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FOR a first introduction to the science of Names I am indebted 
to the late Dr Felix Solmsen's lectures (Uber Namen, 
besonders griechische, lateinische, deutsche), delivered in the 
University of Bonn, in 1905. 

This present work on the Place-Names of Nottinghamshire 
was originally written as a thesis in the School of English 
Language and Philology of the University of Liverpool. The 
subject was suggested to me by Professor H. C. Wyld, to whose 
teaching and kind assistance I owe much. 

The field of place-name research is a distinctly dangerous 
one, and it was only after long hesitation that I decided to lay 
this study before the public. At one time I was quite prepared 
to suppress the work entirely, although much time and energy 
had been spent on its composition. If now given to the world 
it is because I have been persuaded that its perusal may afford 
pleasure and instruction to some, and that the theories often 
very bold propounded in the book may draw valuable com- 
ments from its critics. It is also hoped that it will stimulate 
research in a much neglected province of Germanic philology. 

It is my pleasant duty to express my sincerest thanks to all 
who have assisted me in the writing and printing of this book. 
Mr Robert Mellors (Author of In and about Nottingham- 
shire, etc.) has throughout placed his great local knowledge at 
my service. Dr F. J. Curtis, B.A., Ph.D., Professor of English 
Language and Literature in the Akademie of Frankfurt am 
Main, has with great kindness read through the proofs and 
suggested many useful emendations. 

I must here also express my gratitude to Mr J. Potter 
Briscoe, the Nottingham City Librarian, for having afforded me 
every facility for using the volumes of early records and other 
important works which are in the Reference Library, and also for 



having obtained for me a number of books indispensable to 
a writer on philological subjects, but not usually contained in 
provincial libraries. 

To all those by whose generous aid the issue of this book 
has been made possible I wish to express my grateful thanks. 
Contributions towards a publishing fund were received from : 
The Faculty of Arts of the University of Liverpool ; The 
Nottinghamshire Society of London ; His Grace the Duke 
of Portland ; The Right Honourable the Earl Manvers ; The 
Lord Bishop of Southwell ; Sir Thomas Birkin, Bart. ; H. 
Hampton Copnall, Esq., Clerk of the Peace ; Principal Heaton ; 
Jesse Hind, Esq., J.P. ; W. H. Mason, Esq., J.P. ; Colonel 
Hellish, D.L.; Robert Mellors, Esq.; Major Robertson, J.P. 

H. M. 

Weimar, August 1913. 









I. Vowel Changes 159 

II. Consonant Changes 161 


I. Words of Anglo-Saxon Origin 164 

II. Words of Scandinavian Origin 168 

III. Words of French and Latin Origin . . . . 169 
APPENDIX : Some of the More Frequent Suffixes Explained . 169 

I. Anglo-Saxon and Norse Personal Names . . . 173 

II. Norman-French Personal Names 176 

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . 177 


N.B. For Abbreviations of Sources of Early Forms see Bibliography, 
Part I. 

Germ. German. 

M.E. Middle English (c. 1050 c. 1500). 

M.H.G. Middle High German. 

O.E. Old English (or Anglo-Saxon, c. 650 c. 1050). 

O.H.G. Old High German. 

O.N. Old Norse (or Scandinavian). 

pers. n. (ns.) personal name(s). 

pL n. (ns.) place-name(s). 

Scand. Scandinavian (or Norse). 

W. Sax. West Saxon. 

Dial. Diet. Wright's Dialect Dictionary. 

Dial Gramm. Wright's Dialect Grammar. 

N.E.D. New English (or Oxford) Dictionary. 

Vigf. Vigfusson's Icelandic Dictionary. 

%* For full titles of the above and other Works of Reference 
see Bibliography. 

An asterisk (*) before a word denotes a reconstructed or hypothetical 

A query (?) denotes a doubtful etymology. 
> ...develops into.... 
< derived from.... 





as in bat 

[]>] as in 









rod, arrow 




see, place 



[z] > 

size, rise 








rou^, he^"^ [hed3] 












German do<r^, Scotch 





father, sofa 



*** The 

other Consonant 




bols have their usual values. 



[ei, e] 

mn, l<2ne 



[ou, o] 

\ow, b^>ne 

Stress is marked thus ['D]. 

Phonetic representations are usually placed within square brackets. 

NOTE. The phonetic forms in square brackets after the names represent 
the local pronunciation. In most cases a polite pronunciation closely 
following the spelling exists, but is not specially recorded. 

Transliterations enclosed in round brackets are taken from Hope's 
Glossary of Dialectal Place Nomenclature, 1 883. 


BRITISH Place-Names that have an obvious meaning such as 
Clifton, Red Hill, Horsepool, Newthorpe, are very few in number, 
and often of but recent origin. The majority seem at first sight 
mere arbitrary conglomerations of sounds having no perceptible 
relation to the localities with which they are associated. The 
names Nottingham, Trent, Cropwell, etc., are in everyday use; 
we know the places or objects to which they apply but we do 
not know why there should be any connection between them. 
That such must have existed when the name was first given, or 
rather sprang into being, will hardly be disputed. The exact 
nature of this connection, or, in other words, the origin and 
meaning of the place-name, has at all times been a favourite 
subject of speculation, both to the learned and the ignorant 
alike. The attempts of the latter class, besides producing popular 
etymologies, have given rise to many quaint tales and stories, 
invented to endow with some significance an otherwise obscure 
name. Thus Mansfield is said to derive its name from a count 
of Mansfeld, in Saxony, who is supposed to have taken part in a 
tournament held in the famous field near by. Similarly, Styrrup, 
in the same district, is held by some to be "in some way or other 
connected with the training of horses " for purposes of the noble 
art of tourneying ; whereas Blyth has the reputation of being 
named after " the mirth and good-fellowship of the inhabitants 
therein." Many more such curious items might be adduced if 
this were the proper place for their recital. We will, however, 
take leave of this fascinating subject with the mere mention of 
that ingenious divine who, " by the slightest change in ortho- 
graphy," made most of the village names round Nottingham 
have some reference to Baal and to high places. 

Much more dangerous than these obviously wrong etymologies 
are those advanced, often with a great show of learning, by de- 
voted amateurs, chiefly antiquarians or geographers. A common 


feature of writers of this class is that they imagine it their chief 
duty to explain not so much the nature and meaning of the 
name, as the reason why it was given to the locality. They 
approach the question with the particular bias of their favourite 
subject, and very often with preconceived ideas. Thus one will 
be alert to discover references to prehistoric settlements ; another 
is bent on finding the natural features of the neighbourhood 
embodied in the nomenclature of the district ; a third will 
connect the names of places with persons or events belonging to 
national and local history. 


It is a well-known characteristic of the majority of Teutonic 
personal and local names that they consist of two elements or 
themes. English place-names of one theme only were very few 
from the beginning, and popular etymology has since been at 
work changing the appearance of these few so as to make them 
conform to the majority. Here belong various Old English 
names, originally in the dative case, whose ending -um came to 
be written -ham, as if it represented O.E. ham, " home," as e.g. in 
Askham, Aver ham, Kelham, Laneham. Lound, Clumber, Coates, 
are also examples of uncompounded place-names. 

Bi-thematic names almost invariably contain as their second 
element a noun of a descriptive character, denoting either a 
natural object, such as wood, field, stone, cliff; or a work of man, 
such as ton (" town "), worth, thorpe, borough. The first element, 
which has also been described as the adjectival theme, is of a 
different, a qualifying character. It may consist of an adjective 
proper, as in Radcliffe (" red "), Cuckney (" quick "); of a common 
noun used adjectivally, as in Flintham, Stapleford. But by far 
the most frequent mode of forming English, and for that matter, 
Teutonic place-names is by prefixing a personal name descriptive 
of the original settler, the owner, inhabitant, or other person 
connected with the locality. Very often the personal name 
involved does not appear in the singular, but in the plural of a 
collective patronymic ending in -ing, and meaning " the family, 
or descendants of so and so." The persons whose names are 
thus perpetuated are almost without exception unknown to 


history; no doubt they were often but simple peasants, cottagers, 
or even serfs. Place-names of this kind, therefore, fail to appeal 
to the imagination ; they are sadly lacking in romance. The 
only good that can be said in their favour is that they have 
served, and are still serving, an excellent purpose in practical 
life, and that they provide with amusement the philologist 
whose business and delight it is to explain the changes which 
they have undergone in their passage through the centuries. 


Place-names are words in the first instance, and as such 
their elucidation is primarily a linguistic problem. This will 
become clear on examining the causes that make place-names 
unintelligible. These causes are manifold, but the most im- 
portant may be tabulated as follows : 

(1) Certain elements contained and preserved in place- 
names have disappeared from everyday language ; e.g. -by ; 
-bourne ; and the majority of old personal names. 

(2) Certain elements have, in their independent form, as- 
sumed a new meaning; e.g. -ton (town}\ well', beast (in 

(3) Old genuine dialect words (or forms) have become 
obsolete, because ousted and superseded by forms of the literary 
language ; e.g. cuck (= quick) in Cuckney. 

(4) The place-name may be derived from a foreign tongue ; 
e.g. Trent, Doverbeck. 

(5) The elements contained in a place-name follow develop- 
ments different from those of the independent words. In a 
composite name they are more subject to the simplifying pro- 
cesses of shortening and assimilation. For examples of excessive 
shortening see Broxtow, Bassetlaw, Caunton. See also special 
chapter on Assimilation (Phonology, 13). 

(6) Popular etymology often obscures the original meaning 
of place-names. See Arnold, Askham, Birkland, Cropwell, East- 
wood, Hempshill, Kingston, Martin, Oldcoates, etc. 

(7) The influence of the spelling interferes with the natural 
development of place-names. The prevailing and inevitable 
tendency is to pronounce the names " as they are spelt," although 


the written form is very often no sure guide to the etymology. 
Thus a number of place-names whose first element was a Norse 
personal name containing the adjectival theme Thor-, are now 
pronounced with initial /, because / was written by Anglo- 
Norman scribes for the sound of th. 


From the foregoing exposition it is clearly evident that the 
investigator of place-names cannot base his theories on the 
modern forms which are the result of the change and wear of 
centuries. It is necessary to go back to the oldest available 
spellings, which have to be laboriously collected from a variety 
of documents printed, for the most part, in the invaluable series 
of official government publications. Owing to the County's 
position away from the centre of West Saxon rule, the number 
of Old English charters relating to Nottinghamshire is exceed- 
ingly small. The few documents of this description to be found 
in Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus, and Birch's Cartularium Saxoni- 
cum, are, moreover, very unreliable, and probably late copies or 
forgeries. The County is but poorly represented in Doomsday 
Book, and the number of local records of a civil and monastic 
nature, which are available in published form is lamentably 
small. This is the more to be regretted as local documents 
very often contain much more useful spellings than the national 
ones, which were, particularly in the reigns immediately following 
the Conquest, often drawn up by Norman-French scribes or by 
other persons unacquainted with the localities and the speech 
habits of the people. 

Having collected as many early spellings as possible, the 
investigator proceeds to arrange them in chronological order. 
Thus the changes that a name has undergone are illustrated, 
though in a great many cases philological explanations of a 
highly technical nature are necessary in order to reconcile 
the various spellings with each other. Often it will be found 
necessary to distinguish various Types, each of which should be 
treated separately. These owe their existence to a variety of 
causes. A place-name is sometimes found both in the nominative 
and dative cases ; substitution of elements occasionally occurs 


as the result of popular etymology ; the first element, if a 
personal name, may have the genitival ending or not ; one type 
may represent the local pronunciation as distinct from the 
official spelling, etc., etc. These are a few examples of the 
causes leading to the development of different types. 

Each of these types has its own history ; but only one can 
be represented by any given modern form. As a rule, all but 
one are gradually eliminated ; yet it sometimes happens that a 
local or old-fashioned pronunciation is descended from a different 
type from the one which survives in the modern spelling. 

In this connection, particular attention should be paid to 
possible errors committed by the Norman-French scribes of 
Doomsday Book and other feudal records. Many of the genuine 
English sounds were unfamiliar to them, and they often blundered 
in the rendering of native English words, or modified the pro- 
nunciation, and consequently, the spelling of the place-names 
according to their own French speech habits (see special chapters 
on Norman Influence, Phonology, 11, 22). 

It is, therefore, the philologist on whom devolves the duty of 
elucidating the meaning and the history of place-names. In his 
task he should be aided by the local topographer and antiquarian ; 
but as there is, unfortunately, no organisation to ensure the 
co-operation of all classes of investigators concerned, the philo- 
logist will occasionally go wrong for want of local knowledge. 
Thus, for instance, the local pronunciation of place-names is 
often as valuable as a very old and genuine spelling ; and yet it 
is nothing short of impossible for the individual and isolated 
worker to collect a complete and reliable list of such pro- 

There is one further aspect of place-name research to which 
attention must be called. The investigator should not confine 
himself to the contemplation of the names of one single district. 
He should go further afield, and study as far as possible the 
principles and peculiarities of English, and also Teutonic nomen- 
clature generally. Outside England, those countries from which 
the majority of settlers were drawn, Low Germany, and, in a 
slightly less degree, Scandinavia, will supply useful analogies. 



A cursory examination of the main part of this book will 
convince the reader that the bulk of the place-names of Notting- 
hamshire are of Anglo-Saxon origin. A considerable number 
of Scandinavian elements are present ; and if these were marked 
in a distinctive colour on a map, very interesting conclusions 
might be drawn from the nature of their distribution. I believe 
they would show that the Scandinavian invasion, which ultimately 
led to the settlement of the Norsemen in large numbers, was of 
a comparatively peaceful nature. The Northern newcomers 
apparently did not try to oust the original occupants of the 
land, but were satisfied to settle in the marshy, sandy, un- 
attractive regions left vacant by the Anglo-Saxons. 

The British and Roman settlements, which no doubt existed 
anterior to the advent of the Teutonic invaders, seem to have 
completely lost their original names. Only a few indications of 
Roman occupation are left. Brough and Littleborough refer to 
pre- Anglo- Saxon structures of Roman origin, whereas Celtic 
elements survive in the river-names 1 Trent^ Doverbeck, Devon, 
and Dean. Some Celtic word may also be contained in the 
first part of Mansfield. 

Norman-French influence is apparent more in the modification 
of native names than in the creation of new ones. Perlethorpe, 
containing a French personal name as first element, is a rare 
example of a post-Conquest formation on the old principle of 
Teutonic name composition. Beauvale and Belvoir, marked by 
a touch of the romantic spirit appertaining to the age of 
chivalry, and thus notably distinguished from the bulk of common- 
place Germanic names, are instances of completely Norman- 
French formations. On the other hand, distinctive additions to 
older place-names are frequently of Norman-French origin. 
They usually take the form of the new feudal owner's name 
which is tacked on to the older native name of the place, as in 
Cropwell Butler, Holme Pierrepont, etc. 

1 The Rev. John Sephton, M.A., in his Handbook of Lancashire Place-Names 
(Liverpool, 1913), expresses the very interesting opinion that the vitality of Celtic 
river-names is due to religious or superstitious causes (p. 132). 


ADBOLTON (in Holme-Pierrepont). !*. - ; % ii 

Type I. 
1086 Alboltune, D.B. 

Type II. 

1316 Adbolton, Bor. Rec. 
1346 Adbolton, F.A. 
1571 Adbolton, Index. 

" The tun or farmstead of Ealdbeald (Type I), or Eddbeald 
(Type II)." Both personal names occur frequently. Interchange 
of prefixes is found in the pers. ns. themselves : Ealdbeald, king 
of Kent, appears as Eddbeald in some sources (see Onomasticon). 

ALVERTON [olvetn]. 

1086 Alvretun, Alvritun, D.B. 
1278] (H.R. 

1304! Alverton \ Index. 
1316' 'F.A. 

" The tun of Atfer," O.K. ^Elfherestun ; Alfer is an O.E. and 
M.E. short form of ALlfhere (Onomasticon). 

ALWOLDESTORP (not identified). 

1086 Alwoldestorp, D.B. 
" The frorp of Ealdweald." 

M. I 


ANNESLEY [aenzli]. 

1086 Aneslei, D.B. 
1240 Anyslegh, Bor. Rec. 
1284 Anisley, F.A. 
1421 Annesley, Index. 

"The leak (lea) of Anna? Anna is an O.K. man's name. 
The early substitution of the strong for the weak declension is 
characteristic of the Northern and Midland dialects ; Sweet, 
N. Engl. Gramm. 989, Sievers, 276 a 5 ; see Alexander, Mod. 
t^jrfguage. Re^r. -191 j. 


Type L 

1278 Harpelestorp, H.R. 
1327-77 Harplesthorp, Non. Inq. 

Type IT. 

1278 Happelestorp, H.R. 
1316 Apullesthorp, F.A. 

- 'SCO T 1 Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 


" The frorp of * Harpel or *Arpel." The r of Type I was lost 
through either assimilation or dissimilation, 

rp>pp, or r-l-r>\\-l-r. 

After this change the name became connected with apple. I 
cannot trace the pers. n. (H)arpel in other English sources. It 
is, however, found in continental records. It appears to be the 
diminutive of Arpus, which is the name of a German chief 
mentioned by Tacitus, Ann. II, 7. See Much, Zeitschrift fur 
deutsches Altertum, 35, 365, Grimm, Geschichte der deutschen 
Sprache, 580. The pi. n. Erpelingalanda is recorded by Forste- 
mann, II 2 . 


1086 Ernehale, D.B. 
1157 Ric. de Erneshala, P.R. 
1 22 1 Arnehale, Bor. Rec. 
1284 Arnale, F.A. 


1272-1307 Arnehal, Index. 
1316 Arnall, F.A. 
1346 Arnale, F.A. 



"The healh of Earned Although the genitival s is en- 
countered but once, the first element can hardly represent the 
O.K. earn, " eagle." The final d is excrescent ; similar cases of 
the development of d are found in various other words both in 
the dialects and in literary speech ; see Wright, Dial. Gramm. 
306 ; Horn, Neuengl. Gramm. 188. 


1086 Ascam, D.B. 
1278 Ascam, H.R. 

O.K. ^/ cescum, "at the ash-trees," a regular dative plural. 
The modern spelling is due to popular etymology : the ending 
ham in the modern form of this name has nothing to do with 


1086 jAslachetone J ^ 

1302 Aslacton, F.A. 

"The tun of Aslac" The pers. n. is of Scandinavian origin ; 
see Bjorkman. 


c. 1200 Adigburcj 
c. 1240 Hadinburj 

1275 Adinburks, Bor. Rec. 
1291 Addingburg, Tax. Eccl. 
1327-77 Adyngburgh, Non. Inq. 
c. 1500 Addyngborough, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
Either " the burh of the Eddings or of Eadda" The change 
from d to t must be quite recent, and is perhaps due to 
dissimilation. Similar changes in pers. names are discussed by 
Bardsley, Diet, of Engl. and Welsh Surnames, p. 19. 

i 2 


AVERHAM [aearem] (Airham, Hope). 

Type I. 

1086 Aigrun, D.B. 
c. 1 200 Egrum, Index. 
1278 Egrom, H.R. 
1291 Egrum, Tax. Eccl. 
1302 Aghram, F.A. 

Type II. 

1316 Averam, F.A. 
1327-77 Averham, Inq. Non. 

(Averham (or Aram), Camden, p. 549. 

(Havorham, Map in Camden. 
1680 Averham, Index. 

Type III. 
1637 Aram, Camden, p. 549. 

%* c. 1 600 (?)... Averham, auntiently called Egrum but now 
comonlie called Aram... MS. BM. Titus A. xxiv. fol. 130 b. 

I take this name to represent O.E. (Mercian) at aftrum, " at 
the waters, streams " ; it would thus correspond to the Latin ad 
aquas. The exact meaning of O.E. (W. Saxon) &dre, Anglian 
(k)epir, epre is " a channel for liquids, an artery, vein, fountain, 
river," Bosworth-Toller ; the cognate German word Ader has the 
same meaning. The following quotation from White's Directory 
(1853) will explain the origin of the name: "The large island 
formed by the two branches of the Trent navigation opposite to 
Newark, is in the manor of Averham, or Aram... " (p. 460). 

I have not yet succeeded in rinding another instance of the 
occurrence of O.E. cedre in pi. names. There are, however, 
a few continental names which contain its O.H.G. cognate. 
Mod. Germ. Brunnadern near Bondorf in Baden goes back to 
an O.H.G. Brunnaderon, a dat. plural ; see Forstemann, II 2 , 10. 
According to Graff, Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz, I, 157, 
brunadara is used by Notker in his translation of the Psalms to 
render the Latin manationes aquarum. The same element may 
be contained in the Hessian river-name Itterbach, Sturmfels, 
Ortsnamen Hessens, p. 41. 


The interpretation of the various spellings of this name is 
not without its difficulties. I shall now endeavour to reconcile 
the three types with my assumption. Type I : In Anglo- 
French records the open g sound is frequently substituted for 
the English #; see Zachrisson, pp. 101, 117; cp. the various 
spellings of " Leicestershire, Worcester(shire) " in different MSS. 
of Bede, as Ltpeccestrescire, Lcegreceasterscire ; Wiftreceasterscir, 
Wigraceaster, Miller, p. 46. Type II : On the other hand, inter- 
vocalic # often developed into v in the English dialects which 
accounts for the second collection of forms ; see Horn, Hist. 
Neuengl. Grammat. 197 ; Wright, Dialect of Windhill, p. 91 : 
"Fifty years ago, / for/ and v for t were quite general." Type 
III : The pronunciation is [aeeram], with the regular loss of fror 
v before r in a medial position ; Horn, I.e. 169. 

The development of the various forms may be tabulated as 
follows : 

O.E. (at) aftrum. 

> Egrum in Anglo-French spelling ; 

> Averum in the local dialect ; 

> Arum in subsequent local development. The modern 
spelling in -ham is due to confusion with the frequent termina- 
tion O.E. -ham. 

N.B. Isaac Taylor's assumption (Words and Places, ch. XI) 
that Averham is derived from the dat. pi. of O.E. hearg, "a 
heathen temple," is untenable. 


1278 Alkelaye, H.R. 
1316 Alkeleye, F.A. 
c. 1500 Aulkeley, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

"The leak of a man called Ealca, or of Ealce" a mythological 
person, or deity. In O.E. the pers. name A lea occurs once; it 
most probably represents a short form of one of the numerous 
"full-names" beginning with Ealh-, Bale-', cf. also Ealac, Alac, 
Onomasticon, and Alako, Forstemann, I. 

As to the second suggestion it cannot be denied that we find 
traces of a mythological person of the name of Ealce etc. ; see 


Middendorf, s.v. On Low German territory, in the neighbourhood 
of Osnabriick, the geographical names A Ike Krug and A Ik Pool 
are found close to an ancient heathen place of worship (Mittei- 
lungen des Vereins fiir Geschichte und Landeskunde von Osna- 
briick, xm, 1886, pp. 263 sqq.). The same deity or deities seem 
to be mentioned by Tacitus in the Germania, c. 43 : "Apud 
Naharvalos antiquae religionis lucus ostenditur. praesidet sacer- 
dos muliebri ornatu, sed deos interpretatione Romana Castorem 
Pollucemque memorant. ea vis numini, nomen Aids (var. 
Alces vel Aid), nulla simulacra, nullum peregrinae superstitionis 
vestigium ; ut fratres tamen, ut iuvenes venerantur." As com- 
mentators fail to give a satisfactory explanation of this singular 
passage, I thought it worth while to quote it in connection with 
the pi. n. under discussion, hoping that further inquiry will either 
strengthen or disprove the theory advanced. It is highly 
interesting to note that these Alces were worshipped in a 
"lucus," which word is closely related to the O.K. leak (see List 
of Elements, s.v.). The Roman interpretation is not to be 
implicitly trusted. 

The following pi. ns. seem to contain the same first element 
as Awkley: 

Alkenthyt, Alkentheyt Hill, Bor. Rec. I, p. 375. 
Alkenthweyt, ib. p. 391. 

Alclienfluh, in Switzerland (?); Fluh, O.H.G. fluoh, means 
"Felswand, Felsabsturz." 


1086 Eldesworde, D.B. 
1295 Aldesword, Woll. MSS. 
1302 Aldisword ) 
1316 Aldesworthej 

" The weorp or homestead, farm of Ealda" The O.K. name 
Ealda is of frequent occurrence. It either means " the old one," 
or more likely is a short form of one of the numerous compound 
names beginning with Eald-, as Ealdhelm, -here, -weald. The 
appearance of an -s in an originally weak noun is by no means 
without parallel; see Annesley. 



Owing to the Absence of early forms, it is impossible to 
explain this name accurately. The first element is no doubt the 
O.K. pers. n. Babba, which may have appeared either in the weak 
gen. sing. (O.K. Babbantun), or in the patronymic form (O.K. 
Babbingatun). The latter forms the first element in the O.E. 
pi. n. Babbingdon (Birch, Cartul. Sax. p. 316), and also in the 
continental names O.H.G. Papinga, Pappingen (modern Pabing) 
and Papingohuson (Forstemann, II). 


1086 Baburde, D.B. 

1316 Babbeworth, F.A. 

1637 Badworth, Map in Camden. 

"Babbds weorfr or homestead." Babba is an O.E. man's 
name. Camden does not seem to have entertained a very high 
opinion of the locality. 

BAGGALEE (under Greasley). 

This may be "Baggds leak" \ but there are no early spellings 
to support this or any other view. The place is popularly known 
as Beggarlee ; can this be the correct etymology ? There is a 
Beggar's Bush in Staffordshire, see Duignan, Place-Names of 

BAGTHORPE (under Selston). 

" The frorp of Bagga" ? There are no early forms. 


1086 Baldretune, D.B. 

I2 9 J 1 T5 ^A' ( Tax - Eccl - 

Baldlrton F.A. 

"The tun of Bealdhere" ; the latter is an O.E. man's name of 
which five bearers are known (Onomasticon). The pi. n. has, of 
course, nothing to do with Baldr the Norse deity. 


1086 Barnebi, D.B. 

1445 Barnby Moor, Index. 

1637 Barmbye on the Moor, Map in Camden. 


" The byr or habitation of Barn? The suffix clearly shows 
that the place was a Danish settlement. The pers. n. Barn is 
recorded by Bjorkman. The m in Camden is either due to 
assimilation, or represents one of the numerous mistakes of the 
engraver. The district round this place formerly was wild 
moorland which accounts for the distinctive addition. May we 
conclude from this fact that when the Danes arrived in this district, 
they found the best part of the country occupied by the Saxons 
and had to content themselves with the less alluring portions ? 


1086 Barnebi, D.B. 
1302 Barneby, F.A. 
1637 Barmby, Map in Camden. 

See preceding name. The place is situated on the river 
Witham (q. v.) which derives its name from the numerous willows 
growing on its banks. The same natural phenomenon supplied 
this pi. n. with its distinguishing epithet. 


1086 Bernestune, D.B. 

1286) _ (Index. 

\ Berneston \ . 
1302! (F.A. 

1347 Barnstone, Index. 
1637 Burnston, Map in Camden. 

"The tun of Beorn" The pers. n. Beorn is found both in O.K. 
and in Scandinavian. In the latter language it was particularly 
frequent ; see Bjorkman. 

Camden's spelling represents a different development of the 
M.E. er ; this combination either changed into ar, or remained 
unaltered. In the latter case, it coincided with ir and ur in 
pronunciation during the I7th century; see Phonology, 8. 


1086 Bartone, D.B. 

fBerton) . 

1302 4- \ F.A. 

1637 Borton, Map in Camden. 

The pi. n. Barton is very widely disseminated all over the 
country. It is usually taken to represent O.K. bere-tun, "corn-farm, 


grange," or more literally "barley-enclosure, rick-yard"; see 
Lancashire Place-Names, p. 290. It is strange, however, that the 
D.B. form should exhibit ar instead of er\ there must have 
existed an O.E. bcerlic, the ancestor of modern barley, which may 
have influenced bere-tun, changing the e into <z ; cp. M.E. barlic, 
Morsbach, M.E. Gramm. 108, anrn. I, 3. The regular change of 
er > ar did not take place till the first Modern English period ; 
Sweet, N.E. Gramm. 845. 

The o in Camden's form is due to the rounding influence of 
the initial b ; cp. Berwick < *Barwick, Lancashire Place-Names, 
p. 74. 

In the middle ages, distinguishing additions to pi. ns. were 
often translated into Latin, the language of the documents, as 
here in Fabis ; see Zachrisson, Latin Influence etc. p. 74. The 
Leicestershire Barton-in-the-Beans exhibits the same addition 
in the native idiom. 

BASFORD [beisfad] (Baysfud, Hope). 
1086 Baseford, D.B. 
1284 Baseford } F A 
1302 Besseford) J 

1369 [ Baseford, Index. 

"The ford of Bass or Bassa, the ford near which Bassa lived." 
The s, being voiceless in the modern pronunciation, must represent 
O.E. ss. As the vowel was long in M.E., the lengthening cannot 
be due to its standing in an open syllable. We are, therefore, 
forced to assume that a lengthening of a (or ce) took place before 
s(s) in early M.E., similar to that of ce before s, p, f in the 
1 8th century (Sweet, N.E. Grammar, 844; Horn, Histor. 
Neuengl. Gramm. 47, dates this change much earlier). The 
F.A. spelling of 1 302 shows that by that time the lengthened sound 
had been considerably advanced towards the front position. 

BASSETLAW (Wapentake, now a Parliamentary Division). 

Type I. 

1155 Desetelawahdr ) 
1189 Bersetelaw Wap.J 
1278 Bersetelawe, H.R. 


Type II. 
1086 Bernedeselawe Wapentac, D.B. 

O.K. bearu-satena-hlaW) "the mound of the forest-dwellers"; 
from O.K. bearu, "a wood, nemus vel lucus" sata, " resident, in- 
habitant," found in compounds only and mostly in the plural as 
in the present name (cp. O.K. dom-, dun-, burh-, land-s<ztan, 
O.H.G. himil-sdzo, "inmate of heaven"). O.K. hldw may denote 
either "an artificial or natural mound." It was the custom of 
the men of a hundred and especially of a Scandinavian wapentake 
to assemble on a hillock which gave the name to the division. 
This mound was sometimes raised artificially, which is the case 
of the most remarkable of these lowes, Tynwald Hill in the Isle 
of Man. (Cp. Binghameshou Wap. in D.B.) 

The initial D in the P.R. of 1155 is a scribal error; the D.B. 
compiler probably imagined the first element of the name to be 
derived from the pers. n. Beornheard : the long word was too much 
for the French clerk. 

It is interesting to note that the German Holstein has a 
similar origin. The name has nothing to do with Stein, "stone"; 
-stein is a popular corruption of -sten which is still found 
in the name of the Holstcntor at Liibeck. The Old Saxon 
form of the name of the inhabitants is Holts Ati, "the dwellers 
in the holt or wood." The geographical name is, like the 
majority of German names of districts, derived from the dat. 
plural of the name of the inhabitants. The explanation of 
the name given by a mediaeval writer and quoted by Forstemann 
(II, p. 866) might be applied to the Bearus&tan with equal force: 
"Holcete dicti a silvis quas incolunt." White (Directory, 1853, 
p. 577) remarks that "the ancient forest of Sherwood (q.v.) 
extended over a large portion of this division [i.e. Bassetlaw 
Hundred], nearly the whole of which, during the last century, 
has been enclosed and though generally a deep light sandy soil, 
now forms a rich agricultural district, scarcely equalled in the 

The spelling with e instead of a seems to indicate that M.E. 
a was advanced before r at an early period (see Phonology, 7). 
The disappearance of r before s is a frequent phenomenon (see 
Phonology, 7). 


Soon after the Norman Conquest, a noble family of the name 
of Basset^ is found in this hundred ; they evidently take their 
name from the property owned by them in the division. See 

BASSINGFIELD [baezinflld] ? 

(Basinfelt ) . 
1086 JBasingfeld} D ' B ' 
1284 Bassingfeld, F.A. 
1571 Basingefeild, Index. 

"The field of Basing? or, more probably, "of the Basings" 

BATHLEY [baetli]? 

1086 Badeleie, D.B. 

1316 Batheleye, F.A. 

1452 Bathley, Index. 

" The lea of the bath," " the meadow, containing a bathing- 
place." Caesar (De bello Gallico, IV, i) informs us that the 
Germans were very fond of bathing in the open 2 , so that it is 
very natural that they should have left traces of that habit in 
pi. ns. There are numerous such names to be encountered on 
the continent, as Wiesbaden, "baths in the meadow(s)," Baden of 
which there are several, from O.H.G. az badun, "at the baths." 
The English Bath appears as cet Baftum (dat. pi.) in O.K. records. 

The first element may, however, represent the O.K. man's 
name Bada which was later on changed into Bath by popular 

The pronunciation recorded above is not well authenticated ; 
in any case it would be difficult to account for the /. 

BEAUVALE (Priory) [bouveil]. 

Type I (Latin). 

1291 (Conventus de) Bella Valle, Tax. Eccles. 
c. 1500 Bellavalle, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1535 (Prioratus de) Bella Valle, Valor Eccles. 

1 Several members of this family are mentioned in documents relating to Notts. 
and Leicestershire printed in "Calendar of Documents Preserved in France" (Index). 

2 By the time of Tacitus they seem to have become more averse to this violent 
practice (Germania, ch. xxn). 


Type II (French), 
c. 1500 Beauvale, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type III (Phonetic or English), 
c. 1500 Bovall [for "Bovale"?], Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1637 Bonall \n for u v\ Map in Camden. 

The etymology of this name is clear. It is, however, doubtful 
whether priority belongs to the Latin or French type. This is an 
instance of the comparatively rare purely Norman-French pi. ns. 
in England. Whereas the names of places of Germanic origin 
are generally of a most commonplace and strictly "practical" 
character, these Norman names frequently refer to the beauty of 
the surroundings : the imperious conquerors were able to pick 
and choose the site of their dwellings. Similar cases are Beau- 
lieu^ Beauchief, Beaumont, Beauchamp. (See Bradley, Essays 
and Studies, I, p. 39.) 

It may be mentioned here that the valley in which the ruins 
of the priory are situated fully deserves the appellation. 


From Scandinavian bekk(r), "brook." 


1086 Beching(e)ham, D.B. 

1189 Bekingeha, P.R. 

1216-72 Beghenham, Index. 

1316 Bekyngham, F.A. 

1637 Beckingham-Supermost, Map in Camden. 

" The home of the Beccings, the descendants or family of 
Becca? Camden's addition explains itself. 


1086 Bestorp, D.B. 
1204 Bestorp, Index. 

The first element of this name may be a pers. n. *Be or *Bes 
of which I cannot find reliable traces 1 : there is a Beesby in 

1 The M.E. name Bee (from Beatrice) recorded in Bardsley's Dictionary of Engl. 
and Welsh Surnames is a late formation and cannot be used to explain the form of 
D.B. It is equally impossible, for obvious reasons, to connect this and the following 
pi. n. with the female St Bee. 


Lincolnshire. It is also possible that Bees stands for an old 
river-name. (See Beeston.) 

BEESTON [blsn] (Beesun, Hope). 

1086 Bestune, D.B. 
c. 1 200 Bestona, Woll. MSS. 
1284 Beston, F.A. 

There may have been an old pers. n. *Be or *Bes from which 
the pi. n. is derived. Numerous Beestons are found in various 
parts of England, in Cheshire, Bedford, the West Riding, and 
Norfolk. Some of these are derived from Bedestun, " the farm of 
Bede." Dr Moorman (Place-Names of the W. Riding, p. 24) 
assumes an earlier Beowestun as the origin of the Beeston in 
his district. For this there is, however, no authority. 

Considering that many places take their names from the 
rivers on which they stand (Bradley, Essays and Studies by 
Members of the English Association, I, p. 32), one might ad- 
vance the theory that Beeston is derived from an old river-name 
*Beos-ea. This assumption is based on the occurrence of such 
a name on the continent : a river Biese (O.H.G. Bese, Forste- 
mann, II) joins the Aland in the northern part of the province of 
Saxony. As many river-names were brought over from the 
continent by the Anglo-Saxons, this particular one might have 
been among them (Jellinghaus, Angl. XX, 257 sqq.). 

BELVOIR (Vale of) [blvo, belvoia]. 

1535-43 The vale of Bever, baren of Wood, is large and very 
plentiful of good Corne and Grasse, and lyith in 3. 
Shires, Leycester, Lincoln, and much in Notting- 

//- . 11 \i Leland, I, 108. 
Beavoire (Castelle)j 

1613 Bevels batning slade, Drayton, Polyolbion, XXVI, 2. 

Although Belvoir Castel is situated in Leicestershire, the 
name is included because the Vale of B. lies partly in Notts. 
The etymology is obvious. Unlike the majority of modern 
Bellevues and similar names, the Castle well deserves its 
appellation. Cp. Beauvale. 



1086 Bestorp, D.B. 
1302 Besthorp, F.A. 

This name seems to be identical in origin with Beesthorpe 
(q.v.), with the vowel shortened before the combination sp. 


Type I. 

c. 1200 Beescwde, Woll. MSS. 

1205 Beswude ) 

.4 Cal. Rot. Chart. 
1 247 Besekwood j 

1535-43 Beskewood, Leland. 
1637 Beskwood, Map in Camden. 

Type II. 
Bestwood Park, Index. 

" The enclosed wood where deer are preserved." In meaning, 
this word corresponds to the O.E. deor-frift. Although the 
earliest spellings exhibit fr instead of /, I take the latter to be 
the original letter which was changed to k through assimilation 
(see Phonology, 13). Thoroton informs us (vol. n, p. 179) 
that the park was " well stored with deer before the troubles " 
(i.e. the Civil War?). White's Directory (1885) contains a note 
to the effect that in 1251 Bestwood was "a Hay or Park of our 
Lord the King wherein no man commons." 


1302 Bevercotes, F.A. 

1637 Bircotes, Map in Camden. 

O.E. beofor cotu, " the beaver cotes or dwellings." In the 
transition from O.E. to M.E. the distinctions of grammatical 
gender were completely lost, and the originally neuter cot 
assumed the plural ending -es of the masculine nouns (Sweet, 
N. Engl. Grammar, 989). 

1 The c in the spelling of the Woll. MSS. may be a mistake for /; the two letters 
are frequently interchanged by the scribes on account of their almost identical shape. 


This name proves that beavers once were not infrequent 
inhabitants of this island (cf. Taylor, Words and Places, 
ch. xv). In the neighbourhood of Bevercoates there is an 
abundance of brooks and springs ; originally the country must 
have been a wild swamp, just the place for beavers to erect their 

Camden's spelling no doubt represents the contemporary 


1086 Bileburg(h), D.B. 

1180 Billeburg, Woll. MSS. 

1284 Bilburgh, F.A. 

" The burh or fortified place of Billa" 


1086 Billebi, D.B. 
1316 Bylby, F.A. 

" The byr or farmstead of Billa!' The second element is of 
Scandinavian origin ; but the pers. n. Billa may be either O.K. 
or Scand. 

BlLHAGH (a wood of Sherwood Forest). 

1637 Bellow, Map in Camden. 

The second element is O.K. kaw, "a fence, a piece of ground 
enclosed with a fence." As to the meaning of the first element 
I have no suggestion to offer. Camden's spelling probably 
represents the contemporary pronunciation. 


1086 Bildestorp, D.B. 

1233 Bilsthorpe, Index. 

1291 Bildisthorp, Tax. Eccl. 

1302 Bildesthorp) 

1428 Bilsthorp j 

This name probably means " Bilheardes porp" The pers. n. 
Bilheard is recorded once (Onomasticon). The phonetic de- 
velopment a continual process of elimination was as follows : 


Bilheardesfcorp > Bilrdesjporp > Bildesjyorp > Bilsfcorp. It is, how- 
ever, possible that the first element was the Scand. pers. n. Bildi 
(more usually Billi), recorded by Rygh, Gamle Personnavne, 
p. 36. The Scand. character of the second element speaks in 
favour of such a derivation. 


/Bingameshou Wap.^j 
1086 JBingehamhou Wap.l D.B. 

iBingeha J 

1278) _. (H.R. 

1284} Bmgham IF.A. 

1578 Bingham in le Vale, Index. 

" The home of the family of Benning" O.K. Benninga ham. 
A contracted *Bengham would become Bingham (see Phonology, 
6). In a charter (Cart. Sax. 125) we find the name 
Benninga wurth ; there is a Binningham in Yorkshire which is 
spelt Beningham in 1303 (Index), and a Binnington in the same 
county which appears as Benington in 1555 (Index). The same 
patronymic is encountered in continental pi. ns., cf. Binningen 
(Forstemann, II). Hou in D.B. is derived from O.K. how, "a 
hill " ; hundreds and wapentakes were frequently called after 
hills ; see Bassetlaw. 

BlRKLAND (ancient wood of Sherwood Forest). 
1278 foresta dni Reg' intfer] Birkelund & Heselund, H.R. 

The meaning is clearly " Birch wood." Both elements of this 
name are of Scandinavian origin. The former is cognate with 
O. Icelandic birki-, "a birch" (in compounds only, Vgf.) ; the word 
is not mentioned in Bjorkman's book on Scandinavian Loan 
Words. The suffix is the Scand. lundr, " a wood," still found, in 
various forms, in the English dialects, also as an independent 
pi. n. ; see Lound. It was changed to -land through popular 
etymology. This new termination may stand for either the 
common word land, " expanse of country," or M.E. land, laund, 
" wild, shrubby, or grassy plain," derived from O. French lande. 



1278 Blesby, H.R. 

1302 Bleseby, F.A. 

Various explanations may be offered, although none seems 
conclusive : 

(1) " The byr of the blast, the windy habitation " ; from O.K. 
bl<zs, " a blowing, blast." The same element seems to occur in 
the Lanes, pi. n. Bleasdale, which, however, is explained dif- 
ferently by Prof. Wyld (cp. Lowdham). 

(2) There may have existed a pers. n. *Blczsa corresponding 
to the O.H.G. Bldso in B/asindorf (Forstemann, l). 

(3) The first element may contain the name of a river or 
brook (cp. Beestori). We find two rivers called Blies in Germany 
(cp. Forstemann, II, s.v. Blesa flumen\ 


1086 Blideworde, D.B. 

1157 Blieswurda, P.R. 

1278 Blytheworth, H.R. 

1598 Blodworth, Index. 

1637 Bledworth, Map in Camden. 

" The weorj) or farm of Blijya " ? Before w t 8 seems to have 
become stopped and changed to d. The P.R. form shows loss 
of intervocalic #, pointing back to an O.K. Bltftes-weorp. It is 
remarkable that the other forms are without the genitival s. 
The pers. n., which is not recorded in the assumed form, seems to 
be an abbreviated variety of one of the many names beginning 
with Blffi-, as Blifthelm, -here, -mund, -weald etc. (Onomasticon). 
The two last quotations appear to be no more than fanciful or 
erroneous spellings. 

BLYTH [blais]. 

1086 Blide, D.B. 
U53(?) Blie, Index. 

1278 |(Prior de) Blidaj H ' R ' 

1316 Blid, F.A. 

1327-77 j Blyth j 


1 8 BLYTH 

There are a considerable number of rivers called Blyth in 
various parts of England. I take the above name to be derived 
from the river on which the town stands. The place was originally 
described as <zt (on) ^re blifta(ri) ea, " at (on) the blithe, gently 
flowing, calm brook." The e in the second spelling and the -a 
in the latinised Blida above seem to point to the second element 
having at one time been ea. The word blithe, "laetus, suavis, 
placidus," is a very appropriate epithet for many of the English 
streams. I was unable to find a brook of that name near the 
town of Blyth ; the following extract from Leland's Itinerary 
(l, 98), however, proves that one of the water-courses in the 
neighbourhood once bore that name : " There renne to Brookes 
as I cam into the Toun of Blith, the first that I cam over was 
the Greatter, and curnmith thither from the Weste : the other 
rennith hard by the utter Houses of the Toun ; and this, as they 
told me, was namid Blithr 

N.B. The O.E. nom. of the name of the river, which 
preceded that of the town, was bllftu ea, or seo bltfte ea. 


Type L 

1086 Bolun, D.B. 

Type II. 

1316 Bole, F.A. 

1327-77 Bole super Trent, Non. Inq. 

1555 Bolle, Index. 

It is impossible to say which is the correct etymology of this 
name. Type I seems to represent the O.E. dat. pi. of bdld, 
"building, dwelling, house" (see Biilbring, 522); Type II 
would, in that case, stand for the dat. sing. The d after / was 
assimilated at an early period. The course of development would 
be as follows : Bolde > Bolle > Boule > Bole ; the modern spelling 
correctly indicates the pronunciation but not the etymology. 


1278) fH.R. 

' Bolum 

E. at boldum, " at the dwellings, houses," see the preceding 


name. The spelling in -ham is due to a misconception as to 
the nature of the final syllable. 

It is not improbable that the " dwellings " referred to were 
ancient rock-houses of which traces are still to be found. 
White's Directory (1853) may be quoted here: "The village 
formerly had numerous rock-houses formed by excavations in 
the shelving rock of red sandstone, but few of these troglodyte 
dwellings are now inhabited." 


1571 Bonbusk, Index. 

" Bondas bush, or coppice " ? The name Bonda is very fre- 
quent in East Scandinavian sources ; see Bjorkman. The M.E. 
buske is also of Scandinavian origin. 


1086 Bonniton, D.B. 
1291 Bonigton, Tax. Eccl. 
1327-77 Bony ton, Non. Inq. 
1346 Bonyngton, F.A. 

O.E. Boninga tun, "the homestead of the descendants of 
Bona" A family of the name of Baningas is mentioned in the 
O.E. poem Widsip, line 19. The a before a nasal was frequently 
changed to o\ Biilbring, 123. 

The same patronymic is encountered in continental pi. ns. 
Forstemann, I, records the following : Boningaham, and Boningue, 
near Calais. 

BOTHAMSALL or BOTTOMS ALL [locally: boSmsal; otherwise: 
botmsal] (Bottomsall, Hope). 

Type I. 
1535 Bodv'sell, Val. Eccl. 

Type II. 

(1) 1086 Bodmescel(d), D.B. 
1 1 80 Bodemeskil, Index. 

(2) c. 1 200 Bodmeshil, Index. 

1278 Bodmeshill, H.R. 



(3) 1225 Botmeshil, Index. 

(4) 1302 Bothemeshull) 
1316 Bothemeshul [ F.A. 
1428 Bothomsell J 

"The well or spring of Bodwine (or *Bodm&r'?)" From 
Type II I, the earliest spellings on record, we clearly gather 
that the second element was the Scand. kelda, "a. spring or 
well." A flowing well is still to be seen in a field in the centre 
of the village ; its water supplies a trough standing in the main 
road. It is very probably the original spring after which the 
locality is called. 

There exists some doubt as to the exact significance of the 
first element. The name Bodwine is frequently found in O.E. 
documents, but a trace of the w is nowhere preserved except 
in the solitary instance under Type I. All the other spellings 
contain m> which, however, may be the result of the coalescence 
of w and n, the m taking the lip-action from the former, and the 
nasalisation from the latter sound (cp. Rampton < Rafn-\ It is, 
therefore, not absolutely necessary to assume the existence of an 
O.E, pers. n. Bodm&r, of which there are no other traces, but 
which would correspond to the O.H.G. Botmar (Forstemann, I). 

It is not difficult to explain the variety of spellings recorded 
of this name. The t of Type II 3 and the modern pronuncia- 
tion arose out of confusion with the noun " bottom." Intervocalic 
d seems to become open in the dialect (Type II 4 and local 
pronunciation). The k after the s has been assimilated, but the 
latter retained its voiceless quality. Various spellings show an 
attempt on the part of the writers to connect the second element 
with "hill." 

BOUGHTON [butn]. 

Type L 

1086 Buchetun, D.B. 
1225 Buketon, Index. 
1316 Bucketon, F.A. 
1318 Bucton, Index. 


Type II. 
/] /Non. Inq. 

1346 Bughton ft 
1377 j Index. 

1535 / iVal. Eccl. 

1571 Boughton, Index. 

Type II L 
1346 Button, F.A. 

" The tun or farmstead of Bucca" The phonetic development 
of this word presents a number of interesting features. The k 
preserved in Type I was opened before / (Phonology, 20) ; 
the result was the first form of Type II, pronounced [buxton]. 
Before the gh [x], an &-glide arose which, combined with the 
original u, formed a long vowel [u] spelt oil in the second form 
of Type II, and the modern name. Curiously enough, this u 
does not seem to have been diphthongised, probably on account 
of the preceding labial (see Phonology, 4). 

Type III shows assimilation of k to t (Phonology, 13). 

BRADEBUSK (in Gonalston Parish). 

c. 1500 Brodebuske, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The broad bush." The second element is the Scand. busk 
(cf. Bonbusk). Erode- is a variant of broad ; the a in open syllable, 
found in the modern spelling, points to the influence of Scand. 

Of this place nothing is left but the ruins of a hospital, 
which derived its name "from a remarkably broad thorn tree 
which grew near it" (White, Directory, 1853, p. 489). 


Type L 

1086 Brademere, D.B. 
1216-1307 Brademar, Testa de N. 
1294 Brademare, Woll. MSS. 
1302 Brademere, F.A. 
Type IL 

c. 1500 Bradmore, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1534 Brademore, Index. 


"The broad lake, or pool." The original mere of Type I 
was later on replaced by the more familiar more, moor. The 
first element stands for O.E. brad, "broad," with the vowel 
shortened before the combination dm (Phonology, i). 

BRAMCOTE [braemket]. 

Type I. 

^ fBroncote } , 
lOoo {-. \ D.B. 

(Brunecote J 

c. 1200 Brancote, Woll. MSS. 

Type II. 
c. 1200 Bramcote, Woll. MSS. 

I28 4JBramcote, F.A. 

Type II L 

I34 o JBrauncote, F.A. 

" The cot or dwelling in the place cleared of brushwood by 
means of fire." The first element I take to be M.E. brand which 
is recorded in the N.E.D. as meaning the " act, means or result 
of burning." Instances of its occurrence in pi. ns. are given 
by Prof. Wyld (Lanes. PI. Ns. p. 297). On the continent this 
element occurs frequently in place nomenclature. 

Type I retains the original n, the d having been lost between 
the two consonants. The o of the first D.B. spelling may stand 
for a before nasals (Stolze, 2), or u as in the alternative spelling. 
This u is a mistake of the D.B. scribe, who was probably thinking 
of the rather frequent pers. n. Brun. The change of n to m in 
Type II is due to the assimilatory influence of the initial b 
(see Phonology, 13). Type III represents the Anglo-French 
pronunciation of a before nasals (Phonology, n). 

N.B. It would also be admissible to derive the name from 
Brand, a pers. n. of Scandinavian origin (see Bjorkman). 

BRECKS (" The Brecks," a tract of light forest land to the 
west of Boughton). 

This word is of Scand. origin ; it comes from brekka, " a 
slope" (Vgf.). Neither the N.E.D. nor the Dial. Diet, contains it. 


BRENTSHILL (a lofty eminence covered with traces of ancient 
earthworks, near Barton). 

"The steep hill"? With this name may be compared Brent 
Knoll near Athelney in Somersetshire which also shows traces 
of an old camp. The first element seems to be the dialect word 
(Yks., Leics.) brent, " steep." The s may be regarded as a late 
addition that owes its existence to the erroneous assumption 
that the first part of a compound pi. n. must appear in the 
genitive case. (Cp. Merrils Bridge?) 

1086 Brugeford, D.B. 
1302 Brigeford, F.A. 
1345 Estbryggeford, Index. 

" The ford by the (ruined) bridge " ? The u of D.B. stands 
for O.E. y (Stolze, 15). In Roman times, the place seems to 
have been called " ad pontem," but this is by no means established 
(Victoria County History, II, pp. 6, 7, 17). 

It is quite true that no traces of a Roman bridge have been 
discovered. The original Roman bridge may have been a 
wooden structure which was allowed to decay in post-Roman 

1086 Brigeforde, D.B. 
1203 Brigiford, Index. 
1302 Briggeford ad Pontem, F.A. 

There has been a bridge at this place since the days of 
Edward the Elder (924), so that the ending " ford " seems some- 
what out of place. It is, however, possible that " ford " means 
" road across a river," whatever the actual means of passing from 
one bank to the other may be. Or is " ford " a name that can be 
applied to any place on a river or brook ? 


Type I. 

1086 Brunesleia, D.B. 
1216-1307 Brunesleg, Testa de N. 
1291 Brunnesley, Tax. Eccl. 
1312 Brunnesleye, Woll. MSS. 


Type IL 

1216-1307 Brinseley, Testa de N. 
1316 Brinnesleye, F.A. 

"The leak or open field of Brun, or Bryne'.' The name 
Brun is very frequent in O.K. ; the variant Bryne (Type II) 
seems to have taken its place and survived 1 . At the time of the 
D.B. survey, a man called Brun held four bovates in this place : 
it is highly probable that he was the owner or settler who gave 
his name to the locality. In that case, Type II is due to 
analogy with the co-existing variant Bryne. If this is correct, 
Brinsley would be one of the very few pi. ns. called after persons 
about whom anything is known. 


1086 Brodeholm, D.B. 
ii6(D| (Index. 

1 29 1 1 Brodholm ^Tax. Eccl. 

1428) [F.A. 

1637 Bradham, Map in Camden. 
1704 Brodham, Map of 1704. 

"The broad holme, or island." The word * holm is probably 
of Scand. origin. The o for O.K. a in the D.B. entry is remark- 
able, as the change of a to M.E. ^ is not, as a rule, found as early 
as the date of the great survey (Stolze, 3). 

The spellings of 1637 and 1704 represent attempts at 
etymology. Camden's a in the first syllable may be due to early 
shortening of d before dh (cp. Bradmore.) 

BROUGH [braf]. 

"The burh, or fortified place." In Thoroton's History 
(i7th cent) the place is called Bruff\ by that time it was "only 
a name." It' is derived from O.E. buruh, a designation applied 
to fortified places, especially to all walled towns and camps. 
Brough is the site of the Roman station called Crocolana 
(MacClure, p. 109). 

1 It is, however, not impossible that the of Type I may represent a Norman 
rendering of the sound of the rounded O. E. y. 


BROUGHTON (Upper) [brotn]. 

Type I. 

1086 Brotone, D.B. 
1291 Brocton, Tax. Eccl. 
1316 Brokton, F.A. 

Type II. 

1346 Broghton, F.A. 
1571 Broughton, Index. 

Type III. 

1302 Brotton, F.A. 

" The tun or farmstead by the brook." The development of 
the O.K. Broctun is similar to that of Boughton (q.v.). Before 
the kt, o was shortened (Type I) ; then kt became ht (Type III), 
then an ^-glide developed (Type II 2). M.E. ou seems to be 
represented by 5 in the modern dialect (Phonology, 9). Type 
III shows assimilation, kt> tt. 

Upper Broughton occupies the eastern slope of a steep hill 
overlooking the Leicestershire village of Nether Broughton. 

BROXTOW (formerly the name of a hundred ; it now appears 
in Broxtow Hall, a farmhouse in the parish of Bilborough). 




| Brolvestou 

c. 1175 Brocolvestou ) .,, .___ 
, . \ Woll. MSS. 

c. 1190 Brogcholvestowej 

1284 Brocolstowe) . 
1428 Brokestowe J 

1457 Brocholwestouwa alias Brokestou, Index. 
lBrox(t)all } 

O.K. Brocwulfes stow, " the place of Brocwulf" The operation 
of various phonetic laws has produced a vast number of more 
and more abbreviated forms. 

Although the pers. n. involved is not recorded in the 
Onomasticon, it must have existed in O.K., as would appear 


from this pi. n. and the one found in the Crawford Charters 
(p. 70). The name is found as Proculf in O.H.G. (Forste- 
mann, i). 

The second element is of somewhat doubtful meaning. It is 
usually employed in O.K. as signifying " place, locality " ; very 
often, however, its sense is that of " sacred site, burial-place " 
(see Middendorf, s.v.). In the present case it may have the 
latter meaning. If so, Broxtow would have been the burial- 
place or mound of a certain Brocwulf, where the men of the 
hundred assembled. 

Isaac Taylor explains the name as meaning "place at the 
Badger's hole " which is, of course, untenable. 


1086 Butebi, D.B. 
1278) ( H.R. 

1316} Buteb ^ { F.A. 

"The byr or farmstead of Butr, or Butti? The second 
element being of undoubtedly Scand. origin, the same may be 
expected of the first. The names Butr and Butti are not found 
in English sources, but are recorded by Rygh (Gamle Person- 
navne). The change from t to d is due to the voicing influence 
of the surrounding sounds. 

N.B. The O.K. name Budda can hardly be contained in the 
pi. n. seeing that the early spellings all exhibit a t. 

BULCOTE [buka]. 

1086 Bulecote, D.B. 
1278 Bulkete, H.R. 
(Bolcote) . 
iBulcotj RA - 
1637 Boucot, Map in Camden. 

" The cote of the bull, the cattle shed." The O.K. equivalent 
of modern "bull" occurs in compounds- only ; this is one of 
those cases. A parallel name is found in Lambcote (q.v.). 

BULWELL [locally : bulal ; otherwise : bulwal]. 
1086 Bulewelle, D.B. 
1316 Bolewell, F.A. 


The meaning of the second element is clear. As to the first, 
various explanations may be offered : 

(1) It may stand for the O.E. pers. n. Bulla. 

(2) It may represent the O.E. *bule, "a bull" (see prec. 

(3) It may describe the sound produced by the flowing 
water of the spring. Although I am unable to suggest what 
the exact form of the O.E. name was, I feel sure that this 
latter is the correct explanation. The well or spring from 
which the locality derives its name is still in existence and 
known to the people as " the Bulwell " without any addition ; on 
the maps it is marked "Bulwell Spring." There is a copious 
flow of brilliantly clear water rushing out of the red sandstone 
with a bubbling 1 noise. In a few places the water rises from 
the bottom of a small pool as if it were boiling. In the N.E.D. 
the noun bulling is recorded as occurring once, describing " the 
action of water issuing from a spring, bubbling." It is there 
compared with French bouillir, Latin bulllre\ but it is evident 
that both are independent onomatopoefic formations 2 . The 
same word is encountered in German with the addition of a 
frequentative r : bullern, " Blasen werfend gerauschvoll aufwallen ; 
ein dumpfes Gerausch machen." 


1086 Bonei, D.B. 
1227-771 (Non. Inq. 

1284} Boneye IF.A. 

1 This word is derived from * bullan by reduplication, often found in onomatopoetic 
formations : cp. the German stirren and the Latin susurrare. 

2 This particular combination of sounds is such a perfect imitation of the noise of 
"bubbling" water that it is often formed ad hoc and independently. The following 
quotations will show how onomatopoetic words come into existence, affording at the 
same time a welcome illustration and parallel of the origin of the pi. n. under 
discussion. They are taken from one of the most typical works of German Romanti- 
cism, Bettina von Arnim's "Goethes Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde" (Reclam's 
edition). " ...und dann die runde grime Quelle, an der wirstanden, die so ewig uber 
sich sprudelt, bul, bul, und Du sagtest, sie rufe der Nachtigall... " (p. 287). "Dort 
im Park zu Weimar gingen wir Hand in Hand unter den dichtbelaubten Baumen, 
das Mondlicht fiel ein... dann fiihrtest Du mich an die Quelle, sie kam mitten aus dem 
Rasen hervor, wie eine griine krystallne Kugel, da standen wir eine Weile und horten 
ihrem Geton zu. * Sie ruft der Nachtigall,' sagtest Du, denn die heisst auf persisch 
Bulbul..."'(p- 565). 


Thoroton in his History (l, p. 85) gives the correct etymology: 
" Probably from Reeds." O.K. at bum e^e, " at the water full of 
reeds"; the O.E. and M.E. bum of uncertain derivation is 
translated by "canna, harundo, calamus" in early glossaries 
(see N.E.D., bun, sb.). The modern English meaning of bun is 
"a hollow stem, especially of an umbelliferous plant, a kex"; 
compare Fitzherbert, Husbandry (1523) : " The...lowe places, and 
all the holowe bunnes and pypes that grow therin " (I.e.). 


Type L 
1086 Bertune, D.B. 

Type II. 
c. 1170 Birtona, Woll. MSS. 

1278) _. /H.R. 

' \ Birton (_ 
1291] (Tax. Eccl. 

1302 Byrton j pA 
1428 Birton J 

Type III. 

1428 Burton Jorce, F.A. 
1535 Burton Jorth, Joys, Val. Eccl. 

Type I is one of the numerous blunders of the D.B. scribes. 
It might stand for O.E. beorg tun, "the farm on the hill"; but 
this sense is quite different from that of the more numerous 
and reliable spellings that follow. 

Type II = O.E. byrih tun, "the farm by the fortified place"; 
Type 111 = O.E. buruh tun meaning the same thing; buruh and 
byrih are variants of the same word. 

The addition of Joyce is accounted for by the place having 
once been in the possession of that family : " Robertus de Jorz 
tenet in B." (F.A. 1302). 

BURTON (West). 

1086 Burtone, D.B. 
i2Qn rTax. Eccl. 

1 316 1 Burton 4F.A. 

1428] [F.A. 

See preceding name, Type III. 



1189 Bikeresdic, Nottm. Ch. 

^ f Bikerisdick ) TT _ 
1278 \ . ... I H.R. 

I Bikensdik J 

The second element is O.K. dzc, " ditch," as it developed on 
Northumbrian territory, with k instead of tf (Biilbring, 496). 
It is difficult to say what the first element is. It may stand for 
O.N. bekkr, " brook," with the nominatival r preserved, and the 
English s added as a sign of the genitive. It is also possible 
that the original compound was bekkjar die, bekkjar being the 
regular O.N. genitive form, and that later on a superfluous s was 
added when the original meaning of er had become obliterated. 
If so, the meaning would be "the dyke of the brook." 

The West Riding pi. n. Bickerton is explained by Prof. 
Moorman as meaning "the enclosure by the water"; Bickerstaffe 
in Lancashire contains the same first element. Prof. Wyld 
translates it by " the shore of the brook " (Lanes. PI. Ns., s.v.). 

The transition from e to i in the first syllable is probably 
due to the influence of the following k : the change bekkr, 
bekkjar>yi.'E. bicker is similar to that from O.K. strec, "straight," 
to Northern M.E. stric (Morsbach, M.E. Gramm. 109). 

The modern spelling does not contain s, and probably goes 
back to the original type bekkjar (bekkr) die. It has a somewhat 
fantastic appearance, having been influenced by analogy of 
the preposition by, and car, a dialect word meaning "swamp, 
bog" (see Carburton). 

CALVERTON [" vulgarly " : kovatn ; otherwise : kav8tn, 

1086 Calvretone, D.B. 
1284 Calverton, F.A. 

O.E. (Mercian) calfra tun, "the enclosure of the calves." 
The sound development presents many interesting details. The 
third pronunciation recorded above is entirely based on the 
modern spelling. 


1086 Carbertone, D.B. 
1278 Carberton, H.R. 


"The barley-enclosure, or grange, on the marshy land, or 
car." See Barton with which it is identical. The prefixed car 
meaning " a pool, low-lying land apt to be flooded, boggy grass 
land" (Dial. Diet.) is derived from Scand. kiarr, "marshy 


1086 Colestone, D.B. 

^ f Kercolmston ) , 

1216-1307 IT.,,, \ Testa de N. 

( Kyrkholmston J 

1284 Kercolston | 
1428 Kyrkalston J 

"The farmstead of Col in the bog." The man's name Col 
may be of O.K. or Scand. origin ; Dr Bjorkman is inclined to 
take the latter view. The Testa de N. spellings are fantastical 
attempts at etymology. For car see preceding name. 

CARLTON (near Nottingham). 
1086 Carentune, D.B. 
1302 Carleton, F.A. 


r Caretone \ 
1086 J Carletone \ D.B. 

[ Careltune j 

1135-54 Carletuna, Index. 
1291 Karleton in Lyndryk, Tax. Eccl. 

CARLTON (South or Little). 

1199-1216 Karleton, Index. 


1086 i D.B. 

( Carentune J 

It is difficult, if not impossible, to say with any degree of 
certainty whether the first element of these names is the Scand. 
noun carl, corresponding to the O.K. ceorl, or a pers. name, 
either Carl, or Carla. Dr Bjorkman seems to be in favour of 
the latter explanation (p. 78), whereas Isaac Taylor (Engl. 
Village Names, 3), Prof. Skeat (PL Ns. of Beds., s.v. Charlton), 


Prof. Wyld (PL Ns. of Lanes, p. 93) and Prof. Moorman (PL Ns. 
of W. Riding, pp. xvi, 42) adopt the former. According to the 
last named authority, the O.E. prototypes were carla tun, carla 
being the gen. pi. of Scand. karl t or carlana tun> with substitu- 
tion of the weak gen. pi. carlana for the strong form carla 
(Sievers, 257, anm. 4). The meaning of the place-names would 
be " the enclosure of the freemen." The meaning of ceorl, karl 
was not always that of the present-day churl or carl, which are 
descended from them. It was used in legal language to denote 
the freeman standing between the noble and the slave. 

The curious early spellings noted in the above list with its 
omissions and transformations offer no difficulty to anyone 
acquainted with the vagaries of Anglo-Norman scribes. 

Lindrick = " lime- wood," from O.E. lind, "a lime-tree," and 
*ric, which seems to be identical with Low German ricke, 
" tractus, Hag, langliches Gebusch." See Jellinghaus, who quotes 
the Westphalian pi. n. Bockryck, " beech copse." 


Type /. 

^ j Calnestone \ 
\ Carletun J 
1166-7 Calnodeston, Pipe Roll XI. 

c. 1 200 Kalnadatun \ . 

^ T ^ 1 i h Index, 

c. 1216 Kalnadton J 

1278 Callenton, H.R. 
1302 Calneton | T- A 
1316 Caneton J 

Type II. 
c. 1225 Calfnadtun, Index. 

The various forms under Type I seem to point to a pers. n. 
*Carlndft as the first element. The element nd& occurs in 
pers. ns. both in Scandinavian and West Germanic. It is, 
however, impossible to come to any definite conclusion unless 
the existence of the name *Carlnd& could be authenticated. A 
reinvestigation of the pi. ns. Kalladaberg, Kalladaland etc., 
quoted by Rygh (Gamle Personnavne, pp. 155-6), whose 


explanation cannot be accepted, might, perhaps, throw light 
upon this question. 

Type II seems a mere futile attempt at etymology on the 
part of the scribe. 


Type I. 

c.1170 Cathorpj 
c. 1200 Cattorp j 
1316 Cathorp, F.A. 

Type IL 
1216-1307 Kalthorp, Testa de N. 

There is a Caythorpe in Lines., which appears as Carltorp in 
D.B. This at once settles the etymology of the pi. n. The 
meaning of the prefix car^karlvi&s discussed under Carlton (q.v.). 
The development was as follows : Carfyorp > Carrfrorp (Type I, 
which survived), or Cal(l)porp (Type II); arp>d}> t etc. (see 
Phonology, 7). 


Type I. 

ICidwelle \ 
Ciluellis j 
1302 Chillewell, F.A. 

Type IL 
1284 Chelewelle, F.A. 

This name also exists in Lancashire, in the modern disguise 
of Childwall, and is discussed by Prof. Wyld (PL Ns. of Lanes, 
p. 91). I take the first element to be the O.K. *celd t *cild\ 
which is not found as an independent word but appears in the 
Kentish pi. n. Bapchild (see Jellinghaus, Anglia, XX, 299; 
MacClure, p. 226). It is connected with Scand. keld, " a well, 
spring, pool." The second element of Chilwell being O.K. wiell, 

1 O. Bulg. klad$zi, "a well," is derived from a hypothetical Gothic noun *kaldiggs 
which Dr Hirt takes to contain the root of modern Engl. cold (Etymologic der 
neuhochdeutschen Sprache, 1909, p. 45). 


well, "spring," the meaning of the whole name most probably 
is : " The pool containing a spring, the flowing well." 

The variation in the vowel of the alternative did and celd 
found in Types I and II respectively is explained by assumi'ng 
that the former is the Southern, the latter the Northern O.E. 
form (Bulbring, 151, 154). 

1086 Claureburg, D.B. 
1189 Claverburc, P.R. 
1278 Claverburg, H.R. 
1286 Clauerburge, Index. 

" The fortified place where clover grows." The vowel in the 
O.E. clczfre or cldfre was shortened before the combination vr ; 
the v was lost according to rule. 


1086 Clauorde, D.B. 

1155 Clawurda, P.R. 

1225 Clawrd, Bor. Rec. 

1278 Clawurh, H.R. 

1316 Clauworth, F.A. 

1637 Cloworth, Map in Camden. 

"The farm in the clay land." It is remarkable that no 
ancestors of the first and most frequent form of this name have 
come down to us. All the early spellings, as well as the modern 
alternative, point to a shortening of the first element having 
taken place : O.E. clce$weorp > clce^weor]) >clawor> ; before the 
w an z/-glide arose (F.A. of 1316) which formed a diphthong with 
the preceding vowel. This au had become monophthongised 
by the time of Camden. The principal modern form probably 
owes its existence to the fact that the etymology of the name 
had at no period become altogether obscured. The soil of this 
township is a rich clay. 

CLIFTON (North and South) ; and CLIFTON near Nottingham. 
Cliftune \ 

0/c , Clifton 
1086 { L D.B. 


Clitone J 
M. 3 


The etymology of this name is obvious, especially to those 
who have visited the localities. The villages of North Clifton 
and Clifton near Nottingham are situated near long cliffs. 

The curious Clistone of D.B. can puzzle only those unfamiliar 
with the vagaries of the Norman scribe. 


1086 ( CHpestone 
( Chpestune 
1189 Clipeston, P.R. 
1695 Clipstow, Map in Camden. 

" The tun or farmstead of Clip? The man's name Clip is 
recorded once as that of a moneyer (Onomasticon). 

The modern spelling seems to imply that the second element 
was O.E. stdn, " stone, rock, boundary or gravestone." There is 
nothing in the early spellings to support this assumption ; on the 
contrary, the second D.B. form in particular clearly shows the 
second element to have been O.E. tun. The modern name has 
simply retained the appearance given it in M.E. times by Anglo- 
Norman scribes who habitually rendered the Engl. u before n 
by o, often adding a superfluous e at the end. Camden seems 
to have blundered in rendering the pronunciation Clip-stone 


See preceding name. No early forms. 


1086 Clunbre, D.B. 

1216-1307 Clumber, Testa de N. 

White's Directory (1853) describes thje appearance of the 
neighbourhood in the i8th century as follows (p. 586): "About 
a hundred years ago, it was one of the wildest tracts of Sherwood 
forest, being then * little more than a black heath full of rabbits, 
having a narrow river running through it, with a small boggy 
close or two.' " Originally, the name Clumber belonged to a 
wood, from which it passed to the modern magnificent mansion 
and park of the Dukes of Newcastle now occupying its site. 


Considering the former appearance of the locality, I take the 
pi. n. Clumber to be the same as the independent word of 
identical form still found in English dialects. In the Dial. Diet., 
the following senses of the noun clumber (clumper) are recorded : 
(i) "a lump, a heavy clod of earth" ; (2) pi. "shapeless blocks of 
stone strewn over the surface of the ground " ; (3) " a clump or 
patch of trees, plants." The N.E.D. derives this word from O.K. 
clympre, "lump, mass of metal." It is very probable that the 
word was originally applied (in the second sense of the Dial. 
Diet.) to a mass of shapeless boulders whose appearance struck 
the early inhabitants as sufficiently singular to characterise the 

Modern German cognates are Klumpen, " unformliche Masse," 
and Klumper, " Kliimpchen." 

mb is often written nb in D.B. ; see early spellings of Cromwell 
and Lambcote. 


1316 Cotes, F.A. 

"The dwellings, houses, or huts." The O.E. singular was 
cot, "a house, cottage." 


1086 Cotintone, D.B. 

1175 Cotintona, Woll. MSS. 

1316 Codington, F.A. 

There exist in O.E. the pers. ns. Cotta and Codda, and it is 
very difficult to say which of the two is really contained in the 
above pi. n. The two older spellings seem to point to the 
former, the third to the latter. It is also possible that the original 
tt became voiced under the influence of the surrounding vowels, 
a process that might have been assisted by the presence of 
another t causing dissimilation. 

It is equally questionable whether the ing is the result of the 
pers. n. having originally appeared in the patronymic or in the 
gen. sg. However, as all the old forms contain the vowel z, 
the former was most probably the case. 




1086 Colingeham, D.B. 
1189 Collingeham, P.R. 
1284 Colingham, F.A. 

" The home or village of the Collings" The pers. n. Co!/, 
Col(l}a etc. is comparatively frequent in late O.K. records. 
Dr Bjorkman is of opinion that it came from Scandinavia. 

The same patronymic seems to occur in the continental 
pi. n., O.H.G. Collinchova (Forstemann, il). 

COLSTON-BASSET [kousn, or less frequently koulsn]. 

1086 Coleton, D.B. 
1160 Colestun, Index. 
1302 Colston Basset, F.A. 

" The tun or farm of Col!' See Car Colston. Basset is the 
name of a noble family that once held land in this place ; see 

COLWICK [kolik]. 

{Colewic j 
Colewi > D.B. 
Colui J 
1225 Colewic, Bor. Rec. 

The first element of this name is undoubtedly the pers. n. 
Col y which also occurs in Colston (q.v.). What the second part 
means, it is difficult to say for certain. If the first element is of 
Scand. origin, as Dr Bjorkman assumes, the second may be 
expected to be derived from the same source. In that case, 
-wick would go back to the O.N. vtk, " creek, bay," and " Cols 
creek " would be the interpretation of the modern pi. n. 

There also exists, in the English language, the word wick t 
" farmstead village." It goes back to O.K. wlc^ " dwelling-place, 
village," but is found in that form in the Northumbrian dialects 
only, the Southern and Midland type being wick (in pi. ns. only), 
with the c (k) fronted. (See Bulbring, 496.) Cp. Papplewick. 
If the O.E. wic occurred in this county it would have the latter 
form unless it could be proved that it was imported from north 
of the Humber. 



1086 Coteshale, D.B. 

c. 1200 Cozale, Woll. MSS. 

1284 Gossale } _ A 
, > r.A. 
1302 Cossale j 

"The healh or valley of Cot(ta). n The z in the Woll. MSS. 
spelling stands for ts according to Norman-French practice. 
ts has become ss through assimilation. The change from initial 
c to g in the first F.A. form is by no means an isolated one ; 
cp. the spelling of Cotgrave in D.B. 


1086 { Cortingestoche ) D R 

( Cotmgestoche j 

1166-7 Cordingestoch, P.R. 

1302 Cortelingstocke, F.A. 

1535 Cortelyngstoke, Valor Eccl. 

1637 Corthigstoke, Map in Camden. 

" The dwelling-place or village of the Cortlings" O.K. Cortlinga 
stoc. For the exact meaning of stoc see List of Elements. The 
pers. n. Cartel is not recorded in any of the collections of names. 
It must, however, have existed. The O.K. Cyrtel is found in the 
Crawford Charters (p. 52), and the editors have added further 
instances of pi. ns. containing it. See also Skeat, PL Ns. of 
Cambridgeshire, s.v. Kirtling. I take both names to be derived 
from an older *Curt (cp. Crotus, Crotilo, Werle, Index), by 
means of the diminutive suffix il, #/; the addition of il produced 
Cyrtel, whereas Cortal gave rise to CorteL On the continent, 
the same pers. n. seems to be contained in the Low German 
Krotillandorf (Forstemann, II). The varying position of r is 
easily explained, as metathesis in pers. ns. is not infrequent. 

The name Curt may be identical with the Germ, adjective 
kurz. The surname Kortzel is found in modern German. 


Type I. 

1086 Godegrave, D.B. 
1157 Cottegaua. 

_ (Bodl. Ch. and R. 

Cotegrave F.A. 


Type II. 

c (Re?. Lenton Abbey, quoted 
? Cotesgrafe \ * _, J , ^ 

\ by Thoroton, I. 166. 

" At the grave of Cot(ta), O.E. at Cottan (Type I) or Cottes 
(Type II) grafe." 


1086 { ? tun 1 D.B. 
( Cotes J 

1302 Cotum, F.A. 

" At the dwelling-houses or cottages." The D.B. spellings 
represent the O.E. dat. pi. and nom. pi. respectively. The 
former survived (from O.E. cet cotunt), the final m being later 
taken to stand for -ham, -home, as usual. Cp. Coates, Cottam. 

COTTAM (under Leverton). 

1302 Cotum, F.A. 

The same as Gotham, without the erroneous etymological 
spelling, as far as the additional h is concerned. 

CROMWELL [kramel, but usually kromwel]. 

1086 Crunwelle, D.B. 
1278) (H.R. 

1302 [ Crumwell - 
1637 J 


Map in Camden. 

" At the winding brook," O.E. at crumb(um) welle. From O.E. 
crumb, " winding, crooked," and well, " a brook." The develop- 
ment of sounds is well in accord with the general rules. The 
original, and natural pronunciation of this pi. n. is hardly known 
outside the immediate neighbourhood. In Ireland, however, the 
Protector is still called [kramal], which seems to prove that 
hatred has a better memory than love or admiration. Or does 
it merely show that the Irish have not yet come under the 
spell of the printed word to the same extent as their English 
brethren ? 



!086 { ?Pj ille I D.B. 
( Crophelle ) 

1216-72 Cropil, Index. 

(a) 1316 Croppehull Episcopi, F.A. 
1336 Crophull Bisshop, Index. 

(b) 1284 Crophill Botiller ) 
1302 Croppilboteler ) 

1368 Crophull Botiler, Index. 

c. 1500 Cropwell, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" At the hump-shaped hill." The first element is the Scand. 
kroppr, " a hump or bunch " (Vigf.) ; it occurs in pi. ns. found in 
the Landnama Bok. The modern spelling is due to confusion 
with well, which undoubtedly was assisted by the development 
of a labial glide after the / when the h had been lost. The 
additions explain themselves : the Archbishop of York and the 
noble family of Butler were at one time the respective owners of 
the two villages. 

Thoroton gives the correct etymology of this name when 
he says (l, 189) that they (viz. C.-Bishop and C.-Butler) were so 
named " from a round Hill which is between them, now called 


Type L 

1086 Cuchenai, D.B. 

1 200 Cucheneia, Bodl. Ch. and R. 

1278 Cuckenay, H.R. 

1302 Cockeney, F.A. 

1329 Kukeney, Index. 

Type II. 
1250 (Richard de) Kukeney (in) 

Kuyekeney, Bodl. Ch. and R. 

" At the quick, running water, or brook." There must have 
been two O.E. alternative forms of this name : at cucan e$e 
(Type I) and cet cwican e$e (Type II), cticu being a variant of 


cwicu, "quick, alive." (See Biilbring, 464.) With this name 
we may compare the Low German Quickbom, and the O.H.G. 
kecprunno, " lebendiges Wasser, Quelle," in the poem of Christ 
and the Samaritan Woman (14: "uuar maht thu guot man, 
neman quecprunnan ? " The Vulgate has : " unde ergo habes 
aquam vivam?" St John iv. 11). 

The second element is O.K. ege, " water, river, stream." 

DALBY (brook near Hickling). 

DALINGTON [daelintn]. 

1086 Dallingtune, D.B. 


1156 VDerlintun, P.R. 


" The fun or farmstead of the Deorlings." The D.B. form 
shows assimilation of rl to // which is quite in accordance with 
the almost universal practice of its compilers. On the other 
hand, it is surprising to find a(r) for er so early as the date 
of D.B. The phonetic development of erl is treated in the 
Phonology (7). 


1086 Dordentorp, D.B. 

1637 Dernthorp, Map in Camden. 

quoted by Thoroton from 
? \ Dornethorp V^ 

unknown sources. 
I Darnethorp J 

"The thorp of Deorna." In D.B., O.E. eo is represented 
by o ; the pronunciation probably was [ce], mid-front-wide-round. 
The O.E. prototype was Deornan frorp, of which the first n had 
become denasalised in the pronunciation of the Normans under 
the dissimilatory influence of the following n, the result being 
the voiced point stop, d. Zachrisson (pp. 120 sqq.) has collected 
a number of similar changes. 

The development of er (> ar,>d> ei) is treated elsewhere 
(Phonology, 7). 


DARLTON [daltnj. 

1086 Derluveton, D.B. 

1278 } _ . , f H.R. 

' } Derleton \ _ . 
1316] (F.A. 

1695 Darleton, Map in Camden. 

" The tun or farmstead of Deorlaf? The D.B. spelling is the 
most reliable in this case. There existed another Deorldfestun 
in O.E. (Cod. Dipl. 1298), which has resulted in the modern 
Darliston^ Staffs. The existence side by side of these two 
names one with and the other without s clearly demonstrates 
that the genitival s may be absent even if the first element is a 
pers. n. following the strong declension. 

DAYBROOK (under Arnold). 

Apparently a modern name derived from that of the brook 
on which the hamlet is situated. There used to be cotton mills 
in this neighbourhood worked by water-power. It is said that 
the brook was frequently stopped during the night, so that the 
water might accumulate for the day's work : thus the brook 
carried water in the daytime only. I give this somewhat singular 
account as it was related to me. This explanation is very doubtful. 

DEAN (brook near Hickling). 

This name may be of Celtic origin ; there is a river Dane in 
Staffordshire, and another in Cheshire. Isaac Taylor (Words 
and Places, ch. IX) enumerates a large number of river-names 
containing a similar element found in various parts of Europe 
formerly occupied by Celts. 

DEVON (river) [dlvn]. 

1680 Devon, Index. 
A Celtic river-name ; see Dean. 


1225 Doverbec, Bor. Rec. 

This name is a tautology. The first part is of Celtic origin, 
having a common ancestor with modern Welsh dwr, dwfr, 
" water." When the original meaning was lost, an explanatory 
superfluous beck, from Scandinavian bekk(r\ " brook," was added. 



This small hamlet, of which no early forms are available, is 
situated "in a narrow part of the hills through which the 
Chesterfield canal passes by means of a tunnel." The meaning 
may be : " the holes of the dragon, or dragons," O.K. dracan, or 
dracena kol(as). Cp. Low German Drakenloch, a small valley 
leading out of the Urpetal (Jellinghaus, p. vi). 

DRAYTON (East and West). 

, Draitone , 

1086 \ \ D.B. 



Drayton, F.A. 

"The hidden tun or farmstead." There exist numerous 
Draytons all over the country. Prof. Skeat (PI. Ns. Cambs. 
p. 9) was the first to explain their etymology. He compares 
the element drai- with a squirrel's dray, which he says is derived 
from an O.E. drcz with the wider sense of " retreat, hiding- 

The appearance of the modern village of West Drayton 
seems to bear out the suggested etymology. West Drayton is 
situated in low-lying, boggy country, surrounded on all sides by 
distant hills. It is not discovered by the traveller until he has 
come close upon it. When dwellings were low and brushwood 
and trees more plentiful, the seclusion of the spot must have 
been still more apparent. East Drayton, however, is quite open. 


The " Nook " is a slight projection of dry land among 
meadows subject to floods. It was an island before that part 
of the country was drained. In the absence of early spellings 
one can only guess at the meaning. I take it to have been 
O.E. Drenges ege, " Dreng's island." The word Dreng is used 
both as a pers. n., and an appellative. The latter, which is the 
original of the pers. n., comes from Scandinavian and designates 
members of that class sometimes spoken of as rddcnihtas in 
O.E. literature (PI. Ns. of the W. Rid. p. xxiii). They were the 
successors of the old pe$nas, " retainers of a chief, noblemen," 
principally employed in warfare. Above the ceorl (see Carltori) 


in station they often enjoyed the privileges of the mediaeval 
nobility (see Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor, p. 220; Engl. 
Society in the nth Cent. p. 62). 

It is doubtful whether the word is used in the first or second 
sense here. The West Riding pi. n. Dringhouses, older Drengehous, 
most probably contains the appellative in the plural : drenga hus y 
" the houses of the soldiers or noblemen." 

ey > iy according to rule ; the form Dring is found in 
M.E. (Phonology, 6). ys > ns through assimilation (Phonology, 


1086 Duneham, D.B. 
1155 Duneha, P.R. 
1316 Dunham, F.A. 

The second element of this name is undoubtedly O.K. ham, 
"home, homestead, village." The first may be either O.K. dun, 
"hill, mountain," or the genitive of the pers. n. Dun(d). The 
place being situated on a gentle eminence, the former alternative 
may be taken as the most likely interpretation. Thus the 
meaning would be "the village on the hill." 

It has been suggested that this place derives its name from 
the " dunes," i.e. hills of blown sand found in the neighbourhood. 
This is impossible, as the word dune meaning " a low sand-hill " 
is of comparatively recent introduction, having come into the 
English language through the medium of French speech. The 
N.E.D. gives 1213 as the first date of its occurrence. 


There are no early forms. It may be derived from O.E. dun 
seld or setl (Biilbring, 444), " the dwelling on the down or hill." 
But this is a mere guess for which there is no reliable evidence. 
However, the farmhouse bearing this name is actually situated 
on a hill. 


Type I. 

1086 I * C ? ringh ? 1 D.B. 

( Echeringhe 
1174-5 Ekeringa, P.R. 


Type II. 

1637 Akringe, Map in Camden. 
1704 Akring, Map 1704. 

Type II L 

1156 Eikeringe ) _ 

,-,. . \ Index. 

1 200 Eigrmg J 

1278 Aykering, H.R. 

1 29 1 \ T , . . . [ Tax. Eccles. 
( Eykrmgk J 

1302 Eykring | 
1428 Aykering j 

In spite of the numerous early spellings it is impossible to 
explain the etymology of this name with any degree of certainty. 
I take it to have been a patronymic family name in the gen. pi. 
followed by some such word as ham or tun. It may have been 
Eddwceceringa ham, " the home of the descendants of Eddwcecerr 
This very long name would most certainly be shortened and its 
pronunciation might have been simplified at a very early period, 
through the following stages : eadceringa > eaceringe (> modern 
Eakring), or cecringe(> Type II), or with later shortening of the 
initial vowel, ecringe (> Type I). 

The forms quoted as Type III I take to be due to popular 
etymology. The pi. n. was explained as eikar ing, " the meadow 
of the oaks," and I am told that this interpretation fits the 
locality very well, eikar is the Scand. gen. pi. of eik, " oak tree," 
ing the M.E. form of eng, " meadow," derived from the same 
language (see PI. Ns. of the West Rid. p. xl). 


Type I. 
1166-7 Est Twait, P.R. 


1225 Estwaite, Bor. Rec. 

, Estweit 

c. 1200 ! __ . ( Woll. MSS. 

1483 Estwyt 

1495 Estwhaite J. Index. 




Type II. 
? (Eswaicte or) Eastwood, Thoroton, II, 236. 

Type III. 
1086 Estewic, D.B. 

"The thwaite or outlying farm in the East." The second 
element is of Scandinavian origin : O.N. fiveit, " piece of land, 
paddock, parcel of land ; originally used of an outlying cottage 
with its paddock." As it is of very rare occurrence in this 
county, it was replaced by the more familiar wood (Type II). 

The D.B. form is due to a misreading of c for /, these two 
letters being frequently interchanged on account of graphic 


Type I. 




1302 Eton, F.A. 

Type II. 
(Eaton or) Idleton, White, Directory, 1853. 

"The tun or farmstead by the river (Idle)." The O.E. proto- 
type seems to have been : Idel ea tun, " the farm by the brilliant 
river" (see Idle, p. 72). The distinctive addition to the river 
could be left out, as it was certainly known in the neighbour- 
hood as seo ea, "the river," pure and simple. 

EDINGLEY [edirjli]. 

1302 Edingley, F.A. 

1637 Heddingley, Map in Camden. 

" The leak or field of the sons of Eda, or of Eada, or of 
Eddwin" Both O.E. Edinga leak and Edanleah, as well as 
Eddwin(es) leak, might result in the modern form. 

Camden's spelling proves that the e was pronounced short ; 
the initial h means nothing. 


EDWALTON [edw'oltn, edltn]. 

1086 Edwoltun, D.B. 
1302 Edwalton, F.A. 

" The tun or farm of Eddweald" The absence of the genitival s 
is noteworthy. Of the two pronunciations recorded, the second 
is the only natural one. The shortening of the initial vowel 
(before dw} and the subsequent loss of w beginning an unstressed 
syllable are in accordance with well established rules. 

EDWINSTOWE or Edwinstow or Edenstowe (Edensta, Hope). 

Type I. 

1086 Edenestou, D.B. 
1278 Edenstow, H.R. 
1428 Ednestowe, F.A. 

c. 1500 ) f Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1 Edenstow ' 

1637 J ( Map in Camden. 

Type II. 
c. 1500 Eddingstow, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

It is very strange that the old spellings do not contain a w 
in a single instance. The etymology seems to be : " The stow 
or place of Eddwine" It is said that King Edwin's body was 
brought to Edwinstowe after the battle of Heathfield, A.D. 633, 
" and from what we know of this obscure period it does not seem 
unlikely that such may have been the case' 1 (Guilford, p. 84). 
This view is confirmed by the meaning of the suffix stow, "a 
holy place, sanctuary, sepulchre." In the present name it may 
have designated the burial-place of the king. See Middendorf 
on stow, and cp. Broxtow. 

Type II shows an interesting development of unstressed 
(w)in, on which see Alexander, The Suffix ing. 

EGMANTON [egmantn]. 

1086 Agemuntone, D.B. 

" The tun or farm of Ecgmund" The O.E. g should result 
in modern dg (*Edgmanton). The present form is either a 


mere spelling, or the fronted g has been changed to the back- 
stop under Scandinavian influence. 

The development of the unstressed u is interesting: u>o>a>a. 

ELKESLEY [locally : el(k)sli ; otherwise : elkasli]. 

( Elchesleig } 
1086 J Elchesleie I D.B. 

( Elcheslie j 
1278 Elkesle, H.R. 
1316 Elkesley, T.A. 

( Ellersley 1 

c. 1500 4 Elkesley 

Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

I Elsley 
1599] [Map. 

1637 r Elsley < Map in Camden. 
1704 J ( Map. 

Probably : " the Leah or field of Rale? This pers. n. is not 
recorded in the Onomasticon ; we find, however, Ealac. It must 
be the abbreviated form of a full name beginning with Ealh-, 
Bale-. If the first spelling taken from the Inq. P.M. is not 
merely an erroneous one, the original pers. n. involved 
would have been either Ealhheard or Ealhhere^ both of 
which are remarkably frequent in O.E. That a very primitive 
form of a pi. n. should be employed by a writer about the 
year 1500 is not so improbable as it would seem at first sight; 
for he may have been drawing from local documents of great 
antiquity, which are now lost. 

On the name Ealc see Staffs. PL Ns., s.v. Elkstone. 


Type L 

1086 Elvestune, D.B. 

Type II. 

1302 Eyliston, F.A. 

It is difficult to give the etymology of this name on account 
of the scarcity of early spellings. The most probable derivation 
seems to be from Eilafes tun, " the farmstead of Eilaf" This 


assumption would at once explain the v in Type I and the ey in 
Type II. The pers. n. involved is Scandinavian in origin. (See 
Bjorkman, s.v.) 


1086 Ailtone, D.B. 
1284 Elton, F.A. 

" The tun or farm of ^Egel" This pers. n. is a late, probably 
Norman variant of the older jEftel. The relation between the 
two has been fully discussed by Dr Zachrisson (pp. loosqq.). 


1086 1 5 preSt ne 1 D.B. 

| Epstone j 

1225 ) _ f Bor. Rec. 

\ Epreston \ _. A 
1302 ] ( F.A. 

" The tun or farm of *Ecpeorkt* This pers. n. is not recorded 
in the Onomasticon. It may, however, be safely assumed to 
have existed as the corresponding continental form Eoberht 
exists (Forstemann, I). It is derived from eoh-berht, which 
explains the/ in the English type : this arose out of the b through 
the unvoicing influence of the preceding h which disappeared. 
Cp. Scotch neeper, "neighbour," from O.E. neahgebur, which 
exhibits a similar change. 

1637 { 

EREWASH (river). 

c. 1175 Yrewis, Woll. MSS. 

Erewash, Camden, p. 550. 
Arwash, Map in Camden. 

The termination is identical with the modern dialect word 
wash, " any shore or piece of land covered at times by water ; a 
mere ; an inundation " (Dial. Diet), which is also the name of 
the well-known arm of the sea between Norfolk and Lincoln, 
the Wash. The word is, no doubt, connected with the root 
contained in to wash and water. 

The first element may be a pre-English river-name */r-, *Er- t 
which seems to be contained in the Lancashire Irwell. But 
this is very doubtful. 



1086 Evretone, D.B. 
1189 Everton, P.R. 

" The tun or farmstead of Eofer? Note the absence of the 
genitival s. The O.E. pers. n. Eofer and its compounds are 
comparatively frequent. 


Type I. 

1316 Farnedon | 
1402 Ferndon J 

Type II. 

1086 Farendune, D.B. 
1392 Farendon \ 
1543 Farunden I Index. 
1586 Faringdon J 

Type IIL 
1637 Farmdon, Map in Camden. 

In spite of Type II, I take this name to be derived from O.E. 
fearn dun, " fern -covered hill." Type I represents the original 
form without any unusual alteration, er being merely a spelling 
of cer into which both M.E. ar and er had developed. As to 
Type II, I assume that a vowel-glide arose between the r and n 
which is represented by various symbols. Farendun then 
developed into Faringdon (1586), a change which has been 
discussed on another page (Phonology, 13). 

Camden's spelling is either a blunder or shows that the n 
had become assimilated to the initial/. See Phonology, 13. 


Type L 

1189 Farnefeld, P.R. 

1637 Farnfelde, Map in Camden. 

Type II. 

1086 g arne f SI D.B. 

1331 Farnesfeld, Index. 

M. A 


Type II seems to imply a pers. n. (O.K. Fr<zna, with meta- 
thesis?) as the first element on account of the genitival s. 
However, I give preference to Type I, explaining the name as 
O.E. fearnfeld, "the open space, or plain covered with fern." 
The s was introduced on the mistaken notion, derived from 
analogy, that the first element was a pers. n. Dr Zachrisson 
gives numerous instances of a similar "loose" or inorganic s 
(pp. 118 sqq.). 


1240 Felley, Bor. Rec. 

This may stand for O.E. feld leak, dat. feld lea$e, " the open 
field," or " the field in the plain." The place is situated partly 
on a lofty eminence, and it seems probable that the name 
originally referred to the lower part of the locality. The 
disappearance of d between the /'s is natural. 

The view expressed above might be confirmed by the fact 
that there existed an exactly similar name in Friesland 
Veldlagi, quoted by Forstemann (II). 


(Fentune) ^ 
1086 ta \ D.B. 


1316 Fenton, F.A. 

Considering the geographical position of this place, there 
can be no doubt as to its etymology. " The farm in the fen," 
from O.E,.fenn, "mud, dirt, fen." The country is drained now. 

FlNNlNGLEY (Finlah, Hope). 

Type I. 

1086 Feniglei, D.B. 
1428 Fenyngley, F.A. 

Type IL 

1278 Finningelay, H.R. 
1302 Finningley ) 
1316 Fynyngeleyej 

Two explanations of this name are possible according to 
which type is considered original. 


(1) "The leak or field of the Finnings, the sons of Finn! 1 
This pers. n. is of Scandinavian origin, and always borne by 
Norsemen, either in history or fiction. A family of the same 
patronymic is found in Southern Germany : Finninga quoted 
by Forstemann (ll). 

(2) I am myself inclined to believe that Type I represents 
the original name more truly than Type II which is derived 
from the former. O.E. fenninga tun, "the farm of the dwellers 
in the fen," is a most appropriate name for the locality situated 
in the old marshes. The suffix -ing was used in Germanic to 
derive the name of a tribe from the locality they inhabited. 
The best known examples of this usage are the designations 
of the two nations into which the Goths were divided 1 . The 
Ostrogothi were called in Latin garb Greutingi, because 
they inhabited sandy plains (cp. O.E. greot, " sand "), whereas 
the Visigothi were known as Tervingi, because they lived in a 
country covered with woods (cp. O.E. treow, "tree"). An O.E. 
example of a corresponding derivation (of which there are many 
more) is quoted from a charter by Dr Middendorf, s.v. heah\ 
heantunninga gem&re. 

The transition from e to i before n is not without parallel in 
the English dialects. Instances of such a change are quoted in 
the Dial. Grammar, 55. See also Horn, 38. 


Type L 

1086 Fiscartune, D.B. 
1278 Fiskerton, H.R. 
1316 Fyskerton, F.A. 

Type II. 
1278 Fiskiston, H.R. 

"The tun or farm-house of the fisherman, or fishermen." 
The O.E. original was either fiscera tun (gen. pi., Type I), or 
fisceres tun (gen. sg., Type II). In the ordinary course, the O.E. 
sc should be represented by sh in the M.E. and modern forms. 

1 Zeuss, Die Deutschen und ihre Nachbarstamme. Miinchen, 1837. 



The sk is explained by assuming influence of Scand. fiskr, 
"fish/' which may also have been used as a pers. n. 

To this very day this village is a favourite resort for 


Type I. 

1086 Flodberge, D.B. 

Type II. 

1316 Flaubergh, F.A. 

The second element is the O.K. beorg, " mountain, hill, 
mount," the modern spelling of which has been influenced by 
the more frequent borough, the representative of O.E. burh. 
This part of the name is explained by the fact that the little 
village is situated on a hill. 

I can make nothing of the first element, which appears in two 
strange spellings. 

FLAWFORD (under Ruddington). 

There are no early forms. The first element seems to be 
identical with that contained in the preceding pi. n. 


1086 Fladeburg, D.B. 
1278 Fleburg, H.R. 
1302 Fledburgh, F.A. 

"The burh or fortified place of Fl&da" An O.E. Flczdanburg y 
which might have been the ancestor of the modern name, is 
recorded in a charter (Cart. Sax. 76,238). 

FLEET (river). 

From O.E. fleot, "stream, channel"; the word is connected 
with fleotan, " to float, sail, swim." In modern H.G. we find its 
cognate Fliess, "small river," M.H.G. vliez. The Low German 
form is Fleet, from older vlet. 


_, (Flintham } _ 
1086 < .. Y D.B. 

1284 Flintham, F.A. 


From O.E. flint, " rock," and ham, " home, habitation, village." 
It is difficult to say what is the exact sense intended to be 
conveyed by the composition of these two elements. It might 
have been the " house in the rock, or by the rock, or built 
of rock " etc. 


Although there are no early forms, the etymology of this 
name is quite clear. The O.E. ancestor is ful wudu, " the foul, 
dirty, boggy wood." Before the combination Iw, the u was 
shortened, whereas in the independent word, foul, it remained 
long and was diphthongised. 

GAMSTON (near West Bridgford). 

1086 Gamelestune, D.B. 
1302 Gameleston, F.A. 

GAMSTON (near East Retford). 

1086 Gamelestune, D.B. 
1278 Gameleston, H.R. 

" The tun or farmstead of Gamal" The D.B. forms preserve 
the O.E. appearance of this name almost completely. The 
pers. n. is of Scandinavian origin. 


Type I. 

1278 Gaytford, H.R. 
c. 1500 Gaytforth, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type II. 
c. 1500 Gatford, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

"The goat ford." From O.E. gdtaford, which, with the a 
shortened at an early period before the combination tf, resulted 
in Type II. The other type preserved in the modern spelling 
exhibits the influence of Scand. geit> "goat." See Bjorkman, 
Scand. Loanwords, p. 42. The th instead of d also points to 
Scandinavian origin ; cp. O.N. fjorftr. 

Fords are often named after the animals that passed through 
them, as Oxford, Swinford, Hertford. 


There is a Gateforth in the West Riding wholly Scandinavian 
in appearance. Dr Moorman interprets it as " the ford of the 
goats." The same name is borne by a place in O.H. German 
territory, Geizefurt in Hesse (Forstemann, II). 


Type I. 

1086 Ghellinge, D.B. 
1278 Gedling, Kedling, H.R. 
1302 Gedling 
1346 Godeling 

Type II. 
1189 Gedlinges, P.R. 

Type II L 
1637 Gadling, Map in Camden. 

I take this name to be derived from O.K. on gadelingum y 
"among the companions in arms" (Type I). The nominative 
plural gcedlingas is the ancestor of Type II. Camden's a 
(Type III) goes back to O.K. <^, whereas the other forms con- 
tain e which most probably is due to a kind of secondary 
z-mutation (see gczdeling in Sievers and Biilbring, Indices). In 
M.E. both gedeling and gadeling are found (N.E.D.). 

Gilling in Yorks. apparently has the same origin ; it occurs 
as in (on) Getlingwn, in G&tlingum in Bede (Miller, O.E. Bede, 
p. 43). On the continent are found O. Low Germ. Getilingthorp 
and O.H.G. Gellingin, modern Gollingen near Sondershausen 
(Forstemann, ll). 


1086 Gipesmare, D.B. 
1302 Gyppesmere, F.A. 

The second element is O.E. m$re, " lake, pool." In the D.B. 
form, the a is due to the influence of Scand. mar, " the sea." This 
substitution of mare for mere in D.B. is particularly noticeable in 
Yorks. pi. ns. (See Stolze, 7, anm. 3; Jellinghaus, p. 307.) 

The first element seems to be a pers. n. It may be identical 
with the one contained in O.E. Gypeswlc, modern Ipswich (Cod. 


Dipl., Index). The initial g of the O.K. name must have been 
fronted, so that the y cannot but represent an original West 
Germanic palatal vowel ; otherwise the disappearance of the 
initial g in Ipswich could not be explained. The unfronting of 
this sound in the Notts, pi. n. seems to be due to Scandinavian 
influence which has also been at work in the second element. The 
meaning is " Gippes pool." The pers. n. involved is not recorded 
in the Onomasticon. It may be contained in the Norwegian pi. n. 
Gipsen discussed by Rygh (N. Gaardnavne, p. 345). 

The combination ps was changed to bz under the influence 
of the surrounding voiced sounds. 

GlLTBROOK (under Greasley). 

In the absence of early spellings nothing definite can be said 
about this name. It may stand for O.K. gylden broc, " the golden, 
i.e. yellow brook." The first element may have been influenced 
by the adjective gilt. Similar river-names occur on the con- 
tinent ; O.H.G. Goldaha, O. Low Germ. Goldbiki, O.H.G. Gold- 
gieze are enumerated by Forstemann (ll). 


1086 Gretone, D.B. 
1278 ] r H.R. 

1291 >Gretton< Tax. Eccl. 

1316] (F.A. 

1704 Girton, Map. 

"The tun or farmstead in the sand," O.K. greot tun. The 
country round Girton is very marshy and sandy in places, and 
both to the north and south of the village considerable dunes 
have been formed by the drift sand from the Trent. O.K. greot 
means " sand, rubble," and is identical with O.H.G. grioz, modern 
Germ. Gries. The Hessian pi. n. Griesheim has the same mean- 
ing as Girton. 

The phonetic development is quite regular: M.E. e<eo is 
shortened before tt ; metathesis of r is characteristic of the dialect 
(Phonology, 15); the modern spelling ir represents the sound 
into which er had developed. 



1216-72 Clapton, Cal. Inq. P.M. i. 

Probably from O.E. Glceppan tun, "the farmstead of Gkzppa" 
The pers. n. is found in O.K., and also in O.H.G. as Claffo, 
Clapho etc. (Forstemann, I) ; or possibly the Scand. name Clapa, 
traced as occurring in England by Dr Bjorkman, may be con- 
tained in this pi. n. 

GLEADTHORPE GRANGE (under Worksop) [gled)?op]. 

1086 Gletorp, D.B. 

1278 Gledetorp, H.R. 

1853 Gledthorpe, White's Directory, p. vi. 

It has been suggested that the first element is O.E. glad, 
" bright, clear, glad " ; the second is Scand. frorp, " village, 
hamlet." The meaning would be " the bright, pleasant hamlet." 

It is, however, very doubtful whether the variant *gl<zd, 
containing a long vowel, ever existed. It is said to occur in 
poetic texts, and might be represented in M.E. by the spelling 
glead (N.E.D., s.v. glad). I prefer to leave the etymology of the 
first element doubtful, and would refer investigators to similar 
names : Gleadless, Gledhow, and Gledstow Hall, all in the 
West Riding of Yorkshire. 

GOLDTHORPE (under Hodsock). 

There are no early spellings. I take this to be derived from 
Gold&n porp, " the hamlet of Golda or Golde" Whether this pers. 
n. is of O.E. or Scand. origin I am unable to say. 

GONALSTON [ganasn]. 

(1) r Gunnulfestone \ 
1086 [ D.B. 

(2) I Gunnulvestune J 

(3) ( Guneliston ) 
1278 1 [ H.R. 

(4) [ Gunohston ) 


(5) 1302 Gunnolston } 

(6) 1316 Gonelston > F.A. 

(7) 1 346 Gonaldeston J 

(8) 1637 Gumalston, Map in Camden. 

O.K. Gunnulfes tun, " the farmstead of Gunnulf" The latter 
is a Scandinavian man's name. No. I evidently is copied from 
an O.K. document with/ instead of the M.E. v. The h in No. 4 
and the m in No. 8 are scribal blunders. The d in No. 7 is due 
to confusion with the well-known Scand. female name Gunnhild. 

The history of the unstressed vowel in the second syllable is 
interesting : u > o > a > d. 

GOTHAM [goutm]. 

1086 Gatham, D.B. 

1152 Gataham, Index. 

1316 Gotham, F.A. 

O.K. gdta ham, " the home of the goats, the goat village." The 
Index form is evidently copied from an O.K. document. Thoro- 
ton (I, 36) has the following explanation : " a Dwelling or Home 
of Goats." 

GOVERTON (under Bleasby) [gouvatn]. 
1302 Goverton, F.A. 

O.K. Gdrfriftes tun, " the farmstead of Gdrfrift" This pers. n. 
is found once in an O.E. document. It is very frequent on the 
continent, as Gairfrid in a very primitive form, later G$rfrid 
(Forstemann, I). The loss of the first of the two rs through 
dissimilation is natural ; so is the development of d, represented 
by modern [ou]; cp. O.E. gat > goat. 


Type L 

1086 Granebi, D.B. 
1284 Granbi ) . 
1302 Granebyj 

Type II. 

1086 \- . ( D.B. 
_ \ Grenebi \ T . 
1184 J I Index. 


"The by(r) or farm of Grant." The pers. n. forming the 
first element comes from the Scandinavian language ; so does 
the ending. The spelling under Type II is due to an attempt 
at connecting the name with the adjective O.E. grene, " green." 


1086 ) f D.B. 

1268 } GreSt0r P { Index. 
1302 Gresthorp 

F A 
1316 Grethorp ) 

1424 ) ^ f Index. 

1 Gresthorp I ,, . ~ , 

r Map in Camden. 

All the old spellings point to M.E. gres porp, " grass thorpe 
or village." The form gres is explained by Dr Bjorkman (Scand. 
Loanwords, p. 30) as due to Norse influence. This tallies 
with the fact that the second element too is derived from the 

I can make nothing of the second modern spelling : it is 
hardly likely that the Scandinavian male name Grts, Gryse 
(Bjorkman, s.v.) has had any influence. The first modern form 
shows influence of Standard English grass, which has, however, 
not yet affected the local pronunciation. 

GREASLEY [grizli]. 

Type L 

1086 Griseleia, D.B. 
1428 Grisseley, F.A. 

Type II. 

1216-72 Greselley, Inq. P.M. I. 
1284 Gresley \ 
1302 Gresseley I F.A. 
1346 Greseley J 

Type III. 
1284 Grelley, F.A. 

Type IV. 
1637 Graseley, Map in Camden. 


The original meaning is preserved by Type I : " the leak or 
field of Gris" The latter name of Scand. descent is treated by 
Dr Bjorkman. Type II, which seems to have survived eventually, 
although I cannot explain the quantity of the first vowel satis- 
factorily, arose out of the confusion with M.E. gres, " grass " 
(see Grassthorpe). Type III is derived from Type II, si [zl] 
having become assimilated to //. In Type IV the e is replaced 
by a on the analogy of the modern standard form grass (or 

GREET (river). 

958 (ondlang) greotan, Cart. Sax. 1029. 

The above quotation from a charter is of very questionable 
value, and I am inclined to set aside its evidence altogether, as 
far as the final n is concerned. I take this name to represent 
O.E. great ea, or ege, "gravelly, sandy river," from O.K. great, 
" gravel, sand," and ea, e$e, " water, water-course." There exists 
another river Greet in Worcestershire. The termination has 
disappeared completely as in the original river-name Blyth (q.v.). 

On O.H.G. territory a corresponding formation Griezpah is 
found (Forstemann, ll). 


1086 Grimestune, D.B. 
1302 Grymeston, F.A. 

From O.E. Grimes tun, " the farm of Grtm(r)" The pers. n. 
involved is Scandinavian in origin. The long I was shortened 
before the combination mst. 

GRINGLEY (Little) (Grinley, Hope). 

Type I. 

(a) 1086 1 D.B. 

( Grenelei j 

I27 8 Grenlay * p 

1316 Grenleye, F.A. 
1327-77 Grenley, Non. Inq. 


(b) 1375 Grynley, Index. 

Type IL 
c. 1300 Gringelay, Index. 

Type III. 
1704 Little Grimley, Map. 

O.K. on bare grenan leage, "on the green field or plain." 
The neighbourhood is noted for its meadows. Clareborough, 
which derives its name from "clover," is close by. 

O.K. e was shortened during the M.E. period after having 
been raised to I (Type I b\ Type II arose out of confusion 
with the following name. The genuine etymology is preserved 
in the modern local pronunciation, as recorded by Hope, but 
not in the official spelling. The change from in to ing is 
remarkable ; it is probably due to confusion with the following 

The inventor of Type III fancifully connected the name 
with the pers. n. Grim contained in Grimston, Grimsby etc. 

There is a place called Grindley in Staffordshire which has 
the same origin and meaning. The d arose out of a phonetic 
glide between n and /. 


Type I. 

1086 Gringeleia, D.B. 
c. 1200 Gringhelaya, Cal. Rot. Chart. 
1278 Gringele, H.R. 
1316 Gringeley, F.A. 
1 3 2 7-77 Gryngeley, Non. Inq. 
1372 Grynglay, Index. 

Type I I. 
1086 Greneleig (?), D.B. 

f Greynley ) . , T ...... } 

I J . * \ of the Hill I .. . ' , 
1535 j Grenely J Valor Eccles. 

I Grynley on the Hill J 

Type II most probably arose out of confusion with the 
preceding name. As a matter of fact, it is extremely difficult, if 


not at times impossible, to distinguish between the two in early 
records. In the Inq. P.M. c. 1500, e.g., both are hopelessly 
mixed up. The D.B. spelling quoted under Type II may refer 
to the preceding place. 

I take the first element to be a variant of the O.N. pers. n. 
Grlmketell, Grimkell, Grinkell. The existence of a type Gringel 
is conclusively proved by Prof. Wyld, who refers to the above 
pi. n. and further adduces Grimgelege and Gringelthorp (PI. Ns. 
of Lanes., s.v. Cringlebarrow Wood, p. 102). 

It is highly interesting to trace the development of that 
personal name through the succeeding stages of shortenings and 
assimilations. First the I is shortened before the combination 
mk> and the last syllable loses its vowel : Grlmketell> Grimketll. 
Then t is assimilated to /, m to k : Griijkel(l). After that the k 
is voiced under the influence of the surrounding sounds ; result, 

The meaning is " GrimkeFs field or meadow." 


1086 I ( D.B. 

1216-1307 > Grave J Testa de N. 

1302 j [ F.A. 

From O.K. cet fram grafe, "at the grove." Taking into 
account the modern spelling, this is the only explanation I can 
offer, although the very late persistence of the a in the above 
forms might speak against that derivation, and in favour of 
O.E. cet ]?(zm grcefe, " at the grave, or sepulchral mound." It 
is, however, possible that this persistence is only apparent, the 
spelling being copied from earlier records. 
GUN THORPE [gan)>op]. 

Type I. 

1086 Gulnetorp, D.B. 
? Gunildethorp, Thoroton, III, 25. 

Type II. 

1086 Gunnetorp, D.B. 
1278 Guntorp, H.R. 
1302 Gunthorp, F.A. 
1489 Gownthorpe, Woll. MSS. 


If the spelling quoted by Thoroton as an ancient one is 
really genuine and was, as is not unlikely, taken by him from 
old local records, the etymology of the name is clear : Gunnhildar 
porp, " the village of Gtmhildr." The latter is a feminine pers. n., 
Norse in origin, and rather frequent in M.E. times. It is very 
rare that places are called after women. The D.B. spelling 
under Type I may very well be an attempt at representing a 
pronunciation *Gunelthorp< Gunildarporp. It is just what one 
would expect the compiler of D.B. to do. The havoc played by 
Anglo-Norman scribes among the liquids and nasals of English 
place-names is well illustrated by numerous examples collected 
in Dr Zachrisson's book (pp. I2osqq.). Metathesis of dl (>ld) 
is found in several instances in D.B. (Stolze, 30). 

If the above explanation of Type I is accepted, Type II is 
but a further shortening of the original. If it is rejected as 
based upon doubtful or spurious evidence, the name may be 
taken to contain as first element the O N. masculine pers. n. 

It may be mentioned here that the occurrence of Gunhild in 
a pi. n. is better attested for the Yorks. Gunthwaite, which is 
spelt Gtmnyldthwayt in a document of 1389 (Descriptive 
Catalogue of Ancient Deeds, I, Index). 


HAGGONFIELD (under Worksop). 

The absence of early spellings makes it impossible to suggest 
an etymology with any degree of certainty. 

HALLAM [heilam]. 

1331 Halum] T , 

\ Index. 
1541 Halomj 

1853 Halom, White, Directory. 

O.K. at healum, " at the valleys." The place is situated at 
the foot of a lofty range of hills. The ending represents the 
dat. pi. of O.E. healh. All the early forms contain but one /, so 
that the first syllable was open, which explains the quantity 
of the vowel. 


Isaac Taylor (Engl. Village Names) explains this name as 
meaning "at the slopes." The exact sense of O.E. healh is 
very uncertain ; the transition from " valley " to " slope " is easy 
and natural. 

HALLOUGHTON [hotn] (Hortn, Hope). 

1291) TT . (Tax. Eccl. 

\ Halton \- . 
1428] (F.A. 

1637 Haulton, Map in Camden. 

O.E. healh tun, " the farmstead in the healh or valley." We 
have to deal with two types, of which the first and most 
primitive is, curiously enough, represented by the modern 
spelling only. The latter may rest on local tradition strengthened 
by records not generally available. 

The O.E. prototype has developed in two directions. Type I : 
A glide arose between / and h similar to that in borough from 
O.E. burk t buruh and spelt in the same fashion. This accounts 
for the modern official form. Type II : The h was dropped 
between the / and the /; afterwards an ^-glide developed before 
the /which then disappeared. The old spellings and the modern 
pronunciation illustrate the latter line of change. 



1086 -L T . , ,\ D.B. 

1291 Herdebi, Tax. Eccles. 
1302 Hordeby, F.A. 

The additional r in the second D.B. form is due to a blunder. 
The name stands for O.E. heorda by(r), "the herdsmen's dwelling," 
from Mercian heorde, " a herd/' and Scand. byr, " dwelling." The 
o in the F.A. spelling is a M.E. representative of older eo. The 
phonetic development of the name is regular : d is lost between 
two consonants, er becomes ar (Phonology, 8). 


1086 Herewelle, D.B. 
1227-77 Herewell, Non. Inq. 


The etymology of this name is uncertain. Various suggestions 
of a more or less convincing nature can be offered. 

(1) The first element looks like O.E. here, "army, band 
of thieves," in a special sense "the Danish army." It is not 
unlikely that this spring (well) took its name from the fact that 
an army of the Norsemen once camped near it on one of the 
numerous plundering expeditions mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle. If this suggestion is accepted, the meaning of the 
pi. n. would be <zt pare here welle, " at the spring or brook of the 
Danish army." Similar names are found on the continent. 
Forstemann (ll) records O.H.G. Heribrunnum, Herihurnon. 

(2) The adjective heoru-weallende, " fiercely boiling," occurs 
in O.E. poetry and might very well be applied to a spring or 
brook. A similar compound heoru-well, "the fiercely boiling 
spring," is a possible ancestor of the modern name. There is 
nothing extraordinary in the suggestion of a fierce and raging 
well or stream of water. Several brooks called Wuodaha in 
O.H.G., modern Wutacfr, meaning "raging brook," are found 
in Germany. 

The phonetic development is regular. The alternative 
spelling represents an attempt at popular etymology. 

HARWORTH [haere]?] (Harroth, Hope). 

1086 Hareworde, D.B. 

1278 Harewurh, H.R. 

1346 Hareworth, F.A. 

From O.E. Hearanweorp, " the homestead of Hear a" The 
pers. n. involved is recorded once in the Onomasticon. The 
final h in the H.R. spelling is an unsuccessful attempt by the 
Norman scribe to render the unfamiliar spirant p. 

HATFIELD (under Norton). 

1278 Haytfeld, H.R. 

1291 Hattefeld, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

1 See Schroder, p. 8. I do not agree with the interpretation of this name as 
"producing rage, or madness." What the idea underlying the creation of this name 
was, may be gathered from the following quotation from Grabbe's " Hermannschlacht " 
(Zweiter Tag) : " Helft doch unserer armen Retlage. Sie wollen den Bach 
iiberschreiten, und so klein er ist, wehrt er sich und schwillt ganz drgerlich auf\ " 


1332 ^Hadfeld > For. Rec. ed. Stevenson, p. 399. 

(Hatfeld j 
1571 Hatfield, Index. 

O.K. hapftld, " the heathy field, or plain." The H.R. spelling 
distinctly points to influence of Scand. heiftr, " heath." The a 
of the modern form is the result of early shortening of O.K. ^ 
before the combination tf. The stopping of the open J) before 
/is a curious feature. Mr Duignan gives the same explanation 
for the Staffs. Hatfield. The pi. n. spelt Hceftfeld in Bede is 
modern Hatfield. 

Hatfield is now the name of two farms in** Norton, but 
originally it was applied to the district in the north of the 
county marked by sand and fen. It is, therefore, clear that the 
O.K. k&p feld was first employed to designate the whole plain, 
and that the village which sprang up in it became known as m 
ha}) fMe, " in the heath field." 


Type I. 

1086 Hoctun, D.B. 
(Hoctune) T , 
1203 jOcton } IndeX - 
1278 Hockton, H.R. 

Type II. 
1375 Hoghton, Index. 

"The tun or farm of Hoc'.' Although there is no sign of 
a genitive termination, I take the first element to be the 
Scandinavian man's name Hauk(r\ anglicised to Hoc. The 
phonetic changes resulting in the modern form are in accordance 
with general rules. O.K. Hok(r}tun (perhaps containing the 
Scand. genitival r, see Bjorkman, p. 184) > Hoktun with shorten- 
ing of o before kt (Phonology, i); this is Type I. Before /, 
k was opened, developing into h (Phonology, 20), a change 
which led to Type II and eventually to the modern form. On 
au for M.E. ou see Phonology, 9. 

M. 5 



Type I. 
1189 Houkeswarda, P.R. 

Type II. 
1086 Hochesuorde, D.B. 

(Hokeworth ) . 
1302 \ F.A. 


"The homestead of Hauk(r) or Hoc" Type I and the 
present-day spelling exhibit the Scandinavian pers. n. in its 
more primitive shape. The diphthong ou was anglicised to o 
which is found in Type II. On modern au for M.E. ou see 
Phonology, 9. 


Type I. 
1086 Holtone, D.B. 

Type II. 

1086 Houtune, D.B. 
1227-77 I f Non. Inq. 

1291 | Houton < Tax. Eccles. 
1302 ( F.A. 

Type III. 

1270 Hautone, Index. 

O.K. holt-tun, "the dwelling in the wood," from O.K. holt, 
"holt, wood." The name is identical in meaning with the 
numerous Woottons < wudu tun. In Type I, the original / is 
preserved ; between it and the preceding o, an ?/-glide arose. 
The / then disappeared (see Phonology, 9). In M.E., the ou 
of Type II soon developed into au, giving rise to Type III 
which is represented by the modern spelling (see Phonology, 



1154-89 Haythona, Index. 

1278 ) __ (H.R. 

\ Hay ton L. 
1327-77] (Non. Inq. 

1428 Heyton, F.A. 

Probably heift tiin, "the farm in the heath." The first 
element is Scand. heift(r\ the cognate of O.E. fazp, " heath." 



Haywood stands for M.E. hey wood, "a fenced in or enclosed 
wood"; O.E. he^e, a derivative of O.K. haga, means "a hedge, 

HAZELFORD FERRY [haezlfad]. 

1278 Hesilford, H.R. 

The meaning is obvious. In northern M.E., the name of the 
plant involved was hesel, from Scand. hesli, "a collection of 
hazels." See Rygh, N. Gaardnavne, p. 57. The latter form is 
found in the spelling of 1278. This probably is the correct form, 
whereas the modern name has been influenced by the Standard 
English variant hazel. In White's Directory (1853), the name 
is spelt " Heaselford," ea representing M.E. from older e in 
open syllable. 

HEADON [hidn]. 

1086 Hedune, D.B. 
1302 Hedun, F.A. 
1362 Hedon, Index. 

O.E. at ]?&re hean dune, " at the high hill." The n of the 
weak dative must have been lost at a very early period (Sweet, 
N.E. Gr. 1030-33). O.E. dun, " hill," is the ancestor of modern 
down, " open high land." 

HECK DYKE (brook). 

The second part is O.E. die, "ditch," see Bycardyke. I cannot 
explain the first element. 

HEDGROVE (in Southwell). 

No early forms. It is possible that the name stands for 
hedge grove [hed} grouv], with loss of the middle consonant [3] ; 
cf. Phonology, 12. 

HEMPSHILL [hemsel]. 

Type L 

1086 Hamessel, D.B. 
1275 Hamdisel \ 
1278 Homeshullj 



Type II. 

(a) c. 1200 Hemdeshill, Woll. MSS. 

1216-1307 Hemdeshil, Testa de N. 
1275 Hemdeshyll, H.R. 

(b) 1209-10 Hindeshull, P.R. 

(c) 1702 Hempsall, Index. 

The first element has the appearance of a man's name in the 
genitive case. The second seems to stand for either O.E. (W. 
Sax.) sett, (Northern) seftel, stld, " seat, abode, residence," or O.E. 
hyll, "hill." The spellings under Type II b and c are influenced 
by analogy of hind, "female deer," and of hemp, the plant, 


1217 Heselay, Index. 

" The hazel lea, or open field." The first element is Scandi- 
navian kesliy " hazel grove," see Hazelford. 

HlCKLING [iklirj]. 

Hegelinge j 
1284 Hickelinge, F.A. 
1291 Hiding, Tax. Eccles. 

An O.E. patronymic : at (H)iclingum, " at the dwelling-place 
of the family of Hiceir The Iclingas were a noble family to 
whom St Guthlac belonged. It is, however, by no means certain 
that Hickling was a settlement of that particular clan. The 
descendants of any man called Hicel would be styled Hicelingas. 

The e in the D.B. forms stands for O.E. i according to a 
frequent practice of Anglo-Norman scribes (see Stolze, 9). 


^ ( Hocretune \ 
1086 \ _ I D.B. 

1 Ocreton J 

c. 1 200 Hocretona, Index. 
1302 Hokyrton, F.A. 

"The tun or homestead of Hoc" This pers. n. is Scandi- 
navian in origin (see Hawkswortk). The r represents the Norse 
genitival ending (see Bjorkman, p. 184). 



Type L 

1086 Odesach, D.B. 
1302 Hodesak \ 

1316 Hoddisack I F.A. 

1346 Hodelake (sicl)) 

Type II. 
1278 Hoddeshock, Inq. P.M. II. 

The second element of this pi. n. is O.K. dc, " oak " ; the first 
is a pers. n., probably Scandinavian Oddi. The h may be due 
to influence of the O.K. pers. ns. Hod, Hoda, Hodo (Onomasticon) ; 
it is more likely, however, that it is a mere inorganic addition, 
initial h being a very unstable element in this dialect (see 
Phonology, 19). 

The vowel of O.K. dc was shortened at two different periods 
in the unstressed syllable : (i) In O.K. times ; result a, Type I. 
(2) In M.E. ; result o (< <?), Type II and modern spelling. The 
second h of Type II is due to confusion with hoc, "a heel, pro- 

N.B. It may be mentioned here that Hodesac is found in an 
O.K. charter (Cart. Sax. 1282) among Worcestershire field names 
and boundaries. 

1329 Holbeck, Index. 

" The brook in the hollow." From O.K. holh, " hollow," and 
Scand. bekk(r), " a brook." The termination -beach goes back to 
O.K. bcec, with palatalised c, the native equivalent of bekkr. This 
word is found in pi. ns. ending in batch, bach, beach, and is discussed 
at length by Professor Skeat in his PL Ns. of Cambs. (pp. 44 sq.). 

It is impossible to say whether the O.K. or Scand. form was 
the original one. 

The vocalisation of / is treated elsewhere (Phonology, 9). 


c. 1 200 Olm, Index. 
1316 Holme, F.A. 

This common English pi. n. is derived from Scand. holm(r). 
Its meaning is " island in river, land rising from water." There 


is an open pasture on the Trent bank at Normanton called " the 
Holme." The above pi. n. seems to have had the same meaning 


1086 Holmo, D.B. 
1302 Holm, F.A. 

For the meaning of M.E. holm see the preceding name. The 
final o in D.B. is remarkable ; I do not pretend to be able to 
explain it. 

The distinctive addition is due to the fact, that the Pierre- 
pont family of Norman descent, now the Earls Manvers, owned 
and still own the manor : " Annora de Perpunt tenet manerium 
de Holm? F.A. 1302. 

HORSEPOOL (now the name of a decayed farm near 

1086 Horspol, D.B. 

1302 Horppol (sic\)\ 

1316 Horspol J 

The name explains itself. 



Type L 

(a) 1278 OfTringham, H.R. 

. 1428 Overyngham, F.A. 
1535-43 Oringgam, Leland. 

(b) 1086 Horingeham, D.B. 
1278 Hofrungham, H.R. 
1316 Horingham, F.A. 

Type II. 

1346 Heveringham | 
1428 Heveryngham J 

From O.K. Eoforinga ham, " the home or village of the 
family of Eofor" Type II shows the regular descendant of 
O.K. eo y which is e. The presence of o in Type I is probably the 
result of a peculiar development of O.E. eo before a labial (v) in 


the dialect. The Scand. man's name lofr, the equivalent of 
Eofor which, by the way, means " boar " may have influenced 
the first element, just as it did in the pi. n. York (see Place Names 
of the W. Riding, p. i). 

The addition of an inorganic initial h (Type I b, Type II) 
cannot surprise us (see Phonology, 19). 

The same patronymic name occurs on the continent. 
Ebringen (Breisgau) goes back to O.H.G. Eburingen, and 
Everghem, near Ghent, is derived from O. Low Germ. Everinge- 
hem (Forstemann, I and II). 


_^ , Hochenale 
1086 \ ... 

i D.B. 

1190 Hukenhall, Woll. MSS. 

1216-1307 Hukenhall, Testa de N. 

1284 Hukenall \ 

1302 Huckenale Torkard > F.A. 

1316 Hokenall 

1327-77 Hukenhale, Inq. P.M. II. 

O.K. &t Huc(c)an heale, f< at or in the valley of Hucca^ This 
pers. n. is recorded in the Onomasticon as Hue and Hucco. It 
seems to be a short or " pet" form of a full name beginning with 

The distinctive addition owes its origin to the fact that 
the manor was once held by the Norman family of Torkard: 
"Johannes Torkard tenet in Hukenatt" F.A. 1284. 


c. 1500 Durty Hucknall, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1611 Hucknoll Huthwaite, Index. 
1704 Dirty Hucknall. Quoted by Horner Groves, 
Hist, of Mansfield, from parish register 
(p. 170). 

See preceding and following names. The flattering addition 
of dirty (M.E. dritig, from Scandinavian, see Bjorkman, Scand. 
Loan Words) is probably due to the former condition of the 


roads and the surrounding country. I am told that whereas 
Hucknall-T. stands on limestone, which absorbs water quickly, 
this village is situated chiefly on clay. 

HUTHWAITE [hajnveit], now the official name of the place 

Probably a late settlement, as is shown by the Scand. origin 
of the second element, frveit, " piece of land, an outlying cottage 
with its paddock " (Vigf.). The first element may be the pers. n. 
taken from the neighbouring Hucknall : Hucfrwait > Huthwaite 
by assimilation of kp to ./>(./>). 

IDLE (river). 

627 Idla, Beda, Hist. Eccles. 
1302 Yddil, Index. 

The second element may be O.K. ea, e^e, "water, stream," 
which was lost entirely as in Greet, Blyth (q.v.). If that is so, 
I would suggest that the first element was O.E. Idel. The 
recorded meanings of this adjective " empty, desolate, useless " 
do not seem to be applicable to a river. It is, however, 
believed by some scholars that the original sense was " shining, 
brilliant," it being related to Greek aWco (see Kluge's and 
Hirt's Etym. Dictionaries, s.v. eitel). If that is so, the sense of 
O.E. seo Idele ea would be " the bright, clear river." 



1086 Calun, D.B. 

89 \ __ . ( P.R. 
1 Kelum ' 

1225 J A I Bor. Rec. 

1227-77 Kelm, Non. Inq. 

1244 | T f Index. 

* > Kelum 1 _, A 
1302 J ( F.A. 

1316 Kelme, F.A. 

1350 Kelom "I 

1453 Kelum j- Index. 

1578 Kellam J 

From O.E. at celdum, " at the water-courses." This name 
corresponds to the Latin aquis. The initial ^-sound proves that 
the noun involved is derived from the Scandinavian language, 


O.N. kelda, " well, spring, brook flowing from a spring." The 
modern spelling in -ham is due to false analogy with pi. ns. 
ending in O.K. ham, " home." 

The same meaning attaches to the neighbouring Averham 


Type I. 

1086 Cherveshale, D.B. 
Type II. 

1 302 Kyrneshall { F A 

1316 Kyrnissale f 

The second element is O.K. healh (dative heale), "a valley." 
The pers. n. contained in the first element cannot be determined 
with accuracy. The v in D.B. may be a misreading for u, which 
in turn might stand for n ; if that be so, Type I would be the 
same as Type II. The latter may contain the O.K. male name 
Crin or Crina, recorded in the Onomasticon. Metathesis of r is 
frequently met with in this dialect (Phonology, 15). er in the 
modern form is a mere spelling variant for ir, both representing 
the same sound in present-day English. 

KEYWORTH [locally : kjua)?; otherwise: klwA}>]. 

Type I. 
1086 Caworde, D.B. 

Type II. 

1200 Kyeword, Cal. Rot. Chart. 
1216-1307 Kewurch, Testa de N. 
c. 1294 Keword, Woll. MSS. 

{Kewrth \ 
Kewrht I F.A. 
Keworth J 
1637 Kyworth, Map in Camden. 

The D.B. scribe seems to have mistaken the first element for 
the pers. n. Cawa, Ceawa. I take this name to stand for O.K. 
cyworfr, " the cow enclosure, or farm." cy represents either the 
genitive singular or the nominative plural of O.E. cu t "cow." 
The spellings show that by the year 1200 the accent has been 


shifted from the y to the u developed out of the w. After this 
change, the y (i) degenerated into a mere palatal glide [ j]. With 
these sound-changes may be compared the analogous history of 
modern English ewe< O.E. eowu. The combination ey in the 
modern form is a mere spelling device to express this glide, 
which is represented by e or y in earlier records. The polite pro- 
nunciation is based entirely on the written form, whereas locally 
the etymologically correct form survives. 


, f Chilvintun ) 
1086 ^ _, . . \ D.B. 

( Chelvmctone J 

1291 Kilington, Tax. Eccl. 

1302 Kylvington 

1428 Kylyngton 

1637 Skillington, Map in Camden 

From O.E. Cylfinga tun, " the tun or homestead of Cylfds 
descendants." The c in the second D.B. spelling clearly demon- 
strates that a patronymic name forms the first element. Cylfa 
is once recorded in the Onomasticon. From a number of early 
forms it would appear that the v was dropped at an early period 
in pronunciation but retained in writing. From this fact one 
would expect the local pronunciation to be [killintn, killirjtn]. 
The initial 5 of Camden's map must be due to a blunder. 


- f Chinemareleie ) _, 
1086 \ _, . ,. \ D.B. 

I Chinemarelie ) 

c. 1200 Kinemarle, Woll. MSS. 

1227-77 Kymm'ley, Non. Inq. 

1291 Kynmarley, Tax. Eccles. 

1316 Kynmarleye j pA 

1428 Kymerley j 

1589 Kymmerley alias Kymberley, Index. 
O.E. Cyneni&res leak, " the field or open country of Cynem&r." 
It is remarkable that the genitival s is absent from all the early 
spellings. The phonetic history can be easily traced through 
the centuries, and affords instructive examples of the various 
processes of shortening and assimilation to which pi. ns. are liable. 



Type L 
1086 Chinestan, D.B. 

1216-72 J . / v f Index. 

_ > Kyn(n)estan \ T _ _ , 
1256 J I Inq. P.M. I. 

1291 Kynstan, Tax. Eccles. 

1302 Kyneston| FA 

1 346 Kynston j 

1637 Kynston, Map in Camden. 

Type IL 
1592 Kyngston, Index. 

O.E. cyne-stdn, " royal stone." The first element is the O.E. 
adj. cyne-, " royal," which occurs in compounds. I am unable to 
say what the "royal stone" involved was, or why it was so 
named. It must be remembered that in O.E. times, the title of 
"king" was applied not only to the rulers of large dominions 
but also to the petty chiefs of minor clans ; hence its frequent 
use as a modern surname. In fact, the word originally had the 
wide meaning of "nobleman, one of a noble family" (see 
Kluge, Etymol. Worterbuch, s.v. Konig}. 

The change from a to o in the ending is not due to phonetic 
development but to erroneous etymology, the s being considered 
the genitival ending of some pers. n. preceding the more familiar 
ton y O.E. tun. Thoroton the historian must have been labouring 
under the same delusion when he explains the name as, "So 
called, probably, from an Owner, as most Towns of that termina- 
tion, in this County, generally." 

Popular etymology is also responsible for the change from 
Type I to Type II. 


1086 Chineltune, D.B. 
1152 Cheneldestoa, Index. 

1284 Kynalton ) . 

,, . } -b.A. 
1302 Kynolton J 

O.E. Cynewealdes tun, "the farmstead of Cyneweald" This 
is an example of the complete loss of the genitival s which is 



preserved only in the most archaic form. The phonetic develop- 
ment is regular (see Phonology, 18 ; 9). 

The final a for n of the Index is, of course, a scribal mistake. 


1086 Chirchebi, D.B. 

r Kirkeby ^ 
1 240] Kirkby I Bor. Rec. 

I Kyrkeby J 
1302 Kirkeby 

1316 Kirkeby super Asshefeld 
A Norse name, of which many instances are found both in 
England and in Scandinavia : " the church village," from O.N. 
kirkja and by(r\ It may be remarked here that the combination 
ch in D.B. does not express the sound of ch in modern English 
church, but represents k before palatal vowels (Stolze, 40, I, 2). 
The distinctive addition refers to the district in which the 
village is situated : O.E. cesc fild, " the field or plain of the ash- 


Type I. 

1086 Cherlington, D.B. 
1291 Kirtelyngton, Tax. Eccles. 
1302 Kyrtelington | . 
1428 Kyrtelynton ) 
c. 1500 Kyrtelyngton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type II. 
1346 Kyrkelington, F.A. 

1437 ) __. . f Index. 

* 0/ [ Kirklmgton \ , _ , , 
c. 1500] (Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The dwelling-place of the family of Cyrtel" O.E. Cyrtelinga 
tun. The pers. n. involved is discussed under Costock. It is 
formed from a name Curt by addition of the diminutive ending 
il which caused mutation of the preceding vowel. 

The change from tl to kl may be due to purely phonetic 
forces. However, the analogy of the independent word kirk may 
have had some influence in rendering Type II the predominant 


The Yorks. pi. n. Kertlington is spelt Kirtlington and Kirk- 
lington in Cal. Inq. P.M. temp. Edw. I. It seems to contain the 
same patronymic. 


Type L 

1086 Circeton, D.B. 

Type II. 
1086 Chircheton, D.B. 

c. 1200 1 v , f Index. 

, \ Kyrketon \ 
1316) { F.A. 

( Kyrkton 
C - I50 lKyrton 

"The church town, or village." Type I is entirely English 
in character, whereas Type II substitutes Scand. kirkja for the 
cognate Anglo-Saxon cirice. In D.B. c before palatal vowels 
is used to render the sound of modern English ch [t/], whereas 
ch in the same position stands for k (see Stolze, 40, I, and 
cp. Kirkby). 

KNAPTHORPE (under Caunton). 

1086 Chenapetorp, D.B. 
1278 Konaptorp, H.R. 
1302 Knapthorp, F.A. 

"The hamlet of Knapp, or Knappi" This pers. n. is not 
given by Dr Bjorkman. However, the second element of the 
pi. n. fcorp being of Scand. origin, it is safe to conclude that the 
first too comes from the same source. Rygh (G. Pers. Nav. 
p. 161) gives examples of the occurrence of Knappr, Knappi in 
O.N. pi. ns. 

It might also be suggested that this name contained the 
O.K. substantive cnap(p), "top, mountain top," M.E. knape^. 
I am, however, strongly in favour of the first interpretation. 

The vowels e, o between the k and n were put in by the 
Normans who found it impossible to pronounce the two con- 
sonants in this combination. 

1 Leland says of Belvoir Castle that it "standith on the very Knape of an highe 


KNEESALL [nlsa] (Kneaser, Hope). 

1086 Cheneshale, D.B. 

1189 Cneeshala, P.R. 

1230 Keneshale, Index. 

1278 Kneshale, H.R. 

1302 Kneshall | 

1316 Kneshale j 

The second element is O.E. healk, " valley." I cannot explain 
the first, although I suspect it to stand for O.E. Cnihtes, or 
cnihtes, the genitive of either the pers. n. Cnikt, or the identical 
noun meaning "boy, servant, attendant, retainer." If it could 
be proved that the genuine development of O.E. ih in this dialect 
was late M.E. I, this theory would receive considerable support. 
The Dial. Grammar is too untrustworthy a guide to be relied 
upon in such cases. I have been informed that old people in 
the district say [nit] for night, but have never been able to 
establish this fact beyond doubt. The voiceless s in the pro- 
nunciation recorded above would seem to point back to early 
M.E. ts (cp. Cossal). 

The vowel-glide between the k and the n in Norman 
documents is explained elsewhere (see Knapthorpe ; and the 
following name). 


Type I. 
1695 Knighton, Map in Camden. 

Type II. 

1086 Chenivetone, D.B. 
C.U90 Chnivetunl Wo 
c. 1210 Knltona ) 
1284 Knyveton, F.A. 
1291 Kenyveton, Tax. Eccles. 

O.E. cnihta tun, " the farmstead, or settlement of the servants." 
The exact sense in which the O.E. cniht is used here is obscure. 
Originally it meant " servant," as its German cognate Knecht 
still does. In course of time, the O.E. word assumed a 
different meaning, being applied to the retainers of a king or 


powerful lord whom they served as warriors, or men-at-arms. 
They belonged to a new nobility, ranking above the lower orders 
from which they had sprung. The word is, however, most 
certainly not used here in its still further specialised M.E. sense, 
that of " chevalier." Isaac Taylor (Engl. Village Names, 3) 
counts fifteen villages called Knighton in England. 

On modern ee [I] for O.E. ih see preceding name. 

The v of Type II remains to be explained. I take it to 
represent the faint palatal open consonant of the early M.E. 
Knighton, as it appeared to the Normans who were unfamiliar 
with that sound (see Zachrisson, pp. 119 sqq.). 

Considering that the mediaeval documents were often written 
by foreigners, and were moreover copied one from another, it is 
not surprising that so late an authority as Camden should furnish 
us with the most useful spelling. 


1086 Lambeleia, D.B. 

1316 Lameleye, F.A. 
" Lamb lea, or field." O.E. lamb leak. 


Type I. 
1086 Lanbecotes, D.B. 

Type II. 

1086 Lanbecote, D.B. 
1316 Lambecote, F.A. 

O.E. lamb cotas, " the lamb cotes " (Type I), cet lamb cotum, 
" at the lamb cotes " (Type II); mb is often spelt nb in D.B. ; see 
early forms of Clumber, and Cromwell. 


1086 Lanun, D.B. 

i278) T l H.R. 

. [ Lanum < _ A 
1316] j F.A. 

O.E. at lanum, " at the lanes," dat. pi. of lane, " lane, street, 
narrow way between hedges or banks." The modern spelling is 
another instance of the O.E. dat. pi. ending -um being mistaken 
for ham, " home." 



1086 ) f D.B. 

c.iic4 Langare lWoll. MSS. 
1241 Langar, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

1302 ) f F.A, 

[ Langer \ ,, 
1637 j { Map in Camden. 

O.K. se langagdr, " the long triangular strip of land." The 
second element gar corresponds to the O.H.G. g$ro, modern 
German Gehre, which is encountered in numerous field names 
throughout Northern Germany. It is discussed at length by 
Dr Jellinghaus (p. 283). The modern Engl. equivalent is gore, 
"a triangular piece of land." 


1086 Landeforde, D.B. 

1302 I 

1346 \ Landeford, F.A. 


1470 Lanford 

1472 Lan forth 


1555 Landford 

"The ford leading to the plough-lands." The change of 
n (< nd) to ng [n] is very remarkable. It did not take place 
until a comparatively late period. The dialect word lang, 
" long," may have had some influence. 

O.K. land has the special sense of " cultivated land, estate." 
There was a pi. n. called Lanfurt in Friesland (Forstemann, n) 
which contained the same element, land, meaning " ager, rus." 

The spelling in -forth (1472) betrays influence of Scand. 


1291 Langwaith, Cal. Rot. Chart. 
1571 Langwith, Index. 

It is impossible to say whether the second element stands for 
Scand. vaft, " a wading place, ford," or for viSr, " tree, wood, 
forest." See other examples of this confusion under VaS and 
ViSr, pp. 394 and 395 of Lanes. PI. Ns. However, I feel 


inclined to explain the name , as meaning " long ford." For 
such a name there are several analogies : Langwith Wood, 
Yorks., appears as " Haya (an enclosed wood) de Langwath " 
in 1286 (Index), and there is a Longford in Lanes. 


Type I. 

(a) 1086 Laxintune, D.B. 
1278 Lexington, H.R. 

c. 1300 Lexinton, Index. 

(b) 1278 Lessinton, H.R. 

Type II. 

1201 ) , f Tax. Eccles. 

\ Laxton \ TT 
1302] (H.R. 

" The tun or homestead of Leaxa, or the Leaxings" This 
pers. n. is found once in O.E., in the Index to Kemble's Cod. 
Dipl. as first element of a pi. n. : Leaxan oc, " the oak of Leaxa'' 
The phonetic development can be traced through the early 
spellings without difficulty. The ss < ks of Type I b distinctly 
points to Norman influence. 

LEAKE (East or Great L., and West or Little L.). 

1086 1 D.B. 

| Leche j 

1227-77 Leyk, Non. Inq. 
( Esterlek ) 

1302 < . * i > F.A. 

( Westerleke j 

., ( Esterleak ) ,, . ~ . 
J ^37 ( , i -t r Map in Camden. 
{ Westerleak J 

" At the brook." The name is derived from an O.N. word 
fykr, " a brook, rivulet," which is a cognate of O.E. lacu, " lake, 
running water," and connected with modern Engl. to leak. The 
village of East Leake is situated in a hollow of the South 
Wolds through which a small rivulet flows. 
LEEN (river). 

c. 1200 Liene, Woll. MSS. 

1 535-43 Line Ryver, Leland, I, 103. 
1637 Lin, Camden, p. 547. 
M. 6 

82 LEEN 

Apparently a Celtic river-name. There is a river Len in 
Kent, and we also find a Leenane in co. Galway, a Leane in 
co. Kerry, and a Leanane in co. Donegal. See Stevenson, 
Asser's Life of King Alfred, p. 318, where a similar river-name 
is discussed. 

The name Lenbach is found on Bavarian territory. 


1086 Lentune, D.B. 

1189 ) T f Nott'm Charter. 

' \ Lenton \ _ . 
1291 J ( Index. 

Linton ) _ 

T r Camden, p. 547. 

Lenton j 

" The tun, or settlement on the river Leen." See Leen. 

LEVERTON (North and South). 

Type I. 
1086 Cledretone, D.B. 

Type II. 

(a) 1086 Legretune, D.B. 

c. 1 200 Legherton, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

I 27 8 f ff e f " I H.R. 
[ Sudleg ton J 

(b) 1189 Leirton, P.R. 
1216-1307 Leyrton, Testa de N. 
1281 Norhtleyrton, Inq. P.M. I. 

Type III. 
1173-4 Leuerton, P.R. 

The etymology of this name is very obscure. Type III, 
which may be the most reliable spelling, looks as if it were 
derived from an O.E. compound Leofhere(s) tun. The same 
personal name seems to be contained in " Liverpool," see PI. Ns. 
of Lanes. 

For a possible explanation of the relations between d [S], g, 
and z;, in Norman spelling see discussion under Averham. 


LiDE (more correctly Lythe} (Wapentake, now part of the 
hundred of Thurgarton). 

Type I. 

1086 Lide Wap, D.B. 

Wapentakium de...Lith, F.A. 
Lythe, Thoroton. 

Type II. 

1278 Lye, H.R. 

(Thurgarton a) Lee, Thoroton. 

This name seems to be that of a river. Perhaps from O.K. 
li]?e ea, " the gentle stream." Itpe is identical with modern 
Germ, linde, both meaning " mild, calm, gentle, pleasant." The 
adjective was occasionally applied to flowing water, as in a M.E, 
version of the Psalter, quoted in N.E.D., s.v. lithe : " His stremes 
leften lithe " (et siluerunt fluctus ejus, cvi. 29). 

See Blyth, which has the same meaning. 

The loss of intervocalic & (Type II) is a regular feature. 

LlMPOOL (under Harworth). 

c. 1500 Lympole, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Probably from O.E. at lind pole, "at the pool of the lime- 


1086 Lidebi, D.B. 
1316 Lyndebi, F.A. 

O.E. lind by(r), "the dwelling near the lime-trees." From 
O.E. lind, " lime-tree," and Scand. by(r\ " a dwelling, village." 

The D.B. scribes frequently omit n before other dental 
consonants (Stolze, 32); this is due to a peculiarity of their 
Norman-French pronunciation : the i in the above spelling was 
nasalised, and the consonant n dropped. 


Type I. 

1535 Litilborowe, Valor Eccles. 



Type II. 

1086 Litelburg, D.B. 
1428 Lytilburgh, F.A. 
1535 Litilbrugh, Valor Eccles. 
1637 Lyttleburgh, Map in Camden. 

"The small fortified place, the small Roman fort." The 
word O.E. burh is often applied to old fortifications especially 
of Roman origin. It is constantly used of Rome itself, of London 
and other walled cities. Littleborough is generally believed to 
stand on or near the site of the Roman station Agelocum or 
Segelocum. Cp. Brough. 

Type II represents the O.E. nominative lytlo bur(u)h, whereas 
Type I stands for the dative at bare lytlan bury^ with u for y 
by analogy of the nom. and accus. cases, Sievers, 284, anm. 4. 


1086 ) _ ,( D.B. 
\ Lund \ TT _. 
1278) (H.R. 

1302 Lound, F.A. 

"The wood, copse." From Scand. lundr, "wood, copse." 
The lengthening of the u before nd took place in England after 
the word was introduced into the language. This word enters 
into the composition of numerous pi. ns. both in Scandinavia 
and in the Norse districts of Great Britain. It is also found as 
an independent word in various forms in the English dialects. 

The name of the university town of Lund in Southern 
Sweden is identical in origin. 

LOWDHAM [laudm]. 

1086 Ludeham, D.B. 
c. 1170 Ludam ) 
c. 1 200 Ludham j 

1278] - .. ( H.R. 

> Ludham * ^ ,-, , 
1291 j I Tax. Eccles. 

1302 Loudham, F.A. 
1637 Lewdham, Map in Camden. 

This name cannot be explained with any degree of certainty. 
The first element may contain the O.E. pers. n. Luda, which 


seems to be an abbreviated variant of a full name beginning 
with Lud, Leod-, such as Ludhere, Leodm&r etc. Ludan ham 
would mean " the homestead of Luda." 

Camden's spelling looks very suspicious. It is most probably 
a mere blunder. 

It might also be suggested that the first element was O.K. 
hlud, " loud," which I take to mean " stormy, windy " as well : 
cp. O.K. hlyda, a name for the month of March, derived from 
hlud, "windy," and therefore identical with the ventdse of the 
French revolutionary calendar. " The stormy-homestead " seems 
to possess a parallel in the O.H.G. Hludinhusir (Forstemann) 
which may mean " at the stormy houses," but the first element 
may equally well be a pers. n. in the genitive case. Cp. Bleasby. 


1637 Lyndhurst Wood, Map in Camden. 
Formerly a wood and part of the forest. The meaning is 
obvious : " Lime-wood," from O.E. lind, " lime-tree," and hyrst, 
" a wood, copse, grove." 


Type I. 


(a) 1086 Mamesfelde, D.B. 
1163 Mammesfeld, Index. 

1291 \ ( Tax. Eccles. 

Mamesfeld _ . 

_ . 

(b) 1291 Mannesfeld, Tax. Eccles. 


(a) 1189 Mamefeld, P.R. 
(b} 1278 Man'efeld, H.R. 

Type II. 

(a) 1086 Mammesfed, D.B. 

(b) 1227-77 Maunnesfeld, Non. Inq. 
1278 Maunsfewd, H.R. 

1428 Maunsfeld, F.A. 

1564 Mawnsfeld, Index. 

1657 Maunsfeld, Map in Camden. 


(a) 1249 Malmefeud, Inq. P.M. I. 

The O.K. prototype of this name was Mammesfeld (Types I A 
and II A), of which a variant Mamman feld (Types I B and II B) 
existed. These O.E. prototypes of which, as will appear later, 
the latter was probably the more original one, are most faithfully 
preserved by the Index spelling of 1163, and the P.R. of 1189 

The name developed on two different lines among the English 
and the Norman-French communities. Type I, the native form, 
survived eventually in the pi. n.; Type II, characterised by the 
development of a u between a and n (Phonology, n), and the 
vocalisation or disappearance of /(cp. Zachrisson, pp. 146 sqq.) 1 , 
owes its origin to the peculiarities of Norman-French pronuncia- 
tion. From the latter type, the name of the river on which 
Mansfield stands is taken ; it is therefore wrong to say that the 
town derives its name from the river, just the opposite being the 
case (see Maun). 

In both types we perceive the change from medial m to n ; 
those forms marked (a) contain the former, those marked (b) the 
latter consonant. This development may be due to several 
causes acting simultaneously. 

(1) Dissimilation of the sequence m mf\ two consecutive 
m's followed by f are difficult to pronounce. This applies 
especially to Norman-French speakers (see Zachrisson, pp. 120 

(2) The vowel between the m and the s must have disappeared 
very early, at least in pronunciation if not in spelling. In the 
combination ms, s would exercise a very strong assimilatory 
influence upon the preceding nasal. 

(3) Popular etymology connected the first element with the 
word man. 

Having explained the development of the name through M.E. 
and modern times as exemplified by the variety of early spellings, 
we may now return to the original O.E. form. The meaning of 

1 / having become u in Anglo-Norman, al could be written for au as in Malmefeud 
(Type II B, a). 


Mammes fttd is obvious : " the plain of Mamma" This name 
applied to the whole district, the town, or rather the original 
settlement being called " on Mammes /tide? The final e of the 
D.B. form (Type I A, a) may be regarded as the last and only 
trace of the O.K. dative ending. As has already been said 
Mamman feld was probably more original than the -es type. 
The pers. n. Mamma should follow the weak declension, and 
must have done so originally ; however, as was shown in the 
case of Annesley (q.v.), the ending an was replaced by the strong 
es at a very early date in the Midland dialects. 

The pers. n. involved is not recorded in O.K. sources. It 
may, however, be safely inferred to have existed, because it 
occurs among those West Germanic tribes which remained on 
the continent. We find O.H.G. Mamo, Mammo as the names 
of persons, and Mammindorf, modern Mammendorf, Bavaria, as 
the name of a place (Forstemann, l). 

Who the personage was, that gave his name to the plain and 
town, it is impossible to say. It even is not unlikely that he 
never existed except in the imagination of the early settlers. 
The locality may have had a British name, which contained the 
element Mam-, of doubtful meaning and derivation, which is also 
found in the early forms of Manchester. This Mam-, whose 
significance the Anglo-Saxons did not know, would promptly 
be interpreted and used as the pers. n. with which they were 
already acquainted. They did this the more readily, as the 
majority of Teutonic pi. ns. were formed on the principle of 
pers. n. plus designation of locality (see Bradley, Engl. Histor. 
Review, Oct. 1911, p. 823). Similar cases of distortion and mis- 
interpretation of British pi. ns. are cited by Isaac Taylor (Words 
and Places, ch. Xll). 

Apart from the erroneous, but natural derivation of this 
name from that of the river, another different and highly in- 
genious explanation has been offered, namely, that it was bestowed 
upon the locality by the Counts of Mansfeld in Saxony who 
came here to attend at the tournament of King Arthur. It may 
seem a pity to many that the hard facts should destroy so 
romantic a fiction. 



1086 Mennetune, D.B. 

O.E. Manan tun> " the farmstead of Mczna." This pers. n. is 
recorded in the Onomasticon. The long vowel was shortened 
before the combination nt at different periods, which accounts 
for the variation in vowel of the only two recorded spellings 
given above. 


Type I. 

1086 Mapelbec, D.B. 

c. 1300 Mapilbec, Index. 

1302 Mapelbek ) 

1316 Mapulbek j 

f Mapulbeke ) T _, ,, 
c. I50CM __ \ , . h Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
( Malebeke J 

Type II. 

Mapelberg ) 

" The maple brook." From O.E. mapul(treo\ " maple (tree)," 
and O.N. bekkr, "brook, rivulet" (Type I). The small water- 
course on which the village stands is now without an individual 

Type II contains O.E. beorg, "hill, mountain," as second 
element. It is impossible to say whether this represents the 
original name which was later changed to the prevailing 
form. Mapelbeck is, as a matter of fact, situated at the foot of 
a hill which might very well have been called " the maple hill." 
It must, however, be mentioned here that the compilers of D.B. 
are by no means trustworthy guides in matters of etymology, as 
they too frequently employed the expedient of substituting 
more familiar forms for those with which they were not acquainted 
(see Bramcote). 


"The maple spring." The place probably takes its name 
from a spring in that locality, which is also famous for the 
petrifying qualities of its very cold and pure water. 


MARKHAM (East, or Great). 

1086 Marcham, D.B. 

MARKHAM (West). 

1086 Westmarcham, D.B. 

From O.K. mearc ham, "the home or dwelling on the 
boundary." The meaning of O.K. mearc was " boundary, mark, 
district"; it refers to the boundaries of states, but more frequently 
of fields and estates. The word mearc land was used to describe 
the waste land which often formed the boundaries of extensive 
clearings, and it is not impossible that the original Markham 
was situated on the confines of such a district. A political 
boundary may also have been implied, an assumption which is 
rendered likely by the fact that East Markham is situated on 
the watershed ridge of the Trent and Idle, and thus on a 
natural boundary which might easily have become a political 


Type I. 
1086 Marneham, D.B. 

c. 1175 Marnaham, Woll. MSS. 
1302 Marnhame, F.A. 

Type II. 

( Coucher Book of Walley Abbey, 
c. 1 190 Mansham ] _, _ 

Cheetham Soc., 1847, p. 5. 

I take this name to stand for O.E. M&rwines ham, "the 
homestead of MSrwine" a pers. n. recorded in the Onomasticon. 
Type II represents the more natural development of the proto- 
type, with the tf? shortened before rw, and subsequent loss of 
initial w and n before s in the unstressed syllable. In Type I, 
which survived, the same changes took place with the one 
exception that the s instead of the n was dropped. It is very 
likely that the two types go back to two forms of different 
length, and therefore, stress, viz. the nominative and dative 
respectively : M&rwines ham, and <zt M&rwines Jidme, though 
what the exact distribution of accents was I am at present 
unable to suggest (see Wyld, in PL Ns. of Oxf. pp. 5 sqq.). 



1086 Martune, D.B. 

1217 Marton ) . 

., [ Index. 

1216-72 Martun j 

c. 1500 Marton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The boundary farm or enclosure." The first element may 
have been either O.K. m&re, " boundary," or mearc with the same 
meaning. Although the k would readily disappear between r 
and / (Phonology, 12), it is safer to adopt the former alter- 
native in the absence of spellings containing a c or k. The 
word mcere is used exclusively of the boundaries of estates and 
fields. (Lanes. PI. Ns. p. 370.) What was the nature of the 
boundary here referred to, it is impossible to say. See Markham. 

Both modern spellings are due to popular etymology : the 
first owes its existence to the analogy of the Christian name 
Martin, the second to that of the numerous pi. ns. Morton. There 
is, however, some phonetic justification for the former, as the 
unstressed vowel after dental consonants, and more especially if 
followed by another dental, is often pronounced i in English 
dialects (Horn, 149, 2 a). 

Martin forms the north-eastern hamlet of Harworth parish, 
adjoining Bawtry, which is situated in Yorkshire. The boundary 
between the two counties seems thus to go back to a very old 


Type I. 

1086 Madressei(g), D.B. 
1278^ rH.R. 

1316 I Mathersey] F.A. 
1428 ] ( F.A. 

c. 1500 Mathersey, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type II. 

1291 Marsey, Tax. Eccles. 
1335 Mersey, Valor Eccles. 


Type III. 

(a) c. 1500 Madersay, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1535-43 Madersey, Leland. 

(b) c. 1500 Mattesey thorp, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1535 Matersey, Valor Eccles. 

" The island or low-lying water meadow of MczShere" The 
same personal name is contained in the Worcestershire pi. n. 
Madresfield. The second element is O.K. e$e. 

Type I preserves the original most faithfully. The spellings 
under Type II show the regular loss of ft between vowels. If 
this form had survived one would expect the modern pronuncia- 
tion to be [mazi]. Type III, which accounts for the modern 
spelling, arose out of the stopping of ft before r (III a) ; 
the d thus produced was unvoiced during a later period, probably 
from a desire to vary the nature of the sounds which in this 
long word were all voiced. 

The ending sea in the alternative modern spelling is an 
ingenious attempt at etymology. 

The nature of the ground in the neighbourhood, as described 
by Leland, seems to be in accord with the meaning of the suffix. 
He says: "...and a Mile farther I saw the Course on the lifte 
hond of. ..Ryver, over the which I passid by a Bridge of... hard 
at the entering into Madersey Village. Thens I rood a Myle yn 
low wasch and sumwhat fenny Ground...." 

MAUN or MAN (river). 

1300 Main(esheued)* \ Stevenson, Forest 
1332 Mamm(esheued)*/ Records, 399, 401. 
1613 Man, Drayton's Polyolbion. 
c. 1900 Man, or Maun, Ordnance Map. 
* i.e. head of river Maun. 

The name of this river is derived from that of the town 
of Mansfield. Similar "back-formations" are enumerated by 
Dr Bradley in Essays and Studies, I, pp. 32, 33 1 . The variations 

1 "Thus Kimbolton, in Huntingdonshire, is derived from the personal name 
Cynebald ; but the river on which the place stands has been provided by the map- 
makers with the name Kim.... The name of the river Brain is a figment invented to 
account for Braintree." 


in spelling are explained under Mansfield (q.v.) ; ain for an is 
a peculiarly central French development ; see Saundby. 

MEDEN (river) [midn]. 

The termination may be the reduced form of an O.E. amma, 
or a similar word for "stream"; see Witham. I propose to con- 
nect the first part with O.E. meed, " meadow." The meaning 
"meadow stream" seems a most appropriate one for this par- 
ticular water-course. A corresponding O.H.G. Madibah is re- 
corded several times (Forstemann, ll). 


Type I. 

1086 Meringe, D.B. 
1302 Meryng, F.A. 

Type II. 

This is a patronymic name, which is proved by the forms of 
Type II. I believe this to have been O.E. (non- West-Saxon) 
Merwingas, " the family or tribe of the Merwings" (Type II), of 
which Type I is the dative pi. at Merwingum. 

This name is identical with that of the noble family of the 
Merovings, who as a dynasty preceded the Carolings in France 
and North- Western Germany. The original pers. n., of which 
this is the patronymic, must have been W. Germ, mdru, " bright, 
famous " (see Hirt-Weigand, Deutsches Worterb., s.v. Mare). 

The Meringas are mentioned in an O.E. charter (Cod. Dipl. 
809), and the same patronymic occurs in the O.H.G. pi. n. 
Maringen, modern Mohringen (Forstemann, II). The name 
Mating, Mering is frequent in the O.H.G. period, and is repre- 
sented by the modern German surname Mehring. 

Isaac Taylor, in his work entitled "Words and Places," refers 
to the Merovingians in connection with the above pi. n. and gives 
numerous references (ch. VII). 


MERRILS BRIDGE (West Drayton). 

1225 de ponte Miriild ) _, 

1 Bor. Rec. 

1316 Mirielbrigge 

"The bridge by the pleasant slope," O.E. seo myrige helde, 

from myrig, modern " merry/' here used in its old and original 

sense of " pleasant, delightful " as in " Merry England," and 

helde, West-Saxon hielde, " slope, declivity." The O.E. y of the 

first syllable is represented by i in the M.E. forms. The e in 

the modern spelling may be the result of a peculiar dialect 

development of O.E. y, or may be due to the influence of the 

independent word, merry, which comes from the Kentish dialect. 

For an explanation of the final s see BrentshilL 

Merrils Bridge is a very ancient structure situated at the 

foot of a gentle slope. 

MiDDLETHORPE (under Caunton). 

c. 1500 Midelthorp, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1704 Midlethorp, Map. 
The name explains itself. 
MlLNTHORPE (under Norton). 

Probably from M.E. milen thorp, " the mill thorpe or hamlet." 
The O.E. word for a mill is mylen. See Milton. 


Type I. 
1278 Milneton, H.R. 

{Milnton ) T , , 
\ Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
Mylneton j 

Type II. 
1086 Miletune, D.B. 

Type III. 

c. 1500 Molton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

O.E. mylen tun, " the enclosure, or farmstead by the mill." 
See Milnthorpe. . 

Types II and III show loss or assimilation of n between / 
and t. The o of Type III, which probably stands for u, may be 
due to a particular M.E. development of O.E. y after labials. 



I take Mirfieldto stand for O.K. se myrige feld, " the pleasant 
plain, or field." See Merrils Bridge for old meaning of myrige. 

MISSON (Mizon, Hope). 

,. f Misna ) T 

1086 \ _, \ D.B. 

[ Misne j 

1278 Misin, H.R. 

1321 Mysyn | . 

* J } Index. 
1379 Misen J 

1637 Masson, Map in Camden. 

I cannot interpret this name. It seems to contain a river- 
name as first element; the a and e of D.B. seem to stand for 
older ea, "river," so that the prototype would be O.K. czt M...ea> 
"(the habitation) by the M... river." This ea or a would be lost 
subsequently as in Blyth (q.v.). 

Camden seems to have blundered. 

I cannot refrain from quoting the following delightful inter- 
pretation of the name contained in White's Directory (1853, 
p. 640): " Misson Parish lies... on the north side of the Idle, 
bounded on the west by Yorkshire, and on the east by Lincoln- 
shire, and is partly in the latter county, which is here so inter- 
mixed with Nottinghamshire, that the boundaries of the two 
counties are almost indefinable, from which circumstance the 
parish is supposed to have been anciently called Misne or 


1086 Ministretone, D.B. 

( Misterton ) T 

1278-^ [H.R. 

( Mist ton J 

1316 Misterton, F.A. 

O.E. mynster tun, " the minster-town, or habitation by the 
church." The meaning of O.E. mynster is " monastery, nunnery, 
church, cathedral " ; in this case it probably refers to an old pre- 
Norman structure. The loss of n after initial m may be due to 
dissimilation (Phonology, 14). 

Misterton in Leicestershire has the same origin ; it appears 
as Minstertona in 1313 (Index). 


MORTON or MORETON (under Babworth). 

0/: ( Mortune ) ^ ^ 

1086 I - T , I D.B. 

I Nordermortune J 

c. 1200) ,, f Index. 

.. \ Morton \ A 
t 1316) (F.A. 

MORTON (Fiskerton-with-Morton). 

1331 \ 

1368 I Morton, Index. 

1754 J 

The meaning is obvious: "the tun or habitation on the 
moor." The distinction made in D.B. seems to have been lost 

MUSKHAM (North and South). 

JNordmuscham ] 

1086 \ , \ JJ.JD, 

( Nord Muscham J 

JI 43 ) i/r f Index. 

ii8g )Muscampj pR 

1316 Suthe Muskham, F.A. 

1637 Muscombs, Map in Camden. 

O.K. Muscan ham, " the home or dwelling-place of Muscat 
This pers. n. is not recorded in the Onomasticon. It must, 
however, have existed as it is found on the continent ; Forste- 
mann (l) quotes from German documents Musco, Musgo, and 
refers to the modern German surname Musch. There is a pi. n. 
in Hesse exactly identical with the one under discussion : 
Musckenheim, from O.H.G. Muscanheim. 

The same pers. n. seems to be contained in the Scandinavian 
pi. ns. Muskedalen, Muskerfd which are left unexplained by 
Rygh (N. Gaardnavne, p. 375). If the English name is not 
altogether of Norse origin, the retention of the pronunciation sk 
must at any rate be ascribed to Scandinavian influence. 

Camden again presents us with a fanciful spelling; he probably 
thought the name was connected with combe. The final s is the 
sign of the plural, there being two villages of the same name. 

The Index and P.R. forms betray Norman influence: the 


ending was taken to represent camp, the Norman-French 
descendant of Latin campus, frequently found in pi. ns. such as 

" The lower field." 

NETTLEWORTH (under Warsop). 

1216-1307 Nettelwurd, Testa de N. 
c. 1500 Nettilworth, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1637 Nettleworth, Map in Camden. 

" The enclosed homestead, habitation among the nettles " ? 
There is no evidence either to prove or disprove this interpretation 


1066 Newarcha, Cod. Dipl. 878 (a starred charter). 

Newerca \ 

1086 - Neuuerce L D.B. 
, Newerche j 
J Niwewerch, P.R. 
I Niwerch, Nott'm Charter. 
1278 Newerk, H.R. 

O.K. Jxzt niuwe weorc, "the new fortification." The old 
fortifications, probably a continuation of Roman works, were 
destroyed by the Danes, but rebuilt in the reign of Edward the 
Confessor, when the place received its present name. 

The meaning of the O.E. weorc, " fortification," is still pre- 
served in the compound earth-work, and in the special military 
sense of "the works." Cp. also "out-works." The modern 
German Werk has the same sense. 

For er > ar see Phonology, 7. 

NEWBOLD (under Kinoulton). 

Type L 

1086) XT ., f D.B. 
Neubold \ A 
1284] (F.A. 


Type II. 

1157 Niwebote| pR 
1159 Niwebota J 

O.K. }>(zt niuwe botl, or bold, " the new dwelling." The noun 
appears in both forms botl and bold in O.E. (Sievers, 183, 20), 
which accounts for the difference between Types I and II. 

NEWINGTON (under Misson). 

O.E. at b&m niuwan tune, " at the new homestead." This 
name is found in all parts of England. For the change of 
unstressed an to ing see Phonology, 13. 

The same name in the nominative case se niuwa tun is the 
prototype of the equally numerous Newtons. 


1189 (Prior de) Novo Loco, Nott'm Charter. 
1205 Novus Locus in Shirewood, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

{New Place \ 
Newstede ! Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
Newstead J 

The Priory, less correctly, Abbey of Newstead was founded 
in 1170 by Henry II in what was then part of Sherwood Forest. 
Most probably the site had to be cleared of trees and undergrowth 
and was therefore called Novus Locus by the monks, though it 
is impossible to say whether this was a translation of a M.E. 
Newe stede or whether the latter was based on the original 
Latin name. The New Place of 1500 certainly looks as if it 
were a translation from the Latin ; this variant may have been 
the form adopted by the Norman- French among clergy and 


1086 Neutorp, D.B. 
1341 Neuthorp, Index. 

This name requires no explanation. 

M. 7 



1086 Niwetune, D.B. 
c. 1250 Neuton, Index. 

O.E. se niuwa tun, " the new homestead," see Newington. 

1086 j* rmat T e l D.B. 
( Normanton j 


1086 Normentune, D.B. 
1268 Normanthon, Index. 


1086 Normantone, D.B. 

O.E. norftmanna tun, " the enclosure or dwelling-place of the 
Northmen." These places owe their names not to the Normans 
but to their non-Frenchified kinsmen, the Scandinavian invaders. 
It might be urged against this that the suffix tun is Anglo- 
Saxon and not Norse in origin. We must, however, bear in 
mind that the pi. n. was invented and used by the original 
Anglo-Saxon inhabitants among whom the newcomers made 
their settlements ; pi. ns. combining a Scandinavian pers. n. 
with an Anglo-Saxon designation of locality must be viewed in 
the same light. 

The loss of fr between r and m is normal. 

NORNEY (under Styrrup). 

This place, of which there are no early spellings, is situated 
to the north of Blyth on a small river. I take it to stand for 
O.E. norfterne e^e, " the Northern brook, or island." The develop- 
ment would be as follows : nor^rne^e > norftnei > Norney. 

NORTON (in Cuckney Parish). 

1282 Norton, Bodl. Ch. and R. 

"The north town, or habitation." This village forms the 
northern part of Cuckney. 



1086 Nortwelle, D.B. 

f Nortwell ] T 
I278 iNorwellf H - R - 
1316 Northewelle ) . 
1428 Northwell f 

" The northern spring or brook." 

NOTOWN (under Bleasby). 

As there are no early spellings it is impossible to attempt an 

NOTTINGHAM [notigem, Dial. Gramm. 273] (Nottingum, 
Nottingyum, Nottinum, Hope). 

Type I. 
868 etc. 

f A.S. Chron. passim. 

\ Snotmgaham \ - . _ . , 

(Cod. Dipl. II, 170. 


( Snotmgeham ) 

( Flor. of Worcester. 
c. 1150 Snotmgaham \ ~ . _. , 

( Symeon of Durham. 

c. 1250 Snotingham, MS. Jesus Coll. Oxon. (E.E.T.Soc. 49). 
1353 Snotyngham, Leicester Records. 

) AT f Index. 

\ Notingham 4 T . 

) (Leicester Records. 

Type II. 

1131 } XT (P.R. 

V Notingeham 1 , , 
1153) ( Index. 

1278 Notingham, H.R. 
c. 1300 Notingeham, Henry of Huntingdon. 

1304 ) AT f Index. 


N.B. The majority of the early spellings quoted above are 
taken from Dr Zachrisson's book on " Anglo-Norman Influence 
on English PL Ns." (pp. 51, 52). 

O.K. Snotinga ham, " the homestead of the family of Snot." 
The pers. n. Snot occurs as that of a tenant in D.B. The name 
Snothere is also recorded in the Onomasticon. There may have 



existed an O.H.G. pers. n. Snozo which seems to be contained 
in the pi. n. Sn0zindorf(Fdrstema.nn, I). The weak form of the 
O.E. name, * Snotta, survives in M.E. Snotte, the surname of a 
certain Peter mentioned in the Close Rolls (Cal. of Close Rolls, 
p. 570, quoted by Mr Stevenson). 

Type I represents the native Anglo-Saxon form ; Type II, 
with the initial 5 dropped, owes its origin to Norman-French 
influence. Romance-speaking peoples find great difficulty in 
pronouncing certain initial consonant combinations of the 
Germanic languages. When a word was borrowed, such com- 
binations were naturally got rid of, either by prefixing an e> or 
by inserting some vowel between the two consonants, or by 
simply dropping the obnoxious initial sound. The latter alter- 
native was adopted when the Normans 1 had to use the name of 
the O.E. Snotinga ham, and that of the neighbouring Sneinton, 
which has a similar origin, being derived from O.E. Snotinga tun 
(see D.B. spellings under Sneinton}. The fact that the clipped 
form survived in the former case only is accounted for by the 
circumstance that Nottingham, with its castle, became a most 
important stronghold of the conquerors, who settled in such 
numbers in the town that it had to be divided into two distinct 
communities, an English and a French one (see Zachrisson, 
pp. 51 sqq.). 

There still exists a general belief, even among people that 
ought to know better, that the name of the "Queen of the 
Midlands" signifies "the home of the caves." But however 
romantic and appropriate this interpretation 2 may be, it will 
have to be abandoned. The notion is taken from a passage in 
Asser's "Life of King Alfred" (ed. W. H. Stevenson, M.A., 
Oxford, 1904, p. 230), which reads: "Snotengaham...quod Britan- 
nice ' Tigguobauc ' interpretatur, Latine autem ' speluncarum 
domus.'" The learned editor of the text remarks that the 

1 Dr Bradley (E. and St. p. 39) facetiously remarks "that the people of 
Nottingham will bear them no ill-will on this account." 

2 I cannot refrain from quoting the following delightful explanation of the name 
given with the utmost assurance by Mrs Gilbert in her pamphlet entitled " Recollec- 
tions of Old Nottingham " (p. 7) : " Snottengham, from Snottenga (caves) and ham 
(home), subsequently softened into Nottingham." 


British name actually does mean "dwelling of th^cayes" or, 
more literally, " cavy house " ; but this has nothing to do v with 
the English form, which is quite a new creation.' ThSs inte/pVera- 
tion was later on eagerly seized upon by antiquaries, wild made 
it the basis of fanciful elaborations in which they delighted, 
being concerned more with grotesque fiction than with sober 
facts. Camden in particular must be credited with having 
amplified and widely circulated the original mistake of King 
Alfred's biographer. The passage is so quaint and characteristic 
that it may find a place here : " Where, on the other banke (of 
the Lin) at the very meeting well neere of Lin and Trent, the 
principall Towne that hath given name unto the Shire is seated 
upon the side of an hill now called Nottingham (by softning the 
old name a little) for Snottengaham ; for, so the English Saxons 
named it of certaine caves and passages under the ground, 
which in old time they hewed and wrought hollow under those 
huge and steepe cliffs, which are on the South side hanging 
over the little River Lin, for places of receit and refuge, yea 
and for habitations. And thereupon Asserius interpreteth the 
Saxon word Sottengaham in Latine Speluncarum domum, that 
is, An house of Dennes or Caves, and in the British Tuiogobauc, 
which signifieth the very selfe same " (Camden, 547). 


1086 Nutehale, D.B. 

1284 Notehall \ 

1302 Notehale I p A 

1316 Notehall j 

1428 Notehale J 

O. E. on hnutu heale, " in the nut valley, in the vale where 
the nuts grow." Similar names, as hnut fen, hnut wic, are 
quoted by Middendorf from O.E. charters. This is one of the 
few names that show early substitution of hall for the second 
element. The principal modern spelling owes its origin to the 
same erroneous conception of the meaning of the ending. 

The o of all the F.A. forms stands for M.E. u according to 
Norman-French practice (Sweet, N.E. Gr. 775). 


QLDCOATES or ULCOATES (Alecotes, Hope). 

Type I. 

Oulecotes, F.A. 

1348 Oullecotes, Index. 

1428 Oullecotez, F.A. 

1445 Owelcotes, Index. 

(b) 1269 Ulcotes, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

1278 Ulecotes, H.R. 

1414 Ulcotes, Index. 

1535 Ulcotts, Valor Eccles. 

Type II. 
1086 Caldecotes, D.B. 

O.K. ulan cotas, "the houses of the owl, or near which the 
owl lives, is seen or heard." The vowel of the first syllable 
remains long in Type I a, ou or ow being the M.E. (Norman- 
French) symbols denoting the long //-sound. This vowel is 
shortened before the combination Ik in Type I b ; from the latter 
the second modern spelling originates. The principal official 
form owes its origin to the interference of popular etymology. 
At some time or other the dialect pronunciation of the two words 
owl and old may have been very much alike, and may have 
caused the substitution of the latter for the former. The only 
information given by the Dial. Diet, is that M.E. u becomes [au] 
or [a] in Nottinghamshire, whereas old is pronounced [6d]. The 
transcription of the local pronunciation furnished by Hope is very 
ambiguous ; if it is interpreted in accordance with the ordinary 
principles of modern English spelling, it would mean [eilkouts] 
or [elkots]. In spite of inquiries instituted in the locality itself a 
pronunciation deviating from the spelling could not be traced. 

The D.B. form is without support. The scribe seems to 
have substituted a name with which he was more familiar. 
There is a Coldcotes in the West Riding. Dr Moorman interprets 
this as meaning "the cold cottages, on an exposed situation." 
Isaac Taylor (Words and Places, ch. x) is of opinion, that this 
name like that of Cold Harbour (i.e. auberge) was given to 
certain structures erected on frequented roads, where travellers 


could obtain shelter but neither food nor fire 1 . When such a 
name belongs to a place not in the immediate neighbourhood of 
an ancient road, it seems to me to mean not "cottage on an 
exposed position/' but "temporary building, house without a 
fire-place," such as one may still find in the fields used as barns 
and temporary shelters for cattle. 

The Hessian pi. n. Eudorfis explained by Sturmfels (p. 21) as 
meaning " Dorf, wo sich der Uhu gerne aufhalt" "village where 
the owl delights to dwell"; cp. O.H.G. htiwo, Mo ; Awila, "owl." 


Stukeley, the antiquarian, found extensive Roman remains 
near this place. The meaning is therefore : " the spring near 
the old work or buildings." See Newark. 


1086 Alretun, D.B. 

1 1 89-99 Alretona ) T 

. . >Index. 

1190 Alretun J 

1278 Alverton, H.R. 

1316 \ (F.A. 

1377 I Allerton j Index. 

1637 j I Map in Camden. 

Probably from O.K. ^Elfheres tun, " the enclosure or home- 
stead of ^Elfhere^ The H.R. spelling of 1278 is the most 
valuable. It does not, however, enable us to say for certain 
that the pers. n. contained in the first element is ALlfhere rather 
than either ^Elfred or ^Elfric or ^Elfweard. 

The change from al to aul>ol>ol is explained elsewhere 
(Phonology, 9). 


^ f Almuntone ) ,_. ^ 
1086 i .. ^D.B. 

( Almentone J 

1216-1307 Alemunton, Testa de N. 

1278) , ( H.R. 

1 Almeton \ 

1316] (F.A. 

c. 1500 Elmeton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

1 Cp. the German pi. n. Kalter Herberg, older ze kalter herberge (dative) in the 
Eifel district, Rhenish Prussia. 


"The tun or homestead of Ealkmund" The development 
of the stressed vowel is similar to that in Ollerton (q.v.). It is 
noteworthy that in both pi. ns. the genitival s of the first 
element is absent from all the recorded forms. 

The spelling Elmeton shows the influence of the independent 
word elm-tree, with which it was connected by popular etymology. 


1086 Ordeshale, D.B. 

1375 Ordesale, Index. 

1637 Ardsall, Map in Camden. 

I take this name to be derived from O.E. Ordrices healh, 
" the valley of Ordric." A person of the latter name is said in 
D.B. to have held land in this locality. It is possible that he 
gave his name to the village (see Gamston near Retford). 

The phonetic development can be easily explained. Of the 
two r's the second one in the unstressed syllable was dropped 
(Phonology, 14), whereas the fronted c would become assimi- 
lated to the following s. 

Camden's spelling means nothing. 


Type I. 

1284 Orston ) 
1428 Horston J 

c. 1500 Horson, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1637 Ouston, Map in Camden. 

Type II. 

1086 Oschintone, D.B. 
1242 Orskinton, Inq. P.M. I. 

From O.E. Ordrices tun, "the farmstead of Ordric? Type II 
arose out of confusion with Ossington (q.v.). The d was lost 
between the two r's at an early period ; the pers. n. itself occurs 
as Orric in O.E. The same name took a different line of change 
in Ordsall (q.v.). This variety of development may probably 
be accounted for by a different distribution of stress. 

The initial //, which has no significance in this dialect, may 


represent an attempt at connecting the name with horse. 
Camden's form and that of 1 500 are interesting in so far as they 
may represent the contemporary pronunciation. 

OSBERTON (under Scofton). 

Type I. 

1086 Osbernestune, D.B. 
1428 Osberton, F.A. 
1637 Osburton, Map in Camden. 

Type II. 
c. 1500 Esbarton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

O.E. Osbeornes tun, " the farmstead of Osbeorn" This pers. n. 
is of Scandinavian origin. Its prototype was Asbiorn, but when 
it was introduced into England, it became anglicised in form, the 
a (from a before ns) being changed to o and io to eo. Type II 
contains another Norse variant of the same pers. n. <&sbiorn (see 
Bjorkman, p. io). It is curious to meet Type II in so late a 
document only ; this seems to indicate that the scribes of the 
1 5th century must have had access to old and reliable sources, 
and that tradition in the spelling of pi. ns. was very strong. 

The complete disappearance of the genitival s is a note- 
worthy feature of this name. The various forms assumed by e 
before r are explained elsewhere (Phonology, 8). 

OSMONDTHORPE (under Edingley). 
1086 Oswitorp 1 , D.B. 
1331 Osmundthorp, Index, 
c. 1500 Ossonthorpe, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
" The dwelling-place or hamlet of Osmund!' This pers. n. is 
found both in O.E. and O. Norse, in the latter language as 
Asmundr, which, however, would readily assume the English 
form (see preceding name). The nature of the second element 
speaks in favour of Norse origin (see Bjorkman on Asmund, 
p. 21). 

The spelling of A.D. 1500 evidently represents the con- 
temporary pronunciation, with m dropped in the beginning of 
an unstressed syllable. 

1 Evidently a misreading ; the scribe mistook Osmutorp for Osuuitorp. 



1086 Oschintone, D.B. 
1173-4 Oskinton, P.R. 
1216-72 Occington, Index. 
1278 Oscington, H.R. 
1327-77 Ossyngton, Non. Inq. 

" The tun or farmstead of Osketin" This is the Scandinavian 
pers. n. Asketill, of which numerous examples are found both 
in the original and the new domains of the Norsemen. The 
change from a to o is accounted for by the fact that the element 
as was found as os in native Anglo-Saxon names (see preceding 
name). The substitution of the ending in for /// is explained 
by Dr Bjorkman (p. 17) as due to confusion of the two Latin 
suffixes Inus and illus. A similar transformation is noted by 
Professor Wyld, who finds the pers. n. Roskin for Rosketill in 
the Lanes, pi. n. Rossendale. 

The phonetic changes are regular (see Phonology, I ; 13). 
This name furnishes another instance of the transition of un- 
stressed in to ing (Phonology, 13). 

OSWARDBECK (Wapentake). 

Type I. 

_^ f Oswardebec Wap. ) _ _ 
1086 \ ... ... \ D.B. 

I Wardebec Wap. j 

1153 Oswardebec, Index. 
1189 Oswardesbech, P.R. 

_ ( Oswardebeck ) TT _ 
1278 J TT \ H.R. 

| Hoswordbec j 

Type II. 

\ Oswaldebeck ) 

1216-1307 i~ ., , . \ Testa de N. 
' ( Oswoldebeck J 

1444 Oswaldbeck, Index. 

No attempt has been made to classify or discuss the variety 
of spellings found in the Inq. P.M. c. 1500. They afford an 
instructive example of what divergent results the united actions 
of phonetic tendencies and popular etymology may produce : 

OXTON 107 

Oswaldbeck, Osberbeksoke, Hoswoldbekesoke, Oswalbeke, Oswardbek, 
Osilbeke, Ossonbek, Osbaldbekoop, Walbeksoken, Osylbeke. 

This wapentake derives its name from a brook called 
O swear des bekk, "the brook of Osweard" (Type I). As 'the 
second element is of Norse origin, O.N. bekkr, we may perhaps 
infer that the pers. n. was originally of the same origin. 
There exists a Scandinavian pers. n. Asvar&r, of which traces 
are found in England (cp. Bjorkman, Index), and for which the 
native equivalent Osweard might have easily been substituted 
(see preceding names, and, on the subject of substitution in 
general, Bjorkman, pp. 197 sqq.). 

In Type II the pers. n. Osweald is erroneously introduced. 


Type I. 

1086 Ovetorp, D.B. 

c. 1190 Hustorp, Woll. MSS. (queried by the editor). 
1216-1307 Uvetorp, Testa de N. 
1302 Outhorp, F.A. 

Type II. 

1284 f? P l h ip j F.A. 
* ( Cupthorp j 

" The thorpe, or dwelling-place of Ufi, or Uvi" The name 
is Norse in origin ; Dr Bjorkman quotes several instances of its 
occurrence in England. The v became vocalised after the u. 
The initial h of the Woll. MSS. spelling means nothing (Phono- 
logy, 19). I cannot explain Type II; it must have arisen 
out of a blunder of the scribe. 


1086 i xetune l D.B. 
\ Ostone j 

1278 Oxton, H.R. 

1292 Oston, Index. 

1302 Oxton \ 

1316 Hoxton I F.A. 

1346 Oxton I 

" The ox-enclosure." The name needs no further explanation. 



1086 Paplewic, D.B. 

1189 Papewich, P.R. 

1316 Papulwyk| FA 

1428 Papilwyk J 

O.K. papol wlc, "the pebbly creek or bay." The village is 
situated on the eastern bank of the river Leen. 

The second element, which is of Norse origin, is discussed 
under Colwick. papol(-stan) means " pebble " in O.K. 

PERLETHORPE or PALETHORPE (Palethorpe, Hope). 
1086 Torp, D.B. 
1166-7 Peurelestorp, P.R. 
1278 Pevereltorp, H.R. 

Peverltorp, Inq. P.M. II. 
1316 Peverelthorp, F.A. 
1637 Parlethorp, Map in Camden. 

" The thorpe or village owned by the noble family of PevereL" 
The Peverels came over to England with the Conqueror, but 
apparently did not obtain land in Nottinghamshire until after 
the date of the Doomsday survey. Many places appearing 
simply as Torp in D.B. have later acquired a distinctive addition 
from the name of the then owner, usually a Norman nobleman, 
as Thorpe Basset, Thorpe Mandeville etc. It is rare, however, 
to find a Norman name prefixed in true Teutonic fashion as in 
the present name. A similar instance is found in Cossardthorpe, 
an ancient name for Hodsock which has not survived. 

The curious development of the stressed vowel, erl>arl>dl 
> eil^ is a peculiar feature of the dialect (see Phonology, 7). 

The first modern spelling preserves an older type, whereas 
the second is phonetically correct. 


1086 Pluntre, D.B. 
1302 Tlumtre, F.A. 

f Little Plumptree ) T 
1460 \ T \ Index. 

I Parvus Plomptre j 

1637 Plumbre, Map in Camden. 


O.K. cet plum treowe, " at the plum-tree." In O.K. charters, 
trees are often referred to in connection with boundary marks 
and field names. The medial / represents the labial glide 
which developed between the m and the t (Phonology, -16). 

POULTER (river) [pauta]. 


Type I. 

1086) [D.B. 

\ Radechve \ T . 
1240] 1 Index. 

1258 Radeklive, Inq. P.M. I. 
1284 Radeclyve, F.A. 

Type II. 

1291 Radeclyf super Trent, Tax. Eccles. 
1428 Radclif, F.A. 
1637 Ratclyf, Map in Camden. 

" The red cliff." Type I goes back to O.E. cet fc&m readan 
clife, whereas Type II, from which the modern spelling is 
derived, stands for the nominative pcet reade clif. The village 
is situated on a lofty red cliff on the southern bank of the Trent. 
There is another place of the same meaning in this county 
(see Ratcliffe) and a Radcliffe in Lancashire. Corresponding 
German names also occur, as Rothenfels (Baden), O.H.G. Roten- 
vels, and Rodestein^ called zi themo roten stenni in the older 
language (Forstemann, II). 

The O.E. ea was shortened at an early period before it had 
changed to M.E. e (Phonology, i). In the combination dkl, 
the k caused the unvoicing of the preceding dental, after which 
it was dropped (Phonology, 17 ; 12). 

RADFORD (in Nottingham). 

Type L 
1086 Redeford, D.B. 

Type II. 

c. 1240 Radeford, Bodl. Ch. and R. 
1637 Radforde, Map in Camden. 


O.K. cet fram readan forde, " at the red ford." The vowel of 
the first element appears long in D.B. (e in open syllable = [if], 
Stolze, 19), but was later shortened before the combination df 
(Type II). Retford in the north of the county has the same 
meaning ; both places are situated on small water-courses just 
inside a stretch of Bunter sandstone. Especially in the neigh- 
bourhood of Radford the red colour of certain cliffs and of the 
river-bed is noticeable. It must have struck those coming out 
of the adjoining Keuper regions in particular as characteristic of 
the locality. There is a German pi. n. Rotenforde (Province of 
Saxony), older Low Germ. Rodemfuordi (Forstemann, II). 

See Retford) and remark by Professor Wyld on Radcliffe 
(Lanes. PL Ns.). 


Type I. 

1086 Ragenehil, D.B. 
( Ragenil ^ 

I2I6-72 \ _, ' , ., T J 

( Ragenhil V Index. 
1329 Ragenhill J 

Type II. 

1287 Reynilthorp, H.R. 

It is impossible to explain this name satisfactorily. The 
second element may originally have been porp, and the first 
a Scand. pers. n., either Ragnald or Regnald. The early 
spellings seem to show substitution of the Norse female name 
Ragnhild or Regnhild. (See Bjorkman, pp. in, 112.) The 
confusion of the syllable -all (<ald) or -hill (<hild) with the 
frequent second theme O.K. health or hyll respectively may have 
led to the substitution of the latter and the dropping of what 
would then appear as a third element -thorp. 

RAINWORTH (under Blidworth). 

The second element is O.K. weorp, worp, " enclosed home- 
stead, habitation." I cannot explain the first part, as there are 
no early forms. It may represent an old Celtic river-name 
(cp. the German river-names Rhein, Regen)^ or the first element 
of an O.E. pers. n. beginning with Regin-, such as Regenbeald, 
Regenheard etc. 



1086 ! R am P estune I D.B. 
I Rametone J 


"The tun or homestead of Hrafn" This Scandinavian 
pers. n. is found in various forms in English records, as Rafn, 
Raven, Ram etc. The latter type, with the articulations of/ 
and n combined into m, is contained in the above pi. n. The 
development of a labial glide between m and t is a natural and 
regular process (Phonology, 16). 


I0 86Jj ane * bi }D.B. 

(Ranebi j 

1316 Raneby, F.A. 

" The by(r) or dwelling of Hrafn!' The same pers. n. forms 
the first element of the preceding and following names. 


1086 Raveschell, D.B. 
1278 Ravenskelf, H.R. 
1704 Rawkild, Map. 

" The well of Hrafn." The second element is Scandinavian 
kelde, " a well," which is discussed under Bothamsall (q.v.). The 
pers. n. appears in the same form as in the preceding pi. n. 

The H.R. spelling substitutes O.N. skjalf, older *skelf t "a 
shelf, ledge, seat," for the original termination. This skjalf 
occurs in the Yorks. pi. n. Ulleskelf, "the ledge of Ulfr" (see 
PI. Ns. of the W. Rid.). 

aw in the spelling of 1704 seems to be the result of the 
vocalisation of v after a ; or is it a mistake ? 

In the modern form, v has disappeared before n according to 


Type I. 

1086 Radeclive, D.B. 

1189-99 Radeclivam super Soram, Index. 
1284 Radeclyve, F.A. 


Type II. 

1291 Radeclif super Soram, Tax. Eccles. 
1637 Radclyff, Map in Camden. 

Thoroton (I, 24) explains this name as meaning " Red Hill 
or Bank'' 

See Radcliffe above. 


1086 Repestone, D.B. 

11 SS-^S Rempestuna(m), Nott'm Ch. 

1302 Rempeston, F.A. 

1327-77 Remeston, Non. Inq. 

1637 Remston, Map in Camden. 

" The tun or homestead of Reven" This pers. n. is a 
variant of Raven, from an original Scandinavian Hrafn. The 
development is similar to that of the same element in Ramplon 
(q.v.), with this one exception, that in the present case the sign of 
the genitive has been preserved. Thoroton gives an alternative 
spelling Rampeston which shows that the two types of the 
pers. n. were interchangeable. 

RETFORD (East and West) (Redfud, Hope). 

Type L 
1086 Redforde, D.B. 

1225 ) . , ( Bor. Rec. 

J \ Retford \ . _ 
1227-77] (Non. Inq. 

1278 Retteford, H.R. 

1291 Retford, Tax. Eccles. 

1316 Retteford, F.A. 

1535 Redforth, Valor Eccles. 

1704 Red ford, Map. 

Type IL 

II55 ~ 65 1 Radeford, Nott'm Ch. 
1189 j 

" The red ford." See Radford, which has the same meaning. 
The divergence of types is explained there, d has become / 
under the influence of the voiceless /. The late spellings 


containing d are due to attempts at etymological correctness. 
The suffix -forth of the Valor Eccles. is introduced from other 
pi. ns. which contain the Scandinavian fjorftr instead of the 
English -ford. 

White's Directory (1853, p. 660) says that "the two Retfords 
were named after the ancient ford which crossed the Idle a little 
below the bridge which now unites them, and was called the 
red ford from its stratum of red clay being so frequently 
disturbed by the passage of cattle etc., as to tinge the water 
with its colour." 

ROCKLEY (under Askham). 

The second element seems to be O.E. leah> " field, meadow." 
It is impossible to say what the first stands for ; it may go back 
to O.E. hroc, "rook (bird)," or M.E. roc, "rock," or it may 
contain the Scandinavian pers. n. Hrokr, found as Roc in 

ROLLESTON [roulstn]. 

(Roldestun \ 

1080^ _> n \ D.B. 

1 Rollestone j 

1189 Rodeston, P.R. 

1287 Rolliston, H.R. 

1 302 Roldeston | 

1428 Rolleston j 

1637 Rowlston, Map in Camden. 

" The tun or farmstead of Rold" This pers. n. is an abbrevia- 
tion of the Scandinavian Hroaldr (Bjorkman, p. 69). Id has 
become //, after which change an &-glide developed between o and 
// (Phonology, 13 ; 9). The latter change is recognised by 
Camden but not in the modern spelling. 


Type I. 

0/r f Roddintone ) ^ ^ 
1086 \ _, ,. A \ D.B. 

[ Rodmtun J 

c. 1190 Rudingtun, Woll. MSS. 

1428 Rodyngton, F.A. 

1637 Reddington, Map in Camden. 
M. 8 


Type II. 

1227-77 Rotington, Non. Inq. 
1261 Rotinton, Inq. P.M. I. 
1291 Rotington, Tax. Eccles. 
1302 Rotynton, F.A. 

The first element is a patronymic in the genitive plural, 
derived from the O.E. pers. n. Rudda. The meaning of O.K. 
Ruddinga tun is therefore "the homestead of the family of 
Rudda, the Ruddings " (Type I). A similar O.E. pers. n., Ruta, 
is contained in Type II ; there must have been confusion 
between these two names. Camden evidently connects the 
name with red another instance of his unrestrained etymological 


Type I. 

(a) 1086 Rugforde, D.B. 

1155 Ruford, P.R. 

(b) 1156 Rufford, Index. 
1278 Rafford, H.R. 

1291 Rufford, Tax. Eccles. 

(c) Rumford, Monasticon Anglicanum. 

Type II. 

1156 Rudford, P.R. 
1275 Ruthford, H.R. 

Type III. 

1163 Rucford | pR 
1198 Rochefordej 
1637 Rucheforde, Map in Camden. 

It is evident from the spellings under Type I #, that the first 
element is O.E. ruh, " rough." The meaning therefore is " the 
rough ford." The adjective may indicate either that the water 
was turbulent, or, more probably, that the ford was difficult to 
cross. There is a Rufford in Lanes., and a Rufforth in the 
West Riding. 

The original h has become assimilated to the following / 


(Type I b). Before the long / the u was shortened Type I c 
represents the O.K. dative &t ru(wu)mforde (or at fr&m ru(wa)n 
forde, with change of nfto ^/"through assimilation). The other 
types owe their origin to the peculiarities of Norman-French 
pronunciation. The sound of h> the guttural spirant, was un- 
known to the Norman's, so they substituted k for it, as Englishmen 
will do at the present day with regard to German ch after back 
vowels. The ch of Type III stands for the sound of k as in 
many Norman records (Zachrisson, pp. 32 sqq.). By other 
Normans, the unfamiliar spirant was mistaken for the, to them, 
equally troublesome #, which accounts for Type II. 

The late appearance of Camden's form must be explained 
by assuming that he copied from an old source. 

RUSHCLIFF (Wapentake). 

1086 Riseclive, D.B. 

1284 Riseclyve \ 

1302 Ryseclive I F.A. 

1428 Rysshclyve) 

This name needs no translation. Cliffs and mound^ were 
favourite sites to hold meetings on (see Bassetlaw). The 
second element of the early spellings appears in the dative (see 

The vowel of the O.K. hrysce is correctly represented by 
M.E. i in the above forms. The u of the modern spelling is 
due to the influence of the independent word, rush, introduced 
into the standard language from another dialect. 

It may be mentioned here that the sound of sh (from O.E. sc) 
is very frequently represented by s in D.B. and other Norman 
records (Stolze, 42). 


1086 Saltreford, D.B. 

This name may stand for O.E. sealtera ford, "the ford of the 
salt-dealers." The manufacture and distribution of salt were of 
great importance in ancient times. Salt-springs, salinae, and 
" salt-streets " are frequently mentioned in mediaeval records 



(see Crawford Charters, p. 115). There is another Salterford in 
Worcestershire of apparently the same origin. Although the 
Notts. Salterford was situated in the very heart of the desolate 
forest, it is yet possible that one of the prehistoric cross-country 
tracks passed through the neighbourhood, and that this was 
frequented by salt-carriers. 

Isaac Taylor (Engl. Village Names, 5) derives this name 
from a hypothetical sealh treo ford, "the ford by the sallow-tree." 
It is impossible to say which of the two explanations is the 
correct one. 


Type I. 

1086 . D.B. 

1278) c ... fH.R. 
' l Saundebi ' 

Type II. 

.. f OclUIlUCDl \ . 

1346] (F.A. 

c. 1500 Saunby, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type III. 
1428 Saindeby, F.A. 

Type I represents the original most faithfully. The first 
element may have been O.K. sand, " sand," so that the meaning 
would be " the sandy habitation." 

I am, however, inclined to think that the Norse pers. n. 
Sandi is involved, of whose occurrence in England Dr Bjorkman 
(p. 1 1 6) gives one instance. The same name occurs as Sanda 
in O.E. and as Sando in O.H.G. 

Norman influence is responsible for the change from an to 
aun in Type II which has survived (Phonology, 1 1). ain from 
an represents a Central French sound-change ; cp. French pain 
< *pane, laine < lana etc. (Schwan-Behrens, Grammatik des 
Altfranzosischen 6 , 1903, 53, I a). 


Type I. 
1086 Saxeden, D.B. 


Type II. 

1284 Saymdall, (?) F.A. 
1291 Saxindal, Tax. Eccles. 

1 302 I , , f F.A. 
\ Saxendale \ _ . 
1472 j ( Index. 

f Saxondale ) 

1637 Saxindale, Map in Camden. 

Type III. 
c. 1500 Saxbye, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

It is impossible to say what the O.K. prototype of this name 
was. Whereas the second element of Type I is of O.K. origin, 
Type II, which survived, contains its Norse equivalent, both 
denu and dalr meaning the same thing, viz. " valley." The third 
type contains another Norse word, byr, " habitation, village." 

The first element, too, is of doubtful origin. There are three 
possibilities; it may stand for: (i) the genitive of O.K. Seaxe, 
" Saxons," which was Seaxna (Sievers, 276, anm. 3 a) ; (2) the 
genitive of the O.K. pers. n. Seaxa, or (3) of the Scandinavian 
pers. n. Saxi. 

Interchange of the suffixes den and dale is also found in the 
early forms of the Lanes, pi. ns. Skelmerdale and Ainsdale. 


1086 Scafteorde, D.B. 
1227-77 Skaftwurth, Non. Inq. 
1278 Skastewurh, H.R. 

r Skastworth \ 
c. iSOoJ Scastworth I Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

I Scarworth (!) J 

"The weorfr or farmstead of Skafti" The pers. n. is 
of Norse origin as is proved by the initial sk. If the O.K. cor- 
responding form Sceaft (Onomasticon) were contained in this 
name, the initial Sc would be pronounced sh. It is, however, 
quite possible that the O.K. form was the original one for which 
the Scandinavian equivalent was substituted later on. 


The name Skapti is not recorded by Dr Bjorkman as found 
in England. It occurs frequently in Iceland (cp. Landn. Bok, 79) 
and also in Norway (Rygh, G. Personnavne, p. 219). 

In the above spellings, st may be due to a misreading, the 
original f being taken for the long s. Are the modern editors 
responsible for this blunder ? 


^ | Scornelei, D.B. (Victoria County History). 

\ Scorvelei, D.B., as transcribed by Thoroton. 
1227-77 Southscharle, Non. Inq. 
1316 Scarle, F.A. 

The second element is O.E. leak, " field." The first seems to 
stand for a pers. n. If the D.B. spelling as read by Thoroton is 
correct, it represents the O.E. pers. n. Sceorf. The later spellings 
and the modern form cannot, however, be directly descended 
from an O.E. Sceorf es leak. The initial sk clearly points to 
Scandinavian influence (cp. preceding name). One is, therefore, 
compelled to assume that the Scandinavian pers. n. Skarf 
(Bjorkman, p. 122) was substituted, which also accounts for the 
change in vowel. 

v was lost between r and /as the result of a general tendency 
(Phonology, 12). 


1086 Scarintone, D.B. 
1242 Scherinton, Inq. P.M. I. 
1637 Sharinton, Map in Camden. 

The first element seems to be the genitive plural of some 
patronymic, of Scandinavian origin, as is clearly shown by the 
initial sk. The recorded spellings are insufficient to form an 
opinion as to the name involved : it may have been Skarf 
(Bjorkman, p. 122) or SkarSi (Rygh, G. Personnavne, p. 220). 


1086 Scotebi, D.B. 

The initial sk proves that the first element is a Scandinavian 
pers. n., most probably Skopti, recorded by Rygh (G. Personnavne, 
p. 225). The meaning therefore is " Skoptis farmstead." 


SCREVETON [skritn]. 

Type I. 

( Screvetone 1 
1086 \ Screvintone > D.B. 

( Escreventone J 
1302 Screveton, F.A. 

Type II. 

c. 1500 Screton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1535 Scretton, Valor Eccles. 

Type III. 

1284 Scrouton, F.A. 

1637 Skiwton (?), Map in Camden. 

The first element must be of Norse origin as is demonstrated 
by the initial sk (cp. Scaftworth). It probably represents the 
genitive of a pers. n. following the weak declension. What this 
name was, I am unable to say. Type III cannot easily be 
reconciled with the rest. 


1086 Scrobi, D.B. 

1278 J 7 ( 

{Scrobia "\ 
Scrobi I 
Scrowby j 
Scroby J 

The first element may contain the O.N. pers. n. Skorrz, 
which Dr Bjorkman finds in the pi. ns. Skorreby, Scorby, Skorton 
(p. 124). Metathesis of r frequently occurs in this dialect 
(Phonology, 15). The meaning is, therefore, " S karri's farm, 
or hamlet." 

The modern spelling is misleading. It perpetuates a M.E. 
habit of writing oo both for O.E. o, and ^ from o in open syllable. 
One would expect the pronunciation to be [skroubi]. 



1086 Salestune, D.B. 

1284) f RA. 

[ Sehston 4 _ _ , 
1291 J (Tax. Eccles. 

1316 Selleston, F.A. 

The first element seems to be a pers. n. in the genitive case ; 
perhaps O.K. Selua, or Scand. Seli(r) ? 

SERLBY (Sarl-by, Hope). 

1086 Serlebi, D.B. 
1302 Serleby, F.A. 
1637 Surlbye, Map in Camden. 

" The by(r) or farmstead of Serlo" The suffix as well as the 
pers. n. are from O. Norse. Dr Bjorkman (p. 117) refers to this 
pi. n. as containing the above Scandinavian pers. n. 

For the development of er into ur, ar, see Phonology, 7 ; 8. 


1086 Scelforde, D.B. 

1278} c , ir , ( H.R. 

L \ Schelford \ _ . 
1284] I F.A. 

The name Sceldfor is found on a coin struck about the year 
890, and it is conjectured that this stands for the above pi. n. 
(Onomasticon, s.v. Sihtric comes}. If this is correct, the etymology 
at once becomes clear. There existed in O.K. the adjective 
sceald, W.S. scield, "shallow," which appears in M.E. as shoal, 
from the Anglian type (see Napier and Stevenson, Transactions 
of the Philol. Soc. 1895-8, 532; Ekwall, Beibl. z. Anglia, XX, 209; 
Schlutter, Engl. Stud. 43, 318). I assume that by the side of 
the West Germanic adjective skalfta- there existed also a form 
j&z/Qjffc-,which would produce Anglian scelde (Bulbring, 175 anm.). 
The relation between the two types would be the same as that 
between O.E. smolt and smylte, "quiet," strong and strenge, 
"strong," etc. (Sievers, 299, anm. i). 

I take, therefore, the above name to stand for O.E. (Anglian) 
atj>&m *sceldanforde, "at the shallow ford." After the disappear- 
ance of the adjectival ending, d would drop in the combination Idf. 

The name Scealdan ford, " at the shallow ford," occurs in an 
O.E. charter (Cart. Sax. 758; 802). Searle is certainly wrong in 


explaining the first element as a pers. n. The unmutated form 
of the adjective, from *skalfta-, seems to be contained in the 
modern pi. n. Shalford in Surrey. 

The corresponding form of the mutated adjective seems to 
be contained in the Hessian name Schollenbach. 

The following description of the neighbourhood is calculated 
to support the proposed etymology: " a pleasant 
village on a gentle eminence, which in very great floods is 
sometimes completely surrounded by the Trent water... though 
it is distant half a mile from the regular channel of the river..." 
(White, Directory, 1853, p. 455). The Trent has evidently 
changed its course in this locality. 


1086 j S ce j tun I D.B. 
1 Sceltone j 

1302 Schelton, F.A. 

1637 Shilton, Map in Camden. 

The village is situated on a ridge overlooking the river 
Smite. I am, therefore, inclined to connect the first element 
with O.K. (W. Sax.) scylfe, Anglian scelfe, " shelf, ledge." The 
meaning, therefore, is " the tun or homestead on the ridge." 


1189 Schirewude, P.R. 

1272 Syrewde forest, Inq. P.M. I. 

1278 Shirwod, H.R. 

1393 Shyrewode, Index. 

J Shirewood, Camden, p. 547. 
\ Sherewood, Map in Camden. 

Camden says that "some expound [this name] by these 
Latin names Limpida Sylva, that is, A Shire or Cleere wood\ 
others Praeclara Sylva, in the same sense and signification" 
(p- 55)- It seems highly improbable, however, that it has 
anything to do with the O.K. adjective scir, "bright, pure." 
When the name was first given, the mediaeval mind had not yet 
awakened to a sense of the beauties of the primeval forest. On 
the contrary, large and dense woods such as this one inspired 
superstitious fears ; they were regarded as inimical to civilisation, 


the seat of man's worst enemies: "vasta solitudo,...saltus ferarum 
et cubile draconum " are the terms used by a German monastic 
chronicler 1 in reference to a wood near Berchtesgaden. 

Others connect the first element with modern shire. In the 
earliest records, Sherwood is often spoken of as the "forest of 
Nottingham " (Victoria County Hist. I, 365), which would seem 
to support the derivation from shire-wood, " the wood belonging 
to, or forming part of, the county." 

But this is not wholly satisfactory either. I venture to 
suggest that the word sclr- is used here in the same sense as in 
Shireoaks (q.v.), and Shire Dyke, a little stream forming part of 
the boundary between the counties of Nottingham and Lincoln. 
Its meaning is "boundary, division." Jellinghaus (p. 316) con- 
nects the word with modern Westphalian Sckier* y of the same 
meaning, which enters into numerous Low German field names, 
such as Sckiereneiken, " Shire-oaks," Schierenboken, "-beeches," 
Schierholz, "-holt, or wood." This last name is repeated in the 
O.K. scirholt quoted from a charter in Jellinghaus' article 3 . 
There exists also a Shirland in Derbyshire, which goes back to 
older Scirlund (\t\f\. P.M. 56 He. Ill), lund being the Scandinavian 
word for " wood." It may be noted here that O.K. stir-, " bound- 
ary," is not connected with O.K. scieran, sceran, " to cut, shear " ; 
Prof. Skeat in his Etymological Dictionary (1910, s.v. shire) 
remarks that its root is unknown. 

If this explanation is adopted, the meaning would be 
" boundary forest." This seems a most appropriate name, seeing 
that Sherwood Forest stretches along the boundary between 
Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire, and that part of its ancient 
bounds, as laid down in the perambulations, actually coincides 
with the modern line dividing the two counties. Moreover, we 
learn from Tacitus (Germania, XL, I ; Annales, I, 61) that dense, 
impenetrable forests were looked upon as the safest boundaries 

1 See Gertrud Stockmeyer, Das Naturgefiihl in Deutschland im 10. u. n. 
Jahrhundert. Leipzig u. Berlin, 1910, p. 8. 

2 O. Saxon /remains unchanged in Low German; see Herm. Teuchert, Laut und 
Flexionslehre der Neumarkischen Mundart, 55, Zeitschr. f. deutsche Mundarten, 

3 Cp. also the expression andlang sclre on hwtfSels heal, Cod. Dipl. 5, 358, 15. 


by the Germans. Sherwood Forest certainly was of that 
character. Boundaries separating peoples and tribes so fre- 
quently coincided with forests that primitive Germanic *markd-> 
Gothic marka, "boundary," actually changed its>meaning in the 
Scandinavian languages, which use the word mark in the sense 
of "wood." In the O.H.G. fragment of a geographical didactic 
poem known as " Merigarto," a passage is found illustrating this 
function of large tracts of wood-covered land, which I cannot 
refrain from quoting. It runs as follows : 

"michili perga skinun duo an der erda. 

die sint vilo hoh, habant manigin dichin loh. 

daz mag man wunteren daz dclr ie ieman durh chuam. 

ddmit sint del riche giteilit ungelthe 1 " 

The phonetic development offers no difficulties. The vowel 
I was shortened before the combination rw ; later on, ir and er 
were levelled under one sound, a change which is reflected in 
the modern spelling. For a similar development cp. sheriff, 
from O.K. sclr-gerefa. 

SHIREOAKS (Shireaks, Hope). 

I2i6-i 3 07 T2 u Testa de N - 

1272-1307 Shiroaks, Index. 

1458 Schyroks, Bodl. Ch. and R. 

1535 Sirokks, Valor Eccles. 

1637 The Shireokes, Map in Camden. 
The name in Camden's Map does not seem to apply to a 
village but rather to a district. The "Shire Oaks" probably 
were a number of trees or a small .copse near the boundary of 
the county. Legend speaks of one tree only as having given its 
name to the locality 2 . All the spellings, however, are in the 
plural. John Evelyn in " Sylva" (1664) has an interesting note 
on this supposed tree which, however, he knew by hearsay only. 
He writes : " Shireoak is a tree... which drops into 3 shires, viz. 
York, Nottingham and Derby." 

1 " Large mountains appear there on the earth. These are very high, they have 
many a dense forest. One may well wonder that man ever penetrated them. By 
these the kingdoms are divided unequally." 

2 See J. Stacye in White's " Dukery Records," pp. 70 sqq. 


The pi. n. Skyrack in Yorks. has a similar meaning, but is 
entirely Scandinavian in form, as appears still more clearly in 
the D.B. spelling which is Schyrayk. 

The above spellings of Testa de N. are blunders due to false 


1086 Sibetorp, D.B. 
1199-1216 Sibbetorp, Index, 
c. 1200 Sibetorp, Woll. MSS. 

1302 Sibbthorp, F.A. 

" The habitation or village of Sibba or Sibbi" The pers. n. 
may be of O.K. or Scandinavian origin. The nature of the 
second element speaks in favour of the second alternative. 
Sibbi is, however, not mentioned by Dr Bjorkman as a Norse 
name found in England. 


" The by(r) or dwelling of Skeggir The pers. n. as well as 
the second element is of Norse origin. The meaning of the 
former is "the bearded one." 

SMITE (river). 

( (a praty Broke or Ryveret ) T f , 
1535-431 11- MIT \ Leland, I, 106. 

* \ caullit) Myte j 

c. 1613 Snite, Drayton's Polyolbion, 26, 32. 
1637 Snite, Map in Camden. 

In O.E. we find the word smita, " a foul, miry place." See 
Cod. Dipl. Ill, 166; 2-20; v, 105; 13-36. This is connected 
with O.E. smltan, " to daub, smear, pollute." If this word or 
some other derived from the same root is contained in the 
above name, the sense would be " dirty, miry water, or stream." 

The omission of initial s in Leland's form is remarkable. 
Can he have copied it from a Norman-French document ? 
Cp. the loss of s in Nottingham. The change of m to n after 
s is due to assimilation. 

SOAR 125 

SNEINTON [snentn]. 

Type I. 

(a) 1168-9) c f P.R. 

9 \ Snotinton \ . t n . 
1205 j I Cal. Rot. Chart. 

(b) 1215 Snoditon, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

(c) 1278 j rH.R. 
1316 [ Sneynton -j F.A. 
1571 ) I Index. 

Type II. 
1086 Notintone, D.B. 

O.K. Snotinga tun, "the homestead of the Snotings" The 
same family that settled at Nottingham (q.v.) seems to have 
founded a village here. Type II represents the Norman pro- 
nunciation with the initial s dropped as in Nottingham. As, 
however, the Norman element was not so overwhelmingly strong 
in this place as in the neighbouring fortified town, the native 
form prevailed. 

The phonetic development of this name presents several 
interesting features, ng [rj] became assimilated to the following 
/ ; the first t apparently was voiced under the influence of the 
surrounding vowels (Type I b). After that change it disappeared, 
so that the vowels of the first and second syllables, o and *, 
collided and formed a diphthong. The diphthong oi being 
unfamiliar to the English-speaking population M.E. oi is of 
French origin it was soon replaced by ei which occurred in 
their language as the descendant of O.K. eg y <zg, and Scandinavian 
ei. This diphthong which is preserved in the modern spelling 
was monophthongised to e probably in the I5th century (Horn, 
114). This latter sound was shortened before the combination 
nt in pronunciation, the result being [e] as in says [sez], said 
[sed] etc. 

The Norman form of D.B. seems to have been preserved in 
the name of Notintone Place in Sneinton. 

SOAR (river). 

1253 Sor, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

This may be a Celtic river-name ; Mr McClure (p. 264, 
note 2) proposes to connect it with the Sarua of the Ravenna 

126 SOAR 

Geographer. A name Sordic (-ditch) is mentioned in the index of 
Kemble's Cod. Dipl., and there exists a Sorbrook in Oxfordshire. 
On the continent, one finds several river-names compounded 
with Sor-, as O.H.G. Soraha, Sorna (Forstemann, II). 

SOUTHWELL [saSa] (Suthull, Hope). 

Type I. 

958 at SuSwellan, Cart. Sax. 1029. 
1086 Sudwelle, D.B. 

1130 Sudwell ) T 

"' X Index. 

1331 SuthewellJ 

.. ( Southwell ) ~ , . 

1637 I Suthwell ( Camden ' P - 549 ' and Map ' 

Type II. 

I278-| f H. R. 

1291 I Suwell -J Tax. Eccles. 

1323 J [ Bor. Rec. 

The etymology is obvious. " The modern name of the town 
is supposed to have arisen from a spring or well on the south 
side of the church ; now called Lady Well and Holy Well, a 
noted spring situated on the right of the cloisters" (White, 
Directory, 1853, p. 509). It is equally, if not more probable that 
the name was given in contradistinction to Norwell, "the north 
well," some seven or eight miles to the north-east 1 . The shorten- 
ing of the vowel (O.E. u in suft), the loss of initial w and final / 
are explained elsewhere (Phonology, I ; 18; 21). Type II, 
which has not survived, is an interesting example of the loss 
of th [J?] before w, which is also encountered in the modern 
pronunciation of southwester [sauwesta] (Horn, 201). 

1189 Sulcholm, P.R. 
1272-1307 Sulholm, Inq. P.M. II. 
c. 1500 Solcome, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
1553 Suckholm, Index. 
1637 Sowcam, Map in Camden. 

1 " The church of Southwell had possessed a manor at Nor well before the Norman 
Conquest " (Victoria County Hist. II, 153). 


O.K. sulk cumb, " miry, wet valley." Cp. sulig cumb, Cart. 
Sax. 589. The second element, O.K. cumb, "a deep, hollow 
valley," was originally borrowed from some Celtic language. 
The first part, which does not seem to occur independently in 
O.K. literature, is identical with O.H.G sulag, " miry pool, volu- 
tabrum," found by Forstemann (ll) in numerous pi. ns. such as 
Solach near Tegernsee from O.H.G. Suligilocfr. 

The spellings in -holm are due to confusion with the pi. n. 
element holme. Camden's form shows that, after the loss of the 
h, the / had become vocalised ; ow stands for M.E. u(<u + u (/)); 
this u was shortened as in the Index spelling of 1553 and the 
modern pronunciation. This interpretation of the pi. n. is borne 
out by a description of the locality. " A quarter of a mile S.W. 
of the village, is an excellent spring of water, where formerly 
was a bath ; from it a small stream runs through the village, 
and joins the Meden from Pleasley " (White, Directory, 1853, 
P- 653). 


1086 Spaldesforde, D.B. 

1302 Spaldeford, F.A. 

If the first element is a pers. n. as seems to be indicated by 
the presence of the genitival s y it would be an O.E. Spald(a), 
which is not recorded in the Onomasticon, but assumed to have 
existed by Prof. Skeat on the evidence of its occurrence in pi. 
ns. (PI. Ns. of Huntingdon, p. 352). The meaning would be 
IC Spalda's ford." This pers. name might be identical with the 
early Germanic Spatalus quoted by Werle (p. 54), which looks 
like a diminutive in -al derived from the ancestor of O.H.G. 
Spatto (Forstemann). tl becomes Id in certain O.E. dialects 
(cp. botl bold, Sievers, 196, 2). 

There is another possibility. The s in D.B. may very well 
be spurious, cases of the insertion of an inorganic s by the 
compilers of that survey being very numerous (Zachrisson, 

1 In their edition of the Crawford Charters, Messrs Napier and Stevenson (p. 47) 
explain Sulhford as " a ford approached on one or both sides by a sunk road or gully." 
I do not agree with their interpretation, but prefer to connect this name too with the 
O.H.G. word (see also Jellinghaus, p. 317). 


pp. 118 sqq.) If that is so, the first element might represent 
O.K. spdtl, spdld) which two forms stand in the same relation as 
botl y bold quoted above, spdld means " saliva," but as there 
exists a verb sp&tlan, " to spit foam," we may infer that spdld 
could be used in the sense of "foam" as well. The name 
" foam(y) ford " seems a very natural one. 

The shortening of the vowel d and the loss of d are the 
results of natural tendencies (Phonology, i; 12). 




1086) ^^ fD.B. 



" The stone ford," O.K. stdn ford. The name applies either 
to the condition of the river-bed, or to stepping-stones, by means 
of which the ford was crossed. There are fifteen Stanfords, 
Stamfords or Stainforths in England, the last-named being 
Scandinavian in both elements. Isaac Taylor (Engl. Village 
Names, 5) says that they were so named because they were 
" paved with stones." The name Steinfurt is found in Germany. 

O.K. d was shortened before the combination nf previous to 
becoming rounded in early M.E. (Phonology, i a) 


1086 Stantun, D.B. 

1189 \ - (P.R. 

\ Stanton \ _ _ 
1222 ) ( Bor. Rec. 

1222 Estanton -i _ 

c-x. \TT 11 r -Bor. Rec. 

1240 Stanton-super-Wold J 

1637 Stannton, Map in Camden. 

O.E. stan tun, "the stony homestead, the village on the 
stony land." The country round about Stanton is extremely 
bleak, and the land " of a sandy wet quality " (White, Directory, 
1853, p. 404). 

For the development of O.E. d see Stanford. Estanton is a 
Norman-French form, with e prefixed to the initial combination 
st in conformity with a general tendency prevalent among French 
speakers (Zachrisson, pp. 55 sq.). 


STAPLEFORD [staeplfad]. 

1086 Stapleford, D.B. 
1254 1 c ^ j Index. 

1284 / Stapllf rd I F.A. 

J 34 |! 1 Stapulford, Index. 

" The ford by or leading to the pillar." The name is derived 
from the stone cross which still stands near the church, and has 
been declared to go back to Anglo-Saxon times to a date not 
later than the ninth century (Guilford, p. 1 87). O.K. stapol means 
" a pillar, boundary mark." In old German law, the word stapol 
had a special sense : it denoted the pillar near which the courts 
assembled and where judgment was given. This signification 
may also have been possessed by the stapol from which this pi. n. 
is derived (see Grimm, Rechtsaltertiimer, p. 804). Forstemann 
(II, s.v. Stapf) quotes the following passage : " ad regis staplum, 
vel ad eum locum, ubi mallus est." Ducange (Gloss. Mediae et 
Infimae Latinitatis) explains " mallus " as meaning " Publicus 
conventus, in quo majores causae disceptabantur, judiciaque 
majoris momenti exercebantur a Comitibus, Missis dominicis, 
aliisque Judicibus." 

Prof. Skeat denies that the word stapol could be applied to a 
stone pillar. He says : " A.S. stapol simply means a wooden 
post or pole ; and Staple-ford merely means that such a post 
marked the position of the ford. Where is the evidence that it 
ever meant a sculptured pillar ? I take it to be all a fantastic 
dream..." (Notes and Queries, n, S. II, 1910). 

Prof. Skeat's view is supported by the fact that there exist 
many other Staplefords in other counties where there are no 
stone crosses. Both interpretations may be right, so that, until 
further evidence is adduced, the reader must choose between the 
two possibilities as the fancy takes him. 


Type L 

1086) rD.B. 

e v Stanton \ . 

1637) I Map in Camden. 

M. O 


Type II. 

1216-1307) - (Testa de N. 

\ Staunton \ _ . 
1302 j I F.A. 

This name is identical in origin and meaning with Stanton, 
above. Type II, which persists in the current modern form, 
represents the Norman-French pronunciation of this name, with 
aun for an (see Saundby). 


Type I. 

c. 1175 Stiresthorp, Woll. MSS. 

Type II. 
(a) 1086 Startorp, D.B. 

1278) f-H.R. 

\ Starthorp \ _ . 

1302] IF.A. 

- r Sternethorp <* 

1346} [F.A. 

1 346 Starthorp ) 
1412 Sternethorp, Index. 

f Sterthorp ) _ 

c. 1500^ _ Hnq. P.M. c. 1500. 

I Starethorp J 

1535 Stertherop, Valor Eccles. 
{b) c. 1500 Stathorpe, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

"The habitation or village of Styr" This Scandinavian 
pers. n. is most faithfully preserved in Type I ; it is a nick-name 
in origin, meaning " strife, battle." English forms of the same 
pers. n. are Ster, Sterre enumerated by Dr Bjorkman (p. 132). 
These latter have been substituted for the original Styr (Stir) in 
Type II. The n which occurs in several spellings is the ending 
of the weak genitive, ar is regularly developed from ar ; ar 
becomes a before open consonants (Type II b, Phonology, 7). 
The latter form survives in the modern spelling, ay standing for 
M.E. a, now pronounced [ei]. 


No early forms. For a discussion of the first element see the 
name below. The second theme may be either Scand. va&, 
" ford," or viftr, " tree, wood." Stocc wa& might mean " the ford 


indicated by a " stock " or pole ; compare Langwith, and 


1086 Stoches, D.B. 
1302 Stok, F.A. 
c. 1500 Stokkerdolffe, Inq. P.M. c. 150x3. 

The original meaning of O.K. stocc is " stock, log, stump of a 
tree." Isaac Taylor (Engl. Village Names) says concerning the 
numerous places called Stoke that they derive their name from 
their position " near the stump of a tree in a half-cleared forest." 
Others believe that stocc was used to denote a " fenced-in place," 
i.e. an enclosure secured by means of "stocks" or wooden 
palings (Alexander, PL N. Oxfordshire, p. 196). It is also con- 
jectured that stocc had the meaning not only of " log," but also 
of a collection of such, i.e. " a log-cabin " or " block-house." But 
why should the vowel in all the modern names be long, when 
the O.K. prototype contained a long or double consonant cc ? 

Bardolph is the name of a former owner added in order to 
distinguish the place from the other Stokes. The Inq. spelling 
records a curiously corrupted pronunciation. 

0/ , f Stoches ) _ 
1086 4 A . > D.B. 
[ Estoches J 



1302 |stok lT 
1273-1307] (Index. 

1586 East Stoake, Index. 

See preceding name. The initial e of the second D.B. form 
is not a remnant of a prefixed distinctive east but owes its origin 
to a Norman-French habit of speech ; cp. French esprit from 
Latin spiritus etc. 


1302 Stocum, F.A. 
1412 Stokum, Index. 

O.E. cet stoccum, "at the tree stumps," or, " at the log-cabins"? 
The dative plural of O.E. stocc, of uncertain meaning. See 
Stoke Bardolph. 


0/ , ( Straleia ) _. 
1086 \ _ .. \ D.B. 
I btraelie 


STRAGGLETHORPE (under Cotgrave). 

There are no early forms. Can the first element be a 
corruption of a Scandinavian pers. n. * Strangulfrl 


Type I. 

I !D.: 

:* i 

1166-7 Stratlega j 
1189 StradlegaJ 

Type II. 

(a) 1189 Stretlee, Nottm. Ch. 

1216-1307) _ . (Testa de N. 

t Stretleg \ _ 
1275 J [i.A. 

(b) 1291^ (Tax. Eccles. 
1302 >Stredley < F.A. 

1428 j I F.A. 

(c) 1284) _ f F.A. 

T V Strelley I . _ _, 
c. 1500] I Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type IIL 

( Stertley ) _ 

c. I50CH ~ . \ Inq. P.M. c. 150x3. 
( Sterley j 

O.E. (Mercian) on stret ley, "in the field by the street." 
The O.E. (W. Sax.) street originally comes from the Latin 
strata via and is usually employed of a Roman road. Such 
a one must have run past Strelley. 

Type I comes from the W. Saxon variant of the O.E. word, 
a being the result of the shortening of older ^. The other types 
contain e derived by the same process from the native Mercian e. 
The development of the / may be traced in its various stages 
through the early spellings. It is preserved intact in Type II a ; 
then it becomes voiced under the influence of the surrounding 
sounds (Type II b\ and is finally assimilated by the following / 
(Type II c, Phonology, 13). 

Type III, which perished, shows metathesis of r. 

The pi. n. Streatley occurs in Bedfordshire. 



Type I. 

1 166-7 Strotton, P.R. 
c. 1 200 Strattone, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

Type II. 

1086 Estretone, D.B. 
1216-1307 Strecton, Testa de N. 
/ H.R. 

_ Tax. Eccles. 

Stretton \ _ , 



Neyerstretton \ 

Ouerstretton I T d 

1384 Stretton en le Clay j 
1425 Stretton in the Clay J 
c. 1500 Stretton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type III. 
c. 1500 Stirton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

O.K. (Mercian) stret tun, "the homestead by the street." 
The Roman road to which the name refers is the one leading 
from Lincoln to Doncaster. Type I is to be explained in the 
same way as Type I of Strelley (q.v.). The P.R. spelling of o 
for a is a scribal error ; so is the c which stands for t in Testa 
de N. The initial e of D.B. is Norman-French in origin. The 
y in the Index form of 1375 is a M.E. spelling for />, th\ u in 
the form of 1383 of course stands for v. 

Type III which prevailed shows metathesis of r (Phonology, 
15). er, ir, ur all represent one and the same modern sound 
(Phonology, 8). 

The distinctive addition Norman-French en le Clay, English 
in the Clay indicates the nature of the soil. Sturton is in the 
North Clay Division of Bassetlaw Hundred. 

" Sturton-le-Steeple owes the latter part of its name to the 
far-seen array of twelve pinnacles with which the builders 
thought fit to surround the parapet" of the church tower 
(A. Hamilton Thompson, in " Memorials of Old Nottingham- 
shire," p. 52). 



Type I. 

1086 Estirape, D.B. 
1278 Stirap, H.R. 
c. 1300 Styrap, Index. 

1302) f F.A. 

D \ Stirap \ . 
1348 J v ( Index. 

Type II. 

1414 Sterap, Index. 
c. 1500 Sterop, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The valley of Styr" This O.N. pers. n. has been discussed 
under Staythorpe (q.v.). An English variant of the same name, 
Ster> accounts for Type II. The second element represents 
O.E. *hop, which is found as an independent word in M.E. only, 
meaning " valley, hollow among hills." 

The initial e of D.B. is Norman-French in origin. 

SUTTON (near Granby). 

1179 Suttuna, Index. 
1284 Sotton, F.A. 


1086 Sutone, D.B. 

I Sutton super Asshefeld ) _ A 

i c , T- c u \ F.A. 

( Sutton super Essefeld j 

1535 Sutton super Lownde, Valor Eccles. 


1338 Sutton super Soram ) T , 

A of Index. 

1395 Sutton super bore J 


1412 Sutton, Index. 

O.E. su)) tun, "the southern farmstead." It is, of course, 
impossible to say with regard to which place or object this 
name was originally given. It is one of the commonest pi. ns. 
in England. 

The shortening of O.E. u before //, the result of assimilation 


of ]y by /, is a regular feature of sound-development (Phonology, 

i ; 13). 

For the meaning of Ashfield see Kirkby-in-Ashfield. Lownde 
is from O.N. lundr, " wood " (see Lound). Bonington is the 
name of a separate parish (q.v.). 

SYERSTON [saiastn]. 

Type I. 

1086 Sirestune, D.B. 
1302 Syreston, F.A. 

c. 1500 {S yerSt n l Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 
( Syreston J 

Type II. 
c. 1500 Syston, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

O.K. Sigerlces tun, "the farmstead of Sigeric" This latter 
is an O.K. man's name of frequent occurrence. 

O.K. ige becomes M.E. I, modern [ai] regularly, c is lost 
before s in an unstressed syllable (cp. Ordsall). 

Type II shows loss of r before s (Phonology, 13). 


Type I. 

1086 Tevreshalt, D.B. 
1227-77 Teversald, Non. Inq. 
1284 Teversalt) 
1316 Turessaltj 

Type II. 

1291 Tyv'salt, Tax. Eccles. 
1346 Tyrvesalt ) 
1428 Tyvershaltj 

The second element clearly stands for O.K. holt, " wood, 
copse." To this day the district can boast of an abundance of 
trees. In the unstressed syllable, o is unrounded (cp. Egmanton) 
and final / having first become d is dropped. 

There can be no doubt that the first element is a pers. n. 
Prof. Skeat assumes that there existed an O.K. man's name 
Tefer (PI. Ns. of Cambs.), whose first syllable, however, must 


have contained a long vowel, or a diphthong, e or eo, for only from 
one of these can both the e and the i of Types I and II respectively 
be derived. The pi. n. Tiverton found in Cheshire and Devon may 
contain the same pers. n. It is possible that an assumed Tefer 
represents the recorded O.K. peodfrip with the Norman initial t 
for p. An O.H.G. Tiufher, in Tiufherreshusun (Forstemann), 
might be adduced here, although the initial consonants of the 
English and continental variants cannot easily be connected, 
unless we assume that t represents the Upper German variant 
of O.H.G. d, from p. 


1086 Turesbi, D.B. 
1316 Thuresby, F.A. 

O.K. pores by(r), " the dwelling of por" The latter pers. n. 
which is of Norse origin occurs frequently both as por and, less 
often, pur. 


Type I. 

1086 Torneshaie, D.B. 
c. 1500 Thorney, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

Type II. 

c. 1216 Thornehawe, Index. 
1227-77 Thornhawe, Non. Inq. 
1291 Thornhauwe, Tax. Eccles. 
1302 Thornagh ) pA 
1316 Thorhawe j 

The two types differ in the form of the suffix : Type I 
contains O.K. hege, Type II O.K. haga y both meaning "hedge, 
enclosure." The name may, therefore, be translated by " thorn- 
hedge, or enclosure." The modern spelling shows influence of 
the more frequent suffix -ey from ege, " island." The s of D.B. 
is due to false analogy : the clerk thought the first element was 
a pers. n. Similar cases of inorganic s are frequently met with 
in Anglo-Norman records (Zachrisson, pp. 118, 119). 



- f Torvertune ) _. 
1086 \ _ \ D.B. 

( Toruentun J 

1242 Thuruerton, Inq. P.M. I. 

1284 Thorverton, F.A. 

1363 Thoruerton, Index. 

1637 Thoraton, Map in Camden. 

" The tun or homestead of purferS" This Scandinavian 
pers. n. occurs in various forms in English sources, such as 
purferS, porfrft, Toruerd etc. (Bjorkman, p. 155). 


1086 Torp, D.B. 

1302} _, . _. , . f F.A. 

\ Thorp in Glebis \ , T . _ , 
1535 j (Valor Eccles. 

The original simple name of D.B. times meaning " the 
village" had soon to be provided with a distinctive addition. 
The Latin gleba, English glebe, is used in its wider sense, meaning 
"a piece of cultivated land, field," as it still does in poetic 


1086 D.B. 

See preceding name. 


1086 Turmodestun, D.B. 

1189 Turmodeston, Nottm. Ch. 

c. 1240 Thurmunston, Woll. MSS. 

1244 Thurmodeston, Cal. Rot. Chart. 

1302 Thurmeton 

F A 
1346 Thrumpton ' 

" The tun or farmstead of pttrmod." This pers. n. represents 
Scandinavian pormoftr on English territory. The spelling of 
the Woll. MSS. betrays influence of the pers. n. purmund. In 
the course of development, the entire second syllable disappeared 


with the exception of m between which and the following t a 
labial glide arose (Phonology, 16). Metathesis of r is fre- 
quently encountered in the pi. ns. of this county, and may take 
place at any period (Phonology, 15). 


f Turgarstune \ 
1086 I Turgastune I D.B. 

[ Torgartone ) 

c. 1170 Turgartona, Woll. MSS. 
1189 Turgardton, P.R. 
1278 Thurgarton, H.R. 
1302 Thurgerton, F.A. 

" frurgar's tun or farmstead." The pers. n. is the English 
form of the O.N. frorgeirr, with a substituted for the cognate ei 
(cp. Tollerton}. It is remarkable that only the D.B spellings 
contain a genitival s. The P.R. form may have been influenced 
by the feminine pers. n. frurgerft, the English variety of the O.N. 


Tilne j 
1227-77 Tylne, Non. Inq. 
1278 Tilne, H.R. 
1293 Tylne, Index. 
1535 Tilneye, Valor Eccles. 
1599] [Map. 

1637 iTilneyJ Map in Camden. 
1704] [Map. 

O.E. at Tilan ege, " at Tilcts island." This hamlet is situated 
on the eastern bank of the river Idle. The complete loss of the 
suffix is a remarkable feature (cp. Blyth, Idle). 

Tila is an O.E. man's name. 



Type I. 

1086 Troclauestune, D.B. 
1166-7 Turlaueston, P.R. 

Type II. 

1294 Thorlaxton, Woll. MSS. 
1302 Torlaxton, F.A. 

Types I or // (continued). 
1284 Torlastonj 
1428 Toralston ) 

c. 1500) _ . f Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

\ Torlaston \ T J 

1571] (Index. 

1578 Thorlaston, Index. 

Type III. 

J539 Torlaton, Bor. Rec. 
1578 Torlarton, Index. 
1637 Torloton, Map in Camden. 

The second element is O.E. tun, " farmstead." Two different 
pers. ns. seem to be contained in Types I and II respectively: 
frorlaf and fcurlac. The former is an anglicised variety of O.N. 
Jyorleifr, whereas the latter stands for O.N. frorleikr. O.E. d is 
frequently substituted for O.N. ei t see Bjorkman, p. 203 ; cp. 
Thurgarton. The pers. n. contained in Type I seems to be 
the original one, for which that of Type II was substituted. 
The forms arranged in the third section may have descended 
from either type, as k often disappears before s, and v is lost 
before a consonant. 

Type III is the ancestor of the modern form. It is not 
probable that the r in the unstressed syllable represents the 
ending of the O.N. nominatives frorleifr or porleikr. It is 
more likely that after the loss of s, r and / changed places, rl 
becoming Ir (Phonology, 15). The Index spelling of 1578 
proves that the relative position of the two liquids was unsettled. 

The D.B. spelling shows metathesis of r which is frequently 
found in that document (Stolze, 29). I cannot explain the c 


The transition from initial }> to t took place under Norman- 
French influence. See Zachrisson, pp. 39 sqq., cp. Teversal and 

TORWORTH [tori]?]. 

1086 Turdenworde, D.B. 
1278 Thorchewurh, H.R. 
1316 Tordworthe, F.A. 
1704 Tarworth, Map. 

" The weorj) or habitation of fioreft, or frureft." This pers. n. 
goes back to O.N. frorrjftr and is discussed at length by 
Dr Bjorkman (pp. 148 sqq.). ch and h in the H.R. seem to 
stand for & and }> respectively. The spirant p was occasionally 
mistaken for h by Norman scribes, but it would be difficult to 
explain why ch which usually denotes the sound of k before 
front vowels should represent ft in the H.R. spelling. 

The loss of ft between r and w is natural. Initial p was 
turned into / under Norman influence. See preceding name. 


Type I. 
1086 Tolvestune, D.B. 

Type II. 
1189 Turuerton, P.R. 

Type III. 

(a) 1086 Tovetune, D.B. 

1284)^ (F.A. 

\ Toueton \ . , 
1314) (Index. 

1346 Touiton, F.A. 

1480 Towton, Woll. MSS. 

(b) 1428 ) _ ( F.A. 

1480 } TaUt n I Woll. MSS. 
c. 1500 Tawton, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The tun or farmstead of porolf." This pers. n. represents 
O.N. frorolfr, and is found in an abbreviated form as }>olf(r) 
both on Scandinavian and English territory. The latter variant 
constitutes the first element of Type I, from which Type III is 
derived. In Type II, the pers. n. frurferft seems to have been 
substituted for the original one. 


The phonetic development is as follows : / became vocalised 
and the v soon disappeared after the diphthong ou. In the 
1 5th century, M.E. ou and au seem to have become levelled 
under one sound, that of M.E. o (Phonology, 9). This 
explains Types III a and III , and also the modern spelling. 


Trisantona, in Roman times. 
Treanta, Bede, Hist. Eccles. 
923 Treonta, A.S. Chron. 
1278 Trent, Trenth, H.R. 

A name of British origin, of which the meaning cannot be 
ascertained. See Bradley, Essays and Studies, I, p. 24 ; Miller, 
PL Ns. in the O.E. Bede, p. 52. Among early antiquarians the 
belief existed that this name was connected with Latin triginta, 
French trente, " thirty." This theory is set forth by Drayton in 
his " Polyolbion " ; the passage deserves to be quoted. The 
poet represents the river as explaining its own name : 

"In her peculiar praise, lo thus the River sings : 
What should I care at all, from what my name I take, 
That Thirty doth import, that thirty rivers make, 
My greatness what it is, or thirty abbeys great, 
That on my fruitful banks, times formerly did seat : 
Or thirty kinds of fish, that in my streams do live, 
To me this name of Trent did from that number give. 
What reck I..." (26, i86sqq.). 

Milton alludes to the same interpretation in one of his 
earliest productions, when he sings : 

" Of Trent, who like some earth-born giant spreads 
His thirty arms along the indented meads." 

(At a Vacation Exercise, 1627.) 


Type I. 

1086 Tireswelle, D.B. 
1272-1307 Tyrswell, Index. 



Type IL 
1428 Tressewell, F.A. 

J 535 ) -r 11 (Valor Eccles. 
, \ Truswell \ __ 
1637 j [ Map in Camden. 

1704 Triswell, Map. 

The meaning of the termination is clear: O.K. wiell, " fountain, 
spring." The first element is apparently a pers. n. It may 
represent an O.E. *Tlr, short for a full name composed with 
that element such as Tirweald, Tlrwulf. There exists also an 
O.N. man's name pyri of which traces are found in English 
sources (Bjorkman, p. 164). Initial / for p would be due to 
Norman-French influence (see Tollertori). Type II arose out of 
Type I through metathesis of r (Phonology, 15). The dis- 
crepancy of vowels in Type II is not easily accounted for; the 
r may have had some influence. 

Both types survive in the alternative modern spellings. 


Type I. 

_, ( Trowalle ) ^ _> 
1086 \ _ VD.B. 
( Torwalle J 

c. 1200 Trowall, Woll. MSS. 

Type II. 

c. 1175 Trowella, Woll. MSS. 
1227-77 Trouwell, Non. Inq. 

1302 Trouell, F.A. 

1637 Trowell, Map in Camden. 

Type III. 
1284 Treweil, F.A. 

This is a difficult name to explain. I believe that the first 
element throughout the three types is O.E. treow, "a tree, a 
forest ; wood." The O.E. form of this word is most faithfully 
preserved in Type III, probably under the influence of the 
independent word, M.E. tree. In the other types, it has under- 
gone certain changes caused by a shifting of accent in the 
triphthong eou, which latter arose out of the vocalisation of w in 


M.E. The development was as follows : eow > eou > eou >jou > ou, 
with loss of the glide j after r. It is impossible to say what the 
exact pronunciation of the combination ou, ow in the M.E. forms 
was. According to Camden's spelling, the contemporary pro- 
nunciation of the diphthong seems to have been the same as that 
of M.E. ou, au, $, all three of which coincided in sound, as was 
shown under Toton (q.v.). If, however, the modern pronuncia- 
tion [trauel] is genuine, ow would stand for M.E. u (<ou ?). 

The suffix is ambiguous, admitting of different interpretations. 
Type I, which seems to be the original, contains either O.E. 
weall, "a wall, rampart," or Scandinavian vollr, "a field, open 
country," in a more primitive form (<*valftuz). For this ending 
the more usual well was substituted. If the former interpretation 
is accepted, the meaning of the pi. n. would be: "(at) the rampart 
made of wood, the palisade " ; if the latter, one might translate 
by " the plain covered with trees." 

It is unlikely that the second element was O.E. weald, 
" forest," although the early spellings do not preclude this, final 
d disappearing at a very early date after /. I cannot see what 
sense there would be in forming a tautology like treo weald, 
"tree forest" 


Type I. 

1086 Tuxfarne, D.B. 

1272-1307 Tuxforne, Inq. P.M. II. 

Type II. 

1258 Tuggesford, Inq. P.M. I. 
1 3 2 7-77 Tuxford, Non. Inq. 

1278) f H.R. 

1 ^ \ Tukesford \ _ A 
1316] \F.A. 

1535 Tuxforde, Valor Eccles. 

"The ford of Tucca or Tuki" The latter of these pers. ns. is 
of O.N. origin (Bjorkman, p. 142), the former is found in early 
Anglo-Saxon charters. Which of the two is implied in this 
case, it is impossible to say. The fact that the genitive ends in 
es and not in an might speak in favour of the Scandinavian 


name: yet examples of originally weak pers. ns. forming a 
strong genitive are by no means rare ; see Annesley. 

No importance is to be attached to the curious spelling, gg 
for k, of 1258. 

I cannot explain the substitution of n for d in the suffix of 
Type I, unless it is due to a scribal error. 

TYTHBY [tffibi]. 

1086 Tiedebi, D.B. 

c. 1190 Titheby, Woll. MSS. 

1428 Tythby, F.A. 

1535 Teythby, Valor Eccles. 

The suffix is the well-known Scandinavian by(r) y " dwelling." 
The first element may be a pers. n., but I am unable to suggest 
what its exact form and derivation were. The spelling ie in D.B. 
is remarkable and seems to imply that the vowel intended to be 
represented was M.E. <?, whatever its source ; see Stolze, p. 9. 


1086 { "P etun I D.B. 
} Opeton j 

This village is said to be situated "on a gentle acclivity" 
(White, Directory, 1853, p. 520). See following name. 

UPTON (in Head on Parish). 

1086 Upetone, D.B. 
1278 Upton, H.R. 
c. 1500 Upthorp, Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

" The tun or farmstead on high ground." This second Upton 
occupies the highest part of the surrounding country. The 
prefix up is used in O.K. to denote a high situation, as in up- 
Ms, " upper chamber," up flor, " upper floor," etc. It is also 
encountered in numerous pi. ns. other than Upton, as in Upminster, 
Upwood. The same element has a similar meaning in the Low 
German pi. ns. Uphausen, Upstede etc., Jellinghaus, p. 325. 

The substitution of -thorp for -ton does not call for an 



I Walesbi { Pf ' 
j ( Index. 

1316 Walesby, F.A. 

" The by(r) or dwelling of Wealh, or the Briton, or the slave, 
serf." The original meaning of O.K. wealh is " foreigner, Briton, 
Welshman"; after the subjection of the Britons, the word 
assumed the sense of " slave, serf." It also occurs as a pers. n. 
In which of these three senses the word is used in the above 
pi. n. it is impossible to say. 


1086 Wacheringeham, D.B. 
c. 1216 Walcringham 

f Waucringham \ Index. 
1272-1307 \ , . . 

{ Walcringham 

( Waleringham \ 

1278-^ Waveringham 


I Walcringham , 

1291 Waltryngham, Tax. Eccles. 
1316 Walcringham, F.A. 
1637 Walkingham, Map in Camden. 

" The home of the descendants of Walchere" O.K. Wealh- 
heringa ham. The O.E. pers. n. Wealhere frequently appears as 
Walchere (ch=\k~\). This same patronymic is probably contained 
in the Yorks. pi. n. Walkingham (PI. Ns. of the W. Rid.). 

The early forms exhibit a considerable variety of spellings 
which are, however, of but small importance, au for al shows 
Norman vocalisation of /(cp. Mansfield '; Zachrisson, pp. 146 sqq.). 
/ for c= k is a scribal mistake frequently met with in mediaeval 


Type L 

1278 Wellandwell, H.R. 

1289 Wallendewelles, Inq. P.M. II. 

1291 Walland wells, Tax. Eccles. 

1300 Wallandewelles, Index. 
M. I0 


Type II. 

1516 Wallingwells, Bodl. Ch. and R. 
1637 Woldingwells, Map in Camden. 

O.K. iveallende welles, " the boiling, i.e. bubbling and flowing 
springs." This is the site of a former nunnery which is described 
by the pious founder as " [unus locus] in meo parcho de Carletuna 
juxta fontes et rivum fontium " by the wells and the stream of 
the wells (Dugdale, Monast. Angl., new ed. IV, 295, temp. reg. 

The first part of this name is a regular O.K. present participle. 
The change from en to ing took place at a comparatively late 
date; cp. Types I and II. I am not prepared to say whether 
this transition is due to a special sound-law (Phonology, 13) or 
to analogy of the verbal nouns which always ended in -ing as 
assumed by Dr Sweet, N. Engl. Gramm. 1239. 

We find a corresponding O.H.G. name in Wallendenbrunno, 
" at the flowing well or spring " (Forstemann, II), modern Wal- 
bernbrunnen, Odenwald. 


( Wareshope \ 
1086 ] Waresope I D.B. 

I Warsope ) 

1272-1307 Warsop alias Warshope, Inq. P.M. I. 
1302 Warsop, F.A. 

O.K. Wares hop, "the valley of Ware!' The latter male 
name is recorded but once in the Onomasticon. It may have 
been more frequent as a short form of a name composed with 
Wcer-j such as Wcerbeorht, Wcermund etc. A similar name is 
contained in the Low German pi. ns. Warenrode, Warantharpa, 
modern Wahrendorf near Miinster (Forstemann, I). 

WATNALL [wotna] (Watnall Chaworth and Watnall 

Type L 
1086 Watenot, D.B. 


Type II. 

c. 1200 Wattenhou, Woll. MSS. 
1216-1307 Watenhow, Testa de N. 
1278 Watenhou, H.R. 
1316 V Watenowe, F.A. 


1506 Watnowe, Bor. Rec. 

1535 Whatnaw, Valor Eccles. 

Type III. 
c. 1700 Watnall, Map in Camden (ed. 1722). 

" The hill of Wata? O.E. Watan hoh. The final / in the 
D.B. spelling is an error for c t which stands for h (cp. Wysatt\ see 
Zachrisson, Latin Influence, p. 22). Type I contains the suffix in 
the nominative, whereas Type II goes back to the dative^/ Watan 
hoy. The diphthong ow from 03 must have become the same 
in pronunciation as M.E. au with which it was confused by the 
compiler of Valor Eccles. This au or aw in many cases stood 
for older -al, from -healh, -hale, and it was for that reason that 
the suffix came to be written -all, as in Type III and the 
modern spelling, although the / was never pronounced, except 
by those who rely on the spelling only. 

The element hoh is treated at length by Prof. Wyld in 
PL Ns. of Lanes, p. 351. Its meaning in O.E. is "heel, hill, 
promontory." Watnall is situated on an eminence from which 
it apparently derives its name. 

Cantelupe and Chaworth are the names of former owners 
belonging to the Norman nobility. 

WELBECK (Abbey). 

c. 1189 Wellebec, Nottm. Ch. 
1278 Wellebeck, H.R. 

f Welbek ) _ A 
1284 \ _ T _ 1U . ^F.A. 
( Welbecke ) 

The suffix is the Scandinavian bekk(r), " a brook." The first 
element apparently stands for O.E. wiell, well, " stream, spring." 

10 2 


The meaning of the compound seems to be " the brook flowing 
from the spring." 


I Wellon j 

1276 Wellum, Index. 
1316 Wellom, F.A. 
1457 Wellum, Index. 

O.E. <zt wellum, "at the wells, or waters." See preceding 
name, and cp. Kelham. The name is explained by White 
(Directory, 1853, p. 693) as follows : " Its name is derived from 
St John's well, which was long famed for its medicinal virtues in 
scorbutic and rheumatic complaints ; it is now a commodious 
batk, though it has lost much of its former celebrity." 

1278 { 



1302 Welhawe, F.A. 
1535 Wellaw, Map in Camden. 
1704 Welley, Map. 

The suffix stands for O.E. haga, " a hedge, fence ; hence a 
piece of ground enclosed or fenced in, an enclosure." A word 
of similar meaning is O.E. hege which may be contained in the 
spelling of 1704, although it is more likely that -ey represents 
the more usual termination, O.E. ege, introduced by the engraver. 

The first element looks like O.E. wiell, well, "a spring, 
stream." However, I cannot say what is the exact meaning of 
the compound. 

For the spelling ow instead of M.E. aw see Phonology, 9. 


1086 Westone, D.B. 

1268 Wiston, Index. 

1302 Weston, F.A. 

The meaning is obvious. If the spelling Wiston is genuine, 
the change from e to i must be explained as caused by the 
following s. 



1086 Watone, D.B. 

1284 Watton 

1 302 Whatton 

O.K. hiv&te tun, " the wheat-enclosure, or the farm near which 
wheat grows." The vowel of the first syllable underwent early 
shortening before tt : &>ce> M.E. a. See the following name. 

It has been suggested that the name is derived from water 
on account of the watery situation of the village, or from wath- 
tun, wath being a Scandinavian word for " ford/' because there 
still exists in the locality a ford across the river Smite. But 
both these interpretations fail to account for the initial wh which 
cannot be merely a late fanciful spelling. 


/ Wateleie * 

1086 ^Wateleiai D.B. 
' Watelaie ) 

f Wetele ) __ _ 
1278 \ TTr ^ . \ H.R. 
( Wetelay j 

i302.Westley ) 
1316 Whetleyej 

O.K. in hw&te leay, " in the wheat field." a in D.B. stands 
for O.E. <z, M.E. e. Westley and Whiteley are spellings obviously 
caused by false etymology. 

WIDMERPOOL [locally: windapul ; otherwise: widmepul]. 

^ f Wimarspol ) ^ 
1086 ..... ^ . , \ D.B. 
( Wimarspold ) 

1189 Widmespol, P.R. 
1284 Witmerpol } p A 
1428 Wodemerpolej 
1571 Widmerpole, Index. 

O.E. Widm&res pol, " the pool or pond of Wtdmar" The 
loss of the genitival s is a remarkable feature of the development 
of this name. Popular etymology is responsible for various 


interpretations embodied in the early spellings. The second 
syllable of the pers. n. was taken for mere, " lake, pond," and the 
first was connected with the adjective white (F. A. 1284), and the 
noun wood. Two different explanations are offered by Thoroton, 
who thinks that the name means either " Wimears Poll or Spear, 
or Wide mere Poole" (l, 77). 

The metathesis of dm in the local pronunciation is unusual : 
dm became md, the m being afterwards turned into n through 

The final Id of the second D.B. form is puzzling. It is not 
impossible that it stands for dl> the suffix being pudel, puddle 
instead of poL Metathesis of d is not infrequent in D.B. 
(Stolze, 30). 


1086 Wigesleie, D.B. 
1260 Wiggesley, Index. 
1302 Wyggesleye, F.A. 

The suffix is O.K. leak, "a field." The pers. n. involved 
may be either O.E. Wicga or Scandinavian Vlgi. The former 
is found in O.E. sources ; the latter occurs in Scandinavian 
records (Rygh, G. Personnavne, s.v.). 


No early forms. The meaning of the second element is 
clear. The first element may be either of the pers. ns. mentioned 
under the preceding name. 


1086 Wilesforde, D.B. 
1184-1204 Wileford, Woll. MSS. 
1302 Wilford, F.A. 

Probably O.E. Willan ford, " the ford of Willa, leading to 
Willds habitation." The s of D.B. is spurious (cp. Zachrisson, 
pp. 1 1 8, 119). 

In White's Directory (1853, P- 45) tne following note on 
the etymology of this name is found: "The church.. .is dedicated 


to St Wilfrid, and the name of the village is evidently a con- 
traction of Wilfrid's ford, as there is both a ford and a ferry 
close by." This statement confuses cause and effect; for if 
there exists any connection between the patron saint and the 
name of the village, the former must have been chosen in order 
to suit the latter. 


( D.B. 

1204 Wilghebi, Index. 

1291 Wilweby, Tax. Eccles. 

1302 Willeugby ] 

1428 Welughby j 

See following name. 


c (Wilgebi) T 

1086 \ f \ D.B. 

(Willebi j 

c. 1 1 80 Wilghebi, Woll. MSS. 

1252 Wiliugeby super Wolde, Inq. P.M. I. 
1363 Wilughbi super Waldas, Index. 

" The by(r) or dwelling among the willows." The suffix is 
of Scandinavian origin. The first element corresponds to modern 
English willow, whose M.E. ancestor is wilow, wilwe. In O.E., 
this word is found as weli^ wyli^ which normally would result 
in M.E. wily. We are, therefore, forced to assume that there 
existed in O.E. a variant containing a back vowel in the second 
syllable, *welug, wylug, ending in the back-open instead of the 
front-open consonant. The difference in the unstressed vowels 
is to be ascribed either to gradation (Sievers, 127, 128), or to the 
circumstance that the two nouns belonged to the o or jo classes 
of strong masculines respectively. The mutated vowel of the 
one might have been transferred to the other. 

The first named Willoughby is situated among low-lying 
meadows on a brook near which willows flourish abundantly. 



1086 Wimunton, D.B. 
1168-9 Wimunttun, P.R. 
1316 Wympton, F.A. 

f Wynton | T 

c. 1500-j' > Inq. P.M. c. 1500. 

( Wympton ) 

The P.R. spelling is the most conclusive. This is not the 
" women's tun" but " the tun or farmstead of Winemund" This 
O.K. man's name is recorded once in the Onomasticon, as borne 
by an " amicus " of Eadbeald, king of Kent. Cp. Winthorpe. 

n became assimilated to the following m at a very early 
period. A similar fate happened to the mat a. later date when it 
came into contact with the dental /, which changed it to n ; see 
Wynton (Inq. P.M. c. 1500). This form seems to have perished. 
Where the m was retained, a glide developed between it and the 
following / (Phonology, 16). The absence of the genitival s 
is noteworthy. 


1086 Wicheburn, D.B. 
H53 Winkeburn, Index. 

f Winkerburn ) _ _> 
1189 1 1*7- i. u fP.R. 

* (Wincheburnj 

r?7* I Winckeburne \ 
I2/o ( TTr . . r rl.K.. 

(Wingeburne j 

1346 Wynkeborn, F.A. 

1637 Winkborn, Map in Camden. 

The etymology of this name is very doubtful. The inquiry 
is rendered more complicated by the fact that the little river 
flowing past the village is called Wink on modern maps, and 
Winkle by older writers, e.g. in White's Directory of 1853 
(p. 521). 

The suffix is O.K. burne, " spring, brook." The whole name 
originally applied to the water-course, the habitation or village 
on its banks being called "at Winkburn." The first element 
may have been an O.K. adjective *wincol, derived from the root 


contained in wincian, "to wink, blink," and O.H.G. winchan, 
whose original sense was " to bend." Similar adjectival forma- 
tions are numerous in O.K.; an alternative ending is -er, -or 
which is occasionally interchangeable with -<?/, as in wacol, wacor, 
" vigilant." The meaning of O.K. *wincol would be " winding, 
pliant," which might very well be applied to many brooks. 
The variant *wincor would account for the first P.R. spelling, 
unless the first r stand for /, as these two liquids are frequently 
interchanged in records compiled by Norman scribes. 

The river-name Winkle can be explained as a back-formation 
from Wincel burn, "the winding brook." The modern name 
Wink probably came into existence by the same process but at 
a later date, when / had disappeared in the pi. n. By a similar 
method the river-name Maun was deduced from the town 
Mansfield (q.v.). 


1086 Wimuntorp, D.B. 

/ Wimethorp j 
1 165-1205 < Wimetorp / Index. 

' Winetorp 

1291 Wymthorp, Tax. Eccles. 
1316 Winthorp, F.A. 

" The hamlet of Winemund" The same pers. n. forms the 
first element of Wimpton (q.v.). 

WISETON or WYESTON [wistn]. 

1086 Wisetone, D.B. 
1278 Wiston, H,R. 
1304 Wystone, Index. 
1316 Wyston, F.A. 

It is clear that the ending represents O.K. tun, " homestead," 
and that the first element is a pers. n. O.K. Wlsa is not quoted 
in the Onomasticon as having been borne as a name by any 
known person. We may, however, safely assume that it existed. 
The meaning of Wlsa is " the wise one " or " the leader." O.E. 
Wlsan tun seems to have developed in two different directions. 


The n was lost in both cases according to a general rule. The 
e of the second syllable was either retained or dropped. In the 
former case the i stood in an open syllable and remained long 
as in the modern spellings ; in the second case, I before st was 
shortened, giving rise to the modern pronunciation. 

WlTHAM (river). 

The suffix may be an O.K. *amma, a somewhat doubtful 
name for a river, probably of Celtic origin, see Middendorf, s.v. 
The first element may represent O.E. wtfrig, "willow." This 
conjecture receives further support from the fact that the banks 
of the above river must at one time have been famous for the 
abundance of osiers, as the village of Barnby situated on it has 
received the distinctive addition of " in-the-willows." Thus the 
meaning is " the willowy stream." Names like Weidenbach of 
the same meaning are of frequent occurrence throughout 

WlVERTON [wXtn]. 

1086 Wivretune, D.B. 
c. 1 1 So Wiverton, Woll. MSS. 
1284 Veverton 
1 302 Wy verton 
1637 Waerham, Map in Camden. 
1704 Waerton, Map. 

Wiverton (commonly called) ) ~, 

7 ' f Thoroton, I, 195. 

Werton J 

The first element of this name must be a pers. n., either 
O.E. Wigferfr, Wigfri]?, or Widfara, the last of which is claimed 
to be of Scandinavian origin by Dr Bjorkman. It occurs in 
a shortened form as Wiuare, Wifare in D.B., which exactly 
corresponds to the early spellings above. The suffix is, of 
course, O.E. tun, " homestead"; Camden blunders by substituting 
-ham. The absence of any sign of a genitival ending need not 
disturb us. After the loss of v, ir developed in the regular way 
(Phonology, 8). 


WOLDS (a range of hills). 

1252 Wolde, Inq. P.M. I. 
1363 Waldas, Index. 

((the large, and goodly) ,-. > r> i iu- 

1 6 1 3 r , j r Drayton's Polyolbion. 

\ full-flocked) oulds J 

From O.K. (Mercian) wdld, " forest." a, which had become 
lengthened before Id, was changed into g in M.E. Drayton's 
spelling represents a dialect pronunciation, showing loss of 
initial w before a rounded back vowel (cp. ooze < M.E. wose, 
Horn, 173). 

The above word is identical with Southern English Wealds 
which is descended from the W. Saxon and Kentish variant 
weald. The development of senses can be easily traced. When 
the plains had been practically cleared of woods and forests, the 
word weald, wald was gradually restricted to the hills still 
covered with trees. 

WOLLATON [wulatn]. 

/ Ollavestone \ 
io86Joiavestune > D.B. 

I Waletone 

1216-1307 Wullaveton, Testa de N. 
1284 Welestonj 
1302 Woleton > F.A. 
1316 Wolaton " 
1327-77 Wolaston, Non. Inq. 
1428 Willaton, F.A. 

The spelling of Testa de N. is the most helpful; if it contained 
the s found in some others it would be perfect. The O.E. proto- 
type was Wulfldfes tun, "the homestead of Wulfldf This 
pers. n. occurs frequently in O.E. documents. The loss of the 
genitival s is noteworthy. 

The D.B. scribes found it impossible to render the sound of 
wu and often blundered over it (see following name). The 
spellings containing a, e or i in the first syllable are clerical 
mistakes and require no explanation. 



| Udesburg j 
1278 Wodeburg, H.R. 
1302 Wodeburgh, F.A. 
1637 Woodbro, Map in Camden. 

" The fortified place in the wood," from O.E. wudti, " wood," 
and buruk, " fortified place." The development is regular. The 
s in the second D.B. spelling is spurious; the scribe probably 
took the first element for a pers. n. Camden records the 
contemporary pronunciation. 


1302 Wodicotes, F.A. 

"The cottages in the wood," O.E. frd wudiy cotas. The 
second syllable of the adjective wudi^, " woody," has been lost 


I suggest that the suffix is the same as in Meden, and 
Witham (qq.v.). If so, the first element might be O.E. wulf, 
" wolf," and the meaning of the compound " wolf stream." In 
O.H.G. a corresponding Wolfaha is found, modern Wolfach 
(Forstemann, II). 


WORKSOP [wosop] (Worsop, Wossap, Wursup, Hope). 

Type I. 

Werchesope | ^ 
Werchessope f 
1189 Werchessope, P.R. 

Type II. 

1189 Worcheshope, P.R. 
1410 Worsope, Index. 

Type III. 

1302 Wirksop, F.A. 
1327-77 Wyrksop, Non. Inq. 


1345 Wirkesop, Index. 

1346 Wirsop, F.A. 

Type IV. 

1535-43 Werkensop, Leland, I, 99. 
1637 Workensop, Camden, p. 550. 

The termination in Types I, II, III apparently is O.K. hop, 
" valley." The first element is a pers. n., of which there is no 
record in the Onomasticon, it is true, but whose existence is 
proved by its being contained in a number of pi. ns. enumerated 
by Prof. Moorman, s.v. Worksborougk. That name seems to 
have occurred in various forms, namely as Wyrc (Type III), 
Weorc (Type I), and Wore (Type II). The last form evidently 
developed out of the second on or near Northumbrian territory, 
where the change from weo to wo took place (Biilbring, 265). 

The modern spelling goes back to Type II, so do the first 
and the second pronunciations recorded by Hope. The pro- 
nunciation in square brackets is descended from either Type I 
or III, ir, er first becoming [A] as in the last of Hope's forms, and 
then being shortened. 

Type IV is puzzling. The two spellings are too late and 
can hardly be taken seriously. It is, moreover, very probable 
that Camden partly copied from Leland. One might feel 
tempted to say that the n represents the genitival ending of a 
weak variant of the pers. n. Weorca\ but the presence of an 
additional s renders that impossible. 

WYSALL [waise]. 

Type I. 
1086 Wisoc, D.B. 

Type II. 

1302 Wishow, F.A. 
1327-77 Wysowe, Non. Inq. 
1428 Wyshow, F.A. 

^ ( Vyssow ) T 
1476 \ ._; \ Index. 

I Wysow J 

J 535 Wyshawe, Valor Eccles. 
1637 Wysshaw, Map in Camden. 


The suffix is the same as in Watnall (q.v.) ; D.B. writes final 
c instead of h in hoh, "hill." The nature of the prefix is 
extremely doubtful. It might stand for the pers. n. Wtsa, 
found in Wiseton. If so, the meaning of O.E. Wlsan hoh 
would be " Wiscls hill." 

The development of the suffix and the recent substitution of 
-all for the ending are explained under Watnall. 

If the explanation offered is correct, one would expect the s 
to be voiced. I cannot satisfactorily account for the quality of 
that consonant. 

In the spellings of 1535 and 1637, shaw, from O.E. sceaga, 
" small wood, copse, thicket," is substituted for the original 
suffix. These forms are too recent to be classified as a genuine 


N. B. Only those sound-changes that are of special interest have been classified 


i. Shortening of original long vowels in stressed syllables before 
certain consonant combinations. 

(a) Late O.K. shortenings : 

a > a : Aslockton < A slac ; Bradmore < brad- ; Stanton, Stanford < stan. 
B > a : Clareborough < cla>fre- ; Martin < nicer- ; Whatton < hwcet- ; Hat- 
field < KaJ>-. 

ea > a : Radford, Ratcliffe < read-. 
e > e (W. Sax. #, Mercian e) : Fledborough < Fleda ; Strelley < stret- ; 

Sturton, older Stretton < stret-. 
CO > e : Darlton < *derl- < Deorl-. 
1 > i : Limpool, Linby < lind-. 

6 > O : Broxtow < Brocwulf- ; Hokerton < Hdkr : Ossington < Oskin-. 
U > U : Dunham < dun- ; Rufford < ruh- ; Southwell [saftl], Sutton < stift- ; 
Plumtree <plum. 

(b} Early M.E. shortenings : 

ea > e : Edwalton, Edwinstow < Ead- ; Retford < read-. 
e > i : Gringley < gren ; but see 6. 

2. The regular development of O.E. a is M.E. {?, modern [ou] : 
Gotham < gat- ; Goverton < GarfrtiS- ; Grove <grafe. 

3. M.E. ih seems to have developed into late M.E. I which did not 
participate in the diphthongisation of early M.E. t from O.E. f, jp, ig\ 
Kneesall, Kneeton < kniht- (?). In the Dialect Grammar ( 77) it is stated 
that this change has taken place in Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, 
Westmoreland, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Flintshire, and parts of 
Staffordshire, Derbyshire, and Lincolnshire. As Nottinghamshire is situated 
between Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and Lincolnshire, it is not unreasonable to - 
assume that the same sound-change has taken place within its territory. 
The Nottinghamshire dialect is very badly represented in the Dial. Diet. ; 
I am informed that old people still pronounce night as [nit], but that 


otherwise the standard pronunciation has supplanted the genuinely local 
forms. See Horn, 69 anm. 

4. M.E. u is derived from various sources and has developed on various 
different lines, (i) O.K. u has undergone diphthongisation in : Lound < lund, 
but was shortened in : Southwell [saftl] < sujyw-. (2) After u, / and h 
became vocalised ; the resulting combination uu was then treated as older /7, 
i.e. diphthongised to [au]. The first change has taken place in : Boughton < 
buhtun, and Bulcote < but-, but u was not diphthongised through influence 
of the initial labial consonant ; cp. the pronunciation of wound. 

M.E. u from ul has become shortened at a later period in : Sowlkholme 
[sakm] < sulh-. 

In Oldcoates < ule-, M.E. u seems to have developed into modern [ei], 
the pronunciation of that name being given as Alecotes in Hope's Glossary. 
This may represent the genuine dialect pronunciation, for which, however, 
I cannot find any confirmation. 

5. Early M.E. 88, a appears as both e and a before original ks\ 
Laxton, older Lessington < Leax- ; cp. Dial. Grammar, 25. 

& seems to have been lengthened before s in : Basford [beisfad] < Bassa- ; 
this M.E. change corresponds to a similar lengthening of ce before open 
voiceless consonants in modern southern English, in words like mass, grass, 

6. M.E. e has become i before ng [TJ] : Bingham < Benninga- ; 
Finningley <fennin%a-. Cp. Dial. Gramm. 55, Horn, 38. 

7. M.E. er and ar developed into ar\ after this change had taken 
place, the r was lost before the dental and blade consonants s, p, /, n, 
the a being lengthened at the same time : ers, ars > eers > &s. This 
is represented by modern [ei], or [ae] if shortened : Bassetlaw, Caythorp, 
Dalington, Danethorpe, Perlethorpe, older Palethorpe, Staythorpe: see 
discussions and forms under each name above. 

8. M.E. er, ir, and ur have all become [7T] in the modern pronuncia- 
tion ; in some cases, however, er, <zr are represented by ar and [ei] ; see 7. 
The early spellings of some of the following place-names prove that this 
transition took place at a somewhat earlier date than is usually assigned 
to it; see Barnston, Barton, Carburton, Darlton, Girton, Harby, Serlby, 
Sherwood, Sturton, Wiverton, Worksop. 

9. M.E. au and oil. The combination al developed into aul\ the 
/ is retained in the modern spelling of: Balderton, Calverton [kovatn, 
kavstn], and Halloughton [houtn, h5tn] ; it has been lost in : Caunton < Cain-, 
and Aws worth < Aides-. M.E. g < au was shortened in: Ollerton and 
Ompton < air-, aim-. 

ol has become [oul] in : Rolleston ; it is represented by [5] in Hawton 
< holt-. This latter fact seems to prove that, in the dialect, M.E. au and 
ou have fallen together. The spelling Hauton for older Holton is found as 
early as 1270. 

Scand. ou appears as d, o in: Haughton, Hockerton; cf. Bjorkman, 
Scand. Loan Words. 


10. Shifting of accent is found in : Keyworth and Trowell (qq.v.). 
f II. Norman influence accounts for the change from an to aun in : 
Maun, Saundby, Staunton. 


12. Loss of Consonants. Of three consonants, the middle one is 
lost, this change being due to assimilation in most cases. 
d : Bilsthorpe < -Ids- ; Bonbusk < -ndb- ; Chilwell < -Idw- ; Felley < -Idl- 

Shelford < -Idf-. 
f: Wollaton < -Ifl-. 
k : Kirton < -rkt- ; Radcliffe [raetlifj < -tkl- ; Syerston < -rks- ; Worksop 

[was9p] < rks-. 
1 : Gamston < -mist-. 
n : Milton < -Int-. 
t : Beeston [blsn] < -stn-. 
J>, 8 : Normanton < -r%m- ; Norney < -rSrn- ; Norton < -r)>t- ; Norwell, 

Torworth < -rftw- ; Wiverton < -r]>t-. 
V : Elston < -l-ust- ; Scarle < -rvl- ; Selston < -Ivst-. 

13. Assimilation. 
ld> II \ Bole, Bolham, Rolleston. 
dk >kk > k : Eacring < Ead(wce)cer-. 
fn > mn : Rampton < *Hrafntun. 
hf>ff\ Rufford < ruhford. 

sk >ss : Ossington < Oskintun ; Bothamsall < -skeld. 
ks > ss : Laxton, older Lessington. 
k}> > ]>(}>} : Huthwaite < -kfrw-. 
kt> tt\ Boughton (Button, Type III) < buktun. 
tw > kw : Bestwood, older Beskwood. 
ms > ns : Mansfield < Mams-, 
nmnj) > m)> > n)> : Winthorpe < IVinemundfiorp. 
ny > rj(n) : Bingham < Benning-. 

nm > m(m) : Wimpton < Winmun- ; Kimberley < Cynmcer-* 
ndp > np > mp : Limpool < lindpol. 
n/ > nt: Dalington [daelintn]. 
stw >skw : Bestwood, older Beskwood. 
ts > ^ s : Cossal < Cots-. 

tl > dl > // : Strelley < stretle^e ; Teversal < -holt, 
rs > s(s) : Syerston (Type II). 
r& > rr : Scarrington < -r-. 
}>f>tt\ Sutton. 
b n > b m (" Fernassimilation," see Horn, 228 anm.) : Bramcote < 

bran(d]cot\ Brinsley, see Testa de N. spelling. 

n in the second syllable of trisyllabic words has become rj in a number of 
place-names. This second syllable had very weak stress, and I assume that 
this vowel, of whatever origin, became t at a very early period. This high 

M. u 


front vowel exercised an assimilatory influence upon the n, changing the 
dental nasal into the front nasal (retracted). A similar change is observed 
in the M.E. present participle bindinde becoming bindinge. This transition 
is usually ascribed to the influence of the corresponding verbal nouns in 
-inge (Sweet, N. Engl. Gramm. 1239), but it may have been assisted and 
accelerated by the operation of the sound-law formulated above. Other 
writers on place-names assume that the change from -an-, -en-, -in- to -ZQ- is 
due to analogy with names containing an original patronymic particle -ing- 
(Wyld, Place-Names of Lancashire, p. 36, see Alexander, Essays and Studies, 
II, pp. 158 sqq.). There are two circumstances which speak against such 
an explanation : (i) The large number of -ing- forms derived from -in- 
( Alexander, I.e. p. 181). (2) The existence of modern vulgar pronunciations 
exhibiting a similar transition in independent words, as skelington (skeleton, 
older *skelenton, cf. celandine < Latin celidonia, etc., Horn, 225), and 
sartingly (certainly). Examples of Nottinghamshire place-names are : 
Edingley < Eadwin- ; Attenborough (see older forms) ; Farndon (see older 
forms) ; Kilvington (?) ; Kirklington (?) ; Laxton, older Lessington < 
Leaxan- ; Newington < nlwantune ; Ossington < Oskin- ; Walling wells < 

14. Dissimilation. Loss of r through influence of another r con- 
tained in the same word is found in: Goverton, and perhaps in: Ordsall 
(qq.v.). The loss of n in Misterton < mynstertun may be due to the 
dissimilatory effect of the initial m. (Cp. Zachrisson, pp. 136 sqq.; Horn, 


15. Metathesis. 

r frequently changes its place in the accented syllable : Girton < great- ; 

Scrooby < scurva- ; Sturton < stret- ; Thrumpton < burmod- ; Tres- 

well < tires-. 
n(m) changes its position in : Widmerpool [windapul] < Wtdnuer-. 

1 6. Development of a glide. 
mt>mpt: Ompton, Plumtree, older Plumptre, Rampton, Thrumpton 


mst > mpst : Rempston. 
mr > mbr : Kimberley. 
pl>pwl\ Crop well. 

17. Voicing and unvoicing, due to partial assimilation. 
dk > tk : Ratcliffe < read-. 
df>tf\ Retford < read-. 
hb>p: Epperston < *Eohberht- (?). 
tb>db: Budby <.#/-. 

1 8. Loss of h and w at the beginning of an unstressed syllable. 
h is lost: Cossal < -hale; Cropwell < -hill\ Nottingham [notinm], etc. 
w is lost : Colwick [kolik] ; Bulwell [bulal] ; Eakring < Eadwacer- ; 

Edwinstow, or Edenstow ; Harworth [hser3>] ; Kinoulton < Cynweald- ; 

Norwell [nor9l] ; Southwell [scffil]. 


19. Initial h is a very unstable element in the Nottinghamshire dialect. 
It is usually dropped in pronunciation, but may be prefixed to any stressed 
word beginning with a vowel : Appesthorpe, Hickling, Hockerton, Hover- 

20. kt > ht. 

Whenever in the older Germanic languages k and / met in combination, 
the former was opened and changed into the back or front spirant. This 
same sound-law seems to have been in operation throughout the O.K. 1 and 
M.E. periods, unless crossed by analogy. Prof. Wyld was the first to draw 
attention to this interesting fact (Place Names of Lancashire, p. 32). 
Examples are : Bough ton < *Buktun ; Haughton < *Hoktun. 

21. Final / is lost in the modern local pronunciation of Southwell 
[saSa]; Hucknall [hakna] ; Watnall [wotna]; Wysall [waisa]. On the 
other hand, an excrescent d was added to Arnold < Earn hale; see Dial. 
Gramm. 306; Horn, 188. 

22. Norman Influence. The inability of the Normans to pronounce 
/ caused them to substitute / for that sound. Initial / for p has persisted in : 
Tollerton, Torworth, Toton, Treswell (qq.v.). (Zachrisson, pp. 39 sqq.) 

They simplified the initial combination sn by dropping the s in Notting- 
ham < Snotingaham. (Zachrisson, pp. 51, 55.) 

23. Scandinavian Influence accounts for the irregular develop- 
ment of O.E. g and <:, and s'c in the following cases : Egmanton < Ec%- ; 
Lindrick < -rt'c\ Fiskerton <fiscere- (?) ; Muskham < Musca- (?). 

1 A late O.E. example of this change is lehtun " garden " (c. 950, Lindisf. Gosp.) 
< leactiin ; see N.E.D., s.v. leighton. 

II 2 



ac, oak-tree (Hodsock, Shireoaks) 

~<zdre, spring, channel of water (Averham) 

ces'c, ash-tree (Ashfield, Askham) 

bcej>, bath (Bathley) 

bearo, wood, forest (Bassetlaw) 

beofor, beaver (Bevercotes) 

beorg, hill, mountain (Flawborough) 

beretun, barley-enclosure, farmstead (Barton, Carburton) 

blme, blithe, gentle (Blyth) 

bold, botl, house, dwelling (Bole, Bolham, Newbold) 

brad, broad (Bradmore, Broadholme) 

*brand, forest land cleared by fire (Bramcote) 

broc, brook (Daybrook, Giltbrook) 

dry 'eg , bridge (Bridgford) 

bul(e\ bull (Bulcote) 

*bullan, to bubble (Bulwell) 

bune, calamus, canna (Bunny) 

burh, fortified place (Attenborough, Bilborough, Brough, Burton Joyce, 

Clareborough, Fledborough, Littleborough, Woodborough) 
burne, spring, brook (Winkbourn) 

cealf, calf (Calverton) 

*cild, spring, fountain (Chilwell) 

ctcefre, clover (Clareborough) 

clceg, clay (Clay worth, Sturton-in-the-Clay) 

clif, rock, cliff (Clifton, Radcliffe, Ratcliffe, RushclifT) 

cot, house, cot, habitation of human beings and animals (i : Bramcote, 
Coates, Gotham, Cottam, Oldcoates, Woodcotes ; 2 : Bevercotes, Bul- 
cote, Lamcote) 

crumb, crooked, winding (Cromwell) 

cucu, cwic, quick, fast, alive (Cuckney) 

cumb, deep hollow or valley (Sowlkholme) 

cy, form of cu, cow (Key worth) 

cyne- , royal (Kingston) 


denu, valley (Saxondale) 

die, ditch (Bycardyke, Heck Dyke) 

draca, dragon (Drakeholes) 

drceg, retreat, nook (Drayton) 

dan, hill (Dunham, Farndon, Headon) 

ea, ege, water meadow, island ; river, stream (Blyth, Bunny, Cuckney, 

Drinsey Nook, Eaton, Greet, Idle, Lithe, Mattersey, Norney, Tilne) 
*ealce, a mythological person (Awkley) 
eald, old (Oldwark Spring) 
east, east (Eastwood) 

fearn, fern (Farndon) 

feld, open country, as opposed to woodland ; a plain (Bassingfield, Farnsfield, 
Felley, Haggonfield, Hatfield, Kirkby-in-Ashfield, Mansfield, Nether- 

fenn, mud, dirt ; fen (Fenton, ? Finningley) 

fiscere, fisherman (Fiskerton) 

flint, rock (Flintham) 

ford, ford (Basford, Bridgford, Flawford, Gateford, Hazelford, Langford, 
Radford, Retford, Rufford, Salterford, Shelford, Spalford, Stanford, 
Stapleford, Wilford) 

ful, dirty, soiled ; miry (Fulwood) 

gcedeling, companion in arms (Gedling) 

gar a, triangular piece of land (Langar) 

gat, goat (Gotham) 

graf, grcsf, grave, burial-place (Cotgrave, Grove ?) 

graf, grove (Grove ?) 

grene, green (Gringley ?) 

greot, sand, rubble (Girton, Greet) 

gylden, golden (Giltbrook) 

hcesel, hazel (Hazelford, Hesley) 

ha}>, heath (Hatfield, Headon) 

ham, home ; see special article, p. 169 ; (Beckingham, Bingham, Collingham, 

Dunham, Flintham, Gotham, Hoveringham, Lowdham, Markham, 

Marnham, Muskham, Nottingham, Walkeringham) 
heath, nook, valley; see special article, p. 169; (Arnold, Cossal, Hallam, 

Halloughton, Hucknall, Kersall, Kneesall, Nuthall, Ordsall) 
hege, haga, hedge, fence ; a piece of enclosed ground (Bilhagh, Hay wood 

Oaks, Thorney, Wellow) 
held, slope, declivity (Merrils Bridge) 
here, army (Harwell?) 
hierde, Anglian heorde, shepherd (Harby) 

, hill, mound (Bassetlaw) 


*hlnd, stormy? (Lowdham) 

hoh, hog, hill, mound ; tumulus (Watnall, Wysall) 

hoi, hole, cave, den (Drakeholes) 

hol(h\ hollow (Holbeck) 

holt, wood, copse (Hawton, Teversal) 

*hop, valley (Styrrup, Warsop, Worksop) 

hors, horse (Horsepool) 

hiuizte, wheat (Whatton, Wheatley) 

hyll, hill (Cropwell) 

hyrst, grove, wood (Lyndhurst) 

lamb, lamb (Lambley, Lamcote) 

land, plough-land (Langford) 

lane, lane, street (Laneham) 

lang, long (Langar) 

leak, meadow, field; see special article, p. 170 ; (Annesley, Awkley, Baggalee, 
Bathley, Brinsley, Edingley, Elkesley, Felley, Finningley, Greasley, 
Gringley, Hesley, Kimberley, Lambley, Rockley, Scarle, Strelley, 
Wansley, Wheatley, Wigsley) 

lind, lime-tree (Limpool, Linby, Lindrick, Lyndhurst) 

Iffie, lithe ; smooth, still (Lide) 

lytel, little, small (Littleborough) 

(ge}m~(Er, *mcere, boundary (Martin) 

mapuldor, maple-tree (Maplebeck, Mapplewell) 

mearc, boundary (Markham) 

mere, lake, pool (Bradmore, Gibsmere) 

middel, middle (Middlethorpe) 

mor, moor (Barnby Moor, Morton) 

mylen, mill (Milnthorpe, Milton) 

mynster, monastery, church (Misterton) 

myrige, pleasant, agreeable, delightful (Merrils Bridge) 

neofterra, lower (Netherfield) 

netele, nettle (Nettle worth) 

niuwe, new (Newark, Newbold, Newington, Newstead, Newthorpe, Newton) 

norft-, north (Norton, Norwell) 

norfterne, northern (Norney) 

ox a, ox (Oxton) 

papol, pebble (Papplewick) 

plum-treo, plum-tree (Plumptree) 

pol, pool, pond (Horsepool, Limpool, Widmerpool) 

read, red (Radcliffe, Radford, Ratcliffe) 
*ric, wood, forest ; tract of land ? (Lindrick) 


rise, rys'c, rush (Rushcliff) 
ruh, rough (Rufford) 

sceta, settler, dweller ; inhabitant (Bassetlaw) 

*sceld, shallow (Shelford) 

sctr, boundary (Sherwood) 

scylfe, Anglian s'celfe, shelf, ledge (Shelton) 

sealh treo, sallow-tree (Salterford) 

spring, spring, fountain (Oldwark Spring) 

stdn, stone (Kingston, Stanford, Stanton, Staunton) 

stapol, pillar (Stapleford) 

stede, place (Newstead) 

stupel, Anglian stepel, steeple (Sturton-le-Steeple) 

* stoc, stocc, stump of a tree, stake ; enclosed place ; log hut ? ; stockade ? 

see discussion under Stoke Bardolph ; (Costock, Stockwith, Stoke 

Bardolph, East Stoke, Stokeham) 
stow, place ; holy place (Broxtow, Edwinstowe) 
street, street, paved road (Strelley, Sturton) 
*sulh, miry place, swamp (Sowlkholme) 
sfiS, south (Southwell, Sutton) 

treow, tree (Plumptree, Trowell) 

tun, enclosure; farmstead, see special article, p. 171 ; (Adbolton, Alverton, 
Aslockton, Babbington, Balderton, Barnston, Barton, Beeston, Bon- 
nington, Boughton, Broughton, Burton Joyce, West Burton, Calverton, 
Carburton, Car Colston, Carlton, Caunton, Clifton, Clipston, Coddington, 
Colston Basset, Dalington, Darlton, Drayton, Eaton, Edwalton, Egman- 
ton, Elston, Elton, Epperston, Everton, Fenton, Fiskerton, Gamston, 
Girton, Clapton, Gonalston, Goverton, Grimston, Halloughton, Haugh- 
ton, Hawton, Hayton, Hockerton, Kilvington, Kinoulton, Kirklington, 
Kirton, Kneeton, Laxton, Lenton, Leverton, Manton, Martin, Milton, 
Misterton, Morton, Newington, Newton, Normanton, Norton, Ollerton, 
Ompton, Orston, Osberton, Ossington, Oxton, Rampton, Rempston, 
Rolleston, Ruddington, Scarrington, Scofton, Screveton, Selston, Shelton, 
Sneinton, Stanton, Staunton, Sturton, Sutton, Syerston, Thoroton, 
Thrumpton, Thurgarton, Tollerton, Toton, Upton, Weston, Whatton 
Wimpton, Wiseton, Wiverton, Wollaton) 

from, thornbush (Thorney) 

ulc, owl (Oldcoates) 
iip, above (Upton) 

weald, Anglian wald, forest (the Wolds) 

wealh, slave, serf; Briton ; may be a pers. n. (Walesby) 

weallan, to boil ; to flow, go in waves (Wallingwells) 

weorc, wore, building ; fortification (Newark, Oldwark Spring) 


*weor}>, wor]>, enclosed homestead ; habitation ; see special article, p. 171 ; 

(Awsworth, Babworth, Blidworth, Clayworth, Colsterworth, Harworth, 

Hawksworth, Keyworth, Littleworth, Nettleworth, Rainworth, Scaft- 


west, west (Weston) 
wiell, well, spring, fountain ; stream (Bulwell, Chilwell, Cromwell, 

Harwell, Mapplewell, Norwell, Southwell, Wallingwells, Welbeck, 

Welham, Wellow) 

*wiluh, *wilug, willow- tree (Barnby-in-the- Willows, Willoughby) 
wmig, willow (Witham) 
wudig, woody (Woodcotes) 
wudu, wood, forest (Bestwood, Fulwood, Haywood, Sherwood, Woodborough) 


bekk(r\ brook (Beck, Bycardyke, Holbeck, Maplebeck, Oswardbeck, Wel- 


birki- , birch (Birkland) 
breiftr, broad (Bradebusk) 
brekka, brink, slope (Brecks) 
busk(r), shrub ; bush (Bonbusk, Bradebusk) 
by(r), habitation, farm ; village (Barnby Moor, Barnby-in-the-Willows, 

Bilby, Bleasby, Budby, Granby, Harby, Kirkby, Linby, Ranby, 

Saundby, Scrooby, Serlby, Skegby, Thoresby, Tythby, Walesby, 


dal(r\ valley (Saxondale) 

drengr, companion ; sergeant-at-arms, may be a pers. n. (Drinsey Nook) 

drit, dirt, M.E. dritig, dirty (Dirty Hucknall, or Hucknall-under-Huthwaite) 

geit, goat (Gateford) 

heath (Hay ton) 
hesli, hazel (Hazelford, Heseland (see Birkland), Hesley) 
holm(r\ island (Broadholme, Holme) 

kelda, well (Bothamsall, Kelham, Ranskill) 

kirkja, church (Kirkby, Kirton) 

kjar(r\ M.E. ker, swamp, marshy ground (Carburton, Car Colston) 

kropp(r\ hump (Cropwell) 

lek(r\ brook, rivulet (Leake) 

lund(r\ wood, grove (Birkland and Heseland, Lound) 

skjalf, *skelf-, shelf ledge (Ranskill, early forms) 


frorp, village, hamlet, see special article, p. 171 ; (Appesthorpe, Bagthorpe, 
Beesthorpe, Bilsthorpe, Caythorpe, Danethorpe, Gleadthorpe, Gold- 
thorpe, Grassthorpe, Gunthorpe, Knapthorpe, Middlethorpe, Milnthorpe, 
Newthorpe, Osmondthorpe, Owthorpe, Perlethorpe, Sibthorpe, Stay- 
thorpe, Stragglethorpe, Thorpe-in-Glebe, Thorpe-by-Newark, Wigthorpe, 

frveit, a piece of land, a single farm, a hamlet (Eastwood, Huthwaite) 

vaft, a wading place, ford (Langwith?, Stockwith ?) 
mk, bay, creek (Col wick, Papplewick) 
i>fi$(r\ tree, wood, forest (Langwith?, Stockwith?) 
voll(r\ *<val$uz, field (Trowell ?) 


bellum (Low Latin), fair, beautiful (Beauvale) 
beste, beast of the chase (Bestwood) 

faba, bean (Barton-in-Fabis) 

forest^ wood not enclosed, forest (Lyndhurst-on-the-Forest) 

glebe, Latin gleba, plough-land (Thorpe-in-Glebe) 

grange, granary ; outlying farm-house (Gleadthorpe Grange) 

vallum, vale, valley (Beauvale) 


(1) ham. The meaning is clear: "home, house, abode, estate." It denotes 
the dwelling of some person of consequence, or the chief seat of a tribe or 
noble family. Bede renders the pi. n. Rendlcesham by "mansio Rendili," 
where mansio stands in its Low Latin sense, from which both English 
mansion and French maison are derived. 

(2) healh, dative heale, hale, hale. Although this termination is of 
frequent occurrence in pi. ns., it is extremely difficult to give its exact 
signification. After careful consideration of the evidence, Professor Wyld 
arrives at the conclusion that it means " a hollowed-out area, a bay, retreat " 
(Place-Names of Lancashire, p. 340). Miller (Place-Names in Bede, pp. 38, 
39) discusses this word at length ; he translates it by "recess, corner, hollow." 
I am inclined to go further than that and assign the meaning of " valley " to 
O.E. healh. This view is supported by geographical evidence : all the places 
containing this element seem to lie in a " hollow," or, at any rate, to be situated 

1 1-5 


close to a valley where the original habitation may have stood. Bede's transla- 
tion of Streones halh as " Sinus fari " has been a puzzle to many writers, and 
I do not propose to solve the mystery of the first element. Whether farus 
means " light-house " or not is a question that may perhaps never be decided. 
The signification of the second element is clear : sinus means, of course, 
"bay," but it has another sense as well, in which it is used here, namely that 
of " mediterraneus terrae angulus," as e.g. in the combination "vallium 
sinus." (Forcellini, Totius Latinitatis Lexicon, Schneeberg, 1831.) It 
describes a triangular piece of land forming the bottom of a valley between 
two hills or ranges that meet at one end. Such " corners, nooks, retreats, 
inland bays" or whatever the description may be, must have been the very 
spots to attract the early settlers. For they were more easily cleared of 
trees and undergrowth, if there were any, than the hill-sides ; they were 
almost invariably watered by a small stream, and afforded shelter and 

As to the derivation of the word healh^ I am inclined to connect it by 
gradation with O.E. holh, "hollow." The modern Frisian hallich, pi. halligen y 
I regard as identical 1 . Dijkstra (Friesch Woordenboek, Leeuwarden, 1900) 
gives its meaning as follows : " Kleine anbeduinde en onbedijkte eilandje 
aan de Noordfriesche kust, overblijpselen van door de see verzwolgen land, 
waar de bewoners nog Friesch spreken." One usually connects the latter 
word with O.E. hyll etc., being under the impression that it refers to the 
artificial mounds, or " Werften," on which the houses of the " Halligen " are 
erected. This, however, is not correct. Originally, the term was applied to 
low-lying land not protected from the sea by dykes, and therefore subject to 
being flooded. I am told that the latter meaning is still the one attached to 
the word hallich by the islanders themselves. 

(3) leak, Mercian leh, dative lege. This word is related to Latin lucus, 
"grove," and O.H.G. loh, "brushwood, clearing" ; the meaning of modern 
Germ. Loh is "grove, copse." The original sense is that of "clearing, 
open space in the wood." The development of senses in the German and 
Latin words is easily explained and affords another example of how com- 
pletely the meaning of geographical terms may change. The lucus or 
clearing does not consist of the open space only, but it comprises also the 
surrounding trees. In course of time, the latter came to be regarded as the 
essential and characteristic feature, the word thus assuming the meaning of 
"collection of trees, grove." 

In the modern dialects, lea is used in the following senses : " meadow, 
field, pasture, grassland." In the pi. ns., I have translated it by "field," 
which may refer both to grazing and arable land. In O.E. charters, leak is 

1 The development of a svarabhakti vowel between / and h is a regular feature of 
the Frisian language; see Siebs, " Geschichte der friesischen Sprache," 85, in 
Pauls Grundriss, I 2 . Prof. Siebs kindly informed me that, as far as sound-develop- 
ment is concerned, hallich might very well be identical with O.E. healk. 


rendered by Latin campus (see N.E.D., s.v.) ; Asser (Life of King Alfred, ed. 
Stevenson) renders Aclea by " in campulo quercus." 

(4) tun. This word is identical with O.H.G. zun, modern Germ. 
hedge, fence." Thus it originally referred to the paling or hedge with 

which the Teuton settler surrounded his homestead in order to protect 
himself and his beasts from the attacks of wild animals as well as of thieves, 
This original sense of the word appears clearly in the O.E. compound deor- 
tun, "a deer enclosure, a frith, a park." Its application, however, became 
soon extended. It was used to denote not only the actual palisade or hedge, 
but everything inclosed by the latter, namely, the whole homestead or farm. 
That is still the meaning of the Scotch toon which the Dial. Diet, explains 
as " farmstead, farmhouse and buildings, country seat, single dwelling." In 
the latter senses, the suffix was used in the pi. ns., which accounts for the 
fact of so many of the names in -tun having a pers. n. for their first element 
The modern meaning of the independent word town is a late development. 

(5) porp. Although it is a fact that this word is found in O.E. before 
the Scandinavian invasion, I am inclined to regard it as of Norse origin 
when it occurs as the second element of pi. ns. Professor Wyld holds the 
view that it may be derived from either source. It makes its most frequent 
appearance in districts containing a large Scandinavian population, and is very 
often compounded with Norse pers. ns. Professor Moorman (Place-Names of 
the West Riding, p. xlv) points out that it is very common as a termination in 
Danish pi. ns., but is more rarely encountered in Norway and hardly at all 
in Iceland. This seems to explain the fact that there are but few examples 
of its occurrence in Lancashire where the Scandinavian element is largely 
of Norwegian descent, whereas it is much more frequent in the Danish 
districts of Yorkshire and Notts. 

The meaning of J>orp is " village." Originally it described a collection of 
dwellings, and is thus opposed in signification to the single and more 
imposing habitations called ham, ttin, and iveor}>. Whereas the latter were 
owned by a person of consequence or occupied by a noble family whose 
" hall " or " seat " they were, the former seems to have been composed of the 
more humble cots and huts of serfs, common people, or the great man's 
retainers. It is noteworthy, however, that J>orp is frequently preceded by a 
pers. n. in the singular ; it is doubtful whether the latter referred to the lord 
and owner of the village, or whether the word frorp had lost its primitive 
meaning and become identical with tun and ham denoting single dwellings. 

(6) iveorj>, wor}>. The O.E. pi. n. BeodricesweorS is translated into 
Latin by " Bedrici curds" (Passio Sancti Edmundi, c. 14). The meaning of 
Low Latin curtis is "enclosure, estate." Both the original meaning and the 
etymology of O.E. worj> are obscure. Professor Skeat (Place-Names of Cam- 
bridgeshire, p. 25) connects it with O.E. weorj>, "worth, value," which does not 
seem a very happy explanation. I venture to suggest that M.H.G. wert, -des, 


" island, peninsula, raised dry land between morasses," is a possible cognate. 
Dr Hirt (Weigands Deutsches Worterbuch, s.v. Werder) derives wert from 
the root contained in Gothic ivarian, O.E. werian, "to protect, ward off; 
dam up." If that be correct, weorp would originally have'been applied to a 
piece of land with or without a dwelling protected by a dam or dyke, or 
possibly a palisade. The transition from this primary sense to that of 
"farmstead, habitation, estate" is natural and parallel to that observed in 
the history of the suffix tiln. 

The relation between the two German forms iverd and werder is the 
same as between O.E. seel salor, "hall," sige sigor, "victory" (Sievers, 
288, 289). 



Adda, Adding (Attenborough) 
or ;el (Elton) 
) (Elston) 

ere (Alverton, Ollerton) 
? Alca (Awkley) 
Anna (Annesley) 
Aslakr (Aslockton) 

Babba (Babbington, Bab worth) 

/ Bada (Bathley) 

Bagga (Baggalee, Bagthorpe) 

Barn (Barnby) 

Basing (Basingfield) 

Bassa (Basford) 

Bealdhere (Balderton) 

Becca, Beccing (Beckingham) 

Benna, Benning (Bingham) 

Beorn (Barnston) 

/ Bildi (Bilsthorpe) 

/ Bilheard (Bilsthorpe) 

Billa (Bilborough, Bilby) 

? Blmhere (Blidworth) 

*Bodma>r or Bodwine (Bothamsall) 

Bondi (Bonbusk) 

Bonningas (Bonnington) 

*Brocwulf (Broxtow) 

Bryn, Brun (Brinsley) 

Bucea (Bough ton) 

Butr or Butti (Budby) 

/ Carl (Carlton, Caythorpe) 

Clip (Clipston) 

? Cniht (Kneesall, Kneeton) 

Codda, Codding, Cotta (Coddington) 

Col, Colla, Colling (C*x Colston, Collingham, Colston Basset, Colwick) 


* Cartel, Corteling (Costock) 
Cotta (Cossal) 
Cylfa (Kilvington) 
Cynenicer (Kimberley) 
Cyneweald (Kinoulton) 
*Cyrtel (Kirklington) 

Deorlaf (Darlton) 
Deorling (Dalington) 
Deorna (Danethorpe) 

Eada (Edingley?) 

Eadbeald or Ealdbeald (Adbolton) 

/ Eadwczcer (Eakring) 

Eadweald (Edwalton) 

Eadivine (Edwinstowe, Edingley ?) 

Ealda (Awsworth) 

Ealhmund (Ompton) 

Earne (Arnold) 

Ecgmund (Egmanton) 

*Elc (Elkesley) 

Eobeorht^ *Eoperht (Epperston) 

Eofor, Eoforing (Everton, Hoveringham) 

Fl&da (Fledborough) 
f Frcena (Farnsfield) 

Gamal (Gamston) 

Garfrtt (Goverton) 

Glceppa (Clapton) 

Golda (Goldthorpe) 

Grant (Granby) 

Grimr (Grimston) 

Gris (Greasley) 

Gunner or Gunnild (Gunthorpe) 

Gunnulf (Gonalston) 

Gybba, Gyppa (Gibsmere) 

Haukr, Hoc (Hawksworth, Hockerton) 

Hear a (Harworth) 

Hiccelingas ( H i ckli n g) 

Hod or Oddi* (Hodsock) 

Hrafn (Rampton, Ranby, Ranskill) 

Hrefn (Rempston) 

Hroaldr, Rold (Rolleston) 

*Hucca (Hucknall, Huthwaite) 


*Laxa, Leaxa (Laxton) 
? Leofhere (Leverton) 

Mana (Manton) 
M&rivingas (Meering) 
M~ce$here (Mattersey) 

* Mamma (Mansfield) 

Ordru (Ordsall, Orston) 
Osbeorn, Asbeorn (Osberton) 
*Oskin, Asketill (Ossington) 
Osmund, Asmimd (Osmondthorpe) 
Osweard or Osweald (Oswardbeck) 

/ Ragnald, Regnald or Ragnhildr (Ragnall) 
Ruddingas (Ruddington) 

? Saxi or Seaxa (Saxondale) 

Selfa (Selston) 

Serlo (Serlby) 

Sibbi (Sibthorpe) 

Sigeric (Syerston) 

Skarf or Sceorf (Scarle, Scarrington ?) 

? Skarti, Skar&ingas (Scarrington?) 

Skegge (Skegby) 

Skopti (Scofton) 

*Snottingas (Nottingham, Srieinton) 

Steorra, Styr (Staythorpe, Styrrup) 

f Strangivulf (Stragglethorpe) 

Tila (Tilne) 
Tucca (Tuxford) 

j>or (Thoresby) 

frorleifr, porleikr (Tollerton) 

porftr, ]>ure (Tor worth) 

}>urfer% (Thoroton) 

)>urgeir, frurgar (Thurgarton) 

purmoftr (Thrumpton) 

purulf (Toton) 

f tyri (Treswell) 

Ufi (Owthorpe) 

* Wanda (Wansley) 
* 'Wara (Warsop) 
Wata (Watnall) 

? Wealh (Walesby) 

Wealhhere, Walchere (Walkeringham) 


Widmcer (Widmerpool) 
WigfrtiS, WigferK or Widfarat (Wiverton) 
? Vlgi (Wigsley, Wigthorpe) 
Willa, Will (Wilford) 
Winemund (Wimpton, Winthorpe) 
*Wtsa (Wiseton, Wysall) 
Wulflaf (Wollaton) 
*Wyre, *Weorc, *Worc (Worksop) 


Bardolf (Stoke Bardolph) 
Basset 1 (Colston Basset) 
Butler (Crop well Butler) 
Cantelupe (Watnall Cantelupe) 
Joyce, older Jorze (Burton Joyce) 
Peverel (Perlethorpe) 
Pierrepont (Holme Pierrepont) 
Torkard (Hucknall Torkard) 

N.B. Several of the above names are explained in the index to the 
Calendar of Documents Preserved in France, edited by J. Horace Round, 

1 This name was adopted by the family in England, being taken from the 
Nottinghamshire Hundred name of Bassetlaw (q.v.). 



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