas i, 92; n, 150

Fountains Abbey n, 50, 107, 114, 301
the Abbot of i, 211
the quondam Abbot of. See Thirsk,
William

Fowbery, John i, 312; n, 64, 65, 81

Fox, Edward, Bishop of Hereford i, 276,
290

France i, 15-6, 19, 21, 45, 60, 83, 132,
247, 325, 332-4, 338, 340, 357,
375; n, 10, 25, 95, 217, 238, 240-3,
247, 249, 255-6, 267, 281-2, 284-5,
319-20, 322

France

ambassador in England. See Cas-

tillon, Louis de Perreau, Sieur de

Constable of. See Montmorency, Anne

de

the court of parliament of n, 240
Vice-Admiral of. See Moy, Charles de
Francis I, King of France i, 2, 11, 17,
325, 331, 333-5, 338, 340; n, 240,
242-3, 245, 247, 249, 255, 267,
281-2, 285, 298-9, 319, 331
his daughter. See Madeleine
Francis, John n, 61-2, 82
Franke, Thomas, rector of Lofthouse

i, 148-9; n, 159, 161-4
Frankishe, John i, 93-4
Franklin, William, Archdeacon of Dur-
ham i, 203-4; n, 61
Fredewell, James n, 243-4
Freeman, John n, 155
Friars

Austin i, 105, 118

Black (Preachers) i, 65-6, 82, 280,

382; n, 167

Grey i, 65, 83; n, 167
Observant i, 57, 63, 352, 388; n, 21,

39, 127

White i, 64-5, 83; n, 166
Froude, J. A. ' History of England from
the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat
of the Armada' i, 44-5, 75, 240,
387; n, 53, 154, 180-1, 215, 289,
296-7, 299, 309, 311, 324
Fry the (Frith), John i, 93
Fulstow i, 98

Fulthorp, -- i, 345; n, 92, 184
Fulthorp, Thomas n, 95
Furness i, 369
Furness Abbey i, 81, 218, 225, 283; n,

144-8
the Abbot of i, 217; n, 145-6, 156

Gainsborough i, 108, 293, 319

Galant, John n, 175

Galowbaughen i, 202

Galtres Forest i, 73, 74

Ganth, Hans i, 42

Ganton n, 61

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Winchester
i, 132, 276, 325, 333, 367, 374, 375;
n, 256-7, 281-2

Gargrave n, 43

Gascoigne, Master i, 148

Gascoigne, Sir Henry i, 202, 345; n,
21, 132

Gasquet, F. A. 'Henry VIII and the
English Monasteries' i, 140 ; n, 138

Gateforth n, 51

Gateshead n, 244

Gaunt, William i, 216

Gawan, Archbishop of Glasgow, Chan-
cellor of Scotland n, 247-9

Genoa i, 335

Gentlemen of the North
and the Church i, 55-6

23—2

356

Index

Gentlemen of the North

their lack of education i, 50; n, 18

a typical example i, 54

their family history i, 29

their feuds i, 46; n, 268

their grievances i, 3, 28, 59; n, 330

their share in local government i, 29;

n, 332

their good and bad qualities i, 60
their part in the rebellion n, 92-4,

100, 157-8
their conduct after the rebellion n,

90, 137, 157
and their tenants i, 89, 369-70, 372-3;

n, 96, 100, 105, 108-9, 112, 115,

121, 156-7, 175, 177
sympathy with rioters i, 73
Germany i, 17, 367; n, 298-9

the Peasant Bevolt of 1525 in i, 28,

78, 80, 126, 139-40, 225-6, 364,

370-2; n, 226
Gibson, — i, 101
Gifford, -- i, 264
Giggleswick i, 209; n, 43
Gill, Harry, sub-prior of Watton i, 231-2,

286; n, 58-60, 62, 64, 81-2, 110
Gilsland n, 42, 115-6, 235, 264
Girlington, Nicholas i, 106
Gisburn, the vicar of i, 213
Glamis, Lady n, 216
Glaskerion, William n, 167
Gloucester city i, 287 ; 11, 290
Gloucester county i, 245-6
Godalming i, 117
Goldsmith, William i, 93
Gonson, William i, 122, 299, 319
Goodall, — i, 324
Goodrich, Thomas, Bishop of Ely i, 98,

111; n, 168, 316-7. See also

Demands of the rebels
Goole i, 298
Goole Dyke i, 250

Gostwick, John i, 246, 251; n, 34, 44
Gower, Sir Edward i, 345; n, 136
Gower, Ralph n, 44, 85
Graf ton i, 45; n, 267
Graham, the family of n, 117
Grame, Eobin n, 117
Grantham i, 65, 274; n, 303
Gray, Lionel i, 194, 200; n, 228, 232,

261

Gray's Inn i, 54, 58, 80, 155; n, 223
Graystoke, — n, 110
Green, Dorothy i, 51; n, 38
Green, Richard i, 51-2; 11, 38
Greenwich i, 23, 46, 63; n, 25, 99

the Friary n, 194
Gressoms. See Ingressum
'Grey Friars' Chronicle' n, 198
Grey (Gray), family of n, 41, 231
Grey (Gray), Sir Roger i, 200, 285
Grey, Roger n, 63-4
Grey, Sir Thomas i, 200; n, 41
Greystoke i, 222
Grice (Gryce), Thomas i, 169, 235,

237-8, 269, 295, 310, 311, 343,
347; n, 189, 215
Griffith, Sir Rhys ap i, 287-8
Grimsby i, 79-80, 95, 105, 110-1, 118,
162, 282, 286, 299, 301, 314, 318-9,
322; n 104
Grinston, — i, 155
Grinton n, 110
Grysanis, Anne i, 45, 61
Guaras, Antonio i, 240
Guildford i, 117

Guisborough n, 97, 110, 127, 160
the Bishop's palace u, 40
the priest of i, 71
Priory i, 233; n, 40, 56, 201
Prior of. See Silvester, Robert
quondam Prior of. See Cockerell,

James

Guisborough, George n, 175-6, 178-9
Guisborough, William n, 176, 178-9
Guise, Mary of. See Mary of Guise
Gunter, Geoffrey i, 328-9
Gunter, John n, 308-9, 326, 328

Haggar, Stephen i, 102
Hagnaby i, 101
Hailes, the Abbot of n, 169
Hales, Sir Christopher, Master of the
Rolls i, 103, 111; n, 199. See
also Demands of the rebels
Halifax i, 115, 235; n, 28, 257

the vicar of. See Holdsworth, Robert
Hall, family of n, 228, 231
Hall, Anthony n, 230
Hall, Edward, ' The Union of the Families

of Lancaster and York ' i, 55
Hall, John n, 230
Hall, Sandy n, 230-1
Hallam, John

his arrest n, 65-6, 73, 76, 90, 221
restrained by Aske 11, 48-50
in the Beverley rising i, 153, 157
and Sir Francis Bigod. See Bigod,

Sir Francis, and John Hallam
his character and opinions i, 152;

n, 46-7
captures Cromwell's letter to young

Sir Ralph Evers i, 314
his execution n, 82, 89, 91, 98
his attempt on Hull. See Hull,

Hallam's attempt to seize
his insurrection n, chap, xviii, pp. 55

et seq., 99, 102, 199
dissatisfied with the general pardon

n, 31, 69
at the council at Pontefract i, 343,

347
a prisoner n, 73, 78, 81-2, 88, 91,

98, 206, 209
attempts to cause a new rising n,

46-8, 59

and seditious songs i, 280
his quarrel with the Prior of Watton

n, 58-60
at the council at York j, 318; n, 57

Index

357

Hallam, John

reference n, 16

Haltemprice Abbey i, 154; u, 20
Halton, Northumberland i, 194-7, 201
Halton Castle, Cheshire i, 214
Hambleton Hill, Lines, i, 106-7, 141
Hambleton Hills, Yorks. n, 97
Hainell n, 171
Hamerton, the family of i, 51
Hamerton, — i, 345
Hamerton, Elizabeth, mother of Sir

Stephen i, 53
Hamerton, Elizabeth, wife of Sir Stephen

i, 40

Hamerton, Henry i, 53; 'n, 204
Hamerton, John i, 53
Hamerton, Eoger i, 53
Hamerton, Sir Stephen i, 40, 51, 53,

209-10, 219, 312, 345; n, 39, 43,

83, 85-6, 133, 135, 143, 198, 201,

204, 211, 214
Hampole nunnery i, 251-2, 254-6, 259-

60, 264

Hampshire i, 54, 326, 332; n, 222
Handguns and Crossbows, the Statute of

i, 363-4; n, 243
Harbottle, — i, 33
Harbottle Castle n, 42, 235, 239
constable of. See Heron, John
Hardwick in Sherwood i, 118-9
Hardy, William Keing. See Captain

Cobbler

Harland, J. 'Salley Abbey' n, 143
Harlaw Woods n, 233
Harrington, Mr i, 112
Harrington, William, lord mayor of York

i, 143, 168, 174-6, 243, 344; n, 76
Harrison, — i, 156
Harrison, Eichard, Abbot of Kirkstead

i, 104, 106; n, 152
Harrison, William n, 31
Hartlepool i, 205
Hartlepool, Koger n, 107-8, 266
Harwich i, 68
Hastings, Sir Brian, sheriff of Yorkshire

1536-7 i, 49, 121, 148, 168-9,

185, 208, 250, 261, 282, 288, 293,

296-8, 300, 306, 308, 311, 319,

321, 344; n, 132, 134, 260, 273
Hastings, Sir George i, 49
Hastings, Sir John i, 49
Hastings, Dame Katherine i, 49
Hatcliff, Thomas i, 314
Hatfield, Yorks. i, 169, 185, 250, 282;

n, 10-11
Havant i, 332; n, 308

a harper of. See Taylor, Lawrence
Haverfordwest, the Prior of i, 67
Hawley, Thomas, Clarencieux King-of-

Arms n, 21, 23, 28, 53
Haynton i, 90

Headcorn, the curate of n, 168
Hebyllthwayte, John i, 217
Hedge, John i, 155
Hedon i, 388

Helaigh, — n, 266
Heliar, John, vicar of East Meon and
rector of Warblington i, 332;
n, 284, 303-5, 316
Hellifield Peel i, 53
Helmsley n, 266
Hemingborough i, 141, 144
Henneage, John i, 93-5, 99, 107, 109-

10, 320

Henry II i, 64
Henry III i, 84
Henry IV i, 84-5, 362, 383
Henry VI i, 30, 359; n, 329
Henry VII i, 15, 18, 34, 45, 63, 85, 218,

303, 332, 337, 362, 366, 373
Henry VIII

his accession to the throne i, 19,

21, 30

and Robert Aske i, 191, 289-91, 294,
298, 304, 313, 321, 323; n, 6,
18-19, 32-3, 36-8, 45, 48-51, 54,
72-3, 76, 89-91, 99, 104-5, 130,
207-10, 222-5
receives news of Bigod's insurrection

n, 75-6

and the Borders i, 30, 35, 190. See
also Borders, the King's plan for
their government
compared to
David i, 358
Henry II i, 64
Herod i, 72
Nero n, 167

Eehoboam, Edward II and Eich-
ard II i, 357
and Thomas Cromwell. See Cromwell,

Thomas, and the King
and Darcy. See Darcy, Thomas, Lord,

and the King

and the Earl of Derby i, 214-7, 316
his disease n, 260, 277, 293, 295
his domestic relations i, 1, 20-21,
24-6, 31, 87, 108, 133, 325, 354,
356
and the first appointment at Doncaster.

See below and the truce
and the second appointment at Don-
caster n, chap, xv, pp. 1-23,
56, 88, 102, 111, 126, 188, 206,
287, 292, 332

his ecclesiastical policy i, 2-4, 5-11,
44, 56, 63-7, 72, 74-5, 77, 86, 104,
193-4, 208, 214-5, 324, 339, 341,
343, 350-2, 374-6; n, 14, 21-2,
25-6, 38-9, 85, 111, 121-2, 127,
138-9, 143-8, 292, 298, 330-2
his finances i, 2, 11-2, 154, 168,
244, 246-7, 330-1, 349, 357, 372-3;
n, 9, 17, 26, 33-5, 44-5, 49, 100,
184

foreign affairs i, 2-3, 16-7, 132, 324-5,
333-6, 338, 340, 356-7; n, 241-3,
245-7, 255-6, 267, 298-9, 319
fears a general rising throughout
England i, 166, 244, 330

358

Index

Henry VIII

land held in chief from i, 12, 365,

368
and Archbishop Lee i, 150, 195, 380,

382
his reply to the Lines, rebels. See

Proclamations, Eoyal
and the Lines, rebellion i, 89, 91,

98-9, 107-8, 117, 119-20, 123,

134-6, 140, 165-6, 242, 335;

n, 151
misapprehension of his character i,

60, 87, 190, 207, 209, 236, 253,

257-8, 271, 281, 358; n, 15, 37,

45, 172, 292, 329, 331
and the nobles i, 14-5, 21, 35, 37;

n, 185-6, 227, 252-3
and the Duke of Norfolk. See Norfolk,

the Duke of, and the King
his proposed visit to the north n, 89,

100, 134, 242, 250-1, 255, 259-60,

325

reorganisation of the northern coun-
ties 11, 103, chap, xxi, pp. 226

et seq.
heir of the Earl of Northumberland.

See Northumberland, the Earl of,

act assuring his lands to the King
Oath of allegiance to. See Oath of

allegiance
and the pacification of the north n,

99-101, 121-2, 127, 141, 144, 226-7,

286
reluctant to grant a general pardon

i, 273-4; n, 7, 27, 52-3, 68, 100
his pardons. See Pardon
his private promises of pardon i, 323 ;

n, 6, 37
his influence on parliament i, 3, 21,

359-61, 388; n, 26, 55
the rebels' petitions to. See Demands

of the rebels
proposes to lead an army against the

Pilgrims i, 112, 242-3, 273, 331,

338 ; 11, 8
his replies to the Pilgrims' Demands

i, 211, 263-4, 267, 274-8, 280,

289, 291-3, 295, 309, 315, 321-3,

331, 357; n, 1-2, 4, 11-4, 31, 35,

45, 51, 53, 72, 194
receives the Pilgrims' messengers i,

274, 308-9, 313, 334
his policy with the Pilgrims i, 278-

81, 295-6, 308, 311, 314, 321-2,

324, 376; n, 3-4, 6, 12-4, 18, 23,

chap, xvi, pp. 24 et seq., 55, 59,

68, 82, 88, 105, 112, 280, 333
his preparations against the Pilgrims

i, 173, 240, 241-9, 279, 282, 294-5,

319-20, 331; n, 6-7
his first proclamation to the Pilgrims.

See Proclamations, Koyal
and Keginald Pole i, 16-7, 336-8;

n, 277, 279, 281-3, 285-9, 295,

302, 305-6, 310, 317, 322

Henry VIII

prophecies about. See Prophecies
Rhymes and rumours about. See

Humour, and Sedition, rhymes
the question of safe-conducts i, 309,
317, 322, 345-6, 379; n, 2, 8, 10-
12, 23

correspondence with the Earl of
Shrewsbury. See Shrewsbury, the
Earl of, and the King
the problem of his successor i, 1,

317-8, 356, 362-3, 374; n, 297

correspondence with the Duke of

Suffolk. See Suffolk, the Duke

of, correspondence with the King

Supreme Head of the Church of

England

acceptance of the title i, 73, 76,
98, 139, 263, 347, 385; n,
316

the King asserts the title i, 2, 6,
7, 10-11, 71-3, 275; n, 30, 35,
101
the clergy's opinion of the title

i, 6; n, 59
the nation's opinion of the title

n, 36

opposition to the title i, 6, 11, 16,
69, 71, 72, 76, 212-3, 263, 326,
344, 347-8, 383-5; n, 57, 59,
60, 68, 79, 82, 137, 145-6, 198,
278, 293, 295, 300-1, 312, 319
proposed limitations of his powers

i, 348, 374, 383, 385
treason to discuss the title i, 366
reference i, 9, 339, 353; n 166
and the Treason Act i, 11; n, 191,

192-3, 278
his influence on trials n, 131-3,

135-7, 192-3, 204
and the truce of Doncaster i, 270-4,

279, 282

his unpopularity i, 69-70, 79, 207,
218, 258; n, 179, 247, 254, 293,
297-8, 301, 319

and the White Rose Party i, 17-18 ;
n, 275-6, chap, xxii, pp. 277 et
seq., chap, xxiii, pp. 297 et seq.
reference i, 13, 19, 22, 28-9, 35, 46,
54-6, 61, 83, 115, 130-1, 142, 167,
183, 187, 198, 204, 226, 233, 235,
239, 240, 248, 254, 265, 286, 300,
319, 335, 355, 364, 371-2, 379; n,
24, 47, 58, 66, 69, 70, 71, 74, 76,
81, 84, 87, 90, 96-7, 173, 175,
181-2, 197, 199, 201, 207, 215-6,
300, 303

Henryson, — i, 344
Herbert, Lord, of Cherbury, ' Life of

Henry VIII' i, 267
Hereford, the Bishop of. See Fox,

Edward

Heresy. See New Learning
Herington, — i, 264
Heron, Anthony i, 44

Index

359

Heron, George i, 197; n, 261-3
Heron, John, of Chipchase i, 195-7, 199,

299; n, 41-2, 230, 232-3, 261-3
Heron of Ford n, 235
Heron, John, of the Hall Barns n, 261,

263

Hert, Bobert i, 93
Hert, William i, 93
Hertford i, 326; n, 244
Hessle i, 152-3
Hexham alias Topcliffe, John, Abbot of

Whitby i, 41-3, 350
Hexham Priory i, 41, 75, 192-6, 198,

200, 208, 225; n, 121-2, 124,

232-3

the sub-prior of i, 193-4
Hexham town i, 194; n, 41, 122, 124,

275

Hexhamshire n, 41, 235
Heydock, William n, 142
Heydon, Sir John n, 175
Heyton Wansdale. See Marston
Hilliard (Hillyard), Sir Christopher i,

155, 159, 161, 345; n, 81
Hilsey, John, Bishop of Rochester i, 98,

111, 353; n, 208
Hilton Castle i, 204
Hilton, family of i, 36-7
Hilton, Hugh i, 312
Hilton, Eobert i, 221
Hilton, Sir Thomas, sheriff of Durham

i, 204-6, 252, 262, 264-5, 284,

345-6, 376; n, 11, 21, 38, 104,

256
Hinde, John, the King's solicitor i, 87;

n, 151, 204

Hinderwell n, 88, 159
Hodge, Eobert, curate of Whitburn n,

254-6

Hogon, John i 266; n, 174
Holderness i, 145, 153, 155, 157, 159-

61, 163, 167, 232, 242, 318; n, 9,

27, 47, 49, 62-4, 74-5, 82, 90, 301
Holdsworth, Eichard i, 61
Holdsworth, Eobert, vicar of Halifax i,

56-7, 61, 236, 286; n, 257-9
Holgate, Eobert, Prior of Watton i,

285-7; n, 40, 58, 60, 82, 272
Holidays

Christmas customs i, 41, 68; n, 61

May games n, 176

Michaelmas 1536 i, 78, 84, 86, 91

Midsummer customs i, 41

order for i, 9, 10, 383

Plough Monday n, 47

their prohibition causes discontent

i, 152-3, 202, 220; n, 170-1, 174
the rebels demand their restoration

i, 383; n, 171
shooting at the flyte and standard

n, 175

Holinshed, Eaphael, ' Chronicles of Eng-
land' i, 116, 272
Holland, Lines, i, 103, 111-2, 118, 121,

131

Holland, Hugh n, 284-6, 294-5, 303-6,

309, 311, 315-7
Holm Cultram Abbey i, 222, 225; n,

116, 123, 138, 263
the Abbot of. See Carter, Thomas and

Ireby, Thomas
Holme-in-Spalding Moor n, 50, 72-3,

75, 91

Holme, Wilfred, 'The Fall and Evil
Success of Eebellion ' i, 84, 179,
191, 287, 306; n, 118, 138, 160, 217
Holy Island, Northumberland i, 226
Holyrood n, 244, 254
Hooke Moor i, 156
Hopton, Sir Arthur i, 122
Horncastle i, 89, 101, 103-6, 111, 114,
124-5, 128, 129, 130, 135, 139, 153 ;
n, 106, 149, 153
Hornchurch i, 74

Horncliff , Eobert i, 162, 288-9 ; n, 152
Homer, Thomas i, 87 ; n, 172
Horskey, William i, 343 ; n, 47, 49, 61,

63-4, 81-2, 90

Horsley n, 290-1, 311, 313, 320
Horsley, John n, 232
Horwood, William n, 151
Hotham, Eobert i, 157-8
Houghton juxta Harpley n, 179
House of Commons. See Parliament
House of Lords. See Parliament
Howard, family of n, 252
Howard, Queen Katherine n, 325
Howard, Katherine, widow of Ehys ap

Griffith i, 287-8

Howard, Lord Thomas i, 242, 318 ; n 23
Howard, Lord William i, 259 ; n, 10, 23,

46, 291
Howden i, 142, 144, 156, 293, 298, 318;

n, 27, 40
Howdenshire i, 141-2, 148-9, 154-8, 160,

169-70, 192, 230, 262; n, 163
Hudson, Clement n, 62
Hudswell, George i, 96, 105, 113, 125,

130, 289; n, 148-9, 153
Hugill, Eobert n, 159
Hull

Beverley gate i, 161; n, 65, 220-1

the Busse ditch n, 65

captain of. See Ellerker, Sir Ealph,

the younger
the Charterhouse. See Carthusians of

Hull

the parish church i, 158
proposed fortification of n, 45-8, 51-2,

67, 71, 78-9, 88
Hallam's attempt to seize n, 47-8,

60-8, 71-3, 76, 81, 97
the Hermitage i, 161, 164
its loyalty to the King i, 155, 159,

282; n, 47, 74, 77
market n, 63-4, 220
the mayor of. See Eogers, William
Bigod's messengers to n, 73-4. See

also below, prisoners
vessels of i, 161, 286, 299, 336; n, 51

360

Index

Hull

pardon proclaimed in 11, 27
parliamentary representatives i, 359,

388
in the Pilgrim's hands i, 167, 235,

286, 288, 297, 299, 301, 309, 318,

324; n, 8-9
the plague in n, 222
prisoners in n, 73-8, 81, 88-91, 98,

102, 126, 206, 209
the siege of i, 146, 155-61, 163-6,

183, 223, 231, 235
surrender of i, 163-4; 166-8, 239,

244; n, 65, 77, 90
reference i, 79, 153, 174, 285, 310;

n, 52, 80

Hullshire i, 160-1
Humber, the river i, 42, 78, 91, 105-6,

130, 141, 143, 145, 153, 157, 160-1,

164, 172, 245, 282, 319
Hume, Lord i, 37
Hundred Years War, the n, 55
Hungate, Thomas n, 82
Hunsley Beacon i, 148, 153, 166-7
Huntingdon town i, 120-2, 128, 133,

241-2; n, 32, 220
Huntingdon, George Hastings, Earl of

i, 118, 122, 129, 131, 265, 312, 361
Huntington, Yorks. i, 84
Husee, John n, 19, 141, 193, 307
Huss, John i, 346
Hussey, Master i, 148
Hussey, Anne, wife of John, Lord i, 21,

25-6, 113, 130-1; 11, 195, 215
Hussey, John, Lord i, 21-5, 96, 99, 100-1,

103-4, 108-10, 112-3, 116, 118-9,

130-2, 246, 289-92, 331; n, 149,
• 185-6, 195-7, 205
Hussey, Sir William, father of Lord

Hussey i, 21
Hussey, Sir William, son of Lord Hussey

i, 118, 131

Hutchinson, William i, 101
Button, Cumberland i, 222
Button Cranswick i, 157; n, 62
Button, Anthony i, 221; n, 106
Hutton, John, governor of the Merchant

Adventurers of Antwerp i, 335-6 ;

n, 224, 281, 283, 322
Button, Thomas, of Snaith i, 273; n,

126, 134

Indictments n, 135, 153-4, 198, 211,

314, 320

Ingleby, Sir William i, 45
Ingressum, the i, 369-72; n, 96, 121,

141
Injunctions of the Court of Chancery

i, 366-7

Injunctions, the First Royal i, 10; n, 170
Inner Temple i, 90
Inns of Court i, 55, 367
Interdict, the Bull of i, 11, 72
Ipswich n, 166
the White Friars n, 166

Ireby, Anthony i, 112, 131

Ireby, Thomas, Abbot of Bolrn Cultram

n, 138
Ireland i, 38, 287, 302; n, 159, 162,

287

Isabella, Empress of Charles V i, 335-6
Isle, the, Durham i, 204, 205, 226
Isle of Wight i, 326
Italy i, 4, 16, 47, 364; n, 247, 279, 284,

289, 302

Jackson, John n, 118, 120

Jackson, Eichard n, 164

Jakes, -- i, 209

James IV, King of Scotland i, 272

James V, King of Scotland i, 1, 23, 287,

333-5, 340, 355-6, 363; n, 10, 86,

95, 134, 216, 240-50, 253-6, 263,

266-8, 298-9

Jay, Edward, Prior of Bexham i, 193-5
Jedburgh Abbey ir, 246
Jedworth Forest n, 233
Jeffreys, Judge n, 120
Jenney, Christopher i, 59, 62
Jepson, Isabel i, 61
Jerusalem i, 82, 214
Jervaux Abbey i, 43, 202-3, 206, 211,

283; n, 106-8, 138-9, 145, 214,

252, 266

Abbot of. See Sedbarr, Adam
Jervyse, Harry n, 174
Jewel Bouse, the i, 244
Jherom, -- n, 199
Jobson, Brian i, 216
John the Baptist, St i, 72
John, St, of Beverley i, 45, 144
John, St, of Jerusalem 11, 40
John the Piper i, 319
Johnson's house n, 46
Johnson, Mr n, 64
Johnson, Thomas (Brother Bonaventure)

i, 57-8, 62, 147-8
Johnson, Dom Thomas i, 62
Johnson, Sir Thomas i, 345
Jons, Eobert n, 215, 217
Jonson, William i, 248
Julian Bower i, 100

Katherine, youngestdaughterofEdwardIV

i, 15
Katherine of Arragon i, 1, 7, 14-18, 20,

21, 22-25, 69, 80-1, 133, 178, 339,

354, 356; n, 299, 302, 320-1,324
Kedington i, 92, 126
Kelet Moor i, 217
Kelsey n, 180
Kendal, barony i, 307, 345, 349, 369;

n, 96
Kendal, borough i, 213, 216-8, 226, 316,

319, 345, 359; n, 20-1, 28, 30, 41
the bailiff of. See Collins, Wm
Kendall, — n, 181
Kendall, Thos., vicar of Louth i, 92;

n, 153-4
Kene, John n, 167

Index

361

Kenilworth Castle n, 170
Kenninghall i, 107, 121, 242 ; n, 99, 101
Kensey, — - i, 156

Kent, county i, 134, 326 ; n, 167, 243, 293
Kent, George Grey, Earl of i, 21
Kermounde i, 98
Kesteven i, 131
Kettlewell n, 43, 85, 129
Kevin, St n, 170
Kexby i, 174
Kilton n, 160
Kilwatling How i, 222
Kimbolton i, 23, 122
King, Henry n, 266
King's Lynn u, 170, 174, 179
Kingston, Sir Wm i, 247, 290
Kingswood i, 65
Kirkby in Cleveland n, 159
Kirkby Lonsdale i, 207
Kirkby Malzyerd i, 52
Kirkby Eavensworth i, 201 ; n, 21
the rector of. See Dakyn, John
Kirkbyshire i, 202, 262, 369; n, 51
Kirkby Stephen i, 221 ; n, 44, 106, 112-3,

117, 120

the curate of i, 220
Kirk Deighton i, 382

the rector of. See Waldby, Marmaduke
Kirkham Priory i, 233
Kirkstall, the Abbot of. See Bipley, John
Kirkstead Abbey i, 104, 106, 114, 126;

n, 152-3

the Abbot of. See Harrison, Kic.
Kirton, Thos i, 107
Kirton Soke i, 106-7, 110
Kitchen, Roger i, 145, 148, 150, 273;

n, 61-4, 78, 82

Kitchin, ' Acts of the Northern Con-
vocation' i, 388
Kite, John, Bishop of Carlisle i, 78, 117,

220

Knaresborough i, 388
the forest of i, 163
St Eobert's Friary i, 151, 153, 175;

n, 61-2, 68-9, 106, 121, 266
Knevet, Mr i, 234
Knight, — n, 3

Knolles, John i, 164, 166; n, 65, 90
Knutsford n, 169
Kyme, Guy i, 78-80, 94-6, 98, 111, 115,

130, 152-7, 174; n, 152-3, 180
Kyme, Thos n, 180

Lacy, family of i, 236; n, 257

Lacy, John i, 57, 61, 235-6

Lacy, Lancelot 11, 70-1

Lacy, Thomas i, 236-7; n, 257

Lambart, John i, 286

Lambeth, John i, 233

Lamerside Hall i, 221

Lamplough, Sir John n, 110, 120

Lamprecht, K., ' Deutsche Geschichte '

i, 225
Lancashire

boundaries i, 226

Lancashire

the Earl of Derby's musters i, 215-6,

219, 282; n, 7, 52
disaffection in i, 169, 171, 212-5, 227 ;

n, 188

pardon proclaimed in n, 28
the Pilgrimage of Grace in i, 212-3,

215, 216-9, 236, 314; n, 144
trials n, 141-8
the truce in i, 219-20, 269-70, 279,

292, 294, 316, 317, 319 ; n, 147
reference i, 294, 304-6, 349; n, 119,

170

Lancaster, the House of i, 362
Lancaster Herald. See Miller, Thomas
Lancaster town i, 216-9, 239; n, 28,

142-3

Castle n, 146-7
the mayor of i, 218
Lanercost Priory n, 121-2
Langdale, Hugh n, 47, 49, 58, 63-4,

81-2, 90

Langgrische, Eichard i, 332
Langley, barony of n, 235
Langley Castle i, 197, 201
Langrege, Dr, Archdeacon of Cleveland

i, 382

Langthorn, Anthony i, 345
Langton, Sir John i, 18
Langwith Lane End i, 111
Lartington, the chantry priest of. See

Tristram, William
Lasingham, — n, 158
Lassells, George n, 53
Lassells, Eichard i, 345
Lassells, Eoger i, 238, 261, 345-6
Lastingham n, 95, 97, 159
Lateran, the Council of the i, 384
Lather, Thomas, cellarer of Watton Priory

n, 63, 82

Lathom i, 217, 220; 11, 43
Latimer, John Neville, Lord i, 163, 182,

185, 201-3, 205-6, 231, 235, 237-8,

252, 262, 265, 312, 345, 377-8;

n, 4, 13, 33, 61, 80, 87, 108-9, 160,

184-6
Latimer, Hugh, Bishop of Worcester i,

1, 43, 65, 98, 111, 114, 274, 326,

353 ; n, 25, 166, 199, 305, 318
Lawrence, James, Prior of Ellerton i,

287; n, 58, 60, 62
Lawson, Sir George i, 143, 174, 180-1,

232, 235, 243, 316, 344, 382; n, 34,

44, 138-9, 248
Layborne, Parson n, 31
Lay ton, Dr Eichard, clerk of the Chancery

i, 71, 114, 183, 318, 354, 367; n, 199,

204

Lay ton, Dr, preacher n, 259
Leache, Nicholas i, 101, 124; n, 151,

153-4

Leache, Eobert i, 129; n, 151, 153-4
Leache, William i, 101-2; n, 83-6, 106,

113, 121, 129, 151, 202, 266
Leckonfield n, 80-1, 264

362

Index

Ledam, John i, 42

Lee, Christopher i, 299

Lee, Edward, Archbishop of York

and Eobert Aske i, 191, 240, 254,

342-3, 377, 380-2, 385, 387
his disputes with Beverley i, 147
his brother i, 161
and Lord Darcy i, 150, 252, 377,

379-81; n, 14, 34

and the King's policy i, 9, 71, 193-5
and the Pilgrims' demands i, 254,
263, 315, 342-3, 347, 352, 377-8,
383

at Pontefract Castle i, 150-1, 170,
185-8, 190-1, 227, 228, 240, 252,
292, 302
his sermon at Pontefract i, 377-82;

n, 10, 12, 154, 300
and the rebellion i, 143, 150, 175,
201, 256, 330, 340, 343, 376-81,
385-6; n, 130, 330
his servants i, 212
his steward i, 151
and the taxation of the clergy n,

34, 49

reference i, 264; n, 14, 33, 40, 259
Lee, Sir Bobert i, 311
Lee, Eoland, Bishop of Coventry n, 166
Leeds n, 28, 51, 111, 127
Legate, Kobert n, 145-6
Legbourne Nunnery i, 95, 112 ; 11, 154
Legh, Thomas i, 114, 133, 183, 318, 354,

367; n, 112, 134, 199, 204, 208
Leicestershire i, 113
Leicester town i, 321; n, 3, 244
Leith Haven n, 254
Lenton Priory n, 39, 179
Letters, Koyal, Letters Missive, Eoyal

Commissions
circular letter to the Bishops i, 324 ;

n, 9, 14
commission on the condition of the

clergy i, 91, 94
commission to the Earl of Derby

i, 215

concerning Hexham Priory i, 194
to the Lines, rebels i, 123, 126-7
to muster troops i, 108-10, 112,

116-8, 121, 173-4
for attendance on the Duke of Norfolk

n, 101

citation to London n, 104-5, 125,
133, 157-62, 165, 185, 211, 215,
218
concerning the title of Supreme Head

of the Church i, 7
joint commission of lieutenancy to
Shrewsbury and Norfolk. See
Norfolk, 3rd Duke of, his joint
commission of lieutenancy with
Shrewsbury
Levening, William n, 47, 66, 92, 131-3,

136-7, 188, 206, 209, 216
Lewes, Adam n, 243
Ley, Thomas n, 34

Leyborne, Sir James i, 216-7
Leyborne, Nicholas i, 216
Liddesdale n, 233, 238, 261-3, 268
Liege n, 283, 285-7, 294-5, 326
Lillesdale Hall (Bilsdale?) n, 266
Limehouse n, 195
Limoges, Bishop of n, 254
Lincoln city

the Angel Inn i, 142

assizes n, 153

the Bishop's palace i, 111

the cathedral i, 127, 135, 319

the castle n, 150

the Castle Garth i, 129

the chapter house i, 115, 123, 127,

140

the close i, 111, 115, 127, 135
the dean's house i, 319
executions there. See Lines, re-
bellion, executions
monastery of St Katherine n, 58, 60
the mayor of. See Sutton, Bobert
Mile Cross towards Nettleham i, 114
New Port i, 113
prisoners in i, 281, 288-9, 319; n, 24,

148, 150-1, 153
the rebels in i, 109-15, 126, 128-30,

140
Suffolk's advance to i, 128, 135, 208,

245
See also Suffolk, the Duke of, at

Lincoln
reference i, 79, 101, 103-4, 106, 109,

113, 119, 122, 164, 166, 274, 293,

301, 314, 320; n, 32, 102, 154
Lincoln, John i, 101
Lincolnshire

its character i, 89

condition of, after the rising i, 135,

164-5, 293; n, 84, 149, 151, 153,

197, 220, 223
the King's lieutenant there. See

Suffolk, the Duke of
opposition to the New Learning in

i, 67, 93-4, 96
monastic debts in i, 320
the royal army in. See Army, the

Eoyal, in Lines,
a centre of sedition i, 78, 80
the false Princess Mary in i, 87
the subsidy men i, 192
reference i, 18, 21, 50, 98, 131, 149,

151, 155, 223, 234, 247, 283, 287,

326; n, 26, 75, 80, 107, 214-5, 266
Lincolnshire rebellion

accounts of, on the continent i, 132-3,

325, 335, 336, 338
its characteristics i, 90-1, 123
the commons and the gentlemen i,

91, 97-8, 100, 104, 114-5, 123-7,

138-40, 142; n, 148-51
Lord Darcy's opinion of. See Darcy,

Lord, and the Lines, rebellion
Demands of the rebels. See Demands

of the rebels of Lines.

Index

363

Lincolnshire rebellion

executions i, 79; n, 45, 94, 108,

148-9, 150-4, 158, 168, 197, 213, 220
execution of the rebels delayed i, 269,

281, 319; n, 17, 148-51, 189
causes of its failure i, 85, 126, 129,

138-9, 166, 265, 334, 358, 381
finances i, 106-7, 113, 118, 153
examination of the gentlemen i, 135,

140 ; n, 148-51
the rebels at Lincoln. See Lincoln

city, the rebels in
monks in i, 104-5, 107, 118, 126;

n, 152, 155-7
murders and plundering ij 98, 101-2,

104, 111, 113, 115, 157; n, 196
numbers of the rebels i, 97, 109,

111-2, 119, 125, 128, 133
oath of the rebels. See Oath of the

Lines, rebels

outbreak at Caistor i, 96-7
outbreak at Horncastle i, 101
outbreak at Louth i, 92
the pardon i, 135, 273, 320 ; n, 84-5,

108, 150-1
the parish priests in i, 91-2, 94, 96,

102
prisoners sent to London i, 135 ;

n, 148-9, 151

prisoners pardoned n, 152-3
refugees i, 306; n, 83, 93, 96, 129,

202
royal letters to the rebels. See Letters,

Eoyal, and Proclamations, Boyal
spreading of the rebellion i, 100-1,

104, 106, 111; n, 174
and the commissioners of the Sup-
pression i, 95
surrender and dispersal of the rebels

i, 129-30, 138, 162, 166, 173, 228,

244, 288

trials n, 148, 151-4, 204
connection with the Yorkshire re-
bellion i, 24, 79-80, 95, 105-6,

115, 129, 130, 139, 141, 142-3,

145, 146, 151-3, 156-7, 162-3,

166, 172, 174, 177, 201, 207,

229-30, 244, 288, 353; n, 150-2
reference i, 154, 214-5, 279, 295,

377; n, 1, 40, 74, 166, 169, 180,

205

Lindsey i, 89
Line (Leven), the river i, 35, 196, 223;

n, 113
Lisle, Arthur Plantagenet, Lord i, 335 ;

n, 307, 323
Lisle, Lady n, 19
Lisle, Sir Humphry i, 31, 199, 201
Lisle, Sir William i, 31
Littlebury, Thomas i, 101, 107
Littleton, - i, 264
Llandaff, the Bishop of. See Holgate,

Kobert

Lobley, — n, 106, 203
Lockwood, — n, 70

Loder, John i, 42

Loder, William i, 42

Lofthouse, the rector of. See Franke,

Thomas

Lofthouse, the bailiff of n, 161-2
Lollardy n, 172-3
Londesborough i, 62, 72, 82
London

Bethlehem without Bishopgate i, 68
Bishop of. See Stokesley, John
the Black Friars nigh Ludgate n,

193

London Bridge n, 195, 214, 216, 315
Chancery Lane n, 46
the Charterhouse. See Carthusians
Cheapside i, 145, 328; n, 198
Crossed Friars' Churchyard n, 195,

216

Darcy detained in i, 20-4, 189-90
districts in. See under their names,

as Smithfield, Limehouse, etc.
the Fleet prison n, 200, 218, 261-2
the gates n, 214
the Guild Hall n, 153-4, 206
the King's Bench prison n, 219
Our Lady Friars in Fleet Street n,

193
news of the Lines, rebellion reaches

i, 107, 133

the Lord Mayor of n, 325
the Marshalsea n, 163-5, 213
Newgate i, 62; 11, 198
Pardon Churchyard by the Charter-
house n, 154, 185
St Paul's i, 328. See also Paul's Cross
the plague in n, 27, 218
preparations to suppress the rebellion

i, 108, 117, 134

rebel proclamations in. See Pro-
clamations, Kebel, in London
Protestant feeling in n, 292, 318
its unprotected position i, 125
the Queen's Head in Fleet Street

i, 328

the Kolls n, 46
royal progress through n, 25
rumours in i, 80, 122, 298 ; n, 19,

23, 25, 118, 165, 307
news of the Yorkshire rebellion reaches

i, 173, 244

reference i, 25, 39, 50, 55-8, 69, 73,
99, 105, 118, 121, 123, 131, 141,
145-6, 157, 190, 191, 193, 205,
224, 229, 234, 236, 274, 278, 284,
293, 308, 310-1, 313, 326, 329, 340,
360, 366, 368, 377; n, 4, 24, 30,
32-3, 39-40, 42, 45, 50-2, 54, 58,
76, 79-80, 84, 95-6, 129-31, 135,
137-9, 142, 145, 163, 166, 171,
175-6, 184, 187-8, 194, 197, 200,
202, 204, 206-7, 209, 213, 222, 230,
233, 235, 242-5. 248, 251, 254,
257, 261, 265, 277, 279, 291, 304,
309, 321, 324-5
Longbottom, William n, 154

364

Index

Longland, John, Bishop of Lincoln i, 67,

93, 98, 101, 111, 113, 114, 133;

n, 40. See also Demands of the

rebels

Lonsdale i, 317; n, 129
Lordington n, 289, 305-6
Louth

Church i, 79, 92

commissary's court at i, 91-2

the Corn Hill i, 93

the High Cross i, 94, 96

the Tollbooth i, 126, 135

the vicar of. See Kendale, Thomas

reference i, 79, 91, 95-107, 111, 124,

128, 135, 136, 153, 326; n, 40, 126,

149-50, 152-4
Louthesk i, 79, 98
Louth Park n, 106

Abbey i, 92-3, 112; n, 153
Louvain n, 283, 287
Lovell, Sir Francis i, 122
Lovell's rebellion i, 21
Low Countries. See Netherlands, the
Lownde, Thomas n, 47, 59, 63
Lowrey, John u, 63
Lowther i, 221
Lowther, Sir John i, 221-3; n, 116,

245-6, 249
Loyalists i, 155, 157, 159, 169-70, 180,

183, 196, 198-201, 206, 211, 223,

225, 280, 282, 287, 293-4, 297, 299;

n, 92, 183

Luis of Portugal i, 325; n, 299
Luke, Sir Walter n, 151
Lumley Castle i, 204
Lumley, family of i, 36, 83
Lumley, George i, 204-5, 232-3; n, 66-

72, 77, 80, 87, 135, 159, 185, 197-

200, 203, 212, 216
Lumley, Jane, wife of George i, 205 ;

n, 66, 200

Lumley, John i, 197, 199
Lumley, John, Lord i, 182, 204-6, 232,

237, 238, 252, 262, 265, 344-5; n,

13, 16, 96, 159-62, 185, 199-200
Lupton, Dr i, 244
Luther, Martin i, 346, 353
Lutherans i, 72
Lutton, — n, 131-2
Lygerd, — i, 157
Lynn i, 327
Lynney, Randolph, vicar of Blackburn

n, 147-8, 189
Lynton n, 43
Lythe i, 151; n, 69, 71, 96, 184, 211,

213

Mackerell, Matthew, Abbot of Barlings
i, 107, 111, 114, 116; n, 149-51,
153-6

Madeleine (Magdalen), daughter of
Francis I i, 333-4, 340; n,
240, 242-3, 253-4, 266-7

Madeson, Sir Edward i, 96-9, 107, 118

Madowell, John n, 167

Magna Carta i, 360, 387
Magnus, Thomas, Archdeacon of the
East Biding i, 72, 143, 150,
170, 185-6, 227, 292, 302 ; n, 33,
138, 260

Maidstone n, 168
Maitland, F. W. 'English Law and the

Renaissance' i, 367-8; n, 182
'Year Books of Edward II' i, 36-7
Mallory, — i, 345
Mallory, Sir William i, 59, 212, 262,

345; n, 78
Maltby, Simon i, 91
Malton i, 40, 163, 231, 388
Priory i, 233; n, 58-9
the Prior of. See Todde, William
Maltravers, Lord n, 193
Manby, Thomas i, 95, 165
Manchester n, 142

College i, 213
Manne, John i, 327
Manser, Edward i, 345
Manser, Henry 11, 174
Mansfield i, 108, 116
Mansfield, -• n, 133
Marches, Council of the. See Borders,

Council of the Marches
Marck, Erard de la, Bishop of Lie"ge

n, 283, 295, 326
Margaret, Queen-Dowager of Scotland

n, 250

Markby Priory i, 95
Markenfield, family of i, 212, 262
Market Rasen i, 107, 110
Marney, Henry, Lord i, 276; n, 1
Marshall, William i, 324, 346
Marshall, — , clerk of Beswick n, 65,

266
Marshall, Dr Cuthbert, Archdeacon of

• Nottingham i, 382-3, 385-6
Marshall, Dr n, 256
Marshall, Simon 11, 266
Marshland i, 141-2, 148-50, 155-6, 168-9,

282, 293, 299, 318, 323 ; n, 9, 27
Marston alias Heyton Wansdale i, 58
Marton Priory i, 286
Mary, afterwards Queen

and Charles V i, 325, 331, 333; n,

299

danger of her position i, 22-5
her friends i, 21, 25-6; n, 311, 320,

325

her governess i, 14
her proposed flight from Greenwich

i, 23

impersonated i, 87
question of her legitimacy i, 1, 10,

21, 325, 331, 356, 363; n, 245
proposals for her marriage i, 15, 17,
317, 324-5, 331, 337, 340; 11, 267,
294, 299, 319, 323-4
the Pilgrims support her claims i,
264, 318, 331, 339, 355-6, 383;
n, 14, 277
her popularity i, 1, 356-7

Index

365

Mary

reconciled to her father i, 1, 26, 108
her reign i, 81; n, 325, 327
reference i, 27, 335; n, 25

Mary of Guise n, 298

Mary of Hungary, Eegent of the Nether-
lands i, 133-4, 310, 335-6, 339;
n, 282-3

Masham n, 266

Mashamshire i, 201-3, 208, 239, 252,
262, 369

Master of the Kolls. See Hales, Chris-
topher

Maston i, 82; n, 132

Maunsell, Thomas, vicar of -Brayton i,
170, 180, 184-6, 188-90, 261, 273,
297; n, 92

Maunsell, William i, 180, 297; n, 84

Maxwell, Lord n, 246-7

Maydland, Dr i, 82

Meat, act regulating the price of i, 13

Melanchthon, Philip i, 346

Melling, the constable of n, 113

Melmerby, the parson of i, 222

Melton, Nicholas. See Captain Cobbler

Merlay, Thomas i, 205

Merlin i, 81, 83-6, 209; n, 244

Merriman, B. B. ' Life and Letters of
Thomas Cromwell' n, 296

Metcalf, Sir James i, 36, 208

Metham, Sir Thomas i, 149, 151

Metham, young i, 148-9, 157-9, 181,
185, 345

Meux i, 388

Mewtas, Peter n, 32, 285, 294

Middleham i, 201, 208; n, 28, 34, 105,
184

Middleham Moor n, 108

Middleton, Lanes, i, 217

Middleton, — i, 345

Middleton, — , yeoman, and his wife
i, 236

Middleton, Edward i, 203 ; n, 38, 107-8,
110, 203, 214, 266

Middleton, John i, 217

Middlewood, Koger n, 87-8, 117

Middlewood, William n, 87

Miffin, Philip i, 155

Milan, Christina, Dowager-Duchess of
n, 298

Milan, the Duchy of 11, 299

Milburn i, 371

Milburn, the family of n, 238

Milburn, Christopher n, 230-1

Milburn, David n, 230-1

Milburn, Humphry n, 238

Mileham, Nicholas, sub-prior of Wal-
singham n, 175, 179

Miller, Thomas, Lancaster Herald i, 128-
30, 134, 166, 172, 228-30, 233, 240,
249, 252, 256, 259, 346, 379-80; n,
10, 17, 28, 30, 40, 44, 61, 83, 134,
300-1, 327

Millthrop Hall i, 237

Milner, Sir John i, 152

Milnthorpe, the bailiff of n, 144
Milsent, John i, 95, 126, 135, 165
' Mirror for Magistrates ' i, 85
Missenden, Sir Thomas i, 97
Moigne, Thomas i, 36, 55, 90, 98-100,

106, 110, 126-7, 140-1 ; n, 150-2
Moke, William n, 215, 217-8
Monasteries

capacities for monks i, 92, 116, 218;

n, 125, 145
proposed crown rent charge from their

lands i, 352, 374-5
and the Statute of First Fruits i, 351
grants of monastic lands i, 28, 51,

95, 162, 190, 193, 280, 332, 349;

n, 138-9, 219, 301-2
and Henry VIII. See Henry VIII,

his ecclesiastical policy
Queen Jane pleads for them i, 108
not restored by the Lines, rebels

i, 112, 153
restored by the Pilgrims i, 112, 162,

178-9, 213, 218, 244, 274, 317;

n, 17, 20-1, 24, 39, 85-6, 109, 111,

129, 212
and the Pilgrimage of Grace i, 208,

218-9, 222, 225, 232-3, 283, 287;

11, 38-40, 121, 129, 145-6, 152,

154-7, 212-4

their popularity i, 348-51
prophecies in. See Prophecies
the rebels demand their restoration.

See Demands of the rebels
draft act for their reorganisation

i, 375
suppressed, receivers of their goods

i, 278; n, 20
refounding of, after suppression i, 193;

n, 25-6
opinions of the suppression in i, 74-6;

n, 107, 157, 166, 175
suppression or surrender of the greater

n, 121-2, 138-9, 142, 144-7, 153,

155, 166
general suppression of n, 299, 301-2,

329

and their tenants n, 156, 173, 213
Monketon, Anne i, 50
Monketon, William i, 50, 148-9, 181;

n, 32-3, 78

Monmouth's Eebellion ir, 120
Montague, Henry Pole, Lord
his arrest n, 310, 315
his character and opinions i, 361;

n, 217, 286, 292-4, 303
his danger i, 15; n, 275-7, 295
evidence against n, 310-2, 321
his execution n, 286, 315, 326-7
his correspondence with Exeter. See

Exeter, the Marquis of, his

friends
his family and connections i, 14-5,

22
his proposed flight from England n,

278, 286, 295, 310, 316

366

Index

Montague, Henry Pole, Lord
his friends n, 290-2, 313
his papers n, 305-6, 315, 317, 319
message from Cardinal Pole n, 285-6,

294, 303

and Sir Geoffrey Pole's arrest u, 306
his trial n, 314, 318
reference i, 17, 330; n, 289, 296,

304, 307

Montague, Jane, Lady i, 14
Monteagle, Thomas Stanley, Lord i, 53,

216, 218, 319; n, 119
Montmorency, Anne de, Constable of

France n, 310, 319
Monubent i, 210, 219
Monyhouse n, 69
Moors, the i, 19
Mordaunt, Lord n, 193
More, Sir Thomas i, 11, 23, 63, 65, 68-9,
271, 354, 358; n, 136, 182, 192,

287, 292
Moreton, John i, 285

Morland, William, alias Burobe i, 92-4,
96-8, 100-4, 124, 126, 128, 138,

288, 336; n, 106, 153
Morley, Lord n, 193
Morpeth n, 28, 81, 233

Morris, John, 'The Troubles of our

Catholic Forefathers' i, 59
Mortlake i, 303
Moryson, Richard, 'An Invective against

Treason' n, 307, 309, 314-5,

321-2

Mountgrace Priory i, 43, 233
Mountjoy, William Blount, Lord n, 193
Mousehold Heath n,. 176
Moy, Charles de, vice-admiral of France

n, 254, 256

Mnlgrave i, 41, 205-6; 11, 59, 87
Muncaster n, 112
Musgrave, family of n, 115
Musgrave, Cuthbert n, 116
Musgrave, Sir Edward i, 222
Musgrave, Nicholas i, 221, 345 ; n, 106,

111-3, 266

Musgrave, Sir William n, 6, 9, 42
Muskham i, 319
Mustone. See Maston
Mustone, the vicar of. See Dobsone,

John

Napoleon i, 17; n, 298

Nassau, the Count of i, 108

Navy, the English n, 95, 242-3, 245, 247

Naworth Castle i, 224, 250

Neales Ynge i, 209

Neat geld i, 370-2 ; 11, 44

Nesfield, John i, 72

Nethe Abbey n, 143

Netherdale i, 52, 262, 369

Netherlands, the i, 27, 335-6; n, 281,

322

the Regent of. See Mary of Hungary
Nettleham (Netlam) n, 154
Neville (Nevill), Edith, Lady i, 18 ; n, 194

Neville, Sir Edward n, 289-90, 310, 312,

314-5, 320

Neville, Henry, Lord i, 204-5, 231, 235,
237, 238, 252, 262, 345 ; n, 13, 16,
96

Neville, Sir John n, 255
Neville (Nevill), Margaret n, 185
Neville (Nevill), Marmaduke i, 262, 312,

345 ; n, 20, 24, 53
Neville (Nevill), Mary n, 185
Neville (Nevill), Sir Robert i, 186, 238,

345

Neville (Nevill), Thomas n, 185, 217
Neville, William n, 87-8
New, Roger n, 153
Newark i, 63, 245, 249, 251, 293-4, 296,

311, 319-20 ; 11, 5, 8, 107
Castle i, 250, 282
the vicar of n, 301
Newbald i, 151; n, 64
Newborough i, 146; n, 60, 133
Newburgh Priory i, 233
Newbury i, 51

Newcastle-upon-Tyne i, 31, 36, 59, 63,
65, 72, 183, 185, 192, 196, 204-7,
225, 239, 288, 336 ; n, 21, 28, 30,
38-9, 94-5, 102, 104, 122, 124, 126,
133, 233-4, 237-8, 246, 256, 262,
269-70, 275

Newdyke, Richard i, 145
New Learning, the

and the ten articles of religion i, 10
bishops inclined to i, 178, 280, 324,

348, 353-4

in East Anglia n, 173, 177
in Germany n, 299
the King's persecution of i, 324, 374,

379 ; n, 13, 166, 180, 299-300
literature i, 24, 67, 93, 353
in the monasteries i, 65, 75 ; n, 166
its progress i, 24, 93 ; n, 168, 177,

197, 199, 292, 301, 318
the rebels demand its suppression.

See Demands of the rebels
its unpopularity i, 59, 66, 68, 71, 82,
271, 348, 354 ; n, 164-9, 196, 199,
292, 302-3, 305, 316, 319
reference i, 64, 84, 86; n, 259
Newminster Abbey n, 121-2
Newstead i, 200
Newton, William i, 43
Nice n, 299, 302
Nicholas, — i, 93, 98
Nicholson, William n, 49, 62,5 64, 66,

82

Nidd, the river i, 231
Nidderdale i, 201, 208
Nieuport n, 285
Noble, Thomas i, 96
Norfolk county i, 78, 107, 120, 241,

327-8; n, 26, 99, 173-4, 178
Norfolk rebellion of 1549 i, 364
Norfolk, Thomas Howard, second Duke of,
formerly Earl of Surrey i, 272,
276; n, 154

Index

367

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke of,

formerly Lord Admiral
and Eobert Aske. See Aske, Eobert,

and the Duke of Norfolk
and the Borders n, 103, 124, 126,

133-4, 230-9, 248, 257, 261-4,

268-70, 275-6

his plan of campaign i, 249
plot to capture n, 60-1, 97, 107,

111, 176

his character i, 4-5, 14
and the commons' rising n, 114-24,

128
his council n, 8, 16, 52, 99, 126, 229,

256, 271

his correspondence with the Privy
Council. See Council, the King's,
correspondence with Norfolk

his correspondence with Cromwell.
See Cromwell, Thomas, his corre-
spondence with Norfolk

his rivalry with Cromwell i, 5, 107,
109, 120, 265-6, 358 ; n, 4, 14, 37,
46, 221-2, 224, 261

and Darcy. See Darcy, Thomas, Lord,
and the Duke of Norfolk

suppresses disturbances in Norfolk i,
78, 120-1 ; n, 174

at the second conference at Doncaster.
See Pilgrimage of Grace, the second
appointment at Doncaster

and Sir Kalph Evers n, 183-4

his family i, 260; n, 23, 250

his finances i, 244, 246-7; n, 9,
250

at the Battle of Flodden i, 19, 265,
272

hated in the north n, 254, 301

and the King i, 20, 107, 120, 130,
241-3, 245-7, 249, 251, 259-60,
266-8, 270, 274, 276, 278, 279,
290, 329-30; n, 4-11, 15-6, 19,
22-4, 26, 31, 36, 50, 95, 99, 101-3,
109, 111, 114, 117-8, 120-4, 126-7,
131, 133-5, 138-9, 186, 194, 211,
229, 239, 250-1, 253, 259-60, 264-5,
267, 269-70, 273

his mission to the north n, 9, 11, 18,
21, 27-32, 44-46, 48-53, 55, 60, 67,
71, 73, 76, 80-2, 92-7, chap, xviii,
pp.99 et seq., 141, 158, 160, 187-8,
202, 206, 209, 215, 244, 246, 253,
254-6, 259, 270, 272

his first journey north i, 244-5, 247,
249-51

his opinion of northern gentlemen i,
18, 37, 46; n, 236, 239, 269

his designs on the Percy inheritance
n, 125, 234-7, 239-40, 251-3, 260,
264-5, 274

his opinion of the Pilgrims' army i,

257, 269

collects evidence against the Pilgrims
n, 85, 124-5, 130-1, 194, 199-201,
210-1, 218-9

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke of
his sympathy with the Pilgrims i,

266-7, 279, 287, 327, 329-31, 338-9;

n, 15, 111
sent to treat with the Pilgrims i,

253-4, 256-9, 264-5, 309, 311, 315,

317, 321-3, 330-1, 342, 344-5, 377,

381, 385 ; n, 2, 3, 7, 10, 12
his policy i, 4-5, 260, 266-8
his popularity i, 19, 250-1, 258, 265,

271, 315 ; n, 45-6, 217-8
his promise to keep no terms with the

rebels i, 259-60 ; n, 5, 15
reports of his agents i, 318 ; n, 3,

123
rumour of his arrest. See Eumour,

of the Duke of Norfolk's arrest
his troops i, 118-9, 133, 241-2, 244-5,

248, 257, 268-9
superseded in the command of the

royal army i, 120-1, 241
reappointed to command the royal

army i, 173, 241
and Scottish affairs n, 238, 241, 247-

50, 266, 268
and the Earl of Shrewsbury. See

Shrewsbury, the Earl of, and the

Duke of Norfolk
his joint commission with Shrewsbury

i, 173, 215, 243, 245 ; n, 8, 9, 29
and the Duke of Suffolk i, 241-2,

247, 268, 321 ; n, 8, 9, 11, 17, 22
his trial n, 186
holds trials n, 109-111, 118-122,

125-6, 129, 131-7, 140, 143, 151,

164, 257-8, 262
at York. See York city, the Duke of

Norfolk at
reference i, 38, 204, 218, 238, 262,

264, 294, 300, 302, 320, 326;

n, 77-9, 84, 98, 108, 113, 144, 151,

163, 182, 193, 197, 277, 289, 305
Norham Castle i, 203-4, 240 ; n, 33, 78
Norman, Robert i, 92
Northallerton i, 388; n, 78, 180
Northamptonshire i, 113
North Cave i, 152
North Charlton i, 200
North Tynedale. See Tynedale, North
Northumberland county
escapes taxation i, 192
gentlemen of n, 228, 230-1, 235,

239

pardon proclaimed in n, 28
the rising in i, 115, 118, 122, 143,

192-201; n, 41
the truce proclaimed in i, 299
unrest there after the rebellion n,

61, 81, 105, 120, 122, 203, 230-3,

263
reference i, 29, 150, 205, 345, 364;

n, 80, 103, 234, 238, 244, 272
Northumberland, the Earls of. See Percy,

family of
Northumberland, the first Earl of i, 15

368

Index

Northumberland, the fifth Earl of i, 31,

33, 34, 46-7, 232
Northumberland, the seventh Earl of n,

331. See also Percy, Sir Thomas,

his children
Northumberland, Henry Percy, sixth

Earl of i, 23, 29-34, 41, 45, 54-5,

57, 73, 149-50, 184, 194, 197-9,

230, 232, 235, 246, 283-6; n, 9,

33, 103, 125, 131, 228, 235, 237,

239, 250-2, 265
Act assuring his lands to the King

i, 33, 199, 264; n, 125, 183, 235
Northumberland, Katherine, dowager

countess of i, 31, 34, 150, 230-1 ;

n, 67, 81, 85, 203, 215, 252, 273
Northumberland, Mary, Countess of i,

32, 285

Norton, family of i, 212, 238, 262
Norton, John i, 52, 209, 211, 345-6;

n, 43

Norton, Kichard i, 209, 345
Norton, Thomas i, 209
Norton, Cheshire, the Abbot of i, 213-4,

226

Norton Conyers i, 52, 209
Norway i, 83, 86
Norwich i, 65, 78, 327; n, 99, 175,

177-9

Castle n, 176

Nottingham county i, 234 ; n, 39
Nottingham town i, 109, 113, 118-9,

121-2, 128, 130-1, 148, 168, 170,

172-4, 185, 249, 259, 266, 294-6,

311, 320, 322, 360; n, 3, 8, 59,

205

Castle i, 282
the Archdeacon of. See Marshall,

Dr Cuthbert

Nunney (Nonye) i, 87-8 ; n, 172
Nun of Kent, Elizabeth Barton, the n, 313
Nuttles i, 155

Oath

of allegiance to the King i, 68, 147,

342; n, 2, 9, 99-101, 109, 122,

127, 141-2, 149, 231-3
devised by Sir Francis Bigod n, 60,

66, 70, 73, 78

of the Cornish rebels n, 171
of the rebels at Kendal i, 216
of the Lines, rebels i, 93-5, 97, 99,

105, 107, 109, 111, 124, 141, 181,

182, 198, 289 ; n, 87
the obligation of contradictory oaths

i, 304, 342, 387
of the Pilgrimage of Grace i, 139,

181-4, 190, 200, 202, 209-10, 216-9,

222, 227-9, 231, 234, 252, 263, 298,

310, 319, 321, 328, 342 ; n, 41, 47,

92, 101, 112-3, 164, 170, 174, 183,

190, 202
of canonical obedience to the Pope

i, 342
of the Kichmondshire rebels n, 80

Oath

acknowledging the King's supremacy

i, 343; n, 295, 312
a treasonable, taken in the Yorkshire

dales i, 79, 207
of the Yorkshire rebels i, 145, 147,

150, 152, 154, 163-4, 180, 197, 199,

204-5

Observant Friars. See Friars, Observant
Ogle, family of n, 228, 231
Ogle, Lewis i, 197
Ogle, Eobert, Lord i, 32, 197, 285; n,

81

Oldfelden, John n, 169
Oldfelden, Philip n, 169
Oldfelden, Bichard n, 169-70
Ombler, William i, 155, 160-1, 163, 273
Order of the Garter n, 195, 229
Orders. See Proclamations, Boyal
Orleans, the Duke of i, 325, 331, 340
Ormsby i, 95
Ortiz, Dr Pedro i, 336
Osborne, Harry i, 287-8
Oseney, the Abbot of n, 168
Osgodby n, 72
Otterburn n, 230
Otterburn, — n, 110
Otterburn, Adam n, 247
Otterburn, James, priest of Kosedale n,

160

Oughtred, Sir Bobert i, 186, 379
Ouse, the river i, 130, 134, 141-2, 148-9,

156, 170, 172, 174, 231, 282
Ovingham, the master of i, 193-4
Oxford city n, 170

the vicar of St Peter's in the East.

See Serls, —

Oxford county i, 67; IT, 170
Oxford, John de Vere, 15th Earl of i,

120-1, 276, 290 ; n, 25, 193
Oxford University i, 43; n, 168-70

Oriel College n, 169
Oxneyfield i, 202-3

Page, Sir Bichard i, 259

Palmer, Sir Thomas n, 284

Palmes, -- i, 345

Palmes, Dr George, rector of Sutton-upon-
Derwent i, 382, 384

Papal Dispensations declared void by Act
of Parliament i, 8

Pardon

persons excepted from i, 273 ; n, 9,

12, 22, 27, 126, 260, 266
the general i, 79; n, 7, 11, 15-21,
23, 27-31, 35, 37, 42, 48, 52-4,
73, 77-8, 82, 100, 106, 120, 127-8,
131, 141, 147, 152, 158, 187-8, 190,
191, 198, 200-2, 204, 206, 209,
211-2, 217-8, 224, 250, 260, 26(5,
300

dissatisfaction caused by the general
11, 30-1, 45, 51, 59-60, 68, 76, 82,
106, 114, 211
the final n, 328

Index

369

Pardon

the Lines, rebels petition for i, 98-9,

127. See also Demands of the

rebels, of Lines,
proposed, to the Lines, rebels i, 129,

135

to Marshland and Holderness n, 9
by act of parliament i, 318, 361. See

also Demands of the rebels, of Yorks.
a limited, offered to the Pilgrims i,

273, 295; n, 2, 6-7, 12, 126
sale of i, 366, 373; n, 146
Paris i, 339, 357; n, 240, 242, 284-5
Parishe, - n, 83, 266
Parker, Edmund n, 188
Parker, George i, 95, 126
Parkyns, John n, 168
Parliament

complaints of abuses in i, 3, 28, 331,

339, 358-61; n, 330
of December 1529 to March 1536 i,

3, 11, 20, 24-5, 264
of June to July 1536 i, 1, 3, 8, 25
of 1539 n, 323-4
acts of. See under separate heads as

Treason, Act of

its composition i, 3, 358 ; n, 31, 45
freedom of access to i, 318
freedom of speech in i, 361 ; n, 26
the King relies on its authority i, 331,

358; n, 14
confirms the Lancastrian title to the

crown i, 362
the ancient customs of the House of

Lords i, 360

petition of the Commons 1532 i, 6
the Pilgrims appeal to its authority

i, 355, 360, 374; n, 14
places not represented in i, 355, 359,

388; n, 15
proposed, after the rebellion i, 360-1,

375; n, 16, 18-24, 26, 27, 31, 37,

45, 48-9, 51, 55, 60, 68, 71-3, 79,

86, 100, 102-3, 130, 168, 187-8,

198, 206, 209-10, 280
social legislation i, 12
the Speaker i, 358
modification of the Treason Act i, 11
reference i, 2, 19, 98, 372, 385
Parr, Sir William i, 122-3, 128, 320;

n, 53, 151, 153-4, 220-2
Parry, Thomas i, 203
Paslew, John, Abbot of Whalley n, 142-5,

147, 169, 189
Pater, William i, 299
Paul III, Pope (the Bishop of Eome)
his authority in England denied i, 2,

7, 10, 65, 67-8, 71, 304, 343, 385 ;

n, 35, 41, 165
letters of censure on Henry VIII i,

337; n, 241-2, 287-8, 298
and his English supporters i, 8, 64-9,

72, 75, 82, 258, 287, 310, 331, 336,

338-40, 383-4; n, 30, 120, 127,

219, 277, 280, 287, 312, 321, 330-1

D. II.

Paul III, Pope (Bishop of Eome)

his relations with France i, 334; n,

281
tries to reconcile Francis I and Charles V

i, 2, 3, 335, 338; n, 242, 245, 298
possible reconciliation with Henry VIII

i, 1; n, 278
his Bull of Interdict against Henry VIII

i, 11, 334, 339, 341; n, 298-9
and James V of Scotland n, 240-2,

256

at the meeting at Nice n, 298-9
and Cardinal Pole n, 279, 283, 286,

302
sermons against his usurped power.

See Sermons, loyal
reference n, 244, 249, 303, 326
Paul's Cross i, 274, 324, 374; n, 25, 291,

305

Paul's Wharf n, 318
Paulet, — n, 172
Paulet, Sir William i, 247, 276, 290;

n, 118, 309, 324
Pavia, the battle of i, 364
Pawston (Fawston?) n, 238
Payne, Hugh n, 165
Peacock, Anthony n, 110-1, 180
Pecock, John i, 42
Pennell, Harry i, 96
Penrith i, 70, 79, 221-4, 226, 312, 345,

370; n, 28, 120-3
the Captains' Mass i, 223
chapel i, 222
Fell i, 221

Percebay, William i, 230-1
Percy, family of i, 31, 84, 115, 192; n,

43, 114, 183, 227, 232, 252, 273-4
Percy, Agnes, wife of Sir William i, 45
Percy, Eleanor, wife of Sir Thomas i, 33 ;

n, 124-5
Percy, Henry. See Percy, Sir Thomas,

his children

Percy, Sir Ingram i, 32-3, 150, 196,

198-201, 220, 224, 284-5, 299, 306 ;

n, 10, 41-2, 104-5, 158, 202, 219,

228, 230, 273

Percy, Thomas. See Percy, Sir Thomas,

his children
Percy, Sir Thomas

his arrest n, 104-5, 130, 158, 202, 230
and Eobert Aske i, 231, 284-5
his character i, 34
and Bigod's insurrection n, 61, 67,

71, 80-1, 86-7, 203
captured by the Pilgrims i, 163,

230-1; n, 163
his feud with the Carnabys i, 33,

199-200; n, 41, 124, 231-2
his children i, 33 ; n, 252, 273-4
his petition to Cromwell i, 33
disinherited i, 33-4, 122, 232, 284
evidence against n, 86, 124, 202-3
his execution n, 216, 228
and little John Heron i, 195 ; n, 41-2,
232, 263

24

370

Index

Percy, Sir Thomas

his imprisonment n, 125, 219
his alleged letter to Lines, u, 84
and the monasteries i, 233
his quarrels with the Earl of North-
umberland i, 32-3, 283-4
his conduct in Northumberland i, 115,

299; ii, 41-2
his company of Pilgrims i, 230-1,

239, 251, 262

his popularity i, 34, 232 ; n, 71, 203
his connection with the Eichmondshire

rising n, 203, 214
and the Abbot of Sawley's supplication
ii, 83-6, 98, 124, 127, 142, 201,
203, 212

his trial ii, 135, 198, 204
his entry into York i, 231-2, 235
reference i, 122, 149, 198, 238, 285,

345; n, 10

Percy, Sir William i, 45-8
Percy, William, Lord ii, 83
Perith, Edward i, 221
Peter, — i, 91
Peter, St i, 383
Peterborough i, 112
Petitions of the rebels. See Demands of

the rebels

Philips, — i, 170; n, 205
Philips, Thomas n, 321, 324-5
Phillips, Henry n, 283
Picardy i, 339
Pickburn i, 256, 260
Pickering i, 388
Pickering Lythe. See Lythe
Pickering, Friar John i, 280-1, 307, 378,
382-3, 385-6, 388; ii, 61-2, 121,
125, 130, 183, 211-4
Pickering, John, priest ii, 163-4, 211, 213
Piercebridge i, 208
Pilgrimage of Grace

its political antecedents i, chap, i,

pp. 1-13, 73-4, 341-2
badge of the Five Wounds. See Badge,

the Five Wounds of Christ
the mission of Bowes and Ellerker.
See Bowes, Robert, his mission to
the King

its captain. See Aske, Eobert
reports of, on the continent i, 330,
333-6, 338-40 ; n, 217, 241, 280
discipline i, 148, 160-2, 176, 178,

183, 221, 229-30, 312-3
its dual character i, 208, 225-6, 283,
370; n, 96, 100, 213, chap, xxiv,
pp. 329 et seq.
the advance to the Don i, 238-9,

251-62
the first appointment at Doncaster.

See Truce of Doncaster
the second appointment at Doncaster
i, 287, 313, 315, 317-8, 321, 332,
342, 346, 359, 373, 376-7; n,
chap, xv, pp. 1-23, 24-5, 27,
31-4, 38-9, 42-3, 46, 52, 54-5, 73,

Pilgrimage of Grace

79, 84, 95, 97-8, 111, 129, 141, 147,

158, 164, 166, 189, 223, 252
its early stages. See under Yorkshire

rebellion
executions n, 195, 214-7, 220-1, 225,

226, 278, 282, 286, 322

if 1* M -

£T ip vii ^T gll/*ipjfirin nr i fttmrr i,

258, 279, 381; n, 55
causes "UfoMllirp "» 55-6, 292, 322,
"~329-333
finances i, 162, 183, 188, 206, 232-3,

267, 286, 288, 331; n, 44, 209
£uspicion bet wesik..^ gentlemen and

commons i, 252, 254, 265, 280,

303, 341, 381-2; n, 16, 20, 31-3,

45-7, 51, 330, 333
liata,oL^riexajjO§s i, 315, 332, 342,

345-7, 354, 357, 370-2
siege and surrender of Hull. See Hull
the Pilgrims' attitude to the King

i, 253, 281, 305-6; ii, 292, 329
and the King's intrigues. See Henry

VIII, his policy with the Pilgrims
the King's replies to the Pilgrims'

Demands. See Henry VIII, his

replies to the Pilgrims
its leaders i, 29, 36-7, 55, 254, 261-2,

271, 367-8, 373, 376; ii, 18, 55,

72, 90, 164, 271, 277, 322, 330, 333
restoration of monasteries during. See

Monasteries restored by the Pilgrims
proposed appeal to the Netherlands for

help i, 310; n, 190, 223
means of communication between the

hosts i, 211, 288
negotiations with Norfolk. See Norfolk,

the Duke of, sent to treat with the

Pilgrims
settlement of the north after n,

chap, xxi, pp. 226-276
numbers i, 70, 154, 157, 160, 173,

175, 180, 185, 191, 205, 212, 217,

234, 237, 252, 261-2, 330-1, 336;

n, 300, 332
oath of the Pilgrims. See Oath, of

the Pilgrimage of Grace
opinion in the ranks i, 264-5, 268,

290; n, 12, 19-20, 22, 24
siege and surrender of Pontefract Castle

i, 184-90, 192; ii, 92, 129
the musters at Pontefract i, chap, x,

pp. 227-40
Council at Pontefract i, 191, 312, 315,

317, 332, chap, xiv, pp. 341-88;

n, 7, 10, 20, 24, 57, 129-30, 185,

189, 213, 270
plundering by the Pilgrims i, 183-4,

204-5, 211, 261, 279, 283, 287,

297, 300; ii, 218, 256-8
rhymes in praise of i, 85, 213, 261,

280-1, 307, 349-50; ii, 169-70,

212-3
the Pilgrims in touch with the royal

army i, 251, 255-6

Index

371

Pilgrimage of Grace

the Pilgrims demand safe-conducts.
See Henry VIII, the question of
safe-conducts
Scarborough Castle besieged i, 212,

314

the siege of Skipton Castle. See
Cumberland, the Earl of, his defence
of Skipton Castle

the alarm at Snaith i, 296-8, 300-1
spread of i, 171, 230-1, chap, ix,

pp. 192-226

sympathy with, in the south i, 266-7,

305-6, 327, 329-30, 375 ; n, 24, 26,

36, 59, 164-5, 167-9, 171, 174, 190,

223, 243-4, 292

council of captains at Templehurst

i, 308-11

trials n, chap, xx, pp. 182-225
the Pilgrims' determination during the

truce i, 295-6, 344; n, 4, 6
preparations during the truce i, 281-3,

286, 309-10, 313, 316-7, 344
the capture of Edward Waters' ship

i, 314, 317, 322-3; n, 9, 17, 57
the advance to York, i, 154, 158, 164,

168-9, 171, 174-5, 178, 181-2
the council at York i, 293, 306,
chap, xiii, pp. 308-40, 342, 354;
n, 57, 201
Pinchinthorp i, 39
Pittington i, 369
Place, — i, 345
Pledges, the Border 11, 231, 233, 237-9,

248, 257, 262, 270, 274-5
Plumland n, 112
Plummer, John i, 66
Plumpton, — i, 181, 345
Plymouth i, 19
Poland i, 15
Pole, family of i, 14, 332-3, 338 ; n,

277-8, 299, 308, 329
Pole, Constance, wife of Sir Geoffrey n,

305-6, 326

Pole, Sir Geoffrey i, 22, 330, 332; n,
275-6, 278, 284-6, 289-96, 302-12,
314-18, 323, 326-8

Pole, Henry n, 306, 310, 323-5, 328
Pole, Keginald, Cardinal

approves of the ten articles of religion

i, 352

attainted n, 323

his book ' De Unitate Ecclesiastica ' i,
16-7, 337-9; n, 278-9, 287-9, 302
his cardinalate i, 338, 340; n, 279
and Charles V i, 16-17
delay in his ordination i, 27, 337
leaves England i, 15
communications with England 11,

283-6, 303-6, 311, 316-8
his proposed mission to England i,
331, 337-9; n, 241, 280, 282-3, 287
his family endangered by his conduct
i, 338; n, 275-8, 288-9, 295, 312,
314, 318, 322, 326-7

Pole, Keginald

plot to kidnap n, 282, 284-5, 293-4,

317
papal legate n, 279-83, 285-7, 289,

293, 302, 322
his proposed marriage with Mary i,

15, 17, 337; n, 294, 311, 324
and Montague's children n, 306, 323,

326-7

at the meeting at Nice n, 298-9, 302
and the rebellion in England i, 337 ;

n, 286-7, 330

at Borne i, 336, 338; n, 277, 286-9
spies in his household n, 284
at Venice n, 302
reference i, 22, 330, 367 ; n, 278, 295,

308, 313

Pollard, A. F. 'Henry VIII' n, 334
Pollard, Eichard n, 139, 208
Pommeraye, Gilles de la (Pomeroy) i, 325
Pontefract Castle i, 121, 143, 150-1,
167-8, 170, 173-4, 180-1, 184-90,
208, 227-8, 235, 237, 244, 246, 250,
289, 291-2, 302, 309, 344, 377-8;
n, 52, 61, 89, 92-3, 109, 127-9,
131, 189-90, 200, 205, 300-1
Pontefract, the council at i, chap, xiv,
pp. 341-388. See also Pilgrimage
of Grace, the council at Pontefract
Pontefract town i, 144, 184, 211, 212,
227-40, 243-4, 250-4, 256, 262,
269-70, 280, 283, 298, 300, 310,
327, 372; n, 7, 10, 12-3, 16-7,
19-21, 54, 99, 101, 108-9, 129, 198,
300
the parish church , All Hallows i, 340,

379, 388 ; n, 12, 300
the market cross i, 229 ; n, 16, 19
representation in parliament i, 359,

388
Pontefract Priory i, 184-5, 344, 346,

378, 382; n, 127

the Prior of. See Thwaites, James
Pontefract, St Thomas' Hill i, 233, 237 ;

n, 17

Pontefract, the honour of i, 296 ; n, 92
Pope, the

general reference i, 16, 45, 61, 82,
342-3, 347-8, 351, 356, 374, 384 ; n,
36, 57, 177. See also Clement VII
and Paul III
Porman, John i, 98
Porter, Thomas n, 43
Portington, Julian i, 50
Portington, Thomas i, 50, 97-9, 105, 151
Portugal n, 299

Don Luis of. See Luis
Potter Hanworth i, 131
Powell, — n, 285
Powes (Powys), Lord n, 193
Praemunire, Statute of i, 6, 385
Pratt, James i, 70, 79
Preston in Lanes, i, 217-9; n, 113, 142,

144, 146
Preston in Holderness i, 155 ; n, 49, 64

24—2

372

Index

Priestman, — n, 96

Priestman, John n, 266

Priestman, William n, 266

Privileged Districts, act abolishing i, 8,

144, 355

Proctor, John i, 52
Proctor, Eobert i, 93
Proclamations
Rebel

Aske's first i, 148; n, 163
Aske's second i, 175, 182, 209,

227, 327
summons to Beverley in Aske's

name i, 145

issued by Bigod n, 78, 97-8
against Bigod's rising 11, 72-4,

102

summons to Cleveland i, 202
in Cornwall i, 327
the terms of the second appointment

at Doncaster n, 48-9
summons to Lancashire i, 216, 217
in Lines, i, 96, 125
in London i, 327-9
in Norfolk i, 327-8
in Northumberland i, 199
prohibited n, 106
rhyming i, 305, 307; n, 96
for a rising in Eichmondshire n,

97, 106, 108
for a new rising u, 51, 79-80,

93-4, 96-7, 102, 105, 198
against spoiling i, 160-1, 176, 178,

183, 204, 318 ; n, 69
against unlawful assemblies i, 318 ;

n, 51
in Westmorland i, 220, 221, 370 ;

n, 113-4

in Worcester i, 328
royal, mandates, orders

after the commons' rising n, 119
order concerning Holy Days i, 9.

See also Holidays
carried by Lancaster Herald to

Pontefract i, 229, 240, 249
for the observance of Lent n,

167-8
sent to Lincoln i, 122, 128, 129,

135, 172
the King's reply to the Lines, rebels

i, 136-8, 142, 324, 328; n, 1, 2,

149, 151
the pardon to the Lines, rebels.

See Lines, rebellion, the pardon
concerning the price of meat i, 13
a limited pardon proclaimed to the

Pilgrims i, 295

affirming the general pardon n, 106
prepared for the Pilgrims i, 273-4
for preaching and bidding of beads

i, 7, 67
against the Bishop of Kome i, 7 ;

n, 165
Shrewsbury's, sent into Yorkshire

i, 172, 173, 228

Proclamations

order for declaring the Eoyal
Supremacy i, 71-2

torn down i, 70; n, 167

against sturdy vagabonds n, 259

to suspend the Statute of Woollen

Cloths i, 108
Prophecies i, 57, 73, 80-6, 326; n, 58,

146, 169, 171, 176, 243-5, 289-90,

294-5

Prowde, John n, 63, 66
Prudhoe Castle i, 33, 230; n, 41, 85,

124
Pullen (Pulleyn), Eobert i, 221, 312,

345; n, 16, 44
Purgatory i, 8, 9, 66, 71, 72, 266, 326,

383

Purveyance n, 172
Py, John i, 87

Quarrendon i, 311

Quinzine. See Fifteenth

Quondam Prior of Guisborough. See

Cockerell, James
Quyntrell, — n, 181

Eadwell i, 326

Eaffells, Eobert i, 145, 147

Eagland, Jerome n, 310, 313

Eaine, J. ' Memorials of Hexham Priory '

11, 276

Easen i, 98, 100
Easen Moor i, 100
Easen Wood i, 106
Easshall, Henry n, 132-3
Eastell, John i, 324, 346
Eatcliff, Sir Cuthbert n, 232, 263, 275
Eatcliff, Eoger i, 269, 295, 306
Eatford, Thomas, parson of Snelland i,

127; ii, 153
Eavenspur i, 388
Eavenstonedale i, 81
Eawcliff i, 298
Eay, Henry, Berwick pursuivant-at-arms

i, 219, 306; n, 217, 246-50, 254-5
Eaynes, Dr John, chancellor of the Bishop

of Lincoln 1,91,101-2,104,133,

202

Eeading i, 328-9
Eede, William n, 169-70
Eedman, — i, 345
Eeedsdale i, 196, 198; n, 6, 41, 81, 120,

122, 228-33, 235, 238-9, 248, 257,

262-4, 268-70
keepers of. See Fenwick, George, and

Heron, John, of Chipchase
Eeformation, the. See England, the Ee-

formation in
Eetford i, 78
Eeynton, Thomas n, 170
Eibble, the river i, 219
Eibblesdale n, 43
Eice, John ap u, 208
Eichard III i, 14, 84, 337
Eichardin, Eobert u, 169

Index

373

Richardson, Alexander n, 145

Eichardson, Cuthbert n, 78

Biche, Sir Bichard, Chancellor of the

Court of Augmentations i, 103,

111, 114, 263, 280, 357-8; n, 14
Bichmond, Surrey i, 63, 327; n, 7, 30
Bichmond, Yorks. i, 210, 221, 283, 359,

377; n, 28, 44, 79, 83, 85, 105-6,

108, 110, 112, 114
the monastery of St Agatha n, 21,

85, 121-2

the Grey Friars n, 106
Moor n, 110
Bichmond, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of i, 1,

30, 302; n, 273, 299
Bichmondshire i, 163, 182, 201-4, 206,

216, 220, 228, 237, 251, 262; n,

62, 66, 74, 78, 80, 97, 106, 108,

110, 128, 180, 203, 208, 214
Bievaux Abbey i, 233
Bingstanhirst i, 149, 155
Bipley, John, Abbot of Kirkstall i, 382 ;

n, 92
Bipon i, 143, 201, 238, 262, 355, 359,

388; n, 28, 50-1, 111
Bisby i, 48

Bising of the North i, 209; n, 53, 120
Bither, — i, 345
Bobin Hood's Cross i, 252
Bobin, William i, 224
Bobson, family of n, 228
Bobson, Archie i, 196; n, 238
Bobson, Geoffrey n, 41, 230, 238
Bobson, Henry n, 230-1
Bobson, John i, 196
Bobson, John, of Fawston n, 238
Boche Abbey i, 349
Bochester n, 165
Bochester, the Bishop of. See Fisher,

John

Bochester, John u, 137
Boddam, John i, 199
Bogers, William, mayor of Hull i, 155-6,

158-9, 161, 288-9 ; n, 63-4, 72, 76,

81, 206

Bogerson, Balph n, 175, 178
Bokeby, Dr John i, 377-8, 382-3, 388
Bokeby, Lady i, 48
Bokeby, Thomas i, 202
Bokeby, William i, 388
Bomaldkirk, the priest of i, 203
Borne, Church of. See Church of Borne
Borne i, 6, 82, 333, 335-9, 341, 351, 354,

356, 383; n, 279-80, 286-9, 302,

326

Booper, Thomas n, 177
Boos, Edward i, 155
Bose, Mr n, 44

Bosedale nunnery n, 76, 160, 162
Boss i, 325

Bossington Bridge i, 250-1
Bothbury i, 299; n, 41, 202
Botherham i, 310, 319, 323, 344
Bothwell i, 74, 98
Bouen n, 242, 255

Bous, Anthony n, 138
Boyston, Herts, n, 244-5
Budston, — i, 157

Budston, Nicholas i, 157-60, 164, 181,
184, 235, 238-9, 345-6; n, 74-5,
90-1, 136, 140, 163-4, 206
Bumour

of Aske's execution n, 45, 50
of the King's death n, 297
of the King's intentions after the
rebellion n, 45-6, 67, 77, 94-6,
105-6, 108, 112
of the King's strength i, 167, 250,

324, 327, 331

of new laws and taxes i, 13, 76-80,

91-2, 96-9, 102, 112, 121-2, 129,

153, 228, 243, 321; n, 30, 35, 93,

114, 142, 165, 169, 177

of murders committed by the Lines.

rebels i, 95, 112, 133
of Norfolk's arrest n, 46, 291
of the Pilgrims' strength i, 122, 287-8,

293, 321, 329, 331, 339
that Pole had become Pope n, 318
of new risings n, 171, 174, 176
of the defeat of the royal army i,

122-3, 334

Buskington, the bailiff of i, 131
Eussell, Sir John i, 122-3, 128, 245,

293, 305, 319; n, 4, 6, 7, 8, 22
Butland, Thomas Manners, Earl of i,
118-9, 122, 129, 265, 294-6, 319-
20; n, 23, 52, 206, 237, 239, 251
Bycard, Thomas i, 24
Bydale i, 81, 151, 153; n, 58
Ryder, Henry i, 186
Bye, the curate of i, 68
Rylston i, 52; n, 43, 56
Bysse, Lady. See Howard, Katherine
Byther, Sir Balph i, 51
Byton i, 230-1

Sadler, Ralph i, 86, 207; n, 93-4, 104,

246, 254-6
St Asaph, the Bishop of. See Warton,

Robert
St Clare's Bradfield (Senkler's Bradfield)

i, 69

St David, diocese of n, 166
St German, Christopher i, 346
St John Ley i, 196
St John, Sir John i, 34
St Kerverne n, 170-1, 181
St Lo, Sir John i, 87; n, 172
St Oswald's i, 184
St Vincent i, 19
Sais, Harry i, 234, 244
Salisbury n, 167
Salisbury, the diocese of n, 167
Salisbury, Margaret, Countess of i, 14, 15,

17 ; n, 275-6, 285-6, 296, 302-8,

310, 315-7, 323-7
Saltmarsh, Thomas i, 148-9, 181, 185,

345; n, 53
Sampoul, Mr i, 107

374

Index

Sampson, Richard, Bishop of Chichester

i, 276
Sanctuary, act restricting the right of

i, 8, 355, 384
Sandall Castle n, 52
Sanderdale Hill i, 223
Sanders, N. ' De Origine ac Progressu

Schismatis Anglicani' n, 142
Sanderson, Mr i, 101, 124
Sanderson, Christopher i, 147, 151 ;

n, 49
Sandes (Sandys), William, Lord i, 18,

23, 276; n, 36, 79
Sandforth Moor i, 221
Sandon, Sir William i, 101
Sandsend n, 87
Sandwich i, 134

Saville, Sir Henry i, 56-7, 61, 172, 190,
235-6, 250, 282, 286, 288, 297-8,
310-1, 316, 321; n, 52, 92, 136,
140, 212, 257-8, 268
Saville, Thomas i, 61
Sawcliff i, 50, 105-7
Sawl, — i, 156, 158
Sawley Abbey i, 210, 213, 215, 217-9,
225, 261, 270; n, 39, 56, 83-6,
111, 121-2, 127-9, 142-3, 145, 212,
266

Sawley, the Abbot of i, 213 ; n, 39, 83-6,
98, 122, 124-5, 127-9, 142-3, 180,
203-4, 212

Sawley, the Prior of i, 317
Sawley, Henry n, 145-6
Scarborough i, 83, 281, 318, 359, 388;
n, 9, 45-7, 57, 60-2, 66-9, 71-2,
77-8, 80, 88, 98, 110, 125, 159,
198, 212, 253, 255
the bailiffs of n, 67, 70, 97-8
Castle i, 44, 150, 157, 183, 211, 212,
225, 239, 286, 298, 313-4, 317,
322-3; n, 33, 52, 67-70, 77, 98,
183

the Grey Friars' House n, 70
Scarlet, -- n, 133
Scawby Hill i, 255
Scawsby Lease i, 260
Scotherne i, 107
Scotland

Border officers i, 299; n, 227, 238,

246, 248-9, 268

the Chancellor of. See Gawan
Council of n, 246-7, 249
English spies in n, 117, 228, 249,

266

alliance with France i, 340; n, 267
dislike of Henry VIII in n, 242, 250
James V's return to n, 238, 241-3,

246-7, 249, 253-5
the King of. See James V
days of march i, 222; n, 41-2,

238-9, 248-9
murder of an English herald i, 306 ;

n, 86

sympathy with the Pilgrimage of Grace
n, 217, 247, 249

Scotland

a refuge for rebels i, 31, 65 ; 11, 65, 77,
86, 93, 108, 159, 244, 246, 249-50,
261, 263, 266-7

the Regents' correspondence with Nor-
folk n, 246-7, 249-50
expected war with England i, 198,
201, 258, 335 ; n, 230, 238, 240,
243-9, 270
previous wars with England i, 19, 40,

238, 272, 359; n, 144
reference i, 187, 193, 304 ; n, 10, 28,
59, 95, 103, 134, 216, 219, 230, 256
Scott, Sir Walter, quoted i, 212, 272;

n, 69, 77

Scriptures in English, the i, 10, 51,
66-7, 93; n, 243, 292, 303, 321,
324

Scrivelsby i, 89, 101, 106, 124
Scrooby i, 228, 234, 249, 257
Scrope, Henry, Lord i, 40, 185, 201,
208, 212, 238, 250, 262, 269, 312,
316, 345; n, 13, 79, 102, 108, 214
Sculcotes i, 160-1
Seamer i, 150, 230-1, 285
Sedbarr, Adam, Abbot of Jervaux i,
202-3, 206, 208; n, 38, 107-8, 127,
135, 156, 203, 211, 213-4, 216
Sedbergh i, 143, 207, 217, 298, 316, 369
Sedgefield i, 226
Sedition

bills i, 70; n, 43-4, 86, 96-7, 105,

110, 112, 159, 164, 167
books i, 72, 175
plays n, 176

rhymes i, 83-6, 213, 236, 266, 280-1,
305, 307, 350; n, 105, 169-70,
174, 178, 212, 290
offers to the King of Scotland ir,

253-6

sermons. See Sermons, seditious
speeches i, 24, 57, 64, 66, 69-72, 79,
91, 112, 118, 120, 131, 133, 145,
207, 218, 319, 326; n, 39, 111,
146, 169, 175-9, 185, 215-7, 243,
290-3, 308, 312-3
watch for, in the southern counties

i, 325; n, 245

Selby i, 151, 170, 180, 285, 291
Serls, — , vicar of St Peter's in the East,

Oxford n, 168
Sermons

heretical i, 22, 66, 68, 71, 324, 353;

n, 14; 166-7

loyal i, 7, 8, 10, 43-4, 64, 71, 274,
280, 324, 353; n, 25, 35, 44, 52,
100, 146, 167, 168, 256
on Purgatory. See Purgatory
seditious i, 7, 64-8, 72, 92, 213,

326; n, 154, 164-5, 167
Servant, -- n, 106, 203
Seton i, 40
Settle Spring n, 83
Settrington i, 40; n, 59, 61, 66, 87,
98, 160, 198

Index

375

Seyman, Eobert n, 176-7

Seymour, Jane i, 1, 2, 108, 117, 145,

207, 244, 330; n, 25, 27, 37,

48-9, 139, 171, 181, 206, 245,

259, 297

Shaftoe, Cuthbert n, 263
Shakespeare, W. 'Henry IV i, 85
Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salisbury

ii, 167

Sheffield Park i, 99 ; n, 24
Shepcotes Heath n, 175
Sherburn n, 198
Sheriff of Lincolnshire. See Dymmoke,

Sir Edward
Sheriff of Yorkshire. See Hastings, Sir

Brian
Sheriffhutton Castle i, 46, 208; n, 34,

105, 110, 112, 134, 139, 248, 252-5,

257, 261, 263, 268, 270, 275
Sherwood, Dr, Chancellor of Beverley

minster i, 382-3
Shetland n, 256
Shewlton i, 222
Shipton i, 158
Shirburn i, 235
Shrewsbury n, 165
Shrewsbury, George Talbot, Earl of
correspondence with Cromwell. See
Cromwell, Thomas, correspondence
with the Earl of Shrewsbury
and Lord Darcy. See Darcy, Thomas,
Lord, and the Earl of Shrewsbury
and Sir George Darcy i, 294, 297-8
his daughters i, 32, 34, 285
his advance to the Don i, 215, 238,
245-6, 249-51, 257, 260, 268-9;
n, 5

and the first appointment at Doncaster

i, 219, 259-60, 265-6, 270, 300, 302

at the second conference at Doncaster

n, 6, 10

finances i, 119, 244, 246, 296
and Lord Hussey i, 113, 130-1
and the King i, 108, 116, 119, 135,
173, 242-3, 249, 294, 298; n, 6,
34, 89
and the Lines, rebels i, 99, 112, 119,

121, 128-30, 228

his musters i, 108, 113, 116, 118, 121,

122, 233-4

his joint commission with Norfolk.
See Norfolk, the Duke of, his joint
commission with Shrewsbury

in command against the Pilgrims i,
135, 143, 173, 185, 188, 230, 243,
249

correspondence with the other com-
manders i, 129-30, 134, 208, 245-6,
249-50, 298

his preparations during the truce
i, 282, 319-20

reference i, 168, 187, 223, 224, 235-6,

258, 262, 276, 285, 311, 329; n,
24, 27, 33, 43, 52-3, 148

Shropshire i, 67, 113

Shuttleworth, George n, 39, 83-5, 98,

142, 202
Siena i, 336
Siggiswick, — - i, 211
Silvester (Sylvester), Eobert, Prior of

Guisborough i, 317; n, 40, 56-7,

201

Simondburn Castle n, 235
Simpson, Percy i, 224
Simpson, Kichard n, 66
Skerne, the river i, 226
Skipton i, 295, 359; n, 28

the vicar of. See Blackborne, William
Castle i, 51-2, 54, 150, 183, 206-12,

225, 238-9, 250, 312, 316; n, 6,

43, 246

Skipwith Moor i, 148-9, 170
Skipwith, Mr i, 154
Skipwith, Sir William i, 95, 125-6;

n, 148
Sleaford i, 21, 24, 26, 104, 109-10, 112-3,

118, 126-7, 130-2; n, 153
Smithfield, London n, 59, 198, 215
Smythely, — i, 154
Smythely, Kichard n, 81
Snaith i, 284, 296; n, 126, 134
Snaith, the bailiff of n, 49, 64
Snape i, 74, 273; n, 80, 108
Snelland i, 324; n, 153

the vicar of. See Batford, Thomas
Snow, Kichard i, 328
Somerset county i, 87-8; n, 26, 172,

215

Somerset Herald. See Treheyron, Thomas
Sotby n, 152
Soulay, Henry 11, 87
Southampton i, 63; n, 171
Southampton, the Earl of. See Fitz-

william, Sir William
Southbye, Kobert n, 153
South Cave i, 154
Southwell i, 246
Southwell, Kichard n, 164
Southwell, Kobert n, 164, 273
Sowerby, the vicar of i, 222
Sowle, Thomas i, 70, 79
Spain i, 19, 22, 45
Spalding i, 111-2

the Prior of i, 112
' Spanish Chronicle ' i, 240 ; n, 23,

36-7, 54, 217, 326-7
Speed, John, 'History of Great Britain'

i, 191, 287, 387; n, 97-8
Speke, Sir George n, 324
Spencer, Bishop n, 173
Spencer, Sir Kobert i, 31
Spennymore i, 204-6
Spittel, the Wold beyond i, 231
Spittels n, 69, 71
Stafford n, 165
Stafford, Henry i, 39
Stafford, Henry, Lord i, 14, 287 ; n, 292
Stafford, Sir Humphry i, 45
Stafford, Ursula, wife of Lord Stafford

i, 14

376

Index

Stafford county i, 113, 215

Staindrop n, 66

Staines, George i, 103, 114-5, 123

Stainton, John n, 107-8

Stamford i, 109, 112, 122-3, 128, 246,

305; n, 59, 149
Standish, Thomas n, 316-7
Stanger, Leonard i, 327
Stanley, family of n, 204
Stanley, Edward i, 53; n, 204
Stanley, Thomas i, 169, 214-6
Stanley, Sir William i, 215
Stanton Lacy i, 67
Stapleton, family of i, 57
Stapleton, Sir Brian i, 58, 146-7, 151,

158, 160, 235, 239
Stapleton, Brian n, 333
Stapleton, Christopher i, 57-8, 146-7;

n, 333

his wife i, 58, 146-8; n, 216
Stapleton, Philip 11, 333
Stapleton, William i, 36, 55, 58, 62,
78-9, 146-7, 151-4, 157-63, 167,
174, 176, 235, 239, 255, 270, 284-5,
312

Stappill, John n, 308
Star Chamber, Court of

Order for the government of Beverley

i, 48

Sir William Bulmer before i, 37
Cases

Beckwith v. Aclom n, 218
Leonard Constable v. Sir Oswald

Wolsthrope i, 58-9
concerning the Earl of Cumber-
land's servants i, 34, 53
relating to enclosures i, 369
Hans Ganth v. the Abbot of Whitby

i,42

Holdsworth v. Lacy i, 61 ; n, 258
Thomas Moigne v.George Bowgham

i, 90
the burgesses of Newcastle-upon-

Tyne i, 206

John Norton v. the Earl of Cum-
berland i, 52
Sir William Percy v. Sir Eobert

Constable i, 47

John Proctor v. Thomas Black-
borne and others i, 53
between Tempest and Saville i, 56,

61
the Abbot of Whitby v. the town

i, 41-2

fines recalcitant juries i, 60
reference i, 89; n, 272
Starkey, Thomas i, 16, 338; n, 295,

305

Staunton, Gloucestershire i, 66
Staveley, Ninian i, 203; n, 107, 108,

110, 113, 138, 203, 214, 219
Staynhus, William n, 76, 159-64, 200-1,

219

Steward, the Lord. See Shrewsbury,
George Talbot, Earl of

Stewart, William n, 10, 22

Stewart, William, Bishop of Aberdeen

n, 217, 247, 249
Stillingfleet n, 80
Stilton i, 109
Stockwith i, 293
Stoke-on-Trent i, 120
Stoke, Somerset n, 291
Stoke Nayland n, 165
Stokesley, John, Bishop of London n, 292,

305

Stokton, — n, 110
Stonar, Francis i, 106
Stone Fair n, 173
Stonor, Sir Walter n, 190
Stony Stratford i, 246
Stonys (Staines), Brian i, 101-2; n,

153

Story, Edward n, 246
Stow, John, 'Chronicle' n, 143
Stowe i, 325
Stowping Sise i, 260, 262
Strangways, Sir James i, 40, 205, 235,

312, 345; n, 96, 136, 160
Strangways, Thomas i, 180-1, 185, 188-9;

n, 127-9, 193-4, 216, 219
Streatlam i, 36
Strebilhill, John n, 215
Strebilhill, Thomas n, 169
Strickland, — i, 345
Strickland, Walter i, 219
Strype, J., 'Ecclesiastical Memorials'

i, 388
Stuard, — , bailiff of Beverley i, 145,

151

Sturley i, 78

Sturley, Sir Nicholas i, 319
Sturton i, 101, 124
Subsidy, the i, 11, 72, 74, 76-7, 91,

96-8, 141, 192, 372-3; n, 99, 125,

172, 174-5, 177
Succession, the three Acts of i, 10, 76,

355-6

the second Act of i, 11, 26, 72
the third Act of i, 1, 264, 317-8,

361-3
Suffolk county i, 12, 69, 121-2, 241,

326; n, 164-5, 173-4, 176
Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of
his council i, 319; n, 150
and the second conference at Don-
caster n, 2, 6-8, 11, 17, 189
correspondence with the King i, 129,

133-6, 289, 296, 311, 320, 323;

n, 6-8, 23, 148-9, 197
at Lincoln i, 135-6, 165-6, 245, 282,

293, 319; n, 148-50, 220
commander against the Lines, rebels

i, 120, 122-3, 132, 134, 142-3, 241,

247-8, 305
his correspondence with the other

commanders i, 211, 246, 274,

293, 297, 301, 313
and the Lines, gentlemen i, 127-30,

136, 172; n, 148-9

Index

377

Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of

his second mission to Lines, n, 52

returns to London u, 24

and the Duke of Norfolk. See Nor-
folk, the Duke of, and Suffolk

communications with the Pilgrims
I, 288-9, 297, 300-6

his position during the truce i, 278-9,
281-2, 286, 293, 297-8, 301, 318

reference i, 95, 121, 210, 213, 244,
249-50, 266, 269, 276, 306; n, 9,
27, 45-6, 220

Suffolk, Duchess of. See Tudor, Mary
Sulyard, Mr n, 19
Suppression of the Smaller Monasteries

act for i, 3, 8, 14, 25, 136-7, 178-9,
222, 264, 351, 353, 374; n, 19, 25-6,
141

begun i, 74, 87

commissioners for i, 91, 95, 133, 204,
206, 377, 387; n, 16, 26, 56, 99,
101, 155

the commissioners resisted i, 169,
193-5, 213-4, 316

expenditure of the spoils. See Mon-
asteries, grants of

a motive for rebellion i, 28, 73, 98,
133, 186-7, 189, 212-3, 222, 271,
316, 333, 348-51, 379, 384; n, 35,
40, 79, 85, 156, 173, 175, 177, 312.
See also Demands of the rebels

continued after the rebellion n, 99-

100, 111, 121-2, 124-5, 127-9, 141,
172, 174-5

by Wolsey i, 75, 213, 271, 307
reference i, 76, 153, 265, 326, 339;

n, 15, 68, 155, 227. See also

Monasteries
Supremacy, Act of i, 7, 23, 26, 43, 64-5,

68-9, 73, 76, 98, 139, 213, 347;

ii, 14-5, 295. See also Henry VIII,

Supreme Head of the Church of

England

Surrey county n, 320
Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of i, 120,

242, 244-5, 259, 265-6; n, 23,

64, 186, 250-1
Sussex county i, 51, 69, 82, 326 ; n, 164,

293, 308
Sussex, Eobert Ratcliff, Earl of i, 276,

290; n, 52, 111, 141-8, 158, 193,

218, 225

Sussex, the Countess of n, 141
Sutton, Sir John i, 114
Sutton, Eobert, mayor of Lincoln i, 99-

101, 114, 132; n, 196
Sutton-upon-Derwent i, 174, 382

the rector of. See Palmes, Dr George
Swaledale i, 182, 209; n, 61, 78, 110-1
Swalowfield, -• n, 123
Swan, John n, 177
Swanland i, 162
Swayne, Michael n, 134
Swensune, Ralph n, 39
Sweton n, 155

Swinburne, Dr i, 344; n, 62
Swinburne, John n, 112
Swinhoe, Robert i, 199
Swinnerton, — - i, 67

Tadcaster i, 57, 150, 235, 270; n, 94
Tailboys, Elizabeth Blount, Lady i,

107

Tailboys, Gilbert, Lord n, 235
Talbot, Francis, Lord i, 250-1, 253, 274,

294

Talbot, William i, 296; n, 147, 189
Talentire n, 44
Tantallon Castle n, 266
Tauriton i, 87; n, 172
Tavistock, the Abbot of i, 75
Taxation i, 2, 3, 11, 29, 98, 114, 182,

192, 332, 352, 371-3
Taylor, John i, 93

Taylor, Lawrence, a harper n, 304, 308
Tees, the river i, 36-7
Tempest, family of i, 37, 235; n, 148,

257

Tempest, John i, 210
Tempest, Nicholas i, 210, 215, 219, 226,

312, 317 ; n, 39, 86, 133, 135,

144-5, 201, 211-2, 214
Tempest, Sir Richard, of the Dale i, 18
Tempest, Sir Richard i, 56-7, 61, 172,

190, 210, 235-6, 239, 250, 269,

312, 316, 345; n, 43, 52, 128, 144,

215, 218
Tempest, Sir Thomas i, 38, 61, 172,

345-6, 357-8, 366, 368, 373; n,

133, 135, 260, 265, 271-4
Templehurst i, 18, 24, 118, 143, 170,

188, 207, 288, 290, 300, 308-12,

327-8, 344 ; n, 34, 48-50, 52, 93,

109, 147, 189, 198
Tenande, — n, 43
Tenant, Mr n, 207
Tenant, Richard, of Holderness i, 155,

160

Tenant right i, 369
Tenth, the lay i, 11, 372
Tenths, ecclesiastical i, 6, 98, 187, 349,

351-2, 384-5; n, 14, 34, 45, 49,

51, 53, 139
Terouanne i, 19
Teshe, Tristram i, 157; n, 139
Tewkesbury i, 70
Thame n, 169, 215
Thames, the river i, 23; n, 25, 292
Theobald, — 11, 302
Thetford i, 266
Thicket Priory i, 51
Thimbleby, Sir John i, 128, 136
Thimbleby, young i, 128
Thingden i, 369
Thirleby, Thomas n, 201
Thirsk i, 388
Thirsk, William, quondam Abbot of

Fountains n, 107, 127, 135, 203,

211, 214
Thomas a Becket, St i, 64; n, 299

378

Index

Thomas the Ehymer i, 82-4, 86
Thomas, William, ' The Pilgrim' I, 263 ;

n, 36, 217

Thomlynson, — i, 202
Thompson, Eobert, vicar of Borough-

under-Stainmoor i, 220-5, 370;

n, 219

Thomson, John n, 62
Thoresway i, 98
Thorley i, 326
Thornbury n, 139
Thorndon n, 166
Thorne i, 296
Thorneton, John i, 166
Throgmorton, Sir George i, 328-9; n,

279
Throgmorton, Michael i, 16; n, 278-80,

283-5, 287-8, 302, 305, 318
Thwaites, — n, 132-3
Thwaites, James, Prior of Pontefract

i, 382
Thwaites, William, vicar of Londesborough

i, 62, 72-3

Thwing (Thweng) i, 205, 232 ; n, 66, 72
Tibbey, Thomas n, 106, 111-3, 117
Tickhill i, 251

Castle i, 319, 388
Tithes i, 225, 370; n, 21, 44, 56, 106,

112
Todde, William, Prior of Malton i, 81,

163; n, 58, 59, 66

Tonge, T. 'Visitation of Yorkshire' i, 61
Toone, Thomas i, 70
Topcliff i, 184; n, 125
Topcliffe, John. See Hexham, John,

Abbot of Whitby
Tortington i, 82
Tournelles 11, 240
Towcester i, 321
Tower of London

as an arsenal i, 108, 117, 119, 120,

134, 327

the Beauchamp Tower n, 202
the lieutenant of the. See Wal-

Bingham, Sir Edmund
as a prison i, 26, 31, 38, 191, 208,

324, 329, 348, 353, 360, 366; n, 25,

33, 46, 53, 105, 125, 143, 151, 153-4,

159, 163, 182-3, 185-7, 193, 195,

197-200, 202, 206-8, 213, 215-6,

219-20, 223, 266, 273, 279, 282,

285, 291, 306-10, 312-21, 323-6
Tower Hill n, 216, 315, 321
Towghtwodde, Thomas i, 87
Towneley, Bernard, Chancellor of the

diocese of Carlisle i, 222-4; n,

121-2, 266
Townley, -- i, 216
Townley, John i, 216
Townley, Sir John i, 216
Towse Athyenges Heath i, 106; n, 154
Towton, battle of i, 40
Tranby i, 153
Treason. See Sedition
Treason, Act of i, 10-11, 76, 263, 332,

365-6; n, 14, 176, 192-3, 201, 211,

215, 289, 293, 310-13, 321
Treasury, the n, 59, 195
Treglosacke, — n, 171
Tregonwell, Dr John n, 170, 199, 204
Treheyron, Thomas, Somerset Herald

i, 299-306; n, 86, 190
Trent, the river i, 29, 130, 141-2, 148-9,

172, 245, 249, 260, 268, 282, 294,

310, 314, 319, 368, 375; n, 4, 5,

23, 106, 252
Tristram, William, chantry priest of

Lartington i, 203, 377-8; n, 40
Trotter, Philip i, 125; n, 153
Trowen, Sir Charles i, 287
Truce of Doncaster i, 201, 211, 219-20,

chap, xi, pp. 241-72, chap, xii,

pp. 273-306, 317, 327, 330, 340,

342; n, 1, 9, 21, 84, 102, 115, 151
Tudor, Mary, sister of Henry VIII, Duchess

of Suffolk i, 35, 87, 210
Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of Durham

i, 6, 9, 35-6, 72, 203-4, 207, 354 ;

n, 33, 40, 78, 102, 200, 231, 260,

265, 267-8, 270, 272-5, 305, 330-1
Tunstall, Sir Marmaduke i, 218
Turkey i, 17, 269, 304, 380; n, 287,

299

Turner, Richard i, 329
Tuxford i, 259, 269
Tweed, the river n, 217
Tyburn n, 154, 214, 216, 315
Tyndale, Gervase i, 65-6; n, 169, 303-4
Tyndale, William i, 346, 353; n, 243-4,

283

Tyndale Wood, Suffolk n, 176
Tyne, the river i, 33, 36; n, 41, 274
Tynedale i, 230

North i, 35, 115, 195-8, 299; n, 6,

41, 81, 120, 122, 228-35, 237-8,

248, 257, 262-4, 268-70, 274-5
North, keepers of. See Fenwick, Roger,

Carnaby, Sir Reynold, and Heron,

John of Chipchase
South n, 235

Tynemouth Priory n, 38, 40, 253, 255
Tyrwhit, Sir Robert i, 97-100, 106, 116,

126, 165; n, 148, 154
Tyrwhit, Robert i, 109-10, 116
Tyrwhit, Sir William, sheriff of Lines.

1537 n, 151, 153

Unlawful Games, act forbidding n, 243
Uses, Statute of i, 12, 28, 69, 102-3,
114, 124, 137, 139, 264, 266, 362,
364-5, 368, 387; n, 24, 319
Usselby i, 99
Uty, Philip n, 47, 63-4
Uvedale, John n, 138, 201, 272

Vachell, Richard i, 222
Valor Ecclesiasticus i, 388
Vaughan, William n, 283-4
Vavasour, Sir Peter i, 345; n, 3, 4
Venice n, 302

Index

379

Vernon, Roger n, 169
Vienna, the Council of i, 384
Villiers, — i, 264

Visitation of the Monasteries i, 63, 183,
318, 354; n, 56, 135, 146, 173

Wade, — i, 343; n, 60, 62
Waflin, William u, 266
Waid, Kobert i, 58
Wakefield i, 56, 169, 172, 180, 184-5,
235, 237, 250, 282, 295, 306, 310,
321, 343-4, 359; n, 28, 34
Walbourne Hope n, 176
Waldby (Walby) Marmaduke, prebendary
of Carlisle and vicar of Kirk
Deighton i, 23-4, 27, 310, 382-3;
n, 90-1, 266

Waldeby, Philip i, 157-8 '
Waldron i, 69

Wales i, 215; n, 165, 284, 290
Walker, — i, 312, 318
Walkington, — i, 156
Wall, Kobert n, 222
Wallace, William i, 313
Wallop, Sir John, ambassador in France

i, 132, 325, 333; n, 240
Walsingham i, 328; n, 174, 176-9
Walsingham Priory n, 175, 177

the sub-Prior of. See Mileham,

Nicholas

the shrine of Our Lady n, 174
Walsingham, Sir Edmund, lieutenant of
the Tower n, 46, 198, 207, 307
Warblington i, 332; n, 296, 302-4,

315-8

the rector of. See Heliar, John
Wardens of the Marches

English. See Borders, officers
Scottish. See Scotland, Border officers
Ware i, 119; n, 32
Wark n, 238
Warrington n, 141-2
Wars of the Eoses i, 14, 359 ; n, 55
Warter Priory i, 72 ; n, 110
Warton, Robert, Bishop of St Asaph n,

165
Warwick, Richard Neville, Earl of, the

Kingmaker i, 14, 15, 36
Water, Thomas n, 66
Waters, Edward i, 314, 317; n, 9, 17,

57
Watton Priory i, 152, 285-6, 344; n,

40, 58-63, 66, 82, 98, 102
the confessor of the nuns n, 59
the Prior of. See Holgate, Eobert
the sub-Prior of. See Gill, Harry
the cellerar of. See Lather, Thomas
Watton village i, 153, 157, 280, 343 ; n,

47, 58-61, 63, 110
parish church i, 152 ; n, 47-8
the curate of i, 343
the vicar of n, 47, 59
Watton Carre n, 59
Watts, John n, 158-64, 200
Waverton i, 382

Wednesborough, the parson of i, 82

Weeley i, 70

Welbeck i, 259-60; n, 6, 10, 23

Wells, Morgan n, 294

Wensleydale i, 143, 182, 207, 209-10,

237, 262; n, 61
Went, the river i, 234, 239
Wentbridge (Ferrybridge) i, 233-4, 238-9,

251, 256

Wentworth, — n, 132
Wentworth, Sir John i, 186
Wentworth, Sir Thomas n, 197, 220,

263-4

Wentworth, Thomas i, 297; n, 199
West Mailing n, 243
Westminster i, 30, 36, 303, 359-60
Westminster Abbey n, 27
Westminster Hall n, 193, 198, 206
Westmorland, the barony of i, 371
Westmorland county
boundaries i, 226
attitude of the clergy to the rebels

i, 354; n, 120
the commons' rising n, 105-6, 111,

113-24, 128, 138, 142
the first rising there i, 192, 220-5,

331, 370
disturbances there after the first rising

n, 44, 111-2

the rebels' grievances i, 217, 220, 226,
299, 318, 369-72 ; n, 112-3, 119-21
loyalists in n, 6
pardon proclaimed in n, 28
the sheriff of. See Cumberland, the

Earl of

the truce proclaimed in i, 279
escapes taxation i, 192, 372
reference i, 29, 81, 218, 226, 292, 304,
305, 307, 318, 349, 364; 11, 234,
272
Westmorland, Charles Neville, sixth Earl

of n, 53
Westmorland, Katherine Neville, Countess

of i, 18, 38 ; n, 79, 239
Westmorland, Ralph Neville, fourth Earl
of i, 18, 29, 38, 157, 182, 185,
204, 237, 312; n, 44, 56, 78-80,
96, 103, 111, 119, 134, 227, 229,
236, 239, 253

Westwood, Thomas n, 179
Wetherall Priory n, 263
Wetherby i, 235
Whalley Abbey i, 219-20; n, 138, 142,

144-8

the Abbot of. See Paslew, John
the Prior of n, 145, 189
Whalley village n, 142-3
Whalworth, James n, 137
Wharfe, the river i, 231
Wharton, George i, 327
Wharton, Richard i, 151, 155; n, 62
Wharton, Sir Thomas i, 74, 220-1, 292;
n, 33, 80, 114, 120, 123, 239-40,
263-4, 268, 276
Whelpdale alias Whelton, Gilbert i, 221

380

Index

Whenby i, 345

Whitaker, T. D. 'History of Craven'

11, 143

Whitburn n, 253, 255-6
Whitburn, the priest of. See Hodge,

Kobert

Whitby i, 40-2; n, 184
Whitby Abbey i, 41-3, 233, 350 ; n, 127

the Abbot of. See Hexham, John
White Kose Party, the i, 14, 17-8, 22-4,

28 ; n, chap, xxii, pp. 277-96, 302,

311, 318, 321, 323
Whitgift i, 156
Whorwood, William, solicitor-general n,

212-3

Wickham i, 326
Wicliff (Wycliff), William i, 59-60; n,

131, 136
Widdrington, Sir John i, 285; n, 81,

103, 229, 232, 238-9, 263, 269
Wighill i, 57-8, 146, 160, 235, 270
Wighton i, 154-9
Wigmore, the Abbot of 11, 165
Wilfred, St i, 153
Wilkins, D. 'Concilia' i, 388
Wilkinson, Hugh n, 173
Wilkinson, John n, 238
Wilkinson, Lancelot n, 62
Wilkinson, Richard n, 82
Willen, George i, 216
William, servant to Anthony Curtis i,

288

Williams, John i, 123, 140
Williamson, Anthony i, 96
Willoughby, family of i, 89
Willoughby, — i, 327
Willoughby, Lady i, 106
Willoughby, Sir Thomas n, 206
Wilson, Mr n, 285
Wilson, Dr n, 288
Wilson, John (Jockey Unsained) i, 92
Wilson Richard i, 145, 150, 155; n,

61-2, 266

Wilton i, 37-8, 40; n, 95, 97
Wiltshire i, 65
Wiltshire, Thomas Boleyn, Earl of n,

193, 266

Wimbourne i, 326
Winchester, Bishop of. See Gardiner,

Stephen

Windermere i, 307; n, 106
Windsor i, 86, 118, 133, 135, 173, 241,

243-4, 274, 278, 289, 291-2, 326 ;

n, 165, 184, 291
Windsor, Lord n, 193
Winestead, the priest of i, 72
Wingfield i, 282, 294, 311
Wingfield, Sir Anthony i, 122
Wistow i, 151

Witchcraft i, 66, 82 ; n, 297, 301
Witnesham, the parson of. See Jackson,

Richard

Witton n, 108
Witton Fell i, 202
Wobura, the Abbot of i, 75

Wold, the i, 314

Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal i, 6, 19-20,

31-2, 40, 46, 75, 102, 134, 213,

271, 307; n, 192, 293
Wolsey, Thomas, a servant i, 102, 104
Wolsthrope, Sir Oswald i, 58-60, 174,

181, 231-3, 238, 345; n, 33, 48,

74, 80, 83, 101, 127, 200
Wood, Elizabeth n, 177
Wood, William, Prior of Bridlington i,

232 ; n, 69, 130, 133, 135, 211-3,

216

Woodhouse, the Prior of n, 166
Woodmansey (Woodmancy), William i,

115, 146, 152-3, 163, 288; n, 74,

266

Woodward, John n, 165
Woollen Clothes, Act of i, 12, 108, 120
Woolpit i, 121, 241
Worcester, city i, 70, 326
Worcester, county i, 12, 56, 70, 113
Worcester, the diocese of n, 166-7
Worcester, the Bishop of. See Latimer,

Hugh

Wothersome i, 345
Wotton, Shropshire n, 170
Wotton-under-Edge i, 66
Wressell Castle i, 149, 184, 198-9, 230,

283-5, 288, 293, 308, 312 ; n, 183,

210, 251

Wright, alias West, Anthony n, 62
Wright, John i, 155, 163
Wright, Thoma? n, 179
Wriothesley, Charles, 'Chronicle' i,

87-8; n, 215
Wriothesley, Thomas i, 140, 173; n,

22, 150

Wyatt, Sir Thomas n, 217
Wyclif, John i, 346
Wyclitf, Henry n, 110, 180
Wycliffe, the rector of i, 377-8. See also

Rokeby, Dr John
Wyfflingham i, 90, 99
the bailiff of i, 100
Wynd Oak i, 159-60
Wyndessor, George n, 150
Wyre, William i, 328
Wyvell, John n, 71, 77, 110

Yarborough Hundred i, 106

Yarm i, 388

Yarmouth 11, 179

Yarrow, Henry n, 238

Yeddingham Bridge n, 87

Yersley Moor n, 110

Yoell, Thomas, parish priest of Sotby
n, 152

York, the Archbishop of. See Lee,

Edward
general reference i, 45, 48, 348

York, the Ainstey of. See Ainstey of
York

York city

monastery of St Andrew n, 58
the Archbishop's prison i, 72

Index

381

York city

assizes i, 43, 46-7, 56-7, 59, 73 ; n,

109-11, 120, 122, 131-3, 135-7,

151, 193, 198
Botham Bar i, 175
Castle n, 133
the Clifford Tower n, 224
proposed coronation and convocation

in n, 27, 37, 48-9, 72-3
the Council at i, chap, xiii, pp. 308-

340. See also Pilgrimage of Grace,

the Council at York
the Council of the North at n, 272-3
the dean and chapter of n, 41, 74
disaffection there i, 144, 169, 171,

175; n, 40
executions at i, 267 ; n, 110-1, 114,

220, 222, 264, 287, 300-1
the Priory of the Holy Trinity n,

38

market n, 222-3
St Mary's Abbey i, 179

the Abbot of i, 231-2 ; n, 39

the Lord Mayor of i, 47. See also

Harrington, William
minster i, 178, 180, 183, 237, 355,

382 ; n, 27
Minstergate 11, 46
the mint i, 288
restoration of the monasteries there

i, 179
the Duke of Norfolk in n, 80, 99,

101, 104, 109-10, 113, 122, 126-7,

129, 131-2, 136-7, 254, 257, 259
Observant Friars of i, 57
pardon proclaimed in n, 28
proposed parliament in. See Parlia-
ment, proposed, after the rebellion
its parliamentary members i, 359
the Pilgrims advance upon i, 154,

156, 168-9, 173-5
the Pilgrims in i, 141, 163, 178,

180-1, 183-5, 205-6, 209, 231-2,

235, 239
represented at the Council of Ponte-

fract i, 344
printing-press i, 252
prison i, 44, 47
prisoners n, 81, 87, 102
the sheriff of n, 275. See a&oLawson,

Sir George
White Friars i, 47
reference i, 146, 150, 160, 182, 190-1,

193, 195, 206, 212, 234, 243, 283-5,

299, 306, 310, 323, 336, 345, 368,

379; n, 3, 8, 34, 45, 59, 60, 74,

76, 93, 97, 112, 130, 134, 135, 244,

250, 271, 275
York, the vicar-general of the diocese of.

See Dakyn, John
Yorkshire

the Dales of i, 79, 192, 207, 239,

252; n, 61, 107
news of the Lines, rebellion in i, 99,

104

Yorkshire

proposal to refound monasteries in

n, 26

the King's oath in n, 109
representation of, in parliament i,

359-60, 388; n, 15
unrest in, after the rebellion 11, 44-5
sedition in i, 24, 44, 72, 78-9, 121,

207
the sheriff of, in 1536. See Hastings,

Sir Brian

reference i, 18, 40, 47, 50-1, 55, 59,
71, 87, 91, 105, 110, 153, 192, 227,
262, 281, 294, 300, 325, 349-50,
364; n, 6, 16-7, 52, 54, 61, 84-5,
89, 102-3, 106, 109, 112, 125-6,
151, 184, 203, 223-4, 234, 267,
272-3
East Eiding

outbreak of the rebellion there i,

chap, vii, pp. 141-167
the pardon proclaimed in n, 27,

31
unrest there after the pardon n,

46-50, 61
rebel forces from i, 157, 168, 235,

239, 252, 262

watch kept during the truce i, 283
reference i, 48, 293; n, 71, 75,

78, 205
North Eiding

character of the rising in i, 192,

208-9
outbreak of the rebellion in i, 157,

171, 201, 208, 230-1
pardon proclaimed in n, 28
unrest there after the pardon n,
50-1, 61, 76, 79-80, 94, 96,
106-8, 158

rebel forces from i, 252, 283
reference i, 37, 150
West Eiding

outbreak of the rebellion i, 170-1
pardon proclaimed in n, 28
unrest there after the pardon n,

76, 78

rebel forces from i, 239, 252, 262
reference i, 18, 149; n, 99
Yorkshire Eebellion

the signal of the bells i, 142, 148
communications with Lines. See
Lines. Eebellion, connection with
Yorks.

musters i, 149, 151, 153, 155, 157
outbreak i, 115, 129, 132, 141, 145,

195

called the Pilgrimage of Grace i, 157
for subsequent references see under

Pilgrimage of Grace
the rising at Wakefield and Halifax

i, 115, 235-7; n, 218
Yorkswold i, 105, 141, 152, 157-8, 160

Zealand i, 134, 336
Zion, the fathers of i, 68

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Pilgrimage of Grace and
the Exeter Conspiracy