Plain truth: addressed to the inhabitants of America. Contain ing remarks on a late pamphlet intitled Common sense:..

OF THE

UNIVERSITY
OF

r

PLAIN TRUTH:

ADDRESSED TO THE

INHABITANTS OF AMERICA,

CONTAINING

Remarks on a late Pamphlet,

INTITLED

COMMON S E.N.S E :

Wherein are (hewn, that the Scheme of INDEPENDENCE is rui-
nous, delufive, and impracticable; that were the Author's
Affeverations, refpecling the Power of AMERICA, as real as
nugatory, Reconciliation on liberal Principles with GREAT
BRITAIN would be exalted Policy; and that, circumftanced
as we are, permanent Liberty and true Happinefs can only
be obtained by Reconciliation with that Kingdom.

WRITTEN by C AN DIDUS.

Will-ye turn from Flattery and attend to this Side.

There TRUTH, unlicencM, walk?; and dares accoft
Even Kings themfelves, the Monarchsof the Free.

THOMSON on the liberties of BRITAIN.

PHILADELPHIA,. Printed :

LONDON, Reprinted for J. ALMON, oppofite BURLINGTON
HOUSE, in PICCADILLY.

M.DCC.LXXVI.

T O

JOHN DICKINSON, ESQJJIRE.

ALTHOUGH I have not the honor to be known
to you, I am not unacquainted with your native
candor and unbounded benevolence. As happy as obfcure,
I am indeed a Granger to the language of adulation :
flattery I deleft ; virtue I refpeft.

Be not offended, Sir, if I remark that your character
is contemplated with profound veneration by the friends
of the ConfUtution. Thofe abilities which you fo illuf-
trioufly difplayed in defence of the Conftitution, they
now fupplicate you to exert, in faving it from impending
ruin, under the Syren form of delufive Independence.

Step then forth; exert thofe talents with which heaven
has endowed you ; and caufe the parent and her children
to embrace, and be foes no more. Arduous as this
extraordinary tafk may feem, perhaps your virtue and ta-
lents may yet effect it. Your endeavors to flop the effufion
of blood, of torrents of blood, is worthy of your acknow-
ledged humanity — even the honeft attempt, upon recol-
lection, will afford you ineffable fatisfaction.

My prefuming to infcribe to you the following crude re-
marks is to remind you, Sir, what your dift relied country
expects, nay loudly demands from your extenfive capa-
city.

I beg you will forgive this temerity ; and that you may
long enjoy the fruits of your exalted virtue, and remain an
honor to your country, and to mankind, is the ardent wiih
of,

SIR,

Your mofl obedient

and reffieftfulfervant,

CANDIDUS.

M343015

INTRODUCTION.

TF, indignant at the doctrine contained in the pamphlet
JL intitled Common Senfe, I have exprefled myfelf, in the
following obfervations, with fome ardor, I entreat the
reader to impute my indignation to honed zeal againft the
author's infidious tenets. Animated and impelled by every
inducement of the human heart, I love, and (if I dare fo
exprefs myfelf) I adore my country. Paffionately devoted
to true liberty, I glow with the pureft flame of patriotifm.
Silver'd with age as I am, if 1 know myfelf, my humble
fword (hall not be wanting to my country (if the mod
honorable terms are not tendered by the Britifti nation) ;
to whofe facred caufe I am moft fervently devoted. The
judicious reader will not impute my honeft, though bold
remarks, to unfriendly defigns againft my children — — *
againft my country ; but to abhorrence of independency,
which, if effected, would inevitably plunge our once pre-
eminently envied country into ruin, horror, and defola-
tion.

PLAIN

PLAIN TRUTH:

CON TAINING
REMARKS ON A LATE PAMPHLET, INTITLED

COMMON SENSE.

I HAVE now before me the pamphlet intitled Common
Senfe ; on which I fhall remark with freedom and
candour. It may not be improper to remind my rea-
der, that the inveftigation of my fubject demands the ut-
mofl freedom of enquiry ; I therefore entreat his indul-
gence, and that he will carefully remember, that intemperate
zeal is as injurious to liberty, as a manly difcuffion of
facts is friendly to it. " Liberty, fays the great Montef-
quieu, is a right of doing whatever the laws permit; and
if a citizen could do what they forbid, he would no longer
be pofTefled of liberty, becaufe all his fellow citizens would
have the fame power." In the beginning of his pamphlet
the author aflerts, that fociety in every ftate is a bleffing.
This in the fincerity of my heart I deny ; for it is fupreme
mifery to be afTcciated with thofe who, to promote their
ambitious purpofes, fiagitioufly pervert the ends of poli-
tical fociety. I do not fay that our author is indebted to
Burgh's -Political Difquifitions, or to RoufTeau's Social Com-
pact for his definition on government, and his large tree;
although I wi(h he had favoured his reader with the fol-
lowing extract from that fublime reafoner : " To invefti-
gate thofe conditions of fociety which may beft anfwer the
purpofe of nations, would require the abilities of fome
fuperior intelligence, who fliould be witnefs to all the
pafllons of men, but be fubject itfelf to none, who (hould
have no connections with human nature, but {hould have

A a perfect

2 P L A I K T R 'U T H.

a perfect knowledge of it : a being, in fhort, whofe hap"
pinefs thould be independent gf us, and who would ne-
verthelefs employ itfelf about us. It is the province of
Gods to make laws for men.'* With the utmoft deference
to the celebrated Rouffeau, I cannot indeed imagine, that
laws even fo conftrufted, would materially benefit our
imperfect race, unlefs Otnnifcience deigned previoufly to
exalt our nature. The judicious reader will therefore per-
ceive, that malevolence only is requisite to declaim againft,
and arraign the moft perfect governments. Our political
quack avails himfelf of this trite expedient, to cajole
the people into the moil abject flavery, under the delufive
name of independence. His firfl indecent attack is againft
the Englifh conftitution, which, with all its imperfections,
is, and ever will be, the pride and envy of mankind. To
this panegyric involuntarily our author fubfcribes, by grant-
ing individuals to be fafer in England, than in any other
pan of Europe. He indeed infidioufly attributes this
pre-eminent excellency to the conftitution of the people,
rather than to our excellent conftitution: to fuch con-
temptible fubterfuge is our author reduced. I would afk
him, why did not the conftitution of the people afford
them fuperior fafety, in the reign of Richard the third,
Henry the eighth, and other tyrannic princes ? Many pages
might indeed be filled with encomiums beftowed on our
excellent conftitution by illuftrious authors of different
nations.

This beautiful fyftem (according to Montefquieu) our
conftitution- is a compound of monarchy, ariftocracy, and
democracy. But it is often faid, that the fovereign, by
honours and appointments, influences the commons. The
profound and elegant Hume agitating this queftion, thinks,
to this circumftance, we are in part indebted for our fu-
preme felicity ; fince, without fuch controul in the crown,
our conftitution would immediately degenerate into de-
mocracy ; a government which, in the fequel, I hope to
prove ineligible. Were I afked marks of the beft govern-
ment, and the purpofe of political fociety, I would reply,
the encreafe, prefervation, and profperity of its members ;
In no quarter of the globe are ^thofe marks fo certainly

to

PLAINTRUTH. 3

to be found, as in Great Britain and her dependencies.
After onr author has employed feveral pages to break
the mounds of fociety by debafmg monarchs, he fays,
" the plain truth is, that the antiquity of Englifh monar-
chy will not bear looking into."

Hume, treating of the original contract, has the following
melancholy, but fenfible obfervation; " yet reafon tells
us, that there is no property in durable objects, fuch
as lands and houfes, when carefully examined, in paffing
from hand to hand, but muft in fome period have been
founded on fraud and injuftice. The neceflities of human
fociety, neither in private or public life, will allow of
fuch an accurate enquiry ; and there is no virtue or moral
duty, but what may, with facility, be refined away, if we
indulge a falfe philofophy, in fifting and fcrutinizing, by
every captious rule of logic, in every light or pofition in
which it may be placed."

Say, ye votaries of honour and truth, can we adduce a
Aronger proof of our author's turpitude, than his quoting
the anti-philofophical ftory of the Jews, to debafe monar-
chy and the beft of monarchs. Briefly examining the
ilory of this contemptible race, more barbarous than our
favages, we find their hiftory a continued fncceflion of
miracles, aflonifhing our imaginations, and exercifing our
faith. After wandering forty years in horrid defarts, they
are chiefly condemned to perifti for their perverfenefs, al-
though under the immediate dominion of the king of
heaven. At length they arrive in the flerile country of
Paleftine, which they conquer by exterminating the in*
habitants, and warring like demons. The inhabitants of
the adjoining regions juftly, therefore, held them in de-
tefration, and the Jews finding themfelves conftantly ab-
horred, have ever fmce hated all mankind. This people,
as deftitute of arts and induftry as humanity, had not
even in their language a word exprefliveof education. We
might indeed remind our author, who fo readily drags in
the Old Teftament to fupport his finifter meafures, that
we could draw from that fource many texts favourable
to monarchy, were we not confcious that the Mofaic law
gives way tp the gofpel difpenfation. The reader no

A 2 (Joubt

4 -PLAIN TRUTH.

doubt will be gratified by the following extract from a
a moft primitive chriftian: " Chriftianity is a fpiritual
religion, relative only to celeftial objects. The chriftian's
inheritance is not of this world. He performs his duty it
is true, but this he does with a profound indifference for
the good or ill fuccefs of his endeavours : provided he
hath nothing to reproach himfelf, it is of little confe-
quence to him whether matters go well or ill here below.
If the Hate be in a fiourimlng condition, he can hardly
venture to rejoice in the public felicity, left he fhould
be puffed up with the inordinate pride of his country's
glory. If the ftate decline, he bleffes the hand of God,
that humbles his people to the duft."

Having defined the beft government, I will humbly
Attempt to defcribe good kings by the following unerring
rule. The beil princes are conftantly calumniated by the
envenomed tongues and pens of the moft worthlefs of their
fubjecls. For this melancholy truth, do I appeal to the
teftimony of impartial hiftorians, and long experience.
The noble impartial hiftorian Sully, fpeaking of the al-
moll divine Henry the fourth of France, fays, " Thus
-was this god-like prince reprefented (by the difcontented
of thefe days) almoft throughout his whole kingdom, as
a furious and implacable tyrant : they were never without
one fet of arguments to engage his catholic nobility in
a rebellion againft him ; and another to fow feclition among
his proteftant officers and gentry." Hume fays, that the
cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the fecond of Spain, with
his infernal inquifition, was not more detefted by the peo-
ple of the Netherlands, than was the humane Charles
with his inoffenfive liturgy, by his mutinous fubjedls. The
many unmerited infults offered to our gracious fovereign.
by the unprincipled Wilkes, and others down to this late
author, will for ever difgrace humanity. For he fays,
*' that monarchy was the moft profperous invention the
devil ever fet on foot for the promotion of^idolatry. It is
the pride of kings which throws mankind into confufion :
in ihort, continues this author, monarchy and fucceMion
have laid not this or that kingdom only, but the world
JQ hlppd and afhes," How deplorably wretched the con-

PLAINTRUTH. $

ditlon of mankind, could they believe fuch execrable flagi- -
tious jargon ! Unhappily indeed, mankind in every age
are fufceptible of delufien ; but furely our author's poifon
carries its antidote with it. Attentive to the fpirit of his
publication, we fancy ourfelves in the barbarous fifteenth
century ; in which period our author would have figured
with his " Common Senfe" — -and blood will attend it.

After his terrible anathema againft our venerable confti-
tution and monarchy, let us briefly examine a democra-
ticalflate; and fee whether or not it is a government lefs
fanguinary. This government is extremely plaufible and
indeed flattering to the pride of mankind. The dema-
gogues therefore, tofeduce the people into their criminal de<-
iigns, ever hold up democracy to them ; although confci-
QUS it never did, nor ever will anfwer in practice. If we
believe a great author, " there never exifted, nor ever
will exift a real democracy in the world." If we examine
the republics of Greece and Rome, we ever find them in
a flate of war domeftic or foreign. Our author therefore
makes no mention of thefe antient flates. " When Alex-
ander ordered all the exiles to be reflored throughout all
the cities, it was found that the whole amounted to twenty
thoufand, the remains probably of ftill greater {laughters
and maflacres. What an aftonilhing number in fo narrow
a country as antient Greece? and what domeftic confufion,
jealoufy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings muft tear thofe
cities, where factions were wrought up to fuch a degree
of fury and defpair ?" Appian's hiftory of the civil wars of
Rome contains the moil frightful picture of maflacres,
profcriptions, and forfeitures that ever were prefented to
the world.

The excellent Montefquieu declares, " that a democracy
fuppofes the concurrence of a number of circumftances rarely
united ; in the firfl place, it is requifite that the {late itfelf
fhould be of fmall extent, fo that the people might bq
eafily aflembled and perfojially known to each other : fe-
condly, the fimplicity of their manners fliould be fuch as
to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in dif-
cuffing them: and thirdly, there (hould fubfiil a great de*
of equality between them, in point of right and autho-
rity :

6 P L A I N T R U T H.

rity : laftly, there fhould be little or no luxury, for luxry
muft either be the effect of wealth, or it muft make it ne-
ceffary ; it corrupts at once, both rich and poor : the one,
by the poflfefiion, and the other, by the want of it.*' To
this may be added, continues the fame author, " that no
government is fo fubject to civil wars, and inreftine com-
motions, as that of the democratical or popular form ; be-
caufe no other tends fo ftrongly and fo conftantly to alter,
nor requires fo much vigilance and fortitude to prefer ve
it from alteration. It is indeed, in fuch a conftitution
particularly, that a citizen fhould always be armed with
fortitude and conftancy, and (hould every day, in the
fincerity of his heart, guard againft corruption, arifing
cither from felfi(hnefs in himfelf, or in his compatriots ;
for if it once enters into public tranfactions, to root it out
afterwards would be miraculous.

Our author aflTerts, that Holland and Swifferland are
without wars domefHc or foreign. About a century ago,
I lolland was in a few weeks over- run by the arms of France,
and aloioft miraculoufly faved by the gallantry of her Prince
of Orange, fo celebrated afterwards by the name of William
the third. Almoft from that period, until the treaty of
Utrecht, Holland was a principal in wars, the moft expen-
five and bloody, ever waged by human kind : the wounds
(he then received were unhealed in 1744, when reluctantly
voufed from her pacific lethargy, (he was dragged into war;
and lofmg her impregnable Bergen-op-zoom, and Maeftrichr,
was again on the brink of becoming a province to France,
when happily liberated by the Britifh Nation. In the war
of 1756, Holland,, continually infulted in the capture of
her fliips by our cniifers, preferred a humiliating neutrality.
If victory indeed had not crowned the Britifh banners,
the Dutch in Jubitabl-y would have affifted their natural
allies, in whatever quarter of the globe attacked ; for it is
inconteitibly true, that the exiftence of Holland, as a (rate,
depends, and invariably will depend, on the profperity of
Great Britain. Since the murder of Barnevelt, and t'tie
immortal Dswits, by the deluded furious people, Holland
hath too often been convulfed by anarchy, and torn by
party. Unfortunately alas ! for the caufe of humanity,

3 ' lh«

PLAIN TRUTH. 7

the rugged and incult deferts of SwifTerland preclude not
ambition, fedition, and anarchy. Her bleak and barren
mountains do not fo effectually fecure precarious liberty,
as daily vending her fons to the adjoining nations, parti-
cularly to France, by whom the Thirteen Cantons could
be fubjected in as many days, did that court meditate fa
fenfelefs and delufive an object. Nugatory indeed, if we
confider, that France derives more fubftantial advantage
from the prefent icate of Swiflerland, than if me exhausted
herfelf, to maintain numerous battalions, to bridle the Can-
tons. A moment let us fuppofe, that our author's afife-
verations of Holland and SwifTerland are as real as delr-
five: his inferences do not flow from his premifes; for
their fuperior advantages do not arife from their popular
government, but from circumftances of peculiar local feli-
city, obliging the princes of Europe to defend them from
the omnipotent land force, if I may fo fpeak, of France.
After im potently attacking our fovereign and the confti-
tution, he contradicts the voice of all mankind, by de-
claring, that America " would have flourifhed as much,
and probably much more, had no European power takea
any notice of her."

If he means, that had this continent been unexplored,
the original inhabitants would have been happier, for once
I agree with him. Previous to the fettlement of thefe
provinces by our anceftors, the kingdom of France was
convulfed by religious phrenzy. This, and Sebaftian Ca-
bot's prior difcovery, perhaps, happily afforded the people
of England an opportunity of locating thefe provinces.
At length, peace being reftored to France by her hero,
Henry the Fourth, his nation in turn were feized with the
rage of colonizing. Finding the English claimed the pro-
vinces on the Atlantic, they appropriated the fnow banks
of Canada, which we dare not fuppofe they would have
preferred to thefe fertile provinces, had not the prior oc-
cupancy and power of England interfered. I hope it will
not be denied, that the notice taken of us at this time by
an European power, was rather favourable for us. — Cer-
tain it is, had not England then taken notice of us, thefe
delectable provinces would now appertain to France ; and

the

8 PLAIN TRUTH.

the people of New England, horrid to think, would now
be counting their beads. Some years after the sera in quef-
tion, the civil wars intervening in England, afforded to
the Swedes and Dutch a footing on this continent. Charles
the fecond being reflored, England reviving her claim,
rendered abortive the Swedish pretenfions, and by con-
queft, and granting Surinam to the Dutch, procured the
ceffion of their ufurpation, now New York. I do indeed
confefs my incapacity to difcern the injury fuflained by
this fecond " notice taken of us by an European power ;"
in default of which intervention, the Swedes, to this hour,
would have retained their fettlement, now the famed Penn-
fylvania ; and the Dutch, confequently, had retained theirs.
Some time after this period, the people of New England
\vere employed in framing and executing laws, fo intole-
rant and fanguinary, that to us they feem adapted for
devils, and not men.

Indeed it is worthy of note, that the inhabitants of Ja-
maica, Barbadoes, and Virginia, at that very time, enacted
laws, breathing the fpirit of humanity, and fuch as men
could bear. Soon after the period in queftion arrived the
great and good William Penn, with his philofophic people
called Quakers, together with toleration, induftry, and
permanent credit. The people of England, encouraged
by the extenfion of their laws and commerce to thofe co-
lonies, powerfully affified our merchants and planters, in-
fomuch, that our fettlements encreafed rapidly, and throve
apace. It may be affirmed, that from this period, until
the prefent unhappy hour, no part of human kind ever
experienced more perfect felicity. Voltaire indeed fays,
that if ever the golden age exifted, it was in Pennfylvania.
France, difgufted with the unhappy fituation of her Ame-
rican Colonies, had long meditated the conqueft of one of
our middle provinces : to accomplifh this purpofe, me
extended a line of forts on our frontiers, and actually for-
tified the place now called Pittfburgh. Juftly alarmed by
thcfe encroachments, in the hour of our diftrefs we called
aloud on Great Britain for affiftance, nor was {he deaf to
our cries. The Englim miniflry, after in vain exhaufting
all the arts of negociation, declared war againft France.

After

PLAIN TRUTH. ^

£fter fpilling torrents of blood, after expending one hun-
dred and ninety millions of- their dollars, and four or five
millions of ours, they glorioufly reduced the French
Settlements. Surely it will not be faid, that this laft
notice taken of us by the people of England, was injuri*
ous to us ? Our enemies indeed alledge, that this laft inter-
vention by bloating us with pride, will eventually ruin us,
and render the people of Britain objects of derifion, for
Javifhing their blood and treafure in defence of provinces;
" a match not only for Europe (according td our author)
but for the world." — Our author next remark?, " that
the commerce by which (lie hath enriched herfelf, are the
ncceiTaries of life, and will always have a market while eat-
ing is the cuilcm of Europe."

I reply, that our exporting grain is as it were of yefter-
day ; that the recent demand was principally occafioned by
the diftra&ions in Poland, and other parts of Europe, and
probably will totally or partly fail, foon as the fertile coun-
try of Poland, and more fertile Ukraine, (hall again become
cultivated. I believe the Europeans did eat before our
merchants exported our grain, and perhaps will eat when
they ceafe to export it. I deny, that this momentary com-
merce hath enriched us; and I could adduce tiumberlefs
melancholy proofs of the contrary. I fhall only remark,
that in the moil fertile and deledrablfc wheat country in
America, bounded by Chefopeak-bay, and almoft adjoin-
ing that of Delaware, a trad of the beft wheat land, tea
years ago, would hardly have exceeded a guinea and a half
per acre; indeed in 1773, fuch land, covered with wood,
would fcarcely have fold for four guineas an acre ; an un-
doubted proof of want of people, induftry, and wealth;
particularly fo, if we confider that one crop of corn and
wheat on fuch land, jtidicioufly cultivated, would actually
repay the fuppofed price. Our author afTert?, '* that our
prt fen t numbers are fuflicietit to repel the force of all th<*
world ; that theContinenthath at this time the lafgeil difci-
plined army of any power under heaven ; that the English navy
is only worth three millions and a half fterling," which, in
trrecr, would reduce it to thirty-five (hips of the line, twenty
/hips of forty guns, tweuty of thirty-fix, and eight of twenty
guns. " That if America had only a twentieth part of this

B force,

io PLAIN TRUTH.

force, fhe would be by far an over-match for Britain : that in-
dependence is necedary, becaufe France and Spain cannot
affid us until fnch an event." He alfo affirms, " that Great
Britain cannot govern us ; and that no good can arife froni
a reconciliation with her."

I (hull humbly endeavour to (hew, that our author fhame-
fully mifreprefents facts, is ignorant of the true date of Great
Britain and her Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous
talk he has prefumptuoufly adumed, and ardently intent on
fed ucing us to that precipice on which himfelf (lands trembling.
To elucidate my tinctures, I mud: with fidelity expofe the
circumdances of Great Britain and her Colonies. If, there-
fore, in the energy of defcription, I unfold certain bold and
honed truths with fimplicity, the judicious reader will re-
member, that a true knowledge .of our fituation is as eden-
tial to our fafety as ignorance thereof may endanger it. In
the Englifti provinces, excliifive of negroe and other flaves,
we have one hundred and fixty thoufand or one hundred
and fevcnty thbufand men capable of bearing arms. Jf we
deduct the people called Quakers, Anabaptifts, and other re-
ligionids averfe to arms, a confiderable part of the emi-
grants, and rhofe having a grateful predilection for the an-
cient conftitution and parent ft ate, we (hall certainly reduce
the fir ft number to filty or feventy thoufand men. Now,
admitting thofe equal to the Roman legions, can we fup-
pofe them capable of defending againft the power of Bri-
tain, a country nearly twelve hundred miles extending on
the ocean ? Suppofe our troops aflembled in New England,
if the Britains fee not fit to a' flail them, they hafte to and de-
foiate our other provinces, which eventually would reduce
New England. If, by dividing our forces, we pretend to
defend oar provinces, we alfo are infallibly undone. Our
mod fertile provinces, filled with unnumbered domedic ene-
mies, flaves, interfered by navigable rivers, every where
acceiiible to ihe fleets and armies of Britain, can make no
defence. If, without the medium of paflion and prejudice,
we view our other provinces, half armed, dellUute of money
rind a navy, we mud confefs, that no power ever engaged
potent antagonifts under fnch peculiar circumdances of
infelicity. In the better days of Rome, fae permitted no re-
gular

PLAINTRUTH. 11

gular troops to defend her. Men defthute of property (lie
admitted not into her militia (her only army). I have been
extremely concerned at the feparation of the Connecticut
men from our army; it augured not an ardent enthufiaftn
for liberty and glory. We ftill have an army before Bofton,
and I fliould be extremely happy to hear fubflantial proofs
of their glory: I am (till hopeful of great things from our
army before Bofton when joined by the regiments now
forming, which want of bread will probably foon fill. Not-
withftanding the predilection I have for my countrymen, I
remark with grief, that hitherto our troops have difplayed
but few marks of Spartan or Roman enthufiafm. In the
fincerity of my heart I adjure the reader to believe, that no
perfon is more fenfibly afflicted by hearing the enemies of
America remark, that no general ever ftll fingly and fo in-
glorioufly unrevenged before the inaufpicious affair of Que-
bec. I am under no doubt, however, that we fhall become
as famed for martial courage as any nation ever the fun be-
held. Sanguine as I am, refpecting the virtue and courage
of my countrymen, depending on the hiftory of mankind
fince the Chriftian aera, I cannot however imagine, that zeal
for liberty will animate to fuch glorious efforts of heroifm,
as religious enthufiafm has often impelled its votaries to per-
form. If the cruel unrelenting tyrant Philip the fecond of
Spain had never attempted to introduce into the Low Coun-
tries the infernal Tribunal of the Inquifition, it is moil pro-
bable, that the prefent States of Holland would to this time
have remained provinces to Spain, and patiently paid the
fiftieth penny and other grievous exactions. Certain it is,
that the fanatics of Scotland and people of England had
never armed againft the firft Charles, if religious enthufiafm
had not more powerfully agirated their minds than zeal for
liberty ; the operations of which on the human mind hath,
jince the sera in queftion, ever been more languid than the
former molt powerful paflion. Thefe hardy aflertions are
fupported as well by notorious facts, as by the learned
Hume and other judicious hiflorians. I cannot here omit
remarking the inconfiftency of human nature. The Scotch,
the moft furious enthufiafts then in Europe, were flaughtered
like (heep by Cromwell at Dunbar, where their formidable

B 2 army

12 P L A I N T R U T H.

army hardly made any refinance, if we except that made by
a handful of loyalifts, deflitute of that paffion. Certain it
is, that thpfe emhufiafts were often cut in pieces by their
countryman the gallant marquis of Montrofe, \vhofe troops
(Highlanders and other loyaliits) held Prefbyterianifm in
contempt.

With the utmoft deference to the honorable Congrefs, I
do not view the mod diftant gleam of aid from foreign
powers. The princes alone capable of fuccouring us are
the Sovereigns of France and Spain, If, according to our
Author, we pofiels an eighth part of the habitable globe,
and actually have a check on the Weft India commerce of
EnpUnd, the French indigo and other valuable Weft India
com-nodities, and the Spanifh galeons, are in great jeopardy
from our power. The French and Spaniards are therefore
yvrctched politians, if they do not ailiil: England in reducing

her colonies to obedience. Plenfantry aparr, can we be

fo deluded to expect aid from thofc princes, which, infpir-
ing their fnbjects with a relifii for liberty, might eventually
{hake their arbitrary th IT. les— Natural avowed enemies to
our facred caufe, will thcycherifh, will they fupport the flame
of liberty in America, ardently intent on extingnifhing its la-
tent dyins; fparks in iheir respective dominions ? Can we be-
lieve, that thofe princes will offer an example fo dangerous
to their fubjects and colonies, by aiding thpfe provinces to
independence? If independent, aggrandized by infinite
numbers from every part of Europe, this continent would
rapidly attain power aftoni/hirig to imagination. Soon, very
fpon, would we be conditioned to conquer Mexico, and all
their Weft India fettlements, which to annoy, or poflefs, wq
indeed are moft happily fituatecl. Simple and obvious as
t'hefe truths are, can they be unknown to the people and
princes of Europe ? Be it however admitted, that thofc
princes, unmindful of the fatal policy of Richlieu's arming
Charles's fubjeels againft him, and the more fatal policy of
I>ewis the fourteenth permitting our glorious deliverer to ef-
fect the Revolution : I fay, be it admitted that thofe princes,
regardlefs of future confequences and the ineptitude of the
times, are really difpofed to fuccour us j fay, ye friends of
liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue h,om ail army

PLAIN TRUTH, 23

$f French and Spaniards in the bofom of America ? Would
you not dread their junction with the Canadians and Sa-
vages, and with the numerous Roman Catholics difperfed
throughout the Colonies ?

Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied ftate of
Great Britain' If we regard the power of Britain, unembai>
raffed with continental connexions and the political balance,
we may juftly pronounce her what our author does America,
" A match for all Europe." Amazing were the efforts of
England in the war of Queen Ann, when little benefited by
colony commerce, and ere (he had availed herfelf of the
courage, good fenfe, and numbers of the people of Scotland
and Ireland.

That England then prefcribed laws to Europe, will be
long remembered. Laft war her gUry was, if pofiible,
m<>re eminently exalted : in every quarter of the globe did
victory hovtr iound her armies and navies, and her fame re-
echoed from pole to pole : at prcient Great Britain is the
umpire of Europe. It is not exaggeration to affirm, that
the Ruffians principally are indebted for their laurels to her
power, which alpne rerained France from preventing; .the
ruin of her anciem faithful ally the Ottoman Porte. Super-
fluous it were to enumerate her powerful alliances, or men-
tion her immenfe refources : her i ailing the incredible fums
of eighteen, nineteen, and twenty-two millions fterling for
the fervice of the years 1759, 60, and 61, was more afton-
iihing to Europe than the victories of her fleets and armies.
The annual rents of the kingdom of England only, many
years ago, amounted to thirty-three millions fterling. Thirty-
five millions buihels of wheat are annually produced in that
kingdom, and perhaps as many bufhels of other grain.
Twelve millions ot fleeces of wool are there yearly fhorn.
In fhort, the kingdom is a perfect: bee- hive in numbers
and induftry ; and is faid to contain more induftry, confe-
quently more wealth, than all the reft of Europe. The
famed Hume fays, " I mould as foon dread, that all our
rivers and fprings mould be exhaufted, as that money
(houlvl abandon a kingdom, where. .there are people and in-
duftry." The Britifh navy, at the clofe of the laft war, con-
lifted of nearly two hundred fhips of the line, and one hundred

larce

*4 P L A I N T R U T, H.

large frigates, and about one hundred fmaller frigates,
or other armed vefTels. Since the peace, I believe, the
navy has been mofl vigilantly preferved by lord Sand-
wich, (faid to be as equal to that arduous department as any
man in Europe). Since the war, feveral capital {hips
have annually been built; and it is mofl certain, that
on fix months notice Great Britain could equip fleets,
fufEciently formidable, to contend with all the naval forc£
that could or would aft againft her. The immenfe
quantity of naval and other (lores, in the different arfenals,
with the royal navy*, cannot at this time be worth leis
than twenty millions flerling. The ifland of Great Bri-
tain, between fix and feven hundred miles in length, and
upwards -of two thoufand miles in circumference, and
being every where indented with harbours, forms (with
other caufes) fuch nurferies of feamen as the world can-
riot produce.

Let us now examine our author's account of the navy
of Great Britain. " It is, fays he, worth no more than
three millions and a half fteiTmg." This in effect will
reduce it to ten fecond rate (hips of war, ten third rate,
fifteen fourth rate, ten (hips of forty guns, ten of thirty-
fix, and eight of twenty. " If America, fays he, had
only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, (he
would be by far an over-match for her; becaufe, as we nei-
ther have or claim any foreign dominion, our whole force
would be employed on our own coaft ; where we fhould
in the long-run have two to one the advantage of thofe
who had three or four thoufand miles to fail over before
they could attack us, and the fame diftance to return, in
order to refit and recruit. And although Britain by her
fleet hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as
large a one over her trade to the Weft Indies, which, by
laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, lies entirely
at its mercy."

Were it lawful to joke on fo ferious an occafion, I
would remind the reader of our author's modcfty, in fay-
ing, " that we claim no foreign dominion ;" fmce we

* Seventeen capital fhips were built from 1763 until 1771.

PLAIN TRUTH. 15

have the moft numerous and beft difciplined army under
the heaven, and a navy fufficiently ftrong to combat that
of Great Britain ; for our preferit naval armament cornpofe
a fleet more than equal to a twentieth part of the Britifh
navy (according to our author's e(limation). Notwith-
ftanding our author's delicacy, relying on the well knowii
utility of melafles to the New-England governments, I
hope they will order admiral Manly to feize Jamaica and
the other Weft India iflands. The admiral cannot be at
a lofs for men ; fince, according to our author, " a few
focial failors will foon inftruct a fufficient number of active
land-men in the common work of a (hip/' I do indeed
confefs, that the Britim mips of war are conftantly equipi:
altogether with very fociai failors; and as conftantly drub
the French fhips, double mann'd with active land men,
tho' fufficiently inftrncled by a few focial failors. The
reader will perceive, that our author has humbled the
naval power of Britain with more facility than France
and Spain could have done; and has alfo expelled hei*
from our ports with happier fuccefs than did Spain, who
\vas compelled to yield her Gibraltar and Portmahon for
the conveniency of her fleets and commerce,

We muft indeed allow, that Spain, tho' poflefled of
Mexico and Peru, cannot maintain the moft numerous and
bed difciplined army under heaven, nor equip a navy
fit to contend with the fleets of Britain. It mull: alfo be
confefled, that he makes Great Britain very favourably
difpofe of her humbled navy, by employing nineteen parts
of it in the Mediterranean, Afia, Africa, and I know not
where ; when he knows we have fo great a check on
her Weft India trade, a commerce of the laft importance
to her.

1 would blum for poor human nature, did I imagine
that any man, other than a bigot, could believe thefe
ridiculous ftories, .thefe arrant gafconades, refpecting our
numerous and beft difciplined army under heaven, about
our navy, and a few focial failors, and that France and
Spain will not affift us (who by- the- by, according to our
author, are able to conquer them) until playing upcn
j We declare ourfelves independent. Can a reafon-

able

J6 F LA I ft TkU T I?.

able being for a moment believe that Great Britain, whoft
political exigence depends on our conftitutional obedience,
who but yefterday made fuch prodigious efforts to fave us
from France, will not exert heffelf as powerfully to pre-
ferve us from our frantic fchemes of independency ? Can
\ve a moment doubt, that the fovereign of Great Britain
and his minifters, whofe glory as well as perfonal fafety
depends on our obedience, will not exert every nerve
•of the Britifh power' to fave themfelves arid us from
ruin ?

"Much, fays our author, has been faid of the flrength
of Britain and the Colonies, that in conjunction they
might bid defiance to the world ; but thrs is mere prefump-
ticn ; the fate of war is uncertain."

Excellent reafoning, and truly confident with our au-
thor ! We of ourfeives are a match for Europe, nay
for the world ; but in junction with the moil: formidable
power on earth, why then the matter is mere prefump-
tion ; the fate of war is uncertain. It is indeed humi-
Kating to confider that this author fhould vamp np a
form of government for a confiderable part of mankind ;
and in cafe of its fucceeding, that he probably would be
one of our tyrants, until we prayed fome more illuftrious
tyrant of the army to fpurn him to his primeval obfcu-
J'ity; from all his ill-got honours flung, turned to that
dirt from whence he fprting. " A government of our
own is our natural right," fays our author. " Had right
decided, and not fate the caufe, Rome had preferved
her Cato and her laws,'* Unfortunately for mankind,
thofe are fine founding words, which feldom or ever
influence human affairs ; if they did, inftead of appro-
priating the vacant lands to fchemes of ambition, we mult
Jnflantly deputife envoys to the Indians, praying them to
re-enter their former pofTeflions, and permit us quietly to
depart to the country of our anceftors, where we would
be welcome guefts. But, continues our author, " what
have we to do with fetting the world at defiance ? our
plan is commerce, and that well attended to, will fecure
us the peace and friendfhip of ail Europe; becaule it is
the intereft of all Europe to have America a free port^

her

P L A I N T R U T H. i)

her trade will always be her protection, and her bar-
rennefs of gold and filver will fecure her from inva-
ders."

I am perfectly fatisfied, that we are in no condition
to fet the world at defiance, that commerce and the pro-
tection of Great Britain will fecure us peace, and the
friendfhip of all Europe : but I deny, that it is the interefl
of all Europe to have America a free port, unlefs they
are defirous of depopulating their dominions. His a/Ter-
tians, that barrennefs of gold and filver will fecure us
from invaders, is indeed highly pleafant: have we not
a much better fecurity from invafions ? viz. the moll nu-
merous and beft difciplined army under heaven ; or has our
author already difbanded them ? Pray how much gold and
filver do the mines of Flanders produce? and what coun-
try fo often has feen its unhappy fields drenched with
blood, and fertilized with hmftan gore? The princes "of
Europe have long dreaded the emigration of their fub- -
jecls to America; and we are fenfible, that the king of
Pruilia is faid more than once to have hanged newlanders,
or thofe who feduced his fubjefts to emigrate. I alfo
humbly apprehend, that Britain is a part of Europe.
Now, old gentleman, as you have clearly (hewn, that we
have a check upon her Weft India trade, is it her in-
tereft to give us a greater check upon it, by permitting
America (as you exprefs it) to become a free port ? can
we fuppofe it to be her intereft to lofe her valuable
commerce to the Colonies, which effectually me would do,
by giving up America to become your free port ? if there-
fore it is the intereft of all Europe to have America a
free port, the people of Britain are extremely fimple to
expend fo many millions fterling to prevent it. " It is
repugnant to the nature of things, to all examples from
former ages, to fuppofe that this Continent can long re-
main fubjecl to any external power."

Antiquity affords us no ecclaircifTerhent reflecting the
future government of America. Rome, fi tinted in a fteril
corner of Italy, long, long retained the then world in
chains, and probably had maintained her dominion long-
er, had not the Crofs, removing the empire to Byzantium,

C weakened

i8 , PLAIN TRUTH.

weakened the eagles, and in turn juflly been deflroyed by
the Barbarians. I fee no reafon to doubt, that Great
Britain may not long retain us in conftitutional obedience.
Time, the deftroyer of human affairs, may indeed end her
political life by a gentle decay ; like Rome, {he may be
conftrained to defend herfelf from the Huns and Alaricks
of the north. Ingratefully fhould we endeavour to pre-
cipitate her political demife ; (he will devife every expedient
to retain our obedience, and rather than fail, will partici-
pate thofe provinces amongft the potent flates of Europe.
" The authority of Great Britain over this continent is a
form of government which fooner or later mufr, have an
end."

This I have granted ; and I add, that a million of revo-
lutions may happen on this continent, for every one of
which I am not indeed fo over felicitous as our Phoenix of
whims, the author of Common Senfe. " The Colonies
have manifefted fuch a fpirit of good order and obedience
to continental government, as is fufficient to make every
perfon happy on that head."

What is this union fo highly vaunted of ? whence the
inarching and counter- marching through almofr, every pro-
vince to difarm thofe denominated tories ? — I perfectly
ngree, that glorious is our union — I execrate thofe who fay,
it has been cemented by every fpecies of fraud and violence ;
yet notwithftanding I dread its fragility, were an army of
Britons in the middle of our country. As the author of
Common Senfe is now in the grand monde, and cannot be
acquainted with the language of many people in the pro-
vinces, I will communicate the general purport of their
difcourfe. — " We, fay they, do not fee through thewifdorn
of the prefent times. We remember with unfeigned
gratitude the many benefits derived through our connections
with Great Britain, by whom but yeflerday we were eman-
cipated from flavery and death. We are not indeed un-
aware, that Great Britain is uniformly reproached with
defending us from interefted motives. In like manner,
however, may every iiigrate reproach his benefactor ; fmce
all benefactions may be faid to flow from no purer
fountain. Wuh predilection we view our parent ftate, and

wiihfully-

PLAIN TRUTH. 19

\vifbfully contemplate on our late felicity, almoft realizing
that flate of old, fo beautifully feigned by the poets. We
venerate the conflitution, which with all its imperfections
(too often exaggerated) we apprehend almofl approaches as
near to perfection as human kind can bear. We mudder
at the idea of arming with more virulence, more un-
remitting ardour, againft the parent flate than againft
France ; by whom our rights, civil as well as religious,
certainly were more imminently endangered. With horror
we refleft on the former civil wars, .when every crime,
odious and baneful to human nature, were alternately per-
petrated by the foldiers, particularly by the Independents."

11 Every quipt method of peace has been ineffectual :
our prayers jxive been rejected with difdain." I do not
indeed agree with the people of England in faying, that
thofe who fo fuccefsfully laboured to widen the breach —
defired nothing lefs than peace. That they who fhortly
were to command the molt numerous and beft difciplined
army under heaven, and a navy fit to contend with the
fleets of England, imagining the time had found us, dif-
dained to be jufl. I highly venerate a majority of the
Delegates : I have not indeed the honour of knowing all
the worthy members ; however, 1 wifh the gentlemen of
the Congrefs, ere they entered on their important charge,
had been better acquainted with the flrength of our friends
in parliament. I fincerely lament that the King did not
receive the lajft excellent petition from the Congrefs ; and I
as fincerely wifh that the gentlemen of the Congrefs had not
addrefTed themfelves, at that juncture, to the people of
Ireland. " As to government matters," (continues our
author) " it is not in the power of Britain to do this con-
tinent juftice : the bufmefs of it will foon be too weighty
and intricate to be managed with any tolerable degree of
convenience by a power fo very diftant from us, and fo
very ignorant of us ; for if they cannot 'Conquer us, they
cannot govern us. The difference between Pennfylvania
and Connecticut, refpecting fome unlocated lands, (hews
the infigniflcance of a Britifli government, and fully proves,
that nothing but continental authority can regulate coml-
pental matters/'

C> Until

20 PLAIN TRUTH.

Until the prefent unhappy period, Great Britain has
afforded to all mankind the moft perfect proof of. her wife,
lenient, and magnanimous government of the Colonies — >
the proofs to which we already have alluded, viz. our
fupreme felicity and amazing increafe. Than the affair of
the Connecticut invaders, Omnipotence only could grant
us ftrongcr reafons for praying a continuance of our
former beneficent government. Mod certainly every dif-
paffionate perfon, as well as the plundered Pennfylvaninns,
rnuit cbnfefs, that the arm of Great Britain alone detained
thofe free-booters aforefaid from felling the city of Phila-
delphia, to which without all doubt they^ have as juft a-
claim as to thofe fertile regions in Pennfylvania which they
furreptitloufly have poflelfed themfelves of. In wrath to
mankind, fhould heaven permit our author's new-fangled
government to exift, I, as a friend to Pennfylvanians, ad-
vife them to explore new fettlcments, and avoid the cruej.
mortification of being expelled by the Saints from their
delicious abodes and pleaflng fields. — " But (fays tne
author) the molt powerful argument is, that nothing but
independence (that is, a continental form of government)
can keep the peace of the continent, and preferve it in-
violate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation
EOW with Britain, as it is more than probable it will be
folio \ved by revolt fome where; the confequences of which
may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.
Thoufands are already ruined by Britifh barbarity, thou-
funds more will probably (hare the fame fate. Thefe men
have other feelings than thofe who have nothing fuffered ;
all they now poffefs is liberty ; what they before enjoyed is
facrificed to its fervice, and having nothing more to lofe,
they difdain all fubmiffion."

Here we cannot mifhike our author's meaning, that if
one or more of the middle or fouthern Colonies reconcile
with Great Britain, they will have war to fuftain with New
England, " the confequences of which may be more detri-
memal than all the malice of Britain." This terrible de-
nunciation, fortunately for fuch Colonies, is as futile as its
author. Should Great Britain re-eftablifti her authority in
fhe faid Colonies by negotiation, furely it is not temerity

to

P'L A I N T RU T H. / 21

to add, that the weight of Britain, in the fcales of thofe
provinces, would preponderate againit the power of New
England. If Britain mould reduce the Colonies by arms
(which may heaven avert!) the New England provinces Will
have as little inclination as ability to difhirb the peace of
their neighbours. I do indeed moil: fincerely compaflionate
thofe unhappy men who are ruined by our unfortunate
diffractions. I do fervently pray, that Britain and the
Colonies may moft effectually confider .their peculiar in-
felicity : fuch attention will do infinite honour to the
parent ftate, who cannot view them as enemies, but as
men unhappily irritated by the impolitic meafures of Great
Britain. " The diminution of trade affords an army, and
the necefHties of an army create a new trade" (fo fays our
author). I am furprized the miniftry, fo often reproached
with ruining the commerce of Britain, never urged (what
was never thought or faid before) oiir author's excellent
axiom, " that the diminution, &c." Certain it is, the
minority had replied, fmce the commencement of this
.century, the diminution of the commerce of France hath
afforded her nearly one million of foldiers ; but the
neceflities of this prodigious number of troops created her
fo bad a commerce, that (he hath twice proved bankrupt
iince, and more than once experienced the miferies of
famine.

" If premiums (fays our author) were to be given to
merchants to build and employ in their fervice fhips
mounted with 20, 30, 40, or 50 guns, the premiums to
be in proportion to the lofs of bulk to the merchants ;
fifty or fixty of thofe fhips, with a few guard fhips on
confhnt duty, would keep up a fufftcient navy, and that
without burdening ourfelves with the evil fo loudly com-
plained of in England, of fuffering their fleets in time of
peace to lie rotting in their docks." — Yield the palm of in-
genuity to our author, ye De Wits, Colberts, Pelhams, and
Pitts. He hath outdone ye by confrrucYmg a beautiful

navy, alas ! on paper only. Firft, no nation in

Europe depends on fuch (hips for her defence. Secondly,
fuch fhips would be unfit to contend with capital fhips.
Thirdly, in the hour of danger, thefe fhips on their voyage

or

*2 PLAIN TRUTH.

or return would alternately be taken by an active enemy,
Lartly, fix times as many fuch. {hips would be unequally
matched with that part of" the naval power of Great Britain,
which (he actually could fpare to combat on our coafts.
This cannot be thought exaggeration, if we confider that
the Britifh navy, laft war, carried about feyenteen thoufand
guns, and upwards of ninety-five thoufand focial fcamen.
•* No country (fays our author) is fo happily fituated, or
internally capable of raifing a fleet as America. Tar,
timber, iron, and cordage, are her natural produce." He
fpeaks of forming a fleet as if he could do it by his fiat.
A third rate (hip of the line fitted for fea is allowed to coil
74,000 1. fterling, which at the prefent exchange is about
129,000!. Now as labour, fail cloth, cordage, and other
requifites are dearer than in Europe, we may reafonably
fuppofe the advanced price at twenty-five per cent, which
makes the amount 154,000!. We mult next fuppofe our
navy equal to that of France, which confifts of iixty-four
Jhips of the line (fifty gun (hips inclufive) twenty-five
frigates, with jfhips of inferior force. In cafe of inde-
, pendence, we cannot admit a fmaller naval force. Indeed,
when joined to the fleets of France and Spain, the navies
fo united, and navigated principally by landfmen, inltructed
by a few focial Jailors, will be vaftly inferior to thefquadrons
of Britain. The amount therefore of fuch a navy will only
require the trifling fum of 12,625,000!. currency, which
I am very willing to believe we can fpare, being fcarccly one
fourth the value of our property real and perfonal. With
excellent management, our navy would lafl eight, nine, or
ten years : we therefore would find it extremely con-
venient to rebuild it conitantly at the expiration of that
term : of this there cannot be a doubt, when we remember
xvith our author, " that < (hip-building is America's greated
pride. The vaft empire of Ruffia is almoil: (hut out from
the fen, wherefore her boundlefs forefls, her tar, iron, and
cordage, are only articles of commerce." I reply, that
JRuflia containing ten times our numbers, is destitute of
incluflry and commerce. She has ports fufficient to build
and contain a navy to fubdue the world. Deftitute, as we
have remarked, of induftry and commerce, her navy is in-

confiderable;

P L A I N T R U T H. 23

confiderable j and being equipt with landfrnen, cannot
figure againft mips navigated by focial failors. Who can
doubt the ability of Spain to build a navy as formidable as
that permitted to Great Britain (by the author of Common
Senfe). In her ifland of Cuba, poiTeiTed ef an immenfity
of fine cedar, (he might conftruct a navy as formidable as
that of Great Britain, but to what purpofe, other than to
adorn the triumph of her enemies ; unlefs me could arm
her (hips otherwife than by active landfmen, inftructed by
a few focial failors. Our author fays, ." that the Terrible,
Capt. Death flood the hotteft engagement of any fhip laft
war, yet had not twenty failors on board," (though her
compliment of men was upwards of two hundred).

We do indeed confefs ourfelves doubtful on this head,
and therefore with our author had produced his authority.
We do apprehend, that naval actions very generally de-
pend on feaman-fhip, that is, on dextroufly working the
fhip during the combat. Now the judicious reader will
remember, that (hips of war in engagement cannot be na-
vigated by a few focial failors, nor even by a bare com-
petency, unlefs fuch failors are more invulnerable than was
the great Achilles.

" Were the continent (fays our author) crowded with
inhabitants, her fufferings under the prefent circurnftances
would be intolerable, the more fea ports we had, the; more
we fhould have both to defend, and to lofe." This is ra-
ther incomprehenfible ; I cannot imagine, that ,we would
be lefs formidable with ten times our prefent numbers ; if
at prefent we can defend one fea-port, furely, with ten
times as many inhabitants, we could equally defend ten.
If with our prefent numbers, we are a match for the world,
confequently with ten times ns many, we would be a
match for ten worlds, which would indeed be prodigious !
" The infant ftate of the Colonies, as it is called, fo far from
being againft, is an argument in favour of independence."
This aflertion is as abfurd, as if he had maintained, that
twenty is inferior in number to two. " But the injuries
and difadvantages we fuftain by that connection, are with-
out number, and our duty to mankind at large, as well as
to ourfelves, in&ruct us to renounce the alliance. Bccaufc

any

24 P L A I N T R U T H.

any fubmiflion to, or dependence upon Great Britain,
tends directly to involve this continent in European wars
and quarrels. As Europe is our market for trade, we
ought to form no political connection with any part of it."
Innumerable are the advantages of onr connection with
Britain ; and a jufl dependence on her is a fare way ta
avoid the horrors and calamities of war. Wars in Europe
will probably than heretofore become lefs frequent ; reli-
gious rancour, which formerly animated princes to arms,
is fucceeded by a fpirit of philofophy extremely friendly to
peace. The princes of Europe are or ought to be con-
vinced by fad experience, that the objects of conqueft, are
vaftly inadequate to the immenfe charge of their armaments.
Prudential motives, therefore, in future, will often dictate
negotiation, inftead of war. Be it however admitted, that
our fpeculations are nugatory, and that as ufual, we are
involved in war ; in this cafe we really do not participate
a twentieth part of the mifery and hardfhips of war, expe-
rienced by the other fubjects of the empire. As future-
wars will probably be carried on by Britain in her proper
element, her fuccefs will hardly be doubtful ; nor can this
be thought audacity, if we remember the great things ef-
fected by Britain in her naval wars, then fecondary objects
to her Germanic connections, to which (he now politically
feems indifferent. Our failors navigating our veflels to the
Weft Indies during war, are exempted from imprefTment ;
and if our trade to any part of Europe is then ftagnated, it
flows with uncommon rapidity in' the Weft Indies; nor is
the object of captures inconiiderable.

Our author furely forgets, that when independent, we
cannot trade with Europe, without political connections,
and that all treaties made by England or other commerical
ftates are, or ought to be, ultimately fubfervient to their
commerce. " But (fays our author) admitting that mat-
ters were now made up what would be the event ? I anfwer,
the ruin of the continent, and that for feveral reafons."
Reconciliation would conduct us to our former happy ftate.
The happinefs of the governed is without doubt the true
interefl of the governors; and if we aim not at indepen-
dence, there cannot be a doubt of receiving every advantage

relative

P L A I N T R U T H. 25

relative to laws and commerce that we can de/ire. Mon-
tefquieu fpeaking of the people of England fays, '* They
know better than any people on earth, how to value at
the fame time thefe three great advantages, religion, liber-
ty, and commerce." 6( It is a matter worthy of obfervation,
that the more a country is peopled, the fmaller their ar-
mies are." This indeed would be worthy of obfervation,
did not daily experience controvert ir. The armies of
Ruflia, France, Auftria, England, and Pruflia, are cer-
tainly more numerous than thofe of Spain, Sweden, Den-
mark, Portugal, and Sardinia. Now, the fird five dates
contain nearly fixty millions, and the la ft kingdoms do not
contain fourteen millions*of people. " In military num-
bers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns, and the rea-
fon is evident, for trade being the confequences of popu-
lation, men become too much abforbed thereby to attend
to any thing elfe ; commerce dimiiiifties the fpirit both of
patriotifm, and military defence."

Every ma.nof fenfe now rejects the fabulous numbers of the
army of Xerxes, and other fabled armies of antiquity. The
ancient armies did not exceed in numbers the armies
of the moderns. If fo, their dates had been defolate<J
by the horrid carnage of their battles, arifmg from the
military fpirit of defence, from the nature of their arms, and
the arrangement of their armies, which permitted the com-
batants to buckle together, who feldom gave quarter. The
Roman armies never exceeded twenty-five legions, which,
including auxiliaries, did not exceed two hundred and fifty
thoufand, a number greatly inferior to the armies of France or
perhaps Britain during war. Notwithftanding my ardour for
liberty, I do mod fervently pray, that we may never exchange
the fpirit of commerce for that of military defence, even at the
price of augmenting our armies. L,et us hear the tedimony
of Montefquieu in favour of commerce: " Commerce, fays
he, is a cure for the mod deftructive prejudices-, for it is
almod a general rule, that wherever we find agreeable
manners, there commerce flourifhes. Let us not be ado-
niftied then, if our manners are now lefs favnge than for-
merly. Commerce has every where diffufed a knowledge
pf all natrons ; thefe are c mparcd one with another, and

D from

2$ PLAIN T R U T H.

from this companfcm arife the greateil advantages. Peace
js the natural effect of trade, &c." The Athenian people,
perhaps the mofl refpeclable of antiquity, did not long
poflTeis a commercial fpirit, bat were almoft continually af-
flicted by this Tpirit of military defence. The common
pfcople ia efFecl: diflributed the public revenues amongft
taemfelveg, while the rich were in a flate of oppreffion.
According to Lyfms the orator and others, it was their
cuilom, when in wa.nt of Money, to put to death fome of
the rich citizens, as well as Grangers, for the fake of the
forfeiture. In iliort, could we enumerate the infinite train
qf misfortunes inflicted on 'mankind in every clime and
age by this felf-fame fpirit of military defence, our read-
ers would furely join us in opinion, that commerce has.
moil happily humanized mankind. I am not unaware,
that there are many declamations againfr, commerce ; thefe
I have ever regarded as trials of wit, rather than ferious
productions. Our author's antipathy, and extreme5 aver-
fion to commerce, is eafily accounted for. If his inde-
pendence takes place, I do aver, that commerce will be as.
pfelefs as our fearching for the philofopher's ftone. " And
hiftory (fays he) fufficiently informs us, that the bravefi
atchievemtnts were always accomplifhed in the non-age of
a nation." The Greeks in their early Mate were pirates,
and the Romans robbers, and both warred in character.
"Their glorious aclions were performed (if I may fo ex-
prefs myfelf) in the manhood of their empire. Carthage,
Greece, Afia, Spain, Gaul, and Britain, were not indeed
conquered during the non-age of the republic. Agin^ourt,
Creffy, Oudenard, Ramiliies, Blenheim, Dettingen, and
Mjnden, furely were not fought in the infancy qf the
Englifh empire. " With the encreafe of commerce, Eng-
land has loll her fpirit." This is really a curious difcove-
jry; who is unacquainted, that the EngliPa are the lords
and fuclors of the univej-fe, and that Britain joins to the
Commerce of Tyre, Carthage and Venice, the difcipline
of Greesc, and the fire of old Rome ? " The city of Lon-
don, fubmits to continued infults, with the patience
ef a coward. The more men have to lofe, the lefs will-
ing they are to yeoturea iind fubmit to courtly power wi;h

3 toe

t L A I N T R U T H. tf

the trembling duplicity of a fpaniel." That an inconfi-
derable part of the people in London fubmit to a perfon
not Very honourably diltinguiflied in the world is certain;
but that the city of London fubmits to continued infuhs is
certainly a miftakc. I fuppofe our author means, that by
fubmiuing to the beft laws on earth, they fubmit to con-
tinued infuhs. The rich, whom he fo very honourably
diftinguifhes, can be at no lofs for his meaning. Art
agrarian law would perhaps be convenient for himfelf and
his independents. It may not however be amifs to remind
him of that, which in the multiplicity of his projects he
may have forgot, viz. that the richeft part of the commu-
nity will always be an overmatch for the poorefl part.
" It may be difficult (fays our author) if not impoffible,
to form this continent into a government half a century
hence."

Here I humbly apprehend our author's meaning is truly
confpicuous. This Continent fifty years hence infallibly wilt
be richer and much better peopled than at prefcnt ; confe-
quently abler to affect a revolution. But, aids ! ere that
period our author will be forgotten : impelled therefore by
his villainous ambition, he would rather precipitate his
country into every fpecies of horror, mifery, and defola-
tion, than forego his fancied protector (hi p. 4C But if you
have (fays our author) and ftill can (hake hands with the
murderers, then are ye unworthy the name of hufband, fa-
ther, friend, or lover ; and, whatever may be your rank or
title in life, you have the heart of a coward and the fpirit
of a fycophant, &c. To talk of friendfhip with thofe in.
whom our reafon forbids us to have faith, and our affections
wounded through a thoufand pores inftructs us to detS'ff, is
•madncfs and folly."

Ye that are not drunk with fanaticifm anfwer me. Are
thefe words dictated by peace, or bafe foul revenge, the
conftant attendant on cowards and fycophants ? Does our
author, fo perfectly verfed in fcripture, mean to conduct us
to peace or defolation ? Or is he fit to legiilate for men of
devils ? Nations after defolating each other (happily for
mankind) forgive, forget, and reconcile ; like individuals
whp qilarrel, reconcile, and become friends. Following the

,O 2 laudable

28 P L A I-N T R U T H.

laudable example of the Congrefs, we lately have mo&
readily (haken hands with our inveterate enemies the Cana-
dians, who have fcalped nearly as many of our people as the
British troops have done : Why therefore may we not for-
give and reconcile ? By no means : it blafts our author's

ambitious purpofes. The Englifli and Scotch, fmce the
firft Edward's time, have alternately flaughtered each other
(in the field of Bannockbui n more men fell than are now in
the New England provinces) to the amount of feveral hun-
dred thoufand, and now view ea^h other as fubjects ; defpif-
ing the efforts of certain turbulent fpirits, tending to rekin-
dle the ancient animofity. Many of the unhappy men, cri-
minally engaged with the Pretender, reconciled by humane
treatment to that family againft whom they rebelled, ferved
in their armies a few years after. Indeed the conduct of the
Canadians to our troops as effectually illuftrates our doc-
trine as it reprobates the anti-chriftian diabolical tenets of
our Author. — " The unwarrantable ftretch likewife which
that houfe made in their laft fitting, to gain an undue au-
thority over the Delegates of that province, ought to warn
the people at large, how they truft power out of their own
hands. A fet of inftructions for the Delegates were put to-
gether, which, in point of fenfe and bufmefs, would have
dishonored a fchool-boy, and after being approved by a few,
a very few, without doors, were carried into the houfe, and
there palled in behalf of the whole Colony. Whereas, did the
whole Colony know with what ill will that houfe hath entered
on fome neceiTary meafures, they would not hefitate a moment
to think them unworthy of fuch a truft." This veryinfidious
charge we cannot read without indignation. If the Pennfylva-
nians had happily adhered to their virtuous refolves, it is more
than probable, that a conftitutional reconciliation had ere now
taken place. Unfortunately refcinding their opinions, they
perhaps adopted the fentiments of certain perfons, by no
means fuperior in virtue and knowledge. Thofe not inebri-
ated with independency will certainly allow, that the in-
ftructions to their delegates were dictated by the true fpirit
of peace, juftice, and exalted policy. If infpiration had
dictated thofe refolves, obnoxious as they are to i^idepen-
iency, our author had reprobated them. How dare the

Author

PLAIN TRUTH. 39

author of Common Senfefay, " that they attempted to gain
an undue authority over the delegates of their province?"
Who fo proper to inftruct them as thofe chofen by the people ?
Not in the hour of paflion, riot, and confufion, but in the day
of peace and tranquil reflection. The gentleman whom our
author impotently attacks in this and other innuendos, will
be long revered by his grateful countrymen and the friends
of mankind, as well for his true patriotifm and extenfive
abilities as his unbounded benevolence. Would we profit
by the unhappy examples of our anceftors (which, alas I
mankind too feldom do) let us remember the fate of thofe
illuftrious patriots of the firfl Charles's time : allied at firft
with the independents, they did not fufpect thofe exe-
crable hyprocrites of the horrid delign of deflroying the
king and conftitution : when they faw through their abo-
minable views, it was too late to fave the king and kingdom ;
for the independents had feized the fovereignty. Soon as
they were firmly poflefred of power, they perfecuted thofe
illuftrious patriots with more unrelenting virulence than the
profefled advocates of arbitrary power. Every virtuous
Pennfylvanian muft be fired with indignation at the infidious
attack made by this independent on the refpeclable aflembly
of his province. Indeed the aflembly of Pennfylvania in this
unworthy treatment have a fure earned of their future ex-
pectations,— <f It is the cuflom of nations (fays our author)
when any two are at war, for fome other powers, not en-
gaged in the quarrel, to flep in as mediators, and bring
about the preliminai ies of a peace. But while America calls
herfelf the fubject of Britain, no power, however well dif-
pofed (he may be, can offer her mediation : wherefore, in
our prefent llate, we may quarrel on for ever."

Nations, like individuals, in the hour of paflion attend to
no mediation ; but wheu heartily drubbed, and tired of
war, are very readily reconciled, whhout the intervention
of mediators ; by whom belligerents were never reconciled
until their interests or pafliocs dictated the pacification. If
we may ufe our author's, elegant language, mediation is
" farcical." J grant, however, that the idea of our forcing
England by arms to treat with us is brilliant. " It is unrea-
/ooable (continues our author) to fuppofe, that Frsocc and

Spain

JO PLAIN TRUTH.

Spain will give us any kind of affiftance, if we mean only
to make ufe of that affiftance for the purpofe of repairing
the breach, and ftrengthening the connexion between Bri-
tain and America ; becaufe thofe powers would be fufFerers
by the confequences."

Confidering " we have the mod numerous and beft dif-
ciplined army under heaven, and a fleet fit to contend with
the navy of Britain," we muft fuppofe our author's brain
affected by dwelling conftantly on his beloved independency,
elfe he would not have the imbecility to require the affift-
ance of France and Spain. The manner of his prevailing
on France and Spain to affift us is alfo a ftrong proof of his
infanity ? Did thofe powers hefitate to fuccour the Scotch
rebels in 1 745, becaufe they did not declare themfelves in-
dependent ? it then was their intereft to create a diversion,
alas ! too ferious in the fequel for the deluded rebels in that
kingdom : and were they now interefted in aiding us, they
undoubtedly would do it in fpite of quibbles. In fuch cafe,
ere this time their armies and navies had joined us without
interruption : for we muft confefs, that the efforts of Britain
hitherto would not have precluded the republic of Genoa
from aiding us. Suppofe our author had a fon, or an appren-
tice, eloped to his intimate acquaintance, and defired to en-
ter into his fervice. If this perfon replied to the youth, I
know your apprenticcfhip is unexpired; notwithftanding,
declare yourfelf a free man, and I will hire and protect you.
I demand, would fuch odious, ridiculous duplicity render
our fuppofed perfon lefs criminal in the eyes of our author,
or render the example lefc dangerous to his own apprentice?
*' Were a manifefto (fays our author) difpatched to foreign
courts, &c." This alfo is a conclufive proof of our au-
thor's maniacum delirium. Our author " challenges the
\varmeft advocate for reconciliation to fhew a fmgle advan-
tage this continent can reap by being connected with Great
Britain. I repeat the challenge. Not a fmgle advantage is
derived : our corn will fetch its price in any market in Eu-
rope." Were the author's aifertions, refpecting our power,
as real as delufive, a reconciliation on liberal principles ,
with Great Britain would be moft excellent policy. I wave
familiarity of manners, laws, aad cultoms,. moft friend-
ly

P L A I N T R U T H. 3^

ty indeed to perpetual alliance. The greateft part of pur
plank, ftaves, (hingles, hoops, corn, beef, pork, herrings,
and many other articles, could find no vent but ia the Eng-
lifti iflands : the demand for pur flour would alfo be con-
fiderably leflened. The Spaniards have no demand for thefe
articles, and the French little or none. Britain would be a
principal mart for our lumber, part of our grain, naval
{lores, tobacco, and many other articles, which perhaps are
not generally wanted in any kingdom in Europe. If it is
fuggefted, that the Englifh, iflands, impelled by neceffity,
would trade with us, I reply, that it is not uncommon to
fee Englifli flour for fale in thofe iflands, as our merchants
have more than once found to their coft. Since 1750 flour
hath fold in the iflands at ten and twelve per cent, the price
being reduced by flour from England.

Britain* is alfo better calculated to fupply us with woollen
goods, and other neceflary articles, than any kingdom in
Europe. Should a feparation enfue, Britain will open an
extenfive commerce to the Baltick and Ruflia for all, or
many of the commodities flie now receives from us ; the
Ruffians, fince their laft glorious treaty with the Port, can
now export the commodities of their mofr, fertile Ukraine
through the Mediterranean ; until that period they were
conftrained to carry their hemp eight or nine hundred
miles to the Baltick ; whence, by a long and dangerous
navigation, it reached the different ports in the Atlantic.
I need not inform the reader that fuch immenfe land
carnage precluded the fubjecls of Ruffia from raifmg
wheat, which generally fold in the Ukraine for ten-pence
per bufhel, as did rye at five-pence in that extenfive re-
gion, than which no country on earth is more happily
adapted for that grain : the Britifh nation, pre-eminently
diftinguiihed for induftry and enterprize, will eftablifh
factories in the provinces of Ruffia, and animate thofe
pejple to emulate our productions, which they will tran-
fport by the Mediterranean to the ports of Europe and
the Weft Indies. — By tbeie means, and the culture of
Ppland, our grain would probably be reduced to .its
prifline price, two (hillings and fix-pence. As our au-
t.har is Ip vigl^atiy bent againft reconciliation, he muft

either

32 P L A I N T R U T H.

either fuppofe a conftant war with the mcenfed power of
England, or admit that he is a proper inhabitant of the
domains of Ariofto (the world in the moon) ; now, ad^
mitting " we have the moft numerous and beft difciplined
army under heaven, and a navy formidable for that of
England;" pray what are our refources to pay fuch con-
fiderable armaments ? although I do not wi(h to mortify
my countrymen, I muft acknowledge, that the neat pro-
ceeds of all our produce is inadequate to that end : our
author allows " that we have a confiderable check on
the Weft India commerce of Britain, and that Great
Britain has a confiderable check upon our European
trade.'*

In cafe Great Britain infults therefore our European
bound (hips, we have only to order our admirals to feize
their Weft Indiamen. Unfortunately, the Algerines and
other piratical ftates of Africa have no Weft-India com-*
mcrce; nnd not having the cleared distinctions of thine
and mine, will be apt to feize our vefTels. Our author
affirms, <c that our trade will always be our protection.'*
I therefore crave his pardon, and (hall believe, that the
iight of our grain, and fmell of the New England codfifh,
lull effectually ferve as a Mediterranean pais to the pi-
rati:al rovers. I do humbly confefs my fufpicions, leaft
Portugal, extremely dependent on Great Britain, may not
infult us. When independent, we no doubt will receive
ftrong proofs of friendship from France and Spain ; never -
thelefs, with the utmoft humility I imagine, could we
feize Gibraltar or Portmahon, and there ftation a formida-
ble fquadron of capital fliips, we might as effectually pro-
tect our commerce, as our trade will protect us: the
author of Common Senfe confidently affirms, " that our
trade will always be its protection." I cannot imagine
that his purfe or watch would effectually protect him on
Bounflovv or Blackheath from footpads or highwaymen,
Hitherto we have treated of reconciliation on the principles
of our being as poient as Great Britain. Let us now
confider our army nearly as I have ftated it, and our navy
as an object by no means fubl unary. It now behoves
us well to confider, whether it were belter to enter the

P L A I N T R U T H. 33

harbour of peace with Gre^t Britain, or plunge the (hip
into all the horrors of war — of civil war. As peace and
a happy exfenfion of commerce are objects infinitely better
for Great Britain, than war and a diminution of her com- .
merce, it therefore is her intereffc to grant us every fpecies
of indulgence, confident with our conftitutional depen-
dence; fhouldvwar continue, there can be no doubt of the
annihilation of our (hips, ports, and commerce by Great i
Britain. The king's (hips now in New England unhappily
arc more than fuffjcient to ruin the ports and commerce
of thefe provinces; New York is already fecured ; and I
fhould be extremely grieved to hear that a fmall armament
were deftined againft Philadelphia. In the opinion of the.
beft officers of the navy, Philadelphia is acceffible to a
few forty and fifty gun mips, in defpite of our temporary
expedients to fortify the river Delaware. If fuch opinion
is groundlefs, the miniftry by their imbecility have be-
friended us, fmce by guarding the river Delaware with a
few frigates only, they had precluded us- from arming
our veffels and ftrengthening the river Delaware. I would
remind our author or the conftant language and apparent
purport of all ranks in oppofition .to Great Britain : " \v«e
have (fay they) been the happieit people on earth, and
would continue to be io, mould Great Britain renounce
her claim of taxation ; we have no finifter views, we claim
not independence; no! perifli the thought;'' fuch I be-
lieve alfo was the tenor of the petitions from the congrefs to
his majefly. Now I would afk every man of fen time tit, what-
opinion our friends in Great Britain, nay the whole world
•will entertain of us, if ingratefully and madly adopting
our author's frantic fchemes, we reject reafonable terms-
of reconciliation? wiH they not moft afluredly believe that
our popular leaders have by infinite art deluded the
imwary people into their pre-concerted fchemes, on fup-
polition that the time had found us? thofe acquainted with
Britain mutt confefs, that the .minority in, parliament hi-
therto have been our main prop : now independency for
ever annihilates this our beA reiource. Let us admit a
part of the minority, republicans, or what is more pro*

E bable,

34 P LAIN TRUTH.

bable, bent on removing the prcfent miniflry from their
power, our author's fchemes annihilates all their con^
fequence, all their oppofition. In cafe of our indepen-
dence, mould a Barre, or Burke, patronize our govern-
ment, fuch patrons would infallibly participate the fate of the
great and good De Witts, be torn in pieces by the furious

people. If my remarks are founded on truth, it refults

that the time hath not found us ; that independency is
inexpedient, ruinous, "and impracticable, and that recon-
ciliation with Great Britain on good terms is our fole
refource ; it is this alone will render us refpecTiable ; it is
this alone will render us numerous ; it is this only will
make us happy.

I mall no longer detain my reader, but conclude with
a few remarks on our author's fcheme: the people of
thofe colonies would do well to confider the character,
fortune, and defigns of our author and his independents ;
and compare them with thofe of the moft amiable and
venerable perfonages in and out of the congrefs, who
abominate fuch nefarious meafures ; I would humbly ob-
ferve, that the fpccious" fcience of politics is of all others
the mod delufive. Soon after the Revolution the ablefl;
fbtefmen in England and other parts of Europe confi-
dently predicted national ruin, infallible ruin, foon as the
public debt exceeded fifty! millions feeding : the nation,
now indebted nearly thrice that fum, is not arrived at the
zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps poflible to
form a fpeciotis fyftem of government on paper which
may feem practicable, and to have the confcrit of the
people ; yet it will not arifwer in practice, nor retain their
approbation upon trial: "all plans of government (fays
Hume) which kippofe great reformation in the manners of
mankind, are merely imaginary."

The fabricators of independency have too much in-
fluence to be entrufted in fuch arduous and important
concerns ; this reafon alone were fufficient, at prefent, to
cieter us from altering the conftitution : it would be as
inconfiftent in our leaders in this hour of danger to
form a government, as it were for a colonel, forming
'" '• " bis,

'. "•:. ••

PLAINTRUTH; 35

his battalion in the face of an enemy, to flop to write aii
ciTay on war.

This author's Quixotic fyftem is really an infult to
our un'derftdnding ; it is infinitely inferior to Hume's idea
of a perfect commonwealth, which, notwithstanding his
acknowledged greatnefs of genius, is fiill reprehenfible :
it is not our bufmefs to examine in what manner this
Author's aiTociates acquired their knowledge in national
affairs ; but we may predict, that his fcheme of indepen-
dency would foon, very foon, give way to a government
impofed on us by fome Cromwell of our armies : nor
is this fentiment unnatural, if we are attentive to conftant
experience and human nature: the fublime Montefquieu,
fo aptly quoted by the congrefs, unhappily corroborates
our doctrine, " from (fays he) a manner of thinking that
prevails amongft mankind, they fet a higher value upon
courage than timoroufnefs ; on activity than prudence;
on ftrength than counfel.' Hence, the army will ever;
defpife a fenate, and refpect their own officers ; they will
naturally flight the order fent them by a body of men
whom they look upon as cowards, and therefore un-
worthy to command them ; fo that as foon as the army
depends on the legiilative body, it becomes a military
one;" and if the contrary has ever happened, it has been
owing to fome extraordinary circumflances, fuch as Hol-
land being able to drown her garrifons, and the Venetians
having it in their power to compel their troops to obe-
dience by the vicinity of the European armies ; resources
to which we for ever muft be ftrangers. If independence
takes place/ the New England men by their confequence
therein will afTume a fuperiority impatiently to be borne
by the other colonies.

Notwhhftanding our author's fine words about tolera-
tion, ye fons of peace and true chrifYianity, believe me,
it were folly fupreme, madnefst to expect angelic tolera^
tion from New England, where me has confhmtly been
detefVed, perfecuted, and execrated ; even in vain would
our author, or our Cromwell, cherifh toleration ; for the
people of New England, not yet arrived in the feven-

E 3 uentli

36 PLAIN TRUTH.

teeuth or eighteenth century, would reprobate her. — It fc
more than probable to fuppofe that the New England
governments would have no objection to an Agrarian law;
cor is it unreafonable to fuppofe that fiich divifion of
property would be very agreeable to the foldiers ; indeed
their general could not, perhaps, with fafety to his exift-
ence as a general, refufe them fo reafonable a gratification^
particularly, as he will have more than one occafion for
their fervices ; let us, however, admit that our general
and troops, contradicting the experience of ages, do not
aflume the fovereignty. Releafed from foreign war, we
would probably be plunged into all the mifery of anarchy
and inteftine war. Can we fuppofe that the people of the
fouth would fubmit to have the feat of empire at Phi-
laddphia, or in New- England ? or that the people op-
prefied by a change of government, contrafting their mifery
wiih their former happy {late, would not invite Britain
to re-aflume the fovereignty ?

A failure of commerce precludes the numerous tribe of
planters, farmers and others, from paying their debts con-
tracted on the faith of peace and commerce. They can-
not, nor perhaps ought not to pay their debts. A war
will enfue between the creditors and their debtors, which
will eventually end in a general fpunge or abolition of
debts, which has more than once happened in other ftates
occniions fimilar.

Ye refpectable defcendants of the planters from Holland
and Swifferland, who acknowledge, that your fathers
have inflructed you to felicitate yourfelves in exifting un-
der the benign Britifh government, and have taught you
to execrate the government of Holland and other popular
ftates, where the unhappy people, unacquainted with trial
by jury and other peculiar felicities of Britifli fubjects, are
(to ufe the fignificant language of your fathers) under the
harrow of opprefTive Demagogues. Do ye poffefs the wif-
dom to continue your happinefs by a well regulated con-
nection with Britain ?

Volumes were infufficient to defcribe the horror, mifery,
and defolation awaiting the people at large in the Syren

form

PLAIN TRUTH.

37

form oF American independence. In fhort, I affirm that
it would be moft excellent policy in thofe who wi(h for
true liberty, to fubmit by an advantageous reconciliation
to the authority of Great Britain ; " to accomplifti in the
long run, what they cannot do by hypocrify, fraud, and
force in the fhort one.'* Independence and flavery are £y-
nonymous terms.

f I N I Si

The following Publication by RATIONALIS, is
frinted in this Jtze for the convenience of thofe
Gentlemen 'who choofe to bind it with other
Pamphlets, in an Odtavo Volume.

The Republican Spirit is indeed at bottom as am-
bitious as the monarchical.

VOLT AIR E.

TH E town has been lately amufed with a new political
pamphlet, intitled Common Senfe.

This piece, though it has taken a popular name, and
implies that the contents are obvious, and adapted to the
underftandings of the bulk of the people, is fo far from
meriting the title it has attained, that in my opinion it
holds principles equally inconfiftent with learned and com •
mon fenfe.

I know not the author, nor am I anxious to learn hi£
name or character ; for the book, and not the writer of
it, is to be the fubjecl of my animadverfions/

It is the glory of a free country to enjoy a free prefs,
and of this, that the fentiments and opinions of the meaneft,
equally with thofe of the greateft, are brought to view *
for we know by frequent inftances, that the rich and high
born are not the monopolizers of wifdom and virtue ; oil
the contrary, thefe qualities are oftner to be found among
the middling clafs in every country, who, being lefs difTi-
pated and debauched than thofe who are ufually called
their betters, apply themfelves with more induftry to the
culture of their understandings, and in reality become
better acquainted witli the true interefts of the fociety id
which they live.

But to my great grief I have too often feen inftances of
pcrfons in every clafs of life, whofe publications, at the
fame time they have reflected honour on the parts and ge-
nius of the authors, have been fo fhamefully wanting iri

Candour

R A T I O N A L I a. 33

candour as to attempt, by the cadence of words, and force
of ftile, a total perverfion of the underitanding.

The pamphlet in queftion feems to be plainly calculated
to induce a belief of three things :

i ft. That the Englifh form of government has no wifT
dom in it, and that it is by no means To conftrufted as to
produce the happinefs of the people, which is the end of
all good government.

2d. That monarchy is a form of government inconfift-
ent with the will of God.

3d. That now is the time to break off all connexion
with Great Britain, and to declare .an independence of the
Colonies.

It muft be obvious to every impartial eye, that the au-
thor reafons from the abufes of, againft the benefits de-
rived from, the Engiilh conftitution ; and after reciting
thefe abufes concludes very unfairly, that " it is incapa-
ble to produce what it feems to promife." — For if an ar-
gument of this fort is to be received, it will prove perhaps
rather more than the author would chufe — it would ever*
prove that the Jewish theocracy was quite as improper,
and as incapable to produce what it aimed at, as the re-
probated Englifh government. — The records of facred hif-
tory informs us, that the law was given to the people frona
God. and that the great Jehovah himfelf condefcended to
call them his cbofen people. He fignally interpofed in thek
behalf in bringing them out of bondage, in preferving them
from the rage o; Pharaoh's army, and feating them in a
land flowing with milk and honey, under his immediate
government and laws, " written with his own finger."

" And he will love thee and biefs thee, and multiply
thee : he will alfq bkfs the fruit of thy womb and the fruit
of thy land, thy corn and thy wine, and thy oil ; the in-
creafe of thy kine, and the flocks of thy fheep, in the land
which he fvvare unto thy fathers to give thee." Deut.
yii. 13.

" Thou (halt be blefled above all people ; there (hall not
be male or female barren among you, or among your cattle.'*

l)cut. vii. 14.
j

But

40 RATIONALIS.

But what effects did all thefe extraordinary favours an4
promifes of the Deity himfelf produce upon that wicked,
perverfe, {tiff-necked people ? Mofes tells them,

" From the day that thou didft depart out of the
land of Egypt until ye came unto this place, ye have been
rfcjellious againit the, Lord." Deut. ix. 7.

" You have been rebellious againft the Lord from the
day that 1 knew you." Deut. ix. 24.

Profane as well as facred hiftory informs us of the inef-
fectuality of the beft governments and the wiieft laws among
a corrupt, degenerate people it does not regularly follow,
that if the people are not happy under an excellent form
of civil polity, that the fault is in the government, it may
be owing to the corruption of the people ; and this I take
to be the cafe in Great Britain at this day. When the
Bririfh parliament is properly balanced, and each branch
of the legiflature faithfully executes its duty, I think I am
fafe in affirming there was never ye£ a form of government
in the world fo well calculated for the happinefs of a free
people as this, and yet we are told by the author of the
pamphlet, that the " prejudice of Engliflimen in favour
of King, Lords, and Commons arifes as much or more
from national pride than reafon." The world has already
feen numberlefs inftances of fine-fpun political theories,
which, like the quackeries of mountebank doctors, are
to cure all the political evils to which human nature is
liable. — But when the experiment is made, they become
aftonimed at the ill fuccefs of their boafted fchemes — they
find a thoufand little paffions and intere is continually in-
terfering with their defigns, and at length retire again to
their clofets, chagrined they had not thought it necellury
to ftudy the great volume of human nature, before they
ventured to fay what was the beft for mankind.

The author, after venting his fpleen againft the Englifti
form of government, comes next to confider the fubjecl of
monarchy and hereditary fucceffion ; in treating which he
plainly difcovers the utmo't prepofTeflioa in favour of a
republic. I mail not follow him through his fcripture
quotations, which he has fo carefully garbled to anfwef his
purpofe, but beg leave to cppofe fome authorities to it.

The

RATIONALIS. 4*

The celebrated Trenchard., in No. 60, of Cato's Let-
ters, fays, " there is no government now upon earth,
which owes its formation or beginning to the immediate
revelation of God, or can derive its exiftence from fuch re-
velation : it is certain, on the contrary, that the rife and
infritution, or variation of government, from time to time,
is within the memory of men or of hiflories; and that every
government which we know at this day in the world,
was eftablifhed by the wifdom and force of mere men, and
.by the concurrence of caufes evidently human."

" Nor has God by any revelation nominated magiftrates,
mewed the nature or extent of their powers, or given a
plan of civil polity for mankind." (Hutchefon's Moral
Philofophy, p. 272.)

" There being no natural or divine law for any form of
government, or that one perfon rather than another mould
have the fovereign adminiftration of affairs, or have power
over many thoufand different families who are by nature
all equal, being of the fame rank, promifcuoufly born to
the fame advantages of nature, and to the ufe of the fame
common faculties, therefore mankind, is at liberty to choofe
-what form of government they like*

" God's providence or permiffion fuffered his own pe-
culiar people the Jews to be under divers governments at
divers times; as firft under patriarchs, Abraham, Ifaac,
and Jacob, &c. then under judges, ©thniel, Ehud, and
Gideon; then under high priefts, Eli and Samuel; then
u;ider kings, Saul, David, and the reft; then under cap-
tains and high priefls again, as Zorobabel, Judas Mac-
cabeus, and his brethren ; and the government was laftly
taken from them, and they brought under the power of
Rome. And that God permits fuch magiftrate or magif-
trates as the community thinks fit to approve, is plain by
the teftimony of Holy Scriptures ; when God faid to Solo-
mon, " By me kings rule, even all the judges of the earth."
Prov. viii. 16.

" When the fons of Samuel were judges over Ifrael, they
took bribes and perverted judgment, therefore the elders
of Ifrael defired Samuel to make them a king ; and though
the elders are only mentioned to have afked a king of,

F Samuel,

4* R A T I O N A L I S.

Samuel, they feem to have been deputed from the whole
congregation ; for God faid unto Samuel, " Hearken to
the voice of the people in all that they fay unto thee." i Sam.
viii. 4, 7.

(t And Samuel told the people the manner of the kingdom,
and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before the Lord.
i Sam. x. 25. It is plain the manner of the kingdom fjg-
nifies the confUtution of the government, by which was
meant the conditions on which Saul was to be king, and
they his fubjects ; for though God had given him the crown,
it was to rule the people according to jufiice and laws."

" After the battle between Saul and the Ammonites,
Samuel faid to the people. Come, let us go to Cilgal\ and
there they made Saul king before the Lord, i Sam. xi. i.
5, 6, 7. 14, 15. Now therefore behold the king, ivhom
ye have chofen, and behold the Lord hath fet a king over
you." i Sam. xii. 13.

Thefe latter quotations are taken from the great Lord
Somers's book called " the Judgment of whole Kingdoms
and Nations concerning the Rights of Kings and the Peo-
ple." This nobleman was Lord high chancellor of Eng-
land in King William's reign, and was remarkable for his
revolution -principles, great learning, and unfhaken integri-
ty in public and private life.

It does therefore from the foregoing teftimpnies appear,
that monarchy (efpeciaily a limited one, fuch as that of
England) is not inconfiflent with the Holy Scriptures, as
is fet forth in faid pamphlet, but that it is as plea/mg to
the Almighty, if agreeable to the people, as any other form
of government, even the author's beloved republic.

The writer next proceeds to inform his readers of the
numerous wars and fcenes of blood afted in England under
their kings, and afTerts, that " Monarchy and fucejjion
have laid the world in blood and aJJjes, It is a form of go-
vernment which the word of Cod bears tejlimony againft,
and blood will attend it." Here are bold aifertions indeed.
To the latter part I have already endeavoured to make
fome reply, fo far as he aflerts it is contrary to the word
of God ; but will the author's candour permit him to in-
form his reader of the infinite diffractions and mifchiefs
3 which

RATIONAL!^ 43

\vhich liave happened in the ancient and modern republics ?
— Under this form there are always two parties, which
divide the whole body of the people, and an eternal war-
fare fubfjfts between them for power. The conteft is
dreadful enough, but whichfoever party prevails, there
is no rod heavy enough, no fword fufficiently {harp, to

punifh thofe whom they have fubdued. It then becomes

a many-headed monfler, a tyranny of many.

Let any man read with an unprejudiced eye the accounts
which hiftorians give us of the famous Grecian Common-
wealths, and I will venture to fpeak for him, that he will
not beflow great commendations on them. — The Atheni-
ans, a wife and poliflied people, very often banifhed their
belt citizens from an apprehenfion of their power — a glo-
rious reward for a virtuous citizen, who, as was the cafe
in more inftances than one, had preferved his country from
deftruclion. In the latter times of the Carthaginian and
Roman republics, what comtant fcenes of blood and de-
vaflation does hiftory prefent to us — the multitude in a
perpetual ferment like the ocean in a ftorm— in a florm, did
I fay? — like the waters of the fea, agitated by a dreadful
whirlwind, nothing' but the fury of one party ercountering
the rage of another. — Every trace of humanity being thus
loft, men change their natures and become as fierce and fa-
vage as wolves and tygers.

But let us defcend nearer to modern times — let us look
for happinefs and fecurity in the republic of Holland, fa
often mentioned, and fo little known — let us recollect the
fate of the two brothers, Cornelius and John de Wit,
Dutch minifters, who were maiiacred by the people in the
year 1672. Holland itfelf, from being a republic, is be-
come a downright ariftocracy. Liberty did not continue
long in that country, notwithstanding the blood and trea-
fure that were expended to acquire it. The people, fo far
from being free, have had no voice for many years paft in the*
election of perfons to reprefent them in the States-Gene-
ral, nor have they any thing to do in the forming of laws
by which they are to be governed. Whenever one of
them dies, the vacancy is filled up without any interference
of the people, and this important change was made in the
F a ftate,

44 RATIONALIS.

Hate, becaufe of the intolerable feuds and animofities which
attended the elections of reprefentatives. Had they been to
have chofen a king, what dangerous and definitive tu-
mults muft it have produced ? Founded on the woeful ex-
perience of ages, it is now become a general fixed opi-
nion, that hereditary is preferable to elective monarchy, on
account of the terrible diforders, outrages, and confufion
which ufually attend the election of a king; a pregnant
inflance of which, in our times, is the kingdom of Po-
land.

In our own hiftory, we fee what was the effect of the
much wimed for Commonwealth, after the death of the
tyrant Charles — it did not produce liberty — it prefently
ended in arbitrary power. The moment almoft after the
reins of government fell from Charles's hands, Cromwell
took them up, and governed the nation with abfolute fway.

I cannot agree with the author of the pamphlet in opi-
nion, that this is the time to declare an independence of
the Colonies : this ought to be the dernier refort of Ame-
rica. Let us not yet lofe fight of the primary object of
the difpute^ namely, a fafe, honourable, and lafting re-
conciliation with Great Britain, until we are under a ne-
teffity of doing it. If an advantageous accommodation can
be had, and a free conftitution for this country be eftablifh-
ed on mutual agreement and compact, it will be better and
happier for us. But if juftice is ftill denied us, and we
are to contend for liberty by arms, we will meet them in
the field, and try our manhood againft them, even to
fpilling the blood of every brave man we have. Should
the miniftry have recourfe to foreign aid, we may poflibly
follow their example ; and, if it be efTential then to our
fafety to declare an independence, I would willingly em-
brace the neceffity.

RATIONALIS.