SURVIVING PIONEERS
DESCE
A%tl
N D A N T a
OF PIONEERS,
OF THE
HOLLAND PURCHASE,
THIS WORK 15 RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
READ THE PREFACE ! A command that may be regarded as too imper-
ative, and yet one that an author has some right to make, in consideration
of the deep interest which he may be supposed to have in its observance.
Having prepared an entertainment, as he is about to open the door to his
guests, it is quite natural he should wish to pass them in with his own
introduction.
First, as to the general plan of the work : There may be readers of it
who have anticipated a history more strictly local in its character, than
they will find this. It was the original intention of the author to have
commenced with the close of the Revolution, and traced settlement and its
progress westward, very much as has been done, with the exception of a
more extended detail Upon proceeding to his task, however, after mate-
rials for it had been collected, the important consideration presented itself,
that, although there existed, in detached forms, sketches of the earliest
approaches of civilization to this region of early colonization tending in
this direction of the French and Indian and French and English wars;
the long contest for supremacy and dominion; the occupancy of that
extraordinary race of men, the Jesuit Missionaries; the Border Wars of
the Revolution ; still, there was no history extant that connected all this,
and furnished an unbroken chain of events allied to the region of Western
I
New York, and especially the Holland Purchase. The distinguished
historian, Mr. BANCROFT, was the first to draw from French sources any
considerable amount of the history of French occupancy of the valley
of the St Lawrence, and the borders of our lakes and rivers; of the
advents of Jesuit Missionaries, and their cotemporaries, the fur traders;
and embellish his country's history with a long series of interesting events,
before almost unnoticed. But little could be gathered by an humble local
historian, after such a gleaner had passed over the ground ; but his work
is of a magnitude to preclude access to it, by the great mass of readers ;
VI PREFACE.
and that portion of it having reference to this region, but incidental to the
general history of the United States. Aside from this, the early history of
our region, embracing the periods and events alluded to, was to be found
only in detached forms much of it in old newspaper files and magazines
in conditions to make it generally inaccessible.
Having adopted the title, Pioneer 'History of the Holland Purchase,
early events, the first glimpses that our own race had of this region, was
indicated as the starting point; and taking position there, the necessity
of going even still farther back, seemed involved. The ancient remains,
the mysterious, rude fortifications upon the bluffs, ridges, and banks of
streams, throughout our local region, form an interesting feature, and one
that claimed a place in our local annals. Some account of our immediate
predecessors, the Seneca Iroquois, was suggested as coming within the
immediate range of local history; and especially as they were to be
mingled in almost our entire narrative. All that relates tc them possesses
a peculiar interest; that which relates to the system of government of
the confederacy to which they belong, is a branch of their history but
recently investigated to any considerable extent; is far less generally
understood than most things appertaining to them, and has therefore been
made to occupy a prominent position in that portion of the work.*
As civilization approached this region, from that direction, colonization
upon the St. Lawrence has necessarily been the main feature of that
portion of the work having reference to European Pioneer advents.
Enough, however, of early colonization elsewhere has been embraced, to
afford a glimpse of cotemporary events ; and especially such as finally had
a bearing upon events in this quarter. Starting principally with the
advent of CHAMPLAIN, a connected chain of events has been attempted,
extending through long and eventful years, down to the extinguishing
of the Indian title, the advent of the Holland Company, Pioneer settlement
under their auspices, and the two prominent events, the war of 1812, and
the construction- of the Erie Canal, belonging to a later period. The title
of the work, of itself, indicates its general character, and the intention
of the author not to embrace events, generally, beyond early settlement,
pioneer advents. Another volume would have been necessary, had it
been concluded to extend the work to a later period ; and besides, as a
* The credit of a thorough investigation of this admirable specimen of Indian
legislation of unschooled forest statesmanship and wisdom, if we regard its prac-
tical workings belongs to LEWIS H. MORGA&, Esq. of Rochester, who communicated
the result of his labors, in numbers, to the North American Review. In reading his
essays, it is difficult to determine which most to admire, the careful and industrious
researches of the author, in a matter so difficult to comprehend, with no records, and
little beyond obscure tradition for his guides; or the zealous and lively feelings he
manifests, in even 7 thing that concerns the character and welfare of the unfortunate
race whose interesting traditions ho has aided in rescuing from oblivion.
PREFACE. VII
general rule, public events should not assume the form of history, until
time has ripened them for it ; and especially such as have involved contro-
versv, manv of the prominent actors in which may survive the asperities
it engendered, unobliterated. A political history of the Holland Purchase,
has formed no part of the plan of work; on the contrary, even allusions
to partisan contentions have been mostly avoided. That should form a
distinct branch of history; its appropriate alliance is with the general
history of the state ; and those who may desire to study it, have the means
furnished them in the candid and impartial work of Judge HAMMOND.
The ranrje of the work thus extended, its magnitude has been increased
far beyond the original design. In adopting the general plan, there was a
purpose to be subserved, hi addition to those that have been named. Had
the work been merely a history of settlement and local events upon the
Holland Purchase, it must necessarily have been one of considerable
macrnitude attended with an expense that any prospective local sale
would not have warranted. It has therefore been the aim of the author,
to impart to it both a local and general interest; how far he has been
successful, tune, and the ordeal to which he submits his labors, must
determine. From the moment the general plan of the work was adopted,
and its expense to the purchaser enhanced beyond the mark originally
indicated, it has been the constant ami of the author to give it a corres-
ponding value. It will be seen that little expense has been spared in its
mechanical execution ; and the author flatters himself that the twenty-two
illustrations will be adequately appreciated by those who possess themselves
of a copy of the work. The Maps of the eight Counties have been
prepared by a competent hand, carefully adapted to localities as they now
exist, and may be considered of themselves as having an intrinsic value,
equal to any addition that has been made to the price of the work, from
the lowest sum that has been named in connection with the enterprize ;
while the number of excellent Portraits of distinguished Pioneers, have
been extended far beyond what was originally contemplated. The careful
legal deduction of title in the Appendix, in addition to the historical
deduction in the body of the work, will- be found a valuable accession to
law libraries, while it will aid the general reader in a better understanding
of that subject, than can be obtained from any facilities hitherto furnished
in a form of general access.
It is hardly necessary to inform the intelligent reader, that Mr. BAN-
CROFT'S History of the United States has been the basis of all that relates
to French and English occupancy ; though the author has been materially
aided by LAWMAN'S History of Michigan, and BROWN'S History of Illinois,
both of which had traced events from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to
Vlll PREFACE.
their local regions; and he regards himself as somewhat fortunate, in
having been enabled to add, from various sources, no inconsiderable
amount of materials that have hitherto had no place in history, other than
in the form of manuscript records, neglected newspaper files, or among the
collections of Historical Societies.* If, as most historians are obliged to
do, he has been under the necessity of culling his materials, in many
instances, from fields already explored, he may, perhaps, without incurring
the charge of egotism, assume that he has occasionally been enabled to
bring fresh contributions to the common stock of historical knowledge.
There are those to whom the author is indebted for local statistics, who
will miss a portion of their contributions. The omissions have been reluc-
tantly made. To have carried out the plan of giving in detail, all that
related to early county and town organizations, would have been to exclude
large portions of the work that were deemed more essential, and it is
hoped, will prove in the end quite as acceptable. It was intended,
however, to have given sketches of the first organization of all the Coun-
ties; but that intention has been but imperfectly consummated, owing
principally, to the absence of the necessary materials. The records of the
primitive organization of the Courts, etc. of old Niagara, were inaccessible,
owing to the condition in which the large mass of records were in, prepara-
tory to a new arrangement of them, in the Clerk's office of Erie. The
author unexpectedly failed in procuring the primitive records of Chautau-
que and Allegany.
It was a paramount object in giving sketches of the Pioneer settlement
of the Holland Purchase, to embrace as many of the names, and as much
of personal reminiscences, as practicable. To this end, the general plan
was adopted, of giving a list of all who took contracts previous to January
1st, 1807; and of the first five or six, and sometimes more, of those who
took contracts in all the townships upon the Purchase that were not broken
into previous to that date. These lists have been made with a great deal
of care and labor, and yet, there are undoubtedly many errors in them.
Contracts in many instances, were in the name of those who never became
settlers, and in numerous other instances perhaps, there were transfers
of contracts, the name of the actual settler not appearing upon the contract
books. Although there are in these tabular lists, and in various other
forms, the names of four or five thousand of the Pioneers upon the Holland
Purchase, the author has sincerely to regret, in many instances, the
omission of the names of early, prominent Pioneers. These omissions are
principally of those who became settlers after January 1st, 1807, and were
* A principal one, having been that of the State of Maryland, as indicated in some
portions of the work.
PREFACE. 1^
not the earliest in their respective townships. The Table in the Appendix,
containing a list of the townships, with reference to towns as they now
exist, will be found useful, in designating the localities of early settlement
Errors in dates, names, and events, in reference to Pioneer settlement,
will undoubtedly be found ; in some instances they were unavoidable. They
have depended, of course, mainly, upon the memory of the aged and
infirm. None but those who have been engaged in gathering reminiscences
from such sources, can know their liability to errror and discrepancies.
Any two or three will seldom agree in their recollections. In many in-
stances interesting reminiscences have been omitted, where it was impossible
to reconcile conflicting statements. It is presumed, upon a consciousness of
having exercised great care in this respect, that but few material errors will
be found ; where such exist, and the author is referred to them, they will
be corrected in a second edition.
Much as perhaps the necessity of apologies may be indicated throughout
the work, they will be indulged hi but sparingly. Intelligent narrative has
been the highest mark aimed at in its literary execution. Long accustomed,
as the author has been, to writing for the newspaper press a branch of
composition where a careful weighing of words and sentences is generally
precluded by exigencies allied to it he may have brought to his new task
something of habit thus acquired, and incurred the just criticism of those
who apply to the work no more than fair tests, or subject it to no more
than a liberal ordeal. Reared amid the most rugged scenes of Pioneer
life upon the Holland Purchase, with little of early opportunities for educa-
tion, beyond those afforded in the primitive log school house, he can prefer
no claim to any considerable attainments hi scholarship ; and submits a
work to the public, of the character and pretensions of this, not in the
absence of an anxiety, and a distrust, which may be supposed to arise from
a consciousness of what he has thus frankly acknowledged. " Literary
leisure," so essential to the faultless execution of such a task as this has
been, he has not enjoyed. It is about eighteen months since the collection
of materials was commenced; during the fore part of that period, a connec-
tion with a newspaper necessarily divided the time and attention of the
Author; and since the preparation of the work for the press commenced,
his own ill health, consequent upon a phyical constitution much impaired,
and ill health in his family, have been the cause of frequent interruptions.
Much the largest portion of the work has been prepared since the printing
commenced. All this is not intended to disarm any just and fair criticism;
but may perhaps, with some propriety, be preferred to break the force of
technical cavilling, or the asperities of faultfinding, if they are encountered.
It only remains to make personal acknowledgments of the kind offices
and essential aids of those who have cooperated in the enterprise : To
X PREFACE.
the Hon. WASHINGTON HUNT, of Niagara, for early encouragement to
embark in it, and generous assistance, whenever needed, in its progress ;
and to the Hon. HIRAM GARDNER, of Lockport, and the Hon. WM. DUEL,
of Rochester, the Author is under like obligations. To his brother, C. P.
TURNER, Esq. of Black Rock, who, in various ways, has lent his zealous
cooperation and assistance.
To LYMAN C. DRAPER, Esq. a resident of Philadelphia, but a native of
the Holland Purchase, for essential aid in procuring valuable and rare
materials for the work. Leaving this region an ambitious boy, in search of
an education ; that acquired, he engaged in historical researches, and now
enjoys a well earned fame for valuable contributions to American history.
Apprised of the Author's intention to commence this work, prompted by
private friendship, and a laudable zeal to aid in the history of the region
in which his parents were Pioneers, he has volunteered to search the ar-
chives of historical societies, and give to the Avork the benefit of his discov-
eries. He is now engaged in Philadelphia, in preparing for the press " The
Life and Times of Gen. GEORGE ROGERS CLARK, of Kentucky," and intends
to follow it up with histories of others of the prominent pioneers of the
Valley of the Mississippi.
To 0. H. MARSHALL, Esq. of Buffalo, for free access to a library, in
which he has gratified a highly cultivated literary taste, by the accumula-
tion of rare works, in various departments of American history. Meeting
him as a stranger, the Author has found in him a friend, patiently and
generously, from time to time, cooperating in his enterprise, and giving
him the benefit of his more than ordinary familiarity with early Colonial
history, and all that relates to our immediate predecessors, the Seneca
Iroquois.
To EBENEZER Mix, Esq. of Batavia, for the benefit of his long familiar
acquaintance with the Holland Purchase, and the details of the Land
Office, in the preparation of the Maps, the Topographical Sketch, and the
deduction of title in the Appendix. To Gov. CASS, of Michigan, and the
Hon. HENRY C. MURPHY, of Long Island, for the possession of books and
pamphlets, essential to the work. To JAMES D. BEMIS, Esq. of Canan-
daigua, the respected Father of the Press of Western New York, for early
cooperation in the enterprize ; and to Judge OLIVER PHELPS, of the same
place, for free access to the papers of his grandfather, the patroon of
settlement, whose brief biography is given in the body of the work. To
the Members of the Buffalo Young Men's Association, for the benefit of
free access to their extensive Library, and all the facilities their praise-
worthy institution afforded. To HENRY O'RiELLY, Esq. for the possession
of valuable papers that he had accumulated with reference to an historical
enterprise that it is hoped he will yet find leisure to consummate. To the
PREFACE. XI
young friend of the author, DAXIEL W. BALLOU, JR. of Lockport, -whom
he transferred from his place as compositor in a printing office, to assist
him as a copyist ; for aid in historical researches he had so well qualified
himself to render, by early studious habits, and an employment of his
leisure hours in the laudable pursuit of knowledge. To all, who are
identified in the body of the work, as having lent their cooperation and
assistance ; and especially to such surviving Pioneers as have cheerfully
given the author the benefit of their recollections.
The Author closes with an acknowledgement of his obligations to the
enterprising Printers and Publishers, Messrs. JEWETT, THOMAS, t Co.
prompted as well by a sense of gratitude for their uniform personal
courtesy and kindness, as by the gratification which is derived from seeing
his work go out from their hands so good a specimen of the progress of
the art of typography upon the Holland Purchase ; and so creditable to a
craft with which he has himself been so long identified.
NOTE. The Portraits in the work are mostly daguerreotype transfers from oil paint-
ings, made at the Gallery of Messrs. EVANS A: POWELSOX, Buffalo. To the correctness
of tha transfers, their excellence is in a great measure to be attributed: though their
after execution is regarded as a creditable specimen of the progress of the art of Litho-
graphy in the United States. The artists employed upon the illustrations are indicated
by their names.
INDEX.
Page.
Ancient Pre-occupants of Western N.
York 17
Ancient Relics, 19
Ancient Battle Field, 30
Aurora, remains and implements found 30
An aged Indian, 31
Ancient works at Lancaster and Shelby 35
Antiquity of the Iroquois, 48
Arrangement of Tribes at the Council
Fires, 59
Allouez, Ill, 113
Aix La Chappelle, treaty of 1748, 177
Amherst, General 205, 217
Account of a French Colony, 1655, 243
Arnold, Benedict 272
Alden, Col 275
Allan, Ebenezer 296
Autrechy, Alex'r 414
Alexander, 531
Allegany County, 579
Attica, 532
Brebeuf's journey to the Neuter Nation 65
Biart, Father 99
Barre, De La 137
Blacksmith's Tradition, 150
Burnet, Gov. William 175
Barnwell 179
Bradstreet, Col 204, 233, 234
Brief notices of erents under English
dominion, 226
Battle near Buffalo, 231
Burnt Ship Bay, 233
Border Wars of the Revolution, 253
Brant Thayendanega, 259
Brant, John 263
Butler, Col. Zebulon 274
Butler, Col. John 274,278
Boyd, Lieut 279
Butler, Walter 282
Brief Biographical Sketches, 2-i6
Butler, Thomas 317
Bruff, Capt :U->
Butler, Richard 349
Boughton, Jared 378
Page.
Blackman, Mrs 366
Barton, Benj 392
Brisbane, James 416
Buffalo 418, 498
Burr, Aaron 419
Busti, Paul 426
Batavia, 464, 545
Bush, Wm. H 471
Blacksnake, Gov 509
Brief reminiscences of the war of 1812 584
Burning of Buffalo, 597
Buffalo' Gazette 601
Brown, Major General, 608
Bouck, Wm. C 631
Changes of time, 19
Clinton, De Witt 20, 623
Cuisick's History, (note) 29
Captives of the Iroquois, 45
Council of the League, 50
Civil and Military Relations of the
Iroquois, 52
Consanguinity of the Iroquois, 56
Cabot, John and Sebastian 71
Cortereal, Gaspar 72
Carder, James 77,79
Champlain, Samuel 84, 109
Company of New France, 108
Colonists of New France, (note) 109
Colbert 112
Charlevoix's Description of Niagara
Falls
Crown Point, 216
Church at Lewiston, 265
Campbell, Mrs. (note) 276
Clinton, General James 277
Chamberlin, Hinds 321
Cornplanter's Speech, 335
Culver, Oliver 387
Cazenovo, Theophilus 425
Commencement of settlement and its
Progress to 1812 445
Chapin, Cyrenius 452. 598
Clinton, Gov. George 4G(J. 620
Chipman, Lemuel. 481
INDEX.
Xlll
Page,
Cook, Lemuel 496
Grouse, Peter R 510
Cuba, 533
Coon, Alexander 552
Carpenter, Rev. James 553
Carev, Ebenezer.
Page.
First settlers on the Holland Purchase,
from the commencement of land
sales to 1807, 454
. First settlers in townships, from 1808
to 1821 526
568 ; Farmersville, 540
Chautauque County, 576 Fillmore, Rev. Gleason 546
Cattaraugus Count}', 57S Fort Niagara. 183,206,590
Cook, Lothrop and Bates 592
Cass's visit to Niagara Frontier, 604 Geographical position of the Iroquois, 42
Commerce of the Upper Lakes, 638 Goshnold. 80
Colles, Christopher 619 Griffin, the 121,126,133
, Garangula, 138,142
Dominion of the Iroquois, 41 GrafTenried, 178
Decay of the Iroquois, 43 Greenhalph, Wentworth 236
Discoveries by Europeans, accidental 90 . Gansevoort, Col 269, 272
De Laet's Description of New Neth- j Glimpses of Western New York after
erlands 91 \ the Revolution 310
Dutch trade with the Natives, 91 Gould, John 313
Duhaut, 131 Gorham, Nathaniel, .'. 329
Dulbut, 137 Green, John 508
Don^an, Gov 138, 158, 162 Garnsey, Hon. D. G 511, 642
DeNonvilie's Expedition 143 Griffith', Eli.. 516
.- Dallion, Joseph De La Roche 192 Griffin, John 533
Dieskan, 200 Genesee County 574
Du Quesne, Fort 205
Devil's Hole 227
Dorchester's, Lord, Indian Speech,... 342
Dunham, Gideon 467
Dunn, Jeptha 497
Doolittle, Onnus and Reuben 533
Douglass' description of Buffalo 606
Human bones excavated, 27
Ho-de-no-sau-nee 42
Henry VII 71
j Hochela<ra, 7 5
! Hunt, Capt 81
Hudson, Henry 82, 87
Hennepin's account of La Salle's boat, 119
Hennepin 129
Hennepin's account of the Falls, 193
Hudson Bay Company, 222
Herkimer, General, . . ". 268
Hopkins, Silas 310
Equalitv of the Iroquois Confederacy, 59
Early European Voyages and Discov-
eries, 71
Exports of Fur, 91
Early Notices of Niagara Falls, 192
Early glimpses of Western New York, 23G Hosmer, Timothy 376
Ellicott, Joseph 404, 412, 430 ! Historical Deduction of Holland Com-
Ellicott, Benjamin 408, 432 j pany Title, 401
Ellicott, Andrew 432 I Haudecour 414
Evans, David E 442 Howell, Hon. Nathaniel W 417
Egleston, George 414 Hamilton, Alexander 41 -j
Eddy, David 475 Hopkins, Gen'l Timothy S 421
Erie Count}-, 575 Holland Co's. West Ge'neseo Lands, 424
Erie Canal.' 817 j Kurd, Reuben 497
Eddy, Thomas 624 Hoops, Maj. Adam 504
Fort Hill 31, 152
Hart, Joseph 554
Hall, General 594
Franciscans 93 Hawley, Jessee 621, 629
First vessels upon the Upper Lakes, 116 Holley, Myron 626
Frontenac, Count. 137, 162, 170, 172
Indications of preceding Races, 13
26
Frontenac, Fort 161
Fur Trade, 223 ! Indian Burial Grounds,
Farmers Brother, 230, 291* Indian Remains on Genesee River, 36
Fairbanks, Joshua 319 Iroquois or Five Nations, 40
Frontier Posts after peace of 17S3, . . . 338 Independence of each Indian Nation, 51
First assault and battery case in Buffalo 414 Iroquois Laws of Descent, 56
First crops raised on the Holland ! Indian Treatment of Children, 64
Purchase, 420 ' Indian Trade, 175
Foster, Mrs. Anna 470 Indian Treaties for Lands, 304
XIV
INDEX.
Page.
Joliet, 114, 117
Joutel 132
Joncaire, 184, 166
Journal of the Seige of Fort Niagara, 209
Johnson, Sir William. 217, 22d, 233, 247
Johnson, Guy 255
Johnson, Sir "John 265, 267
Jones, Horatio 286
Jemison, Mary 293
Jemison, John 295
Johnston, Capt. Wm 411, 498
Kienuka, 26
Kah-Kwahs 30
Kirkland's Visit to Genesee, 36
Kirkland's Observations on Indian
Remains 37
Kirkland, Rev. Samuel 238
Kelsey, Jehiel 383
Kemp, Burgoyne 387
L'Allemant, 65
Letters Patent 81
Leon, Ponce De 90
Loyola, Ignatius 95
La'Salle 116
L'Archiveque 131
La Hontan's Account of Do Nonville's
Expedition, 147
La Hontan's Account of Niagara Falls, 157
La Force, (note) 210
Lindsay, 246
Laincourt, La Rochefoucauld 318
Land Titles 325
Lessee Company's Claims, (note)... 337
Lewiston, 420
Loomis, Chauncey 485
Lost Boy 486
Le Couteulx 501
Lockport, Prominent Settlers 551
Lovejoy, Mrs 599
Mountain Ridge, 26
Missions among the Iroquois, 41
Marriage Regulations, 54
Marquette 112
Mercer, Col 201
Montcalm 202, 214
Murray, Gen'l 217
Massacre of Wyoming, 274
Mountpleasant, John 314
Morris, Robert 349
Morris Purchase 396
Morris's Reserve, 397
McKay, John 381
Mile Strip 409
McKain, James 487
Morrison, Major John 494
Molyueux, William 496
Mather, David 498
Marshall, Mrs 510
McMahan, Col. James 511
Page.
Maxon, Joseph 534
Methodist Church, 547
McCall, James^ 536
Mathe ws, James . . . . , 555
Mix, Ebenezer 567
McClure, Gen 589
Names of the Iroquois Confederacy, . . 40
Naming of children, 58
Neuter Nation, 65
Number of Jesuit Missionaries, 103
North West Company 223
Noble, Russell 468
New Amsterdam 500
Niagara County, 582
Newark " 589
Original Nations of the Iroquois, 40
Order of the Jesuits, t 95
Oswego, 175, 202
Oglethrop, Gen 176
Ouondagas, destruction of. 281
Otto, Jacob S .' 441
O'Fling., Patrick 467
Olean Point, 506
Organization of Courts, 521
Oil Springs 539
Oak Orchard, 558
Orleans County, 581
Poem, 28
Power and bravery of the Iroquois, ... 43
Periods of holding Council Fires, 60
Plymouth Company, 81
Protestant Missionaries of New Eng-
land 99
Pallisades of Fort Niagara, 134
Pitt, William 203
Prideaux, Gen 206
Pontiac, 218, 235
Palatines, 245
Palatine Committee, 254
Parrish, Jasper 292
Pickering, Timothy 307
Progress of settlement westward after
the Revolution, '. 304
Pemberton, James 316
Phelps and Gorham's purchase, 325
Pultney, Sir William 327
Phelps, Oliver 328
Porter, Augustus 358, 489
Porter's Narrative, 361
Pitts, Capt. Peter 385
Pine Grove, 446
Palmer, James R 454
Palmer, Joseph 466
Peters, T. C 547
Pioneer Settler upon the Holland Pur-
chase and his progress, 562
Phelps and Chipman's purchase, 481
Peacock, William 569
Porter, Peter B 611
PART FIRST.
CHAPTER I.
THE ANCIENT PRE-OCCUPANTS OF THE REGION OF WESTERN
NEW-YORK.
THE local historian of almost our entire continent, finds at the
threshold of the task he enters upon, difficulties and embarrass-
ments. If for a starting point the first advent of civilization is
chosen, a summary disposition is made of all that preceded it,
unsatisfactory to author and reader. Our own race was the suc-
cessor of others. Here in our own region, when the waters of the
Niagara were first disturbed by a craft of European architecture
when the adventurous Frenchman would first pitch a tent upon
its banks, there were "lords of the Forests and the Lakes" to be
consulted. Where stood that humble primitive " pallisade," its site
grudgingly and suspiciously granted, in process of time arose strong
walls ramparts, from behind which the armies of successive
nations have been arranged to repel assailants. The dense forests
that for more than a century enshrouded them, unbroken by the
woodman's axe, have now disappeared, or but skirt a peaceful and
beautiful cultivated landscape. Civilization, improvement and
industry, have made an Empire of the region that for a long period
was tributary to this nucleus of early events. Cities have been
founded the Arts, Sciences taught; Learning has its temples
and its votaries; History its enlightened and earnest enquirers.
And yet, with the pre-occupant lingering until even now in our
midst, we have but the unsatisfactory knowledge of him and his
race, which is gathered ' from dim and obscure tradition. That
which is suited to the pages of fiction and romance, but can be
incorporated in the pages of history, only with suspicion and dis-
trust. The learned and the curious have from time to time
enquired of their old men ; they have set down in their wigwams
2
18 HISTORY OF THE
and listened to their recitals; the pages of history have been
searched and compared with their imperfect revelations, to discover
some faint coincidence or analogy; and yet we know nothing of
the origin, and have but unsatisfactory traditions of the people we
found here, and have almost dispossessed.
If their own history is obscure; if their relations of themselves,
after they have gone back but little more than a century beyond
the period of the first European emigration, degenerates to fable
and obscure tradition; they are but poor revelators of a still greater
mystery. We are surrounded by evidences that a race preceded
them, farther advanced in civilization and the arts, and far more
numerous. Here and there upon the brows of our hills, at the
head of our ravines, are their fortifications; their locations selected
with skill, adapted to refuge, subsistence and defence. The up-
rooted trees of our forest, that are the growth of centuries, expose
their mouldering remains; the uncovered mounds masses of their
skeletons promiscuously heaped one upon the other, as if they were
the gathered and hurriedly entombed of well contested fields. In
our vallies, upon our hill sides, the plough and the spade discover
their rude implements, adapted to war, the chase, and domestic use.
All these are dumb yet eloquent chronicles of by-gone ages.
We ask the red man to tell us from whence they came and whither
they went? and he either amuses us with wild and extravagant
traditionary legends, 'or acknowledges himself as ignorant as his
interrogators. He and his progenitors have gazed upon these
ancient relics for centuries, as we do now, wondered and consul-
ted their wise men, and yet he is unable to aid our inquiries. We
invoke the aid of revelation, turn over the pages of history, trace
the origin and dispersion of the races of mankind from the earliest
period of the world's existence, and yet we gather only enough to
form the basis of vague surmise and conjecture. The crumbling
walls the " Ruins," overgrown by the gigantic forests of Centra]
America, are not involved in more impenetrable obscurity, than are
the more humble, but equally interesting mounds and relics that
abound in our own region.
We are prone to speak of ourselves as the inhabitants of a new
world; and yet we are confronted with such evidences of antiquity!
We clear away the forests and speak familiarly of subduiiiv a
"virgin soil;" and yet the plough up-turns the skulls of those
whose history is lost ! We say that Columbus discovered a new
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 19
world. Why not that he helped to make two old ones acquainted
with each other t
Our advent here is but one of the changes of TIME. We arc
consulting dumb signs, inanimate and unintelligible witnesses,
gleaning but unsatisfactory knowledge of races that have preceded
us. Who in view of earth's revolutions; the developments that
the young but rapidly progressive science of Geology has made;
the organic remains that are found in the alluvial deposits in our
vallies, deeply embedded under successive strata of rock in our
mountain ranges; the impressions in our coal formations; history's
emphatic teachings; fails to reflect that our own race may not be
exempt from the operations of what may be regarded as general
laws ? Who shall say that the scholar, the antiquarian, of another
far off century, may not be a Champolliori deciphering the inscrip-
tions upon our monuments, or a Stevens, wandering among the
ruins of our cities, to gather relics to identify our existence \
" Since the first sun-light spread itself o'er earth ;
Since Chaos gave a thousand systems birth ;
Since first the morning stare together sung ;
Since first this globe was on its axis hung ;
Untiring CHAJ.GE, with ever moving hand,
Has waved o'er earth its more than magic wand."*
Although not peculiar to this region, there is perhaps no portion
of the United States where ancient relics are more numerous.
Commencing principally near the Oswego River, they extend
westwardly over all the western counties of our State, Canada
West, the western Lake Region, the vallies of the Ohio and the
Mississippi. Either as now, the western portion of our State had
attractions and inducements to make it a favorite residence; or
these people, assailed from the north and the east, made this a refuge
in a war of extermination, fortified the commanding eminences,
met the shock of a final issue; were subject to its adverse results.
Were their habits and pursuits mixed ones, their residence was
well chosen. The Forest invited to the chase; the Lakes and
Rivers to local commerce, to the use of the net and the angling
rod; the soil, to agriculture. The evidences that this was one at
least, of their final battlegrounds, predominate. They are the for-
tifications, entrenchments, and warlike instruments. That here
was a war of extermination, we may conclude, from the masses
* " Changes of Time," a Poem by B. B. French.
20 HISTORY OF THE
of human skeletons we find indiscriminately thrown together, in-
dicating a common and simultaneous sepulture; from which age,
infancy, sex, no condition, was exempt.
In assuming that these are the remains of a people other than
the Indian race we found here, the author has the authority of DE
WITT CLINTON, -a name scarcely less identified with our litera-
ture, than with our achievements in internal improvements. In a
discourse delivered before the New-York Historical Society in
1811, Mr. Clinton says: "Previous to the occupation of this
country by the progenitors of the present race of Indians, it was
inhabited by a race of men much more populous, and much farther
advanced in civilization." Indeed the abstract position may be
regarded as conceded. Who they were, whence they came, and
whither they went, have been themes of speculation with learned
antiquarians, who have failed to arrive at any satisfactory conclu-
sions. In a field, or historical department, so ably and thoroughly
explored, the author would not venture opinions or theories of his
own, even were it not a subject of enquiry in the main, distinct
from the objects of his work. It is a topic prolific enough, of
reflection, enquiry and speculation, for volumes, rather than an
incidental historical chapter. And yet, it is a subject of too much
local interest, to be wholly passed over. A liberal extract from
the historical discourse of Mr. CLINTON, presents the matter in a
concise form, and while it will serve as a valuable memento of a
venerated Scholar, Statesman, and Public Benefactor; the theories
and conclusions are far more consistent and reasonable than any
others that have fallen under the author's observation:
"I have seen several of these works in the western part of this
state. There is a large one in the town of Onondaga, one in
Pompey, and another in Manlius; one in Camillus, eight miles from
Auburn; one in Scipio, six miles, another one mile, and one about
half a mile from that village. Between the Seneca and Cayuga
Lakes there are several three within a few miles of each other.
Near the village of Canandaigua there are three. In a word, they
are scattered all over that country.
"These forts were, generally speaking, erected on the most
commanding ground. The walls or breastworks were earthen.
The ditches were on the exterior of works. On some of the para-
pets, oak trees were to be seen, which, from the number of con-
centric circles, must have been standing 150, 260, and 300 years;
and there were evident indications, not only that they had sprung
up since the creation of those works, but that they were at least a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 21
second growth. The trenches were in some cases deep and wide,
and in others shallow and narrow; and the breastworks varied in
altitude from three to eight feet. They sometimes had one, and
sometimes two entrances, as was to be inferred from there being
no ditch at those places. When the works were protected by a
deep ravine or a large stream of water no ditch was to be seen.
The areas of these forts varied from two to six acres; and the
form was generally an irregular elipsis; and in some of them frag-
ments of earthenware and pulverized substances, supposed to have
been originally human bones, were to be found.
"These fortifications, thus diffused over the interior of our
country, have been generally considered as surpassing the skill,
patience, and industry of the Indian race, and various hypotheses
have been advanced to prove them of European origin.
"An American writer of no inconsiderable repute pronounced
some years ago that the two forts at the confluence of the Muskin-
gum and Ohio Rivers, one covering forty and the other twenty
acres, were erected by Ferdinand de Soto, who landed with 1000
men in Florida in 1539. and penetrated a considerable distance into
the interior of the country. He allotted the large fort for the use of
the Spanish army ; and after being extremely puzzled how to dis-
pose of the small one in its vicinity, he at last assigned it to the
swine that generally, as he says, attended the Spaniards in those
days being in his opinion very necessary, in order to prevent them
from becoming estrays, and to protect them from the depredations
of the Indians.
" When two ancient forts, one containing six and the other three
acres, were found in Lexington in Kentucky, another theory was
propounded; and it was supposed that they were erected by the
descendants of the Welsh colonists who are said to have migrated
under the auspices of Madoc to this country, in the twelfth century;
that they formerly inhabited Kentucky; but, being attacked by
the Indians, were forced to take refuge near the sources of the
Missouri.
"Another suggestion has been made, that the French, in their
expeditions from Canada to the Mississippi, were the authors of
these works; but the most numerous are to be found in the territory
of the Senecas. whose hostility to the French was such, that they
were not allowed for a long time to have any footing among them.*
The fort at Niagara was obtained from them by the intrigues and
eloquence of Joncaire, an adopted child of the nation.f
" Lewis Dennie, a Frenchman, aged upward of seventy, and who
had been settled and married among the Confederates for more
than half a century, told me (1810)that, according to the traditions
of the ancient Indians, these forts were erected by an army of
Spaniards, who were the first Europeans ever seen by them the
* 1 Golden, p. 61. t 3 Charlevoix, letter 15, p. 227.
22 HISTORY OF THE
French the next then the Dutch and, finally, the English; that
this army first appeared at Oswego in great force; and penetrated
through the interior of the country, searching for the precious
metals; that they continued there two years, and went down the
Ohio.
" Some of the Senecas told Mr. Kirkland, the missionary, that
those in their territory were raised by their ancestors in their wars
with the western Indians, three, four, or five hundred years ago.
All the cantons have traditions that their ancestors came originally
from the west; and the Senecas say that theirs first settled in the
country of the Creeks. The early histories mention that the Iro-
quois first inhabited on the north side of the great lakes; that they
were driven to their present territory in a war with the Algonkins
or Adirondacks, from whence they expelled the Satanas. If these
accounts are correct, the ancestors of the Senecas did not, in all
probability, occupy their present territory at the time they allege.
"I believe we may confidently pronounce that all the hypotheses
which attribute those works to Europeans are incorrect and fanciful
first, on account of the present number of the works; secondly,
on account of their antiquity; having from every appearance, been
erected a long time before the discovery of America; and, finally,
their form and manner are totally variant from European fortifica-
tions, either in ancient or modern times.
"It is equally clear that they were not the work of the Indians.
Until the Senecas, who are renowned for their national vanity,
had seen the attention of the Americans attracted to these erections,
and had invented the fabulous account of which I have spoken, the
Indians of the present day did not pretend to know anything about
their origin. They were beyond the reach of all their traditions,
and were lost in the abyss of unexplored antiquity.
" The erection of such prodigious works must have been the
result of labor far beyond the patience and perseverance of our
Indians; and the form and materials are entirely different from
those which they are known to make. These earthen walls, it is
supposed, will retain their original form much longer than those
constructed with brick and stone. They have undoubtedly been
greatly diminished by the washing away of the earth, the filling up
of the interior, and the accumulation of fresh soil: yet their firm-
ness and solidity indicate them to be the work of some remote age.
Add to this, that the Indians have never practiced the mode of
fortifying by intrenchments. Their villages or castles were pro-
0tected by palisades, which afford a sufficient defence aginst Indian
weapons. When Cartier went to Hochelaga, now Montreal, in
1535, he discovered a town of the Iroquois, or Hurons, containing
about fifty huts. It was encompassed with three lines of palisadoes,
through which was one entrance, well secured with stakes and bars.
On the inside was a rampart of timber, to which were ascents by
ladders; and heaps of stones were laid in proper places to cast at
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 23
an enemy. Charlevoix and other writers agree in representing the
Indian fortresses as fabricated with wood. Such, also, were the forts
of Sassacus. the great chief of the Pequots; and the principal for-
tress of the Narragansets was on an island in a swamp, of live or
six acres of rising land: the sides were made with palisades set
upright, encompassed with a hedge of a rod in thickness.*
1 have already alluded to the argument for the great antiquity of
those ancient forts to be derived from the number of concentric cir-
cles. On the ramparts of one of the Muskingum forts. 463 were
ascertained on a tree decayed at the centre; and there are likewise
the strongest marks of a former growth of a similar size. This
would make those works near a thousand years old.
" But there is another consideration which has never before been
urged, and which appears to me to be not unworthy of attention.
It is certainly novel, and I believe it to be founded on a basis which
cannot easily be subverted.
" From the Genesee near Rochester to Lewiston on the Niagara,
there is a remarkable ridge or elevation of land running almost the
whole distance, which is seventy-eight miles, and in a direction
from east to west. Its general altitude above the neighbouring
land is thirty feet, and its width varies considerably; in some places
it is not more than forty yards. Its elevation above the level of
Lake Ontario is perhaps 160 feet, to which it decends with a gradual
slope; and its distance from that water is between six and ten miles.
This remarkable strip of land would appear as if intended by nature
for the purpose of an easy communication. It is, in fact a stupen-
dous natural turnpike, descending gently on each side, and covered
with gravel; and but little labour is requisite to make it the best
road in the United States. When the forests between it and the
lake are cleared, the prospect and scenery which will be afforded
from a tour on this route to the Cataract of Niagara will surpass all
competition for sublimity and beauty, variety and number.
" There is every reason to believe that this remarkable ridge was
the ancient boundary of this great lake. The gravel with which it
is covered was deposited there by the waters; and the stones every-
where indicate by their shape the abrasion and agitation produced
by that element. All along the borders of the western rivers and
lakes there are small mounds or heaps of gravel of a conical form,
erected by the fish for the protection of their spawn; these fishbanks
are found in a state that cannot be mistaken, at the foot of the ridge, on
the side towards the lake; on the opposite side none have been dis-
covered. All rivers and streams which enter the lake from the soutM^
have their mouths effected with sand in a peculiar way, from the
prevalence and power of the northwesterly winds. The points of
the creeks which pass through this ridge correspond exactly in
appearance with the entrance of the streams into the lakes. These
* Mather's Magnalia, p. 693.
24 HISTORY OF THE
facts evince beyond doubt that Lake Ontario has, perhaps, one or
two thousand years ago, receded from this elevated ground. And
the cause of this retreat must be ascribed to its having enlarged its
former outlet, or to its imprisoned waters (aided, probably, by an
earthquake)forcing a passage down the present bed of the St. Law-
rence, as the Hudson did at the Highlands, and the Mohawk at Lit-
tle Falls. On the south side of this great ridge, in its vicinity, and
in all directions through this country, the remains of numerous forts
are to be seen; but on the north side, that is, on the side towards
the lake, not a single one has been discovered, although the whole
ground has been carefully explored. Considering the distance to
be, say seventy miles in length, and eight in breadth, and that the
border of the lake is the very place that would be selected for
habitation, and consequently for works of defence, on account of the
facilities it would afford for subsistence, for safety, and all domestic
accommodations and military purposes; and that on the south shores
of Lake Erie these ancient fortresses exist in great number, there
can be no doubt that these works were erected when this ridge was
the southern boundary of Lake Ontario, and, consequently, that their
origin must be sought in a very remote age.
" A great part of North America was then inhabited by populous
nations, who had made considerable advances in civilization. These
numerous works could never have been supplied with provisions
without the aid of agriculture. Nor could they have been con-
structed without the use of iron or copper, and without a persever-
ance, labour, and design which demonstrate considerable progress
in the arts of civilized life. A learned writer has said, " I perceive
no reason why the Asiatic North might not be an officina virorum,
as well as the European. The overteeming country to the east of
the Riphrean Mountains must find it necessary to discharge its inhab-
itants. The first great wave of people was forced forward by the
next to it, more tumid and more powerful than itself: successive and
new impulses continually arriving, short rest was given to that
which spread over a more eastern tract: disturbed again'and again,
it covered fresh regions. At length, reaching the farthest limits of
the old world, it found a new one, with ample space to occupy,
unmolested for ages."* After the north of Asia had thus exhausted
its exuberant population by such a great migration, it would require
a very long period of time to produce a co-operation of causes suffi-
cient to effect another. The first mighty stream of people that flow r ed
into America must have remained free from external pressure for
. Availing themselves of this period of tranquility, they would
devote themselves to the arts of peace, make rapid progress in civ-
ilization, and acquire an immense population. In course of time
discord and war would rage among them, and compel the establish-
ment of places of security. At last, they became alarmed by the
* 1 Pennant's Arctic Zoology, 260.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 25
irruption of a horde of barbarians, who rushed like an overwhelming
flood from the north of Asia
" A Multitude, like which the populous North
Poured from her frozen loins to pass
Rhone or the Danaw, when her barbarous sons
Came like a deluge on the South, and spread
Beneath Gibraltar to the Lybian sands." *
"The great law of self-preservation compelled them to stand on
their defence, to resist these ruthless invaders, and to construct
numerous and extensive works for protection. And for a long series
of time the scale of victory was suspended in doubt, and they firmly
withstood the torrent; but, like the Romans in the decline of their
empire, they were finally worn down and destroyed by successive
inroads and renewed attacks. And the fortifications of which we
have treated are the only remaining monuments of these ancient
and exterminated nations. This is perhaps, the airy nothing of
imagination, and may be reckoned the extravagant dream of a vis-
ionary mind: but may we not, considering the wonderful events of
the past and present times, and the inscrutable dispensations of an
overruling Providence, may we not look forward into futurity, and
without departing from the rigid laws of probability, predict the
occurrence of similar scenes at some remote period of time? And,
perhaps, in the decrepitude of our empire, some transcendant genius,
whose powers of mind shall only be bounded by that impenetrable
circle which prescribes the limits of human nature,! may rally the
barbarous nations of Asia under the standard of a mighty empire.
Following the track of the Russian colonies and commerce towards
the northwest coast, and availing himself of the navigation, arms,
and military skill of civilized nations, he may, after subverting the
neighbouring despotisms of the Old World, bend his course towards
European America. The destinies of our country may then be
decided on the waters of the Missouri or on the banks of Lake
Superior. And if Asia shall then revenge upon our posterity the
injuries we have inflicted upon her sons, a new, a long, and a gloomy
night of Gothic darkness will set in upon mankind. And when,
after the efflux of ages, the returning effulgence of intellectual light
shall again gladden the nations, then the widespread ruins of our
cloud-capped towers, of our solemn temples, and of our magnificent
cities, will, like the works of which we have treated, become the
subject of curious research and elaborate investigation."
At the early period at which Mr. Clinton advanced the theory that
the Ridge Road was once the southern shore of Lake Ontario 1811
when settlement was but just begun, and a dense forest precluded
a close observation, he was quite liable to fall into the error, that
* Milton's Par&dise Lost t Roscoe's Lorenzo de Medicis, 241.
2o HISTORY OF THE
time and better opportunities for investigation have corrected.
The formation, composition, alluvial deposits, &c., of the Ridge
Road, with reference to its two sides, present almost an entire
uniformity. There is at least, not the distinction that would be
apparent if there had been the action of water, depositing its mate-
rials only upon its nothern side. By supposing the Mountain
Ridge to have once been the southern shore of Lake Ontario, it
would follow that the Ridge Road may have been a Sand bar.
The nature of both, their relative positions, would render this a far
more reasonable hypothesis than the other; and when we add the
fact that the immediate slope, or falling off, is almost as much gene-
rally, upon the south as the north side of the Ridge Road, we
are under the necessity of abandoning the precedent theory.
There is from the Niagara to the Genesee River, upon the Moun-
tain Ridge, a line, or cordon, of these ancient fortifications none,
as the author concludes, from observation and enquiry, between
the two.*
But a few of the most prominent of these ancient fortifications,
will be noticed, enough only to give the reader who has not had
an opportunity of seeing them, a general idea of their structure,
and relics which almost uniformly may be found in and about them.
Upon a slope or offset of the Mountain Ridge three and a half
miles from the village of Lewiston, is a marked spot, that the Tus-
carora Indians call Kienuka.\ There is a burial ground, and two
eliptic mounds or barrows that have a diameter of 20 feet, and an
elevation of from 4 to 5 feet. A mass of detached works, with
spaces intervening, seem to have been chosen as a rock citadel;
and well chosen, for the mountain fastnesses of Switzerland are
but little better adapted to the purposes of a look-out and defence.
The sites of habitations are marked by remains of pottery, pipes,
and other evidences.
Eight miles east of this, upon one of the most elevated points of
the mountain ridge in the town of Cambria, upon the farm until
recently owned by Eliakim Hammond, now owned by John Gould,
* Upon an elevation, on the shore of Lake Ontario near the Eighteen-mile-Creek,
there is a mound similar in appearance to some of those that have been termed (indent;
though it is unquestionably incident to the early French and Indian wars of this region.
And^the same conclusion may be formed in reference to other similar ones along the
shore of the lake.
tMeaning a fort, or strong hold, that has a commanding position, or from which
there is a fine view.
27
is an ancient fortification and burial place, possessing perhaps as
great a degree of interest, and as distinct characteristics as any that
have been discovered in Western New York. The author hav-
ing been one of a party that made a thorough examination of the spot
SOOTI after its first discover}- in 18*23, he is enabled from memory
and some published accounts of his at the time, to state the extent
and character of the relics.
The location commands a view of Lake Ontario and the surround-
ing country. An area of about six acres of level ground appears to
have been occupied; fronting which upon a circular verge of the
mountain, were distinct remains of a walL Nearly in the centre of
the area was a depository of the dead. It was a pit excavated to
the depth of four or five feet, filled with human bones, over which
were slabs of sand stone. Hundreds seem to have been thrown in
promiscuously, of both sexes and all ages. Extreme old age was
distinctly identified by toothless jaws, and the complete absorption
of the aveola processes; and extreme infancy, by the small skulls
and incomplete ossification. Numerous barbs or arrow points were
found among the bones, and in the vicinity. One skull retained the
arrow that had pierced it, the aperture it had made on entering being
distinctly visible. In the position of the skeletons, there was none
of the signs of ordinary Indian burial; but evidences that the bodies
were thrown in promiscuously, and at the same time. The conjec-
ture might well be indulged that it had been the theatre of a san-
guinary battle, terminating in favor of the assailants, and a general
massacre. A thigh bone of unusual length, was preserved for a
considerable period by a physician of Lockport, and excited much
curiosity. It had been fractured obliquely. In the absence of any
surgical skill, or at least any application of it, the bone had strongly
re-united, though evidently so as to have left the foot turned out at
nearly a right angle. Of course, the natural surfaces of the bone
were in contact, and not the fractured surfaces; and yet spurs, or
ligaments were thrown out by nature, in its healing process, and so
firmly knit and interwoven, as to form, if not a perfect, a firm
re-union! It was by no means a finished piece of surgery, but to
all appearances had answered a very good purpose. The medical
student will think the patient must have possessed all the fortitude
and stoicism of his race, to have kept his fractured limb in a neces-
sary fixed position, during the long months that the healing process
must have been going on, in the absence of splints and gum elastic
28
HISTORY OF THE
bands. A tree had been cut down growing directly over the mound,
upon the stump of which could be counted 230 concentric circles.
Remains of rude specimens of earthen ware, pieces of copper, and
iron instruments of rude workmanship were ploughed up within tfie
area ; also, charred wood, corn and cobs.
Soon after these ancient relics had begun to excjjte public atten-
tion, the author received the following poetic contribution which he
inserted in the columns of a newspaper of which he was the editor.
Upon a review of it, he regards it as not unworthy to be preserved
with the other reminiscences, in a more durable form. From a
note made at the time, it would seem to have been anonymous :
THE ARGUMENT.
The author's imagination, kindled by a description of the mouldering relics, the evi-
dences of a sanguinary conflict of arms, aided by the then recently published tradi-
tions of DAVID CUSICK, supposes the spirit of an Erie Chieftain, (whose skeleton
is one of the congregated mass) to rise and address the gazing and enquiring anti-
quarian: He reminds him of their common origin and common destiny, notwith-
standing the lapse of intervening ages ; tkat his ancestors are the races which
slumber in the vallies of the Caucassus, the Alps, and plains of Britain ; the relator
assuming that this was the forest home of his fathers. He sketches the last battle,
fatal to his nation and himself; from the shouts of the victors echoing amid his
native scenery, he adverts to the disembodied repose of his fathers ; and concludes
with the pleasing anticipation of again meeting the disturber of his sleep of ages,
in "happier regions undefined," when he too shall have finished the pilgrimage
of mortality.
"Mortal of other age and clime, Where the broad plain abrupt descends,
Pilgrim not having reach'd the bourne, To where Ontario's billows lave,
Know thou that kindred soul with thine, Whence the delighted view extends
Once tenanted this mould'ring form. Far o'er the blue and boundless wave;
Here once the warm blood freely flow'd,
By the heart's active impulse press'd,
And all the varied passions glow'd,
That struggle in thy throbbing breast.
Though o'er this crumbling dust of mine,
Full many a summer's sun has roll'd ;
Yet equal destiny is thine,
Though fairer cast of kindred mould.
E'en though afar thy sires may sleep,
Beyond the Atlantic's rolling waves
Where Caucassus' stupendous sleep,
O'er hangs the shores, the Caspian laves.
Or where the Alpine glaciers pile,
High o'er thy Gothic fathers' graves,
Or where Brittania's verdant isle
Smiles in the bosom of the wavei.
Deep in Columbia's wilds, afar
Upon lake F/rie's forest shores,
Where, glimm'ring 'neath the ev'ning star,
Niagara's awful torrent roars.
There brightly blaz'd my country's fires,
While oft succeeding ages roll'd,
And there the ashes of my sires
Lie mingled with the forest mould.
There on the heights refulgent play'd
Aurora's brightest, earliest ray ;
And vesper's milder beams delay 'd
To lengthen the departing day
There brightening with the shades of even,
The hunter's scatter'd watch fires beam'd
Respondent to the stars of Heaven,
That o'er my native forests gleamed.
Gladly would memory restore
That scenery from oblivion's night.
Ere from those happy scenes of yore.
My deathless spirit took ita flight.
The vapours o'er the lake that lour,
How bright the setting sun display'd,
When mid those scenes in childhood's hour,
The boyhood of the village stray'd.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
Or listen'd as our fathers taught
To recognize the ' Manitou,'
Eternal Power with wisdom fraught
Throughout Creation's boundless view.
as some hoary chieftain lold
wampum legend of bis band,
[valric scenery of old,
On limpid lake ouhaded land.
When youthful vigo^ierv'd my prime,
How oft I chas'd the bounding deer,
Or o'er the mountain's height sublime,
Or tbrotfh the ravine dark and drear.
How the melodious echoes rang,
Responsive through those awful groves.
When the returning hunter sang
The ardor of his youthful loves.
Such were the happy scenes of yore,
Ere from another world afar,
Thy fathers sought this western shore.
Where ocean bides the morning star.
Those happy scenes, alas ! are o'
Extinguished are my country's
Where on lake Erie's forest shore,
Crumble the asb.es of my sires.
The foreign ploughshare rudely drives
Where sunk in peace my fathers rest,
And a sad remnant scarce survives
In the dark forests of the west.
Bid me not further to pursue
The sad'ning theme that mercy stores,
And all the murd'rouB scenes renew
That slumber on lake Erie's shores.
When from toward the morning light,
Along the ocean's sounding strand,
The ' Menque' poured their banded might
Relentless o'er my native land :
Then proudly waved my Eagle plume,
Amid the foeman's fiercest yell.
Where, on my struggling country's tomb
The War Club's bloodiest effort fell.
Till slowly forced at last to yield
Unconquer'd in the arms of death,
Where sunk upon the leaf strown field,
Her bravest sons resign'd their breath.
As rising from Ontario's waves.
Amid the tumult of the fight.
Pale on the fainting warrior's grave
The moon beams shed a glim'ring light.
And loudly broke the victor's yell
Upon the distant torrent's roar,
And my devoted country's knell
Re-echoed from the sounding shore.
Calmly my buoyant spirit ro*e
High o'er the echoing scenery.
To join my father's long repose
In undisturb'd eternity.
In happier regions undefin'd,
Where, stranger ! happy we may greet
In the great Haven of mankind,
Where mingling generations meet.
Then we'll the broken tale renew,
When we shall meet to pan no more,
Our mortal pilgrimage review
And tell of joys and sorrows o'er."
At the head of a deep gorge, a mile west of Lockport, (similar to
the one that forms the natural canal basin, from which the combined
Locks ascend,) in the early settlement of the country, a circular
raised work, or ring-fort, could be distinctly traced. Leading from
the enclosed area, there had been a covered way to a spring of pure
cold water that issues from a fissure in the rock, some 50 or 60 feet
NOTE. The following passage appears in "Cusick's History of the Six Nations,"
the extraordinary production of a native Tuscarora, that it will be necessary to notice
in another part of the work.
About this time the King of the Five Nations had ordered the Great War chief,
Shorihawne, (a Mohawk,) to march directly with an army of five thousand warriors to
aid the Governor of Canandaigua against the Erians, to attack the Fort Kayquatkay
and endeavor to extinguish the council fire of the enemy, which was becoming dange-
rous to the neighboring nations : but unfortunately during the siege, a shower of arrows
was flying from the fort, the great war chief Shorihawne was killed, and his body was
conveyed back to the woods and was buried in a solemn manner ; but however, the
siege continued for several days ; the Erians sued for peace ; the army immediately
ceased from hostilities, and left the Erians in entire possession of the country.
30 HISTORY OF THE
down the declivity. Such covered paths, or rather the remains of
them, lead from many of these ancient fortifications. Mr. School-
craft concludes that they were intended for the emergency of a
prolonged siege. They would seem now, to fiave been but a o^r
defence for the water carriers, against the weapons of modern Air-
fare; yet probably sufficient to protect them from a^ows, and a foe
that had no sappers or miners in their ranks.
There is an ancient battle field upon the Buffalo creek, six miles
from Buffalo, near the Mission station. There are appearances of
an enclosed area, a mound where human bones have been excavated,
remains of pottery ware, &c. The Senecas have a tradition that
here was a last decisive battle between their people and their invet-
erate enemies the Kah-Kwahs; though there would seem to be no
reason why the fortification should not be classed among those that
existed long before the Senecas are supposed to have inhabited this
region. ^
A mile north of Aurora village, in Erie county, there are several
small lakes or ponds, around and between which, there are knobs or
elevations, thickly covered with a tall growth of pine; upon them, are
several mounds, where many human bones have been excavated.
In fact, Aurora and its vicinity, seems to have been a favorite resort
not only for the ancient people whose works and remains we are
noticing, but for the other races that succeeded them. Relics abound
there perhaps to a greater extent than in any other locality in
Western New York. An area of from three to four miles in extent,
embracing the village, the ponds, the fine springs of water at the
foot of the bluffs to the north, and the level plain to the south, would
seem to have been thickly populated. There are in the village and
vicinity few gardens and fields where ancient and Indian relics are
not found at each successive ploughing. Few cellars are excavated
without discovering them. In digging a cellar a few years since
upon the farm of Chas. P. Pierson, a skeleton was exhumed, the
thigh bones of which would indicate great height; exceeding by
several inches, that of the tallest of our own race. In digging
another cellar, a large number of skeletons, or detached bones, were
thrown out. Upon the farm of M. B. Crooks, two miles from the
village, where a tree had beeh turned up, several hundred pounds
of axes were found; a blacksmith who was working up some axes
that were found in Aurora, told the author that most of them were
without any steel, but that the iron was of a superior quality. He
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 31
had one that was entirely of steel, out of which he was manufacturing y
some edge tools.
Near the village, principally upon the farm of the late HORACE
S. TURNER, was an extensive Beaver Dam. It is but a few years
sinOT an aged Seneca strolled away from the road, visited the
ponds, the sprii^s. and coming to a field once overflowed by the
dam, but then reclaimed and cultivated, said these were the haunts
of his youth upon the hills he had chased the deer, at the springs
he had slaked his thirst, and in the field he had trapped the beaver.
The ancient works at Fort Hill. Le Roy, are especially worthy
of observation in connection with this interesting branch of history.
or rather enquiry. The author is principally indebted for an
account of them to MR. SCHOOLCRAFT'S -'Notes on the Iroquois,"
for which it was communicated by F. FOLLETT, of Batavia. They
are three miles north of Le Roy, on an elevated point of land,
formed by the junction of a small stream called Fordham's Brook,
with Allen's Creek. The better view of Fort Hill, is had to the
north of it, about a quarter of a mile on the roa/i leading from
Bergen to Le Roy. From this point of observation it needs little
aid of the imagination to conceive that it was erected as a fortifi-
cation by a large and powerful army, looking for a permanent and
inaccessible bulwark of defence. From the center of the hill, in a
northwesterly course, the country lies quite flat ; more immediately
north, and inclining to the east, the land is also level for one hun-
dred rods, where it rises nearly as high as the hill, and continues
for several miles quite elevated. In approaching the hill from the
north it stands very prominently before you, rising rather abruptly
but not perpendicularly, to the height of eighty or ninety feet, ex-
tending about forty rods on a line east and west, the corners being
round or truncated, and continuing to the south on the west side for
some fifty or sixty rods, and on the east side for about half a mile,
maintaining about the same elevation on the sides as in front; beyond
which distance the line of the hill is that of the land around. There
are undoubted evidences of its having been resorted to as a fortifi-
cation, and of its having constituted a valuable point of defence to
a rude and half, civilized people. Forty years ago an entrenchment
ten feet deep, and some twelve or fifteen feet wide, extended from
the west to the east end, along the north or front part, and contin-
ued up each side about twenty rods, where it crossed over, and
joining, made the circuit of entrenchment complete. At this day a
32 HISTORY OF THE
portion of the entrenchment is easily perceived, for fifteen rods
along the extreme western half of the north or front part, the cul-
tivation of the soil and other causes having nearly obliterated all
other portions. It would seem that this fortification was arranged
more for protection against invasion from the north, this direction
being evidently its most commanding position. Near the northwest
corner, piles of rounded stones, have, at different times, been col-
lected of hard consistence, which are supposed to have been used as
weapons of defence by the besieged against the besiegers. Such
skeletons as have been found in and about this locality, indicate a race
of men averaging one third larger than the present race; so adjudged
by anatomists. From the fortification, a trench leads to a spring
of water. Arrow heads, pipes, beads, gouges, pestles, stone hatch-
ets, have been found upon the ground, and excavated, in and about
these fortifications. The pipes were of both stone and earthen
ware ; there was one of baked clay, the bowl of which was in the
form of a man's head and face, ihe nose, eyes, and other features
being depicted, in a style resembling some of the figures in Mr.
STEVEN'S plate of the ruins of Central America. Forest trees were
standing in the trench and on its sides, in size and age not differing
from those in the neighboring forests ; and upon the ground, the
heart-woods of black-cherry trees of large size, the remains undoubt-
edly of a growth of timber that preceded the present growth.
They were in such a state of soundness as to be used for timber by
the first settlers. This last circumstance would establish greater
antiquity for these works, than has been generally claimed from
other evidences. The black-cherry of this region, attains usually
the age of two hundred and seventy-five, and three hundred years ;
the beech and maple groves of Western New York, bear evidences
of having existed at least two hundred and forty or fifty years.
These aggregates would shew that these works were over five hun-
dred years old. But this, like other timber growth testimony that
has been adduced that seems to have been relied upon somewhat
by Mr. CLINTON and others is far from being satisfactory. We
can only determine by this species of evidence that timber has been
growing upon these mounds and fortifications at least a certain length
of time ; have no warrant for saying how much longer. Take for
instance the case under immediate consideration : How is it to be
determined that there were not more than the two growths, of
cherry, and beech and maple ; that other growths did not precede
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 33
or intervene. These relics are found in our dense and heaviest
timbered wood lands, below a deep vegetable mould interspersed
with evidences of a long succession of timber growths and decays.
We can in truth, form but a vague conception of the length of time
since these works were constructed, while we are authorized in
savins: they are of great antiquity, we are not authorized in lim-
iting the period.
The following are among some reflections of Professor DEWEY
of Rochester, who has reviewed Fort Hill at Le Roy, and fur-
nished Mr. SCHOOLCRAFT with his observations. They may aid
the reader, who is an antiquarian, in his speculations:
" The forest has been removed. Not a tree remains on the quad-
rangle, and only a few on the edge of the ravine on the west By
cultivating the land, the trench is nearly filled in some places, though
the line of it is clearly seen. On the north side the trench is con-
siderable, and where the bridge crosses it, is three or four feet deep
at the sides of the road. It will take only a few years more to
obliterate it entirely, as not even a stump remains to mark out its line.
From this view it may be seen, or inferred.
1. That a real trench bounded three sides of the quadrangle.
On the south side there was not found any trace of trench, palisadoes,
blocks, <fcc.
2. It was formed long before the whites came into the country'.
The large trees on the ground and in the trench, carry us back to
an early era.
3. The workers must have had some convenient tools for exca-
vation.
4. The direction of the sides may have had some reference to
the four cardinal points, though the situation of the ravines naturally
marked out the lines.
5. It cannot have been designed merely to catch wild animals,
to be driven into it from the south. The oblique line down to the
spring is opposed to this supposition, as well as the insufficiency of
such a trench to confine the animals of the forest.
6. The same reasons render it improbable that the quadrangle
was designed to confine and protect domestic animals.
7. It was probably a sort of fortified place. There might have
been a defence on the south side by a stockade, or some similar
means which might have entirely disappeared.
By what people was this work done?
The articles found in the burying ground here, offer no certain
reply. The axes, chisels, &c. found on tne Indian grounds in this
part of the state, were evidently made of the green stone or trap
of New England, like those found on the Connecticut river in Mas-
3
34 HISTORY OF THE
sachusetts. The pipe of limestone might be from that part of the
country. The pipes seem to belong to different eras.
1. The limestone pipe indicates the. work of the savage or
aborigines.
2. The third indicates the age of French influence over the
Indians. An intelligent French gentleman says such clay pipes are
frequent among the town population in parts of France.
3. The second, and most curious, seems to indicate an earlier
age and people.
The beads found at Fort Hill are long and coarse, made of baked
clay, and may have had the same origin as the third pipe.
Fort Hill cannot have been formed by the French as one of their
posts to aid in the destruction of the English colony of New-York ;
if the French had made Fort Hill a post as early as 1660 or 185
years ago, and then deserted it, the trees could not have grown to
the size of the forest generally in 1810, or in 150 years afterwards.
The white settlements had extended only twelve miles west of Avon
in 1798, and some years after, (1800,) Fort Hill was covered with a
dense forest. A chestnut tree, cut down in 1842, at Rochester,
showed 254 concentric circles of wood, and must have been more
than 200 years old in 1800. So opposed is the notion that this was
a deserted French post.
Must we not refer Fort Hill to that race which peopled this
country before the Indians who raised so many monuments greatly
exceeding the power of the Indians, and who lived at a remote era."
Upon the upper end of Tonawanda Island, in the Niagara River,
near the dwelling house of the late STEPHEN WHITE, in full view of
the village of Tonawanda, and the Buffalo and Niagara Falls Rail
Road, is an ancient mound, the elevation of which within the recol-
lection of the early settlers, was at least ten feet. It is now from
six to eight feet, circular twenty-five feet diameter at the base.
In the centre, a deep excavation has been made, at different periods,
in search of relics. A large number of human bones have been
taken from it, arrows, beads, hatchets, &c. The mound occupies
a prominent position in the pleasure grounds laid out by Mr. White.
How distinctly are different ages marked upon this spot ! Here are
the mouldering remains of a primitive race a race whose highest
achievments in the arts, was the fashioning from flint the rude wea-
pons of war and the chase, the pipe and hatchet of stone; and here
upon the other hand, is a mansion presenting good specimens
NOTE. The title of this chapter would confine these notices to Holland Purchase.
The author has gone a short distance beyond his bounds, to include a well defined
specimen of these ancient works.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 35
of modern architecture. Commerce has brought the materials for
its chimney pieces from the quarries of Italy, and skill and genius
have chiseled and given to them a mirror-like polish. Here in
the midst of relics of another age, and of occupants of whom we
know nothing beyond these evidences of their existence, are
choice fruits, ornamental shrubbery, and graveled walks.
Directlv opposite this mound upon the point formed by the junc-
tion of Tonawanda creek with the Niagara River there would seem
to have been an ancient armory, and upon no small scale. There
is intermingled with at least an acre of earth, chips of flint, refuse
pieces, and imperfect arrows that were broken in process of manu-
facture. In the early cultivation of the ground, the plough would
occasionally strike spots where these chips and pieces of arrows
predominated over the natural soil.
On the north side of the Little Buffalo Creek, in the town of
Lancaster, Erie County, there is an ancient work upon a bluff", about
thirty feet above the level of the stream. A circular embankment
encloses an acre. Thirty years ago this embankment was nearly
breast high to a man of ordinary height. There were five gate-ways
distinctly marked. A pine tree of the largest class in our forest,
grew directly in one of the gate-ways. It was adjudged, (at the
period named,) by practical lumbermen, to be FIVE HUNDRED YEARS
OLD. Nearly opposite, a small stream puts into the Little Buffalo.
Upon the point formed by the junction of the two streams, a mound
extends across from one to the other, as if to enclose or fortify the
point. In modern military practice, strong fortifications are invested
sometimes by setting an army down before them and throwing up
breast-works. May not this smaller work bear a similar relation to
the larger one 1
About one and a half miles west of Shelby Centre, Orleans
county, is an ancient work. A broad ditch encloses in a form
nearly circular, about three acres of land. The ditch is at this day,
well defined several feet deep. Adjoining the spot on the south,
is a swamp about one mile in width by two in length. This swamp
was once, doubtless, if not a lake, an impassable morass. From the
interior of the enclosure made by the ditch, there is what appears
to have been, a passage way on the side next to the swamp. No
other breach occurs in the entire circuit of the embankment. There
are accumulated within and near this fort large piles of small stones
30 HISTORY OF THE
of a size convenient to be thrown by the hand, or with a sling.* Ar-
row heads of flint are found in and near the enclosure, in great
abundance, stone axes, &c. Trees of four hundred years growth
stand upon the embankment, and underneath them have been found,
earthen ware, pieces of plates or dishes, wrought with skill, pre-
senting ornaments in relief, of various patterns. Some skeletons
almost entire have been exhumed ; many of giant size, not less than
seven to eight feet in length. The skulls are large and well devel-
oped in the anterior lobe, broad between the ears, and flattened in
the coronal region. Half a mile west of the fort is a sand hill.
Here a large number of human skeletons have been exhumed, in a
perfect state. Great numbers appeared to have been buried in the
same grave. Many of the skulls appear to have been broken in with
clubs or stones. " This," says S. M. BURROUGHS, ESQ, of Medina,
(to whom the author is indebted for the description,) "was doubt-
less the spot where a great battle had been fought. Were not these
people a branch of the Aztecs'? The earthen ware found here
seems to indicate a knowledge of the arts known to that once
powerful nation."
The REV. SAMUEL KIRKLAND f visited and described several of
these remains west of the Genesee River, in the year 1788. At
that early period, before they had been disturbed by the antiqua-
rian, the plough or the harrow, they must have been much more per-
fect, and better defined than now. Mr. KIRKLAND says in his journal,
that after leaving " Kanawageas," J he travelled twenty-six miles
and encamped for the night at a place called " Joaki," || on the
* These piles of small stone are frequently spoken of in connection with these
works, by those who saw them at an early period of white settlement.
t Mr. K. was the pioneer Protestant Missionary among the Iroquois. The Rev. Dr.
Wheelock, of Lebanon, Conn., who was his early tutor, in one of his letters to the
Countess of Huntingdon, in 1765, says : " A young Englishman, whom I sent last
fall to winter with the numerous and savage tribes of the Senecas, in order to learn their
language, and fit him for a mission among them ; where no missionaiy has hitherto
dared to venture. This bold adventure of his, which under all the circumstances of it
is the most extraordinary of the kind I have ever known, has been attended with abun-
dant evidence of a divine blessing." Connected as was the subject of this eulogy with
other branches of our local history, he will be frequently referred to in the course of thia
work.
t Avon,
H Batavia, or the " Great Bend of the Tonnewanta," as it was uniformly called by the
early travellers on the trail from Tioga Point to Fort Niagara and Canada. CP Se
account of Indian Trails. Batavia was favored with several Indian names. In Sen-
eca, the one used by Mr K. would be Racoon.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 37
river " Tonawanda," Six miles from the place of encampment, he
rode to the " open fields."* Here he " walked out about half a
mile with one of the Seneca chiefs to view " the remains which he
thus describes :
" This place is called by the Senecas Tegatainasghque, which
imports a double fortified town, or a town with a fort at each end.
Here are the vestiges of two forts; the one contains about four
acres of ground; the other, distant from this about two miles, and
situated at the other extremity of the ancient town, encloses twice
that quantity. The ditch around the former (which I particularly
examined) is about five or six feet deep. A small stream of living
water, with a high bank, circumscribed nearly one third of the en-
closed ground. There were traces of six gates, or avenues, around
the ditch, and a dug-way near the works to the water. The
ground on the opposite side of the water, was in some places nearly
as high as that on which they built the fort, which might make it
nessessary for this covered way to the water. A considerable num-
ber of large, thrifty oaks have grown up within the enclosed grounds,
both in and upon the ditch; some of them at least, appeared to be two
hundred years old or more. The ground is of a hard gravelly kind,
intermixed with loam, and more plentifully at the brow of the hill.
In some places, at the bottom of the ditch, I could run my cane a foot
or more into the ground; so that probably the ditch was much deeper
in its original state than it appears to be now. Near the northern
fortification, which is situated on high ground, are the remains of a
funeral pile. The earth is raised about six feet above the common
surface, and betwixt twenty and thirty feet in diameter. From the
best information I can get of the Indian Historians, these Forts were
made previous to the Senecas being admitted into the confederacy of
the Mohawks, Onondagas, Oneidas and Cayugas, and when the
former were at war with the Mississaugas and other Indians around
the great lakes. This must have been near three hundred years
ago, if not more, by many concurring accounts which I have
obtained from different Indians of several different tribes. Indian
tradition says also that these works were raised, and a famous battle
fought here, in the pure Indian style and with Indian weapons, long
before their knowledge and use of fire arms or any knowledge
of the Europeans. These nations at that time used, in fighting,
bows and arrows, the spear or javelin, pointed with bone, and the
* The openings, as they are termed, in the towns of Elba and Alabama ; lying on
either side of the Batavia and Lockport road, but chiefly, between that road and the
Tonawanda Creek. The antiquarian who goes in search of the ancient Tegatain-
asghque, will be likely to divide his attention between old and new things. It was a
part of Tonawanda Indian Reservation. About twenty-five years since, it was sold to
the Ogden Company ; and the ancient " open fields " now present a broad expanse of
wheat fields, interspersed with farm buildings that give evidence of the elements of
wealth that have been found in the soil
I
38 . HISTORY OF THE
war club or death mall. When the former were expended, they
came into close engagement in using the latter. Their warrior's
dress or coat of mail for this method of fighting, was a short jacket
made of willow sticks, or moon wood, and laced tight around the
body; the head covered with a cap of the same kind, but commonly
worn double for the better security of that part against a stroke from
the war club. In the great battle fought at this place, between the
Senecas and Western Indians, some affirm their ancestors have told
them there were eight hundred of their enemies slain; others include
the killed on both sides to make that number. All their historians
agree in this, that the battle was fought here, where the heaps of
slain are buried, before the arrival of the Europeans; some say
three, some say four, others five ages ago; they reckon an age one
hundred winters or colds. I would further remark upon this subject
that there are vestiges of ancient fortified towns in various parts,
throughout the extensive territory of the Six Nations. I find also
by constant enquiry, that a tradition prevails among the Indians in
general, that all Indians came from the west. I have wished for an
opportunity to pursue this inquiry with the more remote tribes of
Indians, to satisfy myself, at least, if it be their universal opinion.
" On the south side of Lake Erie, are a series of old fortifications,
from Cattaraugus Creek to the Pennsylvania line, a distance of fifty
miles. Some are from two to four miles apart, others half a mile
only. Some contain five acres. The walls or breast- works are of
earth, and are generally on grounds where there are appearances
of creeks having flowed into the lake, or where there was a bay.
Further south there is said to be another chain parallel with the
first, about equi-distant from the lake.
" These remains of art, may be viewed as connecting links of a
great chain, which extends beyond the confines of our state, and
becomes more magnificent and curious as we recede from the
northern lakes, pass through Ohio into the great valley of the Mis-
sissippi, thence to the gulf of Mexico through Texas into New
Mexico and South America. In this vast range of more than three
thousand miles, these monuments of ancient skill gradually become
more remarkable for their number, magnitude and interesting
variety, until we are lost in admiration and astonishment, to find,
as Baron Humboldt informs us, in a world which we call new,
ancient institutions, religious ideas, and forms of edifices, similar
to those of Asia, which there seem to go back to the dawn of
civilization."
" Over the great secondary region ojf the Ohio, are the ruins of
what once were forts, cemeteries, temples, altars, camps, towns,
NOTE. The traditions given to Mr. Kirkland at so early a period, are added to his
account of the old Forts, to bo taken in connection with adverse theories and conclusions
upon the same point As has before been observed, many of the Senecas who have
since been consulted, do not pretend to any satisfactory knowledge upon the subjects.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 39
villages, race-grounds and other places of amusement, habitations >
of chieftains, videttes, watch-towers and monuments."
"It is," says Mr. Atwater,* "nothing but one vast cemetery of
the beings 01 past ages. Man and his works, the mammoth, tropi-
cal animals, the cassia tree and other tropical plants, are here repo-
sing together in the same formation. By what catastrophe they
were overwhelmed and buried in the same strata it would be
impossible to say, unless it was that of the general deluge."
"In the valley of the Mississippi, the monuments of buried nations
are unsurpassed in magnitude and melancholy grandeur by any in
North America. Here cities have been traced similar to those of
Ancient Mexico, once containing hundreds of thousands of souls.
Here are to be seen thousands of tumuli, some an hundred feet high,
others many hundred feet in circumference, the places of their
worship, their sepulchre, and perhaps of their defence. Similar
mounds are scattered throughout the continent, from the shores of
the Pacific into the interior of our State as far as Black River and
from the Lakes to South America." f
So much for all we can see or know of our ancient predecessors.
The whole subject is but incidental to the main purposes of local
history. The reader who wishes to pursue it farther will be assisted p
in his enquiries by a perusal of Mr. Schoolcraft's Notes on the
Iroquois. But the mystery of this pre-occupancy is far from being
satisfactorily explained. It is an interesting, fruitful source of the-
ories, enquiry and speculation.
*Atwater's Antiquities of the West
tYates and Moulton's History of New York.
40 HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER II.
THE IROQUOIS, OR FIVE NATIONS.*
Emerging from a region of doubt and conjecture, we arrive at
another branch of local history, replete with interest less obscure,
though upon its threshold we feel the want of reliable data, the
lights that guide us in tracing the history of those who have writ-
ten records.
The Seneca Indians were our immediate predecessors the
pre-occupants from whom the title of the Holland Purchase was
derived. They were the Fifth Nation of a CONFEDERACY, termed
by themselves Mingoes, as inferred by Mr. Clinton, Ho-de-no-sau-
nee,t-as~inf6rred by other writers ; the Confederates, by the Eng-
lish ; the Maquaws, by the Dutch ; the Massowamacs, by the
Southern Indians ; the IROQUOIS, by the French ; by which last
name they are now usually designated, in speaking or writing of
the distinct branches of the Aborigines of the United States.
The original Confederates were the Mohawks, having their prin-
cipal abode upon that river ; the Oneidas, upon the southern shore
of Oneida Lake ; the Cayugas near Cayuga Lake ; the Senecas,
upon Seneca Lake and the Genesee River. Those localities were
their principal seats, or the places of their Council fires. They
may be said generally, to have occupied in detached towns and vil-
lages the whole of this State, from the Hudson to the Niagara
River, now embraced in the counties of Schenectady, Schoharie,
Montgomery, Fulton, Herkimer, Oneida, Madison, Onondaga, Cay-
uga, Seneca, Wayne, Ontario, Livingston, Genesee, Wyoming,
Monroe, Orleans, Niagara, Erie, Chautauque, Cattaragus, Alle-
* The "Five" Nations, at the period of our earliest knowledge of them th
"Six" Nations after they had adopted the Tuscaroras, in 1712.
t "The People of the Long House," from the circumstance that they likened their
political structure to a long tenement or dwelling.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 41
ghany, Steuben and Yates. A narrower limit of their dwelling
places, the author is aware, has been usually designated ; but in
reference to the period of the first European advent among them
1678 it is to be inferred that their habitations were thus extended,
not only from the traces of their dwellings, and the relics of their
rude cultivation of the soil, but from the records of the early Jesuit
Missionaries. Their missions were at different periods, extended
from the Hudson to the Niagara River, and each one of them would
seem to have had several villages in its vicinity. Each of the Five
Nations undoubtedly had a principal seat They were as indicated
by their names. And each had its tributary villages, extended as
has been assumed. It was plainly a coming together from separate
localities a gathering of clansmen to resist the invasion of De
Nonville; and it is to be inferred from the journal of Father Hen-
nepin I hat there were villages of the "Iroquois Senecas" in the
neighborhood of La Salle's ship yard on the Niagara River, and the
primitive garrison or " palisade," at its mouth. The Missionaries
who went out from the ''place of ship building," and from the "Fort
at Niagara " from time to time, upon apparently short excursions,
visited different villages. The Jesuit Missions upon the Mohawk,
and at Onondaga would seem to have been visited, each by the
inhabitants of several villages. The author rejects the conclusion,
that the Tonawanda, and the Buffalo Indian villages, were not
founded until after the expedition of General SULLIVAX ; and con-
cludes that these and other settlements of the Iroquois existed prior
to the European advent, west of the Genesee River. While some
of the Seneca Indians assume the first position, others, equally
intelligent, and as well instructed in their traditions, do not pretend
to thus limit the period of settlement at these points.
Their actual dominion had a far wider range. The Five Nations
claimed '-all the land not sold to the English, from the mouth of
Sorrel River, on the south side of Lakes Erie and Ontario, on both
sides of the Ohio till it falls into the Mississippi ; and on the north
side of these Lakes that whole territory between the Ottawa River
and Lake Huron, and even beyond the straits between that and
Lake Erie." * And in another place the same author says :
" When the Dutch began the settlement of this country, all the
Indians on Long Island, and the northern shores of the Sound, on
Smith's History of New York.
42 HISTORY OF THE
the banks of the Connecticut, Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehannah
Rivers, were in subjection to the Five Nations, and acknowledged
it by paying tribute. The French historians of Canada, both
ancient and modern, agree that the more Northern Indians, were
driven before the superior martial prowess of the Confederates."
/ " The Ho-de-no-sau-nee, occupied our precise territory, and their
council fires burned continually from the Hudson to the Niagara.
Our old forests have rung with their war shouts, and been enli-
vened with their festivals of peace. Their feathered bands, their
eloquence, their deeds of valor have had their time and place. In
their progressive course, they had stretched around the half of our
republic, and rendered their name a terror nearly from ocean to
ocean ; when the advent of the Saxon race arrested their career,
and prepared the way for the destruction of the Long House, and
the final extinguishment of the Council Fires of the Confederacy.*
" At one period we hear the sound of their war cry along the
Straits of the St. Mary's, and at the foot of Lake Superior. At
another, under the walls of Quebec, where they finally defeated
the Hurons, under the eyes of the French. They put out the fires
of the Gah-kwas and Eries. They eradicated the Susquehannocks.
They placed the Lenapes, the Nanticokes, and the Munsees under
the yoke of subjection. They put the Metoacks and Manhattans
under tribute. They spread the terror of their arms over all New
England. They traversed the whole length of the Appalachian
Chain and descended like the enraged yagisho and megalonyx, on
the Cherokees and Catawbas. SMITH encountered their warriors
in the settlement of Virginia, and LA SALLE on the discovery of
the Illinois."! "The immediate dominion of the Iroquois when
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, were
first visited by the trader, the Missionary, or the war parties of the
French stretched, as we have seen, from the borders of Vermont
to Western New York, from the Lakes to the head waters of the
Ohio, the Susquehannah and the Delaware. The number of their
warriors was declared by the French in 1660, to have been two
thousand two hundred ; and in 1677, an English agent sent on pur-
pose to ascertain their strength, confirmed the precision of the state-
ment. Their geographical position made them umpires in the
* Letters on the Iroquois, by Shenandoah in American Review,
t Schoolcraft.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 43
contest of the French for dominion in the west. Besides their
political importance was increased by their conquests. Not only
did they claim some supremacy in Northern New England as far
as the Kennebeck, and to the south as far as New Haven, and
were acknowledged as absolute lords over the conquered Lenappe,
the peninsula of Upper Canada was their hunting field by right
of war ; they had exterminated the Eries and Andastes, both tribes
of their own family, the one dwelling on the south-eastern banks
of lake Erie, the other on the head waters of the Ohio; they had
triumphantly invaded the tribes of the west as far as Illinois ; their
warriors had reached the soil of Kentucky and Western Virginia ;
and England, to whose alliance they steadily inclined, availed itself
of their treaties for the cession of territories, to encroach even
on the Empire of France in America."*
While the citations that we have made from reliable authorities,
sufficiently establish the extended dominions of the Iroquois, they
also sanction the highest estimate that has been made of their bravery
and martial prowess. Their strength and uniform success, are
mainly to be attributed to their social and political organization.
They were Confederates. Their enemies, or the nations they chose
to make war with, for the purposes of conquest, extended rule, poli-
tical supremacy were detached, had feuds perhaps between
themselves could not act in concert. The Iroquois were a five
fold cord. Their antagonists, but single strands, and if acting
occasionally in concert, it was in the absence of a league or union,
of that peculiar character that made their assailants invincible.
Added to this, is the concurrent testimony of historians, that the
Iroquois, in physical and mental organization far excelled all other of
the aboriginal nations, or tribes of our country. A position justified
by our own observation and comparisons. Even in our own day,
now that they are dwindled down to a mere remnant of what they
were; confined to a few thousand acres of a broad domain they
once posessed, (and even these stinted allotments grudgingly made,
and their possession envied by rapacious pre-emptionists,) now
that they have survived the terrible ordeal a con test with our
race, and all its blighting and contaminating influences, their
superiority is evinced in various ways; their supremacy apparent
Upon the banks of the Tonawanda, the Alleghany, the Cattaragus,
Bancroft's History of the United States.
44 HISTORY OF THE
there are now unbroken, proud spirits of this noble race of men,
who would justify the highest encomiums that history has bestowed.
If we are told that they have degenerated, the position can be
controverted by the citation of individual instances. If their
ambition has been crushed; if they feel, as well they may, that their
condition has been changed ; that they are in a measure dependants
upon a soil, and in a region, where they were but a little time since,
lords and masters ; if they are conscious, as well they may be, that
superior diplomacy, artful and over-reaching negotiation, has as
effectually conquered and despoiled them of their possessions as a
conquest of arms would have done; if they feel that they are aliens,
as they are made by our laws, upon the native soil of themselves
and a long line of ancestors. There are yet worthy descendants of
the primitive stock the same "Seneca Iroquois," in mind, in fea-
ture, in some of the best attributes of our common nature, that
La Salle, Hennepin, Tonti, Joncair, found here in these western
forests; that the seemingly partial, yet truthful historian has describ-
ed. While the vices of civilization or those that civilization has
introduced have effectually degenerated a large portion of them;
debased them to a level with the worst of the whites; there are
those, and a large class of them, that have, with a moral firmness
that is admirable a native, uneducated sense of right and wrong,
of virtue and vice ; resisted all the temptations with which they
have been beset and surrounded, and command our highest es-
teem, not for what they, or their progenitors have been ; but for
their intrinsic merits. Their ancient council fires, are not extin-
guished; though they burn not as brightly in the allotted retreat
where they are now kindled, as of yore, when they blazed in the
" Long House," from Hudson to Lake Erie. Their confederacy
is dwindled to a mere shadow of what it was, but it yet exists.
" They have been stripped so entirely of their possessions as to have
retained scarcely sufficient for a sepulchre. They have been shorn
so entirely of their power as to be scarcely heard when appealing
to justice from the rapacity of the pre-emptive claimants."* And
yet they are a distinctive people their Ancient League in force;
their ancient rites and ceremonies are still performed. From their
ancient seat at Onondaga, the council fire is transferred to
Tonawanda. Here it is yet kindled. Here the representatives of
Shenandoah.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 45
the Senecas, the Tuscaroras, the Onondagas, the scattered rem-
nants of the Mohawks, Cayugas and Oneidas, yet assemble, go
through with their ancient rites and ceremonies ; their speeches,
dances, exhortations, sacrifices, &c.; supply vacancies that have
occurred in the ranks of their sachems and chiefs, furnish a feeble
but true representation of the doings of their ancient confederacy,
when it was the sole conservator and legislature of two thirds of
our Empire State, and held hi subjection nearly that proportion of
our own modern and similarly constructed Union.
The historians of the Iroquois, have found ample authority for
the extended dominion, and military supremacy they have conceded
to them, in the writings of the French Missionaries, and in their
own well authenticated traditions; and there is still more reliable
testimony. As in after times in their wars with the French, and
in the Border Wars of the Revolution, a large proportion of their
prisoners were saved from torture and execution and adopted into
families and tribes, for the double purpose of supplying the loss of
their own people slain in battle or taken prisoners of keeping
their numbers good and for solacing the bereaved relatives, by
substituting a favorite captive in the family circle. This was
not only the ancient, but the modern custom of the Iroquois.
The commentators upon their institutions, have inferred that
this was a part of their system and policy. This will be quite
apparent in some accounts that will follow of white prisoners
who were found among the Senecas in Western New York, at the
earliest period of white settlement, and whose descendants are still
among them. There are now upon the Tonawanda Reservation, at
Cattaragus and Alleghany, descendants of Cherokee, Seminole and
Catawba captives; in fact of nearly all the nations, which we are
told in their traditions, they were at war with in early times. It is
singular, with what apparent precision, they will trace the mixed
blood, when none but themselves can discover any difference of
complexion or features. Tradition must be their helper, in deter-
mining after the lapse of centuries, and a long succession of gene-
rations, where the blood of the captive is mingled with their own.
They are good genealogists; far better than we are, who can avail
ourselves of written records.
And there is a fact connected with this reprieving and adopting
captives, that commands our especial wonder, if not our admiration.
In all the numerous cases that we have accounts of, with few
46 HISTORY OF THE
exceptions, captivity soon ceased to be irksome; an escape from it
hardly a desirable consummation ! Was the captive of their own
race and color, he soon forgot that he was in the wigwam of stran-
gers, away from his country and kindred; he was no alien; social,
political, and family immunities were extended to him. He was as
one of them in all respects. Had he left behind father, mother,
brother, sister or wife, they were supplied him; and it baffles all
our preconceived opinions of an arbitrary, instinctive sense of kin-
dred blood affinity, when told how easily the captive adapted him-
self to his new relations; how soon the adopter and the adopted
conformed to an alliance that was merely conventional. And so it
was in a great degree with our own race. They too, were captives
among the Iroquois, but wore no captive's chains. After a little
there was no restraint, no coercion, no desire to escape. Upon
this point, we have the recorded testimony of MARY JEMISON, of
HORATIO JONES, and several others. MRS. JEMISON, who had
more than ordinary natural endowments; who possessed a mind and
affections adapted to the enjoyments of civilization and refinement ;
affirms that in a short time after she was made a captive, she was
content with her condition; and she affirmed at the close of a long
life, spent principally among the Senecas, that she had uniformly
been treated with kindness. The author in his boyhood has listened
to the recitals of captive whites among the Senecas, and well
remembers how incredible it seemed that they should have preferred
a continuance among them to a return to their own race. This to
us seemingly singular choice, with those who were young when
captured, is partly to be accounted for in the novelty of the change
the sports and pastimes the "freedom of the woods" the
absence of restraints and checks, upon youthful inclinations. But
chiefly it was the influence of kindness, extended to them as soon
as they were adopted. The Indian mother knew no difference
between her natural and adopted children; there were no social
discriminations, or if any, in favor of the adopted captive; they
had all the rights and privileges in their tribes, nations, confederacy,
enjoyed by the native Iroquois.*
The Senecas have traditions of the execution of several
* This kind treatment of prisoners, it is not contended, was uniform. A portion
of them were subjected to torture and death. It was however, one thing or the
other: death attended by all the horrors of savage custom, or adoption into a family,
and the treatment that has been indicated.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 47
prisoners, that were made captives in their wars with the Southern
Indians. A stream that puts into the Alleghany, below Olean,
bears the Seneca name of a Cherokee prisoner, who, their
traditions say, was executed there. MRS. JEMISOX* says, her
husband, HIOKATOO, was engaged in 1731, to assist in collecting
an army to go against the Catawbas, Cherokees, and other
Southern Indians. That they met the enemy on the Tennessee
River, ''rushed upon them in ambuscade, and massacred 1200 on
the spot ; " that after that, the battle continued for two days.
She names several other wars with the Southern Indians, hi which
her warrior husband was engaged. It is but a few years since
there were surviving aged Seneca Indians, who recounted their
exploits in wars waged by the Iroquois against neighboring and
far distant nations.
The reader who has not made himself familiar with the history
of the aboriginal pre-occupants of our region, has, perhaps, in
this brief introduction of them, their wars and extended dominion
their pre-eminence among the nations of their race the high
position assigned them by historians, been sufficiently interested
to desire to know more of them ; especially to know something
of the organization and frame work of a political system a
confederacy so wisely conceived by the untaught Statesmen of
the forest, who had no precedents to consult, no written lore of
ages to refer to, no failures or triumphs of systems of human
government to serve for models or comparisons ; nothing to guide
them but the lights of nature ; nothing to prompt them but
necessity and emergency.
The French historian, YOLNEY, was the first to pronounce the
Iroquois the ROMANS OF THE WEST ; a proud, and not undeserved
title, which succeeding historians and commentators have not
withheld. " Had they enjoyed the advantages possessed by the
Greeks and Romans, there is no reason to believe they would have
been at all inferior to these celebrated nations. Their minds
appear to have been equal to any effort within the reach of man.
Their conquests, if we consider their numbers and circumstances,
were little inferior to those of Rome itself. In their harmony,
the unity of their operations, the energy of their character, the
vastness, vigor, and success of their enterprises, and the strength
Life of Mary Jemison by James E. Seaver, revised and enlarged by Ebenezer Mix
48 HISTORY OF THE
and sublimity of their eloquence, they may be fairly compared
with the Greeks. Both the Greeks and Romans, before they
began to rise into distinction, had already reached the state of
society in which men are able to improve. The Iroquois had not.
The Greeks and Romans had ample means for improvement ; the
Iroquois had none."* " If we except the celebrated league, which
uftited the Five Nations into a Federal Republic, we can discern
few traces of political wisdom among the rude American tribes as
discover any great degree of foresight or extent of intellectual
abilities."! "The Iroquois bore this proud appellation, not only by
conquests over other tribes, but by encouraging the people of
other nations to incorporate with them ; ' a Roman principle,'
says THATCHER, ' recognized in the practice as well as theory of
these lords of the forest."f " From whatever point we scrutinize
the general features of their confederacy, we are induced to
regard it, in many respects, as a beautiful, as well as remarkable
structure, and to hold it up as the triumph of Indian legislation."
" It cannot, I presume, be doubted, that- the confederates were a
peculiar and extraordinary people, contra-distinguished from the
wars of the Indian Nations by great attainments in polity, in
government, in negotiation, in eloquence, and in war."||
The peculiar structure of the confederacy of the Iroquois, is
one of the most interesting features of our aboriginal history. A
brief analysis of it is all that will be attempted. Its general
features were known to their earliest historians, but it was left to
a recent contributor IF to the archives of the New York Historical
Society, to investigate the subject with a zeal, industry and ability,
which do him great credit ; to give us a better knowledge of the
legislation and laws of these sons of the forest, than we before
possessed. To that source principally, with occasional reference
to other authorities ; the author is indebted for the materials for
the sketch that follows :
The existence of the Iroquois upon the soil now constituting
Western and Middle New York, is distinctly traced back to the
period of the discovery of America. Their traditions go beyond
* President Dwight t Robertson's America.
t Yonnondio, or the Warriors of Genesee, by W. H. C. Hosmer.
$ Shenandoah. II MR. Clinton.
f Letters on the Iroquois, Shenandoah ; addressed to Albert Gallatin, President.
N. Y. Historical Society.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 49
that period or in fact have no limits; some of their relators
contending that this was always their home; others, that they came
here by conquest ; and* others, that they were peaceful emigrants
from a former home in the south. This involves a mooted question,
which it is not necessary here to discuss, if indeed it admits of any
satisfactory conclusion. They fix upon no definite period in refer-
ence to the origin of their confederacy. It existed, and was
recognized by the Dutch, who were the first adventurers in the
eastern portion of our state ; by the earliest French Jesuits in the
valley of the Mohawk, at Onondaga, and along the south shores of
Lake Ontario, and upon the Niagara River ; and there were
evidences of a long precedent existence, that corresponded with
their traditions.
Like most systems of human governments, and especially the
better ones it was undoubtedly the offspring of emergency.
Protracted wars, such as their race have been subject to since our
first acquaintance with it and which has often called into requisi-
tion the mediatory offices of our government, had created the
necessity of a union of strength an alliance, for offence and defence.
It was upon a smaller scale to be sure, than an alliance that
followed centuries after, between the crowned heads of Europe ;
but was dictated by better motives, and far more wisdom ; though
with a history of Iroquois conquests before us, it is not to be denied,
that they not only contemplated peace and union at home, but like
their imitators meditated assaults upon their neighbors. The one
was suggested by the autocrat of Russia, from a palace tradition
attributes the other to a "wise man* of the Onondaga nation."
whose dwelling was but a hunter's lodge.
The confederacy in one leading feature at least, was not unlike
our Federal Union. The Five Nations were as so many states,
reserving to themselves some well defined powers, but yielding
others for the general good.
The supreme power of the confederacy, was vested in a con-
gress of sachems, fifty in number. The Mohawks were entitled to ;
nine representatives ; the Oneidas to nine ; the Onondagas to fourteen;
the Cayugas to ten; the Senecas to eight. "The office of sachem
was hereditary. They were " raised up," not by their respective
nations, but by a council of all the sachems. They formed the
* Dagnowed6.
50 HISTORY OF THE
"council of the League," and in them resided the Executive legisla-
tive and judicial authority. In their own localities, at home among
their own people, these sachems were the government, forming
five independent local sovereignties, modelled after the general con-
gress of sachems. There were in fact live distinct local republics
within one general republic. It was as it would be with our dele-
gation in Congress, if after discharging their duties at the seat of
the general government, they came home and formed a council for all
purposes of local government. Although not a monarchy, it " was
the rule of the few,' : and these few possessing what would look to us
like a power very liable to abuse the power of self creation; filling
up their own ranks, as vacancies occured from time to time ; and yet
we are told that this formed no exception to the general well
working of the system. The members of the council of the
League were equals in power and authority ; and yet from some
provision in their organization, or from a necessity which must
have existed with the Iroquois Council as with all conventional or
legislative bodies, it is to be inferred that they had a head or leader
something answering the purposes of a speaker in our system. -of
legislation, or a president, in our conventional arrangement. How
all this was managed it is difficult to understand. There was
always residing in the central Onondaga nation, a sachem who
had at least a nominal superiority; he was regarded as the head
of the confederacy, and had dignities and honors, above his fellow
sachems; and yei his prerogatives were only such as were tacitly
allowed or conceded ; not derived as we would say, from any
" constitutional " provisions. His position was an hereditary one,
derived, as is affirmed by tradition, from an Onondaga chief
TA-DO-DA-HOH, a famous chief and warrior, who was co-temporary
with the formation of the confederacy. He had rendered himself
NOTE Those into whose hands may chance to have fallen the pamphlet of the
native Tuscarora historian, David Cusick, will remember his picture of "At-to-tar-ho."
This was the real or imajrinary " Ta-do-da-hoh " of Onondaga; the name varying with
the different dialects. With rather more than the ordinary love of fancy and fiction,
inherent in his race, the Tuscarora narrator has invested his hero with something more
than human attributes: and has awarded to his memory, a wood cut rude but
graphic. He is represented as a monarch, quietly smoking his pipe, sitting in one of
the marshes of Onondaga, giving audience to an embassy from the Mohawks, who
have come to solicit his co-operation in the formation of a League. Living serpents
are entwined around him, extending their hissing heads in every direction. Every
thing around him, and the place of his residence, were such as to inspire fear and
respect. His dishes and spoons were made of the skulls of enemies he had slain in
battle. Him, when they had duly approached with presents, and burned tobacco in
friendship, in their pipes, by way of frankincense, they placed at the head of the
League as its presiding officer.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 51
illustrious by military achievements. " Down to this day. among
the Iroquois, his name is the personification of heroism, of forecast,
and of dignity of character. He was reluctant to consent to the
new order of things, as he would be shorn of his power, and placed
among a number of equals. To remove this objection, his sachem-
ship was dignified above the others, by certain special privileges,
not inconsistent, however, with an equal distribution of powers ;
and from his day to the present, this title has been regarded as
more noble and illustrious than any other, in the catalogue of
Iroquois nobility."
'- With a mere league of Indian nations, the constant tendency
would be to a rupture, from remoteness of position and interest,
and from the inherent weakness of such a compact In the case
under inspection, something more lasting was aimed at than a
simple union of the five nations, in the nature of an alliance. A
blending of the national sovereignties into one government, with
direct and manifold relations between the people and the Confed-
eracy, as such, was sought for and achieved by these forest
statesmen. On first observation, the powers of the government
appear to be so entirely centralized, that the national independencies
nearly disappear ; but this is very far from the fact. The crowning
feature of the Confederacy, as a political structure, is the perfect
independence and individuality of the nations, in the midst of a
central and embracing government, which presents such a united
and cemented exterior, that its subdivisions would scarcely be
discovered in transacting business with the Confederacy. This
remarkable result was in part effected by the provision that the
same rulers who governed the Confederacy in their joint capacity,
should, in their separate state, still be the rulers of the several
nations.
" For all the purposes of a local and domestic, and many of a /
political character, the nations were entirely independent oi" each j
other. The nine Mohawk sachems administered the affairs of that
nation with joint authority, precisely in the same manner as they j
did. in connection with others, the affairs of the League at large.
With similar powers, the ten Cayuga sachems, by their joint
councils, regulated the internal and domestic affairs of their nation.
As the sachems of each nation stood upon a perfect equality, in
authority and privileges, the measure of influence was determined
entirely by the talents and address of the individual. In the
councils of the nation, which were of frequent occurrence, all
business of national concernment was transacted ; and, although the
questions moved on such occasions would be finally settled by the
opinions of the sachems, yet such was the spirit of the Iroquois
system of government, that the influence of the inferior chiefs, the
52 HISTORY OF THE
warriors, and even of the women, would make itself felt, whenever
the subject itself aroused a general public interest.
" The powers and duties of the sachems were entirely of a civil
character, but yet were arbitrary within their sphere of action. If
we sought their warrant for the exercise of power, in the etymol-
ogy of the word, in their language, which corresponds with sachem,
it would intimate a check upon, rather than an enlargement of, the
civil authority ; for it signifies, simply, ' a counsellor of the people,'
a beautiful and appropriate designation of a ruler."
There were in each of the Five Nations, and in the aggregate,
the same number of War Chiefs as sachems. The subordination
of the military to the civil power, was indicated upon all occasions
of the assembling of the councils, by each sachem having a War
Chief standing behind him to aid with his counsel, and execute
the commands of his superior. If the two, however, went out
upon a war party, the precedence was reversed, or in fact the
sachem, who was supreme in council, was but a subordinate in
the ranks. The supreme command of the war forces, and the
general conduct of the wars of the confederacy was entrusted to
two military chiefs raised up as the sachems were, their offices
hereditary. These were, in all cases to be of the Seneca nation.*
The third class of officers was created long after the organiza-
tion of the Confederacy, since the advent of Europeans among
them, the chiefs. They were elected from time to time as
necessity or convenience required, their number unlimited. Their
powers were originally confined to the local affairs of their respect-
ive nations ; they were home advisers and counsellors of the
sachems ; but in process of time they became in some respects,
equal in rank and authority to the sachems.
" It is, perhaps, in itself singular that no religious functionaries
were recognized in the Confederacy (none ever being raised up);
although there were certain officers in the several nations who
officiated at the religious festivals, which were held at stated
seasons throughout the year. There never existed, among the
Iroquois, a regular and distinct religious profession, or office, as
* They likened, as will have been seen, their political edifice, to a Long House ; itfl
door opening to the West. The Senecas occupying the door way, at the West, where
hostile onsets were looked for, the location of the chief military commanders was
assigned to them. It was the province of the Senecas, from their location, to first
take the war path. If invaded, they were to drive back the invaders. If too formidable
for them, they called upon the next allies, the Onondagaa, and so on when necessary,
to the Eastern end of the Long House, occupied by the Mohawks.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 53
among most nations ; and it was. doubtless, owing to the simplicity,
as well as narrowness, of their religious creed.
" With the officers above enumerated, the administration of the
Confederacy was entrusted. The government sat lightly upon the
people, who, in effect, were governed but little. It seemed to each
that individual independence, which the Hodenosaunee knew how
to prize as well as the Saxon ; and which, amid all political changes,
they have contrived to preserve. The institutions which would be
expected to exist under the government whose frame-work has
just been sketched, would necessarily be simple. Their mode of
fife, and limited wants, the absence of all property, and the infre-
quency of crime, dispensed with a vast amount of the legislation
and machinery, incident to the protection of civilized society.
While, therefore, it would be unreasonable to seek those high
qualities of mind, which result from ages of cultivation, in such a
rude state of existence, it would be equally irrational to regard the
Indian character as devoid of all those higher characteristics which
ennoble the human race. If he has never contributed a page to
science, nor a discovery to art ; if he loses, in the progress of
generations, as much as he gains ; still, there are certain qualities
of his mind which shine forth in all the lustre of natural perfection,
and which must ever elicit admiration. His simple integrity, his
generosity, his unbounded hospitality, his love of truth, and, above
all, his unbroken fidelity, a sentiment inborn, and standing out so
conspicuously in his character, that it has, not untruthfully, become
its living characteristic ; all these are adornments of humanity,
which no art of education can instill, nor refinement of civilization
can bestow. If they exist at all, it is because the gifts of the
Deity have never been debased. The high state of public morals,
celebrated by the poet as reached and secured under Augustus, it
was the higher and prouder boast of the Iroquois never to have lost.
In such an atmosphere of moral purity, he grew up to manhood.
4 Culp&ri metuit fides :
Nullis polluitur casia domns stupris :
Mos et lex maculosum edomuit nefas.'
If our Indian predecessor, with the virtues and blemishes, the
power and weakness, which alternate in his character, is ever
rightly comprehended, it will be the result of an insight into his
social relations, and an understanding of the institutions which
reflect the higher elements of his intellect/'
In each nation there were eight tribes, which were arranged in
two divisions and named as follows :
Wolf, Bear, Beaver, Turtle,
Deer, Snipe, Heron, Hawk.
"The division of the people of each nation into eight tribes,
54 HISTORY OF THE
whether pre-existing, or perfected at the establishment of the Con-
feracy did not terminate in its objects with the nation itself. It
became the means of effecting the most perfect union of separate
nations ' ever devised by the wit of man.' In effect, the Wolf
Tribe was divided into five parts, and one-fifth of it placed in each
of the five nations. The remaining tribes were subjected to the
same division and distribution: thus giving to each nation the eight
tribes, and making in their separated state, forty tribes in the Con-
federacy. Between those of the same name or in other words,
between the separated parts of each tribe there existed a tie of
brotherhood which linked the nations together with indissoluble
bonds. The Mohawk of the Beaver Tribe, recognized the Seneca
of the Beaver Tribe as his brother, and they were bound to each
other by the ties of consanguinity. In like manner the Oneida of
the Turtle or other Tribe, received the Cayuga, or the Onondaga
of the same tribe, as a brother ; and with a fraternal welcome.
This cross-relationship between the tribes of the same name, and
which was stronger, if possible, than the chain of brotherhood
between the several tribes of the same nation, is still preserved in
all its original strength. It doubtless furnishes the chief reason of
the tenacity with which the fragments of the old Confederacy still
cling together. If either of the five nations had wished to cast off
the alliance, it must also have broken the bond of brotherhood.
Had the nations fallen into collision, it would have turned Hawk
Tribe against Hawk Tribe, Heron against Heron, in a word,
brother against brother. The history of the Hodenosaunee exhibits
the wisdom of these organic provisions ; for they never fell into
anarchy during the long period which the league subsisted ; nor
even approximated to a dissolution of the Confederacy from inter-
nal disorders.
" With the progress of the inquiry, it becomes more apparent
that the Confederacy was in effect a League of Tribes. With the
ties of kindred as its principle of union, the whole race was inter-
woven into one great family, composed of tribes in its first subdi-
vision (for the nations were counterparts of each other); and the
tribes themselves, in their subdivisions, composed of parts of many
households. Without these close inter-relations, resting, as many
of them do, upon the strong impulses of nature, a mere alliance
between the Iroquois nations would have been feeble and transitory.
" In this manner was constructed the Tribal League of the Hode-
nosaunee ; in itself, an extraordinary specimen of Indian legislation.
Simple in its foundation upon the Family Relationship; effective, in
the lasting vigor inherent in the ties of kindred ; and perfect in its
success, in achieving a lasting and harmonious union of the nations;
it forms an enduring monument to that proud and progressive race,
who reared under its protection, a wide-spread Indian sovereignty.
"All the institutions of the Iroquois, have regard to the division
of the people into tribes. Originally with reference to marriage,
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 55
the Wolf, Bear, Beaver and Turtle Tribes, were brothers to each
other, and cousins to the remaining four. They were not allowed
to intermarry. The opposite four tribes were also brothers to each
other, and cousins to the first four ; and were also prohibited from
intermarrying. Either of the first four tribes, however, could
intermarry with either of the last four ; thus Hawk could inter-
marry with Bear or Beaver, Heron with Turtle ; but not Beaver
and Turtle, nor Deer and Deer. Whoever violated these laws of
marriage incurred the deepest detestation and disgrace. In process
of time, however, the rigor of the system was relaxed, until finally,
the prohibition was confined to the tribe of the individual, which
among the residue of the Iroquois, is still religiously observed.
They can now marry into any tribe but their own. Under the
original as well as modern regulation, the husband and wife were
of different tribes. The children always followed the tribe of the
mother.
"As the whole Iroquois system rested upon the tribes as an
organic division of the people, it was very natural that the separate
rights of each should be jealously guarded. Not the least remark-
able among their institutions, of which most appear to have been
original with the race, was that which confined the transmission
of all titles, rights and property in the female line to the exclusion
of the male. It is strangely unlike the canons of descent adopted
by civilized nations, but it secured several important objects. If
the Deer Tribe of the Cayugas. for example, received a sachem-
ship or warchiefship at the original distribution of these offices,
the descent of such title being limited to the female line, it could
never pass out of the tribe. It thus became instrumental in giving
the tribe individuality. A still more marked result, and perhaps
leading object, of this enactment was, the perpetual disinheritance
of the son. Being of the tribe of his mother, it formed an impas-
sable barrier against him ; and he could neither succeed his father
as a sachem, nor .inherit from him even his medal, or his toma-
hawk. The inheritance, for the protection of tribal rights, was
thus directed from the descendants of the sachem, to his brothers,
his sisters, children, or some individual of the tribe at large under
certain circumstances ; each and all of whom were in his tribe,
while his children being in another's tribe, as before remarked,
were placed put of the line of succession.
"By the operation of this principle, also, the certainty of descent
in the tribe, of their principal chiefs, was secured by a rule infal-
lible ; for the child must be the son of its mother, although not
necessarily of its mother's husband. If the purity of blood be of
any moment, the lawgivers of the Iroquois established the only
certain rule the case admits of. whereby the assurance might be
enjoyed that the ruling sachem was of the same family or tribe
with the first taker of the title.
" The Iroquois mode of computing degrees of consanguinity
56 HISTORY OF THE
was unlike that of the civil or canon law ; but was yet a clear and
definite system. No distinction was made between the lineal and
collateral line, either in the ascending or descending series. The
maternal grandmother and her sisters were equally grandmothers ;
the mother and her sisters were equally mothers ; the children of
a mother's sisters were brothers and sisters ; the children of a
sister would be nephews and nieces ; and the grandchildren of a
sister would be his grandchildren that is to say, the grandchil-
dren of the propositus, or individual from whom the degree of
relationship is reckoned. These were the chief relatives within
the tribe, though not fully extended to number. Out of the tribe,
the paternal grandfather and his brothers were equally grand-
fathers ; the father and his brothers equally fathers ; the father's
sisters were aunts, while, in the tribe, the mother's brothers were
uncles ; the father's sister's children would be cousins as in the
civil law ; the children of these cousins would be nephews and
nieces, and the children of these nephews and nieces would be
his grandchildren, or the grandchilden of the propositus. Again :
the children of a brother would be his children, and the grand-
children of a brother would be his grandchildren ; also, the
children of a father's brothers, are his brothers and sisters, instead
of cousins, as under the civil law ; and lastly, their children are
his grandchildren, or the grandchildren of the propositus.
"It was the leading object of the Iroquois law of descent, to
merge the collateral in the lineal line, as sufficiently appears in
the above outline. By the civil law, every departure from the
common ancestor in the descending series, removed the collateral
from the lineal ; while, by the law under consideration, the two
lines were finally brought into one.* Under the civil law mode of
computation, the degrees of relationship become too remote to be
traced among collaterals; while, by the mode of the Iroquois, none
of the collaterals were lost by remoteness of degree. The number
of those linked together by the nearer family ties, was largely mul-
tiplied by preventing, in this manner, the subdivision of a family
into collateral branches.
" The succession of the rulers of the Confederacy is one of the
most intricate subjects to be met with in the political system of the
Hodenosaunee. It has been so difficult to procure a satisfactory
exposition of the enactments by which the mode of succession was
* The following are the nnmes of the several degrees of relationship, recognized
among the Hodenosaunee, in the language of the Seneca :
Hoc-sole, Grandfather. Hoc-no-ceh, Uncle.
Uc-sote, Grandmother. Ah-geh-huc, Aunt,
Ha-nih, Father. Ha-yan-wan-deh, Nephew.
Noh-yeh, Mother. Ka-yan-wan-deh, Niece.
Ho-ah-wuk, Son. Da-ya-gwa-dan-no-da, Brothers and Sisters.
Go-ah wuk, Daughter. Ah-gare-seh, Cousin.
Ka-va-da, Grandchildren.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 57
regulated, that the sachemships have sometimes been considered
elective ; at others, as hereditary. Many of the obstacles which
beset the inquiry are removed by the single fact, that the titles of
sachem and war-chief are absolutely hereditary in the tribe to which
they were originally assigned ; and can never pass out of it, but
with its extinction. How far these titles were hereditary in that
part of the family of the sachem or war-chief, who were of the
same tribe with himself, becomes the true question to consider.
The sachem's brothers, and the sons of his sisters, are of his tribe,
and consequently in the line of succession. Between a brother
and a nephew of the deceased, there was no law which estab-
lished a preference ; neither between several brothers, on the one
hand, and several sons of a sister, on the other, w r as there any law
of primogeniture ; nor, finally, was there any positive law, that the
choice should be confined to the brothers of the deceased ruler, or
the descendants of his sister in the female line, until all these should
fail, before a selection could be made from the tribe at large.
Hence, it appear^feo far as positive enactments were concerned,
that the offices 01 sachem and war-chief, as between the eight
tribes, were hereditary in the particular tribe in which they ran;
while they were elective, as between the male members of the
tribe itself.
" In the absence of laws, designating with certainty the indi-
vidual upon whom the inheritance should fall, custom would come
in and assume the .force of law, in directing the manner of choice,
from among a number equallv eligible. Upon the decease of a
sachem, a tribal council assembled to determine upon his successor.
The choice usually fell upon a son of one of the deceased ruler's
sisters, or upon one of his brothers in the absence of physical
and moral objections ; and this preference of one of his near
relatives would be suggested by feelings of respect for his memory.
Infancy was no obstacle : it uniting only the necessity of setting
over him a guardian, to discharge the duties of a sachem until he
reached a suitable age. It sometimes occurred that all the rela-
tives of the deceased were set aside, and a selection was made
from the tribe generally ; but it seldom thus happened, unless from
the great unfitness of the near relatives of the deceased.
' ; When the individual was finally determined, the nation sum-
moned a council, in the name of the deceased, of all the sachems
of the league ; and the new sachem was raised up by such council,
and invested with his office.
" In connection with the power of the tribes to designate the
t sachems and war-chiefs, should be noticed the equal power of
deposition. If, by misconduct, a sachem lost the confidence and
respect of tribe, and became unworthy of authority, a tribal council
at once deposed him ; and, having selected a successor, summoned
a council of the Confederacy, to perform the ceremony of his
investiture.
58 HISTORY OF THE
"Still further to illustrate the characteristics of the tribes of the
Iroquois. some reference to their mode of bestowing names would
not be inapt.* Soon after the birth of an infant, the near relatives
of the same tribe selected a name. At the first subsequent council
of the nation, the birth and name were publicly announced,
together with the name and tribe of the father, and the name and
tribe of the mother. In each nation-'the proper names were so
strongly marked by a tribal peculiarity, that the tribe of the indi-
vidual could usually be determined from th'e name alone. Making,
as they did, a part of their language, they were, consequently, all
significant. When an individual was raised up as a sachem, his
original name was laid aside, and that of the sachemship itself
assumed. The war-chief followed the same rule. In like manner,
at the raising up of a chief, the council of the nation which per-
forms the ceremony, took away the former name of the incipient
chief and assigned him a new one, perhaps, like Napoleon's titles,
commemorative of the event which led to its bestowment. Thus,
when the celebrated RED- JACKET was elevatel^jjy election to the
dignity of chief, his original name, O-TE-TI-A^-I (Always Ready)
was taken from him, and in its place was bestowed SA : GO-YE-
WAT-HA, (Keeper Awake,) in allusion to the powers of his eloquence.
" It now remains to define a tribe of the Hodenosaunee. From
the preceding considerations it sufficiently appears, that it was not,
like the Grecian and Roman, a circle or group of families ; for two
tribes were, necessarily, represented in every family : neither, like
the Jewish, was it constituted of the lineal descendants of a com-
mon father ; on the contrary., it distinctly involves the idea of
descent from a common mother : nor has it any resemblance to the
Scottish clan, or the Canton of the Switzer. In the formation of
an Iroquois tribe, a portion was taken from many households, and
bound together by a tribal bond. The bond consisted in the ties
of consanguinity ; for all the members of the tribe, thus composed,
were connected by relationships, which, under their law of descents,
were easily traceable. To the tribe attached the incident of
descent in the female line, the prohibition of intermarriage, fH$
capacity of holding and exercising political rights, and the abilit
to contract and sustain relationships with the other tri :
" The wife, her children, and her descendants in tlie female
line, would, in perpetuity, be linked with the destinies of her own
tribe and kindred ; while the husband, his brothers and sisters, and
the descendants of the latter, in the female lirfe, would, in like
manner, be united to another tribe, and held by its affinities.
Herein w r as a bond of union between the several tribes of the
same nation, corresponding, in some degree, with the cross-rela-
* Like the ancient Saxons, the Iroquois had neither a prenomen, nor a cognomen;
but contented themselves with a single name.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 59
tionship founded upon consanguinity, which bound together the
tribes of the same emblem in the different nations.
" Of the comparative value of these institutions, when contrasted
with those of civilized countries, and of their capability of eleva-
ting the race, it is not necessary here to inquire. It was the boast
of the Iroquois that the reat object of their confederacy was
peace: to break up the spilit of perpetual warfare, which wasted
the red race from age to age. Such an insight into the true end
and object *f- all legitimate government, by those who constructed
this tribal league, excites as great surprise as admiration. It is
the highest and the noblest aspect in which human institutions can
Jae viewed; and the thought itself universal peace among Indian
races possible of attainment was a ray of intellect from no
ordinary mind. Tg consummate such a purpose, the Iroquois
nations were to be concentrated into one political fraternity; and
in a manner effectively to prevent off-shoots and secessions. By
its natural growtL this fraternity would accumulate sufficient
power to absorb q^icent nations, moulding them, successively, by
affiliation, into one common family. Thus, in its nature, it was
designed to be a progressive confederacy. What means could
have been employed with greater promise of success than the
stupendous system of relationships, which was fabricated through
the division of the Hodenosaunee into tribes? It was a system
sufficiently ample to infold the whole Indian race. Unlimited in
their capacity for extension ; inflexible in their relationships ; the
tribes thus interleagued would have suffered no loss of unity by
their enlargement, nor loss of strength by the increasing distance
between their council-fires. The destiny of this league, if it had
been left to work out its results among the rtd race exclusively, it
is impossible to conjecture. With vast capacities for enlargement,
w r ith remarkable' durability of structure, and a vigorous, animating
spirit, it must have attained a great elevation and a general
supremacy."
The Confederacy was based upon terms of perfect equality;
jual rights and immunities were secured to each integral part.
in some respects there would seem to be especial privileges, and
^cedence, it is explained as arising from locality *or convenience;
a$ in the case of the Senecas being allowed to have the head war
chiefs, the Mohawks being the receivers of tribute from subjugated
nations; or the Onondagas, the central nation, supplying their Ta-
do-da-hoh and his successors. "The nations were divided into
classes or divisions, and when assembled in general council were
arranged on opposite sides of the Council fire; on the one side stood
the Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas, who as nations, were
regarded as brothers to each other, but as fathers to the remainder.
60 HISTORY OF THE
Upon the other side were the Oneidas and Cayugas, and at a sub-
sequent day, the Tuscaroras ; who in like manner were brother
nations by interchange, but sons to the three first. These divisions
were in harmony with their system of relationships, or more prop-
erly formed a part of it. They may have secured for the senior
nations increased respect, but they in^>lve no idea of dependence
in the junior, or inequality in civil rights."
There was no annual or other fixed periods for the assembling
of the general Council. It was convened only when there was
occasion for it. When not in session, there was no visible general
government; nor in fact, a need of any, as the local governments
were so constituted as to subserve all the ordinay purposes. When
events occured that concerned the general welfare, the council was
convened, the business despatched, and then followed a mutual
prorogation; an example worthy of imitation b^iodern legislators.
With the Iroquois law makers, however, there was no self-sacrifice
involved, no inducement to protracted sessions. Their services
were gratuitous. Having no other government, the councils were
the sole arbiters in all their concerns : they made war, planned
systems of offence and defence ; regulated successions, their ath-
letic games, dances and feasts. "The life of the Iroquois was
either spent in the chase, or the war path, or at the council fire."
Simplicity marked every feature of their system, and yet all was
effective, and accomplished its purpose. Councils were convened
by runners who were sent out with their belts of wampum, indica-
ting the nature of the emergency, or the business in hand. In
proportion as it was urgent, or interesting, would be the attendance
of lay members, or those who constitute " the third house," in
modern legislation. Upon important occasions, when matters" of
great moment were to be discussed and determined, the villages of
the several nations would be nearly depopulated ; the mass of the
subjects of the League would flock to the council fire, and make a
formidable lobby in its precincts. Their interests and curiosity, it
is affirmed were excited by a regard for the general welfare. There
were no special favors to be asked or granted. This was a long
while anterior to the invention of the system of " log-rolling." .
The primitive children of the forest, were less sinister in all their
motives and incentives, than the race that has succeeded them.
Among the general powers vested in the council of the confede-
racy, may be enumerated those of declaring war and making
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 61
peace, of admitting new nations into the league, or of incorporating
fragments of nations into those existing, of extending jurisdiction
over subjugated territory, of levying tribute, of sending and renew-
ing embassies, of forming alliances, and of enacting and executing
laws. Unanimity was a fundamental law.* The idea of majori-
ties and minorities was entirely unknown to our Indian predecessors.
To hasten their deliberations to a conclusion and ascertain the
result, they adopted an expedient which dispensed entirely with the
necessity of casting votes. The founders of the Confederacy,
seeking to obviate as far as possible, altercations in council, and to
facilitate their progress to unanimity, divided the sachems of each
nation into classes, usually of two and three each. Each sachem
was forbidden to express an opinion in council, until he had agreed
with the other sachems of his class, upon the opinion to be
expressed, and ha<Jf received an appointment to act as speaker of
his class. Thus the eight Seneca sachems, being in four classes,
could have but four opinions ; the ten Cayuga sachems but four.
In this manner, each class was brought to unanimity within itself.
A cross consultation was then held between the four sachems who
represented the four classes, and when they had agreed, they
appointed one of their number to express their opinion, which was
the answer of the nation. The several nations having by this
ingenious method become of "one mind," separately, it remained
to compare their several opinions, to arrive at the final sentiment
of all the sachems of the league. This was effected by a cross
conference between the individual representatives of the several
nations ; and when they had arrived at unanimity, the answer of
the Confederacy was determined, f
When the white man first entered this, the country of the Seneca
Iroquois. he found deeply indented, well trodden paths, threading
the forests in different directions. They led from village to village,
thence to their favorite hunting and fishing grounds, or here
* Their war against the French was declared by a unanimous vote. After this, when
the question came up of taking the British side in the war of the Revolution, the coun-
cil was divided, a number of the Oneida sachems strongly opposing it, and although
most of the confederates were allies of the English in that contest, it was an act of the
League, but each nation chose its own position.
t The senate of the United States, in 1838, committed a great error in abrogating this
unanimity principle, and substituting the rule of the majority, in reference to the sale of
Seneca lands to the pre-emptiomsts. It was over-riding an ancient law of the confede-
racy, and in fact, as was the ultimate result, aiding a system of coercion and bribery, to
dispossess them of their reservations.
62 HISTORY OF THE
and there marked their intercourse with neighboring aboriginal
nations. They are termed Trails. They were the routes pursued
by the French Missionaries and traders, by the Dutch and English
in their intercourse with the Indians; by the British troops and
Indians of Canada in their incursions into Western New-York,
during the Revolution; by BUTLER'S rangers, in all their bloody
enterprises to the valleys of the Mohawk and Susquehannah; and
afterwards guided our early Pioneers through the forest, enabling
them to appreciate the beauty and value of this goodly land. With
reference to the Holland Purchase, these trails were mainly as
follows :
The trail from the east, the valleys of the Hudson, the Mohawk,
&c., passing through Canandaigua, West Bloomfield and Lima,
came upon the Genesee River at Avon; crossing the River a few
rods above the Bridge it went up the west bank to the Indian
village a mile above the ford, and then bore off north-west to Cale-
donia. Turning westward, it crossed Allen's creek at Le Roy, and
Black creek at Stafford, coming upon the banks of the Tonawanda
a little above Batavia. Passing down the east bank of that stream,
around what was early known as the Great Bend, at the Arsenal it
turned north-west, came upon the openings at Caryville, and bearing
westwardly across the openings it crossed the Tonawanda at the
Indian village. Here the trail branched: one branch taking a
north-westwardly direction, re-crossed the creek below the village,
and passing through the Tonawanda swamp, emerged from it nearly
south-east of Royalton Centre, coming out upon the Lockport and
Batavia road in the valley of Millard's Brook, and from thence it
continued upon the Chestnut Ridge to the Cold Springs. Pursuing
the route of the Lewiston road, with occasional deviations it struck
the Ridge Road at Warren's. It followed the Ridge until it passed
Hopkins' Marsh, when it gradually ascended the Mountain Ridge,
passed through the Tuscarora village, and then down again to the
Ridge Road, which it continued on to the River. This was the
principal route into Canada, crossing from Lewiston to Queenston;
a branch trail however, going down the River to Fort Niagara.
The other branch of the trail leaving the village of Tonawanda,
took a south-west direction, and crossing Murder creek at Akron, it
came upon the Buffalo road at Clarence Hollow ; from thence
west, nearly on the line of the Buffalo road to Williamsville, cross-
ing Ellicott's creek it continued its westerly course to the Cold
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 63
Springs near Buffalo, and entering the city at what has since
become the head of Main Street, it came out at the mouth of Buf-
falo creek. A branch Trail diverging at Clarence came upon
the Cayuga branch of the Buffalo creek at Lancaster, thence down
that stream to the Seneca village, and down the Buffalo creek to
its entrance into the lake.
The Ontario trail, starting from Oswego, came upon the Ridge
Road at Irondequoit Bay; then turning up the Bay to its head, ,
where a branch trail went to Canandaigua, it turned west, crossing
the Genesee River at the acqueduct, and passing down the river,
came again upon the Ridge Road, which it pursued west to near
the west line of Hartland, Niagara county, where it diverged to the
south-west, crossing the east branch of the Eighteen-mile Creek,
and forming a junction with the Canada or Niagara trail at the Cold
Springs.
From Mount Morris, on the Genesee River, a trail passed up the
river to Gardow, and Canadea, and from thence to Allegany River
at Olean.
A trail left Little Beard's Town on the Genesee river, and cross-
ing the east line of the Holland Purchase, entered it in the north
side of T. 10 R. 1, and crossing the north-east corner of T. 10
R. 2, and south-west corner of T. 1 1 same range, passed through
the south sides of T. 11 R. 3. T. 11 R. 4, T. 11 R. 5, entered the
Seneca Reservation at the south-west corner of the latter township ;
and pursuing a westerly course, came upon the banks of Buffalo
creek, near the Seneca Indian village.
These were the principal highways of the Seneca Iroquois,
How nearly the simple primitive paths of the aborigines, corres-
pond with our now principal thorough-fares ; but how changed !
The trails are obliterated in the progress of improvement, the forests
that enshrouded them are principally cleared away, and in their
place are turnpikes, M'Adam roads, canals, rail roads, and tele-
graphic posts and wires. The waters upon which they paddled
their bark canoes, supply our canals; the swamps they avoided,
and the ridges they traversed, are passed along and across by our
steam propelled locomotives. The "forked lightning," they saw
in the clouds, which occasionally scathed the tall trees of their
forest home, reminding them of the power and omnipotence of the
Great Spirit they adored, the Manitou of their simple creed, is
64 HISTORY OF THE
tamed, and in an instant accomplishes the purposes, that employed
their swiftest runners for days !
" The wild man hates restraint, and loves to do what is right in
his own eyes."* Hence there was little in all the frame work of
the government of the Iroquois, of restraint or coercive laws. They
seemed to have acted upon the maxim that "nations are governed
too much." And this principle extended in a great degree to family
government. Their children were reproved, not injured or beaten,
and none but the milder forms of punishment ever resorted to.
Theirs was a simple form of government so simple as to excite a
wonder that it could have been effectual; an oligarchy, and yet
cherishing the democratic principle, of the common good; an here-
ditary council in whom was vested all power, and yet there was no
castes, no privileged orders; no conventional or social exclusiveness.
Their system of government, like themselves, is a mystery. Both
have been but imperfectly understood; both are well worthy of
enquiry and investigation. The student, or historical reader of
our country, may well turn occasionally from the beaten track of
our colleges and schools from the histories of far off ages, races
and people and taking the humble "trails" of the Iroquois, see if
there is not in the history of our own country our predecessors
that which will interest and instruct him.
As has been assumed in the preceding pages, the Seneca branch
of the Iroquois were our immediate predecessors; but we gather
from their traditions, and from the writings of the earliest Jesuit
NOTE. At the time of the delivery of the admirable Letters on the Iroquois,'
before the N. Y. Historical Society ; or rather when that portion of them which related
to the Trails was read, Dr. Peter Wilson, an educated Cayuga chief, happened to be
present H accepted an invitation to address the Society. ' H spoke with such
pathos and eloquence of his people and his race, their ancient prowess and generosity
their present weakness and dependence and especially upon the hard fate of a small
band of Senacas and Cayugas which had recently been hurried into the western
wilderness to perish, that all present were deeply moved by his eloquence.' The land
of Ga-nun-no, or the 'Empire State' as you love to call it, was once laced by our
Trails from Albany to Buffalo Trails that we had trod for centuries trails worn so
deep by the feet of the Iroquois, that they became your roads of travel as your pos-
sessions gradually eat into those of my people ! Your roads still traverse those same
lines of communication which hound one part of the Long House to the other. Have
we, the first holders of this prosperous region, no longer a share in your history ?
Glad were your fathers to set down upon the threshold of the Long House. Rich did
they hold themselves in getting the mere sweepings from its door. Had our forefathers
spurned you from it when the French were thundering at the opposite side to get a
passage through, and drive you into the sea, whatever has been the fate of other
Indians, we might still have had a nation, and I I, instead of pleading here for the
privilege of lingering within your borders, I I might have had a country.'
* Bancroft
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 65
Missionaries, that they had only possessed the country west of the
Genesee river, since about the middle of the seventeenth century.
In the "Relations of the Jesuits" there is a letter from Father L'
ALLEMAXT to the Provincial of the Jesuits in France, dated at St
Mary's Mission, May 19, 1641, in which he gives an account of a
journey made to the country of the Neuter Nation the year previous,
bv JEAN DE BREBEUF and JOSEPH MARIE CHAUMOXOT, two Jesuit
J
Fathers. As this letter is one of the earliest reminiscence of this
region, other than Indian tradition, trie author copies it entire:
" JEAN DE BREBEUF and JOSEPH MARIE CHAUMOXOT. two Fathers
of our company which have charge of the Mission to the Neuter
Nation set out from St. JWarie on the 2d day of November, 1640, to
visit this people. Father BREBEUF is peculiarly fitted for such an
expedition, God having in an eminent degree endowed him with a
capacity for learning languages. His companion was also consid-
ered a proper person for the enterprise.
"Although many of our French in that quarter have visited this
people to profit by their furs and other commodities, we have no
knowledge of any who have been there to preach the gospel except
Father DE LA ROCH DAILLOX, a Recollect, who passed the winter
there in the year 1626.
" The nation is very populous, there being estimated about forty
villages. After leaving the Hurons it is four or five days journey
or about forty leagues to the nearest of their villages, the course
being nearly due south. If, as indicated by the latest and most
exact observations we can make, our new station, St. Marie,* in
the interior of the Huron country, is in north latitude about 44
degrees, 25 minutes, then the entrance of the Neuter Nation from
the Huron side, is about 44 degrees, t More exact surveys and
observations, cannot now be made, for the sight of a single instru-
ment would bring to extremes those who cannot resist the
temptation of an inkhorn.
" From the first village of the Neuter Nation that we met with in
travelling from this place, as we proceed south or southwest, it is
about four days travel to the place where the celebrated river of
the nation empties into lake Ontario, or St. Louis. On the west
side of that river, and not on the east, are the most numerous of
the villages of the Neuter Nation. There are three or four on the
east side, extending from east to west towards the Eries, or Cat
nation."
NOTE. This would of course be along our side of the Niagara, and probably
extended along the shores of lake Erie.
* A Jesuit Mission on the river Severn, near the eastern extremity of lake Huron.
t The good father is about a degree out of the way.
5
66 HISTORY OF THE
" This river is that by which our great lake of the Hurons, or
fresh sea, is discharged, which first empties into the lake of Erie,
or of the nation of the Cat, from thence it enters the territory of the
Neuter Nation, and takes the name of Onguiaahra, (Niagara,) until
it empties into Ontario or St. Louis lake, from which latter flows
the river which passes before Quebec, called the St. Lawrence, so
that if we once had control of the side of the lake nearest the
residence of the Iroquois, we could ascend by the river St.
Lawrence, without danger, even to the Neuter Nation, and much
beyond, with great saving of time and trouble.
" According to the estimate of these illustrious fathers who have
been there, the Neuter Nation comprises about 12,000 souls, which
enables them to furnish 4,000 warriors, notwithstanding war,
pestilence and famine have prevailed among them for three years
in an extraordinary manner.
" After all, I think that those who have heretofore ascribed such
an extent and population to this nation, have understood by the
Neuter Nation, all who live south and southwest of our Hurons. and
who are truly in great number, and, being at first only partially
known, have all been comprised under the same name. The more
perfect knowledge of their language and country, which has since
been obtained, has resulted in a clearer distinction between the tribes.
Our French who first discovered this people, named them the t Neu-
ter Nation ' ; and not without reason, for their country being the
ordinary passage, by land, between some of the Iroquois nations
and the Hurons, who are sworn enemies, they remained at peace
with both ; so that in times past, the Hurons and Iroquois, meeting
in the same wigwam or village of that nation, were both in safety
while they remained. Recently, their enmity against each other
is so great, that there is no safety for either party in any place,
particularly for the Hurons, for whom the Neuter Nation entertain
the least good will.
" There is every reason for believing, that not long since, the
Hurons, Iroquois, and Neuter Nations, formed one people, and
originally came from the same family, but have in the lapse of time,
became separated from each other, more or less, in distance,
interests and affection, so that some are now enemies, others
neutral, and others still live in intimate friendship and intercourse.
" The food and clothing of the Neuter Nation seem little different
from that of our Hurons. They have Indian corn, beans and
gourds in equal abundance. Also plenty of fish, some kinds of
which abound in particular places only.
"They are much employed in hunting deer, buffalo, wildcats,
wolves, wild boars, beaver, and other animals. Meat is very
abundant this year, an account of the heavy snow, which has
aided the hunters. It is rare to see snow in this country more
than half a foot deep. But this year it is more than three feet.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. C7
There is also abundance of wild turkeys, which go in flocks in the
fields and woods.
Their fruits are the same as with the Hurons. except chestnuts,
which are more abundant, and crab apples, which are somewhat
larger.
' The men, like all savages, cover their naked flesh with skins,
but are less particular than the Hurons in concealing what should
not appear. The squaws are ordinarily clothed, at least from the
waist'to the knees, but are more free and shameless in their immod-
esty than the Hurons.
"As for their remaining customs and manners, they are almost
entirely similar to the other savage tribes of the country.
There are some things in which they differ from our Hurons.
They are larger, stronger, and better formed. They also entertain
a great affection for the dead, and have a greater number of fools
or jugglers.
' The Sonontonheronons, (Senecas) one of the Iroquois nations,
the nearest to and most dreaded by the Hurons. are not more than
a day's journey distant from, the easternmost village of the Neuter
Nation, named 'Onguiaahra 1 (Niagara) of the same name as the
river.
"Our fathers returned from the mission in safety, not having
found in all the eighteen villages which they visited, but one,
named l KJie-o-e-to-a^ or St. Michael, which gave them the reception
which their embassy deserved. In this village, a certain foreign
nation, which lived beyond the lake of Erie, or of the nation of the
Cat, named *Jl-oucn-re-ro-nnnJ has taken refuge for many years for
fear of their enemies, and they seem to have been brought here by
a good Providence, to hear the word of God/'
CHART. EVOIX says that in the year 1G42. "a people, larger,
stronger, and better formed than any other savages, and who lived
south of the Huron country, were visited by the Jesuits, who
preached to them the Kingdom of God. They were called the
Neuter Nation, because they took no part in the wars which deso-
lated the country. But in the end. they could not themselves,
escape entire destruction. To avoid the fury of the Iroquois, they
finally joined them against the Hurons, but gained nothing by the
union. The Iroquois, that like lions that have tasted blood, cannot be
satiated, destroyed indiscriminately all that came in their way, and
at this day, there remains no trace of the Neuter Nation." In
another place, the same author says that the Neuter Nation was
destroyed about the year 164^ LA FITEI-, in his "Jfffurs des
Saui-ages" published at Paris in 17*24. relates, on the authority of
FATHER GARMER. a Jesuit Missionary, the origin of the quarrel
68 HISTORY OF THE
between the Senecas and the Neuter Nation, which is hinted at in
the letter of FATHER L'ALLEMANT. He says, " the war did not
terminate but by the total destruction of the Neuter Nation."
Mr. SCHOOLCRAFT assumes that the Senecas had warred upon,
conquered the Neuter Nation, and come in possession of their terri-
tory, twenty-four years before the advent of LA SALLE upon the
Niagara river. A writer in the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser of
March, 1846, who is named in the preface of this work, says:
" From all that can be derived from history, it is very probable,
that the Kah-Kwas and the Neutral Nation were identical, that the
singular tribe whose institution of neutrality has been likened by an
eloquent writer, to a 'calm and peaceful island looking out upon a
world of waves and tempests,' in whose wigwams the fierce
Hurons and relentless Iroquois met on neutral ground, fell victims
near this city, (Buffalo) to the insatiable ferocity of the latter.
They were the first proprietors, as far as we can learn, of the soil
we now occupy. Their savage spoilers gave them a grave on the
spot which they died in defending, and have recently, in their turn,
yielded to the encroachments of a more powerful adversary. The
white man is now lord of the soil where the fires of the nation are
put out forever. Around that scene, the proudest recollections and
devout associations of the Senecashave long loved to linger. Let
it be forever dedicated to the repose of the dead. Let the sanctity
of the grave be inviolate. A simple enclosure should protect a
spot which will increase in interest with the lapse of time." *
The Senecas have within few years, yielded to the importunities
and appliances of the pre-emptionists, and abandoned their Reser-
vation. It is now in the hands of another race. The plough, the
pickaxe and spade, will soon obliterate all that remains of the
evidences of the conquests of their ancestors. "It is a site around
which the Senecas have clung, as if it marked an era in their
national history; although the work was clearly erected by their
enemies. It has been the seat of their government or council fire,
from an early period of our acquaintance with them. It was here
that RED JACKET uttered some of his most eloquent harrangues
against the steady encroachments of the white race, and in favor
* The spot here alluded to, is upon the Reservation near Buffalo, on the creek, near
the old council and mission houses. The author has included it in some preceding
notices of ancient remains ; but yielding to the better knowledge in this branch of
history, of the author of the above extract, he is disposed to regard it as he has assumed,
the field of final conquest of this region, by the Senecas.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 69
of retaining this cherished portion of their lands, and transmitting
them with full title to their descendants. It was here that the
noted captive, DEHEWAMIS, better known as MARY JEMISOX, came
to live after a long life of most extraordinary vicissitudes. And it
is here that the bones of the distinguished orator, and the no less
distinguished captive, rest, side by side, with a multitude of
warriors, chiefs and sages. But there will soon be no one left
whose heart vibrates with the blood of a Seneca, to watch the
venerated resting places of their dead." *
And in this connection it may be well to observe generally, that at
the period when the French Missionaries and traders first reached
the southern shores of lake Ontario and the Niagara river, the
Neuter Nation was in possession of the region west of the Genesee
river, including both sides of the Niagara river. The immediate
domain of the Senecas, was east of the Genesee, until it reached
that of the Cayugas. The Hurons ccupied the interior of Canada
West, west to lake Huron. The domain of the Eries, or Cat nation,
according to HEXXEPIX, commenced upon the southern shore of
lake Erie, the dividing line between them and the Neuter Nation
being about midway, up the lake. After the conquest of the Neuter
Nation, the Senecas conquered the Eries, as is supposed, about the
year 1653.
There are few into whose hand this local history will fall, who
are not familiar with the general character, domestic habits, &c.,
of the aborigines. The first settlers of the Holland Purchase,
had them for their primitive neighbors, and they even now,
diminished as they are, linger among us in four localities: at
Tuscarora, Tonawanda, Cattaraugus and Alleghany. Their
eloquence, their deeds of valor, their peculiarly interesting traits of
character; the wrongs they have done our race, as traced in the
often too highly colored, but generally truthful legends of the
Mohawk and the Susquehannah; and the terrible retributions that
have, in turn, been visited upon their race, in the extinguishing
of most of the fires that " blazed in their Long House from the
Hudson to lake Erie" in subjecting them to the urgent and
pressing overtures of pre-emptionists, who were better schooled
in the diplomacy of bargain and gain, than were these men of
simple habits and of honest impulses; and last and worst of all,
* Schoolcraft
70 HISTORY OF THE
in visiting upon them the curse of the darker features of civiliza-
tion. With all this, the reader, in most instances, will be familiar;
a part of it is interwoven in the nursery tales of our region. The
author has only aimed thus far to give a general idea of the
Indians as found here by the first European adventurers, and afford
an insight, an induction, into their political institutions, their system
of government, laws, &c. , which have been subjects of too recent
investigation, to admit of any very general familiarity with them.
He is admonished that this branch of his main subject, is occupying
too much space here, inasmuch as the Seneca Iroquois especially,
must be frequently mingled with the local annals of our own race,
as they will occur in chronological narrative.
PART SECOND
CHAPTER I.
EARLY EUROPEAN VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES.
The prevailing spirit of the Monarchs of Europe, and their
subjects, during the fifteenth and a greater portion of the sixteenth
centuries, tended to the enlargement of their dominions, and the
extension of their powers. In the latter end of the fourteenth
century, COLUMBUS had discovered a Xew World. Spain then
at the height of its prosperity and grandeur, profiting by the
discoveries of an expedition that had sailed under her flag, under
the auspices of her Queen had followed up the event, by farther
discoveries and colonization in the Southern portion of our con-
tinent. The reigning monarch of England, HENRY VII, stimu-
lated by regret that he had allowed a rival power to be the
first in the discovery of a continent, the advantages and resources
of which, as the tidings of the discover}* were promulgated, dazzled
the eyes and awakened the emulation of all Europe; ambitious to
make his subjects co-discoverers with the subjects of the Spanish
monarch; listened with favor to the theory of JOHN CABOT, a
Venetian, but a resident of England who inferred that as lands
had been discovered in the southwest, they might also be in the
northwest, and offered to the king to conduct an expedition in this
direction.
With a commission of discovery, granted by the king, and a
ship provided by him, and four small vessels equipped by the
merchants of Bristol, CABOT with his son SEBASTIAN, set sail from
England, in less than three years after COLUMBUS had discovered
the Island of San Salvador. As the discover}- of COLUMBUS was
incidental to the main object of his daring enterprise the
discovery of a shorter route to the Indies, the CABOTS, adopting
72 HISTORY OF THE
his opinion that he had discovered one of the outskirts or depend-
encies of those countries, conceived that they had only to bear to
the northwest, to find a still shorter route. Taking that course
they reached the continent of North America, discovering the
Islands of New Foundland and St. John, and sailed along it
from the confines of Labrador to the coast of Virginia. Thus,
England was the second nation that visited the western world,
and the first that discovered the vast continent that stretches from
the Gulf of Mexico towards the north pole. Instead of discovering
a shorter route to the Indies, the one discovered a New World,
and the other, by far the most important portions of it.
From dissentions and troubles that existed at home, and some
schemes of family ambition that diverted his attention, CABOT found
his patron king, on his return, indisposed to profit by his important
discoveries. All the benefit that accrued to England from this
enterprise, was a priority of discovery that she afterwards had
frequent occasion to assert.
In 1498, the CABOTS, father and son, made a second expedi-
tion, with the double object of traffic with the natives, and in the
quaint language of their commission, to explore and ascertain
"what manner of landes those Indies were to inhabit." They
sailed for Labrador by the way of Iceland, but on reaching the
coast, impelled by the severity of the cold, and a declared purpose
of exploring farther to the south, they sailed along the shores of
the United States to the southern boundary of Maryland; after
which, they returned to England.
Portugal, desirous of participating in the career of discovery, in
1501, fitted out an expedition under the command of GASPAR
CORTEREAL. The most northern point he gained was probably
about the fiftieth degree. The expedition resulted in a partial
survey of the coast, and the taking captive of fifty Indians that
were taken to Portugal and sold as slaves.
It was twenty-seven years after the last voyage of CABOT, under
English auspices that FRANCIS I, King of France, awakened by the
spirit of adventure, and protesting against the partition that had
made of the newly discovered continent, by the Pope, between
Spain and Portugal, soon after its discovery; and determined not
to overlook the commercial interests of his people; extended his
patronage to JOHN DE VERRAZANA, ordering him to set sail for that
country "of which so much was spoken at the time in France."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 73
.
The account of his first voyage is not preserved. He sailed with
four ships, encountered storms in the north, landed in Britain; and
going from thence to the island of Madeira, started from .there
with a single vessel, the Dolphin, with fifty men and provisions for
eight months. After a stormy passage he arrived in latitude 34
deg. near Wilmington, North Carolina. In his own report to his
king and patron, he says :
Great store of people came to the sea side, and seeing us
approach they fled away, and sometimes would stand still and look
backe, beholding us with great admiration; but afterwards, being
animated and assured with signs that we made them, some of
them came hard to the sea side, seeming to rejoice very much at
the sight of us, and marvelling greatly at our apparel, shape, and
\vhitenesse; shewed us by sundry signes where we might most
commodiously come to land with our boate, offering us also victuals
to eat. Remaining there for a few days, and taking note of the
country, he sailed northwardly, and viewed, if he did not enter, the
harbor of New York. In the haven of Newport he remained for
fifteen days, where he found the natives the ' goodliest people ' he
had seen in his whole voyage. At one period during his coasting
along the shores of New England, he was compelled for the sake
of fresh water, to send off his boat. The shore was lined with
savages ' whose countenances betrayed at the same time, surprise,
joy and fear.' They made signs of friendship, and ' showed they
were content we should come to land.' A boat with twenty-five
men, attempted to land with some presents, but on nearing the
shore were intimidated by the frightful appearance of the natives,
and halted to turn back. One more resolute than the rest, seizing
a few of the articles designed as presents, plunged into the water
and advanced within three or four yards of the shore. Throwing
them the presents, he attempted to regain the boat, but was caught
by a wave and dashed upon the beach. The savages caught him,
and sitting him down by a large fire, took off his clothes. His
comrades supposed he was to be ' roasted and eat.' Their fears
subsided however, when they saw them testify their kindness by
caresses. It turned out that they were only gratifying their
curiosity in an examination of his person, the ' whitenesse of his
skin,' &c. They released him and after 'with great love clasping
him faste about,' they allowed him to swim to his comrades.
YERRAZANA found the natives of the more northern regions more
hostile and jealous, from having, as has been inferred, been visited
for the purpose of carrying them off as slaves. At another
anchorage, after following the shore fifty leagues, ' an old woman
with a young maid of 18 or 20 yeeres old, seeing our company, hid
themselves in the grasse for feare; the old woman carried two
infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a child of 8 yeeres
74 HISTORY OF THE ^
old. The young woman was laden likewise with as many ;, but
when our men came unto them the woman cried out; the old wo-
man made signs that the men were fled into the woods. As soon
as they saw us, to quiet them, and to win their favor, our men gave
them such victuals as they had with them to cate, which the old
woman received thankfully, but the young woman threw them
disdainfully on the ground. They took a child from the old woman
to bring into France; and going about to take the young woman,
which was very beautiful and of tall stature, they could not possibly,
for the great outcries she made, bring her to the sea; and especially
having great woodcs to pass through, and being far from the ship,
we purposed to leave her behind, bearing away the child onely.'
At another anchorage,* ' there ran down into the sea an exceed-
ing great streme of water, which at the mouth was very deepe,
and from the sea to the mouthe of the same, with the tide which
they found to raise eight foote, any great ship laden might pass up.'
Sending up their boat the natives expressed their admiration and
showed them where they might safely come to land. They went
up the river half a league, where it made a ' most pleasant lake,
about three leagues in compass, on which the natives rode from one
side to the other to the number of thirty of their small boats,
wherein were many people which passed from one shore to the
other.' At another anchorage they 'met the goodliest people and
of the fairest conditions that they had found in their voyage:
exceeding us in bigness of the color of brasse, some inclining to
whiteness, black and quick eyed, of sweete and pleasant counte-
nance, imitating much the old fashion.' Among them, they
discovered pieces of wrought copper, which they 'esteemed more
than gold.' ' They did not desire cloth of silk or of gold, or of
other sort, neither did they care for things made of steel or iron,
which we often shewed them in our armour, which they made no
wonder at; and in beholding them they only asked the art of making
them; the like they did at our glasses, which when they suddenly
beheld, they laughed and gave them to us again.' The ship neared
the land and finally cast anchor ' in the haven,' when, continues
VERRAZAXA, 'we bestowed fifteen days in providing ourselves
with many necessary things, whither every day the people repaired
to see our ship, bringing their wives with them whereof they were
very jelo.us; and they themselves entering aboard the ship and
staying there a good space, caused their wives to stay in their
boats; and for all the entreaty we could make, offering to give them
divers things, we could never obtaine that they should suffer to
to come aboard our ship. Oftentimes one of the two kings (of this
people) comming with his queene, and many gentlemen for their
pleasure to see us, they all staid on shore two hundred paces from
us till they sent a message they were coming. The queene and
* OS Sandy Hook, as has been inferred.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 75
her maides staid in a very light boat at an island a quarter of a
league off, while the king abode along space in the ship, uttering
divers conceits with gestures, viewing with great admiration the
ship, demanding the property of everything particularly. ' There
were plaines twenty-five or thirty leagues in width, which were
open, and without any impediment.' They entered the woods and
found them 'so greate and thick, that any army were it never so
greate might have hid itself therein; the trees whereof are oakes,
cipresse, and other sorts unknown in Europe.' The natives fed
upon pulse that grew in the country, with better order of hus-
bandry than in the others. They observed in their sowing the
course of the moone and the rising of certain starres, and diverse
other customes spoken of by antiquity. They dwell together in
great numbers, some twenty-five or thirty persons in one house.
They are very pitifull and charitable towards their neighbors, they
make great lamentations in their adversitie, and in their miserie,
the kindred reckone up all their felicite. At their departure out of
life they use mourning mixed with singing which continueth for a
long space."
VERRAZANA having coasted 700 leagues of new country, and
being refitted with water and wood, returned to France, arriving
at Dieppe in July, whence he addressed his letter to the king. His,
in all probability, were the first interviews with the natives upon
all our northern, and a part of our southern coast, and for that
reason his narrative which gives us a glimpse of them in the
primitive condition that civilization found them, possesses a great
degree of interest. " We have detailed these instances in their
favor," say YATES and MOULTON, "because they arrived at a
period when the warm native fountain of good feeling and disin-
terested charity, had not been frozen by the chilly approach and
death-like contact of civilized man. We have dwelt upon these
incidents as the most interesting portion of VERRAZANA'S
adventures. They present human nature in an amiable point of
view, when unsophisticated by metaphysical subtlety, undisguised
by art, or even when adorned by the refinements, the pride and
circumstance of civilization. They illustrate the position which
we believe is true, that the natives of this continent, before they
had been exasperated by the encroachments and provocations of
Europeans, when the former were confiding and unsuspicious,
without any foresight of the terrible disasters which their inter-
views with the latter were destined to become the tragical prelude,
76 HISTORY OF THE
entertained uniform feelings of kindness, of hospitality and
benevolence."
" When COLUMBUS visited the new world, the natives viewed
him as a super-natural being, and treated him with the veneration
inseparable from a delusion, which COLON was willing to counte-
nance. When VESPUCIUS AMERICUS landed, he also was treated
as a superior being. When the CABOTS coasted this continent,
when CARTIER first visited the St. Lawrence, when the French
first settled in Florida as friends, when Sir HUMPHREY GILBERT,
and after him the captains employed by Sir WALTER RALEIGH,
first landed in Virginia, when HUDSON discovered and explored
our bay and river, when the Pilgrims colonized New England, the
generous reception which they all met from the natives, should
stand a monumental rebuke to be shameful prejudices too prevalent
among ourselves, since we supplanted their desendants on a soil
which their fathers left them as a patrimony. We will cite proofs
of two instances which took place thirty-seven years apart, but
which are given as a general illustration of our position. In the
first report of SIR WALTER RALEIGH'S expedition, it is said by his
captain, and those in the employ, in 1584, that they were enter-
tained with as much bounty as they could possibly devise. They
found the people most gentle, loving and faithful, void of all guile
and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age."
The following is an extract from the first sermon ever preached
in New England. It was by one of the Pilgrims, and bears date
Dec. 1621: "To us they (the Indians,) have been like lambs, so
kind, so submissive and trusty, as a man may truly say many chris-
tians are not so kind and sincere. When we first came into this
country we were few, and many of us were sick, and many died by
reason of the cold and wet, it being the depth of winter, and we
having no houses or shelter; yet when there were not six able
persons among us, and that they came daily to us by hundreds
with their sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a
dispatch of us, &c. yet they never offered us the least injury. The
greatest commander of the country, called MASSASOIT, cometh
often to visit us, though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us
presents, &c."
And yet aggressions and wrongs commenced on the part of our
race in its earliest intercourse with theirs. VERRAZANA after the
reception he has himself acknowledged, attempted to carry away
two of their people; CABOT had carried two as a present to his
HOLLAND PURCHASE 77
sovereign HENRY VII, that were never returned. The Spaniards
and Portugese immediately followed up their first intercourse with
them by carrying them into captivity and slavery. Can it be
wondered that in numerous instances that occurred in after attempts
at settlement, in New England upon the Hudson in Virginia,
North Carolina &c. this primitive good feeling the simple
hospitality with which they met the first adventurers upon their
shores, gave place to self-defence perhaps revenge? Of the
Spaniards, and their early intercourse with them, KOTZEBUE
says: ki Wherever they moved in anger, desolation tracked then-
progress, wherever they paused in amity, affliction mourned their
friendship.''
Well has it been observed that the Indian has had no historian
of his own. Were some one of his own race, the chronicler of
events; commencing with the discovery of COLUMBUS, and coming
down to our present day of pre-emption bribes, and treaties attained
with wrong and outrage; he would gather up a fearful account
which would meet with no adequate offsets. It would be that
which would admit of but one manner of recompense: the care-
ful guardianship and protection hereafter of our states and general
governments, and a co-operation in all measures that tend to pro-
mote their rights, their peace and happiness, on the part of our
people.
On the 20th of April, 1534, JAMES CAIITIER, a mariner of St.
Malo, was commissioned by Francis First, to fit out an expedition
for the purpose of exploring and colonizing the new world. He
sailed with two ships of sixty tons burthen, and each a crew of
sixty men. He visited New Foundland, surveyed the coast, and
returned. The favorable report he was enabled to make, increased,
the confidence of his patron, and in May. 1535. he was enabled to
set sail again with a squadron of three ships, well furnished. " A
solemn and gorgeous pageant," a confessional and sacrament, and
the benediction of a bishop attended his departure. In this voyage
he passed to the west of New Foundland and entering the Gulf of
St. Lawrence, gave it its name. In September, he ascended the
river as far as the Island of Orleans. Here he met with the
NOTE. In ascribing the discovery of the Hudson river to the navigator whose name
it bears, it is assumed that the coasting and entering of rivers, of Verrazana did not
embrace it It is generally admitted, however, that he came to anchor at Sandy Hook
and that the bay within it, is the "pleasant lake," he alludes to
78 HISTORY OF THE
natives of the country. Although they considered the French
intruders, and wished to prevent their further advances, they never-
theless treated them with kindness and hospitality. To direct
them from their purpose of advancing, they first gave them
bountiful presents of corn and fish, and to discourage them they
resorted to jugglery, in which they declared they had drawn
maledictions from the Great Spirit, against them. They repre-
sented that there was so much ice and snow in the country above,
that certain death awaited them if they advanced. Undismayed
by the arts and devices of the natives, the intrepid mariner contin-
ued to ascend the river, and arrived at a principal Indian village
called Hochelaga, the present site of Montreal. That region he
found occupied by a branch of the Wyandot, or Huron tribe of
Indians, who were there by recent conquest. " Having climbed
the hill at the base of which lay the village, he beheld spread
around him a gorgeous scene of woods and wafers, premising
glorious visions of future opulence and national strength. The
hill he called Mount Royal, and this name was afterwards extended
to the Island of Montreal. At that period, more than three
centuries ago, the village of Hochelaga was surrounded by large
fields of corn and stately forests. The hill called Montreal, was
fertile and highly cultivated." The form of the village was round
and encompassed with timber, with three courses of ramparts,
framed like a sharp spire, but laid across above. The middlemost
of them was made and built as a direct line, but perpendicular.
These ramparts were framed and fashioned with pieces of timber
laid along the ground, very well and cunningly joined together
after this fashion: The enclosure was in height about two rods.
It had but one gate which was shut with piles, stakes and bars.
Over it, and also in many places in the wall there were places to
run along and ladders to get up, full of stones for its defence. In
the town there were about fifty houses, about fifty paces long and
twelve or fifteen broad, built of wood, covered only with the bark
of the wood as broad as any board, very finely and cunningly
joined together. Within their houses there were many rooms,
lodgings and chambers. In the midst of these, there was a great
court, in the middle whereof they made their fire. They lived in
common together. Then did the husbands, wives and children,
each one retire themselves to their chambers. They also had on
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 79
the tops of their houses, garrets, where they kept their corn to
make their bread, which they called caraconny.'" 1 *
These Indians gave CARTIER a glimpse of the vast region that
lay at the west of him and for the first time perhaps directed
French enterprise to a region where it was destined to occupy
so wide a space. They told him there were three great lakes
and a sea of fresh water f of which no man had found the end;
that a river | ran sou/h-west, upon which there was a "month's
sailing to go down to a certain land where there was no ice nor
snow, where the inhabitants continually warred against each other,"
and where "there was a great abundance of oranges, lemons, nuts
and apples w JMhat the people || there were clad as the French, lived
in towns, were very honest, and had great stores of gold and
copper.
By the authority of his king, and in the name of his country,
CARTIER erected a cross and shield, emblazoned with the arms of
France, and called the country Xew France.
CARTIER'S report on his return from this voyage, was made with
candor. "This country which he had" .visited abounded with no
gold or precious stones and its shores were alledged to be bleak
and stormy." The project of colonization was not renewed until
six years after.
In 1540, FRANCIS DE LA ROQUE. SEIGNEUR DE ROBERVAL. was
granted a charter by FRANCIS I. which invested him with all the
powers of his sovereign, over the newly discovered and claimed
colony of New France. Under his immediate auspices a squadron
of five ships was fitted out, with CARTIER commissioned by the
king as chief Pilot of the expedition. He was directed to take
with him persons of every trade and art, and to dwell in the newlv
discovered territory. The expedition had an untoward commence-
ment and ultimately resulted in but a feeble advance toward per-
manent settlement. As good colonists could not be obtained to go
to the inhospitable and bleak northern regions, the prisons and work
houses of France were resorted to to supply the demand. In
addition to this, a feeling of rivalry and jealousy sprang up between
* The author finds this ancient account of Hochelaga, in Lanman's Historv of
Michigan.
tErie, Huron, Michigan. The "sea," lake Superior.
\ The Mississippi.
I) Florida and the Spanish colonies.
80 HISTORY OF THE
ROBERVAL and CARTIER. They neither embarked in company, nor
acted in concert. CARTIER ascended the St. Lawrence and built a
fort at Quebec; but no considerable advances in geographical
knowledge would seem to have been made. In June, 1542 he
returned to France. On the way back he met ROBERVAL on the
banks of New Foundland, with more provisions and arms, and
returning with him to the fort, he assumed the command, while
ROBERVAL ascended the St. Lawrence. CARTIER not entering
with cordiality into the views or measures of ROBERVAL, the
expedition after remaining about a year returned to France.
In the career of French discovery in New France there occurs
here an hiatus or suspension of over fifty years. The causes of
this suspension may be found in that portion of the history of
France which embraces that period; they were domestic troubles,
civil war. &c., which divested the nation from all projects of
discovery and colonization.
It was under the reign of ELIZABETH, that England made the first
attempt at colonization in America. In 1584 Sir WALTER RALEIGH,
under the patronage of the Queen, fitted out two vessels, to "visit
the districts which he intended to occupy, and to examine the
accommodations of the coasts, the productions of the soil, and the
condition of the inhabitants." These ships approached the North
American Continent by the Gulf of Florida, and anchored in
Roanoke Bay, off the coast of North Carolina. This was followed
the year after by seven more ships, which left 108 men at the
Roanoke Colony, The immediate prospect of forming a colony
was finally unsuccessful. A fleet under Sir Admiral DRAKE, that
was returning home after a successful expedition ' against the
Spaniards in the West Indies, touched at Roanoke on its home-
ward passage, and took the colonists home to England.
There were several other attempts to colonize by RALEIGH, and
under his auspices, but were failures ; amounting only to the
landing of several ship loads of emigrants, illy provided for sub-
sistance or defence ; to become a prey to the natives, or perish for
food. At the period of Queen ELIZABETH'S death, not an English-
man was settled in America.
In 1603, BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, planned an expedition in a
small vessel with only thirty men discovered a much nearer route
than had hitherto been pursued visited the coast of Massachusetts,
and returned with a rich freight of peltry. His favorable account
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 81
led a few merchants of Bristol to send out two vessels, to examine
the country GOSXOLD had visited. They returned, confirming his
statements. Another expedition followed, which, returning, reported
so many " additional particulars commendatory of the region, that
all doubt and hesitation vanished from the minds of the projectors of
American Colonization; and an association sufficiently numerous
wealthy and powerful to undertake this enterprise, being speedily
formed, a petition was presented to the King for his sanction of the
plan, and the interposition of his authority towards its execution."
In April 1606, King James issued letters patent to Sir THOMAS
GATES, GEORGE SO.MERS, RICHARD HAKLUYT, and their associates
granting to them those territories in America, lying on the sea
coast between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north
latitude, together with all the Islands situated within one hundred
miles of their shores.
The patentees were divided into two companies. The territory
appropriated to the first, or Southern Colony, was called Virginia.
That appropriated to the Northern Colony, was called New Eng-
land. They were termed the London and Plymouth companies.
Three vessels soon sailed under the auspices of the London
Company, having on board one hundred and five men destined to
remainia America; among the adventurers, were GEORGE PERCY,
a brotner of the Duke of Northumberland, GOSXOLD, the enter-
prising navigator, and Capt. JOHN SMITH. The squadron arrived
in the Chesapeake Bay, April 1607. These colonists founded the
settlement at Jamestown, and theirs was the first successful scheme
of English colonization in America. In 1608, this colony first tilled
the soil of what now constitutes the United States, unless the
Spaniards had previously planted in Florida.
In 1607 the Plymouth company made an abortive attempt to
form a colony in northern Virginia. The expedition returned to
England and damped the spirit of emigration by the representations
it made of the soil and climate they had visited. Six years after
they fitted out two vessels, and placed one of them under the com-
mand of Capt. SMITH, who had become identified with the colonv at
Jamestown previously. This expedition explored with care and
diligence, the whole coast from Cape Cod to Penobscot Capt.
SMITH went into the interior of the country, made a map of the
coast, which on his return he presented to the King, accompanied
with a highly favorable account of the country. Capt. HUNT, who
82 HISTORY OF THE
commanded one of the vessels, instead of returning with SMITH,
enticed a number of Indians on board his vessel, and touching at
Malaga on his homeward voyage, sold them as slaves; thus upon
the threshold of New England colonization, provoking the natives
to abandon their pacific policy, and look upon the new comers as
enemies. The very next vessel that visited the coast of New
England, brought news of their vindictive hostility.
It was reserved for the pilgrim fathers, who, to escape persecu-
tion in England, had fled to Leyden, to commence the colonization
of New England. Obtaining from King James a tacit acquiescence
and from the Plymouth Company a grant of a portion of their
territory, one hundred and twenty of their number embarked at
Delft Haven, reaching the coast of America, after a long and
dangerous voyage, on the 9th of November, 1620, and the coast
of Massachusetts, the spot they afterwards called New Plymouth,
on the 1 1 th of December.
On the 30th day of September, 1609, two hundred and thirty-
nine years ago, HENRY HUDSON an Englishman, but then in the
employ of the Dutch East India Company, entered the southern
waters of New York, and the next day moored his ship within
Sandy Hook. He ascended the river that now bears his name, as
far up as Albany, some exploring parties of his expedittOUk having
gone as far as Troy. He was from the day he passed Sandy
Hook, until the fourth of October, engaged in an examination of
the bay of New York, the banks of the river, &c., trafficking with
the natives, gratifying his own and their curiosity, by receiving
them on board his vessel, and otherwise cultivating their acquain-
tance and friendship.
There have been preserved minute details of this first European
visit to our State. It forms a chapter in our history of great
interest, not only from the fact that it informs us of the discovery
of our now Empire State of the first European advent upon the
waters of the Hudson, to the site of our great northern commercial
emporium, but from its giving us by far the best and most satisfac-
tory accounts of the natives, as they were found in their primitive
condition. Hudson testifies, as precedent navigators had done to
their general friendly reception of the stranger European. In his
four weeks' interview with the natives, nothing occured to mar its
pacific character, until one of their number had been wantonly
lulled bv one of his men. The Indian, attracted by curiosity, and
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 83
having perhaps but imperfect ideas of the rights of property, stole
into the cabin window, and pilfered a pillow, and some wearing
apparel. The men discovering his retreat with the articles shot at
and killed him. In an attempt to recover the articles, another
native was killed. Previous to this, there had been what the
natives construed into an attempt to earn,- off two of their number.
Following after these events, was a concerted attempt on the part
of the natives to get possession of the vessel. At the head of
Manhattan Island in the inlet of Harlem river, they had collected
a large force. The vessel going down the river approached the
shore near the place of ambush. HUDSON discovering them, and
their hostile intentions, lay off, the Indians discharging at the vessel
a volley of arrows, which was returned by the discharge of muskets.
This skirmishing continued as the vessel moved farther down, the
Indians assaulting with their arrows, the Europeans retaliating with
their muskets, and occasionally by the discharge of a cannon.
Nine of the Indians were killed, none of the Europeans. How
astounding to these simple warriors, armed only with their bows
and arrows, must have been this their first knowledge of the use of
gun-powder, and its terrible agency as an auxiliary in war! And
that they were not dismayed, did not flee at the first explosion of a
volley of muskets, is a matter of especial wonder.
Thus a relation, an acquaintance, that was commenced, and for
some time was continued in amity, had a hostile termination.
HUDSON sailed down the river and put to sea.
This first European advent to our state, was marked by another
event, more important in the annals of the aborigines, than any that
has occured during their acquaintance with our race. It was the
inflicting upon them a curse, more terrible in its consequents than
all else combined, of the evils that have attended then- relations
with us ; a curse equal in magnitude, in proportion to the aggregate
numbers to be effected by it to that which England has visited upon
the Chinese by force of arms ; ( and there is some coincidence in the
two events, for in both cases there was the predisposition, the
physical tendency, to destructive excess): While HUDSON'S vessel
lay in the river, (near Albany, as inferred from his account,)
"great multitudes flocked on board to survey the wonder." In
order to discover whether "any of the chiefe men of the country
had any treacherie in them, our master and mate took them into the
cabin and gave them so much wine and aqua vita that they were
84 HISTORY OF THE
all merrie ; and one of them had his wife with him, which sate so
modestly as any of our counterey womene, would doe in a strange
plaice." One of them became intoxicated, staggered and fell, at
which the natives were astonished. It "was strange to them, for
they could not tell how to take it." They all hurried ashore in
their canoes. The intoxicated Indian remaining and sleeping on
board all night, the next day, others ventured on board and finding
him recovered, and well, they were highly gratified. He was a
chief. In the afternoon they repeated their visits, brought tobacco
"and beads, and gave them to our master, and made an oration
showing him all the country round about." They took on board a
platter of venison, dressed in their own style, and "caused him to
eate with them: then they made him reverence, and departed all,"
except the old chief, who having got a taste of the fatal beverage
chose to 1 remain longer on board. Thus were the aborigines first
made acquainted with what they afterwards termed "fire water;"
and aptly enough for it has helped to consume them. The Indians
who met HUDSON at Albany were of the Mohawk nation.
The discovery of HUDSON was followed up by several voyages
from Holland, with the principal object of traffic on the river, and
among the natives he had discovered. The Dutch built two small
fortified trading posts, the one on Castle, and the other on Manhat-
tan Island. The English attempted a colony upon the river, but
were unsuccessful. It was not until 1623 that effectual colonization
commenced. In that year, and soon after, vessels were fitted out
by the Dutch company, emigrants embarked in them, forts were
built, settlements founded. The colony was called New Nether-
land. The first governor came out in 1623.
In 1603, a company of merchants was formed at Rouen for the
purpose of colonization. They were invested with authority to
explore the country, and establish colonies along the St. Lawrence.
SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN, an able mariner, a partner in the company,
. The strong appetite of Indians for intoxicationg drinks, has been observed
from our earliest intercourse with them. The first navigators, who reached them,
bringing "strong water," the traders who have found them ignorant of the existence of
it, and fatally enticed them to its taste, have uniformly borne testimony that with few
exceptions, when they have been once under the influence of it, their appetites are
craving for further indulgence. The author has been informed by one who has spent
most of his life among the fur traders on the head waters of the Mississippi, that he has
known an Indian runner to make a journey of two hundred miles and back through
deep snow, to obtain a gallon of whiskey, to finish a carousal, after having exhausted
the supply of a trader.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 95
directed the expedition. In this expedition he selected Quebec as
the site of a fort The protection of the fur trade was its princi-
pal object, though it led to a permanent 'establishment. A few
settlers were left to build huts and clear land. It was during this
expedition, as inferred by Mr. LANMAX. the intelligent historian of
Michigan, that the foundation was laid for the long series of
troubles that grew up between the French and the Lroquois.
CARTIER, in a previous ascension of the St. Lawrence, against the
wishes of the Hurons and Algonquins, had, with motives of curios-
ity, or to gratify it at home, taken to England three of their chiefs
against their will. To win their favor, CHAMPLAIN became their
ally against the Iroquois. The secret of his policy, as inferred by
CHARLEVOIX, was to humble the Iroquois, in order to "unite all the
nations of Canada in an alliance with the French." He did not
foresee that the former, who for a long time had, single handed,
kept in awe the Indians, three hundred miles around them, would
be aided by Europeans in another quarter, jealous of the power of
the French. It was not his fault, therefore, that circumstances he
could not have anticipated, subsequently concurred to frustrate his
plan.
As this expedition constitutes a distinct and important era in the
history of the Aborigines of America, and their mode of warfare
the introduction of fire-arms, the author extracts a concise
account of it from the work of Messrs. YATES and MOULTOX:
"Having yielded his consent to join the expedition, he, (CHAM-
PLAIN) embarked with his new allies at Quebec, and sailed into the
Iroquois, river (now Sorrel,) until the rapids near Chambly pre-
vented his vessel from proceeding. His allies had not apprised him
of this impediment: on the contrary, they had studiously concealed
it as well as other obstacles. His vessel returned; but he, and two
Frenchmen who would not desert him, determined to proceed, not-
withstanding the difficulties of the navigation, and the duplicity of
their allies in concealing those difficulties. They transported their
canoes beyond the rapids, and encamped for tne night As was
customary, they sent a spy to range in the vicinity, who in a short
time returned, and informed them that he saw no enemy. Without
placing any guard, they prepared for repose. CHAMPLAI.V, sur-
prised to find them so stupidly incautious and confident of their
safety, endeavored to prevail with them to keep watch. All the
reply they made was, that people who were fatigued all day, had
need of sleep at night Afterwards, when they thought tha't they
were approaching nearer towards the enemy, they were induced
86 HISTORY OF THE
to be more guarded, to travel at night only, and keep no fires in
the day time. CHAMPLAIN was charmed with the variegated
and beautiful aspect of the country. The islands were filled with
deer and other animals, which supplied the army with abundance
of game, and the river and lake afforded abundance of fish. In
the progress of their route he derived much knowledge of the
Indian character as it was displayed in this warlike excursion. He
was particularly amused to perceive the blind confidence which the
Indians paid to their sooth-sayer or sorcerer, who in the time of
one of their encampments, went through with his terrific cere-
mony. For several days they inquired of CHAMPLAIN if he had
not seen the Iroquois in a dream. His answer being that he had
not, caused great disquietude among them. At last, to relieve
them from their embarrassments, or get rid of their importunity,
he told them he had, in a dream, seen the Iroquois drowning in a
lake, but he did not rely altogether upon the dream. The allies
judged differently, for they now no longer doubted a victory. Hav-
ing entered upon the great lake, which now bears the name of
CHAMPLAIN, in honor of its discoverer, he and his allies traversed
it until they approached towards the junction of the outlet of Lake
St. Sacrament,* with Lake Champlain, at or near Ticonteroga.
The design of the allies was to pass the rapids between those two
lakes, to make an eruption into the mountainous regions and vallies
of the Iroquois beyond the small lake, and by surprise to strike
them at one of their small villages. The latter saved them the
necessity of journeying so far, for they suddenly made their
appearance at 10 o'clock at night, and by mere accident, met the
former on the great lake. The surprise of both parties was
equaled only by their joy, which was expressed in shouts, and as it
was not their practice to fight upon the water unless when they
were too far from land to retreat, they mutually hurried to the
shore.
" Here, then, in the vicinity of Ticonderoga (a spot afterwards
celebrated in the achievements of the French and Revolutionary
Wars,) the two parties pitched for battle. The allies immediately
labored to entrench themselves behind fallen trees, and soon sent a
messenger to the Iroquois to learn whether they would fight
immediately. The latter replied that the night was too dark: they
could not see themselves, and the former must await the approach
of day. The allies consented, and after taking the necessary
precautions, slept. At break of day, Champlain placed his two
Frenchmen, and some savages in the wood, to attack the enemy
in flank. These consisted of two hundred choice and resolute
men, who considered victory as easy and certain over the Algon-
quins and Hurons, whom the former did not expect, would have
Lake George.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 87
dared to take the field. The allies were equal to them in number,
but displayed a part only of their warriors. They, as well as the
enemy were armed with bows and arrows only, but they founded
their hopes of conquest upon the fire-arms of the French; and
they pointed out to CHAMPLAIX. and advised him to fire upon the
three chiefs, who were distinguished by feathers or tails of birds
larger than those of their followers. The allies first made a
sortie from their entrenchment, and ran two hundred feet in front
of the enemy, then stopped, divided into two bands to the right
and left, leaving the center position for CHAMPLAIX. who advanced
and placed himself at their head. His sudden appearance and
arms, were new to the Iroquois, whose astonishment became
extreme. But what was their dismay when, after the first report
of his arquebuse from the spot where he had posted four men, the
Iroquois saw two of their chiefs fall dead, and the third dangerously
wounded ! The allies now shouted for joy and discharged a few
ineffective arrows. CHAMPLAIX recharged, and the other French-
men successfully fought the Iroquois, who were soon seen in
disorder and flight They were pursued warmly, many were
killed, and some taken prisoners. The fugitives, in their precipi-
tance, abandoned their maize. This was a seasonable relief for
the victors, for they had been reduced to great need. They fed,
and passed two hours on the field of battle in dancing and singing.
Not one had been killed, although several were wounded. They
prepared to return homeward, for among these people the van-
quishers always retreat as well as the vanguished, and often
inasmuch disorder and precipitation as if they were pursued by a
victorious enemy. In their way back, they tortured one of their
prisoners, whose miseries CHAMPLAIX humanely ended."
This was the first pitched battle fought upon our continent, and
thus did the iroquois learn the use of an auxiliary in war, which
enabled them to extend in less than a century afterwards, their
territorial dominion two thousand miles, waste the lives of their
own race, and afterwards, as allies of England, to become a
scourge of the border settlements of New York, in the war of
the Revolution. Nor did the instructors of these amateurs in a
new warfare, escape the consequences. They found them apt
scholars; and in their after contests with them learned to dread
the stealthy and deadly aim. in their hands, of the arms furnished
them by the Dutch and English.
At nearly the same period, HUDSON had given them the taste of
intoxicating liquors, at Albany. Thus were they put hi possession
of two agents that were finally to work their own ruin and decline.
Better for them, we are apt to say, if civilization had never reached
88 HISTORY OF THE
them in these their forest homes. But then comes upon us the
reflection that theirs, if a sylvan abode, was not one of peace and
innocence. Long before how long their own traditions cannot
inform us, they were warring upon their own race. They too
had invented weapons of war, and oppressed and trampled upon
the weak; were even wanton in their wanderings upon the war
path for victims. Who shall question the dispensations of Provi-
dence, or say that theirs was not the destiny he had decreed 1
Who shall say, that if European feet had never trod their soil,
that an even worse calamity was not in store for them ? That
they but awaited the ebb tide of destiny? That retribution was
not already coming upon them; its ministering spirits, the leagued
and exasperated of their own race, they had scourged in long
years of triumph and supremacy'?
With a far better knowledge of the country of New France,
than had been before obtained, CHAMPLAIN returned home, and
after delays and embarrassments, incident to some changes in the
administration of the government of France, in 1615 embarked
once more for the New World. There came out with him, monks
of the order of St. Francis. "Again he invades the territory of
the Iroquois in New York. Wounded and repulsed, and destitute
of guides, he spends the first winter after his return to America in
the country of the Hurons; and amight errant among the forests,
carries his language, religion and influence, even to the hamlets of
the Algonquins on Lake Nipissing."*
CARTIER is regarded as the pioneer upon the St. Lawrence, and
CHAMPLAIN as the founder of a colony upon its banks. " For
twenty years succeeding the commencement of the 17th century,
he was zealously employed in planting and rearing that infant
colony, which was destined to extend its branches to these shores
and finally, to contest with its great rival, the sovereignty of North
America. CHAMPLAIN discovered in his eventful life, traits of
heroism, self-devotion and perseverance, which, under more
favorable circumstances, would have placed him in the ranks of
those, whose deeds are the land marks of history."!
Events that followed the discovery of this continent, have been
thus briefly alluded to, with no intention to enlarge upon them, or
* Bancroft.
t Gen. Cass' Lectures before Historical Society of Michigan.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
to travel over ground with which most readers will be familiar; but
principally for the purpose of such a chronological introduction as
will aid in connecting our own local history with the history of
our entire country.
, The progress of colonization was slow. In this day of PROGRESS,
we may well wonder why such a country as this, did not at once
invite a flood of adventurers from Europe. But a careful review
of the condition of the old world at that period; the jealousies and
counteracting rivalries that existed between the nations that had
directed their attention to this quarter: England, France Germany
and Spain; their internal dissensions, and the fluctuations in their
administrations and their commercial policy; afford us chiefly the
explanation. And to all these hindrances may be added, the
absence of that spirit of determined and persevering national
adventure, which at a later period stimulated to a more earnest
and effectual searching out and occupying new fields of enterprise.
In following up the slow course of events as they occurred; in
noting the tardiness especially, with which England and France
made their advances to this continent, even after .they had through
the reports of their explorers, reliable accounre of the land of
promise, leads us to reflect, how it would be now, with our own
people, if they could even catch a glimpse of an unoccupied field
such as this was. There would be no waiting for kingly or
government charters; no asking of colonial monopolies. Individual
efforts, indomitable private enterprise, would take the place of all
this: there would go out from our sea-ports in rapid succession,
colonies of hardy adventurers, who arriving at their destinations,
and finding but a moiety of the inducements, surrounded by greater
obstacles, than was presented to European adventurers here
would persevere; and in the time that in the precedent case it took
to deliberate at home, and determine upon a scheme of colonization,
colonies would be founded, territorial governments would be
formed; and we should hear of annexation, and possibly of
admission.
" Westward the star of Empire " took " its way," but dimly and
slowly ; giving but a feeble and flickering light to attract the
nations of the earth, while its orbit was circumscribed under Euro-
pean auspices and dominion. It was not 'till it had the genial
influences of freedom and free institutions; until it had shaken off
the incubus of foreign control; that it began to shine with lustre,
90 HISTORY OF THE
make its rapid transit towards the zenith, and realize the prophetic
inspiration of Bishop BERKLEY.
Dating from the discovery of this continent in 1492, it was five
years before CABOT discovered New Foundland, St. Johns, and the
coast of Virginia; forty-two years before CARTIER discovered and
sailed up the St. Lawrence; one hundred and thirty-five years
before CHAMPLAIN had effectually established French settlements
and dominion. Twenty years before PONCE DE LEON discovered
Florida and claimed it for Spain; seventy-three years before St.
Augustine was founded.* Seventy-three years before the' first
expedition of Sir WALTER RALEIGH entered the bay of the Chesa-
peake; one hundred and fifteen years before any permanent colony
was established in Virginia. One hundred and twenty-nine years
before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth. One hundred and fifteen
before HUDSON sailed up the river that bears his name; and one
hundred thirty-one years before colonization was effectually pro-
gressing upon its banks.
The whole series of primitive discoveries upon this continent
were accidental. The discoverers were in pursuit of a shorter
route to the Indies, and blundered upon this fair region that lay in
their way. After the discoveries, gold, other minerals, precious
stones, fountains of health, predominated with the explorers, until
failing in their expectations, traffic with the natives for furs and
peltries, engrossed the attention of the few and far between voya-
gers to the New World. The great elements of wealth here, as
time has demonstrated, lay dormant and undisturbed in the soil.
The Acadia of France, the Eldorado of Spain, the region where
the Englishman was to shovel wealth into his coffers, and the slow
Dutchman was to quicken his pace in the pursuit of fortune ; came
far short of their expectations; and their squadrons but came and
wandered lazily around the coasts, or ventured but short expedi-
tions up our noble rivers. The wealth was here the elements of
human enjoyment, content and happiness, but they widely mistook
in what it consisted. It remained for patient, persevering indus-
try and enterprise, unshackled by tyranny; for those who fled
to these shores from persecution and wrong; for young and vigo-
rous scions of a decayed and decaying parent stock; to more than
realize the hopes and expectations of the early European dreamers.
* St, Augustine is by forty years, the oldest town in the United States.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
91
In 1609 the English colony at Jamestown had just begun to turn
its attention to agriculture: "yet so little land had been cultivated
not more than thirty or forty acres in all that it was still
necessary for Englishmen to solicit food from the indolent Indians ;
and Europeans, to preserve themselves from starving, were
billeted among the sons of the forest v * In 1624, DE LAET, a
director of the Dutch West India Company, under whose auspices
settlement was slowly progressing upon the Hudson, attracted the
attention of his countrymen by a published description of the
New World. In describing New Netherland, he said: "It is a
fine and delightful land, full of fine trees and vines wine might be
made there, and the grape cultivated. Nothing is wanted but
cattle, and they might be easily transported. The industry of our
people might make this a pleasant and fruitful land. The forests
contain excellent ship timber, and several yachts and small vessels
have been built there." But it was not until several years after
this first attempt to turn the attention of the Dutch from traffic to
agriculture, that there was any considerable degree of success.
The Dutch trade was with the natives, upon Long Island, the
banks of the Hudson, and the eastern nations of the Iroquois.
By a report made to the West India Company at Amsterdam, the
following exhibit was made of exports and imports for the first
nine years after the regular established commerce of the colony:
EXPORTS. IMPORTS.
In two ships,
Several ship*
Two ships,
Four ships,
No imports,
Three ships,
Two ships,
One ship,
TEAR. GTILDERS.
TEAR.
lb'24. 4,000 beavers, 700 otters, 27,125
1624.
1625. 5,295
463
35,825
1625.
16-26. 7,253
857
45,050
1626.
1627 7,520
320
12,730
1627.
1623. 6,951
734
61,075
1628.
16Qi. 5,913
681
62,155
1629.
1630. 6,041
1085
68,012
1630.
1631. no exports.
1631.
1632. 13,513 " 1661 " 143,125
1632.
454,127
or, $189,219,58
One ship,
20,3*4
56,170
55,778
54,499
17,355
31,320
272,847
or, $113,656,25
"The advancement of colonization in New England, [1628] was
far more rapid than it had been in New Netherland; but the causes
that respectively operated to produce the diversity, were altogether
different in their character and tendency. In the" one case, religion
became the powerful motive, and it introduced as auxiliaries, talent,
enterprise and skill. In the other, monopoly and aristocracy, with
Bancroft
92 HISTORY OF THE
their cold and calculating selfishness, were in collision with the
freedom of trade and the genius of liberty, and the consequences
were withering to the blossoms of promise which nature had so
bountifully displayed in New Netherlands." *
Conflicting claims to territory upon this continent, began to
arise in the earliest periods of colonization. -The basis, or general
principles upon which claims were to be founded, was pretty well
defined by the common consent of the nations of Europe, that were
interested; but disputes and collisions arose from different construc-
tions of these general principles; and upon questions of fact,
involving priority of discovery, occupation, &c.
" Discovery gave title to the government, by whose subjects, or
by whose authority it was made, against all other European
governments, which title might be consummated by possession.
Hence, although a vacant country belonged to those who first
discovered it, and who acknowledge no connexion, and owe no
allegiance to any government, yet if the country be discovered and
possessed by the emigrants of an existing acknowledged govern-
ment, the possession is deemed taken for the nation, and title must
be derived from the sovereign organ, in whom the power to dispute
of vacant territories is vested by law.
" Resulting from the above principle as qualified, was that of the
sole right of the discoverer to acquire the soil from the natives,
and establish settlements either by purchase or conquest. Hence,
also the exclusive right cannot exist in governments, and at the
same time in private individuals; and hence also, the natives were
recognized as rightful occupants, but their power to dispose of the
soil at their own will, to whom they pleased, was denied by the
original fundamental principle, that discovery'gave exclusive title
to those who made it.
" The ultimate dominion was asserted, and as a consequence, a
power to grant the soil while yet in possession of the natives.
Hence, such dominion was incompatible with an absolute and
complete title in the Indians. Consequently, from the foregoing
principle, and its corollaries, the Indians had no right to sell to any
other than the government of the first discoverer, nor to private
NOTE. The author having found the above concise and comprehensive abstract of
the basis of title to all the lands in the United States, in the work of Yates and Moulton
already quoted, he transfers it to his pages. It not only contains the principles that
governed the nations of Europe, in their original colonization of our country, but sets
forth the main principle, and origin of pre-emption, as afterwards recognized by our
general government and the states. A careful historical deduction of the title to our
own region takes us back for a starting point, to the basis of title, as fixed at the
primitive period of discovery and colonization.
* Yates and Moulton.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 93
citizens without the sanction of their government. Hence the
Indians were to be considered as mere occupants, to be protected
indeed while in peace, in the possession of their lands, but with an
incapacity of transfering the absolute title to others."
At a point we have n6w gained, the commencement of perma-
nent colonization upon this continent, the author is admonished,
in view of the local character of the work he has in hand, that he
must come nearer home. Civilization is already approaching the
region of Western New York. Under CHAMPLAIN, the founder
of settlement upon the St. Lawrence, there have come out of
France scores of adventurers; the most prominent, and far most
numerous of whom, are the fur traders, the devotees of traffic and
gain; and the missionaries, with the higher purposes of carrying
the emblems and the tidings of salvation to the forest homes of our
predecessors. The two classes, jointly, travelling together side by
side, are destined to extend French dominion to the rivers and
lakes of Canada west; to the head waters of lake Ontario; along
the banks of the Niagara river, to the shores of lakes Erie, St.
Clair, Huron, Michigan, and Superior; over the fertile plains, prai-
ries and wood-lands of Michigan, Wisconsin, Indiania, Illinois,
Missouri, Iowa, down the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, and
over its waters to Texas.
The missionary was seldom behind, often preceded the trader.
Those of the order of St. Francis called Franciscans, preceded
the Jesuits in the New World. They came out with CHAMPLAIX
in 1615. The more formidable order, that was destined wholly to
supplant them and occupy exclusively the new field of missionary
enterprise, first arrived upon the banks of the St Lawrence in
1625. Previous to this, the Franciscans, LE CAROX, VIEL and
SAGARD, had been instructing the tribes along the western banks
of the Niagara. They were unquestionably, the first Europeans
who set foot in Western New York. Their advent here was
nearly co-temporary with the landing of the Pilgrims in New
England. Plymouth Rock had but just re-echoed the thanksgiving
of the founders of English colonization in our northern states,
the simpler and less ostentatious forms of the religious faith of the
Puritans, had but just found an asylum upon our northern Atlantic
coast; when the ceremonies of the Catholic church were exciting
the wonder of the dwellers in the forests of our own region.
For nearly one hundred and fifty years, from the period of
94 HISTORY OF THE
effectual colonization upon the St. Lawrence, until the English
conquests in 1759; the Jesuits the disciples of LOYOLA were
almost exclusively in possession of the whole missionary ground of
New France. With the exception of but brief precedent advents
of the Franciscans, the Jesuits with the traders that accompanied
them, were the Pioneers of civilization in Western New York.
The imposing ceremonies of the ritual of the Catholic Church, awed
the simple minded sons of the forest as they came to gaze upon
the works of the primitive ship builders upon the Niagara;
JONCAIRE, the adopted Seneca, the successful courtier at the
councils of the Iroquois, had hardly "planted himself amid a group
of cabins at Lewiston," when the cross was planted in their midst.
When a trading station was secured at Niagara, the Jesuit mis-
sionary erected his cabin by the side of the trader. And going
out from these primitive stopping places, they threaded the narrow
trails that conducted them to the scattered settlements of the
Senecas west of the Genesee river, and upon its eastern banks.
The advent and long career of the Jesuits upon this continent, and
especially in this quarter, forms an interesting feature in our
general history; a brief sketch of their founder, and his Institute,
may well occupy a short chapter of our local pioneer annals.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 95
CHAPTER II.
THE ORDER OF THE JESUITS.
The order of the Jesuits as it is usually termed of the Society
of JESUS, as they termed themselves was founded in the early
part of the sixteenth century. Its founder was IGNATIUS LOYOLA,
a native of Navarre. Born of a noble family, bred to the profession
of arms, chivalric and daring, when an army of FRANCIS I. invaded
his country, he was among the gallant defenders of the besieged
city of Pampeluna. While rallying and exhorting the Spanish
soldiers to a desperate resistance, he was severely wounded.
While an invalid, the lives of the Saints fell into his hands, and were
his constant companions during the progress of a lingering cure.
Their perusal excited his ardent temperament, and inspired him
with ambition to signalize himself as a champion of the religious
faith in which he had been educated. Retiring to a convent, he
meditated and made vows to become the "Knight of the Virgin
MARY," and to be "renowned for mortifications and works after the
manner of saints." In his seclusion he subjected himself to the
most rigid disipline of a monk of the strictest order, and after
several years of solitary penance and journeyings as a men-
dicant, he matured a gigantic scheme of missionary enterprise,
embracing the world in its designs; and which, for good and evil,
is signalized as one of the most extraordinary advents that mark
the pages of history.
When LUTHER publicly sustained the thesis of his apostacy in
the Diet of Worms, and composed his book against monastic vows,
in the solitude of Alstadt, LOYOLA was consecrating himself to his
work, in the chapel of Monte Serrato, and composing his Spiritual
Exercises in his retreat at Mauresa. At the time too, that HENRY
the Eighth proclaimed himself spiritual head of the Anglician
96 HISTORY OF THE
Church, and ordered, under penalty of death, that the very name of
Pope should be effaced from every document and from every book,
LOYOLA was laying the foundations of an order that professed in
a most special manner, obedience to the sovereign Pontiff, and zeal
and activity in enlarging the bounds of his dominion.
The Reformation under the lead of MARTIN LUTHER, had well
nigh broken the sway, prostrated the power of the Roman
Church. The advent of LOYOLA was the first recoil from its
effects. It was as if in battle, a powerful army had been nearly
routed, its ranks thinned and broken, its leaders dismayed, appalled
by the desperate onsets of the assailants a daring spirit should
spring from the ranks fitted to the emergency, and by the boldness
and novelty of his designs, inspire courage to renew the contest.
While the Pope and his adherents were deliberating resolving
but feebly, and often impotent] y essaying to execute their resolu-
tions; an intrepid soldier wounded in a field of carnal warfare
clothed himself in spiritual armor, and came forward the devotee
and champion of a faith that had been successfully assailed by
innovators, as daring and fearless in their assaults, as he was in his
well arranged plan of defence. In the warfare of faiths, in which
he was enlisted, a contest to sustain the supremacy of his creed,
to enable it to regain its lost ground, LOYOLA was what NAPO-
LEON became after him in the political affairs of France. They
were equally master spirits of the movements in which they were
engaged. The one astonished the religious world with the new-
ness and magnificence of his schemes. The other confounded and
amazed the political world, by a long career of the triumphs of
the one man-power that he wielded. Did NAPOLEON call to his
aid the genius, the talent, the courage of France, and mould
them to his will; LOYOLA equally by the attractions of his
splendid conceptions, guaranteed and realized as great moral
triumphs, in enlisting the co-operation of those who were fitted
to his purposes. The wealth that he required to lay the foun-
dations of his new system of propagaridism, flowed into his trea-
sury; for the possessors of it were mourning over the reverses
of a religious faith that more than all others, prompts to the
offerings of worldly possessions; imagined that light was again
shining through the domes of St. Peters; that error, grievous
error, as they deemed it, was to be confounded by the new
champion that had taken the field. Around his standard flocked
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 97
the devotees of the ' Church Catholic;" who, surrendering ^all
things else, dedicated themselves to his will and his designs; set
themselves apart to execute his commands, even to the farthest
ends of the earth. The Church of Rome had been assailed by the
bold Reformer in the seats and centres of its dominions. Its old
strong fortresses were besieged. LOYOLA looked to the strength-
ning and extending of the out-posts; to the more than regaining all
that had been lost, by sending out to the four quarters of the
globe and gathering to the fold, new auxiliaries, propagating his
creed in new and far off fields.
The tasks to be executed were those of difficulty and danger, but
there came to his aid those who caught from him their impulses,
and armed themselves with his stern resolves. Never in any
missionary enterprise; (and the history of missions from the advent
of Christianity to the present hour, is replete with signal instances
of self-sacrifice and martyrdoms; instances of the exercises of a
moral and physical courage, sterner and higher than the incentive?
to armed encounters;) has there been devised a scheme of
missionary enterprise of equal magnitude; or one that has com-
manded more devoted service and extraordinary sacrifice, than
the Institute which somewhat arrogantly assumed to itself the
name of the " Society of Jesus."
" LOYOLA was aware, that on the day of battle, the most
experienced officers stand apart, in order to watch with more
composure, the conflict which they direct. A general of an army
ought, by means of the orders that he issues, to be every where
present to his troops. Their movements, their courage, their very
life, depend on him; he disposes of them in the most absolute
manner; and the very physical inaction to which, in consequence,
he subjects himself, augments his intellectual energies. It is he
that stimulates, that restrains, that combines the springs of action,
that assumes the responsibility of events. Such was the policy of
IGXATIUS LOYOLA. He dispersed his companions over the globe;
he sent them forth to humiliation or to glory, to preach or to be
martyred, while he from Rome, as a central point, communicated
force to all, and. what was still better, regulated their movements.
" At Rome IGNATIUS followed his disciples at every step. In an
age when communication was neither easy nor expeditious, and
when each political revolution added to the difficulty, he found
means to correspond with them frequently. He had a perfect
knowledge of the state of the missions, an'd was acquainted with
the joys and sufferings of the missionaries; he sympathised with
98 HISTORY OF THE
them, and thus shared their dangers and their struggles; his orders
were anxiously expected, his councils were scrupulously followed.
More calm than they, for he was uninfluenced by local passions, he
decided with greater discernment, he regulated with greater unity
(* i *>1 --
of design. <
The plan of LOYOLA not only embraced an extended missionary
enterprise, but the founding of institutions of learning. Colleges
of the Jesuits were founded at Rome, throughout the Papal domin-
ions, and their branches extended to the foreign missionary grounds.
They were as so many hives, from which swarmed hosts of those
who were educated and fitted for the work before them. But the
education of missionaries was not exclusively their province.
Engrafted into the system, was the design of its founder to raise
up a new class of well educated men, in all the departments of lit-
erature, the arts and sciences. The colleges were munificently
endowed; learning had a new impetus given to it. There went
out from the institutions of the Jesuits, not only the priest, deeply
schooled in the theology of his order, but poets, philosophers and
statesmen; those who were well fitted to have influence in the
political and social affairs of the world, as well as those who would
promote the predominating object, the laying of a broader plat-
form for their church, and extending- its sway.
The scheme of LOYOLA, formidable as it was, excited the fears,
and perhaps jealousies of the then reigning Pontiff. He regarded
it an innovation, and withheld his approval; but his successor,
PAUL III. clothed the institute with all the attributes necessary to
make its authority ample.
" The genius of CHAMPLAIN, whose comprehensive mind planned
enduring establishments for French commerce, and a career of
discovery that should carry the lilies of the Bourbons to the
extremity of North America, could devise no method of building
up the dominion of France in Canada, but by an alliance with the
Hurons, or of confirming that alliance but by the establishment of
missions."! He had at first encouraged the unambitious Francis-
cans; but they, being excluded from New France, by the policy of
the home government, in 1G32, the conversion of the New World
was committed to the ardent Jesuits.' They had entered the land
* History of the Jesuits by M. Cretineu-Joly. Paris, 1844.
t Bancroft.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 09
before, but not under the exclusive privilege of martyrdom. As
early as 1611 Father BIART had opened the gospel between the
Penobscot and Kennebec, and within two years a congregation of
faithful red men was chanting over the territory lately disputed
and along the river banks in Maine, their morning and their even-
ing hymns. The renewal of French emigration to Canada, and
the committal of this western mission to the Jesuits, were simulta-
neous. The fifteen who first arrived at Montreal, went principally
among ihe- Five Nations in the interior of this state.
In the immediate dominions of the Pope, throughout the cities
and villages of the greater portion of Europe, the disciples of
LOYOLA spread themselves, and earnestly exhorted backsliders to
return to their ecclesiastical allegiance ; stirred up the hike-warm,
and checked the hitherto onward march of the Reformers. In
1543. the Jesuits had missionary stations in Japan and Ethiopa; in
the Indies and in Peru; in Brazil and Mogul; in the remotest
Archipelagos, and the bleakest Islands; in the heart of Africa and
on the banks of the Bosphorus; in China; at Madras and Thibet;
in Genoa.
The antagonist movements of the Reformers, the disciples of
LUTHER and CALVIN, and the new school of propagandists founded
by LOYOLA, came in collision upon this continent, in the very
earliest periods of effectual colonization. Deeply imbued with the
spirit of the Reformation, were the founders of New England,
and as deeply, were the founders of New France imbued with the
spirit, the impelling zeal of LOYOLA. Avarice, a desire for
dominion and gain, led the way in both quarters, and the better
impulses of religion and its different faiths, followed. Treading in
each others footsteps were the traders and missionaries of the
early New England colonists; the "gospel was opened" wherever
the trafficer in furs and peltries had made a stand. On the St.
Lawrence, along the- great chain of Lakes and Rivers, west to the
valley of the Mississippi, the chaffering of the votaries of Mam-
mon was often merged with the devotional exercises of the
disciples of LOYOLA; dividing the attention of the natives between
the "tables of the money changers," and the emblems, and
imposing ceremonies of the Romish church.
When the primitive, Protestant missionaries of New England,
were wandering in its vallies, faithfully expounding the revealed
100 HISTORY OF THE
word to their dusky auditors, gathered in their wigwams, or recli-
ning in their forest shades, the missionaries of the church of Rome,
were displaying the emblems of salvation upon the shores of lake
Ontario, in the settlements of the Iroquois in the interior of our
State, upon the banks of the Niagara river, and around the shores
of the Western Lakes.
They were the subjects of rival nations, and the professors and
propagators of rival creeds. No wonder perhaps, and yet it
was strangely at variance with the mild precepts of Him whose
mediations they were offering to the inhabitants of the new world
they both brought to these shores the rankling, the spirit of
contention, even to the sword, that was drenching some of the
fairest portions of Europe with blood. They were contending for
ecclesiastical, and it was the impulses of country and allegiance,
that made them strenuous for temporal, political, dominion. Their
influences were felt in the wars that succeeded between the
Iroquois and the French, and the English and French. They
were, more or less, participators in the competition for extended
empire between those two nations.
The writers of history, and the readers of it who are in pursuit
of facts it is its province to gather up, have little to do with the
merits of rival creeds. The sources of instruction are ample,
furnished by their respective advocates. In the history of the
advents of Catholicism and Protestantism in our early colonization
there is much to admire, and much to condemn.
Who. will not dwell with admiration upon the details of the
sufferings, martyrdoms, the self abasement of the ardent Catholic
missionaries that extended civilization, planted the cross here in
this western wilderness? Sincerity, ardent zeal, signalized their
advent and progress. Danger was in their wilderness paths,
hovered around their rude forest chapels. In winter's snows and
summer's heats, they traversed the wilderness, paddled their frail
canoes upon our rivers and lakes; deeming health, life, of little
concern all of temporal enjoyments, subservient to the paramount
object: the gathering into the folds of the church of new converts;
numbering another and another of the aboriginal nations to swell
the conquests of their faith. Their system was fraught with
superstition and error; yet who that reverences goodness wherever
seen and by whatever name it may be called, will refuse to them a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 101
meed of praise; fail to recognize them as those who won the first
triumphs for the cross, in this region; when "the wild tribes of the
west bowed to the emblem of our common faith." *
" The Priest
Believed the fables that he taught:
Corrupt their forms, and yet those forms at least
Preserved a salutary faith that wrought,
Alaugre the alloy, the saving end it sought
f Benevolence had gained such empire there.
That even superstition had been brought
An aspect of humanity to wear,
\, And make the weal of man the first and only care."
Soutficy's Talcs of Paraguay.
This is the fair side of the picture. There are blemishes, deep
and indelible ones, in the long and eventful career of the Institute
of LOYOLA. In the system itself there was error, and error and
wrong were mingled with its triumphs, and contributed to its
decline. Elated with its successes, it sought to rule in that to which
it professed itself but an auxiliary, until it encountered the jealousy,
and finally the ban of the great central power at Rome it had
done so much to strengthen. If not the founder of the Inquisition,
in some portions of the world it availed itself of that terrible
engine of ecclesiastical tyranny, crime and oppression. Its favorable
aspect, is the vast amount of good it has done to the cause of
learning in the various branches of science ; the schools and hospi-
tals it has founded; its early missions here and in many other
benighted portions of the world. Beyond these, there is that
which its advocates those who are of the faith it upheld
cannot in our more enlightened and liberal' period, look upon but
with regret and disapprobation.
And Protestantism too, as connected wkh our early colonial his-
tory, has its pleasant and unpleasant aspects. The humble colony
that for the sake of faith and conscience, embarked in a vessel illy
provided, braved the winter's storms upon the ocean, and landed
upon the bleak and inhospitable shores of New England; encoun-
tering disease, the tomahawk of the savage, deprivation and death,
to the fearful thinning of its at best but too feeble ranks; may well
claim a divided admiration with the highest exercise of religious
faith and perseverance that marked the wilderness advent of the
The Rev. W. J. Kipp.
102 HISTORY OF THE
disciples of LOYOLA. And they were unfriended; had no shield
of Rome, no coffers of wealth to sustain them. Their king and
country was against them. Across the ocean, in the land they had
fled from, to them all was darkness; and around them on the other
hand, was a wilderness in which the lurking and stealthy foe of
their race was to be conciliated and appeased. No light shone in
upon them but that which came from above. In process of time,
( and that not long extended, ) there was an ELIOT and a MAY-
HEW that contested the palm of missionary zeal and daring,
with a MARQUETTE and a BREBEUF. They furnished examples of
benignity, simplicity, and heroic patience, such as the world has
seldom, if ever, witnessed. The one gave the Indians a Bible in
their own dialect; the other perished in an ocean voyage under-
taken to bring more laborers into the field of missionary enterprise.
Protestant missions early spread throughout New England, along
the shores of the Hudson, up the valley of the Mohawk. They
numbered in their train a band of faithful and devoted men. In the
infant colonies upon the Chesapeake Bay, HARRIOT first displayed
the Bible to the natives and inculcated its truths; and ROBERT
HUNT, who had left behind him his happy English home, came as a
peace-maker to a turbulent colony, and to act as a mediator
between the natives and their molestors. Had the Jesuits among
their neophytes their sainted Seneca maiden, CATHARINE TEGAH-
KOUITA, the "Genevieve of New France " the Protestants upon
the Bay of the Chesapeake, numbered among their converts a
POCHAHONTAS: "the first sheaf of her nation offered to God
the consecration of her charms in early life that mercy might spare
her the sight of her nation's ruin by an early death." *
But in after times Protestantism had its tyrannies and persecu-
tions; its intemperate zeal, bigotry and coersive auxiliaries; its
banishments, proscriptions, and tribunals of faith. Did the disciples
of LOYOLA in other countries avail themselves of the inquisition;
enforce cruel, world-forsaking monastic vows; the disciples of
CALVIN in New England, erected the gibbet and hunted to the
scaffold, the non-conformist, the heretic, and the unhappy men and
women whom their dark superstition accused of witchcraft.
The wrongs that were perpetrated in the old world by the
institute of the Jesuits, cannot fairly be made to dim the lustre of
* From a friend's manuscript
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 103
the forest advent of the faithful men of the order that pioneered
the way to civilization in this region. The wrong doing the
intolerance and bigoted persecutions of the early Puritans identified
with colonization in another quarter, should be hardly remembered
in view of the part their descendants have finally borne, in rearing
our proud fabric of religious and political freedom.
The Institute of LOYOLA has had a chequered existence; unex-
ampled success at one period, decline and proscription at another.
For a long period enjoying the high favor of a succession of Popes,
then suppressed by one, to be soon restored to favor by another.
It was founded near the middle of the sixteenth century, and had
an almost uninterrupted career of success, upon. a scale of mag-
nificence but feebly indicated in the preceding pages. In 1759,
JOSEPH I, of Portugal, declared the Jesuits traitors and rebels,
confiscated their goods and banished them. In 1762 the institution
was declared "incompatible with the institutions of France," and
the Jesuits received orders to abandon their houses and colleges,
and adopt a secular dress. Soon after, they were accused of
fomenting a popular insurrection in Madrid, and expelled from
Spanish territory. The example was speedily followed by the
King of Naples, and the Duke of Parma. In 1773 the order was
suppressed by a bull from Pope CLEMENT XIV. For forty-one
years the order had no existence save in its scattered and proscribed
adherents. In 1814, PITS VII published the bull for its resto-
ration. From that period to the present, the order has been
constantly progressive. It has revived many of its missionary
stations, re-opened its colleges, convents and hospitals; and again
been dispersing its missionaries over the globe.
The whole number of Jesuits that came to this country from
their first advent in 1611. up to 1833. was twelve hundred. When
France ceded their possessions east of the Mississippi, to England
in 1763, they were forbidden to recruit their numbers; thus as the
old members died, the communities became extinct. The whole,
or the greater part of the property of the Jesuits has been held by
the British government. The Catholic institutions in the United
States and Canada, have now, with few exceptions, no connection
with them.
It only remains to speak of the remote results of these early
missionary efforts. So far as they bear upon our country now,
104 HISTORY OF THE
they may seem slight and unworthy of notice; yet they form a
prominent feature in our colonial history.
The immediate results of the Jesuit missions, were hopeful and
stimulating. So long as the natives had no patterns of Christianity
to follow but the apostle, bringing his own and his Redeemer's cross
among them, they could only revere the new religion, and wrestle
against it, as passion warring Math conscience. Under such
influences, Christian virtues were blooming along the path of the
messengers from Norridgewok to the bay of Che-goi-me-gon. It
is a pleasing relief to turn aside from the almost unremitted din of
battle which raged around the progress of settlement in this land,
and the wrangling encounters of opinion within the borders of New
England, to the quiet heroism of the Jesuits, as they went forth
carrying the "Prayer" (as the Indians termed their religion,)
building chapels where the rude wigwams had been man's only
resting place, and bringing whole villages from the wild wonder of
an indefinite fear, to the subdued awe of worshipping believers;
the moral prodigy, the emblem of earth's redemption, the sway of
the man of peace, over the men of war. It is a singular fact that
these missionaries succeeded in fixing religious principle without
the tedious and patient process of literary education and subtle
reasoning. In an early part of the eighteenth century an effort
was made on the part of the Protestants to draw off the Abenakis
from their attachments to the faith of the Jesuits. The Rev.
JOSEPH BAXTER, of Medfield, Mass., was despatched on this work,
but was obliged to return after being patiently heard, confessing
himself foiled by the unwillingness of the natives to learn any
better way. The immediate results of the Jesuit missions were
blessed. Of the remote results, little is to be said in praise. It was
something that, by their carrying the cross of life before the
artillery of death, souls of the red men might be enrolled among
the redeemed from every kindred, ere the white man had spoiled
their religion and blotted out their name. But the danger which
the Jesuits foresaw, came upon their converts. The remote result
was as they feared. Said Father MAREST, writing from Kaskasias
in Illinois: "should any of the whites who came among us make
a profession of licentiousness, or perhaps irreligion, their pernicious
example would make a deeper impression upon the minds of the
Indians than all that we could say to preserve them from the same
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 105
disorders. They would not fail to reproach us as they have
already done in some places, that we take advantage of the facility
with which they believe us; that the laws of Christianity are not as
severe as we represent them to be; since it is not to be credited
that persons as enlightened as the French, and brought up in the
bosom of religion, would be willing to rush to their own destruction,
and precipitate themselves into hell, if it were true that such and
such an action merited a punishment so terrible." The danger
was more than the missionary feared; it was first the insinuating
pestilence of corruption, and then the sword of extermination.
Mark the transformation in the beautiful lines of WHITTIER :
" On the brow of a hill which slopes to meet
The flowing river and bathe at its feet,
A rnde and mishapely chapel stands,
Built up in that wild by unskilled hands ;
Yet the traveller knows it a place of prayer,
For the holy sign of the cross is there ;
And should he chance at that place to be,
Of a Sabbath morn on some hallowed day,
Well might the traveller start to see
The tall dark forms that take their way
From the birch canoe on the river shore.
And the forest paths to that chapel door ;
And marvel to mark the naked knees,
And the dusky foreheads bending there,
And, stretching his long thin arms over these,
In* blessing and in prayer,
Like a shrouded spectre, pale and tall,
In his coarse white vesture, Father HALLE."
But now,
" No wigwam smoke is curling there ;
The very earth is scorched and bare ; ^
And they pause and listen to catch a sound *% .
Of breathing life, but there comes not one,
Save the fox's bark, and the rabbit's bound ;
And here and there on the blackening ground,
NOTE. Father Ralle was a missionary among the Abenaki's, in 1724. His mission
station was upon the Kennebec in Maine, near the village of Norridgewok. In the
war which the English and their Indian allies waged against the Abenakis, he was a
victim. When a hostile band approached his village of converts, he presented himself,
in hopes to save his flock ; but fell under a discharge of musketry. So says the Jesuit
Relations. Hutchinson says he shut himself up in a wigwam, from which he firedupon
the English. A cross and a rude monument marked the spot until 1833, when an
acre of land was purchased including the site of Ralle's church and his grave, and
over his grave a shaft erected twe'nty feet high, surmounted by a cross, in the presence
of a large concourse of people. Bishop Fenwick directed the ceremonies, and
delivered an address. Delegates from the Penobscot, Passamaquoddv, and Canada
Indians were present.
106 HISTORY OF THE
White bones are glistening in the sun,
And where the house of prayer arose,
And the holy hymn at daylight's close.
And the aged priest stood up to bless
The children of the wilderness,
There is nought save ashes sodden and dank,
And the birchen boats of the Norridgewok,
Tethered to tree and stump and rock,
Rotting along the river bank."
The Jesuits faded away with the decline, or end of French
dominion east of the Mississippi, in 1763. There is little beyond
such relics as are found of Father RALLE, (see preceding note,) to
mark their advent here. At the west, their presence can be but
dimly traced; the religion they inculcated exists among some of
the Indian tribes, but hardly sufficient to identify it; the rude cross
occasionally found at the head of an Indian grave, is perhaps as
distinct evidence as any that exists, (other than faithful records,) of
the early visit and long stay of the Catholic missionaries, upon the
borders of our western lakes, and in the upper vallies of the
Mississippi. Among the Indians of Western New York, all that
remains to mark the Jesuit missionary advent, is the form of the
cross in their silver ornaments.
How different has been the destiny of the Protestant advent
upon the shores of New England ! The Pilgrim Fathers cotem-
porary with the Jesuits, spread their faith among the natives,
with nearly as little success perhaps; but they maintained their
ground, became a part of the great fabric of religious and political
freedom that was rearing; their impress is indelibly stamped upon
our country and its institutions.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 107
CHAPTER III.
PROGRESS OF COLONIZATION, PROMINENT EVENTS CONNECTED WITH
IT, FROM 1627 TO 1763.
This embraces a period of one hundred and thirty-six years;
or, the entire French occupancy from the period of effectual
colonization under CHAMPLAIN upon the St. Lawrence, to that of
English conquest, and the end of French dominion east of the
Mississippi.
The long succession of interesting events; the details of the
French and Indian, and French and English wars; belong to our
general history. For the purposes of local history it will only
be necessary to embrace, with any considerable degree of minute-
ness, such portions of them as had a direct local relation.
But little success attended the first efforts of colonization upon
the St. Lawrence. Fourteen years after the founding of Quebec,
(in 1662) the population was reduced to fifty souls. The ill-success
was principally owing to the hostilities of the Iroquois; that had
been first excited by the unfortunate alliance of CJIAMPLAIN with
the Hurons; the rivalry between different interests in the fur trade;
and jarring and discord arising out of a mixed population of Catho-
lics and Protestants, who brought to the New World much of the
intolerance that characterized that period. Most of the colonists
were mere adventurers; more intent upon present gain, if indeed
most of them had any definite purposes beyond the freedom from
restraint, the perfect liberty that an ill-governed far off colony
offered to them; than upon any well regulated efforts at
colonization.
In order to adjust dissensions that existed in the colony, produce
harmony of effort, and generally, to strengthen the colonial enter-
prize, in 1627 Cardinal RICHELIEU organized what was called the
108 HISTORY OF THE
company of New France or, company of an Hundred Partners.
The primary object of the association, was the conversion of the
Indians to the Catholic faith, by the co-operation of the zealous
Jesuits; the secondary, an extension of the fur trade, of commerce
generally, and to discover a route to the Pacific ocean and China
through the great rivers and lakes of New France. This company
was invested not only with a monopoly of trade, but with a
religious monopoly; protestants and "other heretics" were entirely
excluded. An inauspicious commencement: monopoly and
bigotry went hand in hand. It was in the order of Providence that
neither, in whatever form they might assume, should have any
permanent success upon this side of the Atlantic.
The company stipulated to send to New France, three hundred
tradesmen, and to supply them with all necessary utensils for three
years; after which time they were to grant to each workman
sufficient land for his support, and grain for seed. The company
also stipulated to colonize the lands embraced in their charter,,
with six thousand inhabitants, before the year 1643, and to provide
each settlement with three Catholic priests, whom they were to
support for fifteen years. The cleared land was then to be granted
to the Catholic clergy for the maintenance of the church. Certain
prerogatives were at the same time secured to the king; such as
religious supremacy, homage as sovereign of the country, the right
of nominating commandants of the forts and the officers of justice,
and on each succession to the throne the acknowledgement of a
crown of gold weighing thirteen marks. The company had also
the right of conferring titles of distinction, some of which were
required to be confirmed by the king. The right to traffic in
peltries, and engage in other commerce, other than the cod and
whale fisheries, was at the same time granted in the charter. The
king presented the company two ships of war, upon condition that
the value should be refunded, if fifteen hundred French inhabitants
were not transported into the country in the first ten years. The
descendants of Frenchmen inhabiting New France, and all savages
who should be converted to the Catholic faith, were permitted to
enjoy the same privileges as natural born subjects; and all artificers
sent out by the company, who had spent six years in the French
colony, were permitted to return and settle in any town in France.
The design of the government, was to strengthen the claims of
France to territory in North America. The company, as was
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 109
afterwards demonstrated, designed to benefit themselves, through
the extension of the fur trade.
CHAMPLAIN was appointed Governor. For the first few years,
the colony, from various causes connected with its remote position
from the parent country; the hardships of the forest, and the hos-
tility of the Iroquois, suffered extremely, and was almost upon the
point of breaking down. Ships that had been sent out with sup-
plies had been captured by Sir DAVID KERTH, then in the employ-
ment of the British'Crown. The depredations of the Iroquois kept
the colony in check, diminished their numbers, and crippled their
exertions, until the year 1629, when the French adventurers were
involved in the deepest distress. KERTH who had succeeded in
cutting off several expeditions of supply vessels from France, and
finally reducing them almost to starvation, sailed up the St. Law-
rence and made an easy conquest of Quebec, on the 20th, July,
1629. In October following, CHAMPLAIN returned to France; most
of his company, however, having remained in Canada.
About this period, a peace was concluded between England and
France, by the treaty of St. Germaine. This restored to France,
Quebec, with its other possessions upon this continent. CHAMPLAIN
resumed the government of Canada. The Jesuits with their
accustomed zeal commenced anew their efforts; and from this
period to the final English conquests in 1759, a rivalship and
growing hostility, partly religious and partly commercial, took
place between the English and French colonists, which was
evinced by mutual aggressions, at some periods, while profound
peace existed between their respective sovereigns in Europe.
CHAMPLAIN in his return from France to resume his office of
governor, came with a squadron provided with necessary supplies
and armaments. A better organization of the colonial enterprise
was had; measures were adopted to reconcile existing difficulties,
growing out of the immoral principles of the emigrants, and to
prevent the introduction into the colony of any but those of fair
character.
NOTE. The colonization of New France, commenced but with little regard to the
character of the colonists. It was rather such as could be induced to come out, than
such as the Company would have preferred. The prisons and work houses of France,
a discharged soldiery, and those generally with whom no change could be for the worse,
formed a large portion of the early colonists. The Baron la Hontan, who came out to
Quebec in tie year 1633, speaks of this as well as all things that came under hia
observation, with much freedom: "Most of the inhabitants are a free sort of people
that removed hither from France and brought with them but little money to set up
no HISTORY OF THE
In 1635 a college of the order of Jesuits was established at
Quebec, which was of great advantage in improving the morals of
the people, that had grown to a state of open licentiousness.
At this period the colony suffered a great misfortune in the death
of CHAMPLAIN. "With a mind warmed Into enthusiasm by the
vast domain of wilderness that was stretched out before him, and
the glorious visions of future grandeur which its resources opened;
a man of extraordinary hardihood and the clearest judgment; a
brave officer and a scientific seaman; his keen forecast discerned,
in the magnificent prospect of the country which he occupied, the
elements of a mighty empire of which he had hoped to be founder.
With a stout heart and ardent zeal, he had entered upon the
project of colonization; he had disseminated valuable knowledge of
its resources by his explorations; and had cut the way through
hordes of savages, for the subsequent successful progress of the
French towards the lakes." *
During the administration of MONTNEAGNY, who succeeded
CHAMPLAIN, the colony made but little progress, except in the
extension of its trade in furs.
The religious institutions of the Jesuits about this period, w y ere
considerably augmented; a seminary was established at Sillery,
near Quebec; the convent of St. Ursula at Quebec, established by
Madame de la PELTRIE, a young widow of rank, who had engaged
several Sisters of the Ursulines at Tours, with whom she sailed
from Dieppe in a vessel which she chartered at her own expense.
withal. The rest are those who were soldiers about thirty or forty years ago, at which
time the regiment of Carigan was broken up." * * * "After this, several ships
were sent hither from France, with a cargo of women of an ordinary reputation. The
vestal virgins were heaped up, (if I may so speak), one above another, in three
different apartments, where the bridegrooms singled out their brides just as a butcher
does a ewe from amongst a flock of sheep. In these three seraglios there was such a
variety and change of diet as could satisfy the most whimsical appetites ; for here was
some big, some little, some fair, some brown, some fat and some meagre. In fine,
every one might be fitted to his mind: and indeed the market had such a run, that in
fifteen days time they were all disposed of. I am told that the fattest went off best,
under the apprehension that these being less active, would keep truer to their engage-
ments, and hold out better against the nipping cold of winter." * * * "In some
parts of the world to which vicious European women are transported, the mob of those
countries do seriously believe that their sins are so defaced by the ridiculous christening
I took notice of before, that they are looked upon ever after as ladies of virtue, of
honor, and untarnished conduct of life." * * * " After the choice was determined
the marriage was concluded upon the spot, in the presence of a priest and a public
notary ; and the next day the Governor General, bestowed upon the married couple, a
bull, a cow, a hog, a sow, a cock, a hen, two barrels of salt meat and eleven crowns."
* History of Illinois.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. Ill
A seminary of the order of St. Sulpicious was also founded at
Montreal.
The Company of New France came short of fulfilling their
charter. Little was done by them either to encourage the settle-
ment of the country, or for the advancement of agriculture, the
fur trade almost engrossing their attention. In the remote points
of the wilderness, forts of rude construction had been erected; but
these were merely posts of defence, or depots of the trade, the
dominions of which, at that early period, stretched through tracks
of wilderness large enough for kingdoms. The energies of the
colonists were cramped by the Iroquois, who hung like hungry
wolves around the track of the colonists, seeking to glut their
vengeance against the French by butchering the people, and plun-
dering the settlements whenever opportunities occurred.
In 1640 Montreal was selected to be the nearest rendezvous for
converted Indians. The event was celebrated by a solemn mass.
In August of the same year, in the presence of the French gath-
ered from all parts of Canada, and of the native warriors sum-
moned from the wilderness, the festival of the assumption was
solemnized on the Island itself. In 1647, the traders and mission-
aries had broken out from the St. Lawrence and advanced as far as
the shores of Lake Huron. Previous to 1666, trading posts were
established at Michillimackinac, Sault St. Marie, Green Bay,
Chicago, and St. Joseph.
The progress of the missionaries and traders was slow around
the shores of the western lakes. After one post was established,
it was in most instances the work of years to advance and occupy
another position. In 1665, Father CLAUDE ALLOUEZ entered the
great village of the Chippeways at the bay of Che-goi-me-gon
A council was convened at the time, to prepare for threatened
hostilities with the Sioux of the Mississippi. "The soldiers of
France,*' said ALLOCEZ, "will smooth the path between the Chip-
peways and Quebec, brush the pirate canoes from the intervening
rivers, and leave to the Five Nations, no alternative, but peace or
destruction/' The admiring savages, who then for the first time
looked upon the face of a white man, were amazed at the picture
he displayed of "hell and the last judgement/' He soon lighted
the Catholic torch at the council fires of more than twenty different
nations. The Chippeways pitched their tents near his cabin to
receive instruction. The Pottowotamies came hither from lake
112 HISTORY OF THE
Michigan, and invited him to their homes. The Sacs and Foxes
imitated their example, and the Illinois, diminished in numbers and
glory by repeated wars with the Sioux of the Mississippi on the
one hand, and the Iroquois, or Five Nations, armed with muskets,
on the other, came hither to rehearse their sorrows.
MARQUETTE was the pioneer beyond the lakes. He was early at
St. Mary's, with ALLOUEZ, assisting in the conversion of the
Indians, and in extending the influence of France. "He belonged
to that extraordinary class of men (the Jesuit missionaries,) who,
mingling happiness with suffering, purshased for themselves undy-
ing glory. Exposed to the inclemencies of nature and to savage
hostilities, he took his life in his hand and bade them defiance;
waded through water and through snows without the comfort of
a fire, subsisted on pounded maize, and was frequently without
food, except the unwholesome moss he gathered ^from the rocks.
He labored incessantly in the cause of his Redeemer slept with-
out a resting place, and travelled far and wide, but never without
peril. Still, said he, life in the wilderness has charms his heart
swelled with rapture as he moved over waters transparent as the
most limpid fountain. Living like a patriarch beneath his tent,
each day selecting a new site for his dwelling, which he erected in
a few minutes, with a never failing floor of green, inlaid with
flowers provided by nature; his encampment on the prairie resem-
bled the pillar of stones where JACOB felt the presence of God, the
venerable oaks around his tent the tree of Mamre, beneath
which ABRAHAM broke bread with the angels."*
The ministers of Louis the XIV. and COLBERT, with TALON, the
intendant of the colony, had formed a plan to extend the power of
France from sea to sea. A vague idea had been obtained from the
natives, that a great river flowed through the country beyond the
Lakes, in a southerly direction. MARQUETTE. selecting for his
companion, JOLIET, a citizen of Quebec, and for his guide, a young
Indian of the Illinois tribe, undertook the mission of its discovery.
Previous to his departure, a great council was held at St. Mary's.
Invitations were sent to all the tribes around and beyond the head
waters of lake Superior, even to the wandering hordes of the
remotest north; to the Pottawatomies at Green Bay, and to the
Miamis of Chicago. St. LUSAN appeared as the delegate of
* Brown's History of Illinois.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 113
France. "It was then announced to the assembled envoys of the
wild Republicans thus congregated together from the springs of
the St. Lawrence, the Mississippi, and the Red river, that they
were placed under the protection of Louis XIV. , the king of
France. ALLOUEZ acted as interpreter, and brilliantly clad officers
from the veteran armies of Europe, mingled in the throng. 'A
cross of red cedar was then raised, and the whole company bowing
before the emblem of man's redemption, chanted to its glory a
hymn of the seventh century;' and planting by its side a cedar
column on which were engraved the arms of the BOURBONS, it was
supposed that the authority and faith of France was permanently
united upon this continent." *
On the 10th of June, 1673, MARQUETTE and JOLIET, with five
Frenchmen as companions, transported upon their shoulders, across
the narrow passage which divides the Fox river of Green Bav
from the Wisconsin of the Mississippi, two bark canoes, and
launched them upon its waters. The Indians to whom MAR-
QUETTE had imparted his design, endeavored to dissuade him from
it " Those distant nations," they said, " never spare the stranger
the great river abounds with monsters which devour both men
and canoes." "I shall gladly," replied MARQUETTE, "lay down my
life for the salvation of souls." "The tawny savage, and the
humble missionary of JESUS, thereupon united in prayer."! " My
companion," said MARQUETTE," is an envoy of France to discover
new countries; and I am an embassador from God to enlighten
them with the gospel."
The party floated down the Wisconsin between alternate hills
and prairies, without seeing man, or the wonted beasts of the
forests, during which no sound broke the appalling silence, save
the ripple of their own canoes, and the lowing of the buffalo.
They entered the great " Father of waters," with a joy that
could not be expressed. After descending the Mississippi about
sixty leagues, they were attracted by a well beaten trail that came
down to the water's edge. Halting, and tracing it for six miles
they came to three Indian villages, on the banks of the Des
Moines. Entering one of them, four old men advanced bearing a
peace-pipe. "We are Illinois " f said they, and offered the calu-
* History of Illinois t Bancroft. { " We are men."
8
114 HISTORY OF THE
met. " An aged chief received them at his cabin with upraised
hands, exclaiming, 'how beautiful is the sun, Frenchmen, when
thou comest to visit us. Our whole village awaits thee; thou shall
enter in peace into all our dwellings.' And the pilgrims were
followed by the devouring gaze of an astonished crowd.
The party descended the Mississippi to the mouth of the
Arkansas, and returning, entered the mouth of the Illinois. Coming
up that river, they visited the villages upon its banks, the humility
and kind words of MARQUETTE conciliating and winning the favor
of their inhabitants. In all the different nations and tribes the
party had encountered in their long voyage, there was no demon-
strations of 'hostility, except at one village, low down in their route
on the western bank of the Mississippi. There, the natives
assembled, armed for war, and threatened an attack. "Now,"
thought MARQUETTE, "we must indeed ask the ajd of the virgin;"
but trusting rather to the potency of a peace-pipe, embellished
with the head and neck of brilliant birds, that had been hung round
his neck by the chieftain upon the Des Moines, he raised it aloft.
At the sight of the mysterious emblem, " God touched the hearts
of the old men, who checked the impetuosity of the young; and
throwing their bows and quivers into the canoes, as a token of
peace, they prepared a hospitable welcome."* The tribe of
Illinois, that inhabited its bank, entreated MARQUETTE to come and
reside among them. One of their chiefs, with their young men,
conducted the party by the way of Chicago to lake Michigan; and
before the end of September, all were safe in Green Bay.
Thus, MARQUETTE and JOLIET, with their few companions, were
the pioneer navigators of the Mississippi; above the mouth of the
Arkansas; f the first Europeans to tread the soil of Wisconsin,
Iowa, Illinois and Missouri. But it remained for another bold
NOTK. It is worthy of remark here, that most of these Indian nations of the West
hated and feared the Iroquois. The early French adventurers knew well how to profit
by this. With more of good policy than truth, they w r ere careful to represent them-
selves as the enemies of the Iroquois, and to add that the great captain of the French
had chastised the Five Nations and commanded peace. In these first villages of the
Illinois that Marquette and Joliet visited, a festival of fish, hominy, and the choicest
viands from the prairies was prepared for the messengers who brought the glad tidings
that the Iroquois had been subjugated.
* Jesuit Relations.
t Ferdinand De Soto, a Spanish adventurer, had in 1541, entered the mouth of
the Mississippi, and ascended it probably as far up as the mouth of the Arkansas.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 115
adventurer with more enlarged views; one who is identified
prominently with our immediate local history, to complete the
discovery.
And what an advent was that of the indefatigable Jesuit ! He
was highly educated, as were most of those of his order, that came
out to the unexplored regions of the New World. He was a lover
of nature in its rudeness, simplicity, beauty and grandeur. No
wonder, that floating down the majestic river; viewing its banks
upon either hand, their rich and variegated scenery; or up the
Illinois, catching glimpses of wide prairies, skirted with wood-lands
and carpeted with wild flowers, the buffalo and deer grazing and
sporting upon them; flocks of swan and ducks rising upon the wing,
or seeking shelter from the strangers in coves and inlets; that
he became an enthusiast; worshipped w r ith increased devotion the
Author of all things, to whose service he had dedicated himself;
mingled with his prayers and thanksgivings, his admiration of the
beautiful waters and landscapes that he was assisting to bring
within the pale of his church, and under the temporal dominion of
his king.
JOLIET returned to Quebec to announce the discoveries:
MARQUETTE remained to preach the gospel among the Miamis
who dwelt near Chicago. " Two years afterwards, sailing from
Chicago to Mackinac, he entered a little river in Michigan.
Erecting an altar, he said mass after the rites of the Catholic
Church; then begging the men who conducted his canoe to leave
him alone for half an hour;
1 in the darkling wood,
Amidst the cool and silence, he knelt down,
And offered to the Mightiest solemn thanks
And supplication."
At the end of the half hour, they went to seek him, and he was
no more ! The good missionary, discoverer of a world, had fallen
asleep on the margin of the stream that bears his name. Near its
mouth the canoe-men dug his grave in the sand. Ever after the
forest rangers, if in danger on lake Michigan, would invoke his
name. The people of the west will build his monument." *
The success of MARQUETTE and JOLIET was destined to confirm
* Bancroft.
116 HISTORY OF THE
another adventurer, in his previously half formed resolutions to
enter upon a broader and farther extended field of discovery; to
lead another to find an uninterrupted navigation through a chain of
lakes and rivers to the " country of the Illinois," and finally to
trace the " great river" they had discovered, to its source.
THE FIRST VESSEL UPON THE UPPER LAKES.
An event transpiring within our borders, upon the banks of the
Niagara, of so much local and general interest as the building and
launching of the first sail vessel that floated upon the waters of
lake Erie, demands especial notice, and more of minute detail than
can be bestowed generally upon events preceding the main objects
of this work. It was the pioneer advent of our vast inland
commerce, the sails of which are now spread out upon our long
chain of lakes and rivers, upon the borders and in the valleys of
which an Empire has sprung into existence ! A cdmmerce equal to
the export trade of the whole union, with foreign countries; its
principal mart, the "City of the Lakes," the young, the rapidly
advancing emporium of the great West, and Western New York.
Here, it will only be necessary to speak of the humble beginning
of all this; its first slow, and after rapid progress, will occupy
succeeding pages.
ROBERT CAVALIER DE LA SALLE, was a native of France, of
good family, of extensive learning, and possessed an ample fortune.
He renounced his inheritance by entering the seminary of the
Jesuits. After profiting by the discipline of their schools, and
obtaining their praise for purity and vigilance, he had taken his
discharge from their fraternity. With no companion but poverty,
but w T ith a boundless spirit of enterprise, about the year 1667, when
the attention of all France was directed towards this continent, the
young adventurer embarked for fame and fortune in the new
world. Established at first as a fur trader at La Chine, he
explored lake Ontario and ascended to lake Erie. Returning to
France in 1775, by the aid of Count FRONTENAC he obtained the
rank of nobility, and the grant of Fort Frontenac. now Kingston,
on condition of maintaining a post there. The grant was in fact
the concession of a large domain, and a monopoly of the traffic
with the Five Nations.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 117
" In the portion of the wilderness of which the young man was
proprietary, cultivated fields proved the fertility of the soil; his
nerd of cattle multiplied; groups of Iroquois built their cabins in the
environs; a few French settled under his shelter; a few Franciscans
now tolerated in Canada, renewed their missions under his
auspices; the noble forest invited the construction of log cabins and
vessels with decks; and no canoe-men in Canada could shoot a
rapid with such address as the pupils of LA SALLE."*
This was destined to be with him but a short stopping place;
" flocks and herds," a small spot in the wilderness converted to
rural civilized life, was not the climax of his ambition. He aspired
to higher achievments than to be the patron of a village, or a
trading post. The voyages of COLUMBUS, and a history of the
rambles of DE SOTO, were among the books he had brought with
him from home. When JOLIET returned from the west, after his
tour with MARQUETTE, he took Fort Frontenac in his way, and
spread the news of the brilliant discoveries they had made. LA
SALLE had caught from the Iroquois a glimpse of the Ohio and its
course, and some accounts of a new and hitherto undiscovered
country bordering upon it. He conceived the design of making it
the country of his prince. It was he who first proposed the union
of New France with the valley of the Mississippi, and suggested
their close connection by a line of military posts. He proposed
also to open the commerce of Europe to them both, and for that
purpose repaired to France.
By his earnest, bold enthusiasm, his tone of confidence in
ultimate success he made patrons of his enterprise, COLBERT, the
minister of Louis XIV., and at the instance of the Marquis de
SEIGNEILLY, COLBERT'S eldest son, he procured the exclusive right
of a traffic in buffalo skins and a commission for the discovery of
the Great River. The commission was as follows:
"LETTERS PATENT
GRASTZD BY THE KISG OF FRANCE TO THI SIECK DE LA SALLE, 05 THE 12ra OF HAT, 1678.
" Louis, by the grace of God, king of France and Xararre, to our dear and icell
beloved Robert Cazalier, Sieur de la Salle, greeting:
"We have received with favor the very humble petition which has been presented
to us in your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the western part of our
country of New France; and we have consented to this proposal the more willingly
because there is nothing we have more at heart than the discovery of this country,
through which it is probable that a passage mav be found to Mexico; and because your
* Bancroft.
118 HISTORY OF THE
diligence in clearing the land which we granted to you by the decree of our council of
the 13th of May, 1675, and by letters patent of the same date, to form habitations upon
the same lands, and to put Fort Frontenac in a good state of defence, the Seigniory and
government whereof we likewise granted to you; affords us every reason to hope that
you will succeed to our satisfaction, and to the advantage of our subjects of the said
country.
" For these reasons, and others thereunto moving us, we have permitted, and do
hereby permit you, by these presents, signed by our hand, to endeavor to discover the
western part of our country of New France ; and for the execution of this enterprise,
to construct forts wherever you shall deem it necessary; which it is our will you shall
hold on the same terms and conditions as Fort Frontenac, agreeably and conformably
to our said letters patent of the 13th of May, 1675, which we have confirmed as far as
is needful, and hereby confirm by these presents, and it is our pleasure that they be
executed according to their form aud tenure.
" To accomplish this, and every thing above mentioned, we give you full powers;
on condition however, that you shall finish this enterprise in five years, in default of
which their pursuits shall be void and of none effect; that you carry on no trade
whatever, with the savages called Outaouacs, and others, who bring their beaver skins
and other peltries to Montreal; and that the whole shall be done at your expense, and
that of your company to which we have granted the privilege of trade in buffalo skins.
And we call on Sieur de FRONTENAC our governor and lieutenant general, and on Sieur
de CHESNEAU, intendant of justice, policy and finance, and on the officers who compose
the supreme council in said country, to affix their signatures to these presents; for such
is our pleasure. Given at St. Germaine en Laye, this 12th day of May, 1678, and of
our reign the thirty-fifth.
[Signed] LOUIS.
COLBERT.
Accompanied by TONTI, an Italian, and Father HEXNEPIN, a
number of mechanics and mariners, with military and naval
stores, and goods for the Indian trade, he arrived at Fort Frontenac
in 1678. In the fall of that year, a wooden canoe of ten tons, the
first that ever entered the Niagara river, bore a part of his com-
pany to the foot of the rapids, at Lewiston. He established a
trading post upon the present site of Fort Niagara. The work of
ship-building was immediately commenced. The keel of a small
vessel of sixty tons burthen, was laid at the mouth of Cayuga
creek. *
* This locality has been questioned. Governor Cass, locates La Salle's ship yard at
Erie; Mr Bancroft at the mouth of the Tonawanda, or rather did so in his history of
the United States, In a letter to the author, dated London May 17th, 1848, he says:
"As to the ship building of La Salle above Niagara Falls, Mr. Catliii is quite con-
fident it took place upon the opposite or Canada side of the river. His local knowledge
is greater than mine, and his opinion merits the most respectful consideration." In
coming to this conclusion, Mr Catlin must have set aside the authority of Honnepin,
who was present and taking note of all that was passing at the time. He says the ship-
building was commenced "two leagues above the Falls." This to be sure does not
determine which side of the river it was; but it is determined in a portion of his journal
that follows, that the portage of these first adventurers was upon this side. After tho
vessel was built Hennepin went to Fort Frontenac, and returning to join his comrades
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 119
TOXTI and HEXXEPIX, venturing among the Senecas, established
relations of amity; while LA SALLE urged on the completion of
his vessel; gathering, at the same time, furs from the natives, and
sending on messengers with merchandize to trade for furs and
skins, and to apprise the Illinois of his intended visit, and prepare
the way for his reception.
" Under the auspices of LA SALLE, Europeans "first pitched a tent
at Niagara; it was he who in 1679, amid the salvo from his little
artillery, the chanting of the Te Deum, and the astonished gaze
of the Senecas. first launched a wooden vessel, a bark of sixty
tons, on the upper Niagara river, and in the Griffin, * freighted
with a colony of fur traders for the valley of the Mississippi, on
the 7th. day of August, unfurled a sail to the breezes of lake Erie."
The following is HEXXEPIX'S account of the advent of LA SALLE
upon the Niagara river, the building and launching of the Grif-
fin, &c. :
"On the 14th day of January, 1679, we arrived at our cabin at
Niagara, to refresh ourselves from the fatigues of our voyage.
We had nothing to eat but Indian corn. Fortunately, the white
fish, of which I have heretofore spoken, were just then in season.
This delightful fish served to relish our corn. We used the water
in which the fish were boiled in place of soup. When it grows
cold in the pot, it congeals like veal soup.
" On the 20th, I heard, from the banks where we were, the voice
of the Sieur de LA SALLE, who had arrived from Fort Frontenac t
in a large vessel. He brought provisions and rigging necessary
for the vessel we intended building above the great fall of Niagara,
near the entrance into lake Erie. But by a strange misfortune,
that vessel was lost through fault of the two pilots, who disagreed
as to the course.
" The vessel was wrecked on the southern shore of lakeOntario,*
ten leagues from Niagara. The sailors have named the place La
who had gone up with the vessel to the " mouth of lake Erie " they cast anchor " at
the foot of the tiiree mountains," and he speaks of the difficulty they had in ascending
the three mountains with their provisions, munitions of war, <tc. The three moun-
tains were evidently. first, the hijjh river bank at Lewiston; secondly, the distinct
offset which may be seen near the residencs of S. Scovel and thirdly, the upper ledge
could be cited. The place where the Griffin was built is clearly designated, and should
no longer be questioned.
* fn compliment to Count Frontenac whose armorial bearings were adorned by two
griffins, as supporters.
tNow Kingston.
120 HISTORY OF THE
Cap Enrage, (Mad Cap.) The anchors and cables were saved, but
the goods and bark canoes were lost. Such adversities would have
caused the enterprise to be abandoned by any but those who had
formed the noble design of a new discovery.
"The Sieur de LA SALLE informed us that he had been among
the Iroquois Senecas, before the loss of his vessel, that he had
succeeded so well in conciliating them, that they mentioned with
pleasure our embassy, which I shall describe in another place, and
even consented to the prosecution of our undertaking. This
agreement was of short duration, for certain persons opposed our
designs, in every possible way. and instilled jealousies into the
minds of the Iroquois. The fort, nevertheless, which we were
building at Niagara, continued to advance. But finally, the secret
influences against us were so great, that the fort became an object
of suspicion to the savages, and we were compelled to abandon its
construction for a time, and content ourselves with building a habi-
tation surrounded with palisades.
"On the 22d we went two leagues above the great falls of
Niagara, and built some stocks, on which to erect the vessel we
needed for our voyage. We could not have built it in a more
convenient place, being near a river which empties into the strait,
which is between lake Erie and the great falls. In all my travels
back and forth, I always carried my portable chapel upon my
shoulders.
" On the 26th, the keel of the vessel and other pieces being
ready, the Sieur de LA SALLE sent the master carpenter named
MOYSE, to request me to drive the first bolt. But the modesty
appropriate to my religious profession, induced me to decline the
honor. He then promised ten louis d'or for that first bolt, to stim-
ulate the master carpenter to advance the work.
" During the whole winter, which is not half as severe in this
country as in Canada, we employed in building bark huts one of the
two savages of the Wolf tribe, whom we had engaged for hunting
deer. I had one hut especially designed for observing prayers on
holidays and Sundays. Many of our people knew the Gregorian
chant, and the rest had some parts of it by rote.
" The Sieur de LA SALLE left in command of our ship yard
one TONTI, an Italian by birth, who had come to France after the
revolution in Naples, in which his father was engaged. Pressing
business compelled the former to return to Fort Frontenac, and I
conducted him to the borders of lake Ontario, at the mouth of the
river Niagara. While there he pretended to mark out a house for
the blacksmith, which had been promised for the convenience of
the Iroquois. I cannot blame the Iroquois for not believing all that
had been promised them at the embassy of the Sieur de LA
MOTTE.
"Finally the Sieur de LA SALLE undertook his expedition on foot
over the snow, and thus accomplished more than eighty leagues.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 121
He had no food, except a small bag of roasted corn, and even that
had failed him two days' journey from the fort Nevertheless he
arrived safely with two men and a dog which drew his baggage
on the ice.
" Returning to our ship yard, we learned that the most of the
Iroquois had gone to war beyond lake Erie, while our vessel was
being built Although those that remained were less violent, by
reason of their diminished numbers, still they did not cease from
coming often to our ship yard, and testifying their dissatisfaction at
our doings. Some time after, one of them, pretending to be drunk
attempted to kill our blacksmith. But the resistance which he met
with from the smith, who was named LA FORGE, and who wielded
a red hot bar of iron, repulsed him, and together with a reprimand
which I gave the villian, compelled him to desist. Some days
after, a squaw advised us that the Senecas were about to set fire
to our vessel on the stocks, and they would, without doubt, have
effected their object, had not a very strict watch been kept
" These frequent alarms, the fear of the failure of provisions, on
account of the loss of the large vessel from Fort Frontenac, and
the refusal of the Senecas to sell us Indian corn, discouraged our
carpenters. They were moreover enticed by a worthless fellow,
who often attempted to desert to New York, (*Youvelle Jorck,} a
place which is inhabited by the Dutch, who have succeeded the
Swedes. This dishonest fellow would have undoubtedly been suc-
cessful with our workmen, had I not encouraged them by exhorta-
tions on holidays and Sundays after divine service. I told them
that our enterpise had sole reference to the promotion of the glory
of God, and the welfare of our Christian colonies. Thus I stimu-
lated them to work more diligently in order to deliver us from all
these apprehensions.
"In the meantime the two savages of the Wolf tribe, whom we
had engaged in our service, followed the chase, and furnished us
with roe-bucks, and other kinds of deer, for our subsistence. By
reason of which our workmen took courage and applied themselves
to their business with more assiduity. Our vessel was consequently
soon in a condition to be launched, which was done, after having
been blessed according to our church of Rome. We were in
haste to get it afloat, although not finished, that we might guard it
more securely from the threatened fire,
"This vessel was named The Griffin, (Le Griffon] in allusion to
the arms of the Count de FRONTENAC, which have two Griffins for
their supports. For the Sieur de LA SALLE had often said of this
vessel, that he would make the Griffin fly above the crows. We
fired three guns, then sung the Te Deum, which was followed by
many cries of joy.
" The Iroquois who happened to be present, partook of our joy
and witnessed our rejoicings. We gave them some brandy to
122 HISTORY OF THE
drink, as well as to all our men, who slung their hammocks under
the deck of the vessel, to sleep in greater security. We then left
our bark huts, to lodge where we were protected from the insults
of the savages.
"The Iroquois having returned from their beaver hunt, were
extremely surprised to see our ship. They said we were the
Ot-kon, which means in their language, penetrating minds. They
could not understand how we had built so large a vessel in so short
a time, although it was but sixty tons burthen. We might have
called it a moving fort, for it caused all the savages to tremble,
who lived within a space of more than five hundred leagues, along
the rivers and great lakes.
" I now went in a bark canoe, with one of our savage hunters, to
the mouth of lake Erie. I ascended the strong rapids twice with
the assistance of a pole, and sounded the entrance of the lake. It
did not find them insurmountable for sails, as had been falsely
represented. I ascertained that our vessel, favored by a north or
northeast wind, reasonably strong, could enter the lake, and then
sail throughout its whole extent with the aid of its sails alone ; and
if they should happen to fail, some men could be put on shore and
tow it up the stream.
" Before proceeding upon our voyage of discovery, I was obliged
to return to Fort Frontenac, for two of our company to aid me in
my religious labors. I left our vessel riding at two anchors, about
a league and a half from lake Erie, in the strait which is between
that lake and the great falls. I embarked in a canoe with the Sieur
de CHARON, and a savage; we descended the strait towards the
great falls, and made the portage with our canoe to the foot of the
great rock of which we nave spoken, where we re-embarked and
descended to lake Ontario. We then found the barque which the
Sieur de la FOREST had brought us from Fort Frontenac.
"After a few days, which were employed by the Sieur de la
FOREST in treating with the savages, we embarked in the vessel,
having with us fifteen or sixteen squaws, who embraced the oppor-
tunity, to avoid a land passage of forty leagues. As they were
unaccustomed to travel in this manner, the motion of the vessel
caused them great qualms at the stomach, and brought upon us a
terrible stench in the vessel. We finally arrived at the river A-o-
ou-e-gwa* where the Sieur de la FOREST traded brandy for
beaver skins. This traffic in strong drink was not agreeable to me,
for if the savages drink ever so little, they are more to be dreaded
than madmen. Our business being finished, we sailed from the
southern to the northern shore of the lake, and, favored by fair
winds, soon passed the village which is on the other side of Keute
and Ganneousse. As we approached Fort Frontenac the wind
* Probably the Geneseo River.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 123
failed us, and I was obliged to get into a canoe with two young
savages, before I could come to land.
##**##
"A few days after, a favorable wind sprung up, and fathers
GABRIEL DE LA RIBOURDE, and ZENOBE MAMBRE, and myself,
embarked from Fort Frontenac in the brigantine. We arrived in
a short time at the mouth of the river of the Senecas, (Oswego
river.) which empties into lake Ontario. While our people went
to trade with the savages, we made a small bark cabin, half a
league in the woods, where we might perform divine service more
conveniently. In this way we avoided the intrusion of the sava-
ges, who came to see our brigantine, at which they greatly
wondered, as well as to trade for powder, guns, knives, lead, but
especially brandy, for which they are very greedy. This was the
reason why we were unable to arrive at the river Niagara before
the thirtieth day of July.
"On the 4th of August I went over land to the great falls of
Niagara with the sergeant, named LA FLEUR, and from thence to
our ship yard, which was six leagues from lake Ontario, but we did
not find there the vessel we had built. Two young savages slyly
robbed us of the little biscuit which remained for our subsistence.
We found a bark canoe, half rotten, and without paddles, which
we fitted up as well as we could, and having made a temporary
paddle, risked a passage in the frail boat, and finally arrived on
board our vessel, which we found at anchor a league from the
beautiful lake Erie. Our arrival was welcomed with joy. We
found the vessel perfectly equipped with sails, masts, and every
thing necessary for navigation. We found on board five small
cannon, two of which were brass, besides two or three arquebuses.
A spread griffin adorned the prow, surmounted by an eagle.
There were also all the ordinary ornaments, and other fixtures,
which usually adorn ships of war.
" The Iroquois, who returned from war with the prisoners taken
from their enemies, were extremely surprised to see so large a
vessel, like a floating castle, beyond their five cantons. They
came on board, and were surprised beyond measure, to find we
had been able to carry such large anchors through the rapids of
the river St. Lawrence. This obliged them to make frequent use
of the word gannoron, which, in their language signifies, how
wonderful. As there were no appearances of a "vessel when they
went to war, they were greatly astonished now to see one entirely
furnished on their return, more than 250 leagues from the habita-
tions of Canada, in a place where one was never seen before.
"I directed the pilot not to attempt the ascent of the strong
rapids at the mouth of lake Erie until further orders. On the
16th and 17th, we returned to the banks of lake Ontario, and
ascended with the barque we had brought from Fort Frontenac,
124 HISTORY OF THE
as far as the great rock of the river Niagara. We there cast
anchor at the foot of the three mountains, where we were obliged
to make the portage caused by the great falls of Niagara, which
interrupt the navigation.
/ " Father GABRIEL, who was sixty-four years old, underwent all
the fatigues of this voyage, and ascended and descended three
/ times the three mountains, which are very high and steep at the
place where the portage is made. Our people made many trips,
to carry the provisions, munitions of war, and other necessaries,
for the vessel. The voyage was painful in the extreme, because
there were two long leagues of road each way. It took four men
to carry our largest anchor, but brandy being given to cheer them,
the work was soon accomplished, and we all returned together to
the mouth of lake Erie.
******
" We endeavored several times to ascend the current of the
strait into lake Erie, but the wind was not yet strong enough.
We were therefore obliged to wait until it should be more
favorable.
" During this detention, the Sieur de LA SALLE employed our
men in preparing some ground on the western side of the strait of
Niagara, where we planted some vegetables for the use of those
who should come to live in this place, for the purpose of keeping
up a communication between the vessels, and maintaining a corres-
pondence from lake to lake. We found in this place some wild
chervil and garlic, which grow spontaneously.
I" We left father MELITHON at the habitation we had made above
- ? the great falls of Niagara, with some overseers and workmen.
Our men encamped on the bank of the river, that the lightened
vessel might more easily ascend into the lake. We celebrated
divine service on board every day, and our people, who remained
on land, could hear the sermon on holidays and Sundays.
" The wind becoming strong from the northeast, we embarked,
to the number of thirty-two persons, with two of our order who
had come to join us. The vessel was well found with arms,
provisions and merchandise, and seven small cannon.
"The rapids at the entrance into the lake are very strong.
Neither man, nor beast, nor ordinary bark can resist them. It is
therefore almost impossible to stem the current. Nevertheless,
we accomplished it, and surmounted those violent rapids of the
river Niagara by a kind of miracle, against the opinion of even
our pilot himself. We spread all sail, when the wind was strong
enough, and, in the most difficult places, our sailors threw out tow
lines, which were drawn by ten or twelve men on shore. We
thus passed safely into lake Erie.
"We set sail on the 7th of August, 1679, steering west south
west. After having chanted the Te Deum, we fired all the cannon
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 125
and arquebuses in presence of many Iroquois warriors, who had
brought captives from Tintonha, that is to say, from the people of
the prairies, who live more than 400 leagues from their cantons.
We heard these savages exclaim, gannoron, in testimony of their
wonder.
"Some of those who saw us did not fail to report the size of
our vessel to the Dutch at New York, (JVouvelle Jorck), with
whom the Iroquois carry on a great traffic in skins and furs; which
they exchange for fire arms, and blankets, to shelter them from
the cold.
" The enemies of our great discovery, to defeat our enterprises,
had reported that lake Erie was full of shoals and banks of sand,
which rendered navigation impossible. We therefore did not omit
sounding, from time to time, for more than twenty leagues, during
the darkness of the night.
"On the 8th, a favorable wind enabled us to make about forty-
five leagues, and we saw almost all the way, the two distant shores,
fifteen or sixteen leagues apart. The finest navigation in the
world, is along the northern shores of this lake. There are three
capes, or long points of land, which project into the lake. We
doubled the first, which we called after St. Francis.
"On the 9th, we doubled the two other capes, or points of land,
giving them a wide berth. We saw no islands or shoals on the
north side of the lake, and one large island, towards the southwest,
about seven or eight leagues from the northern shore, opposite the
strait which comes from lake Huron.
"On the 10th, early in the morning, we passed between the
large island, which is toward the southwest, and seven or eight
small islands, and an islet of sand, situated towards the west. We
landed at the north of the strait, through which lake Huron is
discharged into lake Erie.
"Aug. 11. We sailed up the strait and passed between two
small islands of a very charming appearance. This strait is more
beautiful than that of Niagara. It is thirty leagues long, and is
about a league broad, except about half way, where it is enlarged,
forming a small lake which we call Sainte Claire, the navigation of
which is safe along both shores, which are low and even.
" This strait is bordered by a fine country and fertile soil. Its
course is southerly. On its banks are vast meadows, terminated
by vines, fruit trees, groves and lofty forests, so arranged that we
could scarcely believe but there were country seats scattered
through their beautiful plains. There is an abundance of stags,
deer, roe-oucks and bears, quite tame and good to eat, more
delicious than the fresh pork of Europe. We also found wild
turkeys and swans in abundance. The high beams of our vessel
were garnished with multitudes of deer, which our people killed in
the chase.
"Along the remainder of this strait, the forests are composed of
126 HISTORY OF THE
walnut, chestnut, plum and pear trees. Wild grapes also abound,
from which we made a little wine. There are all kinds of wood
for building purposes. Those who will have the good fortune some
day to possess the beautiful and fertile lands along this strait, will
be under many obligations to us, who have cleared the way, and
traversed lake Erie for a hundred leagues of a navigation before
unknown."
The Griffin cast anchor in Green Bay. After being freighted
with a rich cargo of furs, it started upon its return voyage. From
the period of its departure, no tidings ever came of the vessel or
crew. Capricious and dangerous as the navigation of the lakes
has since proved; especially in the advanced season of navigation
at which the Griffin must have attempted a return; there is little
wonder that the small craft, imperfectly built as she must have
been, with the stinted means that the bold projector could only
have had, met with the fate that in after years of more perfect
architecture, and experience in lake navigation, so many others
have been subjected to.
Change, progress and improvement, will meet us at every step in
tracing our local history; prompting to a halt, and a comparison
of the present with the past; but not often as urgently as here.
This was the humble beginning of our lake commerce. Here,
upon the banks of the Niagara, were a small band of adventurers,
headed, cheered on and encouraged by one who was in advance
of his own age should have belonged to this. How abstracted
from the then civilized world, were these primitive ship builders !
A vast unexplored wilderness, a broad expanse of waters, of lakes
and rivers, their surfaces as yet undisturbed but by the bark canoes
of the natives, lay before them; behind, but a feeble colony of their
countrymen who were hardly able to protect themselves from a
stealthy foe that had rejected overtures of peace with their pale
faced stranger visitors. In mid winter, with but stinted facilities,
NOTE. The translation is by O. H. Marshall of Buffalo. It first appeared in the
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, in 1845, and is copied by Mr. Schoolcraft in his notes
on the Iroquois. It is from the French edition of Hennepin, published at Amsterdam
in 1698. The original text is regarded as the best that has reached this country; the
only reliable one in fact; and the faithfulness of the translation is fully guaranteed by
the integrity and literary qualifications of the translator. The interest derived from the
perusal of the early French Jesuits aud travellers, is much increased by having their
own fresh and vivid impressions detailed in their own words. This consideration, in
connection with the fact that Hennepin's account has not heretofore been published in
any form to render it generally accessible, induces the author to give it entire, omitting
only a few paragraphs that have no necessary relation to the main subject
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 127
they erected for themselves cabins and commenced the work of
ship building ! When the difficult work was consummated, the frail
bark launched, their sails set to catch the breeze, they knew not to
what disturbed waters and inhospitable shores it would carry them.
They had witnessed the hostile demonstrations of the Iroquois, and
had no warrant that the nations they were to meet in their new track
would be any better reconciled to their further advance. They
had but dim lights to guide them. They saw and heard the rush
of waters; the earth beneath their pilgrim feet, as they threaded
the dark forest that lay between their "place of ship building ? ' and
the "three mountains," trembled with the weight and descent of
the mighty volume. And yet they knew little of the vast sources
from which such an aggregate proceeded. They had the glimpses
of the '-Great River' that MARQUETTE and JOLIET had given them,
but knew not where it mingled with the ocean. Theirs was the
mission to first traverse our great chain of lakes and rivers; to pass
over the dividing lands, strike a tributary of the Mississippi, and
pursue that river to the Gulf of Mexico. Theirs, the first Euro-
pean advent that extended across from the northern to the southern
shores of the Atlantic. One hundred and thirty nine years ago, the
Griffin set out upon its voyage, passed up the rapids of the Niagara,
and unfurled the first sail upon the waters of the Upper Lakes.
Intrepid navigator and explorer! High as were hopes and
ambition that could alone impel him to such an enterprise; far-
seeing as he was; could the curtain that concealed the future
from his view, have been raised, his would have been the excla-
mation;
" Visions of glory spare my achiug sight ;
Ye unborn ages rush not on my soul I"
He deemed himself but adding to the nominal dominions of his ki
o
but opening a new avenue to the commerce of his country;
founding a prior claim to increased colonial possessions. He was
pioneering the way for an empire of freemen, who, in process of
time, were to fill the valleys he traversed; the sails of whose
commerce were to whiten the vast expanse of waters upon which
he was embarking !
How often, when reflecting upon the triumphs of steam naviga-
tion. do we almost wish that it were admitted by the dispensations
of Providence, that FULTON could be again invested with mortality,
128 HISTORY OF THE
and witness the mighty achievments of his genius. Akin to this
would be the wish that LA SALLE could rise from his wilderness
grave in the far off south, and look out upon the triumphs of
civilization and improvement over the vast region he was the first
to explore.
Ours is a country whose whole history is replete with daring
enterprises and bold adventures. Were we prone, as we should be,
durably to commemorate the great events that have marked our
progress, here and there, in fitting localities, more monuments
would be raised as tributes due to our history and the memory of
those who have acted a conspicuous part in it. Upon the banks of
our noble river, within sight of the Falls, a shaft from our quarries
would soon designate the spot where the Griffin was built and
launched; upon its base, the name of LA SALLE, and a brief
inscription that would commemorate the pioneer advent of our
vast and increasing lake commerce.
On his way up, LA SALLE, while passing through the " verdant
Isles of the majestic Detroit," had debated planting a colony upon
its banks; and he had planted a trading house at Mackinaw. After
the Griffin had left, with the portion of his company he had retain-
ed, in bark canoes, he ascended to the head of lake Michigan, or
rather, to the mouth of the St. Joseph, where ALLOUEZ had
preceded him and gathered a village of the Miamis. Anticipating
the return of his ill-fated vessel, he remained and added to the
small beginning that had been made there, a trading house with
pallisades, which was called the fort of the Miamis. Despairing
of the return of the Griffin, leaving ten men to guard the fort,
with HENNEPIN, two other missionaries, TONTI and about thirty
followers, he ascended the St. Joseph, descended the Kankakee to
its mouth, reaching an Indian village near Ottawa. From thence
he descended the Illinois as far as lake Peoria, where he met large
parties of Indians, who, desirous of obtaining axes and fire-arms,
offered him the calumet and agreed to an alliance. Of the Griffin
no tidings came; his men deeming their leader ruined by its loss,
grew discontented. LA SALLE, who never desponded, exerted all
his means to revive their hopes. "Our strength and safety" said
he, "is in our union. Remain with me till spring and none shall
remain thereafter, except from choice." He commenced building a
fort. Thwarted by destiny, in allusion to his misfortunes, he called
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 129
it Creve Coeur.* He despatched HEXXEPIX to explore the Upper
Mississippi, and renewed the unlucky business of ship building.
HEXXEPIX, with two companions, ascended the Mississippi, to the
Falls which he named St. Anthony, as a tribute due to ST.
AXTHOXY of Padua, whose protection and guidance he had invoked
when starting on his expedition. On a tree near the cataract he
engraved the cross and the arms of France, and by the way of
the Wisconsin and Fox rivers returned to the French mission at
Green Bay. What wanderers ! Even now, in 1848, when steam
boats in fleets, are upon the Lakes and the Mississippi, and canals
and rail-roads are in their vallies, a visit to the Falls of St. Anthony
is more than an ordinary adventure.
LA SALLE set his men to sawing "trees into plank," and in
March, with three companions, set off on foot for Fort Frontenac
to procure recruits, and sails and cordage for the vessel that was
going upon the stocks. Taking the ridge of high lands which divide
the basin of the Ohio from that of the Lakes, the small party, with
" skins to make moccasins, a musket and pouches of powder and
shot, trudged through thickets and forests, waded through marshes
and melting snows; without drink except water from the brooks,
without food except supplies from the gun." Arriving at Fort
Frontenac, which still acknowledged him for its lord, additional sup-
plies were at once furnished, and new adventurers flocked to his
standard. With these he returned to the garrison he had left on
the Illinois.
There he found little to revive the spirits which must have been
dead within him, if he had been a man of ordinary mould. A
party of Iroquois had descended the river, attacked the Fort, mas-
sacred the aged Franciscan Father RIBOURDE, and obliged TOXTI
and a few others, to flee to the Pottowattomies on lake Michigan
for protection; LA SALLE and his companions repaired to Green
Bay, recommenced trade, and established a friendly intercourse
with the natives; found TOXTI and his party, embarked from
thence, left Chicago on the 4th of January, 1682, and after build-
ing a spacious barge on the Illinois river, in the early part of that
year, descended the Mississippi to the sea. On his way he raised
a cabin on the Chickasaw Bluff, a cross at the mouth of the Arkan-
* Crave Coeur: The Fort of the Broken Hearted.
130 HISTORY OF THE
sas, and planted the arms of France near the gulf of Mexico. He
claimed the country for France, and called it Louisiana.
He returned to France in 1683, and reporting to his government
his brilliant discoveries, preparations were made to supply him with
ample means for colonization; and in July, 1684, he sailed with a
fleet of four vessels, for the Mississippi; on board of which were
one hundred soldiers, six missionaries, "mechanics of various skill,"
and young women.
The sequel is a chapter of disasters: The colonists were badly
selected; the mechanics "ill versed in their arts;" the soldiers,
"spiritless vagabonds without discipline or experience;" the volun-
teers, generally rash adventurers, having "indefinite expectations;"
so says JOUTEL, the military commander, and faithful historian of
the expedition. BEAUJEAU, the naval commander, was deficient in
judgment, unfit for his station, envious, proud, self-willed and self-
conceited; incapable of any sympathy with the magnanimous
heroism of LA SALLE. The fleet sailing as often wrong as right;
(LA SALLE always right, but opposed by his naval commander;)
after a tedious voyage of five months, reached, instead of its
destination, the Bay of Matagorda in Texas. Here the store ship
was wrecked by the careless pilot; the ample stores provided by
the munificence that marked the plans of Louis XIV., lay scattered
on the sea. LA SALLE obtained boats from the fleet, and by great
efforts saved a part of the stores for immediate use. To heighten
their distress, the natives came down from the interior to plunder
the wreck, and two of the soldiers, or volunteers, were slain.
The fleet returned, taking with it many who were tired of the
expedition, and deserted. " There remained upon the beach of
Matagorda, a desponding company of about two hundred and
thirty souls, huddled together in a fort constructed with the frag-
ments of their ship-wrecked vessel, having no hopes but in the
constancy and elastic genius of LA SALLE."* A shelter was built
at the head of the bay a rude fortification, which was called St.
Louis; LA SALLE himself marking the beams and tenons. He
took possession of the country in the name of his king. It was
this that made Texas a province of France, or a part of Louisiana.
As soon as the encampment was completed, LA SALLE started
* Bancroft.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 131
with a party in canoes, to seek the mouth of the Mississippi.
After an absence of four months, and the loss of fourteen of his
followers, he returned in rags, having entirely failed in his object.
Spending most of the year 1686, with twenty companions in New
Mexico, enticed there by the brilliant fictions of the rich mines of
St. Barbe, the El Dorado of Northern Mexico. He found there
no mines, but a " country unsurpassed in beauty and fertility.*'
Returning to his colony in Texas, he found it diminished to about
forty; among whom, "discontent had given place to plans of
crime." Leaving twenty of them to maintain the fort, he started
with sixteen on foot to return to Canada for the purpose of
getting farther recruits and means to prosecute enterprises not
yet abandoned, though so often thwarted. No Spanish settlement
was nearer than Pamico no French settlement, than Illinois.
"With wild horses obtained from the natives to transport his
baggage, he followed the track of the buffalo, pasturing his horses
at night upon the prairie; ascended streams of which he had never
yet heard marched through groves and plains of surpassing
beauty, amid herds of deer, and droves of buffaloes; now fording
the rapid torrent, now building a bridge by throwing some
monarch of the forest across the stream, till he had passed the
basin of the Colorado, and reached a branch of the Trinity river."*
Of his company was DUHAUT and L'ARCHIVEQUE. The former
had long shown a spirit of mutiny. " The base malignity of disap-
pointed avarice,*'(they had both embarked capital in the enterprise.)
"maddened by suffering, and impatient of control, awakened the
fiercest passions of ungovernable hatred. Inviting MORANGET +
to take charge of the fruits of a buffalo hunt, they quarrelled with
him, and murdered him. Wondering at the delay of his return,
LA SALLE, on the 20th of March, w r ent to seek him. At the brink
of a river, he saw eagles hovering, as if over a carrion; and he fired
an alarm gun. Warned by the sound, DUHAUT and L'ARCHIVEQUE
crossed the river; the former skulked in the prairie grass; of the
latter, LA SALLE asked: 'where is my nephew?' At the moment
of the answer, DUHAUT fired; and without uttering a word, LA
SALLE fell dead! 'You are down now, grand Bashaw! you are
down now!' shouted one of the conspirators, as they despoiled his
* Bancroft. t The nephew of La Salle.
132 HISTORY OF THE
remains, which were left on the prairie, naked and without burial,
to be devoured by wild beasts." *
Thus perished the pioneer navigator of our lakes, the father of
colonization in the great central valley of the west, ROBERT
CAVALIER DE LA SALLE ! Well did he merit the eulogy bestowed
upon his memory, by the accomplished historian, (Mr. BANCROFT,)
who has given him and his achievements, his successes and his
reverses, a conspicuous place in our national annals. "For force
of will and vast conceptions; for various knowledge and quick
adaptation of his genius to untried circumstances; for a sublime
magnanimity, that resigned itself to the will of Heaven, and yet
triumphed over affliction by energy of purpose, and unfaltering
hope, he had no superior over his countrymen."
Retribution in part was at hand. DUHAUT and another of the
conspirators, attempting afterwards to convert to their use an
unequal share of the spoils, were themselves murdered, and their
reckless associates joined the savages. JOUTEL, who commanded
the expedition, the nephew of LA SALLE, and four others, procured
a guide and sought the Arkansas. They reached a beautiful
country above the Red river, and afterward, with the exception of
one only, who was drowned while bathing in a river, they all
reached the Mississippi in safety, on the 24th of July, 1687. Upon
its banks they discovered a cross, and near it a cabin occupied by
four of their countrymen. TONTI, the faithful companion of LA
SALLE, had descended the river in search of his friend. Failing to
find him, he had erected the cross and cabin, and left the men that
JOUTEL found there, to guard them. On the 14th of September
* Joutel.
NOTE, The account of Hennepin differs from that of Joutel. It is as follows:
"He, (La Salle,) was accompanied by Father Anastasi, and two natives who had
served him as guides. After travelling about six miles, they found the bloody cravat of
Saget, (one of La Salle's men,) near the bank of the river, and at the same time, two
eagles were hovering over their heads, as if attracted by food on the ground. La Salle
fired his gun, which was heard by the conspirators on the other side of the river.
Duhaut and L'Archiveque immediately crossed over at some distance in advance.
La Salle approached, and, meeting the latter, asked for Moranget, and was answered
vaguely that he was along the river. At that moment Duhaut, who was concealed in
the high grass, discharged his musket and shot him through the head. Father Anastasi
was standing by his side and expected to share the same fate,, till the conspirators told
him they had no design upon his life. La Salle survived- about an hour, unable to
speak, but pressing the hand of the good father, to signify that he understood what was
said to him. The same kind friend dug his grave, buried him, and erected a cross
over his remains."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 133
they reached the head quarters of TOXTI, in Illinois, and soon after
passed through Chicago to Quebec, and from thence to France.
Little is known of the after life of TOXTI beyond what is gather-
ed from a petition signed by him, and addressed to the French
minister of Marine, in 1690. In that he asks for the command of
a company to embark again in the service of . his country, and
recounts the services he had already rendered. He says that he
remained at the Fort in Illinois till 1684, where he was attacked by
two hundred Iroquois, whom he repulsed, with great loss on their
side: that after spending a year in Quebec, under the orders of
M. de la BARRE, he returned to Illinois, and in 1686, in canoes,
with forty men, he descended the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico,
in search of LA SALLE. Returning to Quebec, he put himself
under the orders of DE NOXVILLE, and was with him at the head
of a band of Indians and a company of Canadians, at the battle
with the " Tsonnonthouans," ( Senecas, ) where he forced an
ambuscade. Q^T 3 See account that follows, of DE NOXVILLE' s
expedition to Irondequoit Bay, and battle with the Senecas.
That he went again to Illinois in 1689, and again in search of
LA SALLE' s colony, but was deserted by his men, and unable to
execute his designs. The petition is endorsed by Count FROXTE-
NAC, who says: "Nothing can be truer than the account given
by the Sieur de TOXTI in his petition."
NOTE. La Salle, and the early Jesuits supposed the Griffin was driven ashore in a
gale, the crew murdered by the Indians, and the vessel plundered. Such was
undoubtedly the fact, and the author is enabled to fix with a considerable degree of
certainty, upon the spot where this occurred. In the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser
of January 26th, 1848, there is a communication from James W. Peters, of East Evans,
Erie county, in which he says: " Some thirty-five or forty years ago, on the Ingersoll
farm, in Hamburgh, a short distance below the mouth of the Eighteen Mile Creek,
and on the summit of the high banks, in the woods, was found by the Messrs.
Ingersoll, a large quantity of wrought iron, supposed to be seven or eight hundred
weight It was evidently taken off a vessel. It was of superior quality, much eaten
by die rust, and sunk deep in the soil. A large tree had fallen across it, which was
rotted and mixed with the earth. There were trees growing over the iron from six to
twelve inches in diameter, which had to be grubbed up before all the iron could be got
Some twenty-six or seven years since, a man by the name of Walker, immediately
after a heavy blow on the Lake, found on the beach near where the irons were found,
a cannon, and immediately under it a second one. I saw them not forty-eight hours
after they were found. They were very much destroyed by ag-e and rust filled up
with sand and rust I cleared off enough from the breach of one to lay a number of
letters bare. The words were French, and so declared at the time. The horns, or
trunions, were knocked off." In a letter from the venerable David Eddy, of Ham-
burgh, to the author, received while this work was going to press, he says that in the
primitive settlement of that region in 1805, there was found upon the lake shore,
where a large body of sand and gravel had been removed during a violent gale, a
" beautiful anchor." It was taken to Buffalo and Black Rock, excited a good deal of
curiosity at the time, but no one could determine to what vessel it had belonged.
134 HISTORY OF THE
The expedition of LA SALLE traced to its disastrous and fatal
termination; the western lake region, and the whole valley of the
Mississippi, added to the dominions of France; let us return to the
region of western New York, the banks of the St. Lawrence, to
colonization under English auspices, advancing in this direction
from the northern Atlantic coast.
Previous to the building of the Griffin, LA SALLE had "enclosed
with pallisades a little spot at Niagara." This was the first blow
struck, the first step taken as an earnest of occupation by Euro-
peans, in all the region of New York west of Schenectady, if we
except the short stay of the Jesuits, and perhaps some mission
stations they may have established upon the Mohawk, and in the
vicinity of Onondaga lake. It is to be presumed that the post at
Niagara was after this, with but little intermission, used as a par-
tially fortified trading station, until it was finally made a French
garrison and occupied by 'an armed force.
The French continued to extend their establishments. Following
the track of MARQUETTE and LA SALLE, they soon occupied
prominent points in the upper vallies of the Mississippi, in what is
now Illinois, Wisconsin and Iowa. The Hurons of Canada were
their fast allies. They conciliated and won the favor of all the
Indian nations around the western lakes, except the Foxes and
Ottagamis, who dwelt principally in that part of Michigan which
lies upon Detroit river. " It was the studied policy of the French
to secure the good will of the natives. The French explorers,
traders and missionaries, advanced to their remotest villages in the
prosecution of their several objects. They lodged with them in
their camps, attended their councils, hunting parties and feasts;
paid respects to their .ceremonies, and were joined in the closer
bonds of blood. The natural pliancy of the French character led
them into frequent and kind associations with the savages, while
the English were cold and forbidding in their manners. Besides,
the Jesuit missionaries exerted no small influence in strengthening
the friendship of the Indians. They erected little chapels in their
territory, carpeted with Indian mats and surmounted by the cross;
took long journeys through the wilderness, performed the ceremo-
There is no record of any vessel being wrecked here previous to 1805. The French
and the English vessels were few upon the lakes, numbering not more than two or
three at any one time. A record of the loss of one at a later period than that of the
advent of La Salle, would in all probability have been preserved. May we not well
conclude that the iron, the cannon, and the anchor, were those of the Griffin ?
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 135
nies of their church in long black robes, and showed their paintings
and sculptured images, which the savages viewed with superstitious
awe. Added to all this, they practiced all the offices of kindness
and sympathy for the sick, and held up the crucifix to the fading
vision of many a dying neophyte." *
But the French had but partial success with the proud, warlike,
self-dependent Iroquois. The relation between them and the Five
Nations, was never one of perfect amity, though they were at
times on good terms with the Senecas, and had missions and tra-
ding establishments with the Onondagas. The acquaintance had
an untoward commencement as we have seen. CHAMPLAIX. in his
unfortunate alliance with a foe of their own race, had shown them
the use of fire-arms. The Dutch and English supplied them with
the new weapons. It not only enabled them to push their conquests
over the Indian nations of the west, but helped them to stand out
against the French and resist their inroads into their territories.
The Iroquois, from the first European advent to this country, did
not view the visitors with favor. They seemed to have had a
clearer view by far, than other Indian nations of North America, of
the ultimate tendency of it, and its fatal result to their race. Their
first position was one of independence; a refusal to be allies of
either the French, Dutch or English: "We may guide the English
to our lakes. We are born free. We neither depend on OXXOXDIO
or CORLEAR." This was the tone and bearing of a Seneca
chief, in reply to some complaints of the French Governor, in" 1684.
But the Dutch, to secure their trade, aided them to arm against
the French, and maintained for the period they held dominion upon
the Hudson, with but slight exceptions, a friendly relation, which
the English, their successsors, inherited, and by every means in
their power, assiduously cultivated, for the two-fold purpose of
securing their trade, and preventing French encroachments upon
what they regarded English territory. "The Dutch" said they,
"are our brethren; with them we keep but one council fire. We
are united by a covenant chain. We have always been as one
flesh. If the French come from Canada, we will join the Dutch
nation and live or die with them. With the English and French
the contest was for territorial dominion and Indian trade, and the
English early saw the advantages that would accrue to them from
* History of Illinois.
136 HISTORY OF THE
keeping the Iroquois in close alliance. As the Iroquois were at
war with almost all other Indian nations, those other nations saw
their advantage in having the protection of the French, who lost no
opportunity of impressing upon them exalted ideas of the power of
their king and country, of their ability not only to stay the march
of conquest of the Iroquois, to throw a shield around those of
their own race they had persecuted and oppressed; but also to
humble the pretensions of the English.
The Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas, who for a time had been
influenced by the Jesuits, to occupy something like a neutral
position, in 1689 met the governors of New York and Virginia at
Albany, and pledged to them peace and alliance. "Although
England and France for many years after, sought their alliance
with various success, when the grand division of parties through-
out Europe was effected, the Bourbons found in the Iroquois impla-
cable opponents: and in the struggle that afterwards ensued
between England and France, they were allies of the former, and
their hunting grounds were transformed into battle fields. Wes-
tern New York, it would seem, was severed from Canada by the
valor of the Mohawks," * or rather the author should have said, it
was never but partially under the dominion of France, for the
reason that the Seneca Iroquois, whose territory it was, were never
their allies; never acknowledged any French sovereignty.
The Marquis d'ARGENsoN was appointed Governor General of
New France in 1658. The condition of the colony continued to
be much depressed. In addition to the bad working of the colo-
nial system under the auspices of the Company, the Iroquois grew
more and more irreconcilable to French encroachment; more and
more determined to uproot the French from this quarter of the
continent. Hostile bands hung upon the borders of the French
settlements upon the St. Lawrence.
In 1661 the Governor was recalled on account of ill-health, and
the Baron d'AvAxcouR, a man of extraordinary energy, was
appointed in his place. Encouraging the king by his representa-
tions of the advantages in prospect in the new country, four
hundred new troops were sent out. But for this timely assistance,
it is supposed that the Iroquois would have executed their threat
of an extermination of the French.
* History of Illinois.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 137
In 1664, the company of New France surrendered their charter.
Its privileges were transferred to the Company of the West Indies,
under whose auspices a better system of government was organ-
ized. Reinforcements arrived from the West Indies, and a number
of officers, to whom had been granted lands with the rights of
seigneurs, settled in the colonies. Forts were erected on the
principal streams in Canada, where it was thought necessary to
keep the Iroquois in check. In 1668 the affairs of New France
seemed much improved. Count FRONTEXAC, a nobleman of
distinguished family, a man of energy and arbitrary will, was soon
after invested with the office of home administrator of the affairs
of the French colonies. He made extraordinary efforts to
develope the resources of the country, and build up the scattered
colonial establishments. In 1683, however, such had been the
slow progress, the untoward events hi New France, the population
did not exceed nine thousand.
De la BARRE was Governor General of New France in 1684.
incensed at the Iroquois for favoring the English, and introducing
parties of them to the borders of the lakes to trade with the
Indians, he resolved upon gathering an army at Fort Frontenac, to
intimidate them; to try peaceful negotiation with a large force to
back him; arid if that failed, to invade their country. For this
purpose, all the disposable troops at Montreal, Quebec, Niagara,
and the western posts, were ordered to redezvous at Fort Fron-
tenac. His whole force assembled there, was from seventeen to
eighteen hundred, including four hundred Indian allies. It was in
the month of August, during the prevalence of fevers that
prevailed upon the borders of lake Ontario, which those of our
own people who were pioneer settlers upon its southern shore,
have had occasion to know something about;* the French soldiers
were unacclimated, and the larger portion of them were confined
to the hospital. In the crippled condition of his army, De la
BARRE concluded that he should be unable to effect any thing
save by treaty. Despatching orders to Mons. DULBUT, who was
* Our old resident physicians, who have had some experience in "lake fevers," will
be amused at the theory of the disease, which La Hontan says, De la Barre's physician
advanced: It was, that the excessive heat of the season put the vapors, or exhalations
into an over rapid motion: that the air was so over rarified that a sufficient quantity of
it was not taken in; that the small quantity inhaled was loaded with insects and impure
corpusculums, which the fatal necessity of respiration obliged the victim to swallow,
and that by this means, nature was put into disorder." The Baron adds, that the
"system was too much upon the Iroquois strain."
138 HISTORY OF THE
advancing from Mackinaw with six hundred Frenchmen and
Indians, to hasten his march, he embarked upon lake Ontario with
his Indian allies, and such of his French soldiers as were able to
join the expedition, and landed upon the southern shore of lake
Ontario, at La Famine* Col. DONGAN, the English Governor of
New York, apprised of the movement, had sent his Indian inter-
preter to persuade the Five Nations not to treat with the French.
De la BARRE despatched Le MOINE, who had much influence with
the Iroquois, to bring with him some of their chief men. In a
few days he returned, bringing with him GARANGULA, a noted
Seneca chief, called by his people HAASKOUAN, accompanied by a
train of thirty young warriors. As soon as the chief arrived, De
la BARRE sent him a present of bread and wine, and thirty salmon
trout, " which they fished in that place in such plenty, that they
brought up a hundred at one cast of a net;" at the same time
congratulating him on his arrival. LA HONTAN says, that De la
BARRE had taken the precaution of sending the sick back to the
colony that the Iroquois might not perceive the weakness of his
forces; instructing LE MOINE to assure GARANGULA that the body
of the army was left behind at Frontenac, and that the troops that
he saw, were only the Governor's guards. " But unhappily one of
the Iroquois, that had a smattering of the French tongue, having
strolled in the night time towards our tents, overheard what was
said, and so revealed the secret. The chief, after taking two days
to rest and recruit himself, gave notice to De la BARRE that he
was ready for the interview.!
The speeches that succeeded, which the author copies from a
good English translation of LA HONTAN, will not only materi-
ally aid the reader to understand the then existing relations of the
French, Iroquois, and English, but furnish one of the earliest and
best specimens of native eloquence, and the proud bearing and
spirit of independence, of our wild and unschooled forest predeces-
sors.
De la BARRE, through the interpreter LE MOINE, said :
" The King, my master, being informed that the five Iroquois
* Or, Hungry Bay, so named at the time, from the stinted allowance of food which
they had there.
t La Hontan has a drawing of the interview between De la Barre and Garangnla.
De la Barre is in front of his camp, with the interpreter and his officers near him.
" The Garangula " is in front of his thirty warriors, who sit in a half circle upon the
ground.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 139
nations have for a long time made infractions upon the measures of
peace, ordered me to come hither with a guard, and to send Jlkou-
esson to the canton of the Onnotaguss, in order to an interview
with their principal leaders in the neighborhood of my camp. This
great monarch, means that you and I should smoke together in the
great calumet of peace, w r ith the proviso, that you engage in the
name of the Tsonnontouans, G&yogouans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes,
and Agnies, to make reparation to his subjects, and to be guilty of
nothing for the future that may occasion a fatal rupture.
'The Tsonnontouans, Goyogouans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes, and
Jlgnies, * have stripped, robbed and abused all the forest rangers
that travelled in the way of trade to the country of the Illinese, of
the Oumamis, and of the several other nations who are my mas-
ter's children. Now this usage being in high violation of the treaty
of peace concluded with my predecessor,! I am commanded to
demand reparation, and at the same time to declare that in case of
their refusal to comply with my demands, or of relapsing into the
like robberies, war is actually proclaimed. This makes my words
good. [Giving a belt.]
"The warriors of these Five Nations have introduced the
English into the lakes belonging to the King my master, and into
the country of those nations of whom my master is a father:
This they have done with a desire to ruin the commerce of his
subjects, and to oblige those ,nations to depart from their due
allegiance ; notwithstanding the remonstrances of the late Governor
of New York, who saw through the danger that both they and the
English exposed themselves to. At present, I am willing to forget
those actions; but if ever you be guilty of the like for the future, I
have express orders to declare war. This belt warrants my words.
[Giving a belt.]
" The same warriors have made several barbarous incursions
upon the country of the Illinese and Oumamis. They have
massacred men, women and children; they have took, bound, and
carried off an indefinite number of the natives of those countries,
who thought themselves secure in their villages in times of peace.
These people are my master's children, and must therefore cease
to be your slaves. I charge you to restore them to their liberty,
and to send them home without delay; for if the Five Nations
refuse to comply with this demand, I have express orders to declare
war. This makes my words good. [Giving a belt.]
" This is all I had to say to the GARANGULA, whom I desire to
report to the Five Nations, this declaration, that my master
commanded me to make. He wishes they had not obliged him to
* Senecas, Cayugas, Oueidas, Onondagas, and Mohawks.
t The predecessor of De la BARRE had concluded a treaty of peace with the Iroquois,
which was of short duration.
140 HISTORY OF THE
send a potent army to the Fort of Cataracony, * in order to carry
on a war that will prove fatal to them; and he will be very
much troubled if it so falls out, that this fort, which is a work of
peace, must be employed for a prison to your militia. These
mischiefs ought to be prevented by mutual endeavors: The
French, who are the brethren and friends of the Five Nations, will
never disturb their repose, provided they make the satisfaction I
now demand, and prove religious observers of their treaties. I
wish my words may produce the desired effect; for if they do not,
I am obliged to join the Governor of New York, who has orders
from the king his master, to assist me to burn the villages and cut
you off. f This confirms my words. [Giving a belt.]
LA HONTAN says: "While DE LA BARRE'S interpreter pro-
nounced this harangue, the GARANGTJLA did nothing but look upon
the end of his pipe. After the speech was finished, he rose, and
having took five or six turns in the ring that the French and the
savages made, he returned to his place, and standing upright, spoke
after the following manner to the general, (Dp LA BARRE,) who
sat in his chair of state."
"YoNNONDioIJ I honor you, and all the warriors that accompany
me do the same. Your interpreter has made an end of his dis-
course, and now I come to begin mine. My voice glides to my ear,
pray listen to my words.
" YONNONDIO ! In setting out from Quebec you must needs have
fancied that the scorching beams of the sun had burnt down the
forests that render our country inaccessible to the French; or else,
that the inundations of the lake had surrounded our castles, and
confined us as prisoners. This certainly was your thought; and it
could be nothing else than the curiosity of seeing a burnt or
drowned country, that moved you to take a journey hither. But
now you have an opportunity of being undeceived, for I, and my
warlike retinue come to assure you that the Tsonnontouans, Goyo-
guans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes and rfgnies, are not yet destroyed.
I return you thanks in their name, for bringing into the country
the calumet of peace, that your predecessors received at their
hands. At the same time I congratulate your happiness, in
having left underground the bloody axe that has so often been dyed
with the blood of the French. Hear, YONNONDIO ! I am not asleep;
my eyes are open; and the sun that vouchsafes the light gives me
a clear view of a great captain at the head of a troop of soldiers,
who speaks as if he were asleep. He pretends that he does not
approach to this lake with any other view than to smoke with the
* The Indian name of Fort Frontenac, and lake Ontario.
t De la Barre seems to have been ignorant of the fact, that the English governor had
been persuading the Iroquois to stand out against French diplomacy.
t The Iroquois called the Governor of New France, whoever he might be, Yonnondio,
and the Dutch or English Governor, Corlear.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 141
Onnotagues in the great calumet; but the Garangula knows better
things; he sees plainly that the YOXXOXDIO mean'd to knock 'em
on the head if the French arms had not been so much weakened.
"I perceive that the YOXXOXDIO raves in a camp of sick people
whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by visiting them with infirmi-
ties. Do you hear YOXXOXDIO? Our women had taken up their
clubs, and the children and the old men had visited your camp with
their bows and arrows, if our warlike men had not stopped and
disarmed them, \rhen.ikoucssan. your ambassador, appeared before
my village. But I have done, I will talk no more of that.
"You must know, YOXXOXDIO, that we have robbed no French-
men but those who supplied the Illinese and the Oumamis, (our
enemies.) with fusees, with powder and with ball. These indeed
we took care of, because such arms might have cost us our life.
Our conduct in that point, is of a piece with that of the Jesuits,
who stave all the barrels of brandy that are brought to our cantons,
lest the people getting drunk, should knock them on the head.
Our warriors have no beavers to give in exchange for all the arms
they have taken from the French; and as for the people, they do
not think of bearing arms. This comprehends my words. [Giving
a belt.]
"We have conducted the English to our lakes in order to traffic
with the Outaouas, and the Hurons; just as the .Qlgonkins con-
ducted the French to our cantons in order to carry on a commerce
that the English lay claim to as their right We are born
freemen, and have no dependence either on the YOXXOXDIO or the
CORLEAR. We have a power to go when we please, to conduct
those whom we will to the places we resort to, and to buy or sell
where we see fit. If your allies are your slaves or your children,
you may e ? en treat 'em as such, and rob 'em of the liberty of
entertaining any other nation but your own. This contains my
words. [Giving a belt]
"We fell upon the Illinese and the Oumamis because they cut
down the tree of peace that served as limits, or boundaries to our
positions. They came to hunt beavers upon our lands, and
contrary to the custom of all the savages, have carried off whole
stocks, both male and female.* They have engaged the Chaou-
anous in their interest, and entertained them in their country.
They supplied 'em with fire-arms after the concerting of ill designs
against us. We have done less than the English and the French,
who, without any right, have usurped the grounds they are now
possessed of; and of which they have dislodged several nations, in
order to make way for their building of cities, villages and forts,
This. CORLEAR, contains my words. [Giving a belt]
"I give to you to know, YOXXOXDIO, that my voice is the voice
* The Indians regarded it a great offence to whoDy exterminate a bearer colony.
M2 HISTORY OF THE
of the Five Iroquese cantons. This is their answer; pray incline
your ear and listen to what they represent.
"The Tsonnontouans, Goyogouans, Onnotagues, Onnoyoutes, and
Jlgnies, declare that they interred the axe at Cataracouy, in the
presence of your predecessor, in the very center of the fort; and
planted the tree of peace in the same place that it might be pre-
served; that 'twas then agreed that the fort should be used as a
place of retreat for merchants, and not a refuge for soldiers; and
that instead of arms and ammunition, it should be made a recep-
tacle only of beaver skins and merchandise goods. Be it known
to you, YONNONDIO, that for the future you ought to take care
that so great a number of martial men as I now see, being shut up
in so small a place, do not stifle and choak the tree of peace.
Since it took root so easily, it must needs be of pernicious conse-
quence to stop its growth, and hinder it to shade both your country
and ours with its leaves. I do assure you, in the name of the
Five Nations, that our warriors shall dance the calumet dance
under its branches; that they shall rest in tranquility upon their
matts and will never dig up the axe to cut down the tree of peace ;
till such times as the YONNONDIO and the CORLEAR do either jointly
or separately offer to invade the country that the Great Spirit has
disposed of in the favor of our ancestors. This belt preserves my
words, and this other, the authority which the Five Nations have
given me." [Giving two belts.]
Then, GARAXGULA, addressing himself to the interpreter LE
MOINE, said:
"Jlkouessan, take heart; you are a man of sense; speak and
explain my meaning; be sure you forget nothing, but declare all
that thy brethren and thy friends represent to thy chief YONNONDIO,
by the voice of the GARANGULA, who pays you all honor and
respect, and invites you to accept of this present f beavers, and
to assist at his feast immediately. This other present of beavers
is sent by the Five Nations to the YONNONDIO."
When the Iroquois chief had finished his speech, De la BARRE
" returned to his tent much enraged at what he had heard." The
GARANGULA prepared his feast, several of the French officers
becoming his guests. Two days afterwards he returned to his
people.
The army of De la BARRE broke up, that part of it belonging
at Quebec and Montreal, 'going down the St Lawrence; those
belonging to Fort Frontenac and the western posts returning some
by water and some by land. " Thus a very chargeable and
fatiguing expedition (which was to strike the terror of the French
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 143
name, into the stubborn hearts of the Five Nations,) ended in a
scold between the French General and an old Indian."*
EXPEDITION OF DE NONVILLE AGAINST THE SENEGAS IN 1687
The Marquis de NONVTLLE, a colonel in the French dragoons,
succeeded De la BARRE in the local government of New France,
in 1685. CHARLEVOIX says he was "equally esteemed for his
valor, his wisdom, and his piety." At the commencement of his
administration, the Iroquois had renewed their wars against Indian
nations at the west, with whom the French were in alliance, and
continued, as GARAXGULA had assured De la BARRE they would, to
introduce the English around the borders of the lakes.f De
NONVILLE brought out with him a large reinforcement for the
army, and at once resolved upon a series of measures having in
view the humbling of the Iroquois by making them allies or
neutrals and the security of the French dominion and trade upon
the Lakes. Prominent in these measures, was a formidable attack
upon the Senecas, who, from their location and partiality for the
English, were most in the way of the French interests; and the
building of a fort at Niagara. His first steps were to accumulate
ample provisions for his army at Fort Frontenac, and gather the
whole disposable military force of New France, at Montreal.
The commandants of the French posts at the west, were ordered
to rendezvous at Niagara with their troops, and the warriors of
their Indian allies in that quarter.
At this period, England and France were at peace, or rather a
treaty had been signed between them, to the effect that whatever
differences might arise at home or elsewhere, neutral relations
* Colden's History of the Five Nations. Mr. Clinton, in his discourse before the
New York Historical Society in 1811. says of the speech of Garangula: "I believe it
to be impossible to find, in all the effusions of ancient or modern oratory, a speech
more appropriate or convincing. Under the veil of respectful profession, it conveys
the most biting irony; and while it abounds with rich and splendid imagery, it contains
the most solid reasoning. I place it in the same rank of the celebrated speech of
Logan; and I cannot but express my astonishment at the conduct of two respectable
writers who have represented this interesting interview, and this sublime display of
intellectual power, as a "scold between the French General and an old Indian."
t It should be observed here, that the English claimed dominion over all the country
of the Iroquois south of the lakes, including of course the site of Fort Niagara. The
French claimed the Iroquois' country, from priority of discovery and occupation by the
Jesuits, La Salle, &c.
144 HISTORY OF THE
should be observed by their subjects in North America. The
Iroquois, apprised by the movements of DE NONVILLE, but not
knowing where he intended to strike, communicated their appre-
hensions to Governor DONGAN, who immediately wrote to DE
NONVILLE that the great collection of supplies at Fort Frontenac
convinced him that an attack was meditated upon the Iroquois;
that they were the subjects of the crown of England, and any
injury to them, would be an open infraction of the peace which
existed between them and their two kings. He also stated that he
understood the French intended to build a fort at Niagara, which
astonished him exceedingly, as "no one could be ignorant, that it
lay within the jurisdiction of New York." DE NONVILLE replied
that the Iroquois feared chastisement because they deserved it; and
dissimulating, endeavored to convey the impression that no more
supplies were ordered to Frontenac than were necessary for the
use of the troops stationed there. He said that the pretensions of
England to the land of the Iroquois were unfounded, as the French
had taken possession of them "long before there was an English-
man in New York;" at the same^ time admonishing the English
governor that while their kings and masters were living in perfect
peace and amity, it would be unwise for their lieutenant generals
to embroil themselves in war. Governor DONGAN took no measures
to counteract the designs of the French, but to confirm the Iroquois
in their apprehensions, and supply them with arms and ammuni-
tion; but while the French preparations for war were going- on,
the English were sending trading parties to tfce Lakes, and assid-
uously improving a slight foot-hold they had obtained among a
few Indian nations that were inclining to their interests. The
English used one weapon, almost as potent (in some instances
more so,) as Jesuit influence, and insinuating French diplomacy.
They had learned the fatal appetite of the Indian for strong drink,
and took advantage of it, by introducing brandy and rum wherever
they made their advances among them. The Jesuit priests kept
up a continual warfare with the French traders, against the
introduction of intoxicating liquors, and generally prevailed. The
Catholic church had, at that early period, their Father MATTHEWS
in this far off wilderness. And here it is no falsifying of historical
record, to add, that generally, the French policy and conduct,
looked far more to the ultimate good of the natives, than those of
the English. The presence of the Jesuit missionary, modified and
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 145
checked the sordid desire of gain with the trader. English
cupidity had no such check.
DE NONVILLE employed the winter of 1687 in making ready for
the expedition. The previous summer, as he says in his journal,
was passed in negotiations, which terminated in an agreement that
both parties should meet at Fort Frontenac to take measures for
the conclusion of a general peace. " But the pride of that nation,
(the Iroquois,) accustomed to see others yield to its tyranny, and
the insults which they have continued to heap upon the French
and our savage allies, have induced us to believe that there is no
use in negotiating with them, but with arms in our hands, and we
have all winter been preparing to make them a visit."
The French army, consisting of about sixteen hundred men,
accompanied by four hundred Indian allies, set out from Montreal
on the 13th of June, in three hundred and fifty batteaux, and after
a slow passage up the St. Lawrence, encountering many difficulties,
arrived at Fort Frontenac on the 30th. On the 4th day of July,
it started for its destination; taking the route by the way of La
Famine Bay, and coasting along the south side of lake Ontario,
encamping upon the shore each night, arrived at Ganniagataronta-
gouat,* on the 10th. Previous to leaving Fort Frontenac, DE
NOXVILLE had despatched orders to the commandant at Niagara
to meet him with his troops, and the French and Indian allies who
had come down from the west. This reinforcement amounted to
about five hundred and eighty French and Indians. The two
divisions of the army met at Irondequoit within the same hour.
The next day was employed in constructing pallisades, facines
and pickets for the protection of provisions, batteaux and canoes.
On the 12th, after detaching four hundred men to garrison their
landing place, the French and Indians took up their Line of march
toward the villages of the Senecas. Passing up the east side of
Irondequoit Bay, they encamped at night, a few miles above its
head, near the village of Pittsford. The Indian village of Ganna-
garo, which was situated near the present village of Victor, Ontario
county, was to be the first point of attack. Continuing their
march on the 13th, they arrived about 3 o'clock, at a defile near
* Irondequoit. The name given above, is the one by which the French designated
it, and was borrowed from the Mohawks. The Seneca name is Ongiudaondagwat,
10
146 HISTORY OF THE
the Indian village, when they were attacked by a large party of
Senecas, that lay in ambush:
" They were better received than they anticipated, and were
thrown into such consternation that most of them threw away their
guns and clothing to escape under favor of the woods. The action
was not long, but there was heavy firing on both sides. The
three companies of Ottawas who were stationed on the right, dis-
tinguished themselves, and all our Christian savages farther in the
rear, performed their duty admirably, and firmly maintained the
position which had been assigned to them on the left. As we had
in our front a dense wood, and a brook bordered with thickets,
and had made no prisoners that .could tell us positively the number
of Indians that had attacked us ; the fatigues of the march, which
our troops, as well the French as the Savages, had undergone, left
us in no condition to pursue the enemy. They had fled beyond
where we had sufficient knowledge of the paths, to be certain
which we should take to lead us from the woods into the plain.
The enemy left twenty-seven dead on the field to our knowledge,
besides a much larger number of wounded, judging from the traces
of blood which we saw. We learned from one of the dying that
they had more than eight hundred men under arms, either in the
action or in the village, and were daily expecting assistance from
the neighboring Iroquois. Our troops being much fatigued, we
rested during the remainder of the day at the same place, where
we found sufficient water for the night. We maintained a strict
watch, waiting for day, in order to enter the plain, which is about
a league in extent, before proceeding to the village.
" The next day, which was the 14th, a heavy rain, which lasted
till noon, compelled us to remain until that time at the place where
the battle occured. We set out in battle array, thinking the enemy
entrenched in the new village, which is above the old. In the
mean time we entered the plain without seeing any thing but the
relics of the fugitives. We found the old village burnt by the
enemy, and the entrenchments of the new deserted, which were
distant from the old about three-quarters of a league. We
encamped on the height of the plain, and did nothing this day but
protect ourselves from the rain which continued until night." *
Two old men who had been left by the Senecas in their retreat,
told DE NONVILLE that the ambuscade consisted of two hundred
and twenty men. stationed on the hill side to attack the French in
the rear, and five hundred and thirty in front; and beside this,
* De Nonville's Journal.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 147
there were three hundred in their fort, situated on a very advanta-
geous height: that there were none but Senecas in the battle,
the Cayuga and Onondaga warriors not having arrived.
The Senecas setting fire to all their villages, retreated before
the French army, and sought refuge among the Cayugas. The
French army remained in the Seneca country until the 24th. The
deserted villages were entered, large quantities of corn and beans
destroyed; the Indian allies scouting the country and tomahawk-
ing and scalping such straggling Senecas as fell behind in the
flight, or remained in consequence of infirmity. Such was the
spirit of the western Indians, and determination to execute ven-
geance upon those who had so often warred upon them, that the
French could not induce them to save such prisoners as fell into
their hands.
DE NOXVILLE estimates the amount of corn destroyed in all the
"four villages of the Sbnnontouans" 1,200,000 bushels! A great
exaggeration, undoubtedly, as the Senecas were never sufficiently
numerous nor agricultural, to warrant the conclusion that they had
any thing approaching to that amount in all their territory. He
was making a report to "the king his master," and it is quite likely
made his exploits as formidable as possible. He differs materially
in his account of the expedition from Baron LA HOXTAN who was
one of his officers.
LA HONTAN'S account of the invasion of the Seneca country-
is as follows:
"On the third day of July, 1687, we embarked from Fort
Frontenac, to coast along the southern shore, under favor of the
calms which prevail in that month, and at the same time the Siewr
de LA FORET left for Niagara by the north side of the lake, to
wait there for a considerable reinforcement.
"By extraordinary good fortune we both arrived on the same
day, and nearly the same hour, at the river of the Tsonnontouans,
by reason of which our savage allies, who draw predictions from
the merest trifles, foretold, with their usual superstition, that so
punctual a meeting infallibly indicated the total destruction of the
Iroquois. How they deceived themselves the sequel will show.
" The same evening on which we landed, we commenced draw-
ing our canoes and batteaux upon land, and protected them by a
strong guard. We afterwards set about constructing a fort of
stakes, in which four hundred men were stationed, under the com-
mand of the Sieur DORVILLIERS, to guard the boats and baggage.
"The next day a young Canadian, named LA FONTAINE
148 HISTORY OF THE
MARION, was unjustly put to death. The following is his history :
This poor unfortunate became acquainted with the country and
savages of Canada by the numerous voyages he made over the
continent, and after having rendered his King good service, asked
permission of several of the Governors general to continue his
travels in further prosecution of his petty traffic, but he could
never obtain it. He then determined to go to New England, as
war did not then exist between the two Crowns. He was very
well received, on account of his enterprise and acquaintance with
nearly all the Indian languages. It was proposed that he should
pilot through the lakes, those two companies of English which
have since been captured. He agreed to do so, and was unfor-
tunately taken with the rest.
" The injustice of which they were guilty, appears to me inex-
cusable, for we were at peace with the English, besides which
they claim that the Lakes of Canada belong to them.
"On the following day we set out for the great village of the
Tsonnontouans, without any other provisions than the ten biscuit
which each man was compelled to carry for himself. We had but
seven leagues to march, through immense forests of lofty trees and
over a very level country. The Coureurs de bois formed the
vanguard, with a part of the savages, the remainder of which
brought up the rear the regulars and militia being in the center.
"The first day, our scouts marched in advance without making
any discoveries. The distance which we accomplished was four
leagues. On the second day the same scouts took the lead, and
advanced even to the fields of the village, without perceiving any
one, although they passed within pistol shot of five hundred
Tsonnontouans lying on their bellies, who suffered them to pass
and repass without interruption.
"On receiving their report, we marched in great haste and little
order, believing that as the Iroquois had fled, we could at least
capture their women, children and old men. But when we arrived
at the foot of the hill on which they lay in ambush, distant about a
quarter of a league from the village, they began to utter their
ordinary cries, followed with a discharge of musketry.
"If you had seen, sir, the disorder into which our militia and
regulars were thrown, among the dense woods, you would agree
with me, that it would require many thousand Europeans to make
head against these barbarians.-
"Our battalions were immediately separated into platoons, which
ran without order, pell mell, to the right and left, without knowing
whither they went. Instead of firing upon the Iroquois, we fired
upon each other. It was in vain to call ' help, soldiers of such a
battalion,' for we could scarcely see thirty paces. In short we
were so disordered, that the enemy were about to fall upon us,
club in hand, when our savages having rallied, repulsed and pursued
them so closely, even to their villages, that they killed more than
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 149
eighty, the heads of which they brought away, not counting the
wounded who escaped.
" We lost on this one occasion ten savages and a hundred French-
men; we had twenty or twenty-two wounded, among whom was
the good Father AXGELR.AX, the Jesuit, w r ho was shot hi those
parts of which ORIGEX wished to deprive himself, that he might
instruct the fair sex with less scandal.
"When the savages brought the heads to M. De NOXVILLE,
they inquired why he halted instead of advancing. He replied
that he could not leave his wounded, and to afford his surgeons
time to care for them, he had thought proper to encamp. They
proposed making litters to carry them to the village, which was
near at hand. The general being unwilling to follow this advice,
endeavored to make them listen to reason, but in place of hearing
him, they reassembled, and having held a council among them-
selves, although they were more than ten different nations, they
resolved to go alone in pursuit of the fugitives, of whom they
expected to capture at least the women, children, and old men.
" When they were ready to march, M. De NOXVILLE exhorted
them not to leave him or depart from his camp, but rest for one
day, and that the next day he would go and burn the villages of
the enemy, and lay waste their fields, in consequence of which
they would perish by famine. This offended them so much that
the greater part returned to their country, saying that ' the French
had come for an excursion rather than to carry on war, since they
would not profit by the finest opportunity in the world; that their
ardor was like a sudden flash, extinguished as soon as kindled; that
it seemed useless to have brought so many warriors from all parts
to burn bark cabins, which could be rebuilt in four days; that the
Tsonnontouans would care but little if their Indian corn was
destroyed, since the other Iroquois nations had sufficient to afford
them a part; that finally, after having joined the Governors of
Canada to no purpose, they would never trust them in future,
notwithstanding any promises they might make.'
" Some say that M. De NOXVILLE should have gone farther,
others think it was impossible for him to do better. I will not
venture to decide between them. Those at the helm are often the
most embarrassed. However, we marched the next day to the
great village, carrying our wounded on litters, but found nothing
but ashes, the Iroquois having taken the precaution to burn it
themselves. We were occupied five or six days in cutting down
Indian corn hi the fields with our swords. From thence we passed
to the two small villages of The-ga-ron-hies and Da-non-ca-ri-
ta-oui, distant two or three leagues from the former, where we
performed the same exploits, and then returned to the borders of
the lake. We found in all these villages, horses, cattle, poultry,
and a multitude of swine. The country w r hich we saw is the
150 HISTORY OF THE
most beautiful, level and charming in the world. The woods we
traversed abounded in oak, walnut and wild chestnut trees."
GOLDEN, the historian of the Iroquois, says that five hundred
of the Senecas lay in ambush; that they " lay on their bellies and
let the French scouts pass and repass without disturbing them;"
but that when the main body of the army came up " the Senekas
suddenly raised the war shout, with a discharge of their fire arms.
This put the regular troops, as well as the militia, into such a fright,
as they marched through the woods, that the battalions immediately
divided and ran to the right and the left, and in the confusion fired
upon one another. When the Senekas perceived their disorder
they fell in upon them pell mell, till the French Indians, more used
to such mode of fighting, gathered together and repulsed the
Senekas. There were, (according to the French accounts,) a hun-
dred Frenchmen, ten French Indians, and about four score Senekas
killed in the rencounter. Monsieur DE NONVILLE was so dispirited
with the fright that his men had been put into that his Indians
could not persuade him to pursue. He halted the remainder of the
day. The next day he marched on with a design to burn the
village, but when he came there he found that the Senekas had
saved him the trouble; for they had laid all in ashes before they
retired. The French stayed five or six days to destroy the corn,
and then marched to two other villages, at two or three leagues
distance. After they had performed the like exploits in tnese
places, they returned to the banks of the lake."
There are some traditions among the Senecas, in reference to
DE NONVILLE' s expedition which are worthy of note: -WILLIAM
JONES, a native Seneca, who married a relative of RED JACKET,
states that he has heard the chief often say, that when he was a
boy he used to hear the old men speak of a large party of French
soldiers who penetrated the Indian country along the Genesee to a
place called in the Seneca language, Sgohsaisthah. Hte did not
admit that the Indians suffered any serious defeat.
JOHN BLACKSMITH, a chief of the Senecas, residing on the
Tonawanda Reservation, hunted in his youth over the country
embraced in the counties of Monroe, Livingston and Ontario, and
thus acquired an intimate knowledge of old Indian localities. He
was asked if he had ever heard that a French army penetrated the
Seneca country in olden time? He related the following tradi-
tion:
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 151
"About four generations ago, a French army landed secretly
and unexpectedly at a place called by the Senecas, Gannyeodathah,
which is a short distance from the head of Onyiudaondagwat, or
Irondequoit Bay, as it is called by the whites. They immediately
marched into the interior towards the ancient village of the
Senecas, called Gaosaehgaah, following the main beaten path
which led to that place.
" As soon as the Indians residing at the village, received intelli-
gence of their approach, they sent news to the neighboring town
of Gahayanduk. On being reinforced by them, they met the
French as they advanced towards the former village, and a severe
battle ensued. On account of their inferior numbers, the Indians
were defeated, and fled to a village then located near the foot of
Canandaigua'lake. The French advanced, burned the village, and
laid waste the adjacent corn fields. As soon as they had accom-
plished the above object, they retraced their steps towards the
landing. Runners having been despatched by the Senecas tb their
principal towns, to give notice of the presence of the enemy, a
large force was soon collected to defend the village and capture
the French. When they reached Gaosaehgaah, nothing remained
of that village but its smoking ruins. They immediately pursued
the French, and arrived at the Bay a short time too late. The
place where the battle occurred, was near a small stream with a
hill on one side, and was known to the Senecas by the name of
Dyagodiyu, or the * place of a battle.' "
The four Indian villages which DE NOXVILLE visited, are sup-
posed to have been situated as follows: Gannagaro, as the French
called it, Gaosaehgaah in Seneca, was upon Boughton's Hill, in
Victor, Ontario county; Gannogarae, in the town of East Bloom-
field, about three and a half miles from Boughton's Hill, near
where the old Indian trail crossed Mud Creek; Totiakto, Deyudi-
haakdoh in Seneca, was the aorth-east bend of the Honeoye outlet,
near West Mendon, in Monroe county; Gannounata, in Seneca
Dyudonsot, about two miles south-east of East Avon, at the source of
a small stream which empties into the Oonesus, near Avon Springs.
The precise place where the battle occurred is a short distance
north-west of the village of Victor, on the north-eastern edge of a
large swamp," and on the northerly side of a stream called Great
Brook. On the first settlement of the country it was partly
covered with a thick growth of timber, and dense underbrush,
forming a very advantageous place for an Indian ambuscade. It
is about a mile and a quarter north-west of the old Indian village
on Boughton's Hill, called by DE NOXVILLE, Gannagaro.
152 HISTORY OF THE
The height on which the Fort mentioned by DE NONVILLE
was located, is about a mile and a quarter westerly from the site
of Gannagaro, a wide valley intervening. It is now known as
Fort Hill. Although nearly defaced by the plough, the works can
be traced with sufficient certainty to identify the spot; and the
solitary spring that supplied the French army, still oozes from the
declivity of a hill, an existing witness of the locality. There are
indications of extensive Indian settlements in the neighborhood of
Victor, within a circuit of three miles. Thousands of graves were
to be seen by the pioneer settlers, and the old French axes supplied
them with iron when it was difficult to obtain it from other sources.
At an early period the old Indian trail pursued by DE NONVILLE
from Irondequoit Bay to Victor, was distinctly visible. The forti-
fication that DE NONVILLE made, in which he left a detachment
of his army to guard his stores and bateaux, at the bay, was
described to the author during the last summer, by OLIVER CULVER
of Brighton, who was in the country as early as 1796. French
axes, flints, &c. were plenty there at that early period of settlement.
The author is indebted to GEORGE HOSMER, of Avon, for the
following account of a relic which unquestionably belongs to the
period of the French invasion of the Seneca Iroquois:
"In the spring of 1793, I was present, when in ploughing a piece
of new land on the Genesee bottom, near the river, on a farm then
owned by my father, the, plough passed through a bed of ashes
several inches in thickness, and near that turned up an instrument
which was called a French couteau. The blade was about twenty
inches in length, and three inches wide. It was covered with rust,
which upon being scoured off, exhibited ihejleur de Us and armorial
bearings of France, and a date referring to the age and reign of
Louis XIV. The relic elicited a momentary attention. It was
cleared of rust, ground to an edge, and used in my father's kitchen
as a cleaver. The haft was eight or ten inches long, and made of
buckhorn, or bone. I was then but a boy, but in after years have
often regretted that it had not been preserved with care, as an item
of evidence to illustrate the early history of the country."
The author indulges in a feeling of local pride, in noticing, in this
connection, the poem, * " Yonnondio" founded upon the advent of
DE NONVILLE to the valley of the Genesee, once the favorite home
* " Yontiondio, or the Warriors of the Genesee : a tale of the seventeenth century.
By Wm. K. C. Hosmer."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 153
of the Seneca Iroquois, as it is now, that of a prosperous and happy
people of our own race. It is a " woof of fiction, woven upon a
warp of fact." The author is of pioneer stock, as the reader will
learn in some subsequent portions of this work; born and reared in
the " realm of the Senecas," a remnant of that noble race of men
associated with his earliest recollections; the tales of his nursery
were of them, " their eloquence and deeds of valor;" and going out
in manhood, wandering in the peaceful vale that echoed their war
shouts, inspired by the reminiscences with which he was surrounded;
he has seized the lyre, and in its silver tones are beautifully blended
the facts and the romance of local history. It is replete with more
striking and truthful delineations of the red man and his character,
than any other poem upon the same subject, extant.
As a specimen of this first successful essay to mingle the charms
of verse with the local history of our region; and hi fact, as a help
to the better understanding of the causes that induced the invasion
of DE NGXVILLE, and the spirit, the proud and haughty bearing of
the Senecas in resisting it; the author selects some of the
concluding portions of the speech that the poet attributes to
CANNEHOOT, a Seneca chief, who is supposed to be closing a
council of war, preparatory to the fierce onslaught that the undis-
ciplined soldiers of the forest made upon the ranks of the French
invaders :
" Regardless of our ancient fame,
Our conquests, and our dreaded name,
Fierce YONSOXDIO and his band
/ Are thronging in our forest land;
And ask ye why with banner spread
His force the Frank hath hither led ?
We scorched with fire the skulking hounds.
Who dared to cross our hunting grounds,
A trading, base, dishonest band,
Who in exchange for pelts had given
Guns, lead, and black explosive sand,
To tribes our power had western driven:" *
" Shall warriors who have tamed the pride
Of rival nations far and wide,
At their men hearths be thus defied ?
Shall it be said the beast of prey
His den abandoned far awav,
* See speech of De la Barre, and Garangula's reply.
154 HISTORY OF THE
And, seeking out the hunter, found
His aim less true, less deep the wound ?
Shall it be told in other days,
The tomahawk we feared to raise,
While the green hillocks, where repose
The cherished dust of woodland-kings
Insulted by the march of foes,
Gave back indignant echoings ?
Base is the bosom that will quake
With one degrading throb of fear,
When fame and country are at stake,
Though an armed troop of fiends are near!
Oh! never can such craven tread
The happy chase grounds of the dead;
Between him and that fount of bliss
Will yawn a deep and dread abyss;
And doomed will be his troubled ghost
To range that land forever more,
Upon whose lone and barren coast,
The black and bitter waters roar.
The clime of everlasting day,
Where groves, all red with fruitage, wave,
And beauty never fades away,
Is only trodden by the brave."
" In answer to the bold harangue,
Each warrior from his bear-skin sprang,
And, ominous of coming strife,
Clashed tomahawk and scalping knife.
A signal by the chief was made,
To close the council, and obeyed:
His eloquence of look and word,
Dark depths of every heart had stirred."
Before leaving the Seneca country DE NONVILLE made the
following " proems verbal," of the act of taking possession:
"On the 19th day of July, in the year 1687, the troops commanded by the Honorable
RENE DE BRISAY, Chevalier, Seigneur Marquis of De Nonville and other places,
Governor and Lieutenant General for the King in the whole extent of Canada, and
country of New France, in presence of HECTOR, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of
Montreal in said country, commanding the camp under his orders, and of PHILIP DE
RIGAND, Chevalier de Vaudreuil, commanding the troops of the King, which being
drawn up in battle array, there appeared at the head of the army, CHARLES AUBERT,
Sieur de la Chenays, citizen of Quebec, deputed by the Honorable JEAN BOPHART,
Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Horoy, Verneuil and other places, Counsellor of
the King in his councils, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finances in all Northern
France, who asserted and declared, that at the requisition of the said Seigneur de
Champigny, he did take possession of the village of Totiakton, as he had done of the
three villages named Gannagaro, Gannondata, and Gannongarae, and of a fort distant
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 155
half a league from the said village of Gannagaro, together with all the lands which are
in their vicinity, however far they extend, conquered in the name of his Majesty; and
as evidence thereof has planted in all the said villages and forts, the arms of his said
Majesty, and has proclaimed in a loud voice, " tine le roi," after the said troops have
vanquished and put to flight eight hundred Iroqnois Tsonnontouans, and have laid
waste, burnt and destroved their provisions and cabins. And on account of the fore-
going, the Sieur de la Chenays AUBERT, has required evidence to be granted to him
by me, PAUL DCPUT, Esquire, Counsellor of the King, and his -Attorney at the Court
of the Provost of Quebec.
" Done at the said village of Totiakton, the largest village of the Tsonnontouans, in
presence of the Reverend Father VAILIAST, Jesuit, and of the officers of the regulars
and militia, witnesses with me the said attorney of the King. Subscribed the day and
year above mentioned, and signed in the original by Charles Aubert de la Chenays,
J. Rene de Brisay, Monsieur de De Nonville, Le Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de
Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Ramezay, Francois Vaillant of the Company of Jesus,
de Grandeville, de Longueil, Saint Paul and Dupuy.
" Compared with the original remaining in my hands, by me, the undersigned,
Counsellor, Secretary of his Majesty, and chief Register of the Sovereign Council of
Quebec."
Signed, PENURET."
The fair inference, from all the evidence that has been preserved
is that the French gained little honor, and less advantage, by this
rencounter. COLDEX says, " the French got nothing but dry
blows by this expedition."
After despatching one of the bateaux to Fort Frontenac, to
carry the news of the result of the expedition, the whole army~~
set sail for Niagara on the 26th, adverse winds delaying its arrival
there until the morning of the 30th. " We immediately, (says
the journal of DE NOXVILLE), set about choosing a place, and
collecting stakes for the construction of a fort which I had resolved
to build at the extremity of a tongue of land between the river
Niagara, and lake Ontario, on the Iroqupis side.* In three days
the army had so fortified the post as to put it in a good condition
of defence, in case of an assault. DE NOXVILLE says his object
in constructing the fortification, was to afford protection for their
Indian allies, and enable them to continue in small detachments.
the war against the Iroquois. A detachment of an hundred
* It is remarked by Mr. Marshall, in a note accompanying his translation of De
Nonville's journal, that the geographical designation given here " removes all doubt as
to the original location of this fortress." The circumstance of Joncaire persuading the
Senecas to permit him to fix his residence "in the midst of a group of cabins at
Lewiston," has undoubtedly led some historians to conclude that it was originally the
site of the Fort La Hontan, writing from the spot, while the fort was building, says:
" The Fort stands on the south side of the Straight of Herrie lake, upon a hill; at the
foot of which that lake falls into the lake of Frontenac."
156 HISTORY OF THE
TROVES, with provisions and ammunition for eight months. They
were closely besieged by the Senecas, and a sickness soon broke
out which proved fatal to nearly all of them.
The Indian allies of the French, returning to Niagara with DE
NONVILLE, had declared their intention at Irondequoit, after what
they regarded the failure of the expedition, not to join them in
another one; but on seeing the fort erected, they became recon-
ciled, concluding that it would favor their retreat in any expedition
against the Iroquois. Upon parting with DE NONVILLE, they
made a speech, in which, among other things they said:
''That they depended upon his promise to continue the war
till the Five Nations were either destroyed or dispossessed of
their country; that they earnestly desired, that part of the army
should take the field out of hand, and continue in it both winter
and summer, for they would certainly do the same on their part;
and in fine, that for as much as their alliance with France was
chiefly grounded upon the promises the French made of listening
to no proposals of peace, 'till the Five Nations should be quite
extirpated; they therefore hoped they would be as good as their
word."*
DE NONVILLE left Niagara on his return to Montreal, on the
2d day of August, reaching his destination on the 13th; resting a
day or two at Fort Frontenac, and leaving at that post one hundred
men under the command of M. D'ORVILLIERS. The Senecas soon
returned and occupied the ground they had deserted. As the
French Indians predicted, it is probable that the other branches
of the Confederacy supplied them with corn in the place of what
the French had destroyed, and game and fish were abundant.
The early French journalists often speak of the abundance of
salmon in lake Ontario. On the lake shore, somewhere between
the Genesee and Oswego rivers, a party of Indian allies that had
been sent from Niagara in advance of the main army of DE
NONVILLE, encamped until it came up with them; and more
fortunate in hunting deer, than in hunting the Senecas, had piled
up at their camp two hundred for the use of the army.
LA HONTAN, much against his inclination, as it would appear from
a letter dated at Niagara, was ordered to take command of a
* La Hontan.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 157
detachment and go -west with the returning western Indian allies.
He says he was "thunderstruck with the news," that he had "fed
himself all along with the hope of the returning to France." He
concluded, however, to make the best of it, as he had been supplied
with "brisk, proper fellows," his "canoes are both new and large,''
and TOXTI and DULBUT were to be his companions. His detach-
ment came up to Lewiston, or the "place where the navigation
stops," and carried their canoes up the "three mountains," launch-
ing them again at Schlosser. He says that in "climbing the
mountains, one hundred Iroquese might have knocked them on the
head with stones." And, incredible as it may seem, so soon after
their route and dispersion, a large body of those indefatigable
warriors were upon his track. Their stopping place, on their
retreat a few days before, had been at the foot of Canandaigua
lake. From that point they had sallied out to post themselves in
the vicinity of the Falls, to fall in with the French troops on their
return to the west, or their Indian allies, towards whom they
entertained a more fierce and settled hostility. The French and
Indians had but just embarked at Schlosser, when a "thousand
Iroquese" made their appearance upon the bank of the river.
With such enemies lurking in the vicinity. LA HOXTAX thought he
had "escaped very narrowly," as on his way up, he and "three or
four savages" had left the main body to go and look at "that
fearful cataract." In his fright, or apprehension of danger, he
must have taken but a hurried view of the Falls, for he made an
extravagant estimate of their height: "As for the water-fall of
Niagara, 'tis seven or eight hundred foot high, and half a league
[a mile and a half] broad. Towards the middle of it we descry an
island that leans towards the precipice, as if it were ready to
fall. All the beasts that cross the water within a half a quarter of
a league above this unfortunate island, are sucked in by force of
the stream: and the beasts and fish that are thus killed by the
prodigious fall, serve for food for fifty Iroquese who are settled
about two leagues off, and take 'em out of the water with their
canoes. Between the surface of the water that shelves off prodi-
giously, and the foot of the precipice, three men may cross in
abreast, without any further damage than a sprinkling of some
few drops of water."
The party were apprehensive of an attack from the pursuers,
while getting up the rapids of the Niagara, but, having reached
158 HISTORY OF THE
the lake they were secure, the heavy canoes of the Iroquois not
being able to overtake the lighter ones of the French. They
coasted along the northern shore of lake Erie. The navigators of
that lake at the present day, will smile when they are told that
these early navigators made a portage of Long Point, carrying
their canoes and baggage over land. LA HONTAN speaks of an
abundance of game, deer, turkeys, &c., which they found upon
the lake shore, as well as upon the islands. The party stopped
upon several of the small islands of lake Huron, and, driving the
"Roe-bucks" (deer) into the water, would overtake them with
their canoes and knock them upon the head with their oars.
The detachment of LA HONTAN took possession of the fort of
St. Josephs, relieving the force that had been stationed there.
The provisions which DE NONVILLE had promised, failing to arrive
during the winter, the garrison was obliged to depend principally
upon the chase.
During the winter, a party of Hurons set out over land for the
garrison at Niagara, determined to enter the country of the Iro-
quois, as a marauding party to kill and capture detached parties of
beaver hunters. On their way they came across a party of
Iroquois hunters, sixty in number, and while they were sleeping in
their camps, killed and made prisoners of the whole party. The
Hurons returned in triumph to the post at Mackinaw. Some of
the Iroquois prisoners told LA HONTAN that they were of the party
of one thousand, that intended to capture him and his command at
the Falls of Niagara; that when they left, eight hundred of their
warriors had blocked up Fort Niagara; and that famine and disease
were fast reducing the small French force there ; news that proved
too true, as the reader will have already learned. They also gave
LA HONTAN to understand that, after succeeding at Niagara, the
Iroquois would try the same experiment upon his post. He was
not apprehensive that they would attack him, but feared they
\ would cut off his hunters and stop his supplies. To guard against
this, he employed additional hunters and laid in a large supply of
meat. The Iroquois not coming to attack him, in the course of the
season he joined a large party of the western Indians, and invaded
the country of the Iroquois on the south side of lake Erie, and had
several engagements with them.
Soon after De NONVILLE'S expedition, Gov. DONGAN met a
deputation of the Five Nations at Albany, and praised and scolded
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 159
them in turn, as would best enable him to maintain the appearance
of neutrality, and at the same time encourage them to persevere
against the French. He told them they were subjects of the King
of England, that he claimed dominion over their territory ; that
they must not enter into any treaty with the French, except with
his advice and consent. Dr. GOLDEN says that Gov. DOXGAX was
not averse to a peace between the French and Iroquois, but he
wished the French to solicit his assistance to bring it about, and in
doing so acknowledge the dependence of the Five Nations on the
crown of England. He was, however over-ruled by King James,
and ordered to assist in bringing the Iroquois to consent to a peace
on terms dictated by the French. He was soon after removed
from his government.
The French so often foiled by the Iroquois, and so annoyed by
them and their wars upon other Indian nations, were determined
upon measures of peace. De NOXVILLE, in the summer of 1688,
ordered a cessation of hostilities, and succeeded in getting a large
delegation from the Five Nations to repair to Montreal, for the
purpose of negotiation. Five hundred of the Iroquois appeared as
negotiators ; while twelve hundred of their warriors, were await-
ing the result near Montreal, ready to fall upon the French settle-
ments, if no treaty was effected.
The confederates insisted that twelve of their people who had
been taken prisoners the year previous, and sent by De NOXVILLE
to the galleys of France, should be returned to their country ; that
Forts Frontenac and Niagara should be razed ; and that the
Senecas should be paid for the destruction of their property. De
NOXVILLE declared his willingness to put an end to the war if all
his Indian allies were included in a treaty of peace ; if the Mohawks
and Senecas would send deputies to signify their concurrence ; and
Fort Frontenac might remain in their hands, and continued as a
depo t of trade.
The French and English accounts differ as to the terms of peace
finally agreed upon. But a treaty was concluded, which was
frustrated by an unforeseen occurrence.
Among the French Indian allies, was KOXDIAROXK, or LE RAT,
a Huron chief, powerful in council and in arms. He had leagued
with De NOXVILLE to aid in warring upon the Iroquois, his enemies,
and the enemies of his nation. From no love for the English, (for
he hated them because they were the friends of the Iroquois,) but
160 HISTORY OF THE
for the sake of making a good sale of his furs, he had seemed to
favor some of their trading parties that had been among the
Hurons. This had excited the jealousy of the French ; to remove
which, he repaired to Fort Frontenac with an hundred warriors.
Arriving there, he was told by the commandant that De NOXVILLE
was in hopes of concluding a peace with the Iroquois, and that the
presence of him and his warriors might obstruct the negotiations.
Feigning acquiescence, he determined upon a plan not only to
prevent a peace, but to punish his French allies for breaking the
league they had made, to continue the war. Under the pretence
of returning to his country, he took another direction, and repairing
to one of the falls of the St. Lawrence, he placed his warriors in
ambush, and when a large party of the Iroquois came up, on their
return from Montreal, he attacked them, killing a part, and making
prisoners of the remainder. He gave the prisoners to understand
that he was acting in concert with the French ; that De NONVILLE
had told him when he could best interrupt the party on its way
from Montreal. When told by his prisoners that they were peace
ambassadors, he affected great surprise and indignation ; and
addressing them, said : "Go, my brethren, I untie your hands, and
send you home again, though our nations be at war. The French
Governor has made me commit so black an action, that I shall
never be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have taken full
revenge."
As the wily Huron chief had anticipated, the discharged prison-
ers spread the news of French perfidy, (as it seemed to them,) on
their return to their country, and measures for the renewal of the
war, and revenge, soon followed ; those of the Five Nations who
had been friendly to the French zealously co-operating. An army
of twelve hundred warriors was soon ready for the field. On the
26th of July, 1688, they landed on the south side of the Island of
Montreal, while the French were in perfect security ; burnt their
houses, sacked their plantations, and put to the sword all the men,
women, and children, without the skirts of the town. " A thousand
French were slain in the invasion, and twenty-six carried into
captivity and burnt alive. Many more were made prisoners, in
another attack, in October, and the lower part of the Island wholly
destroyed. Only three of the confederates were lost in all this
scene of misery and desolation." *
* Smith's Historv of the " Province of New York," the statement is upon the author-
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 161
As soon as the news reached Fort Frontenac, that post was
hurriedly abandoned. On leaving, the French designed to have
blown up the works, but the match which was to fire the magazine
did not accomplish its purpose. The Iroquois hearing that the fort
was deserted, repaired to it, and secured a large amount of plunder,
a part of which, was twenty-eight kegs of powder.
The news of these disasters spreading among the French Indian
allies at the west, had the effect to alieqate most of them and
incline them to the English interests. In fact all but two Nations,
were thus affected. The whole range of country from Quebec to
the western posts, was possessed by the Iroquois or scoured by
their war parties ; and nothing saved the western posts, but the
inability of the Indians to attack successfully fortified places. Added
to the other misfortunes of the French upon the St. Lawrence, was
a threatened famine. The war and the fur trade, had diverted
from agriculture, and supplies failed to reach them from France.
Shut up in their fortifications, the Iroquois were ready to fall upon
them whenever they ventured out. SMITH, the early historian of
New York, says ; " but for the uncommon sagacity of Sieur PEROT,
the western Indians would have murdered even- Frenchman among
them." Dr. COLDEX says: "I say. whoever considers all these
things, [disadvantages he enumerates under which the Iroquois
carried on the war, growing out of the want of an entire unity
among themselves, and other wars in which they were engaged, ]
and what the Five Nations did actually perform, will hardly doubt*
that they of themselves, were at that time an over match for the
French of Canada."
The English taking advantage of the emergency in which the
French were placed, held a conference at Albany with the
Mohawks. A Mohawk chief assuming to speak for the entire
confederacy, said; "We have burned Montreal, we are allies of
the English, we will keep the chain unbroken."
While all this was transpiring upon the American continent the
revolution in England was consummated by the elevation of the
Prince of Orange to the English throne. This changed the whole
complexion of English and French affairs, at home as well as in
ity of Dr. Golden. Charlevois says the attack upon Montreal was late in August, and
that the Iroquois were 1500 strong ; that the loss of the French was only two hundred
souls.
NOTE. When the war was renewed with the French, the Senecas were at war
with three Western Nations ; the Utawawas, Chicktaghicks and Twightwies.
162 HISTORY OF THE
their colonies. James II. had been accused of partiality to the
French and the colonial measures he had dictated were more
favorable to French interests in America than the English colonists
and the Protestant party in England, had hoped to see adopted.
The recall of Gov. DONG AN, and the position of neutrality the
King had dictated to the English colonists, in the war between the
French and the Iroquois, were among the colonial measures that
were complained of. The policy of DONGAN would have excluded
the Jesuits and their powerful influence from the country of the
Five Nations, as well as other territory claimed by the English ;
while King James was too much of a Catholic to second his views.
France declared war against England, soon after the revolution
of 1689. Among the offensive measures immediately adopted,
were those which not only contemplated a regaining of all lost
ground in America, but the conquering of the English colonies and
the perfecting of exclusive French dominion.
De NONVILLE was recalled, and Count de FRONTENAC ordered to
sail for New France, and assume the local government.
Previous to the arrival of FRONTENAC, the Iroquois had aban-
doned Montreal. He arrived at Quebec, Oct. 2d, 1689. His
vigorous measures soon gave to French affairs a different aspect.
Remaining but a few days at Quebec, he pushed on to Montreal.
There he summoned a general council of the western Indians.
" There, as a representative of the Gallic monarch, claiming to 1 be
the bulwark of Christendom Count FRONTENAC, himself a peer
of France, now in his seventieth year, placed the murderous
hatchet in the hands of his allies; and with the tomahawk in his
own grasp, chanted the war song, danced the war dance, and
listened, apparently with delight, to the threats of savage ven-
geance.* An alliance with all the Indians between lake Ontario
and the Mississippi was perfected. Fort Frontenac was again
garrisoned with a detachment of French troops. The new French
governor took every means in his power to win the Five Nations
to his interest, realizing how important their friendship would be,
in the contest with the English, that he was about to engage in.
FRONTENAC brought with him from France the Iroquois that DE
NONVILLE had sent home as prisoners, one of whom was a chief
of some note. With an eye to the use he could make of them in
peace negotiations, he had treated them with much kindness.
* Bancroft.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 163
Retaining the chief TAWARAHET, he sent the other four to Onon-
daga with overtures of peace. A council of eighty sachems was
convened; previous to which, however, the magistrates of Albany
had been apprised of what was going on, and had sent messengers
to the council, to oppose any peace measures. An Onondaga chief,
SADEKAXAGHTIE, opened the council, stating that the French
governor had brought back the prisoners from France; had sent
four of them to their own country, and retained the rest at
Montreal as hostages; that he had invited the Iroquois to meet him
at Cadarackui to "treat about the old chain." A chief of the
"praying Indians/'* that had accompanied the discharged peace
ambassadors, rose up in the council and presented a belt, saying it
was from TAWARAHET, the captive chief, in token that he had
suffered much in his long captivity, and desired that they would
meet the French governor as he desired. The messengers of the
magistrates of Albany delivered their message which urged that no
overtures that the French might make, should be listened to.
CAXEHOOT, the Seneca sachem, whose stirring eloquence had
roused the Senecas to resist the invasion of DE NOXVILLE,
informed the council that during the previous summer, as many as
seven of the western Nations had made peace with the Senecas
and had "thrown away the axe that YOXXOXDIO had put into their
hands;'' assuring them that they should no more hearken to Yox-
XOXDIO, but, like the Iroquois, be on terms of peace with the
English. The Onondaga chief who had opened the council, said:
"Brethren, we must stick to our brother Quider,\ and look on
YOXXOXDIO as our enemy, for he is a cheat." The Albany
messengers assured the council that, as France and England were
at war, a great many English soldiers had been sent over; that an
expedition was fitting out in New England to conquer New France,
&c. The council determined upon not entertaining the proposition
of the French governor, but to assist the English to "strike at the
root, that the trunk being cut down, the branches fall of course." J
An answer to the French governor was agreed upon, which was
in substance: "That they were glad he had brought back their
* Such of the Iroquois as the Jesuits had converted, were so called, There was a
settlement of them near Montreal.
t Peter Schnyler, the mayor of Albany.
t Meaning an attack on Quebec.
164 HISTORY OF THE
people from France, but that the French had acted deceitfully so
often, that they could not trust them;" that they could not meet him
as he wished at Cadarackui, for their council fire was "extin-
guished with blood." Their ultimatum was, that their chief,
TAWARAHET must first be sent home; and after that, they might
"speak of peace." They proposed to save the lives of all their
French prisoners until spring, and release them upon condition
that the French released all their people.
In the winter of 1690, a party of one hundred and fifty French
and Indians, left Montreal, and " wading through snows and
morasses, through forests deemed before impervious to white men,
and across rivers bridged with frost, arrived on the 18th of
February, at Schenectady."* With the general features of this
expedition, and its fatal termination, the reader will be familiar.
There have been several versions of it most of them imperfect.
Among the Paris Documents, brought to this country by Mr.
BROADHEAD, is a minute relation of all that appertained to the
expedition, written at the time, and sent to the celebrated M. de
MAINTENON. The author uses a translation of it, which has
been recently published in the Albany Argus. This is, of course,
French authority; our accounts heretofore have been wholly from
English sources:
" The orders received by M. le COMTE (de FRONTENAC) to
commence hostilities against New England and New York, which
had declared for the Prince of Orange, afforded him considerable
pleasure, and were very necessary for the country. He allowed
no more time to elapse before carrying them into execution, than
was required to send off some despatches to France immediately
after which he determined to organize three different detachments,
to attack those rebels at all points at the same moment, and to
punish them, at various places, for having afforded protection to
our enemies, the Mohawks. The first party was to rendezvous at
Montreal, and proceed towards Orange (Albany;) the second at
Three Rivers, and to make a descent on New York, at some place
between Boston and Orange, and the third was to depart from
Quebec, and gain the seaboard between Boston and Pentagouet,
verging towards Acadia. They all succeeded perfectly well, and
I shall now communicate to you the details.
The detachment which formed at Montreal, may have been
* Bancroft
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 165
composed of about two hundred and ten men, namely: eighty
savages from the Sault, and from La Montagne; sixteen Algon-
quins; and the remainder Frenchmen all under the command of
the Sieur LE MOYXE DE SAIXTE HELEXE. and Lieutenant DAILLE-
BOUT DE MAXTET, both of whom were Canadians. The Sieurs
le MOYXE D'IBERVILLE and REPEXTIGXY DE MOXTESSOX com-
manded under these. The best qualified Frenchmen were the
Sieurs de BOXREPOS and de LA BROSSE. Calvinist officers, Sieurs
la MOYXE DE BLAIXVILLE. LE BERT DU CHENE, and la MARQUE
DE MOXTIGXY, who all served as volunteers. They took their
departure from Montreal at the commencement of February.
u After having marched for the course of five or six days, they
called a council to determine the route they should follow, and the
point they should attack.
" The Indians demanded of the French what was their intention.
Messieurs de SAIXTE HELEXE and MAXTET replied that they had
left in the hope of attacking Orange, (Albany) if possible, as it is
the Capital of Xew York and a place of considerable importance,
though they had no orders to that effect, but generally to act
according as they should judge, on the spot, of their chances of
success, without running too much risk. This appeared to the
savages somewhat rash. They represented the difficulties and the
weakness of the party for so bold an undertaking. There was
even one among them who, with his mind filled with the recollec-
tion of the disasters which he had witnessed last year, enquired of
our Frenchmen, 'since when had they become so desperate?'
It was our intention, now, to regain the honor of which our
misfortunes had deprived us, and the sole means to accomplish
that, we replied, was to carry Orange, or to perish in so glorious
an enterprise.
"As the Indians, who had an intimate acquaintance with the
localities, and more experience than the French, could not be
brought to agree with the latter, it was determined to postpone
coming to a conclusion until the party should arrive at the spot
where the two routes separate the one leading to Orange, and
the other to Corlear (Schenectady). In the course of the journey,
which occupied eignt days, the Frenchmen judged proper to
diverge towards Corlear, according to the advice of the Indians;
and this road was taken without calling a new council. Nine
days more elapsed before they arrived, having experienced incon-
ceivable difficulties, and having been obliged to march up to their
knees in water, and to break the ice with their feet in order to find
a solid footing.
" They arrived within two leagues of Corlear, about 4 o'clock
in the evening, and were there harangued by the Great AGXIEZ,
the chief of the Iroquois from the Sault. He urged on all to
perform their duty, and to lose all recollections of their fatigue, in
the hope of taking ample revenge for the injuries which they had
166 HISTORY OF THE
received from the Mohawks at the solicitation of the English, and
of washing themselves in the blood of the traitors. This savage
was, without contradiction the most considerable of his tribe an
honest man as full of spirit, prudence, and generosity as it was
possible, and capable at the same time of the grandest undertakings.
Shortly after, four squaws were discovered in a wigwam who gave
every information necessary for the attack on the town. The fire
found in this hut served to warm those who were benumbed, and
they continued their route, having previously detached GIGUIERES,
a Canadian, with nine Indians, on the look out. They discovered
no one, and returned to join the main body within one league of
Corlear.
"At eleven of the clock that night, they came within sight of
the town, resolved to defer the assault until two o'clock of the
morning. But the excessive cold admitted of no further delay.
" The town of Corlear forms a sort of oblong square, with only
two gates one opposite the road we had taken; the other leading
to Orange, which is only six leagues distant. Messieurs de
SAINTE HELENE and de MANTET were to enter at the first, which
the Squaws pointed out, and which in fact was found wide open.
Messieurs D'!BERVILLE and de MONTESSON took the left, with
another detachment, in order to make themselves masters of that
leading to Orange. But they could not discover it, and returned to
join the remainder of the party. A profound silence was every-
where observed, until the two commanders, who separated, at their
entrance into the town, for the purpose of encircling it, had met at
the other extremity.
" The wild Indian war-whoop was then raised, and the entire
force rushed simultaneously to the attack. M. de MANTET placed
himself at the head of a detachment, and reached a small fort
where the garrison was under arms. The gate was burst in after
a good deal of difficulty; the whole set on fire, and all who
defended the place were slaughtered.
" The sack of the town began a moment before the attack of
the fort. Few houses made any resistance. M. de MONTIGNY
discovered some, which he attempted to carry sword in hand,
having tried the musket in vain. He received two thrusts of a
spear one in the body and the other in the arm. But M. de
SAIXTE HELENE having come to his aid, effected an entrance, and
put every one of the garrison to the sword. The massacre lasted
two hours. The remainder of the night was spent in placing
sentinels and taking some rest.
" The house belonging to the minister was ordered to be saved,
so as to take him alive, to obtain information from him. But, as it
was not known, it was not saved any more than the others. He
was slain and his papers burnt before he could be recognized.
" At daybreak, some men were sent to the dwelling of Mr.
COUDRE, who was Major of the place at the other side of the
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 167
river. He was not willing to surrender, and began to put himself
on the defensive, with his servants and some Indians; but as it was
resolved not to do him any harm, in consequence of the good
treatment which the French had formerly experienced at his
hands. M. D'!BERVILLE and the Great AGXIEZ proceeded thither
alone, promised him quarter for himself, and his people and his
property, whereupon he laid down his arms, on parole; enter-
taining them in his fort, and returned with them to see the com-
mandants of the town.
In order to occupy the savages, who would otherwise have
taken to drink, and thus rendered themselves unable for defence,
the houses had already been set on fire. None were spared in the
town but one house belonging to COCDRE, and that of a widow
who had six children, whither M. de MOXTIGXY had been carried
when wounded. All the rest were consumed. The lives of
between fifty and sixty persons, old men, women and children,
were spared, they having escaped the first fun* of the attack.
Some twenty Mohawks were also spared, in order to show that it
was the English and not they, against whom the grudge was
entertained The loss on this occasion in houses, catlle and grain,
amounted to more than four hundred thousand livres. There
were upwards of eighty well built and well furnished houses in
town.
" The return march commenced with thirty prisoners. The
wounded, who were to be carried, and the plunder, with which all
the Indians and some Frenchmen were loaded, caused considerable
inconvenience. Fifty good horses were brought away. Sixteen
only of these reached Montreal. The remainder were killed for
food on the way.
" Sixty leagues from Corlear, the Indians began to hunt, and the
French not being able to wait for them, being short of provisions,
continued their route, having detached Messieurs D'!BERVILLE and
Dr CHESXE with two savages before them to Montreal. On the
same day, some Frenchmen, who doubtless were very much
fatigued, lost their way. Fearful that they should be obliged to
keep up with the main body, and believing themselves in safety,
having eighty Indians in their rear, they were found missing from
the camp. They were waited for next day until eleven o'clock,
but in vain, and no account has since been received of them.
"Two hours after, forty men left the main body without
acquainting the commander, continued their route by themselves,
and arrived within two leagues of Montreal one day ahead, so
that there were not more than fifty or sixty men toge'ther. The
evening on which they should arrive at Montreal, being extremely
fatigued from fasting and bad roads, the rear fell away from M. de
SAINTE HELEXE. who was in front with an Indian guide, and who
could not find a place suitable for encampinsr nearer than three or
four leagues of the spot where he expected "to halt. He was not
168 HISTORY OF THE
rejoined by M. de MANTET and the others, until far advanced in
the night. Seven have not been found. Next day on parade
about 10 o clock in the forenoon, a soldier arrived, who announced
that they had been attacked by fourteen or fifteen savages, and
that six had been killed. The party proceeded somewhat afflicted
by this accident, and arrived at Montreal at 3 o'clock, P. M.
" Such, Madame, is the account of what passed at the taking of
Corlear (Schenectady). The French lost but twenty-one men,
namely, four Indians and seventeen Frenchmen. Only one Indian
and one Frenchman were killed at the capture of the town. The
others were lost on the road."
Another French party, of but fifty three persons, left the Three
Rivers, and fell upon an English settlement on the Piscataqua in
Maine, and after a bloody engagement, burnt houses, barns and
cattle in their stalls, and captured fifty-four persons, chiefly women
and children.
The French and English war continued until 1697. The details
of it enter largely into our general history. It was a war, so far
as the colonies were concerned, growing out of disputed boundary
and dominion ; the chief or immediate interest at stake, being the
fur trade and the fisheries upon our northern coast. In all the war,
each nation had its Indian allies, who were left, in most instances,
to prosecute their own mode of warfare. At times during the war,
Frontenac was enabled to succeed partially with some portions of
the Five Nations, through the influence of the Jesuits and the
Christian Indians, in occasionally securing their neutrality ; but for
the most part, they were the implacable enemies of the French.
In the distracted condition of the English, the dissensions and political
rivalries in their colonies; the feebleness with which they prosecuted
war measures, as all must have observed, who are familiar with the
history of those times ; had it not been for the aid of the Iroquois,
who occupied an advantageous position to form a barrier against
French incursions in a defenceless quarter, the English colonies
would have suffered much worse, if indeed French conquest had
not been consummated. After the disaster of Schenectady, the
NOTK. Golden says the number of inhabitants massacred was sixty-three, and that
twenty-seven were carried away prisoners. In reference to -the attack upon the French
in their retreat, he says: " The care the French took to soothe the Mohawks, had
not entirely its effect, for as soon as they heard of this action, a hundred of their
readiest young men pursued the French, fell upon their rear, and killed and took
twentv-five of them." The English accounts generally, state, that the citizens of
Schenectadv, not apprehensive of an attack from Montreal at such a season of the
year, were all asleep, with their gates unclosed.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 163
remnant of a settlement left there, were for abandoning their pos-
sessions. They were encouraged to remain by the Mohawks, who
assured them that the Five Nations had beat the French every
where, single handed, and could easily control them, if the
English would do their part. The Five Nations were indignant at
what they deemed the temerity of some portion of the citizens of
Albany, who contemplated fleeing to New York.
During the whole period of this war, the Iroquois had uninter-
rupted possession of all the region west of Onondaga lake, and in
fact of the whole west of Schenectady, with the exception of some
incursions of the French which will be noticed. It was an interim
generally of quiet with them and other Indian nations. They
made several incursions, down the St. Lawrence, attacking the
French near Montreal, with considerable success.
The English soon after the breaking out of the war, made formi-
idable preparations for the conquest of Quebec and Montreal, as the
starting point for putting an end to French dominion in this portion
of the continent. The measures of FRONTENAC, as has been before
observed, looked to an end of English dominion. Little was
accomplished by either in furtherance of their ultimate designs.
The English expeditions to the St. Lawrence were failures ; and
the French incursions were but marauding expeditions, marked
with all the horrors and barbarities of savage warfare. In refer-
ence to the results of the year 1691, and the failures of the English
expeditions, Mr. BANCROFT remarks "Repulsed from Canada,
the exhausted [English] colonies, attempted little more than the
defence of their frontiers. Their borders were full of sorrow, of
captivity and death.''
After the English had abandoned their designs upon the head
quarters of the French upon the St. Lawrence, FRONTEXAC turned
his attention to the Five Nations, whom he alternately, by missions
and treaties, endeavored to win, and by invasions to terrify into an
alliance. In February, 1692, three hundred French, with Indian
confederates, were sent over the snows, against the hunting parties
of the Senecas in Upper Canada, near the Niagara."* In 1693,
a large party -invaded the country of the Mohawks, destroyed
several castles, at one of which a small band of warriors so well
resisted the invaders as to cause them the loss of thirty men.
* Bancroft.
170 HISTORY OF THE
FRONTENAC had ordered no quarters to be given, except to women
and children, but a more humane policy of his Indian allies pre-
vailed. They attempted to carry away prisoners, but a small force
collected by PETER SCHUYLER, of Albany, pursued and liberated
the captives.
Toward the close of the war, in 1696, FRONTENAC, then seventy-
four years of age, headed the last French expedition to Western
New York. Assembling a large force at Fort Frontenac, he
crossed over to Oswego, and marching thence to the chief settle-
ment of the Onondagas, found it deserted. This central nation of
the Iroquois had followed the example of the Senecas and set fire
to their wigwams.
The only prisoner taken, was an aged chief, who had refused to
fly, or probably from weakness and infirmity, could not. The
Indian allies of the French were allowed to torture him ; but he
" scoffed at his tormentors as the slaves of those he despised."
They gave him mortal wounds, and expiring under them, his last
words were ; "You should have taken more time to learn to
meet death manfully ! I die contented ; for I have no cause of self
reproach. You Indians their allies, you dogs of dogs, think of me
when you shall be in the like state."
Dr. GOLDEN says the Onondagas were deterred from remaining
and defending their houses, by the frightful accounts that a Seneca
gave them, who had deserted from the French. He said the French
army was as numerous as "the leaves on the trees ; that they had
machines which threw balls up into the air, and which falling on
their castle would burst to pieces and spread fire and death every
where ; against which, their stockades could be no defence."
The Chevalier de VANDREUIL was detached with a large force
to ravage the country of the Oneidas and destroy their crops. The
Oneidas were less hostile to the French than the rest of the con-
federacy. Thirty or forty of them remained to make the French
welcome, but they were made prisoners and taken to Montreal.
Frontenac was urged by some of his officers to extend the con-
quest, but he declined, saying "it was time for him to repose." He
concluded he had so far intimidated the Five Nations as to incline
them to peace. It is plain, however, that the French had learned
to dread the Iroquois and their stratagems, and were fearful that the
retreat from their towns was, but to collect in full force, and perhaps
surprise their invaders by an ambuscade. GOLDEN, who, as an
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 1T1
Enslishman, and the historian of the Five Nations, inclines to cavil
O ' *
generally upon the French expeditions, says ; "all that can be
said for this expedition, is, that it was a kind of heroic dotage ;" and
it would seem to have been somewhat of that complexion.
The French army returned to Montreal, not, however, without
being harassed on their way by the Onondagas. But a few weeks
had elapsed before war parties of the Five Nations appeared in the
vicinity of Montreal, making attacks upon the French settlements.
" Thus," says COLDEX, "the war w r as continued until the peace of
Ryswick, by small parties of Indians on both sides, harrassing,
surprising, and scalping the inhabitants of Montreal and Albany."
The war settled nothing in the way of respective boundary and
dominion, except perhaps a kind of mutual acknowledgment of
what each had claimed before. It left Western New York to con-
tinue to be a bone of contention. The French had conceded to
them the whole coast and adjacent Islands, from Maine to beyond
Labrador and Hudson's Bay, besides Canada, the western Lake
region, and the valley of the Mississippi.
In adjusting the boundaries, the English commissioner claimed
all the country of the Five Nations, and that it extended west, so
far even as to include Mackinaw, This extravagant ambition was
treated with derision ; the French still claiming the whole country
of the Five Nations, from discovery and precedent occupancy, by
a garrison at Niagara, and their missionaries and traders. " Reli-
gious sympathies" says BANCROFT " inclined the Five Nations to
the French, but commercial advantages brought them always into
connection with the English." About the period of the attempt to
settle the question of boundary in New York, the English passed a
law for hanging "every Popish priest that should come voluntarily
into the province ;" including, of course, the disputed ground, as
that was claimed to be a part of the province. "The law ought
forever to continue in force," says SMITH, the first historian of New
York, who had strong prejudices against the French and their reli-
gion. Mr. BANCROFT, in a better spirit, concludes that his pre-
decessor was "wholly unconsious of the true nature of his
remark." While the French and English both laid claim to
Western New York, the fightful owners and occupants never for
a moment assented to either of the claims but insisted upon their
independence.
In 1700 a peace was ratified between the Iroquois on the one
172 HISTORY OF THE
side, and France and her Indian allies on the other. The Rat, the
Huron chief who had so craftily played the part of an lago, in
preventing a previous peace, said at a council at Montreal: "I
lay down the axe at my father's feet;" the deputies of the four
tribes of Ottawas echoed his words. All the western Indians
agreed to terms of peace. A general exchange of prisoners took
place, as well between the hostile Indian nations, as between the
French and the Five Nations.*
Count FRONTENAC died soon after the close of the French and
English war, and was succeeded in the government of New
France, by DE CALLIERS, who had been first in rank under him in
his military expeditions. Lord BELLAMONT, succeeded Colonel
SLOUGHTER, as Governor of the English provinces. The new
French Governor insisted upon French jurisdiction of the Iroquois,
and that question remained unsettled, while all others were
adjusted.
The peace between England and France was of short duration.
The smoke of what was termed "King William's War," had
hardly cleared away, when " Queen Anne's War " commenced.
In the month of may, 1702, war was declared between Queen
ANNE and her allies, the Emperor of Germany and the States
* " I shall finish this Part by observing that, notwithstanding the French Commis-
sioners took all pains possible to carry Home the French that were Prisoners with the
Fine Nations, and they had full Liberty from the Indians, few of them could be
persuaded to return. It may be thought that this was occasioned by the Hardships they
endured in their own Country, under a tyrannical Government and a barren Soil. But
this certainly was not the only reason; for the English had as much Difficulty to per-
suade the people that had been taken Prisoners by the French Indians, to leave the
Indian Manner of living, though no People enjoy more Liberty, and live in greater
Plenty than the common Inhabitants of New York do. No Arguments, no Intreaties,
nor Tears of their Friends and Relations, could persuade many of them to leave their
New Indian Friends and Acquaintance; several of them that were by the Caressings
of their Relations persuaded to come Home, in a little time grew tired of our Manner
of living, and run away again to the Indians, and ended their Days with them. On
the other Hand Indian Children have been carefully educated among the English,
clothed and taught, yet I think there is not one Instance, that any of these, after they
had Liberty to go among their own People, and were come to Age, would remain with
the English, but returned to their own Nations, and became as fond of the Indian
manner of Life as those that knew nothing of the civilized Manner of living. What I
now tell of Christian Prisoners among Indians, relates not only to what happened at
the Conclusion of the War, but has been found true on many other occasions."
COLDZN,
NOTE. The captive chief Tawarahet died in Montreal. Colden says the French
gave him a Christian burial, in a pompous manner; the Priest that had attended him at
his death having declared that he died a true Christian; for, said the Priest, while I
explained to him the passion of our Savior, whom the Jews crucified, he cried out:
'Oh! had I been there, I would have revenged his death, and brought away their
HQLLAN
PURCHASE. H3
General, of Holland, and France and Spain. It was soon extended
to the colonies, and another long and bloody war ensued. By this
time the French, through the influence of the Jesuit Missionaries,
and the diplomacy of VAUDREUIL, had fully reinstated themselves
in the good will of the western Indians, and made allies of the
most powerful nations of New England. This gave them by far
the vantage ground throughout the war. The Province of New
York took but little part hi the contest, and its chief burden fell
upon New England. The Indians, within their own limits, rein-
forced by the Indians of Canada, and not unfrequently accompanied
by the French, made incursions into all parts of the eastern
English Provinces, falling upon the frontier settlements with the
torch, the tomahawk and knife, and furnishing a long catalogue of
captivity and death, that mark that as one of the most trying
periods in a colonial history upon almost every page of which we
are forcibly reminded how much of blood and suffering it cost our
pioneer ancestors to maintain a foothold upon this continent.*
The war on the part of the English colonies, was principally
directed against Port Royal, Quebec, and Montreal. Most of the
expeditions they fitted out were failures; there was. a suspicion of
shipwreck, badly framed schemes of conquest; organization of
forces but to be disbanded before they had consummated any
definite purposes; "marching up hills and marching down again."
Such being the geographical features of the war; the Province
of New York having assented to the treaty of neutrality between
the French and Five Nations, and contenting itself with an enjoy-
ment of Indian trade, while their neighboring Provinces were
struggling against the French and Indians; there is little to notice
having any immediate connection with our local relations.
Generally, during the war, the Five Nations preserved their
neutrality. They managed with consummate skill to be the friends
of both the English and French. Situated between two powerful
nations at war with each other, they concluded the safest wav
was to keep themselves in a position to fall in with the one that
finally triumphed. At one period when an attack upon Montreal
was contemplated, they were induced by the English to furnish a
large auxiliary force, that assembled with a detachment of English
* From the year 1675, to the close of Queen Anne's War, in 1713, about six thousand
of the English colonists, had perished by the stroke of the enemv or by distempers
contracted in military service.
174 HISTORY OF T
troops at Wood Creek. The whole scheme amounting to a failure,
no opportunity was afforded of testing their sincerity, but from
some circumstances that transpired, it was suspected that they
were as much inclined to the French as to the English. At one
period during the war, five Iroquols sachems were prevailed upon
to visit England for the purpose of urging renewed attempts to
conquer Canada. They were introduced to the Queen, decked
out in splendid wardrobe, exhibited through the streets of London,
at the theatres, and other places of public resort; feasted and
toasted, they professed that their people were ready to assist in
exterminating the French, but threatened to go home and join the
French unless more effectual war measures were adopted. This
was a lesson undoubtedly taught them by the English colonists
who had sent them over to aid in exciting more interest at home
in the contest that was waging in the colonies. The visit of the
sachems had temporarily the desired effect. It aided in inducing
the English government to furnish the colonies with an increased
force of men and vessels of war; in assisting in a renewed expe-
dition against Montreal and Quebec, which ended, as others had,
in a failure. They got nothing from the Five Nations but profes-
sions; no overt act of co-operation and assistance. The governor
of the province of New York, all along refused to urge them to
violate their engagements of neutrality; for as neutrals, they were
a barrier to the frontier settlements of New York, against the
encroachments of the French and their Indian allies.
The treaty of Utrecht, in April, 1713, put an end to the war.
France ceded to England, " all Nova Scotia or Acadia, with its
ancient boundaries, also the city of Port Royal, now called
Annapolis Royal, and all other things in those parts, which depend
upon the said lands." France stipulated in the treaty that she
would " never molest the Five Nations subject to the dominion of
Great Britain," leaving still undefined their boundaries, to form
with other questions of boundary and dominion, future disa-
greements.
In all this contest, France lost no foothold at the West; but
had kept on strengthening and extending its trading establishments
in that quarter; following up the new impulse which had been
given to their interests there, at the close of King William's war,
through the successful diplomacy of FRONTENAC. In June, 1701,
De la TOTTE CADILLAC, with a Jesuit Missionary and one hundred
a&UAN
D PURCHASE.
Frenchmen took possession, and became the founders of Detroit.
At that period there were three numerous Indian villages in the
immediate vicinity of the French post.
In 1722, WILLIAM BURXET, Governor of the Province of New
York and New Jersey, who had acquired an accurate and thorough
knowledge of the interior geography of Western New York,
considered it very important to get command of lake Ontario.
To accomplish this object, strengthen English influence over the
Six Nations; and defeat the French project of a continuous line of
forts, stretching from Quebec to the Gulf of Mexico, he established
a trading house at Oswego in the country of the Senecas. The
French having repaired the fort at Niagara, and built a large store
house in 1725, he in 1726, at his own expense, built a fort at
Oswego. In a report of the " committee of the council " of New
York, in 1724, th^V say "the government has built a public trading
house upon Cataraqui lake, at Irondequat, on the Sennekas' lands,
and another is to be built next spring on the Onondagas 1 (Oswego)
river." In a letter written by " J. A. Esq., to Mr. P. C.," of
London, dated New York, 1740, on the subject of the measures
taken by Gov. BURXET, for " redeeming the Indian trade out of the
hands of the French," it is said: "Gov. BURXET, through his
earnest application, and at first chiefly with his money, credit and
risk, erected a trading house and fortification at the mouth of the
Onondagues river, called Osneigo. where the province of New
York supports a garrison of soldiers, consisting of a Lieutenant
and twenty men, which are yearly relieved. At this place a very
great trade is carried on with the remote Indians, who formerly
used to go down to the French, at Montreal, and there buy our
English goods, at second hand, at about twice the price they now
pay for them at Osneigo."
About the period of the occupation of Oswego by the English,
and the re-occupation of Niagara by the French, a warm contest
arose in the Province of New York, growing out of the fact that
the French had taken the advantage of the interim of peace, and
were buying their Indian goods in New York. The English
Indian traders, by representing that this was helping the French to
almost wholly engross the Indian trade, and aiding in alienating
the Indians from the English, procured the passage of an act
forbidding merchants in the Province of New York, selling Indian
goods to the French. The law was not to the liking of the New
176 HISTORY OF THE
York merchants, who made bitter complaints of its effects. Grow-
ing out of this controversy, was a memorial which stated the
relative advantages of bringing goods into the country by the way
of Montreal, and Quebec, and New York. After enumerating the
great expenses and disadvantages of the northern French route,
they speak of the facilities the French enjoy after getting upon the
lakes and the Mississippi: there is opened to them, says the
memorial, "such a scene of inland navigation as cannot be paral-
leled in any other part of the world." With reference to the
English route to the lakes and the Mississippi, they say: "From
Albany, the English traders commonly carry their goods over-land
sixteen miles to the Mohawk river at Schenectady, the charge of
which carriage is nine shillings New York money, or five shillings
sterling, each wagon load. From Schenectady they carry them
in canoes up the Mohawk river, to the carrying place between the
Mohawk river and the river which runs into the Oneida lake;
which carrying place between is only three miles long, except in
very dry weather, when they are obliged to carry them two miles
farther. From thence they go down with the current the Onon-
daga river to Cataracui lake." This, the author ventures to
assume, is the earliest written document having reference to the
inland navigation of our state. Its date is 1724.
The peace of Europe was again interrupted by a war in which
England, Spain, France and Austria, were ultimately, involved;
together with the American colonies of the three first named.
The events that distinguished it, however interesting and important
as matters of general colonial history, have little or no relation to
this section of country. The frontiers of Florida and Georgia
became involved. OGLETHORPE, the Governor of Georgia, con-
ducted an expedition against St. Augustine, with forces raised in
the newly settled province. An English fleet, commanded by
VERNON, captured Porto Bello, destroyed the fort at Chargres, and
demolished the fortifications at Carthagena, in the West Indies.
England sent out to the Gulf of Mexico the largest naval armament
that had ever before sailed upon its waters. Four battalions were
demanded of the colonies north of Carolina to accompany it. The
colonies complied with the requisition, and furnished the troops.
England set out with the intention of conquering the richest
Spanish provinces in America; but, after all her efforts and losses,
she made no permanent acquisitions at the south. An English
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 177
fleet having met, engaged, and gained a victory over a French
fleet in the Mediterranean.
In America, the scene of contest was now transferred from the
southern to the northern portion of the continent. The New
England colonies planned and fitted out the successful expedition
that besieged and captured Louisburgh, on the Island of Cape
Breton. A plan for the entire conquest of Canada was formed,
preparations were made; but it was not carried out.
At length a treaty of peace was negotiated between the warring
nations, and signed at Aix la Chapelle, .October 7th, 1748.
Though peace prevailed in Europe, yet so far as the French and
English colonies were concerned, it was only nominal, never real.
The repose and quietness they so much needed, never came.
Both England and France immediately entered upon the system
of mutual aggression, that finally proved so fatal to the power of
the latter on this continent. By the terms of the treaty, England
restored to France all the conquests she had made, and no change
was made in the colonial possessions of either.
Though not strictly relative to our subject, we will note a matter
of general interest, hi this connection. While England and Spain
were at war, a proposal was made to the British Minister, in 1739,
to tax the English colonies hi America. The reply which the
minister made is worthy repetition; and had the lesson of wisdom
which it taught been learned and regarded by those who, a gener-
ation after, stood in his place, how different might have been the
annals, not only of our own region, but the entire history which
commemorates the achievements and progress of the fortunes and
destiny of Britain and America: "Taxation," said Sir ROBERT
WALPOLE, " That, I will leave for some of my successors who
may have more courage than I have, and be less a friend to
commerce than 1 am. It has been a maxim with me during my
administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies in
the utmost latitude."
THE TUSCARORAS.
The remnant of this once powerful nation are located upon the
Mountain Ridge, hi the town of Lewiston. Their introduction at
this stage of our history, is due to the chronological arrangment it
12
178 HISTORY OF THE
is intended to preserve. They were adopted by the Iroquois, and
became the Sixth Nation of the confederacy, in 1712.
They came originally from North Carolina from the upper
country, on the Rivers Neuse and Tar. In 1708 they had "fifteen
towns, and could count twelve hundred warriors." In 1711 a
rupture occured between them and the colonists. There was a
question of territory ; of alledged aggression upon their lands.
That they were aggrieved and wronged in the onset, is plainly to
be inferred from concurrent history. Their new neighbors, the
trespassers upon their territory, were not of a character to have a
very nice sense of right and wrong.* With as little ceremony, and
with as little show of justice, as was exhibited in a later period in
the partition of Poland the "Proprietaries" of North Carolina
commenced parcelling out their lands to the German fugitives. DE
GRAFFENRIED, who had charge of the establishment of the exiles,
accompanied by a surveyor, named LAWS ON, traversed the Neuse
in their territory to determine the character of the country through
which it flowed. This and previous demonstrations, convinced the
Tuscaroras of the intended aggressions, and they seized the agent
and surveyor, and conveyed them to one of their villages. Here,
before a general council of the principal men of the various tribes,
in which was recounted the wrongs they had suffered from the
English,and especially their having "marked some of their territory
into lots for settlers," the prisoners were condemned to death. The
Indian ceremonies, a feast and festive dances, the kindling of a fire,
were preliminary to the execution. On the morning of the appointed
day, a new council decreed a reprieve of GRAFFENRIED, but renewed
the sentence of LAWSON. GRAFFENRIED was retained as a pris-
oner for five weeks, and discharged upon a promise that as chieftain
of the German emigrants, he would occupy no land without the
consent of the Indians.
While all this was transacting in one quarter, and a suspension of
aggression and retribution, agreed upon; in another, hostilities had
commenced. A band of Tuscaroras and Corees in concert, made
a descent upon the scattered German settlers upon the Roanoke
* In allusion to an epitaph upon the tomb stone of one of the early Governors, which
says that " North Carolina enjoyed tranquility during his administration," Mr Bancroft
says; "It was the liberty of freemen in the woods; a wild independence." Gov.
Spotswood of Virginia said, "it was a country without any form of government."
And a severe commentator has said ; " In Carolina even' one did what was right in
his own eyes, paying tribute neither to God nor Ccesar."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 179
and Pamlico Sound, carrying there, and to the Albemarle Sound,
the utmost rigors of savage warfare. A portion of the Tuscaroras
did not countenance this sudden resort to the knife and tomahawk.
South Carolina came to the relief of the whites in North Caro-
lina. A commander named BARNWELL, at the head of an allied
force of South Carolinians, Cherokees, Creeks, Catawbap, Yamas-
ses,* and a few North Carolinians, besieged a fort the Tuscaroras
had constructed in Craven County. Thus situated, failing in a
co-operation which the people of North Carolina refused from a
feeling unfriendly to those who had brought on the war, BARXWELL,
to avoid the doubtful issue of a battle, negotiated a treaty of peace.
The peace was of but short duration; in violation of its terms, the
returning forces of BARXWELL seized the inhabitants of Tuscarora
villages, and carried them into captivity and slavery. Retaliation,
such as before had been made, was renewed. In warlike meas-
ures, however, the Tuscaroras were divided, Gov. SPOTSWOOD, of
Virginia, having succeeded in making neutrals of a large portion
of them. In Dec., 1713, the country of the Tuscaroras was again
invaded from South Carolina by a large force of Indians, and a
few white men, under the command of JAMES MOORE. Assembled
in a fort on the Neuse, eight hundred of the Tuscaroras became
the captives of the invaders. The legislature of North Carolina,
entering into the contest with more harmony in their councils, men
and money were raised, and the woods were patrolled by the "red
allies, who hunted for prisoners to be sold as slaves, or took scalps
for a reward."
Thus defeated and persecuted, driven from their lands and
homes by the adverse result of a contest provoked by wrong and
aggression; with not only the colonial authorities of North and
South Carolina to contend with, but their own race to gratify, an
arrant spirit of revenge, basely becoming the active allies of their
enemies; the Tuscaroras who had remained in arms, migrated to
New York.
The author, thus far, has relied chiefly upon the authority of
* Why the neighboring nations were found ready to take up arms against the Tusca-
roras, as allies of the English, is probably explained by a recurrence to previous events.
They had been at war with them; and in the long wars waeed against the southern
Indians, by the Confederated Five Nations of this region, the Tuscaroras had been
allies of the northern invaders. And this was probably the affinity that led them after-
wards to seek a home at the north, instead of their being "kindred of the Iroqaois,"
as Mr. Bancroft infers.
180 HISTORY OF THE
Mr. BANCROFT, with reference to the events that preceded the
emigration of the Tuscaroras. He is enabled to add two other
accounts. The first was written but sixteen years after the events,
by WM. BOYD, of Westover, Virginia, who was one of the early
commissioners to run a boundary line between Virginia and Mary-
land; and was first published in 1841. The second is from
CARROLL'S Historical Collections of South Carolina:
" These Indians were heretofore very numerous and powerful,
making, within time of memory, at least a thousand fighting men.
Their habitation, before the war with Carolina, was on the north
branch of Neuse river, commonly called Connecta creek, in a
pleasant and fruitful country. But now the few that are left of
that nation, live on the north side of Moratuck, which is all that
part of Roanoke below the great Falls, towards Albemarle Sound.
Formerly there were seven towns of these savages, lying not far
from each other, but now their number is greatly reduced. The
trade they have had the misfortune to drive with the English has fur-
nished them constantly with rum, which they have used so immode-
rately, that, what with the distempers, and what with the quarrels it
begat amongst them, it has proved a double destruction. But the
greatest consumption of these savages happened by the war about
twenty-five years ago, on account of some injustice the inhabitants
of that province had done them about their lands. It was on that
provocation they resented their wrongs a little too severely upon
Mr. LAWSON, who, under color of being Surveyor General, had
encroached too much upon their territories, at which they were so
enraged, that they way-laid him, and cut his throat from ear to
ear, but at the same time released the Baron de GRAFFENRIED,
whom they had seized for company, because it appeared plainly he
had done them no wrong. This blow was followed by some other
bloody actions on the part of the Indians, which brought on a war.
wherein many of them were cut off, and many were obliged to
flee for refuge to the Senecas, so that now there remain so few,
that they are in danger of being quite exterminated by the Cataw-
bas, their mortal enemies. These Indians have a very odd tradition
amongst them, that many years ago, their nation was grown so
dishonest, that no man could keep any of his goods, or so much as
his loving wife to himself. That, however, their God, being un-
willing to root them out for their crimes, did them the honor to
send mem a messenger from heaven to instruct them, and set them
a perfect example of integrity and kind behavior towards one
another. But this holy person, with all his eloquence and sanctity
of life, was able to make very little reformation among them.
Some few old men did listen a little to his wholesome advice, but
all the young fellows were quite incorrigible. They not only neg-
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 181
lected his precepts, but derided and evil-entreated his person. At
last, taking upon him to reprove some young rakes of the Connecta
clan very sharply for their impiety, they were so provoked at the
freedom of his rebukes, that they tied him to a tree, and shot him
with arrows through the heart But their God took instant vengence
on all who had a hand in that monstrous act, by lightning from
heaven, and has ever since visited their nation with a continued
train of calamities, nor will he ever leave off punishing and wasting
their people, till he shall have blotted every living soul of them
out of the world.
" Among the many errors which HEWIT has committed in his
history of Carolina, he has fallen into none more careless and
inexcusable, than his account of this war. Dr. RAMSAY, whose
history of South Carolina is an exact copy of HE WIT'S, as far as
he goes, has been guilty of the same misstatement of facts. The
true history of this insurrection of the Indians, as collected from
WILLIAMSON, and the authors quoted by him, is this: JOHN
LAWSON, had in discharge of his duty, as Surveyor General of
Carolina, marked off some of the lands, claimed by the Tuscarora
Indians, on the Neuse river. In consequence of this encroachment
upon their rights, added to the frequent impositions of fraudulent
traders among them, they seized LAWSON, and after a brief trial,
put him to death. Becoming alarmed at this outrage, they hoped
to escape punishment, by murdering, on a given day, all the colonists
south of Albemarle Sound. Dividing themselves into small parties,
they commenced their horrid purpose on the 22d of September,
1711; on which memorable day, 130 persons fell a sacrifice to their
revenge. To put down this insurrection, aid was demanded from
South Carolina; and Colonel BARNWELL, with a small party of
whites, and a considerable body of friendly Indians, of the
Cherokee, Creek, and Catawba tribes, was despatched for the
purpose. This officer, after killing fifty of the hostile Indians, and
taking 250 of them prisoners, came upon one of their forts on the
Neuse river, in which were enclosed six hundred of the Tuscaroras.
Instead of carrying the fort by storm, which he could easily have
done, he concluded a peace with the enemy, who proving faithless,
renewed hostilities in a day or two afterwards. Colonel BARN-
WELL, immediately after this treaty, returned to South Carolina.
A second demand was made upon that state for aid, and Col.
MOORE, with forty whites, and eight hundred Ashley Indians, set
out in the month of December, to meet the enemy. After a
NOTE. The reader will bear in mind that this remarkable tradition of the Tusca-
roras was written one hundred and twenty years ago, at which time it was current
among them. It is strikingly coincident with the mission and crucifixion of the
Savior. Mam- able scholars and divines believe that our American Indians descended
from the ten Lost Tribes. Is not this tradition another link in the chain tending to
strengthen that opinion?
182 HISTORY OF THE
fatiguing march through deep forests and swamps, and having
encountered much delay by snow storms, and freshets in the rivers,
he at length came upon the hostile Indians who had thrown up
fortifications on the Taw river, about 50 miles from its mouth.
Though Colonel MOORE found the enemy well provided with small
arms, he soon taught them the folly of standing a seige. Advancing
by regular approaches, he, in a few hours, completely entered their
works, and eight hundred Tuscaroras became his prisoners. These
were claimed by the Ashley Indians as a reward for their services,
and were taken to South Carolina, where they were sold for slaves.
The Swiss baron, who, HEWIT says, was killed by the Indians,
made a treaty with the Tuscaroras, and he, together with all the
palatines who had emigrated with him, escaped the massacre."
The Tuscaroras, having been merged in the Iroquois confed-
eracy, there is but little in their history since their arrival in this
state, of a distinctive character. We in fact mostly lose sight of
them, until the commencement of the Revolution. In that contest,
as is well known, most of the Six Nations adhered to the English,
and their warriors, as allies of England, under the JOHNSONS,
the BUTLERS, and BRANT, were a scourge to the border settlers
upon the Mohawk, and the Susquehannah. A portion of the
Oneidas and Tuscaroras were neutrals, or rather regarded as
friendly to the colonists. There is but little mention made of
them in all the accounts we have of the border wars. Col.
GANSEVOORT, in giving an account to Gen. SULLIVAN, of his expe-
dition, says: "Agreeable to my orders, I proceeded by the
shortest route to the Lower Mohawk Castle, passing through the
Tuscarora and Oneida Castles, where every mark of hospitality
and friendship was shown to the party. I had the pleasure to find
that not the least damage nor insult was offered to any of the
inhabitants."
In the instruction of Gen. SULLIVAN to Col. GANSEVOORT, he
was ordered to capture and destroy all the Indians he should find
at the Mohawk castle, but to spare and treat as friends the Oneidas,
meaning, probably, to include the friendly Tuscaroras.
Such portions of the Tuscaroras and Oneidas as had been allies
of the English, in their flight from the total route of Gen. SULLIVAN,
embarked in canoes, upon the Oneida lake, and down the Oswego
river, coasted along up lake Ontario to the British garrison at Fort
Niagara. They encamped during the winter of 1780 near the
garrison, drawing a portion of their subsistence, in the form of
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 183
rations. In the spring a part of them returned, and a part of them
took possession of a mile square upon the Mountain Ridge, given
them by the Senecas. The Holland Company afterwards donated
to them two square miles, adjoining their Reservation, and in 1804
they purchased of the company four thousand three hundred and
twenty-nine acres; the aggregate of which several tracts, is their
present possessions. The purchase of the Holland Company was
made by Gen. DEARBORN, then Secretary of War, in trust for
them. The purchase money, $13,722, was a portion of a trust
fund held by the United States, possessed in pursuance of a final
adjustment of their claims upon Xorth Carolina.
They thus became residents in this region seventeen years
previous to the advent of the Holland Company, and nineteen or
twenty years before the settlements by the whites commenced.
The surviving pioneer settlers at Lewiston and its neighborhood,
bear witness to the uniform good conduct of the Tuscaroras, and
especially to the civility and hospitality they extended to the early
drovers and other adventurers upon the trail that passed through
their villages. Previous to 1803 the traveler upon this trail, saw
no habitation after leaving the Tonawanda village, until he arrived
at Tuscarora. Even Indian habitations helped to relieve the
solitude of their wilderness path. The primitive settlers found
them kind and obliging; and good neighbors at a time they most
needed the benefits of a good neighborhood.
In the war of 1812 they were uniformly and decidedly in the
American interests. Of this, and some other matters connected
with them, it will be necessary to speak farther on in our work.
FORT NIAGARA.
It will be recollected that LA SALLE first occupied the site of
Fort Niagara. It was his first stopping place, before he com-
menced building the Griffin at Cayuga Creek. He intended it
only as a trading station, but protected it with " pallisades," as the
French did all their trading posts. In 1687, DE NOXVILLE built a
" fort of four bastions," a place of temporary and weak defence, as
we are to infer from the short time employed in its construction.
For the greater portion of the time that elapsed, after its desertion
by the remnant of the hundred troops that DE XOXVILLE left there,
184 HISTORY OF THE
(most of them having perished by disease),* until 1725, it would
seem to have been a deserted post. CHARLEVOIX visited this
region in 1721. In a letter dated at Niagara, he says: " Towards
2 o'clock in the afternoon, we entered the river Niagara formed by
the great fall, whereof I shall speak presently; or rather it is the
river St. Lawrence, which proceeds from lake Erie, and passes
through lake Ontario after fourteen leagues of narrows. After
sailing three leagues, you find on the left some cabins of Iroquois,
Tsonnonthouans, and of the Mississaugues as at Catarocoui. The
Sieur de JONCAIRE, lieutenant of our troops, has also a cabin at
this place, to which they have beforehand given the name of fort:
for it is intended that in time this will be changed into a great
fortress. I here found several officers who were to return in a
few days to Quebec." He was evidently writing from Lewiston,
as there are other evidences that JONCAIRE'S residence was there.
Jn a note to an edition of CHARLEVOIX'S journal, published in
London in 1761, it is remarked: "A fort has since been built in
the mouth of the river Niagara on the same side, and exactly at the
place where M. DE NONVILLE had built one, which subsisted not
long. There even begins to be formed a French town." The
inference from this is, that for a considerable period after the
desertion of the fort that DE NONVILLE built on the present site of
Fort Niagara, there was no French occupation there; but that
JONCAIRE'S negotiations with the Senecas had reference only to
his " cabin," at Lewiston, which, from the presence of French
officers which CHARLEVOIX found there, must have grown into a
military post; though if a "fort" was erected there, as CHARLE-
VOIX says, it could have been no more than a trading post
picketed in after the then French fashion. Mr. BANCROFT says:
" JONCAIRE (in 1721) planted himself in the midst of a group of
cabins at Lewiston, on the site where LA SALLE had driven a rude
pallisade, and where DE NONVILLE had designed to lay the founda-
tions of a settlement."
The two locations are here merged; an error undoubtedly, as it
is clear that DE NONVILLE built his fort where the fort now stands,
* In a note which Mr. Marshall appends to his translation of De Nonville, it is
observed: "The cause of the sickness was ascribed to the climate, but was probably
owing to the unwholesome food with which they were provided. They were so
closely besieged by the Iroquois that they were unable to supply themselves with fresh
provisions. The fortress was soon after abandoned and destroyed, much to the regret
of De Nonville."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 185
and JONCAIRE his cabin at Lewiston. All that CHARLEVOIX relates
in the extract which follows, of the negotiations of JONCAIRE, the
jealousies of the English, &c., has reference to Lewiston. It is
possible, and probable, however, that his influence was put in
requisition two or three years afterwards, when the French
re-occupied the site of Fort Niagara, as mentioned in a preceding
page, built one story of the old Mess-house, and for the first time
made it a substantial fortress; such as (with occasional additions
and improvements that took place from 1725 to 1759,) it was
found at the English siege and capture. The building in 1725 was
strongly opposed by the Senecas, as was the occupation of Osvvego
by the English governor by the Onondagas; though from the close
of the war in 1713 the French had been far more successful in
winning the favor of the Confederates than the English. The
following tradition, which is common in our histories, is adopted by
SAMUEL DE YEAUX in some sketches he made of the Falls and its
vicinity, in 1839. The author was a resident at the fort at an
early period, after the settlement of this region commenced, and
the intelligence and good sense with which he is" prone to make
historical investigations, is a guarantee of the truth of the relation,
though the author finds no authority for it in early history, but the
general fact that the Iroquois neither yielded to the French nor the
English any right to occupy their territory with fortifications: "It
is a traditionary story that the Mess-house which is a very strong
building, and the largest in the fort, was erected by stratagem. A
considerable, though not powerful body of French troops had
arrived at the point. Their force was inferior to the surrounding
Indians, of whom they were under some apprehensions. They
obtained consent of the Indians to build a wigwam, and induced
them, with some of their officers, to engage in an extensive hunt
The materials were made ready, and while the Indians were
absent, the French built. When the hunting party returned, they
found the French had so far advanced with their work as to cover
their faces, and to defend themselves against the savages hi case
of an attack. In progress of time it became a place of consider-
able strength. It had its ravines; its ditches and pickets; its
curtains and counterscarp; its covered way, draw-bridge, and
raking batteries; its stone towers, laboratory, and magazine; its
rness-house, barracks, and bakery, and blacksmith's shop; and for
worship.' a chapel, with a large ancient dial over the door to mark
\
186 HISTORY OF THE
the course of the sun. It was indeed a little city of itself, and for
a long period the greatest place south of Montreal, or west of
Albany. The fortification originally covered a space of about
eight acres. At a few rods from the barrier gate is a burying
ground; it was filled with the memorials of the mutability of
human life; and over the portals of the entrance was painted the
word 'REST.' "
The history of JONCAIRE'S negotiations with the Senecas, is thus
given in CHARLEVOIX'S letter from Niagara, referred to in a pre-
ceding page :
"I have already had the honor to acquaint you, that we have
a scheme for a settlement in this place; but in order to know
the reason of this project, it will be proper to observe, that as
the English pretend, by virtue of the treaty of Utrecht, to have
sovereignty of all the Iroquoise country and by consequence, to
be bounded on that side by lake Ontario only; now it is evident,
that, in case we allow of their pretensions, they would then have
it absolutely in their power to establish themselves firmly in the
heart of the French colonies, or at least entirely tc ruin their com-
merce. In order therefore, to prevent this evil, it has been
judged proper, without, however, violating the treaty, to make a
settlement in some place, which might secure to us the free com-
munication between the lakes, and where the English should not
have it in their power to oppose us. A commission has therefore
been made to M. DE JONCAIRE, who having, in his youth, been
prisoner among the Tsonnonthouans, so insinuated himself into the
good graces of those Indians, that they adopted him, so, that even
in the hottest of their wars with us, and notwithstanding his
remarkable services to his country, he has always enjoyed the
privileges of his adoption.
" On receiving the orders I have been now mentioning to you,
he repaired to them, assembled their chiefs, and after having
assured them that his greatest pleasure in this world would be to
live amongst his brethren; he added, that he would much oftener
visit them had he a cabin amongst them, to which he might
retire when he had a mind to be private. They told him that
they had always looked upon him as one of their own children,
that he had only to make choice of a place to his liking in any
part of the country. He asked no more, but went immediately
and made choice of a spot on the banks of a river, which termi-
nates the canton of Tsonnonthouan, where he built his cabin. The
news of this soon reached New York, where it excited so much
more the jealousy of the English, as that nation had never been
able to obtain the favor granted to Sieur DE JONCAIRE in any
Iroquoise canton.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 187
" They made loud remonstrances, which being seconded with
presents, the other four cantons at once espoused their interest.
They were, however, never the nearer their point, as the cantons
are not only independent of each other, but also very jealous of
this independence. It was therefore necessay to gain that of
Tsonnonthouans, and the English omitted nothing to accomplish it;
but they were soon sensible they should never be able to get
JONCAIRE dismissed from Niagara. At last 'they contented them-
selves with demanding, that at least they might be permitted to
have a cabin in the same place; but this was likewise refused them.
'Our country is in peace, said the Tsonnonthouans, the French, and
you will never be able to live together, without raising disturb-
ances. Moreover, added they, it is of no consequence that
JONCAIRE should remain here; he is a child of the nation; he enjoys
his right, which we are not at liberty to take from him.'
"Now, Madame, we must acknowledge, that nothing but zeal for
the public good could possibly induce an officer to remain in such a
country as this, than which a wilder and more frightful is not to be
seen. On the one side you may see just under your feet, and as it
were at the bottom of an abyss, and which in this place is like a
torrent by its rapidity, a whirpool formed by a thousand rocks,
through which it with difficulty finds a passage, and by the foam
with which it was always covered; on the other, the view is con-
fined by three mountains placed one over the other, and w r hereof
the last" hides itself in the clouds. This would have been a very-
proper scene for the poets to make the Titans attempt to scale
the heavens. In a word, on whatever side you turn your eyes,
you discover nothing which does not inspire a secret horror.
" You have, however, but a very short way to go, to behold a
very different prospect. Behind those uncultivated and uninhabit-
able mountains, you enjoy the sight of a rich country, magnificent
forests, beautiful and fruitful hills, you breathe the purest air, under
the mildest and most temperate climate imaginable, situated
between two lakes, the least of which is two hundred and fifty
leagues in circuit.
"It is my opinion, that had we the precaution to make sure of a
place of this consequence, by a good fortress, and by a tolerable
colony, all the forces of the Iroquoise and the English conjoined,
would not have been able at this time to drive us out of it, and that
we ourselves would have been in a condition to give law to the
former, and to hinder most part of the Indians from carrying their
furs to the second, as they daily do with impunity. The company
I found here with M. de JONCAIRE, was composed of the baron de
LONGUEIL, the marquis de CAVAGNAL, captain, son of the marquis
de VAUDREUIL, the present governor of New France; M. de
SEXNEVILLE, captain; and the Sieur de la CHAUVIGXERIE, ensign,
and interpreter of the Iroquoise language. These gentlemen are
about negotiating an agreement, of differences, with the canton of
188 HISTORY OF THE
Onontague, and were ordered to visit the settlement of the Sieur
de JONCAIRE, with which they were extremely well satisfied. The
Tsonnonthouans renewed to them the promise they had formerly
made to maintain it. This was done in a council, in which
JONCAIRE, as they told me, spoke with all the good sense of a
Frenchman, whereof he enjoys a large share, and with the
sublimest eloquence of an Iroquoise."
[Among the residents at Fort Niagara, at an early period of its occupancy by
American troops, was Dr. JOSEPH WEST. He was there from 1805 until 1814, at
which time he was transferred to Philadelphia, when a declining health, that had
induced his change of residence, terminated in death. At an early period of sale and
settlement under the auspices of the Holland Company, he purchased a farm upon the
lake shore, a short distance below the garrison grounds, where his aged widow and
one surviving daughter now reside. In 1822 or 3, Mrs. W. became the wife of
JOSEPH LANDON, then resident at Lockport as a canal contractor, who was an early and
widely known tavern keeper at Buffalo. He died but a few years since. To the
surviving daughter of Dr. WEST, the author is indebted for the following " REMINISCEN-
CES OF FORT NIAGARA." Although the sketch introduces events that belong to a later
period, the author has thought its insertion in this connection, not inappropriate. It
derives additional interest from having been made generally from personal observation ;
an interest that the author will aim to mingle with his narrative, whenever it can be
made available.]
Fort Niagara! How many associations crowd into my mind at
the bare mention of thy name. There I first drew my breath, and
passed the earliest years of childhood under the eye of a kind
father, who was taken from his young family by consumption,
caused by a severe cold caught in the damp dungeons of the old
Mess-house, while attending the wounded and dying, after the
battle of Queenston. Although I have a distinct recollection of the
appearance it then presented, it is the recollection of early years,
which, perhaps, does not enable me to describe it with strict
accuracy. It was then surrounded on three sides with strong
pickets of plank, firmly planted in the ground, and closely joined
together; a heavy gate in front, of double plank, closely studded
with iron spike. This was enclosed by a fence, with a large gate
just on the brow of the hill, called the barrier gate. The fourth
side was defended by embankments of earth, under which were
formerly barracks, affording a safe, though somewhat gloomy
N OTE . The reader will not hesitate in concluding that Charlevoix was describing
Lewiston ; and that in the interim between the desertion of the Fort upon the present
site, in 1698, and the re-building and re-occupancy in 1725, immediately preceding
the 'latter event, there was a military station at Lewiston, and a design to locate the
Fort there.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 189
retreat for the families of soldiers, but which had been abandoned,
and the entrances closed, long before my remembrance; having
been so infested with rattlesnakes that had made their dens within,
that it was hardly safe to walk across the parade.
But the Lake has done as much as time, towards changing the
aspect of the place. At that time there was a yard some thirty or
forty feet wide between the Mess-house and pickets; and beyond
them a spot sufficiently wide to admit of two persons walking
abreast; affording a delightful promenade. But now the waves
dash against the house, or rather did until recently, a stone wall
having been erected, of immense strength, to prevent further
encroachments. The old house, however, remains very much the
same, except some slight alterations which have been made in the
arrangements of the rooms. On its massive stone walls, time has
yet made no ravages, although nearly two centuries* have elapsed
since the first story was built by the French. After the English
obtained possession, they added another story and made very
comfortable quarters for the officers; and there has since, at
intervals, been improvements made, but it still retains its air of
gloomy grandeur; many gay scenes have I there witnessed, both in
my childhood, and after an absence of long years, when I had
returned to the home of my youth. I have seen it lit up for festive
hours, enlivened by the smiles of beauty, the cheering voice of
friendship, mingled with the strains of gay music; the old walls
decorated with our country's banners; the eagle's broad wing
chalked beneath our feet; the light arms tastefully arranged in our
room, and manly forms ready to use them, (if needs be,) flitting
past in the gay dance. Then have I looked back through the long
vista of years, and thought of the multitudes, who had passed
through those old halls, until I could fancy I heard the Indian's wild
whoop, and see their hideously painted forms, mingled with those
of gay, chattering Frenchmen. Then came the proud Englishmen,
in their glittering uniform; they in their turn succeeded by our own
noble and brave army.
My father received the appointment of Surgeon to the garrison,
and, contrary to the present practice, was allowed to remain there
ten years. There was a constant interchange of civilities and kind-
nesses, between the officers of Fort Niagara and the British Fort
* But one hundred and twenty-three years since the structure was commenced by
the French, that our fair correspondent is describing.
190 HISTORY OF THE
George, and the inhabitants of the little town of Niagara, until the
war of 1812 severed many ties of friendship. I well remember
the Sunday previous to the receipt of the declaration of war; being
at church at Niagara; on our return Gen. BROCK accompanied us
to the boat, and, taking myself and sisters by turns in his arms,
said: "I must bid good bye to my little rosy cheeked Yankees;"
then extending his hand to my father, said: "Farewell, Doctor;
the next time we meet it will be as enemies." Then came the
official declaration of war, the reception of which is as vivid in
my memory as if it had occured but last week. We were aroused
by the Sentinel's cry, "who goes there?" then the call to the
Corporal of the guard to conduct the intruder to the Captain, who
no sooner received the document from his hands than he hastened
to consult with my father. I fancy I can see him now, seated on
the side of the bed half dressed, with the most rueful countenance,
saying: "What shall we do? we are liable to attack at any
moment, with our fortifications out of repair. We have but one
company, and scarcely any arms and ammunition." Sleep was
banished from all eyes for the remainder of that night. At dawn
of day, we heard the sound of the artificer's hammer mingled with
those of other implements of toil. The old well in the hall, which
had been covered up as unfit for use, was uncovered and cleaned
out to be used in case of necessity. A heavy cannon was drawn
into the porch; every crack and crevice in the pickets closed up;
new embankments made, and old ones repaired; cannon mounted;
and everything done that circumstances would admit of, to
strengthen the garrison. Then came company after company of
militia, pouring in from all quarters, gay with all sorts of uniform,
and as raw and undisciplined as ever stood their ground, or ran
from a foe. The families of the officers were obliged to vacate
their quarters to make room for them, and we were sent into the
country. On our way up the river, we met about one hundred of
the Tuscarora Indians, headed by their chief, all powerful, active
young men, decorated with their war paint and armed with toma-
hawk and hatchet, on their way to offer their services at the fort.
We returned after an absence of four weeks to a residence near
the fort. Father remained day and night at his post, attending to
his professional duties, while our family were safely at the farm;
unmolested, except occasionally by the enemy landing froTm their
boats and plundering the hen-roost. At one time the voice of a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 191
British officer was heard, and recognizing us as acquaintances,
observed: "there are no American officers here, and we do not
war with women, let us get some fowls and be off." At another
time an English vessel remained all day, making ineffectual
attempts to reach the house with their cannon balls, but when
near enough to do so, they could not clear the high bank of the
lake. They did not probably wish to annoy the family, but they
well knew that not many hours passed without some of the officers
from the fort being there. There were a large number there on
the day of the cannonading.
The news of the capture of "Little York" (now large
Toronto) was preceded by the report of the explosion of the
magazine, which jarred our house, and was distinctly heard at the
fort. It was soon followed by dispatches, bringing the gratifying
intelligence of the capture of the town, and the sad intelligence of
the death of the brave Gen. PIKE. Then came our gallant soldiers
who had fought so bravely under the command of Gen. DEARBORN*.
Many were the wounded and dying that were brought over.
They were conveyed to the shore by boats from the fleet, and
encamped in a field directly opposite our house. Day and night
we heard the groans of the sufferers, and well do I remember
walking with my father between the rows of white tents, stopping
in front of them while he made his professional visits. To some
we were admitted. And, oh, what scenes of sorrow and suffering !
Here lay a poor soldier without an arm, or the hand gone and the
arm hanging loosely by his side; there one without a leg; there
one with most of his face shot off. Many died, and were buried
in the same field. Gen. DEARBORN and his staff, and many others
whose names now stand foremost in the ranks of the army, were
quartered at our house, as every apartment at the fort, and every
inch of ground there was occupied. As many as could find room
in the house spread their matrasses upon the floor, (none but the
general officers expecting the luxury of a room and bed;) the
rest occupying the yard with their marquees much to my chagrin,
as the continual pacing of the sentinels defaced the green sward;
and Col. SCOTT, (now the gallant Commander-in-Chief of our
Army,) even went so far as to order his tent pitched upon my
favorite rose bush.
[Our correspondent here gives some account of the battle of
Queenston, and the cannonading between Fort Niagara and Fort
192 HISTORY OF THE
George, which is omitted, as those subjects must necessarily be
embraced in some sketches of the local events of the war of 1812.]
Gen. DEARBORN and his staff, and many others, returned and
took up their quarters at our house, where they remained until
they again made an attack upon Canada. The capture of Fort
George and Niagara followed. Soon after, owing to my father's
continued ill health, we left the frontier, and I can recollect but
little more that is not familiar to all readers of American history.
In our absence, in connection with the news that the British w r ere
in possession of Fort Niagara, we heard that our house, with every
other on the lines, was in ashes.
In after years, when visiting the fort, my blood has boiled
and my cheeks have been tinged with shame, on being shown
the place where the British entered, and hearing a recital of the
affair. They entered at a place where twenty men could have
successfully opposed hundreds, had the commander been at his
post. But he had gone home that night, (his family living about
two miles off in the country,) and laid down by the fire for a
few moments with his clothes on, his horse being saddled at the
door ready for an immediate return. He was awakened by the
firing, and springing upon his horse, lost no time in reaching the
fort, where he was met by a British soldier who immediately took
him prisoner. It is true that he might not by his presence have
saved the fort, but he would have saved his reputation, a court-
martial, and dismissal from the army.
EARLY NOTICES OF NIAGARA FALLS.
It is difficult to conclude who was the first European that saw
Western New York, or the Falls of Niagara. There are some
accounts from which it may be inferred that CHAMPLAIN was upon
lake Ontario at different times, from 1614 to 1640, and LE Roux
in 1628, but no hint occurs in connection, that they visited its
southern shore. French traders are said to have visited the Falls
as early as 1610, '15, but there are no authentic accounts to confirm
the statement. JOSEPH DE LA ROCHE DALLION, a Franciscan
Father, a missionary of ardent religious zeal and enterprise, was in
this region as early as the year 1626 or '7, and was probably the
first European adventurer who saw Western New York, but
there is no evidence that he visited the Falls. He made but a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 103
short stay, the severity of the winter, and the hostility of the
Iroquois to his presence and mission, obliging him to retreat.
There are no reliable accounts of any further attempts to explore
this region until 1641. QCr 3 See Father ALLEMOXT'S account of
BREBEUF and CHAUMANOT'S visit, page 65. DUCREUX, the author
of " Histories Canadensis," has noted the Falls on a map dated
1660, but does not allude to them in his narrative. * The earliest
dates which have been discovered, engraved upon the rocks at the
Falls, are of 1711, 1712 1726, and 1745. There is a date 1745,
on a tree on Goat Island, which shows that the French must have
had access to the Island while occupants of this region.
HENNEPIV. who. as will have been seen, was with LA SALLE at
the primitive commercial advent upon the Lakes in 1688, has given
us the earliest description of the Falls that has found its way into
our histories; if indeed it is not the earliest description of them, in
any form, extant, f He thus describes them: / _ .
"Betwixt the lakes Ontario and Erie, there is a vast and pro-
rious cadence of water which &Ws down after a surprising and
>:i:shlnr mannor, insomuch that the universe does not aflord its
parallel. 'Tis true, Italy and Switzerland boast of some such
things, but we may well say that they are sorry patterns, when
compared with this of which we now speak. At the foot of this
horrible precipice, we meet with the river Niagara, which is not
above a quarter of a league broad, but is wonderfully deep in
some places. It is so rapid above this descent, that it violently hur-
ries down the wild beasts while endeavoring to pass it to feed on
the other side, and not being able to withstand the force of its
current, which inevitably casts them headlong above six hundred
feet high. C~6V^$ UU*C
" This wonderful downfall it) eenipuuiidnt'of two great cross-
streams of water, and two falls into an isle sloping along the middle
of it. The waters which fall from this horrible precipice, ^p foam
* The generally correct and indefatigable gleaner of history, antiquarian and
naturalist, Dr. Barton, of Philadelphia, is in error in concluding that the Falls wero
"described and delineated" by Frenchmen, as early as 1638.
t The following is the title of his book: "A new discovery of a vast country in
America, extending above four thousand miles between New France and New Mexico,
with a description of the great Lakes, Cataracts, Rivers, Plants and Animals; also the
manners, customs, and languages of the several native Indians, and the advantages of
commerce with those different nations, with a continuation giving an account of the
attempts of the Sieur De La Salle upon the mines of St. Barbe, &c. The taking of
Quebec by the English ; with the advantages of a shorter cut to China and Japan.
Both pans illustrated with maps and figures, and dedicated to His Majesty K. William.
By L. Hennepin, now resident in Holland. To which is added several new discoveries
in North America, not published in the French edition. London, 1698."
13
194 HISTORY OF THE
and boil after the most hideous manner imaginable, making an
outrageous noise, more terrible than that of thunder; for when
the wind blows out of the south, their dismal roaring may be heard
more than fifteen leagues off.
" The river Niagara having thrown itself down this incredible
precipice, continues its impetuous course for two leagues together,
to the great rock, above mentioned, with an inexpressible rapidity;
but having past that, its impetuosity relents, gliding along more
fjntly for two other leagues, till it arrives at lake Ontario or
rontenac.
"From the great fall into this rock, which is to the west of the
river, the two banks of it are so prodigious high, that it would
make one tremble to look steadily over the water, rolling along
with a rapidity not to be imagined. Were it not for this vast
Cataract, which interrupts navigation, they might sail with barks or
greater vessels, more than 450 leagues, crossing the lake of Hurons,
and reaching even to the further end of lake Illinois; which two
lakes we may easily say are little seas of fresh water.
"After these waters have thus discharged themselves into this
gulf, they continue their course as far as the three mountains,
which are on the east of the river, and the great rock which is
on the west, and lifts itself three fathoms above the waters, or
thereabouts."
The exaggerated account of LA HONTAN, follows next in order of
time. [Q^ 3 See page 157.] In 1721, CHARLEVOIX gave a des-
cription of the Falls, in connection with his account of the diplo-
macy of JONCAIRE in obtaining permission to fix his residence at
Lewiston. His is the first description made with any considerable
degree of accuracy.
. " The officers having departed, I ascended those Mountains,* in
order to visit the famous fall of Niagara, above which I was to take
water; this is a journey of three leagues, though formerly five;
because the way then lay by the other, that is, the west of the
river, and also because the place for embarking lay full two leagues
above the Fall. But there has since been found, on the left, at the
distance of a half a quarter of a league from this cataract, a
creek f where the current is not perceivable, and consequently a
place where one may take water without danger. My first care
after my arrival, was to visit the noblest cascade perhaps in the
world; but I presently found the Baron LAHOXTAN had committed
such a mistake with reference to its height and figure, as to give
* The "Three Mountains" of Hennepin, the "Hills" of La Hontan; at Lewiston.
t Gill Creek.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 195
grounds to believe he had never seen it. It is certain that if you
measure its height by that of the three mountains, you are obliged
to climb to get at it, it does not come much short of what the map
of M. DELISLE makes it; that is, six hundred feet, having certainly
gone into this paradox either on the faith of baron LA HONTAN or
Father HEXXEPIX; but after I arrived at the summit of the third
mountain, 1 observed that in the space of three leagues, which I had
to walk before I came to this piece of water, though you are some-
times obliged to ascend, you must still descend still more, a circum-
stance to which travellers seem not to have sufficiently attended.
As it is impossible to approach it but upon one side only, and conse-
quently to see it, excepting in profile or side-ways, it is no easy
matter to measure its height with instruments. It has, however,
been attempted by means of a pole tied to a long line, and after
repeated trials it has been found only one hundred and fifteen or
one hundred and twenty feet high. But it is impossible to be sure
that the pole has not been stopped by some projecting rock; for
although it was always drawn up wet. as well as the end of the
line to which it was tied, this proves nothing at all, as the water
which precipitates itself from the mountain, rises very high in foam.
For my own part, after having examined it on all sides, where it
could be viewed to the greatest advantage. I am inclined to think
we cannot allow it less than one hundred and forty or fifty feet.
"As to its figure, it is in the shape of a horse shoe, and it is
about four hundred paces in circumference; it is divided in two,
exactly in the centre, by a very narrow Island, half a quarter of
a league long. It is true these parts very soon unite; that on my
side, and which I could only have a side view of, has several
branches which project from the body of the cascade, but that
which I viewed in front, appearing to me quite entire. The Baron
de LA HOXTAN mentions a torrent, which, if this author has not
invented it, must certainly fall through some channel on the melting
of the snows.
"You may easily guess. Madame, that a great way below this
fall, the river still retains strong marks of so violent a shock,
accordingly it becomes only navigable three leagues below, and
exactly at the place where JOXCAIRE has chosen for his residence.
It should by right, be equally unnavigable above it, since the river
falls perpendicularly the whole space of its breadth. But besides
the Island, which divides it into two, several rocks which are
scattered up and down above it, abate much of the rapidity of the
stream; it is notwithstanding so very strong, that ten or twelve
Cutaways trying to cross over to the Island to shun the Iroquoise
who were in pursuit of them, were drawn into the precipice, in
spite of all their efforts to preserve themselves.
" I have heard say that the fish that happen to be entangled in
the current, fall dead into the river, and that the Indians of those
parts were considerably advantaged by them; but I saw nothing
196 HISTORY OF THE
of this sort. I was also told that the birds that fly over were
sometimes caught in the whirlwind formed by the violence of the
torrent. But I observed quite the contrary, for I saw small birds
flying very low, and exactly over the fall, which yet cleared their
passage very well.
" This sheet of water falls upon a rock, and there are two
reasons which induce me to believe that it has either found, or
perhaps in process of time hollowed out a cavern of considerable
depth. The first is, that it is very hollow, resembling that of
thunder at a distance. You can scarce hear it at M. de JON-
CAIRE'S^ and what you hear in this place, may possibly be that of
the whirlpools, caused by the rocks, which fill the bed of the river
as far as this. And so much the rather, as above the cataract you
do not hear it near so far. The second is, that nothing has ever
been seen again that has once fallen over it, not even the wrecks
of the canoes of the Cutaways, I mentioned just now. Be that as
it will, OVID gives us the description of another cataract, situated
according to him in the delightful valley of Tempe. I will not
pretend that the country of Niagara is as fine as that, though I
believe its cataract much the noblest of the two."
"Besides, I perceive no mist above it, but from behind, at a
distance, one would take it for smoke, and there is no person who
would not be deceived with it, if he came in sight of the isle,
without having been told before hand that there was so surprising
a cataract in the place."
In reflecting upon these early advents to this now great center
of attraction, the mind is prone to wander back and associate with
it the vast wilderness, its silence only broken by the ceaseless roar
in which was but occasionally mingled the sound of human
voices the war whoop, the festive shout of the Iroquois, or the
stranger sounds of the Gallic dialect, uttered by the trader or
missionary, in their unfrequent visits. The European adventurer,
as Mr. GREENWOOD beautifully expresses it: "stood alone with
God ! " Yes, alone ! communing with the Great Architect, in the
presence of the triumphs of His Omnipotence! where, gathering
the waters of vast inland seas, it would seem that He
* * * "Poured them from His hollow hand,"
*#*##*
" And spoke in that loud voice which seemed to him
Who dwelt in Patmos for his Savior's sake,
'The sound of many waters;' and had bade
The flood to chronicle the ages back
And notch His centuries in the eternal rocks." *
* firainard.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 197
The early adventists were men of devout minds, and upon
errands of devotion. How, when the mighty scene was first
presented, must they have anticipated the sublime conceptions of
the poet in an after age:
" Deep calleth unto deep. And what are we,
That hear the question of that voice sublime?"
******
" Yea, what is all the riot man can make
In his short life, to thy unceasing roar!
And yet, bold babbler, what an thon to Him
Who drowned a world andlieaped the waters far
Above its loftiest mountains ? a light wave
That breaks and whispers of its Maker's might"
Theirs must have been the thoughts that in after years found
utterance in the verse of another of the gifted in the annals of
American literature; theirs, the feelings that were embodied in
her exclamation of mingled wonder, awe. and chastened admiration:
"Flow on forever in thy glorious robe
Of terror and of beauty! God hath set
His rainbow on thy forehead, and the cloud
Mantled around thy feet, and He doth give
The voice of thunder power to speak of Him
Eternally bidding the lip of man
Keep silence, and upon thy rocky altar pour
Incense of awe-struck praise." *
How wild and magnificent this panorama of the wilderness, as
it must have appeared to those solitary wanderers! It was
unheralded; no traveller had spread before them maps or descrip-
tions; the sound of its rushing waters, booming over the unbroken
forest, and assailing their ears as they were leaving the "Lake of
Frontenac," and entering the "Streights of Herrie Lake/' first
attracted their attention. Approaching the "great waterfall" by
stealth watchful of the poisonous reptile that coiled in their path
fearful of the Iroquois that lurked in the dark surrounding
forests stunned by the sounds that fell heavier and heavier upon
the ear, as they approached their source; they emerged from
behind the forest curtain, and the scene in all its lonely, primeval
grandeur, like a flood of light, burst upon their view! It was
Nature in her retreat Hid away in the bosom of this then vast
'Mrs. Sigourney,
198 HISTORY OF THE
wilderness, before unknown to any portion of the civilized world,
was one of the mightiest achievements of Creative Power.
How primitive the scene! All but the roar of the mighty
cataract was hushed silence. That, rioted in a monopoly of
sound, as does the rolling thunder in the heavens, when, as the
voice of God, it chastens all things else to stillness and humility.
At each crackling beneath their footsteps, the wild beast started
from his lair in the ever-green shades that crown the lofty
palisades of rock; the timid deer, as if transfixed, gazed for a
moment upon strange faces, and bounded to his forest retreat; the
eagle, frightened from his eyrie, sailed away, in an atmosphere of
spray and fleeting cloud, the tints of the rainbow that spans the
deep abyss, reflected from his glossy wing. Onward! Onward!
came the avalanche of waters! Ages have passed, all but that
has changed! Civilization, the arts, the highest achievements of
genius, human progress, are placing their triumphs by its side, and
claiming a divided admiration. Tens of thousands, gathered from
almost every portion of the habitable globe, come annually,
pilgrims and sojourners, to gaze upon the works of God, and the
feebler yet interesting consummations of Art. How vividly, do
thoughts, contrasts of the past and present, cluster around this spot !
The general narrative, which has been interrupted by the intro-
duction of distinct local topics, will be resumed.
The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, as other treaties, had left matters
of dispute between England and France unsettled. Either nation
was at liberty, whenever its interests might be promoted by so
doing, to revive any of the vexed and difficult questions of
discovery, boundary and occupancy, that had frequently involved
them and their distant colonies, in war, disasters and ruin. Their
contending armies had enjoyed but a short armistice hostilities
on the extended frontier of their colonial settlements had but just
ceased the conquests that had been made, had hardly been
surrendered and re-occupied when the French began a system
of encroachments, which they intended should result in confining
the English colonies within the comparatively narrow limits
between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic, and secure to themselves
undisputed possession of all the territory west and south-west,
around the Lakes, and in the vallies of the Mississippi and its
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 199
tributaries. The warlike preparations and collisions that occurred
during the two years immediately preceding the public declaration
of war on the part of England, in 1756. were the immediate
consequences of the far-reaching policy deliberately adopted and
steadily pursued by France. Both England and France, were
anxious to gain the good will and aid, alliance and trade, of the
Indian nations yet occupying and owning the contested dominions.
Their respective agents made use of every means to win their
favor, make treaties of friendship with them, and fill their minds
with hatred and enmity; induce them to believe that either one
nation or the other was their exclusive friend and protector. The
Indians regarded these two European nations as perpetual enemies,
for they were almost always wrangling at the council fires,
interrupting each other's trade, or making the battle field the
arbitrer of their disputes. They were never united against the
Indians as a common enemy; and the Indians, in turn, generally
sided with the one that offered the best terms. Especially was
this the case with the Iroquois; the French missionaries, and the
French faculty generally, of adapting themselves to wild forest
life, and the habits and customs of the Indians, gave them decidedly
the vantage ground among the less independent and politic nations
of the West. If the Indians attacked the frontier settlements, or
committed any acts of hostility, one nation was sure to charge it to
the instigation of the other, and hold the implicated party
responsible. Out of this state of things, and out of the desire
which both had to maintain their rival and irreconcilable claims
to strengthen their influence and ascendency arose mutual
suspicions, distrusts, jealousies, and open acts of aggression. Both
became watchful and vigilant that one should not obtain the
advantage of the other. Each nation had formed a firm determi-
nation to defend what it regarded its just rights, and was secretly,
though efficiently, preparing itself for the great struggle which was
to decide the fate of their colonial dependencies in North America,
Both were ambitious to extend and widen their western boundaries,
and consolidate the power by which they held and governed them.
When both wore so sensitive and watchful, it needed only a slight
occasion to terminate a peace which gave any thing but repose
and quietness to the parties that professed to observe it; and to
cause a war which involved the destiny of the contestants in its
issues, and the possession of empires in its fortunes.
200 HISTORY OF THE
The seizure of English fur traders by the French; the establish-
ment, by the latter, of military posts on the Ohio, and refusal to
surrender them on the demand of the colonial authorities, in 1753;
the expedition conducted by "WASHINGTON* to the western frontiers
of Virginia, and the skirmishes he had with the French and
Indians in the Great Meadows, in 1754; the extensive preparations
made by both parties for active campaigns; the expeditions planned
by the English against forts Du Quesne, Crown Point and Niagara;
the forcible expulsion of the French from Nova Scotia; the repulse
and death of Col. EPHRAIM WILLIAMS, by Baron DIESKAU, and
the final overthrow of the latter by Sir WiLLiA3i JOHNSON, at the
battle of lake George; the occupation and fortification of Ticon-
deroga by the French, in 1755, were the principal events that took
place in the wide and extended field of operations, before the two
contending nations, with their savage allies, began to struggle in
earnest for the undivided possessions they had respectively claimed,
within the more immediate region of our researches.
* The venerated name of the Father of his Country, is here first incident to our
narrative. The reader who has not had the opportunity of admiring Mr. Bancroft's
beautiful introduction of it into his pages, will thank us for embracing it in a note.
Ho has seized upon an earlier occasion, and other than a military advent, but his
admirable episode is so framed as to admit of being appropriately blended with the
events we are tracing: " At the very time of the congress of Aix la Chapelle, the
woods of Virginia sheltered the youthful GEORGE WASHINGTON, the son of a widow.
Born by the side of the Potomac, beneath the roof of a Westmoreland farmer, almost
from infancy his lot had been the lot of an orphan. No Academy had welcomed him to
its shades, no College crowned him with its honors: to read, to write, to cypher these
had been his degrees in knowledge. And now at sixteen years of age, in quest of an
honest maintenance, encountering intolerable toil; cheered by being able to write to a
school-boy friend, ' Dear Richard, a doubloon is my constant gain every day, and
sometimes six pistoles;' 'himself, his own cook, having no spit but a forked stick, no
plate but a large chip;' roaming over the spurs of the Alleghanies, and along the banks
of the Shenandoah; alive to nature, and sometimes 'spending the best of the day in
admiring the trees and the richness of the land;' among skin clad savages, their
scalps and rattles, or uncouth emigrants \that would never speak English,' rarely
sleeping in a bed; holding a bear skin a splendid couch; glad of a resting place at
night upon a little hay, straw or fodder, and often camping In the forests, where the
place nearest the fire was a happy luxury; this stripling surveyor in the woods, with no
companion but his unlettered associates, and no implements of service but his compass
and chain, contrasted strongly with the imperial magnificence of the congress of Aix
la Chapelle: And yet God had selected, not Kaunitz nor Newcastle, not a monarch of
the house of Hapsburgh, nor of Hanover, but the Virginia stripling, TO GIVE AN
IMPULSE TO HUMAN AFFAIRS, AND AS FAR AS EVF.NTS CAN DEPEND UPON AN INDIVIDUAL,
HAD PLACED THE RIGHTS AND DESTINIES OF COUNTLESS MILLIONS IN THE KEEPING OF THE
WIDOW'S sox."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 201
Governor SHIRLEY of Massachusetts, who commanded the
English forces destined to attack forts Niagara and Frontenac,
after much delay, embarrassment and a tedious march through
the wilderness, arrived at Oswego, the 21st of August, 1755.
Having ascertained that the garrison in the fort was reduced to
about sixty French soldiers, and one hundred Indians, but was in
daily expectation of reinforcements, the British General made
every exertion in his power to attack it immediately. But his
scanty means of transportation, the desertion of batteau men, the
scarcity of wagons on the Mohawk river, and the desertion of
sledge men at the great carrying place, the slow and lingering
conveyance of provisions and military stores, occupied about four
weeks. The council of war that Gov. SHIRLEY assembled on the
18th of September, recommended that an attempt be made on Fort
Niagara. Six hundred regulars were drafted for that object.
The artillery and military stores were first put on board the Sloop
Ontario, part of the provision on another vessel, and the remainder
were to be transported in small row boats. The long and drench-
ing rains that now set in, rendered it dangerous to attempt a
venture upon the lake before the 26th of the month. Orders to
embark were promptly given, but it was found impossible to
execute them. Winds from the west blew violently, followed by
a rain which lasted thirteen days. Sickness and disease then
rapidly began to diminish the strength and numbers of the army,
and the Indians to desert. The season for active operations was
now far gone. Another council of war was held on the 27th,
which resulted in a determination to put off the expedition until
next year. Col. MERCER was left at Oswego with a garrison of
seven hundred men, with orders to erect two new forts for the
better protection of the place. Gov. SHIRLEY returned with the
rest of his army.
Thus this expedition, like the others that had been planned, and
were to be carried on by the skill and bravery, experience and
prudence of the combined colonial and English forces, ended
in disaster and failure; to be followed by a brilliant triumph
of the arms of France, when she should again make this place the
scene of bloody conflict, level to the ground the battlements which
England had raised, under the brave but finally unfortunate Marquis
de MOXTCALM.
Though open hostilities had existed for two years, war was not
202 HISTORY OF THE
formally declared by Great Britian until the 17th of May, 1756.
France not only persevered in her encroachments, but sent out a
large armament with troops and munitions of war. Every hope
that the questions of dispute could be amicably settled was now
gone. The court of France endeavored to conceal and cover
their real designs by the most solemn assurances of pacific senti-
ments and intentions. To do this more effectually, their ambassador
at the court of St. James was deceived, and while he was instructed
to give the most positive pledges of the friendship of France, orders
w r ere at the same time transmitted to the French authorities in
Canada still to strengthen and hold their posts at all hazards.
France, true to her policy of erecting a barrier beyond which
English territorial authority should not go in North America, was
pursuing a similar policy at the same time in India. It soon became
inevitable that the fortunes of war must decide the destinies of both
nations, so far, at least, as concerned their colonial possessions on
the eastern portions of this continent.
MONTCALM, the successor of DIESKAU, as commander* in chief
of the French forces of Canada, led an army of five thousand
men, composed of regulars, militia and Indians, against Oswego,
and invested the English fort there. On the 12th. of August,
at midnight, after the completion of every necessary arrangement,
with thirty-two pieces of artillery besides howitzers and mortars,
he opened a terrible cannonade from his trenches. The small
amount of ammunition the garrison had, having been exhausted,
Col. MERCER, the commanding officer, spiked his guns, abandoned
the fort, retreated across the river without the loss of a single
man, and took position in Little Fort Oswego. MONTCALM
immediately entered the deserted fort, and from it he poured a
destructive fire upon the English, during which Col. MERCER was
killed. Dismayed at the loss of their commanding officer, defeated
in an effort to open a communication with Fort George, (situated
about four miles up the river, under the command of Gen. SCHUY-
LER,) the English offered to capitulate on the 14th, on condition
that they should not be plundered by the Indians, but treated with
humanity. The two regiments that surrendered amounted to
about one thousand four hundred men. A large quantity of mili-
tary stores and provisions, one hundred and twenty-one pieces of
artillery, and fourteen mortars, fell into the hands of the French.
As soon as MONTCALM was in possession of both forts, he ordered
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 203
them to be demolished and destroyed, in the presence of his
enemies and allies. Then was enacted a tragedy, as contrary to
every sentiment of humanity, as it was in violation of the faith
that had been pledged to prevent it. MONTCALM, against his
promise and treaty, gave twenty of his prisoners to the custody
and tortures of his savage allies, as victims for an equal number
of Indians that had been killed during the siege. The rest of
the prisoners were also exposed to the insults of the French
Indian allies.
When these calamitous events became known, the British
authorities abandoned all plans of further offensive operations
that season, which was then nearly passed. The high and splen-
did anticipations, that the campaign would end in a series of bril-
liant achievments, were all disappointed, and a feeling of gloom
and despondency followed, in the English colonies.
Thus was struck down the red cross of St. GEORGE, to float no
more over these chequered scenes of desolation and conflict, where
many a brave and gallant youth found an untimely grave, until it
waved triumphantly over the then entire northern portion of the
continent that rallied around a hostile standard each of which,
ere long, in its turn even before that generation passed away
when friends turned oppressors, and enemies became allies was
to give place to another banner, that was notthen in existence, its
emblematic stars had not yet risen above the horizon of empires;
but which is now the banner of a nation great and glorious, alike
in the arts of war, and the far nobler arts of peace.
The victories of the French gave them command of lake
Champlain and lake George. Their success at Oswego confirmed
their control over the western Lakes, and the valley of the
Mississippi. Their occupation of Fort Du Quesne, enabled them
to cultivate the friendship, and continue their influence over the
Indians west of the Alleghanies. Their line of communication
reached from Canada to Louisiana, and they were masters of the
vast territories that spread out beyond it. Their supremacy upon
this continent was now at its zenith; henceforward all change
tended to decline and final dispossession. The time speedily came,
when the victors were to be vanquished, and their dominions ruled
by their enemies.
In 1758, WILLIAM PITT, afterwards Earl of Chatham, was at the
head of the British ministry. Soon every department of the
204 HISTORY OF THE
public service felt the animating influence of his commanding and
lofty spirit. His energetic and vigorous measures inspired hope
and confidence at home and abroad. The brave soldiers who had
been so often humbled in defeat, kindled with ardor for an
opportunity to assert their title to honor and fame, and have a
share in the glorious deeds which the future promised. Incompe-
tent commanders were re-called, and officers of military genius and
experience succeeded them. Three expeditions were planned.
Louisburg was again captured. The French deserted Fort Du
Quesne on the approach of an English army. That against
Crown Point and Ticonderoga alone was defeated, and relinquished;
but out of its failure arose the successful expedition against Fort
Frontenac, at the suggestion of Colonel BRADSTREET, who com-
manded it.
At the head of about three thousand men, with eight cannon and
three mortars, Col. BRADSTREET left the camp of the defeated
army, which had retreated to its former position on the south side
of lake George. Arriving at Oswego, he lost no time in embarking
his men. Crossing the lake, he landed about one mile from the fort,
on the evening of August 25th.* He urged forward his prepa-
rations for an attack with such rapidity, that within two days, he
opened his batteries so near the French works as to make every
discharge produce an effect. The -French commander; deserted by
his Indian allies, and satisfied that his capture was inevitable,
surrendered at discretion, on the 27th. One hundred and ten
prisoners, nine vessels, sixty cannon, sixteen mortars, a large
number of light arms, great quantities of military stores, provisions,
and merchandise, were taken. The fort was dismantled and
demolished. The vessels and such other things as could not be
carried away, were destroyed. Col. BRADSTREET then marched
his detachment back and joined the main army.
The success of this expedition aided that which was marching
*Fort Frontenac is thus described in the "Journals of Major Robert Rogers," an
officer justly distinguished as a daring and skillful commander of a company of
"Rangers," who visited it soon after it was taken by the English:
" This fort was square faced, had four bastions with stone, and was near three-
quarters of a mile in circumference. Its situation was very beautiful, the banks of the
river presenting, on every side, an agreeable landscape, with a fine prospect of lake
Ontario, which was distant about a league, interspersed with many Islands that were
well wooded, and seemingly beautiful. The French had formerly a great trade at this
fort with the Indians, it being erected on purpose to prevent their trading with the
English, but it is now totally destroyed."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 205
against Du Quesne. French re-inforcements from Niagara and
Frontenac, could not now come. Conscious of their inability to
dispute successfully the possession of the fort, with a force so form-
idable as that of the English, the French voluntarily abandoned it,
silently passing down the Ohio river. With them also departed the
powerful influence they had long exercised over the surrounding
Indian nations, never again to be revived. No sooner was the
British flag floating over the embattlements France had raised,
than they called councils, and entered into treaties of peace and
alliance with the British. The Indians said that the Great Spirit,
having deserted the French, would no more protect them, and
would be angry with all who helped them. The French line of
communication between the northern and southern extremities of
their possessions was now effectually broken. The reverse which
took place in the fortunes of the contending nations, was not more
striking, than was the change of feeling manifested by the different
parties, at the close of the campaign.
In 1759, Major General AMH. SST succeeded as commander of
the British forces in North America. The success which had
attended the British arms, encouraged the adoption of measures
which contemplated the entire conquest of Canada. The three
strong positions still held by the French were all to be attacked
at the same time. General JAMES WOLF, who had distinguished
himself at Louisburg, was to besiege Quebec. General AMHERST
was to march against Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, and after
taking those places, cross lake Champlain, and join WOLF. Gene-
ral PRIDEAUX, accompanied by Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, was to
command the expedition against Fort Niagara. General STANWIX
commanded a detachment, which was to watch and guard lake
Ontario, and reduce the remaining French posts on the Ohio.
Early in the spring, Gen. AMHERST established his head-quarters
at Albany, where he concentrated his forces about the end of May.
The summer was well advanced before he was able to cross lake
George. He reached Ticonderoga, July 22d. When he was
ready to open his batteries on the French, who appeared deter-
mined to defend this position, he suddenly discovered that after
blowing up their magazines and doing all the injury they could, the
enemy had retreated during the night, to Crown Point. The
British took possession of the fort without firing a gun, the next
day. After reparing its damaged fortifications, Gen. AMHERST
206 HISTORY OF THE
proceeded to Crown Point. On his approach the French retired
before him, and took up a position on the Isle Aux Noix, at the
northern end of lake Champlain. At that point the French force
was about three thousand five hundred strong. They had a large
train of artillery and four armed vessels. Gen. AMHERST was
anxious to dislodge them, but this could not be done without a naval
force able to meet the enemy's. He hastily built two boats, and
succeeded in destroying two belonging to the French. The season
was now far gone. In October he fixed his winter quarters at
Crown Point, and employed the time in repairing the works there
and at Ticonderoga.
The arrangements for the expedition against Fort Niagara
having been completed, General PRIDEAUX, with an army composed
of European and Provincial troops and Indians, marched to Oswego,
coasted along the southern shore of lake Ontario, and without
opposition landed at the mouth of the Four Mile creek on the 6th
of July.
The author derives the following minute accounts of the invest-
ment and final capture of Fort Niagara, from files of the Maryland
Gazette, published at Baltimore at that early period of newspaper
enterprise in the American colonies, that have been perserved in the
archives of the Maryland Historical Society. The preceding
accounts, it will be observed, are from English sources, in the form
of letters from correspondents, and items of news by the editor,
derived either from New York and Philadelphia papers, or from
correspondents in those cities. The heading to the account that
follows, is sufficiently explanatory of the source from which it is
derived. Taken altogether, the reader will probably conclude that
it is a much better account of this locally important military enter-
prise, than has before been incorporated in history. The author
adopts the accounts as he finds them in the ancient newspaper files,
believing that a cotemporary relation of the events will be far
more interesting to the reader, than any he could derive from other
sources:
' NIAGARA, July 25th, 1759
" Yesterday morning a party of French and Indians, consisting of 1500, of which
400 were Indians, about 8 o'clock, came upon our right, where a breast-work wag
thrown up, as we had intelligence of their coming ; and as ten of our people were
crossing the lake above, they began to fire on them, which gave our people time to get
all their piquets, the 46th regiment, part of the 44th, 100 New Yorkers, 600 Indians,
ready to oppose them: we waited and received their fire five or six times, before our
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 207
people returned it, which they did at about 30 yards distance, then jumped over their
breast-work, and closed in with them, upon which they immediately gave way and
broke; their Indians left them, and for a while we made a vast slaughter. The whole
being defeated, the prisoners were brought in, among which were above 16 or 17
officers, several of distinction, and about 60 or 70 men; the whole field was covered
with their dead. After the General took the names of all the officers taken, he sent
Major HARVEY, by the desire of Monsieur D'AUBREY, the commanding officer of the
whole party, to the commanding officer of the fort, who disputed his having them, and
kept Major HARVEV in the fort, and sent an officer to the General; when they found
it was true, and all their succors cut off, they began to treat on conditions of surrender,
which continued till near 8 o'clock in the evening before they were concluded;
however, our grenadiers, with the train, marched in this morning, and the whole
garrison was surrendered to Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, who succeeded to the command
after the death of General PRIDEAUX.
" The ordnance stores found in the Fort at Niagara when Gen. JOHNSON took
possession of it, were two 14 pounders; 19 twelve pounders; one eleven pounder;
7 eight pounders; 7 six pounders; 2 four pounders; 5 two pounders all iron: 1500
round 12 pound shot; 40,000 pound musket ball: 200 weight of match: 500 hand
grenades; 2 cohorns and 2 mortars, mounted; 300 bill-axes [?]; 500 hand hatchets;
100 axes; 300 shovels: 400 pick-axes; 250 mattocks; [hoes]; 54 spades: 12 whip-
saws, and a considerable number of small arms, swords, tomahawks, scalping-kiiives,
cartouch-boxes, &c.
A letter from Niagara, dated July 25th, has the following particulars:
" Your old friend Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, has gained immortal honor in this affair.
The army have the highest opinion of him, and the Indians adore him, as his conduct
has been steady and judicious; he has carried on the siege with spirit. The Mohawks
have done wonders, serving in the trenches and every place where Sir WILLIAM was."
We are informed, that upon Gen. AMHERST'S receiving the news of the death of
Brigadier Gen. PRIDEAUX, he immediately appointed Brigadier General GAGE, of the
Light Infantry, coinmander-in-chief of the forces before Niagara; and that Gen.
GAGE was at Albany, when the orders from Gen. AMHERST came to him; but it was
impossible for him to reach Niagara before it surrendered to Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON.
Col. HALDIMAX, we are told, embarked from Oswego for Niagara, the very day it
surrendered, the 24th ult
All the prisoners taken at Niagara, amounting in the whole to about 800, are coming
down to this city [t. e. New York], and are on their way; so that we may expect them
even- day. The women and children taken in the fort, Gen. JOHNSON has sent to
Montreal, we are told.
From Oswego we have the following interesting intelligence, dated July 28th, 1759:
"This day Lieutenant MOXCRIEF, aid-de-camp to the late Gen. PRIDEADX, arrived
here from Niagara, which he left the 26th instant, on his way to Gen. AMHERST.
From the said gentleman we have the following particulars, viz: That after the
melancholy accident of the 20th, which carried off the General, the command of the
army devolving on Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, he continued to pursue the late General's
vigorous measures, and erected his third batten- within 100 yards of the flag bastion;
having intelligence from his Indians, of a large party being on their march from the
Falls to relieve the fort, Sir WILLIAM made a disposition to prevent them. The 23d,
in the evening, he ordered the Light Infantry, and picquets of the lines, to lie near the
road on our left, leading from the Falls to the fort; these he reinforced in the morning
of the 24th, with the Grenadiers, and part of the 46th regiment, all under the com-
208 HISTORY OF THE
mand of Lieut. Col. MASSEY: Lieut. Col. FARQUAR, with the 44th battalion, was
ordered to the tail of the trenches, to support the guard of the trenches, commanded by
Major BECKWITH. About eight in the morning our Indians advanced to speak to
the French Indians, which the enemy declined. The action began soon after, with
screams, as usual, from the enemy; but our troops were so well disposed to receive
them in front, and our Indians on their flanks, that in less than an hour's time their
whole army was ruined. The number of the slain was not ascertained, as the pursuit
was continued for three miles. Seventeen officers were made prisoners, among whom
are Monsieur D'AUBREY, chief in command, wounded; Monsieur de LIGNERY, second
in command, wounded also; Monsieur MARINI, leader of the Indians; Monsieur de
VILLIE, REPENTINI, MARTINI, and BASONC, all captains, and several others.* After
this defeat, which was in sight of the garrison, Sir WILLIAM sent Major HARVEY into
the fort, with a list of the officers taken, recommending it to the commanding officer to
surrender before more blood was shed, and while he had it in his power to restrain the
Indians. The commanding officer, to be certain of such a defeat, sent an officer of
his to see the prisoners; they were shown to him; and, in short, the capitulation was
finished about ten at night of the 24th, by which the garrison surrendered, with the
honors of war, which Lieutenant MONCRIEF saw embarked the morning he came
away, to the number of 607 private men, exclusive of the officers and their ladies, and
those taken in the action. We expect them here to-morrow on their way to
New York.
Saturday afternoon an express arrived in town [New York City] from Albany,
which place he left about 6 o'clock on Thursday morning, with the following agreeable
news, which was brought to Albany a few hours before, from Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON
at Niagara, viz: That on the 24th of July, as Sir WILLIAM lay before the fort of
Niagara, with the forces under his command, besieging it, he received intelligence by
a party of his Indians that were sent out on a scout, that there was a large body of
French and Indians, coming from Venango, as a reinforcement to the garrison of
Niagara. Gen. JOHNSON thereupon ordered 600 chosen men from the 44th and 46th
regiments, 100 New York provincials, and 600 Mohawks, Senecas, &c. to march
immediately, and way lay them, which they accordingly did, and threw up a breast-
work at a place where they knew the French must pass by on their way to the fort;
and sent a batteau with 10 or 12 men down the river a little way, to fire when the
enemy were near at hand, which would give them warning to prepare themselves for
their reception; and in a short time after their breast-work was finished, they heard the
alarm given by the batteau, that was sent forward, on which they all prepared them-
selves to receive the enemy, each man having two balls and three buck-shot in his gun,
and were squatted. However, the enemy perceived them in their entrenchment, and
fired six times on them before our people returned the fire; but as soon as the enemy
came close, all the English rose up and discharged their pieces, which made the utmost
slaughter imaginable among them, and repeated their fire three times, when the
enemy's Indians that were left alive, left them; immediately upon which our people
jumped over their breast-work, and flew on the enemy, sword in hand, still continuing
to make great slaughter among them, and took 120 prisoners, among which were 17
officers, some of which are of distinction, with their chief commander. The havoc
we made at the end was great, 500 of the enemy at least being left on the field of
* The battle ground is a mile and a half below the Five Mile Meadows, at a place
called Bloody Run. Skulls and other human bones, bill-axes, pieces of muskets, &c.,
were strewn over the ground there, long after the settlement of the country commenced.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 209
battle. Those that could, made their escape, and went down the ri^er. Upon the
return of our troops to Gen. JOHNSON with the prisoners, he immediately sent a flag of
truce in to the commander of the fort, and demanded a surrender, telling him of the
defeat of the reinforcement he expected; but the French commandant would not give
credit to what Gen. JOHNSON said, till ho had sent a flag of truce with a drum, into our
camp, and found it but too true ; and immediately on the officer's return to the fort,
the French commandant offered to capitulate, provided Gen. JOHNSON would permit the
garrison to march out with all the honors of war, which was agreed to ; but that they
must immediately, upon their coming out, lay down their arms, and surrender them-
selves, which they accordingly did; and Gen. JOHNSON took possession of the fort
directly after. The garrison consisted of 607 men, among which were 16 officers, 1 of
which were captains, besides the chief commander, and we hear they are shortly after
their surrender, embarked on board of batteaux, and sent up to Oswego, and from
thence were to be sent down to New York, and may be expected here every day. The
number of our killed and wounded in the defeat of the reinforcement fromVenango, we
cannot as yet justly ascertain, but there were five of the New Yorkers among the slain
in that affair. It is said we had not lost 40 men in the whole, since the landing of the
troops at Niagara. The Indians were allowed all the plunder in the fort, and found a
vast quantity of it, some say to the value of 300 a man. The fort, it is said, is large
enough to contain 1000 fighting men, without inconvenience; all the buildings in and
about it are standing, and in good order; and it is thought, had our forces stormed the
place (which was intended) they would have met with a warm reception; and beating
the Venango party, will undoubtedly crown with laurels the ever deserving JOHNSON."*
From the Maryland Gazette, Aug. 23d, 17.;0: Under Philadelphia head, Aug. 16th:
By a letter from Niagara, of the 21st ult [?], we learn that by the assiduity and
influence of Sir William JOHNSON, there were upwards of eleven hundred Indians
convened there, who, by their good behaviour, have justly gained the esteem of the
whole army: That Sir William being informed the enemy had buried a quantity of
goods on an Island, about twenty miles from the fort, sent a number of Indians to
search for them, who found to the value of eight thousand pounds, and were in hopes
of finding more, and that a French vessel, entirely laden with beaver, had foundered on
the Lake, where her crew, consisting of forty-one men, were all lostt
From the Maryland Gazette, Thursday, Aug. 30, 1739.
" NEW YORK, August 20, 1759.
JOURNAL OF THE SIEGE OF NIAGARA, TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH:
Friday, July 6, 1759. About seven at night a soldier, who was hunting, came
with all diligence to acquaint Monsieur POUCHOT, that he had discovered at the entrance
* The following eloquent description of the battle scene upon the river bank, occurs
in Graham's Colonial History: "The French Indians having raised the fierce, wild
veil, called the war-whoop, which by this time had lost its appalling effects on the
British soldiers, the action he^an by an impetuous attack from the enemy; and while
the neighboring Cataract of Niagara, pealed forth to inattentive ears, its everlasting
voice of many waters, the roar of artilley, the shrieks of the Indians, and all the martial
clang and dreadful revelry of a field of ba'ttle, mingled in wild chorus with the majestic
music of nature."
t Some may be disposed to infer that the anchor, cannon, &c. which the author has
assumed, were those of the Griffin, are as likely to have belonged to the shipwrecked
vessel here spoken of. But forty-six years intervened between the loss of this vessel,
and the finding of the relics near the mouth of the Eighteen Mile creek; not a sufficient
period to allow of the appearance those relics presented: the anchor deeply embedded
in sand and gravel, the timber growth, &c.
14
210 HISTORY OF THE
of the wood, a party of savages, and that they had even fired on some other hunters.
Mons. POUCHOT immediately sent M. SELVIERT, Captain in the regiment of Rousil-
lon, at the head of one picquet, a dozen Canadian volunteers preceded them, and on
their coming to the edge of the woods, a number of Indians fired upon them which
they returned, and were obliged to retire. They took Messrs. FURNACE and ALOQUE,
Interpreters of the Iroquois, two Canadians, and two other gentlemen. They made
another discharge and retired. Monsieur POUCHOT fired some cannon upon them.
Mons. SELVIERT lay all night, with 100 men, in the Demilune,* and the rest of the
garrison was under arms on the ramparts till midnight
Saturday, July 1th. We perceived 7 barges on the Lake, a league and a half
distance from the fort; we judged by that it was the English come to besiege us:
Mons. POUCHOT ordered the general to be beat, and employed all hands to work on the
batteries, to erect embrasures.t all being en barbet\ before. He immediately des-
patched a courier to Mons. CHEVERT, to give him notice of what happened; he also
sent out Monsieur LA FORCE,|| Captain of the Schooner Iroquois, to destroy the English
barges where he could find them. All that day several savages showed themselves on
the edge of the desert. Monsieur LA FORCE fired several cannon shot at them; and
perceived they were working at an entrenchment at the Little Swamp, fl which is a
league and a half from the fort. The guards this night as the night before.
Sunday, 8th July. The schooner continued to cruise and fire on the English camp.
About nine in the morning, an English officer brought a letter from Brigadier
PRIDEAUX, to Mons. POUCHOT, to summons him, proposing him all advantages and
good treatment, all which he very politely refused, and even seamed to be unwilling to
receive the English General's letter. The remainder of this day the English made no
motions.
[There is no entry for Monday.]
Tuesday, IGth. At 2 o'clock all our men were on the ramparts, and at day-break
we perceived they had opened their trenches, at the entrance of the wilderness, at
about three hundred toises from the fort; we made a very hot fire upon them all day.
M. CHABOURT arrived with the garrison of the Little Fort,$ and seven or eight savage
* The work in front of the curtain or main breast-work.
t A narrow orifice through which the cannon is fired.
J In a condition to allow of cannon being fired over them.
|| We first hear of this early navigator upon lake Ontario, in Washington's diary of
his mission to the Ohio, in 1753. He accompanied him in a part of his tour, and in
the ensuing spring was captured and sent a prisoner to Williamsburg. He was tho
French leader and Indian negotiator in the early contest between the French and
English in the neighborhood of Fort Du Quesne, (Pittsburgh). He was the JONCAIRE
of that region, though not as successful, as was the adopted son of the Senecas. He
broke jail at Williamsburg, and going at large, excited terror among the border settlers
of Virginia, by whom he was regarded as a dangerous ally of the Indians. In his
attempted escape, he was arrested by a back woods-man, who resisted his offers of
wealth and preferment, and conveyed him back to prison, where he was loaded with a
double weight of irons and chained to the floor of his dungeon. Washington, hearing
of the hard fate of his old acquaintance, remonstrated with Gov. DINWIDDIE, but failed
to excite his sympathies. LA FORCE remained in prison two years. The next we hear
of him, he is captain of the " Schooner Iroquois" on lake Ontario. Cruising on the
lake, he escaped the fate of his countrymen at Niagara.
1f The Little Swamp is forty rods west of the mouth of the Four Mile Creek. Some
of the remains of the battery are still there.
$ At Schlosser
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 211
Iroquois and Missagoes. Monsieur POUCHOT went to palisade the ditches: The service
as usual, only the addition of two officers to lie in the covered way. About 11 o'clock
at night, orders were given to make all the picquets fire from the covered way, to
hinder the workmen of the enemy. M. LA FORCK sent his boat on shore for Monsieur
POCCHOT'S orders.
Wednesday, llth July. The works continue on both sides. At noon a party of
about fifteen men, soldiers and militia, went very nigh the trenches of the enemy, and
perceived them sally out between four and five hundred, who came towards them at a
quick pace, but they were stopped by our cannon. They began on the other side of the
swamp, which is the left of their trench, another about twenty yards; and at 5 o'clock
they began to play two Grenadoe Royal Mortars. At 6 o'clock two savages of the Five
Nations, who were invited by one CAYENDESSE, of their nation, came to speak to
Monsieur POUCHOT; the firing ceased on both sides during this parley. At 10 o'clock
we began to fire again, and then we found the English had eight mortars.
Night between the llth and 12th. The enemy ran their parallel from their first
trench to the lake side, where it seemed they intended to establish a battery. At two
in the afternoon, [of the 12th, doubtless,] four chiefs of the Five Nations came to us
on parole, and said they were going to retire to Belle Famille. The enemy wrought
the rest of that day, and perfected their night's work. Monsieur LA FORCE had orders
to proceed to Frontenac, and to return immediately. In the night between the 12th
and 13th they fired many bombs. I went with thirty men to observe where the
enemy wrought.
Friday, 13th July. A canoe arrived from Monsieur DE VILLE, to hear how we
stood at this post (or rather for the Canada post.) The enemy threw a great many
bombs all this day, and continued to work to perfect their trenches: we fired a great
many cannon shot. Many of their savages crossed the river, and desired to speak
with us; there were but two of those nations with us. I went out with five volunteers,
to act as the night before. The enemy fired CO bombs {ill about midnight
Saturday, 14th July. At day-break we found they had prolonged their trenches to
the lake shore, in spite of the great fire from our cannon and musketry, during the
night, and perfected it during the day time; they have placed four mortars and thrown
many bombs. All our garrison lay in the covered way, and on the ramparts.
Sunday, 15th July. In the morning we perceived they had finished their works
begun the night before. During the night they threw three hundred bombs; the rest
of the day and night they threw a great many, but did not incommode us in any shape.
Monday, 16th July. At dawn of day we spied, about half a league off, two barges,
at which we discharged some cannon, on which they retired. In the course of the
day they contined to throw some bombs. They have already disabled us about twenty
men. All our men lie on beaver, or in their clothes, and armed. We do what we can
to incommode them with our cannon.
Tuesday, llth July. Until six this morning we had a thick fogr, so that we could
not discern the works of the enemy; but it clearing a little up, we saw they had raised
a battery of three pieces of cannon, and four mortars on the other side of the river;
they began to fire about 7 A. M., and Monsieur POUCHOT placed all the guns he could
against them: The fire was brisk on both sides all day, they seemed most inclined
to batter the house where the Commandant lodges. The service as usual for the night.
Wednesday, 18th July. There was a great firing as on the preceding day; we had
one soldier dismembered, and four wounded by their bombs.
Thursday, 19/A July. At dawn of day we found the enemy had begun a parallel
eighty yards long in front of the fort. The fire was very great on both sides. At 2 P.
212 HISTORY OF THE
M. arrived the Schooner Iroquois, from Frontenac, and laid abreast of the fort, waiting
for a calm, not being able to get in, the enemy having a battery on the other side of the
river. Monsieur POUCHOT will have the boat on shore as soon as the wind falls.
Friday, 2(W July. The English have made a third parallel, towards the lake; they
are to-day about one hundred and sixty yards from the fort. They cannot have worked
quietly at the Sappe, having had a great fire of musketry all night long, which they
were obliged to bear. During the day they made a great firing with their mortars, and
they perfected their works begun the night of the 19th to the 20th. We had one man
killed, and four wounded. The fire of the musketry was very hot on both sides till
eleven at night, when the enemy left off, and we continued ours all night. Two canoes
were sent on board the schooner, which are to go to Montreal and Tironto.
Saturday, 21st. During the night the enemy made a fourth parallel, which is about
one hundred yards from the fort, in which it appears they will erect a battery for a
breach in the flag bastion. They have hardly fired any cannon or bombs in the day,
which gives room to think they are transporting their cannon and artillery from their
old batter} 7 to their new one. The service as usual. Their battery on the other side
fired but little in the day. The schooner went off to see two canoes over to Tironto,
one of which is to post to Montreal, and from thence she is to cruise off Oswego, to try
to stop the enemy's convoys when on their way. The company of volunteers are
always to pass the night in the covered way.
Sunday, 2%d. AH the night was a strong conflict on both sides. We had one man
killed by them and by our own canaofl. We fired almost all our cannon with cartridges.
They worked in the night to perfect all their works begun the night before The
enemy began to fire red-hot balls in the night; they also fired fire-poles. * All day they
continued at work to establish their batteries. They fired, as nsual, bombs and cannon.
The service as usual for the night of the 22d and 23d. They worked hard to perfect
their batteries, being ardently sustained by their musketry.
Monday, 23d. We added two pieces of cannon to the bastion of the lake, to oppose
those of the enemy's side. At 8 A. M. four savages brought a letter from Monsieur
AUBREY to Monsieur POUCHOT, by which we learn, that he has arrived at the Great
Island, t before the Little Fort, at the head of twenty-five hundred, half French and
half savages. Monsieur POCCHOT immediately sent back four savages with the answer
to Monsieur AUBREY'S letter, informing him of the enemy's situation. These savages,
before they came in, spoke to the Five Nations, and gave them five belts to engage
them to retire from the enemy. They saw part of the enemy's camp, and told us the
first or second in command was killed by one of our bullets, and two of their guns
broken and one mortar. We have room to hope, that with such success we may oblige
the enemy to raise the siege, with the loss of men, and as they take up much ground,
they must be beat, not being able to rally quick enough. At 2 P. M. they unmasked
another battery of pieces of cannon, three of which were eighteen-pounders, the
others twelve and six. They began with a brisk fire, which continued two hours, then
slackened. About 5 P. M. we saw a barge go over to Belle Famille, on the other side
of the river, and some motions made there. One of the four savages which went off
this morning, returned his Porcelain (i. e. wampum), he had nothing new. The
service of the night as usual. We worked hard to place two pieces, twelve-pounders,
on the middle of the curtains, to bear upon their batter}'.
* Fire-balls.
t Navy Island, which the French may have regarded as but a continuation of
" Great " or Grand Island
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 213
Tuesday, 24(/t July. The enemy began their fire abonnt 4 o'clock this morning, and
continued to fire with the same vivacity the rest of the day. At 8 A. M. we perceived
onr army was approaching, having made several discharges of musketry at Belle
FamiHe. At 9 the fire began on both sides, and lasted half an hour. We wait to
know who has the advantage of those two. At 2 P. M. we heard by a savage, that
our army was routed, and almost all made prisoners, by the treachery of our savages:
when immediately the English army had the pleasure to inform us of it, by summon-
iug us to surrender."
The above with some letters, were found in an embrasure, after we were in possess-
sion of the fort, since which, translated, and the original given to Sir WILLIAM
JOHNSO.V.
Since our last seven sloops arrived here [N. Y.] from Albany, with about six hun-
dred and forty French prisoners, officers included, being the whole of the garrison of
Niagara. Among the officers are Monsieur POUCHOT, who was commander-iu-chief
of the fort, and Monsieur VILLAES, both captains, and knights of the order of St. Louis.
There are ten other officers, one of which is the famous Monsieur JOINCOZUR, a very
noted man among the Seneca Indians, and whose father was the first that hoisted
French colours in that country. His brother, also a prisoner, is now here, and has
been very humane to many Englishmen, having purchased several of them from the
savages."
While British arms were achieving victories at Ticonderoga,
Crown Point, Frontenac, Du Quesne, and Niagara, Gen. WOLFE
was at the same time, vigorously carrying forward his operations
before Quebec. In the midst of his exertions, he received intelli-
gence of the capture of Niagara and the retreat of the French
before Gen. AMHERST. The advanced period of the season, the
strong French force at the isle Aux Noix, satisfied WOLFE that
the union of the force under Gen. AMHERST with that under
himself, could not take place. Neither was it probable that Sir
WILLIAM JOHNSON would be able to march against Montreal, to
divide the forces and divert the attention of the French. Notwith-
standing all this, WOLFE resolved to continue the siege, make
superior caution and daring, activity and bravery supply the place
of numbers and strength. Though in body so weak and feeble
from the effects of a painful and wasting malady, that he was
often confined to his room, Gen. WOLFE, by his cheerful and
confident bearing, inspired the minds of all around him with the
highest expectation, that under him their brightest hopes would be
fully realized their toils and sufferings be rewarded with the
noblest triumph British valor had ever before achieved on the
American continent.
With an army of eight thousand men, under a convoy of British
vessels, Gen. WOLFE landed on the Isle of Orleans, lying in the
St. Lawrence, a few leagues below the city of Quebec, near the
214 HISTORY OF THE
close of June, 1759. Here he had a full view of the dangers and
embarrassments that he must encounter, and of the bold yet
cautious course he would have to adopt and pursue, in order to
succeed. Nobly exclaiming that " a victorious army finds no
difficulties," WOLFE resolved to hazard every thing to gain every
thing. With the hope that MONTCALM, the French commander,
might be induced to change his strong and well chosen position
and enter into a general engagement, WOLFE brought about the
battle of Montmorency, and was repulsed with the loss of five
hundred of his best men. At this critical juncture, the daring
resolution was made to carry on all future operations above the
town. At the greatest risk and the most imminent danger, by a
bold and master movement, the English finally gained the Heights
of Abraham, which overlooked and commanded the city. So great
were the astonishment and surprise of MON T TCALM, when first
informed of this sudden change of the enemy's position, that he
refused to believe it possible. He saw that a fatal battle could
not much longer be avoided a battle that inevitably would decide
the fate of the empire of France in America and he made his
preparations accordingly. An engagement soon after took place
between the two armies, in which the steady, unflinching bra-
very of the British, and the reckless, impetuous courage of the
French were both tried and proved. The English were victorious
and to them the French surrendered Quebec their last remaining
strong hold that had not yet fallen into the possession of their
enemies.
WOLFE and MONTCALM, the commanding generals, were
foemen worthy of each other. The wonderful coincidence and
contrast presented in the closing scene of their fortunes and life,
have forever blended their memory in glorious union on the
Historian's page, the Painter's canvass, and in the Poet's numbers.
Both had distinguished themselves during the war both were
in the thickest and fiercest of the battle storm both led their
emulous columns on to the deadly charge both were mortally
wounded and reluctantly carried from the field both died one
as the shouts of victory were ringing louder and louder in his
failing ears, and words of peaceful resignation were falling from
his closing lips, the other, with the fervent aspiration that he
might not " live to see the surrender of Quebec," and his country's
dominions pass into the hands of his conqueror.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 215
The loss of these two brave and accomplished commanders was
deeply lamented and regretted by their respective nations their
names united and honored by their enemies. With what truth and
beauty does their kindred fate illustrate, though under widely
different circumstances, how often it is.
"That the paths of glory lead but to the grave."*
Thus triumphantly with the English, ended the campaign of
1759; but not the mutual exertions of the French and English for
supremacy over the Indian nations. After the conquest of Quebec,
two Indians of the Six Nations, at the suggestion of the English,
it is presumed, visited a settlement of their people that had removed
to Canada and were in the French interest They endeavored to
persuade their people to make a timely secession from the French,
and come home to their own country; telling them that " the
English, formerly women, were now all turned into men, and were
growing as thick in the country as trees in the woods, that they
had taken the French forts at Ohio, Ticonderoga, Louisburg and
Quebec, and would soon eat all the French in Canada, and the
Indians that adhered to them." The French Indians were incred-
ulous; they said to their visitors: "Brothers you are decieved;
the English cannot eat up the French; their mouths are too little,
their jaws too weak, and their teeth not sharp enough. Our father,
Yonnondio, has told us. and we believe him. that the English, like
a thief have stolen Louisburg and Quebec from the great king,
while his back was turned, and he was looking another way; but
that he has turned his face, and sees what the English have done,
he is going into their country with a thousand great canoes, and all
his warriors; and he will take the little English king and pinch him
till he makes him cry out and give back what he has stolen, as he
did about ten summers ago, and this your eyes will see." The
French Indians came near making converts of the English agents.
The result of the visit was at least to make the Six Nations more
*An affecting incident is related of Gen. Wolfe, which presents his character in the
most amiable light It is said that when Wolfe and his army were noiselessly floating
down the St Lawrence, at midnight, to the place where they were to land and begin
their difficult ascent to the Heights above, he, in a low, tender tone, repeated the whole
of Gray's plaintive and touching " Elegy in a Country Church Yard," in which occurs
the prophetic line above quoted: and at the conclusion of it, he remarked: "Now,
gentlemen, I would rather be the author of that poem, than take Quebec." What a
noble tribute for a Warrior to render a Poet
216 HISTORY OF THE
wavering in their adherence to the English, and distrustful as to
their final supremacy.
While this war had been waging, as in those that had preceded
it, there were frequent incursions of French and Indians to the
frontiers of Massachusetts and New Hampshire; but their visits
were less sanguinary and barbarous in their character, than those
of former years. Bounties were paid, to encourage the Indians to
deliver all English prisoners alive.
French determination to maintain their ground, was revived
after a short recoil from the capture of their strong hold; and new
and large levies of troops were made from the English colonies.
No sooner had the English fleet retired from the St. Lawrence than
LEVI, who had succeeded MONTCALM, resolved to attempt the
recovery of Quebec. In April, 1660 he embarked with a strong
army from Montreal, and having by means of armed frigates, the
control of the St. Lawrence, he took position at Point au Tremble,
within a few miles of Quebec. In a few days, Gen. MURRAY, who
had succeeded WOLFE, sallied out and attacked the French in their
then position, near Sillery. He retreated, after a severe engage-
ment, and the loss of one thousand men; the French loss still
larger. The French soon after, opened trenches against the town,
and commenced an effectual fire upon the garrison. It was vigor-
ously resisted, but so well conducted was the siege, that the fate of
the English was only decided by a squadron of theirs passing a
French armament that had been sent out, and entering before it
the mouth of the St. Lawrence. The English ships attacked the
French frigates that had come down from Montreal, destroyed a
part of them, and obliged the others to retreat up the river. The
siege was raised; the whole French army making a hasty and rapid
retreat to Montreal.
The Marquis de VAUDREUIL, Governor General of Canada, had
fixed his head quarters at Montreal, and resolved to make his last
stand for French colonial empire. For this purpose he collected
around him the whole force of the French colony. He infused
his own spirit, confidence and courage, in the hemmed up colony,
cheering the desponding by promises of help and succor from
France.
The English in the mean time, were not idle. Arrangements
were made for a combined attack on Montreal. A detachment of
English troops advanced from Crown Point, and took possession of
HOLLA.N 7 D PURCHASE. 217
Isle Aux Noix. Gen. A.MHERST, with an army of about ten
thousand regulars and provincials, left the frontiers of New York
and advanced to Oswego, when he was joined by a thousand
warriors of the Six Nations, under the command of Sir WILLIAM
JOHNSON. Embarking on lake Ontario, they arrived at Isle
Royal, reducing that post, and proceeding down the St. Lawrence,
arrived at Montreal, simultaneously with the command under Gen.
MURRAY. Arrangements were made to invest the city with this
formidable consolidated army. VAUDREUIL, rightly estimating the
strength of his assailants, and his own inability successful^- to
resist them, resolved upon capitulation. On the day after the
arrival of the British army, the 7th of September, 1760,
Montreal, Detroit, and all other places of strength within the
government of Canada, were surrendered to the British crown.
Gen. MURRAY was appointed Governor of Montreal, and a force
left with him of two thousand men; and returning to Quebec, his
force was augmented to four thousand.
The French armament, that has before been noticed, on learning
that the English had entered the St. Lawrence, took refuge in the
Bay of Chaleurs, on the coast of Nova Scotia, where it was soon
pursued by a British fleet from Louisburg, and destroyed.
Thus ended the colonial empire of France in North America; or
rather its efforts to resist by regular military organizations,
fortified forts, &c., English dominion. With the fall of Montreal,
they had surrendered all their possessions upon this continent, east
of the Mississippi, and beyond that, possession was merely
nominal, consisting of but little more than the feeble colony of
Louisiana.
Soon after these events, most of the eastern Indian nations
inclined to the English, but the anticipated entire alliance and
pacific disposition of the Indians around the borders of the western
lakes, was not realized. Indian fealty did not follow but partially,
the triumph of the English arms. The French had gained a
strong hold upon the western Indians, which was not unloosed by
the reverses they had encountered. The Indian nations became
alarmed at the rapid strides of the English, jealous of its consequen-
ces to them, and the French lost no opportunity to increase this
feeling, and induce them to believe that the next effort of English
ambition and conquest, would be directed to their entire subjuga- .
tion, if not extermination.
218 HISTORY OF THE
"There was then upon the stage of action, one of those high
and heroic men, who stamp their own characters upon the age in
which they live, and who appear destined to survive the lapse of
time, like some proud and lofty column, which sees crumbling
around it, the temples of God and the dwellings of man, and yet
rests upon its pedestal, time worn and time honored. This man
was at the head of the Indian confederacy, and had acquired an
influence over his countrymen, such as had never before been seen,
and such as we may not expect to see again. To form a just
estimate of his character, we must judge of him by the
circumstances under which he was placed; by the profound
ignorance and barbarism of his people; by his own destitution of
all education and information, and by the jealous, fierce, and
intractable spirit of his compeers. When measured by this
standard, we shall find few of the men whose names are familiar
to us, more remarkable for all they professed and achieved, than
PONTIAO. Were his race destined to endure until the mists of
antiquity could gather around his days and deeds, tradition would
dwell upon his feats, as it has done in the old world, upon all who,
in the infancy of nations have been prominent actors, for evil or
for good." * PONTIAC was an Ottawa.
Major ROGERS, commanded the British troops that took pos-
session of Detroit under the treaty of capitulation at Montreal.
When he was approaching his destination, the ambassadors of this
forest king met him and informed him that their sovereign was
near by, and that he desired him to halt until he could see him ;
that the request was in the name of " PONTIAC, the king and
lord of the country." Approaching Major ROGERS, PONTIAC
demanded his business. An explanation followed, and permission
was granted for him and his troops to take the place of the
French; acts of courtesy even attending the permission.
This friendly relation was not destined to be permanent. In
1763, PONTIAC had united nearly all the Indian nations of the
west, in a confederacy, the design of which, was to expel the
English from the country, and restore French ascendancy. " His
first object was to gain his own tribe, and the warriors who gen-
erally attended him. Topics to engage their attention and inflame
their passions were not wanting. A belt was exhibited which he
pretended to have received from the king of France, urging him
to drive the British from the country, and to open the paths for
the return of the French. The British troops had not endeavored
* Governor Cass.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 219
to conciliate the Indians, and mutual causes of complaint existed.
Some of the Ottawas had been disgraced by blows, but above all,
the British were intruders in the country, and would ere long
conquer the Indians as they had conquered the French, and wrest
from them their lands." * His first step was to convene a large
council of the confederates at the river Aux Ecorces. The speech
he delivered upon that occasion, was ingeniously framed to further
his object. By turns he appealed to the pride of country, the
jealousy, the warlike spirit, the superstition, of the assembled coun-
cillors. He assumed that the Great Spirit had recently made a
revelation to a Delaware Indian, as to the conduct he wished his
red children to pursue. He had directed them to "abstain from
ardent spirits, and to cast from them the manufactures of the white
man. To resume their bows and arrows, and skins of animals for
clothing." "Why," said the Great Spirit indignantly, to the Dela-
ware, " do you suffer these dogs in red clothing to enter your
country, and take the land I gave you 1 ? Drive them from it,
and when you are in distress I will help you." The speech had
its desired effect. In the month of May following, all things were
arranged for a simultaneous atttack upon each of twelve British
posts, extending from Niagara to Green Bay, in the north-west,
and Pittsburg in the south-west. Nine of these posts were
captured. The posts at Niagara and Pittsburg were invested but
successfully resisted. Detroit was closely besieged by the forces
of POXTIAC, and the siege, and his war generally, was protracted
beyond the reception of the news of the treaty of peace between
France and England; in fact, until the expedition of Gen. BRAD-
STREET, of which some account will be given in another place.
The incidents of PONTIAC'S war are among the most horrid in
Indian war history. The officers and soldiers of most of the cap-
tured garrisons were tomahawked and scalped. The details do
not come within our range.
A treaty of peace was definitely concluded at Paris, between
England and France, on the 10th of February, 1763. To prevent
any fature disputes as to boundary, it was stipulated, that "the
confines between Great Britain and France on the continent of
North America should be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along
the centre of the Mississippi, from its source as far as the river
* Gov. Cass.
220 HISTORY OF THE
Iberville; and from thence, by a line drawn along the middle of
the river, and by the lakes Maurepas and Ponchartrain, to the sea."
It was stipulated that the inhabitants of the countries ceded by
France, should be allowed the enjoyment of the Roman Catholic
faith, and the exercise of its rights as far as might be consistent
with the laws of England; that they should retain their civil
rights, while they were disposed to remain under the British
government, and yet be entitled to dispose of their estates to
British subjects, and retire with their produce, without hindrance
or molestation to any part of the world.
Never, perhaps, was a treaty of peace more acceptable, or
hailed with livelier feelings of joy and congratulation, than was this
by the English colonists in America. Harassed through long years,
upon all their borders, their young men diverted from the peaceful
pursuits of agriculture, to fill the ranks of the army in a long succes-
sion of wars, they had been longing for repose. But it was the
will of Providence, in directing and controlling the destinies of
men in shaping a higher and more glorious inheritance for the
wearied colonists than colonial vassalage that the repose should
be of but short duration. "Amidst the tumultuous flow of pleasure
and triumph in America, an intelligent eye might have discerned
symptoms, of which a sound regard to British ascendancy required
the most cautious, forbearing, and indulgent treatment; for it was
manifest that the exultations of the Americans was founded, in no
small degree, upon the conviction, that their own proper strength
was augmented, and that they had attained a state of security
which lessened at once their danger from neighboring hostility, and
their dependence on the protection, so often delusive and preca-
rious, of the parent state." And few will fail to observe how \vell
calculated were the events we have just been considering, to
prepare the sympathies, and shape the policy of France, in the
struggle to which this peace was but a prelude.
We have now come to the end of French dominion upon this
portion of the continent of North America. The treaty of Paris
consummated what the fall of Quebec and Montreal had rendered
inevitable. In one chapter, the events of a long period from
1627 to 1763, one hundred and thirty-six years have been
embraced. How chequered and fluctuating the scene ! How full
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 221
of vicissitudes, of daring adventures, of harassing riralry, suffering,
privation and death ! It was the contest of two powerful nations
of Europe, for supremacy upon this continent. The stakes for
which they were contending, were colonial power, extended
dominion and GAIN the last, the powerful stimulus that urged to
the battle field, or prompted the bloody, stealthy assault. How
little, the thoughtful reader will say, the rights, the interests, the
dignity, the elevation, the freedom of MAN was involved in this
long, almost uninterrupted, sanguinary conflict. Nothing of all
this was blended with the motives of the promoters of these wars.
The fields of contest, the banks of the St. Lawrence, of the lakes,
our own fair, but then wilderness region, were drenched with
some of the best blood of England and France; the colonies of
New England sent out those to an untimely grave that would have
adorned and strengthened her in a not far off, and more auspicious
period. They "bravely fought and bravely fell;" but there was
little in the cause in which they were engaged to shed a halo of
glory around the memory of its martyrs. And yet remotely,
those most unprofitable struggles, (viewed in reference to any
immediate result,) were to have an important bearing upon the
destiny of our now free, happy, and prosperous Republic.
How slight the causes that often, seemingly, govern great and
momentous events! And yet, what finite reason would often
construe as accidental, may be the means which Infinite Wisdom
puts in requisition to accomplish its high purposes. Had the
French fleet gained the mouth of the St. Lawrence before that of
the English, Quebec, in all probability, would have been restored
to France, and French dominion would have held its own upon this
continent, if indeed, with the Indian alliances that the French had
secured, and were securing, they had not subjugated the English.
Then comes the enquiry whether any of the same causes would
have existed under French colonial dominion, that arose under
English rule 1 Some, prominent ones, we know, would not. And
yet, in the main, English colonial rule, was more liberal than that
of the French. Had the contest for separation and independence
been against France, England, as in the reversed case, would not
have been the ally of the weaker party, struggling against its deep-
seated notions of legitimacy and kingly rule. But it was best as
it was; and speculation like this is unprofitable, especially when it
222 HISTORY OF THE
can work out in its imaginings no more glorious result, than the
one that was realized.
It was during the war with France, that some of the most
distinguished officers and soldiers of the Revolution, that comman-
ded and filled the ranks of our armies so skillfully and successfully,
rendered their first military services. WASHINGTON fought his
first battle at the Great Meadows; he was at BRADDOCK'S defeat,
where buds of promise appeared, that in a better conflict bloomed
and shed abroad their fragrance their cheering influences, in
years of doubt and despondency their matured and ripened fruit,
a cluster of sovereign states, constituting a glorious Union.
PUTNAM, the self-taught, rough man of sterling virtues, New
England's bravest, if not most prudent leader, was at Ticonderoga,
in 1756; GATES was at BRADDOCK'S defeat, as was MORGAN.
STARK, afterwards the hero of Bennington, was a captain of
Rangers in that war. And who, of middle age, has not listened
to the mingled recitals of events of the French war, and the war
of the Revolution, coming from the veterans who helped to fill the
ranks of the armies of both]
The reader will have observed that the trade in furs and peltry,
constituted the main object of French enterprise. The cultivation
of small patches of ground around the military and trading posts,
and a narrow strip of some twenty miles in length on the Detroit
river, constituted mainly the agricultural efforts of the French, in
all their long occupancy of this region. They early introduced at
Detroit, apple trees, (or seeds,) from the province of Normandy. *
The first apples that the pioneer settlers of the Holland Purchase
had, come from that source, and from a few trees that had a like
origin, at Schlosser, on the Niagara river. The trees at Schlosser
are existing, and bearing a very pleasant flavored natural fruit.
They are the oldest apple trees in Western New York. Those found
in the vicinity of Geneva, Canandaigua, Honeyoye flats, and upon
the Genesee river, were either propagated from them, or from
seeds given the Seneca Indians by the Jesuit Missionaries.
The Hudson's Bay Company was organized in 1696, by the
English. Its operations were confined to the northern regions,
but in process of time, its branches came in collision with the French
* History of Michigan.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 223
traders upon the lakes. It was a monopoly, opposed not only to
French, but to English private enterprise. ' The consequences
were injurious to the trade, as the time and energies -which might
have been employed in securing advantages to themselves, were
devoted to petty quarrels, and the forest became a scene of brawls,
and a battle ground of the contending parties. The war was
organized into a system. The traders of the Hudson's Bay
Company followed the Canadians to their different posts, and used
every method to undermine their power."
During the winter of 1783, the north-west company was estab-
lished. It was composed principally of merchants who had carried
on the trade upon their own individual accounts. For a long
period, both companies made vast profits. Some idea of the extent
of the trade, may be formed by the following exhibit of the busi-
ness for one year:
106,000 Beaver skins, 600 Wolverine skins,
2,100 Bear
1,500 Fox
4,000 Kitt Fox
4,600 Otter
16,000 Muskquash
32,000 Martin
1,800 Mink
6,000 Lynx
1,650 Fisher
100 Racoon
3,800 Wolf
700 Elk
750 Deer
1,200 Deer skins dressed,
500 Buffalo robes, and a
quantity of Castorum,
' There was necessarily, extensive establishments connected with
the trade, such as store-houses, trading-houses, and places of
accommodation for the agents and partners of the larger compa-
nies. The mode of living on the Grand Portage, on lake Superior,
in 1794 was as follows: The proprietors of the establishment,
the guides, clerks, and interpreters, messed together; sometimes
to the number of one hundred, in a large hall. Bread, salt pork,
beef, butter, venison and fish, Indian corn, potatoes, tea and wine,
were their provisions. Several cows were kept around the estab-
lishments, which supplied them with milk. The corn was prepared ,
at Detroit by being boiled in a strong alkali, and was called '
" nominee." The mechanics had rations of this sort of provisions,
while the canoe-men had no allowance but melted fat and Indian
corn. The dress of the traders, most of whom had been employed
under the French government, consisted of a blanket coat, a shirt
of striped cotton, trowsers of cloth, or leather leggins, similar to
NOTE. JIT See Hennepin's account of the difficulties of getting the Griffin np the
rapids of the Niagara river, page 124. The planting he speaks of must have been near
the village of Waterloo, on the Canada side. These were the first seeds planted by
Europeans, in all the region west and south of Schenectady and Kingston, and east of
the Mississippi.
224 HISTORY OF THE
those of the Indians, moccasins wrought from deer-skins, a red or
parti-colored belt of worsted, which contained suspended, a knife
and tobacco pouch, and a blue woolen cap or hat, in the midst of
which stuck a red feather. Light hearted, cheerful and courteous,
they were ever ready to encamp at night among the savages, or in
their own wigwams, to join in the dance, or awaken the solitudes
of the wilderness with their boat-songs, as they swept with vigor-
ous arm across the bosom of the waters.*
"Even as late as 1810, the island of Mackinaw, the most
romantic point on the Lakes, which rises from the altar of a
river-god, was the central mart of the traffic, as old Michilimacki-
nac had been a century before. At certain seasons of the year it
was made a rendezvous for the numerous classes connected with
the traffic. At these seasons the transparent waters around this
beautiful island were studded with the canoes of Indians and
traders. Here might then be found the merry Canadian voyageur,
with his muscular figure strengthened by the hardships of the
wilderness, bartering for trinkets along the various booths scat-
tered along its banks. The Indian warrior, bedecked with the
most fantastic ornaments, embroidered moccasins and silver
armlets; the North- Westers, armed with dirks the iron men who
had grappled with the grizzly bear, and endured the hard fare of
the north; and the South- Wester, also put in his claims to
deference, f
"Fort William, near the Grand Portage, was also one of the
principal ports of the Northwest Company. It was the place of
junction, where the leading partners from Montreal met the more
active agents of the wilderness to discuss the interests of the
traffic. The grand conference was attended with a demi-savage
and baronial pomp. The partners from Montreal, clad in the
richest furs, ascended annually to that point in huge canoes,
* The author is indebted to a friend for the following literal translation, of one of
the gay and frivolous, yet characteristic songs of these "forest mariners." It is said
even now to be heard occasionally upon our north-western lakes:
Every spring Good wine doth not stupefy,
So much noveltv, Love awakes me.
Every lover
Changes his mistress, On my way, I have met.
Good wine doth not stupefy, Three cavaliers, each mounted,
Love awakes me. Tol, lol, laridol da,
Tol lol, laridon da.
Every lover
Changes his mistress, Three cavaliers, each mounted,
Let them change who will, One on horseback, the other on foot,
As for me, I'll keep mine, Tol lol, laridon da,
Tol lol, laridol da.
t The American Fur Company, now in existence, and extending its operations from
the shores of the Lakes to those of the Pacific, modelled in its operations somewhat
after the old French and English companies, had its trading establishments scattered
through the forest
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 225
manned by Canadian voyageurs, and provided with all the means
of the most luxurious revelry. T^he Council-House was a large
wooden building, adorned with the trophies of the chase, barbaric
ornaments, and decorated implements used by the savages in war
and peace. At such periods the post would be crowded with
traders from the depths of the wilderness and from Montreal;
partners of the Company, clerks, interpreters, guides, and a
numerous host of dependents. Discussions of grave import,
regarding the interests of the traffic, made up the arguments of
such occasions; and the banquet was occasionally interspersed
with loyal songs from the Scotch Highlander, or the aristocratic
Britain," proud of his country and his king. Such were the
general features of a traffic which constituted for a century, under
French and English governments, the commerce of the North-
western lakes. It was a trade abounding in the severest hardships,
and the most hazardous enterprises. This was the most glorious
epoch of mercantile enterprise in the forests of the North-west.
when its hah savage dominion stretched upon the lakes over
regions large enough for empires; making barbarism contribute to
civilization."*
While the Jesuit missionary, as we have before had occasion to
remark, left but feeble traces of his religion to mark his advent
the French traders, other adventurers, and those who, becoming
prisoners in the long wars with the Indians, were adopted by them,
left more enduring impressions. The French blood was mixed
with that of the Indian, throughout all the wide domain that was
primitively termed New France. In all the remnants of Indian
nations that a few years since existed around the borders of the
western lakes and rivers, the close observer of merged races, could
discover the evidences of the gallantries, (and not unfrequently,
perhaps, the permanent alliances.) of these early adventurers.
Among the remnants of the Iroquois, now residing in our western
counties, the mixed blood of the French and Indian, is frequently
observed.!
'History of Michigan.
t John Green, an intelligent pioneer settler upon the Allegbany river, said to the
author, during the last summer, when speaking of the Indians* on the Alleghany
Reservation, that there were but a small proportion there of pure Indian blood. Tha't
the prisoners taken by their ancestors in the French wars, and war of the Revolution,
intermarried, and the white blood now predominates. " Take an instance now," said { /
our informant, " where either father or mother is mixed blood, they have large families | J
when both are full blood Indians, they have but small families."
15
PART THIRD.
CHAPTER I.
BRIEF NOTICES OP EVENTS UNDER ENGLISH DOMINION.
There is but little of local importance to embrace in our
narrative, occurring between the close of the French and English
war, by the treaty of Paris, in 1763, to the commencement of the
American Revolution, in 1775.
The English strengthened and continued the captured French
garrison at Niagara, and other important posts along the western
frontiers, for the purpose of protecting their scattered settlements /
and trading with, and conciliating the Indians. The questions of
difference between England and her colonies the disputes that
were hastening to a crisis did not reach and disturb these remote
and then but partially explored solitudes; where none but the
fearless hunter, the adventurous traveller, the soldier, and the
native inhabitants were seen. The only connection then between
the eastern and western portion of our state, was kept up by com-
merce with the Indians, and such relations as existed between the
military posts. This region was then far removed from civilization
and improvement. Nearly a quarter of a century was to pass
away before the tide of emigration reached its borders.
The Senecas, it would seem, from the earliest period of English
succession at Fort Niagara, were not even as well reconciled to
them as to the French. There is very little doubt of their having
been generally in the interests of PONTIAC, and co-operators with
him in his well arranged scheme for driving the English from the
grounds the French had occupied. Some other portions of the
Six Nations were also diverted from the English, as W T C find that a
body of Iroquois were engaged in the attack on Fort Du Qucsne.*
* Graham, in his colonial history, says the Senecas were co-operators in the designs
of Pontiac, but that, by the " indefatigable exertions of Sir William Johnson, the other
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 227
MARY JEMISOX, in relating a history of her captivity, &c., to
her biographer, says that when she first arrived upon the Genesee
river, the Senecas were making active preparations to join the
French in the re-taking of Fort Niagara. That the expedition
resulted, (not in any attack upon the garrison, as we are to infer,)
but in a successful resistance to an English force that had sallied
from the garrison to get possession of the small French post at
Schlosser.* The English were driven back with considerable loss.
This, she says, was in the month of November, 1759. Two
English prisoners, that were taken, were carried to the Genesee
river and executed.
TRAGEDY OF THE DEVIL'S HOLE.
There are few of our readers who will not be familiar with the
main features of this event. It was fresh in the recollection of the
few of the white race, that were found here, when settlement
commenced, and Seneca Indians were then living, who participated
in it. The theatre of this tragedy the locality that is figuratively
designated as one of the fastnesses of the great embodiment of sin
and evil was in the high banks of the Niagara river, three miles
below the Falls, and half a mile below the Whirlpool. It is a deep,
dark cove, or chasm. "An air of sullen sublimity prevades its gloom ;
and where in its shadowy depths you seem cut off from the world
and confined in the prison-house of terror. To appearance it is a
of the Six Nations were restrained though with great difficulty, from plunging into the
hostile enterprise, which seemed the last effort of the Indian race to hold at least divi-
ded empire with the colonists of North America."
*Fort Schlosser called by the French Little Fort took its name, under English
possession, from a Captain Schlosser, who was the first to occupy the place as an
English post. In Dec. 1763, he was in New York. The Moravian Indians at Beth-
lehem, apprehending an attack from the whites, and the horrid fate that afterwards
befel them, appealed to Gen. Gage and Sir William Johnson, for protection, sending a
deputation to New York for that purpose. Capt. Schlosser, with one hundred and
seventy men, were detached to accompany the deputation back, and defend the Mora-
vian settlement. In Loskriel's History of the Moravian Missions, it is said: "These
soldiers had just come from Niagara, and had suffered much from the savages near
Lake Erie, which rendered them in the beginning, so averse to the Indians, that
nothing favorable could be expected from them; God in mercy, changed their dispo-
sitions; their friendly behavior soon softened into cordiality: and they conversed
familiarly with the Indian brethren, relating their sufferings with the sa'vages." In
Heckwelder's Indian Narrative, p. 83, that good Moravian 5lissionary, speakfng of the
same event, says of Captain Schlosser, the commander of the guard: "An officer
deservedly esteemed by all good men, for his humanity and manly conduct, in protect-
ing these persecuted Indians."
228 HISTORY OF THE
fit place for a demon-dwelling; and hence, probably, derives its
name." * The road along the river bank passes so near, that the
traveller can look down from it into the frightful gulf to the
bottom of the abyss, one hundred and fifty feet. It would seem
that a huge section of rock had been detached, parting off and
leaving the high banks almost perpendicular over-hanging in fact,
at some points. A small stream the Bloody Run taking its
name from the event of which we are about to give some account,
pours over the high pallisade of rock. Trees of the ordinary
height of those common in our forests, rise from the bottom of the
"Hole," their tops failing to reach the level of the terrace above.
Hitherto our accounts of the tragedy enacted there, have been
derived from traditionary sources; no co temporary written state-
ment of it has as yet appeared in any historical work, or in any
printed form. Among the London documents brought to this
country by Mr. BROADHEAD, and deposited in the office of the
Secretary of State at Albany, is a letter from Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON,
to the Board of Trade in New York, dated at Johnson's Hall, (on
the Mohawk) September 25th, 1763, to which is appended the
following Postscript:
" P. S. This moment I have received an express informing me that an officer and
twenty-four men who were escorting several wagons and ox-teams over the carrying
place at Niagara, had been attacked and entirely defeated, together with two companies
of Col. Wilmot's regiment who marched to sustain them. Our loss on this occasion,
consists of Lieuts. Campbell, Frazier and Roscoe, of the Regulars. Capt. Johnson
and Lieut. Drayton of the Provincials; and sixty privates killed with about eight or nine
wounded. The enemy, who are supposed to be Senecas of the Chenussio, [Genessee,]
scalped all the dead, took all their clothes, arms and amunition, and threw several of
their bodies down a precipice."
In a " Review of the Indian trade," by the writer of the above,
dated four years after, speaking of this furious outbreak of the
Indians, it is said : " They totally destroyed a body of Provincials
and regulars of about one hundred men in the Carrying Place of
Niagara, but two escaping." There is some discrepancy in the
two statements. The first account was probably sent to Sir
WILLIAM by a messenger despatched from Niagara as soon as the
affair was known there, and before the full extent of the loss was
ascertained. In 1764 the writer was at Niagara, holding a treaty
with the Senecas, where he probably learned the facts as he last
* Orr's Guide to Niagara Falls.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 229
stated them. The statement that but two escaped the massacre,
agrees, as will be seen from what follows, with the traditionary
accounts, though the fate of the "eight or nine wounded," is left to
conjecture.
JESSE WARE was the successor of the STEDMANS at Schlosser,
and before his death related to the compiler of the first edition of
the Life of MARY JEMISON, the story as he assumed to have heard
it from WILLIAM STEDMAN, the brother and successor of JOHN
STKDMAN, who was one of the two that escaped. The relation
was in substance as follows:
After the possession of Fort Niagara and Schlosser, by the
English, Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON made a contract with JOHN
STEDMAN- to construct a portage road between Lewiston and
Schlosser, to facilitate the transportation of provisions and military
stores from one place to the other. The road was finished on the
20th of June, 1763, and twenty-five loaded wagons started to go
over it, under the charge of STEDMAN. as the contractor for army
transportation; accompanied by "fifty soldiers and their officers,"
as a guard. A large force of Seneca Indians, in anticipation of
this movement, had collected and laid in ambush near what is now
called the Devil's Hole. As the English party were passing the
place, the Indians sallied out, surrounded teams, drivers, and guard,
and "either killed on the spot, or drove off the banks," the whole
party, "except Mr. STEDMAN. \vho was on horseback." An Indian
seized his bridle reins, and was leading him east to the woods,
through the scene of bloody strife, probably for the purpose of
devoting him to the more excruciating torments of a sacrifice;
but while the captor's attention was drawn in another direction for
a moment, STEDMAN with his knife, cut the reins near the bits, at
the same time thrusting his spurs into the flanks of his horse, and
dashing into the forest, the target of an hundred Indian rifles. He
escaped unhurt. Bearing east about two miles, he struck Gill
creek, which he followed to Schlosser. Q^ 3 See some subsequent
remarks upon the claim instituted by the STEDMANS, or their
successor, to lands, based upon this flight, and a consequent Indian
gift
"From all accounts," says the biographer we have relied upon
for the above statement, "of this barbarous transaction, Mr.
STEDMAN was the only person belonging to this party who was
not either driven, or thrown off into the Devil's Hole." Tradition
230 HISTORY OF THE
has transmitted to us various accounts of the fate of some few
others of the party; that is, that one, two, or three others escaped
with life, after being driven off the bank, although badly wounded,
and maimed by the fall. Most of the accounts agree in the escape
of a little drummer * who was caught while falling, in the limb of
a tree, by his drum-strap.
Mrs. JEMISON says that no attempt was made to procure
plunder, or take prisoners. The object, sanguinary as was the
means used to accomplish it, was not mercenary, but formed a
part of a general concerted plan to rid the country of the English.
The account of Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, which the author,
considering that it is both cotemporary and official, is disposed to
rely upon, rather than the traditionary accounts, gives a different
complexion to the whole affair, than the hitherto generally
accredited version. The inference would be from his statement,
that the cavalcade of wagons, teamsters, and guard of twenty-four
men, was first attacked, and was reinforced after the attack by
the two companies, who, he says, "marched to sustain them."
This would protract the action beyond a sudden attack, and such a
summary result as has before been given; and favor the conclusion
that the advance party was first attacked as stated, and that those
who came to their relief, shared a similar fate. Though the
discrepancy is perhaps not material.
HONAYEWUS, or Farmer's Brother, an active Seneca war chief
in the Border Wars of the Revolution, was in this battle, or rather
surprise and massacre. It was one of his earliest advents upon
the war-path.
The pioneer settlers upon the frontier, especially in the neighbor-
hood of Lewiston and the Falls, say that at an early period relics
of this horrid tragedy were abundant, in this deep gorge. They
consisted of skulls, of human bones, and bones of oxen, pieces of
wagons, gun barrels, bayonets, &c., &c.
* The story of the drummer is mainly true. Seeing the fate that awaited him, he
leaped from the high bank ; the strap of his drum catching upon the limb of a tree, his
descent, or fall, was broken, and he struck in the river, near the shore, but little
injured by the terrible leap of one hundred and fifty feet ! His name was Matthews.
He lived until within a few years, in the neighborhood of Queenston, to relate the story
of his wonderful preservation.
NOTE. Mrs. Jemison says the first neat cattle that were brought upon the Genesee
river were the oxen that the Senecas obtained of the English in the previous affair at
Schlosser. As that was an attack upon a military expedition, where no oxen would bo
likely to have been used, it is probable that those she speaks of were such as were
preserved at the affair of the Devil's Hole.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 231
BATTLE NEAR BUFFALO.
In a few weeks after this too successful onslaught of the
Senecas upon the English, they followed it up by an attack upon
a detachment of English troops, on their way from Niagara to
Detroit:
From the Maryland Gazette, December 22, 1763.
"JV*eto York, December 5. Last Monday. Capt. GARDINER of the
55th, and Lieut. STOUGHTOX, came to town from Albany. They
belonged to a detachment of 600 men under the command of
Major WILKIXS, destined for Detroit, from Niagara; but on the
19th of October, at the east end of Lake Erie, one hundred and
sixty of our people being in their boats, were fired upon from the
beach by about eighty Indians, which killed and wounded thirteen
men, (and among them Lieut. JOHXSOX, late of GorharrTs, killed,)
in the two stern-most boats, the remainder of the detachment
being ahead about half a mile. Capt. GARDIXER, who was in the
boats adjoining, immediately ordered the men, (fifty) under his
command, ashore, and took possession of the ground from which
the enemy had fired; and as soon as he observed our people
landing, he with Lieut. STOUGHTOX, and twenty-eight men pursued
the Indians. In a few minutes a smart skirmish ensued, which
lasted near an hour, in which three men were killed on the spot,
and Capt. GARDIXER, with Lieut. STOUGHTOX and ten others,
badly wounded. During the skirmish, the troops that did not
follow the Indians formed on the bank, and covered the boats."
The attacks upon the English at Schlosser, the Devil's Hole,
and at the foot of lake Erie, were all the out-breaks of the
Senecas, during the disaffection that followed the English advent,
of which there is any record, or well authenticated tradition.
From some correspondence which occurred between General
AMHERST and Sir WILLIAM JOHXSOX, which have been preserved
in the Broadhead documents, it would seem that the English
attributed the hostilities of the Senecas to the evil influences of
the French who remained among them as traders, or as adopted
Senecas. This is likely to have been the case, though it is
apparent that all along the Seneca branch of the Iroquois espe-
cially, had resolved to maintain their independence, and resist the
encroachments of both the French and the English. After the
French were conquered, it was natural for the Senecas to adopt
them as allies in any contest they had with the conquerors.
232 HISTORY OF THE
But after the failure of the scheme of PONTIAC at the west, the
promulgation of the peace of Paris here, and the consequent sub-
mission of the French to the rule of their conquerors, the Senecas,
as did the Indian nations generally, concluded that acquiescence and
non-resistance was the best policy. By a letter from Lieut. Gov.
GOLDEN to the Board of Trade, dated Dec. 19th, 1763, it seems
that they had then sued for peace. In MANTE'S History of the
French War, the preliminary articles of this peace are given. It
was entered into at JOHNSON'S Hall, April 3d, 1764, between Sir
WILLIAM JOHNSON and eight deputies of the Seneca nation, viz :
Tagaanedie, Kaanijes, Chonedaga, Aughnawawis, Sagenqueraghta,
Wanughsisiae, Tagnoondie, Taanjaqua.
They were to cease all hostilities immediately; never more to
make war on the English, or suffer their people to commit acts
of violence on the persons or property of any of his Majesty's
subjects; forthwith to collect and deliver up all English prisoners,
deserters, Frenchmen and negroes; and neither more to harbor or
conceal either. They ceded as follows: "To His Majesty, and
his successors forever, in full right, the lands from Fort Niagara
extending easterly along lake Ontario about four miles, compre-
hending the Petit-Marais, or landing place, and running from
thence southerly about fourteen miles to the creek above Fort
Schlosser or Little Niagara, and down the same to the river, or
strait, and across the same, at the great cataract; thence northerly
to the banks of lake Ontario, at a creek, or small lake about two
miles west of the fort; thence easterly along the banks of lake
Ontario, and across the river, or strait, to Fort Niagara; compre-
hending the whole carrying place, with the lands on both sides of
the strait, [or river,] and containing a tract of about fourteen miles
in length, and four in breadth. And the Senecas do engage never
to obstruct the passage of the carrying place, or the free use of
any part of the said tract; and will likewise give free liberty of
cutting timber for the use of His Majesty, or that of the garrisons,
in any other part of their country, not comprehended therein."*
* This is the first tract of land to which the Indian title was extinguished, in Wes-
tern New York. The reader will have no difficulty in determining the boundaries.
It included both banks of the Niagara river, the Falls, Schlosser, Lewiston, Fort Ni-
agara, Niagara, C. W. and the mouth of the Four-mile-creek. It will be observed of
course, that the Senecas here assumed that their dominion extended over the Niagara
river. This is based undoubtedly upon their conquest over the Neuter Nation
ttT See pages 66, 67, 68.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 233
They farther agreed to grant a free passage through their
country, from that of the Cayugas to Niagara, or elsewhere, for
the use of His Majesty's troops forever; and the free use to His
Majesty forever, of the harbors within the country on lake Ontario,
or any of the rivers; immediately to stop all intercourse of their
people with the hostile Shawnees, and to assist His Majesty's arms
in bringing them to proper punishment Sir WILLIAM grants a
free pardon for past transgressions.
This treaty was to be fully ratified by Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON
and the Senecas, the ensuing summer at Fort Niagara, But the
Senecas, even after this, proved somewhat refractory. In the
ensuing summer, Sir WILLIAM accompanied the expedition of Gen.
BRADSTREET as far as Niagara, to attend there a congress of
friendly Indian nations, convened to exchange with the English
sentiments of peace and alliance, make purchases, receive presents,
and some of them to offer themselves as volunteers under Gen.
BRADSTREET. About seventeen hundred had assembled; but the
Senecas were not among them. Sir WILLIAM sent them repeated
messages -to come in and ratify their treaty, which they answered
by repeated promises of attendance. It was found that they were
in council deliberating whether they should renew the war or
confirm the peace. Gen. BRADSTREET sent them a peremptory
message, in substance, that if they did not repair to Niagara and
fulfill their engagements in five days, he would send a force and
destroy their settlements. This brought them in. They ratified
their treaty, and received some presents.
BURNT SHIP BAY NIAGARA RIVER.
It will have been seen that the small French garrison at
Schlosser, held out and successfully resisted the first attack. The
fall of Quebec, however, convinced them that all was lost, and
anticipating another attack, they resolved on the destruction of
two armed vessels, lying in the river, having on board their
military stores. The vessels were taken into the arm of the river
that separates a small Island from the foot of Grand Island, and
burned down to the water's edge; after which the hulls sunk. In
low water, the wrecks are now plain to be seen. In an early
period of settlement of the frontier, the hulls were partly exposed;
234 HISTORY OF THE
anchors, chains, cannon balls, grape and cannister shot, irons
belonging to the upper rigging, used to be taken from them by the
early settlers. The hulls are now mostly covered with mud, sand
and gravel. The Bay derives its name from the circumstances
here related.*
GENERAL BRADSTREET'S EXPEDITION.
By far the best account of this expedition that has come under
the author's observation, is contained in MANTE'S History, already
cited; a rare work, which but a small portion of our readers can
have seen. From that source, mainly, our brief notice of it is
derived. The expedition was the result of the war that PONTIAC
and his confederates had waged at the west, and was intended to
over-awe the hostile Indians, recover the captured garrisons, and
secure a general peace. Gen. BRADSTREET, who had headed the
successful expedition against Fort Frontenac, was the leader in this.
His orders were to "give peace to all such nations of Indians as
would sue for it, and chastise those who would continue in arms."
The expedition, consisting of about twelve hundred troops, came
from Albany to Oswego, where it was joined by a band of warriors
of the Six Nations.! From Oswego it came by water, to Fort
Niagara, where it halted and remained until Sir WILLIAM JOHNSOX,
had perfected his treaty with the Senecas. Still distrustful of the
Senecas, Lieut. MONTRESSOR had been ordered to throw up a
chain of redoubts, from, the landing place at the Four-mile-creek,
to Schlosser, "in order to prevent any insults from the enemy, in
transporting the provisions, stores and boats, from one lake to
another, and likewise to erect a fort on the banks of Lake Erie,
for the security of vessels employed upon it; and these services
were effectually performed before the arrival of the army."|
* Pieces of the wreck are now often procured, as relics of olden time. The author
procured from one of them, during the last summer, an oak plank. The timber
after remaining 89 years under water, is sound, and when the water is drind out, is
very hard, and susceptible of a fine polish.
tit may not be generally known, even to those familiar with colonial history, that
Israel Putnam, once trod the soil of Western New York. He was in the expedition
of Bradstreet, a Lieut. Colonel of the Connecticut battalion, as the newspapers of that
day clearly show.
t This was the origin of Fort Erie. The author finds no authority for assuming (as
some tourists and authors of Sketch Books have,) that the French ever had a post at
that point
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 235
The army moved to Fort Schlosser on the 6th of August,
when it halted until the 8th, for the arrival of an additional Indian
force which was to accompany it. It consisted of three hundred
Senecas, who, Mr. MAXTE says, Gen. BRADSTREET "thought him-
self compelled to regard as spies, rather than employ them as
auxiliaries." The aggregate force of the expedition now amounted
to about three thousand. The army moved up the Niagara, to
Fort Erie, and from thence, on the 10th, continued its route along
the south side of the lake, agreeable to the instructions of Gen.
GAGE. In the morning of the 12th, while detained at I ' Anse-*lux-
Feuilles [Bay of Leaves]* by contrary winds, he received a depu-
tation from the Shawnees, the Delawares, the Hurons of Sandusky
and the Five Nations of the Sciota Plains, sueing for a peace;
and in the evening he gave them an audience in the presence of
the sachems, and other chiefs of the Indians who accompanied him.
These Indians made excuses for hostile conduct, and begged for-
giveness, which Gen. BRADSTREET granted, and proceeded to
Detroit, where he held other conferences. On his way up he had
burned the Indian corn-fields and villages at Sandusky, and along the
Maumee, and dispersed the Indians whereever he had found them.
The confederates of POXTIAC, with the exception of the Delawares
and Shawnees, finding they could not successfully compete with
such a force, laid down their arms, and concluded a treaty of peace.
POXTIAC, sullenly, stood aloof from the negotiations. He went
to Illinois, yielding none but a tacit aquiescence to measures of
necessity, in which he clearly foresaw the dispersion and gradual
extinction of his race, which has followed the events we have been
narrating. He was assassinated by a Peoria Indian. The Ottawas,
the Pottawottamies, and the Chippewas, made common cause in
avenging his death, by waging war, and nearly exterminating the
tribes of the murderer. "The living marble and the glowing
canvass may not embody his works; but they are identified with
the soil of the western forest, and will live as long as the
remembrance of its aboriginal inhabitants, the Algonquin race." f
*Maumee Bay.
t Lanman's History of Michigan.
236 HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER II.
EARLY GLIMPSES OF WESTERN NEW YORK.
A primitive glimpse of the western portion of this state, has
been reserved for insertion here, though not in its order of time.
It is by far the earliest notice, of any considerable detail, which
we derive from English sources; if in fact it is not the earliest
record of any English advent to our region. The author is
disposed to conclude that the writer was the first Englishman that
saw the country west of the lower valley of the Mohawk. His"
advent was but three years after the English took final possession
of the Province of New York, and ten years previous to the
expedition of DE NONVILLE. It is taken from " Chalmers Political
Jlnnals of the United Colonies" a work published in London, in
1780:
"OBSERVATIONS OF WENT WORTH GREENHALPH.
"Jn a journey from Albany to the Indians westward, [the Five Nations,] begun the
28fA of May, 1677, and ended the 14th of July following. *
[NOTE. What is said of the " Maquas, (Mohawks,) Oneydoes, Onondagoes, and
Cayugas," is omitted, and the journal commences wtth the Senecas.]
''The Senecas have four towns, viz: Canagorah, Tistehatan,
Canoenada, Keint-he. Canagorah and Tistehatan lie within thirty
miles of the Lake Frontenac; the other two about four or five
miles to the southward of these; they have abundance of corn.
None of their towns are stockadoed.
''Canagorah lies on the top of a great hill, and, in that as well as
in the bigness, much like Onondagoe, [which is described as ' situ-
ated on a hill that is very large, the bank on each side extending
itself at least two miles, all cleared lands, whereon the corn is
planted,'] containing 150 houses, north-westward of Cayuga 72
miles.
* Mr. Chalmers purports to derive the journal " from New York papers " meaning
as is presumed, the manuscripts of the New York " Board of Trade."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 237
"Here the Indians were very desirous to see us ride our horses,
which we did. They made feasts and dancing, and invited us,
that, when all the maids were together, both we and our Indians
might choose such as liked us to lie with.
'Tistehatan lies on the edge of a hill: not much cleared ground;
is near the river Tistehatan, which signifies bending.* It lies to the
northw r ard of Canagorah about 30 miles; contains about 120 houses,
being the largest of all the houses we saw; the ordinary being 50
or 60 feet, and some 130 or 140 feet long, with 13 or 14 fires in
one house. They have good store of corn growing about a mile
to the northward of the town.
"Being at this place, on the 17th of June, there came 50 pris-
oners from the south- \vest ward, and they were of two nations;
some whereof have a few guns, the other none. One nation is
about ten days' journey from any Christians, and trade only with
one great house,! not far from the sea; and the other, as they say,
trade only with a black people. This day, of them were burnt
two women and a man, and a child killed with a stone. At night
we heard a great noise, as if the houses had all fallen; but it was
only the inhabitants driving away the ghosts of the murdered.
"The 18th, going to Canagorah, we overtook the prisoners.
When the soldiers saw us, they stopped each his prisoner, and
made him sing and cut off their fingers and slashed their bodies
with a knife; and, when they had sung, each man confessed how
many men he had killed. That day, at Canagorah, there were
most cruelly burned four men, four women and one boy; the
cruelty lasted about seven hours: when they were almost dead,
letting them loose to the mercy of the boys, and taking the hearts
of such as were dead to feast on.
"Canoenada lies about 4 miles to the southward of Canagorah;
contains about 30 houses, well furnished with corn.
"Keint-he lies about 4 or 5 miles to the southward of Tiste-
hatan ; contains about 24 houses, well furnished with corn.
"The Senekas are counted to be in all about 1000 fighting men.
" Whole force Magas, 300
Oneydoes, 200
Onondagoes, 350
Cayugas, 300
Senekas, 1000
2150 fighting men."t
* The Tistehatan, or bending River, must refer to the Genesee.
t Probably among the Swedes on the Delaware Penn had not yet commenced his
settlement.
t "Among the manuscripts of Sir William Johnson, there is a census of the
northern and western Indians, from the Hudson River to the great Lakes and the Mis-
sissippi, taken in 1763. The Mohawk warriors were then only 160; the Oneidas 250;
Tuscaroras, 140; Onondagas 150; Cayugas, 200; Senecas, 1050; total, 1950. Accord-
ing to the calculation of a British agent, several of the tribes must have increased
between the close of the French war and beginning of the American Revolution, as it
238 HISTORY OF THE
"Remark. During the year 1685 an accurate account was
taken by order of the Governor, of the people of Canada, [New
France]; which amounted to 17,000, of whom three thousand
were supposed to be able to carry arms. We may thence form a
judgment with regard to the comparative strength of the two
beligerent powers, whose wars were so long and destructive."
Chalmers Annals.
The Rev. SAMUEL KIR KL AND, whose name we have had occa-
sion to introduce in connection with the antiquities of this region,
left the mission station at Johnson's Hall, on the Mohawk, Jan.
16th, 1765, in company with two Seneca Indians, upon a mission
which embraced all the settlements of the Iroquois, travelling upon
snow shoes, carrying "a pack containing his provisions, a few
articles of clothing, and a few books, weighing in all about forty
pounds." Leaving the last vestige of civilization, (Johnson's Hall,)
his only companions, two Indians with whom he had had but a
short acquaintance, the young missionary shaped his course to the
westward, encamping nights (with his two guides with whom he
could hold no conversation except by signs,) beneath hemlock
bows, and sleeping upon ground cleared from snow, for his tem-
porary use. Arriving at Onondaga, the central council fire of the
Iroquois, a message, from Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON secured him a
friendly reception. After remaining there one day, the party left,
and came on to Kanadasagea, the principal town of the Senecas.
Halting at the skirts of the town, (a courtesy that his Mr. K.'s
Indian guides told him by signs, was customary,) a messenger
came out to enquire, "whence they came, whither they were going,
and what was their desire." His guides replied: "We are only
bound to this place, and wish to be conducted to the house of
the chief sachem." The embassy was conducted into the presence
of the sachem, to whom, as at Onondaga, a message was delivered
from Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON. The reception was friendly, except
with a few, "whose sullen countenances" Mr. K. says "he did not
was computed that, during the latter contest, the English had in service, 300 Mohawks,
150 Oneidas, 200 Tuscaroras, 300 Onondagas, 230 Cayugas, and 400 Senecas.
NOTE. There can be but little doubt that the four villages mentioned by Mr.
Greenhalph, are those that were ten years afterwards destroyed by De Nonville. The
over-estimate of distances, made by this early adventurer, may well be attributed to the
,-e of any means to ascertain them correctly. In the names, as given by De
Nonville, and by Mr. Greenhalph, there is sufficient analogy to warrant the identity.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 239
quite like." The head sachem treated him with every kindness
and attention, and it was after much deliberation and consul-
tation among the Indians, determined that he should fix his resi-
dence with them. Through a Dutch trader, who had preceded
him, and located at Kanadasagea, he communicated freely with
the Indians. A few weeks after his arrival, he was formally
adopted as a member of the family of the head sachem. This
adoption was attended with formalities a council, speeches, &c.
The council having assembled, "the head sachem's family being
present and sitting apart by themselves," Mr. KIRKLAXD was
waited upon and invited to attend. On his entrance, after a short
silence, one of the chiefs spoke:
"Brothers, open your ears and your eyes. You see here our
white brother who has come from a great distance, recommended
to us by our great chief, Sir WILLIAM JOHXSOX, who has enjoined
it upon us to be kind to him, and to make him comfortable and
protect him to the utmost of our power. He comes to do us good.
Brothers, this young white brother of ours, has left his father's
house, and his mother, and all his relations, we must now provide
for him a house, I am appointed to you and to our young white
bi other, that our head sachem adopts him into his family. He will
be a father to him. and his wife will be a mother, and his sons and
daughters, his brothers and sisters."
The head sachem then rose, called him his son, and led him to
his family. Mr. K. thanked him, and told him he hoped the Great
Spirit would make him a blessing to his new relations. The
zealous and enterprising young missionary, says in his journal:
"A smile of cheerfulness sat on every countenance, and I could
not refrain from tears; tears of joy and gratitude for the kind
Providence that had protected me through a long journey, brought
me to the place of my desire, and given me so kind a reception
among the poor savage Indians/'
Mr. K. applied himself diligently to learn the Seneca language,
and by the help of two words, " atkayason,'* (what do you call
this,) and " sointaschnagati," (speak it again,) he made rapid
progress. He was made very comfortable and treated very
kindly.
All things were going on well, but friendly relations were
destined to an interruption. The missionary had been assigned a
residence with an Indian family, whose head was a man of much
influence with his people; "sober, industrious, honest, and telling
240 HISTORY OF THE
no lies." Unfortunately, in a few days after Mr. K. had become
an inmate of his wigwam, he sickened and died. Such of the
Senecas as were jealous of the new comer, seized upon the
circumstance to create prejudice against him, even alledging that
the death was occasioned by his magic, or if not, that it was an
" intimation of the displeasure of the Great Spirit at his visit and
residence among them, and that he must be put to death." Coun-
cils were convened, there were days of deliberation, touching
what disposition should be made of the missionary the chief
sachem proving his fast friend, and opposing all propositions to
harm him. During the time, a Dutch trader, a Mr. WOMP, on his
way from Niagara east, stopped at Kanadaseaga, and he was the
only medium through which Mr. K. could learn from day to day,
the deliberations of the council. At length his friend, the sachem,
informed him joyfully, that " all was peace."
Some proceedings of the Council afterwards transpired, that
MR. KIRKLAND was enabled to preserve in his journal. It was
opened by an address from the chief sachem:
"Brothers, this is a dark day to us; a heavy cloud has
gathered over us. The cheering rays of the sun are obscured;
the dim, faint light of the moon sympathises with us. A great and
awakening event has called us together, the sudden death of one
of our best men; a great breach is made in our Councils, a living
example of peace, sobriety and industry, is taken from us. Our
whole town mourns, for a good man is gone. He is dead. Our
white brother had lived with him a few days. Our white brother
is a good young man. He loves Indians. He comes recom-
mended to us by Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, who is commis-
sioned by the great king beyond the waters to be our super-
intendent. Brothers, attend! The Great Spirit has supreme
power over life. He, the upholder of the skies, has most certainly
brought about this solemn event by his will, and without any other
help, or second cause. Brothers, let us deliberate wisely; let us
determine with great caution. Let us take counsel under our
great loss, with a tender mind. This is the best medicine and was
the way of our fathers."
A long silence ensued, which was broken by a chief of great
influence, who was ambitious of supreme control. He made a
long and inflammatory harrangue against the missionary. Among
other things, he said:
" This white skin, whom we call our brother, has come upon a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 241
dark design, or he would not have travelled so many hundred
miles. He brings with him the white people's Book. They call it
God's Holy Book. Brothers attend! You know this book was
never made for Indians. The Great Spirit gave us a book for
ourselves. He wrote it in our heads. He put it into the minds of
our fathers, and gave them rules about worshipping him; and our
fathers strictly observed these rules, and the Upholder of the skies
was pleased, and gave them success in hunting, and made them victo-
rious over their enemies in war. Brothers attend! Be assured that
if we Senecas receive this white man, and attend to the Book made
solely for white people, we shall become miserable. We shall soon
loose the spirit of true men. The spirit of the brave warrior and
the good hunter will be no more with us. We shall be sunk so low
as to hoe corn and squashes in the field, chop wood, stoop down
and milk cows, like the negroes among the Dutch people.*
Brothers, hear me! I am in earnest, because I love my nation, and
the customs and practices of our fathers; and they enjoyed pleasant
and prosperous days. If we permit this white skin to remain
among us, and finally embrace what is written in his book, it will be
the complete subversion of our national character, as true men.
Our ancient customs, our religious feasts and offerings, all that our
fathers so strictly observed, will be gone. Of this are we not
warned by the sudden death of our good brother and wise sachem?
Does not the Upholder of the skies, plainly say to us in this:
'Hear, attend, ye Senecas!, Behold, I have taken one, or per-
mitted one to be taken from among you in an extraordinary
manner, which you cannot account for, and thereby to save the
nation? Brothers, listen to what I say. Ought not this white
man's life to make satisfaction for our deceased brothers death f
A long discussion and investigation followed. Mr. KIRKLAND'S
papers were carried to the council house and examined; the widow
* The Indian orator, had probably been to Schenectady and Albany, and observed the
slaves among the Dutch.
NOTE. The author derives this account of the primitive advent of a protestant
missionary among the Senecas, from Spark's American Biography. The name of the
chief sachem of Kanadasegea Mr. Kirkland's adopted father, and friend does not
transpire. The chief who so eloquently spoke for his nation, and ingeniously wrought
upon the jealousy and superstition of the council, was Onoongwandeka. The speeches
are given, (as is what else transpired at the time,) as communicated to Mr. Kirkland
by Mr. Womp. The reader will bear in mind that in this case, as well as in all reports
of the speeches of uneducated Indians, the reporters, have but caught the ideas of the
native orators, and substituted their own manner of expression. An eloquent idea
a beautiful figure of speech can of course, only be faithfully reported, in corresponding
words and sentences. For instance, we are not to suppose that the Seneca sachem
said: "the dim faint light of the moon sympathises with us," but he did probably
make use of a beautiful figure of speech that justified Mr. Kirkland, in such an
interpretation.
I
16
242 HISTORY OF THE
of the deceased was questioned: she gave a good account of the
"young white brother," said "he was always cheerful and pleasant,
and they had began to love him much." Said one of the opponents
of Mr. K., "did he never come to your husband's bed-side and
whisper in his ears, or puff in his facet" "No, never, he always
sat, or lay down, on his own bunk, and in the evening after we
were in bed, we would see him get down upon his knees and talk
with a low voice." This testimony, and the closing speech of the
head sachem, brought matters to a favorable issue. The speech
was an able reply to ONOONGWANDEKA not in opposition to his
views, as to the effect generally of admitting the white man and
his Book, but generally, in reference to the 'witchcraft and sorcery
charged upon Mr. KIRKLAND, in connection with the sudden death
of his host. The speech bore down all opposition, and was followed
by shouts, and applause, in which only fifteen refused to participate.
The chief sachem said, "our business is done. 1 rake up the
council fire."
After this, Mr. KIRKLAND "lived in great harmony, friendship
and sociability." Another trouble ensued in the shape of a famine.
The corn crop for the year previous, had been short, and game
was scarce at that season of the year, (March.) He wrote to a
friend that he had " sold a shirt for four Indian cakes, baked in the
ashes, which he could have devoured at one meal, but on the score
of prudence had ate only one." He lived for days, on "white oak
acorns, fried in bear's giease." He gives a Ipng detail of
suffering and privation, as severe as any of his Jesuit predecessors
had endured; which terminated in making a return journey through
the wilderness to Johnson Hall, where he procured a supply of
provisions.
Mr. KIRKLAND was a missionary among the Six Nations, for eight
years previous to the Revolution; during that struggle he was
useful in diverting some portions of them from adhering to the
British interests; and his name and services are often blended in
the Indian treaties that followed after the war, and resulted in the
extinguishment of their title to lands in Western New York. In
these latter connections, frequent reference to him will occur in
subsequent pages.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 243
ACCOUNT OF A FRENCH COLONY,
Eftabiuk-d at Onoxdogo in 1633.
DABLOX. a Jesuit, established himself in 1655 on or near the
spot where Salina now stands.* The same year he was joined by
Sieur DUPUYS, an officer from the garrison at Quebec, with fifty
Frenchmen. The enterprise was encouraged by the Superior
General of the Catholic Missions, who was desirous of establishing
at this central Iroquois canton a permanent missionary establish-
ment. It was favored by the Onondagas, but encountered the
hostility of the Mohawks from its first inception. They attacked
the party of DUPUYS on its way up the St Lawrence, but were
repulsed.
The reception of the party, on their arrival at their destination,
was cordial and hospitable. Father MERCEIR, (the Superior
General,) had accompanied the expedition, and he spared no pains
to give the arrival an imposing appearance, impress the natives
with awe and veneration for the religion he wished to introduce,
and win their friendly regards. Dwellings were erected, and for
nearly two years, the establishment prospered.
At length a conspiracy which extended itself through the Iroquois
cantons, was formed against them. DUPUYS. was kept advised of
all that was transpiring, by friendly Indians. Deliberating whether
he would fortify himself and sustain a siege, or retreat to Quebec,
he resolved on the latter.
"To effect his escape M. DUPUYS required first to construct some
canoes, for they had not taken the precaution to reserve any. But
to work at them publicly would be to announce his retreat and
thereby render it impossible. Something must be resolved on
immediately, and the commandant adopted the following plan. He
immediately sent an express to M. D' AILLEBOUT to inform him of
the conspiracy. He then gave orders for the construction of some
small light batteaux; and to prevent the Iroquois from getting the
wind of it, he made his people work in the garret of the Jesuit's
house, which was larger and more retired than the others.
"This done, he warned all his people to hold themselves in
readiness to depart on the day which he named to them, and he
supplied each one with provisions sufficient for the voyage, and
charged them to do nothing in the mean time to excite the suspi-
cions of the Iroquois. It only remained now to concert measures
for embarking so secretely that the savages should have no knowl-
* Barber and Howe's Historical Collections.
244 HISTORY OF THE
edge of their retreat until they should have advanced so far as not
to fear pursuit, and this they accomplished by a stratagem singular
enough.
"A certain young Frenchman who had acquired great influence
with the Indians, had been adopted into one of their most respect-
able families. According to the custom of the Indians, whoever
was adopted by them became entitled to all the privileges that
belonged to native members of the families. This young man went
one day to his adopted father, and told him that he had on the
night before dreamed of one of those feasts where the guests eat
every thing that is served, and that he desired to have one of the
kind made for the village; and he added, that it was deeply
impressed upon his mind he should die if a single thing were
wanting to render the feast just such a one as he described. The
Indian gravely replied that he should be exceedingly sorry to have
him die, and would therefore order the repast himself and take
care to make the invitations, and he assured him that nothing
should be wanting to render the entertainment every way such an
one as he wished. The young man having obtained these assu-
rances, appointed for his feast the 19th of March, which was the
day fixed upon for the departure of the French. All the provis-
ions which the families through the village could spare were
contributed for the feast, and all the Indians were invited to attend.
"The entertainment began in the evening, and to give the
French an opportunity to put their boats into the water and to load
them for the voyage without being observed, the drums and trumpets
ceased not to sound around the scene of festivity.
"The boats having now been launched and every thing put in
readiness for a departure, the young man, at the signal agreed
upon, went to his adopted father and said to him, that he pitied the
guests, who had for the most part asked quarter, that they might
cease eating, and give themselves to repose, and adding, that he
meant to procure for every one a good night's sleep. He began
playing on the guitar, and in less than a quarter of an hour every
Indian was laid soundly to sleep. The young Frenchman immedi-
ately sallied forth to join his companions, who were ready at the
instant to push from the shore.
"The next morning a number of Indians went, according to
their custom on awaking, to see the French, and found all the
doors of their houses shut and locked. This strange circumstance,
joined to the profound silence which everywhere reigned through
the French settlement, surprised them. They imagined at first
that the French were saying mass, or that they were in secret
council; but after having in vain waited for many hours to have
the mystery solved, they went and knocked at some of the doors.
The dogs who had been left in the houses replied to them by bark-
ing. They perceived some fowls also through the palings, but no
person could be seen or heard. At length, having waited until
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 245
evening, they forced open the doors, and to their utter astonishment
found every house empty.*
Previous to the Revolution, white settlement did not advance
beyond the lower Mohawk valley. The period of the early
settlement of Schenectady will have been noticed.
The pioneer emigrants, that began the march of civilization and
improvement, west of Schenectady, were as the Plymouth colonists
of New England, refugees for the sake of religion and conscience.
"Early in the eighteenth century, near three "thousand German
Palatines emigrated to this country under the patronage of Queen
ANNE; most of them settled in Pennsylvania; a few made their way
from Albany, in 1713, over the Helleberg, to Schoharie creek, and
under the most discouraging circumstances, succeeded in effecting
a settlement upon the rich alluvial lands bordering upon that
stream. Small colonies from here and from Albany, and Sche-
nectady, established themselves in various places along the Mohawk,
and in 1722, had extended as far up as the German Flats, near
where stands the village of Herkimer; but all the inhabitants were
found in the neighborhood of those streams; none had ventured out
in that unbroken wilderness, which lay to the south and west of
these settlements." f
This branch of the emigrating Palatines, (there were three
thousand, in all, that arrived in New YorE,) consisted of about
seven hundred persons. Their location, "began on the little
Schoharie kill, in the town of Middleburg, at the high water mark
of the Schoharie river, at an oak stump burned hollow, which is
said to have served the Mohegan and Stockbridge Indians, the
purposes of a corn-mill; and ran down the river to the north,
taking in the flats on both sides of the same, a distance of eight or
ten miles, containing twenty thousand acres." | They settled in
Indian villages, or dorfs, under the direction of seven individuals,
as captains, or commissaries. As these were primitive adventurers,
in this direction and as their names are associated intimately,
with early times; and even now are blended with almost every
reference to the valley of the Mohawk, and especially "Old
* Manuscript history, of the Rev. J. W. Adams, Syracuse.
t Campbell's Annals of Tryon County.
t Simm's History of Schoharie and the Border Wars.
246 HISTORY OF THE
Schoharie." the author inserts such of them as he finds in Mr.
SIMM'S history: There were the Keysers, Boucks, Rickards,
Rightmyers, Warners, Weavers, Zimmers, Mathers, Zeks, Bellin-
gers, Borsts, Schoolcrafts, Kryslers, Casselmans, Newkirks, Ear-
harts, Browns, Merkleys, Foxes, Berkers, Balls, Weidhams, Deitzs,
Manns, Garlocks, Sternbergs, Kneiskerns, Stubrachs, Enderses,
Sidneys, Bergs, Houcks, Hartmans, Smidtz, Lawyers.
. Their lands were granted them by the Queen, as were provisions,
while emigrating; but after leaving Albany they had to depend
upon their own resources, and they were as few perhaps as were
ever possessed by any forest pioneers, in the settlement of a new
country. Upon game, ground-nuts, fish, and a little grain they
could procure by going on foot to Schenectady, pursuing an Indian
path, they contrived to subsist for the first year, when getting a
little ground cleared, they managed to raise some wheat and corn,
without any ploughs or teams to use them with. They raised the
first wheat in 1711. It was cultivated with the hoe, like corn.
For several years, w r hen going to Schenectady to mill, or upon
other errands, they went in large parties, as a precaution against
the attacks of wild beasts.
In 1735, small settlements of Germans had been made at
Canajoharie and Stone Arabia.
In 1739, a Scotchman by the name of LINDSAY, who had
obtained by assignment from three other partners, a tract of 8000
acres of land, which is embraced in the town and village of Cherry
Valley, became a resident there. His family consisted of his wife
and father-in-law, a Mr. CONGREVE, and a few domestics. His
location was named " Lindsay's Bush." The proprietor cultivated
the friendship of the Indians. His nearest white neighbors, were
fifteen miles off, upon the Mohawk, and he had no way of
approaching it except by a difficult Indian trail. He was a Scotch
gentleman; a taste for the romantic a fondness for the chase,
which was fully gratified by abundance of wild game in that
region, had prompted him to adopt a back-woods life; but he
soon began to experience some of its hardships. The snow fell
to a great depth in the winter of 1740, he was short of provi-
sions, and could not get to the settlements for a supply. He was
relieved by a friendly Indian, who making his journeys on snow
shoes, obtained food for him and his house-hold, for the winter.
In 1741 he was joined by the Rev. Samuel Dunlop, David Ramsay,
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 247
Willam Gait, James Campbell, William Dickinson, and one or two
others, with their families; in all about thirty persons. In 1744,
they had a grist and saw-mill, and an increasing, flourishing settle-
ment. It was however harrassed, during the French and English
war, by some portions of the Six Nations, in the French interests.
Its inhabitants were frequently, during the war, called out to defend
the northern frontiers. This was the germ of the settlement of a
large district of country, which in our early histories, was included
under the name of Cherry Valley.
SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON.
The year 1740, is signalized by the advent upon the Mohawk,
of one who was destined to exercise an important influence, and
occupy a conspicuous place in our colonial history. Sir WILLIAM
JOHNSON was a native of Ireland. He left his native country in
consequence of the unfavorable issue of a love affair. His uncle,
Sir PETER WARREN, an Admiral in the English nafy, owned by
government grant, a large tract of land 15,000 acres within
the present town of Florida, Montgomery county. Young JOHN-
SON became his agent, and located himself in the year above
named, at Warren's Bush, a few miles from the present village of
Port Jackson. He now began that intercourse with the Indians
which was to prove so beneficial to the English, in the last French
war that soon followed, the influences of which were to be so
prejudicial to the colonial interests, in the war of the Revolu-
tion. He made himself familiar with their language, spoke it with
ease and fluency; watched their habits and peculiarities; studied
their manners, and by his mildness and prudence, gained their favor
and confidence, and an unrivalled ascendancy over them. In all
important matters he was generally consulted by them, and his
advice followed. In 1755, he was entrusted with a command in
the provincial service of New York. He marched against Crown
Point, and after the repulse of Col. WILLIAMS, he defeated and
took DIESKU prisioner. For this service the Parliament voted him
five thousand pounds, and the King made him a Baronet. The
reader will have noticed his effective agency in keeping the Six
Nations in the English interests, and his military achievement at
Niagara.
From the following notice, which appeared in a contemporary
248 HISTORY OF THE
publication the London Gentleman's Magazine, for September,
1755 it will be seen how well adapted he was to the peculiar
offices and agencies that devolved upon him. It is an extract of a
journal written in this country:
"Major General JOHNSON (an Irish gentleman,) is universally
esteemed in our parts, for the part he sustains. Besides his skill
and experience as an officer, he is particularly happy in making
himself beloved by all sorts of people, and can conform to all
companies and conversations. He is very much of the fine gentle-
man in genteel company. But as the inhabitants next him are
mostly Dutch, he sits down with them and smokes his tobacco,
drinks flip, and talks of improvements, bear and beaver skins.
Being surrounded with Indians, he speaks several of their lan-
guages well, and has always some of them with him. His house
is a safe and hospitable retreat for them from the enemy. He
takes care of their wives and children when they go out on
parties, and even wears their dress. In short, by his honest
dealings with them in trade, and his courage, which has often been
successfully tried with them and his courteous behaviour, he has
so endeared himself to them, that they chose him one of their
chief sachems or princes, and esteem him as their common father."
Miss ELEANOR WALLASLOUS, a fair and comely Dutch girl, who
had been sold to limited service in New York, to pay her passage
across the ocean, to one of his neighbors, soon supplied the place
of the fair one in Ireland, whose fickleness had been the means of
impelling him to new scenes and associations in the back-woods of
America. Although taking her to his bed and board, and for a
long period acknowledging her as his wife, he was never married
to her until she was upon her death-bed, a measure necessary to
legitimatize his three children, who afterwards became, Sir JOHN
JOHNSON, Mrs. GUY JOHNSON, and Mrs. Col. GLAUS. His next
wife, was MOLLY BRANT, sister of the conspicuous chieftain of that
name. He was married to her a few years before his death, for
the same purpose that was consummated in the previous instance.
GOLDEN says of Sir WILLIAM, that "he dressed himself after the
Indian manner, made frequent dances after their customs when they
excite to war, and used all the means he could think of, at a con-
siderable expense, to engage them in a war against Canada."
The liberal patronage of the English government, and the
facility with which he could procure grants of the Indians, made
him an extensive land-holder. He obtained one grant, in a manner
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 249
which has made it the subject of a familiar anecdote, from HEX-
DRICK, a Mohawk chief, of one hundred thousand acres, situated in
tha now county of Herkimer. He had before his death laid the
foundation of perhaps as large an individual landed estate, as was
ever possessed in this country. His heirs, taking sides against the
colonies, in the Revolution, at its close, the whole estate was
confiscated.
The JOHXSOX family are so mingled with our early colonial
history, and the border wars of the Revolution, that most readers
will be familiar with a subject that has been introduced here, only
to assist in giving a brief sketch of the progress of settlement
west of the Hudson previous to the Revolution; and to aid a clear
understanding of some local events in that contest.
Sir WILLIAM JOHXSOX died on the 24th of June, 1774 having
for nearly thirty-five years, exercised an almost one man power,
not only in his own immediate domain, but far beyond it. In his
character were blended many sterling virtues, with vices that are
perhaps to be attributed in a greater degree to the freedom of a
back-woods life, the absence of the restraints which the ordi-
nances of civilization imposes, than to radical defects. His
talents, it must be inferred, were of a high order; his achievements
at Niagara alone, would entitle him to the character of a brave
and skillful military commander; and in the absence of amiable
social qualities, he could hardly have gained so strong a hold upon
the confidence and respect of the Six Nations, as we see he
maintained up to the period of his death.
He died just as the great struggle of the colonies commenced.
Had he lived to have participated in it he would probably have
been found on the side of the mother country. In his case, to the
ordinary obligations of loyality, were added those of gratitude for
high favors and patronage. Though it has been inferred that in
anticipation of the crisis that was approaching, he was somewhat
wavering in his purposes. Mr. SIMMS, the local historian of the
Mohawk Valley, upon information derived from those who lived at
that period, and in the vicinity, favors the conclusion that he died
by his own hand, to escape a participation in the struggle, which
his position must have forced upon him: "As the cloud of colo-
nial difficulty was spreading from the capital of New England to
the frontier English settlements, Sir WILLIAM JOHXSOX was urged
by the British crown, to take sides with the parent country. He
250 HISTORY OF THE
had been taken from comparative obscurity, and promoted by the
government of England, to honors and wealth. Many wealthy
and influential friends around him were already numbered among
the advocates of civil liberty. Should he raise his arm against
that power that had thus signally honored him'? Should he take
sides with the oppressor against many of his tried friends in many
perilous adventures'? These were serious questions, as we may
reasonably suppose, which often occupied his mind. The Baronet
declared to several of his friends, as the storm of civil discord was
gathering, that 'England and her colonies were approaching a
terrible war, but that he should never live to witness it." 1 * At the
time of his death, a court was sitting at Johnstown, and while in
the court-room on the afternoon of the day of his death, a
package from England of a political nature was handed him.
He left the court-house, went directly home, and in a few hours
was a corpse."
While it must remain perhaps, a subject of speculation how Sir
WILLIAM JOHNSON would have used his powerful influence, had he
lived, it is quite certain that it would not have been as hurtful
to the colonies, as that portion of it was, which was inherited, with
his title, by his son and son-in-law. While they were not his equals
in talent had not many of the good qualities he possessed they
used the influence that he transmitted to them in a manner that we
are justified in inferring, it would not have been used, had he lived
to exercise it.
Sir WILLIAM was succeeded in his titles and estate, by his son Sir
JOHN JOHNSON; his authority as General Superintendent of Indian
Affairs, fell into the hands of Col. GUY JOHNSON, his son-in-law,
who had long been his assistant, as deputy; in which office he was
assisted by Col. DANIEL GLAUS, who had married another daughter
of the Baronet.
Before the close of the French and English war, small settle-
ments were begun in the neighborhood of the colony commenced
by Mr. LINDSAY. Previous to the American Revolution, a family
of HARPERS, distinguished in that contest, had left Cherry Valley
and commenced a settlement at Harpersfield, Delaware county.
*Col. Stone, in his life of Brant, rejects the inference that Sir William committed
suicide; or that he was embarrassed in reference to the course he should pursue. He
says, he " visited England for the last time iu the autumn of 1773, returning the next
spring. He probably came back with his loyal feelings somewhat strengthened."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 251
The Rev. WILLIAM JOHNSON had succeeded in planting a flour-
ishing little colony, on the east side of the Susquehannah, a short
distance below the forks of the Unadilla, and several families were
scattered through Springfield, Middlefield, (then called New-Town
Martin,) and Laurens and Otego, called Old England District. In
the year 1716, PHILIP GROAT, made a purchase of land in the
present town of Amsterdam. He was drowned in removing his
family to his new home. His widow and her three sons made the
intended settlement. They erected a grist mill at what is now
called Crane's Village, in 1730. One of the brothers, LEWIS
GROAT, was captured by the Indians in the French and English
war, and kept in captivity four years. In this war, these primi-
tive settlers upon the Mohawk were often visited by the French
Indian allies, and had a foretaste of the horrid scenes that were
to follow, in a few years. The valley of the Mohawk was the
theatre of martyrdom and suffering, in two wars.
In the year 1740 a small colony of Irish emigrants, located in
the present town of Glen. The Indian disturbances alarmed them,
and after a few years they returned to Ireland.
GILES FONDA was the first merchant west of Schenectady.
His customers were the few settlers upon the Mohawk, and the
Indians of the Six Nations. He had branches, or depots, at Forts
Schuyler, Stanwix, Oswego, Niagara and Schlosser. His prin-
cipal business was to exchange blankets, trinkets, ammunition and
rum for furs, peltries, and ginseng.
A church was erected at Caughnawaga, partly under the patron-
age of Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, in 1765. Churches were erected
at Stone Arabia, Palatine and German Flats, before the Revolu-
tion. At an early period a small church was constructed of wood,
near the Upper Mohawk Castle. A bell that was in use then, was
brought away by the Mohawks, in their flight westward, and was
used in the temporary Mohawk settlement at Lewiston. QC^ See
JOHN MOUNTPLEASANT'S account of the church, bell, &c.
Toward the close of the French war, the public debt of the
Province of New York, obliged a resort to a direct tax. The
amount levied upon the inhabitants of the "Mohawk Valley.''
which designation then embraced the whole State west of Albany,
was 242,176.
In 1772, three years previous to the Revolution, Try on county
252 HISTORY OF THE
was taken from Albany.* It embraced all the present state of
New York, west of a line drawn north and south nearly through
the center of Schoharie county. It was divided into five districts.
The first court of "general quarter sessions of the peace" was held
in Johnstown, Sept. 8th, 1772. The Bench consisted of
Guy Johnson, Judge.
John Butler, Peter Conyne, Judges.
Sir John Johnson, Knight, Daniel Glaus, John Wells, Jelles Fonda, Asst. Judges.
John Collins, Joseph Chew, Adam Loucks, John Fry, Francis Young, Peter Ten
Broek, Justices.
A glimpse has thus been furnished the reader, of the condition
of things, in the county of Tryon, preceding a crisis which was
to make it the theatre of sanguinary scenes; its few and scattered
inhabitants, sufferers, and not unfrequently martyrs, in the harass-
ing border war that came upon them to multiply three fold the
ordinary endurances of the pioneers of the wilderness.f
* Named in honor of William Tryon, then Governor of the Province.
t " The population of Cherry Valley was short of three hundred, and that of the whole
county of Tryon but a few thousand, when the Revolution commenced." Campbell's
Annals.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 253
CHAPTER III.
THE BORDER WARS OF THE REVOLUTION.
In the condition of settlement that has been briefly stated, the
reader will perceive that all Western New York could have had
but a remote connexion with the long and eventful struggle that
ended in a separation of the colonies, and the blessings of a free
and independent government. While the author has presumed in
his preceding pages, that there was much of early colonial history,
having a distinct local relation, with which most of those into
whose hands his work will fall were not familiar, he will not regard
it necessary to embrace any portion of a general history the
causes and prominent events of the Revolution which is as
"familiar as house-hold words," with his readers formed a por-
tion of their nursery tales, and are incorporated with the rudiments
of our primary schools.
Foremost in its loyalty, effective and vigilant in its sen-ices, in
the French war that had closed by the triumph of the English
arms, the province of New York was not backward in prepara-
tions for asserting its rights, when the period arrived in which
England, proud of her colonial possessions, but oppressive in its
government of them, provoked resistance to its unjust requirements.
"During the long and harrassing French wars, her -levies both of
men and money, considering her population and resources, were
immense. Her territory was the principal scene of action, and she
seconded with all her powers the measures adopted by the English
to destroy the French influence in America." * But lovaltv,
J ^7
faithful and enduring as it had been, began to be forfeited, and
the Province of New York was early in so regarding it
Its resistance to the stamp act in 1765. paved the way for the
convening of a congress in New York, the same year.
* Annals of Tryon County.
254 HISTORY OF THE
A public meeting of citizens of Palatine district, in Tryon
county, was assembled as early as August, 1774. The Boston Port
Bill had gone into operation in the preceding June. The resolutions
of that meeting declared unaltered and determined allegiance to
the British crown, but strenuously remonstrated against an act
which it regarded as "oppressive and arbitrary," and "subversive
of the rights of English subjects." The meeting approved of a
previous act of their brethren in New York, in sending five
delegates to the approaching congress in Philadelphia; and
appointed a committee of correspondence, consisting of five persons,
to correspond with committees of Albany and New York.
The ball thus put in motion, its progress was retarded by all the
influence of the JOHNSON family and their adherents. In the spring
of 1775, after the proceedings of the Philadelphia congress had
been promulgated, during the session of a court at Johnstown, a
declaration was drawn up and circulated by the loyalists of Tryon
county, opposing the proceedings of that congress. It occasioned
much altercation, but was finally signed by most of the grand
jury, and nearly all the magistrates. Public meetings soon
followed in most of the districts of the county, in opposition to the
sentiments expressed in the Johnstown declaration. On a day
appointed^ the little church at Cherry Valley, was crowded with
all ages and sexes. THOMAS SPENCER, an Indian interpreter,
addressed the meeting in a strain of "rude, though impassioned
eloquence." * Articles of association were adopted at this and at
similar district meetings, approving the proceedings of the Philadel-
phia congress, and declaring that the Johnstown proceeding was a
measure which would assist to "entail slavery upon America."
On the 8th of May, the Palatine committee, wrote a letter to the
Albany committee, in which they say that they are busy in
circulating petitions, and enlisting the citizens of Tryon county, on
the side of the colonies, but they say:
" This county has for a series of years been ruled by one
family, the different branches of which are still strenuous in
persuading people not to come into congressional measures; and
even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk
District, appeared with all their dependents armed, to oppose the
* Mr. Campbell 833-3: "The noblest efforts of an Henry and an Otis, never
wrought more sensibly upon the feelings of the congresses they addressed, than did the
harangue of this unlettered patriot, upon that little assembly."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 255
people considering of their grievances: their number being so
large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into the most of them,
and they dispersed. We are informed that Johnson Hall is forti-
fying by placing swivel guns around the same, and that Col.
JOHNSON has had part of his regiment of militia under arms,
yesterday, no doubt with the design to prevent the friends of
liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause, to the world.
Besides which, we are told, that about an hundred Highlanders,
(Roman Catholics.) are armed, and ready to march upon the like
occasion. We are informed that Col. JOHNSON, has stopped two
New Englanders, and searched them, being as we suppose, suspi-
cious that they came to solicit aid from us or the Indians, whom
we dread most, there being a current report through the county,
that they are to be made use of in keeping us in awe. We
recommend it strongly and seriously to you to take it in your
consideration, whether any powder and ammunition, ought to be
permitted to be sent up this way, unless it is done under the
inspection of the committee, and consigned to the committee here,
and for such particular shop-keepers, as we in our next shall
acquaint you. We are determined to suffer none in our district, to
sell any,' but such as we approve of, and sign the association.
When any thing particular comes to our knowledge relating to the
Indians, (whom we shall watch), or anything interesting, we shall
take the earliest opportunity in communicating the same to you.
And as we are a young county, remote from the metropolis, we
beg you will give as all the intelligence in your power. We shall
not be able to send down any deputies to the Provincial Congress,
as we cannot possibly obtain the sense of the county soon enough
to make it worth our while to send any, but be assured we are not
the less attached to American liberty. For we are determined,
although few in number, to let the world see who are, and who
are not such; and to wipe off the indelible disgrace brought upon
us by the declaration signed by our grand jury, and some of our
magistrates; who in general, are considered by a majority of our
county, as enemies to their country. In a word, gentlemen, it is
our fixed resolution to support, and carry into execution every
thing recommended by the Continental Congress, and to BE FREE
OR DIE."
At the next meeting of the Palatine Committee, in the same
month, two intercepted letters were read. The first, was a letter
from the Mohawk, to the Oneida Indians. Translated into English,
it was as follows:
"Written at GUT JOHXSOX'S, May 1775. This is your letter, you great cues, or
Sachems. GUY JOHXSOX says he will be glad if you get this intelligence, you Oneidas,
bow it goes with him now, and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the
Boston people. Gcr JOHHS&* is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Boston
256 HISTORY OF THE
people. We Mohawks are obliged to watch him constantly. Therefore we send you
this intelligence, that you shall know it, and GUY JOHNSON assures himself and depends
upon your coming to his assistance, and that you will without fail be of that opinion.
He believes not that you will assent to let him suffer. We therefore expect you in a
couple of day's time. So much at present. We send but so far as to you Oneidas,
but afterwards perhaps, to all the other nations. We conclude, and expect that you
will have concern about our ruler, GUY JOHNSON, because we are all united."
The letter was signed by JOSEPH BRANT as Secretary to GUY
JOHNSON, and by four other chiefs. The other letter was from
GUY JOHNSON to the magistrates and others, of the upper districts
of Tryon county :
" GUY PARK, May 20, 1775.
GENTLEMEN, I have lately, repeated accounts, that a body of New Englanders, or
others, were to come and seize, and carry away my person, and attack our family, under
color of malicious insinuations that I intended to set the Indians upon the people.
Men of sense and character know that my office is of the highest importance lo pro-
mote peace among the Six Nations, and prevent their entering into any such disputes.
This I effected last year, when they were much vexed about the attack on the Shawnees,
and I last winter appointed them to meet me this month, to receive the answer of the
Virginians. All men must allow that if the Indians find their council fire disturbed,
and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful rceenge. It is therefore the
duty of all the people to prevent this, and to satisfy any who may have been imposed
upon, that their suspicions, and allegations, they have collected against me, are false,
and inconsistent with my character and office. I recommend this to you as highly
necessary at this time, as my regard for the interests of the country and self preservation,
has obliged me to fortify my house, and keep men armed for my defence, till these idle
and malicious reports are removed."
Upon the reading of these letters, the Committee adopted a set
of strong resolutions confirming their former positions, and severely
condemning the conduct of Sir GUY, in keeping about him a body
of armed Indians, fortifying his house, and "stopping and search-
ing travellers upon the King's highway." It was resolved, " That
as we abhor a state of slavery, we do join and unite together,
under all the ties of religion, honor, justice, and a love for our
country, never to become slaves, and to defend our freedom with
our lives and fortunes."
Before the Committee adjourned, it addressed another letter to
the Albany Committee, in which they say, that they have ordered
the inhabitants of the district to provide themselves with arms and
ammunition, and be ready at a moment's warning; that JOHNSON has
five hundred men to guard his house; that he has stopped all
communication between the counties of Tryon and Albany; that
there was not fifty pounds of powder in their district; that they
propose, jointly, with the Committees of other districts, to force a
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 257
communication with Albany; that JOHNSON had invited the upper
Indian nations to go down to his neighborhood, but as many of the
Indians were dissatisfied with him, they should endeavor to make a
diversion in their favor; and that they wish the Albany Com-
mittee to send them some one or two who would be able to make
the Indians understand the true nature of the dispute with the
mother country. They say: "We are gentlemen, in a worse
situation than any part of America is at present. We have an
open enemy before our faces, and treacherous friends at our backs;"
but they assure the Albany Committee that they are very unanimous
in the Palatine and Canajoharie districts, and are "determined
neither to submit to the acts of Parliament, or Col. JOHNSON'S
arbitrary conduct." In answer to a communication from GUY
JOHNSON, the Albany Committee used conciliatory language; said
they were disposed to believe in the sincerity of his professions;
that they are sorry that reports prejudicial to his character had
gone abroad; and trusted that he would "pursue the dictates of an
honest heart, and study the interests, peace and welfare of his
country." They also, addressed a communication to the com-
mittees in Tryon county, advising as the prudent course, not to
attempt to open a communication with Albany, as they had inten-
ded. Before adjourning, in reference to a threat they had under-
stood JOHNSON had made, of procuring the imprisonment of those
who took a conspicuous part in the proceedings that were going
on, they resolved to "stand by each other, and rescue from imprison-
ment any who were confined in an illegal manner." Secrecy, was
enjoined upon all the members. It was resolved to have no social
intercourse, or dealings, with those who had not joined the associa-
tion. The owners of slaves were enjoined not to suffer them to go
from home, except with a certificate that they were on their mas-
ter's business.
On the 25th of May, an Indian council was convened at Guy
Park. Delegates were present from Albany and Tryon counties.
The Indians, through LITTLE ABRAHAM, a Mohawk chief, assured
them that they did not wish to have a quarrel with the inhabitants.
That during Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON'S life time, and since, they
had been peaceably disposed. The delegations, and Indians,
parted with mutual assurances of continued friendship; though
the Mohawks declared that they were under great obligations to-
17
258 HISTORY OF THE
Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, had a great respect for his memory, and
they must guard and protect every member of his family.
On the 22d of June, 1775, a meeting of the Committees of Tryon
county was held; being joined for the first time, by a Committee
from the Mohawk district, which district had hitherto kept aloof,
through the influence of the JOHNSONS. This meeting addressed
a letter to GUY JOHNSON, in which they assured him that the people
of Tryon county, made common cause with their brethren of
Massachusetts Bay; they recapitulated generally, the grievances
complained of on the part of the colonies; that possessing as he did,
very large estates in the county, they could not think that he
differed with them upon the subject of American freedom; and
they complained that peaceable meetings of the Mohawk district,
had been disturbed, and a man in their interests, had been inhu-
manly treated, &c.
JOHNSON in his answer, persevered in pacific assurances; said he
had fortified his house, because he was apprehensive of an attack,
and in doing so, he had only exercised the prerogative of all
English subjects. While he professed loyalty to his king, he
assured the Committee that he should continue to so discharge the
duties of his office, as to best do his duty to his country, and
preserve its peace; that his family had been the benefactors of the
country, &c. He said the movements of the people were prema-
ture, that they should wait and see what would be the final action
of the home government upon the matters complained of; that
they should have " nothing to apprehend from his endeavors," but
that he should " be glad to promote their true interests."
Notwithstanding such professions, it would seem that he had
early been ambitious to seize upon the influence he had inherited
from his father-in-law, mould the Six Nations to his will, and
subserve the two-fold purpose of gratifying a personal ambition,
and making an exhibition of his loyalty, to his family's patron,
GEORGE the Third. Under the pretence that he could better
control the Indians, and keep them peaceable, by withdrawing them
from the irritating influences that surrounded them in the Mohawk
Valley, he removed with his retinue to Fort Stanwix, and from
thence farther west, where he was met by thirteen hundred war-
riors in council. From his then location, under date of July 8lh,
he wrote to Mr. LIVINGSTON, the President of Congress, a letter
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 259
which concludes thus: "I should be much obliged by your prom-
ises of discountenancing any attempts against myself, did they not
appear to be made on conditions of compliance with continental or
provincial Congresses, or even Committees, formed or to be formed,
many of whose resolves may not consist with my conscience, duty
or loyalty;" still he assures Mr. LIVINGSTON that he shall always
manifest more humanity than to promote the destruction of
innocent inhabitants of a colony, to which I have been always
warmly attached."
He retired to Montreal, where he took up his residence, and
"continued to act during the war as an agent of the British gov-
ernment, distributing to the Indians liberal rewards for their deeds
of cruelty, and stimulating them to further exertions." *
The Mohawks, almost the entire body of 'them, had accompanied
JOHNSON and his family to the west f In June, the Rev. SAMUEL
KIRKLAND, then missionary to the Oneidas, held a conference with
the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, to induce them to remain neutrals
during the war. Knowing his influence with the Oneidas, the
JOHNSONS had not been idle in attempts to prejudice them against
him. They told him that Mr. K. "was a descendant of those New
England, or Boston people, who had formerly murdered their king,
and fled to this country for their lives;'' that the New England
ministers " were not true ministers of the gospel." All this did not
succeed however, in depriving him of his influence, or the
attachment of the Oneidas to him. Most of them remained neutrals
during the war a large portion of them offered to take up the
hatchet in behalf of the colonies, but it was preferred to dispense
with their services, except in a few instances. Some of them
rendered important services, as runners, in apprising the border
settlers of approaching danger.
JOSEPH BRANT THAYENDANEGA.
An elaborate history J having been written of this noted Indian
chief, no farther biographical sketch of him will be attempted, than
is incidental to local narrative.
The place of his birth, parentage, &c., have been differently
* Spark's American Biography.
t GUY Johnson was accompanied by Joseph Brant, and John and Walter Butler.
t Life of Brant, by William L. Stone.
260 HISTORY OF THE
stated by historians. It was assumed by Dr. STRACHAN, of Toronto,
in some sketches he wrote many years since, and published in the
Christian Register, that BRANT was born on the Ohio river, whither
his parents had emigrated from the valley of the Mohawk, and
where they are said to have sojourned for several years. This
information was derived from the Rev. Dr. STEWART, formerly a
missionary in the Mohawk Valley. Col. STONE concedes that he
was born on the Ohio river, but assumes that it was during a
hunting excursion from the Mohawk, in which his parents partici-
pated; and that his father was a full blooded Mohawk of the Wolf
tribe. The friend of the author, (Mr. L. C. DRAPER,) to whom
reference is made in the preface to this work, assumes that he was
a native Cherokee, upon some evidence he has discovered in his
indefatigable researches. If this is so, we are to infer that his
parents were adopted Cherokee captives.
The home of his family was at the Canajoharie Castle. In July,
1761, he was sent by Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, to the "Moor's
Charity School," at Lebanon, Conn., established by the Rev. Dr.
WHEELOCK, with several other Mohawk boys. He made good
progress in education, and on his return from school, was employed
by his patron in public business. His first military exploits, had
preceded his education; when quite young, he had been upon
several expeditions with Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON.
Under the circumstances the friendship and patronage, and
the family alliance that has been already spoken of it is easy to
perceive how his position was determined in the border wars; and
why he followed the fortunes of the JOHNSON family. Mr.
CAMPBELL, himself a descendant of severe sufferers in that terrible
crisis, and enjoying good opportunities to estimate the character of
BRANT, says in his Annals. "Combining the natural sagacity of
the Indian, with the skill and science of the civilized man, he was
a formidable foe. He was a dreadful terror to the frontiers. His
passions were strong. In his intercourse, he was affable and polite,
and communicated freely, relative to his conduct. He often said
that during the war he had killed but one man in cold blood, and
that act he often regretted. He said he had taken a man prisoner,
and was examining him; the prisoner hesitated, and he thought
equivocated. Enraged at what he considered obstinacy, he struck
him down. It turned out that the man's obstinacy arose from a
natural hesitancy of speech."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 261
The statement that he had been guilty of but one assassination,
does not correspond with well authenticated tradition; though he
may, to have satisfied his own conscience, made a nice distinction
in some instances, as to what constituted a taking of life in " cold
blood." That the bad features of his character, and his atrocities,
have been much magnified, there is no doubt, as have nearly all of
the events in the border wars. It is difficult to reconcile the
character of JOSEPH BRANT, as given in many of our histories,
with the accounts we have of him from living cotemporaries, who
knew him well.
He was the companion of Judge PORTER, in a journey he made
from Albany to Canandaigua, in 1794. The chief was returning
from a visit to the then seat of government, (Philadelphia,) to his
residence at Brantford, C. W. The Judge speaks of him as an
intelligent, gentlemanly, travelling companion. The journey was
on horseback. It was the first time BRANT had travelled the
valley of the Mohawk, since the Revolution, and on leaving
Albany, he was somewhat apprehensive of the treatment he would
receive. Peace, however, and the obligations it imposed, saved
him from any harm or insult, from those in whose memory the
scenes with which he was associated, were painfully fresh and
vivid. While he avoided being drawn into any conversation con-
nected with the border wars, he pointed out such things upon the
Mohawk as were associated in the reccollections of his boyhood.
JOHN GOULD, of Cambria, Niagara county, was a resident at
Brantford, as early as 1791, or '2; says he has often heard BRANT
relate the story of his visit to England; how he was feasted and
toasted in London, &c. After his return, his house at Brantford
was the resort of many of the British officers, and prominent
citizens of Canada. He was hospitable, had good social qualities,
and was much esteemed by the early residents of Brantford, and
its vicinity. The patronage of the government had enabled him to
live much in the style- of an English gentleman. He retained the
slaves he had brought from the Mohawk. Mr. GOULD remembers
well the death of his son ISAAC, from a stab inflicted by his father.
"When sober," says Mr. G. "Isaac was a good Indian when in
liquor, he was a devil. He committed many depredations. I once
invited him to a raising. He excused himself on the ground, that
if he went he should get a taste of liquor and commit some outrage.
One day he became intoxicated, went to his father's house and
262 HISTORY OF THE
attacked him with a knife they had a desperate fight, which
ended in ISAAC'S death. No one at the time blamed the old man,
but all considered it was an act of necessary self-defence. ISAAC
had before killed a saddler upon Grand River, upon some slight
provocation."
Judge HOPKINS, of Lewiston, Niagara county, was a resident,
near the BRANTS, in 1800 and 1801, and confirms generally, the
statement of Mr. GOULD.
Others, who were early residents of Canada, and neighbors of
the subject of this sketch, in the latter years of his life, have given
the author many interesting reminiscences of him, derived from
personal observation and conversation; but a few of which can be
made available without transcending prescribed limits.
In speaking of the attack and massacre at Minisink, he excused
himself upon the ground that the Americans came out under
pretence of holding a parley, and fired several shots, some of which
were aimed at him.* Provoked at this, he gave orders for an
attack in which no quarters were to be given. He assumed that
he saved the life of Capt. WOOD, had him taken to Niagara, as a
prisoner, where he remained until peace. He acknowledged to an
informant of the author, that he took the life of Lieut. WISNER, at
Minisink, very much as the inhuman act is already detailed in
history; but excused the act upon the ground, that he had either
to leave him to become a prey to wild beasts in his wounded and
helpless condition, be encumbered with him in a retreat through an
enemy's country, or adopt the terrible alternative he did. He
claimed to have saved many prisoners, upon other occasions, and
generally to have been governed by the incentives of humanity;
though it is difficult to reconcile these professions, even with his
own versions. At Oriskany he said: "I captured a man who had
hid behind a stump; his name was WALDO or WALBRIDGE; he
begged, and I ordered the Indians to save him. He conducted
myself and party to his home, a mile distant; arriving there, we
found that Indians had preceded us, and had bound for sacrifice, a
'beautiful girl,' the sister of our prisoner. I ordered her release."
Says another informant: "I first 'knew JOSEPH BRANT in 1797.
He resided at the Mohawk village. He was the patroon of the
place his authority nearly absolute, with both Indians and whites.
* Not consistent with authentic history.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 263
He was in high favor with Gov. SIMCOE, and the Canadian authori-
ties generally. The governor was often a partaker, with others,
of his hospitalities. I have heard Capt. BRAXT say, he could not
regret the death of his son ISAAC; but much regretted that he had
been obliged to take the life of a son."
Few mooted points of history have been more often discussed,
than the question whether BRANT was present at the Wyoming
massacre. The poet CAMPBELL, in his widely read and admired
poem, " Gertrude of Wyoming," in a passage purporting to be a
part of the speech of an Oneida chief, pending the battle, or
massacre, says:
" But this is not a time' ; (he started up,
And smote his breast with wo-denouncing hand)
' This is no time to fill the joyous cup,
The mammoth comes the foe the monster, BRAXT!
With all his howling, desolating band;
These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine;
Awake at once, and silence half your land.
Red is the cup they drink; but not with wine;
Awake and watch to-night, or see no morning shine.
Scorning to wield the hatchet for his bribe,
'Gainst BRAST himself I went to battle forth:
Accursed BRANT! he left of all my tribe,
Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth:
No, not the dog that watched my household hearth,
Escaped that night of blood upon our plains:
All perished! I alone am left on earth!
To whom nor relative, nor blood remains
No not a kindred drop that runs in human veins."
This was admired verse, but destined to be questioned fact.
JOHN BRANT, a son of the old chief, visited London in 1822.
While there, he caused to be exhibited to Mr. CAMPBELL, docu-
mentary evidence, showing that he had done great injustice to the
memory of his father; and that he was not present at the massacre
at Wyoming. Mr. CAMPBELL immediately addressed the young
chief a respectful letter, in which after justifying himself by citing
numerous authorities in favor of the conclusion he had favored in
his poem, frankly acknowledged that the evidence presented to him
had induced him to change his opinion; to which he added an
expression of regret that he had been led to favor the imputation.
W. L. STONE, in his life of the Mohawk chief, assumes that he
was not at Wyoming. The publication of his history was fol-
lowed by a paper published in the Democratic Review, attrib-
264 HISTORY OF THE
uted to CALEB GUSHING; in which it is assumed that BRANT was
at Wyoming; and the biographer is called upon to show where he
was at the time, if he was not there? * Col. STONE replied to this,
and pretty effectually justified his position.
In a conversation that took place between Col. BUTLER and
JOSEPH BRANT, at Brantford, many years after the Revolution,
(well remembered by one who related it to the author,) BRANT
was complaining that much was laid to his charge of which he was
innocent. "They say," said he, "that I was the Indian leader at
Wyoming; you, Colonel, know I was not there." To which,
BUTLER replied: "To be sure, I do, and if you had been there,
you could have done no better than I did; the Indians were
uncontrollable."
The author inclines to the opinion of Col. STONE, (though deem-
ing him in the main, too partial to his semi-civilized hero;) the
terrible instrument in the hands of his British prompters, in scenes
of stealthy assault, captivity and death; the foremost and most
formidable scourge of the border settlers of our state, in a crisis
that found them exposed to all the evils of savage warfare
.enhanced by the aid and assistance of a portion of their own race,
who had not savage custom and usage to plead in extenuation of
their atrocities and villanies.
JOSEPH BRANT died at his residence at Burlington Bay, on the
24th of November, 1807, aged 64 years. Previous to his death,
he had become a communicant of the Episcopal church, and in his
life time had aided that church materially in its missionary labors
among the Indians, by translating some portions of the scriptures,
and the Book of Common Prayer, into the Mohawk language.
Where the first stopping place of the Mohawks was, after
leaving their home upon the Mohawk, with GUY JOHNSON and
BRANT, (if they had any intermediate abiding place,) before
reaching Lewiston, the author has nowhere seen named. In an
early period of the border wars, BRANT'S residence was at Lew-
iston, his dwelling a block house, standing near what is called
"Brant's Spring," on the farm of ISAAC COOK. His followers,
forming a considerable Indian village, were located along the
* A difficult task, the reader will conclude: to go back beyond a half century, and
show where the leader of a band of Indians was, whose range was a then wilderness
comprising half of our entire state, a part of Pennsylvania, and a part of Canada
West; his location changing with the vicissitudes of a predatory warfare.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
Ridge Road between the Academy and the road that leads up to
the Tuscarora village. There were remains of the huts standing
when white settlement commenced. It would seem by reference
to the books of the land office, that for several farms there, the
purchasers were charged an extra price, in consequence of the
improvements the Mohawks had made during their residence there.
There was a log church in which the Episcopal service was usually
read upon Sundays, by some one attached to the British garrison
at Niagara, and occasionally a British army chaplain, or a mission-
ary would be present. That church, in any history of its origin
and progress, in Western New York may well assume that beyond
the garrison at Niagara, Lewiston, BRANT'S rude log church, was
the spot where its services were first had. Upon a humble log
church there could, of course, then, be no belfry or steeple. The
bell that was brought from the Mohawk, was hung upon a cross-
bar, resting in the crotch of a tree, and rang by a rope attached.
The crotch was taken down by the COOK family, after they had
purchased the land. In 1778, JOHN MOUNTPLEASANT, then but
eight years old, says his Tuscarora mother used to take him down
to the church, where he remembers seeing his father, Capt. MOUNT-
PLEASANT, then in command of the garrison at Niagara. He
speaks of the crotch and the bell, as objects that attracted his
especial attention.
Our brief narrative of events in the border war, having been
interrupted to admit of some reminiscences of one who was so
conspicuous in its memorable scenes it will be resumed, but only
with reference generally, to events connected with the western
portion of our state.
The Tryon county General Committee, after the departure of
GUY JOHNSON, and his retinue, were active in perfecting its organ-
ization, and enlisting the co-operation of the citizens of the county.
Sir JOHN JOHNSON had remained behind, converted his house into a
rendezvous and focus of loyalty, and was actively engaged in
counteracting the movements of the Committee. The public autho-
rities of the county the Judges of the court, the Magistrates, were
mostly with him and against the Committee. The sheriff of the
county, ALEXANDER WHITE, had early demonstrated his position
and sentiments, by using his official authority to disperse the prim-
206 HISTORY OF THE
itive meeting in the Mohawk district, made himself especially
obnoxious with the people. In a letter from the Committee to the
Provincial Congress, they say: "We must further hear that Gov.
TRYON shall have again granted a commission to the great
villain, ALEXANDER WHITE, for High Sheriff' in our county, but
we shall never suffer any exercise in our county, of such office by
said WHITE." In such an emergency, the Committee formally
declared, that there was an end to the previously constituted autho-
rities of the county, and constituted themselves the local govern-
ment, exercising as a demand of necessity, in most matters, arbi-
trary authority. It was in fact, thus early, revolution, so far as
our county of Tryon was concerned.
In September, 1775, the Committee say in a letter to Congress,
" there is a great many proved enemies to our association and reg-
ulations thereof, being Highlanders, amounting to 200 men, accor-
ding to intelligence. We are daily scandalized by them, provoked
and threatened, and we must surely expect a havoc of them upon
our families if we should be required and called elsewhere upon
our country's cause." It was ascertained that JOHNSON kept up a
continual correspondence with GUY JOHNSON at Montreal, after
his retreat. In October, the Committee wrote to Sir JOHN, wish-
ing to know if he would "allow the inhabitants of Johnstown and
Kingsborough, to form themselves into companies according to the
regulations of our Continental Congress;" whether he would lend
his personal assistance to such a measure; and whether he preten-
ded a " prerogative to our county court house and goal, and would
hinder or interrupt the Committee making use of the same f He
replied that he should not hinder his tenants from doing as they
pleased, but that they were not disposed to engage in the cause
of Congress, &c.; as to himself, he said, "sooner than lift his hand
against his King, or sign any association, he would suffer his head
to be cut off;" as to the court house and jail, they should be used
only for the purposes for which they were built, until he was paid
seven hundred pounds, advanced for their erection; and closed by
charging that "two of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people
had been forced to sign the association."
The Provincial Congress, addressed a letter to the committee,
advising forbearance and moderation, and suggesting that they had
in some particulars asked too much of Sir JOHN, yet the Congress
denied that he had any right to control the court-house, as that was
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 267
conveyed by Sir WILLIAM, for the use of the county. But the
Congress advised the Committee, that as it might lead to serious
consequences, they had better not confine persons in the jail
"inimical to our country," but procure some other convenient
place, and also advised against in any way, molesting Sir JOHN, as
long as he was inactive.
In the following winter, Sir JOHN made preparations to fortify
Johnson's Hall, and the rumor gained ground, that when completed,
he would garrison it with three hundred Indians, besides his own
men. In January. Gen. SCHUYLER, Gen. TEN* BROEK, and Col.
VARICK, came into Try on county with a small party of soldiers,
where they were joined by the Tryon county militia, ordered out
by Gen. HERKIMER. The rendezvous was but a few miles from
Johnson's Hall. From the camp, a correspondence was carried on
for several days with Sir JOHN JOHNSON. It resulted in his surren-
dering himself a prisoner, and disarming his tenants. This pro-
duced quiet for the winter, but in May, Sir JOHN broke a parole he
had entered into, and accompanied by a large number of his
tenants, went to Montreal. There, or at some point in Canada, he
organized a military corps of refugees, known throughout the war,
as "Johnson's Greens."
The first delegates to the Provincial Congress, from Tryon
county, were JOHN MARLATT and JOHN MOORE. In May, 1776,
the Tryon county committee, instructed their delegates in the
Provincial Congress, to vote for the entire independence of the
Colonies; and the Declaration of Independence, of the 4th of July
following, was hailed by the people of Tryon county with joy.
For nearly a year after this, there were but little of war
movements, in the Mohawk valley. In June, 1777, BRANT
appeared at Unadilla with seventy or eighty Indians, where he
sought an interview with some militia officers, and the Rev. Mr.
JOHNS-TONE. He told them his party were in want of provisions,
and that if they could not get them peaceably, they must by force.
He admitted he had joined his fortunes and that of his tribe, to the
King, who "was very strong," that he and his people were
" natural warriors, and could not bear to be threatened by Gen.
SCHUYLER." He demanded that the Mohawk people he had left
behind, should be made free, to pass out of the country when they
pleased. This advent was attended only by levying some supplies
from the inhabitants.
2t>8 HISTORY OF THE
Jn July following, Gen. HERKIMER went to Unadilla with a corps
of three hundred and eighty militia; where BRANT again appeared
with one hundred and eighty warriors. He was as insolent as
before. He repeated a declaration of his intention to espouse the
cause of the King; said the King would "humble the Boston
people that Gen. HERKIMER had joined;" and intimated that those
he served, were much better able to make Indians presents, than
were Gen. H. and his associates. Col. Cox, who was present,
said to BRANT if he had determined to espouse the cause of the
King, the matter was ended. At some intimation from BRANT,
his warriors raised a shout, and repaired to their camp about a
mile distant, when seizing their arms, they fired several guns and
raised the Indian war whoop. Returning to the conference ground,
Gen. HERKIMER assured BRANT that he had not come to fight; at
which BRANT motioned to his warriors to keep their places; and
addressing Gen. HERKIMER, in a threatening attitude, told him if
his purpose was war, he was ready for him. He then proposed
that Mr. STEWART the missionary among the Mohawks, (who was
supposed to lean to the English side,) and the wife of Col. BUTLER,
should be permitted to pass from the upper to the lower Mohawk
castle. Gen. HERKIMER offered to comply upon the condition that
some tories and deserters were given up to him; to which condi-
tion BRANT would not yield, but closed the conference with a
threat that he would go to Oswego and hold a treaty with Col.
BUTLER; or rather the conference was ended by a violent storm
which obliged both parties to retreat for shelter.
This was the last conference that was held with any of -the Six
Nations except the Oneidas, to prevent them from engaging in the
war. It is supposed that Gen. HERKIMER'S forbearance, his
neglect to urge matters to extremes when provoked by BRANT,
was dictated by the hope that amicable arrangements would
eventually be made.
On the 5th of July, 1777, Gen. BURGOYNE had obtained posses-
sion of Ticonderoga. The presence of so large a British armed
force there, with the feeble means as it seemed of resisting their
further conquests, spread alarm throughout the country, and
especially in Try on county. On the 15th of July, an Oneida
sachem, returned from Canada and brought news that Col. JOHN
JOHNSON with his family, and Col. GLAUS and his family, were at
Oswego, with "700 Indians, 400 regulars, and 600 tories," and
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 269
that preparations were making for an attack on Fort Schuyler; *
that Col. BUTLER had arrived at Oswego from Niagara, with an
additional force, &c.
In April preceding this, Col. GANSEVOORT had garrisoned this
frontier post with the 3d regiment N. Y. line of state troops, and
had been busily engaged in strengthening it. Alarm increased in
consequence of the news from the west. Secret information of
movements had been industriously circulated among the disaffected
inhabitants of. Tryon county. Insinuations of an alarming nature
were thrown out, and not without effect. The Indians, it was
said, would ravage the whole intervening country. "Many," says
Mr. CAMPBELL, "'who had not acted before decidedly, now espoused
the cause of the mother country, and in small parties, stole away
and went to the enemy." On the 17th of July, Gen. HERKIMER
issued a proclamation, that two thousand troops " Christians and
savages," had collected at Oswego. with intention to invade the
frontiers. He announced his intention, in case the enemy
approached, to order into service, every male person, being in
health, between the ages of sixteen and sixty; "and those above
sixty, or unwell and incapable to march, shall assemble also, armed,
at the respective places, where women and children will be gathered
together, in order for defence against the enemy, if attacked, as
much as lies in their power." He also ordered that the disaffected
should be arrested, and kept under guard; appealed in urgent
language upon all to discharge their duty, in the approaching
crisis; and closed his stirring proclamation as follows: "Not
doubting that the Almighty Power, upon our humble prayers, and
sincere trust in him, will then graciously succor our arms in battle,
for our just cause, and victory cannot fail on our side."
On the 2d of August, Gen. S^. LEGER, having advanced from
Oswego, with an army of seventeen hundred men, (including
BRANT and his Indian forces,) arrived before Fort Schuyler, where
*" This fort occupied a part of the site of Rome, in the present count}- of Oneida,
situated at the head of navigation of the Mohawk, and at the carrying place between
that river and Wood Creek, from whence the boats passed to Oswego ; it was a post of
great importance to the western part of New York. The French, with their usual
sagacity, in endeavoring to monopolize the Indian trade, had erected a fortification at
this place. At the commencement of the war, it seems to have gone to decay ; a few
families had settled there, forming the extreme outposts of civilization, save the forts of
Oswego and Niagara. It was called Fort Schuyler, in honor of Gen. Schuyler. It
has been confounded by some with Fort Schuyler", which was built in the French wars,
near where Liica now stands, and named in honor of Col. Schuvler, the uncle of Gen.
Schuyler." Campbell's Annals.
270 HISTORY OF THE
he soon found there was no disposition to surrender. He soon
after published a proclamation,'high toned and insolent; he recapit-
ulated the offences of the citizens of the Mohawk Valley against
his sovereign, the King, and announced that he had come at the
head of a competent force to punish the aggressors, and afford
relief to those who were not engaged in "rebellion." He declared
his intention first to adopt conciliatory measures, and if those
failed, he deemed himself justified in "executing the vengeance of
the state against the willful outcasts." "The messengers of justice
and wrath," said the confident leader of the royalist force, "await
them in the field, and devastation and famine and every concomitant
horror that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution of military
duty, must occasion, will bar the way to their return."
Gen. HERKIMER was advancing to join his force about seven
hundred with that of Col. GANSEVOORT, in the fort. Apprised
of this, St. LEGER detached BRANT and BUTLER with a body of
Indians and Tories to intercept him. They resolved upon a sur-
prise, and for this purpose chose a spot well suited to the purpose.
Gen. HERKIMER advancing with his force without any suspicion of
danger; the joint forces of BUTLER and BRANT, favored in their
ambuscade by the thick foliage of the forest, arose and poured a
destructive fire upon them. The advance guard was entirely
destroyed; those who survived the first onslaught, became victims
of the tomahawk. The rear regiment fled in confusion, and were
pursued by the Indians. The forward division, facing out in every
direction, sought shelter behind the trees, and returned an effectual
fire. "The fighting had continued for some time, when Major
WATSON, a brother-in-law of Sir JOHN JOHNSON, brought up a
detachment of Johnson's Greens. The blood of the Germans
boiled with indignation at the sight of these men. Many of the
'Greens' were personally known to them. They had fled their
country, and were now returned in arms to subdue it. Their
presence under any circumstances, would have kindled up the
resentment of those militia; but coming as they now did, in aid of
a retreating foe, called into exercise the most bitter feelings of
hostility. They fired upon them as they advanced, and then rush-
ing from behind their covers, attacked them with their bayonets,
and those who had none, with the but ends of their muskets. This
contest was maintained, hand to hand, for nearly half an hour.
The Greens made a good resistance, but were obliged to give way
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 271
under the fury of their assailants." * Major WATSON was taken
prisoner, but left upon the field.
Col. WILLETT, with two hundred and seven men, made a sally
from the fort, and attacked the enemy in camp, to make a diversion
in favor of Gen. HERKIMER, and after an engagement of two hours
compelled a retreat. After he had secured a part of the spoils the
enemy had left, and destroyed the remainder, he was upon his
return back to the fort, attacked by two hundred regulars from
St. LEGER'S army, which, aided by a fire of cannon from the fort
he soon compelled to retreat. He returned into the fort without
the loss of a single man. This successful sally, the hearing that
their camp was taken, and a shower of rain, induced the detach-
ment that was in conflict with Gen. HERKIMER, to withdraw, and
thus ended the events of the day. The loss of the Provincials
was about 200 killed, and as many wounded.
Gen. HERKIMER was wounded; one of his legs fractured by a
musket ball. Refusing to leave the field, he had himself placed in
a position a little distance from the theatre of action, when facing
the enemy, he deliberately lit and smoked his pipe. Surrounded
by a few men he continued to issue his orders with firmness. A
few days after the battle, his leg was amputated; mortification
ensued and caused his death. Thus were the patriotic men of the
valley of the Mohawk, deprived of the services of their brave
leader, in a crisis when the services of such as him would seem to
have been indispensable.
Of the other officers of the Tryon county militia, Col. Cox,
Majors Ersinlord, Klepsattle, and Van Slyck were killed, as was
also Thomas Spencer, whose eloquence had stirred up the people
of Cherry Valley, in a primitive period of the war. Major Frey,
and Col. Bellinger were taken prisoners. The British Indian allies
had one hundred killed; the Senecas alone, over thirty. The loss
in killed, of the regulars and tories w r as computed at one hundred.
St. LEGER, though effectually defeated, resolved not to regard
the events of the day in that light; but to use them even to aid
"Campbell's Annals.
NOTE. In an address before the New York Historical Society, Governeur Morris
said: "Let me recall gentlemen to your reccollection, the bloody spot on which
Herkimer fell. There was found the Indian and the white man born on the banks of
the Mohawk, their left hand clenched in each other's hair, the right grasping in a grasp
of death, the knife plunged in each other's bosom; thus they lay frowning."
272 HISTORY OF THE
him in obtaining a surrender of the fort. He compelled Col.
Bellinger and Major Frey, who were in his camp as prisoners, to
address a letter to Col. GANSEVOORT, exaggerating the disasters of
the day, and strongly urging a surrender; telling him how strong
were his beseigers; that no succor could reach him; and assuming
that BURGOYNE was already before Albany. After repeated
demands of a surrender, a correspondence, and some verbal
messages, the finale of which was a short answer from Col.
GANSEVOORT, in which he declared his fixed determination of
holding out and resisting the seige, St. LEGER threw up some
redoubts, and brought his artillery to -bear upon the fort, but with
little effect. The siege continued until the 22d of August, when
the besiegers had advanced within one hundred and fifty yards of
the fort. Gen. SCHUYLER on hearing of the attack upon Gen.
HERKIMER and its results, despatched Gens. LEARNED and ARNOLD,
(BENEDICT,) with a brigade of men to its relief; at the same time
writing a letter to Col. GANSEVOORT exhorting him to hold out,
and encouraging him with flattering accounts of the prospects of
staying the march of BURGOYNE. On the 22d of August, Gen.
ARNOLD, in advance of LEARNED, arrived with his force at the
German Flatts. From there, he also addressed Col. GANSEVOORT,
telling him he should soon be with him, to be under no apprehen-
sions, that he "knew the strength of the enemy and how to deal
with them." He included in his letter the announcement that STARK
had gained a signal victory at Bennington; that HOWE with the
shattered remnant of his army were on ship-board; that " BUR-
COYNE was retreating to Ty."
In the camp of Gen. ARNOLD, was a refugee HAN YOST
SCHUYLER he gave him his liberty on condition that he would
proceed to the camp of St. LEGER, announce his approach, and
give an exaggerated account of the advancing force under his com-
mand; retaining the brother of the refugee as an hostage to secure
a faithful discharge of the duties he had engaged to perform.
The Indians in St. LEGER'S camp were already dissatisfied; they
had suffered severely, and despaired of being remunerated with
plunder. This was greatly enhanced by the arrival of HAN YOST,
who told them that Gen. ARNOLD'S force was "as numerous, as
the leaves on the forest trees." The Indians refused to remain
any longer. Thus crippled, on the 22d, of August, St. LEGER.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 273
retired in disorder and confusion, leaving the greater portion of
his baggage behind. He went by the way of Oswego to Montreal,
and from thence, through lake Champlain to join Gen. BURGOYXE.
Thus ended the siege of Fort Schuyler.
Having thus opened the campaign upon the Mohawk sketched
briefly the leading events up to the first principal conflict of arms,
and given its main features and results the author is admonished
of the necessity of disposing of the Border War, with but brief
chronological sketches of what followed, to its termination, except
in reference to two prominent events. The whole subject forms
an interesting and instructive branch of the local history of a large
portion of our State; and he indulges the hope that he has been
enabled to introduce enough of it in his work and in a manner
to invite the younger portion of his readers especially, to sources
of greater detail, and farther extended enquiry and research. In
the entire history of our revolutionary struggle, there are few
pages we can read, which in a greater degree serves to remind
us of the sufferings and sacrifices that purchased the blessings we
so eminently enjoy than those upon which are inscribed a faith-
ful narrative of the Border War of New York and Pennsylvania.
After the siege of Fort Schuyler, the Indians still hung like a
" scythe of death," on the frontiers of New York. In the remote
and less thickly inhabited parts, single individuals and whole fami-
lies disappeared no one could tell by what means, or how. Rel-
ative, friend, or traveler, came to the place which he knew was
once the residence of those he sought, but the charred fragments
of their dwellings, were all he found.
BRANT opened the Indian campaign of 1788 by an attack upon
the town of Springfield, near the head of Otsego lake. He
imprisoned all who did not fly, burnt every building but one, into
which he gathered all the women and children, and left them
unhurt.
On the first of July, a skirmish occured between a party of
militia, and a large body of Indians, at Cobbleskill. The militia
were compelled to retreat. Several dwellings were burned, after
being plundered; houses and cattle were all killed or taken off*.
The whole of the Schoharie region was constantly visited by
predatory bands of Indians and Tories, during the whole war.
18
274 HISTORY OF THE
MASSACRE OF WYOMING.
There are few events connected with Indian border warfare that
have called forth more sympathy and condemnation than the mas-
sacre of Wyoming. The settlers in this peaceful retreat were
removed from the theatre of war. Its secluded situation seemed
to hide it from the observation of both parties. Most of the set-
tlers were in favor of the Colonies, and a considerable number
belonged to the revolutionary army. Though there was a kind of
understanding that the troops enlisted there, should not be removed
from the valley, but kept there for its security and defence; still
such was the emergency of the country that they had been called
away, and about three hundred more enlisted. Most of those who
remained were either too young or too old to be very serviceable
as soldiers. Such was the defenceless state of Wyoming, when its
inhabitants discovered seme indications that war was to be brought
to their doors. Their distance from other settlements destroyed
all hope of obtaining help from abroad, and the suddenness with
which the attack probably would be made, rendered assistance
from the regular army very doubtful.
In 1778, a band of Tories and Indians, under the command of
Col. JOHN BUTLER, marched into this quiet valley, and made it the
scene of desolation and suffering. The expedition "moved from
Niagara, across the Genesee country, down the Chemung, to Tioga
Point, whence they embarked upon the Susquehannah, and landed
about twenty miles above Wyoming." Col. ZEBULON BUTLER,
who had been in the French war, and was now an officer in the
Revolutionary army, happened to be home on a visit at the time of
the invasion. At the urgent solicitation of the people, he assumed
command of the militia. An attempt was made to attack the enemy
by surprise, but the scout was accidentally discovered by an Indian,
who fired at him, and immediately gave the alarm. When the
Americans came up they found the enemy ready to receive them.
A bloody battle ensued, in which one party fought with the despe-
ration of men knowing their fate if conquered, and the other with
the savage ferocity of revenge. The Tories and Indians gave no
quarter, but pursued the flying party, killing all they could and
afterwards murdering all they took. The fugitive army first
sought shelter in what was called "Fort Forty." From this, those
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 275
who still survived, fled to Fort Wyoming, which was shortly sur-
rounded by Indians and Tories. This fort was filled with women
and children; it was in no condition to be defended, or to withstand
a siege. A capitulation took place, in which it was stipulated that
the inhabitants might return to their farms but were not to take up
arms during the war. The Tories were allowed to return to their
lands. The English commanding officer pledged his influence to
have the Indians respect private property. This promise was
totally disregarded. The Indians prowled through the valley, plun-
dering and burning every house that was not occupied by a Tory
carrying misery and wretchedness into the bosom of many a
happy home, and spreading ruin and suffering through the whole
valley.
Early in the month of September, BRAXT desolated the German
Flatts. Fortunately, the inhabitants had warning in time to enable
them to make their escape. It was evening when BRAXT arrived.
It being rainy and dark, and supposing his presence in the neigh-
borhood not known, he waited until morning, when his party almost
simultaneously fired all the dwellings. Disappointed at not finding
the inhabitants, he destroyed every thing they had left behind,
without attacking the fort in which the people were collected.
The flourishing settlements in Cherry Valley were next doomed
to suffer the horrors of an Indian invasion. LAFAYETTE, observing
its exposed condition, early in the spring of 1778, ordered a
fortification to be built, in which the inhabitants deposited their
property, and went for protection in seasons of danger. In the
autumn of that year, supposing all danger passed, and relying on
the vigilance of the commanding officer of the fort, to warn them
of the approach of the enemy, they returned to their dwellings.
Col. ALDEX received timely notice that the enemy were on their
way, and where was their destination. Refusing to believe the
reports of the intended attack, promising to take every necessary
measure to prevent surprise he made others feel the same
security, and thus all was left completely exposed. Even after
the attack had been begun, when told by a wounded settler, who
had barely escaped with life, he still doubted. The enemy had
ample time to make complete their plans for striking a terrible
blow. Particular houses where officers of the garrison were
staying, were ascertained by the Indians. With hardly a moment's
notice, when least expected, the quiet villagers were aroused to a
276 HISTORY OF THE
sense of their fearful situation by the sound of death-shots, the
slashes of the tomahawk, and the shrieks of devoted victims.
Fire and hatchet were busily engaged in accomplishing their work
of terror slaughter and pillage marked the course of civilized and
savage foe. The fort was surrounded and assaulted, but being met
with spirit and firmness, the Indians soon shrunk from the steady
fire that was poured upon them, run to the houses, to plunder,
destroy, and kill without mercy or check. The same evening
thirty or forty prisoners were marched into the wilderness. When
they arrived at the place of encampment, large fires, in a circular
form were kindled, and the captives, without shelter from the
inclement weather, or any regard to age, health or sex, were all
put indiscriminatly in the centre. Their dreadful situation was
rendered still more awful, by the startling yells and savage revelry
kept up all night by the Indians while dividing the spoils. In the
morning, the prisoners with their captors, set out on their journey;
but before they had gone far, the women and children were
voluntarily released, with the exception of Mrs. CAMPBELL and
her four children, and Mrs. MOORE and her children. The
invaders then went back to Niagara from whence originated most
of these expeditions of pillage and bloodshed.
NOTE. Mrs. Campbell and her children were carried to Kanadasaega, (Geneva,)
then the chief town of the Senecas. She and her children were adopted into an Indian
family, to supply the place of lost relations. Nobly resolving to adapt herself to her
new condition, she exerted herself in getting in favor with her captors, and making
herself useful to them. She made garments for the squaws, and in various ways,
acquired an influence which greatly meliorated her condition. One day an Indian
came to her, and observing that she wore caps, said he would give her one ; upon
presenting it he told her he had obtained it "at Cherry Valley." She recognized it as
the cap of Miss Jane Wells, who had been most barbarously massacred at Cherry
Valley. It had a cut in the crown made by a tomahawk, and was spotted with blood !
" She could not but drop a tear to her memory, for she had known her from her
infancy, a pattern of virtue and loveliness." The Indian acknowledged himself the
murderer. Mrs. Campbell preserved the relic, and afterwards presented it to the friends
of the deceased. When Col. Butler went to Canada, he had left his wife and children,
who were retained as hostages. A proposition was made to exchange them for Mrs.
Campbell and her children. Col. Campbell, the husband and father, receiving the
proposition in writing, laid it before Gov. Clinton and Gen. Schuyler, and it was
acceded to. Early in the spring Col. Butler went to Kanadasaega and proposed the
release of Mrs. Campbell; after a council of several days, with much reluctance, on the
part of the Indians, he succeeded in his mission. She was taken to Niagara in June,
1779, but her children were retained at Kanadasaega. About this time news was
received at Niagara, of the march of Gen. Sullivan ; anticipating his arrival there, the
garrison was recruited and strengthened. Col. Butler did not succeed in getting Mrs.
Campbell's children, until the Senecas, fleeing before Gen. Sullivan, sought refuge
at Niagara, bringing them along in their flight Mrs. Campbell remained at Niagara
a year from the period of her first arrival there ; in June, 1780, she and her children
were taken down to Montreal, where she found Mrs. Butler and her children, and her
own son, a small boy, with them. After a delay of several months, the family were
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 277
GEN. SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION.
The desolating and terrible Indian incursions with which the fron-
tiers of New York and Pennsylvania had been visited in 1777 and
1778, induced Congress to authorize General WASHINGTON to send
an expedition into the country of the Six Nations, lay waste their
villages, destroy their haunts, and make them suffer some of the
evils they had inflicted on others. The ultimate design of the
expedition was the capture of Fort Niagara, the head quarters of
the British and their Indian allies.
The distance of the Senecas, upon the banks of the Seneca lake,
and in the valley of the Genesee, from the immediate vicinity of
hostile operations, had screened them from assault and retributive
justice; while they could sally out whenever a runner from Butler,
Brant, or the Johnsons, told them there was work of blood in hand;
or when an ambitious chief among them took the war path upon his
own account, to scourge with the double motive of revenge and
plunder; finding a safe retreat when their sanguinary missions
were executed.
The Six Nations had at this period, made considerable advances
in some of the arts of civilized life. They had begun to depend
less upon the chase for subsistence, than upon the cultivation of the
soil. They had more permanent places of residence, and were less
wandering in their habits, than most of their race upon this
continent. They had numerous villages, cultivated fields, orchards,
and rude gardens. They were enjoying many of the comforts and
conveniences of civilization.
Gen. SULLIVAN was appointed commander of the expedition.
After some delay and embarrassment he assembled his division at
Wyoming, marched to Tioga, and formed a juncture with the
eastern division, under the command of Gen. JAMES CLINTON. On
the 22d of August, 1779, the two divisions united and made an
effective force of five thousand men. Gen. SULLIVAN marched up
sent to Albany, and ultimately, reached their home at Cherry Valley. When Gen.
WASHISGTOS traversed the valley of the Mohawk, in the summer of 1784, accompanied
by Gov. CLINTOH and others, they were the guests of Col. Campbell in the rude log
cabin he had erected after the war. Gov. Clinton observed to Mrs. Campbell, in
reference to her boys : " They will make fine soldiers in time." " I hope my country
will never need their services," was the response of one who had seen enough of war
and its consequences. "I hope so too madam," said Gen. WASHISGTOX, for "I have
seen enough of war."
278 HISTORY OF THE
the Tioga and Chemung, taking every precaution to guard against
surprise and ambuscades.
The estimate made by Gen. SULLIVAN in his report of the
strength of the Indians and Tories, at fifteen hundred, materially
differs from the official report of Col. JOHN BUTLER, who assumes
that he had but six hundred British and Indians. The Indians were
under the command of JOSEPH BRANT, and the Rangers under Col.
JOHN BUTLER, who held the chief command.* The British and
Indians had taken position and thrown up some rude fortifications
about a mile below Newtown, now Elmira. Col. BUTLER states in
his official account of the battle, that the Senecas, and the few
Delawares he had with him, had selected this spot and obstinately
resolved to make a stand there, in spite of the opposition of himself
and BRANT.
After destroying on his way all the Indian towns and planted
fields that could be reached, on the 29th of August, Gen. SULLIVAN
prepared to attack the British and Indians in their own position.
In the battle that followed, a portion of the Indians maintained
their ground firmly and bravely, fought as long as there was any
hope of victory. BRANT and another chief named KIANGARACHTA,
particularly distinguished themselves, flying from point to point,
animating and sustaining their warriors, by encouraging words, and
daring deeds. Col. BUTLER bitterly complains of the conduct of
some of his Indian allies in the early part of the engagement, who
became frightened and panic struck by the explosion of some shells
thrown beyond them, which they supposed came from an opposite
direction, and led them to think that they were about to be
surrounded, and all means of escape cut off. The battle having
continued near two hours, the enemy became fearful of being
completely hemmed in, precipitately abandoned his works and fled.
Gen. SULLIVAN pursued him for nearly two miles, destroying every
thing that could possibly be of any service to the Indians. Col.
BUTLER acknowledged the loss of only five rangers, killed or taken;
five Indians killed, and nine wounded. It is evident that he under-
estimated his loss, for Gen. SULLIVAN found eleven dead on the
field, and it is a well known Indian custom, to carry off as many
of their dead as possible. Beside the eleven, fourteen were found
* The statement made by Col. Stone, in his life of Brant, that the Johnson's were
present, participating in the movements against Gen. Sullivan, is contradicted by the
official report of Col. John Butler.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 279
partially buried under the leaves. So effectual was the dispersion
of the Indians as to render it impossible that Col. BUTLER should be
able to ascertain his precise loss. The loss of the Americans was
only five or six killed, and forty or fifty wounded a very small
loss considering the force they had to contend with, and the fierce-
ness with which the battle was fought
Gen. SULLIVAN promptly followed up his advantage. The
Indians seemed to be disheartened from a conviction that they
could not make a successful stand against Gen. SULLIVAN, arrest
his onward march, and the consequent ruin and devastation which
they knew would inevitably attend it.
They made no more serious and united opposition to the inva-
ders. When they heard that Gen. SULLIVAN was approaching to
their villages on the Genesee, they did indeed think of making
another attempt. They selected a position between the head of
Connesus lake and Honeoye outlet. They intended to await the
approach of SULLIVAN in ambuscade. They, however, retreated
when SULLIVAN came up, and fled before him. He continued his
march, leaving burning villages and devastated fields, the witnesses
of his presence. While Gen. SULLIVAN was constructing a bridge
over a creek which led to Little Beard's town, Lieut. BOYD was
sent out to observe the situation of the village. After a long,
fatiguing march, continued far into the night, the party came
to a village that appeared to have been lately deserted, as fires
were yet burning in the huts. They passed the remainder of the
night there, sending two of their number back to the main army
to report.* BOYD having been discovered in the morning, resolved
to reach the main army as soon as possible. He met with no
difficulty until he came within a mile and a half of Gen. SULLI-
VAN'S camp, when they encountered a party of observation
belonging to the enemy. Lieut. BOYD'S brave but devoted little
band were soon surrounded, and their only chance of escape was
to cut their way through the ranks of their foe. Twelve of
BOYD'S men were soon shot down, and himself and PARKER taken
prisoners, the other seven making their escape. BOYD immediately
asked for an interview with BHANT, which was granted. While in
the presence of BRANT, he, by signs, gave him to understand, that
enemies though they might be on the battle field, yet there was one
* Mary Jamison's Narrative.
280 HISTORY OF THE
relation in which they were sacredly bound to regard each other
as "brothers." BRANT recognized the appeal, and promised to
protect him from injury. BOYD, placing the utmost confidence in
the assurance of BRANT, refused to answer any questions that Col.
BUTLER asked, relative to the condition, strength, and designs of
Gen. SULLIVAN'S army, although threatened with being delivered
over to the Indians, if he refused to give the desired information.
Confident of BRANT'S protection, he still declined. BUTLER,
meaning all that he threatened, gave BOYD and PARKER up to the
Indians. After inflicting on BOYD the most cruel tortures
throwing hatchets at his head, tearing off his nails, cutting off his
tongue, ears and nose, putting out one of his eyes, taking out an
end of his intestines, tying it to a small tree and then driving him
around as long as they could, they finally ended his sufferings by
cutting off his head. PARKER was also killed, but they cut off his
head, without any torture.
Gen. SULLIVAN now employed some time in completing the work
of desolation and destruction up and down the river, whereever
were found villages, wigwams, fields, orchards, gardens, corn,
cattle, or anything that is necessary to support life all were
swept away. The capture of Niagara, the general place of
rendezvous of the Indians, whence they sallied on those bloody
excursions which made them a terror to all the frontier settlements,
was not effected. Gen. SULLIVAN returned with his army, and
went into winter quarters, in New Jersey, having prepared the
way for the famine and want which the Indians soon felt. The
destruction of so many of their villages, and the total loss of their
planted fields, just as they were ripening for the harvest, and as the
previous year's supply was exhausted, caused hundreds of Indians,
with their wives and children, to flock to Fort Niagara for the
means of subsistence the ensuing winter the memorable winter
of 1779 and 1780. The British Canadian Governor, Sir JOHN
JOHNSON, was obliged to make great exertions to furnish sufficient
NOTE. In 1841, a public tribute of respect was paid to the memory of Boyd, by
citizens of the Genesee Valley. A large concourse assembled at the village of Cuyler.
The venerable revolutionary patriot, Maj. MOSES VAN CAMPEN, with other revolutionary
soldiers were present. The burial place of Boyd having been identified, his remains
were deposited in an urn, and suitable exercises were had in a grove near bv; including
a pertinent and timely historical and biographical discourse, by TKEAT, Esq.
The next day the remains, attended by a large military and civil escort, were taken to
Mount Hope cemetery, where their interment was attended by an address from Gov.
SEWARD, and suitable military and religious exercises.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 281
supplies for them. The following paragraph from a manuscript
letter of the Delaware chief, KILLBUCK, to Col. DAMEL BROAD-
HEAD, at Pittsburgh, dated at Salem, on the Muskingum, June 7th,
1780, will give some idea of the sufferings that were experienced:
"Some days ago, one man and an old woman, came from Niagara,
who acquaint me that last winter, three hundred Indians died at
that place of the flux."
The destruction of the Onondagas formed a part of the general
plan of SULLIVAN'S campaign against the Six Nations and preceded
it. The command of the eastern division of that expedition having
been assigned Gen. JAMES CLINTON, he detailed Col. VAN SCHAICK,
assisted by Col. WILLETT aud Major COCHRAN for the one against
the Onondagas. Gen. CLINTON instructed Col. VAN SCHAICK to
sweep away their villages and fields to take as many prisoners as
he could, with as little bloodshed as possible. On the 19th of
April, 1779, with about five hundred and fifty effective men, Col.
VAN SCHAICK left Fort Schuyler. Notwithstanding bad and rainy
weather, swollen streams and morasses, he arrived at the Onondaga
settlements on the third day. For the purpose of falling upon as
many towns at the same time as possible, the men were divided in
detachments with orders to make their attacks simultaneously. The
detachments suddenly came upon the Indian hamlets that were
scattered through the valley of the Onondaga Creek, and began
their devastating work. Indian villages were soon wrapt in flames,
cultivated fields destroyed, gardens spoiled, provisions wasted, and
cattle of all kinds killed. When they discovered that an enemy
had so unexpectedly rushed into their very midst, and was spreading
ruin on every side, they fled so precipitately that they left every
thing behind them, even their guns and other weapons of war.
From a state of security and plenty, in a day, the Onondagas were
reduced to misery and want became houseless and destitute.
Though they professed to be friendly to the Americans, their war
parties had long hovered on the borders of the frontiers and around
Fort Schuyler, scalping and murdering, imprisoning and torturing
all the white inhabitants they could. The influence of this expedi-
tion was salutary on the Oneidas, who were really friendly in their
feelings to the Americans. The Oneidas and Tuscaroras sent a
deputation to Fort Schuyler, and renewed their promises of friend-
282 HISTORY OF THE
ship. Having successfully accomplished the objects of the expe-
dition Col. VAN SCHAICK marched back to Fort Schuyler, without
loosing a single man.
In the spring and summer of 1780, the Mohawk valley was again
invaded, Sir JOHN JOHNSON heading the expedition Johnstown
the point of attack. BRANT was again upon the war path. He
attacked Canajoharie, burning houses, wasting property, and put-
ting to death, and making captive, the inhabitants. Jointly the two
leaders, one of the loyalists, and the other of the Indians, extended
the incursions into Schoharie. They re-enacted the terrible scenes
that have been described, occurring upon previous visits. The next
year, 1781, the Indians in alliance with the corps of JOHNSON and
BUTLER, harrassed the frontiers, and kept the settlers in a state of
dread and alarm.
In August, Major Ross and WALTER BUTLER, came from Canada
by the way of Sacondaga to Johnstow*, with a force of five hun-
dred regulars, Tories and Indians, and encamped near Johnson Hall.
They were attacked by Col. MARINUS WILLETT with a force of
three hundred men, in the end obliged to give way. They retreated
up the Mohawk, hotly pursued by their conqueror, Col. WILLETT.
In the month of January, 1783, Gen. WASHINGTON, not having
yet been apprised of the treaty of peace, conceived the plan of
surprising and obtaining possession of the important fortress of
Oswego. The possession of this post and Niagara had given the
enemy great advantage throughout the war. Oswego was then
one of the most formidable military defences on the continent.
The hazardous enterprise was confided to Col. WILLETT. There
is now residing in Bloomfield, Ontario county, a venerable pioneer
of western New York, BENJAMIN Goss who was with Col.
WILLETT in this expedition. From him, the author received some
account of it during the last summer: With great secresy, as the
original intention was a surprise, Col. WILLETT assembled his
force at Fort Herkimer on the 8th of February, and there provided
a large portion of them with snow shoes, as they had no beaten
track to follow, and the snow was from two feet and a half to three
feet deep. The men thus provided, went ahead and made a track
for a cavalcade of two hundred sleighs that followed, carrying the
remainder of the troops, and the baggage. The expedition crossed
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 283
Oneida lake on the ice, and arriving at Fort Brewington, at the
foot of the lake, the sleighs were left. Here a large number of the
pressed militia, having seen enough of a winter campaign in the
wilderness, deserted. An Oneida Indian was selected as the pilot
through the woods to Oswego. He, by mistake, or purposely,
misled the expedition, which occasioned great delay in arriving at
the garrison, and much suffering from cold and hunger. When
they supposed themselves near the garrison, and began to prepare
for the attack, they discovered that they had gone in another
direction, were lost in the forest, the deep snow adding much to
their perplexity and embarrassment. Changing their course, they
arrived within four miles of the place of destination, but in a
condition that did not justify an attack upon a strong fortification.
The men had been three days without provision, were wearied by
marching in the deep snow, and their ammunition had become
much injured. Col. WILLETT upon consultation with his officers,
resolved reluctantly to forego the attack, and retrace his steps.
The retreat was attended with even more suffering than the
advance. From the time the expedition left Fort Plain until its
return there, it was twelve days of almost constant suffering from
cold or hunger, or both combined. Many of the men had their
feet frozen, our informant among the number. On the return of
the expedition to Albany, it was met by the welcome news of
peace, proclaimed by the town clerk at the city Hall.
" The incursion of Ross and BUTLER was the last made into the
county of Tryon. Indeed, there was no longer any thing to destroy.
The inhabitants lost all but the soil they cultivated; their beautiful
county, except in the vicinity of the forts, was turned into a
wilderness. During the war, famine sometimes appeared inevi-
table, and it was with difficulty that they preserved from the
ravages of the enemy sufficient grain to support their families
during the winter. The resistance of the inhabitants on the fron-
tier settlements, however unimportant it may seem, because no great
battles were fought, or important victories won, was of very
considerable moment in the cause for which they struggled; they
kept back the enemy from the towns of the Hudson, and thus frus-
trated^ the plan of the British for establishing a line of posts along
that river. And while we admire the heroism and patriotism of
those worthies of the Revolution, whose names have come down
to us surrounded with a halo of glory, we should not withhold our
praise from those obscure individuals in the frontier settlements,
284 HISTORY OF THE
who, amid the most appalling dangers, surrounded on all sides by
enemies and traitors, still refused to submit to oppression and arbi-
trary exactions, though allured by assurances of safety and prom-
ises of reward. Many left their homes; many fell in battle in the
regular army, and in skirmishes and battles with the enemy at
home, and many fell silently by the rifle, the tomahawk, and the
scalping knife of the Indian." *
Having now travelled over a period of one hundred and seventy-
five years from the advent of CHAMPLAIN upon the St. Lawrence
to the close of the American Revolution we have done, for a
while, with wars,f and mostly, with the "rumors of wars*' -<md
enter upon the more pleasing task of recording the peaceful
triumphs of civilization and improvement of enterprise and
industry.
The settlement of Western New York followed soon after the
peace of 1783. Our national independence achieved the glorious
prospect of future peace and prosperity, opening upon our country
men's minds soon began to turn to the extension of the bounds
of civilization and improvement the enlargement of the theatre
upon which the experiment of free government and free institutions
was to be enacted. The war closed the armies discharged
there were many, poor in purse, but rich in all the elements that
fitted them to become the pioneers of the wilderness, the founders
of new settlements. There had come along with SULLIVAN to the
regions of Western New York, a great number of those who,
looking forward to the end of the war, converted the expedition to
the two-fold purpose of quelling the disturbers of the border set-
tlers, and viewing the country they inhabited, with an eye to future
enterprises. They passed through the vallies of the Mohawk, of
our interior lakes, of the Susquehannah, delighted at every step
with the beautiful prospects that surrounded them, until arriving at
the valley of the Genesee, it realized their highest hopes and most
extravagant anticipations. They returned to their homes to mingle
with the narratives of an Indian war, descriptions of the country
they had seen; resolved themselves to retrace their steps upon the
* Campbell's Annals.
t With the exception of some brief references to the campaigns of St. Clair and
Wayne.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 285
more peaceful mission of emigration and settlement; and their
representations turned the attention of others in this direction.
Thus War as it is often its province to do as if it was the will
of Providence to make evils productive of blessings aided in
hastening and achieving one of the noblest triumphs of Peace.
[Before commencing to trace the progress of settlement westward, brief biographical
sketches of individuals who were in Western New York, previous to white settlement,
captives, one of them a voluntary exile; will be inserted in a separate chapter.]
286 HISTORY OF THE
CHAPTER IV.
BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
HORATIO JONES.
HORATIO JONES, an Indian captive, was born in December,
1763, in Bedford county, Pennsylvania. His father was a black-
smith, and intended that his son should follow the same business.
But at a very early age, HORATIO'S love of adventure and military
life, showed itself by his voluntarily going off with companies of
soldiers as a fifer, and cheerfully enduring all the privations of the
camp. He was active, enterprising, fearless possessed of a
powerful frame, capable of enduring any amount of fatigue, a sure
and accomplished marksman. Though but a boy, hardly capable
of fully understanding the merits of the contest, yet with the ardent,
enthusiasm of youth, he joined the patriot ranks, ready and willing
to face any danger and perform any duty. In 1781, he enlisted as
a soldier in the army of the United States, and belonged to a com-
pany called "Bedford Rangers." This company repaired to a
neighboring fort, to be reinforced, and then to march into the
Indian country. When the company arrived at the fort, the
garrison there was found so weak that no soldiers could be spared.
Notwithstanding this, Capt. DUNLAP, the commander of the com-
pany, resolved to proceed with the small force he had with him.
He had not gone far, before he was surrounded by Indians, who
simultaneously fired upon him, killed nine of his men, took eight
prisoners, among the latter of whom, was himself and young
JONES. JONES tried to make his escape by flight, but he fell down,
was overtaken and captured.
The captives were carried into the wilderness. For two days
they were entirely without food, and on the third day only the
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 287
entrails of a bear was allowed them. Capt. DUNLAP was wounded.
Showing some slight evidence of exhaustion, an Indian, fearing
that he might be troublesome, silently stepped up behind him, and
without a warning word, struck a hatchet deep into the back of his
neck, stripped off his scalp, and left him to die. For the first two
or three days after their capture, the Indians were very cautious
and watchful; they would hardly allow a gun to be fired, lest the
sound might guide their pursuers. After the fourth day, they
began to relax their vigilance. A hunting party had been out and
prepared some food. The Indians pointed it out to JOXES, who
supposed that the\ intended it as an invitation to dine; so he com-
menced running toward the spot, and they after him; when he
reached it, he stopped. The Indians, supposing that he was trying
to make his escape, laid him on his back, tied each limb to a tree,
drove pronged sticks over his arms and legs, and in that condition
kept him all night, his face upwards and the rain falling in it
During their forest journey, they regarded JOXES with so much
favor that they relieved him of his burden. Observing that one
of his fellow-captives, older and feebler than himself, was over-
loaded, he generously took part of his load and carried it for him.
When they arrived at the Indian settlement, at Nunda, Alleghany
county, he was informed that a council had been held, and the
Great Spirit had interposed in his behalf. He was taken to a height
near the village, by an Indian, who showed him a wigwam at a
considerable distance, and said if he could reach that unhurt, all
would be well if he passed through the fearful trial safely, he
would be adopted and regarded as one of themselves. He imme-
diately began the perilous race, swiftly pressing his way forward
through a shower of clubs, stones, knives, hatchets and arrows
skillfully dodging and evading them all he reached his destination
and was received as one of their nation.
JOXES possessed those qualities both of mind and body which
the Indians most admire and respect. He was strong and finely
proportioned, and able to rival any of them in those feats which
they regard as tests of manliness. He was bold and fearless. By
his care and prudence he soon gained their confidence and esteem.
He became familiar with their language, and was often employed
as an interpreter.
The life which he led among his new associates seems to have
been marked by all the vicissitudes which distinguish the Indian
288 HISTORY OF THE
state. He accommodated himself to his new situation, and made
himself as happy as circumstances would allow. Though sur-
rounded by savages, he had the courage to resent any insults they
ventured to offer. When they threw hatchets at him he threw
them back, and often with better success than they had. On one
occasion, an Indian named SHARPSHINS, commenced the play of
throwing tomahawks at JONES, in earnest. JONES threw them back
with such effect as to endanger the life of SHARPSHINS, and render
his recovery from the wound doubtful. He however, got well, and
was careful how he provoked the "pale face warrior.' 1 He made
himself very useful to them in reparing their hunting implements
and weapons of war.
In the chase successful, swift on the race course, often outstrip-
ping their fleetest runners temperate in his habits cheerful in
his dispositions with a firm and fearless spirit, he soon became a
great favorite with the Indians, he acquired a power and influence
over them which he always exercised on the side of humanity, and
saved captives from the lingering tortures of an Indian execution.
He was often chosen arbiter to decide their disputes, and so
uniformly just were his decisions, that he used to draw acknowl-
edgements of the correctness of his judgements from those against
whom he decided.
The history of his residence among the Indians is full of thrilling
incidents and daring adventures. Without any very strict adhe-
rence to order, we shall speak of some of them:
He had not been with them long before a "young brave" began
to amuse himself at the expense of JONES, who warned him in vain
to desist. At dinner one day, the young Indian renewed his sport;
JONES jumped up, ran to the fire, seized a boiling squash by the
neck, gave chase, overtook the Indian, and thrust the hot squash
between his loose garments and bare skin. After this he was per-
mitted to eat his dinner in peace.
JONES often saved the lives of prisoners. Major VAN CAMPEN,
with two others, having fallen into their hands, they were placed
under a guard of seven Indians. The prisoners managed to get
loose during the night, kill all the Indians, except one, who ran
away with VAN CAMPEN'S hatchet sticking in his back. The White
prisoners made their escape. VAN CAMPEN became an object of
their deadly hatred. He soon after fell into their hands again. A
council was assembled to determine his fate. JONES knew that he
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 289
was the man who " lent JOHN* MOHAWK the hatchet," but wished to
conceal it from the rest of the Indians. |fn the midst of the council
sat VAN CA.MPEN, calm, unmoved, self possessed, closely watching
every new comer, expecting soon to see JOHN MOHAWK enter with
the fatal loan. JOXES leaped over the heads of the Indians, and
acted as interpreter, asking questions and answering them. The
Indians were induced to refer the case to their prophet, who decided
that the life of the prisoner should be spared.
JONES, with his Indian father and family, were in the habit of
making annual visits to their relatives, living on Grand river, in
Canada. They went through Tonawanda village, down the south
side of the creek, to its mouth and were anxious to get across that
night to camp at Schlosser. A canoe lay opposite them, on the
north side of the creek. JONES wanted to swim across and get it,
but his Indian father told him no one ever attempted to swim the
Tonawanda. but was drowned by the witches sunk under the
water, and never seen afterwards. JONES told him that he be-
longed to a nation that could control the witches in the water, and
said he could bring the canoe over. His Indian mother told himjo- -
mind his father, as he was a man of sense and years. JONES and
his brothers being set to work to make a camp fire, he watched his
opportunity, plunged into the water, and, much to the surprise of the
Indians, succeeding in swimming across, and in bringing the canoe
over. When he came back he was caressed by the party for his
miraculous escape. They encamped that night at Fort Schlosser.
The next morning they went down to Niagara. A British officer
wanted to purchase JONES having bought two prisoners of the
same family before. The Indian father refused the offer, because
JONES was his adopted son. The officer offered gold and told how
rich his father, the King, was. "Go and tell your father the king,
that he is not rich enough to buy Ta-e-da-o-qua," replied the Indian-
The triumph of JONES over the witches at Tonawanda made him
valued more than before among the Indians.
At one period of his life he became dissatisfied with his manner
of living, and resolved to visit the home and scenes of his child-
hood. He accordingly started and traveled a day; night came,
and he began to reflect how few of his youthful associates would
remember him ; how fewer still might be the number remaining there,
and how coldly he might be received. The morning found him
retracing his steps, with no more thoughts of changing his condition.
19
290 HISTORY' OF THE
When this whole region of country was a wilderness, and the
roads, that are now lined An either side by well cultivated fields,
were not even marked out, Capt. HORATIO JONES was often
employed to convey money and dispatches from one distant place
to another. He was always faithful and trust worthy, never
failing, to transact the business on which he was sent. These
journeys, which he often performed alone, were then attended with
difficulties and dangers few can now appreciate. The thickest-
leaved tree was his only shelter from the storm when night came
on; the pure spring his only hotel, where he partook of his frugal
meal, which he carried with him. Yet with a brave heart and
cheerful spirit, would he start off on these journeys, heedless of the
perils that he might have to encounter.
The change made in his course of life by his captivity, he seems
never to have regretted, but to have voluntarily acquiesced in,
when it was in his power to return to his former home. He loved
forest-life its unrestrained liberty its comparative freedom from
want and care the opportunities which it afforded him for
indulging in his favorite pursuits of hunting and fishing, and
beholding and admiring nature in its primitive beauty and grandeur.
Settlement, civilization, came to him; he did not seek it; though
adapting himself again to the associations from which he had long
been an exile, he made himself useful in the early period of
emigration to the Genesee valley. When his brother, JOHN H,
JONES, came to the Seneca lake in Oct. 1788, he found him there,
surrounded "with quite a little settlement every house was
covered with barks, no boards or shingles to be had." His son,
WM. W. JONES, now residing at Leicester, Livingston Co., was
born at Geneva, in Dec. 1786, and was the first white male child
born west of Utica. In the spring of 1790, Capt. JONES and
family, went upon the Genesee river, occupying at first, an Indian
house, in Little Beard's town.
Soon after the treaty of peace, between the United States and
the Six Nations, President WASHINGTON appointed Capt. JONES
Indian Interpreter, which office he held until within a year or two
of his death. For near forty years he discharged the duties of the
office with ability and fidelity.
At a council held by the Six Nations, at Genesee river, Nov.
1798, it was decreed that a present should be made to Capt. JONES
and Capt. PARRISH. To this end a speech was made by FARMER'S
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 291
BROTHER, which was intended as a communication to the Legisla-
ture of this state, asking its co-oper^ion in the matter. The
title was finally confirmed. An extract from the speech is
inserted:
"BROTHERS: This whirlwind," (the Revolution,) "was so
directed by the Great Spirit above, as to throw into our arms two
of your infant children, HORATIO JONES and JASPER PARRISH. We
adopted them into our families, and made them our children. We
nourished them and loved them. They lived with us many years.
At length the Great Spirit spoke to the whirlwind, and it was still.
A clear and uninterrupted sky appeared. The path of peace was
opened, and the chain of friendship was once more made bright.
Then these adopted children left us to seek their relations. We
wished them to return among us, and promised, if they would
return and live in our country, to give each of them a seat of land
for them and their children to sit down upon.
BROTHERS: They have returned, and have for several years
past been serviceable to us as Interpreters, we still feel our hearts
beat with affection for them, and now wish to fulfill the promise
we made them, for their services. We have therefore made up
our minds to give them a seat of two square miles of land lying on
the outlet of lake Erie, beginning at the mouth of a creek, known
as Suyguquoydes creek, running one mile from the Niagara river,
up said creek, thence northerly, as the over runs, two miles, thence
westerly, one mile to the river, thence up the river as the river
runs, two miles to the place of beginning, so as to contain two
square miles.''
Capt. JONES died at his residence upon the Genesee river, in
1836. at the age of seventy-five years; in the full possession and
excercise of all his mental faculties his eye undimmed his
nerves unstrung full of years, and without reproach.
i
Those from whom the author derived the information contained in this
biographical sketch, did not name the fact of his having left the Indians for a short
period after the Revolution: which fact is to be inferred from the language of Farmer's
Brother. Whatever may have been the fact with regard to a temporary residence
among the whites, it would seem that he had returned, and had a family upon the
Seneca lake as earlv as 1756.
292 HISTORY OF THE
JASPER PARRISH.
Capt. JASPER PARRISH was born in March, 1766, in Windham
Connecticut. He was quite young when his parents moved to
Luzerne county, Pennsylvania. Soon after the Massacre of
Wyoming, when only eleven years old, he was taken captive by a
party of Delawares, and carried away by them from his home.
During the seven years of his captivity, he was often transferred
from one tribe to another among the Six Nations, and exposed to
all the hardships and privations of Indian life. While he was
among them, by his prudent and conciliatory conduct, he managed
to gain their confidence and good will. He learned and became
familiar with the language of five different nations, and he could
speak them all with fluency and correctness. In the treaty
negotiated at Fort Stanwix between the United States and the Six
Nations, in 1784, the Indians agreed to surrender all their prisoners
and captives. PARRISH, with others was accordingly released.
He was shortly appointed Indian Interpreter, and afterwards a
sub-agent of Indian affairs, by the government of the United
States. He discharged the duties of these offices in a manner
entirely satisfactory to his own government and the Indians, for
more than thirty years. He was an early pioneer in Ontario
county, having settled at Canandaigua as early as 1792.
At a very tender age, when he could hardly begin even to
appreciate its consequences, he was destined to experience how
sudden and awful are some of the misfortunes of life. We can
scarcely conceive of a more startling and fearful change, than to
be suddenly taken from the midst of civilization, and carried into
barbarism; to be compelled to relinquish the comforts, usages and
associations of the one, and be forced to submit to the hardships,
privations and customs of the other. It was the lot of PARRISH,
as it had been the lot of others, to suffer such a reverse of fortune.
But he seems to have met it with manly fortitude, and even to
have profited by it. In 1836, at the age of sixty-nine, he died,
respected and happy in the varied relations of life.
What in all human probability, appeared to have been the
greatest evil that could have befallen these captives individually,
perhaps was the source of the greatest good to the country
generally. During their captivity, they gained a more thorough
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 293
and extensive knowledge of the character, language, habits, man-
ners, &c. of the Indians, than they could otherwise have acquired.
They were adopted by the Indians into their families, regarded as
members of their nations. These captives saw them in war, and
in peace around the council fire and on the battle field at home
and abroad. Our government redeemed them whenever it could
and availed itself of their knowledge and experience, employed
them as interpreters and agents, consulted and advised with them;
and with their assistance, the proprietorship and possession of a
whole continent has been essentially changed; civilization has taken
the place of barbarism; the works of man, his art and his science,
are transforming the whole face of nature, and giving a new and
different direction, to its course and destiny.
MARY JEMISON.
The interesting and instructive narrative of the captivity and
life of MARY JF.MISOX. written as she herself related the story to
her biographer before the faculties of her mind were impaired,
though more than three quarters of a century afterwards, has
made most readers familiar with her strange fortunes.
In the summer of 1755, during the French and Indian wars, her
fathers house, situated on the western frontier of Pennsylvania,
was surrounded by a band, consisting of six Indians and four
Frenchmen. They plundered and carried away whatever thej
could that was valuable, and took the whole family captive, with
two or three others, who were staying with it, at the time. They
were all immediately hastened away into the wilderness, murdered
and scalped, with the exception of MARY and a small boy, who
were carried to Fort Du Quesne. Little MARY was there given
to two Indian sisters, \tfio came to that place to get a captive to
supply the place of a brother that had been slain hi battle. They
took her down the Ohio to their home, adopted her as their sister,
under the name of DEHHEWAMIS a word signifying "a beautiful
girl." The sorrow and regret which so sudden and fearful a
change in her condition produced, gradually yielded under the
NOTE The prominent position of Capt Parrish at an early period of the settlement
of Western New York, would suggest a more extended biography than the author
could obtain materials to make. He found himself in possession of no data beyond a
brief obituary notice in the Ontario Repository.
294 HISTORY OF THE
influence of time; and she began to feel quite reconciled to her
fate, when an incident occurred, which once more revived her
hopes of being redeemed from captivity and restored to her friends.
When Fort Pitt fell into the possession of the British, MARY was
taken with a party who went there to conclude a treaty of peace
with the English. She immediately attracted the notice of the
white people, who showed great anxiety to know how one so
young and so delicate came among the savages. Her Indian
sisters became alarmed, and fearing that they might lose her,
suddenly fled away with her, and carried her back to their forest
home. Her disappointment was painful and she brooded over it
for many days, but at length regained her usual cheerfulness, and
contentment. As soon as she was of sufficient age, she was
married to a young Delaware Indian, named SHENINJEE. Notwith-
standing her reluctance at first to become the wife of an Indian,
her husband's uniform kind treatment and gentleness, soon won her
esteem and affection, and she says: " Strange as it may seem, 1
loved him!" and she often spoke of him as her "kind husband."
About 1759, she concluded to change her residence. With a little
child, on foot, she traveled to the Genesee river, through the
pathless wilderness, a distance of near six hundred miles, and
fixed her home at Little Beard's Town. When she came there,
she found the Senecas in alliance with the French; they were
making preparations for an attack on Fort Schlosser; and not a
great while after, enacted the tragedy at the Devil's Hole. Some-
time after her arrival, she received intelligence of the death of her
husband, SHENINJEE, who was to have come to her in the succeed-
ing spring. They had lived happily together, and she sincerely
lamented his death.
When the war between England and France ended, she might
have returned to the English, but she did not. She married
another Indian, named HIAKATOO, two or three years after the
death of SHENINJEE. When Gen. SULLIVAN invaded the Genesee
country, her house and fields shared a common fate with the rest.
When she saw them in ruins with great energy and perseve-
rance, she immediately went to making preparation for the coming
winter. Taking her two youngest children on her back, and
bidding the other three follow, she sought employment. She found
an opportunity to husk corn, and secured in that way twenty-five
bushels of shelled corn, which kept them through the winter.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 295
After the close of the Revolution, she obtained the grant of a
large tract of land, called the "Gardeau Reservation," which was
about six miles in length and five in breadth. With the exception
of some deeply afflicting domestic calamities, and the uneasiness
and discontent which she felt as the white people gathered around,
and her old Indian associates departed, but little occurred in her
after life which need be noticed here. In 1831, preferring to pass
the remainder of her days in the midst of those with whom her youth
and middle age had 'been spent, she sold the rest of her land at
Gardeau Flatts, purchased a farm on the Buffalo Reservation,
where the Senecas, among whom she had long lived, had settled
some five years previous. She passed the remainder of her days
in peace and quietness, embraced the Christian religion, and on the
19th of September, 1833, ended a life that had been marked by
vicissitudes, such as it is the lot of but few to experience.
The story of her family, of her son JOHX, especially, his mur-
der of his brothers, &c., has been well narrated in the small work
originally written by JAMES E. SEAVER, and afterwards enlarged
and improved by EBENEZER Mix. The author in his boyhood, has
often seen the "White Woman," as she was uniformly called
by the early settlers; and remembers w r ell the general esteem in
which she was held. Notwithstanding she had one son who was a
terror to Indians, as well as the early white settlers, she has left
many descendants who are not unworthy of her good name.
JACOB JEMISOX, a grand son of hers, received a liberal education,
passed through a course of medical studies, and was appointed an
assistant surgeon in the U. S. Navy. He died on board of his ship,
in the Mediterranean.
Soon after the war of 1812, an altercation occurred between
DAVID REESE, of Buffalo (who was at the time the government
blaeksmith for the Senecas upon the Reservation near Buffalo)
and a Seneca Indian called YOUNG KIXG, which resulted in a
severe blow with a scythe, inflicted by REESE, which nearly
severed one of the Indian's arms; so near in fact, that amputation
was immediately resorted to. The circumstance created consid-
erable excitement among the Indians, which extended to Gardeau,
the then home of the JEMISON family. JOHN JEMISOX, headed a
party from there, and went to Buffalo, giving out as he traveled
along the road, that he was going to "kill REESE." The author
saw him on his way, and recollects how well he personated the
296 HISTORY OF THE
ideal "angel of death." His weapons were the war club and
tomahawk; red paint was daubed upon his swarthy face, and long
bunches of horse hair, colored red, were dangling from each arm;
his warlike appearance was well calculated to give an earnest to
his threats. REESE was kept secreted, and thus in all probability,
avoided the fate that even kindred had met at the hands of JOHN
JEMISON.
Mrs. BLACKMAN, a surviving daughter of PETER PITTS, the
early pioneer upon the Honeoye Flatts, says: "Mrs. JEMISON
used to be at our house frequently, on her journeys from Gardeau
to Canandaigua and back. BILL ANTIS at Canandaigua used to do
her blacksmithing. She was a smart intelligent woman. She
used often to sit down and tell my father stories of her captivity;
but always avoided doing it in the hearing of her Indian husband,
HlAKATOO."
ee notice of burial place of MARY JEMISON, p. 69.
EBENEZER, ALIAS, "INDIAN ALLAN."
It has been, in all periods of history, a marked, prominent result
of War, to draw out, develope the character of men. The flint,
inert of itself, is not more sure, when brought in quick contact with
hardened steel, to produce fire, than are the exigencies of War, to
produce daring, adventurous spirits; both good and bad. No
people, or age, dwelling in peace and quiet, undisturbed, know how
much of the elements of good and evil, in men's characters, are
slumbering, awaiting a stimulus, or call to action. How well was
this illustrated by the whole history of our Revolution! The great
colonial exigencies occurred separation war; a great neces-
sity was created; and men were found equal to it. There came
out from the quiet walks of life, here and there, often from whence
least expected, the bold, the daring the men to lead in field and
council fitted to the terrible emergency; gifted with the skill,
bravery and prudence, to carry it to a successful termination.
The history of the border wars, cotemporary with the Revolu-
tion, and prolonged beyond it; those that have succeeded them
upon our western and northwestern frontiers; are replete with
illustrations. They partook largely of the character of civil or
internal commotions of feuds between joint occupants of a soil
or country; they were predatory governed little by any settled
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 297
rules or regulations; dependent upon skill, cunning, stratagem; the
stealthy onset, and when necessary, the quick and irregular retreat.
The assailants knew no rules of regular warfare; the assailed must
adapt themselves to the exigency; and well did they do so.
There is hardly to t>e found in the whole range of history, an
account of war, or wars, so full of personal adventure, of individ-
ual daring, of all that w r ould interest and instruct, if gathered up
and recorded, as is all that relates to the border wars of New York.
The truthful historian, finds a marked extraordinary character, or
characters, in every prominent feature of the bloody contest; in
after times the novelist may find a basis of truth, for a wide range
of fancy.
These are thoughts that have occurred, after a brief review of
some memorandums, made in conversation of those who knew
EBENEZER ALLAN; and the perusal of some notices of him in the
life of MARY JEMISOX; and yet they are mainly not applicable to
him; for he was no hero, but rather a desperado. He warred
against his own race, country and color; vied with his savage allies
in deeds of cruelty and blood-shed. As a portion of his life was
spent in Western New York; and especially, as he was prominent
in an early period of settlement, some notice of him may be
regarded as coming within the scope of local history.
He was a native of New Jersey; joined himself to the back-
woodsmen of the valley of the Susquehannah, who under BRANT
and BUTLER, were allies of England leagued, and co-operating
with the Indians.* Mrs. JEMISOX says she has "often heard him
relate his inglorious feats, and confess crimes, the rehearsal of
which made my blood curdle, as much accustomed as I was to hear
of bloody and barbarous deeds." A detail of the enormities he
confessed though it is said, with some professions of regret
would be but a recapitulation of tales of horror, with which narra-
tives of the border wars abound.
* Little is known of his early history, birth, parentage &c. Mrs. GEORGE HOSMER,
of Avon speaks of a sister of his, as her early tutor, at a period when there were no
schools. She had married a British soldier, named Dugan, and resided upon a farm of
Allan's at " Dugan's creek," a small stream emptying into the Genesee river a few
miles below Avon Springs; and at another period, at Allan's mill. Mrs. Hosmer
speaks of her as a well educated, and otherwise accomplished woman, who had con-
nected herself in marriage to one in every way unworthy of her. She had been in the
capacity of governess in the family of Lo'rd Stirling, in "Xew Jersey; others, who knew
her in her singularly chosen retreat, in the wilderness dependant principally, for support
upon a brother who seems to have fled from civilized life because he was unworthy of
a participation in its blessings speak of her in high terms of praise and commendation.
298 HISTORY OF THE
Near the close of the Revolutionary war, ALLAN, then a young
man, made his first appearance on the Genesee river. He had
acquired the habits of Indian life, made Mrs. JEMISON'S house his
residence; seemed an adventurer, alienated by his own acts from
kindred and home; and partly from choice, and partly from neces-
sity, seeking a permanent abode with his war associates.
As it was a preliminary step to after feats of gallantry, in which
he seems to have had a sovereign contempt for the usages of
savage as well as civilized life, it may be mentioned here, that he
had not been long at Gardeau, when he disturbed the domestic
relations of a white tenant of Mrs. JEMISON, who had married a
squaw. Unfortunately the two had a similarity of tastes. This,
after an open rupture and separation, resulted in a reconciliation, a
condition of which, was to remove away from the captivating
influences of the new comer.
He turned his attention to agriculture; worked the fine flats of
Mrs. JEMISON, until after the peace, in 1783, when he ventured to
Philadelphia, and returned with a horse and some dry-goods; built
a house, and settled at Mount Morris. He seemed disposed to
peace. Learning that the British and Indians, upon this frontier.
and in Canada, were determined to prolong the war, and continue
their attacks upon the settlements in the Mohawk valley, he fore-
stalled their action by an ingenious fraud. Just before an expe-
dition was to start, he procured a belt of wampum and carried it
as a token of peace to the nearest American post. The Indians
were very unexpectedly informed that the overtures of peace were
accepted. The wampum, although presented without their consent,
was a sacred thing with them, and they determined to bury the
hatchet go no more out upon the war path with their British
allies. The British at Fort Niagara, however, and the Indians,
mutually resolved to punish ALLAN. For months he was pursued;
but skulking in the woods, hiding in the cleft rocks, approaching
the hospitable wigwam of his friend the White Woman, stealthily,
at night, and getting food; he managed to keep out of their
clutches. The matter apparently dying away, the chase aban-
doned, ALLAN, "all in tatters, came in;" HI-A-KA-TOO, the husband
of Mrs. JEMISON, giving him a blanket and a piece of broadcloth,
with which he made himself some trousers. Dressed up, and
recruited a little, he turned his attention to matrimony; married
a squaw, whose name was SALLY. The news of all this transpiring
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 299
at Niagara, a party was sent down, who succeeded in arresting
him. Just as they were arriving at the garrison, a house near by
took fire, the guard went to extinguish the flames; ALLAN took
to his heels. Arriving at Tonawanda, he armed himself, got some
refreshments, and went on to Little Beard's Town, where he
found his wife SALLY. Attempting to go to Gardeau, he discov-
ered a party of British and Indians in pursuit of him. Then
followed weeks of skulking, lying in wait by his pursuers, a search
of all the fastnesses of the forest; frequent approaches of the
fugitive by night, to get food from the benevolent hand of the
White Woman; until the pursuit was again abandoned, the
pursuers returning to Niagara. ALLAN again ventured out with
assurances of protection by the Indians, who by this time, were
generally his friends, and in favor of an armistice being extended
to him; believed "that the Niagara people were persecuting him
without just cause." The chief, LITTLE BEARD, had given orders
for his protection. His persecutors had appropriated his horse and
goods, but all this time, Mrs. JEMISOX had been the faithful
depository of a " box of money and trinkets." Thus situated, in
fancied security, the party again came on from Niagara, took him
by surprise, and carried him bound to the garrison, where he was
confined for the whiter. In the spring, he was taken to Montreal
for trial, and acquitted. There was probably no law, or precedent,
for punishing the offence of carrying wampum to the enemy. It
was a novel offence; and the proof must have been difficult to
obtain. It probably aided in putting an end to the cruel warfare
upon the border settlers upon the Mohawk and Susquehannah,
stimulated and encouraged from the British, in this quarter the
authorities of Canada, the officers of Fort Niagara, at Kingston
and Oswego, after peace had been concluded; and even after their
allies of the Six Nations, wished to bury the tomahawk and
scalping knife.* For so much, let " Indian Allan," be credited.
He went immediately to Philadelphia, and purchased on credit,
"a boat load of goods," bringing them to Mount Morris, by the
way of Conhocton. He bartered them for ginseng and furs, which
he sold at Niagara. He then planted corn, raised a large crop, and
after harvesting it, moved down to the mouth of "Allan's creek"
* It is evident from the whole narration, that it was the British, and not the Indians,
who wished to punish Allan: that the Seuecas, were even glad of the excuse to
refuse farther participation in the war.
300 HISTORY OF THE
where he lived with his squaw SALLY, who by this time had made
him the father of two daughters, named MARY and CHLOE. He
next season, entered into an arrangement with PHELPS and GOR-
HAM. in pursuance of which they gave him 100 acres of land, at
the Genesee Falls, in consideration of his building a grist and saw-
mill, to accommodate the few settlers in the surrounding country.*
His friend, Mrs. JEMISON, signalizes this advent of ALLAN as an
early miller of this region, by two murders, and the obtaining of
two additional wives. While conveying down the river some
materials, an old German named ANDREWS, in his employ, gave
him some offence, and as is supposed, he pushed him out of the
canoe. ANDREWS was never afterwards heard of; ALLAN still
resided at Allan's creek.
While at the Falls, superintending the erection of his mills, a
white man came along, emigrating to Canada. He had a young
daughter, that took ALLAN'S fancy; there was a summar^ courtship;
the young woman, "nothing loth," consented; the ambitious emi-
grant parents, thought the suitor rich, unmarried of course,
consented. They were married. "Miss LUCY," that was her
name had her dream of happiness soon interrupted. She was
introduced to the domicile of her suddenly acquired husband, where
she found a dark complexioned "SALLY," a joint tenant, and co-
partner in bed and board. She had none of her own race to
appeal to for redress, the parents had gone on their way, and she,
perhaps prudently, resolved to stay and make the best of it.
The backwood's "BLUE BEARD" was about this time in a
marrying way, and did not know where to stop. On a visit to Mrs.
JEMISON, at Gardeau, a short time after this, he saw a "young
woman with an old husband," and deemed that circumstance, a
justification for his gallantry. (Fatal to the happiness of many an
old dotard, would such a deduction in moral ethics be in these latter
days of January and May matches !) He poured into her ears the
* The author has in his possession a quit claim deed, or rather an assignment of his
right to this 100 acre tract, to Benjamin Barton, the father of Benjamin Barton, Jr. It
would seem he had at the date of it, no written title to the land, but he authorises Messrs.
Phelps and Gorham to deed to Mr. Barton. The consideration was "Two hundred
pounds, N. York currency." It is in the hand writing of Samuel Ogden, and witnessed
by " Gertrude Ogden," by which it would seem that it was executed in the city of New
York. The signature is well executed. It is written "E. Allan" not Allen. The
land is described as being on the "west side of Genesee river in Ontario county:
bounded east by the river, so as to take in the mills recently erected by the said Allan."
The instrument is dated March, 1792.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 301
story of his wealth his possessions at Allan's creek his -'Mills''
his influence; and succeeded so far as to induce his victim to
persuade her "old man" to accompany him home with his wife.
ALLAN under pretence of showing him his flats on Allan's creek,
took him out, and pushed him into the river. He saved himself
from drowning, but died in a few days, in consequence of the fall
and struggle. The young widow, remained in the harem for a
year, and left.
He removed from the creek, back to Mt. Morris, in the summer
of 1792, it is presumed, as he sold the mill tract, early in that
season. He built a house there; moved his remaining two wives
into it; and soon resolved to fill the vacancy occasioned by the
departure of the widow. He married MILLE M'GREGOR, the
daughter of a white settler upon the Genesee flats. Taking her
home, there was soon trouble in his domicil: SALLY and LUCY
united, and whipped the new comer, MILLE. She was provided
with a separate residence. This is a sad picture, it is confessed,
of morals and matrimony, in our region, at a primitive period; and
yet it is a truthful record. It is a specimen of "freedom in the
backwoods."
In 1791, the Seneca Indians deeded to ALLAN in trust, for his
two daughters, four square miles on the Genesee river, the tract
which now embraces the beautiful village of Mount Morris. The
deed commences by setting forth the reasons why the gift is made :
" It has been the custom of the nation from the earliest times of
our forefathers, to the present day, to consider every person born
of a Seneca woman as one of the nation, and as having equal rights
with every one in the nation to lands belonging to it. And whereas,
KYENDANENT, named in English, SALLY, has had two daughters
born of her body, by our brother JENUHSHIO, named in English,
EBENEZER ALLAN; the names of said daughters being in English.
MARY ALLAN, and CHLOE ALLAN,"&C. It was provided in the
deed that ALLAN should have the care of the land, until his daugh-
ters were married, or became of age; that out of its proceeds he
should cause the girls to be instructed ' ; in reading and writing,
sewing and other useful arts, according to the custom of the white
people." SALLY, the mother, was to have comfortable maintenance
during her natural life, or as long as she -remained unjoined to an-
other man." The deed is signed by the sachems and chiefs of the
Seneca nation, and by TIMOTHY PICKERING as U. S. Commissioner;
302 HISTORY OF THE
witnessed by Horatio Jones. Jasper Parrish, Oliver Phelps. Ebene-
zer Bowman.
In pursuance of the provisions of the deed, ALLAN took the two
daughters to Philadelphia and placed them in a school. Mrs.
BLACKMAN, to whom allusion has been made in a preceding page,
remembers well when ALLAN returned with his daughters from
Philadelphia, and 'staid at her fathers house over night. She says:
" The party were on horseback, attended by a white man and a
white woman, as waiters. ALLAN would not allow them to sit at
table with him and his daughters. The daughters were fine looking
well behaved girls. The early settlers here did not like ALLAN.
1 remember when he came near being burned up when dry grass
caught fire on Genesee Flatts, and that people generally were sorry
that he escaped. He has sit in my father's house often, and boasted
of the murders he had committed on the Susquehannah, and his
other exploits there." Mrs. B. says that ALLAN got the irons for
his mill at Rochester, at Conhocton, and hired Indians to take them
to Rochester on pack horses.
JOHN M' KAY, of Caledonia, says: "I knew ALLAN well. He
was about fifty years of age when I first came upon the Genesee
river. He was tall and strait light complexion genteel in ap-
pearance of good address. Capt. JONES told me the story of
ALLAN'S carrying the wampum to the American commissioner,
(not to the commandant of a post.) The Indians were very angry,
but said JONES, such was the influence he had over them, they
dared not to punish him." Mr. M' KAY thinks it was not a disinter-
ested act; but that the goods he carried to Mount Morris were the
proceeds of the pacific enterprize.
In 1797, finding the white settlers getting too thick around him
the restraints of civilized life, that he had fled from in his youth,
likely to interfere with his " perfect freedom" he sold his prop-
erty at Mount Morris, and moved to Delawaretown, on the
Thames, (C. W.) taking with him his white wife, and leaving
SALLY and MILLE behind. Gov. SIMCOE granted him 3000 acres
of land, upon condition, that he should build a saw-mill, grist-mill,
and a church; all but the church, to be his property. He per-
formed his part of the contract, and the title to his land was
confirmed. In a few years, he had his mills, a comfortable dwel-
ling, large improvements, was a good liver; and those who knew
him at that period, represent him as hospitable and obliging. In
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 303
two or three years after he left for Canada, MILLE followed him,
and when he was flourishing there, he had the two wives under one
roof. SALLY soon followed, remained hi the neighborhood about
a year, when she was driven away by the persecutions of the two
white wives. An acquaintance of the author, who was for a long
period his neighbor, says he once asked him how he could manage
two women. He replied that he {i ruled them with a rod of iron."
The reader must have, ere this, discovered that he was the man
thus to rule his household.
About the year 1806 or '7, reverses began to overtake him. At
one period, he was arrested and tried for forgery; at another, for
passing counterfeit money; at another, for larceny. He was
acquitted of each offence, upon trial. He was obnoxious to many
of his white neighbors, and it is likely, that at least two of the
charges against him, arose out of a combination that was prompted
by personal enmity. All this brought on embarrassments, which
terminated in an almost entire loss of his large property. He left
Delawaretown, and went upon some land that had been leased to
his daughters by the Indians.
Soon after the breaking out of the war of 1812, he was sus-
pected by the Canadian authorities, of being friendly to the
Americans, of holding a correspondence with Gen. HULL at
Detroit; arrested and confined in jail at Niagara. He was bailed
out upon condition that he should in no way interfere against the
government. He took no part in the war; though he was evidently
in favor of the Americans; alledging that the British government
had illy requited his services. He died in 1814.
His wife MILLE, was the mother of six children; LUCY of one;
and there were beside, the two half-breed daughters of SALLY.
An elderly lady of the authors acquaintance, knew these daughters
well after they went to reside upon the Thames. They were
tolerably educated, amiable and reputable. They died after hav-
ing become the wives of white men, and the mothers of several
children, who are supposed to be still living in Canada West. His
son SENECA ALLAN, is a resident of one of the western states.
NOTE. Allan conveyed the land at Mount Morris, that was given to his daughters,
to Robert Morris; by what right, it does not appear upon the records. Allan's creek,
heading in Wyoming, passing through Warsaw, Le Roy, and emptying into the Gen-
esee river at Scottsville, derives its name from the subject of our biographical sketch.
He had a farm where Scottsville now is.
PART FOURTH.
CHAPTER I.
PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENT WESTWARD, AFTER THE REVOLUTION'.
In the treaty of peace which ended the Revolution, Great
Britian made no provisions for her Indian allies. Notwithstanding
their strong and well founded claims to British regard and protec-
tion they were left to take care of themselves, and get out of the
difficulties in which an unsuccessful war had involved them, as best
they could. They were much offended and disappointed; they
complained of this conduct as unjust and ungrateful, in view of the
sacrifices they had made, and losses they had sustained, all along
through the war. They were sagacious enough to conclude, that
if the arms of the "Thirteen Fires," had conquered them and
their British allies united, there was little use in their contending
single handed. A portion of them however, were not disposed to
yield. Prompted by British agents, they were for leaguing with
the North Western Indians, and reviving the war. Among these,
was the youthful, subtle, and eloquent Red Jacket. But Corn
Planter, and some others of the more influential Indians, counciled
peace, and peaceable councils prevailed.
Accordingly the sachems, chiefs and warriors, of the Six Nations,
and the commissioners in behalf of the United States, assembled at
Fort Stanwix in October, 1784, and concluded a treaty of peace
and friendship. Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler and Arthur Lee,
acted as commissioners for the United States. The Six Nations
agreed to surrender all their captives, and relinquish " all claims to
the country lying west of a line beginning at the mouth of Oyo-
wagea creek, flowing into lake Ontario, four miles east of Niagara;
thence southerly, but preserving a line four miles east of the carry-
ing path, to the mouth of the Tehoseroron, or Buffalo creek; thence
to the north boundary of Pennsylvania; thence east to the end of
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 305
that boundary; and thence south along the Pennsylvania line to the
river Ohio."*
"The cession of their hunting grounds north-west of the Ohio,
was vigorously, though unavailingly opposed by the red men. Sa-
goyewatha, or Red Jacket, then young and nameless among the
head men, rose rapidly in favor with the Senecas for his hostility to
the measure while the popularity of their great chief Cornplanter,
suffered severely among his race for his partiality to the whites, in
the arrangement." * * * The patriotism of Red Jacket was
then thoroughly aroused, and his wisdom and eloquence were gen-
erally zealously employed to vindicate the rights of the red man
against the encroaching influence of the pale faces. He was elected
a chief among the Senecas, soon after this treaty, and his influence
was great in the Indian confederacy for upwards of forty years."f
After the conclusion of this treaty, the United States commis-
sioners, in consequence of the then condition of the Six Nations, and
in pursuance of the humane and liberal intentions of the government
whose agents they were, distributed a large quantity of goods in
the form of presents.
It will be observed that at the treaty above referred to, the
Indians made no cession of territory, but simply defined their
* A bad definition of boundaries, bat the reader will have no difficulty in seeing what
was intended.
t History of Rochester and Western New York.
NOTE. Lafayette was present at the treaty of Fort Stanwix. After the lapse of
forty years, the generous Frenchman, the companion of Washington, and the Seneca
orator again met The author was present at the inteview. A concourse of citizens
had been assembled for nearly two days, awaiting the arrival of the steam boat from
Dunkirk, which had been chartered by the committee of Erie county, to convey La-
fayette to Buffalo, and among them was Red Jacket He made, as usual, a somewhat
ostentatious display of his medal a gift from Washington and it required the especial
attention of a select committee to keep the aged chief from an indulgence a "sin
that so easily beset him," which would have marred the dignity, if not the romance
of the intended interview. The reception, the ceremonies generally, were upon a sta-
ging erected in front of " Rath bun's Eagle. " After they were through with, Red Jacket
was escorted upon the staging, by a committee. " The Douglass in his hall,"
himself, in his native forest never walked with a firmer step or a prouder bearing!
There was the stoicism of the Indian seemingly, the condescension, if it existed, was
his, and not the "Nation's Guest" He addressed the General in his native tongue,
through an interpreter who was present During the interview, Lafayette not recog-
nizing him, alluded to the treaty of Fort Stanwix: "And what" said he, "has become
of the young Seneca, who on that occasion so eloquently opposed the burying of the
tomahawk?" "He is now before you!" replied Red Jacket The circumstance, as
the reader will infer, revived in the mind of Lafayette, the scenes of the Revolution,
and in his journey the next two days, his conversation was enriched bv the reminis-
cences which it called up.
20
306 HISTORY OF THE
boundaries, recognizing and somewhat enlarging the bounds of the
" carrying place " at Niagara, which they had granted under Eng-
lish dominion.
This treaty was the first ever made by the United States with
the Indians.
At Fort Herkimer, on the Mohawk, in June, 1785, a treaty was
held with the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, by George Clinton and
other commissioners. For a consideration of eleven thousand five
hundred dollars, those nations ceded to the State of New York,
the land lying between the Unadilla and Chenango rivers, south of
a line drawn east and west between those streams, and north of
the Pennsylvania line, &c.
On the 12th of September, 1788, the Onondagas, by a treaty at
Fort Stanwix, ceded to the State of New York, all their territory,
saving a reservation around their chief village. It was stipulated
that the Onondagas should enjoy forever, the right of fishing and
hunting in the territory thus relinquished. The " Salt Lake," and
the land around the same for one mile, was to remain forever for
the common use of the State of New York, and the Onondagas,
for the purpose of making salt, and not to be disposed of for other
objects. The consideration was a thousand French crowns in
hand, two hundred pounds value in clothing; and a perpetual
annuity of five hundred dollars. Upon a full confirmation of the
treaty, in 1790, the state gave as a gratuity, an additional five
hundred dollars.
On the 22d of September 1788, the Oneidas, who had before
ceded a part of their lands, made an additional cession, including all
their lands except a small reservation for themselves, and another
for the Brothertown Indians, which they had previously given
them. The consideration was two thousand dollars in hand, two
thousand dollars in clothing, one thousand dollars in provisions,
five hundred dollars to build a grist mill on their reservation; and
a perpetual annuity of five hundred dollars.
By a treaty at Albany, in 1789, the Cayugas ceded to the State
of New York all their lands, saving a reservation of one hundred
square miles exclusive of the waters of Cayuga lake, about which
the reservation was located. The consideration was five hundred
dollars in hand; an agreement to pay one thousand five hundred
.and twenty-five dollars, in June following; and a perpetual annuity
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 307
of five hundred dollars. Upon the final confirmation of the treaty,
the State paid the Cayugas as a gratuity, one thousand dollars.
In 1793, the Onondagas ceded to the state some portions of their
reservation. The consideration was four hundred dollars in hand,
and a perpetual annuity of four hundred dollars.
On the 29th of March, 1797, the Mohawks, who had mostly
fled to Canada during the Revolution, by their agents, Capt. Joseph
Brant and Capt. John Deserontyon, relinquished to the State of
New York all claims to lands within the state, for the sum of one
thousand dollars, and six hundred dollars in the form of a fee for
traveling expenses, &c. advanced to the above named agents.
Numerous treaties and cessions of reservations followed, with
the five easterly nations of the confederacy, but the cessions that
have been noticed embraced the great body of their lands. In all
these cessions the Indians reserved the right of fishing and hunting,
and stipulated to lend their assistance in keeping off intruders upon
the lands.
A treaty was held at Canandaigua on the llth of September,
1794, between the United States and the Six Nations Timothy
Pickering acting in behalf of the United States. The object of
President Washington in ordering this treaty, was to remove some
existing causes of complaint, and establish a firm and permanent
friendship with the Indians. These two objects were consummated.
It was stipulated on the part of the United States that the Indians
should be protected in the freo enjoyment of their reservations,
until such times as they chose to dispose of them to the United States.
This had reference to the reservations east of the Massachusetts
pre-emption line. At this treaty, the boundaries of the lands of the
Senecas were defined, as including all lands west of Phelps and
Gorham's Purchase, in this state, excepting the carrying place upon
the Niagara river. "In consideration of the peace and friendship
hereby established, and of the engagements entered into by the
Six Nations; and because the United States desire with humanity
and kindness to contribute to their comfortable support, and to
render the peace and friendship hereby established strong and
perpetual," the United States delivered to the Six Nations ten
thousand dollars worth of goods, and for the same consideration,
and with a view to promote the future welfare of the Six Nations
and of their Indian friends aforesaid, the United States added
$3000 to the 81.500 previously allowed them by an article dated
308 HISTORY OF THE
23d, April, 1792, (which $1,500 was to be expended annually in
purchasing clothing, domestic animals, and implements of hus-
bandry, and for encouraging useful artificers, to reside in their
villages,) making in the whole $4,500, the whole to be expended
yearly in purchasing clothing, &c. as just mentioned, under the
direction of the Superintendant appointed by the President.
"Lest the firm peace and friendship now established should be
interrupted by the misconduct of individuals, the United States and
Six Nations agree that, for injuries done by individuals on either
side, no private revenge or retaliation shall take place; but, instead
thereof, complaint shall be made by the party injured to the other,
and such prudent measures shall then be pursued as shall be neces-
sary to preserve our peace and friendship, until the Legislature (or
the great Council of the United States) shall make other equitable
provisions for the purpose.
"A note in the treaty says: 'It is clearly understood by the
parties to this treaty, that the annuity stipulated in the sixth article
is to be applied to the benefit of such of the Six Nations, and of
their Indian friends united with them aforesaid, as do or shall reside
within the boundaries of the United States; for the United States
do not interfere with nations, tribes, or families of Indians else-
where resident.' "
The state of New York, by its legislature, in 1781, resolved to
raise forces to recruit the army of the United States. The period
of enlistment was fixed at three years, or until the close of the war,
and the faith of the State was pledged that each soldier who enlisted
and served his time according to his enlistment, should receive six
hundred acres of land as soon after the close of the war as the
land could be surveyed.
On the 25th of July, 1782, the legislature of the state passed
another act, setting apart a certain district of country, described
therein, to meet its engagements contained in the first mentioned
act. The district so set apart, contained the territory now included
in the counties of Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Cortland, the south-
west part of Oswego, the north part of Tompkins, the east part of
Wayne, and small parts of Steuben and Yates; containing, besides,
the reservations afterwards made therein by the Indians, one
million, six hundred and eighty thousand acres.
On the 28th day of February, 1789. a third act was passed by
the legislature, appropriating the lands devoted to the payment of
the Revolutionary soldiers; the Indian title to which, had at length
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 30&
been extinguished by treaties with the Onondagas and Cayugas;
which was soon after surveyed into townships, and those townships
subdivided into lots of six hundred acres each: the state of New
York thus redeemed its pledge given to the Revolutionary soldiers
by the act of July 25th, 1782.
Although the military tract may truly be considered a proud and
splendid monument of the gratitude of the state of New York to
her Revolutionary heroes; the soldiers, whose patriotic valor earned
the full reward, in many cases, realized but little from the bounty
of their country; as many of the patents for six hundred acres of
excellent land, were sold as late as ten years after the close of the
war at from eight to thirty dollars each.
It has been already indicated that at the close of the Revolution,
in 1783, settlement had not advanced beyond the lower valley of
the Mohawk. In May, 1784, Hugh White, with his family,
advanced beyond the then bounds of civilization, located at what
is now Whitestown, near Utica. In 1786, a considerable settle-
ment had been made there. In the same year that Whitestown
was settled, James Dean, who had acted as an Indian agent during
the war, settled upon a tract of land given him by the Indians, near
Rome. In 1784, the county of Try on had its name changed to
Montgomery, its citizens preferring the name of a Revolutionary
patriot, to that of an English colonial governor. In 1786, a Mr.
Webster became the first white settler of the territory now com-
prised in the county of Onondaga. In 1788, Asa Danforth and
Comfort Tyler located at Onondaga Hollow. In 1793, John L.
Hardenbergh settled at what was for many years called " Harden-
bergh's Corners," now the village of Auburn. In 1789, James
Bennet and John Harris settled upon "opposite sides of the Cay-
uga lake, and established a ferry. These primitive beginnings will
however, best be indicated in sketches that will follow of some
relations of early adventurers.
310 HISTORY OF THE
GLIMPSES OF WESTERN NEW YORK AFTER THE REVOLUTION.
NOTE. [The author at this point, to connect the chain of events as nearly as possible
in chronological order, will avail himself of the preceding portion of narratives he has
had from some of the earliest adventurers to the regions of Western New York; reser-
ving for their order of time, the remainder. Since he commenced the preparation of
this work, he has had interviews with a large number, who yet survive to tell the story
of their wilderness advents. As far as consistent with a brevity which it is necessary to
observe, he will endeavor to preserve that interest in the narratives, which the relators
in their own language and manner, could aloae impart to them.]
SILAS HOPKINS, of Lewiston, Niagara county, started from New
Jersey, in the summer of 1787, to assist his father in driving a
drove of cattle to Niagara. Twelve or thirteen other young men
came along, to assist in driving the cattle, and to see the country.
Party came to Newton Point, thence to Horse Heads, Catherine's
Town at the head of Seneca lake, Kanadesaega, Canandaigua, and
from thence upon the Indian trail via Canawagus, the "Great
Bend of the Tonewanta," Tonawanda Indian village, to Niagara.
Route up the Susquehannah, to Tioga, was principally in the track
of Sullivan's army; after that almost wholly upon Indian trails.
Saw the last white inhabitant at Newtown Point. There were a
few Indians at Catherine's Town, and among them the old squaw
that is named in accounts of Sullivan's expedition. At this period,
nine tenths of the settlers upon the frontiers in Canada, were
Butler's Rangers. They had all got lands from the British
government, two years supply of provisions, and were otherwise
favored. The New Jersey drovers sold their cattle principally to
them, and to the garrisons at Queenston and Niagara.
"I came out twice the next summer with my father upon the
same business. Upon one of these occasions, I went with my
father to the residence of Col. Butler near Newark, (Niagara.)
He was then about fifty five or sixty years old; had a large, pretty
well cultivated farm; was living a quiet farmer's life. He was
hospitable and agreeable, and I could hardly realize that he had
been the leader of the Rangers.
"In all our journeyings in those early days, we were well
treated by the Indians. They had a custom of levying a tribute
upon all drovers, by selecting a beeve from each drove as they
passed through their principal towns. This they regarded as an
equivalent for a passage through their territories; and the drovers
found it the best way to submit without murmuring. At Geneva,
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 311
there was an Indian trader named Poudrey, and another by the
name of La Berge. There were several other whites there; they
were talking of putting up a building. We happened to be at
Canandaigua at a treaty. Phelps and Gorham bought several head
of cattle of my father, to butcher for the Indians. When I went
to Canada the first time, Gov. Simcoe was residing at ' Navy Hall,'
near old Fort George. He was esteemed as a good Governor, and
good man.
"In 1789, on one of our droving excursions there was an
unusual number of drovers collected at Lewiston. We clubbed
together and paid the expenses of a treat to the Indians, gave
a benefit. They were collected there from Tonawanda, Buffalo,
Tuscarora, and some from Canada. There were two or three
hundred of them; they gave a war-dance for our amusement.
We had as guests, officers from Fort Niagara. The Indians were
very civil. After the dance, rum was served out to them, upon
which they became very mem-, but committed no outrage. We
had a jolly time of it, and I remember that among our number was
a minister, who enjoyed the thing as well as any of us.
" In 1790, after I had sold a drove of cattle at Lewiston, (to go
over the river, and at Fort Niagara.) I met with John Street, the
father of the late Samuel Street, of Chippewa, C. W. He then
kept a trading establishment at Fort Niagara. He was going to
Massachusetts, and said he should like my company through the
wilderness, as far as Geneva. Waiting a few days, and he not
getting ready, I started without him. He followed" in a few days,
and was murdered at a spring, near the Ridge Road, a mile west
of Warren's. The murderers were supposed to be Gale and
Hammond. Gale lived near Goshen, in this State. I knew his
father, a Col. Gale. Hammond had been living on the Delaware
river. They were arrested in Canada, by authority of the
commanding officer at Fort Niagara; sent to Quebec for trial;
Hammond turned King's evidence, divulged the whole affair,
charging the offence principally upon Gale, but made his escape.
Gale was afterwards discharged. When I came up the next
season, I camped at the spring. Some fragments of Mr. Street's
clothes were hanging upon the bushes. His body had been
discovered by some travelers, stopping at the spring; their dog
brought to them a leg with a boot upon it. His friends in Canada,
gathered up fragments of the body, and carried them home for
burial. He was robbed of a considerable sum of money."
Judge Hopkins remarked at this point in his narrative, that the
fact having become generally known that drovers with considerable
sums of money, and emigrants to Canada, were every few days
passing on the "Great Trail from the Susquehannah to Niagara,"
robbers had been attracted to it. It was soon enough after the
312 HISTORY OF THE
close of the border wars, to have remaining upon the outskirts of
civilization, men fitted to prowl around the wilderness path, and
solitary camp of the traveler.
"My father being at Niagara, on one occasion, a letter was sent
to him by Col. Hollenbeck who was on the Susquehannah, warning
him against starting on his return journey alone, as he was satisfied
that a couple of desperadoes, in his neighborhood were intending
to waylay him somewhere on the trail. He handed the letter to
the commandant at Fort Niagara; a couple of men soon made
their appearance in the neighborhood answering the description of
Col. Hollenbeck. They were arrested and detained at the gar-
rison until my father had time to reach the settlements on the
Susquehannah.
"When but sixteen years of age, my father had some business in
Canada that made it necessary to send me there from N. Jersey.
I came through on horseback, the then usual route. I encamped
the last night of my journey, on Millard's branch of the Eighteen-
milecreek, about a mile above where it crosses the Chestnut Ridge,
five miles east of Lockport. In the morning, my hoppled horse
having gone a short distance off, I went for him, and on my w r ay
stumbled upon a silver mounted saddle and bridle, and a little far-
ther on lay a dead horse that had been killed by a blow on the
head with a tomahawk. I carried the saddle and bridle to Queens-
ton, where they were recognized as those of a traveler who had
a few days before come down from Detroit, on his way to New
York. Nothing more was ever known of the matter."
In narrating this, the Judge remarks that the howling of the
wolves in the Tonawanda swamp, all night, deprived him of sleep.
A boy, sixteen years old, alone far away from civilization; the
howling of the wolves, his forest lullaby; the relics of a murdered
traveler, presented to him in the morning ! He acknowledges that
he left his camping ground with less delay than usual.
"I spent most of the summer of 1788, at Lewiston, purchasing
furs. I bought principally, beaver, otter, muskrat, mink. The
Indian hunting grounds for these animals, were the marshes along
the Ridge Road, the bays of the Eighteen, Twelve, and Fourmile-
creeks. The marsh where I now live, (six miles east of Lewiston,)
was then, most of the year a pond, or small lake. The only
white inhabitant at Lewiston, then was Middaugh. He kept a
tavern his customers, the Indians, and travelers on their way to
Canada. I carried back to New Jersey, about four hundred dollars
worth of furs, on pack horses. At that period, furs were plenty.
I paid for beaver, from four to six shillings; for otter, about the
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 313
same; for mink and muskrat, four cents. There were a good
many bears, wolves, and wild-cats; but a few deer.
"Immediately after the defeat of St. Clair, the Indians were very
insolent and manifested much hostility to the whites.
"In 1778, or '9. I was returning from Niagara, to New Jersey,
in company with a dozen or fifteen men. When we arrived upon
the Genesee river, we found a white settler there Gilbert
Berry;* he had arrived but a few days before with his wife and
wife's sister; had made a temporary shelter, and had the body of a
log house partly raised. He had tried to raise it with the help of
Indians, and failed. We stopped and put it up for him. The next
day, we found at the outlet of the Honeoye, a settler just arrived
by the name of Thayer. He had logs ready for a house, but had
no neighbors to help him. We stopped and raised his house.*'
The narrator of these early events is now seventy-five years old;
his once vigorous and hardy constitution, is somewhat broken by
age, but his mental faculties are unimpaired. In the war of 1812,
he was early upon the frontier, as a Colonel of militia, and has
well filled many public stations. He was the first Judge of
Niagara, after Erie was set off.
JOHN GOULD, Esq. of Cambria, Niagara county, came from New
Jersey in 1788, as a drover; came by Newton, Painted Post, Little
Beard's village, Great Bend of Tonavvanda, &c. stopped with
drove at Little Beard's village over night. In the morning, Little
Beard pointed out a fine ox, and an Indian boy shot him down with
a bow and arrow. This was the usual tribute, mentioned by Judge
Hopkins. " The Great Bend of the Tonnewanta," was a well
known camping ground for Butlers Rangers, in their border war
excursions, and after emigration to Canada; for early drovers, and
other travellers.
' Col. Hunter, was then in command at Fort Niagara. Our cat-
tle and pack horses were ferried across to Newark in batteaux and
Schenectady boats. Nothing then at Newark, (Niagara village,)
but an old ferry house and the barracks that had been occupied by
Butler's Rangers. The Massaguea Indians were numerous then
in Canada. They had no fixed habitations; migrated from camping
ground to^ camping ground, in large parties; their principal camping
rounds Niagara and Queenston. There were their fishing grounds,
ometimes there would be five or six hundred encamped at
* Gilbert Berry was an Indian trader. After his death, his widow kept a public
house, early, and long known, as " Mrs. Berry's," at Avon. His two daughters are
Mrs. George Hosraer of Avon, and Mrs. E. C.'Hickox, of Buffalo.
314 HISTORY OF THE
Niagara. They were small in stature, gay, lively, filthy; and
much addicted to drunkenness.
" We sold our cattle principally to Butler's Rangers. They
were located mostly at the Falls, along the Four and Twelve Mile
Creeks. Oxen brought as high as 50, cows 20.
" In June, after I arrived, I was at Fort Niagara, and witnessed
the celebration of King George's birth day: there was firing of
cannon, horse racing, &c. The Tuscarora Indians were there, in
high glee. It was upon this occasion that I first saw Benjamin
Barton, sen.
" Butler's Rangers had taken a sister of my mother's captive,
upon the Susquehannah. She afterwards became the wife of
Capt. Fry, of the Mohawk, who had gone to Canada during the
Revolution. She had induced my mother and step father, to
emigrate to Canada in 1787. I found them located upon the Six
Mile creek. At the time my aunt was taken prisoner, there were
taken with her several children of another sister: their names were
Vanderlip.
"When I came through in '88, I saw no white inhabitant after
leaving Newton, till I arrived at Fort Niagara. At Newton there
was one unfinished log house. ' Painted Post' was at the junction
of Indian trails. It was a post, striped red and white.
" Along in '88, '90, eagles were plenty on Niagara river and
shores of lake Ontario. Ravens were plenty; when they left, the
crows came in. Black birds were a pest to the early settlers;
they seemed to give way to the crows. The crows are great
pirates. I think they robbed the nests of the black birds. There
used to be myriads of the caween duck upon the river. In the
breaking up of the ice in the spring, they would gather upon large
cakes of ice, at Queenston, and sailing down to the lake, return
upon the wing, to repeat the sport; their noise at times would be
almost deafening."
"In '99, on my return to New Jersey, I went by Avon,
Canandaigua, &c. Widow Berry was keeping tavern at Avon;
settlers were getting in between there and Canandaigua; there
were a few buildings in Canandaigua; a few log buildings at
Geneva. On my return the next year, emigration was brisk; the
military tract, near Seneca lake was settling rapidly."
Mr. Gould is now 78 years old; vigorous; but little broken by
age; relaxing but slightly in an enterprise and industry, that has
been crowned with a competency, which he is enjoying in the
midst of his children, grand children, and great grand children.
JOHN MOUNTPLKASANT, a native of Tuscarora, is now sixty-
eight years old. His father was Captain Mountpleasant, of the
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 315
British army; at one period commandant of Fort Niagara; his
mother was an Oneida; emigrated to Canada during the Revolution,
and afterwards came to Tuscarora. His father and mother,
residing for two years at Mackinaw; that was his birth place,
although almost his entire life has been spent at Tuscarora. He
had a sister, who became the wife of Capt Chew, of the British
army. Capt. Mountpleasant was ordered to Montreal when his
children were quite young; he was not entirely unmindful of them;
occasionally sent them presents.
" The earliest white people I can recollect, were the English at
Fort Niagara, and a small guard they used to keep at Lewiston,
to guard the portage. When I was a boy, the portage used to
employ five or six teams. I remember well when the early
emigrants used to come through on the trail, going to Canada.
Their children were frequently carried in baskets, strung across
the backs of horses." Qtr" See his account of Brant's Mohawk
village on Ridge Road. " The Middaughs, came from North River;
when they first came they occupied one of the old houses left by
the Mohawks. Hank Huff", and Hank Mills, were early at Lewis-
ton. Huff had a Mohawk wife, and used to live in the house that
Brant left. When I was a small boy, 1 used to go through to
Genesee river, with my mother. There was Poudery at Tonna-
wanda, 'a white man' (Berry,) keeping a ferry over the Genesee
river.
" Deer were not plenty in this region, the wolves hunted them;
driving them into the lake, they would wait until they were
wearied with swimming, and catch them as they came on shore.
In periods of deep snows and crusts, they used to make great
havoc among them. As the wolves grew scarce, the deer became
plenty. A strip of land between Ridge and lake, used to be a
great resort for bears. Our best hunting grounds used to be off
toward Genesee river. Secord was an early and successful white
trapper in this region. Some Tuscarora hunters once killed a
panther, in the marsh near Pekin. There were no crows until after
the war of 1812. The bittern, was often seen about the marshes.
The white owl used occasionally to make his appearance here.
Flocks of swans were often seen about the Islands above the Falls.
" When I was a boy, most of the marshes in Niagara county,
were open ponds. I have been with my mother, picking cran-
berries, in open marshes, where there was then but small bushes;
now there are tamaracks, soft maples, black ash, &c. as large as
my body. The beaver dams were in a good state of preservation
as long as I can remember, though then but few beaver left. I
have taken salmon in Eighteen mile creek, where Lewiston road
316 HISTORY OF THE
crosses near Lockport, and below the Falls of the Oak Orchard,
with my hands, three feet in length.
" My mother's second husband was a white man named James
Pemberton, who was taken prisoner at the same time that Jasper
Parrish was. He was brought to Lewiston with the Mohawks.
He remained with the Tuscaroras after the Mohawks went to
Canada, and until his death.
"I remember when the Indian family Scaghtjecitors lived at
the creek at Black Rock that derives its name from them. They
moved back to Seneca village, after the land was gold. One of the
family was murdered at 'Sandy Town,' and robbed of twelve
dollars. The murderers were never detected.
"When I was a boy, two schooners used to come to Lewiston
armed, King's vessels the 'Seneca,' and 'Onondaga.' There
was another afterwards, called the ' Massasagua.' I used to see
batteaux come up, taken out of the river, and conveyed over the
Portage; manned by jolly Frenchmen, who used to sing, keeping
time with their oars, as they came up the river.
"For many years I followed the business of stocking rifles. I
learned to do it from seeing Bill Antis do it at Canandaigua. For
many years he stocked rifles for us without pay, being employed
for that purpose by the government; afterwards we paid him half
price.
"I remember when Gov. Simcoe first came to Niagara. He had
a thousand troops with him called 'Queen's Rangers.' They wore
green uniform. Their barracks were at Queenston, thence the
the name."
The narrator resides at Tuscarora with his sons, who are good
farmers, educated and intelligent. His fine form would serve as a
model for a sculpture. Tall, unbent by age; with a countenance,
mild, benevolent, and expressive.
NOTE. The author is indebted to Judge Cook of Lewiston, for some additional par-
ticulars which he adds to the brief narrative of John Mountpleasant. When James
Pemberton, was brought a prisoner to Lewiston, it wa? decreed that he should be burned
at the stake, to revenge the death of some Mohawk warrior. Brant interested himself
in saving him; proposed that he should be saved and adopted. He told the Indians
that he was a man of fine proportions, (as he really was,) that he would become useful to
them. He interested the squaws in behalf of the captive, by promising that some
one of them should have him for a husband. Managing to divert the attention of the
Indians from their victim, Brant pointed out to Pemberton a way of escape, which he
pursued with sufficient fleetness of foot, to enable him to reach Fort Niagara, where he
was protected. The Indians had compelled Pemberton to collect the brush and dry
wood for his own destruction. He was stripped naked all was ready for the terrible
sacrifice, when Brant's scheme in his behalf saved him. The place of the intended
burning at the stake, is a small spot of level ground, between the dwelling of Seymour
Scovell, Esq., and the Ferry. Pemberton pointed it out to Judge Cook, and told him
the story of his fortunate escape. He remained at Niagara until the peace of '83, then
went to Tuscarora and married the mother of John Mountpleasant. He died in 1806
or '7. His children and grand children reside at Tuscarora. [See next page.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 317
THOMAS BUTLER, Esq. is a grandson of Col. John Butler, and
resides upon the farm where his grandfather located after the
Revolution, near Niagara, C. W. He is an associate Judge of the
court of Queen's Bench. He was educated at Union College,
Schenectady, residing there, in the family of the late Gov. Yates,
who was his cousin. The author avails himself of a brief narrative
he derived from him during a visit to his residence last summer,
in search of some old manuscripts which had fallen into his hands as
an attorney for one of the early Pioneers of Western New York :
"In 1797, during a vacation in college, I came home to Niagara.
Joseph Ellicott, a surveyor named Thompson, and six or eight
others, were just starting from Schenectady with batteaux, on their
way to the Holland Purchase. I came in company with them. 1
found Mr. Ellicott a very agreeable traveling companion. Our
route was via Oswego, and lake Ontario. Mr. Ellicott's party
landed at fort Niagara, their goods went to Lewiston, and from
thence over the Portage, to Schlosser; thence to Buffalo.
'Col John Butler died in 1794. Was, up. to the period of his
death, superintendent of Indian affairs for Upper Canada; was a
half pay Lieut. Colonel. His remains are buried upon his estate.
He organized at Niagara the corps he commanded during the
Revolution. Butler's Barracks were originly built for their use.
"Col Clans died at Niagara seven or eight years ago. His two
sons, John and Warren reside here now. Warren is an Attorney
at law; at present, the Surrogate of the Niagara District.
" When Gov. Simcoe came to Niagara he issued a proclamation
to all those who, in the Revolution, had adhered to the 'United*
Empire, (thence the name, U. E. Loyalists,' *) to come and take
possession of lands. The different corps that drew lands, were,
Butler's Rangers, who drew their lands in this part of Canada;
Jessup's Corps, who drew their lands in the lower portion of the
upper province; Johnson's Greens, who drew their lands about the
Bay Quinte. Jemima Wilkinson claimed to be a U. E. Loyalist,
The first husband of the sister Mountpleasant speaks of, was a Capt. Elmer, of the
U. S. army, stationed at Niagara. She lived with him at the garrison he acknowl-
edged her as his wife and when ordered to New-Orleans, and prohibited by his
superior officer from taking her with him, the parting was one which gave evidence of
strong affection. To use the language of one who knew her at that period: "she was
a beautiful woman." After the separation, she became the wife of Capt. Chew, a
British Indian Agent at Niagara. She died a few years since, at an advanced age.
Her eldest son is now head chief of the Tuscaroras.
Judge Butler showed the author one of these deeds. It was <one that had been
given to Johnson Butler, for services as a Lieutenant in Butler's Rangers. The seal of
white wax, would weigh three ounces. Each side is impressed with a die; the British
coat of arms, &c.
318 HISTORY OF THE
and at one time came near deceiving Gov. Simcoe, and drawing a
large tract of land.*
" The travel over-land from Tioga to Niagara, on the great trail
was very large, at one period. I have heard it observed that in
winters, one party, on leaving their camp, would build up large fires
for the accommodation of those who followed them; and in this
reciprocal way, fires were kept burning at the camping grounds.
In June, 1795, a French nobleman, LA ROCHEFOUCAULD LIAIN-
COURT, in company with others, who wished to see a large Indian set-
tlement, passed through Buffalo, on his way to the Seneca village, on
Buffalo creek, which he describes as situated about four miles from
Lake Erie. He mentions Farmers Brother as a distinguished Indi-
an chief and warrior. He complains of unbridged streams, bad and
difficult roads to the town, and was disappointed in not finding it as
large as he expected; but says that for many miles wigwams were
scattered either way along the creek. He observes that though
the whole country was filled with " miry and pestilential swamps,"
the Indians were healthy.
The following truthful sketch of Buffalo, as it actually appeared,
but little more than half a century ago, to one who, perhaps,
had visited the ancient and renowned capitals of the Old World,
and had taken an adventurous journey in search of that novelty
and freshness he no longer found there, will be interesting to all
who can only know from such sources, the original condition in
which the Pioneer settlers found the seats of now large and flour-
ishing cities:
"We at length arrived at the post on Lake Erie, which is a small
collection of four or five houses, built about a quarter of a mile
from the Lake.
" We met some Indians on the road and two or three companies
of whites. These encounters gave us great pleasure. In this vast
wilderness, a fire still burning; the vestiges of a camp, the re-
mains of some utensil which has served a traveller, excite sensations
truly agreeable, and which arise only in these immense solitudes.
" We arrived late at the inn, and after a very indifferent supper,
were obliged to lay on the floor in our clothes. There was liter-
* This was about the period of her difficulties with the early settlers on Seneca lake.
She started for Canada, with a portion of her followers, got as far as Oswego, to embark
on lake Ontario, and was met by the news that Gov. Simcoe had changed his mind,
and refused to recognize her as a U. E. L.
HOLLAND PURCHASE 319
ally nothing in the house, neither furniture, rum, candles, nor milk.
After much trouble the milk was procured from the neighbors, who
were not as accommodating in the way of the rum and candles.
At length some arriving from the other side of the river, we sea-
soned our supper, as usual, with an appetite that seldom fails, and
after passing a very comfortable evening, slept as soundly as we
had done in the woods.
" Every thing at Lake Erie by which name this collection of
houses is called is dearer than at any other place we visited, for the
simple reason that there is no direct communication with any other
point. Some were sick with fever in almost every house/'
JOSHUA FAIRBANKS resides at Lewiston. His first visit to
western Xew York, was in the winter of 1791. He had been
recently married to Miss Sophia Reed, the daughter of Col. Seth
Reed, of the Revolutionary army, at Uxbridge, Massachusetts,
Col. Reed had the winter previous moved his family to Geneva
or rather to where Geneva now is. In the winter of '91, Mr. F.
set out with his wife, to join him. They were in a sleigh. The
narrative of the journey is taken up after they had passed Whites-
borough:
"Half way from Whitesborough to Onondaga Hollow, night
overtook us, and fortunately, we found a settler who had just got
in, and had a log house partly finished. There were some Indians
at the house; the first that Mrs. F. had seen. I do not recollect
the name of our obliging pioneer host; but he was the first settler
between Whitesborough and Onondaga Hollow. We staid the
next night at Onondaga Hollow. The only settler there was Gen,
Danforth. Here Mrs. F. remarked that she thought there must
have been others in the neighborhood, as there was a small dancing
party at the General's that night. The next night we camped
out; found the remains of an Indian tent; struck a fire; Mrs. F.
cooked a supper, and we passed the night pretty comfortably. It
was in February; snow from eighteen inches to two feet deep.
Staid next night at Cayuga lake with Harris, who kept a
ferry when the lake was not closed; we crossed on the ice. We
arrived at Col. Reed's the next day."
Mr. Fairbanks had brought along with him a few goods to trade
with the Indians. He remained at Geneva with Col. Reed, until
the fall of 1793. He has an old deed of two village lots in Geneva.
It is dated in August, 1790. The grantor is Peter Bortle.
Ryckman would seem to have been one of the proprietors of the ori-
ginal village plot. The lot conveyed, was "91, on west side of Front
320 HISTORY OF THE
street." The instrument is witnessed by Albert Ryckman and
John Taylor. During the time of Mr. Fairbanks' residence at
Geneva, a court was held he thinks by Judge Cooper of Coopers-
town.* It was then, says Mr. F. considered a good day's walk,
or ride, to Canandaigua. The inhabitants that he recollects at
Geneva, at that period, were: Ezra Patterson, Thomas Sisson,
the Reed family, Peter Bortle, Talmadge, Van Duzen,
Benjamin Barton, Butler, Jackson, Dr. Adams; and
Dr. Coventry, lived over the lake. Mr. Fairbanks has preserved
an old bill of a part of the goods he brought to Geneva. They
were bought of "Reed & Rice, Brookfield, Massachusetts." A
few of the articles and prices are noted:
11 yds. Ratteen, 4s. pr. yd.
30 " Cotton Cord, ribbed, 3s. 4d.
7J " Corduroy, 5s.
63 " Shalloon, 2s. 4d.
25 Ibs. Bohea Tea, 2s. 8d.
"About the 1st of September, 1793, 1 started with my wife, Giles
Sisson, and William Butler, in a batteau; went down the Seneca
river, Oswego river to Falls, where we had our batteau, goods,
&c. to carry over a portage of one and a half miles; thence down
to the British garrison at Oswego. The commanding officer, as
ex-officio, revenue inspector, searched our goods. There was one
settler at the portage Oswego Falls. There was one company
of troops, and a small gun boat at Oswego no settler.
" We coasted up lake Ontario; going on shore and camping
nights. We were seventeen days making the journey from Geneva
to Queenston. The only person we saw on the route, from
Oswego to Niagara, was William Hencher, at the mouth of Genesee
river. We made a short call at Fort Niagara, reporting ourselves
to the commanding officer. He gave us a specimen of British
civility, during the hold over period, after the Revolution. It was
after a protracted dinner sitting, I should think. He asked me
where I was going 1 I replied, to Chippewa. "Go along and be
d d to you," was his laconic, verbal passport. There was then
outside of the garrison, under its walls, upon the flatts, two houses.
No tenement at Youngstown.
"I landed at Queenston went into a house, partly of logs,
and partly framed, and commenced keeping tavern. There was
then a road from Fort Niagara to Fort Erie. At Queenston, Ham-
ilton had a good house built, the rest were small log huts."
Judge HOWF.LT, thinks this Court was in June 1793; and says that the presiding
Judge was John Sloss Hobart, one of the Judges of the Supreme court of this State;
one of the first three who were appointed Judges of that Court. It was the first Court
of Over and Terminer, &c. held in Ontario county. There was a grand jury sworn
and charged, but no other business done.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 3*21
Mr. Fairbanks, remained at Queenston and Chippewa, until 1805.
Mrs. Fairbanks names the circumstance, that while keeping the
tavern at Queenston, they had as guests, Aaron Burr, and his
daughter Theodosia, and her husband, Mr. Allison. The party
traveled on horse back, attended by servants. It was upon their
trip to Niagara Falls.
'In 1794, I took passage on board of a British armed schooner,
at Fort Erie, commanded by Capt. Cowen. I wished to see the
country; the vessel was going up to bring down a British engineer,
who had been employed on some of the western posts. Went ta
Detroit; Col. England was there in command of a British regiment
On our return we entered the Maumee Bay and anchored off the
mouth of the An Glaize. It was soon after the battle of Wayne
with the Indians. We saw many of the Indians who were in the
fight. Taking advantage of the little knowledge I had of their
language, I asked one of them, who I learned had retreated at a
pretty early hour in the engagement, why he came away 1 ? Suiting
the action to the word, he replied: "Pop, pop, pop, boo, woo,
woo-o-o. oo. whish. whish, boo, woo! kill twenty Indians one
time; no good by d n."*
" The armed vessel upon which I took passage, and some few
gun boats, constituted all the British armament then on the Lakes.
I think there was then no merchant ressel."
Deacon HINDS CHAMBERLIX, a venerable early Pioneer, aged
eighty-three years, resides at Le Roy, Genesee county. He came
to Avon in 1790. In 1789, previous to any settlement west of
Avon, his brother-in-law, Isaac Scott, and family, and two other
families, had settled at Scottsville. These, with William Hencher,
were the first settlers west of Genesee river.
"In 1792, I started from Scottsville with Jesse Beach and
Reuben Heath; went up Allen's creek, striking the Indian trail
from Canawagus, where Le Roy now is. There was a beautiful
Indian camping ground tame grass had got in; we staid all night.
Pursuing the trail the next morning, we passed the Great Bend of
the Tonawanda, and encamped at night at Dunham's Grove; and
the next night near Buffalo. We saw one whiteman Poudery
at Tonawanda village. We arrived at the mouth of Buffalo creek
the next morning. There was but one white man there, I think;
his name was Winne, an Indian trader. His building stood first as
you descend from the high ground. He had rum, whiskey, Indian
* This, the reader will observe, was an imitation, as near as the Indian conld make
it, of the firing O f small arms, of cannon, and the whizzing and bursting- of bombs; a.
specimen of the entertainment served up to the Indians bv""Mad Anthouv."
21
322 HISTORY OF THE
knives, trinkets, &c. His house was full of Indians; they looked
at us with a good deal of curiosity. We had but a poor night's
rest; the Indians were in and out all night, getting liquor.
" Next day we went up the beach of the lake to mouth of Catta-
raugus creek where we encamped; a wolf came down near our
camp. We had seen many deer on our rout, during the day. The
next morning we went up to Indian village; found "Black Joe's"
house, but he was absent; he had however seen our tracks upon
the beach of the lake, and hurried home to see what white people
were traversing the wilderness. The Indians stared at us; Joe
gave us a room where we should not be annoyed by Indian curi-
osity, and we stayed with him over night. All he had to spare us in
the w r ay of food was some dried venison. He had liquor, Indian
goods, and bought furs. Joe treated us with so much civility, that
we stayed with him till near noon. There was at least, an hundred
Indians and Squaws, gathered to see us. Among the rest, there
was sitting in Joe's house, an old Squaw, and a young delicate
looking white girl, with her, dressed like a Squaw. I endeavored
to find out something about her history, but could not. I think
she had lost the use of our language. She seemed not inclined
to be noticed.
' ; With an Indian guide that Joe selected for us, we started upon
the Indian trail for Prcsque Isle. Wayne was then fighting
Indians. Our Indian guide often pointed to the west, saying, 'bad
Indians there.'
"Between Cattaraugus and Erie, I shot a black snake, a racer,
with a white ring around his neck. He was in a tree, twelve feet
from the ground, his body wound around the tree. He measured
seven feet and three inches.
"At Presque Isle, (Erie.) we found neither whites nor Indians;
all was solitary. There were some old French brick buildings,
wells, block houses, &c. going to decay; eight or ten acres cleared
land. On the peninsular, there was an old brick house, forty or
fifty feet square; the peninsular was covered with cranberries.
"After staying there one night, we went over to La Boeuf, about
sixteen miles distant, pursuing an old French road. Trees had
grown up in it, but the track was distinct. Near La Boeuf, we
came upon a company of men, who were cutting out the road to
Presque Isle; a part of them were soldiers, and a part Pennsyl-
vanians. At La Boeuf, there was a garrison of soldiers about
one hundred. There were several white families there, and a
store of goods.
Myself and companions were in pursuit of land. By a law of
Pennsylvania, such as built a log house, and cleared a few acres of
land, acquired a pre-emptive right; the right of purchase, at 5
per one hundred acres. We each of us made a location near
rresque Isle.
On our return to Presque Isle, from Le Boeuf, we found there
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 323
Col. Seth Reed and his family. They had just arrived. We
stopped and helped him build some huts; set up crotches; laid poles
across, and covered with the bark of the cucumber tree. At first
the Colonel had no floors; afterwards he indulged in the luxury of
floors made by laying down strips of bark. James Baggs, and
Giles Sisson came on with Col. Reed. I remained for a considera-
ble time in his employ. It was not long before eight or ten other
families came in.
"On our return we again staid at Buffalo over night, with
Winne. There was at the time a great gathering of hunting
parties of Indians there. Winne took from them all their knives
and tomahawks, and then selling them liquor, they had a great
carousal.
The author finds the following incorporated in the pamphlet of
Mr. WILLIAMSON to which reference will be made in a subsequent
page. It is there said to be "an account of a journey of a gentle-
man into the Genesee country, in February, 1792."
"On the 15th February 1792, I left Albany, on my route to the
Genesee river, but the country was thought so remote, and so very
little known, that I could not prevail on the owner of the stage to
engage farther than Whitestown, a new settlement on the head of
the Mohawk, 100 miles from Albany. The road as far as Whites-
town had been made passable for wagons, but from that to the
Genesee river, was little better than an Indian path, sufficiently
opened to allow a sled to pass, and some impassable streams
bridged. At Whitestown, I was obliged to change my carriage,
the Albany driver getting alarmed for himself and horses, when he
found that for the next 100 miles we were not only obliged to take
provisions for ourselves, but for our horses, and blankets for our
beds. On leaving Whitestown we found only a few straggling
huts, scattered along the path, from 10 to 20 miles from each
other; and they affording nothing but the conveniency of fire, and
a kind of shelter from the snow. On the evening of the third
day's journey from Whitestown, we were very agreeably surprised
to find ourselves on the east side of Seneca Lake, which we found _
perfectly open, free of ice as in the month of June; the evening '
was pleasant and agreeable, and what added to our surprise and
admiration was to see a boat and canoe plying on the lake. After
having passed from Xew York, over 360 miles of country com-
pletely frozen, the village of Geneva, though then only consisting
of a few log-houses, after the dreary wilderness we had passed
through, added, not a little to the beauty of the prospect; we
forded the outlet of the lake, and arrived safe at Geneva.
" The situation of this infant settlement on the banks of a sheet
of water 44 miles long, by 4 to 6 wide, daily navigated by small
324 HISTORY OF THE
craft and canoes, in the month of February, was a sight as grati-
fying as unexpected. It appeared that the inhabitants of this
delightful country, would by the slight covering of the snow on
the ground, have all the convenience of a northern winter; and by
the waters of the lake being free from ice, have all the advantages
of this inland navigation, a combination of advantages perhaps not
to be experienced in any other country in the world.
"From Geneva to Canandarqua the road is only the Indian path
a little improved, the first five miles over gentle swellings of land,
interspersed with bottoms seemingly very rich, the remainder of
the road to Canandarqua, the county town, 16 miles, was the
greatest part of the distance through a rich heavy timbered land;
on this road there were only two families settled. Canandarqua,
the county town, consisted of two small frame houses and a few
huts, surrounded with thick woods; the few inhabitants received
me with much hospitality, and I found abundance of excellent
venison. From Canandarqua to the Genesee river, 26 miles, it is
almost totally uninhabited, only four families residing on the road;
the country is beautiful and very open, in many places the openings
are free of all timber, appearing to contain at least 2 or 300 acres
beautifully variegated with hill and dale; it seemed that by only
enclosing any of them with a proportionable quantity cf timbered
land, an inclosure might be made not inferior to the parks in
England. At the Genesee river I found a small Indian store and
tavern; the river was not then frozen over, and so low as 'to be
fordable. Upon the whole, at this time, there were not any
settlements of any consequence in the whole of the Genesee
country; that established by the Friends on the west side of the
Seneca lake, was the most considerable, consisting of about forty
iamilies. At this period the number of Indians in the adjoining
country was so great, when compared with the few white
inhabitants who ventured to winter in the country, that I found
them under serious apprehensions for their safety. Even in this
state of nature, the county of Ontario shews every sign of future
respectability; no man has put the plough in the ground, without
being amply repaid, and through the mildness of the winter the
cattle brought into the country the year before on very slender
provision for their subsistence, were thriving well; the clearing of
land for spring crops is going on with spirit; I also found the
settlers abundantly supplied with venison."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 325
CHAPTER II
LAXD TITLES PHELPS A>D GORHAM S PURCHASE EARLY EVENTS.
James I, King of Great Britain, in the year 1620, granted to the
Plymouth Company, a tract of country denominated New England;
this tract extended several degrees of latitude north and south, and
from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean east and west. A charter for
the government of a portion of this territory, granted by Charles I,
in 1628, was vacated in 1684, but a second charter was granted by
William and Mary in 1691. The territory comprised in this sec-
ond charter extended on the Atlantic ocean from north latitute 42
2' to 44 15', and from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean.
Charles I, in 1663, granted to the Duke of York and Albany,
the province of New York, including the present state of New-
Jersey. The tract thus granted extended from a line twenty miles
east of the Hudson river, westward rather indefinitely, and from
the Atlantic ocean north to the south line of Canada, then a French
province.
By this collision of description, each of those colonies, (after-
wards states,) laid claim to the jurisdiction as well as to pre-emption
right of the same land, being a tract sufficiently large to form
several states. The State of New York, however, in 1781, and
Massachusetts, in 1785, ceded to the United States all their rights,
either of jurisdiction or proprietorship, to all the territory lying
west of a meridian line run south from the westerly bend of lake
Ontario. Although the nominal amount in controversy, by these
acts, was much diminished, it still left some nineteen thousand
square miles of territory in dispute, but this controversy was finally
settled by a convention of Commissioners appointed by the parties,
held at Hartford, Conn., on the 16th day of December, 1786.
326 HISTORY OF THE
According to the stipulations entered into by the convention,
Massachusetts ceded to the state of New York all her claim to the
government, sovereignty and jurisdiction of all the territory lying
west of the present east line of the state of New York; and New
York ceded to Massachusetts the pre-emption right, or fee of the
land subject to the title of the natives, of all that part of the state
of New York lying west of a line, beginning at a point in the north
line of Pennsylvania, 82 miles north of the north-east corner of
said state, and running from thence due north through Seneca
lake, to lake Ontario; excepting and reserving to the state of New
York, a strip of land east of and adjoining the eastern bank of
Niagara river, one mile wide, and extending its whole length.
The land, the pre-emption right of which was thus ceded, amounted
to about six millions of acres.
In April, 1788, Massachusetts contracted to sell to Nathaniel
Gorham of Charlestown, Middlesex county, and Oliver Phelps of
Granville, Hampshire county of said state, their pre-emption right
to all the lands in Western New York amounting to about six mil-
lion acres, for the sum of one million dollars, to be paid in three
annual instalments, for which a kind of scrip, Massachusetts had
issued, called consolidated securities, was to be received, which was
then in market much below par.*
In July 1788, Messrs. Gorham and Phelps purchased of the
Indians, by treaty, at a convention held at Buffalo, the Indian title
to about 2,600,000 acres of the eastern part of their purchase from
Massachusetts. This purchase of the Indians being bounded west
by a line beginning at a point in the north line of the state of
Pennsylvania due south of the corner or point of land, made by the
confluence of the Kanahasgwaicon (Cannaseraga) creek with the
waters of Genesee river; thence north on said meridian line to the
corner or point at the confluence aforesaid; thence northwardly
along the waters of said Genesee river to a point two miles north of
Kanawageras (Cannewagus) village; thence running due west
twelve miles; thence running northwardly, so as to be twelve miles
distant from the westward bounds of said river, to the shore of lake
Ontario.
*It must be understood that Messrs. Gorham and Phelps although acting in their own
names only, in this transaction, were merely the representatives of a company, consist-
ing of themselves and a number of others, who had formed an association for the pur-
chase of these lauds.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 327
On the 21st day of November, 1788, the state of Massachusetts
conveyed and forever quitclaimed to N. Gorham and O. Phelps,
their heirs and assigns forever, all the right and title of said state
to all that tract of country of which Messrs. Phelps and Gorham
had extinguished the Indian title. This tract, and this only, has
since been designated as the " Phelps and Gorham Purchase."
According to the original plan of the proprietors the tract was,
as soon as practicable, surveyed into townships about six miles
square, and those townships subdivided into lots of different sizes;
and so promptly was the execution of the design commenced, that
through the industry and perseverance of Mr. Phelps, the acting
and efficient conductor of the whole enterprise, Capt. William
Walker, a surveyor and his assistants, "arrived on the territory
about the time the sale was perfected, to wit, in the fall of 1788,
and surveyed several township lines before the inclemency of the
winter weather put a stop to their labors.
The proprietors offered this tract for sale by townships or parts
of townships; and during the summer of 1789, several families set-
tled on, and near, the site of the old Indian village at Canandaigua;
at Bloomfield, and on Boughton Hill now in the town of Victor.
During this season the first productions of the earth were brought
forth by the cultivation of white people, and the first wheat was
sown on the tract So rapid were the sales of the proprietors that
before the 18th day of November, 1790, they had disposed of about
fifty townships, which were mostly sold by whole townships or
large portions of townships, to sundry individuals and companies of
farmers and others, formed for that purpose. On the 18th day of
November, 1790, they sold the residue of their tract, (reserving
two townships only,) amounting to upwards of a million and a
quarter acres of land, to Robert Morris of Philadelphia, who soon
sold the same to Sir William Pultney. an English gentleman, who
appointed Capt. Charles Williamson his general and resident agent,
to superintend his interest in. and dispose of the lands by sale in
small or large quantities. These lands lay somewhat scattered
over Phelps and Gorham's purchase, although mostly on the south
and north parts. This property, or such parts of it as was unsold
at the time of the decease of Sir William, together with other
property which he purchased in his lifetime in its vicinity, is now
called the " Pultncy Estate."
328 HISTORY OF THE
OLIVER PHELPS.
OLIVER PHELPS, was a native of Windsor, Conn, and soon after
his majority became a citizen of Suffield, Massachusetts. At the
commencement of the revolutionary war, he took an active part and
in various capacities, remained with the American army to its close.
It was at this period that he became acquainted with Robert Morris;
Mr. Phelps being superintendant of army purchases, for Massachu-
setts, it led to an acquaintance with Mr. Morris, who as will be
seen was the chief financier of the Revolution. He removed with
his family, to Canandaigua Ontario county, in March, 1802, and
resided there until the period of his death, in 1809. He was
appointed first Judge of the county of Ontario, and elected a
member of Congress from his district. An inscription upon his
tomb stone, closes as follows:
" Enterprise, Industry, and Temperance, cannot always secure success, but the fruits
of those virtues, will be felt by society."
Like his revolutionary acquaintance, and afterwards co-operator
in the purchase and settlement of Western New York, Robert
Morris, he was destined to close his life in the midst of reverses.
His business became much extended; his purchase of large tracts
of wild land, had extended even to Georgia and Mississippi. In
1795, he estimated his property at nearly one million of dollars,
his debts at less than eighty-five thousand; and yet at his death, in
1809, he was much embarassed; what was saved from his estate,
being the result of good management with those upon whom its
administration devolved. A memorandum in his own hand writing
would show that he lost over three hundred and thirty thousand
dollars, by bad debts and bad titles. Among the early Pioneers of
Western New York, who knew him well, it is common to hear him
alluded to in terms of respect and esteem; to hear the expression
of sincere regret for the misfortunes attending his last years,
mingled with their recollections of early events.
He left one son and one daughter. His son Leicester Phelps,
after graduating at Yale College, assumed the name of Oliver
Leicester Phelps. He died in 1813, leaving seven children, of
whom the present Judge Oliver Phelps of Canandaigua a worthy
descendant of his Pioneer ancestor, is one.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 329
By the side of that of her husband, in the village cemetery, at
Canandaigua, is the tomb stone of "Mary, wife of Oliver Phelps,
and daughter of Zachariah and Sarah Seymour; died 13th Sep-
tember, 1826, aged seventy four years." It is said of her:
" She was alike unaffected in prosperity and adversity."
The late Jesse Hawley, has left upon record the following
tribute to the memory of the subject of our necessarily limited
memoir:
" Oliver Phelps may be considered the Cecrops of the Genesee
Country. Its inhabitants owe a Mausoleum to. his memory, in
gratitude for his having pioneered for them the wilderness of this
CANAAN of the West."
NATHANIEL GORHA.M, Esq., the partner of Mr. Phelps, in the
land purchase, was a citizen of Boston, Massachusetts, was never
a resident upon the purchase, and had but little to do with the
details of its management. His son, NATHANIEL GORHAM, became
an early resident of Canandaigua, and died there in 1826, leaving
a widow, son and daughter.
CHARLES WILLIAMSON.
Soon after the purchase of Sir William Pultney, [in 1792,]
Captain CHARLES WILLIAMSON was appointed his agent, and came
upon the purchase. He came by the way of Williamsport, Penn-
sylvania, and located at Bath, Steuben county. He was an Eng-
lishman, (or a Scotchman,) well educated, with liberal views;
though as it proved perhaps, not as well calculated to lead the way
as the patroon of new settlements, as if he had seen more of back-
woods life.
In his first advent, he was accompanied by his wife, his friend
and relative, Mr. Johnstone, a servant, and one laborer. Mr.
Maude, an English traveller in this region, in '99, and 1800,
says:
"On Capt. Williamson's first arrival, he built a small hut where
now is Bath. If a stranger came to visit him, he built up a little
nook for him to put his bed in. In a little time, a boarded or
framed house was built to the left of the hut; this was also
intended as but a temporary residence, though it then appeared a
palace. His present residence, a very commodious, roomy, and
well planned house, is situated on the right of where stood the log
330 HISTORY OF THE
hut, long since consigned to the kitchen fire. * On
the first settlement of the country, these mountainous districts
were thought so unfavorably of when compared with the rich
flats of Ontario county, (or the Genesee country,) that none of
the settlers could be prevailed upon to establish themselves here
till Capt. Williamson himself set the example, saying: 'As nature
has done so much for the northern plains, I will do something for
these southern mountains;' though the truth of it was, that Capt
Williamson saw very clearly, on his first visit to this country, that
the Susquehannah, and not the Mohawk, would be its best friend.
Even now, it has proved so, for at this day (1800) a bushel of
wheat is better worth one dollar at Bath, than sixty cents at
Geneva. This difference will grow wider every year; for little,
if any improvement can be made with the water communication
from New York, while that to Baltimore, will admit of extensive
and advantageous one."*
Few agents in the sale and settlement of a new country, have
manifested more enterprise and liberality than Capt. Williamson.
In addition to his early expenditures at Bath, he built a large hotel
at Geneva, contributed to the opening of roads, and other primi-
tive beginnings in the wilderness. He was a useful helper in time
of need. The author knows little of his personal biography, yet a
separate notice of one so early and prominently identified with
pioneer history, has been deemed requisite. He left Western
New York; was appointed by the British government, governor
of one of the West India Islands, and died on his passage.
There are many reminiscences that associate his memory with
early times in Western New York; not the least of which are a
series of letters which he wrote in 1799, published at the time in a
pamphlet form: "Description of the settlement of the Genesee
country, in the State of New York, in a series of letters from a
gentleman to his friend." The intention of the pamphlet was evi-
dently, to circulate in the older portions of this country, and in
England, to attract public attention to the region where his prin-
* The reader will smile at the prophecies of this early tourist: and yet his conclu-
sions were quite natural ones at the time. For all the region he speaks of, the Susque-
hannah then seemed the prospective avenue to the Atlantic; Baltimore, the commer-
cial mart. But how changed the whole course of trade, by the achievments of our
Btato, in the works of internal improvement! Millions have been, and are now
expending, to enable the district of country of which Mr. Maude was speaking, to
reach the great artery of internal commerce the Erie Canal. A prosperous and
wealthy valley, its beautiful young city, planted among the hills, almost in the imme-
diate neighborhood of Bath, extends an arm to reach it, and fall in with the great
current of trade through the valley of the " Mohawk."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 331
cipal had become so largely interested; yet it was ably and truth-
fully written, with the ken of prophecy it would almost seem;
"visions of glory" were indulged in, but not a tithe hardly, of the
splendid consummations that have been realized,
Such was the rapidity of the settlement of this wilderness, isola-
ted as it was, from contiguous territory occupied by civilized com-
munities, that by a census taken in December, 1790, recorded in
"Imlay's Topographical description of the western territory of
North America, London edition," it appears that thirty-four of the
townships were then more or less settled; that it contained one hun-
dred and ninety families, consisting of five hundred and five (white)
males over sixteen years old; one hundred and eighty of that age
and under; two hundred and ninety seven females; two free negroes;
eleven slaves, and one Indian, making in the whole nine hundred and
ninety six inhabitants; of these inhabitants, township Xo. 10, range
2, (Hopewell) contained six families, thirteen males and 720 females;
T. 10, R. 3, (Canandaigua) contained eighteen families, seventy-eight
males and twenty females; T. 8, R. 4, (Bristol) contained four fami-
lies, twenty males and no females; T. 10, R. 4, (Bloomfield) con-
tained ten families, forty-four males and twenty females; and T.
11,R. 4, (Bough ton Hill or Victor) contained four families, fifteen
males and four females.
The foregoing enumeration does not include the settlement of
"Friends" the adherents of Jemima Wilkeson, consisting of about
two hundred and sixty persons, who had established themselves near
the outlet of Crooked lake, nor does it include the settlement at
Geneva, supposed to consist of one hundred inhabitants, nor the
inhabitants from thence, north to lake Ontario, as they were on
what has been since called the "Gore," and was not then supposed
to be included in Phelps and Gorham's purchase. The same census
notes, that there were west of the Genesee river on the Indian
lands, eleven families, (one of which was that of Hon. John H.
Jones at old Leicester) composed of fifty-one individuals.
Thus rapidly progressed the settlement of this tract, notwith-
standing it had more than the ordinary difficulties in settling a new
country to overcome; such as reports of the unusual unhealthiness
of the climate, want of provisions to support life, and deficiency of
title, set afloat by persons interested in the settlement of rival
332 HISTORY OF THE
districts of country; the absolute attack of the Indian chiefs, on the
validity of the title, supported or rather assisted by an attack
of the British authorities in Canada. One of the usual and almost
universal difficulties in settling all new countries, is the prevalence
of diseases engendered by change of climate, extra fatigue and
unusual exposures, of which this settlement had at least a moderate
share as well as the fear of Indian incursions.
In a letter written by Mr. Phelps to his co-proprietor, Mr. Gor-
ham, dated, Canandaigua, August 7, 1790, from which the follow-
ing are extracts, the situation of the settlement is more truly des-
cribed, and better depicted, than the most vivid description written
at the present time could portray. Mr. Phelps writes:
" I arrived at this place the 29th ult. and found the people in
this settlement very sickly, but the most of them are getting better,
a bilious fever has been the prevailing distemper. Capt. Walker,
my nearest neighbor, is now supposed to be dying with the bilious
cholic. He will be much lamented as he was one of the most
thorough farmers on the ground. We have suffered much for the
want of a physician. Dr. Atwater has not been in the country.
We have now a gentleman from Pennsylvania attending on the
sick, who appears to understand his business. The two Wads-
worths [Messrs. William and James Wadsworth who settled at
Geneseo,] who brought a large property into the country, have been
very sick, and are now on the recovery, but are low-spirited. They
like the country, but their sickness has discouraged them. The
settlement goes on as well as could be expected, there is a great
number of people settled in the country. English grain is good,
and we are now in the midst of our harvest."
"The Indians are now in great confusion on account of some
Indians being inhumanly killed by the white people; I am this
moment setting out with an agent from Pennsylvania, to make
them satisfaction for the two Indians murdered. I hope to be able
to settle the matter, if I should not succeed, they will retaliate; I
never saw them more enraged than they are at this time."
It appears, however, that the mission of Mr. Phelps and the
Pennsylvania agent, had no other effect than to induce the Indians
to issue a kind of summons, dated August 12, 1790, directed to the
Governor and Council of Pennsylvania, signed by Little Beard,
(Beaver Tribe) Sangoyeawatau, Gisseharke, (Wolf Tribe) and
Caunhisongo, of which the following is an extract:
"Now we take you by the hand and lead you to the Painted
Post, or as far as your canoes can come up the creek, where you
will meet the whole of the tribe of the deceased, and all the chiefs,
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 333
and a number of the warriors of our nation, when we expect you
will wash away the blood of your brothers and bury the hatchet,
and put it out of memory, as it is yet sticking in our head.
"Brothers, it is our great brother, your Governor, who must
come to see us, as we will never bury the hatchet until our great
brother himself comes and brightens the chain of friendship, as it is
very rusty. Brothers, you must bring the property of your
brothers, you have murdered, and all the property of the
murderers, as it will be great satisfaction to the families of the
deceased. Brothers, the sooner you meet us the better, for our
young warriors are very uneasy, and it may prevent great
trouble."
What the sequel of this transaction proved to be, we have not
data to determine, although it undoubtedly was brought to an
amicable termination; but that such a state of things must strike
consternation over a new settlement, where the healthy inhabitants,
have a sufficient task to provide for and take care of the sick, may
well be conceived. As an instance of the assassin-like attacks
made on this settlement, especially when it is considered that of all
the privations incident to a new settlement, the want of provisions
was less felt in this district than in any other as remote from old
settlements; attacks made, it must be presumed, by men having rival
interests to subserve, the following will suffice:
From the Maryland Journal, July 31st, 1789.
" Extract of a letter from Northumberland County, dated
July 2d:" 'The people of the Genesee and Niagara country are
crowding in upon us every day, owing to the great scarcity of
provisions; the most of them who have gone there lately are
starving to death, and it is shocking to humanity to hear of the
number of the families that are dying daily for the want of suste-
nance. Since I wrote the above, I have heard from the Genesee
and Niagara country, that the scarcity of provisions has increased
since the last accounts, so much, that flour was sold for 4 per
hundred, and it is a fact that a cow, valued at 7 10s., was given by
a man for a bushel of rye, to keep a wife and children from the jaws
of death. The wild roots and herbs that the country affords, boiled
and without salt, constitute the whole food of most of the un-
happy people, who have been decoyed there, through the flat-
tering accounts of the quality of the lands. You have my per-
mission to publish this, in order to deter others from going, and it
is thought that unless they get supplies from this and the neigh-
boring counties, they will be compelled to quit the place, as their
crops have universally failed. Several boat loads of flour that
were carried from here, have been seized by force by the people."
334 HISTORY OF THE
A more infamous libel on the character of the Genesee country
and its inhabitants could not have been penned. At the time the
printer issued this paper there was not to exceed fifteen families on
the whole tract, who had come on within three months previous to
that time, and those were mostly wealthy farmers who had emigra-
ted from Massachusetts and Connecticut into the country, bringing
with them, what was estimated to be a year's provision. They
had not been in the country long enough to try the success or fail-
ure of crops; but had it been otherwise, who that has ever entered
into a log cabin in the Genesee country does not know that in times
of scarcity of provisions, every man of the New England pioneers
who would not divide with his necessitous neighbors without money
and without price, would be considered as an outlaw in society.
The attack of Cornplanter and other Indian chiefs, on the title
of Phelps and Gorham to this tract was well calculated to arrest
the sale of lands and the progress of the settlement. In 1790 and
1791, Cornplanter, Half Town, and Great Tree, or Big Tree,
sent serious complaints against Mr. Phelps contained in several
memorials to the President of the United States, which if true
might operate to invalidate the title of Phelps and Gorham to their
purchase. The first memorial usually called "Cornplanter's
speech," the following extract from which, contains most of the
charges against Mr. Phelps and his transactions during the treaty
for the lands set forth in the whole. To these charges Mr. Phelps
was cited to answer, by the President. Mr. Phelps, as soon
as they could be obtained, which however took him some time to
effect, produced depositions, certificates, letters and other docu-
mentary testimony, signed by such persons as Timothy Pickering,
Judge Hollenbeck, Rev. Samuel Kirkland, Joseph Brant, and others
which clearly proved that the charges contained in the memorials
against him where untrue, as appears from the report of a com-
mittee of the United States Senate made January 27, 1792, in the
following words:
"Mr. Butler from the Committee on Indian affairs, to whom
was referred the speeches of Cornplanter, of the 9th, of Decem-
ber, 1790; 10th, of January, 7th, of February, and 17th, of
March, 1791; made the following report:
" That Oliver Phelps of whom Cornplanter makes mention, pro-
duced some affidavits and other papers, relating to the purchase of
lands made by him of the Indians, which your Committee have
examined, and are of opinion, that the said affidavits and other
HOLLAND PURCHASE 335
papers should be filed in the Secretary's office; and that your Com-
mittee be discharged from the further consideration of this subject."
Extracts from Cornplanter's Speech.
"The voice of the Seneca Nation speaks to you, the great
counsellor, in whose heart the wise men of ail the Thirteen Fires
have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and
we therefore entreat you to hearken with attention; for we are
about to speak of things which are to us very great. When your
army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the
Town Destroyer, and to this day, when that name is heard, our
women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close
to the necks of their mother's. Our counsellors and warriors are
men, and cannot be afraid; but their hearts are grieved with the
fears of our women and children, and desire that it may be buried
so deep as to be heard no more. When you gave us peace, we
called you father, because you promised to secure us in the posses-
sion of our lands. Do this, and, so long as lands shall remain, that
beloved name will live in the heart of every Seneca.
"FATHER: our nation empowered John Livingston to let out
part of our lands on rent, to be paid to us. He told us, that he
was sent by Congress to do this for us, and we fear he has deceived
us in the writing he obtained from us; for since the time of our
giving that power, a man of the name of Phelps has come among
us, and claimed our whole country northward of the line of Penn-
sylvania, under purchase of that Livingston, to whom he said he
had paid twenty thousand dollars for it. He said, also, that he
had bought, likewise, from the council of the Thirteen Fires, and
paid them twenty thousand dollars more for the same. And he
said, also, that it did not belong to us, for that the great King had
ceded the whole of it, when you made peace with him. Thus he
claimed the whole country north of Pennsylvania, and west of the
lands belonging to the Cayugas. He demanded it; he insisted on
his demand, and declared that he would have it all. It was
impossible for us to grant him this, and we immediately refused it.
After some days he proposed to run a line, at a small distance
eastward of our western boundary, which we also refused to agree
to. He then threatened us with immediate war, if we did not
comply.
" Upon this threat our chiefs held a council, and they agreed that
no event of war could be worse than to be driven, with their wives
and children, from the only country which we had a right to, and,
therefore, weak as our nation was, they determined to take the
chance of war, rather than submit to such unjust demands, which
seemed to have no bounds. Street, the great trader at Niagara,
was then with us, having come at the request of Phelps, and as he
always professed to be our great friend, we consulted him on this
336 HISTORY OF THE
subject. He also told us, that our lands had been ceded by the
King, and that we must give them up.
"Astonished at what we heard from every quarter, with hearts
aching with compassion for our wives and children, we were thus
compelled to give up all our country north of the line of Penn-
sylvania, and east of the Genesee river, up to the fork, and east of
a south line drawn from that fork to the Pennsylvania line. For
this land Phelps agreed to pay us ten thousand dollars in hand, and
one thousand dollars a year for ever. He paid us two thousand
and five hundred dollars in hand, part of the ten thousand, and he
sent for us to come last spring, to receive our money; but instead
of paying us the remainder of the ten thousand dollars, and the
one thousand dollars due for the first year, he offered us no more
than five hundred dollars, and insisted that he had agreed with
us for that sum to be paid yearly. We debated with him for six
days, during all which time he persisted in refusing to pay us our
just demand, and he insisted that we should receive the five hun-
dred dollars; and Street, from Niagara, also insisted on our
recieving the money as it was offered to us. The last reason he
assigned for continuing to refuse paying us, was, that the King had
ceded the lands to the Thirteen Fires, and that he had bought them
from you and paid you for them.
"We could bear this confusion no longer, and determined to
force through every difficulty and lift up our voice that you might
hear us, and to claim that security in the possession of our lands,
which your commissioners so solemnly promised us. And we now
entreat you to enquire into our complaints and redress our wrongs.
"FATHER: Our writings were lodged in the hands of Street, of
Niagara, as we supposed him to be our friend; but when we saw
Phelps consulting with Street, on every occasion, we doubted of
his honesty towards us, and we have since heard, that he was to
receive for his endeavors to deceive us, a piece of land two miles
in width, west of the Genesee river, and near forty miles in length,
extending to lake Ontario; and the lines of this tract have been
run accordingly, although no part of it is within the bounds which
limit his purchase. No doubt he meant to deceive us.
"FATHER: You have said that we are in your hand, and that,
by closing it, you could crush us to nothing. Are you determined
to crush us 1 If you are, tell us so, that those of our nation who
have become your children, and have determined to die so, may
know what to do. In this case, one chief has said he would ask
you to put him out of pain. Another, who will not think of dying
by the hand of his father, or of his brother, has said he will retire
to Chatauque, eat off the fatal root, and sleep with his fathers in
peace."*
* The translator of this speech has taken the liberty to give the English orthography
to the name of the lake. In Seneca, it was Jadaqueh; i. e. the place where a body
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 337
And there was rivalry and misrepresentation to contend with in
another quarter. The Upper Province of Canada had commenced
settling there were land dealers there too, who wished to divert
settlers from Western New York, and promote the interests of
themselves and their localities. John Gould, Esq., who has already
been cited, says, that at the period of his earliest residence in Can-
ada, reports were spread prejudicial to the settlements then just
commencing in Western New York. It was said that the country
was sickly, the Livingston claim and others, were named as adverse
titles. He observes, that on leaving Canada in 1804 to settle in
the States, Esq. told him he would not give his farm in
Canada for fall the land between Niagara and the Cayuga lake/'
And now, said the old gentleman to the author, as he looked out
upon the broad well cultivated acres he and his children possess:
"I would not give my farm for Esq. 's, and half a dozen
more like it."
The new settlers were threatened with even more formidable
difficulties than those that have so far been enumerated. Although
the treaty of peace in 1783, between the United States and Great
Britain, caused an immediate suspension of hostilities, and a with-
drawal from all the posts held by the British in the Eastern States,
there were still many delicate and difficult questions that remained
to be settled, and which were a source of continual irritation and
embarrassment. The posts at Oswego and Niagara, and all the
western posts were not surrendered until 1796. The singular
spectacle was presented here in Western New York, of surveys
and settlement going on under the auspices of one government,
while the battlements of fortified places, occupied by the troops of
ascended, or was taken up. Corn planter had allusion to a Seneca tradition: A
hunting party of Indians was once encamped upon the shores of this lake; a young
squaw of the party, dug and eat a root that created thirst; to slake it, she went to the
lake, and disappeared forever. Thence it was inferred, that a root grew there, which
produced an easy death a vanishing away from the afflictions of life. The author is
aware that the name of the lake has been ascribed to another tradition, and that other
derivations have been given. His authority is information derived from a native
Seneca.
NOTE. The Livingston claim, otherwise called the Lessee claim was founded on the
circumstance, that John Livingston and others had leased from the Indians, for 999
years on a rent of two thousand dollars per annum, a large tract of land which was
alledged to include the whole of the Massachusetts pre-emption tract: but as the whole
transaction has been declared to be illegal by the legislation and judicial authorities of
the State, and is now abandoned, although it has afforded a pretext for the Lesees, to
receive donations from the state and from Phelps and Gorham: but with the Holland
Company, their application, although commenced bv a suit in ejectment, was less
successful.
22
338 HISTORY OF THE
another, were frowning upon the peaceable operations of enterprise
and industry.
The pretext for withholding these posts, was, that the United
States had not fulfilled some of its treaty stipulations; the one that
guarantied the payment of debts due from American to British
subjects, being a special subject of complaint. But while such
were the avowed reasons for not surrendering them, it is quite
apparent, that they were not the real ones. A peace a surrender
of an empire such as this was, had been as we well know, a sacri-
fice to necessity, humbling to the pride of England. A suspension
of hostilities had been reluctantly consented to, with the lingering
hope and expectation, that something might occur, to prevent the
final consummation of separation and independence. The holding
of this line of posts afforded a feeble prospect of a successful
renewal of the struggle, through a continued alliance w r ith the
Indians, and the placing of obstacles in the way of the peaceable
overtures made to them by our government. And perhaps England
entertained hopes that free government was a thing to talk about,
and pretty successfully fight for but would not admit of final
consummation. There were differences of opinion they well knew,
radical ones among those who were to frame the new system;
the whole matter looked to them, as it really was, surrounded with
difficulties and embarrassments. There might be a failure. Should
it be so, here, in the possession of these posts an alliance with
the Indians was a prospective nucleus for renewing the war
and recovering the lost colonies; restoring the precious jewel that
had dropped from England's crown. And here it may be remarked,
upon the authority of circumstances, too strong to admit of much
doubt, that the last vestige of such hopes with England, was not
obliterated until the treaty of Ghent, that closed the war of 1812.
Under the instructions of Congress, President Washington,
immediately after the peace of '83, despatched Baron Steuben to
Quebec to make the necessary arrangements with Sir Frederick
Haldimand, for delivering up the posts that have been named.
His mission not only contemplated the delivery of the posts to
him, but preparations for their occupancy and repairs. The Baron
met Gen. Haldimand at the Sorel, on a tour to the Lakes. He was
informed by him that he had received no instructions from his
government to evacuate the posts, nor for any overt act of peace,
save a suspension of hostilities. He regarded himself as not at
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 339
liberty to enter into any negotiations complained of a non-fulfil-
ment of treaty stipulations and even refused the Baron a passport
to Detroit. Thus ended the mission; and a long succession of
negotiations and embarrassments followed, which belong to the
province of general history. Our object here has only been to
furnish an induction to local events.
The withholding of the posts, was coupled with the assumption
of jurisdiction and guardianship over the Indians, the Six Nations
included. Extracts from the Maryland Journal:
" WHITESTOWK, July 9, 1794."
' We learn by a gentleman immediately from the county of Ouondaga, that the
greatest part of the Onondaga tribe of Indians, who have heretofore resided in that
part of the country, and annually received an annuity of 500 dollars from the, State,
have removed into the British territory of the Province of Upper Canada. That on
the 2oth u!t., those Indians who were on their way, and had collected at the Onondaga
Salt Springs, to take leave of the few who remained behind, and could not be pre-
vailed on (notwithstanding the most insinuating and indefatigable exertions of the
British lions of the North) to quit their country; the Indians were collected in coun-
cil, and the inhabitants, alarmed at the movement of those tawny sons of cruelty,
were also collected."
"PHILADELPHIA, Sept 1, 1794."
" An Express arrived at the War Office on Saturday last from the Genesee country
(within the State of New York) with despatches for the Executive of the United
States, which were immediately laid before the President Several private letters,
received by the same conveyance, advise that a peremptory order had been issued by
Ccl. Simcoe, the Governor of Upper Canada, requiring an immediate removal of the
inhabitants who have been for some time settled on a tract of land in that country,
within the bounds of the United States, agreeably to the treaty of peace. They like-
wise inform, that Capt Williamson, and the other citizens of the United States, who
are principally concerned in the settlement of those lands, were determined to resist
the said order, and were preparing to oppose any force that may be sent to deprive
them of their lawful rights and property."
" PHILADELPHIA, Sept, 1, 1794."
" SIR: If after the information, upon which my letter of the 20th of May, was
founded, any considerable doubt had remained, of Gov. Simcoe's invasion, your long
silence, without a refutation of it, and our more recent intelligence, forbid us to question
its truth. It is supported by the respectable opinions, which have been since trans-
mitted to the Executive, that in the late attack on Fort Rtcorery, British officers and
British soldiers were, on the very ground, aiding our Indian enemies.
" But, Sir, as if the Governor of Upper Canda was resolved to destroy even- possi-
bility of disbelieving his hostile views, he has sent to the Great Sodus a settlement
begun on a bay of the same name on Lake Ontario a command to Captain
Williamson, who derives a title from the State of New York, to desist from his enter-
prise. This mandate was borne by a Lieutenant Sheaffe, under a military escort: and
in its tone corresponds with the form of its delivery, being unequivocally of a military
and hostile nature:
" I am commanded to declare that during the inexecntion of the treaty of peace
340 HISTORY OF THE
between Great Britain and the United States, and until the existing differences
respecting it shall be mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of
the Indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held to be a direct
violation of his Britannic Majesty's rights, as they unquestionably existed before the
treaty; and has an immediate tendency to interrupt, and, in its progress, to destroy that
good understanding which has hitherto subsisted between his Britannic Majesty and
the United States of America. I therefore require you to desist from any such aggres-
sion. R. H. SHEAFFE,
Lieutenant and Qr. Mr. Gen' I Dcpt. of his Britannic Majesty's service."
Captain Williamson being from home, a letter was written to him by Lieutenant
Sheaffe, in the following words:
"SoDus, 16th August, 1794."
"SiR: Having a special commission and instructions for that purpose from the
Lieutenant Governor of his Britannic Majesty's Province of U. Canada, I have come
here to demand by what authority an establishment has been ordered at this place, and,
to require that such a design be immediately relinquished, for the reasons stated in the
written declaration accompanying this letter; for the receipt of which protest I have
taken the acknowledgment of your agent, Mr. Little. I regret exceedingly in my
private as well as public character, that I have not the satisfaction of seeing you here,
but I hope on my return, which will be about a week hence, to be more fortunate. 1
am, Sir, your most obedient servant. R. H. SHEAFFE,
Lt. 5th Rcgt. Q. M. G. D."
" The position of Sodus is represented to be seventy miles within the territorial line
of the United States about twenty from Oswego, and about one hundred from
Niagara.
" For the present, all causes of discontent, not connected with our western territory,
shall be laid aside; and even among these shall not be revived the root of our
complaints, the detention of the posts. But while peace is sought by us through every
channel, which honor permits, the Governor of Upper Canada is accumulating
irritation upon irritation. He commenced his operations of enmity at the rapids of the
Miami. He next associated British with Indian force to assault our fort. He now
threatens us, if we fell our own trees and build houses on our own lands. To what
length may not Governor Simcoe go? Where is the limit to the sentiment which
gave birth to these instructions? Where is the limit of the principle which Governor
Simcoe avows?
" The treaty and all its appendages we have submitted to fair discussion, more than
two years ago. To the letter of my predecessor of the 29th of May, 1792, you have
not been pleased to make a reply, except that on the 20th of June 1793, the 22d of
November, ;1793, and the 21st of February, 1794, no instructions had arrived from
your court. To say the best of this suspension, it certainly cannot warrant any new
encroachments, howsoever, it may recommend to us forbearance under the old.
It is not for the Governors of his Britannic Majesty to interfere with the measures
of the United States towards the Indians within their territory. You cannot, Sir, be
insensible that it has grown into a maxim, that the affairs of the Indians within the
boundaries of any nation, exclusively belong to that nation. But Governor Simcoe,
disregarding this right of the United States, extends the lino of usurpation in which he
marches, by referring to the ancient and extinguished rights of his Britannic Majesty.
For, if the existing condition of the treaty keeps them alive on the southern side of
Lake Ontario, the Ohio itself will not stop their career.
" You will pardon me, Sir, if under these excuses of Governor Simcoe, I am not
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 341
discouraged by yonr having formerly disclaimed a control over, and a responsibility for,
the Governors of his Britannic Majesty, from resorting to you on this occasion. You
are addressed from a hope, that if he will not be restrained by your remonstrances, he
may at least be apprized, through you, of the consequences of self-defence.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
Hon. GEORGE HAMMOND, EDM. RANDOLPH.
Minister Plenipotentiary of Ids Britannic Majesty."
To this letter of Secretary Randolph, Mr. Hammond replied,
under date, New York, Sept 3, 1794. that he should transmit
copies of Mr. Randolph's letter by the earliest opportunity, to Gov.
Simcoe and His Majesty's ministers in England. The invasion of
Gov. Simcoe referred to at the commencement of Mr. Randolph's
letter, was the marching of British troops by Gov. Simcoe's orders,
and taking post and erecting a fort on the Maumee river, early in
1794.
Between these movements of Gov. Simcoe, and a passage in the
" Travels of the Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt," which has
already been quoted in another connection, there is a remarkable
coincidence. The Duke visited the Governor at Niagara, about
the period of these acts of aggression. The passage is as follows:
"He," (Gov. Simcoe,) "discourses with much good sense, on all
subjects, but his favorite topics are, his projects and war, which
seem to be the objects of his leading passions. He is acquainted
with the military history of all countries; no hillock catches his
eye without exciting in his mind the idea of a fort which might
be constructed on the spot, and with the construction of this fort,
he associates the plan of operations for a campaign, especially of
that which is to lead him to Philadelphia." It is not presuming too
much, to conclude that his aim was to embroil the frontiers of
Western New York, and the North West Territory in difficulties,
which he designed should eventuate in war; and he, at the head
of a British Army, take the high road to Philadelphia, and to fame.
From tke Maryland Journal, of Jioc, 21, 17W.
" WHiTESTOwy, Nov. 5."
"A gentleman directly from Canandarquie, informs that 1600 Indians had come in
to the treaty on Monday Se'nnight and also that Wm. Johnson, a British Indian
agent, and a Mr. Steel, the Indian interpreter from Niagara, were also there, and had
found means to collect 26 chiefs in a bye-place, and were haranguing of them in the
most eloquent and flattering manner, when discovered by the inhabitants, they were
using the most persuasive acts, together with offers of large presents, to induce the
Indians to turn their arms against the United States. The meeting broke up in a
disorderly manner. The inhabitants were greatly exasperated at this insolent conduct
of British agents; and it is said that they gave out that if Col. Pickering did not cause
their arrest, they would inflict upon them the Yankee punishment of tar aud feathers."
342 HISTORY OF THE
From same paper, of Dec. 9, 1794.
" ALBANY Nov. 27."
" The Genesee treaty, we are informed, has terminated much to the satisfaction of the
commissioner of the United States, and of the Six Nations of Indians, who have
relinquished all right and title to the Fresque Isle territory, and a tract of land four
miles wide, from Johnston's Landing to Fort Slauser, including Fort Niagara; and
also granted to the United States, the right of passing and repassing through their
country."
The disposition to renew the war, the work of mischief that
was commenced and carried on among the Indians perhaps the
beligerent spirit of Gov. Simcoe, had been greatly promoted by a
measure of Lord Dorchester, after the defeat of St. Clair. View-
ing it now, after the lapse of over half a century, it is impossible to
construe it in any other way than as a premeditated attempt to
renew the Indian border wars; and as his Lordship had but recently
returned from a visit to England, it would seem that he acted under
home influences which contemplated a recommencement of hostil-
ties upon a much larger scale. Having been waited upon by a
deputation of Indians, of the west, for advice in reference to their
existing boundary difficulties with the United States, he answered
them in the following speech:
"CHILDREN: I was in expectation of hearing from the people
of the United States what was required by them. I hoped that I
should have been able to briiig you together and make you friends.
"CHILDREN: I have waited long and listened with great atten-
tion, but I have not heard one word from them.
"CHILDREN: I flatter myself with the hope that the line pro-
posed in the year eighty-three, to separate us from the United
States, which was immediately broken by themselves as soon as the
peace was signed, would have been mended, or a new one drawn,
in an amicable manner. Here, also, I have been disappointed.
"CHILDREN: Since my return. I find no appearance of a line
remains; and from the manner in which the people of the United
States rush on, and act, and talk, on this side; and from what I
learned of their conduct towards the sea, I shall not be surprised
if we are at war with them in the course of the present year,
and if so, a line must be drawn by the warriors.
"CHILDREN: You talk of selling your lands to the state of
New York. I have told you that there was no line between them
and us. I shall acknowledge no lands to be theirs which have
been encroached on by them since the year 1783. They then
broke the peace, and as they keep it not on their part, it doth not
bind on ours.
"CHILDREN: They then destroyed their right of pre-emption.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 343
Therefore all their approaches towards us since that time, and all
the purchases made by them, I consider as an infringement on the
King's rights. And when a line is drawn between us, be it in
peace or war, they must lose all their improvements and houses
on our side of it Those people must all begone who do not obtain
leave to become the King's subjects. What belongs to the Indians,
will of course, be secured and confirmed to them.
'CHILDREN: What farther can I say to you? You are wit-
nesses that on our parts, we have acted in the most peaceable man-
ner, and borne the language and conduct of the people of the United
States with patience. But I believe our patience is almost exhausted."
As w r e have no information beyond the correspondence intro-
duced, in reference to the affair between Lieut. Sheaffe * and Capt.
Williamson, we are left to infer that the spirited communication of
Secretary Randolph induced His Brittanic Majesty's plenipoten-
tiary, to curb the further raging of loyal wrath in the bosom of
Gov. Simcoe.
It can well be imagined how all that we have been alluding to,
helped to throw obstacles in the way of settlement, and perplex
the backwoods adventurers. There was a long succession of
harassing events, of fearful apprehensions and danger. The Six
Nations of Indians not wholly reconciled, in their midst; far out-
numbering them; conquered but not subdued; their jealousies and
prejudices excited by such powerful influences as have been
alluded to; their tomahawks and scalping knives still stained with
the blood of their victims in the border wars; in whose bosoms
rankled dire revenge for the retributive justice so lately inflicted
upon them by Gen. Sullivan. Although there were no Indians on
the Phelps and Gorham tract, yet numerous villages, teeming with
their warriors, were in its immediate neighborhood, the barrier
of distance not intervening as a shield against their stealthy incur-
sions. In the year 1793, after the defeat of Generals Harmer and
St. Clair, in the Northwestern Territory, in which British officers
and soldiers, as well as some of our own Indians participated with
* The then LieuL Sheaffe, was afterwards the Maj. Gen. Sheaffe, of the war of
1812. At the commencement of the Revolution, he was a lad, residing with his wid-
owed mother, in Boston. Earl Percy's quarters were in his mother's house. He
became his protege, received from him a military education and a commission in the
army, from which he rose to the rank of Major General. The commencement of the
war of 1812 found him stationed in Canada. He professed a reluctance to engage in
it, and wished rather a transfer to some other country, than a participation in a war
against his countrymen. For his exploit at Queenston Heights, he was created a Bar-
oueU These facts are derived from a note in Stone's life of Brant.
344 HISTORY OF THE
our enemy, and before the victory obtained by Gen. Wayne, over
those Indians in 1794, the "Genesee Indians behaved very rudely,
they would impudently enter the houses of the whites (in the Gen-
esee country,) and take the prepared food from the tables without
leave, but immediately after the event of the battle (Wayne's
victory,) was known, they became humble and tame as spaniels."
It was a fact known only at the time to Judge Hosmer and Gen.
Israel Chapin, Superintendent of Indian affairs, residing at Avon
and Canandaigua, " that the Genesee Indians were ready to rise
upon the frontier dwellers of this state, as soon as it should be
known that the Indians had been victorious over Wayne, which
they did not doubt." Judge Hosmer and Gen. Chapin received
this information from an American gentleman, living at Newark,
(Niagara) Upper Canada. This gentleman's name, whose charac-
ter stood high in the confidence of government, was ever kept a
secret by those two gentlemen, nor was the rumor suffered to
spread among the inhabitants, as it would probably have depopu-
lated the country; but it put these two gentlemen on the guard
until the contingency was settled.
For the foregoing information, we are indebted to George
Hosmei', Esq.
Though there was no concerted or formidable participation of the
Six Nations, in the war going on at the west, it is plain that they
meant to keep themselves in a position to take advantage of any ill
success of Wayne's expedition. It is inferred by Col. Stone that
there were Seneca Indians in the final battle with Wayne, or if not,
runners of that nation stationed near the scene of action, from the
fact that the Indians of Western New York, were apprized of the
result before the whites were.
The inference of the following letter from Gen. Wayne, to Corn-
planter, and two other Seneca chiefs, is, that the position of the
Senecas was an undefined one; that although it was professedly
one of inaction, or neutrality, the government through the agency
of Gen. Wayne, found it necessary, while quelling the western
Indians, to lay anchors to the windward, to guard against the
participation of the Senecas in the disturbances it was endeavoring
to quell. The letter is copied from the original manuscript;
attached to which, is the autograph signature of the brave, impetu-
ous, but successful "Mad Anthony." There is no date to the
letter, but the contents indicate about the period it was written:
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 345
BROTHERS!
" It was the sincere wish and desire of the President (General Washington) to see
you in Philadelphia at the Grand Council Fire of the Fifteen United States of America,
whilst the chosen Counsellors were assembled together from every part of this great
Island:
" He, therefore, commanded me to send to invite you to come to Philadelphia to
meet him in that Council & to inform you that he had sent to invite Red Jacket and
other Chiefs to meet him also.
" Pursuant to this command of the President, I sent Mr. Rosecrantz with a message
to you from Pittsburgh on the 14th day of November last (more than four moons
since) inviting you to that Council Fire:
" You returned for answer " that you could not come at present, as you had so
much business to do among yourselves, which you must first attend to."
At the same time you were so good & friendly as to communicate the proceedings
& result of the Grand Council of the Hostile and other Chiefs assembled at Au-Glaize
which I received by Mr. Rosecrantz and Cayendoe, now present.
"They were partly the same as had been communicated to General Washington by
you & the other Chiefs of the Six Nations from Buffalo Creek some time before.
" But the President still wishing to see & talk with you at the Grand Council Fire
then kindled in Philadelphia, ordered me to send you a second message to meet him
there that he might hear & understand from your own lips the terms upon which the
Hostile Indians would agree to make peace and which would be more fully & better
explained viva voce or, by word of mouth, than in writing, as many questions might
occur that were not thought of at the time of writing.
" In obedience to those orders, I sent you another invitation by Mr. Rosecrantz and
Cayendoe to meet the President in Philadelphia at the Council Fire, hoping that by
that time you had settled the business you had to transact among yourselves:
" You have now come forward but, it is too late; the fire is extinguished and
will not be rekindled until November next, i. e. between eight & nine moons from
this time.
" I am however, happy to inform you that the Farmers brother, the young King the
Infant, the Shining breast-plate & two others of inferior rank went forward and met
the President & Grand Council of the Fifteen Fires in Philadelphia agreeably to tha
invitation which I mentioned had been sent to them by the President and from whom
it is probable that the President and Council have received the required information ;
those Chiefs must have returned to their towns about the time that you set 08" to come
to this place : and will be able to inform you of the Council held with them.
" I will now fully inform you of the intelligence I have just received from Gen'l
Knox the Secretary : viz. agreeablv to the request of the Six Nations assembled at
Buffalo Creek last November. The President & Grand Council of the Fifteen Fires
of the United States have appointed three Commissioners to hold a conference with
the Hostile Indians about the first day of June next at the Lower Sandusky : they
will probably be at Niagara about the middle of May ; from whence it's also probable
that you with the other Chiefs of the Six Nations will accompany them to the treaty
and use your influence & good offices to procure a permanent peace ; so much the
true interest of all parties concerned.
" But if after all your good & friendly offices, aided by the sincere wish & desire of
the President & Grand Council of tho United States for Peace, it cannot be obtained
but by the sacrifice of National Character & Honor, I hope and trust that there will
be but one voice and mind to prosecute the war with that vigor and effect that the
346 HISTORY OF THE
Hostile Indians will have cause to lament that they did not listen to the voice of peace.
" Having thus communicated to you all the information that I have received respec-
ting the proposed treaty and having spoken my mind openly & freely as a Warrior
ever ought to do when speaking to friends & brothers,
" I have now to request that you will also speak your minds freely & without reserve:
so that we may perfectly understand each other: this is what you requested me to do
and what I have done.
" You will therefore make your minds easy and consider yourselves in the midst of
your friends and brothers.
ANT'Y WAYNE,
Major General fy Commander in Chief of the troops
of the United States of America.
THE CORNPLANTER, ")
NEW ARROW, I Chiefs of the
GEYESUTHA and ( Alleghany."
STIFF KNEE (alias) Bio T*EE. J
The effect of the decisive victory of Gen. Wayne, his thorough
scourging of the hostile Indians of the west and northwest, put an
end to all existing Indian disturbances. Its happy influences
extended to all the interests of our country. The Indian wars had
come when the government and people were tired of war, and
were looking forward to peace and repose. But no where was the
consummation hailed with greater joy, than among those who
struggling with all the usual hardships and privations of new settle-
ments, had been encountering the additional obstacle, the fear that
the scenes of the border war, were to be re-enacted in their midst.
With the Six Nations, it was followed by the burying of the
tomahawk, "never to be dug up." Settling down upon their
Reservations, they became gentle and inoffensive; friendly to the
new settlers as they began to drop in around them; the faithful
allies of the United States, in the contest of 1812; emphatically, it
may be said, that in all the time that has intervened, from the
period we have been speaking of, to the present, they have been
far more " sinned against, than sinning."
The Society of Friends, of Philadelphia or rather, what is
termed the "Philadelphia yearly meeting," were the early, and
have been the constant guardians of the welfare and interests of
the Senecas. as the reader will observe in some of the early annals
that will follow. Their good offices were interposed in counselling
peace and the pursuit of peaceful avocations. Among some old
manuscripts the author has in his possession, which belonged to
Cornplanter and Red Jacket, is the following letter, which it will
be observed bears date a few months after Wayne's victory. It
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 347
breathes a kind spirit, and was well calculated to promote the
interests not only of the Indians, but of those who were becoming
their neighbors:
PHILADELPHIA 1st month, 24th, 1795.
Sly good friend the Farmers Brother.
By Capt Chapin I thought proper to inform thee, & thy Nation, that me and all
my friends who attended the Treaty at Canandarqua, arrived safe home and found our
friends well we Reflect frequently on your friendly Disposition towards us, & the
Issue of the Treaty which we hope will be the means of a Lasting peace Between you
& the United States we hope you will keep the Remainder of your Land in your
hands, and learn to Cultivate it & that you will by all means keep in Peace with the
White People as well as with your Indian Brethren & all men this will be your
greatest happiness, if we your friends the Quakers of Philadelphia Can be of any
Sen-ice to you we are Ready & willing at any time, k we Desire you may be free in
applying to us with a great Deal of Regard & Desire for your Welfare, I am your
friend,
WILLIAM SAVERT
Among the same manuscripts, is the following, by which it would
seem that soon after taking possession of Fort Niagara by the
troops of the United States, there was an assembling there of the
sachems and warriors of the Six Nations, to interchange sentiments
of peace, friendship, and mutual aid. Nothing accompanies the
manuscript to explain it; the author has no cotemporary history of
the council it would indicate; but it is an interesting relic; and its
contents have a direct bearing upon early local events :
Sachams and Brother warriors of the six nations residing within the territory of the
United States; I welcome you to Niagara.
We have meet, BROTHERS to brighten that chain of friendship which isstrectched
out to you; to your brethern on the western waters; and to the whole world. A
proof of this these Western posts that have so long been witheld, are at length given
up without the spilling of blood; and a good understanding now subsists between the
United States and the British Government: Lines are fixed and so strongly marked
between us that they cannot be mistaken, and every precaution taken to prevent a
misunderstanding. Within these lines you hold large tracts of land: in the sure and
peaceable possession of which the United States have taken care to guard you as their
own children and citizens: and if any rememberance of former animosities yet remain
let us bum- them in the grave of forgetfulness.
BROTHERS: As we have become near neighbors it will be our interest that we
shall also be good friends: be assured, you will experience in us a disposition to culti-
vate harmony and a good understanding; and that we hope to find the same disposition
in you: As a pledge of the sincerity of these professions, and as a token of regard the
president of the United States has charged me with and I now have the honour to
present you a flag of our nation: may the luster of its stars illuminate the western
world; and while the increase of its stripes give to our friends a confidence of our
ability, to protect them; may they, also, admonish such as would disturb our peace;
of our power to chastise them.
BROTHERS: Thus far (I conceive) I have spoken by authority derived from the
348 HISTORY OF THE
father of our country the president of the United States: indulge me a moment
while I speak in behalf of this garrisson, the command of which he has honoured me
with, you know (better than I do) that there is no road by which cured provissions and
other necessaries can be sent us from our settlements; that in winter all communication
by water is cut off; that the land between this and Genesee river is yours, and without
your permission, we will not attempt to widen, mend or straighten your road, which at
present is scarcely passable, but which if done, will not only be an accomodation to
this garrisson; to our settlers on the^genesee, and our British neighbors on the opposite
shore; but to yourselves also: nor will our making use of it in common with you,
injure your property or invade your rights: the road as well as the country, being
yours. I wish you therefore, to consult together, and if you agree with me in senti-
ment; give us permission to widen, mend and straighten, the road to Connowagoras.
BROTHEHS: As guardian of the honour, rights and interest of my country in this
quarter my duty makes it necessary for me to take notice of a practice I have
already represented to the British commandant on the opposite shore as wrong. While
the British held this post, they also claimed the souvreignty of the country quite to our
settlements: It was then a practice (and the precedent is yet contended for) to imploy
Indians to pursue deserters on the American side of the line to the Genesee river:
such pursuits are now improper. The British will not permit them on their side the
water: because they (justly) consider it an infraction of the rights of nations: what
is a violation of rights on one side, must be so on the other. This practice therefor, if
persisted in may involve the two governments in very disagreeable disputes (now
perhaps in your power to prevent) but which if you encourage; may terminate very
unpleasent to both countries and yourselves. I therefore request, that you will
admonish your brethren not to meddle with disputes between white people, of so
delicate a nature our differences (experience may have taught you) will not benefit
you, but your interference may involve us very disagreeably. For if I know the interest
& wish of my country, it is for peace: but however thus disposed, she ought not, she
cannot, and I am persuaded, will not tamely suffer her territory to be violated her
sovereignty on this the water to be disputed, and her rights contemptuously to be
trampled on. I beg you, therefore, to restrain your people from a practice the pernicious
consequences of which I have taken some pains to put in a proper light
BROTHERS: Yesterday you received some refreshment to day there is a further
supply provided and ready for you; when we have finished our business, (which I hope
will be soon,) I have a barrel of rum to present you; that you may with your brethren
you left to keep up your fires in your absence, drink prosperity to the United States
health and long life to our President I wish my supplies would afford you those neces-
saries you solicit, have been in the habit of receiving here; and appear to want. But
when you reflect that I command but the advance of the American troops intended for
this post and that my stores must consequently be small you cannot expect much
such as they are; you have partaken of. May your stay here be pleasant may we
part satisfied, and on your return, may the Great Spirit take you under his care so
that you may arrive safely at your respective homes, and find all you left behind in
security your friends and connexions will.
NIAGARA, September 23d, 1796. J. BRUFF, Captain Commanding."
The following, derived from the same source, though not of a
local character, is inserted chiefly to preserve a relic of one, the
bare mention of whose name excites the liveliest recollections of
our war of independence, and those foremost in achieving it. It
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 349
was an invitation of the Senecas to join in St Glair's expedition;
an expedition in which the brave and chivalric writer of the auto-
graph we transcribe, was a victim to the tomahawk and scalping
knife, after he was carried from the field to have wounds dressed
previously received:
BROTHERS or THI Fin NATIOXS:
The bearer hereof Jlons'r De Bartzch having eipress'd a Desire to assist and go
with such of your people as may be inelin'd (and yon think proper to send) to join
Governor St Clair & accompany the Army of the U. S. against the Western Hostile
tribes of Indians As you fc Mons'r De Bartzch are acquainted, should any of your
People join the Governor & Troops, and that he is still inclin'd to go on the Expedi-
tion, and that it is agreeable to you and your People that he should be with you, it
will be very agreeable to me as I believe him to be a Gentleman, and of very honora-
ble Character I am Brothers your Real Friend
RICH'D BUTLER,
Maj'r Gen'l in the L~. S. Army.
PITTSBURGH, June 5th, 1791.
To the CoR5PLA5TKH, and other Chiefe and Warriors of the Five Nations."
ROBERT MORRIS.
A short biography of one eminently useful in our Revolutionary
struggle, is suggested by his after identity with our local region.
He was as will have been seen, at one period, the proprietor of
the whole of Western New York west of Phelps and Gorham's
Purchase, by purchase from Massachusetts, and the Seneca Indians.
In the attempt of feeble colonies, to throw off the yoke of
oppression, there was work to be done in council as well as in the
field at the financier's desk, as well as in the more conspicuous
conflicts of arms. If raw troops, called from the field and work-
shop, were to be enrolled and disciplined, upon a sudden emergency,
provisions were to be made for their equipment and sustenance.
Both were tasks surrounded with difficulty and embarrassment;
both required men and minds of no ordinary cast. Fortunately
they were found. WASHINGTON was the chief, the leader of our
armies, the master spirit that conducted the struggle to a glorious
termination; MORRIS was the financier. They were heads of
co-ordinate branches, in a great crisis, and equally well performed
their parts.
Robert Morris was born in Liverpool, in 1733. His father
emigrated to the United States in 1745, and settled at Port
Tobacco, in Maryland, engaging extensively in the tobacco trade.
350 HISTORY OF THE
He met his death in a singular manner, when the subject of this
sketch was but a youth. He was the consignee of a ship that had
arrived from a foreign port; the custom then was to fire a gun
when the consignee came on board. As if he had a presentiment
that the ceremony would prove fatal to him, he had requested its
omission. The captain had so ordered, but a sailor, not having
understood the order, and supposing the omission accidental, seized
a match, and fired the gun as Mr. Morris was leaving the ship. A
portion of the wadding fractured his arm, mortification and death
ensued.
Previous to the death of his father, Robert Morris had been
placed in the counting house of Mr. Charles Willing, an eminent
merchant of Philadelphia, where he soon acquired a proficiency in
mercantile affairs that recommended him as a partner of the son
of his employer.
When the first difficulties occurred between the colonies and the
mother country, though extensively engaged in a mercantile busi-
ness that was to be seriously affected by it, he was one of other
patriotic Philadelphia merchants who promoted and signed the non-
importation agreement, which restricted commercial intercourse
with Great Britain to the mere necessaries of life.
When the news of the battle of Lexington reached Philadelphia,
Mr. Morris was presiding at a dinner usually given on the anni-
versary of St. George. He participated in putting a sudden stop
to the celebration in honor of an English saint, and helped to upset
the tables that had been spread. His resolution was fixed. It was
one of devotion to the cause of the colonies; and w r ell was it
adhered to.
In 1775 and '76 he was a member of Congress, and became a
signer of the Declaration of Independence. A few days after the
battle of Trenton, it became a matter of great importance to the
commander-in-chief, to obtain a sum of money in specie, in orcjer
to keep himself well advised of the movements of the enemy. He
applied to Mr. Morris for that purpose, and received the following
answer:
"Philadelphia, Dec. 30, 1776.
" SIR I have just received your favor of this day, and sent to Gen. Putnam to detain
the express until I collected the hard money you want, which you may depend shall bo
sent in one specie or other with this letter, and a list thereof, shall be enclosed herein.
I had long since parted with very considerable sums of hard money to Congress, and
therefore must collect from others and as matters now stand, it is no easy thing. I
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 351
mean to borrow silver and promise payment in gold, and then collect the gold the best
way I can. Whilst on this subject, let me inform you, that there is upwards of twenty
thousand dollars of silver at Ticonderoga. They have no particular use for it, and I
think you might as well send a party to bring it away, and lodge it in a safe place con-
venient for any purposes for which it may hereafter be wanted. Whatever I can do
shall be done for the good of the cause.
I am dear Sir, yours, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS."
When Washington had re-crossed the Delaware for the second
time, in Dec. 1777, the time of service of nearly all the eastern
troops had expired. To induce them to engage for another six
weeks, he promised a bounty of ten dollars each; and for the
necessary funds applied to Mr. Morris. In the answer of Mr.
Morris, accompanying the sum of fifty thousand dollars, he congrat-
ulates the commander-in-chief upon his success in retaining the men,
and assures him that "if farther occasional supplies of money are
wanted, you may depend on my exertions either in a public or pri-
vate capacity."
In March, 1777, he was chosen with Benjamin Franklin and
others, to represent the assembly of Pennsylvania in Congress; and
in November following, was associated with Mr. Gerry, and Mr.
Jones, to repair to the army and confidentially consult with the
commander-in-chief upon the best plan of conducting the winter
campaign. In August, 1778, he was appointed a member of the
standing committee of finance.
The years 1778, and '79, were the most distressing periods of
the war. The finances were in a wretched condition, and Mr.
Morris, not only advanced his money freely, but put in requisition
an almost unlimited individual credit.*
* Judje Peters relates the following anecdote: "We (the Board of War,) had
exhausted all the lead accessible to us; having caused even the spouts of houses to be
melted; and had unsuccessfully offered the equivalent of two shillings specie, (25 cents,)
per Ib. for lead. I went on the evening of a day in which 1 received a letter from the
army, to a splendid entertainment-given by Don Mirailles, the Spanish minister. My
heart was sad, but I had the faculty of brightenine my countenance even under gloomy
disasters; yet it seems not then with sufficient adroitness, for Mr. Morris, who was one
of the guests, and knew me well, discovered some casual trait of depression. He accos-
ted me in his usual frank and ingenuous manner, savins?: 'I sec some clouds passin<r
across the sunny countenance you assume: what is the matter?' After some hesitation
I showed him the general's letter which I had brought from the office, with the intention
of placing it at home, in a private cabinet He played with my anxiety, which he did
not relieve for some time. At length however, with' great and s'incere d'elight, he called
me aside and told me that the Holker privateer had just arrived at his wharf with ninety
tons of lead which she had brought as ballast 'You shall have ' said Mr. Morris 'my
half of this fortunate supply: there are the owners of the other half,' (indicating gentle-
men in the department) The other half was obtained. Before morning, a supply of
cartridges was made ready and sent off to the army."
352 HISTORY OF THE
In 1781, (a period of despair,) in addition to other contributions
of money and credit, Mr. Morris supplied the almost famishing
troops with several thousand barrels of flour. This timely aid
came when it \vas seriously contemplated to authorize the seizure
of provisions wherever they could be found; a measure which
would have been unpopular with the whole country, and probably
turned back the tide of public feeling flowing in favor of the
Revolution.
There is upon record a long catalogue of transactions similar to
those which have been related. Not only the commander-in-chief
but Generals of divisions, found Mr. Morris the dernier resort
when money and provisions were wanted. To private means that
must have been large, and a large credit, he added astonishing
faculties as a financier. When he had no other resource, he would
compel others to use their money and credit. In financial negoti-
ations, with him, to will a thing was to do it.
He was appointed to the office of " Financier," or what was
equivalent to the now office of Secretary of the Treasury. Never
perhaps, in any country, was a minister of finance placed over a
treasury the condition of which was worse. To use a phrase of
the play-house, it was a
" Beggarly account of empty boxes."
It had not a dollar in it, and was two millions and a half in debt.
Those who have seen Gen. Washington's military journal, of the
1st of May. 1781, can form some idea of the condition of the
army, and the finances.
It was the province of Mr. Morris to financier for Congress, and
a country and cause, in such a crisis. He began by restoring credit
and establishing confidence; promulgated the assurance that all his
official engagements would be punctually met; and put in requi-
sition his private means, the means of his friends, to fulfill the
promises he had held out. When apprized of his appointment to
the management of financial affairs, he replied: "In accepting the
office bestowed upon me, I sacrifice much of my interest, my ease,
my domestic enjoyment, and internal tranquility. If I know my
own heart, I make these sacrifices with a disinterested view to the
service of my country. I am willing to go further, and the United
States may command every thing I have except my integrity, and
the loss of that would effectually disable me from serving them
more."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 353
Among his financial expedients, to resuscitate public credit,
was the establishment of the Bank of North America. Collateral
security was given for the performance of the engagements of the
institution in the form of bonds, signed by wealthy individuals.
Mr. Morris heading the list with a subscription of 10,000.
In a private interview with Washington the subject of an attack
on New York was broached. Mr. Morris dissented; assuming
that it would be at too great a sacrifice of men and money; that
the success of the measure was doubtful ; that even if successful
the triumph as to results, would be a barren one; the enemy hav-
ing command of the sea could at any time land, fresh troops and
retake it, &c. Assenting to these objections, the commander-
in-chief said: "What am I to do? The country calls on me for
action; and moreover my army cannot be kept together unless
some bold enterprise is undertaken." To this Mr. Morris replied :
" Why not lead your forces to Yorktown? there Cornwallis may
be hemmed in by the French fleet by sea, and the American and
French armies by land, and will ultimately be compelled to sur-
render/' " Lead my troops to Yorktown !" said Washington, appear-
ing surprised at the suggestion. " How am I to get them there?
One of my difficulties about attacking New York arises from the
want of funds to transport my troops thither. How then can I
muster the means that will be requisite to enable them to march to
Yorktown?" "You must look to me for funds," rejoined Mr. Mor-
ris. " And how are you to provide them?" said. Washington.
"That," said Mr. Morris, "I am unable at this time to tell you, but
I will answer with my head, that if you will put your army in
motion, I will supply the means of their reaching Yorktown.''
After a few minutes reflection, Washington said: "On this assur-
ance of yours, Mr. Morris, such is my confidence in your ability
to perform any engagement you make, I will adopt your sugges-
tion."
When the army arrived at Philadelphia, Mr. Morris had the
utmost difficulty hi furnishing the supplies he had promised, but at
last hit upon the expedient of borrowing twenty thousand crowns
from the Chevalier de Luzerne, the French Minister. The Chev-
alier objected that he had only funds enough to pay the French
troops, and could not comply unless two vessels with specie on
board for him arrived from France. Fortunately, about, the time
23
354 HISTORY OF THE
the troops were at Elk, preparing to march for Yorktown, the
ships arrived, the money was procured, and especial pains taken
to parade the specie in open kegs, before the army. The troops
were paid, and cheerfully embarked to achieve the crowning tri-
umph of the Revolution.*
John Hancock, President of Congress, writing to Mr. Morris
in a severe crisis of the Revolution, says: "I know however,
you will put things in a proper way, all things depend upon you,
and you have my hearty thanks for your unremitting labor." Gen.
Charles Lee said to him in a letter, when he assumed the duties
of Secretary of an empty treasury: "It is an office I cannot
wish you joy of; the labor is more than Herculean; the filth of
that Augean stable is in my opinion too great to be cleared away
even by your skill and industry."
Paul Jones made Mr. Morris his executor, and bequeathed him
as a token of his high regard, the sword he had received from the
King of France. Mr. Morris gave it to Commodore Barry, with
a request that it should fall successively into the hands of the
oldest commander of the American Navy.
The Marquis de Chastellux, was in the United States, in 1780,
1781, and 1782, a Major General in the French Army, serving
under the Count de Rochambeau. In a book of Travels of which
he is the author, (a work well worthy of being more generally
known than it is,) he gives the following account of Mr. Morris.
He visited him at his house in Philadelphia:
" He was a very rich merchant, and consequently a man of every country, for
commerce bears every where the same character. Under monarchies, it is free; it is
an egotist in republics; a stranger, or if you will, a citizen of the universe, it excludes
alike the virtues and the prejudices that stand in the way of its interests. It is scarcely
to be. credited, that amidst the disasters of America, Mr. MORRIS, the inhabitant of a
town just emancipated from the hands of the English, should possess a fortune of eight
millions, (between three and four hundred thousand pounds, sterling.) It is, however,
in the most critical times, that the greatest fortunes are acquired. The fortunate return
of several ships, the still more successful cruises of his privateers, have increased his
riches beyond his expectations, if not beyond his wishes. He is, in fact, so accustomed
* Mr. Morris anxious to enlist the feelings of the Chevalier and secure his co-opera-
tion, took him into his carriage and was proceeding to Elk, when they met on the
road, an express rider. Mr. Morris called out to him and enquired for whom he had
despatches? "For Robert Morris," he replied. On opening the paper, it proved to
be the announcement that the French frigates had arrived in the Delaware with the
specie on board!
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 355
to the success of his privateers, that when he is observed on Sunday to be more
serious than usual, the conclusion is, that no prize has arrived the preceding week.
This flourishing 1 state of commerce at Philadelphia, as well as in Massachusetts Bay, is
entirely owing to the arrival of the French squadron. The English have abandoned all
their cruises, to block it up at Newport, and in that they have succeeded ill, for they
have not a single sloop coming to Rhode Island, or Providence. Mr. Morris is a large
man very simple in his manners; his mind is subtle and acute, his head perfectly well
organized, and he is as well versed in public affairs as in his own. He was a member
of Congress in 1776, and ought to be reckoned among those personages who have had
the greatest influence in the revolution of America. He is the decided friend of Dr.
Franklin, and the decided enemy of Mr. Read. His house is handsome, resembling
perfectly the houses in London; he lives there without ostentation, but not without
expense, for he spares nothing which can contribute to his happiness and that of Mrs.
MORKIS to whom he is much attached."
The account of Mr. Morris' wealth, at the period named, is not
perhaps exaggerated. During the Revolution the commercial
house in which he continued a partner, was prosecuting a success-
ful business. The translator of a London edition of the Travels
of the Marquis de Chastellux, speaks of vast money making facili-
ties Mr. Morris enjoyed through the French consul, resident in
Philadelphia, by means of special permits to ship cargoes of flour,
&c. in a time of general embargoes. At one period, says the
translator, he circulated his private notes throughout the country,
as cash.
The close of the Revolution, must have found him in possession
of immense wealth, exceeding that by far of any individual citizen
of the United States. But he was destined to a sudden reverse of
fortune. There followed the Revolution a mania for land specula-
tion, as great perhaps in porportion to the then number of persons
to participate in it. as one that has been witnessed in our own
times. Mr. Morris participated largely in it; investing in large
tracts of wild land, as they came into market in different parts
of the United States; realizing for a time vast profits upon sales.
A reaction ensued, which found him in possession of an immense
landed estate, and largely in debt for purchase money. From
the opulence that we have been speaking of, he was reduced to
poverty; and ultimately, some merciless creditors, made him for a
long time the tenant of a prison.
It has been stated that his misfortunes were partly owing to sacri-
fices he made during his financial agencies in the Revolution.
This error is corrected in a letter with which the author has been
favored from a surviving son of his, the venerable THOMAS MORXIS,
356 HISTORY OF THE
Esq. a resident of the city of New York: "My father's pecu-
niary losses were not owing to his public engagements in the war
of Independence. Heavy as those engagements were, (the last
two years of the war having been supported almost entirely by his
advances and by his credits,) he was eventually reimbursed by the
public)'
The author has in his posession two autograph letters, from Mr.
Morris, addressed to "Mr. Benjamin Barton," the father of the late
Benjamin Barton, Jr. The first, was written but a few weeks
after the Treaty with the Indians on the Genesee river, at which
the Indian title was extinguished to all the lands in this state west
of Phelp's and Gorham's Purchase. It is inserted entire :
" HILLS, NEAR PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 18, 1797.
SIR. I received your letter dated at Newark, the 12th inst. only yesterday, and am
sorry to see thereby the several unfortunate accidents you have met with, and particu-
larly as your affairs have become deranged thereby. In consequence of the purchase
lately made by the Indians, our surveyors, will immediately set to work and survey and
lay out that country; and as my son Thomas, who lives at Canandaigua, Ontario
county, will have a principal share in selling lands, and establishing settlements there,
I think you had better apply to him; but your application will be time enough by or
before next spring, when he comes to Albany in the winter, to meet the Legislature.
You did not furnish me with an account of the lumber you sent down, which I wish
you would do, with the cost thereof.
I am, Sir, Your obt serv't ROBERT MORRIS."
At the date of this letter, he was a "Merchant Prince," living in
affluence, writing of the purchase and intended sale and settlement
of vast tracts of land. Upon him had devolved the financiering
for our country in a period of peril and embarrassment. When
the army of WASHINGTON, unpaid, were lacking food and raiment;
murmuring as they well might be; it was his purse and credit that
more than once prevented its dispersion, and the failure of the
glorious achievement of Independence. His ships were upon the
ocean, his notes of hand forming a currency, his drafts honored
every where among capitalists in his own country, and in many of
the marts of commerce in Europe.
A reverse of fortune, saddening to those who are now enjoying
the blessings to which he so eminently contributed who wish that
no cloud had gathered around the close of his useful life inter-
vened between the dates of the two letters. The second one is
dated "Philadelphia, Dec. 11, 1800," and after disposing of some
business enquiries that had been made, closes as follows:
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 357
" Yon have now the clearest information I can give yon. I have been frequently
applied to about this affair, but hope there is an end of it If however, you should find
it necessary to write again, be good enough to pay the postage of your letters, for /
hare not a cent to sparefrom the means of subsistence.
I am, Sir, Your very obt. serv't
ROBERT MORRIS.
Mr. BESJAMIX BARTOS, Sussex Co. N. J."
Mr. Morris died at Morrisania, N. J., Nov. 6th, 1806, aged
73 years.
NOTE. During the life of Mrs. Morris, she had an annuity of fifteen hundred
dollars, paid her by the Holland Company, as an equivalent for the release of dower,
in the lands they purchased of her husband. "This was all that was left of that
splendid fortune which we have seen to have been lavished in loans for the public
service, when its return was most doubtful." Robert Morris was not only connected
with this region as a primitive proprietor, but the project of the Erie Canal was
promoted by his efforts.
358 HISTORY OF THE
AUGUSTUS PORTER.
Few names were earlier, have been more intimately, and' none
more honorably, associated with the entire history of settlement
and progress nu Western New York, than that of AUGUSTUS
PORTER. Entering it in his youth sitting down in the primitive
log cabins erected by the first settlers west of the Mussachusetts
pre-emption line; going out with compass and chain and trav-
ersing the wilderness, over hill and dale, the trails of the Indian
that he occasionally crossed, the only evidences that human advent
and agency had preceded him; his rude camp in the fastnesses of
the forest, pitched upon streams and by the side of springs that
had flowed and gurgled until then, unknown to his race; changing
his wilderness itineracy for a position and agency that equally
blended him and his name with the primitive settlement of that
now empire of wealth and substantial prosperity, "Phelps and
Gorham's Purchase." Remaining there but to see settlement
fairly commenced, then coming farther on, first as surveyor und
then as a settler to prominently participate in pushing settlement
and improvement to a new field of enterprize to the western
boundaries of the Holland Purchase; he lives to witness the
mighty change that has been wrought! With a memory and a
judgment unimpaired by age and more than its usual physical
infirmities, he yet lives to contribute valuable and essential remin-
iscences to the Pioneer history of a region he has seen converted
and helped to convert from the hunting grounds of the
migratory Indian, to the fairest and most prosperous region of our
Empire State.
There are few whose days are lengthened out as his have been;
fewer by far who have had cognizance of, and participation in, so
extended a period of interesting events in the history of our
country. Change, progress, the conversion of a wilderness to
what Western New York now is, in the short space of a little
over half a century, is a wonder of itself and how far enhanced
is the wonder, when in view of the average amount of years that
are allotted to an active participation in the affairs of this life, we
listen to, or read the recital of events from a living witness,
commencing with the earliest advents of our race, in the work of
settlement and improvement !
His studies at school in the years immediately preceding his
or . UOICOTT co n v.
: :
- ~. ~J^~
HOLLAND > PURCHASE. 361
majority, were interrupted by ow and ostentation. In this respect,
supply the places of those wH d example furnish a useful lesson; a
an army raised by a few fe and physical degeneracy he lives to
and Independence. He ha
summation of that struggle 11 country as will have been seen, young;
empire of states, fulfilling d constitution; healthy and muscular. In
bv its founders. j ve d good health; interrupted occasion-
" The hand that helped to the climate, and extraordinary expo-
and farm surveys of the iventy-four years of age, he was engaged
east line of the Holland n g U P a stick of timber. Standing himself
citv with over thirtv th weight of the stick came upon it, throwing
villages; dotted throughc ice as to partially break a hip bone; to
comfortable farm houses .attributed a present lameness; added to
by canals, rail roads and te. nd at times painful infirmity hernia-
record of events of his own ha * increases with age, and renders the
witnessed but by successive ^ in ordinary conversation. And yet,
centuries ! "" g reater portion of each day, is spent
Penetrating the wilderness re^S ement of a largely extended and
the Falls of Niagara, and promint
the forest that enshrouded them T ste P in the preparation of this work, the
Of settlement and improvement stance M his lon ? r idence, retentive mem-
. . j , ,. , ogive. He cheerfully and obligingly com-
pnmitive roads; he lives to see the . , , . .
1 \ . swering of such enquines as were made
village; to see it the termination of -mew. These are principally applicable
deep gorge, Or basin, into which he h and will be used in a detached form,
of water pour but to affright the wikf e d the Jud s e had been a PP Ued to
, , , f. . , . , uffalo, for historical reminiscences,
haunts, spanned by one of the highest pel sodation . which request fae was
to see where stood the rude, semi-log cabii: ssociation, that portion of his
occasional visitor, palace-like hotels erected, as it was approaching the
by those who throng to the great centre of a ttrac. fromtravellin ? twiceove '
' ,, . . f f . ,1 i 'han could have been
\lhere now is a city of over forty thousand - it came from ^
great mart of the commerce of prosperous states, he h, - f orm s; that in
and partaken of backwoods fare, in a log-cabin, the onlyhe progress of
entertainment. There he has waited for a change of v,
enable him and his companions to coast along the shores of N
Erie, in a batteau. over waters then but seldom disturbed but ;
the elements, and the Indian's bark canoe. He lives to see those ~-
waters whitened by the sails of commerce; u floating palaces,"
steam-propelled, in fleets, competing for the travel and transpor-
tation of a young but already extended and prosperous empire of
the west !
OF THE
ress, the mighty achievements
\e reminiscences, of this early
-ised that the author has, for
if narrative, for comments,
it inappropriate, to have
to give a faithful portrait
h of January, 1769; is a
n of Joshua Porter, who
ian and surgeon, in that
age of ninety-five years.
i the rudiments of educa-
town; his regular attend-
the case with most boys of
vinter months. In 1786, in
. particularly surveying, under
, of Lebanon. His tutor dying,
her's farm, remaining under the
1789, when he first started for the
t opening in Western New York.
personal biography, in this form, is
-s embraced in a narrative of early
jd, at the request of the Buffalo Young
of which, as it will be observed, the
his pages.
came a resident of the Holland Purchase
me Falls of Niagara, where he still resides, at
of eighty years. He may be said to constitute
ink between two generations or rather between
classes; so far as habits of life are concerned. He is
j survivors of a race of Pioneers, hardy, industrious and
.nen of iron constitutions they must have been, to encounter
ardships and privations of the wilderness. Living now in an
, of luxury, of increasing effeminacy; surrounded by all the
.omforts of life; with ample means to enjoy its luxuries; he
emphatically belongs to the old school; preserving the simple,
frugal habits of his youth and middle age, his habits of industry
and economy; his love of the substantial and sensible things of this
life; leaving to those who have acquired wealth through a less
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
3G1
rugged path, their choice of show and ostentation. In this respect,
as well as others, his life and example furnish a useful lesson; a
protest against the moral and physical degeneracy he lives to
witness.
He came to the western country as will have been seen, young;
with a good New England constitution; healthy and muscular. In
all of his early life he enjoyed good health; interrupted occasion-
ally by diseases incident to the climate, and extraordinary expo-
sures. In 1843, then seventy-four years of age, he was engaged
with his laborers, in prying up a stick of timber. Standing himself
upon the pry, the whole weight of the stick came -upon it, throwing
him off \vith such violence as to partially break a hip bone; to
which casualty is to be attributed a present lameness; added to
which is the troublesome and at times painful infirmity hernia
and a hereditary deafness, that increases with age, and renders the
use of an ear trumpet essential in ordinary conversation. And yet,
under all these disabilities, the greater portion of each day, is spent
in the out-of-door general management of a largely extended and
varied business.*
[During the last winter, as a preliminary step in the preparation of this work, the
author called upon Judge Porter for such assistance as his long residence, retentive mem-
ory, and intelligent observation enabled him to give. He cheerfully and obligingly com-
plied, and devoted several days to a patient answering of such enquiries as were made
of him; the author taking notes during the interview. These are principally applicable
of the early settlement of the Holland Purchase, and will be used in a detached form,
as the necessity of their use occurs. About this period the Judge had been applied to
by a committee of the Young Men's Association of Buffalo, for historical reminiscences,
with a view to preservation in the archives of their Association; which request he was
complying with. Wiih his consent, and that of the Association, that portion of his
written narrative of events, having reference to settlement as it was approaching the
Holland Purchase, is used by the author. It saved the narrator from travelling twice over
the same ground, and insured a greater degree of correctness, than could have been
relied upon from notes of conversation. The narrative is taken up as it came from his
hands; with such portions omitted as have been embraced in other forms; that in
reference to land titles being the principal omission in all that relates to the progress of
settlement in Western New York.]
In the year 1789, Capt. Wm. Bacon, Gen. John Fellows, Gen.
John Ashley, and Elisha Lee, Esq., of Sheffield, Mass., Deacon John
Adams of Alford, Mass., and my father, having become the pur-
chasers of Township No. 12. 1st Range (now Arcadia, Wayne
Co.,) and No. 10, in the 4th Range, (now East Bloomfield, Onta-
* This is from a note made in the author's memorandum book, a year previous to the
publication of his work.
362 HISTORY OF THE
rio Co.,) then in the county of Montgomery, New York, I entered
into an agreement with them to go out and survey the tracts. I,
accordingly, in pursuance of previous arrangements, made with
Capt. Bacon, met him at Schenectady, early in May, 1789. Here
I found Capt. B. had collected some cattle, provisions, and farming
utensils, for the use of the settlers who were going forward in
company with Deacon Adams and his family, whom I also met at
the same place, and who took charge of the cattle. The provis-
ions were taken into two boats. I assisted in navigating one of
the boats, each carrying about twelve barrels, and known as
Schenectady batteaux, and each navigated by four men. Leaving
Schenectady, we proceeded up the Mohawk to Fort Stanwix
(now Rome.) In passing Little Falls of the Mohawk, the boats
and their contents were transported around on wagons. At Fort
Stanwix, we carried our boats, &c., over a portage about one
mile, to the waters of Wood creek. This creek affords but little
water from the portage to its juncture with the Canada creek,
(which falls into Wood creek seven miles west of Fort Stanwix.)
At the portage there was a dam for a saw mill, which created a
considerable pond. This pond, when filled, could be rapidly dis-
charged, and on the flood thus suddenly made, boats were enabled
to pass down. We passed down this stream, which empties into
Oneida Lake, and through that lake and its outlets to the Three
River Point, and thence up the Seneca River and the outlet of
Kanadasaga Lake, (now Seneca Lake,) to Kanadasaga settlement,
(now Geneva.) The only interruption to the navigation to this
river and the outlet, occurred at Seneca Falls and Waterloo, (then
known as Scoys.) At Seneca Falls we passed our boats up the
stream empty, by the strength of a double crew, our loading being
taken around by a man named Job Smith, who had a pair of oxen
and a rudely constructed cart, the wheels of which were made
by sawing off a section of a log, some two and a half or three
feet in diameter. At Scoys, we took out about half our load to
pass, consisting mostly of barrels, which were rolled around the
rapids.
From the time we left Fort Stanwix, until we arrived at Kana-
dasaga, we found no white persons, except at the juncture of
Canada and Wood creeks, where a man lived by the name of
Armstrong; at Three River Point, where lived a Mr. Bingham,
and at Seneca Falls, where was Job Smith. Geneva was at that
time the most important Western settlement, and consisted of some
six or seven families, among whom was Col. Reed, (father of the
late Rufus Reed, of Erie, Pa.,) Roger Noble and family, of Shef-
field, Mass., and Asa Ransom, late of Erie county, who had a small
shop, and was engaged in making Indian trinkets. At Geneva
we left our boats and cargoes in charge of Capt. Bacon, who
had come from Schenectady to Fort Stanwix, on horseback, and
there took passage on our boats. Joel Steel, Thaddeus Keyes,
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 363
Orange Woodruff, and myself, took our packs on our backs, and
followed the Indian trail, over to Canandaigua.
At Canandaigua, (then called Kanandarque) we found Gen.
Chapin, Daniel Gates, Joseph Smith, (Indian interpreter) Benjamin
Gardner and family, Frederick Saxton, (Surveyor) and probably
some half a dozen others, all of whom except Smith and Gardner
had come on with Gen. Chapin, some ten or fifteen days before,
in boats from Schenectady, by Fort Stanwix, Wood creek, Oneida
Lake, &c., and up the Canandaigua outlet, into the lake itself.
This is the only instance to my knowledge of the ascent of boats
for transportation so high up; the ordinary point of landing, after-
wards, being at Manchester, seven miles down. The only houses
in Canandaigua were of logs. One occupied by "Gen. Chapin near
the outlet; one a little further north, on the rising ground occu-
pied by Smith, and one by Gardner near the old Antis house, as
at present known; and the other on the lot where Oliver Phelps'
house stands, which had been built the fall before by Mr. Walker,
an agent of Mr. Phelps. In this house, Caleb Walker, his
brother, died in 1790, and was the first person buried in the grave-
yard at Canandaigua.
From Canandaigua, I went to township, No. 10, in the 4th Range
(now East Bloomfield,) where I found Jonathan Adams, one of the
proprietors of the town, who had come on from Schenectady with
cattle and horses, accompanied by his large family, consisting of
the following persons; himself and wife, his sons, John, William,
Abner, and Joseph; his sons-in-law, Ephraim Rew, and Loriii Hull,
and their wives, (his daughters) Wilcox, another son-in-law, and a
younger daughter, afterwards the wife of John Keyes; Elijah
Rose a brother-in-law, wife and son, and the following named
persons: Moses Gunn, Lot Rew, John Bams, Roger Sprague,
Asa Heacock, Benjamin Goss, John Keyes. Nathaniel Norton,
and Eber Norton. Here Mr. Adams had erected two small log
houses, and one large one, in which for the time being, all these
people found a shelter. Mr. Adams in compliance with an
arrangement with the proprietors, furnished me with the necessary
hands and provisions to fit out my surveying party, and I then
commenced to survey the town.
After finishing the survey of this township, Fredrick Saxton and
myself, surveyed and allotted township 9, in 6th Range, (now
Livonia, Livingston Co.,) which proved to be one of the best town-
ships of land in the Genesee country. To show however, the
inconsiderable value put upon it at that time. I mention the fact
that Gen. Fellows offered to sell the whole township to Mr. Saxton
and myself at twenty cents per acre.
After completing the survey of this township, Mr. Saxton
assisted me in the survey of township No. 12, 1st Range,
(Arcadia. Wayne Co.) Col. Hugh Maxwell, a surveyor, had con-
tracted with Phelps and Gorham. the previous year, to run out
364 HISTORY OF THE
into townships the whole of that part of their purchase to which
the Indian title had been extinguished. Not having completed
the work, he entered into an agreement with Mr. Saxton and
myself, to survey a portion, consisting of about forty townships,
which now constitute part of Steuben county. We entered
immediately on this survey, and completed it in the course of the
season. While engaged in it we made our head quarters at Painted
Post on the Conhocton river, at the house of old Mr. Harris and
his son William. These two men, Mr. Goodhue who lived near
by, and a Mr. Meade, two miles up the river, at the mouth of a
stream since known as "Meade's creek," were the only persons
then on the territory we were surveying. Before we left, how-
ever, Solomon Bennet, Mr. Stevens, Capt. Jameson, and Mr.
Crosby, arrived from Pennsylvania in search of a township for
purchase and for future settlement, and fixed on township No. 3
in the 5th, and No. 4 in the 6th, Ranges, both lying on the Canisteo
river, and soon after settled by these men. They are now known
in whole or in part as the town of Canisteo.
In the fall 1 returned to my father's, in Salisbury, by the water
route, in company with several persons from New England, who,
having spent the summer at the west, were returning home to
spend the winter.
In addition to the persons mentioned by me as found at Canan-
daigua, in the spring of this year, (1789) the following came during
the summer, viz: Abner Barlow, Israel Chapin, Jr., Othniel
Taylor, Nathaniel Gorham, Dr. Moses Atwater, Judah Colt, John
Call, Amos Hall, Gen. Wells, John Clark, Daniel Brainard, John
Fanning, Stephen Bates, Aaron Heacock, James Fisk, Jairus Rose,
Hugh Jameson, Mr. Truman, Orange Brace, Martin Dudley, and
Luther Cole. The following came to Victor: Hezekiah Bough-
ton, Jr., Enos Boughton, Jared Boughton, Seymour Boughton, 2d,
Lyman Boughton, Zebulon Norton, Joel Scudder, Mr. Smith,
and Mr. Brace. Into Bristol: Gamaliel Wilder, Jonathan Wilder,
Wm. Gooding, Elnathan Gooding. Into Geneva: Roger Noble,
Phineas Stevens, Elias Jackson, Mr. Jennings, Wm. Patterson,
Peter Bortle. To Palmyra: Gen. John Swift. ToPittsford: Israel
Stone, Simon Stone, Paul Richardson, Mr. Allen, and Mr. Acker.
To Irondequoit Landing: Mr. Lusk. To Brighton: Orange Stone
and Chauncey Hyde, Capt. John Gilbert from Lenox, Mass,
(father of John Gilbert, now of Ypsilanti, Mich.) who surveyed
the town into lots. To Perrinton; Glover Perrin and Caleb
Walker. To Livonia: Solomon Woodruff. To Avon: Timothy
Hosmer, Gilbert Berry, Capt. Thompson, and Mr. Rice (whose
wife gave birth to the first child born on the Phelps and Gorham
Purchase, whose name was "OLIVER PHELPS RICE.") To Vienna:
Decker Robinson. To Middleton: (at the head of Canandaigua
lake.) Col. Clarke, Capt Walkins, Lieut. Cleveland, and Ensign
Parrish. To Lima: Abner Miles and Doctor Minor.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 365
Among the incidents of this year (1789) in this western region,
then just beginning to be inhabited, was the following: A Mr.
Jenkins, who went out for the proprietors, John Swift and others,
to survey township 12, 2d range, (Palmyra) commenced his labors
early in the season, and erected for the accommodation of his party
a small hut of poles. One night, when the party were asleep, two
Indians attacked them, first firing their rifles through the open
cracks of the hut, and then rushing in. One of Jenkins' men was
killed by the first fire, but Jenkins and his party after a brief strug-
gle, succeeded in driving the savages off without further loss. He
went the next morning to Geneva, where he learned that the party
to which they probably belonged had gone south. He accordingly,
in company with others, followed in pursuit, as far as Newtown,
(Elmira) on the Chemung river, near which place the murderers
were captured. Newtown was then the principal, indeed almost
only settlement, in that region of country. The Indians were
examined before an informal assembly, and the proof being in their
opinion, sufficient to establish their guilt, the question arose as to
how they should be disposed of. The jail of the county, (then
Montgomery) was at Johnstown, and it was not deemed practicable
to transport them so great a distance, through an Indian wilderness.
It was therefore determined summarily to execute them, and this
determination was carried immediately into effect, an account of
which I received from Jasper Parrish and Horatio Jones (after-
wards Indian interpreters) who were eye witnesses of the execu-
tion.* Another incident occured at Canandaigua this year, worthy,
perhaps, of notice.
The year was one of unusual scarcity among the Indians.
Indeed, they were almost reduced to starvation. Oliver Phelps
having made a treaty with them the year previous, they were to
* The narrator will be gratified to learn that his recollections of an event that trans-
pired almost sixty years since, are mainly corroborated by printed, cotemporary record,
as will be seen by an extract of a letter published in the Maryland Journal "of April
14th, 1789, dated at Wyoming, March 27th, 1789: " Major John Jenkins, Solomon
Earl, Baker, and William Ransom, about the 10th instant, were surveying
lands near the Lakes. One morning about 2 o'clock, four Tuscarora Indians, and a
squaw, made an attack upon them in their cabin. The Indians put the muzzles of
their guns into the cabin and each fired. Baker was killed and Earl badly wounded.
This awoke Jenkins and Ransom: the Indians rushed on with the knife and tomahawk,
but Jenkins by an instantaneous effort of bravery, caught hold of an axe and knocked
down two Indians; afterwards Ransom assisted and beat the Indians off, and took
each of their guns, tomahawks, &c. Jenkins and his surviving companion lodged that
night in said cabin with the dead and wounded; next day they returned with Earl to
Geneva. A scout was immediately sent after the said Indians. When the party arrived
at the cabin they found the Indians had been back and taken off all their provisions; the
object of this bloody attack. Four Indians are sent in quest of the villians, and have
pledged their honor they will not return without their bodies, or their scalps. God
preserve their honor!" So it seems that Baltimore was the place to look for news of
local events in Western New York, at one period. Mr. Boughton, who is introduced
in a subsequent page, says, that when he arrived at the foot ofSeneca lake in February
1790, he "saw there the man that was shot at Palmyra; the ball had gone through
his jaw."
3G6 HISTORY OF THE
meet him this year to receive their stipulated annuities. As is
usual on such occasions, presents were provided- for distribution
among them, as well as articles of subsistence, of which it was
known they stood in great need. The number of Indians assem-
bled, however, greatly exceeded his expectations, (increased, doubt-
less, by their starving condition,) amounting, propably, to two
thousand. The stock of provisions proving inadequate to their
wants, they were driven to the necessity of devouring every thing
that could satisfy their hunger, consuming with voracity even the
entrails of the animals that had been slaughtered. They parted
with almost every thing they had to purchase food, and did not
disperse until they had nearly produced a famine among the white
inhabitants. Another occurrence of this season was the opening
of a road, from Geneva to Canandaigua, which was the first piece
of road opened west of Westmoreland (now Oneida,) county.
The winter of 1789-90, 1 spent at my father's in copying my field
notes, and finishing up my surveys.
During the winter of 1789-90, 1 entered into an agreement with
Gen. John Fellows, one of the proprietors of East Bloomfield, to
join him in the erection of a saw-mill, on Mud creek, in that town,
about five miles west of Canandaigua. In pursuance of this plan,
we collected at Schenectady a stock of provisions, tools, &c.,
necessary for the purpose. In May, I embarked again at Schenec-
tady, for the west, taking with me these articles, and proceeded by
nearly the same route as in the previous year, except that I passed
up the Canandaigua outlet to Manchester, now called, and thence
transported my loading by teams to East Bloomfield. One of my
companions in this expedition was Dr. Daniel Chapin, who resided
many years in Bloomfield, and afterwards removed to Buffalo,
where he died, also Oliver Chapin and Aaron Taylor and family.
I have heretofore remarked that the mode adopted to render
Wood creek navigable, was to collect the water by means of a mill
dam, thus creating a sudden flood to carry boats down. Sometimes
boats did not succeed in getting through to deep water in one flood,
and were consequently obliged to await a second one. As we
were coming down the creek during the voyage on our first flood,
we overtook a boat which had been grounded after the previous
one, the navigators of which were in the water, ready to push her
off as soon as the coming tide should reach them. Among these
persons, was James Wadsworth, of Geneseo, with whom I then
first became acquainted. He was then on his way west, to occupy
his property at Geneseo, which has since become so beautiful and
valuable an estate. Gen. Fellows set out for Bloomfield on horse-
back, having sent on a team, (two yoke of oxen and a wagon,)
with a moderate load, and four or five cows. These were driven
on by some person coming on to assist in building the mill, and
among them, Mr. Dibble, the millwright. Gen. F. parted with the
wagon near Utica.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 36 1 "
During the previous winter, the legislature of New York had
appropriated a township of land (called "the Road township")
situated in what is now called Madison county, the proceeds of
which were to be applied to opening a road west from Westmore-
land. The job had been taken by contract, and Gen. Fellows
found the party cutting out the road not far from the present settle-
ment at Onondaga. After Gen, F. reached Bloomfield, fearing
that the team might not be able to get through with the materials
for the mills, dispatched me back to meet the party, and help them
along. At Cayuga lake I met Mr. Dibble, the millwright, from
whom I learned that the team had left its load at Onondaga, and
that the men with the cattle and wagons were coming on with a
large number of settlers, as fast as the persons employed in opening
the road, with their assistance, progressed with the work. I,
therefore, concluded to return to Manchester and take the boat I
had left there and go to Onondaga for the loading. Taking Mr.
Dibble and three other men with me, I went to Onondaga and
returned with the loading. The men and the teams of the party
reached Bloomfield at about the same time we did. I spent the
summer chiefly in attending to the erection of the saw-mill,
occasionally doing some surveying, particularly town 13, 4th
range, (now Penfield, Monroe Co.) which had been purchased of
Phelps and Gorham by Jonathan Fasset. The 'mill was finished in
the fall, and was, I believe, the third one erected on Phelps and
Gorham's Purchase.
In Dec. of this year, (1790) I went, in company with Orange
Brace and two other persons, on foot, to Connecticut. The
journey was a tedious and painful one, being made through a deep
snow the whole distance, a part of which was accomplished on
snow shoes. The following are some of the persons who came
into the country during this year, viz: To Canandaigua: Nathan-
iel Sanburn, Lemuel Castle, Seth Holcomb. To Victor: Heze-
kiah Boughton, Senr., Seymour Boughton, Senr. To Bristol:
Deacon Codding, Francis Codding and Ephraim Wilder. To
Pittstown, (now Richmond:) Peter, Gideon, William and Samuel
Pitts. To Geneseo: James Wads worth and William Wads worth.
To West Bloomfield. Benjamin Gardner, (from Canandaigua,)
Robert Taft, Mr. Miller, Clark Peck, Esq. Curtis, Jasper P. Sears,
Nathan Marvin, Lorin Wait, Amos Hall. To Avon: Gad
Wadsworth, Mr. Ganson. To Farmington: oldMr. Comstock, and
his sons Jared, Darius, John. Otis, and Isaac Hathaway. During
the session of the Legislature in 178990, a law was passed erect-
the county of Ontario, to consist of all that portion of the state
lying west of the Eastern line of Phelps and Gorham's Purchase.
This was the first county set off from Montgomery. The follow-
ing were the officers appointed: Oliver Phelps, first Judge; Timothy
Hosmer, (afterwards himself first Judge) Arnold Potter, and Israel
Chapin, side Judges; Judah Colt, Sheriff; Nathaniel Gorham, Clerk.
368 HISTORY OF THE
I spent a part of the winter of 1790-91 at my Father's, and in
February I left again for the west. I made the journey in com-
pany with John Fellows, son of Gen. Fellows, and two others,
in a two horse sleigh. At that time, the only white settlements
between Westmoreland and the Seneca Lake, were at Onondaga
Hollow, where Gen. Danforth and Comfort Tyler had settled,
and at what is now Eldridge, Cayuga Co., where 'Mr. Buck had
located himself. On this journey we encamped for the night in a
fine hemlock grove, on the east side of Owasco outlet, where
Auburn now stands.
During the early part of this season (1791) in carrying on the
saw mill, and making improvements on land, with occasional sur-
veying, I became acquainted, for the first time, with OLIVER
PHELPS. This was an important event in my life at the west, for
it led not only to my permanent and steady employment for
more than ten years, (first for Phelps and Gorham, but always
under the direction of Mr. P. himself,) during which I became
familiar with most of the transactions relating to land sales, sur-
veys, &c. , but was followed by a personal intimacy with him,
from which I derived many important advantages. His friendship
for, and confidence in me, never faltered, and I have consequently
always retained the highest personal respect for his name and
memory.
* * # * * * #
On the 12th of May, 1788, Mr. Phelps, accompanied by Col.
Hugh Maxwell, a Revolutionary officer, of Heath, Mass., as sur-
veyor, then fifty-seven years old and William Walker, of Lenox,
as assistant, proceeded to Kanadasaga, (now Geneva) for the
purpose of making arrangements for holding a treaty with the
Indians for the purchase of the possessory right to the whole or a
part of the territory. On arriving at Kanadasaga, he found the
Indians assembled in council with John Livingston, of Columbia
Co., and Caleb Benton, of Greene Co., who represented a com-
pany known at that time as " the Lessee Company," for the lease
of the tract lying immediately east of the Massachusetts claim.
Mr. Phelps at once commenced negotiations, but as the Indians
were not very numerously represented, further proceedings were
adjourned to a treaty agreed to be held at Buffalo about the last
of June. This treaty was held at Buffalo in pursuance of this
adjournment. Mr. Phelps was anxious to purchase all their lands
within the Massachusetts pre-emption claim. But the Indians were
unwilling to sell any part of the country west of the Genesee
river, alledging that a the Great Spirit" had fixed that stream as
the boundary between the white and the red man.
Mr. Phelps, finding them quite immoveable on this point, then
represented to them that he was very desirous of getting some
land west of the river, at the great Falls, for the purpose of
building thereon mills, for the use and convenience of the white
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 369
settlers coming into the country, and that these mills, when built,
would be very convenient for the Indians themselves. The Indi-
ans then asked him how much land he wanted for his Mill Seat
He replied that he thought a piece about twelve miles wide, exten-
ding from Canawagas village, on the west side of the river to its
mouth (about twenty-eight miles) would answer his purpose. To
this the Indiaas replied that it seemed to be a good deal of land
for a Mill Seat, but as they supposed the Yankees knew best what
was required, they would let him have it After the treaty was
concluded, the Indians told Mr. Phelps, that it being customary
for them to give to the man with whom they dealt, a name, they
would give him one. They also said they should expect from him
"a treat" and a walking staff (meaning some spirits,) to help them
home. The name they gave Mr. Phelps, on this occasion, was
that by which he was ever afterwards known among them, viz:
Scaw-gun-se-ga, which translated, is "the Great Fall." This
purchase, which comprised what is now the city of Rochester, was
thereafter called " the Mill Seat Tract.
The result of this treaty was the purchase of this Mill Seat Tract
and the whole of the eastern portion of the Massachusetts claim,
bounded as follows: North by lake Ontario: East by the east line
of the Massachusetts claim (which passes through a part of the Sen-
eca lake at Geneva); south by the Pennsylvania north line; and
west by the Genesee river, as far as the mouth of the Canascraga
creek, and by a line running due south to the Pennsylvania line.
The lands thus purchased at this treaty, I shall hereafter have occa-
sion to refer to as "Phelps and Gorham's Indian Purchase/'
At the same time the Lessee Company concluded their arrange-
ments with the Indians, renting from them, for 999 years the tract
lying east of Phelps and Gorham's purchase. The object of this
company in taking their conveyance from the Indians in the form
of a lease, was to evade the pre-emptive right It was. however,
so palpable a fraud on that right, that the State of New York at
once refused to recognize it, and it was declared void by the Legis-
lature at its next session. The lands were subsequently appro-
priated by the State of New York to the payment of military
Dounties, and hence have since been known as the Military Tract.
The agents of the Lessee Company. Messrs. Livingston and Benton.
at this treaty, rendered important services in aiding Mr. Phelps in
his negociations, and received from him two townships of lands in
what is now Yates county, which were afterwards known as "the
Lessee Townships,'' one of which is now named "Benton." after
the grantee above mentioned.
Messrs. Phelps and Gorham and the Lessees, as soon as their
treaties were concluded, determined at once to send surveyors to
run out the line which was to divide their property on the east line
*" Its contents are about 200,000 acres."
24
370 HISTORY OF THE
of the Massachusetts claim. Geneva was then a small settlement
beautifully situated on the bank of Seneca lake, rendered quite
attractive from its lying adjoining an old Indian settlement, in which
was an orchard. This orchard had been destroyed by Gen. Sul-
livan, in his celebrated campaign, in 1779, but sprouts had grown
up from it into bearing trees. As it was known the line must pass
near this place, some anxiety was felt as to which party it might
belong. Col. Maxwell, on the part of Phelps and Gorham, and Mr.
Jenkins on the part of the Lessees, as surveyors, proceeded to the
point of beginning at the 82d mile stone, on the north line of Penn-
sylvania, and ran through to lake Ontario a line known as the Pre-
emption line, which passed about a mile and a quarter west of
Geneva, and which was the basis of the surveys, made by Phelps
and Gorham. This line afterwards was proved to have been incor-
rectly run, and it was charged that the incorrectness was in part a
fraud of Jenkins, whose object was to secure to his employers, the
Lessee Company, the location of Geneva. The suspicion of fraud
led to a re-survey of this line, under the direction of Robert Morris.*
The line being run, Col. Maxwell commenced immediately the sur-
vey of the tract west of it, and in the course of the season run out
about thirty townships and began the survey and allotment of
Canandaigua.
The supposition was quite common, that on ascertaining the
western boundary of the Massachusetts claim (being the east line
of the New York and Massachusetts cession to the United States)
it would be found to include the harbor and town of Presque Isle
(now Erie, Pa.) The state of Pennsylvania was anxious to
secure to itself that point, and in the winter of 1788-89 had made
propositions to Phelps and Gorham for the purchase of it. At the
request of Phelps and Gorham, the U. S. Government sent out
the Surveyor General, Andrew Ellicott, in 1789, for the purpose
of running and establishing this line. Frederick Saxton went with
him on behalf of Phelps and Gorham. As the line was to
commence at the west end of Lake Ontario, there was some
hesitation in the outset in determining whether it should commence
at the western extremity of Burlington Bay, or at the Peninsula
separating the Bay from the lake. But it was at length fixed
at the Peninsula, and on the completion of the survey, by first
running some distance south, and then offsetting around the east
end of lake Erie, it was found to pass some twenty miles east of
Presque Isle. This line now forms the western boundary of the
State of New York, between lake Erie and the old north line of
Pennsylvania, and is the Eastern line of a tract known as the
* This re-surrey was made by Andrew EHicott, United States surveyor General, assis-
ted by Judge Porter. It corrected the previous survey, by establishing the line about as
far east of Geneva as that had west of it. The care taken in this last survey was well
calculated to ensure correctness, and in fact its correctness was never questioned.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 371
Presque Isle triangle/' which was afterwards purchased by
Pennsylvania of the United States, and is now a part of that State.
After the conclusion of the Indian treaty at Buffalo, in 1788,
and as soon as the progress of surveys would permit, Phelps and
Gorham commenced making sales, and up to the middle of the
year 1789, had sold some thirty or forty townships, receiving small
payments, chiefly in Massachusetts final settlement notes, with an
understanding that future payments, might be mads in the same
securities at par. It was in consequence of this system of sales.
that they were so large.
In consequence of the adoption of the Constitution of the
United States, not long after the purchase by Phelps and Gorham,
it was anticipated that the General Government would assume the
indebtedness of the several states growing out of the Revolution.
The effect of this was to make the holders of the State securities
less willing to sell at low rates, so that Nessrs. Phelps and
Gorham, instead of being able to continue to sell rapidly, for this
species of payment, sold comparatively little after about the middle
of 1789; and* during the year 1790, Congress did. in fact, assume
the payment of certain State debts, among which were included
these Massachusetts final settlement notes. The consequence of
this assumption was to raise them at once to par, and even above.
Having failed to make the payment of the installment due to
Massachusetts in 1789 90, the state commenced a suit against
Phelps and Gorham and their sureties. Phelps and Gorham were,
however, enabled to effect a compromise with the State, by which
it was agreed that P. and G. should re-convey to Massachusetts all
that portion of their purchase to which they had not extinguished
the Indian title, viz: All west of the Genesee riyer up to the
mouth of the Canascraga, and thence due south to the Pennsyl-
vania line, except the mill seat tract above mentioned, and retain
to themselves the remainder, supposed to be about one-third of the
whole, paying therefor a sum proportioned to the amount retained.
It bc-ing understood that the final settlement notes were worth only
four shillings on the pound when the purchase was made, the
amount to be paid was to be estimated on that basis. This agree-
ment was carried into effect in 1790. or thereabouts.
Meantime, the rise of these public state securities, which had pre-
vented Phelps and Gorham from fulfilling their contract with Mass-
achusetts, in like manner, prevented the early purchasers under them
from making their payments. Consequently, a considerable part of
these lands sold, reverted to Phelps and Gorham in after years,
or were bought by Oliver Phelps, and sold by him to other persons,
[The portion of Judge Porter's manuscript omitted here several pages has
reference principally to surveys in which he participated, connected with the bounda-
ries of Phelps and Gorham's purchase, its sub-divisions, and to matters necessarily
connected with our chain of land titles.]
372 HISTORY OF THE
111 the spring of 1794, I again returned to Canandaigua, and was
employed during the whole season in making surveys of various
tracts for Mr. Phelps. In the fall I again returned with him to
Suffield, where I spent part of the winter, and the remainder with
him in New York, where he effected his large land sale to De
Witt Clinton, and other large sales to other persons.
During the summer of 1794, the court house of Ontario county
was erected at Canandaigua. Thaddeus Chapin came this year to
Canandaigua.
*******
In the spring of 1795, I again left Suffield for Canandaigua. At
Salisbury I was joined by my brother, Peter B. Porter, who had
decided to settle at Canandaigua, in the practice of the law.
During this season I acted as agent for Mr. Phelps in the manage-
ment and sale of his lands, and in surveying for him. In the latter
part of August, this year, I went to Presque Isle (now Erie Pa.) in
company with Judah Colt. At this time all that part of the state
of New York, lying west of " Phelps and Gorham's Indian
Purchase," was still occupied by the Indians, their title to it not
being yet extinguished. There was of course no road leadingfrom
Buffalo eastward, except an Indian trail, and no settlement what-
ever on that trail. We traveled on horseback from Canawagus
(now Avon,) to Buffalo, and were two days in performing the
journey. At Buffalo there lived a man of the name of Johnstone,
the British Indian interpreter, also a Dutchman and his family,
by the name of Middaugh, and an Indian trader by the name of
Winne. From Buffalo we proceeded to Chippewa, U. C. where
we found Capt. Wm. Lee, with a small row-boat, about to start
for Presque Isle, and waiting only for assistance to row the boat.
Mr. Colt, Mr. Joshua Fairbanks, now of Lewiston, and myself,
joined him. Two days of hard rowing brought us to that place
where we found surveyors engaged in laying out the village, now
called Erie. Also a military company under the command of Gen.
Irv/in, ordered there by the Governor of the state, to protect the
surveyors against the Indians. Col. Seth Reed, (father of Rufus
S. Reed, and grandfather of Charles M. Reed,) was there with
his family, living in a marquee, having just arrived.* A Mr.
Reese, was also there, acting as agent for the "Population Com-
pany," for selling and managing their lands, of whom Mr. Colt
and I purchased two thousand acres. We returned in the same
boat to Chippewa, and from thence on horseback by way of
Queenston, on the Indian trail through Tonawanda Indian village
to Canandaigua.
During this expedition from Buffalo to Erie, a very remarkable
* It would appear by the date of Judge Porter's visit to Erie, that Deacon Chamberlin
was in error as to the year ho was there. Mr. Fairbanks, who married the daughter of
Col. Reed, agrees with Judge Porter as to the period of his settlement at Erie.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 373
circumstance presented itself, the like of which I had never before
seen, nor have I since witnessed. Before starting from Buffalo, we
had been detained there for two days by a heavy fall of rain,
accompanied by a strong northeast gale. When off Cattaragus
creek, on our upward passage, about one to two miles from land,
we discovered, some distance ahead, a white strip on the surface
of the lake, extending out from the shore as far as we could see.
On approaching this white strip, we found it to be some five or six
rods wide, and its whole surface covered with fish of all the vari-
eties common to the lake, lying on their sides as if dead. On
touching them, however, they would dart below the surface, but
immediately rise again to their former position. We commenced
taking them by hand, making our selection of the best; and finding
them perfectly sound, we took in a good number (indeed, if we had
desired, we might have loaded our boat with them.) On reaching
Erie, we had some of them cooked and found them perfectly good.
The position of these fish on their sides in the water placed their
mouths partly above and partly below the surface, so that they
seemed to be inhaling both water and air, for at each effort in
inhaling, bubbles would rise and float on the water. It was these
bubbles that caused the white appearance on the lake's surface. I
have supposed that these fish had. from some cause, growing out
of the extraordinary agitation of the lake by the gale from the
eastward, and the sudden reflux of water from west to east, after
it subsided, been thrown together in this way. and from some
unknown natural cause, had lost the power of regulating their spe-
cific gravity, which it is said they do, by means of an air bladder,
furnished them by nature. I leave to others, however, to explain
this phenomenon.
During this season, (1795) Nathaniel W. Howell, of Canandaigua,
and Gen. Vincent Mathews, late of Rochester, first came to Can-
andaigua to attend court, their residence being, at that time, at
Newtown, now Elmira.
* * * * * * *
In the fall of 1796, I returned to Suffield, and spent most of the
winter in making up my surveys and maps of the Reserve, and in
closing up my business with the Connecticut Land Co., having
concluded not to remain longer in their service, although they
were desirous I should. But as I had now a family, and had spent
most of my time for seven years in the fatigues and hardships of a
woods life, I determined to settle at Canandaigua and accept the
agency offered me by Mr. Phelps, of his land business. In accor-
dance with this determination, in the latter part of February, 1797,
I left Suffield with my family, in a sleigh for Canandaigua, where
I arrived early in March. I immediately entered into the service
of Mr. Phelps, in selling and surveying his lands, and in collecting
his debts. One of the first acts of my agency was to sell three or
374 HISTORY OF THE
four farms on the road leading north towards Farmington. In
running them out as it was necessary I should, I caught a severe
cold in the swamps through which I was obliged to make my way
by wading. From this circumstance I date the commencement of
my deafness, which has since so much afflicted me.
During the winter past, (of 1797,) Gideon King and Zadock
Granger, two of the proprietors of the tract of 20,000 acres in the
north part of township one, short range, (which included the land
on which Rochester now stands,) and two or three other families
from Suffield, had gone to the tract and commenced thereon a
settlement. Mr. Phelps, my brother Peter B., and myself, were
also proprietors. This 20,000 acre tract was sold originally by
Phelps and Gorham, in 1790, to a company of gentlemen of Spring-
field and Northampton, Massachusetts, among whom w T as Ebenezer
Hunt, Quartus Pomeroy and Justin Ely. The tract was bounded
north and west by the north and west lines of the township, east
by the Genesee river, and south by a line parallel with the north
line, so far distant therefrom as to contain 20.000 acres, excepting
and reserving therefrom 100 acres, which had been previously sold
to Ebenezer Allan, for the purpose of erecting a mill thereon,
which one hundred acres was to be located in as near a square
form as the windings of the river w r ould permit, commencing at
the centre of the mill, and extending an equal distance up and
down the river, then back so far as to contain the 100 acres in the
above form. The lines of this 20,000 acres had been run by
Frederick Saxton in the summer of 1790. It may not be uninter-
esting to state here that this 100 acres embraces the most densely
and valuably built part of the city of Rochester; and that all the
titles within it are derived from Allan, who never himself had any
other known paper title than that which is derived by implication
from the exception above mentioned in Phelps and Gorham' s deed
to the Springfield and Northampton Company.
*******
I omitted to mention in the proper place, that in returning to Can-
andaigua, after completing the survey for Robert Morris, in company
with Joseph Ellicott, we traveled down the lake to Buffalo, chiefly
on the beach, there being no road, and as yet, none other than an
Indian trail from Buffalo to Canawagus (now Avon.) There was
then (1797) but one dwelling house between the two places, which
was owned by a Mr. Wilbur. It was situated at the point where
Mr. John Ganson afterwards built a large house, and kept a tavern
many years, and is about one mile and a half east of Le Roy.
In 1800, I built a dwelling house in Canandaigua, opposite the
Academy, in which I resided until the year 1806, when, on remov-
ing with my family to this place, I sold it to John Greig, Esq., by
whom it was occupied many years. Here, except during the war
of 1812, I have continuously resided. In 1813, an invasion by the
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 375
British troops took place, which resulted in laying all the settle-
ments on the frontier, Buffalo included, in ashes. My dwelling,
mills, &c.. at this place, shared in the common desolation. The
alleded justification of this system of warfare, was the burning of
Newark, (now Niagara) by troops of the United States, under the
command of Gen. George McClure, on his evacuating Fort George,
a few weeks previous.
During the last years of my residence in Canandaigua, I was
interested with Mr. Phelps and Nathaniel and Birdseye Norton, in
a contract with the United States for the supply of provisions to
the garrisons of Niagara. Detroit Mackinaw, Chicago, and Fort
Wayne. This connection with Mr. Phelps, continued until his
death, which occurred in the winter of 1809. In 1810, I took this
contract in my own name, and supplied the above posts until 1813,
except during the period of their occupation by the enemy, after
the surrender" of Detroit, by Gen. Hull. These transactions led to
my early connection with the commerce of the lakes, some account
of* which is contained in a communication I furnished to the editors
of the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, and which was published hi
that paper under date of 27th March, 1846.
So much interest appears to have been recently manifested for
collecting and preserving the early incidents of western settlement,
and so many contributions are about to be offered in aid of this
object, by o'thers. that I think it advisable to leave to them (who
will no doubt perform the duty far more acceptably than I can,)
the task of presenting matters of subsequent occurrence, to the
close of the last century. My early cotemporaries in western life,
(with so far as I can learn, two or three solitary exceptions,) are
in their graves. On account of my advanced age, and the busy
though humble part I have borne as one of the very earliest of the
Pioneers of Western New York, I can well imagine that a record
of my experience and adventures might be supposed to possess
some* interest with those who are seeking such materials for
preservation from an actor himself. What I have written, I
am sensible, will fall very far short of expectation, but I must, in
justice to myself, say, that it is but the hitherto unwritten remin-
iscences of a very aged man, prepared without memoranda, and
without the opportunity, by reference to. and consultation with, a
solitary cotemporary, of quickening my recollection of many
events* doubtless of some interest, but which have long since faded
from my memory. Truth is, of course, my aim; and it may be
supposed I incur some hazard in drawing on my memory alone at
this late period in life. To this 1 will only say, that having been
personally an actor and participator in most by far, of the events
spoken of, I feel a strong degree of confidence in claiming, for this
simple narrative the concession of at least ordinary authenticity.
I cannot close what I have to say without expressing the gratitude
I have ever felt, for the kind and friendly treatment, patronage, and
376 HISTORY OF THE
confidence, extended to me on my first arrival in the Genesee
country in 1789, by many of the most distinguished of the early
Pioneers. Among these I refer with pleasure to the names of Gen.
ISRAEL CHAPIN., Judge OLIVER PHELPS, Judge NATHANIEL GOR-
HAM, Major ADAM HOOPS, THOMAS MORRIS, Esq. JAMES WADS-
WORTH, Esq. and CHARLES WILLIAMSON, Esq.
TIMOTHY HOSMER.
The early advent and prominent position held by this gentleman
as a pioneer in Western New York, as well as his numerous
descendants, the elder generation of whom may well be classed
among the junior pioneers, entitles him to some biogaphical notice.
The subject of this memoir was born in Hartford, Conn., in Sept.
1745. He passed through a course of medical studies with Dr.
Dickinson in Middletown, and settled in Farmington, in the same
State, and married his wife, soon after his admission to practice.
About this period the troubles precursory to the American Revo-
lution commenced, and he was one of the earliest to resist the
encroachments of British power. He, together with John Tread-
well (afterwards Governor of Connecticut,) and one or two others,
openly proclaimed resistance to oppression in that then loyal
town, so that they were for some time in great personal peril, from
the violence of their loyal neighbors; but they persevered in
retaining their patriotic position, until that town became distin-
guished for its zeal in the cause of the Revolution.
Dr. Hosmer early entered the public service as a surgeon of the
sixth continental regiment. On the appearance of the small pox in
the army, he was assigned to the charge of the Hospital in Dan-
bury, and the subjects sent there for inocculation, he being one of
the few phycians who at that time, were acquainted with the
practice of inocculation, wherein he was singularly successful.
He was with the army throughout the struggle on Long Island,
and on its retreat.
At the close of the war he retired from the service happy in the
recollection of the glorious result, but poor and pennyless, with a
growing family dependant on his professional exertions for support.
His extensive acquaintance formed in the army, rendered him
personally and professionally known, to most of the families in the
state, the consequence of which was, that he at once entered into
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 377
an extensive practice, which continued to the time of his remov-
ing to Western New York.
He first came into this country in 1789, or '90 and with four
others, purchased Township No. 10, in the 7th Range, now the
town of Avon, Livingston county, at one shilling and six pence per
acre; and in the early part of 1792, he moved with his family to
the banks of the Genesee river where he remained until his death,
which "happened Nov. 29th, 1815, being a few weeks over seventy
years of age.
Upon the organization of the county of Ontario he was appointed
one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas for said county,
and upon Oliver Phelps declining to accept the office of first Judge
of that court, he received that appointment, and continued to hold
that office until he arrived at the age of sixty years, when he was
incapacitated from longer holding the same by the constitution of
the state. In taking leave of the bench and bar, he received the
most gratifying testimonials of their respect and kindness.
The Indians early experienced the benefits of his services in the
treatment of diseases; for which they were ever grateful: nor is
their memory of him yet dimmed, for in numerous instances, they
have manifested their gratitude to his surviving descendants. In
the wilds of Wisconsin they have cordially greeted the children of
At-a-gus, (healer of diseases,) by which name he was known.
He was distinguished for a lively and cheerful disposition, for
his active benevolence, ready wit and indifference to the acquisition
of wealth; his professional services were as readily extended to the
poor and helpless, as to the wealthy; his philanthrophy made all who
knew him his friends, and it is not known that he ever had a per-
sonal enemy. He died as he had lived, in peace with all men, and
in reconciliation with his Creator.
NOTE. A venerable pioneer, an early neighbor of Judge Hosmer, in a few words,
furnished the author an eulogy to his memory, worthy of record: " He was " said he,
"an excellent hearted man: tie practised medicine all through the valley; and was kind
and obliging to all the new settlers." And not forgetting the wife of the Judge, he said
she was a practical sister of charity and benevolence, in the new settlement.
378 HISTORY OF THE
JARED BOUGHTON.
This gentleman who was an inhabitant of Stockbridge, Mass, in
the month of July, 1788, started on an exploring expedition to find
himself a new home in the western country. He attended the
Indian council at Geneva, in which Phelps and Gorham extin-
guished the Indian title to their Genesee Purchase. Being satisfied
with the appearance of the country, but being unable to purchase
until the country was surveyed, he returned to Stockbridge. His
brother Enos Boughton who was the clerk and an assistant to
William Walker, Phelps and Gorham's surveyor, purchased that
fall, Township No 11, Range 4, of that tract, now the town of
Victor, Ontario county, at the price of twenty cents per acre.
In the spring of 1789, Mr. Boughton, his brother Enos Boughton,
abrother-in law, Horatio Jones, surveyor, and several hired hands,
went on to the township purchased by Enos. They surveyed it
into lots and prepared it for retailing. Jared Boughton commenced
the first improvement made by white labor in this town. He
cleared the land, raised two acres of buckwheat, sowed three
acres of wheat, and built a log cabin, on what has since been
called "Boughton Hill." At the approach of winter the whole
party returned to Stockbridge, except Jacob Lobdell, who stayed to
feed and take care of thirteen or fourteen head of cattle belonging
to the Boughton family. These cattle were wintered on grass cut
the season before on an old clearing on Boughton Hill, supposed to
be the site of an ancient Indian village.*
In February, 1790, Mr. Boughton started from Stockbridge for
his new home, with his wife, two children and his younger brother
Seymour Boughton, as an assistant on the journey and to return
with the horses and sleigh. After a long and fatiguing journey
through an uninhabited wilderness, in which formidable obstacles
were to be surmounted, they arrived at Boughton Hill on the 7th
day of March. This was the first white family, and Mrs. Bough-
ton and her infant daughter Malania, were the first white females
who settled in the town of Victor, and Mrs. Boughton' s second son
Frederick was the first white child born in that town; his birth
was on the first of June next after their arrival:
* See ' Gaosaehgaah," in account of De Nonville's expedition, p. 151.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 379
" I will give you my own experience of settling a new country,
which has probably been similar to that of hundreds of others.
I came from Stockbridge with my family in the winter of 1790, in
a sleigh, by the way of Schenectady. At Utica there was a
small frame store, old John Post, an Indian trader and a large
log house kept as a tavern. There were one or two families, the
Blackmores, at Westmoreland. Two or three families between
Westmoreland and Utica Esquire Blackman's was the last house
until we arrived at Oneida Castle. It was but a wood's road. At
Oneida Castle, there was a Dutchman, who had hired an Indian
house to accommodate travellers. We arrived there about 12
o'clock at night and found no lodgings except the floor, ah 1 the beds
being occupied by emigrating families. The road was very bad.
We got our sleigh 'stuck,' and hindered us a day. We came to
Onondaga Hollow no settlement between Oneida Castle and
there arrived at Col. Danforth's, who kept a tavern. Comfort
Tyler and Ephraim Webster, an Indian interpreter, with his squaw
wife lived there; they were the only inhabitants.
-We travelled thirteen miles the day we left Col. Danforth's.
Col. Reed's family and mine, fourteen in number, camped that
night under a hemlock tree, built a camp of hemlock boughs, had
a warm brisk fire made chocolate and although my wife had
a young child, we had a comfortable time of it.
'Next night w r e arrived at the east shore of Cayuga lake there
were two families there Judge Richardson's was one we stayed
with him all night, and crossed the lake on the ice in the morning.
The next night we got to the foot of Seneca lake found there a
man by the name of Earl; he had a log cabin, but no floor in it;
we stayed there all night; Earl had a scow to ferry us across the
outlet of the lake. Next morning we went home with .Mrs. Reed
and family found Col. Reed at home, waiting for the arrival of
his family. His house stood on the bank of the lake, in Geneva;
the place then contained ten or twelve families.
"From Geneva to Canandaigua there was no house; Flint creek,
half way between those places was very high, and frozen at the
edges; there was no bridge; had to fall trees to get my family,
sleigh, and goods over; had to draw the horses over with ropes.
About five miles from Canandaigua, we stayed all night at ' Wells'
cabin;' Wells had been there and sowed wheat, but had left; the
weather was very cold. Next morning we arrived at Canan-
daigua; the outlet of the lake was not bridged, and we had a hard
time in getting over. From Canandaigua, we pursued our journey
to Boughton Hill, where we arrived in good health, March 7. 1790.
"Although we were somewhat prepared for living, we still had
to bring on our supplies very little flour, however, as we had
buckwheat, and wheat harvest was not far off. A small log mill
had been set in motion for grinding corn, in the present town of
Avon, by a Mr. Ganson. The stones were of the native rock,
380 HISTORY OF THE
no doubt; to this mill I carried my buckwheat, on horse-back,
twenty miles.
"As wheat harvest approached, some preparations for the event
were necessary. A floor was to be laid, of split basswood or
linden, with such joints as the axe and drawing-knife could produce,
the surface smoothed by the axe and carpenter's adz; cradles and
rakes to be made by very unskillful hands nay, further, we found
on examination, that there was chaff growing with our wheat, and,
as none of the thousand and one pedlars of fanning-mills happened
along at that juncture, we were compelled to devise some plan to
separate the two articles.
"A large oak tree was felled, a piece split from it, dressed to the
thickness of a half bushel rim, six or eight feet long and twelve or
thirteen inches wide in the widest part. This forms the curve or
back-side of the machine. The bottom or horizontal part was made
of part of a pine sleigh-box, and two semi- circular handles com-
pleted the article. This we presumed to denominate a Corn Fan.
The sieve or riddle was of black ash splinters."
The subject of the previous biographical remarks, and writer of
the foregoing graphic sketches of a woodsman's life; together with
his wife, the long tried partner of his sorrows and his joys, of his
toils and their fruits, now reside in East Bloomfield, Ontario county,
to which place they lately moved from Victor himself 82 years
of age, and his wife 79, having raised twelve children, and being
now the ancestors of fifty five living descendants, are spending the
remainder of their days in the midst of peace and competency.
A Scotch colony in the vicinity of Caledonia Springs, were among
the earliest adventurers west of Genesee river. Their advent was
in 1798. They came from Broadalbin, in the Highlands of Perth-
shire; arriving first at a settlement of their countrymen at Johns-
town, Montgomery county; they were induced by the solicitations
of Col. Williamson to settle at Caledonia. They were Presbyte-
rians of the "Old Kirk," poor, with little to help them make their
NOTE Few family names are more blended in the history of Western New York,
than that of BOUGHTON. The four brothers that helped to commence settlement on
Phelps and Gorham's purchase, were: Enos, Jared, Seymour and Hezekiah. The
last named died as early as 1793; he was the father of the late Col. Claudius V. Boughton,
of Victor, and of George H. Boughton, Esq. of Lockport. Col. Seymour Boughton was
killed at the battle of Black Rock, in the war of 1812. Enos Boughton, died at Lock-
port, in 1826. At the great celebration, the year previous, he was introduced to Gov.
Clinton as the man who built the first framed barn, the first stick chimney, and planted
the first orchard west of Seneca lake. The author has been shown a letter, from Heze-
kiah Boughton, dated in the Genesee country, in the winter of 17!)3, to his wife in
Stockbridge. He mentions that there had not been sleighing enough for a "single
team to venture to Onondaga for salt;" and says he is about to start for Niagara, and
has been "fortunate enough to secure company through the woods." The father of the
four brothers, came to Victor in 1790, aged 65 years, and died in '98.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 381
way in a new country, but stout hearts, industry and frugality.
Col. Williamson sold them their land at three dollars per acre, on a
credit of ten years, supplied them with a year's provisions, some
teams, cows, <fcc. The five of their number who came out to
make the selection of lands, were: John M'Vean, Hugh M'Der-
mott, Donald MTherson, James M'Laren, and John Anderson.
In their new location the early Scotch adventurers had been
preceded by one who had given the place a very bad reputation.
His name was Peterson, a Dane, had been a sea captain and
tradition says, a pirate. He built a house, near the spring and
entertained travellers, cooking himself and affording very good
fare; afterwards marrying a girl that lived with Dugan, at Dugan's
creek. He was strongly suspected of taking advantage of his
secluded position, for the purpose of robbery and murder; and a
surviving witness states that Dugan, once during a quarrel with
him charged him with a specific offence, naming the victim.
There was much uneasiness among the new settlers in reference
to him, and their suspicions at one time led to an arrest and com-
mitment to the jail at Canandaigua. He was finally obliged to
run away, and afterwards died at sea. He was the first tavern
keeper west of the Genesee river; certainly, a very untoward
commencement of that branch of business.
Mrs. Chamberlin, the wife of Deacon Chamberlin, whose narra-
tive has already been introduced, is one of the few survivors of the
original colonists. Her first husband, was Malcolm M'Laren.
The other survivors, are; John M'Xaughton, Mrs. M'Vean. widow
of Donald M'Yean, and Hugh M'Dermott
The introduction here of portions of a narrative furnished by
JOHX M'KAY, Esq. of Caledonia, will not only afford some glimpses
of early settlement there, but of previous events upon the Genesee
river.
"I came to what is now Groveland, on the Genesee river, in 1793.
in my 16th year. Col. Williamson had laid out a village at Wil-
liamsburgh, (near Geneseo;) fifteen or twenty buildings were erec-
ted there. I remained at Groveland, for several vears working
at the carpenter's trade. Among the early events that now occur
to me, was the firing of lands by the Indians for the purpose of
taking game. It was in 1795. The Indians to the number of at
least five hundred assembled. At 12 o'clock in the day, they set a
train of fire which enclosed an area of about seven miles square, of
the oak openings between the Canascraga and Conesus lake. Pla-
382 HISTORY OF THE
cing themselves inside of the area as the fire advanced and lessened
its size, the game was driven in and shot. It was a brisk time
during the afternoon; seventeen deer, several bear, and a large
amount of other game, was the result of the fire hunt. Shanks, a
celebrated Indian hunter, came in contact with a bear during the
afternoon, that he had wounded. It was fight Indian, fight bear;
the bear getting decidedly the advantage. He sprang upon Shanks,
tore and lacerated his flesh actually eating off the calves of his
legs! The Indians found Shanks almost lifeless; the bear having
left him for dead. He was cured of his wounds by Indian reme-
dies, and lived for many years.
"I was at Morris' treaty; should think there were three thousand
Indians assembled for several days. Those who were there to
effect the treaty, bought up beef cattle and distributed the beef
freely to the Indians.
"I came to Caledonia in 1803; 'there was then but two houses at
the Springs. I purchased two hundred acres of land, including the
Big Spring and the mill site at Slab City, (or Mumfordville;) Capt.
Williamson had built a small grist mill, with one run of stones, to
accommodate the Scotch settlers, about eighteen months before I
came. I paid for the whole property, a little over two thousand
dollars. My customers for some time, were from most of the then
settled portions of the Holland Purchase; they came from as far as
Buffalo, when they could not cross the river to Canada, on account
of the ice; in fact, at times, from all the region west of me. The
next mills built were those of the Holland Company, at Batavia,
and Stoddard and Platt's, at Leroy. The first merchant at Cale-
donia was John Cameron; he came with a few goods in 1804 or ? 5.
" When I first came to the springs, trout were abundant in it; and
it will surprise trout fishers of the present day and would
perhaps old Isaac Walton himself, if he were living to learn that
they were comparatively tame. When we wanted them, we used
frequently to catch them with our hands, as they lay under the
roots of the cedar trees that grew along the banks. There would
be occasionally one weighing as high as three pounds. It is the
habit of the speckled trout to breed in none but running water,
consequently they would never breed in the spring, but resorted to
its outlet. There was never any other fish in the spring; they
have been gradually diminishing, not only in numbers, but in size.*
"My brother Robert came here in 1808, had been a clerk for
some of the early merchants in Geneseo.
* This last resort, almost, of the speckled trout in all the northern portion of Western
New York, has within a few years, been threatened with entire desertion, or extinction.
There is now a law in operation, limited to three years duration, which makes fishing
in the spring or its outlet, a penal offence. The trout, as if ready to co-operate in this
attempt to protect them in this their seeming " Reservation," are now rapidly in-
creasing in numbers and size. It is almost a wonder that some greedy Pre-emp-
tiouists say a shoal of horned " Bull Pouts " are not contesting their rights.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
i; 1 have often heard of buying wives, but have known, I think,
of but one actual sale, and afterwards peaceable and quiet posses-
sion. Phelps, the early settler at Queenstpn, was a Ranger. In
1794, or '5, getting tired of a bachelor's life, he went down to
Geneva, bought the wife of one Jennings, for six hundred dollars,
cash down, taking her directly to Queenston. I have heard that
the transfer was a fortunate one for all concerned; she making him
a good wife.
' When I first came upon the Genesee river, Little Beardstown,
now Cuylerville, contained about fifteen hundred Indians, at Big
Tree, (Geneseo.) there was a small Indian settlement, forty houses,
perhaps. There was a large Indian settlement at Squawky Hill,
and a small one at Mt. Morris. The white woman,- had a number
of families upon her reservation at Gardeau.
"When I came west of the river, in 1803, Isaac Smith* lived
at the Hosmer place, mid way between the river, and Caledonia;
he had located there as early as 1801. There was a family of
Bakers, squatters, upon the flatts. These were all except the
Scotch, on and near the Buffalo road, between Caledonia and the
river. The Indian settlement of Canawagus, (now the Newbold
farm.) contained at least forty wigwams."
The two brothers, John and Robert M'Kay, are both surviving
residents at Caledonia. The one, still owning and carrying on the
mills that did the grinding at one time for "all west" of then* loca-
tion, to the western extremity of the State; the other, resides
upon his farm, a short distance from the springs.
JEHIEL KELSEY, an aged Pioneer resides in a pleasant retreat,
surrounded by all the comforts of life, a short distance north of
Avon Springs. He cheerfully suspended his field labor, in which
he was industriously engaged, and gave the author a short
account of his early advent:
"I came to Avon, in 1794, purchased the farm where I now
reside, for one dollar fifty cents per acre, about ten years after-
wards. I had to labor several years to get the means of purchase.
I think I brought the first salt, in any considerable quantity, to the
Genesee Valley. I took pork to Onondaga, exchanged pounds for
* It is worthy of note here, that Major Smith was not only a Pioneer landlord, but
he was the father of six daughters, five of whom were Pioneer wives and mothers.
There are few primitive log cabins in Western New York, from beneath the roof of
which there have gone out more and better helpers, in the settlement of a new country.
One of the daughters became the wife of Isaac Sutherland of Batavia: another, of James
D. Faulkner of Dansville; two others, of Sylvester and Sidney Hosmer: and another,
of John M'Kay, of Caledonia. The sixth, and youngest, is Sirs. Kimberly, formerly
of Batavia. Major Smith died in 1814.
384 HISTORY OF THE
bushels; brought my salt via Oswego, and mouth of Genesec
river; sold it here, for ten dollars fifty cents per barrel.
" The first grist mill built in this region, was by Capt. Ganson,
before 1 came on. Judge Hosmer built a saw mill on the Conesus,
as early as 1796, the first one in this region. The Wadsworths
built one the same year, on the same stream. Starr, who
was the father of Horatio Jones' first wife, built the first framed
house in the Genesee Valley. In '94, all the inhabitants on the
river, from Williamsburgh to its mouth, were: Judge Hosmer,
Gad Wadsworth, Gilbert R. Berry, Wm. Markham, Ransom Smith,
Peter Shaeffer, William Hencher, Ebenezer Merry.
"I helped to put up the first bridge, over 'Deep Hollow' below r
Rochester. We had previously, to go up three-fourths of a mile
to get over this gulf. To raise the bridge, all able bodied men had
to go from Avon, and some from above. In '98 or '9, Peter
Shaeffer put up a framed barn; it took all the men in this region
twenty, all told.
"When the Holland Company surveyors first came on, they
came here to buy much of their provisions, and grain and hay for
their pack horses.
"Our first meetings were held in a log school house on the present
public square, of Avon, Judge Hosmer usually reading the Episcopal
service. Mr. Crane, an Episcopal clergyman, was here, as early,
I think, as 1800, or '1. At an early perjpd. the Rev. Mr. Mill's,
father of Gen. Mills, a Presbyterian minister, used to come down
to Avon and hold meetings.
"I must tell you" said the old gentleman to the author, "how
one of our young men got his wife, in an early day. Ebenezer
Merry, Jr. the son of an early settler I have already named,
pushed on still farther ahead, and settled on the Reserve, in
Ohio, at Painsville. He built him a log hut, kept bachelor's hall,
and commenced making an opening in the woods. He came back
here on a visit, and told me it was pretty lonesome up there, in
the woods. I told him he must take back a wife with him.
'Well' said he, disposed to make a prompt business matter of it,
'who shall I get 1 ?' I replied, there is the daughter of Aaron
Adams, she would make just such a wife as you want. The young
man went to see Miss Adams, they struck up a bargain, were
married, and in a few days, were off through the woods to the
Reserve; the young wife on horseback, and he on foot. He was
one of the founders of the village of Milan, became prominent,
among the early settlers of Ohio, was a member of the State
Legislature. He died a few years since, leaving a large circle of
descendants.
"It was very sickly through the whole Genesee valley in all the
early years. If the settler escaped the bilious fever the first year,
he was sure to have it the next."
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 385
Pittstown, originally, afterwards Hojjeoye, now Richmond, dates
its first settlement at the early period of 1789. The township and
a part of Bristol were purchased of Phelps and Gorham, by a com-
pany of individuals of Dighton Massachusetts; thence they were
called the "Dighton Company." The land was divided among the
proprietors by lottery; Capt. Peter Pitts drew his share, three
thousand acres, and was so fortunate as to get the Honeoye flatts,
embracing the site of an old Indian town that Sullivan had des-
troyed, large patches of cultivated ground, and some apple trees.
Gideon Pitts, the eldest son of Capt. Pitts, came out to view lands
about the period of Phelps and Gorham's purchase of the Indians,
saw the lands about the Honeoye lake, and informed the Dighton
company, of their desirable character.
"In 1789, Gideon and William Pitts went upon their father's
land, carrying their goods in on an ox sled. Their first shelter
was made of their sled box; afterwards they erected a cabin and
for two years lived alone, putting in crops upon the old Indian
grounds."
Capt. Pitts and the remainder of the family came in 1791, living,
for nearly four years, alone, Capt. Tafft, of Bloomfield, being
nearest neighbor, north, the Wadsworths, nearest west, James
Goodwin, in Bristol, nearest east, and a few settlers at the head of
Canandaigua lake, nearest south. There came into Pittstown, in
1794, Dr. Lemuel Chipman, Dr. Cyrus Chipman, Philip Reed,
Roswell Turner, (himself, bringing in his family next year,)
Edward Hazen. In '95, Jonas Belknap and Elijah Parker. In
'96 and '7, settlers came in rapidly.
Aaron Hunt, Col. Green, James Garlinghouse, Jacob Holden,
Nicholas Burby, settled at Hunt's Hollow, (head of Honeoye lake,)
in '94. Solomon Woodruff was in Livonia as early as '93; Philip
Short, at the foot of Hemlock lake, in '95.
Peter Allen went into Pittstown in '96; in '7, his brother,
Nathaniel, who had worked as a journeyman blacksmith, in Canan-
daigua, followed him, and erected the first blacksmith's shop in the
town, getting together a few tools, and supplying himself with
iron, by bringing it from Canandaigua, on horseback.*
* This early blacksmith was well known upon the Niagara frontier, in the war of
1312, as army contractor and paymaster; afterwards, as sheriff of Ontario county, and
epresentative in Congress, from that district. In the latter years of his life, he "was a
ontractor upon a work of the general government, upon the Erie and Oswego canals,
25
386 HISTORY OF THE
The brief glimpse of ^arly settlement thus given, is from
information derived from Peter Pitts, the only surviving son of
Capt. Peter Pitts, aged 67. The other survivor of the family, is
the Mrs. Blackman, whose name has already been introduced in
another connection. To her the author is indebted for the follow-
ing reminiscences:
"Zadoc Hunn, a Presbyterian minister, who lived at the old
Sheldon place, near Canandaigna, held meetings at my father's
house, as early as 1793. He first preached in Canandaigua, after-
wards, a log meeting house was built for him, in Bristol. We used
to have good meetings in those days; better ones than we do now.
"My father's house was, for several years, a home for the new
settlers, land explorers, land agents, and surveyors. When Louis
Philippe visited Western New York, he wished to see our neighbor-
hood. He came with his companions, to our house, bringing a
letter of introduction, from Thomas Morris, Esq., of Canandaigua.
He was very sociable, and much pleased with the country. He
remained over night. There were some Indians encamped on the
lake shore; the party went down to see them, taking my brother
Peter, then a small lad, along with them. He could talk Indian;
Louis Philippe was highly pleased at being enabled to communicate
with them through the agency of so young an interpreter. The
first few years after our family came in, there were many Indians
passing our house daily, and hunting parties were encamped nearly
all the time, in the neighborhood.
"The old Indian castle that Sullivan burned down, stood about
one hundred rods from the foot of the lake. After we came here,
there were many remains of wigwams that Sullivan had destroyed,
and the bones of his pack horses "
Capt. Peter Pitts, died in 1812, aged 74 years. His descendants
are numerous, many of them occupying the lands he left them;
the flats of the Honeoye conspicuously beautiful even now, when
surrounded with rural landscapes, that would oftener tempt the
traveler from the great thoroughfares, could he realize what a
panorama of lakes, broad highly cultivated fields, flocks and herds,
and lastly, for the construction of the canal around the falls of the Ohio, at Louisville,
where he died in 1833 or '4. The village of Allen's Hill grew up on a part of his
fine farm, and took its name from him. His successor, at the old homestead, is the
Hon. Robert L. Rose, who married his daughter; the present Representative in Con-
gress, from Ontario; the original farm in his hands, having had accessions of hundreds
of acres, and now forming one of the finest agricultural estates in Western New York.
The elder brother, Peter Allen, whom Mrs. Blackman also names, was in Queenston
battle, in command of a regiment, when he was made prisoner. He will be remem-
bered by our older class of readers, as the one who gave the name to the "Peter Allen
Legislature," of this state. He emigrated to Terra Haute, on the Wabash, in 1816
where he ended an enterprising and useful life, in 1836.
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 387
villages, more than comfortable farm houses, is spread out in the
southern portions of Ontario and Livingston. v
Mrs. Blackman. is enjoying with her descendants, a competence
of worldly blessings, cheerful and happy; even disposed to be
humorous. She gave as a reason why she did not go to the
" Holland Purchase/' when many of her neighbors were pushing
on there, in 1S04, : 5 and '6, that her husband had then "got land
enough cleared, so they could see out by looking straight up," and
she did not wish to make a new beginning. The old gentleman,
who had been almost as early a pioneer as herself, was at work on
the highway. (June, 1848.)
BURGOYNE KEMP, is an aged pioneer, living in Newfane, Niag-
ara county. A small portion of a narrative he has furnished the
author, belongs to this period:
" My father's family consisting then of eleven persons, came from
New Jersey, to Niagara, C. W. in 17S6, on pack horses, pursuing
the then usual route, via Tioga Point, and the Indian trail. We
saw no white inhabitant after leaving Tioga Point, until we arrived
at Lewiston. At Newton, logs had been cut to build two houses.
At Painted Post, we were passed by a young man who was deaf and
dumb; from signs we learned that his destination was Queenston.
He never arrived; and from the fact that an Indian was afterwards
in possession of his clothes, there is no doubt but he was murdered;
though it may have been by a white brigand, the Indian afterwards
taking the clothes from the body.
"We had a small drove of cattle and sheep; arriving at the
Genesee river, they swam across, the family crossing in a canoe.
\Ve were much troubled several times on our route by the Indians
stealing our horses, when they wandered a short distance from our
camp.*'
Mr. Kemp, as will be seen farther on, became an early settler
upon the Holland Purchase.
OLIVER CULVER, Esq. of Brighton. Monroe county, still survives
to tell the story of his early wilderness advent. His life has been
one of more than ordinary enterprize and industry. Coming to
Western New York, in 1796, but nineteen years old, he has been
a hired laborer, a trapper, a navigator of the lakes, a contractor on
one of our largest public works, a legislator, and the patroon of
his neighborhood. An ample fortune is the reward of a long life
of enterprize and toil. His intellect is yet vigorous, and the iron
frame that in youth and middle age, enabled him to encounter the
388 HISTORY OF THE
diseases and privations of a new country, has yielded far less than
usual to the advance of years.
"I came from Vermont in 1790, on foot, my companion a young
man by the name of Samuel Spafford. Reaching Farmington,
Ontario county, 1 got a job of making sap troughs for Jonathan
Smith. Hearing that something was going on at Jrondequoit, I
came on to see the place. Judge Tryoh, of Lebanon, Conn, had
purchased three hundred acres of land and laid out a village.
There was one settler upon the village plat a mulatto by the name
of Samuel Dunbar. Remaining at Irondequoit a few weeks, five
batteaux came up, with surveyors and provisions, bound for the
New Connecticut tract. Myself and companion hired out to the
company, and embarked for the west.
" At Erie, we found Col. Seth Reed keeping a tavern in a
double log house. On our way up the lake, we left a settler by
name of Gunn, at Conneaut, and his family; he was the Pioneer
there. We landed at the mouth of the Cuyahoga, (Cleveland,)
built a store-house and a dwelling for the surveyors, and hands.
One of our hands, Stiles, had his wife with him, built a
house. He was the first settler at Cleveland. During the first
winter, Mrs. Stiles was confined; her only female attendants being
squaws; the child was the first born on the Reserve, and had a
present of land from the proprietors.
"After remaining there for one season, myself and Spafford
went back to Vermont, returning to Irondequoit the next spring.
Having brought traps with us, we followed for a while the business
of trapping and hunting. Game was very plenty about the Bay.
Wild geese, with their broods of young goslins, were especially
abundant. We trapped and bought furs of Indians."
[Another surveying party for Ohio arriving, Mr. Culver and his
companion again accompanied them. His narrative embraces
many interesting events connected with the primitive survey and
settlement of the Reserve, witnessed during this and a third advent
there. In 1798 he helped cut out the road from Pennsylvania line
across the Reserve. On his way up he was taken sick at Buffalo
no physician to be had Middaugh's wife took care of him.]
"In the year 1800 1 purchased the farm where I now reside;
went to work upon it, going through the woods by marked trees
to Major Orange Stone's, for my meals and lodging; cleared seven
acres and got it into wheat. Suspecting that I had an imperfect
title to my land, I did no more upon it until 1805, when the title
was made perfect. During this time, I worked at the Bay for
Try on and Adams, who by this time had a store there and an ashery.
In 1804, there was a grist and saw mill, built by Smith, on
HOLLAND PURCHASE. 389
a stream that crosses the road from Rochester to Pittsford. The
mill stones were taken from the old Allan mill at Rochester, that
had run down. The trade of Tryon and Adams, extended to
Pittsford, Penfield, Mendon; divided the trade with Canandaigua,
of the whole region. The ashery was of great use to the new
settlers; enabling them to sell their ashes for a shilling a bushel
when they stood in need of the proceeds. I remember that in
1803, Tryon and Adams shipped one hundred and three barrels of
pearl ashes to Montreal. In 1804, when I left the Bay, four or
five families had come in. The father of Oliver Grace, Esq.. of
Lewiston. was a general agent, or clerk, for Tryon and Adams;
was well educated, social and pleasant; an agreeable accession to
our back woods' settlement.*
"In the early years, the whole region about the Bay, was a
favorite hunting ground; deer and bear were very plenty. There
were a few beaver in this region when I first came in. I trapped
a couple of young ones at Braddock's Bay. in 1797; found one of
their houses, or lodges. It was built in a conical form, of brush
and rushes, plastered with clay. Their bed was elevated above
the water, and dry. The sticks they had carried into their lodge
for their winter's food, were piled up outside with the bark all
gnawed off. I have seen the stumps of trees they had gnawed off
one foot in diameter. They select their sites for dams with all the
nice judgment that man would use in locating mill dams. The
beaver dams were numerous in all the lake Ontario region.
"I married and settled upon my farm in 1805. In that year and
the following, myself and four neighbors: George Daly. Orange
Stone, Samuel Spafford, and Miles Northup, with the help of fifty
dollars appropriated by the then town of Northfield, cut out the
road two rods wide, for the distance of four miles from the river,
east. I am the only person now living in the town of Brighton,
who was here, an adult, in 1796."
The author is indebted to Mr. J. B. Taylor, of West Webster,
* The author has one of the old account books of this primitive mercantile estab-
lishment. Each page is dated " Gerundegut Landing." Some names as they occur
through its pages, will remind the reader of early times: Seymour Boughton, Miles
Bristol, Jonathan Brown, Capt. Abraham Burchard, William Bacon, James Brooks,
James Cronk, John Dailey, Levi Van Fossen, Wm. and Daniel Gould, Nathaniel
Rowley, Paul Roberts, John Stoughton, Noah Smith, Asa Taft, Nathan Tolls, Gideon
Thayer, Stephen Tinker, Matthew Warner, Ashael Warner, Aaron Watkins, Ezra
Norton, Zebulon Norton, James Annibal, Amherst Humphrey, Samuel Stephens,
Samuel Miles, James Maxwell, John Porter, Eljah Morgan, Samuel Bullin, Samuel
Carr, Martin Lewis, Asa Porter, Solomon Hovey, Abner Sheldon, Wm. Keyes,
Solomon Sylvester, Wm. Tanner, James Henry, Richard Smith, Reuben Thayer,
Benjamin Barton, Paul Davison Elisha Brockway, Aaron Watkins, Noah Smith,
Jasper Sears, Wait Lewis, Joel Brace, John Daily, Wheelock Wood, Thaddens Keyes,
Smith Wilcox, Levi Boughton, Abel Baker, Joel Henderson, Abel Rowe, John Chap-
man, Stephen Hopkins, Oliver Tracy, Augustus Porter, Peter B. Porter, Oliver Culver,
James Walsworth, Glover Perrin, Samuel Stone, Oliver Grace, Oliver Phelps, John
Ray, John F. Taylor, Thomas King, Wm. Hencher.
390 HISTORY OF THE
Monroe county, for the information contained in the following
extracts of a letter:
"My mother, now quite advanced in years, resides with her
sister, Mrs. M'Laren, near Benedict's Corners, on Ridge Road,
east of Rochester. I gather from her the statement, that she came
with my father, to Braddock's Bay, in 1797. There had been
living there, then, for three or four years, three brothers: Bezeal,
Stephen, and John Atchison. The names of the others there,
were: John Madden, Goodhue, Labon,
Bennet. Wm. Hencher lived at the mouth of Genesee river; a
rather singular sort of personage; a second Daniel Boone. Some
emigrants settled four or five miles from him, at which he became
very indignant; said he did not wish to have neighbors so near
him."*
The following is a copy of the first tax roll ever made out for
the region west of the Genesee river; it being then all embraced
in one town Northampton. It is entire, with the exception of
fifteen or sixteen names, torn from the first page of the roll. It
was furnished to the editor of the Rochester Democrat, by Donald
M'Kenzie, Esq., of Caledonia. It is dated October 6th, 1800; and
signed by Augustus Porter and Amos Hall, as commissioners of
taxes for Ontario county. The assessors for the town of North-
ampton, were: Cyrus Douglas, Michael Beach, Eli Griffith, and
Philip Beach; Peter Shaeffer, (still living,) was the collector.
There were not then, as it appears, over twelve taxable inhabitants
upon the Purchase; in Buffalo, only Johnston, Middaugh and Lane.
Value real and Ain't
Value real and
Ain't
pers'l estate.
of Tax.
pers'l estate.
of Tax.
Curtis, William
$30
$0 06
Conatt, Samuel
33
'06
Carter, William
94
18
Chamberlin, Joshua
60
12
Chamberlin, Hinds
284
40
Gary, Joseph
948
1 61
Curtis, Augustus
500
61
Coots, Timothy
396
54
Curtis, Jonathan
387
54
Dugan, Christopher
1306
1 63
Campbell, Peter
52
09
Douglas, Cyrus
78
14
Chapin, Henry
3000
6 50
Davis, Daniel
572
72
Chapman, Asa
112
23 Davis, Garret
350
45
Cumins, Joseph .
20
04 1 Davis, Bela
105
22
* This first settler at the mouth of Genesee river and first, in fact, in all that region
has been several times alluded to, by others. He had held a commission under
Shay, in the Massachusetts rebellion. When the force was disbanded, he had taken so
conspicuous a part in the rebellion, that he feared to remain, and came first to Chenmng,
where he remained two or three years. The following extract of a letter, dated in 1791,
from one of his daughters, who was with him, to another, in Massachusetts, would
show that he came to Western New York, about that period: "We are waiting at
Chemung, to get rid of the fever and ague; as soon as we do, we are going to the
Genesee country. Father has been out there and returned." Mr. Hencher died in
1821, leaving a large number of descendants. Mrs. Donald M'Kenzie, of Caledonia,
is one of his daughters. Mrs. Richardson, of Cambria, Niagara county, widow of
Jonathan Richardson, is a sister of the early pioneer.
391
Value real and
Am't r Value real and Am't
pera'l estate.
of Tax.
pers'l estate, of Tajt.
Davis, Samuel
312
37
Rhau, Alexander
85 12
Ellicott, Benjamin
600
71
Stimson, Leonard
52 11
Fish, Josiah
1516
1 86
Stimson & Jones
200 29
Farewell, Elisha
288
37
Stoughton, Amaziah
164 21
Fuller, David
80
12
Shefier, Peter
4260 5 36
Forsyth, John
330
43
Scott, Isaac
1103 1 45
Granger, Eli
100
14 Shelly, Phiros
150 IS
Goodhue, George
176
20 Scott,' Salmon
796 95
Ganson, John, Jr.
1640
2 10 Scoonover, Jacob
731 1 00
Ganson, James
12
02
Thompson Abriandner
30 07
Griffith, Eli
658
98
Utley, Asa
901 1 17
Hencher, Wm.
1036
1 64
Olmstead, Jeremiah
120 29
Hicks, Samuel
44
09
Wilber, Charles
60 31
Heih, Reuben
40
09
Walther, Frederick
488 68
Hunt, Elijah
68
14
Wemple, Henry
27 17
Harris, Alpheus
72
15
42 10
Hall, Friend
200
30
King, Thomas
30 07
Hunt, Joseph
64
13
King, Simeon
40 10
Hopkins, Timothy
42
09
Hender, Stephen
12 02
Hayne, John
50
11
Ransom, Asa
410 61
Hawlev, Chapman
112
1-
Erwin,John
4-.2S 96
Hall, Gilbert
370
52
Woolman, John
162 36
Hoit, Stephen
153
34
Philips, William
30 07
Jones, H. John
140
23
Carver, John
316 40
Jones, Elizabeth
153
24 Eli, Justin
oOOO 9 91
Johnson, Moses
800
1 07 Barnard, Ebenezer \
iQ^n q cr
Johnson, Wm.
2034
3 50
Perkins, Enoch )
1JJLJ O O 4
Kith, M. Michael
42
09
Phelps, Oliver
4437 8 80
Kimball, John
700
1 03
Hartford, Charles
2333 4 62
Kent, Elijah
.96
14
King, Gideon, heirs
4500 5 36
Lane, Ezekiel
114
24
Granger, Zadoc
4500 8 92
Laybourn, Christopher
470
62
Hinkley, Samuel }
Lyon, John
40
08
Stone, John >
5000 9 91
Leonard, Jonathan
40
06
Graves, Silas )
Lewis, Seth
60
14
Wadsworth, James
34,500 68 38
Mills, Wm.
714
94
Williamson, C. & othera 34,500 68 28
Mills, Lewis
72
16
Gilbert, Warren
2,190 2 60
Mills, Alexander
80
19
Colt, Judah
1,320 2 61
Mills, Samuel
250
30
Morris, Thomas
4,200 8 32
Morton, Simeon
50
11
Hall, Amos
700 1 38
Mading, Timothy
128
16
Holland Company
3,300,000 5231 62
McCloning, John
40
09
Williamson, Charles
155,150 307'41
McCloning, John, Jr.
12
02
Williamson & Phelps
100,000 219 14
Middaugh, Martin
45
09
Craigie, Andrew
50,000 73 96
Mayle, Lewis
30
09
Ogden, Samuel
50,000 109 57
84
19
Cottinger, Garrit
50,000 109 57
Mulkins, Henry
54
11
Church, Phillip
100,000 219 14
Nettleton, Philemon
592
80
Unknown
27.-210 59 41
Morgan, Joseph
870
1 11
Leroy & Bayard
82,000 179 68
M'Naughton, John
48
11
Leroy & Bayard
40,000 87 66
McPherson, Dan
100
22
Phelps & Jones
Patterson, Lawrence
Pebody, Stephen
500
86
90
18
Supposed to be owned
by Thomas Morris
40,960 69 36
Palmer, John
Pangman, William
482
300
72
66
Joseph Fitts Simmons
Joseph Higby
600,000 1314 84
Quivev, Norton
70
15
Redford, John
130
19
Total $-
1,785,363 8,387 11
NOTE The names were, many of them, wrong, in the transcript copied from. After
such corrections as the author is enabled to make by reference to other records, there
are yet, it is presumed, some errors.
392 HISTORY OF THE
BENJAMIN BARTON.
He was a native of Sussex county, New Jersey; born in 1771.
When but seventeen years of age in the year 1787 he accom-
panied his father to assist in driving a drove of cattle and sheep
purchased for the use of the British Commissariat at Niagara.
The route was the one that has already been described; the Indian
trail, that was then the only route to Fort Niagara and Canada.
On reaching the Genesee river, the party rested for a few days to
allow the cattle and sheep to recruit, and while there, erected a
small log cabin, for their own convenience, and the convenience of
other drovers; which is supposed to be the first tenement erected
by white men, between Whitestown on the Mohawk and the wes-
tern frontiers of the state.
Major Barton came to Geneva in 1788; and in the year 1790,
purchased from Poudery, a Frenchman, who had married a squaw,
(and to whom the Indians had given the land,) a valuable farm on
the Cashong creek, seven miles from Geneva.
This farm was formerly the site of an Indian town which had
been destroyed by the army of Gen. Sullivan in 1779. More than
one hundred acres of it had been improved from time immemorial;
so long, that the stumps had rotted away, -and there were a great
many old apple trees growing upon it, many of which were more
than a foot and a half in diameter. These were the only things on
it that escaped the destruction inflicted upon all Indian towns he
reached, by Gen. Sullivan. In payment for this farm, he gave all
the money and property he had, even to parting with a portion of
his raiment. He had great difficulty in getting the purchase ratified
by the State, but succeeded finally, through the great kindness and
assistance rendered to him by Gov. George Clinton.
In 1792, Major Barton, was married at Canandaigua to the kind
and affectionate companion who yet survives him, and with whom
he lived nearly half a century. After his marriage he settled in
Geneva, where his first child, a daughter, was born; and in 1794
removed on to his farm, where he continued to reside until the
spring of 1807, when he removed to Lewiston in Niagara county.
He was employed a long time by the Surveyor General in survey-
ing the State military tract lying east of Ontario, to, and including
Onondaga county; as well as rendering much service in that way
in Ontario county.
HOLLAND PURCHASE.
Between 1801 and 1805, he was three or four years the Sheriff of
Ontario county, which then embraced all the territory of New York
(except the county of Steuben,) west of Seneca lake, and from the
Pennsylvania line to lake Ontario, which has since been subdivided
into thirteen counties.
During the time he held the office, he had to serve a criminal
process upon an Indian residing on the Buffalo reservation for the
crime of murder, he having killed a man in a drunken brawl at a
little log tavern, near where the Mansion House in this city now
stands. At that period of time the Indians were much the stronger
party in the country, and a process like this could not be executed
without their consent. The chiefs objected to the arrest being
made; said they regretted the circumstance, but they understood
the white people in a case of murder, in trying and punishing a man
who committed it, they made no difference whether he was drunk
or sober at the time, that they did, their young warrior was drunk
when he committed the act. and they would punish him; at all
events they would not consent that he should be taken and tied on
a horse like a thief, and carried through the country to the jail at
Canandaigua. Major B. represented to them, that as the offence
was a crime against our laws and within the jurisdiction of the
state, the arrest must be made, even if it took a large force to do it,
and they had better consent, but they positively forbid his making
it. It was then mutually agreed between him and the chiefs, that
the 
