Plutarch's Lives

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
IX
DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY
PYRRHUS AND GAIUS
MARIUS

Translated by
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

“-mplete list of Loeb titles can be
found at the end of each volume

a

PLUTARCH (Plutarchus, c. A.D. 45-
120, was born at Chaeronea in Boeotia
in central Greece, studied philosophy at
Athens, and, after coming to Rome as a
teacher in philosophy, was given consular
rank by the emperor Trajan and a procura-
torship in Greece by Hadrian. Married
and father of one daughter and four sons,
he appears as a man of kindly character
and independent thought. Studious and
learned, he wrote on many subjects. Most
popular have always been the 46 Parallel
Lives, biographies planned to be ethical
examples in pairs (in each pair one Greek
person and one similar Roman), though
the last four lives are single. All are in-
valuable sources of our knowledge of the
lives and characters of Greek and Roman
statesmen or soldiers or orators. Plutarch’s
many other varied extant works, about
60 in number, are known as ‘Moral
Essays’ or ‘Moral Works’. They are of
high literary value, besides being of great
use to people interested in philosophy,
ethics and religion.

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ἦν. HH. Ὁ. ROUSE, rrein: ΠΑ ΡΟΣ τ. ἘΠ.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
ΙΧ

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PLUTARCH’S
LIVES

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

IN ELEVEN VOLUMES
IX

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY
PYRRHUS AND CAIUS MARIUS

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD

MOMLXVIITI

First printed 1920
Reprinted 1950, 1959, 1968

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

PREFATORY NOTE ..: « .;

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS EDITION

TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES

DENG RUSE ite rctitelsotktare tot een le

INSU ORING SSG οὐ Olea τὶ Ὁ

COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY

(PAGE EUS 5, τς

CAIUS MARIUS . . «© « « « -

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

τῶ; -
eure
«Ὡς
δ ἵν

τὰ Ἐν 2) ees, a

ΠΣ ΕΝ
cca kerr ΝΣ, Ef ap mee ΣΕ Ε
he ek τ"

eee . he ed rea πὸ

acl. we ἜΝ Us *

τὺ
νι ee

τ APE GD: ον

πα δὲ δτ oe ΣΝ ΣΑΣ
cae Mien ahh iy ren Gee kt

σις
“ων.
2 in th

call

aged

ΠΥ Rel Ὁ

ἱ τον Sin a. ¢ ae

PREFATORY NOTE

As in the preceding volumes of this series, agree-
ment between the Sintenis (Teubner, 1873-1875)
and Bekker (Tauchnitz, 1855-1857) editions of the
Parallel Lives has been taken as the basis for the
text. Any preference of one to the other, and any
important deviation from both, have been indicated.
An abridged account of the manuscripts of Plutarch
may be found in the Introduction to the first volume.
Of the Lives presented in this volume, the last part
of the Antony (from chapter Ixxvii.), and the Pyrrhus
and Marius are contained in the Codex Sanger-
manensis (55), but none in the Codex Seitenstet-
tensis (S). These are the two oldest and most
authoritative manuscripts. The readings of the
excellent Paris manuscript No. 1676 (F*) are not
accessible for any of them. No attempt has been
made, naturally, to furnish either a diplomatic text
or a full critical apparatus. For these, the reader
must be referred to the major edition of Sintenis
(Leipzig, 1839-1846, 4 voll., 8vo), or to the new
text of the Lives by Lindskog and Ziegler, in the
Teubner Library of Greek and Latin texts (now

Vili

PREFATORY NOTE

half published). In the present edition, the reading
which follows the colon in the brief critical notes is
that of the Teubner Sintenis, and also, unless other-
wise stated in the note, of the Tauchnitz Bekker.

The Siefert-Blass edition of the Pyrrhus, in the
Teubner series of annotated Greek and Latin texts,
has been of great service.

All the standard translations of the Lives have
been carefully compared and_ utilized, including
those of the Antony and Marius by Professor Long.

B. PERRIN.

New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.A.
June, 1920.

Vill

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS
EDITION IN THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
OF THE GREEK LIVES.

VouumE I.
(1) Theseus and Romulus.
Comparison.
(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
Comparison.
(3) Solon and Publicola.
Comparison.
Voutume II.

(4) Themistocles and
Camillus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the
Elder.
Comparison.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
Comparison.

VouumeE III.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Max-

imus.
Comparison.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
Comparison.

VotumE IV.
(6) Alcibiades and Coriola-
nus.
Comparison.
12) Lysander and Sulla.
Comparison.

VOLUME V.
16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.
Comparison.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
Comparison.

VoutumeE VI.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
Comparison.
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius
Paulus.
Comparison.

VotumE VII.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
Comparison.
(17) Alexander and Julius
Caesar.

Vouume VIII.
(15) Sertorius and Kumenes.
Comparison.
(18) Phocion and Cato the
Younger.

VouLumE IX.

(21) Demetrius and Antony.
Comparison.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.

VOLUME X.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and
Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

Comparison.

(10) Philopoemen and Flam-

ininus.
Comparison.

VouumE XI.

4) Aratus.

33) Artaxerxes
25) Galba,

26) Otho.

ΙΧ

THE TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE
PARALLEL LIVES.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.

(9) Solon and Publicola.

(4) Themistocles and Camillus.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Maximus.

(6) Alcibiades and Coriolanus.

(7) Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus.

(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the Elder.

(10) Philopoemen and Flamininus.

(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.

(12) Lysander and Sulla.

(13) Cimon and Lucullus.

(14) Nicias and Crassus.

(15)

(16) Agesilatis and Pompey.

(17)

(18)
)

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

Sertorius and Eumenes.

Alexander and Julius Caesar.

Phocion and Cato the Younger.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.
(22) Dion and Brutus.

(23) Artaxerxes.
(24) Aratus.
(25) Galba.

(26) Otho.

DEMETRIUS

AHMHTPIOS

I. Οἱ πρῶτοι τὰς τέχνας ἐοικέναι ταῖς αἰσθή-
σεσιν ὑπολαβόντες οὐχ ἥκιστά μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν
περὶ τὰς κρίσεις αὐτῶν κατανοῆσαι δύναμιν,
τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμοίως ἐν ἑκατέρῳ ' γένει πεφύ-
καμεν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. τοῦτο γὰρ αὐταῖς
κοινόν ἐστι" τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὰ τέλη τῶν κρινομένων
ἀναφορᾷ διαλλάττουσιν. ἡ μὲν γὰρ αἴσθησις
οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ λευκῶν ἢ μελάνων διαγνώ-
σει γέγονεν, οὐδὲ γλυκέων ἢ πικρῶν, οὐδὲ μαλα-
κῶν καὶ εἰκόντων ἢ σκληρῶν καὶ ἀντιτύπων, ἀλλ᾽
ἔργον αὐτῆς ἑκάστοις ἐντυγχάνουσαν ὑπὸ πάν-
τῶν τε κινεῖσθαι καὶ κινουμένην πρὸς τὸ φρονοῦν
ἀναφέρειν ὡς πέπονθεν. αἱ δὲ τέχναι μετὰ λόγου
συνεστῶσαι πρὸς αἵρεσιν καὶ λῆψιν οἰκείου τινός,
φυγὴν δὲ καὶ SOE Set ἀλλοτρίου, τὰ μὲν ἀφ᾽
αὑτῶν προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ PUNE
κατὰ τ ἐπιθεωροῦσι:' καὶ γὰρ ἰατρικῇ
τὸ νοσερὸν καὶ ἁρμονικῇ τὸ ἐκμελές, ὅπως ἔχει,
σκοπεῖν συμβέβηκε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπερ-
γασίαν, αἵ τε πασῶν τελειόταται τεχνῶν, σωφ-

ροσύνη καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ φρόνησις, οὐ καλῶν

1 ἐν ἑκατέρῳ Coraés and Bekker, after Reiske : ἑκατέρῳ.

Pari
Editic
a. 1624

88

DEMETRIUS

I. ‘THose who first assumed that the arts are like
the bodily senses, seem to me to have perceived very
clearly the power of making distinctions which both
possess, by which power we are enabled to apprehend
opposites, as well in the one case as in the other.
For the arts and the senses have this power in
common; though in the use to which we put the
distinctions made, they differ. For our sense-
perception has no greater facility in distinguishing
white objects than black, or sweet things than bitter,
or soft and yielding substances than hard and re-
sisting ones, but its function is to receive impressions
from all objects alike, and having received them, to
report the resulting sensation to the understanding.
The arts, on the other hand, which proceed by the
use of reason to the selection and adoption of what
is appropriate, and to the avoidance and rejection of
what is alien to themselves, contemplate the one
class of objects with direct intent and by preference,
and yet incidentally contemplate the other class also,
and in order to avoid them. For instance, the art
of healing has incidentally studied the nature of
disease, and the art of harmony the nature of
discord, in order to produce their opposites; and
the most consummate arts of all, namely, temper-
ance, justice, and wisdom, since their function is
to distinguish, not only what is good and _ just

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μόνον καὶ δικαίων καὶ ὠφελίμων, ἀλλὰ καὶ Bra- 889
βερῶν καὶ αἰσχρῶν. καὶ ἀδίκων κρίσεις οὖσαι,
τὴν ἀπειρίᾳ. τῶν κακῶν καλλωπιζομένην. ἀκακίαν
οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀβελτερίαν ἡγοῦνται καὶ
ἄγνοιαν ὧν μάλιστα γινώσκειν προσήκει τοὺς
ὀρθῶς βιωσομένους. οἱ μὲν οὖν παλαιοὶ Σπαρ-
τιᾶται τοὺς εἴλωτας ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς πολὺν ἀναγ-
κάζοντες πίνειν ἄκρατον εἰσῆγον εἰς τὰ συμπόσια,
τοῖς νέοις οἷόν ἐστι τὸ μεθύειν ἐπιδεικνύντες"
ἡμεῖς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ διαστροφῆς ἑτέρων ἐπανόρ-
θωσιν οὐ πάνυ φιλάνθρωπον οὐδὲ πολιτικὴν
ἡγούμεθα, τῶν δὲ κεχρημένων doKeT ότερον av-
τοῖς Kal γεγονότων ἐν ἐξουσίαις καὶ πράγμασι
μεγάλοις ἐπιφανῶν εἰς κακίαν, οὐ χεῖρον ἴσως
ἐστὶ συζυγίαν μίαν ἢ δύο παρεμβαλεῖν εἰς τὰ
παραδείγματα τῶν βίων, οὐκ ἐφ᾽ ἡδονῇ, μὰ Δία,
καὶ διαγωγῇ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ποικίλλοντας
τὴν γραφήν, GAN ὥσπερ ᾿ἸΙσμηνίας δ Θηβαῖος
ἐπιδεικνύμενος τοῖς μαθηταῖς καὶ τοὺς εὖ καὶ
τοὺς κακῶς αὐλοῦντας εἰώθει λέγειν, “ Οὕτως
αὐλεῖν δεῖ," καὶ πάλιν, “ Οὕτως αὐλεῖν οὐ Sei,”
ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Αντιγενίδας καὶ ἥδιον ὠετο τῶν ἀγαθῶν
ἀκροᾶσθαι τοὺς νέους αὐλητῶν ἐὰν καὶ τῶν
φαύλων πεῖραν λαμβάνωσιν, οὕτω μοι δοκοῦμεν
καὶ ἡμεῖς προθυμότεροι τῶν βελτιόνων ἔσεσθαι
καὶ θεαταὶ καὶ μιμηταὶ βίων εἰ μηδὲ τῶν φαύλων
καὶ ψεγομένων ἀνιστορήτως ἔχοιμεν.

Περιέξει δὴ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον τὸν Δημητρίου
τοῦ Πολιορκητοῦ βίον καὶ ᾿Αντωνίου τοῦ αὐτο-
κράτορος, avopav μάλιστα δὴ τῷ [Πλάτωνι
μαρτυρησάντων ὅτι καὶ κακίας μεγάλας, ὥσπερ

4

DEMETRIUS, τ. 3-7

and expedient, but also what is bad and unjust
and disgraceful, have no praises for a guilelessness
which plumes itself on its inexperience of evil, nay,
they consider it to be foolishness, and ignorance of
what ought especially to be known by men who
would live aright. Accordingly, the ancient Spartans
would put compulsion upon their helots at the
festivals to drink much unmixed wine, and would
then bring them into the public messes, in order to
show their young men what it was to be drunk.
And though 1 do not think that the perverting of
some to secure the setting right of others is very
humane, or a good civil policy, still, when men have
led reckless lives, and have become conspicuous, in
the exercise of power or in great undertakings, for
badness, perhaps it will not be much amiss for me to
introduce a pair or two of them into my biographies,
though not that I may merely divert and amuse my
readers by giving variety to my writing. Ismenias
the Theban used to exhibit both good and bad
players to his pupils on the flute and say, “ you must
play like this one,” or again, “you must not play like
this one”; and Antigenidas used to think that
young men would listen with more pleasure to good
flute-players if they were given an experience of bad
ones also. So, I think, we also shall be more eager
to observe and imitate the better lives if we are not
left without narratives of the blameworthy and the
bad.

This book will therefore contain the Lives of
Demetrius the City-besieger and Antony the Im-
perator, men who bore most ample testimony to the
truth of Plato’s saying! that great natures exhibit

1 It is uncertain what passage in Plato is meant.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀρετάς, αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις ἐκφέρουσι. γενόμενοι
δ᾽ ὁμοίως ἐρωτικοί, ποτικοί, στρατιωτικοί, μεγα-
λόδωροι, πολυτελεῖς, ὑβρισταί, καὶ τὰς κατὰ
τύχην ὁμοιότητας ἀκολούθους ἔσχον. οὐ γὰρ
μόνον ἐν τῷ λοιπῷ βίῳ μεγάλα μὲν κατορθοῦντες,
μεγάλα δὲ σφαλλόμενοι, πλείστων δὲ ἐπικρα-
τοῦντες, πλεῖστα δὲ ἀποβάλλοντες, ἀπροσδοκήτως
δὲ πταίοντες, ἀνελπίστως δὲ πάλιν ἀναφέροντες
διετέλεσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατέστρεψαν, ὁ μὲν ἁλοὺς
ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὁ δὲ ἔγγιστα τοῦ παθεῖν
τοῦτο γενόμενος.

II. ᾿Αντιγόνῳ τοίνυν δυεῖν υἱῶν ἐκ Στρατονί-
Kns τῆς Koppayou γενομένων, τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ Ta-
δελφῷ Δημήτριον, τὸν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ Φίλιππον
ὠνόμασεν. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τῶν πλείστων λόγος.
ἔνιοι δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οὐχ υἱόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδελφιδοῦν
γεν ἐσθαι τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου λέγουσιν' ἐπὶ νηπίῳ
γὰρ αὐτῷ παντάπασι τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος,
εἶτα τῆς μητρὸς εὐθὺς τῷ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ ᾿γαμηθείσης,
υἱὸν ἐκείνου νομισθῆναι. τὸν μὲν οὖν Φίλιππον
οὐ πολλοῖς ἔτεσι τοῦ Δημητρίου νεώτερον ὄντα
συνέβη τελευτῆσαι" Δημήτριος δὲ μεγέθει μὲν
ἣν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐλάττων, καίπερ ὧν μέγας, ἰδέᾳ
δὲ καὶ κάλλει προσώπου θαυμαστὸς καὶ περιττός,
ὥστε τῶν πλαττόντων καὶ γραφόντων μηθένα
τῆς ὁμοιότητος ἐφικέσθαι. τὸ γὰρ αὐτὸ χάριν
καὶ βάρος καὶ φόβον καὶ ὥραν εἶχε, καὶ συνεκέ-
κρατο τῷ νεαρῷ καὶ ἰταμῷ δυσμίμητος ἡρωϊκὴ
τις ἐπιφάνεια καὶ βασιλικὴ σεμνότης. οὕτω δέ
πως καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἐπεφύκει πρὸς ἔκπληξιν ἀν-
θρώπων ἅμα καὶ χάριν. ἥδιστος γὰρ ὧν συγ-
γενέσθαι, σχολάζων τε περὶ πότους καὶ τρυφὰς
6

DEMETRIUS, τ. 7-11. 3

great vices also, as well as great virtues. Both alike
were amorous, bibulous, warlike, munificent, extrava-
gant, and domineering, and they had corresponding
resemblances in their fortunes. For not only were
they all through their lives winning great successes,
but meeting with great reverses ; making innumerable
conquests, but suffering innumerable losses ; unex-
pectedly falling low, but unexpectedly recovering
themselves again; but they also came to their end,
the one in captivity to his enemies, and the other on
the verge of this calamity.

II. To begin, then, Antigonus had two sons by
Stratonicé the daughter of Corrhagus, one of whom
he named Demetrius, after his brother, and the other
Philip, after his father. This is what the majority
of writers say. But some have it that Demetrius
was not the son, but the nephew of Antigonus; for
his own father died when the boy was quite young,
and then his mother immediately married Antigonus,
so that Demetrius was considered to be his son.
Well then, Philip, who was a few years younger than
Demetrius, died. Demetrius, the surviving son, had
not the height of his father, though he was a tall
man, but he had features of rare and astonishing
beauty, so that no painter or sculptor ever achieved a
likeness of him. They had at once grace and
strength, dignity and beauty, and there was blended
with their youthful eagerness a certain heroic look
and a kingly majesty that were hard to imitate.
And in like manner his disposition also was fitted to
inspire in men both fear and favour. For while he
was a most agreeable companion, and most dainty
of princes in the leisure devoted to drinking and

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ διαίτας ἁβροβιώτατος βασιλέων, ἐνεργότατον
5 / \ if \ \ δ ΄

αὖ πάλιν καὶ σφοδρότατον τὸ περὶ τὰς πράξεις

3 \ 5 \ / 4Φ \ /

ἐνδελεχὲς εἶχε Kal δραστήριον: ἣ Kal μάλιστα
a a 3 / \ / « ΄ὔ

τῶν θεῶν ἐζήλου τὸν Διόνυσον, ὡς πολέμῳ τε

χρῆσθαι δεινότατον, εἰρήνην τε αὖθις ἐκ πολέμου

τρέψαι πρὸς εὐφροσύνην καὶ χάριν ἐμμελέστατον.
III. Ἦν μὲν οὖν καὶ φιλοπάτωρ διαφερόντως"
lal a \ \

τῇ δὲ περὶ τὴν μητέρα σπουδῇ καὶ TOV πατέρα

lal \ a
τιμῶν ἐφαίνετο Ov εὔνοιαν ἀληθινὴν μᾶλλον ἢ
a ,
θεραπείαν τῆς δυνάμεως. Kal ποτε πρεσβείᾳ

«
¢

\ n ᾽ , / > Ἂς /
τινὶ τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου σχολάξοντος ἀπὸ θήρας ὁ
/ b] / \ \ an \ \
Δημήτριος ἐπέστη" Kal προσελθὼν τῷ πατρὶ Kal
/ e > \ / ’ / 3
φιλήσας, ὥσπερ εἶχε τὰς βολίδας, ἐκάθισε παρ
’ / e Δ 3 if b) / 7 \ A
αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Avtiyovos ἀπιόντας ἤδη τοὺς πρέ-
, if a
aes ἔχοντας τὰς ἀποκρίσεις μεγάλῃ φωνῇ
/ ce \ -“ 39 3 ςς 9S ” ὃ
προσαγορεύσας, “Καὶ τοῦτο, εἶπεν, “ὦ avopes,
> f \ e A C4 \ » / “
ἀπαγγέλλετε περὶ ἡμῶν, OTL πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὗ-
93
τως ἔχομεν, ὡς ἰσχύν τινα πραγμάτων βασιλι-
A , 5 \ \ δ
κῶν καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπίδειξιν οὖσαν τὴν πρὸς υἱὸν
id / , / “
ὁμόνοιαν καὶ πίστιν. οὕτως ἄρα πάντη δυσκοινώ-
\ / ,
νητον ἡ ἀρχή, Kal μεστὸν ἀπιστίας καὶ ducvoias,
/ lal b
ὥστε ἀγάλλεσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
, \ , 4 \ an \
διαδόχων καὶ πρεσβύτατον ὅτι μὴ φοβεῖται Tov
ΟΝ > \ / \ , ” lal
viov, ἀλλὰ προσίεται THY λόγχην ἔχοντα τοῦ
΄ ’ b] \ 2 Ν Ν , e
σώματος TANGLOV. οὐ μὴν ἀλλᾷ καὶ LOVOS, ὡς
a ς 3 e ,
εἰπεῖν, ὁ οἶκος οὗτος ἐπὶ πλείστας διαδοχὰς
lal 7 n ’ ti; ἴω Ν -
τῶν τοιούτων κακῶν ἐκαθάρευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ εἷς
/ al » 39. / / ’ a er
μόνος τῶν at Avtiyovov Φίλιππος ἀνεῖλεν υἱόν.
ὃ

δ90

DEMETRIUS, 11. 3-111. 3

luxurious ways of living, on the other hand he had a
most energetic and eager persistency and efficiency
in action. Wherefore he used to make Dionysus
his pattern, more than any other deity, since this
god was most terrible in waging war, and on the
other hand most skilful, when war was over, in
making peace minister to joy and pleasure.

III. Moreover, Demetrius was also exceedingly
fond of his father; and from his devotion to his
mother it was apparent that he honoured his father
also from genuine affection rather than out of de-
ference to his power. On one occasion, when
Antigonus was busy with an embassy, Demetrius
came home from hunting; he went up to his father
and kissed him, and then sat down by his side just
as he was, javelins in hand. Then Antigonus, as the
ambassadors were now going away with their answers,
called out to them in a loud voice and said: “O
men, carry back this report also about us, that this is
the way we feel towards one another,” implying
that no slight vigour in the royal estate and proof of
its power were to be seen in his harmonious and
trustful relations with his son. So utterly unsociable
a thing, it seems, is empire, and so full of ill-will and
distrust, that the oldest and greatest of the suc-
cessors of Alexander could make it a thing to glory
in that he was not afraid of his son, but allowed him
near his person lance in hand. However, this house
was almost the only one which kept itself pure from
crimes of this nature for very many generations, or,
to speak more definitely, Philip was the only one of
the descendants of Antigonus who puta son to death.!

1 Philip V., King of Macedonia. Cf. the Aemilius Paulus,
vill. 6.

9

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 ai δὲ ἄλλαι σχεδὸν ἅπασαι διαδοχαὶ πολλῶν μὲν
ἔχουσι παίδων, πολλῶν δὲ μητέρων φόνους καὶ
γυναικῶν: τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀδελφοὺς ἀναιρεῖν, ὥσπερ
οἱ γεωμέτραι τὰ αἰτήματα λαμβάνουσιν, οὕτω
συνεχωρεῖτο κοινόν TL νομιζόμενον αἴτημα καὶ
βασιλικὸν ὑ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας.

IV. Tod μέντοι καὶ φιλάνθρωπον φύσει. καὶ
φιλεταῖρον γεγονέναι τὸν Δημήτριον ἐν ἀρχῇ
παράδειγμα τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν. Μιθριδάτης
ὁ ᾿Αριοβαρζάνου παῖς ἑταῖρος ἣν αὐτοῦ καὶ καθ᾽
ἡλικίαν + συνήθης, ἐθεράπευε δὲ ᾿Αντίγονον, οὔτε
ὧν οὔτε δοκῶν πονηρός, ἐκ δὲ ἐνυπνίου τινὸς

2 ὑποψίαν ᾿Αντιγόνῳ παρέσχεν. ἐδόκει γὰρ μέγα
καὶ καλὸν πεδίον ἐ ἐπιὼν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος ψῆγμά TL”
χρυσίου κατασπείρειν'" 88 αὐτοῦ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν
ὑποφύεσθαι θέρος χρυσοῦν, ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἐπ-
ανελθὼν ἰδεῖν οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τετμημένην καλάμην.
λυπούμενος δὲ καὶ περιπαθῶν ἀκοῦσαί τινων
λεγόντων ὡς ἄρα Μιθριδάτης εἰς Πόντον Kv-
ξεινον οἴχεται, τὸ χρυσοῦν θέρος ἐξαμησάμενος.

8 ἐκ τούτου διαταραχθεὶς καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὁρκώσας
σιωπήσειν, ἔφρασε τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι πάν-
τως τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ δια-
φθείρειν ἐ ἔγνωκεν. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος ἠχθέ-
σθη σφόδρα, καὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου, καθάπερ εἰώθει,
γενομένου παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ συνόντος ἐπὶ σχολῆς,
φθέγξασθαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν οὐδὲ τῇ φωνῇ
κατειπεῖν διὰ τὸν ὅρκον, ὑπαγαγὼν δὲ κατὰ
μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων, ὡς ἐγεγόνεσαν μόνοι καθ᾽
αὑτούς, τῷ στύρακι τῆς λόγχης κατέγραφεν εἰς

1 καὶ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν Ziegler: καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν καί.
2 ψῆγμά τι Ziegler: ψήγμωατι.

Io

DEMETRIUS, 111. 4-1v. 3

But almost all the other lines afford many examples
of men who killed their sons, and of many who
killed their mothers and wives; and as for men
killing their brothers, just as geometricians assume
their postulates, so this crime came to be a common
and recognized postulate in the plans of princes to
secure their own safety.

IV. In proof that in the beginning Demetrius was
naturally humane and fond of his companions, the
following illustration may be given. Mithridates the
son of Ariobarzanes was a companion of his, and an
intimate of the same age. He was one of the
courtiers of Antigonus, and though he neither was
nor was held to be a base fellow, still, in consequence
of a dream, Antigonus conceived a suspicion of him.
Antigonus dreamed, namely, that he was traversing
a large and fair field and sowing gold-dust. From
this, to begin with, there sprang up a golden crop,
but when he came back after a little while, he could
see nothing but stubble. In his vexation and dis-
tress, he heard in his dream sundry voices saying
that Mithridates had reaped the golden crop for
himself and gone off to the Euxine Sea. Antigonus
was much disturbed by this vision, and after he had
put his son under oath of silence, told it to him,
adding that he had fully determined to destroy
Mithridates and put him out of the way. On hearing
this, Demetrius was exceedingly distressed, and when
the young man, as was his wont, came to share his
diversions with him, though he did not venture to
open his lips on the matter or to warn him orally,
because of his oath, he gradually drew him away
from his friends, and when they were by themselves,
with the sharp butt of his lance he wrote on the

II

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

τὴν γῆν ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ, “ Φεῦγε, Μιθριδάτα."
\ \ ’ a 3 / Ν 5 ,
συνεὶς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδρα νυκτὸς εἰς Καππαδοκίαν.
, 5)
καὶ ταχὺ τὴν ᾿Αντιγόνῳ γενομένην ὄψιν ὕπαρ
’ [οἷ , \ , a Ni \ >
αὐτῷ συνετέλει TO χρεων. πολλῆς yap καὶ aya-
Ons ἐκράτησε χώρας, καὶ τὸ τῶν Ποντικῶν βασι-
A \
λέων γένος ὀγδόῃ που διαδοχῇ παυσώμενον ὑπὸ
o / la)
Ῥωμαίων ἐκεῖνος παρέσχε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εὐ-
. / a , \ »Ἅ
φυΐας δείγματα τοῦ Δημητρίου πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν
καὶ δικαιοσύνην.
2 A
V. ‘Emel δέ, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς ᾿Εμπεδοκλέους
, \ \ a \ \ ἴω »
στοιχείοις διὰ τὸ νεῖκος καὶ τὴν φιλίαν ἔνεστι
/ a
διαφορὰ πρὸς ἄλληλα Kal πόλεμος, μᾶλλον δὲ
lal > 7 «. / \ / e
τοῖς ἀλλήλων ATTOMEVOLS καὶ πελάζουσιν, οὕτω
τὸν πᾶσι τοῖς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου διαδόχοις πρὸς ἀλλή-
A / an
λους ὄντα συνεχῆ πόλεμον αἱ TOV πραγμάτων
καὶ τῶν τόπων συνάφειαι πρὸς ἐνίους ἐποίουν
ἐπιφανέστερον καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέκᾳον, ὥσπερ ᾽Αντι-
ρ μ λον, ὥσπερ
‘ ΄ Ν lal \ tA
γόνῳ τότε πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον, αὐτὸς μὲν ᾿Αντίγονος
/ , a ΟῚ
ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διέτριβε, ΤἸ]τολεμαῖον δ᾽ ἀκούων ἐκ 891
ral i?
Κύπρου διαβάντα πορθεῖν Συρίαν καὶ τὰς πόλεις
» , \ ie / \ ΕΝ
ἀπάγειν καὶ βιάζεσθαι, κατέπεμψε τὸν υἱὸν An-
μήτριον, δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν ὄντα καὶ στρατείας
/ a an
τότε πρῶτον αὐτοτελῶς ἐπὶ πράγμασι μεγάλοις
ἁπτόμενον. οἷα δὲ νέος καὶ ἄπειρος ἀνδρὶ συμ-
πεσὼν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου παλαίστρας ἠθληκότι
\ \ / bd ς Ν ᾽ a ’ /
πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀγῶνας, ἐσφά-
f
An περὶ πόλιν [᾿άζαν ἡττηθείς, ὀκτακισχιλίων
/ /
ἁλόντων Kal πεντακισχιλίων ἀποθανόντων. ἀπέ-
12

DEMETRIUS, rv. 3-v. 3

ground so that he could see it, “Fly, Mithridates.”’
Mithridates understood, and ran away by night to
Cappadocia. And soon the vision of Antigonus was
accomplished for him by fate. For Mithridates
made himself master of a large and fair territory,
and founded the line of Pontic kings, which, in the
eighth generation, was brought to an end by the
Romans.! This, then, is an illustration of the strong
natural bent of Demetrius towards kindness and
justice.

V. But just asamong the elements of the universe,
according to Empedocles, love and hate produce
mutual dissension and war, particularly among those
elements which touch or lie near one another, so the
continuous wars which the successors of Alexander
waged against one another were aggravated and more
inflamed in some cases by the close proximity of
interests and territories, as at this time in the case
of Antigonus and Ptolemy. Antigonus himself was
tarrying in Phrygia, and hearing there that Ptolemy
had crossed over from Cyprus and was ravaging Syria
and reducing or turning from their allegiance its
cities, he sent against him his son Demetrius, who
was only twenty-two years of age, and was then for
the first time engaging with sole command in an
expedition where great interests were at stake. But
since he was young and inexperienced, and had for
his adversary a man trained in the training-school of
Alexander who had independently waged many
great contests, he met with utter defeat near the
city of Gaza,? where eight thousand of his men were
taken prisoners and five thousand were slain. He

1 In 63 B.c., when Pompey conquered Mithridates VI. and
dismembered his kingdom. 3. In the spring of 312 8.¢.

13

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ \ \ / Nee /
βαλε δὲ καὶ σκηνὴν Kal χρήματα Kal ὅλως σύμ-
πασαν τὴν περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα

an a / a
μὲν αὐτῷ Πτολεμαῖος ἀπέπεμψε μετὰ τῶν φίλων,
εὐγνώμονα καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἀνειπὼν λόγον, ὡς
οὐ περὶ πάντων ἅμα, περὶ δόξης δὲ καὶ ἀρχῆς

/ 5 \ > Lal / \ fe
πολεμητέον ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς. Δημήτριος δὲ δεξά-
” an A A \ , δὴ Υ
μενος εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς μὴ πολὺν χρόνον ὀφειλέ-
/ ip / > \ /
τὴν γενέσθαι IItoNewatw χάριτος, ἀλλὰ ταχέως
’ / \ “ ¢ / Ν 7 »
ἀμείψασθαι διὰ τῶν ὁμοίων. καὶ πάθος οὐ
μειρακίου παθὼν ἐν ἀρχῇ πράξεως ἀνατραπέντος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐμβριθοῦς στρατηγοῦ κεχρημένου πραγμά-
των μεταβολαῖς, ἀνδρῶν τε συλλογῆς καὶ κατα-
σκευῆς ὅπλων ἐπεμελεῖτο καὶ τὰς πόλεις διὰ
χειρὸς εἶχε καὶ τοὺς ἀθροιζομένους ἐγύμναζεν.
VI. ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ τὴν μάχην πυθόμενος ΤΠτολε-

a , a 95
μαῖον μὲν ἀγενείους νενικηκότα ἔφη νῦν αὖθις

rn an A \

διαγωνιεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄνδρας, τοῦ δὲ υἱοῦ τὸ φρό-
an \ an \ / >
νημα καθελεῖν καὶ κολοῦσαι μὴ βουλόμενος οὐκ
ἐνέστη πάλιν αἰτουμένῳ μάχεσθαι καθ᾽ αὑτόν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀφῆκε. καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀφῖκτο
/ an
Κώλλης, Πτολεμαίου oTpaTnyos, μετὰ λαμπρᾶς
δυνάμεως, ὡς ἐξελάσων Συρίας Δημήτριον ἁπά-

“ a e
ons, τῷ προηττῆσθαι καταφρονούμενον. ὁ δ᾽
3 , ’ \ > / \ /
ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν ov προαισθομένῳ καὶ φοβήσας
ἔλαβεν αὐτῷ στρατηγῷ τὸ στρατόπεδον: καὶ
στρατιώτας μὲν ἑπτακισχιλίους ζῶντας εἷλε,

te
χρημάτων δὲ παμπόλλων ἐκυρίευσεν. ἔχαιρε
ἡ / ᾽ - v4 > 2 ᾿ >’ 5 ΄,
δὲ νικήσας οὐχ οἷς ἕξειν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἀποδώσειν
14

DEMETRIUS, v. 3-v1. 2

lost also his tent, his money, and in a word, all
his personal effects. But Ptolemy sent these back
to him, together with his friends, accompanying
them with the considerate and humane message
that their warfare must not be waged for all things
alike, but only for glory and dominion. Deme-
trius accepted the kindness, and prayed the gods
that he might not long be indebted to Ptolemy for
it, but might speedily make him a like return. And
he took his disaster, not like a stripling thwarted at
the outset of an undertaking, but like a sensible
general acquainted with reverses of fortune, and
busied himself with the levying of men and the
preparation of arms, while he kept the cities well in
hand and practised his new recruits.

VI. When Antigonus learned of the battle, he
said that Ptolemy had conquered beardless youths,
but must now fight with men;! however, not wishing
to humble or curtail the spirit of his son, he did not
oppose his request that he might fight again on his
own account, but suffered him to do it. And not
long after, up came Cilles, a general of Ptolemy,
with a splendid army, intending to drive Demetrius
out of all Syria, and looking down upon him because
of his previous defeat. But Demetrius fell upon
him suddenly and took him by surprise, put him to
rout, and captured his camp, general and all; he
also took seven thousand of his soldiers prisoners,
and made himself master of vast treasures. How-
ever, he rejoiced to have won the day, not by reason
of what he was going to have, but of what he could

1 The competitors at the great games were divided into
three classes: boys, beardless youths, and men (Plato, Laws,
833 c).

T5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ΕΣ \ A / ’ \ A Ὁ > \
ἔμελλε, Kal τῆς νίκης οὐ TOV πλοῦτον οὕτως οὐδὲ
ih \ a
τὴν δόξαν, ws τὴν διάλυσιν τοῦ φιλανθρωπεύ-
, \
3 ματος ἐκείνου Kal τὴν χάριν ἠγάπησεν. οὐ μὴν
αὐτογνωμόνως ταῦτα ἔπραξεν, adr ἔγραψε τῷ
y i , 3 J 3 , Ρ a % ye a
πατρί. δόντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ κελεύσαντος ὃν
βούλεται πᾶσι χρήσασθαι τρόπον, αὐτόν τε τὸν
Κώλλην καὶ φίλους αὐτοῦ δωρησάμενος ἀφθόνως
5 “ a \ ΄ » b) /
ἀπέπεμψε. τοῦτο τὸ πάθος Συρίας ἐξήλασε
an 3 i?
Πτολεμαῖον, Avtiyovoy δὲ κατήγαγεν ἐκ Kerac-
lal A / \ A
νῶν χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ καὶ ποθοῦντα θεάσασθαι
τὸν υἱόν.
A ’
VIL. ᾿Εκ τούτου δὲ τῶν ᾿Αράβων τοὺς καλου-
/ , e [2 θ θ Ν €
μένους Ναβαταίους ὑπαγαγέσθαι πεμφθεὶς ὁ
Δημήτριος ἐκινδύνευσε μὲν εἰς τόπους ἀνύδρους
ἐμπεσών, τῷ δὲ μὴ διαταραχθῆναι μηδ᾽ ἐκπλα-
γῆναι καταπληξάμενος τοὺς βαρβάρους, λείαν τε
\ \ \ / e ,ὔ 3
λαβὼν πολλὴν καὶ καμήλους ἑπτακοσίας παρ
3 an > /
αὐτῶν ἀνεχώρησεν. ἀθηα Seah Ι
> \ N >
2 Exel δὲ Σέλευκος, ἐκπεσὼν μὲν ὑπὸ Avtuyovou
τῆς Βαβυλωνίας πρότερον, ὕστερον δὲ ἀναλαβὼν
τὴν ἀρχὴν δι’ αὑτοῦ καὶ κρατῶν, ἀνέβη μετὰ
δυνάμεως, τὰ συνοροῦντα τοῖς ᾿Ινδοῖς ἔθνη καὶ
/
τὰς περὶ Καύκασον ἐπαρχίας προσαξόμενος,
> » / " ς / \
ἐλπίζων Δημήτριος ἔρημον εὑρήσειν τὴν Μεσο-
ποταμίαν καὶ περάσας ἄφνω τὸν Εὐφράτην εἰς
\ / \ yy \ a
τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν παρεισπεσὼν ἔφθη, καὶ τῆς
ἑτέρας ἄκρας (δύο γαρ ἦσαν) ἐκκρούσας τὴν τοῦ
Σελεύκου φρουρὰν καὶ κρατήσας ἰδίους ἐγκατ-
/ A
3 ἔστησεν ἑπτακισχιλίους ἄνδρας. ἐκ δὲ τῆς

16

DEMETRIUS, vi. 2-vir. 3

restore, and was delighted, not so much with the
wealth and glory which his victory brought, as with
the power it gave him to recompense the kindness
and return the favour of Ptolemy. And yet he did
not do this on his own responsibility, but first wrote
to his father about it. And when his father gave
him permission and bade him dispose of everything
as he liked, he sent back to Ptolemy both Cilles
himself and his friends, after loading them with
gifts. This reverse drove Ptolemy out of Syria, and
brought Antigonus down from Celaenae ; he rejoiced
at the victory and yearned to get sight of the son
who had won it.

VII. After this, Demetrius was sent to bring into
subjection the Arabs known as Nabataean, and
incurred great peril by getting into regions which
had no water; but he was neither terrified nor
greatly disturbed, and his demeanour overawed the
Barbarians, so that he took much booty and seven
hundred camels from them and returned.

And now Seleucus, who had once been expelled
from Babylonia by Antigonus, but had afterwards
succeeded in recovering the realm and was now
wielding the power there, went up with an army,
designing to annex the tribes on the confines of
India and the provinces about Mount Caucasus.
Demetrius, accordingly, expecting that he would
find Mesopotamia unprotected, suddenly crossed the
Euphrates and invaded Babylonia before Seleucus
could stop him. He expelled from one οὗ its
citadels (there were two of them) the garrison left
there by Seleucus, got it into his power and estab-
lished in it seven thousand of his own men. But

17

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

e 3 7.

χώρας ὅσα φέρειν ἢ ἄγειν ἠδύναντο τοὺς στρα-

τιώτας ὠφελεῖσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν κελεύσας,

ἐπανῆλθεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν βεβαιοτέραν Σελεύκῳ

A > \ 9 if 9 , \ ’ , a

THY ἀρχὴν ἀπολιπών, ἐξίστασθαι yap ἐδόκει TO

κακοῦν ὡς μηκέτι προσήκουσαν αὐτοῖς. ΤΠ|τολε-
an \ δ᾿ /

μαίου μέντοι πολιορκοῦντος ᾿Αλικαρνασὸν ὀξέως
\ Ul

βοηθήσας ἐξήρπασε τὴν πόλιν.

VIII. ᾿Ενδόξου δὲ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ταύτης γενο-
μένης, ὁρμὴ παρέστη θαυμάσιος αὐτοῖς ἐλευθεροῦν
τὴν λλάδα πᾶσαν ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου καὶ IItone-

UA ,
μαίου καταδεδουλωμένην. τούτου πόλεμον οὐδεὶς
2 / aA VA fe \ /
ἐπολέμησε τῶν βασιλέων καλλίω Kal δικαιότερον"
ἃς γὰρ ἅμα τοὺς βαρβάρους ταπεινοῦντες εὐπο-
/ / > \ “ ς \ 3 /
ρίας συνήγαγον, εἰς τοὺς “EXXnvas ὑπὲρ εὐδοξίας
a na id a

Kal τιμῆς ἀνήλισκον. ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἐδόκει πλεῖν
3 \ \ ᾽ / a , ’ / \ \
ἐπὶ tas ᾿Αθήνας, τῶν φίλων εἰπόντος τινὸς πρὸς
\ 3 , (vA an Ζ \ if XN e/-
τὸν Avtiyovoy ὅτι δεῖ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ἂν ἕλωσι,
κατέχειν δι’ αὑτῶν, ἐπιβάθραν τῆς “Ελλάδος
3 ’ , «9 ,ὔ 2 ἋΣ . 155
ovoav, οὐ προσέσχεν o Ἀντίγονος, ἀλλ ἐπι-

/ \ ” \ \ ? / 3 \
βάθραν μὲν ἔφη καλὴν καὶ ἀσάλευτον εἶναι τὴν

7 a
εὔνοιαν, Tas δὲ ᾿Αθήνας, ὥσπερ σκοπὴν τῆς οἰκου-
μένης, ταχὺ τῇ δόξῃ διαπυρσεύειν εἰς ἅπαντας
> , \ lf 54 Ν /
ἀνθρώπους tas πράξεις. ἔπλει δὲ Δημήτριος

,
ἔχων ἀργυρίου πεντακισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ στό-
λον νεῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ἐπὶ τὰς
᾽ / \ \ ” , a ,
A@nvas, τὸ μὲν ἄστυ Δημητρίου tov Φαληρέως
Κασάνδρῳ διοικοῦντος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Μουνυχίᾳ φρου-
ρᾶς καθεστώσης. εὐτυχίᾳ δὲ ἅμα καὶ προνοίᾳ
, A nm

χρησάμενος ἐπεφαίνετο τῷ []ειραιεῖ πέμπτῃ
18

89

©

DEMETRIUS, vir. 3-vin. 3

after ordering his soldiers to take and make booty of
everything which they could carry or drive from the
country, he returned to the sea-coast, leaving
Seleucus more confirmed than before in his posses-
sion of the realm; for by ravaging the country
Demetrius was thought to admit that it no longer
belonged to his father. However, while Ptolemy
was besieging Halicarnassus, Demetrius came swiftly
to the aid of the city and rescued it.

VIII. The glory won by this noble deed inspired
father and son with a wonderful eagerness to give
freedom to all Greece, which had been reduced to
subjection by Cassander and Ptolemy. No nobler
or juster war than this was waged by any one of the
kings; for the vast wealth which they together had
amassed by subduing the Barbarians, was now
lavishly spent upon the Greeks, to win glory and
honour. As soon as father and son had determined
to sail against Athens, one of his friends said to
Antigonus that they must keep that city, if they
took it, in their own hands, since it was a gangway
to Greece. But Antigonus would not hear of it; he
said that the goodwill of a people was a noble
gangway which no waves could shake, and that
Athens, the beacon-tower of the whole world, would
speedily flash the glory of their deeds to all man-
kind. So Demetrius sailed, with five thousand
talents of money and a fleet of two hundred and
fifty ships, against Athens, where Demetrius the
Phalerean was administering the affairs of the city
for Cassander and a garrison was set in Munychia.
By virtue of forethought combined with good fortune,
he appeared off Piraeus on the twenty-sixth of the

19

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

- / \

4 φθίνοντος Θαργηλιῶνος, προαισθομένου μὲν ov-
/ 2 Ν \ » i? ς , e ,
δενός, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὥφθη πλησίον ὁ στόλος, ἁπάντων

€ Ἧ eae EN \ A /
ws ἸΠτολεμαϊκὰς tas ναῦς ὑποδέχεσθαι παρα-
͵ 2 \ J ’ / €
σκευαζομένων, ὀψὲ συμφρονήσαντες ἐβοήθουν οἱ
\
στρατηγοί, καὶ θόρυβος ἣν, οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν ἀπροσ-
΄ »)
δοκήτῳ πολεμίους ἀποβαίνοντας ἀναγκαζομένων
, A \ / nA
ἀμύνεσθαι. τοῖς yap στόμασι τῶν λιμένων
’ / > \ c ΄ \ /
ἀκλείστοις ἐπιτυχὼν ὁ Δημήτριος καὶ διεξελάσας
ἐντὸς ἦν ἤδη καταφανὴς πᾶσι, καὶ διεσήμηνεν
a » a
ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς αἴτησιν ἡσυχίας Kal σιωπῆς.
ὅ γενομένου δὲ τούτου κήρυκα παραστησάμενος
a e Ν € \ A
ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι πέμψειεν αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ
\ ’ θ / 1 3 θ ΄ \ \ \
τοὺς "A@nvatous} ἐλευθερώσοντα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν
-“" \ lal
ἐκβαλοῦντα Kal τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς Kal τὴν
la
πάτριον ἀποδώσοντα πολιτείαν.
4 \
ΙΧ. ᾿Αναρρηθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ
παραχρῆμα τὰς ἀσπίδας θέμενοι πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν
ἀνεκρότησαν καὶ βοῶντες ἐκέλευον ἀποβαίνειν
τὸν Δημήτριον, εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα προσαγο-
ρεύοντες" οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φαληρέα πάντως μὲν
ὦοντο δεῖν δέχεσθαι τὸν κρατοῦντα, κἂν μηδὲν ὧν
aA Ὁ
ἐπαγγέλλεται μέλλῃ βεβαιοῦν, ὅμως δὲ πρέσβεις
e
δεομένους 5 ἀπέστειλαν, ols ὁ Δημήτριος ἐντυχὼν
φιλανθρώπως συνέπεμψε παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τῶν πα-
2 τρῴων φίλων τὸν Μιλήσιον ᾿Αριστόδημον. τοῦ
δὲ Φαληρέως διὰ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῆς πολιτείας
na \ / x ‘ , ,
μᾶλλον τοὺς πολίτας ἢ TOUS πολεμίους δεδοικότος,
᾽ > / € tf > \ \ \ ,
οὐκ ἠμέλησεν ὁ Δημήτριος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δόξαν
1 χτρὺς ᾿Αθηναίους Sintenis and Ziegler : ᾿Αθηναίους.

2 δεομένους Bekker has δεησομένους, after Coraés.
20

DEMETRIUS, vit. 4-1x. 2

month Thargelion.! Nobody knew beforehand of
his approach, but as soon as his fleet was seen in the
vicinity, everybody thought that the ships belonged
to Ptolemy and prepared to receive them. At last,
however, the generals discovered their mistake and
came to the rescue, and there was confusion, as is
natural when men are compelled to defend them-
selves against enemies who are making an unex-
pected landing. For Demetrius, finding the en-
trances to the harbours open and sailing through
them, was presently inside and in view of all, and
signalled from his ship a demand for quiet and
silence. When this was secured, he proclaimed by
voice of herald at his side that he had been sent by
his father on what he prayed might be a happy
errand, to set Athens free, and to expel her garrison,
and to restore to the people their laws and their
ancient form of government.

IX. On hearing this proclamation, most of the
people at once threw their shields down in front of
them, and with clapping of hands and loud cries
urged Demetrius to land, hailing him as_ their
saviour and benefactor. The party of Demetrius the
Phalerean also thought they must by all means
receive the conqueror, even though he should con-
firm none of his promises, but nevertheless sent
ambassadors to supplicate his mercy. These Deme-
trius met in a friendly spirit, and sent back with
them one of his father’s friends, Aristodemus of
Miletus. Now the Phalerean, owing to the change
of government, was more afraid of his fellow-citizens
than of the enemy. Demetrius, however, was not
unmindful of him, but out of regard for the man’s

1 May-June, 307 B.c.
21

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αἰδεσθεὶς καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἰς Θήβας
αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἐβούλετο, μετὰ ἀσφαλείας συνεξ-
ἐπεμψεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μὲν πόλιν, οὐκ ἂν ἔφη,
καίπερ ἐπιθυμῶν, ἰδεῖν πρότερον ἢ παντάπασιν
ἐλευθερῶσαι τῆς φρουρᾶς ἀπαλλάξας: τῇ δὲ
Μουνυχίᾳ χαράκωμα καὶ τάφρον περιβαλὼν διὰ
μέσου, Μεγάροις ἐπέπλευσεν ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου
φρουρουμένοις.

Πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Πολυπέρ-
χοντος γενομένην γυναῖκα ἹΚρατησίπολιν ἐν 1ά-
τραις διατρίβουσαν οὐκ ἂν ἀηδῶς γενέσθαι μετ᾽
αὐτοῦ, περιβόητον οὖσαν ἐπὶ κάλλει, καταλιπὼν
τὴν δύναμιν ἐν τῇ Μεγαρικῇ προῆλθεν εὐζώνους
τινὰς ἔχων σὺν αὑτῷ. καὶ τούτων πάλιν ἀπο-
στρέψας ἀπεσκήνωσε χωρὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαθεῖν τὴν
γυναῖκα συνελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ. τοῦτό τινες αἰσθό-
μενοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐξαίφνης κατέδραμον ἐπ᾽
αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ φοβηθεὶς καὶ λαβὼν γχλαμύδιον
εὐτελὲς δρόμῳ φεύγων. ἐξέφυγεν, ὀλίγου δεήσας
αἰσχίστην ἅλωσιν ἐξ ἀκρασίας ἁλῶναι. τὴν δὲ
σκηνὴν μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων ῴχοντο λαβόντες οἱ
πολέμιοι.

Τῶν δὲ Μεγάρων ἁλόντων καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν
ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τραπομένων ᾿Αθηναῖοι παρῃτήσαντο
πολλῇ δεήσει τοὺς Μεγαρεῖς" καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ὁ
Δημήτριος ἐκβαλὼν ἠλευθέρωσε τὴν πόλιν. ἔτι
δὲ τοῦτο πράττων τοῦ φιλοσόφου Στίλπωνος
ἐμνήσθη, δόξαν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ἡρημένου πως ἐν
ἡσυχίᾳ καταβιῶναι. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν av-
TOV ἠρώτα μή τις εἴληφέ TL τῶν ἐκείνου. καὶ ὁ
Στίλπων, “ Οὐδείς, εἶπεν" “ οὐδένα γὰρ εἶδον
ἐπιστάμαν ἀποφέροντα.᾽ τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων
22

89.

DEMETRIUS, 1x. 2-6

good reputation and excellence, sent him and his
friends under safe conduct to Thebes, as he desired.
As for himself, he declared that, although he desired
to see the city, he would not do so before he had
completed its liberation by ridding it of its garrison ;
meanwhile, after running a trench and a palisade
round Munychia, he sailed against Megara, where a
garrison had been stationed by Cassander.

But on learning that Cratesipolis, who had been
the wife of Polyperchon’s son Alexander, was tarry-
ing at Patrae, and would be very glad to make him
a visit (and she was a famous beauty), he left his
forces in the territory of Megara and set forth,
taking a few light-armed attendants with him. And
turning aside from these also, he pitched his tent
apart, that the woman might pay her visit to him
unobserved. Some of his enemies learned of this,
and made a sudden descent upon him. Then, in a
fright, he donned a shabby cloak and ran for his
life and got away, narrowly escaping a most shameful
capture in consequence of his rashardour. His tent,
together with his belongings, was carried off by his
enemies.

Megara, however, was captured, and the soldiers
would have plundered it had not the Athen-
ians made strong intercession for its citizens; De-
metrius also expelled its garrison and gave the city
its freedom. While he was still engaged in this,
he bethought himself of Stilpo the philosopher, who
was famous for his election of a life of tranquillity.
Accordingly, Demetrius summoned him and asked
him whether any one had robbed him of anything.
“No one,” said Stilpo, “for I saw nobody carrying
away knowledge.” But nearly all the servants in

23
VOL, IX. B

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν ς / / 2 \ / 32 oN
σχεδὸν ἁπάντων διακλαπέντων, ἐπεὶ πάλιν αὐτὸν
ὁ Δημήτριος ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο καὶ τέλος ἀπαλλατ-

/ 3 OR θέ € a 4 Σ ,
τόμενος εἶπεν" λευθέραν ὑμῶν, ὦ Στίλπων,
/ 2 a by
ἀπολείπω τὴν πόλιν," “᾿Ορθῶς, ἔφη, ‘ λέγεις"
’ / \ € “ lal > / bP)
οὐδένα yap ἁμῶν δοῦλον ἀπολέλοιπας.
X. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πάλιν ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὴν Μου-
\
νυχίαν Kal στρατοπεδεύσας ἐξέκοψε τὴν φρουρὰν
\ / \ vA ee δ a >
καὶ κατέσκαψε TO φρούριον, οὕτως ἤδη τῶν ᾿Αθη-
/
ναίων δεχομένων καὶ καλούντων παρελθὼν εἰς TO
\ a /
ἄστυ καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸν δῆμον ἀπέδωκε τὴν
\ lal
πάτριον πολιτείαν: καὶ προσυπέσχετο παρὰ TOU
πατρὸς αὐτοῖς ἀφίξεσθαι σίτου πεντεκαίδεκα
/
μυριάδας μεδίμνων καὶ ξύλων ναυπηγησίμων
a 3 € SM / 3 lal NN »
πλῆθος εἰς ἑκατὸν τριήρεις. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπο-

[ \ / »” be

λαβόντες τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἔτει πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ,
/ 2 Ν A r a
τὸν δὲ μέσον χρόνον ἀπὸ τῶν Λαμιακῶν Kal τῆς
a / aA
περὶ Κραννῶνα μάχης λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς,
A \
ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ
“ τ N
τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως δύναμιν, οὕτω λαμπρὸν ἐν
a / N
ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις Kal μέγαν φανέντα τὸν Δημή-
An \\ /, an n
Tplov ἐπαχθῆ καὶ βαρὺν ἐποίησαν τῶν τιμῶν
΄-“3ἅ» ’ ἃ 9 , la \
ταῖς ἀμετρίαις as ἐψηφίσαντο. πρῶτοι μὲν yap
ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων τὸν Δημήτριον καὶ ᾿Αντί-
an b) , ” > /
yovov βασιλεῖς avnyopevoav, ἄλλως ἀφοσιουμέ-
νους τοὔνομα, καὶ τοῦτο! δὴ μόνον τῶν βασιλι-
a lal /
κῶν ἔτι τοῖς ἀπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
περιεῖναι δοκοῦν ἄθικτον ἑτέροις καὶ ἀκοινώνητον'

1 καὶ τοῦτο Coraés and Ziegler delete the καί ; Bekker
corrects to ws, after Schaefer.

24

DEMETRIUS, 1x. 6-x. 3

the city were stolen away, and when Demetrius once
more tried to deal kindly with the philosopher, and
finally, on going away, said: “Your city, Stilpo, I
leave in freedom,” “Thou sayest truly,” replied
Stilpo, “for thou hast not left a single one of our
slaves.’

X. Coming back again to Munychia and encamp-
ing before it, he drove out the garrison and demol-
ished the fortress, and this accomplished, at last, on
the urgent invitation of the Athenians, he made his
entry into the upper city, where he assembled the
people and gave them back their ancient form of
government. He also promised that they should
receive from his father a hundred and fifty thousand
bushels of grain, and enough ship timber to build
a hundred triremes. It was fourteen years since the
Athenians had lost their democratic form of govern-
ment, and during the period which followed the
Lamian war and the battle at Crannon! their
government had been administered, nominally as an
oligarchy, but really as a monarchy, owing to the
great influence of the Phalerean. And now that
Demetrius had shown himself great and splendid in
his benefactions, the Athenians rendered him odious
and obnoxious by the extravagance cf the honours
which they voted him. For instance, they were the
first people in the world to give Demetrius and
Antigonus the title of King, although both had up
to that time shrunk from using the word, and
although this was the only royal prerogative still left
to the descendants of Philip and Alexander which it
was thought that others could not assume or share ;

1 323-322 B.c. See the Phocton, xxiii.; xxvi. 1.

25

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

f A 3 / 4 \ Ν 3 ,
μόνοι δὲ σωτῆρας ἀνέγραψαν θεούς, Kal Tov ἐπώ-
» /
νυμον καὶ πάτριον ἄρχοντα καταπαύσαντες ἱερέα
᾽ ῇ
σωτήρων ἐχειροτόνουν καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν'
\ aA » Ν a / \ n
καὶ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τῶν ψηφισμάτων καὶ τῶν συμβο-
λαίων προέγραφον. ἐνυφαίνεσθαι δὲ τῷ πέπλῳ
ρ YP Ω ἐ ¢
\ n A ᾽ \ 2 ’ \ \ ’
μετὰ τῶν θεῶν αὐτοὺς ἐψηφίσαντο" καὶ τὸν τό-
πον ὅπου πρῶτον ἀπέβη τοῦ ἅρματος, καθιερώ-
\ \ » Ψ /
σαντες Kal βωμὸν ἐπιθέντες Δημητρίου Καται-
βάτου προσηγόρευσαν" ταῖς δὲ φυλαῖς δύο προσ έ-
’ / \
θεσαν, Δημητριάδα καὶ ᾿Αντιγονίδα, καὶ τὴν
\ a , ,
βουλὴν τῶν πεντακοσίων πρότερον ἑξακοσίων
ἐποίησαν, ἅτε δὴ φυλῆς ἑκάστης πεντήκοντα
fA
βουλευτὰς παρεχομένης.
’ Lp a
XI. To δὲ ὑπερφυέστατον ἐνθύμημα τοῦ
Ν K a A
Στρατοκλέους (οὗτος yap ἣν ὁ τῶν σοφῶν Tov-
A \
των Kal περιττῶν Kalvoupyos ἀρεσκευμάτων),
» Ὁ e / \ /
ἔγραψεν ὅπως ol πεμπόμενοι κατὰ ψήφισμα
’ὔ
δημοσίᾳ πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον ἢ Δημήτριον ἀντὶ πρε-
an e a
σβευτῶν θεωροὶ λέγοιντο, καθάπερ οἱ Πυθοῖ Kai
’ / \ , / e \ A ,
Ολυμπίαζε τὰς πατρίους θυσίας ὑπὲρ τῶν πό-
b] / > a € a (2 nr =
λεων ἀνάγοντες ἐν ταῖς EAAnvixais ἑορταῖς. ἣν
Ν \ μ᾿ IZ ς a \
δὲ καὶ τἄλλα παράτολμος ὁ Στρατοκλῆς, καὶ
βεβιωκὼς ἀσελγῶς καὶ τὴν τοῦ παλαιοῦ Κλέ-
al ἴω ,
ὠνος ἀπομιμεῖσθαι δοκῶν βωμολοχίαν καὶ Bde-
, A fol ,
λυρίαν τῇ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον evxepeta. ἔσχε δὲ THY
«ς / / γ᾽ tA , b] lal
ἑταίραν Φυλάκιον ἀνειληφώς: καί ποτε αὐτῷ

1 Every fifth year, at the Panathenaic festival, a sacred
robe was carried in solemn procession and deposited with

26

DEMETRIUS, x. 3-x1. 2

moreover, the Athenians were the only people to
give them the appellation of Saviour-gods, and they
put a stop to the ancient custom of designating
the year with the name of the annual archon, and
elected every year a priest of the Saviour-gods,
whose name they prefixed to their public edicts and
private contracts. They also decreed that the figures
of Demetrius and Antigonus should be woven into
the sacred robe,! along with those of the gods; and
the spot where Demetrius first alighted from his
chariot they consecrated and covered with an altar,
which they styled the altar of Demetrius Alighter ;
they also created two new tribes, Demetrias and
Antigonis; and they increased the number of the
senators, which had been five hundred, to six hun-
dred, since each of the tribes must furnish fifty
senators.

XI. But the most monstrous thing that came into
the head of Stratocles (he it was who invented these
elegant and clever bits of obsequiousness) was his
motion that envoys sent by public decree and at
public expense to Antigonus or Demetrius should be
called sacred deputies, instead of ambassadors, like
those who conducted to Delphi and Olympia the
ancient sacrifices in behalf of the cities at the great
Hellenic festivals. In all other ways also Stratocles
was an audacious fellow; he lived an abandoned life,
and was thought to imitate the scurrility and
buffoonery of the ancient Cleon in his familiarities
with the people. He had taken up with a mistress
named Phylacion ; and one day when she had bought

the goddess Athena on the Acropolis. On it were repre-
sented the exploits of the goddess, particularly in the Battle
of the Giants.

27

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς δεῖπνον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς Tees ἐγκεφάλους
καὶ νας «Ἰαπαί, εἶπε, “ τοιαῦτά γε
ὠψώνηκας οἷς σφαιρίξομεν οἱ πολιτευόμενοι."
τῆς δὲ περὶ ᾿Αμοργὸν ἥττης τῶν νεῶν συμβάσης
τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις, φθάσας τοὺς ἀπαγγέλλοντας
εἰσήλασεν ἐστεφανωμένος διὰ τοῦ Kepaperxod,
καὶ προσαγγείλας ὅτι νενικήκασιν, εὐαγγελτα
θύειν ἔγραψε καὶ κρεωδαισίαν τινὰ κατὰ φυλὴν
ἐποίησεν. ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον τῶν τὰ ναυάγια κο-
μιζόντων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης παραγενομένων καὶ τοῦ
δήμου πρὸς ὀργὴν καλοῦντος αὐτόν, ἰταμῶς ὑπο-
στὰς τὸν θόρυβον, “ Kita,” ἔφη, “τί πεπόνθατε
δεινόν, εἰ δύο ἡμέρας ἡδέως γεγόνατε; τοιαύτη
μὲν ἡ τοῦ Στρατοκλέους θρασύτης.

ΧΙΙ. Ἦν δὲ ἄρα καὶ πυρὸς ἕτερα θερμότερα
κατὰ τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάνη. γράφει γάρ τις ἄλλος
ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἀνελευθερίᾳ τὸν Στρατοκλέα,
δέχεσθαι Δημήτριον, ὁσάκις ἂν ἀφίκηται, τοῖς
Δήμητρος καὶ Διονύσου ΠΟ Y τῷ δ᾽ ὑπερ-
βαλλομένῳ λαμπρότητι καὶ πολυτελείᾳ τὴν
ὑποδοχὴν ἀργύριον εἰς ἀνάθημα δημοσίᾳ δίδο-
σθαι. τέλος δὲ τῶν τε μηνῶν τὸν “Μουνυχιῶνα
Δημητριῶνα καὶ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὴν ἕνην καὶ νέαν
Δημητριάδα προσηγόρευσαν, καὶ τῶν ἑορτῶν τὰ
Διονύσια μετωνόμασαν Δημήτρια. emer iunve
δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις TO θεῖον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πέπλος,
ᾧπερ ἐψηφίσαντο μετὰ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς
προσενυφῆναι Δημήτριον καὶ ᾿Αντίγονον, πεμ-
28

894

DEMETRIUS, xr. 2 χα 2

in the market-place for his supper some brains and
neck-bones, “Aha!” he cried, “thou hast bought
just such delicacies for me as we statesmen used to
play ball with.” Again, when the Athenians suffered
their naval defeat near Amorgus,' before the tidings
of the disaster could reach the city he put a garland
on his head and drove through the Cerameicus, and
after announcing that the Athenians were victorious,
moved a sacrifice of glad tidings and made a generous
distribution of meat to the people by tribes. Then,
a little later, when the wrecks were brought home
from the battle and the people in their wrath called
him out, he faced the tumult recklessly and said:
“ What harm have I done you, pray, if for two days
ye have been happy?” Such was the effrontery of
Stratocles.

XII. But there are things hotter even than fire,
as Aristophanes puts it.2, For some one else, out-
doing Stratocles in servility, proposed that whenever
Demetrius visited the city he should be received with
the hospitable honours paid to Demeter and Dionysus,
and that to the citizen who surpassed all others in
the splendour and costliness of his reception, a sum
of money should be granted from the public treasury
for a dedicatory offering. And finally, they changed
the name of the month Mounychion to Demetrion,
and that of the last day of a month, the “ Old and
New,” to Demetrias, and to the festival called Dionysia
they gave the new name of Demetria. Most of these
innovations were marked with the divine displeasure.
The sacred robe, for instance, in which they had
decreed that the figures of Demetrius and Antigonus
should be woven along with those of Zeus and

1 In 322 B.c. A Macedonian fleet was victorious.

2 Knights, 382.
29

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

f \ A a / » 4 ,
πόμενος διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ μέσος ἐρράγη θυέλ-
λης ἐμπεσούσης" περὶ δὲ τοὺς βωμοὺς τοὺς ἐκεί-
νων ἐξήνθησεν ἡ γῆ κύκλῳ πολὺ κώνειον, ἄλλως

\ a , a la aA \
μηδὲ τῆς χώρας πολλαχοῦ φυόμενον: τῇ δὲ

a /
ἡμέρᾳ ἡ τὰ τῶν Διονυσίων ἐγίνετο, THY πομπὴν
» a / id
κατέλυσαν ἰσχυρῶν πάγων γενομένων Tap ὥραν.
/ ΄
καὶ πάχνης βαθείας ἐπιπεσούσης οὐ μόνον ἀμπέ-
λους καὶ συκᾶς ἁπάσας ἀπέκαυσε τὸ ψῦχος,
A / \ a
ἀλλὰ Kal τοῦ σίτου τὸν πλεῖστον κατέφθειρεν
᾽ Ud Ν Ν ,, \ a
ἐν χλόῃ. διὸ καὶ Φιλιππίδης ἐχθρὸς ὧν τοῦ
/
Στρατοκλέους ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποίησε
ταῦτα"
x A > ’ ς "2 \ 3 /
δι’ ὃν ἀπέκαυσεν ἡ πάχνη τὰς ἀμπέλους,
9A 2 fe! BF aks / 3 / /
δι’ ὃν ἀσεβοῦνθ᾽ ὁ πέπλος ἐρράγη μέσος,
A a \ A
τὰς τῶν θεῶν τιμὰς ποιοῦντ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνας.
ταῦτα καταλύει δῆμον, οὐ κωμῳδία.

Ἦν δὲ ὁ Φιλιππίδης Λυσιμάχου φίλος, καὶ
πολλὰ OL αὐτὸν ὁ δῆμος εὖ ἔπαθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ
/ O07 \ \ \ - ΕῚ ΩΝ \
βασιλέως. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ πρὸς πρᾶξιν αὐτῷ καὶ
πρὸς στρατείαν εὐσύμβολος ἀπαντήσας εἶναι
καὶ ὀφθείς. ἄλλως δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ ἦθος εὐδοκίμει,
\ 2 A 3 Σ] a / b)

μηθὲν ἐνοχλῶν μηδ᾽ αὐλικῆς περιεργίας ava-
, / , na
πιμπλάμενος. φιλοφρονουμένου δέ ποτε τοῦ
Λυσιμάχου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντος, “ἾὮ Φιλιπ-
(ὃ / a 9 A n 99 6e , 99
πίδη, τίνος σοι τῶν ἐμῶν μεταδῶ; Μονον,
» a4 fal \ an » / 37 a \
ἔφη, “ βασιλεῦ, μὴ τῶν ἀπορρήτων." τοῦτον μὲν

320

DEMETRIUS, xu. 2-5

Athena, as it was being carried in procession through
the midst of the Cerameicus, was rent by a hurricane
which smote it; again, all around the altars of
those Saviour-gods the soil teemed with hemlock, a
plant which did not grow in many other parts of the
country at all; and on the day for the celebration
of the Dionysia, the sacred. procession had to be
omitted on account of severe cold weather that came
out of season. And a heavy frost followed, which
not only blasted all the vines and fig-trees with its
cold, but also destroyed most of the grain in the
blade. Therefore Philippides, who was an enemy
of Stratocles, assailed him in a comedy with these
verses 7 :—

« Through him it was that hoar-frost blasted all the
vines,
Through his impiety the robe was rent in twain,
Because he gave the gods’ own honours unto men.
Such work undoes a people, not its comedy.”

Philippides was a friend of Lysimachus, and for
his sake the king bestowed many favours on the
Athenian people. Moreover, when he was about to
undertake anything or make an expedition, he
thought it a good omen to meet or catch sight of
Philippides. And in general the character of
Philippides gave him a good repute, since he was no
busybody, and had none of the officious ways of a
courtier. On one occasion Lysimachus wished to do
him a kindness, and said: “ Philippides, what have
I that I can share with thee?” “O King,” said
Philippides, “ anything but one of thy state secrets.”

1 The ‘‘ peplos” was spread like a sail on the mast of the
sacred Panathenaic ship.

2 Cf. Kock, Com. Att. Frag. iii. p. 308.
B2 3}

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

s si” 9 , 7 A 9 aN an
οὖν ἐπίτηδες ἐκείνῳ παρεθήκαμεν, τῷ ἀπὸ τοῦ
n I
βήματος Tov ἀπὸ τῆς θυμέλης.
XIII. Ὃ δὲ μάλιστα τῶν τιμῶν ὑπερφυὲς ἣν
7, «
καὶ ἀλλόκοτον, ἔγραψε Δρομοκλείδης ὁ Σφήττιος
ς \ an lal ’ / > / 3 \
ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἀσπίδων avabécews εἰς Δελφοὺς
Ν - / > \ \
παρὰ Δημητρίου λαβεῖν χρησμόν. αὐτὴν δὲ
/ SS J > an / “
παραγράψω τὴν λέξιν ἐκ τοῦ ψηφίσματος οὕτως
A an 7
ἔχουσαν: “᾿Αγαθῇ τύχῃ. δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ
a \ a “ yw 2 ? /
χειροτονῆσαι τὸν δῆμον ἕνα ἄνδρα ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων,
ὅστις ἀφικόμενος πρὸς τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ καλλιερη-
σάμενος ἐπερωτήσει τὸν Σωτῆρα πῶς ἂν εὐσεβέ-
στατα καὶ κάλλιστα καὶ τὴν ταχίστην ὁ δῆμος
τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν ποιήσαιτο τῶν ἀναθημάτων"
ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν χρήσῃ, ταῦτα πράττειν τὸν δῆμον."
οὕτω καταμωκώμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου προσδιέφθει-
> , ἡδὲ » Ὁ, ἧφ \ ὃ /
ραν αὐτόν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ὑγιαίνοντα τὴν διάνοιαν.
XIV. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔν γε ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις τότε σχολάζων
ΡΣ lh UA > / a 7 \
ἠγάγετο χηρεύουσαν Lvpudixny, ἣ Μιλτιάδου μὲν
5 > f al Qn / We) / 1
ἣν ἀπόγονος τοῦ παλαιοῦ, συνοικήσασα δὲ Odéra
τῷ Κυρήνης ἄρξαντι μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν
» / ΄ 2 \ > / ς \ ων
ἀφίκετο πάλιν εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. οἱ μὲν οὖν
2 - \ a
Αθηναῖοι τὸν γάμον τοῦτον εἰς χάριν ἔθεντο Kal
\ a / 7 NES / b) iy
τιμὴν τῆς πόλεως: ἄλλως δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος εὐχερής
τις ἦν περὶ γάμους, καὶ πολλαῖς ἅμα συνῆν
’ὔ
γυναιξίν, ὧν ἀξίωμα μέγιστον εἶχε καὶ τιμὴν
3 ?
Φίλα δι’ ᾿Αντίπατρον τὸν πατέρα καὶ διὰ TO
a lal /
προσυνῳκηκέναι Κρατερῷ, τῷ πλείστην εὔνοιαν
1 ροφέλᾳ Ziegler, after Wilamowitz: ᾽Οφέλτᾳ.
32

89

DEMETRIUS, xu. 5-x1v. 2

Such a man, then, I purposely compare with Stra-
tocles, the man of the stage with the man of the
bema.

XIII. But there was one honour proposed for
Demetrius which was more strange and monstrous
than any other. Dromocleides the Sphettian moved,
when the dedication of certain shields at Delphi was
in question, that the Athenians should get an oracle
from Demetrius. And I will transcribe his very
words from the decree; they run thus: “ May it be
for the best.!. Decreed by the people that the
people elect one man from the Athenians, who
shall go to the Saviour-god, and, after a sacrifice
with good omens, shall enquire of the Saviour-god
in what most speedy, decorous, and reverent manner
the people may accomplish the restoration to their
places of the dedicatory offerings ; and that whatever
answer he shall give, the people shall act according
thereunto.” With such mockery of adulation they
finally perverted the man’s mind, which even before
was not wholly sound.

XIV. Furthermore, while he lingered in Athens
at this time, Demetrius took to wife Eurydicé, a
widow. She was a descendant of the ancient Miltiades,
had married Ophelas the ruler of Cyrené, and after
his death had come back to Athens. The Athenians,
accordingly, took this marriage as a graceful com-
pliment to their city; but in general Demetrius
made a rather light matter of marriages, and had
many wives at the same time, of whom Phila enjoyed
the greatest esteem and honour, both because of her
father, Antipater, and because she had been the wife
of Craterus, the one of all the successors of Alexander

1 A pious formula prefixed to important documents.

33

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὑτοῦ mapa Makxedoat τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου διαδόχων
ἀπολιπόντι. ταύτην, ὡς ἔοικε, κομιδῆ νέον ὄντα
τὸν Δημήτριον ἔπειθεν ὁ πατήρ, οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτῷ
καθ᾽ ὥραν, ἀλλὰ πρεσβυτέραν, λαβεῖν: ἀπρο-
θύμως δ᾽ ἔχοντι λέγεται πρὸς τὸ οὖς τὸ Εὐὐριπί-
δειον εἰπεῖν"

Ὁ X\ f ὃ X ΄ Le 1
ὅπου TO κέρδος, Tapa φύσιν γαμήτεον,

ὁμοιόπτωτόν τι τῷ δουλευτέον εὐθυρρημονήσας.
τοιαύτη μὲν οὖν τις ἦν ἡ τοῦ Δημητρίου τιμὴ
πρός τε Φίλαν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας γαμετὰς ὥστε
πολλαῖς μὲν ἀνέδην ἑταίραις, πολλαῖς δὲ ἐλευ-
θέραις συνεῖναι γυναιξί, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ περὶ τὴν
ἡδονὴν ταύτην κακῶς ἀκοῦσαι τῶν τότε βασι-
λέων.

XV. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὸν ἐκάλει ΤΠ] τολεμαίῳ
περὶ Κύπρου πολεμήσοντα, πείθεσθαι μὲν ἣν
ἀναγκαῖον, ἀχθόμενος δὲ ὅτι τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς “Ελλά-
δος πόλεμον, ὄντα καλλίω καὶ λαμπρότερον,
ἀπολείπει, προσέπεμψε Κλεωνίδῃ τῷ Πτολεμαίου
στρατηγῷ φρουροῦντι Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον
χρήματα προτείνων, ὥστε ἐλευθέρας ἀφεῖναι τὰς
πόλεις. οὐ προσδεξαμένου δὲ ἐκείνου, διὰ ταχέων
ἀναχθεὶς καὶ προσλαβὼν δύναμιν ἐπέπλευσε
Κύπρῳ. καὶ Μενέλαον μέν, ἀδελφὸν Πτολεμαίου,
μάχην συνάψας εὐθὺς ἐνίκησεν" αὐτοῦ δὲ ΠΠτολε-
μαίου μετὰ δυνάμεως πεζικῆς ἅμα καὶ ναυτικῆς
μεγάλης ἐπιφανέντος, ἐγένοντο μὲν ἀπειλαί τινες
καὶ διάλογοι κομπώδεις, τοῦ μὲν ἀποπλεῖν Δη-

1 ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸ κέρδος παρὰ φύσιν δουλευτέον, Phoenissae, 396
(Kirchhoff).

34

DEMETRIUS, xiv. 2-xv. 2

who left behind him the most goodwill among the
Macedonians. This woman, as it would appear, his
father had persuaded Demetrius to marry when he
was quite young, although she was not of his age,
but older; and when his son was disinclined to the
match, it is said that Antigonus whispered in his ear
the verse of Euripides:

“ Where there is gain, ’gainst nature’s dictates must
one wed,”

substituting off-hand “ must one wed”’ for the similar
inflection ‘“ must one serve.’’ However, so slight was
the respect which Demetrius paid to Phila and to the
rest of his wives, that he consorted freely with many
courtesans, as well as with many women of free birth,
and as regards this indulgence he had the worst re-
putation of all the kings of his time.

XV. And now his father summoned him to wage
war against Ptolemy for the possession of Cyprus.
He must needs obey the summons, but was loth to
abandon the war for the liberation of Greece, which
was a nobler and more glorious war, and therefore
sent to Cleonides, the general of Ptolemy who was
occupying Sicyon and Corinth with a garrison, and
offered him money to set the cities free. Cleonides,
however, would not accept the bribe, and Demetrius
therefore put to sea in haste, and taking additional
forces, sailed against Cyprus.! There he joined
battle with Menelaiis, a brother of Ptolemy, and
promptly defeated him ; but Ptolemy himself appeared
on the scene with a large land and naval force
combined, and there were sundry interchanges of
threats and boasts, Ptolemy ordering Demetrius to

1 In 306 B.o.
35

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μήτριον κελεύοντος πρὶν ὑπὸ τῆς δυνάμεως
πάσης ᾿ἀθροισθείσης καταπατηθῆναι, Δημητρίου
δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἀφεῖναι φάσκοντος, ἂν ὁμολογήσῃ
Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον ἀπαλλάξειν τῆς φρουρᾶς.
ὁ δὲ ἀγὼν οὐ μόνον αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς
ἄλλοις ἅπασι δυνάσταις πολλὴν εἶχε προσδοκίαν
τῆς ἐπικρεμαμένης ἀδηλότητος, ὡς οὐ Κύπρον
οὐδὲ Συρίαν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μέγιστον εὐθὺς εἶναι πάν-
των τῷ κρατοῦντι τῆς νίκης προστιθείσης.

XVI. Αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ὁ ᾿ Ἡτολεμαῖος ἐπέπλει πεν-
τήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ναῦς ἔχων, ἐκ δὲ Σαλαμῖνος
ἐκέλευσε Μενέλαον. ἑξήκοντα ναυσίν, ὅταν μά-
λιστα σύστασιν ὁ ἀγὼν ἔχη, προσφερόμενον τὰς
Δημητρίου κόπτειν ἐξόπισθεν καὶ διαταράττειν
τὴν τάξιν. Δημήτριος δὲ ταῖς μὲν ἑξήκοντα
ταύταις ἀντέταξε δέκα ναῦς (τοσαῦται γὰρ ἤρκουν
στενὸν ὄντα τοῦ λιμένος ἐμφράξαι τὸν ἔκπλουν),
αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ πεζὸν ἐκτάξας καὶ τοῖς ἀνατείνουσιν
εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀκρωτηρίοις περιχεάμενος, οὕ-
τως ἀνήχθη ναυσὶν ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα" προσμίξας
δὲ ῥώμῃ καὶ βίᾳ πολλῇ κατὰ κράτος ἐτρέψατο
τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, αὐτὸν μέν, ὡς ἐνικήθη, διὰ
ταχέων φυγόντα ναυσὶν ὀκτὼ μόναις (τοσαῦται
γὰρ ἐκ πασῶν περιεσώθησαν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων αἱ
μὲν ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ διεφθάρησαν, ἑβδομήκοντα δὲ
ἥλωσαν αὔτανδροι), τοῦ δὲ ἐν ὁλκάσι παρορ-
μοῦντος ὄχλου θεραπόντων καὶ φίλων και γυναι-
κῶν, ἔτι δὲ ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων καὶ μηχανημάτων
ἁπλῶς οὐδὲν ἐξέφυγε τὸν Δημήτριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔλαβε
πάντα καὶ κατήγαγεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ἐν δὲ
τούτοις ἡ περιβόητος ἦν Λάμια, τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν
σπουδασθεῖσα διὰ τὴν τέχνην (ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐλεῖν
36

DEMETRIUS, xv. 2-xv1. 3

sail away before the entire force should assemble and
crush him, and Demetrius offering to let Ptolemy
go if he would agree to withdraw his garrisons from
Sicyon and Corinth. And not only Demetrius and
Ptolemy themselves, but also all the other potentates,
awaited with great expectancy the uncertain issue
of the impending struggle; they felt that not Cyprus,
nor yet Syria, but the absolute supremacy would at
once be the prize of the victor.

XVI. Well, then, Ptolemy himself sailed to the
attack with a hundred and fifty ships, and ordered
Menelaiis to put out from Salamis with sixty ships,
and when the struggle was fiercest, to assailthe ships
of Demetrius in the rear, and throw them into
confusion. But to these sixty ships Demetrius
opposed only ten ships (for that small number
sufficed to block the narrow exit from the harbour),
while he himself, after first drawing out his land
forces and encompassing the headlands that extended
into the sea, put out to battle with a hundred and
eighty ships. He made his onset with great impetus
and force, and utterly routed Ptolemy. Ptolemy
himself, after his defeat, fled swiftly with eight ships
only (for that small number were left from his whole
fleet; of the rest, some had been destroyed in the
sea-fight, and seventy had been captured, crews and
all), but of the throng of attendants, friends, and
women which lay in ships of burden close at hand,
and further, of all Ptolemy’s arms, money, and
engines of war, absolutely nothing escaped Demetrius,
but he took everything and brought it safely into
his camp. Among this booty was the celebrated
Lamia, originally held in esteem for her artistic skill
(she was thought to play the fiute quite admirably),

37

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐκ εὐκαταφρονήτως), ὕστερον δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐρωτι-
κοῖς λαμπρὰ γενομένη. τότε γοῦν ἤδη λήγουσα
τῆς ὥρας καὶ πολὺ νεώτερον ἑαυτῆς λαβοῦσα τὸν
Δημήτριον ἐκράτησε τῇ χάριτι καὶ κατέσχεν,
ὥστε ἐκείνης εἶναι μόνης ἐραστήν, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων
ἐρώμενον γυναικῶν.

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίαν οὐδὲ ὁ Μενέλαος
ἀντέσχεν, ἀλλὰ τήν τε Σαλαμῖνα παρέδωκε τῷ
Δημητρίῳ καὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὸ πεζόν, ἱππεῖς τε
χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους καὶ μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους
οπλίτας.

XVIL Οὕτω δὲ λαμπρὰν καὶ καλὴν τὴν νίκην
γενομένην ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπικοσμῶν ὁ Δημήτριος
εὐγνωμοσύνῃ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τοὺς νεκροὺς τῶν
πολεμίων ἔθαψε μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ τοὺς αἰχμα-
λώτους ἀφῆκεν: ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ χιλίας καὶ δια-
κοσίας ἀπὸ τῶν λαφύρων ἐδωρήσατο πανοπλίας.

Αὐτάγγελον δὲ τῆς νίκης τῷ πατρὶ τὸν Μιλή-
σιον ᾿Ἀριστόδημον ἔπεμψε, πρωτεύοντα κολακείᾳ
τῶν αὐλικῶν ἁπάντων, καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένον,
ὡς ἔοικε, των κολακευμάτων τὸ μέγιστον ἔπενεγ-
κεῖν τοῖς πράγμασιν. ὡς γὰρ ἐπέρασεν ἀπὸ τῆς
Κύπρου, προσέχειν μὲν οὐκ εἴασε τῇ γῇ τὸ πλοῖον,
ἀγκύρας δ᾽ ἀφεῖναι κελεύσας καὶ κατὰ ναῦν ἔχειν
ἀτρέμα πάντας, αὐτὸς ἐμβὰς εἰς τὸ ἐφόλκιον ἐξῆλθε
μόνος καὶ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον ἀνέβαινε, μετέωρον
ὄντα τῇ προσδοκίᾳ τῆς μάχης καὶ διακείμενον
ὡς εἰκός ἐστι διακεῖσθαι τοὺς περὶ πραγμάτων
τηλικούτων ἀγωνιῶντας. τότε γε μὴν ἀκούσας
ἐκεῖνον ἥκειν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἔσχε ταρα-
χωδῶς, καὶ μόλις μὲν αὑτὸν οἴκοι κατεῖχεν,
ἄχλους δ᾽ ἐπ’ ἄλλοις ἔπεμπεν ὑπηρέτας καὶ

38

896

DEMETRIUS, xvi. 3-xvr. 3

but afterwards becoming illustrious in the annals of
love also. At this time, at any rate, although she
was past her prime and found Demetrius much
younger than herself, she so mastered and swayed
him by her charms that he was a lover for her alone,
but a beloved for all other women.

After the sea-fight, Menelaiis also made no further
resistance, but handed over Salamis to Demetrius,
together with his fleet, and his land forces, which
comprised twelve hundred horsemen and_ twelve
thousand men-at-arms.

XVII. This victory, which was so fair and brilliant,
Demetrius adorned still more by his humanity and
kindness of heart. He gave the enemy’s dead a
magnificent burial, and set his captives free ; more-
over, upon the Athenians he bestowed twelve hundred
suits of armour from the spoils.

As his special messenger to carry word of the
victory to his father, Demetrius sent Aristodemus of
Miletus, the arch-flatterer among all his courtiers,
and ready now, as it would seem, to crown the
achievement with the grossest of his flatteries. For
when he had crossed over from Cyprus, he would
not suffer his vessel to come to land, but ordered the
crew to cast anchor and remain quietly on board, all
of them, while he himself got into the ship’s small
boat, landed alone, and proceeded towards Antigonus,
who was anxiously awaiting news of the battle, and
was disposed as men are apt to be disposed who
are struggling forso highastake. And now, indeed,
when he heard that Aristodemus was coming, he was
more disturbed than before, and, with difficulty
keeping himself indoors, sent servants and friends,

39

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φίλους πευσομένους τοῦ ᾿Αριστοδήμου περὶ τῶν

4 γεγονότων. ἀποκρινομένου δὲ μηδὲν αὐτοῦ μηδενί,
βάδην δὲ καὶ συνεστῶτε τῷ προσώπῳ μετὰ
πολλῆς σιωπῆς προσιόντος, ἐκπλαγεὶς κομιδῆ
καὶ μηκέτι καρτερῶν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος ἐπὶ τὰς θύ-
pas ἀπήντησε, πολλοῦ παραπέμποντος ἤδη τὸν
᾿Αριστόδημον ὄχλου καὶ TUVTPEXOVTOS ἐπὶ τὸ

5 βασίλειον. ὡς οὖν ἐγγὺς ἦλθεν, ἐκτείνας τὴν
δεξιὰν ἀνεβόησε μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ “Χαῖρε, βασι-
λεῦ ᾿Αντίγονε, νικῶμεν Πτολεμαῖον ναυμαχίᾳ καὶ
Κύπρον ἔχομεν καὶ στρατιώτας αἰχμαλώτους
μυρίους ἑξακισχιλίους ὀκτακοσίους." ὁ δὲ ᾿Αντί-
γονος, “Kal ov, v7 Ala, χαῖρε," εἶπεν" “οὕτω
δὲ ἡμᾶς βασανίσας δίκην ὑφέξεις" βράδιον yap
ἀπολήψῃ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον.

XVIII. Ἔκ τούτου πρῶτον ἀνεφώνησε τὸ
πλῆθος ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ Δημήτριον βασιλέας.
᾿Αντίγονον μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἀνέδησαν οἱ φίλοι,
Δημητρίῳ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ ἔπεμψε διάδημα καὶ
γράφων ἐπιστολὴν βασιλέα προσεῖπεν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν
Αἰγύπτῳ τούτων ἀπαγγελλομένων καὶ αὐτοὶ
βασιλέα τὸν Ἰ]τολεμαῖον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ὡς μὴ
δοκεῖν τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφίεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἧτταν.

2 ἐπενείματο δὲ οὕτως τὸ πρᾶγμα τῷ ζήλῳ τοὺς
διαδόχους. καὶ γὰρ Λυσίμαχος ἤρξατο “φορεῖν
διάδημα, καὶ Σέλευκος ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς “Βλλη-
σιν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε βαρβάροις πρότερον οὗτος ὡς
βασιλεὺς ἐχρημάτιζε. Κάσανδρος δέ, τῶν ἄλλων
αὐτὸν βασιλέα καὶ γραφόντων καὶ καλούντων,
αὐτός, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰώθει, τὰς ἐπιστολὰς

ἔγραφε.

40

DEMETRIUS, xvu. 3-xvit. 2

one after the other, to learn from Aristodemus what
had happened. Aristodemus, however, would make
no answer to anybody, but step by step and with a
solemn face drew near in perfect silence. Antigonus,
therefore, thoroughly frightened, and no longer able
to restrain himself, came to the door to meet
Aristodemus, who was now escorted by a large throng
which was hurrying to the palace. Accordingly, when
he had come near, he stretched out his hand and
cried with a loud voice: “ Hail, King Antigonus, we
have conquered Ptolemy in a sea-fight, and now hold
Cyprus, with twelve thousand eight hundred soldiers
as prisoners of war.’’ To this Antigonus replied :
“ Hail to thee also, by Heaven! but for torturing us
in this way, thou shalt undergo punishment; the
reward for thy good tidings thou shalt be some time
in getting.”

XVIII. Upon this, the multitude for the first
time saluted Antigonus and Demetrius as kings.
Antigonus, accordingly, was immediately crowned by
his friends, and Demetrius received a diadem from
his father, with a letter in which he was addressed as
King. The followers of Ptolemy in Egypt on their
part also, when these things were reported to them,
gave him the title of King, that they might not
appear to lose spirit on account of their defeat.
And thus their emulation carried the practice among
the other successors of Alexander. For Lysimachus
began to wear a diadem, and Seleucus also in his
interviews with the Greeks; with the Barbarians he
had before this dealt as king. Cassander, however,
although the others gave him the royal title in their
letters and addresses, wrote his letters in his own
untitled name, as he had been wont to do.

41

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Τοῦτο δὲ οὐ προσθήκην ὁ ὀνόματος καὶ σχήματος
ἐξαλλαγὴν εἶχε μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ φρονήματα
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκίνησε καὶ τὰς γνώμας ἐπῆρε καὶ
τοῖς βίοις καὶ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις αὐτῶν ὄγκον ἐνεποίησε
καὶ βαρύτητα, καθάπερ τραγικῶν ὑποκριτῶν ἅμα
τῇ σκευῇ ΄συμμεταβαλλόντων καὶ βάδισμα καὶ
φωνὴν καὶ κατάκλισιν καὶ προσαγόρευσιν. ἐκ
δὲ τούτων ἐγένοντο καὶ περὶ τὰς δικαιώσεις
βιαιότεροι, τὴν εἰς πολλὰ παρέχουσαν αὐτοὺς
ἐλαφροτέρους καὶ μαλακωτέρους τοῖς ὑπηκόοις
πρότερον εἰρωνείαν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀφελόντες. το-
σοῦτον ἴσχυσε κόλακος φωνὴ μία καὶ τοσαύτης
ἐνέπλησε τὴν οἰκουμένην μεταβολῆς.

XIX. ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ὑπὸ
Δημητρίου. περὶ Κύπρον ἐπαρθεὶς εὐθὺς ἐστρά-
τευσεν ἐπὶ Πτολεμαῖον, αὐτὸς μὲν ἄγων πεζῇ
τὴν δύναμιν, Δημητρίου δὲ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ συμ-
παραπλέοντος. ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἔμελλε κρίνεσθαι
τὰ πράγματα, Μήδιος, ᾿Αντιγόνου φίλος, ὄψιν
εἶδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους. ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐτὸν ᾿Αντί-
γονον ἀγωνίζεσθαι μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἁπάσης
δίαυλον εὐρώστως καὶ ταχὺ τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα κατὰ
μικρὸν ἐνδιδόναι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῷ᾽ καὶ τέλος,
ὡς ἔκαμψεν, ἀσθενῆ γενόμενον καὶ μεστὸν ἄσθμα-
τος οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἀναφέρειν. αὐτός τε οὖν ἐντυχὼν
κατὰ γῆν πολλαῖς ἀπορίαις, καὶ Δημητρίου
χειμῶνι μεγάλῳ καὶ κλύδωνι κινδυνεύσαντος
εἰς τόπους ἀλιμένους καὶ χαλεποὺς ἐκριφῆναι,
πολλὰς δὲ τῶν νεῶν ἀπολέσαντος, ἐπανῆλθεν
ἄπρακτος.

"Hy δὲ τότε μικρὸν ἀπολείποντα γεγονὼς ἔτη

42

897

DEMETRIUS, xvi. 3-x1x. 3

Now, this practice did not mean the addition of a
name or a change of fashion merely, but it stirred
the spirits of the men, lifted their thoughts high,
and introduced into their lives and dealings with
others pomposity and ostentation, just as_ tragic
actors adapt to their costumes their gait, voice,
posture at table, and manner of addressing others.
Consequently they became harsher in their judicial
decisions also; they laid aside that dissemblance of
power which formerly had often made them more
lenient and gentle with their subjects. So great
influence had a flatterer’s single word, and with so
great a change did it fill the whole world.

XIX. Antigonus, elated by the achievements of
Demetrius at Cyprus, at once! made an expedition
against Ptolemy; he himself led his forces by
land, while Demetrius with a great fleet codperated
with him by sea. How the enterprise was to issue,
Medius, a friend of Antigonus, was warned by a
vision in his sleep. He dreamed, namely, that
Antigonus himself, with his whole army, was com-
peting in a race over the course and back ; he ran
vigorously and swiftly at first, then, little by little,
his strength failed him; and at last, after he had
made the turn, he became weak, breathed heavily,
and with difficulty made the finish. And conformably
to the vision, Antigonus himself encountered many
difficulties by land, and since Demetrius also en-
countered a great storm and a heavy sea and was
cast upon a rough coast which had no harbours, losing
many of his ships, he returned without accomplishing
anything.

Antigonus was at this time almost eighty years

1 During the same year, namely, 306 8.0,

43

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ὃ / 1 40 δὲ Ν “ ’
ὀγδοήκοντα, μεγέθει δὲ καὶ βαρύτητι σώματος
μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὸ γῆρας ἐπὶ τὰς στρατείας γεγονὼς
, an an ’
δυσπαρακόμιστος ἐχρῆτο τῷ παιδὶ καὶ Ou ἐυ-
iA a
τυχίαν καὶ δι’ ἐμπειρίαν ἤδη τὰ μέγιστα καλῶς
ὃ “ \ δὲ Ν ’ὔ \ ,
ιοικοῦντι, τρυφὰς δὲ καὶ πολυτελείας καὶ πότους
αὐτοῦ μὴ βαρυνόμενος. εἰρήνης γὰρ οὔσης ἀφύ-
ἴω a \
βριζεν εἰς ταῦτα καὶ σχολάζων ἐχρῆτο πρὸς
/ fal ΄
τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀνειμένως αὑτῷ καὶ κατακόρως, ἐν
\ an 7 e τῇ if ΄
δὲ τοῖς πολέμοις ὡς οἱ φύσει σώφρονες ἔνηφε.
, \ na , >’ ‘ ” ,
λέγεται δὲ THs Λαμίας ἀναφανδὸν ἤδη κρατούσης,
\ ᾽ » ς Ἂν a / UZ
tov ᾿Αντίγονον ὑπὸ tov Δημητρίου καταφιλού-
, an a
μενον ἥκοντος ἀπὸ ἕένης εἰπεῖν ἅμα γελῶντα,
““Δοκεῖς Λαμιαν, ὦ παῖ, καταφιλεῖν." πάλιν δέ
, / ,
ποτε πλείονας ἡμέρας ἐν πότοις γενομένου, Kal
πρόφασιν λέγοντος ὡς ῥεῦμα διοχλήσειεν αὐτόν,
, \ 3 ,
“᾿Επυθόμην,᾽ φάναι τὸν Avtiyovov, “ἀλλὰ πότε-
/ A aa 9 N ες" 9 / \
pov Θάσιον ἢ Χῖον ἦν τὸ ῥεῦμα; πυθόμενος δὲ
= an \
αὖθις ἀσθενῶς ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἐβάδιζεν ὀψόμενος,
a A /

Kal τῶν καλῶν τινι περὶ θύρας ἀπήντησεν: εἰσελ-
\ \ Ν , ᾽ 3 Ν Ψ A ,
θὼν δὲ καὶ καθίσας παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥψατο τῆς χειρός"

, e an is
ἐκείνου δὲ εἰπόντος OTL νῦν ὁ πυρετὸς ἀποκεχώ-
ρηκεν, “᾿Αμέλει, παιδίον," ἔφη, “καὶ ἐμοὶ νῦν
περὶ θύρας ἀπιὼν ἀπήντηκε.᾽ ταῦτα δὲ οὕτω
/ ” a , \ \ 4
T Paws epepe π᾿ “διὰ τὴν ἄλλην
πρᾶξιν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Σκύθαι πίνοντες καὶ μεθυ-
/ / δ \ A ,
σκομενον παραψάλλουσι Tas vevpas τῶν τόξων,
οἷον ἐκλυόμενον ὑπὸ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἀνακαλούμενοι

1 ὀγδοήκοντα MSS. and most editors: τῶν ὀγδοήκοντα.

44

DEMETRIUS, xix. 3-6

old, and his great size and weight, even more than
his old age, made it difficult for him to conduct
expeditions. He therefore made use of his son in-
stead, whose good fortune and experience now
enabled him to conduct the greatest affairs success-
fully, and whose luxuries, extravagances, and revelries
gave his father no concern. For although in time
of peace Demetrius plunged deep into these excesses
and devoted his leisure to his pleasures without
restraint and intemperately, yet in time of war he
was as sober as those who were abstemious by nature.
And we are told that once, after Lamia was known
of all men to be in complete control of Demetrius,
he came home from abroad and greeted his father
with a kiss, whereupon Antigonus said with a laugh,
“One would think, my son, that thou wert kissing
Lamia.”” Again, on another occasion, when De-
metrius had been at his revels for several days, and
excused his absence by saying that he was troubled
with a flux, “So I learned,” said Antigonus, “but
was it Thasian or Chian wine that flowed?’’ And
again, learning that his son was sick, Antigonus was
going to see him, and met a certain beauty at his
door ; he went in, however, sat down by his son, and
felt his pulse. “The fever has left me now,” said
Demetrius. “No doubt, my boy,” said Antigonus,
“1 met it just now at the door as it was going
away.” These failings of Demetrius were treated
with such lenity by his father because the young
man was so efficient otherwise. The Scythians, in
the midst of their drinking and carousing, twang
their bow-strings, as though summoning back their
courage when it is dissolved in pleasure; but

45

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὸν θυμόν, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τὰ μὲν ἡδονῇ διδοὺς ἁπλῶς
ἑαυτόν, τὰ δὲ σπουδῇ, καὶ θάτερα τῶν ἑτέρων
ἄκρατα μεταχειριζόμενος, οὐχ ἧττον ἣν δεινὸς ἐν
ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευαῖς.

XX. ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ παρασκευάσασθαι δύναμιν ἢ
χρήσασθαι βελτίων ἐδόκει στρατηγὸς εἶναι, πάντα
μὲν ἐκ περιουσίας ὑπάρχειν βουλόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς
χρείας, τῆς δὲ περὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ μηχανήματα
μεγαλουργίας καὶ καθ᾽ ἡδονήν τινα τοῦ θεωρεῖν
ἀπλήστως ἔχων. εὐφυὴς γὰρ ὧν καὶ θεωρητικὸς
οὐκ εἰς παιδιὰς οὐδ᾽ εἰς διαγωγὰς ἀχρήστους
ἔτρεψε τὸ φιλότεχνον, ὥσπερ ἄλλοι βασιλεῖς
αὐλοῦντες καὶ ζωγραφοῦντες καὶ τορεύοντες.
᾿Αέροπος γὰρ ὁ Μακεδὼν τραπέξια μικρὰ καὶ
λυχνίδια τεκταινόμενος, ὁπότε ,“σχολάξοι, διῆγεν.
ἼΛτταλος δὲ ὁ Φιλομήτωρ ἐκήπευε τὰς φαρμα-
κώδεις βοτάνας, οὐ μόνον ὑοσκύαμον καὶ ἐλλέ-
βορον, ἀλλὰ καὶ κώνειον καὶ ἀκόνιτον καὶ δορύ-
κνιον, αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις σπείρων καὶ
φυτεύων, ὀπούς Te καὶ καρπὸν αὐτῶν ἔργον πε-
ποιημένος εἰδέναι καὶ κομίζεσθαι καθ᾽ ὥραν. οἱ
δὲ Πάρθων βασιλεῖς ἐσεμνύνοντο τὰς ἀκίδας
τῶν βελῶν χαράττοντες αὐτοὶ καὶ παραθήγοντες.
ἀλλὰ μὴν Δημητρίου καὶ τὸ βάναυσον ἢ ἣν βασιλι-
κόν, καὶ μέγεθος ἡ ἡ μέθοδος εἶχεν, ἅμα τῷ περιττῷ
καὶ φιλοτέχνῳ τῶν ἔργων ὕψος τι διανοίας καὶ
φρονήματος συνεκφερόντων, ὥστε μὴ μόνον ye
uns καὶ περιουσίας, ἀλλὰ Kal χειρὸς ἄξια φαί-
νεσθαι "βασιλικῆς. μεγέθει μὲν γὰρ ἐξέπληττε
καὶ τοὺς φίλους, κάλλει δὲ καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους
ἔτερπε. τοῦτο δὲ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀληθῶς ἢ κομψῶς

46

DEMETRIUS, xix. 6-xx. 3

Demetrius, giving himself up completely, now to
pleasure, and now to duty, and keeping the one
completely separate from the other, was no less
formidable in his preparations for war.

XX. Nay, he was actually thought to be a better
general in preparing than in employing a force, for
he wished everything to be at hand in abundance for
his needs, and could never be satisfied with the
largeness of his undertakings in building ships and
engines of war, or in gazing at them with great delight.
For he had good natural parts and was given to
speculation, and did not apply his ingenuity to things
that would afford useless pleasure or diversion, like
other kings who played on the flute, or painted, or
chased metals. Aeropus the Macedonian, for in-
stance, used to spend his leisure time in making
little tables or lamp-stands. And Attalus Philometor
used to grow poisonous plants, not only henbane and
hellebore, but also hemlock, aconite, and dorycnium,
sowing and planting them himself in the royal
gardens, and making it his business to know their
juices and fruits, and to collect these at the proper
season. And the kings of the Parthians used to
take pride in notching and sharpening with their
own hands the points of their missiles. But with
Demetrius, even the work of his hands was kingly,
and his method had grandeur about it, since what he
produced displayed loftiness of purpose and _ spirit
combined with elegance and ingenuity, so that men
thought it worthy, not only to be designed and
paid for by a king, but actually to be wrought by
his hand. For its magnitude terrified even his
friends, and its beauty delighted even his enemies.
And this has still more truth in it than elegance of

47

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 εἴρηται. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἑκκαιδεκήρεις αὐτοῦ καὶ
τὰς πεντεκαιδεκήρεις ἐθαύμαζον ἑστῶτες οἱ 898
πολέμιοι παρὰ τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν πλεούσας, αἱ δ᾽
ἑλεπόλεις ὡς θέαμα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἦσαν,
ὡς αὐτὰ τὰ πρώγματα μαρτυρεῖ. Λυσίμαχος
μὲν γάρ, ἔχθιστος ὧν Δημητρίῳ τῶν βασιλέων
καὶ πολιορκοῦντι Σόλους τοὺς Κιλικίους ἀντιτε-
ταγμένος, ἔπεμψε παρακαλῶν ἐπιδεῖξαι τὰς μη-
χανὰς αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ναῦς πλεούσας" ἐπιδείξαντος

5 δὲ θαυμάσας ἀπῆλθε. “Ρόδιοι δὲ πολὺν χρόνον
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολιορκηθέντες, ἐπεὶ κατελύσαντο τὸν
πόλεμον, ἡτήσαντο τῶν μηχανῶν ἐνίας, ὅπως
ὑπόμνημα τῆς ἐκείνου δυνάμεως ἅμα καὶ τῆς av-
τῶν ἀνδραγαθίας ἔχωσιν.

XXI. ᾿Επολέμησε δὲ ‘Podious Πτολεμαίου συμ-
μάχοις οὖσι, καὶ τὴν μεγίστην ἑλέπολιν τοῖς τεί-
χεσι προσήγαγεν, ἧς ἕδρα μὲν ἣν τετράγωνος,
ἑκάστην ἔχουσα τοῦ κάτω πλαισίου πλευρὰν
ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα πηχῶν, ἕξ δὲ καὶ ἑξή-
κοντα πηχῶν ὕψος εἶχεν, εἰς κορυφὴν συννεύουσα

2 ταῖς ἄνω πλευραῖς στενωτέραν τῆς βάσεως. ἔν-
δοθεν μὲν οὖν στέγαις διεπέφρακτο καὶ χώραις
πολλαῖς, τὸ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτῆς μέτω-
πον ἀνέῳκτο καθ᾽ ἑκάστην στέγην θυρίσιν, καὶ
διὰ τούτων ἐξέπιπτε βέλη παντοδαπά" μεστὴ γὰρ

ἣν ἀνδρῶν μαχομένων πᾶσαν ἰδέαν μάχης. καὶ
τὸ μὴ κραδαινόμενον αὐτῆς μηδὲ κλινόμενον ἐν
ταῖς κινήσεσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὀρθὸν ἐν ἕδρᾳ καὶ ἀσάλευτον,
ἰσορρόπως ἅμα ῥοίζῳ καὶ τόνῳ πολλῷ προχω-
ροῦν, θάμβος ἅμα τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ χάριν τινα τῇ
ὄψει τῶν θεωμένων παρεῖχε.

83 Πρὸς δὲ τοῦτον τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῷ καὶ θώρακες
48

DEMETRIUS, xx. 4-xx1. 3

diction. His enemies would stand on shore and
admire his galleys of fifteen or sixteen banks of oars
as they sailed along past, and his “ city-takers”’
were a spectacle to those whom he was besieging, as
the actual facts testify. For Lysimachus, although
he was the bitterest enemy Demetrius had among
the kings, and had arrayed himself against him when
he was besieging Soli in Cilicia, sent and asked
Demetrius to show him his engines of war, and his
ships in full career ; and when Demetrius had shown
them, Lysimachus expressed his admiration and went
away. The Rhodians also, after they had been for
a long time besieged by Demetrius and had come to
terms with him, asked him for some of his engines
of war, that they might keep them as a reminder
of his power as well as of their own bravery.

XXI. Now, he made war upon the Rhodians!
because they were allies of Ptolemy, and brought up
against their walls his greatest “city-taker.”’ Its
base was square, and each of its sides measured at
the bottom forty-eight cubits. It rose to a height
of sixty-six cubits, and tapered from base to summit.
Within, it was divided off into many storeys and
chambers, and the side of it which faced the enemy
had windows opening out of every storey, and out
through these issued missiles of every sort; for it
was full of men who fought in every style of fighting.
Moreover, it did not totter or lean when it moved,
but remained firm and erect on its base, advancing
evenly with much noise and great impetus, and this
astounded the minds and at the same time greatly
charmed the eyes of those who beheld it.

For his use in this war there were brought to

1 In 305-304 B.c. The siege lasted about a year.
49

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a A e a
ἐκομίσθησαν ἐκ Κύπρου δύο σιδηροῖ, μνῶν ὁλκῆς
ἑκάτερος τεσσαράκοντα. δυσπάθειαν δὲ καὶ ῥώ-

A ΄ φ , a: /
μην αὐτῶν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ὁ τεχνίτης Ζωΐλος ἐκέ-
λευσεν ἐξ εἴκοσι βημάτων ἀφεῖναι καταπελτικὸν

, e ,

βέλος, οὗ προσπεσόντος appayns διέμεινεν ὁ σί-

2 \ ἃ “4 » 2 a Φ 2 Ν

δηρος, ἀμυχὴν δὲ μόλις ἔσχεν ἀμβλεῖαν, οἷον ἀπὸ
a \ 3 f \ » =e,

γραφείου. τοῦτον αὐτὸς ἐφόρει' τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον

ἼΛλκιμος ὁ Ηπειρώτης, ἀνὴρ πολεμικώτατος τῶν

fal ἃ , a
σὺν αὐτῷ Kal ῥωμαλεώτατος, ὃς μόνος ἐχρῆτο
διταλάντῳ πανοπλίᾳ, τῶν ἄλλων χρωμένων τα-

’ \ , 3° 6 , \ Ν [ᾷ

λαντιαίᾳ" καὶ μαχόμενος ἐν Ῥόδῳ περὶ τὸ θέατρον
7
ἔπεσεν.

XXII. Εὐρώστως δὲ καὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων ἀμυνο-

, ὑδὲ Σ Ι , ς Δ /
μένων, οὐδὲν ἄξιον λόγου πράττων ὁ Δημήτριος
“ 26 / \ > 4 Ψ Mir a
ὅμως ἐθυμομάχει πρὸς αὐτούς, ὅτι, Diras τῆς
γυναικὸς αὐτῷ γράμματα καὶ στρώματα καὶ ἱμά-
Tia πεμψάσης, λαβόντες τὸ πλοῖον, ὥσπερ εἶχε,

Ν a b) , \ Ἁ 3 /
πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἀπέστειλαν, καὶ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων

« /

οὐκ ἐμιμήσαντο φιλανθρωπίαν, of Φιλίππου πο-
λεμοῦντος αὐτοῖς γραμματοφόρους ἑλόντες τὰς

ἊΝ 5a 3 4 b ’ , δὲ \
μὲν ἄλλας ἀνέγνωσαν ἐπιστολᾶς, μόνην ὃὲ τὴν
Ὀλυμπιάδος οὐκ ἔλυσαν, ἀλλ᾽, ὥσπερ ἦν κατα-
σεσημασμένη, πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπέστειλαν. οὐ μὴν
ἀλλά, καίπερ ἐπὶ τούτῳ σφόδρα δηχθεὶς ὁ Δημή-

\ /

TpLos, εὐθὺς παρασχόντας λαβὴν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν

a ¢€ a
ἀντιλυπῆσαι τοὺς “Podious. ἔτυχε yap αὐτοῖς ὁ
Καύνιος Ἰ]Ιρωτογένης γράφων τὴν περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιάλυ-

\ ’
σον διάθεσιν, καὶ τὸν πίνακα μικρὸν ἀπολείποντα

59°

0 EE το .. Ὁ --

DEMETRIUS, χχι. 3-xxu. 2

Demetrius from Cyprus two iron coats of mail, each
of which weighed only forty pounds. Wishing to
show their strength and power of resistance, Zoilus
their maker gave orders that a catapult’s missile
should be shot at one of them from a distance of
twenty paces, and in the place where it struck the
iron remained intact, although it did get a faint
scratch, such as might be made by a graver. This
coat of mail Demetrius wore himself; the other was
worn by Alcimus the Epeirot, the sturdiest and most
warlike of all the men under him, and the only one
whose suit of armour weighed a hundred pounds
(the rest used suits of fifty pounds weight) ; he fell
in battle at Rhodes near the theatre.

XXII. But the Rhodians on their part made a
vigorous resistance, and Demetrius, although he was
accomplishing nothing worthy of mention, neverthe-
less kept up the fight against them in a rage, because,
when Phila his wife sent him letters, bedding, and
clothing, the Rhodians had captured the vessel
containing them, and had sent it, just as it was, to
Ptolemy. In this they did not imitate the con-
siderate kindness of the Athenians, who, having
captured Philip’s letter-carriers when he was making
war upon them, read all the other letters, indeed,
but one of them, which was from Olympias, they
would not open; instead, they sent it back to the
king with its seal unbroken. However, although
Demetrius was exceedingly exasperated by this,
when the Rhodians soon after gave him a chance to
retaliate, he would not allow himself to do so. It
happened, namely, that Protogenes the Caunian had
been making a painting for them which illustrated
the story of Ialysus, and this picture, nearly finished,

51

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοῦ τέλος ἔχειν ἔν τινι τῶν προαστείων ἔλαβεν ὁ
Δημήτριος. πεμψάντων δὲ κήρυκα τῶν Ῥοδίων
καὶ δεομένων φείσασθαι καὶ μὴ διαφθεῖραι τὸ
ἔργον, ἀπεκρίνατο τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς εἰκόνας ἂν
ἐμπρῆσαι μᾶλλον ἢ τέχνης πόνον τοσοῦτον. ἑπτὰ
γὰρ ἔτεσι λέγεται συντελέσαι τὴν γραφὴν ὁ ἸΙρω-
τογένης. καί φησιν ὁ ᾿Απελλῆς οὕτως ἐκπλα-
γῆναι θεασάμενος τὸ ἔργον ὥστε καὶ φωνὴν ἐπι-
λιπεῖν αὐτόν, ὀψὲ δὲ εἰπεῖν ὅτι “Μέγας ὁ πόνος
καὶ θαυμαστὸν τὸ ἔργον," οὐ μὴν ἔχειν γε χάρι-
τας OL ἃς οὐρανοῦ ψαύειν τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ᾿γραφό-
μενα. ταύτην μὲν οὗν τὴν γραφὴν εἰς ταὐτὸ ταῖς
ἄλλαις συνωσθεῖσαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὸ πῦρ ἐπενείματο.
τῶν δὲ Ῥοδίων κατεξανισταμένων τοῦ πολέμου,
δεόμενον προφάσεως τὸν Δημήτριον ᾿Αθηναῖοι
παραγενόμενοι διήλλαξαν ἐ ἐπὶ τῷ συμμαχεῖν “Ῥο-
δίους ᾿Αντιγόνῳ καὶ Δημητρίῳ πλὴν ἐπὶ Πτολε-
μαῖον.

XXIII. ᾿Εκάλουν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οἱ "AOn-
ναῖοι Κασάνδρου τὸ ἄστυ πολιορκοῦντος. ὁ δὲ
ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσας τριακοσίαις τριάκοντα καὶ
πολλοῖς ὁπλίταις, οὐ μόνον ἐξήλασε τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς
τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φεύγοντα μέχρι Θερ-
μοπυλῶν διώξας καὶ “τρεψάμενος, Ἡράκλειαν
ἔλαβεν, ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσθεμένην, καὶ τῶν
Μακεδόνων ἑξακισχιλίους μετα βαλομένους πρὸς
2 αὐτόν. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν “EAAnvas
ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους,

1 When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the
painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and
admired by Cicero (Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote,

52

DEMETRIUS, xxi. 2-xxm1. 2

had been captured by Demetrius in one of the
suburbs of the city. The Rhodians sent a herald
and begged Demetrius to spare and not destroy the
work, whereupon he replied that he would rather
burn the likenesses of his father than so great a
labour of art. For we are told that it took Protogenes
seven years to complete the painting. And Apelles
says he was so smitten with amazement on beholding
the work that his voice actually failed him, and that
when at last he had recovered it, he cried, “ Great is
the toil and astonishing the work,” remarking,
however, that it had not the graces which made the
fame of his own paintings touch the heavens. This
painting, then, crowded into the same place with the
rest at Rome, the fire destroyed.! As for the
Rhodians, they continued their strenuous resistance
in the war until Demetrius, who wanted a pretext
for abandoning it, was induced to make terms with
them by a deputation of Athenians, on condition
that the Rhodians should be allies of Antigonus and
Demetrius, except in a war against Ptolemy.

XXII. And now the Athenians called upon
Demetrius because Cassander was besieging their
city. So Demetrius sailed to their help with three
hundred and thirty ships and a great number of
men-at-arms, and not only drove Cassander out of
Attica, but actually pursued him in his headlong
flight as far as Thermopylae, and then took Heracleia,
which joined him of its own accord, and six thousand
Macedonians, who also came over to him. On his
return, he gave their freedom to the Greeks on this
side of Thermopylae, made the Boeotians his allies,
a generation or two later, it had been carried to Rome and

placed in the temple of Peace (cf. Strabo, xiv. p. 652; Pliny,
Nei, xxxv, 10,36).
53

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal Κεγχρέας εἷλε" καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον,
ἐπιτειχίσματα τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου
φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς
᾿Αθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον
εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν. φιλοτιμίαν,
ἐξεῦρον ὅ ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς
κολακείαις φανῆναι. τὸν γὰρ ὀπισθόδομον τοῦ
Παρθενῶνος ἀπέδειξαν αὐτῷ κατάλυσιν: κἀκεῖ
δίαιταν εἶχε, τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς λεγομένης ὑποδέχεσθαι
καὶ ἕενίζειν αὐτόν, οὐ πάνυ κόσμιον ξένον οὐδὲ
ὡς παρθένῳ πράως ἐπισταθμεύοντα. καίτοι τὸν
ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Φίλιππον αἰσθόμενός ποτε ὁ πα-
τὴρ ἐν οἰκίᾳ καταλύοντα τρεῖς ἐχούσῃ νέας γυναῖ-
κας, “πρὸς ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὐδὲν ἐφθέγξατο, παρόντος
δὲ ἐκείνου, τὸν σταθμοδότην μεταπεμψάμενος,
“Οὗτος, εἶπεν, “οὐκ ἐξάξεις μου τὸν υἱὸν ἐκ τῆς
’ 3
στενοχωρίας ;”

XXIV. Δημήτριος δέ, τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν αὐτῷ προσ-
ἤκον, εἰ δ ἄλλο μηδέν, ὥς γε πρεσβυτέραν
ἀδελφὴν αἰσχύνεσθαι (τοῦτο yap ἐβούλετο λέ-
γεσθαι), τοσαύτην ὕβριν εἰς παῖδας ἐλευθέρους
καὶ γυναῖκας ἀστὰς κατεσκέδασε τῆς ἀκρο-
πόλεως ὥστε δοκεῖν τότε μάλιστα καθαρεύειν
τὸν τόπον, ὅτε Χρυσίδι καὶ Λαμίᾳ καὶ Δημοῖ
καὶ ᾿Αντικύρᾳ, ταῖς πόρναις ἐκείναις, συνακο-
λασταΐίνοι.

Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα σαφῶς ἀπαγγέλλειν οὐ πρέπει
διὰ τὴν πόλιν, τὴν δὲ Δημοκλέους ἀρετὴν καὶ
σωφροσύνην ἄξιόν ἐστι μὴ παρελθεῖν. ἐκεῖνος
γὰρ ἦν ἔτι παῖς ἄνηβος, οὐκ ἔλαθε δὲ τὸν Δημή-
τριον ἔχων τῆς εὐμορφίας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν κατή-

54

DEMETRIUS, xxi. 2-xxiv. 2

and captured Cenchreae ; he also reduced Phyle and
Panactum, fortresses of Attica in which Cassander
had garrisons, and gave them back to the Athenians.
And they, although before this they had used up
and exhausted all the honours that could be bestowed
upon him, nevertheless devised a way to show them-
selves then also the authors of new and _ fresh
flatteries. For instance, they assigned him the rear
chamber of the Parthenon for his quarters; and
there he lived, and there it was said that Athena
received and entertained him, although he was no
very orderly guest and did not occupy his quarters
with the decorum due to a virgin. And yet on one
occasion when his father understood that his brother
Philip was quartered in a house occupied by three
young women, he said not a word to Philip himself,
but in his presence said to the quartermaster whom
he had summoned, “See here, wilt thou not remove
my son from his narrow quarters?”

XXIV. But Demetrius, who ought to have revered
Athena, if for no other reason, at least because she
was his elder sister (for this was what he liked to
have her called!), filled the acropolis with such
wanton treatment of free-born youth and native
Athenian women that the place was then thought
to be particularly pure when he shared his disso-
lute life there with Chrysis and Lamia and Demo
and Anticyra, the well-known prostitutes.

Now, to give all the particulars plainly would
disgrace the fair fame of the city, but I may not pass
over the modesty and virtue of Democles. He was
still a young boy, and it did not escape the notice of
Demetrius that he had a surname which indicated

1 Since the Athenians had made him a ‘‘Saviour-god.”

58

VOL. ΙΧ, ο

σι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ ra) \ fal ς U e \
yopov: ἐκαλεῖτο yap Δημοκλῆς ὁ καλὸς. ὡς δὲ
/
πολλὰ πειρώντων καὶ διδόντων καὶ φοβούντων
ΟΥΣ 3 x ἔα 2 , δὲ ΄ \
ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἡλίσκετο, τέλος δὲ φεύγων τὰς πα-
λαίστρας καὶ τὸ γυμνάσιον εἴς τι βαλανεῖον
( , \
ἰδιωτικὸν ἐφοίτα λουσόμενος, ἐπιτηρήσας TOV και-
na a \ ς
ρὸν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐπεισῆλθεν αὐτῷ μόνῳ. καὶ ὁ
a a {τ νὰ , ΑἹ \
παῖς, ὡς συνεῖδε THY περὶ αὑτὸν ἐρημίαν καὶ τὴν
/ A nr /
ἀνάγκην, ἀφελὼν TO πῶμα τοῦ χαλκώματος εἰς
/ “ 5 / \ VA e€ ως ᾽ /
ζέον ὕδωρ ἐνήλατο καὶ διέφθειρεν αὑτόν, ἀνάξια
\ θ , » 4 δὲ an [ὃ \ la J
μὲν παθών, ἄξια δὲ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τοῦ κάλλους
/ » ς / ξ a / ἃ
φρονήσας, οὐχ ὡς Κλεαίνετος o Κιλεομέδοντος, ὃς
ὠφληκότι τῷ πατρὶ δίκην πεντήκοντα ταλάντων
ἀφεθῆναι διαπραξάμενος καὶ γράμματα παρὰ
Ν a /
Δημητρίου κομίσας πρὸς τὸν δῆμον οὐ μόνον
\
ἑαυτὸν κατήσχυνεν, ἀλλὰ Kal THY πόλιν συνε-
/ \ \ Ἂ / an /
τάραξε. Tov μὲν yap Κλεομέδοντα τῆς δίκης
A \ ΄ n an
ἀφῆκαν, ἐγράφη δὲ ψήφισμα μηδένα τῶν πολιτῶν
ἐπιστολὴν παρὰ Δημητρίου κομίζειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ
ἀκούσας ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως, ἀλλ᾽ ἠγα-
΄ / 9 , Ν
νάκτησε, δείσαντες αὖθις οὐ μόνον τὸ ψήφισμα
καθεῖλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν εἰσηγησαμένων καὶ συνει-
πόντων τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ ἐφυγάδευσαν,
/ “a an an
ἔτι δὲ προσεψηφίσαντο δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ τῶν
’ ͵ lal Ψ Ἃ € \ /
Αθηναίων πᾶν, 6 τι ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς Δημήτριος
/ lal Ν
κελεύσῃ, τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς θεοὺς ὅσιον καὶ πρὸς
7 -
ἀνθρώπους εἶναι δίκαιον. εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν
καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν μαίνεσθαι τὸν Στρατο-
/ n
κλέα τοιαῦτα γράφοντα, Δημοχάρης ὁ Λευκονοεὺς
i , »
“Matvorto pévtav,” εἶπεν, “εἰ μὴ μαίνοιτο."
56

90.

DEMETRIUS, xxrv. 2-5

his comeliness; for he was called Democles the
Beautiful. But he yielded to none of the many who
sought to win him by prayers or gifts or threats, and
finally, shunning the palaestras and the gymnasium,
used to go for his bath to a private bathing-room.
Here Demetrius, who had watched his opportunity,
came upon him when he was alone. And the boy,
when he saw that he was quite alone and in dire
straits, took off the lid of the cauldron and jumped
into the boiling water, thus destroying himself, and
suffering a fate that was unworthy of him, but show-
ing a spirit that was worthy of his country and of
his beauty. Not so Cleaenetus the son of Cleomedon,
who, in order to obtain a letter from Demetrius to
the people and therewith to secure the remission of
a fine of fifty talents which had been imposed upon
his father, not only disgraced himself, but also got
the city into trouble. For the people released
Cleomedon from his sentence, but they passed an
edict that no citizen should bring a letter from
Demetrius before the assembly. However, when
Demetrius heard of it and was beyond measure
incensed thereat, they took fright again, and not only
rescinded the decree, but actually put to death some
of those who had introduced and spoken in favour of
it, and drove others into exile; furthermore, they
voted besides that it was the pleasure of the Athenian
people that whatsoever King Demetrius should ordain
in future, this should be held righteous towards the
gods and just towards men. And when one of the
better class of citizens declared that Stratocles was
mad to introduce such a motion, Demochares of
Leuconoé said: “ He would indeed be mad not to be

57

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

€ An a“ \ \
πολλὰ γὰρ ὁ Στρατοκλῆς ὠφελεῖτο διὰ τὴν κολα-
’, ς \ ἂν ιν ΄ \
κείαν. ὁ δὲ Δημοχάρης ἐπὶ τούτῳ διαβληθεὶς
/ A 7 2 a
ἐφυγαδεύθη. τοιαῦτα ἔπραττον ᾿Αθηναῖοι dpov-
a 5) 4 \ \ 3 ΄ ”
pas ἀπηλλάχθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔχειν δο-
κοῦντες.
XXV. Δημήτριος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Ἰ]ελοπόν-
’ Ν ς “ 3 ’, > x
νῆσον, οὐδενὸς ὑφισταμένου τῶν ἐναντίων, ἀλλὰ
\ “ ἴω
φευγόντων καὶ προϊεμένων τὰς πόλεις, προση-
7 iy / » \ ΝΘ ,
yayeTo τήν Te καλουμένην ᾿Ακτὴν καὶ ᾿Αρκαδίαν,
\ , We? \ a \
πλὴν Μαντινείας, καὶ “Apyos καὶ Σικυῶνα καὶ
Κόρινθον ἐλύσατο τάλαντα δοὺς ἑκατὸν τοῖς
a \ a a ,
φρουροῦσιν. ἐν “Apyer μὲν οὖν τῆς τῶν Hpatwv
nr A a
ἑορτῆς καθηκούσης, ἀγωνοθετῶν καὶ συμπανη-
a_t /
γυρίζων τοῖς “λλησιν, ἔγημε τὴν Αἰακίδου θυγα-
Lal a \
τέρα, tov Μολοττῶν βασιλέως, ἀδελφὴν δὲ
Πύρρου, Δηϊδάμειαν. Σικνωνίους δὲ φήσας παρὰ
τὴν πόλιν οἰκεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἔπεισεν οὗ νῦν οἰκοῦσι
/ A , \
μετοικίσασθαι:" τῷ δὲ τόπῳ καὶ τοὔνομα THY
πόλιν συμμεταβαλοῦσαν ἀντὶ Σικυῶνος Δημη-
τριάδα προσηγόρευσεν. ἐν δὲ ᾿Ισθμῷ κοινοῦ
συνεδρίου γενομένου καὶ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων συν-
ελθόντων, ἡγεμὼν ἀνηγορεύθη τῆς Ελλάδος, ὡς
Δ
πρότερον οἱ περὶ Φίλιππον καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον: ὧν
a | ,
ἐκεῖνος ov παρὰ μικρὸν ἐνόμιζεν ἑαυτὸν εἶναι
’ a / a ΄ A
βελτίονα, TH τύχῃ TH παρούσῃ Kal TH δυνάμει
cal / a
TOV πραγμάτων ἐπαιρόμενος. ᾿Αλέξανδρος γοῦν
+Q/ a 7 κε 2 / aA
οὐδένα τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἀπεστέρησε τῆς
€ / b] \ ig Ν > an 7 /
ὁμωνυμίας, οὐδὲ αὑτὸν ἀνεῖπε βασιλέων βασιλέα,

58

DEMETRIUS, xxiv. 5-xxv. 3

mad.” For Stratocles reaped much advantage from
his flatteries. Demochares, however, was brought
under accusation for this and sent into exile. So
fared it with the Athenians, who imagined that because
they were rid of their garrison they therefore had
their freedom.

XXV. And now Demetrius proceeded into Pelo-
ponnesus,! where not one of his enemies opposed
him, but all abandoned their cities and fled. He
received into allegiance Acte, as it is called, and
Arcadia (except Mantineia), and freed Argos, Sicyon,
and Corinth by paying their garrisons a hundred
talents. At Argos, then, where there was a cele-
bration of the festival of Hera, he presided at the
games and attended the solemn assemblies with the
Greeks, and married Deidameia,? the daughter of
Aeacides king of the Molossians, and the sister of
Pyrrhus. As for the Sicyonians, he told them their
city was in the wrong place, and persuaded them to
change its site to that which it now has; moreover,
with the site he also changed the name of the city,
calling it Demetrias instead of Sicyon. And at the
Isthmus of Corinth, where a general assembly was
held and throngs of people came together, he was
proclaimed Commander-in-chief of the Greeks, as
Philip and Alexander had been proclaimed before
him; and to these he considered himself in no
slight measure superior, lifted up as he was by the
good fortune and power which he then enjoyed.
And certainly King Alexander never refused to
bestow the royal title upon other kings, nor did he
proclaim himself King of Kings, although many

1 Karly in 303 B.c.
* Although both Eurydice and Phila were still living.

59

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καίτοι πολλοῖς TO καλεῖσθαι Kal εἶναι βασιλέας
> \ / > A \ / δ n
αὐτὸς δεδωκώς: ἐκεῖνος δὲ χλευάζων καὶ γελῶν
τοὺς ἄλλον τινὰ πλὴν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ αὐτοῦ
βασιλέα προσαγορεύοντας, ἡδέως ἤκουε τῶν παρὰ
/ ,
πότον ἐπιχύσεις λαμβανόντων Δημητρίου βασι-
a /
λέως, Σελεύκου δὲ ἐλεφαντάρχου, Πτολεμαίου δὲ
ναυάρχου, Λυσιμάχου δὲ γαζοφύλακος, ᾿Αγαθο-
/ \ la) i / UA \
κλέους δὲ TOD Σικελιώτου νησιάρχου. τούτων δὲ
\ \ A ᾽ 7) e \ »
πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐκφερομένων οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι
βασιλεῖς κατεγέλων, Λυσίμαχος δ᾽ ἠγανάκτει
μόνος εἰ σπάδοντα νομίζει Δημήτριος αὐτόν'
ἐπιεικῶς γὰρ εἰώθεισαν εὐνούχους ἔχειν γαΐζο-
φύλακας. ἣν δὲ καὶ πάντων ἀπεχθέστατος ὁ
Λυσίμαχος αὐτῷ, καὶ λοιδορῶν εἰς τὸν ἔρωτα
τῆς Λαμίας ἔλεγε νῦν πρῶτον ἑωρακέναι πόρνην
a n C \
προερχομένην ἐκ τραγικῆς σκηνῆς" ὁ de Δημήτριος
A ff rn
ἔφη τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόρνην σωφρονεστέραν εἶναι τῆς
/
ἐκείνου ἸΤηνελόπης.
XXVI. Τότε δ᾽ οὖν ἀναζευγνύων εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθή-
3 e J / ’ \
vas ἔγραψεν ὅτι βούλεται παραγενόμενος εὐθὺς
n \ \ \ a
μυηθῆναι καὶ τὴν τελετὴν ἅπασαν ἀπὸ τῶν
μικρῶν ἄχρι τῶν ἐποπτικῶν παραλαβεῖν. τοῦτο
Ν 2 Ν i by \ \ / 5 \
δὲ οὐ θεμιτὸν ἣν οὐδὲ γεγονὸς πρότερον, ἀλλὰ
τὰ μικρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ανθεστηριῶνος ἐτελοῦντο, τὰ δὲ
μεγάλα τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος: ἐπώπτευον δὲ Tov-
λάχιστον ἀπὸ τῶν μεγάλων ἐνιαυτὸν διαλείποντες.
ἀναγνωσθέντων δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων μόνος ἐτόλ-
a / € a
μησεν ἀντειπεῖν ΠΠυθόδωρος ὁ δᾳδοῦχος, ἐπέρανε
Ν ᾽ / » \ / , ? ,
δὲ ovdév' ἀλλὰ Στρατοκλέους γνώμην εἰπόντος

60

DEMETRIUS, xxv. 3-xxv1. 2

kings received their position and title from him;
whereas Demetrius used to rail and mock at those
who gave the title of King to any one except his
father and himself, and was well pleased to hear
revellers pledge Demetrius as King, but Seleucus
as Master of the Elephants, Ptolemy as Admiral,
Lysimachus as Treasurer, and Agathocles of Sicily
as Lord of the Isles. When this was reported to
these kings, they all laughed at Demetrius, except
Lysimachus; he was incensed that Demetrius con-
sidered him a eunuch (it was the general practice to
have eunuchs for treasurers). And of all the kings
Lysimachus had most hatred for Demetrius. He
was once reviling the man’s passion for Lamia, and
said that this was the first time he had ever seen a
harlot coming forward to play a great tragic part;
Demetrius, however, declared that his own harlot
was more chaste than the Penelope of Lysimachus.
XXVI. But to resume the story, when Demetrius
was getting ready to return to Athens, he wrote
letters to the people saying that he wished to be
initiated into the mysteries as soon as he arrived,
and to pass through all the grades in the ceremony,
from the lowest to the highest (the “epoptica’’).
Now, this was not lawful, and had not been done
before, but the lesser rites were performed in the
month Anthesterion, the great rites in Boédromion ;
and the supreme rites (the “epoptica”) were
celebrated after an interval of at least a year from
the great rites. And yet when the letter of Demetrius
was read, no one ventured to oppose the proposition
except Pythodorus the Torch-bearer, and he accom-
plished nothing; instead, on motion of Stratocles,
it was voted to call the current month, which was

61

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾿Ανθεστηριῶνα τὸν Μουνυχιῶνα ψηφισαμένους
rf \ 7 3 / A / \
καλεῖν καὶ νομίζειν, ἐτέλουν τῷ Δημητρίῳ τὰ
Ν » δ \ a / 2 ’
πρὸς “Aypav: καὶ peta ταῦτα πάλιν ἐξ ᾿Αν-
a € f
θεστηριῶνος ὁ Μουνυχιὼν γενόμενος Βοηδρομιὼν
5 7 \ \ LA e Ν \ 5
ἐδέξατο τὴν λοιπὴν τελετήν, ἅμα καὶ τὴν ἐπο-
/ nw / U A \
πτείαν τοῦ Δημητρίου προσεπιλαβόντος. διὸ καὶ
Φιλιππίδης τὸν Στρατοκλέα λοιδορῶν ἐποίησεν"

« Ν x \ an?
ὁ TOV ἐνιαυτὸν συντεμὼν εἰς μὴν ἕνα,
\ \ a > A A ,
καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ ἸΠαρθενῶνι κατασκηνώσεως"

a
ὁ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πανδοκεῖον ὑπολαβὼν
\ “ > \ a
Kal τὰς ἑταίρας εἰσαγαγὼν TH παρθένῳ.

ΧΧΥΤΙ. Πολλῶν δὲ γενομένων ἐν τῇ πόλει
τότε πλημμελημάτων καὶ παρανομημάτων ἐκεῖνο
7 7 nan \ 2) θ , ce
μάλιστα λέγεται λυπῆσαι TOUS Αθηναίους, ὃτι
διακόσια καὶ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα πορίσαι ταχὺ
καὶ δοῦναι προσταχθὲν αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς εἰσπρά-

id
ἕεως συντόνου καὶ ἀπαραιτήτου γενομένης, ἰδὼν
3 7 Ν 53 ΄, oY , \ a
ἠθροισμένον τὸ ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσε Λαμίᾳ καὶ ταῖς
περὶ αὐτὴν ἑταίραις εἰς σμῆγμα δοθῆναι. ἡ γὰρ
a / Ἂν “ ad
αἰσχύνη τῆς ζημίας καὶ τὸ ῥῆμα τοῦ πράγματος
nr b / \ 5 ,ὔ 57 Ν lal
μᾶλλον ἠνώχλησε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. ἔνιοι δὲ τοῦτο
Ar > , 3 a a
Θετταλοῖς, οὐκ ᾿Αθηναίοις, vr αὐτοῦ συμβῆναι
, \ \ / 3) \ 3 ς \ ς
λέγουσι. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων αὐτὴ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἡ
an nr ’ὔ lal
Λάμια τῷ βασιλεῖ παρασκευάζουσα δεῖπνον
2 , / \ \ ὃ a ee
ἡργυρολογησε πολλοῦυς. καὶ TO δεῖπνον οὕτως

62

DEMETRIUS, xxvi. 2—xxvi. 2

Munychion, Anthesterion, and so to regard it, and
the lesser rites at Agra were performed for Demetrius ;
after which Munychion was again changed and
became Boédromion instead of Anthesterion, De-
metrius received the remaining rites of initiation,
and at the same time was also admitted to the
highest grade of “ epoptos.”” Hence Philippides, in
his abuse of Stratocles, wrote ! :—

« Who abridged the whole year into a single month,’

and with reference to the quartering of Demetrius
in the Parthenon :—

‘‘ Who took the acropolis for a caravansery,
And introduced to its virgin goddess his court-
esans.”’

XXVII. But among the many lawless and shocking
things done by Demetrius in the city at this time,
this is said to have given the Athenians most
displeasure, namely, that after he had ordered them
to procure speedily two hundred and fifty talents for
his use, and after they had levied the money
rigorously and inexorably, when he saw the sum
that had been collected, he commanded that it should
be given to Lamia and her fellow courtesans to buy
soap with. For the shame they felt was more
intolerable to the people than their loss, and the
words which accompanied it than the deed itself.
But some say that those who received this treatment
were Thessalians, not Athenians. Apart from this
incident, however, Lamia, when she was preparing
a supper for the king, exacted money on her own
account from many citizens. And the costliness

1 Part of the fragment cited at xii. 4.

c2 3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a / “
ἤνθησε τῇ δόξῃ διὰ τὴν πολυτέλειαν ὥστε ὑπὸ
,ὕ ὃ a Sv , , θ ὃ N \ fal
Avyxéws τοῦ Σαμίου συγγεγράφθαι. διὸ καὶ τῶν
a «ς
κωμικῶν τις οὐ φαύλως τὴν Λάμιαν ᾿᾿ὡλέπολιν
a “ / ’ [ὦ / N
ἀληθῶς προσεῖπε. Δημοχάρης δ᾽ ὁ Σόλιος τὸν
An ἡτὸν ἐκάλει Μῦθον" εἶναι yap αὐτῷ
ἡμήτριον αὐτὸν ἐκάλει γὰρ αὐτῷ
καὶ Λάμιαν.
U a a \ a
Ov μόνον δὲ ταῖς γαμεταῖς, ἀλλὰ Kal τοῖς
a a \ “4
φίλοις tod Δημητρίου ζῆλον καὶ φθόνον evn-
a / a /
μεροῦσα Kal στεργομένη παρεῖχεν. ἀφίκοντο
a a /
γοῦν τινες Tap αὐτοῦ κατὰ πρεσβείαν πρὸς
/ 4 2! a » \ > / SYA
Λυσίμαχον, οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἄγων σχολὴν ἐπέδειξεν ἔν
a r a / \
τε τοῖς μηροῖς Kal τοῖς βραχίοσιν ὠτειλὰς βαθείας
a δ
ὀνύχων λεοντείων' καὶ διηγεῖτο τὴν γενομένην
> fal , \ \ ΄ ig \ > ΄ὔ
αὐτῷ μάχην πρὸς τὸ θηρίον, ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου
a / e \ a
συγκαθειρχθέντι TOD βασιλέως. οἱ δὲ γελῶντες
»Μ \ \ - an / a ,
ἔφασαν καὶ τὸν αὑτῶν βασιλέα δεινοῦ θηρίου
/ / bd a / / > \
δήγματα φέρειν ἐν τῷ τραχήλῳ, Λαμίας. ἣν δὲ
Ni “ a / ’ > a \ \ ’
θαυμαστὸν ὅτι τῆς Φίλας ἐν ἀρχῇ τὸ μὴ καθ
ἡλικίαν δυσχεραίνων, ἥττητο τῆς Λαμίας, καὶ
τοσοῦτον ἤρα χρόνον, ἤδη παρηκμακυίας. Δημὼ
an / ’ a
γοῦν, ἡ ἐπικαλουμένη Μανία, παρὰ δεῖπνον av-
- a /
ovens τῆς Λαμίας καὶ τοῦ Δημητρίου πυθομένου,
γ a) “ ᾽ a
“TT cot dSoxet;” “pads,” eirev, “&® Bactred.”
/
πάλιν δὲ τραγημάτων παρατεθέντων κἀκείνου
Ν b] \ ’ / oc © a v4 /
πρὸς αὑτὴν εἰπόντος, “ Opas ὅσα por Adama
” /
πέμπει; “ἸΠλείονα, ἔφη, “πεμφθήσεταί σοι
Ν an 2 lal / M / a
Tapa τῆς ἐμῆς μητρός, ἐὰν θέλῃς καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῆς
” a
καθεύδειν." ἀπομνημονεύεται δὲ τῆς Λαμίας καὶ
64

DEMETRIUS, xxvir. 2-5

of this supper gave it so wide a renown that it was
described in full by Lynceus the Samian. Hence
also a comic poet not inaptly called Lamia ‘“a
veritable City-taker.”’! And Demochares of Soli
called Demetrius himself ‘ Fable,” because he too,
like Fable, had a Lamia.?

And not only among the wives of Demetrius, but
also among his friends, did the favour and affection
which he bestowed on Lamia awaken envy and
jealousy. At all events, some ambassadors from him
once came to Lysimachus, and Lysimachus, in an hour
of leisure, showed them on his thighs and shoulders
deep scars of wounds made by a lion’s claws; he also
told them about the battle he had fought against
the beast, with which he had been caged by
Alexander the king. Then they laughingly told
him that their own king also carried, on his neck,
the bites of a dreadful wild beast,—a Lamia. And
it was astonishing that while in the beginning he
was displeased at Phila’s disparity in years, he was
vanquished by Lamia, and loved her so long, although
she was already pasther prime. At all events, when
Lamia was playing on the flute at a supper, and
Demetrius asked Demo, surnamed Mania, what she
thought of her, “O King,” said Mania, “I think
her an old woman.” And at another time, when
some sweetmeats were served up, and Demetrius
said to Mania, “Dost thou see how many presents
I get from Lamia?’’ “My mother,” said Mania,
‘©will send thee more, if thou wilt make her also
thy mistress.” And there is on record also Lamia’s

1 See chapter xx. 4.
2 The name of a fabulous monster reputed to eat men’s

flesh.
65

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ ,
πρὸς τὴν λεγομένην Βοκχώρεως κρίσιν ἀντίρρη-
a / an

σις. ἐπεὶ yap τις ἐρῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῆς ἑταίρας
Θώνιδος ἠτεῖτο συχνὸν χρυσίον, εἶτα κατὰ τοὺς

© a / A ,
ὕπνους δόξας αὐτῇ συγγενέσθαι τῆς ἐπιθυμίας
ἐπαύσατο, δίκην ἔλαχεν ἡ Θωνὶς αὐτῷ τοῦ μισθώ-
> ΄ \ \ Ἁ € , DS.
6 ματος. ἀκούσας δὲ τὸν λόγον ὁ Βόκχωρις éxé-

a ,
λευσε τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὅσον ἠτήθη χρυσίον ἠριθμη-
a a ᾽ a a
μένον ἐν τῷ ἀγγείῳ διαφέρειν δεῦρο κακεῖσε TH
χειρί, τὴν δὲ ἑταίραν ἔχεσθαι τῆς σκιᾶς, ὡς τὴν
δόξαν τῆς ἀληθείας σκιὰν οὖσαν. οὐκ ὠετο
\ ,

ταύτην εἶναι THY κρίσιν ἡ Λάμια δικαίαν" ov yap
ἀπέλυσεν ἡ σκιὰ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας τοῦ ἀργυρίου τὴν
ἑταίραν, τὸ δὲ ὄναρ ἔπαυσεν ἐρῶντα τὸν νεανίσκον.

a Ψ
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ Λαμίας.

ΧΧΥΠΙ. Τὴν δὲ διήγησιν, ὥσπερ ἐκ κωμικῆς
σκηνῆς, πάλιν εἰς τραγικὴν μετάγουσιν αἱ τύχαι
καὶ αἱ πράξεις τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὃν διηγούμεθα. τῶν

\ ” / e ip Ὥ
γὰρ ἄλλων βασιλέων ἁπάντων συνισταμένων

, δ
ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ συμφερόντων εἰς ταὐτὸ

\ 7 5.05. mn e 7 9 me τς ,
Tas δυνάμεις, ἀπῆρεν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλά-

a ᾽ὔ ᾽
δος, καὶ τῷ πατρὶ συμμίξας φιλοτιμουμένῳ παρ
e , \ ss y », a 3 \
ἡλίκιαν πρὸς TOV πόλεμον, ETL μᾶλλον aUTOS

2 ἐπερρώσθη. καίτοι δοκεῖ γε ᾿Αντίγονος, εἰ μι-
κρῶν τινων ὑφεῖτο καὶ τῆς ἄγαν φιλαρχίας ἐχά-

Ν 3 A
λασε, μέχρι παντὸς ἂν αὑτῷ διαφυλάξαι κἀκείνῳ

al \ an be / \ \ A
καταλιπεῖν TO πρῶτον εἶναι. φύσει δὲ βαρὺς ὧν

, “3 , - ta
καὶ ὑπερόπτης, καὶ τοῖς λόγοις οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τοῖς

4
πράγμασι τραχύς, πολλοὺς Kal νέους Kal δυνα-

\ i ’
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξηγρίαινε καὶ παρώξυνε" καὶ τήν 90:
66

DEMETRIUS, xxvu. 5—xxvii. 2

comment on the famous judgment of Bocchoris.
There was, namely, a certain Egyptian who was in
love with Thonis the courtesan, and was asked a
great sum of money for her favours; then he dreamed
that he enjoyed those favours, and ceased from his
desires. Thereupon Thonis brought an action
against him for payment due, and Bocchoris, on
hearing the case, ordered the man to bring into
court in its coffer the sum total demanded of him,
and to move it hither and thither with his hand,
and the courtesan was to grasp its shadow, since
the thing imagined is a shadow of the reality.
This judgment Lamia thought to be unjust; for
though the dream put an end to the young man’s
passion, the shadow of the money did not set the
courtesan free from her desire for it. So much, then,
for Lamia.

XXVIII. But the fortunes and achievements of
the man whose Life I am narrating, brings my
narrative back, as it were, from the comic to the
tragic stage. For all the other kings leagued
themselves together against Antigonus and united
their forces, and so Demetrius set forth from Greece,}
and finding his father eager beyond his years for
the war, he was himself still more encouraged. And
yet it would seem that if Antigonus had made some
trifling concessions and had slackened his excessive
passion for dominion, he might have always retained
the supremacy for himself and have left it to his son.
But he was naturally stern and haughty, and was
harsh in what he said no less than in what he did,
and therefore exasperated and incited against him-
self many young and powerful men; and _ their

1 Late in 302 B.o.
67

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γε τότε σύστασιν καὶ κοινωνίαν αὐτῶν ἔλεγεν
ὥσπερ ὀρνίθων σπερμολόγων συνδρομὴν ἑνὶ λίθῳ
καὶ ψόφῳ συνδιαταράξειν.

“Hye δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν ἑπτακισμυρίων πλείους,
ἱππεῖς δὲ μυρίους, ἐλέφαντας δὲ ἑβδομήκοντα
πέντε, τῶν ἐναντίων ἐχόντων πεζοὺς μὲν ἑξακισ-
μυρίους καὶ τετρακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεν-
τακοσίους τῶν ἐκείνου πλείονας, ἐλέφαντας δὲ
τετρακοσίους, ἅρματα δὲ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι. γενο-
μένῳ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς αὐτῶν τροπὴν ἔσχεν ἡ διάνοια τῆς
ἐλπίδος μᾶλλον ἢ. τῆς γνώμης. ὑψηλὸς γὰρ
εἶναι καὶ γαῦρος εἰωθὼς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ χρώ-
μενος φωνῇ τε μεγάλῃ καὶ λόγοις σοβαροῖς,
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρασκῶψαί τι καὶ γελοῖον
εἰπεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων ἐπιδειξά-
μενος. εὐστάθειαν καὶ καταφρόνησιν, τότε σύν-
νους ἑωρᾶτο καὶ σιωπηλὸς τὰ “πολλά, καὶ τὸν
υἱὸν ἀπέδειξε τῷ πλήθει καὶ συνέστησε διάδοχον.
ὃ δὲ μάλιστα πάντες “ἐθαύμασαν, ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ
μόνος διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐκ εἰθισμένος ἐ ἔχειν
οὐδὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπορρήτους κοινολογίας, ἀχλὰ
ἴδιος ὼν γνώμῃ, εἶτα προστάττων φανερῶς καὶ
χρώμενος οἷς βουλεύσαιτο καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν. λέγεται
γοῦν μειράκιον ἔτι ὄντα τὸν Δημήτριον αὐτοῦ
πυθέσθαι πότε μέλλουσιν ἀναζευγνύειν" τὸν δὲ
εἰπεῖν πρὸς ὀργήν" ‘f ᾿Αγωνιᾷς μὴ μόνος σὺ τῆς
σάλπιγγος οὐκ ἀκούσῃς;

ΧΧΙΧ. Τότε μέντοι καὶ σημεῖα μοχθηρὰ κατε-
δουλοῦτο τὴν γνώμην αὐτῶν. Δημήτριος μὲν
γὰρ ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ᾿Αλέξανδρον ᾧπλισ-
μένον λαμπρῶς ἐρωτᾶν ὁποῖόν τι σύνθημα διδό-

68

DEMETRIUS, xxvim. 2—xxix. 1

combination and partnership at this time he said he
would scatter asunder with a single stone and a single
shout, as if they were a flock of granivorous birds.

He took the field with more than seventy thousand
infantry, ten thousand horse, and seventy-five
elephants; while his adversaries had _ sixty-four
thousand infantry, five hundred more horse than
he, four hundred elephants, and a hundred and twenty
chariots. After he had drawn near them, the cast
of his expectations rather than of his purposes
underwent a change. For he was wont to be lofty
and boastful as he engaged in his conflicts, making
pompous speeches in a loud voice, and many times
also by the utterance of a casual jest or joke when
the enemy was close at hand he would show the
firmness of his own spirit and his contempt for
them; but now he was observed to be thoughtful
and silent for the most part, and he presented his
son to the army and pronounced him his successor.
But what more than anything else astonished
everybody was his conversing alone in his tent with
his son, although it was not his custom to have
secret conferences even with him; instead, he made
his own plans, followed his own counsels, and then
gave his orders openly. At all events, we are told
that Demetrius, when he was still a stripling, asked
his father when they were going to break camp ;
and that Antigonus replied in anger: “ Art thou
in distress lest thou alone shouldst not hear the
trumpet?”

XXIX. At this time, moreover, bad omens also
subdued their spirits. For Demetrius dreamed that
Alexander, in brilliant array of armour, asked him
what watchword they were going to give for the

69

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ / lA > A \ /
vat πρὸς τὴν μάχην μέλλουσιν: αὐτοῦ δὲ φή-
? Yj

σαντος, “Alia cat Ni«nv” “Arete totvur,”
\ , a

φάναι, “πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους" ἐκεῖνοι γάρ με
, 55. 5 , \

παραλαμβάνουσιν." ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ παραταττο-

μένης ἤδη τῆς φάλαγγος ἐξιὼν προσέπταισεν,

ὥστε πεσεῖν ὅλως ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ διατεθῆναι

χαλεπῶς" ἀναστὰς δὲ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας

Ἃ \ if \ A a
πρὸς TOV οὐρανὸν ἡτήσατο νίκην Tapa τῶν θεῶν
ἢ θάνατον ἀναίσθητον πρὸ τῆς ἥττης.

Γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐν χερσὶ Δημήτριος
ἔχων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ κρατίστους τῶν ἱππέων
’ , an ΄ὔ 4 \ /
Αντιόχῳ τῷ Σελεύκου συνέπεσε, καὶ μέχρι

n an ’ὔ A 2 4 >
τροπῆς τῶν πολεμίων λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος ἐν

A , fal \ / \ ἊΝ,
τῇ διώξει σοβαρᾷ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ παρὰ καιρὸν
γενομένῃ τὴν νίκην διέφθειρεν. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ
οὐκ ἔσχε πάλιν ἀναστρέψας συμμῖξαι τοῖς

A A [4
πεζοῖς τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἐν μέσῳ γενομένων, τὴν
δὲ φάλαγγα γυμνὴν ἱππέων κατιδόντες οἱ περι
Σέλευκον οὐκ ἐνέβαλον μέν, ὡς δὲ ἐμβαλοῦντες
ἐφόβουν καὶ περιήλαυνον, μεταβάλλεσθαι δι-
δόντες αὐτοῖς: ὃ καὶ συνέβη. πολὺ γὰρ μέρος
ἀπορραγὲν ἑκουσίως μετεχώρησε πρὸς ἐκείνους,
Ν a

τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἐτράπη. φερομένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπὶ
Ν “

τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον καί τινος τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν εἰπόντος,

> a
“Ent σὲ οὗτοι, βασιλεῦ, “Tiva yap,” ete,
“πλὴν ἐμοῦ σκοπὸν ἔχουσιν; ἀλλὰ Δημήτριος
> / lal 99 Ν an / \
ἀφίξεται βοηθῶν. καὶ τοῦτο μέχρι παντὸς

/ \ lal N ΕΝ «“ al
ἐλπίζων Kal περισκοπῶν τὸν υἱὸν ἅμα πολλῶν

7°

DEMETRIUS, xxix. τος

battle; and when he replied, “ Zeus and Victory,”
Alexander said: “Then I will go away and join
your adversaries; they surely will receive me.” }
Moreover, Antigonus, when his phalanx was already
forming and he was leaving his tent, stumbled and
fell prone upon his face, injuring himself severely ;
but he rose to his feet, and stretching out his hands
towards heaven prayed that the gods would grant
him victory, or a painless death before his defeat.
After the armies had engaged,? Demetrius, with
the largest and best part of the cavalry, clashed
with Antiochus, the son of Seleucus; he fought
brilliantly and routed his enemy, but by pursuing
him too fiercely and eagerly he threw away the
victory. For he himself was not able to turn back
and rejoin his infantry, since the enemy’s elephants
were thrown in his way; and Seleucus, observing
that his opponents’ phalanx was unprotected by
cavalry, took measures accordingly. He did not
actually charge upon them, but kept them in fear
of a charge by continually riding around them, thus
giving them an opportunity to come over to his
side. And this was what actually came to pass.
For a large body of them, detached from the rest,
came over to him of their own accord, and the rest
were routed. Then, as throngs of his enemies
bore down upon him and one of his followers said,
“They are making at thee, O King,” “Who else,
pray,’ said Antigonus, “should be their mark?
But Demetrius will come to my aid.” This was his
hope to the last, and to the last he kept watching
eagerly for his son; then a whole cloud of javelins

1 The watchword should have been ‘‘ Alexander and
Victory.”
? Near the village of Ipsus, in Phrygia, 301 8.6.

71

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀκοντισμάτων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφεθέντων ἔπεσε" καὶ
τῶν ἄχλων ἀπολιπόντων ὀπαδῶν καὶ φίλων
μόνος παρέμεινε τῷ νεκρῷ Θώραξ ὁ ὁ Λαρισσαῖος.

XXX. Οὕτω δὲ κριθείσης τῆς μάχης, οἱ μὲν
νενικηκότες βασιλεῖς τὴν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντεγόνῳ καὶ
Δημητρίῳ πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ μέγα σῶμα
κατακόπτοντες ἐλάμβανον μερίδας, καὶ προσδιε-
νείμαντο τὰς ἐκείνων ἐπαρχίας αἷς εἶχον αὐτοὶ
πρότερον. Δημήτριος δὲ μετὰ “πεντακισχιλίων
πεζῶν καὶ τετρακισχιλίων ἱππέων φεύγων καὶ
συντόνως ἐλάσας εἰς “Edecor, οἰομένων ἁπάντων
ἀποροῦντα χρημάτων αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀφέξεσθαι τοῦ
ἱεροῦ, φοβηθεὶς τοὺς στρατιώτας μὴ τοῦτο ποιή-
σωσιν, ἀνέστη διὰ ταχέων, καὶ τὸν πλοῦν ἐπὶ
τῆς λλαάδος ἐποιεῖτο, τῶν λοιπῶν ἐλπίδων ἐν
᾿Αθηναίοις ἔχων τὰς μεγίστας. καὶ γὰρ καὶ
ναῦς 1 ἐκεῖ καὶ χρήματα καὶ γυναῖκα Δηϊδάμειαν
ἐτύγχανε καταλελοιπώς, καὶ βεβαιοτέραν οὐκ
ἐνόμιζε καταφυγὴν εἶναι τοῖς πράγμασι τῆς
᾿Αθηναίων εὐνοίας. ὅθεν ἐπεὶ γενομένῳ περὶ
τὰς Κυκλάδας αὐτῷ πρέσβεις ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπήν-
τῆσαν ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς πόλεως παρακαλοῦντες,
ὡς ἐψηφισμένου τοῦ δήμου μηδένα δέχεσθαι τῇ
πόλει τῶν βασιλέων, τὴν δὲ Δηϊδάμειαν εἰς
Μέγαρα ἐξέπεμψαν μετὰ τιμῆς καὶ πομπῆς πρε-
πούσης, τοῦ καθεστηκότος ἐξέστη δι ὀργὴν αὐ-
τοῦ, καίπερ ἐνηνοχὼς ῥᾶστα τὴν ἄλλην ἀτυχίαν
καὶ γεγονὼς ἐν τοιαύτῃ μεταβολῇ πραγμάτων οὐ
ταπεινὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀγεννής. ἀλλὰ τὸ map ἐλπίδα
διεψεῦσθαι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τὴν δοκοῦσαν
εὔνοιαν ἐξεληλέγχθαι τοῖς πράγμασι κενὴν καὶ
πεπλασμένην οὖσαν ὀδυνηρὸν ἣν αὐτῷ.

1 καὶ ναῦς Ziegler, with all the MSS. but one: ναῦς.
72

90

DEMETRIUS, xxix. 5-xxx. 4

were let fly at him and he fell. The rest of his
friends and attendants abandoned him, and one only
remained by his dead body, Thorax of Larissa.

XXX. The battle having been decided in this
manner, the victorious kings carved up the entire
domain which had been subject to Antigonus and
Demetrius, as if it had been a great carcass, and
took each his portion, adding thus to the provinces
which the victors already had, those of the van-
quished kings. But Demetrius, with five thousand
foot and four thousand horse, came in unbroken
flight to Ephesus. Here everybody thought that his
lack of resources would lead him to lay hands upon
the temple!; but he, fearing lest his soldiers might
do this, departed speedily, and sailed for Greece,
putting his chief remaining hopes in Athens. For
he had left ships there, and moneys, and his wife
Deidameia, and he thought that in his evil plight
no refuge could be more secure than the goodwill
of Athens. Therefore when, as he drew near the
Cyclades islands, an embassy from Athens met him
with a request to keep away from the city, on the
ground that the people had passed a vote to admit
none of the kings, and informing him that Deidameia
had been sent to Megara with fitting escort and
honour, his wrath drove him beyond all proper
bounds, although he had borne his other misfortunes
very easily, and in so great a reversal of his situation
had shown himself neither mean-spirited nor ignoble.
But that the Athenians should disappoint his hopes
and play him false, and that their apparent good-
will should prove on trial to be false and empty,
was painful to him.

1 The rich temple of Artemis (Diana).
73

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’,
Τὸ γὰρ φαυλότατον, ὡς ἔοικεν, εὐνοίας ὄχλων
βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις τεκμήριόν ἐστιν ὑπερ-
“ a Qn /
βολὴ τιμῶν, ἧς ἐν TH προαιρέσει τῶν ἀποδιδόν-
n \ , (<
των ἐχούσης TO καλὸν ἀφαιρεῖ τὴν πίστιν ὁ
φόβος: τὰ γὰρ αὐτὰ καὶ δεδιότες ψηφίζονται καὶ
rn , a
φιλοῦντες. διόπερ οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες οὐκ εἰς ἀν-
δριάντας οὐδὲ γραφὰς οὐδὲ ἀποθεώσεις, ἀλλὰ
“ > \ 7 \ \ / \ e an
μᾶλλον εἰς TA ἔργα Kal Tas πράξεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν
ἀποβλέποντες ἢ πιστεύουσιν, ὡς τιμαῖς, ἢ ἀπι-
na "f “3ἅμ
στοῦσιν, ὡς ἀνάγκαις" ὡς οἵ γε δῆμοι πολλάκις
ἐν αὐταῖς μάλιστα ταῖς τιμαῖς μισοῦσι τοὺς ἀμέ-
, ,
Tpws καὶ ὑπερόγκως Kal παρ᾽ ἀκόντων λαμβά-
νοντας.
ΧΧΧΙ. ‘O γοῦν Δημήτριος τότε δεινὰ μὲν
ἡγούμενος πάσχειν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὧν ἀμύνασθαι,
7 lal 3 / 3 “ ,
προσέπεμψε τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐγκαλῶν μετρίως,
τ an \ \ a b] a >) - 9 Ν e
ἀξιῶν δὲ Tas ναῦς ἀπολαβεῖν, ἐν ais ἣν Kal ἡ
τρισκαιδεκήρης. κομισάμενος δὲ παρέπλευσεν
, nr an a
εἰς ᾿Ισθμόν, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ κακῶς
> f ΟἹ / \ « ’ « Ν
ἐχόντων (ἐξέπιπτον γὰρ ἑκασταχόθεν αἱ φρουραὶ
\ / \ ,
καὶ μεθίστατο πάντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους)
a ¢€
ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς “Ελλάδος Πύρρον αὐτὸς ἄρας
\ a
ἐπὶ τὴν Χερρόνησον ἔπλευσε: Kal κακῶς ἅμα
a 7 a
ποιῶν Λυσίμαχον ὠφέλει καὶ συνεῖχε τὴν περὶ
Ν
αὑτὸν δύναμιν, ἀρχομένην ἀναλαμβάνειν καὶ γί-
/ > b] / ς \ ,
νεσθαι πάλιν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. ὁ δὲ Λυσί-
Ν a “
μαχος ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἠμελεῖτο, μηδὲν

74

DEMETRIUS, xxx. 4—xxx1. 2

And verily the least cogent proof, as it would
seem, of a people’s goodwill towards a king or
potentate is an extravagant bestowal of honours; for
the beauty of such honours lies in the purpose of
those who bestow them, and fear robs them of their
worth (for the same decrees may be passed out of
fear and out of affection). Therefore men of sense
look first of all at their own acts and achievements,
and then estimate the value of the statues, paintings,
or deifications offered to them, putting faith in these as
genuine honours, or refusing to do so on the ground
that they are compulsory; since it is certainly true
that a people will often, in the very act of conferring
its honours, have most hatred for those who accept
such honours immoderately, ostentatiously, and from
unwilling givers.

ΧΧΧΙ. Be that as it may, in this case Demetrius
thought himself grievously wronged ; but since he
was unable to avenge himself, he sent a message to
the Athenians in which he mildly expostulated with
them, and asked that his ships be given back to him,
among which was also the one having thirteen banks
of oars. These he obtained, and then coasted along
to the Isthmus, where he found his affairs in a sorry
state. For his garrisons were everywhere being
expelled, and there was a general defection to his
enemies. He therefore left Pyrrhus in charge of
Greece, while he himself put to sea and sailed to the
Chersonesus.1_ Here he ravaged the territory of
Lysimachus, thereby enriching and holding together
his own forces, which were beginning to recover
their spirit and to show themselves formidable again.
Nor did the other kings try to help Lysimachus ;

1 The Thracian Chersonesus, the modern Gallipoli.

75

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπιεικέστερος ἐκείνου δοκῶν εἶναι, τῷ δὲ μᾶλλον
ἰσχύειν καὶ φοβερώτερος.
Οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον Σέλευκος ἐμνᾶτο πέμ-
\ / \ ΄ ΄
πων τὴν Δημητρίου καὶ Φίλας θυγατέρα Στρα-
nf 57 \ 3 > / an / CaN
τονίκην, ἔχων μὲν ἐξ ᾿Απάμας τῆς Περσίδος υἱὸν
᾿Αντίοχον, οἰόμενος δὲ τὰ πράγματα καὶ διαδό-
VOLS ἀρκεῖν πλείοσι, καὶ δεῖσθαι τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον
οἰκειότητος, ἐπεὶ καὶ Λυσίμαχον ἑώρα τῶν Π1το-
x ,ὔ θ Ἁ \ \ ς a ἊΝ δὲ 7A
εμαίου θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, τὴν δὲ ᾿Αγα-
a A ca / 7 2 9S
θοκλεῖ τῷ υἱῷ λαμβάνοντα. Δημητρίῳ δ᾽ ἦν
Ἄν ΟΝ, 2 a / \ \
ἀνέλπιστος εὐτυχία κηδεῦσαι Σελεύκῳ. καὶ τὴν
κόρην ἀναλαβὼν ἔπλει ταῖς ναυσὶ πάσαις εἰς
aA a /

Συρίαν, τῇ Te ἄλλῃ γῆ προσέχων ἀναγκαίως Kal
a / e / A 7 >
τῆς Κιλικίας ἁπτόμενος, ἣν Πλείσταρχος εἶχε
μετὰ τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αντίγονον μάχην ἐξαίρετον αὐτῷ
an ς \ la) / iO N /
δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων: ἣν δὲ Κασάνδρου
Πλείσταρχος ἀδελφός. ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν
αὑτοῦ νομίζων ὑπὸ Δημητρίου κατὰ τὰς ἀποβά-

/
σεις, Kal μέμψασθαι βουλόμενος τὸν Σέλευκον
ὅτι τῷ κοινῷ διαλλάττεται πολεμίῳ δίχα τῶν
ἄλλων βασιλέων, ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτόν.
XXXII. Αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοῦτο Δημήτριος ὥρ-
> Ν ΄ ἌΡΣΕΝ .Λ \ a
μησεν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐπὶ Κυΐνδων: καὶ τῶν
χρημάτων εὑρὼν ἔτι λοιπὰ χίλια καὶ διακόσια
τάλαντα, ταῦτα συσκευασάμενος καὶ φθάσας
’ , θ ὃ \ / > / Θ \ ye
ἐμβαλέσθαι διὰ ταχέων ἀνήχθη. καὶ παρούσης
"ὃ Mir a \ ’ lal \ op \ ΕῚ 7
ἤδη Φίλας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτῷ περὶ ῬΡωσσὸν ἀπήν-
. YA \ \ yy Or 16
τησε Σέλευκος. καὶ τὴν ἔντευξιν εὐθὺς ἄδολον
\ a
Kal ἀνύποπτον Kat βασιλικὴν ἐποιοῦντο, πρό-

76

904

DEMETRIUS, xxxt. 2=xxx11. 2

they thought that he was no less objectionable than
Demetrius, and that because he had more power he
was even more to be feared.

Not long afterwards, however, Seleucus sent and
asked the hand of Stratonicé, the daughter of
Demetrius and Phila, in marriage. He had already,
by Apama the Persian, a son Antiochus; but he
thought that his realms would suffice for more
successors than one, and that he needed this alliance
with Demetrius, since he saw that Lysimachus also
was taking one of Ptolemy's daughters for himself,
and the other for Agathocles his son. Now, to
Demetrius, a marriage alliance with Seleucus was an
unexpected piece of good fortune. So he took his
daughter and sailed with his whole fleet to Syria.
He was obliged to touch at several places along the
coast, and made landings in Cilicia, which country
had been allotted by the kings to Pleistarchus, after
their battle with Antigonus, and was now held by
him. Pleistarchus was a brother of Cassander. He
thought his territories outraged by these descents of
Demetrius upon them, and besides, he wished to
upbraid Seleucus for making an alliance with the
common enemy independently of the other kings.
So he went up to see him.

XXXII. On learning of this, Demetrius set out
from the sea-coast for the city of Quinda; and
finding twelve hundred talents of its treasure still
left, he packed them up, got them safely on board
ship, and put to sea with all speed. His: wife
Phila was already with him, and at Rhosus he was
met by Seleucus. Their intercourse was at once put
on a royal footing, and knew neither guile nor

77

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

\ fe € , 9 \ A 9 a
τερον μὲν Σέλευκος ἑστιάσας ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐν TO
στρατοπέδῳ Δημήτριον, αὖθις δὲ Δημήτριος

cr a , 9 \
ἐκεῖνον ἐν τῇ τρισκαιδεκήρει δεξάμενος. ἦσαν δὲ
Up
καὶ σχολαὶ καὶ κοινολογίαι καὶ συνδιημερεύσεις
’ / \ > , » φ / \
ἀφρούρων καὶ ἀνόπλων, ἄχρι ov Σέλευκος τὴν
a ᾽ /
Στρατονίκην ἀναλαβὼν λαμπρῶς εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν
A
ἀνέβη. Δημήτριος δὲ Κιλικίαν κατέσχε, καὶ
a \
Φίλαν τὴν γυναῖκα πρὸς Κάσανδρον ἔπεμψε τὸν
ἀδελφόν, ἀπολυσομένην τὰς Πλειστάρχου κατη-
“. \
yoptas. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Δηϊδάμεια πλεύσασα πρὸς
an (/
αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς “Ελλάδος Kal συγγενομένη χρόνον
οὐ πολὺν ἐξ ἀρρωστίας τινὸς ἐτελεύτησε. γενο-
μένης δὲ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον διὰ Σελεύκου φιλίας
αὐτῷ, ὡμολογήθη Ἰ]τολεμαἴΐδα τὴν Πτολεμαίου
θυγατέρα λαβεῖν αὐτὸν γυναῖκα.
“ - fa) ,
Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἀστεῖα τοῦ Σελεύκου. Κιλι-
/ x » a / / A
kiav δὲ ἀξιῶν χρήματα λαβόντα παραδοῦναι
Δημήτριον, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθε, Σιδῶνα καὶ Τύρον
a ,
ἀπαιτῶν πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐδόκει βίαιος εἶναι καὶ δεινὰ
n > 9 la a
ποιεῖν, εἰ τὴν ἀπ᾿ ᾿Ινδῶν ἄχρι τῆς κατὰ Συρίαν
’ a οἱ
θαλάσσης ἅπασαν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ πεποιημένος οὕτως
ἐνδεής ἐστιν ETL πραγμάτων καὶ πτωχὸς ὡς ὑπὲρ
“ , ” \ \ ax
δυεῖν πόλεων ἄνδρα κηδεστὴν καὶ μεταβολῇ
τύχης κεχρημένον ἐλαύνειν, λαμπρὰν τῷ Πλά-
Tove μαρτυρίαν διδοὺς διακελευομένῳ μὴ τὴν
> » ’, \ \ > » a > /
οὐσίαν πλείω, τὴν δὲ ἀπληστίαν ποιεῖν ἐλάσσω
, , ς > a 3 / e
Tov ye βουλόμενον ws ἀληθῶς εἶναι πλούσιον, ὡς
Ψ ’ὔ - »
ὅ γε μὴ παύων φιλοπλουτίαν, οὗτος οὔτε πενίας
οὔτε ἀπορίας ἀπήλλακται.

78

DEMETRIUS, xxx. 2-5

suspicion. First, Seleucus entertained Demetrius at
his tent in the camp, then Demetrius in his turn
received Seleucus on board the ship with thirteen
banks of oars. There were also amusements, long
conferences with one another and whole days spent
together, all without guards or arms; until at length
Seleucus took Stratonicé and went up in great state
to Antioch. But Demetrius took possession of Cilicia,
and sent Phila his wife to Cassander, who was her
brother, that she might bring to naught the de-
nunciations of Pleistarchus. In the meantime,
Deidameia came by sea from Greece to join Demetrius,
and after being with him a short time, succumbed to
some disease. Then, by the intervention of Seleucus,
friendship was made between Demetrius and Ptolemy,
and it was agreed that Demetrius should take to wife
Ptolemais the daughter of Ptolemy.

So far all was courtesy on the part of Seleucus.
But presently he asked Demetrius to cede Cilicia to
him for a sum of money, and when Demetrius would
not consent, angrily demanded Tyre and Sidon from
him. It seemed a violent and outrageous proceeding
that one who had possessed himself of the whole
domain from India to the Syrian sea should be so
needy still and so beggarly in spirit as for the sake
of two cities to harass a man who was his relative
by marriage and had suffered a reverse of fortune.
Moreover, he bore splendid testimony to the wisdom
of Plato! in urging the man who would be truly
rich, not to make his possessions greater, but his
inordinate desires fewer ; since he who puts no end
to his greed, this man is never rid of poverty and
want,

1 The passage cannot be determined.

79

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXXII. Od μὴν ὑπέπτηξε Δημήτριος, ἀλλὰ
/ » > oN ΄ ς lal ΤᾺ Μ΄ 5
φήσας οὐδ᾽ ἂν μυριάκις ἡττηθῇ μάχας ἄλλας ἐν
\ b / > AN lal Ryd
Ἴψῳ γαμβρὸν ἀγαπήσειν ἐπὶ μισθῷ Σέλευκον,
ip - 2 \ \
τὰς μὲν πόλεις ἐκρατύνατο φρουραῖς, αὐτὸς δὲ
, 7΄ὕ >, , 5)
πυθόμενος Λαχάρη στασιάζουσιν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐπι-
θέ iv, ἤλπιζε ῥαδίως ἐπιφανεὶς λή-
έμενον τυραννεῖν, ἢ ῥᾳδίως ς λή
\ / \ \ \ , > a
ψεσθαι τὴν πόλιν. καὶ TO μὲν πέλαγος ἀσφαλῶς
ὃ 70 ίλῳ στόλῳ, παρὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Ατ-
ιεπεραιώθη μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, πα; τὴ τ
» / \\ /
τικὴν παραπλέων ἐχειμάσθη Kal τὰς πλείστας
a a 7 a
ἀπέβαλε τῶν νεῶν, καὶ συνδιεφθάρη πλῆθος av-
, > 2 / ᾽ \ \ \ ef
2 θρώπων οὐκ ὀλίγον. αὐτὸς δὲ σωθεὶς ἥψατο
/ J \ \ ἌΘ Λ τας δ᾽
μέν τινος πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς ηναίους, ὡς
> \ 2 Ls / \ Lo ’ ,
οὐδὲν ἐπέραινε, πέμψας ναυτικὸν αὖθις ἀθροί-
/ an
covtas αὐτὸς εἰς Ἰ]ελοπόννησον παρῆλθε καὶ
/ \ / a
Μεσσήνην ἐπολιόρκει. καὶ προσμαχόμενος τοῖς
n ,
τείχεσιν ἐκινδύνευσε, καταπελτικοῦ βέλους εἰς τὸ
n \ \ A ,
πρόσωπον αὐτῷ καὶ TO στόμα διὰ τῆς σιαγόνος
3 , ’ \ δ \ ΄ \
3 ἐμπεσόντος. ἀναληφθεὶς δὲ Kai πόλεις τινὰς
\
ἀφεστώσας προσαγαγόμενος πάλιν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ατ-
\ 31» Ν / ᾽ a \
τικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ κρατήσας ᾿λευσῖνος καὶ
a \ ’ὔ \ A
Ῥαμνοῦντος ἔφθειρε τὴν χώραν, καὶ ναῦν τινα
\ BA a \ > ἣν nr ᾽
λαβὼν ἔχουσαν σῖτον καὶ εἰσάγουσαν τοῖς ᾿Αθη-
Ἂ Ν
ναίοις ἐκρέμασε τὸν ἔμπορον καὶ τὸν κυβερνήτην,
cf a ” » é ὃ \ / ΄
ὥστε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποτρεπομένων διὰ φόβον σύν-
/ \ \ a“ a
τονον λιμὸν ἐν ἄστει γενέσθαι, Tpos δὲ TO λιμῷ
an / lal A /
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπορίαν. ἁλῶν γοῦν μέδιμνον
“ n e “ rn
ὠνοῦντο τετταράκοντα δραχμῶν, ὁ δὲ τῶν πυρῶν
5 \ lal
4 μόδιος ὦνιος ἣν τριακοσίων. μικρὰν δὲ τοῖς
᾽ \
Αθηναίοις ἀναπνοὴν παρέσχον ἑκατὸν πεντή-
80

DEMETRIUS, xxxm. 1-4

XXXIII. Demetrius, however, was not cowed,
but declared that not even if he should lose ten
thousand battles like that at Ipsus would he consent
to pay for the privilege of having Seleucus as a
son-in-law. Then he strengthened his cities with
garrisons, while he himself, learning that Lachares
had usurped sovereign power over the Athenians
in consequence of their dissensions, thought to
appear upon the scene and make an easy capture
of the city. So he crossed the sea in safety with
a great fleet,! but as he was sailing along the coast
of Attica he encountered a storm in which most of
his ships were lost and a great number of men
perished with them. He himself, however, escaped
alive, and began a petty war against the Athenians.
But since he could accomplish nothing, he sent
men to collect another fleet for him, while he
himself passed on into Peloponnesus and laid siege
to Messene. Here, in an attack upon the walls,
he came near losing his life; for a missile from a
catapult struck him in the face and passed through
his jaw into his mouth. But he recovered, and after
restoring to their allegiance certain cities which had
revolted from him, he invaded Attica again, got
Eleusis and Rhamnus into his power, and ravaged the
country. He also seized a ship laden with grain
for Athens, and hung its supercargo and its master.
All other ships were thus frightened into turning
back, and famine became acute in the city, where,
besides lack of food, there was dearth also of other
things. At any rate, a bushel of salt sold there for
forty drachmas, and a peck of wheat was worth three
hundred. A slight respite was afforded the Athenians

1 In 297 B.c.
81

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κοντα νῆες φανεῖσαι περὶ Αἴγιναν, as ἔπεμψεν
ἐπικούρους αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαῖος. εἶτα Δημητρίῳ
πολλῶν μὲν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, πολλῶν δὲ ἀπὸ
Κύπρου νεῶν παραγενομένων, ὥστε συμπάσας
ἀθροισθῆναι τριακοσίας, ἔφυγον ἄραντες οἱ IIto-
λεμαίου, καὶ Λαχάρης ὁ τύραννος ἀπέδρα προέ-
μενος τὴν πόλιν.

XXXIV. Of δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καίπερ Ψψηφισά-
μενοι θάνατον εἰ μνησθείη τις εἰρήνης καὶ διαλ-
λαγῆς πρὸς Δημήτριον, εὐθὺς ἀνεῴγνυσαν τὰς
ἐγγὺς πύλας καὶ πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον, οὐδὲν μὲν
ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου χρηστὸν προσδοκῶντες, ἐκβιαζομένης
δὲ τῆς ἀπορίας, ἐν 7 δυσχερῶν πολλῶν συμπε-
σόντων λέγεταί τι καὶ τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι: πατέρα
καὶ υἱὸν ἐν οἰκήματι καθέζεσθαι τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς
ἀπεγνωκότας, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ὀροφῆς μῦν νεκρὸν ἐκπε-
σεῖν, τοὺς δέ, ὡς εἶδον, ἀναπηδήσαντας ἀμφοτέ-
ρους διαμάχεσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ. τότε καὶ τὸν
φιλόσοφον ᾿᾿πίκουρον ἱστοροῦσι διαθρέψαι τοὺς
συνήθεις κυώμους πρὸς ἀριθμὸν pet αὐτῶν
διανεμόμενον.

Οὕτως οὖν τῆς πόλεως ἐχούσης εἰσελθὼν ὁ
Δημήτριος, καὶ κελεύσας εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀθροι-
σθῆναι πάντας, ὅπλοις μὲν συνέφραξε τὴν σκηνὴν
καὶ δορυφόροις τὸ λογεῖον περιέλαβεν, αὐτὸς δὲ
καταβάς, ὥσπερ οἱ τραγῳδοί, διὰ τῶν ἄνω παρό-
δων, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ λόγου πέρας ἐποιήσατο τοῦ δέους
αὐτῶν. καὶ γὰρ τόνου φωνῆς καὶ ῥημάτων
82

905

DEMETRIUS, xxxit. 4—xxxiv. 4

by the appearance off Aegina ot a hundred and
fifty ships which Ptolemy sent to assist them. Then
numerous ships came to Demetrius from Peloponnesus,
and many from Cyprus, so that his entire assemblage
numbered three hundred, in consequence of which
the ships of Ptolemy put off to sea in flight, and
Lachares the tyrant abandoned the city and ran
away.

XXXIV. Then the Athenians, although they had
decreed death to anyone who should so much as
mention peace and reconciliation with Demetrius,
straightway threw open the nearest gates and sent
ambassadors to him. They did not expect any
kindly treatment from him, but were driven to the
step by their destitution, in which, among many
other grievous things, the following also is said to
have occurred. A father and a son weresitting in a
room and had abandoned all hope. Then a dead
mouse fell from the ceiling, and the two, when they
saw it, sprang up and fought with one another for it.
At this time also, we are told, the philosopher
Epicurus sustained the lives of his associates with
beans, which he counted out and distributed among
them.

Such, then, was the plight of the city when
Demetrius made his entry and ordered all the people
to assemble in the theatre. He fenced the stage-
buildings round with armed men, and encompassed
the stage itself with his body-guards, while he himself,
like the tragic actors, came down into view through
one of the upper side-entrances. The Athenians
were more than ever frightened now; but with the
first words that he uttered Demetrius put an end to
their fears. For avoiding all harshness of tone and

83

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πικρίας φεισάμενος, ἐλαφρῶς δὲ Kal φιλικῶς
μεμψάμενος αὐτοὺς διηλλάσσετο, καὶ δέκα μυ-
ριάδας σίτου μεδίμνων ἐπέδωκε, καὶ κατέστησεν
ἀρχὰς αἱ μάλιστα τῷ δήμῳ προσφιλεῖς ἦσαν.
συνιδὼν δὲ Δρομοκλείδης ὁ ὁ ῥήτωρ ὑπὸ χαρᾶς τὸν
δῆμον ἔν τε φωναῖς ὄντα παντοδαπαῖς καὶ τοὺς
ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἐπαίνους τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἁμιλ-
λώμενον ὑπερβαλέσθαι, γνώμην ἔγραψε Anpn-
τρίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Πειραιᾶ παραδοθῆναι καὶ
τὴν Μουνυχίαν. ἐπιψηφισθέντων δὲ τούτων ὁ
Δημήτριος αὐτὸς ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ προσενέβαλε φρου-
ρὰν εἰς τὸ Μουσεῖον, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ἀναχαιτίσαντα
τὸν δῆμον ἀσχολίας αὐτῷ πραγμάτων ἑτέρων
παρασχεῖν.

XXXV. ᾿Εχομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν εὐθὺς ἐπε-
βούλευε τῇ Λακεδαίμονι. καὶ περὶ Μαντίνειαν
᾿Αρχιδάμου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ
νικήσας μάχῃ καὶ τρεψάμενος εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν
ἐνέβαλε. καὶ πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ Σπάρτῃ πάλιν ἐκ
παρατάξεως ἑλὼν πεντακοσίους καὶ διαφθείρας
διακοσίους, ὅσον οὔπω τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἐδόκει
μέχρι τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἀνάλωτον οὖσαν. ἀλλ᾽
ἡ τύχη περὶ οὐδένα τῶν βασιλέων ἔοικεν οὕτω
τροπὰς λαβεῖν μεγάλας καὶ ταχείας, οὐδ᾽ ἐν
ἑτέροις πράγμασι τοσαυτάκις μικρὰ καὶ πάλιν
μεγάλη καὶ ταπεινὴ μὲν ἐκ λαμπρᾶς, ἰσχυρὰ δὲ
αὖθις ἐκ φαύλης γενέσθαι. διὸ καί φασιν αὐτὸν
ἐν ταῖς χείροσι μεταβολαῖς πρὸς τὴν τύχην
ἀναφθέγγεσθαι τὸ Αἰσχύλειον"

/ A / / al
σύ τοί με φυσᾷς, ov με καταίθειν μοι 1 δοκεῖς.

1 μοι δοκεῖς Ziegler, with some MSS.: δοκεῖς.

84

DEMETRIUS, xxxiv. 4-xxxv. 2

bitterness of speech, he merely chided them lightly
and in a friendly manner, and then declared himself
reconciled, gave them besides a hundred thousand
bushels of grain, and established the magistrates
who were most acceptable to the people. So
Dromocleides the orator, seeing that the people,
in their joy, were shouting all sorts of proposals, and
were eager to outdo the customary eulogies of the
public speakers on the bema, brought in a motion
that Piraeus and Munychia should be handed over to
Demetrius the king. This was voted, and Demetrius
on his own account put a garrison into the Museium!
also, that the people might not again shake off the
yoke and give him further trouble.

XXXV. And now that he was in possession of
Athens, he at once laid plans against Sparta. Near
Mantineia, where Archidamus the king confronted
him, he conquered and routed his foe, and then
invaded Laconia. And after he had fought a second
pitched battle hard by Sparta itself, where he
captured five hundred men and slew two hundred,
it was thought that he as good as had the city in his
power, although up to this time it had never been
taken. But with none of the kings does Fortune
appear to have taken so great and sudden turns, and
in the career of no other did she so many times show
herself now small and now great, now resplendent and
now abased, now insignificant and now all powerful.
For this reason, too, we are told that in his worst
reverses Demetrius would apostrophise Fortune in the
words of Aeschylus :—

“My flame thou fannest, indeed, and thou seemest
to quench me, too.”’ 2

1 A hill 8. W. of the Acropolis.
2 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.? Ὁ. 107 (μ᾽ &pvoas). ὃς

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal yap τότε τῶν πραγμάτων οὕτως εὐπόρων
αὐτῷ πρὸς ἀρχὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἐπιδιδόντων ἀγγέλ-
λεται Λυσίμαχος μὲν πρῶτος ἀφῃρημένος αὐτοῦ
τὰς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ πόλεις, Κύπρον δὲ Πτολεμαῖος npN-
κὼς ἄνευ μιᾶς πόλεως Σαλαμῖνος, ἐ ἐν δὲ Σαλαμῖνι
πολιορκῶν τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα
κατειλημμένους. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τύχη,
καθάπερ ἡ Tap ᾿Αρχιλόχῳ γυνὴ τῇ μὲν ὕδωρ
ἐφόρει δολοφρονέουσα χειρί, TH LO: ἑτέρῃ πῦρ,

ewois αὐτὸν οὕτω καὶ φοβεροῖς ἀγγέ ασιν
ὃ pois ἀγγέλμ
ἀποστήσασα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εὐθὺς ἑτέρας
πραγμάτων. καινῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐπήνεγκεν ἐλπί-
δας ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας.

XXXVI. ᾿Επεὶ Κασάνδρου τελευτήσαντος ὁ
πρεσβύτατος αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων Φίλιππος οὐ

\ , f , >’ /
πολὺν χρόνον βασιλεύσας Μακεδόνων ἀπέθανεν,

« \ if \ 3 / 3 4 /

οἱ λοιποὶ δύο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίαζον, θατέ-
pou δὲ αὐτῶν ᾿Αντιπάτρου τὴν μητέρα Θεσσα-
λονίκην φονεύσαντος, ἅτερος ἐκάλει βοηθοὺς ἐκ
μὲν Ἤπείρου Πύρρον, ἐκ δὲ Πελοποννήσου Δη-

/ bd \ UA > 4 SA \
μήτριον. ἔφθασε δὲ Πύρρος ἐλθών, καὶ πολὺ
μέρος Μακεδονίας ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βοηθείας

Ν \ \ 9 ” a >
μισθὸν φοβερὸς μὲν ἣν ἤδη παροικῶν Αλε-
ξάνδρῳ" Δημητρίου δέ, ὡς ἐδέξατο τὰ γράμματα,
μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως προσιόντος, ἔτι μᾶχλον ὃ
νεανίας τοῦτον φοβηθεὶς διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν
δόξαν ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ περὶ Δῖον, ἀσπαζόμενος

\ \ ’ὔ by \ \ / ”

μὲν Kal φιλοφρονούμενος, οὐδὲν δὲ φάσκων ἔτι
τῆς ἐκείνου δεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα παρουσίας.
3 4 ᾽ UZ ς , \ ᾽) 7 >
ἤσαν BUYER! τούτων ὑποψίαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους au-
τοῖς, καὶ βαδίζοντι Δημητρίῳ πρὸς δεῖπνον ὑ ὑπὸ
τοῦ νεανίσκου παρακεκλημένῳ μηνύει τις ἐπι-
86

90€

DEMETRIUS, xxxv. 3-Xxxvi. 3

And so at this time, when events so generously
favoured the increase of his dominion and power,
word was brought to him, first, that Lysimachus had
deprived him of his cities in Asia, and next, that
Ptolemy had taken Cyprus, with the exception of
the single city of Salamis, and had shut up in Salamis
under siege his children and his mother. However,
even Fortune, who, like the woman in Archilochus,
“in one deceitful hand bore water, and in the other
fire,’ 1 while by tidings so dreadful and terrifying
she drew him away from Sparta, at once inspired him
with other hopes of new and great achievements, and
on this wise.

XXXVI. After Cassander’s death, the eldest of his
sons, Philip, reigned for a short time over the Mace-
donians and then died, and the two remaining brothers
quarrelled with one another over the succession. One
of them, Antipater, murdered his mother, Thessalo-
nicé, and the other, Alexander, summoned to his
help Pyrrhus from Epeirus, and Demetrius from
Peloponnesus. Pyrrhus was first to answer the sum-
mons, and after cutting off a large part of Macedonia
as a reward for his assistance, was already a neighbour
whom Alexander feared. But Demetrius, who, when
he received Alexander’s letters, had set out with his
forces to join him, inspired the young man with
still more fear because of his high position and
reputation, and he therefore met Demetrius at Dium,
and gave him a friendly welcome, but declared that
the situation no longer demanded his presence.
Owing to these circumstances, then, the men were
suspicious of one another, and besides, as Demetrius
was on his way to supper at the young man’s invi-

1 Fragment 93 (Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graect, ii.4 p. 410).

87
VOL, 1X. D

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, e ᾽ ᾽ A a ld (? ᾽ Ν
βουλὴν, ὡς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ποτῳ μελλόντων αὑτὸν
n ’ ᾿ Ν
ἀνελεῖν. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν διαταραχθείς, ἀλλὰ μικρὸν
ὑφεὶς τῆς πορείας, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας ἐν
a “ \ ἊΝ 4 > VA \
τοῖς ὅπλοις τὴν στρατιὰν ἔχειν, ἀκολούθους δὲ
Ν tO Ψ \ Si aN 4 5 δὲ \
Kal παῖδας, ὅσοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν (ἦσαν δὲ πολὺ
πλείους τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου), συνεισελθεῖν εἰς τὸν
“ὦ, V4 3 A A
ἀνδρῶνα καὶ παραμένειν ἄχρι ἂν ἐξαναστῇ. τοῦ-
το δείσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον οὐκ ἐτόλ-
an «
μησαν ἐπιχειρῆσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημήτριος οὐκ
ἔχειν αὐτῷ τὸ σῶμα ποτικῶς σκηψάμενος διὰ
ὔ 3 a a \ e , \ > \
ταχέων ἀπῆλθε τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ περὶ ἀναξυγὴν
εἶχε, πράγματα νεώτερα προσπεπτωκέναι φά-
μενος αὐτῷ, καὶ παρῃτεῖτο συγγνώμην ἔχειν τὸν
᾽ / ᾽ / » / J \
Αλέξανδρον, εἰ τάχιον ἀπαίρει: συνέσεσθαι yap
aA a Yj 7 e
αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἄλλοτε σχολάζων. ἔχαιρεν οὗν ὁ
᾿Αλέξανδρος, ὡς οὐ πρὸς ἔχθραν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκουσίως
ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπαίροντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ προέπεμπεν
x / 2 Ν \ 2 / e
ἄχρι Θετταλίας. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς Λάρισσαν ἧκον,
αὖθις ἀλλήλοις ἐπήγγελλον ἑστιάσεις ἀντεπι-
3
βουλεύοντες: ὃ δὴ μάλιστα τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
ς / 3 », a {2 /
ὑποχείριον ἐποίησε TH Δημητρίῳ. φυλάττεσθαι
Ν 3 a \ an
yap ὀκνῶν, ὡς μὴ κἀκεῖνον ἀντιφυλάττεσθαι
διδάξῃ, παθὼν ἔφθασε (δρᾶν μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ μὴ
διαφυγεῖν ἐκεῖνον) ὃ ἐμηχανᾶτο. κληθεὶς γὰρ
ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἦλθε πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον. ὡς δὲ
a / lal
ἐκεῖνος ἐξανέστη μεταξὺ δειπνῶν, φοβηθεὶς ὁ
᾽ / / a
Αλέξανδρος συνεξανέστη καὶ κατὰ πόδας αὐτῷ

88

DEMETRIUS, xxxvi. 3-5

tation, some one told him of a plot to kill him in the
very midst of the drinking. Demetrius was not at
all disturbed, but delayed his coming a little, and
ordered his officers to have their troops under arms,
and all the attendants and servants in his train (and
they were far more numerous than the retinue of Alex-
ander) to go with him into the banqueting-hall and
to remain there until he rose from the table. This
frightened Alexander, and he did not venture to
attempt anything. Demetrius also made the excuse
that he was not in condition to take wine, and
went away very soon. On the following day he
busied himself with preparations for departure, telling
Alexander that unexpected troubles had arisen,
which demanded his attention, asking his pardon for
leaving so quickly, and assuring him that he would
pay him a longer visit at another time when his affairs
permitted it. Alexander was therefore well pleased,
convinced that Demetrius was leaving his territories,
not in hostility, but of his own free will, and escorted
him on his way as far as Thessaly. But when they
came to Larissa, once more invitations to entertain-
ments passed between them, and each plotted against
the life of the other. This, more than anything else,
put Alexander into the power of Demetrius. For he
hesitated to take measures of precaution, that he
might not thereby teach Demetrius also to take
counter-measures, and he was forestalled by meeting
the doom he was himself devising (since he delayed
measures to prevent the other from escaping out of
his hands).1_ And so, when Demetrius rose up from
table before supper was over, Alexander, filled with
fear, rose up also and followed close upon his heels

1 The Greek of the parenthesis is hopelessly corrupt.

89

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ / 7 / > e
6 πρὸς τὰς θύρας συνηκολούθει. γενόμενος οὖν ὁ
A \ A
Δημήτριος πρὸς ταῖς θύραις κατὰ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ
δορυφόρους καὶ τοῦτο μόνον εἰπών, “Korte τὸν
a ς
ἑπόμενον," αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπεξῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος
ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων κατεκόπη καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ προσβοη-
A / a
θοῦντες, ὧν Eva λέγουσι σφαττόμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς
ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ φθάσειεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Δημήτριος.
€
XXXVII. Ἣ μὲν οὖν νὺξ οἷον εἰκὸς θόρυβον
ἔσχεν. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ταραττομένοις τοῖς Μακε-
, \ / \ le , ΄
δόσι καὶ φοβουμένοις τὴν τοῦ Δημητρίου δύναμιν,
ς 3 / \ > \ / «ς \ /
ὡς ἐπήει μὲν οὐδεὶς φοβερός, ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος
ἔπεμπε βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν καὶ περὶ τῶν πε-
πραγμένων ἀπολογήσασθαι, θαρρεῖν παρέστη
,
καὶ δέχεσθαι φιλανθρώπως αὐτὸν. ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν,
> lal 2o 7 > a / > \ A a
ov μακρῶν ἐδέησεν αὐτῷ λόγων, ἀλλὰ τῷ μισεῖν
Ν Ν > Ud / \ ”
μὲν tov ᾿Αντίπατρον, φονέα μητρὸς ὄντα, βελ-
τίονος δὲ ἀπορεῖν, ἐκεῖνον ἀνηγόρευσαν βασιλέα
Μακεδόνων, καὶ παραλαβόντες εὐθὺς κατῆγον
εἰς Μακεδονίαν. fv δὲ καὶ τοῖς οἴκοι Μακεδόσιν
4
οὐκ ἀκούσιος ἡ μεταβολή, μεμνημένοις ἀεὶ Kal
lal ᾽
μισοῦσιν ἃ Κάσανδρος εἰς ᾿Αλέξανδρον τεθνηκότα
/ aA
παρηνόμησεν. εἰ δέ τις ETL μνήμη τῆς Αντιπά-
“Ἢ A ,
Tpov τοῦ παλαιοῦ μετριότητος ὑπελείπετο, Kal
/ / > a / lal
ταύτην “Δημήτριος ἐκαρποῦτο Pira συνοικῶν
- » A aA
καὶ τὸν ἐξ ἐκείνης υἱὸν ἔχων διάδοχον τῆς ἀρχῆς,
/ A
ἤδη τότε μειράκιον ὄντα Kal τῷ πατρὶ συστρα-
τευόμενον.

go

πε ει εις οἰ πἰπ πεἕφτιὸἀὀ ποις EE

—

DEMETRIUS, xxxvi. 6-xxxvil. 3

towards the door. Demetrius, then, on reaching the
door where his own body-guards stood, said merely,
«Smite any one who follows me,” and quietly went
out himself; but Alexander was cut down by the
guards, together with those of his friends who came
to his aid. One of these, we are told, as he was
smitten, said that Demetrius had got one day’s start
of them.

XXXVII. That night, then, naturally, was full of
tumult. But with the day the Macedonians, who
were in confusion and afraid of the forces of Deme-
trius, found that no enemy came against them,
but that Demetrius sent to them a request for an
interview and for an opportunity to explain what
had been done. They therefore took heart and
promised to receive him in a friendly spirit. When
he came to them, there was no need of his making
long speeches, but owing to their hatred of Anti-
pater, who was a matricide, and to their lack of a
better man, they proclaimed Demetrius king of the
Macedonians, and at once went down with him into
Macedonia! Furthermore, to the Macedonians at
home the change was not unwelcome, for they ever
remembered with hatred the crimes which Cassander
had committed against the posterity of Alexander
the Great. And if there still remained any kindly
memories of the elder Antipater’s moderation and
Justice, of these also Demetrius reaped the benefit,
since he was the husband of Phila, Antipater’s
daughter, and had a son by her to be his successor
in the realm, a son who was already quite a youth,
and was serving in the army under his father.

1 In 294 B.o.
ΟΙ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ef “\ lal / >
XXXVIII. Οὕτω be λαμπρᾷ κεχρημένος" εὖς-
fy , na A A
τυχίᾳ πυνθάνεται μὲν περὶ τῶν τέκνων Kal τῆς
an A \ ,
μητρὸς ws μεθεῖνται, δῶρα καὶ τιμὰς Πτολεμαίου
προσθέντος αὐτοῖς, πυνθάνεται δὲ περὶ τῆς
/ \ ᾽ fal
Σελεύκῳ γαμηθείσης θυγατρὸς ὡς ᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ
“ὦ Ἁ / n
Σελεύκου συνοικεῖ καὶ βασίλισσα τῶν ἄνω βαρ-
, , i, 7 \
βάρων avnyopevtat. συνέβη yap, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν
/ [4 a /
᾿Αντίοχον ἐρασθέντα τῆς Στρατονίκης νέας οὔσης,
"ὃ δὲ δί 3 f 3 “Ὁ > / ὃ n
ἤδη δὲ παιδίον ἐχούσης ἐκ τοῦ Σελεύκου, διακεῖ-
a \ \ κ A , ,
σθαι κακῶς Kal πολλὰ ποιεῖν τῷ πάθει διαμαχό-
“Ὁ ! “
μενον, τέλος δ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καταγνόντα δεινῶν μὲν
ἐπιθυμεῖν, ἀνήκεστα δὲ νοσεῖν, κεκρατῆσθαι δὲ
n A / > rn A i? a
τῷ λογισμῷ, τρόπον ἀπαλλαγῆς τοῦ βίου ζητεῖν
ὧν 7 ΕῚ , MK Ῥ » /
Kal παραλύειν ἀτρέμα καὶ θεραπείας ἀμελείᾳ
Ν an 5 -“ lal n
Kal τροφῆς ἀποχῆ TO σῶμα, νοσεῖν τινα νόσον
> / ἊΝ 3
σκηπτόμενον. ᾿Π!οασίστρατον δὲ τὸν ἰατρὸν αἰ-
, \ > A on ᾽ - \ \
σθέσθαι μὲν οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐρῶντος αὐτοῦ, TO δὲ
e 3 A , x 5] fal ,
οὗτινος ἐρᾷ δυστόπαστον ὃν ἐξανευρεῖν βουλο-
al /
μενον ἀεὶ μὲν ἐν τῷ δωματίῳ διημερεύειν, εἰ δέ
᾽ , nm > [4 , XN A
τις εἰσίοι. τῶν ἐν ὥρᾳ μειρακίων ἢ γυναικῶν,
A A , an? , \
ἐγκαθορᾶν τε τῷ προσώπῳ τοῦ ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ τὰ
A A /
συμπάσχειν μάλιστα τῇ ψυχῇ τρεπομένῃ πεφυ-
If aA , a
κότα μέρη καὶ κινήματα τοῦ σώματος ἐπισκοπεῖν.
a ς a
ὡς οὖν τῶν μὲν ἄλλων εἰσιόντων ὁμοίως εἶχε, τῆς
2 \ A
δὲ Στρατονίκης καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν καὶ μετὰ τοῦ
/ , / το ἢ \ a
Σελεύκου φοιτώσης πολλάκις ἐγίνετο τὰ τῆς
fal a \ Ν fa}
Σαπφοῦς ἐκεῖνα περὶ αὐτὸν πάντα, φωνῆς ἐπί-
/ a v /
σχεσις, ἐρύθημα πυρῶδες, ὄψεων ὑπολείψεις,

92

901

DEMETRIUS, xxxvit. 1-4

XXXVIII. While Demetrius was enjoying a good
fortune so illustrious as this, he had tidings con-
cerning his children and his mother, namely, that
they had been set free, and that Ptolemy had given
them gifts and honours besides; he had tidings also
concerning his daughter who was wedded to Seleucus,
namely, that she was now the wife of Antiochus the
son of Seleucus, and had the title of Queen of
Upper Asia. For it came to pass, as it would seem,
that Antiochus fell in love with Stratonicé, who was
young, and was already mother of a little boy by
Seleucus. Antiochus was distressed, and resorted to
many means of fighting down his passion, but at
last, condemning himself for his inordinate desires,
for his incurable malady, and for the subjugation of
his reason, he determined to seek a way of escape from
life, and to destroy himself gradually by neglecting his
person and abstaining from food, under pretence of
having some disease. But Erasistratus, his physician,
perceived quite easily that he was in love, and wish-
ing to discover who was the object of his passion (a
matter not so easy to decide), he would spend day
after day in the young man’s chamber, and if any of
the beauties of the court came in, male or female,
he would study the countenance of Antiochus, and
watch those parts and movements of his person
which nature has made to sympathize most with
the inclinations of the soul. Accordingly, when any
one else came in, Antiochus showed no change; but
whenever Stratonicé came to see him, as she often
did, either alone, or with Seleucus, lo, those tell-tale
signs of which Sappho sings ! were all there in him,—
stammering speech, fiery flushes, darkened vision,

1 Fragment 2 (Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graeci, iii.4 pp. 88 ff.).
93

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἱδρῶτες ὀξεῖς, ἀταξία καὶ θόρυβος ἐ ἐν τοῖς ΡΟ
μοῖς, τέλος δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς κατὰ κράτος ἡττημένης
ἀπορία καὶ θάμβος καὶ ὠχρίασις, ἐπὶ τούτοις
προσλογιζόμενον τὸν ᾿ΕΠρασίστρατον κατὰ τὸ εἰ-
n ,
κὸς ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἑτέρας ἐρῶν βασιλέως υἱὸς ἐνεκαρ-
τέρει τῷ σιωπᾶν μέχρι θανάτου, χαλεπὸν μὲν
Ν
ἡγεῖσθαι τὸ φράσαι ταῦτα καὶ κατειπεῖν, οὐ μὴν
ἀλλὰ πιστεύοντα τῇ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ
Σελεύκου παρακινδυνεῦσαί ποτε, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς
ἔρως μὲν εἴη τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸ πάθος, ἔρως δὲ
ἀδύνατος καὶ ἀνίατος. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ ἐκείνου
\ / κ᾿ een cot \ ,» ν»
καὶ πυθομένου πῶς ἀνίατος, “Ore νὴ Δία,
φάναι τὸν ᾿Ερασίστρατον, “ ἐρᾷ τῆς ἐμῆς γυναι-
a /
κός. “ Kita οὐκ av, εἰπεῖν τὸν Σέλευκον,
δοί ay PR DN δὶ / A
“ ἐπιδοίης, ᾿Πῥρασίστρατε, TO ἐμῷ παιδὶ φίλος ὧν
\ a Coe n \ / /
TOV γάμον, Kal ταῦτα ὁρῶν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τούτῳ μόνῳ
΄ > ἐς NAN SD VHA “»» ΄ ee nA
σαλεύοντας; Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν σύ," φάναι, “ τοῦτο
πατὴρ ὧν ἐποίησας, εἰ Στρατονίκης ᾿Αντίοχος
ἐπεθύμησε." καὶ τὸν Σέλευκον “Hide γάρ,
ἑταῖρε, εἰπεῖν, “ταχὺ μεταστρέψαι τις ἐπὶ
ταῦτα καὶ μεταβάλοι θεῶν ἢ ἀνθρώπων τὸ πά-
e 2 \ \ \ Ie b] a \
Gos: ὡς ἐμοὶ Kai τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφεῖναι καλὸν
᾿Αντιόχου περιεχομένῳ." ταῦτα ἐμπαθῶς opo-
dpa τοῦ Σελεύκου μετὰ πολλῶν “δακρύων λέ-
γοντος, ἐμβαλόντα τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ τὸν ’Epact-
στρατον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν ᾿Βρασιστράτου δέοιτο"
καὶ γὰρ πατὴρ καὶ ἀνὴρ ὧν καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς
N
ἅμα καὶ ἰατρὸς εἴη τῆς οἰκίας ἄριστος. ἐκ τούτου
τὸν Σέλευκον ἐκκλησίαν ἀθροίσαντα πάνδημον
εἰπεῖν ὅτι βούλεται καὶ διέγνωκε τῶν ἄνω πάν-
» ’ ᾽ A / \
των τόπων Avtioyov ἀποδεῖξαι βασιλέα καὶ

1 ἡττημένης Ziegler, with two MSS.: ἡττωμένης.
94

DEMETRIUS, xxxvur. 4-8

sudden sweats, irregular palpitations of the heart,
and finally, as his soul was taken by storm, help-
lessness, stupor, and pallor. And _ besides all this,
Erasistratus reasoned further that in all probability
the king’s son, had he loved any other woman, would
not have persisted to the death in refusing to speak
about it. He thought it a difficult matter to explain
the case fully to Seleucus, but nevertheless, relying
on the father’s kindly feelings towards his son, he
took the risk one day, and told him that love was
the young man’s trouble, a love that could neither
be satisfied nor cured. The king was amazed, and
asked why his son’s love could not be satisfied.
* Because, indeed,” said Erasistratus, “he is in love
with my wife.” “Then canst thou not, O Erasi-
stratus,” said Seleucus, “since thou art my son’s
friend, give him thy wife in addition to thy friend-
ship, especially when thou seest that he is the only
anchor of our storm-tossed house?”’ “ Thou art his
father,” said Erasistratus, “and yet thou wouldst
not have done so if Antiochus had set his affections
on Stratonicé.” “ My friend,” said Seleucus, “ would
that someone in heaven or on earth might speedily
convert and turn his passion in this direction ; since
I would gladly let my kingdom also go, if I might
keep Antiochus.” So spake Seleucus with deep
emotion and many tears, whereupon Frasistratus
clasped him by the hand and told him he had no
need of Erasistratus; for as father, husband, and
king, he was himself at the same time the best phy-
sician also for his household. Consequently Seleucus
called an assembly of the entire people and declared
it to be his wish and purpose to make Antiochus
king of all Upper Asia, and Stratonicé his queen,

p29

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ὔ / a
Στρατονίκην βασιλίδα, ἀλλήλοις συνοικοῦντας"
vy \ \ \ eX 3 , Ὡ 4
οἴεσθαι δὲ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν εἰθισμένον ἅπαντα πεί-
θεσθαι καὶ κατήκοον ὄντα μηθὲν ἀντερεῖν αὐτῷ
\ A \
πρὸς TOV γάμον" εἰ δ᾽ ἡ γυνὴ τῷ μὴ νενομισμένῳ
7ὔ “Ὁ WW , ee
δυσκολαίνοι, παρακαλεῖν τοὺς φίλους ὅπως δι-
ὃ ΄ὔ a Heh iN \ / \ \ , \
ἄσκωσιν αὐτὴν καὶ πείθωσι καλὰ καὶ δίκαια τὰ
lal A A: lal , lal
δοκοῦντα βασιλεῖ μετὰ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἡγεῖσθαι.
’
τὸν μὲν οὖν ᾿Αντιόχου καὶ Στρατονίκης γάμον ἐκ
7
τοιαύτης γενέσθαι προφάσεως λέγουσι.
\
XXXIX. Δημήτριος δὲ μετὰ Μακεδονίαν καὶ
Θετταλίαν ἦν παρειληφώς. ἔχων δὲ καὶ ΠΕελο-
\ aA nan Ἂς n
ποννήσου Ta πλεῖστα Kal τῶν ἐκτὸς ᾿Ισθμοῦ
Μέγαρα καὶ ᾿Αθήνας ἐπὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐστράτευσε.
A /
καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐγένοντο συμβάσεις μέτριαι περὶ
’ \ » / 4 / lal
φιλίας πρὸς avtov: ἔπειτα Ἰἀλεωνύμου tod Σπαρ-
/ , 3 / \ la)
τιώτου παραβαλόντος εἰς Θήβας μετὰ στρατιᾶς,
5 if € {/ \ , ef “
ἐπαρθέντες οἱ Βοιωτοί, καὶ Πίσιδος ἅμα τοῦ
/ ΄
Θεσπιέως, ὃς ἐπρώτευε δόξῃ καὶ δυνάμει τότε,
συμπαρορμῶντος αὐτούς, ἀπέστησαν. ὡς δὲ
n Θ f > \ \ ‘ \ ἐπ /
ταῖς Θήβαις ἐπαγαγὼν τὰς μηχανὰς ὁ Δημήτριος
. / n
ἐπολιόρκει Kal φοβηθεὶς ὑπεξῆλθεν ὁ Κλεώνυμος,
καταπλαγέντες οἱ Βοιωτοὶ παρέδωκαν ἑαυτούς. ὁ
\ a /
δὲ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐμβαλὼν φρουρὰν καὶ πραξά-
\ / a
μενος πολλὰ χρήματα, Kal καταλιπὼν αὐτοῖς
\ \ ε
ἐπιμελητὴν καὶ ἁρμοστὴν ᾿ἱερώνυμον τὸν ἱστορι-
, πὸ > , a θ \ 4 \
Kov, ἔδοξεν ἠπίως κεχρῆσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ
7, \
Πίσιν. ἑλὼν yap αὐτὸν οὐδὲν κακὸν ἐποίησεν,
3 Ν ἣν i:
ἀλλὰ καὶ προσαγορεύσας Kal φιλοφρονηθεὶς
οὔ

θ90ὲ

DEMETRIUS, xxxviit. 8—xxx1x. 2

the two being husband and wife; he also declared it
to be his opinion that his son, accustomed as he was
to be submissive and obedient in all things, would
not oppose his father in this marriage; and that if
his wife were reluctant to take this extraordinary
step, he called upon his friends to teach and persuade
her to regard as just and honourable whatever
seemed good to the king and conducive to the
general welfare. On this wise, then, we are told,
Antiochus and Stratonicé became husband and
wife.

XXXIX. As for Demetrius, after Macedonia he
became master of Thessaly also. And now that he
had most of Peloponnesus, and, on this side the
Isthmus, Megara and Athens, he turned his arms
against the Boeotians. These at first made friendly
agreements with him on reasonable terms; after-
wards, however, when Cleonymus the Spartan made
his way into Thebes with an army, the Boeotians
were lifted up in spirit, and since at the same time
Pisis of Thespiae, who was their leading man at this
time in reputation and influence, added his in-
stigations to the step, they revolted. But when
Demetrius brought up his engines-of-war against
Thebes and laid siege to the city, Cleonymus took
fright and stole away, and the Boeotians, in terror,
surrendered.| Demetrius put garrisons in their
cities, exacted large sums of money from them, and
left as their overseer and governor Hieronymus
the historian, thereby getting a reputation for
clemency, and particularly by his treatment of Pisis.
For after capturing him Demetrius did him no harm,
but actually greeted him, showed him kindness, and

1 In 293 8.6.
97

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 πολέμαρχον ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἀπέδειξεν. οὐ πολλῷ
δὲ ὕ ὕστερον ἁλίσκεται Λυσίμαχος ὑπὸ Δρομιχαί-
τοῦ: καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο Δημητρίου κατὰ τάχος
ἐξορμήσαντος ἐπὶ Θράκην, ὥσπερ ἔρημα | κατα-
ληψομένου, πάλιν ἀπέστησαν οἱ Βοιωτοί, καὶ
Λυσίμαχος ὁ ἅμα διειμένος ἀπηγγέλλετο. ταχέως
οὖν καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀναστρέψας ὁ “Δημήτριος
εὗρεν ἡττημένους ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Αντιγόνου
μάχῃ τοὺς Βοιωτούς, καὶ τὰς Θήβας αὖθις
ἐπολιόρκει.

XL. Πύρρου δὲ Θεσσαλίαν κατατρέχοντος καὶ
μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν παραφανέντος, ᾿Αντίγονον
ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς ὥρμησεν ἐ ἐπ᾽
ἐκεῖνον. ὀξέως δὲ φυγόντος, ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ κατα-
στήσας μυρίους ὁπλίτας καὶ χιλίους. ἱππεῖς,
αὖθις ἐνέκειτο ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ προσῆγε τὴν
λεγομένην ἑλέπολιν, πολυπόνως καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν
ὑπὸ βρίθους καὶ μεγέθους μοχλευομένην, ὡς μόλις

2 ἐν δυσὶ μησὶ δύο σταδίους “προελθεῖν. τῶν δὲ
Βοιωτῶν ἐρρωμένως ἀμυνομένων καὶ τοῦ Δημη-
τρίου πολλάκις φιλονεικίας ἕνεκα μᾶλλον ἢ
χρείας μάχεσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας
ἀναγκάζοντος, ὁρῶν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος. πίπτοντας οὐκ
ὀλίγους καὶ περιπαθῶν, “Τί, ὦ πάτερ, ἔφη,
“παραναλισκομένους οὐκ ἀναγκαίως τούτους
περιορῶμεν; ᾿ ὁ δὲ παροξυνθείς, «x0 86,” ἔφη,
“τί δυσχεραίνεις; ἢ διάμετρον ὀφείλεις τοῖς

3 ἀποθνήσκουσιν; οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ βουλόμενός
γε μὴ δοκεῖν ἑτέρων ἀφειδεῖν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ

1 ἔρημα Bekker adopts Reiske’s correction to εὕρημα (trea-
aure-trove).

98

DEMETRIUS, χχχιχ. 3-xL. 3

appointed him polemarch in Thespiae. Not long
afterwards, however, Lysimachus was taken prisoner
by Dromichaetes, and in view of this Demetrius set
out with all speed for Thrace, thinking to occupy
a region destitute of defenders. Thereupon the
Boeotians revolted again, and at the same time word
was brought that Lysimachus had been set free.
Quickly, therefore, and in wrath, Demetrius turned
back, and finding that the Boeotians had been de-
feated in battle by his son Antigonus, once more laid
siege to Thebes.

XL. But Pyrrhus now overran Thessaly and was
seen as far south as Thermopylae ; Demetrius there-
fore left Antigonus to conduct the siege of Thebes,
and himself set out against this new foe. Pyrrhus,
however, made a swift retreat, whereupon Demetrius
stationed ten thousand men-at-arms and a thousand
horsemen in Thessaly and once more devoted him-
self to Thebes. Here he brought up against the
city his famous City-taker,! but this was so laboriously
and slowly propelled, owing to its weight and great
size, that in the space of two months it hardly
advanced two furlongs. Besides, the Boeotians made
a stout resistance, and Demetrius many times, out
of contumacy rather than from need, forced his
soldiers to risk their lives in battle. Antigonus saw
that they were falling in great numbers, and in
great concern said: “Why, my father, should we
suffer these lives to be squandered without any
necessity for it?’’ But Demetrius was incensed,
and said: “ Why, pray, art thou disturbed at this?
Are rations due from thee to the dead?”’ However,
wishing not to be thought reckless of other lives

Cf. chapter xxi. 1.
5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a /
συγκινδυνεύειν τοῖς μαχομένοις, διελαύνεται TOV
΄ ᾽ an NK ἴω \ yy 3
τράχηλον ὀξυβελεῖ. καὶ δεινῶς μὲν ἔσχεν, οὐ
μὴν ἀνῆκεν, ἀλλὰ εἷλε τὰς Θήβας πάλιν. Kal
\ bd Ud Ni \ ΄ ¢€ \ ,
παρελθὼν ἀνάτασιν μὲν καὶ φόβον ὡς τὰ δεινό-
/ , \ Ni ,
TATA TELTOMEVOLS παρέσχεν, ἀνελὼν δὲ τρισκαί-
δεκα καὶ μεταστήσας τινας ἀφῆκε τοὺς ἄλλους.
a / {é ᾿
ταῖς μὲν οὖν Θήβαις οὔπω δέκατον οἰκουμέναις
lal an fi ’
ἔτος ἁλῶναι δὶς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ συνέπεσε.
a , , a
Τῶν δὲ Πυθίων καθηκόντων πρᾶγμα καινό-
/ a a ς 7ὔ
τατον ἐπέτρεψεν αὑτῷ ποιεῖν ὁ Δημήτριος. ἐπεὶ
\ \ \ \ a
yap Αἰτωλοὶ τὰ περὶ Δελφοὺς στενὰ κατεῖχον,
5 2 , > \ = \ > a \ \ 4
ἐν ᾿Αθήναις αὐτὸς ἦγε τὸν ἀγῶνα Kal THY πανή-
ς A lal / rn
γυριν, ὡς δὴ προσῆκον αὐτόθι μάλιστα τιμᾶσθαι
Ν / aA A af > a
τὸν θεόν, ὃς καὶ πατρῷός ἐστι καὶ λέγεται TOU
£ » Li
γένους ἀρχηγός.
΄σ ’ lal \
XLI. ᾿Εντεῦθεν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς Μακεδονίαν καὶ
> \ , Ψ,
μήτε αὐτὸς ἄγειν ἡσυχίαν πεφυκὼς τούς τε
ΕΣ id a > an / n ’ an
ἄλλους ορὼν ἐν TALS στρατείαις μᾶλλον αὐτῷ
/
προσέχοντας, οἴκοι δὲ ταραχώδεις καὶ πολυπρά-
/ ’
γμονας ὄντας, ἐστράτευσεν ἐπ᾽ Αἰτωλούς: Kal
\ , a
τὴν χώραν κακώσας καὶ Ilavtavyov ἐν αὐτῇ
μέρος ἔχοντα τῆς δυνάμεως οὐκ ὀλίγον ἀπολιπὼν
2 Ν / ᾽ Ν > id ἣ / > DnB an
ἐπὶ Πύρρον αὐτὸς ἐχώρει καὶ [Πύρρος ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον:
3 / \
ἀλλήλων δὲ διαμαρτόντες, ὁ μὲν ἐπόρθει τὴν
ὝἬ € δὲ TI / \ \ ,
πειρον, ὁ δὲ ΠΠανταύχῳ περιπεσὼν καὶ μάχην
/ 5 Νὰ \ ” a lal x rn
συνάψας αὐτὸν μὲν ἄχρι τοῦ δοῦναι Kal λαβεῖν

---

1 In 290 B.c. The siege lasted nearly a year.
I0o

DEMETRIUS, xu. 3-xu1. 2

only, but also to share the perils of battle, he was
pierced through the neck by a catapult-bolt. And
yet, sore wounded as he was, he did not give up, but
took Thebes again.1 His entry into the city filled
the citizens with acute fear; they thought they
were to suffer the most dreadful punishments; but
he put to death only thirteen of them, banished a
few, and pardoned the rest. And so it was the fate
of Thebes, which had been occupied less than ten
years,” to be captured twice during this time.

Furthermore, the time for the Pythian games being
now at hand, Demetrius ventured upon a most un-
heard of proceeding. Since, namely, the Aetolians
occupied the passes about Delphi, he conducted the
games and the festival in person at Athens, declaring
it to be especially fitting that Apollo ‘should be
honoured there, since he was a patron deity of the
Athenians and was said to have been the founder of
their race.

XLI. From Athens Demetrius returned to Mace-
donia, and since he was himself not prone by nature
to keep quiet, and since he saw that his followers
were more devoted to him when they were on a
campaign, but at home were turbulent and meddle-
some, he made an expedition against the Aetolians.
After ravaging the country, he left Pantauchus there
with a large part of his forces, while he himself
moved against Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus also moved against
him, but they missed one another on the march.
Demetrius therefore plundered Epeirus, but Pyrrhus
fell upon Pantauchus, and after a battle in which
the two commanders came to close quarters and

2 Cassander began the restoration of the city (after its
utter annihilation by Alexander in 335 B.C.) in 315 B.c.

IO!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πληγὴν ἐν χερσὶ γενόμενον ἐτρέψατο, τῶν δὲ
ἄλλων πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐζώγρησε δὲ
πεντακισχιλίους. καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα Δημήτριον
ἐκάκωσεν" οὐ γὰρ οὕτω μισηθεὶς ὁ Πύρρος ἀφ᾽
ὧν ἔπραξεν ὡς θαυμασθεὶς διὰ τὸ πλεῖστα τῇ
χειρὶ κατεργάσασθαι, μέγα τε καὶ λαμπρὸν
ἔσχεν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης ὄνομα παρὰ τοῖς
Μακεδόσι" καὶ πολλοῖς ἐπήει λέγειν τῶν Μακε-
δόνων ὡς ἐν μόνῳ τούτῳ τῶν βασιλέων εἴδωλον
ἐνορῷτο τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τόλμης, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι,
καὶ μάλιστα Δημήτριος, ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς τὸ βάρος
ὑποκρίνοιντο καὶ τὸν ὄγκον τοῦ ἀνδρός. ἦν δὲ
ὡς ἀληθῶς τραγῳδία μεγάλη περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον,
οὐ μόνον ἀμπεχόμενον καὶ διαδούμενον περιττῶς
καυσίαις διμίτροις καὶ χρυσοπαρύφοις ἁλουργί-
σιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τοῖς ποσὶν ἐκ πορφύρας
ἀκράτου συμπεπιλημένης χρυσοβαφεῖς πεποιη-
μένον ἐμβάδας. ἦν δέ τις ὑφαινομένη χλανὶς
αὐτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, ἔργον ὑπερήφανον, εἴκασμα
τοῦ KOT {LOU καὶ τῶν KAT οὐρανὸν φαινομένων: ὃ
κατελείφθη μὲν ἡμιτελὲς ἐν τῇ μετα βολῇ τῶν
πραγμάτων, οὐδεὶς δὲ ἐτόλμησεν αὐτῇ χρήσα-
σθαι, καίπερ οὐκ ὀλίγων ὕστερον ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ
σοβαρῶν γενομένων βασιλέων.

XLIT. Οὐ μόνον δὲ τούτοις τοῖς θεάμασιν ἐλύ-
Te. τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀήθεις ὄντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τρυ-
φὴν καὶ δίαιταν ἐβαρύνοντο" καὶ μάλιστα δὴ τὸ
δυσόμιλον αὐτοῦ καὶ δυσπρόσοδον. ἢ “γὰρ οὐ
παρεῖχε καιρὸν ἐντυχεῖν, ἢ χαλεπὸς ἣν καὶ τραχὺς
ἐντυγχάνουσιν. AO rvaten μὲν γάρ, περὶ ods
ἐσπουδάκει μάλιστα τῶν ᾿Ιὕλλήνων, ἔτη δύο πρε-
σβείαν κατέσχεν" ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος δὲ ἑνὸς πρε-
102

909

DEMETRIUS, xu. 2-xu11. 1

wounded each other, routed him, took five thousand
of his men prisoners, and slew many of the rest. This
wrought the greatest harm to the cause of Demetrius.
For Pyrrhus, who was not so much hated for what
he had done as he was admired for making most of
his conquests in person, acquired from this battle a
great and splendid name among the Macedonians,
and many of them were moved to say that in him
alone of all the kings could they see an image of the
great Alexander's daring; whereas the others, and
particularly Demetrius, did but assume Alexander's
majesty and pomp, like actors on a stage. And there
was in truth much of the theatrical about Demetrius,
who not only had an extravagant array of cloakings
and head-gear—double-mitred broad-brimmed hats
and purple robes shot with gold, but also equipped
his feet with gold-embroidered shoes of the richest
purple felt. And there was one cloak which was long
in the weaving for him, a magnificent work, on which
was represented the world and the heavenly bodies ;
this was left behind half-finished when the reversal
of hie fortunes came, and no succeeding king of
Macedonia ventured to use it, although not a few of
them were given to pomp and luxury.

XLII. And not only by such displays did he vex
his subjects, who were unused to them, but his
luxurious ways of living were also offensive, and above
all else the difficulty of getting access to him or
conversing with him. For either he would give no
audience at all, or he was stern and harsh with his
auditors. For instance, he kept an embassy from the
Athenians, for whose favour he was more solicitous
than for that of any other Greeks, two years in
waiting; and when a single envoy came to him from

103

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A Ie A A
σβευτοῦ παραγενομένου καταφρονεῖσθαι δοκῶν
ἠγανάκτησεν. ἀστείως μέντοι καὶ Λακωνικῶς
3 a ? / ἐξ > a 66 Ti \ λέ nae ma
ἐκεῖνος, εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ “Τί σὺ λέγεις ; Eva Aake-

, νὰ 55) "ὦ ,» Ὁ» “5
δαιμόνιοι πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψαν ; Nat, εἶπεν,
“ὦ βασιλεῦ, πρὸς ἕνα. δόξαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ποτε

Ν »Μ ,
δημοτικώτερον ἐξελαύνειν, καὶ πρὸς ἔντευξιν ἔχειν

a /
οὐκ ἀηδῶς, σννέδραμόν τινες ἐγγράφους ἀξιώσεις
> / / \ / \ a ΄
ἀναδιδόντες. δεξαμένου δὲ πάσας καὶ τῇ χλαμύ-
δι συλλαβόντος ἥσθησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι καὶ παρη-

A la) /

κολούθουν: ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ᾿Αξιοῦ γέ-
>’ \

φυραν, ἀναπτύξας τὴν χλαμύδα πάσας εἰς τὸν

Ν b] ΄ Ν a on ὃ lal apa,
ποταμὸν ἐξέρριψε. καὶ τοῦτο δὴ δεινῶς ἠνίασε
τοὺς Μακεδόνας ὑβρίζεσθαι δοκοῦντας, οὐ βασι-

/ \ / / A A
Dever Oat, καὶ Φιλίππου μνημονεύοντας, ἢ τῶν
, ΄ /
μνημονευόντων ἀκούοντας, WS μέτριος ἦν περὶ
A /
ταῦτα Kal κοινός. Kal ποτε πρεσβυτέρου γυναίου
,
κόπτοντος αὐτὸν ἐν παρόδῳ τινὶ καὶ δεομένου
πολλάκις ἀκουσθῆναι, φήσας μὴ σχολάζειν, ἐγ-

, es ce Niger \ fi el Gas

Kpayovtos ἐκείνου καὶ “ Μὴ βασίλευε εἰπόντος,
/ \ Α͂
δηχθεὶς σφόδρα καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ γενόμενος ἀνέ-
στρεψεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, καὶ πάντα ποιησάμενος
ὕστερα, τοῖς ἐντυχεῖν βουλομένοις, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ
a / > / EEN \ ¢€ /
τῆς πρεσβύτιδος ἐκείνης, ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας
ἐσχόλασεν.
\ A a A

Οὐδὲν yap οὕτως βασιλεῖ προσῆκον ws τὸ τῆς
7, Yj / δὴ
δίκης ἔργον. “Apns μὲν γὰρ τύραννος, ὥς φησι

/ /

Τιμόθεος, νόμος δὲ πάντων βασιλεὺς κατὰ Πίν-
ὃ ’ > ᾿ \ \ a tf , >
apov ἐστι" καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς" Ounpos φησιν οὐχ
104

DEMETRIUS, xii. τς

Sparta, he thought himself despised, and was incensed.
However, when he cried, “ What meanest thou? Have
the Spartans sent but one envoy?” he got the neat
and laconic reply, “ Yea, O king, to one man.” On
one occasion, when he was thought to be riding
abroad in a more affable mood than usual, and seemed
to encounter his subjects without displeasure, there
was a large concourse of people who presented him
with written petitions. He received them all and
folded them away in his cloak, whereupon the people
were delighted and escorted him on his way; but
when he came to the bridge over the Axius, he
shook out the folds of his cloak and cast all the peti-
tions into the river. This was a great vexation to
the Macedonians, who thought themselves insulted,
not ruled, and they called to mind, or listened to
those who called to mind, how reasonable Philip
used to be in such matters, and how accessible. An
old woman once assailed Demetrius as he was
passing by, and demanded many times that he give
her a hearing. “I have no time,” said Demetrius.
“Then don’t be king,” screamed the old woman.
Demetrius was stung to the quick, and after thinking
upon the matter, went back to his house, and post-
poning every thing else, for several days devoted
himself entirely to those who wished audience of
him, beginning with the old woman who had
rebuked him.

And surely nothing so befits a king as the work of
justice. For “Ares is tyrant,’ in the words of
Timotheus,! but “ Law is king of all things,” accord-
ing to Pindar;? and Homer speaks of kings as

1 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graect, iii.* p. 622. Cf. the A gesilaiis,
xiv. 2. 2 Bergk, op. cit. i.4 Ὁ. 439.

105

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἑλεπόλεις οὐδὲ ναῦς χαλκήρεις, ἀλλὰ θέμιστας
παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς λαμβάνοντας ῥύεσθαι καὶ φυλάσ-
σειν, καὶ τοῦ Διὸς οὐ τὸν πολεμικώτατον οὐδὲ τὸν
ἀδικώτατον καὶ φονικώτατον. τῶν βασιλέων, ἀλλὰ
τὸν δικαιότατον ὁ ὀαριστὴν καὶ “μαθητὴν. προσηγό-
βευκεν. ἀλλὰ Δημήτριος ἔχαιρε τῷ βασιλεῖ
τῶν θεῶν ἀνομοιοτάτην ἐπιγραφόμενος προσω-
νυμίαν" ὁ μὲν γὰρ ΠΠολιεὺς καὶ ἸΤολιοῦχος, ὁ δὲ
Πολιορκητὴς ἐπίκλησιν ἔσχεν. οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν
τοῦ καλοῦ χώραν τὸ αἰσχρὸν ὑπὸ δυνάμεως d ἀμα-
θοῦς ἐπελθὸν συνῳκείωσε τῇ δόξῃ τὴν ἀδικίαν.

XLIT, Ὁ. δ᾽. οὖν Δημήτριος ἐπισφαλέστατα
νοσήσας ἐν ἸΤέλλῃ μικροῦ τότε Μακεδονίαν a ἀπέ-
βαλε, καταδραμόντος ὀξέως Πύρρου καὶ μέχρις
᾿Εδέσσης προελθόντος. ἅμα δὲ τῷ κουφότερος
γενέσθαι πάνυ ῥᾳδίως ἐξελάσας αὐτὸν ἐποιήσατό
τινας ὁμολογίας, οὐ βουλόμενος ἐμποδὼν ὄντι
συνεχῶς προσπταίων καὶ τοπομαχῶν ἧττον εἶναι
πρὸς οἷς διενοεῖτο. διενοεῖτο δὲ οὐθὲν ὀλίγον,
ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ πατρὶ
γενομένην ἀρχήν. καὶ τῆς ἐλπίδος ταύτης καὶ
τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. οὐκ ἀπελείπετο τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς,
ἀλλὰ στρατιᾶς μὲν ἤδη συνετέτακτο πεζῆς μυριά-
δας δέκα δισχιλίων ἀνδρῶν ἀποδεούσας, καὶ
χωρὶς ἱππέας ὀλίγῳ δισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἐλάτ-
τους. στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἅμα πεντακοσίων κατα-
βαλλόμενος τὰς μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ τρόπεις ἔθετο,
τὰς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐν Χαλκίδι, τὰς δὲ
περὶ Πέλλαν, αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν ,ἑκασταχόσε καὶ διδά-
σκων ἃ χρὴ καὶ συντεχνώμενος, ἐκπληττομένων
ἁπάντων οὐ τὰ πλήθη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη
τῶν ἔργων. οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε
106

910.

DEMETRIUS, xu. 5-xunr. 4

receiving from Zeus for protection and safe-keeping,
not city-takers nor bronze-beaked ships, but “ ordin-
ances of justice’’;1 and he calls a disciple and
“confidant ’’ of Zeus, not the most warlike or unjust
or murderous of kings, but the most just.?, Demetrius,
on the contrary, was delighted to receive a surname
most unlike those given to the king of the gods; for
Zeus is surnamed City-guardian, or City-protector ;
but Demetrius, City-besieger. Thus a power devoid
of wisdom advances evil to the place of good, and
makes injustice co-dwelier with fame.

XLIII. But while Demetrius lay most dangerously
sick at Pella, he almost lost Macedonia; for Pyrrhus
swiftly overran it and advanced as far as Edessa. As
soon, however, as Demetrius had somewhat recovered
his strength he easily drove Pyrrhus out of the
country, and then came to a kind of agreement with
him, being unwilling that continual collisions and
local conflicts with this opponent should defeat his set
purpose. And his purpose was nothing less than the
recovery of all the realm that had been subject to his
father. Moreover, his preparations were fully com-
mensurate with his hopes and undertakings. He had
already gathered an army which numbered ninety-
eight thousand foot, and besides, nearly twelve
thousand horsemen. At the same time, moreover, he
had laid the keels for a fleet of five hundred ships, some
of which were in Piraeus, some at Corinth, some at
Chalcis, and some at Pella. And he would visit all these
places in person, showing what was to be done and
aiding in the plans, while all men wondered, not only
at the multitude, but also at the magnitude of the
works. Up to this time no man had seen a ship of

1 Iliad, i. 238 f. 2 Minos, Odyssey, xix. 179.
107

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πεντεκαιδεκήρη ναῦν πρότερον οὔτε ἑκκαιδεκήρη,
2 a e
ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον τεσσαρακοντήρη Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φι-
λοπάτωρ ἐναυπηγήσατο, μῆκος διακοσίων ὀγδοή-
a Ὁ Nae > / /
κοντα πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου πεντή-
a / a
κοντα δυεῖν δεόντων, ναύταις δὲ χωρὶς ἐρετῶν
, ,
ἐξηρτυμένην τετρακοσίοις, ἐρέταις δὲ τετρακισ-
4 ν᾽ \ Uf ¢ / if 2 /
χιλίοις, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁπλίτας δεχομένην ἐπί
“ , la)
τε TOV παρόδων Kal TOD καταστρώματος ὀλίγῳ
4 3 / » Ν , / > /
τρισχιλίων ἀποδέοντας. ἀλλὰ θέαν μόνην ἐκείνη
παρέσχε: καὶ μικρὸν ὅσον διαφέρουσα τῶν μονί-
an \
μων οἰκοδομημάτων, φανῆναι πρὸς ἐπίδειξιν, ov
χρείαν, ἐπισφαλῶς καὶ δυσέργως ἐκινήθη. τῶν
δὲ Δημητρίου νεῶν οὐκ ἦν τὸ καλὸν ἀναγώνιστον,
οὐδὲ τῷ περιττῷ τῆς κατασκευῆς ἀπεστεροῦντο
\ / b Ἂς \ , \ NP me)
τὴν χρειαν, ἀλλὰ TO τάχος καὶ TO ἔργον ἀξιοθεα-
τότερον τοῦ μεγέθους παρεῖχον.
XLIV. Αὐρομένης οὖν τοσαύτης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ
τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὅσην pet ᾿Αλέξανδρον οὐδεὶς ἔσχε
, a
πρότερον, οἱ τρεῖς συνέστησαν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον,
, a / ” a
Σέλευκος, Πτολεμαῖος, Λυσίμαχος" ἔπειτα κοινῇ
\ / » , Sree: 3 ,
πρὸς Πύρρον ἀποστείλαντες ἐκέλευον ἐξάπτεσθαι
Μακεδονίας καὶ μὴ νομίζειν σπονδὰς αἷς Δημή-
Ε] 3 / \ \ a / 9 ’
τριος οὐκ ἐκείνῳ TO μὴ πολεμεῖτθαι δέδωκεν, ἀλλ
εἴληφεν ἑαυτῷ τὸ πολεμεῖν οἷς βούλεται πρότερον.
HA \ , \ / ,
δεξαμένου δὲ Πύρρου πολὺς περιέστη πόλεμος
5 V4 / ee \ \ \ ς
ἔτι μέλλοντα Δημήτριον. ἅμα γὰρ τὴν μὲν λ-
λάδα πλεύσας στόλῳ μεγάλῳ Πτολεμαῖος ἀφί-
στη, Μακεδονίαν δὲ Λυσίμαχος ἐκ Θράκης, ἐκ δὲ
108

DEMETRIUS, xin. 4-x1iv. 2

fifteen or sixteen banks of oars. At a later time, it
is true, Ptolemy Philopator built one of forty banks
of oars, which had a length of two hundred and
eighty cubits, and a height, to the top of her stern,
of forty-eight; she was manned by four hundred
sailors, who did no rowing, and by four thousand
rowers, and besides these she had room, on her gang-
ways and decks, for nearly three thousand men-at-
arms. But this ship was merely for show; and since
she differed little from a stationary edifice on land,
being meant for exhibition and not for use, she was
moved only with difficulty and danger. However,
in the ships of Demetrius their beauty did not mar
their fighting qualities, nor did the magnificence of
their equipment rob them of their usefulness, but
they had a speed and effectiveness which was more
remarkable than their great size.

XLIV. Accordingly, while this great force, the
like of which no man had possessed since Alexander,
was getting under way against Asia, the three kings,
Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, formed a league
against Demetrius. Next, they sent a joint embassy
to Pyrrhus, urging him to attack Macedonia, and not
to regard a truce by which Demetrius had not
given him the privilege of having no war made upon
him, but had taken for himself the privilege of
making war first on the enemy of his choice.
Pyrrhus granted their requests, and a great war
encompassed Demetrius before his preparations were
completed. For at one and the same time! Ptolemy
sailed to Greece with a great fleet and tried to bring
it to revolt, while Lysimachus invaded Macedonia
from ‘Thrace, and Pyrrhus from the neighbouring

1 In the spring of 294 B.o.
109

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆς ὁμόρου Πύρρος ἐμβαλόντες ἐλεηλάτουν. ὁ
δὲ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿λλάδος κατέλιπεν, αὐτὸς
δὲ βοηθῶν Μακεδονίᾳ πρῶτον ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Λυσί-
μαχον. ἀγγέλλεται, δὲ αὐτῷ Πύρρος ἡρηκὼς
πόλιν Βέροιαν. καὶ τοῦ λόγου ταχέως εἰς τοὺς
Μακεδόνας ἐμπεσόντος οὐδὲν ἔτι τῷ Δημητρίῳ
κατὰ κόσμον εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὀδυρμῶν καὶ δακ-
ρύων καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὀργῆς καὶ βλασφημιῶν
μεστὸν ἣν τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ συμμένειν οὐκ
ἤθελον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπιέναι, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ πρὸς τὰ οἴκοι,
τῇ δὲ ἀληθείᾳ πρὸς τὸν Λυσίμαχον. ἔδοξεν οὖν
τῷ Δημητρίῳ Λυσιμάχου μὲν ἀποστῆναι πορ-
ρωτάτω, πρὸς δὲ Πύρρον τρέπεσθαι" τὸν μὲν γὰρ
ὁμόφυλον εἶναι καὶ πολλοῖς συνήθη de ᾿Αλέξαν-
δρον, ἔπηλυν δὲ καὶ Eévov ἄνδρα τὸν Πύρρον οὐκ
ἂν αὑτοῦ προτιμῆσαι Μακεδόνας. τούτων μέντοι
πολὺ διεψεύσθη τῶν λογισμῶν. ὡς γὰρ ἐγγὺς
ἐλθὼν τῷ Πύρρῳ παρεστρατοπέδευσεν, ἀεὶ μὲν
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις λαμπρότητα θαυμά-
ζοντες, ἔκ τε τοῦ παλαιοτάτου καὶ βασιλικώ-
τατον εἰθισμένοι νομίζειν τὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
κράτιστον, τότε δὲ καὶ πράως κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς
ἁλισκομένοις πυνθανόμενοι, πάντως δὲ καὶ πρὸς
ἕτερον καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον ἀπαλλαγῆναι τοῦ Δημη-
τρίου ζητοῦντες, ἀπεχώρουν λάθρα καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλί-
γους τό γε πρῶτον, εἶτα φανερῶς ἅπαν εἶχε κίνη-
σιν καὶ ταραχὴν τὸ στρατόπεδον, τέλος δὲ τῷ
Δημητρίῳ τολμήσαντές τινες “προσελθεῖν ἐκέχευον
ἀπιέναι καὶ σώζειν αὑτόν: ἀπειρηκέναι γὰρ ἤδη

1 καὶ βασιλικώτατον Coraés and Sintenis, with the best
MSS.; Bekker omits the καί.

1110

DEMETRIUS, xtrv. 2-6

Epeirus, and both plundered the land. But Deme-
trius left his son in charge of Greece, while he
himself, hastening to the rescue of Macedonia, set
out first against Lysimachus. But tidings came to
him that Pyrrhus had taken Beroea. The report
quickly came to the ears of the Macedonians, and
then Demetrius could no longer maintain discipline,
but his camp was full of lamentations and tears,
coupled with wrathful execrations against himself,
and the soldiers would not hold together, but in-
sisted on going away, ostensibly to their homes, but
in reality to Lysimachus. Demetrius therefore de-
termined to put as much distance as_ possible
between himself and Lysimachus, and to turn his
arms against Pyrrhus; for Lysimachus, as he thought,
was a fellow-countryman and congenial to many of
the Macedonians because of Alexander; while
Pyrrhus was a new-comer and a foreigner, and would
not be preferred by them before himself. In these
calculations, however, he was greatly deceived. For
he drew nigh and pitched his camp by that of
Pyrrhus; but his soldiers had always admired that
leader’s brilliant exploits in arms, and from of old
they had been wont to consider the man who was
mightiest in arms as also the most kingly ; besides
this, they now learned that Pyrrhus treated his
prisoners of war with mildness, and since they were
seeking to be rid of Demetrius whether it took them
to Pyrrhus or to another, they kept deserting him,
at first secretly and in small companies. Then the
whole camp was in open agitation and disorder, and
at last some of the soldiers ventured to go to
Demetrius, bidding him to go away and save him-
self; for the Macedonians, they said, were tired of

DLE

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Μακεδόνας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου τρυφῆς πολεμοῦντας. 911
οὗτοι μετριώτατοι. τῶν λόγων ἐφαίνοντο τῷ Δημη-
τρίῳ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἄλλων τραχύτητα" καὶ παρ-
ελθὼν ἐπὶ σκηνήν, ὥσπερ οὐ βασιλεύς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπο-
κριτής, “μεταμφιέννυται χλαμύδα φαιὰν ἀντὶ τῆς
τραγικῆς ἐκείνης, καὶ διαλαθὼν ὑπεχώρησεν.
ὁρμησάντων δὲ τῶν πλείστων εὐθὺς ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν
καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαμαχομένων καὶ τὴν σκηνὴν
διασπώντων, ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ Πύρρος ἐκράτησεν αὐ-
τοβοεὶ καὶ κατέσχε τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ γίνεται
πρὸς Λυσίμαχον αὐτῷ συμπάσης Μακεδονίας
νέμησις, ἑπταετίαν ὑπὸ Δημητρίου βεβαίως ἀρχ-
θείσης.

XLV. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Δημητρίου τῶν πραγμάτων
ἐκπεσόντος καὶ καταφυγόντος εἰς Κασάνδρειαν,
ἡ γυνὴ Φίλα περιπαθὴς γενομένη προσιδεῖν μὲν
οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν αὖθις ἰδιώτην καὶ φυγάδα τὸν
τλημονέστατον βασιλέων Δημήτριον, ἀπειπαμένη
δὲ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα καὶ μισήσασα τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ
βεβαιοτέραν ἐν τοῖς κακοῖς οὖσαν ἢ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς,
πιοῦσα φάρμακον. ἀπέθανε. Δημήτριος δὲ ἔτε
τῶν λοιπῶν ναυαγίων ἔχεσθαι διανοηθεὶς ἀπῆρεν
εἰς τὴν “Ελλάδα καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ στρατηγοὺς καὶ
φίλους συνῆγεν.

Ἣν οὖν ὃ Σοφοκλέους Μενέλαος εἰκόνα ταῖς
αὑτοῦ τύχαις παρατίθησιν,

ἀλλ᾽ οὑμὸς ἀεὶ πότμος ἐν πυκνῷ θεοῦ

τροχῷ κυκλεῖται καὶ μεταλλάσσει φύσιν,

ὥσπερ σελήνης δ ὄψις εὐφρόνας 1 δύο

στῆναι δύναιτ᾽ ἂν οὔποτ᾽ ἐν μορφῇ μιᾷ,

1 εὐφρόνας Sintenis with Nauck, after Brunck ; Coraés and
Bekker retain the εὐφρόναις of the MSS.

112

DEMETRIUS, xtrv. 6—-xzLv. 2

waging war in support of his luxurious way of living.
Demetrius thought this very moderate language
compared with the harshness of the rest; so he went
to his tent, and, as if he had been an actor and not
a real king, put on a dark cloak in place of his
stage-robes of royalty, and stole away unnoticed.
Most of the soldiers at once fell to pillaging and
tearing down his tent, and fought with one another
for the spoils; but Pyrrhus came up, mastered the
camp without a blow, and took possession of it.
And all Macedonia was divided between Pyrrhus
and Lysimachus, after Demetrius had reigned over
it securely for seven years.1

XLV. When Demetrius thus lost his power and
fled for refuge to Cassandreia, his wife Phila was
full of grief and could not endure to see her husband,
that most afflicted of kings, once more in private
station and in exile; she gave up all hope, and in
hatred of his fortune, which was more secure in
adversity than in prosperity, she drank poison and
died. But Demetrius, determined to cling still to
what was left of his wrecked fortunes, went off to
Greece, and tried to assemble his friends and
generals who were there.

The Menelaiis of Sophocles? applies this simile to
his own fortunes :—

“ But my fate on the swiftly turning wheel of God
Goes whirling round forever and ever changes
shape,
Just as the moon’s appearance for two kindly
nights
Could never be identical and show no change,
1 From 394 to 287 B.c.
* Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.” p. 315.
113

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀδήλου πρῶτον ἔρχεται νέα
πρόσωπα καλλύνουσα καὶ πληρουμένη,
χὥτανπερ αὑτῆς εὐγενεστάτη φανῇ,
πάλιν διαρρεῖ κεἰς τὸ μηδὲν ἔρχεται,

L a » 5 / \ ,
3 TavTn μᾶλλον ἂν τις ἀπεικάσαι TA Δημητρίου
΄ \ \ \ Sous Ig7 \ ’
πράγματα καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὸν αὐξήσεις καὶ φθί-

, ΑΒ,
σεις καὶ ἀναπληρώσεις καὶ ταπεινότητας, οὗ γε
,ὕ , '
καὶ τότε παντάπασιν ἀπολείπειν Kal κατασβὲέν- |
an 8.1 ἮΨ 9 eli ΄ \
νυσθαι δοκοῦντος ἀνέλαμπεν αὖθις ἡ ἀρχή, Kal

\
δυνάμεις τινὲς ἐπιρρέουσαι κατὰ μικρὸν ἀνεπλή-
, an ,
ρουν τὴν ἐλπίδα. καὶ τό ye! πρῶτον ἰδιώτης
na a ᾽ὔ ,
καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν κοσμίων ἔρημος ἐπεφοίτα
an , , la)
Tals πόλεσι, Kal τις αὐτὸν ἐν Θήβαις τοιοῦτον
a , ’
θεασάμενος ἐχρήσατο τοῖς Εὐριπίδου στίχοις οὐκ
ἀηδῶς"
\ , A
μορφὴν ἀμείψας ἐκ θεοῦ βροτησίαν
/ - , oy) A > of
πάρεστι Δίρκης νάματ᾽ ᾿Ισμηνοῦ θ᾽ ὕδωρ.
XLVI. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἅπαξ ὥσπερ εἰς ὁδὸν βασιλικὴν
\ lA A
τὴν ἐλπίδα κατέστη καὶ συνίστατο πάλιν σῶμα
καὶ σχῆμα περὶ αὑτὸν ἀρχῆς, Θηβαίοις μὲν ἀπέ-
ὃ \ / >] “ \ >’ / >
wke τὴν πολιτείαν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπέστησαν av-
an / e a
τοῦ. καὶ Tov Te Δίφιλον, ὃς ἣν ἱερεὺς τῶν Σωτή-
> a a
ρων ἀναγεγραμμένος, ἐκ τῶν ἐπωνύμων ἀνεῖλον,
Y e a
ἄρχοντας αἱρεῖσθαι πάλιν, ὥσπερ ἣν πάτριον,
iY , i, ᾽ lA
ψηφισάμενοι, τὸν τε Πύρρον ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετε-

ae γε Sintenis: Coraés and Bekker retain the τότε of the |

114

DEMETRIUS, xiv. 2—-xiv1. 1

But out of darkness first she comes forth young
and new,

With face that ever grows more beautiful and full,

And when she reaches largest and most generous
phase,

Again she vanisheth away and comes to naught.”

This simile might be better used of the fortunes of
Demetrius, now waxing and now waning, now full-
orbed and now diminished, since even at this time,
when his power seemed to fail altogether and suffer
extinction, it shot forth new rays of light, and
sundry accessions of strength little by little filled
out the measure of his hopes. At first he went
about visiting the cities in the garb of a private man
and without the insignia of a king, and one who
saw him thus at Thebes applied to him, not inaptly,
the verses of Euripides! :—

“ Exchanging now the form of god for that of man,
He visits Dirce’s rivulets and Ismenus’ flood.”

XLVI. But as soon as he had entered upon the
path of hope, as upon a royal highway, and had
gathered about himself a body and form of sove-
reignty, he restored to the Thebans their ancient
form of government; the Athenians, however, re-
volted from him. They voted to elect archons,
as had been their custom of old, and took away from
Diphilus, who had been appointed priest of the
Saviour-gods, the privilege of giving his name to the
current year;* and when they saw that Demetrius
had more strength than they expected, they sum-

1 Bacchae, 4 f., with adaptation from the first person.
2 See chapter x. 3.

115

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A /
πεμποντο, μᾶλλον ἢ προσεδόκησαν ἰσχύοντα TOV
ς A e \ ’ A \ n
Δημήτριον ὁρῶντες. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ μὲν ἐπῆλθεν av-
- ’ \ \
τοῖς καὶ πολιορκίαν περὶ TO ἄστυ συνεστήσατο
, ΄ \ a /
Kaptepav, Κράτητος δὲ τοῦ φιλοσόφου πεμ-
/ € \ A / Ν 3 / » \ ’ ’
φθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου
\ a \ \ ¢e \ a ’ ,ὔ
καὶ δυνατοῦ, τὰ μὲν οἷς ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων
aN Ὲ2 Det SEE acs ip pl
ἐδεῖτο πεισθείς, Ta δὲ ἐξ ὧν ἐδίδασκε περὶ τῶν
\
ἐκείνῳ συμφερόντων νοήσας ἔλυσε THY πολιορ-
κίαν, καὶ συναγαγὼν ὅσαι νῆες ἦσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ
, 7 e A
στρατιώτας μυρίους καὶ χιλίους σὺν ἱππεῦσιν
\ ’
ἐμβιβάσας, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἔπλει, Λυσιμάχου
΄
Καρίαν καὶ Λυδίαν ἀποστήσων.
, ,
Δέχεται δὲ αὐτὸν Εὐρυδίκη περὶ Μίλητον,
J 4 la) a
ἀδελφὴ Φίλας, ἄγουσα τῶν αὐτῆς καὶ [Πτολε-
μαίου θυγατέρων Πτολεμαΐδα καθωμολογημένην
, \ / a
ἐκείνῳ πρότερον διὰ Σελεύκου. ταύτην γαμεῖ
΄ /

Δημήτριος Εὐρυδίκης ἐκδιδούσης. καὶ μετὰ τὸν
/ , \ ΡΥ ΖΙΝ \ , ΄ a
γάμον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις τρέπεται, πολλῶν

\ e , 4 \ xX \
μὲν ἑκουσίως προστιθεμένων, πολλὰς δὲ Kal βι-
, an
αζόμενος. ἔλαβε δὲ καὶ Σάρδεις" καί τινες τῶν
a Ni
Λυσιμάχου στρατηγῶν ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν
,
χρήματα καὶ στρατιὰν κομίζοντες. ἐπερχομένου
Δ / “ ΄ \ i?
δὲ ᾿Αγαθοκλέους τοῦ Λυσιμάχου peta δυνάμεως
3 / ’ 4 2 ; BA ᾽ /
ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Φρυγίαν, ἐγνωκώς, ἄνπερ Appmevias
ΕῚ ͵ lA nr \ rn vy /
ἐπιλάβηται, Μηδίαν κινεῖν καὶ τῶν ἄνω πραγμά-
\ \
των ἔχεσθαι, πολλὰς ἐξωθουμένῳ περιφυγὰς Kal
?, /
ἀναχωρήσεις ἐχόντων. ἑπομένου δὲ ᾿Αγαθοκλέ-
ovs ἐν ταῖς συμπλοκαῖς περιῆν, ἐπισιτισμοῦ δὲ
116

912

DEMETRIUS, xtvi. 1-5

moned Pyrrhus to their aid from Macedonia. Deme-
trius came up against them in a rage, and began a
strenuous siege of the city. But the people sent
to him Crates the philosopher, a man of great repute
and influence, and Demetrius, partly because he
was induced to grant the ambassador’s appeals in
behalf of the Athenians, and partly because he was
convinced when the philosopher showed him what
would be an advantageous course, raised the siege,
and after assembling all the ships he had,! and
putting on board eleven thousand soldiers, together
with his cavalry, he sailed for Asia, to wrest Caria
and Lydia from Lysimachus.

He was met at Miletus by Eurydicé, a sister of
Phila, who brought with her one of her daughters by
Ptolemy, Ptolemais, who had been betrothed to
Demetrius before this? through the agency of
Seleucus. Demetrius married her now, and Eury-
dicé gave the bride away. After the marriage
Demetrius at once turned his arms against the
cities, many of which attached themselves to him
of their own accord, and many also he forced into
submission. He took Sardis also; and some of the
generals of Lysimachus came over to him bringing
money and troops. But when Agathocles, the son
of Lysimachus, came against him with an army,
Demetrius retired into Phrygia; he had determined,
if once he could reach Armenia, to bring Media to
revolt and attempt the upper provinces, which
afforded an ejected commander many refuges and
retreats. Agathocles followed him, and though
Demetrius had the advantage in their engagements,

1 See chapter xlii. 3.
2 As early as 301 B.c. Cf. chapter xxxii. 3.

117

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ προνομῶν εἰργόμενος ἠπορεῖτο, καὶ τοῖς
στρατιώταις δι᾽ ὑποψίας ἣν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρμενίαν καὶ
Μηδίαν ἐκτοπίζων. ἅμα δὲ μᾶλλον ὃ λεμὸς ἐπέ-
τεινε, καὶ διαμαρτία τις γενομένη περὶ τὴν τοῦ
Λύκου διάβασιν πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἁρπασθὲν ὑπὸ
τοῦ ῥεύματος ἀπώλεσεν. ὅμως δὲ τοῦ σκώπτειν
οὐκ ἀπείχοντο" προγράφει δέ τίς αὐτοῦ πρὸ τῆς
σκηνῆς τὴν τοῦ Οἰδίποδος ῖ ἀρχὴν μικρὸν παραλ-
λάξας"

τέκνον τυφλοῦ γέροντος ᾿Αντιγόνου" τίνας

χώρους ἀφίγμεθα ;

ΧΙΊΙ. Τέλος δὲ καὶ νόσου τῷ λιμῷ συνεπιτι-
θεμένης, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν, ἐπὶ βρώσεις ἀναγκαίας
τρεπομένων, τοὺς πάντας οὐκ ἐλάσσονας ὀκτακισ-
χιλίων ἀποβαλὼν ἀνῆγεν ὀπίσω τοὺς λοιπούς:
καὶ καταβὰς εἰς Ταρσὸν Ὁ μὲν ἀπέχεσθαι
τῆς χώρας, οὔσης ὑπὸ Σελεύκῳ τότε, καὶ πρό-
φασιν ἐκείνῳ μηδεμίαν παρασχεῖν, ὡς δὲ ἦν ἀμή-
χανον, ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάταις ὄντων ἀπορίαις τῶν
στρατιωτῶν, καὶ τοῦ Ταύρου τὰς ὑπερβολὰς
᾿Αγαθοκλῆς ἀπετείχισε, γράφει, πρὸς Σέλευκον
ἐπιστολὴν μακρόν τίνα τῆς αὑτοῦ τύχης ὀδυρμόν,
εἶτα πολλὴν ἱκεσίαν καὶ δέησιν ἔχουσαν ἀνδρὸς
οἰκείου λαβεῖν οἶκτον, ἄξια καὶ πολεμίοις συναλ-
γῆσαι πεπονθότος.

᾿᾿πικλασθέντος δέ πως Σελεύκου, καὶ γρά-
ψαντος τοῖς ἐκεῖ στρατηγοῖς ὅπως αὐτῷ τε τῷ
Δημητρίῳ χορηγίαν “βασιλικὴν καὶ τῇ δυνιίμει
τροφὴν ἄφθονον παρέχωσιν, ἐπελθὼν Πατροκλῆς,

1 Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1 f. (᾿Αντιγόνη).
118

DEMETRIUS, xuvi. 5-xLvII. 3

he was shut off from getting provisions and forage,
and was in great straits; besides, his soldiers were
suspicious that he was trying to make his way
towards Armenia and Media. And not only did
famine press them harder, but also some mistake
was made in crossing the river Lycus, and a large
number of men were carried away by the current
and lost. But nevertheless they would have their
pleasantries; and one of them wrote up in front of
the tent of Demetrius the opening words of the
“ Oedipus,” slightly changed :—

“0 child of blind and aged Antigonus, what are
These regions whither we are come?”

XLVII. But at last sickness assailed them as well
as famine, which is wont to happen when men have
recourse to foods which they must eat to save their
lives, and after losing no less than eight thousand
men in all, Demetrius retraced his steps with the
rest and came down to Tarsus. Here he would
gladly have spared the country, which was then
under Seleucus, and so have given itsruler no ground
of complaint ; but this was impossible, for his soldiers
were suffering extreme privations, and Agathocles
had fortified the passes of the Taurus against him.
He therefore wrote a very long letter to Seleucus,
bewailing his own misfortunes, and then begging and
beseeching him to take pity on a man who was allied
to him by marriage, and had suffered enough to win
sympathy even from his enemies.

Seleucus was somewhat softened by this appeal,
and wrote to his generals in that province that they
should furnish Demetrius himself with royal main-
tenance, and his troops with abundant supplies. But

119
VOL. ΙΧ, Ε

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 4
ἀνὴρ συνετὸς εἶναι δοκῶν καὶ Σελεύκῳ φίλος
πιστός, οὐ τὸ τῆς δαπάνης ἔφη πλεῖστον εἶναι
a ld a f b) 3
τῶν Δημητρίου στρατιωτῶν τρεφομένων, ἀλλ
7 a 7 aA
ἐνδιατρίβοντα τῇ χώρᾳ Δημήτριον ov καλῶς
περιορᾶν αὐτόν, ὃς ἀεὶ βιαιότατος ὧν καὶ μεγαλο-
/ an
πραγμονέστατος βασιλέων νῦν ἐν τύχαις γέγονεν
€ an N
al Kal τοὺς φύσει μετρίους ἐξάγουσι τολμᾶν καὶ
3 A 2 / \ Cc / 3 ΄
ἀδικεῖν. ἐκ τούτου παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Σέλευκος ἐξώρ-
3 4 \ a / e
μησεν εἰς Κιλικίαν peta πολλῆς δυνάμεως. ὁ
δὲ Δημήτριος ἐκπλαγεὶς τῇ δι’ ὀλίγου μεταβολῇ
; γου μ ἢ
an / ’ Ὁ / lal 3
τοῦ Σελεύκου καὶ φοβηθείς, ὑπέστειλε τοῖς οχυρω-
a ,
τάτοις τοῦ Ταύρου, καὶ διαπεμπόμενος ἠξίου μά-
ALTTA μὲν αὐτὸν περιϊδεῖν τῶν αὐτονόμων τινὰ
βαρβάρων κτησάμενον ἀρχήν, ἐν ἣ καταβιώσεται
πλάνης καὶ φυγῆς παυσάμενος, εἰ δὲ μή, τὸν
a ὃ θ / \ ὃ i ’ , Ν Ν
χειμῶνα διαθρέψαι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτόθι, καὶ μὴ
/ 9 “ \ N 3 Us \ /
πάντων ἐνδεᾶ Kal γυμνὸν ἐξελαύνειν καὶ προβάλ-
Rely τοῖς πολεμίοις.
\ fa)
XLVIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Σέλευκος ταῦτα πάντα ὑπο-
{7 3 / » , 3 ΄ ΄’ an
πτεύων ἐκέλευσεν αὐτόν, εἰ βούλεται, δύο μῆνας
a , 3
ἐν τῇ Kataovia χειμάσαι, δόντα τοὺς πρώτους
a , ς / “ \ \ ’ , > /
τῶν φίλων ὁμήρους, ἅμα δὲ τὰς εἰς Συρίαν ἀπετεί-
e / ’ / ef Ἢ «
χιζεν ὑπερβολάς, ἐγκλειόμενος, ὥσπερ θηρίον, ὁ
/ he
Δημήτριος κύκλῳ Kal περιβαλλόμενος, ὑπ᾽ ἀν-
, / \
AYKNS τρέπεται πρὸς ἀλκήν, Kal τήν TE χώραν
Ξ καὶ τῷ Σελεύ βάλλ
κατέτρεχε καὶ τῷ Σελεύκῳ προσβάλλοντι συμ-
, a
TAEKOMEVOS ἀεὶ πλέον εἶχε. καί ποτε τῶν Spe-
Ud ’ /
πανηφόρων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφεθέντων ὑποστὰς τροπὴν
120

91

DEMETRIUS, xiv. 3-xivi. 2

Patrocles, a man in repute for wisdom, and a trusted
friend of Seleucus, came to him and told him that
the expense of maintaining the soldiers of De-
metrius was a very small matter, but that it was
unwise for him to allow Demetrius to remain in the
country, since he had always been the most violent
of the kings, and the most given to grand designs,
and was now in a state of fortune where even natur-
ally moderate men are led to commit deeds of daring
and injustice. Incited by this advice, Seleucus
marched into Cilicia with a large force. Then De-
metrius, filled with amazement and alarm at the
sudden change of attitude in Seleucus, withdrew to
the strongest fastnesses of the Taurus, and sending
messengers to Seleucus, asked that above all things
he might be permitted to acquire a petty empire
among the independent Barbarians, in which he
might end his days without further wanderings and
flights; but if this might not be, he begged him to
give his troops food for the winter there, and not
to drive him forth, stripped and destitute of all
things, and cast him into the hands of his enemies.
XLVIII. But Seleucus was suspicious of all this,
and told Demetrius that he might, if he wished,
spend two months in winter quarters in Cataonia,
provided he gave the chief among his friends as
hostages; and at the same time he fortified the
passes into Syria against him. Then Demetrius, like
a wild beast, hemmed in and attacked on all sides, was
driven to defend himself; he overran the country,
and when Seleucus attacked him, engaged with him
and always had the advantage. Once in particular,
when the scythe-bearing chariots were dashing down
upon him, he avoided the charge, routed his

121

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐποιήσατο, καὶ τῶν εἰς Συρίαν ὑπερβολῶν τοὺς
ἀποτειχίξοντας ἐξελάσας ἐκράτησε. καὶ ὅλως
ἐπῆρτο τῇ γνώμῃ, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀνατεθαρ-
ρηκότας ὁρῶν παρεσκευάζετο διαγωνίσασθαι πρὸς
τὸν Σέλευκον ἐπὶ τοῖς μεγίστοις ἄθλοις, ἡπορη-
μένον ἤδη καὶ αὐτόν. ἀπέστρεψε μὲν γὰρ τὴν
παρὰ Λυσιμάχου βοήθειαν ἀ ἀπιστῶν καὶ φοβούμε-
νος, αὐτὸς δὲ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὥκνει τῷ Δημητρίῳ
συνάψαι, δεδιὼς τὴν ἀπόνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀεὶ
μεταβολὴν ἐκ τῶν ἐσχάτων ἀποριῶν τὰς μεγίστας
εὐτυχίας ἐπιφέρουσαν.

όσος μέντοι βαρεῖα τὸν Δημήτριον ἐν τούτῳ
καταλαβοῦσα τό τε σῶμα δεινῶς ἐ ἐκάκωσε καὶ τὰ
πράγματα παντάπασι διέφθειρεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ
ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, οἱ δὲ διερρύ-
ησαν αὐτοῦ τῶν στρατιωτῶν. μόλις δὲ ἐν ἡμέραις
τεσσαράκοντα ῥαΐσας καὶ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους ἀνα-
λαβών, καὶ ὁρμήσας, ὅσον ἰδεῖν καὶ δοξάσαι τοὺς
πολεμίους, ἐπὶ Κιλικίας, εἶτα νυκτὸς ἄνευ σάλ-
πίγγος ἄρας ἐπὶ θάτερα καὶ τὸν ᾿Αμανὸν ὑπερ-
βαλὼν ἐπόρθει τὴν κάτω χώραν ἄχρι τῆς Κυρ-
ρηστικῆς.

XLIX. ᾿᾿πιφανέντος δὲ τοῦ Σελεύκον καὶ
ποιουμένου τὰς καταλύσεις ἐγγύς, ἀναστήσας ὁ
Δημήτριος τὸ στράτευμα νυκτὸς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν ἀγνοοῦντα μέχρι πολλοῦ καὶ κοιμώμενον.
αὐτομόλων δέ τινων παραγενομένων καὶ dpa-
σάντων τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐκπλαγεὶς καὶ ἀναπηδήσας
ἐκέλευσε σημαίνειν, ἅμα τὰς κρηπῖδας ὑποδού-
μενος καὶ βοῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους ὡς θηρίῳ
δεινῷ συμπέπλεκται. Δημήτριος δὲ τῷ θορύβῳ
τῶν πολεμίων αἰσθόμενος ὅτι μεμήνυται, κατὰ

122

DEMETRIUS, ΧΙΝΙΠ. 2—xurx. 1

assailants, drove away those who were fortifying the
passes into Syria, and made himself master of them.
And now he was completely lifted up in spirit, and
seeing that his soldiers had recovered their courage,
he made ready to fight to the finish with Seleucus
for the supreme prizes. Seleucus himself was already
in perplexity. For he had refused the assistance
offered by Lysimachus, whom he distrusted and
feared ; and by himself he hesitated to join battle
with Demetrius, fearing the man’s desperation and
the perpetual change which brought him from the
extremest destitution to the greatest affluence.

However, a grievous sickness seized Demetrius at
this juncture ; it wrought terrible harm to his body,
and utterly ruined his cause. For some of his soldiers
went over to the enemy, and others dispersed. But
at last, after forty days, he recovered strength, and
taking the soldiers that remained, set out, so far as
his enemies could see or conjecture, for Cilicia; then,
in the night and without signal by trumpet, he set
out in the opposite direction, crossed the range of
Amanus, and plundered the lower country as far as
Cyrrhestica.

XLIX. When Seleucus made his appearance
there and encamped near by, Demetrius set his
army in motion by night and advanced against him.
Seleucus was ignorant of his approach for a long
time, and lay sleeping. But when some deserters
came and told him of his peril, he was astounded, and
leaping up ordered the trumpets to be sounded, at
the same time pulling on his boots and shouting to
his companions that a terrible wild beast was upon
them. But Demetrius, perceiving from the noise
which his enemies made that they had been informed

127

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ > a e/ ᾽ ς / / A
2 τάχος ἀπῆγεν. ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ προσκειμένου τοῦ
Σελεύκου, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ἐπὶ θά-
/ / \ a /
τερον κέρας ἐποίησέ τινα τροπὴν τῶν ἐναντίων.
“. / , > Ἂν > \ \ 7 \
εἶτα μέντοι Σέλευκος αὐτὸς ἀφεὶς τὸν ἵππον Kal
\ / ’ , \ \ / ’ /
TO κράνος ἀποθέμενος Kat λαβὼν πέλτην ἀπήντα
a , if e N
τοῖς μισθοφόροις, ἐπιδεικνύμενος αὑτὸν καὶ μετα-
a Yd \
βαλέσθαι παρακαλῶν, ἤδη ποτὲ συμφρονήσαντας
/ id ᾽ ,ὔ ,
OTL φειδόμενος ἐκείνων, οὐ Δημητρίου, χρόνον
fa ,
3 πολὺν διατετέλεκεν. ἐκ τούτου πάντες ἀσπαΐζό-
\ 7
μενοι καὶ βασιλέα προσαγορεύοντες μεθίσταντο.
\ a a 3 /
Δημήτριος δὲ πολλῶν μεταβολῶν αἰσθόμενος
, ᾽ y ,ὔ
ἐσχάτην ἐκείνην ἥκουσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν, ἐκκλίνας ἐπὶ
΄,
τὰς ᾿Αμανίδας ἔφυγε πύλας, καὶ καταβαλὼν εἰς
e/ \ An \ ΄ a \
ὕλην τινὰ συνηρεφῆ μετὰ φιλων τινῶν Kal
/ /
ἀκολούθων ὀλίγων παντάπασιν ὄντων προσέμενε
AY 7 ΄ Ξ 7 an 5 Ν n
τὴν νύκτα, BovAomeEvos, εἰ δύναιτο, τῆς ἐπὶ Kad-
n a \
νον ὁδοῦ λαβέσθαι καὶ διεκπεσεῖν ἐπὶ THY θάλασ-
ie /
4 σαν, οὗ τὸν ναύσταθμον εὑρήσειν ἤλπιζεν. ὡς
, A / > /
δὲ ἔγνω μηδὲ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐφόδιον ἔχοντας
7 / A
αὐτούς, ἐπ᾿ ἄλλων ἐγένετο λογισμῶν. εἶτα μέν-
/ lal A a r
ToL Σωσιγένης ἐπῆλθεν, ἑταῖρος αὐτοῦ, χρυσοῦς
τετρακοσίους ὑπεζωσμένος" καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων ἐλπί-
\
Covtes ἄχρι θαλάσσης διαγενήσεσθαι, πρὸς τὰς
δὰ , - a
ὑπερβολὰς ἐχώρουν σκοταῖοι. πυρῶν δὲ καιομέ-
\ “-“ / /
νων πρὸς αὐταῖς πολεμίων ἀπογνόντες ἐκείνην
€ \
τὴν ὁδὸν αὖθις ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον,
/ »
οὔτε πάντες (ἔνιοι yap ἀπέδρασαν) οὔτε ὁμοίως
ς / /
5 ol παραμένοντες πρόθυμοι: τολμήσαντος δέ τινος
’ a e / \ \ lal A
εἰπεῖν τι, ὡς Σελεύκῳ χρὴ TO σῶμα παραδοῦναι

124

DEMETRIUS, xxix. 2-5

of his approach, drew off his troops with all speed.
When day came, however, Seleucus was pressing him
hard, so he sent one of his officers to the other wing,
and partially routed the enemy. But at this point
Seleucus himself, quitting his horse, doffing his helmet,
and taking a light shield, went to meet the merce-
naries of Demetrius, showing them who he was, and
exhorting them to come over to him, since they
must for some time have been aware that his long
forbearance had them in view, and not Demetrius.
Consequently they ail welcomed him, hailed him
as king, and went over to him.

Then Demetrius, perceiving that the last of many
reversals of fortune was now come upon hin, left
the field and fled to the passes of Amanus, where he
plunged into a dense forest along with sundry friends
and followers, few all told, and waited for the night.
He wished, if possible, to take the road to Caunus
and make his way through to the sea, where he ex-
pected to find his feet. But when he learned that
the party had not provisions enough even for the
coming day, he tried to think of other plans. At
this point, however, Sosigenes came up, a companion
of his, with four hundred pieces of gold in his belt;
so hoping that with this money they could make
their way through to the sea, the party set out to-
wards the passes, in the darkness of night. In the
passes, however, the enemy were burning fires, so
the fugitives despaired of this road and once more
returned to their place in the forest—not all of them,
for some had run away; nor was the remnant as
willing as before. And when one of them ventured
to speak out boldly and say that Demetrius ought to

125

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ ef \ \ , /
Δημήτριον, ὥρμησε μὲν τὸ ξίφος σπασάμενος
δὲ a“ « / ς Ν / / \
ἀνελεῖν ἑαυτόν, οἱ δὲ φίλοι περιστάντες καὶ

ὦ a \
παραμυθούμενοι συνέπεισαν οὕτω ποιῆσαι. καὶ
le 2 i? δὴ 2
πέμπει πρὸς Σέλευκον ἐπιτρέπων ἐκείνῳ τὰ καθ
ἑαυτόν.
A /
L. ᾿Ακούσας δὲ Σέλευκος οὐκ ἔφη τῇ Δημητρίου
/ ΄ / ) \ A ς a \
τύχη σώξεσθαι Δημήτριον, ἀλλὰ TH αὑτοῦ, μετὰ
A rn a Si \
TOV ἄλλων καλῶν αὐτῷ φιλανθρωπίας Kal χρη-
/ 3 [ὃ ὃ ὃ / , δὲ \
στότητος ἐπίδειξιν διδούσῃ. καλέσας ὃε TOUS
7 \ ’ /
ἐπιμελητὰς σκηνήν Te πηγνύναι βασιλικὴν ἐκέ-
Ξ Ξ /
λευσε, καὶ TAAAA πάντα ποιεῖν Kal παρασκευα-
ζειν εἰς ὑποδοχὴν καὶ θεραπείαν μεγαλοπρεπῶς.
> Δ δ lal a
ἣν δέ τις ᾿Απολλωνίδης παρὰ τῷ Σελεύκῳ, τοῦ
/ a
Δημητρίου γεγονὼς συνήθης" τοῦτον εὐθὺς ἐξέ-
,
πεμψε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅπτως ἡδίων γένηται Kal θαρ-
a tal \ “
ρῶν ὡς πρὸς οἰκεῖον ἄνδρα καὶ κηδεστὴν ἀπαντᾶν.
Φανερᾶς δὲ τῆς γνώμης αὐτοῦ γενομένης ὀλίγοι τὸ
πρῶτον, εἶτα οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν φίλων ἐξεπήδων

\ Ν / ς , \ /
παρὰ Tov Δημήτριον, ἁμιλλώμενοι καὶ φθάνοντες
b) / 3 / \ > \ \ a /
ἀλλήλους: ἠλπίζετο γὰρ εὐθὺς παρὰ τῷ Σελεύκῳ

5
μέγιστος ἔσεσθαι.

a \ 7) \ 2 , ,

Τοῦτο δὲ ἐκείνῳ μὲν εἰς φθόνον μετέβαλε τὸν
/ “
ἔλεον, τοῖς δὲ κακοήθεσι καὶ βασκάνοις παρέσχεν
/ a an
ἀποτρέψαι καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ
,
βασιλέως, ἐκφοβήσασιν αὐτόν, ὡς οὐκ εἰς ava-

/ ’ > 0 2 a lal n
Boras, ἀλλ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ὀφθῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα,

bf Uy lal
μεγάλων ἐσομένων ἐν TH στρατοπέδῳ νεωτερισ-

ω a)
μῶν. ἄρτι δὴ ToD ᾿᾿Απολλωνίδου πρὸς τὸν Δημή-
/ fal an
τρίον ἀφιγμένου περιχαροῦς, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
126

914

DEMETRIUS, xxix. 5-1. 4

surrender himself to Seleucus, Demetrius drew his
sword and would have killed himself; but his friends
encompassed him, and with encouraging words per-
suaded him to do as the man had said. So he sent
to Seleucus and put himself at his disposal.

L. When Seleucus heard of it, he declared that it
was not the good fortune of Demetrius that brought
him safety, but his own, which, in addition to her
other blessings, gave him an opportunity to show
generosity and kindness. Then he called his over-
seers and bade them pitch a royal tent, and to make
all other arrangements and preparations for a mag-
nificent reception and entertainment. There was
also with Seleucus a certain Apollonides, who had
been an intimate friend of Demetrius; this man was
at once sent to him by Seleucus, to give him cheer-
fulness and confidence by reminders that he was
coming into the presence of a man who was a friend
and relative. When this purpose of Seleucus be-
came evident, first a few of his friends, then the
greater part of them, went off hot foot to Demetrius,
vying with one another in their efforts to reach
him first; for it was expected that he would at
once be a very great personage at the court of
Seleucus.

But this behaviour of his friends turned the king’s
pity into jealousy, and gave malicious and mischievous
persons an opportunity to thwart and put an end to
his generosity. They frightened him by their insin-
uations that without any delay, but at the first sight
of Demetrius, there would be a great revolution in
the camp. And so it came to pass that at the very
time when Apollonides had come to Demetrius with
a joyful countenance, and while the other courtiers

E2 127

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπερχομένων καὶ λόγους θαυμαστοὺς ἀπαγγελ-
λόντων περὶ τοῦ Σελεύκου, καὶ τοῦ Δημητρίου
μετὰ τηλικαύτην δυστυχίαν καὶ κακοπραγίαν, εἰ
καὶ πρότερον ἐδόκει τὴν παράδοσιν τοῦ σώματος
αἰσχρὰν πεποιῆσθαι, τότε μετεγνωκότος διὰ τὸ
θαρρεῖν καὶ πιστεύειν ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἦλθε ἸΤαυ-
σανίας ἔχων στρατιώτας ὁμοῦ πεζοὺς καὶ ἱππεῖς
περὶ χιλίους. καὶ τούτοις περισχὼν τὸν Δημή-
τριον ἄφνω, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀποστήσας, Σελεύκῳ
μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς ὄψιν οὐ κατέστησεν, εἰς δὲ Χερρό-
νῆσον τὴν Συριακὴν ἀπήγαγεν, ὅπου τὸ λοιπὸν
ἰσχυρᾶς φυλακῆς ἐπισταθείσης θεραπεία μὲν ἧκεν
ἱκανὴ παρὰ Σελεύκου καὶ χρήματα καὶ δίαιτα
παρεσκευάζετο καθ᾽ ἡμέραν οὐ μεμπτή, δρόμοι δὲ
καὶ περίπατοι βασιλικοὶ καὶ παράδεισοι θήρας
ἔχοντες ἀπεδείχθησαν" ἣ ἦν δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων τῶν
συμφυγόντων. τῷ βουλομένῳ συνεῖναι, καὶ παρ᾽
αὐτὸν } τινες ὅμως ἐπιφοιτῶντες ἀπὸ τοῦ Σελεύκου
ἧκον κομίζοντες ἐπιεικεῖς λόγους καὶ θαρρεῖν
παρακαλοῦντες, ὡς, ὅταν πρῶτον ᾿Αντίοχος ἀφί-
κηται σὺν Στρατονίκῃ, διεθησόμενον.

iO) hoe Δημήτριος ἐν τῇ τοιαύτῃ τύχῃ
γεγονὼς ἐπέστειλε τοῖς περὶ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τοῖς
περὶ ᾿Αθήνας καὶ Κόρινθον ἡγεμόσι καὶ φίλοις 3
μήτε γράμμασιν αὐτοῦ μήτε σφραγῖδι πιστεύειν,
ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τεθνηκότος ᾿Αντιγόνῳ τὰς πόλεις καὶ
τὰ λοιπὰ πράγματα διαφυλάττειν. ᾿Αντίγονος
δὲ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς σύλληψιν πυθόμενος καὶ βαρέ-

1 παρ᾽ αυτὸν Coraés and Bekker, with the MSS.; Sintenis
corrects to map’ αὐτοῦ and deletes ἀπὸ τοῦ Σελεύκου.

2 trois... φίλοις Sintenis, with the best MSS. and Ste-
phanus; Coraés and Bekker retain mpds... φίλους.

128

DEMETRIUS, t. 4-11. 2

were coming up and telling him wonderful tales
about Seleucus and his generosity, and when De-
metrius, after all his disasters and misfortunes, even
if he had once thought his surrender a disgraceful
act, had now changed his mind as a result of his
courage and hopefulness, up came Pausanias at the
head of a thousand soldiers, foot and horse together,
With these he surrounded Demetrius on a sudden,
and after sending off everybody else, conducted him,
not into the presence of Seleucus, but away to the
Syrian Chersonese. Here, for the rest of his life,
a strong guard was set over him, a sufficient number
of attendants came to him from Seleucus, while
money and maintenance was provided for him day by
day which was not to be despised, nay, royal courses
for riding and walking, and parks with wild game in
them, were set apart for his use; any friend also who
shared his exile and wished to visit him could do so,
and notwithstanding his captivity sundry people kept
coming to him from Seleucus bringing kindly mes-
sages and exhorting him to be of good cheer, since as
soon as Antiochus came with Stratonicé, he was to
be set at liberty.

LI. Demetrius, however, finding himself in this
plight, sent word to his son and the friends and
commanders who were at Athens and Corinth, bid-
ding them put no trust in letters or seal purporting
to be his, but to treat him as dead, and to preserve
for Antigonus his cities and the rest of his power,
When Antigonus learned of his father’s capture, he

129

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> \ \ / ΕΣ \ 3 a ,
ws ἐνεγκὼν καὶ πενθίμην ἀναλαβὼν ἐσθῆτα πρὸς
\ 7 a ” \ Ν > \
τε τοὺς ἄλλους βασιλεῖς ἔγραψε καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν
Σέλευκον, δεόμενος, καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι λοιπὸν ἣν αὐτοῖς
x
παραδιδούς, Kal πρὸ παντὸς ὁμηρεύειν ἕτοιμος WV
αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρός. καὶ συνεδέοντο ταῦτα
πόλεις τε πολλαὶ καὶ δυνάσται πλὴν Λυσιμάχου.
\
Λυσίμαχος δὲ καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ πέμπων ὑπισ-
a / S -
χνεῖτο Σελεύκῳ κτείναντι Δημήτριον. ὁ δὲ ἐκεῖ-
ij a
νον μὲν Kal ἄλλως προβαλλόμενος ETL μᾶλλον
/ \ a \
ἐπὶ τούτῳ μιαρὸν ἡγεῖτο καὶ βάρβαρον, ᾿Αντιόχῳ
δὲ τῷ παιδὶ καὶ Στρατονίκῃ φυλάττων Δημή-
i 3 / ὦ lh ue ; TE")
e 6 a
τρίον, ὡς ἐκείνων ἡ χάρις γένοιτο, παρῆγε τὸν
/
χρόνον.
ς , A A
111. Ὃ δὲ Δημήτριος, ὡς ἐν ἀρχῇ τὴν τύχην
A / A
προσπεσοῦσαν ὑπέμεινε, Kal ῥᾷον ἤδη φέρειν εἰθί-
ἕετο τὰ παρόντα, πρῶτον μὲν ἁμῶς γέ πως ἐκίνει
τὸ σῶμα, θήρας, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἣν, καὶ δρόμων ἁπτό-
μενος, ἔπειτα κατὰ μικρὸν ὄκνου πρὸς αὐτὰ καὶ
/ / /
νωθείας ἐπίμπλατο, καὶ φέρων ἑαυτὸν εἰς πότους
\ / / \ a / \ a
καὶ κύβους κατέβαλε Kal τοῦ χρόνου Tov πλεῖ-
/ a a
στον ἐν τούτοις διῆγεν, εἴτε τοὺς ἐν TO νήφειν
“ ῇ
ἀναλογισμοὺς τῶν παρόντων ἀποδιδράσκων καὶ
, A /
παρακαλυπτόμενος τῇ μέθῃ τὴν διάνοιαν, εἴτε
\ aA Lal 3 οἷ ἃ
συγγνοὺς ἑαυτῷ τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν βίον, ὃν ἔκπαλαι
an Ν a ΕΣ «ς 2 > Pr \ a
ποθῶν καὶ διώκων ἄλλως ὑπ᾽ ἀνοίας Kal κενῆς
\ A
δόξης ἐπλάζετο καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἑαυτῷ, πολλὰ
\ / / a
δὲ ἑτέροις πράγματα παρεῖχεν, ἐν ὅπλοις Kal
/ Ὁ
στόλοις καὶ στρατοπέδοις τὸ ἀγαθὸν ζητῶν,
a ἴω 2 » ΄ὔ \ a \ 3
ο νυν ἐν ἀπραγμοσύνῃ καὶ σχολῇ καὶ ava-

130

91

DEMETRIUS, 11. 2-111. 2

was deeply distressed, put on mourning apparel, and
wrote to the other kings and especially to Seleucus
himself, supplicating him, and offering to surrender
to him whatever was left of his own and his father’s
possessions, and above everything else volunteering
to be a hostage himself for his father. Many cities
also and many rulers joined in these supplications.
But Lysimachus did not; he sent to Seleucus the
promise of a large sum of money if he killed De-
metrius. But Seleucus, who had always had a feeling
of aversion for Lysimachus, all the more for this
proposal thought him abominable and barbarous, and
continued to keep Demetrius under watch and ward
for Antiochus his son and Stratonicé, that the
favour of his release might come from them.

LII. But Demetrius, who in the beginning bore
up under the misfortune that had come upon him,
and presently grew accustomed to it and endured his
situation with a better grace, at first, in one way or
another, exercised his body, resorting to hunting, so
far as he could, or riding; then, little by little, he
came to have the greatest indifference and aversion
to these sports, took eagerly to drinking and dice,
and spent most of his time at these. This was either
because he sought escape from the thoughts on his
present condition which tormented him when he was
sober, and tried to smother his reflections in drunk-
enness; or because he had convinced himself that
this was the real life, which he had long desired and
striven to attain, but had foolishly missed it through
folly and empty ambition, thereby bringing many
troubles upon himself, and many upon others; he
had sought in arms and fleets and armies to find the
highest good, but now, to his surprise, had discovered

131

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 παύσει μὴ προσδοκήσας ἀνεύρηκε. τί γὰρ, ἄλλο
τῶν πολέμων καὶ τῶν κινδύνων πέρας ἐστὶ τοῖς
φαύλοις βασιλεῦσι, κακῶς καὶ ἀνοήτως διακει-
μένοις, οὐχ ὅτι μόνον τρυφὴν καὶ ἡδονὴν ἀντὶ
τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ τοῦ καλοῦ διώκουσιν, ἀλλ᾽
ὅτι μηδὲ ἥδεσθαι μηδὲ τρυφᾶν ὡς ἀληθῶς
ἴσασιν;

Ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Δημήτριος ἔτος τρίτον ἐν τῇ Χερ-
ρονήσῳ καθειργμένος ὑπ᾽ ἀργίας καὶ πλησμονῆς
καὶ οἴνου νοσήσας ἀπέθανεν, ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ
πεντήκοντα βεβιωκώς. καὶ Σέλευκος ἤκουσέ τε
κακῶς καὶ μετενόησεν. οὐ μετρίως ἐν ὑποψίᾳ τὸν
π᾿ leew θέμενος τότε, καὶ μηδὲ Δρομιχαίτην,
ἄνδρα βάρ, Sapov Θρᾷκα, μιμησάμενος οὕτω φιλ-
ανθρώπως καὶ βασιλικῶς ἁλόντι Λυσιμάχῳ
χρησάμενον.

Line Ἔσχε μέντοι καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ταφὴν
αὐτοῦ τραγικήν τινα καὶ θεατρικὴν διάθεσιν. ὁ
γὰρ υἱὸς ᾿Αντίγονος, ὡς ἤσθετο τὰ λείψανα
κομιξόμενα, πάσαις ἀναχθεὶς ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπὶ
νήσων ἀπήντησε' καὶ δεξάμενος εἰς τὴν μεγί-
στην τῶν ναυαρχίδων ἔθετο πὴν ὑδρίαν χρυσή-
λατον οὗσαν. αἱ δὲ πόλεις αἷς προσεῖχον, τοῦτο
μὲν στεφάνους ἐπέφερον τῇ ὑδρίᾳ, τοῦτο δὲ
ἄνδρας ἐν σχήματι πενθίμῳ συνθάψοντας καὶ
συμπαραπέμψοντας ἀπέστελλον. εἰς δὲ Κόριν-

ov τοῦ στόλου καταπλέοντος ἥ τε κάλπις ἐκ

πρύμνης περιφανὴς ἑωρᾶτο πορφύρᾳ βασιλικῇ καὶ
/ \

ιαδήματι κεκοσμημένη, καὶ παρειστήκεισαν ἐν

ὅπλοις νεανίσκοι δορυφοροῦντες. ὁ δὲ τῶν τότε

αὐλητῶν ἐχλλογιμώτατος ΞΞενόφαντος ἐγγὺς καθε-

132

DEMETRIUS, tn. 3-111. 2

it in idleness and leisure and repose. For what
other end than this can worthless kings seek to
attain by their wars and perils? Wicked and foolish
indeed are they, not only because they seek after
luxury and pleasure instead of virtue and honour,
but also because they do not even know how to enjoy
real pleasure or true luxury.

So, then, Demetrius, after an imprisonment of
three years! in the Syrian Chersonese, through in-
activity and surfeit of food and wine, fell sick and
died, in the fifty-fifth year of his life. Seleucus was
in ill repute for this, and repented him bitterly for
having cherished such suspicions against Demetrius,
and for allowing himself to be outdone even by
Dromichaetes, a barbarous Thracian, who had given
Lysimachus,” his captive, a treatment so humane and
royal.

LIII. Moreover, there was something dramatic
and theatrical even in the funeral ceremonies of
Demetrius. For his son Antigonus, when he learned
that his remains had been sent home, put to sea
with his entire fleet and met them off the islands.
They were given to him in a golden urn, and he
placed them in the largest of his admiral’s ships.
Of the cities where the fleet touched in its passage,
some brought garlands to adorn the urn, others sent
men in funeral attire to assist in escorting it home
and burying it. When the fleet put in at Corinth,
the cinerary vase was conspicuous on the vessel’s
poop, adorned with royal purple anda king’s diadem,
and young men stood about it in arms as a body-
guard. Moreover, the most celebrated flute-player
then living, Xenophantus, sat near, and with the

1 From 386 to 383 B.o. 2 Cf. chapter xxxix. 3.
133

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 ζόμενος προσηύλει τῶν μελῶν TO ἱερώτατον" Kal
πρὸς τοῦτο τῆς εἰρεσίας ἀναφερομένης μετὰ ῥυθ-
μοῦ τινος, ἀπήντα ψόφος, ὥσπερ ἐν κοπετῷ, ταῖς
τῶν αὐλημάτων περιόδοις" τὸν δὲ πλεῖστον οἷκ-
τον καὶ ὀλοφυρμὸν αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος τοῖς
ἠθροισμένοις ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ὀφθεὶς ταπεινὸς
καὶ δεδακρυμένος παρέσχεν. ἐπενεχθεισῶν δὲ
τιμῶν καὶ στεφάνων περὶ Κόρινθον εἰς Δημητριά-
δα κομίσας ἔθηκε τὰ λείψανα, πόλιν ἐπώνυμον
ἐκείνου, συνοικισθεῖσαν ἐκ μικρῶν τῶν περὶ τὴν
Ἰωλκὸν πολιχνίων.

4 ᾿Απέλιπε δὲ γενεὰν ὁ Δημήτριος ᾿Αντίγονον
μὲν ἐκ Φίλας καὶ Στρατονίκην, δύο δὲ Δημητρί-
ous, τὸν μὲν Λεπτόν, ἐξ ᾿Ιλλυρίδος γυναικός, τὸν
δὲ ἄρξαντα ἹΚυρήνης ἐκ Πτολεμαΐδος, ἐκ δὲ Ani-
δαμείας ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὃς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κατεβίωσε.
λέγεται δὲ καὶ Κόρραγον υἱὸν ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης αὐτῷ
γενέσθαι. κατέβη δὲ ταῖς διαδοχαῖς τὸ γένος
αὐτοῦ βασιλεῦον εἰς Περσέα τελευταῖον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ
“Ῥωμαῖοι Μακεδονίαν ὑπηγάγοντο.

Διηγωνισμένου δὲ τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ δράματος
ὥρα τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἐπεισαγαγεῖν.

134

DEMETRIUS, ti. 3-4

most solemn melody upon his flute accompanied the
rowers ; to this melody the oars kept perfect time,
and their splashing, like funereal beatings of the
breast, answered to the cadences of the flute-tones.
But the most pity and lamentation among those who
had come in throngs to the sea-shore was awakened
by the sight of Antigonus himself, who was bowed
down and in tears. After garlands and other honours
had been bestowed upon the remains at Corinth,
they were brought by Antigonus to Demetrias for
burial, a city named after his father, who had settled
it from the small villages about Iolcus.!

The children left by Demetrius were these:
Antigonus and Stratonicé, by Phila; two named
Demetrius, one who was surnamed the Thin, by a
woman of Illyria, and one who ruled Cyrené, by
Ptolemais; and, by Deidameia, Alexander, who
lived and died in Egypt. It is said also that he had
ason named Corrhagus, by Eurydicé. His line came
down in a succession of kings to Perseus, the last, in
whose reign the Romans subdued Macedonia.

And now that the Macedonian play has been
performed, let us introduce the Roman.

1 Cf. chapter xxv. 2.

135

ANTONY

ANTONIOZ

1: ᾿Αντωνίου πάππος μὲν ἣν ὁ ῥήτωρ ᾿Αντώ-
νιος, ὃν τῆς Σύλλα γενόμενον στάσεως Μάριος
ἀπέκτεινε, πατὴρ δὲ ὁ Κρητικὸς ἐπικληθεὶς
᾿Αντώνιος, οὐχ οὕτω μὲν εὐδόκιμος ἐν τοῖς
πολιτικοῖς ἀνὴρ οὐδὲ λαμπρός, εὐγνώμων δὲ καὶ
χρηστός, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς τὰς peTadocels
ἐλευθέριος, ὡς ad ἑνὸς ἄν τις ἔργου καταμάθοι.
κεκτημένος γὰρ οὐ πολλὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῇ
φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρῆσθαι κωλυόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς yu-
ναικός, ἐπεί τις ἀφίκετο τῶν συνήθων πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἀργυρίου δεόμενος, ἀργύριον μὲν οὐκ εἶχε, παι-
δαρίῳ δὲ προσέταξεν εἰς ἀργυροῦν σκύφον ὕδωρ
ἐμβαλόντι κομίσαι" καὶ κομίσαντος, ὡς ξύρεσθαι
μέλλων κατέβρεχε τὰ γένεια. τοῦ δὲ παιδαρίου
καθ᾽ ἑτέραν πρόφασιν ἐκποδὼν γενομένου, τὸν
μὲν σκύφον ἔδωκε τῷ φίλῳ χρῆσθαι κελεύσας,
ζητήσεως δὲ πολλῆς ἐν τοῖς οἰκέταις οὔσης ὁρῶν

αλεπαίνουσαν τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ βουλομένην. καθ᾽
ἕκαστον ἐξετάζειν ὡμολόγησε, συγγνώμην ἔχειν
δεηθείς.

IT. Ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ γυνὴ ᾿Ιουλία τοῦ ΚΚαισάρων
οἴκου, ταῖς ἀρίσταις τότε καὶ σωφρονεστάταις
ἐνάμιλλος. ὑπὸ ταύτης ὁ υἱὸς ᾿Αντώνιος ἐτράφη
μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν Κορνηλίῳ Λέντλῳ

138

91.

ANTONY

I. Anrony’s grandfather was the orator Antonius,
who joined the party of Sulla and was put to death
by Marius;! his father was Antonius surnamed
Creticus, a man of no great repute in public life, nor
illustrious, but kindly and honest, and particularly a
liberal giver, as one may see from a single instance.
He had not much property himself, and therefore was
prevented by his wife from indulging his kindly
feelings. When, accordingly, one of his intimates
came to him with a request for money, money
he had not, but he ordered a young slave to put
water into a silver bowl and bring it to him, and
when it was brought, he moistened his chin, as
though about to shave. The slave was then sent
away on another errand improvised for the occasion,
whereupon Antonius gave the bowl to his friend and
bade him dispose of it. Later, when a careful
search was made for it among the slaves, seeing that
his wife was angry and proposed to put them to the
torture one by one, Antonius confessed what he
had done, and by his entreaties gained her pardon.

Il. His wife was Julia, of the house of the
Caesars, and she could vie with the noblest and most
discreet women of her time. By this mother her
son Antony was reared, after the death of whose
father she married Cornelius Lentulus, whom Cicero

1 Cf. the Marius, xliv. 1-4.
139

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γαμηθείσης, ὃν Κικέρων ἀπέκτεινε τῶν Katiriva
συνωμοτῶν γενόμενον. αὕτη δοκεῖ τῆς σφοδρᾶς
ἔχθρας ᾿Αντωνίῳ πρὸς Κικέρωνα πρόφασις
καὶ ἀρχὴ γενέσθαι. φησὶ γοῦν ᾿Αντώνιος οὐδὲ
τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῖς ἀποδοθῆναι τοῦ Λέντλου
πρότερον ἢ τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ Κικέρωνος τὴν
μητέρα δεηθῆναι. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁμολογουμένως
ψεῦδός ἐστιν: οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἴρχθη ταφῆς τῶν τότε
κολασθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ Κικέρωνος" ᾿Αντωϊίῳ δὲ
λαμπρῷ καθ᾽ ὥραν γενομένῳ τὴν ἱΚουρίωνος
φιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν ὥσπερ τινὰ κῆρα προσπε-
σεῖν λέγουσιν, αὐτοῦ τε περὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀπαιδεύ-
του γενομένου, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον, ὡς μᾶλλον εἴη
χειροήθης, εἰς πότους καὶ γύναια καὶ δαπάνας
πολυτελεῖς καὶ ἀκολάστους ἐμβάλλοντος. ἐξ ὧν
ὄφλημα βαρὺ καὶ παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν αὐτῷ συνήχθη
πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ταλάντων. τοῦτο πᾶν
ἐγγυησαμένου τοῦ Koupiwvos ὁ πατὴρ αἰσθόμενος
ἐξήλασε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας. ὁ δὲ
βραχὺν μέν τινα χρόνον τῇ Κλωδίου τοῦ θρασυ-
τάτου καὶ βδελυρωτάτου τῶν τότε δημαγωγῶν
φορᾷ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ταραττούσῃ προσέ-
μιξεν ἑ ἑαυτόν" ταχὺ δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου μανίας μεστὸς
γενόμενος, καὶ φοβηθεὶς τοὺς συνισταμένους ἐπὶ
τὸν Κλώδιον, ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας εἰς τὴν
Ἑλλάδα, καὶ διέτριβε τό τε σῶμα γυμνάζων πρὸς
τοὺς στρατιωτικοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ λέγειν μελετῶν.
ἐχρῆτο δὲ τῷ καλουμένῳ μὲν ᾿Ασιανῷ ζήλῳ τῶν
λόγων, ἀνθοῦντι μάλιστα κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον,
ἔχοντι δὲ πολλὴν ὁμοιότητα πρὸς τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ,
κομπώδη καὶ φρυαγματίαν ὄντα καὶ κενοῦ γαυ-
ριάματος καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἀνωμάλου μεστόν.

140

ANTONY, 1. 1-5

put to death for joining the conspiracy of Catiline.!
This would seem to have been the origin and ground
of the violent hatred which Antony felt towards
Cicero, At any rate, Antony says that not even the
dead body of Lentulus was given up to them until
his mother had begged it from the wife of Cicero.
This, however, is admittedly false; for no one of
those who were punished at that time by Cicero was
deprived of burial. Antony gave brilliant promise
in his youth, they say, until his intimate friendship
with Curio fell upon him like a pest. For Curio
himself was unrestrained in his pleasures, and in
order to make Antony more manageable, engaged
him in drinking bouts, and with women, and in
immoderate and extravagant expenditures. This
involved Antony in a heavy debt and one that was
excessive for his years—a debt of two hundred and
fifty talents.2_ For this wholesum Curio went surety,
but his father heard of it and banished Antony from
his house. Then Antony allied himself for a short
time with Clodius, the most audacious and low-lived
demagogue of his time, in the violent courses which
were convulsing the state ; but he soon became sated
with that miscreant’s madness, and fearing the party
which was forming against him, left Italy for Greece,
where he spent some time in military exercises and
the study of oratory. He adopted what was called
the Asiatic style of oratory, which was at the height
of its popularity in those days and bore a strong
resemblance to his own life, which was swashbuckling
and boastful, full of empty exultation and distorted
ambition.
1 Cf. the Cicero, xxii.

2 An equivalent, roughly, of £60,000, or $300,000, with
four or five times the purchasing power of modern money.

141

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ / \
III. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Γαβίνιος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς εἰς
, \ e A \
Συρίαν πλέων ἀνέπειθεν αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν
/ Ἂ , 4A 3 vx »» Cal
στρατείαν, ἰδιώτης μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη συνεξελθεῖν,
ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ἄρχων συνεστράτευε.
Ν a) \ bees Jom? ) U ᾽ /
καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αριστόβουλον ᾿Ιουδαίους
’ » \ ᾽ Ν \ ’ lA a /
ἀφιστάντα πεμφθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπέβη τοῦ μεγί-
στου τῶν ἐρυμάτων πρῶτος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ πάντων
Ξ ΄ = / 4 \ /
ἐξήλασεν: εἶτα μάχην συνάψας Kal τρεψάμενος
’ 7 aA \ e a \ 2 / ,
ολίγοις τοῖς σὺν αὑτῷ τοὺς ἐκείνου πολλαπλασι-
5) \
ous ὄντας ἀπέκτεινε πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας" αὐτὸς
“ ΄
δὲ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Αριστόβουλος ἥλω.
\ -~ 7 δ τὸς / ,
Mera ταῦτα ΤΙ αβίνιον ἐπὶ μυρίοις ταλάντοις
» ,

Πτολεμαίου πείθοντος εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἅμα συνεμ-
an A \ \ / A
βαλεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀναλαβεῖν, οἱ
a A , A
μὲν πλεῖστοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἠναντιοῦντο, καὶ

, A
Γαβίνιον δὲ ὄκνος τις εἶχε τοῦ πολέμου, καίπερ
ἐξηνδραποδισμένον κομιδῆ τοῖς μυρίοις ταλάντοις,
» , \ \ / / >! / \
Αντώνιος δὲ καὶ πράξεων μεγάλων ἐφιέμενος καὶ
A , , / /
τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ χαριζόμενος δεομένῳ συνέπεισε
\
μὲν καὶ συνεξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν τὸν
\ a a a
Γαβίνιον, ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου μᾶλλον ἐφοβοῦντο
\ \ ,
τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον ὁδόν, ἅτε δὴ διὰ ψάμμου
, Nip Πσοζενα \ Yo» \ κ᾿
βαθείας καὶ ἀνύδρου παρὰ τὸ Expnypa καὶ τὰ
n / a A
τῆς Σερβωνίδος ἕλη γινομένης αὐτοῖς THs πορείας,
ἃ lal \ 5 \ > » rn a
as Τυφῶνος μὲν ἐκπνοὰς Αἰγύπτιοι καλοῦσι, τῆς
ὧν » θ aA θ > , e , - ὃ -
ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης ὑπονόστησις εἶναι δοκεῖ
\ ὃ 60 κὰ Β Ψ ὃ , \ A
καὶ διήθησις, 7 βραχυτάτῳ διορίζεται πρὸς THY
3 Ν θΘ ὯΝ > θ an 9 \ \ a ς
ἐντὸς θάλασσαν ἰσθμῷ, πεμφθεὶς μετὰ τῶν ἱἐπ-
142

917

ANTONY, ur. 1-4

III. When Gabinius, a man ot consular dignity,
was Sailing for Syria, he tried to persuade Antony to
join the expedition. Antony refused to go out with
him in a private capacity, but on being appointed
commander of the horse, accompanied him on the
campaign.t. And first, having been sent against
Aristobulus, who was bringing the Jews to a revolt,?
he was himself the first man to mount the highest of
the fortifications, and drove Aristobulus from all of
them; then he joined battle with him, routed his
many times more numerous forces with his own small
band, and slew all but a few of them. Aristobulus
himself was captured, together with his son.

After this, Ptolemy tried to persuade Gabinius
by a bribe of ten thousand talents to join him in an
invasion of Egypt and recover the kingdom for him.?
But the greater part of the officers were opposed to
the plan, and Gabinius himself felt a certain dread
of the war, although he was completely captivated
by the ten thousand talents. Antony, however,
who was ambitious of great exploits and eager to
gratify the request of Ptolemy, joined the king in
persuading and inciting Gabinius to the expedition.
But more than the war the march to Pelusium was
feared, since their route lay through deep sand,
where there was no water, as far as the Ecregma and
the Serbonian marshes. These the Egyptians call
the blasts of Typhon,* although they appear to be a
residual arm of the Red Sea, helped by infiltration,
where the isthmus between them and the Medi-
terranean is at its narrowest. Antony was therefore

1 In 58 B.c. * Cf. the Pompey, xxxix. 2.

3. Cf. the Cato Minor, xxxv.; the Pompey, xlix. 5 ff.

* The evil deity of the Egyptians, buried under the Ser-
bonian marshes (Herodotus, iii. δ).

143

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ ‘tee , > / \ \ f
πέων ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος οὐ μόνον Ta στενὰ κατέσχεν,
/
ἀλλὰ καὶ ἸΠηλούσιον ἑλών, πόλιν μεγάλην, Kal
τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ φρουρῶν κρατήσας, ἅμα καὶ τὴν
OC » we an 4 Ν A ὅλ, “ὃ
ὁδὸν ἀσφαλῆ τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα
ἧς A A / /
τῆς νίκης ἐποίησε TO στρατηγῷ βέβαιον. ἀπέ-
\ an / > an \ e /
λαυσαν δὲ τῆς φιλοτιμίας αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι.
/ \ Ὁ n A > \ 7
Πτολεμαίου yap ἅμα τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὸ ἸΤηλού-
’ ’ an \ 7 e / lA
σιον ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς καὶ μίσους ὡρμημένου φονεύειν
\ > , Sie, \\ “ > N
tous Αἰγυπτίους ἐνέστη καὶ διεκώλυσεν. ἐν δὲ
ταῖς μάχαις καὶ τοῖς ἀγῶσι μεγάλοις καὶ συχνοῖς
\ ,
γενομένοις πολλὰ καὶ τόλμης ἔργα Kal προνοίας
ἡγεμονικῆς ἀποδειξάμενος, ἐμφανέστατα δὲ τῷ
κυκλώσασθαι καὶ περιβαλεῖν κατόπιν τοὺς πολε-
,ὔ a \
μίους τὴν νίκην τοῖς κατὰ στόμα παρασχών,
A \ vA Δ)
ἀριστεῖα καὶ τιμὰς ἔλαβε πρεπούσας. οὐ διέ-
λαθε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐδὲ ἡ πρὸς ᾿Αρχέλαον
- “ \
αὐτοῦ τεθνηκότα φιλανθρωπία: γεγονὼς yap
αὐτῷ συνήθης καὶ ξένος ἐπολέμει μὲν ἀναγκαίως
ζῶντι, τὸ δὲ σῶμα πεσόντος ἐξευρὼν καὶ κοσμή-
σας βασιλικῶς ἐκήδευσεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις ᾿Αλεξαν-
δρεῦσί τε πλεῖστον αὑτοῦ λόγον κατέλιπε, καὶ
¢€ / a / ἽΝ ”
Ρωμαίων τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἀνὴρ ἔδοξε λαμ-
πρότατος εἶναι.
IV. Προσῆὴν δὲ καὶ μορφῆς ἐλευθέριον ἀξίωμα,
καὶ πώγων TLS οὐκ ἀγεννὴς καὶ πλάτος μετώπου
an , an
Kal γρυπότης μυκτῆρος ἐδόκει τοῖς γραφομένοις
«
καὶ πλαττομένοις Πρακλέους προσώποις ἐμφερὲς
4 \ > , Ly δὲ \ / \
ἔχειν TO ἀρρενωπόν. ἣν δὲ Kal λόγος παλαιὸς
144

ANTONY, mm. q-1v. 1

sent with the cavalry, and he not only occupied the
narrow pass, but actually took Pelusium, a large city,
and got its garrison into his power, thus rendering its
march safer for the main army and giving its general
assured hope of victory. And even the enemy
reaped advantage from Antony’s love of distinction.
For Ptolemy, as soon as he entered Pelusium, was led
by wrath and hatred to institute a massacre of the
Egyptians; but Antony intervened and prevented
him. Moreover, in the ensuing battles and contests,
which were many and great, he displayed many
deeds of daring and sagacious leadership, the most
conspicuous of which was his rendering the van ot
the army victorious by outflanking the enemy and
enveloping them from the rear. For all this he
received rewards of valour and fitting honours. Nor
did the multitude fail to observe his humane treat-
ment of the dead Archelaiis,1 for after waging war
upon him of necessity while he was living, although
he had been a comrade and friend, when he had
fallen, Antony found his body and gave it royal
adornment and burial. Thus he left among the
people of Alexandria a very high reputation, and
was thought by the Romans on the expedition to be
a most illustrious man.

IV. He had also a noble dignity of form; and a
shapely beard, a broad forehead, and an aquiline
nose were thought to show the virile qualities
peculiar to the portraits and statues of Heracles.
Moreover, there was an ancient tradition that the

1 The pretended son of Mithridates, who had married
Berenicé, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, and queen of Egypt
after the expulsion of her father. His death occurred in
55 B.C.

145

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ ’
Ἡρακλείδας εἶναι τοὺς ᾿Αντωνίους, am "Ἄντωνος,
ς / a
παιδὸς Ἡρακλέους, γεγονότας. καὶ τοῦτον weTo
tA a A A 7
τὸν λόγον τῇ τε μορφῇ τοῦ σώματος, ὥσπερ
» \ a a la) Span Ud Ὁ
εἴρηται, καὶ τῇ στολῇ βεβαιοῦν. ἀεὶ γάρ, ὅτε
ὃ aA lal
μέλλοι πλείοσιν ὁρᾶσθαι, χιτῶνα εἰς μηρὸν
4
ἔζωστο, Kal μάχαιρα μεγάλη παρήρτητο, Kal
σάγος περιέκειτο τῶν στερεῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
Ν a ” \ a hi
τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις φορτικὰ δοκοῦντα, μεγαλαυχία
καὶ σκῶμμα καὶ κώθων ἐμφανὴς καὶ καθίσαι
, rn
παρὰ Tov ἐσθίοντα καὶ φαγεῖν ἐπιστάντα τρα-
a \ “ / ,
πέζῃ στρατιωτικῇ, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον εὐνοίας καὶ
πόθου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεποίει τοῖς στρατιώταις. ἣν
, \ . 2 \ 3 ᾽ / 9 \
δέ που καὶ τὸ ἐρωτικὸν οὐκ ἀναφρόδιτον, ἀλλὰ
\ ,
καὶ τούτῳ πολλοὺς ἐδημαγώγει, συμπράττων TE
a an , A
τοῖς ἐρῶσι καὶ σκωπτόμενος οὐκ ἀηδῶς εἰς τοὺς
ἰδίους ἔρωτας.
/ Ν 3
Ἢ δ᾽ ἐλευθεριότης καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ὀλίγῃ χειρὶ
/
μηδὲ φειδομένῃ χαρίζεσθαι στρατιώταις καὶ
\ \ a
φίλοις ἀρχήν τε λαμπρὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἰσχύειν αὐτῷ
παρέσχε, καὶ μεγάλου γενομένου τὴν δύναμιν
ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐπῆρεν, ἐκ μυρίων ἄλλων ἁμαρτη-
ἃ / A
μάτων ἀνατρεπομένην. ἕν δέ TL TOD μεγωλοδώρου
Lal ,
παράδειγμα διηγήσομαι. τῶν φίλων τινὶ μυριά-
δας ἐκέλευσε πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι δοθῆναι" τοῦτο
€ n Ld lal rf py Ss) ,
Ῥωμαῖοι δεκίης καλοῦσι. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιτρόπου θαυ-
/ NI. / Ν a > A
μάσαντος καὶ wa δείξη τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ KaTa-
\ sf
βαλόντος ἐν μέσῳ τὸ ἀργύριον, ἠρώτησε παριὼν
ὅ τι δὴ τοῦτο εἴη. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιτρόπου φήσαντος ὡς
146

ANTONY, tv. 1-4

Antonii were Heracleidae, being descendants of
Anton, a son of Heracles. And this tradition
Antony thought that he confirmed, both by the
shape of his body, as has been said, and by his attire.
For whenever he was going to be seen by many
people, he always wore his tunic girt up to his thigh,
a large sword hung at his side, and a heavy cloak
enveloped him. However, even what others thought
offensive, namely, his jesting and boastfulness, his
drinking-horn in evidence, his sitting by a comrade
who was eating, or his standing to eat at a soldier's
table,—it is astonishing how much goodwill and
affection for him all this produced in his soldiers.
And somehow even his conduct in the field of love
was not without its charm, nay, it actually won for
him the favour of many; for he assisted them in
their love affairs, and submitted pleasantly to their
jests upon his own amours.

Further, his liberality, and his bestowal of favours
upon friends and soldiers with no scant or sparing
hand, laid a splendid foundation for his growing
strength, and when he had become great, lifted his
power to yet greater heights, although it was
hindered by countless faults besides. One illustra-
tion of his lavish giving I will relate. To one of his
friends he ordered that two hundred and _ fifty
thousand drachmas should be given (a sum which
the Romans call “decies”1). His steward was
amazed, and in order to show Antony the magnitude
of the sum, deposited the money in full view.
Antony, passing by, asked what that was; and when

1 That is ten times 100,000 sesterces, or 250,000 denarii.
For the Roman denarius Plutarch regularly uses the nearly
equivalent Greek drachma (which had about the value of the
French franc).

147

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

a \ a \ UA
ὃ κελεύσειε δοθῆναι, συμβαλὼν αὐτοῦ τὴν κακοή-
e 9 , cc? \ A yy 57) »
θειαν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος, “᾿γὼ πλεῖον ὠμὴν," ἔφη,
a 4 Ψ
“τὸ δεκίης εἶναι; τοῦτο δὲ μικρόν ἐστιν ὥστε
7 / > a A ”
ἄλλο πρόσθες αὐτῷ τοσοῦτον.
ἴω ἊΝ, 6
V. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον: ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ Ῥω-
“ Ν n
μαίων πράγματα διέστη, τῶν μὲν ἀριστοκρατικῶν
of. 4 an
Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι προσθεμένων, τῶν δὲ δημοτι-
“ ὔ i 2 ’ 2 an
κῶν Καίσαρα καλούντων ἐκ Γαλατίας ἐν τοῖς
“ 4 / se) / , 2
ὅπλοις ὄντα, Κουρίων ὁ ᾿Αντωνίου φίλος ἐκ μετα-
na , ᾽
βολῆς θεραπεύων τὰ Καίσαρος ᾿Αντώνιον προση-
a , al
γώγετο, καὶ μεγάλην μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ λέγειν ἐν τοῖς
πολλοῖς ἔχων ἰσχύν, χρώμενος δὲ καὶ δαπάναις
b) δῶ 2) 5». a 2 / , > /
ἀφειδῶς ἀφ᾽ ὧν Καῖσαρ ἐχορήγει, δήμαρχον ἀπέ-
\ 3 an ᾽ an
δειξε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον, εἶτα τῶν ἐπ᾽ οἰωνοῖς ἱερέων,

οὺς Αὔγουρας καλοῦσιν. ὁ δὲ εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν 918

παρελθὼν οὐ μικρὸν ἣν ὄφελος τοῖς πολιτευο-
μένοις ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν Μαρ-
κέλλου τοῦ ὑπάτου ἸΙομπηΐῳ τούς τε συνείλεγ-
μένους ἤδη στρατιώτας παρεγγυῶντος καὶ κατα-
λέγειν ἑτέρους διδόντος ἐμποδὼν ἔστη, διάταγμα
γράψας ὅπως ἡ μὲν ἠθροισμένη δύναμις εἰς
Συρίαν πλέῃ καὶ Βύβλῳ βοηθῇ πολεμοῦντι Πάρ-
θοις, ods δὲ Πομπήϊος καταλέγει, μὴ προσέχωσιν
αὐτῷ: δεύτερον δὲ τὰς Καίσαρος ἐπιστολὰς οὐ
προσιεμένων οὐδὲ ἐώντων ἀναγινώσκεσθαι τῶν
συγκλητικῶν, αὐτὸς ἰσχύων διὰ τὸ ἄρχειν ἀνέγνω,
καὶ πολλοὺς μετέστησε τῇ γνώμῃ, δίκαια καὶ
μέτρια Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦν ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔγραψε δόξαντος.
τέλος δὲ δυεῖν ἐρωτήσεων ἐν τῇ βουλῇ γενομένων,
148

ANTONY, tv. 4-v. 4

his steward told him it was the gift which he had
ordered, he divined the man’s malice and said: “I
thought the decies was more ; this is a trifle ; there-
fore add as much more to it.”’

V. This, however, was at a later time. But when
matters at Rome came to a crisis, the aristocratic
party attaching itself to Pompey, who was in the
city, and the popular party summoning Caesar from
Gaul, where he was in arms, then Curio, the friend
of Antony, who had changed sides and was now
favouring the cause of Caesar, brought Antony over
to it. Curio had great influence with the multitude
from his eloquence, and made lavish use of money
supplied by Caesar, and so got Antony elected
tribune of the people,! and afterwards one of the
priests, called augurs, who observe the flight of birds.
As soon as Antony entered upon his office he was
of great assistance to those who were managing
affairs in the interests of Caesar. In the first place,
when Marcellus the consul proposed to put under
Pompey’s control the soldiers already collected, and
to give him power to levy others, Antony opposed
him by introducing a decree that the forces already
assembled should sail for Syria and give aid to
Bibulus, who was carrying on war with the Parthians,
and that the troops which Pompey was then levying
should not belong to him. In the second place,
when the senate would not receive Caesar’s letters
nor allow them to be read, Antony, whose office gave
him power, read them himself, and thereby changed
the opinion of many, who judged from Caesar's
letters that he was making only reasonable and just
demands. And finally, when two questions were

1 In 50 8.6.
149

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A \ τ A 2. b} a \ i,
τῆς μὲν εἰ δοκεῖ ἸΙομπήϊον ἀφεῖναι τὰ στρατεύ-
ματα, τῆς δὲ εἰ Καίσαρα, καὶ ἸΤομπήϊον μὲν
ὀλίγων τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι, Καίσαρα δὲ πάντων

> ’ / / ’ \ ’ ,
Tap ὀλίγους κελευόντων, ἀναστὰς ᾿Αντώνιος

> ΄ 2 a \ ieee e an \ ,

ἠρώτησεν εἰ δοκεῖ καὶ Πομπήϊον ὁμοῦ καὶ Kai-
\ tA / \ \ /
capa τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις

3 - ’ 9, 7] a \ Ψ
ἀφεῖναι. ταύτην ἐδέξαντο λαμπρῶς τὴν γνώμην
ἅπαντες, καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ἐπαινοῦντες τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον

’ ’ an
ἠξίουν ἐπιψηφίζεσθαι. μὴ βουλομένων δὲ τῶν
e , 5 es e , , ”
ὑπάτων, αὖθις ἑτέρας οἱ Καίσαρος φίλοι mpov-
τειναν ἐπιεικεῖς εἶναι δοκούσας ἀξιώσεις, αἷς ὅ τε
Κάτων ἀντέπιπτε καὶ Λέντλος ὑπατεύων ἐξέβαλε
τῆς βουλῆς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον. ὁ δὲ πολλὰ μὲν av-

lal 3 \ 9 / Χ \ /
τοῖς ἐξιὼν ἐπηράσατο, λαβὼν δὲ θεράποντος
> an \ 4 δὰ , of.
ἐσθῆτα καὶ μισθωσάμενος μετὰ Κασσίου Koivtou

A ΟῚ , Ἂν / \
ζεῦγος, ἐξώρμησε πρὸς Καίσαρα: καὶ κατεβόων

» \ » , e ’ / , ” a 5
εὐθὺς ὀφθέντες ὡς οὐδένα κόσμον ἔτι τῶν ἐν
“Ῥώμῃ πραγμάτων ἐχόντων, ὅτε μηδὲ δημάρχοις
παρρησίας μέτεστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλαύνεται καὶ κινδυ-
νεύει πᾶς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων.

VI. ᾽Εκ τούτου λαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Καῖσαρ
εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐνέβαλε. διὸ καὶ Κικέρων ἐν τοῖς
Φιλιππικοῖς ἔγραψε τοῦ μὲν Τρωϊκοῦ πολέμου

a > \
τὴν Endévynv, τοῦ δ᾽ ἐμφυλίου τὸν Avtwviov ἀρχὴν
Cal i? vA
γενέσθαι, περιφανῶς ψευδόμενος. οὐ yap οὕτως
εὐχερὴς ἦν οὐδὲ ῥάδιος ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἐκπεσεῖν τῶν
a 7. a “ bd \ A /
λογισμῶν Γάϊος Katcap ὥστε, εἰ μὴ ταῦτα πάλαι
A ἈΝ \
ἔγνωστο πράττειν, οὕτως ἂν ἐπὶ καιροῦ TOV κατὰ
150

ANTONY, v. 4-v1. 2

before the senate, one, whether Pompey should
dismiss his forces, and the other, whether Caesar
should do so, and only a few were for having Pompey
lay down his arms, and all but a few were for having
Caesar do so, then Antony rose and asked whether
it was the opinion of the senate that Pompey and
Caesar alike should lay down their arms and dismiss
their forces. This proposal all accepted with alacrity,
and with shouts of praise for Antony they demanded
that the question be put to vote. But the consuls
would not consent to this, and again the friends of
Caesar put forward fresh demands which were thought
to bereasonable. These Cato opposed, and Lentulus,
in his capacity of consul, drove Antony from the
senate. Antony went forth heaping many impreca-
tions upon them, and putting on the dress of a
slave, and hiring a car in company with Quintus
Cassius, he set out to join Caesar. As soon as they
came into Caesar’s presence they cried loudly that
everything was now at loose ends in Rome, since even
tribunes of the people had no freedom of speech,
but everyone who raised his voice in behalf of
justice was persecuted and ran risk of his life.

VI. Upon this, Caesar took his army and invaded
Italy. Therefore Cicero, in his “ Philippics,’’ wrote
that as Helen was the cause of the Trojan war, so
Antony was the cause of the civil war.?— But this is
manifestly false. For Caius Caesar was not a pliable
man, nor easily led by anger to act on impulse.
Therefore, had he not long ago determined upon his
course, he would not thus, on the spur of the moment,

1 For the events narrated in this chapter, cf. also the
Pompey, \viil. f.; the Caesar, xxx. f.

2 Phil. ii. 22, 55: ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic rei
publicae belli causa, causa pestis atque exitii fuit.

151

VOL. IX. F

PLUTARC€H’S ‘LIVES

τῆς πατρίδος ἐξενεγκεῖν πόλεμον, ὅτι φαύλως
ἠμφιεσμένον εἶδεν ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπὶ
ζεύγους μισθίου πεφευγότας πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ
ταῦτα πάλαι δεομένῳ προφάσεως σχῆμα καὶ
λόγον εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ πολέμου παρέσχεν. ἦγε δὲ
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἃ καὶ πρότερον
᾿Αλέξανδρον καὶ πάλαι Κῦρον, ἐ ἔρως ἀπαρηγόρη-
τος ἀρχῆς καὶ περιμανὴς ἐπιθυμία τοῦ πρῶτον
εἶναι καὶ μέγιστον: ὧν τυχεῖν οὐκ ἣν μὴ Lop-
πηΐου καταλυθέντος.

Ὥς δ᾽ οὖν ἐπελθὼν ἐκράτησε τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ
Πομπήϊον ἐξήλασε τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐν
Ἰβηρίᾳ Πομπηΐου δυνάμεις ἐπιστρέφειν ἔγνω
πρότερον, εἶτα οὕτως παρασκενασάμενος στόλον
ἐπὶ ἸΙομπήϊον διαβαίνειν, Λεπίδῳ μὲν στρατη-
γοῦντι τὴν Ῥώμην, ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ δημαρχοῦντι τὰ
στρατεύματα καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπέτρεψεν. ὁ δὲ
τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις εὐθὺς προσφιλὴς ἣν συγ-
γυμναζόμενος καὶ συνδιαιτώμενος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ
δωρούμενος ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις
ἐπαχθής. καὶ γὰρ ἀδικουμένων ὑπὸ ῥᾳθυμίας
ὠλιγώρει, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἠκροᾶτο τῶν ἐντυγ-
χανόντων καὶ κακῶς ἐπὶ γυναιξὶν ἀλλοτρίαις
ἤκουε. καὶ ὅλως τὴν Καίσαρος ἀρχήν, πάντα
μᾶλλον ἢ τυραννίδα δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον φανεῖσαν,
οἱ φίλοι διέβαλλον, ὧν ᾿Αντώνιος ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας
μεγίστης ἁμαρτάνειν μέγιστα δόξας τὴν πλείστην
αἰτίαν ἔλαβεν.

VII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκ τῆς
᾿Ιβηρίας τὰ μὲν ἐγκλήματα παρεῖδεν αὐτοῦ, πρὸς

δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ὡς ἐνεργῷ καὶ ἀνδρείῳ Kal ἡγεμο- 915

152

ANTONY, vi. 2-vir. 1

have made war upon his country, just because he saw
that Antony, meanly clad, with Cassius, on a hired
ear, had come in flight to him; nay, this merely
afforded a cloak and a specious reason for war toa
man who had long wanted a pretext for it. And
that which led him to war against all mankind, as it
had led Alexander before him, and Cyrus of old,
was an insatiable love of power and a mad desire to
be first and greatest; this he could not achieve if
Pompey were not put down.

And so he came up against Rome and got it into
his power, and drove Pompey out of Italy; and
determining first to turn his efforts against the forces
of Pompey which were in Spain, and afterwards,
when he had got ready a fleet, to cross the sea
against Pompey himself, he entrusted Rome to
Lepidus, who was praetor, and Italy and the troops
to Antony, who was tribune of the people. Antony
at once gained the favour of the soldiers by sharing
their exercises, living with them for the most part,
and making them presents as generously as he
could; but to everybody else he was odious. For
his easy disposition led him to neglect the wronged,
he listened angrily to those who consulted him, and
he was in ill repute for his relations with other men’s
wives. In a word, Caesar’s power, which proved to
be anything rather than a tyranny so far as his own
course was concerned, was brought into odium by
his friends; and of these Antony, who had the
greatest power and was thought to be the greatest
transeressor, incurred the most blame.

VII. However, when Caesar came back from Spain,
he ignored the charges against Antony, and since in
the war he found him energetic, brave, and a

153

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νικῷ χρώμενος οὐδαμῆ διήμαρτεν. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν
μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου διαπεράσας τὸν
᾿Ιόνιον ἔπεμψεν ὀπίσω τὰ πλοῖα, Παβινίῳ καὶ
᾿Αντωνίῳ τὰς “δυνάμεις ἐμβιβάξειν καὶ περαιοῦν
κατὰ τάχος εἰς, Μακεδονίαν ἐπιστείλας. [αβι-
νίου δὲ πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν χαλεπὸν ὄντα χειμῶνος
ὥρᾳ “καταδειλιάσαντος καὶ πεζῇ μακρὰν ὁδὸν
περιάγοντος τὸν στρατόν, ᾿Αντώνιος ὑπὲρ Kai-
σαρος ἐν πολλοῖς ἀπειλημμένου πολεμίοις φοβη-
θεὶς Λίβωνα μὲν ἐφορμοῦντα τῷ στόματι τοῦ
λιμένος ἀπεκρούσατο, πολλὰ τῶν λεπτῶν ἀκα-
τίων ταῖς τριήρεσιν αὐτοῦ περιστήσας, ἐμβιβάσας
δὲ ταὶς ναυσὶν ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίους καὶ δισμυρίους
ὁπλίτας ἀνήχθη. καὶ γενόμενος καταφανὴς τοῖς
πολεμίοις καὶ διωκόμενος τὸν μὲν ἐκ τούτων
κίνδυνον διέφυγε, λαμπροῦ νότου κῦμα μέγα καὶ
κοίλην θάλατταν ταῖς τριήρεσιν αὐτῶν περιστή-
σαντος, ἐκφερόμενος δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶ πρὸς κρημνοὺς
καὶ φάραγγας ἀγχιβαθεῖς οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα σωτη-
ρίας εἶχεν. ἄφνω € τοῦ κόλπου πολὺν ἐκπνεύ-
σαντος λίβα, καὶ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἀπὸ τῆς “γῆς εἰς
τὸ πέλαγος διαχεομένου, μεταβαλόμενος ἀπὸ τῆς
γῆς καὶ πλέων σοβαρῶς ὁρᾷ ναναγίων περί-
πλεων τὸν αἰγιαλόν. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐξέβαλε τὸ
πνεῦμα τὰς διωκούσας αὐτὸν τριήρεις, καὶ διεφθά-
ρησαν οὐκ ὀλίγαι" καὶ σωμάτων πολλῶν καὶ
χρημάτων ἐκράτησεν ᾿Αντώνιος, καὶ Λίσσον εἷλε,
καὶ μέγα Καίσαρι παρέσχε θάρσος ἐν καιρῷ μετὰ
τηλικαύτης ἀφικόμενος δυνάμεως.

ὙΠ. Πολλῶν δὲ γινομένων καὶ συνεχῶν ἀγώ-
νων ἐν πᾶσι μὲν ἦν διαπρεπής, δὶς δὲ φεύγοντας
προτροπάδην τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀπαντήσας ἀνέ-

154

ANTONY, vu. 1—vull. 1

capable leader, he made no mistake. Caesar himself,
then, after crossing the Ionian sea from Brundisium
with a few soldiers,! sent back his transports with
orders to Gabinius and Antony to embark their
forces and come with all speed into Macedonia.
But Gabinius was afraid to make the voyage, which
was difficult in the winter time, and started to lead
his army a long way round by land. Antony, there-
fore, fearing for Caesar, who was hemmed in among
numerous enemies, beat off Libo, who was blockading
the harbour of Brundisium, by surrounding his
galleys with a great number of small skiffs, and then,
embarking eight hundred horsemen and _ twenty
thousand legionaries, put to sea. Being discovered
by the enemy and pursued, he escaped the danger
from them, since a violent south wind brought a
heavy swell and put their galleys in the trough of the
sea; but he was carried with his own ships towards
a precipitous and craggy shore, and had no hope
of escape. Suddenly, however, there blew from the
bay a strong south-west wind, and the swell began
to run from the land out to sea, so that he was able
to reverse his course, and, as he sailed gallantly
along, he saw the shore covered with wrecks. For
there the wind had cast up the galleys which were
in pursuit of him, and many of them had been
destroyed. Antony took many prisoners and much
booty, captured Lissus, and inspired Caesar with
great confidence by arriving in the nick of time with
so large a force.

VIII. The struggles which followed were many
and continuous, and in all of them Antony dis-
tinguished himself. Twice, when Caesar’s men were

1 Early in 48 B.o. Cf. the Caesar, xxxvii. 2.

155

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

στρεψε καὶ στῆναι καὶ συμβαλεῖν αὖθις τοῖς διώ-
κουσιν ἀναγκάσας ἐνίκησεν. ἣν οὖν αὐτοῦ μετὰ
Καίσαρα πλεῖστος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ λόγος" ἐδή-
λωσε δὲ Καῖσαρ ἣν ἔχοι περὶ αὐτοῦ δόξαν. ἐπεὶ
γὰρ ἔμελλε τὴν τελευταίαν καὶ τὰ ὅλα κρίνασαν
ἐν Φαρσάλῳ, μάχην μάχεσθαι, τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν
αὐτὸς εἶχε κέρας, τοῦ δ᾽ εὐωνύμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
᾿Αντωνίῳ παρέδωκεν, ὡς πολεμικωτάτῳ τῶν ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτῷ. μετὰ δὲ τὴν νίκην δικτάτωρ ἀναγορευθεὶς
αὐτὸς μὲν ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον, ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ ἵπ-
παρχον ἑλόμενος. εἰς Ρώμην ἔπεμψεν. ἔστι δὲ ἡ
ἀρχὴ δευτέρα τοῦ δικτάτορος παρόντος" ἂν δὲ μὴ
παρῇ, πρώτη καὶ μόνη σχεδόν' ἡ γὰρ δημαρχία
διαμένει, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας καταλύουσι πάσας δικτά-
τορος αἱρεθέντος.

ΙΧ. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε δημαρχῶν Δολοβέλλας,
νέος ἀνὴρ καὶ νέων πραγμάτων ὀρεγόμενος, εἰση-
γεῖτο χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον αὐτῷ
τε φίλον ὄντα καὶ βουλόμενον ἀεὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς
ἀρέσκειν ἔπειθε συμπράττειν καὶ κοινωνεῖν τοῦ
πολιτεύματος. ᾿Ασινίου δὲ καὶ TpeBedariou Ta-
ναντία παρακαλούντων ὑπόνοια δεινὴ κατὰ τύχην
τῷ ᾿Αντωνίῳ προσέπεσεν ὡς ἀδικουμένῳ περὶ τὸν
γάμον ὑπὸ τοῦ Δολοβέλλα. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα
βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν τήν τε γυναῖκα τῆς οἰκίας ἐξή-
λασεν ἀνεψιὰν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ (θυγάτηρ γὰρ ἣν
Daiov ᾿Αντωνίου τοῦ Κικέρωνι συνυπατεύσαντος),
καὶ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ασίνιον δεξάμενος ἐπολέμει τῷ
Δολοβέλλᾳ. κατέλαβε γὰρ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκεῖνος
ὡς βίᾳ κυρώσων τὸν νόμον. ᾿Αντώνιος δέ, καὶ
τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης ὅπλων δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν

156

ANTONY, vi. 1-1x. 2

in headlong flight, he met them, turned them back,
forced them to stand and engage again their pur-
suers, and won the victory. Accordingly, next to
Caesar, he was the man most talked about in the
camp. And Caesar showed plainly what opinion he
had of him. For when he was about to fight the
last and all-decisive battle at Pharsalus, he himself
took the right wing, but he gave the command of
the left to Antony, as the most capable officer
under him. And after the victory, when he had
been proclaimed dictator, he himself pursued Pompey,
but he chose Antony as his Master of Horse and
sent him to Rome. This office is second in rank
when the dictator is in the city; but when he is
absent, it is the first and almost the only one.
For only the tribuneship continues when a dictator
has been chosen; all the other offices are abolished.
IX. However, Dolabella, who was tribune at this
time—a newcomer in politics who aimed at a new
order of things, introduced a law for the abolition
of debts, and tried to persuade Antony, who was his
friend and always sought to please the multitude, to
take common action with him in the measure. But
Asinius and Trebellius advised Antony to the con-
trary, and, as chance would have it, a dire suspicion
fell upon him that he was wronged as a husband by
Dolabella. Antony took the matter much to heart,
drove his wife from his house (she was his cousin,
being a daughter of the Caius Antonius who was
Cicero’s colleague in the consulship), made common
cause with Asinius and Trebellius, and waged war
upon Dolabella. For Dolabella had occupied the
forum in order to force the passage of his law;
so Antony, after the senate had voted that arms

157

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Δολοβέλλαν, ἐπελθὼν καὶ μάχην συνάψας ἀπέ-
, / a , n ’
κτεινέ τέ τινας τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέ-
a \ = a > ΄ 2 ,
Bare. τοῖς μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ἐκ τούτων ἀπηχθά-
ral \ fal \ , \ \ "7
νετο, τοῖς δὲ χρηστοῖς καὶ σώφροσι διὰ τὸν ἄλλον
, 3 5 9 , ς , , 3 ry
βίον οὐκ ἦν apeotos, ὡς Κικέρων φησίν, ἀλλ
> a , > a / 3,4 \
ἐμισεῖτο, βδελυττομένων αὐτοῦ μέθας ἀώρους Kal
/ A / ,
δαπάνας ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ κυλινδήσεις ἐν γυναίοις,
bd e
καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν μὲν ὕπνους Kal περιπάτους ἀλύ-
\ A
ovtos Kal κραιπαλῶντος, νύκτωρ δὲ κώμους Kal
, \ \ ,
θέατρα καὶ διατριβὰς ἐν γάμοις μίμων καὶ γελω-
A a € i? an
τοποιῶν. λέγεται γοῦν, ws ἐν Ἱππίου ποτὲ τοῦ
μ \ \ \ /
μίμου γάμοις ἑστιαθεὶς καὶ πιὼν διὰ νυκτός, εἶτα
πρωὶ τοῦ δήμου καλοῦντος εἰς ἀγορὰν προελθὼν
na \ a , Ν
ἔτι τροφῆς μεστὸς ἐμέσειε, τῶν φίλων τινὸς ὑπο-
i ἈΝ , a
σχόντος TO ἱμάτιον. ἦν δὲ Kal Σέργιος ὁ pipos
rn ’ A /
τῶν μέγιστον Tap αὐτῷ δυναμένων, καὶ KvOnpls
Ν a a ,
ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς παλαίστρας γύναιον ἀγαπώμενον,
ΔΊΣ) ΧΙ ΆΝ ay 9 SEEN ἢ yy, ΄,
ὃ δὴ καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιὼν ἐν φορείῳ περιήγετο,
\ A A an
Kal TO φορεῖον οὐκ ἐλάττους ἢ TO τῆς μητρὸς av-
A if > / > 7 \ \
τοῦ περιέποντες ἠκολούθουν. ἐλύπουν δὲ Kal
rn “ a a
χρυσῶν ἐκπωμάτων ὥσπερ ἐν πομπαῖς ταῖς ἀπο-
He , bls \ / pd wd
δημίαις διαφερομένων ὄψεις, Kal στάσεις ἐνόδιοι
σκηνῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἄλσεσι καὶ ποταμοῖς ἀρίστων
fa) , \ 4 ef ς
πολυτελῶν διαθέσεις, καὶ λέοντες ἅρμασιν ὑπε-
, a n
ζευγμένοι, καὶ σωφρόνων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν
\
οἰκίαι χαμαιτύπαις Kal σαμβυκιστρίαις ἐπισταθ-
ἣν Ν A
μευόμεναι. δεινὸν yap ἐποιοῦντο Καίσαρα μὲν
’ \ yy an b / A \ ,
αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας θυραυλεῖν, τὰ περιόντα

158

920

ANTONY, 1x. 2-6

must be employed against Dolabella, came up against
him, joined battle, slew some of his men, and lost
some of hisown. This course naturally made him
odious to the multitude, and to men of worth and
uprightness he was not acceptable because of his life
in general, as Cicero says,! nay, he was hated by
them. They loathed his ill-timed drunkenness, his
heavy expenditures, his debauches with women, his
spending the days in sleep or in wandering about
with crazed and aching head, the nights in revelry
or at shows, or in attendance at the nuptial feasts of
mimes and jesters. We are told, at any rate, that
he once feasted at the nuptials of Hippias the mime,
drank all night, and then, early in the morning,
when the people summoned him to the forum, came
before them still surfeited with food and vomited
into his toga, which one of his friends held at his
service. Sergius the mime also was one of those
who had the greatest influence with him, and
Cytheris, a woman from the same school of acting, a
great favourite, whom he took about with him in
a litter on his visits to the cities, and her litter was
followed by as many attendants as that of his mother.
Moreover, people were vexed at the sight of golden
beakers borne about on his excursions from the city
as in sacred processions, at the pitching of tents
when he travelled, at the laying out of costly repasts
near groves and rivers, at chariots drawn by lions,
and at the use of honest men and women’s houses
as quarters for harlots and psaltery-players. For it
was thought a monstrous thing that, while Caesar
himself was lodging under the skies outside of Italy

1 The second Philippic pictures Antony’s excesses.

F2 759

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A / / , \ 4 ’
TOU πολέμου μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις ava-
, ᾽ a) A a
καθαιρόμενον, ἑτέρους δὲ du ἐκεῖνον τρυφᾶν τοῖς
πολίταις ἐνυβρίζοντας.
a A A \
X. Ταῦτα καὶ τὴν στάσιν αὐξῆσαι δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ
Ν ’ e \ \ ,
στρατιωτικὸν εἰς ὕβρεις δεινὰς καὶ πλεονεξίας
ἀνεῖναι. διὸ καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐπανελθὼν Δολοβέλλᾳ
\ ΄ ¢
τε συγγνώμην ἔδωκε, καὶ TO τρίτον αἱρεθεὶς ὕπα-
3 , /-
τος οὐκ Avt@viov, ἀλλὰ Λέπιδον εἵλετο συνάρ-
\ A
yovta. τὴν δὲ Πομπηΐου πωλουμένην οἰκίαν
᾽ , \
ὠνήσατο μὲν ᾿Αντώνιος, ἀπαιτούμενος δὲ τὴν
\ al
τιμὴν ἠγανάκτει" καί φησιν αὐτὸς διὰ τοῦτο μὴ
a a ra
μετασχεῖν Καίσαρι τῆς εἰς Λιβύην στρατείας,
a , \
ἐπὶ τοῖς προτέροις κατορθώμασιν οὐ τυχὼν ἀμοι-
na a ἐς fa
Bis. ἔοικε μέντοι TO πολὺ τῆς ἀβελτερίας αὐτοῦ
Ν 2 ᾽ὔ ’ lal «ς a >) >’ i
καὶ ἀσωτίας ἀφελεῖν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οὐκ ἀναισθήτως
\ Ip 4 > \ \
τὰ πλημμελήματα δεξάμενος. ἀπαλλαγεὶς yap
3 , a , ΄ / ,ὔ
ἐκείνου τοῦ βίου γώμῳ προσέσχε, Φουλβίαν
ἀγαγόμενος τὴν Κλωδίῳ τῷ δημαγωγῷ συνοική-
’ a
σασαν, οὐ ταλασίαν οὐδὲ οἰκουρίαν φρονοῦν γύ-
INN τ \ 2 ΄ » 5) n » 3
ναῖον, οὐδὲ ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτου κρατεῖν ἀξιοῦν, ἀλλ
Yd a a
ἄρχοντος ἄρχειν καὶ στρατηγοῦντος στρατηγεῖν
βουλόμενον, ὥστε Κλεοπάτραν διδασκάλια Φουλ-
βίᾳ τῆς ᾿Αντωνίου γυναικοκρατίας ὀφείλειν, πάνυ
χειροήθη καὶ πεπαιδαγωγημένον ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ἀκροᾶ-
fal a ,
σθαι γυναικῶν παραλαβοῦσαν αὐτόν.
\ a
Ov μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀκείνην ἐπειρᾶτο προσπαίξζων
καὶ μειρακιευόμενος ἱλαρωτέραν ποιεῖν ὁ ᾿Αντώ-
νιος" οἷον ὅτε, Καίσαρι πολλῶν ἀπαντώντων μετὰ
τὴν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ νίκην, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξῆλθ i
n ηρίᾳ νίκην, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξῆλθεν. εἶτα

160

ANTONY, 1x. 6-x. 4

and clearing away the remnants of the war at great
toil and peril, his adherents, by virtue of his efforts,
should revel in luxury and mock at their fellow
citizens.

X. These things are also thought to have aug-
mented the discord, and to have incited the soldiery
to deeds of violence and rapacity. For this reason,
too, when Caesar came back, he pardoned Dolabella,
and, on being chosen consul for the third time,
selected Lepidus as his colleague, and not Antony
The house of Pompey, when put up for sale, was
bought by Antony; but when he was asked to pay
the price for it, he was indignant. And he says
himself that this was the reason why he did not go
with Caesar on his African campaign, since he got no
recompense for his previous successes. However, it
would seem that Caesar cured him of most of his
prodigality and folly by not allowing his errors to
pass unnoticed. For Antony put away his re-
prehensible way of living, and turned his thoughts
to marriage, taking to wife Fulvia, the widow of
Cledius the demagogue. She was a woman who
took no thought for spinning or housekeeping, nor
would she deign to bear sway over a man of private
station, but she wished to rule a ruler and command
acommander. Therefore Cleopatra was indebted to
Fulvia for teaching Antony to endure a woman’s
sway, since she took him over quite tamed, and
schooled at the outset to obey women.

However, Antony tried, by sportive ways and
youthful sallies, to make even Fulvia more light-
hearted. For instance, when many were going out
to meet Caesar after his victory in Spain, Antony
himself went forth. Then, on a sudden, a report

161

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἄφνω φήμης εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐμπεσούσης ὡς ἐπ-
ίασιν οἱ πολέμιοι Καίσαρος τεθνηκότος, ἀνέστρε-
ψεν εἰς Ῥώμην. λαβὼν δὲ θεράποντος ἐσθῆτα
νύκτωρ ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἦλθε, καὶ φήσας ἐπιστολὴν
Φουλβίᾳ παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου ᾿κομίξειν εἰσήχθη πρὸς
αὐτὴν ἐγκεκαλυμμένος. εἶτα ἡ μὲν ἐκπαθὴς οὗσα,
πρὶν ἢ τὰ γράμματα λαβεῖν ἠρώτησεν εἰ ζῇ ὁ
᾿Αντώνιος" ὁ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν σιωπῇ προτείνας
ἀρξαμένην λύειν καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν περιβαλὼν
κατεφίλησε.

Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὀλίγα πολλῶν ὄντων ἕνεκα δείγ-
ματος ἐξενηνόχαμεν.

ΧΙ. ’Ex δὲ ᾿Ιβηρίας ἐπανιόντι Καίσαρι πάντες
μὲν οἱ πρῶτοι πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀπήντων,
ἐτιμήθη δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐκπρεπῶς. ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. κομι-
ζόμενος γὰρ ἐπὶ ζεύγους διὰ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας ᾿Αντώ-
νιον εἶχε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ συνοχούμενον, ὄπισθεν δὲ
Βροῦτον ᾿Αλβῖνον καὶ τὸν τῆς ἀδελφιδῆς υἱὸν
ΠΡ ΡΣ μὐυ ρων, ὃς μετὰ ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ὠνομάσθη

αἱ Ῥωμαίων ἦρξε πλεῖστον “Χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ
ἘΠΕ ΠΕ, ἀπεδείχθη Καῖσαρ ὕπατος, προσείλετο
μὲν εὐθὺς συνάρχοντα τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον, ἐβούλετο
δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπειπάμενος Δολοβέλλᾳ παρεγ-
γυῆσαι' καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐξή-
νεγκεν. ᾿Αντωνίου δὲ τραχέως ἀντιπεσόντος καὶ
πολλὰ μὲν εἰπόντος κακὰ Δολοβέλλαν, οὐκ
ἐλάττονα δὲ d ἀκούσαντος, τότε μὲν αἰσχυνθεὶς τὴν
ἀκοσμίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπηλλάγη. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα
προελθὼν ἀναγορεῦσαι τὸν Δολοβέλλαν, ᾽Αν-
τωνίου τοὺς οἰωνοὺς ἐναντιοῦσθαι βοῶντος, εἶξε
καὶ προήκατο Δολοβέλλαν ἀχθόμενον. ἐδόκει

102

921

ANTONY, x. 4-x1. 3

burst upon Italy that Caesar was dead and his enemies
advancing upon the country, and Antony turned
back to Rome. He took the dress of a slave and
came by night to his house, and on saying that he
was the bearer of a letter to Fulvia from Antony,
was admitted to her presence, his face all muffled.
Then Fulvia, in great distress, before taking the
letter, asked whether Antony was still alive; and
he, after handing her the letter without a word, as
she began to open and read it, threw his arms about
her and kissed her.

These few details, then, out of many, I have
adduced by way of illustration.

XI. When Caesar returned from Spain,! all the
principal men went many days’ journey to meet him,
but it was Antony who was conspicuously honoured
by him. For as he journeyed through Italy he had
Antony in the same car with himself, but behind him
Brutus Albinus, and Octavius, his niece’s son, who
was afterwards named Caesar and ruled Rome for a
very long time. Moreover, when Caesar had for the
fifth time been appointed consul, he immediately
chose Antony as his colleague. It was his purpose
also to resign his own office and make it over to
Dolabella ; and he proposed this to the senate. But
since Antony vehemently opposed the plan, heaped
much abuse upon Dolabella, and received as much
in return, for the time being Caesar desisted, being
ashamed of their unseemly conduct. And _ after-
wards, when Caesar came before the people to pro-
claim Dolabella, Antony shouted that the omens
were opposed. Caesar therefore yielded, and gave
up Dolabella, who was much annoyed. And _ it

1 In 45 B.c.

163

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ κἀκεῖνον οὐδὲν ἧττον τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου βδελύτ-
τεσθαι. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς, ἀμφοτέρους τινὸς ὁμοῦ
διαβάλλοντος πρὸς αὐτόν, εἴποι, μὴ δεδιέν αἱ τοὺς
παχεῖς τούτους Kal κομήτας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὠχροὺς
καὶ λεπτοὺς ἐκείνους, Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον
ἀποδεικνύμενος, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἔμελλεν ἐπιβουλευθεὶς
ἀναιρεῖσθαι.

XII. Kaxetvors δὲ τὴν εὐπρεπεστάτην πρό-
φασιν ἄκων παρεσχεν ᾿Αντώνιος. ἣν μὲν γὰρ ἡ
τῶν Λυκαίων ἑορτὴ Ῥωμαίοις, ἣν Λουπερκάλια
καλοῦσι, Καῖσαρ δὲ κεκοσμημένος ἐσθῆτι θριαμ-
βικῇ καὶ καθήμενος ὑπὲρ βήματος ἐν ἀγορᾷ τοὺς
διαθέοντας ἐθεᾶτο: διαθέουσι δὲ τῶν εὐγενῶν
νέοι πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ἀληλιμμένοι
λίπα, σκύτεσι λασίοις καθικνούμενοι μετὰ παι-
διᾶς τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων. ἐν τούτοις ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος
διαθέων τὰ μὲν πάτρια χαίρειν εἴασε, διάδημα
δὲ δάφνης στεφάνῳ περιελίξας προσέδραμε TO

ἤματι, καὶ συνεξαρθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν συνθεόντων
ἐπέθηκε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὡς δὴ
βασιλεύειν αὐτῷ προσῆκον. ἐκείνου δὲ θρυπτο-
μένου καὶ διακλίνοντος ἡσθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἀνεκρό-
Thoe καὶ πάλιν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπῆγε, καὶ πάλιν
ἐκεῖνος ἀπετρίβετο. καὶ πολὺν χρόνον οὕτω
διαμαχομένων ᾿Αντωνίῳ μὲν ὀλίγοι τῶν φίλων
βιαζομένῳ, Καίσαρι δὲ ἀρνουμένῳ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος
ἐπεκρότει μετὰ βοῆς: ὃ καὶ θαυμαστὸν ἣν, ὅτι
τοῖς ἔργοις τὰ τῶν βασιλευομένων ὑπομένοντες
τοὔνομα τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς κατάλυσιν τῆς ἐλευ-

1 ἀποδεικνύμενος Coraés and Sintenis, after the Aldine

edition ; Bekker omits, with the MSS. In the Morals, p. 206 F,
Plutarch has δείξας.

164

ANTONY, x1. 3-xu. 3

would seem that Caesar abominated Dolabella also
no less than he did Antony. For we are told that
when a certain man was accusing both of them to
him, he said he had no fear of those fat and long-
haired fellows, but rather of those pale and thin
ones, indicating Brutus and Cassius, by whom he
was to be conspired against and slain}

XII. And it was Antony who also unwittingly
supplied the conspirators with their most specious
pretext. For at the festival of the Lycaea, which
the Romans call Lupercalia, Caesar, arrayed in a
triumphal robe and seated in the forum upon the
rostra, was viewing the runners to and fro. Now,
the runners to and fro are many noble youths and
many of the magistrates, anointed with oil, and with
leathern thongs they strike in sport those whom
they meet. Antony was one of these runners, but
he gave the ancient usages the go-by, and twining
a wreath of laurel round a diadem, he ran with it
to the rostra, where he was lifted on high by his
fellow runners and put it on the head of Caesar,
thus intimating that he ought to be king. When
Caesar with affected modesty declined the diadem,
the people were delighted and clapped their hands.
Again Antony tried to put the diadem on Caesar’s
head, and again Caesar pushed it away. This con-
test went on for some time, a few of Antony’s
friends applauding his efforts to force the diadem
upon Caesar, but all the people applauding with loud
cries when Caesar refused it. And this was strange,
too, that while the people were willing to conduct
themselves like the subjects of a king, they shunned
the name of king as though it meant the abolition of

1 Cf, the Caesar, lxii. 5; the Brutus, viii. 1.

165

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ »Μ » he \ 2% ς A
4 θερίας ἔφευγον. ἀνέστη μὲν οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ
5 \ ᾽ \ “ / ἊΝ Ν e 7
ἀχθεσθεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον
ἀπάγων ἀπὸ τοῦ τραχήλου τῷ ββθουλομένῳ
7, Ν \ 3 ῇ Ν δὲ ͵ὔ CoN
παρέχειν τὴν σφαγὴν ἐβόα. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ἑνὶ
τῶν ἀνδριάντων αὐτοῦ περιτεθέντα δήμαρχοί τινες
ts a A
κατέσπασαν, ods ὁ δῆμος εὐφημῶν μετὰ κρότου
a \ a 3 n
παρείπετο, Καῖσαρ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπέστησεν.
XIII. Ταῦτα τοὺς περὶ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον
\ aA , Ν
ἐπέρρωσε' καὶ τῶν φίλων τοὺς πιστοὺς κατα-
Ν \ A
λέγοντες ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐσκέπτοντο περὶ
3 , a δὲ ” , \ ”
Avtoviov. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων προσιεμένων τὸν ἄνδρα
aA \
Τρεβώνιος ἀντεῖπεν ἔφη yap ὑφ᾽ ὃν χρόνον
’ / 2 ᾽ / 3 “ , aA
ἀπήντων ἐξ ᾿Ιβηρίας ἐπανιόντε Καίσαρι, τοῦ
᾿Αντωνίου συσκηνοῦντος αὐτῷ καὶ συνοδεύοντος,
ἅψασθαι τῆς γνώμης ἀτρέμα πως καὶ per
n /
εὐλαβείας, Tov δὲ νοῆσαι μέν, ov δέξασθαι δὲ τὴν
-“ \ N \ , a
πεῖραν, ov μὴν οὐδὲ πρὸς Καίσαρα κατειπεῖν,
ἀλλὰ πιστῶς κατασιωπῆσαι τὸν λόγον. ἐκ
͵ὔ 7 ς (2 / /
τούτου πάλιν ἐβουλεύοντο Καίσαρα κτείναντες
ἐπισφάττειν ᾿Αντώνιον: ἐκώλυσε δὲ Βροῦτος,
a an , a
ἀξιῶν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων Kal τῶν δικαίων
, r > A Ν \ ᾽
τολμωμένην πρᾶξιν εἰλικρινῆ καὶ καθαρὰν ἀδι-
κίας εἶναι. φοβούμενοι δὲ τήν τε ῥώμην τοῦ
Ν A A /
᾿Αντωνίου καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀξίωμα, τάττουσιν
ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐνίους τῶν ἐκ τῆς συνωμοσίας, ὅπως,
ν A \
ὅταν εἰσίῃ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν καὶ μέλλῃ
n Ν ” ” / fA \
δρᾶσθαι τὸ ἔργον, ἔξω διαλεγόμενοί τι καὶ
σπουδάζοντες κατέχωσιν αὐτόν.
166

ANTONY, xr. 4—xur. 2

their freedom. At last Caesar rose from the rostra
in displeasure, and pulling back the toga from his
throat cried out that anyone who pleased might
smite him there. The wreath, which had been hung
upon one of his statues, certain tribunes of the
people tore down. These men the people greeted
with favouring cries and clapping of hands; but
Caesar deprived them of their office.!

XIII. This incident strengthened the party of
Brutus and Cassius; and when they were taking
count of the friends whom they could trust for their
enterprise, they raised a question about Antony.
The rest were for making him one of them, but
Trebonius opposed it. For, he said, while people
were going out to meet Caesar on his return from
Spain, Antony had travelled with him and shared his
tent, and he had sounded him quietly and cautiously;
Antony had understood him, he said, but had not
responded to his advances ; Antony had not, however,
reported the conversation to Caesar, but had faith-
fully kept silence about it. Upon this, the con-
spirators again took counsel to kill Antony after they
had slain Caesar; but Brutus prevented this, urging
that the deed adventured in behalf of law and justice
must be pure and free from injustice. But the con-
spirators were afraid of Antony’s strength, and of the
consideration which his office gave him, and there-
fore appointed some of their number to look out for
him, in order that, when Caesar entered the senate-
chamber and their deed was about to be done, they
might engage Antony outside in conversation about
some urgent matter and detain him there.

1 Cf. the Caesar, chapter lxi.
167

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XIV. Τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ws συνετέθη,
καὶ πεσόντος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τοῦ Kaicapos, εὐθὺς
μὲν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐσθῆτα θεράποντος μεταλαβὼν
ἔκρυψεν αὑτόν. ὡς δ᾽ ἔγνω τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπίχει-
ροῦντας μὲν οὐδενί, συνηθροισμένους δὲ εἰς τὸ
Καπιτώλιον, ἐ ἔπεισε καταβῆναι λαβόντας ὅ ὅμηρον
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱόν: καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν αὐτὸς
ἐδείπνισε, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος. συναγαγὼν δὲ
βουλὴν αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὲρ ἀμνηστίας εἶπε καὶ
διανομῆς ἐπαρχιῶν τοῖς περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦ-
τον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐκύρωσε ταῦτα καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ
Καίσαρος γεγονότων ἐψηφίσαντο μηδὲν ἀλλάτ-
τειν. ἐξήει δὲ τῆς βουλῆς λαμπρότατος ἀνθρώπων
ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος, ἀνῃρηκέναι δοκῶν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον
καὶ πράγμασι δυσκολίας ἔχουσι καὶ ταραχὰς οὐ
τὰς τυχούσας ἐμφρονέστατα κεχρῆσθαι καὶ
πολιτικώτατα.

Τούτων μέντοι ταχὺ τῶν λογισμῶν ἐξέσεισεν
αὐτὸν ἡ παρὰ τῶν ὄχλων δόξα, πρῶτον ἐλπίσαντα
βεβαίως ἔσεσθαι Βρούτου καταλυθέντος. ἔτυχε
μὲν οὖν ἐκκομιξομένου Καίσαρος, ὥσπερ ἔθος
ἣν, ἐν ἀγορᾷ διεξιὼν ἐγκώμιον: ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν
δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς ἀγόμενον καὶ κηλούμενον ἐνέμιξε
τοῖς ἐπαίνοις οἶκτον ἅμα καὶ δείνωσιν ἐπὶ τῷ
πάθει, καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τελευτῶντιε ᾿ τούς τε YLTW-
νίσκους τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἡ ἡμαγμένους καὶ διακεκομ-
μένους τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἀνασείων, καὶ τοὺς εἰργασ-
μένους ταῦτα καλῶν παλαμναίους καὶ ἀνδροφόνους,
τοσοῦτον ὀργῆς ἐνέβαλε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὥστε τὸ

1 τῷ λόγῳ τελευτῶντι Sintenis, after Bryan; τελευτῶν
Bekker, with the MSS., bracketing τῷ λόγῳ ; καὶ τῶν λόγων

τελευτῶν Coraés ; καὶ τῷ λόγῳ. Τελευτῶν τε τοὺς χιτωνίσκους
κτλ. Stephanus.

168

9

2

ANTONY, χιν. 1-4

XIV. This was done as planned, and Caesar fell in
the senate-chamber. At once, then, Antony put on
the dress of a slave and hid himself. But when he
learned that the conspirators were laying hands upon
nobody, but were merely assembled together on the
Capitol, he persuaded them to come down by giving
them his son as hostage; moreover, he himself
entertained Cassius, and Lepidus entertained Brutus.
Besides, he called the senate together and spoke in
favour of amnesty and a distribution of provinces
among Brutus and Cassius and their partisans, and
the senate ratified this proposal, and voted that no
change should be made in what Caesar had done.!
So Antony went out of the senate the most illustrious
of men; for he was thought to have put an end to
civil war, and to have handled matters involving great
difficulty and extraordinary confusion in a most
prudent and statesmanlike manner.

From such considerations as these, however, he
was soon shaken by the repute in which he stood
with the multitude, and he had hopes that he would
surely be first in the state if Brutus were overthrown.
Now, it happened that when Caesar’s body was
earried forth for burial, Antony pronounced the
customary eulogy over it in the forum. And when
he saw that the people were mightily swayed and
charmed by his words, he mingled with his praises
sorrow and indignation over the dreadful deed, and
at the close of his speech shook on high the garments
of the dead, all bloody and tattered by the swords as
they were, called those who had wrought such work
villains and murderers, and inspired his hearers with

1 Cf. the Caesar, Ixvii. 4; the Brutus, xix. 3.

169

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μὲν σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθαγίσαι,
συνενεγκαμένους τὰ βάθρα καὶ τὰς τραπέζας,
ἁρπάζοντας δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πυρᾶς δαλοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς
οἰκίας θεῖν τῶν ἀπεκτονότων καὶ προσμάχεσθαι.
XV. Διὰ ταῦτα τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον ἐκ τῆς
πόλεως ἀπελθόντων οἵ τε φίλοι τοῦ Καίσαρος
συνίσταντο πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον, ἥ τὲ γυνὴ
Καλπουρνία πιστεύσασα τῶν χρημάτων τὰ
πλεῖστα κατέθετο πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας, εἰς
λόγον τὰ σύμπαντα τετρακισχιλίων ταλάντων.
ἔλαβε δὲ καὶ τὰ βιβλία τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἐν οἷς
ὑπομνήματα τῶν κεκριμένων καὶ δεδογμένων ἣν
ἀναγεγραμμένα: καὶ τούτοις παρεγγράφων ods
ἐβούλετο, πολλοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας ἀπεδείκνυε,
πολλοὺς δὲ βουλευτάς, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ κατῆγε
πεφυγαδευμένους καὶ καθειργμένους ἔλυεν, ὡς
δὴ ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι δόξαντα. διὸ τούτους
ἅπαντας ἐπισκώπτοντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι Χαρωνίτας
ἐκάλουν' ἐλεγχόμενοι γὰρ εἰς τοὺς τοῦ νεκροῦ
κατέφευγον ὑπομνηματισμούς. καὶ τἄλλα δὲ
ἔπραττεν αὐτοκρατορικῶς ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος, αὐτὸς μὲν
ὑπατεύων, τοὺς δὲ ἀδελφοὺς ἔχων συνάρχοντας,
Γάϊον μὲν στρατηγόν, Λεύκιον δὲ δήμαρχον.
XVI. ᾿Ενταῦθα δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων ὁ
νέος ἀφικνεῖται Καῖσαρ εἰς “Ῥώμην, ἀδελφιδῆς
μὲν ὧν τοῦ τεθνηκότος υἱός, ὡς εἴρηται,
κληρονόμος δὲ τῆς οὐσίας ἀπολελειμμένος, ἐν
᾿Απολλωνίᾳ δὲ διατρίβων ὑφ᾽ ὃν χρόνον ἀνήρητο
Καῖσαρ. οὗτος εὐθὺς ᾿Αντώνιον, ὡς δὴ πατρῷον
φίλον, ἀσπασάμενος τῶν παρακαταθηκῶν ἐμέ-
μνητο. καὶ γὰρ ὠὦφειλε Ρωμαίων ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς

170

ANTONY, xiv. 4-xvI. 1

such rage that they heaped together benches and
tables and burned Caesar’s body in the forum, and
then, snatching the blazing faggots from the pyre, ran
to the houses of the assassins and assaulted them,

XV. On account of these things Brutus and his as-
sociates left the city, the friends of Caesar united in
support of Antony, and Caesar’s wife, Calpurnia, put-
ting confidence in Antony, took most of the treasure
from Caesar’s house and put it in his charge; it
amounted in all to four thousand talents. Antony
received also the papers of Caesar, in which there
were written memoranda of his decisions and de-
crees; and making insertions in these, he appointed
many magistrates and many senators according to his
own wishes. He also brought some men back from
exile, and released others from prison, as though
Caesar had decided upon all this. Wherefore the
Romans in mockery called all such men Charonitae ; 3
for when put to the test they appealed to the memo-
randa of the dead. And Antony managed every-
thing else in autocratic fashion, being consul himself,
and having his brothers in office at the same time,
Caius as praetor, and Lucius as tribune of the
people.

XVI. At this state of affairs the young Caesar came
to Rome, a son of the dead Caesar’s niece, as has
been said,*? who had been left heir to his property.
He had been staying at Apollonia when Caesar was
assassinated. The young man greeted Antony as his
father’s friend, and reminded him of the moneys de-
posited with him. For he was under obligation to

1 Cf. the Cicero, xlii. 2 ff.; the Brutus, xx. 3.

2 In Latin, Orcini, from Orcus, the god of the lower world,

to whom the Greek Charon is made to correspond.
3 Chapter xi. 1.

171

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ς / / A / 3 a
ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε δοῦναι, Καίσαρος ἐν ταῖς
/ / ᾽ , \ \ \
διαθήκαις γράψαντος. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ τὸ μὲν
lal 7 lol
πρῶτον WS μειρακίου καταφρονῶν ἔλεγεν οὐχ
e , 3. 3 \ \ aA 3 A \
ὑγιαίνειν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ Kal φρενῶν ἀγαθῶν Kat
/ » ” / > / 5
φίλων ἔρημον ὄντα φορτίον ἀβάστακτον αἴρεσθαι
\ / ΄ \ f \
τὴν Καίσαρος διαδοχήν: μὴ πειθομένου δὲ
i 2 » 3 la) Ἂν \
τούτοις, ἀλλ᾿ ἀπαιτοῦντος τὰ χρήματα, πολλὰ
\ t \ “ by a \ ΄ ,
καὶ λέγων πρὸς ὕβριν αὐτοῦ καὶ πράττων διετέλει.
f δὰ Λ ΄ ,
δημαρχίαν τε yap ἐνέστη μετιόντι, Kal δίφρον
a A 4
χρυσοῦν τοῦ πατρός, ὥσπερ ἐψήφιστο, τιθέντος
ΕΣ , 2 \ » “ 2 \ ΄
ηπείλησεν εἰς φυλακὴν ἀπάξειν, εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο
an \ \ e
δημαγωγῶν. ἐπεὶ μέντοι Κικέρωνι δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ὁ
/ Χ va) Μ Ψ ἊΝ ᾽ ,
νεανίας καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅσοι τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
ἐμίσουν, OL ἐκεί ἐν ὠκειοῦ ny βουλή
μ ; ἐκείνων μὲν ὠκειοῦτο τὴν βουλήν,
S258 \ ἊΝ “ > / \ \
αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν δῆμον ἀνελάμβανε καὶ τοὺς oTpa-
A lal a »
τιώτας ἀπὸ τῶν κατοικιῶν συνῆγε, δείσας ὁ
᾿Αντώνιος εἰς λόγους αὐτῷ συνῆλθεν ἐν ΚΚαπι-
τωλίῳ, καὶ διηλλάγησαν.
/ A \ 5)
Εἶτα κοιμώμενος ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ὄψιν εἶδεν
» € 9 , ΑΕ δ ΩΝ Jaye er eh
ἄτοπον ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος. ἐδόκει yap αὑτοῦ τὴν δεξιὰν
a a lal \ ᾽ ς /
χεῖρα βεβλῆσθαι κεραυνῷ. Kal ped ἡμέρας
2 / > , , e 3 / a
ὀλίγας ἐνέπεσε λόγος ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοι Καῖσαρ
᾽ an a AS yd a / >’ ” /
αὐτῷ. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀπελογεῖτο μέν, οὐκ ἔπειθε δέ'
\ ΄ 5 3 \ e oo \ ,
καὶ πάλιν ἦν ἐνεργὸς ἡ ἔχθρα, καὶ περιθέοντες
b] / \ 3 7 ἊΝ \ e / ᾿ -
ἀμφότεροι τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν τὸ μὲν ἱδρυμένον ἐν ταῖς
κατοικίαις ἤδη τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ μεγάλοις
ἀνίστασαν μισθοῖς, τὸ δ᾽ ἐν ὅπλοις ἔτι τεταγμένον
ς 7 ᾽ / /
ὑποφθάνοντες ἀλλήλους προσήγοντο.
172

9

3

ANTONY, xvi. 1-4

give every Roman seventy-five drachmas, according
to the terms of Caesar’s will. But Antony, at first
despising him as a mere stripling, told him he was
out of his senses, and that in his utter lack of good
judgment and of friends he was taking up a crushing
burden in the succession of Caesar. And when the
young man refused to listen to this, and demanded
the moneys, Antony kept saying and doing many
things to insult him. For instance, he opposed him
in his canvass for a tribuneship, and when he at-
tempted to dedicate a golden chair in honour of his
father by adoption, according to a decree of the
senate, Antony threatened to hale him off to prison
unless he stopped trying to win popular favour.
When, however, the young man made common cause
with Cicero and all the other haters of Antony, and
with their aid won the support of the senate, while he
himself got the goodwill of the people and assembled
the soldiers of Caesar from their colonies, then
Antony was struck with fear and came to a conference
with him on the Capitol, and they were reconciled.

Afterwards, as he lay asleep that night, Antony
had a strange vision. He thought, namely, that his
right hand was smitten by a thunder-bolt. And
after a few days a report fell upon his ears that the
young Caesar was plotting against him. Caesar tried
to make explanations, but did not succeed in convinc-
ing Antony. So once more their hatred was in full
career, and both were hurrying about Italy trying to
bring into the field by large pay that part of the
soldiery which was already settled in their colonies,
and to get the start of one another in winning the
support of that part which was still arrayed in
arms.

173

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

XVII. Τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ πόλει Κικέρων μέγιστον
δυνάμενος, καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους, τέλος ἔπεισε τὴν βουλὴν
ἐκεῖνον μὲν πολέμιον ψηφίσασθαι, Καίσαρι δὲ
ῥαβδουχίαν πέμψαι καὶ στρατηγικὰ κόσμια,
Ilavoav δὲ καὶ “Iptiov ἀποστέλλειν ἐξελῶντας
᾿Αντώνιον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν ὕπατοι
τότε: καὶ συμβαλόντες ᾿Αντωνίῳ περὶ πόλιν
Μυτίνην, Καίσαρος παρόντος καὶ συμμαχομένου,
τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους ἐνίκων, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀπέθανον.
φεύγοντι δὲ ᾿Αντωνίῳ πολλὰ συνέπιπτε τῶν
ἀπόρων, ὁ δὲ λιμὸς ἀπορώτατον. ἀλλὰ “φύσει
παρὰ τὰς κακοπραγίας ἐγίνετο βέλτιστος € ἑαυτοῦ
καὶ δυστυχῶν ὁμοιότατος ἣν ἀγαθῷ, κοινοῦ μὲν
ὄντος τοῦ αἰσθάνεσθαι τῆς ἀρετῆς τοῖς δι᾽
ἀπορίαν τινὰ σφαλλομένοις, οὐ μὴν ἁπάντων ἃ
ξηλοῦσι μιμεῖσθαι καὶ φεύγειν ἃ δυσχεραίνουσιν
ἐρρωμένων ἐν ταῖς μεταβολαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον
ἐνίων τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐνδιδόντων ὑπὸ ἀσθενείας καὶ
θραυομένων τὸν λογισμόν. ὁ δ᾽ οὗν ᾿Αντώνιος
τότε θαυμαστὸν ἣν παράδειγμα τοῖς στρατιώταις,
ἀπὸ τρυφῆς τοσαύτης καὶ πολυτελείας ὕδωρ
τε πίνων διεφθαρμένον εὐκόλως, καὶ καρποὺς
ἀγρίους καὶ pitas προσφερόμενος. ἐβρώθη δὲ καὶ
φλοιός, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ ζώων ἀγεύστων πρότερον
ἥψαντο τὰς "Ἄλπεις ὑπερβάλλοντες.

AV LLL. Hy δὲ ὁρμὴ τοῖς ἐπέκεινα στρατεύ-
μασιν ἐντυχεῖν, ὧν Λέπιδος ἦρχε, φίλος εἶναι
δοκῶν ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ πολλὰ τῆς Καίσαρος φιλίας
ἀπολελαυκέναι δι’ αὐτόν. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ παρα-
στρατοπεδεύσας πλησίον, ὡς οὐθὲν ἀπήντα

174

ANTONY, xvit. 1-XvIII. 1

XVII. But Cicero, who was the most influential
man in the city, and was trying to incite everybody
against Antony, persuaded the senate to vote him a
public enemy, to send to Caesar the fasces and other
insignia of a praetor, and to dispatch Pansa and Hirtius
to drive Antony out of Italy. These men were consuls
at that time, and in an engagement with Antony
near the city of Mutina, at which Octavius Caesar was
present and fought on their side, they conquered the
enemy, but fell themselves.! Many difficulties befell
Antony in his flight, the greatest of which was
famine. But it was his nature to rise to his highest
level when in an evil plight, and he was most like a
good and true man when he was unfortunate. For it
is a common trait in those whom some difficulty has
laid low, that they perceive plainly what virtue is, but
all have not the strength amid reverses to imitate
what they admire and shun what they hate, nay, some
are then even more prone to yield to their habits
through weakness, and to let their judgment be
shattered. Antony, however, was at this time an
amazing example to his soldiers, after such a life of
luxury and extravagance as he had led drinking foul
water contentedly and eating wild fruits and roots.
Bark also was eaten, we are told, and animals never
tasted before were food for them as they crossed the
Alps.

XVIII. They were eager to fall in with the troops
in those parts which Lepidus commanded, for he was
thought to be a friend of Antony, and through him
had reaped much advantage from Caesar’s friendship.
But when Antony came and encamped near by, he
met with no tokens of friendliness, and therefore de-

1 Tn 43 B.o. Cf. the Cicero, xlv. 3.
175

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φιλάνθρωπον, ἔγνω παραβαλέσθαι. καὶ κόμη
μὲν ἀτημελὴς καὶ βαθὺς πώγων μετὰ τὴν ἧτταν
εὐθὺς ἣν αὐτῷ καθειμένος, λαβὼν δὲ φαιὸν
ἱμάτιον ἐγγὺς προσῆγε τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Λεπίδου
καὶ λέγειν ἤρξατο. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν
ἐπικλωμένων καὶ τοῖς λόγοις ἀγομένων, δείσας ὁ ὁ
Λέπιδος τὰς σάλπιγγας ἐκέλευσε συνηχούσας
ἀφελέσθαι. τὸ κατακούεσθαι τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον. οἱ
δὲ στρατιῶται μᾶλλον ὠκτειραν καὶ διελέγοντο
κρύφα, Λαίλιον καὶ Κλώδιον ἀποστείλαντες
πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐσθῆτας λαβόντας ἑταιρευομένων
γυναικῶν, οἱ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐκέλευον ἐπιχειρεῖν
aaa τῷ χάρακι" πολλοὺς γὰρ εἶναι δεξο-
μένους" καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον, εἰ βούλοιτο, κτενοῦντας.
᾿Αντώνιος δὲ Λεπίδου μὲν οὐκ εἴασεν ἅψασθαι,
μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν δὲ τὸν στρατὸν ἔχων ἀπεπειρᾶτο τοῦ
ποταμοῦ. καὶ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐμβὰς ἐπορεύετο
πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέρας ὄχθην, ὁρῶν ἤδη πολλοὺς
τῶν Λεπίδου στρατιωτῶν τάς τε χεῖρας ὀρέγοντας
αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν χάρακα διασπῶντας. εἰσελθὼν δὲ
καὶ κρατήσας ἁπάντων ἡμερώτατα Λεπίδῳ προσ-
ηνέχθη. πατέρα, γὰρ προσηγόρευσεν αὐτὸν
ἀσπασάμενος" καὶ τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ πάντων αὐτὸς
ἣν κύριος, ἐκείνῳ δ᾽ ὄνομα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοκράτορος
διετέλει. φυλάττων. τοῦτο καὶ ἸΙλάγκον αὐτῷ
Μουνάτιον ἐποίησε προσθέσθαι, καθήμενον οὐ
πρόσω μετὰ συχνῆς δυνάμεως. οὕτω δὲ “μέγας
ἀρθεὶς αὖθις ὑπερέβαλε τὰς ἔΑλπεις, εἰς τὴν
Ἰταλίαν ἄγων ἑπτακαίδεκα τέλη πεζῶν σὺν αὑτῷ
καὶ μυρίους ἱππεῖς" χωρὶς δὲ φρουρὰν Γαλατίας

1 ποὺς δεξομένους Coraés and Bekker, after Reiske: δεξο-
μένους With the MSS.

176

ANTONY, xvi. 1-4

termined upon a bold stroke. His hair was unkempt,
and his beard had been allowed to grow long ever
Since his defeat, and putting on a dark garment he
came up to the camp of Lepidus and began to
speak. Many of the soldiers were melted at his
appearance and moved by his words, so that Lepidus
was alarmed and ordered the trumpets to sound all
at once in order to prevent Antony from being heard.
But the soldiers felt all the more pity for Antony,
and held a secret parley with him, sending Laelius
and Clodius to him in the garb of women of the
camp. These urged Antony to attack their camp
boldly ; for there were many, they said, who would
welcome him and kill Lepidus, if he wished. But An-
tony would not permit them to lay hands on Lepidus,
and next day began to cross the river with his army.
He himself was first to plunge in, and made his way
towards the opposite bank, seeing already that many
of the soldiers of Lepidus were stretching out their
hands to him and tearing down their ramparts. After
entering the camp and making himself master of
everything, he treated Lepidus with the greatest
kindness. Indeed, he embraced him and called him
father ; and though in fact he was in full control him-
self, still he did not cease to preserve for Lepidus the
name and the honour of imperator. This induced
Munatius Plancus also to join him, who was encamped
at no great distance with a considerable force. Thus
raised again to great power, he crossed the Alps and
led into Italy with him seventeen legions of infantry
and ten thousand horse. And besides these, he left to

177

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν nA
ἕξ τάγματα λελοίπει μετὰ Οὐαρίου τινὸς τῶν
συνήθων καὶ συμποτῶν, ὃν Κοτύλωνα προσ-
ηγόρευον.

XIX. Καῖσαρ δὲ Κικέρωνι μὲν οὐκέτι προσεῖχε,
a 9 , ς an , 2 , Ἂς
τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὁρῶν περιεχόμενον, ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ
a A , \
προὐκαλεῖτο διὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς διαλύσεις. καὶ
συνελθόντες οἱ τρεῖς εἰς νησῖδα ποταμῷ περιρρεο-
, a 9
μένην ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας συνήδρευσαν. Kal τἄλλα
\ n A \
μὲν ἐπιεικῶς ὡμολογεῖτο, Kal διενείμαντο τὴν
ἢ 3 /
σύμπασαν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ οὐσίαν πατρῴαν ἀλλή-
€ \ \ a 3 , 5 A
λοις, ἡ δὲ περὶ τῶν ἀπολουμένων ἀνδρῶν
a - ΄
ἀμφισβήτησις αὐτοῖς πλεῖστα πράγματα παρέ-
σχε, τοὺς μὲν ἐχθροὺς ἀνελεῖν ἑκάστου, σῶσαι
A / \ a
δὲ τοὺς προσήκοντας ἀξιοῦντος. τέλος δὲ TH
\ > a a \
πρὸς τοὺς μισουμένους ὀργῇ Kal συγγενῶν τιμὴν
/ \
καὶ φίλων εὔνοιαν προέμενοι, Κικέρωνος μὲν
A ?
᾿Αντωνίῳ Καῖσαρ ἐξέστη, τούτῳ δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος
, , a 5 A I OA \ ,
Λευκίου Καίσαρος, ὃς ἣν θεῖος αὐτῷ πρὸς μητρὸς
3 Ν \ / la a Ν
ἐδόθη δὲ καὶ Λεπίδῳ Παῦλον ἀνελεῖν τὸν
4 a an \
ἀδελφόν" ot δέ φασιν ἐκστῆναι τοῦ Παύλου τὸν
’ a
Λέπιδον ἐκείνοις ἀποθανεῖν αὐτὸν αἰτησαμένοις.
3 \ ’ , » \ » , aA »
οὐδὲν ὠμότερον οὐδὲ ἀγριώτερον τῆς διαμείψεως
/ A
ταύτης δοκῶ γενέσθαι. φόνων yap ἀντικαταλ-
,
λασσόμενοι φόνους ὁμοίως μὲν οἷς ἐλάμβανον
δ / A 26168 LO , δὲ \ \
avijpovv ovs ἐδίδοσαν, ἀδικώτεροι δὲ περὶ τοὺς
, ἃ » Re fa
φίλους ἦσαν, ods ἀπεκτίννυσαν μηδὲ μισοῦντες.
2 Ν ᾽ A a
XX. “Emi δ᾽ οὖν ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ταύταις οἱ
στρατιῶται περιστάντες ἠξίουν καὶ γάμῳ τινὶ

178

92

ANTONY, xvii. 4—-xx. 1

guard Gaul six legions with Varius, one of his in-
timates and boon companions, who was surnamed
Cotylon.

XIX. Now, Octavius Caesar no longer held with
Cicero, because he saw that Cicero was devoted to
liberty, and he sent his friends to Antony with
an invitation to come to terms. So the three men
came together on a small island in the midst of
a river,! and there held conference for three
days. All other matters were easily agreed upon,
and they divided up the whole empire among
themselves as though it were an ancestral in-
heritance; but the dispute about the men who
were to be put to death gave them the greatest
trouble. Each demanded the privilege of slaying
his enemies and saving his kinsmen. But at last
their wrath against those whom they hated led them
to abandon both the honour due to their kinsmen
and the goodwill due to their friends, and Caesar
gave up Cicero to Antony, while Antony gave up
to him Lucius Caesar, who was Antony’s uncle on
the mother’s side. Lepidus also was permitted to
put to death Paulus his brother; although some say
that Lepidus gave up Paulus to Antony and Caesar,
who demanded his death. Nothing, in my opinion,
could be more savage or cruel than this exchange.
For by this barter of murder for murder they put to
death those whom they surrendered just as truly as
those whom they seized; but their injustice was
greater towards their friends, whom they slew without
so much as hating them.

XX. To complete this reconciliation, then, the
soldiers surrounded them and demanded that Caesar

1 Cf. the Cicero, xlvi. 3.
179

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, \
τὴν φιλίαν συνάψαι Καίσαρα, λαβόντα τὴν
n / Ue
Φουλβίας τῆς ᾿Αντωνίον γυναικὸς θυγατέρα
σ΄ , e / \ \ ,
Κλωδίαν. ὁμολογηθέντος δὲ καὶ τούτου τρια-
a ’ ie) « 2
κόσιοι ἐκ ΤΟ roa ᾿ ἐθανατώθησαν τ
αὐτῶν" Kixépwvos δὲ σφαγέντος ἐκέλευσεν ᾿Αν-
τώνιος τήν τε κεφαλὴν ἀποκοπῆναι καὶ τὴν χεῖρα
τὴν δεξιάν, ἣ τοὺς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγους ἔγραψε.
καὶ κομισθέντων ἐθεᾶτο γεγηθὼς καὶ ἀνακαγ-
a \
χάζων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς πολλάκις" εἶτα ἐμπλησθεὶς
ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ βήματος ἐν ἀγορᾷ τεθῆναι,
/ ᾽
καθάπερ εἰς τὸν νεκρὸν ὑβρίζων, οὐχ αὑτὸν
ἐνυβρίξοντα τῇ τύχῃ καὶ καταισχύνοντα τὴν
ἐξουσίαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος. ὁ δὲ θεῖος αὐτοῦ Καῖσαρ
ξητούμενος Kal διωκόμενος “κατέφυγε πρὸς τὴν
ἀδελφήν. ἡ δέ, τῶν σφαγέων ἐπιστάντων καὶ
“ A ΄ὔ
βιαζομένων εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον αὐτῆς, ἐν ταῖς θύραις
a a a /
στᾶσα Kal διασχοῦσα τὰς χεῖρας ἐβόα πολλάκις"
“Οὐκ ἀποκτενεῖτε Καίσαρα Λεύκιον, ἐὰν μὴ
πρότερον ἐμὲ ἀποκτείνητε σὴν τὸν αὐτοκράτορα
τεκοῦσαν." ἐκείνη μὲν οὖν τοιαύτη γενομένη
διέκλεψε καὶ διέσωσε τὸν ἀδελφόν.
N. 1G \
XXI. Ἢν δὲ καὶ τὰ πολλὰ “Ρωμαίοις ἐπαχθὴς
A ς ΄
ἡ τῶν τριῶν ἀρχή" καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος
τῆς αἰτίας εἶχε, πρεσβύτερος μὲν ὧν Καίσαρος,
Λεπίδου δὲ δυνατώτερος, εἰς δὲ τὸν βίον ἐκεῖνον
αὖθις τὸν ἡδυπαθῆ καὶ ἀκόλαστον, ὡς πρῶτον
an /
ἀνεχαίτισε τῶν πραγμάτων, ἐκκεχυμένος. προσ-
ἣν δὲ τῇ κοινῇ κακοδοξίᾳ τὸ διὰ τὴν οἰκίαν οὐ
Ν a ἃ ” of. a iy
μικρὸν μῖσος, ἣν ῴκει, “Πομπηΐου τοῦ Μεγάλου
γενομένην, ἀνδρὸς οὐχ ἧττον ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ
τῷ τεταγμένως καὶ δημοτικῶς διαιτᾶσθαι θαυ-

180

ANTONY, xx. 1-xx1. 2

should also cement the friendship by a marriage, and
should take to wife Clodia, a daughter of Antony’s
wife Fulvia. After this also had been agreed upon,
three hundred men were proscribed and put to death
by them; moreover, after Cicero had been butchered,
Antony ordered his head to be cut off, and that right
hand with which Cicero had written the speeches
against him.!_ When they were brought to him, he
gazed upon them exultantly, laughing aloud for joy
many times; then, when he was sated, he ordered
them to be placed on the rostra in the forum,
just as though he were putting insult upon the
dead, and not rather making a display of his own
insolence in good fortune and abuse of power. His
uncle, Lucius Caesar, being sought for and pursued,
took refuge with his sister. She, when the execu-
tioners were at hand and trying to force their way
into ber chamber, stood in the doorway, spread out
her arms, and cried repeatedly: “Ye shall not slay
Lucius Caesar unless ye first slay me, the mother of
your imperator.” By such behaviour, then, she got
her brother out of the way and saved his life.

XXI. Now, for the most part, the government of
the triumvirate was odious to the Romans; and
Antony bore most of the blame, since he was older
than Caesar, more powerful than Lepidus, and threw
himself once more into his old life of pleasure and
dissipation as soon as he had shaken off some of his
troubles. And to his general ill-repute there was
added the great hatred caused by the house in which
he dwelt. It had been that of Pompey the Great, a
man no less admired for sobriety and for the orderly
and democratic disposition of his life than because of

1 Cf. the Cicero, xlviii. 4.

181

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μασθέντος ἢ διὰ TOUS τρεῖς θριάμβους. ἤχθοντο
γὰρ ὁρῶντες αὐτὴν τὰ πολλὰ κεκλεισμένην μὲν
ἡγεμόσι καὶ στρατηγοῖς καὶ πρέσβεσιν, ὠθου-
μένοις πρὸς ὕβριν ἀπὸ τῶν θυρῶν, μεστὴν δὲ
μίμων καὶ θαυματοποιῶν καὶ κολάκων κραιπα-
λώντων, εἰς οὗς τὰ πλεῖστα κατανηλίσκετο τῶν
χρημάτων τῷ βιαιοτάτῳ καὶ χαλεπωτάτῳ τρόπῳ
ποριζομένων. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐπώλουν οὐσίας τῶν
φονευομένων, ἐπισυκοφαντοῦντες οἰκείους καὶ
γυναῖκας αὐτῶν, οὐδὲ τελῶν πᾶν ἐκίνησαν γένος,
ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ ταῖς ᾿στιάσι πυθόμενοι παρ-
θένοις παρακαταθήκας τινὰς κεῖσθαι καὶ ξένων
καὶ πολιτῶν ἔλαβον ἐπελθόντες. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν HY
ἱκανὸν ᾿Αντωνίῳ, Καῖσαρ ἠξίωσε νείμασθαι τὰ
χρήματα πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐνείμαντο δὲ καὶ τὸν
στρατόν, ἐπὶ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον εἰς Μακε-
δονίαν στρατεύοντες ἀμφότεροι, Λεπίδῳ δὲ τὴν
“Ῥώμην ἐπέτρεψαν.

XXIT. Ὡς μέντοι διαβάντες ἥψαντο πολέμου
καὶ παρεστρατοπέδευσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ᾿Αντωνί-
ου μὲν ἀντιτεταγμένου Κασσίῳ, Βρούτῳ δὲ Kai-
σαρος, οὐθὲν ἔργον͵ ἐφάνη μέγα τοῦ Καίσαρος,
ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιος ἢ ἣν ὁ νικῶν πάντα καὶ κατορθῶν.
τῇ μέν γε προτέρᾳ μάχη Καῖσαρ ὑπὸ Βρούτου
κατὰ κράτος ἡττηθεὶς ἀπέβαλε τὸ στρατόπεδον,
καὶ μικρὸν ἔφθη τοὺς διώκοντας ὑπεκφυγών' ὡς
δὲ αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι γέγραφε, τῶν φίλων
τινὸς ὄναρ ἰδόντος ἀνεχώρησε πρὸ τῆς μάχης.
᾿Αντώνιος δὲ Κάσσιον ἐνίκησε: καίτοι γεγράφασιν
ἔνιοι μὴ παραγενέσθαι τῇ μάχη τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον,
ἀλλὰ προσγενέσθαι μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἤδη διώ-

182

nS)

ANTONY, xxi. 2-xx11. 3

his three triumphs. Men were distressed, therefore,
to see the house closed for the most part against
commanders, magistrates, and ambassadors, who
were thrust with insolence from its doors, and filled
instead with mimes, jugglers, and drunken flatterers,
on whom were squandered the greater part of the
moneys got in the most violent and cruel manner.
For the triumvirate not only sold the properties
of those whom they slew, bringing false charges
against their wives and kindred, while they set on
foot every kind of taxation, but learning that there
were deposits with the Vestal Virgins made by both
strangers and citizens, they went and took them.
And since nothing was sufficient for Antony, Caesar
demanded to share the moneys with him. They
shared the army also, and both led their forces into
Macedonia against Brutus and Cassius, entrusting
Rome to Lepidus.

XXII. However, after they had crossed the sea,
taken up war, and encamped near the enemy,
Antony being opposed to Cassius, and Caesar to
Brutus, no great achievements were performed by
Caesar, but it was Antony who was everywhere
victorious and successful. In the first battle, at
least, Caesar was overwhelmingly defeated by Brutus,
lost his camp, and narrowly escaped his pursuers by
secret flight; although he himself says in his Memoirs
that he withdrew before the battle in consequence of
a friend’s dream. But Antony conquered Cassius;
although some write that Antony was not present in
the battle, but came up after the battle when his

183

VOL. IX. G

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κουσι. Κάσσιον δὲ Πίνδαρος τῶν πιστῶν τις ἀπε-
λευθέρων αὐτοῦ δεομένου καὶ κελεύοντος ἔσφα-
ἕεν: οὐ γὰρ ἔγνω νενικηκότα Βροῦτον. ὀλίγων
δὲ ἡμερῶν “διαγενομένων πάλιν ἐμαχέσαντο" καὶ
Βροῦτος μὲν ἡττηθεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἀνεῖλεν, ᾿Αντώνιος
δὲ τῆς νίκης, ἠνέγκατο τῇ δόξῃ τὸ πλεῖστον, ἅτε
δὴ καὶ νοσοῦντος τοῦ Καίσαρος. ἐπιστὰς δὲ τῷ
Βρούτου “νεκρῷ μικρὰ μὲν ὠνείδισεν ὑπὲρ τῆς
Daiov TOU ἀδελφοῦ τελευτῆς (ἀνῃρήκει. γὰρ ἐκεῖ
νον ὁ Βροῦτος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ Κικέρωνι τιμωρῶν),
φήσας δὲ μᾶλλον Ὁρτήσιον ἢ ἢ Βροῦτον αἰτιᾶσθαι
τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σφαγῆς Ὁρτήσιον μὲν ἐκέλευσεν
ἐπισφάξαι τῷ μνήματι, Βρούτῳ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ
φοινικίδα πολλῶν χρημάτων ἀξίαν οὗσαν ἐπέρ-
pipe, Kal TOV ἀπελευθέρων τινὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ προσ-
ἐταἕε τῆς ταφῆς ἐπιμεληθῆναι. τοῦτον ὕστε-
ρον γνοὺς οὐ συγκατακαύσαντα τὴν φοινικίδα
τῷ νεκρῷ καὶ πολλὰ τῆς εἰς τὴν ταφὴν δαπάνης
ὑφῃρημένον ἀπέκτεινεν.

XXL Ἰὰς τούτου Καῖσαρ μὲν εἰς Ῥώμην
ἐκομίζετο, δοκῶν οὐ περιέσεσθαι πολὺν χρόνον ἐκ
τῆς ἀρρωστίας, ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ τὰς πρὸς ἕω πάσας
ἐπαρχίας ἀργυρολογήσων. διέβαινεν εἰς τὴν Ἕλ-
λάδα, πολλὴν στρατιὰν ἄγων" ὑπεσχημένοι γὰρ
ἑκάστῳ στρατιώτῃ δραχμὰς πεντακισχιλίας ἐδέ-
οντο συντονωτέρου χρηματισμοῦ καὶ δασμολο-
γίας. τοῖς μὲν οὖν “Ελλησιν οὐκ ἄτοπος οὐδὲ
φορτικὸς συνηνέχθη τό γε πρῶτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ
παῖζον αὑτοῦ πρὸς ἀκροάσεις φιλολόγων καὶ θεας
ἀγώνων καὶ μυήσεις ἔτρεπε, καὶ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις
ἦν ἐπιεικής, καὶ φιλέλλην ἀκούων ἔχαιρεν, ἔτι δὲ

184

ANTONY, xxu. 3-xxulI. 2

men were already in pursuit. Cassius, at his own
request and command, was killed by Pindar, one of
his trusty freedmen; for Cassius was not aware that
Brutus was victorious. After a few days had inter-
vened, a second battle was fought, and Brutus, being
defeated, slew himself; but Antony won the greater
credit for the victory, since, indeed, Caesar was sick.
And as he stood beside the dead body of Brutus,
Antony chided him a little for the death of his
brother Caius, whom Brutus had executed in Mace-
donia to avenge Cicero, and declaring that Hortensius
was more to blame than Brutus for his brother’s
murder, he ordered Hortensius to be slaughtered on
his brother’s tomb; but over Brutus he cast his own
purple cloak, which was of great value, and ordered
one of his own freedmen to see to the burial of the
body. And learning afterwards that this fellow had
not burned the purple cloak with the body of Brutus,
and had purloined much of what had been devoted
to the burial, he put him to death.

XXIII. After this, Caesar repaired to Rome, since
it was thought that he would not live long in
consequence of his illness; but Antony, that he
might levy money in all the eastern provinces, made
his way into Greece with a large army; for since the
triumvirate had promised every one of their soldiers
five hundred drachmas, they required a more vigorous
policy in raising money and collecting tributes.
Toward the Greeks, then, Antony conducted himself
without rudeness or offence, at least in the beginning,
nay, he indulged his fondness for amusement by
listening to literary discussions and by witnessing
games and religious rites. In his judicial decisions
also he was reasonable, and delighted to be called a

185

bo

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μᾶλλον φιλαθήναιος προσαγορευόμενος, καὶ TH
\
πόλει πλείστας δωρεὰς ἔδωκε. βουλομένων δέ τι
/ -

καὶ Μεγαρέων καλὸν ἀντεπιδείξασθαι ταῖς ᾿Αθή-
\ \ , Ὁ δ st ἊΝ ἢ ,

vats Kal τὸ βουλευτήριον ἰδεῖν αὐτὸν ἀξιωσάντων

2 \ \ / e 3 / ,

ἀναβὰς καὶ θεασάμενος, ws ἐπυνθάνοντο τί δο-

ὔ 6c M \ / 3 » oe \ ὃ , ν᾽» \ Ν
κοίη, ικρὸν μέν, ἔφη, “ σαπρὸν δέ." καὶ τὸν

a /
tov Πυθίου νεὼν κατεμέτρησεν ws συντελέσων"

a \ \ if
τοῦτο γὰρ ὑπέσχετο πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.

XXIV. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Λεύκιον Κηνσωρῖνον ἐπὶ τῆς
“Ελλάδος καταλιπὼν εἰς ᾿Ασίαν διέβη καὶ τῶν
? a / 4 ! Ν a 2.058 θ ΄
ἐκεῖ πλούτων ἥψατο, καὶ βασιλεῖς ἐπὶ θύρας
ἐφοίτων καὶ βασιλέων γυναῖκες ἁμιλλώμεναι δω-
ρεαῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλας καὶ κάλλεσιν ἐφθείροντο

Ν > ἢ 3 ς ’ \ / / \
πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐν «Ῥώμῃ δὲ Καίσαρος στάσεσι καὶ
πολέμοις ἀποτρυχομένου πολλὴν αὐτὸς ἄγων σχο-
λὴν καὶ εἰρήνην ἀνεκυκλεῖτο τοῖς πάθεσιν εἰς τὸν
συνήθη βίον, ᾿Αναξήνορες δὲ κιθαρῳδοὶ καὶ ἘΞοῦ-

a / ,
θοι χοραῦλαι καὶ Μητρόδωρός τις ὀρχηστὴς καὶ
τοιοῦτος ἄλλος ᾿Ασιανῶν ἀκροαμάτων θίασος,
ὑπερβαλλομένων λαμυρίᾳ καὶ βωμολοχίᾳ τὰς ἀπὸ

“ 2 , A f
τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας κῆρας, εἰσερρύη καὶ διῴκει τὴν av-
λήν, οὐδὲν ἦν ἀνεκτόν, εἰς ταῦτα φορουμένων
ς z e \ b , a / ¢€ Ss /
ἁπάντων. ἡ γὰρ ᾿Ασία πᾶσα, καθάπερ ἡ Σοφό-

i a
κλειος ἐκείνη πόλις, ὁμοῦ μὲν θυμιαμάτων ἔγεμεν,

e nr \ S,
ὁμοῦ δὲ παιάνων τε καὶ στεναγμάτων.

> a _ WT 2 , > A a \ ’

εἰς γοῦν "Edecov εἰσιόντος αὐτοῦ γυναῖκες μὲν εἰς
Βάκχας, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ παῖδες εἰς Σατύρους καὶ
186

9:

6

ANTONY, xxi. 2-xxIv. 3

Philhellene, and still more to be addressed as Phil-
athenian, and he gave the city very many gifts. But
when the Megarians wished to show him something
fine to rival Athens, and thought that he ought to
see their senate-house, he went up and took a view
of it; and when they asked him what he thought of
it, “It is small,” he said, “but rotten.” He also
had measurements taken of the temple of Pythian
Apollo, with the purpose of completing it; indeed,
he promised as much to the senate.

XXIV. But presently he left Lucius Censorinus in
charge of Greece, and crossing over into Asia! laid
hands on the wealth that was there. Kings would
come often to his doors, and wives of kings, vying
with one another in their gifts and their beauty,
would yield up their honour for his pleasure; and
while at Rome Caesar was wearing himself out in
civil strifes and wars, Antony himself was enjoying
abundant peace and leisure, and was swept back by
his passions into his wonted mode of life. Lute-
players like Anaxenor, flute-players like Xanthus,
one Metrodorus, a dancer, and such other rabble of
Asiatic performers, who surpassed in impudence and
effrontery the pests from Italy, poured like a flood
into his quarters and held sway there. It was
past all endurance that everything was devoted to
these extravagances. For all Asia, like the famous
city of Sophocles,? “ was filled alike with incense-
offerings,

Alike with paeans, too, and voice of heavy groans.”

At any rate, when Antony made his entry into
Ephesus, women arrayed like Bacchanals, and men
1 In 41 B.c. * Thebes, in the Oedipus Rex, 4.

187

τῷι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Πᾶνας ἡγοῦντο διεσκευασμένοι, κιττοῦ δὲ Kal θύρ-
\ / \ / \ > A e
σων Kal ψαλτηρίων καὶ συρίγγων Kal αὐλῶν ἡ
/ = / / 3 EN ᾽ Ἢ
πόλις ἣν πλέα, Διόνυσον αὐτὸν ανακαλουμένων
f / a
χαριδότην Kal μειλίχιον. iv yap ἀμέλει τοιοῦτος
/ an \ a S a
ἐνίοις, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ὠμηστὴς καὶ ἀγριώνιος.
n \ An \
apypetTo yap εὐγενεῖς ἀνθρώπους τὰ ὄντα μαστι-
γίαις καὶ κόλαξι χαριζόμενος. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ
,
ζώντων ὡς τεθνηκότων αἰτησάμενοί τινες οὐσίας
ἔλαβον. ἀνδρὸς δὲ Μάγνητος οἶκον ἐδωρήσατο
/ cr
μαγείρῳ περὶ ἕν, ws λέγεται, δεῖπνον εὐδοκιμή-
Zk , a 4 ,
σαντι. Tédos δέ, Tals πόλεσι δεύτερον ἐπιβάλ-
, / e / fol
λοντος φόρον, ἐτόλμησεν ‘TBpéas ὑπὲρ τῆς Actas
lal ,7ὔ Ν a
λέγων εἰπεῖν ἀγοραίως μὲν ἐκεῖνα καὶ πρὸς τὸν
᾿Αντωνίου ζῆλον οὐκ ἀηδῶς, “Ei δύνασαι δὶς
λαβεῖν ἑνὸς ἐνιαυτοῦ φόρον, δύνασαι καὶ δὶς ἡμῖν
/ / \ \ 2 , ” A \
ποιήσασθαι θέρος καὶ dis ὀπώραν," πρακτικῶς δὲ
/ \ ,
καὶ παραβόλως συναγαγὼν ὅτι μυριάδας εἴκοσι
> , A 39
ταλάντων ἡ ᾿Ασία δέδωκε, “ταῦτα, εἶπεν, “εἰ
\ 3 5) >’ ᾽ὔ \ an , 9
μὲν οὐκ εἴληφας, ἀπαίτει παρὰ τῶν λαβόντων" εἰ
3)
δὲ λαβὼν οὐκ ἔχεις, ἀπολώλαμεν." ἐτρέψατο
/ a \ ’ , > U \ \ \
τούτῳ δεινῶς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον" ἠγνόει yap τὰ πολλὰ
a 4 ’
TOV γιγνομένων, οὐχ οὕτω ῥάθυμος ὧν, ὡς δι
, a /
ἁπλότητα πιστεύων τοῖς περὶ αὑτόν.
Ἔνῆν γὰρ ἁπλότης τῷ ἤθει καὶ βραδεῖα μὲν
αἴσθησις, αἰσθανομένῳ δὲ τῶν ἁμαρτανομένων
\ \ ,
ἰσχυρὰ μετάνοια καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐξομολόγησις
/ , \ εἶ \ \
τοὺς ἀγνωμονηθέντας, μέγεθος δὲ Kal περὶ Tas
183

ANTONY, xxiv. 3-6

and boys like Satyrs and Pans, led the way before him,
and the city was full of ivy and thyrsus-wands and
harps and pipes and flutes, the people hailing him as
Dionysus Giver of Joy and Beneficent. For he was
such, undoubtedly, to some; but to the greater part
he was Dionysus Carnivorous and Savage. For he
took their property from well-born men and bestowed
it on flatterers and scoundrels. From many, too, who
were actually alive, men got their property by asking
him for it on the plea that the owners were dead.
The house of a man of Magnesia he gave to a cook,
who, as we are told, had won reputation by a single
supper. But finally, when he was imposing a second
contribution on the cities, Hybreas, speaking in
behalf of Asia, plucked up courage to say this:
“If thou canst take a contribution twice in one year,
thou hast power also to make summer for us twice,
and harvest-time twice.’”’ These words were rhe-
torical, it Is true, and’ agreeable to Antony’s taste ;
but the speaker added in plain and bold words that
Asia had given him two hundred thousand talents ;
“If,” said he, “ thou hast not received this money,
demand it from those who took it; but if thou didst
receive it, and hast it not, we are undone.” This
speech made a powerful impression upon Antony ;
for he was ignorant of most that was going on, not so
much because he was of an easy disposition, as
because he was simple enough to trust those about
him.

For there was simplicity in his nature, and slow-
ness of perception, though when he did perceive his
errors he showed keen repentance, and made full
acknowledgement to the very men who had _ been
unfairly dealt with, and there was largeness both in

189

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

bd \ \ \ \ / a / \
ἀμοιβὰς Kal περὶ Tas τιμωρίας. μᾶλλόν γε μὴν
, N
ἐδόκει χαριζόμενος ἢ κολάζων ὑπερβάλλειν TO μέ-
Ν \
Tplov. ἡ δὲ περὶ τὰς παιδιὰς Kal τὰς ἐπισκώψεις
e/ 3 ς “Ὁ \ ti 2 3 a
ὕβρις ἐν αὑτῇ τὸ φάρμακον εἶχεν. ἀντισκῶψαι
\ ς, κα \ ’ / \ , b] «
yap ἐξῆν καὶ ἀνθυβρίσαι, Kai γελώμενος οὐχ 1)T-
a rn \
Tov ἢ γελῶν ἔχαιρε. καὶ τοῦτο διελυμήνατο τὰ
Ν a , \ \ 3 a Α͂
πολλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων. τοὺς γὰρ ἐν τῷ παίζειν
/ > bat 3 \ /
παρρησιαζομένους οὐκ ἂν οἰηθεὶς σπουδάζοντας
i > Ν ε ’ « , ς Ἂ Lal 5 ΄
κολακεύειν αὐτὸν ἡλίσκετο ῥᾳδίως ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπαί-
lal \ aA
νων, ἀγνοῶν OTL THY παρρησίαν τινὲς ὡς ὑποστῦ-
φον ἥδυσμα τῇ κολακείᾳ παραμιγνύντες ἀφήρουν
A ἊΝ ΄
τὸ πλήσμιον, τῇ παρὰ τὴν κύλικα θρασύτητι καὶ
λαλιᾷ διαμηχανώμενοι τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων
\ id
ὕφεσιν καὶ συγκατάθεσιν μὴ πρὸς χάριν ὁμι-
\ A a
λούντων, ἀλλὰ TO φρονεῖν ἡττωμένων φαίνεσθαι.
΄ »
XXV. Τοιούτῳ δ᾽ οὖν ὄντι τὴν φύσιν ᾿Αντωνίῳ
tal δὰ ς / ” > 4
τελευταῖον κακὸν ὁ Κλεοπάτρας ἔρως ἐπιγενό-
\ \ a a
μενος, Kal πολλὰ τῶν ἔτι κρυπτομένων ἐν αὐτῷ
, A
Kal ἀτρεμούντων παθῶν ἐγείρας καὶ ἀναβακχεύ-
Ν a
gas, εἴ TL χρηστὸν ἢ σωτήριον ὅμως ἀντεῖχεν,
ἠφάνισε καὶ προσδιέφθειρεν. ἁλίσκεται δὲ τοῦ-
Ν 4 ,) A n /
Tov τὸν τρῦπον. ἁπτόμενος τοῦ Παρθικοῦ πολέ-
” Ν 3 , / 3 [4
μου ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὑτὴν, κελεύων εἰς Κιλικίαν
> an , e / τ 3 a a
ἀπαντῆσαι λόγον ὑφέξουσαν ὧν ἐνεκαλεῖτο τοῖς
περὶ Κάσσιον δοῦναι πολλὰ καὶ συμβαλέσθαι
«
πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. ὁ δὲ πεμφθεὶς A€AXALOS, ὡς
5 \ 7 \ , \ 9 Ξ ,
εἶδε τὴν ὄψιν καὶ κατέμαθε τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις
f / ,
δεινότητα καὶ πανουργίαν, εὐθὺς αἰσθόμενος ὅτι
190

ANTONY, xxrv. 6-xxv. 2

his restitution to the wronged and in his punishment
of the wrong-doers. Yet he was thought to exceed
due bounds more in conferring favours than in in-
flicting punishments. And his wantonness in mirth
and jest carried its own remedy with it. For a man
might pay back his jests and insolence, and he
delighted in being laughed at no less than in laughing
at others. And this vitiated most of his undertakings.
For he could not believe that those who used bold
speech in jest could flatter him in earnest, and so
was easily captivated by their praises, not knowing
that some men would mingle bold speech, like a
piquant sauce, with flattery, and thus would take
away from flattery its cloying character. Such men
would use their bold babbling over the cups to make
their submissive yielding in matters of business seem
to be the way, not of those who associate with a
man merely to please him, but of those who are
vanquished by superior wisdom.

XXYV. Such, then, was the nature of Antony,
where now as a crowning evil his love for Cleo-
patra supervened, roused and drove to frenzy many
of the passions that were still hidden and quiescent
in him, and dissipated and destroyed whatever good
and saving qualities still offered resistance. And he
was taken captive in this manner. As he was
getting ready for the Parthian war, he sent to
Cleopatra, ordering her to meet him in Cilicia in
order to make answer to the charges made against
her of raising and giving to Cassius much money
for the war. But Dellius, Antony’s messenger,
when he saw how Cleopatra looked, and noticed her
subtlety and cleverness in conversation, at once

G2 Ig!

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κακὸν μὲν οὐδὲ μελλήσει τι ποιεῖν γυναῖκα τοιαύ-
τὴν ᾿Αντώνιος, ἐ ἔσται δὲ μεγίστη Tap αὐτῷ, τρέ-
TETAL πρὸς τὸ θεραπεύειν καὶ προτρέπεσθαι τὴν
Αἰγυπτίαν, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ Ὁμηρικόν, ἐλθεῖν εἰς
Κιλικίαν εὖ ἐντύνασαν αὐτὴν καὶ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι
τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον, ἥδιστον ἡγεμόνων ὄντα καὶ φιλ-
ανθρωπότατον. ἡ δὲ καὶ Δελλίῳ πεισθεῖσα, καὶ
τοῖς π πρὸς Καίσαρα καὶ Γναῖον τὸν Πομπηΐου
παῖδα πρότερον αὐτῇ γενομένοις ἀφ᾽ ὥρας συμ-
βολαίοις τεκμαιρομένη, ῥᾷον 7 ἤλπιζεν ὑπάξεσθαι
τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ αὐτὴν ἔτι κόρην
καὶ πραγμάτων ἄπειρον ἔγνωσαν, πρὸς δὲ τοῦτον
ἔμελλε φοιτήσειν ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα καιροῦ γυναῖκες
ὥραν τε λαμπροτάτην ἔχουσι καὶ τὸ φρονεῖν
ἀκμάξουσι. διὸ πολλὰ μὲν συνεσκευάσατο δῶρα
καὶ χρήματα καὶ κόσμον οἷον εἰκὸς ἦν ἀπὸ πραγ:
μάτων μεγάλων καὶ βασιλείας εὐδαίμονος κομί-
ζειν, τὰς δὲ πλείστας ἐν ἑαυτῇ καὶ τοῖς περὶ
αὑτὴν μαγγανεύμασι καὶ φίλτροις ἐλπίδας θεμένη
παρεγένετο.

XXVI. Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ παρὰ
τῶν φίλων δεχομένη γράμματα καλούντων, οὕτω
κατεφρόνησε καὶ κατεγέλασε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὥστε
πλεῖν ἀνὰ τὸν ΚΚύδνον ποταμὸν ἐν πορθμείῳ χρυ-
σοπρύμνῳ, τῶν μὲν ἱστίων ἁλουργῶν ἐκπεπετασ-
μένων, τῆς δὲ εἰρεσίας ἀργυραῖς κώπαις ἀναφερο-
μένης πρὸς αὐλὸν ἅμα σύριγξι καὶ κιθάραις συν-
ἡρμοσμένον. αὐτὴ δὲ κατέκειτο μὲν ὑπὸ σκιάδι
χρυσοπάστῳ κεκοσμημένη γραφικῶς ὥσπερ
᾿Αφροδίτη, παῖδες δὲ τοῖς γραφικοῖς᾿᾿ Epwow εἰ-
κασμένοι παρ᾽ ἑκάτερον ἑστῶτες ἐρρίπιζον. ὁμοίως

192

9

ANTONY, xxv. 2-xxvi. 2

perceived that Antony would not so much as think
of doing such a woman any harm, but that she
would have the greatest influence with him. He
therefore resorted to flattery and tried to induce
the Egyptian to go to Cilicia “decked out in fine
array’! (as Homer would say), and not to be afraid
of Antony, who was the most agreeable and humane
of commanders. She was persuaded by Dellius, and
judging by the proofs which she had had before this
of the effect of her beauty upon Caius Caesar and
Gnaeus the son of Pompey, she had hopes that she
would more easily bring Antony to her feet. For
Caesar and Pompey had known her when she was
still a girl and inexperienced in affairs, but she was
going to visit Antony at the very time when women
have most brilliant beauty and are at the acme of
intellectual power. Therefore she provided herself
with many gifts, much money, and such ornaments
as her high position and prosperous kingdom made
it natural for her to take; but she went putting her
greatest confidence in herself, and in the charms and
sorceries of her own person.

XXVI. Though she received many letters of
summons both from Antony himself and from his
friends, she so despised and laughed the man to
scorn as to sail up the river Cydnus in a barge with
gilded poop, its sails spread purple, its rowers urging
it on with silver oars to the sound of the flute blended
with pipes and lutes. She herself reclined beneath
a canopy spangled with gold, adorned like Venus in
a painting, while boys like Loves in paintings stood
on either side and fanned her. Likewise also the

1 Iliad, xiv. 162, of Hera, decking herself for a mecting
with Zeus.

193

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ καὶ θεραπαινίδες αἱ καλλιστεύουσαι Νηρηΐδων
ἔχουσαι καὶ Χαρίτων στολάς, αἱ μὲν πρὸς οἴαξιν,
αἱ δὲ πρὸς κάλοις ἦσαν. ὀδμαὶ δὲ θαυμασταὶ
τὰς ὄχθας ἀπὸ θυμιαμάτων πολλῶν ᾿Κατεῖχον.
3 τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ
παρωμάρτουν ἑκατέρωθεν, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως
κατέβαινον ἐπὶ τὴν θέαν. ἐκχεομένου δὲ τοῦ
κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ὄχλου τέλος αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος
ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος ἀπελείφθη “μόνος. καί
τις λόγος ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων ὡς ἡ ᾿Αφροδίτη
κωμάζοι παρὰ τὸν Διόνυσον ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τῆς
᾿Ασίας.
Ἔπεμψε μὲν οὖν καλῶν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον"
ἡ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐκεῖνον ἠξίου πρὸς ἑαυτὴν ἥκειν.
4 εὐθὺς οὖν τινὰ βουλόμενος εὐκολίαν ἐπιδείκνυ-
σθαι καὶ φιλοφροσύνην t ὑπήκουσε καὶ ἦλθεν. ἐντυ-
χὼν δὲ παρασκευῇ λόγου κρείττονι μάλιστα τῶν
φώτων τὸ πλῆθος ἐξεπλάγη. τοσαῦτα γὰρ λέ-
γεται καθίεσθαι καὶ ἀναφαίνεσθαι πανταχόθεν
ἅμα, καὶ τοιαύταις πρὸς ἄλληλα κλίσεσι καὶ
θέσεσι διακεκοσμημένα καὶ συντεταγμένα πλαι-
σίων καὶ περιφερῶν τρόπῳ, ὥστε τῶν ἐν ὀλίγοις
ἀξιοθεάτων καὶ καλῶν ἐκείνην γενέσθαι τὴν ὄψιν.
XXVII. Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ πάλιν ἀνθεστιῶν αὐ-
τὴν ἐφιλοτιμήθη μὲν ὑπερβαλέσθαι τὴν λαμπρό-
τητα καὶ τὴν ἐμμέλειαν, ἀμφοῖν δὲ λειπόμενος,
καὶ κρατούμενος ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις, πρῶτος ἔσκω-
πτεν εἰς αὐχμὸν καὶ ἀγροικίαν τὰ παρ᾽ αὑτῷ.
πολὺν δὲ ἡ Κλεοπάτρα καὶ τοῖς σκώμμασι τοῦ
᾿Αντωνίου τὸν στρατιώτην ἐνορῶσα καὶ βάναυσον,
ἐχρῆτο καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνειμένως ἤδη καὶ
2 κατατεθαρρηκότως. καὶ γὰρ ἣν, ὡς λέγουσιν,

194

ANTONY, xxvi. 2-xxvil. 2

fairest of her serving-maidens, attired like Nereids and
Graces, were stationed, some at the rudder-sweeps, and
others at the reefing-ropes. Wondrous odours from
countless incense-ofterings diffused themselves along
the river-banks, Of the inhabitants, some accom-
panied her on either bank of the river from its very
mouth, while others went down from the city to be-
hold the sight. The throng in the market-place
gradually streamed away, until at last Antony him-
self, seated on his tribunal, was left alone. And a
rumour spread on every hand that Venus was come
to revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia.

Antony sent, therefore, and invited her to supper ;
but she thought it meet that he should rather come
to her. At once, then, wishing to display his com-
placency and friendly feelings, Antony obeyed and
went. He found there a preparation that beggared
description, but was most amazed at the multitude of
lights. For, as we are told, so many of these were
let down and displayed on all sides at once, and they
were arranged and ordered with so many inclinations
and adjustments to each other in the form of rect-
angles and circles, that few sights were so beautiful
or so worthy to be seen as this.

XXVII. On the following day Antony feasted her
in his turn, and was ambitious to surpass her splendour
and elegance, but in both regards he was left behind,
and vanquished in these very points, and was first to
rail at the meagreness and rusticity of his own arrange-
ments. Cleopatra observed in the jests of Antony
much of the soldier and the common man, and
adopted this manner also towards him, without re-
straint now, and boldly. For her beauty, as we are

105

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὐτὸ μὲν Kal’ αὑτὸ τὸ κάλλος αὐτῆς οὐ πάνυ
δυσπαράβλητον, οὐδὲ οἷον ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς ἰδόντας,
ἁφὴν δ᾽ εἶχεν ἡ συνδιαίτησις ἄφυκτον, ἥ τε μορφὴ
μετὰ τῆς ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι πιθανότητος καὶ τοῦ
περιθέοντος ὁ ἅμα πως περὶ τὴν ὁμιλίαν ἤθους ἀνέ-
pepe τι κέντρον. ἡδονὴ δὲ Kal “φθεγγομένης ἐ ἐπῆν
τῷ ἤχῳ: καὶ τὴν “γλῶτταν, ὥσπερ ὄργανόν τι
πολύχορδον, εὐπετῶς τρέπουσα καθ᾽ ἣν βούλοιτο
διάλεκτον ὀλίγοις παντάπασι Ov ἑρμηνέως, ἐνε-
τύγχανε βαρβάροις, τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις αὐτὴ
αὑτῆς ἀπεδίδου τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, ᾿ς τῆς
Τρωγλοδύταις, Ἑβραίοις," Ἄραψι, Σύροις, Μή-
δοις, Παρθυαίοις. πολλῶν δὲ λέγεται καὶ ἄλλων
ἐκμαθεῖν γλώττας, τῶν πρὸ αὐτῆς βασιλέων
οὐδὲ τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν ἀνασχομένων παραλαβεῖν
διάλεκτον, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ τὸ μακεδονίζειν ἐκλι-
πόντων.

XXVIII. Οὕτω δ᾽ οὖν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἥρπασεν
ὥστε, πολεμούσης μὲν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Καίσαρι Φουλ-
βίας τῆς “γυναικὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐκείνου πραγμάτων,
αἰωρουμένης δὲ Παρθικῆς στρατιᾶς περὶ τὴν] Μεσο-
ποταμίαν, ἧς Λαβιηνὸν οἱ βασιλέως στρατηγοὶ
Παρθικὸν ἀναγορεύσαντες αὐτοκράτορα Συρίας
ἐπιβατεύσειν ἔμελλον, οἴχεσθαι φερόμενον ὑπ᾽
αὐτῆς εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἐκεῖ δὲ μειρακίου σχολὴν
ἄγοντος διατριβαῖς καὶ παιδιαῖς χρώμενον ἀνα-
λίσκειν καὶ καθηδυπαθεῖν τὸ πολυτελέστατον, ὡς
᾿Αντιφῶν. εἶπεν, ἀνάλωμα, τὸν χρόνον. ἣν γάρ
τίς αὐτοῖς σύνοδος ἀμιμητοβίων λεγομένη" καὶ
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν εἱστίων ἀλλήλους, ἄπιστόν τινα
ποιούμενοι τῶν ἀναλισκομένων ἀμετρίαν. διη-

τού

9

8

ANTONY, xxvii. 2-xxvimr. 2

told, was in itself not altogether incomparable, nor
such as to strike those who saw her; but converse
with her had an irresistible charm, and her presence,
combined with the persuasiveness of her discourse
and the character which was somehow diffused about
her behaviour towards others, had something stimu-
lating about it. There was sweetness also in the
tones of her voice ; and her tongue, like an instrument
of many strings, she could readily turn to what-
ever language she pleased, so that in her interviews
with Barbarians she very seldom had need of an
interpreter, but made her replies to most of them
herself and unassisted, whether they were Ethiopians,
Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes or
Parthians. Nay, it is said that she knew the speech
of many other peoples also, although the kings of
Egypt before her had not even made an effort to
learn the native language, and some actually gave
up their Macedonian dialect.

XXVIII. Accordingly, she made such booty of
Antony that, while Fulvia his wife was carrying on
war at Rome with Caesar in defence of her husband’s
interests, and while a Parthian army was hovering
about Mesopotamia (over this country the generals of
the king had appointed Labienus Parthian com-
mander-in-chief, and were about to invade Syria), he
suffered her to hurry him off to Alexandria. There,
indulging in the sports and diversions of a young
man of leisure, he squandered and spent upon plea-
sures that which Antiphon calls the most costly out-
lay, namely, time. For they had an association
called The Inimitable Livers, and every day they
feasted one another, making their expenditures of
incredible profusion. At any rate, Philotas, the

197

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γεῖτο γοῦν ἡμῶν τῷ πάππῳ Λαμπρίᾳ Φιλώτας ὁ
᾿Αμφισσεὺς ἰατρὸς εἶναι μὲν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ
τότε, μανθάνων τὴν τέχνην, γενόμενος δέ τινι τῶν
βασιλικῶν ὀψοποιῶν συνήθης ἀναπεισθῆναι νέος
ὧν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν πολυτέλειαν καὶ τὴν παρα-
σκευὴν τοῦ δείπνου θεάσασθαι. παρεισαχθεὶς οὖν
εἰς τοὐπτανεῖον, ὡς τά τε ἄλλα πάμπολλα ἑώρα
καὶ σῦς ἀγρίους ὀπτωμένους ὀκτώ, θαυμάσαι τὸ
πλῆθος τῶν δειπνούντων. τὸν δὲ ὀψοποιὸν γελά-
σαι καὶ εἰπεῖν ὅτι πολλοὶ μὲν οὐκ εἰσὶν οἱ δει-
πνοῦντες, ἀλλὰ περὶ δώδεκα: δεῖ δ᾽ ἀκμὴν ἔχειν
τῶν παρατιθεμένων ἕκαστον, ἣν ἀκαρὲς ὥρας μα-
ραίνει. καὶ γὰρ αὐτίκα γένοιτ᾽ av ᾿Αντώνιον
δείπνου δεηθῆναι καὶ μετὰ μικρόν, ἂν δὲ οὕτω
τύχῃ, παραγαγεῖν αἰτήσαντα ποτήριον ἢ λόγου
τινὸς ἐμπεσόντος. ὅθεν οὐχ ἕν, ἀλλὰ πολλά,
φάναι, δεῖπνα συντέτακται" δυσστόχαστος γὰρ ὁ
καιρός. ταῦτα οὖν ὁ Φιλώτας ἔλεγε, καὶ χρόνου
προϊόντος ἐν τοῖς θεραπεύουσι γενέσθαι τὸν πρε-
σβύτατον τῶν ᾿Αντωνίου παίδων, ὃν ἐκ Φουλβίας
εἶχε, καὶ συνδειπνεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων
ἑταίρων ἐπιεικῶς, ὁπότε μὴ δειπνοίη μετὰ τοῦ
πατρός. ἰατρὸν οὖν ποτε θρασυνόμενον καὶ πρά-
γματα πολλὰ παρέχοντα δειπνοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπι-
στομίσαι τοιούτῳ σοφίσματι' “Τῷ πως πυρετ-
τοντὶ δοτέον ψυχρόν' πᾶς δὲ ὁ πυρέττων πως
πυρέττει" παντὶ ἄρα πυρέττοντι δοτέον ψυχρόν."
πληγέντος δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ σιωπήσαντος,
198

ANTONY, xxvitr. 2-5

physician of Amphissa, used to tell my grandfather,
Lamprias, that he was in Alexandria at this time,
studying his profession, and that having got well
acquainted with one of the royal cooks, he was easily
persuaded by him (young man that he was) to take
a view of the extravagant preparations for a royal
supper. Accordingly, he was introduced into the
kitchen, and when he saw all the other provisions in
great abundance, and eight wild boars a-roasting, he
expressed his amazement at what must be the
number of the guests. But the cook burst out laugh-
ing and said: “ The guests are not many, only about
twelve ; but everything that is set before them must
be at perfection, and this an instant of time reduces.
For it might happen that Antony would ask for
supper immediately, and after a little while, perhaps,
would postpone it and call for a cup of wine, or en-
gage in conversation with some one. Wherefore,”
he said, “not one, but many suppers are arranged ;
for the precise time is hard to hit.” This tale, then,
Philotas used to tell; and he said also that as time
went on he became one of the medical attendants of
Antony’s oldest son, whom he had of Fulvia, and
that he usually supped with him at his house in com-
pany with the rest of his comrades, when the young
man did not sup with his father. Accordingly, on
one occasion, as a physician was making too bold and
giving much annoyance to them as they supped,
Philotas stopped his mouth with some such sophism
as this: “To the patient who is somewhat feverish
cold water must be given; but everyone who has a
fever is somewhat feverish; therefore to everyone
who has a fever cold water should be given.” The
fellow was confounded and put to silence, whereat

199

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

« , \ a / \ > a ce τ A
ἡσθέντα τὸν παῖδα γελάσαι Kal εἰπεῖν, “ Ταῦτα,
, ” 7
ὦ Φιλώτα, χαρίζομαι πάντα σοι," δείξαντα πολ-
a \ if
λῶν τίνων Kal μεγάλων ἐκπωμάτων μεστὴν τρά-
by a δὲ \ Ν θ » > ὃ
πεΐζαν. αὐτοῦ δὲ τὴν μὲν προθυμίαν ἀποδεξα-
, ᾽ A / ’ 3
μένου, πόρρω δ᾽ ὄντος Tov νομίζειν ἐξουσίαν εἶναι
/ A a \ \
παιδὶ τηλικούτῳ δωρεῖσθαι τοσαῦτα, μετὰ μικρὸν
ς ΄ / a / ΄ \ Kk
ἁψάμενόν τινα τῶν παίδων ἐν ἀγγείῳ τὰ ἐκπώ-
, / v4
ματα προσφέρειν καὶ σημήνασθαι κελεύειν. ἀφο-
Lal lal ,
σιουμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ δεδοικότος λαβεῖν, “Τί,
3 , ” , \ » τι a ?
ὦ πόνηρε, φάναι tov ἄνθρωπον, “ oKvels ; οὐκ
(5 ς \ 9 / “-“ e a
οἶδας ws ὁ διδοὺς ᾿Αντωνίου παῖς ἐστιν, © τοσαῦ-
a / /
Ta πάρεστι χρυσᾶ χαρίσασθαι; ἐμοὶ μέντοι
, / \ 3 , a
πειθόμενος πάντα διάμειψαι πρὸς ἀργύριον ἡμῖν"
\ ἢ / € \ an
ἴσως yap av καὶ ποθήσειεν ὁ πατὴρ ἔνια τῶν
a , \ \
παλαιῶν ὄντα καὶ σπουδαζομένων κατὰ τὴν TEX-
>>) n 9S a f e
νὴν ἔργων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἔλεγεν ὁ πάππος
ἑκάστοτε διηγεῖσθαι τὸν Φιλώταν.
-π ξ / \ ,
XXIX. Ἢ δὲ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν κολακείαν οὐχ,
ἷς Λ n a
ὥσπερ ὁ ἸΪλάτων φησί, τετραχῆ, πολλαχῆ δὲ
“ \ a Ui “-
διελοῦσα, καὶ σπουδῆς ἁπτομένῳ καὶ παιδιᾶς ἀεί
\ \ ’ \
τινα καινὴν ἡδονὴν ἐπιφέρουσα καὶ χάριν, διε-
Ν > ΄ f Ν »
παιδαγώγει τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέ-
a“ Ν Ν ΄
ρας ἀνιεῖσα. καὶ γὰρ συνεκύβευε καὶ συνέπινε
΄ Ν “ δ A
καὶ συνεθήρευε καὶ γυμναζόμενον ἐν ὅπλοις ἐθεᾶ-
UA
το, καὶ νύκτωρ προσισταμένῳ θύραις Kal θυρίσι
“ \ , \ 4 ἴω
δημοτῶν καὶ σκώπτοντι τοὺς ἔνδον συνεπλανῶτο
\ 4 , \ /
καὶ συνήλυε θεραπαινιδίου στολὴν λαμβάνουσα
\ Ua) ¢ a 4
Kai yap ἐκεῖνος οὕτως ἐπειρᾶτο σκευάζειν ἑαυτόν.
“ ΩΣ / 7 \ \ “
ὅθεν ἀεὶ σκωμμάτων, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ πληγῶν

200

ANTONY, xxvull. 5—-xxIx. 2

Antony’s son was delighted and said with a laugh:
“* All this I bestow upon thee, Philotas,” pointing to
a table covered with a great many large beakers.
Philotas acknowleded his good intentions, but was
far from supposing that a boy so young had the power
to give away somuch. After a little while, however,
one of the slaves brought the beakers to him in a
sack, and bade him put his seal upon it. And when
Philotas protested and was afraid to take them,
“You miserable man,” said the fellow, “ why hesi-
tate? Don’t you know that the giver is the son of
Antony, and that he has the right to bestow so many
golden vessels? However, take my advice and ex-
change them all with us for money ; since perchance
the boy’s father might miss some of the vessels, which
are of ancient workmanship and highly valued for their
art.”’ Such details, then, my grandfather used to tell
me, Philotas would recount at every opportunity.
XXIX. But Cleopatra, distributing her flattery,
not into the four forms of which Plato speaks,! but
into many, and ever contributing some fresh delight
and charm to Antony’s hours of seriousness or mirth,
kept him in constant tutelage, and released him
neither night nor day. She played at dice with
him, drank with him, hunted with him, and watched
him as he exercised himself in arms; and when
by night he would station himself at the doors
or windows of the common folk and scoff at those
within, she would go with him on his round
of mad follies, wearing the garb of a serving maiden.
For Antony also would try to array himself like a
servant. Therefore he always reaped a harvest of
abuse, and often of blows, before coming back

1 Gorgias, p. 464.
201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ ΄ 3 , n \ , 5 ’
ἀπολαύσας ἐπανήρχετο" τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἣν δι
\ / a A
ὑπονοίας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσέχαιρον αὐτοῦ τῇ
, Ἀν f b) 3 Ls Ε \
βωμολοχίᾳ καὶ συνέπαιζον οὐκ ἀρρύθμως οὐδὲ
᾽ / Ces o 5 n \ /
apovows οἱ ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, ἀγαπῶντες Kal λέγοντες

lal a Ν \ ς , a

ὡς τῷ τραγικῷ πρὸς τοὺς Ρωμαίους χρῆται προσ-
n a /
OTM, TO δὲ κωμικῷ πρὸς αὐτούς.
ms \ = \ a e ’ by aA ,

ἃ μὲν οὖν πολλὰ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παιζομένων
διηγεῖσθαι πολὺς ἂν εἴη φλύαρος" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἁλιεύων
ποτὲ καὶ δυσαγρῶν ἤχθετο παρούσης τῆς ΚΚλεοπά-

\ a ΄
τρᾶς, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἁλιεῖς ὑπονηξαμένους κρύφα
lol > UA it > a “
τῷ ἀγκίστρῳ περικαθάπτειν ἰχθῦς τῶν προεαλω-
΄ \ Ἂν Ἃ \ > /
κότων, καὶ δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἀνασπάσας οὐκ ἔλαθε τὴν
/ nr
Αἰγυπτίαν. προσποιουμένη δὲ θαυμάζειν τοῖς
,ὔ “ \ ΄ δῷ ἢ , /
φίλοις διηγεῖτο, καὶ παρεκάλει τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ γενέ-
σθαι θεατάς. ἐμβάντων δὲ πολλῶν εἰς τὰς ἁλιά-
\ an 3 / \ ς
δας καὶ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου τὴν ὁρμιὰν καθέντος,
7 Lal Lal
ἐκέλευσέ τινα τῶν αὑτῆς ὑποφθάσαντα Kal προσ-
na » a ΄
νηξάμενον τῷ ἀγκίστρῳ περιπεῖραι ἸΠοντικὸν τά-
Nin 3h \ LSP J , na
ρίχος. ὡς δὲ ἔχειν πεισθεὶς ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἀνεῖλκε,
Χ Φ Μ ORLA , Co (ὃ ec. atl hiss
γέλωτος, οἷον εἰκός, γενομένου, “Παράδος ἡμῖν,
BA (ς Ν if » / na ΄
ἔφη, “ Tov κάλαμον, αὐτοκρατορ, τοῖς Φαρίταις
ip a \ \ /
καὶ Κανωβίταις ἁλιεῦσιν"1 ἡ δὲ σὴ θήρα πόλεις
εἰσὶ καὶ βασιλεῖαι καὶ ἤπειροι."
XXX. Τοιαῦτα ληροῦντα καὶ μειρακιευόμενον
Ν ’ Λ > / / / ς
τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἀγγελίαι δύο καταλαμβάνουσιν, ἡ
\ 5 NS , , ἊΝ, b] N > an \
μὲν ἀπὸ Ρώμης, Λεύκιον τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ
, \ a A
Φουλβίαν τὴν γυναῖκα πρῶτον ἀλλήλοις στασιά-
- 4 / 3
σαντας, εἶτα Καίσαρι πολεμήσαντας, ἀποβεβλη-

1 ἁλιεῦσιν Bekker, after Hiillman : βασιλεῦσιν.

202

ANTONY, xxix. 2-xxx. 1

home; though most people suspected who he was.
However, the Alexandrians took delight in his coarse
wit, and joined in his amusements in their graceful
and cultivated way; they liked him, and said that he
used the tragic mask with the Romans, but the
comic mask with them.

Now, to recount the greater part of his boyish
pranks would be great nonsense. One instance will
suffice. He was fishing once, and had bad luck, and
was vexed at it because Cleopatra was there to see.
He therefore ordered his fishermen to dive down
and secretly fasten to his hook some fish that had
been previously caught, and pulled up two or three
of them. But the Egyptian saw through the trick,
and pretending to admire her lover’s skill, told her
friends about it, and invited them to be spectators
of it on the following day. So great numbers of
them got into the fishing boats, and when Antony
had let down his line, she ordered one of her own
attendants to get the start of him by swimming to
his hook and fastening on it a salted Pontic herring.
Antony thought he had caught something, and pulled
it up, whereupon there was great laughter, as was
natural, and Cleopatra said: “ Imperator, hand over
thy fishing-rod to the fishermen of Pharos and Cano-
pus; thy sport is the hunting of cities, realms, and
continents.”

XXX. While Antony was indulging in such
triles and youthful follies, he was surprised by
reports from two quarters: one from Rome, that
Lucius his brother and Fulvia his wife had first
quarrelled with one another, and then had waged
war with Octavius Caesar, but had lost their cause

203

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κέναι τὰ πράγματα καὶ φεύγειν ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας,
ἑτέρα δὲ ταύτης οὐδὲν ἐπιεικεστέρα, Λαβιηνὸν
ἐπάγοντα Πάρθους τὴν ἀπ᾽ Εὐφράτου καὶ
Συρίας ἄχρι Λυδίας καὶ Ἰωνίας ᾿Ασίαν κατα-
στρέφεσθαι. μόλις οὗν ὥσπερ ἐξυπνισθεὶς καὶ
ἀποκραιπαλήσας ὥρμησε μὲν Πάρθοις ἐνί-
στασθαι καὶ μέχρι Φοινίκης προῆλθε, Φουλβίας
δὲ γράμματα θρήνων μεστὰ πεμπούσης ἐπέ-
στρεψεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν, ἄγων ναῦς διακοσίας.
ἀναλαβὼν δὲ κατὰ πλοῦν τῶν φίλων τοὺς
πεφευγότας ἐπυνθάνετο τοῦ πολέμου τὴν Φουλ-
βίαν αἰτίαν γεγονέναι, φύσει μὲν οὖσαν πολυ-
πράγμονα καὶ θρασεῖαν, ἐλπίζουσαν δὲ τῆς
Κλεοπάτρας ἀπάξειν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον εἴ τι γένοιτο
κίνημα περὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. συμβαίνει δὲ ἀπὸ
τύχης καὶ | Ῥουλβίαν πλέουσαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν
ικυῶνι νόσῳ τελευτῆσαι: διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ
πρὸς Καίσαρα διαλλαγαὶ καιρὸν ἔσχον. ὡς γὰρ
προσέμιξε τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ Καῖσαρ ἣν φανερὸς
ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐθὲν ἐγκαλῶν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὧν ἐνεκαλεῖτο
τὰς αἰτίας τῇ Φουλβίᾳ προστριβόμενος, οὐκ εἴων
ἐξελέγχειν οἱ φίλοι τὴν πρόφασιν, ἀλλὰ διέλυον
ἀμφοτέρους καὶ ιήρουν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὅρον
ποιούμενοι τὸν Ἰόνιον, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἑῷα νέμοντες
᾿Αντωνίῳ, τὰ δ᾽ ἑσπέρια Καίσαρι, “Admidov ὡὲ
Λιβύην ἔχειν ἐῶντες, ὑπατεύειν δὲ τάξαντες,
ὅτε μὴ δόξειεν αὐτοῖς, φίλους ἑκατέρων παρὰ
μέρος.

XXXI. Ταῦτα ἔχειν καλῶς δοκοῦντα πίστεως
ἐδεῖτο σφοδροτέρας, ἣ ἣν ἡ τύχη παρέσχεν. Ὄκ-
ταουία γὰρ ἣν ἀδελφὴ πρεσβυτέρα μέν, οὐχ ὁμο-

204

ANTONY, xxx. I-xxx1. 1

and were in flight from Italy; and another, not
a whit more agreeable than this, that Labienus at
the head of the Parthians was subduing Asia from
the Euphrates and Syria as far as Lydia and Ionia.
At last, then, like a man roused from sleep after
a deep debauch, he set out to oppose the Par-
thians, and advanced as far as Phoenicia;! but on
receiving from Fulvia a letter full of lamentations,
he turned his course towards Italy, at the head of
two hundred ships. On the voyage, however, he
picked up his friends who were in flight from Italy,
and learned from them that Fulvia had been to
blame for the war, being naturally a meddlesome and
headstrong woman, and hoping to draw Antony
away from Cleopatra in case there should be a dis-
turbance in Italy. It happened, too, that Fulvia,
who was sailing to meet him, fell sick and died at
Sicyon. Therefore there was even more opportunity
for a reconciliation with Caesar. For when Antony
reached Italy, and Caesar manifestly intended to
make no charges against him, and Antony himself
was ready to put upon Fulvia the blame for whatever
was charged against himself, the friends of the two
men would not permit any examinationof the proffered
excuse, but reconciled them, and divided up the em-
pire, making the Ionian sea a boundary, and assigning
the East to Antony, and the West to Caesar; they also
permitted Lepidus to have Africa, and arranged that,
when they did not wish for the office themselves, the
friends of each should have the consulship by turns.

XXXI. These arrangements were thought to be
fair, but they needed a stronger security, and this
security Fortune offered. Octavia was a sister of
Caesar, older than he, though not by the same

1 Towards the end of the year 40 B.c.
205

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μητρία δὲ Καίσαρι: ἐγεγόνει γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Αγχαρίας, ὁ
δὲ ὕστερον ἐξ ᾿Ατίας. ἔστεργε δ' ὑπερφυῶς τὴν
ἀδελφήν, χ χρῆμα θαυμαστόν, ὡς λέγεται, γυναικὸς
γενομένην. αὕτη, Γαΐου Μαρκέλλου τοῦ γήμαντος
αὐτὴν οὐ πάλαι τεθνηκότος, ἐχήρευεν. ἐδόκει δὲ
καὶ Φουλβίας ἀποιχομένης χηρεύειν ᾿Αντώνιος,
ἔχειν μὲν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος Κλεοπάτραν, γάμῳ δὲ
οὐχ ὁμολογῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι τῷ λόγῳ περί γε τούτου
πρὸς τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς Αἰγυπτίας μαχόμενος.
τοῦτον ἅπαντες εἰσηγοῦντο τὸν γάμον, ἐλπίζοντες
τὴν ᾿᾽Οκταουίαν ἐπὶ κάλλει τοσούτῳ σεμνότητα
καὶ νοῦν ἔχουσαν, εἰς ταὐτὸν τῷ ᾿Αντωνίῳ
παραγενομένην καὶ στερχθεῖσαν, ὡς εἰκὸς τοιαύ-
τὴν γυναῖκα, πάντων πραγμάτων αὐτοῖς σωτηρίαν
ἔσεσθαι καὶ σύγκρασιν. ὡς οὖν ἔδοξεν ἀμφοτέ-
pos, ἀναβάντες εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπετέλουν τὸν
᾿Οκταουίας γάμον, οὐκ ἐῶντος μὲν νόμου πρὸ
δέκα μηνῶν ἀνδρὸς τελευτήσαντος γαμεῖσθαι, τῆς
δὲ συγκλήτου δόγματι τὸν χρόνον ἐκείνοις ἀνεί-
σης.

XXXII. Σέξτου δὲ Πομπηΐου Σικελίαν μὲν
ἔχοντος, Ἰταλίαν δὲ πορθοῦντος, “ληστρίσι δὲ
ναυσὶ πολλαΐς, ὧν Μηνᾶς ὁ πειρατὴς καὶ Μενε-
κράτης ἦρχον, ἄπλουν τὴν θάλασσαν πεποιηκότος,
᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ κεχρῆσθαι δοκοῦντος φιλανθρώπως
(ὑπεδέξατο γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὴν μητέρα τῇ Φουλβίᾳ
συνεκπεσοῦσαν), ἔδοξε καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον διαλυ-
θῆναι. καὶ συνῆλθον εἰς ταὐτὸν κατὰ τὴν ἐν
Μισηνοῖς ἄκραν καὶ τὸ χῶμα, Πομπηΐῳ μὲν τοῦ
στόλου παρορμοῦντος, ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ καὶ Καίσαρι
τῶν πεζῶν παρακεκριμένων. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνέθεντο
Πομπήϊον ἔχοντα Σαρδόνα καὶ Σικελίαν καθαράν

206

930

ANTONY, xxxt. 1-ΧΧΧΊΙ. 2

mother; for she was the child of Ancharia, but he,
by a later marriage, of Atia, Caesar was exceed-
ingly fond of his sister, who was, as the saying is,
a wonder of a woman. Her husband, Caius Mar-
cellus, had died a short time before, and she was
a widow. Antony, too, now that Fulvia was gone,
was held to be a widower, although he did not
deny his relations with Cleopatra; he would not
admit, however, that she was his wife, and in this
matter his reason was still battling with his love for
the Egyptian. Everybody tried to bring about this
marriage. For they hoped that Octavia, who, besides
her great beauty, had intelligence and dignity, when
united to Antony and beloved by him, as such a
woman naturally must be, would restore harmony and
be their complete salvation. Accordingly, when both
men were agreed, they went up to Rome and cele-
brated Octavia’s marriage, although the law did not
permit a woman to marry before her husband had
been dead ten months. In this case, however, the
senate passed a decree remitting the restriction in
time.

XXXII. Now, Sextus Pompeius was holding Sicily,
was ravaging Italy, and, with his numerous piratical
ships under the command of Menas the corsair and
Menecrates, had made the sea unsafe for sailors.
But he was thought to be kindly disposed towards
Antony, since he had given refuge to Antony’s
mother when she fled from Rome with Fulvia, and
so it was decided to make terms with him. The
men met at the promontory and mole of Misenum,
near which Pompey’s fleet lay at anchor and the
forces of Antony and Caesar were drawn up. After
it had been agreed that Pompey should have

207

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TE λῃστηρίων παρέχειν τὴν θάλατταν καὶ σίτου
τι τεταγμένον ἀποστέλλειν εἰς “Ῥώμην, ἐκάλουν
ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἀλλήλους. κληρουμένων. δὲ πρῶτος
ἑστιᾶν αὐτοὺς ἔλαχε Πομπήϊος. ἐρομένου δὲ
αὐτὸν ᾿Αντωνίου, ποῦ δειπνήσουσιν, τ “Ενταῦθα,"
ἔφη, δείξας τὴν στρατηγίδα ναῦν οὖσαν ἑξήρη

“πατρῷος “γὰρ οἶκος αὕτη Πομπηΐῳ λέλειπται."
ταῦτα δὲ εἰς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ὀνειδίζων ἔλεγεν, ἐπεὶ
τὴν Πομπηΐου τοῦ πατρὸς γενομένην οἰκίαν ἐκεῖ-
νος εἶχεν. ὁρμίσας δὲ τὴν ναῦν ἐπ᾽ , ἀγκυρῶν καὶ
διάβασίν τινα γεφυρώσας ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἀνελάμ-
βανεν αὐτοὺς προθύμως. ἀκμαζούσης δὲ τῆς
συνουσίας καὶ τῶν εἰς Κλεοπάτραν καὶ ᾿Αντώνιον
ἀνθούντων σκωμμάτων, Μηνᾶς ὁ πειρατὴς τῷ
Πομπηΐῳ προσελθὼν ὡς μὴ κατακούειν ἐκείνους,
ὦ Βούλει," φησί, “τὰς ἀγκύρας τῆς νεὼς ὑποτέμω
καὶ ποιήσω σε μὴ Σικελίας καὶ Σαρδόνος, ἀλλὰ
τῆς “Ῥωμαίων κύριον ἡγεμονίας; ὁ δὲ Πομπηϊος
ἀκούσας καὶ πρὸς αὑτῷ γενόμενος βραχὺν χρό-
νον, “ ‘Eder σε, ᾿ φησίν, “ ὦ Μηνᾶ, τοῦτο ἐμοὶ μὴ
προειπόντα ποιῆσαι νυνὶ δὲ τὰ παρόντα στέρ
γωμεν' ἐπιορκεῖν γὰρ οὐκ ἐμόν." οὗτος μὲν οὖν
πάλιν ἀνθεστιαθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων εἰς τὴν Σικε-
λίαν ἀπέπλευσεν.

ΧΧΧΊΙΠΙ. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ μετὰ τὰς διαλύσεις
Οὐεντίδιον μὲν εἰς ᾿Ασίαν προὔπεμπε Πάρθοις
ἐμποδὼν ἐσόμενον τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ
Καίσαρι χαριζόμενος ἱερεὺς ἀπεδείχθη τοῦ προ-
τέρου Καίσαρος" καὶ τἄλλα κοινῶς καὶ φιλικῶς
ἐν τοῖς “πολιτικοῖς καὶ μεγίστοις ἔπραττον. αἱ δὲ
περὶ τὰς παιδιὰς ἅμιλλαι τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐλύπουν

208

ANTONY, xxx. 2-xxxut. 1

Sardinia and Sicily, should keep the sea clear ot
robbers, and should send up to Rome a stipulated
amount of grain, they invited one another to supper.
Lots were cast, and it was the lot of Pompey to
entertain the others first. And when Antony asked
him where the supper would be held, “There,” said
he, pointing to his admiral’s ship with its six banks
of oars, “for this is the ancestral house that is left
to Pompey.” This he said by way of reproach to An-
tony, who was now occupying the house which had
belonged to the elder Pompey. So he brought his
ship to anchor, made a sort of bridge on which to
cross to it from the headland, and gave his guests a
hearty welcome on board. When their good fellow-
ship was at its height and the jokes about Antony
and Cleopatra were in full career, Menas the pirate
came up to Pompey and said, so that the others
could not hear, ‘Shall I cut the ship’s cables and
make thee master, not of Sicily and Sardinia, but of
the whole Roman empire?’’ Pompey, on hearing
this, communed with himself a little while, and then
said: “Menas, you ought to have done this without
speaking to me about it beforehand; but now let us
be satisfied with things as they are ; for perjury is not
my way.’ Pompey, then, after being feasted in his
turn by Antony and Caesar, sailed back to Sicily.
XXXIII. After this settlement, Antony sent Ven-
tidius on ahead into Asia to oppose the further progress
of the Parthians, while he himself, as a favour to
Caesar, was appointed to the priesthood of the elder
Caesar ;! everything else also of the most important
political nature they transacted together and in a
friendly spirit. But their competitive diversions gave

1 That is, he was made Pontifex Maximus.

209

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ἀεὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔλαττον φερόμενον. ἣν yap
τις ἀνὴρ σὺν αὐτῷ μαντικὸς ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου τῶν
τὰς γενέσεις ἐπισκοπούντων, ὃς εἴτε Κλεοπάτρᾳ
χαριζόμενος εἴτε χρώμενος, ἀληθείᾳ “πρὸς τὸν
Αντώνιον ἐπαρρησιάξετο, λέγων τὴν τύχην οὐτοῦ
λαμπροτάτην οὖσαν καὶ μεγίστην ὑπὸ τῆς Καί-
σαρος ἀμαυροῦσθαι, καὶ συνεβούλευε πορρωτ τάτω
τοῦ νεανίσκου ποιεῖν ἑαυτόν. “Ὁ γὰρ σός,"
ἔφη, “δαίμων. τὸν τούτου φοβεῖται" καὶ γαῦρος
ὧν καὶ ὑψηλὸς ὅταν ἦ καθ' ἑαυτόν, ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου
γίνεται ταπεινότερος ἐγγίσαντος καὶ ἀγεννέστε-

3 ρος. καὶ μέντοὶ τὰ γινόμενα τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ
μαρτυρεῖν ἐδόκει. λέγεται γὰρ ὅτι κληρουμένων
μετὰ παιδιᾶς ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ τύχοιεν ἑκάστοτε καὶ
κυβευόντων ἔλαττον ἔχων ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἀπῇει.
πολλάκις δὲ συμβαλόντων “ἀλεκτρυόνας, πολλά-
κις δὲ μαχίμους ὄρτυγας, ἐνίκων οἱ Καίσαρος.

Ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀνιώμενος ἀδήλως ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος καὶ
μᾶλλόν τι τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ προσέχων, ἀπῆρεν ἐκ
τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, ἐγχειρίσας Καίσαρι τὰ οἰκεῖα" τὴν
δὲ ᾿Οκταουίαν ἄχρι τῆς “Βλλάδος ἐπήγετο θυ-

4 γατρίου γεγονότος αὐτοῖς. διαχειμάζοντι δὲ
αὐτῷ περὶ ᾿Αθήνας ἀπαγγέλλεται, τὰ πρῶτα τῶν
Οὐεντιδίου κατορθωμάτων, ὅτι μάχῃ τοὺς Πάρ-
θους κρατήσας Λαβιηνὸν ἀπεκτόνοι καὶ Papva-
πάτην ἡγεμονικώτατον τῶν “Ὑρώδου βασιλέως
στρατηγῶν. ἐπὶ τούτοις εἱστία τοὺς “EXXnvas, 931
ἐγυμνασιάρχει δὲ ᾿Αθηναίοις, καὶ τὰ τῆς ἡγεμονίας
παράσημα καταλιπὼν οἴκοι μετὰ τῶν γυμνασιαρ-
χικῶν ῥάβδων ἐν ἱματίῳ καὶ φαικασίοις προῇει
καὶ διαλαμβάνων τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐτραχήλιζξεν.

210

ANTONY, xxxmt. 2-4

Antony annoyance, because he always came off with
less than Caesar. Now, there was with him a seer
from Egypt, one of those who cast nativities. This
man, either as a favour to Cleopatra, or dealing truly
with Antony, used frank language with him, saying
that his fortune, though most great and splendid,
was obscured by that of Caesar; and he advised
Antony to put as much distance as possible between
himself and that young man. “For thy guardian
genius,” said he, “is afraid of his; and though it
has a spirited and lofty mien when it is by itself,
when his comes near, thine is cowed and humbled by
it.” And indeed events seemed to testify in favour of
the Egyptian. For we are told that whenever, by
way of diversion, lots were cast or dice thrown to
decide matters in which they were engaged, Antony
came off worsted. They would often match cocks,
and often fighting quails, and Caesar’s would always
be victorious.

Atall this Antony was annoyed, though he did not
show it, and giving rather more heed now to the
Egyptian, he departed from Italy, after putting his
private affairs in the hands of Caesar; and he took
Octavia with him as far as Greece (she had borne
him a daughter). 1t was while he was spending the
winter at Athens that word was brought to him of
the first successes of Ventidius, who had conquered
the Parthians in battle and slain Labienus, as well
as Pharnapates, the most capable general of King
Hyrodes. To celebrate this victory Antony feasted
the Greeks, and acted as gymnasiarch for the Athen-
ians. He left at home the insignia of his command,
and went forth carrying the wands of a gymnasiarch,
in a Greek robe and white shoes, and he would take
the young combatants by the neck and part them.

211

PLUTARCH’S’ LIVES

= a
XXXIV. ᾿Βξιέναι δὲ μέλλων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον
3 Ἂ A e an > ’ὔ / » \ ye
ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς ἐλαίας στέφανον ἔλαβε, καὶ κατά
, X\ A ,
TL λόγιον ἀπὸ τῆς Κλεψύδρας ὕδατος ἐμπλησά-
a \ /
μενος ἀγγεῖον ἐκόμιζεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ilaxopov
Ν lal lal /
τὸν βασιλέως παῖδα, μεγάλῳ στρατῷ Πάρθων
“5 9. δ , 3 Α \ by
αὖθις ἐπὶ Συρίαν ἐλαύνοντα, συμπεσὼν Οὐεν-
(ὃ 3 A a 4 Ν ὃ θ , 4
τίδιος ἐν TH Κυρρηστικῇ τρέπεται, καὶ διαφθείρει
’ὔ , ,
παμπόλλους, ἐν πρώτοις Ἰ]ακόρου πεσόντος.
a A A f
τοῦτο TO ἔργον ἐν τοῖς ἀοιδιμωτάτοις γενόμενον
¢ / ἴω \ /
Ῥωμαίοις te τῶν κατὰ Κράσσον ἀτυχημάτων
», \ / \ / 5 »
ἔκπλεω ποινὴν παρέσχε, καὶ ἸΪάρθους αὖθις εἴσω
\
Μηδίας καὶ Μεσοποταμίας συνέστείλε, τρισὶ
΄ 2 a Ν 7 ς ΄ by iv
μάχαις ἐφεξῆς κατὰ κράτος ἡττημένους. Οὐεντί-
i
dios δὲ Πάρθους μὲν προσωτέρω διώκειν ἀπόγνω,
/ ᾽ / / \ \ 2 [οἱ
φθόνον ᾿Αντωνίου δείσας, τοὺς δὲ ἀφεστῶτας
> \ , \ \ \ ᾽ ,
ἐπιὼν κατεστρέφετο καὶ Tov Κομμαγηνὸν Avti-
οχον ἐν πόλει Σαμοσάτοις ἐπολιόρκει. δεομένου
\ ,ὔ ,ὔ A x fal ᾽ / Ni
δὲ χίλια τάλαντα δοῦναι καὶ ποιεῖν ᾿Αντωνίῳ TO
3
προσταττόμενον, ἐκέλευε πέμπειν πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον.
5 \ ’ \ 9 bd , \ \ b , b)
ἤδη yap ἐγγὺς ἣν ἐπιών, καὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον οὐκ
" , a 9 , , -
εἴα σπένδεσθαι τῷ ᾿Αντιόχῳ, βουλόμενος ἕν γε
τοῦτο τῶν ἔργων ἐπώνυμον αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ
πάντα διὰ Οὐεντιδίου κατορθοῦσθαι. τῆς δὲ
, A , \ lal ” ὃ ε
πολιορκίας μῆκος λαμβανούσης καὶ τῶν ἔνδον, ὡς
ἀπέγνωσαν τὰς διαλύσεις, πρὸς ἀλκὴν τραπομέ-
νων, πράττων οὐδέν, ἐν αἰσχύνῃ δὲ καὶ μεταγνώ-
U fal / /
TEL γενόμενος, ἀγαπητῶς ἐπὶ τριακοσίοις σπένδε-

ANTONY, xxxiv. 1-4

XXXIV. When he was about to go forth to the
war, he took a wreath from the sacred olive-tree,!
and, in obedience to a certain oracle, filled a vessel
with water from the Clepsydra? and carried it with
him. In the meantime Pacorus, the king’s son,
advanced again with a large army of Parthians
against Syria; but Ventidius engaged and routed
him in Cyrrhestica, and slew great numbers of his
men.* Pacorus fell among the first. This exploit,
which became cne of the most celebrated, gave the
Romans full satisfaction for the disaster under Crassus,
and shut the Parthians up again within the bounds
of Media and Mesopotamia, after they had been
utterly defeated in three successive battles. Ven-
tidius, however, decided not to pursue the Parth-
ians further, because he feared the jealousy of
Antony; but he attacked and subdued the peoples
which had revolted from Rome, and besieged Antio-
chus of Commagené in the city of Samosata. When
Antiochus proposed to pay a thousand talents and
obey the behests of Antony, Ventidius ordered him
to send his proposal to Antony, who had now advanced
into the neighbourhood, and would not permit Ven-
tidius to make peace with Antiochus. He insisted
that this one exploit at least should bear his own
name, and that not all the successes should be due
to Ventidius. But the siege was protracted, and the
besieged, since they despaired of coming to terms,
betook themselves to a vigorous defence. Antony
could therefore accomplish nothing, and feeling
ashamed and repentant, was glad to make peace with

1 In the Erechtheium, on the Acropolis.

2 A sacred spring just below the ancient portal of the

Acropolis (Pausanias, 1. 28, 4).
3 In 38 B.c. See the Crassus, xxxiii. 5, with the note.

213

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ται ταλάντοις πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίο ον" καὶ μικρὰ τῶν
ἐν Συρίᾳ καταστησάμενος εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐπανῆλθε,
καὶ τὸν Οὐεντίδιον οἷς ἔπρεπε τιμήσας ἔπεμψεν
ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον.

Οὗτος ἀπὸ ͵, Πάρθων ἄχρι δεῦρο τεθριάμβευκε
μόνος, ἀνὴρ γένει μὲν ἀφανής, ἀπολαύσας δὲ τῆς
᾿Αντωνίου φιλίας τὸ λαβεῖν ἀφορμὰς πράξεων
μεγάλων, αἷς κάλλιστα χρησάμενος ἐβεβαίωσε
τὸν περὶ ᾿Αντωνίου λεγόμενον καὶ Καίσαρος λό-
γον, ὡς εὐτυχέστεροι δι᾿ ἑτέρων ἦσαν ἢ δι’ αὑτῶν
στρατηγεῖν. καὶ γὰρ Σόσσιος ᾿Αντωνίου στρα-
τηγὸς ἐν Συρίᾳ πολλὰ διεπράττετο, καὶ Κανίδιος
ἀπολειφθεὶς ὑ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ περὶ ᾿Αρμενίαν τούτους τε
νικῶν καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιβήρων καὶ ᾿Αλβανῶν βασιλέας
ἄχρι τοῦ Καυκάσου προῆλθεν. ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐν τοῖς
βαρβάροις ὄνομα καὶ κλέος ηὔξετο τῆς ᾿Αντωνίου
δυνάμεως.

OXON Αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν ἔκ τινων διαβολῶν
παροξυνθεὶς πρὸς Καίσαρα ναυσὶ τριακοσίαις
ἔπλει πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν" οὐ δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν
Βρεντεσινῶν τὸν στόλον εἰς Τάραντα περιώρμισεν.
ἐνταῦθα τὴν ᾿Οκταουίαν (συνέπλει γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς
Ἑλλάδος αὐτῷ) δεηθεῖσαν ἀποπέμπει πρὸς τὸν
ἀδελφόν, ἔγκυον μὲν οὖσαν, ἤδη δὲ καὶ δεύτερον
ἐξ αὐτοῦ θυγάτριον ἔχουσαν. ἡ δὲ ἀπαντήσασα
καθ᾽ ὁδὸν Καίσαρι, καὶ παραλαβοῦσα τῶν ἐκείνου
φίλων ᾿Αγρίππαν καὶ Μαικήναν, ἐνετύγχανε
πολλὰ ποτνιωμένη καὶ πολλὰ δεομένη μὴ περιΐ-
δεῖν αὐτὴν ἐκ μακαριωτάτης γυναικὸς ἀθλιωτά-
THY γενομένην. νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους
ϑὶς αὐτὴν ἀποβλέπειν αὐτοκρατόρων δυεῖν, τοῦ
μὲν γυναῖκα, τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν" “εἰ δὲ τὰ

214

ANTONY, xxxIv. 4-XXxv. 3

Antiochus on his payment of three hundred talents.
After settling some trivial matters in Syria, he
returned to Athens, and sent Ventidius home, with
becoming honours, to enjoy his triumph.

Ventidius is the only man up to the present time
who ever celebrated a triumph over the Parthians.
He was a man of lowly birth, but his friendship with
Antony bore fruit for him in opportunities to perform
great deeds. Of these opportunities he made the
best use, and so confirmed what was generally said of
Antony and Caesar, namely, that they were more
successful in campaigns conducted by others than by
themselves. For Sossius, Antony's general, effected
much in Syria, and Canidius, who was left by Antony
in Armenia, conquered that people, as well as the
kings of the Iberians and Albanians, and advanced
as far as the Caucasus. Consequently the name and
fame of Antony’s power waxed great among the
Barbarians.

XXXV. But Antony himself, once more irritated
against Caesar by certain calumnies, sailed with three
hundred ships for Italy; and when the people of
Brundisium would not receive his armament, he
coasted along to Tarentum. Here he sent Octavia,
who had sailed with him from Greece, at her own
request, to her brother. She was with child, and
had already borne Antony two daughters. Octavia
met Caesar on the way, and after winning over his
friends Agrippa and Maecenas, urged him with many
prayers and many entreaties not to permit her, after
being a most happy, to become a most wretched
woman. For now, she said, the eyes of all men were
drawn to her as the wife of one imperator and the
sister of another: “But if,’ she said, “ the worse

215
VOL. IX. H

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, , ᾽ν » AG \ , ,
χείρω κρατήσειεν, ἔφη, “ καὶ γένοιτο πόλεμος,
ὑμῶν μὲν ἄδηλον ὅτῳ κρατεῖν ἢ κρατεῖσθαι πέ-

\ > \ > » Υ, BA oD) /
πρωται, τὰ ἐμὰ ὃ ἀμφοτέρως ἀἄθλια.᾽ τούτοις
ἐπικλασθεὶς ὁ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἧκεν εἰρηνικῶς εἰς Τάραν-
τα, καὶ θέαμα κάλλιστον οἱ παρόντες ἐθεῶντο,
πολὺν μὲν ἐκ γῆς στρατὸν ἡσυχάζοντα, πολλὰς
δὲ ναῦς ἀτρέμα πρὸς τοὶς αἰγιαλοῖς ἐχούσας, αὐ-

nr \ \ / » / Ν »
τῶν δὲ καὶ φίλων ἀπαντήσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας.
εἱστία δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος πρότερος, καὶ τοῦτο TH ἀδελ-

A 7 7, δό 2 \ δὲ e , r /
on Καίσαρος δοντος. ἐπεὶ 0€ ὡμολόγητο Kat-
capa μὲν ᾿Αντωνίῳ δοῦναι δύο τάγματα πρὸς τὸν
Παρθικὸν πόλεμον, ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ Καίσαρι χαλκ-
ἐμβόλους ἑκατόν, ᾿Οκταουία τῶν ὡμολογημένων
χωρὶς HTT ATO TO μὲν ἀδελφῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
εἴκοσι μυοπάρωνας, τῷ δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ παρὰ τοῦ ἀδελ-
φοῦ στρατιώτας χιλίους. οὕτω δὲ ἀλλήλων

a \
διακριθέντες ὁ μὲν εὐθὺς εἴχετο τοῦ πρὸς Llopu-

7. / Ss / » / DA. ΄ δὲ
πηΐον πολέμου, Σικελίας ἐφιέμενος, AVTWVLOS ὃὲ
᾿Οκταουίαν μετὰ τῶν ἐξ ἐκείνης καὶ τοὺς ἐκ

a A \
Φουλβίας παῖδας αὐτῷ παρακαταθέμενος εἰς τὴν
᾿Ασίαν ἀπεπέρασεν.

XXXVI. Εὕδουσα δ᾽ ἡ δεινὴ συμφορὰ χρόνον
πολύν, ὁ Κλεοπάτρας ἔρως, δοκῶν κατευνάσθαι
καὶ κατακεκηλῆσθαι τοῖς βελτίοσι λογισμοῖς,
αὖθις ἀνέλαμπε καὶ ἀνεθάρρει Συρίᾳ πλησιά-
ξοντος αὐτοῦ. καὶ τέλος, ὥσπερ φησὶν ὁ Πλάτων
τὸ δυσπειθὲς καὶ ἀκόλαστον τῆς ψυχῆς ὑποζύ
γίον, ἀπολακτίσας τὰ καλὰ καὶ σωτήρια πάντα
Ta / fi ” bya /
Καπίτωνα Φοντήϊον ἔπεμψεν ἄξοντα Κλεοπάτραν
εἰς Συρίαν. ἐλθούσῃ δὲ yapiferar καὶ προστί-
θησι μικρὸν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ὀλίγον, ἀλλὰ Φοινίκην,

216

ANTONY, xxxv. 3-Xxxvi. 2

should prevail and there should be war between you,
one of you, it is uncertain which, is destined to con-
quer, and one to be conquered, but my lot in either
case will be one of misery.”” Caesar was overcome
by these words, and came in a peaceful manner to
Tarentum. Then the inhabitants beheld a most noble
spectacle—a large army on land inactive, and many
ships lying quietly off shore, while the commanders
and their friends met one another with friendly
greetings. Antony entertained Caesar first, who con-
sented to it for his sister’s sake. And after it had
been agreed that Caesar should give to Antony two
legions for his Parthian war, and Antony to Caesar
one hundred bronze-beaked galleys, Octavia, inde-
pendently of this agreement, obtained twenty light
sailing craft from her husband for her brother, and
one thousand soldiers from her brother for her
husband. Thus they separated, and Caesar at once
engaged in the war against Pompey, being ambitious
to get Sicily, while Antony, after putting Octavia in
Caesar's charge, together with his children by her
and Fulvia, crossed over into Asia.

XXXVI. But the dire evil which had been slumber-
ing for along time, namely, his passion for Cleopatra,
which men thought had been charmed away and
lulled to rest by better considerations, blazed up
again with renewed power as he drew near to Syria.
And finally, like the stubborn and unmanageable beast
of the soul, of which Plato speaks,! he spurned away
all saving and noble counsels and sent Fonteius
Capito te bring Cleopatra to Syria. And when she
was come, he made her a present of no slight or
insignificant addition to her dominions, namely,

1 Cf. Phaedrus, 254 a.
217

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κοίλην Συρίαν, Κύπρον, Κιλικίας πολλήν" ἔτι
δὲ A Ἶ ὃ \ Ν ΄ /

é τῆς τε lovdaiwy τὴν τὸ βάλσαμον φέρουσαν
vi Ea , 3 , Ψ \ ᾿ ᾽ \
καὶ τῆς Ναβαταίων ᾿Αραβίας ὅση πρὸς τὴν ἐκτὸς

3 / a / « ,
ἀποκλίνει θάλασσαν. αὗται μάλιστα Pwpaious
, a
ἠνίασαν at δωρεαί. καίτοι πολλοῖς ἐχαρίζετο
[4 \ [2 2 aA 4, 3 4
τετραρχίας Kal βασιλείας ἐθνῶν μεγάλων, ἰδιώ-
ταῖς οὖσι, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἀφῃρεῖτο βασιλείας, ὡς
, \ 3 a
᾿Αντίγονον tov ᾿Ιουδαῖον, ὃν καὶ προαγαγὼν
>) ῇ » Ν , e / /
ἐπελέκισεν, OVOEVOS πρότερον ἑτέρου βασίλεως
“ / ᾽ \ \ > \ 4 a
οὕτω κολασθέντος. ἀλλὰ τὸ αἰσχρὸν ἦν τῶν
a Ul
Κλεοπάτρας τιμῶν aviapotatov. ηὔξησε δὲ τὴν
\ a 2 > a ΄ 3 Ἧ
διαβολὴν παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς διδύμους ἀνελόμενος,
΄ Ν Ν ᾽ / \ \
Kal προσαγορεύσας τὸν μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, τὴν δὲ
Κλεοπάτραν, ἐπίκλησιν δὲ τὸν μὲν Ἥλιον, τὴν δὲ
Σελήνην. οὐ μὴν arr ἀγαθὸς ὧν ἐγκαλλωπί.
A a a € ,
σασθαι τοῖς αἰσχροῖς ἔλεγε τῆς μὲν Ρωμαίων
ς 7 ᾽ ὃ ’ ka / ᾽ ? b] e
ἡγεμονίας ov δι’ ὧν λαμβάνουσιν, ἀλλ ἐν οἷς
/ , θ \ / ὃ ὃ - δὲ
χαρίζονται φαίνεσθαι τὸ μέγεθος: διαδοχαῖς δὲ
, A /
Kal τεκνώσεσι πολλῶν βασιλέων πλατύνεσθαι
\ > / “ a ς 9 ¢ VA
Tas εὐγενείας. οὕτω γοῦν ὑφ᾽ Hpaxkdéous τεκνω-
θῆναι τὸν αὑτοῦ πρόγονον, οὐκ ἐν μιᾷ γαστρὶ
, \ \ b \ / MZ \
θεμένου τὴν διαδοχὴν οὐδὲ νόμους Σολωνείους Kal
! γ2Ὶ 7 ᾽ \ a ΄
κυήσεως εὐθύνας δεδοικότος, ἀλλὰ τῇ φύσει
\ a > \ \ \ ᾽ an
πολλὰς γενῶν ἀρχὰς καὶ καταβολὰς ἀπολιπεῖν
ἐφιέντος.
ΧΧΧΎΊΤΙ. ’Emel δὲ Φραάτου κτείναντος ‘Tpo-
,
δην τὸν πατέρα Kal τὴν βασιλείαν κατασχόντος
,
ἄλλοι te Πάρθων ἀπεδίδρασκον οὐκ ὀλίγοι, καὶ
,
Movaions, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανὴς καὶ δυνατός, ἧκε φεύ-

218

ANTONY, xxxvi. 2—-Xxxvil. 1

Phoenicia, Coele Syria, Cyprus, and a large part οἵ
Cilicia; and still further, the balsam-producing part
of Judaea, and all that part of Arabia Nabataea
which slopes toward the outer sea. These gifts par-
ticularly annoyed the Romans. And yet he made
presents to many private persons of tetrarchies and
realms of great peoples, and he deprived many
monarchs of their kingdoms, as, for instance, Anti-
gonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and be-
headed, though no other king before him had been
so punished. But the shamefulness of the honours
conferred upon Cleopatra gave most offence. And
he heightened the scandal by acknowledging his
two children by her, and calling one Alexander
and the other Cleopatra, with the surname for the
first of Sun, and for the other of Moon. However,
since he was an adept at putting a good face upon
shameful deeds, he used to say that the greatness
of the Roman empire was made manifest, not by
what the Romans received, but by what they be-
stowed ; and that noble families were extended by
the successive begettings of many kings. In this
way, at any rate, he said, his own progenitor was
begotten by Heracles, who did not confine his
succession to a single womb, nor stand in awe of
laws like Solon’s for the regulation of conception,
but gave free course to nature, and left behind
him the beginnings and foundations of many
families.

XXXVII. And now Phraates put Hyrodes his
father to death and took possession of his kingdom,}
other Parthians ran away in great numbers, and par-
ticularly Monaeses, a man of distinction and power,

1 In 36 B.c. Cf. the Crassus, xxxiii. 5.

219

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

yov πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον, Tas μὲν ἐκείνου τύχας ταῖς
Θεμιστοκλέους εἰκάσας, περιουσίαν δὲ τὴν ἑαυ-
τοῦ καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνην τοῖς Περσῶν βασιλεῦσι
παραβαλών, ἐδωρήσατο τρεῖς πόλεις αὐτῷ, Λά-
ρισσαν καὶ ᾿Αρέθουσαν καὶ Ἱερὰν πόλιν, ἣν
Βαμβύκην πρότερον ἐκάλουν. τοῦ δὲ Πάρθων
βασιλέως τῷ Μοναίσῃ δεξιὰν καταπέμψαντος,
ἄσμενος αὐτὸν ἀπέστειλεν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος, ἐξαπατᾶν
μὲν ἐγνωκὼς τὸν Φραάτην, ὡς εἰρήνης ἐσομένης,
ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰς ἁλούσας ἐπὶ Κράσσου σημαίας καὶ
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπολαβεῖν τοὺς περιόντας. αὐτὸς δὲ
Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀποπέμψας ἐχώρει δι᾽
᾿Αραβίας καὶ ᾿Αρμενίας, ὅπου συνελθούσης αὐτῷ
τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν συμμάχων βασιλέων (πάμ-
πολλοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι, μέγιστος δὲ πάντων ὁ τῆς
᾿Αρμενίας ᾿Αρταουάσδης, ἑξακισχιλίους ἱππεῖς
καὶ πεζοὺς ἑπτακισχιλίους παρέχων) ἐξήτασε τὸν
στρατόν. ἦσαν δὲ “Ρωμαίων μὲν αὐτῶν ἑξακισ-
μύριοι πεζοὶ καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίοις συντεταγμένον
ἱππικόν, ᾿Ιβήρων καὶ Κελτῶν μύριοι, τῶν δὲ
ἄλλων ἐθνῶν ἐγένοντο τρεῖς μυριάδες σὺν ἱππεῦ-
σιν ὁμοῦ καὶ ψιλοῖς.

Τοσαύτην “μέντοι παρασκευὴν καὶ δύναμιν, ἣ
καὶ τοὺς πέραν Βάκτρων ᾿Ινδοὺς ἐφόβησε καὶ
πᾶσαν ἐκράδανε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, ἀνόνητον αὐτῷ διὰ
Κλεοπάτραν γενέσθαι λέγουσι. σπεύδοντα γὰρ
ἐκείνῃ συνδιαχειμάσαι, τὸν πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν
πρὸ καιροῦ καὶ πᾶσι χρήσασθαι τεταραγμένως,
οὐκ ὄντα τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λογισμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὸ
φαρμάκων τινῶν ἢ γοητείας παπταίνοντα πρὸς

ὡς ὑπὸ Naber: ὑπό.

220

93¢

ANTONY, χχχνιι. 1-4

who came in flight to Antony. Antony likened the
fortunes of the fugitive to those of Themistocles,!
compared his own abundant resources and magnan-
imity to those of the Persian kings, and gave him
three cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hierapolis, which
used to be called Bambycé. But when the Parthian
king made an offer of friendship to Monaeses, Antony
gladly sent Monaeses back to him, determined to
deceive Phraates with a prospect of peace, and de-
manding back the standards captured in the campaign
of Crassus, together with such of his men as still
survived. Antony himself, however, after sending
Cleopatra back to Egypt, proceeded through Arabia
and Armenia to the place where his forces were
assembled, together with those of the allied kings.
These kings were very many in number, but the
greatest of them all was Artavasdes, king of Armenia,
who furnished six thousand horse and seven thousand
foot. Here Antony reviewed his army. There were,
of the Romans themselves, sixty thousand _foot-
soldiers, together with the cavalry classed as Roman,
namely, ten thousand Iberians and Celts; of the
other nations there were thirty thousand, counting
alike horsemen and light-armed troops.

And yet we are told that all this preparation and
power, which terrified even the Indians beyond
Bactria and made all Asia quiver, was made of no
avail to Antony by reason of Cleopatra. For so eager
was he to spend the winter with her that he began
the war before the proper time, and managed every-
thing confusedly. He was not master of his own
faculties, but, as if he were under the influence of
certain drugs or of magic rites, was ever looking

1 See the Themistocles, xxix. 7.
221

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐκείνην ἀεί, καὶ πρὸς TO τάχιον ἐπανελθεῖν μᾶλλον
ἢ πρὸς τὸ κρατῆσαι τῶν πολεμίων γενόμενον.
XXXVIII. Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν αὐτοῦ δεον ἐν
᾿Αρμενίᾳ διαχειμάσαι καὶ διαναπαῦσαι τὸν
στρατόν, ὀκτακισχιλίων σταδίων ἀποτετρυμένον
πορείᾳ, καὶ πρὶν ἢ κινεῖν ἐκ τῶν χειμαδίων
Πάρθους ἔαρος ἀρχῇ Μηδίαν καταλαβεῖν, οὐκ
ἠνέσχετο τὸν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς Hyev ἐν ἀριστερᾷ
λαβὼν ᾿Αρμενίαν, καὶ τῆς ᾿Ατροπατηνῆς ἁψά-
μενος ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν. ἔπειτα μηχανημάτων
αὐτῷ πρὸς πολιορκίαν ἀναγκαίων τριακοσίαις
ἁμάξαις παραπεμπομένων, ἐν οἷς καὶ κριὸς ἣν
ὀγδοήκοντα ποδῶν μῆκος, ὧν οὐδὲν ἐνεχώρει
-διαφθαρὲν ἐπὶ καιροῦ πάλιν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸ τὴν
ἄνω χώραν πᾶν ξύλον ἀγεννὲς εἰς μῆκος καὶ
μαλθακὸν ἐκφέρειν, ἐπειγόμενος ὡς ἐμπόδια τοῦ
ταχύνειν ἀπέλιπε, φυλακήν τινα καὶ Στατιανὸν
ἡγεμόνα τῶν ἁμαξῶν ἐπιστήσας, αὐτὸς δὲ
Φραάτα μεγάλην πόλιν, ἐν ἡ καὶ τέκνα καὶ
γυναῖκες ἦσαν τοῦ τῆς Μηδίας βασιλέως, ἐπο-
λιόρκει. τῆς δὲ χρείας εὐθὺς ὅσον ἥμαρτε τὰς
μηχανὰς ἀπολιπὼν ἐξελεγχούσης, ὁμόσε χωρῶν
ἔχου πρὸς τὴν πόλιν χῶμα σχολῇ καὶ πολυπόνως
ἀνιστάμενον. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καταβαίνων στρατιᾷ
μεγάλῃ Φραάτης, ὡς ἤκουσε τὴν ἀπόλειψιν τῶν
μηχανοφόρων ἁμαξῶν, ἔπεμψε τῶν ἱππέων πολ-
λοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτάς, ὑφ᾽ ὧν περιληφθεὶς ὁ Στατιανὸς
ἀποθνήσκει μὲν αὐτός, ἀποθνήσκουσι δὲ μύριοι
τῶν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. τὰς δὲ μηχανὰς ἑλόντες οἱ

222

ANTONY, xXxxvil. 4-XXxvIII. 3

eagerly towards her, and thinking more of his speedy
return than of conquering the enemy.

XXXVIII. In the first place, then, though he
ought to have spent the winter in Armenia and to
have given his army rest, worn out as it was by a
march of eight thousand furlongs, and to have occu-
pied Media at the opening of spring, before the
Parthians had left their winter quarters, he could
not hold out that length of time, but led his army
on, taking Armenia on his left, and skirting Atro-
patené, which country he ravaged. Secondly, his
engines necessary for siege operations were carried
along on three hundred waggons, and among them
was a battering ram eighty feet long. Not one of
these, if destroyed, could be replaced in time to be
of use, because the upper country produced only
wood of insufficient length and hardness. Neverthe-
less, in his haste, he left these behind him, on the
ground that they retarded his speed, setting a con-
siderable guard under the command of Statianus
over the waggons, while he himself laid siege to
Phraata, a large city, in which were the wives and
children of the king of Media. But the exigencies
of the case at once proved what a mistake he had
made in leaving behind him his engines, and coming
to close quarters he began to build a mound against
the city, which rose slowly and with much labour.
In the meantime, however, Phraates came down witha
great army, and when he heard that the waggons
carrying the engines had been left behind, he sent a
large number of his horsemen against them. By
these Statianus was surrounded and slain himself,
and ten thousand of his men were slain with him.
Moreover, the Barbarians captured the engines and

2 3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βάρβαροι διέφθειραν. εἷλον δὲ παμπόλλους, ἐν
οἷς καὶ Πολέμων ἣν ὁ βασιλεύς.

XXXIX. Τοῦτο πάντας μέν, ὡς εἰκός, ἠνίασε
τοὺς περὶ ᾿Αντώνιον ἀνελπίστως ἐν ἀρχῇ πλη-
γέντας: ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρμένιος ᾿Αρταουάσδης ἀπογνοὺς
τὰ Ῥωμαίων ῴχετο τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν ἀναλα-
βών, καίπερ αἰτιώτατος τοῦ πολέμου γενόμενος.
ἐπιφανέντων δὲ λαμπρῶς τοῖς πολιορκοῦσι τῶν
Πάρθων καὶ χρωμένων ἀπειλαῖς πρὸς ὕβριν, οὐ
βουλόμενος ᾿Αντώνιος ἡσυχάζοντι τῷ στρατῷ τὸ
δυσθυμοῦν καὶ καταπεπληγμένον ἐμμένειν καὶ
αὔξεσθαι, δέκα τάγματα λαβὼν καὶ τρεῖς
στρατηγίδας σπείρας ὁπλιτῶν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἱππεῖς
ἅπαντας, ἐξήγαγε πρὸς σιτολογίαν, οἰόμενος
οὕτως ἂν ἐπισπασθέντων μάλιστα τῶν πολεμίων
ἐκ παρατάξεως μάχην γενέσθαι. προελθὼν δὲ
μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας, ὡς ἑώρα τοὺς Πάρθους κύκλῳ
περιχεομένους καὶ προσπεσεῖν καθ᾽ ὁδὸν αὐτῷ
ζητοῦντας, ἐξέθηκε μὲν τὸ τῆς μάχης σύμβολον
ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καθελὼν δὲ τὰς σκηνὰς ὡς οὐ
μαχησόμενος, ἀλλ’ ἀπάξων, παρημείβετο τῶν
βαρβάρων τὴν τάξιν οὖσαν μηνοειδῆ, κελεύσας
ὅταν οἱ πρῶτοι τοῖς ὁπλίταις ἐν ἐφικτῷ δοκῶσιν
εἶναι, τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐναντίους εἰσελαύνειν. τοῖς
δὲ Πάρθοις παρακεκριμένοις λόγου κρείττων ἡ
τάξις ἐφαίνετο τῶν Ρωμαίων, καὶ κατεθεῶντο
παρεξιόντας ἐν διαστήμασιν ἴσοις ἀθορύβως καὶ
σιωπῇ τοὺς ὑσσοὺς κραδαίνοντας. ὡς δὲ τὸ
σημεῖον ἤρθη καὶ προσεφέροντο μετὰ κραυγῆς
224

ANTONY, xxxvilt. 3-XxxIx. 4

destroyed them. They also took a great number
of prisoners, among whom was Polemon the king.
XXXIX. This calamity naturally distressed all the
followers of Antony, for they had received an unex-
pected blow at the outset; besides, Artavasdes, the
king of Armenia, despairing of the Roman cause,
took his own forces and went off, although he had
been the chief cause of the war. And now the
Parthians presented themselves to the besiegers in
brilliant array, and threatened them insultingly.
Antony, therefore, not wishing that the inactivity of
his army should confirm and increase among them
consternation and dejection, took ten legions and
three praetorian cohorts of men-at-arms, together
with all his cavalry, and led them out to forage,
thinking that in this way the enemy would best be
drawn into a pitched battle. After advancing a
single day’s march, he saw that the Parthians were
enveloping him and seeking to attack him on the
march. He therefore displayed the signal for battle
in his camp, and after taking down his tents, as
though his purpose was not to fight but to withdraw,
he marched along past the line of the Barbarians,
which was crescent-shaped. But he had given orders
that when the first ranks of the enemy should appear
to be within reach of his legionaries, the cavalry
should charge upon them. To the Parthians in
their parallel array, the discipline of the Romans
seemed to beggar description, and they watched
them marching past at equal distances from one
another, without confusion, and in silence, brandish-
ing their javelins. But when the signal was given, and
the Roman horsemen wheeled about and rode down

225

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπιστρέψαντες οἱ ἱππεῖς, τούτους μὲν ἠμύνοντο
δεξάμενοι, καίπερ εὐθὺς ἐντὸς τοξεύματος γενο-
μένους, τῶν δὲ ὁπλιτῶν συναπτόντων ἅμα βοῇ
καὶ πατάγῳ τῶν ὅπλων, οἵ τε ἵπποι τοῖς
Πάρθοις ἐξίσταντο ταρβοῦντες καὶ αὐτοὶ πρὶν εἰς
χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἔφευγον.

δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐνέκειτο τῇ διώξει, καὶ
μεγάλας εἶχεν ἐλπίδας ὡς τοῦ πολέμου τὸ
σύμπαν ἢ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐκείνῃ τῇ μάχῃ διαπεπραγ-
μένος. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς διώξεως γενομένης τοῖς “μὲν
πεζοῖς ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα στάδια, τοῖς δὲ ἱππεῦσιν
ἐπὶ τρὶς τοσαῦτα, τοὺς πεπτωκότας τῶν | πολεμίων
καὶ τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἐπισκοποῦντες εὗρον αἰχ-
μαλώτους μὲν τριάκοντα, νεκροὺς δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα
μόνους, ἀπορία καὶ δυσθυμία πᾶσι παρέστη,
δεινὸν εἶναι λογιζομένοις εἰ νικῶντες μὲν οὕτως
ὀλίγους κτείνουσιν, ἡττώμενοι δὲ στερήσονται
τοσούτων ὅσους ἀπέβαλον περὶ ταῖς ἁμάξαις.
τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ συσκευασάμενοι τὴν ἐπὶ Φραάτων
καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προῆγον. ἐντυχόντες δὲ
κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν πρῶτον μὲν ὀλίγοις τῶν πολεμίων,
ἔπειτα πλείοσι, τέλος δὲ πᾶσιν ὥσπερ ἀηττήτοις
καὶ νεαλέσι προκαλουμένοις καὶ προσβάλλουσι
πανταχόθεν, μοχθηρῶς καὶ πολυπόνως ἀπε-
σώθησαν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. τῶν δὲ Μήδων
ἐκδρομήν τινα ποιησαμένων ἐπὶ τὸ χῶμα καὶ
τοὺς προμαχομένους φοβησάντων, ὀργισθεὶς ὁ
᾿Αντώνιος ἐχρήσατο τῇ λεγομένῃ δεκατείᾳ πρὸς
τοὺς ἀποδειλιάσαντας. διελὼν γὰρ εἰς δεκάδας
τὸ πλῆθος ἀφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἕνα τὸν λαχόντα κλήρῳ
διέφθειρε, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἀντὶ πυρῶν ἐκέλευε
κριθὰς μετρεῖσθαι.

226

934

ANTONY, xxxix. 4-7

upon them with loud shouts, they did indeed receive
their onset and repel them, although their foes were
at once too close for them to use their arrows ; when,
however, the legionaries joined in the charge, with
shouts and clashing of weapons, the horses of the
Parthians took fright and gave way, and the Parthians
fled without coming to close quarters.

Antony pressed hard upon them in pursuit, and
had great hopes that he had finished the whole war,
or the greater part of it, in that one battle. His
infantry kept up the pursuit for fifty furlongs, and
his cavalry for thrice that distance; and yet when
he took count of those of the enemy who had
fallen or had been captured, he found only thirty
prisoners and eighty dead bodies. Despondency
and despair therefore fell upon all; they thought
it a terrible thing that when victorious they had
killed so few, and when vanquished they were
to be robbed of so many men as they had lost at
the waggons. On the following day they packed
up and started on the road to Phraata and their
camp. As they marched they met, first a few of the
enemy, then more of them, and finally the whole
body, which, as though unconquered and fresh, chal-
lenged and attacked them from every side; but
at last, with difficulty and much labour, they got
safely to their camp. Then the Medes made a sally
against their mound and put its defenders to flight.
At this Antony was enraged, and visited those who
had played the coward with what is called decima-
tion. That is, he divided the whole number of them
into tens, and put to death that one from each ten
upon whom the lot fell.t For the rest he ordered
rations of barley instead of wheat.

1 See the Crassus, x. 2. 227

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XL. Χαλεπὸς δὲ ἀμφοτέροις ἣν ὁ πόλεμος, Kal
τὸ μέλλον αὐτοῦ φοβερώτερον, ᾿Αντωνίῳ μὲν
προσδοκῶντι λιμόν" οὐκέτι γὰρ ἣν ἄνευ τραυ-
μάτων καὶ νεκρῶν πολλῶν ἐπισιτίσασθαι" Φραά-
της δὲ τοὺς Πάρθους ἐπιστάμενος πάντα μᾶλλον

ἢ χειμῶνος ἔξω προσταλαιπωρεῖν καὶ θυραυλεῖν
δυναμένους, ἐφοβεῖτο μὴ τῶν “Ρωμαίων ἐγκαρτε-
ρούντων καὶ παραμενόντων ἀπολίπωσιν αὐτόν,
ἤδη τοῦ ἀέρος συνισταμένου μετὰ φθινοπωρινὴν
ἰσημερίαν. δόλον οὖν συντίθησι τοιόνδε. Πάρθων
οἱ γνωριμώτατοι περὶ τὰς σιτολογίας καὶ τὰς
ἄλλας ἀπαντήσεις μαλακώτερον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
προσεφέροντο, λαμβάνειν τε παριέντες αὐτοῖς
ἔνια καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπαινοῦντες ὡς πολεμίκω-
τάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ θαυμαζομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ
σφετέρου βασιλέως δικαίως. ἐκ δὲ τούτου
προσελαύνοντες ἐγγυτέρω καὶ τοὺς ἵππους
ἀτρέμα παραβάλλοντες ἐλοιδόρουν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον,
ὅτε βουλομένῳ Φραάτη διαλλαγῆναι καὶ φεί-
σασθαι τοιούτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοσούτων ἀφορμὴν
οὐ δίδωσιν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς χαλεποὺς καὶ μεγάλους
κάθηται πολεμίους ἀναμένων, λιμὸν καὶ χειμῶνα,
δι ὧν ἔργον ἐστὶ καὶ προπεμπομένους ὑπὸ
Πάρθων ἀποφεύγειν. πολλῶν δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν
᾿Αντώνιον ἀναφερόντων, μαλασσόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς
ἐλπίδος ὅμως οὐ πρότερον ἐπεκηρυκεύσατο πρὸς
τὸν [Πάρθον ἢ πυθέσθαι τῶν φιχοφρονουμένων
ἐκείνων βαρβάρων εἰ τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα φρο-
νοῦντος διαλέγοιντο. φασκόντων δὲ καὶ παρα-
καλούντων μὴ δεδιέναι μηδὲ ἀπιστεῖν, ἔπεμψέ
τινας τῶν ἑταίρων πάλιν τὰς σημαίας ἀξιῶν

228

ANTONY, xu. 1-4

ΧΙ, The war was full of hardship for both sides,
and its future course was still more to be dreaded.
Antony expected a famine; for it was no longer
possible to get provisions without having many men
wounded and killed. Phraates, too, knew that his
Parthians were able to do anything rather than to
undergo hardships and encamp in the open during
winter, and he was afraid that if the Romans per-
sisted and remained, his men would desert him,
since already the air was getting sharp after the
summer equinox. He therefore contrived the fol-
lowing stratagem. Those of the Parthians who were
most acquainted with the Romans attacked them less
vigorously in their forays for provisions and other en-
counters, allowing them to take some things, prais-
ing their valour, and declaring that they were capital
fighting men and justly admired by their own king.
After this, they would ride up nearer, and quietly
putting their horses alongside the Romans, would
revile Antony because, when Phraates wished to
come to terms and spare so many and such excellent
men, Antony would not give him an opportunity, but
sat there awaiting those grievous and powerful en-
emies, famine and winter, which would make it
difficult for them to escape even though the Par-
thians should escort them on their way. Many per-
sons reported this to Antony, but though his hope
inclined him to yield, he did not send heralds to the
Parthians until he had inquired of the Barbarians
who were showing such kindness whether what they
said represented the mind of their king. They assured
him that it did, and urged him to have no fear or dis-
trust, whereupon he sent some of his companions with
a renewed demand for the return of the standards

229

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ Ὁ Ν \ > / e \ \
ἀπολαβεῖν Kal τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, ὡς δὴ μὴ
παντάπασιν ἀγαπᾶν τὸ σωθῆναι καὶ διαφυγεῖν
if A \ i? A \ 2A
νομισθείη. tov δὲ IlapGov ταῦτα μὲν ἐᾶν
΄ 2 , \ 3 \ 2 7 \ >’ /
κελεύοντος, ἀπιόντι δὲ εὐθὺς εἰρήνην Kal ἀσφά-
λείαν εἶναι φήσαντος, ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις συσκευα-
/ ’ / XN \ \ / \
σάμενος ἀνεζεύγνυεν. ὧν δὲ καὶ δήμῳ πιθανὸς
a \ / ?
ἐντυχεῖν καὶ στρατὸν ἄγειν διὰ λόγου παρ
ὁντινοῦν τῶν τότε πεφυκώς, ἐξέλιπεν αὐτὸς
“ \
αἰσχύνη Kal κατηφείᾳ τὸ παραθαρρῦναι τὸ
πλῆθος, Δομίτιον δὲ ᾿Αηνόβαρβον ἐκέλευε τοῦτο
ποιῆσαι. καί τινες μὲν ἡγανάκτησαν ὡς ὑπερορώ-
\ Ν a b] ΄ὔ \ ,
μενοι, TO δὲ πλεῖστον ἐπεκλάσθη καὶ συνεφρόνησε
\ +f ada \ \ a v a 2 a
τὴν αἰτίαν: διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ῴοντο δεῖν ἀνταιδεῖ-
»Ἅἅ A a
σθαι καὶ πείθεσθαι τῷ στρατηγῷ.
XLI. Μέλλοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν
ἄγειν ὀπίσω πεδινὴν καὶ ἄδενδρον οὖσαν, ἀνὴρ
a x aA
τῷ γένει Μάρδος, πολλὰ τοῖς Πάρθων ἤθεσιν
> / wo Ν Ὁ / \ ’ a /
ἐνωμιληκώς, ἤδη δὲ “Ρωμαίοις πιστὸς ἐν TH μάχῃ
aA Ν. 9
τῇ περὶ τὰς μηχανὰς γεγονώς, ᾿Αντωνίῳ προσ-
ελθὼν ἐκέλευε φεύγειν ἐν δεξιᾷ τῶν ὀρῶν
> / \ \ \ ς / \
ἐπιλαβόμενον, Kal μὴ στρατὸν ὁπλίτην Kal
f an
βαρὺν ἐν δρόμοις γυμνοῖς καὶ ἀναπεπταμένοις
ς B nN a “ αὐ \ ξ 7 a ὃ)
ὑποβαλεῖν ἵππῳ τοσαύτῃ καὶ τοξεύμασιν, ὃ δὴ
τεχνώμενον τὸν Φραάτην ἀναστῆσαι τῆς πολιορ-
ς /
κίας αὐτὸν ὁμολογίαις φιλανθρώποις" ἔσεσθαι δὲ
5 Ν ς \ id na / \ A
αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν ὁδοῦ βραχυτέρας καὶ μᾶλλον
7 ~
εὐπορίαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐχούσης.

230

9

90

ANTONY, xu. 4-Χ11. 2

and the captives! that he might not be thought
altogether satisfied with an escape in safety. But
the Parthian told him not to urge this matter, and
assured him of peace and safety as soon as he started
to go away; whereupon, within a few days Antony
packed up his baggage and broke camp. But though
he was persuasive in addressing a popular audience
and was better endowed by nature than any man of his
time for leading an army by force of eloquence, he
could not prevail upon himself, for shame and de-
jection of spirits, to make the usual speech of en-
couragement to the army, but ordered Domitius
Ahenobarbus to do it. Some of the soldiers were
incensed at this, and felt that he had held them in
contempt; but the majority of them were moved to
the heart as they comprehended the reason. There-
fore they thought they ought to show all the more
respect and obedience to their commander. ᾿

XLI. As he was about to lead his army back by
the road over which it had come, which ran through
a level country without trees, a man of the Mardian
race, who had great familiarity with the Parthian
habits, and had already shown himself faithful to
the Romans in the battle over the engines of war,’
came to Antony and urged him in his flight to keep
close to the hills upon his right, and not to expose
an encumbered army of legionaries to so large a force
of mounted archers, in bare and extended tracts ;
this was the very thing, he said, which Phraates
had designed when he induced him by friendly
conferences to raise the siege; he himself, he said,
would conduct the army by a way that was shorter
and furnished a greater abundance of provisions.

1 See chapter xxxvii. 2. 2 See chapter xxxviili. 3.

231

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal » cA e ᾽ , >’ / Ἃ
Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐβουλεύετο, καὶ
/ n an
Πάρθοις μὲν οὐκ ἐβούλετο δοκεῖν ἀπιστεῖν μετὰ
, a € a \
σπονδάς, τὴν δὲ συντομίαν τῆς ὁδοῦ Kal TO παρὰ
\ / a
κώμας οἰκουμένας ἔσεσθαι THY πορείαν ἐπαινῶν
/ » Ν N ΄ ὃ ς δὲ δῆ a
πίστιν ἤτει τὸν Mapodov. o ὃὲ δῆσαι παρεῖχεν
Φ. δὴ
αὑτὸν ἄχρι οὗ καταστήσῃ τὸν στρατὸν εἰς ᾿Αρ-
,ὔ \ \ e a / ς , a ce ΄
μενίαν, καὶ δεθεὶς ἡγεῖτο δύο ἡμέρας καθ᾽ ἡσυχί-
A / \
av. τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ παντάπασι τοὺς Ἰ]άρθους ἀπε-
if ᾽ 7 \ / 3 / \
γνωκότος Avtwviov καὶ βαδίζοντος ἀνειμένως διὰ
a € ip , a
τὸ θαρρεῖν, ἰδὼν ὁ Μάρδος aroywow ἐμβολῆς
an \ / \ a
ποταμοῦ νεωστὶ διεσπασμένην καὶ TO ῥεῦμα πολὺ
ear ῃ 5 , a
πρὸς τὴν ὁδόν, 1) πορευτέον ἣν, ἐκχεόμενον, συνῆ-
δ a 5» “
κεν ὅτι τῶν Πάρθων ἔργον εἴη τοῦτο δυσκολίας
\ A \ > A \
ἕνεκα καὶ διατριβῆς ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς τὸν ποταμὸν
͵ \ \ 3 , & ota 3 ἔν \
τιθεμένων, Kat τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ὁρᾶν ἐκέλευε καὶ
A /
προσέχειν, WS TOV πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων. ἄρτι
\ > n / » / \ .“ \ b
δὲ αὐτοῦ καθιστάντος εἰς τάξιν τὰ ὅπλα Kal δι
an A a \
αὐτῶν τοῖς ἀκοντισταῖς καὶ σφενδονήταις ἐκδρο-
/
μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους παρασκευάζξοντος, ἐπεφά-
«ς / N / e ,
νησαν ot Πάρθοι καὶ περιήλαυνον ws κυκλωσό-
, ἊΝ /
μενοι Kal συνταράξοντες πανταχόθεν τὸν στρατόν.
tal a » \
ἐκδραμόντων δὲ τῶν ψιλῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, πολλὰς
\ ’ 9 Ν “ > > / \ a
μὲν διδόντες ἀπὸ τόξων, οὐκ ἐλάττονας δὲ ταῖς
, a Λ \
μολυβδίσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκοντίοις πληγὰς λαμβάνοντες
-" el = δι /
ἀνεχώρουν: εἶτα ἐπῆγον αὖθις, ἄχρι οὗ συστρέ-
\ \ “ / \
ψαντες οἱ Κελτοὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἐνέβαλον καὶ διε-
\ f A / / /
σκέδασαν αὐτοὺς οὐκέτι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ὑπό-
δείγμα γενομένους.
232

ANTONY, x11. 2-5

On hearing this, Antony took counsel with himself.
He did not wish to have the appearance of distrusting
the Parthians, now that a truce had been made, but
since he approved of the shorter road and of having
their march take them past inhabited villages, he
asked the Mardian for a pledge of his good faith.
The Mardian offered to let himself be put in fetters
until he should bring the army safely into Armenia,
and he was put in fetters, and led them for two days
without their encountering trouble. But on the
third day, when Antony had put the Parthians en-
tirely out of his thoughts, and was marching along
in loose order because of his confidence, the Mardian
noticed that a dike of the river had been recently
torn away, and that the stream was flowing out in
great volume towards the road over which their
march must be made. He comprehended that this
was the work of the Parthians, throwing the river in
their way to obstruct and delay the Roman march,
and urged Antony to look out and be on his guard,
as the enemy were near. And just as Antony was
setting his legionaries in array and arranging to have
his javelineers and slingers make a sally through
them against the enemy, the Parthians came into
view and began to ride around the army in order to
envelope and throw it into confusion on all sides.
Whenever the Roman light-armed troops sallied out
against them, the Parthians would inflict many
wounds with their arrows, but sustain yet more from
the leaden bullets and javelins of the Romans, and
therefore withdraw. Then they would come up
again, until the Celts, massing their horses together,
made a charge upon them and scattered them, so
that they showed themselves no more that day.

233

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XLII. ᾿Εκ τούτου μαθὼν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ὃ ποιεῖν
ἔδει, πολλοῖς ἀκοντισταῖς καὶ σφενδονήταις οὐ
μόνον τὴν οὐραγίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πλευρὰς ἑκατέ-
pas στομώσας ἐν πλαισίῳ τὸν στρατὸν ἦγε, καὶ
τοῖς ἱππόταις εἴρητο προσβάλλοντας τρέπεσθαι,
τρεψαμένους δὲ μὴ πόρρω διώκειν, ὥστε τοὺς
Πάρθους τὰς ἐφεξῆς τέσσαρας ἡμέρας οὐθὲν πλέ-
ον δράσαντας ἢ παθόντας ἀμβλυτέρους γεγονέναι
καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα ποιουμένους πρόφασιν ἀπιέναι
διανοεῖσθαι.

Τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ Praovios Γάλλος, ἀνὴρ πολε-
μικὸς καὶ δραστήριος ἐφ᾽ ἡγεμονίας τεταγμένος,
ἤτησεν ᾿Αντώνιον προσελθὼν πλείονας ψιλοὺς
ἀπ᾽ οὐρᾶς, καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος ἱππέων
τινὰς ὡς μέγα κατόρθωμα ποιήσων. δόντος δὲ
προσβάλλοντας ἀνέκοπτε τοὺς πολεμίους, οὐχ,
ὡς πρότερον, ὑπάγων ἅμα πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας καὶ
ἀναχωρῶν, ἀλλὰ ὑφιστάμενος καὶ συμπλεκόμενος
παραβολώτερον. ὁρῶντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ τῆς οὐρα-
γίας ἡγεμόνες ἀπορρηγνύμενον ἐκάλουν πέμπον-
τες" ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐπείθετο. Τίτιον δέ φασι τὸν ταμί-
αν καὶ τῶν σημαιῶν ἐπιλαβόμενον στρέφειν ὀπί-
ow καὶ λοιδορεῖν τὸν Γάλλον ὡς ἀπολλύντα πολ-
λοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας. ἀντιλοιδοροῦντος δὲ
ἐκείνου καὶ διακελευομένου τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν μέ-
νειν, ὁ μὲν Τίτιος ἀπεχώρει" τὸν δὲ Γάλλον ὠθού-
μενον εἰς τοὺς κατὰ στόμα λανθάνουσι πολλοὶ
περισχόντες ἐκ τῶν ὄπισθεν. βαλλόμενος δὲ
πανταχόθεν ἐκάλει πέμπων ἀρωγήν. οἱ δὲ τοὺς
ὁπλίτας ἄγοντες, ὧν καὶ ΚΚανίδιος ἢ ἣν, ἀν np παρὰ
᾿Αντωνίῳ δυνάμενος μέγιστον, οὐ μικρὰ δοκοῦσι
διαμαρτεῖν. δέον γὰρ ἀθρόαν ἐπιστρέψαι τὴν 93!

234

ANTONY, xu. 1-4

XLII. Having thus learned what he ought to do,
Antony covered not only his rear, but also both his
flanks, with numerous javelineers and slingers, led his
army in the form of a hollow square, and gave orders
to his horsemen to rout the enemy when they at-
tacked, but after routing them not to pursue them
further. Consequently the Parthians, during four
successive days, suffered greater loss than they in-
flicted, became less eager, and made the winter an
excuse for thoughts of going away.

On the fifth day, however, Flavius Gallus, an effi-
cient and able soldier in high command, came to
Antony and asked him for more light-armed troops
from the rear, and for some of the horsemen from the
van, confident that he would achieve a great success.
Antony gave him the troops, and when the enemy
attacked, Gallus beat them back, not withdrawing
and leading them on towards the legionaries, as
before, but resisting and engaging them more hazard-
ously. The leaders of the rear guard, seeing that
he was being cut off from them, sent and called him
back ; but he would not listen to them. Then, they
say, Titius the quaestor laid hold of his standards and
tried to turn them back, abusing Gallus for throwing
away the lives of so many brave men. But Gallus
gave back the abuse and exhorted his men to stand
firm, whereupon Titius withdrew. Then Gallus forced
his way among the enemy in front of him, without
noticing that great numbers of them were enveloping
him in the rear. But when missiles began to fall
upon him from all sides, he sent and asked for help.
Then the leaders of the legionaries, among whom was
Canidius, a man of the greatest influence with Antony,
are thought to have made no slight mistake. For when

235

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ 7 SS) Ie 3 a
φάλαγγα, πέμποντες KAT ONLYOUS ἐπιβοηθοῦντας,
/ ,
καὶ πάλιν ἡττωμένων τούτων ἑτέρους ἀποστέλ-
/ , - an 6
λοντες, ἔλαθον ὀλίγου δεῖν ἥττης Kal φυγῆς ὅλον
, ’ \ \
ἀναπλήσαντες TO στρατόπεδον, EL μὴ ταχὺ μὲν
3 a δ \ a
αὐτὸς ᾿Αντώνιος μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀπὸ TOD στό-
Ν
ματος ἧκεν ὑπαντιάζων, ταχὺ δὲ τὸ τρίτον τάγμα
Ν a / /
διὰ τῶν φευγόντων ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ὠσάμενον
ἔσχε τοῦ πρόσω διώκειν.
XLII. ᾿Απέθανον δὲ τρισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττους,
if /
ἐκομίσθησαν δὲ ἐπὶ σκηνὰς τραυματίαι πεντα-
/ \ / = 3 “Z /
κισχίλιοι" καὶ Τάλλος ἣν ἐν τούτοις, τέτταρσιν
: 53.1.19
ἐναντίοις διαπεπαρμένος τοξεύμασιν. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος
a \ ᾽
μὲν ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων οὐκ ἀνήνεγκε, τοὺς ὃ
τῶν ε ’
ἄλλους περιϊὼν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπεσκόπει καὶ παρε-
/ a e
Odppuve δεδακρυμένος καὶ περιπαθῶν. οἱ δὲ
ἈΝ ΎΞΟΝ na Seda Len ye ,
φαιδροὶ τὴς δεξιᾶς αὐτοῦ λαμβανόμενοι παρεκά-
/
λουν ἀπιόντα θεραπεύειν αὑτὸν Kal μὴ κακοπα-
va) / fal
θεῖν, αὐτοκράτορα καλοῦντες, Kal σώζεσθαι λέ-
3 a / /
γοντες ἂν ἐκεῖνος ὑγιαίνῃ. καθόλου μὲν yap οὔτ
- a 5» / 4
ἀλκαῖς οὔτε ὑπομοναῖς οὔτε ἡλικίᾳ λαμπρότερον
Ψ, A
ἄλλος αὐτοκράτωρ στρατὸν ἐκείνου δοκεῖ συναγα-
fal - Ὥ \ 2
γεῖν ἐν τοῖς τότε χρόνοις ἡ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν αἰδὼς
/ /
τὸν ἡγεμόνα Kal πειθαρχία μετ᾽ εὐνοίας, Kal TO
/ Ὁ a ’ Ud » / ”
πάντας ὁμαλῶς, ἐνδόξους, ἀδόξους, ἄρχοντας,
/ s
ἰδιώτας, THY παρὰ ᾿Αντωνίου τιμήν τε καὶ χάριν
la e an an / n
μᾶλλον αἱρεῖσθαι τῆς σωτηρίας Kal τῆς ἀσφα-
» a ς ,
λείας, οὐδὲ τοῖς πάλαι Ρωμαίοις ἀπέλιπεν ὑπερ-
ὔ / \ 2a, / 5 τ
βολήν. τούτου δὲ αἰτίαι πλείονες ἦσαν, ὡς
΄ 7 ΄ , . f
προειρήκαμεν" εὐγένεια, λόγου δύναμις, ἁπλότης,

236

ANTONY, xu. 4-xLu1. 3

they ought to have wheeled their entire line against
the enemy, they sent only a few men ai a time to
help Gallus, and again, when one detachment had
been overcome, sent out others, and so, before they
were aware of it, they came near plunging the whole
army into defeat and flight. But Antony himselt
speedily came with his legionaries from the van to
confront the fugitives, and the third legion speedily
pushed its way through them against the enemy and
checked his further pursuit.

XLIII. There fell no fewer than three thousand,
and there were carried to their tents five thousand
wounded men, among whom was Gallus, who was
pierced in front by four arrows. Gallus, indeed, did
not recover from his wounds, but Antony went to see
all the others and tried to encourage them, with
tears of sympathy in his eyes. The wounded men,
however, with cheerful faces, seized his hand and
exhorted him to go away and take care of himself,
and not to be distressed. They called him Imperator,
and said that they were safe if only he were un-
harmed. For, to put it briefly, no other imperator
of that day appears to have assembled an army
more conspicuous for prowess, endurance, or youthful
vigour. Nay, the respect which his soldiers felt for
him as their leader, their obedience and goodwill,
and the degree to which all of them alike—men of
good repute or men of no repute, commanders or
private soldiers—preferred honour and favour from
Antony to life and safety, left even the ancient
Romans nothing to surpass. And the reasons for this
were many, as I have said before: his high birth, his
eloquence, his simplicity of manners, his love of

237

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TO φιλόδωρον Kal μεγαλόδωρον, ἡ περὶ Tas παι-
διὰς καὶ τὰς ὁμιλίας εὐτραπελία. τότε δὲ καὶ
συμπονῶν καὶ συναλγῶν τοῖς κακοπαθοῦσι, καὶ
μεταδιδοὺς οὗ τις δεηθείη, προθυμοτέρους τῶν
ἐρρωμένων τοὺς νοσοῦντας καὶ τετρωμένους
ἐποίησε.

XLIV. Τοὺς μέντοι πολεμίους ἀπαγορεύοντας
ἤδη καὶ κάμνοντας οὕτως ἐπῆρεν ἡ νίκη καὶ
τοσοῦτον τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατεφρόνησαν ὥστε καὶ
νυκτὸς ἐπαυλίσασθαι τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, προσδο-
κῶντας αὐτίκα μάλα σκηνὰς ἐρήμους καὶ χρή-
ματα διαρπάσειν ἀποδιδρασκόντων. ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ
πολὺ πλείονες ἐπηθροίζοντο, καὶ λέγονται τε-
τρακισμυρίων οὐκ ἐλάττονες ἱππόται γενέσθαι,
βασιλέως καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀεὶ τεταγμένους
ὡς ἐπὶ σαφεῖ καὶ βεβαίῳ κατορθώματι πέμψαν-
τος" αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ οὐδεμιᾷ μάχῃ παρέτυχεν.
᾿Αντώνιος δὲ βουλόμενος προσαγορεῦσαι τοὺς
στρατιώτας ἤτησε φαιὸν ἱμάτιον, ὡς οἰκτρότερος
ὀφθείη. τῶν δὲ φίλων ἐναντιωθέντων ἐν τῇ
στρατηγικῇ φοινικίδι προελθὼν ἐδημηγόρησε, τοὺς
μὲν νενικηκότας ἐπαινῶν, ὀνειδίζων δὲ τοὺς φυγ-
ovtas. τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν παρεκελεύοντο θαρρεῖν, οἱ
δὲ ἀπολογούμενοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρεῖχον, εἴτε
βούλοιτο δεκατεύειν, εἴτε ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ κολάζειν'
μόνον παύσασθαι δυσφοροῦντα καὶ λυπούμενον
ἐδέοντο. πρὸς ταῦτα τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας ἐπεύ-
Eato τοῖς θεοῖς, εἴ τις ἄρα νέμεσις τὰς πρόσθεν
εὐτυχίας αὐτοῦ μέτεισιν, εἰς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, τῷ δ᾽
ἄλλῳ στρατῷ σωτηρίαν διδόναι καὶ νίκην.

238

ANTONY, xuit. 3-x1iv. 3

giving and the largeness of his giving, his complaisance
in affairs of pleasure or social intercourse. And so at
this time, by sharing in the toils and distresses of the
unfortunate and bestowing upon them whatever they
wanted, he made the sick and wounded more eager
in his service than the well and strong.

XLIV. The enemy, however, who had been already
worn out and inclined to abandon their task, were so
elated by their victory, and so despised the Romans,
that they even bivouacked for the night near their
camp, expecting very soon to be plundering the
empty tents and the baggage of runaways. At day-
break, too, they gathered for attack in far greater
numbers, and there are said to have been no fewer
than forty thousand horsemen, since their king had
sent even those who were always arrayed about his
person, assured that it was to manifest and assured
success; for the king himself was never present at
a battle. Then Antony, wishing to harangue his
soldiers, called for a dark robe, that he might be
more pitiful in their eyes. But his friends opposed
him in this, and he therefore came forward in the
purple robe of a general and made his harangue,
praising those who had been victorious, and reproach-
ing those who had fled. The former exhorted him
to be of good courage, and the latter, by way of
apology for their conduct, offered themselves to him
for decimation,! if he wished, or for any other kind
of punishment; only they begged him to cease being
distressed and vexed. In reply, Antony lifted up
his hands and prayed the gods that if, then, any re-
tribution were to follow his former successes, it might
fall upon him alone, and that the rest of the army
might be granted victory and safety.

1 See chapter xxxix. 7.

229

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

r A \ e , iy /
XLV. Τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ φραξάμενοι βέλτιον
προῆγον: καὶ τοῖς Πάρθοις ἐπιχειροῦσι πολὺς
, 3
ἀπήντα παράλογος. οἰόμενοι γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν
\ iv ᾽ id > ip 3 -
Kal λεηλασίαν, οὐ μάχην, ἐλαύνειν, ELTA πολλοῖς
lf a
βέλεσιν ἐντυγχάνοντες, ἐρρωμένους δὲ Kal νεαλεῖς
al / ς lal >
ταῖς προθυμίαις ὁρῶντες, αὖθις ἐξέκαμνον. ἐπεὶ
/ a , an
δὲ καταβαίνουσιν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ λόφων τινῶν ἐπι-
an \ ΓΑ
κλινῶν ἐπέθεντο καὶ βραδέως ὑπεξάγοντας ἔβαλ-
7 € /
λον, ἐπιστρέψαντες οἱ θυρεοφόροι συνέκλεισαν
» a “ \ ΄ > Ν \ ΄
εἴσω τῶν ὅπλων τοὺς ψιλούς, αὐτοὶ δὲ καθέντες
3 U > / \ ΄ e Ns,
εἰς γόνυ προὐβάλοντο τοὺς θυρεούς" οἱ δὲ ὄπισθεν
a δ /
UTEPET YOY αὐτῶν τὰ ὅπλα κἀκείνων ὁμοίως ἕτεροι.
\ \ A , 35.4. / 4
TO δὲ σχῆμα παραπλήσιον ἐρέψει γινόμενον ὄψιν
\ , a ,
τε θεατρικὴν παρέχει, Kal TOV προβλημάτων
uA / MY .
TTEYAVWTATOV ἐστι πρὸς TOUS ὀϊστοὺς ἀπολισθαί-
ς / \ /
vovtas. ot μέντοι Ἰ]άρθοι τὴν εἰς γόνυ κλίσιν
n ¢ fi , ie
τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπαγόρευσιν ἡγούμενοι καὶ κά-
s, \ \ “ / \
ματον εἶναι, τὰ μὲν τόξα κατέθεντο, τοὺς δὲ Kov-
\ / 2 \ / € None
τοὺς διαλαβόντες ἐγγὺς προσέμιξαν. οἱ δὲ ‘Po-
lal , ae / > / \
μαῖοι συναλαλάξαντες ἐξαίφνης ἀνέθορον, καὶ
r A ,
τοῖς ὑσσοῖς παίοντες ἐκ χειρὸς ἔκτεινάν TE τοὺς
\ a
πρώτους Kal τροπὴν ἔθεντο TOY ἄλλων ἁπάντων.
/ A a 14
ἐγίνετο δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις ἐπὶ
Ν , an e an
μικρὸν ἀνυόντων τῆς ὁδοῦ.
Καὶ λιμὸς ἥπτετο τοῦ στρατοῦ σῖτόν τε βραχὺν
Ν \ , / a
καὶ διὰ μάχης ποριζομένου καὶ TOY πρὸς ἄλετον
σκευῶν οὐκ εὐποροῦντος. τὰ γὰρ πολλὰ κατε-
ie lal /
λείπετο, τῶν μὲν ἀποθνησκόντων ὑποζυγίων,
“Ἢ \ lal \ ,
τῶν δὲ τοὺς νοσοῦντας Kal τραυματίας φερόντων.

240

937

ANTONY, xiv. 1-4

XLV. On the following day they went forward
under better protection ; and the Parthians met with
a great surprise when they attacked them. For they
thought they were riding up for plunder and booty,
not battle, and when they encountered many missiles
and saw that the Romans were fresh and vigorous and
eager for the fray, they were once more tired of
the struggle. However, as the Romans were descend-
ing some steep hills, the Parthians attacked them
and shot at them as they slowly moved along. Then
the shield-bearers wheeled about, enclosing the
lighter armed troops within their ranks, while they
themselves dropped on one knee and held their
shields out before them. The second rank held
their shields out over the heads of the first, and
the next rank likewise. The resulting appear-
ance is very like that of a roof,} affords a striking
spectacle, and is the most effective of protections
against arrows, which glide off from it. The Par-
thians, however, thinking that the Romans dropping
on one knee was a sign of fatigue and exhaustion,
laid aside their bows, grasped their spears by the
middle and came to close quarters. But the Romans,
with a full battle cry, suddenly sprang up, and
thrusting with their javelins slew the foremost of the
Parthians and put all the rest to rout. This hap-
pened also on the following days as the Romans,
little by little, proceeded on their way.

Famine also attacked the army, which could pro-
vide itself with little grain even by fighting, and was
not well furnished with implements for grinding.
These had been abandoned, for the most part, since
some of the beasts of burden died, and the others

1 It was the testudo, described in Dio Cassius, xlix. 3.

241

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λέγεται δὲ χοῖνιξ ᾿Αττικὴ πυρῶν πεντήκοντα
δραχμῶν ὦνιος γενέσθαι: τοὺς δὲ κριθίνους ἄρ-
TOUS πρὸς a ἀργύριον ἱστάντες ἀπεδίδοντο. τραπό-
μενοι δὲ πρὸς λάχανα καὶ ῥίζας ὀλίγοις μὲν
ἐνετύγχανον τῶν συνήθων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι δὲ πει-
ρᾶσθαι καὶ τῶν ἀγεύστων πρότερον ἥψαντό τινος
πόας ἐπὶ θάνατον διὰ μανίας ἀγούσης. ὁ γὰρ
φαγὼν οὐδὲν ἐμέμνητο τῶν ἄλλων οὐδὲ ἐγίνωσκεν,
ἕν δ᾽ ἔργον εἶχε, κινεῖν καὶ στρέφειν πάντα λίθον,
ὥς τι μεγάλης σπουδῆς ἄξιον διαπραττόμενος.
ἦν δὲ μεστὸν τὸ πεδίον κεκυφότων χαμᾶζε καὶ
τοὺς λίθους περιορυττόντων καὶ μεθιστάντων'
τέλος δὲ χολὴν ἐμοῦντες ἔθνησκον, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ
μόνον ἀντιπαθές, οἶνος, ἐξέλιπε. φθειρομένων δὲ
πολλῶν καὶ τῶν Πάρθων οὐκ ἀφισταμένων πολ-
λάκις ἀναφθέγξασθαι τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἱστοροῦσιν,
“Ὦ μύριοι, θαυμάζοντα τοὺς μετὰ Ἐξενοφῶντος,
ὅτι καὶ πλείονα καταβαίνοντες ὁδὸν ἐκ τῆς Βαβυ-
λωνίας καὶ πολλαπλασίοις μαχόμενοι πολεμίοις
ἀπεσώθησαν.

XLVI. Οἱ δὲ Πάρθοι διαπλέξαι μὲν οὐ δυνά-
μενοι τὸν στρατὸν οὐδὲ διασπάσαι τὴν τάξιν, ἤδη
δὲ πολλάκις ἡττημένοι καὶ πεφευγότες, αὖθις
εἰρηνικῶς ,ἀνεμίγνυντο τοῖς ἐπὶ χιλὸν ἢ σῖτον
προερχομένοις, καὶ τῶν τόξων τὰς νευρὰς ἐπιδει-
κνύντες ἀνειμένας, ἔλεγον ὡς αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀπίασιν
ὀπίσω καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται πέρας ἀμύνης, ὀλίγοι
δὲ Μήδων ἀκολουθήσουσιν ἔτι μιᾶς ἢ δευτέρας
ὁδὸν ἡμέρας οὐδὲν παρενοχλοῦντες, ἀλλὰ τὰς
ἀπωτέρω κώμας φυλάττοντες. τούτοις τοῖς λό-
yous ἀσπασμοί τε καὶ φιλοφροσύναι προσῆσαν,

242

ANTONY, xiv. 4-x1v1. 2

had to carry the sick and wounded. It is said that
one attic choenix! of wheat brought fifty drachmas;
and loaves of barley bread were sold for their weight
in silver. Resorting, therefore, to vegetables and
roots, they could find few to which they were accus-
tomed, and were compelled to make trial of some
never tasted before. Thus it was that they partook
of an herb which produced madness, and then death.
He who ate of it had no memory, and no thought for
anything else than the one task of moving or turning
every stone, as if he were accomplishing something
of great importance. The plain was full of men
stooping to the ground and digging around the
stones or removing them; and finally they would vomit
bile and die, since the only remedy, wine, was not to
be had. Many perished thus, and the Parthians would
not desist, and Antony, as we are told, would often
ery: “O the Ten Thousand!” thereby expressing his
admiration of Xenophon’s army, which made an even
longer march to the sea from Babylon, and fought with
many times as many enemies, and yet came off safe.
XLVI. And now the Parthians, unable to throw
the army into confusion or break up its array, but
many times already defeated and put to flight, began
once more to mingle peaceably with the men who
went out in search of fodder or grain, and pointing
to their unstrung bows would say that they them-
selves were going back, and that this was the end
of their retaliation, although a few Medes would still
follow the Romans one or two days’ march, not molest-
ing them at all, but merely protecting the more
outlying villages. To these words they added
greetings and acts of friendliness, so that once more

1 About a quart.
243

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ccd / \ «ς ’ » A /
ὥστε πάλιν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εὐθαρσεῖς γενέσθαι
καὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἀκούσαντα τῶν πεδίων ἐφίε-
an > ΄ Ui > n \ aA
σθαι μᾶλλον, ἀνύδρου λεγομένης εἶναι τῆς διὰ τῶν
’ a “ \ a ᾽ 4s Daa ΨΡ ΤΝ
ὀρῶν. οὕτω δὲ ποιεῖν μέλλοντος ἧκεν ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ
Ν 2 a fe ”
TO στρατόπεδον ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων ὄνομα Μιθρι-
δάτης, ἀνεψιὸς Μοναίσου τοῦ παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίῳ
, \ \ ca] / \ ,
γενομένου Kal τὰς τρεῖς πόλεις δωρεὰν λαβόντος.
ἠξίου δὲ αὐτῷ προσελθεῖν τινα τῶν Ἰ]αρθιστὶ
A / A / \
διαλεχθῆναι δυναμένων ἢ Συριστί. καὶ προσελ-
n / ἃ
θόντος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ᾿Αντιοχέως, ὃς ἦν ᾽Αν-
/ / e \ ἃ Μ ἂν , le \
τωνίῳ συνήθης, ὑπειπὼν ὃς εἴη, καὶ Movaion τὴν
ip b) , > , ἂν ᾽ / ὃ 5 /
χάριν ἀνάπτων, ἠρώτησε Tov ᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰ λό-
lal \ ες \ «. A , 7
ous συνεχεῖς καὶ ὑψηλοὺς ὁρᾷ πρόσωθεν. φή-
Ni γο: ios Ae Gn SD , » » ες
σαντος δὲ ὁρᾶν, “ Ὕπ᾽ ἐκείνοις," ἔφη “ πανστρα-
a TI , 6 oN a ¢ a \ \ aN
Tid ἸΙάρθοι λοχῶσιν ὑμᾶς. τὰ yap μεγάλα
, ““ , / 3 ΄ \
πεδία τῶν λόφων τούτων ἐξήρτηται, καὶ προσδο-
fa a / ᾽ na A
κῶσιν ὑμᾶς ἐξηπατημένους UT αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα
τρέψεσθαι, τὴν διὰ τῶν ὀρῶν ἀπολιπόντας. ἐκείνη
\ εὐ » / \ fi e “ / ξ
μὲν οὖν ἔχει δίψος καὶ πόνον ὑμῖν συνήθη, ταύτῃ
\ a 3 ΄ ” \ / ΄,
δὲ χωρῶν AyTevios ἴστω Tas Κράσσου τύχας
> \ ’
αὐτὸν ἐκδεχομένας.
XLVII. Ὃ μὲν οὕτω φράσας ἀπῆλθεν: ᾿Αντώ-
vios δὲ ἀκούσας καὶ διαταραχθεὶς συνεκάλει τοὺς
a e a
φίλους Kal Tov ἡγεμόνα τῆς ὁδοῦ Μάρδον οὐδὲ
3. aK Υ a \ δὴ 7 7,
αὐτὸν ἄλλως φρονοῦντα. καὶ γὰρ ἄνευ πολεμίων
> 7 \ Σ \ m δι > δ \ 7,
ἐγίνωσκε τὰς διὰ τῶν πεδίων ἀνοδίας καὶ πλάνας
χαλεπὰς καὶ δυστεκμάρτους οὔσας, τὴν δὲ τρα-
= ’ , IO\ ” \ a A
χεῖαν ἀπέφαινεν οὐδὲν ἄλλο δυσχ Epes ἢ μιᾶς
244

938

ANTONY, xvi. 2-- ΧΙ, 11.

the Romans became full of courage, and Antony,
when he heard about it, was more inclined to seek
the plains, since the way through the mountains was
said to be waterless. But as he was about to do this,
there came a man to the camp from the enemy,
Mithridates by name, a cousin of the Monaeses who
had been with Antony and had received the three
cities as a gift. Mithridates asked that someone
should come to him who could speak the Parthian or
Syrian language. So Alexander of Antioch came to
him, being a close friend of Antony, whereupon
Mithridates, after explaining who he was, and attri-
buting to Monaeses the favour now to be shown,
asked Alexander if he saw a range of lofty hills on
beyond. Alexander said he did see them. “ Under
those hills,” said Mithridates, “‘ the Parthians with all
their forces are lying in ambush for you. For the
great plains adjoin these hills, and they expect that
you will be beguiled by them into turning in that
direction and leaving the road through the mountains.
That road, it is true, involves thirst and hard labour,
to which you are now accustomed; but if Antony
proceeds by way of the plains, let him know that
the fate of Crassus awaits him.”

XLVII. After giving this information the man
went away, and Antony, who was much troubled by
what he now heard, called together his friends and
his Mardian guide, who was himself of the same
opinion as their visitor. For he knew that even
were there no enemy the lack of roads through the
plains would involve them in blind and grievous
wanderings, and he showed them that the rough
road through the mountains had πὸ other annoyance

1 Cf. chapter xxxvii, 1.

245

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εν» > ὃ / oy Φ ὃ} LZ
2 ἡμέρας ἀνυδρίαν ἔχουσαν. οὕτω δὴ τραπόμενος
/ 3 , “ 2 ᾽ὔ VA
ταύτην ἦγε νυκτός, ὕδωρ ἐπιφέρεσθαι κελεύσας.
/ lal A \
ἀγγείων δὲ ἦν ἀπορία τοῖς πολλοῖς: διὸ καὶ τὰ
a 3 Ὃ
κράνη πιμπλάντες ὕδατος ἐκόμιζον, οἱ δὲ διφθέ-
/
pats ὑπολαμβάνοντες.
A A a
Ἤδη δὲ προχωρῶν ἀγγέλλεται τοῖς Πάρθοις
\ N \ ’ \ ” \ 50... ς , \
Kal παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐδίωκον. ἡλίου δὲ
¢ La) 4
ἀνίσχοντος ἥπτοντο τῶν ἐσχάτων ἀγρυπνίᾳ Kal
a J
πόνῳ κακῶς διακειμένων" τεσσαράκοντα γὰρ Kal
,ὔ el \ , ig
διακοσίους ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ σταδίους κατηνύκεισαν"
καὶ τὸ μὴ προσδοκῶσιν οὕτω ταχεως ἐπελθεῖν
, / A
8 τοὺς πολεμίους ἀθυμίαν παρεῖχε. Kal τὸ δίψος
ε , » , \ 2 A
ἐπέτεινεν ὁ ἀγών' ἀμυνόμενοι yap ἅμα προῆγον.
aA , ’ / an
οἱ δὲ πρῶτοι βαδίζοντες ἐντυγχάνουσι ποταμῷ
\ \ » A , ε \ \ \
ψυχρὸν μὲν ἔχοντι Kal διαυγές, ἁλμυρὸν δὲ καὶ
ayy “ὃ A θὲ ery δύ €
φαρμακῶδες ὕδωρ, ὃ ποθὲν εὐθὺς ὀδύνας ἕλκο-
an / \ - ,
μένης τῆς κοιλίας καὶ τοῦ δίψους ἀναφλεγομένου
παρ χε. καὶ ταῦτα τοῦ Μάρδου προλέγοντος
2Q\ a 5) s \ » 7 ”
οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐκβιαζόμενοι τοὺς ἀνείργοντας ἔπινον.
3 , \ “ἊΝ ’ a N 2 a
4 ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ περιϊὼν ἐδεῖτο βραχὺν ἐγκαρτερῆσαι
/ nN ld
χρόνον" ἕτερον yap οὐ πόρρω ποταμὸν εἶναι πό-
s \ \ Yd a
τίμον, εἶτα THY λοιπὴν ἄφιππον Kal τραχεῖαν,
ὥστε παντάπασιν ἀποστρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμί-
, \ an
ous. ἅμα δὲ Kal τοὺς μαχομένους ἀνεκαλεῖτο
καὶ κατάζξευξιν ἐσήμαινεν, ὡς σκιᾶς γοῦν μεταλά-
Bove: οἱ στρατιῶται.

246

ANTONY, xtivu. 2-4

than lack of water for a single day. Accordingly,
Antony took this route and led his army along by
night, after ordering his men to carry water with them.
The greater part of them, however, had no vessels,
and therefore some actually filled their helmets with
water and carried them, while others took it in skins.

But word was at once brought to the Parthians
that Antony was advancing, and contrary to their
custom they set out in pursuit while it was yet night.
Just as the sun was rising they came up with the
rear-guard of the Romans, which was foredone with
sleeplessness and toil; for they had accomplished
two hundred and forty furlongs in the night. More-
over, they did not expect that the enemy would come
upon them so quickly, and were therefore disheart-
ened. Besides, their contest intensified their thirst ;
for they had to ward off the enemy and make their
way forward at the same time. Those who marched
in the van came to a river, the water of which was
clear and cold, but had a salty taste and was poison-
ous. This water, as soon as one drank it, caused
pains, accompanied by cramping of the bowels and
an inflammation of one’s thirst. Of this too the
Mardian had warned them, but none the less the
soldiers forced aside those who tried to turn them
back, and drank. Antony went round and begged
the men to hold out a little while; for not far ahead,
he said, there was another river which was potable,
and then the rest of the way was too rough for
cavalry, so that the enemy must certainly turn back.
At the same time, too, he called his men back from
fighting and gave the signal for pitching the tents,
that the soldiers might at least enjoy the shade a
little.

247
VOL. IX. I

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, a a a
XLVIIL. Unyvupévar οὖν τῶν σκηνῶν, καὶ τῶν
, ΄
Πάρθων εὐθύς, ὥσπερ εἰώθεισαν, ἀπαλλαττομέ-
5 e a
νων, ἧκεν αὖθις ὁ Μιθριδάτης, καὶ τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάν-
“ ΄ὔ
ὅρου προσελθόντος παρήνει μικρὸν ἡσυχάσαντα
\
TOV στρατὸν ἀνιστάναι Kal σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὸν
I δ 3 Ἢ , »»ἢ᾿ \
ποταμόν, ὡς ov διαβησομένων ἸΤάρθων, ἄχρι δὲ
/ ἴω
ἐκείνου διωξόντων. ταῦτα ἀπαγγείλας πρὸς
’ , by / >’ f ’ ? aA a
Avteviov ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐκφέρει Tap αὐτοῦ χρυσᾶ
, Ὁ a
ποτήρια πάμπολλα Kal φιάλας, wv ἐκεῖνος, ὅσα
ἴω > a 7 \ i \ > ,
rn ἐσθῆτι κατακρύψαι δυνατὸς ἣν, λαβὼν ἀπή-
ld ,
Aavvev. ETL δὲ ἡμέρας οὔσης ἀναζεύξαντες ἐπο-
/ an ,ὔ 7
ρεύοντο, τῶν πολεμίων οὐ παρενοχλούντων, αὐτοὶ
a A ,
δὲ ἑαυτοῖς νύκτα χαλεπωτάτην πασῶν ἐκείνην
\
καὶ φοβερωτάτην ἀπεργασάμενοι. τοὺς yap
bY , 3 / ΄
ἔχοντας ἀργύριον ἢ χρυσίον ἀποκτιννύντες ἐσύ-
\ \ a ,
λων καὶ τὰ χρήματα τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἀφήρπαζον'
, na > , /
τέλος δὲ τοῖς ᾿Αντωνίου σκευοφόροις ἐπιχειρή-
σαντες ἐκπώματα καὶ τραπέζας πολυτελεῖς κατέ-
κοπτον καὶ διενέμοντο.
Θορύβου δὲ πολλοῦ καὶ πλάνου τὸ στράτευμα
n / ’ n
πᾶν ἐπέχοντος (ὥοντο γὰρ ἐπιπεπτωκότων TOV
, \ / \ , ᾽
πολεμίων τροπὴν γεγονέναι καὶ διασπασμόν) ᾿Αν-
, na s
τώνιος ἕνα καλέσας τῶν δορυφορούντων αὐτὸν
bY ς ei
ἀπελευθέρων, ὄνομα Ῥάμνον, ὥρκωσεν, ὅταν
΄ Ν , 5) A A \ \ \
κελεύσῃ, TO ξίφος αὐτοῦ διεῖναι Kal τὴν κεφαλὴν
A / ld a a
ἀποτεμεῖν, ὡς μήτε ἁλῴη ζῶν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων
μήτε γνωσθείη τεθνηκώς. ἐκδακρυσάντων δὲ τῶν
J € hd 3 ’ \ ’ , e
φίλων ὁ Μάρδος ἐθάρρυνε tov ᾿Αντώνιον, ὡς
a a \ /
ἐγγὺς ὄντος τοῦ ποταμοῦ: Kal yap αὔρα τις

248

ANTONY, xtiviu. 1-4

XLVIII. Accordingly, the Romans went to
pitching their tents, and the Parthians, as their
custom was, at once began to withdraw. At this
point Mithridates came again, and after Alexander
had joined him he advised Antony to let the army
rest only a little while, and then to get it under way
and hasten to the river, assuring him that the
Parthians would not cross it, but would continue the
pursuit until they reached it. This message was
carried to Antony by Alexander, who then brought
out from Antony golden drinking-cups in great
numbers, as well as bowls. Mithridates took as
many of these as he could hide in his garments and
rode off. ‘Then, while it was still day, they broke

camp and proceeded on their march. The enemy
did not molest them, but they themselves made that
night of all other nights the most grievous and
fearful for themselves. For those who had gold or
silver were slain and robbed of it, and the goods
were plundered from the beasts of burden; and
finally the baggage-carriers of Antony were attacked,
and beakers and costly tables were cut to pieces
or distributed about.

And now, since there was great confusion and
straggling throughout the whole army (for they
thought that the enemy had fallen upon them and
routed and dispersed them), Antony called one of the
freedmen in his body-guard, Rhamnus by name, and
made him take oath that, at the word of command,
he would thrust his sword through him and cut off
his head, that he might neither be taken alive by the
enemy nor recognized when he was dead. Antony’s
friends burst into tears, but the Mardian tried to
encourage him, declaring that the river was near;

249

or

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ , \ a
ἀπορρέουσα VOTEPA καὶ ψυχρότερος ἀὴρ ἀπαντῶν
,ὔ ἊΝ, tf
ἡδίω τὴν ἀναπνοὴν ἐποίει, Kal τὸν χρόνον ἔφη
a ,
τῆς πορείας οὕτω συμπεραίνειν TO μέτρον' οὐκέτε
Ν / na
yap ἣν πολὺ TO λειπόμενον τῆς νυκτός. ἅμα δ᾽
᾽ / σ Ν , 3 an \ ©
ἀπήγγελλον ἕτεροι τὸν θόρυβον ἐκ τῆς πρὸς av-
\
τοὺς ἀδικίας Kal πλεονεξίας εἶναι. διὸ Kal KaTa-
στῆσαι τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τάξιν ἐκ τῆς πλάνης καὶ
a n f
τοῦ διασπασμοῦ βουλόμενος ἐκέλευσε σημαίνειν
κατάζευξιν.
XLIX. Ἤδη δ᾽ ὑπέλαμπεν ἡμέρα, καὶ τοῦ
A ἊΝ \
στρατοῦ κόσμον ἀρχομένου τινὰ λαμβάνειν καὶ
74 a , “
ἡσυχίαν προσέπιπτε τοῖς τελευταίοις τὰ τῶν
Πάρθ j b μά ἴον €000
ἄάρθων τοξεύματα, καὶ μάχης σημεῖον ἐδόθη
A a « \ Sf rn ͵ὔ € /

Tots ψιλοῖς. οἱ δὲ ὁπλῖται πάλιν ὁμοίως κατε-
Ui ’ / A rn € / \
ρέψαντες ἀλλήλους τοῖς θυρεοῖς ὑπέμενον τοὺς
/ 5 \ ᾽ n a
βάλλοντας ἐγγὺς οὐ τολμῶντας συνελθεῖν.

\ \ an
ὑπαγόντων δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτως τῶν πρώτων
a b A
ὁ ποταμὸς ἐφάνη: Kal τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
παρατάξας ᾿Αντώνιος ἐναντίους τοῖς πολεμίοις
, \ 3 a , ow \ ἊΝ
διεβίβαζε τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς πρώτους. ἤδη δὲ καὶ
τοῖς μαχομένοις ἄδεια καὶ ῥᾳστώνη τοῦ πιεῖν ἦν.
,
ὡς yap εἶδον οἱ Ἰ]άρθοι τὸν ποταμόν, τάς τε
a “ UA a)
veupas ἀνῆκαν καὶ θαρροῦντας ἐκέλευον διαπερᾶν
« ; AS \ a
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, πολλὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτῶν ἐγκω-
μιάξοντες. διαβάντες οὖν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν αὑτοὺς
ἀνελάμβανον, εἶτα ὥδευον, οὐ πάνυ τι τοῖς
ry > 4 \ \
Πάρθοις πιστεύοντες. ἕκτῃ δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν
\ ᾽
τελευταίαν μάχην ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αράξην ποταμὸν ἧκον,
᾽ /
ὁρίζοντα Μηδίαν καὶ ’Appeviav. ἐφάνη δὲ καὶ

250

939

ANTONY, xiviu. 4-xuix. 3

for a breeze blowing from it was moist, and a cooler
air in their faces made their breathing pleasanter.
He said also that the time during which they had
been marching made his estimate of the distance
conclusive ; for little of the night was now left. At
the same time, too, others brought word that the
tumult was a result of their own iniquitous and
rapacious treatment of one another. Therefore,
wishing to bring the throng into order after their
wandering and distraction, Antony ordered the signal
to be given for encampment.

XLIX. Day was already dawning, and the army
was beginning to assume a certain order and tran-
quillity, when the arrows of the Parthians fell upon
the rear ranks, and the light-armed troops were
ordered by signal to engage. The men-at-arms, too,
again covered each other over with their shields,
as they had done before, and so withstood their
assailants, who did not venture to come to close
quarters. The front ranks advanced little by little
in this manner, and the river came in sight. On its
bank Antony drew up his horsemen to confront the
enemy, and set his sick and disabled soldiers across
first. And presently even those who were fighting
had a chance to drink at their ease; for when the
Parthians saw the river, they unstrung their bows
and bade the Romans cross over with gocd courage,
bestowing much praise also upon their valour. So
they crossed without being disturbed and recruited
themselves, and then resumed their march, putting
no confidence at all in the Parthians. And on the
sixth day after their last battle with them they came
to the river Araxes, which forms the boundary be-
tween Media and Armenia. Its depth and violence

251

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βάθει καὶ τραχύτητι χαλεπός" καὶ λόγος διῆλθεν
ἐνεδρεύοντας αὐτόθι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπιθήσεσθαι
διαβαίνουσιν αὐτοῖς. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀσφαλῶς διαπερά-
σαντες ἐπέβησαν τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας, ὥσπερ, ἄρτι γῆν
ἐκείν nv ἰδόντες ἐκ πελάγους, προσεκύνουν καὶ
πρὸς δάκρυα καὶ “περιβολὰς ἀλλήλων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς
ἐτρέποντο. προϊόντες δὲ διὰ χώρας εὐδαίμονος
καὶ χρώμενοι πᾶσιν ἀνέδην ἐκ πολλῆς ἀπορίας,
ὑδερικοῖς καὶ κοιλιακοῖς περιέπιπτον ἀρρωστή-
μασιν.

L. ᾿Ενταῦθα ποιησάμενος ἐξέτασιν αὐτῶν
᾿Αντώνιος εὗρε δισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τετρακισ-
χιλίους ἱππεῖς ἀπολωλότας, οὐ πάντας ὑπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων, GAN ὑπὲρ ἡμίσεις νοσήσαντας.
ὥδευσαν μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ Φραάτων ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ καὶ
εἴκοσι, μάχαις δὲ ὀκτὼ καὶ δέκα Ἰ]άρθους
ἐνίκησαν, αἱ δὲ νῖκαι κράτος οὐκ εἶχον οὐδὲ
βεβαιότητα μικρὰς ποιουμένων καὶ ἀτελεῖς τὰς
διώξεις. ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα κατάδηλος ἣν ᾿Αρτα-
ουάσδης ὁ ᾿Αρμένιος ᾿Αντώνιον ἐκείνου τοῦ πολέ-
μου τὸ τέλος ἀφελόμενος. εἰ γὰρ οὺς ἀπήγαγεν
ἐκ Μηδίας ἱππεῖς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους
παρῆσαν, ἐσκευασμένοι παραπλησίως Πάρθοις
καὶ συνήθεις μάχεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, Ῥωμαίων
μὲν τοὺς μαχομένους τρεπομένων, ἐκείνων δὲ τοὺς
φεύγοντας αἱρούντων, οὐκ ἂν ὑπῆρξεν αὐτοῖς
ἡττωμένοις ἀναφέρειν καὶ ἀνατολμᾶν τοσαυτάκις.
ἅπαντες οὖν ὀργῇ παρώξυνον ἐπὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν
τοῦ ᾿Αρμενίου τὸν ᾿Αντ ώνιον. ὁ δὲ λογισμῷ
χρησάμενος οὔτε ἐμέμψατο τὴν προδοσίαν οὔτε
ἀφεῖλε τῆς συνήθους φιλοφροσύνης καὶ τιμῆς

252

ANTONY, xix. 3-1. 3

made it seem difficult of passage; and a report was
rife that the enemy were lying in ambush there
and would attack them as they tried to cross. But
after they were safely on the other side and had set
foot in Armenia, as if they had just caught sight of
that land from the sea, they saluted it and fell to
weeping and embracing one another for joy. But as
they advanced through the country, which was pros-
perous, and enjoyed all things in abundance after great
scarcity, they fell sick with dropsies and dysenteries.

L. There Antony held a review of his troops and
found that twenty thousand of the infantry and
four thousand of the cavalry had perished, not all
at the hands of the enemy, but more than half by
disease. They had, indeed, marched twenty-seven
days from Phraata, and had defeated the Parthians
in eighteen battles, but their victories were not
complete or lasting because the pursuits which they
made were short and ineffectual. And this more
than all else made it plain that it was Artavasdes
the Armenian who had robbed Antony of the power
to bring that war to an end. For if the sixteen
thousand horsemen who were led back from Media
by him had been on hand, equipped as they were
like the Parthians and accustomed to fighting with
them, and if they, when the Romans routed the
fighting enemy, had taken off the fugitives, it would
not have been in the enemy’s power to recover
themselves from defeat and to venture again so
often. Accordingly, all the army, in their anger,
tried to incite Antony to take vengeance on the
Armenian. But Antony, as a measure of prudence,
neither reproached him with his treachery nor abated
the friendliness and respect usually shown to him,

253

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀσθενὴς τῷ στρατῷ Kal ἄπορος
γεγονώς. ὕστερον μέντοι πάλιν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς
᾿Αρμενίαν, καὶ πολλαῖς ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ προ-
κλήσεσι πείσας αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς χεῖρας,
συνέλαβε, καὶ δέσμιον καταγαγὼν εἰς ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρειαν, ἐθριάμβευσεν. ᾧ μάλιστα “Ῥωμαίους
ἐλύπησεν, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ σεμνὰ τῆς πατρίδος
Αἰγυπτίοις διὰ Κλεοπάτραν χαριζόμενος. ταῦτα
μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη.

LI. Tote δὲ διὰ πολλοῦ χειμῶνος ἤδη καὶ
νιφετῶν ἀπαύστων ἐπειγόμενος ὀκτακισχιλίους
ἀπέβαλε καθ᾽ ὁδόν. αὐτὸς δὲ καταβὰς ὀλιγοστὸς
ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἐν χωρίῳ τινὶ μεταξὺ Βηρυτοῦ
κειμένῳ καὶ Σιδῶνος, Λευκὴ κώμη καλεῖται,
Κλεοπάτραν περιέμενε" καὶ βραδυνούσης ἀδη-
μονῶν ἤλνε, ταχὺ μὲν εἰς τὸ πίνειν καὶ μεθύ-
σκεσθαι διδοὺς ἑαυτόν, οὐ καρτερῶν δὲ κατα:
κείμενος, ἀλλὰ μεταξὺ πινόντων ἀνιστάμενος
καὶ ἀναπηδῶν πολλάκις ἐπισκοπεῖν, ἕως ἐκείνη
κατέπλευσεν, ἐσθῆτα πολλὴν καὶ χρήματα κομί-
ξουσα τοῖς στρατιώταις. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες ὅτι
τὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτα παρ᾽ ἐκείνης, λαβών, τὸ δὲ
ἀργύριον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἑαυτοῦ, διένειμεν ὡς
ἐκείνης διδούσης.

LIL. Τῷ: δὲ, Α.ασιχεῖ τῶν Μήδων γίνεται
διαφορὰ πρὸς Φραόρτην. τὸν Πάρθον, ἀρξαμένη
μέν, ὥς φασιν, ὑπὲρ τῶν “Ῥωμαϊκῶν λαφύρων,
ὑπόνοιαν δὲ τῷ Μήδῳ καὶ φόβον ἀφαιρέσεως τῆς
ἀρχῆς παρασχοῦσα. διὸ καὶ πέμπων ἐκάλει τὸν

ιντώνιον, ἐπαγγελλόμενος συμπολεμήσειν μετὰ
τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως. γενόμενος οὖν ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδος

254

940

ANTONY, 1. 3-111. 2

being now weak in numbers and in want of supplies.
But afterwards, when he once more invaded Armenia,!
and by many invitations and promises induced
Artavasdes to come to him, Antony seized him, and
took him in chains down to Alexandria, where he
celebrated a triumph. And herein particularly did
he give offence to the Romans, since he bestowed
the honourable and solemn rites of his native country
upon the Egyptians for Cleopatra’s sake. This,
however, took place at a later time.

LI. But now, hastening on through much wintry
weather, which was already at hand, and incessant
snow-storms, he lost eight thousand men on the
march. He himself, however, went down witha small
company to the sea, and in a little place between
Berytus and Sidon, called White Village, he waited
for Cleopatra to come; and since she was slow in
coming he was beside himself with distress, promptly
resorting to drinking and intoxication, although he
could not hold out long at table, but in the midst of
the drinking would often rise or spring up to look
out, until she putinto port, bringing an abundance of
clothing and money for the soldiers. There are
some, however, who say that he received the clothing
from Cleopatra, but took the money from his own
private funds, and distributed it as a gift from her.

LII. And now the king of the Medes had a
quarrel with Phraortes the Parthian; it arose, as
they say, over the Roman spoils, but it made the
Mede suspicious and fearful that his dominion would
be taken away from him. For this reason he sent
and invited Antony to come, promising to join him
in the war with his own forces. Antony, accordingly,

1 In 348.0. Cf. chapter liii. 6.

Eg 793

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεγάλης ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος (6 yap ἐδόκει μόνῳ τοῦ
κατειργάσθαι Ἰ]άρθους ἀπολιπεῖν, ἱππέων πολ-
λῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν ἐνδεὴς ἐλθών, τοῦτο ἑώρα
προσγινόμενον αὐτῴ χαριζομένῳ μᾶλλον ἢ δεο-
μένῳ) παρεσκευάζετο δι’ ᾿Αρμενίας αὖθις ἀνα-
βαίνειν καὶ συγγενόμενος τῷ Μήδῳ περὶ ποταμὸν
᾿Αράξην οὕτω κινεῖν τὸν πόλεμον.

1111. Ἐν δὲ “Ρώμῃ βουλομένης ᾿Οκταουίας
πλεῦσαι πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον, ἐπέτρεψε Καῖσαρ, ὡς
οἱ πλείους λέγουσιν, οὐκ ἐκείνῃ χαριζόμενος, ἀλλ᾽
ὅπως περιυβρισθεῖσα καὶ καταμεληθεῖσα πρὸς
τὸν πόλεμον αἰτίαν εὐπρεπῆ παράσχοι. γενο-
μένη δὲ ἐν ᾿Αθήναις ἐδέξατο γράμματα παρὰ
᾿Αντωνίου κελεύοντος αὐτόθι προσμένειν καὶ τὰ
περὶ τὴν ἀνάβασιν δηλοῦντος. ἡ δέ, καίπερ
ἀχθομένη καὶ νοοῦσα τὴν πρόφασιν, ὅμως ἔγραψε
πυνθανομένη ποῖ κελεύει πεμφθῆναι τὰ κομι-
ζόμενα πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐκόμιζε δὲ πολλὴν μὲν
ἐσθῆτα στρατιωτικήν, πολλὰ δὲ ὑποζύγια καὶ
χρήματα καὶ δῶρα τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόσι καὶ
φίλοις: ἐκτὸς δὲ τούτων στρατιώτας ἐπιλέκτους
δισχιλίους εἰς στρατηγικὰς σπείρας κεκοσμη-
μένους ἐκπρεπέσι πανοπλίαις. ταῦτα Νίγρος τις
᾿Αντωνίου φίλος ἀποσταλεὶς παρ᾽ αὐτῆς ἔφραζε,
καὶ προσετίθει τοὺς ἀξίους καὶ πρέποντας
ἐπαίνους.

Αἰσθομένη δὲ ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τὴν ᾿Οκταουίαν
ὁμόσε χωροῦσαν αὑτῇ, καὶ φοβηθεῖσα μὴ τοῦ
τρόπου τῇ σεμνότητι καὶ τῇ Καίσαρος δυνάμει
προσκτησαμένη τὸ καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν ὁμιλεῖν καὶ

256

ANTONY, tu. 2-11. 3

was in high hopes. For the one thing which he
thought had prevented his subjugation of the Par-
thians, namely, his lack of a large number of
horsemen and archers on his expedition, this he now
saw supplied for him, and he would be granting and
not asking a favour. He therefore made prepara-
tions to go up again through Armenia, effect a
junction with the Mede at the river Araxes, and then
prosecute the war.

LIII. But at Rome Octavia was desirous of sailing
to Antony, and Caesar gave her permission to do so,
as the majority say, not as a favour to her, but in
order that, in case she were neglected and treated
with scorn, he might have plausible ground for
war. When Octavia arrived at Athens,! she received
letters from Antony in which he bade her remain
there and told her of his expedition. Octavia,
although she saw through the pretext and was dis-
tressed, nevertheless wrote to Antony asking whither
he would have the things sent which she was
bringing to him. For she was bringing a great
quantity of clothing for his soldiers, many beasts of
burden, and money and gifts for the officers and
friends about him; and besides this, two thousand
picked soldiers equipped as praetorian cohorts with
splendid armour. These things were announced to
Antony by a certain Niger, a friend of his who had
been sent from Octavia, and he added such praises
of her as was fitting and deserved.

But Cleopatra perceived that Octavia was coming
into a contest at close quarters with her, and feared
lest, if she added to the dignity of her character
and the power of Caesar her pleasurable society and

1 In 35 8.6.
257

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θεραπεύειν ᾿Αντώνιον ἄμαχος γένηται καὶ κρα-
τήσῃ παντάπασι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἐρᾶν αὐτὴ προσε-
ποιεῖτο τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου, καὶ τὸ σῶμα λεπταῖς
καθῇρει διαίταις" τὸ δὲ βλέμμα προσιόντος
ἐκπεπληγμένον, ἀπερχομένου δὲ τηκόμενον καὶ
ταπεινούμενον ὑπεφαίνετο. πραγματευομένη δὲ
πολλάκις ὀφθῆναι δακρύουσα ταχὺ τῶν δακρύων
ἀφήρει καὶ ἀπέκρυπτεν, ὡς δὴ βουλομένη λανθά-
νειν ἐκεῖνον. ἐπράττετο δὲ ταῦτα μέλλοντος τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς ἐκ Συρίας ἀναβαίνειν πρὸς τὸν Μῆδον.
οἱ δὲ κόλακες σπουδάζοντες ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐλοι-
δόρουν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ὡς σκληρὸν καὶ ἀπαθῆ καὶ
παραπολλύντα γύναιον εἰς ἕνα καὶ μόνον ἐκεῖνον
ἀνηρτημένον. ᾿Οκταουίαν μὲν γὰρ πραγμάτων
ἕνεκα διὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν συνελθεῖν καὶ τὸ τῆς
γαμετῆς ὄνομα καρποῦσθαι: Κλεοπάτραν δὲ
τοσούτων ἀνθρώπων βασιλεύουσαν ἐρωμένην
᾿Αντωνίου καλεῖσθαι, καὶ τοὔνομα τοῦτο μὴ
φεύγειν μηδ᾽ ἀπαξιοῦν, ἕως ὁρᾶν ἐκεῖνον. ἔξεστι
καὶ συζῆν' ἀπελαυνομένην δὲ τούτου μὴ περι-
βιώσεσθαι. τέλος δ᾽ οὖν οὕτω τὸν ἄνθρωπον
ἐξέτηξαν καὶ ἀπεθήλυναν, ὥστε δείσαντα μὴ
Κλεοπάτρα πρόηται τὸν βίον, εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν
ἐπανελθεῖν, τὸν δὲ Μῆδον εἰς ὥραν ἔτους ἀνα-
βαλέσθαι, καίπερ ἐν στάσει τῶν ἸΠαρθικῶν εἶναι
λεγομένων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ἀναβὰς
αὖθις εἰς φιλίαν προσηγάγετο, καὶ λαβὼν ἑνὶ
τῶν ἐκ Κλεοπάτρας υἱῶν γυναῖκα μίαν αὐτοῦ
τῶν θυγατέρων ἔτι μικρὰν οὖσαν ἐγγυήσας
ἐπανῆλθεν, ἤδη πρὸς τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον
τετραμμένος.

258

ANTONY, tur. 3-6

her assiduous attentions to Antony, she would be-
come invincible and get complete control over her
husband. She therefore pretended to be passionately
in love with Antony herself, and reduced her body
by slender diet; she put on a look of rapture when
Antony drew near, and one of faintness and melan-
choly when he went away. She would contrive to
be often seen in tears, and then would quickly wipe
the tears away and try to hide them, as if she
would not have Antony notice them. And_ she
practised these arts while Antony was intending to
go up from Syria to join the Mede. Her flatterers,
too, were industrious in her behalf, and used to
revile Antony as hard-hearted and unfeeling, and
as the destroyer of a mistress who was devoted to
him and him alone. For Octavia, they said, had
married him as a matter of public policy and for
the sake of her brother, and enjoyed the name
of wedded wife ; but Cleopatra, who was queen of
so many people, was called Antony’s beloved, and
she did not shun this name nor disdain it, as long
as she could see him and live with him; but if she
were driven away from him she would not survive
it. At last, then, they so melted and enervated ©
the man that he became fearful lest Cleopatra
should throw away her life, and went back to Alex-
andria, putting off the Mede until the summer
season, although Parthia was said to be suffering
from internal dissensions. However, he went up
and brought the king once more into friendly re-
lations, and after betrothing to one of his sons by
Cleopatra one of the king’s daughters who was still
small, he returned, his thoughts being now directed
towards the civil war.

259

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a / a
LIV. Ὀκταουίαν δὲ Καῖσαρ ὑβρίσθαι δοκοῦ-
a a /
σαν, ws ἐπανῆλθεν ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν, ἐκέλευσε καθ᾽
e \ 2 A ce \ .) yA \ “ > /
ἑαυτὴν οἰκεῖν. ἡ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη TOV οἶκον ἀπολείψειν
rn ’ / 3 \ > a 3 , > \ as lA
τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνον αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ OL ἑτέρας
A ’ ip ΄ Ν
αἰτίας ἔγνωκε πολεμεῖν ᾿Αντωνίῳ, παρεκάλει τὰ
a la) / ᾽ an
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἐᾶν, ὡς οὐδὲ ἀκοῦσαι καλόν, εἰ TOY
e 7 /
μεγίστων αὐτοκρατόρων ὁ μὲν Ou ἔρωτα γυναικός,
, / , €
ὁ δὲ διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν εἰς ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον Pw-
a \ ’ a
μαίους κατέστησε. ταῦτα δὲ λέγουσα μᾶλλον
ἐβεβαίου δι’ ἔ ὶ γὰρ @ NV οἰκί
pyov. καὶ γὰρ ᾧκει τὴν οἰκίαν,
lal , > / Ν an /
ὥσπερ αὐτοῦ παρόντος ἐκείνου, Kal τῶν τέκνων
lal n \ \ a
ov μόνον τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτῆς, ἀλλὰ Kal τῶν ἐκ Φουλ-
f “ aA
Bias γεγονότων, καλῶς Kal μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπε-
a \ /
μελεῖτο' Kal τοὺς πεμπομένους ἐπὶ ἀρχάς τινας
n 9 / [4
ἢ πράγματα τῶν ᾿Αντωνίου φίλων ὑποδεχομένη
συνέπραττεν ὧν παρὰ Καίσαρος δεηθεῖεν. ἄκουσα
ν oo» \ 7, 93 , ᾽ a \
δὲ ἔϑλαπτε διὰ τούτων ᾿Αντώνιον: ἐμισεῖτο yap
ἀδικῶν γυναῖκα τοιαύτην. ἐμισήθη δὲ καὶ διὰ
Ν , A a i
τὴν διανέμησιν ἣν ἐποιήσατο τοῖς τέκνοις ἐν
PIAGN: ὃ / \ \ (¢ / \
e€avopela, τραγικὴν καὶ ὑπερήφανον Kal
μισορρώμαιον φανεῖσαν. ἐμπλήσας γὰρ ὄχλου
τὸ γυμνάσιον καὶ θέμενος ἐπὶ βήματος ἀργυροῦ
δύο θρόνους χρυσοῦς, τὸν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, τὸν δὲ
Κλεοπάτρᾳ, καὶ τοῖς παισὶν ἑτέρους ταπει-
νοτέρους, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέφηνε Κλεοπάτραν
βασίλισσαν Αἰγύπτου καὶ Κύπρου καὶ Λιβύης
\ , Ss / / 3, a
καὶ κοίλης Συρίας, συμβασιλεύοντος αὐτῇ Kar-
“ ἃ / , a
σαρίωνος, ὃς ἐκ Katoapos ἐδόκει τοῦ προτέρου
, /
γεγονέναι Κλεοπάτραν ἔγκυον καταλιπόντος"

26ο

94]

ANTONY, tiv. 1-4

LIV. As for Octavia, she was thought to have
been treated with scorn, and when she came back
from Athens Caesar ordered her to dwell in her own
house. But she refused to leave the house of her
husband, nay, she even entreated Caesar himself, un-
less on other grounds he had determined to make
war upon Antony, to ignore Antony's treatment of
her, since it was an infamous thing even to have it
said that the two greatest imperators in the world
plunged the Romans into civil war, the one out of
passion for, and the other out of resentment in
behalf of, a woman. These were her words, and she
confirmed them by her deeds. For she dwelt in her
husband’s house, just as if he were at home, and she
cared for his children, not only those whom she her-
self, but also those whom Fulvia had borne him, in a
noble and magnificent manner; she also received
such friends of Antony as were sent to Rome in
quest of office or on business, and helped them to
obtain from Caesar what they wanted. Without mean-
ing it, however, she was damaging Antony by this
conduct of hers; for he was hated for wronging such
a woman. He was hated, too, for the distribution
which he made to his children in Alexandria ; it was
seen to be theatrical and arrogant, and to evince hatred
of Rome. For after filling the gymnasium with a
throng and placing ona tribunal of silver two thrones
of gold, one for himself and the other for Cleopatra,
and other lower thrones for his sons, in the first place
he declared Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, Cyprus, Libya,
and Coele Syria, and she was to share her throne
with Caesarion. Caesarion was believed to be a son
of the former Caesar, by whom Cleopatra was left

261

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ \ ἣν > Ἕ a \ 4 εν
δεύτερον δὲ τοὺς ἐξ αὑτοῦ καὶ Κλεοπάτρας υἱοὺς
βασιλεῖς βασιλέων ἀναγορεύσας ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ μὲν
? ,ὔ 3 , \ i \ \ 4
Appeviay ἀπένειμε καὶ Μηδίαν καὶ τὰ Ilapbor,
ef ιν / 4 \ / \
ὅταν ὑπαγάγηται, Πτολεμαίῳ δὲ Φοινίκην καὶ
Ss , \ i oe δὲ \ / aA
Συρίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν. ἅμα δὲ καὶ προήγαγε τῶν

3 n a
παίδων ᾿Αλέξανδρον μὲν ἐσθῆτι Μηδικῇ τιάραν
καὶ κίταριν ὀρθὴν ἐχούσῃ, Πτολεμαῖον δὲ κρηπῖσι
καὶ χλανίδι καὶ καυσίᾳ διαδηματοφόρῳ κεκοσμη-

/ “ \ 9 A a » 3». 9 4
μένον. αὕτη yap ἣν σκευὴ τῶν ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου

/ 2 i Ἂ / \ 3 ,
βασιλέων, ἐκείνη δὲ Μήδων καὶ ‘Appevior.
/ A A
ἀσπασαμένων δὲ τῶν παίδων τοὺς γονεῖς, TOV μὲν
᾿Αρμενίων φυλακὴ περιΐστατο, τὸν δὲ Μακεδόνων.
Κλεοπάτρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον

’ a la)
χρόνον εἰς πλῆθος ἐξιοῦσα στολὴν ἱερὰν Ἴσιδος
3 id \ / 3 3 iy
ἐλάμβανε καὶ νέα ‘low ἐχρημάτιζε.

LV. Ταῦτα δὲ εἰς σύγκλητον ἐκφέρων Καῖσαρ

Ν / 3 A / a ,

Kal πολλάκις ἐν τῷ δήμῳ κατηγορῶν παρώξυνε

Ν a > > 9 , » \ “1.9

τὸ πλῆθος ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιον. ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ ᾿Αν-

τώνιος ἀντεγκαλῶν ἐκείνῳ. μέγιστα δ᾽ ἣν ὧν

4 ͵ A / “ ef. ’

ἐνεκάλει, πρῶτον μέν, ὅτι ἸΠομπηΐου Σικελίαν

ἀφελόμενος οὐκ ἔνειμε μέρος αὐτῷ τῆς νήσου"
Ὁ a a

δεύτερον, OTL χρησάμενος ναῦς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς

τὸν πόλεμον ἀπεστέρησε" τρίτον, ὅτι τὸν συνάρ-

\ an a

yovta Λέπιδον ἐκβαλὼν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ποιήσας
\ \

ἄτιμον AUTOS ἔχει στρατὸν Kal χώραν Kal προσό-

\ 4 n

Sous Tas ἐκείνῳ προσνεμηθείσας" ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, OTL

a A , uf a
τοῖς αὑτοῦ στρατιώταις ἅπασαν ὀλίγου δεῖν
3 an
Ιταλίαν κατακεκληρούχηκε, μηδὲν λιπὼν τοῖς

Ν a a an
ἐκείνου. πρὸς ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ἀπελογεῖτο Λέπιδον

262

ANTONY, tiv. 4-Lv. 2

pregnant. In the second place, he proclaimed his
own sons by Cleopatra Kings of Kings, and to Alex-
ander he allotted Armenia, Media and Parthia (when
he should have subdued it), to Ptolemy Phoenicia,
Syria, and Cilicia. At the same time he also produced
his sons, Alexander arrayed in Median garb, which
included a tiara and upright head-dress, Ptolemy in
boots, short cloak, and broad-brimmed hat surmounted
by a diadem. For the latter was the dress of the
kings who followed Alexander, the former that of
Medes and Armenians. And when the boys had
embraced their parents, one was given a bodyguard
of Armenians, the other of Macedonians. Cleopatra,
indeed, both then and at other times when she ap-
peared in public, assumed a robe sacred to Isis, and
was addressed as the New Isis.

LV. By reporting these things to the senate and
by frequent denunciations before the people Caesar
tried to inflame the multitude against Antony.
Antony, too, kept sending counter-accusations against
Caesar. The chief accusations which he made were,
in the first place, that after taking Sicily away from
Pompey, Caesar had not assigned a part of the island
to him; in the second place, that after borrowing
ships from him for the war he had kept them for
himself; thirdly, that after ejecting his colleague
Lepidus from office and degrading him, he was
keeping for himself the army, the territory, and the
revenues which had been assigned to Lepidus: finally
that he had distributed almost all Italy in allotments,
to his own soldiers, and had left nothing for the
soldiers of Antony. To these charges Caesar replied
by saying that he had deposed Lepidus from office

263

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μὲν ὑβρίζοντα καταπαῦσαι τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἃ δὲ
ἔσχηκε “πολεμήσας, νεμήσεσθαι πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον
ὅταν κἀκεῖνος ᾿Αρμενίαν πρὸς αὐτόν: τοῖς δὲ
στρατιώταις Ἰταλίας μὴ μετεῖναι" Μηδίαν γὰρ
ἔχειν καὶ Παρθίαν αὐτούς, ἃς προσεκτήσαντο
Ῥωμαίοις καλῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι μετὰ τοῦ αὐτο-
κράτορος.

LEN Alig Ταῦτα ἐν ᾿Αρμενίᾳ διατρίβων ᾿Αντώνιος
ἤκουσε: καὶ Κανίδιον εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἑκκαίδεκα
τέλη λαβόντα καταβαίνειν ἐπὶ θάλατταν. αὐτὸς
δὲ Κλεοπάτραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς "ἔφεσον ἧκε. καὶ
τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐκεῖ συνήει πανταχόθεν, ὀκτακύσιαι
σὺν ὁλκάσι νῆες, ὧν Κλεοπάτρα παρεῖχε δια-
κοσίας καὶ τάλαντα δισμύρια καὶ τροφὴν τῷ
στρατῷ παντὶ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ
πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ Δομιυτίου Kal τινων ἄλλων ἐκέλευε
Κλεοπάτραν πλεῖν ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου κἀκεῖ διακαρα-
δοκεῖν τὸν πόλεμον. ἡ δὲ φοβουμένη τὰς δι
᾿Οκταουίας πάλιν αὐτοῦ διαλύσεις ἔπεισε πολ-
λοῖς Κανίδιον χρήμασιν ᾿Αντωνίῳ διαλεχθῆναι
περὶ αὐτῆς, ὡς οὔτε δίκαιον ἀπελαύνεσθαι τοῦ

πολέμου γυναῖκα συμβολὰς τηλικαύτας διδοῦσαν,
οὔτε συμφέρον ἀθυμοτέρους ποιεῖν τοὺς Αὐἰγυπ-
τίους μέγα μέρος͵ TAS ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως ὄντας"
ἄλλως δὲ μηδὲ ὁρᾶν οὗτινος τῶν συστρατευόντων
βασιλέων ἀπολείποιτο τὸ φρονεῖν Κλεοπάτρα,
“πολὺν μὲν Χρόνον δι᾿ αὑτῆς κυβερνῶσα βασι-
λείαν τοσαύτην, πολὺν δὲ ἐκείνῳ συνοῦσα καὶ
μανθάνουσα χρῆσθαι πράγμασι μεγάλοις. ταῦτα
(ἔδει γὰρ εἰς Καίσαρα πάντα περιελθεῖν) ἐνίκα"
καὶ συνιουσῶν τῶν δυνάμεων πλεύσαντες εἰς

.264

942

ANTONY, tv. 2-tv1. 3

because he was abusing it, and as for what he had -
acquired in war, he would share it with Antony
whenever Antony, on his part, should share Armenia
with him ; and Antony’s soldiers had no claim upon
Italy, since they had Media and Parthia, which
countries they had added to the Roman dominion by
their noble struggles under their imperator.

LVI. Antony heard of this while he was tarrying
in Armenia; and at once he ordered Canidius to take
sixteen legions and go down to the sea. But he
himself took Cleopatra with him and came to Ephesus.
It was there that his naval force was coming to-
gether from all quarters, eight hundred ships of war
with merchant vessels, of which Cleopatra furnished
two hundred, besides twenty thousand talents, and
supplies for the whole army during the war. But
Antony, listening to the advice of Domitius and
sundry others, ordered Cleopatra to sail to Egypt
and there await the result of the war. Cleopatra,
however, fearing that Octavia would again succeed
in putting a stop to the war, persuaded Canidius by
large bribes to plead her cause with Antony, and to
say that it was neither just to drive away from the
war a woman whose contributions to it were so large,
nor was it for the interest of Antony to dispirit the
Egyptians, who formed a large part of his naval
force; and besides, it was not easy to see how Cleo-
patra was inferior in intelligence to anyone of the
princes who took part in the expedition, she who for
a long time had governed so large a kingdom by
herself, and by long association with Antony had
learned to manage large affairs. These arguments
(since it was destined that everything should come
into Caesar’s hands) prevailed ; and with united forces

265

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 Σάμον ἐν εὐπαθείαις ἧσαν. ὥσπερ yap βασι-
λεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις καὶ τετράρχαις ἔθνεσί τε
καὶ πόλεσι πάσαις ταῖς μεταξὺ Συρίας καὶ
Μαιώτιδος καὶ ᾿Αρμενίας καὶ ᾿Γλλυριῶν προείρητο
πέμπειν καὶ κομίζειν τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρα-
σκευάς, οὕτω πᾶσι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τε-
χνίταις ἐπάναγκες ἦν εἰς Σάμον ἀπαντᾶν" καὶ
τῆς ἐν κύκλῳ σχεδὸν ἁπάσης οἰκουμένης περι-
θρηνουμένης καὶ περιστεναζομένης, μία νῆσος ἐφ᾽
ἡμέρας πολλὰς κατηυλεῖτο καὶ κατεψάλλετο
πληρουμένων θεάτρων καὶ χορῶν ἀγωνιζομένων.

δ συνέθυε δὲ καὶ πόλις πᾶσα βοῦν πέμπουσα, καὶ
βασιλεῖς διημιλλῶντο ταῖς ὑποδοχαῖς καὶ δωρεαῖς
πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ὥστε καὶ λόγος διήει, τίνες
ἔσονται κρατήσαντες ἐν τοῖς ἐπινικίοις οἱ τοῦ
πολέμου τὰς παρασκευὰς οὕτω πολυτελῶς ἑορτά-
ζοντες.

LVII. Γενόμενος δὲ ἀπὸ τούτων τοῖς μὲν περὶ
τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις ἸΙριήνην ἔδωκεν οἰκη-
τήριον, αὐτὸς δὲ πλεύσας εἰς ᾿Αθήνας πάλιν ἐν
παιδιαῖς ἣν καὶ θεάτροις. ἔἕηλοτυποῦσα δὲ
Κλεοπάτρα τὰς Ὀκταουίας ἐν τῇ πόλει τιμάς
(ἡγαπήθη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἡ ᾿Οκταουία
μάλιστα) πολλαῖς ἀνελάμβανε φιλοτιμίαις τὸν

2 δῆμον. οἱ δὲ τιμὰς αὐτῇ ψηφισάμενοι πρέσβεις
ἔπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸ ψήφισμα κομίζοντας,
ὧν εἷς ἣν ᾿Αντώνιος, ὡς δὴ πολίτης ᾿Αθηναίων"
καὶ δὴ καταστὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς λόγον ὑπὲρ τῆς
πόλεως διεξῆλθεν. εἰς δὲ Ῥώμην ἔπεμψε τοὺς

3 ᾿Οκταουίαν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας ἐκβαλοῦντας. ἀπελθεῖν
δέ φασιν αὐτὴν τὰ μὲν τέκνα πάντα ᾿Αντωνίου
μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς ἔχουσαν ἄνευ τοῦ πρεσβυτάτου τῶν
266

ANTONY, tv. 4-tvi1. 3

they sailed to Samos and there made merry. For
just as all the kings, dynasts, tetrarchs, nations, and
cities between Syria, the Maeotic Lake, Armenia,
and Illyria had been ordered to send or bring their
equipment for the war, so all the dramatic artists
were compelled to put in an appearance at Samos; and
while almost all the world around was filled with
groans and lamentations, a single island for many
days resounded with flutes and stringed instruments ;
theatres there were filled, and choral bands were
competing with one another. Every city also sent
an ox for the general sacrifice, and kings vied with
one another in their mutual entertainments and gifts.
And so men everywhere began to ask : “ How will the
conquerors celebrate their victories if their prepara-
tions for the war are marked by festivals so costly?”

LVII. When these festivities were over, Antony
gave the dramatic artists Priene as a place for them
to dwell, and sailed himself to Athens, where sports
and theatres again engaged him. Cleopatra, too,
jealous of Octavia’s honours in the city (for Octavia
was especially beloved by the Athenians), tried by
many splendid gifts to win the favour of the people.
So the people voted honours to her, and sent a depu-
tation to her house carrying the vote, of whom An-
tony was one, for was he not a citizen of Athens?
And standing in her presence he delivered a speech
in behalf of the city. To Rome, however, he sent
men who had orders to eject Octavia from his house.
And we are told that she left it taking all his chil-
dren with her except his eldest son by Fulvia, who

267

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

ἐκ Φουλβίας (ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἦν παρὰ τῷ πατρί),
κλαίουσαν δὲ καὶ δυσφοροῦσαν εἰ δόξει μία τῶν
αἰτιῶν τοῦ πολέμου καὶ αὐτὴ γεγονέναι. “Ῥωμαῖοι
δὲ @KTELPOV οὐκ ἐκείνην, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιον, καὶ
μᾶλλον οἱ Κλεοπάτραν ἑωρακότες οὔτε κάλλει
τῆς ᾿Οκταουίας οὔτε ὥρᾳ διαφέρουσαν.

ΠΥ1Π|. Καῖσαρ δὲ τὸ τάχος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος
τῆς παρασκευῆς ἀκούσας ἐθορυβήθη, μὴ τοῦ
θέρους ἐκείνου διαπολεμεῖν ἀναγκασθῇ. καὶ γὰρ
ἐνέδει πολλά, καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπουν αἱ
τῶν χρημάτων εἰσπράξεις: ἀναγκαζόμενοι γὰρ οἱ
μὲν ἄλλοι τὰ τέταρτα τῶν καρπῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐξελευ-
θερικοὶ τῶν κτημάτων. αὐτῶν τὰς ὀγδόας ἀπο-
φέρειν κατεβόων αὐτοῦ, καὶ ταραχαὶ κατεῖχον
ἐκ τούτων ἅπασαν τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. ὅθεν ἐν τοῖς
μεγίστοις ἁμαρτήμασιν ᾿Αντωνίου τὴν ἀναβολὴν
τοῦ πολέμου τίθενται. καὶ γὰρ παρασκευάσασθαι
χρόνον ἔδωκε Καίσαρι καὶ τὰς ταραχὰς τῶν
ἀνθρώπων ἐξέλυσε. πρατπτόμενοι γὰρ ἠγριαί-
νοντο, πραχθέντες δὲ καὶ δόντες ἡσύχαζον. ἼΠΞ
τίος δὲ καὶ Πλάγκος, ᾿Αντωνίου φίλοι τῶν ὑπα-
τικῶν, ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρας προπηλακιξόμενοι (πλεῖ-
στα γὰρ ἠναντιώθησαν αὐτῇ περὶ τοῦ συστρα-
τεύει»") ἀποδράντες @yovto πρὸς Καίσαρα, καὶ
περὶ τῶν ᾿Αντωνίου διαθηκῶν ἐγένοντο μηνυταί,
τὰ γεγραμμένα συνειδότες. ἀπέκειντο δ᾽ αὗται
παρὰ ταῖς ᾿στιάσι παρθένοις, καὶ Καίσαρος
αἰτοῦντος οὐκ ἔδωκαν" εἰ δὲ βούλοιτο λαμβάνειν,
ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον. ἔλαβεν οὖν ἐλθών: καὶ
πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τὰ γεγραμμένα διῆλθε,
καὶ παρεσημήνατο τόπους τινὰς εὐκατηγορήτους" 919

268

ANTONY, tyvir. 3-Lvii1. 3

was with his father; she was in tears of distress that
she herself also would be regarded as one of the
causes of the war. But the Romans felt pity for
Antony, not for her, and especially those who had
seen Cleopatra and knew that neither in youthful-
ness nor beauty was she superior to Octavia.

LVIII. When Caesar heard of the rapidity and
extent of Antony’s preparations, he was much dis-
turbed, fearing lest he should be forced to settle the
issue of the war during that summer.! For he was
lacking in many things, and people were vexed by
the exactions of taxes. The citizens generally were
compelled to pay one fourth of their income, and the
freedmen one eighth of their property, and both
classes cried out against Caesar, and disturbances
arising from these causes prevailed throughout all
Italy. Wherefore, among the greatest mistakes of
Antony men reckon his postponement of the war.
For it gave Caesar time to make preparations and
put an end to the disturbances among the people.
For while money was being exacted from them, they
were angry, but when it had been exacted and they
had paid it, they were calm. Moreover, Titius and
Plancus, friends of Antony and men of consular rank,
being abused by Cleopatra (for they had been most
opposed to her accompanying the expedition) ran
away to Caesar, and they gave him information about
Antony’s will, the contents of which they knew.
This will was on deposit with the Vestal Virgins,
and when Caesar asked for it, they would not give
it to him; but if he wanted to take it, they told him
to come and do so. 80 he went and took it ; and to
begin with, he read its contents through by himself,
and marked’ certain reprehensible passages; then

1 The summer of 32 B.c,

269

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔπειτα τὴν βουλὴν ἀθροίσας ἀνεγίνωσκε, TOV

4 πλείστων ἀηδῶς ἐχόντων. ἀλλόκοτον γὰρ ἔδοξεν
εἶναι καὶ δεινόν, εὐθύνας τινὰ διδόναι ζῶντα περὶ
ὧν ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν. ἐπε-
φύετο δὲ τῶν γεγραμμένων μάλιστα τῷ περὶ τῆς
ταφῆς. ἐκέλευε γὰρ αὑτοῦ τὸ σῶμα, κἂν ἐν
Ῥώμῃ τελευτήσῃ, δ ἀγορᾶς πομπευθὲν εἰς
᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ὡς Κλεοπάτραν ἀποσταλῆναι.

5 Καλουΐσιος δὲ Καίσαρος ἑταῖρος ἔτι καὶ ταῦτα
τῶν εἰς Κλεοπάτραν ἐγκλημάτων ᾿Αντωνίῳ
προὔφερε' χαρίσασθαι μὲν αὐτῇ τὰς ἐκ Lep-
γάμου βιβλιοθήκας, ἐν αἷς εἴκοσι μυριάδες
βιβλίων ἁπλῶν ἦσαν: ἐν δὲ συνδείπνῳ πολλῶν
παρόντων ἀναστάντα τρίβειν αὐτῆς τοὺς πόδας
ἔκ τινος ὁρισμοῦ καὶ συνθήκης γενομένης" ’Kde-
σίους δὲ ἀνασχέσθαι παρόντος αὐτοῦ κυρίαν τὴν

6 Κλεοπάτραν ἀσπασαμένους" dixdfovta δὲ πολ-
λάκις τετράρχαις καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἐπὶ βήματος
δελτάρια τῶν ἐρωτικῶν ὀνύχινα καὶ κρυστάλλινα
δέχεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν: Φουρ-
νίου δὲ λέγοντος, ὃς ἦν ἀξιώματος μεγάλου καὶ
δεινότατος εἰπεῖν Ρωμαίων, τὴν μὲν Κλεοπάτραν
ἐν φορείῳ διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς κομίζεσθαι, τὸν δὲ
᾿Αντώνιον, ὡς εἶδεν, ἀναπηδήσαντα τὴν μὲν
δίκην ἀπολιπεῖν, ἐκκρεμαννύμενον δὲ τοῦ φορείου
παραπέμπειν ἐκείνην.

LIX. ᾿Αλλὰ τούτων μὲν ἐδόκει τὰ πλεῖστα
καταψεύδεσθαι Καλουΐσιος: οἱ δὲ φίλοι τοῦ
᾿Αντωνίου περιϊόντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὸν δῆμον ἱκέ-
τευον, ἕνα δὲ ἐξ αὑτῶν ἔπεμψαν Τεμίνιον δεόμενοι
τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου μὴ περιϊδεῖν αὑτὸν ἀποψηφισθέντα

270

ANTONY, vu. 3-11x. 1

he assembled the senate and read it aloud to them,
although most of them were displeased to hear him
doso. For they thought it a strange and grievous
matter that a man should be called to account while
alive for what he wished to have done after his death.
Caesar laid most stress on the clause in the will re-
lating to Antony’s burial. For it directed that An-
tony’s body, even if he should die in Rome, should be
borne in state through the forum and then sent away
to Cleopatra in Egypt. Again, Calvisius, who was a
companion of Caesar, brought forward against Antony
the following charges also regarding his behaviour
towards Cleopatra: he had bestowed upon her the
libraries from Pergamum in which there were two
hundred thousand volumes; at a banquet where
there were many guests he had stood up and rubbed
her feet, in compliance with some agreement and
compact which they had made; he had consented to
have the Ephesians in his presence salute Cleopatra
as mistress; many times, while he was seated on his
tribunal and dispensing justice to tetrarchs and
kings, he would receive love-billets from her in
tablets of onyx or crystal, and read them; and once
when Furnius was speaking, a man of great worth
and the ablest orator in Rome, Cleopatra was carried
through the forum on a litter, and Antony, when he
saw her, sprang up from his tribunal and forsook the
trial, and hanging on to Cleopatra’s litter escorted
her on her way.

LIX. However, most of the charges thus brought
by Calvisius were thought to be falsehoods; but the
friends of Antony went about in Rome beseeching
the people in his behalf, and they sent one of their
number, Geminius, with entreaties that Antony

271

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 3 a \ ’ «ς / » ,
τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ πολέμιον Ῥωμαίων ἀναγορευθέντα.
Γεμίνιος δὲ πλεύσας εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιλλάδα Κλεοπάτρᾳ
μὲν ἦν ὕποπτος, ὡς ὑπὲρ ᾿Οκταουίας πράττων,
σκωπτόμενος δὲ παρὰ δεῖπνον ἀεὶ καὶ κλισίαις
ἀτίμοις προπηλακιζόμενος ἠνείχετο καιρὸν ἐντεύ-

᾽ / \ \ / >4) φ Ὁ“
ξεως ἀναμένων: κελευσθεὶς δὲ λέγειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἥκει
\ \ a \ \ » yy /
παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον, THY μὲν ἄλλην ἔφη νήφοντος

“ ΄ a \ \ / 2 , \

εἶναι διάλεξιν, ἕν δὲ καὶ νήφων ἐπίστασθαι Kal

/ Ὁ“ A [72 / ip b

μεθύων, OTL καλως ἕξει πᾶντα Κλεοπάτρας εἰς
XN A nr

Αὔγυπτον ἀπαλλαγείσης. πρὸς τοῦτο Tov *Av-

τωνίου χαλεπήναντος ἡ Κλεοπάτρα “ Καλῶς,"

» « / 4 Γ / A 2 Na) v
ἔφη, “πεποίηκας, ὦ Γεμίνιε, τὴν ἀλήθειαν avev
’

βασάνων éEoporoynoapevos.” Τεμίνιος μὲν οὖν
>} ’ / ς ’ \ 3 « ΄ ΕΣ

μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἀποδρὰς εἰς Ῥώμην ᾧχετο.

an id
πολλοὺς δὲ Kal τῶν ἄλλων φίλων οἱ Κλεοπάτρας
/

κόλακες ἐξέβαλον Tas παροινίας Kal βωμολοχίας

οὐχ ὑπομένοντας, ὧν καὶ Μάρκος ἣν Σιλανὸς καὶ

Δέλλιος ὁ ἱστορικός. οὗτος δὲ καὶ δεῖσαί φησιν

΄ A ἴω

ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκ Κλεοπάτρας, Τλαύκου τοῦ ἰατροῦ

φράσαντος αὐτῷ. προσέκρουσε δὲ Κλεοπάτρᾳ
al lal / cr

παρὰ δεῖπνον εἰπὼν αὐτοῖς μὲν ὀξίνην ἐγχεῖσθαι,

/ N [7 b) e ΄ na € \
Σάρμεντον δὲ πίνειν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Parepivov. ὁ δὲ

la le /
Σάρμεντος ἦν τῶν Καίσαρος παιγνίων παιδάριον,
A ’ «ς “ an
ἃ δηλίκια Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν.
LX. ’Ezel δὲ παρεσκεύαστο Καῖσαρ ἱκανῶς,
, ΄ a τὰ , \
ψηφίζεται Κλεοπάτρᾳ πολεμεῖν, ἀφελέσθαι δὲ

a a ᾽ , ka > / , \
τῆς ἀρχῆς ᾿Αντώνιον ἧς ἐξέστη γυναικί. καὶ
προσεπεῖπε Καῖσαρ ὡς ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ὑπὸ φαρ-

“ / A >) a
μάκων οὐδὲ αὑτοῦ κρατοίη, πολεμοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς

272

ANTONY, tix. ΤΕΊΧΗ 1

would not suffer himself to be voted out of his office
and proclaimed an enemy of Rome. But Geminius,
after his voyage to Greece, was an object of suspicion
to Cleopatra, who thought that he was acting in the
interests of Octavia; he was always put upon with
jokes at supper and insulted with places of no honour
at table, but he endured all this and waited for an
opportunity to confer with Antony. Once, however,
at a supper, being bidden to tell the reasons for his
coming, he replied that the rest of his communica-
tion required a sober head, but one thing he knew,
whether he was drunk or sober, and that was that all
would be well if Cleopatra was sent off to Egypt. At
this, Antony was wroth, and Cleopatra said: ‘Thou
hast done well, Geminius, to confess the truth with-
out being put to the torture.” Geminius, accordingly,
after a few days, ran away to Rome. And Cleopatra's
flatterers drove away many of the other friends of
Antony also who could not endure their drunken
tricks and scurrilities. Among these were Marcus
Silanus and Dellius the historian. And Dellius says
that he was also afraid of a plot against him by
Cleopatra, of which Glaucus the physician had told
him. For he had offended Cleopatra at supper by
saying that while sour wine was served to them,
Sarmentus, at Rome, was drinking Falernian. Now,
Sarmentus was one of the youthful favourites of
Caesar, such as the Romans call “ deliciae.’’

LX. When Caesar had made sufficient preparations,
a vote was passed to wage war against Cleopatra, and
to take away from Antony the authority which he
had surrendered to a woman. And Caesar said in
addition that Antony had been drugged and was
not even master of himself, and that the Romans

273

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Μαρδίων ὁ εὐνοῦχος καὶ Ποθεινὸς καὶ Eipas
ς , MA \ τι» ©5293) 1
ἡ KXeotratpas κουρεύτρια καὶ Χάρμιον, up ὧν
τὰ μέγιστα διοικεῖται τῆς ἡγεμονίας.
Σημεῖα δὲ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου τάδε γενέσθαι
/
λέγεται. ΠΕείσαυρα μέν, “Avtwviov πόλις κλη-
2 ΄
ρουχία, ὠκισμένη παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν, χασμάτων
ς [Z J A \ Wig tA
UToppayévTwv κατεπόθη. τῶν δὲ περὶ “AdXBav
᾽ / / 2 ΘΝ e \ > ’
Αντωνίου λιθίνων ἀνδριάντων ἑνὸς ἱδρὼς ἀνεπί-
δυεν ἡμέρας πολλάς, ἀποματτόντων τινῶν οὐ
/ a
παυόμενος. ev δὲ Πάτραις διατρίβοντος αὐτοῦ
a id A
κεραυνοῖς ἐνεπρήσθη τὸ Ἡράκλειον: καὶ τῆς
,
᾿Αθήνησι γιγαντομαχίας ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ὁ Διό-
νυσος ἐκσεισθεὶς εἰς τὸ θέατρον κατηνέχθη"
’ὔ \ e \ 3 , «ς a
προσῳκείου δὲ ἑαυτὸν ᾿Αντώνιος Ἣρακλεϊ κατὰ
/ \ , \ \ A , n
γένος καὶ Διονύσῳ κατὰ tov tov Biov ζῆλον,
ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Διόνυσος νέος προσαγορευόμενος.
ἡ δὲ αὐτὴ θύελλα καὶ τοὺς Evdpevods καὶ
᾽ 4 \ > 4 ᾽
Αττάλον κολοσσοὺς ἐπιγεγραμμένους ᾿Αντω-
νείους ᾿Αθήνησιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μόνους ἐκ πολλῶν
\ a
ἀνέτρεψε. ἡ δὲ KXeomdtpas ναυαρχὶς ἐκαλεῖτο
μὲν ᾿Αντωνιάς, σημεῖον δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν δεινὸν
\
ἐφάνη: χελιδόνες yap ὑπὸ THY πρύμναν ἐνεότ-
Ψ \ > a \ ζ, Ig ἡ
τευσαν' ἕτεραι δὲ ἐπελθοῦσαι καὶ ταύτας ἐξή-
λασαν καὶ τὰ νεόττια διέφθειραν.
᾽
LXI. Συνιόντων δὲ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ᾿Αντωνίῳ
μὲν ἦσαν αἱ μάχιμοι νῆες οὐκ ἐλάττους πεντα-
κοσίων, ἐν αἷς ὀκτήρεις πολλαὶ καὶ δεκήρεις
κεκοσμημέναι σοβαρῶς καὶ πανηγυρικῶς, στρατοῦ

274

944

ANTONY, Lx. 1-Lx1. 1

were carrying on war with Mardion the eunuch,
and Potheinus, and Iras, and the tire-woman of Cleo-
patra, and Charmion, by whom the principal affairs of
the government were managed.

The following signs are said to have been given
before the war. Pisaurum, a city colonized by An-
tony situated near the Adriatic, was swallowed up
by chasms in the earth. From one of the marble
statues of Antony near Alba sweat oozed for many
days, and though it was wiped away it did not cease.
In Patrae, while Antony was staying there, the He-
racleium was destroyed by lightning; and at Athens
the Dionysus in the Battle of the Giants! was dis-
lodged by the winds and carried down into the
theatre. Now, Antony associated himself with Hera-
cles in lineage, and with Dionysus in the mode of life
which he adopted, as I have said,? and he was called
the New Dionysus. The same tempest fell upon
the colossal figures of Eumenes and Attalus at Athens,
on which the name of Antony had been inscribed,
and prostrated them, and them alone out of many.
Moreover the admiral’s ship of Cleopatra was called
Antonius, and a dire sign was given with regard to it.
Some swallows, namely, made their nest under its
stern ; but other swallows attacked these, drove them
out and destroyed their nestlings.

LXI. When the forces came together for the
war, Antony had no fewer than five hundred fight-
ing ships, among which were many vessels of eight
and ten banks of oars, arrayed in pompous and

1 One of the groups of figures at the south wall of the
Acropolis dedicated by Attalus I. of Pergamum. See Pau-
sanias, i. 25, 2, with I’razer’s notes.

? Chapters iv. 1 f. and xxiv. 3.

* As Cleopatra was called the New Isis (liv. 6).

275

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

δὲ μυριάδες δέκα, δισχίλιοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ μυρίοις.
βασιλεῖς δὲ ὑπήκοοι συνεμάχουν Βόκχος ὁ
Λιβύων καὶ Ταρκόνδημος ὁ τῆς ἄνω Κιλικίας,
καὶ Καππαδοκίας μὲν ᾿Αρχέλαος, Παφλαγονίας
δὲ Φιλάδελφος, Κομμαγηνῆς δὲ Μιθριδάτης,
Σαδάλας δὲ Θράκης. οὗτοι μὲν αὐτοὶ παρῆσαν,
ἐκ δὲ Πόντου Πολέμων στρατὸν ἔπεμπε, καὶ
Μάλχος ἐξ ᾿Αραβίας καὶ ‘Hpwdns ὁ ᾿Ιουδαῖος,
ἔτι δὲ ᾿Αμύντας ὁ Λυκαόνων καὶ Tarator
βασιλεύς" ἣν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Μήδων βασιλέως
ἀπεσταλμένη βοήθεια. Καίσαρι δὲ νῆες ἦσαν
πρὸς ἀλκὴν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακόσιαι, στρατοῦ
δὲ ὀκτὼ μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ παραπλήσιοι τὸ
πλῆθος τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἦρχον δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν
τῆς ἀπ᾽ Evdparou καὶ Appevias μέχρι. πρὸς τὸν
Ἰόνιον καὶ ᾿Ιλλυριούς, Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Ιλλυριῶν
τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ἑσπέριον ὠκεανὸν καθηκούσης καὶ
τῆς ἀπ᾽ ὠκεανοῦ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν καὶ
Σικελικὸν πέλαγος. Λιβύης δὲ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ καὶ
Γαλατίᾳ καὶ Ἰβηρίᾳ μέχρι στηλῶν Ἡρακλείων
ἀντιπαρήκο υσαν εἶχε Καῖσαρ" τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ Κυρήνης
μέχρις Αἰθιοπίας ᾿ Ἀντώνιος.

LXII. Οὕτω δὲ ἄρα προσθήκη τῆς γυναικὸς ἣν
ὥστε τῷ πεξῷ πολὺ διαφέρων ἐβούλετο τοῦ ναυ-
τικοῦ τὸ κράτος εἶναι διὰ Κλεοπάτραν, καὶ ταῦτα
πληρωμάτων ἀπορίᾳ συναρπαζομένους ὁρῶν ὑπὸ
τῶν τριηραρχῶν ἐκ τῆς πολλὰ δὴ τλάσης
Ελλάδος ὁδοιπόρους, ὀνηλάτας, θεριστάς, ἐφή-
βους, καὶ οὐδὲ οὕτω πληρουμένας τὰς ναῦς, ἀλλὰ
τὰς πλείστας ἀποδεεῖς καὶ μοχθηρῶς πλεούσας.
Καῖσαρ δὲ οὐ πρὸς ὕψος οὐδὲ ὄγκον ἐπιδεικτικῶς

276

ANTONY, xr. το στ 2

festal fashion; he also had one hundred thousand
infantry soldiers and twelve thousand horsemen.
Of subject kings who fought with him, there were
Bocchus the king of Libya, Tarcondemus the king
of Upper Cilicia, Archelaiis of Cappadocia, Philadel-
phus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagene,
and Sadalas of Thrace. These were with him,
while from Pontus Polemon sent an army, and Mal-
chus from Arabia, and Herod the Jew, besides
Amyntas the king of Lycaonia and Galatia; the
king of the Medes also sent an auxiliary force.
Caesar had two hundred and fifty ships of war,
eighty thousand infantry, and about as many horse-
men as his enemies. Antony’s authority extended
over the country from the Euphrates and Armenia
to the Ionian sea and Illyria; Caesar’s over the
country reaching from Illyria to the Western Ocean
and from the ocean back to the Tuscan and Sicilian
seas. Of Libya, the part extending opposite to Italy,
Gaul, and Iberia as far as the pillars of Hercules, be-
longed to Caesar; the part extending from Cyrene
as far as Armenia, to Antony.

LXII. But to such an extent, now, was Antony an
appendage of the woman that although he was far
superior on land, he wished the decision to rest with
his navy, to please Cleopatra, and that too when he
saw that for lack of crews his trierarchs were haling
together out of long-suffering Greece wayfarers,
mule-drivers, harvesters, and ephebi,! and that even
then their ships were not fully manned, but most of
them were deficient and sailed wretchedly. Caesar’s
fleet, on the other hand, was perfectly equipped, and

? Young men approaching full military age, enrolled for
preliminary training and service.

277

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TET NYULALS ναυσίν, εὐστρόφοις δὲ Kal ταχείαις
καὶ πεπληρωμέναις ἀκριβῶς ἐξηρτυμένον ἐν
Τάραντι καὶ Βρεντεσίῳ συνέχων τὸ ναυτικόν,
ἔπεμπε πρὸς ᾿Αντώνιον ἀξιῶν μὴ διατρίβειν τὸν
χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔρχεσθαι μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων'
αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ μὲν στόλῳ παρέξειν ὅρμους ἀκωλύ-
τους καὶ λιμένας, ὑποχωρήσειν δὲ τῷ πεζῷ τῆς
παραλίας" ἵππου δρόμον ἀπὸ ὙΦ ΤΣ τῳ μέχρι
ἂν ἀσφαλῶς ἀποβῇ καὶ στρατοπεδεύσηται. τού-
τοις ἀντικομπάζων ᾿Αντώνιος αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς
μονομαχίαν προὐκαλεῖτο, καίπερ ὧν πρεσβύ-
τερος" εἰ δὲ φεύγοι τοῦτο, περὶ Φάρσαλον ἠξίου
τοῖς στρατεύμασιν, ὡς πάλαι Καῖσαρ καὶ Ἰ1ομ-
πήϊος, διαγωνίσασθαι. φθάνει δὲ Καῖσαρ, ᾽Αντω-
νίου περὶ τὸ "Ακτιον ὁρμοῦντος, ἐν @ τόπῳ νῦν
ἡ Νικόπολις ἵδρυται, διαβαλὼν τὸν Ἰόνιον καὶ
τῆς Ἠπείρου χωρίον ὃ Τορύνη καλεῖται κατα-
σχών' θορυβουμένων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
(ὑστέρει γὰρ ὁ πεζὸς αὐτοῖς) ἡ μὲν Κλεοπάτρα
σκώπτουσα, “Τί δεινόν, ἔλεγεν, “ εἰ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ
τορύνῃ κάθηται;"

LXIIL. ᾿Αντώνιος δέ, ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τῶν πολεμίων
ἐπιπλεόντων, φοβηθεὶς μὴ τῶν ἐπιβατῶν ἐ ἐρήμους
ἕλωσι τὰς ναῦς, τοὺς μὲν ἐρέτας ὁπλίσας ἐπὶ τῶν
καταστρωμάτων “παρέταξεν ὄψεως ἕνεκα, τοὺς δὲ
ταρσοὺς τῶν νεῶν ἐγείρας καὶ πτερώσας ἑκατέ-
ρωθεν ἐ ἐν τῷ στόματι περὶ τὸ ΓΑκτιον ἀντιπρῴρους
συνεῖχεν, ὡς ἐνήρεις καὶ παρεσκευασμένας ἀμύ-
νεσθαι. καὶ Καῖσαρ μὲν οὕτω ᾿καταστρατηγηθεὶς
ἀπεχώρησεν. ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ εὐμηχάνως

1 παραλίας Xylander’s correction of the MSS. ᾿Ιταλίας,
adopted by both Sintenis and Bekker.

278

945

ANTONY, ΣΙ 2-LxIII. 2

consisted of ships which had not been built for a
display of height or mass, but were easily steered,
swift, and fully manned. This fleet Caesar kept
assembled at ‘larentum and Brundisium, and he sent
to Antony a demand to waste no time, but to come
with his forces; Caesar himself would furnish his
armament with unobstructed roadsteads and harbours,
and would withdraw with his land forces a day’s
journey for a horseman from the sea-shore, until
Antony should have safely landed and fixed his camp.
This boastful language Antony matched by challeng-
ing Caesar to single combat, although he was an
older man than Caesar; and if Caesar declined this,
Antony demanded that they should fight out the
issue at Pharsalus, as Caesar and Pompey had once
done. But while Antony was lying at anchor off
Actium, where now Nicopolis stands, Caesar got the
start of him by crossing the Ionian sea and occupying
a place in Epeirus called Toruné (that is, ladle); and
when Antony and his friends were disturbed by this,
since their infantry forces were belated, Cleopatra,
jesting, said: “ What is there dreadful in Caesar’s
sitting at a ladle?”’

LXIII. But Antony, when the enemy sailed against
him at daybreak, was afraid lest they should capture
his ships while they had no fighting crews, and there-
fore armed the rowers and drew them up on the
decks so as to make a show; then he grouped his
ships at the mouth of the gulf near Actium, their
ranks of oars on either side lifted and poised for the
stroke, and their prows towards the enemy, as if they
were fully manned and prepared to fight. Caesar,
thus outwitted and deceived, withdrew. Antony was
also thought to have shown great skill in enclosing

279
VOL. IX. K

σι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐρύμασί τισιν ἐμπεριλαβὼν ἀφελέσθαι τοὺς
πολεμίους, τῶν ἐν κύκλῳ “χωρίων ὀλίγον καὶ
πονηρὸν ἐχόντων. εὐγνωμόνως δὲ καὶ Δομιτίῳ
προσηνέχθη παρὰ τὴν “Κλεοπάτρας “γνώμην.
ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἤδη πυρέττων εἰς μικρὸν ἐμβὰς
ἀκάτιον πρὸς Καίσαρα μετέστη, βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν
ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ὅμως πᾶσαν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν
μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν θεραπόντων ἀπέπεμψε.
καὶ Δομίτιος μέν, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ λαθεῖν τὴν
ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ προδοσίαν μεταβαλλόμενος,
εὐθὺς ἐτελεύτησεν.

᾿Εγένοντο δὲ καὶ βασιλέων ἀποστασεις, ᾿Αμύν-
του καὶ Δηϊοτάρου, πρὸς Καίσαρα. τὸ δὲ
ναυτικὸν ἐν παντὶ δυσπραγοῦν καὶ πρὸς ἅπασαν
ὑστερίζον βοήθειαν αὖθις ἠνάγκαζε τῷ πεζῷ
προσέχειν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον. ἔσχε δὲ καὶ Κανίδιον
τὸν ἄρχοντα τοῦ πεζοῦ μεταβολὴ γνώμης παρὰ
τὰ δεινά: καὶ συνεβούλευε Κλεοπάτραν μὲν
ἀποπέμπειν, ἀναχωρήσαντα δὲ εἰς Θράκην ἢ
Μακεδονίαν πεζομαχίᾳ κρῖναι. καὶ γὰρ Δικόμης
ὁ Γετῶν βασιλεὺς ὑπισχνεῖτο πολλῇ στρατιᾷ
βοηθήσειν" οὐκ εἶναι δὲ αἰσχρὸν εἰ Καίσαρι
γεγυμνασμένῳ περὶ τὸν Σικελικὸν πόλεμον
ἐκστήσονται τῆς θαλάσσης, ἀλλὰ δεινὸν εἰ τῶν
πεζῶν ἀγώνων ἐμπειρότατος ὧν ᾿Αντώνιος οὐ
χρήσεται ῥώμῃ καὶ παρασκευῇ τοσούτων ὁπλι-
τῶν, εἰς ναῦς διανέμων καὶ καταναλίσκων τὴν
δύναμιν.

Οὐμὴν ἀλλὰ ἐξενίκησε Κλεοπάτρα διὰ τῶν νεῶν
κριθῆναι τὸν πόλεμον, ἤδη πρὸς φυγὴν ὁρῶσα,
καὶ τιθεμίνη τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτήν, οὐχ ὅπου πρὸς

280

ANTONY, wxiir. 2-5

the potable water within certain barriers and thus de-
priving the enemy of it, since the places round about
afforded little, and that of bad quality. He also be-
haved with magnanimity towards Domitius, contrary
to the judgment of Cleopatra. For when Domitius,
who was already in a fever, got into a small boat
and went over to Caesar, Antony, though deeply
chagrined, nevertheless, sent off to him all his bag-
gage, together with his friends and servants. And
Domitius, as if repenting when his faithlessness and
treachery became known, straightway died.

There were also defections among the kings, and
Amyntasand Deiotarus went over to Caesar. Besides,
since his navy was unlucky in everything and always
too late to be of any assistance, Antony was again
compelled to turn his attention to his land forces.
Canidius also, the commander of the land forces,
changed his mind in presence of the danger, and
advised Antony to send Cleopatra away, to withdraw
into Thrace or Macedonia, and there to decide the
issue by a land battle. For Dicomes the king of the
Getae promised to come to their aid with a large
force ; and it would be no disgrace, Canidius urged,
for them to give up the sea to Caesar, who had
practised himself there in the Sicilian war; but it
would be a strange thing for Antony, who was most
experienced in land conflicts, not to avail himself of
the strength and equipment of his numerous legionary
soldiers, but to distribute his forces among ships and
so fritter them away.

However, Cleopatra prevailed with her opinion
that the war should be decided by the ships, although
she was already contemplating flight, and was dis-
posing her own forces, not where they would be

281

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TO νικᾶν ἔσται χρήσιμος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅθεν ἄπεισι ῥᾷστα
τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπολλυμένων. ἦν δὲ μακρὰ
σκέλη κατατείνοντα πρὸς τὸν ναύσταθμον τῆς
στρατοπεδείας, δι’ ὧν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος εἰώθει παριέναι
μηδὲν ὑφορώμενος. οἰκέτου δὲ Καίσαρι φρά-
σαντος ὡς δυνατὸν εἴη κατιόντα διὰ τῶν σκελῶν
συλλαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἔπεμψε τοὺς ἐνεδρεύσοντας.
οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἦλθον ὥστε συναρπάσαι τὸν
προηγούμενον αὐτοῦ προεξαναστάντες" αὐτὸς δὲ
δρόμῳ μόλις ὑπεξέφυγεν.

1Χ1Υ. Ὡς δὲ ναυμαχεῖν ἐδέδοκτο, τὰς μὲν
ἄλλας ἐνέπρησε ναῦς πλὴν ἑξήκοντα τῶν Αἰ-
γυπτίων, τὰς δὲ ἀρίστας καὶ μεγίστας ἀπὸ
τρίηρους μέχρι δεκήρους ἐπλήρου, δισμυρίους
ἐμβιβάζων ὁπλίτας καὶ δισχιλίους τοξότας.
ἔνθα πεζομάχον ἄνδρα τῶν ταξιαρχῶν λέγουσι,
παμπόλλους ,ἡγωνισμένον ἀγῶνας ᾿Αντωνίῳ καὶ
κατατετριμμένον τὸ σῶμα, τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου παρι-
ὄντος ἀνακλαύσασθαι καὶ εἰπεῖν" “Ὦ, αὐτό-
κρατορ, τί τῶν τραυμάτων τούτων ἢ τοῦ ξίφους
καταγνοὺς ἐν ξύλοις πονηροῖς ἔχεις τὰς ἐλπίδας;
Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ Φοίνικες ἐν θαλάσσῃ μαχέσθωσαν,
ἡμῖν δὲ γῆν δός, ἐφ᾽ ἧς εἰώθαμεν. ἑστῶτες ἀπο-
θνήσκειν ἢ νικᾶν τοὺς πολεμίους." πρὸς ταῦτα
μηδὲν ἀποκρινάμενος, ἀλλὰ τῇ χειρὶ καὶ τῷ προσ-
ὦπῳ μόνον οἷον ἐγκελευσάμενος τὸν ἄνδρα θαρ-
ρεῖν, παρῆλθεν, οὐ χρηστὰς ἔχων ἐλπίδας, ὅς
γε καὶ τοὺς κυβερνήτας τὰ ἱστία βουλομένους
ἀπολιπεῖν ἠνάγκασεν ἐμβαλέσθαι καὶ κομίζειν,
λέγων ὅτι δεῖ μηδένα φεύγοντα τῶν πολεμίων
διαφυηεῖν.

282

ANTONY, cxtr. 5-Lxiv. 2

helpful in winning the victory, but where they could
most easily get away if the cause was lost. Moreover,
there were two long walls extending down to the
naval station from the camp, and between these
Antony was wont to pass without suspecting any
danger. But a slave told Caesar that it was possible
to seize Antony as he went down between the walls,
and Caesar sent men to lie in ambush for him. These
men came near accomplishing their purpose, but
seized only the man who was advancing in front of
Antony, since they sprang up too soon; Antony
himself escaped with difficulty by running.

LXIV. When it had been decided to deliver a sea
battle, Antony burned all the Egyptian ships except
sixty ; but the largest and best, from those having
three to those having ten banks of oars, he manned,
putting on board twenty thousand heavy-armed
soldiers and two thousand archers. It was on this
occasion, we are told, that an infantry centurion, a
man who had fought many a battle for Antony and
was covered with scars, burst into laments as Antony
was passing by, and said: “ Imperator, why dost thou
distrust these wounds and this sword and put thy hopes
in miserable logs of wood? Let Egyptians and
Phoenicians do their fighting at sea, but give us land,
on which we are accustomed to stand and either
conquer our enemies or die.”” To this Antony made
no reply, but merely encouraged the man by a gesture
and a look to be of good heart, and passed on. And
he had no good hopes himself, since, when the
masters of his ships wished to leave their sails behind,
he compelled them to put them on board and carry
them, saying that not one fugitive of the enemy
should be allowed to make his escape.

283

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ A
LXV. ᾿Εκείνην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τρεῖς
\ 3 a / 4 \ Ν /
τὰς ἐφεξῆς μεγάλῳ πνεύματι κυμανθὲν τὸ πέ-
\ / / Ν /
Aayos THY μάχην ἐπέσχε, πέμπτῃ δὲ νηνεμίας
4 U
Kal γαλήνης ἀκλύστου γενομένης συνήεσαν, Av-
,ὔ \ \ \ " μὲ \ LY
τώνιος μὲν TO δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχων καὶ ἸΤοπλικόλας,
Ν /
Κοίλιος δὲ τὸ εὐώνυμον, ἐν μέσῳ δὲ Μάρκος
7 “ an 9
Ὀκτάβιος καὶ Μάρκος “Ivatnios. Καῖσαρ ὃ
“ 3 “ fal
ἐπὶ τοῦ εὐωνύμου τάξας ᾿Αγρίππαν αὑτῷ τὸ
δεξιὸν κατέλιπε. τῶν δὲ πεζῶν τὸν μὲν ᾿Αν-
/ \ \ / na
τωνίου Kavidsos, tov δὲ Καίσαρος Ταῦρος ἐπὶ
τῆς θαλάττης παρατάξαντες ἡσύχαζον. αὐτῶν
lal / 2 Ud /
δὲ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ἐπεφοίτα παντα-
χόσε κωπήρει, τοὺς στρατιώτας παρακαλῶν ὑπὸ
lal n uf an
βρίθους τῶν νεῶν ὥσπερ Ex γῆς ἑδραίους μάχε-
lal Ο ΄
σθαι, τοῖς δὲ κυβερνήταις διακελευύμενος ὥσπερ
ς ’ a \
ὁρμούσαις ἀτρέμα ταῖς ναυσὶ δέχεσθαι τὰς
ΟῚ \ an Λ \ \ Ν fA
ἐμβολὰς τῶν πολεμίων, τὴν περὶ TO στόμα δυσ-
fi ΄ὔ ’ \ / \
χωρίαν φυλάττοντας. Καίσαρι δὲ λέγεται μὲν
΄ \ a a “
ἔτι σκότους ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς κύκλῳ περιϊόντι
Ν ΄-“ Ui ’ na
πρὸς τὰς ναῦς ἄνθρωπος ἐλαύνων ὄνον ἀπαντῆσαι,
/ an
πυθομένῳ δὲ τοὔνομα γνωρίσας αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν.
“«“᾿Εμοὶ μὲν ᾿ὔτυχος ὄνομα, τῷ δὲ ὄνῳ Νίκων."
a) , Ν , lal
διὸ Kal τοῖς ἐμβόλοις τὸν τόπον κοσμῶν ὕστερον
ἔστησε χαλκοῦν ὄνον καὶ ἄνθρωπον. ἐπιδὼν δὲ
\ ” / 3 , \ \ \
τὴν ἄλλην παράταξιν, ἐν πλοίῳ πρὸς TO δεξιὸν
\ V2 a nA a
κομισθεὶς ἐθαύμασεν ἀτρεμοῦντας ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς
, \ ’ nA lal
TOUS πολεμίους: ἡ yap ὄψις ἦν TOV νεῶν ἐπ᾽
/ € A \ rn A
ἀγκύραις ὁρμουσῶν. Kal τοῦτο μέχρι πολλοῦ
/ a \ a bd \
πεπεισμένος ἀνεῖχε TAS ἑαυτοῦ περὶ ὀκτὼ στάδια

284

946

ANTONY, uxv. 1-4
LXV. During that day, then, and the three follow-

ing days the sea was tossed up by a strong wind and
prevented the battle ; but on the fifth,! the weather
becoming fine and the sea calm, they came to
an engagement. Antony had the right wing, with
Publicola, Coelius the left, and in the centre were
Marcus Octavius and Marcus Insteius, Caesar posted
Agrippa on the left, and reserved the right wing for
himself. Of the land forces, that of Antony was com-
manded by Canidius, that of Caesar by Taurus, who
drew them up along the sea and remained quiet. As
for the leaders themselves, Antony visited all his
ships in a row-boat, exhorting the soldiers, owing to
the weight of their ships, to fight without changing
their position, as if they were on land; he also ordered
the masters of the ships to receive the attacks of the
enemy as if their ships were lying quietly at anchor,
and to maintain their position at the mouth of the gulf,
which was narrow and difficult. Caesar, we are told,
who had left his tent while it was yet dark and was
going round to visit his ships, was met by a man
driving an ass. Caesar asked the man his name, and
he, recognizing Caesar, replied: “ My name is Prosper,
and my ass’s nameis Victor.” Therefore, when Caesar
afterwards decorated the place with the beaks of
ships, he set up bronze figures of an ass and a man.
After surveying the rest of his line of battle, he was
earried in a small boat to his right wing, and there
was astonished to see the enemy lying motionless in
the narrows ; indeed, their ships had the appearance
of riding at anchor. For a long time he was con-
vineed that this was really the case, and kept his own
ships at a distance of about eight furlongs from the

1 Sept. 2, 31 Β.6.
285

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῶν ἐναντίων ἀφεστώσας. ἕκτη δὲ ἦν ὥρα, καὶ
πνεύματος αἰρομένου πελαγίου δυσανασχετοῦντες
οἱ ᾿Αντωνίου πρὸς τὴν διατριβήν, καὶ τοῖς ὕψεσι
καὶ μεγέθεσι τῶν οἰκείων νεῶν πεποιθότες ὡς
ἀπροσμάχοις, τὸ εὐώνυμον ἐκίνησαν' ἰδὼν δὲ
Καῖσαρ ἥσθη καὶ πρύμναν ἐκρούσατο τῷ δεξιῷ,
βουλόμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου καὶ τῶν
στενῶν ἔξω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπισπάσασθαι, καὶ
περιπλέων εὐήρεσι. σκάφεσι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ συμ-
πλέκεσθαι πρὸς ναῦς ὑπ᾽ ὄγκου καὶ πληρωμάτων
ὀλιγότητος ἀργὰς καὶ βραδείας.

LXVI. ᾿Αρχομένου δὲ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐν χερσὶν
εἶναι, ἐμβολαὶ μὲν οὐκ ἦσαν οὐδὲ ἀναρρήξεις
νεῶν, τῶν μὲν ᾿Αντωνίου διὰ βάρος ῥύμην οὐκ
ἐχουσῶν, ἣ μάλιστα ποιεῖ τὰς τῶν ἐμβόλων
πληγὰς ἐνεργούς, τῶν δὲ Καίσαρος οὐ μόνον ἀντι-
πρῴώρων συμφέρεσθαι πρὸς χαλκώματα στερεὰ
καὶ τραχέα φυλασσομένων, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ κατὰ
πλευρὰν ἐμβολὰς διδόναι θαρρουσῶν. ἀπεθραύ-
οντο γὰρ τὰ ἔμβολα ῥᾳδίως ἣ προσπέσοιε σκά-
φεσι τετραγώνων ξύλων μεγάλων σιδήρῳ cuvnp-
μοσμένων πρὸς ἄχληλα δεδεμένοις. ἦν οὖν
πεζομαχίᾳ προσφερὴς 0 ἀγών' τὸ δὲ ἀληθέστερον
εἰπεῖν, τειχομαχίᾳ. τρεῖς γὰρ ἅμα καὶ τέσσαρες
περὶ μίαν τῶν ᾿Αντωνίου “συνείχοντο, γέρροις
καὶ δόρασι καὶ κοντοῖς χρωμένων καὶ πυροβόλοις"
οἱ δὲ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ καταπέλταις ἀπὸ ξυλίνων
πυργων ἔβαλλον.

᾿Αγρίππου δὲ θάτερον κέρας εἰς κύκλωσιν
ἐκτείνοντος, “ἀντανάγειν Ποπλικόλας ἀναγκαζό-
μενος ἀπερρήγνυτο τῶν μέσων. θορυβουμένων δὲ

286

ANTONY, Lxv. 4-LXxvI. 3

enemy. But it was now the sixth hour, and since a
wind was rising from the sea, the soldiers of Antony
became impatient at the delay, and, relying on the
height and size of their own ships as making them
unassailable, they put their left wing in motion. When
Caesar saw this he was delighted, and ordered his
right wing to row backwards, wishing to draw the
enemy still farther out from the gulf and the narrows,
and then tosurround them with his own agile vessels
and come to close quarters with ships which, owing
to their great size and the smallness of their crews,
were slow and ineffective.

LXVI. Though the struggle was beginning to
be at close range, the ships did not ram or crush
one another at all, since Antony’s, owing to their
weight, had no impetus, which chiefly gives effect to
the blows of the beaks, while Caesar’s not only
avoided dashing front to front against rough and
hard bronze armour, but did not even venture to ram
the enemy’s ships in the side. For their beaks
would easily have been broken off by impact against
vessels constructed of huge square timbers fastened
together with iron. The struggle was therefore like
a land battle; or, to speak more truly, like the
storming of a walled town. For three or four of
Caesar’s vessels were engaged at the same time
about one of Antony’s, and the crews fought with
wicker shields and spears and punting-poles and
fiery missiles; the soldiers of Antony also shot with
catapults from wooden towers.

And now, as Agrippa was extending the left wing
with a view to encircling the enemy, Publicola was
forced to advance against him, and so was separated
from the centre. ‘The centre falling into confusion

κ 797

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τούτων Kal συμπλεκομένων τοῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αρρούν-
τιον, ἀκρίτου δὲ καὶ κοινῆς ἔτι τῆς ναυμαχίας συνε-
στώσης, αἰφνίδιον αἱ Κλεοπάτρας ἑξήκοντα νῆες
ὦφθησαν αἰρόμεναι πρὸς ἀπόπλουν τὰ ἱστία καὶ
διὰ μέσου φεύγουσαι. τῶν μαχομένων" ἦσαν γὰρ
ὀπίσω τεταγμέναι τῶν μεγάλων, καὶ διεκπίπ-
τουσαι ταραχὴν ἐποίουν. οἱ δὲ ἐναντίοι θαυμά-
ζοντες ἐθεῶντο, τῷ πνεύματι χρωμένας ὁρῶντες
καὶ ἐπεχούσας πρὸς τὴν Πελοπόννησον. ἔνθα δὴ
φανερὸν αὑτὸν ᾿Αντώνιος ἐποίησεν οὔτε ἄρχοντος
οὔτε ἀνδρὸς οὔτε ὅλως ἰδίοις λογισμοῖς διοικού-
μενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ TLS παίζων εἶπε, τὴν ψυχὴν
τοῦ ἐρῶντος ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ σώματι ζῆν, ἑλκόμενος
ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ὥσπερ συμπεφυκὼς καὶ συμ-
μεταφερόμενος. οὐ γὰρ ἔφθη τὴν ἐκείνης ἰδὼν
ναῦν ἀποπλέουσαν, καὶ πάντων ἐκλαθόμενος καὶ
προδοὺς καὶ ἀποδρὰς τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μαχομένους
καὶ θνήσκοντας, εἰς πεντήρη ,“μετεμβάς, ᾿Αλεξᾷ
τοῦ Σύρου καὶ Σκελλίου μόνων αὐτῷ συνεμ-
βάντων, ἐδίωκε τὴν ἀπολωλεκυῖαν ἤδη καὶ
προσαπολοῦσαν αὐτόν.

LXVIl. ᾿Εκείνη δὲ “γνωρίσασα σημεῖον ἀπὸ
τῆς νεὼς ἀνέσχε' καὶ προσενεχθεὶς οὕτω καὶ
ἀναληφθεὶς ἐκείνην μὲν οὔτε εἶδεν οὔτε HHO,
παρελθὼν δὲ μόνος εἰς πρῴραν ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καθῆστο
σιωπῇ, ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ἐχόμενος τῆς
κεφαλῆς. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ λιβυρνίδες ὥφθησαν
διώκουσαι παρὰ Καίσαρος: ὁ δὲ ἀντίπρῳρον
ἐπιστρέφειν τὴν ναῦν κελεύσας τὰς “μὲν ἄλλας
ἀνέστειλεν, ᾿ὐρυκλῆς δ᾽ ὁ Λάκων ἐνέκειτο σο-
βαρῶς, λόγχην τινὰ κραδαίνων ἀπὸ τοῦ κατα-

288

947

ANTONY, xvi. 3-Lxvit. 2

and engaging with Arruntius,! although the sea-fight
was still undecided and equally favourable to both
sides, suddenly the sixty ships of Cleopatra were
seen hoisting their sails for flight and making off
through the midst of the combatants; for they had
been posted in the rear of the large vessels, and
threw them into confusion as they plunged through.
The enemy looked on with amazement, seeing that
they took advantage of the wind and made for Pelo-
ponnesus. Here, indeed, Antony made it clear to all
the world that he was swayed by the sentiments
neither of a commander nor of a brave man, nor even
by his own, but, as someone in pleasantry said that the
soul of the lover dwells in another's body, he was
dragged along by the woman as if he had become
incorporate with her and must go where she did.
For no sooner did he see her ship sailing off than he
forgot everything else, betrayed and ran away from
those who were fighting and dying in his cause, got
intoa five-oared galley, where Alexas the Syrian and
Scellius were his only companions, and hastened
after the woman who had already ruined him and
would make his ruin still more complete.

LXVII. Cleopatra recognized him and raised a
signal on her ship; so Antony came up and was taken
on board, but he neither saw her nor was seen by her.
Instead, he went forward alone to the prow and sat
down by himself in silence, holding his head in both
hands. At this point, Liburnian ships were seen
pursuing them from Caesar's fleet; but Antony
ordered the ship’s prow turned to face them, and so
kept them all off, except the ship of Eurycles the
Laconian, who attacked vigorously, and brandished a

1 The commander of Caesar’s centre, as Plutarch should
have stated at lxv. 1. 289

PLUTARCH’S I.1VES

στρώματος ὡς ἀφήσων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ἐπιστάντος
δὲ τῇ mpopa τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου καί “Τίς οὗτος,"
εἰπόντος, “ὁ διώκων ᾿Αντώνιον;" “Kya,”
εἶπεν, “ Εὐρυκλῆς ὁ Λαχάρους, τῇ Καίσαρος
τύχῃ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκδικῶν θάνατον." ὁ δὲ
Λαχάρης um ᾿Αντωνίου λῃστείας αἰτίᾳ περι-
πεσὼν ἐπελεκίσθη. πλὴν οὐκ ἐνέβαλεν ὁ 0 Evpv-
κλῆς εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντωνίου. ναῦν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑτέραν
τῶν ναυαρχίδων (δύο γὰρ ἦσαν) τῷ χαλκώματι
πατάξας περιερρόμβησε, καὶ ταύτην τε “πλαγίαν
περιπεσοῦσαν εἷλε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μίαν, ἐν ἡ
πολυτελεῖς σκευαὶ τῶν περὶ δίαιταν ἦσαν. ἀπαλ-
λαγέντος δὲ τούτου πάλιν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ
σχῆμα καθεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχίαν ἦγε" καὶ τρεῖς
ἡμέρας Kal ἑαυτὸν ἐν πρῴρᾳ διαιτηθείς, εἴθ᾽
ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς, εἴτ᾽ αἰδούμενος ἐκείνην, Ταινάρῳ
προσέσχεν. ἐνταῦθα δ᾽ αὐτοὺς αἱ συνήθεις γυ-
ναῖκες πρῶτον μὲν εἰς λόγους ἀλλήλοις συνή-
γαγον, εἶτα συνδειπνεῖν καὶ συγκαθεύδειν ἔπεισαν.

Ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν στρογγύλων πλοίων οὐκ ὀλίγα
καὶ τῶν φίλων τινὲς ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ἠθροίξοντο
πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀγγέλλοντες ἀπολωλέναι τὸ ναυτι-
κόν, οἴεσθαι δὲ τὸ πεζὸν συνεστάναι. ᾿Αντώνιος
δὲ πρὸς μὲν Κανίδιον ἀγγέλους ἔπεμπεν, ἀνα-
χωρεῖν διὰ Μακεδονίας εἰς ᾿Ασίαν τῷ στρατῷ
κατὰ τάχος “κελεύων, αὐτὸς δὲ μέλλων ἀπὸ
Ταινάρου πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην διαίρειν, ὁλκάδα
μίαν, πολὺ μὲν νόμισμα, πολλοῦ δὲ ἀξίας ἐν
ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ κατασκευὰς τῶν βασιλικῶν
κομίξουσαν, ἐξελόμενος τοῖς φίλοις ἐπέδωκε
κοινῇ, νείμασθαι καὶ σώξειν ἑαύτους κελεύσας.
ἀρνουμένους δὲ καὶ κλαίοντας εὐμενῶς πάνυ

290

ANTONY, txvit. 2-6

spear on the deck as though he would cast it at An-
tony. And when Antony, standing at the prow,
asked, “ Who is this that pursues Antony?” the
answer was, “Iam Eurycles the son of Lachares,
whom the fortune of Caesar enables to avenge the
death of his father.” Now, Lachares had been be-
headed by Antony because he was involved in a
charge of robbery. However, Eurycles did not hit
Antony’s ship, but smote the other admiral’s ship (for
there were two of them) with his bronze beak and
whirled her round, and as she swung round sideways
he captured her, and one of the other ships also,
which contained costly equipment for household use.
When Eurycles was gone, Antony threw himself
down again in the same posture and did not stir. He
spent three days by himself at the prow, either be-
cause he was angry with Cleopatra, or ashamed to see
her, and then put in at Taenarum. Here the women
in Cleopatra’s company at first brought them into a
parley, and then persuaded them to eat and sleep
together.

Presently not a few of their heavy transport ships
and some of their friends began to gather about them
after the defeat, bringing word that the fleet was
destroyed, but that, in their opinion, the land forces
still held together. So Antony sent messengers to
Canidius, ordering’ him to retire with his army as fast
as he could through Macedonia into Asia ; he himself,
however, since he purposed to cross from Taenarum
to Libya, selected one of the transport ships which
carried much coined money and very valuable royal
utensils in silver and gold, and madea present of it to
his friends, bidding them divide up the treasure and
look out for their own safety. They refused his gift

2091

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ φιλοφρόνως παραμυθησάμενος καὶ δεη-
θεὶς ἀπέστειλε, γράψας πρὸς Θεύφιλον τὸν ἐν
Κορίνθῳ διοικητὴν ὅπως ἀσφάλειαν ἐκπορίσῃ
καὶ ἀποκρύψη τοὺς ἄνδρας ἄχρι ἂν ἱλάσασθαι
Καίσαρα δυνηθῶσιν. οὗτος ἣν Θεόφιλος Ἵπ-
πάρχου πατὴρ τοῦ πλεῖστον παρὰ ᾿Αντωνίῳ
δυνηθέντος, πρώτου δὲ πρὸς Καίσαρα τῶν ἀπε-
λευθέρων μεταβαλομένου καὶ κΚατοικήσαντος
ὕστερον ἐν Κορίνθῳ.

LXVIII. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τὰ κατὰ τὸν ᾿Αντώ-
νιον. ἐν ᾿Ακτίῳ δὲ πολὺν ὁ στόλος ἀντισχὼν
Καίσαρι χρόνον, καὶ μέγιστον βλαβεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
κλύδωνος ὑψηλοῦ. κατὰ πρῴραν ἱσταμένου, μόλις
ὥρας δεκάτης ἀπεῖπε. καὶ νεκροὶ μὲν οὐ πλείους
ἐγένοντο πεντακισχιλίων, ἑάλωσαν δὲ τριακόσιαι
νῆες, ὡς αὐτὸς ἀνέγραψε Καῖσαρ. ἤσθοντο δὲ
οὐ πολλοὶ πεφευγότος ᾿Αντωνίου, καὶ τοῖς πυθο-
μένοις τὸ πρῶτον ἄπιστος ἣν ὁ λόγος, εἰ δέκα καὶ
ἐννέα τάγματα πεζῶν ἀηττήτων καὶ δισχιλίους
ἐπὶ μυρίοις ἱππεῖς ἀπολιπὼν οἴχεται, καθάπερ
οὐ πολλάκις ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα τῇ τύχῃ κεχρημένος
οὐδὲ μυρίων ἀγώνων καὶ πολέμων μεταβολαῖ ς
ἐγγεγυμνασμένος. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται καὶ πόθον
τινὰ καὶ προσδοκίαν εἶχον ὡς αὐτίκα ποθὲν
ἐπιφανησομένου: καὶ τοσαύτην ἐπεδείξαντο
πίστιν καὶ ἀρετὴν ὥστε καὶ τῆς φυγῆς αὐτοῦ
φανερᾶς γενομένης ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ συμμεῖναι, περιο-
ρῶντες ἐπιπρεσβευόμενον αὐτοῖς Kaicapa. τέλος
δέ, τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Κανιδίου νύκτωρ ἀποδράντος
καὶ καταλιπόντος τὸ στρατόπεδον, γενόμενοι Tav-
των ἔρημοι καὶ προδοθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων,
τῷ κρατοῦντι προσεχώρησαν.

292

948

ANTONY, xvi. 6-Lxvitl. 3

and were in tears, but he comforted them and be-
sought them with great kindness and affection, and
finally sent them away, after writing to Theophilus,
his steward in Corinth, that he should keep the men
in safe hiding until they could make their peace with
Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hippar-
chus, who had the greatest influence with Antony,
was the first of Antony’s freedmen to go over to
Caesar, and afterwards lived in Corinth.

LXVIII. This, then, was the situation of Antony.
But at Actium his fleet held out for a long time
against Caesar, and only after it had been most
severely damaged by the high sea which rose against
it did it reluctantly, and at the tenth hour, give up
the struggle. There were not more than five thousand
dead, but three hundred ships were captured, as
Caesar himself has written. Only a few were aware
that Antony had fled, and to those who heard of it
the story was at first an incredible one, that he had
gone off and left nineteen legions of undefeated
men-at-arms and twelve thousand horsemen, as if he
had not many times experienced both kinds of for-
tune and were not exercised by the reverses of
countless wars and fightings. His soldiers, too, had
a great longing for him, and expected that he would
presently make his appearance from some quarter or
other; and they displayed so much fidelity and
bravery that even after his flight had become evident
they held together for seven days, paying no heed to
the messages which Caesar sent them. But at last,
after Canidius their general had run away by night
and forsaken the camp, being now destitute of all
things and betrayed by their commanders, they went
over to the conqueror.

293

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ἔκ τούτου Καῖσαρ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἔπλευσε,
καὶ διαλλαγεὶς τοῖς “Ελλησι τὸν περιόντα σῖτον
ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου διένειμε ταῖς πόλεσι πραττούσαις
ἀθλίως καὶ περικεκομμέναις χρημάτων, ἀνδραπό-
δων, ὑποζυγίων. ὁ γοῦν πρόπαππος ἡμῶν Νί-
καρχος διηγεῖτο τοὺς πολίτας ἅπαντας ἀναγκά-
ἕεσθαι τοῖς ὦμοις καταφέρειν μέτρημα πυρῶν
τεταγμένον ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αντίκυραν θάλασσαν,
ὑπὸ μαστίγων ἐπιταχυνομένους" καὶ μίαν μὲν
οὕτω φορὰν ἐνεγκεῖν, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν ἤδη μεμε-
τρημένοις καὶ μέλλουσιν αἴρεσθαι νενικημένον
᾿Αντώνιον ἀγγελῆναι, καὶ τοῦτο διασῶσαι τὴν
πόλιν: εὐθὺς γὰρ τῶν ᾿Αντωνίου διοικητῶν καὶ
στρατιωτῶν φυγόντων διανείμασθαι τὸν σῖτον
αὐτούς.

LXIX. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ Λιβύης ἁψάμενος καὶ
Κλεοπάτραν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐκ Ἰ]αραιτονίου προ-
πέμψας αὐτὸς ἀπέλαυεν ἐρημίας ἀφθόνου, σὺν
δυσὶ φίλοις ἀλύων καὶ πλανώμενος, “λληνε μὲν
᾿Αριστοκράτει ῥητορικῷ, Ῥωμαίῳ δὲ Λουκιλλίῳ,
περὶ οὗ δι’ ἑτέρων γεγράφαμεν ὡς ἐν Φιλίπποις,
ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαφυγεῖν Βροῦτον, αὐτὸς αὑτόν, ὡς δὴ
Βροῦτος ὦν, ἐνεχείρισε τοῖς διώκουσι, καὶ διασω-
θεὶς ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου διὰ τοῦτο, πιστὸς αὐτῷ καὶ
βέβαιος ἄχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων καιρῶν παρέμεινεν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ δύναμιν ὁ πεπιστευ-
μένος ἀπέστησεν, ὁρμήσας ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν καὶ
διακωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων καὶ κομισθεὶς εἰς
᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν εὗρε Κλεοπάτραν ἐπιτολμῶσαν

294

ANTONY, Lxvitl. 4—-Lx1x. 2

In consequence of this, Caesar sailed to Athens,
and after making a settlement with the Greeks, he
distributed the grain which remained over after the
war among their cities; these were in a wretched
plight, and had been stripped of money, slaves, and
beasts of burden. At any rate, my great-grandfather
Nicarchus used to tell how all his fellow-citizens
were compelled to carry on their shoulders a stipu-
lated measure of wheat down to the sea at Anticyra,
and how their pace was quickened by the whip; they
had carried one load in this way, he said, the second
was already measured out, and they were just about
to set forth, when word was brought that Antony
had been defeated, and this was the salvation of the
city; for immediately the stewards and soldiers of
Antony took to flight, and the citizens divided the
grain among themselves.

LXIX. After Antony had reached the coast of
Libya and sent Cleopatra forward into Egypt from
Paraetonium, he had the benefit of solitude without
end, roaming and wandering about with two friends,
one a Greek, Aristocrates a rhetorician, and the other
a Roman, Lucilius, about whom I have told a story
elsewhere.! He was at Philippi, and in order that
Brutus might make his escape, pretended to be Bru-
tus and surrendered himself to his pursuers. His
life was spared by Antony on this account, and he
remained faithful to him and steadfast up to the last
crucial times. When the general to whom his forces
in Libya had been entrusted brought about their
defection, Antony tried to kill himself, but was pre-
vented by his friends and brought to Alexandria.
Here he found Cleopatra venturing upon a hazardous

1 See the Brutus, chapter 1.
295

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

» \ Di A \ ”
ἔργῳ παραβόλῳ καὶ μεγάλῳ. τοῦ yap εἴργοντος
3 A δὰ > Ν 2 \ aA > ”
ἰσθμοῦ τὴν ἐρυθρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς kat Αἴγυπτον θα-
nr ᾽ / / e /
λάσσης καὶ δοκοῦντος ᾿Ασίαν καὶ Λιβύην ὁρίζειν,
@ ’ ΄ a f \ ΄
ἣ σφίγγεται μάλιστα τοῖς πελάγεσι καὶ βραχύ-
’ὔ , ’
τατος eUpos ἐστι, τριακοσίων σταδίων ὄντων,
/ aA
ἐνεχείρησεν ἄρασα TOV στόλον ὑπερνεωλκῆσαι, καὶ
an rn 9 Ν > N / \
καθεῖσα Tas ναῦς εἰς τὸν ᾿Αραβικὸν κόλπον μετὰ
a "4 14 a
χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ δυνάμεως ἔξω κατοικεῖν,
᾽ an / N / 2 \ \ \
ἀποφυγοῦσα δουλείαν καὶ πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰς
, A a ε \ \ IZ
πρώτας ἀνελκομένας τῶν νεῶν ol περὶ τὴν 11έ-
v / Μ NaS , \
tpav “ApaBes κατέκαυσαν, ἔτι δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος τὸν
/ \ » [2 » Ls
ἐν ᾿Ακτίῳ στρατὸν @eTO συμμένειν, ἐπαύσατο,
΄ 3 , \
καὶ τὰς ἐμβολὰς ἐφύλαττεν. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ τὴν
, 2 \ \ \ δὰ A /
πόλιν ἐκλιπὼν καὶ τὰς μετὰ τῶν φίλων δια-
Ve aA
τριβάς, οἴκησιν ἔναλον κατεσκεύαζεν αὑτῷ περὶ
A / ’ \ / an ,
τὴν Φάρον, εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν χῶμα προβαλών'
\ Ἂς Sony, \ ’ , \ \
καὶ διῆγεν αὐτόθι φυγὰς ἀνθρώπων, καὶ τὸν
A \ a ἠὲ 4
Tiuwvos ἀγαπᾶν καὶ ζηλοῦν βίον ἔφασκεν, ws
\ \ [χὰ \ \ b) \ > \ e NY
δὴ πεπονθὼς ὅμοια" καὶ yap αὐτὸς ἀδικηθεὶς ὑπὸ
, \ a \ A
φίλων Kal ayapioTnoets, διὰ τοῦτο Kal πᾶσιν
an ly
ἀνθρώποις ἀπιστεῖν καὶ δυσχεραίνειν.
93 ’ a /
LXX. Ὃ δὲ Τίμων ἦν ᾿Αθηναῖος, καὶ γέγονεν
e / / \ \ Ν ,
ἡλικίᾳ μάλιστα κατὰ Tov IleXoTovynataKoy πό-
aA ᾽
λεμον, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αριστοφάνους καὶ Ἰ]λάτωνος
a V4 a Ν
δραμάτων λαβεῖν ἔστι. κωμῳδεῖται γὰρ ἐν ἐκεί-
N ,
vois ὡς δυσμενὴς καὶ μισάνθρωπος: ἐκκλίνων δὲ
καὶ διωθούμενος ἅπασαν ἔντευξιν, ᾿Αλκιβιάδην,
/ 4 \ 4 τ / \ ,,
νέον ὄντα καὶ θρασύν, ἠσπάζετο καὶ κατεφίλει
4 »
προθύμως. ᾿Απημάντου δὲ θαυμάσαντος καὶ πυ-

296

ANTONY, Lxix, 2—-LXx. I

and great undertaking. The isthmus, namely, which
separates the Red Sea! from the Mediterranean Sea
off Egypt and is considered to be the boundary be-
tween Asia and Libya, in the part where it is most
constricted by the two seas and has the least width,
measures three hundred furlongs. Here Cleopatra
undertook to raise her fleet out of water and drag
the ships across, and after launching them in the
Arabian Gulf! with much money and a large force,
to settle in parts outside of Egypt, thus escaping war
and servitude. But since the Arabians about Petra
burned the first ships that were drawn up, and An-
tony still thought that his land forces at Actium were
holding together, she desisted, and guarded the ap-
proaches to the country. And now Antony forsook
the city and the society of his friends, and built for
himself a dwelling in the sea at Pharos, by throwing
a mole out into the water. Here he lived an exile
from men, and declared that he was contentedly
imitating the life of Timon, since, indeed, his exper-
iences had been like Timon’s; for he himself also
had been wronged and treated with ingratitude by
his friends, and therefore hated and distrusted all
mankind.

LXX. Now, Timon was an Athenian, and lived
about the time of the Peloponnesian War, as may be
gathered from the plays of Aristophanes and Plato.
For he is represented in their comedies as peevish
and misanthropical; but though he avoided and re-
pelled all intercourse with men, he was glad to see
Alcibiades, who was then young and headstrong, and
showered kisses upon him. And when Apemantus

1 By Red Sea Plutarch here means the upper part of the
Arabian Gulf.

297

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, \ 5 A ” \ ,
θομένου τὴν αἰτίαν, φιλεῖν ἔφη τὸν νεανίσκον
a ’ n
εἰδὼς ὅτι πολλῶν ᾿Αθηναίοις κακῶν αἴτιος ἔσοιτο.

Ψ ’ A \
τὸν δὲ ᾿Απήμαντον μόνον ws ὅμοιον αὐτῷ Kal
ἴω “ , ’ὔ
ζηλοῦντα τὴν δίαιταν ἔστιν ὅτε προσίετο" καί
a lal 7 an A € n ᾽
ποτε τῆς τῶν Χοῶν οὔσης ἑορτῆς εἱστιῶντο καθ
e \ Ὁ lo) >? , ΄ «ς
αὑτοὺς οἱ δύο, τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Απημάντου φήσαντος, “Ὥς
, 5 ’ \ ΄ € AY 6g Dy
καλόν, ὦ Τίμων, TO συμπόσιον ἡμῶν, Kirye
, an > ’ ,
av, ἔφη, “μὴ παρῆς." λέγεται δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων
> , ? \ > \ \ A an
ἐκκλησιαζόντων ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα ποιῆσαι
i \ \ ΑΚ
σιωπὴν καὶ προσδοκίαν μεγάλην διὰ τὸ παρά-
- Ὑ Ν ,
δοξον" εἶτα εἰπεῖν" “Ἔστι μοι μικρὸν οἰκόπεδον,
> x 3 A \ a > Ε] A ,
ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ συκῆ τις ἐν αὐτῷ Te-
φυκεν, ἐξ ἧς ἤδη συχνοὶ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπήγξαντο.
la) \ ,
μέλλων οὖν οἰκοδομεῖν τὸν τόπον ἐβουλήθην
A 7 Μ \
δημοσίᾳ προειπεῖν, iva, ἂν ἄρα τινὲς ἐθέλωσιν
ὑμῶν, πρὶν ἐκκοπῆναι τὴν συκῆν, ἀπάγξωνται."
7 \ » a \ / «ς A
τελευτήσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ tadévtos ᾿Αλῆσι
\ \ ΄ by \ ” a
παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν ὠλισθε TA προὔχοντα τοῦ
? - Ν Ν a \ ” \
αἰγιαλοῦ, Kal TO κῦμα περιελθὸν ἄβατον καὶ
ἀπροσπέλαστον ἀνθρώπῳ πεποίηκε τὸν τάφον.
ἣν δ᾽ ἐπιγεγραμμένον"
» LQ" 3 / A , -“
ἐνθάδ᾽ ἀπορρήξας ψυχὴν βαρυδαίμονα κεῖμαι.
ῇ / an
τοὔνομα δ᾽ ov πεύσεσθε, κακοὶ δὲ κακῶς ἀπό-

λοισθε.

Ν a \ x n
Kal τοῦτο μὲν αὐτὸν ἔτι ζῶντα πεποιηκέναι

298

949

ANTONY, Lxx. 1-4

was amazed at this and asked the reason for it, Timon
said he loved the youth because he knew that he would
be a cause of many ills to Athens. This Apemantus
alone of all men Timon would sometimes admit into
his company, since Apemantus was like him and tried
sometimes to imitate his mode of life; and once, at
the festival of The Pitchers,! the two were feasting
by themselves, and Apemantus said: “Timon, what
a fine symposium ours is!” “It would be,” said
Timon, “if thou wert not here.” We are told also
that once when the Athenians were holding an as-
sembly, he ascended the bema, and the strangeness of
the thing caused deep silence and great expectancy ;
then he said: “I have a small building lot, men of
Athens, and a fig-tree is growing in it, from which
many of my fellow citizens have already hanged
themselves. Accordingly, as I intend to build a house
there, I wanted to give public notice to that effect, in
order that all of you who desire to do so may hang
yourselves before the fig-tree is cut down.” After
he had died and been buried at Halae near the
sea, the shore in front of the tomb slipped away,
and the water surrounded it and made it com-
pletely inaccessible to man. The inscription on the
tomb was:

“ Here, after snapping the thread of a wretched life,
I lie.
Ye shall not learn my name, but my curses shall
follow you.”

This inscription he is said to have composed

1 Choes-day, the second day of the great festival in honour
of Dionysus called Anthesteria. It was a day of libations to
the dead.

299

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λέγουσι, τὸ δὲ περιφερόμενον Καλλιμάχειόν

5)
εστι"

Τίμων μισάνθρωπος évoixéw. ἀλλὰ πάρελθε,
3 , » \ / /
οἰμώζειν εἴπας πολλὰ πάρελθε μόνον.

σ΄ an \ / ᾽ Ν n
LXXI. Ταῦτα μὲν περὶ Tipwwvos ἀπὸ πολλῶν
A / LY aA
ὀλίγα. τῷ δὲ ᾿Αντωνίῳ Kavidsos te τῆς ὠπο-
A aA Ψ. Ss
βολῆς τῶν ἐν ᾿Ακτίῳ δυνάμεων αὐτάγγελος ἦλθε,
καὶ Tov lovdaiov Ἡρώδην ἔχοντά τινα τάγματα καὶ
/ ,
σπείρας ἤκουσε Ἰζαίσαρι προσκεχωρηκέναι, καὶ
\ A e ’ ΄ὔ 3 ig \
τοὺς ἄλλους ὁμοίως δυνάστας ἀφίστασθαι Kal
an Ν it /
2 μηδὲν ἔτι συμμένειν τῶν ἐκτός. οὐ μὴν διετάραξέ
΄ ᾽ , ’ N ce yy Ν 3 /
TL τούτων AUTOV, ἀλλὰ ὡσπερ ἄσμενος TO ἐλπι-
x / \
ζειν ἀποτεθειμένος, ἵνα καὶ τὸ φροντίζειν, τὴν
‘ /
μὲν ἔναλον ἐκείνην δίαιταν, ἣν Τιμώνειον ὠνό-
μαζεν, ἐξέλιπεν, ἀναληφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς Κλεο-
, a \ ,
πάτρας εἰς τὰ βασίλεια πρὸς δεῖπνα Kal πότους
\ \ 7 \ , 5 τ \ 2
καὶ διανομὰς ἔτρεψε τὴν πόλιν, ἐγγράφων μὲν εἰς
\ an
ἐφήβους tov Κλεοπάτρας παῖδα καὶ Καίσαρος,
ε ’

3 τὸ δὲ ἀπόρφυρον καὶ τέλειον ἱμώτιον ᾿Αντύλλῳ
n> , , 43}. hie e ΄ \
τῷ ἐκ Φουλβίας περιτιθεῖς, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡμέρας πολλὰς

, \ A . , κ᾿ ’ ΄
συμπόσια καὶ κῶμοι καὶ θαλίαι τὴν ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρειαν κατεῖχον. αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν μὲν τῶν ἀμιμη-

, / /
τοβίων ἐκείνην σύνοδον κατέλυσαν, ἑτέραν δὲ
συνέταξαν οὐδέν τι λειπομένην ἐκείνης ἁβρότητι
\ = ὃ
καὶ τρυφαῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις, ἣν συναποθανου-
,ὔ: > / > / ἈΝ € /
μένων ἐκάλουν. ἀπεγράφοντο yap ol φίλοι συν-
/ e ,’ὔ a “
αποθανουμένους ἑαυτούς, καὶ διῆγον εὐπαθοῦντες
3 , ͵
4 ἐν δείπνων περιόδοις. Κλεοπάτρα δὲ φαρ-

300

ANTONY, Lxx. 4—-Lxx1. 4

himself, but that in general circulation is by Calli-
machus :

‘Timon, hater of men, dwells here ; so pass along ;
Heap many curses on me, if thou wilt, only pass
along.”

LXXI. These are a few things out of many con-
cerning Timon. As for Antony, Canidius in person
brought him word of the loss of his forces at Actium,
and he heard that Herod the Jew, with sundry
legions and cohorts, had gone over to Caesar, and
that the other dynasts in like manner were deserting
him and nothing longer remained of his power out-
side of Egypt. However, none of these things
greatly disturbed him, but, as if he gladly laid aside
his hopes, that so he might lay aside his anxieties also,
he forsook that dwelling of his in the sea, which he
called Timoneum, and after he had been received
into the palace by Cleopatra, turned the city to the
enjoyment of suppers and drinking-bouts and distri-
butions of gifts, inscribing in the list of ephebi! the
son of Cleopatra and Caesar, and bestowing upon
Antyllus the son of Fulvia the toga virilis without
purple hem, in celebration of which, for many days,
banquets and revels and feastings occupied Alex-
andria. Cleopatra and Antony now dissolved their
famous society of Inimitable Livers,? and founded
another, not at all inferior to that in daintiness and
luxury and extravagant outlay, which they called the
society of Partners in Death. For their friends en-
rolled themselves as those who would die together,
and passed the time delightfully in a round of suppers.
Moreover, Cleopatra was getting together collections

1 See the note on lxii. 1. Caesarion was to be educated as
a Greek, Antyllus as a Roman. 5 Cf. chapter xxviii. 2.

301

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μάκων θανασίμων συνῆγε παντοδαπὰς δυνάμεις,
ὧν ἑκάστης τὸ ἀνώδυνον ἐλέγχουσα προὔβαλλε
τοῖς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ φρουρουμένοις. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑώρα
τὰς μὲν ὠκυμόρους τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦ θανάτου ov
ὀδύνης ἐπιφερούσας, τὰς δὲ πρᾳοτέρας τάχος οὐκ
ἐχούσας, τῶν θηρίων ἀπεπειρᾶτο, θεωμένης αὐτῆς
ἕτερον ἑτέρῳ προσφερόντων. ἐποίει δὲ τοῦτο
καθ' ἡμέραν" καὶ σχεδὸν ἐν πᾶσι μόνον. εὕρισκε
τὸ δῆγμα τῆς ἀσπίδος ἄνευ σπασμοῦ καὶ στενα-
γμοῦ κάρον ὑπνώδη καὶ καταφορὰν ἐφελκόμενον,
ἱδρῶτι μαλακῷ τοῦ προσώπου, καὶ τῶν αἰσθη-
τηρίων ἀμαυρώσει, παραλυομένων ῥᾳδίως καὶ
δυσχεραινόντων πρὸς τὰς ἐξεγέρσεις καὶ ἀνακλί-
σεις, ὥσπερ οἱ βαθέως καθεύδοντες.

LX XII. “Apa. δὲ καὶ πρὸς Καίσαρα πρέσβεις
ἔπεμπον εἰς ᾿Ασίαν, ἡ μὲν αἰτουμένη τὴν ἐν
Αἰγύπτῳ τοῖς παισὶν ἀρχήν, ὁ δὲ ἀξιῶν ᾿Αθήνησιν,
εἰ μὴ δοκοίη περὶ Αἴγυπτον, ἰδιώτης καταβιῶναι.
φίλων δὲ ἀπορίᾳ καὶ ἀπιστίᾳ διὰ τὰς αὐτομολίας
ὁ τῶν παίδων διδάσκαλος ἐπέμφθη πρεσβεύων
Εὐφρόνιος. καὶ yap ᾿Αλεξᾶς ὁ Λαοδικεύς, γνω-
ρισθεὶς μὲν ἐν Ρώμῃ διὰ Τιμαγένους καὶ πλεῖστον
Ἑλλήνων δυνηθείς, γενόμενος δὲ τῶν Κλεοπάτρας
ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιον ὀργάνων τὸ βιαιότατον καὶ τῶν
ὑπὲρ ‘Oxrtaovias ἱσταμένων ἐν αὐτῷ λογισμῶν
ἀνατροπεύς, ἐπέμφθη μὲν Ἡρώδην τὸν βασιλέα
τῆς μεταβολῆς ἐφέξων, αὐτοῦ δὲ καταμείνας καὶ
προδοὺς ᾿Αντώνιον ἐτόλμησεν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν
Καίσαρος, Ἡρώδῃ πεποιθώς. ὥνησε δὲ αὐτὸν
οὐδὲν «Ηρώδης, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς εἱρχθεὶς καὶ κομισθεὶς

302

9590

ANTONY, wxxi. 4-Lxx11. 3

of all sorts of deadly poisons, and she tested the
painless working of each of them by giving them to
prisoners under sentence of death. But when she
saw that the speedy poisons enhanced the sharpness
of death by the pain they caused, while the milder
poisons were not quick, she made trial of venomous
animals, watching with her own eyes as they were
set one upon another. She did this daily, and tried
them almost all; and she found that the bite of the
asp alone induced a sleepy torpor and sinking, where
there was no spasm or groan, but a gentle perspira-
tion on the face, while the perceptive faculties were
easily relaxed and dimmed, and resisted all attempts
to rouse and restore them, as is the case with those
who are soundly asleep.

LXXII. At the same time they also sent an em-
bassy to Caesar in Asia, Cleopatra asking the realm
of Egypt for her children, and Antony requesting
that he might live as a private person at Athens, if
he could not do so in Egypt. But owing to their
lack of friends and the distrust which they felt on
account of desertions, Euphronius, the teacher of the
children, was sent on the embassy. For Alexas the
Laodicean, who had been made known to Antony in
Rome through Timagenes and had more influence
with him than any other Greek, who had also been
Cleopatra’s most effective instrument against Antony
and had overthrown the considerations arising in his
mind in favour of Octavia, had been sent to keep
Herod the king from apostasy ; but after remaining
there and betraying Antony he had the audacity to
come into Caesar’s presence, relying on Herod.
Herod, however, could not help him, but the traitor
was at once confined and carried in fetters to his own

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> \ ε A / / 9 A »
εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδα δέσμιος ἐκεῖ Καίσαρος
,’ὔ » , / \ 9 nr »
κελεύσαντος ἀνῃρέθη. τοιαύτην μὲν ᾿Αλεξᾶς ἔτι
A n , /
ζῶντι δίκην ᾿Αντωνίῳ τῆς ἀπιστίας ἐξέτισε.
΄σ A \ 3
LXXIII. Καῖσαρ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ὑπὲρ ᾿Αντωνίου
lA 9 ’ , 4 \ 3 ͵
λόγους οὐκ ἠνέσχετο, Κλεοπάτραν δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο
μηδενὸς ἁμαρτήσεσθαι τῶν ἐπιεικῶν ἀνελοῦσαν
᾿Αντώνιον ἢ ἐκβαλοῦσαν. συνέπεμψε δὲ καὶ
A A 9
παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ τινα τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Θύρσον, οὐκ
’ , ΕΣ > A > , xX >] ᾽ ς
ἀνόητον ἄνθρωπον οὐδὲ ἀπιθάνως ἂν ἀφ᾽ ἡγε-
Ν An
μόνος νέου διαλεχθέντα πρὸς γυναῖκα σοβαρὰν
καὶ θαυμαστὸν ὅσον ἐπὶ κάλλει φρονοῦσαν.
- A ’ “Ὁ
οὗτος ἐντυγχάνων αὐτῇ μακρότερα τῶν ἄλλων
, nw ?
Kal τιμώμενος διαφερόντως ὑπόνοιαν TO Αντωνίῳ
\ \ ip
παρέσχε, καὶ συλλαβὼν αὐτὸν ἐμαστίγωσεν, εἶτα
ἀφῆκε πρὸς Καίσαρα γράψας ὡς ἐντρυφῶν καὶ
περιφρονῶν παροξύνειεν αὐτόν, εὐπαρόξυντον ὑ ὑπὸ
κακῶν ὄντα. ““Σὺ δὲ εἰ μὴ φέρεις τὸ πρᾶγμα,"
” “ / ” ΕῚ \ 2 7) {4
ἔφη, “μετρίως, ἔχεις ἐμὸν ἀπελεύθερον" Ἱππαρχον.
τοῦτον κρεμάσας μαστίγωσον, ἵνα ἴσον ἔχωμεν."
ἐκ τούτου Κλεοπάτρα μὲν ἀπολυομένη τὰς αἰτίας
/ fr
καὶ ὑπονοίας ἐθεράπευεν αὐτὸν περιττῶς" Kal
τὴν ἑαυτῆς γενέθλιον ταπεινῶς διαγαγοῦσα καὶ
ταῖς τύχαις πρεπόντως, τὴν ἐκείνου πᾶσαν ὑπερ-
/ I \ / ΓΦ Ὁ
βαλλομένη λαμπρότητα καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἑώρ-
τασεν, ὥστε πολλοὺς τῶν κεκλημένων ἐπὶ τὸ
σι ,ὔ 5] , > A J
δεῖπνον πένητας ἐλθόντας ἀπελθεῖν πλουσίους.
, an
Καίσαρα δὲ ᾿Αγρίππας ἀνεκαλεῖτο πολλάκις ἀπὸ
ς ’ ’ὔ ς Ὁ Lal
Ρώμης γράφων ὡς τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων τὴν
παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ ποθούντων.

304

ANTONY, wxxit. 3-Lxxil. 3

country, where he was put to death by Caesar’s
orders. Such was the penalty for his treachery
which Alexas paid to Antony while Antony was yet
alive.

LXXIII. Caesar would not listen to the proposals
for Antony, but he sent back word to Cleopatra that
she would receive all reasonable treatment if she
either put Antony to death or cast him out. He also
sent with the messengers one of his own freedmen,
Thyrsus, ἃ man of no mean parts, and one who would
persuasively convey messages from a young general
to awoman who was haughty and astonishingly proud
in the matter of beauty. This man had longer inter-
views with Cleopatra than the rest, and was con-
spicuously honoured by her, so that he roused
suspicion in Antony, who seized him and gave hima
flogging, and then sent him back to Caesar with a
written message stating that Thyrsus, by his insolent
and haughty airs, had irritated him, at a time when
misfortunes made him easily irritated. “ But if thou
dost not like the thing,” he said, “thou hast my
freedman Hipparchus!; hang him up and give him a
flogging, and we shall be quits.”” After this, Cleo-
patra tried to dissipate his causes of complaint and
his suspicions by paying extravagant court to him;
her own birthday she kept modestly and in a manner
becoming to her circumstances, but she celebrated his
with an excess of all kinds of splendour and costliness,
so that many of those who were bidden to the supper
came poor and went away rich. Meanwhile Caesar
was being called home by Agrippa, who frequently
wrote him from Rome that matters there greatly
needed his presence.

1 See chapter lxvii. 7.
395

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

LXXIV. Ἔσχεν οὖν ἀναβολὴν ὁ πόλεμος τότε"
τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος παρελθόντος αὖθις ἐπήει διὰ
Συρίας, οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ διὰ Λιβύης. ἁλόντος δὲ
Πηλουσίου λόγος ἦν ἐνδοῦναι Σέλευκον οὐκ
ἀκούσης τῆς Κλεοπάτρας. ἡ δὲ ἐκείνου μὲν
γυναῖκα καὶ παῖδας ᾿Αντωνίῳ κτεῖναι παρεῖχεν,
αὐτὴ δὲ θήκας ἔχουσα καὶ μνήματα κατε-
σκευασμένα περιττῶς εἴς τε κάλλος καὶ ὕψος, ἃ ἃ
προσῳκοδόμησε τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ἴσιδος, ἐνταῦθα τῶν
βασιλικῶν συνεφύρει τὰ πλείστης ἄξια σπουδῆς,
χρυσόν, ἄργυρον, σμάραγδον, μαργαρίτην, ἔβενον,
ἐλέφαντα, κινάμωμον" ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ δᾷδα πολλὴν
καὶ στυππεῖον, ὥστε δείσαντα περὶ τῶν χρη-
μάτων Καίσαρα, μὴ τραπομένη πρὸς ἀπόγνωσιν
ἡ γυνὴ ΕΝ καὶ καταφλέξῃ τὸν πλοῦτον,
ἀεί τινας ἐλπίδας αὐτῇ φιλανθρώπους προσ-
πέμπειν ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ “πορευόμενον ἐπὶ τὴν
πόλιν. ἱδρυθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸν ἱππόδρομον,
᾿Αντώνιος ἐπεξελθὼν ἠγωνίσατο λαμπρῶς καὶ
τροπὴν τῶν Καίσαρος ἱππέων ἐποίησε, καὶ
κατεδίωξεν ἄχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου. μεγαλυνό-
μενος δὲ τῇ νίκῃ παρῆλθεν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια, καὶ
τὴν Κλεοπάτραν κατεφίλησεν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, καὶ
τὸν ἡγωνισμένον προθυμότατα τῶν στρατιωτῶν
συνέστησεν. ἡ δὲ ἀριστεῖον αὐτῷ θώρακα χρυ-
σοῦν καὶ κράνος ἔδωκεν. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ὁ
ἄνθρωπος λαβὼν ταῦτα διὰ νυκτὸς ηὐτομόλησε
πρὸς Καίσαρα.

LXXV. Πάλιν δὲ ᾿Αντώνιος ἔπεμπε Καίσαρα
μονομαχῆσαι προκαλούμενος. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ
ἐκείνου πολλὰς ὁδοὺς ᾽ Αντωνίῳ παρεῖναι θανάτων,

306

ANTONY, wxxiv. 1-Lxxv. 1

LXXIV. Accordingly, the war was suspended for
the time being; but when the winter was over,
Caesar again marched against his enemy through
Syria, and his generals through Libya. When Pelu-
sium was taken there was a rumour that Seleucus
had given it up, and not without the consent of
Cleopatra; but Cleopatra allowed Antony to put to
death the wife and children of Seleucus, and she
herself, now that she had a tomb and monument
built surpassingly lofty and beautiful, which she had
erected near the ‘temple of Isis, collected there the
most valuable of the royal treasures, gold, silver,
emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon; and
besides all this she put there great quantities of
torch-wood and tow, so that Caesar was anxious
about the treasure, and fearing lest the woman might
become desperate and burn up and destroy this
wealth, kept sending on to her vague hopes of kindly
treatment from him, at the same time that he ad-
vanced with his army against the city. But when
Caesar had taken up position near the hippodrome,
Antony sallied forth against him and fought brilliantly
and routed his cavalry, and pursued them as far as
their camp. Then, exalted by his victory, he went
into the palace, kissed Cleopatra, all armed as he was,
and presented to her the one of his soldiers who had
fought most spiritedly. Cleopatra gave the man as
areward of valour a golden breastplate and a helmet.
The man took them, of course,—and in the night
deserted to Caesar.

LXXV. And now Antony once more sent Caesar
a challenge to single σου θαι. But Caesar answered
that Antony had many ways of dying. Then Antony,

1 Cf. chapter lxii. 3.
307

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ “ A A / > 4 > A
συμφρονήσας ὅτι τοῦ διὰ μάχης οὐκ ἔστιν αὐτῷ
βελτίων θάνατος, ἔγνω καὶ κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ

3 aA Νὴ \ rf
θάλατταν ἐπιχειρεῖν. Kal παρὰ δεῖπνον, ὡς
\ Sa? A
λέγεται, τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐκέλευσεν ὑποχεῖν Kal
/ a , , ,
προθυμότερον εὐωχεῖν αὐτὸν' ἄδηλον yap, εἰ
la) ,
τοῦτο ποιήσουσιν αὔριον ἢ δεσπόταις ἑτέροις
\ /
ὑπηρετήσουσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ κείσεται σκελετὸς Kal
\ δὴ \ ΄
τὸ μηδὲν γενόμενος. τοὺς δὲ φίλους ἐπὶ τούτοις
¢ nr YA \ , ἕ Ἁ ΄
δακρύοντας ὁρῶν ἔφη μὴ προάξειν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην,
9 - ς κα , b an a A ΄
ἐξ ἧς αὑτῷ θάνατον εὐκλεᾶ μᾶλλον ἢ σωτηρίαν
a [4
ζητεῖν καὶ νίκην.
> , a \ 7 ΄ ,
Ev ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ λέγεται, μεσούσης σχεδόν,
ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καὶ κατηφείᾳ τῆς πόλεως διὰ φόβον
ie 7 x r ΄ Ἴ ἡ Ἴ ͵ i ᾽
\ a >
Kal προσδοκίαν τοῦ μέλλοντος οὔσης, αἰφνίδιον
a a \
ὀργάνων τε παντοδαπῶν ἐμμελεῖς τινας φωνὰς
lol \ Le)
ἀκουσθῆναι καὶ βοὴν ὄχλου μετὰ εὐασμῶν Kal
a ve
πηδήσεων σατυρικῶν, ὥσπερ θιάσου τινὸς οὐκ
᾽ / 2 4 “ Ν \ e \ ΄ A
ἀθορύβως éEeXavvovtos: εἶναι δὲ THY ὁρμὴν ὁμοῦ
fal , Ἂ, \
τι διὰ τῆς πόλεως μέσης ἐπὶ THY πύλην ἔξω τὴν
\ \ /
τετραμμένην πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ταύτῃ TOV
a a / ,
θόρυβον ἐκπεσεῖν πλεῖστον γενόμενον. ἐδόκει δὲ
a ΄ \ A
τοῖς ἀναλογιζομένοις TO σημεῖον ἀπολείπειν ὁ
θεὸς ᾿Αντώνιον, ᾧ μάλιστα συνεξομοιῶν καὶ
συνοικειῶν ἑαυτὸν διετέλεσεν.
/

LXXVI.”Aya δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν πεζὸν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ
lal \ an ’ . ΄ > lo \
TOV πρὸ τῆς πόλεως λόφων ἱδρύσας ἐθεᾶτο τὰς

rn an a 7]
ναῦς ἀνηγμένας καὶ ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων προσφερο-
/ A
μένας" καὶ περιμένων ἔργον τι παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἰδεῖν
ἡσύχαζεν. οἱ δὲ ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐγένοντο, ταῖς κώπαις

308

951

ANTONY, wxxv. 1-Lxxvi. 1

conscious that there was no better death for him
than that by battle, determined to attack by land
and sea at once. And at supper, we are told, he bade
the slaves pour out for him and feast him more
generously; for it was uncertain, he said, whether
they would be doing this on the morrow, or whether
they would be serving other masters, while he him-
self would be lying dead, a mummy and a nothing.
Then, seeing that his friends were weeping at these
words, he declared that he would not lead them out
to battle, since from it he sought an honourable
death for himself rather than safety and victory.

During this night, it is said, about the middle of it,
while the city was quiet and depressed through fear
and expectation of what was coming, suddenly certain
harmonious sounds from all sorts of instruments were
heard, and the shouting of a throng, accompanied by
cries of Bacchic revelry and satyric leapings, as if
a troop of revellers, making a great tumult, were
going forth from the city; and their course seemed
to lie about through the middle of the city toward
the outer gate which faced the enemy, at which
point the tumult became loudest and then dashed
out. Those who sought the meaning of the sign
were of the opinion that the god to whom Antony
always most likened and attached himself was now
deserting him.

LXXVI. At daybreak, Antony in person posted
his infantry on the hills in front of the city, and
watched his ships as they put out and attacked those
of the enemy; and as he expected to see something
great accomplished by them, he remained quiet.
But the crews of his ships, as soon as they were near,

1 Aug. 1, 30 B.c.
3°99

σι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἠσπάσαντο τοὺς Καίσαρος, ἐκείνων τε ἀντασπα-
σαμένων μετεβάλοντο, καὶ πάσαις ἅμα ταῖς
ναυσὶν ὁ στόλος εἷς γενόμενος ἐπέπλει πρὸς τὴν
πόλιν ἀντίπρῳρος. τοῦτο ᾿Αντώνιος ἰδὼν ἀπε-
λείφθη μὲν εὐθὺς ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱππέων μεταβαλομένων,
ἡττηθεὶς δὲ τοῖς πεζοῖς ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν,
ὑπὸ Κλεοπάτρας προδεδόσθαι βοῶν οἷς δι᾽ ἐκείνην
ἐπολέμησεν. ἡ δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν αὐτοῦ φοβηθεῖσα
καὶ τὴν ἀπόνοιαν εἰς τὸν τάφον κατέφυγε καὶ
τοὺς καταρράκτας ἀφῆκε κλείθροις καὶ μοχλοῖς
καρτεροὺς ὄντας" πρὸς δὲ ᾿Αντώνιον ἔπεμψε τοὺς
ἀπαγγελοῦντας ὅτι τέθνηκε. πιστεύσας δὲ ἐκεῖ-
νος καὶ εἰπὼν πρὸς αὑτόν, “Τί ἔτι μέλλεις,
᾿Αντώνιε; τὴν μόνην ἡ τύχη καὶ λοιπὴν ἀφήρηκε
τοῦ φιλοψυχεῖν πρόφασιν," εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸ
δωμάτιον, καὶ Tov θώρακα παραλύων καὶ
διαστέλλων, “ Ὦ Κλεοπάτρα," εἶπεν, “οὐκ
ἄχθομαί σου στερούμενος: αὐτίκα γὰρ εἰς ταὐτὸν
ἀφίξομαι" ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι γυναικὸς ὁ τηλικοῦτος αὐτο-
κράτωρ εὐψυχίᾳ πεφώραμαι λειπόμενος."

"Hy δέ τις οἰκέτης αὐτοῦ πιστὸς Ἔρως ¢ ὄνομα.
τοῦτον ἐκ πολλοῦ παρακεκληκώς, εἰ δεήσειεν,
ἀνελεῖν αὐτόν, ἀπήτει τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν. ὁ δὲ σπα-
σάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἀνέσχε μὲν ὡς παίσων ἐκεῖνον,
ἀποστρέψας δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον ἑαυτὸν ἀπέκτεινε.
πεσόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς πόδας ὁ ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος
“«Ἐὖγε," εἶπεν, “ ὦ "ως, ὅτι μὴ δυνηθεὶς αὐτὸς
ἐμὲ ποιεῖν ὃ δεῖ διδάσκεις." καὶ παίσας διὰ τῆς
κοιλίας ἑαυτὸν ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸ κλινίδιον. ἣν δὲ
οὐκ εὐθυθάνατος ἡ πληγή. διὸ καὶ τῆς φορᾶς
τοῦ αἵματος, ἐπεὶ κατεκλίθη, παυσαμένης,

310

ANTONY, Lxxvi. 1-5

saluted Caesar’s crews with their oars, and on their
returning the salute changed sides, and so all the
ships, now united into one fleet, sailed up towards
the city prows on. No sooner had Antony seen
this than he was deserted by his cavalry, which went
over to the enemy, and after being defeated with his
infantry he retired into the city, crying out that he
had been betrayed by Cleopatra to those with whom
he waged war for her sake. But she, fearing his anger
and his madness, fled for refuge into her tomb and
let fall the drop-doors, which were made strong
with bolts and bars; then she sent messengers to tell
Antony that she was dead. Antony believed the
message, and saying to himself, “Why dost thou
longer delay, Antony? Fortune has taken away thy
sole remaining excuse for clinging to life,’ he went
into his chamber. Here, as he unfastened his breast-
plate and laid it aside, he said ; ‘‘O Cleopatra, I am
not grieved to be bereft of thee, for I shall straight-
way join thee; but I am grieved that such an imper-
ator as I am has been found to be inferior to a woman
in courage.”’

Now, Antony had a trusty slave named Eros. Him
Antony had long before engaged, in case of need, to
kill him, and now demanded the fulfilment of his
promise. So Eros drew his sword and held it up as
though he would smite his master, but then turned
his face away and slew himself. And as he fell at his
master’s feet Antony said : ‘Well done, Eros! though
thou wast not able to do it thyself, thou teachest me
what 1 must do”’; and running himself through the
belly he dropped upon the couch. But the wound
did not bring a speedy death. Therefore, as the
blood ceased flowing after he had lain down, he

Zin
VOL (Xx. L

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀναλαβὼν ἐδεῖτο τῶν παρόντων ἐπισφάττειν
αὐτόν. οἱ δὲ ἔφευγον ἐκ τοῦ δωματίου βοῶντος
καὶ σφαδάζοντος, ἄχρι οὗ παρὰ Κλεοπάτρας ἧκε
Διομήδης ὁ ο γραμματεύς, κομίζειν αὐτὸν ὡς ἐκείνην
εἰς τὸν τάφον κελευσθείς.

LXXVII. Γνοὺς οὖν ὅτι on, “προθύμως ἐκέ-
λευσεν ἄρασθαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις τὸ σῶμα, καὶ διὰ
χειρῶν προσεκομίσθη ταῖς θύραις τοῦ οἰκήματος.

δὲ Κλεοπάτρα τὰς μὲν θύρας οὐκ ἀνέῳξεν, ἐ ἐκ
δὲ θυρίδων τινῶν φανεῖσα σειρὰς καὶ καλώδια
καθίει. καὶ τούτοις ἐναψάντων τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον
ἀνεῖλκεν αὐτὴ καὶ δύο γυναῖκες, ἃς μόνας ἐδέξατο
μεθ᾽ αὑτῆς εἰς τὸν τάφον. οὐδὲν ἐ ἐκείνου λέγουσιν
οἰκτρότερον γενέσθαι οἱ παραγενόμενοι θέαμα.
πεφυρμένος γὰρ αἵματι καὶ δυσθανατῶν εἵλκετο,
τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγων εἰς ἐκείνην καὶ παραιωρού-
μενος. οὐ γὰρ ἦν γυναιξὶ ῥάδιον τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ
μόλις ἡ Κλεοπάτρα ταῖν χεροῖν ἐμπεφυκυΐα καὶ
κατατεινομένη τῷ προσώπῳ τὸν δεσμὸν ἀνελάμ-
βανεν, ἐπικελευομένων τῶν κάτωθεν αὐτῇ καὶ
συναγωνιώντων. δεξαμένη δὲ αὐτὸν οὕτως καὶ
κατακλίνασα περιερρήξατο τε τοὺς πέπλους ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ, καὶ τὰ στέρνα τυπτομένη. καὶ σπαράττουσα
ταῖς χερσί, καὶ τῷ προσώπῳ τοῦ αἵματος ἀναματ-
τομένη, δεσπότην ἐκάλει καὶ ἄνδρα καὶ αὐτο-
κράτορα: καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἐπιλέληστο τῶν αὑτῆς
κακῶν οἴκτῳ τῶν ἐκείνου. καταπαύσας δὲ τὸν θρῆ-
νον αὐτῆς ᾿Αντώνιος ἤτησε πιεῖν οἶνον, εἴτε διψῶν,
εἴτε συντομώτερον ἐλπίζων ἀπολυθήσεσθαι. “πιὼν
δὲ παρήνεσεν αὐτῇ τὰ μὲν ἑαυτῆς, ἂν ἡ μὴ
μετ᾽ αἰσχύνης, σωτήρια τίθεσθαι, μάλιστα τῶν
Καίσαρος ἑταίρων Προκληΐῳ πιστεύουσαν, αὐτὸν
212

ANTONY, Lxxvi. 5—-LXXVII. 4

came to himself and besought the bystanders to give
him the finishing stroke. But they fled from the
chamber, and he lay writhing and crying out, until
Diomedes the secretary came from Cleopatra with
orders to bring him to her in the tomb.

LXXVII. Having learned, then, that Cleopatra
was alive, Antony eagerly ordered his servants to
raise him up, and he was carried in their arms to the
doors of her tomb. Cleopatra, however, would not open
the doors, but showed herself at a window, from
which she let down ropes and cords. To these
Antony was fastened, and she drew him up herself,
with the aid of the two women whom alone she had
admitted with her into the tomb. Never, as those
who were present tell us, was there a more piteous
sight. Smeared with blood and struggling with
death he was drawn up, stretching out his hands to
her even as he dangled in the air. For the task was
not an easy one for women, and scarcely could Cleo-
patra, with clinging hands and strained face, pull up
the rope, while those below called out encourage-
ment to her and shared her agony. And when she
had thus got him in and laid him down, she rent her
garments over him, beat and tore her breasts with
her hands, wiped off some of his blood upon her
face, and called him master, husband, and imperator ;
indeed, she almost forgot her own ills in her pity for
his. But Antony stopped her lamentations and asked
for a drink of wine, either because he was thirsty, or
in the hope of a speedier release. When he had
drunk, he advised her to consult her own safety, if
she could do it without disgrace, and among all the
companions of Caesar to put most confidence in

313

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\

δὲ μὴ θρηνεῖν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑστάταις μεταβολαῖς,
A 4
ἀλλὰ μακαρίζειν ὧν ἔτυχε καλῶν, ἐπιφανέστατος
a / Ν
ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος καὶ πλεῖστον ἰσχύσας καὶ
tal A a Ν «ς ,
νῦν οὐκ ἀγεννῶς Ῥωμαῖος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίου κρα-
,
τηθείς.
LXXVIII. Ὅσον δὲ ἀπολιπόντος αὐτοῦ IIpo-
a Φ Ν , 3 Ν \ e \
KAnios ἧκε παρὰ Καίσαρος. ἐπεὶ yap ἑαυτὸν
/ CEES , wv Ν »
πατάξας ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ὦχετο πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν
, al A , \
κομιζόμενος, Aepxetaios τις τῶν δορυφόρων λαβὼν
\ 5 / ᾽ “Ὁ \ b) , e A
TO ἐγχειρίδιον αὐτοῦ Kal ἀποκρύψας ὑπεξῆλθε,
καὶ δραμὼν πρὸς Καίσαρα πρῶτος ἤγγειλε τὴν
Ἂ ( λευτή L τὸ ξίφος ἔδειξεν ἡμαγ-
ντωνίου τελευτήν, καὶ τὸ os € nay
/ € ὯΝ / a a
μένον. ὁ δὲ ὡς ἤκουσεν, ἐνδοτέρω τῆς σκηνῆς
ἀποστὰς ἀπεδάκρυσεν ἄνδρα κηδεστὴν γενόμενον
καὶ συνάρχοντα καὶ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ πραγ-
μάτων κοινωνόν. εἶτα τὰς ἐπιστολὰς λαβὼν καὶ
\ ,
Tous φίλους καλέσας ἀνεγίνωσκεν ὡς εὐγνώμονα
γράφοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ δίκαια φορτικὸς ἣν καὶ
ὑπερήφανος ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐκεῖνος. ἐκ
Ν / \ fiw ” fe Ἃ
δὲ τούτου τὸν ἸΠροκλήϊον ἔπεμψε κελεύσας, ἢν
δύνηται, μάλιστα τῆς Κλεοπάτρας Cwons κρατῆ-
Ν A an
σαι: καὶ yap ἐφοβεῖτο περὶ τῶν χρημάτων, καὶ
J \ / “ a
μέγα πρὸς δόξαν ἡγεῖτο τοῦ θριάμβου Kataya-
n b , ’ an lal OA
yelp ἐκείνην. εἰς μὲν οὖν χεῖρας τῷ Προκληΐῳ
συνελθεῖν οὐκ ἠθέλησεν: ἐγίνοντο δὲ λόγοι τῷ
’ 7, , ” 3 Aa \ id
οἰκήματι προσελθόντος ἔξωθεν αὐτοῦ κατὰ θύρας
, ω A
ἐπιπέδους, ἀποκεκλειμένας μὲν ὀχυρῶς, φωνῇ δὲ
ὃ UA ὃ > / \ ὃ , θ ε \ 2
ιέξοδον ἐχούσας. καὶ διελέχθησαν ἡ μὲν αἰτου-
314

ANTONY, Lxxvil. 4-LXxvIll. 4

Proculeius, and not to lament him for his last reverses,
but to count him happy for the good things that
had been his, since he had become most illus-
trious of men, had won greatest power, and now
had been not ignobly conquered, a Roman by a
Roman.

LXXVIII. Scarcely was he dead, when Proculeius
came from Caesar. For after Antony had smitten
himself and while he was being carried to Cleopatra,
Dercetaeus, one of his body-guard, seized Antony’s
sword, concealed it, and stole away with it; and
running to Caesar, he was the first to tell him of
Antony’s death, and showed him the sword all
smeared with blood. When Caesar heard these
tidings, he retired within his tent and wept for aman
who had been his relation by marriage, his colleague
in office and command, and his partner in many
undertakings and struggles. Then he took the letters
which had passed between them, called in his friends,
and read the letters aloud, showing how reasonably
and justly he had written, and how rude and over-
bearing Antony had always been in his replies.
After this, he sent Proculeius, bidding him, if
possible, above all things to get Cleopatra into his
power alive ; for he was fearful about the treasures
in her funeral pyre, and he thought it would add
greatly to the glory of his triumph if she were led
in the procession. Into the hands of Proculeius,
however, Cleopatra would not put herself; but she
conferred with him after he had come close to the
tomb and stationed himself outside at a door which
was on a level with the ground. The door was
strongly fastened with bolts and bars, but allowed a
passage for the voice. So they conversed, Cleopatra

5:5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, a \ \ , ς \ A \
μένη τοῖς παισὶ τὴν βασιλείαν, ὁ δὲ θαρρεῖν καὶ
πάντα πιστεύειν Καίσαρι κελεύων.

EX XOEXE “Ogre κατιδὼν τὸν τόπον ἀπήγγειλε
Καίσαρι, Πάλλος μὲν ἐπέμφθη πάλιν ἐντευξό-
μενος αὐτῇ: καὶ πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἐλθὼν ἐπίτηδες
ἐμήκυνε τὸν λόγον. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ IIpoxAnios κλί-
μακος προστεθείσης διὰ τῆς θυρίδος εἰσῆλθεν 7
τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον αἱ γυναῖκες ἐδέξαντο. καὶ πρὸς

ὶς OV ὑτὰς ' εὐθύς, αἷς ἡ Κλεοπάτ εἰ-
τὰς θύρας avtas’ εὐθὺς, αἷς ἡ Κλεοπάτρα παρ
στήκει προσέχουσα τῷ Γάλλῳ, κατέβαινεν ὑπηρέ-
τας ἔχων δύο μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ. τῶν δὲ συγκαθειργ-
μένων τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ γυναικῶν τῆς ἑτέρας ἀνα-
κραγούσης, “ Τάλαινα Κλεοπάτρα, ζωγρεῖ," μετα-
στραφεῖσα καὶ θεασαμένη τὸν Προκλήϊον ὥρμησε
μὲν αὑτὴν πατάξαι: παρεζωσμένη γὰρ ἐτύγχανέ
τι τῶν λῃστρικῶν ξιφιδίων' προσδραμὼν δὲ ταχὺ
καὶ περισχὼν αὐτὴν ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ὃ
Προκλήϊος, ““᾿Αδικεῖς, εἶπεν, “ὦ Κλεοπάτρα,
καὶ σεαυτὴν καὶ Καίσαρα, μεγάλην ἀφαιρουμένη
χρηστότητος ἐπίδειξιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ διαβάλλουσα
τὸν πρᾳότατον ἡγεμόνων ὡς ἄπιστον καὶ ἀδιάλ.-
λακτον. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ ξίφος αὐτῆς παρείλετο,
καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα, μὴ κρύπτοι τι φάρμακον, ἐξες
σεισεν. ἐπέμφθη δὲ καὶ παρὰ Καίσαρος τῶν
ἀπελευθέρων ᾿Επαφρόδιτος, ᾧ προσετέτακτο ζῶ-
σαν αὐτὴν φυλάττειν ἰ ἰσχυρῶς ἐπιμελόμενον, τὰλ-
λα δὲ Σ πρὸς τὸ ῥᾷστον ἐνδιδόναι καὶ ἥδιστον.

LXXX. Αὐτὸς δὲ Καῖσαρ εἰσήλαυνεν εἰς τὴν
πόλιν, ᾿Αρείῳ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ προσδιαλεγόμενος
καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνδεδωκώς, ἵνα εὐθὺς ἐν τοῖς πολί-

1 αὐτὰς bracketed by Bekker.
2 τἄλλα δὲ Bekker, after Solanus: τἄλλα,
316

ANTONY, LXxvitt. 4- ἸΧΧΧ. 1

asking that her children might have her kingdom,
and Proculeius bidding her be of good cheer and
trust Caesar in everything.

LXXIX. After Proculeius had surveyed the place,
he brought back word to Caesar, and Gallus was sent
to have another interview with the queen; and com-
ing up to the door he purposely prolonged the con-
versation. Meanwhile Proculeius applied a ladder
and went in through the window by which the
women had taken Antony inside. Then he went
down at once to the very door at which Cleopatra was
standing and listening to Gallus, and he had two
servants with him. One of the women imprisoned
with Cleopatra cried out, ‘‘ Wretched Cleopatra, thou
art taken alive,’ whereupon the queen turned about,
saw Proculeius, and tried to stab herself; for she had
at her girdle a dagger such as robbers wear. But
Proculeius ran swiftly to her, threw both his arms
about her, and said: “O Cleopatra, thou art wrong-
ing both thyself and Caesar, by trying to rob him of
an opportunity to show great kindness, and by fix-
ing upon the gentlest of commanders the stigma of
faithlessness and implacability.” At the same time
he took away her weapon, and shook out her clothing,
to see whether she was concealing any poison. And
there was also sent from Caesar one of his freedmen,
Epaphroditus, with injunctions to keep the queen
alive by the strictest vigilance, but otherwise to make
any concession that would promote her ease and
pleasure.

LXXX. And now Caesar himself drove into the city,
and he was conversing with Areius the philosopher, to
whom he had given his right hand, in order that Areius
might at once be conspicuous among the citizens, and

307

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Tats περίβλεπτος εἴη Kal θαυμάζοιτο τιμώμενος
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διαπρεπῶς. εἰς δὲ τὸ γυμνάσιον εἰσ-
ελθὼν καὶ ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ βῆμά τι πεποιημένον, ἐκ-
πεπληγμένων ὑπὸ δέους τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ προσ-
πιπτόντων, ἀναστῆναι κελεύσας ἔφη. πάσης αἰ-
τίας τὸν δῆμον ἀφιέναι, πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸν
κτίστην ᾿Αλέξανδρον: δεύτερον δὲ τῆς πόλεως
θαυμάζων τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος" τρίτον δὲ
᾿Αρείῳ τῷ ἑταίρῳ χαριζόμενος. ταύτης δὴ τῆς
τιμῆς ἔτυχε παρὰ Καίσαρος ΤΆρειος, καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ἐξῃτήσατο συχνούς: ὧν ἣν καὶ Φιλό-
στρατος, ἀνὴρ εἰπεῖν μὲν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς τῶν πώ-
ποτε σοφιστῶν ἱκανώτατος, εἰσποιῶν δὲ μὴ προσ-
ἠκόντως ἑαυτὸν τῇ ᾿Ακαδημείᾳ. διὸ καὶ Καῖσαρ
αὐτοῦ βδελυττόμενος τὸν τρόπον οὐ προσίετο τὰς
δεήσεις. ὁ δὲ πώγωνα πολιὸν καθεὶς καὶ φαιὸν
ἱμάτιον περιβαλόμενος ἐξόπισθεν ᾿Αρείῳ παρη-
κολούθει, τοῦτον ἀεὶ τὸν στίχον ἀναφθεγγόμενος"

σοφοὶ σοφοὺς σώζουσιν, ἂν ὦσιν σοφοί.

πυθόμενος δὲ Καῖσαρ, καὶ τοῦ φθόνου μᾶλλον
ἼΑρειον ἢ τοῦ δέους Φιλόστρατον ἀπαλλάξαι
βουλόμενος, διῆκε.

LXXXI. Τῶν δὲ ᾿Αντωνίου παίδων ὁ μὲν ἐκ
Φουλ βίας "AvTvAXos ὑπὸ Θεοδώρου τοῦ παιδα-
γωγοῦ παραδοθεὶς ἀπέθανε' καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν av-
τοῦ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀποτεμόντων, ὃ παιδαγωγὸς
ἀφελὼν ὃν ἐφώρει περὶ τῷ τραχήλῳ πολυτιμό-
τατον λίθον εἰς τὴν ζώνην κατέρραψεν: ἀρνησά-
μενος δὲ καὶ φωραθεὶς ἀνεσταυρώθη. τὰ δὲ
Κλεοπάτρας παιδία _ Ppoupovpeva μετὰ τῶν τρε-
φόντων ἐλευθέριον εἶχε δίαιταν. Καισαρίωνα δὲ

318

953

ANTONY, Lxxx. 1-LXXxI. 2

be admired because of the marked honour shown him
by Caesar. After he had entered the gymnasium and
ascended a tribunal there made for him, the people
were beside themselves with fear and_prostrated
themselves before him, but he bade them rise up, and
said that he acquitted the people of all blame, first,
because of Alexander, their founder ; second, because
he admired the great size and beauty of the city ;
and third, to gratify his companion, Areius. This
honour Caesar bestowed upon Areius, and pardoned
many other persons also at his request. Among
these was Philostratus, a man more competent to
speak extempore than any sophist that ever lived,
but he improperly represented himself as belonging
to the school of the Academy. Therefore Caesar,
abominating his ways, would not listen to his entrea-
ties. So Philostratus, having a long white beard
and wearing a dark robe, would follow behind Areius,
ever declaiming this verse :—

“Α wise man will a wise man save, if wise he be.’’!

When Caesar learned of this, he pardoned him,
wishing rather to free Areius from odium than Philo-
stratus from fear.

LXXXI. As for the children of Antony, Antyllus,
his son by Fulvia, was betrayed by Theodorus his
tutor and put to death; and after the soldiers had
cut off his head, his tutor took away the exceeding
precious stone which the boy wore about his neck
and sewed it into his own girdle; and though he
denied the deed, he was convicted of it and crucified.
Cleopatra’s children, together with their attendants,
were kept under guard and had generous treatment.

* An iambic trimeter from an unknown poet (Nauck,
Trag. Graec. Fray.” p. 921).

Lo 99

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τὸν ἐκ Καίσαρος γεγονέναι λεγόμενον ἡ μὲν μήτηρ
ἐξέπεμψε μετὰ χρημάτων πολλῶν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν
δι’ Αἰθιοπίας, ἕτερος δὲ παιδαγωγὸς ὅμοιος Θεο-
δώρῳ Ῥόδων ἀνέπεισεν ἐπανελθεῖν, ὡς Καίσαρος
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ βασιλείαν καλοῦντος. βουλευομένου
δὲ Καίσαρος Αρειον εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν'

id
οὐκ ἀγαθὸν TodvKaLoapin.'

LXXXII. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἀπέκτεινε
μετὰ τὴν Κλεοπάτρας τελευτήν. ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ πολ-
λῶν αἰτουμένων θάψαι καὶ βασιλέων καὶ στρατη-
γῶν, οὐκ ἀφείλετο Κλεοπάτρας τὸ σῶμα Καῖσαρ,
ἀλλὰ ἐθάπτετο ταῖς ἐκείνης χερσὶ πολυτελῶς καὶ
βασιλικῶς, πᾶσιν ὡς ἐβούλετο χρῆσθαι λαβούσης.
ἐκ δὲ λύπης ἅμα τοσαύτης καὶ ὀδύνης (ἀνεφλέγμ-
ηνε γὰρ αὐτῆς τὰ στέρνα τυπτομένης καὶ ἥλκωτο)
πυρετῶν ἐπιλαβόντων ἠγάπησε τὴν πρόφασιν,
ὡς ἀφεξομένη τροφῆς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ παραλύσουσα
τοῦ ζῆν ἀκωλύτως ἑαυτήν. ἣν δὲ ἰατρὸς αὐτῇ
συνήθης "Ὄλυμπος, ᾧ φράσασα τἀληθὲς ἐχρῆτο
συμβούλῳ καὶ συνεργῷ τῆς καθαιρέσεως, ὡς αὐ-
τὸς ὁ Ὄλυμπος εἴρηκεν ἱστορίαν τινὰ τῶν πραγ-
μάτων τούτων ἐκδεδωκώς. ὑπονοήσας δὲ Καῖσα
ἀπειλὰς μέν τινας αὐτῇ καὶ φόβους περὶ τῶν
τέκνων προσέβαλλεν, οἷς ἐκείνη καθάπερ μηχανή:
μασιν ὑπηρείπετο καὶ παρεδίδου τὸ σῶμα θερα-
πεύειν καὶ τρέφειν τοῖς γρήζουσιν.

LXXXIII. “Hee δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡμέρας ὀλίγας
διαλιπὼν ἐντευξόμενος αὐτῇ καὶ παρηγορήσων.
ἡ δὲ ἔτυχε μὲν ἐν στιβάδι κατακειμένη ταπεινῶς,

Δ An adaptation of οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη (the rule of
many), Iliad, ii. 204.

320

ANTONY, LXxxxI. 2—-LXXXIII. 1

But Caesarion, who was said to be Cleopatra’s son by
Julius Caesar, was sent by his mother, with much
treasure, into India, by way of Ethiopia. There
Rhodon, another tutor like Theodorus, persuaded
him to go back, on the ground that Caesar invited
him to take the kingdom. But while Caesar was
deliberating on the matter, we are told that Areius
said :—
“ Not a good thing were a Caesar too many.”

LXXXII. As for Caesarion, then, he was after-
wards put to death by Caesar,—after the death of
Cleopatra; but as for Antony, though many generals
and kings asked for his body that they might give it
burial, Caesar would not take it away from Cleopatra,
and it was buried by her hands in sumptuous and
royal fashion, such things being granted her for the
purpose as she desired. But in consequence of so
much grief as well as pain (for her breasts were
wounded and inflamed by the blows she gave them)
a fever assailed her, and she welcomed it as an ex-
cuse for abstaining from food and so releasing herself
from life without hindrance. Moreover, there was a
physician in her company of intimates, Olympus, to
whom she told the truth, and she had his counsel
and assistance in compassing her death, as Olympus
himself testifies in a history of these events which he
published. But Caesar was suspicious, and plied her
with threats and fears regarding her children, by
which she was laid low, as by engines of war, and
surrendered her body for such care and nourishment
as was desired.

LXXXIII. After a few days Caesar himself came
to talk with her and give her comfort. She was
lying on a mean pallet-bed, clad only in her tunic,

221

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰσιόντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μονοχίτων ἀναπηδήσασα προσ-
πίπτει, δεινῶς, μὲν ἐξηγριωμένη κεφαλὴν καὶ
πρόσωπον, ὑπότρομος. δὲ τῇ φωνῇ καὶ συντε-
τηκυῖα ταῖς ὄψεσιν. ἣν δὲ πολλὰ καὶ τῆς περὶ
τὸ στέρνον αἰκίας καταφανῆ: καὶ ὅλως οὐθὲν
ἐδόκει τὸ σῶμα τῆς ψυχῆς ἔχειν βέλτιον. ἡ
μέντοι χάρις ἐκείνη καὶ τὸ τῆς ὥρας ἰταμὸν οὐ
κατέσβεστο παντάπασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶπερ οὕτως
διακειμένης ἔνδοθέν ποθεν ἐξέλαμπε καὶ συνεπ-
εφαίνετο τοῖς κινήμασι τοῦ προσώπου. κελεύ-
σαντος δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὴν κατακλιθῆναι καὶ
πλησίον αὐτοῦ καθίσαντος, ἥψατο μέν τινος
δικαιολογίας, εἰς ἀνάγκην καὶ φόβον ᾿Αντωνίου
τὰ πεπραγμένα τρεπούσης, ἐνισταμένου δὲ πρὸς
ἕκαστον αὐτῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐξελεγχομένη ταχὺ
πρὸς οἶκτον μεθηρμόσατο καὶ δέησιν, ἃ ὡς δή τις ἂν
μάλιστα τοῦ ζῆν περιεχομένη. τέλος δὲ τοῦ
πλήθους τῶν χρημάτων ἀναγραφὴν ἐ ἔχουσα προσέ-
δωκεν αὐτῷ: Σελεύκου δέ τινος τῶν ἐπιτρόπων
ἐλέγχοντος ὡς ἔνια κρύπτουσαν καὶ διακλέπτου-
σαν, ἀναπηδήσασα καὶ τῶν τριχῶν αὐτοῦ λαβο-
μένη πολλὰς ἐνεφόρει τῷ προσώπῳ πληγάς. τοῦ
δὲ Καίσαρος μειδιῶντος. καὶ καταπαύοντος αὐτήν,
“᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ δεινόν," εἶπεν, “ ὦ Καῖσαρ, εἰ σὺ μὲν
ἠξίωσας ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ προσειπεῖν οὕτω
πράττουσαν, οἱ δὲ δοῦλοί μου κατηγοροῦσιν εἴ τι
τῶν γυναικείων ἀπεθέμην, οὐκ ἐμαυτῇ δήπουθεν,
ἡ τάλαινα, “κόσμον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως ᾿Οκταουίᾳ καὶ
AtBia τῇ σῇ μικρὰ δοῦσα δι᾽ ἐκείνων ἵλεώ σου
τύχοιμι καὶ πρᾳοτέρου; ” τούτοις ὁ Καῖσαρ ἥδετο,
παντάπαοιν αὐτὴν φιλοψυχεῖν οἰόμενος. εἰπὼν
οὖν ὅτι καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιτρέπει καὶ τἄλλα πάσης

322

954

ANTONY, wUxxxil. 1-5

but sprang up as he entered and threw herself at his
feet ; her hair and face were in terrible disarray, her
voice trembled, and her eyes were sunken. There
were also visible many marks of the cruel blows
upon her bosom; in a word, her body seemed to be
no better off than her spirit. Nevertheless, the
charm for which she was famous and the boldness of
her beauty were not altogether extinguished, but,
although she was in such a sorry plight, they shone
forth from within and made themselves manifest in
the play of her features. After Caesar had bidden
her to lie down and had seated himself near her, she
began a sort of justification of her course, ascribing
it to necessity and fear of Antony; but as Caesar
opposed and refuted her on every point, she quickly
changed her tone and sought to move his pity by
prayers, as one who above all things clung to life.
And finally she gave him a list which she had of all
her treasures; and when Seleucus, one of her stew-
ards, showed conclusively that she was stealing away
and hiding some of them, she sprang up, seized him
by the hair, and showered blows upon his face. And
when Caesar, with a smile, stopped her, she said:
“But is it not a monstrous thing, O Caesar, that
when thou hast deigned to come to me and speak to
me though I am in this wretched plight, my slaves
denounce me for reserving some women’s adornments,
—not for myself, indeed, unhappy woman that I am,
—but that I may make trifling gifts to Octavia and
thy Livia, and through their intercession find thee
merciful and more gentle?’’ Caesar was pleased
with this speech, being altogether of the opinion that
she desired to live. He told her, therefore, that he
left these matters for her to manage, and that in all

323

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> / sia / , v
ἐλπίδος αὐτῇ χρήσεται λαμπρότερον, ᾧχετο
, \ ἢ
ἀπιών, ἐξηπατηκέναι μὲν οἰόμενος, ἐξηπατημένος
δὲ μᾶλλον.
,
LXXXIV.”Hv δὲ Κορνήλιος Δολοβέλλας
an , ,
ἐπιφανὴς νεανίσκος ἐν τοῖς Καίσαρος ἑταίροις.
οὗτος εἶχε πρὸς τὴν Κλεοπάτραν οὐκ ἀηδῶς" καὶ
, , > A ’ὔ / fe
τότε χαριζόμενος αὐτῇ δεηθείσῃ κρύφα πέμψας
ἐξήγγειλεν ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀναζεύγνυσι
an lf ‘ A
πεζῇ διὰ Συρίας, ἐκείνην δὲ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων
ἀποστέλλειν εἰς τρίτην ἡμέραν ἔγνωκεν. ἡ δὲ
ἀκούσασα ταῦτα πρῶτον μὲν ἐδεήθη Καίσαρος
ὅπως αὐτὴν ἐάσῃ χοὰς ἐπενεγκεῖν ᾿Αντωνίῳ" καὶ
συγχωρήσαντος ἐπὶ τὸν τάφον κομισθεῖσα καὶ
περιπεσοῦσα τῇ σορῷ μετὰ τῶν συνήθων γυναι-
nr /
κῶν, “O φίλε ᾿Αντώνιε," εἶπεν, “ ἔθαπτον μέν σε
πρώην ἔτι χερσὶν ἐλευθέραις, σπένδω δὲ νῦν αἰχ-
5 \ a
μάλωτος οὖσα, Kal φρουρουμένη μήτε κοπετοῖς
, a - a
μήτε θρήνοις αἰκίσασθαι τὸ δοῦλον τοῦτο σῶμα
καὶ τηρούμενον ἐπὶ τοὺς κατὰ σοῦ θριάμβους.
ἄλλας δὲ μὴ προσδέχου τιμὰς ἢ χοάς: ἀλλ᾽
αὗταί σοι τελευταῖαι Κλεοπάτρας ἀγομένης.
a \ \ ς cal IAIN bY , ’
ζῶντας μὲν γὰρ ἡμᾶς οὐθὲν ἀλλήλων διέστησε,
/ \ a / ’ Α
κινδυνεύομεν δὲ τῷ θανάτῳ διαμείψασθαι τοὺς
e ε a “
τόπους" σὺ μὲν ὁ Ῥωμαῖος ἐνταῦθα κείμενος,
᾽ , 3 n an A
ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἡ δύστηνος ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ, τοσοῦτο τῆς σῆς
ἴω / U 5) ᾽ ᾽ / ἴω
μεταλαβοῦσα χώρας μόνον. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δή τις τῶν
b] a “ > \ \ / e \ 3 an
ἐκεῖ θεῶν ἀλκὴ Kal δύναμις (οἱ yap ἐνταῦθα
” ς n \ / A a
προὔδωκαν ἡμᾶς), μὴ πρόῃ ζῶσαν τὴν σεαυτοῦ
- > b \ .
γυναῖκα, μηδ᾽ ἐν ἐμοὶ περιΐδῃς θριαμβευόμενον

324

ANTONY, txxxul. 5-LxxxIv. 4

other ways he would give her more splendid treat-
ment than she could possibly expect. ‘Then he went
off, supposing that he had deceived her, but the
rather deceived by her.

LXXXIV. Now, there was a young man of rank
among Caesar’s companions, named Cornelius Dola-
bella. This man was not without a certain tenderness
for Cleopatra; and so now, in response to her request,
he secretly sent word to her that Caesar himself was
preparing to march with his land forces through
Syria, and had resolved to send off her and her
children within three days. After Cleopatra had
heard this, in the first place, she begged Caesar that
she might be permitted to pour libations for Antony ;
and when the request was granted, she had herself
carried to the tomb, and embracing the urn which
held his ashes, in company with the women usually
about her, she said: “Dear Antony, I buried thee
but lately with hands still free; now, however, I pour
libations for thee as a captive, and so carefully
guarded that I cannot either with blows or tears dis-
figure this bedy of mine, which is a slave’s body, and
closely watched that it may grace the triumph over
thee. Do not expect other honours or libations;
these are the last from Cleopatra the captive.
For though in life nothing could part us from each
other, in death we are likely to change places; thou,
the Roman, lying buried here, while I, the hapless
woman, lie in Italy, and get only so much of thy
country as my portion. But if indeed there is any
might or power in the gods of that country (for the
gods of this country have betrayed us), do not aban-
don thine own wife while she lives, nor permit a

325

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a \ a
σεαυτόν, GAN ἐνταῦθά pe κρύψον μετὰ σεαυτοῦ
a \
καὶ σύνθαψον, ὡς ἐμοὶ μυρίων κακῶν ὄντων οὐδὲν
[ e \ τ
οὕτω μέγα καὶ δεινόν ἐστιν ὡς ὁ βραχὺς οὗτος
ἃ “ ”
χρόνος ὃν σοῦ χωρὶς ἔζηκα.
Γ΄ a 4 Ν ,
LXXXV. Τοιαῦτα ὀλοφυραμένη καὶ στέψασα
\ an
Kal κατασπασαμένη τὴν σορὸν ἐκέλευσεν αὑτῇ
λουτρὸν γενέσθαι. δλουσαμένη δὲ καὶ κατα-
ce , /
κλιθεῖσα λαμπρὸν ἄριστον ἠρίστα. καί τις ἧκεν
3 ΡΣ a f SN , A \ ’
ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ κίστην τινὰ κομίζων: τῶν δὲ φυλάκων
“ / / 5 / \ 5 \ \
6 τι φέροι πυνθανομένων ἀνοίξας καὶ ἀφελὼν τὰ
θρῖα σύκων ἐπίπλεων τὸ ἀγγεῖον ἔδειξε. θαυμα-
΄ δὲ \ / \ \ {é θ ὃ ip
σάντων ὃὲ TO κάλλος καὶ TO μέγεθος μειδιάσας
, A ¢ \ ΄ 3 /
παρεκάλει λαβεῖν: οἱ δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἐκέλευον
A \ \ ,
εἰσενεγκεῖν. μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἄριστον ἡ Κλεοπάτρα
δέλτον ἔχουσα γεγραμμένην καὶ κατασεσημασ-
/ 2 , Ν , \ \ 7
μένην ἀπέστειλε πρὸς Καίσαρα, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους
\ / an aA
ἐκποδὼν ποιησαμένη πλὴν τῶν δυεῖν ἐκείνων
γυναικῶν τὰς θύρας ἔκλεισε.
a \ / \ “ e Sa. 4, n
Καῖσαρ δὲ λύσας τὴν δέλτον, ws ἐνέτυχε λιταῖς
\ ’ A ὃ / ’ \ \ 9 ,
καὶ ολοφυρμοῖς δεομένης αὐτὴν σὺν ᾿Αντωνίῳ
\ A X al
θάψαι, ταχὺ συνῆκε TO πεπραγμένον. Kal πρῶτον
Ν ἊΝ “ a
μὲν αὐτὸς ὥρμησε βοηθεῖν, ἔπειτα τοὺς σκεψο-
\ /
μένους κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν. ἐγεγόνει δ᾽ ὀξὺ TO
, \ /
πάθος. δρόμῳ yap ἐλθόντες Kal τοὺς μὲν φυλάτ-
ὑδὲ 2 , f \ N;
TovTas οὐδὲν ἠσθημένους καταλαβόντες, τὰς δὲ
ie > , ie a a
θύρας ἀνοίξαντες, εὗρον αὐτὴν τεθνηκυῖαν ἐν χρυσῇ
, 7 -
κατακειμένην κλίνῃ, κεκοσμημένην βασιλικῶς.
τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν ἡ μὲν Εἰρὰς λεγομένη πρὸς τοῖς
Ἂ » /
ποσὶν ἀπέθνησκεν, ἡ δὲ Χώρμιον ἤδη σφαλλομένη
226

ANTONY, Lxxxiv. 4-Lxxxv. 4

triumph to be celebrated over thyself in my person,
but hide and bury me here with thyself, since out
of all my innumerable ills not one is so great and
dreadful as this short time that I have lived apart
from thee.”

LXXXV. After such lamentations, she wreathed
and kissed the urn, and then ordered a bath to be
prepared for herself. After her bath, she reclined at
table and was making a sumptuous meal. And there
came a man from the country carrying a basket ; and
when the guards asked him what he was bringing
there, he opened the basket, took away the leaves,
and showed them that the dish inside was full of figs.
The guards were amazed at the great size and beauty
of the figs, whereupon the man smiled and asked
them to take some; so they felt no mistrust and bade
him take themin. After her meal, however, Cleopatra
took a tablet which was already written upon and
sealed, and sent it to Caesar, and then, sending away
all the rest of the company except her two faithful
women, she closed the doors.

But Caesar opened the tablet, and when he found
there lamentations and supplications of one who
begged that he would bury her with Antony, he
quickly knew what had happened. At first he was
minded to go himself and give aid; then he ordered
messengers to go with all speed and investigate. But
the mischief had been swift. For though his mes-
sengers came on the run and found the guards as yet
aware of nothing, when they opened the doors they
found Cleopatra lying dead upon a golden couch,
arrayed in royal state. And of her two women, the
one called Iras was dying at her feet, while Char-
mion, already tottering and heavy-headed, was

327

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ καρηβαροῦσα κατεκόσμει τὸ διάδημα τὸ
περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτῆς. εἰπόντος δέ τιν ος ὀργῇ"
“Καλὰ ταῦτα, Χάρμιον' Fig Κάλλιστα μὲν οὗν,"
ἔφη, “καὶ πρέποντα τῇ τοσούτων ἀπογόνῳ
βασιλέων." πλέον δὲ οὐδὲν εἶπεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ
παρὰ τὴν κλίνην ἔπεσε.

LXXXVI. Λέγεται δὲ τὴν ἀσπίδα κομισθῆναι
σὺν τοῖς σύκοις ἐκείνοις καὶ τοῖς θρίοις ἄνωθεν
ἐπικαλυφθεῖσαν, οὕτω γὰρ τὴν Κλεοπάτραν
κελεῦσαι, μηδὲ αὐτῆς ἐπισταμένης τῷ σώματι
προσπεσεῖν τὸ θηρίον: ὡς δὲ ἀφαιροῦσα τῶν
σύκων εἶδεν, εἰπεῖν: “᾿Ἐνταῦθα ἦν ἄρα τοῦτο:
καὶ τὸν βραχίονα παρασχεῖν τῷ δήγματι
γυμνώσασαν. οἱ δὲ τηρεῖσθαι μὲν ἐν ὑδρίᾳ τὴν

ἀσπίξα καθειργμένην φάσκουσιν, ἠλακάτῃ δέ
τινι χρυσῇ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἐκκαλουμένης αὐτὴν
καὶ διαγριαινούσης ὁρμήσασαν ἐμφῦναι τῷ
βραχίονι. τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς οὐδεὶς οἶδεν" ἐπεὶ καὶ
φάρμακον αὐτὴν ἐλέχθη φορεῖν ἐν κνηστίδι κοίλῃ,
τὴν δὲ κνηστίδα κρύπτειν τῇ “κόμῃ" πλὴν οὔτε
κηλὶς ἐξήνθησε τοῦ σώματος οὔτε ἄχλο φαρμάκου
σημεῖον. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸ θηρίον ἐντὸς ὥφθη,
συρμοὺς δέ τινας αὐτοῦ παρὰ θάλασσαν, ἡ τὸ
δωμάτιον ἀφεώρα καὶ θυρίδες ἣ ἧσαν, ἰδεῖν ἔφασκον.
ἔνιοι. δὲ καὶ τὸν βραχίονα τῆς Κλεοπάτρας
ὀφθῆναι δύο νυγμὰς ἔχοντα λεπτὰς καὶ ἀμυδράς'
οἷς ἔοικε πιστεῦσαι καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ. ἐν γὰρ τῷ

by, >
θριάμβῳ Ths Κλεοπάτρας αὐτῆς εἴδωλον ἐκο-
μίζετο καὶ τῆς ἀσπίδος ἐμπεφυκυίας. ταῦτα μὲν
οὖν οὕτω λέγεται γενέσθαι.

Καῖσαρ δέ, καίπερ ἀχθεσθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ
τῆς γυναικός, ἐθαύμασε τὴν εὐγένειαν αὐτῆς"

328

ANTONY, Lxxxv. 4-Lxxxvi. 4

trying to arrange the diadem which encircled the
queen's brow. Then somebody said in anger: “A
fine deed, this, Charmion!”’ “It is indeed most
fine,’ she said, “and befitting the descendant of so
many kings.’ Not a word more did she speak, but
fell there by the side of the couch.

LXXXVI. It is said that the asp was brought with
those figs and leaves and lay hidden beneath them,
for thus Cleopatra had given orders, that the reptile
might fasten itself upon her body without her being
aware of it. But when she took away some of the
figs and saw it, she said: “There it is, you see,”’ and
baring her arm she held it out for the bite. But
others say that the asp was kept carefully shut upin a
water jar, and that while Cleopatra was stirring it up
and irritating it with a golden distaff it sprang and
fastened itself upon her arm. But the truth of the
matter no one knows; for it was also said that she
carried about poison in a hollow comb and kept the
comb hidden in her hair; and yet neither spot nor
other sign of poison broke out upon her body. More-
over, not even was the reptile seen within the
chamber, though people said they saw some traces of
it near the sea, where the chamber looked out upon
it with its windows. And some also say that Cleo-
patra’s arm was seen to have two slight and indis-
tinct punctures; and this Caesar also seems to have
believed. For in his triumph an image of Cleopatra
herself with the asp clinging to her was carried in
the procession. These, then, are the various accounts
of what happened.

But Caesar, although vexed at the death of the
woman, admired her lofty spirit ; and he gave orders

329

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἢ: ταφῆναι τὸ σῶμα σὺν ᾿Αντωνίῳ λαμπρῶς
ὶ βασιλικῶς ἐκέλευσεν. “ἐντίμου δὲ καὶ τὰ
oe κηδείας ἔτυχεν. αὐτοῦ προστάξαντος.
ἐτελεύτησε δὲ Κλεοπάτρα μὲν ἑνὸς δέοντα
τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη βιώσασα, καὶ τούτων δύο καὶ
εἴκοσι βασιλεύσασα, συνάρξασα δὲ ᾿Αντωνίῳ
5 πλείω τῶν δεκατεσσάρων. ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ οἱ μὲν
ἕξ, οἱ δὲ τρισὶ τὰ πεντήκοντα ὑπερβαλεῖν φασιν.
αἱ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αντωνίου καθηῃηρέθησαν εἰκόνες, αἱ δὲ
Κλεοπάτρας κατὰ χώραν ἔμειναν, ᾿Αρχιβίου
τινὸς τῶν φίλων αὐτῆς δισχίλια τάλαντα Καίσαρι
δόντος, ἵνα μὴ τὸ αὐτὸ ταῖς ᾿Αντωνίου πάθωσιν.
LXXXVII. ᾿Αντωνίου δὲ γενεὰν ἀπολιπόντος
ἐκ τριῶν γυναικῶν ἑπτὰ παῖδας, ὁ πρεσβύτατος
"AvtvAXos ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἀνῃρέθη μόνος" τοὺς
λοιποὺς δὲ ᾿Οκταουία παραλαβοῦσα μετὰ τῶν ἐξ
ἑαυτῆς ἔθρεψε. καὶ Κλεοπάτραν μὲν τὴν ἐκ
Κλεοπάτρας Ἰόβᾳ, τῷ χαριεστάτῳ βασιλέων
συνῴκισεν, ᾿Αντώνιον δὲ τὸν ἐκ Φουλβίας οὕτω
μέγαν ἐποίησεν ὥστε τὴν πρώτην παρὰ Καίσαρι
τιμὴν ᾿Αγρίππου, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν τῶν Λιβίας
παίδων ἐχόντων, τρίτον εἶναι καὶ δοκεῖν
2 ᾿Αντώνιον. ἐκ δὲ Μαρκέλλου δυεῖν αὐτῇ θυγα-
τέρων οὐσῶν, ἑνὸς δὲ υἱοῦ Μαρκέλλου, τοῦτον
μὲν ἅμα παῖδα καὶ γαμβρὸν ἐποιήσατο Καῖσαρ,
τῶν δὲ θυγατέρων ᾿Αγρίππᾳ τὴν ἑτέραν ἔδωκεν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ Μάρκελλος ἐτελεύτησε κομιδῆ νεόγαμος
καὶ Καίσαρι γαμβρὸν ¢ ἔχοντα πίστιν οὐκ εὔπορον
ἣν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἑλέσθαι, λόγον ἡ
᾿ὈἈΚταουία προσήνεγκεν ὡς χρὴ τὴν Καίσαρος
θυγατέρα λαβεῖν ᾿Αγρίππαν, ἀφέντα τὴν ἑαυτῆς.
8 πεισθέντος δὲ Καίσαρος πρῶτον, εἶτα ᾿Αγρίππου,

339

ANTONY, LXxxxvi. 4-LXXXVII. 3

that her body should be buried with that of Antony
in splendid and regal fashion. Her women also
received honourable interment by his orders. When
Cleopatra died she was forty years of age save one, had
been queen for two and twenty of these, and had
shared her power with Antony more than fourteen.
Antony was fifty-six years of age, according to some,
according to others, fifty-three. Now, the statues of
Antony were torn down, but those of Cleopatra were
left standing, because Archibius, one of her friends,
gave Caesar two thousand talents, in order that they
might not suffer the same fate as Antony’s.
LXXXVII. Antony ieft seven children by his three
wives, of whom Antyllus, the eldest, was the only
one who was put to death by Caesar; the rest were
taken up by Octavia and reared with her own chil-
dren. Cleopatra, the daughter of Cleopatra, Octavia
gave in marriage to Juba, the most accomplished of
kings, and Antony, the son of Fulvia, she raised so
high that, while Agrippa held the first place in Caesar’s
estimation, and the sons of Livia the second, Antony
was thought to be and really was third. By Marcellus
Octavia had two daughters, and one son, Marcellus,
whom Caesar made both his son and his son-in-law,
and he gave one of the daughters to Agrippa. But
since Marcellus died very soon after his marriage
and it was not easy for Caesar to select from among
his other friends a son-in-law whom he could trust,
Octavia proposed that Agrippa should take Caesar’s
daughter to wife, and put away her own. First
Caesar was persuaded by her, then Agrippa, where-

331

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

τὴν μὲν αὑτῆς ἀπολαβοῦσα συνῴκισεν ᾿Αντωνίῳ,
τὴν δὲ Καίσαρος ᾿Αγρίππας ἔγημεν. ἀπολειπο-
μένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αντωνίον καὶ ᾿Οκταουίας δυεῖν
θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν Δομίτιος ᾿Αηνόβαρβος ἔλαβε,
τὴν δὲ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ κάλλει περιβόητον
b ) ’ A ς , 6 , \
Avtwviav Δροῦσος, ὁ Λιβίας υἱός, πρόγονος δὲ
Καίσαρος. ἐκ τούτων ἐγένετο Τερμανικὸς καὶ
Κλαύδιος: ὧν Κλαύδιος μὲν ὕστερον ἦρξε, τῶν
δὲ Γερμανικοῦ παίδων [dios μὲν ἄρξας ἐπιφανῶς
οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀνῃρέθη μετὰ τέκνου καὶ
γυναικός, ᾿Αγριππίνα δὲ υἱὸν ἐξ ᾿Αηνοβάρβου
Λεύκιον Δομίτιον ἔχουσα Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι
συνῴκησε. καὶ θέμενος τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς Κλαύδιος
Νέρωνα Τρμανικὸν προσωνόμασεν. οὗτος ἄρξας
ἐφ’ ἡμῶν ἀπέκτεινε τὴν μητέρα καὶ μικρὸν
ἐδέησεν ὑπὸ ἐμπληξίας καὶ παραφροσύνης
ἀνατρέψαι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν, πέμπτος
ἀπὸ ᾿Αντωνίου κατ᾽ ἀριθμὸν διαδοχῆς γενόμενος.

AHMHTPIOY KAI ANTONIOY ΣΎΓΚΡΙΣΙΣ

I. ᾿Επεὶ τοίνυν μεγάλαι περὶ ἀμφοτέρους yeyo-
νασι μεταβολαί, πρῶτον τὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς
ἐπιφανείας σκοπῶμεν, ὅτι τῷ μὲν ἣν πατρῷα καὶ
προκατειργασμένα, μέγιστον ἰσχύσαντος ᾿Αντι-
γόνου τῶν διαδόχων καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Δημήτριον ἐν
ἡλικίᾳ γενέσθαι τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἐπελ-
θόντος καὶ κρατήσαντος" ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ χαρίεντος
μὲν ἄλλως, ἀπολέμου δὲ καὶ μέγα μηδὲν εἰς δόξαν
αὐτῷ καταλιπόντος γενόμενος πατρός, ἐπὶ τὴν

332

956

ANTONY, wxxxvir. 3-4

upon she took back her own daughter and married
her to young Antony, while Agrippa married Caesar’s
daughter. Antony left two daughters by Octavia, of
whom one was taken to wife by Domitius Aheno-
barbus, and the other, Antonia, famous for her beauty
and discretion, was married to Drusus, who was the
son of Livia and the step-son of Caesar. From this
marriage sprang Germanicus and Claudius; of these,
Claudius afterwards came to the throne, and of the
children of Germanicus, Caius reigned with distinction,
but for a short time only, and was then put to death
with his wife and child, and Agrippina, who had a
son by Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, became the
wife of Claudius Caesar. And Claudius, having adopted
Agrippina’s son, gave him the name of Nero Ger-
manicus. This Nero came to the throne in my time.
He killed his mother, and by his folly and madness
came near subverting the Roman empire. He was
the fifth in descent from Antony.

COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY

I. Since, then, both these men experienced great
reversals of fortune, let us first observe, with regard
to their power and fame, that in the one case these
were acquired for him by his father and inherited,
since Antigonus became the strongest of Alexander’s
successors, and before Demetrius came of age had
attacked and mastered the greater part of Asia ;
Antony, on the contrary, was the son of a man who,
though otherwise gifted, was yet no warrior, and
could leave him no great legacy of reputation; and

333

_PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Καίσαρος ἐτόλμησεν ἀρχήν, οὐδὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ
γένος προσήκουσαν, ἐλθεῖν, καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνῳ προ-
πεπονημένοις αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν εἰσεποίησε διάδοχον.
καὶ τοσοῦτον ἴσχυσεν, ἐκ μόνων τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν
ὑπαρχόντων ὁρμώμενος, ὥστε δύο μοίρας τὰ
σύμπαντα ποιησάμενος τὴν ἑτέραν ἑλέσθαι καὶ
λαβεῖν τὴν ἐπιφανεστέραν, ἀπὼν δὲ αὐτὸς ὑπη-
ρέταις τε καὶ ὑποστρατήγοις Ι]άρθους τε νικῆσαι
πολλάκις καὶ τὰ περὶ Καύκασον ἔθνη βάρβαρα
μέχρι τῆς Κασπίας ὦσασθαι θαλάσσης. μαρ-
τύρια δὲ τοῦ μεγέθους αὐτῷ καὶ δι᾽ ἃ κακῶς
ἀκούει. Δημητρίῳ μὲν γὰρ ὁ πατὴρ ἠγάπησε
THY ᾿Αντιπάτρου Dirav ὡς κρείττονα συνοικῆσαι
Tap ἡλικίαν, ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ ὁ Κλεοπάτρας γάμος
ὄνειδος ἣν, γυναικὸς ὑπερβαλομένης δυνάμει καὶ
λαμπρότητι πάντας πλὴν ᾿Αρσάκου τοὺς καθ᾽
αὑτὴν βασιλεῖς. ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἐποίησε μέγαν
ἑαυτὸν ὥστε τοῖς ἄλλοις μειζόνων ἢ ἐβούλετο
δοκεῖν ἄξιος.

Ἢ μέντοι προαίρεσις, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐκτήσαντο
τὴν ἀρχήν, ἄμεμπτος ἐπὶ" τοῦ Δημητρίου, κρατεῖν
καὶ βασιλεύειν ἀνθρώπων εἰθισμένων κρατεῖσθαι
καὶ βασιλεύεσθαι ζητοῦντος, ἡ δ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου χαλε-
πὴ καὶ τυραννική, καταδουλουμένου τὸν Ῥωμαίων
δῆμον a ἄρτι διαφυγόντα τὴν ὑπὸ Καίσαρι μοναρ-
yiav. ὃ ὃ; οὖν μέγιστον αὐτῷ καὶ λαμπρότατόν
ἐστι τῶν εἰργασμένων, ὁ πρὸς Κάσσιον καὶ
Βροῦτον πόλεμος, ἐπὶ τῷ τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς
πολίτας ἀφελέσθαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐπολεμήθη.
Δημήτριος δέ, Kal? πρὶν εἰς τύχας ἐλθεῖν ἀναγ-

1 ἐπὶ Bekker reads 4, with a single MS.
2 καὶ deleted by Bekker, after Schaefer.

334

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY, τ. 2-11. 2

yet Antony had the courage to seek the power of
Caesar, to which his birth gave him no claim, and to
all that Caesar had wrought out before him he made
himself the rightful successor. And so great strength
did he attain, in reliance upon his own resources
alone, that, after forcing a division of the empire into
two parts, he chose one, and took the more splendid
one of the two; and though absent himself, through
his assistants and lieutenant-generals he defeated
the Parthians many times, and drove the barbarous
tribes about the Caucasus as far as the Caspian Sea.
Moreover, even the things that brought him ill-repute
bear witness to his greatness. For Antigonus was
well pleased to have his son Demetrius marry Phila,
the daughter of Antipater, in spite of her disparity
in years, because he thought her a greater personage;
whereas Antony’s marriage to Cleopatra was a dis-
grace to him, although she was a woman who surpassed
in power and splendour all the royalties of her time
except Arsaces. But he made himself so great that
men thought him worthy of greater things than he
desired.

II As regards their resolution to win empire, this
was blameless in the case of Demetrius, who sought
to subdue and reign as king over men who were
accustomed to subjection and kings; but in the case
of Antony it was harsh and tyrannical, since he tried
to enslave the Roman people when it had just escaped
from the sole rule of Caesar. Moreover, as regards
the greatest and most brilliant of his achievements,
namely, the war against Cassius and Brutus, it was to
deprive his country and his fellow citizens of their
liberty that the war was waged. But Demetrius, even
before he felt the constraints of adversity, kept on

335

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kaias, ἐλευθερῶν τὴν “Ελλάδα καὶ τῶν πόλεων
ἐξελαύνων τὰς φρουρὰς διετέλεσεν, οὐχ ὥσπερ
᾿Αντώνιος, ὅτι τοὺς ἐλευθερώσαντας τὴν Ρώμην
ἀπέκτεινεν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ, σεμνυνόμενος. ν τοί-
νυν ἐστὶ τῶν ἐπαινουμένων ᾿Αντωνίου, τὸ φιλό-
δωρον καὶ μεγαλόδωρον, ἐ ἐν ᾧ τοσοῦτον ὑπεραίρει
Δημήτριος ὥστε χαρίσασθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ὃ ὅσα
τοῖς φίλοις οὐκ ἔδωκεν ᾿Αντώνιος. καίτοι ταφῆναί
γε καὶ περισταλῆναι κελεύσας Βροῦτον ἐκεῖνος
εὐδοκίμησεν" οὗτος δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀποθανόντας τῶν
πολεμίων πάντας ἐκήδευσε καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας
Πτολεμαίῳ μετὰ χρημάτων καὶ δωρεῶν ἀπέ-
πέμψεν.

1Π. Ὑβρισταὶ μὲν εὐτυχοῦντες ἀμφότεροι, καὶ
πρὸς τρυφὰς ἀνειμένοι καὶ ἀπολαύσεις. οὐκ ἂν
εἴποι δέ τις ὡς Δημήτριον ἐν εὐπαθείαις καὶ
συνουσίαις ὄντα πράξεων καιρὸς, ἐξέφυγεν, ἀλλὰ
τῇ περιουσίᾳ τῆς σχολῆς ἐπεισῆγε τὰς ἡδονάς,
καὶ τὴν Λάμιαν ὥσπερ τὴν μυθικὴν ἀτεχνῶς
παίζων καὶ νυστάζξων ἐποιεῖτο διαγωγήν. ἐν δὲ
ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευαῖς οὐκ εἶχεν αὐτοῦ
τὸ δόρυ κιττόν, οὐδὲ μύρων ὠδώδει τὸ κράνος,
οὐδὲ “γεγανωμένος καὶ ἀνθηρὸς ἐπὶ τὰς μάχας
ἐκ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος προήει, κοιμίζων δὲ τοὺς
θιάσους καὶ τὰ βακχεῖα καταπαύων ἀμφίπολος
"A peos ἀνιέρου, κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην, ἐγίνετο, καὶ
δι’ ἡδονὴν ἢ ῥᾳθυμίαν οὐθὲν ἁπλῶς ἔπταισεν.

᾿Αντώνιον δέ, ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς ὁρῶμεν
τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τὴν ᾿Ὀμῴφάλην ὑφαιροῦσαν τὸ
ῥόπαλον καὶ τὴν λεοντὴν ἀποδύουσαν, οὕτω
πολλάκις Κλεοπάτρα παροπλίσασα καὶ κατα-

336

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY, 1. 2-11. 3

liberating Greece and expelling their garrisons from
her cities, unlike Antony, whose boast was that
he had slain in Macedonia the men who had given
liberty to Rome. And besides, as regards their love
of giving and the largeness of their gifts, one of the
things for which Antony is lauded, Demetrius far
surpassed in this, and bestowed more upon his
enemies than Antony ever gave to his friends. It
is true that for ordering the body of Brutus to be
robed and buried Antony won a good name; but Deme-
trius gave obsequies to all hisenemy’s dead, and sent
his prisoners back to Ptolemy with money and gifts.1

111. Both were insolent in prosperity, and aban-
doned themselves to luxury and enjoyment. But it
cannot be said that Demetrius, for all his pleasures
and amours, ever let slip the time for action, nay, it
was only when his leisure was abundant that he
introduced his pleasures; and his Lamia, like the
creature of fable, he made his pastime only when he
was sportive or drowsy. But when he got ready for
war, his spear was not tipped with ivy, nor did his
helmet smell of myrrh, nor did he go forth to his
battles from the women’s chamber, sleek and bloom-
ing, but quieting down and stopping the revels and
orgies of Bacchus, he became, in the words of Euri-
pides,? a “minister of unhallowed Ares,” and got
not a single slip or fall because of his indolence or
pleasures.

Antony, on the contrary, like Heracles in paintings
where Omphalé is seen taking away his club and
stripping off his lion’s skin, was often disarmed by
Cleopatra, subdued by her spells, and persuaded to

1 See the Demetrius, xvii. 1.
2 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.? p. 679.

337

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θέλξασα συνέπεισεν ἀφέντα μεγάλας πράξεις ἐκ
τῶν χειρῶν καὶ στρατείας ἀναγκαίας ἐν ταῖς περὶ
Κάνωβον καὶ Ταφόσιριν ἀκταῖς ἀλύειν καὶ παΐί-
ζειν μετ᾽ αὐτῆς. τέλος δέ, ὡς ὁ Πάρις, ἐκ τῆς
μάχης ἀποδρὰς εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνης κατεδύετο κόλ-
πους: μᾶλλον δὲ ὁ μὲν Πάρις ἡττηθεὶς ἔφυγεν εἰς
τὸν θάλαμον, ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ Κλεοπάτραν διώκων
ἔφυγε καὶ προήκατο τὴν νίκην.

IV. ἔτι Δημήτριος μέν, οὐ κεκωλυμένον, ἀλλ᾽
ἀπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γεγονὸς ἐν ἔθει
τοῖς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῦσιν, ἐγάμει γάμους “πλεί-
ονᾶς, ὥσπερ Λυσίμαχος καὶ ἸΙτολεμαῖος, ἐ ἔσχε δὲ
διὰ τιμῆς ὅσας ἔγημεν" ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ πρῶτον
μὲν ὁμοῦ δύο γυναῖκας ἠγάγετο, πρᾶγμα μηδενὶ
“Ῥωμαίῳ τετολμημένον, ἔπειτα τὴν ἀστὴν καὶ
δικαίως γαμηθεῖσαν ἐξήλασε τῇ ξένῃ καὶ μὴ κατὰ
νόμους συνούσῃ χαριζόμενος" ὅθεν ἐκ γάμου τῷ
μὲν οὐθέν, τῷ δὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν κακῶν ἀπήν-
τησεν.

᾿Ασέβημα μέντοι τοσοῦτον δι’ ἀσέλγειαν οὐθὲν
ταῖς ᾿Αντωνίου πράξεσιν ὅσον ταῖς Δημητρίου
πρόσεστιν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἱστορικοί φασι καὶ τῆς
ἀκροπόλεως ὅλης εἴργεσθαι τὰς κύνας, διὰ τὸ τὴν
μῖξιν ἐμφανῆ “μάλιστα τοῦτο ποιεῖσθαι τὸ ζῷον"
ὁ δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ Παρθενῶνι ταῖς τε πόρναις
συνῆν καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν κατεπόρνευσε πολλάς" καὶ
οὗ τις ἂν ἥκιστα τὰς τοιαύτας τρυφὰς καὶ ἀπο-
λαύσεις οἴοιτο μετέχειν κακοῦ, τῆς ὠμότητος,
τοῦτο ἔνεστι τῇ Δημητρίου φιληδονίᾳ, περιϊδόντος,
μᾶλλον δὲ ἀναγκάσαντος, οἰκτρῶς ἀποθανεῖν τὸν
κάλλιστον καὶ σωφρονέστατον ᾿Αθηναίων, φεύ-
γοντα τὸ καθυβρισθῆναι. συνελόντι δὲ εἰπεῖν,

338

957

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY, im. 3-1. 3

drop from his hands great undertakings and necessary
campaigns, only to roam about and play with her on
the sea-shores by Canopus and Taphosiris. And at
last, like Paris, he ran away from the battle and sank
upon her bosom; although, more truly stated, Paris
ran away to Helen’s chamber after he had been de-
feated; but Antony ran away in chase of Cleopatra,
and thereby threw away the victory.

IV. Further, Demetrius, in making several mar-
riages, did not ‘do what was prohibited, but what had
been made customary for the kings of Macedonia by
Philip and Alexander ; he did just what Lysimachus
and Ptolemy did, and held all his wives in honour.
Antony, on the contrary, in marrying two wives at
once, in the first place did what no Roman had ever
dared to do; and in the second place, he drove away
his Roman and lawfully wedded wife, in order to
gratify the foreigner, with whom he was living con-
trary to law. Hence marriage brought no harm to
Demetrius, but to Antony the greatest of his evils,

On the other hand, the lascivious practices of An-
tony are marked by no such sacrilege as are those of
Demetrius. For historians tell us that bitches are
excluded from the entire acropolis, because these
animals couple without the least concealment; but
the very Parthenon itself saw Demetrius cohabit-
ing with harlots and debauching many Athenian
women. And that vice which one would think least
associated with such wanton enjoyments, namely, the
vice of cruelty, this enters into Demetrius’ pursuit of
pleasure, since he suffered, or rather compelled, the
lamentable death of the most beautiful and the most
chaste of Athenians, who thus sought to escape his
shameful treatment. In a word, Antony wronged

339

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ἑαυτὸν διὰ τὴν ἀκρασίαν, Δημή-
τρίος δὲ ἄλλους ἠδίκησε.

V. Πρὸς μέντοι γονεῖς ἄμεμπτον ἑαυτὸν εἰς
ἅπαντα παρέσχεν ὁ Δημήτριος" ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ τὸν
ἀδελφὸν τῆς μητρὸς ἐξέδωκεν ἐπὶ τῷ Κικέρωνα
ἀποκτεῖναι, πρᾶγμα καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸ μιαρὸν καὶ
ὠμόν, ὡς μόλις ἂν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ συγγνώμης
τυχεῖν, εἰ σωτηρίας τοῦ θείου μισθὸς ἣ ἣν ὁ Κικέ-
ρωνος θάνατος.

Α τοίνυν -ἐπιώρκησαν ἀμφότεροι καὶ παρε-
σπόνδησαν, ὁ μὲν ᾿Αρτάβαζον συλλαβών, ὁ δὲ
᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀποκτείνας, ᾿Αντωνίῳ μὲν ἔχει τὴν
πρόφασιν ὁμολογουμένην: ἀπελείφθη γὰρ ἐν
Μηδοις ὑπὸ ᾿Αρταβάξου καὶ προεδόθη" Δημή-
τριον δὲ πολλοὶ λέγουσι ψευδεῖς αἰτίας, ἐφ᾽ οἷς
ἔδρασε, πλασάμενον κατηγορεῖν ἀδικηθέντα, οὐκ
ἀδικήσαντα ἀμύνασθαι.

Πάλιν δὲ τῶν μὲν κατορθωμάτων αὐτουργὸς ὃ
Δημήτριος γέγονε: καὶ τοὐναντίον ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος,
ἐν οἷς οὐ παρῆν, καλλίστας καὶ μεγίστας διὰ τῶν
στρατηγῶν ἀνῃρεῖτο νίκας.

VI. ᾿Εξέπεσον δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀμφότεροι
μὲν δι’ αὑτούς, οὐ μὴν ὁμοίως, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐγκατα-
λειφθείς, ἀπέστησαν γὰρ αὐτοῦ Μακεδόνες, ὁ
δὲ ἐγκαταλιπών, ἔφυγε γὰρ τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ
κινδυνεύοντας: ὥστε τοῦ μὲν ἔγκλημα εἶναι TO
δυσμενεῖς οὕτω πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀπεργάσασθαι τοὺς
μαχομένους, τοῦ δὲ τὸ παρεσκευασμένην εὔνοιαν
τοιαύτην καὶ πίστιν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν.

Τὸν δὲ θάνατον οὐδετέρου μὲν ἔστιν ἐπαινέσαι,
ψεκτὸς δὲ ὁ Δημητρίου μᾶλλον. αἰχμάλωτός τε
γὰρ ὑπέμεινε γενέσθαι, καὶ καθειρχθεὶς ἠγάπησεν

340

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY, iv. 3-v1. 2

himself by his excesses, while Demetrius wronged
others.

V. Again, towards his parents Demetrius was in all
respects blameless; whereas Antony surrendered his
mother’s brother for the privilege of killing Cicero, a
deed in itself so abominable and cruel that Antony
would hardly have been forgiven had Cicero’s death
been the price of his uncle’s safety.

Further, as regards violations of oaths and treaties
by both, in the seizure of Artabazus by the one, and
the killing of Alexander by the other, for Antony
there is the excuse which men admit to be valid,
namely, that he had been deserted in Media by
Artabazus and betrayed; but Demetrius, as many
say, invented false accusations, upon which he acted,
and denounced one who had been wronged by him;
the murder was not retaliation for wrongs done
to him.

And again, Demetrius was himself the author of
his successes; Antony, on the contrary, won his
greatest and fairest victories through his generals, on
fields where he was not present.

VI. But the downfall of both was due to them-
selves, though the manner of it differed. Demetrius
was deserted by others, for the Macedonians went
away from him; whereas Antony deserted others,
for he ran away from those who were risking their
lives for him. Demetrius may therefore be blamed
for making his soldiers so hostile to him, and Antony
for abandoning a goodwill and confidence which was
so much in evidence.

As for their deaths, neither is to be commended,
but that of Demetrius is the more to be censured.
For he suffered himself to be taken prisoner, and

341

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπικερδᾶναι τριετίαν, οἴνῳ καὶ γαστρὶ καθώπερ
\ ζῷ 49 , ἊΝ , δὲ ὃ ΧΩ

τὰ ζῷα χειροήθης γενόμενος. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ δειλῶς

A ,

μὲν Kal οἰκτρῶς καὶ ἀτίμως, OV μὴν ἀλλὰ πρό γε
A Ν aA

τοῦ κύριον γενέσθαι τὸν πολέμιον TOD σώματος

,
ἑαυτόν ἐξήγαγεν.

342

DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY, v1. 2

was well content to add to his life three years of
imprisonment. He was tamed, like a wild beast, by
way of his belly and by wine. Whereas Antony took
himself off,—in a cowardly, pitiful, and ignoble way,
it is true, but at least before his enemy became
master of his person.

343
VOL, IX. M

PYRRHUS

τὸ

ΠΎΡΡΟΣ

Ι. Θεσπρωτῶν καὶ Μολοσσῶν μετὰ τὸν κατα-
κλυσμὸν ἱστοροῦσι Φαέθοντα βασιλεῦσαι πρῶ-
τον, ἕνα τῶν μετὰ Πελασγοῦ παραγενομένων εἰς
τὴν Ἧπειρον: ἔνιοι δὲ Δευκαλίωνα καὶ Πύρραν
εἱσαμένους τὸ περὶ Δωδώνην ἱερὸν αὐτόθι κατοι-
κεῖν ἐν Μολοσσοῖς. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Νεοπτό-
λεμος ὁ ᾿Αχιλλέως λαὸν ἀγαγὼν αὐτός τε τὴν
χώραν κατέσχε καὶ διαδοχὴν βασιλέων ἀφ᾽ αὖὗ-
τοῦ κατέλιπε, Πυρρίδας ἐπικαλουμένους" καὶ γὰρ
αὐτῷ Πύρρος ἣν παιδικὸν ἐπωνύμιον, καὶ τῶν
γνησίων παίδων ἐκ Λανάσσης τῆς Κλεοδαίου
τοῦ Ὕλλου γενομένων ἕνα Il vppov ὠνόμασεν. ἐκ
τούτου δὲ καὶ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἐν Ἠπείρῳ τιμὰς ἰσοθέ-
ους ἔσχεν, ᾿Ασπετος ἐπιχωρίῳ φωνῇ προσα-
γορευόμενος. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς πρώτους, τῶν διὰ
μέσου βασιλέων ἐκβαρβαρωθέντων καὶ γενομέ-
νων τῇ τε δυνάμει καὶ τοῖς βίοις ἀμαυροτέρων,
Θαρρύπαν πρῶτον ἱστοροῦσιν ᾿Ελληνικοῖς ἔθεσι
καὶ γράμμασι καὶ νόμοις φιλανθρώποις διακοσ-
μήσαντα τὰς πόλεις ὀνομαστὸν γενέσθαι. Θαρρύ-
που δὲ ᾿Αλκέτας υἱὸς ἦν, ᾿Αλκέτα δ᾽ ᾿Αρύβας,
᾿Αρύβου δὲ καὶ Τρῳάδος Αἰακίδης. οὗτος ἔγημε
τὴν Μένωνος τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ θυγατέρα Φθίαν,
ἀνδρὸς εὐδοκίμου περὶ τὸν Λαμιακὸν πόλεμον
γενομένου καὶ μέγιστον ἀξίωμα τῶν συμμάχων

346

383

PYRRHUS

I. Historians tell us that the first king of the
Thesprotians and Molossians after the flood was
Phaethon, one of those who came into Epeirus with
Pelasgus ; but some say that Deucalion and Pyrrha
established the sanctuary at Dodona and dwelt there
among the Molossians. In after time, however,
Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, bringing a people
with him, got possession of the country for himself,
and left a line of kings descending from him. These
were called after him Pyrrhidae; for he had the
surname of Pyrrhus in his boyhood, and of his legiti-
mate children by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleo-
daeus the son of Hyllus, one was named by him
Pyrrhus. Consequently Achilles also obtained divine
honours in Epeirus, under the native name of
Aspetus. But the kings who followed in this line
soon lapsed into barbarism and became quite ob-
scure, both in their power and in their lives, and
it was Tharrhypas, historians say, who first introduced
Greek customs and letters and regulated his cities
by humane laws, thereby acquiring for himself a
name. Alcetas was a son of Tharrhypas, Arybas of
Alcetas, and of Arybas and Troas, Aeacides. He
married Phthia, the daughter of Menon the Thes-
salian, a man who won high repute at the time of the
Lamian war! and acquired the highest authority

-1 323-322 B.o. See the Demosthenes, xxvii. 1.
347

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

peta Λεωσθένην λαβόντος. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Φθίας

A > , ’ “. ,

TO Alaxion γίνονται θυγατέρες Δηϊδάμεια καὶ
Tpwas, υἱὸς δὲ Πύρρος.

11. Evel δὲ στασιάσαντες οἱ Μολοσσοὶ καὶ
τὸν Αἰακίδην ἐκβαλόντες ἐπηγάγοντο τοὺς Νεο-
πτολέμου παῖδας, οἱ μὲν φίλοι τοῦ Αἰακίδου
διεφθάρησαν καταληφθέντες, τὸν δὲ Πύρρον ἔτι
νήπιον ὄντα καὶ ζητούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων
ἐκκλέψαντες οἱ περὶ ᾿Ανδροκλείδην καὶ "Λγγελον
ἔφευγον, οἰκέτας ὀλίγους καὶ γύναια τιθηνούμενα
τὸ παιδίον ἀναγκαίως ἐφελκόμενοι. καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο τῆς φυγῆς αὐτοῖς γινομένης δυσέργου καὶ
βραδείας καταλαμβανόμενοι τὸ μὲν παιδίον
ἐγχειρίζουσιν᾽ Ἀνδροκλείωνι καὶ Ἱππίᾳ καὶ Νεάν-
ρῳ, νεανίσκοις οὖσι πιστοῖς καὶ ᾿ῥωμαλέοις,
ἀνὰ κράτος φεύγειν καὶ Μεγάρων ἔχεσθαι χωρίου
Μακεδονικοῦ προστάξαντες, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν
δεόμειοι, τὰ δὲ ἀπομαχόμενοι τοῖς διώκουσιν
ἐμποδὼν ἦσαν ἄχρι δείλης ὀψίας. ἀποτραπο-
μένων δὲ μόλις ἐκείνων μετέθεον τοὺς τὸν Πύρρον
κομίζοντας. ἤδη δὲ τοῦ ἡλίου καταδεδυκότος
ἐγγὺς γενόμενοι τῆς ἐλπίδος ἐξαίφνης ἀπεκό-
πησαν, ἐντυχόντες τῷ παρὰ τὴν πόλιν. παραρ-
ρέοντι ποταμῷ, χαλεπῷ μὲν ὀφθῆναι καὶ ἀγρίῳ,
πειρωμένοις δὲ διαβαίνειν παντάπασιν ἀπορωτά-
τῳ. πολύ τε γὰρ ἐξέπιπτε ῥεῦμα καὶ θολερὸν
ὄμβρων ἐπιγενομένων, καὶ τὸ σκότος ἐποίει πάντα
φοβερώτερα. καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς μὲν οὖν ἀπέγνωσαν
ἐπιχειρεῖν παιδίον φερόμενοι καὶ γύναια τὰ τρέ-
φοντα τὸ παιδίον, αἰσθόμενοι δὲ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων
τινὰς ἐν τῷ πέραν ἑστῶτας ἐδέοντο συλλαβέσθαι 384

348

PYRRHUS, τ. 4-11. 4

among the confederates after Leosthenes. Phthia
bore to Aeacides two daughters, Deidameia and
Troas, and a son, Pyrrhus.

II. But factions arose among the Molossians, and
expelling Aeacides they brought into power the sons
of Neoptolemus.! The friends of Aeacides were
then seized and put to death, but Pyrrhus, who was
still a babe and was sought for by the enemy, was
stolen away by Androcleides and Angelus, who took
to flight. However, they were obliged to take along
with them a few servants, and women for the
nursing of the child, and on this account their flight
was laborious and slow and they were overtaken.
They therefore entrusted the child to Androcleion,
Hippias, and Neander, sturdy and trusty young men,
with orders to fly with all their might and make for
Megara, a Macedonian town; while they themselves,
partly by entreaties and partly by fighting, stayed
the course of the pursuers until late in the evening.
After these had at last been driven back, they
hastened to join the men who were carrying Pyrrhus.
The sun had already set and they were near their
hoped-for refuge, when suddenly they found them-
selves cut off from it by the river which flowed past
the city. This had a forbidding and savage look, and
when they tried to cross it, proved altogether im-
passable. For its current was greatly swollen and
violent from rains that had fallen, and the darkness
made everything more formidable. Accordingly,
they gave up trying to cross unaided, since they
were carrying the child and the women who cared
for the child; and perceiving some of the people of
the country standing on the further bank, they

1 A brother of Arybas, and therefore uncle of Aeacides.
349

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν, καὶ τὸν Πύρρον ἀνεδείκνυσαν
Lol \
βοῶντες καὶ ἱκετεύοντες. οἱ δὲ ov κατήκουον διὰ
Lia \ / a € , ὑλλ᾽ 9
τραχύτητα Kal πάταγον TOD ῥεύματος, ἀλλ᾽ ἣν
A a \ la
διατριβὴ τῶν μὲν βοώντων, τῶν δὲ μὴ συνιέντων,
BA 3 , Ν \ Ν \
ἄχρι τις ἐννοήσας καὶ περιελὼν δρυὸς φλοιὸν
ἐνέγραψε πόρπῃ γράμματα φράζοντα τήν τε
a ,
χρείαν Kal THY τύχην TOD παιδός, εἶτα λίθῳ τὸν
/
φλοιὸν περιελίξας καὶ χρησάμενος οἷον ἕρματι
a a > n 2 \ , ya /
τῆς βολῆς ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸ πέραν: ἔνιοι δέ φασι
, ΄
σαυνίῳ περιπήξαντας ἀκοντίσαι τὸν φλοιόν. ὡς
δ᾽ οὖν ἀνέγνωσαν οἱ πέραν τὰ γράμματα καὶ
συνεῖδον τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦ καιροῦ, κόπτοντες ξύλα
καὶ πρὸς ἄλληλα συνδέοντες ἐπεραιοῦντο. καὶ
\ / € an a 3
κατὰ τύχην ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν περαιωθεὶς ᾿Αχιλ-
λεὺς τοὔνομα τὸν Πύρρον ἐδέξατο" τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους
ὡς ἔτυχον ἄλλοι διεκόμιζον.
Ill. Οὕτω δὲ σωθέντες καὶ φθάσαντες τὴν
{i 3 -
δίωξιν εἰς ᾿Γλλυριοὺς παρεγένοντο πρὸς Γλαυκίαν
Ν , \ 9 , ς , »
τὸν βασιλέα: καὶ καθεζόμενον εὑρόντες οἴκοι
μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐν μέσῳ τὸ παιδίον ἐπὶ τῆς
a 9 ς δὲ > γὴν , ΄
γῆς κατέθεσαν. ὁ δὲ ἣν ἐπὶ γνώμης, Κάσανδρον
\ 2 \ » a ’ , \ \
δεδοικὼς ἐχθρὸν ὄντα τοῦ Αἰακίδου, καὶ σιωπὴν
3 \ , / ᾽ , \
εἶχε πολὺν χρόνον βουλευόμενος. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ
ἰς ΄ > Φ > / ΄, \ ,
ὁ Ilvppos ἀπ᾽ αὐτομάτου προσερπύσας καὶ λαβό-
AN? lal
μενος τοῦ ἱματίου ταῖς χερσὶ Kal mpoceEaractas
\ \ , a
πρὸς Ta γόνατα τοῦ IXavKiov γέλωτα πρῶτον,
* 5 l
εἶτα οἶκτον παρέσχεν, ὥσπερ τις ἱκέτης ἐχό-
359

PYRRHUS, τ. 4-11. 2

besought their help in crossing, and showed them
Pyrrhus, with loud cries and supplications. But the
people on the otber side could not hear them for the
turbulence and splashing of the stream, and so there
was delay, one party shouting what the other could
not understand, until some one bethought himselr
of a better way. He stripped off a piece of bark
from a tree and wrote thereon with a buckle-pin a
message telling their need and the fortune of the
child; then he wrapped the bark about a stone,
which he used to give force to his cast, and threw it
to the other side. Some say, however, that it was a
javelin about which he wrapped the bark, and that
he shot it across. Accordingly, when those on the
other side had read the message and saw that no
time was to be lost, they cut down trees, lashed
them together, and made their way across. As
chance would have it, the first of them to make his
way across was named Achilles ; he took Pyrrhus in
his arms, and the rest of the fugitives were conveyed
across by others in one way or another.

I{I. Having thus outstripped their pursuers and
reached a place of safety, the fugitives betook them-
selves to Glaucias the king of the Illyrians; and finding
him sitting at home with his wife, they put the little
child down on the floor before them. Then the king
began to reflect. He was in fear of Cassander, who
was an enemy of Aeacides, and held his peace a long
time as he took vounsel with himself. Meanwhile
Pyrrhus, of his own accord, crept along the floor,
clutched the king’s robe, and pulled himself on to
his feet at the knees of Glaucias, who was moved at
first to laughter, then to pity, as he saw the child
clinging to his knees and weeping like a formal

m2 95%

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ ΄ oY , b an
μενος καὶ δακρύων. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ov τῷ
Γλαυκίᾳ προσπεσεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ βωμοῦ θεῶν

,
προσαψάμενον ἑστάναι πρὸς αὐτὸν περιβαλόντα
\ a A A / a
τὰς χεῖρας, Kal TO πρᾶγμα τῷ TVAavKia θεῖον

aA XN
φανῆναι. διὸ καὶ παραυτίκα τὸν Πύρρον éve-

A ul a ,
χείρισε TH γυναικί, κελεύσας ἅμα τοῖς τέκνοις
τρέφεσθαι, καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐξαιτουμένων τῶν

, , \ δὴ , /
πολεμίων, Κασάνδρου δὲ καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα
, bf 2¢/ 3 \ \ (i
διδόντος, οὐκ ἐξέδωκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γενόμενον δυο-

a \ \
καίδεκα ἐτῶν καταγαγὼν εἰς τὴν "Ἤπειρον μετὰ
δυνάμεως βασιλέα κατέστησεν.

3 \ ς ΄ A \ O77 A ,
Hy δὲ ὁ Πύρρος τῇ μὲν ἰδέᾳ τοῦ προσώπου
΄ , /
φοβερώτερον ἔχων ἢ σεμνότερον τὸ βασιλικόν,
\ \ 2 / 3 3 3 See ᾽ /
πολλοὺς δὲ ὀδόντας οὐκ εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕν ὀστέον

5 U4 tal A

συνεχὲς ἣν ἄνωθεν, οἷον λεπταῖς ἀμυχαῖς τὰς
Ν , “ A \
διαφυὰς ὑπογεγραμμένον τῶν ὀδόντων. τοῖς δὲ
a 0. ἡ - ’ / ’
σπληνιῶσιν ἐδόκει βοηθεῖν, ἀλεκτρυόνα θύων
U , a A
λευκόν, ὑπτίων TE κατακειμένων TO δεξιῷ ποδὶ
/ » / N / 3 \ \ i
πιέζων ἀτρέμα TO σπλάγχνον. οὐδεὶς δὲ ἣν
πένης οὐδὲ ἄδοξος οὕτως ὥστε μὴ τυχεῖν τῆς
,
ἰατρείας δεηθείς. ἐλάμβανε δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀλε-
/ ΄, Ν aA
KTpvova θύσας, Kal TO γέρας τοῦτο ἥδιστον HV
αὐτῷ. λέγεται δὲ τοῦ ποδὸς ἐκείνου τὸν μείζονα
δάκτυλον ἔχειν δύναμιν θείαν, ὥστε μετὰ τὴν
Ἁ lel nr
τελευτὴν TOD λοιποῦ σώματος κατακαέντος
fal YU a an
ἀπαθῆ Kat ἄθικτον ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς εὑρεθῆναι.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον.
,
IV. Γενομένῳ δὲ περὶ ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη καὶ
a \ ᾽ \
δοκοῦντι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν βεβαίως ἀποδημία τις

352

PYRRHUS, nu ¢22Iv.! 7

suppliant. Some say, however, that the child did
not supplicate Glaucias, but caught hold of an altar
of the gods and stood there with his arms thrown
round it, and that Glaucias thought this a sign from
Heaven. Therefore he at once put Pyrrhus in the
arms of his wife, bidding her rear him along with
their children; and a little while after, when the
child’s enemies demanded his surrender, and Cas-
sander offered two hundred talents for him, Glaucias
would not give him up, but after he had reached the
age of twelve years, actually conducted him back
into Epeirus with an armed force and set him upon
the throne there.

In the aspect of his countenance Pyrrhus had
more of the terror than of the majesty of kingly
power. He had not many teeth, but his upper jaw
was one continuous bone, on which the usual intervals
between the teeth were indicated by slight de-
pressions. People of a splenetic habit believed that
he cured their ailment; he would sacrifice a white
cock, and, while the patient lay flat upon his back,
would press gently with his right foot against the
spleen. Nor was any one so obscure or poor as not
to get this healing service from him if he asked it.
The king would also accept the cock after he had
sacrificed it, and this honorarium was most pleasing
to him. It is said, further, that the great toe of
his right foot had a divine virtue, so that after the
rest of his body had been consumed, this was found
to be untouched and unharmed by the fire. These
things, however, belong to a later period.

IV. When he had reached the age of seventeen
years! and was thought to be firmly seated on his

1 In 302 8.6.
353

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ a / , CG eal, 2 ,
συνέτυχε, TOV ᾿λαυκίου παίδων ἑνός, ols συνετέ-
al 9 e
θραπτο, γυναῖκα λαμβάνοντος. πάλιν οὖν οἱ
Μολοττοὶ συστάντες ἐξέβαλον τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ
καὶ τὰ χρήματα διήρπασαν καὶ Νεοπτολέμῳ
, e \
παρέδωκαν ἑαυτούς. ὁ δὲ Πύρρος οὕτω τὴν
ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλὼν καὶ γενόμενος πάντων ἔρημος
’ A 3 , , ,
Δημητρίῳ τῷ ᾿Αντιγόνου προσέμιξεν ἑαυτόν,
” \ b \ ᾽ A “ , A ”
ἔχοντι τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ Δηϊδώμειαν, ἣν ἔτι
Ν 4 b] , 3 , ὃ aA
μὲν ovoav κόρην ὠνόμαζον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ
΄, lal na ? ,
“Ῥωξάνης γυναῖκα, τῶν δὲ Kat’ ἐκείνους δυστυχη-
«
θέντων ὥραν ἔχουσαν αὐτὴν ἔγημεν ὁ Δημήτριος.
n \ / / A > ’ A ’ e
τῆς δὲ μεγάλης μάχης ἣν ἐν ᾿Ιψῷ πάντες ot
a , e na
βασιλεῖς ἠγωνίσαντο, παρὼν ὁ Πύρρος tots περὶ
Δημήτριον συμμετεῖχε μειράκιον ὧν ἔτι, καὶ τοὺς
᾽ « N 5 f \ / \ 2
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐτρέψατο, καὶ διεφάνη λαμπρὸς ἐν
n ’
τοῖς μαχομένοις. πταίσαντα δὲ Δημήτριον οὐκ
ἐγκατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ᾿λλάδι πόλεις
πιστευθεὶς διεφύλαξε, καὶ συμβάσεων αὐτῷ
7 δ a ΕΝ > ”
γενομένων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἔπλευσεν εἰς Αἴγυ-
/
TTov ὁμηρεύσων. καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν ἔν τε
, 7 an
θήραις καὶ γυμνασίοις ἐπίδειξιν ἀλκῆς καὶ Kap-
a , id na
τερίας παρεῖχε, τὴν δὲ Βερενίκην ὁρῶν μέγιστον
δυναμένην καὶ πρωτεύουσαν ἀρετῇ καὶ φρονήσει
τῶν ἸΠτολεμαίου γυναικῶν, ἐθεράπευε μάλιστα"
\ Ν Bay e n 3 ᾽ ’ / \ My
καὶ δεινὸς ὧν ὑπελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ ὠφελείᾳ τοὺς κρείτ-
Tovas, ὥσπερ ὑπερόπτης τῶν ταπεινοτέρων,
ῇ \ \ / δ ’ Ἃ 7
κόσμιος δὲ Kal σώφρων περὶ δίαιταν, ἐκ πολλῶν

354

385

PYRRHUS, rv. 1-4

throne, it came to pass that he went on a journey,
when one of the sons of Glaucias, with whom he had
been reared, was married. Once more, then, the
Molossians banded together, drove out his friends,
plundered his property, and put themselves under
Neoptolemus.! Pyrrhus, thus stripped of his realm
and rendered destitute of all things, joined himself
to Demetrius the son of Antigonus, who had his
sister Deidameia to wife. She, while she was still a
girl, had been nominally given in marriage to
Alexander, Roxana’s son; but their affairs miscarried,
and when she was of age Demetrius married her.?
In the great battle which all the kings fought at
Ipsus* Pyrrhus was present, and took part with
Demetrius, though still a stripling. He routed the
enemy opposed to him, and made a brilliant display
of valour among the combatants. Moreover, though
Demetrius lost the day, Pyrrhus did not abandon
him, but kept guard over his cities in Greece which
were entrusted to him, and when Demetrius made
peace with Ptolemy, sailed to Egypt as hostage for
him. Here, both in hunting and in bodily exercises,
he gave Ptolemy proof of his prowess and endurance,
and seeing that among the wives of Ptolemy it was
Berenicé who had the greatest influence and was
foremost in virtue and understanding, he paid
especial court to her. He was adept at turning to
his own advantage the favour of his superiors, just as
he was inclined to look down upon his inferiors, and
since he was orderly and restrained in his ways of
living, he was selected from among many young

1 A grandson of the Neoptolemus mentioned in chapter ii. 1.

2 See the Demetrius, xxv. 2

3 In 301 B.c. Cf. the Demetrius, chapters xxviii. f.
4 Cf. the Demetrius, xxxi. 2.

355

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νέων ἡγεμονικῶν προεκρίθη λαβεῖν ᾿Αντιγόνην
γυναῖκα τῶν Βερενίκης θυγατέρων, ἣν ἔσχεν ἐκ
Φιλίππου πρὶν ἢ Πτολεμαίῳ συνοικεῖν.

V. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν γώμον τοῦτον ἔτι μᾶλλον
εὐδοκιμῶν, καὶ γυναικὸς ἀγαθῆς τῆς ᾿Αντιγόνης
περὶ αὐτὸν οὔσης, διεπράξατο χρήματα λαβὼν
καὶ δύναμιν εἰς "πειρον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν
ἀποσταλῆναι. καὶ παρῆν οὐκ ἄκουσι τοῖς TOA-
rois! διὰ τὴν ἀπέχθειαν τοῦ Νεοπτολέμου

\ / v7 \ 2 N
χαλεπῶς καὶ βιαίως ἄρχοντος. πλὴν arha
δείσας μὴ πρός τινα τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ὁ
Νεοπτόλεμος τράπηται, διαλύσεις ἔθετο καὶ
φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς.
χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ἦσαν οἱ παροξύνοντες αὐτοὺς
κρύφα καὶ KAT ἀλλήλων ἐμποιοῦντες ὑποψίας.
ἡ μέντοι μάλιστα κινήσασα τὸν Πύρρον αἰτία
λέγεται τοιαύτην ἀρχὴν λαβεῖν.

Εἰώθεισαν οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐν Πασσαρῶνι, χωρίῳ
τῆς Μολοττίδος, ᾿Αρείῳ͵ Aut θύσαντες ὁ ορκωμοτεῖν
τοῖς ᾿Ηπειρώταις καὶ ὁρκίζειν, αὐτοὶ μὲν ἄρξειν
κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, ἐκείνους δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν
διαφυλάξειν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐδρᾶτο
ἀμφοτέρων τῶν βασιλέων παρόντων, καὶ συνῆσαν
ἀλλήλοις μετὰ τῶν φίλων, δῶρα πολλὰ τὰ μὲν
διδόντες, τὰ δὲ λαμβάνοντες. ἐνταῦθα δὴ Γέλων,
ἀνὴρ πιστὸς Νεοπτολέμῳ, δεξιωσάμενος φιλο-
φρόνως τὸν Πύρρον ἐδωρήσατο βοῶν ἀροτήρων
δυσὶ ζεύγεσι. ταῦτα Μυρτίλος ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ οἴνου
παρὼν Tet τὸν Πύρρον" ἐκείνου δὲ μὴ διδόντος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρῳ, χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν ὁ Μυρτίλος οὐκ
ἔλαθε τὸν Ἰέλωνα. καλέσας οὖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ

1 toils πολλοῖς With Coraés and Blass: πολλοῖς.

356

PYRRHUS, rv. 4-v. 4

princes as a husband for Antigone, one of the
daughters of Berenicé, whom she had by Philip!
before her marriage with Ptolemy.

V. After this marriage he was held in still greater
esteem, and since Antigone was an excellent wife to
him, he brought it to pass that he was sent into
Epeirus with money and an army to regain his king-
dom. Most people there were glad to see him come,
owing to their hatred of Neoptolemus, who was a
stern and arbitrary ruler. However, fearing lest
Neoptolemus should have recourse to one of the
other kings, he came to terms and made friendship
with him on the basis of a joint exercise of the
royal power. But as time went on there were
people who secretly exasperated them against one
another and filled them with mutual suspicions.
The chief ground, however, for action on the part
of Pyrrhus is said to have had its origin as follows.

It was customary for the kings, after sacrificing to
Zeus Areius at Passaro, a place in the Molossian land,
to exchange solemn oaths with the Epeirots, the
kings swearing to rule according to the laws, and the
people to maintain the kingdom according to the
laws. Accordingly, this was now done; both the
kings were present, and associated with one another,
together with their friends, and many gifts were
interchanged. Here Gelon, a man devoted to
Neoptolemus, greeted Pyrrhus in a friendly manner
and made him a present of two yoke of oxen for
ploughing. Pyrrhus was asked for these by Myrtilus,
his cup-bearer; and when Pyrrhus would not give
them to him, but gave them to another, Myrtilus was
deeply resentful. This did not escape the notice of

1 An obscure Macedonian.

357

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεῖπνον, ὡς δέ φασιν ἔνιοι, καὶ χρησάμενος παρ᾽
οἶνον ὥραν ἔχοντι, λόγους προσήνεγκε παρα-
καλῶν ἑλέσθαι τὰ τοῦ Νεοπτολέμου καὶ φαρ-
μάκοις διαφθεῖραι τὸν Πύρρον. ὁ δὲ Μυρτίλος
ἐδέξατο μὲν τὴν πεῖραν ὡς ἐπαινῶν καὶ συμπε-
πεισμένος, ἐμήνυσε δὲ τῷ Πύρρῳ: καὶ κελεύ-
σαντος ἐκείνου τὸν ἀρχιοινοχόον ᾿Αλεξικράτην
τῷ Γέλωνι συνέστησεν, ὡς δὴ μεθέξοντα τῆς
πράξεως αὐτοῖς" ἐβούλετο γὰρ ἐν πλείοσιν ὁ
Πύρρος τὸν ἔλεγχον γενέσθαι τοῦ ἀδικήματος.
οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Γέλωνος ἐξαπατωμένου συνεξαπατώ-
μενος ὁ Νεοπτόλεμος, καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ὁδῷ
βαδίζειν οἰόμενος. οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ χαρᾶς
ἐξέφερε: πρὸς τοὺς φίλους. καί ποτε κωμάσας
παρὰ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Καδμείαν ἐχρῆτο λαλιᾷ περὶ
τούτων, οὐδένα συνακούειν οἰόμενος" οὐδεὶς γὰρ
ἣν" πλησίον ἄλλος ἢ Φαιναρέτη γυνὴ Σάμωνος
τοῦ τὰ ποίμνια καὶ τὰ βουκόλια τῷ Νεοπτολέμῳ
διοικοῦντος, αὕτη δὲ ἀπεστραμμένη πρὸς τὸν τοῖ-
χονἷ ἐπὶ κλίνης τινὸς ἐδόκει καθεύδειν. συνήκοος
δὲ πάντων γενομένη καὶ λαθοῦσα pel? ἡμέραν ἧ κε
πρὸς ᾿Αντιγόνην τὴν Πύρρου γυναῖκα, καὶ πάντα
κατεῖπεν ὅσα τοῦ Νεοπτολέμου πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν
ἤκουσε λέγοντος. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Πύρρος ἐκεῖ
μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἐν δὲ θυσίᾳ καλέσας ἐπὶ
δεῖπνον τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον ἀπέκτεινεν, αἰσθόμενος
τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν τοὺς κρατίστους προσέχοντας
αὑτῷ, καὶ παρακελευομένους ἀπαλλαγῆναι τοῦ
Νεοπτολέμου, καὶ μὴ μερίδα μικρὰν ἔχοντα
βασιλείας ἀγαπᾶν, ἀλλὰ τῇ φύσει χρήσασθαι

1 τὸν τοῖχον with Coraés, Blass, and C: τοῖχον.

358

PYRRHUS, v. 4-7

Gelon, who therefore invited Myrtilus to supper,
and even, as some say, enjoyed his youthful beauty
as they drank ; then he reasoned with him and urged
him to become an adherent of Neoptolemus and to
destroy Pyrrhus by poison. Myrtilus accepted the
proposal, pretending to approve of it and to be
persuaded, but informed Pyrrhus. He also, by the
king’s orders, presented Alexicrates, the king's
chief cup-bearer, to Gelon, assuring him that he
would take part in their enterprise; for Pyrrhus
wished to have several persons who could testify to
the intended crime. Thus Gelon was thoroughly
deceived, and Neoptolemus as well, and as thoroughly,
who, supposing that the plot was duly progressing,
could not keep it to himself, but in his joy would
talk about it to his friends. Once, in particular,
after a revel at the house of his sister Cadmeia, he
fell to prattling about the matter, supposing that no
one would hear the conversation but themselves ; for
no one else was near except Phaenarete, the wife
of Samon, a man who managed the flocks and herds
of Neoptolemus, and Phaenarete was lying on a
couch with her face to the wall and seemed to be
asleep. But she heard everything, and next day
went unobserved to Antigone the wife of Pyrrhus,
and told her all that she had heard Neoptolemus say
to his sister. When Pyrrhus learned of it, he kept
quiet for a time, but on a day of sacrifice invited
Neoptolemus to supper and killed him. For he was
aware that the chief men among the Epeirots were
devoted to himself and were eager to see him rid
himself of Neoptolemus; also that they wished him
not to content himself with having a small share of
the kingdom, but to follow his natural bent and

359

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μειξόνων πραγμάτων ἀντιλαμβανόμενον, καί τινος
ὑποψίας ἅμα προσγενομένης τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον
φθάσας ' ἀνελεῖν.

ΥΊ. Μεμνημένος δὲ Βερενίκης καὶ Πτολεμαίου
παιδίον μὲν αὐτῷ γενόμενον ἐξ ᾿Αντιυγόνης Πτολε-
μαῖον ὠνόμασεν, οἰκίσας δὲ πόλιν ἐν τῇ χερρονήσῳ
τῆς Ἠπείρου Βερονικίδα προσηγόρευσεν. ἐκ δὲ
τούτου πολλὰ μὲν περινοῶν καὶ μεγάλα τῇ
γνώμῃ, ταῖς δὲ ἐλπίσι μάλιστα καὶ πρῶτον
ἀντιλαμβανόμενος τῶν πλησίον, εὗρεν ἐμφῦναι
τοῖς Μακεδόνων πράγμασιν ἐκ τοιᾶσδέ τινος
προφάσεως.

Τῶν Κασάνδρου παίδων ὁ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ᾿Αντί-
TAT pos τήν τε μητέρα Θεσσαλονίκην ἀνεῖλε καὶ
τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἤλαυνεν. ὁ δὲ πρός τε
Δημήτριον ἔπεμψε δεόμενος. βοηθεῖν καὶ Τ]ύρρον
ἐκάλει. Δημητρίου δὲ ὑπὸ ἀσχολιῶν βραδύ-
νοντος ἐπελθὼν ὁ Πύρρος ἤτησε, μισθὸν τῆς
συμμαχίας τὴν TE Στυμφαίαν καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν
τῆς Μακεδονίας, καὶ τῶν ἐπικτήτων ἐθνῶν Ἂμ-
βρακίαν, ᾿Ακαρνανίαν, ᾿Αμφιλοχίαν. προεμένου
δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου ταῦτα μὲν αὐτὸς εἶχε φρουραῖς
καταλαβών, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ κτώμενος ἐκείνῳ
περιέκοπτε τὸν ᾿Αντίπατρον. Λυσίμαχος δὲ ὁ
βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς μὲν ἦν ἐν ἀσχολίαις προθυμού-
μενος ᾿Αντιπάτρῳ βοηθεῖν, εἰδὼς δὲ τὸν Πύρρον
οὐδὲν ἀχαριστεῖν οὐδὲ ἀρνεῖσθαι Πτολεμαίῳ
βουλόμενον ἔπεμψε πλαστὰ γράμματα πρὸς
αὐτόν, ὡς Πτολεμαίου κελεύοντος ἀπαλλάττεσθαι
τῆς στρατείας τριακόσια τάλαντα παρὰ τοῦ
᾿Αντιπάτρου λαβόντα. λύσας δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν

1 φθάσας Coraés and Blass, with most MSS.: φθάσαι.
360

PYRRHUS, v. 7-v1. 4

attempt greater things, and, now that some suspicion
had added its weight to other motives for the deed,
to anticipate Neoptolemus by taking him off first.

VI. And now, in honour of Berenicé and Ptolemy,
he gave the name of Ptolemy to his infant son by Anti-
gone, and called the city which he had built on the
peninsula of Epeirus, Berenicis. After this, he be-
gan to revolve many large projects in his mind; but
his hopes were fixed first and more especially on
undertakings close at hand, and he found a way to
take direct part in Macedonian affairs, on grounds
something like the following.

Of Cassander’s sons, the elder, Antipater, killed
his mother Thessalonicé and drove away his brother
Alexander! Alexander sent to Demetrius begging
for help, and also called upon Pyrrhus. Demetrius
was delayed by matters that he had in hand; but
Pyrrhus came, and demanded as a reward for his
alliance Stymphaea and Parauaea in Macedonia, and,
of the countries won by the allies, Ambracia, Acar-
nania, and Amphilochia. The youthful Alexander
gave way to his demands, and Pyrrhus took possession
of these countries and held them for himself with
garrisons ; he also proceeded to strip from Antipater
the remaining parts of his kingdom and turn them
over to Alexander. Now Lysimachus the king, who
was eager to give aid to Antipater, was fully occupied
himself and could not come in person; but knowing
that Pyrrhus was desirous todo Ptolemy every favour
and refuse him nothing, he sent a forged letter to
him which stated that Ptolemy urged him to give up
his expedition on payment of three hundred talents
from Antipater. As soon as Pyrrhus opened the

1 Cf. the Demetrius, xxxvi. 1 f.

361

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ς / ᾽ \ \ € / a I
ὁ Πύρρος εὐθὺς τὸ ῥᾳδιούργημα τοῦ Λυσιμάχου
a Ἂν , ΄,
συνεῖδεν οὐδὲ γὰρ ἣν ἡ συνήθης γεγραμμένη
ς \ Ξ A , ’
προσαγόρευσις, “Ὃ πατὴρ τῷ υἱῷ χαίρειν"
ἀλλά, “Βασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος βασιλεῖ Πύρρῳ
’ 3% / \ Ἂ i “
χαίρειν." λοιδορήσας δὲ τὸν Λυσίμαχον ὅμως
a \ μ
ἐποιεῖτο τὴν εἰρήνην, καὶ συνήεσαν ὡς κατὰ
σφαγίων ὁρκωμοτήσοντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταύρου καὶ
΄ la 7 td
κάπρου Kal κριοῦ προσαχθέντος ὁ κριὸς αὐτο-
΄, σὲ a Nor ne τὶ Θ᾽ 1 71 ἢ \
μάτως ἀπέθανε, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις γελᾶν ETHEL, TOV
\ 7 ς 4 / 2 , ,
dé Πύρρον ὁ μάντις Θεόδοτος ὀμόσαι διεκώλυσε,
\ ’ A a
φήσας τὸ δαιμόνιον ἑνὶ προσημαίνειν τῶν τριῶν
, / ξ \ Φ vi e/
βασιλέων θάνατον. ὁ μὲν οὖν Πύρρος οὕτως
ἀπέστη τῆς εἰρήνης.
a Li ea ΄ n , 7
VIL. To δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ τῶν πραγμάτων ἤδη
Δ > i ef ς / > ’
κατάστασιν ἐχόντων ὅμως ὁ Δημήτριος ἀφίκετο"
\ an \ i ᾽ \ ω \ / ZY
καὶ δῆλος μὲν ἣν εὐθὺς ἥκων μὴ δεομένῳ, Kal
a 3 , ’ / /
φόβον παρεῖχεν, ὀλίγας δ᾽ ἡμέρας συγγενόμενοι
’ Σ / > / 2 / ) ,
δι᾿ ἀπιστίας ἐπεβούλευσαν ἀλλήλοις ἀμφότεροι.
καιρῷ δὲ χρησάμενος καὶ φθάσας ἀποκτίννυσιν ὁ
Δημήτριος τὸ μειράκιον, καὶ βασιλεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη
/ 9 , a
Μακεδονίας. ἦν μὲν οὖν Kal πρότερον αὐτῷ
Ν he γέ a
πρὸς τὸν Iluppov ἐγκλήματα, καὶ καταδρομαὶ τῆς
Θεσσαλίας ἐγεγόνεισαν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου, καὶ τὸ
σύμφυτον νόσημα ταῖς δυναστείαις, ἡ πλεονεξία,
τὴν γειτνίασιν αὐτοῖς ἐπίφοβον καὶ ἄπιστον
παρεῖχε, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι μετὰ τὴν τῆς Δηϊδαμείας
tA
τελευτήν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ κατασχόντες ἀμφότεροι
, /
Μακεδονίας συνέπιπτον εἰς TO αὐτὸ καὶ μείζονας
ἐλάμβανε προφάσεις ἡ διαφορά, Δημήτριος μὲν
362

PYRRHUS, vi. 4-vi1. 3

letter he perceived the fraud of Lysimachus; for
the letter did not have the customary address, “ The
father, to the son, health and happiness,”’ but instead,
“King Ptolemy, to King Pyrrhus, health and happi-
ness.” Pyrrhus reviled Lysimachus for the fraud, but
nevertheless made the desired peace, and they all
met to ratify it with sacrificial oaths. However, after
a bull, a boar, and a ram had been brought up for
sacrifice, of its own accord the ram fell down dead.
The rest of the spectators were moved to laughter,
but Theodotus the seer prevented Pyrrhus from
taking the oath by declaring that Heaven thus be-
tokened in advance the death of one of the three
kings. In this way, then, Pyrrhus was led to renounce
the peace.

VII. Thus Alexander’s affairs were already settled
with the help of Pyrrhus, but nevertheless Demetrius
came to him; and as soon as he arrived it was plain
that he was not wanted, and he inspired only fear ;
and after they had been together a few days their
mutual distrust led them to plot against each other.
But Demetrius, taking advantage of his opportunity,
got beforehand with the young prince and slew him,
and was proclaimed king of Macedonia.! Now, even
before this there had been differences between him
and Pyrrhus, and Pyrrhus had overrun Thessaly ; ?
and greed for power, the natural disease of dynasties,
made them formidable and suspicious neighbours,
and all the more after the death of Deidameia. And
now that both of them had occupied part of Mace-
donia, they came into collision, and their quarrel was
furnished with stronger grounds. Demetrius there-

1 Cf. the Demetrius, xxxvi. 2-6, xxxvli.
2 Cf. the Demetrius, xl. i.

363

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐπ᾿ Αἰτωλοὺς στρατευσάμενος καὶ κρατήσας,
Πάνταυχον αὐτόθι μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως κατα-
λιπὼν αὐτὸς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ Πύρρον, καὶ Πύρρος
ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον, ws ἤσθετο. γενομένης δὲ διαμαρτίας
καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἀλλήλους παρήλλαξαν" καὶ Δημήτριος
μὲν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Ἤπειρον ἐλεηλάτει, Πύρρος δὲ
Πανταύχῳ περιπεσὼν εἰς μάχην κατέστη. καὶ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν συμπεσόντων δεινὸς ἣν καὶ
μέγας ἀγών, μάλιστα κατὰ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας. ὅ τε
γὰρ Πάνταυχος ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ χειρὶ καὶ ῥώμῃ
σώματος ἄριστος ὧν ὁμολογουμένως τῶν περὶ
Δημήτριον στρατηγῶν, καὶ θάρσος ἔχων καὶ
φρόνημα, προὐκαλεῖτο τὸν Πύρρον εἰς χεῖρας, ὅ
τε Πύρρος οὐδενὶ τῶν βασιλέων ὑφιέμενος ἀλκῆς
καὶ τόλμης, καὶ τὴν ᾿Αχιλλέως δόξαν αὑτῷ bu
ἀρετὴν “μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ γένος συνοικειοῦν βουλό-
μενος, ἐναντίος ἐχώρει διὰ τῶν προμάχων ἐπὶ τὸν
Πάνταυχον. ἣν δὲ δορατισμὸς τὸ “πρῶτον, εἶτα
ἐν χεροῖν γενόμενοι μετὰ τέχνης ἅμα καὶ βίας
ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ξίφεσι. "λαβὼν δὲ ὁ Πύρρος ἕν
τραῦμα, δοὺς δὲ δύο, τὸ μὲν εἰς τὸν μηρόν, τὸ δὲ
παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον, ἐτρέψατο καὶ κατέβαλε τὸν
Πάνταυχον" οὐ μὴν ἀνεῖλεν, ἀνηρπάγη γὰρ ὑπὸ
τῶν φίλων. οἱ δὲ ᾿πειρῶται τῇ νίκῃ τοῦ
βασιλέως ἐπαρθέντες καὶ θαυμάσαντες τὴν
ἀρετὴν ἐβιάσαντο καὶ διέκοψαν τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν
Μακεδόνων, καὶ φεύγοντας διώκοντες ἀπέκτεινάν
τε πολλοὺς καὶ πεντακισχιλίους ζῶντας εἷλον.
VIII. ‘O &€ a ἀγὼν οὗτος οὐ τοσοῦτον ὀργῆς ὧν
ἔπαθον οὐδὲ μίσους ἐνέπλησε τοὺς Μακεδόνας
πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον, ὅσην δόξαν αὐτοῦ καὶ θαῦμα

364

387

PYRRHUS, vu. 3-vu1. 1

fore made an expedition against the Aetolians and
conquered them, and then, leaving Pantauchus there
with a large force, he himself moved against Pyrrhus,
and Pyrrhus, when he heard of it, against him.
Owing to a mistake in the way, however, they passed
by one another, and Demetrius, throwing his forces
into Epeirus, plundered the country, while Pyrrhus,
encountering Pantauchus, joined battle with him.)
There was a sharp and terrible conflict between the
soldiers who engaged, and especially also between
the leaders. For Pantauchus, who was confessedly
the best of the generals of Demetrius for bravery,
dexterity, and vigour of body, and had both courage
and a lofty spirit, challenged Pyrrhus to a hand-to-
hand combat; and Pyrrhus, who yielded to none of
the kings in daring and prowess, and wished that the
glory of Achilles should belong to him by right of
valour rather than of blood alone, advanced through
the foremost fighters to confront Pantauchus. At first
they hurled their spears, then, coming to close quar-
ters, they plied their swords with might and skill.
Pyrrhus got one wound, but gave Pantauchus two,
one in the thigh, and one along the neck, and put
him to flight and overthrew him; he did not kill
him, however, for his friends haled him away. Then
the Epeirots, exalted by the victory of their king
and admiring his valour, overwhelmed and cut to
pieces the phalanx of the Macedonians, pursued them
as they fled, slew many of them, and took five thou-
sand of them alive.”

VIII. This conflict did not fill the Macedonians
with wrath and hate towards Pyrrhus for their
losses, rather it led those who beheld his exploits

1 Cf. the Demetrius, xli.1f. 32. Cf. the Demetrius, xli. 2.

365

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A a lal 3 A
τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ λόγον ἐνειργάσατο τοῖς ἰδοῦσι τὰ
ἔργα καὶ συνενεχθεῖσι κατὰ τὴν μάχην. καὶ γὰρ
, a
ὄψιν ᾧοντο Kal τάχος ἐοικέναι καὶ κίνημα τοῖς
a “-“ id
᾿Αλεξάνδρου, καὶ τῆς φορᾶς ἐκείνου καὶ βίας
a / is a
Tapa τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐν τούτῳ σκιάς τινας ὁρᾶσθαι
\ / a \ bY / 3
καὶ μιμήματα, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἐν πορ-
/ Ν U WS [ / \
φύραις καὶ δορυφόροις Kal κλίσει τραχήλου Kal
a a , , \ , val
τῷ μεῖζον διαλέγεσθαι, μόνου δὲ Πύρρου τοῖς
a fe \
ὅπλοις Kal ταῖς χερσὶν ἐπιδεικνυμένου τὸν
᾿Αλέξανδρον.
A J.
Τῆς δὲ περὶ τάξεις Kal στρατηγίας ἐπιστήμης
a / a
αὐτοῦ Kal δεινότητος ἔνεστι δείγματα λαβεῖν ἐκ
τῶν γραμμάτων ἃ περὶ τούτων ἀπολέλοιπε.
tA \ Ay? , 9 AN ’ "
λέγεται δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντίγονος ἐρωτηθεὶς τίς ἄριστος
τῶν στρατηγῶν, φάναι, “Πύρρος, ἂν γηράσῃ,"
περὶ τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν οὕτως ἀποφηνάμενος μόνον.
2 , \ A a
AvviBas δὲ συμπάντων ἀπέφηνε τῶν στρατηγῶν
ἴω Ν 2 lj \ , /
πρῶτον μὲν ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ δεινότητι Πύρρον,
, \ / \ /
Σκηπίωνα dé δεύτερον, ἑαυτὸν δὲ τρίτον, ws ἐν
a “ f a
τοῖς περὶ Σκηπίωνος γέγραπται. Kal ὅλως τοῦτο
μελετῶν ἔοικε καὶ φιλοσοφῶν ἀεὶ διατελεῖν ὁ
,ὔ ΄
Πύρρος, ὡς μαθημάτων βασιλικώτατον, τὰς δὲ
U fa 2
ἄλλας γλαφυρίας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τίθεσθαι. λέ-
ἣν
γεται γὰρ ὡς ἐρωτηθεὶς ἔν τινε πότῳ, πότερον
αὐτῷ φαίνεται ἸΠ]ύθων αὐλητὴς ἀμείνων ἢ Κα-
φισίας, εἰπεῖν ὅτι ἸΠολυσπέρχων στρατηγός, ὡς
ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ ζητεῖν μόνα καὶ γινώσκειν
προσῆκον.
366

PYRRHUS, vur. 1-3

and engaged him in the battle to esteem him
highly and admire his bravery and talk much about
him. For they likened his aspect and his swiftness
and all his motions to those of the great Alexander,
and thought they saw in him shadows, as it were,
and imitations of that leader’s impetuosity and might
in conflicts.1_ The other kings, they said, represented
Alexander with their purple robes, their body-guards,
the inclination of their necks,? and their louder
tones in conversation; but Pyrrhus, and Pyrrhus
alone, in arms and action.

Of his knowledge and ability in the field of mili-
tary tactics and leadership one may get proofs from
the writings on these subjects which he left. It is
said also that Antigonus, when asked who was the
best general, replied, “ Pyrrhus, if he lives to be old.”
This verdict of Antigonus applied only to his con-
temporaries. Hannibal, however, declared that the
foremost of all generals in experience and ability was
Pyrrhus, that Scipio was second, and he himself
third, as I have written in my Life of Scipio.2 And
in a word, Pyrrhus would seem to have been always
and continually studying and meditating upon this
one subject, regarding it as the most kingly branch
of learning; the rest he regarded as mere accom-
plishments and held them in no esteem. For instance,
we are told that when he was asked at a drinking-
party whether he thought Python or Caphisias the
better flute-player, he replied that Polysperchon
was a good general, implying that it became a king
to investigate and understand such matters only.

1 Cf. the Demetrius, xli. 3. 2 See the Alexander, iv. 1.
3 The ‘‘ book” containing the Lives of Epaminondas and
Scipio Africanus the Elder has been lost.

367

4

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\
Ἦν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς συνήθεις ἐπιεικὴς καὶ
A ΄ , A
πρᾷος ὀργήν, σφοδρὸς δὲ καὶ πρόθυμος ἐν ταῖς
a /
χάρισιν. ᾿Αερόπου γοῦν ἀποθανόντος οὐκ ἤνεγκε
a /
μετρίως, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀνθρώπινα πεπονθέναι
,ὔ
φάσκων, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μεμφόμενος καὶ κακίζων ὅτι
Uh 3.5 Ν \ , / > ? £5
μέλλων ἀεὶ Kal βραδύνων χάριν οὐκ ἀπέδωκεν
“, \ μ
αὐτῷ. τὰ μὲν γὰρ χρέα καὶ κληρονόμοις ἐστὶν
lal an e aA
ἀποδοῦναι τῶν δανεισάντων, αἱ δὲ τῶν χαρίτων
, Ν ᾽ nA
ἀμοιβαὶ μὴ γενόμεναι πρὸς αἰσθανομένους ἀνιῶσι
ὸ ὺ tL δίκαιον. ἐν δὲ ᾿Αμβρακί
τὸν χρηστὸν καὶ OL : μβρακίᾳ
4 Ν Ν ΄ yy 3
κακολόγον τινὰ καὶ βλάσφημον ἄνθρωπον oio-
μένων δεῖν μεταστῆσαι τὸν [Πύρρον “ Αὐτοῦ
, 7) ν΄ ce a δ a >) 2 7 A “ἃ
μένων, ἔφη, “μᾶλλον ἡμᾶς ἐν OALYOLS ἢ περιϊὼν
a ,
πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους κακῶς λεγέτω." καὶ
\ 3 5 > \ / 3
τοὺς Tap οἶνον αὐτὸν λοιδορήσαντας, εἶτα ἔλεγ-
3 a 2
χομένους ἠρώτησεν EL ταῦτα εἶπον: ἀποκρινα-
, Ν a ’ ς , “cc -“ Φ A
μένου δὲ τῶν νεανίσκων ἑνός, “ Ταῦτα, ὦ βασιλεῦ"
, eA » , > / > ,
πλείονα δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι τούτων εἰρήκειμεν, EL πλείων
a 3 a >] an
παρῆν οἶνος ἡμῖν, γελάσας ἀφῆκε.
IX. Γυναῖκας δὲ πραγμάτων ἕνεκα καὶ δυνά-
, 7 Ni > ) ΄
pews πλείονας ἔγημε μετὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιγόνης τε-
\ a
λευτήν. καὶ yap Αὐτολέοντος τοῦ Παιόνων
βασιλέως ἔλαβε θυγατέρα, καὶ Βιρκένναν τὴν
’, A A
Βαρδύλλιος τοῦ ᾿ΙΪλλυριῶν, καὶ Λάνασσαν τὴν
> , a , a
Αγαθοκλέους τοῦ Συρακουσίου, προῖκα προσ-
(4 A i) a
φερομένην αὐτῷ τὴν ἹΚερκυραίων πόλιν nroxviav
Ν > ,
ὑπὸ ᾿Αγαθοκλέους. ἐκ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αντιγόνης

368

PYRRHUS, vu. 4-1x. 1

He was also kind towards his familiar friends, and
mild in temper, but eager and impetuous in returning
favours. At any rate, when Aeropus died, he was
distressed beyond measure, declaring that Aeropus
had indeed only suffered what was common to human-
ity, but that he blamed and reviled himself because
he had always delayed and moved slowly in the
matter and so had not returned his friend’s favour.
For the debts due to one’s creditors can be paid back
to their heirs ; but if the favours received from friends
are not returned while those friends can be sensible
of the act, it is an affliction to a just and good man.
Again, in Ambracia there was a fellow who denounced
and reviled him, and people thought that Pyrrhus
ought to banish him. “ Let him remain here,” said
Pyrrhus, “and speak ill of us among a few, rather
than carry his slanders round to all mankind.” And
again, some young fellows indulged in abuse of him
over their cups, and were brought to task for it.
Pyrrhus asked them if they had said such things, and
when one of them replied, “ We did, O King ; and
we should have said still more than this if we had
had more wine.” Pyrrhus laughed and dismissed
them.

IX. In order to enlarge his interests and power he
married several wives after the death of Antigone.
He took to wife, namely, a daughter of Autoleon, king
of the Paeonians; Bircenna, the daughter of Bar-
dyllis the Illyrian; and Lanassa, the daughter of
Agathocles of Syracuse, who brought him as her
dowry the city of Corcyra, which had been captured
by Agathocles. By Antigone he had a son Ptolemy,

1 The story is found also in Plutarch’s Morals, p. 184d,
and in Val. Max. 5, 1, ext. 3.

369

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

Πτολεμαῖον υἱὸν ἔσχεν, ἐκ δὲ Λανάσσης ᾽Αλε-
ξανδρον, ' ‘EXevov δὲ τὸν νεώτατον ἐκ Βιρκέννης.
καὶ πάντας ἀγαθοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐθρέψατο καὶ
διαπύρους, εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς ἐπὶ τοῦτο θηγομένους
ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἐρωτηθεὶς ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς
αὐτῶν ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος, τίνι “καταλείψει τὴν
βασιλείαν, εἰπεῖν, ““Os ἂν ὑμῶν τὴν μάχαιραν
ὀξυτάτην ᾿ ἔχῃ. ν ae δὲ οὐδὲν ἀποδεῖ τῆς
τραγικῆς ἀρᾶς ἐκείνης" “ Θηκτῷ σιδήρῳ, δῶμα
διαλαχεῖν᾽ t τοὺς ἀδελφούς. οὕτως ἀμικτός ἐστι
καὶ θηριώδης ἡ TH πλεονεξίας ὑπόθεσις.

X. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην. ταύτην ὃ “Πύρρος
ἐπανελθὼν οἴκαδε λαμπρὸς ὑπὸ δόξης καὶ φρονή-
ματος ἔχαιρε" καὶ ᾿Αετὸς ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿πειρωτῶν
προσαγορευόμενος, τ ἢ ὑμᾶς," ἔλεγεν, “ἀετός
εἰμι" πῶς γὰρ οὐ μέλλω, τοῖς ὑμετέροις ὅπλοις
ὥσπερ ὠκυπτέροις ἐπαιρόμενος; ὀλίγῳ δὲ
ὕστερον πυθόμενος νοσεῖν τὸν Δημήτριον ἐπι-
σφαλῶς ἐνέβαλε μὲν ἐξαίφνης εἰς Μακεδονίαν
ὡς ἐπιδρομήν τινα καὶ λεηλασίαν ποιησόμενος,
παρ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ ἦλθε πάντων ὁμοῦ κρατῆσαι καὶ
λαβεῖν ἀμαχεὶ τὴν βασιλείαν, ἐλάσας ἄχρι
᾿Εδέσσης μηδενὸς ἀμυνομένου, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ
προστιθεμένων καὶ συστρατευόντων. αὐτόν τε
δὴ τὸν Δημήτριον ὃ κίνδυνος ἐξανέστησε παρὰ
δύναμιν, οἵ τε φίλοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ
πολλοὺς ἀθροίσαντες ἐρρωμένως καὶ προθύμως
ἐπὶ τὸν Πύρρον ὥρμησαν. ὁ δὲ λῃστρικώτερον
ἀφιγμένος οὐκ ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ φεύγων μέρος τι
τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀπέβαλε καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἐπιθεμένων τῶν
Μακεδόνων.

1 ὀξυτάτην with Blass: ὀξυτέραν.

37°

388

PYRRAUS)1x.41-x..'2

Alexander by Lanassa, and Helenus, his youngest son,
by Bircenna. He brought them all up to be brave
in arms and fiery, and he whetted them for this from
their very birth. It is said, for instance, that when
he was asked by one of them, who was still a boy, to
whom he would leave his kingdom, he replied: “To
that one of you who keeps his sword the sharpest.”
This, however, meant nothing less than the famous
curse of Oedipus in the tragedy ;! that “ with whet-
ted sword,” and not by lot, the brothers should
“divide the house.” So savage and ferocious is the
nature of rapacity.

X. After this battle Pyrrhus returned to his home
rejoicing in the splendour which his fame and lofty
spirit had brought him; and when he was given the
surname of “ Eagle”’ by the Epeirots, “Through you,”
he said, “am I an eagle; why, pray, should I not be?
It is by your arms that I am borne aloft as by swift
pinions.” But a little while after, learning that De-
metrius was dangerously sick, he suddenly threw
an army into Macedonia, intending merely to overrun
and plunder some parts of it. Yet he came within
a little of mastering the whole country and getting
the kingdom without a battle; for he marched on as
far as Edessa without opposition from anyone, and
many actually joined his forces and shared his expe-
dition. And now Demetrius himself was roused by
the peril to act beyond his strength, while his friends
and commanders in a short time collected many
soldiers and set out with zeal and vigour against
Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, however, had come more for plun-
der than anything else, and would not stand _ his
ground, but fled, losing a part of his army on the
march, under the attacks of the Macedonians.

1 Euripides, Phoenissae, 68.

371

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> \ Ψ € , \ \ lA
Ov μὴν ὅτι ῥᾳδίως καὶ ταχὺ τὸν Πύρρον
ἐξέβαλε τῆς χώρας ὁ Δημήτριος ἠμέλησεν,
ἐγνωκὼς δὲ μεγάλων πραγμάτων ἀντιλαμβά-
\ \ , » \ ᾽ a ,
νεσθαι Kal THY πατρῴαν ἀρχὴν ἀνακτᾶσθαι δέκα
A \ ᾽
μυριάσι στρατοῦ καὶ ναυσὶ πεντακοσίαις οὐκ
2Boun Ὁ Πύ προσπταῖσαι, οὐδὲ ἀπο-
ἐβούλετο τῷ Πύρρῳ προσπ , οὐδὲ ἀπο
fal / 4 > ld /
λιπεῖν Μακεδόσι πάροικον ἐργώδη Kal χαλεπόν,
ἀλλ᾽, ἐπεὶ μὴ ἐσχόλαζε πολεμεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν,
\ \ ΄ ’ / e/ > AY
διαλυθεὶς καὶ θέμενος εἰρήνην οὕτως ἐπὶ τοὺς
a /
ἄλλους βασιλεῖς τραπέσθαι. γενομένων δὲ διὰ
a a lal \ rf , [2 A
ταῦτα τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, Kal τῆς γνώμης ἅμα TO
n A / fal
μεγέθει τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐκφανείσης τοῦ Anun-
, / δ a / N
τρίου, φοβηθέντες ot βασιλεῖς διεπέμποντο πρὸς
\ ie > / \ 4 /
tov Πύρρον ἀγγέλους καὶ γράμματα, θαυμάζειν
φάσκοντες εἰ τὸν αὑτοῦ προέμενος καιρόν, ἐν τῷ
Δημητρίου πολεμῆσαι περιμένει, καὶ δυνάμενος
Μακεδονίας ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτὸν πολλὰ πράττοντα
καὶ ταραττόμενον, ἐκδέχεται καὶ σχολάζοντι καὶ
μεγάλῳ γενομένῳ περὶ τῶν ἐν Μολοσσοῖς ἱερῶν
καὶ τάφων διαγωνίσασθαι, καὶ ταῦτα Κέρκυραν
ἔναγχος ἀφηρημένος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς γυναι-
/ ς \ / , Ν /
Kos. ἡ γὰρ Aavacca μεμψαμένη tov Iluppov
ὡς μᾶλλον προσέχοντα ταῖς βαρβάροις γυναιξὶν
εἰς Κέρκυραν ἀπεχώρησε, καὶ δεομένη γάμων
βασιλικῶν ἐκάλει Δημήτριον, ἐπισταμένη μά-
λιστα τῶν βασιλέων εὐκόλως ἔχοντα πρὸς γάμους
γυναικῶν. ἐκεῖνος δὲ πλεύσας τῇ τε Λανάσσῃ
“ θ \ Ν 5 al f /
συνῆλθς καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν TH πόλει κατέλιπε.

312

PYRRHUS, x. 3-5

However, because Demetrius had easilyand speedily
driven Pyrrhus out of the country, he did not leave
him to his own devices, but now that he had deter-
mined to undertake a great enterprise and to recover
his father’s realm with a hundred thousand soldiers
and five hundred ships, he did not wish to have col-
lisions with Pyrrhus, nor yet to leave behind in him
an enterprising and troublesome neighbour for the
Macedonians. He wished, rather, since he had no
time to wage war against Pyrrhus, to come to terms
and make peace with him, and then turn his arms
against the other kings. But after an agreement had
been made between them for these reasons, the pur-
pose of Demetrius became apparent, as well as the
magnitude of his preparations, and the kings, in
alarm, kept sending to Pyrrhus messengers and let-
ters,! expressing their amazement that he should let
slip his own opportunity for making war and wait for
Demetrius to seize his; and that when he was able to
drive Demetrius out of Macedonia, since he was now
much occupied and disturbed, he should await the
time when his adversary, at bis leisure and after he
had become great, could wage a decisive struggle
with him for the sanctuaries and tombs of the Molos-
sian land, an adversary who had just robbed him of
Corcyra, and his wife besides. For Lanassa, who
found fault with Pyrrhus for being more devoted to
his barbarian wives than to her, had retired to Cor-
cyra, whither, since she desired a royal marriage, she
invited Demetrius, understanding that he, of all the
kings, was most readily disposed to marry wives. So
Demetrius sailed thither, married Lanassa, and left
a garrison in the city.

1 Cf. the Demetrius, xliv. 1.

373

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Le} e a
XI. Ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον οἱ βασιλεῖς ypa-
ef \ 2 ς la Μ / \
ῴφοντες ἅμα καὶ ov ἑαυτῶν ἔτι μέλλοντα καὶ
, i
παρασκευαζόμενον Tov Δημήτριον ἐκίνουν. IIto-
“ \ \ b] 4 / ‘ \
λεμαῖος μὲν ee ἐπιπλεύσας μεγάλῳ eee TAs
ς / ᾽
Ἑλληνίδας ἀφίστη πόλεις, Λυσίμαχος δὲ τὴν
” / 3 / » \ 3’ ,
ἄνω Μακεδονίαν ἐκ Θράκης ἐμβαλὼν ἐπόρθει.
, \ , [4 \ > \ 4
Πύρρος δὲ τούτοις ἅμα συνεξαναστὰς ἐπὶ Βέροιαν
ἤλαυνε, προσδοκῶν, ὅπερ συνέβη, Δημήτριον
΄, \ ,
ὑπαντιάζοντα Λυσιμάχῳ τὴν κάτω χώραν ἀπο-
λείψειν ἔρημον. ἐκείνης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ἔδοξε
\ \ Ὁ“ e Nua? Ψ a A
κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὑπὸ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καλεῖσθαι τοῦ
Ν
μεγάλου, καὶ παραγενόμενος κλινήρη μὲν αὐτὸν
> tal , \ A a \ UA
ἰδεῖν, λόγων δὲ χρηστῶν τυχεῖν καὶ φιλοφροσύ-
νης ἐπαγγελλομένου προθύμως βοηθήσειν. αὐτοῦ
\ , tas \ mo” Et ° a
δὲ τολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν, “ Kal πῶς av, ὦ βασιλεῦ,
a \ y ΠῚ \ A b> » A / A
νοσῶν δυνατὸς eins ἐμοὶ βοηθεῖν; αὐτῷ φάναι TO
ὀνόματι, καὶ περιβάντα Νισαῖον ἵππον ἡγεῖσθαι.
͵ 5 \ \ v » ’ /
Ταύτην ἰδὼν τὴν ὄψιν ἐπερρώσθη" τάχει δὲ
χρησάμενος καὶ διαδραμὼν τὰ μεταξὺ κατα-
λαμβάνει τὴν Βέροιαν: καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτόθι
τῆς στρατιᾶς ἱδρύσας τὰ λοιπὰ προσήγετο διὰ
τῶν στρατηγῶν. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἐπεὶ ταῦτα
ἤκουσε καὶ πονηρὸν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ θόρυβον
ἤσθετο τῶν Μακεδόνων, ἔδεισε πορρωτέρω προ-
a \ ’ / / f
αγαγεῖν, μὴ πλησίον γενόμενοι βασιλέως Μακεδό-
νος καὶ δόξαν ἔχοντος μεταβάλωνται πρὸς αὐτόν.
“ ᾽ ,ὔ ὌΝ \ , 5 e ,
ὅθεν ἐπιστρέψας ἐπὶ τὸν Ilvppov iyev ws Eévov
καὶ μισούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων. ἐπεὶ δὲ
παρεστρατοπέδευσεν αὐτόθι, πολλοὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς

374

ὃ ὃς

PYRRHUS, x1. 1-4

XI. Such letters the kings kept sending to Pyr-
rhus, and at the same time on their own part they
assailed Demetrius while he was still waiting to com-
plete his preparations. Ptolemy sailed up with a
great fleet and tried to bring the Greek cities to
revolt, while Lysimachus invaded upper Macedonia
from Thrace and ravaged the country. So Pyrrhus,
taking the field at the same time with these, marched
against Beroea, expecting, as proved to be the case,
that Demetrius would go to confront Lysimachus,
and thus leave the lower country unprotected. That
night Pyrrhus dreamed that he was called by Alex-
ander the Great, and that when he answered the call
he found the king lying on a couch, but met with
kindly speech and friendly treatment from him, and
received a promise of his ready aid and help. * And
how, O King,” Pyrrhus ventured to ask, “ when thou
art sick, canst thou give me aid and help?” “ My
name itself will give it,” said the king, and mounting
a Nisaean horse he led the way.

This vision gave Pyrrhus great assurance, and
leading his army with all speed through the inter-
vening districts he took possession of Beroea; then,
stationing the greater part of his forces there, he
proceeded to subdue the rest of the country through
his generals. When Demetrius heard of this, and
became aware of a pernicious uproar in his camp
on the part of the Macedonians, he was afraid to
lead them farther on, lest on coming into the neigh-
bourhood of a Macedonian king of great renown they
should go over to him. Therefore he turned back and
led them against Pyrrhus, with the idea that he was
a foreigner and hated by the Macedonians. But after
he had pitched his camp over against Pyrrhus, many

375
VOL. IX. N

~

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Bepotas ἀφικνούμενοι tov Uuppov ἐνεκωμίαξον,
ὡς ἄμαχον μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ λαμπρὸν ἄνδρα,
πράως δὲ καὶ φιλανθρώπως τοῖς ἡλωκόσι χρώ-
μενον. ἦσαν δέ τίνες ods αὐτὸς ὁ Πύρρος
ἐγκαθίει προσποιουμένους εἶναι Μακεδόνας, καὶ
λέγοντας ὅτι νῦν καιρός ἐστι τῆς Δημητρίου
βαρύτητος ἀπαλλαγῆναι, πρὸς ἄνδρα “δημοτικὸν
καὶ φιλοστρατιώτην μεταβαλομένους᾿ τὸν Πύρρον.
ἐκ τούτου τὸ πλεῖστον ἀνηρέθιστο τῆς στρατιᾶς,
καὶ τὸν Πύρρον ἐξήτουν περισκοποῦντες. ἔτυχε
γὰρ ἀφηρημένος τὸ κράνος, ἄχρι οὗ συμφρονήσας
καὶ πάλιν] περιθέμενος ἐγνώσθη τῷ τε λόφῳ
διαπρέποντι καὶ τοῖς τραγικοῖς κέρασιν, ὥστε
τοὺς Μακεδόνας σύνθημα προστρέχοντας αἰτεῖν,

ἄλλους δὲ κλάδους δρυὸς ἀναστέφεσθαι διὰ τὸ
καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἐκεῖνον ἐστεφανωμένους ὁρᾶν: ἤδη
δὲ καὶ πρὸς αὐτόν τινες ἐτόλμων λέγειν τὸν
Δημήτριον ὡς ὑπεκστὰς καὶ προέμενος τὰ πράγ-
ματα καλῶς δόξει βεβουλεῦσθαι. τούτοις τοῖς
λόγοις ὅμοιον ὁρῶν τὸ κίνημα τοῦ στρατοπέδου
καὶ φοβηθεὶς κρύφα διεξέπεσε, καυσίᾳ τινὶ καὶ
λιτῷ χλαμυδίῳ περιστείλας ἑαυτόν. ἐπελθὼν δὲ
ὁ Πύρρος ἀμαχεὶ παρέλαβε τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ
βασιλεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη Μακεδόνων.

ΧΙ]. ᾿Επιφανέντος δὲ Λυσιμάχου καὶ κοινὸν
ἔργον ἀμφοῖν ποιουμένου τὴν Δημητρίου κατά-
λυσιν καὶ νέμεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀξιοῦντος,
οὔπω πάνυ βεβαίως τοῖς Μακεδόσι πιστεύων ὁ
Πύρρος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφίβυλος ὧν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐδέξατο
τοῦ Λυσιμάχου τὴν πρόκλησιν, καὶ διενείμαντο

1 Before περιθέμενος, with Blass: πάλιν συμφρονήσας.
376

PYRRHUS, x1. 4-xu. 1

Beroeans came thither with loud praises of Pyrrhus ;
they said he was invincible in arms and a brilliant
hero, and treated his captives with mildness and
humanity. There were some also whom Pyrrhus
himself sent into the camp; they pretended to be
Macedonians, and said that now was the favourable
time to rid themselves of Demetrius and his severity,
by going over to Pyrrhus, a man who was gracious to
the common folk and fond of his soldiers. In con-
sequence of this, the greater part of the army was
all excitement, and went about looking for Pyrrhus ;
for it chanced that he had taken off his helmet, and
he was not recognised until he bethought himself
and put it on again, when its towering crest and its
goat’s horns made him known to all. Some of the
Macedonians therefore ran to him and asked him for
his watchword, and others put garlands of oaken
boughs about their heads because they saw the
soldiers about him garlanded. And presently even
to Demetrius himself certain persons ventured to say
that if he quietly withdrew and renounced his under-
takings men would think that he had taken wise
counsel. He saw that this advice tallied with the
agitation in the camp, and was frightened, and
secretly stole away, after putting on a broad-brimmed
hat and a simple soldier’s cloak. So Pyrrhus came
up, took the camp without a blow, and was proclaimed
king of Macedonia.

XII. But now Lysimachus made his appearance,
claimed that the overthrow of Demetrius had been
the joint work of both, and demanded a division of
the kingdom. So Pyrrhus, who did not yet feel en-
tire confidence in the Macedonians, but was still
doubtful about them, accepted the proposition of

377

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

΄ \ 3 ,
τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν πρὸς ἀλλήλους.
A a /
τοῦτο δὲ ὥνησε μὲν ἐν TO παρόντι καὶ κατέπαυσε
\ , ᾽ a a7. Ne τῷ »,
τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἔγνωσαν
’ , \
οὐκ ἀπαλλαγὴν ἔχθρας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκλημάτων Kal
a / \ ,
διαφορᾶς ἀρχὴν πεποιημένοι THY νέμησιν. οἷς
, ᾽ /
yap ov πέλαγος, οὐκ ὄρος, οὐκ ἀοίκητος ἐρημία
/ 3 , 20Ὸ» e a ’ ,
πέρας ἐστὶ πλεονεξίας, οὐδ᾽ οἱ διαιροῦντες Evpo-
ἈΦ , , ΟΣ \ ᾽ 7
πην καὶ ᾿Ασίαν τέρμονες ὁρίζουσι τὰς ἐπιθυμίας,
a xX . / \ , » / ᾽
πῶς ἂν ATTOMEVOL καὶ Ψψαύοντες ἀλλήλων ATPE_E-
an rn la \ a »Μ
μοῖεν ἐν τοῖς παροῦσι μὴ ἀδικοῦντες, οὐκ ἔστιν
la a (2
εἰπεῖν, ἀλλὰ πολεμοῦσι μὲν ἀεί, TO ἐπιβουλεύειν
\ cal 4 yA a Ν 2 /
καὶ φθονεῖν ἔμφυτον ἔχοντες, δυεῖν δὲ ὀνομάτων,
ed Ψ , \ > ἐᾷ an
ὥσπερ νομισμάτων, πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης, TO
, an \ Ἁ , > \
παρατυχόντι χρῶνται πρὸς TO συμφέρον, οὐ πρὸς
\ , b] \ “ a «ς n
TO δίκαιον, ἐπεὶ βελτίους γε πολεμεῖν ὁμολογοῦν-
τές εἰσιν ἢ τῆς ἀδικίας τὸ ἀργοῦν καὶ σχολάζον
7 Ν ’ 5 , 3 ΄ \
δικαιοσύνην καὶ φιλίαν ὀνομάζοντες. ἐδήλωσε δὲ
ὁ Πύρρος: ἐμποδὼν γὰρ αὐξομένῳ τῷ Δ ίῳ
ρρος" ἐμ γὰρ αὐξομένῳ τῷ Δημητρίς
΄ Us γι , \ , ld
πάλιν ἱστάμενος, καὶ κωλύων τὴν δύναμιν ὥσπερ
> > / / ne / b) /
ἐξ ἀρρωστίας μεγάλης ἀναλαμβάνουσαν, ἐβοήθει
A / a ΄
τοῖς “ἕλλησι καὶ παρῆλθεν εἰς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας.
bd \ Ν 2 \ 2 , \ , A a
ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς THY ἀκρόπολιν καὶ θύσας TH θεῷ
καὶ καταβὰς αὐθημερὸν ἀγαπᾶν μὲν ἔφησε τοῦ
77
δήμου τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν, ἂν
| )
/ “ / an / ”
μέντοι σωφρονῶσι μηδένα τῶν βασιλέων ἔτι
\ /
παρήσειν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν μηδὲ τὰς πύλας
ἀνοίξειν: ἐκ τούτου καὶ πρὸς Δημήτριον εἰρήνην
ἐποιήσατο, καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον, εἰς ᾿Ασίαν 390

318

PYRRHUS, x11. 1-5

Lysimachus, and they divided the cities and the
territory with one another. This availed for the
present, and prevented war between them, but
shortly afterward they perceived that the distribution
which they had made did not put an end to their
enmity, but gave occasion for complaints and quarrels.
For how men to whose rapacity neither sea nor
mountain nor uninhabitable desert sets a limit, men
to whose inordinate desires the boundaries which
separate Europe and Asia put no stop, can remain
content with what they have and do one another no
wrong when they are in close touch, it is impossible
to say. Nay, they are perpetually at war, because
plots and jealousies are parts of their natures, and
they treat the two words, war and peace, like cur-
rent coins, using whichever happens to be for their
advantage, regardless of justice; for surely they are
better men when they wage war openly than when
they give the names of justice and friendship to the
times of inactivity and leisure which interrupt their
work of injustice. And Pyrrhus made this plain;
for, setting himself to hinder the growing power of
Demetrius, and trying to prevent its recovery, so to
speak, from a serious illness, he went to the help of
the Greeks and entered Athens. Here he went up
to the acropolis and sacrificed to the goddess, then
came down again on the same day, and told the
people he was well pleased with the confidence and
goodwill which they had shown him, but that in
future, if they were wise, they would not admit any
one of the kings into their city nor open their gates
to him. After this, he actually made peace with De-
metrius, but in a little while, when Demetrius had

379

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ / > A if \ φ \ /
ἀπάραντος αὐτοῦ, πάλιν πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ Λυσιμάχου
Θετταλίαν ἀφίστη καὶ ταῖς “EXXnviKais φρουραῖς
, if , a ,
προσεπολέμει, βελτίοσι χρώμενος τοῖς Μακεδόσι
στρατευομένοις ἢ σχολάζουσι, καὶ ὅλως αὐτὸς
οὐκ εὖ πρὸς ἡσυχίαν πεφυκώς.
/ 4
Τέλος δὲ Δημητρίου καταπολεμηθέντος ἐν
’ ᾽ » , (/
Συρίᾳ Λυσίμαχος ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας γενόμενος Kai σχο-
, > \ ϑιὰ ἃ Ν Ψ: τὰ \
λάζων εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ilvppov ὥρμησε. καὶ
Uy a a a
καθημένου περὶ τὴν "᾿ἔδεσσαν αὐτοῦ ταῖς ἀγοραῖς
Ν ih
κομιζομέναις ἐπιπεσὼν Kal κρατήσας ἀπορίαν
fal a / s
πρῶτον αὐτῷ περιέστησεν, ELTA γράμμασι καὶ
, / \ , a ,
λόγοις διέφθειρε τοὺς πρώτους τῶν Μακεδόνων,
» , 2 , + \ , STN
ὀνειδίζων εἰ ξένον ἄνδρα καὶ προγόνων ἀεὶ δεδου-
,
λευκότων Μακεδόσι δεσπότην ἑλόμενοι τοὺς
Tr A
᾿Αλεξάνδρου φίλους καὶ συνήθεις ἀπωθοῦσι
/ a
Μακεδονίας. ἀναπειθομένων δὲ πολλῶν δείσας ὁ
/ > / \ a 3 “ Ν
Πύρρος ἀπηλλάγη μετὰ τῆς Ηπειρωτικῆς καὶ
n ΄ ᾽ \ Y , τ
συμμαχικῆς δυνάμεως, ἀποβαλὼν Μακεδονίαν ᾧ
, , Ψ ΠῚ Sf ἃ \
τρόπῳ παρέλαβεν. ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ αἰτιᾶσθαι τοὺς
\ ” e a ͵7
πολλοὺς ἔχουσιν οἱ βασιλεῖς μετατιθεμένους
ἈΝ , / A
πρὸς TO συμφέρον' ἐκείνους yap αὐτοὺς ταῦτα
μιμοῦνται ποιοῦντες, ἀπιστίας καὶ προδοσίας
f Μ᾽ \ lal (4 3
διδασκάλους ὄντας, καὶ πλεῖστα νομίζοντας whe-
λεῖσθαι τὸν ἐλάχιστα τῷ δικαίῳ χρώμενον.
& [
2 » » / n
XIII. Tore δ᾽ οὖν εἰς Ἤπειρον ἐκπεσόντι τῷ
/
Πύρρῳ καὶ προεμένῳ Μακεδονίαν ἡ μὲν τύχη
a an a a /
παρεῖχε χρῆσθαι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπραγμόνως καὶ

380

PYRRHUS, x1. 5-x11. 1

set out for Asia, he once more took the advice of
Lysimachus and tried to bring Thessaly to revolt,
besides waging war upon the garrisons of Demetrius
in the Greek cities. For he found that the Mace-
donians were better disposed when they were on a
campaign than when they were unoccupied, and he
himself was by nature entirely averse to keeping
quiet.

But at last, after Demetrius had been wholly over-
thrown in Syria,! Lysimachus, who now felt himself
secure, and had nothing on his hands, at once set
out against Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus was in camp at Edessa,
where Lysimachus fell upon his provision trains and
mastered them, thus bringing him to straits; then,
by letters and conferences he corrupted the leading
Macedonians, upbraiding them because they had
chosen as lord and master a man who wasa foreigner,
whose ancestors had always been subject to
Macedonia, and were thrusting the friends and
familiars of Alexander out of the country. After
many had thus been won over, Pyrrhus took alarm
and departed with his Epeirots and allied forces, thus
losing Macedonia precisely as he got it.2 Whence
we see that kings have no reason to find fault with
popular bodies for changing sides as suits their inter-
ests; for in doing this they are but imitating the
kings themselves, who are their teachers in unfaith-
fulness and treachery, and think him most advantaged
who least observes justice.

XIII. At this time, then, when Pyrrhus had been
driven back into Epeirus and had given up Mace-
donia, Fortune put it into his power to enjoy what he
had without molestation, to live in peace, and to

1 At the battle of Ipsus, 301 B.c. Cf. the Demetrius,
chapter xliv. 2 Cf. chapter xi.

381

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ζὴν ἐν εἰρήνῃ βασιλεύοντα τῶν οἰκείων' ὁ δὲ τὸ
μὴ παρέχειν ἑτέροις κακὰ μηδὲ ἔχειν Up’ ἑτέρων
ἄλυν τινὰ ναυτιώδη νομίζων, ὥσπερ ὁ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς
οὐκ ἔφερε τὴν σχολήν,

, a
ἀλλὰ φθινύθεσκε φίλον κῆρ
5 f , 3} 275 7 / ,
αὖθι μένων, ποθέεσκε δ᾽ AVTHY TE πτόλεμόν TE.

δεόμενος δ᾽ οὖν ἔλαβε πραγμάτων καινῶν τοιαύ-
την ὑπόθεσιν. Ῥωμαῖοι Tapavtivors ἐπολέμουν"
οἱ δὲ μήτε φέρειν τὸν πόλεμον δυνάμενοι μήτε
θέσθαι θρασύτητι καὶ μοχθηρίᾳ δημαγωγῶν,
ἐβουλεύοντο ποιεῖσθαι Πύρρον ἡγεμόνα καὶ
καλεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ὡς σχολὴν ἄγοντα
πλείστην τῶν βασιλέων καὶ στρατηγὸν ὄντα
δεινότατον. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων καὶ νοῦν
ἐχόντων πολιτῶν οἱ μὲν ἄντικρυς ἐνιστάμενοι
πρὸς τὴν γνώμην ἐξέπιπτον ὑπὸ κραυγῆς καὶ
βίας τῶν πολεμοποιῶν, οἱ δὲ ταῦτα ὁρῶντες
ἀπέλειπον τὰς ἐκκλησίας. εἷς δέ τις ἀνὴρ
ἐπιεικής, Μέτων ὄνομα, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἐν
ἢ τὸ δόγμα κυροῦν ἔμελλον ἐνστάσης καὶ τοῦ
δήμου καθεζομένου, λαϑὼν στέφανον τῶν ἑώλων
καὶ λαμπάδιον, ὥσπερ οἱ μεθύοντες, αὐλητρίδος
ὑφηγουμένης αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐκώμαζεν.
οἷα δὲ ἐν ὄχλῳ δημοκρατίας κόσμον οὐκ ἐχούσης
οἱ μὲν ἐκρότουν ἰδόντες, οἱ δὲ ἐγέλων, ἐκώλυε δὲ
οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ γύναιον αὐλεῖν κἀκεῖνον
ἄδειν ἐκέλευον εἰς μέσον ' προελθόντα" καὶ τοῦτο
ποιήσων ἐπιδοξος ἦν. γενομένης δὲ σιωπῆς

1 εἰς μέσον with Blass and most MSS : μέσον.
2 προελθόντα Blass, after Reiske: προσελθόντα.

382

PYRRHUS, xu. 1-4

reign over his own people. But he thought it tedious
to the point of nausea if he were not inflicting mis-
chief on others or suffering it at others’ hands, and
like Achilles could not endure idleness,

“but ate his heart away
Remaining there, and pined for war-cry and battle.” }

Filled with such desires, then, he found ground
for fresh undertakings in the following circumstances.
The Romans were at war with the people of Taren-
tum, who, being able neither to carry on the war, nor
yet, owing to the rashness and villainy of their pop-
ular leaders, to put an end to it, wished to make
Pyrrhus their leader and summon him to the war,
believing him to be most at leisure of all the kings,
and a most formidable general. Of the elderly and
sensible citizens, some who were directly opposed to
this plan were overborne by the clamour and vio-
lence of the war party, and others, seeing this, ab-
sented themselves from the assembly. But there
was a certain worthy man, Meton by name, who,
when the day on which the decree was to be ratified
was at hand and the people were taking their seats
in the assembly, took a withered garland and a
torch, after the way of revellers, and came dancing
in behind a flute-girl who led the way for him.
Then, as will happen in a throng of free people not
given to decorum, some clapped their hands at
sight of him, and others laughed, but none tried
to stop him; nay, they bade the woman play on her
flute and called upon Meton to come forward and
give them a song; and it was expected that he
would do so. But when silence had been made,

1 Tiad, i. 491 £.
n2 383

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

“"Avdpes,” ἔφη, “ Ταραντῖνοι, καλῶς ποιεῖτε
παίζξειν καὶ κωμάζειν, ἕως ἔξεστι, τοῖς βουλο-
μένοις μὴ φθονοῦντες. ἐὰν δὲ σωφρονῆτε, καὶ
πάντες ἀπολαύσετε ἔτι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ὡς ἕτερα
πράγματα καὶ βίον καὶ δίαιταν ἕξοντες ὅταν
Πύρρος εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγένηται. ταῦτα
ῥηθέντα τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔπεισε τῶν Ταραντίνων,
καὶ θροῦς «διέδραμε τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὡς εὖ λεγο-
μένων. οἱ δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους δεδιότες, μὴ γενο-
μένης εἰρήνης ἐκδοθῶσι, τόν τε δῆμον ἐλοιδόρουν
εἰ φέρει πράως ἐπικωμαζόμενος οὕτως ἀσελγῶς
καὶ παροινούμενος, τόν τε Μέτωνα συστραφέντες
ἐξέβαλον.

Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ δόγματος κυρίου γενομένου πρέ-
σβεις ἔπεμψαν εἰς Ἤπειρον, οὐχ αὑτῶν μόνον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιταλιωτῶν, δῶρα τῷ Ilvppo
κομίζοντας, καὶ λέγοντας ὡς ἡγεμόνος ἔμφρονος
δέονται καὶ δόξαν ἔχοντος, δυνάμεις δὲ αὐτόθεν
ὑπάρξουσι μεγάλαι παρά τε Λευκανῶν καὶ
Μεσσαπίων καὶ Σαυνιτῶν καὶ Ταραντίνων εἰς
δισμυρίους ἱππεῖς, πεζῶν δὲ ὁμοῦ πέντε καὶ
τριάκοντα μυριάδας. ταῦτα οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν
ἐπῆρε τὸν Πύρρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ππειρώταις
προθυμίαν ἐνέβαλε καὶ ὁρμὴν τῆς στρατείας.

XIV. Ἦν δέ τις Κινέας, Θεσσαλὸς ἀνήρ, τῷ
μὲν φρονεῖν δοκῶν ἱκανὸς εἶναι, Δημοσθένους δὲ
τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀκηκοὼς ἐδόκει μόνος εὖ μάλιστα }
τῶν τότε λεγόντων οἷον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς ἐκείνου
δυνάμεως καὶ δεινότητος ἀναμιμνήσκειν τοὺς

1 μόνος εὖ μάλιστα Sintenis, with S%; Bekker corrects εὖ
to ἢ (alone or most), after Bryan and Reiske, and is followed
by Blass; AC have μάλιστα εὖ μόνος.

384

391

PYRRHUS, x1. 4-x1v. 1

he said: “Men of Tarentum, ye do well not to
frown upon those who wish to sport and revel, while
they can. And if ye are wise, ye will all also get
some enjoyment still out of your freedom, assured
that ye will have other business and a different life
and diet when Pyrrhus has come into the city.”
These words brought conviction to most of the
Tarentines, and a murmur of applause ran through the
assembly. But those who were afraid that if peace
were made they would be given up to the Romans,
reviled the people for tamely submitting to such
shameless treatment from a drunken reveller, and
banding together they cast Meton out.}

And so the decree was ratified, and the people
sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus,? not only from their
own number, but also from the Italian Greeks. These
brought gifts to Pyrrhus, and told him they wanted a
leader of reputation and prudence, and that he would
find there large forces gathered from Lucania, Mes-
sapia, Samnium, and Tarentum, amounting to twenty
thousand horse and three hundred and fifty thousand
foot all told. This not only exalted Pyrrhus himself,
but also inspired the Epeirots with eagerness to un-
dertake the expedition.

XIV. Now, there was a certain Cineas, a man of
Thessaly, with a reputation for great wisdom, who
had been a pupil of Demosthenes the orator, and
was quite the only public speaker of his day who was
thought to remind his hearers, as a statue might,
of that great orator’s power and ability. Associating

1 Cf. Dionysius Hal., Excerpta ex lib. xix., 8.
2 In the summer of 281 8.0.

385

PLUTARCH’'S LIVES

ἀκούοντας. συνὼν δὲ τῷ Πύρρῳ καὶ πεμπό-
μενος ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐβεβαίου τὸ Εὐριπίδειον,
ὅτι “πᾶν ἐξαιρεῖ λόγος

ἃ \ / , , » ”
ὃ Kal σίδηρος πολεμίων δράσειεν ἄν.

ὁ γοῦν Πύρρος ἔλεγε πλείονας πόλεις ὑπὸ ἹΚινέου
τοῖς λόγοις ἢ τοῖς ὅπλοις ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ προσῆχθαι"
καὶ διετέλει τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῶν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ
χρώμενος. οὗτος οὖν τὸν Πύρρον ὡρμημένον τότε
ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν εἰς λόγους ἐπηγάγετο
τοιούτους, ἰδὼν σχολάζοντα. a Πολεμισταὶ μέν,
ὦ Πύρρε, “Ῥωμαῖοι λέγονται καὶ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν
μαχίμων ἄρχοντες" εἰ δὲ δοίη θεὸς “περιγενέσθαι
τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τί χρησόμεθα τῇ νίκῃ; καὶ ὁ Πύρ-
pos, ‘ “᾿Βρωτᾷς," εἶπεν, ‘ “ὦ Κινέα, πρᾶγμα φαινό-
μενον: οὔτε βάρβαρος ἡμῖν ἐκεῖ πόλις οὔτε
‘HAAnvis ἀξιόμαχος Ῥωμαίων κρατηθέντων, ἀλλ᾽
ἕξομεν εὐθὺς ᾿Ιταλίαν ἅπασαν, ἧς μέγεθος καὶ
ἀρετὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἄλλῳ πού τινι μᾶλλον ἀγνοεῖν
ἢ σοὶ προσήκει." μικρὸν οὖν ἐπισχὼν ὁ Κινέας,
“᾿Ιταλίαν δέ, εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, λαβόντες, τί
ποιήσομεν; καὶ ὁ Πύρρος οὔπω τὴν διάνοιαν
αὐτοῦ καθορῶν, “᾿Εὐἰγγύς," εἶπεν, “ἡ Σικελία
χεῖρας ὀρέγει, νῆσος εὐδαίμων καὶ πολυάνθρωπος,
ἁλῶναι δὲ ῥάστη' στάσις γάρ, ὧ Κινέα, πάντα
νῦν ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀναρχία πόλεων καὶ δημαγωγῶν
ὀξύτης ᾿Αγαθοκλέους ἐκλελοιπότος." “Εἰκότα,"

ἔφη, “λέγεις, ὁ Κινέας" “ ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοῦτο πέρας
ἡμῖν τῆς στρατείας, λαβεῖν Σικελίαν; “ Θεὸς,"

1 πᾶν γὰρ ἐξαιρεῖ λόγος
ὃ καὶ σίδηρος πολεμίων δράσειεν ἄν.

(Phoenissae, 517 f., Kirchhoff.)
386

PYRRHUS, xiv. 1-5

himself with Pyrrhus, and sent by him as ambassador
to the cities, he confirmed the saying of Euripides,
to wit, “all can be won by eloquence

That even the sword of warring enemies might
gain.”

At any rate, Pyrrhus used to say that more cities
had been won for him by the elequence of Cineas
than by his own arms; and he continued to hold
Cineas in especial honour and to demand his services.
It was this Cineas, then, who, seeing that Pyrrhus
was eagerly preparing an expedition at this time to
Italy, and finding him at leisure for the moment,
drew him into the following discourse. “The
Romans, O Pyrrhus, are said to be good fighters,
and to be rulers of many warlike nations; if, then,
Heaven should permit us to conquer these men, how
should we use our victory?’ And Pyrrhus said:
“Thy question, O Cineas, really needs no answer;
the Romans once conquered, there is neither bar-
barian nor Greek city there which is a match for
us, but we shall at once possess all Italy, the great
size and richness and importance of which no man
should know better than thyself.” After a little
pause, then, Cineas said: “ And after taking Italy,
O King, what are we to do?” And Pyrrhus, not yet
perceiving his intention, replied: “Sicily is near,
and holds out her hands to us, an island abounding in
wealth and men, and very easy to capture, for all is
faction there, her cities have no government, and
demagogues are rampant now that Agathocles is
gone.” ‘ What thou sayest,” replied Cineas, “ is
probably true ; but will our expedition stop with the
taking of Sicily δ᾿ “ Heaven grant us,” said Pyrrhus,

387

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔφη ὁ Πύρρος, “νικᾶν διδῴώη Kal κατορθοῦν'
τούτοις δὲ προάγωσι χρησόμεθα πραγμάτων
, , \ A ὙΣ ἐν ΄ κ᾿
μεγάλων. Tis yap ἂν ἀπόσχοιτο Λιβύης καὶ
Κ δό 9 9 fal fe : ἃ Ἂν 0 nF
apxndovos ἐν ἐφικτῷ γενομένης, ἣν ᾿Α γαθοκλῆς
ἀποδρὰς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν κρύφα καὶ περάσας
ναυσὶν ὀλίγαις λαβεῖν παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλθεν; ὅτι δὲ
τούτων κρατήσασιν ἡμῖν οὐδεὶς ἀντιστήσεται τῶν
A ς / , , ΕΝ , ”
νῦν ὑβριζόντων πολεμίων, TL ἂν λέγοι τις;
“« Οὐδέν, ὁ Κινέας εἶπε" “δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι καὶ
Μακεδονίαν ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς ᾿λλάδος ἄρχειν
td , / > \ / /
ὑπάρξει βεβαίως ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως.
γενομένων δὲ πάντων ὑφ᾽ ἡμῖν, τί ποιήσομεν; "ἢ
καὶ ὁ Πύρρος ἐπιγελάσας, “ Σχολήν, ἔφη,
ες ΥΓ, 7 \ , . ͵
ἄξομεν πολλήν, καὶ κώθων, ὦ μακάριε, καθη-
ΔΝ oY \ ὃ Ν ΄ U ᾽ ΄
μερινὸς ἔσται, καὶ διὰ λόγων συνόντες ἀλλήλους
a ’ la aA
εὐφρανοῦμεν.᾽ ἐνταῦθα δὴ TOY λόγων καταστήσας
ς 5 ἴω
tov IIvppov ὁ Kuvéas, “ Kita,” ébn, “ti viv
2 ΄ bd Least) , ΄ an
ἐμποδών ἐστιν ἡμῖν βουλομένοις κώθωνι χρῆσθαι
Ν / ’ » / » a 7
καὶ σχολάζειν μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων, EL ταῦτα ἔχομεν
» Ν / ᾽ ἢ 3 > ἃ ᾽ “
ἤδη καὶ πάρεστιν ἀπραγμόνως ἐφ᾽ ἃ δι᾿ αἵματος
\ / / \ / UA 5) /
Kal πόνων μεγάλων καὶ κινδύνων μέλλομεν ἀφί-
ἕεσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ δράσαντες ἑτέρους κακὰ καὶ
παθόντες;
/ A / / a
Τούτοις τοῖς λόγοις ἠνίασε μᾶλλον ἢ μετέθηκε
Ν / €
tov Πύρρον ὁ Kuvéas, νοήσαντα μὲν ὅσην arré-
b) if a A ᾽ / \
λείπεν εὐδαιμονίαν, ὧν δὲ ὠρέγετο τὰς ἐλπίδας
ἀφεῖναι μὴ δυνάμενον.
A \
XV. ΤΙρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἀπέστειλε τὸν Κινέαν
-" r “
τοῖς Ταραντίνοις στρατιώτας ἄγοντα τρισχιλίους"
388

PYRRHUS, xiv. 5-xv. 1

“victory and success so far; and we will make these
contests but the preliminaries of great enterprises.
For who could keep his hands off Libya, or Carthage,
when that city got within his reach, a city which
Agathocles, slipping stealthily out of Syracuse and
crossing the sea with a few ships, narrowly missed
taking? And when we have become masters here,
no one of the enemies who now treat us with scorn
will offer further resistance; there is no need of
saying that.” ‘None whatever,’ said Cineas, ‘for
it is plain that with so great a power we shall be
able to recover Macedonia and rule Greece securely.
But when we have got everything subject to us,
what are we going to do?” Then Pyrrhus smiled
upon him and said: “We shall be much at ease,
and we'll drink bumpers, my good man, every day,
and we'll gladden one another's hearts with confi-
dential talks.” And now that Cineas had brought
Pyrrhus to this point in the argument, he said:
“Then what stands in our way now if we want to
drink bumpers and while away the time with one
another ? Surely this privilege is ours already, and
we have at hand, without taking any trouble, those
things to which we hope to attain by bloodshed and
great toils and perils, after doing much harm to
others and suffering much ourselves.”

By this reasoning of Cineas Pyrrhus was more
troubled than he was converted; he saw plainly
what great happiness he was leaving behind him,
but was unable to renounce his hopes of what he
eagerly desired.

XV. First, then, he sent Cineas to Tarentum with
three thousand soldiers; next, after numerous

389

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔπειτα πολλῶν ἱππηγῶν καὶ καταφράκτων καὶ
πορθμείων παντοδαπῶν ἐκ Τάραντος κομισθέντων
ἐνεβίβαζεν ἐλέφαντας εἴκοσι καὶ τρισχιλίους
ἱππεῖς, πεζοὺς δὲ δισμυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους
τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας πεντακοσίους. γενο-
μένων δὲ πάντων ἑτοίμων ἀναχθεὶς ἔπλει- καὶ
μέσον ἔχων τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον ἁρπάζεται βορέᾳ ἀνέμῳ
παρ᾽ ὥραν ἐκραγέντι. καὶ βιασθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν
ἀρετῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ ναυτῶν καὶ κυβερνητῶν
ἐξανέφερε καὶ προσανῆγε τῇ γῇ πολυπόνως καὶ
παραβόλως, τοῦ δὲ ἄλλου στόλου συγχυθέντος
καὶ τῶν νεῶν σκεδασθεισῶν αἱ μὲν ἀποσφαλεῖσαι
τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐξεώσθησαν εἰς τὸ Λιβυκὸν καὶ
Σικελικὸν πέλαγος, τὰς δὲ ὑπερβαλεῖν μὴ
δυνηθείσας ἄκραν ᾿Ιαπυγίαν νύξ τε κατελάμβανε,
καὶ πολλὴ καὶ χαλεπὴ θάλασσα παίουσα πρὸς
χωρία δύσορμα καὶ τυφλὰ πάσας διέφθειρε πλὴν
τῆς βασιλικῆς. αὕτη δὲ πλαγίου 1 μὲν ἔτι ὄντος
τοῦ κύματος ἠμύνετο καὶ διέφευγε μεγέθει καὶ
ῥώμῃ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῆς θαλάσσης" ἐπεὶ δὲ
περιελθὸν ἀπὸ γῆς ἀπήντα τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ
κίνδυνον εἶχεν ἡ ναῦς ἀντίπρῳρος ἱσταμένη πρὸς
κλύδωνα πολὺν διαρραγῆναι, τ τὸ δὲ ἐφέντας αὖθις
ἠγριωμένῳ πελάγει καὶ πνεύματι τροπὰς λαμ-
βάνοντι παντοδαπὰς φέρεσθαι φοβερώτερον ἐφαί-
VETO τῶν παρόντων κακῶν, ἄρας ὁ Πύρρος αὑτὸν
ἀφῆκεν εἰς θάλασσαν, καὶ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν
δορυφόρων εὐθὺς ἦν ἅμιλλα καὶ προθυμία
περὶ αὐτόν. ἡ δὲ νὺξ καὶ τὸ κῦμα μετὰ
ψόφου μεγάλου καὶ τραχείας ἀνακοπῆς χαλεπὴν
ἐποίει. τὴν βοήθειαν, ὥστε μόλις ἡμέρας ἤδη
1 πλαγίου with Sintenis!, Blass, and the MSS.: πελαγίον.

390

PYRRHUS, xv. 1-4

cavalry-transports, decked vessels, and passage-boats
of every sort had been brought over from Tarentum,
he put on board of them twenty elephants and three
thousand horse, twenty thousand foot, two thousand
archers, and five hundred slingers. When all was
ready, he put out and set sail ; but when he was half
way across the Ionian sea he was swept away by a
north wind that burst forth out of all season. In
spite of its violence he himself, through the bravery
and ardour of his seamen and captains, held out and
made the land, though with great toil and danger;
but the rest of the fleet was thrown into confusion
and the ships were scattered. Some of them missed
Italy and were driven off into the Libyan and
Sicilian sea; others, unable to round the lapygian
promontory, were overtaken by night, and a heavy
and violent sea, which drove them upon harbourless
and uncertain shores, and destroyed them all except
the royal galley. She, as long as the waves drove
upon her side, held her own, and was saved by her
great size and strength from the blows of the water ;
but soon the wind veered round and met her from
the shore, and the ship was in danger of being
crushed by the heavy surges if she stood prow on
against them. However, to allow her again to be
tossed about by an angry open sea and by blasts of
wind that came from all directions, was thought to
be more fearful than their present straits. Pyrrhus
therefore sprang up and threw himself into the sea,
and his friends and bodyguards were at once
emulously eager to help him. But night and the
billows with their heavy crashing and violent recoil
made assistance difficult, so that it was not until day

391

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

a - Ν
μαραινομένου τοῦ πνεύματος ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ
A a le
τὴν γῆν, τῷ μὲν σώματι παντάπασιν ἀδυνάτως
an ar ἧς
ἔχοντα, τόλμῃ δὲ καὶ ῥώμῃ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀνταίροντα
7
πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν. ἅμα δὲ οἵ te Μεσσάτπιοι,
aA 3 “
Kal’ ovs ἐξεβράσθη, συνέθεον βοηθοῦντες ἐκ τῶν
παρόντων προθύμως, καὶ προσεφέροντο τῶν
σωζομένων ἔνιαι νεῶν, ἐν αἷς ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν
ϑ'ς / ΄ \ \ 7 2 ,
ὀλίγοι παντάπασι, πεζοὶ δὲ δισχιλίων ἐλάττους,
ἐλέφαντες δὲ δύο.

XVI. Τούτους ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Πύρρος ἐβάδιξεν
εἰς Τάραντα. καὶ τοῦ Κινέου προαγαγόντος εἰς
ἀπάντησιν, ὡς ἤσθετο, τοὺς στρατιώτας, παρελ-

/ Ν an
θὼν οὐδὲν ἀκόντων οὐδὲ πρὸς βίαν ἔπραττε TOV
, , A a
Ταραντίνων, ἕως ἀνεσώθησαν ai νῆες ἐκ τῆς
/ \ an «ς , A id
θαλάττης καὶ συνῆλθεν ἡ πλείστη τῆς δυνάμεως.
a ¢ an aA
τηνικαῦτα δὲ ὁρῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἄνευ μεγάλης
ἀνάγκης μήτε σώζεσθαι δυνάμενον μήτε σώζειν,
3 2 ca 2 , ἴω Ε a
ἀλλ᾿ οἷον ἐκείνου προπολεμοῦντος οἴκοι καθῆσθαι
περὶ λουτρὰ καὶ συνουσίας γενόμενον, ἀπέκλεισε

\ \ φ
μὲν τὰ γυμνάσια καὶ τοὺς περιπάτους, ἐν οἷς
3 / fal
ἀλύοντες ὑπὲρ τῶν πραγμάτων λόγῳ διεστρατή-

’
γουν, πότους δὲ καὶ κώμους καὶ θαλίας ἀκαίρους
» A 2 / \ \ \ a \ \
ἀνεῖλεν, ἐκάλει δὲ πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα, Kal περὶ τοὺς
, al
καταλόγους τῶν στρατευομένων ἀπαραίτητος
Ss \ / σ΄ \ > A ,
ἣν καὶ AUTNPOS, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως
a ’ n
ἀπελθεῖν ἀηθείᾳ τοῦ ἄρχεσθαι δουλείαν τὸ μὴ

\ \ a a
πρὸς ἡδονὴν ζῆν καλοῦντας.

}] \ \ a a

Eaet δὲ AatBivos ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὕπατος
᾽ / A a a Je) bf Ν “
ἠγγέλλετο πολλῇ στρατιᾷ γωρεῖν ἐπ αὐτὸν ἅμα
392

PYRRHUS, xv. 4-xvi. 3

had already come and the wind was dying away that
he succeeded in gaining the shore, in body altogether
powerless, but with boldness and strength of spirit
still making head against his distress. The Messapians,
among whom he had been cast forth, ran together
with eager offers to assist as well as they could, and
at the same time some of his ships that had escaped
the storm came up; in these there were but a few
horsemen all told, less than two thousand footmen,
and two elephants.

XVI. With these Pyrrhus set out for Tarentum,
where Cineas, on learning of his approach, led out
his soldiers to meet him. Entering the city, he did
nothing that was against the wishes of the Tarentines,
nor did he put any compulsion upon them, until his
ships came back in safety from the sea and the
greater part of his forces were assembled. Then,
however, seeing that the multitude were incapable,
unless under strong constraint, of either saving
themselves or saving others, but were inclined to let
him do their fighting for them while they remained
at home in the enjoyment of their baths and social
festivities, he closed up the gymnasia and the public
walks, where, as they strolled about, they fought
out their country’s battles in talk; he also put a
stop to drinking-bouts, revels, and festivals, as un-
seasonable, called the men to arms, and was stern
and inexorable in his enrolment of them for military
service. Many therefore left the city, since they were
not accustomed to being under orders, and called it
servitude not to live as they pleased.

And now word was brought to Pyrrhus that
Laevinus the Roman consul was coming against him

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

x / a +Q/ \ e ,
τὴν Λευκανίαν διαπορθῶν, οὐδέπω μὲν οἱ σύμ-
paxor παρῆσαν αὐτῷ, δεινὸν δὲ ποιούμενος
ἀνασχέσθαι καὶ περιϊδεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγυ-
τέρω προϊόντας ἐξῆλθε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, προ-
πέμψας κήρυκα πρὸς τοὺς Ρωμαίους, et φίλον
ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς πρὸ πολέμου δίκας λαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν
᾿Ιταλιωτῶν, αὐτῷ δικαστῇ καὶ διαλλακτῇ χρησα-
μένους. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Λαιβίνου μήτε
διαλλακτὴν Πύρρον αἱρεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους μήτε
δεδοικέναι πολέμιον, προελθὼν κατεστρατο-
/
πέδευσεν ἐν TH μεταξὺ πεδίῳ ἸΙανδοσίας πόλεως
¢ , / \ \ ζ Ne
t Ἡρακλείας. πυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς “Pwpaious
a / a
ἐγγὺς εἶναι καὶ πέραν τοῦ Σίριος ποταμοῦ κατα-
΄ , lal a
στρατοπεδεύειν, προσίππευσε τῷ ποταμῷ θέας
ἕνεκα" καὶ κατιδὼν τάξιν τε καὶ φυλακὰς καὶ
κόσμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς στρατοπεδείας
ἐθαύμασε, καὶ τῶν φίλων προσαγορεύσας τὸν
2 ,ὕ AG ΄ BRYA τὸ -- 3 ΄
ἐγγυτάτω, “Τάξις μέν, εἶπεν, “ὦ Μεγάκλεις,
e/ a , > ἊΣ Ν \ »
αὕτη τῶν βαρβάρων οὐ βάρβαρος, τὸ δὲ ἔργον
39
εἰσόμεθα. καὶ διὰ φροντίδος ἔχων ἤδη τὸ
μέλλον ἔγνω τοὺς “συμμάχους ἀναμένειν, τοῖς δὲ
Ῥωμαίοις, ἂν πρότερον ἐπιχειρῶσι διαβαίνειν,
ἐπέστησε φυλακὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν
εἴρξουσαν. οἱ δέ, ἅ ἅπερ ἐκεῖνος ἔγνω περιμένειν,
φθῆναι σπεύδοντες, ἐνεχείρουν τῇ διαβάσει, κατὰ
πόρον μὲν οἱ πεζοί, πολλαχόθεν δὲ οἱ ἱππεῖς
διεξελαύνοντες τὸν ποταμόν, ὥστε δείσαντας τὴν
΄ 5 A Nolen 9 ,
κύκλωσιν ἀναχώρειν. τοὺς “ὕλληνας, αἰσθόμενον
δὲ τὸν Πύρρον καὶ διαταραχθέντα τοῖς μὲν
ἡγεμόσι τοῦ πεζοῦ παρεγγυᾶν εὐθὺς εἰς τάξιν
καθίστασθαι καὶ περιμένειν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, αὐτὸν

394

393

PYRRHUS, xv1. 3-6

with a large army and plundering Lucania as he
came. Pyrrhus had not yet been joined by his allies,
but thinking it an intolerable thing to hold back and
suffer his enemies to advance any nearer, he took
the field with his forces, having first sent a herald to
the Romans with the enquiry whether it was their
pleasure, before waging war, to receive satisfaction
from the Italian Greeks, employing him as arbiter
and mediator. But Laevinus made answer that the
Romans neither chose Pyrrhus as a mediator nor
feared him as a foe. Pyrrhus therefore went for-
ward and pitched his camp in the plain between the
cities of Pandosia and Heracleia. When he learned
that the Romans were near and lay encamped on the
further side of the river Siris, he rode up to the
river to get a view of them; and when he had
observed their discipline, the appointment of their
watches, their order, and the general arrangement
of their camp, he was amazed, and said to the friend
who was nearest him: “The discipline of these
Barbarians is not barbarous; but the result will show
us what it amounts to.” He was now less confident
of the issue, and determined to wait for his allies;
but he stationed a guard on the bank of the river to
check the Romans if, in the meantime, they should
attempt to cross it. The Romans, however, anxious
to anticipate the coming of the forces which Pyrrhus
had decided to await, attempted the passage, their
infantry crossing the river by a ford, and their cavalry
dashing through the water at many points, so that
the Greeks on guard, fearing that they would be
surrounded, withdrew. When Pyrrhus saw this, he
was greatly disturbed, and charging his infantry
officers to form in line of battle at once and stand

395

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ a € A , / κε
δὲ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι παρεξελάσαι τρισχιλίοις οὖσιν,
, / ” \ f
ἐλπίζοντα διαβαίνοντας ἔτι καὶ διεσπασμένους
’ / ΄ θ \ e / > \ ὧν
ἀτάκτους λήψεσθαι τοὺς Ρωμαίους. ἐπεὶ
Ὃ / fal
ἑώρα θυρεούς τε πολλοὺς ὑπερφαινομένους τοῦ
ποταμοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐπελαύνοντας ἐν τάξει,
» n /
συστρέψας ἐνέβαλε πρῶτος, αὐτόθεν τε περίοπτος
é ,
ὧν ὅπλων κάλλει καὶ λαμπρότητι κεκοσμημένων
A \ lé /
περιττῶς, καὶ THY δόξαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἔργοις οὐκ
ἢ A n n ͵ δ Ν
ἀποδέουσαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρετῆς" μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι τὰς
a a ᾿ a an
χεῖρας καὶ TO σῶμα παρέχων τῷ ἀγῶνι Kal τοὺς
¢ \ , n
καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀμυνόμενος ἐρρωμένως οὐ συνεχεῖτο
\ \ 2O\ A A des 5) Ὁ
τὸν λογισμὸν οὐδὲ τοῦ φρονεῖν ἐξέπιπτεν, ἀλλ
“ μέ ’ an Ἢ ἊΝ ,
ὥσπερ ἔξωθεν ἐφορῶν διεκυβέρνα τὸν πόλεμον,
, an
αὐτὸς petabéwy ἑκασταχόσε καὶ παραβοηθῶν
τοῖς ἐκβιάζεσθαι δοκοῦσιν.
(4 \
"Ev0a δὴ Λεοννάτος ὁ Μακεδὼν ἄνδρα κατιδὼν
9 \ 3 / n / \ \ (of
Ιταλὸν ἐπέχοντα τῷ [Πύρρῳ καὶ τὸν ἵππον
/
ἀντιπαρεξάγοντα καὶ συμμεθιστάμενον ἀεὶ καὶ
, τῆς ο΄ 5 «3 a \
συγκινούμενον, “ Opads,” εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν
/ 93 lal A e / 7 Ke vA
βάρβαρον ἐκεῖνον, ὃν ὁ μέλας ἵππος ὁ λευκόπους
, / δ
φέρει; μέγα τι βουλευομένῳ καὶ δεινὸν ὅμοιός
’ \ \ 2 A \ \ \ /
ἐστι. σοὶ yap ἐνορᾷ Kal πρὸς σὲ τέταται
/ \ A \ n \ Ni ol:
πνεύματος μεστὸς ὧν Kal θυμοῦ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους
24 / > \ \ iy \ yA 9
ἐᾷ χαίρειν. ἀλλὰ σὺ φυλάττου τὸν ἄνδρα.
NS ΄ ’ , ες | \ ε , 5
καὶ ὁ Πύρρος ἀπεκρίνατο, “To μὲν εἱμαρμένον, ὦ
Λεοννάτε, διαφυγεῖν ἀδύνατον" χαίρων δὲ οὔτε
οὗτος οὔτ᾽ ἄλλος τις ᾿Ιταλῶν εἰς χεῖρας ἡμῖν
’
σύνεισιν ἔτι ταῦτα προσδιαλεγομένων ὁ
> \ \
Irados διαλαβὼν τὸ δόρυ καὶ συστρέψας τὸν

306

PYRRHUS, xvi. 6-9

under arms, he himself rode out with his three
thousand horsemen, hoping to come upon the Romans
while they were still crossing, and to find them
scattered and in disorder. But when he saw a
multitude of shields gleaming on the bank of the
river and the cavalry advancing upon him in good
order, he formed his men in close array and led them
to the attack. He was conspicuous at once for the
beauty and splendour of his richly ornamented
armour, and showed by his deeds that his valour did
not belie his fame; and this most of all because, while
actively participating in the fight and vigorously
repelling his assailants, he did not become confused
in his calculations nor lose his presence of mind, but
directed the battle as if he were surveying it from
a distance, darting hither and thither himself and
bringing aid to those whom he thought to be
overwhelmed.

Here Leonnatus the Macedonian, observing that an
Italian was intent upon Pyrrhus, and was riding out
against him and following him in every movement
from place to place, said: ‘Seest thou, O King,
that Barbarian yonder, riding the black horse with
white feet? He looks like a man who has some
great and terrible design in mind. For he keeps his
eyes fixed upon thee, and is intent to reach thee with
all his might and main, and pays no heed to anybody
else. So be on thy guard against the man.” To him
Pyrrhus made reply: “ What is fated,O Leonnatus,
it is impossible to escape; but with impunity neither
he nor any other Italian shall come to close quarters
with me.” While they were still conversing thus,
the Italian levelled his spear, wheeled his horse, and

397

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

10 ἵππον ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Πύρρον. εἶτα ἅμα παίει
μὲν αὐτὸς τῷ δόρατι τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν ἵππον,
παίει δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου “παραβαλὼν ὁ Λεοννάτος.
ἀμφοτέρων δὲ τῶν ἵππων πεσόντων τὸν μὲν
Πύρρον οἱ φίλοι περισχόντες ἀνήρπασαν, τὸν δὲ
Ἰταλὸν μαχόμενον διέφθειραν. ἣν δὲ τῷ γένει
Φρεντανός, ἴλης ἡγεμών, Ὄπλακος ὄνομα.

XVII. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐδίδαξε τὸν Πύρρον μᾶλλον
φυλάττεσθαι: καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὁρῶν ἐνδιδόντας
μετεπέμπετο τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ παρέταττεν, av-
τὸς δὲ τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοὺς ἑνὶ
τῶν ἑταίρων Μεγακλεῖ, τοῖς δὲ ἐκείνου τρόπον
τινὰ κατακρύψας ἑαυτὸν ἐπῆγε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.
δεξαμένων δὲ ἐκείνων. καὶ συμβαλόντων χρόνον
τε πολὺν εἱστήκει τὰ τῆς μάχης ἄκριτα, καὶ
τροπὰς ἑπτὰ λέγεται φευγόντων ἀνάπαλιν καὶ

2 διωκόντων γενέσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἡ διάμειψις τῶν
ὅπλων ἐν καιρῷ πρὸς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῦ γεγονυῖα
τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὰ
πράγματα καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν νίκην. πολλῶν
γὰρ ἐφιεμένων τοῦ Μεγακλέους, ὁ πρῶτος πατά-
Eas καὶ καταβαλὼν αὐτόν, ὄνομα Δεξόος, ἀφαρ-
πάσας τὸ κρώνος καὶ τὴν χλαμύδα τῷ Λαιβίνῳ
προσίππευσεν ἀναδεικνύων ἅμα καὶ βοῶν ἀνηρη-

8 κέναι τὸν Πύρρον. ἦν οὖν παρὰ τὰς τάξεις τῶν
λαφύρων παραφερομένων καὶ ἀναδεικνυμένων
τοῖς τε Ρωμαίοις χαρὰ μετ᾽ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καὶ τοῖς
“Ελλησιν ἀθυμία καὶ κατάπληξις, ἄχρι οὗ ὑ μαθὼν
0 [Πύρρος τὸ γινόμενον ᾿παρήλαυνε γυμνῷ τῷ 394
προσώπῳ τήν τε δεξιὰν ὀρέγων τοῖς μαχομένοις
καὶ τῇ φωνῇ σημαίνων ἑαυτόν. τέλος δὲ τῶν

898

PYRRHUS, xvi. 10-xvu. 3

charged upon Pyrrhus. Then at the same instant
the Barbarian’s spear smote the king’s horse, and
his own horse was smitten by the spear of Leonnatus.
Both horses fell, but while Pyrrhus was seized and
rescued by his friends, the Italian, fighting to the
last, was killed. He was a Frentanian by race,
captain of a troop of horse, Oplax by name.}

XVII. This taught Pyrrhus to be more on his
guard ; and seeing that his cavalry were giving way,
he called up his phalanx and put it in array, while he
himself, after giving his cloak and armour to one of
his companions, Megacles, and hiding himself after
a fashion behind his men, charged with them upon
the Romans. But they received and engaged him,
and for a long time the issue of the battle remained
undecided; it is said that there were seven turns of
fortune, as each side either fled back or pursued.
And indeed the exchange of armour which the king
had made, although it was opportune for the safety
of his person, came near overthrowing his cause and
losing him the victory. For many of the enemy
assailed Megacles, and the foremost of them, Dexoiis
by name, smote him and laid him low, and then,
snatching away his helmet and cloak, rode up to
Laevinus, displaying them, and shouting as he did so
that he had killed Pyrrhus. Accordingly, as the spoils
were carried along the ranks and displayed, there was
joy and shouting among the Romans, and among the
Greeks consternation and dejection, until Pyrrhus,
learning what was the matter, rode along his line
with his face bare, stretching out his hand to the
combatants and giving them to know hii by his
voice. At last, when the Romans were more than

1 Cf. Dionysius Hal., Hacerpta ex lib. xix., 12.
399

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θηρίων ἐκβιαζομένων. μάλιστα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους,
καὶ τῶν ἵππων, πρὶν ἐγγὺς γενέσθαι, δυσανασχε-
τούντων καὶ παραφερόντων τοὺς ἐπιβάτας, ἐ ἐπα-
γαγὼν τὴν Θετταλικὴν ἵππον αὐτοῖς ταρασσο-
μένοις ἐτρέψατο πολλῷ φόνῳ.

Διονύσιος μὲν οὖν ὀλίγῳ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων
καὶ μυρίων ἐλάσσονας πεσεῖν ἱστορεῖ Ῥωμαίων,
Ἱερώνυμος δὲ μόνους ἑπτακισχιλίους, τῶν δὲ
περὶ Πύρρον ὁ μὲν Διονύσιος μυρίους καὶ τρισχι-
λίους, ὁ δὲ Ἱερώνυμος ἐλάττονας τῶν TETPAKLO-
χιλίων' κράτιστοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι" καὶ τῶν φίλων
ὁ Πύρρος καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν οἷς μάλιστα χρώ-
μενος διετέλει καὶ πιστεύων ἀπέβαλεν. οὐ μὴν
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἔλαβε τῶν Ρωμαίων
ἐκλιπόντων, καὶ πόλεις συμμαχίδας αὐτῶν προσ-

ηγάγετο, καὶ χώραν πολλὴν διεπόρθησε, καὶ

προῆλθεν ὅσον μὴ πλέον σταδίων τριακοσίων
ἀποσχεῖν τῆς “Ῥώμης. ἀφίκοντο δὲ αὐτῷ Λευ-
κανῶν τε πολλοὶ καὶ Σαυνιτῶν μετὰ τὴν μάχην,
ods ἐμέμψατο μὲν ὑστερήσαντας, ἣν δὲ δῆλος
ἡδόμενος καὶ μέγα φρονῶν ὅτι μόνοις τοῖς μετ᾽
αὐτοῦ καὶ Ταραντίνοις ἐκράτησε τῆς μεγάλης
“Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως.

XVIII. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Λαιβῖνον μὲν οὐκ ἀπήλ-
λαξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς. καΐτοι λέγεται Τ᾿ άϊον Φαβρί-
κιον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ Ηπειρῶται “Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ
Πύρρος νενικήκοι Λαιβῖνον, οἰόμενον οὐ τῆς δυνά-
μεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς στρατηγίας γεγονέναι τὴν ἧτταν'
ἀναπληροῦντες δὲ τὰς τάξεις καὶ συντάττοντες
ἑτέρας προθύμως, καὶ λόγους ἀδεεῖς καὶ σοβαροὺς
περὶ τοῦ πολέμου λέγοντες, ἔκπληξιν τῷ Πύρρῳ
παρεῖχον. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτῷ πέμψαντι πρότερον

400

PYRRHUS, xvi. 3—-xvitl. 2

ever crowded back by the elephants, and their
horses, before they got near the animals, were
terrified and ran away with their riders, Pyrrhus
brought his Thessalian cavalry upon them while
they were in confusion and routed them with great
slaughter.

Dionysius states that nearly fifteen thousand of
the Romans fell, but Hieronymus says only seven
thousand; on the side of Pyrrhus, thirteen thousand
fell, according to Dionysius, but according to Hiero-
nymus less than four thousand. These, however, were
his best troops; and besides, Pyrrhus lost the friends
and generals whom he always used and trusted most.
However, he took the camp of the Romans after they
had abandoned it, and won over to his side some of
their allied cities; he also wasted much territory,
and advanced until he was within three hundred
furlongs’ distance from Rome. And now, after the
battle, there came to him many of the Lucanians
and Samnites. These he censured for being late, but
it was clear that he was pleased and proud because
with his own troops and the Tarantines alone he had
conquered the great force of the Romans.

XVIII. The Romans did not depose Laevinus from
his consular office; and yet we are told that Caius
Fabricius declared that it was not the Epeirots who
had conquered the Romans, but Pyrrhus who had
conquered Laevinus, Fabricius being of the opinion
that the Roman defeat was not due to their army, but
to its general; but they lost no time in filling up their
depleted legions and raising others, used fearless
and vehement language about the war. and thus filled
Pyrrhus with consternation. He decided, therefore,
to send to them first and find out whether they were

401

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διάπειραν λαβεῖν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, εἰ συμβατικῶς
ἔχοιεν, ἡγουμένῳ τὸ μὲν ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ
κρατῆσαι παντάπασιν οὐ μικρὸν ἔργον οὐδὲ τῆς
παρούσης δυνάμεως εἶναι, τὴν δὲ φιλίαν καὶ τὰς
διαλύσεις κάλλιστα ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν αὐτῷ μετὰ
νίκην. πεμφθεὶς οὖν ὁ Κινέας ἐνετύγχανε τοῖς
δυνατοῖς, καὶ δῶρα παισὶν αὐτῶν καὶ γυναιξὶν
ἔπεμψε παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἔλαβε δὲ οὐδείς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀπεκρίναντο πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι ὅτε δημοσίᾳ
σπονδῶν γενομένων καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπάρξει
πρόθυμα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ κεχαρισμένα. πρὸς δὲ
τὴν σύγκλητον ἐπαγωγὰ τοῦ Κινέου πολλὰ καὶ
φιλάνθρωπα διαλεχθέντος, ἄσμενοι μὲν οὐδὲν
οὐδὲ ἑτοίμως ἐδέχοντο, καίπερ ἄνδρας τε τοὺς
ἡλωκότας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ δίχα λύτρων ἀφιέντος αὐ-
τοῖς τοῦ [Πύρρου καὶ συγκατεργάσασθαι “τὴν
᾿Ιταλίαν ἐπαγγελλομένου, φιλίαν δὲ ἀντὶ τούτων
ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς Ταραντίνοις ἄδειαν, ἕτερον δὲ
μηδὲν αἰτουμένου. δῆλοί γε “μὴν ἦσαν ἐνδιδόντες
οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἡττημένοι τε μεγάλῃ
μάχη καὶ προσδοκῶντες ἑτέραν ἀπὸ μείζονος
δυνάμεως, τῶν ᾿Ιταλικῶν τῷ Πύρρῳ προσγεγονό-
των. ἔνθα δὴ Κλαύδιος Αππιος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανής,
ὑπὸ δὲ γήρως ἅμα καὶ πηρώσεως ὀμμάτων ἀπει-
ρηκὼς πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ πεπαυμένος, ἀπαγ-
γελλομένων τότε τῶν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ
λόγου κατασχόντος ὡς μέλλει ψηφίζεσθαι τὰς
διαλύσεις ἡ σύγκλητος, οὐκ ἐκαρτέρησεν, ἀλλὰ
τοὺς θεράποντας ἄρασθαι κελεύσας αὑτὸν ἐκομί-
Cero πρὸς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐν φορείῳ δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς.
γενόμενον δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θύραις οἱ μὲν παῖδες ἅμα
τοῖς γαμβροῖς ὑπολαβόντες καὶ περισχόντες

402

PYRRHUS, xvir. 2-6

disposed to come to terms, for he regarded the cap-
ture of their city and their complete conquest as a
large task and one that was beyond his present force,
whereas a friendly settlement with them after a
victory would greatly enhance his reputation. Accor-
dingly, Cineas was sent to Rome, where he had con-
ferences with the men in authority, and sent their
wives and children gifts in the name of his king.
No one, however, would accept the gifts, but all re-
plied, men and women alike, that if a peace were
publicly concluded they also, on their part, would
show goodwill and kindness to the king. Moreover,
though Cineas made many kind and alluring proposals
to the senate, not one of them was received there
with alacrity or pleasure, although Pyrrhus offered to
restore without a ransom their men who had been
captured in the battle, and promised to assist them
in the subjugation of Italy, and in return for these
favours asked only friendship for himself, immunity
for the Tarentines, and nothing else. Nevertheless,
most of the senators were plainly inclined towards
peace, since they had been defeated in one great
battle, and expected another with a larger army,
now that the Italian Greeks had joined Pyrrhus. At
this point Appius Claudius, a man of distinction, but
one whom old age and blindness had forced to give
up all public activities, now that the message from
_ the king had come and a report was rife that the
senate was going to vote for the proposed cessation
of hostilities, could not restrain himself, but ordered
his attendants to take him up and had _ himself
carried on a litter through the forum to the senate-
house. When he had reached the door, his sons and
sons-in-law took him up in their arms and brought

403

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

rn / \ ,
εἰσῆγον, ἡ δὲ βουλὴ σιωπὴν αἰδουμένη τὸν ἄνδρα
μετὰ τιμῆς ἔσχεν.

,
ΧΙΧ. Ὃ δὲ αὐτόθεν καταστάς, “ Iporepov
μέν, ἔφη, “τὴν περὶ τὰ ὄμματα τύχην ἀνιαρῶς
4 ? ς A an \ », \ a
ἔφερον, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, viv δὲ ἄχθομαι πρὸς τῷ
τυφλὸς εἶναι μὴ καὶ κωφὸς ὦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκούων
, “
αἰσχρὰ βουλεύματα καὶ δόγματα ὑμῶν ἀνατρέ-
ποντα τῆς Ῥώμης τὸ κλέος. ποῦ γὰρ ὑμῶν ὁ

ἈΝ ce ’ , , ΦΙΨ ΙΝ ,
πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους θρυλούμενος ἀεὶ λόγος,
ς >] an 9 n >») ᾽ / id ΄ »" /
ὡς, εἰ παρῆν ἐκεῖνος εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν ὁ μέγας ᾿Αλέ-
Eavdpos καὶ συνηνέχθη νέοις ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς πατρά-
σιν ἡμῶν ἀκμάζουσιν, οὐκ ἂν ὑμνεῖτο νῦν ἀνί-

δ ’ x \ Ἃ ” \ ’ la)
KNTOS, GAN ἢ φυγὼν ἂν ἢ που πεσὼν ἐνταῦθα
Ἁ is , >} fd 2 / “ /
τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνδοξοτέραν ἀπέλιπε; ταῦτα μέντοι

\ ’ / \ , 2) , 7

κενὴν ἀλαζονείαν καὶ κόμπον ἀποδείκνυτε, Xa-
᾿ /
ovas καὶ Μολοσσούς, τὴν ἀεὶ Μακεδόνων λείαν,
ἃ a b
δεδιότες, καὶ τρέμοντες Πύρρον, ὃς τῶν ᾿Αλε-
, A ,
ξάνδρου δορυφόρων ἕνα γοῦν ἀεὶ περιέπων καὶ
"2 “ A al
θεραπεύων διατετέλεκε, καὶ νῦν ov βοηθῶν τοῖς
a A 7 A a
ἐνταῦθα μᾶλλον “EAAnow ἢ φεύγων τοὺς ἐκεῖ
, a \ \ ’ , 3
πολεμίους πλανᾶται περὶ τὴν ITadLay, ἐπαγγελ-
- \ a
λόμενος ἡμῖν THY ἡγεμονίαν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς

΄ ἁ Ν A
δυνάμεως ἣ μέρος μικρὸν αὐτῷ Μακεδονίας οὐκ
ἤρκεσε διαφυλάξαι. μὴ τοῦτον οὖν ἀπαλλάξειν

/ bd , > \ ’ , 3 ,
νομίζετε ποιησάμενοι φίλον, ἀλλὰ ἐκείνους ἐπά-
ἕεσθαι καταφρονήσαντας ὑμῶν ὡς πᾶσιν εὖ-

Zz ’ / Μ \ \ , Le
κατεργάστων, εἰ Πύρρος ἄπεισι μὴ δοὺς δίκην ὧν

404

395

PYRRHUS, xvii. 6-x1x. 3

him inside, and the senators, out of regard for the
man, kept respectful silence.

XIX. Then Appius raised himself up where he
was and said: “ Up to this time, Ὁ Romans, 1 have
regarded the misfortune to my eyes as an afiliction,
but it now distresses me that I am not deaf as
well as blind, that I might not hear the shameful
resolutions and decrees of yours which bring low
the glory of Rome. For what becomes of the
words that ye are ever reiterating to all the world,
namely, that if the great Alexander of renown had
come to Italy and had come into conflict with us,
when we were young men, and with our fathers,
when they were in their prime, he would not now
be celebrated as invincible, but would either have
fled, or, perhaps, have fallen there, and so have left
Rome more glorious still? Surely ye are proving
that this was boasting and empty bluster, since ye
are afraid of Chaonians and Molossians, who were
ever the prey of the Macedonians, and ye tremble
before Pyrrhus, who has ever been a minister and
servitor to one at least of Alexander’s bodyguards,'
and now comes wandering over Italy, not so much to
help the Greeks who dwell here, as to escape his
enemies at home, promising to win for us the supre-
macy here with that army which could not avail to
preserve for him a small portion of Macedonia. Do
not suppose that ye will rid yourselves of this fellow
by making him your friend ; nay, ye will bring against
you others, and they will despise you as men whom
anybody can easily subdue, if Pyrrhus goes away
without having been punished for his insults, but

1 Referring sarcastically to his relations with Ptolemy and
Demetrius.

405

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

e \ \ \
ὕβρισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσλαβὼν μισθὸν To}

ἐπεγ-
τω / 5
γελάσαι Ῥωμαίοις Ταραντίνους καὶ Σαυνίτας.
a a / e \ ,
Τοιαῦτα Tod ᾿Αππίου διαλεχθέντος ὁρμὴ παρέ-
A \ ‘
στη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς, καὶ Tov Κινέαν
if
ἀποπέμπουσιν ἀποκρινάμενοι [Πύρρον ἐξελθόντα
“ > / “ » / \ »ἬἍ \
τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, οὕτως, εἰ δέοιτο, περὶ gi.tas καὶ
/ \ a /
συμμαχίας διαλέγεσθαι, μέχρι δὲ οὗ πάρεστιν ἐν
¢ ae ‘ \
ὅπλοις, πολεμήσειν αὐτῷ Ρωμαίους κατὰ κράτος;
, / ,
κἂν μυρίους ἔτι AatBivous τρέψηται pwayopevos.
/ \ , > -ε a » “
λέγεται δὲ Κινέαν, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα ἔπραττεν, ἅμα
ποιησάμενον ἔργον καὶ σπουδάσαντα τῶν τε βίων
\ n , Ἁ ’
γενέσθαι θεατὴν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀρετὴν
aA \ , , A ,
κατανοῆσαι, καὶ διὰ λόγων ἐλθόντα τοῖς ἀρίστοις
, λλ A Π "6 / \ > a e e
τά τε ἀλλα τῷ [Πύρρῳ φράσαι, Kat εἰπεῖν ws ἡ
lol , “-
σύγκλητος αὐτῷ βασιλέων πολλῶν συνέδριον
» \ \ A / / \ /
φανείη, περὶ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους δεδιέναι, μὴ πρός
τινα φανῶσι Λερναίαν ὕδραν μαχόμενοι" διπλα-
Ν A a
σίους yap ἤδη TO ὑπάτῳ τῶν παρατεταγμένων
πρότερον ἠθροῖσθαι, καὶ πολλάκις εἶναι τοσού-
, lal ¢ δ 7,
τους ἔτι τῶν Ρωμαίων ὅπλα φέρειν δυναμένους.
XX. Ἔκ τούτου πρέσβεις ἀφίκοντο περὶ τῶν
΄ e “- / a)
αἰχμαλώτων οἱ περὶ Vaiov Φαβρίκιον, οὗ πλεῖ-
Μ «ς , ‘ ” e / e
στον ἔφη Ῥωμαίους λόγον ἔχειν ὁ Κινέας ὡς
‘ a a
ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πολεμικοῦ, πένητος δὲ ἰσχυ-
n a ᾿ € ‘ QO? 4
pas. τοῦτον οὖν ὁ Iluppos ἰδίᾳ φιλοφρονούμενος
ἔπειθε λαβεῖ υσίον, ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ δῆθ ; 3
ε iv χρυσίον, ὑδενὶ δῆθεν αἰσχρῷ,
iy / \ , 3 / lal
φιλίας δέ Te καὶ ξενίας ἐπονομάζων τοῦτο σύμ-
ΡῚ / \ a ’ / \
Borov. ἀπωσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Φαβρικίου τότε μὲν
1 +d with Blass: τοῦ,

406

PYRRHUS, χιχ. 3-xx. 2

actually rewarded for them in having enabled
Tarantines and Samnites to mock at Romans.”

After Appius had thus spoken, his hearers were
seized with eagerness to prosecute the war, and
Cineas was sent back with the reply that Pyrrhus
must first depart out of Italy, and then, if he wished,
the Romans would talk about friendship and alliance ;
but as long as he was there in arms, they would fight
him with all their might, even though he should
rout in battle ten thousand men like Laevinus.
It is said, too, that Cineas, while he was on this
mission, made it his earnest business at the same
time to observe the life and manners of the Romans,
and to understand the excellences of their form of
government; he also conversed with their best men,
and had many things to tell Pyrrhus, among which
was the declaration that the senate impressed him as
a council of many kings, and that, as for the people,
he was afraid it might prove to be a Lernaean hydra
for them to fight against, since the consul already
had twice as many soldiers collected as those who
faced their enemies before, and there were many
times as many Romans still who were capable of
bearing arms.

XX. After this,an embassy came from the Romans
to treat about the prisoners that had been taken.
The embassy was headed by Caius Fabricius, who,
as Cineas reported, was held in highest esteem at
Rome as an honourable man and good soldier, but
was inordinately poor. To this man, then, Pyrrhus
privately showed kindness and tried to induce him
to accept gold, not for any base purpose, indeed, but
calling it a mark of friendship and hospitality. But
Fabricius rejected the gold, and for that day Pyrrhus

407
WOU. ΙΧ. ο

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἡσύχασε, τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἐκ-
πλῆξαι μήπω θεατὴν ἐλέφαντος γεγενημένον,
ἐκέλευσε τῶν θηρίων τὸ μέγιστον ἐξόπισθεν
αὐτοῖς παραστῆσαι κοινολογουμένοις, αὐλαίαν
παρατείναντας. ἐγένετο δὴ ταῦτα" καὶ σημείου
δοθέντος ἡ μὲν αὐλαία παρήχθη, τὸ δὲ θηρίον
ἄφνω τήν τε προνομαίαν ἀράμενον ὑπερέσχε τῆς
κεφαλῆς τοῦ Φαβρικίου. καὶ φωνὴν ἀφῆκε φοβερὰν
καὶ τραχεῖαν. ὁ δὲ ἠρέμα μεταστραφεὶς καὶ
διαμειδιάσας πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον εἶπεν" ei Οὔτε χθές
με τὸ χρυσίον ἐκίνησεν οὔτε σήμερον τὸ θηρίον."
ἐν δὲ τῷ δείπνῳ λόγων παντοδαπῶν γενομένων,
πλείστων δὲ περὶ τῆς “Ελλάδος καὶ τῶν φιλοσο-
φούντων, ἔτυχέ πως ὁ Κινέας ἐπιμνησθεὶς τοῦ
᾿Επικούρου, καὶ διῆλθεν ἃ λέγουσι περὶ θεῶν καὶ
πολιτείας καὶ τέλους, τὸ μὲν ἐν ἡδονῇ τιθέμενοι,
πολιτείαν δὲ φεύγοντες ὡς βλάβην καὶ σύγχυσιν
τοῦ μακαρίου, τὸ δὲ θεῖον ἀπωτάτω χάριτος
καὶ ὀργῆς καὶ τοῦ μέλειν ἡμῶν εἰς ἀπράγμονα
βίον καὶ μεστὸν εὐπαθειῶν ἀποικίζοντες. ἔτι
δὲ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἀνακραγὼν ὁ Φαβρίκιος,
a Ἡράκλεις," εἶπε, “ Πύρρῳ τὰ δόγματα
μέλοι ταῦτα καὶ Σαυνίταις, ἕως πολεμοῦσι πρὸς
pas.”

Οὕτω δὴ θαυμάσας τὸ φρόνημα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ
τὸ ἦθος ὁ Πύρρος ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠρέγετο φιλίαν
ἀντὶ πολέμου πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι"
κἀκεῖνον ἰδίᾳ παρεκάλει ποιησάμενον. τὰς δια-
λύσεις ἕπεσθαι καὶ συζῆν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ, πρῶτον
ὄντα πάντων τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν. 0
δὲ ἡσυχῆ λέγεται πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, “’ AXA οὐδὲ

408

9.

PYRRHUS, xx. 2-4

let him alone; on the following day, however, wishing
to frighten a man who had not yet seen an elephant,
he ordered the largest of these animals to be stationed
behind a hanging in front of which they stood
conversing together. This was done; and at a given
signal the hanging was drawn aside, and the animal
suddenly raised his trunk, held it over the head of
Fabricius, and emitted a harsh and frightful cry.
But Fabricius calmly turned and said with a smile to
Pyrrhus: ‘ Your gold made no impression on me
yesterday, neither does your beast to-day.” Again,
at supper, where all sorts of topics were discussed,
and particularly that of Greece and her philosophers,
Cineas happened somehow to mention Epicurus, and
set forth the doctrines of that school concerning
the gods, civil government, and the highest good,
explaining that they made pleasure the highest
good, but would have nothing to do with civil
government on the ground that it was injurious and
the ruin of felicity, and that they removed the Deity
as far as possible from feelings of kindness or anger or
concern for us, into a life that knew no care and was
filled with ease and comfort. But before Cineas was
done, Fabricius cried out and said: “Ὁ Hercules,
may Pyrrhus and the Samnites cherish these doc-
trines, as long as they are at war with us.”

Thus Pyrrhus was led to admire the high spirit
and character of the man, and was all the more eager
to have friendship with his city instead of waging war
against it; he even privately invited him, in case he
brought about the settlement, to follow his fortunes
and share his life as the first and foremost of all his
companions and generals. But Fabricius, as we are
told, said quietly to him: “Nay, O King, this

409

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σοὶ τοῦτο, βασιλεῦ, λυσιτελές ἐστιν" αὐτοὶ yap
οἱ νῦν σε τιμῶντες καὶ θαυμάζοντες, ἂν ἐμοῦ
a f ᾽ a a
πεῖραν λάβωσιν, ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον ἐθελήσουσιν ἢ
= 33 rn ,
σοῦ βασιλεύεσθαι" τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Φαβρίκιος.
\ a
ὁ δὲ Πύρρος οὐ πρὸς ὀργὴν οὐδὲ τυραννικῶς
\ \ lal 7
ἐδέξατο τὸν λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἀπήγ-
a , \ ΄ \
yetre τοῦ Φαβρικίου τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ
τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ διεπίστευσεν,
Ὁ“ >? \ / \ ’ / ς I
ὅπως, εἰ μὴ Ψηφίσαιτο THY εἰρήνην ἡ σύγκλητος,
ἀσπασάμενοι τοὺς προσήκοντας καὶ τὰ Κρόνια
διεορτάσαντες ἀποπεμφθεῖεν πάλιν πρὸς αὐτόν.
καὶ ἀπεπέμφθησαν μετὰ τὴν ἑορτήν, τῷ ὑπολει-
fal a /
φθέντι THs βουλῆς ζημίαν θάνατον ψηφισαμένης.
XXI. Μετὰ ταῦτα τοῦ Φαβρικίου τὴν ἀρχὴν
Ν ,
παραλαβόντος ἧκεν ἀνὴρ εἰς TO στρατόπεδον πρὸς
Ὅν ἢ \ , A ” e aA
αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν κομίζων, ἣν ἔγραψεν ὁ τοῦ
/ » \ ? , / ᾽
βασιλέως ἰατρὸς ἐπαγγελλόμενος φαρμάκοις ἀναι-
΄ rn i
ρήσειν τὸν Πύρρον, εἰ χάρις αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων
€ / 4 \ / > ΓΑ ς
ὁμολογηθείη λύσαντι τὸν πόλεμον ἀκινδύνως. ὁ
δὲ / / \ \ > , aA
é Φαβρίκιος δυσχεράνας πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου, καὶ τὸν συνάρχοντα διαθεὶς ὁμοίως,
ἔπεμψε γράμματα πρὸς τὸν Πύροον κατὰ τάχος
φυλάττεσθαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν κελεύων. εἶχε δὲ
e/ \ / 66 7. , \
οὕτως τὰ γεγραμμένα: “Taios Φαβρίκιος καὶ
Koivtos Αἰμίλιος ὕπατοι Ῥωμαίων Πύρρῳ
~ , ” / 3 \ +
βασιλεῖ χαίρειν. οὔτε φίλων εὐτυχὴς ἐοικαᾶς
εἶναι κριτὴς οὔτε πολεμίων. γνώσῃ δὲ τὴν πεμ-
φθεῖσαν ἡμῖν ἐπιστολὴν ἀναγνούς, ὅτε χρηστοῖς
4το

PYRRHUS, xx. 4-xx1. 2

would not be to thy advantage ; for the very men
who now admire and honour thee, if they should
become acquainted with me, would prefer to have
me as their king rather than thee.” Such a man
was Fabricius. And Pyrrhus did not receive the
speech with anger or like a tyrant, but actually
reported to his friends the magnanimity of Fabricius,
and entrusted his prisoners of war to him alone, on
condition that, in case the senate should not vote for
the peace, they should be sent back again to him,
though they might first greet their relatives and
celebrate the festival of Saturn. And they were so
sent back after the festival, the senate having voted
a penalty of death for any that stayed behind.

XXI. After this, and when Fabricius had assumed
the consulship,! a man came into his camp with a
letter for him. The letter had been written by the
physician of Pyrrhus, who promised that he woul
take the king off by poison, provided that the
Romans would agree to reward him for putting an
end to the war without further hazard on their part.
But Fabricius, who was indignant at the iniquity of
the man, and had disposed his colleague to feel
likewise, sent a letter to Pyrrhus with all speed
urging him to be on his guard against the plot. The
letter ran as follows: Caius Fabricius and Quintus
Aemilius, consuls of Rome, to King Pyrrhus, health
and happiness. It would appear that thou art a
good judge neither of friends nor of enemies. Thou
wilt see, when thou hast read the letter which we
send, that the men with whom thou art at war are

1 The cnronology of the story is at fault here. Fabricius
and Aemilius were consuls in 278, the year after the battle
at Asculum described in §§ 5 ff.

411:

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ , > / ad Ε ’ \ \
καὶ δικαίοις ἀνδράσι πολεμεῖς, ἀδίκοις δὲ Kai
κακοῖς πιστεύεις. οὐδὲ γὰρ ταῦτα σῇ χάριτι

/ > ᾽ Ὁ \ \ \ , e a
μηνύομεν, ἀλλ᾿ ὅπως μὴ TO σὸν πάθος ἡμῖν
\ , an
διαβολὴν ἐνέγκῃ καὶ δόλῳ δόξωμεν, ὡς ἀρετῇ μὴ
’ὔ \ ‘
δυνάμενοι, κατεργάσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον." ἐν-
\ , a e /
τυχὼν τούτοις τοῖς γράμμασιν ὁ Iluppos καὶ τὴν
{2 \
ἐπιβουλὴν ἐξελέγξας τὸν μὲν ἰατρὸν ἐκόλασε,
\ \ € , 9 \ 3 a
Φαβρικίῳ δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἀμοιβὴν ἐδωρεῖτο

a \ ’ , \ / ” δ
προῖκα τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ πάλιν ἔπεμψε τὸν
Κ / ὃ , ᾽ A \ ’ μά e δὲ

ινέαν διαπραξόμενον αὐτῷ τὴν εἰρήνην. οἱ δὲ
e a \ {?
Ῥωμαῖοι, μήτε εἰ χάρις ἐστὶ παρὰ πολεμίου, μήτε

9 x A \ ᾽ a a n Ν
εἰ μισθὸς τοῦ μὴ ἀδικηθῆναι, λαβεῖν προῖκα τοὺς
ΝΜ 5 ’ 7 2 / 3 A
ἄνδρας ἀξιώσαντες ἴσους ἀπέλυσαν αὐτῷ Tapar-

if \ lal \ \ / \ 2 /
τίνων Kal Σαυνιτῶν, περὶ δὲ φιλίας Kal εἰρήνης

3 \ yy / \ 3 \ “
οὐδὲν εἴων διαλέγεσθαι πρὶν ἀράμενος τὰ ὅπλα
καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας αἷς ἦλθε ναυσὶν
3 lA ΄ aw:
ἀποπλεύσῃ πάλιν εἰς "᾿Ηπειρον.

ἜἘ ITOV μάχης ἄλλης τῶν πραγμά ὑτῷ

κ τούτου μάχης NS τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ
fe
δεομένων ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐχώρει, Kal

\ov t AINE , , \
περὶ AckXov πόλιν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις συνάψας καὶ
βιαζόμενος πρὸς χωρία δύσιππα καὶ ποταμὸν
ὑλώδη καὶ τραχύν, ἔφοδον τῶν θηρίων οὐ λαβόν-
των ὥστε προσμῖξαι τῇ φάλαγγι, τραυμάτων
πολλῶν γενομένων καὶ νεκρῶν πεσόντων, τότε

/ \ , a τ
μὲν διεκρίθη μέχρι νυκτὸς ἀγωνισάμενος. τῇ ὃ
΄ / na bl ks A \ 7] /
ὑστεραίᾳ στρατηγῶν δι᾽ ὁμαλοῦ τὴν μάχην θέσθαι

Ν \ ba te ? a “ / mn
Kal τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις γενέσθαι τῶν
412

PYRRHUS, xx1. 2-6

honourable and just, but that those whom thou
trustest are unjust and base. And indeed we do not
give thee this information out of regard for thee, but
in order that thy ruin may not bring infamy upon us,
and that men may not say of us that we brought the
war to anend by treachery because we were unable to
do so by valour.” When Pyrrhus had read this letter
and got proof of the plot against his life, he punished
the physician, and as a requital to Fabricius and the
Romans made them a present of his prisoners of war,
and once more sent Cineas to negotiate a peace for
him. But the Romans would not consent to receive
the men for nothing, either as a favour from an
enemy, or as a reward for not committing iniquity
against him, and therefore released for Pyrrhus an
equal number of Tarentines and Samnites whom
they had taken; on the subject of friendship and
peace, however, they declared they would allow
nothing to be said until Pyrrhus had taken his arms
and his army out of Italy and sailed back to Epeirus
on the ships that brought him.

Consequently, Pyrrhus found himself obliged to
fight another battle, and after recuperating his army
he marched to the city of Asculum, where he
engaged the Romans. Here, however, he was
forced into regions where his cavalry could not
operate, and upon a river with swift current and
wooded banks, so that his elephants could not charge
and engage the enemy’s phalanx. Therefore, after
many had been wounded and slain, for the time being
the struggle was ended by the coming of night. But
on the next day, designing to fight the battle on level
ground, and to bring his elephants to bear upon the
ranks of the enemy, Pyrrhus occupied betimes the

413

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολεμίων, προέλαβε τὰς δυσχωρίας φυλακῇ, καὶ
πολλὰ καταμίξας ἀκοντίσματα καὶ τοξεύματα
τοῖς θηρίοις ἐπῆγε μετὰ ῥώμης καὶ Bias πυκνὴν
καὶ συντεταγμένην τὴν δύναμιν. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι
τὰς διακλίσεις καὶ τὰς ἀντιπαραγωγὰς τὰς πρό-
τερον οὐκ ἔχοντες, ἐξ ἐπιπέδου συνεφέροντο κατὰ
στόμα" καὶ σπεύδοντες ὠσασθαι τοὺς ὁπλίτας
πρὶν ἐπιβῆναι τὰ θηρία, δεινοὺς περὶ τὰς σαρίσας
τῶν ξιφῶν ἀγῶνας εἶχον, ἀφειδοῦντες ἑαυτῶν καὶ
τὸ τρῶσαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν ὁρῶντες, τὸ δὲ παθεῖν
εἰς οὐδὲν τιθέμενοι. χρόνῳ δὲ πολλῷ λέγεται μὲν
ἀρχὴ “τροπῆς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, τὸν [Πύρρον
ἐπερείσαντα τοῖς ἀντιτεταγμένοις, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον
ἀλκῇ καὶ βίᾳ τῶν ἐλεφάντων κατειργάσατο,
χρήσασθαι τῇ ἀρετῇ πρὸς τὴν μάχην τῶν Ῥω-
μαίων μὴ δυναμένων, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἐφόδῳ κύματος ἢ
σεισμοῦ κατερείποντος οἰομένων δεῖν ἐξίστασθαι,
μηδὲ ὑπομένειν ἀπράκτους ἀποθνήσκειν, ἐν τῷ
μηδὲν ὠφελεῖν πάντα πάσχοντας τὰ χαλεπώ-
τατα.

Τῆς δὲ φυγῆς οὐ μακρᾶς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
γενομένης ἑξακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖν φησι τῶν
“Ῥωμαίων Ἱερώνυμος, τῶν δὲ περὶ Πύρρον ἐν τοῖς
βασιλικοῖς ὑ ὑπομνήμασιν ἀνενεχθῆναι τρισχιλίους
πεντακοσίους καὶ πέντε τεθνηκότας. ὁ μέντοι
Διονύσιος οὔτε δύο περὶ "AckXov μάχας οὔτε
ὁμολογουμένην ἧτταν ἱστορεῖ γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων,
ἅπαξ δὲ μέχρι δυσμῶν ἡλίου μαχεσαμένους μόλις
ἀπαλλαγῆναι, τοῦ Πύρρου τρωθέντος ὑσσῷ τὸν
βραχίονα καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἅμα Δαυνίων:

1 Δαυνίων with Blass, in agreement with Dionys. Hal. xx.
3: Σαμνιτῶν. -

414

39

PYRRHUS, xxr. 6-9

unfavourable parts of the field with a detachment of
his troops; then he put great numbers of slingers and
archers in the spaces between the elephants and led
his forces to the attack in dense array and witha
mighty impetus. So the Romans, having no oppor-
tunity for sidelong shifts and counter-movements, as
on the previous day, were obliged to engage on level
ground and front to front; and being anxious to re-
pulse the enemy’s men-at-arms before their elephants
came up, they fought fiercely with their swords
against the Macedonian spears, reckless of their lives
and thinking only of wounding and slaying, while
caring naught for what they suffered. After a long
time, however, as we are told, they began to be
driven back at the point where Pyrrhus himself was
pressing hard upon his opponents ; but the greatest
havoc was wrought by the furious strength of the
elephants, since the valour of the Romans was of no
avail in fighting them, but they felt that they must
yield before them as before an onrushing billow or a
crashing earthquake, and not stand their ground
only to die in vain, or suffer all that is most grievous
without doing any good at all.

After a short flight the Romans reached their camp,
with a loss of six thousand men, according to Hierony-
mus, who also says that on the side of Pyrrhus,
according to the king’s own commentaries, thirty-
five hundred and five were killed. Dionysius, however,
makes no mention of two battles at Asculum, nor of
an admitted defeat of the Romans, but says that the
two armies fought once for all until sunset and then
at last separated ; Pyrrhus, he says, was wounded in
the arm by a javelin, and also had his baggage

o2 415

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

| aces
διαρπασάντων, ἀποθανεῖν δὲ καὶ Πύρρου καὶ
, ,
“Ῥωμαίων ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ μυρίους πεντακισχιλίους
ἑκατέρων.
,
Διελύθησαν δὲ ἀμφότεροι: καὶ λέγεται τὸν
΄ a , an A
Πύρρον εἰπεῖν πρός τινα τῶν συνηδομένων αὐτῷ,
oo* », I VA Ῥ Λ , ’
Av ἔτι μίαν μάχην Pwpatovs νικήσωμεν, ἀπο-
a \ \
10 λούμεθα παντελῶς." πολὺ μὲν γὰρ ἀπωλώλει
,ὔ Γ᾽ » eR ὃ ,ὕ , δὲ \
μέρος NS ἄγων ἧκε δυνάμεως, φίλοι O€ καὶ στρα-
, ee /
τηγοὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντες, μεταπέμπεσθαι δὲ
3 ¢ ,
οὐκ ἦσαν ἕτεροι, καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθι συμμάχους
Ἵ Β Ἅ Cay, an NE , “ ’
ἀμβλυτέρους ἑώρα, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ὥσπερ ἐκ
na ᾽ > ,
πηγῆς οἴκοθεν ἐπιρρεούσης ἀναπληρούμενον εὐπό-
\ , \ A
pos Kal ταχὺ τὸ στρατόπεδον, Kal ταῖς ἥτταις
οὐκ ἀποβάλλοντας τὸ θαρρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥώμην
aA \ /
καὶ φιλονεικίαν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον προσ-
λαμβάνοντας.
XXII. ‘Ev τοιαύταις δὲ ὧν ἀπορίαις εἰς ἐλπίδας
\
αὖ πάλιν καινὰς ἐνέπεσε Kal πράγματα διχοστα-
2 “ , \ -
σίαν ἔχοντα τῆς γνώμης. ἅμα γὰρ ἧκον ἐκ μὲν
/ ” ’ / \ - \
Σικελίας ἄνδρες ᾿Ακράγαντα καὶ Συρακούσας καὶ
, / A /
Λεοντίνους ἐγχειρίζοντες αὐτῷ, καὶ δεόμενοι Kap-
χηδονίους τε συνεκβαλεῖν καὶ τῶν τυράννων
ἀπαλλάξαι τὴν νῆσον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς “Ελλάδος ἀγγέλ-
a €
λοντες ὡς [ΠΠ]τολεμαῖος ὁ Κεραυνὸς ἀπόλωλε
Ν A , a
συμπεσὼν Ἰ᾿αλάταις μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, Kal νῦν
x ’ lal / / 7
ἂν ἐν καιρῷ μάλιστα δεομένοις βασιλέως Μακε-
2 δόσι παραγένοιτο. πολλὰ δὴ τὴν τύχην μεμψά-
“ , J ty
μενος ὅτι πράξεων μεγάλων ὑποθέσεις εἰς ἕνα
416

PYRRHUS, xx1. 9-XxII. 2

plundered by the Daunians;! and there fell, on the
side of Pyrrhus and on that of the Romans, over
fifteen thousand men.

The two armies separated ; and we are told that
Pyrrhus said to one who was congratulating him on
his victory, “If we are victorious in one more battle
with the Romans, we shall be utterly ruined.” For
he had lost a great part of the forces with which he
came, and all his friends and generals except a few ;
moreover, he had no others whom he could summon
from home, and he saw that his allies in Italy were
becoming indifferent, while the army of the Romans,
as if from a fountain gushing forth indoors, was
easily and speedily filled up again, and they did not
lose courage in defeat, nay, their wrath gave them
all the more vigour and determination for the war.

XXII. But while he was involved in such per-
plexities, new hopes once more inspired him, and
projects which divided his purposes. For at one and
the same time there came to him from Sicily men
who offered to put into his hands the cities of
Agrigentum, Syracuse, and Leontini, and begged
him to help them to drive out the Carthaginians and
rid the island of its tyrants; and from Greece, men
with tidings that Ptolemy Ceraunus? with his army
had perished at the hands of the Gauls, and that
now was the time of all times for him to be in
Macedonia, where they wanted a king. Pyrrhus
rated Fortune soundly because occasions for two
great undertakings had come to him at one time,

1 Auxiliaries of the Romans from Arpinum in Apulia.

2 The son of Ptolemy I. of Egypt. In 280 B.c. he had
basely assassinated Seleucus, and made himself king of
Macedonia.

417

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καιρὸν αὐτῷ συνήνεγκε, καὶ νομίζων ὡς ἀμφοτέρων
ὑπαρχόντων ἀπολλύναι θάτερον, διηνέχθη τοῖς
λογισμοῖς πολὺν χρόνον. εἶτα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς
μειζόνων ὑποκεῖσθαι πραγμάτων δοκούντων, At-

8 βύης ἐγγὺς εἶναι δοκούσης, ἐπὶ ταῦτα τρέψας
Κινέαν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξέπεμψε προδιαλεξόμενον,
ὥσπερ εἰώθει, ταῖς πόλεσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς Ταρ-
αντίνοις δυσανασχετοῦσιν ἐμβαλὼν φρουράν, καὶ
ἀξιοῦσιν ἢ παρέχειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἧκε, συμπολεμοῦντα
Ῥωμαίοις, ἢ τὴν χώραν προέμενον αὐτῶν ἀπο-
λιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν οἵαν παρέλαβε, μηδὲν ἐπιεικὲς
ἀποκρινάμενος, ἀλλὰ προστάξας ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν
καὶ περιμένειν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ καιρόν, ἐξέπλευσεν.

4 ᾿Αψαμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ Σικελίας ἃ μὲν ἤλπισεν
εὐθὺς ἀπήντα βέβαια, καὶ παρεῖχον αἱ πόλεις
ἑαυτὰς προθύμως, τῶν δὲ ἀγῶνος καὶ βίας δεη-
θέντων οὐδὲν d ἀντεῖχε τὸ πρῶτον, ἀλλὰ τρισμυρίοις
πεζοῖς καὶ δισχιλίοις, πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσι καὶ
διακοσίαις ναυσὶν ἐπιὼν τούς τε Φοίνικας ἐξήρει
καὶ κατεστρέφετο τὴν ἐπικράτειαν, αὐτῶν. τοῦ δ᾽
"ἔρυκος ἐχυρωτάτου τῶν χωρίων ὄντος καὶ πολ-
λοὺς ἀμυνομένους ἔχοντος ἔγνω βιάξεσθαι πρὸς

5 τὰ τείχη. Kal τῆς στρατιᾶς γενομένης ἑτοίμης
ἐνεδύσατο τὴν πανοπλίαν, καὶ προελθὼν εὔξατο
τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ ποιήσειν ἀγῶνα καὶ θυσίαν ἀριστεῖον, 398
ἂν τοῦ γένους καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἄξιον ἀγωνι-
“στὴν αὐτὸν ἀποδείξῃ τοῖς Σικελίαν οἰκοῦσιν
“Ἑλλησι:" τῇ δὲ σάλπιγγι σημήνας καὶ τοῖς βέλεσι
τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀνασκεδάσας καὶ τὰς κλίμακας

6 προσαγαγὼν πρῶτος ἐπέβη τοῦ τείχους. ἀντι-

1 προελθὼν with Blass: προσελθών.

418

PYRRHUS, xxir. 2-6

and thinking that the presence of both meant the
loss of one, he wavered in his calculations for a long
time. Then Sicily appeared to offer opportunities
for greater achievements, since Libya was felt to
be near, and he turned in this direction, and forth-
with sent out Cineas to hold preliminary conferences
with the cities, as was his wont, while he himself
threw a garrison into Tarentum. The Tarentines
were much displeased at this, and demanded that he
either apply himself to the task for which he had
come, namely to help them in their war with Rome,
or else abandon their territory and leave them their
city as he had found it. To this demand he made no
very gracious reply, but ordering them to keep quiet
and await his convenience, he sailed off.

On reaching Sicily,) his hopes were at once
realized securely; the cities readily gave themselves
up to him, and wherever force and conflict were
necessary nothing held out against him at first, but
advancing with thirty thousand foot, twenty-five
hundred horse, and two hundred ships, he put the
Phoenicians to rout and subdued the territory under
their control. Then he determined to storm the
walls of Eryx, which was the strongest of their
fortresses and had numerous defenders. So when
his army was ready, he put on his armour, went out
to battle, and made a vow to Heracles that he would
institute games and a sacrifice in his honour, if the
god would render him in the sight of the Sicilian
Greeks an antagonist worthy of his lineage and
resources ; then he ordered the trumpets to sound,
scattered the Barbarians with his missiles, brought
up his scaling-ladders, and was the first to mount

1 Early in the year 278 B.c.
419

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

΄ \ : a > ΄ ὮΝ \ Ie/
στάντων δὲ πολλῶν ἀμυνόμενος τοὺς μὲν ἐξέωσε
a ’, > 9 3 / \ / ,
τοῦ τείχους ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα Kal κατέβαλε, πλεί-
\ A ,
στους δὲ περὶ αὑτὸν τῷ ξίφει χρώμενος ἐσώρευσε
΄ Μ N > \ 3 i > \ \
νεκρούς. ἔπαθε δὲ αὐτὸς οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ Kal προσ-
a Ν » , a ’, Ν \
ἰδεῖν δεινὸὲξ ἐφάνη τοῖς πολεμίοις, Kal τὸν
“ ἔδ > θῶ \ \ > , 3
Ὅμηρον ἔδειξεν ὀρθῶς καὶ μετὰ ἐμπειρίας ἀπο-
/ a A / \ / \
PaivovTa τῶν ἀρετῶν μόνην τὴν ἀνδρείαν φορὰς
4 3 / \ \ /
πολλάκις ἐνθουσιώδεις Kal μανικὰς φερομένην.
ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἔθυσέ τε τῷ θεῷ μεγαλο-
fa) ee a ,
πρεπῶς Kal θέας ἀγώνων παντοδαπῶν παρέσχε.
XXIII. Τῶν δὲ περὶ Μεσσήνην βαρβάρων,
/ / a f
Mapeptivwy δὲ καλουμένων, πολλὰ τοῖς “EXAD-
/ i /
σιν ἐνοχλούντων, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ φόρου πεποιημένων
e A A \ \ , yw \ \
ὑποτελεῖς, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ μαχίμων ὄντων, διὸ καὶ
/ ? 7. ΄ a ,
προσηγορεύθησαν ᾿Αρήϊοι yAwoon τῇ Λατίνων,
\ \ , \ > / 2
τοὺς μὲν φορολόγους συλλαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν, αὖ-
\ \ / / \ “ ’
τοὺς δὲ νικήσας μάχῃ πολλὰ τῶν φρουρίων
/ la) »
ἐξέκοψε. Καρχηδονίοις δὲ συμβατικῶς ἔχουσι,
\ ΄ 4 a 3 [2 /
καὶ χρήματα βουλομένοις τελεῖν, εἰ γένοιτο φιλία,
\ aA > / » » 4 2 »
καὶ ναῦς ἀποστέλλειν, ἀπεκρίνατο πλείονων ἐφιε-
/ te J / \ , \ ’ /
μενος μίαν εἶναι διάλυσιν Kal φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτούς,
> a 3 , , “ A A
εἰ πᾶσαν ἐκλιπόντες Σικελίαν ὅρῳ χρῷντο TH Ac-
βυκῇ θαλάσσῃ πρὸς τοὺς “Ελληνας. εὐτυχίᾳ δὲ
καὶ ῥώμῃ τῶν παρόντων ἐπαιρόμενος, καὶ διώκων
\ b] / 3... Φ » Foor9 aA Μ ΄
τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐφ᾽ αἷς am ἀρχῆς ἔπλευσε, πρώτης
\ ΄ 7 a \
δὲ Λιβύης ἐφιέμενος καὶ ναῦς ἔχων πολλὰς TAN-

420

PYRRHUS, xxi. 6—xxur. 3

the wall. Many were the foes against whom he
strove; some of them he pushed from the wall on
either side and hurled them to the ground, but most
he laid dead in heaps about him with the strokes of
his sword. He himself suffered no harm, but was a
terrible sight for his enemies to look upon, and
proved that Homer! was right and fully justified in
saying that valour, alone of the virtues, often displays
transports due to divine possession and frenzy. After
the capture of the city, he sacrificed to the god in
magnificent fashion and furnished spectacles of all
sorts of contests.

XXIII. The Barbarians about Messana, called
Mamertines, were giving much annoyance to the
Greeks, and had even laid some of them under con-
tribution. They were numerous and warlike, and
therefore had been given a name which, in the
Latin tongue, signifies martzal. Pyrrhus seized their
collectors of tribute and put them to death, then
conquered the people themselves in battle and de-
stroyed many of their strongholds. Moreover, when
the Carthaginians were inclined to come to terms
and were willing to pay him money and send him ©
ships in case friendly relations were established,
he replied to them (his heart being set upon
greater things) that there could be no settlement or
friendship between himself and them unless they
abandoned all Sicily and made the Libyan Sea a
boundary between themselves and the Greeks. But
now, lifted up by his good fortune and by the strength
of his resources, and pursuing the hopes with which
he had sailed from home in the beginning, he set his
heart upon Libya first ; and since many of the ships

1 As in Iliad, v. 185; vi. 101; ix. 238,
421

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A 7 A
ρωμάτων ἐπιδεεῖς ἤγειρεν ἐρέτας, οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς
5) P: "δὰ , a , 9 \
ἐντυγχάνων οὐδὲ TPAWS ταις πόλεσιν, ἀλλὰ

A \ \ 3 LY ,
δεσποτικῶς καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν βιαζομενος Kal κολά-
> ’ \ Xx 2» Q\ > » a a ΟῚ \
Cov, οὐκ εὐθὺς ὧν οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχῇ τοιοῦτος, ἀλλὰ
\ nr « / A \ Y € A \
Kat μᾶλλον ἐτέρων τῷ πρὸς χάριν ομιλεῖν Kai
Ν \ a
πάντα πιστεύειν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν ὑπαγόμενος,
“ a ΄
εἶτα γινόμενος ἐκ δημαγωγοῦ τύραννος ἀχαριστίας
a /
τῇ χαλεπότητι καὶ ἀπιστίας προσωφλίσκανε
δόξαν.
> \ ’ \ a \ e > a ΄
Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ἀναγκαῖα συνεχώ-
7, A 2 \ \ ’ \
ρουν, καίπερ δυσφοροῦντες" ἐπεὶ δὲ Θοίνωνα καὶ
Yd \ > ΄
Σωσίστρατον, ἄνδρας ἡγεμονικοὺς ἐν Συρακούσαις,
«“ lal \ > ἣΝ 3 θ a » ’ Ss ,
οἱ πρῶτοι μὲν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἔπεισαν εἰς Σικελίαν,
“i \ /
ἐλθόντι δὲ τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς ἐνεχείρισαν Kal
πλεῖστα συγκατειργάσαντο τῶν Σικελικῶν, μήτε
4 ὺν αὑτῷ μήτε ἀπολείπειν βουλόμε :
ἄγειν σὺν αὑτῷ μὴτ μενος ἐν
3 \ / » /
ὑποψίαις εἶχε, καὶ Σωσίστρατος μὲν ἀπέστη
\ \ A
φοβηθείς, Θοίνωνα δὲ τὰ αὐτὰ φρονεῖν αἰτιασά-
Ν
μενος ἀπέκτεινεν, οὐ κατὰ μικρὸν οὐδὲ καθ᾽ ν
2 OA ͵ a / 2 Ν a
αὐτῷ μεθίστατο τῶν πραγμάτων, ἀλλὰ δεινοῦ
/ , a / \
τινος μίσους ἐγγενομένου ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς αὐτὸν
€ \ / , « ΟΣ le
ai μὲν προσετίθεντο Καρχηδονίοις, at δὲ ἐπήγοντο
Ὁ a
Μαμερτίνους. ἀποστάσεις δὲ ὁρῶν ἅπαντα καὶ
νεωτερισμοὺς καὶ σύστασιν ἰσχυρὰν ἐφ᾽ αὑτόν,
ἐδέξατο γράμματα Σαυνιτῶν καὶ Ταραντίνων
μόλις ἀντεχόντων ταῖς πόλεσιν αὐταῖς πρὸς τὸν

422

PYRRHUS, xxi. 3-5

that he had were insufficiently manned, he began to
collect oarsmen, not dealing with the cities in an
acceptable or gentle manner, but in a lordly way,
anvrily putting compulsion and penalties upon them.
He had not behaved in this way at the very beginning,
but had even gone beyond others in trying to win
men’s hearts by gracious intercourse with them, by
trusting everybody, and by doing nobody any harm.
But now he ceased to be a popular leader and be-
came a tyrant, and added to his name for severity
a name for ingratitude and faithlessness.
Nevertheless the Sicilians put up with these
things as necessary, although they were exasper-
ated; but then came his dealings with Thoenon
and Sosistratus. These were leading men in Syra-
cuse, and had been first to persuade Pyrrhus to
come into Sicily. Moreover, after he had come,
they immediately put their city into his hands and
assisted him in most of what he had accomplished
in Sicily. And yet he was willing neither to take
them with him nor to leave them behind, and held
them in suspicion. Sosistratus took the alarm and
withdrew ; but Thoenon was accused by Pyrrhus of
complicity with Sosistratus and put to death.! With
this, the situation of Pyrrhus was suddenly and
entirely changed. A terrible hatred arose against
him in the cities, some of which joined the Car-
thaginians, while others called in the Mamertines.
And now, as he saw everywhere secessions and
revolutionary designs and a strong faction opposed
to him, he received letters from the Samnites and
Tarentines, who had been excluded from all their
territories, could with difficulty maintain the war

1 Cf. Dionysius Hal., Hacerpta ex lib. xx., 8.
423

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ a , WA Ν
πόλεμον, εἰργομένων δὲ τῆς χώρας ἁπάσης καὶ
Ὁ A / \
δεομένων βοηθεῖν. τοῦτο δὲ ἦν εὐπρέπεια μὴ
, / A
φυγὴν εἶναι μηδὲ ἀπόγνωσιν τὸν ἀπόπλουν τῶν
> , / \ \ 3 \ > ΄
αὐτόθι πραγμάτων: τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς οὐ δυνάμενος
an / [4 \ / ’ ’
κρατεῖν Σικελίας ὥσπερ νεὼς ταραχθείσης, ἀλλ
” A = » e \ 2 ’ ,
ἔκβασιν ζητῶν, αὖθις ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν.
/ ee , ” \ \ n
λέγεται δ᾽ ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἤδη πρὸς τὴν νῆσον
’ \ ΠΤ Ὴ Ἢ A \ > 7 το ᾽ /
ἀπιδὼν εἰπεῖν τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν" “ Olav ἀπολεί-
πομεν, ὧ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλ-
alotpav. καὶ τοῦτο μέν, ὥσπερ εἰκάσθη, μετ᾽ οὐ
πολὺν χρόνον ἐγένετο.
XXIV. Τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων συστάντων ἐπ᾽ αὐ-
\ > / J \ 3 a a
TOV ἀποπλέοντα, Καρχηδονίοις μὲν ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ
3 lal La) a
ναυμαχήσας ἀπέβαλε τῶν νεῶν πολλάς, ταῖς ὃ
\ 3 , a
ἄλλαις κατέφυγε πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν, Μαμερτῖνοι
/
δὲ μυρίων οὐκ ἐλάττους προδιαβάντες ἀντιτάξα-
\ > / > \ a /
σθαι μὲν ἐφοβήθησαν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς δυσχωρίαις
ἐπιτιθέμενοι καὶ προσπίπτοντες ἅπαν τὸ στρά-
7
τευμα συνετάραξαν. ἔπεσε δὲ δύο θηρία καὶ
συχνοὶ τῶν ὀπισθοφυλακούντων ἀπέθνησκον.
\ a
αὐτὸς οὖν ἀπὸ TOD στόματος παρελάσας ἠμύνετο
καὶ διεκινδύνευε πρὸς ἄνδρας ἠσκημένους μάχεσ-
θαι καὶ θυμοειδεῖς. πληγεὶς δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν ξίφει
καὶ μικρὸν ἐκ τῶν μαχομένων ἀποστὰς ἔτι μᾶλλον
ἐπῆρε τοὺς πολεμίους. εἷς δὲ καὶ πολὺ πρὸ τῶν
ἄλλων ἐπιδραμών, ἀνὴρ τῷ τε σώματι μέγας καὶ
“ v4 / ’ na A A ,
τοῖς ὅπλοις λαμπρός, ἐχρῆτο TH φωνῇ θρασυτέρᾳ
\ a > / > i >] A \
καὶ προελθεῖν ἐκέλευεν αὐτόν, εἰ ζῇ. παροξυνθεὶς
Ἄν Ὁ / 3 / 7 A ς n \
δὲ ὁ Πύρρος ἐπέστρεψε βίᾳ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν, Kal

424

999

PYRRHUS, xxi. 5-xxiv. 3

even in their cities, and begged for his assist-
ance. This gave him a fair pretext for his sailing
away, without its being called a flight or despair
of his cause in the island; but in truth it was
because he could not master Sicily, which was like a
storm-tossed ship, but desired to get out of her, that
he once more threw himself into Italy. And it is
said that at the time of his departure he looked back
at the island and said to those about him: “ My
friends, what a wrestling ground for Carthaginians
and Romans we are leaving behind us!” And this
conjecture of his was soon afterwards confirmed.
XXIV. But the Barbarians combined against him
as he was setting sail. With the Carthaginians he
fought a sea-fight in the strait and lost many of his
ships, but escaped with the rest to Italy; and here
the Mamertines, more than ten thousand of whom
had crossed in advance of him, though they were
afraid to match forces with him, yet threw his
whole army into confusion by setting upon him
and assailing him in difficult regions. Two of his
elephants fell, and great numbers of his rearguard
were slain. Accordingly, riding up in person from
the van, he sought to ward off the enemy, and
ran great risks in contending with men who were
trained to fight and were inspired with high
courage. And when he was wounded on the head
with a sword and withdrew a little from the com-
batants, the enemy were all the more elated. One
of them ran forth far in advance of the rest, a man
who was huge in body and resplendent in armour,
and in a bold voice challenged Pyrrhus to come
out, if he were still alive. This angered Pyrrhus,
and wheeling round in spite of his guards, he pushed

425

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 9 A vA 4 \ ΝΥ 5 A
μετ᾽ ὀργῆς αἵματι mepuppévos καὶ δεινὸς ὀφθῆναι
τὸ πρόσωπον ὠσάμενος Ov αὐτῶν καὶ φθάσας τὸν

΄, Ν a A A
βάρβαρον ἔπληξε κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς τῷ ξίφει

A \ ee \ - A
πληγὴν ῥώμῃ TE τῆς χειρὸς ἅμα καὶ βαφῆς ἀρετῇ
τοῦ σιδήρου μέχρι τῶν κάτω διαδραμοῦσαν, ὥστε
ἑνὶ χρόνῳ περιπεσεῖν ἑκατέρωσε τὰ μέρη τοῦ
σώματος διχοτομηθέντος. τοῦτο τοὺς βαρβάρους

lal [2 rn A ,
ἐπέσχε τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν, WS τινα τῶν κρειττό-
νων θαυμάσαντας καὶ καταπλαγέντας τὸν Πύρ-
ς lal
pov. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην ὁδὸν ἀδεῶς διεξελθὼν ἧκεν
εἰς Τάραντα, δισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τρισχιλίους
ς A ’ὔ 9 \ \ A ,
ἱππεῖς κομίζων. ἀναλαβὼν δὲ τῶν Ταραντίνων
ς , A
τοὺς κρατίστους, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἦγεν ἐν τῇ
Σαυνίτιδι στρατοπεδεύοντας.
wn nan ,

XXV. Τῶν δὲ Σαυνιτῶν τά τε πράγματα διέ-
φθαρτο, καὶ τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφεῖντο, κεκρατη-
μένοι μάχαις πολλαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. ἐνῆν

n \ \
δέ τι καὶ πρὸς tov Πύρρον ὀργῆς διὰ τὸν εἰς
’ὔ a “ , Ν 4 > a
Σικελίαν πλοῦν: ὅθεν οὐ πολλοὶ τούτων αὐτῷ
lel 4 ᾿ , ’ \ \ ’
συνῆλθον. πάντας δὲ νείμας δίχα τοὺς μὲν εἰς

\ , » » , an e¢ ν ὁ
τὴν Λευκανίαν ἔπεμψεν ἀντιληψομένους τοῦ ἑτέ-
ρου τῶν ὑπάτων, ὡς μὴ βοηθοίη, τοὺς δὲ ἦγεν

» Ν 3 \ /, 4 Ἂν / \
αὐτὸς ἐπὶ Μάνιον Κούριον περὶ πόλιν Beveovevtov
ἱδρυμένον ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ καὶ περιμένοντα τὴν ἐκ τῆς

’ὔ

Λευκανίας βοήθειαν: ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ μάντεων αὐ-
τὸν οἰωνοῖς καὶ ἱεροῖς ἀποτρεπόντων ἡσύχαζε.

΄ ΓῚ € , 5 A LA \
σπεύδων οὖν ὁ Iluppos ἐπιθέσθαι τούτοις, πρὶν
>] / A
ἐκείνους ἐπελθεῖν, ἄνδρας τε τοὺς κρατίστους καὶ
426

PYRRHUS, xxiv. 3-xxv. 2

his way through them—full of wrath, smeared with
blood, and with a countenance terrible to look upon,
and before the Barbarian could strike dealt him
such a blow on the head with his sword that, what
with the might of his arm and the excellent temper
of his steel, it cleaved its way down through, so that
at one instant the parts of the sundered body fell to
either side. This checked the Barbarians from any
further advance, for they were amazed and confounded
at Pyrrhus, and thought him some superior being.
So he accomplished the rest of his march unmolested
and came to Tarentum,! bringing twenty thousand
foot and three thousand horse. Then, adding to his
force the best troops of the Tarentines, he forthwith
led them against the Romans, who were encamped
in the country of the Samnites.

XXV. But the power of the Samnites had been
shattered, and their spirits were broken, in con-
sequence of many defeats at the hands of the
Romans. They also cherished considerable resent-
ment against Pyrrhus because of his expedition to
Sicily ; hence not many of them came to join him.
Pyrrhus, however, divided his army into two parts,
sent one of them into Lucania to attack the other
consul, that he might not come to the help of his
colleague, and led the other part himself against
Manius Curius, who was safely encamped near the
city of Beneventum and was awaiting assistance
from Lucania ; in part also it was because his sooth-
sayers had dissuaded him with unfavourable omens
and sacrifices that he kept quiet. Pyrrhus, accord-
ingly, hastening to attack this consul before the
other one came up, took his best men and his most

1 In the autumn of 276 B.a,
427

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῶν θηρίων τὰ μαχιμώτατα λαβὼν νυκτὸς ὥρμη-
σεν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. περιϊόντι δὲ αὐτῷ μακ-
ρὰν καὶ δασεῖαν ὕλαις ὁδὸν οὐκ ἀντέσχε τὰ φῶτα,
καὶ πλάναι τοῖς στρατιώταις “συνέτυχον' καὶ περὶ
ταῦτα γινομένης “διατριβῆς ἥ ἥ τε νὺξ ἐπέλιπε καὶ
καταφανὴς ἦν ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπερχό-
μενος ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων, ὥστε θόρυβον πολὺν καὶ
κίνησιν παρασχεῖν.

Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ἱερῶν τῷ Μανίῳ γενομένων,
καὶ τοῦ καιροῦ βοηθεῖν ἀναγκάξοντος, ἐξελθὼν
ἐνέβαλε τοῖς πρώτοις καὶ τρεψάμενος ἐφόβησε
πάντας, ὥστε καὶ πεσεῖν οὐκ ὀλίγους καὶ τῶν
ἐλεφάντων τινὰς ἁλῶναι καταλειφθέντας. αὕτη
τὸν Μάνιον ἡ νίκη κατήγαγε μαχούμενον εἰς τὸ
πεδίον" καὶ συμβαλὼν ἐκ προδήλου τὸ μὲν ἐτρέ-
yrato τῶν “πολεμίων, ἔστι δ᾽ ἧ βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν
θηρίων καὶ συσταλεὶς πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον τοὺς
φύλακας ἐκάλει συχνοὺς ἐφεστῶτας τῷ χάρακι
μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ ἀκμῆτας. οἱ δὲ ἐπιφανέντες
ἐκ τόπων ὀχυρῶν καὶ τὰ θηρία βάλλοντες ἠνάγ-
κασαν ἀποστρέφεσθαι καὶ φυγῇ χωροῦντα διὰ
τῶν συμμάχων ὀπίσω ταραχὴν ἀπεργάσασθαι
καὶ σύγχυσιν, ἣ τὸ “νίκημα παρέδωκε τοῖς Ῥω-
μαίοις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ κράτος τῆς ἡγεμονίας. καὶ
γὰρ φρόνημα καὶ δύναμιν καὶ δόξαν ὡς ἄμαχοι
προσλαβόντες ἐκ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐκείνης καὶ τῶν
ἀγώνων Ἰταλίαν μὲν εὐθύς, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον
Σικελίαν κατέσχον.

XXVI. Οὕτω μὲν ἐξέπεσε τῶν ᾿Ιταλικῶν καὶ
Σικελικῶν ὁ Πύρρος ἐλπίδων, ἑξαετῆ χρόνον ἀνα-
λώσας περὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ πολέμους, καὶ Tois! πράγ-

1 rots Coraés and Bekker have τοῖς μὲν, after Muretus.

428

400

PYRRHUS, xxv. 2-xxvi. 1

warlike elephants and set out by night against his
camp. But since he took a long circuit through a
densely wooded country, his lights did not hold out,
and his soldiers lost their way and straggled. This
caused delay, so that the night passed, and at day-
break he was in full view of the enemy as he
advanced upon them from the heights, and caused
much tumult and agitation among them.

Manius, however, since the sacrifices were pro-
pitious and the crisis forced action upon him, led his
forces out and attacked the foremost of the enemy,
and after routing these, put their whole army to
flight, so that many of them fell and some of their
elephants were left behind and captured. This
victory brought Manius down into the plain to give
battle ; here, after an engagement in the open, he
routed the enemy at some points, but at one was
overwhelmed by the elephants and driven back upon

‘his camp, where he was obliged to call upon the

guards, who were standing on the parapets in great
numbers, all in arms, and full of fresh vigour.
Down they came from their strong places, and
hurling their javelins at the elephants compelled
them to wheel about and run back through the
ranks of their own men, thus causing disorder and
confusion there. This gave the victory to the
Romans, and at the same time the advantage also
in the struggle for supremacy. For having acquired
high courage and power and a reputation for invinci-
bility from their valour in these struggles, they at once
got control of Italy, and soon afterwards of Sicily.
XXVI. Thus Pyrrhus was excluded from his hopes
of Italy and Sicily, after squandering six years’ time
in his wars there, and after being worsted in his

429

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

9 θ / \ δὲ ᾽ ὃ la ᾽ , >
μασιν ἐλαττωθείς, τὸ δὲ ἀνδρεῖον ἀνίκητον ἐν
ταῖς ἥτταις διαφυλάξας: καὶ νομισθεὶς ἐμπειρίᾳ

: ω ἶ ἘΠ μ ; αὐ ἐγώ
μὲν πολεμικῇ καὶ YELpL καὶ τολμῃ πολὺ TPWTOS
3 a ’ e \ , ἃ \ A /
εἶναι τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν βασιλέων, a δὲ ταῖς πράξε-

3 A a > , > , x a
σιν ἐκτᾶτο ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἀπολλύναι, δι᾿ ἔρωτα τῶν
2 , 50" ᾽ ἃ na , A ς ,
ἀπόντων οὐδὲν εἰς ὃ δεῖ θέσθαι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων

/ ef b] , 3 Ν e 9 »
φθάσας. ὅθεν ἀπείκαζεν αὐτὸν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος

a a \
κυβευτῇ πολλὰ βάλλοντι Kal καλά, χρῆσθαι δὲ
οὐκ ἐπισταμένῳ τοῖς πεσοῦσι.

7 ie \

Κομίσας δὲ εἰς Ἤπειρον ὀκτακισχιλίους πεζοὺς
καὶ πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς, χρήματα δὴ οὐκ ἔχων
147) ar Ka θ jy \ / ,
ἐζήτει πόλεμον ᾧ θρέψει TO στράτευμα. καί
τινων Ἰὶαλατῶν αὐτῷ προσγενομένων ἐνέβαλεν εἰς

7 2 , A
Μακεδονίαν ᾿Αντιγόνου τοῦ Δημητρίου βασιλεύ-
οντος ὡς ἁρπαγῇ καὶ λεηλασίᾳ χρησόμενος. ἐπεὶ
Ν , δὰ A
δὲ καὶ πόλεις ἐλάμβανε συχνὰς Kal στρατιῶται.
/ /
δισχίλιοι μετέστησαν WS αὐτόν, ἐλπίσας TL πλέον

\ J /
ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον καὶ περὶ τὰ στενὰ
προσπεσὼν συνετάραξε τὴν στρατιὰν ἅπασαν.
οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας τοῦ ᾿Αντιγόνου τεταγμένοι

/ ‘ A ’
Γαλάται, συχνοὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες, ὑπέστησαν

> , n
εὐρώστως" καὶ καρτερᾶς μάχης γενομένης τούτων

Ν e n A
μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεκόπησαν, οἱ δὲ τῶν ἐλεφάν-

΄ ,
των ἡγεμόνες ἐγκαταλαμβανόμενοι παρέδωκαν
\ , .
ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὰ θηρία πάντα. προσλαβὼν δὲ ὁ
Iluppos τηλικαῦτα, καὶ τῇ τύχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς

n , an n ins
λογισμοῖς χρώμενος, ἐπῆγε TH φάλαγγι τῶν

, n
Μακεδόνων ἀναπεπλησμένῃ ταραχῆς καὶ φόβου

\ \ φΦ [τέ “
διὰ τὴν ἧτταν. ὅθεν ἐμβολῆς μὲν ἔσχοντο καὶ

430

PYRRHUS, xxvi. 1-4

undertakings, but he kept his brave spirit uncon-
quered in the midst of his defeats; and men believed
that in military experience, personal prowess, and
daring, he was by far the first of the kings of his
time, but that what he won by his exploits he lost
by indulging in vain hopes, since through passionate
desire for what he had not he always failed to
establish securely what he had. For this reason
Antigonus used to liken him to a player with dice
who makes many fine throws but does not under-
stand how to use them when they are made.

He returned to Epeirus! with eight thousand
foot and five hundred horse, and since he had no
money he sought for a war by which he could
maintain his army. Some Gauls joined him, and he
thereupon made an incursion into Macedonia, where
Antigonus the son of Demetrius was reigning,
designing to strip and plunder the country. But
after he had taken a great number of cities and two
thousand Macedonian soldiers had come over to him,
he began to hope for greater things, and set out to
attack Antigonus, and falling upon him in a narrow
pass, threw his whole army into confusion. The
Gauls who formed the rearguard of Antigonus, a
numerous body, made a sturdy resistance; but after
a fierce battle most of these were cut to pieces,
while those who had charge of the elephants were
hemmed in and surrendered themselves and all their
animals. Then Pyrrhus, thus greatly strengthened,
and consulting his good fortune rather than his
judgment, advanced upon the phalanx of the
Macedonians, which was filled with confusion and
fear because of their previous defeat. For this

1 Late in the year 274 8.0.
431

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μάχης πρὸς αὐτόν, τὴν δὲ δεξιὰν προτείνων καὶ
στρατηγοὺς καὶ ταξιάρχους a ἀνα καλούμενος, ἅ ἅπαν-
τας ὁμαλῶς ἀπέστησε τοὺς πεζοὺς τοῦ τὰ ΠῚ}
κἀκεῖνος μὲν ὑποφεύγων ἅ ἅμα τῶν ἱππέων ὀλίγοις 1
τῶν παραλίων τινὰς πόλεων κατέσχεν, ὁ δὲ Πύρ-
ρος ἐν εὐτυχήμασι τοσούτοις μέγιστον. αὐτῷ πρὸς
δόξαν οἰόμενος διαπεπρᾶχθαι τὸ περὶ τοὺς Τα-
λάτας, τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ λαμπρότατα τῶν λαφύ-
ρων ἀνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ᾿Ιτωνίδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς,
τόδε τὸ ἐλεγεῖον ἐπιγράψας:

Τοὺς θυρεοὺς ὁ 0 Μολοσσὸς ᾿Ιτωνίδι δῶρον ᾿Αθάνᾳ
Πύρρος ἀπὸ θρασέων ἐ ἐκρέμασεν Tararav,
πάντα Tov ᾿Αντιγόνου καθελὼν oTpaTov: ov μέγα

θαῦμα:
᾽ \ \ a \ ΄ bd fd
αἰχμηταὶ καὶ νῦν Kal πάρος Αἰακίδαι.

μετὰ τὴν μάχην δὲ εὐθὺς ἀνελάμβανε τὰς πόλεις.
τῶν δὲ Αἰγαίων κρατήσας τά τε ἄλλα χαλεπῶς
ἐχρήσατο τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, καὶ φρουρὰν Γαλατικὴν
ἐν τῇ πόλει κατέλιπε τῶν per’ αὐτοῦ στρατευο-
μένων. οἱ δὲ Γαλάται γένος a ἀπληστότατον χρη-
μάτων ὄντες ἐπέθεντο τῶν βασιλέων αὐτόθι
κεκηδευμένων τοὺς τάφους ὀρύττειν, καὶ τὰ μὲν
χρήματα διήρπασαν, τὰ δὲ ὁ ὀστᾶ πρὸς ὕβριν διέρ-
pia. τοῦτο κούφως ἔδοξε καὶ ὀλιγώρως ἐνεγκεῖν
ὁ ἹΠύρρος, ἢ δι’ ἀσχολίας τινὰς ὑπερθέμενος ἢ
παρεὶς ὅλως διὰ φόβον τὸ κολάσαι τοὺς βαρβάρ-
ous" ὅθεν ἤκουσε κακῶς ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων.
οὔπω δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ βεβαιότητα καὶ
σύστασιν ἐχόντων μόνιμον, ἠωρεῖτο τῇ γνώμῃ

1 τῶν ἱππέων ὀλίγοις supplied by Blass, in conformity with
the translation of Amyot: ἅμα τῶν παραλίων.

432

PYRRHUS, xxvi. 4-7

reason they refrained from engagement or battle
with him, whereupon Pyrrhus, stretching out his
right hand and calling upon the generals and captains,
brought over to him all the infantry of Antigonus in
a body. So Antigonus took to flight with a few of
his horsemen, and occupied some of the seaboard
cities; while Pyrrhus, thinking that amid so many
successes his achievement against the Gauls con-
duced most to his glory, dedicated the most beautiful
and splendid of the spoils in the temple of Athena
Itonis, with the following elegiac inscription :

* These shields, now suspended here as a gift to
Athena Itonis, Pyrrhus the Molossian took
from valiant Gauls, after defeating the entire
army of Antigonus; which is no great wonder ;
for now, as well as in olden time, the Aeacidae
are brave spearmen.”’

After the battle, however, he at once proceeded to
occupy the cities. And after getting Aegae into his
power, besides other severities exercised upon its in-
habitants he left as a garrison in the city some of the
Gauls who were making the campaign with him. But
the Gauls, a race insatiable of wealth, set themselves
to digging up the tombs of the kings who had been
buried there ; the treasure they plundered, the bones
they insolently cast to the four winds. This outrage
Pyrrhus treated with lightness and indifference, as
it was thought; he either postponed punishment
because he had some business on hand, or remitted
it altogether because he was afraid to chastise the
Barbarians; and on this account he was censured by
the Macedonians. Moreover, before his affairs were
securely and firmly established, his thoughts swung

433

10

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

παλιν πρὸς ἑτέρας ἐλπίδας. καὶ τὸν μὲν ᾿Αντίγο-
νον ἐφυβρίζων ἀναίσχυντον ἐκάλει μὴ λαμβάνοντα
θοίϊμάτιον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι τὴν πορφύραν φοροῦντα.
Κλεωνύμου δὲ τοῦ Σπαρτιάτου παραγενομένου καὶ
καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα προθύμως
ὑπήκουσεν.

Ὃ δὲ Κλεώνυμος ἦν μὲν γένους βασιλικοῦ,
δοκῶν δὲ βίαιος εἶναι καὶ μοναρχικὸς οὔτ᾽ εὔνοιαν
οὔτε πίστιν εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ “Apevs ἐβασίλευε. καὶ
τοῦτο μὲν ἕν ἦν κοινὸν ἔγκλημα καὶ πρεσβύτερον
αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας: γυναῖκα δὲ καλὴν καὶ
γένους βασιλικοῦ Χιλωνίδα τὴν Λεωτυχίδου
πρεσβύτερος ὧν ἔγημεν ὁ Κλεώνυμος. ἡ δὲ
᾿Ακροτάτῳ τῷ “Apews ἐπιμανεῖσα, μειρακίῳ καθ᾽
ὥραν ἀκμάζοντι, λυπηρὸν ἐρῶντι τῷ Κλεωνύμῳ
καὶ ἄδοξον ὁμοῦ παρεῖχε τὸν γάμον: οὐδένα γὰρ
ἐλάνθανε Σπαρτιατῶν καταφρονούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς
γυναικός. οὕτω δὲ τῶν κατ᾽ οἶκον ἀνιαρῶν τοῖς
πολιτικοῖς προσγενομένων ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς καὶ βαρυ-
θυμίας ἐπῆγε τῇ Σπάρτῃ τὸν Πύρρον, ἔχοντα
δισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους πεζούς, δισχιλίους
δ᾽ ἱππεῖς, ἐλέφαντας δὲ εἰκοσιτέσσαρας, ὥστε τῷ
μεγέθει τῆς παρασκευῆς εὐθὺς εἶναι κατάδηλον
οὐ Κλεωνύμῳ τὴν Σπάρτην, ἀλλὰ τὴν Πελοπόν-
νῆσον ἑαυτῷ κτώμενον, ἐπεὶ τῷ γε λόγῳ καὶ πρὸς
αὐτοὺς ἔξαρνος ἣν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους πρεσβεύ-
σαντας εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν. ἔφη γὰρ ἐλευθερώσων
τὰς ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ πόλεις ἀφῖχθαι, καὶ νὴ Δία
434

40]

PYRRHUS, xxvi. 7-10

again towards new hopes. He railed at Antigonus
and called him a shameless man for not laying aside
the purple and wearing a common robe; and when
Cleonymus the Spartan came and invited him to
come to Lacedaemon, he readily listened to him.
Now, Cleonymus was of royal lineage, but because
he was thought to be of a violent and arbitrary
temper, he enjoyed neither goodwill nor confidence
at home, but Areus was king there. This was one
general ground of complaint which he had against
his fellow citizens, and it was of long standing.
Besides, Cleonymus in his later years had married
Chilonis the daughter of Leotychides, a beautiful
woman of royal lineage; but she had fallen desper-
ately in love with Acrotatus the son of Areus, a
young man in the flower of his age, and thus
rendered his marriage distressing to Cleonymus,
since he loved her, and at the same time disgraceful ;
for every Spartan was well aware that the husband
was despised by his wife. Thus his domestic vexations
added themselves to his political disappointment,
and in indignation and wrath he brought Pyrrhus
against Sparta.! Pyrrhus had twenty-five thousand
foot and two thousand horse, besides twenty-four
elephants, so that the magnitude of his preparations
made it clear at once that he was not aiming to
acquire Sparta for Cleonymus, but the Peloponnesus
for himself. And yet his professions were all to the
contrary, and particularly those which he made to
the Lacedaemonian ambassadors themselves when
they met him at Megalopolis. He told them he
had come to set free the cities which were sub-
ject to Antigonus, yes, and that he was going to

1 In 272 8.6.

435

11

2

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ / - 3 f ’ /
τοὺς νεωτέρους παῖδας εἰς Σπάρτην, εἰ μή τι
4 / 9 A a
κωλύει, TEL ov ἐντραφησομένους τοῖς Λακωνικοῖς
» id ΄ὔ , » ΝΜ A /
ἔθεσιν, ὧς τούτῳ πλέον ἔχοιεν ἤδη τῶν πάντων
βασιλέων. ταῦτα πλαττύμενος καὶ παράγων τοὺς
> / > A 9: ¢ [ ς “ Ψ
ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ὁδόν, ὡς πρῶτον ἥψατο
n an δ A
τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἁρπαγὴν ἐποιεῖτο καὶ λεηλασιαν'
ἐγκαλούντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων, STL μὴ καταγ-
/ /
γείλας πόλεμον ἐξενήνοχε πρὸς αὐτούς, “’AXN
5)» ¢ οι ν» iq; \ D3 ΄ ν “ Ὰ
οὐδ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἔφη, “ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἴσμεν ὅ τι ἂν
͵ an ς , 72 9 \ A
μέλλητε ποιεῖν ἑτέροις προλέγοντας." εἷς δὲ τῶν
τὴ v i“ 3 a a
παρόντων, ὄνομα Μανδροκλείδας, εἶπε TH φωνῇ
ip /
λακωνίζων: “Αἰ μὲν ἐσσὶ τύ γε θεός, οὐδὲν μὴ
7 ’ NX » fa ? > ΤΑ, »
πάθωμεν: οὐ γὰρ ἀδικεῦμεν" at δ᾽ ἄνθρωπος, ἔσ-
A Yi >
σεται καὶ TED κάρρων ἄλλος.
XXVII. Ἔκ τούτου κατέβαινεν ἐπὶ τὴν Λακε-
, \ A if ͵ὔ 3
δαίμονα: καὶ τοῦ Κλεωνύμου κελεύοντος ἐξ
A € ,
ἐφόδου προσβαλεῖν φοβηθεὶς ὁ Πύρρος, ὡς λέ-
a ,
ETAL, μὴ OLAPTATWOLY οἱ στρατιῶται τὴν πόλιν
4 / \
ἐν νυκτὶ προσπεσόντες, ἐπέσχεν, εἰπὼν OTL ταὐτὸ
> , \ 5
ποιήσουσι μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν. αὐτοί TE γὰρ ἦσαν ὀλίγοι
\ >? , \ \ > AS ¢ ” 5
καὶ ἀπαράσκευοι διὰ TO αἰφνίδιον, 6 Te Apevs οὐκ
PS A , 3 bd 3 / 7
ἐτύγχανε παρών, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν Κρήτῃ Toptuviors
,, a \ a \ /
πολεμουμένοις βοηθῶν: καὶ τοῦτο δὴ μάλιστα
\ ’ ” ϑυ[5 ’ \ » /
τὴν πόλιν ἔσωσε OL ἐρημίαν καὶ ἀσθένειαν KaTa-
a ¢ \ \ ΄ 5ὺὼ 7 a
φρονηθεῖσαν. ὁ μὲν yap Πύρρος οὐδένα μαχεῖσθαι
7 / aA \ 7 \
νομίζων κατηυλίσατο, τοῦ δὲ Κλεωνύμον τὴν
: / (/ / \ ¢/- “ ᾽
οἰκίαν οἵ τε φίλοι καὶ εἵλωτες οὕτως ἐκόσμησαν
436

PYRRHUS, xxvi. 1o-xxvil. 2

send his younger sons to Sparta, if nothing pre-
vented, to be brought up in the Lacedaemonian
customs, that so they might presently have the ad-
vantage over all other princes. With these fictions
he beguiled those who came to meet him on his
march, but as soon as he reached Laconian territory
he began to ravage and plunder it. And when the
Spartan ambassadors upbraided him for making war
upon them without previous declaration, he said:
“Yet we know that you Spartans also do not tell
others beforehand what you are going to do.” Where-
upon one of those who were present, Mandrocleidas
by name, said to him in the broad Spartan dialect :
“If thou art a god, we shall suffer no harm at thy
hands; for we have done thee no wrong; but if a
man, another will be found who is even stronger
than thou.”

XXVII. After this, he marched down against the
city of Sparta. Cleonymus urged him to make the
assault as soon as he arrived, but Pyrrhus was afraid,
as we are told, that his soldiers would plunder the
city if they fell upon it at night, and therefore re-
strained them, saying that they would accomplish
just as much by day. For there were but few
men in the city, and they were unprepared, owing
to the suddenness of the peril; and Areus was not
at home, but in Crete, whither he was bringing
military aid for the Gortynians. And this, indeed,
more than anything else, proved the salvation of
the city, which its weakness and lack of defenders
caused to be despised. For Pyrrhus, thinking that
no one would give him battle, bivouacked for the
night, and the friends and Helot slaves of Cleonymus
adorned and furnished his house in the expectation

437

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ παρεσκεύασαν ὡς δειπνήσοντος τοῦ Πύρρου
παρ᾽ αὐτῷ.

“Γενομένης δὲ νυκτὸς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρῶτον
μὲν ἐβουλεύσαντο τὰς γυναῖκας εἰς Κρήτην ἀπο-
στέλλειν, αἱ δὲ ἀντέστησαν. ᾿Αρχιδαμία δὲ καὶ
ξίφος ἔ ἔχουσα πρὸς τὴν γερο υσίαν ἦλθεν ἐγκαλοῦσα
τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὑπὲρ τῶν γυναικῶν, εἰ ζῆν αὐτὰς
ἀξιοῦσι τῆς Σπάρτης ἀπολομένης. ἔπειτα τῷ
στρατοπέδῳ τῶν πολεμίων παράλληλον ἐ ἔγνωσαν
ἐμβαλόντες τάφρον ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν αὐτῆς στῆσαι
τὰς ἁμάξας, μέχρι τοῦ μέσου τῶν τροχῶν κατα-
χώσαντες, ὅπως ἕδραν ἔχουσαι δυσεκβίαστον
ἐμποδὼν ὦ Mot τοῖς θηρίοις. ἀρχομένοις δὲ ταῦτα

πράττειν ἧκον αὐτοῖς τῶν παρθένων καὶ γυναικῶν
αἱ μὲν ἐν ἱματίοις, καταξωσάμεναι τοὺς χετωνί-
σκους, αἱ δὲ μονοχίτωνες, συνεργασόμεναι τοῖς
πρεσβυτέροις. τοὺς δὲ μάχεσθαι μέλλοντας ἐκέ-
λευον ἡσυχάζειν, καὶ λαβοῦσαι μέτρον αὐταὶ καθ᾽
αὑτὰς ἐξειργάσαντο τῆς τάφρου τὸ τρίτον μέρος.
ἣν δὲ τὸ μὲν πλάτος αὐτῆς πήχεων ἕξ, τὸ δὲ
βάθος τεττάρων, τὸ δὲ μῆκος ὀκτάπλεθρον, ὡς
ἱστορεῖ Φύλαρχος, ὡς δ᾽ “Ἱερώνυμος, ἔλαττον.
ἅμα δ᾽ ἡ ἡμέρᾳ κινουμένων τῶν πολεμίων τὰ ὅπλα
τοῖς νέοις ὀρέγουσαι καὶ παραδιδοῦσαι τὴν
τάφρον ἀμύνειν καὶ φυλάττειν ἐκέλευον, ὡς ἡδὺ
μὲν νικᾶν ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς τῆς πατρίδος, εὐκλεὲς
δὲ θνήσκειν ἐν χερσὶ μητέρων καὶ γυναικῶν ἀξίως
τῆς Σπάρτης πεσόντας. ἡ δὲ Χιλωνίς, ἐκποδὼν
οὖσα καθ᾽ ἑαυτήν, βρόχον εἶχεν ἐνημμένον, ὅπως
ἐπὶ τῷ Κλεωνύμῳ μὴ γένοιτο τῆς πόλεως
ἁλούσης.

438

PYRRHUS, xxvir. 2-5

that Pyrrhus would take supper there with its
owner.

When night had come, the Lacedaemonians at first
took counsel to send their women off to Crete, but the
women were opposed to this; and Archidamia came
with a sword in her hand to the senators and up-
braided them in behalf of the women for thinking it
meet that they should live after Sparta had perished.
Next, it was decided to run a trench parallel with
the camp of the enemy, and at either end of it
to set their waggons, sinking them to the wheel-hubs
in the ground, in order that, thus firmly planted,
they might impede the advance of the elephants.
When they began to carry out this project, there
came to them the women and maidens, some of them
in their robes, with tunics girt close, and others in
their tunics only, to help the elderly men in the
work. The men who were going to do the fighting
the women ordered to keep quiet, and assuming their
share of the task they completed with their own
hands a third of the trench. The width of the trench
was six cubits, its depth four, and its length eight
hundred feet, according to Phylarchus ; according to
Hieronymus, less than this. When day came and
the enemy were putting themselves in motion, these
women handed the young men their armour, put the
trench in their charge, and told them to guard and
defend it, assured that it was sweet to conquer before
the eyes of their fatherland, and glorious to die in
the arms of their mothers and wives, after a fall that
was worthy of Sparta. As for Chilonis, she withdrew
from the rest, and kept a halter about her neck, that
she might not come into the power of Cleonymus if
the city were taken.

439
VOL. IX. P

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXVIII. Αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ὁ Πύρρος ἐβιάζετο
κατὰ στόμα τοῖς ὁπλίταις πρὸς ἀσπίδας πολλὰς
τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ἀντιπαρατεταγμένας, καὶ τάφρον
οὐ περατὴν οὐδὲ βάσιν ἀσφαλῆ τοῖς μαχομένοις
παρέχουσαν ὑπὸ χαυνότητος. ὁ δὲ παῖς Πτολε-
μαῖος, ἔχων δισχιλίους Γαλάτας καὶ Χαόνων
λογάδας, ἐξελίξας τὴν τάφρον ἐπειρᾶτο κατὰ τὰς
ἁμάξας ὑπερβαίνειν. αἱ δὲ ὑ ὑπὸ βάθους καὶ πυκ-
νότητος οὐ μόνον τούτοις τὴν ἔφοδον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς
Λακεδαιμονίοις δύσεργον ἐποίουν τὴν βοήθειαν.
ἀνασπώντων δὲ τῶν [᾿αλατῶν τοὺς τροχοὺς καὶ
ὑποσυρόντων τὰς ἁμάξας εἰς τὸν ποταμόν, κατι-
δὼν τὸν κίνδυνον ὁ νεανίας ᾿Ακρότατος καὶ τὴν
πόλιν διαδραμὼν μετὰ "τριακοσίων “περιῆλθε τὸν
Πτολεμαῖον, οὐ συνορώμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διά τινας
συγκλινίας, ἕως προσέβαλε τοῖς ἐσχάτοις καὶ
μεταβαλόντας ἠνάγκασε μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτόν,
ὠθουμένους ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων εἴς τε τὴν τάφρον καὶ
περὶ ταῖς ἁμάξαις πίπτοντας, ἄχρι οὗ φόνῳ πολ-
λῷ μόλις ἀνεκόπησαν. ἐθεῶντο δὲ οἵ τε πρεσ-
βύτεροι καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἀριστεύον-
ta τὸν ᾿Ακρότατον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπήει πάλιν διὰ τῆς
πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ τάξιν, αἵματος κατάπλεως
καὶ γαῦρος, ὑπὸ τῆς νίκης ἐπηρμένος, καὶ μείζων
ἔδοξε γεγονέναι καὶ καλλίων ταῖς Λακαίναις, καὶ
τὴν Χιλωνίδα τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐζήλουν. τῶν δὲ πρεσ-
βυτέρων τινὲς ἐπηκολούθουν βοῶντες" “ Οἶχε,
᾿Ακρότατε, καὶ οἶφε τὰν Χιλωνίδα' μόνον παῖδας
ἀγαθοὺς τᾷ Σπάρτᾳ ποίει."

Κατὰ δὲ τὸν Πύρρον αὐτὸν ἰσχυρᾶς μάχης
συνεστώσης ἄλλοι τε λαμπρῶς ἠγωνίζοντο, κὶα

440

PYRRHUS, xxvitr. 1-4

XXVIII. Pyrrhus himself, then, with his men-at-
arms, tried to force his way directly against the many
shields of the Spartans which confronted him, and
over a trench which was impassable and afforded his
soldiers no firm footing owing to the freshly turned
earth. But his son Ptolemy, with two thousand
Gauls and picked Chaonians, went round the trench
and tried to force a passage where the waggons were.
These, however, being so deeply planted in the earth
and so close together, made not only his onset, but
also the counter-efforts of the Lacedaemonians, a
dificult matter. The Gauls pulled the wheels up
and were dragging the waggons down into the river ;
but the young Acrotatus saw the danger, and run-
ning through the city with three hundred men got
round behind Ptolemy without being seen by him,
owing to some depressions in the ground, and at last
fell upon his rear ranks and forced them to turn
about and fight with him. And now the Barbarians
crowded one another into the trench and fell among
the waggons, and finally, after great slaughter, were
successfully driven back. The elderly men and the
host of women watched the brilliant exploit of
Acrotatus. And when he went back again through
the city to his allotted post, covered with blood and
triumphant, elated with his victory, the Spartan
women thought that he had become taller and more
beautiful than ever, and envied Chilonis her lover.
Moreover, some of the elderly men accompanied him
om his way, crying: “Go, Acrotatus, and take to
thyself Chilonis; only, see that thou begettest brave
sons for Sparta.”

A fierce battle was also waged where Pyrrhus
himself led, and many Spartans made a splendid

441

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A“ A
Φύλλιος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀντισχὼν καὶ πλείστους
ἀποκτείνας τῶν βιαζομένων, ὡς ἤσθετο τραυ-
μάτων πλήθει παραλυόμενον ἑαυτόν, ἐκστάς τινι
a fol 7 a
TOV ἐπιτεταγμένων τῆς χώρας ἔπεσεν ἐντὸς τῶν
\ an
ὅπλων, ὥστε μὴ γενέσθαι τὸν νεκρὸν ὑπὸ τοῖς
/
πολεμίοις.
XXIX. Νυκτὸς δὲ ἡ μάχη διεκρίθη: καὶ κοι-
, e / Υ̓ ΨΦ / 20/7
μώμενος ὁ Πύρρος ὄψιν εἶδε τοιαύτην. ἐδόκει
/ nr «ς >] ᾽ lo xv ‘
βάλλεσθαι κεραυνοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα
Ν , A ’ N \ ’ e \ \
καὶ φλέγεσθαι πᾶσαν, αὐτὸν δὲ χαίρειν. ὑπὸ δὲ
n a , ,
τῆς χαρᾶς ἐξεγρόμενος τούς τε ἡγεμόνας ἐκέλευεν
a \ n
ἐν παρασκευῇ τὸν στρατὸν ἔχειν, Kai τοῖς φίλοις
aA , \
διηγεῖτο τὸν ὄνειρον ws ληψόμενος κατὰ κράτος
’
τὴν πόλιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι θαυμασίως ἐπείθοντο,
, ?
Λυσιμάχῳ δὲ οὐκ ἤρεσκεν ἡ ὄψις, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφη δεδιέ-
, a na
vat μή, καθάπερ τὰ βαλλόμενα τοῖς κεραυνοῖς
, ’ A
ἀνέμβατα μένει χωρία, cal τῷ Πύρρῳ mpoonpaivy
a U
τὸ θεῖον ἀνείσοδον ἔσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν. ὁ δὲ Πύρ-
ρος εἰπὼν ὅτι ταῦτα μέν ἐστι πυλαϊκῆς ὀχλα-
, ATL ’ » / 3 nr \ a
γωγίας καὶ ἀσοφίαν ἔχοντα πολλήν, ἐκεῖνο δὲ δεῖ
Ne τς Ν a » ε , ς -
Ta ὅπλα διὰ χειρῶν ἔχοντας ὑποβάλλειν ἑαυτοῖς,

Εἷς οἰωνὸς ἄριστος ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ ἸΤύρρου,

nw >
ἐξανέστη καὶ προσῆγεν ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν στρατόν.
Ἢ μύνοντο δὲ προθυμίᾳ καὶ ἀρετῇ παρὰ δύναμιν
μ ροθυμίᾳ καὶ ἀρετῇ παρὰ δύναμ
e / \ a « “Ὁ ’ /
οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι" καὶ παρῆσαν ai γυναῖκες opéy-

442

PYRRHUS, xxvin. 4-ΧΧΙΧ. 3

fight, but particularly Phyllius, who surpassed all in
the tenacity of his resistance and the numbers of
the on-rushing enemy whom he slew; and when he
perceived that his powers were failing from the
multitude of the wounds he had received, he made
way for one of his comrades in the line, and fell
inside the ranks, that his dead body might not come
into the hands of the enemy.

XXIX. Night put an end to the battle; and
Pyrrhus, as he slept, had the following vision. He
dreamed that Sparta was smitten with thunderbolts
from his hand and was all ablaze, and that he was
filled with joy. His joy waked him from sleep,
and he commanded his officers to get the army ready
for action, and narrated his dream to his friends,
convinced that he was going to take the city by
storm. Most of them, then, were fully persuaded
that he was right, but Lysimachus was not pleased
with the vision; he said he was afraid lest, as
places smitten by thunderbolts are kept free from
the tread of men, the Deity might be indicating in
advance to Pyrrhus also that the city was not to be
entered by him. But Pyrrhus declared that this
was nonsense intended for the crowd, and great
folly, and calling upon his hearers to take their arms
in their hands and act upon the belief that

“One is the best of all omens, to fight in defence of
Pyrrhus,” Ὁ

rose up, and at day-break led forth his army.
But the Lacedaemonians defended themselves with
an alacrity and bravery beyond their strength; the

1 An adaptation of Iliad, xii. 243, by substituting ““ Pyr-
rhus” for ‘‘ one’s country ” (Πύρρου for mdrpys).

443

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

f Ν 7 \ \ al /
ουσαι βέλη, Kal σιτία Kal ποτὸν τοῖς δεομένοις
προσφέρουσαι, καὶ ἀναλαμβάνουσαι τοὺς τιτρω-

/ Cd , a
σκομένους. τήν τε τάφρον οἱ Μακεδόνες χοῦν
b) a \ a ef e¢ 4? ᾿
ἐπειρῶντο, πολλὴν συμφοροῦντες ὕλην, UP ἧς
e a / /
ὅπλα καὶ σώματα νεκρῶν ἐπιχεομένης ἀπεκρύ-

aA aA hé
TTETO. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Bon-
θούντων ὥφθη παρὰ τὴν τάφρον καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας
, fal
ὁ Πύρρος ἵππῳ βιαζόμενος εἰς THY πόλιν. κραυγῆς
a a , /
δὲ τῶν κατὰ τοῦτο τεταγμένων γενομένης Kal
δρόμου καὶ ὀλολυγμοῦ τῶν γυναικῶν, ἤδη διεξ-
΄ A / a
ελαύνοντι τῷ Πύρρῳ καὶ προσκειμένῳ τοῖς κατὰ
πρόσωπον ἐξήλατο Κρητικῷ βέλει πληγεὶς ὁ
“ ig \ Ni uu L
ἵππος ὑπὸ THY γαστέρα, Kal κατέβαλε δυσθανα-
a \ 4 ’ [4
τῶν τὸν Πύρρον εἰς τόπους ὀλισθηροὺς καὶ
κατάντεις. θορυβουμένων δὲ περὶ τοῦτον τῶν
ς cal \
ἑταίρων ἐπέδραμον οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, Kal χρώμενοι
τοῖς βέλεσιν ἐξέωσαν ἅπαντας. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ
τὴν ἄλλην μάχην ἔπανυεν, οἰόμενος ἐνδώσειν τι
τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους σχεδὸν ἁπάντων κατατε-
τρωμένων αὐτοῖς, πεπτωκότων δὲ πολλῶν. ἡ δ᾽
ἀγαθὴ τύχη τῆς πόλεως, εἴτε πεῖραν ἀρετῆς λαμ-
βάνουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, εἴθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς, ὅσην ἐν ἀπόροις
Ever δύ ἱπόδειξιν διδοῦ θηρὰς ἤδ
ἔχει δύναμιν, ἀπόδειξιν διδοῦσα, μοχθηρὰς ἤδη
A , 5 , Ἂς > / ’
τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐχόντων Tas ἐλπίδας ᾽Αμειν-
a > a
iav te Pwxéa, τῶν ᾿Αντιγόνου στρατηγῶν, ἐκ
r 7 z / \ /
Κορίνθου βυηθήσοντα παρεισήγαγε peta ἕένων,
fa 2} »" «ς a
καὶ τοῦτον ἄρτι δεδεγμένων ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς
ἊΝ Φ ’ iG ΄ ὃ / ,
ρευς ἧκεν ἐκ Κρήτης δισχιλίους στρατιώτας
κομίζων. αἵ τε δὴ γυναῖκες εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας

444

40

PYRRHUS, xxx. 3-6

women, too, were at hand, proffering missiles, dis-
tributing food and drink to those who needed them,
and taking up the wounded. The Macedonians tried
to fill up the trench, collecting and throwing into it
great quantities of materials, beneath which the
arms and dead bodies were hidden away. And
when the Lacedaemonians tried to put a stop to
this, Pyrrhus was seen forcing his way on horseback
past the trench and the waggons into the city. But
the men stationed at this point raised a shout, and
there was a concourse and shrieking of the women,
and just as Pyrrhus was riding through the waggons
and attacking the men in front of him, his horse was
wounded in the beily by a Cretan javelin and leaped
to one side, and in his death agony threw Pyrrhus
upon steep and slippery ground. His companions
were thrown into confusion around him, and the
Spartans, running upon them and making good use of
their missiles, drove them all off. After this, Pyrrhus
brought the fighting to a stop at other points also,
thinking that the Spartans would make some con-
cessions, now that almost all of them were wounded
and many had fallen. But now the good fortune of
the city, either because she was satisfied with the
bravery of its men, or because she would show forth
the great power which she herself has in desperate
crises, brought to their aid from Corinth, when the
hopes of the Spartans were already sorry, Ameinias
the Phocian, one of the generals of Antigonus, with
mercenary troops; and no sooner had he been re-
ceived into the city than Areus the Spartan king
came from Crete, bringing with him two thousand
soldiers. So the women at once dispersed to their

445

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 , 3 Ν ” al ᾽ A
ἐσκεδάσθησαν, οὐδὲν ἔτι πολυπραγμονεῖν ἀξιοῦσαι
an A \ \ 3 -
τῶν πολεμικῶν, καὶ τοὺς παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἐν τοῖς
ef e » 9 / / > / ς \ Lenk
ὅπλοις ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης γενομένους ἀφέντες αὑτοὺς ἐπὶ
τὴν μάχην ἔταξαν.
΄ M4
XXX. Tov δὲ Πύρρον ἔσχε μέν τις ἀλκὴ καὶ
a Ν \
φιλοτιμία μᾶλλον διὰ τοὺς προσγεγονότας Kpa-
an A ΄ \ ᾽ \ ,
τῆσαι τῆς πόλεως" ws δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινε, πληγὰς
\ \ ,
λαβὼν ἀπέστη Kal τὴν χώραν ἐπόρθει διανοού-
\
μενος αὐτόθι χειμάσαι. τὸ δὲ χρεὼν ἣν ἄφυκτον.
3 \ wv / 3 ? 4 Ν ’ /
ἐν γὰρ Apye στάσις ἣν Αριστέου πρὸς Aptotitr-
/ ΄-“
πον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ᾿Αρίστιππος ἐδόκει χρῆσθαι φίλῳ
na 3 f / eae) / » ΄ Ν
τῷ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ, φθάσας ὁ Aptotéas ἐκάλει τὸν
e
Πύρρον εἰς τὸ Apyos. ὁ δὲ ἐλπίδας ἐξ ἐλπίδων
ΘΈΩΝ μ ἢ A \ 3 74 5 9.0 Ν'
ἀεὶ κυλίνδων, καὶ ταῖς μὲν εὐτυχίαις ἐπ᾽ ἄλλας
, ’ a ἃ \ 4 « 4 /
χρώμενος ἀφορμαῖς, a δὲ ἔπταιεν ἑτέροις βουλό-
μενος ἀναπληροῦν πράγμασιν, οὔτε ἧτταν οὔτε
νίκην ὅρον ἐποιεῖτο τοῦ ταράττεσθαι καὶ ταράτ-
3 \ ΠῚ ’ 7 b] \ \ wv € \
τειν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἀνεζεύγνυεν ἐπὶ TO” Apyos. ὁ δὲ
\ \
"Apeus ἐνέδρας Te πολλὰς ὑφεὶς καὶ καταλαβὼν
A ig a ,
τὰ χαλεπώτατα τῆς ὁδοῦ περιέκοπτε τοὺς Ta-
\ » a
λάτας καὶ τοὺς Μολοσσοὺς ὀπισθοφυλακοῦντας.
ΤῊΝ Σ ll 7 , \ 9 a e a tr 7.)
ἢ δὲ Πύρρῳ προείρητο μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀλόβων
Ν la) i¢ , a
γενομένων ὑπὸ TOD μάντεως ἀποβολή τινος τῶν
\ \ A
ἀναγκαίων, Tapa δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τότε τῷ θορύβῳ
\ a , Ν Ν > \ 2 /
καὶ τῷ κινήματι TOV λογισμὸν ἐκκρουσθεὶς ἐκέ-
\ ΟΝ a \ e ,
λευσε τὸν υἱὸν Πτολεμαῖον λαβόντα τοὺς ἑταίρους
“ Ν a a aA
παραβοηθεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ θᾶττον ἐκ τῶν στενῶν
5 , Ν \ ς a ᾽ , \ \
ἐφελκόμενος THY στρατιὰν ὑπῆγεν. ὀξείας δὲ περὶ
446

PYRRHUS, xxix. 6—-xxx. 4

homes, since they no longer thought it meet to
busy themselves with the work of war, and the
men, after dismissing from their ranks those of
unmilitary age whom necessity had brought there,
arrayed themselves for battle.

XXX. Pyrrhus, too, was more than ever possessed
by a fierce ambition to become master of the city,
now that reinforcements had come to it; but since
he could accomplish nothing, and met with fresh
losses, he went away, and fell to ravaging the country,
purposing to spend the winter there. But Fate was
not to be escaped. For at Argos there was a feud
between Aristeas and Aristippus; and since Aris-
tippus was thought to enjoy the friendship of Anti-
gonus, Aristeas hastened to invite Pyrrhus into
Argos. Pyrrhus was always entertaining one hope
after another, and since he made one success but the
starting point for a new one, while he was deter-
mined to make good each disaster by ἃ fresh
undertaking, he suffered neither defeat nor victory
to put a limit to his troubling himself and
troubling others. At once, therefore, he broke camp
and set out for Argos. But Areus, by setting
frequent ambushes and occupying the most diffi-
cult points on the march, kept cutting off the Gauls
and Molossians who brought up the rear for Pyrrhus.

Now, it had been foretold to Pyrrhus by his seer,
in consequence of sacrifices where no liver could be
found, that he was to lose one of his kindred; but
here, unhappily, owing to the agitation and tumult
among his rear-guard, he forgot himself, and ordered
his son Ptolemy with his comrades to go to the
rescue, while he himself drew his army more quickly
out of the narrow pass and led them forward. A

pg “i

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

tov Πτολεμαῖον μάχης γενομένης, καὶ τῶν ἐπι-
λέκτων Λακεδαιμονίων, ὧν Εὔαλκος ἡγεῖτο, τοῖς
μαχομένοις πρὸ αὐτοῦ συμπλεκομένων, ἀνὴρ
πλήκτης καὶ δραμεῖν ὀξύς, | Ὄρυσσος ὄνομα, Κρὴς
᾿Απτεραῖος, ἐκ πλαγίου παραδραμὼν ἀγωνιξζό-
μενον ἐκθύμως τὸν νεανίσκον ἐπάταξε καὶ κατέ-
βαλε. πεσόντος δὲ ἐκείνου καὶ τροπῆς γενομένης
τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν, οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι διώκοντες καὶ
κρατοῦντες ἔλαθον εἰς τὸ πεδίον συνεμβαλόντες
καὶ ἀποληφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν, ἐφ᾽ Ods ὁ
Πύρρος ἄρτι τὸν θάνατον τοῦ παιδὸς ἀκηκοὼς
καὶ περιπαθῶν ἐπέστρεψε τοὺς ἱππεῖς τῶν
Μολοσσῶν. καὶ πρῶτος εἰσελάσας ἐνεπίμπλατο
φόνου τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἀεὶ μέν τις ἄμαχος καὶ
δεινὸς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις φαινόμενος, τότε δὲ ὑπερ-
βάλλων τόλμῃ καὶ βίᾳ τοὺς προτέρους ἀγῶνας.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπέβαλε τῷ Εὐάλκῳ τὸν ἵππον, ὁ μὲν ἐκ
πλαγίου παραστὰς μικρον ᾿ἐδέησε τῷ ξίφει. τὴν
ἐπὶ τῆς ἡνίας χεῖρα διακόψαι τοῦ Πύρρου, τὴν δὲ
ἡνίαν πατάξας ἀπέκοψεν. ὁ δὲ Πύρρος ἅμα τῇ
πληγῇ τοῦ δόρατος διελάσας ἐκεῖνον ἀπερρύη τοῦ
ἵππου, καὶ πεζὸς ἤδη πάντας ἐπὶ τῷ ὐώλκῳ
μαχομένους ἀπέκτεινε τοὺς λογάδας. καὶ μέγα
τοῦτο τῇ Σπάρτῃ παρανάλωμα τοῦ πολέμου πέ-
ρας ἔχοντος ἐποίησεν ἡ φιλοτιμία τῶν ἀρχόντων.

ΧΧΧΙ. Ὁ δὲ Πύρρος ὥσπερ ἐναγισμὸν τινα
τῷ παιδὶ τελέσας καὶ “λαμπρὸν ἐπιτάφιον. ἀγωνι-
σάμενος, καὶ πολὺ τῆς λύπης ἐν τῷ πρὸς τοὺς
πολεμίους ἀφεὶς θυμῷ, προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὸ "Apyos.
Kal τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον ἤδη πυνθανόμενος ἐπὶ τῶν
ἄκρων ὑπὲρ τοῦ πεδίου καθῆσθαι, περὶ τὴν Nav-

448

404

PYRRHUS, xxx. 4—xxx1. 1

fierce battle raged where Ptolemy was, and while a
band of picked Spartans under the command of
Evalcus engaged the soldiers who were fighting in
front of him, a man of stout arm and swift foot,
Oryssus by name, of Aptera in Crete, ran up on one ©
side of the young prince as he was fighting spiritedly,
smote him, and laid him low. Upon Ptolemy’s fall
and the rout of his company, the Spartans pursued,
carrying all before them, and before they were
aware of it had dashed out into the plain and
were cut off by the infantry of Pyrrhus. Against
this band of Spartans Pyrrhus, who had just heard of
the death of his son and was in anguish, turned his
Molossian horsemen. He himself charged at their
head, and sated himself with Spartan blood. He
had always shown himself invincible and terrible in
arms, but now his daring and might surpassed all
previous displays. When he set his horse upon
Evalcus, the Spartan stepped aside and had almost
cut off with his sword the bridle-hand of Pyrrhus; as
it was he hit the rein and severed it. Pyrrhus
transfixed the Spartan with a thrust of his spear, and
at the same instant fell off his horse, and fighting on
foot, at once proceeded to slay all the picked band
which was fighting over the body of Evaleus. This
great additional loss to Sparta when the war was
already at an end was due to the ambition of the
commanders.

XXXI. So Pyrrhus, after accomplishing as it were
an expiation for his son and celebrating his obsequies
with a brilliant contest, having also vented much of
his grief in his fury against the enemy, led his army
on towards Argos. And when he learned that
Antigonus was already posted on the heights com-

449

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πλίαν ἐστρατοπέδευσε. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ κήρυκα
πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον ἔπεμψε, λυμεῶνά τε καλῶν
καὶ προκαλούμενος εἰς τὸ πεδίον καταβάντα δια-
γωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας. ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο
τὴν μὲν αὑτοῦ στρατηγίαν οὐχ ὅπλων μᾶλλον ἢ
καιρῶν εἶναι, τῷ δὲ Πύρρῳ πολλὰς ὁδοὺς ἀνεω-
γέναι πρὸς θάνατον, εἰ ζῆν μὴ σχολάζει. πρὸς δὲ
ἀμφοτέρους πρέσβεις ἡ ἧκον ἐξ᾿ Ἄργους, ἀπαλλάτ-
τεσθαι δεόμενοι καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐᾶν μηδετέρου
γενομένην, εὔνουν δὲ οὖσαν ἀμφοτέροις. ὁ μὲν οὖν
᾿Αντίγονος ἐπείθετο καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐδίδου τοῖς
᾿Αργείοις ὅμηρον, ὁ δὲ Πύρρος ὡμολόγει μὲν ἀπαλ-
λαγήσεσθαι, μ μὴ παρέχων δὲ πίστιν ὑποπτότερος
ἣν.

Γίνεται δὲ σημεῖον αὐτῷ τε τῷ Πύρρῳ μέγα,
τῶν γὰρ βοῶν τεθυμένων αἱ κεφαλαὶ κείμεναι χω-
ρὶς ἤδη τάς τε γλώττας ὥφθησαν προβάλλουσαι
καὶ περιλιχμώμεναι τὸν ἑαυτῶν φόνον, ἐ ἔν τε τῇ
πόλει τῶν ᾿Αργείων ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις
᾿Απόλλωνος ἐξέδραμε βοῶσα νεκρῶν ὁρᾶν καὶ
φόνου κατάπλεω τὴν πόλιν, τὸν δ᾽ ἀετὸν ἐπὶ τὸν
ἀγῶνα ΧΩΡΘΌΙΤ αν εἶτα φροῦδον εἶναι.

XXXII. Σκότους δὲ πολλοῦ προσμίξας ὁ ὁ Πύρ-
ρος τοῖς τείχεσι, καὶ πύλην εὑρὼν ἣν “Διαμπερὲς
καλοῦσιν ἀνεῳγμένην ὑ ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αριστέου αὐτοῖς,
ἄχρι μὲν τοῦ παρεισπεσεῖν τοὺς Γαλάτας τοὺς
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν καταλαβεῖν ἐλάνθανε:
τῆς δὲ πύλης τοὺς ἐλέφαντας οὐ δεχομένης καὶ
διὰ τοῦτο τοὺς πύργους αὐτῶν ἀφαιρούντων, εἶτα
πάλιν ἐν σκότει καὶ θορύβῳ περιτιθέντων καὶ
γενομένης διατριβῆς, οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι συναισθόμενοι
πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ασπίδα καὶ τοὺς ὀχυροὺς τόπους

450

PYRRHUS, ΧΧΧΙ. 1—xxxi1. 1

manding the plain, he pitched his camp near Nauplia.
On the following day he sent a herald to Anti-
gonus, calling him a robber, and challenging him to
come down into the plain and fight with him for the
kingdom. But Antigonus replied that in conducting
a campaign he relied more upon opportunities than
upon arms, and that many roads to death lay open to
Pyrrhus if he was tired of life. And now to both
kings came ambassadors from Argos, entreating
them to go away and allow the city to be neutral,
but well-disposed towards both. Antigonus, accord-
ingly, consented, and gave his son to the Argives as
a hostage ; Pyrrhus also agreed to go away, but since
he gave no pledge, he remained under suspicion.

Moreover, Pyrrhus himself had a significant portent;
for the heads of his sacrificed cattle, though they
already lay apart from the bodies, were seen to put
out their tongues and lick up their own gore. And
besides this, in the city of Argos the priestess of
Apollo Lyceius ran forth from the temple crying
that she saw the city full of corpses and slaughter,
and that the eagle which visited the scene of combat
presently vanished away.

XXXII. At dead of night Pyrrhus came up to the
walls of the city, and finding that the gate called
Diamperes had been thrown open for them by
Aristeas, was undiscovered long enough for his Gauls
to enter the city and take possession of the market-
place. But the gate would not admit his elephants,
and therefore the towers had to be taken off their
backs and put on again when the animals were
inside, in darkness and confusion. This caused delay,
and the Argives, taking the alarm, ran up to the
Aspis and other strong places of the city, and sending

451

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

’ , \ \ » , 3 ΄ /
avéGeov, καὶ τὸν Avtiyovoy ἐκάλουν πέμποντες.
ς \ ’ \ \ ’ \ ᾽ ’ / \
0 δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐγγὺς προσελάσας ἐφήδρευε, τοὺς
\ €
δὲ στρατηγοὺς Kal Tov υἱὸν εἰσέπεμψε συχνὴν
2 y ae \ A Ὑ 54
βοήθειαν ἄγοντας. ἧκε δὲ καὶ “Apeus ἔχων χι-
λίους Κρῆτας καὶ Σπαρτιάτας τοὺς ἐλαφροτάτους.
\ ΄, Ὁ a f , 2
καὶ πάντες ἅμα τοῖς αλάταις προσβαλοντες εἰς
\ Ld ΄ ᾽ 7 e \ Vy
πολὺν θόρυβον κατέστησαν αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ Πύρρος
εἰσιὼν μετ᾽ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καὶ βοῆς παρὰ τὴν
Κυλάραβιν, ὡς οἱ Γαλάται τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἀντη-
λάλαξαν οὐκ ἰταμὸν οὐδὲ θαρραλέον, εἴκασε
MN ΄
ταραττομένων εἶναι τὴν φωνὴν καὶ πονούντων.
lol na lal \ x lal “ὦ,
ἐπῆγεν οὖν θᾶττον, ὠθῶν τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ τῶν
A a al ,
ἱππέων δυσοδοῦντας ἐν τοῖς ὀχετοῖς, ὧν ἡ πόλις
ἐστὶ μεστή, καὶ κινδυνεύοντας. ἣν δὲ καὶ ἀσάφεια
a \ iZ
πολλὴ TOV δρωμένων καὶ παραγγελλομένων ἐν νυκ-
τομαχίᾳ, καὶ πλάναι καὶ διασπασμοὶ περὶ τοὺς
\
στενωπούς, καὶ στρατηγίας οὐδὲν ἔργον ὑπὸ σκό-
\ A > , \ , b \ ,ὔ
τους καὶ βοῆς ἀκρίτου καὶ στενότητος, ἀλλὰ διέ-
» ΄ » , \ e »
τριβον ἄλλως περίμένοντες ἀμφότεροι τὴν ἡμέραν.
by bd \
Ἢ δη δὲ διαλάμποντος ἥ τε ᾿Ασπὶς ὅπλων
/ 2 a \ ,
περίπλεως πολεμίων ὀφθεῖσα τὸν Πύρρον διε-
τάραξε, καὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐν πολλοῖς ἀναθήμασι
κατιδὼν λύκον χαλκοῦν καὶ ταῦρον οἷον εἰς μάχην
by , / > / If ΕἾ
ἀλλήλοις συνιόντας ἐξεπλάγη, χρησμον τινα πρὸς
ἑαυτὸν ἀνενεγκὼν παλαιόν, ὡς ἀποθανεῖν αὐτῷ
¢ / , ,
πεπρωμένον ὅταν λύκον ἴδῃ ταύρῳ μαχόμενον.
“ a / n
ταῦτα δὲ ᾿Αργεῖοι πάθους ὑπομνήματα παλαιοῦ

452

PYRRHUS, xxxu. 1-5

to Antigonus called upon him for help. Antigonus
marched up close to the city, and lying in wait there
himself, sent his generals and his son inside with a
considerable relief-force. Areus also came, with a
thousand Cretans and Spartans (the most lightly
armed). All these troops united in an assault upon
the Gauls and threw them into great confusion. And
Pyrrhus, who now entered the city with shouts and
cries by way of Cylarabis,! noticed that the Gauls did
not answer his men with any vigour or courage, and
therefore conjectured that their response was that of
men confounded and in distress. Accordingly, he
led on faster, pushing along the horsemen in front of
him, who were making their way with difficulty
among the water-conduits, of which the city is full, and
were in peril of their lives from them. And now, in
this night-battle, there was great uncertainty as to
what commands were given and how the commands
were carried out; men straggled and lost their way
among the narrow streets, and generalship was of no
avail owing to the darkness, confused shouting, and
confined spaces; both parties therefore were unable
to accomplish anything and waited for the day.

But when at last it began to grow light, the sight
of the Aspis filled with armed enemies greatly dis-
turbed Pyrrhus; moreover, among the numerous
votive-offerings in the market-place he caught sight
of a wolf and bull in bronze, represented as closing
with one another in battle, and he was dumbfounded,
for he called to mind an ancient oracle regarding
himself which declared that it was fated for him to
die when he saw a wolf fighting with a bull. Now,
the Argives say that these figures were set up in

1 A gymnasium just outside the city towards the East.

453

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A 2 3 a , A , 4
γενενῆσθαι Tap αὐτοῖς λέγουσι. Δαναῷ yap, ὅτε
n Lal N a
πρῶτον ἐπέβη τῆς χώρας κατὰ Ta ΠΠΙυράμια τῆς
Θυρεάτιδος, εἰς Apyos πορευομένῳ λύκον φανῆναι
ΡΎ μέυς
., €
ταύρῳ μαχόμενον" θέμενον δὲ Tov Δαναὸν ws ὁ
4 \ ral A
λύκος εἴη πρὸς αὐτοῦ (ξένον yap ὄντα τοῖς ἐγχω-
,7ὔ ’ / / 3 ’ 3 lal \
plows ἐπιτίθεσθαι καθάπερ αὐτόν), ἐφορᾶν τὴν
/ 3, A 4 / >] ’
μάχην, καὶ τοῦ λύκου κρατήσαντος Αποόλλωνι
᾽ὔ A
Λυκείῳ προσευξάμενον ἐπιχειρῆσαι καὶ περι-
/ ’ ὔ lal 9 ,
γενέσθαι, στάσει l'eXavopos, ὃς τότε τῶν ᾿Αργείων
ἐβασίλευεν, ἐκπεσόντος. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀνάθημα
τοῦτον εἶχε τὸν λόγον.
id
XXXIII. Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ὁ Πύρρος ἅμα καὶ
ΩΝ \ -πτ yy J “ > lal 3 ,
TO μηδὲν ὧν ἤλπιξε προχωρεῖν ἀθυμῶν ἀναστρέ-
wn »
φειν διενοεῖτο' τὰς δὲ πύλας στενὰς οὔσας φο-
vA 7 \ \ CN ef \ -“3ἅμ
βούμενος ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν viov” EXevov μετὰ τῆς
πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἔξω καταλελειμμένον, κελεύων
“ \ /
τοῦ τείχους διασκάπτειν Kal δέχεσθαι τοὺς ἐκπίπ-
TOVTAS, ἂν ἐνοχλῶσιν οἱ πολέμιοι. σπουδῇ δὲ καὶ
΄-“ 7,
θορύβῳ τοῦ πεμφθέντος οὐδὲν σαφὲς ἀπαγγέλλον-
\ \ rn ,
TOS, ἀλλὰ Kal διαμαρτίας γενομένης, TOV θηρίων τὰ
\
λοιπὰ Kal στρατιώτας ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς κρατίστους
« n wn n
ὁ νεανίσκος εἴσω διὰ τῶν πυλῶν ἐχώρει TO πατρὶ
θ 7] » δὲ € II / >] i "ὃ \
βοηθήσων. ἔτυχε δὲ ὁ Πύρρος ἀναστρέφων ἤδη. καὶ
μέχρι μὲν ἡ ἀγορὰ παρεῖχεν ὑπεξάγοντι χώραν καὶ
7 a
μαχομένῳ, ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἠμύνετο τοὺς ἐπιφερο-
/ \ fol an
μένους" ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς els τὸν στενωπὸν
ἐξωσθεὶς τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἀνήκοντα συνέπιπτε
τοῖς ἐπιβοηθοῦσιν ἐξ ἐναντίας προσφερομένοις, οἱ

1 ἤλπιζε Coraés, Bekker, and Blass, with the MSS.: ἤλπισε.
454

405

PYRRHUS, ΧΧΧΙΙ. 5-xxxi1l. 3

their market-place as memorials of an ancient event.
Namely, when Danaiis first landed in the country,
near Pyramia in the district of Thyreatis, and was on
his way to Argos, he saw a wolf fighting with a bull;
and conceiving that he himself was represented by
the wolf (since both were strangers and were attack-
ing the natives), he watched the battle to its end,
and when the wolf had prevailed, paid his vows to
Apollo Lyceius (the wolf-god), attacked the city,
and was victorious, after Gelanor, who was at that
time king of Argos, had been driven out by a
faction. This, then, was the significance of the
dedication.!

XXXIII. Dejected at this sight, as well as because
none of his hopes were being realized, Pyrrhus
purposed to retreat ; but fearing the narrowness of
the gates he sent to his son Helenus, who had been
left outside the city with the greater part of the
forces, ordering him to tear down part of the wall
and succour those who rushed out through the breach,
in case the enemy molested them. Owing to the
haste and tumult, however, the messenger brought
no clear orders, but actually made a mistake, and the
young prince, taking the rest of the elephants and
the best of his soldiers, marched through the gate
into the city to help his father. But Pyrrhus was
already on the retreat. And as long as the market-
place afforded him room for withdrawing and fighting,
he would turn and repel his assailants; but after he
had been driven out of the market-place into the
narrow street which led up to the gate, and en-
countered those who were rushing to his aid from
the opposite direction, some of these could not hear

1 Cf. Pausanias, ii. 19, 3.

455

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A a A \
μὲν οὐχ ὑπήκουον ὑποχωρεῖν βοῶντος αὐτοῦ, TOUS
/
δὲ καὶ πάνυ προθύμους ὄντας εἶργον οἱ κατόπιν
a , \ \ ς /
ἀπὸ τῆς πύλης ἐπιχεόμενοι. καὶ yap ὁ μέγιστος
’ / b a ΄, , N \
ἐλέφας ἐν TH πύλῃ πλάγιος παραπεσὼν καὶ βρυ-
A / ἈΝ
χώμενος ἐμποδὼν ἔκειτο τοῖς ἀποτρεπομένοις, καὶ
a ’ , @ hi > 5
τῶν προεισεληλυθότων ἕτερος, ᾧ Νίκων ὄνομα ἣν,
\ A
ἀπορρυέντα TOV ἐπιστάτην ὑπὸ τραυμάτων ζητῶν
a Ν ’ a
ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ φερόμενος πρὸς τοὐναντίον τοῖς
ς “ , “ “ id ς- a \ /
ὑπεξάγουσιν, ἀνέμιξε φίλους ὁμοῦ καὶ πολεμίους
’ » e τὰ > “ \ / ’ ΄
ὠθουμένους UT αὐτοῦ καὶ περιέπιπτον ἀλλήλοις,
/ A ,
ἕως εὑρὼν νεκρὸν ἀνείλετο TH προβοσκίδι, καὶ
a 3 A 2 , e \ > /
τοῖς ὀδοῦσιν ἀμφοτέροις ὑπολαβὼν ἀνέστρεφε
» 4
πάλιν ὥσπερ ἐμμανής, ἀνατρέπων καὶ διαφθείρων
,
τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας. οὕτω δὲ θλιβομένων καὶ
, Nats 2 ἼΣΑ ιν ες a
συμπιλουμένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἑαυτῷ
᾽ “ A Ν 9 3 ’ ef A
καθ᾽ ἕνα χρῆσθαι δυνατὸς ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ Ev
n ῇ A a aA
σῶμα συγγεγομφωμένον ἑαυτῷ TO πᾶν πλῆθος
\ ΄ ᾽
ἐλάμβανε πολλὰς ἀποκλίσεις καὶ μεταβολὰς ἐπ
3 ,
ἀμφότερα. Kal μάχαι μὲν ἦσαν ὀλίγαι πρὸς τοὺς
a ,
ἐναπολαμβανομένους ἀεὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἢ προσ-
, 5) a Ἧ \ 4
κειμένους ὄπισθεν, πλεῖστα δὲ ἑαυτοὺς εἰργά-
΄ \ \ / Xx ,
ζοντο κακά. σπασάμενον yap τὸ ξίφος ἢ κλίναντα
λόγχην οὐκ ἣν ἀναλαβεῖν οὐδὲ καταθέσθαι πάλιν,
᾽ Ν aA
arr ἐχώρει δι᾿ ὧν ἔτυχε TA τοιαῦτα πάντα, καὶ
΄ > U4 »
περιπίπτοντες ἀλλήλοις ἔθνησκον.
«ς nA \
XXXIV. ὋὉ δὲ Πύρρος ἐφορῶν τὸν περιέχοντα
a \ \
χειμῶνα Kal κλύδωνα, THY μὲν στεφάνην, ἧ διά-
5 \ , » \ ” , A e 7
σημον ἣν τὸ κράνος, ἀφελὼν ἔδωκέ τινι τῶν ἑταί-
\ \ aA an
ρων, αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἵππῳ πεποιθῶς εἰς τοὺς

456

PYRRHUS, xxxi. 3-xxxIv. 1

him when he called out to them to withdraw, and
those who did, even though they were very ready to
obey him, were kept from doing so by those who were
pouring in behind them from the gate. For the
largest of the elephants had fallen athwart the gate-
way! and lay there roaring, in the way of those who
would have turned back; and another elephant, one
of those which had gone on into the city, Nicon by
name, seeking to recover his rider, who had fallen
from his back in consequence of wounds, and dashing
in the face of those who were trying to get out,
crowded friends and foes alike together in a pro-
miscuous throng, until, having found the body of his
master, he took it up with his proboscis, laid it across
his two tusks, and turned back as if crazed, over-
throwing and killing those who came in his way. Thus
crushed and matted together not a man of them could
act at all for himself, but the whole multitude, bolted
together, as it were, into one body, kept rolling
and swaying this way and that. Little fighting
could be done against those of the enemy who were
continually being caught up into their ranks or
attacking them from the rear, and they wrought
most harm to themselves. For when a man had
drawn his sword or poised his spear, he could not
recover or sheathe his weapon again, but it would
pass through those who stood in its way, and so they
died from one another’s blows.

XXXIV. But Pyrrhus, seeing the stormy sea that
surged about him, took off the coronal, with which
his helmet was distinguished, and gave it to one of
his companions ; then, relying on his horse, he
plunged in among the enemy who were pursuing

1 « De travers tout au beau milieu de la porte” (Amyot).

457

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἑπομένους τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέβαλε, καὶ δόρατι
πληγεὶς διὰ τοῦ θώρακος οὐ καιρίαν πληγὴν οὐδὲ
μεγάλην ἐπέστρεψε κατὰ τοῦ πατάξαντος, ὃ ὃς ἣν
᾿Αργεῖος, οὐ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ πενιχρᾶς καὶ
πρεσβυτέρας υἱὸς γυναικός. αὕτη τότε θεω-
μένη τὴν μάχην ὥσπερ αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες ἀπὸ
τοῦ τέγους, ὡς ἐπέγνω συνεστῶτα τῷ Πύρρῳ τὸν
υἱόν, ἐκπαθὴς γενομένη πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, a ἄρασα
κεραμίδα ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ἀφῆκεν ἐπὶ τὸν
Πύρρον. ἐμπεσούσης δὲ τῇ κεφαλῇ κατὰ τοῦ
κράνους, καὶ τῶν σφονδύλων πρὸς τὴν βάσιν τοῦ
τραχήλου συντριβέντων, αἵ τε ὄψεις συνεχύθησαν
\
αὐτοῦ Kal προήκαντο τὰς ἡνίας αἱ χεῖρες. αὐτὸς
δὲ κατενεχθεὶς παρὰ τὸν τοῦ ,Δικυμνίου σηκὸν
ἔπεσεν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἀγνοούμενος. Ζώπυρος
δέ τις τῶν παρὰ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ στρατευομένων καὶ
δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἕτεροι προσδραμόντες καὶ κατανοή-
σαντες εἴς τινα θυρῶνα παρείλκυσαν αὐτὸν ἀρ-
χόμενον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀναφέρεσθαι. σπασαμένου
δὲ τοῦ Ζωπύρου μάχαιραν ᾿Ιλλυρικὴν ὡς τὴν
κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμοῦντος ἐνέβλεψε δεινόν, ὥστε τὸν
Zomupov περίφοβον γενόμενον, καὶ τὰ μὲν τρέ-
μοντα ταῖς χερσί, τὰ δὲ ἐ ἐπιχειροῦντα, θορύβου δὲ
καὶ ταραχῆς HET TOV ὄντα, μὴ κατ᾽ ὀρθόν, ἀλλὰ
παρὰ τὸ στόμα καὶ τὸ γένειον ἀποτέμνοντα βρα-
δέως καὶ μόλις ἀποσπάσαι τὴν κεφαλήν. ἤδη δὲ
σύνδηλον ἦν τὸ γεγονὸς πλείοσι, καὶ προσδραμὼν
ὁ ᾿Αλκυονεὺς ἤἥτησε τὴν κεφαλὴν ὡς ἂν κατανοή-
σων. λαβὼν δὲ ἀφίππευσε πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, καὶ
καθεζομένῳ μετὰ τῶν φίλων προσέβαλε. θεασά-
μενος δὲ καὶ γνοὺς ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος τὸν μὲν υἱὸν

458

406

PYRRHUS, xxxiv. 1-4

him. Here he was wounded by a spear which pierced
his breastplate—not a mortal, nor even a severe
wound—and turned upon the man who had struck
him, who was an Argive, not of illustrious birth, but
the son of a poor old woman. His mother, like the
rest of the women, was at this moment watching the
battle from the house-top, and when she saw that
her son was engaged in conflict with Pyrrhus, she
was filled with distress in view of the danger to him,
and lifting up a tile with both her hands threw it at
Pyrrhus. It fell upon his head below his helmet and
crushed the vertebrae at the base of his neck, so
that his sight was blurred and his hands dropped the
reins. Then he sank down from his horse and fell
near the tomb of Licymnius,! unrecognised by most
who saw him. But a certain Zopyrus, who was
serving under Antigonus, and two or three others,
ran up to him, saw who he was, and dragged him
into a door-way just as he was beginning to recover
from the blow. And when Zopyrus drew an Illyrian
short-sword with which to cut off his head, Pyrrhus
gave him a terrible look, so that Zopyrus was
frightened ; his hands trembled, and yet he essayed
the deed; but being full of alarm and confusion
his blow did not fall true, but along the mouth
and chin, so that it was only slowly and with
difficulty that he severed the head. Presently what
had happened was known to many, and Alcyoneus,
running to the spot, asked for the head as if he
would see whose it was. But when he had got it he
rode away to his father, and cast it down before him
as he sat among his friends. Antigonus, however,
when he saw and recognised the head, drove his son

1 Cf. Pausanias, ii. 22, 8.

459

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπήλασε τῇ βακτηρίᾳ παίων καὶ καλῶν ἐναγῆ
καὶ βάρβαρον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν χλαμύδα προθέμενος
τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐδάκρυσεν, ᾿Αντιγόνου τοῦ πάππου
μνησθεὶς καὶ Δημητρίου τοῦ πατρός, οἰκείων
παραδειγματων εἰς τύχης μεταβολήν.

δ Τὴν μὲν οὖν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Πύρρου
κοσμήσας ἔκαυσεν" ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ᾿Αλκυονεὺς τῷ
“EXévo περιτυχὼν ταπεινῷ καὶ χλαμύδιον λιτὸν
ἀμπεχομένῳ φιλανθ ὦπως ἐνέτυχε καὶ τῷ πατρὶ
προσήγαγεν, ἰδὼν ὁ Ἀντίγονος ἡ Βελτίονα μέν,
εἶπεν, “ὦ παῖ, ταῦτα τῶν προτέρων," arr οὐδὲ
νῦν ὀρθῶς τῷ μὴ περιελεῖν τὴν ἐσθῆτα ταύτην, ἣ
μᾶλλον ἡ ἡμᾶς καταισχύνει τοὺς κρατεῖν δοκοῦντας."

6 ἐκ τούτου φιλοφρονησάμενος καὶ κοσμήσας τὸν
“Ελενον ἀπέστειλεν εἰς Ἤπειρον, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις
τοῦ Πύρρου πρᾷως ἐνετύγχανε τοῦ στρατοπέδου
καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως πάσης κύριος γενόμενος.

* προτέρων Bekker adopts the πρότερον of Muretus,

460

PYRRHUS, xxxiv. 4-6

away, smiting him with his staff and calling him
impious and barbarous ; then, covering his face with
his cloak he burst into tears, calling to mind Antigonus
his grandfather and Demetrius his father, who were
examples in his own family of a reversal of fortune.
The head and body of Pyrrhus, then, Antigonus
caused to be adorned for burial and burned; and
when Alcyoneus found Helenus in an abject state
and wearing a paltry cloak, and spoke to him kindly
and brought him into the presence of his father,
Antigonus was pleased with his conduct, and said:
“ This is better, my son, than what thou didst before ;
but not even now hast thou done well in allowing
this clothing to remain, which is a disgrace the
rather to us who are held to be the victors.’”” Then,
after showing kindness to Helenus and adorning his
person, he sent him back to Epeirus, and he dealt
mildly with the friends of Pyrrhus when he became
master of their camp and of their whole force.

461

᾿οινοόνα ἴων ἐλευ λανε θεν γλοηλϑολοθιν ie 3

ΕΟ.

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ann τον δῖα. noe Gear

ite αν 577

CAIUS MARIUS

PAIO2 MAPIOZ

I. Γαΐου Μαρίου τρίτον οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν
ὄνομα, καθάπερ οὐδὲ Κοίντου Σερτωρίου τοῦ
κατασχόντος ᾿Ιβηρίαν, οὐδὲ Λευκίου Μομμίου
τοῦ Κόρινθον ἑλόντος" ὃ γὰρ ᾿Αχαϊκὸς τούτῳ γε
τ πράξεως “ἐπώνυμον γέγονεν, ὡς ὁ ᾿Αφρικανὸς
Σκηπίωνι καὶ ὁ Μακεδονικὸς Μετέλλῳ. ἐξ οὗ καὶ
μάλιστα ἸΠοσειδώνιος ἐλέγχειν οἴεται τοὺς τὸ

, 5
τρίτον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις κύριον εἶναι νομίζοντας,

Φ \ rr \ \ / \ \
οἷον Tov Κάμιλλον καὶ tov Μάρκελλον καὶ τὸν
Κάτωνα: γίνεσθαι γὰρ ἂν ἀνωνυμους " τοὺς ἀπὸ
μόνων τῶν δυεῖν προσαγορευομένους. λανθάνει
δὲ ἑαυτὸν ὅτι τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ πάλιν αὐτὸς ἀνω-
νύμους ποιεῖ ” τὰς γυναῖκας" οὐδεμιᾷ γὰρ γυναικὶ
τίθεται τῶν ὀνομάτων τὸ πρῶτον, ὅπερ οἴεται
κυρίως ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος.
τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τὸ μὲν κοινὸν ἀπὸ συγγενείας, τοὺς
Πομπηΐους καὶ τοὺς Μαλλίους καὶ τοὺς Κορνηλ-
/ ee x GS , y \
iovs (ὥσπερ ἂν Hpakndetdas τις εἴποι καὶ []ελο-
πίδας), τοῦτο δὲ προσηγορικὸν ἐξ ἐπιθέτου πρὸς
τὰς φύσεις ἢ τὰς πράξεις ἢ τὰ τοῦ σώματος εἴδη

\ / / \ A Ν
καὶ πάθη τίθεσθαι, τὸν Μακρῖνον καὶ τὸν Τουρ-

a \ \ ye: ie > Ag ΄ A
KovaTov Kat Tov Σύλλαν (οἷον ἐστιν o Μνήμων ἢ
ς Ἢ Ν Ἃ id / ’ \ ω fal
ὁ Τρυπὸς ἢ ὁ Καλλίνικος). εἰς μὲν οὖν ταῦτα

1 ἂν ἀνωνύμους Ziegler, after Schaefer: ἀνωνύμους.
2 ποιεῖ Bekker and Ziegler, after Coraés: ποιεῖται.

464

CAIUS MARIUS

I. Or a third name for Caius Marius we are
ignorant, as we are in the case of Quintus Sertorius
the subduer of Spain, and of Lucius Mummius the
captor of Corinth ; tor Mummius received the surname
of Achaicus from his great exploit, as Scipio received
that of Africanus, and Metellus that of Macedonicus.
From this circumstance particularly Poseidonius
thinks to confute those who hold that the third name
is the Roman proper name, as, for instance, Camillus,
Marcellus, or Cato; tor if that were so, he says, then
those with only two names would have had no proper
name at all. But it escapes his notice that his own
line of reasoning, if extended to women, robs them
of their proper names; for no woman is given the
first name, which Poseidonius thinks was the proper
name among the Romans. Moreover, of the other
two names, one was common to the whole family, as
in the case of the Pompeii, the Manlii, or the Cornelii
(just as a Greek might speak of the Heracleidae or
the Pelopidae), and the other was a cognomen or
epithet, given with reference to their natures or
their actions, or to their bodily appearances or defects,
Macrinus, for example, or Torquatus, or Sulla (like the
Greek Mnemon, Grypus, or Callinicus).1_ However,

1 The full name of a Roman citizen consisted of a praeno-
men (the ‘‘ given,” or ‘* proper” name), a nomen designating
his family or gens, and a cognomen, which was also heredi-

ditary. Women rarely had a praeuomen, or ‘‘ proper”
name, but bore the family name only.

465

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πολλὰς δίδωσιν ἐπιχειρήσεις ἡ τῆς συνηθείας
ἀνωμαλία.
11. Τῆς δὲ ὄψεως τῆς Μαρίου λιθίνην εἰκόνα
« fol ’
κειμένην ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ τῆς Γαλατίας ἐθεώμεθα
A Nes.
πάνυ TH λεγομένῃ περὶ TO ἦθος στρυφνότητι Kal
,ὕ , ᾽ , \ ,
πικρίᾳ πρέπουσαν. ἀνδρώδης yap φύσει καὶ
Ν , \ A a a
πολεμικὸς YEVOMEVOS, καὶ στρατιωτικῆς μᾶλλον ἢ
πολιτικῆς παιδείας μεταλαβών, ἄκρατον ἐν ταῖς
3 ,ὔ Ν \ » / \ / Ἂς
ἐξουσίαις τὸν θυμὸν ἔσχε. λέγεται δὲ μήτε γράμ-
a «ς \ / 4 \ \
ματα μαθεῖν ᾿Ελληνικὰ μήτε γλώττῃ πρὸς μηδὲν
λληνίδε yphoOae πᾶ τς:
ηνίδι χρῆσθαι τῶν σπουδῆς ἐχομένων, ὡς
γελοῖον γράμματα μανθάνειν ὧν οἱ διδάσκαλοι
δουλεύοιεν ἑτέροις: μετὰ δὲ τὸν δεύτερον θρίαμ-
SEN A Wi / ¢ \
Bov ἐπὶ ναοῦ τινος καθιερώσει θέας ᾿Ελληνικὰς
, ᾽ \ , > \ ᾿ ΄ ,
παρέχων, εἰς TO θέατρον ἐλθὼν καὶ μόνον καθίσας
3 \ > a ef 9 =— ie a
εὐθὺς ἀπαλλαγῆναι. ὥσπερ οὖν Ἐενοκράτει TO
, / A NN 9 “
φιλοσόφῳ σκυθρωποτέρῳ δοκοῦντι τὸ ἦθος εἶναι
πολλάκις εἰώθει λέγειν ὁ Πλάτων, “ἾὮ, μακάριε
Eevoxpates, θῦε ταῖς Χάρισιν, οὕτως εἴ τις ἔπεισε
Μάριον θύειν ταῖς ᾿λληνικαῖς Μούσαις καὶ
Χάρισιν, οὐκ ἂν ἐκπρεπεστάταις στρατηγίαις καὶ
πολιτείαις ἀμορφοτάτην ἐπέθηκε κορωνίδα, ὑπὸ
θυμοῦ καὶ φιλαρχίας ἀώρου καὶ πλεονεξιῶν ἀπα-
ρηγορήτων εἰς ὠμότατον καὶ ἀγριώτατον γῆρας
ἐξοκείλας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων αὐτῶν
εὐθὺς θεωρείσθω.
1Π|. Γενόμενος δὲ γονέων παντάπασιν ἀδόξων,
αὐτουργῶν δὲ καὶ πενήτων, πατρὸς μὲν ὁμωνύμου,
μητρὸς δὲ Φουλκινίας, ὀψέ ποτε πόλιν εἶδε καὶ

466

407

CAIUS MARIUS, 1. 3-11. 1

in these matters the irregularity of custom furnishes
many topics for discussion.

II. As for the persona] appearance of Marius, we
have seen a marble statue of him at Ravenna in Gaul,
and it very well portrays the harshness and bitter-
ness of character which are ascribed to him. For
since he was naturally virile and fond of war, and
since he received a training in military rather than
in civil life, his temper was fierce when he came to
exercise authority. Moreover, we are told that he
never studied Greek literature, and never used the
Greek language for any matter of real importance,
thinking it ridiculous to study a literature the
teachers of which were the subjects of another
people ; and when, after his second triumph and at
the consecration of some temple, he furnished the
public with Greek spectacles, though he came into
the theatre, he merely sat down, and at once went
away. Accordingly, just as Plato was wont to say
often to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had the
reputation of being rather morose in his disposition,
“« My good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces,” so if
Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the
Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the
ugliest possible crown upon a most illustrious career
in field and forum, nor have been driven by the
blasts of passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable
greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old
age. However, his actual career shall at once bring
this into clear view.

III. Born of parents who were altogether obscure
—poor people who lived by the labour of their own
hands (Marius was his father’s name, Fulcinia that of
his mother), it was not till late that he saw the city

467

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

τῶν ἐν πόλει διατριβῶν ἐγεύσατο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον
χρόνον ἐν κώμῃ Κιρραιάτωνι τῆς ᾿Αρπίνης δίαιταν
εἶχε, πρὸς μὲν ἀστεῖον καὶ γχαφυρὸν βίον ἀγροι-
κοτέραν, σώφρονα δὲ καὶ ταῖς πάλαι Ῥωμαίων
τροφαῖς ἐοικυῖαν. πρώτην δὲ στρατείαν στρα-
τευσάμενος ἐπὶ Κελτίβηρας, ὅτε Σκηπίων ᾿Αφρι-
κανὸς Νομαντίαν ἐπολιόρκει, τὸν στρατηγὸν οὐκ
ἐλάνθανεν ἀνδρείᾳ τῶν ἄλλων νέων διαφέρων καὶ
τὴν μεταβολὴν τῆς διαίτης, ἣν ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ
πολυτελείας διεφθαρμένοις ἐπῆγε τοῖς στρατεύ-
μασιν ὁ Σκηπίων, εὐκολώτατα προσδεχόμενος.
λέγεται δὲ καὶ πολέμιον ἄνδρα συστὰς κατα-
βαλεῖν ἐν ὄψει τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. διὸ ταῖς τε ἄλλαις
προήγετο τιμαῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καί ποτε λόγου μετὰ
δεῖπνον ἐμπεσόντος ὑπὲρ στρατηγῶν, καὶ τῶν
παρόντων ἑνὸς εἴτε ἀληθῶς διαπορήσαντος εἴτε
πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐρομένου τὸν Σκηπίωνα τίνα δὴ
τοιοῦτον ἕξει μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ προστάτην
ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, ὑπερκατακειμένου τοῦ Μαρίου
τῇ χειρὶ τὸν ὦμον ἠρέμα πατάξας ὁ Σκηπίων,
“ Taya δὲ τοῦτον," εἶπεν. οὕτως εὐφυὴς ἣν ὁ μὲν
ἐκ μειρακίου φανῆναι μέγας, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς
τὸ τέλος νοῆσαι.

IV. Τὸν δ᾽ οὖν Μάριον ὑπὸ ταύτης λέγεται
μάλιστα τῆς φωνῆς, ὥσπερ ὑπὸ θείας κλῃδόνος,
ἐπαρθέντα ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πολι-
τείαν, καὶ τυχεῖν δημαρχίας Κεκιλίον Μετέλλου

468

CAIUS MARIUS, ur. 1-1v. 1

or got ataste of city ways. Inthe meantime he lived
at Cirrhaeaton,! a village in the territory of Arpinum,
in a manner that was quite rude when compared
with the polished life of a city, but temperate, and
in harmony with the rearing which the ancient
Romans gave their children. His first service as a
soldier was in a campaign against the Celtiberians,
when Scipio Africanus was besieging Numantia,? and
he attracted the notice of his general by excelling
the other young men in bravery, and by his very
cheerful acceptance of the changed regimen which
Scipio introduced into his army when it was spoiled
by luxury and extravagance. It is said, too, that he
encountered and laid low an enemy in the sight of
his general. Therefore he was advanced by his
commander to many honours; and once, when the
talk after supper had to do with generals, and one
of the company (either because he really wished to
know or merely sought to please) asked Scipio where
the Roman people would find any such chieftain and
leader to follow him, Scipio, gently tapping Marius
on the shoulder as he reclined next him, said :
“Here, perhaps.” So gifted by nature were both
men ; the one in showing himself great while still a
young man, and the other in discerning the end
from the beginning.

IV. So, then, Marius, filled with high hopes, we
are told, by this speech of Scipio in particular, as if
it were a divine utterance in prophecy, set out upon
a political career, and was made tribune of the
people? with the assistance of Caecilius Metellus, of

1 Probably a corruption for Cereatae.
2 134-133 B.o.
ὃ In 119 B.0., at the age of thirty-eight.

469

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σπουδάσαντος, οὗ τὸν οἶκον ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ πατρό-
θεν ἐθεράπευεν. ἐν δὲ τῇ δημαρχίᾳ νόμον τινὰ
περὶ ψηφοφορίας γράφοντος αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντα τῶν
δυνατῶν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὴν περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἰσχύν,
ἐνιστάμενος Κόττας ὁ ὕπατος συνέπεισε τὴν βου-
λὴν τῷ μὲν νόμῳ μάχεσθαι, τὸν δὲ Μάριον καλεῖν
λόγον. ὑφέξοντα. καὶ τοῦ δόγματος τούτου γρα-
φέντος εἰσελθὼν ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔπαθε νέου πάθος ἀπὸ
μηδενὸς λαμπροῦ προεληλυθότος ἄρτι πρὸς τὴν
πολιτείαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑαυτῷ διδοὺς ἤδη φρονεῖν ἡλίκον
αἱ μετέπειτα πράξεις ἔδωκαν, ἠπείλησε τὸν Kor-
ταν ἀπάξειν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, εἰ μὴ διαγράψειε
τὸ δόγμα. τοῦ δὲ πρὸς Μέτελλον. τραπομένου καὶ
γνώμην ἐρωτῶντος, Μέτελλος μὲν ἀναστὰς συν-
ηγόρει τῷ ὑπάτῳ, Μάριος δὲ τὸν ὑπηρέτην μετα-
πεμψάμενος, ἔξωθεν ἐκέλευεν ἀπάγειν αὐτὸν τὸν
Μέτελλον εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. ἐκείνου δὲ τοὺς
ἄλλους ἐπικαλουμένου δημάρχους ἐβοήθει μὲν
οὐδείς, ἡ ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος εἴξασα προήκατο τὸ δόγμα.
καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐξελάσας ὁ Μάριος εἰς τὸ πλῆθος
ἐκύρωσε τὸν νόμον, δόξας ΄ἄκαμπτος μὲν εἶναι
πρὸς φόβον, ἄτρεπτος δὲ ὑπ᾽ αἰδοῦς, δεινὸς δὲ
κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀνίστασθαι χάριτι τῶν πολλῶν
δημαγωγῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν ταχέως
μετέστησεν ἑτέρῳ πολιτεύματι τὴν δόξαν. νόμου
γὰρ εἰσφερομένου περὶ σίτου διανομῆς τοῖς πολί-
ταις ἐναντιωθεὶς ἐρρωμενέστατα καὶ κρατήσας,
εἰς τὸ ἴσον ἑαυτὸν κατέστησε, τῇ τιμῇ πρὸς
ἀμφοτέρους ὡς μηδετέροις παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον
χορ τ τ ως

. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν δημαρχίαν ἀγορανομίαν τὴν
eae παρήγγειλε. δύο yap εἰσι τάξεις ayo-

470

408

CAIUS MARIUS, tv. 1-v. 1

whose house he had always been an_ hereditary
adherent. While serving as tribune he introduced a
law concerning the mode of voting, which, as it was
thought, would lessen the power of the nobles in
judicial cases; whereupon Cotta the consul opposed
him and persuaded the senate to contest the law,
and to summon Marius before it to explain his pro-
cedure. The senate voted to do this, and Marius
appeared before it. He did not, however, behave
like a young man who had just entered political life
without any brilliant services behind him, but
assumed at once the assurance which his subsequent
achievements gave him, and threatened to hale Cotta
off to prison unless he had the vote rescinded. Cotta
then turned to Metellus and asked him to express
his opinion, and Metellus, rising in his place, con-
curred with the consul; but Marius called in the
officer and ordered him to conduct Metellus himself
to prison. Metellus appealed to the other tribunes,
but none of them came to his support, so the senate
gave way and rescinded its vote. Marius therefore
came forth in triumph to the people and got them to
ratify his law. Men now thought him superior to
fear, unmoved by respect of persons, and a formidable
champion of the people in opposition to the senate.
However, this opinion was quickly modified by
another political procedure of his. For when a law
was introduced providing for the distribution of grain
to the citizens, he opposed it most strenuously and
carried the day, thereby winning for himself an equal
place in the esteem of both parties as a man who
favoured neither at the expense of the general good.

V. After his tribuneship, he became a candidate
for the higher aedileship. For there are two classes

471
VOL. IX, Q

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A Ἄν, lal 7 ral
ρανομιῶν, ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν δίφρων τῶν ἀγκυ-
λοπόδων, ἐφ᾽ ὧν καθεζόμενοι χρηματίζουσιν,

lol an ’ .
ἔχουσα τοὔνομα τῆς ἀρχῆς, THY δ᾽ ὑποδεεστέραν
A ¢ \
δημοτικὴν καλοῦσιν. ὅταν δὲ τοὺς ἐντιμοτέρους
ἕλωνται περὶ τῶν ἑτέρων πάλιν τὴν ψῆφον λαμ-
2 e - ς sf \ 9 f?
βάνουσιν. ὡς οὖν ο Μάριος φανερὸς ἣν λειπόμενος
5 ᾽ /
ἐν ἐκείνῃ, ταχὺ μεταστὰς αὖθις ἥτει THY ἑτέραν.
Ud \ \ 3 \ Wel [ὃ > f \
δόξας δὲ θρασὺς εἶναι καὶ αὐθάδης ἀπέτυχε: καὶ
A /
δυσὶν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ περιπεσὼν ἀποτεύξεσιν, ὃ
\ ” v > \ \ ἐν Ψ a
μηδεὶς ἔπαθεν ἄλλος, οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑφήκατο TOU
a ,
φρονήματος, ὕστερον δὲ οὐ πολλῷ στρατηγίαν

\ 2 / 50. 7 > a 7 \

μετελθὼν ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ἐκπεσεῖν, ἔσχατος δὲ
’ a
πάντων ἀναγορευθεὶς δίκην ἔσχε δεκασμοῦ.
/
Μάλιστα δὲ ὑποψίαν παρέσχε Κασσίου Σα-
’ὔ 5 tA 5 \ 9 \ lal ,
βάκωνος οἰκέτης ὀφθεὶς ἐντὸς τῶν δρυφάκτων
al \ / ς N
ἀναμεμιγμένος τοῖς φέρουσι Tas ψήφους: ὁ yap
/ 4 e - ᾽ a / /
Σαβάκων ἦν ἑταῖρος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Μαρίου.
\ 9 - e \ A A ” \ \
κληθεὶς οὖν οὗτος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἔφη διὰ TO
A / «“ \ ων \ \
καῦμα διψήσας ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν αἰτῆσαι καὶ τὸν
οἰκέτην ἔχοντα ποτήριον εἰσελθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν,
εἶτ᾽ εὐθὺς οἴχεσθαι πιόντος. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ
τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα τιμητῶν ἐξέπεσε τῆς βουλῆς,
’ / 5 a “- , Ἃ \ \
ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι παθεῖν τοῦτο δόξας ἢ διὰ τὴν
,ἷ a \ \ ’ , ’ \ \ \
ψευδομαρτυρίαν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἀκρασίαν: ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν
Μάριον καὶ Τ᾿ άϊος “Epévvios μάρτυς εἰσαχθεὶς οὐκ
ἔφη πάτριον εἶναι καταμαρτυρεῖν πελατῶν, ἀλλὰ
\ , aA
τὸν νόμον ἀφιέναι ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης τοὺς
/ CG \ ς a
πάτρωνας (οὕτως yap οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς προστάτας
472

CAIUS MARIUS, v. 1-4

of aediles, one taking its name of “ curule’’ from the
chairs with curving feet on which the magistrates sit
in the exercise of their functions, the other, and the
inferior, being called “ plebeian.’’ When the superior
aediles have been elected, the people cast a second
vote for the others. Accordingly, when it was clear
that Marius was losing his election to the higher
office, he immediately changed his tactics and applied
for the other. But men thought him bold and
obstinate, and he was defeated; nevertheless, al-
though he had met with two failures in one day, a
thing which had never happened to any candidate
before, he did not lower his assurance in the least,
but not long afterwards became a candidate for the
praetorship + and narrowly missed defeat; he was
returned last of all, and was prosecuted for bribery.
Suspicion was chiefly aroused by the sight of a ser-
vant of Cassius Sabaco inside the palings among the
voters; for Sabaco was an especial friend of Marius.
Sabaco was therefore summoned before the court, and
testified that the heat had made him so thirsty that
he had called for cold water, and that his servant had
come in to him with a cup, and had then at once
gone away after his master had drunk. Sabaco, how-
ever, was expelled from the senate by the censors of
the next year, and it was thought that he deserved
this punishment, either because he had given false
testimony, or because of his intemperance. But Caius
Herennius also was brought in as a witness against
Marius, and pleaded that it was contrary to estab-
lished usage for patrons (the Roman term for our
representatives at law) to bear witness against clients,
and that the law relieved them of this necessity; and

1 In 115 Bo.
473

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καλοῦσι), τοῦ δ᾽ ρεννίων οἴκου τοὺς Μαρίου
γονεῖς καὶ Μάριον αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γεγονέναι
πελάτας. ἀποδεξαμένων δὲ τὴν ἀπόρρησιν τῆς
μαρτυρίας τῶν δικαστῶν αὐτὸς ἀντεῖπεν ὁ Μάριος
πρὸς τὸν Ἑρέννιον ὡς, ὅτε πρῶτον ἄρχων ἀνη-
γορεύθη, τὸν πελάτην ἐκβεβηκώς" ὅπερ ἣν οὐ
παντάπασιν ἀληθές. ἀρχὴ γὰρ οὐ πᾶσα τοῦ
νέμειν προστάτην. ἀπαλλάσσει τοὺς τυχόντας
αὐτοὺς καὶ γένος, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τὸν ἀγκυλόποδα δίφρον
ὁ νόμος δίδωσιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῖς “πρώταις ἡμέ-
ραις ἐν τῇ δίκῃ κακῶς πράττων ὁ Μάριος καὶ
χαλεποῖς χρώμενος τοῖς δικασταῖς, τῇ τελευταίᾳ
παραλόγως ἀπέφυγεν ἴσων τῶν ψήφων γενο-
μένων.

VI. Ἔν μὲν οὗν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ μετρίως ἐπαι-
νούμενον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχε. μετὰ δὲ τὴν στρατη-
γίαν κλήρῳ λαβὼν τὴν ἐκτὸς Ἰβηρίαν λέγεται
καθᾶραι ληστηρίων τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀνήμερον οὖσαν
ἔτι τοῖς ἐθισμοῖς καὶ θηριώδη, καὶ τὸ ληστεύειν
οὔπω τότε τῶν ᾿Ιβήρων οὐχὶ κάλλιστον ἡγου-
μένων. ἐν δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ γενόμενος οὐκ εἶχεν
οὔτε πλοῦτον οὔτε λόγον, οἷς ἦγον. οἱ τότε μάλιστα
τιμώμενοι τὸν δῆμον. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν ἀνάτασιν τοῦ
φρονήματος καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς πόνους ἐνδελεχὲς
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν τῆς διαίτης ἔν τινι σπουδῇ

τιθεμένων τῶν πολιτῶν ηὐξάνετο τῇ τιμῇ πρὸς
δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ γάμον γῆμαι λαμπρὸν οἰκίας
ἐπιφανοῦς τῆς Καισάρων Ἰουλίαν, ἧς ἣν ἀδελ-
φιδοῦς Καῖσαρ ὁ 0 χρόνοις ὕστερον Ρωμαίων μέγι-
στος γενόμενος καί τι κατ᾽ οἰκειότητα ζηλώσας
Mdpuov, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.

474

CAIUS MARIUS, v. 4-v1. 2

not only the parents of Marius but Marius himself
had originally been clients of the house of the He-
rennii. The jurors accepted this plea in avoidance
of testimony, but Marius himself contradicted He-
rennius, declaring that as soon as he had been elected
to his magistracy he had ceased to be a client;
which was not altogether true. For it is not every
magistracy that frees its occupants (as well as their
posterity) from their relations to a patron, but only
that to which the law assigns the curule chair.
However, although during the first days of the trial
Marius fared badly and found the jurors severe to-
wards him, on the last day, contrary to all expectation,
there was a tie vote and he was acquitted.

VI. Well, then, for his praetorship Marius got only
moderate commendation. After his praetorship,
however, the province of Farther Spain was allotted
to him, and here he is said to have cleared away the
robbers, although the province was still uncivilized
in its customs and in a savage state, and robbery was
at that time still considered a most honourable occu-
pation by the Spaniards. But when he returned to
political life, he had neither wealth nor eloquence,
with which the magnates of the time used to
influence the people. Still, the very intensity of his
assurance, his indefatigable labours, and his plain and
simple way of living, won him a certain popularity
among his fellow citizens, and his honours brought
him increasing influence, so that he married into the
illustrious family of the Caesars and became the hus-
band of Julia, who was the aunt of that Caesar who
in after times became greatest among the Romans,
and in some degree, because of his relationship, made
Marius his example, as I have stated in his Life.}

1 See the Caesar, v. 1 f.
475

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A \ , \ / lel \

Τῷ δὲ Μαρίῳ καὶ σωφροσύνην μαρτυροῦσι καὶ

καρτερίαν, ἧς δεῖγμα καὶ τὸ περὶ τὴν χειρουργίαν

a > /

ἐστίν. ἰξιῶν yap, ὡς ἔοικε, μεγάλων ἀνάπλεως
Ν b

ἄμφω τὰ σκέλη γεγονὼς Kal THY ἀμορ-

e ς \ A

φίαν δυσχεραίνων ἔγνω παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὸν τῷ
a /

ἰατρῷ: καὶ παρέσχεν ἄδετος θάτερον σκέλος,

\ a a

οὐδὲν κινηθεὶς οὐδὲ στενάξας, ἀλλὰ καθεστῶτι TO

lel Lf

προσώπῳ Kal μετὰ σιωπῆς ὑπερβολάς τινας

al a an >

ἀλγηδόνων ἐν ταῖς τομαῖς ἀνασχόμενος. τοῦ ὃ
a /

ἰατροῦ μετιόντος ἐπὶ θάτερον οὐκέτε παρέσχε,

an an / >

φήσας ὁρᾶν τὸ ἐπανόρθωμα τῆς ἀλγηδόνος οὐκ

ἄξιον.

VII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Κεκίλιος Μέτελλος ἀποδειχθεὶς
ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ ᾿Ιουγούρθα πόλεμον ὕπατος στρα-
\ ’ , 2 UZ \ ’
τηγὺς εἰς Λιβύην ἐπηγάγετο πρεσβευτὴν Μάριον,
ἐνταῦθα πράξεων μεγάλων καὶ λαμπρῶν ἀγώνων
ἐπιλαβόμενος τὸ μὲν αὔξειν τὸν Μέτελλον, ὥσπερ
’ \ A
οἱ λοιποί, καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εἴασε
χαίρειν' ἀξιῶν δὲ οὐχ ὑπὸ Μετέλλου κεκλῆσθαι
πρεσβευτής, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς τύχης εἰς εὐφυέστατον

« “
καιρὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ μέγιστον εἰσάγεσθαι πράξεων
/ aA
θέατρον, ἐπεδείκνυτο πᾶσαν ἀνδραγαθίαν. καὶ
\ a μὰ a / » A
πολλὰ τοῦ πολέμου δυσχερῆ φέροντος οὔτε τῶν
\ ῇ a a
μεγάλων τινὰ πόνων ὑποτρέσας οὔτε TOV μικρῶν
5 , > \ \ \ e 4 > /
ἀπαξιώσας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν ομοτίμους εὐβουλίᾳ
’ la)
καὶ προνοίᾳ τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑπερβαλλόμενος,
Ν \ ἐκ
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπὲρ εὐτελείας καὶ
᾿Α fa » 4 Ai
καρτερίας διαμιλλώμενος εὔνοιαν ἔσχε πολλὴν
> -“ a
Tap αὐτοῖς. ὅλως μὲν yap ἔοικε TOU κάμνειν

476

409

CAIUS MARIUS, vi. 3-vu1. 3

There is testimony both to the temperance of
Marius, and also to his fortitude, of which his be-
haviour under a surgical operation is a proof. He was
afflicted in both legs, as it would appear, with
varicose veins, and as he disliked the deformity, he
resolved to put himself into the physician’s hands.
Refusing to be bound, he presented to him one leg,
and then, without a motion or a groan, but with a
steadfast countenance and in silence, endured incred-
ible pain under the knife. When, however, the
physician was proceeding to treat the other leg,
Marius would suffer him no further, declaring that
he saw the cure to be not worth the pain.

VII. When Caecilius Metellus the consul was ap-
pointed commander-in-chief for the war against
Jugurtha,! he took Marius with him to Africa in the
capacity of legate. Here, in essaying great exploits
and brilliant struggles, Marius was not careful, like
the rest, to enhance the glory of Metellus and conduct
himself in his interests; and deeming that he had
not so much been called by Metellus to the office of
legate as he was being introduced by Fortune into a
most favourable opportunity as well as a most spacious
theatre for exploits, he made a display of every sort
of bravery. And though the war brought many
hardships, he neither shunned any great labour, nor
disdained any that were small, but surpassed the
officers of his own rank in giving good counsel and
foreseeing what was advantageous, and vied with
the common soldiers in frugality and endurance,
thereby winning much goodwill among them. For as
a general thing it would seem that every man finds

1 In 109 B.o.
477

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

7 Ν
ἑκάστῳ παραμυθία τὸ συγκάμνον ἑκουσίως εἷναι"
a - \
δοκεῖ yap ἀφαιρεῖν THY ἀνάγκην. ἥδιστον δὲ
ς , , ΄ Ν ΟῚ , >
Ῥωμαίῳ θέαμα στρατιώτῃ στρατηγὸς ἐσθίων ἐν
7) \ x A , ΜΈΝ /
ὄψει κοινὸν ἄρτον ἢ κατακείμενος ἐπὶ στιβάδος
lal 5 \ , Ν
εὐτελοῦς ἢ περὶ ταφρείαν τινὰ καὶ χαράκωσιν
, 4 \ ¢ a
ἔργου συνεφαπτόμενος. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως TOUS τιμῆς
/
καὶ χρημάτων μεταδιδόντας ὡς τοὺς πόνου Kal
/ ,
κινδύνου μεταλαμβάνοντας ἡγεμόνας θαυμάζουσιν,
3 \ an 2 “ A ς n 3 ,
ἀλλὰ ey ERG σΌΙΣ ῥᾳθυμεῖν ἐπιτρεπὸν-
των τοὺς συμπονεῖν ἐθέλοντας,
“Ὁ la ξ
Ταῦτα πάντα ποιῶν ὁ Μάριος καὶ διὰ τούτων
(2 la) \ /
τοὺς στρατιώτας δημαγωγῶν ταχὺ μὲν ἐνέπλησε
Ν Ue \ \ \ ¢€ / 5 ὦ \
τὴν Λιβύην, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν Ρώμην, ὀνόματος καὶ
n \ a
δόξης, τῶν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τοῖς οἴκοι ypadov-
, rn
των WS οὐκ ἔστι πέρας οὐδὲ ἀπαλλαγὴ TOU πρὸς
Ἢ -
τὸν βάρβαρον πολέμου μὴ Vdiov Μάριον ἑλομένοις
ὕπατον.
VIII. ᾿Εφ᾽ οἷς δῆλος ἦν ὁ Μέτελλος ἀχθόμενος.
/ \ }] Ni 3'9. ἢ \ \ ᾿ 7
μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνίασε τὸ περὶ Τουρπίλλιον.
4 \ ς 9: 5 \ 2 LA 4 n
οὗτος yap ὁ ἀνὴρ ἦν μὲν ἐκ πατέρων ξένος τῷ
Qn >
Μετέλλῳ καὶ τότε τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τεκτόνων ἔχων
ἀρχὴν συνεστράτευε' φρουρῶν δὲ Βάγαν, πόλιν
an \ a an
μεγάλην, καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας,
5) \ Ud \ , > -
ἀλλὰ πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως αὐτοῖς προσ-
74 a
φέρεσθαι πιστεύων, ἔλαθεν ὑποχείριος τοῖς πολε-
/ / /
plows γενόμενος. παρεδέξαντο yap τὸν ᾿Ιουγούρθαν,
/ fa
τὸν δὲ Τουρπίλλιον οὐδὲν ἠδίκησαν, ἀλλὰ σῷον
ἐξαιτησάμενοι διῆκαν. ἔσχεν οὖν αἰτίαν προ-
id lal
δοσίας" καὶ παρὼν ὁ Μάριος τῇ κρίσει σύμβουλος

418

CAIUS MARIUS, vir. 3-v11. 2

solace for his labours in seeing another voluntarily
share those labours; this seems to take away the
element of compulsion; and it is a most agreeable
spectacle for a Roman soldier when he sees a
general eating common bread in public, or sleeping
on a simple pallet, or taking a hand in the construc-
tion of some trench or palisade. For they have
not so much admiration for those leaders who share
honour and riches with them as for those who
take part in their toils and dangers, but have more
affection for those who are willing to join in their
toils than for those who permit them to lead an
easy life.

By doing all these things and thereby winning the
hearts of the soldiers, Marius soon filled Africa, and
soon filled Rome, with his name and fame, and men
in the camp wrote to those at home that there
would be no end or cessation of the war against
the Barbarian unless they chose Caius Marius
consul.

VIII. At all this Metellus was evidently displeased.
But it was the affair of Turpillius that most vexed
him. This Turpillius was an hereditary guest-friend of
Metellus, and at this time was serving in his army as
chief of engineers. But he was put in charge of
Vaga, a large city, and because he relied for safety
on his doing the inhabitants no wrong, but rather
treating them with kindness and humanity, he un-
awares came into the power of the enemy; for they
admitted Jugurtha into their city. Still, they did
Turpillius no harm, but obtained his release and sent
him away safe and sound. Accordingly, a charge of
treachery was brought against him; and Marius, who
was a member of the council which tried the case,

Q2 479

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὐτός τέ οἱ πικρὸς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων παρώξυνε
τοὺς πλείστους, ὥστε ἄκοντα τὸν Μέτελλον
ἐκβιασθῆναι καὶ καταψηφίσασθαι θάνατον τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου. μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ τῆς αἰτίας ψευδοῦς
φανείσης, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συνήχθοντο τῷ Μετέλλῳ
βαρέως φέροντι, Μάριος δὲ χαίρων καὶ ποιούμενος
ἴδιον τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἠσχύνετο λέγειν περιϊὼν ὡς
αὐτὸς εἴη προστετριμμένος ἀλάστορα τῷ Μετέλλῳ
ξενοκτόνον.

Ἔκ τούτου φανερῶς ἀπηχθάνοντο' καὶ λέγεταί
ποτε τοῦ Μαρίου παρόντος οἷον ἐφυβρίζων ὃ
Μέτελλος εἰπεῖν, ὡς Σὺ δὴ καταλιπὼν ἡμᾶς, @
γενναῖε, πλεῖν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου διανοῇ καὶ παραγγέλ-
λειν ὑπατείαν; οὐ γὰρ ἀγαπήσεις, ἂν τὠμῷ παιδὶ
τούτῳ συνυπατεύσῃς;" ἣν δὲ ὁ παῖς τότε τοῦ
Μετέλλου παντάπασι μειράκιον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
τοῦ Μαρίου σπουδάζοντος ἀφεθῆναι, πολλὰς
ἀναβολὰς ποιησάμενος, ἔτι δώδεκα λειπομένων
ἡμερῶν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων ἀνάδειξιν, ἀφῆκεν
αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ πολλὴν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τὴν ἐπὶ
θάλασσαν εἰς Ἰτύκην ὁδὸν ἡμέραις δυσὶ καὶ μιᾷ
νυκτὶ συνελὼν ἔθυε πρὸ τοῦ πλοῦ. καὶ λέγεται
τὸν μάντιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀπίστους τινὰς τὸ μέγεθος
καὶ κρείττονας ἐλπίδος ἁπάσης εὐπραξίας προ-
φαίνοι τῷ Μαρίῳ τὸ δαιμόνιον. ὁ δὲ τούτοις
ἐπαρθεὶς ᾿ἀνήχθη. καὶ τὸ πέλαγος, τεταρταῖος
οὐρίῳ πνεύματι περάσας αὐτίκα τε τῷ δήμῳ πο-
θεινὸς ὦφθη, καὶ προαχθεὶς ὑ ὑπό τινος τῶν δημάρ-
χων εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐ ἐπὶ πολλαῖς κατὰ τοῦ Μετέλ-
λου διαβολαῖς ἡτεῖτο τὴν ἀρχήν, ὑπισχνούμενος
ἢ κτενεῖν ἢ ζῶντα λήψεσθαι τὸν ᾿Ιουγούρθαν.

48ο

410

CAIUS MARIUS, vu. 2-5

was himself bitter, and exasperated most of the
others against the accused, so that Metellus was
reluctantly forced to pass sentence of death upon
him. After a short time, however, the charge was
found to be false, and almost everybody sympathized
with Metellus in his grief; but Marius, full of joy
and claiming the condemnation as his own work,
was not ashamed to go about saying that he had
fastened upon the path of Metellus a daemon who
would avenge the murder of a guest-friend.

In consequence of this there was open enmity be-
tween the two men; and we are told that on one
occasion when Marius was present Metellus said to
him as if in mockery: “ Dost thou purpose to leave
us, my good Sir, and sail for home, and stand for the
consulship? Pray will it not satisfy thee to be fellow-
consul with this my son?’’ Now the son of Metellus
was at this time a mere stripling. However, Marius
was eager to be dismissed, and so, after making
many postponements, and when only twelve days re-
mained before the election of consuls, Metellus dis-
missed him. Marius accomplished the long journey
from the camp to Utica and the sea in two days and
one night, and offered sacrifice before he sailed. And
the seer is said to have told him that the Deity
revealed for Marius successes that were of incredible
magnitude and beyond his every expectation. Elated
by this prophecy he put to sea. In three days he
crossed the sea with a favouring wind, and was at
once welcomed gladly by the populace,and after being
introduced to the assembly by one of the tribunes, he
first made many slanderous charges against Metellus,
and then asked for the consulship, promising that he
would either kill Jugurtha or take him alive.

481

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

IX. ᾿Αναγορευθεὶς δὲ λαμπρῶς εὐθὺς ἐστρα-
΄ “+5
TONOYEL, παρὰ τὸν νόμον Kal THY συνήθειαν πολὺν
A cal /
τὸν ἄπορον καὶ φαῦλον! καταγραφών, τῶν πρό-
, S\ i
σθεν ἡγεμόνων οὐ προσδεχομένων τοὺς τοιούτους,
rn lal Ney \
ἀλλ᾽, ὥσπερ ἄλλο TL TOV καλῶν, TA ὅπλα μετὰ
a a , / \ ,
τιμῆς τοῖς ἀξίοις νεμόντων, ἐνέχυρον τὴν οὐσίαν
- \ A
ἑκάστου τιθέναι δοκοῦντος. ov μὴν ταῦτά γε
, τὰ e /
μάλιστα διέβαλε τὸν Μάριον, adr οἱ λόγοι
an / ,
θρασεῖς ὄντες ὑπεροψίᾳ καὶ ὕβρει τοὺς πρώτους
a a A \ /
ἐλύπουν, σκῦλόν τε βοῶντος αὐτοῦ THY ὑπατείαν
a A A , ,
φέρεσθαι Ths τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ πλουσίων μαλακίας,
ΤᾺ , an if
καὶ τραύμασιν οἰκείοις πρὸς TOV δῆμον, OV μνήμασι
n 93 \ b] , ’ , /
νεκρῶν οὐδὲ ἀλλοτρίαις εἰκόσι νεανιεύεσθαι.
πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀτυχήσαντας ἐν Λιβύῃ
ΤΣ aA \ / a Were)
στρατηγούς, τοῦτο μὲν Βηστίαν, τοῦτο δὲ ᾿Αλ-
ΩΣ a \
Bivov, ἀνθρώπους οἴκων μὲν ἐπιφανῶν, αὐτοὺς δὲ
4 / 9 / \ 2 > ’ὔ
τύχη σφαλέντας, ἀπολέμους καὶ δι’ ἀπειρίαν
a ,
πταίσαντας ὀνομάζων, ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν παρόντων
εἰ μὴ καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνων οἴονται προγόνους αὐτῷ
“a XN ” , 2 ’
μᾶλλον av εὔξασθαι παραπλησίους ἐκγόνους ἀπο-
a 3
λιπεῖν, ἅτε δὴ μηδὲ αὐτοὺς bu’ εὐγένειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽
n a 4 /
ἀρετῆς καὶ καλῶν ἔργων ἐνδόξους γενομένους.
a \ > a »Q\ 2 “- 57 5 Χ
ταῦτα δὲ οὐ κενῶς οὐδὲ ἀλαζονικῶς ἔλεγεν οὐδὲ
2? 5 » a a /
μάτην ἀπεχθάνεσθαι τοῖς δυνατοῖς βουλόμενος,
«ς “ , A an
ἀλλ᾽ ὁ δῆμος αὐτόν, ἡδόμενός τε TH βουλῇ Tpo-
, “ a
πηλακιζομένῃ Kal λόγου κόμπῳ μετρῶν ἀεὶ φρο-
νήματος μέγεθος, ἐξεκούφιζε, καὶ συνεξώρμα μὴ
1 φαῦλον van Herwerden: δοῦλον.

482

CAIUS MARIUS, rx. 1-4

IX. He was triumphantly elected, and at once
began to levy troops. Contrary to law and custom
he enlisted many a poor and insignificant man, al-
though former commanders had not accepted such
persons, but bestowed arms, just as they would any
other honour, only on those whose property assessment
made them worthy to receive these, each soldier being
supposed to put his substance in pledge to the state.
It was not this, however, that brought most odium
upon Marius, but the boldly insolent and arrogant
speeches with which he vexed the nobles, crying out
that he had carried off the consulship as spoil from
the effeminacy of the rich and well-born, and that he
had wounds upon his own person with which to vaunt
himself before the people, not monuments of the
dead nor likenesses of other men. Often, too, he
would mention by name the generals in Africa who
had been unsuccessful, now Bestia, and now Albinus,
men of illustrious houses indeed, but unfortunate
themselves, and unwarlike, who had met with disaster
through lack of experience; and he would ask his
audience if they did not think that the ancestors of
these men would have much preferred to leave de-
scendants like himself, since they themselves had
been made illustrious, not by their noble birth, but
by their valour and noble deeds. Such talk was not
mere empty boasting, nor was his desire to make
himself hated by the nobility without purpose ;
indeed the people, who were delighted to have the
senate insulted and always measured the greatness
of a man’s spirit by the boastfulness of his speech,
encouraged him, and incited him not to spare

1 For the year 107 B.c., at the age of fifty.
483

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φείδεσθαι τῶν ἀξιολόγων, χαριζόμενον τοῖς
πολλοῖς.

Χ. Ὡς δὲ διέπλευσεν εἰς Λιβύην, Μέτελλος
μὲν ἥττων τοῦ φθόνου γενόμενος, καὶ περιπαθῶν
ὅτι, κατειργασμένου τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῦ καὶ μηδὲν
ὑπόλοιπον ἢ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ᾿Ιουγούρθα λαβεῖν
ἔχοντος, ἥκει Μάριος ἐπὶ τὸν στέφανον καὶ τὸν
θρίαμβον, ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀχαριστίας ηὐξη-
μένος, οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπεξεχώρησε, Ῥουτίλιος δὲ τὸ στρά-
τευμα τῷ Μαρίῳ παρέδωκε, πρεσβευτὴς γεγονὼς

2 τοῦ Μετέλλου. καὶ περιῆλθέ τις νέμεσις, ἐν τῷ
τέλει τῶν πράξεων Μάριον" ἀφῃρέθη γὰρ ὑπὸ
Σύλλα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώματος δόξαν, ὡς ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνου Μέτελλος" ὃν τρόπον δέ, ἀφηγήσομαι
oe” ἐπεὶ τὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖς
περὶ Σύλλα γέγραπται.

Βόκχος ὁ ὁ τῶν ἄνω βαρβαρων βασιλεὺς ἡ ἣν πεν-
θερὸς ᾿Ιουγούρθα, καὶ πολεμοῦντι μὲν οὐ πάνυ τι
συλλαμβάνειν ἐδόκει, προβαλλόμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν

8 ἀπιστίαν, καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν δεδοικώς" ἐπεὶ δὲ φεύ-
γων καὶ πλανώμενος ἐκεῖνον ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης ἔθετο
τῶν ἐλπίδων τελευταῖον καὶ κατῆρε πρὸς αὐτόν,
αἰσχύνῃ μᾶλλον ὡς ἱκέτην ἢ δι εὔνοιαν ὑπο-
δεξάμενος διὰ “χειρὸς εἶχε, φανερῶς μὲν ὑπὲρ
αὐτοῦ παραιτούμενος Μάριον καὶ γράφων ὡς οὐκ
ἂν ἐκδώη καὶ παρρησιαζόμενος, κρύφα δὲ βου-
λεύων προδοσίαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ, καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος
Λεύκιον Σύλλαν, ταμίαν μὲν ὄντα Μαρίου, χρή-
σιμον δὲ τῷ Βόκχῳ γεγενημένον ἐπὶ στρατείας.

4 ὡς δὲ πιστεύσας ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Σύλλας,

484

CAIUS MARIUS, rx. 4-x. 4

men of high repute if he wished to please the
multitude.

X. When he had crossed to Africa, Metellus, now
become a victim of jealousy, and vexed because, after
he had brought the war to an end and had nothing
further to do except to seize the person of Jugurtha,
Marius was coming to enjoy the crown and the
triumph,—a man whose ingratitude towards his
benefactor had raised him to power,—would not con-
sent to meet him, but privately left the country
while Rutilius, who had become his legate, handed
over the army to Marius. And in the end a retri-
bution fell upon Marius; for Sulla robbed him of the
glory of his success, as Marius had robbed Metellus.
How this came to pass, I will narrate briefly, since
the details are given more at length in my Life of
Sulla.!

Bocchus, the king of the Barbarians in the interior,
was a son-in-law of Jugurtha, and apparently gave
him little or no assistance in his war, alleging his
faithlessness as an excuse, and fearing the growth of
his power. But when Jugurtha in his flight and
wandering felt compelled to make him his last hope
and sought haven with him, Bocchus received him,
more out of regard for his position as a suppliant
than from goodwill, and kept him in his hands. So
far as his open acts were concerned, Bocchus entreated
Marius in behalf of his father-in-law, writing that he
would not give him up and assuming a bold tone;
but secretly he planned to betray him, and sent for
Lucius Sulla, who was quaestor for Marius and had
been of some service to Bocchus during the campaign.
But when Sulla had come to him in all confidence,

1 Chapter iii.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔσχε μέν τις τροπὴ γνώμης καὶ μετάνοια τὸν
βάρβαρον, ἡ ἡμέρας τε συχνὰς διηνέχθη τῷ λογισμῷ,
EY uae ἢ παραδοῦναι τὸν ᾿Ιουγούρθαν ἢ
μηδὲ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀφεῖναι" τέλος δὲ τὴν προτέραν
κυρώσας προδοσίαν, ἐνεχείρισε τῷ Σύλλᾳ ζῶντα
τὸν ᾿Ιουγούρθαν..

Καὶ τοῦτο πρῶτον ὑπῆρξεν αὐτοῖς σπέρμα τῆς
ἀνηκέστου καὶ χαλεπῆς ἐκείνης στάσεως, ἣ μεκ-
ρὸν ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν “Ῥώμην. πολλοὶ γὰρ
ἐβούλοντο τοῦ Σύλλα τὸ ἔργον εἶναι τῷ Μαρίῳ
φθονοῦντες, αὐτός τε Σύλλας σφραγῖδα ποιησά-
μενος ἐφόρει γλυφὴν ἐ ἔχουσαν ἐγχει ριζόμενον ὑ ὑπὸ
τοῦ Boxxov τὸν ᾿Ιουγούρθαν ἑαυτῷ. καὶ ταύτῃ
χρώμενος ἀεὶ διετέλει φιλότιμον ἄνδρα καὶ πρὸς
κοινωνίαν δόξης ἀγνώμονα καὶ δύσεριν ἐρεθίζων
τὸν “Μάριον, ἐ ἐναγόντων μάλιστα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν
ἐκείνου, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ
μέγιστα τῷ Μετέλλῳ, τὰ δ᾽ ἔσχατα καὶ τὸ πέρας
αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ προστιθέντων, ὡς παύσαιτο θαυ-
μάζξζων καὶ προσέχων ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα πάντων ὁ
δῆμος.

ΧΙ. Ταχὺ μέντοι τὸν φθόνον τοῦτον καὶ τὰ
μίση καὶ τὰς διαβολὰς ἀπεσκέδασε τοῦ Μαρίου
καὶ μετέστησεν ὁ κατασχὼν. τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀπὸ τῆς
ἑσπέρας κίνδυνος, ἅ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐν χρείᾳ μεγάλου
στρατηγοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ 'περισκέψασθαι τὴν πόλιν
ᾧ χρωμένη κυβερνήτῃ διαφευξέται κλύδωνα πολέ-
μου τοσοῦτον, OVOEVOS ἀνασχόμενου τῶν ἀπὸ
γένους μεγάλων ἢ πλουσίων οἴκων ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπα-
τικὰς κατιόντων ἀρχαιρεσίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπόντα τὸν
Μάριον ἀναγορευσάντων. ἄρτι γὰρ ἀπηγγελμένης
αὐτοῖς τῆς ᾿Ιουγούρθα συλλήψεως αἱ περὶ Τευ-
486

41]

CAIUS MARIUS, x. 4-χι. 2

the Barbarian experienced a change of heart and felt
repentant, and for many days wavered in his plans,
deliberating whether to surrender Jugurtha or to hold
Sulla also a prisoner. Finally however, he decided
upon his first plan of treachery, and put Jugurtha
alive into the hands of Sulla.

This was the first seed of that bitter and incurable
hatred between Marius and Sulla, which nearly
brought Rome to ruin. For many wished Sulla to
have the glory of the affair because they hated Mar-
ius, and Sulla himself had a seal-ring made, which he
used to wear, on which was engraved the surrender
of Jugurtha to him by Bocchus. By constantly using
this ring Sulla provoked Marius, who was an ambitious
man, loath to share his glory with another, and
quarrelsome. And the enemies of Marius gave Sulla
most encouragement, by attributing the first and
greatest successes of the war to Metellus, but the
last, and the termination of it, to Sulla, that so the
people might cease admiring Marius and giving him
their chief allegiance.

XI. Soon, however, all this envy and hatred and
slander of Marius was removed and dissipated by
the peril which threatened Italy from the west, as
soon as the state felt the need of a great general
and looked about for a helmsman whom she might
employ to save her from so great a deluge of war.
Then the people would have nothing to do with any-
one of high birth or of a wealthy house who offered
himself at the consular elections, but pvoclaimed
Marius consul! in spite of his absence from the
city. For no sooner had word been brought to
the people of the capture of Jugurtha than the

1 For the year 104 B.c.
487

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τονων καὶ Κίμβρων φῆμαι προσέπιπτον, ἀπιστίαν
μὲν ἐν ἀρχῇ παρασχοῦσαι πλήθους τε καὶ ῥώμης
τῶν ἐπερχομένων στρατῶν, ὕστερον δὲ τῆς ἀλη-
θείας ὑποδεέστεραι φανεῖσαι. μυριάδες μὲν γὰρ
αἱ μάχιμοι τριάκοντα σὺν ὅπλοις ἐχώρουν, ὄχλοι
δὲ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐλέγοντο πολλῷ πλείους
συμπεριάγεσθαι, γῆς χρήζοντες ἣ θρέψει τοσοῦ-
τον πλῆθος, καὶ πόλεων ἐν αἷς ἱδρυθέντες βιώσον-
ται, καθάπερ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἐπυνθάνοντο Κελτοὺς
τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας τὴν ἀρίστην κατασχεῖν 'Γυρρηνῶν
ἀφελομένους. αὐτοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἀμιξίᾳ τῇ πρὸς
ἑτέρους, μήκει τε χώρας ἣν ἐπῆλθον, ἠγνοοῦντο,
τίνες ὄντες ἀνθρώπων ἢ πόθεν ὁρμηθέντες ὥσπερ
νέφος ἐμπέσοιεν Γαλατίᾳ καὶ Ἰταλίᾳ. καὶ μάλιστα
μὲν εἰκάζοντο Γερμανικὰ γένη τῶν καθηκόντων ἐπὶ
τὸν βόρειον ὠκεανὸν εἶναι τοῖς μεγέθεσι τῶν
σωμάτων καὶ τῇ χαροπότητι τῶν ὀμμάτων, καὶ ὅτι
Κίμβρους ἐπονομάζουσι Γερμανοὶ τοὺς λῃστάς.

Εἰσὶ δὲ of τὴν Κελτικὴν διὰ βάθος χώρας καὶ
μέγεθος ἀπὸ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης καὶ τῶν ὑπαρκτίων
κλιμάτων πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα κατὰ τὴν
Μαιῶτιν ἐπιστρέφουσαν ἅπτεσθαι τῆς Ποντικῆς
Σκυθίας λέγουσι, κἀκεῖθεν τὰ γένη μεμῖχθαι.
τούτους ἐξαναστάντας οὐκ ἐκ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς οὐδὲ
συνεχῶς, ἀλλὰ ἔτους ὥρᾳ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν
εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν ἀεὶ χωροῦντας πολέμῳ χρόνοις
πολλοῖς ἐπελθεῖν τὴν ἤπειρον. διὸ καὶ πολλὰς
κατὰ μέρος ἐπικλήσεις ἐχόντων κοινῇ ἹΚελτοσκύ-
θας τὸν στρατὸν ὠνόμαζον.

488

CAIUS MARIUS, x1. 2-5

reports about the Teutones and Cimbri fell upon
their ears. What these reports said about the num-
bers and strength of the invading hosts was dis-
believed at first, but afterwards it was found to be
short of the truth. For three hundred thousand
armed fighting men were advancing, and much larger
hordes of women and children were said to accompany
them, in quest of land to support so vast a multitude,
and of cities in which to settle and live, just as the
Gauls before them, as they learned, had wrested the
best part of Italy from the Tyrrhenians and now
occupied it. They themselves, indeed, had not had
intercourse with other peoples, and had traversed a
great stretch of country, so that it could not be
ascertained what people it was nor whence they had
set out, thus to descend upon Gaul and Italy like a
cloud. The most prevalent conjecture was that they
were some of the German peoples which extended
as far as the northern ocean, a conjecture based
on their great stature, their light-blue eyes, and the
fact that the Germans call robbers Cimbri.

But there are some who say that Gaul was wide and
large enough to reach from the outer sea and the
subarctic regions to the Maeotic Lake on the east,
where it bordered on Pontie Scythia, and that from
that point on Gauls and Scythians were mingled.
These mixed Gauls and Scythians had left their
homes and moved westward, not in a single march,
nor even continuously, but with each recurring
spring they had gone forward, fighting their way,
and in the course of time had crossed the continent.
Therefore, while they had many names for different
detachments, they called their whole army by the
general name of Galloscythians.

489

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἼΑλλοι δέ pace Κιμμερίων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑφ᾽
᾿Ῥλλήνων. τῶν πάλαι γνωσθὲν οὐ μέγα γενέσθαι
τοῦ παντὸς μόριον, ἀλλὰ φυγὴν ἢ στάσιν τινὰ
βιασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Σκυθῶν εἰς ᾿Ασίαν ἀπὸ τῆς
Μαιώτιδος διαπερᾶσαι Λυγδάμιος ἡγουμένου, τὸ
δὲ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν καὶ μαχιμώτατον ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτοις
οἰκοῦν παρὰ τὴν ἔξω θάλασσαν γῆν μὲν νέμεσθαι
σύσκιον καὶ ὑλώδη καὶ δυσήλιον πάντη διὰ βάθος
καὶ πυκνότητα δρυμῶν, οὺς μέχρι τῶν “Ερκυνίων
εἴσω διήκειν, οὐρανοῦ δὲ εἰληχέναι Kae ὃ δοκεῖ
μέγα λαμβάνων ὁ ὁ πόλος ἔξαρμα διὰ τὴν ἔγκλισιν
τῶν παραλλήλων ὀλίγον ἀπολείπειν τοῦ κατὰ
κορυφὴ ὴν ἱσταμένου σημείου πρὸς τὴν οἴκησιν, αἵ
τε ἡμέραι βραχύτητι καὶ μήκει πρὸς τὰς νύκτας
ἴσαι κατανέμεσθαι τὸν χρόνον' διὸ καὶ τὴν
εὐπορίαν τοῦ μυθεύματος Ὁμήρῳ γενέσθαι πρὸς
τὴν νεκυίαν. ἔνθεν οὖν τὴν ἔφοδον εἶναι τῶν βαρ-
βάρων τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, Κιμμερίων μὲν ἐξ
ἀρχῆς, τότε δὲ Κίμβρων. οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου προσα-
γορευομένων. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰκασμῷ μᾶλλον
ἢ κατὰ βέβαιον ἱστορίαν λέγεται.

Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος οὐκ ἔλαττον, ἀλλὰ πλέον εἶναι
τοῦ λεχθέντος ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. θυμὸν δὲ
καὶ τόλμαν ἀνυπόστατοι καὶ χειρῶν ἔργα παρὰ
τὰς μάχας ὀξύτητι καὶ βία “πυρὸς ἐοικότες ἐπήε-
σαν, οὐδενὸς ἀντέχοντος αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον,
ἀλλὰ πάντων μέν, ὅσους ἐπῆλθον, ἐν. λόγῳ λείας
ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ μεγάλων
“Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ στρατηγῶν, ὅσοι
προεκάθηντο τῆς ἐκτὸς "Αλπεων [}᾿αλατίας, ἀνηρ-
πασμένων ἀκλεῶς: οἱ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν φορὰν

490

412

CAIUS MARIUS, x1. 5-9

Others, however, say that the Cimmerians who
were first known to the ancient Greeks were not a
large part of the entire people, but merely a body of
exiles or a faction which was driven away by the
Scythians and passed from the Maeotic Lake into
Asia under the lead of Lygdamis; whereas the
largest and most warlike part of the people dwelt at
the confines of the earth along the outer sea, oc-
cupying a land that is shaded, wooded, and wholly
sunless by reason of the height and thickness of the
trees, which reach inland as far as the Hercynii; and
as regards the heavens, they are under that portion
of them where the pole gets a great elevation by
reason of the declination of the parallels, and appears
to have a position not far removed from the spectator’s
zenith, and a day and a night divide the year into
two equal parts; which was of advantage to Homer
in his story of Odysseus consulting the shades of the
dead.!_ From these regions, then, these Barbarians
sallied forth against Italy, being called at first
Cimmerians, and then, not inappropriately, Cimbri.
But all this is based on conjecture rather than on
sure historical evidence.

Their numbers, however, are given by many
writers as not less, but more, than the figure
mentioned above. Moreover, their courage and
daring made them irresistible, and when they en-
gaged in battle they came on with the swiftness and
force of fire, so that no one could withstand their onset,
but all who came in their way became their prey
and booty, and even many large Roman armies, with
their commanders, who had been stationed to protect
Transal pine Gaul, were destroyed ingloriously; indeed,

1 Odyssey, Book XI. See vv. 14 ff., describing the Cim-
merians.
401

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a a N: n id
αὐτῶν κακῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι κατὰ τῆς Ῥώμης
,,
ἐπεσπάσαντο. νικήσαντες γὰρ οἷς ἐνέτυχον, καὶ
χρημάτων πολλῶν κρατήσαντες, ἔγνωσαν μηδαμοῦ
an \ , ΄,
γῆς ἑαυτοὺς ἱδρύειν, πρὶν ἀνατρέψωσι τὴν Ρώμην
x / \ 3 /
καὶ διαπορθήσωσι τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν.
a «ς an
XII. Ταῦτα Ῥωμαῖοι πυνθανόμενοι πολλαχό-
’ \
θεν, ἐκάλουν Μάριον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν. καὶ TO
/ a ,
δεύτερον ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, τοῦ μὲν νόμου
ὁ
κωλύοντος ἀπόντα καὶ μὴ διαλιπόντα χρόνον
ς ῇ = e - le) \ ὃ te N
ὡρισμένον αὖθις αἱρεῖσθαι, τοῦ δὲ δήμου τοὺς
, lal
ἀντιλέγοντας ἐκβαλόντος. ἡγοῦντο yap οὔτε
νῦν πρῶτον εἴξειν τῷ συμφέροντι τὸν νόμον, οὔτε
ἀλογωτέραν εἶναι τὴν παροῦσαν αἰτίαν ἐκείνης
δι ἣν τὸν Σκηπίωνα παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ὕπατον
Ὁ \ lal a
ἀπέδειξαν, ov φοβούμενοι THY ἑαυτῶν ἀποβαλεῖν,
\ / a a
ἀλλὰ τὴν Καρχηδονίων ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἀνελεῖν.
“ NX na
2 ταῦτα ἔδοξε: καὶ Μάριος ἐκ Λιβύης peta τοῦ
/ \ > a ΄
στρατεύματος διακομισθεὶς αὐταῖς Καλάνδαις
¢ \ , € a
"Tavovapiats, ἣν ἔτους ἀρχὴν ἄγουσι Pwpaior,
/ e / > / \ \ , ᾽ /
τήν τε ὑπατείαν ἀνέλαβε καὶ Tov θρίαμβον εἰσή-
«
λασεν, ἄπιστον ἐπιδειξάμενος θέαμα “Ρωμαίοις
’ fe > ΄ iS n 2Q7> NA
Ιουγούρθαν αἰχμάλωτον, οὗ ζῶντος οὐδ᾽ ἂν els
ἤλπισε πολεμίων κρατῆσαι" οὕτω τις ἣν ποικίλος
e rn , -
ἀνὴρ τύχαις ὁμιλῆσαι καὶ πανουργίᾳ πολλῇ
’ 4 \ , 5 ’ » 4."
3 μεμιγμένον ἔχων τὸ θυμοειδές. ἀλλ᾽ ἐξέστη γε

1 See chapter xi. 1. Marius was still in Africa.

492

CAIUS MARIUS, xt. 9-x11. 3

by their feeble resistance they were mainly in-
strumental in drawing the on-rushing Barbarians
down upon Rome. For when the invaders had
conquered those who opposed them, and had got
abundance of booty, they determined not to settle
themselves anywhere until they had destroyed Rome
and ravaged Italy.

XII. Learning of these things from many quarters,
the Romans summoned Marius to the command.
And he was appointed consul for the second time,!
although the law forbade that a man in his absence
and before the lapse of a specified time should be
elected again; still, the people would not listen to
those who opposed the election. For they considered
that this would not be the first time that the law
had given way before the demands of the general
good, and that the present occasion demanded it no
less imperatively than when they had made Scipio
consul contrary to the laws,? although at that time
they were not fearful of losing their own city, but
desirous of destroying that of the Carthaginians.
This course was adopted, Marius came across the sea
from Africa with his army, and on the very Calends
of January, which with the Romans is the first day
of the year, assumed the consulship and celebrated
his triumph, exhibiting to the Romans Jugurtha in
chains. This was a sight which they had despaired
of beholding, nor could any one have expected,
while Jugurtha was alive, to conquer the enemy ; so
versatile was he in adapting himself to the turns
of fortune, and so great craft did he combine with
his courage. But we are told that when he had

2 In 147 B.c., when Scipio had not reached the age required
by law.

493

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πομπευθείς, ὡς λέγουσι, τότε τοῦ φρονεῖν: Kal
μετὰ τὸν θρίαμβον εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἐμπεσών,
ὡς οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ βίᾳ περιέρρηξαν τὸν χιτωνίσκον,
οἱ δὲ σπεύδοντες ἀφελέσθαι βίᾳ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐλ-
λόβιον ἅμα τὸν λοβὸν συναπέρρηξαν, ὠσθεὶς δὲ
γυμνὸς εἰς τὸ βάραθρον κατεβλήθη, μεστὸς wv
ταραχῆς καὶ διασεσηρώς, “ Πράκλεις," εἶπεν,
“ ὡς ψυχρὸν ὑμῶν τὸ βαλανεῖον." ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν
ἐξ, ἡμέραις ζυγομαχήσαντα τῷ λιμῷ καὶ μέχρι
τῆς ἐσχάτης ὥρας ἐκκρεμασθέντα τῆς τοῦ ζῆν
ἐπιθυμίας εἶχεν ἀξία δίκη τῶν ἀσεβημάτων.

Ἔν δὲ τῷ θριάμβῳ κομισθῆναι λέγουσι “Χρυσοῦ
μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τρισχιλίας λίτρας, ἀργύρου δὲ
ἀσήμου πεντακισχιλίας ἑπτακοσίας ἑβδομήκοντα
πέντε, νομίσματος δὲ δραχμὰς ἑπτακισχιλίας
ἐπὶ μυριάσιν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι.

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν πομπὴν ὁ Μάριος σύγκλητον
ἤθροισεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ" καὶ παρῆλθε μὲν εἴτε
λαθὼν αὑτὸν εἴτε τῇ τύχῃ χρώμενος ἀγροικότερον
ἐν τῇ θριαμβικῇ κατασκευῇ, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν βουλὴν
ἀχθεσθεῖσαν αἰσθόμενος ἐξανέστη καὶ μεταλαβὼν
τὴν περιπόρφυρον αὖθις ἦλθεν.

XIII. ’Ev δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ τὴν δύναμιν διεπόνει
καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ἐξασκῶν δρόμοις τε παντοδαποῖς καὶ
μακραῖς ὁδοιπορίαις, ἑαυτῷ δὲ ἀχθοφορεῖν avay-
κάζων καὶ αὐτουργεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν, ὥστε
καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοὺς φιλοπόνους καὶ σιωπῇ μετ᾽
εὐκολίας τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιοῦντας ἡμιόνους
Μαριανοὺς καλεῖσθαι. καίτοι τινὲς αἰτίαν ἑτέραν
τοῦ λόγου τούτου νομίζουσι. Σκηπίωνος γάρ, ὅτε
Νομαντίαν ἐπολιόρκει, βουληθέντος ἐπιδεῖν μὴ

494

CAIUS MARIUS, xu. 3-xm1. 2

been led in triumph he lost his reason; and that
when, after the triumph, he was cast into prison,
where some tore his tunic from his body, and others
were so eager to snatch away his golden ear-ring
that they tore off with it the lobe of his ear, and
when he had been thrust down naked into the
dungeon pit, in utter bewilderment and with a grin
on his lips he said: “Hercules! How cold this
Roman bath is!” But the wretch, after struggling
with hunger for six days and up to the last moment
clinging to the desire of life, paid the penalty which
his crimes deserved.

In the triumphal procession there were carried,
we are told, three thousand and seven pounds of
gold, of uncoined silver five thousand seven hundred
and seventy-five, and in coined money two hundred
and eighty-seven thousand drachmas.

After the procession was over, Marius called the
senate into session on the Capitol, and made his
entry, either through inadvertence or with a vulgar
display of his good fortune, in his triumphal robes ;
but perceiving quickly that the senators were offended
at this, he rose and went out, changed to the usual
robe with purple border, and then came back.

XIII. Setting out on the expedition, he laboured
to perfect his army as it went along, practising the
men in all kinds of running and in long marches,
and compelling them to carry their own baggage and
to prepare their own food. Hence, in after times,
men who were fond of toil and did whatever was en-
joined upon them contentedly and without a murmur,
were called Marian mules. Some, however, think
that this name had a different origin. Namely, when
Scipio was besieging Numantia,! he wished to inspect

1 Cf. chapter iii. 2.
495

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μόνον τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ τοὺς ἵππους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς
ὀρεῖς καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας, ὃ ὅπως ἑκάστοις ἐξησκημένα
καὶ παρεσκευασμένα τυγχάνοι, προαγαγεῖν τὸν
Μάριον ἵππον τε κάλλιστα τεθραμμένον ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡμίονον εὐεξίᾳ καὶ πρᾳότητι καὶ
ῥώμῃ διαφέροντα πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων: ἡσθέντος
οὖν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τοῖς τοῦ Μαρίου θρέμμασι
καὶ πολλάκις αὐτῶν μνησθέντος, οὕτως ἄρα
τοὺς σκώπτοντας ἐν ἐπαίνῳ τὸν ἐνδελεχῆ καὶ
τλήμονα καὶ φιλόπονον Μαριανὸν ἡ ἡμίονον προσα-
γορεύειν.

XIV. Εὐτύχημα δὲ δοκεῖ τῷ Μαρίῳ μέγα
γενέσθαι. τῶν γὰρ βαρβάρων ὥσπερ τινὰ παλίρ-
ροιαν τῆς ὁρμῆς λαβόντων καὶ ῥυέντων πρότερον
ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιβηρίαν, χρόνον ἔσχε καὶ τὰ σώματα
γυμνάσαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα πρὸς τὸ
θαρρεῖν ἀναρρῶσαι, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, αὐτὸς οἷος ἣν
κατανοηθῆναι. τὸ γὰρ ἐν ἀρχῆ σκυθρωπὸν ωὐτοῦ
καὶ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίας δυσμείλικτον ἐθισθεῖσι
μηδὲν ἁμαρτάνειν μηδὲ ἀπειθεῖν ἅμα τῷ δικαίῳ
σωτήριον ἐφαίνετο, τήν τε τοῦ θυμοῦ σφοδρότητα
καὶ τὸ τραχὺ τῆς φωνῆς καὶ ἀγριωπὸν. τοῦ προ-
σώπου συντρεφόμενον κατὰ μικρὸν οὐχ αὑτοῖς
ἐνόμιξον εἶναι φοβερόν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις.
μάλιστα δὲ ἡ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὀρθότης αὐτοῦ
τοῖς στρατιώταις ἤρεσκεν" ἧς καὶ τοιόνδε τι δεῖγμα
λέγεται.

Γάϊος Λούσιος ἀδελφιδοῦς αὐτοῦ τεταγμένος
ἐφ᾽ ἡγεμονίας ἐστρατεύετο, τἄλλα μὲν ἀνὴρ οὐ
δοκῶν εἶναι πονηρός, ἥττων δὲ μειρακίων καλῶν.
οὗτος ἤρα νεανίσκου τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ στρατενομένων,

496

418

CAIUS MARIUS, x11. 2-x1v. 3

not only the arms and the horses, but also the mules
and the waggons, that every man might have them
in readiness and good order. Marius, accordingly,
brought out for inspection both a horse that had been
most excellently taken care of by him, and a mule
that for health, docility, and strength far surpassed
all the rest. The commanding officer was naturally
well pleased with the beasts of Marius and often
spoke about them, so that in time those who wanted
to bestow facetious praise on a persevering, patient,
laborious man would call him a Marian mule.

XIV. And now, as it would seem, a great piece of
good fortune befell Marius. For the Barbarians had
a reflux, as it were, in their course, and streamed
first into Spain. This gave Marius time to exercise
the bodies of his men, to raise their spirits to a
sturdier courage, and, what was most important of
all, to let them find out what sort of a man he was.
For his sternness in the exercise of authority and his
inflexibility in the infliction of punishment appeared
to them, when they became accustomed to obedience
and good behaviour, salutary as well as just, and
they regarded the fierceness of his temper, the
harshness of his voice, and that ferocity of his
countenance which gradually became familiar, as
fearful to their enemies rather than to themselves.
But it was above all things the uprightness of his
judicial decisions that pleased the soldiers; and of
this the following illustration is given.

Caius Lusius, a nephew of his, had a command
under him in the army. In other respects he was a
man of good reputation, but he had a weakness for
beautiful youths. This officer was enamoured of one
of the young men who served under him, by name

497

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὄνομα Τρεβωνίου, καὶ πολλάκις πειρῶν οὐκ
tA
ἐτύγχανε' τέλος δὲ νύκτωρ ὑπηρέτην ἀποστείλας
, Ν ς
μετεπέμπετο τὸν Τρεβώνιον' ὁ δὲ νεανίας ἧκε
, a \ an
μέν, ἀντειπεῖν yap οὐκ ἐξῆν καλούμενον, εἰσαχ-
aN \ \ \ \ a
θεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ THY σκηνὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιχειροῦντα
βιάξεσθαι σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἀπέκτεινε. ταῦτα
bd , θ a M , \ , εἰ 3 θὰ
ἐπράχθη τοῦ Μαρίου μὴ παρόντος: ἐπανελθὼν
A te A
δὲ προὔθηκε TO Τρεβωνίῳ κρίσιν. ἐπεὶ dé πολλῶν
κατηγορούντων, οὐδενὸς δὲ συνηγοροῦντος, αὐτὸς
εὐθαρσῶς καταστὰς διηγήσατο τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ
μάρτυρας ἔσχεν ὅτι πειρῶντι πολλάκις ἀντεῖπε
“ / \ / , > 3 Ἅ \
τῷ Λουσίῳ καὶ μεγάλων διδομένων ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ
ἣν ΓΟ
προήκατο τὸ σῶμα, θαυμάσας ὁ Μάριος καὶ
ἡσθεὶς ἐκέλευσε τὸν πάτριον ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀριστείαις
στέφανον κομισθῆναι, καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὸς ἐστεφά-
Ν , e , yy > an
voce τὸν Τρεβώνιον ὡς κάλλιστον ἔργον ἐν καιρῷ
παραδειγμάτων δεομένῳ καλῶν ἀποδεδειγμένον.
A >) \ € “ἃ » \ 3 v4
Τοῦτο els τὴν Ρώμην ἀπαγγελθὲν οὐχ ἥκιστα
a /
τῷ Μαρίῳ συνέπραξε τὴν τρίτην ὑπατείαν: ἅμα
δὲ καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἔτους ὥρᾳ προσδοκίμων
” > Ae N \ yA A
ὄντων ἐβούλοντο μετὰ μηδενὸς ἄλλου στρατηγοῦ
κινδυνεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτούς. οὐ μὴν ἧκον ὡς προσ-
a U a n
εδοκῶντο ταχέως, GANA πάλιν διῆλθε τῷ Μαρίῳ
ὁ τῆς ὑπατείας χρόνος. ἐνισταμένων δὲ τῶν ἀρ-
χαιρεσιῶν καὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος αὐτοῦ τελευτή-
σαντος, ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῶν δυνάμεων Μάνιον
᾿Ακύλλιον αὐτὸς ἧκεν εἰς Ρώμην. μετιόντων δὲ
A \ ᾽ A \ ς ,ὔ ,
πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν τὴν ὑπατείαν, Λούκιος
498

CAIUS MARIUS, xiv. 3-7

Trebonius, and had often made unsuccessful attempts
to seduce him. But finally, at night, he sent a
servant with a summons for Trebonius. The young
man came, since he could not refuse to obey a
summons, but when he had been introduced into the
tent and Caius attempted violence upon him, he drew
his sword and slew him. Marius was not with the
army when this happened; but on his return he
brought Trebonius to trial. Here there were many
accusers, but not a single advocate, wherefore Tre-
bonius himself courageously took the stand and told
all about the matter, bringing witnesses to show that
he had often refused the solicitations of Lusius and
that in spite of large offers he had never prostituted
himself to anyone. Then Marius, filled with delight
and admiration, ordered the customary crown for
brave exploits to be brought, and with his own hands
placed it on the head of Trebonius, declaring that
at a time which called for noble examples he had
displayed most noble conduct.

Tidings of this were brought to Rome and helped
in nosmall degree to secure for Marius his third consul-
ship ;! at the same time, too, the Barbarians were
expected in the spring, and the Romans were un-
willing to risk battle with them under any other
general. However, the Barbarians did not come as
soon as they were expected, and once more the
period of Marius’s consulship expired. As the consular
elections were at hand, and as his colleague in the
office had died, Marius left Manius Aquillius in charge
of the forces and came himself to Rome. Here
many men of great merit were candidates for the
consulship, but Lucius Saturninus, who had more

1 For the year 103 B.c.
499

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Latopvives ὁ μάλιστα τῶν δημάρχων ἄγων τὸ
πλῆθος, ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρίου τεθεραπευμένος ἐδη-
μηγόρει, κελεύων ἐκεῖνον ὕπατον αἱρεῖσθαι.
θρυπτομένου δὲ τοῦ Μαρίου καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι
τὴν ἀρχὴν φάσκοντος ὡς δὴ μὴ δεομένου, προ-
ὁτὴν αὐτὸν ὁ Σατορνῖνος ἀπεκάλει τῆς πατρίδος
ἐν κινδύνῳ τοσούτῳ φεύγοντα τὸ στρατηγεῖν. καὶ
φανερὸς μὲν ἣν ἀπιθάνως συνυποκρινόμενος τὸ
προσποίημα τῷ Μαρίῳ, τὸν δὲ καιρὸν ὁρῶντες οἱ
πολλοὶ τῆς ἐκείνου δεινότητος ἅμα καὶ τύχης
δεόμενον ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν τετάρτην ὑπατείαν, καὶ
συνάρχοντα Κάτλον αὐτῷ Λουτάτιον κατέστησαν,
ἄνδρα καὶ τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ τοῖς
πολλοῖς οὐκ ἐπαχθῆ.

XV. Πυνθανόμενος δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους ὁ Μάριος
ἐγγὺς εἶναι διὰ ταχέων ὑπερέβαλε τὰς ᾿Αλπεις"
καὶ τειχίσας στρατόπεδον παρὰ τῷ οδανῷ
ποταμῷ συνῆγεν εἰς αὐτὸ χορηγίαν ἄφθονον, ὡς
μηδέποτε παρὰ τὸν τοῦ συμφέροντος λογισμὸν
ἐκβιασθείη δι᾿ ἔνδειαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων εἰς μάχην
καταστῆναι. τὴν δὲ κομιδὴν ὧν ἔδει ' τῷ στρα-
τεύματι μακρὰν καὶ πολυτελῆ πρότερον οὖσαν
πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, αὐτὸς εἰργάσατο ῥᾳδίαν καὶ
ταχεῖαν. τὰ γὰρ στόματα τοῦ Poédavod, πρὸς τὰς
ἀνακοπὰς τῆς θαλάττης, ἰλύν τε πολλὴν λαμ-
βάνοντα καὶ θῖνα πηλῷ βαθεῖ συμπεπιλημένην
ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος, χαλεπὸν καὶ ἐπίπονον καὶ
βραδύπορον τοῖς σιταγωγοῖς ἐποίει τὸν εἴσπλουν.
ὁ δὲ τρέψας ἐνταῦθα τὸν στρατὸν σχολάζοντα
τάφρον μεγάλην ἐνέβαλε, καὶ ταύτῃ πολὺ μέρος
τοῦ ποταμοῦ μεταστήσας περιήγαγεν εἰς ἐπιτή-

1 ἔδει Coraés, Bekker, and Ziegler, after Reiske; ἀδεῖτο.
500

414

CAIUS MARIUS, xiv. 7-xv. 3

influence with the people than any other tribune,
was won over by the flattering attentions of Marius,
and in his harangues urged the people to elect Marius
consul. Marius affected to decline the office and
declared that he did not want it, but Saturninus called
him a traitor to his country for refusing to command
her armies at a time of so great peril. Now, it was
clear that Saturninus was playing his part at the
instigation of Marius, and playing it badly, too, but
the multitude, seeing that the occasion required
the ability as well as the good fortune of Marius,
voted for his fourth consulship,! and made Catulus
Lutatius his colleague, a man who was esteemed
by the nobility and not disliked by the common
people.

XV. Learning that the enemy were near, Marius
rapidly crossed the Alps, and built a fortified camp
along the river Rhone. Into this he brought to-
gether an abundance of stores, that he might never
be forced by lack of provisions to give battle contrary
to his better judgment. The conveyance of what
was needful for his army, which had previously been
a long and costly process where it was by sea, he
rendered easy and speedy. ‘That is, the mouths of
the Rhone, encountering the sea, took up great
quantities of mud and sand packed close with clay
by the action of the billows, and made the entrance
of the river difficult, laborious, and slow for vessels
carrying supplies. So Marius brought his army to
the place, since the men had nothing else to do, and
ran a great canal. Into this he diverted a great part
of the river and brought it round to a suitable place

1 102 B.c.
501

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> / \ \ \ \ 4 yf
δειον αἰγιαλόν, βαθὺ μὲν καὶ ναυσὶ μεγάλαις ἔπο-
a \ Nay. / lal \
χον, λεῖον δὲ καὶ ἄκλυστον στόμα λαβοῦσαν πρὸς
Β ᾽
τὴν θάλασσαν. αὕτη μὲν οὖν ἔτι ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου
,
τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν φυλάττει.
a Ul a /
Τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων διελόντων σφᾶς αὐτοὺς δίχα
Κίμβροι μὲν ἔλαχον διὰ Νωρικῶν ἄνωθεν ἐπὶ
μβροι μ χ
a \
Κάτλον χωρεῖν καὶ τὴν πάροδον ἐκείνην βιάζξε-
/ \ \
σθαι, Tevtoves δὲ καὶ Αμβρωνες διὰ Λιγύων ἐπὶ
Ν / \ ΄ ,
Μάριον παρὰ θάλατταν. καὶ KiwBpors μὲν ἐγίνετο
’ὔ \
πλείων ἡ διατριβὴ καὶ μέλλησις, TevToves δὲ Kal
v Μ > \ \ , \ 3
Αμβρωνες ἄραντες εὐθὺς καὶ διελθόντες τὴν ἐν
΄ »
μέσῳ χώραν ἐφαίνοντο πλήθει τε ἄπειροι καὶ
, \ y ' \ t
δυσπρόσοπτοι τὰ εἴδη, φθόγγον τε καὶ θόρυβον
δ ᾿ “Ὁ
οὐχ ἑτέροις ὅμοιοι. περιβαλόμενοι δὲ τοῦ πεδίου
\ ,
μέγα μέρος! καὶ στρατοπεδεύσαντες προύκα-
“ »
λοῦντο τὸν Μάριον εἰς μάχην.
€ ΄
XVI. Ὁ δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐκ ἐφροντιζεν, ἐν δὲ
la} \ ΄ a \ ΄
τῷ χάρακι τοὺς στρατιώτας συνεῖχε, καὶ καθή-
fal an / \
TTETO πικρῶς τῶν θρασυνομένων, Kal τοὺς προ-
/ la) \ f ’
πίπτοντας ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ μάχεσθαι βουλομένους
“Ἂ \
προδότας ἀπεκάλει τῆς πατρίδος. οὐ yap ὑπὲρ
, 3
θριάμβων τὴν φιλοτιμίαν εἶναι καὶ τροπαίων,
¢ a /
ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως νέφος τοσοῦτον πολέμου καὶ σκηπτὸν
> / lal
ὠσάμενοι διασώσουσι τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. ταῦτα μὲν
\ , \ € / f-
ἰδίᾳ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τοὺς ὁμοτίμους ἔλεγε,
‘ ΄ ¢ δ a ΄ e \ TSN
τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ὑπὲρ τοῦ χάρακος ἱστὰς ἀνὰ
Ud \ a / » \ \
μέρος καὶ θεᾶσθαι κελεύων εἴθιζε τὴν μορφὴν
a /
ἀνέχεσθαι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ὑπομένειν

1 μέγα μέρος Coraés and Bekker, after Reiske: μέγα.
502

CAIUS MARIUS, xv. 3-xv1. 2

on the coast,a deep bay where large ships could float,
and where the water could flow out smoothly and with-
out waves to the sea. This canal, indeed, still bears
the name of Marius.!

The Barbarians divided themselves into two bands,
and it fell to the lot of the Cimbri to proceed through
Noricum in the interior of the country against
Catulus, and force a passage there, while the Teu-
tones and Ambrones were to march through Liguria
along the sea-coast against Marius. On the part of
the Cimbri there was considerable delay and loss of
time, but the Teutones and Ambrones set out at
once, passed through the intervening country, and
made their appearance before Marius. Their numbers
were limitless, they were hideous in their aspect,
and their speech and cries were unlike those of other
peoples. They covered a large part of the plain,
and after pitching their camp challenged Marius to
battle.

XVI. Marius, however, paid no heed to them, but
kept his soldiers inside their fortifications, bitterly
rebuking those who would have made a display of
their courage, and calling those whose high spirit made
them wish to rush forth and give battle traitors to
their country. For it was not, he said, triumphs or
trophies that should now be the object of their
ambition, but how they might ward off so great a
cloud and thunder-bolt of war and secure the safety of
Italy. This was his language in private to his
officers and equals ; but he would station his soldiers
on the fortifications by detachments, bidding them
to observe the enemy, and in this way accustomed
them not to fear their shape or dread their cries,

1 Cf. Strabo, iv. 8 (p. 183).
503

VOL. IX. R

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅλως οὖσαν ἀλλόκοτον Kal θηριώδη, σκευήν TE καὶ
f an A
κίνησιν αὐτῶν καταμανθάνειν, ἅμα τῷ χρόνῳ τὰ
/ lel
φαινόμενα δεινὰ ποιουμένους τῇ διανοίᾳ χειροήθη
Ν a ” ς A NX x \ 9 /
διὰ τῆς ὄψεως" ἡγεῖτο yap πολλὰ μὲν ἐπιψεύ-
δεσθαι τῶν οὐ προσόντων τὴν καινότητα τοῖς
φοβεροῖς, ἐν δὲ τῇ συνηθείᾳ καὶ τὰ τῇ φύσει δεινὰ
ΣΎΝ He ere: A cbt
” Υ͂ lal e
τὴν ἔκπληξιν ἀποβάλλειν. τῶν δὲ οὐ μόνον ἡ
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὄψις ἀφήρει τι τοῦ θάμβους, ἀλλὰ
Ν \ \ 2 ἐν a ΄ Ν \
Kal πρὸς Tas ἀπειλὰς τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ Tov
κόμπον οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν ὄντα θυμὸς αὐτοῖς παριστά-
μενος ἐξεθέρμαινε καὶ διέφλεγε τὰς ψυχάς, οὐ
\ ε
μόνον ἀγόντων καὶ φερόντων τὰ πέριξ ἅπαντα
τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ χάρακι ποιουμένων
προσβολὰς μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καὶ θρασύ-
τητος, ὥστε φωνὰς καὶ διαγανακτήσεις τῶν
A \ \ f ἢ ce τι
στρατιωτῶν πρὸς τὸν Μάριον ἐκφέρεσθαι. “Τίνα
δὴ καταγνοὺς ἀνανδρίαν ἡμῶν Μάριος εἴργει
A \ nr
μάχης ὥσπερ γυναῖκας ὑπὸ κλεισὶ Kal θυρωροῖς;
/ / » n , >} / 3 7,
φέρε, παθόντες ἀνδρῶν πάθος ἐλευθέρων ἐρώμεθα
, n
πότερον ἄλλους ἀναμένει μαχουμένους ὑπὲρ τῆς
2 ἐ CF Ls \ a i? \
Itarias, ἡμῖν δὲ λειτουργοῖς χρήσεται διὰ παν-
τός, ὅταν δέηται τάφρους ὀρύσσειν καὶ πηλὸν
,
ἐκκαθαίρειν Kal ποταμούς τινας παρατρέπειν; ἐπὶ
ταῦτα γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤσκει τοῖς πολλοῖς πόνοις
ἡμᾶς, καὶ ταῦτα τῶν ὑπατειῶν ἀποδειξάμενος
» A , > “4 A \ aA
ἔργα τοῖς πολίταις ἐπάνεισιν. ἢ τὰ Κάρβωνος
᾽ Ν “ \ ᾿ς ἃ ϑι εν, e
αὐτὸν φοβεῖ καὶ Καιπίωνος, ods ἐνίκησαν οἱ
πολέμιοι, πολὺ μὲν αὐτοὺς τῆς Μαρίου δόξης καὶ
504

CAIUS MARIUS, xvi. 2-5

which were altogether strange and ferocious; and to
make themselves acquainted with their equipment
and movements, thus in course of time rendering
what was only apparently formidable familiar to their
minds from observation. For he considered that
their novelty falsely imparts to terrifying objects
many qualities which they do not possess, but that
with familiarity even those things which are really
dreadful lose their power to affright. And so in
the case of his soldiers, not only did the daily sight
of the enemy lessen somewhat their amazement at
them, but also, when they heard the threats and the
intolerable boasting of the Barbarians, their anger
rose and warmed and set on fire their spirits ; for the
enemy were ravaging and plundering all the country
round, and besides, often attacked the Roman forti-
fications with great temerity and shamelessness, so
that indignant speeches of his soldiers reached the
ears of Marius. ‘ What cowardice, pray, has Marius
discovered in us that he keeps us out of battle like
women under lock and key? Come, let us act like
freemen and ask him if he is waiting for other
soldiers to fight in defence of Italy, and will use us
as workmen all the time, whenever there is need of
digging ditches and clearing out mud and diverting
a river or two. For it was to this end, as it would
seem, that he exercised us in those many toils,! and
these are the achievements of his consulships which
he will exhibit to his fellow-citizens on his return to
Rome. Or does he fear the fate of Carbo and
Caepio, whom the enemy defeated ?? But they were
far behind Marius in reputation and excellence, and

1 Cf. chapter xiii. I.

2 Carbo in 113 B.c., Caepio in 105 B.c, See the Dictionary
of Proper Names.

995

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

>’ A 3 ΄ \ \ , \
ἀρετῆς ἀποδέοντας, πολὺ δὲ χείρονα στρατὸν
” » \ N Lal a e 3 a
ἄγοντας; ἀλλὰ καὶ παθεῖν τι δρῶντας, ὡς ἐκεῖνοί,

/ Ἃ n if a ΄
κάλλιον ἢ καθῆσθαι πορθουμένων τῶν συμμάχων
θεατάς."

XVII. Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούων ὁ Μάριος ἥδετο, καὶ κατε-

fw > \ e 3 3 ’ὔ ᾽ ἴω > 3, 2
πράδνεν αὐτοὺς ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἀπιστῶν, GAN ἔκ
, na ,
τίνων λογίων τὸν τῆς νίκης ἅμα καιρὸν Kal τόπον
3 , \ / / a 4
ἐκδεχόμενος. καὶ γάρ τινα Σύραν γυναῖκα, Map-
θαν ὄνομα, μαντεύεσθαι λεγομένην ἐν φορείῳ
a \ 4
κατακειμένην σεμνῶς περιήγετο, καὶ θυσίας ἔθυεν
ὃ 4 \

ἐκείνης κελευούσης. ἣν πρότερον μὲν ἀπήλασεν
e ΄ > a ς \ , ,

ἡ σύγκλητος ἐντυχεῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλομένην
\ \ 4 » ᾽ Ν \ \
καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζουσαν, ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς
\ a ᾽ an . 50. \ ,
τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιοῦσα διάπειραν ἐδίδου Kal μάλι-

a , \ \
στα τῇ Μαρίου παρακαθίξζουσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας
a a / Ν
τῶν μονομάχων ἐπιτυχῶς προηγόρευε τὸν μέλ-
rn a ae 2
λοντα νικᾶν, ἀναπεμφθεῖσα πρὸς Μάριον ὑπ
2 , 2 , \ \ Ν \ > ,
ἐκείνης ἐθαυμάζετο. Kal τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐν φορείῳ
, \ N \ , /
παρεκομίζετο, πρὸς δὲ τὰς θυσίας κατήει φοι-
/ a 2 [4 Ν BJ
νικίδα διπλῆν ἐμπεπορπημένη Kal λόγχην avace-
/ f a
δεμένην ταινίαις Kal στεφανώμασι φέρουσα. τοῦτο
a a , a
μὲν οὖν TO δρᾶμα πολλοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν παρεῖχεν,
n ,
εἴτε πεπεισμένος ὡς ἀληθῶς εἴτε πλαττόμενος καὶ
\ Y
συνυποκρινόμενος ἐπιδείκνυται THY ἄνθρωπον.
a ?
To δὲ περὶ τοὺς γῦπας θαύματος ἄξιον ᾿Αλέ-
ig ᾿ς ς ig ΄ \ bd ,
Eavdpos ὁ Μύνδιος ἱστόρηκε. δύο yap ἐφαίνοντο
a \ \ 7
πρὸ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς στρατείας

506

415

CAIUS MARIUS, xvi. 5-xvn. 3

led an army that was far inferior to his. Surely it
is better to do something, even if we perish as
they did, rather than to sit here and enjoy the
spectacle of our allies being plundered.”

XVII. Marius was delighted to hear of such
expressions, and tried to calm the soldiers down by
telling them that he did not distrust them, but in
consequence of certain oracles was awaiting a fit
time and place for his victory. And indeed he used
to carry about ceremoniously in a litter a certain Syrian
woman, named Martha, who was said to have the
gitt of prophecy, and he would make sacrifices at her
bidding. She had previously been rejected by the
senate when she wished to appear before them with
reference to these matters and predicted future
events. Then she got audience of the women and
gave them proofs of her skill, and particularly the
wife of Marius, at whose feet she sat when some
gladiators were fighting and successfully foretold
which one was going to be victorious. In consequence
of this she was sent to Marius by his wife, and
was admired by him. As a general thing she was
carried along with the army in a litter, but she
attended the sacrifices clothed in a double purple
robe that was fastened with a clasp, and carrying a
spear that was wreathed with fillets and chaplets.
Such a performance as this caused many to doubt
whether Marius, in exhibiting the woman, really
believed in her, or was pretending to do so and
merely acted a part with her.

The affair of the vultures, however, which Alex-
ander of Myndus relates, is certainly wonderful. Two
vultures were always seen hovering about the armies
of Marius before their victories, and accompanied

5°7

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal παρηκολούθουν γνωριζόμενοι χαλκοῖς περιδε-
patio. ταῦτα δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται συλλαβόντες
αὐτοὺς περιῆψαν, εἶτα ἀφῆκαν: ἐκ δὲ τούτου
γνωρίζοντες ἠσπάξοντο αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατιῶται]
καὶ φανέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐξόδοις ἔχαιρον ὡς ἀγαθόν
τι πράξοντες.

Πολλῶν δὲ σημείων προφαινομένων τὰ μὲν
ἄχλα χαρακτῆρα κοινὸν εἶχεν, ἐκ δὲ ᾿Α μερίας καὶ
Τουδέρτου, πόλεων ᾿Ιταλικῶν, ἀπηγγέλθη νυκτὸς
ὦφθαι κατὰ τὸν οὐρανὸν αἰχμάς τε φλογοειδεῖς
καὶ θυρεοὺς διαφερομένους τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα “συμ-
πίπτοντας ἀλλήλοις καὶ σχήματα καὶ κινήματα
λαμβάνοντας οἷα γίνεται μαχομένων ἀνδρῶν,
τέλος δὲ τῶν μὲν ἐνδιδόντων, τῶν δ᾽ ἐπιφερομένων,
πάντας ἐπὶ δυσμὰς ῥυῆναι. περὶ τοῦτον δέ πως
τὸν χρόνον ἀφίκετο καὶ Βατάκης ἐκ Πεσσινοῦντος
ὁ τῆς μεγάλης μητρὸς ἱερεύς, ἀπαγγέλλων ὡς ἡ
θεὸς ἐ ἐκ τῶν ἀνακτόρων ἐφθέγξατο αὐτῷ νίκην καὶ
κράτος πολέμου “Ῥωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν. τῆς δὲ
συγκλήτου προσεμένης καὶ τῇ θεῷ ναὸν ἐπινίκιον
ἱδρύσασθαι ψηφισαμένης, τὸν Βατάκην εἰς τὸν
δῆμον προελθόντα καὶ ταῦτα βουλόμενον εἰπεῖν
ἐκώλυσε δημαρχῶν Αὖλος ἸΠομπήϊος, ἀγύρτην
ἀποκαλῶν καὶ πρὸς ὕβριν ἀπελαύνων τοῦ βή-
ματος. ὃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τῷ λόγῳ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου
πίστιν παρέσχεν. οὐ γὰρ ἔφθη τῆς ἐκκλησίας
λυθείσης ὁ Αὖλος εἰς οἶκον ἐπανελθεῖν, καὶ
πυρετὸς ἐξήνθησεν αὐτῷ τοσοῦτος ὥστε πᾶσι
καταφανῆ γενόμενον καὶ περιβόητον ἐντὸς ἑβδό-
μης ἡμέρας ἀποθανεῖν.

1 αὐτοὺς of στρατιῶται With Reiske: τοὺς στρατιώτας, which
Bekker and Ziegler bracket.

5038

CAIUS MARIUS, xvu. 3-6

them on their journeys, being recognized by bronze
rings on their necks; for the soldiers had caught
them, put these rings on, and let them go again;
and after this. on recognizing the birds, the soldiers
greeted them, and they were glad to see them when
they set out upon a march, feeling sure in such
cases that they would be successful.

Many signs also appeared, most of which were or
the ordinary kind ; but from Ameria and Tuder, cities
of Italy, it was reported that at night there had been
seen in the heavens flaming spears, and shields which
at first moved in different directions, and then clashed
together, assuming the formations and movements of
men in battle, and finallysome of them would give way,
while others pressed on in pursuit, and al] streamed
away to the westward. Moreover, about this time
Bataces, the priest of the Great Mother,! came from
Pessinus announcing that the goddess had declared
to him from her shrine that the Romans were to be
victorious and triumphant in war. ‘The senate gave
credence to the story and voted that a temple should
be built for the goddess in commemoration of the
victory ; but when Bataces came before the assembly
and desired to tell the story, Aulus Pompeius, a
tribune of the people, prevented him, calling him an
impostor, and driving him with insults from the
rostra. And lo, this did more than anything else to
gain credence for the man’s story. For hardly had
Aulus gone back to his house after the assembly
was dissolved, when he broke out with so violent a
fever that he died within a week, and everybody
knew and talked about it.

1 Cybelé, Mother of the Gods.
5°09

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

,ὔ
XVIII. Οἱ δὲ Tevtoves ἐπεχείρησαν μὲν
al / an
ἡσυχάζοντος τοῦ Μαρίου πολιορκεῖν τὸ στρατό-
, \ Lal 3 , ’ Ἂν aA
πεδον, βέλεσι δὲ πολλοῖς ἐντυχόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ
/ / an
χάρακος φερομένοις καί τινας ἐξ αὑτῶν ἀπο-
βαλόντες ἔγνωσαν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν χωρεῖν ὡς
ς a b) a N Ὑ \
ὑπερβαλοῦντες ἀδεῶς Tas Αλπεις: καὶ συσκευ-
Ν an
ασάμενοι παρήμειβον τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν “Po-
f n
μαίων, τότε δὴ μάλιστα παμπληθεῖς μήκει Kal
an U Ud / ε
χρόνῳ τῆς παρόδου φανέντες" ἡμέραις γὰρ ἕξ
an ,
λέγονται τὸν χάρακα τοῦ Μαρίου παραμείψια-
a € 7 /
σθαι συνεχῶς ὁδεύοντες. ἐπορεύοντο δὲ ἐγγύς,
a ς I \ ld
πυνθανόμενοι τῶν Ρωμαίων μετὰ γέλωτος εἴ τι
πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας ἐπιστέλλοιεν': αὐτοὶ yap
7 / 2 ? a 5 Ν \ /
ἔσεσθαι ταχέως Tap αὐταῖς. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρήλλαξαν
\ i ͵ \ > \
οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ προήεσαν, ἄρας καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπη-
/ \ \ 3. Θ᾽ ᾽
κολούθει σχέδην, ἐγγὺς μὲν ἀεὶ καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς
e , ’ an \ ,
ἐκείνους ἱδρυόμενος, ὀχυραῖς δὲ χρώμενος στρατο-
, \ ᾿
πεδείαις καὶ χωρία καρτερὰ προβαλλόμενος, ὥστε
a ¢ \ .
ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ vuxtepeverv. οὕτω δὴ προϊόντες
ἐγένοντο πρὸς τοῖς καλουμένοις ὕδασι Σεξτίοις,
ef ” , ’ \ € Ν > an
ὅθεν ἔδει πορευθέντας οὐ πολλὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ταῖς
ἔἼΛλλπεσιν εἶναι. διὸ δὴ καὶ Μάριος ἐνταῦθα
4 if A
παρεσκευάζετο μάχεσθαι, καὶ κατέλαβε τῷ
/ / >’ Ν / “ \ v
στρατοπέδῳ τόπον ἰσχυρὸν μέν, ὕδωρ δὲ ἄφθονον
, A \
οὐκ ἔχοντα, βουλόμενος, ὥς φασι, καὶ τούτῳ
παροξῦναι τοὺς στρατιώτας. πολλῶν γέ τοι
, Ν / , A an
δυσχεραινόντων καὶ διψήσειν λεγόντων, δείξας TH
χειρὶ ποταμόν τινα ῥέοντα πλησίον τοῦ βαρ-
βαρικοῦ χάρακος, ἐκεῖθεν αὐτοῖς ἔφησεν εἶναι

510

410

CAIUS MARIUS, xvi. 1-4

XVIII. But the Teutones, since Marius kept quiet,
attempted to take his camp by storm ; many missiles,
however, were hurled against them from the forti-
fications, and they lost some of their men. They
therefore decided to march forward, expecting
to cross the Alps without molestation. So they
packed up their baggage and began to march past
the camp of the Romans. Then, indeed, the im-
mensity of their numbers was made specially evident
by the length of their line and the time required for
their passage; for it is said they were six days in
passing the fortifications of Marius, although they
moved continuously. And they marched close to the
camp, inquiring with laughter whether the Romans
had any messages for their wives ; “ for,” said they,
“we shall soon be with them.” But when the
Barbarians had passed by and were going on their
way, Marius also broke camp and followed close upon
them, always halting near by and at their very side,
but strongly fortifying his camps and keeping strong
positions in his front, so that he could pass the night
in safety. Thus the two armies went on until they
came to the place called Aquae Sextiae, from which
they had to march only a short distance and they
would be in the Alps. For this reason, indeed,
Marius made preparations to give battle here, and he
occupied for his camp a position that was strong, but
poorly supplied with water, wishing, as they say, by
this circumstance also to incite his soldiers to fight.
At any rate, when many of them were dissatisfied
and said they would be thirsty there, he pointed to a
river that ran near the barbarian fortifications, and
told them they could get water there, but the

R2 97?

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ " “ τε}... οὖ 5.» τ 5
ποτὸν ὦνιον αἵματος. “Τί οὖν," ἔφασαν, “οὐκ
» \ . la) v » ᾽ > Si Ψ ς Ν \ a
εὐθὺς ἡμᾶς ἄγεις ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἕως ὑγρὸν TO αἷμα
2 a a a
ἔχομεν; κἀκεῖνος ἠρέμα τῇ φωνῇ, “ Πρότερον,"
εἶπεν, “ ὀχυρωτέον ἡμῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον."
XIX. Οἱ μὲν οὖν στρατιῶται καίπερ ἀσχάλ-
A , Ν a
λοντες ἐπείθοντο’ τῆς δὲ θεραπείας τὸ πλῆθος
Se, 3 \ \ wy ὁ »- , ” 3 ,
οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ ποτὸν οὔθ᾽ ὑποξζυγίοις ἔχοντες ἀθρόοι
, 5 \ Ν , e \ 5 ’ € \
κατέβαινον ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμόν, οἱ μὲν ἀξίνας, οἱ δὲ
, » \ \ , \ / «“ a
πελέκεις, ἔνιοι δὲ Kal ξίφη Kal λόγχας ἅμα τοῖς
¢€ , ᾽ , e \ \ , φ' ,
ὑδρίοις ἀναλαβόντες, ὡς καὶ διὰ μάχης ὑδρευσό-
Ν A 3 /
μενοι. τούτοις TO πρῶτον ὀλίγοι προσεμάχοντο
a \ A
τῶν πολεμίων: ἔτυχον γὰρ ἀριστῶντες οἱ πολλοὶ
\ , e NcaeS: / Ἐν Ν 3 ,
μετὰ λουτρόν, οἱ δὲ ἐλούοντο. ῥήγνυσι yap αὐτόθι
’ a € n UJ
ναμάτων θερμῶν πηγὰς ὁ χῶρος: καὶ μέρος τι
περὶ ταῦτα τοὺς βαρβάρους εὐπαθοῦντας καὶ
πανηγυρίζοντας ἡδονῇ καὶ θαύματι τοῦ τόπου
Ξ «ς A \
κατέλαβον of Ῥωμαῖοι. πρὸς δὲ THY κραυγὴν
πλειόνων συντρεχόντων τῷ τε Μαρίῳ χαλεπὸν ἦν
ἔτι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπισχεῖν περὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν
δεδιότας, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τὸ μαχιμώτατον
, e 4? . , ε a \
μέρος, ὑφ᾽ ov προήττηντο Ῥωμαῖοι peta Μαλ-
,
λίου καὶ Καιπίωνος πρότερον ("“AuBpwves wvo-
an (2 N ,
μάζοντο καὶ πλῆθος ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους αὐτοὶ καθ᾽
ἑαυτοὺς ἧσαν), ἀναΐξαντες ἐπὶ τὰς πανοπλίας
\ , A
ἐχώρουν. τὰ μὲν οὖν σώματα πλησμονῇ βεβαρη-
μένοι, τοῖς δὲ φρονήμασι γαῦροι καὶ διακεχυμένοι
πρὸς τὸν ἄκρατον, οὐκ ἀτάκτοις οὐδὲ μανιώδεσι
/ / 3 N »Μ 3 AN es
φερόμενοι δρόμοις οὐδὲ ἄναρθρον ἀλαλαγμὸν ἱέν-
τες, ἀλλὰ κρούοντες ῥυθμῷ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ συναλ-
512

CAIUS MARIUS, xvi. 4-x1x. 3

price of it was blood. “Why, then,” they said,
“dost thou not lead us at once against the enemy,
while our blood is still moist?” To which Marius
calmly replied: “We must first make our camp
strong.”

XIX. His soldiers, accordingly, though reluctant,
obeyed ; but the throng of camp-servants, who had
no water either for themselves or their beasts, went
down in a body to the river, some taking hatchets,
some axes, and some also swords and lances along
with their water-jars, determined to get water even
if they had to fight for it. With these only a few of
the enemy at first engaged, since the main body
were taking their meal after bathing, and some were
still bathing. For streams of warm water burst
from the ground in this place, and at these the
Romans surprised a number of the Barbarians, who
were enjoying themselves and making merry in this
wonderfully pleasant place. Their cries brought
more of the Barbarians to the spot, and Marius had
difficulty in longer restraining his soldiers, since
they had fears now for their servants. Besides, the
most warlike division of the enemy, by whom at an
earlier time the Romans under Manlius and Caepio
had been defeated ! (they were called Ambrones and
of themselves numbered more than thirty thousand),
had sprung up from their meal and were running to
get their arms. However, though their bodies were
surfeited and weighed down with food and their
spirits excited and disordered with strong wine, they
did not rush on in a disorderly or frantic course, nor
raise an inarticulate battle-cry, but rhythmically
clashing their arms and leaping to the sound they

1 Cf. chapter xvi. 5.
513

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λόμενοι πάντες ἅμα τὴν αὑτῶν ἐφθέγγοντο
πολλάκις προσηγορίαν ΓἌμβρωνες, εἴτε ἀνα-
καλούμενοι σφᾶς αὐτούς, εἴτε τοὺς πολεμίους τῇ
προδηλώσει προεκφοβοῦντες. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιταλικῶν
πρῶτοι καταβαίνοντες ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς Λίγυες, ὡς
ἤκουσαν βοώντων καὶ συνῆκαν, ἀντεφώνουν καὶ
αὐτοὶ τὴν πάτριον ἐπίκλησιν αὐτῶν εἶναι: σφᾶς
yap αὐτοὺς οὕτως κατὰ γένος ὀνομάζουσι Λίγυες.
πυκνὸν οὖν καὶ παράλληλον ἀντήχει πρὶν εἰς
χεῖρας συνελθεῖν τὸ ἀναφώνημα' καὶ τῶν στρατῶν
ἑκατέροις ἀνὰ μέρος συναναφθεγγομένων καὶ
φιλοτιμουμένων πρῶτον ἀλλήλους τῷ μεγέθει
τῆς βοῆς ὑπερβαλέσθαι, παρώξυνε καὶ διηρέθιζε
τὸν θυμὸν ἡ ἡ κραυγή.

Τοὺς μὲν οὖν ᾿Ἄμβρωνας διέσπασε τὸ ῥεῖθρον"
οὐ γὰρ ἔφθασαν εἰς τάξιν καταστῆναι διαβάντες,
ἀλλὰ τοῖς πρώτοις εὐθὺς μετὰ δρόμου τῶν Λι-
γύων προσπεσόντων ἐν χερσὶν ἣν ἡ μάχη: τοῖς
δὲ Λίγυσι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιβοηθούντων καὶ
φερομένων ἄνωθεν ἐ ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους βιασθέν-
τες ἐτράποντο. καὶ πλεῖστοι μὲν αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ
ῥεῖθρον ὠθούμενοι κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐπαίοντο καὶ
κατεπίμπλασαν φόνου καὶ νεκρῶν τὸν ποταμόν,
τοὺς δὲ διαβάντες οἱ Ρωμαῖοι μὴ τολμῶντας ἀνα-
στρέφειν ἔκτεινον ἄχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τῶν
ἁμαξῶν φεύγοντας. ἐνταῦθα δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἀπ-
αντῶσαι μετὰ ξιφῶν καὶ πελέκεων δεινὸν τετρι-
γυῖαι καὶ περίθυμον ἠμύνοντο τοὺς φεύγοντας
ὁμοίως καὶ τοὺς διώκοντας, τοὺς μὲν ὡς προδότας,
τοὺς δὲ ὡς πολεμίους, ἀναπεφυρμέναι, μαχομένοις
καὶ χερσὶ γυμναῖς τούς τε θυρεοὺς τῶν Ῥωμαίων

514

CAIUS MARIUS, x1x. 3-7

would frequently shout out all together their tribal
name Ambrones, either to encourage one another, or
to terrify their enemies in advance by the declaration.
The first of the Italians to go down against them were
the Ligurians, and when they heard and understood
what the Barbarians were shouting, they themselves
shouted back the word, claiming it as their own an-
cestral appellation ; for the Ligurians call themselves
Ambrones by descent. Often, then, did the shout
echo and reecho from either side before they came
to close quarters; and since the hosts back of each
party took up the cry by turns and strove each to
outdo the other first in the magnitude of their shout,
their cries roused and fired the spirit of the com-
batants.

Well, then, the Ambrones became separated by the
stream; for they did not all succeed in getting
across and forming an array, but upon the foremost
of them the Ligurians at once fell with a rush, and the
fighting was hand-to-hand. Then the Romans came
to the aid of the Ligurians, and charging down from
the heights upon the Barbarians overwhelmed and
turned them back. Most of the Ambrones were
cut down there in the stream where they were all
crowded together, and the river was filled with their
blood and their dead bodies; the rest, after the
Romans had crossed, did not dare to face about,
and the Romans kept slaying them until they came
in their flight to their camp and waggons. Here
the women met them, swords and axes in their
hands, and with hideous shrieks of rage tried to drive
back fugitives and pursuers alike, the fugitives as
traitors, and the pursuers as foes; they mixed them-
selves up with the combatants, with bare hands tore

525

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀποσπῶσαι καὶ Tov ξιφῶν ἐπιλαμβανόμεναι, καὶ
τραύματα καὶ διακοπὰς σωμάτων ὑπομένουσαι,
μέχρι τελευτῆς ἀήττητοι τοῖς θυμοῖς. τὴν μὲν
οὖν παραποτάμιον μάχην οὕτω κατὰ τύχην μᾶλ-
λον ἢ γνώμῃ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ γενέσθαι λέγουσιν.

XX. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿Αμβρώνων οἱ
“Ῥωμαῖοι διαφθείραντες ἀνεχώρησαν ὀπίσω καὶ
σκότος ἐπέσχεν, οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχήματι
τοσούτῳ τὸν στρατὸν ἐδέξαντο παιᾶνες ἐπινίκιοι
καὶ πότοι κατὰ σκηνὰς καὶ φιλοφροσύναι περὶ
δεῖπνα καὶ τὸ πάντων ἥδιστον ἀνδράσιν εὐτυχῶς
μεμαχημένοις, ὕπνος ἤπιος, arn ἐκείνην μάλιστα
τὴν νύκτα φοβερὰν καὶ ταραχώδη διήγαγον. ἦν
μὲν “γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀχαράκωτον τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ
ἀτείχιστον, ἀπελείποντο ῖ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἔτι
πολλαὶ μυριάδες ἀήττητοι, καὶ συμμεμιγμένων
τούτοις ὅσοι διαπεφεύγεσαν τῶν ᾿Αμβρώνων,
ὀδυρμὸς ἣν διὰ νυκτός, οὐ κλαυθμοῖς οὐδὲ στεναγ-
μοῖς ἀνθρώπων ἐ ἐοικώς, ἀλλὰ θηρομιγής τις ὠρυγὴ
καὶ βρύχημα μεμειγμένον ἀπειλαῖς καὶ θρήνοις
ἀναπεμπόμενον ἐκ πλήθους τοσούτου τά τε πέριξ
ὄρη καὶ τὰ κοῖλα τοῦ ποταμοῦ περιεφώνει. καὶ
κατεῖχε φρικώδης ἦχος τὸ πεδίον, τοὺς δὲ Ῥω-
μαίους δέος, αὐτόν τε τὸν Μάριον ἔκπληξις ἄ-
κοσμόν τινα καὶ ᾿ ταραχώδη VUKTOMAXLAD προσ-
δεχόμενον. οὐ μὴν ἐπῆλθον οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε τῆς
ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας, ἀλλὰ συντάττοντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ
παρασκευαζόμενοι διετέλουν.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ Μάριος, ἧσαν γὰρ ἐκ κεφαλῆς
τῶν βαρβάρων νάπαι περικλινεῖς καὶ κατάσκιοι

1 Ἀπελείποντο, Bekker adopts Coraés’ correction to ὑπελεί-
TOVTO.

516

4]

-

(

CAIUS MARIUS, xix. 7—-xx. 4

away the shields of the Romans or grasped their
swords, and endured wounds and mutilations, their
fierce spirits unvanquished to the end. So, then, as
we are told, the battle at the river was brought on
by accident rather than by the intention of the
commander.

XX. After destroying many of the Ambrones the
Romans withdrew and night came on; but in spite
of so great a success the army did not indulge in
paeans of victory, or drinking in the tents, or friendly
converse over suppers, or that sweetest of all delights
for men who have fought and won a battle, gentle
sleep, but that night more than any other was spent
in fears and commotions. For their camp was still
without palisade or wall, and there were still left
many myriads of the Barbarians who had met with
no defeat. These had been joined by all the Am-
brones who survived the battle, and there was
lamentation among them all night long, not like the
wailings and groans of men, but howlings and bellow-
ings with a strain of the wild beast in them,
mingled with threats and cries of grief, went up
from this vast multitude and echoed among the
surrounding hills and over the river valley. The
whole plain was filled with an awful din, the Romans
with fear, and even Marius himself with consternation
as he awaited some disorderly and confused night-
battle. However, the Barbarians made no attack
either during that night or the following day, but
spent the time in marshalling their forces and making
preparations.

Meanwhile, since the position of the Barbarians was
commanded by sloping glens and ravines that were

5m

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δρυμοῖς avrwves, ἐνταῦθα Κλαύδιον Μάρκελλον
ἐκπέμπει μετὰ τρισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν, ἐνεδρεῦσαι
κελεύσας κρύφα καὶ μαχομένοις ἐξόπισθεν ἐπι-
φανῆναι. τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους δειπνήσαντας ἐν ὥρᾳ
καὶ κοιμηθέντας ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ συνέταττε πρὸ τοῦ
χάρακος ἀγαγών, καὶ προεξέπεμπε τοὺς ἱππέας
εἰς τὸ πεδίον. θεασάμενοι δὲ οἱ Τεύτονες οὐκ
ἠνέσχοντο καταβαίνοντας αὐτοῖς ἐξ ἴσου δια-
γωνίζεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, adda σὺν τάχει καὶ
δι’ ὀργῆς ὁπλισάμενοι τῷ λόφῳ προσέβαλον. ὁ
δὲ Μάριος ἑκασταχοῦ διαπέμπων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας
ἑστάναι καὶ καρτερεῖν παρεκάλει, πελασάντων δὲ
εἰς ἐφικτὸν ἐξακοντίσαι τοὺς ὑσσούς, εἶτα χρῆ-
σθαι ταῖς μαχαίραις καὶ τοῖς θυρεοῖς ἀντερείσαν-
τας βιάζεσθαι: τῶν γὰρ τόπων ἐπισφαλῶν ὄντων
ἐκείνοις οὔτε τόνον ἕξειν τὰς πληγὰς οὔτε ῥώμην
τὸν συνασπισμόν, ἐν περιτροπῇ καὶ σάλῳ τῶν
σωμάτων ὄντων διὰ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν. ταῦτα ἅμα
παρήνει καὶ δρῶν ἑωρᾶτο πρῶτος: οὐδενὸς γὰρ
ἤσκητο χεῖρον τὸ σῶμα, καὶ πάντας πολὺ τῇ
τόλμῃ παρήλλαττεν.

ΧΧΙ. Ὡς οὖν ἀντιστάντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Ρωμαῖοι
καὶ συμπεσόντες ἔσχον ἄνω φερομένους, ἐκθλι-
βόμενοι κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπεχώρουν εἰς τὸ πεδίον"
καὶ τῶν πρώτων ἤδη καθισταμένων εἰς τάξιν ἐν
τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις βοὴ καὶ διασπασμὸς ἣν περὶ τοὺς
ὄπισθεν. ὁ γὰρ καιρὸς οὐκ ἔλαθε τὸν Μάρκελλον,
ἀλλὰ τῆς κραυγῆς ὑπὲρ τοὺς λόφους ἄνω φερο-
μένης ἀναστήσας τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ δρόμῳ καὶ

518

CAIUS MARIUS, xx. 4-χχι. 1

shaded by trees, Marius sent Claudius Marcellus
thither with three thousand men-at-arms, under
orders to lie concealed in ambush until the battle
was on, and then to show themselves in the enemy’s
rear. The rest of his soldiers, who had taken supper
in good season and then got a night’s sleep, he led
out at day-break and drew up in front of the camp,
and sent out his cavalry into the plain. The Teutones,
seeing this, could not wait for the Romans to come
down and fight with them on equal terms, but
quickly and wrathfully armed themselves and charged
up the hill. But Marius, sending his officers to all
parts of the line, exhorted the soldiers to stand
firmly in their lines, and when the enemy had got
within reach to hurl their javelins, then take to their
swords and crowd the Barbarians back with their
shields; for since the enemy were on_ precarious
ground their blows would have no force and the
locking of their shields no strength, but the uneven-
ness of the ground would keep them turning and
tossing about. This was the advice he gave his men,
and they saw that he was first to act accordingly ;
for he was in better training than any of them, and
in daring far surpassed them all.

XXI. Accordingly, the Romans awaited the enemy’s
onset, then closed with them and checked their
upward rush, and at last, crowding them back little
by little, forced them into the plain. Here, while
the Barbarians in front were at last forming in line
on level ground, there was shouting and commotion
in their rear. For Marcellus had watched his
opportunity, and when the cries of battle were borne
up over the hills he put his men upon the run.and

519

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A , \
ἀλαλαγμῷ προσέπιπτε KATA νώτου, κτείνων TOUS
ἐσχάτους. οἱ δὲ τοὺς πρὸ αὑτῶν ἐπισπώμενοι
ταχὺ πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα ταραχῆς ἐνέπλησαν, οὐ

/
πολύν TE χρόνον ἠνέσχοντο παιόμενοι διχόθεν,
« an
ἀλλὰ τὴν τάξιν λύσαντες ἔφευγον. οἱ δὲ Ρωμαῖοι
διώκοντες αὐτῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας ἢ ζῶντας
τ ρ A 3 a \ \ e a \
εἷλον ἢ κατέβαλον, σκηνῶν δὲ Kal ἁμαξῶν καὶ
χρημάτων κρατήσαντες, ὅσα μὴ διεκλάπη, Μάριον
a » , \ la) te
λαβεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. καὶ δωρεᾶς ταύτης λαμπρο-
τάτης τυχὼν οὐδὲν ἄξιον ἔχειν ὧν ἐστρα-
τήγησεν ἐνομίσθη διὰ τὸ τοῦ κινδύνου μέγεθος.
7 \ \ a a aA / 2
ἕτεροι δὲ περὶ τῆς δωρεᾶς τῶν λαφύρων οὐχ
an A a /
ὁμολογοῦσιν, οὐδὲ περὶ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν πεσόν-
των. Μασσαλιήτας μέντοι λέγουσι τοῖς ὀστέοις
περιθριγκῶσαι τοὺς ἀμπελῶνας, τὴν δὲ γῆν, τῶν
νεκρῶν καταναχωθέντων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ διὰ χειμῶνος
3 {? an
ὄμβρων ἐπιπεσόντων, οὕτως ἐκλιπανθῆναν καὶ
/ \ ΄, / na ,
γενέσθαι διὰ βάθους περίπλεω τῆς σηπεδόνος
> ΤΩ “ a id / ’ “
ἐνδύσης ὥστε καρπῶν ὑπερβάλλον εἰς ὥρας
n 2 Tal \ aA aed lis
πλῆθος ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ μαρτυρῆσαι τῷ ᾿Αρχιλόχῳ
lal »
λέγοντι πιαίνεσθαι πρὸς τοῦ τοιούτου τὰς ἀρούρας.
ἐπιεικῶς δὲ ταῖς μεγάλαις μάχαις ἐξαισίους
ὑετοὺς ἐπικαταρρήγνυσθαι λέγουσιν, εἴτε δαι-
7 \ \ A a “
μονίου τινὸς τὴν γῆν καθαροῖς καὶ διϊπετέσιν
ἁγνίζοντος ὕδασι καὶ κατακλύζοντος, εἴτε τοῦ
φόνου καὶ τῆς σηπεδόνος ἐξανιείσης ὑγρὰν καὶ
βαρεῖαν ἀναθυμίασιν, ἣ τὸν ἀέρα συνίστησιν
” v Ν ef / > ἈΝ
εὔτρεπτον ὄντα καὶ ῥάδιον μεταβάλλειν ἀπὸ
σμικροτάτης ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀρχῆς.

520

418

CAIUS MARIUS, xxi. 1-4

fell with loud shouts upon the enemy’s rear, where
he cut down the hindmost of them. Those in the
rear forced along those who were in front of them,
and quickly plunged the whole army into confusion,
and under this double attack they could not hold
out long, but broke ranks and fled. The Romans
pursued them and either slew or took alive over a
hundred thousand of them, besides making them-
selves masters of their tents, waggons, and property,
all of which, with the exception of what was pilfered,
was given to Marius by vote of the soldiers. And
though the gift that he received was so splendid, it
was thought to be wholly unworthy of his services in
the campaign, where the danger that threatened
had been so great.

There are some writers, however, who give a
different account of the division of the spoils, and also
of the number of the slain. Nevertheless, it is said
that the people of Massalia fenced their vineyards
round with the bones of the fallen, and that the soil,
after the bodies had wasted away in it and the rains
had fallen all winter upon it, grew so rich and be-
came so full to its depths of the putrefied matter
that sank into it, that it produced an exceeding great
harvest in after years, and confirmed the saying of
Archilochus?! that “fields are fattened”’ by such a
process. And it is said that extraordinary rains
generally dash down after great battles, whether it is
that some divine power drenches and hallows the
ground with purifying waters from Heaven, or that
the blood and putrefying matter send up a moist and
heavy vapour which condenses the air, this being
easily moved and readily changed to the highest
degree by the slightest cause.

1 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graect, ii.4 pp. 428 f.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXII. Mera δὲ τὴν μάχην ὁ Μάριος τῶν
βαρβαρικῶν ὅπλων καὶ λαφύρων τὰ μὲν ἐκπρεπῆ
καὶ ὁλόκληρα καὶ πομπικὴν ὄψιν τῷ θριάμβῳ
δυνάμενα παρασχεῖν ἐπέλεξε, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἐπὶ
πυρᾶς μεγάλης κατασωρεύσας τὸ πλῆθος ἔθυσε

υσίαν μεγαλοπρεπῆ. καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ παρε-
στῶτος ἐν ὅπλοις ἐστεφανωμένου περιζωσάμενος
αὐτός, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν περιπόρ-
φυρον καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην καὶ ov
ἀμφοτέρων τῶν χειρῶν ἀνασχὼν πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν
ἔμελλεν ὑφήσειν τῆ πυρᾷ: καὶ προσελαύνοντες
ἵπποις ἑωρῶντο φίλοι σὺν τάχει πρὸς αὐτόν,
ὥστε πολλὴν γενέσθαι σιωπὴν καὶ προσδοκίαν
ἁπάντων. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγγὺς ἧσαν, ἀποπηδήσαντες
ἐδεξιοῦντο τὸν Μάριον, εὐαγγελιζόμενοι τὸ πέμπ-
τον αὐτὸν ὕπατον ἡρῆσθαι, καὶ γράμματα περὶ
τούτων ἀπέδοσαν. ,μεγάλης οὖν “χαρᾶς τοῖς
ἐπινικίοις προσγενομένης ὅ τε στρατὸς ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς
ἐνοπλίῳ τινὶ κρότῳ καὶ πατάγῳ συνηλάλαξαν,
καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων τὸν Μάριον αὖθις ἀναδούντων
δάφνης στεφώνοις ἐνῆψε τὴν πυρὰν καὶ τὴν
θυσίαν ἐπετελείωσεν.

ΧΧΊΠΙ. Ἡ δὲ μηθὲν ἐῶσα τῶν μεγάλων εὐ-
τυχημάτων ἄκρατον εἰς ἡδονὴν καὶ καθαρόν, ἀλλὰ
μίξει κακῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ποικίλλουσα τὸν ἀνθρώ-
TLvov βίον ἢ τύχη τις ἢ νέμεσις ἢ πραγμάτων
ἀναγκαία φύσις οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις
ἐπήγαγε τῷ Μαρίῳ τὴν περὶ Κάτλου τοῦ συν-
ἄάρχοντος ἀγγελίαν, ὥσπερ ἐν εὐδίᾳ καὶ γαλήνῃ
νέφος, αὖθις ὃ ἕτερον φόβον καὶ χειμῶνα τῇ Ρώμῃ
περιστήσασα. ὁ γὰρ δὴ Κάτλος ἀντικαθήμενος
τοῖς Κίμβροις τὰς μὲν ὑπερβολὰς τῶν Αλπεων

522

CAIUS MARIUS, xxi. I-xXxIIl. 2

XXII. After the battle, Marius collected such of
the arms and spoils of the Barbarians as were hand-
some, entire, and fitted to make a show in his
triumphal procession ; all the rest he heaped up on a
huge pyre and set on foot a magnificent sacrifice.
The soldiers had taken their stand about the pyre in
arms, with chaplets on their heads, and Marius
himself, having put on his purple-bordered robe and
girt it about him, as the custom was, had taken a
lighted torch, held it up towards heaven with both
hands, and was just about to set fire to the pyre,
when some friends were seen riding swiftly towards
him, and there was deep silence and expectancy on
the part of all. But when the horsemen were near,
they leaped to the ground and greeted Marius,
bringing him the glad news that he had been elected
consul for the fifth time,! and giving him letters to |
that effect. This great cause for rejoicing having
been added to the celebration of their victory, the
soldiers, transported with delight, sent forth a
universal shout, accompanied by the clash and clatter
of their arms, and after his officers had crowned
Marius afresh with wreaths of bay, he set fire to the
pyre and completed the sacrifice.

XXIII. However, that power which permits no
great successes to bring a pure and unmixed enjoy-
ment, but diversifies human life with a blending of
evil and of good—be it Fortune, or Nemesis, or Inevit-
able Necessity, within a few days brought to Marius
tidings of his colleague Catulus, which, like a cloud
in a calm and serene sky, involved Rome in another
tempest of fear. For Catulus, who was facing the
Cimbri, gave up trying to guard the passes of the

1 For the year 101 8.6.
523

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπέγνω φυλάσσειν, μὴ KATA πολλὰ τὴν δύναμιν
μέρη διαιρεῖν ἀναγκαζόμενος ἀσθενὴς γένοιτο,
καταβὰς δ᾽ εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν καὶ τὸν ᾽Ατι-
σῶνα ποταμὸν λαβὼν πρὸ αὑτοῦ καὶ φραξάμενος
πρὸς τὰς διαβάσεις ἑκατέρωθεν ἰσχυροῖς χαρα-
κώμασιν, ἔζευξε τὸν πόρον, ὡς ἐπιβοηθεῖν εἴη τοῖς
πέραν, εἰ πρὸς τὰ φρούρια βιάζοιντο διὰ τῶν
στενῶν οἱ βάρβαροι. τοῖς δὲ τοσοῦτον περιῆν
ὑπεροψίας καὶ θράσους κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὥστε
ῥώμην καὶ τόλμαν ἐπιδεικνύμενοι μᾶλλον ἢ πράτ-
τοντές TL τῶν ἀναγκαίων γυμνοὶ μὲν ἠνείχοντο
νιφόμενοι καὶ διὰ πάγων καὶ χιόνος βαθείας τοῖς
ἄκροις προσέβαινον, ἄνωθεν δὲ τοὺς θυρεοὺς
πλατεῖς ὑποτιθέντες τοῖς σώμασιν, εἶτα ἀφιέντες
αὑτοὺς ὑπεφέροντο κατὰ κρημνῶν ὀλισθήματα
καὶ λισσάδας ἀχανεῖς ἐχόντων. ὡς δὲ παρα-
στρατοπεδεύσαντες ἐγγὺς καὶ κατασκεψάμενοι
τὸν πόρον ἤρξαντο χοῦν, καὶ τοὺς πέριξ λόφους
ἀναρρηγνύντες, ὥσπερ οἱ γίγαντες, ἅμα δένδρα
πρόρριξα καὶ κρημνῶν σπαράγματα καὶ γῆς
κολωνοὺς ἐφόρουν εἰς τὸν ποταμόν, ἐκθλίβοντες
τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ τοῖς ἐρείδουσι τὰ ζεύγματα βάθροις
ἐφιέντες βάρη μεγάλα συρόμενα κατὰ ῥοῦν καὶ
τινάττοντα ταῖς πληγαῖς τὴν γέφυραν, ἀποδει-
λιάσαντες οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξέλιπον
τὸ μέγα στρατόπεδον καὶ ἀνεχώρουν.

Ἔνθα δὴ Κάτλος ἔδειξεν ἑαυτόν, ὥσπερ χρὴ
τὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ τέλειον ἄρχοντα, τὴν αὑτοῦ δόξαν
ἐν ὑστέρῳ τῶν πολιτῶν τιθέμενον. ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐκ
ἔπειθε τοὺς στρατιώτας μένειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑώρα περι-

δεῶς ἀναζευγνύντας, ἄρασθαι κελεύσας τὸν ἀετὸν 418

524

CAIUS MARIUS, xxi. 2-5

Alps, lest he should be weakened by the necessity of
dividing his forces into many parts, and at once
descended into the plains of Italy. Here he put the
river Atiso between himself and the enemy, built
strong fortifications on both banks of it to prevent
their crossing, and threw a bridge across the stream,
that he might be able to go to the help of the people
on the other side in case the Barbarians made their
way through the passes and attacked the fortresses.
But these Barbarians were so contemptuous and bold
in following their enemies that, more by way of
displaying their strength and daring than because it
was necessary at all, they endured the snow-storms
without any clothing, made their way through ice
and deep snow to the summits, and from there,
putting their broad shields under them and then let-
ting themselves go, slid down the smooth and deeply
fissured cliffs. After they had encamped near the
stream and examined the passage, they began to dam it
up, tearing away the neigbouring hills, like the giants
of old, carrying into the river whole trees with their
roots, fragments of cliffs, and mounds of earth, and
crowding the current out of its course; they also
sent whirling down the stream against the piles of
the bridge heavy masses which made the bridge
quiver with their blows, until at last the greater part
of the Roman soldiers played the coward, abandoned
their main camp, and began to retreat.

And now Catulus, like a consummately good com-
mander, showed that he had less regard for his own
reputation than for that of his countrymen. For
finding that he could not persuade his soldiers to re-
main, and seeing that they were making off in terror,
he ordered his standard to be taken up, ran to the

525

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ELS TOUS πρώτους τῶν ἀπερχομένων ὥρμησε δρόμῳ
lal “- , an
καὶ πρῶτος ἡγεῖτο, βουλόμενος αὑτοῦ TO αἰσχρόν,
> N \ a , / \ a \
ἀλλὰ μὴ τῆς πατρίδος γενέσθαι, καὶ δοκεῖν μὴ
’ , fal a a
φεύγοντας, ANN ἑπομένους τῷ στρατηγῷ ποιεῖ-
ε 3 , ‘Ss \ / s\ \
σθαι τὴν ἀποχώρησιν. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τὸ μὲν
a a 4
πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ατισῶνος φρούριον ἐπελθόντες ἔλαβον,
καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθι Ῥωμαίους ἀνδρῶν κρατίστους
γενομένους καὶ προκινδυνεύσαντας ἀξίως τῆς
πατρίδος θαυμάσαντες ὑποσπόνδους ἀφῆκαν,
ὀμόσαντες τὸν χαλκοῦν ταῦρον, ὃν ὕστερον ἁλόντα
N \ / 2 \ / \ 5. δ
μετὰ τὴν μάχην εἰς τὴν Κάτλου φασὶν οἰκίαν
ὥσπερ ἀκροθίνιον τῆς νίκης κομισθῆναι. τὴν δὲ
, »“ / 2 / >) /

χώραν ἔρημον βοηθείας ἐπιχυθέντες ἐπόρθουν.

XXIV. ’Ezi τούτοις ἐκαλεῖτο Μάριος εἰς τὴν
/

“Ῥώμην: καὶ παραγενόμενος, πάντων αὐτὸν oio-
/ / \ a a ΞΖ
μένων θριαμβεύσειν καὶ τῆς βουλῆς προθύμως

/ ,
ψηφισαμένης, οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, εἴτε τοὺς στρατιώτας
\ a na
Kal συναγωνιστὰς ἀποστερῆσαι τῆς φιλοτιμίας
μὴ βουλόμενος, εἴτε πρὸς τὰ παρόντα θαρρύνων
a A / “ /
TO πλῆθος, WS TH τύχῃ τῆς πόλεως παρακατατι-
θέμενος τὴν τῶν πρώτων κατορθωμάτων δόξαν ἐν
τοῖς δευτέροις λαμπροτέραν ἀποδοθησομένην.
διαλεχθεὶς δὲ τὰ πρέποντα τῷ καιρῷ καὶ πρὸς
Ν ΄ 2 / a 4 ΄,
τὸν Κάτλον ἐξορμήσας, τοῦτον τε παρεθάρρυνε
καὶ τοὺς αὑτοῦ μετεπέμπετο στρατιώτας ἐκ
Γαλατίας. ὡς δὲ ἀφίκοντο, διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Ηριδανὸν
εἴργειν ἐπειρᾶτο τῆς ἐντὸς ᾿Ιταλίας τοὺς βαρ-
΄, ς \ \ yy / 2 / \
βάρους. οἱ δὲ τοὺς Tevtovas ἐκδέχεσθαι καὶ

526

CAIUS MARIUS, xxi. 5-xxiv. 2

foremost of the retiring troops, and put himself at
their head, wishing that the disgrace should attach
to himself and not to his country, and that his
soldiers, in making their retreat, should not appear
to be running away, but following their general.
The Barbarians attacked and captured the fortress
on the further side of the Atiso, and they so much
admired the Romans there, who showed themselves
bravest of men and fought worthily of their country,
that they let them go on parole, making them take
oath upon the bronze bull. This was subsequently
captured, after the battle, and was carried, we are
told, to the house of Catulus as the chief prize of
the victory. But the country was now destitute
of defenders, and the Barbarians inundated and
ravaged it.

XXIV. In view of these things Marius was sum-
moned to Rome. When he had arrived there, it was
the general expectation that he would celebrate the
triumph which the senate had readily voted him.
But he refused to do so, either because he did not
wish to deprive his soldiers and comrades-in-arms of
their due honours, or because he would encourage
the multitude in view of the present crisis by en-
trusting the glory of his first success to the fortune
of the state, in the hope that it would be returned
to him enhanced by a second. Having said what
was suitable to the occasion, he set out to join
Catulus, whom he tried to encourage, while at the
same time he summoned his own soldiers from Gaul.
When these had come, he crossed the Po and tried
to keep the Barbarians out of the part of Italy
lying this side of the river. But the Barbarians
declined battle, alleging that they were waiting for

547

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θαυμάζειν ὡς βραδυνόντων φάσκοντες ἀνεβάλ-
NoVTO τὴν μάχην, εἴτε ἀγνοοῦντες ὄντως τὴν
3 / / v7 , a b] A
ἐκείνων φθοράν, εἴτε βουλόμενοι δοκεῖν ἀπιστεῖν.
’ rn ‘
Kal yap τοὺς ἀγγέλλοντας ἠκίζοντο δεινῶς, καὶ TOV
Μάριον ἥτουν πέμψαντες ἑαυτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἀδελ-
φοῖς χώραν καὶ πόλεις ἱκανὰς ἐνοικεῖν. ἐρομένου
\ lal / δ fe \ lol ᾽ n
δὲ τοῦ Μαρίου tous πρέσβεις περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν,
κἀκείνων ὀνομασάντων τοὺς Τεύτονας, οἱ μὲν
ἄλλοι πάντες ἐγέλασαν, ὁ δὲ Μάριος ἔσκωψεν
’ ,, ςς 3 an / \ 1 / v ἣν
εἰπών: “ Kate τοίνυν τοὺς ἀδελφούς" ἔχουσι γὰρ
γῆν ἐκεῖνοι καὶ διὰ παντὸς ἕξουσι Tap ἡμῶν
, >)
λαβόντες." οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις τὴν εἰρωνείαν συνέντες
/
ἐλοιδόρουν αὐτὸν ws δίκην ὑφέξοντα, Κίμβροις
\ yy ΄ Sy , ag \
μὲν αὐτίκα, Τεύτοσι δὲ ὅταν παραγένωνται. “ Kat
\ / » yy ς / ce \ ᾽ “
μὴν πάρεισιν, ἔφη ὁ Μάριος, “καὶ οὐχ ἕξει
a ig a ’ a / Ἃ \ ’
καλῶς ὑμῖν ἀπαλλαγῆναι πρότερον ἢ τοὺς ἀδελ-
9 n
φοὺς ἀσπάσασθαι." καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐκέλευσε
x a a r / an
τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῶν Tevtovwy προαχθῆναι δεδε-
, eae 5 93 A v if
μένους: ἑάλωσαν yap ev ταῖς ᾿Αλπεσι φεύγοντες
ὑπὸ Σηκουανῶν.
ΧΧν. Ὡς δὲ ἀπηγγέλθη ταῦτα τοῖς ἹΚίμβροις,
3 2 ᾽ a 3 ΄ 5 \ \ / ¢€ /
αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ tov Μάριον ἡσυχά-
ζοντα καὶ διαφυλάττοντα τὸ στρατόπεδον. λέγεται
δὲ εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην πρῶτον ὑπὸ Μαρίου
a Ν >) \
καινοτομηθῆναι TO περὶ TOUS ὑσσούς. TO γὰρ εἰς
\ / yy lol / , \ ἊΝ
τὸν σίδηρον ἔμβλημα τοῦ ξύλου πρότερον μὲν ἣν
/ a
δυσὶ περόναις κατειλημμένον σιδηραῖς, τότε δὲ ὁ
\ /
Μάριος τὴν μέν, ὥσπερ εἶχεν, εἴασε, THY δ᾽ ἑτέραν
> \ / τὰ » ΟΣ ’ 9 ᾽ν
ἐξελὼν ξύλινον ἧλον εὔθραυστον ἀντ᾽ αὐτῆς

528

CAIUS MARIUS, xxiv. 2-xxv. 1

their brethren the Teutones and wondered why they
were so long in coming; this was either because
they were really ignorant of their destruction, or
because they wished to have the appearance of
disbelieving it. For they terribly mishandled those
who brought tidings of it, and sent to Marius de-
manding territory for themselves and their brethren
and enough cities for them to dwell in. When
Marius asked their ambassadors whom they meant
by their brethren, they said they meant the
Teutones. At this, all the other Romans who heard
them burst out laughing, and Marius scoffingly said:
“Then don’t trouble yourselves about your brethren,
for they have land, and they will have it forever—
land which we have given them.” The ambassadors
understood his sarcasm and fell to abusing him,
declaring that he should be punished for it, by the
Cimbri at once,and by the Teutones when they
came. “ Verily,” said Marius, “they are here, and it
will not be right for you to go away before you have
embraced your brethren.” Saying this, he ordered
the kings of the Teutones to be produced in fetters ;
for they had been captured among the Alps, where
they were fugitives, by the Sequani.

XXV. When these things had been reported to
the Cimbri, they once more advanced against Marius,
who kept quiet and carefully guarded his camp.
And it is said that it was in preparation for this
battle that Marius introduced an innovation in the
structure of the javelin. Up to this time, it seems,
that part of the shaft which was let into the iron head
was fastened there by two iron nails; but now, leaving
one of these as it was, Marius removed the other,
and put in its place a wooden pin that could easily

se)

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

2 ἐνέβαλε, τεχνάξων προσπεσόντα τὸν ὑσσὸν TO
θυρεῷ τοῦ πολεμίου μὴ μένειν ὀρθόν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ
/ / v4 \ ΤᾺ \
ξυλίνου κλασθέντος ἥλου καμπὴν γίνεσθαι περὶ
\ / \ / \ fy \ AN
Tov σίδηρον καὶ παρέλκεσθαι τὸ δόρυ, διὰ τὴν
/ an n ,
στρεβλότητα τῆς αἰχμῆς ἐνεχόμενον.
nan ς a 5 Ἂν
Βοιῶριξ δὲ ὁ τῶν Κίμβρων βασιλεὺς ὀλιγοστὸς
προσιππεύσας τῷ στρατοπέδῳ προὐκαλεῖτο τὸν
’, a
Μάριον, ἡμέραν opicavta Kal τόπον, προελθεῖν
3 καὶ διαγωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς χώρας. τοῦ δὲ
, , 5 / ς , ΄
Μαρίου φήσαντος οὐδέποτε Ῥωμαίους συμβού-
λοις κεχρῆσθαι περὶ μάχης τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐ μὴν
> \ \ a n / ε i \
ἀλλὰ καὶ χαριεῖσθαι τοῦτο Kip pots, ἡμέραν μὲν
3 Λ [2
ἔθεντο τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης τρίτην, χώραν δὲ TO πε-
/ Ν \ / ¢ tA \ 5 ΄
δίον τὸ περὶ Βερκέλλας, Ρωμαίοις μὲν ἐπιτήδειον
ἐνιππάσασθαι, τῶν δὲ ἀνάχυσιν τῷ πλήθει
παρασχεῖν.
J 3 ἊΝ ες J , >’
4 Τηρήσαντες οὖν τὸν ὡρισμένον χρόνον ἀντι-
Z, / \ ” / \
παρετάσσοντο, Κάτλος μὲν ἔχων δισμυρίους καὶ 420
τριακοσίους στρατιώτας, οἱ δὲ Μαρίου δισχίλιοι
μὲν ἐπὶ τρισμυρίοις ἐγένοντο, περιέσχον δὲ τὸν
Κάτλον ἐν μέσῳ νεμηθέντες εἰς ἑκάτερον κέρας,
/ ,
ὡς Σύλλας, ἠγωνισμένος ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην,
/ , \ , / b) 7 an
5 γέγραφε. καί φησι τὸν Μάριον ἐλπίσαντα τοῖς
ἄκροις μάλιστα καὶ κατὰ κέρας συμπεσεῖν τὰς
φάλαγγας, ὅπως ἴδιος ἡ νίκη τῶν ἐκείνου στρα-
τιωτῶν γένοιτο καὶ μὴ μετάσχοι τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὁ
Κάτλος μηδὲ προσμίξειε τοῖς πολεμίοις, κόλπωμα
a 7 ”
TOV μέσων, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν ἐν μεγάλοις μετώποις,
/ δ “Ὁ
λαμβανόντων, οὕτω διαστῆσαι τὰς δυνάμεις.

599

CAIUS MARIUS, xxv. 2-5

be broken. His design was that the javelin, after
striking the enemy’s shield, should not stand straight
out, but that the wooden peg should break, thus
allowing the shaft to bend in the iron head and trail
along the ground, being held fast by the twist at the
point of the weapon.

And now Boeorix the king of the Cimbri, with a
small retinue, rode up towards the camp and
challenged Marius to set a day and a place and come
out and fight for the ownership of the country.
Marius replied that the Romans never allowed their
enemies to give them advice about fighting, but that
he would nevertheless gratify the Cimbri in this
matter. Accordingly, they decided that the day
should be the third following, and the place the
plain of Vercellae, which was suitable for the
operations of the Roman cavalry, and would give the
Cimbri room to deploy their numbers.

When, therefore, the appointed time had come,
the Romans drew up their forces for battle. Catulus
had twenty thousand three hundred soldiers, while
those of Marius amounted to thirty-two thousand,
which were divided between both wings and had
Catulus between them in the centre, as Sulla, who
fought in this battle, has stated. He says also that
Marius hoped that the two lines would engage at
their extremities chiefly and on the wings, in order
that his soldiers might have the whole credit for the
victory and that Catulus might not participate in the
struggle nor even engage the enemy (since the
centre, as is usual in battle-fronts of great extent,
would be folded back); and therefore arranged the

Δ Τῇ his Memoirs; ef. the Sulla, iv. 3.
531

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

6 ὅμοια δὲ Kal τὸν KatXov αὐτὸν ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ
τούτων ἱστοροῦσι, πολλὴν κατηγοροῦντα τοῦ
Μαρίου κακοήθειαν πρὸς αὑτόν.

Τοῖς δὲ Κίμβροις τὸ μὲν πεζὸν ἐκ τῶν ἐρυμάτων
καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν προΐει, βάθος ἴσον τῷ μετώπῳ
ποιούμενον. ἑκάστη γὰρ ἐ ἐπέσχε πλευρὰ σταδίους

7 τριάκοντα τῆς παρατάξεως: οἱ δὲ ἱππεῖς μύιροι
καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐξήλασαν
λαμπροί, κράνη μὲν εἰκασμένα θηρίων φοβερῶν
χάσμασι καὶ προτομαῖς ἰδιομόρφοις ἔχοντες, ἃς
ἐπαιρόμενοι λόφοις πτερωτοῖς εἰς ὕψος ἐφαίνοντο
μείζους, θώραξι δὲ κεκοσμημένοι σιδηροῖς, θυρεοῖς
δὲ λευκοῖς στίλβοντες. ἀκόντισμα δὲ ἣν ἑκάστῳ
διβολία: συμπεσόντες δὲ μεγάλαις ἐχρῶντο καὶ
Ba; etats μαχαίραις.

XXVI. Τότε δὲ οὐχὶ κατὰ στόμα προσεφέροντο
τοῖς “Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκκλίνοντες ἐπὶ δεξιὰ ὑ ὑπῆγον
αὐτοὺς κατὰ μικρόν, ἐμβάλλοντες εἰς τὸ μέσον
αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν πεζῶν ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς παρατεταγ-
μένων. καὶ ὶ συνεῖδον μὲν οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατη-
γοὶ τὸν δόλον, ἐπισχεῖν δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας
οὐκ ἔφθησαν, ἀλλ᾿ ἑνὸς ἐκβοήσαντος ὅτι φεύγου-

2 σιν οἱ πολέμιοι, πάντες ὥρμησαν διώκειν. καὶ
τὸ πεζὸν ἐν τούτῳ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπήει καθάπερ
πέλαγος ἀχανὲς κινούμενον. ἐνταῦθα νιψάμενος;

ὁ Μάριος τὰς χεῖρας καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνα-
σχὼν εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς κατὰ ἑκατόμβης. εὔξατο
δὲ καὶ Κάτλος ὁ ὁμοίως ἀνασχὼν τὰς χεῖρας καθιε-
ρώσειν τὴν τύχην τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης. τὸν δὲ
Μάριον καὶ θύσαντα λέγεται τῶν ἱερῶν αὐτῷ
δειχθέντων μέγα φθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν: “μὴ ἡ
νίκη.

532

CAIUS MARIUS, xxv. 6-xxvi. 2

forces in thismanner. And we are told that Catulus
himself also made a similar statement in defence of
his conduct in the battle, and accused Marius of
great malice in his treatment of him.

As for the Cimbri, their foot-soldiers advanced
slowly from their defences, with a depth equal to
their front, for each side of their formation had an
extent of thirty furlongs; and their horsemen,
fifteen thousand strong, rode out in splendid style,
with helmets made to resemble the maws of frightful
wild beasts or the heads of strange animals, which,
with their towering crests of feathers, made their
wearers appear taller than they really were; they
were also equipped with breastplates of iron, and
carried gleaming white shields. For hurling, each
man had two lances; and at close quarters they used
large, heavy swords.

XXVI. At this time, however, they did not charge
directly upon the Romans, but swerved to the right
and tried to draw them along gradually until they
got them between themselves and their infantry,
which was drawn up on their left. The Roman
commanders perceived the crafty design, but did not
succeed in holding their soldiers back; for one ot
them shouted that the enemy was taking to flight,
and then all set out to pursue them. Meanwhile the
infantry of the Barbarians came on to the attack
like a vast sea in motion. Then Marius, after
washing his hands, lifted them to heaven and vowed
a hecatomb to the gods; Catulus also in like manner
lifted his hands and vowed that he would consecrate
the fortune of that day. It is said, too, that Marius
offered sacrifice, and that when the victims had been
shown to him, he cried with a loud voice: “ Mine is
the victory.”

533

3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐφόδου πρῶγμα νεμεσητὸν
παθεῖν τὸν Μάριον οἱ περὶ Σύλλαν ἱστοροῦσι.
κονιορτοῦ γὰρ ἀρθέντος, οἷον εἰκός, ἀπλέτου καὶ
τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀποκεκρυμμένων, ἐκεῖνον μέν,
ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν, ἐπισπα-
σάμενον τὴν δύναμιν ἀστοχῆσαι τῶν πολεμίων
καὶ παρενεχθέντα τῆς φάλαγγος ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ
διαφέρεσθαι πολὺν χρόνον, τῷ δὲ Κάτλῳ τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἀπὸ τύχης συρραγῆναι, καὶ γενέσθαι
τὸν ἀγῶνα KAT ἐκεῖνον καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνου μάλιστα
στρατιώτας, ἐν οἷς αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας τετάχθαι
φησί: συναγωνίσασθαι δὲ τοῖς “Ῥωμαίοις τὸ
καῦμα καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀντιλάμποντα τοῖς Κίμβροις.
δεινοὶ γὰρ ὄντες ὑπομεῖναι κρύη, καὶ τόποις
ἐντεθραμμένοι σκιεροῖς, ὡς λέλεκται, καὶ ψυχροῖς,
ἀνετρέποντο πρὸς τὸ θάλπος, ἱδρῶτά τε μετὰ
ἄσθματος πολὺν ἐκ τῶν σωμάτων ἀφιέντες καὶ
τοὺς θυρεοὺς προβαλλόμενοι πρὸ τῶν προσώπων,
ἅτε δὴ καὶ μετὰ τροπὰς θέρους τῆς μάχης γενο-
μένης, ἃς ἄγουσι “Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸ τριῶν ἡμερῶν
τῆς νουμηνίας τοῦ νῦν μὲν Αὐγούστου, τότε δὲ
Σεξτιλίου μηνός. ὦνησε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν
ὁ κονιορτὸς ἀποκρύψας τοὺς πολεμίους. οὐ γὰρ
κατεῖδον ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ δρόμῳ τοῖς
κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἕκαστοι προσμίξαντες ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν,
ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως μὴ προεκφοβηθέντες. οὕτω δ᾽
ἦσαν διάπονοι τὰ σώματα καὶ κατηθληκότες ὡς
μήτε ἱδροῦντά τινα μήτε ἀσθμαίνοντα Ῥωμαίων
ὀφθῆναι διὰ πνίγους τοσούτον καὶ μετὰ δρόμου

534 :

CAIUS MARIUS, xxvi. 3-5

After the attack had begun, however, an ex-
perience befell Marius which signified the divine
displeasure, according to Sulla. For an immense
cloud of dust was raised, as was to be expected,
and the two armies were hidden from one another
by it, so that Marius, when he first led his forces to
the attack, missed the enemy, passed by their lines of
battle, and moved aimlessly up and down the plain for
some time. Meanwhile, as chance would have it, the
Barbarians engaged fiercely with Catulus, and he and
his soldiers, among whom Sulla says he himself was
posted, bore the brunt of the struggle. The Romans
were favoured in the struggle, Sulla says, by the heat,
and by the sun, which shone in the faces of the
Cimbri. For the Barbarians were well able to endure
cold, and had been brought up in shady and chilly
regions, as I have said.1 They were therefore un-
done by the heat; they sweated profusely, breathed
with difficulty, and were forced to hold their shields
before their faces. For the battle was fought after
the summer solstice, which falls, by Roman reckoning,
three days before the new moon of the month now
called August,2 but then Sextilis. Moreover, the
dust, by hiding the enemy, helped to encourage the
Romans. For they could not see from afar the great
numbers of the foe, but each one of them fell at a
run upon the man just over against him, and fought
him hand to hand, without having been terrified by
the sight of the rest of the host. And their bodies
were so inured to toil and so thoroughly trained
that not a Roman was observed to sweat or pant, in
spite of the great heat and the run with which they

‘ Chapter xi. 5 ἢ.
2 a.d. III. Kalendas Augusti.

535

VOL, IX. 8

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τῆς συρράξεως γενομένης, ὡς τὸν Κάτλον αὐτὸν 42]

ἱστορεῖν λέγουσι, μεγαλύνοντα τοὺς στρατιώτας.

ΧΧΥΗ. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστον μέρος καὶ μαχι-
μώτατον τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοῦ κατεκόπη" καὶ γὰρ
ἦσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ “μὴ διασπᾶσθαι τὴν τάξιν οἱ
πρόμαχοι μακραῖς ἁλύσεσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους συνε-
χόμενοι διὰ τῶν ζωστήρων ἀναδεδεμέναις" τοὺς δὲ
φεύγοντας ὥσαντες πρὸς τὸ χαράκωμα τραγικω-
τάτοις ἐνετύγχανον πάθεσιν. αἱ γὰρ γυναῖκες
ἐπὶ τῶν ἁμαξῶν μελανείμονες ἐφεστῶσαι τούς τε
φεύγοντας ἔκτεινον, αἱ “μὲν ἄνδρας, αἱ δὲ ἀδελφούς,
αἱ δὲ πατέρας, καὶ τὰ νήπια τῶν τέκνων ἀπάγ-
χουσαι ταῖς χερσὶν ἐρρίπτουν ὑπὸ τοὺς τροχοὺς
καὶ τοὺς πόδας τῶν ὑποζυγίων, αὑτὰς δὲ ἀπέσφατ-
τον. μίαν δέ φασιν ἐξ ἄκρου ῥυμοῦ “κρεμαμένην
τὰ παιδία τῶν αὑτῆς σφυρῶν ἀφημμένα βρόχοις
ἑκατέρωθεν. ἠρτῆσθαι: τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας ἀπορίᾳ
δένδρων τοῖς κέρασι τῶν βοῶν, τοὺς δὲ τοῖς
σκέλεσι προσδεῖν τοὺς αὑτῶν τραχήλους, εἶτα
κέντρα προσφέροντας ἐξαλλομένων τῶν βοῶν
ἐφελκομένους καὶ πατουμένους ἀπόλλυσθαι. πλὴν
καίπερ οὕτως αὐτῶν διαφθαρέντων, ἑάλωσαν ὑπὲρ
ἕξ μυριάδας" αἱ δὲ τῶν πεσόντων ἐλέγοντο δὶς
τοσαῦται γενέσθαι.

Τὰ μὲν οὖν χρήματα διήρπασαν οἱ Μαρίου
στρατιῶται, τὰ δὲ λάφυρα καὶ τὰς σημαίας καὶ
τὰς σάλπιγγας εἰς τὸ Κάτλου στρατόπεδον ἀνε-
νεχθῆναι λέγουσιν' ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τεκμηρίῳ
χρῆσθαι τὸν Κάτλον ὦ ὡς κατ' αὐτὸν ἡ νίκη γένοιτο.
καὶ μέντοι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐμπε-
σούσης ἔριδος, ἡρέθησαν οἷον διαιτηταὶ πρέσβεις

536

CAIUS MARIUS, xxvi. 5-xxvit. 4

came to the encounter. This is what Catulus himself
is said to have written! in extolling his soldiers.
XXVII. The greatest number and the best fighters
of the enemy were cut to pieces on the spot; for
to prevent their ranks from being broken, those
who fought in front were bound fast to one another
with long chains which were passed through their
belts. The fugitives, however, were driven back
to their entrenchments, where the Romans beheld
a most tragic spectacle. The women, in black gar-
ments, stood at the waggons and slew the fugitives
—their husbands or brothers or fathers, then
strangled their little children and cast them be-
neath the wheels of the waggons or the feet of the
cattle, and then cut their own throats. It is said
that one woman hung dangling from the tip of a
waggon-pole, with her children tied to either ankle;
while the men, for lack of trees, fastened them-
selves by the neck to the horns of the cattle, or to
their legs, then plied the goad, and were dragged or
trampled to death as the cattle dashed away.
Nevertheless, in spite of such self-destruction, more
than sixty thousand were taken prisoners ; and those
who fell were said to have been twice that number.
Now, the enemy’s property became the booty of
the soldiers of Marius, but the spoils of battle, the
standards, and the trumpets, were brought, we are
told, to the camp of Catulus; and Catulus relied
chiefly upon this as a proof that the victory was won
by hismen. Furthermore, a dispute for the honour ot
the victory arose among the soldiers, as was natural,
and the members of an embassy from Parma were

1 Catulus wrote a history of his consulship, of which Cicero
speaks in terms of high praise (Brutus, 35, 132 ff.).

537

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

lal ’ ς A lol
Παρμιτῶν παρόντες, ods of Ἰζάτλου διὰ τῶν
/ lal Y an
πολεμίων νεκρῶν ἄγοντες ἐπεδείκνυντο τοῖς ἑαυ-
a “-“ vA , 9S
τῶν ὑσσοῖς διαπεπαρμένους" γνώριμοι δ᾽ ἧσαν ὑπὸ
a \
γραμμάτων, τοὔνομα τοῦ Κάτλου mapa τὸ ξύλον
5 αὐτῶν ἐ ίξαντος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Μαρί
ν ἐγχαράξ 5: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Μαρίῳ
» [4 / ’
προσετίθετο σύμπαν τὸ ἔργον ἥ τε προτέρα νίκη
\ Ν / an a
Kal TO πρόσχημα τῆς ἀρχῆς. μάλιστα δὲ οἱ
\ , ς ΄ / a
πολλοὶ κτίστην τε Ῥώμης τρίτον ἐκεῖνον ἀνηγό-
ρευον, ὡς οὐχ ἥττονα τοῦ Κελτικοῦ τοῦτον ἀπεω-
\ / A
σμένον Tov κίνδυνον, εὐθυμούμενοί τε μετὰ παίδων
lal ’ > A a
Kal γυναικῶν ἕκαστοι κατ᾽ οἶκον ἅμα τοῖς θεοῖς
καὶ Μαρίῳ δείπνου καὶ λοιβῆς ἀπή καὶ
Μαρίῳ υ καὶ λοιβῆς ἀπήρχοντο, καὶ
/ / ’ » 2 / \ /
θριαμβεύειν μόνον ἠξίουν ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς θριάμ-
\
6 Bovs. ov μὴν ἐθριάμβευσεν οὕτως, ἀλλὰ μετὰ
τοῦ Ἰζάτλου, μέτριον ἐπὶ τηλικαύταις εὐτυχίαις
\ 4
βουλόμενος παρέχειν ἑαυτόν: ἔστι δὲ 6 τι Kal
τοὺς στρατιώτας φοβηθεὶς παρατεταγμένους, εἰ
Κάτλος ἀπείργοιτο τῆς τιμῆς, μηδὲ ἐκεῖνον ἐᾶν
/
θριαμβεύειν.
Je \ 5S e Υ͂ an
XXVIII. Πέμπτην μὲν οὖν ὑπατείαν διεῖπε"
fal , 3 /
τῆς δὲ ἕκτης ὡς οὐδὲ εἷς πρώτης ὠρέγετο, θερα-
a ΄ \ \ /
πείαις Tov δῆμον ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ πρὸς χάριν
A a / \ \
ἐνδιδοὺς τοῖς πολλοῖς, OV μόνον παρὰ τὸν ὄγκον
\ Ν Ν 2 , a 5 na 2 Ν \ \
Kal TO κοινὸν ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ Tapa
a , ὰ , \
τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν ὑγρός τις εἶναι βουλόμενος Kal
δ an τ 3» #4
2 δημοτικός, ἥκιστα τοιοῦτος πεφυκώς. ἀλλ᾽ ἣν,
’ \
ὡς λέγουσι, πρὸς πολιτείαν Kal τοὺς ἐν ὄχλοις

1 Marius was consul still, while Catulus had not been re-
elected, and was only. pro-consul.

538

CAIUS MARIUS, xxvi. 4—xxvut. 2

chosen to act as arbitrators. These men the soldiers
of Catulus conducted among the dead bodies of the
enemy, which were clearly seen to have been pierced
by their javelins ; for these could be known by the
name of Catulus which had been cut into the shaft.
However, the entire success was attributed to
Marius, both on account of his former victory and of
his superior rank.! Above all, the people hailed
him as the third founder of Rome,? on the ground
that the peril which he had averted from the city
was not less than that of the Gallic invasion ; and
all of them, as they made merry at home with their
wives and children, would bring ceremonial offerings
of food and libations of wine to Marius as well as to
the gods, and they were insistent that he alone
should celebrate both triumphs. Marius, however,
would not do this, but celebrated his triumph with
Catulus, wishing to show himself a man of moderation
after a course of so great good fortune. Perhaps,
too, he was afraid of the soldiers, who were drawn
up and ready, in case Catulus were deprived of his
honour, to prevent Marius also from celebrating a
triumph.

XXVIII. Thus, then, his fifth consulship was
coming to an end; but he was as eager for a sixth as
another would have been for his first. He tried to
win over the people by obsequious attentions, and
yielded to the multitude in order to gain its favour,
thus doing violence, not only to the dignity and
majesty of his high office, but also to his own nature,
since he wished to be a compliant man of the people
when he was naturally at farthest remove from this.
In confronting a political crisis or the tumultuous

? With Romulus and Camillus. See the Camillus, xxxi. 2.

539

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ν , / \ Ν
θορύβους ὑπὸ φιλοδοξίας ἀτολμότατος, καὶ τὸ
7ὔ
παρὰ τὰς μάχας ἀνέκπληκτον καὶ στάσιμον
a \ ς \ A
ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἀπέλειπεν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν
, ire \ ’ 5 ΄
τυχόντων ἐπαίνων καὶ ψόγων ἐξιστάμενον.
/ , / ” ς An ,
καίτοι λέγεται Καμερίνων ἄνδρας ὁμοῦ χιλίους
a na /
διαπρεπῶς ἀγωνισαμένους ἐν TO πολέμῳ δωρη-
a τ “
σάμενος πολιτείᾳ, δοκοῦντος εἶναι τούτου παρα-
νόμον καί τινων ἐγκαλούντων, εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῦ
/ \ Ν la) Ὁ , > ΄
νόμου διὰ τὸν τῶν ὅπλων ψόφον οὐ κατακούσειεν.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἔοικεν ἐκπλήσσεσθαι καὶ
a , fe
δεδιέναι THY ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις κραυγήν. ἐν μέν
rn .“ ’ , \ vA ὩΣ \ \
ye τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξίωμα καὶ δύναμιν εἶχε διὰ τὴν
“ / /
χρείαν, ἐν δὲ TH πολιτείᾳ περικοπτόμενος τὰ
tal \ la} an
πρωτεῖα κατέφευγεν ETL τὴν TOV πολλῶν εὔνοιαν
Ν / e \ an / 7 Ν ,
καὶ χάριν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέγιστος γενέσθαι τὸ βέλ-
of an =>
TLOTOS εἶναι προϊέμενος. πᾶσι μὲν οὖν προσέκρουε
τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς, μάλιστα δὲ ὀρρωδῶν τὸν
Μέτελλον ἠχαριστημένον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ φύσει δι
ἀρετὴν ἀληθῆ πολεμοῦντα τοῖς οὐ κατὰ τὸ βέλ-
ς ΄ \ / x \ e \
τιστον ὑποδυομένοις TA πλήθη καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν
A ΄ a / a
δημαγωγοῦσιν, ἐπεβούλευε τῆς πόλεως ἐκβαλεῖν
\ » \ \ a ᾿ς \
Tov ἄνδρα. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο T'NavKiav καὶ Σατορ-
a , n
vivov, ἀνθρώπους θρασυτάτους Kal πλῆθος ἄπορον
Ν 3 tal 7 ΄
καὶ θορυβοποιὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔχοντας, οἰκειωσάμενος
, 3 aA
εἰσέφερε νόμους Ot αὐτῶν: καὶ TO στρατιωτικὸν
Α a /,
ἐπάρας κατεμίγνυε ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις καὶ KATETTA-
, Ν / ¢ 7 an
σίαζε τὸν Μέτελλον. ὡς δὲ ‘Poutidtos ἱστορεῖ,

540

bho

CAIUS MARIUS, xxvin. 2-5

throng, we are told, his ambition made him most
timorous, and that undaunted firmness which he
showed in battle forsook him when he faced the
popular assemblies, so that he was disconcerted by
the most ordinary praise or blame. And yet we are
told that when he had bestowed citizenship upon as
many asa thousand men of Camerinum for conspicuous
bravery in the war, the act was held to be illegal and
was impeached by some; to whom he replied that the
clash of arms had prevented his hearing the voice of
the law. However, he appeared to be in greater fear
and terror of the shouting in the popular assemblies.
At any rate, while in war he had authority and
power because his services were needed, yet in civil
life his leadership was more abridged, and he
therefore had recourse to the goodwill and favour of
the multitude, not caring to be the best man if only
he could be the greatest. The consequence was that
he came into collision with all the aristocrats. It
was Metellus, however, whom he especially feared,
a man who had experienced his ingratitude, and one
whose genuine excellence made him the natural
enemy of those who tried to insinuate themselves by
devious methods into popular favour and sought to
control the masses by pleasing them. Accordingly,
he schemed to banish Metellus from the city. For
this purpose he allied himself with Saturninus and
Glaucia, men of the greatest effrontery, who had a
rabble of needy and noisy fellows at their beck and
call, and with their assistance would introduce laws.
He also stirred up the soldiery, got them to mingle
with the citizens in the assemblies, and thus con-
trolled a faction which could overpower Metellus.
Then, according to Rutilius, who is generally a lover

541

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Ta μὲν ἄλλα φιλαλήθης ἀνὴρ καὶ χρηστός, ἰδίᾳ
δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ προσκεκρουκώς, καὶ τῆς ἕκτης
ἔτυχεν ὑπατείας ἀργύριον εἰς τὰς φυλὰς καταβα-
λὼν πολὺ καὶ πριάμενος τὸ Μέτελλον ἐκκροῦσαι
τῆς ἀρχῆς, Οὐαλλέριον δὲ Φλάκκον ὑπηρέτην
μᾶλλον ἢ συνάρχοντα τῆς ὑπατείας λαβεῖν.
οὐδενὶ μέντοι τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ πλὴν μόνῳ KopBive
Οὐαλλερίῳ τοσαύτας ὑπατείας ἔδωκεν ὁ δῆμος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης εἰς τὴν τελευ-
ταίαν ἔτη πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα γενέσθαι
λέγουσι, Μάριος δὲ μετὰ τὴν πρώτην τὰς πέντε
ῥύμῃ μιᾷ τύχης διέδραμε.

XXIX. Καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὴν τελευταίαν
ἐφθονεῖτο, πολλὰ συνεξαμαρτάνων τοῖς περὶ τὸν
Σατορνῖνον. ὧν ἦν καὶ ὁ Νωνίου φόνος, ὃν ἀντι-
παραγγέλλοντα δημαρχίαν ἀπέσφαξεν ὁ Σατορ-
νῖνος. εἶτα δημαρχῶν ἐπῆγε τὸν περὶ τῆς χώρας

Ξε

νόμον, © προσεγέγραπτο τὴν σύγκλητον ὀμόσαι
προσελθοῦσαν, ἦἧ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν οἷς ἂν ὁ δῆμος
ψηφίσαιτο καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὑπεναντιώσεσθαι.
τοῦτο τοῦ νόμου τὸ μέρος προσποιούμενος ἐν τῇ
βουλῇ διώκειν ὁ Μάριος οὐκ ἔφη δέξεσθαι 1 τὸν
ὅρκον, οὐδὲ ἄλλον οἴεσθαι σωφρονοῦντα" καὶ γὰρ
εἰ μὴ μοχθηρὸς ἣν ὁ νόμος, ὕβριν εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα
τὴν βουλὴν διδόναι βιαζομένην, ἀλλὰ μὴ πειθοῖ
μηδὲ ἑκοῦσαν. ταῦτα δὲ οὐχ οὕτως φρονὼν ἔλεγεν,
ἀλλὰ τῷ Μετέλλῳ ἀπάτην περιτιθεὶς ἄφυκτον.

1 δέξεσθαι Coraés, Bekker, and Ziegler, after Reiske:
δέξασθαι.

542

CAIUS MARIUS, xxvii. 5—xx1x. 2

of truth and an honest man, but had a private quarrel
with Marius, he actually got his sixth consulship by
paying down large sums of money among the tribes,
and by buying votes made Metellus lose his election
to the office, and obtained as his colleague in the
consulship Valerius Flaccus, who was more a servant
than a colleague. And yet the people had never
bestowed so many consulships upon any other man
except Corvinus Valerius. In the case of Corvinus,
however, forty-five years are said to have elapsed
between his first and his last consulship; whereas
Marius, after his first consulship, ran through the
other five without a break.

XXIX. In this last consulship! particularly did
Marius make himself hated, because he took part
with Saturninus in many of his misdeeds. One of
these was the murder of Nonius, whom Saturninus
slew because he was a rival candidate for the
tribuneship. Then, as tribune, Saturninus introduced
his agrarian law, to which was added a clause providing
that the senators should come forward and take oath
that they would abide by whatsoever the people
might vote and make no opposition to it. In the
senate Marius made pretence of opposing this part
of the law, and declared that he would not take the
oath, and that he thought no other sensible man
would ; for even if the law were not a bad one, it was
an insult to the senate that it should be compelled to
make such concessions, instead of making them
under persuasion and of its own free will. He said
this, however, not because it was his real mind, but
that he might catch Metellus in the toils of a fatal

1 100 B.c.

sq 243

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 \ AN \ ᾽ ᾽ a \ / , Ν
8 αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἀρετῆς καὶ δεινότητος μερίδα τὸ
f a
ψεύσασθαι τιθέμενος λόγον οὐδένα τῶν πρὸς τὴν
“ ¢ \
σύγκλητον ὡμολογημένων ἕξειν ἔμελλε, Tov δὲ
Μέτελλον εἰδὼς βέβαιον ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν “ αλήθειαν
ant 23 \ /
ἀρχὴν μεγάλης ἀρετῆς " κατὰ Πίνδαρον ἡγούμενον
a /
ἐβούλετο TH πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀρνήσει προλη-
φθέντα καὶ μὴ δεξάμενον τὸν ὅρκον εἰς ἀνήκεστον
3 ray \ \ a yA A \ ,
ἐμβαλεῖν πρὸς Tov δῆμον ἔχθραν. ὃ καὶ συνέβη.
a A 4 ,
4 Tod yap Μετέλλου φήσαντος μὴ ὀμύσειν, τότε
Ii A
μὲν ἡ βουλὴ διελύθη, μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τοῦ
Σατορνίνου πρὸς τὸ βῆμα τοὺς συγκλητικοὺς
/ 6
ἀνακαλουμένου καὶ τὸν ὅρκον ὀμνύειν avayKa-
ζοντος ὁ Μάριος παρελθών, γενομένης σιωπῆς καὶ
΄, 5 a I
πάντων εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀνηρτημένων, μακρὰ χαίρειν
φράσας τοῖς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ νεανιευθεῖσιν ἀπὸ φωνῆς,
᾽ ef \ ” tal \ / «ς
οὐχ οὕτω πλατὺν Edn φορεῖν τὸν τράχηλον ὡς
προαποφαίνεσθαι καθάπαξ εἰς πρᾶγμα τηλικοῦ-
τον, ἀλλ᾽ ὀμεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ νόμῳ πειθαρχήσειν,
εἴπερ ἔστι νόμος" καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο προσέθηκε τὸ
5 σοφὸν ὥσπερ παρακάλυμμα τῆς αἰσχύνης. ὁ μὲν
οὖν δῆμος ἡσθεὶς ὀμόσαντος ἀνεκρότησε καὶ
κατευφήμησε, τοὺς δὲ ἀρίστους κατήφεια δεινὴ
- a / n fo}
Kat μῖσος ἔσχε τοῦ Μαρίου τῆς μεταβολῆς.
” 4 “ 2 a ΄ \ na
ὥμνυσαν οὖν ἅπαντες ἐφεξῆς δεδιότες τὸν δῆμον
/ /
ἄχρι Μετέλλου: Μέτελλος δέ, καίπερ ἀντιβολούν-
των καὶ δεομένων τῶν φίλων ὀμόσαι καὶ μὴ περι-
βαλεῖν ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτιμίοις ἀνηκέστοις, ἃ κατὰ τῶν
Ἀν ΠΣ U e a 5 , 3 e /
μὴ ὀμνυόντων ὁ Yatopvivos εἰσέφερεν, οὐχ ὑφή-
544

CAIUS MARIUS, xxix. 3-5

trick. For he himself regarded lying as part of a
man’s excellence and ability, made no account of his
agreements with the senators, and did not intend to
keep them; whereas he knew that Metellus was a
steadfast man, who thought with Pindar that “ truth
is the foundation of great excellence,’ 1 and he
therefore wished to bind him beforehand by a state-
ment to the senate that he would not take the oath,
and then have his refusal to do so plunge him into a
hatred on the part of the people that could never be
removed. And this was what came to pass.

For Metellus declared that he would not take the
oath, and the senate broke up for a while; but after
a few days Saturninus summoned the senators to the
rostra and tried to force them to take the oath. When
Marius came forward there was silence, and the eyes
of all were fastened upon him. Then, bidding a
long farewell to all his boastful and insincere ex-
pressions in the senate, he said his throat was not
broad enough to pronounce an opinion once for all
upon so important a matter, but that he would
take the oath, and obey the law, if it was a law;
adding this bit of sophistry as a cloak for his shame.
The people, then, delighted at his taking the oath,
clapped their hands in applause, but the nobles were
terribly dejected and hated Marius for his change
of front. Accordingly, all the senators took the
oath in order, through fear of the people, until the
turn of Metellus came; but Metellus, although his
friends earnestly entreated him to take the oath and
not subject himself to the irreparable punishments
which Saturninus proposed for those who should

1 Fragment 221 (Boeckh),
545

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

6 KaTO TOU φρονήματος οὐδὲ ὦμοσεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμμένων
τῷ ἤθει καὶ πᾶν παθεῖν δεινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ μηθὲν
αἰσχρὸν ἐργάσασθαι παρεσκευασμένος ἀπῆλθεν
ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, διαλεγόμενος τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὡς
τὸ κακόν τι πρᾶξαι φαῦλον εἴη, τὸ δὲ καλὸν μέν,
ἀκινδύνως δέ, κοινόν, ἴδιον δὲ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ
μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ καλὰ πράσσειν. ἐκ τούτου
ψηφίξεται “Σατορνῖνος ἐπικηρῦξαι τοὺς ὑπάτους
ὅπως πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος καὶ στέγης εἴργηται
Μέτελλος" καὶ τὸ φαυλότατον αὐτοῖς τοῦ πλή-
θους παρῆν ἕτοιμον ἀποκτιννύναι τὸν ἄνδρα. τῶν
δὲ βελτίστων περιπαθούντων καὶ συντρεχόντων
πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον οὐκ εἴα στασιάζειν Ov αὐτόν,
ἀλλὰ ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἔμφρονι λογισμῷ
χρησάμενος. “Ἢ γὰρ ἀμεινόνων, ἔφην» “ τῶν
πραγμάτων γενομένων καὶ τοῦ δήμου μετανοή-
σαντος ἀφίξομαι παρακαλούμενος, ἢ μενόντων
ὁμοίων ἀπηλλάχθαι κράτιστον. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅσης
μὲν ἀπέλαυσεν εὐνοίας παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν καὶ τιμῆς
Μέτελλος, ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἐν Ῥόδῳ φιλοσοφῶν
διῃτήθη, βέλτιον ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γραφομένοις
εἰρήσεται.

XXX, Μάριος δὲ τὸν Σατορνῖνον ἀντὶ τῆς
ὑπουργίας ταύτης ἐπὶ πᾶν προϊόντα τόλμης καὶ
δυνάμεως “περιορᾶν ἀναγκαζόμενος, ἔλαθεν οὐκ
ἀνεκτὸν ἀπεργασάμενος κακόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄντικρυς
ὅπλοις καὶ σφαγαῖς ἐπὶ τυραννίδα καὶ πολιτείας
ἀνατροπὴν πορευόμενον. αἰδούμενος δὲ τοὺς κρα-
τίστους, θεραπεύων δὲ τοὺς πολλούς, ἔργον ἀνε-
λεύθερον ἐσχάτως ὑπέμεινε καὶ παλίμβολον.
ἐλθόντων γὰρ ὡς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ νύκτα τῶν πρώτων

546

CAIUS MARIUS, xxrx. 6—xxx. 2

refuse, would not swerve from his purpose or take
the oath, but, adhering to his principles and prepared
to suffer: any evil rather than do a shameful deed,
he left the forum, saying to those about him that to
do a wrong thing was mean, and to do the right
thing when there was no danger was any man’s way,
but that to act honourably when it involved dangers
was peculiarly the part of a good and true man.
Upon this, Saturninus got a vote passed that the
consuls should proclaim Metellus interdicted from
fire, water, and shelter; and the meanest part of
the populace supported them and was ready to
put the man to death. The best citizens, however,
sympathised with Metellus and crowded hastily
about him, but he would not allow a faction to
be raised on his account, and departed from the
city, following the dictates of prudence. “ For,”
said he, “either matters will mend and the people
will change their minds and I shall return at their
invitation, or, if matters remain as they are, it is best
that I should be away.” But what great goodwill
and esteem Metellus enjoyed during his exile, and
how he spent his time in philosophical studies at
Rhodes, will be better told in his Life.}

XXX. And now Marius, who was forced, in return
for this assistance, to look on quietly while Saturninus
ran to extremes of daring and power, brought about
unawares a mischief that was not to be cured, but
made its way by arms and slaughter directly towards
tyranny and subversion of the government. And
since he stood in awe of the nobles, while he courted
the favour of the multitude, he was led to commit
an act of the utmost meanness and duplicity. For
when the leading men had come to him by night

1 No such Life is extant.

547

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 lal \ / Sea Ἂς A
ἀνδρῶν καὶ παρακαλούντων ἐπὶ τὸν Σατορνῖνον,
a /
ἑτέραις θύραις ἐκεῖνον ὑπεδέξατο τούτων ayvo-

΄ “4 , / \ > ,
OVVTMY. ELTA προφασιν λέγων πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους
ἴω Ν a
κοιλίας διάρροιαν, νῦν μὲν ὡς τούτους, νῦν δὲ ὡς
a a ἌΡ \
ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ava μέρος διατρέχων
\ a
συνέκρουε καὶ παρώξυνεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Kal τῆς
a a ,
βουλῆς καὶ τῶν ἱππέων συνισταμένων καὶ ἀγα-
΄ >]
νακτούντων ἐξήνεγκεν εἰς ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα, Kal
, > \ ? Ν σ ΄ -
καταδιωχθέντας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον εἷλε
/ \ \ 5 Ν ᾽ / e 3.5
δίψει: τοὺς γὰρ ὀχετοὺς ἀπέκοψεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀπει-
πόντες ἐκεῖνον ἐκάλουν καὶ παρέδωκαν σφᾶς
\ “ 7, ,
αὐτοὺς διὰ τῆς λεγομένης δημοσίας πίστεως.
ἐπεὶ δὲ παντοῖος γενόμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ σῶσαι τοὺς
» > A » 5) \ , 3 3 Ἂν;
ἄνδρας οὐδὲν ὥνησεν, ἀλλὰ κατιόντες εἰς ἀγορὰν
ἀνῃρέθησαν, ἐκ τούτου τοῖς τε δυνατοῖς ἅμα καὶ
al , 4
TO δήμῳ προσκεκρουκώς, τιμητείας παραπεσού-
5 , XN 3 a b ’ 7 ἐπ να
σης ἐπίδοξος ὧν οὐ μετῆλθεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἴασεν ἑτέρους
¢€ / . an \ 3 a »
ὑποδεεστέρους αἱρεθῆναι, δεδιὼς ἀποτυχεῖν. ἄλλως
a \
δὲ αὐτὸς ἐκαλλωπίζετο πολλοῖς μὴ θέλειν ἀπεχ-
΄ Ν / » a \ \ » a
θάνεσθαι τοὺς βίους αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ἤθη πικρῶς
ἐξετάζων.
,

XXXII. Adypatos δὲ εἰσφερομένου Μέτελλον
ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς ἀνακαλεῖσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ διὰ
, Ν 3 4 ΄ > \ 7,
λόγων καὶ δι’ ἔργων μάτην ἐναντιωθεὶς τέλος

ce \ a
ἀπεῖπε: καὶ δεξαμένου τὴν γνώμην τοῦ δήμου
» / ay
προθύμως, οὐχ ὑπομένων κατερχόμενον ἐπιδεῖν
τὸν Μέτελλον ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Καππαδοκίαν καὶ
/ , , A A
Γαλατίαν, λόγῳ μὲν ἀποδώσων as εὔξατο TH

548

CAIUS MARIUS, xxx. 2-xxx1. 1

and were trying to incite him against Saturninus,
without their knowledge he introduced Saturninus
into the house by another door; then, pretending to
both parties that he had a diarrhoea, he would run
backwards and forwards in the house, now to the
nobles and now to Saturninus, trying to irritate and
bring them into collision. However, when the
senate and the knights began to combine and give
utterance to their indignation, he led his soldiers
into the forum, forced the insurgents to take
refuge on the Capitol, and compelled them to
surrender for lack of water. For he cut off the
water-conduits; whereupon they gave up the
struggle, called Marius, and surrendered themselves
on what was called the public faith. Marius did all
he could to save the men, but it was of no avail, and
when they came down into the forum they were put
to death. This affair made Marius obnoxious alike
to the nobles and to the people, and when the time
for electing censors came he did not present himself
as a candidate, although everyone expected that he
would, but allowed other and inferior men to be
elected, for fear that he would be defeated. How-
ever, he tried to put a good face upon his conduct
by saying that he was unwilling to incur the hatred
of many citizens by a severe examination into their
lives and manners.

XXXI. When a decree was introduced recalling
Metellus from exile, Marius opposed it strongly
both by word and deed, but finding his efforts vain, at
last desisted; and after the people had adopted the
measure with alacrity, unable to endure the sight of
Metellus returning, he set sail for Cappadocia and
Galatia,! ostensibly to make the sacrifices which he

1 In 99 ic.

549

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ an an , e / \ A >’ /
μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν θυσίας, ἑτέραν δὲ τῆς ἀποδημίας
ΝΜ £ / / \ μὰ 2 \
ἔχων ὑπόθεσιν λανθάνουσαν τοὺς πολλούς. ἀφυὴς
/
yap ὧν πρὸς εἰρήνην Kal ἀπολίτευτος, ηὐξημένος
a \ Ἃς i Ἃ,
δὲ τοῖς πολέμοις, εἶτα κατὰ μικρὸν αὖθις ὑπὸ
/ \ a
ἀργίας καὶ ἡσυχίας ἀπομαραίνεσθαι τὴν δύναμιν
a \ , , ,ὔ n
αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν δόξαν οἰόμενος, ἐζήτει καινῶν
΄ ’ / 7 \ \ A
πραγμάτων ἀρχάς. ἤλπιζε yap τοὺς βασιλεῖς
συνταράξας καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἐπίδοξον ὄντα πολε-
, ’ MS
μήσειν ἀναστήσας Kal παροξύνας, εὐθὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
΄ / \ Ul
ἡγεμὼν αἱρεθήσεσθαι Kal νέων μὲν τὴν πόλιν
΄ / \ la} Ἂν ΄ὔ
θριάμβων, σκύλων δὲ Ποντικῶν καὶ πλούτου
ἴω N
βασιλικοῦ τὸν οἶκον ἐμπλήσειν. διὸ καὶ Μιθ-
» le} \
ριδάτου πάσῃ χρησαμένου θεραπείᾳ καὶ τιμῇ πρὸς
Ν ’ δ
αὐτὸν οὐ καμφθεὶς οὐδὲ ὑπείξας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰπών, “Ἢ
A 9 an a / € , x
μεῖζον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, πειρῶ δύνασθαι Pwpaiwr, ἢ
An , ”
ποίει σιωπῇ TO προστασσόμενον,᾽ ἐξέπληξεν αὐ-
a /
TOV, WS φωνῆς μὲν πολλάκις, παρρησίας δὲ τότε
πρῶτον ἀκούσαντα Ῥωμαϊκῆς.
3 \ ,
XXXII. ᾿᾿πανελθὼν δὲ εἰς “Ῥώμην οἰκίαν ἐδεί-
a “ /
ματο τῆς ἀγορᾶς πλησίον, εἴτε, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε,
\ ΄ Ὑν 9 A \ ,
τοὺς θεραπεύοντας αὐτὸν ἐνοχλεῖσθαι μὴ βουλό-
\ , a
μενος μακρὰν βαδίζοντας, εἴτε τοῦτο αἴτιον οἰό-
3 A \ , ” δαὶ ΄
μενος εἶναι τοῦ μὴ πλείονας ἄλλων ἐπὶ θύρας
’ a a \ ’ > > x a b >
αὐτοῦ φοιτᾶν. τὸ δ᾽ οὐκ ἣν ἄρα τοιοῦτον: ἀλλ
ὁμιλίας χάριτι καὶ πολιτικαῖς χρείαις ἑτέρων
, σ΄“ ,
λειπόμενος ὥσπερ ὄργανον πολεμικὸν ἐπ᾽ εἰρή-
νης παρημελεῖτο. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἧττον
” θ ὃ Ls ὃ δὲ Dine 3 7
ἤχθετο παρευδοκιμούμενος, σφόδρα δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνία
Ss / 3 Δ \ » “Ὁ >) , ,
Σύλλας ἐκ TOV πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐξανόμενος φθόνου

Sue

+

4

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxr. 1- ΧΧΧΙΙ. 2

had vowed to the Mother of the Gods, but really
having another reason for his journey which the
people did not suspect. He had, that is, no natural
aptitude for peace or civil life, but had reached his
eminence by arms. And now, thinking that his
influence and reputation were gradually fading away
because of his inactivity and quietude, he sought
occasions for new enterprises. For he hoped that if
he stirred up the kings of Asia and incited Mithri-
dates to action, who was expected to make war upon
Rome, he would at once be chosen to lead the
Roman armies against him, and would fill the city
with new triumphs, and his own house with Pontic
spoils and royal wealth. For this reason, though
Mithridates treated him with all deference and
respect, he would not bend or yield, but said: “O
King, either strive to be stronger than Rome, or do
her bidding without a word.” This speech startled
the king, who had often heard the Roman speech,
but then for the first time in all its boldness.
XXXII. On returning to Rome, he built a house
for himself near the forum, either, as he himself said,
because he was unwilling that those who paid their
respects to him should have the trouble of coming a
long distance, or because he thought that distance
was the reason why he did not have larger crowds at
his door than others. The reason, however, was not
of this nature ; it was rather his inferiority to others
in the graces of intercourse and in political helpful-
ness, which caused him to be neglected, like an in-
strument of war in time of peace. Of all those who
eclipsed him in popular esteem he was most vexed
and annoyed by Sulla, whose rise to power was due to
the jealousy which the nobles felt towards Marius,

551

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TOV δυνατῶν καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διαφορὰς
ἀρχὴν πολιτείας ποιούμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόκχος
ὁ Νομὰς σύμμαχος “Ρωμαίων ἀναγεγραμμένος
ἔστησεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους καὶ
παρ᾽ αὐταῖς ἐν εἰκόσι hehe ᾿Ιουγούρθαν ἐγ-
χειριζόμενον ὑπὸ αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ, τοῦτο ἐξέστησεν
ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ Μάριον, ὡς Σύλλα περι-
σπῶντος εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰ ἔργα, καὶ παρεσκευάξετο
τ τὰ ἀναθήματα καταβάλλειν. ἀντεφιλονείκει
δὲ Σύλλας, καὶ τὴν στάσιν ὅσον οὔπω φερομένην
εἰς μέσον ἐπέσχεν ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος ἐξαί-
φνης ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναρραγείς. τὰ γὰρ μαχιμώ-
Tara τῶν ᾿Ιταλικῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρωπότατα
κατὰ τῆς Ῥώμης συνέστησαν καὶ μικρὸν. ἐδέησαν
συγχέαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οὐ μόνον ὅπλοις ἐρρωμένα
καὶ σώμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόλμαις στρατηγῶν καὶ
δεινότησι χρησάμενα θαυμασταῖς καὶ ἀντι-
πάλοις.

ΧΧΧΊΤΙ. Οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος τοῖς πάθεσι ποικί-
λος γενόμενος καὶ ταῖς τύχαις πολυτροπώτατος
ὅσον Σύλλᾳ προσέθηκε δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως,
τοσοῦτον ἀφεῖλε Μαρίου. βραδὺς γὰρ ἐφάνη
ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, ¢ ὄκνου τε περὶ πάντα καὶ μελλή-
σεως ὑπόπλεως, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως τὸ δραστήριον
ἐκεῖνο καὶ θερμὸν ἐν αὐτῷ κατασβεννύντος (ἑξη-
κοστὸν γὰρ ἤδη καὶ πέμπτον ἔτος ὑπερέβαλλεν),
εἴτε, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, περὶ νεῦρα γεγονὼς νοσώδης
καὶ σώματι δύσεργος ὧν ὑπέμενε παρὰ δύναμιν
αἰσχύνῃ τὰς στρατείας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε
μάχῃ TE μεγάλῃ νικήσας ἑξακισχιλίους ἀνεῖλε
τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ λαβὴν οὐδαμῆ παρέσχεν αὐ-

552

CAIUS MARIUS, xxx. 2-xxxmr. 2

and who was making his quarrels with Marius the
basis of his political activity. And when Bocchus
the Numidian, who had been designated an ally of
the Romans, set up trophy-bearing Victories on the
Capitol, and by their side gilded figures representing
Jugurtha surrendered by him to Sulla, Marius was
transported with rage and fury to see Sulla thus
appropriating to himself the glory of his achieve-
ments, and was making preparations to tear down
the votive offerings. But Sulla too was furious, and
civil dissension was just on the point of breaking out,
when it was stopped by the Social War, which
suddenly burst upon the city.1 That is, the most
warlike and most numerous of the Italian peoples
combined against Rome, and came within a little ot
destroying her supremacy, since they were not only
strong in arms and men, but also had generals whose
daring and ability were amazing and made them a
match for the Romans.

XXXIII. This war, which was varied in its events
and most changetul in its fortunes, added much to
Sulla’s reputation and power, but took away as much
from Marius. For he was slow in making his
attacks, and always given to hesitation and delay,
whether it was that old age had quenched his wonted
energy and fire (for he was now past his sixty-sixth
year), or that, as he himself said, a feeling of shame
led him to go beyond his powers in trying to endure
the hardships of the campaign when his nerves were
diseased and his body unfit for work. However,
even then he won a great victory in which he slew
six thousand of the enemy; and he never allowed
them to get a grip upon him, but even when he was

1 90-89 B.c. See the Sulla, vi. 1 f.
553

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a ’ \ \ ΄ > / \
τοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ περιταφρευόμενος ἠνέσχετο καὶ
, \ 2 ᾽ ,
χλευαζόμενος καὶ καλούμενος οὐ παρωξύνθη.
\ / , ἃ “
λέγεται δὲ Ποπλίου Σίλωνος, ὃς μέγιστον εἶχε
a /
τῶν πολεμίων ἀξίωμα Kal δύναμιν, εἰπόντος πρὸς
Sr ὙΠ «ς ? , 3 , τὴ ΄ ΄
αὐτόν, “Εἰ μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ὦ Mapte, διαγώ-
/ ” ’ / “cc WA \ 5 ᾽
vicar καταβάς, ἀποκρίνασθαι, “ Σὺ μὲν οὖν, εἰ
f / U Ψ
μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ἀνάγκασόν με διαγωνίσασθαι
\ , ” / / lal δ
μὴ βουλόμενον. πάλιν δέ ποτε τῶν μὲν πολε-
’ / a
μίων καιρὸν ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδόντων, τῶν δὲ
« /
Ῥωμαίων ἀποδειλιασάντων, ὡς ἀνεχώρησαν ap-
΄ ,
φότεροι, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς στρατιώ-
6c? n 99 ld Wee , yy \
τας, “ Απορῶ, φησι, ““ποτερον εἴπω τοὺς πολε-
/ / xX a li A
μίους ἀνανδροτέρους ἢ ὑμᾶς: οὔτε yap ἐκεῖνοι TOV
an an a / lal
νῶτον ὑμῶν οὔτε ὑμεῖς ἐκείνων TO ἰνίον ἰδεῖν ἐδυ-
/ 39 \ » an \ / id
νήθητε." τέλος δὲ ἀφῆκε τὴν στρατηγίαν ὡς
a A \ \
ἐξαδυνατῶν TO σώματι διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν.
XXXIV. ᾿Ιὑπεὶ δὲ ἤδη τῶν ᾿Ιταλικῶν ἐγκεκλι-
/
κότων ἐμνηστεύοντο πολλοὶ τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν
͵ «. , \ a an
πόλεμον ἐν Ῥώμῃ διὰ τῶν δημαγωγῶν, Tapa
nr b>] (ὃ SS id ὃ / > \
πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα Σουλπίκιος δήμαρχος, ἀνὴρ Opa-
lf /
σύτατος, παραγαγὼν Μάριον ἀπεδείκνυεν ἀνθύ-
\ 2 \ 4 \ ς n
matov στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην. καὶ ὁ δῆμος
a e / \ an
διέστη, τῶν μὲν αἱρουμένων τὰ Μαρίου, τῶν δὲ
Σύλλαν καλούντων καὶ τὸν Μάριον ἐπὶ θερμὰ
fh \ aA
κελευόντων εἰς Baias βαδίξειν καὶ τὸ σῶμα
,
θεραπεύειν ὑπό TE γήρως καὶ ῥευμάτων ἀπειρη-
\ i an
KOS, ὡς AUTOS ἔλεγε. καὶ yap ἣν ἐκεῖ περὶ Mion-
\ A / \ ’ / \ ”
vols τῷ Μαρίῳ πολυτελὴς οἰκία, τρυφὰς ἔχουσα

554

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxi. 2-xxxiv. 2

hemmed about with trenches bided his time, and was
not unduly irritated by their insults and challenges.
We are told that Publius Silo,! who had the greatest
authority and power among the enemy, once said to
him, “If thou art a great general, Marius, come
down and fight it out with us’’; to which Marius
answered, “‘ Nay, but do thou, if thou art a great
general, force me to fight it out with you against my
will.’ And at another time, when the enemy had
given him an opportunity to attack them, but the
Romans had played the coward, and both sides had
withdrawn, he called an assembly of his soldiers and
said to them: ‘Ido not know whether to call the
enemy or you the greater cowards; for they were
not able to see your backs, nor you their napes.’’ At
last, however, he gave up his command, on the
ground that his infirmities made him quite incapable
of exercising it.

XXXIV. But when the Italians had at last made
their submission, and many persons at Rome were
suing for the command in the Mithridatic war, with
the aid of the popular leaders, contrary to all
expectation the tribune Sulpicius, a most audacious
man, brought Marius forward and proposed to make
him pro-consul in command against Mithridates. The
people were divided in opinion, some preferring
Marius, and others calling for Sulla and bidding
Marius go to the warm baths at Baiae and look out
for his health, since he was worn out with old age and
rheums, as he himself said. For at Baiae, near Cape
Misenum, Marius owned an expensive house, which
had appointments more luxurious and effeminate

1 Pompaedius Silo, leader of the Marsi. Cf. the Cato
Minor, ii. 1-4.

555

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ διαίτας ᾿θηλυτέρας ἢ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα πολέμων
τοσούτων καὶ στρατειῶν αὐτουργόν. ταύτην λέ-
γεται μυριάδων ἑπτὰ ἡμίσους Κορνηλία πρί-
ασθαι' χρόνου δ᾽ οὐ πάνυ πολλοῦ γενομένου
Λεύκιος Λεύκολλος ὠνεῖται μυριάδων πεντήκοντα
καὶ διακοσίων: οὕτως ταχέως ἀνέδραμεν ἡ πολυ-
τέλεια καὶ τοσαύτην ἐπίδοσιν τὰ πράγματα πρὸς
τρυφὴν ἔλαβεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Μάριος φιλοτίμως
πάνυ καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἀποτριβόμενος τὸ γῆρας
καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὁσημέραι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ
πεδίον, καὶ μετὰ τῶν νεανίσκων γυμναζόμενος
ἐπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κοῦφον μὲν ὅπλοις, ἔποχον
δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλὴς γεγονὼς
ἐν “γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ
καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς.

᾿Ενίοις μὲν οὖν ἤρεσκε ταῦτα πράττων, καὶ
κατιόντες ἐθεῶντο τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς
ἁμίλλας, τοῖς δὲ βελτίστοις. ὁρῶσιν οἰκτείρειν
ἐπῃει τὴν πλεονεξίαν καὶ τὴν φιλοδοξίαν, ὅτι
πλουσιώτατος ἐκ πένητος καὶ μέγιστος ἐκ μικροῦ
γεγονὼς ὅρον οὐκ οἶδεν εὐτυχίας, οὐδὲ θαυμαξζόμε-
νος ἀγαπᾷ καὶ ἀπολαύων ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ τῶν παρ-
όντων, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἐνδεὴς ἁπάντων εἰς Καππα-
δοκίαν καὶ τὸν ὔξεινον Πόντον ἄρας ἐκ θριάμβων
καὶ δόξης ἐκφέρει τοσοῦτον γῆρας, ᾿Αρχελάῳ καὶ
Νεοπτολέμῳ τοῖς Μιθριδάτου σατράπαις διαμα-
χούμενος. αἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τοῦ Μαρίου δικαι-
ολογίαι παντάπασιν ἐφαίνοντο ληρώδεις" ἔφη γὰρ
ἐθέλειν τὸν υἱὸν ἀσκῆσαι παρὼν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ
στρατείας.

XXXV. Ταῦτα τὴν πόλιν ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων
ὕπουλον γεγενημένην καὶ νοσοῦσαν ἀνέρρηξεν,

556

4

5

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxiv. 2-xxxv. I

than became a man who had taken active part in so
many wars and campaigns. This house, we are told,
Cornelia bought for seventy-five thousand drachmas ;
and not long afterwards Lucius Lucullus purchased
it for two million five hundred thousand. So quickly
did lavish expenditure spring up, and so great an
increase in luxury did life in the city take on.
Marius, however, showing a spirit of keen emulation
that might have characterized a youth, shook off
old age and infirmity and went down daily into the
Campus Martius, where he exercised himself with
the young men and showed that he was still agile in
arms and capable of feats of horsemanship, although
his bulk was not well set up in his old age, but ran
to corpulence and weight.

Some, then, were pleased to have him thus en-
gaged, and would go down into the Campus and
witness his emulation in competitive contests; but
the better part were moved to pity at the sight of his
greed and ambition, because, though he had risen
from poverty to the greatest wealth and from obscurity
to the highest place, he knew not how to set bounds to
his good fortune, and was not content to be admired
and enjoy quietly what he had, but as if in need of
all things, and after winning triumphs and fame, was
setting out, with all his years upon him, for Cappa-
docia and the Euxine sea, to fight it out with
Archelaiisand Neoptolemus, thesatrapsof Mithridates.
And the justification for this which Marius offered
was thought to be altogether silly ; he said, namely,
that he wished to take part personally in the cam-
paign in order to give his son a military training.

XXXV. These things brought to a head the secret
disease from which the state had long been suffering,

os i |

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 5 ic U ΕΣ / \ \
εὐφυέστατον εὑρόντος ὄργανον Μαρίου πρὸς τὸν
/ a \
κοινὸν ὄλεθρον τὸ Σουλπικίου θράσος, ὃς διὰ
““ \ ἴω.
τἄλλα πάντα θαυμάζων καὶ ζηλῶν τὸν Σατορνῖ-
a / 2 lal
νον ATOAMLAV ἐπεκάλει τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν αὐτοῦ
\ /
Kal μέλλησιν. αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ μέλλων ἑξακοσίους
an a Ἅ
μὲν εἶχε περὶ αὑτὸν τῶν ἱππικῶν οἷον δορυφόρους,
\ , b} » 3 / 2 \ \
καὶ τούτους AVTLOVYKANTOV ὠνόμαζεν, ἐπελθὼν δὲ
aren 3 77 r ς ΄ an \
μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐκκλησιάζουσι τοῖς ὑπάτοις TOU μὲν
/ / b] > “ Ν ἘΝ ᾿] \
ἑτέρου φυγόντος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς Tov υἱὸν ἐγκαταλαβὼν
\ / a
ἀπέσφαξε, Σύλλας δὲ Tapa τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ
\ δ
Μαρίου διωκόμενος, οὐδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος,
» f \ \ \ LA » /
εἰσέπεσε' Kal τοὺς μὲν διώκοντας ἔλαθε δρόμῳ
Τὰ ς > » n \ nf , /
παρενεχθέντας, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δὲ Μαρίου λέγεται
N la
κατὰ θύρας ἑτέρας ἀσφαλῶς ἀποπεμφθεὶς διεκπε-
an N Ni \ /
σεῖν εἰς TO στρατόπεδον. αὐτὸς δὲ Σύλλας ἐν
a / a \
τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ov φησι καταφυγεῖν πρὸς τὸν
a /
Μάριον, ἀλλ’ ἀπαλλαχθῆναι βουλευσόμενος
e \ Φ ’ » / > \ ”
ὑπὲρ ὧν Σουλπίκιος ἠνάγκαζεν αὐτὸν ἄκοντα
’, \ 2 Ψ' , a
ψηφίσασθαι, περισχὼν ἐν κύκλῳ ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς
\ , \ \ , oo ᾿
καὶ συνελάσας πρὸς τὸν Μάριον, ἄχρι οὗ προελ-
a f A
θὼν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ἀγοράν, ws ἠξίουν ἐκεῖνοι, Tas
» , 5 / \ / “
ἀπραξίας ἔλυσε. γενομένων δὲ τούτων ὅ τε
a , a
Σουλπίκιος ἤδη κρατῶν ἐπεχειροτόνησε τῷ
1 1 \ Y Λ
Μαρίῳ τὴν στρατηγίαν, ὅ τε Μάριος ἐν παρα-
a an b] 4 / \ / /
σκευῇ τῆς ἐξόδου καθειστήκει, καὶ δύο χιλιάρ-
΄ 7] Ν ,
χους ἐξέπεμψε παραληψομένους τὸ Σύλλα στρά-

558

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxv. 1-4

and Marius found a most suitable instrument for the
destruction of the commonwealth in the audacity
of Sulpicius, who was in all things an admirer and
an imitator of Saturninus, except that he charged
him with timidity and hesitation in his political
measures. Sulpicius himself was not a man of
hesitation, but kept six hundred of the Knights
about him as a body-guard, which he called his
anti-senate; he also made an attack with armed
men upon the consuls as they were holding an as-
sembly, and when one of them fled from the forum,
Sulpicius seized his son and butchered him; Sulla,
however, the other consul, as he was being pursued
past the house of Marius, did what no one would
have expected and burst into the house. His pur-
suers ran past the house and therefore missed him,
and it is said that Marius himself sent him off safely
by another door so that he came in haste to his camp.
But Sulla himself, in his Memoirs, says he did not
fly for refuge to the house of Marius, but withdrew
thither in order to consult with Marius about the
step which Sulpicius was trying to force him to take
(by surrounding him with drawn swords and driving
him to the house of Marius), and that finally he went
from there to the forum and rescinded the consular
decree for the suspension of public business, as
Sulpicius and his party demanded.!— When this had
been done, Sulpicius, who was now master of the
situation, got the command conferred upon Marius by
vote of the people; and Marius, who was making his
preparations for departure, sent out two military
tribunes to take over the command of Sulla’s army.

1 These proceedings are much more clearly narrated in the
Sulla, chapter viii. Cf. also Appian, Bell. Civ i. 55.

5.)

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τευμα. Σύλλας δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας παροξύνας
(ἦσαν δὲ τρισμυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων οὐ
μείους ὁπλῖται) προήγαγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ρώμην. τοὺς
δὲ χιλιάρχους, οὺς ἐπέπεμψε Μάριος, προσπε-
σόντες οἱ στρατιῶται διέφθειραν.

Πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ Μάριος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν Σύλλα
φίλων ἀνῃρήκει, καὶ δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν ἐ ἐκήρυττεν
ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ: λέγονται δὲ τρεῖς μόνοι προσγενέ-
σθαι. μικρὰ δ᾽ ἀντιστὰς εἰσελάσαντι τῷ Σύλλᾳ
καὶ ταχέως ἐκβιασθεὶς ἔφυγε. τῶν δὲ περὶ αὐτόν,
ὡς πρῶτον ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως, διασπαρέντων,
σκότους ὄντος εἴς τι τῶν ἐπαυλίων αὑτοῦ Σολώνιον
κατέφυγε. καὶ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν ἔπεμψεν ἐκ τῶν Μουκίου
τοῦ πενθεροῦ χωρίων. οὐ μακρὰν ὄντων τὰ ἐπιτή-
dea ληψόμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβὰς εἰς ᾿Ὡστίαν,
φίλου τινὸς Νουμερίου πλοῖον αὐτῷ παρασκευά-
σαντος, οὐκ ἀναμείνας τὸν υἱόν, ἀλλὰ Γράνιον
ἔχων μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ τὸν πρόγονον ἐξέπλευσεν. ὁ δὲ
νεανίας, ὡς ἦλθεν εἰς τὰ χωρία τοῦ Μουκίου,
λαμβάνων τι καὶ σκευαζόμενος ἡμέρας καταλα-
βούσης οὐ παντάπασι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔλαθεν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἦλθον ἱππεῖς ἐλαύνοντες καθ᾽ ὑπόνοιαν ἐπὶ
τὸν τόπον' OS ὁ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐπιμελητὴς προϊδό-
μενος ἔκρυψε tov Μάριον ἐν ἁμάξῃ κυάμους
ἀγούσῃ, καὶ βοῦς ὑποζεύξας ἀπήντα τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν
εἰς πόλιν ἐλαύνων τὴν ἅμαξαν. οὕτω δὲ πρὸς τὴν
οἰκίαν τῆς γυναικὸς ὁ Μάριος διακομισθεὶς καὶ
λαβὼν ὅσων ἐδεῖτο νυκτὸς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἧκε καὶ
νεὼς ἐπιβὰς εἰς Λιβύην πλεούσης ἀπεπέρασεν.

XXXVI. Ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτης Μάριος ὡς ἀνήχθη,
πνεύματι φορῷ κομιζόμενος παρὰ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν

560

421

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxv. 4-xxxvi. 1

Sulla, however, called upon his soldiers (who were no
fewer than thirty-five thousand legionaries) to resent
this, and led them forth against Rome. His soldiers
also fell upon the tribunes whom Marius had sent and
slew them.

Marius, too, put to death many of Sulla’s friends
in Rome, and proclaimed freedom to the slaves if
they would fight on his side. It is said, however,
that only three of them joined his ranks, and after a
feeble resistance to Sulla’s entry into the city he was
speedily driven out and took to flight.1_ As soon as
he had made his escape from the city his companions
were scattered, and since it was dark, he took refuge
at one of his farmsteads, called Solonium. He also
sent his son to get provisions from the estate of his
father-in-law, Mucius, which was not far off, while he
himself went down to the coast at Ostia, where a
friend of his, Numerius, had provided a vessel for him.
Then, without waiting for his son, but taking his
step-son Granius with him, he set sail. The younger
Marius reached the estate of Mucius, but as he was
getting supplies and packing them up, day overtook
him and he did not altogether escape the vigilance of
his enemies ; for some horsemen came riding towards
the place, moved by suspicion. When the overseer
of the farm saw them coming, he hid Marius in a
waggon loaded with beans, yoked up his oxen, and met
the horsemen as he was driving the waggon to the city.
In this way young Marius was conveyed to the house
of his wife, where he got what he wanted, and then
by night came to the sea, boarded a ship that was
bound for Africa, and crossed over.

XXXVI. The elder Marius, after putting to sea,
was borne by a favouring wind along the coast of

1 Cf. the Sulla, chapter xi.
561

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

if “ A / A
ἐφοβήθη Τεμίνιόν τινα τῶν ἐν Tappaxivyn δυνατῶν
an a / a 77
ἐχθρὸν αὑτοῦ, καὶ ταῖς ναύταις προεῖπεν εἴργε-
σθαι Ταρρακίνγ οἱ δὲ ἐβούλοντο μὲν αὐτῷ
PP 75. f ) in :
/ a \
χαρίζεσθαι, Tov δὲ πνεύματος εἰς πελάγιον μεθι-
/ » \ f \
σταμένου καὶ κλύδωνα KATAYOVTOS πολὺν οὔτε TO
a / / / a
πορθμεῖον ἐδόκει περικλυζόμενον ἀνθέξειν, τοῦ τε
, a \ a / Ν
Μαρίου δυσφοροῦντος καὶ κακῶς ἔχοντος ὑπὸ
/ / / A Ν᾽ Ν
ναυτίας μόλις ἀντιλαμβάνονται τῶν περὶ τὸ
᾽ la a \ a /
Κίρκαιον αἰγιαλῶν. τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος αὐξανομένου
lal / ,
Kal τῶν σιτίων ἐπιλειπόντων ἐκβάντες ἐπλάζοντο
\ b] / , 2 ΟῚ ἫΝ if a
πρὸς οὐδένα σκοπόν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷα συμβαίνει ταῖς
3 / \ ΄ » a /
μεγάλαις ἀπορίαις ἀεὶ φεύγειν ἐκ τοῦ παρόντος
\ Ni , 7 a
ὡς χαλεπωτάτου Kal τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς
2 / >’ NN / \ 3 4 e an ,
ἀδήλοις. ἐπεὶ πολεμία μὲν ἐκείνοις ἡ γῆ, πολεμία
N ΄,
δὲ ἡ θάλασσα, φοβερὸν δὲ ἣν ἀνθρώποις περι-
a \ \ \ lal ΓΚ lal
πεσεῖν, φοβερὸν δὲ μὴ περιπεσεῖν Ou’ ἔνδειαν τῶν
» , 3 \ bd ’ 5 ΄ a
ἀναγκαίων. οὐ μὴν arr owe που βοτῆρσιν
/ «ὃ a
ὀλίγοις ἐντυγχάνουσιν, οἱ δοῦναι μὲν οὐδὲν ἔσχον
a / / \ \
αὐτοῖς δεομένοις, γνωρίσαντες δὲ τὸν Μάριον
53 / > / \ / 3 /
ἐκέλευον ἀπαλλάττεσθαι τὴν ταχίστην ὀλίγον
, / ἊΝ f a
yap ἔμπροσθεν αὐτόθι κατὰ ζήτησιν αὐτοῦ συχ-
\ e / ’ n ἿΛ 5 \
vous ἱππέας ὀφθῆναι διεξελαύνοντας. ἐν παντὶ
Ν \ 5 , / ἮΝ / a
δὴ γεγονὼς ἀπορίας, μάλιστα δὲ νηστείᾳ τῶν
\ \ » , ) \
περὶ αὐτὸν ἀπαγορευόντων, τότε μὲν EXT PATO [LEVOS
a ς n \ \ e \ 2 Ὁ a
τῆς ὁδοῦ Kal καταβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ὕλην βαθεῖαν
3 ῇ , a Vis 3 ,
ἐπιπόνως διενυκτέρευσε. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ συνηγ-
fe e hin 5) , \ [οἱ , \ ) id
μένος ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας καὶ τῷ σώματι πρὶν ἐκλελύσθαι
/ ,
παντάπασι χρήσασθαι βουλόμενος ἐχώρει Tapa
\ > / / \
τὸν αἰγιαλόν, ἐπιθαρσύνων τοὺς ἑπομένους Kal

562

CAIUS MARIUS, XXXVI. I-4

Italy ; but since he was afraid of one Geminius, who
was a powerful man in Terracina and an enemy of his,
he told his sailors to keep clear of Terracina. The
sailors were willing enough to do as he wished, but
the wind veered round and blew towards the shore,
bringing in a heavy surge, and it was thought that the
vessel would not hold out against the beating of the
waves ; besides, Marius was in a wretched plight
from sea-sickness, and therefore they made their way,
though with difficulty, to the coast near Circeii.
Then, as the storm was increasing and their provisions
were failing, they landed from the vessel and wan-
dered about. They had no definite object in view,
but, as is usual in cases of great perplexity, sought
always to escape the present evil as the most grievous,
and fixed their hopes on the unknown future. For
the land was their enemy, and the sea an enemy as
well; they were afraid they might fall in with men,
and they were afraid they might not fallin with men
because they had no provisions. However, late in
the day they came upon a few herdsmen ; these had
nothing to give them in their need, but they
recognized Marius and bade him go away as fast as
he could; for a little while before numerous horse-
men had been seen riding about there in search of
him. Thus at his wits’ end, and, what was worst of
all, his companions fainting with hunger, he turned
aside for the while from the road, plunged into a deep
forest, and there spent the night in great distress.
But the next day, compelled by want, and wishing
to make use of his strength before it failed him
altogether, he wandered along the shore, trying to
encourage his companions, and begging them not to

563

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεόμενος μὴ προαποκάμνειν τῆς τελευταίας ἐλπί-
δος, ἐφ᾽ ἣν ἑαυτὸν φυλάττει μαντεύμασι παλαιοῖς
πιστεύων. νέος γὰρ ὧν ἔτι παντελῶς καὶ διατρί-
Bov κατ᾽ ἀγρὸν ὑποδέξασθαι τῷ ἱματίῳ καταφε-
ρομένην ἀετοῦ νεοττιὰν ἑπτὰ νεοττοὺς ἔχουσαν"
ἰδόντας δὲ τοὺς γονεῖς καὶ θαυμάσαντας διαπυν-
θάνεσθαι τῶν μάντεων" τοὺς δὲ εἰπεῖν ὡς ἐπι-
φανέστατος ἀνθρώπων ἔσοιτο καὶ τὴν μεγίστην
ἡγεμονίαν καὶ ἀρχὴν ἑπτάκις αὐτὸν λαβεῖν avay-
καῖον εἴη.

Ταῦτα οἱ μὲν ἀληθῶς τῷ Μαρίῳ συντυχεῖν
οὕτω λέγουσιν" οἱ δὲ τοὺς τότε καὶ παρὰ τὴν
ἄλλην φυγὴν ἀκούσαντας αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστεύσαν-
Tas ἀναγράψαι πρᾶγμα, κομιδῆ μυθῶδες. ἀετὸς
γὰρ οὐ τίκτει πλεῖον τῶν δυεῖν, ἀχλὰ καὶ Μου-
σαῖον ἐψεῦσθαι λέγουσιν εἰπόντα περὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ,
ὡς

7 ᾽
Τρία μὲν τίκτει, δύο δ᾽ ἐκλέπει, ἕν δ᾽ ἀλεγίζει.ἷ

τὸ μέντοι πολλάκις ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καὶ ταῖς ἐσχάταις
ἀπορίαις Μάριον εἰπεῖν ὡς “ἄχρις ἑβδόμης ὑπα-
τείας πρόεισιν, ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστιν.

XXXVII. Ἤδη δὲ Μιντούρνης, πόλεως Ἴτα-
λικῆς, ὅσον εἴκοσι σταδίων ἀπέχοντες ὁρῶσιν
ἱππέων ἴλην πρόσωθεν ἐλαύνοντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ
κατὰ τύχην ὁλκάδας δύο φερομένας. ὡς οὖν
ἕκαστος ποδῶν εἶχε καὶ ῥώμης καταδραμόντες
ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ καταβαλόντες ἑαυτοὺς
προσενήχοντο͵ ταῖς ναυσί. καὶ λαβόμενοι τῆς
cae οἱ περὶ τὸν Τράνιον ἀπεπέρασαν εἰς τὴν

“Os τρία μὲν κτλ., as cited in Aristotle, Hist. An. vi. 6
ὮΝ 5634, 17).

564

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxvi. 4-xxxvu. 1

give up the struggle before his last hope could be
realized, for which he was still reserving himself in
reliance on ancient prophecies. When, that is, he
was quite young and living in the country, he had
caught in his cloak a falling eagle’s nest, which had
seven young ones in it; at sight of this, his parents
were amazed, and made enquiries of the seers, who
told them that their son would be most illustrious
of men, and was destined to receive the highest
command and power seven times.

Some say that this really happened to Marius; but
others say that those who heard the story from him
at this time and during the rest of his flight, believed
it, and recorded it, though it was wholly fabulous.
For, they say, an eagle does not lay more than twe
eggs at one time, and Musaeus also was wrong when,
speaking of the eagle, he says:

“Three indeed she layeth, and two hatcheth, but one
only doth she feed.’’}

However, that Marius, during his flight and in his ex-
tremest difficulties, often said that he should attain to
a seventh consulship, is generally admitted.
XXXVII. But presently, when they were about
twenty furlongs distant from Minturnae, an Italian
city, they saw from afar a troop of horsemen riding
towards them, and also, as it chanced, two merchant
vessels sailing along. Accordingly, with all the
speed and strength they had, they ran down to the
sea, threw themselves into the water, and began to
swim to the ships. Granius and his party reached
one of the ships and crossed over to the opposite

1 Fragment 21 (Kinkel, Ep. Graec. Frag., p. 229).
565

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ἀντικρὺς νῆσον: Αἰναρία καλεῖται: αὐτὸν δὲ
Μάριον βαρὺν ὄντα τῷ σώματι καὶ δυσμεταχεί-
ρίστον οἰκέται δύο μόλις καὶ χαλεπῶς ὑπὲρ τῆς
θαλάττης ἐξάραντες εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἔθεντο ναῦν,
ἤδη τῶν ἱππέων ἐφεστώτων καὶ διακελευομένων
ἀπὸ γῆς τοῖς ναύταις κατάγειν τὸ πλοῖον ἢ τὸν
Μάριον ἐκβαλόντας αὐτοὺς ἀποπλεῖν ὅπη χρή-
ζοιεν. ἱκετεύοντος δὲ τοῦ Μαρίου καὶ δακρύοντος,
οἱ κύριοι τῆς ὁλκάδος ὡς ἐν ὀλίγῳ πολλὰς ἐπ᾽
ἀμφότερα τῆς γνώμης τροπὰς λαβόντες ὅμως
ἀπεκρίναντο τοῖς ἱππεῦσι μὴ προέσθαι τὸν
Μάριον. ἐκείνων δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπελασάντων
αὖθις ἑτέρων γενόμενοι λογισμῶν κατεφέροντο
πρὸς τὴν γῆν: καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Λίριος
ποταμοῦ διάχυσιν λιμνώδη λαμβάνοντος ἀγκύρας
βαλόμενοι παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν ἐκβῆναι καὶ τροφὴν
ἐπὶ yas, λαβεῖν καὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπεῦσαι κεκακω-
μένον, ἄχρι οὗ φορὰ γένηται" γίγνεσθαι δὲ τὴν
εἰωθυῖαν ὥραν τοῦ πελαγίου μαραινομένου καὶ
τῶν ἑλῶν αὔραν ἀναδιδόντων ἐπιεικῶς διαρκῆ.
ταῦτα πεισθεὶς ὁ Μάριος ἔπραττε: καὶ τῶν ναυ-
τῶν ἐξελομένων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν κατακλινεὶς ἔν
τινι, πόᾳ πορρωτάτω τοῦ μέλλοντος εἶχε τὴν
διάνοιαν. οἱ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐπιβάντες ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν καὶ
τὰς ἀγκύρας ἀναλαβόντες ἔφευγον, ὡς οὔτε
καλὸν ἐκδοῦναι τὸν Μάριον αὐτοῖς οὔτε σώζειν
ἀσφαλές. οὕτω δὴ πάντων ἔρημος ἀπολειφθεὶς
πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἄναυδος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀκτῆς ἔκειτο,
μόλις δέπως ἀναλαβὼν ἑαυτὸν ἐπορεύετο ταλαι-
πώρως ἀνοδίαις: καὶ διεξελθὼν ἕλη βαθέα καὶ
τάφρους ὕδατος καὶ πηλοῦ γεμούσας ἐπιτυγχάνει
καλύβῃ λιμνουργοῦ γέροντος, ὃν περιπεσὼν ἱκέ-

566

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxvit. 2-5

island, Aenaria by name; Marius himself, who was
heavy and unwieldy, two slaves with toil and
difficulty held above water and put into the other
ship, the horsemen being now at hand and calling
out from the shore to the sailors either to bring the
vessel to shore or to throw Marius overboard and sail
whither they pleased. But since Marius supplicated
them with tears in his eyes, the masters of the vessel,
after changing their minds often in a short time,
nevertheless replied to the horsemen that they
would not surrender Marius. The horsemen rode
away in a rage, and the sailors, changing their plan
again, put in towards the shore; and after casting
anchor at the mouth of the Liris, where the river
expands into a lake, they advised Marius to leave the
vessel, take some food ashore with him, and recruit
his strength after his hardships until a good wind for
sailing should arise; this usually arose, they said,
when the wind from the sea died away and a tolerably
strong breeze blew from the marshes. Marius was
persuaded to follow their advice ; so the sailors carried
him ashore, and he lay down in some grass, without
the slightest thought of what was to come. Then
the sailors at once boarded their vessel, hoisted
anchor, and took to flight, feeling that it was neither
honourable for them to surrender Marius nor safe to
rescue him. Thus, forsaken of all men, he lay a long
time speechless on the shore, but recovered himself
at last and tried to walk along, the lack of any path
making his progress laborious. He made his way
through deep marshes and ditches full of mud and
water, until he came to the hut of an old man who got
his living from the water. At his feet Marius fell

567
VOL, IX. T

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τευε γενέσθαι σωτῆρα καὶ βοηθὸν ἀνδρός, et
διαφύγοι τὰ παρόντα, μείζονας ἐλπίδων ἀμοιβὰς
ἀποδώσοντος. ὁ δὲ ἄνθρωπος, εἴτε πάλαι γινώ-
σκων εἴτε πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ὡς κρείττονα θαυμάσας,
ἀναπαύσασθαι μὲν ἔφη δεομένῳ τὸ σκηνύδριον
ἐξαρκεῖν, εἰ δέ τινας ὑποφεύγων πλάζοιτο κρύψειν
αὐτὸν ἐν τόπῳ μᾶλλον ἡσυχίαν ἔχοντι. τοῦ δὲ
Μαρίου δεηθέντος τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἀγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς
τὸ ἕλος καὶ πτῆξαι κελεύσας ἐν χωρίῳ κοίλῳ
παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπέβαλε τῶν τε καλάμων
πολλοὺς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιφέρων ὕλης ὅση κούφη
καὶ περιπέσσειν ἀβλαβῶς δυναμένη.

XXXVIII. Χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διαγενομενου
ψόφος αὐτῷ καὶ θόρυβος ἀ ἀπὸ τῆς καλύβης προσ-
έπεσεν. ὁ γὰρ Γεμίνιος ἐκ Ταρρακίνης “ἔπεμψε
πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν δίωξιν, ὧν ἔνιοι κατὰ τύχην
ἐκεῖ προσελθόντες ἐξεφόβουν καὶ κατεβόων τοῦ
γέροντος ὡς ὑποδεδεγμένου καὶ κατακρυβόντος
πολέμιον Ρωμαίων. ἐξαναστὰς οὖν ὁ Μάριος καὶ
ἀποδυσάμενος καθῆκεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν λίμνην
ὕδωρ παχὺ καὶ τελματῶδες “ἔχουσαν. ὅθεν οὐ
διέλαθε τοὺς ζητοῦντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνασπασθεὶς βορ-
βόρου κατάπλεως yup ὃς εἰς Μιντούρνας ἀνήχθη
καὶ παρεδόθη τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. ἣν γὰρ εἰς ἅπασαν
ἤδη πόλιν ἐξενηνεγμένον παράγγελμα περὶ τοῦ
Μαρίου δημοσίᾳ διώκειν καὶ κτείνειν τοὺς λα-
βόντας. ὅμως δὲ “βουλεύσασθαι πρότερον ἐδόκει
τοῖς ἄρχουσι: καὶ κατατίθενται τὸν Μάριον εἰς
οἰκίαν Φαννίας γυναικὸς οὐκ εὐμενῶς δοκούσης
ἔχειν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξ αἰτίας παλαιᾶς.

568

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxvit. 5-xxxvilI. 3

down and besought him to save and help a man who,
in case he escaped his present perils, would recom-
pense him beyond all hishopes. Then the man, who
either knew Marius from of old or saw that in his
face which won the regard due to superior rank, told
him that if he merely wanted to rest, the cabin
would suffice, but that if he was wandering about
trying to escape pursuers, he could be hidden in a
place that was more quiet. Marius begged that this
might be done, and the man took him to the marsh,
bade him crouch down in a hollow place by the side
of the river, and threw over him a mass of reeds and
other material which was light enough to cover with-
out injuring him.

XXXVIII. Not much time had elapsed, however,
when a din and tumult at the hut fell upon the ears
of Marius. For Geminius had sent a number of men
from Terracina in pursuit of him, some of whom had
chanced to come to the old man’s hut, and were
frightening and berating him for having received and
hidden an enemy of Rome. Marius therefore rose
from his hiding-place, stripped off his clothes, and
threw himself into the thick and muddy water of
the marsh. Here he could not elude the men who
were in search of him, but they dragged him out all
covered with slime, led him naked to Minturnae,
and handed him over to the magistrates there. Now,
word had already been sent to every city that Marius
was to be pursued by the authorities and killed by
his captors. But nevertheless, the magistrates de-
cided to deliberate on the matter first; so they put
Marius for safe-keeping in the house of a woman
named Fannia, who was thought to be hostile to him
on account of an ancient grievance.

569

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

= iN SiN a / r / /
Hy yap ἀνὴρ τῇ Davurg Rentuutes ay τοι ite
- ᾽ -
στᾶσα τὴν φερνὴν ἀπήτει λαμπρὰν οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ
μοιχείαν ἐνεκάλει" καὶ γίνεται Μάριος ὑπατεύων
ΝΘ / b] \ \ le / /
τὸ ἕκτον δικαστής. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς δίκης λεγομένης
/ ΄
ἐφαίνετο καὶ τὴν Φαννίαν ἀκόλαστον γεγονέναι
\ \ ” , γὼ 7 = \
καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα τοιαύτην εἰδότα λαβεῖν καὶ συμ-
fal , /
βιῶσαι πολὺν χρόνον, ἀμφοτέρους δυσχεράνας
Ἂν x » \ \ 3 / > an
τὸν μὲν ἄνδρα τὴν φερνὴν ἐκέλευσεν ἀποδοῦναι,
a \ \ , a ,
τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς ἀτιμίας ἕνεκα TH καταδίκῃ χαλ-
κοῦς τέσσαρας προσετίμησεν.

Οὐ μὴν ἥ γε Φαννία τότε πάθος γυναικὸς 4

ἠδικημένης ἔλαβεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς εἶδε τὸν Μάριον,
πορρωτάτω γενομένη τοῦ μνησικακεῖν, ἐκ τῶν
παρόντων ἐπεμελεῖτο καὶ παρεθάρρυνεν αὐτόν. ὁ
δὲ κἀκείνην ἐπήνει καὶ θαρρεῖν ἔφασκε: σημεῖον
γὰρ αὐτῷ γεγονέναι χρηστόν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον.

Ὥς ἀγόμενος πρὸς τῇ οἰκίᾳ τῆς Φαννίας ἐγε-
γόνει, τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν ὄνος ἔνδοθεν ἐχώρει
δρόμῳ, πιόμενος ἀπὸ κρήνης ἐγγὺς ἀπορρεούσης"
προσβλέψας δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ λαμυρόν τι καὶ γεγη-
θὸς ἔστη πρῶτον ἐναντίον, εἶτα φωνὴν ἀφῆκε
λαμπρὰν καὶ παρεσκίρτησε παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ γαυ-
ρότητος. ἐξ οὗ συμβαλὼν ὁ Μάριος ἔφασκεν ὡς
διὰ θαλάσσης αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ γῆς ὑποδείκνυσι
σωτηρίαν τὸ δαιμόνιον" τὸν γὰρ ὄνον οὐ προσέ-
χοντα τῇ ξηρᾷ τροφῇ πρὸς τὸ ὕδωρ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τραπέσθαι.

Ταῦτα διαλεχθεὶς τῇ Φαννίᾳ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀνε-

57°

9

~_

8

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxvii. 3-6

Fannia, that is, had been married to Titinnius; but
she had separated herself from him and demanded
back her dowry, which was considerable. Her
husband, however, had accused her of adultery; and
Marius, who was serving in his sixth consulship, had
presided over the trial. When the case was pleaded,
and it appeared that Fannia had been a dissolute
woman, and that her husband had known this and
yet had taken her to wife and lived with her a long
time, Marius was disgusted with both of them, and
decreed that the husband should pay back his wife’s
dowry, while at the same time he imposed upon
the woman, as a mark of infamy, a fine of four
coppers.

However, at the time of which I speak, Fannia did
not act like a woman who had been wronged, but
when she saw Marius, she put far from her all resent-
ment, cared for him as well as she could, and tried
to encourage him. Marius commended her, and
said he was of good courage; for an excellent
sign had been given him. And this sign was as
follows.

When, as he was led along, he had come to the
house of Fannia, the door flew open and an ass ran
out, in order to get a drink at a spring that flowed
hard by; with a saucy and exultant look at Marius
the animal at first stopped in front of him, and
then, giving a magnificent bray, went frisking past
him triumphantly. From this Marius drew an omen
and concluded that the Deity was indicating a way
of escape for him by sea rather than by land; for
the ass made no account of its dry fodder, but
turned from that to the water.

After explaining this to Fannia, Marius lay down

571

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

παύετο, τὴν θύραν τοῦ δωματίου προσθεῖναι
κελεύσας.

ΧΧΧΙΧΣ, Bovrevopevors δὲ τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ
συνέδροις τῶν Μιντουρνησίων ἔδοξε μὴ μέλλειν,
ἀλλὰ διαχρήσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα. καὶ τῶν μὲν
πολιτῶν οὐδεὶς ὑπέστη τὸ ἔργον, ἱππεὺς δὲ
Γαλάτης τὸ γένος ἢ Κίμβρος (ἀμφοτέρως γὰρ
ἱστορεῖται) λαβὼν ξίφος ἐπεισῆλθεν αὐτῷ. τοῦ
δὲ ,οἰκήματος ἐν ᾧ ἔτυχε μέρει κατακείμενος, οὐ
πάνυ λαμπρὸν φῶς ἐ ἔχοντος, ἀλλ᾽ ὄντος ἐπισκίου,
λέγεται τὰ μὲν ὄμματα τοῦ Μαρίου φλόγα πολ-
λὴν ἐκβάλλοντα τῷ στρατιώτῃ φανῆναι, φωνὴν
δὲ μεγάλην ἐκ τοῦ παλισκίου γενέσθαι, “Σὺ δὴ
τολμᾷς, ἄνθρωπε, [᾿άϊον Μάριον ἀνελεῖν ;” ἐξῆλ-
θεν οὖν εὐθὺς ὁ βάρβαρος φυγῇ, καὶ τὸ ξίφος ἐν
μέσῳ καταβαλὼν ἐχώρει ιὰ θυρῶν, τοῦτο μόνον
βοῶν, “Οὐ δύναμαι Ράϊον Μάριον ἀποκτεῖναι.
πάντας οὖν ἔκπληξις ἐ ἔσχεν, εἶτα οἶκτος καὶ “μετά-
νοια τῆς γνώμης καὶ κατάμεμψις ἑαυτῶν ὡς
βούλευμα βεβουλευκότων a ἄνομον καὶ ἀχάριστον
ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ Farha τὴς. ᾿Ιταλίας, ᾧ μὴ βοηθῆσαι
δεινὸν ἦν. ““Ἴτω δ᾽ οὖν ὅπη χρήζει φυγάς, ἀνα-
τλησόμενος ἀλλαχόθι τὸ μεμορμένον. ἡμεῖς δὲ
εὐχώμεθα μὴ νεμεσῆσαι θεοὺς Μάριον ἄπορον καὶ
γυμνὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ExBaXdovaL. ὑπὸ τοιούτων
λογισμῶν εἰσπεσόντες ἀθρόοι καὶ περισχόντες
αὐτὸν ἐξῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν. ἄλλου δὲ ἄλλο
τι προθύμως ὑπηρετοῦντος καὶ σπευδόντων ἅπάν-
TOV ἐγίνετο τριβὴ τοῦ χρόνου. τὸ γὰρ τῆς λεγο-
μένης Μαρίκας ἄλσος, ὃ σέβονται καὶ παρα-
φυλάττουσι μηθὲν ἐκεῖθεν ἐκκομισθῆναι τῶν

572

CAIUS MARIUS, xxxvu. 6—xxxix. 4

to rest alone, after ordering the door of the apart-
ment to be closed.

XXXIX. Upon deliberation, the magistrates and
councillors of Minturnae decided not to delay, but
to put Marius to death. Noone of the citizens, how-
ever, would undertake the task, so a horseman, either
a Gaul or a Cimbrian (for the story is told both ways),
took a sword and went into to the room where
Marius was. Now, that part of the room where
Marius happened to be lying had not a very good
light, but was gloomy, and we are told that to the
soldier the eyes of Marius seemed to shoot out a
strong flame, and that a loud voice issued from the
shadows saying : “ Man, dost thou dare to slay Caius
Marius?” At once, then, the Barbarian fled from
the room, threw his sword down on the ground, and
dashed out of doors, with this one cry: “I cannot kill
Caius Marius.’ Consternation reigned, of course, and
then came pity, a change of heart, and self-reproach
for having come to so unlawful and ungrateful a
decision against a man who had been the saviour ot
Italy, and who ought in all decency to be helped.
“50, then,” the talk ran, “let him go where he will
as an exile, to suffer elsewhere his allotted fate. And
let us pray that the gods may not visit us with their
displeasure for casting Marius out of our city in
poverty and rags.”” Moved by such considerations,
they rushed into his room in a body, surrounded him,
and began to lead him forth to the sea. But although
this one and that one were eager to do him some
service and all made what haste they could, still
there was delay. For the grove of Marica, as it was
called, which was held in veneration, and from which
nothing was permitted to be carried out that had ever

573

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰσκομισθέντων, ἐμποδὼν ἦν τῆς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
ὁδοῦ, καὶ κύκλῳ περιϊόντας ἔδει βραδύνειν, ἄχρι
οὗ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τις ἐκβοήσας ἔφη μηδεμίαν
ἄβατον μηδ᾽ ἀπόρευτον ὁδὸν εἶναι δι᾿’ ἧς σώζεται
Μάριος. καὶ πρῶτος αὐτὸς λαβών τι τῶν κομι-
ζομένων ἐπὶ ναῦν διὰ τοῦ τόπου διεξῆλθε.

XL. Τοιαύτῃ προθυμίᾳ ταχὺ πάντων συμ-
πορισθέντων καὶ Βηλαίου τινὸς ναῦν τῷ Μαρίῳ
παρασχόντος, ὃς ὕστερον πίνακα τῶν πράξεων
ἐκείνων γραψάμενος ἀνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ὅθεν
ἐμβὰς ὁ Μάριος ἀνήχθη, τῷ πνεύματι φέροντι
χρώμενος ἐφέρετό πως κατὰ τύχην πρὸς Αἰναρίαν
τὴν νῆσον, ὅπου τὸν T'paviov καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους
φίλους εὑρὼν ἔπλει μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Λιβύης. ὕδα-
τος δὲ ἐπιλιπόντος αὐτοὺς ἀναγκαίως Σικελίᾳ
κατὰ τὴν ᾿Βρυκίνην προσέσχον. ἔτυχε δὲ περὶ
τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους ὁ “Ρωμαίων ταμίας παρα-
φυλάσσων, καὶ μικροῦ μὲν αὐτὸν ἀποβάντα τὸν
Mapuov εἷλεν, ἀπέκτεινε δὲ περὶ ἑκκαίδεκα τῶν
ὑδρευομένων. Μάριος δὲ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἀναχθεὶς
καὶ διαπεράσας τὸ πέλαγος πρὸς Μύήνιγγα τὴν
νῆσον, ἐνταῦθα διαπυνθάνεται πρῶτον ὡς ὃ παῖς
αὐτοῦ διασέσωσται μετὰ Κεθήγου καὶ πορεύονται
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Νομάδων ᾿Ιάμψαν, δεη-
σόμενοι βοηθεῖν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς “μικρὸν ἀναπνεύσας
ἐθάρρησεν ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου πρὸς τὴν ΚΚαρχηδονίαν
προσβαλεῖν.

᾿Εστρατήγει δὲ τῆς Λιβύης τότε Σεξτίλιος,
ἀνὴρ “Ρωμαῖος, οὔτε φαῦλον οὐθὲν οὔτε χρηστὸν
ἐκ Μαρίου προειληφώς, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον ἀπ᾽ οἴκτου τι
προσδοκώμενος ὠφελήσειν. ἄρτι δὲ αὐτοῦ μετ᾽

574

CAIUS MARIUS, χχχιχ. 4-xL. 3

been carried in, lay between them and the sea as they
were going, and if they went round it they must
needs lose time. At last, however, one of the older
men cried out and said that no path could forbid men’s
steps and passage if it were the path of safety for
Marius. And the speaker himself was the first to
take some of the things that were being carried to
the ship and pass through the holy place.

XL. Everything was speedily provided through
such readiness as this, and a certain Belaeus furnished
a ship for Marius. Belaeus afterwards had a painting
made representing these scenes, and dedicated it in
the temple at the spot where Marius embarked and
put to sea. Favoured by the wind he was borne
along by chance to the island of Aenaria, where he
found Granius and the rest of his friends, and set sail
with them for Africa. But their supply of fresh
water failed, and they were compelled to touch at
Erycina in Sicily. In thisneighbourhood,as it chanced,
the Roman quaestor was on the watch, and almost
captured Marius himself as he landed; he did kill
about sixteen of his men who came ashore for water.
Marius therefore put out to sea with all speed and
crossed to the island of Meninx, where he first
learned that his son had come off safely with Cethegus,
and that they were on their way to Iampsas the king
of Numidia, intending to ask his aid. At this news
Marius was a little refreshed, and made bold to push
on from the island to the neighbourhood of Carthage.

The Roman governor of Africa at this time was
Sextilius,a man who had received neither good nor ill
at the hands of Marius, but whom, as it was expected,
pity alone would move to give him aid. Hardly,
however, had Marius landed with a few companions,

> 818

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὀλίγων ἀποβεβηκότος ὑπηρέτης ἀπαντήσας Kal
καταστὰς ἐναντίον εἶπεν, “᾿Απαγορεύει σοι Σεξ-
τίλιος 0 στρατηγύς, ὦ Μάριε, Λιβύης ἐπιβαίνειν:
εἰ δὲ μή, φησὶν ἀμυνεῖν τοῖς τῆς βουλῆς δόγμασιν,
ὡς Ῥωμαίων πολεμίῳ χρώμενος. ταῦτα ἀκού-
σαντα τὸν Μάριον ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ βαρυθυμίας
ἀπορία λόγων ἔσχε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἡσυχίαν
ἦγε δεινὸν εἰς τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἀποβλέπων. ἐρομένου
δὲ ἐκείνου τί φράξει καὶ τί λέγει πρὸς τὸν στρατη-
γόν, ἀπεκρίνατο μέγα στενάξας," "Αγγελλε τοίνυν
ὅτι Vdiov Μάριον ἐν τοῖς Καρχηδόνος ἐρειπίοις
φυγάδα καθεζόμενον εἶδες," οὐ κακῶς ἅμα τήν τε
τῆς πόλεως ἐκείνης τύχην καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μετα-
βολὴν ἐν παραδείγματος λόγῳ θέμενος.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ᾿Ιάμψας 0 βασιλεὺς τῶν Νομάδων
ἐπαμφοτερίξων τοῖς λογισμοῖς ἐν τιμῇ μὲν γε
τοὺς περὶ τὸν νέον. Μάριον, ἀπιέναι δὲ βου-
λομένους ἔς τίνος ἀεὶ προφάσεως κατεῖχε, καὶ
δῆλος ἣν ἐπ ᾿ οὐδενὶ χρηστῷ ποιούμενος τὴν ἀνα-
βολήν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συμβαίνει τι τῶν εἰκότων
αὐτοῖς πρὸς σωτηρίαν. ὁ γὰρ νέος Μάριος εὔπρε-
πὴς ὧν τὴν ὄψιν ἠνία τινὰ τῶν παλλακίδων τοῦ
βασιλέως παρ᾽ ἀξίαν πράττων' ὁ δὲ οἶκτος οὗτος
ἀρχὴ καὶ πρόφασις ἣν ἔρωτος. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον
ἀπετρίβετο τὴν ἄνθρωπον: ὡς δὲ οὔτε φυγῆς
ἑτέραν ὁδὸν ἑώρα καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνης σπουδαιό-
τερον ἢ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκόλαστον διεπράττετο,
δεξάμενος τὴν φιλοφροσύνην καὶ συνεκπεμφθεὶς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀπέδρα μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ διέφυγε
πρὸς τὸν Μάριον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀλλήλους ἠσπάσαντο,
πορευόμενοι παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐντυγχάνουσι
σκορπίοις μαχομένοις" καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἐφάνη τῷ

576

CAIUS MARIUS, xu. 3-6

when an official met htm, stood directly in front of
him, and said : ‘‘ Sextilius the governor forbids thee,
Marius, to set foot in Africa; and if thou disobeyest,
he declares that he will uphold the decrees of the
senate and treat thee as an enemy of Rome.” When
he heard this, Marius was rendered speechless by
grief and indignation, and for a long time kept quiet,
looking sternly at the official. Then, when asked by
him what he had to say, and what answer he would
make to the governor, he answered with a deep
groan: “Tell him, then, that thou hast seen Caius
Marius a fugitive, seated amid the ruins of Carthage.”
And it was not inaptly that he compared the fate of
that city with his own reversal of fortune.
Meanwhile Iampsas the king of Numidia, hesitating
which course to take, did indeed treat the younger
Marius and his party with respect, but always had
some excuse for detaining them when they wished to
go away, and clearly had no good end in view in thus
postponing their departure. However, something
occurred which, though not at all extraordinary, led
to their escape. The younger Marius, that is, being
a handsome fellow, one of the concubines of the king
was pained to see him treated unworthily, and this
feeling of compassion ripened into love. At first,
then, Marius repelled the woman’s advances; but
when he saw that there was no other way of escape
for him and his friends, and that her behaviour was
based ona genuine affection, he accepted her favours ;
whereupon she helped him in getting off, and he ran
away with his friends and made his escape to his
father. After father and son had embraced one
another, they walked along the sea-shore, and there
they saw some scorpions fighting, which the elder

577

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

7 Μαρίῳ πονηρόν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἁλιάδος ἐπιβάντες εἰς
Κέρκιναν διεπέρων, νῆσον ἀπέχουσαν οὐ πολὺ τῆς
ἠπείρου" καὶ τοσοῦτον ἔφθασαν ὃ ὅσον ἀνηγμένων
αὐτῶν ἱππεῖς ὁρᾶσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐλαύ-
νοντας ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ὅθεν ἀνήχθησαν. τοῦτον
οὐδενὸς ἐλάττονα κίνδυνον ἔδοξεν ἐκφυγεῖν ὁ
Μάριος.

XLI. ἢν δὲ Ρώψ Σύλλας μὲν ἠκούετο τοῖς
Μιθριδάτου πολεμεῖν στρατηγοῖς περὶ Βοιωτίαν,
οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι στασιάσαντες ἐχώρουν εἰς ὅπλα.
καὶ μάχης γενομένης ᾿Οκτάβιος μὲν κρατήσας
ἐξέβαλε Κίνναν ἐπιχειροῦντα τυραννικώτερον ἄρ-
yew, καὶ κατέστησεν ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ Κορνήλιον
Μερούλλαν ὕπατον, ὁ δὲ Κίννας ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης
Ἰταλίας συναγαγὼν δύναμιν αὖθις διεπολέμει

2 πρὸς αὐτούς. ταῦτα τῷ Μαρίῳ πυνθανομένῳ
πλεῦσαι τὴν ταχίστην ἐφαίνετο" καὶ παραλαβὼν
ἐκ τῆς Λιβύης Μαυρουσίων τινὰς ἱππότας καὶ
τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας τινὰς καταφερομένων,
συναμφοτέρους οὐ πλείονας χιλίων γενομένους,
ἀνήχθη. προσβαλὼν. δὲ Τελαμῶνι τῆς Τυρ-
ρηνίας καὶ ἀποβὰς ἐκήρυττε δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν'
καὶ τῶν αὐτόθι γεωργούντων καὶ νεμόντων ἐλευ-
θέρων κατὰ δόξαν αὐτοῦ συντρεχόντων ἐπὶ τὴν
θάλασσαν ἀναπείθων τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους ἐ ἐν ἡμέ-
ραις ὀλίγαις χεῖρα μεγάλην ἤθροισε καὶ τεσ-
σαράκοντα ναῦς ἐπλήρωσεν.

83 Εἰδὼς δὲ τὸν μὲν ᾿Οκτάβιον ἄριστον ἄνδρα καὶ τῷ
δικαιοτάτῳ τρόπῳ βουλόμενον ἄρχειν, τὸν δὲ
Κίνναν ὕποπτόν τε τῷ Σύλλᾳ καὶ πολεμοῦντα τῇ

1 ἀνήχθη. προσβαλὼν δὲ with Coraés: μεθ᾽ ὧν ἀνήχθη,
προσβαλών.

578

CAIUS MARIUS, xu. 7-x11. 3

Marius regarded as a bad omen. At once, therefore,
they boarded a fishing-boat and crossed over to the
island of Cercina, which was not far distant from the
mainland; and scarcely had they put out from land
when horsemen sent by the king were seen riding
towards the spot whence they had sailed. It would
seem that Marius never escaped a greater peril than
this.

XLI. But in Rome, Sulla was heard of as waging
war with the generals of Mithridates in Boeotia, and
the consuls quarrelled and were resorting to arms.
A battle took place, Octavius won the day, cast out
Cinna, who was trying to be too arbitrary in his rule,
and put Cornelius Merula in his place as consul;
whereupon Cinna assembled a force from the other
parts of Italy and made war anew upon Octavius and
his colleague. When Marius heard of these things,
he thought best to sail thither as fast as he could;
so taking with him from Africa some Moorish horse-
men, and some Italians who had wandered thither,
the number of both together not exceeding a
thousand, he put to sea. Putting in at Telamon in
Tyrrhenia, and landing there, he proclaimed freedom
to the slaves ; he also won over the sturdiest of the free
farmers and herdsmenof the neighbourhood, who came
flocking down to the sea attracted by his fame, and
in a few days had assembled a large force and manned
forty ships.

And now, knowing that Octavius was a most
excellent man and wished to rule in the justest way,
but that Cinna was distrusted by Sulla and was making

519

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ \
καθεστώσῃ πολιτείᾳ, τούτῳ προσνέμειν ἑαυτὸν
ἔγνω μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. ἔπεμψεν οὖν ἐπαγγελ-
λόμενος ὡς ὑπάτῳ πάντα ποιήσειν τὰ προστασ-
σόμενα. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Κίννα καὶ προσα-

4 > \ ᾽ ie COs \ \
yopevaavtos αὐτὸν ἀνθύπατον, ῥάβδους δὲ καὶ

5 a a ,,
τἄλλα παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀποστείλαντος, οὐκ

A a /
ἔφη πρέπειν αὐτοῦ ταῖς τύχαις TOV κόσμον, ἀλλ᾽
4 n ΄ 7 \ a ᾽ 3... »
ἐσθῆτι φαύλῃ κεχρημένος καὶ κομῶν ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἔφυ-
γεν ἡμέρας, ὑπὲρ ἑβδομήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη βάδην
προσήει, βουλόμενος μὲν ἐλεεινὸς εἶναι, τῷ δὲ
" / \ ’ a A v » an
οἴκτῳ συμμέμικτο TO οἰκεῖον τῆς ὄψεως αὐτοῦ
le \ , \ Λ ς / \

πλέον TO φοβερόν, Kal διέφαινεν ἡ κατήφεια τὸν
θυμὸν οὐ τεταπεινωμένον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξηγριωμένον ὑπὸ
τῆς μεταβολῆς.

XLII. ᾿Ασπασάμενος δὲ τὸν Κίνναν καὶ τοῖς
στρατιώταις ἐντυχὼν εὐθὺς εἴχετο τοῦ ἔργου καὶ
μεγάλην μεταβολὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐποίησε.

lal ἈΝ al
πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ταῖς ναυσὶ τὰ σιτηγὰ TEPLKOT TOV

ῇ - a
Kal TOUS ἐμπόρους ληϊζόμενος ἐκράτησε τῆς ayo-

ἴω ν
pas, ἔπειτα τὰς παραλίους πόλεις ἐπιπλέων ἤρει.

, N \ 3 {A > \ \ 2 ,ὔ
τέλος δὲ τὴν ᾿᾽Ωστίαν αὐτὴν λαβὼν ἐκ προδοσίας
τά τε χρήματα διήρπασε καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τοὺς

Ν
πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ γεφυρώσας τὸν ποταμὸν
ἀπέκοψε κομιδῇ τὰς ἐκ θαλάσσης εὐπορίας τῶν

/ ” δὴ A A \ Ἂν ,

πολεμίων. ἄρας δὲ τῷ στρατῷ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν
5 an v
ἐχώρει Kal TO καλούμενον ᾿Ιανοῦκλον ὄρος κατέ-
σχεν, οὐ τοσοῦτον ἀπειρίᾳ τοῦ ᾿Οκταβίου τὰ
πράγματα βλάπτοντος, ὅσον ἀκριβείᾳ τῶν δικαί-
ὧν προϊεμένου τὰ χρειώδη παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον, ὅς
580

430

CAIUS MARIUS, xr. 3-xx11. 2

war upon the established constitution, he determined
to join Cinna with his forces. Accordingly he sent
to Cinna and offered to obey him in everything as
consul. Cinna accepted his offer, named him pro-
consul, and sent him the fasces and other insignia of
the office. Marius, however, declared that these
decorations were not suited to his fortunes, and in
mean attire, his hair uncut since the day of his flight,
being now over seventy years of age, came with slow
steps to meet the consul. For he wished that men
should pity him; but with his appeal for compassion
there was mingled the look that was natural to him
and now more terrifying than ever, and through
his downcast mien there flashed a spirit which
had been, not humbled, but made savage by his
reverses.

XLII. After greeting Cinna and presenting him-
self to Cinna’s soldiers, he at once began his work
and greatly changed the posture of affairs. In the
first place, by cutting off the grain-ships with his
fleet and plundering the merchants, he made himself
master of the city’s supplies; next, he sailed to the
maritime cities and took them; and finally, he seized
Ostia itself, which was treacherously surrendered to
him, plundering the property there and killing most
of its inhabitants, and by throwing a bridge across the
river completely cut off the enemy from such stores as
might come by sea. Then he set out and marched
with his army towards the city, and occupied
the hill called Janiculum. Octavius damaged his
own cause, not so much through lack of skill, as by a
too scrupulous observance of the laws, wherein he
unwisely neglected the needs of the hour. For
though many urged him to call the slaves to arms

581

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

an οἱ an
ye πολλῶν κελευόντων αὐτὸν ET ἐλευθερίᾳ καλεῖν
UA ΄ an
τοὺς οἰκέτας οὐκ ἔφη δούλοις μεταδώσειν τῆς
, a 7. i " a /
πατρίδος, ἧς L'aiov Μάριον εἴργει τοῖς νόμοις
GN / a
ἀμύνων. ἐπεὶ δὲ Μέτελλος υἱὸς Μετέλλου τοῦ
/ : if N ὃ ὰ Μ ΄ 3
στρατηγήσαντος ἐν Λιβύῃ καὶ δι άριον ἐκπε-
, i ’ ¢€ ea AN \ an? i
σόντος ἧκεν εἰς Ρώμην καὶ πολὺ τοῦ ᾿Οκταβίου
la
TTPATNYLKWTEPOS ἐφαίνετο, καταλιπόντες οἱ στρα-
a ial an /
τιῶται τὸν ᾽᾿Οκτάβιον ἧκον ws ἐκεῖνον ἄρχειν
\ , = Ν an
δεόμενοι Kal σώζειν τὴν πόλιν: εὖ yap ἀγωνιεῖ-
ῇ \
σθαι καὶ κρατήσειν ἔμπειρον ἡγεμόνα καὶ dpa-
b) / \ a /
στήριον λαβόντες. ἀγανακτήσαντος δὲ TOD Μετέλ-
\ \
Nov καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον,
Ν /
ὥχοντο πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. ὑπεξέστη δὲ Kal
» \ \ ΄
Μέτελλος ἀπογνοὺς τὴν πόλιν.
᾽ a
Οκτάβιον δὲ Χαλδαῖοι καὶ θύται τινὲς Kai
\ , 5 ς , , e
σιβυλλισταὶ πείσαντες ἐν Ρωμῃ κατέσχον, WS
5 c n 4
εὖ γενησομένων. ὁ γὰρ ἀνὴρ οὗτος δοκεῖ, τἄλλα
ς , ,

Ρωμαίων εὐγνωμονέστατος γενόμενος καὶ μάλιστα
\ \ a .
δὴ TO πρόσχημα τῆς ὑπατείας ἀκολάκευτον ἐπὶ

a ᾽ὔ a , ef
TOV πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμων ὥσπερ διαγραμ-
/ > Ki / ᾽ / ol
μάτων ἀμεταβόλων διαφυλάξας, ἀρρωστίᾳ τῇ
περὶ ταῦτα χρήσασθαι, πλείονα συνὼν χρόνον
ἀγύρταις καὶ μάντεσιν ἢ πολιτικοῖς καὶ πολεμικοῖς
ἀνδράσιν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν, πρὶν εἰσελθεῖν τὸν
7 ς Ν la ΄ » Ν an /
Mapuop, ὑπὸ τῶν προπεμφθέντων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος
\ ΄
κατασπασθεὶς ἐσφάττετο' καὶ λέγεται διάγραμμα
Te wo N a / a
Χαλδαϊκὸν ἐν τοῖς κόλποις αὐτοῦ φονευθέντος
Ε “ Ν Ν la) \ > / -
εὑρεθῆναι. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα πολλὴν ἀλογίαν εἶχε,
Ν a /
TO δυεῖν ἡγεμόνων ἐπιφανεστάτων Μάριον μὲν
582

CAIUS MARIUS, xin. 2-5

under promise of freedom, he said he would not
make bondmen members of the state from which he
was trying to exclude Marius in obedience to the
laws. Moreover, when Metellus(son of the Metellus
who had commanded in Africa and had been banished
through the intrigues of Marius) came to Rome, it
was thought that he was far superior to Octavius as a
general, and the soldiers forsook Octavius and came
to him, entreating him to take the command and save
the city ; for they would make a good fight, they
said, and win the victory if they got a tried and
efficient leader. Metellus, however, was indignant
at them and bade them go back to the consul ;
whereupon they went off to the enemy. Metellus
also left the city, despairing of its safety.

But Octavius was persuaded by certain Chaldaeans,
sacrificers, and interpreters of the Sibylline books to
remain in the city, on the assurance that matters
would turn out well. For it would seem that this
man, although he was in other ways the most sensible
man in Rome, and most careful to maintain the
dignity of the consular office free from undue in-
fluence in accordance with the customs of the country
and its laws, which he regarded as unchangeable
ordinances, had a weakness in this direction, since
he spent more time with charlatans and seers than
with men who were statesmen and soldiers. This
man, then, before Marius entered the city, was
dragged down from the rostra by men who had been
sent on before, and butchered ; and we are told that
a Chaldaean chart was found in his bosom after he
had been slain. Now, it seems very unaccountable
that, of two most illustrious commanders, Marius

583

to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὀρθῶσαι τὸ μὴ καταφρονῆσαι μαντικῆς, OxtaBvov
δὲ ἀπολέσαι.

XLII. Οὕτω δὴ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐχόντων ἡ
βουλὴ συνελθοῦσα πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψε πρὸς
Κίνναν καὶ Μάριον, εἰσιέναι καὶ φείδεσθαι δεομένη
τῶν πολιτῶν. Κίννας μὲν οὖν ὡς ὕπατος ἐπὶ τοῦ
δίφρου καθήμενος ἐχρημάτιζε καὶ φιλανθρώπους
ἀποκρίσεις ἔδωκε τοῖς πρέσβεσι, Μάριος δὲ τῷ
δίφρῳ παρειστήκει φθεγγόμενος μὲν οὐδέν, ὑπο-
δηλῶν δὲ ἀεὶ τῇ βαρύτητι τοῦ προσώπου καὶ τῇ
στυγνότητι τοῦ βλέμματος ὡς εὐθὺς ἐμπλήσων
φόνων τὴν πόλιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀναστάντες ἐβάδιζον,
Κίννας μὲν elo yee δορυφορούμενος, Μάριος δὲ
παρὰ ταῖς πύλαις ὑποστὰς εἰρωνεύετο πρὸς ὀργήν,
φυγὰς εἶναι λέγων καὶ τῆς πατρί ος εἴργεσθαι
κατὰ τὸν νόμον, εἰ δὲ χρῇζοι τις αὐτοῦ παρόντ ος,
ἑτέρᾳ ψήφῳ λυτέον εἶναι τὴν ἐκβάλλουσαν, ὡς

ἢ νόμιμός τις ὧν ἀνὴρ καὶ κατιὼν εἰς πόλιν
ἐλευθέραν. ἐκάλει δὴ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἀγοράν" καὶ
πρὸ τοῦ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας φυλὰς ἐνεγκεῖν τὴν
ψῆφον ἀφεὶς τὸ πλάσμα καὶ τὴν φυγαδικὴν
ἐκείνην δικαιολογίαν κατήει, δορυφόρους ἔχων
λογάδας ἐκ τῶν προσπεφοιτηκότων δούλων, οὺς
Βαρδυαίους προσηγόρευσεν. οὗτοι πολλοὺς μὲν
ἀπὸ φωνῆς, πολλοὺς δὲ ἀπὸ νεύματος ἀνήρουν
προστάσσοντος αὐτοῦ" καὶ τέλος ᾿Αγχάριον,
ἄνδρα βουλευτὴν καὶ στρατηγικόν, ἐντυγχάνοντα
τῷ Μαρίῳ καὶ μὴ προσαγορευθέντα καταβάλ-
λουσιν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ταῖς μαχαίραις τύπτον-
τες. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσους ἀσπα-
σαμένους μὴ προσαγορεύσειε μηδὲ ἀντασπάσαιτο,
τοῦτο αὐτὸ σύμβολον ἣν ἀποσφάττειν εὐθὺς ἐν

584

431

CAIUS MARIUS, xu. 5-xun1. 4

should succeed by regarding divinations, but
Octavius should be ruined.

XLIII. Matters being at this pass, the senate met
and sent a deputation to Cinna and Marius, begging
them to enter the city and spare the citizens. Cinna,
accordingly, as consul, seated on his chair of office, re-
ceived the embassy and gave them a kindly answer ;
but Marius, standing by the consul’s chair without
speaking a word, made it clear all the while, by the
heaviness of his countenance and the gloominess of
his look, that he would at once fill the city with
slaughter. After the conference was over they moved
on towards the city. Cinna entered it with a body-
guard, but Marius halted at the gates and angrily
dissembled, saying that he was an exile and was
excluded from the country by the law, and if his
presence there was desired, the vote which cast him
out must be rescinded by another vote, since, indeed,
he was a law-abiding man and was returning to a
free city. So the people were summoned to the
forum; and before three or four of the tribes had cast
their votes, he threw aside his feigning and all that
petty talk about being an exile, and entered the city,
having as his body-guard a picked band of the slaves
who had flocked to his standard, to whom he had
given the name of Bardyaei. These fellows killed
many of the citizens at a word of command from
him, many, too, at a mere nod; and at last, when
Ancharius, a man of senatorial and praetorial dignity,
met Marius and got no salutation from him, they
struck him down with their swords before the face
of their master. After this, whenever anybody else
greeted Marius and got no salutation or greeting in
return, this of itself was a signal for the man’s

585

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a ς a Ὁ“ Ν a f “ ? ,
ταῖς ὁδοῖς, ὥστε Kal τῶν φίλων ἕκαστον ἀγωνίας
᾿ , Coty a
μεστὸν εἶναι καὶ φρίκης ὁσάκις ἀσπασόμενοι τῷ
2 “

Μαρίῳ πελάζοιεν" κτεινομένων δὲ πολλῶν Κίννας
\ , \ x \ \ a a ΄
μὲν ἀμβλὺς ἣν καὶ μεστὸς ἤδη τοῦ φονεύειν,
Μάριος δὲ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἀκμάξοντι τῷ

P \ n XN »Ἅ μ PS / ¢ ξ
θυμῷ καὶ διψῶντι διὰ πάντων ἐχώρει τῶν ὁπωσ-
le 3 e , [2 \ a \ ς ’
οῦν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ γεγονότων. καὶ πᾶσα μὲν ὁδός,

a \ / a \ ,
πᾶσα δὲ TONS τῶν διωκόντων καὶ κυνηγετούντων
Ν /
τοὺς ὑποφεύγοντας Kal κεκρυμμένους ἔγεμεν.
b] lg \ \ , \ / / γὼν
ἠλέγχετο δὲ καὶ Eevias καὶ φιλίας πίστις οὐδὲν
Μ Ν Ν ΄ / ? , \
ἔχουσα παρὰ tas τύχας BeBavov: ὀλίγοι yap
e \ / a
ἐγένοντο παντάπασιν οἱ μὴ προδόντες αὐτοῖς TOUS
\ a U4 A 9 vy
Tapa σφᾶς καταφυγόντας. ἄξιον οὖν ἄγασθαι
καὶ θαυμάσαι τοὺς τοῦ Κορνούτου θεράποντας, οἱ
, 7 \
τὸν δεσπότην ἀποκρύψαντες οἴκοι, νεκρὸν δέ τινα
a “ lh aA
TOV πολλῶν ἀναρτήσαντες ἐκ τοῦ τραχήλου Kal
nan “ ’
περιθέντες αὐτῷ χρυσοῦν δακτύλιον ἐπεδείκνυον
nr , Ν ΄
τοῖς Μαρίου δορυφόροις καὶ κοσμήσαντες ὡς
’ a SEEN » ¢€ / N 2 / b ’
ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸν ἔθαπτον. ὑπενόησε δὲ οὐδείς, ἀλλ
ς n \ a an
οὕτω λαθὼν ὁ Kopvovtos ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν εἰς
,
Γαλατίαν διεκομίσθη.
= an τᾷ , 3
XLIV. Χρηστῷ δὲ καὶ Μάρκος ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ
, «ς ld
ῥήτωρ φίλῳ χρησάμενος ἠτύχησεν. ὁ γὰρ ἄν-
tA \ (2
θρωπος ἣν μὲν πένης καὶ δημοτικός, ὑποδεξάμενος
\ Lal » ς , \ Ug
δὲ πρῶτον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων καὶ φιλοφρονούμενος
n ? / Μ U “
ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, οἰκέτην ἔπεμψε πρός τινα τῶν
᾽ \ / , - ὃ ,
ἐγγὺς καπήλων ληψόμενον οἶνον. διαγευομένου
\ , aA
δὲ ἐπιμελέστερον καὶ βελτίονα μετρῆσαι κελεύον-
τος ἠρώτησεν ὁ κάπηλος ὅ τι παθὼν οὐχὶ τὸν
586

CAIUS MARIUS, xu. 4—-x1iv. 1

slaughter in the very street, so that even the friends
of Marius, to a man, were full of anguish and horror
whenever they drew near to greet him. So many
were slain that at last Cinna’s appetite for murder
was dulled and sated; but Marius, whose anger
increased day by day and thirsted for blood, kept on
killing all whom he held in any suspicion whatsoever.
Every road and every city was filled with men pur-
suing and hunting down those who sought to escape
or had hidden themselves. Moreover, the trust
men placed in the ties of hospitality and friendship
was found to be no security against the strokes
of Fortune; for few there were, all told, who
did not betray to the murderers those who had taken
refuge with them. All the more worthy of praise and
admiration, then, was the behaviour of the slaves of
Cornutus. They concealed their master in his house ;
then they hung up by the neck one of the many
dead bodies that lay about, put a gold ring on its
finger, and showed it to the guards of Marius, after
which they decked it out as if it were their master’s
body and gave it burial. Nobody suspected the
ruse, and thus Cornutus escaped notice and was
conveyed by his slaves into Gaul.

XLIV. Marcus Antonius also, the orator, found a
faithful friend, but it did not save him. For this
friend, who was a poor plebeian and had received into
his house a leading man of Rome, whom he wished
to entertain as well as he could, sent a slave toa
neighbouring innkeeper to get some wine. As the
slave tasted the wine more carefully than usual and
ordered some of better quality, the innkeeper asked
him what was the reason that he did not buy the

587

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ oe v 3 a \ , 3 A
νέον, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν, ὠνεῖται καὶ δημοτικόν, ἀλλὰ
“ / aA a
τοῦ σπουδαίου καὶ πολυτελοῦς. ἁπλῶς δέ πως
Ν / Ν ,
ἐκείνου φράσαντος ws πρὸς συνήθη Kal γνώριμον,
, ς , aA
ὅτε Μάρκον ᾿Αντώνιον ὁ δεσπότης ἑστιᾷ παρ᾽
an , > \ \ \ e
αὐτῷ κρυπτόμενον, ἀσεβὴς καὶ μιαρὸς ὧν ὁ
a \ / -
κάπηλος ἅμα τῷ τὸν οἰκέτην ἀπελθεῖν αὐτὸς
Ν / U \ a
συνέτεινε πρὸς Μάριον ἤδη περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντα, Kal
, , an
προσαχθεὶς ὡμολόγησε παραδώσειν αὐτῷ τὸν
/ a A
᾿Αντώνιον. ἀκούσας οὖν ἐκεῖνος ἐκκραγεῖν λέγεται
a \ ᾽ ε a an
μέγα Kal ταῖς χερσὶν vp ἡδονῆς ἀνακροτῆσαι"
A \ ΄ >] \ \
Kal μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησεν ἐξαναστὰς αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸν
A \ ’ ’
τόπον φέρεσθαι, τῶν δὲ φίλων κατασχόντων Αν-
νιον ἔπεμπε καὶ στρατιώτας μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ κελεύσας
\ ΄ \ \ an? , /
κατὰ τάχος τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Αντωνίου κομίζειν.
ad κὰ \ ’ , e \ Yj
ὡς οὖν ἧκον ἐπὶ THY οἰκίαν, ὁ μὲν "Ἄννιος ὑπέστη
\ \ / € \ A \
παρὰ τὰς θύρας, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται διὰ κλιμάκων
2 Ν
ἀναβάντες εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον καὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν
7 \
᾿Αντώνιον ἄλλος ἄλλον ἐπὶ τὴν σφαγὴν ἀνθ᾽
ς A / \ ’ / ig Ἁ
ἑαυτοῦ παρεκάλει καὶ προὐβάλλετο. τοιαύτη δέ
5 a \ la) ,
TLS ἦν, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡ τῶν λόγων σειρὴν
, / a
καὶ χάρις, ὥστε ἀρξαμένου λέγειν καὶ παραιτεῖ-
\ ΄ ef \ ᾽ SS 5 /
σθαι τὸν θάνατον ἅψασθαι μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν
/ ΄
οὐδὲ ἀντιβλέψαι, κάτω δὲ κύψαντες ἐδάκρυον
ee A x / ΕῚ Ν ον
ἅπαντες. διατριβῆς δὲ γενομένης ἀναβὰς ὁ "Ἄννιος
a \ \ 3 ’ / \
ὁρᾷ τὸν μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον διαλεγόμενον, τοὺς δὲ
,
στρατιώτας ἐκπεπληγμένους καὶ KATAKEKNAN[E-
a , 95 /
vous ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ: κακίσας οὗν ἐκείνους καὶ προσ-
, \
δραμὼν αὐτὸς ἀποτέμνει τὴν κεφαλήν.
\ 4 /
Κάτλος δὲ Aovtatios Μαρίῳ συνάρξας καὶ
588

CAIUS MARIUS, xriv. 1-5

new and ordinary wine as usual, instead of wanting
some that was choice and expensive. ‘The slave, in
his great simplicity, conscious that he was dealing
with an old acquaintance, told him that his master
was entertaining Marcus Antonius, who was concealed
at his house. As soon as the slave had gone home,
the innkeeper, who was an impious and pestilent
fellow, hastened in person to find Marius, who was
already at supper, and on being introduced, promised
to betray Antonius to him. When Marius heard
this, as we are told, a loud cry burst from his lips
and he clapped his hands for joy; he actually came
near springing from his seat and hurrying to the
place himself, but his friends restrained him; so he
sent Annius and some soldiers with him, ordering
them to bring him the head of Antonius with all
speed. Accordingly, when they were come to the
house, Annius stopped at the door, while the soldiers
climbed the stairs and entered the room. But when
they beheld Antonius, every man began to urge and
push forward a companion to do the murder instead
of himself. So indescribable, however, as it would
seem, was the grace and charm of his words, that
when Antonius began to speak and pray for his life,
not a soldier had the hardihood to lay hands on him
or even to look him in the face, but they all bent their
heads down and wept. Perceiving that there was
some delay, Annius went upstairs, and saw that
Antonius was pleading and that the soldiers were
abashed and enchanted by his words; so he cursed
his men, and running up to Antonius, with his own
hands cut off his head.

Again, the friends of Catulus Lutatius, who had
been a colleague of Marius in the consulship, and

589

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 > \ / b] \ \ \
συνθριαμβεύσας ἀπὸ Κίμβρων, ἐπεὶ πρὸς τοὺς
Ν a Uf ς
δεομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ καὶ παραιτουμένους ὁ Μάρ-
an i/ a ᾽ a A
LoS τοσοῦτον μονον εἰπεν, “ Αποθανεῖν δεῖ,"
΄ > v \ \ Μ
κατακλεισάμενος εἰς οἴκημα καὶ πολλοὺς ἄνθρακας
,
ἐκζωπυρήσας ἀπεπνίγη.
id / \ a ΄ ᾽ ΄ \
Ριπτουμένων δὲ τῶν σωμάτων ἀκεφάλων καὶ
7 b) . € “- ΝΜ, > 5 » \
πατουμένων ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἔλεος οὐκ ἣν, ἀλλὰ
/ / \ \
φρίκη Kal τρόμος ἁπάντων πρὸς THY ὄψιν. ἠνία
\ / N a e a /
δὲ μάλιστα τὸν δῆμον ἡ τῶν καλουμένων Bap-
/ \ \ / fol
δυαίων ἀσέλγεια. τοὺς yap δεσπότας ἐν ταῖς
v \ “ a
οἰκίαις σφάττοντες ἤσχυνον μὲν αὐτῶν παῖδας,
/ “ / >
ἐμίγνυντο δὲ βίᾳ ταῖς δεσποίναις, ἀκατάσχετοι δὲ
Ν ἴω
ἦσαν ἁρπάζοντες καὶ μιαιφονοῦντες, ἕως οἱ περὶ
7
Κίνναν καὶ Σερτώριον συμφρονήσαντες ἐπέθεντο
an A , A
κοιμωμένοις αὐτοῖς ἐν TO στρατοπέδῳ καὶ KaTN-
,
κόντισαν ἅπαντας.
>
XLV. Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ὥσπερ τροπαίας τινος
’ vA 2 , », , e
ἀμειβούσης ἐφοίτων ἄγγελοι πανταχόθεν ὡς
- Χ
Σύλλας συνῃρηκὼς τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον καὶ
Ni ’ / > \ 5 , \ a
τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἀνειληφὼς ἐπιπλέοι μετὰ πολλῆς
a an ,
δυνάμεως. καὶ τοῦτο βραχεῖαν ἐπίσχεσιν ἐποίησε
rn 3 ᾽ὔ a
καὶ παῦλαν ὀλίγην ἀφάτων κακῶν, ὅσον οὔπω
τὸν πόλεμον ἥκειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἰομένων. ὕπατος
> ’ \
μὲν οὖν ἀπεδείχθη τὸ ἕβδομον Μάριος, καὶ προ-
\ > a ἝΞ / 2 / ” 3 A
ελθὼν αὐταῖς Καλάνδαις ᾽Τανουαρίαις, ἔτους ἀρχῇ,
Σέξτον τινὰ Λουκῖνον κατεκρήμνισεν" ὃ κἀκείνοις
“ / lal = , a
καὶ TH πόλει TOV αὖθις ἐδόκει κακῶν γεγονέναι
“ /
σημεῖον μέγιστον.

599

432

CAIUS MARIUS, xiv. 5-x1v. 1

with him had celebrated a triumph over the Cimbri,
interceded for him and begged Marius to spare his
life; but the only answer they could get was: “He
must die.” Catulus therefore shut himself up in a
room, lighted up a great quantity of charcoal, and was
suffocated.

But headless trunks thrown into the streets and
trampled under foot excited no pity, though
everybody trembled and shuddered at the sight.
The people were most distressed, however, by the
wanton licence of the Bardyaei, as they were called,
who butchered fathers of families in their houses,
outraged their children, violated their wives, and
could not be checked in their career of rapine
and murder until Cinna and Sertorius, after taking
counsel together, fell upon them as they were
asleep in their camp, and transfixed them all with
javelins.!

XLV. Meanwhile, as if a change of wind were
coming on, messengers arrived from all quarters with
reports that Sulla had finished the war with Mithri-
dates, had recovered the provinces, and was sailing
for home with a large force. This gave a brief stay
and a slight cessation to the city’s unspeakable evils,
since men supposed that the war was all but upon
them. Accordingly, Marius was elected consul for
the seventh time, and assuming office on the very
Calends of January,? which is the first day of the
year, he had a certain Sextus Lucinus thrown down
the Tarpeian rock. This was thought to be a most
significant portent of the evils that were once more
to fall both upon the partisans of Marius and upon
the city.

1 Cf. the Sertorius, v. 5. 2 86 B.C.
591

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A ᾽ Ν SA HO “-“ / ’ \ \ lal
UTOS δὲ ἤδη τοῖς TE πόνοις ἀπειρηκὼς καὶ ταῖς
, a B)
φροντίσιν οἷον ὑπέραντλος ὧν καὶ κατάπονος, THY
ἈΝ ‘
ψυχὴν πρὸς τοσαύτην αὖθις ἐπίνοιαν νέου πολέ-
\ a ,
μου καὶ καινῶν ἀγώνων καὶ φόβων ὑπὸ ἐμπειρίας
“ \
δεινῶν Kal καμάτου τρέμουσαν οὐκ ἀνέφερε, NoOYL-
΄ Ν 9
ζόμενος ὡς οὐ πρὸς ᾽Οκτάβιον οὐδὲ Μερούλλαν
7 € / \ / Vv
σύγκλυδος ὁμίλου καὶ στασιώδους ὄχλου στρατη-
\ e , ὃ 7 π΄’ δὲ 2 a »
γοὺς ὁ KLYOUVGS ἔσοιτο, Σύλλας OE ἐκεῖνος ἐπείῖσιν
ig A / > \ 5 / ΄ a \
ὁ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτὸν ἐξελάσας πάλαι, νῦν δὲ
Μιθριδάτην συνεσταλκὼς εἰς τὸν Εὔξεινον ἸΠόν-
Ν » a
Tov. ὑπὸ τοιούτων θρανόμενος λογισμῶν, Kal τὴν
\ δ ς a \ \ \ ’ οὗ
μακρὰν ἄλην αὑτοῦ καὶ φυγὰς καὶ κινδύνους διὰ
an /
γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἐλαυνομένου λαμβάνων πρὸ
» lal ? /
ὀφθαλμῶν, εἰς ἀπορίας ἐνέπιπτε δεινὰς καὶ νυκ-
\ , ,
τερινὰ δείματα καὶ ταραχώδεις ὀνείρους, ἀεί τινος
> ’ὔ “
ἀκούειν φθεγγομένου δοκῶν

Ν \ a { ,
δειναὶ yap κοῖται Kal ἀποιχομένοιο λέοντος.

4 \ 4 4 \ b ,
μάλιστα δὲ πάντων φοβούμενος Tas ἀγρυπνίας
ἐνέβαλεν εἰς πότους ἑαυτὸν καὶ μέθας ἀώρους καὶ

’ ς / “ > / Lal ,
παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν, ὥσπερ ἀπόδρασιν τῶν φροντίδων
δὴ /
τὸν ὕπνον μηχανώμενος. τέλος δὲ ὡς ἧκέ TLS
᾽ / > Ν / / tg
ἀπαγγέλλων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, νέοι TpoTTiTTOVTES
“ “Ὁ / \ \
αὐτῷ φόβοι, τὰ μὲν δέει τοῦ μέλλοντος, TA δὲ
a fd fol
ὥσπερ ἄχθει καὶ κόρῳ τῶν παρόντων, ῥοπῆς Bpa-
> ΄ a
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“ « , > \ ’
ὡς ἱστορεῖ Ποσειδώνιος ὁ φιλόσοφος, αὐτὸς εἰσελ-

592

CAIUS MARIUS, xiv. 2-4

But Marius himself, now worn out with toils,
deluged, as it were, with anxieties, and wearied,
could not sustain his spirits, which shook within him
as he again faced the overpowering thought of a
new war, of fresh struggles, of terrors known by
experience to be dreadful, and of utter weariness.
He reflected, too, that it was not Octavius or Merula
in command of a promiscuous throng and a seditious
rabble against whom he was now to run the hazard
of war, but that the famous Sulla was coming against
him, the man who had once ejected him from the
country, and had now shut Mithridates up to the
shores of the Euxine Sea. Tortured by such reflec-
tions, and bringing into review his long wandering,
his flights, and his perils, as he was driven over
land and sea, he fell into a state of dreadful despair,
and was a prey to nightly terrors and _ harassing
dreams, wherein he would ever seem to hear a voice
saying :—

“Dreadful, indeed, is the lion’s lair, even though it
be empty: ὦ

And since above all things he dreaded the sleepless
nights, he gave himself up to drinking-bouts and
drunkenness at unseasonable hours and in a man-
ner unsuited to his years, trying thus to induce
sleep as a way of escape from his anxious thoughts,
And finally, when one came with tidings from the
sea, fresh terrors fell upon him, partly because he
feared the future, and partly because he was wearied
to satiety by the present, so that it needed only a
slight impulse to throw him into a pleurisy, as
Poseidonius the philosopher relates, who says that he

1 A hexameter verse of unknown authorship.

599

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θεῖν καὶ διαλεχθῆναι περὶ ὧν ἐπρέσβευεν ἤδη
νοσοῦντι φάσκων αὐτῷ. Taios δέ τις ΠΠείσων,
ῇ an Ν Ν ’
ἀνὴρ ἱστορικός, ἱστορεῖ τὸν Μάριον ἀπὸ δείπνου
n \ a / , 7]
περιπατοῦντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐν λογοις γενέσθαι
lal } \
περὶ τῶν Kal’ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, ἄνωθεν ἀρξά-
\ \ 3. 2% 5 / ΄ \
μενον" Kal τὰς ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα πολλάκις μεταβολὰς
/ ᾽ a re
ἀφηγησάμενον εἰπεῖν ws οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος
a ΄ / ,
ἀνδρὸς ἔτι TH τύχη πιστεύειν ἑαυτόν: ἐκ δὲ τού-
, ΄ \
του TOUS παρόντας ἀσπασάμενον καὶ κατακλι-
n “4 a
θέντα συνεχῶς ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τελευτῆσαι. τινὲς δὲ
if a a /
τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ φασιν ἐν τῇ νόσῳ παντά-
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, / \ \
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/ \ , an \ an
σώματος μετὰ συντόνου κραυγῆς καὶ πυκνῶν
’ ΄ ᾽ / ec \ > a
ἀλαλαγμάτων ἀποδιδόντος. οὕτως δεινὸς αὐτῷ
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» > ,
ανθρώπων ἑπτάκις ἀνηγορευμένος, οἶκόν TE Kal
fal 3 fal Ψ, ¢e a rn
πλοῦτον ἀρκοῦντα βασιλείαις ὁμοῦ πολλαῖς
, a
κεκτημένος, ὠδύρετο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τύχην ὡς ἐνδεὴς
καὶ ἀτελὴς ὧν ἐπόθει προαποθνήσκων.
XLVI. Πλάτων μὲν οὖν ἤδη πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν
, δ \ ἴω / \
γενόμενος ὕμνει TOV αὑτοῦ δαίμονα Kal THY τύχην,
“ a \ ” ot “ > ,
ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄνθρωπος, εἶτα Ελλην, οὐ Bap-
an /
Bapos οὐδὲ ἄλογον τῇ φύσει θηρίον γένοιτο, πρὸς
a ,
δὲ τούτοις, OTL τοῖς Σωκράτους χρόνοις ἀπήντησεν

594

433

CAIUS MARIUS, xiv. ἢ Ξένε 1

went in personally and conversed with Marius on the
subjects of his embassy after Marius had fallen ill.
But a certain Caius Piso, an historian, relates that
Marius, while walking about with his friends after
supper, fell to talking about the events of his life,
beginning with his earliest days, and after recounting
his frequent reversals of fortune, from good to bad
and from bad to good, said that it was not the
part of a man of sense to trust himself to Fortune
any longer; and after this utterance bade his friends
farewell, kept his bed for seven days consecutively,
and so died. Some, however, say that his ambitious
nature was completely revealed during his illness by
his being swept into a strange delusion. He thought
that he had the command in the Mithridatic war,
and then, just as he used todo in his actual struggles,
he would indulge in all sorts of attitudes and gestures,
accompanying them with shrill cries and frequent
calls to battle. So fierce and inexorable was the
passion for directing that war which had been in-
stilled into him by his envy and lust of power. And
therefore, though he had lived to be seventy years
old, and was the first man to be elected consul for
the seventh time, and was possessed of a house and
wealth which would have sufficed for many kingdoms
at once, he lamented his fortune, in that he was
dying before he had satisfied and completed his
desires.

XLVI. Plato, however, when he was now at the
point of death, lauded his guardian genius and
Fortune because, to begin with, he had been born
a man and not an irrational animal; again, because
he was a Greek and not a Barbarian ; and still again,
because his birth had fallen in the times of Socrates.

595

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

€ , by a) \ \ , \ , /

2 ἡ γένεσις αὐτοῦ. καὶ vn Ata τὸν Ταρσέα λέγουσιν
3 ,ὔ e / © \ \ \ >
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οἴκοθεν εὐπλοίας ἐπιλαθέσθαι, καθάπερ φιλο-

n /
χρήστου τῆς τύχης ἅπασαν δόσιν εἰς μεγάλην
χάριν τιθέμενον καὶ σώζοντα τῇ μνήμῃ διὰ τέλους,
ἧς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπῳ ταμιεῖον ἀγαθῶν βε-
,
8 βαιότερον. τοὺς δὲ ἀμνήμονας καὶ ἀνοήτους
n “ ,
ὑπεκρεῖ τὰ γιγνόμενα μετὰ τοῦ χρόνου: διὸ μηθὲν
στέγοντες μηδὲ διατηροῦντες ἀεὶ κενοὶ μὲν ἀγαθῶν,
Ν
πλήρεις δὲ ἐλπίδων πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἀποβλέ-
πουσι, τὸ παρὸν προϊέμενοι. καίτοι τὸ μὲν ἂν
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πάσχοντες. πρὶν γὰρ ἐκ λόγου καὶ παιδείας ἕδραν

ὑποβαλέσθαι καὶ κρηπῖδα τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀγαθοῖς,

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συνάγοντες αὐτὰ Kal συμφοροῦντες ἐμπλῆσαι τῆς

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παραυτίκα τὴν Ῥώμην χάρμα καὶ θάρσος ὡς

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χαλεπῆς τυραννίδος ἀπηλλαγμένην: ὀλίγαις δὲ

ἡμέραις ἥἤσθοντο νέον ἀντηλλαγμένοι καὶ ἀκμα-

’ e

Covta ἀντὶ πρεσβύτου δεσπότην: τοσαύτην ὁ

a ’ὔ
υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Μάριος ὠμότητα καὶ πικρίαν ἀπεδεί-
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\ ,
6 δόξας δὲ Kai τολμητὴς Kal φιλοκίνδυνος εἶναι

596

CAIUS MARIUS, xtvr. 2-6

And indeed they say that Antipater of Tarsus, when
he was in like manner near his end and was
enumerating the blessings of his life, did not forget
to mention his prosperous voyage from home to
Athens, just as though he thought that every gift of
a benevolent Fortune called for great gratitude, and
kept it to the last in his memory, which is the most
secure storehouse of blessings for a man. Unmindful
and thoughtless persons, on the contrary, let all that
happens to them slip away as time goes on; therefore,
since they do not hold or keep anything, they are
always empty of blessings, but full of hopes, and are
looking away to the future while they neglect the
present. And yet the future may be prevented by
Fortune, while the present cannot be taken away ;
nevertheless these men cast aside the present gift of
Fortune as something alien to them, while they dream
of the future and its uncertainties. And this is
natural. For they assemble and heap together the
external blessings of life before reason and educa-
tion have enabled them to build any foundation
and basement for these things, and therefore they
cannot satisfy the insatiable appetite of their
souls.

So, then, Marius died, seventeen days after enter-
ing upon his seventh consulship. And immediately
Rome was filled with great rejoicing and a confident
hope that she was rid of a grievous tyranny; but in
a few days the people perceived that they had got
a new and vigorous master in exchange for the old
one; such bitterness and cruelty did the younger
Marius display, putting to death the best and most
esteemed citizens. He got the reputation of being
bold and fond of danger in fighting his enemies, and

597

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν ἀρχῆ παῖς Ἄρεος ὠνομά-
ζετο, ταχὺ δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐλεγχόμενος αὖθις
᾿Αφροδίτης υἱὸς ἐκαλεῖτο. τέλος δὲ κατακλεισθεὶς
εἰς Πραινεστὸν ὑ ὑπὸ Σύλλα καὶ πολλὰ φιλοψυ-
χήσας μάτην, ὡς ἣν ἄφυκτα τῆς πόλεως ἁλισκο-
μένης, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἀπέκτεινεν.

598

CAIUS MARIUS, xtv1. 6

in the beginning was called a son of Mars; but his
deeds soon showed what he really was, and he was
called instead a son of Venus. And finally he was
shut up in Praeneste by Sulla, and after many vain
attempts to save his life, when the city was captured
and he could not escape, he slew himself.4

1 See the Sulla, xxxii. 1.

599

VOL, IX. U

A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
PROPER NAMES

AO YHAVOITOIG JAITHAT A
CaM AU HALON

= 4

A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF
PROPER NAMES

A

Actium, 279, 293, 297, a promontory
of Acarnania in northern Greece,
at the entrance of the Ambraciot

gulf.

Aeacides, 59, 347, king of Epeirus
and father of Pyrrhus. He was
driven from his kingdom in
317 B.c., and recalled in 313,
during which year he was defeated
and slain by the forces of
Cassander.

Aegae, 433, a town in central Mace-
donia, the burial place of the
royal line.

Aemilius, 411, Quintus Aemilius
Papus, consul in 282 and 278 B.c.
and censor in 275. In all these
offices he had Caius Fabricius
as colleague.

Aéropus, the Macedonian, 47, 369,
not otherwise known.

Agathocles (1), 61, 369, 387 f.,
tyrant of Syracuse, 210-289 8.6,
He also assumed the title of King
of Sicily.

ngathiaeles (2), 77, 117 f., a son of
Lysimachus the king of Thrace,
sent against Demetrius in 287 B.C.
murdered in 284.

Agrippa, 215, 2855f.,/ 305; 331 f.,
Marcus Vipsanius. A., fellow-
student of Octavius Caesar at
Apollonia, and δὴ intimate
friend. He was one of the lead-
ing men of the Augustan age.
He lived 63-12 B.C.

Agrippina, 333, Agrippina the
Younger, daughter of Germanicus

PLUT. IX.

and grand-daughter of Agrippa.
In 28 A.D. she married Domitius
Ahenobarbus, who died in 40. In
49 she married her uncle, the
emperor Claudius.

Ahenobarbus, 333, see Domitius (3).

Albinus, 483, Spurius Postumius A.,
was consul in 110 B.c. and con-
ducted the war against Jugurtha
unsuccessfully. He was con-
demned for treasonable relations
with Jugurtha.

Alcyoneus, 459 f., a son of Anti-
gonus Gonatas, not otherwise
mentioned.

Alexander (1), 355, Roxana’s son by
Alexander the Great, born in
323 B.Cc., and taken to Macedonia
by Antipater in 320. On the
death of Antipater in 319, Roxana
fled with her son to Epeirus, where
he was betrothed to Deidameia,
the daughter of King Aeacides.
After his restoration to Macedonia
by Aeacides in 317, he was im-
prisoned with his mother by
Cassander, and both were mur-
dered in 311.

Alexander (2), 87-91, 341, 361f.,
381, a son of Cassander by Thes-
salonicé, the sister of Alexander
the Great.

Alexander (3), 371, ason of Pyrrhus
and lLanassa, not otherwise
mentioned.

Alexander (4), 135, a son of Deme-
trius and Deidameia, not other-
wise known

Alexander (5), 23, son of Polysper-
chon, was sent by his father in

603

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

318 B.c. to wrest Athens from
the power of Cassander (see the
Phocion, xxxiii.). He was assas-
sinated at Sicyon in 314.
Alexander (6), 219, 263, son of
Antony and Cleopatra, graced
the triumph of Octavius Caesar
at Rome, and was there reared by
Octavia (see the Antony, Ixxxvii.

)}
Alexander (7), 245, 249, of Antioch,
a friend of Antony, not otherwise

known.

Alexander of Myndus (in Caria),
507, a Greek writer on zoology, of
uncertain date.

Alexas the Laodicean, 303 f., not
otherwise known.

Alexas the Syrian, 289, not other-
wise known.

Amanus, 132 f., a range of moun-
tains between Cilicia and Syria,
at the head of the gulf of Issus.

Amorgus, 29, an island in the
Aegean Sea, south-east of Naxos.

Amphissa, 199, the chief town of the
Ozolian Locrians, about seven
miles west of Delphi.

Ancharia, 207, first wife of Caius
Octavius. Plutarch erroneously
identifies her daughter Octavia
with the Octavia who was the
daughter of Atia.

Anthesterion, 61 f., the eighth
month of the Attic calendar,
answering to parts of February
and March.

Anticyra, 295, a town in Phocis, on
a bay of the Corinthian gulf.

Antigenidas, 5, a celebrated Theban
flute-player and poet in the times
of Alexander the Great.

Antigone, 357 f., 369, daughter of
Berenicé and first wife of Pyrrhus.

Antigonus (1), 7-77, 333 f., 367, 431,
surnamed the One-eyed, king of
Asia, father of Demetrius Polior-
certes. He fell in the battle of
Ipsus (301 B.C.).

Antigonus (2), 99, 111, 129, 133 f.,
431 ff., 445 f., 449 f., 459 f., son
of Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of
Macedonia 283-239 B.C., Anti-
gonus Gonatas.

Antigonus the Jew, 219, king of

604

Judaea. His rival, Herod, was
made king of Judaea by the
Roman senate, through the
influence of Antony. Antigonus
was then defeated and captured
by Herod (with the assistance of
the Roman general Sosius), and
delivered over to Antony, who
had him executed (37 B.C.).

Antiochus (1), 71, 77, 93-97, 129 f.,
Antiochus I., son of Seleucus and
king of Syria, killed in battle with
the Gauls 261 B.C.

Antiochus (2), of Commagené, 213 f.,
established in power by Pompey
(64 B.C.), and a supporter of
Pompey against Caesar. He
died shortly before 31 B.c.

Antipater (1), 33, 91, 335, regent of
Macedonia during Alexander’s
absence in the East, and of
Alexander’s empire after the
murder of Perdiccas in 321 B.C.
He died in 319.

Antipater (2), 87, 91, 361, son of
Cassander by Thessalonicé the
sister of Alexander the Great.
After the death of his brother
Alexander, Antipater fled for
refuge to Lysimachus, who had
him put to death.

Antipater of Tarsus, 597, a Stoic
philosopher who was flourishing
in 144 Β.6σ.

Antiphon, 197. It is uncertain
which of the many men of this
name is meant.

Antonia (1), 333, elder daughter of
Antony and Octavia. Her son
by Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus
Cneius Domitius, was the father
of Nero.

Antonia (2), 333, younger daughter
of Antony and Octavia. She lived
to see her grandson Caligula
emperor in 37 A.D.

Antonius (1), 587 f., Marcus Anto-
nius the orator, grandfather of
the triumvir, 143-87 B.c. He
was consul in 99, censor in 97,
and a partisan of Sulla. Cicero
often speaks of him as one of the
greatest of Roman orators.

Antonius (2), 139, Marcus Antoninus
Creticus, father of the triumvir.

DICTIONARY OF

In 74 B.c. he was given command
of the Roman fleet in order to
clear the Mediterranean of pirates
but he failed ignominiously and
was defeated in an attack upon
Crete. His surname was given
him in derision. He was avari-
cious and rapacious.

Antonius (3), 157, Caius Antonius,
uncle of the triumvir. He
served under Sulla in the Mith-
ridatic war, and was expelled from
the senate for plundering the
allies. He was Cicero’s colleague
in the consulship in 63 B.¢., and
in 59 was convicted of extortion
in his province of Macedonia, in
spite of the defence of his
conduct by Cicero.

Antonius (4), 171, 185, Caius
Antonius, elder brother of the
triumvir. After his praetorship
he received the province of
Macedonia, where he was put to
death in 42 B.c. See the Brutus,
XAV.—-XXViii.

Antonius (5), 171, 203, Lucius
Antonius, younger brother of the
triumvir. He was consul in
41 B.C., and was besieged by
Octavius Caesar in Perusia, and
compelled to surrender. His life
was spared, however, and he was
even given command in Spain.
Nothing more is heard of him.

Antonius (6), 331, 333, Julius An-
tonius, younger son of the trium-
vir by Fulvia. He received great
favours from Augustus, and was
consul in 10 B.c. But in conse-
quence of an intrigue with Julia,
the daughter of Augustus, he was
condemned to death in 2 B.¢.,
and took his own life.

Antyllus, 301, 319, 331 (cf. 199 f.), a
name given by Greek writers to
Marcus Antonius, the elder son
of the triumvir by Fulvia. The
name is probably a corruption of
the diminutive Antonillus. Ac-
cording to Dion Cassius (li. 8, 4),
Antony sent Antyllus to appease
Octavius Caesar after the battle
of Actium,

Apama the Persian, 77, daughter of

PROPER NAMES

Spitamenes the Bactrian prince,
and married to Seleucus in
325 B.C., when Alexander and his
principal officers took oriental
wives.

Apelles, 53, the most celebrated of
Greek painters. He flourished
at the courts of Philip and Alex-
ander of Macedon.

Apemantus, 297 f., not otherwise

nown.

Apollonia, 171, an ancient Greek
city of Illyria. Towards the end
of the Roman republic it became
a famous seat of learning.

Aquae Sextiae, 511, a Roman
colony in southern Gaul, founded
in 122 B.c., and named from its
hot and cold springs, and from
its founder, the pro-consul Sex-
tius Calvinus. It is the modern

ine

Aquillius, 499, Manius A., consul
in 101 B.0O., and in 88 one of the
consular legates to prosecute the
war against Mithridates. He
fell into the hands of Mithridates,
who put him to a cruel death.

Archidamia, 439, mentioned only in
this connection.

Archidamus, 85, Archidamus IV.,
king of Sparta. It was in
296 B.c. that he was defeated by
Demetrius.

Archilochus, 87, 213, of Paros, one
of the earliest Ionian lyric poets,
flourishing in 650 B.c.

Areius, 317, 321, a philosopher of the
Stoic school, is said to have been
a teacher of Augustus.

Areus, 425 f., 445 f., 453, Areus I.,
king of Sparta 309-265 B.c. He
fell in a battle with the Mace-
donians at Corinth, and was
succeeded by his son Acrotatus.

Ariobarzanes, 11, Ariobarzanes II.,
king of Pontus 363-337 B.C.

Aristeas, 447, 451, a citizen of Argos
who invited Pyrrhus into the city.
His rival, Aristippus, favoured
Antigonus Gonatas.

Aristobulus, 143, ἃ prince of
Judaea, captured and carried to
Rome by Pompey in 63 B.c. In
57 he escaped and stirred up war

605

DICTIONARY OF

anew in Judaea, but was again
captured and sent to Rome by
Gabinius. In 49 he was released
and sent home by Julius Caesar,
but was poisoned to death on the
journey by emissaries of Pompey.

Aristocrates, 295, not otherwise
known.

Aristodemus, 21, 39, 41, a friend
and flatterer of Antigonus I., sent
by him in 315 B.c. to maintain
his interests in Peloponnesus
against Cassander. The mission
for Demetrius in 306 is the last we
hear of him.

Arpinum, 469, an ancient city of the
Volscians, on the river Liris, the
birth-place of Marius and Cicero.

Arruntius, 289, perhaps the Lucius
Arruntius who was consul in
22 BiO,

Arsaces, 335, probably Arsaces XV.
(Phraates 1V.), king of the Par-
thians 37-2 B.C.

Artabazus, 341, clearly an error for
Artavasdes (cf. the Antony, 1. 4).

Artavasdes, 221, 225, 253 f. (341),
king of Armenia 55-30 B.c. After
the battle of Actium, Cleopatra
had him put to death, and sent
his head to his inveterate enemy,
Artavasdes of Media.

Asculum, 413 f., a city in the in-
terior of Apulia.

Asinius, 157, a friend of Antony,
otherwise little known.

Atia, 207, daughter of Marcus Atius
Balbus and Julia (the sister of
Julius Caesar). She was married
to Caius Octavius, by whom she
was the mother of Octavius Cae-
sar, afterwards Augustus.

Attalus (1), 275, probably Attalus L.,
king of Pergamum 241-197 B.C.

Attalus (2), 47, Attalus III., sur-
named Philometor, king of Per-
gamum 138-133 B.c. In his will
he made the Romans his heirs.

Axius, 105, the principal river of
Macedonia, flowing past Pella
into the Thermaic gulf.

B
Baiae, 555, a watering place on the

606

PROPER NAMES

coast of Campania, in the bay
between Cape Misenum and
Puteoli.

Beneventum, 427, one of the chief
cities of Samnium, in central
Italy, east of Capua. It was
called Maleventum until 268 B.c.,
when a Roman colony was estab-
lished there.

Berenicé, 355 f., 361, came to Egypt
from Macedonia in attendance on
Ptolemy’s bride Eurydicé, the
daughter of Antipater. She se-
cured the succession for her son,
Ptolemy Philadelphus, who paid
her divine honours after her
death. Theocritus celebrates her
virtues in Idyll xvii.

Beroea, 111, 375 f., a city in the
northern part of Macedonia,
about thirty miles from Pella,
the capital. Cf. Acts, xvii. 10, 14.

Berytus, 255, a Phoenician city on
the coast north of Tyre and Sidon.
It became a Roman colony, and
was favoured and adorned by
Agrippa.

Bestia, 483, Lucius Calpurnius B.,
tribune of the people in 121 B.c.,
and consul in 111. He made a
disgraceful peace with Jugurtha,
for which he was tried and
condemned in 110.

Bibulus, 149, Lucius Calpurnius B.,
aedile in 65 B.C., praetor in 62,
and consul in 59, in each case a
colleague of Julius Caesar. He
was Pompey’s admiral in 49, and
died in 48, before the battles at
Dyrrhachium.

Bircenna, 369 f., wife of Pyrrhus,
not otherwise mentioned.

Bocchoris, 67, an ancient Egyptian
king and legislator, of the ninth
century B.C.

Bocchus, 485 f. king of Mauretania,
and betrayer of Jugurtha to the
Romans in 106 B.c.

Boédromion, 61 f., the third Attic
month, answering nearly to our
September.

Brundisium, 155, 215, 279, an im-
portant civy on the eastern coast
of Italy (Calabria), with a fine
harbour. It was the natural

DICTIONARY OF

point of departure from Italy
to the East, and was the chief
naval station of the Romans in
the Adriatic.

Brutus, 163, Decimus Junius B.,
surnamed Albinus after his adop-
tion by Aulus Postumius Albinus,
the consul of 99 B.c. He was
widely employed, highly esteemed
and richly rewarded by Julius
Caesar, and yet joined his mur-
derers. After Caesar’s death he
opposed Antony successfully, but
fell a victim to the coalition
between Antony and Octavius
in 43 B.C.

σ

Caepio, 505, 513, Quintus Servilius
C., consul in 106 B.C., and pro-
consul in Gallia Narbonensis for
the following year. Ten years
after his defeat by the Cimbri (cf.
the Camillus, xix. 7) he was
brought to trial for misconduct
in the war, condemned, and
thrown into prison.

Caesar, 179 f., Lucius Julius C.,
uncle of Antony, consul in 64 B.C.,
legate of Julius Caesar in Gaul in
52. He took no active part in
the struggle between Pompey and
Caesar, but sided with the
aristocracy against Antony. After
his life was saved by his sister
we hear nothing of him,

Caesarion, 261, 301, 321, according
to Cleopatra, her son by Julius
Caesar. He was born in 47 B.c.

Caius, 333, Caius Caesar Caligula,
youngest son of Germanicus,
emperor 37-41 A.D.

Callimachus, 301, a celebrated
grammarian, critic, and poet of
the Alexandrine period, chief
librarian at Alexandria from about
260 B.C. till his death about 240.

Calpurnia, 171, daughter of the
Lucius Calpurnius Piso who was
consul in 58 B.c. She became the
wife of Julius Caesar in 59. See
the Caesar, lxiii.

Calvisius, 271, Caius C. Statianus,
one of the legates of Julius Caesar

PROPER NAMES

in the civil war, and governor of
Africa in 45 B.c. He com-
manded the fleet of Octavius
Caesar in the war with Sextus
Pompeius.

Canidius, 215, 235, 265, 281, 285,
201 f., 301, Lucius Canidius Cras-
sus, brought about a union be-
tween Antony and Lepidus in
43 B.C., and was consul in 40.
After the battle of Actium he
was put to death by Octavius
Caesar.

Canopus, 203, 339, a town in Egypt,
about fifteen miles east of
Alexandria, on one of the mouths
of the Nile.

Capito, 217, Caius Fonteius C., had
been sent in 37 B.c. to restore
friendship between Octavius and
Antony.

Cappadocia, 13, a central district
of Asia Minor.

Carbo, 505, Cnaeus Papirius C., was
consul with Cinna in 85 B.c. On
Sulla’s return from the East and
victorious advance upon Rome,
Carbo fled to Libya, but was
taken prisoner by Pompey and
cruelly put to death (see the
Pompey, chapter x.).

Cassander, 19, 41, 53, 77 f., 87, 91,
351 f., 361, ason of Antipater the
regent of Macedonia. He was
master of Athens from 318 to 307
B.0., when Demetrius Poliorcetes
took possession of the city. He
died in 297.

Cassandreia, 113, a city founded by
Cassander on the site of the
ancient Potidaea, in the Chalcidic
peninsula of eastern Macedonia.

Cassius, 151 f., Quintus C. Longinus,
tribune of the people with
Antony in 49 B.c., and made
governor of Further Spain by
Julius Caesar, where he had been
praetor and quaestor in 54. Here
he renewed the most shameless
exactions. He was lost at sea
in 47.

Cataonia, 121, one of the divisions
of Cappadocia.

Catulus, 501, 503, 523 ff., 527, 531-
539, 589, Quintus Lutatius Catu-

U2 607

DICTIONARY OF

lus, consul in 102 B.c. with
Marius, a highly educated man,
author of orations and poems,
and of a history of his consulship
and the Cimbric war.

Celaenae, 17, a city of Phrygia at
the sources of the Maeander
(Xenophon, Anab. i. 2, 7).

Cenchreae, 55, the eastern harbour-
town of Corinth.

Caunus, 125, a city in southern Caria
with a commodious port.

Censorinus, 187, Lucius Marcus C.,
a partisan of Antony, praetor in
43 B.0., consul in 39, and after-
wards governor of Macedonia.

Cerameicus, 29 f., the Inner Cera-
meicus is Meant, which extended
from the Dipylum gate through
the agora between the Areiopagus
and the Hill of the Nymphs.

Chaonians, 405, 441, one of the
chief tribes of Epeirus.

Chersonese, Syrian, 129, 133, a
name given to the valley of the
ae about the city of
Apamei

Oinede: 385 f., 389, 393, 403, 407 f.,
413, 419, minister and faithful
friend of Pyrrhus, and the most
eloquent man of his day. His
mission to Sicily is the last we
hear of him, and he must have
died before ae returned to
Italy in 276 B.c

Cinna, 597 f., 585 f., 591, Lucius
Cornelius σ᾽, leader ‘of the Marian
party during Sulla’s absence in
the East (87-84 B.c.). He was
consul in 87, 86, 85 and84. He
was slain in a mutiny of his
soldiers at Brundisium, where he
had hoped to prevent the landing
of Sulla.

Circeii, 361, a maritime town of
rae at the foot of Mons

ire

Claudius (1), 403 f., 407, Appius
Claudius Caecus, censorin ΘΒ.
and consul in 317 and 296, in
in which last year he was victori-
ous over the Samnites. His
speech in reply in reply to Cineas
was extent in Cicero’s time
(Cicero, Brutus, 16, 62).

608

PROPER NAMES

Claudius (2), 333, Tiberius Claudius
Drusus Nero Germanicus, fourth
Roman emperor (41-54 A.D.).

Cleon, 27, the Athenian demagogue
and leader of the war party
428-422 B.0. See the Nicias,
chapters vii. f.

Cleonymus, 97, 435 ff., younger son
of Cleomenes 11. king of Sparta,
excluded from the threne on his
father’s death in 309 B.c.

Cleopatra (1), 161-339 passim,
daughter of Ptolemy Auletes the
king of Egypt, born about 69 B.c.
On the death of her father in 51,
she became queen of Egypt in
conjunction with her younger
brother Ptolemy.

Cleopatra (2), 219, 331, daughter of
Antony and Cleopatra, born in
40 B.o. By Juba she had a son
Ptolemy, who succeeded his
father as king of Numidia.

Clodia (or Claudia), 181, daughter
of Clodius by Fulvia. She was
betrothed to Octavius Caesar in
43 B.C., but he never regarded her
as his wife, and sent her back to
her mother at the outbreak of the
Perusian war (alluded to in the
Antony, Xxx. 1).

Clodius, 141, 161, Publius Claudius
(Clodius) ’Pulcher, son of the
Appius Claudius mentioned in
the Swila, xxix. 3. He became
the most venomous foe of Cicero
(cf. the Cicero, chapters xxix.—
XXXV.).

Coelius (or Caelius), 285, the text is
corrupt, and the name should
probably be Sossius (or Sosius).

Commagené, 213, 277, the northern-
most district of Syria.

Corcyra, 369, 373, an island in the
Ionian Sea opposite Epeirus, the
modern Corfu.

Cornelia, 557, daughter of Scipio
Africanus the Elder, mother-in-
law of Scipio Africanus the
Younger, and mother of the
Gracchi.

Cornutus, 436, probably the Marcus
Cornutus who had served with
distinction in the Marsic war
(90 B.C.).

DICTIONARY OF

Corrhagus {or Corrhaeus), 7, a
Macedonian otherwise unknown.

Corvinus, 543, Marcus Valerius C.,
371-271 B.Cc., five times dictator
and six times consul.

Cotta, 471, Lucius Aurelius C.,
consul in 119 B.c.

Craterus, 33, one of the ablest
officers of Alexander the Great,
and a man of noble character.
He fell in battle against Eumenes
in 321 B.c. See the Humenes,
chapters v. ff.

Crates, the philosopher, 117, of
Athens, became head of the
Academy about 270 B.c. His
writings are not preserved.

Curio, 141, 149, Caius Scribonius C.,
an able orator, but reckless and
profligate. He was tribune of
the people in 50 Β.6., and sold his
support to Caesar, who made him
praetor in Sicily in 49. Thence
he crossed into Africa to attack
the Pompeian forces there, but
was defeated and slain (Caesar,
Bell. Civ., ii. 23-44).

Curius, 427 f., Manius Curius Denta-
tus, consul in 290 B.c., during
which year he celebrated two
triumphs, one over the Samnites
and one over the Sabines. He
was consul again in 275, when
Pyrrhus returned to Italy from
Sciily. In 274 he was consul for
the third time, and continued the
war against the allies of Pyrrhus
Then he retired to his Sabine
farm for the remainder of his
days, dying in 270.

Cydnus, 193, a river in eastern
Cilicia, on which was the city of

Tarsus.

Cyrené, 135, a Greek city on the
northern coast of Africa, in
commercial relations with Carth-
age, Greece, and Egypt.

Cyrrhestica, 123, 213, a district in
northern Syria, south of Com-
Inagené.

D

Danaiis, 455, mythical ancestor of

PROPER NAMES

the Danai, migrating from Egypt
into Greece.

Deidameia, 59, 73, 79, 135, 349, 355,
363, sister of Pyrrhus, and one of
the many wives of Demetrius.
She died in 300 B.c.

Dellius, 191 f., 273, a Roman knight
transacting business in Asia,
where he joined Dolabella in
44 B.c., and afterwards Antony.
He wrote a history of Antony’s
war with the Parthians, to which
Plutarch is indirectly much in-
debted. Horace dedicated to
him the third Ode of Book ii.

Demetrias, 135, a city at the head
of the Pagasaean gulf, founded by
Demetrius Poliorcetes about 290

BO:

Demetrias the Phalerean, 19 f., 25
a celebrated rhetorician and
orator (346-283 B.c.). He was
regent of Athens for Cassander
from 318 to 307.

Demochares (1), of Leuconoé, 57 f.,
was married to the mother of
Demosthenes.

Demochares (2), of Soli, not other-
wise known.

Deucalion, 347, a mythical king of
Phthia in Thessaly, the Noah of
the Greek legend of the flood.

Dexoiis, 399, known only from this
exploit, which, in Frontinus,
Strat., ii. 4, 9, is attributed to
Laevinus.

Dicomes, 281, king of the Getae, not
otherwise mentioned.

Dionysius, 401, 415, of Halicarnas-
sus, came to Rome in 29 B.c.,
where he published his great work
on the history of Rome in 7 B.c.

Dium, 87, an important maritime
town in S.E. Macedonia.

Dodona, 347, a town in Epeirus,
seat of the most ancient oracle
of Zeus.

Dolabella (1), 157-165, Publius
Cornelius D., the profligate and
debt-ridden son-in-law of Cicero.
He took part with Caesar, but
approved of his murder, and
gained the consulship for the
remainder of the year 44. He
was outlawed and declared a

609

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

public enemy on account of his
extortions in Asia, and com-
mitted suicide.

Dolabella (2), 325, Publius Cornelius
D., son of the preceding. He
was consul in 10 A.D.

Domitius (1), 231, 265, 281, Cnaeus
Domitius Ahenobarbus, son of
the Ahenobarbus' who fell at
Pharsalus (see the Pompey, Ixix.1)
pardoned by Caesar, but a
follower of Brutus and Cassius,
reconciled to Antony in 40 B.C.

Domitius (2), 333, Lucius D. Aheno-
barbus, son of the preceding.
He was consul in 16 B.c., and
afterwards celebrated a triumph
for cont paleas in Germany. He
died in 25 A.D

Domitius (3), 333 (Ahenobarbus),
Cnaeus D. Ahenobarbus, son of
the preceding, and father of the
emperor Nero. He was consul
in 32 A.D. His life was filled with
flagrant and unnatural crimes.

Domitius (4), 333, Lucius Domitius
Ahenobarbus, the original name
of the emperor Nero. After his
adoption by the emperor Claudius
he was called Nero Claudius
Caesar Drusus Germanicus.

Dromichaetea, 99, 133, king of the
Getae, known only from his
victory over Lysimachus.

Dromocleides the Sphettian, 33, 85,
not otherwise known.

Drusus, 333, Nero Claudius D.
Germanicus, son of Livia by
Tiberius Claudius Nero, born in
38 B.C., a younger brother of the
emperor Tiberius. He conducted
great campaigns against the
Gauls and Germans, and died in
the field at the age of thirty-one.

E

Edessa, 107, 381, a city in northern
Macedonia, the ancient capital
of the country.

Empedocles, 13, a famous philo-
sopher and poet of Acragas
(Agrigentum) in Sicily, flourishing
in 440 Β.6.

610

Epicurus, 83, 409, founder of the
philosophical school named from
him, born in Samos, 342 8Β.6.,
died at Athens, 270 B.c.

Erasistratus, 93 f., one of the most
celebrated physicians of anti-
quity. After his residence at the
court of Seleucus, he lived at
Alexandria in the practice of his
profession. He was still living
in 258 B.O.

Eumenes, 275, probably Eumenes
11. is meant, king of Pergamum
197-159 B.C.

Eurycles the Laconian, 289 f., not
otherwise known.

Eurydicé (1), 33, 135, one of the
wives of Demetrius, not other-
wise known.

Eurydicé (2), 117, daughter of
Antipater and wife of Ptolemy
Lagus. Jealous of Berenicé, she
withdrew from the court of Egypt
and was now (287 B.C.) residing
at Miletus.

F

Fabricius, 401, 407 f., 411 f., Caius F.
Luscinus, consul in 282 and 278
B.C. with Aemilius Papus, and
censor with him in 275. A fine
example of old Roman simplicity
and integrity.

Flaccus, 543, Lucius Valerius F.,
colleague of Marius in the consul-
ship of 100 Β.6., and censor in 97
with Marcus Antonius the orator.
In 86 he was made consul with
Cinna and sent to Asia to conduct
the war against Mithridates.
Here he was murdered ey Fim-
bria tees the Sulla, xii. 9, with
note

Frentanian, 399, the Frentani were
a hardy ‘people of central Italy,
allied to the Samnites, by whom
they were bordered on the West.

Fulvia, 161 f., 181, 197 f., 203-207,
ΟΠ 9 96]. 207... 90]. ψ6 Οὗ
Antony. She had _ previously
been the wife of Clodius the
demagogue, and of Curio, the
friend and legate of Julius Caesar.

DICTIONARY OF

She redeemed what had been a
dissolute life by her passionate
devotion to Antony.

Furnius, 271, Caius Furnius, tribune
of the people in 50 B.c., a friend
of Cicero, and yet a faithful ad-
herent of Antony. After the
battle of Actium he was recon-
ciled to Octavius Caesar, by
whom he was highly honoured.

G

Gabinius, 143, 155, Aulus G., tri-
bune of the people in 66 B.O.,
praetor in 61, and consul with
Piso in 58, the year during which
Cicero was exiled. He was re-
called from his province of Syria
in 55, prosecuted for taking
bribes, and exiled. He died in

8.

Gallus (1), 235 f., Flavius G., not
otherwise known,

Gallus (2), 317, Caius Cornelius G., a
distinguished poet and orator at
Rome who stood in high favour
with Octavius Caesar, and served
him in high command. After
Cleopatra’s death he was made
prefect cf Egypt. He afterwards
fell from the emperor’s favour,
rie to escape exile, took his own

ife

Gaza, 13, an ancient city and strong-
hold in southern Palestine.

Germanicus, 333, Germanicus
Caesar, son of Nero Claudius
Drusus, nephew of the emperor
Tiberius, and brother of the
emperor Claudius. His extra-
ordinary fame and popularity at
Rome awakened the jealousy of
Tiberius and led to his death in

19 A.D.

Glaucia, 541, Caius Servilius G.,
praetor in 100 B.0., a partisan of
Marius, and a partner of Satur-
ninus in the popular tumults of
that year. He perished with
Saturninus. Cicero compares
him to the Athenian demagogue
Hyperbolus (Brutus, 62, 224).

PROPER NAMES

H

Halae, 299, a town in N.E. Boeotia,
near the sea.

Halicarnassus, 19, a large and strong
Dorian city in 8.W. Caria.

Helenus, 371, 455, 461, son.of
Pyrrhus by Lanassa, the daughter
of Agathocles (erroneously by
Bircenna, 371). Nothing further
is known of him.

Heracleia, 395, a Greek city in
Lucania on the gulf of Tarentum.
It was at this time in alliance
with Tarentum against Rome.

Hercynii, 491, tribes in central and
southern Germany.

Herennius, 473 f., Caius H., tribune
of the people in 80 B.c., and
opposed to Sulla. After the
death of Sulla he joined Sertorius
in Spain (76-72 B.c.). See-the
Pompey, xviii. 3.

Herod, 277, 301 f., Herod the Great,
made king of Judaea in 40 B.C.
by the Roman senate, at the
behest of Antony. His title was
confirmed by Augustus, to whom
he remained loyal till his death
in4B.c. Cf. Matthew, chapter ii.

Hieronymus, 97, 401, 415, of Cardia,
a historian of the times following
the death of Alexander the Great.
He was a friend and companion
of Eumenes (cf. the Humenes, xii.)
and after the death of Eumenes
became a friend of Antigonus,
then of Demetrius his son, and
finally of Antigonus Gonatas.
The death of Pyrrhus (272 B.C.)
is mentioned in his history.

Hipparchus, 293, 305, a friend of
Antony, not otherwise known.

Hirtius, 175, Aulus H., a warm
friend and supporter of Julius
Caesar, consul in 43 B.o. He fell
in gallantly leading an assault
upon Antony’s troops (cf. the
Cicero, xlv. 3 f.).

Hortensius, 185, Quintus H. Horta-
lus, son of the great orator Hor-
tensius, though apparently cast
off by his father on account of his
dissolute habits. He joined
Caesar in 49 B.0., and served under

611

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

him in important commands (cf.
the Caesar, xxxii. 2). In 44 B.c.
he held the province of Mace-
donia, and Brutus was to
succeed him,

Hybreas, 189, of Mylasa, in Caria,
reputed to be the greatest orator
of his time. His works are lost.

Hyrodes, 211, 219, another form of
Orodes, Orodes I., the same as
Arsaces XIV., the king of the
Parthians who defeated Crassus
in 53 8.6.

I

Ialysus, 51, mythical founder of the
city of Ialysus in Rhodes.

Iampsas (Hiempsal), 575 f., king
of Numidia. He was expelled
from his kingdom by Domitius
Ahenobarbus, the leader of the
Marian party in Africa, but was
reinstated by Pompey in 81 B.¢.
Cf. the Pompey, xii. 4.

Iapygian promontory, 391. Iapygia
was a Greek name of the S.E.
district of Italy, called Calabria
by the Romans.

Toleus, 135, an ancient and famous
city at the head of the Pagasaean
gulf, the assembling place for
Jason’s Argonauts. It was
merged in Demetrias.

Ipsus, 71, 81, 355, a village in
southern Phrygia.

Isis, 263, 307, an Egyptian goddess,
identified with the Demeter of
the Greeks.

J
Juba; 991 Juba | Tie king Οἱ
Mauritania. He lived from

50 B.c. to about 20 A.D., was
educated at Rome, and became
a learned and voluminous writer.
Among his works was a History
of Rome.

Jugurtha, 477, 481, 485 f., 493, 553,
king of Numidia 112-106 B.o.
He was brought a prisoner to
Rome, and starved to death in

04

104.
Julia, 139, 181, daughter of the
612

Lucius Julius Caesar who was
consul in 90 B.C., and mother of
Antony. She fled from Rome in
41, but returned to Italy with
her son in 39, after she had aided
in reconciling him with Octavius
Caesar.

L

Labienus, 197, 205, 211, son of the
Labienus who fell at Munda in
45 B.o. After the murder of
Julius Caesar he joined the party
of Brutus and Cassius, and was
sent by them into Parthia, where
he proved a formidable enemy
of Octavius and Antony. He
was not slain in his battle with
Ventidius, but fled in disguise to
Cilicia, where he was discovered
and killed by a freedman of
Octavius.

Lachares, 81 f., an Athenian
demagogue who made _ himself
tyrant of the city in 296 8.6.
According to Pausanias (i. 25, 7),
he was murdered at Coroneia in
Boeotia shortly after his flight
from Athens.

Laevinus, 393 f., 399 f., 407, Publius
Valerius L., one of the consuls in
280 B.O., known only from this
campaign against Pyrrhus. The
tradition is through Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, who copied
Hieronymus, who had access to
the Memoirs of Pyrrhus.

Lamis, 37, 45, 55, 61-67, mistress
of Demetrius.

Lamprias, 199 f., the grandfather
of Plutarch, a convivial soul.
Lanassa, 369 f., 373, daughter of
Agathocles, wife of Pyrrhus, and

then of Demetrius.

Lentulus (1), 139 f., Publius Cor-
nelius L. Sura, was consul in
71 B.Cc., but in the following year
was expelled from the senate.
This led him to join the con-
spiracy of Catiline.

Lentulus (2), Lucius Cornelius L.
Crus, consul in 49 B.C., and author
of the violent measures which

DICTIONARY OF

drove the tribunes, Antony and
Curio, to Caesar at Ravenna.
On the outbreak of civil war he
joined Pompey in the East, fled
with him from Pharsalus, and
was put to death in Egypt. See
the Pompey, Ixxx. 4.

Leonnatus the Macedonian, 397 f.,
known only from this incident.
Leosthenes, 349, an Athenian
general of the league for expelling
the Macedonians from Greece
after the death of Alexander.
He died during the siege of

Lamia (323 B.C.).

Leotychides, 435, son of the Spartan
king Agis II., excluded from the
throne by Lysander (cf. the
Iysander, chapter xxii.).

Lepidus, 153, 161, 169, 175-183,
205, Marcus Aemilius L., joined
the party of Caesar in 49 8.6.,
and was Caesar’s consular col-
league in 46. After Caesar’s
murder he sided with Antony, and
as member of the triumvirate
received Spain and Narbonese
Gaul as his provinces, then, in 40,
Africa, where he remained till 36.
He was then deposed from the
triumvirate. He lived till 13 B.c.

Lernaean hydra, 407, a fabled
monster haunting the marshy
district in south-eastern Argolis,
slain by Heracles in his second
labour.

Libo, 155, Lucius Scribonius L., an
adherent of Pompey in the civil
war, and legate of Bibulus on
Pompey’s fleet, succeeding Bibu-
lus in the supreme command.
He afterwards served under
Sextus Pompeius, but deserted
him for Antony in 35 B.c. He
was consul with Antony in 34.

Licymnius, 459, a mythical person-
age, half-brother of Alemené the
mother of Heracles. He was
slain by Tlepolemus the son of
Heracles.

Liris, 567, one of the principal
rivers of central Italy, flowing
S.W. into the sea near Minturnae.

Lissus, 155, a coast-town in southern
Illyria.

PROPER NAMES

Livia, 323, 221. f., Livia Drusilla,
married first to Tiberius Claudius
Nero, but in 35 B.c. Octavius
took her in marriage from her
husband. To her first husband
she bore Tiberius (afterwards
emperor) and Drusus. She bore
Augustus no children, but had
unbounded influence over him,
She died in 29 A.D.

Lucania, 385, 395, 401, 427, a dis-
trict of southern Italy, west of
Apulia and north of Bruttium.

Lucinus, 591, Sextus L., not other-
wise known.

Lupercalia, 165, a shepherds’
festival in honour of the rustic
god Faunus, held in Rome
ἐν καρ 15. Cf. the Caesar
1:

Lygdamis, 491, leader of the Cim-
merians in their invasion of Lydia
in the seventh century B.c. Cf.
Herodotus, i. 15.

Lynceus the Samian, 65, distin-
guished as comic poet and
historian, brother of Duris the
historian, and contemporary with
Menander in the latter half of the
fourth century B.C.

Lysimachus (1), 31-133 passim,
339, 361 f., 375-381, an officer of
Alexander the Great, not pro-
Minent during Alexander’s life,
but afterwards king of Thrace.,
He fell in battle with Seleucus,
281 B.C.

Lysimachus (2), 443, a companion
of Pyrrhus, not otherwise known.

Lutatius, 501, 589, see Catulus.

M

Macrinus, 465, a cognomen denoting
leanness.

Maecenas, 215, Caius Cilnius M.,
the great patron of literature and
art during the reign of Augustus,
whose prime minister he was.

Mamertines, 421-425, ‘* Children of
Mars,” mercenary troops from
Campania in the employ of
Agathocles tyrant of Syracuse.

613

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

They seized Messana in 310 8.6.
and became a formidable power.
They passed finally under the
dominion of Rome.

Manlius, 5138, Cnaeus Manlius
Maximus, consulin 105 B.c. He
obtained Transalpine Gaul as his
province, where he was defeated
by the Gauls, chiefly owing to
quarrels with his _ colleague,
Servilius Caepio.

Marcellus (1), 519, Marcus Claudius
M., prominent later (90 B.C.) in
the Marsic war, and an orator of
some merit (cf. Cicero, Brutus,

36, 136).

Marcellus (2), 149, 207, 331, Caius
Claudius Marcellus, consul in
50 B.0., a friend of Cicero and
Pompey, and an uncompromising
foe of Julius Caesar. He took no
part in the civil war, and was
pardoned by Caesar. As _ hus-
band of Octavia, the sister of
Octavius Caesar, he had consider-
able influence. He is last heard
of about 41 B.C.

Marcellus (3), 331, Caius Claudius
M., son of the preceding, born in
43 B.c. He married Julia, the
daughter of Augustus, in 25, and
was also adopted by Augustus.
He died in 23. Cf. Vergil, Aeneid,
vi. 860-886.

Massalia (Massilia), 213, a town in
southern Gaul, east of the Rhone,
the modern Marseilles.

Megacles, 399, known only from this
incident.

Menelaiis, 35-39, a brother of
Ptolemy Lagus, and commander
of his fleet. He is not otherwise
known.

Meninx, 575, an island off the north
coast of Africa, near Carthage.
Merula, 579, 593, Lucius Cornelius
M., chosen consul in 87 B.¢., after
Cinna had fled the city, by the
partisans of Sulla. On the retura
of Marius and Cinna in the same
year, he was summoned to trial
for illegally exercising the con-

sulship, and committed suicide.

Messapia, 385, 393, like Iapygia, a
name given by the Greeks to the

614

south-eastern district of Italy,
called Calabria by the Romans.
Metellus (1), 465, Quintus Caecilius
M. Macedonicus, was praetor in
148 B.c., and received Macedonia
as his province, where he was
superseded by Lucius Mummius
before he could complete the con-
quest of Greece. He celebrated
a triumph, however, in 146, was
consul in 143, and died in

ile

Metellus (2), 469, Lucius Caecilius
M. Dalmaticus, consul in 119 B.c.,
and winner of a bloodless triumph
over the Dalmatians.

Metellus (3), 477 ff., 485 f., 541-547,
549, 583, Quintus Caecilius M.
Numidicus, consul in 109 B.c.,
and conqueror of Jugurtha, but
supplanted by Marius. He was
unjustly expelled from the senate,
and went into exile, from which
he was recalled in 99, largely
through the efforts of his son,
Metellus Pius.

Metellus (4), 583, Quintus Caecilius
M. Pius, son of the preceding. He
was consul with Sulla in 80 B.c.,
and one of his most successful
generals. After Sulla’s death in
78, Metellus was sent to Spain to
prosecute the war against Ser-
torius. He died about 63.

Meton, 383 f., known only from this
incident.

Minturnae, 565, 569, 573, a town of
Latium, on the river Liris, about
three miles from the sea.

Misenum, 207, a promontory and
port on the coast of Campania.
It was a station for the Roman
fleet in the times of Augustus and
the Empire.

Mithridates, 11 f., Mithridates II.,
king of Pontus 337-302 B.c. At
the time here noted (318 B.C.) he
was at the court of Antigonus
as a subject vassal.

Mithridates (2), 245, 249, not other-
wise known.

Mithridates (3), 551, 555 f., 579, 592,
the sixth king of Pontus bearing
this name, commonly called Mith-
ridates the Great, 120-63 B.c..

DICTIONARY OF

the most formidable enemy of the
Romans in the East.

Mithridates of Commagené, 277, not
otherwise known.

Molossians, 405, 447 f., one of the
chief tribes of Epeirus.

Monaeses, 219 f., 245, not otherwise
known,

Mummius, 465, Lucius Mummius
Achaicus, consul in 146 B.c.,
conqueror of Greece, destroyer of
Corinth, establisher of the Roman
province of Achaia. He was also
censor in 142, with Scipio
Africanus the Younger.

Munychia, 19, 23 f., 85, the acro-
polis of the Peiraeus.

Munychion, 68, the tenth month of
the Attic calendar, answering to
parts of April and May.

Musaeus, 565, a mythical personage,
to whom various poetical works
were assigned.

Mutina, 175, an important city in
Cisalpine Gaul, south of the Po,
the modern Modena.

N

Nero Germanicus, 333, see Do-
mitius (4).

Nicarchus, 295, Plutarch’s great-

grandfather, not otherwise

own.

Numantia, 469, 495, a strong city
in north-eastern Spain, memor-
able for its siege and destruction
by Scipio Africanus the Younger
in 134 B.c.

O

Octavia, 205 f., 211, 215 f., 257-261,
265) 4 πο oe π0 5. })9,59, 1.9 51:1:.
daughter of Caius Octavius by his
second wife Atia, and own sister
of Octavius Caesar (Augustus).
She died in 4 B.c. Her son
Marcellus was destined to be the
successor of Augustus, but died
untimely in 23 B.c.

Octavius (1), 479-585, 593, Cnaeus
Octavius, consul in 87 B.c, with

PROPER NAMES

Cinna, and supporter of the
aristocratic party while Sulla
was absent in the East.

Octavius (2), 285, was an adherent
of Pomney in 49 B.c., and served
successfully on Pompey’s fleet.
After the battle of Pharsalus he
fled to Africa, and after that of
Thapsus claimed joint command
with Cato (see the Cato Minor,
Ixv. 2). He is not heard of after
the battle of Actium.

Olympias, 51, mother of Alexander
the Great, put to death in 316 B.c,
by order of Cassander.

Olympus, 321, a physician and
historian, not otherwise known.

Omphalé, 337, a mythical queen of
Lydia, whom Heracles served for
three years.

Ostia, 561, 581, a city of Latium at
the mouth of the Tiber, the sea-
port of Rome.

Ρ

Pandosia, 395, a small city of
Lucania near Heracleia, to be
distinguished from the city of
Pandosia in Bruttium.

Pansa, 175, Caius Vibius P., a
devoted friend of Julius Caesar,
who made him governor of
Cisalpine Gaul in 46 B.C., and
consul for the year 43 with
Hirtius.

Pantauchus, 101, 365, had been an
officer of Alexander the Great.
Patrae, 23, 275, a town on the coast
of Achaia near the entrance to the
Corinthian gulf, the modern

Patras.

Patrocles, 121, a Macedonian Greek
in the service of Seleucus I., the
king of Syria. He was author
of a trustworthy geographical
work on India and other eastern
regions, which is cited by Strabo.

Paulus, 179, Lucius Aemilius Paulus
(or Paullus), brother of Lepidus
the triumvir. He was consul in
50 B.C., and a determined foe of
Julius Caesar. But Caesar
bribed him into allegiance (see

615

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

the Caesar, xxix. 3). After
Caesar’s death, Paulus returned
to the aristocratic party, and was
proscribed by the triumvirs. He
escaped death, however, and fled
to Miletus, where he died soon
afterwards.

Pelasgus, 347, mythical ancestor of
the Pelasgians, the earliest in-
habitants of Greece.

Pella, 107, was made the capital of
Macedonia by Philip 11., and was
the birthplace of Alexander the
Great. It was west of the river
Axius, and some fifteen miles
from the sea.

Pelusium, 143 f., 307, a strong
frontier-town on the _ eastern
branch of the Nile.

Pergamum, 271, in Mysia, capital of
the kingdom founded by Eu-
menes in 263 B.C.

Perseus, 135, the last king of Mace-
donia, 179-168 B.0. See the
Aemilius Paulus, X.—xXxxvii.

Pessinus, 509, a town of Galatia in
Asia Minor, famed for its rich
temple of Cybelé.

Petra, 297, chief city of the district
of Arabia which borders Egypt
on the N.E. It lay about halt-
way between the Dead Sea and
the Arabian Gulf.

Pharos, 203, 297, an island off
Alexandria, artificially united
with the mainland.

Pharsalus, in Thessaly, the scene
of the decisive battle between
Pompey and Caesar in 48 B.C.

Phila 99. ΓΠῸ δ Gomis. ΕΘ 19:
117, 135, daughter of Antipater
and wife of Demetrius, a virtuous
and gifted woman, faithfully
devoted to Demetrius in spite of
all his marital sins.

Philip, 51, 59, 105, Philip 11. of
Macedonia, father of Alexander
the Great, reigned 359-336 B.c.

Philippides, 31, one of the principal
poets of the New Comedy at
Athens, flourishing in 325 B.0o.

Philotas, 197 f., 201, known only
from these incidents.

Phylarchus, 439, of Naucratis and
Athens, a historian flourishing in

616

215 B.c., to whom Plutarch is
much indebted in his Agis and
Cleomenes, and his Pyrrhus.

Phraata, 223, 227; 253, a -place
somewhere in ancient Media
which served as a residence for
the Parthian kings. It was
probably named from Phraates.

Phraates, 219, 223, 229 f., Phraates
IV. or Arsaces XV. (this latter
hame continuing that of the
founder of the line), king of
Parthia, a man of cruelty and
treachery. His son was stolen
and carried to Rome, and was
surrendered to his father by
Augustus on condition of the
return of the Roman standards
and prisoners captured from
Crassus. These were actually
returned to Rome in 20 B.c.

Phraortes, 255, apparently an error
for Phraates.

Piso, 595, Caius P., not definitely
known.

Plancus, 177, 269, Lucius Munatius
P., a friend of Julius Caesar,
serving under him in Gaul and
during the civil war. After
Caesar’s death he went over to
Antony, was consul in 42 B.¢.,
and governor of Syria in 35. He
deserted Antony for Octavius
Caesar in 32. It was on his
proposal that the title of Augus-
otis was conferred upon Octavius

in 27.

Pleistarchus, 77 f., son of Anti-
pater and brother of Cassander.
After the battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.)
he received the province of
Cilicia. After his expulsion from
this by Demetrius nothing further
is heard of him.

Polemon, 275 f.. Polemon I., made
king of Pontus about 36 B.c. by
Antony. He ransomed himself
from the Parthians, and con-
tinued to co-operate with Antony.
After the battle of Actium he
made his peace with Octavius,
and was by him confirmed in his
kingdom. He died about 2 B.C.

Polysperchon, 23, 367, a distin-
guished officer of Alexander the

DICTIONARY OF

Great, appointed by Antipater
to succeed him in the regency.
He connived at some of the worst
crimes of Cassander. He is last
heard of in 303 B.c.

Pompeius (1), 509, Aulus P., not
otherwise known.

Pompeius (2), 207 f., 217, 263,
Sextus P., younger son of Pompey
the Great by his third wife,
escaped after the battle of Munda
(45 B.C.), and was active against
ie a until his death
in 35.

Poseidonius, 465, 593, a famous
Stoic philosopher, of Apameia in
Syria, a contemporary of Cicero,
taught at Rhodes, and was
resident at Athens and Rome.

Potheinus, 275, one of the guardians
of the young Ptolemy when
Caesar came to Egypt. He was
put to death by Caesar (cf. the

Caesar, xlviii. f.). The name
must therefore be used oratoric-
ally here.

Priené, 267, one of the twelve Ionian
cities in Asia Minor, north of
Miletus,

Proculeius, 315 f., Cornelius P.
(Plutarch calls him Procleius), a
wealthy Roman _ knight, after
wards highly honoured by
Augustus. Horace mentions him
with praise ( Carm. ii. 2, 5 f.).

Protogenes, 51 f., of Caunus in
Caria, one of the most celebrated
of Greek painters, contemporary
with Apelles, flourishing in
330 B.C.

Ptolemy (1), 18-117 passim, 227 f.,
355, 361, 375, Ptolemy Lagus,
king of Egypt 306-283, the most
far-sighted and successful of the
officers of Alexander the Great.

Ptolemy (2), 109, Ptolemy 1V., sur-
named Philopator, king of Egypt
222-205 B.c.

Ptolemy (3), Ptolemy XI., com-
monly known as Ptolemy Auletes,
restored to the throne of Egypt
in 55 B.c. through Pompey’s
influence. He never regained
the goodwill of his people, and
died in 51,

PROPER NAMES

Ptolemy (4), 361, 369, 441, 449, son
of Pyrrhus and Antigone, was
left in charge of his father’s
kingdom at the age of fifteen,
when Pyrrhus set out for Italy
in 280 B.c.

Ptolemy (5), 263, son of Antony and
Cleopatra, surnamed Philadel-
phus. After the death of Antony
his life was spared by Octavius
Caesar, and he was brought up
by Octavia with her own children.
Nothing more is heard of him.

Publicola, 285 f., Lucius Gellius P.,
deserted to the side of Octavius
and Antony from that of Brutus
and Cassius, and was made consul
in 36 B.0. He probably perished
at the battle of Actium.

Pyrrha, 347, mythical wife of the
mythical Deucalion (cf. Horace,
Carm. i. 2, 6).

Pythodorus, 61, the Torch-bearer,
an Official in the celebration of the
Eleusinian mysteries. See the
Alcibiades, xxii. 3.

Q

Quinda, 77, a city of Cilicia, later
called Anazarbus.

R

Rhosus, 77, probably a place on the
N.W. coast of Syria, below the
gulf of Issus.

Rutilius, 541, Publius Rutilius
Rufus, statesman and orator,
consul in 105 B.c. He was con-
victed of peculation in his pro-
consulship of Asia (99 B.c.), and
retired to Smyrna for the rest of
his days. He wrote a History of
Rome in Greek.

5

Sabaco, 473, Cassius S., not other-
wise known,

Sadalas, 277, king of Thrace, not
otherwise known.

617

DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES

Salamis, 37°f., 87, a city on the
eastern coast of Cyprus.

Samnium (Samnites), 385, 401, 407f.
407 f., 413, 423, 427, a mountain-
ous district in central Italy, east
of Latium and Campania. The
Samnites did not make final
submission to Rome until 272 B.¢.

Samosata, 213, the royal residence
of the district of Commagené,
situated on the upper Euphrates.

Saturn, 411, Italian god of agri-
culture. For the festival of the
Saturnalia, see the note on the
Sulia, xviii. 6.

Saturninus, 499 f., 541-549, 559,
Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, a
Roman noble who allied himself
with Marius and the popular
party, tribune of the people in
102 and 100 8Β.6., in which last
year he perished at the hands of
a mob.

Scipio (1), 465, Publius Cornelius

Scipio Africanus the Elder,
234-183 B.O.
Scipio (2), 469, 493 f., Publius

Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Afri-
canus the Younger, son of
Aemilius Paulus, adopted by
Publius Scipio the son of the
conqueror of Hannibal, 185-129

B.C.

Seleucus (1), 17-133 passim,
Seleucus 1., surnamed Nicator,
founder of the Syrian dynasty,
king of Syria 906-280 B.c.

Seleucus (2), 307, apparently an
officer serving under Antony and
Cleopatra.

Sextilius, 575 f., not otherwise
known. Cf. Appian, B.C. i. 62.

Sicyon, 205, a city of Achaia in
Northern Peloponnesus, near the
Corinthian Gulf.

Sidon, 255, a Phoenician city on the
coast of Palestine, north of Tyre.

Silanus, 273, Marcus 8., not other-
wise known.

Siris, 395, a river of Lucania flowing
east into the gulf of Tarentum.
Sosigenes, 1258, not otherwise

definitely known.

Sossius (or Sosius), 215, Cornelius
S., consul in 66 B.¢., followed the

618

fortunes of Antony, who made
him governor of Syria and Cilicia
in place of Ventidius. He com-
manded the left wing of Antony’s
fleet at Actium, escaped from the
battle, and was pardoned by
Octavius.

Statianus, 223, Oppius S., not
otherwise known.

Stilpo, 23 f., founder of a Megarian
school of philosophy. Little is
known of his life.

Stratocles, 27-33, 57-63, an Athe-
nian orator and demagogue of
disreputable character, but per-
suasive speech.

Stratonicé, 77 f., 93-97, 129 f., 135,
daughter of Demetrius and Phila.

Sulla, 465, see the Coriolanus,
xi. 2-4, with the note.

Sulpicius, bobs 55955 Publius7 8.
Rufus, one of the most famous
orators of his time. He was at
first an aristocrat in politics,
and as such was made tribune of
the people in 88 B.o. But he
became the creature of Marius,
and was put to death by Sulla
(cf. the Sulla, x. 1).

T

Taenarum, 291, the southern
promontory of Laconia, in Pelo-
ponnesus.

Taphosiris, 339, a town in Libya
about twenty-five miles west of
Alexandria. It contained a
“Tomb of Osiris.”

Tarentum, 215f., 279, 383 f., 389 f.,
313, 401 f., 407, 4138, 419, 423,
427, a wealthy and powerful
Greek city in 5.1. Italy, at the
head of the gulf named from it.
It was a Spartan colony, founded
about 708 B.c.

Taurus, 119, an extensive mountain
range of southern Asia Minor.

Taurus, 285, Statilius T., a dis-
tinguished general under Octa-
vius, consul in 26 B.C., and prefect
of Rome during the absence of
Augustus in 16,

DICTIONARY OF

Telamon, 579, a city on the coast
of Etruria (Tyrrhenia).

Terracina (Tarracina), 563, 569, a
maritime city of Latium, about
ten miles from Circeii.

Thessalonicé, 87, wife of Cassander,
and sister of Alexander the Great.

Timagenes, 303, of Alexandria,
carried prisoner to Rome in
55 B.C., where he regained his
freedom and taught rhetoric
successfully, enjoying the favour
of Augustus for a while.

Timon the Misanthrope, 297 ff., is
said to have died in consequence
of refusing to have a surgeon set
a broken limb.

Titius, 235, 269, Marcus T., owed
his life to Sextus Pompeius, but
when Sextus was captured in
Asia, Titius put him to death.
He deserted Antony for Octavius
Caesar, by whom he was made
consul in 31 B.¢.

Torquatus, 465, a cognomen formed
from ‘‘ torques,” a chain stripped
from a fallen foe.

Trebellius, 157, Lucius T., tribune
of the people in 47 Β.6., and a
colleague of Dolabella. He after-
wards, to placate Antony, tried
to carry the very measures in
which he had opposed Dolabella.

Trebonius, 167, Caius T., tribune of
the people in 55 B.c., and an
instrument of the first triumvirs.
He was afterwards legate of
Caesar in Gaul, and was loaded
with favours by him, but still
joined his murderers. He was

PROPER NAMES

sent out as pro-consul to Asia
in 43, where he was slain by
Dolabella, who was acting for
Antony against Brutus and
Cassius.

U

Utica, 481, a Phoenician colony
from Tyre, older than Carthage,
on the N.W. coast of Africa,
about twenty-seven miles from
Carthage.

Vi

Varius, 179, Lucius Varius, sur
named Cotylon (or Cotyla), had
been aedile in 44 B.c., and had
served Antony during the siege
of Mutina in 43.

Ventidius, 209-215, Publius V.
Bassus, a native of Picenum,
and brought to Rome as prisoner
of war in 89 B.c., where he was
manumitted. He served with
distinction under Julius Caesar
in the civil war, and after the
death of Caesar joined Antony.
After his triumph nothing is heard
of him.

x

Xenocrates the Philosopher, 467, a
native of Chalcedon in Bithynia,
and a disciple at Athens of
Aeschines the Socratic. He lived
396-314 B.C.

619

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PrurarcH: Moraria. 15 Vols. Vols. I1-V. Ἐς C. Babbitt.
Vol. VI. W.C. Helmbold. Vols. VII. and XIV. P. H. De
Lacy and B. Einarson. Vol.IX. E.L. Minar, Jr., Εἰ, H. Sand-
bach, W. C. Helmbold. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vol. Xi.
L. Pearson and F. H. Sandbach. Vol. XII. H. Cherniss and
W.C. Helmbold.

PruraroH: THE ΡΑΒΑΙ ΓΙ, Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols.

Potyspirus. W.R. Paton. 6 Vols.

Procorius: History or THE Wars. H.B.Dewing. 7 Vols.

Protemy: TETRABIBLOS. Cf. MANETHO.

Quintus SMyRNAEUS. A.S. Way. Verse trans.

Sextus Emprricus. Rev. R.G. Bury. 4 Vols.

SopHoctes. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans.

StrRABO: GEoGRAPHY. MHorace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

THEOPHRASTUS: CHARACTERS. J. M. Edmonds. HeERopss,
etc. A. ἢ. Knox.

THEOPHRASTUS: ENQUIRY INTO Puants. Sir Arthur Hort,
Bart. 2 Vols.

TuHucypipEs. C.F.Smith. 4 Vols.

TrypHioporus. Cf. ΟΡΡΙΑΝ.

XENOPHON: CyROPAEDIA. Walter Miller. 2 Vols.

XENOPHON: HELLENICA. C. L. Brownson. 2 Vols.

7

XENOPHON: ANABAsSIS. C. L. Brownson.

XENOPHON: MEMORABILIA AND OECONOMIcUs. E.C. Marchant.
Symposium AND Apotoay. O. J. Todd.

XENOPHON: Scripra Minora. E. C. Marchant and G. W.
Bowersock.

IN PREPARATION

Greek Authors

ARISTIDES: ORATIONS. C. A. Behr.

Heropianus. C. R. Whittaker.

Lisanius: SELECTED Works. A. F. Norman.

MusarEvus: HERO AND LEANDER. T. Gelzer and C. H.
WHITMAN.

THEOPHRASTUS: DE Causis PLantarum. G. K. K. Link und
B. Einargon.

Latin Authors

Ascontus: COMMENTARIES ON CICERO’S ORATIONS.,
G. W. Bowersock.

BENEDIcT: THE στα. P. Meyvaert.
JustTiIn—Troaus. R. Moss.
Maniuius. G. P. Goold.

Purny: Lerrers. B. Radice.

DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION

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London WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
Cambridge, Mass. HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

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